A02549	----	An humble remonstrance to the High Court of Parliament, by a dutifull sonne of the Church Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A02549 of text R210029 in the English Short Title Catalog (STC 12675). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 39 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A02549 STC 12675 ESTC R210029 99835823 99835823 48 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A02549) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1142:07) An humble remonstrance to the High Court of Parliament, by a dutifull sonne of the Church Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. [4], 43, [1] p. Printed by M[iles] F[lesher] for Nathaniel Butter in Pauls Church-yard at the pyde-Bull neare St. Austins gate, London : 1640 [i.e. 1641] Dutifull sonne of the Church = Joseph Hall. Printer's name from STC. The publication year is given according to Lady Day dating. The first leaf is blank. B3r has catchword "hath". F4r has a 2.5mm gap between the "g" in "righteous" and the "I" in "FINIS". Variant: the gap is 1mm (a resetting found in most copies of STC 12676). Other sheets from STC 12676 may be found mixed in. Reproductions of the originals in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery and the British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A02549 R210029 (STC 12675). civilwar no An humble remonstrance to the High Court of Parliament, by a dutifull sonne of the Church. Hall, Joseph 1641 6985 5 5 0 0 0 0 14 C The rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-08 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-08 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN HUMBLE REMONSTRANCE TO THE HIGH COVRT OF PARLIAMENT , BY A dutifull Sonne of the CHVRCH . LONDON , Printed by M.F. for Nathaniel Butter in Pauls Church-yard at the pyde Bull neare St. Austins gate . 1640. AN HVMBLE REMONSTRANCE TO THE HIGH COURT of Parliament . Most Honourable Lords , And yee the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses , of the Honourable House of Commons ; LEST the world should think the Presse had of late forgot to speake any language other then Libellous , this honest paper hath broken through the throng , and prostrates it selfe before you : How meanly soever , and unattended , it presents it selfe to your view , yet it comes to you on a great errand , as the faithfull Messenger of all the peaceable and right-affected sonnes of the Church of England ; and in their names , humbly craves a gracious admittance : Had it regarded the pomp and ostentation of names , it might have gloried in a train past number ; It is but a poore stock that may be counted ; Millions of hands ( if that tumultuary , and under-hand way of procured subscriptions could have reason to hope for favour in your eyes ) shall at your least Command , give attestation to that , which this scroll doth in their names humbly tender unto you . Ye are now happily ( through Gods blessing ) met in a much-longed-for Parliament ; It were but a narrow word to say that the eyes of all us the good Subjects of the whole Realme are fixed upon your successe ; Certainly there are not more eyes in these three interessed Kingdomes , then are now bent upon you ; yea all the neighbour Churches and Kingdomes , if I may not say the whole Christian world , and , no small part beyond it , look wishly upon your faces , and with stretched-out necks gaze at the issue of your great Meeting ; Neither doubt wee but since Soveraigne Authority hath for this purpose both summoned , and actuated you , you will not faile to produce something worthy of so high an expectation . Yee are the Sanctuary , whereto now every man flees , whether really , or pretendedly distressed ; Even a Ioab or Adonijah will bee also taking hold of the hornes of the Altar : Your noble wisedomes know how to distinguish of men and actions , and your inviolable justice knowes to award each his owne . Many things there are doubtlesse , which you finde worthy of a seasonable reformation , both in Church and State . Neither can it be otherwise , but that in a pamperd full body , diseases will grow through rest . Ponds that are seldome scoured will easily gather mud ; metals , rust ; and those patients that have inured themselves to a set course of medicinall evacuations , if they intermit their springs and falls , fall into feverous distempers ; Not , that supreme , and immediately-subordinate Authority hath in the meane time been wanting to its charge ; Surely , unlesse wee would suppose Princes to be Gods , wee cannot think they can know all things : Of necessity they must look with others eyes , and heare with others eares , and be informed by others tongues , and act by others hands ; and when all is done , even the most regular , and carefullyinquisitive State is not like the Sunne , from whose light and heat nothing is hid . It cannot be expected that those constellations which attend the Southerne Pole , should take view of our Hemisphere , or intermixe their influences with those above our heads ; Every agent is required , and allowed to work within the compasse of its own activitie : Yee therefore , who by the benefit of your dispersed habitations , enjoy the advantage of having the whole Kingdome , and all the corners of it within your eies , may both clearly see all those enormities , wherewith any part is infested , ( unknown to remoter intelligence ) and can best judge to apply meet remedies thereunto . Neither can it be , but that those eies of yours , which have been privately vigilant , within the places of your severall abodes , must needs ( not without much regret ) in this your publique Meeting , take notice of the miserable disorders of so many vicious and misaffected persons , as have thrust themselves upon your cognizance . Whiles the Orthodoxe part in this whole Realme , hath ( to the praise of their patience ) been quietly silent , as securely conscious of their own right , and innocence , how many furious and malignant spirits every where have burst forth into sclanderous Libels , bitter Pasquines , railing Pamphlets ? ( under which more Presses then one have groaned ) wherein they have indeavoured , through the sides of some misliked persons , to wound that sacred Government , which ( by the joynt-confession of all reformed Divines ) derives it selfe from the times of the blessed Apostles , without any interruption , ( without the contradiction of any one Congregation in the Christian world ) unto this present age ; Wherein , as no doubt their lewd boldnesse hath been extremely offensive to your wisedomes , and piety , so may it please you to check this daring , and mis-grounded insolence of these Libellers , and by some speedy Declaration to let the world know , how much you detest this their malicious , or ignorant presumption ; and by some needfull Act to put a present restraint upon the wilde and lawlesse courses of all their factious combinations abroad , and enterprises of this kinde . And if you finde it passe for one of the maine accusations against some great persons , now questioned before you , that they endeavoured to alter the forme of the established government of the Common-wealth ; how can these Pamphleters seem worthy of but an easie censure , which combine their counsels and practises , for the changing of the setled form of the government of the Church ? Since , if Antiquity may be the rule , the civill Politie hath sometimes varied , the sacred , never ; And if originall Authority may carry it ; that came from arbitrary imposers , this , from men inspired , and from them in an unquestionable clearnesse derived to us : And if those be branded for Incendiaries , which are taxed of attempting to introduce new formes of administration , and rules of Divine worship into our neighbour Church , how shall those boute-feux of ours escape , that offer to doe these offices to our owne ? the severall , and daily variable projects whereof , are not worthy of your knowledge , or our confutation ; Let me have leave to instance in two , the prime subjects of their quarrell , and contradiction ; Leitourgie , and Episcopacy . The Liturgie of the Church of England hath been hitherto esteemed sacred , reverently used by holy Martyrs , daily frequented by devout Protestants , as that , which more then once hath been allowed and confirmed by the Edicts of religious Princes , and by your own Parliamentary Acts ; and but lately , being translated into other Languages , hath been entertained abroad , with the great applause of forraigne Divines and Churches ; Yet , now , begins to complain of scorn at home : The Matter is quarrelled by some , the Form by others , the Use of it by both : That which was never before heard of in the Church of God , whether Jewish , or Christian , the very prescription of the most holy devotion offendeth . Surely , our blessed Saviour , and his gracious Fore-runner , were so farre from this new Divinitie , as that they plainly taught that , which these men gain-say ; a direct forme of prayer ; and such , as that part of the frame prescribed by our Saviour , was composed of the formes of devotion then formerly usuall ; And Gods people ever since Moses his daies , constantly practised it ; and put it over unto the times of the Gospel ; under which , whiles it is said that Peter and John went up to the Temple at the ninth houre of prayer , we know the prayer wherewith they joyned was not of an extemporary , and sudden conception , but of a regular prescription ; the formes whereof are yet extant , and ready to be produced ; And the Euangelicall Church , ever since , thought it could never better improve her peace , and happinesse , then in composing those religious models of invocation and thanksgiving ; which they have traduced unto us : And can ye then with patience think , that any ingenuous Christian should be so farre mis-transported , as to condemne a good prayer , because , as it is in his heart , so it is in his book too ? Far be it from me to dishearten any good Christian from the use of conceived prayer , in his private devotions ; and upon occasion also , in the publique ; I would hate to be guilty of pouring so much water upon the spirit , to which I shall gladly adde oyle rather ; No , let the full soule freely poure out it self in gracious expressions of its holy thoughts , into the bosome of the Almighty : Let both the sudden flashes of our quick ejaculations , and the constant flames of our more fixed conceptions mount up from the altar of a zealous heart , unto the throne of Grace ; and if there be some stops or solecismes in the fervent utterance of our private wants , these are so far fro being offensive , that they are the most pleasing musique to the eares of that God , unto whom our prayers come : Let them be broken off with sobs , and sighes , and incongruities of our delivery , our good God is no otherwise affected to this imperfect elocution , then an indulgent Parent is to the clipped , and broken language of his deare childe , which is more delightfull to him then any others smooth Oratory ; This is not to be opposed in another , by any man that hath found the true operation of this grace in himselfe : But in the meane time , let the publique formes of the sacred Church-Liturgie have its due honour ; Let this , by the power of your Authoritie be re-inforced , as that which being selected , out of ancient models , ( not Romane , but Christian ) and contrived by the holy Martyrs , and Confessors of the blessed Reformation of Religion , hath received abundant supply of strength , both from the zealous recommendation of foure most religious Princes , and your own most firme and peremptory establishment ; Amongst which powerfull inducements , that is worthy of no sleight consideration , which I humbly tender unto you , from the judgement of the learnedst King that ever sate upon this Throne , or ( as I verily think ) since Solomons time , upon any other ; King Iames of blessed memory , who ( however mis-alledged by some , as letting fall disgracefull speeches concerning this subject ) after a solemne hearing of those exceptions , which were taken by some against this open forme of Common-prayer , ( as it is called in Queen Elizabeths Act for uniformity ) shuts up in his Proclamation given at Westminster , the fifth of March , in the first yeare of his raigne , with these words ; And last of all , We admonish all men , that hereafter they shall not expect or attempt any farther alteration into the Common and publike forme of Gods service , from this , which is now established ; For that , neither will We give way to any , to presume , that Our own judgement having determined in a matter of this weight , shall be swayed to alteration , by the frivolous suggestion of any light spirit ; Neither are We ignorant of the inconveniences that doe arise in Government , by admitting innovation in things once setled by mature deliberation : And how necessary it is to use constancy in the upholding of the publique determinations of States ; for that such is the unquietnesse , and unstedfastnesse of some dispositions , affecting every yeare new formes of things , as , if they should be followed in their unconstancie , would make all actions of State , ridiculous and contemptible ; whereas the stedfast maintaining of things , by good advise established , is the weale of all Common-wealths . Thus , that great Oracle of Wisedome , and Learning , whom I beseech you suppose , that you still heare directing this prudent and religious advise to your present eares ; and consider how requisite it is for you , out of the reason both of State , and pietie , to rest in that his sound , and exquisite judgement . As for those particularities of exceptions which have been taken by some at certain passages of that Book , they have more then once received full satisfaction , by other pens : Let me onely say thus much , That were the Readers but as charitable , as the Contrivers were religiously devout ; those quarrels had either never been raised , or had soone died , alone : Oh suffer not then , I beseech you , this holy form of Gods Service , to be exposed to the proud contempt of ignorant , and ill-affected persons ; maintain , and beare up the pious acts of your godly predecessors , yea , make good your owne : And if our holy Martyrs heretofore went to heaven with a Litany in their mouth ; Let not an ill advised newfanglenesse be suffered to put scorn upon that , wherein they thought themselves happy . As for that forme of Episcopall Government , which hath hitherto obtained in the Church of God , I confesse , I am confounded in my selfe , to heare with what unjust clamours , it is cried down abroad , by either weak , or factious persons ; of either , or both which , I may well take up that word of our Saviour , Father forgive them , for they know not what they doe : Surely , could those look with my eies , they would see cause to be thoroughly ashamed of this their injurious mis-conceit ; and should be forced to confesse , that never any good cause had more reason to complain of a wrongfull prosecution ; Were this Ordinance meerly humane , and ecclesiasticall , if there could no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding ancient , of more then 1500 yeares standing , and that it hath continued in this Iland , since the first plantation of the Gospel , to this present day , without contradiction : A man would think this were enough plea to challenge a reverent respect , and an Immunity from all thoughts of alteration ; For , even nature if selfe teaches us to rise up before the hoare-head ; and hath wrought in us a secret honour , even to the very outward gravity of age ; and just policie teaches us , not easily to give way to the change of those things , which long use , and many Lawes have firmly established , as necessary , or beneficiall . Yea , the wisedome of the ancient Grecians went so farre , as to forbid the removall of a well setled evill ; But , if religion teach us better things , and tell us , that nothing morally evill , can be setled well : and being , however , setled , had the more need to be ( after too long delay ) removed ; Yet right reason , and sound experience informe us , that things indifferent , or good , having been by continuance , and generall approbation well rooted in Church , or State ; may not upon light grounds be pulled up : But , this holy calling fetches its pedegree higher , even from no lesse , then Apostolicall ; ( and therefore , in that right , Divine ) institution ; For , although those things which the Founders and prime Governours of the Euangelicall Church did , as men , went no further then their own persons , yet , what they did as Apostles , is of an higher and more sacred consideration ; and , if as Apostolike men , they did , upon occasion , enact some temporary things , which were to die with , or before them , yet , those things which they ordained for the succeeding administration of the Church which they should leave behinde them , in all essentiall matters , can be no otherwise construed , then as exemplary , and perpetuall . Now if to this Text , we shall adde the undoubted Commentary of the Apostles own practises , and to this Commentary , we shall super-adde the unquestionable glosse of the cleare practise of their immediate succeslors , in this administration , continued in Christs Church to this very day ; what scruple can remain in any ingenuous heart ? but , if any one resolve to continue unsatisfied , in spight of reason , and all evidence of history , and will wilfully shut his eies , with a purpose not to see the light , that man is past my cure , and almost my pity : The good God of heaven be mercifull to such a mis-zealous obstinacy : Certainly , except all histories , all Authors faile us , nothing can be more plain then this truth ; Out of them , we can , and doe shew , on whom the Apostles of Christ laid their hands , with an acknowledgement and conveyance of Imparity and Jurisdiction ; we shew what Bishops so ordained lived in the times of the Apostles ; and succeeded each other , in their severall charges , under the eies and hands of the then living Apostles ; We shew who immediately succeeded those immediate successors , in their severall Sees , throughout all the regions of the Christian Church ; and deduce their uninterrupted Line , through all the following ages , to this present day ; And if there can be better evidence under heaven , for any matter of fact , ( and in this cause , matter of fact so derived , evinceth matter of right ) let Episcopacy be for ever abandoned out of Gods Church ; But if these be ( as they are ) certain and irrefragable ; Alas , what strange fury possesseth the minds of ignorant , unstable men , that they should thus headily desire , and sue to shake off so sacred , and well grounded an Institution ! But I hear what they say ; It is not the office of Episcopacy that displeases , but the quality : The Apostles Bishops , and ours , were two ; Theirs was no other then a parochiall Pastor , a preaching Presbyter without inequalitie , without any rule over his brethren ; Ours claims an eminent superiority , whether in a distinct order , or degree ; and a power of Ordination , Jurisdiction , unknown to the Primitive times . Alas , alas , how good people may be abused by mis-information ! Heare , I beseech you , the words of truth and confidence ; If our Bishops challenge any other spirituall power , then was by Apostolique Authority delegated unto , and required of Timothy , and Titus , and the Angels of the seven Asian Churches , ( some whereof are known to us by name ) let them be disclaimed as usurpers ; and if we doe not shew , out of the genuine and undeniable writings of those holy men , which lived both in the times of the Apostles and some yeares after them , and conversed with them , as their blessed fellow-labourers , a cleare and received distinction , both of the names and offices of the Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , as three distinct subordinate Callings , in Gods Church , with an evident specification of the duty and charge belonging to each of them ; Let this claimed Hierarchy , be for ever hooted out of the Church : And if the bounty of religious Princes have thought meet to grace this sacred function , with some accession of titles , and maintenance ; far be it from us to think , that the substance and essentiall parts of that Calling is ought impaired , or altered , by such gracious munificence ; And , although ( as the world goes ) these honors cannot ballance the contempt of those eminent places ; and that portion ( which is now made hereditary to the Church ) cannot , in the most of these dignities , ( after all deductions ) boast of any superfluity , yet ( such as they are ) if any man have so little grace , and power of selfe-government , as to be puffed up with pride , or transported to an immoderation in the use of these adventitious favours ; the sin is personall , the calling free ; which may be , and is managed by others , with all humble sociablenesse , hospitall frugality , conscionable improvement of all meanes and opportunities to the good of Gods Church . I may not yet dissemble , that , whiles we plead the divine right of Episcopacy , a double scandall is taken , by men , otherwise not unjudicious , and cast upon us from the usuall suggestions of some late Pamphleters ; The one , that we have deserted our former Tenet , not without the great prejudice of Soveraignty ; for , whereas we were wont to acknowledge the deriving of our Tenure , as in fee , from the beneficent hand of Kings , and Princes ; now as either proudly , or ungratefully casting off that just dependence , and beholdingnesse , we stand upon the claime of our Episcopacy , from a divine Originall ; The other , that , whiles we labour to defend the Divine right of our Episcopacy , we seeme to cast a dangerous imputation upon those Reformed Churches , which want that Government ; Both which , must be shortly cleared . The former had never been found worth objecting , if men had wisely learned to consider , how little incompatiblenesse there is in this case , of Gods Act , and the Kings ; both of them have their proper object , and extent : The office is from God ; the place , and station , and power , wherein that office is exercised , is from the King ; it is the King that gives the Bishoprick , it is God that makes the Bishop ; Where was it ever heard of , that a Soveraigne Prince claimed the power of ordaining a Pastor in the Church ? this is derived from none , but spirituall hands : On the other side , who but Princes can take upon them , to have power to erect , and dispose of Episcopall Sees , within their own Dominions ? It is with a King , and a Bishop , as with the Patron , and the Incumbent : The Patron gives the Benefice to his Clerk , but pretends not to give him Orders , That this man is a Minister , he hath from his Diocesan ; that he is Beneficed , he hath from his Patron ; Whiles he acknowledgeth his Orders from the Reverend hands of his Bishop , doth he derogate ought from the bounty of a Patrons free presentation ? No otherwise is it with Episcopacy ; which thankfully professes to hold at once from God and the King ; Its calling , of God , its place and exercise of Jurisdiction , of the King : And , if it be objected , that both some former , and Modern Divines , both abroad ▪ and at home , borrowing S. Ieromes phrase , have held the superiority of Bishops over Presbyters , to be grounded rather upon the custome of the Church , then any appointment of Christ , I must answer ; First , that we cannot prescribe to other mens thoughts ; when all is said , men will take liberty , ( and who can hinder it ? ) to abound in their own sense : But secondly , if they shall grant ( as they shall be forced ) that this custome was of the Church Apostolicall , and had its rise , with the knowledge , approbation , practise of those inspired Legates of Christ , and was from their very hands recommended to the then present , and subsequent Church , for continuance ; there is no such great dissonance in the opinions , as may be worthy of a quarrell . The second , is intended to raise envy against us , as the uncharitable censurers , and condemners of those Reformed Churches abroad , which differ from our Government : Wherein , we do justly complain of a sclanderous aspersion cast upon us ; We love and honour those Sister-Churches , as the dear Spouse of Christ ; we blesse God for them ; and we doe heartily wish unto them that happinesse in the partnership of our administration , which , I doubt not , but they doe no lesse heartily wish unto themselves . Good words , you will perhaps say , but what is all this faire complement , if our act condemne them , if our very Tenet exclude them ? for , if Episcopacy stand by Divine right , what becomes of those Churches that want it ? Malice and ignorance are met together in this unjust aggravation : First , our position is onely affirmative ; implying the justifiablenesse , and holinesse of an Episcopall calling , without any further implication : Next , when we speak of Divine right , we meane not an expresse Law of God , requiring it upon the absolute necessity of the being of a Church ( what hinderances soever may interpose ) but a Divine institution , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; Every Church therefore , which is capable of this forme of Government , both may , and ought to affect it , as that , which is , with so much Authority derived from the Apostles , to the whole body of the Church upon earth ; but , those particular Churches , to whom this power and faculty is denied , lose nothing of the true essence of a Church , though they misse something of their glory and perfection , whereof they are barred , by the necessity of their condition ; Neither are liable to any more imputation , in their credit , and esteeme , then an honest , frugall , officious Tenant , who , notwithstanding the profer of all obsequious services , is tied to the limitations and termes of an hard Landlord . But so much we have reason to know , of the judgement of the neighbour Churches , and their famous Divines , that , if they might hope to live so long , as to see a full freedome of option tendred unto them , by Soveraigne Authority , with all sutable conditions , they would most gladly embrace this our forme of Government ; which differs little from their owne , save , in the perpetuity of their ( {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , or ) Moderator-ship , and the exclusion of that Lay-Presbyterie , which never , till this age , had footing in the Christian Church . Neither would we desire to choose any other Judges of our calling , and the glorious eminence of our Church , so governed , then the famous Professors of Geneva it selfe ; Learned Lectius for a Civilian , and for a Divine , Fredericus Span●emius , the now renowned Pastor , and Reader of Divinitie in Geneva ; who in his Dedicatory Epistle before the third Part of his Dubia Euangelica , to the incomparable Lord Primate of Ireland , doth zealously applaud , and congratulate unto us , the happy , & ( as he conceiveth ) flourishing estate of our Church , under this Government , magnifying the graces of God in the Bishops thereof , and shuts up with fervent prayers to God for the continuance of the Authority of the Prelates of these Churches . Oh then , whiles Geneva it self praiseth our Government , and God for it , and prayes for the happy perpetuation of it , let it not be suffered , that any ignorant or spightfull Sectaries , should openly in their Libels curse it , and maliciously brand it , with the termes of Unlawfull , and Antichristian : Your wisdomes cannot but have found abundant reason to hate , and scorn this base and unreasonable suggestion ; which would necessarily inferre , that not Christ , but Antichrist , hath had the full sway of all Gods Church upon earth , for these whole sixteen hundred yeares ; A blasphemy which any Christian heart must needs abhorre ; And who that ever hath looked into either Books , or men , knows not , that the religious Bishops of all times , are , and have been they , which have strongly held up the Kingdome of Christ , and the sincere truth of the Gospel , against all the wicked machinations of Satan , and his Antichrist ? And even amongst our owne , how many of the Reverend , and Learned Fathers of the Church , now living , have spent their spirits , and worne out their lives in the powerfull opposition of that Man of sin . Consider then I beseech you , what a shamefull injustice it is , in these bold sclanderers , to cast upon these zealously-religious Prelates , famous for their workes ( against Rome ) in forraigne parts , the guilt of that , which they have so meritoriously and convincingly opposed . If this most just defence may satisfie them , I shal for their sakes rejoyce ; But , if they shall either with the wilfully-deafe Adder stop their eares , or against the light of their owne consciences , ( out of private respects ) beare up a known error of uncharitablenesse , this very paper shall one day be an evidence against them , before the dreadfull Tribunall of the Almighty . What should I urge in some others , the carefull , peaceable , painfull , conscionable managing of their charges , to the great glory of God , and comfort of his faithfull people ? And , if whiles these challenge a due respect from all well-minded Christians , some others heare ill , ( how deservedly , God knows , and will in due time manifest ) yet , why should an holy calling suffer ? why should the faults ( if such be ) of some , diffuse their blame to all ? Farre , far we know is this , from the approved integrity of your noble Justice , whiles in the mean time , ( unlesse your just check doe seasonably remedy it ) the impetuous and undistinguishing vulgar are ready so to involve all , as to make innocence it self a sin ; and ( which I am amazed to think of ) dare say , and write , The better man , the worse Bishop . And now , since I am faln upon this sad subject , give me leave I beseech you , to professe , with how bleeding an heart , I heare of the manifold scandals of some of the inferiour Clergy , presented to your view , from all parts ; It is the misery , and shame of this Church , if they be so foul as they are suggested ; but , if I durst presume so far , I should , in the bowells of Christ , beseech you , ( upon the finding of so hateful enormities ) to give me leave to put you in mind , of the charitable example of our religious Constantine , in the like case ; you cannot dislike so gracious a patterne ; I plead not for their impunity , let them ( within the sphere of their offence ) beare their own sin ; But oh , forbid to have it told in Gath , or published in the streets of Ascalon ; Your wisedomes well see , under what malignant eyes we are , of opposite Spectators ; What a death it is , to think of the sport , and advantage these watchfull enemies will be sure to make of our sins , and shame ? What exprobrations , what triumphs of theirs , will hence ensue ? These , and all other our cares are now securely cast upon your exquisite prudence , and goodnesse ; The very mention of our feares , whiles ye sit , had need to crave pardon of presumption ; But withall , to take down the insolence of those envious Insulters , it may please you to give me leave to tell them , that , however , in so numerous a multitude , there be found some foully vicious , ( as there is no Pomegranate wherein some grains are not rotten , and even in twelve there is one Iudas ) yet , upon a just survay , it will be found , that no one Clergy in the whole Christian world , yeelds so many eminent Scholars , learned Preachers , grave , holy , and accomplished Divines , as this Church of England doth at this day ; And long , and ever may it thus flourish , as it surely shall ( through Gods blessing ) whiles the bountifull incouragements of Learning , and ingenuous education are happily continued to it ; And the more , when those luxuriant boughes of disorder and debauchednesse , are through just censures seasonably lopped off . But stay ; Where are we , or what is this we speak of , or to whom ? Whiles I mention the Church of England , as thinking it your honour , and my own , to be the professed sons of such a Mother , I am now taught a new Divinity , and bidden to ask , Which Church we mean ? My simplicity never thought of any more Churches of England but one ; Now this very dayeswiser discovery tels us of more ; There is a Prelaticall Church ( they say ) for one ; and , which is the other ? Surely it is so young , that as yet , it hath no name ; except we shall call it indefinitely , as the Jews were wont to style the creature they could not abide to mention , That other thing ; And what thing shal that be , think we ? Let it be called , if you please , the Church Antiprelaticall ; but leave England out of the style ; Let it take a larger denomination , and extend to our friends at Amsterdam , and elsewhere , and not be confined to our England : Withall , let them be put in mind , that they must yet think of another subdivision of this division ; some there are ( they know ) which can be content to admit of an orderly subordination of severall Parishes to Presbyteries , & those again to Synods ; others are all for a Parochiall absolutenesse , and independence ; Yea , and of these , there will be a division , in semper divisibilia ; till they come to very Atomes : for to which of those scores of separated Congregations , knowne to be within and about these walls will they be joyned ? and how long without a further scissure ? Oh God ; where doe men stay , when they are once past the true bounds ? But if it be so , that the Prelaticall part must needs make up one divident member of this English Church ; tell me , brethren , I beseech you , what are the bounders of this Church ? what the distinction of the Professors and Religion ? and , if the clients of the Prelacy , and their adherents , ( whose severall thousands are punctually calculated ) be they who make up this Prelaticall Church , what grounds of faith , what new Creed doe they hold , different from their neighbours ? what Scriptures , what Baptisme , what Eucharist , what Christ , what heaven , what meanes of salvation other then the rest ? Alas , my brethren , whiles we doe fully agree in all these , and all other Doctrinall and Practicall points of religion ; why will ye be so uncharitable , as by these frivolous and causlesse divisions , to rend the seamlesse coat of Christ ? Is it a Title , or a Retinue , or a Ceremony , a garment , or a colour , or an Organ-pipe , that can make us a different Church , whiles we preach and professe the same saving Truth , whiles we desire ( as you professe to doe ) to walk conscionably with our God , according to that one rule of the Royall Law of our Maker ; whiles we oppose one and the same common enemy , whiles we unfainedly indeavour to hold the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace ? Oh consider , I beseech you in the feare of God , consider , whether these be the thoughts of the sons of peace , and such as are sutable to the charge , and legacy of our deare Saviour , and think seriously from what spirit they proceed ; For us , we make no difference at all ( in the right and interest of the Church ) betwixt Clergy and Laity , betwixt the Clergy and Laity of one part , and another ; we are all your true brethren ; we are one with you , both in heart and brain ; and hope to meet you in the same heaven ; but if yee will needs bee otherwise minded , we can but bewaile the Churches misery , and your sin ; and shall beseech God to be mercifull to your willing and uncharitable separation . Howsoever , I have freed my soule before my God , in the conscience of this just expostulation , and faithfull advise . What remains , but that I poure out my heart in my fervent , and dayly prayers to the Father of all mercies , that it would please him to inspire this Great Counsell , with all wisedome from above ; and crown this great meeting with the blessing of all happy successe , so as it may produce much glory to his own name , much complacency and contentment to his deare Anointed , comfort to all good hearts , terror to his enemies , seasonable restraint to all insolence and faction , prevention of all Innovations ; and lastly , a firm peace and settlement to this Church and Common-wealth , and to all other his Majesties Dominions ? Which God grant for the sake of the Son of his love , Jesus Christ the righteous . Amen . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A02549e-130 Jacobus Lectius Pre●er . Theol. l ● . vide Episc. by Divine Right . fol. ult. Obversatur mihi crebro grata ista Ecclesiarum vestrarum facies , ista in publicis pietatis exercitiis reverentia , &c. Et quamvis omnia illa regna abundent praesulibus eruditissimis , & Theologis summis , &c. Sive prolixi nostri erga ecclesias omnes Britanicas affectus , quarum praesules amplissimos , Pastores fidos , greges florentes in Domino suspicimus & amplexamur , &c. Quo Deo sua semper apud vos constet gloria , Serenissimo Regi vestro suum jus , praesulibus sua authoritas pastoribus suus honor , Eccles●is vestris omnibus sua sanctitas , sua tranquillitas , &c. Epist. Dedic. 3. Part is Dub. Euang. Anno 1638. Et nostris pinguescunt monstra ruinis . Jos. Isc . 
A04026	----	Informations, or a protestation, and a treatise from Scotland Seconded with D. Reignoldes his letter to Sir Francis Knollis. And Sir Francis Knollis his speach in Parliament. All suggesting the vsurpation of papal bishops. 1608 Approx. 106 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A04026 STC 14084 ESTC S107421 99843122 99843122 7832 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A04026) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 7832) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 991:04) Informations, or a protestation, and a treatise from Scotland Seconded with D. Reignoldes his letter to Sir Francis Knollis. And Sir Francis Knollis his speach in Parliament. All suggesting the vsurpation of papal bishops. Knollys, Francis, Sir, d. 1643. Rainolds, John, 1549-1607. Simson, Patrick, 1556-1618. [8], 94, [2] p. Imprinted [by W. Jones' secret press], [S.l.] : 1608. The "protestation offered to the Parliament .. 1 Iulij 1606" was written by Patrick Simson (DNB). Identification of printer from STC. The first leaf and the last leaf are blank. Sheets A-D and F are in two different settings, indiscriminately mixed. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion INFORMATIONS , OR A PROTESTATION , AND A Treatise from Scotland . SECONDED WITH D. REIGNOLDES HIS LETTER TO SIR Francis Knollis . AND Sir Francis Knollis his speach in Parliament . ALL Suggesting the vsurpation of Papal Bishops . 1. Cor : 12. 5. There are diversities of Administrations but one Lord. Math. 15. 13. Every plant . which my heavenly Father hath not planted , shall be rooted out . Imprinted . 1608. The Printer to the Reader . WHereas it hath pleased God to hide me ( as he did Ieremy and Baruch ) on this side the seas , notwithstanding the Archbishop of Canterbury sent over two men to seeke me ( of whom I hard after they were gone hencee ) and I doubt not , but the same God will hide me still , untill I haue done his heavenly Maiestie all that servicc which ( in his counsell ) he hath appoynted me to do here . I am resolved ( through his grace ) to be as helpfull as ( I can ) in pulling downe the tower of Babel . Which to do I am perswaded , every christian is as well bound in conscience as to build up the tower of Sion . Promising withall , in the presence of God , to giue over this course , and humbly to submit my selfe to the censure of authority , for the manifesting of my repentance , when I shall learne , that Diocesan Bishopps are by the ordinance of God , and ( as heretofore , so hear after ) with all diligence and humility , to informe my selfe , touching that question most necessary to be knowne in these times , of all those that esteeme the kingdome of Christ. If I be demaunded , whither I haue not heard of , or sene D. Downams Sermon at Lambith : I answer , I heare that many sound divines doe greiue , that so learned a man should discover such weaknes , But they thinke that the sermon , especially the Epistle was by the instructions of the Archbishop , whose chaplaine he is . And I see that he doth not answer M. Iacobs reasons , though he be carping at his booke : and one other thing of note , which was never yet heard of . viz. That not one Minister of such a perticular congregation , as may , and ought to come togither on the Sabbath , is once named , or specially mentioned , in all the New Testament , but onely Diocesan Bishops , from which Bishops those Ministers are sent , as governours are sent from the King. So that Mimisters are but curates to the Bishops , as to those who onely hold their calling immediatly from Christ. Therefore ( if this Doctrine be true ) me thinkes one prayer in the Communion Booke should be put out : viz. Almighty God , who only workest great mervailes , send downe vpon our Bishops and curates the healthfull spirit of thy grace . For though heretofore it might seeme to us a mervaile , if God blessed Diocesan Bishops and Ministers as being their curates , because they were not ( as yet ) knowne to be by Gods Ordinance : yet now ( if this doctrine be true , that all having charge of congregations , be either Diocesan Bishops , or their curates ) we are not to mervaile if God blesse his owne ordinance . But I hope that this doctrine and the whole Sermon , and consequently the vsurpation of Papall Bishops will be impleaded at the barre of their conscience , who haue a minde to reade : and understanding to iudge what shal be written . In meane while I thought it convenient to pubthese Informations , praying the brethren of Scotland not to be offended , if their be any errors in the Protestation , or Treatise of Kirk governement : but to consider , that I received them from Englishmen , who haue not ( belike ) perfect intelligence of Scottish affaires , but as thinges goe from hand to hand . As may appeare by naming Leith to be the place where the Sermon was preached , for which M. Murray is imprisoned , notwithstanding the Provinciall Synod , before which it was preached ( as I heare ) approved the same . But that it was preached by M. Murray and at Edinburgh : I heard not , till after the sermon was imprinted . As for the Letter , and Speach mentioned in the Title page of this booke , I ioyne them with the other , because they ( likewise ) informe the Church of the usurpation of Papal Bishops . And the rather , because the Letter doth not onely make good that ( which towards the end of the second part of the Treatise ) is sayd , to this effect : viz That the most learned defendours of the trueth against the Romaine Antichrist , condemne the said usurpation , but also it confuteth sondry pointes of D. Downams Lambith Sermon . And secondly . Because the Letter , togither with the Speach of so worthy a Counsailor of this State , should be some Incitation to his Maiesties most Honorable privie Councell now being , not to depend upon the mouthes of Bishops and their Chaplaines ( who , in this case , are rather to be mistrusted of godly wise men , as Achabs 400. Prophets were of King Iehoshaphat ) but closely to sound the iudgment of learned men , ( such as doe not'aspire to dignities , and therfore doe not studie to please the mightie ) and then to pleade ( not for Baal , but ) for Christ his Kingdome in his Church , which he purchased with his most precious bloud . A PROTESTATION OFFERED TO THE PARLIAMENT at S. Iohnstons 1. Iulij 1606. THe earnest desire of our hearts is to be faithfull , and in case we could haue been silent , and faithfull at this time when the undermined estate of Christ his Kirke craues a dutie at our handes ; we should haue locked up our hearts with patience , and our mouthes with taciturnitie rather than to haue impeshed any with our admonition . But that quhilk Christ commandeth , necessitie urgeth , and duetie wringeth out of us to be faithful office bearers in the Kirke of God , no man can justly blame us to doe it ; Providing we hold our selues within the bounds of that Christian moderation quhilk followeth God without injurie done to any man , specially those , whō God hath lapped up within the skirts of his owne honorable stiles and names , calling them Gods upon earth . Now therfore ( my Lords convened in this present Parliament , under the most High & excellēt Majestie of our dread Soveraigne ) to your Honors is our exhortation , that yee would indever with all singlenes of heart , loue , & zeale , to advāce the building of the house of God ; reserving alwayes into the Lord his owne hands that glorie , quhilk he will communicate neither with man , nor Angell , to wit to prescribe from his holy mountaine a liulie patterne according to which his owne Tabernacle , should be formed . Remembring alwayes , that there is no absolute , and unbounded authority in this world , except the Soveraigne authoritie of Christ the King , to whō it belongeth as properly to rule the Kirke , according to the good pleasure of his owne will , as it belōgeth to him to saue his Kirke by the merit of his owne sufferings . All other authoritie is so intrēched within the marches of divine commandement , that the least overpassing of the bounds set by God himselfe bringeth men vnder the fearfull expectation of temporall , and eternall judgmentes . For this cause my Lords , let that authority of your meeting in this present Parliament be like the Ocean sea , quhilk as it is greatest of all other waters ; so it conteyneth the selfe better within the coasts & limits appoynted by God , than any River of fresh rūning waters haue done . Next remember that God hath set you to be Nourish Fathers of his Kirke , craving at your hands that you should maintayne and advance by your authoritie that Church which the Lord hath fashioned by the vncoūterfaited worke of his owne newe creation ( as the Prophet speaketh ) He hath made us , and not we our selues , but not that yee should presume to fashion , and shape a new protrature of a Kirk , and a new forme of divine service , quhilk Cod in his word hath not before allowed ; because that were to extend your authority further than the calling yee haue of God doth permit . As namely if ye should ( as God forbid ) authorize the authority of Bishops , and their prehemi nence aboue their brethrē , yee should bring into the Kirk of God the Ordinance of man , and that thing which the experience of preceding ages hath testified to haue been the ground of great idlenes , palpable ignorance , unsufferable pride , pitiles tyrannie , and shameles ambitiō in the Kirk of God. And finally to haue been the ground of that Antichristian Hicrarchie which mounted up on the steps of preheminence of Bishops vntil that man of sinn came forth as the ripe fruite of mā his wisdome , whom God shall consume with the breath of his owne mouth . Let the sword of God pearce that belly which brought forth such a monster , and let the staff of God crush that Egge which hath hatched such a Cocatrice . And let not only that Roman Antichrist be thro wen downe from the high Bench of his usurped authoritie , but also let all the steps whereby he mounted up to that unlawfull preheminence be cut downe and utterly abolished in this land . Aboue all thinges ( my Lords ) beware to striue against God with an open & displayed bāner by building vp againe the walles of Iericho , quhilk the Lord hath not onely cast downe , but also hath layd them under an horrible interdiction and execration : so that the building of them againe must needes stand to greater charges to the builders , than the reedifiyng of Iericho , to Hiel the Bethelit in the dayes of Achab. For he had nothing but the interdiction of Iosua , and the curse pronounced by him to stay him from building agayne of Iericho : But the Noble men and States of this Realme , haue there verence of the Oath of God made by themselues and subscribed with their owne handes in the Confession of faith , called the Kings Maiesties published ofter than once , or twice , and sworne by his most excellent Maiestie , and by his Highnes Nobilitie , Estates , and whole Subiectes of this Realme , to hold them backe from setting up the Dominion of Bishops . Because it is of verity that they subscribed and swore the said Confession , contayning not onely the maintenance of true Doctrine , but also of the Discipline professed within the Realme of Scotland . Consider also , that this worke cannot be set forward without the great slander of the Gospell , defamation of many Preachers , and evident losse and hurt of the peoples soules committed to our charge . For the people are brought almost to the like case , as they were in Syria , Arabia , and Egipt , about the 600. yeare of our Lord , when the people were so brangled , and shaken with contrary doctrines , some denying , and others allowing the opinion of Eutiches , that in the end they lost all assured perswasion of true Religion ; and within shorte time thereafter did cast the gates of their heartes open to the Divel to receiue that vile , and blasphemous Doctrine of Mahomet : Even so the people of this land are cast in such admiration to heare the Preachers , who so openly damned this stat ly preheminence of Bishops , and then within a few yeares after , accept the same dignitie , Pompe , and superiority in their owne persons , which they before had damned in others , that the people knoweth not which way to in cline , and in end , wil become so doubt full in matters of religion & doctrine , that their heartes will be like an open Taverne dore , patent to every ghest , that likes to come in . We beseech your Honours to ponder this in the ballance of a godly , and prudent minde , and suffer not the Gospell to be slandered by the behaviour of a few number of Preachers ; of whō we are bold to affirme , that , ifthey goe forward in this defection , not only abusing and appropriating that name of Bishops to themselues only , which is common* to all the Pastors of God his Kirke ; But also taking upon thēselues such offices that carie with them the ordinary charge of governing the civil affaires of the Country , neglecting their flockes , and seeking to subordinate their brethren to their jurisdiction : If any of them ( we say ) be found to step forward in this course of defection , they are more worthy as rotten members to be cut off from the body of Christ , than to haue superiority & dominion over their brethren within the Kirke of God. This preheminence of Bishops is that Dagon which once already fell before the Arke of God in this land , and no band of irone shal be able to hold him vp againe . This is that patterne of that Altar brought from Damascus , but not shewed to Moses in the mountaine ; & therefore it shall faire with it , as it did with that Altar of Damascus , It came last in the Temple , and went first out . Likwise the Institution of Christ was anterior to this Preheminence of Bishops ; and shall consist and stand with in the house of God , when this new fashion of Altar shal goe to the doore . Remember ( my Lords ) that in time past your authority was for Christ , & not against him , yee followed the light of God , and strived not against it , and like a child in the Mothers hand , yee sayd to Christ , Draw us after thee . God forbid that yee should now leaue off and fall away from your former reverence borne to Christ , inpresuming to lead him , whom the Father hath appoynted to be a leader of you . And farre lesse to traile the holy Ordinances of Christ by the cordes of your authority at the heeles of the Ordināces of men . And albeit your Honours haue no such intention to do any thing which may impaire the honor of Christs kingdome , yet remēber that spirituall darknes flowing from a very smale beginning doth so insinuate and thrust the selfe into the house of God , as men cā hardly discerne by whatsecret meanes the light is dimme , and darknes creeping in got the vpper hand and in end at unawares all is involved within a mistie cloud of horrible Apostasie . And lest that any should thinke this our admonition out of time , in so farr as it is statute & ordayned alreadie by his Majestie with advise of his Estates in Parliament , that all Ministers provided to Prelacies should haue vote in Parliament ; As likwise the generall assemblie ( his Majestie being present thereat ) hes found the same lawfull & expedient , we wald humbly , and most earnestly beseech all such to consider , first that the kingdom of Iesus Christ , the officebearers , and lawes therof nether should , nor can suffer any derogation , addition , diminution or alteratiō besides the prescript of his holy word , by any inventions or doings of men , Civil , or Ecclesiasticall . And we are able by the grace of God , and will offer our selues to proue that this Bishopprik to be erected , is against the word of God , the Auncient Fathers , and Canons of the Kirke , the moderne most learned , & godly divines , the doctrine and Constitution of the Kirke of Scotland since the first reformation of religion , within the same Countrie , the lawes of the Realme ratifiyng the governement of the Kirk by the generall and Provinciall Assemblies , Presbiteries , and Sessions ; also against the weil and Honor of the Kings most excellent Majestie , the weale and Honor of the Realme and quietnes thereof , the established estate & weale of the Kirke in the Doctrine , Discipline , and patrimonie therof , the weale and honor of your LL. the most anciēt estate of this Realme , and finally against the weil of all , and every one of the good subjects thereof in soule , body , and substance . Next that the Act of Parliamēt granting vote in Parliament to Ministers , is with a speciall provision , that nothing therby be derogatorie or prejudiciall to the present established Discipline of the Kirk and Iurisdiction therof in generall and Synodall Assemblies , Presbiteries and Sessions . Thirdly and last , the generall Assemblie ( the King his Majestie sitting , voting , and consenting therin ) fearing the cor ruption of that office , hes circumscribed and bounded the same with a nūber of Cautions . All which to gether with such other as shall be concluded upon by the Assembly , were thought expedient to be insert in the body of the Act of Parliament that is to be made for confirmation of their vote in Parliamen , as most necessary & substantial parts of the same . And the said Assemblie hath not agreed to giue therunto the name of Bishops , for feare of importing the old Corruption Pompe & Tyranny of Papall Bishops , but ordained them to be called Commissioners for the Kirke to vote in Parliament . And it is of verity that according to thes cautions neither hath those men , now called Bi shops , entred to that office of Commissionarie to vote in Parl iament , neither since their ingyring , haue they behaved themselues therin . And therefore in the name of the Lord Iesus Christ , who shall hold that great Court of Parliament to judge both the quicke and the dead , at his glorious manifesta tion , and in name of the Kirk in generall , so happily & well established with in this Realme , and whereof the sayd Realme hath reaped the comfortable fruite of peace & vnity , free from heresie , schisme , and dissention these 46 yeeres by past ; also in name of our Presbyteries from quhilk we haue our Commission , and in our owne names Officebearers , and Pastors within the same ; for discharging of our necessarie dvty , and disburdening of our consciences in particular , We except and protest against the sayd Bishopprike & Bishops , and the erection , confirmation or ratification thereof at this present Parliament . Most humblie craving that this our Protestation , may be admitted by your Honours , and registrat amongst the Acts , and Statutes of the same incaice ( as God forbid ) these Bishoppricks be erected , ratified or confirmed therein . A TREATISE OF KIRKE GOVERNEMENT CONSISTING OF two partes , whereof this former conteineth a Demonstration of true Christian Discipline according to the word of God used in the Kirke of Scotland . THis writing is not directed to carie out invectiue speaches , with reviling and wrathfull wordes against any in the Kirke of God , knowing that the wrath of man , accomplisheth not the righteousnes of God ; But this writting is appoynted to be ane pleader even in the gates of Ierusalem for Sion sake , and for truth and righteousnes sake , breaking forth from Sion , as the light , and salvation as ane burning lamp to all beleivers , wishing that it may be read of all with indifferencie , considered of all with wisedome & sobriety , and embraced of all that loue truth and righteousnes according to the merite and sincere meaning therof . It shall be devided in to two principall heades . The one shal conteine an Demonstration of Christian Discipline & true Kirk Governement by Ministers and assisting Elders , according to the word of God , practised in the Apostolique & Primitiue Kirke , used and practised in the Kirke of Scotland these many yeares , receaved and embraced by all the professors ; within the same , and established by lawes and Actes of Parliament to the glorie of God through Christ Iesus , and to the weill and comfort of the whole Kirke within this Realme . The other parte shall conteine an Refutation of the Episcopall Domination and Lordship , begun to be urged in our Kirk of late by Conformitie with England ; quhilk is of late gredely embraced even by those , who not onely had professed , teached , and practised the true Discipline of the Kirk of Scotland , but also with solemne oath had sworne and subscribed to it . The matter is of greatest weight concerning the true Discipline and Gubernation of the house of God , which is the Kirk of the living God. Therefore O Lord of light the author of every good donation , send out thy light and thy truth , and direct this heart , this hand & pen aright , unto the glory of thy great name , and clearing of thy everlasting truth . Now all by matters being set a side , it shal be expedient & needfull for our proceedings to lay downe some positi ons , & principals , as groundes to build vpon , enforcing all , that haue forsaken the Romane Synogogue to consent . First the Lord Iesus by the appoynt ment of his Father is onely head . Eph. 1. 21 : 22 : 23. King , Lord , and suprem Governour of his Kirke , quhilk with his bloud here one earth he hath sprinkled and wished . Apoc 7 : 14. and having ledd captivitie captiue , ascending up to the heavens . Eph : 4 : 8. sitteth at the right hand of God the Father . Col. 3. 1. Heb : 1. 3. ruling his Kirk powerfully by his spirit , & Scepter of his word . Isa : 11. 1. 2. 4. & 49. 21. psal . 110. 2. Heb : 1. 8. Onely King and law-giver having power onely by his lawes to bind the conscience of man Isai. 9. 6 : 7. & 33. 22. Iames. 4. 12. Revel : 3 : 7. 1 Tim : 6. 15 And therfore let no mortall man , equal himselfe in this high prerogatiue with the Sonne of God being in his Kirke only Monarch and only Head. Isa. 29. 13. 14. Mich : 4. 7. Luc : 1 32. 33. 1. Cor : 3 : 18 : 19. Eph : 1 : 22 : & 4 : 15 : Col : 1 : 18. & 2 : 8 : 9 : 10. 18 : 19 : 23. Secondly this supreame Governor Isai : 9 : 6 : Christ Iesus ; hath not left his Kirk which is his body , mained , or imperfect , destitute of right Covernement , Lawes , & Offices , needfull for the same , but hath appoynted a certaine Minissterie heir on earth graced with giftes , an with an calling accordingly , with certaine lawes , limitting their functiō , and Gubernation , and therefore , let no man thinke , that Christ hath left his Kirk to be ruled at the lust and arbitrement of men , whatsoever . Col : 2. 18. Item , what is of Christ that is to be receaved , and that quhilk is of the Anti-Christ , is to be rejected . Thirdly , this Gubernation of the Kirke with Offices & Functions , and allpoynts necessary , for accomplishment therof is set downe in the written word of God , the onely square & rule of Doctrine & Discipline , within Christ his Kirke , apt and able to make the man of God perfect to every good worke . 2. Tim : 3. 16. 17. whereupon this followeth , that whatsoever is prescrived in this word , is to be followed and no prescription can haue place against it . Item it followeth , that the Lawes of the Goverment of the Church , and Offices and Functions thereof , are not changable , and imperfect onlesse we will say , that the scripture is imperfect , or Christ his Kirke , quhilk is his Bodie , is imperfect in respect of the Constitution thereof , we weil say , that the estate of the Kirke of the New Testament is inferiour to the estate of the Kirk of the Old Testament , quhilk receaved the whole Ordinancss , and Lawes , by Moses , from the mouth of God , quhilk Moses although he was great with God , yet he was but ane Minister . Num. 12. 7. Heb : 3. 5. and it was not lawfull to him to alter or change ane pin of the Tabernacle be himselfe , but as it was sayd to him , Do althinges according to the forme that thou saw in the Mountaine . Exo : 25 : 40. Act : 7. 44. Heb : 8. 5. And so it was in the building of the Temple . 1. Chro : 28. 11. 12. 13. 2 : Chro : 29. 25. But so it is , that no faithfull man will admitt those inconveniences and therefore , it must stand , that the word of God conteineth althinges needfull for the Governement of the Kirke , quhilk is the kingdome of Christ Iesus heir on Earth ; so that whatsoever may be alledged by man for Kirke Covernement without the warrāt of the word , as easily is it repelled , as alleadged . Now let us proceede and learne of the scripture what is sayd therin anent this Kirke . To this Kirk excellent glorie is attributed every where in the scripture : If you will consider either the Head of this Kirk , the Bodie , or members , For the Head , King , & Lord of this Kirk the Sonne of God Christ Iesus , is the Prince of peace . psal . 72. 3. 7. Isai. 9. 6. 7 and Lord of all glorie . Isai. 60 1. 2. Act : 3. 15. 1 Cor : 2. 8. Heb : 2. 3. 7. 8. King of Kings and Lord of Lords . 1. Tim. 6. 15. Revel : 17. 14. et 19 : 16. If ye weil consider the Bodie quhilk is the Kirk of God , & spouse of Christ , shee is called the Citie of God. Psal : 48. 2. 3. Zach : 8. 3. The house & Kirk of the living God. 1 Tim : 3. 15. Prov : 9. 1. The Temple and Mountaine of the eternall God. Isai : 2. 2. Zach : 8. 3. the Vinyard , Isai : 5 1. Cant : 8. 11. 12. Math. 21. 23. and Garden enclosed . Cant : 4. 12. the loye of the whole earth , Psal. 48. 3. Ezech : 20. 0. 15. Dan. 8. 9. et 11 : 16. 41. 45. the Heritage , Isai 19 : 25 : the kingdome of Heaven , Math : 13 : 24. 31. Christ his Sister , Cant : 4 : 10. his loue , Cant. 4 : 1 : 7. his spouse , Cant : 4 : 10. his Queene , Psal : 45 : 10. Christ his Bodie , 1 : Cor : 12. 13 : 27. Ephes : 1. 22. 23. et 4 : 4. 16. If ye consider the Members of this Bodie , under the Governement and protection of this great and glorious King knit & bound up in ane Bodie . Ephesians 4. 16. with the perfect band of loue . Rom. 12. 5 10. they are called the chosen generation . Deut. 10. 15. 1. Pet. 2. 9. the Holie Nation . Exo. 19. 6. 1. Pet : 2. 9. the peculiar people . 1. Pet. 2. 9. Exod : 19. 5. the Inheritance of God. 1. Pet. 5 3. To this Kirk apperteineth the Covenant . Eph : 2. 12. Rom : 9. 4. the worship of God. Rom. 9. 4. the Sacraments 1. Cor : 10. 1. 2. 3. 4. & 12. 13. and promises . Rom : 9. 4. of Peace . Luc. 1. 71. 74 : 75. et 2 : 14. Isai 52 : 7. et 55. 12. Iohn 14 : 27 : Col : 1. 20. Gal : 6. 16. of loue , Ioh. 14 : 23. and Salvation . Zach. 2 ; 8. Isai : 49 : 6. et 43 3. of the presence of God. Zach : 2. 10. 11. Isai 43 : 2. Ioh : 14 : 18 : Ezech : 37 : 26 : 27 : & 48 : 35 : 2 Cor : 6. 16. of graces and glorie . Zach. 2 : 5 : Isai 60 : 15. & of his Protection . Psal : 34 : 17. 18. 19. 20. and every where in the Psalmes , and in many other places many excellent & glorious things are spoken of this Kirke the Spouse and Bodie of Christ Iesus . The use whereof is to let us understand , how pretious and how glorious in Gods sight is Christ Kirk , that is the Society of his Sancts , which he hes acquited with his owne bloud . Act. 20. 28 2. To let us vnderstand that She is not under bondage , or subjection , to be ruled and governed by the lust , or arbitrement of men whatsoever . Math. 15 : 9. Col. 3. 8. 18. 19. 1. Tim : 3 : 14. 15. So that no man should presume to prescrive lawes . Iam : 4 : 12. and limites , for the Governement of this Kirk , without Commission of Christ Iesus the Supreame Governour Isai : 9 : 6 : who hath beutified her with so many great graces , power , and glorie . Now let us descend more particularly to learne out of scripture , what is prescrived anent the Governement and ordering of the Kirk heir on earth ; For Scripture is the only sure Canon and rule to be followed ( as was before declared ) against the which no prescription nether of Angell , nor of man what soever , should prevaile . Gal. 1. 18. How comely and pleasant a thing is it to behold in the scripture the soci etie of the Sanctes , like an Armie , Psalm 110 3. Can : 6. 1. 3. Col. 2. 5. march in their ranckes , under the conduct of their King and Lord Christ Iesus , Isai 52. 12. Heb : 12 : 2. some commanding in his name & some obeying . Heb : 13 : 17. all ruled and maresheld , by the lawes and limites of the word , Deut : 4 : 2. et 12. 32 And againe the commanders and rulers ordered in their owne ranckes according to their Functions , and giftes , al to the glory of God , edification & pre servation of one Bodie . Eph : 4. 12. And to speake more plainly of the Kirk Discipline . We define it to be the spirituall Ioh : 18. 36. 2. Cor : 10. 4. 5. 6. Governement : 1 Pet : 5. 1. 2. 3. Act : 20. 28. of the house of God. 1. Tim : 3. 15. Which is the Kirke , or Society of the Sainctes heere one Earth , under the commandement of the only Head & King the Lord Iesus , Eph : 1 : 22. 1. Cor : 12. 5. by the Ministery of men . 1. Cor : 4. 1. 2. Cor : 4 : 1. furnished from aboue with giftes , Eph : 4 : 8. Rom : 12 : 6. 1. Pet : 4. 10. calling , Rom : 10. 15. Heb. 5 : 4 : and power , Ioh : 20 : 21 : 22 : 23. according to the prescription of Scripture , as sayd is . For Kirk Governement are set out in the word of God. 1 The persons , to whō is given the charge of rule and Governement . 2. Their Calling . 3. Their Giftes . 4. Their Office , & power distinctly their power junctly , and manner thereof . Which all by the grace of God shall clearely be demonstrate by onely Scripture . The persons are Extraordinary , and Ordinar , Extraordinary as Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , whose offices serving for a time haue ceassed . As for the persons Ordinar , we shall finde their institution with their Offices , expressed in these places . 1 Tim. 3 2. Tit : 1. 5 6. 7. Act. 6 : 3. 4. & 14. 23. & 20. 17. 28. etc : Eph : 4 : 11. Rom : 6. 7. 8. 1. Cor : 12. 5. 8. 1 Pet : 5. 2. 3. 2. Tim : 4. 2. Heb : 13 : 17. 2 Cor : 5. 20. Vocation or calling is common to all the office bearers & Ministers with in the Kirke , quhilk is a lawfull way , whereby persons graced with meete giftes are admitted to a spirituall office of one certaine flocke , and Congregation , Here three things are necessary , First without lawfull calling , let none presume to this honor , to exercise any spirituall Function or Ministerie , Rom : 10. 15 Heb. 5. 4 Math. 9. 38 Secondly let no man presume to clime up by intrusion , or to enter in any other way , than by the Dore , Ioh : 10. 1. Thirdly , none ought to enter in without inward testimony of giftes & graces , and good conscience before God of whō & for whose service is the calling ; Isa : ó 67. 8. 9. Ier : 1. 6. 9. Math : 10 1. Ioh : 20 : 22. 23. This Ordinar lawfull calling consisteth of two partes , Election , & Ordination , Election is the lawfull choyse of the person graced with meete giftes for the office wherunto he is called . Election should be after triell , Act : 1 : 21. 22 : et 6● . 1. Tim : 3. 10. By free choyse and at the judgment of the Church . Act : 1. 21 : 23. et 6. 3. 5. et 14 23. The Ceremonies therof by Humiliation , fasting and Prayer . Act : 1. 24. et 14. 23. Ordination is the seperating and designing of that person chosen unto the Office of the Ministerie . Act : 13. 2. Likewise to be used with fasting and prayer & by imposition of handes of the Presbyterie . Act : 13. 3. et 14. 23. 1. Tim. 4. 14. et 5. 22. Their giftes , properties , and cōditions in Doctrine & manners are distinctly set downe & limited in scripture , prescriving what man every one must be . The Pastor must be apt to Teach and exhort , Deut : 33. 12. Mal : 2. 7. Rom : 12. 8. 1. Cor : 12. 8. 1. Tim : 3. 2. no young Scholer , 1 Tim : 3. 6. able to devide the word aright 2. Tim : 2. 15. holding fast the faithfull word , Tit : 1. 9. able to exhorte , rebuke , reproue , by wholsome doctrine . 2 Tim : 4. 2. In māners he must be a lover of goodnes . Tit : 1. 8. wise , righteous , holy ; temperate , in his life , unreprovable , of good report , &c : 1 Tim : 3. 2. 3. 4. 7. Tit : 1. 6. 7. 8. The Doctor or Teacher likewise must be apt to Teach , Mal : 2 : 7 : Rom : 12 : 7. 1 : Cor : 12 : 8. and to deliver sound and wholesome doctrine according to the word , Tit : 1. 9. mightie in the scripture , Act : 18. 24. able to revince the gaine sayers &c : Act : 6 : 9 : 10. Tit : 1 : 9. The name of Elder in scripture is used diversly : sometime for the name of age , 1. Tim : 5 : 1. Sometime for Office , 1 : Tim : 5. 17. 19. Iam. 514. againe signifiyng office , somtime largely it comprehendeth Pastors , Doctors , and those that are called morespecially Presbyters , Seniors , or Elders . Act. 14. 23. 1. Tim. 5. 17. 1. Pet. 5. 1. Here speaking of Elders particularly , we vnderstand those that labour in the oversight of the manners of the people , whom the Apostle calleth Presidents , and Governours , Rom : 12. 8. 1 Cor 12 : 18. Then Elders must be men of wisedome , knowledge , & sound judgment endued with the spirit of God. Num : 11. 25. Deut. 1. 13. able to discerne , vigilant and diligent in overseing , Act. 20. 28. Rom : 12. 8. Sober , gentle , modest , loving , temperate , &c : 1. Tim : 3. et 5. The Deacons must be men of good report keeping the Mistery of faith in a pure conscience , indued also with the ho ly Ghost , Graue , Temperat , not given to excesse of filthy lucre . Act : 16. 3. 1. Tim : 3. 8. 9. 12. 13. This farre concerning their giftes , and properties , their office , care , function , & charge , is severally set out in Scripture as followes . The Pastor should feede the sheep of Christ Iesus in greene and wholsome pastures of the word , sheewing them the waters and way to life , Psal : 23. 1. 2. Deut : 33 : 10. Rom : 12 : 8. Ioh. 21. 15. Act : 20 28. 1. Pet : 5 : 1. &c : having continuall care to watch over the soules of these which they must giue an accompt of , Heb : 13. 17. discerning the diseases & ap plying the word according to every disease , and every time and occurrant danger . Ezech. 33. et 34. chapt : praying and blessing , and sealing up to the faithfull the promises of God by the Sacraments , loving , cherishing , and defending the flocke , from ravenous beasts . Ioh : 10. 11. 12. The Office of an Teacher , or Doctor , hath been mentioned before , whose cheife and speciall charge is to Teach , playne , pure , and sound Doctrine , preserving knowledge , resisting error , building upon the only true ground stone ( which is Christ Iesus ) Gold , silver and pretious stones &c. 1 : Cor : 3. 11. 12. et 1. 17. 12. 8. 1. Tim : 4. 16. et 6. 20. Eph : 2 : 20. Heb : 6. 1. 1. Pet : 2. 2. The Elder or Presbyter his office and distinct charge before also was mentioned , their cheife care is , to be readie assistants according to the ordinance of God , to the Pastors & Teachers , helping to beare their burding , caring for the weil , quietnes , peace , and good order in the Kirke , taking heed to themselues & the people . 2. Chron : 19. 8. Act : 20. 17. 28. and 21. 18. Rom : 12. 8. 1. Pet : 5. 2. 1. Cor : 12. 28. The Office of the Deacon is to collect the benevolence of the faithfull , and faithfully to distribute the same according to the necessitie of the Saints by the direction of the Kirk , Act : 6. 3. Rom. 12. 8. This much anent the offices , and ministeries institute and prescrived by Christ in his word , which albeit be diverse & distinct both in giftes & functi ons , yet they as members of one Body , serue for the use of the Sainctes and edification of the body of Christ. Rom 12 : 4 : 5 : &c : Eph : 4 : 11 : 12. 13 : 16. 1. Cor : 12 : 7. 12 : 25. Vnto these Office-bearers and Governours Christ hath given also a certaine limitate power to be exercised by them , according to the word in his Kirk . A power severally , Math : 16. 19. 20. Rom : 12. 3. 6. 7. 8. and a power joyntly with Paritie and mutuall consent to be exercised for avoyding of Tyranny . Math : 18 : 17 : 18 : 19 : 20. 1. Cor : 5 : 4. 5. both having one authority from the same head and author Christ Iesus , both tending to the same end : both comprehended vnder the name of the Keyes of the kingdome of Heaven . The Keyes of the kingdome of heaven are given joyntly to the Rulers of the Kirke , that whatsoever they bind on earth shal be boūd in heaven ; Math : 18. 18. This power is not to be used according to their arbitrement and will , but at the will & according to the Testament of him who hath given this power , and hath limited it in his written word , presciving the order , usage , and end thereof , Math : 18. 15. 16. 17. 18. 20. The order and usage is this , If the offence of thy brother be private , admonish him privately between him & thee , with loving admonition with an brotherly care to woone the brother offender . If he refuse to harken unto thee , take two or three brethren with thee for the same purpose ; if he weil not harken unto them , shew the matter unto the Kirke , The care of the Kirke in like manner , is to deale with him , as with ane brother , not to hold him as an enimy , 2. Thes. 3. 15. but gravly , and lovingly to admonish , perswad him and to pray for him ; to proue if at any time the Lord will giue unto him repentance . 2. Cor. 10. 8. et 13. 10. 2. Tim : 2 : 25. 26. If the offender be obstinate & can not be drowne unto repentance , then in the name of the Lord Iesus with consent of the Congregation reverently and with prayer Excommunication is to be used in casting him out of the Kirk , and giving him over to Satan for the destruction of the flesh &c. and is to be holden as ane Heathen and Publican . &c. Math : 19 : 17. 1. Cor. 5. 4. 5. Thus farr touching private offence . If the fault be publike , the faulter is publikly to be rebooked , and admonished , 1 : Tim : 5 : 10. The admonitions alwayes must be done circumspectly , seasoned with truth , gravitie , loue , and peace , ever ayming for the safitie of the offender , and notthe destruction . And a speciall care is to be had of every weake offender , with discretion of offences . Mat : 18 : 15. Gal. 6 : 1 : 2. 2. Tim : 2. 24. Rom. 14. 13 : 19. Iam : 5 : 19. 20. If admonitions prevaile not to drawe him to repentance , thē to proceid to Excommunication as sayd is . If the offender be broght to repentance , let the repentance & receaving againe to the Kirk be according to the proportion of the offence , if the offēce be publique , the repentance and recep tion publique ; if private , private , alwayes let the repentance be in submis sion without hypocrisie , giving glory unto God. Math : 18. 15. Luk : 17. 4. 2. Cor. 2. 6. 7. Moreover , there is given liberty and power to the rulers of the Kirk , to exercise this Christian Discipline according to the necessity of the estate of the Kirke , and according to the occurrant dangers and diseases in Assem . blies convened together in the name of the Lord Iesus , consisting cheifely , of Ministers , Doctors , and Elders . Assemblies are Particular or Generall . Particular as Presbyteries or Provinciall Assemblies . Generall consisting of on Nation convocat together , for the Common weil , peace , and quietnes of the Kirke . The warrād of these Assemblies , with the practise is evident by the word : Math. 18. 17. 18. 1. Tim. 4. 14. 1. Cor : 5 : 4. &c. and 14 : 32. Act : 15 : 6 : 12. 22. 25. and hath the practise of Kirkes at all times , and necessities , as sayd is before . This much shortly anent the power , offices and Ministeries in the Kirk Governement according to the Institution of Christ expressed clearely in his word : And all for the edification and preservation of the Bodie of Christ , & for the repayring of the Sanctes , to the honor of God by Christ Iesus through all generations for ever . Eph : 4. 12. I add hereunto two demonstrations needfull viz. That these offices , & Ministeries as they haue been set downe are perpetuall , and sufficient for the Governement of the Kirk of Christ. The first thus I proue . 1. The Apostle Paul commādeth Timothie to keep this Governemēt , and precepts given there anent , to that glorious comming of the Lord Iesus . 1. Tim. 3. 21. & 6. 14. 15. Secondly , all the offices within the Kirk mentioned . Rom. 12. 6 : 7. 8. are called mēbers of the Body of the Kirk , ver . 4. 5. 1. Cor. 12. 27. 28. 29. which is the Bodie of Christ Iesus . Eph : 1 : 22 : 23 : et 4 : 12. whereupon followeth this probation , if the Kirk of Christ quhilk is his Body be perfect , and must continue vn to the comming of Christ , these Offices & Ministeries must haue the same continuance , except we will say , that Christ his Body is imperfect , or mained or the Kirke of Christ shall cease here upon earth , before his comming , quhilk both are absurd . Thridly , if Christ Iesus be only Lord and Governour of his Kirk , which is his kingdome heir on earth , and seeing he must rule and Governe his kingdome unto his comming by his owne officers , and by his lawes , by himselfe institute & prescrived in his word . Rom : 12. 3. 6. 7. 8. 1. Cor. 12. 28. & 14. 37. Eph. 4. 8. 11. 12. It followeth that these offices and lawes , continue unto his comming , except we will say , that Christ shall ceasse to be Governour of his Kirk , and those lawes to be imperfect . Ferdly , seeing the object and endes whair about these offices ar occupied , & whairunto they are destinat ( quhilk before hath been declared ) must haue continuance , therefore , the offices and Ministeries appoynted for those uses & ends must also continue to the end , quhilk necessities no man can avoyde or elude , as for example : There must be heresies , and offences &c : and therfore there must be a correcting power in the Kirk 1. Cor. 11. 19. with offices & ministeries meete for preventing , restrayning , and expelling the foresayd , or like corruptions . As for the Second , to witt that the foresayd offices & Ministeries are sufficient for the Regiment of Christ his Kirk heir on earth , thus I proue it . 1. If they be not sufficient , then Christ can not be honored as perfite Governour of his Kirk , neither is his word perfect , but some thing may be added therunto , which is absurd , Deut. 4. 2. et 12. 32. 2. If these be imperfect then man may erect new offices , & add new Ministeries , and giue new giftes and graces accordingly : and if man may add he may also detract ; which both are false and absurd . 111. These offices & functions before mētioned , haue gifts and graces needfull , and sufficient , for the discharge of the Ministerie of the word , of the Sacraments , and of Discipline , for the Edification of the body of Christ &c. Eph : 4 : 11 : 12. therefore they must be sufficient . IV. If these offices and Ministeries of the Governement of the Kirke under the Gospell be insufficient , & imperfect , then the estate of Christ his Kirke under the Gospell must be inferior , unto the estate of the Kirke under the law , which had the accomplishment of all offices , ministeries , and lawes needfull , and sufficient for the regiment therof , But none will graunt that the estate of the Kirke of Christ is inferior to the estate of the Kirk under the law . Therefore the aforesayd offices are sufficient , for the Governement of the Kirk of the New Testament . And therefore this forme , & order of Government , by the foresayd offices , and Ministeries , of Preachers , and assisting Elders , being grounded vpon the written word of God , & practise of the Apostles & Kirkes in their time . Rom : 12. 6 : 7 : 8. Eph : 4. 11 : 12. Act : 14 : 23. et 20. 17. 28. 1. Tim : 5. 17. Tit : 1 : 5 : &c. It can admit no prescription : or change by any mortall man , or by any humane tradition whatsoever . Which forme of Discipline as it hath been practised in the Apostolicall and Primitiue Kirke , ( quhilk is evident by scriptures afore aledged ) so hath it the testimony of antiquitie in the auncient Kirkes , as is collected not very obscurely out of Ignatius Epist : ad Trallen . Tertul : in Apoc. cap. 39. et lib : de Baptism : Christian. Cyprian lib : 2. Epist. 5 : et lib. 3 : Epist. 10. 18. 22. et lib. 4. 5. Augusti . de verb. Dom. in Math : Serm. 19. But more clearly out of Ambrose in 1 Tim. 5 : 1 : Ierom in Isai , 2. et ad Rustic . Epist : 16. Possidonius in vita Augustini , Socrates Eccle. hist. lib. 5. ca. 20. and others also alledged be the defenders of this christian and true Kirke Governement . Amongst the quhilk I cannot passe by for proofes sake , the cleare sayinges of Ambrose , and Ierom. Ambrose writteth thus upon 1 : Tim. 5 : Whence it is that both the Synagage , and afterward the Kirk had Elders , without whos counsell nothing was done in the Kirk . Quhilk by what negligence it is growne out of use I know not , unlesse perhaps by the slouthfulnes or rather prid of the Teachers , whilst they alone will seeme to be something . Ierom ad Tit. cap. 1. Vntill schismes were made in religion by the diuely suggestion , the Kirkes were governed by the common counsell of Elders , and in the same place speaking of the corruption that followed , therafter addeth this : But this was rather by custome , than by the truth of the Lords disposing . This forme of Discipline according to the word , the Kirk of Scotland hath used many years by past , being authorised and ratified by the three Estates in Parliament , receaved and practised by all the Preachers within the whole Realme , with on consent , & concord , even by thē also , who now haue made defection frō it , taking upon thē Episcopall authority . Siclik it hath the testimony of all the reformed Kirkes in Europe , in France , in Freisland , in Geneva , in Helvetia , Polonia , Vngaria , in Palatinatu , in Germania , Saxonia , Bohemia , in Suedia , Dania , and all other reformed Kirkes except Englād alone . Siclik also it hath the testimony generally of the Divīes of later times , as Zuinglius , Martir , Aretius , Calvinus , Bucer , Hiperius , Bullingerius , Musculus , Hemingius , Beza , Olevianus , Iunius , Sadael , Nowel , Fulke , Whitakers , with all other learned & famous Preachers in the Countries reformed , professing truely the Gospell only Englād excepted : wherin also the best , yea the greatest parte haue sought , and dayly seiks the liberty of the same Governement , according to the word , & most clearely haue defended it with their penne , and most pithie writtings , and most constantly haue avouched it , by their manifold suffrings , at home , and abrode for the glorifiyng of God , and the witnessing of the truth of Christ Iesus : All , that afore hath been breifly sayd anent the deduction of this purpose , may be more largely intreated , and more particularly handled , if any within this land will proue so obstinat , as to refuse consent to the truth of Christ Iesus . THE SECOND PART OF KIRKE GOVERNEMENT . CONTEINING AREfutation of Episcopall Governement by Lord Bishopes . IT pleased our Heavenly Father to compasse us with compassion and mercy , whē we were lying in darknes , and under the shadow of death , by sen ding his owne deare Sonne Christ Iesus with the brightnes of his Gospell , delivering us from Idolatry , and super stition , and the darknes of the former times vnder the bondage and tyranny of Antichrist , and that by the Ministery of few , not the greatest , to the great admiration of the world . And forder , of the same mercy , it hath pleased him , from time to time , to multiply the nūber of the faithfull , and to increase his graces among men , for the beutifiyng of his Kirk within this land , and finally to croune his owne worke adding the keepstone of sincerity both of doctrine and Discipline , as it was prophesied by that holy Martyr M. George Wiseheart ; quhilk two glorious staues our Kirke hath brooked , with Concord , Unitie , with peace & prosperity , many yeares within the gates of Ierusalem in this land , wherby our Kirk , by the unspeak ble bountifulnes of God , became famous , renoumed , and in great accōpt , before many others amonge forren Nations , and Kirkes reformed in Europe . For the which belongeth everlasting prayse to this our boūtifull God through his Sonne Iesus Christ our deare Saviour . But now of late hath risen ane whirle wind among our selues ( like the whirle winde that devoured the children of Iob ) shaking the foure corners of the house of God , and throwing doun the kepston ; and this wind of discord , Schisme , and dissention , is not come from the wildernes , but risē from our owne bowels : and the riches of the Temple dispoyled , not by Assyri ans , Chaldeans , or Arabians , but by the Preistes , and Ministers themselfes hom-bredd , and borne in the bosome of our Kirke , and fostered sometime by the sincere milke of the Gospell , who also haue made avoumemt of the same sinceritie both of Doctrine and Discipline , not only in Preaching and practising , but also with solemne Oath binding themselfes therto . From quhilk an manifest slyding backe , and Apostasie is seene this day , & lamented with greiff by the godly , and mocked be the enemyes the Papists and Atheists , whose number , strength , and power , daylie in cresseth by this lamentable renting , & inbringing of Episcopall Gubernation be Lord Bishops , quhilk before had ben banished with Antichristian corruptions from the Kirk of Scotland . For the working of this Mysterie many intentions haue bene proponed , many sheapes , & cullours haue bene changed . As for example in the begining nothing ( for such ) was meened but Ministers to haue vote in Parliament , and that to vindicat the Ministerie from povertie and cōtempt &c. quhilk practise God even then at the begining , discovered unto his servantes , and they unto the world , foretelling the effectes that visibly now appeares before the ( eyes of the world : viz. renting of our Church overthrowing of Christian Discipline , setting up a fewe Episcopall men , with contempt , bondage , and povertie of the rest : which this day is to be seene , to the great greife of the godly , and hinderance of the Gospell hereby day lie falling to decay , much a doe also hath ben for making of a constant moderatorin every part , which caried but a show for a time , and to be away only to posses Bishops , with parpetuall domination , quhilk also by the godly , and learned was discovered , and abhorred , knawing that of old frō the same practise , haue proceeded the degrees of Romane Primacie , defacing and overthrowing the true Government of Christ his Church . Atlast , after many overshadowing clouds , the effect and operation of this worke hath broken through the cloud with thunder flacks striking upon god ly , sincere , Teachers of this land . The end of all is : The Altar of Conformitie must be set up , and Kirke Governement must be turned over into the hands of Lord Bishops , supportters of the Altar etc : Which kind of Governement if it be lawfull , or can stand with the word of God , that we haue to examine in this part . In the former part the order and Forme of true christian Discipline , with Duties , Offices & Ministeries , according to the Institution of Christ , hath ben declared , by the cleare , and sound groundes of the word : which government , offices , and Ministeries thereof , we haue demonstrat to be perpetuall , sufficient , and to haue continuance to the glorious comming of Christ Iesus . Now this part shall conteine a Refutation of the contrarie Gorvernement by Lord Bishops & their Episcopall Domination : insisting upon the same grounds , layd doun afore , and thus we proceid . Whatsoevir is contrarie to the Institutiof Christ & his wrettin word , is Antichristian , and is to be banished out of the Kirk of God. But Governement by Lord Bishopps with Episcopall domination is contrarie to the Institution of Christ and his written word . Therefore it is Antichristian , and is to be banishit out of the Kirk of God. The Proposition can not be denyed by faithfull Christians : the word of God being of absolute perfection , both for substance and Ceremonies : against the which no exception can be made except by Atheists , or Papistes , holding the Pope of Rome may dispēce with the word , or equalling his traditions with the word . The controversie therefore staudeth in the Assumption , whether the Governement of the Kirke apperteineth to Lord Bishops or not , & whither to Lord Bishops apperteineth a Lordly Domination ? Quhilk both to be contrary to the word of God , thus we proue . The first proufe doth arise from the Examination of the right use of the name Bishope , which against the minde of Scripture is abused , making it a nāe of speciall office with a speciall dignitie , prerogatiue & Prelacie aboue the rest of the disposers , and Teachers of the word , appropriating unto Bishops Lordship , or Lordly domination , making Prelats of Pastors , and Princes of Prelats . The name of Bishop ( EPISCOPOS ) signifieth as touching this Argument , ane Inspector or Overseer , caring for thē , that are committed to his charge : Quhilk name is commō to all Pastors , Doctors , or Teachers , and Elders in the Kirk : As is evident by expresse Scripture in these places following . The Apostle Paul sending for the Elders of the Kirk of Ephesus Act. 20. ver : 17. And speaking to the same Elders he cales thē Bishops . Take heed thersore to your selues , and to all the flocke whairof the holy Ghost hath made you overseers ( EPISCOPOVS ) to feade the Kirke of God. Marke ( faith Ierom ) how calling the Elders of one Citie of Ephesus , he intituleth the same men Bishops . In like manner the Apostle Peter ca. 5. v. 1. 2. useth the same word , speaking to the Teachers & Rulers of the Kirk , Feed the flocke of God ( saith he ) quhilk dependeth upon you caring for it , or ( according to the originall ) Episcopountes , that is , doing the parte of ane Overseer , or Bishop being common to Pastors , As may further appeare by these places , Phil : 1. 1. Tit : 1. 5. 7. & 1. Tim : 3. 1. 2. Frō quhilk places these conclusions are necessarily inferred . 1. The name of Bichop being common to Pastors , Teachers , and Rulers , it is not to be appropriate to any one with title power , or prerogatiue aboue the rest . 2 Here is restrayned the function and charge of these Overseers to one flocke over quhilk the Holy Ghost hath placed them ; Therefore presumption it is against the holy Ghost , to a Bishope for to claime the charge of many Kirkes , & over many Bishops , or Pastors , and he not resident at one Kirke : as the miserable abuse and practise is begun in this Realme . The Second proufe : The Scripture hath disposed & distributed by Christ his Institution , the Regiment of the Kirk , and offices , and Ministeries therof to Pastors , Doctors , and Elders , making no mention of speciall offices , titles , or dignities , of Papal Bishops , ( so cal led by his Maiestie Basil : dor : pag 44. ) or Prelats &c. Therfore the Regiment of the Kirk , cannot be claimed by Papal Bishopes or Prelates by Scripture , or by Christ his Institution , and so the usurpation of Papal Bishops and Prelats in the Kirk Governement must be Antichristian . The first part is evident , and cleare deducit in the former parte of this Treatise out of scriptutes , wherein is expressed the Institution of the foresayd offices and Ministeries of Pastors , Doctors , and Elders . Wherupon the other part touching Papal Bichops with their titles , dignities , and prerogatiues &c. Hes this cleare inference , that they are not warranted by scripture , as sayd is . For if there were any sick Bishops , or Prelates with office , Titles , power , and dignities aboue the rest , then the scripture would haue set them downe more distinctly , and precisely , than any of the rest ; for the hieer place that one occupieth in the kirk , of the more necessity he is vnto the Kirk , & for this cause the more carefull would Christ ( the Head of the Kirke ) haue bene in poynting him out , and distinguishing him from other . We see in the Old Testament , the High Preist , his Title , Office , Function , and speciall Administration , and juris diction , is more particularly , and pre cisely set downe , than the Office of any of the inferior Preists , and Levites . And so in the New Testament , if any such had bene aboue the rest , their title , power , dignitie , and office more particularly & precisly had ben poynted out , then of Pastors , Teachers , and Elders &c : But the contrary we see in scripture ; wherein the offices , Ministeries and power of Pastors , Teachers , & Elders is clerely set furth . But no sick thing of Papal , Bishops , Prelats , and the rest of that order . Therefore can these no wayes stand with scripture . 3. Quhilk forder is to be cleared by examinyng , and trying the Titles , Dignities , and Domination of Papal Bischops , Prelates &c : Who following the Romāe Antichrist , claime to themselues a twofold power , Civill , and Ecclesiasticall ; quhilk are the two Hornes of the Secund Beast , Apoc : 13. 11. As some good Divines do expond . Quhilk both powers by the devise of Satan , as two swords , haue served the Pope of Rome that Antichrist , to tread doun , the greatest powers on earth of Emperors , Kings , and Princes , and dayly doth serue for the suppressing of the truth , and faithfull professors of the same . From that Antichrist , this mysterie of iniquitie hath flowed to Cardinals , Arch-bishops , and the rest of that disordered order &c. Against this injquity , thus we cōclud . Whosoever doth participat with the Antichrist in usurping a Civil power , and practising the same in the Kirk directly against the word , and Institution of Christ , they are of that Antichrist , and there vsurpation Antichristian . But Papal Bishops and Prelates in the Kirk vsurps Civil power , directly against the word & Institutiō of Christ. Therefore so doing they are of that Antichrist , and their vsurpation Antichristian . The proofe of the Assumption ( quhilk the adversaries deny ) is playne be evident Scripture , as followeth . 1 Our Master & Saviour Christ speaking unto his Disciples , contending for honor among themselues , saith : Ye know that the Lords of the Gentles haue domination over thē , and they that are great exercise authority over them : but it shal no be so among you . Math : 20. 25. etc. Mar : 10. 42. Luc : 22. 25. etc. In quhilk words expresly he forbiddeth , his Apostles , Lordly , or Princely Domination , putting ane barr and evident difference , betwixt Civil , & Spirituall power : shewing expresely by this interdiction , these two powers so to be differēt that they cannot meet in one person whatsoever . Quhilk ground hath bene alwayes as ane strong wall against the Pope and Bishops of Rome , exercising both the powers , whereupon Barnard speaketh thus boldly to Pope Eugenius : Lordship is forbiden unto the Apostles : Therefore darest thou being a Lord vsurpe Apostleship , or Apostolicall vsurpe Lordship . Thou art plainely barred from both . If thou wilt haue both , thou shalt lose both . Barnar . lib : 2. de conside . cap : 4. For it is not convenient ( saith Ambrose ) that one man should haue adouble profession . 2 Christ saith , My kingdome is not of this world , Ioh : 18. 36. Christ refused to accept the honor of a worldly kingdom , Iohn : 6. 15. That he might admonish us , ( saith Chrysostom ) to cōtemne humaine dignities , & shew us that we need no wordly affaires . Hom : 42. in Iohan. Item Tertull : de Idolat . cap. 8. Christ hath manifested that the glorie of the world is not cōpetent to him selfe , and his . How may thē a Bishop , or Minister accept that honor quhilk his Master hath refused . For no servant is aboue his Master Math. 10. 24. 3. Christ being requyred in partition of an heritage betwixt brethren , refuseth flatly to be Iudge , saying , who made me Iudge or devider , over you ? For this same cause Christ , as Minister of the Gospell , refuseth to condemne the Adulteresse woman , what presumption is it then to our Papal Bishops , to exercise ane Lordly authority and Civil power in judging upon matters civil , criminall & treasonable , in Court , or Parliament , Secrete Counsell , conventiōs of Estate , in Courts of Stenartrie & Regalitie upon wrongs & injuries of bloud , infestments of land , &c. as the practise be Papal Bishops is begune in this Realme . Quhilk can no wayes be compitent to the Disciples , Ministers and servants of Christ Iesus , quhilk the Master Christ Iesus hath for saken . Therefore this usurpation must be of the Antichrist . Hilarius ad Auxent . I pray you ( Bishopps ) who beleiue these thinges , what votes had the Apostles to preach the Evangel ? With what Commissions were they authorized , when they preached Christ and converted almost all the Gentles from Idols to God ? Singing an Himne to God in prison among chaines , & after whippes tooke they any dignity from the Pallace ? They will not shew where any of the Apostles sat at any time as iudge of men , or divider of bounds , or distributer of landes . To cōclude , Ireade that the Apostles stood to be iudged ; that they sat in iudgmēt I doe not reade . Barnard de consid : lib. 2. 4. The whole charge of the Minister of the Gospell is restrayned to the cōtinuall exercise of ane spiritual calling , and Ministerie only . 1. Tim : 4. 13. etc : 2. Tim : 2. 3. 4. et 4. 1. 2. &c : and therfore not onely Civill Domination , but all handling also and medling with secular and worldly affaires is contrary unto this charge . Chrysost : Hom : 11. ad Eph. 4. Doctrine by Sermons is commended unto us , not rule or the authority of ruling . 5. No man ( saith the Apostle ) that war reth , intangleth himselfe , with the affaires of this life , because he would please him that hath chosen him to be a souldiour . 2. Tim : 2 : 4. Hiercm expoūding this place concludeth : Much more ought we to be free from worldly businesses that we may please Christ. Ambrose addeth ane cleare distinction of the functions and cause thereof ; Let a Minister approue himselfe to God that devoted to him , he may fulfil his Ministery which he hath undertaken being careful in Gods matters & free from worldly busines . For it is not convenient that one man should haue a double profession . 6 For this purpose serues whatsoever is writtē in scripture anent the calling , office , and exercise of the Ministery of the word , the greatnes thereof , and the necssitie injoyned to Ministers to Preach the Gospell continually : In so much that the Apostle sayth , Wo be to me , if I preach not the Evangell . 1. Cor : 9 : 16. Hence it is , that the manifold duetyes of the Ministers of the Evangell are declared by similitudes of workemen in the Vineyards , of husband men , of builders , of souldiers , and watchmen , and other such importing continuall labor , paines and travell , Math : 9. 38. & 10. 10. 2. Tim. 2. 15. 7. Some of the ancient Councellers also haue taken a streait order for restraint of Ecclesiasticall persons from handling or medling with any secular honor or affaires : The fourth Oecumenical or vniversal councel holden at Chal cedon 450. yeares after Christ his birth where were assembled 630. Bishopps , forbiddeth expresly ane Minister , or Ecclesiasticall person , upon paine of Excommunication , to resaue any secular honor , Concil . Chalced : Can : 7. In like manner in the same Councel , it is more particularly decided , and precise ly decreed , Concil : Chalced. Can. 3. That no clarke or any bearing spirituall function , should undergoe so much as the Tutership , or curatrie of one Orphan : Quhilk decree seameth to be very precise and strait against ane naturall duty and charity . Yet the spirit of God hath directed the Councell be the light of the truth to keepe rightly the distinction that is betwixt Civil and Ecclesiasticall office and function ; holding fast the grounds of scripture afore alleadged . And for this cause it is decreed in an other coū sell , that a Bishope should only attend unto Prayer , reading , and preaching . Concil : Carth : 4 : cap : 20. Thus much for overthrowing the first Horne of the Beast , to witt , Civilpower , usurped by Prelates and Bishops . &c. Now let us assay the force & strength of the Second Horne , of spirituall power and Iurisdiction , quhilk Prelates and Bishops , following in this also the Antichrist , usurp aboue the disposers of the mysteries of Christ , Pastors , Ministers ; and Teachers &c and not over one Kirk alone , but over many in one , or moe Dioceses , quhilk injquity hath flowed also frō the Antichrist of Rome , and thence is derived to the Orders of his Cleargie ; Archbishopes , Bishops , Arch-Deanes , Deanes , &c. setting up , by the devise of Satan , ane Hierarchie , that is , a Spirituall principalitie in the Kirke of God , overthrowing altogither the Ordināce of Christ Iesus in ordering his Kirke officers ( whairof hath bene spoken more at large in the first Treatise ) and in place thereof ; intruding upon the Kirk Satanicall , and Antichristian , devises , and Traditions : whereupon this conclusion groweth like unto the former . Whosoever leaving the Institution of Christ expressed in his word , vsurpe spirituall authoritie and iurisdiction togither with civil power in the Kirk , They communicate with Antichrist , and their usurpation is Antichristian ; But Papal Bishops , and Prelates practise this Antichristian iniquitie , against the Institution of Christ & his word : Therefore they communicate with the Antichrist , and the practise and usurpation is Antichristian . The Assumption we haue to proue : Quhilk is playne by scripture expresly condemning in Ministers of the word , both civil power , ( as we heard before ) and spirituall authority or power , aboue the rest of the Ministers and disposers of the word , as inferiors to thē . Quhilk we proue , as followes . 1. Christ comming into the world , & taking upō him the shape , or forme of ane servant , Philip. 2. 7. witnesseth that he as Minister of the Gospell , cam not to be served , but to serue . Math : 20 : 28. and no servant is aboue his Master . Math : 10. 24. 2. Christ recommending to his Disciples humilitie , with Paritie and equa litie , expresly forbiddeth among them Superioritie or Domination . Math : 20. 25. etc. and 23. 8. 11. Marke . 10. 43. etc. Luc. 22. 25. etc. 3. Christ giveth unto his Apostles & Disciples , alike , the Keyes of the kingdome of heaven , and they resaue alike power , Math : 18. 18. Ioh : 20. 23. 4. The Disciples and Apostles observing their Masters command , equall themselues , not one clayming superioritie , or Primacie aboue the rest : but all professing equalitie , call them selfe servantes . 2. Cor : 4. 5. Ministers and Dispensators . 1 : Cor : 4. ver : 1. 5. Messengers , 2 : Cor : 5. 20. etc. And no place there is to be foūd , whair they are called , Princes , Lords , or by any such name soūding to superiority , or dominatiō , in any wise . 5. The practise of the Apostles sending by like authoritie Peter , and Iohn , as Messengers , and erand bearers to Samaria , Act : 8. 14. Quhilk the Apostles wald never haue cōmanded , if Christ had not given them a like power , neither , Peter ( whom some make to be Prince of the Apostles ) would haue obeyed , if Christ had given him Primacie , or Superioritie aboue the rest . 6. Peter himselfe disclaiming all such Primacie and Superioritie , equaleth himselfe with the Ministers & Elders of Kirke , calling himselfe fellow Elder . 1. Pet : 5 : 1. expresly forbidding Ministers and Elders , to take domination as Lords , aboue the heritage of God : ver . 3. 7. The Apostle Iohn sharply cheeketh and rebooketh Diotrephes clayming to him prioritie or preferment aboue the rest . Iohn Epist. 3. ver : 9 10. 8. Against the spirituall superioritie of Papal Bischops doe serue all those places afore cited ; wherein the name , power , office , properties , and dueties of a Bishope , are communicate with Pastors , Teachers , and Elders . Act : 20. 17. 1. Pet : 5. 2. Phil : 1. 1. Tit : 1. 5. 7. 1 , Tim : 3. 2. 3. 4. &c. Quhilk places are plane , pithie & sufficient alone , to overthrowe , pretended prioritie of Papal Bishopps , Praelates . &c. With scripture agreeth learned and sinceire Antiquity in ancient Christian Kirkes , wherof we shall bring a few for exemple , speaking most clerely in this purpose . Cyprian lib : de simplicit : praelat : The office of a Bishop is one and vndivided , parte whereof is absolutly held of every Bishop . Idem . Cypr : lib. Epist : 3. Every Bishop doth rule and governe his owne portion of the Lords flocke , being to give an account of his doings to God. Athanasius Epist. ad Liberium Episcop : Romanum . All the blessed Apostles were indued with the fellowship of equall honour and power . Chrysost : Hom : 43. in Math : What Bishop soever shall desire primacy in earth , shall finde confusion in heaven , and he , who shall covet to be first , shall not be in the nūber of Christ his servantes . Hieron , in Epist : ad Evagrium : Where soever a Bishop shall be , either at Rome , or Evgubium , or Constantinoble , or Rhegium , he is of the same worth , and of the same preisthood . Idem . ad Tit : cap : 1. After the age of the Apostles one of the Bishops was set aboue the rest , whom they peculiarly called a Bishop . But this was rather by custome , than by the truth of the Lords disposing . That it may further appeare even by Hierom himselfe , that the usurpation of Papal Bishops prevayled by custome against the truth , marke well what he writeth vpon Heb : 13. 17. viz : He divideth the care of the Kirke equally amongst many . In saying , obey them that are set over you . Besides these and others a fore cited against the authority & practise of Papall Bishops , many mo testimonyes may be drawne out of the same Fathers , and Doctors , with others also of the same judgmēt , quhilk are alledged be menteners of Christian Discipline , against authority of Papal Bishops : as out of Cyprian . lib3 : Epist : 10. 14. 27. Tertullian , de Ieiun August : lib : 19. cap : 19. de Civitate Dei. Item lib : de opere Monach : Hierom , ad Oceanum et in Tit : 1. Ambrose lib : Epist : 5. et 33. Chrysost : hom : 2 : in epist : ad Philip : Hilar : adver : Constan. Nazian : orat : ad Maxim : Bernard : de consid : lib : 2. ad Evgenium Papam . For this same purpose are alledged some testimonies of Councels , as Carthage , Chalcedon , Constan : &c. Siclik against the authority and prac tise of Papal Bishops do witnes all Protestant Kirkes in France , Helvetia , Polonia , Hungaria , Bohemia , &c. and in any Nation truly professing the Gospel in all the world , onely England excepted . And among the late writers , the most learned and notable professors , defenders of the truth against the Romāe Antichrist ; all writing against the Lordly usurpation of Civil and spirituall power in Ecclesiasticall persons , as may be seene by their severall writtings , Lastly out of English writers , evē some of them of the other side , matter may be fetched , against the Lordship of Papal Bishops , Iewel , in defen : Apolog : adversus Harding page 714. D : Bilson in his Booke in quarto page 126. D : Bridges , of the Prince Supremacy , page 926. M. Elmar Bishop of London , in his book printed at Straesborogh . See a Petition directed to Her Maiestie . pa. 7. 8. 9. quhilk we bring to proue rheir consent , and witnessing unto the truth . Although as Cyprian sayth , Humane testimonies are not to be expected , when Divine suffrages goe before . Cyprian Epist : 5. lib : 2. As for objections in the contrary , what can be moved to moue any of the simplest against such cleare light of holy scripture , and so many testimo nies of Divine writers ? As for the new obtruded Lord Bishops to the Kirk of this Realme , we haue not heard much of their reasoning as yet , for their part only shreuding them selfe by authority and arme of man : whence they alledge Donation with power &c. To the quhilk albeit many things may be replyed : yet we answer thus only with the Apostle , The weapons of our warfaire are not carnall , 2 : Cor : 10. 4. The abuse & present practise the more is to be lamē ted , that such injquity is done in so great light of the Gospell , after long profession of the same , that in place of light , men should imbrace darknes , & loue the honor of the world , more thā the honor of Christ Iesus , not onely comming against the truth , but also against their owne profession & avoument , having preached , and practised , the true Christian Discipline by Ministers and Elders according to the word and Institution of Christ , opponing them selfes alwayes unto Antichristiā authority , & practise of Papal Bishops . Is not this to begine in the spirit , & end in the flesh ? And who hath bewitched you so ? Now for conclusion : seeyng holy scripture , practise of the Apostolicall and Primitiue Kirk , and Christian Kirkes in succeeding times , the learned & sincere Antiquitie both in Councells and by writing , with all reformed Kirkes , every where truely professing the Gospell , with the best of the leater writers of our time , Forrain & within this Yle , stand on our side for Kirk governement by Ministers & assisting Elders according to the word , against the Governement of Lord Bishops , their authority & practis in the Kirk of Christ we being I say , compassed with such great cloud of witnesses , let us hold fast the true profession of Doctrine & Discipline according to the word , without wavering , or halting , praying continually , That the God of our Lord lesus Christ the Father of glory , might giue unto us the spirit of wisdom , and revelation , in the acknow ledgment of him , strenthned with all might throw his glorious power : that we being like mindit having the same loue , being of one accord ; and of the same iudgment , we may doe that which is pleasant , and acceptable in his sight , through Christ , to whom be praise for ever and ever , Amen . DOCTOR REIGNOLDS HIS LETTER TO SIR FRAVNcis Knollis , concerning Doctor Bancrofts Sermon at Paules crosse . 9. Feb : 1588. In the Parliament time . ALbeit ( Right Honorable ) I take greater comforte in labouring to discover and overthrow the Errors of Iesuites and Papists , ( enemyes of Religion ) thā of the Ministers of Christ ; yet seeing it hath pleased your Honor to requyer me to shew mine opinion of some thinges , which certeine of these men mainteyne & stand in , I thought it my duty , by the example a of Levie , who sayd of his Father , and Mother , I regard them not , nor acknowledged he his brethren , to declare the truth , without respect of persons . Of the two poynts therfore in Doctor Bancrofts Sermon , which your Honor mentioneth , one is , concernning that he seemeth to avouch , The superioritie , which Bishops haue among us over the Clergie , to be Gods owne Ordinance , though not by expresse words , yet by necessary consequence ; In that he affir meth , their opiniō , who oppugne that that superiority to be Heresie . Wherin , I must confesse , he hath committed an oversight , in my judgment , and himselfe , ( I thinke ) if he be advertised ther of , will acknowledge it . For having b said first , that Aerius affirmeth , that ther was no differēce by the word of God betwixt a Preist , and a Bishop , and afterward , that Martin and his companions , do mainteine this opinion of Aerius , he addeth that c Aerius persisting therein , was condemned for an heretike by the generall consent of the whole Church , and likwise d that Martins , and all his companions opini on hath herein been condemned for heresie . Touching Martine , if any man behaue himselfe otherwayes than in discretion and charitie he ought , let the blame be layd where the fault is , I defend him not ; but if by the way , he utter a truth , mingled with whatsoever else , it is not reason that that , which is of God , should be cōdemned for that which is of man ; no more thá the doctrine of the resurrection should be reproved because e and held by the Pharises . Wherefore removing the odious name of Martin , from that which in sincerity and loue is to be dealt with , it appeareth , by the aforesayd words of D. Bancroft , that he avoucheth the Superiority which Bishops haue over the Cleargie to be of Gods owne ordinance ; For he improveth the impugners of it , as holding with Aerius , that there is no difference by the word of God betwixt a Preist , and a Bishop , which he could not doe with reason , unlesse he himselfe appro ved the Bishops superiority , as established by Gods word : and he addeth , that their opinion , who gayne say it , is Heresie , wherof it insueth , he thinke it contrary to Gods word ; sith Heresy is an error repugnant to the truth of the word of God , as , ( according to f the Scriptures ) our owne Church g doth teach us . Now the Argumēts which he bringeth to proue it an heresy , are partely overweake , partly untrue : overweake that h he beginneth with , out of Epiphanius ; untrue , that he i adjoyneth of the general consent of the Church . For though Epiphanius do say , that Aerius his assertion is full of solly , yet he disproveth not the reason which Aerius stood on , out of the scriptures ; nay he dealeth so in seeking to disproue it , that Bellarmine the Iesuite , k though desirous to make the best of Epiphanius , whose opinion herein he mainteyneth against the Protestants , yet is forced to confesse , that Epiphanius his ans ; wer is not all of the wisest , nor any way can fit the text . As for the generall consent of the whole Church , which D. Bācrost saith , condemned that opinion of Aerius for an Heresy , and himselfe for an Heretike , because he persisted in it , that is a large speach : but what proofe hath he that the whole Church did so ? It ap ; peareth he saith in l Epiphanius . It doth not , and the contrary appeareth by m S. Ierome , and sondry others , who lived , some in the same time , som after Epiphanius , even S. Austin himself , though D. Bancroft cite him , as bearing witnes therof likewise ; I grant S. Austin n in his booke of heresies , ascribeth this to Aerius , for one , that he sayd , Presbiterum ab episcopo nulla differentia de beri discerni : but it is one thing to say , there ought to be no difference betwixt the , ( which Aerius saying condemned the Churches order , yea made a schisme therein , and so is censured by S. Austen , counting it an heresie as o in Epiphaus he tooke it recorded , himselfe , as p he witnesseth , not knowing how farre the name of Heresie should be stretched ) another thing to say , that by the word of God there is no difference betwixt them , but by the order and custome of the Church , which S. Austen q sayth in effect himselfe , so farre was he from witnessing this to be heresy by the generall consent of the whole Church . Which untruth how wrongfully it is fathered on him , and on Epiphanius ( who yet are all the witnesses that D. Bancroft hath produced for the proofe hereof , or can for ought that I know ) it may appeare by this , that our learned country man ( of godly memory ) Bishop r Iewell , when Harding to convince the same opinion of heresie , alleadged the same witnesses , he cyting to the contrary Chrysostome , Ierom , Austen , and Ambrose , knit up his answer with these wordes : All these , and other moe holy Fathers , together with the Apoflle S. Paul , for thus saying , by Hardings advice , must be held for heretikes . And Michaell Medina s a man of great accoūt in the Counsell of Trent , more ingenious herein than many other Papists , affirmeth , not onely the former anciēt writers , alleadged by Bishop Iewel , but also an other Ierom , Theodoret , Primasius , Sedulius , and Theophilact , were of the same mind touching this matter with Aerius . With whom agree likewise t Oecumenius , and v Anselmus Arch : B : of Canterbury , and an x other Ansel mus , and y Gregorie , and z Gratian , and after them how many ? It being once inrolled in the Canon law for sound , and Catholike doctriue , and therupon publikly taught by a learned men ; All which doe beare witnes against D. Bācroft , of the poynt in question , that it was not condemned for an Heresie by the generall consent of the whole Church : For if he should reply , that these later witnesses did liue a 1000. yeares after Christ , and therfore touch not him who b said , it was condemned so in the time of S. Austen , and of c Epiphanius , the most florishing time of the Church that ever happēed since the Apostles dayes , either in respect of learnīg , or of zeale , first they , whom I named , though living in a latter time , yet are witnesses of the former . Oecumenius the Greek scholiast treading in the stepps of the old greek Fathers , and the two Anselmes , with Gregory , and Gratian , expressing S. Ieromes sentence word by word . Besides that , perhaps it is not very likely that Anselmus of Canterbury should haue beene Canonized by the Pope of Rome , and worshipped for a Saint ; that the other Anselmus , & Gregory , should haue such place in the Popes library , and be esteemed of as they are ; that Gratians works should be allowed so long time by so many Popes for the golden foūdation of the Canon law , if they had taught that for Catholike , and sound , which by the generall consent of the whole Church , in the most flourishing time that ever happened since the Apostles dayes , was condemned for heresie : cheifely in a matter of such waight , and moment , to the Popes supremacy ; which as they doe claime over all Bishops by the ordināce of God , so must they allow to Bishopps over Preists by the same ordinance , as they saw at length : and therefore haue not only decreed it now in the e Counsell of Trent , but also in f the new edition of their Canō law haue set down this note , that on Hughes Glosse allowed by the Archdeacon ( saying , that Bishops haue differed from Preists alwayes as they doe now in Governement , and Prelatship , and offices , and Sacraments , but not in the name and Title of Bishop , which was common to them both ) must be held hereafter for S. Ieroms meaning : at least for the meaning of the Canon taken out of S. Ierom , though his words be flat & playne against this glosse , as Bellarmine g himselfe confesseth . Wherto may be added , that they also who hauelaboured about the reforming of the Church these 500 yeares , haue taught that all Pastors , be they intituled Bishops , or Preists , haue equall authority and power by Gods word . First the h Waldenses , next i Marsilius Patavinus : then k Wickliffe and his schollers ; afterward l Husse , and the Hussites : last of all m Luther , n Calvinc , o Brentius , p Bullinger , q Musculus and other , who might be reckoned perticulerly in great number , sith as here with us both r Bishops ; and the Queenes s Professors of Divinity in our Vniversities , and t other learned men do cōsent therein : so in forreine Nations all whō I haue read treating of this matter , and many moe , ( no doubt ) whom I haue not read . The sifting and examyning of the Trent Counsell hath been udertaken by only two , which I haue seene , the one a divine , the other a lawier , v Kemnisius , and Gentilletus ; they both condēne the contrary doctrine thereunto , as a Trent error ; the one by scriptures , and Fathers ; the other by the Canon law . But what doe I further speake of several persons ? It it the cōmon judgment of the Reformed Churches of Helveti a , Savoy , France , Scotlād , Germany , Hungary , Polony , the Lowe Coūtries , & our owne , witnes the y Harmony of Confessions . Wherefore sith D. Bancroft ( I assure my selfe ) will not say that all these haue approved that as sound & Christian doctrine , which by the generall consent of the whole Church , in a most florishing time , was condemned for heresie : I hope he will acknowledg , that he was overseene , in that he avou ched , the Superiority which Bishops haue among vs over the Cleargie to be of Gods owne ordināce . And thus farr of the former poynt of D. Bancroft Sermon . The latter is , concerning that he af : firmeth , that S. Ierom z saith , & M. Calvin seemeth on his report , to confesse that Bishops haue had the said superi : ority ever since the time of S. Marke the Evangelist . Of the which poynt I thinke as of the former ; sith neither Ie : rom saith it , neither doth Calvin seeme to confesse it on his report . For Bishops among us , besids ordeyning , & laying on of handes , may doe sondry other thinges , which inferior Ministers , or Preists ( as D. Bācroft termeth thē ) may not ; But a Ierom , after mention of the superiority allotted to Bishops since S. Marks time , what doth a Bishop ( saith he ) except ordination , which a Preist doth not ? Meaning , & in forcing by this kind of speach , as a thing most evident , & such as no man could deny , that Bishops had , that onely power aboue Preists then , which b Chrysostome also witnesseth . Though neither had they it alone in all places , as it is apparant by a c Counsell of Carthage , shewing their Churches order ; that the Preists layd their hands together with the Bishop on those who were ordeyned . Yet Ierom having proved by testimony of scripture , that in the Apostles tymes Bishops , and Preists were all one , even in the right d of this too , grāteth that afterwardes Bishops had that peculier unto themselues some where , but nothing else saue it . S. Ierom therfore saith not of that superiority whereof the question is , that Bishops haue had it ever since S. Marks time . No more doth M. Calvin seeme to confesse it upon his report . For Calvin ( in the same e place that D. Bancroft quoteth ) shewing how in old time the Ministers that had charge to teach chose of their company one in every Citie , to whom they did especially giue the title of Bishop ; least equality should breed dissention , yet ( saith he ) the Bishop was not aboue them in ho nor and dignity , that he had rule over them , but looke what is the Consuls duety in the Senate . to propose matters , to aske their opinions , to direct others by giving them advise , by admonishing , by exhorting , to guide the whole action by his authority , and see that performed which was agreed upon by their common consent , that charge had the Bishop in the assembly of Ministers . And having declared , that S. Ierom sheweth this to haue ben brought in by the consent of men vpon the first of Titus , he addeth that the same S. Ierom other where sheweth , how ancient an order of the Church it was , even from S. Marks time to Hereclas , and Dionysius at Alexandria . In which words of Calvin , seeing that the order of the Church he mentioneth , hath evident relation to that before described , and that in the describing of it , he had sayd , the Bishop was not so aboue the rest in honor , that he had rule over them : It followeth that M. Calvin doth not so much as seeme to confesse of Ieroms reporte , that ever since S. Marks time Bishops haue had a ruling superiority over the Cleargie . Wherefore to use no more profes in a thing manifest , which else might easily be proved more at large out of S. Ierom , and M. Calvin both : It is certaine , that nether of them doth affirme , that Bishops so long time haue had such superiority as D. Bancroft seemeth to father vpon them . Thus haue I signified mine opinion of the points that your Honor specified in D. Bancrofts Sermon . Which yet if he , or any doe proue , that I haue erred in , or take him otherwise thā I ought , I shall be very willing by Gods grace , to correct : remembring the Apostles lesson , that The spirits of the Prophets are subiect to the Prophets . 19. Sept : 1598. SIR FRANCIS KNOLLIS HIS SPEACH IN PARLIAment , related by himselfe to the late worthy Lo : Treasurer Sir William Cicil. To the end I may informe your Lordship of my dealing in this Parliamēt time , a gaīst the undue claīed superiority of the Bb. over their inferiour brethren . Thus it was : Because I was in the Parliament , in the 25 yeare of King Henry the 8. In which time , First all the Cleargie , as well Bishops , as others , made an humble submission to King Henry 8. acknowledging his Supremacie , and detesting the vsurpation of the Bishop of Romes authority : Vpon which submission of the Cleargie the King gaue unto the sayd Bishops , the same ample rule that before they had under the Pope , over their inferiour brethren ; saving that the same rule was abridged by statute by this parenthesis following , that is to say ( without offending the prerogatiue Royall of the Crowne of England , and the lawes , & customes of the Realme ) In the latter end of the statute it was added , That whofoever offendeth in any one parte of that statute , and their aiders , counsellors , and abettours , they did all fall into the penaltie of the Premunire . And after I had recited the statute in the Parliament house , I declared that in K. Henry 8. his dayes , after this , there was no Bishop that did practise superiority over their inferiour brethren . And in King Edwards dayes , the sayd Bishops obteyned a statute , whereby they were authorized to keep their Courtes in the Kings name . The which statute was repealed in Q. Maries dayes , and is not revived in her Maiesties time that now is : Wherupon it was doubtfull to me , by what authority the Bishops doe keep their Courtes now in their owne names Because it is against the prerogatiue of the Crowne of England , that any shou'd keep a Courte without a sufficiēt warrant frō the Crowne . Whereupon I was answered , that the Bishops doe keep their Courtes now by prescription ; and it is true , that the Bishops may prescribe that K : Henry 8. gaue them authority , by the Statute of the 25 of his reigne , to haue authority & rule over their inferiour brethren , as ample as they had in the Popes time : But this was no special warrāt for thē to keep their courts by & that in their owne names . And yet they haue no other warrant to keep their courts ( as they do now in their owne names ) to my knowledge . And this was the cause that made them obteyne a statute in King Edwards dayes , to keep their courtes by , in the Kings name . Now it is a straunge allegation , that the Bishops should claime authority at this present , to keep Courtes in their owne names ( as they doe ) by prescription ; Because the statute of 25. H. 8. doth restreigne them generally from offending of the prerogatiue royall of the Crowne of England , and the lawes and customes of the Realme . And no man may iustly keep a court without a speciall warrant from the Crowne of Englād , as is a foresayd . And the generall liberty given by King Hen. 8. to the Bishops to rule and governe , as they did in the Popes time , is no sufficient warrant to the Bishops to keep their Courtes in their owne names by prescription , as I take it . And therefore the Bishops had done wisely , if they had sought a warrant by statute to keep their Courtes in the Queenes name , as the Bishops did in king Edwardes dayes . In which time Cranmer did cause Peter Martyr , and Bucer , to come over into the Realme to be placed in the two Vniverfities , for the better instruction of the Vniversities in the word of God. And B : Cranmer did humbly prefer these learned men , without any challenge to himselfe of any superiour rule , in this behalfe over his inferiour brethren . And the time hath been ; that no man Could cary away any graunt from the Crowne of England by generall wordes ; but he must haue speciall wordes to cary the same by . Therefore how the Bishops are warranted to cary away the keeping of their Courts in their owne names by prescription , it passeth my understanding . Moreover , whereas your Lordship sayd vnto me , that the Bishops haue for saken their claime of superiority over their inferiour brethren ( lately ) to be by Gods ordinance , & that ( now ) they do only claime superioritie from Her Maiestie Supreame Governement : if this be true , then it is requisite , and necessary that my L : of Caunter bury that now is , do recant , and retract his saying in his booke of the great volume against M. Cartwright , where he saith in playne words ( by the name of Doct. Whitgift ) That the superiority of Bishopps is Gods owne institution . Which saying doth impugne Her Maiesties supreame government directly , and therefore it is to bere tracted and truely . For Christ plainely & truely confesseth , Ioh : 18. 36. That his kingdom is not of this world . And ther fore he gaue no worldly rule , or preheminence to his Apostles , but the heavenly rule , which was to Preach the Gospell , saying , Ite , praedicate in omnem mundum ; quicunpue crediderit , et baptizatus fuerit , falvus erit : qui non crediderit , condemnabitur . Go , and Preach in all the world ; whosoever shall beleiue , & be baptized , shal be saved : But he that will not beleiue , shall be condemned . Mark 16. 15. 16. But the Bishops doe crie out saying , That Cartwright , and his fel : lowes would haue no Governement , etc. So ( belike ) the Bishops care for no governmēt , but for worldly , and forcible governement over their brethren , the which Christ ne : ver gaue to his Disciples , nor Apostles , but made thē subiect to the rule of Princes , who ought not to be resisted , saving that they might answer unto Princes , That they must rather obey God , than men . Act. 5. 29. and yet in no wise to resist the Prince , but to take up the crosse & follow Christ. To the Reader . IF this Honorable man were now aliue , he would wonder more than ever he did , at the resolutenes of our Bishops . In holding their Courtes in their owne names . For bv M. Yelvertons speach ; at a committee of both houses , in the second Session of this Parliament it was made so playne , that the Bishops were in the Kings mercy , for having seales of jurisdiction bearing their owne , and not the Kings armes , and holding Courtes in their owne names , and not the Kings , that S. Iohn Popham then Lord cheife Iustice of England , and S. Edward Cooke then the Kings Atturney generall , acknowledged the same to be true . The reason was this : In the first Session of this Parliament cap. 25. that Statute of Q. Mary , which this worthy Counsailour of State mentioneth , is repealed . By which repeale the Statute of Edw. 6. likewise by him mentioned is restored to life . But more hereof ( perhappes ) hereafter : In meane while , Quaere . Whether those subjectes which haue taken the oath of supremacy be not forsworne : If being cited by a processe which hath the seale of a Bishop , & not of the King , they appeare to the Ordinaries Court held in the Bishops name , and not the Kings . Seeing such a processe , and Court so held be ( by that Statute of Ed. 6. now in force ) sayd to be against the Kings prerogatiue , & therefore both must be by none other than forreigne power . If so , Quaere 2. VVhether his Majesties subiects being so cited to such a Court , be bound ( in law ) to make their appearance . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A04026-e170 Ierm 36. 26 1 Peter 2. 13 14. 1 king 22 , 7 , Iudg. 6. 31. Notes for div A04026-e700 Exod. 25 Hebrew ● , 5 Heb , 12 25 28 , 29. Isai 49. 23. Psalm 100. 3 Thes , 2. 8 , 2. Kin , 16 , 34 Act. 20 ▪ 17. 28. Phil. 1 : 1 , 1. Tim , 3 : 1. 2 Titus 1 , 5. 7 1 , Pet 5. 1 : 2 1 : Sam , 5 , 2 , 3. 4 2. Kin ; 16. 10 2 , Chro : 29. 16 18 , 19. Can , 1 , 3. Math , 17 : 5. Iohn 10 , 3. 4 29 , Notes for div A04026-e1720 Iames 1. 20 : Isai , 61 : 1. Iames 1. 17. Psalm , 43 , 3. Notes for div A04026-e5030 Psalm 103. 4 Isai 9. 2 Zach. 11. 7 Plal , 122 , 7 Iob. 1 , 19 , Gal. 3. 1 , 3. Heb , 12. 1 : Eph ; 1. 17 Col , 1. 11. Philip , 2. 2 Heb , 13 , 21. Notes for div A04026-e7990 a Deut , 33 9 b pag 18. c pag 19. d pag 69 e Act , 23. 8. f 1 Tim. 6. 3 Titus 3. 10. 2 : Peter 1. 19 & 21. g The defence of the Apologie part 1. & 7. devision 2 answ . to the Rhem. Titus 3. 10 h pag 18. i p. 19. & 69 k Tom 1. cont . 5. lib. 1 ca : 15. l Heresy 15. m in epist ad Titum 1 et Epist 85. ad Evagrium : n cap ; 53. o In Argu. pre fix : lib. 3 Tom : 2 p de heref . ad quodvnit deū in prefatione q Epist. 19 r def . of the Apol. part 2 ca , 9 , divis . 1 page 198 , s De sacrif . hom , orig , et con●●● , lib , 1 , ca , 5 : t in 1 , Tim : ● v in Epist , ad Tirum . x Collect. can . li. 7. ca , 87. e● 1●7 y Poliear , li. 2 Tit , 19. et 39. z ca ; legimus , dist 39 ca ; olimp ; dill . 95. a Author gloss , in ca , dist , citat , ho doricus caol Ave : lat . in concil Basil. Daaren . de sacra Eccle mimst , lib 1 cap 7 b page 19 c page 69 e ●ess : 23 : c. 4 Can , 6 & 7 f anot . marg ad cap , legimus dist . 43. g Tom. 1 Contro 5 lib 1 cap h Aeneas Silvius histo Bohem cap 35 et Pigh hierarch ecclef ▪ lib. 2. ca 10. i Defens pacis part 2 ca 15 k Tho Walden Doct , fidei Tom 1 lib 2 cap 60 et Tom 2 cap ●7 l Aeneas Sil vius loco citato . m adversus falso nominat ordin epist et adver . Papat Rom n in epist ad Philip 1 et Titus 1 o Apol , Consest Wittenb cap 21 p Decad. 5 serm 3 q Loc. Com. T it de minist verbi . r Iewell lo●●citat . et Pilkington in the Trearise of burning Paules Church . s D Humphrey in Cāp . et in Duraeū : Iesuitas-part 2 , rat : 3 & D Whit ad rat . Cāpiani , 6. et Confuta , Duraei Iesuitae lib 6 t M Braford , Lambert & others M : Fox Acts &c D Fulke against Bristow , motiue . 40 & Answer to the Remists Tit : 1. 5. v v part 2 : x ) lib , 4 y Harmony sect , 11 in Helvet , post Galia Belgia Anglia &c , z pa. 14 & 69 a Epist. ad Evagrum , b Hom , 11 in 1 Tim. c Concil . 4 Ca● , 3 d In 1 Tim , 4 : 14 : e In I nstit , lib. 4 : cap , 4. sect , 2 f ) 1 : Cor : 14 : 3● : 
A32851	----	The apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated by Will. Chillingworth ... Chillingworth, William, 1602-1644. 1664 Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32851 Wing C3884A ESTC R20665 15586544 ocm 15586544 103987 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32851) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103987) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1589:2) The apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated by Will. Chillingworth ... Chillingworth, William, 1602-1644. [2], 5 p. Printed by E. Cotes ..., London : M.DC.LXIV [1664] Imperfect: faded and stained with loss of print; text begins on signature Aaa. Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Church polity. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-10 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Apostolical Institution OF EPISCOPACY DEMONSTRATED . BY WILL. CHILLINGWORTH Master of Arts of the UNIVERSITY of OXFORD . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes dwelling in Aldersgate-street . Anno Dom. M.DC.LXIV . THE Apostolical Institution OF EPISCOPACY DEMONSTRATED . SECT . I. IF we abstract from Episcopal Government all accidentals , and consider only what is essential and necessary to it ; we shall finde in it no more but this : An appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the Churches , within a certain Precinct or Diocess ; and furnishing him with authority ( not absolute or arbitrary , but regulated and bounded by Laws , and moderated by joyning to him a convenient number of assistants ) to the intent that all the Churches under him may be provided of good and able Pastors : and that both of Pastors and people , conformity to Laws , and performance of their duties may be required , under penalties , not left to discretion , but by Law appointed . SECT . II. To this kind of Government , I am not by any particular interest so devoted , as to think it ought to be maintained , either in opposition to Apostolick Institution ; or to the much desired reformation of mens lives , and restauration of Primitive discipline ; or to any Law or Precept of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end ; for Obedience to our Saviour , is the end for which Church-Government is appointed . But if it may be demonstrated ( or made much more probable than the contrary ) as I verily think it may : I. That it is not repugnant to the government setled in and for the Church by the Apostles . II. That it is as complyable with the Reformation of any evill which we desire to reform either in Church or State , or the introduction of any good which we desire to introduce as any other kind of Government : And , III. That there is no Law , no Record of our Saviour against it : Then , I hope , it will not be thought an unreasonable Motion , if we humbly desire those that are in Authority , especially the High Court of Parliament , That it may not be sacrificed to Clamour , or over-born by Violence : and though ( which God forbid ) the greater part of the Multitude should cry , Crucifie , Crucifie ; yet our Governours would be so full of Justice and Courage , as not to give it up , until they perfectly understand concerning Episcopacy it self , Quid mali fecit ? SECT . III. I shall speak at this time only of the first of these three points : That Episcopacy is not repugnant to the Government setled in the Church for perpetuity by the Apostles . Whereof I conceive this which follows is as clear a Demonstration , as any thing of this nature is capable of . That this Government was received universally in the Church , either in the Apostles time , or presently after , is so evident and unquestionable , that the most learned adversaries of this Government do themselves confess it . SECT . IV. Petrus Molinaeus in his Book De munere pastorali , purposely written in defence of the Presbyterial-government , acknowledgeth : That presently after the Apostles times , or even in their time ( as Ecclesiastical story witnesseth ) it was ordained , That in every City one of the Presbytery should be called a Bishop , who should have pre-eminence over his Colleagues ; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality . And truly , this form of Government all Churches every where received . SECT . V. Theodorus Beza in his Tract , De triplici Episcopatûs genere , confesseth in effect the same thing . For , having distinguished Episcopacy into three kinds , Divine , Humane , and Satanical ; and attributing to the second ( which he calls Humane , but we maintain and conceive to be Apostolical ) not only a priority of Order , but a superiority of Power and Authority over other Presbyters , bounded yet by Laws and Canons provided against Tyranny : he clearly professeth that of this kind of Episcopacy , is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of Bishops ( or Presidents , as Iustin Martyr calls them ) in Ignatius , and other more ancient Writers . SECT . VI. Certainly , from * these two great Defenders of the Presbytery , we should never have had this free acknowledgement , ( so prejudicial to their own 〈◊〉 , and so advantagious to their adversaries purpose ) had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth enforced them to it . It will not therefore be necessary , to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the anonymous Author of the Catalogue of Testimonies , for the equality of Bishops and Presbyters , who affirms , That their disparity began long after the Apostles times : But we may safely take for granted that which these two learned Adversaries have confessed ; and see , whether upon this foundation laid by them , we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstructure ; That seeing Episcopal Government is confessedly so Ancient and so Catholique , it cannot with reason be denyed to be Apostolique . SECT . VII . For so great a change , as between Presbyterial Government and Episcopal , could not possibly have prevailed all the world over in a little time . Had Episcopal Government been an aberration from ( or a corruption of ) the Government left in the Churches by the Apostles , it had been very strange , that it should have been received in any one Church so suddainly , or that it should have prevailed in all for many Ages after . Variâsse debuerat error Ecclesiarum : quod autem apud omnes unum est , non est erratum , sed traditum . Had the Churches err'd , they would have varied : What therefore is one and the same amongst all , came not sure by error , but tradition . Thus Tertullian argues very probably , from the consent of the Churches of his time , not long after the Apostles , and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserv'd alteration . But that in the frame and substance of the necessary Government of the Church , a thing alwayes in use and practice , there should be so suddain a change as presently after the Apostles times ; and so universal , as received in all the Churches ; this is clearly impossible . SECT . VIII . For , What universal cause can be assigned or faigned of this universal Apostasie ? You will not imagine that the Apostles , all or any of them , made any decree for this change , when they were living ; or left order for it in any Will or Testament , when they were dying , This were to grant the question ; to wit , That the Apostles , being to leave the Government of the Churches themselves , and either seeing by experience , or foreseeing by the Spirit of God , the distractions and disorders , which would arise from a multitude of equals , substituted Episcopal Government instead of their own . General Councels to make a Law for a general change , for many ages there was none . There was no Christian Emperour , no coercive power over the Church to enforce it . Or , if there had been any , we know no force was equal to the courage of the Christians of those times . Their lives were then at command ( for they had not then learnt to fight for Christ ) but their obedience to any thing against his Law was not to be commanded ( for they had perfectly learn't to die for him . ) Therefore there was no power then to command this change ; or if there had been any , it had been in vain . SECT . IX . What device then shall we study , or to what fountain shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration ? Can it enter into our hearts to think , that all the Presbyters and other Christians then , being the Apostles Schollers , could be generally ignorant of the Will of Christ , touching the necessity of a Presbyterial Government ? Or , dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the World over , as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it ? Imagine the spirit of Di●trephes had entred into some , or a great many of the Presbyters , and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority , was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it once without any opposition or contradiction ? and besides , that the contagion of this ambition , should spread it self and prevail without stop or controul ; nay , without any noise or notice taken of it , through all the Churches in the World ; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep , and all the dogs so dumb , that not so much as one should open his mouth against it ? SECT . X. But let us suppose ( though it be a horrible untruth ) that the Presbyters and people then , were not so good Christians as the Presbyterians are now ; that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of Christ's Church commanded by Christ , which we now are so zealous to restore : yet certainly we must not forget nor deny , that they were men as we are . And if we look upon them but as meer natural men ; yet , knowing by experience , how hard a thing it is , even for Policy arm'd with Power by many attempts and contrivances , and in a long time , to gain upon the liberty of any one people ; undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination , as that , among all the Christian Presbyteries in the World , neither conscience of duty , nor love of liberty , nor aversness from pride and usurpation of others over them , should prevail so much with any one , as to oppose this pretended universal invasion of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the liberty of Christians . SECT . XI . When I shall see therefore all the Fables in the Metamorphosis acted and prove Stories ; when I shall see all the Democracies and Aristocracies in the World lye down and sleep , and awake into Monarchies : then will I begin to believe that Presbyterial Government , having continued in the Church during the Apostles times , should presently after ( against the Apostles doctrine and the will of Christ ) be whirl'd about like a scene in a masque , and transformed into Episcopacy . In the mean time , while these things remain thus incredible , and , in humane reason , impossible , I hope I shall have leave to conclude thus : Episcopal Government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the Church , presently after the Apostles times . Between the Apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . And therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended . And therefore Episcopacy , being confessed to be so Ancient and Catholique , must be granted also to be Apostolique , Quod erat demonstrandum . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A32851-e110 * To whom two others also from Geneva may be added : Daniel Chamierus ( in Panstratia , tom . 2. lib. 10. cap. 6. Sect. 24. ) and Nicol. Vedelius ( Exercitat . 3. in epist. Ignatii ad Philadelph . cap. 14. & Exercit. 8. in Epist. ad Mariam , cap. 3. ) which is fully also demonstrated in D. Hammond's Dissertations against Blondel ( which never were answered , and never will ) by the 〈◊〉 of those who wrote in the very next Age after the Apostles . 
A32888	----	A Christian beleefe concerning bishops This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32888 of text R33290 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C3940). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32888 Wing C3940 ESTC R33290 13119344 ocm 13119344 97815 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32888) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97815) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1547:16) A Christian beleefe concerning bishops Northbrooke, John. Spiritvs est vicarius Christi in terra. 1 broadside. s.n.], [London : 1641. "Partly extracted from John Northbrooke's Spiritvs est vicarius Christie in terra. A breefe and pithie summe of the Christian faith"--NUC pre-1956 imprints. Place of publication suggested by Wing. Creased with slight loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Episcopacy. Bishops. Church polity. Presbyterianism -- Apologetic works. A32888 R33290 (Wing C3940). civilwar no A Christian beleefe, concerning bishops. [no entry] 1641 844 9 0 0 0 0 0 107 F The rate of 107 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Christian Beleefe , concerning BISHOPS . I a Beleeve , b that the Office of a Bishop is a worthy Office , and warrantable by the Word of God , c approved of by the Apostles , d and instituted of God himselfe : e having the Charge of one particular Church , f or Congregation , under each of them , g which they are h set over , i to feede ; k that is , to preach the Gospel to them : l Instructing and m Teaching them , not by the Traditions of the Fathers , n but by the holy Scriptures , o and shewing them good Examples , by leading p unreproovable lives , and q performing such offices of the r Ministeriall Function , as becommeth s such faithfull Guides ; having regard to their t Bishoprick , ( which is the u great Charge of their w Pastorall Office ) x over which they are set . And I y beleeve , that our z Praelaticall Bishops , a who are lifted up to a b Ruling Power , and a c Lording Hierarchie , are d not called of God , nor of e Divine Institution , but f Anti-Christian , g Ethnicall , and h Diabolicall ; and i suffered to be k in the Church , l by the good will and pleasure of Almightie God , as a m punishment for our sinnes , and a token of Gods displeasure : And therefore n the people of God ought to pray , o that they may be cast out of the Church , and onely p Preaching Presbyters may remaine , to q divide the Word of God , and open and r interprete it to the people . And I s beleeve , that the t Temporall Magistrates are appointed of God , to punish sinne u upon all evill doers , whether Clergie , or Laytie ; and the Government of the Church doth pertaine to the w Church , or x Congregation , with the y Laytie , and their z assistance , and not to the sole a Prelates . The Church hath foure Offices . First , To keepe the Canonicall Scriptures . Secondly , To publish the same . Thirdly , To keepe it cleare from the counterfeit Apocrypha , and all ●ounterfeit and corrupt Bookes . Fourthly , To make it the Rule of their Actions . The Churches Authoritie doth consist ●hiefely in foure things . First , To choose and ordaine Ministers , according to the order of the Apostles . Secondly , To teach by lawfull Ministers , so made . Thirdly , To minister the Sacrament by tho●e Ministers , using su●● , time as shall be thought most expedient for the s●me . Fourthly , To examine the Doctrines , whether they be of God , or not ; ●nd that must be done by the Scriptures . John Northbrooke , Preacher of Gods ●ord , Cantabr . Cyprianus ad Cornaelium , Liber primus . Sacerdos Dei Evangelium tenens , & Christà Praecepta custodiens , occidi potest , non pot●st vinci . The faithfull Beleever , that will imitate Christ the High-Priest , in holding the Gospel , and keeping the Commandements , may well be killed , but conquered he cannot be . Printed in the yeere 1641. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A32888e-30 a Acts 8. 13. b 1 Tim. 3. 1. c Phil. 1. 1. d Acts 20. 28. e Revel. 2. 1. f Psal. 68. 26. g 2 Cor. 4. 5. h Acts 20. 28. i Rom. 1. 15. k 2 Tim. 4. 1. l 1 Cor. 2. 16. m Math. 15. 3. n 2 Tim. 3. 15. o 1 Tim. 3. 2. p 2 Cor. 8. 11. q Eze. 44. 13. r Rom. ●● 7. s Isay 51. 18. t Acts 1. 20. u 2 Tim. 4. 1. w Ephes. 4. 11. x Hosea 7. 12. y Acts 27. 25. z 2 Tim. 4. 10. a 1 Tim. 3. 6. b Hosea 4. 18. c 1 Peter 5. 3. d 1 Thess. 5. 24. e 1 Pet. 39. f 2 Thess. 2. 3. g Mark . 10. 42. h 2 Tim. 3. 10. i 1 Tim. 4. 10. k Acts 19. 29. l 2 Thess. 2. 4. m Amos 8. 11. n John 17. 9. o 1 Cor. 15. 24. p 2 Cor. 4. 5. q 1 Cor. 3. 14. r 1 Cor. 14. 5. s John 2. 22. t Rom. 13. 2. u Rom. 13. 1. w 1 Tim. 5. 16. x Psal. 58. 1. y 1 Tim. 5. 19. z Acts 20. 17. a 1 Pet. 5. 3. 
A25400	----	Of episcopacy three epistles of Peter Moulin ... / answered by ... Lancelot Andrews ... ; translated for the benefit of the publike. Responsiones ad Petri Molinaei epistolas tres. English Andrewes, Lancelot, 1555-1626. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A25400 of text R10969 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing A3143). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 115 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A25400 Wing A3143 ESTC R10969 12645159 ocm 12645159 65108 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A25400) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65108) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 340:18) Of episcopacy three epistles of Peter Moulin ... / answered by ... Lancelot Andrews ... ; translated for the benefit of the publike. Responsiones ad Petri Molinaei epistolas tres. English Andrewes, Lancelot, 1555-1626. Du Moulin, Pierre, 1568-1658. [2], 63, [1] p. s.n.], [London : 1647. Translation of: Responsiones ad Petri Molinaei epistolas tres. Place of publication from BM. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Marginal notes. eng Du Moulin, Pierre, 1568-1658. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A25400 R10969 (Wing A3143). civilwar no Of episcopacy. Three epistles of Peter Moulin Doctor and Professor of Divinity. Answered by the Right Reverend Father in God Lancelot Andrew Andrewes, Lancelot 1647 20368 5 245 0 0 0 0 123 F The rate of 123 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Of Episcopacy . THREE EPISTLES OF PETER MOULIN Doctor and Professor of Divinity . Answered By the Right Reverend Father in God Lancelot Andrews , Late Lord Bishop of Winchester . Translated for the benefit of the Publike . S. Clemens in Epist. ad Corinth . 1. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Our Apostles understood by our Lord Iesus Christ , that there would be contention about the name of Episcopacy . Printed in the Yeer . 1647. To the most Reverend Prelate , the Lord Bishop of Winchester , Peter Moulin wisheth all health and happiness . THat Honorable man , your Predecessor , was taken hence , not without great damage both to the Church and Common-wealth . The King lost a most wise Counseller , and the Church a faithfull Pastor ; but I a Patron and a friend ; who , though he was most carefull and desirous of my good yet , oblig'd me more by his Virtues , then his benefits . I have his Letters by me , which he wrote to me when he was sick , and his recovery was almost desperate ; the very sight wherof doth exceedingly afflict me . But yet my grief was not a little eas'd , when I heard that you succeeded in his room , whose learning I long since admir'd , and of whose good affection I had great experience , when I was with you . Indeed , his most judicious Majestie did not stick long upon his choice . You were even then design'd his Successor , in the judgment of all who knew the wisdome of the King . May it , I beseech God , prove happy and fortunate to your self , to the Church , and Kingdom . May He grant you , with increase of Honor , increase of Virtue , and a fresh and lively old age : That his most Gracious Majestie may long enjoy you for his Counseller , and the Church daily reap more and more fruits of your industry and vigilance . I wrote a Book touching the Calling of Pastors , wherin some passages greiv'd the soul of your most wise King , as if they were averse to the Office of Episcopacy . But , indeed , on the other side , our Countrymen complain not a little , that I vndertook the cause of Bishops ; and condemnd Aerius , who , in a matter anciently , and universally receivd , durst oppose himself against the Practise of the Catholik Church . And they take it in ill part , that I said , that it was generally receivd in the Church , even from the first successors of the Apostles , that , among the Presbyters of a City , some one should have the preeminence and be call'd the Bishop , But , though there be many things in my Book , which the King set a dash of his dislike upon , which , as all things els , he observed wisely and with an incredible sharpness of wit , yet , Three things there are , which specially offend Him . The First is , that , I said , that the Names of Bishop and Presbyter are promiscuously taken , in the New Testament , for one and the same . The Second , that , I affirm'd , that there is but one and the same Order of Presbyter , and Bishop . The Third , and that the greatest , is , that I think the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the Priority or Superiority of Bishops , not to be of Divine Right , nor a point of Faith , but to be a thing wherein the Primitive Church vsed her liberty and prudence , when she judged the Preeminence of One to be fitter for the mantaining of Order and conserving of Peace , and that Vnity may well be kept whole and intire between Churches , though they differ upon that point . I confess , these things were wrote by me : which , lest they be drawn to a wrong sense , or be taken in the worser part , take , I pray , breifly my meaning in them . I said , indeed , that the Names of Bishop and Presbyter were taken for all one in the New Testament : But I thought not that the Dignity of the Bishop was less'ned thereby , since I spake only of the Name , not of the Office only : and I have ( beside clear places of Scripture ) the consent not only of Hierom the Presbyter , but also of the most famous Bishops of the Ancient Church , Chrysostom , Ambrose , Theodoret , who took it not as a wrong to them , or that any thing was abated of their honor , if it were beleeved that the Names of Bishop and Presbyter were at first used in the same sense . That the Order , indeed , of Bishop and Presbyter was one and the same , that I said : For so did the Ancient Church ever think ; and the Church of Rome thinks so , to this day : although there be in that Church an incredible difference betwixt the pomp of the Bishops , and the meaness of the Priests . Thence it is that in the Roman Pontifical there is set down the Consecration of Bishops , but not the Ordination of them . Indeed , Order is one thing , a Degree another : for men of one and the same Order may differ in Degree and Dignity ; even as among Bishops the Degree of Archbishops is the more eminent . Howbeit , that this Episcopal Degree and Prerogative is by Ecclesiastical , not by Divine Right , I confess it was said by me . For beside that to speak otherwise then I thought , had not been the part of an vpright honest man , you , according to your wonted goodness , will easily judg , that a French man , living vnder the Polity of the French Church , could not speak otherwise , but he must incur the censure of our Synods , and vnder the danger ( {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) of degrading , be forced to a recantation . For to think that our Churches do err in points of Faith , and in that which is of Divine Right were , questionles , to brand them with the note of Heresy , and to shake the conscience of many weak ones . Truly , I came very vnwillingly to the writing of this Book , but our Church requiring it , and lately enforcing me , for to stop the insolency of our Adversaries , who in this point insult over vs out of all temper , and speak of vs as of so many doltish mushrums , newly sprung out of the earth , and as of a company of base fellows who by force and tumult had got the Pulpit . But , howsoever , I think , I have kept such a temper , that , in defending our own , I have not struck at your government ; nor by immoderate affection to a part have inclined , more then was meet , to either side . Nor did I ever mention the Bishops of England with out due honor . These things I thought fit to write to you , Great Sir , by whom I chiefly desire my papers may be approved . I had sent my Book to you before now , but that I was told by divers you vnderstood not French . Now I send it , because ; since you enjoy a more frequent and neerer presence of His Majestie , I doubt not but He may have some speech with you about it , and use you as an umpire in the cause . And I shal most willingly stand to your iudgment ; well knowing that the most learned are ever the most can did ; and hoping that you wil not lauce too deep whatever may be salved with a fair interpretation . So think of me , as of a man with whom the Authority of Antiquity shal be ever in great esteem ; and who shall think my self sufficiently arm'd against al opposite judgments , if you shal not vtterly disapprove what I have writ . God preserve you , Great Prelate . Farewell . Paris . Nones of Sept. 1618. Your Honors most devoted Peter Moulin . The Bishops Answer . I Had wrote these in the begining of March , and was about to send them presently ; when , lo , the indisposition of the King , in point of health , made me lay them by , and hindred my sending of them . This sickness , contracted first by grief , for the death of his most dear Consort , our most Gracious Queen , and the neglect of all care of his body upon that greif , ended at last in a diseas ; a diseas , indeed , so intricat and doubtfull , that the Physitians themselves were at a stand what the event would be . Wherby I forgat that I wrote , and so omitted to send to you . For all I had to do was to fall to my prayers , with many moe , who were sore perplexed , as then in jeopardy , for a most Gracious King . But God lookd upon us , and restord Him to us , & in Him us to our selves . And now , being returnd to my self , I return to you , what I confess , I have bin too long indebted to you in ; so that , as a bad debtor , I was fain to be calld vpon , by Monsieur Beaulieu , in your name . You will accept of this my too just excuse , kindly , as you are wont ; and promise your self , from me , what good offices one friend can do another . Now concerning your Book . You write that some passages therin greivd the Kings Soul . And no wonder . For his soul is tender , and very sensible of any thing in that kind that bites or stings . For , out of His Piety to God , He makes it not the least of His cares to tender the Peace and Order of His Church here . And therfore , in His great wisdom , He presently discernd , whether these Three points tended . I. The name of Bishop is not distinct from that of Presbyter . II. The Order is not distinct , that is , not the Thing it self . III. And so the whole [ matter ] is not any thing of Divine Right . What could they , who lately made all the stirrs among us , mutter more , possibly ? Then , that 1. the Name is taken confusedly . that 2. the Thing is not distinct . 3. Finally , that it is a Human invention : being setled by man may be unsetled , and so stands or falls at the pleasure of the Commonwealth . These Dictats are too well known to the King : He hath been long usd to them : They have long since on all hands been rounded in His ears . He knows that there are still among us such , as will from your writings presently take a new occasion , perhaps , not to pluck up this Order of ours , that for so many ages hath taken root but , surely , to defame and calumniat it . And this so much the rather , because , at one and the same time , not by agreement , I beleeve , but yet as though vpon a compact , lo , one Bucer , a fellow not hurt , nor medled with by any , in a very unseasonable time , set forth a Book in Latin , as it were , of the same argument . What King , that studies the Peace , not only of His own Church , but , which He desireth , and would purchase at a dear rate , even of the whole Christian world , would not these things trouble ? Wherfore , if the King set a dash of dislike upon those passages , take it not ill : I dare say , He had rather set many asterisks of commendation , then one dash of dislike , specially upon what is your . This , surely , is the Kings mind ; and is ( as it ought to be ) the mind and sense of vs all . Wherin I appeal to your own equity . You were for manteining of Your Churches Government , and the repressing of your adversaries insolency : should you not do it , you should incurr the censure of your Synod , and be forced either to recant , or fear to be degraded . In this We pardon you , and demand the like pardon from you ; that it may be lawfull for us also to defend our Government , as becometh upright honest men . For we likewise have froward adversaries ; and there are consciences , too , among us , which we may not suffer to be shaken or undermind , as though they liv'd under another form of Church Government , then was from the begining , even from the very times of the Apostles . And we are ready , if need be , and occasion shall serve , to make this good to the whole Church . How I wish therfore , that you had not so much as touchd upon our Church Government . For who put you upon it ? You might have turnd your weapons against those enemys ( you speak of ) and never have jerkt at vs . There 's no such complication of ours with yours , but that you might easily have pass'd by ours with silence , And A faithfull silence hath its sure reward . Or , if you were so set upon it , that you must needs be intermedling with Ours , how I wish you had first imparted your mind to the King : and , whilst the coast was cleer , had seasonably taken His advice in that you had to say of His affairs : ( for Ours He accounts His . ) You your self know ( and , indeed , who knows not since He hath wrote so much , so admirably ? ) that , as He is most able in respect of his other endowments of Wit and Learning , so also , in respect of his acuteness and solidity of judgment , he is equal to the best , or rather goes before them . No man living hath in our Churches affairs a clearer insight , a readier dispatch , then he . He himself , in any point , but specially in what concerns his own Church could have answerd you best : and have set you the bounds , so far to go , but not beyond . Wherfore , if hereafter you shall go about any thing in the like kind , pray remember this my advice , which proceeds from a very good will to you ; I knowing that the King is well affected to you ; that he hath deserved well of you , ( nor will you deny it , ) and , I hope , will for the future deserve better . Concerning those Three points , if you demand ( as you do ) what I think , I shall give you here this ingenuous answer ; That the Names of Bishop and Presbyter are taken promiscuously in Holy Scriptures : that at first , there was not so great force in the Words , I shal easily grant you . Nor did his Majestie regard so much , what you said , as to what purpose ; as what others would catch from thence ; who , both in other parts , & here among us , too , are not rightly affected to this our order : that these things were spoke to this purpose , as if the Names being promiscuous , the Things themselves were so also . For to what end is it , of what concernment , to speak of Words taken confusedly , when the Things are distinct . No man , lightly , carps at the Name , but he that wisheth not very well to the Thing also . 1. And yet nothing here hath befallen Bishops , which hath not befallen those other Orders also . For , in those very places , in those very Authors whom you name , it is said in like manner also of Deacons . a Even a Bishop is called a Deacon : wherupon S. Paul , writing to Timothy , said to him , though a Bishop , Fullfill thy Deaconry . From thence you may gather , that the Names of Bishop and Deacon are taken for the same . Nay , the very Apostles themselves call themselves sometimes Presbyters , sometimes Deacons , and so their whole Office a Deaconry ; and yet is not Deacon or Presbyter the same that Apostle . Why therfore did you not add that too , that it might appear that the other suffered as much as Bishops : and that , in the begining , not only the names of Bishops , but of other Orders also were taken , in like manner , promiscuously ; wheras the Things , the Offices themselves were distinct . 2. Wheras , then , in those very places , where the Fathers speak so , [ That then they communicated in Names ] they presently apply a remedy , and give this item , that the Things themselves are otherwise . And instantly add [ Afterward the proper name was given to each ; of Bishop to a Bishop , of Presbyter to a Presbyter . ] By the rule of speech then , who would urge the common name , when the proper had taken place ? For no body would now call a King , a Tyrant ; or a Souldier , [ Latronem ] as of old they were wont , a Robber : neither , sure , would they call a Presbyter , a Bishop ; as when S. Hierom wrote , had he called himself Bishop , and S. Augustine Presbyter , you know , he would have been laughed at for his pains . 3. Add further , that in those very places wherin the Fathers speak so , before they speak , they are forced [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] to object by way of exception concerning the use of names , and to premise some what that should put the thing out of question . S. Chrysostom ; What meaneth this ? were there then more Bishops of one & the same city ? by no means . No , not then when S. Paul wrote . Theodoret ; It could not be , that many Bishops should be Pastors of one City . S. Hierom ; There could not be many Bishops in one City . S. Ambrose ; God appointed several Bishops over several Citys . So that they do cleerly shew , the Offices were then distinct , when they make the inference touching the name . I collect then ; how ere it was for the names , at first ; Be it they then neglected the Propriety of speech , yet that even then , there was but one Bishop , but one Pastor in one City . And this holdeth among us , even at this day ; but doth it so among you ? Thus if you had prefacd touching the Thing it self , and had afterward inferr'd touching the names , ( though to what end is it to make any stir about the name , when we are agreed on the thing ? ) that they were ( a little while ) taken one for another ; and had not spoken so loosly concerning the promiscuous use of the names , his Majestie would not , I beleeve , have set his dash of dislike upon that passage . The next is touching the Order . Where , I pray , consider , whether they be to be called One and the same Order , whose Offices are not one and the same . But that they are not the same Offices , even they who less favour the Episcopal Order do confess , in that they ever except Ordination . Again , whether they be to be called One and the same Order , wherin there is not One and the same , but a new and distinct Imposition of hands . For , that in all Antiquity there was Imposition of hands upon Bishops , no man , I think , will deny . And , whether the Antient Church were of this opinion , let Isidore be the witness , who b in plain words calls it the Order of Bishoprick . To the Schole , indeed , if you referr it , they do not agree among themselves . Your Altisiodorensis , our Major , and others are for the distinction of the Order . But they who are most against it , though they will not grant it a Sacrament of Orders ( the whole force wherof they bound within the Eucharist ) yet an Order they grant , since an Order is nothing else , but a Power to a special Act , ( as , namely , to Ordain , ) which is competible to Bishops only . For what a thing were this , if that , from whence Ordination , and so all other Orders proceed , should it self not be an Order ? For we pass not for the Church of Rome , or the Pontifical . If they please themselves with the name of Consecration , let them enjoy it . Even the Church of Rome it self did anciently speak otherwise . For instance ; The Church of Rome , ( saith Tertullian c ) gives out that Clement was ordained by S. Peter . Otherwise also the Fathers , ( even they , whom you allege , ) even S. Hierom , d who affirms , that S. Iames , the brother of our Lord , was presently after the Passion of our Saviour ordained Bishop . And of Timothy ; e Timothy had the gift of Prophecy , together with his Ordination to Episcopacy . S. Ambrose ; f For unlawfull it was , and might not be , that the Inferior should ordain the superior ; ( to wit , a Presbyter a Bishop . ) S. Chrysostom ; g For Presbyters could not have ordained the Bishop . For the Latin word , Ordination , is agreable to the Greek , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , and is often rendred by it : nor is any word more frequent , where mention is of making Bishops , then that of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Theodoret ; h Titus was ordained by S. Paul Bishop of Creet . But , you say , an Order is one thing , a Degree another . Yet you know that , in Holy Scriptures , these words are taken one for another , no less then those of Bishop and Presbyter : where the Deaconry is called , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a Degree ; i which , notwithstanding , you will not , I know , deny to be an Order . You know also that it is so among the Fathers ; among whom you may often read that a Deacon , or Presbyter may , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , fall from his Degree , and be degraded , no less then a Bishop . Indeed , every Order is a Degree ; but not every Degree an Order . But both are in Episcopacy ; though in one respect an Order , in another a Degree . A Degree , as it hath a superiority even without any power ; an Order , as it hath a power to a special act . For , were it a Degree only , it had been enough to have used the word [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] the superlative , which denotes a Degree superior to that of [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] Presbyter , the Comparative , neither would there have been need to fetch in a new word [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] a Bishop , meerly to design a Degree . For as touching Archbishops t is quite another reason : They are not indued with a power to any special act : For even they , if they were not Bishops before , receive their Ordination from Bishops : And , as they are Archbishops , they are not necessary to the Ordination of Bishops : for , by the Fourth Canon of the Council of Nice , Three Bishops together have power to ordain a Bishop . But we very well know , that the Apostles , and the Seventy two Disciples were Two Orders , and those distinct . And this , likewise , we know , that every where among the Fathers , Bishops and Presbyters are taken to be after their example : That Bishops succeeded the Apostles ; and Presbyters the Seventy two . That these Two Orders were by our Lord appointed in those two . Cyprian ; k Deacons must remember that our Lord chose the Apostles , that is , Bishops and Prelates : But the Apostles , after the Ascension of our Lord appointed Deacons for themselves , as Ministers of their Episcopacy , and of the Church . Nay , S. Hierom ; l With us Bishops hold the place of the Apostles . All [ Bishops ] are successors of the Apostles . And that is a famous place in him ; in him ; and S. Augustine , too , upon the 44. Psalm . In stead of thy Fathers thou shalt have children : i.e. in stead of Apostles , Bishops . S. Ambros , in 1. Corinth . 12. 28. God hath set in the Church [ Caput Apostolos ] first Apostles . Now the Apostles are Bishops : the Apostle S. Peter giving us assurance of it ; And his Bishoprick let another take . And a little after . Are all Apostles ? He saith right : for in one Church but one Bishop . And in Ephes. 4. The Apostles are the Bishops . From hence we have a fair passage to the last point : Whether this Order be by Divine Right . Very glad I was to hear it from you , That the Authority of Antiquity should be ever in great esteem with you . I love you for that word : Nor will it be the least of your praises , if your deeds make your words good . For my part it hath been my opinion ever , I was ever of that mind . But , or I am deceiv'd in the whole story of Antiquity , or the Apostolical men , i. e. the Disciples of the Apostles , or ( as Eusebius calls them ) {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , they that conversed with them , both they who are not mentioned in Holy Scripture ( as Polycarpus and Ignatius , ) and they who are expresly mentioned ( as Timothy , Titus , Clemens , ) were Bishops , while the Apostles were alive ; and were constituted and ordained by the Apostles themselves . (a) Polycarp by S. John . (b) Clemens by S. Peter . (c) Titus and (d) Timothy by S. Paul . I give you these witnesses . Concerning Polycarp : (e) Irenaeus ; (f) Tertullian ; (g) Eusebius ; (h) Hierom. Concerning Ignatius : (i) Eusebius and (k) Hierom. Concerning Timothy : (l) Eusebius , (m) Hierom , (n) Ambrose , (o) Chrysostom , (p) Epiphanius . Concerning Titus ; (q) Eusebius , (r) Ambrose , (s) Theodoret . Concerning Clement : (t) Tertullian , (u) Eusebius , (x) Hierom. Not to speak of (y) Linus , ( z ) Dionysius , (a) Onesimus , (b) Epaphroditus , (c) Caius , (d) Archippus ; concerning whom we have the like testimonies of the Fathers . And not of these alone : even S. Mark the Evangelist , and that while the Apostles lived , who saw it ; for S. Mark dyed in the (e) Eighth year of Nero , full Five years before S. Peter and S. Paul were crown'd with martyrdom . And not He alone , S. Iames also the Apostle . Witness for S. Mark , (f) Hierom : for S. Iames , (g) Eusebius ( out of Clement and Hegesippus ) (h) Hierome . (i) Chrysostom . (k) Ambrose (l) Epiphanius . (m) Augustine . Could any then take it ill , that you said , That Episcopacy was received , in the Church , from the very next times to the Apostles ? you said too little : you might have said more , and , if you had , Antiquity would have born you out ; that it was received from the Apostles themselves : and that they , the Apostles themselves , were constituted in the Episcopal Order . There was nothing in that passage of yours that any could be offended with , unless , haply , that in stead of [ was called the Bishop ] you should have said , was the Bishop . For we do not contend , about the Name ; all the controversy is about the Thing . This was done , or we must give one general dash through all the Ecclesiastical Historians . And when was it done ? After the Ascension of our Lord : saith Eusebius . (n) Presently upon the Passion of our Lord ; so S. Hierom. (o) Done , by whom ? They were placed in the Office of Episcopacy by the Apostles ; (p) Tertullian . By the Apostles ; so Epiphanius . By the Ministers of our Lord ; so (q) Eusebius , Ordeined by the Apostles ; so (r) S. Hierom. Constituted by the Apostles ; (s) so S. Ambrose . Will any man then deny , that S. Iames , S. Mark , Titus , Clemens , were Bishops by Apostolical Right ? Was any thing done by the Apostles , which was not by Apostolical Right ? By Apostolical , i. e. as I interpret it , by Divine . For nothing was done by the Apostles , that the Holy Ghost , the Divine Spirit did not dictate to them . Sure ( if by the Apostles ) by the same Right , which those Seven were by , Acts. 6. whom , I am sure , you your self will grant to be by Divine Right : Deacons the Holy Scripture doth no where call them ; that is only a word of the Church . I hope , what the Apostles did , they did by Divine Right : and that it cannot be denyed , but their Deeds ( of which we are certain ) not only their Words , or Writings , are of Divine Right . And not only those things of which S. Paul wrote to the Corinthians , (t) but those other also which He set in order at His being at Corinth , ( if they were known to us what they were , ) were by the same right to wit , by Divine , all of them ; both these and they from the Holy Spirit , all . And yet , though they be by Divine Right , we do not say these things belong to Faith . They belong to the Agenda or Practice of the Church ; to the Credenda , or points of Faith , t is but improper to refer them . T is very strange therfore which you say , That your Countrymen openly complain of you , both that you vndertook the cause of Bishops ; bylike , your Country-men are enemies to Bishops ; would not have their cause pleaded , but are desirous it should be lost : as also , that you condemned Aerius , who was antiently condemned in Asia by Epiphanius ; in Europe by Philastrius ; in Africa , by S. Augustine ; whose name , all the world over , is in the Black-Book of Hereticks ; nor undeservedly , seeing , He durst oppose himself ( as you your self confess ) to the Consent and Practice of the Catholik Church . You should rather complain of them , who for this complain of you . As for that where you would not have your papers to be ript up to the quick , I know no body here that doth it . Should any , he would have somewhat to stick upon in the very Title ; take which word you will , that of Pastor , or that of Calling . They are both novelties ; the word Pastor , ( I 'm sure , in this sense , ) and Calling , too ; and not of any Age , but this last , nor of all that . For , I pray , who of the Antients ever spake so ? among whom you shall scarce find the word Pastor used , but when they speak of Bishops : which form of speech S. Peter taught them , when he joined Pastor and Bishop in our Saviour . Nor shall you ever read , that they , by that word , pointed out such as , either in City or Country , had the care of some few persons distinguished by Parishes : For that the Presbyters ( Vrban , or Rural ) were by the Bishop designed to that imployment . Who , indeed , at the begining , were of the Bishops family , and did live , as you very well know , of the Sportula [ i. e. of the Oblations of the Church ] before the distinction of Parishes came up . And the word Calling ( in the sense you take it ) is altogether as unknown . In stead whereof they used the words Ordination or Constitution . And the very name of Minister is of the same stamp : which they would never have understood to be spoken of any but a Deacon : as it is derived , indeed , from , no other fountain but , the Greek , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} But we must pardon you : you must speak the language of your Church , which hath no Bishops ; another kind of Presbyters , [ Elders they call them , ] another kind of Deacons ; and , I add , another kind of Calling , then ever the Antient Church acknowledged . I , for my part , in my best wishes for your Church , and so for all the Reformed do wish this , ( that you may keep constant in the other points of Faith , but for Government and Order that God would vouchsafe to you no other but that which He hath vouchsafed Vs , i. e. by Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons . Such as those we read of in the Histories of the Church , and in the Councils , and the Antient Fathers : unto whom ( or self-conceit shrewdly deceives me , or ) most like are Our : most like , I say , in their Order , not in their Worth ; but would to God in their Worth also . And that no Policy , no form of Government in any Church whatsoever cometh neerer the sense of scripture , or the manner and usage of the Antient Church , then this which flourisheth among us . These I intrust to you , that , if you please , they may be with you . But know withall , that I have ever been , both by Nature and Choice , addicted to Peace . And my Age now requires it of me , who ere long must be packing : but cheifly living under a King , whose Word is that of our Saviour ; Blessed are the Peacemakers . And , I assure you , I shall never incline to any immoderate or harsh counsels : but shall qualifie , as much as I may , your writings , with a fair interpretation . For neither can we bragg of our happiness , more then antiently S. Augustine did , whose saying it was ; What we teach is one thing ; what we are fain to tolerate , another . To the most Reverend Father , the Lord Bishop of Winchester . MOst Reverend Prelate . I sent unto you my Book concerning the Calling of Pastors : and with it some Letters , wherin I endevour'd to satisfie you touching some points , wherin I seem'd to your most Gracious King too ill affected to the Order of Episcopacy . Which Letters if you have received , I doubt not but you will judge of me , as of a man who both thinketh and speaketh honorably of your Order . I am not so proudly arrogant as to oppose my self to all Antiquity ; and to reject that as a thing faulty and wicked , which hath been received in the Church from the very next Age to the Apostles . I was ever of this mind , that concord might be kept whole and intire between Churches , living howere under a different form of Ecclesiastical Government : so that Christ be preached , as he is set forth in the Gospel , & the Christian Faith remain safe and sound . But , among the rest of your Order , I ever highlyest esteemed you , for many causes , which I had rather acquaint others , then yourself withall . As a witness of which my affection I send you this new Book , which the command of the Church , whom I serve , and the impudent insulting of a Court-Iesuite forced from me . I desire that you would be a means to pacifie the Kings anger against me : That He would consider with Himself , and weigh it in an equal ballance , that there can be no place , in the French Church , for a Pastor that should teach the Primacy of Bishops to be of Divine Right ; without which there could be no salvation ; without which the Church could not stand . To affirm this , were , nothing els but , to damn all our Churches to the pit of Hell , & to pronounce the sentence of condemnation upon my own Flock . Which should I do , you your self would account me a sensless ungracious fellow , and worthy to be spit upon by all . But enough of this : For an overlabored Defence , specially to an understanding man , and in a clear and manifest point , is altogether needless . God preserve you , and prosper your endeavours , that they may redound to the edification of the Church . Farewell . Paris . XVI . Calends of Decemb. 1618. Your Honors most devoted Peter Moulin . The Bishops Answer to the Second Epistle . THe Post was not yet gone , he staied here a day or two , but he had these letters , here inclosed , sealed up as they are ; when , lo , I received your Second , by the hands of S. William Beecher , Agent for the King , lately come from you . I presently recalled my former , yet opened them not , but , as they were , inclosed them in these . For I would not so trespass as to commit the same fault again ; but rather make amends for my former tardiness with the quickness of this Answer . You shall therfore with my First receive these Second ; together with my thanks for both : but [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] the First Second , as it were ; to wit , in these Second Letters my First thanks now , and in the First my Second , ( as it falls out . ) Thanks , I say , both for that your Book , formerly sent ; and this Later , shortly , as I hope , to be sent . For S. William Beecher will deny either that it was bound ( when he came thence ) or els brought to him ; and in that consideration he came the later to me : but he bad me look for it , for that I should not look in vain . As for pacifying the Kings anger against you , beleeve me , you need not much trouble your self . There is nothing in Him , which needs pacifying : there are ways wherby you may more and more gain him , and make him yours : and it would be worth your labour , if you do it . And do it you may , if you take that course , which you cannot learn better of any man living , then of himself . As for me , I gladly acknowledg that you are more moderate toward us , then most of your men commonly are : and , the more you convers with Antiquity , will be daily more and more : nay , I add , and much more would be , if your Church would give you leave ; and I would to God , it would . It should seem that shee hath transfer'd the faults of Persons upon Things ; and , for some abuse , hath taken away the lawful use : a fault which you should by little and little unlearn Her. You , while you follow and sway with it , follow not the bent of your own mind and iudgment ; for Iiudg of your affection by your pen ; which was so well inclin'd toward us , that it had wrote ( and , I think , not against your mind ) that Our Order of Bishops was a thing received in the Church even from the time of the Apostles . And indeed your pen had wrote very right : Mary , you blotted out [ of the Apostles ] and , in leiu of it , put in [ next to the Apostles . ] But this , I beleeve , you did in favour of your Church . And , indeed , that was very true , which you put in [ next to the Apostles ] but that not a whit less true , which you blotted out . For that Order was not only from the Age next to the Apostles , but even from the very Age of the Apostles ; or els all Antiquity deceives us , and ther 's not a Church-History left worth credit . That all Antiquity is for us , you your self deny not ; and whether We must yeeld more to any present Church , then to all Antiquity , judg you . If I know you well , the more free and ingenuous I am in writing thus to you , you will love me the better : and so shall I you , if you deal as freely with me in it . Hear me then I pray . This is not enough for us , if a man do not reject Our Church Government , as a thing faulty or sinfull , for this is it We stand upon , that it may be clear and confessed by all , that the Government of our Church is such , as cometh most neer to the form and manner of the Antient Church , or ( as you grant ) that , next to the Apostles , or ( as you had once wrote , and we contend for 't ) of the Apostolick Church . And , that you are of the same judgment with us , I doubt not . If then , by your Churches leave , you would once speak out , you should do us a curtesie ; if you may not , no discurtesie , if for the future you would let Our affairs alone . For , that way you are in , it will scarce be possible for you , both to please your own , and not to displease us . And yet , though Our Government be by Divine Right , it follows not , either that there is no salvation , or that a Church cannot stand , without it . He must needs be stone-blind , that sees not Churches standing without it : He must needs be made of iron , and hard hearted , that denys them salvation . We are not made of that metal , we are none of those Ironsides ; We put a wide difference betwixt them . Somewhat may be wanting , that is of Divine Right , ( at least in the external Government ) and yet Salvation may be had . So that you shall not need to damn them to the pit of Hell , or pronounce the sentence of condemnation upon your flock . This is not to damn any thing , to preferr a better thing before it : This is not to damn your Church , to recall it to another form , that all Antiquity was better pleased with , i. e. to Our : but this , when God shall grant the opportunity , and your estate may bear it . If we do but agree upon this point , in all the rest we shall not fall out . But yet we wish not a concord , that is but pieced and patched up , but an intire , absolute agreement , without any piecing and patching : which , we doubt not but , you likewise wish with us . If any thing remain , I remit you to my former : ( for we are here , now , full of business . ) These I recommend to your favorable acceptance : and so I commend you in mine , and desire you to recommend me in your prayers to God . Farewell . London . Decemb. 12. 1618. To the most Reverend and most worthy Prelate , the Lord Bishop of Winchester . GReat Sir . I received your Letters , full both of choice stuff , and of the testimony of your good affection to me . For although you seem to be a little more moved then ordinary , yet that great sweetness , which you temper your reproofs with , puts me in hope that your goodwill is not lessned toward me , and that you will readily accept of this my satisfaction . It is to my great profit and honor to be taught by you ; nor am I so sensless as to contend with a man of so great learning and worth . Neither indeed did I write to that end , that you should write to me again : for it is abundantly sufficient for me , if you take my Letters in good part . Nor are my writings of any such value , that they should beget you any trouble , or take you off from your more weighty affairs . If therfore any thing was written by me amiss , I am much indebted to that my error , which hath drawn from you so learned and accurate Letters , that no gold can value , and weigh against them ; which I shal keep by me , while I live , as a most pretious {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} and threasure . Nevertheless , because you seem to me not to have reached my meaning in some passages of my former Letters , you will pardon me , if I endeavour in these to explain my mind a little more fully . I said that the Names of Presbyter and Bishop are taken in the New Testament for one and the same . That the Order of Bishop and Presbyter is the same . That the difference between Bishop and Presbyter is but of Ecclesiastical , not of Divine Right . These things you wish had not been said by me . And you bring many Arguments to the contrary , indeed , learnedly and accurately , but wherof a good part toucheth not me . Breifly of each . You deny not but the Names of Presbyter and Bishop are promiscuously taken in the New Testament . But , you say , to what purpose this ? Forsooth , you think that I tacitly insinuate therby , that the Things likewise are promiscuous . For no man , likely , carps at the Name ; but he that is ill affected to the Thing . And you add , that the Fathers , in those very places , wherin they teach that the Names are taken in the same sense , do presently apply a remedy , and add , that this afterward was otherwise , and that the Names , as well as the Offices , were and are distinct . Here it is easie for me to prove to you that I had no purpose to abuse the passivity of the Names , therby to confound the Functions . For there I presently apply the same remedy , which , you truly say , was applyed by the Fathers . For I subjoin : Presently after the times of the Apostles , or even in their times , as the Ecclesiastical History beareth witness , it was decreed , that in one City , One of the other Presbyters should be call'd the Bishop , who for avoyding of confusion , which groweth oftimes by equality , should have Preeminence among his Collegues . And this form of Government was every where received by all Churches . These very words were added by me there , which do abundantly wipe off that suspition . Could I possibly wish ill to 〈◊〉 Order , wherof I never spake without honor ? as very well knowing that the Reformation of the Church of England , and the ejection of Popery , next to God and your Princes , is chiefly to be ascribed to the learning and industry of your Bishops : some of whom , being crowned with Martyrdom , sealed the Gospel with their blood . Whose writings we keep by us , whose acts and zeal we remember , as no way inferior to the zeal of the most eminent Servants of God , whom either France or Germany brought forth . Whosoever shall deny this , must needs be either senslesly wicked , or ( as envying Gods glory , or foolishly besotted ) not see at high noon . I desire therfore this suspition may be wipid off from me : specially , when I take notice that even Calvin and Beza , whom they usually pretend to , as abettors of their peevishness , wrote many Letters to the Prelates of England ; and intreated them as the faithfull servants of God ; as men that deserved well of the Church . Nor am I such a boldface , as to pass sentence upon those Lights of the Antient Church , Ignatius , Polycarp , Cyprian , Augustine , Chrysostom , Basil , the Two Gregories Nissen and Nazianzen , all of them Bishops ; as upon men wrongfully made , or usurpers of an unlawfull office . The reverend Antiquity of those First Ages shall ever be in greater esteem with me , then the novel device of any whosoever . I come to the Second part of your censure . I said that there is but One Order of Bishop and Presbyter . You contrary-wise are of opinion that the Order of Bishops is another and diverse from that of Presbyters : and to that purpose bring many testimonies from the Fathers ; who speak of the Ordination of Bishops : neither do I oppose ; for the Antient's speak so , indeed . And although the Roman Pontifical absteins from that word , yet the Antient Bishops of Rome did use it . Leo . then in his 87. Epistle , which is to the Bishops of the Province of Vienna , commandeth , I that a Bishop , who is not rightly ordained , he displaced and , in the same Epistle , he often useth the same word . Now between an Order and a Degree you make this difference ; that a Degree denotes only a Superiority ; but an Order is a power to a special Act : That therfore every Order is a Degree ; but not every Degree an Order . Very well . For though many do not observe this difference of words , yet it is best to use proper terms ; that things which differ in substance , be distinguished in names , too . But these do not prejudice me at all . For you should have considered with your self , whom I have to deal with . I dispute against the Pontificians , who make Seven Orders ; Door keepers , Readers , Exorcists , Acolyths , Subdeacons , Deacons , Presbyters : but the Order or character of Bishops they will by no means have to be diverse from that of Presbyters . Could I , disputing with them , use other words , then such as are receiv'd by them ? Could I deal with them about the Order of Bishops , which they acknowledg not ? Should I have inveigh'd against them for not making the Order of Bishops distinct from that of Presbyters , when our own Churches make it not ? He that should do this , should not so much contest with the Church of Rome , as with our own . Then to what purpose is it to insist so much upon the distinction of Words ? since every Order is , by S. Paul , call'd a Degree . Nor can a Bishop be depriv'd of his Orders , but he must be degraded , and fall from his Degree . I pray , weigh my words well : Every Bishop is a Presbyter , and a Priest of the Body of Christ ; and of these the Church of Rome makes but one Order . It plainly appears that I do not in these words affirm , what ought to be beleeved , but what is the sense of the Church of Rome . But heer somewhat falls in , which may beget a doubt . It is confess'd by all , that every Bishop is a Presbyter : but a Presbyter is not a Deacon . Hence it comes to pass , that there is another manner of difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter , then betwixt a Presbyter and a Deacon . Since therfore a Presbyter differs in Order from a Deacon , it seems to follow that a Bishop differs not in Order from a Presbyter . Nor is it without some doubt , that you say , that Order is a power to a special Act. For a power to a special Act is given to many without Order ; as to them who are extraordinarily delegated to the performance of some special actions . Then you deny that Archbishops are another Order from Bishops : And yet an Archbishop hath a power to some special actions ; as namely , to call a Synod , and to do other offices , which are not lawfull for Bishops ; and which are not permitted to Archbishops themselves under the Papacy , but when they have received the Archiopiscopal Pall from the Pope . You , out of your great wisdom , will consider , whether it be apparent by these , that the power to a special Action may be conferr'd , even by a Degree , without a Diversity of Order . The Third point is still behind : to wit , that I said , that Episcopacy is by the most Antient Ecclesiastical , but yet not by Divine Right . You on the other side resolve and mantein that it is by Divine Right : and to that purpose produce many examples of Bishops , S. Mark ; Timothy ; Titus ; Clemens ; Polycarp ; S. Iames , Bishop of Hierusalem ; all who received the Order of Episcopacy from the Apostles themselves . And you quote a great number of Fathers , who affirm as much . ( Learnedly all , and according to the truth of the Primitive Historys . ) But what then ? Why , say you , if Bishops were constituted by the Apostles , plain it is that the Order of Episcopacy is by Apostolical , and so consequently by Divine Right . This indeed is to make your self master of the whole strength of the cause . But that Axiom of yours [ All things that are of Apostolical Right are likewise of Divine ] seemes to me ( by your good leave ) to be liable to some exceptions . Many things were ordered about Ecclesiastical Policy , which even the Church of England acknowledgeth not to be of Divine Right , by not observing the same . S. Paul in 1. Timoth. v. would have Deaconesses appointed in the Church : But this fashion was long ago out of date . The same S. Paul 1. Corinth . XIV . would that , at the same Hour , in the same Assembly , Three or Four should prophecy , i. e. as S. Ambrose understands it , Interpret the Word of God ; and that the others should judg of what was spoken : which custome is long since ceased . The Apostles command , touching abstinence from things strangled and blood , was for many Ages observed by the Antient Church : witness the Apologetie of Tertullian , chap. IX . the Council of Gangra , Canon , II. and the Trullan , Canon LXVII . and there is frequent mention of the same point in the Councils of Worms and Orleance . yet S. Augustine , in his XXXII . Book against Faustus , chap. XIII . saith that Observing hereof was generally neglected by the Christians ; and that they who were posses'd with that scruple were laugh'd at by others . You have , not the Apostles alone , but even , that precept of Christ himself , Touching shaking off the dust of the feet , against the refusers of the Gospel . If any should now go about to lay the foundation of Christian Religion , among the Tartars or Sinenses , were he bound to observe that Rite against the refractory ? Such things as appertain to Salvation and to Faith were ordered by the Apostles , by a Divine Inspiration ; but in the rest they did often use their own prudence ; as S. Paul intimates , 1. Corinth . 7.25 . Nor are you ignorant , so oft as examples are brought of Bishops placed by the Apostles , in a higher degree above Presbyters , what is commonly answered : viz. that they had not that preeminence , as Bishops , but as Evangelists : of whose superiority above Pastors somewhat you may have in S. Chrysostom , on the IV. to the Ephesians . Which reply of what strength it is , I had rather stand to your iudgment , then any mans . Indeed S. Ambrose , on that same place , makes Evangelists inferior to Bishops , and without Seas . Yet , however you shall call Titus , Timothy , and S. Mark , whether Bishops or Evangelists , it is clear they had Bishops their successors and heirs of their preeminence . You determine therfore that our Churches do offend against the Divine Right ; yet so , as you exclude them not from hope of salvation : but do think , that , in our Church Government , men may attain to Salvation : for this you brought in , in your Second Letter , that you might deal the kindlier with us . But in your larger , you liken us , in this point , to Aerius ; who , you say , was deservedly , upon this ground , by the Antients put in the black Book of Hereticks . Herein , Great Sir , I appeal to your equity . Think with your self , what streits you drive me to . For , if I should have spoke , as you conceive it , I could not but necessarily accuse our Church of Heresie ; and so doing , be forced {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to be packing , to leave my station here , and to provide for my self as I could . Nor could I say that the Primacy of Bishops is by Divine Right but I should brand our Churches , ( which have spilt so much blood for Christ ) with Heresie . For , questionless , to be obstinately set against such things , as are of Divine Right , and peremptorily to gainsay what God commands , is downright Heresie , whether it concern Faith or Discipline . Besides that I should have overthrown that Principle , wherwith cheifly our Religion defends her self against Popery , viz. That what things are by Divine Right are sufficiently and evidently contein'd in the Holy Scriptures . I hear what you will reply . That it had been safer and better for me , to have been silent in these points , then itch to be writing so unseasonably . Because therby it comes to pass that I must necessarily offend our own Church , or your ; nay , haply , both . And to tell you truth , I had rather have been silent : for very unwillingly I sett my mind to write ; nor did I write , but upon command . Arnoldus the Iesuite , the Kings Confessor , publikely and in the pulpit , before His Majestie , inveigh'd against the Confession of our Church , and further in a pestilent book revil'd it , wherin he mightily insults over us , in this question , and odiously seeks to overthrow our Churches Government : This book coming to be sold all over France , through the high ways and streets , at the voice of a Cryer , did greatly scandalize many . Nay , before this , the Pulpits , the Markets , the Court , the Streets , and the very Barbers shops , rang with this question . This is the field wherin wanton witts sport themselves daily . How earnestly my Book was look'd for , which should stop that insolency , it doth thence appear , that , in Four months space , it was nine times printed . I could not therfore shun this task . Nor was it possible to write exactly of that Argument , but I must begin with the signification of the words , Bishop and Presbyter ; and treat of the Original of the Office . But here I took occasion to speak honorably of the Bishops of England . I deriv'd the dignity of Bishops , from the very infancy of the Church . I condemn'd Aerius . I said that S. Iames himself was Bishop of Hierusalem : from whom in a long course , the succession of Bishops of that City is deduced . Only this one thing was wanting , viz. that I did not say that our Church was heretical , and did trample the Divine Right under her feet ; which , indeed , I neither could nor ought to do ; yea , had I done it , you your self would have noted that want of prudence in me . This may serve for the Three chief points : To which you further add this {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} or corollary ; namely , your iudgment touching the Title of my book , [ which I wrote for France , ] Of the Calling of Pastors . These words , you say , are novell , and never used by any of the Antients in this sense . I acknowledg , indeed , that the word Calling is unusual among the Antients , nor taken in that sense . But we Frenchmen speak otherwise : for as many as have wrote of that Argument , either Our , or Papists use this word : which , with us , signifies somewhat more then Ordination ; for it is taken for the Office it self . If I had wrote in Latin , I should have given this Title , of the Office and Ordination of Pastors . Neither would you have all Presbyters and Ministers of the Word of God , to be called by the name of Pastors . For this word , you say , belongs only to Bishops , ( and that the Antients spake so . ) If this be true , Worthy Sir , the Churches in France , Germany , Lowcountrys and Helvetia , are flocks without a Pastor . But S. Paul , Acts the xx commandeth the Presbyters of Ephesus , pascere , i. e. to be Pastors of the Church . v. 17. & 28. And S. Peter , in his 1. Epist. 5. ch. 1. 2. v. The Presbyters , who are among you , I exhort , — Pascite , feed the flock of God , which is among you , taking the over-sight therof , not by constraint but willingly ; not for filthy lucre : which exhortation to diligence , and shunning filthy lucre , no doubt , belongs also to the inferior Presbyters . Now to think that they ought not be called Pastors , whom God commands Pascere , to feed the flock , I cannot persuade my self . But , if the Word of God be Pabulum , the food of Souls , I see not why he should not be call'd a Pastor , who doth administer this food . S. Paul in the fourth to the Ephesians , verse , 11. makes an enumeration of Ecclesiastical Offices : God gave some Apostles , some Prophets , some Evangelists , some Pastors and Teachers . If Presbyters who labour in the Word , whom we Frenchmen call Ministers , be not understood under the name of Pastors , I see not what place they can have in this enumeration of the Apostle . S. Augustine , in his 59. Epistle , saith , that Pastors and Doctors , here , are the same . The same thinketh S. Hierom , upon this place of S. Paul . Vincentius Lirinensis , expounding this place , maketh no mention of Pastors , but comprehends them vnder Doctors , whom he calls Treatisers , who certainly were a different thing from Bishops . But that Bishops only are Doctors , I never yet read anywhere . S. Ambrose is so far from thinking the name of Pastors to belong only to Bishops , that he even calls Readers , Pastors . Readers , saith he , are , and may be Pastors , who fatten the souls of their Auditors with Reading . The term Pastor is usual among the Prophets : Prophet Isaiah . 56. 11. Prophet Ieremiah . 10. 21. and 22. 22. and 23. 1. 2. Prophet Ezechiel . 34. 2. and Prophet Zachariah . 10. 3. Which places whosoever shall weigh in the even ballance of judgment , he shall find , that under the name of Pastors were reckon'd not only the cheif Priests , or the heads of the Levites but all the Prophets and Levites , upon whom the Office of teaching lay . But the following matter , and my earnest desire to satisfie you , hath carried me beyond my bounds . I have too too much abus'd your leasure . Yet shall not this my pains be ill bestowed , if you shall take notice hereby , how much I esteem you , how desirous I am of peace , how glad I would be that all the Reformed Churches , who are united by one Faith , were also united by one and the same bond of Ecclesiastical Government . I beseech you , Sir , accept in good part this my ingenuous liberty , which truly shall never detract from that observance and honor , which , I shall ever profess before the world , I ow unto you . God preserve You , and grant You a fresh and lively old age , with the increase of all honor and happiness . Farewell . Dated Paris . Your Honors most devoted in all observance . Peter Moulin . The Bishops Answer to the Third Epistle . I Never could learn this trick of sawing , or ( which is all one ) of tossing replys . No , not , when my years were fitter for it . But now old age , which of it self is a diseas , and yet never cometh without diseases attending it , plucks me by the ear , and bids me get me out of this cockpit , and rank my self with them , whose whole business is Prayer . Nevertheless , because in this skirmishing , it hath happen'd to us both alike , viz , that we have not reach'd one anothers meaning , I shall , not unwillingly , more fully and plainly expound my mind to you , as you did your to me . That which I first meet withall is but a slight matter ; for I do not understand at all , how I was any whit more mov'd then ordinary . Neither do I remember ought of yours , that mov'd me more then ordinary ; nay that mov'd me at all ; but only that you said , that some passages of yours had griev'd the Kings soul . That word [ greiv'd ] greiv'd me somwhat , I confess , and mov'd me more then ordinary : Besides , nothing that I remember . His Majestie had made three dashes upon your Book . Touching them you would know of me , what my mind was , what I thought . I answered , as was truth , where the King had made them , they ought to be made . The first place , noted by the King , was that , concerning the passivity of the words , ( as you speak . ) I said it was justly noted . Here you did not reach my meaning ; for you take it for all one , as if I had said that you therby did tacitly insinuate , I know not what . But that came not into my thoughts . I did not say , what you did therby insinuate , but what others would snatch at from thence . For , questionless , snatch at they will , as if you did insinuate , though you did not , as men are , and stand affected . I , for my part , do not deny , that those words are taken for one and the same ; and so far you are right . This I deny , that those things which are right may all of them , safely , by any man , at any time , be committed to writing . For you must consider , not so much what you might mean there , as what others would snatch from thence . Our writings must be regulated by that of the Apostle , Not what is lawfull , but what is expedient . See you , whether this controversie be seasonable at this time ; and whether it were advisedly done by you ; and whether it be not expedient , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to cut off occasions from them , who earnestly snatch at all occasions of setting novelties afoot . Perhaps , I fear what is safe enough , but I fear though , lest , an occasion being taken from hence , those stirrs unhappily break out again , which seemed wholy to be made up among us . Nor was I ever of that opinion , I never wrote it , that afterward it was otherwise done . That was not done otherwise afterward , which was done by the Apostles themselves . It is S. Chrysostoms : were there many Bishops in one City ? by no means . It is S. Hieroms : For in one City there could not be many Bishops . It is Theodorets : It could not be , that there should be many Pastors in one City . Of what time are these to be understood ? When were there not ? When could there not be those many Pastors in one City ? What , when S. Chrysostom , S. Hierom Theodoret lived ? doubtless , when the Apostle wrote that to the Philippians . I could not possibly say then , that that was done afterward , which they said was done , even when the Apostle lived and wrote . I said , that the remedy was there applyed by the Fathers . You say that the same was applyed by you . Applyed , I grant ; but truly , neither the same , nor in the same place . For , 1. their [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] their preventive caution was premised before they spake . Your [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] yours is but a playster layd on , after the wound is made . 2. What you say by way of disjunction , viz. either immediatly after the time of the Apostles , or even in their time , that would not they have said so ; but , as truth was , without any disjunction , without the former part . That it was done , in the very time of the Apostles , and by themselves . 3. Then , no where do they say , that any constitution was made about it . Nor do I think you will ever read of any such [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} or ] constitution , in any History . We read , indeed , in the Acts , that the Order of Deacons was constituted by them : of Presbyters , of Bishops , there was no constitution : for Bishops were formerly instituted by Christ in the Apostles ; and Presbyters in the Seventy Two . 4. Nor only , that any was called Bishop , but that he was a Bishop . For there were no Titular Bishops then : they had their Name from their Office : they were called what they were ; they were , what they were called . 5. Nor that should be only with preeminence , but that should be invested with power : power , I say , of Imposition of hands , of commanding , of receiving informations , of reproving . 6. Nor only to take away Confusion , which is contrary to Order , but also to take away Schism , which is contrary to Vnity . Nor for these two only , but also for all other ends , for which , we said , that power was given . You see that the Fathers had another gates remedy for this disease : and that those speeches of yours , It was constituted ; That should be called ; should have the preeminence ; are too narrow ; and I add , by your leave , too weak and dilute ; nor the same with those , which are the ingredients of that medicine , which the Fathers made . But yet I have a mind here to put the question ; If Confusion commonly growes from Equality , how comes it to pass , that there is no need of this remedy among you ? Again ; if it be true , that this Form of Government was received every where by all Churches ; that , which was every where receiv'd by all , why doth not your Church receive ? why doth She only run counter to all the Churches , which then were every where ? For that is a most true word , you said , and deserv'd an asterisk of commendation , That all Churches everywhere receiv'd this Form of Government . Nor were there ever , before this Age , any Churches , which were governed by any other , then by Bishops . Wherfore there was no cause at all , that you should go about to wipe off that suspition , ( for I had none of you , ) that you were not well affected to our Order . I shall never be induced to beleeve it ; for I cannot but give credit to you , affirming it in your Letters , that your Countrymen complain of you , for favoring and wishing so well vnto it . Indeed , that you wish well , I doubt not at all ; but therto I am more perswaded by your word , then by your arguments . For here you slip from the Order to the Persons of Bishops : of whose Learning , Industrie , Martyrdom , you speak much and excellently . But there were , as you know , of old , men that hated the Tyrant , but not his Tyranny : and why not now , men that love Bishops , but not the Government by Bishops . Pass by the men therfore ; it matters not for them ; speak of the Order it self . For Calvin himself , and Beza , if they wrote to our Prelates , know , that they wrote likewise to them , whom you call peevish : and that their Letters , which these pretend for their peevishness , are produced by them ; and thus they oft reply , To what purpose do I hear Calvins Words , when I see his Deeds ? For the Order it self , if it be such as you would have it seem , the Bishops of England cannot make it better , nor of Spain worse . I advis'd you not to transferr the faults of Persons upon Things ; and to unlearn your Church that custom . As for those Antients , whom you worthily call the Light of the Church , and who themselves were Bishops , though you say much , yet you say not enough . For this is not enough , That you would not give sentence against them ; That they were not wrongfully made ; That they did not usurp an unlawfull Office : These are but terms of diminution , Not give sentence against ; Not wrongfully made ; not usurpers of an unlawfull Office ; speak out , speak as the truth is , That they were lawfully made ; ( lawfully , if ever any ) and did exercise a most lawfull Office : That our , at this day , are to be made after their example : That the same Office is to be exercised by all Ours : These speak home to the Order , are nothing to the Men . But , whatever become of those passages , I cannot but commend your conclusion there ; nor shall I stick to set an asterisk of approbation upon it : I would to God that might put an end to the whole controversie betwixt us . It is this : The venerable Antiquity of those first Ages shall be ever in greater esteem with me then the new upstart device of any whosoever . O would to God , that Antiquity might be more and more in esteem with you with all : for if Antiquity might prevail , if these new upstart devices were discarded , then , sure , the Cause of this Order could not be in danger . The Second dash of dislike set by His Majestie , and very justly , was at that place , where you contend that the Order of Bishop and Presbyter is one and the same . I have shew'd that it is not the same . Both , 1. Because the Offices are not the same . For a Presbyter doth not Ordain ; no , not in S. Hieroms iudgment . As also , 2. Because there is not the same Imposition of hands , but a new one in a Bishop . Again , 3. Because , among the Fathers , Isidore clearly calls it the Order of Bishops . And lastly , 4. Because those Two Orders were distinguished by Christ in the Apostles , and the Seventy Two . Here you produce to us the Title of the Pontifical ; which is concerning Consecration , not Ordination . I shew'd that the Antient Bishops , even of Rome it self , spake otherwise ; otherwise the later Popes . Among the Antient , that the word Ordination was most usual , and most approved . You appeal to the Schole . I acquainted you , in what sense the Schole calls them the same , or not the same . The same in reference to the Body of Christ ; upon which they terminat their Seven Orders : About the Body of Christ a Presbyter doth as much as a Bishop . You your self say as much : Of these in respect of the Body of Christ , the Church of Rome makes but one Order . Not the same ; if you respect the power to a special Act , viz. of Ordination , which is peculiar to a Bishop . This is not mine , as you imagin'd , but the definition of Orders , all the Schole over . Nor yet that difference , which afterward you put upon me : both of them are from the Schole ; both definition and difference . These things , if you would speak Scholastically , were not to be deny'd by you , who appeal'd to the Schole . But to what purpose do you say , that you deal with or , that you dispute against the Pontificians , who will not have the Order of Bishops distinct from that of Presbyters ? And yet presently you subjoin : Ought I to inveigh against them , ( viz. the Pontificians ) because they do not make the Order of Bishops distinct from that of Presbyters , when Our Churches do not make it neither ? He that should do this , should not so much contest with the Church of Rome , as with our own . You dispute therfore against them , but yet you will not inveigh against them : you dispute against the Pontificians , and yet you allege their Pontifical . You dispute against them , yet your own Churches do the self same thing . Nor yet will you affirm , what ought to be beleev'd , but what the Church of Rome thinketh : which thinketh the very same that your Church doth ; and your Church , I beleeve , you would have to be beleev'd . You do not therfore contest with the Pontificians ; for , I trow you have no mind to contest with your own . 'T were against your Religion so to do . Nevertheless your Church , as you confess , doth the same thing in this point that the Roman doth . You say it is best to use proper terms , that the things which differ in substance be distinguished in Name : and yet in the same page , afterward , as if you were somwhat angry , you ask , To what end is it , to stick so much upon the distinction of Words ? To what end then is it , to make proper words , which are made proper for no other end , but for distinction ? If this be to no end , it is better , trust me , neither to use proper words , nor to make any words at all proper ; for we must use the better , both you , and we . Notwithstanding this , why do you reject the distinction of words , here ? Because , every Order ( you say ) is a Degree . What then ? Since every Degree is not an Order , if we will use proper words . Deaconry , in S. Paul , is a Degree ; and the same is an Order with all men . But Archdeaconship is a new Degree , and yet no Order . Nor can a Bishop be outed of his Order , but he must be degraded ( say you ) or fall from his Order . Yea , but he may be degraded , though he be not outed of his Order ; for of his Order he can no way be outed . For after ( that , which they call ) Degradation , there remaineth a power to the Acts of his Order : the use of which power may be inhibited ; the power it self cannot be taken away . But here some scruples arise in your mind . The First is : that every Bishop is a Presbyter : very true that , and confest by all . But a Presbyter , you say , is not a Deacon . Among you , haply , he is not , according to your novell device : But with that Reverend Antiquity ( which you speak of ) he is : Nay , then , a Bishop himself is a Deacon : Read S. Chrysostom , Even a Bishop was call'd a Deacon ; wherupon S. Paul , writing to Timothy , said , Fulfill thy Deaconry ; to him , being a Bishop . Whence also it is , that many Bishops now adays write , to my Fellow-Presbyter , to my Fellow-Deacon . Read S. Ambrose , on the 4. to the Ephesians . For all Orders are in a Bishop ; because he is the first Priest , i. e. the Prince of Priests . And , on the 1. to the Corinth : 12. Though Apostles be Prophets too ; for the first Degree hath all other vnder it . I may truly therefore inferr the contrary ; Seing a Bishop differs not from a Presbyter , by any other way of difference , then a Presbyter doth from a Deacon ; But a Presbyter differs from a Deacon in his Order ; therfore it is agreable , that a Bishop differ from a Presbyter in his Order . This ever seem'd agreable to the consent of Antiquity . I wonder that these things scap'd you ; for I dare not suspect , that what are so obvious to all are unknown to you . But the Deaconry , in use among you , deceived you ; a meer stranger it , I speak it boldly , to all Antiquity ( with whom Deacons were ever one part of the Clergy . ) The Second scruple . That Order is a power to a special Act , I say not of myself ; the whole Schole saith so ; it is the definition of Order received in the Scholes : speak you , if you have another ; for I remember not that I have anywhere read of any other . Your scruple here ariseth from them , who ( say you ) are extraordinarily delegated to the performance of certain Acts . I rejoin : What have they who are delegated without Order , to do with Order ? The very word Order requireth that this be understood of ordinary power . The Third Scruple . An Archbishop hath a power to a special Act. What Act ? To call a Synod . I eas you of this scruple also . This Act is not special to an Archbishop : for a Bishop exerciseth the same Act : He doth as much call a Synod in his Diocess , as the other doth in his Province . Though , if we will speak truly , the calling of Synods is a special Act to neither of them , but is by Delegation from the Prince ; by whose Laws there is special provision against unlawful Assemblys . You , in your wisdom , see , that nothing appears here , why either by a Degree any Power may be conferd , or by an Order may not be conferd . The Third dash of dislike was upon your denying Episcopacy to be of Divine Right . you grant it to be of Apostolical . But that serves not you to make it be of Divine Right . No , not among us , who do not observe certain things which were appointed by the Apostles . For , 1. not Widows . I read of no command there for the appointing of Widows : but for Ephesus , and those Churches , which had Widows , there is a command touching their Age . The institution of Widows , was left free to every Church . For none were to mantein Widows , unless they would ; and , indeed , they could not be manteined among the poorer . Not , 2. that Custom for three or four to prophecy at one hour . But that Custom was , cleerly , extraordinary ; and the extraordinary gifts ceasing , that ceased too . Not , 3. to abstein from things strangled , & blood . Yea , but that was temporary , not appointed by the Apostles , with any other intention , then , to be in force , during the non-burial of the Synagoge ; the Synagoge once buried , to be free , to observe or not . So your first instance was , not necessary ; your second , not ordinary ; your third , temporary , not perpetual . These do not make a Divine Right . But , that the Precepts of the Apostles may not be of Divine Right , you will not have that of Christ , touching shaking off the dust of their feet , to be so , neither . But , in truth , this is no Precept ; but , if a Precept , of Divine Right . For , I hope , you will not say that Christ commanded this , using his Prudence , without Divine inspiration . No man ever understood that , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , according to the Letter ; and that upon this ground ; because it was sometime observed , sometime altered , sometime quite omitted : not according to the Letter , I say , but , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , according to the mind of the speaker . Whose mind was , that such were to be given for desperate , whether with or without using the Ceremony . But , be more sparing , I pray , of that point , of the Apostles oftimes using their prudence . For it cannot be said or writ without great danger , that the Apostles in some things had Divine Inspiration , in the rest did often use their own prudence ; and that in their writings which are extant . For even that very place , where {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is , according to my judgment , you know , is concluded with [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] But I think also that I have the Spirit of God . so that his very {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , his judgment had the dictate therof , from the Spirit of God . As for that place , which you quote , if it were not written by Divine inspiration , but by humane prudence , we are to score it for Apocryphal . How then ? are we for making an Index , and for Expurging the New Testament ? For separate we must the pretious from the vile . What were dictated by humane prudence will never stand in conjunction with those which were by Divine inspiration . But , although there be weight enough to confirm this cause , from the Right and maner of the Apostles , yet , you may remember , that I deriv'd this distinction of Orders higher , viz. from Christ our Saviour in the Apostles , and Seventy-Two Disciples . That it is every where among the Fathers , and clearly confessed by them , that Bishops succeeded the Apostles , and Presbyters the seventy Two . I cited Cyprian ; But Deacons must remember , how our Lord chose Apostles , i. e. Bishops and Prelates ; but the Apostles , after the Ascension of our Lord , appointed to themselves Deacons , as ministers of their Episcopacy , and of the Church . That those Seven were instituted , Acts VI . by the Apostles ; but no Presbyters , but after the example of the Seventy Two ; nor Bishops , but after their own pattern . This Order therfore hath the strength and sinews therof , not only from the Apostles , but even from our Saviour himself . Would you have me fetch it yet higher ? even out of the Old Testament , and there from the Divine Law it self ? S. Hierom doth : And that we may know that the Apostolical traditions were taken out of the Old Testament ; what Aaron , and his Sons , and the Levites were in the Temple , that do Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons challeng to themselves in the Church . S. Ambrose doth , in both those places , 1. Corinth . 12. and Ephes. 4. speaking of the Iews . Whose tradition , saith he , hath passed over to us . I omitt Aaron ; lest you should reject him , as a Type of Christ . Over his Sons , the Priests , was there not in their several families {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . i. e. a Prelate ; or , as is said † elswhere , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} i. e. a Bishop . Over the Gersonites . Num. 3. 24. Over the Kohathites . vers. 30. Over the Merarites . verse 35. Was not Eleazar there , even while his Father was alive , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as if you would say , Prelate of Prelates . verse 32. Who is elsewhere called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as if you would say , Archbishop . There are therefore in the Law , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , i. e. Prelats or Bishops , Priests , and Levites : In the Gospel , The Apostles , the Seventy Two , and those Seven , Acts VI . In the Apostles practise , which was taken from those Two [ the Law and Gospel ] Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons . But do not , do not think , that this was by Apostolical Right alone ; if there be in the Gospel , if in the Law , any Divine Right , this Government is not without example in both , it is founded on both . Either then there is no Divine Right in the form of Church Government , and then wellfare Amsterdam , where so many humane prudences as there are , so many forms of Government shall be set up . Or , if there be any Divine Right , it is in Those Three , it is for us . And now to your skirmishes of lighter consideration . That I know , what useth to be answered , by the Vulgar , concerning Timothy and Titus . Add this too , that I know , that many things are ill answered by the Vulgar . But what is answered by the Vulgar ? that they were Evangelists . Who affirms this ? either the Vulgar , or they that , out of some mans novel device , have spread these doubtfull speeches among the Vulgar . For none of the Antients ever spake so ; no History can witness it . But History doth witness , that Timothy and Titus were Bishops . Epiphanius , Chrysostom , Ambrose , Hierom , Theodoret say it . That they were Evangelists no man ever said , wrote , or dream'd , before our Age . This Vulgar answer is a Vulgar forgery . Therfore , whether Evangelists were superior or inferior to Bishops , it 's nothing to us ; since these , by no means , were Evangelists . Who saith so ? S. Chrysostom . But I am to mind you , that he corrects what he had spoken , with some diffidence , there , concerning Evangelists . For that nothing can be collected out of that place , Ephes. 4. concerning the Priority of any . But we may fetch it from another Epistle . 1. Corinth . 12. 28. where we have , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} first , second , third : But Evangelists appear not there . Besides that they , whom you , with the Vulgar , would have to be counted Evangelists ( Timothy , and Titus ) are from thence placed among the Pastors , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , intrusted with the care of their several Provinces , and in general of all , but not among Evangelists . Aquila and Priscilla are to him Evangelists : that I cannot but wonder , what you meant to mention that place . For , from that place of S. Paul . 2. Timoth. 4. 5. if you will hear S. Chrysostom , you shall assoon make Timothy but a Deacon , from the fulfilling [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] of the Deaconship , as an Evangelist , from the work of an Evangelist . Do not you therfore make such a disjunction , either Bishop , or Evangelist . Evangelists they were never reputed by any , but some , I know not who , two or three days ago , whom any upstart device pleaseth better , then reverend Antiquity . Do we give credit to Antiquity ? They were Bishops , they had Bishops their successors , their heirs both in Superiority and Power . You demand then , Whether your Churches sin against the Divine Right ? I did not say it ; this only I said , that your Churches wanted somewhat that is of Divine Right : wanted , but not by your fault , but by the iniquity of the times . For that your France had not your Kings so propitious at the reforming of your Church , as our England had : in the interim , when God shall vouchsafe you better times , even this , which now you want , will , by his grace , be supplyed . But , in the mean while , the Name of Bishop , which we find so frequent in the Scriptures , ought not to have been abolish'd by you . Though to what purpose is it to abolish the Name , and to retein the Thing ? ( For even you retein the Thing , without the Title ; and they Two , whom you named , while they lived , what were they , but Bishops in Deed , though not in Name ) seing , as he in the Poet saith excellently , there is scarce any man that would wish {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . To be a Tyrant , and not to tyrannize . That Aerius was put in the black book of Hereticks ( and worthily ) whosoever shall beleeve Epiphanius , Philastrius , or S. Augustine , must needs confess . And you that condemn Aerius , upon what consideration do you condemn him ? What , because he oppos'd himself to the consent of the Catholike Church ? He that is of the same opinion doth not he also oppose himself ? and is to be condemn'd upon the same consideration ? But , if there be any error , so it be not with obstinacy of mind , though he think as Aerius did , his cause will be far from what the cause of Aerius was . Do not you therfore betake yourself to those tragical expressions of damning to the pit of Hell , of giving sentence of damnation against your Church , as against her that treads under foot the Divine Right . Ther 's no necessity of that . Weigh only calmly what is spoken . To vote that a thing were so , is not to devote , if it be not . A wish is no sentence of damnation . To want somewhat that is of Divine Right , is not to tread under foot the Divine Right . Let but obstinacy and perversness be wanting , it will be no heresy . And , if it be heresy , ( being about a point of Discipline ) it will not be among those , which S. Peter calls {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , damnable heresies . But far be it from me that I should drive you to any streits . For neither would I have you hold your peace , being so provoked by the Iesuit . Nay , but write , by al means write : but yet , when you write , so mantein your own , that you pinch not upon , I say not , other mens matters which belong not to you ; yes , which somewhat concern you : ( for our affairs are not meer strangers to you . ) And , see , heer 's a larg field for you , wherin you may shew the sharpness of your , wit , ( which indeed is excellent . ) But do not , do not hope that you can {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , play on both sides . Your own will complain of you ; Ours need no such defence ; So you will loose the thanks of either side . But , although these things be evidently enough conteined in Holy Scriptures , to any whose eye is single , yet is not that Principle so , as you have laid it . For , not what belong to Divine Right , but what belong to Faith , and Good manners [ are evidently enough conteined . ] But these are not adaequate to Divine Right . Howbeit , you might well , you might have wrote ( as you speak ) exactly , had you begun , not where the words were promiscuous , but , where the Things being always distinct , the signification of the words began likewise to be distinct . It was possible for you to have absteined from words aequivocal , confused , and promiscuously taken ; nor did any necessity enforce you to begin there . You might also have balk'd all occasion of diverting to us . Your design was touching Bishops : you were to treat of them , and of the Office it self . Of the Bishops of England to what purpose ? Doth England make that lawfull , which out of England is unlawfull ? The abuses of men , wherever they are , must be taxed : the office it self , in what country soever , is the same ; of it self , in it self , by it self lawfull : Nor , if the Bishops be not good , is the Office of Bishops not good : Yea but let the Office of Bishops be , let Them be no Bishops , unless they make good their Name . But here , I know , the King would set an asterisk of approbation . When you derive Episcopacy from the very infancy of the Church . When you acknowledg S. Iames to be Bishop of Hierusalem ; and a long succession of Bishops , there , deriu'd from him . When now again you condemn Aerius . See , you have Three asterisks for the Three dashes . For these things are most true ; and according to the judgment of the Antients , even of Irenaeus , who leads the train of the Antients . The true profession is the doctrine of the Apostles ; and the antient state of the Church , through the while world , is according to the succession of Bishops , to whom They deliver'd that Church , which is in every place ; which hath reached even unto us . Somwhat I added , afterward , concerning the novel , upstart name of Calling : and so of Pastors ; ( as they are now in use with you . ) Touching that of Calling , you do not deny but that it is vnusual : you used , I suppose a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the figure of extenution ; for it is so unusual , that it is not at all . Calling , indeed , is sometime used for the Office ; for Ordination , never . But neither do you deny what I observed touching that word , Pastors . Nor do you produce any , either among those Antients , or the later Writers , before our Age , that was so call'd , viz. a Pastor , who was not , indeed , a Bishop . Only , I know not how , you heap up many things together , but all beside the matter : that you seem not in them neither to have reach'd my meaning . For , what if I grant all that you allege ? That your flocks are not without a Pastor ; ( as it seemeth good to you to stile him : ) That all you say out of S. Paul , S. Peter , the Prophets is true : What are these to me ? who only say that the Antients spake thus ; that that other name is not from Antiquity . I recall you therfore to this ; That , among the Antient Christians in former ages , you shew me out of their writings , where the word Pastor was ever used , and they spake not of the Bishop : or , that it was used ( as with you it is ) of a Parish Priest . Prevail thus far with your self , as to shew this ; for , unless you do this , you do nothing to the purpose . But yet see , of what force those things are , that you brought there . For S. Paul doth not say there , that Presbyters [ did pas ere ] were Pastors : this He saith , Wherein the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops [ pascere ] to feed [ to be Pastors over ] the Church of God . Saint Paul's Pastor therfore is a Bishop . And , lest you should think that the name Bishop is to be taken , there , appellatively ( as if you would say , Such as haue the Cure of ) not properly ; behold , the Syriack Interpreter himself reteins the Greek word ; when the Syriack wants not a word of her own , by which to express , [ Such as haue the Cure of . ] And so also S. Peters Pastor . 1. Epist. 5. chap. 2. v. For I wholy doubt , whether that place , of S. Peter , belong to inferior Presbyters . For He addeth there ( as you know ) {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , being Bishops over them : so that He also conjoins [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] being Bishops , with [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] being Pastors . That word indeed I stand not upon . That which follows there [ not Lording it over the Clergy ] doth plainly evince , that they , to whom S. Peter wrote this , had {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , power and authority over the Clergy : otherwise , that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} that Domineering and Lording over them could not possibly be apply'd to them . Wherfor S. Peters Pastor must needs be a Bishop . And who indeed can doubt of this , seing the conjunction of those two words took the first rise from S. Peter . For , wheras you inferr that the Word of God is [ Pabulum ] food : that therfore they , who administer this food , do [ pascere ] feed : I shall easily grant you , that feed they do , that is , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , but not therefore {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , whence cometh {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as you know , 1. e. Pastor ; who , over and above the food of the Word , administer somewhat else beside . But what you bring from that place to the Ephesians , chap. 4. are either uncertain ; For 1. One will have Pastors and Doctors to be all one . 2. Another maketh no mention of Pastors . 3. A Third thinketh that Readers are Pastors . I shall speak of them all . 1. To S. Augustine , Pastor and Doctor are no otherwise the same , then Order and Degree were , to us , a little before . Every Order a Degree , but not every Degree an Order : so every Pastor is a Doctor , but not every Doctor a Pastor . Who saith this ? Saint Hierom. 2. Of him , who makes no mention , there , of Pastors , nor will I make mention . The Monks are better inclin'd , commonly , to Treatisers , then to Bishops . 3. For S. Ambrose , who understood Bishops in Apostles ; Presbyters in Prophets ; Deacons in Evangelists ; no wonder , if at last he fell upon Readers , when he had none beside them , to whom , after those Three , he might referr them . Thus , say I , either vncertain they are : or , when they are Certain they make against you . By name , S. Chrysostom ; Who defineth Pastors to be they , to whom was committed ( {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) the generality of the people . Are your so ? And he adds who were such , as Timothy , saith he , and Titus ; who were both Bishops in S. Chrysostoms account : and , I beleeve , in your account , they were more then Presbyters , labouring in the Word . Yet remains what you glanc'd at , out of the Prophets . Which places if any do accurately consider , he shall find , that not only the high Priests , but also the Prophets and Levites , upon whom the Office of teaching lay , were called by the name of Pastors . Doubtless , he shall . Add moreover ; he shall find Princes in the State , and Magistrates often , nay oftner , a great deal , to be called by the name of Pastors , then all them put together , whom you set down . And yet we do not call Princes by the name of Pastors . Nor do I think that at Geneva he is call'd a Pastor who is the chief Magistrate . The Pastors therfore in the Prophets reach not home to this . Tell me , who of the Antients ever spake so ; otherwise we are beside the cushion . Lastly , that seem'd to me a wondrous strange opposition . Indeed it is not by the Antients ; but we Frenchmen speak so . For , must the Antients speak as the French ; or the French as the Antient Christians ? And you run upon the same rock again , afterward . The Presbyters who labour in the Word , whom we Frenchmen call Ministers . For it 's strange , how it became lawfull for Frenchmen , to put upon a Presbyter that name , which never any among the Antients used , but for a Deacon . I speak not this otherwise , but that even among us too , that bad fashion is taken up , of calling them Ministers , and Pastors too . But these words were brought in by them , who best relish any upstart fashion ; but against their mind who reverence Antiquity ; and , as they may , disclaim these usages . For we suffer , as I said , many things , which we teach not ; and bear with that which we cannot take away . But he , that but bears with a thing , loves it not , though he loves to bear with it . And now you have an Answer to your Letters , so far as my occasions give me leave . For I have not the happiness of much leasure . But although I read none of yours unwillingly , yet I read no passage more willingly , then that last , wherin you profess , How desirous you are of peace , how glad you should be that all the Reformed Churches , who are united by one Faith , were united by one and the same bond of Ecclesiastical Government . Which is likewise my earnest and hearty prayer : and I daily begg it humbly of God , that they may be united in the same Form of Church Policy , by the bond of Ecclesiastical Government ; but that same which derives its pedegree from the very infancy of the Church ; from which , the Reverend Antiquity of the First Ages ; which whosoever opposeth , opposeth himself to all Antiquity ; which Saint James the Apostle began in the Church of Hierusalem , from whom the succession of Bishops in a long course descended ; which condemned Aerius , for daring to oppose himself against the Consent and Practise of the Catholik Church ; which all Churches every where received . I come at last to give you thanks . For , the Book , you promis'd me , shortly after I had sent you my former Letters , was deliver'd to me . I do heer both acknowledg and thank you , that you were pleased to inlarg and inrich my Library with your Two Books . And I intreat you , begg of God for me , that the remainder of my life , which is to come , may be , rather good , then long . For as a Play so our Life , it skills not how long , but how good , how well acted . In like maner , I , wishing all happiness to you , ( and in that I put this , That the Reverend Antiquity of the First Ages may be in higher esteem with you , then the upstart novell device of any whosoever , ) do freely promise you my help and assistance in any thing , that may , heer , concern your interest . You will pardon me , if I have spoke somwhat more freely ; assuring yourself , that , though I am of a quite different judgment in some points , yet my charity , and brotherly affection toward you , is not chang'd awhit ; nor by the grace of God ) shall ever be . FINIS . S. Ignatius in Epistola ad Magnesianos . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . As our Lord doth nothing without his Father ; so neither do ye without the Bishop ; neither Presbyter , Deacon , nor Layman . Let nothing seem reasonable to you , against his liking : For whatsoever is so , is against the Law , and offensive to God . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A25400e-140 a S Chrysost in ed Philip c. 1. b Etym. 7. 12. c De Praescrip 32. d De Script . 2. e In 1. ad Tim 4. f In 1. ad Tim. 3. g In Philip 1. h Oecum in Praef. Ep. ad Tit. i 1. Tim. 3. 13. k Epist. 65 ad Rogat . l Epist. ad Ma●●el . ae Err. Mont. Epist. ad Evig . 1. c. (a) S. Hierom. de S●rip . 17. (b) Tertul. de Prasc . 32 (c) Oecum in Prafat. Titi . (d) S. Hier. de Scri. (e) 3.3 (f) de Praese 32. (g) 3.35 . (h) de scrip 17. (i) 3.3 . (k) de scrip . 16. (l) 3.4 (m) de scrip 9. (n) Praesat in 1. Tim (o) Phil. 1 (p) Haeres . 75. (q) 3 4 (r) Praef in Tit. (s) apud Oecum Praef in Ti. (t) de scrip 32. (u) 3. 14. (x) de scrip 15 (y) Euseb. 3. 4 ex Dionys Corinth . & 4. 23. & Hier. de scrip . 19. (a) Euseb. 3. 35 ex Ignatio (b) Theodoret in Philip . 1. 2. & 1 Tim 3. (c) Origen in 16 ad Roman (d) Calv. Institut . (e) Euseb. 2 24. (f) de scrip & Praef in S. Matth & S. Mar. (g) 2. 1. (h) de Script c. 2. (i) in . 15 (k) in Gal 1. 2. (l) Haeres 66. (m) con●a Crescentium . 2.37 (n) l. 2 c. 1. l. 3. c 5. (o) de script . 2. (p) de Praes. 32. (q) l. 3. c. 35 (r) de script . 2. (s) in 2. ad Gal. (t) 1. Corin. 14 1. S. Pet. 2 2● . Notes for div A25400e-10910 Libri de Munere Pastorali . p 20 & ● . 1. Tim. 3.13 . Lib. de Munere Pastorum pag. 144. *** † Num 4 16 Neh 11 9 P. Isai. 60 17. *** {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 
A34152	----	A compendious discourse, proving episcopacy to be of apostolicall, and conseqvently of divine, institution by a cleare and weighty testimony of St. Irenaeus, a glorious martyr, and renowned Bishop of Lyons in France, upon the yeere of our Lord, 184 : the said testimony being so declared, pressed, and vindicated from all exceptions : that thereby an intelligent and conscionable reader may receive abundant satisfaction in this behalfe / by Peloni Almoni, Cosmopolites. Almoni, Peloni, Cosmopolites. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A34152 of text R1019 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C5607). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 28 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A34152 Wing C5607 ESTC R1019 13066744 ocm 13066744 97074 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34152) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97074) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 253:E157, no 13) A compendious discourse, proving episcopacy to be of apostolicall, and conseqvently of divine, institution by a cleare and weighty testimony of St. Irenaeus, a glorious martyr, and renowned Bishop of Lyons in France, upon the yeere of our Lord, 184 : the said testimony being so declared, pressed, and vindicated from all exceptions : that thereby an intelligent and conscionable reader may receive abundant satisfaction in this behalfe / by Peloni Almoni, Cosmopolites. Almoni, Peloni, Cosmopolites. [16] p. Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker ..., London : 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A34152 R1019 (Wing C5607). civilwar no A compendious discourse, proving episcopacy to be of apostolicall, and consequently of divine institution: by a cleare and weighty testimony Almoni, Peloni, Cosmopolites 1641 5063 6 5 0 0 0 0 22 C The rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Compendious Discourse , PROVING EPISCOPACY TO BE OF APOSTOLICALL , AND CONSEQVENTLY OF DIVINE INSTITUTION : BY A cleare and weighty testimony of St. Irenaeus a glorious Martyr , and renowned Bishop of Lyons in France , upon the yeere of our Lord , 184. The said Testimony being so declared , pressed , and vindicated from all exceptions , that thereby an intelligent , and conscionable Reader may receive abundant satisfaction in this behalfe . ISAIAH 39. 8. Let there be peace and truth in my daies . BY Peloni Almoni , Cosmopolites . LONDON , Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard , 1641. To the Christian and Judicious Reader . IT is true in this particular case of Episcopacy , which Salomon speaketh in the general : How good is a word spoken in due season ? It is like apples of gold in pictures of silver . If ever there were a season to write , or speake , in defence of Episcopacy , it is now , or never ; wherein men travaile in birth to bring forth their severall conceipts : some doubting whether it be of divine , or humane institution : some affirming the one , some the other : some desiring to preserve it , some to destroy it . In such a time silence is dangerous , wherein liberty is ill given to , or ill taken by the adversaries of Gods ordinance to publish their raw and undigested discourses ; fraught with more malice then truth . But cantabunt cygni , cum graculi tacuerint . As for my selfe , I hope that I may make use of this publique liberty , without offence ( which I seeke not ) or danger ( which I regard not ) to speake a word for my Reverend Mother , the Church of England , and my Venerable Fathers , the Bishops thereof : for I may say with S. Hierome , in a cause Ecclesiasticall ; Mori possum , tacere non possum . I passe a while under an unknowne name ; as some adversaries of Episcopacy do : the person is little to the matter : Res cum re , causa cum causa , ratio cum ratione concertet , as S. Augustine writeth . Meane while know thus much of me unknowne ; that I have no dependance upon any Bishop ; though there be one , singularly learned and truely religious , in that sacred Order , Cui debeo quicquid possum , & non possum ( to use S. Hieromes words ) from whom yet , as from the rest , I expect nothing ; being rich in my contentment , and private course of life ; wherein though I enjoy little , yet I seeke nothing more ; but that the truth may have victory , the Church peace , and God the glory ; Amen . Lond. May 31. 1641. Thy friend in Christ Peloni Almoni . A Compendious Discourse proving Episcopacy to be of Apostolicall and consequently of Divine Institution . It is a vanity to speake much of a little , and a difficulty to speake little of much ; as in this copious argument of Episcopacy , which pleadeth discent from the blessed Apostles : to which purpose I might produce many proofes from Scripture , Antiquity , ( Fathers , and Histories ) from the most famous Divines of forraine Churches and our owne ; and finally from Reasons , depending upon the sacred oracles of God . But now , in this latitude of matter , to avoyd longitude of discourse , I have confined my selfe especially to one important Testimony ; one in stead of many , or of all : in pursuit , explication , and defence whereof , I shall have occasion , fairely presented unto me , to reflect a little upon those other grounds : and so out of all , to give as plentifull satisfaction upon this point as it doth require , or so compendious a discourse can permit . Understand then , you that are ignorant , or remember you that are learned , that S. Irenaus confuteth the Marcionites , and Valentinians ( leaden heretickes in that golden age ) by a double probation : first out of the holy Scriptures , and then by Apostolicall Tradition ; not in the Popish sense of an unwritten word , but in an orthodoxall sense of the doctrine preached by the Apostles , and by them , planted in the Churches which is also in the written word : the same descending from the time of the Apostles unto the time of Irenaeus himselfe . To this end and purpose , he first produceth the Church of Rome ; then most famous in the world , as instructed by S. Peter and S. Paul , who as he conceiveth governed it joyntly , and taught it fully in all the mysteries of Christian doctrine ; which finally they watered with their owne blood : from , and after whom ( saith he ) in a lineall succession Eleutherius , now the twelfth in order , possesseth the Episcopacy of the same . If any man doubt whether this Romane Episcopacy were of Apostolicall institution , or not , the substance of Irenaeus his discourse in that place will beare it well ; to which I now remit the ingenuous Reader , because I make hast unto his subsequent discourse , which taketh away all doubt for first plantation of Episcopacy in the Church . For thus he writeth ; Polycarp was not onely taught by the Apostles , and conversed with many of them , who saw the Lord , but was also constituted , by the Apostles , BISHOP in Asia , and in the Church of Smyrna there ; whom we also saw in our first age ; being his Disciple , as S. Hierom [ de viris illustr. . ] doth record . This testimony is so cleare and ponderous , that it may sufficiently determine the whole cause ; if you consider the Person ( who it is that speaketh ) and the Matter , which he speaketh . But since nothing is so cleare , which may not seeme obscure , and nothing so ponderous , which may not seeme light to a mind possessed with unreasonable prejudice , I will now further declare , & presse this testimony of Irenaeus ; fencing it also against all objections , which may be framed against it ; or against our cause , which doth depend upon it . First , then , consider with me the Authour , or Relator rather , himselfe . Note his antiquity : he lived in the time of Eleutherius , the twelfth Bishop of Rome ; upon the yeere of our Lord * 185. We have few Authors ( grave and certaine ) now extant , who lived before his time ; except Ignatius ( whose 7. Epistles as they are his owne , and aproved for his by Vedelius , and are some of them lately cited by the adversaries of Episcopacy under his name ; so they fully expresse the cleare distinction of Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , in the first age of the Christian Church ) and , after him , of Justinus Martyr , who , under the name of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ( governour , or prefect ) doth well discover what Episcopacy was in the second age of the Church . Note then his quality . He was an holy man , a learned man , a peaceable man ( as it may appeare by his Epistles addressed unto Uictor , Bishop of the Church of Rome ) a constant defendour of the truth , and finally a patient sufferer for the same . What is your exception against him ? The late unworthy Authour of a booke intituled , Of Reformation , &c. hath found some quarrell against him : but Fevardentius , in his apologeticall preface ( in the defence of Irenaeus ) hath well answered such exceptions . Howbeit , whatsoever errours , ( more , or fewer ; greater , or lesser ) Irenaeus had , or had not ; it is nothing to the point now in question : for if he erred , it was in a point dogmaticall : we are now upon a point historicall , viz. Whether this relation of Irenaeus , concerning the Episcopacy of Polycarpus , which he received from the Apostles , be true , or not ? Wherein he had information immediately from Polycarp himselfe and the whole Church of Smyrna , wherein he lived . Who wil , who can who dareth say that Irenaeus hath lyed in this report ? He knew Polycarp very well , and knew undoubtedly that his Episcopall office was derived from the Apostles : why should this relation seeme incredible unto you ? The Scriptures themselves informe us so much : For , when S. John writeth to the Angell of the Church of Smyrna ; who is this Angell ? Polycarp : So the concordance of Scriptures , and histories ; so the judgement of many learned men ( & some protestants ) do informe us . And why is Polycarp here an Angell ? because he is praepositus Ecclesiae , the Governour or Bishop of the Church : many Presbyters being therein , but he , in title distinct from them , and in power , superiour to them ; as wee may clearely collect out of S. Augustine ; epist. 162. where first he sheweth and proveth , that under the name of Angels , are not understood celestiall Angels in these 7. Churches ( as Origen , and some others following him , did conceive ) and then , particularly for the Angell of Ephesus , he saith afterward , that he is praepositus Ecclesiae , the governour of the Church ; Now since we read of many Presbyters in Ephesus , Act. 20. 28. and here of one Angell in it , he must needs be a person , in place , and office , as well as name , distinguished from the common Presbyters of the Church : as Epiphanius ( more ancient then Aug. ) doth hence collect and constantly affirme , Haeres . 25. This explication is confirmed by our best Divines ; as namely by venerable Bullinger , conc. 9. in Apocal. saying , An heavenly Epistle is destinated to the Angell of the Church of Smyrna . Now histories doe testifie , that the Angel , or pastor of this Church was Polycarp ; ordained a Bishop by the Apostles , even by John himselfe . To him I conjoyne worthy Marlorat , saying that in Apoc. 2. 1 , Iohn doth not set upon the people , but upon principem Cleri , utique Episcopum : the Bishop , Prince , or chiefe of the Clergy ( Presbyters and Deacons ) in that Church . To both them I adde the famous Clerk , David Pareus ; who dareth not say ( though some doe ) that Timothy was then the Angell , but denieth not that we was sometimes the Angell , or Bishop there : and therefore he putteth there this question in the margine ; Was Timothy Bishop of the Ephesine Church at that time ? He saith tunc , then : he saith not unquam , at any time : which is a plaine concession , that , in his judgement , Timothy was sometimes ( as indeed he was ) the Bishop of that Church . Also in Apocal. 3. 1. he confesseth ingenuously ( upon evidence of the text ) that , under the name of Angell there , is to be understood ANTISTES , the Chiefe , the Prelate , the Bishop of the Church . Which resolution of ancient and moderne Divines ( to which I adde the judgement of the great Divine D. Rainolds ; Confer. with Hart. cap. 8. divis . 3 : ) is confirmed by the perspicuous evidence of undeniable reason : for , in the Church of Ephesus ( and so in the rest ) why is one man ( where many Presbyters were ) called an Angell specially , but for his speciall eminency above the rest ? And why was the succession of one man to one observed in Histories , and registred in the Diptycha of the Church , rather then of many to many ? As here , in the Church of Ephesus , of Smyrna and the rest , one man singularly is remembred : and why one , if this one man did not , in dignity of his place and office therein , excell the ' common Presbyters , as their Governour and Prefect , placed over these Presbyters by the holy Apostles ? To this effect speaketh Leontius , B. of Magnesia in the Councell of Chalcedon , Act. 11. amongst 630. Bishops , that Memnon , then B. of Ephesus was the 27. Bishop in succession from and after Timothy , as being the first Bishop of that Church . For as the subscription of the second Epistle of S. Paul to Timothy doth directly beare it ; so we have a cleare attestation to it from Eusebius , l. 3. c. 4. Epiphanius , har●s . 75. Chrysostome ; praf● . in 1. ad Timoth , & homil. 1. in Epist. id Philip Hierome , de viris illustr. . * Primasius , paefrat . in 1 ep. ad Timoth. To all which ( and others ) I may adde Oecumenius , who lived in the yeere 1080. as also Tertullian , who intimateth this truth sufficiently in his book of Prescriptions , cap. 36 , and finally S. Ambrose , praefat. in 1. epist. ad Timoth . but that I esteeme the authour to be a counterfet , whom yet I conceive to be very ancient . Finally then , to end this point ; Irenaeus hath now related no more touching Polycarps Episcopacy , then is warrantable by Scriptures , Fathers , Historians , and our owne Divines . I end therefore with Hierome , ep. 85. affirming that the Apostles , by their tradition did institute Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons in the new Testament , looking unto the answerable degrees of the High priest , the inferiour Priests and Levites in the old ; and telling us , in his exposition of Psal 45. 16. that Bishops are there foretold ; as Aug. also doth himselfe conceive . To that ancient Hierome , I adde a latter , viz. the most learned Zanchius , confessing fairely and truely [ Miscellan . t. 2. d● primatu papae , p. 193. impres . Neostad●i in 4. Anno D. 1608. ] that , in the Church , FIRST Presbyters onely were . SECONDLY , saith he , additi Episcopi , idque Apostolorum temporibus ; Bishops were added [ as being in degree , place and office distinct from Presbyters ] and that also was done in the Apostles times . If in their times , then by their meanes , as any rationall man may thereupon conclude . For , who durst institute Bishops in their times , without their direction ? where , in Scripture , or history , doe they impugne this institution ? And if they made not this institution ; who made it ? What Councell ; generall , or provinciall ? when ? where ? produce any evidence of probable truth ( I say not certaine ) in this behalfe . And thus having justified the relation of Irenaeus , concerning the Episcopacy of Polycarp , to which the Apostles ( and particularly S. Iohn did advance him ) I proceed to some other poore exceptions against the aforesaid testimony , which need not so large a discussion , as the former ; that being the very substance and center of our whole discourse . A second exception is , that , perhaps this place hath beene forged or corrupted . But this objection is of no force , or value . For as this place now standeth in Irenaeus , so it stood , word for word , in the time of Eusebius , upon the yeere 330. who hath thence transcribed it into his Ecclesiasticall history , lib. 9. c. 14. This is an old device of heretickes to say that the place is corrupted , when they cannot ●nswer it ; as S. Augustine observeth , Confes. lib. 5. c. 11. A third exception is , that Irenaeus was himselfe a Bishop , and so not a competent witnesse in such a case . Shall then so holy a person be rejected as a lyer ? writing otherwise then he saw or heard ? This were a desperate evasion , and contemptible ; yet followed by the adversaries of Episcopacy , charging the Fathers as partiall in their owne cause . But were they not the principall writers ? yet not the onely : for Tertullian and Hierome were Presbyters only ( and not Bishops ) whose judgement and testimony I will not decline in this cause . Thus our English Divines are rejected , as being Bishops , or affecting Episcopacy , and so their owne Judges . Say what you please ; yet I will conclude this passage with the publique protestation of that learned and holy man , D. Iohn White , in his Sermon at Pauls Crosse , March 24. 1615. I protest before God and man ; it amazeth me to see such , as can read either SCRIPTVRE , or Antiquity to carpe at it [ Episcopacy ] when the Christian world , for 1400. yeeres after Christ , never saw any other government , &c. A fourth exception is , that Polycarp was no Lord Bishop ; he had no civill dignity , no temporall power , &c. and therefore very different from the Bishops of our Church . Truely said , but to little or no purpose . The Christian Church and temporall State were then divided ; and the first was persecuted by the second , till glorious Constantine obtained the Imperiall diadem , upon the yeere 316. Afterwards by favour of the Emperour , and other Princes , civill dignity , and temporall power were annexed to Episcopall places , the Church and State being now united together . I say therefore , FIRST , that Bishops , for three centuries , had no such dignity and power : they were Bishops without it then , and may be Bishops without it . now . SECONDLY , that , as the State , for good reasons gave it so , for good reasons ( such as may be , not such as are ) may take it away ; but Episcopacy it selfe , wch God gave , no man may take away . Salomon might exclude Abiathar from his Priesthood , but the Priesthood he could not dissolve . I speake not now of absolute power , but lawfull power in the State ; for id possumus , quod jure possumus , & no more . THIRDLY , that temporall power , annexed to Episcopall function , may not onely adorne it , but strengthen it , for the benefit of Church , and Common wealth . FOVRTHLY , that Bishops are capeable of this dignity , and power ; as Zanchius observeth well , Epist. tom . 1. ad Ioh. Stuckium ; saying , that , since in the old Testament , one man [ the High priest ] exercised both powers ( spirituall and temporall ) Non ergo per se pugnant ; these two therefore [ to be a Bishop and a civill Potentate ] doe not , of themselves , the one oppugne the other , but may both concurre in one person : and then addeth , that , in writing the Confession of his Faith ( upon occasion whereof this question did arise ) he was to have a regard of those Reformed Churches , wherein many [ as Bishops in England ] have a temporall power conjoyned with their spirituall office . FIFTLY , and lastly , I demand of the adversaries of Episcopacy : If Bishops shall be excluded from civill dignity temporal power , &c. will you rest so content ? & shall our Bishops yet retaine their spirituall office of superiority over Presbyters , with such authority in the Church , as Christian Bishops did obtaine , and exercise therein , from and in the Apostolicall times , and in the succeeding ages of the primitive Church ? No , but you would cast them wholly out of the Church , or leave them an empty title without a reall office ; which , in the perpetuall discourse of all ages , they have enjoyed in the universall Church . To conclude : if malice in some did not envie their honour , and avarice in others their estates , this exception were easily answered : but howsoever it be , Bishops they are lawfully with both , and Bishops they may be truely without either . A fift exception is , that Polycarp ( as also Ignatius and other Bishops ; such as they were ) might perhaps have a priority of place before Presbyters , but not a superiority of power above them . A weake pretense against the knowne testimony , and certaine experience of all ages , for proofe whereof , I remit you unto S. Hierome ( the supposed adversary of Bishops ) who in the very place , so often produced against Episcopacy , [ viz , in Tit. 1. 5. ] saith that the Bishop was suprapositus , placed above the Presbyters of his Church . This is more , then he said , Epist. 85. that he was praepositus , which perhaps you will render in English ; placed before them ) though , in truth , it be no lesse . And to make all cleare in this point , he saith yet further , Contra Luciferianos , cap. 4. The safety of the Church dependeth upon the dignity of the Bishop . Unlesse an eminent , and peerelesse power be given to him by all men , there will be as many schismes as Priests , in the Church . Whereupon it is , that in his instructions to Nepotianus , hee saith very well ; What Aaron and his sonnes once were , that we must know Bishops and Presbyters now are : viz. in distinction , office , and degree , and whence it is that , as in S. Ignatius first , so in other Authours afterward , through all ages of the Christian Church Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons are three distinct kinds in office , and degree ; the first above the second , and the second above the third : and not weekely , monthly , yeerely Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons ; but perpetually , during the time of their lives . The SIXT and last exception is yet more important , for you will say ( as some have said ) that they , who in the third chapter , are called Bishops by Irenaeus , are in the second chapter called Presbyters ; and so Polycarp , though called here a Bishop , is but a Presbyter ; since Presbyters also are so called , Act. 20. 28. Phil. 1. 1. &c. I answer . It is true ; these Bishops here are called Presbyters before : but how ? with an evident distinction from common Presbyters : for when Irenaeus , from Peter and Paul , reckoneth a succession of 12. Bishops in the Church of Rome ; I demand : had these Bishops no certaine distinction from other Presbyters in that Church ? I shewed before that their personall and lineall succession is observed by Irenaeus , and others : why ? because they had a reall difference from all the Presbyters therein . This point is cleared by many evidences ; amongst which , for brevity sake , I produce the * Epistle of the Presbyters and Deacons of the Romane Church , written to S. Cyprian ( upon the yeere 252. ) wherein they say , that FABIAN their late Bishop [ the 19. in that place ] was lately put to death ; and that for the difficulty of the times , another Bishop was not yet constituted ; who might moderate the affaires of the Church , and by his authority and counsell , might take care of such as were fallen in the time of persecution . I argue then , As Fabian lately was , and his successour shortly must be , in a distinct place of government above the Presbyters of Rome , so was Eleutharius ( and so were his predecessours before ) a BISHOP in higher place , of greater power , above other Presbyters in the Romane Church . For conclusion therefore of this point ; I pray you , in all candor and ingenuity , to consider with me , that , though Presbyters , in the beginning ( when as yet they had no Bishop over them ) were called , and might be truely called Bishops ( that is to say , overseers ; for they did , then under the Apostles , oversec the Church , for a little time ) yet , when the care of the whole Church came peculiarly to the Bishop ( as Hierome saith in Tit. 1. 5. ) this name was peculiarly attributed unto him , and not communicated unto them : witnesse the same S. Hierom et . 85. where by particular instance , he maketh the election of Bishops in the Church of Alexandria , and saith ; that from Marke the Evangelist unto Heraclas and Dionysius , the Presbyters electing one of their company and placing him in a higher degree [ note that by the way ] called him their BISHOP . So that here the name of a Bishop ( by good authority , and for good reason ) once common to all the Presbyters , is now proper unto that Presbyter , who was placed in an higher degree above the rest ; which Calvin also hath well observed ; Inst. l. 4. c. 4. sect. 1. & 2. saying that in the old Church , the title of Bishop was specially given to one Presbyter : chosen out of the number of many . To conclude then ; you shall finde sometimes in Antiquity , that a Bishop is called a Presbyter : but can you finde that anywhere a Presbyter is called a Bishop ? I am no stranger in the Councels , Fathers , and Histories , ( in which course of studies being now 62. yeeres old , I have spent a moiety of my age ) & yet I can remember no such thing : and were a Presbyter so called , it were rather by force of the word , ( which importeth overseeing ) then by propriety of speech ; since , in Ecclesiasticall use , the name of Bishop is appropriated to him , who hath a generall overfight ( for the Clergy and Laity ) in his owne Diocesse or precinct . Finally then , as the High priest in the law is sometimes styled simply by the name of the Priest , but yet was above other Priests in the old Testament , so a Bishop is sometimes stiled by the name of a Presbyter , but yet is above other Presbyters in the new . A Conclusion . Thus , at the length , having cleared the testimony of Irenaeus , touching the Episcopacy of Polycarp ( committed unto him by the holy Apostles , and particularly by S. John ) from all exceptions ( as I conceive ) which some adversaries of Episcopacy have taken , and some may take against it , I thus conclude my whole discourse , and bring it to the present purpose ; viz. A Bishop , in the Church of England , doth not unjustly usurpe an office therein by humane institution , but doth justly possesse it by * divine right ; notwithstanding all malicious scoffes , and unlearned cavils , against so ancient , so venerable , so necessary an Office in the Church of God . Now if any man shall except against this discourse , as prejudiciall to some Reformed Churches , I answer , that my care hath beene to justifie ours , but my desire was not to impugne theirs : and that I am as tenderly affected to retaine communion with the ancient and Universall Church , as with any later , and particular Church : though in the truth , and for the truth , I love and embrace all Reformed Churches , for which I have a more copious defence , which may ensue hereafter ; this discourse being onely the prodromus , or forerunner of a more ample Treatise , which I have composed to maintaine Episcopacy ; under which I live in peace , and without which I cannot live with comfort . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A34152e-410 Lib. 3. cap. 3. * Functius in Chronolog . * Anno D. 540. * Cyprian ep. 31. e. lit. 1. Pam●lii . * The exercise and execution of his office , in this or that place , a Bishop hath by the favour of the Prince . 
A35428	----	The divine right of episcopacy demonstrated from Calvin and Beza together with a letter to a Presbyterian minister. Cunningham, Alexander. 1690 Approx. 18 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35428 Wing C7589 ESTC R24900 08648023 ocm 08648023 41528 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35428) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41528) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1254:15) The divine right of episcopacy demonstrated from Calvin and Beza together with a letter to a Presbyterian minister. Cunningham, Alexander. Calvin, Jean, 1509-1564. Bèze, Théodore de, 1519-1605. 12 p. Printed for Randal Taylor, London : 1690. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DIVINE RIGHT OF EPISCOPACY , Demonstrated from Calvin and Beza . Together with a LETTER TO A Presbyterian Minister For UNION . Licens'd , March the 10 th , 1689 / 90. LONDON , Printed for Randal Taylor , near Stationers-Hall . 1690. DEFINITIONS . I. THE Power of ORDINATION is that Right which the Governours of the CHVRCH have to separate Persons whom they find duely Qualified , unto the Holy Ministry of the Gospel . II. The power of Iurisdiction is that Right which the Governours of the Church have to make Canons which are wanting , or to Execute those already made , for the Regulation of Church-Members . III. The President Bishop , is he , who from his Pre-eminence to other Ministers , is invested with a sixed Power of (a) Ordination , Regulated by Canons , and of (b) Jurisdiction , ballanced by assisting Ministers . IV. The Angel of any Church Representative , is the Bishop presiding over the other Ministers , within the Respective Diocess , Province , or Patriarchate . POSTULATUMS . THat the 70 Disciples ( from among whom Matthias was called , to be ordained one of the 12 Apostles ) were Persons in holy Orders in the Ministry . II. That ( b ) Timothy in the Church of Ephesus , and (a) Titus in the Church of Crete , were pre-eminent to other Ministers , invested with a fixed Power of Ordination , and Jurisdiction , regulated by Canons , and ballanced by assisting Ministers . III. That for the avoiding of Schism , the Primitive Church retained the Government of one single person , pre-eminent unto other Ministers . IV. That the 7 Angels of the 7 Churches , written unto , in the Book of Revelation , are incouraged against all the devices of the ungodly , upon condition of their continuing faithful in their Administrations . AXIOMS . I. THE Regular Call of any Minister already ordained , is from an Office of an inferiour , to that of a Superior Station . II. The Pre-eminence in any Office , includes a proportioned Jurisdiction , over the Officers who are under them . III. The Divine Right is manifest , in that Ecclesiastical Government which was instituted by Christ , continued by his Apostles , retained in the Primitive Church , and approved from Heaven by Revelation ; in subserviency to any end , wherein the well-being of Christianity is concerned . IV. The want of that Government in the Church , which is of Divine Right , is pernicious to the Gospel , and to the Christian Religion . PROPOSITION I. The twelve Apostles were President Bishops over the 70 Disciples . Demonstration . THE President Bishop is he , who being Pre-eminent to other Ministers , is invested with a fixed Power of Ordination , Regulated by Canons , and of Iurisdiction , ballanced by assisting Ministers ; ( by Definition III. ) But in respect to the 70 Disciples , who were all in the holy Ministry , ( by Postulatum I. ) and from among whom Matthias was called to be of the 12. ( by Postulatum I. ) The sacred College of the Apostles had a fixed Pre-eminence ( by Axiom I , ) invested with the power of Ordination regulated by Canons ; ( by Postulatum I. and Definition I. ) And of Iurisdiction ballanced by Assisting Ministers ; ) by Axiom II. ) Therefore the 12 Apostles were President Bishops over the 70 Disciples , which was the thing to be Demonstrated . PROPOSITION II. Timothy was a President Bishop over the Church of the Ephesians ; and Titus over the Church of the Cretians . Demonstration . These are President Bishops who are Pre-eminent to other Ministers , invested with a fixed power of Ordination , Regulated by Canons ; and of Iurisdiction , ballanced by assisting Ministers ( by Definition III. ) But Timothy in the Church of Ephesus , and Titus in the Church of Crete , from their Offices had a pre-eminence over other Ministers , invested with a fixed power of Ordination and Iurisdiction , Regulated by Canons , and Ballanced by assisting Ministers ; ( by Postulatum II. ) Therefore Timothy was a president Bishop over the Church of the Ephesians , and Titus over the Church of the Cretians . Which was to be Demonstrated . PROPOSITION III. The Fathers of the Primitive Church were President Bishops . Demonstration . The Primitive Church retained the Government of one single , person , pre-eminent unto other Ministers ; ( by Postulatum III. ) But the pre-eminence in any Office includes a proportioned Iurisdiction over the Officers who are under them ; ( by Axiom II. ) And the power of Iurisdiction is fixed in the president Bishop , ( by Definition III. ) Therefore the Fathers of the Primitive Church were president Bishops . Which was to be Demonstrated . PROPOSITION IV. The President Episcopacy is approved by Christ in the Book of the Revelation . Demonstration . The 7 Angels of the 7 Churches written unto by St. John , in the Book of the Revelation , are incouraged against all the devices of the ungodly , upon condition of their continuing faithful in their Administrations ; ( by Postulatum IV. ) But these Angels were president Bishops over other Ministers within their respective Churches ; ( by Definition IV. ) Therefore the president Episcopacy is approved by Christ , in the Book of the Revelation . Which was to be Demonstrated . COROLLARY I. The President Episcopacy is of Divine Right . Demonstration . The Divine Right is manifest , in that Ecclesiastical Government which is instituted by CHRIST , and continued by his Apostles , retained in the Primitive Church , and approved by CHRIST , by a Revelation from Heaven , for subserviency to any end , wherein the well-being of Christianity is concerned ; ( by Axiom III. ) But the President Episcopacy was instituted by CHRIST ; ( by Proposition I. ) Continued by His Apostles ; ( by Proposition II. ) Retained in the Primitive Church ; ( by Proposition III. ) And approved by CHRIST , by a Revelation from Heaven ; ( by Proposition IV. ) For avoiding of Schism wherein the well-being of Christianity is concerned ( by Postulatum III. ) Therefore the President Episcopacy is of Divine Right . Which was to be demonstrated . COROLLARY II. The want of the President Episcopacy is prejudicial to the Christian Church . Demonstration . The want of that Government in the Church , which is of Divine Right , is pernicious to the Christian Religion ; ( by Axiom IV. ) But the President Episcopacy , is that Government in the Church which is of Divine Right ; ( by the preceeding Corollarie . ) Therefore the want of the President Episcopacy is prejudicial to the Christian Church . Which was to be demonstrated . FINIS . A LETTER TO A Reverend Minister OF THE GOSPEL , OF THE Presbyterian Perswasion . REVEREND SIR , WHEN in the doctrinal Truths of the Reformed Religion , and in the substantial parts of Divine Worship , all sober Pretestants of Episcopal and Presbyterian Perswasion , are firmly united together ; our sad Divisions about Ecclesiastical Government ( which have these many years mischief'd us ) are certainly incosistent with the Gospel of peace and love , subservient to Popery which would swallow us up quick , and scandalous to all thinking Men. Let me therefore conjure you by the bleeding Wounds of our Holy Mother who received us by one Baptism , unto the profession of one Lord , and one Faith , that when the Episcopal Clergy are of so reconciling inclinations , you neglect not this opportunity of shewing your abhorrence of wilful separation . And that my fervent persuance after Peace , may have the honour to contribute in any way for so happy an accommodation among Christian Brethren ; suffer me in all that tender Compassion that becometh a Minister of Salvation by a dying Saviour , to put you in remembrance of these three Matters of Fact. 1 st . That the Representative Church of Scotland , never confest any Divine Right in Presbytery . 2 ly . That the Solemn League never ajbur'd the president Bishop regulated by Canons , and ballanced by assisting Miisters . 3 dly . That the Reverend Ministers in England , for providing against violation of that Covenant , petitioned for such an Episcopacy as is liker to our present Establishment , than any other seen by the Christian World these thousand years . 1 st . The representative Church of Scotland , never confest any Divine Right in Presbytery . Since the Blessed Reformation ; we have but two of her Confessions , the first whereof in K. I. I. his Reign , avoweth in its 19 Act about the Notes of Holy Church , that that Ecclesiastical Discipline is rightly administred as God's Word prescribes , whereby Vice is repressed and Virtue nourished . And lest it should be imagined that Presbytery can only afford such a Discipline ; in the 21 Act it avoweth , that no Polity can be appointed for all Ages , times , and places . And after all , Church Government is thus left to be of Human Institution ; the Civil Magistrate is confest in the 25 Article , to have the Supream Power to settle it . Then for the other Confession made at Westminster , by being voiced unto by the Commissioners which were sent from this place , and afterwards approved by the general Assembly here , it 's adopted unto the National Church of Scotland : And it 's well enough known , that the 25 th . Ch. thereof asserts the Supream Civil Magistrate his power of Establishing the external Polity of the Church : Yea , and the General Assembly here in the Act of Approbation of that Confession , for all its protestation that the 31 ch . concerning Synods and Counsels , should not encroach upon the intrinsick Power of the Church , takes no notice if the Presbyterian Government hath a Divine Institution . 2 ly . The Soelmn League did not abjure the President Bishop , regulated by Canons , and ballanced by Assistant Presbyters . For since the General Assembly here in Scotland , by her Acts acknowledgeth , that the Solemn League strikes against the same Episcopacy , against which the National Covenant was levelled ; then doubtless the single judgment of the Royal Martyr , ( the best Protestant and Casuist of his time ) about the Sense of the National Covenant , must weigh down the Opinion of all the diffusive Church of Brittain , in this Question ; and the World knows that his Princely desire of a Regulation , always hated the Destruction of Episcopacy . Then for the Church Representative of both Kingdoms , neither the Synod of Westminster in her Directory for Church Government , nor the General Assembly here convened , in her Act of Approbation of that Directory , do any thing in condemnation of a president Bishop . But , 3 dly , The Reverend Ministers of the Presbyterian Perswasion in England , petitioned An. 1661 , the late King Charles the II. for such an Episcopacy , as is liker our present Establishment in Scotland , than any other that hath been seen by the Christian Church these thousand years . Their Petitions are printed in two Papers of Proposals , in which they insist upon the Form of a Synodical Government , conjunct with a fixed Presidency , according to Arch-Bishop Vshers Reduction ; and the last Motive inducing them to desire such a Government , is plainly this , in words . That it will save the Nation from the violation of the Solemn Vow and Covenant , without wronging the Church at all , or breaking any other Oath . Now Reverend Brother , you know as well as my self , that the foresaid Reduction by that most Reverend Primate of all Ireland , is liker our present Episcopal Government , consider'd in its Nature , than hath ever been seen in any National Church since the Blessed Reformation : Yea , so very like in the weekly Session , Monthly Presbytery , and Diocesan Synod , that with a due Modification , whereunto the Regular Clergy will be found complying , you should not be able to know the difference . Therefore beseeching the Author of Peace , and lover of Concord , that all of us of Episcopal and Presbyterian Perswasion , having one Lord , one Faith , and one Baptism , may be brought to be all of one mind and judgment , perfectly join'd together without all Divisions in our Lord Iesus Christ. I rest , though unknown as yet , Reverend Brother , Your Affectionate Servant . Edin . Mar. 4. 1689. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A35428-e110 Calvin . Instit. Lib. 4. Cap. 4 ▪ Sect. 2. This is to be considered , that only the Pastors , and not the whole multitude laid on hands on their Ministers at Ordinations . Calvin . Titus chap. 1. verse 5. We learn indeed from this place , that there was no such Equality among the Ministers of the Church , but that some . One was pre-eminent in Authority and Council . (a) Calvin 2 Tim. chap. 1. verse 6. Paul himself declares , That he alone , and no other Ministers with him , laid on hands on Timothy . (b) Calvin . Inst. lib. 4. cap. 4. sect . 2. Whatever parts the Consul had in the Senate , the same Office did the Bishop always sustain in the meeting of Presbyters . Beza , Rev. 2. chap. 1. & v. 24. To the Angel , that is , To the President , as whom it behoveth , especially to be admonished , touching those matters ; and by him both the rest of his fellow Collegues , and the whole Church likewise , vers . 24. But unto you , that is , unto you the Angel the President , and the Assembly of your Collegues , and to the Rest , that is , to the whole Flock . Calvin , Luke 10. chap. 1. vers . 16. After the Apostles had returned to Christ , he sent out more secondary Preachers : And this is the great commendation of the outward Ministry ; That CHRIST Declares , that whatsoever honour is given to his Faithful Preachers , is given to Himself . Calvin . 1 Tim. 1. chap , 18. v. (a) Timothy was not one of the common Ministry , but one next to the Apostles , who in the frequent absence of Paul , was in his place , Tit. 1.5 . Beside the ordinary Office of Pastors , Titus had this charge , that he should constitute a certain Form of Church politie and Discipline ; & likewise ordain Ministers over the Churches . Calvin . Inst. lib. 4. cap. 4. sect . 2. Presbyters out of their number in all the Cities , chose one , to whom especially they gave the Title of Bishop ; lest from a Parity , as useth to be , Divisions might arise . Ierom says , at Alexandria from Mark the Evangelist to Heraclas and Dionysius , Presbyters always placed one in a pre-eminent degree , whom they called a Bishop . Beza , Rev. 2 chap. 26. v. My works , that is , he who shall faithfully perform the work laid upon him ; for he bespeaks the Assembly of Pastors in the person of the President , to whom he promiseth Victory against all the wicked , if he rely and trust in the Authority and Power of that true and only head of the Church . Calvin , 1 Tim. 3.13 . Because in one or two Centuries after the death of the Apostles , it was the constant custom that from the Order of Deacons , the Presbyters were chosen , therefore commonly they have exponed this place , of the Advancement to a Superior degree . See Definition II. & III. Calvin . Inst. lib 4 cap. 6. sect . 1. We have not before touched upon the primacy of the Roman See ; whence the Papists strive to prove that the Catholick Church is only with them : because it hath not taken its Original from CHRISTS institution , nor the custom of the Ancient Church , as the other Offices have done , ( viz. Bish. Presb. & Deacons , cap. 4. sect . 1. ) mentioned already . Calvin . Inst. lib. 4. cap. 8. sect . 2 For neither the light , and heat of the Sun , Meat or Drink are so nourishing and sustaining this present Life , as the Apostolick and Ministerial Office , for preserving of a Church upon Earth . 
A34431	----	Episcopacie asserted, as it now stands established in our church and common-wealth with the titles of honours, the dignity of authority, the endowments of revenues : by these following argumnts taken 1 from the Word of God, 2 from the light of nature, 3 from the rights of His Majesty, 4 from the lawes of the kingdome, 5 from the lawes of civility and common humanity / by Thomas Cooke ... Cooke, Thomas, d. 1669. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A34431 of text R11518 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C6039). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 41 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A34431 Wing C6039 ESTC R11518 12832576 ocm 12832576 94334 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34431) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94334) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 255:E171, no 6) Episcopacie asserted, as it now stands established in our church and common-wealth with the titles of honours, the dignity of authority, the endowments of revenues : by these following argumnts taken 1 from the Word of God, 2 from the light of nature, 3 from the rights of His Majesty, 4 from the lawes of the kingdome, 5 from the lawes of civility and common humanity / by Thomas Cooke ... Cooke, Thomas, d. 1669. [2], 24, [1] p. Printed by Tho. Favvcet for Nath. Bvtter, London : 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A34431 R11518 (Wing C6039). civilwar no Episcopacie asserted: as it now stands established in our Church and Common-wealth. With the titles of honours. The dignity of authority. Th Cooke, Thomas 1641 7206 21 0 0 0 0 0 29 C The rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-07 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion EPISCOPACIE ASSERTED : As it now stands established in our CHVRCH and COMMON-WEALTH . With The Titles of Honours . The dignity of Authority . The endowments of Revenues . By these following Argnmnts ; Taken 1 From the word of God . 2 From the light of Nature . 3 From the rights of his Majesty . 4 From the Lawes of the Kingdome . 5 From the lawes of civility and common humanity . By THOMAS COOKE , Batchelour in Divinitie , WHO Is so farre from any ingagement by any relation to any of their Lordships , as hee is enforced at this present to his great charge and trouble , to become an humble sutor to the High and honourable Court of Parliament , for redresse of some grievances occasioned by the miscariage of some of the Bishops , in a businesse that neerely concerned him . LONDON , Printed by THO. FAVVCET , for NATH : BVTTER . 1641. EPISCOPACIE ASSERTED : As it now stands established in our COMMON-WEALTH . AS for the Originals of Bishops and their antiquity , that is sufficiently cleered and proved by many and sundry learned Divines both Bishops and Doctors , and others , and may goe for currant till encountred with better reason , and confuted with stronger Arguments . But as they now stand incorporated into the superior part of the body of our Common-wealth , they are represented to every Ordinary apprehension , so impregnably fortified on all sides , as that they may securely endure , like Iron Pillars or Rocks of Marble , all the battery of any eloquence or Sophistry whatsoever . For although their opposers advance their notions towards the borders of Divinity , in imitation of the old Heretiques , who in a blush to be sole and bare in themselves and their single inventions , bragged out their absurdities for a while with Scripture flourishes , and as Vincentius Lyrenensis said of them that they did divinae legis sententiis quasi quibusdam vellerebus sese obvolvere , so they tyred in themselves with their owne self-conceited presumptions and preapprehending the dangers they are in to be censured as Sacrilegious , or inforced to flee to the Scriptures , and from thence to extort succour with a wrest of violence for the better boulstering out their home-bred exceptions against Bishops , that savour something of ignorance and malignity , of whom J may say as Athanasius said of the Arrians in his Oration contra Arrianos ; That Christum simulant & contra Christum pugnant , so they pretend the authority of Christ speaking in the Scriptures , when in very deed they strive though insensibly they perceive it not , and contend and argue against Christ and almost against all his Ordinances , & so fulfill not only the predictions of preferment wherewith blindnesse and ignorance should out-strip the cleere sunshine of manifest light and truth , but also accomplish the Prophecies of the wild degeneration of Charity into new and strange heats and fits of zeale without knowledge , & so render themselves obnoxious to the wrathfull displeasure of the Almighty ; for as St. Gregory saith , Consilium divinū dum devitatur impletur , humana autem sapientia du reluctatur comprehenditur , so whiles man goes about to defeat and avoyd the authority of his commanding Word by any act of disobedience , he falls within the compasse of another branch of his word of Prophecie , which is thereby fulfilled and accomplished , and so whiles humane wisedome like the builders of Babell soares towards heaven in a pride , to vie and contest with the wisdome of the Almighty that is infinite and incomprehensible , it is taken in the snares of its owne impotencies , and have its vaine imaginations like Achitophels turned round into folly and simplicity . 1. As first , because it is against Christ and his will revealed in his word , whereby hee ever maintaines the beauty of honour , and the dignity of authority , and the strength and sinewes of Revenues , wheresoever he finds them rightly fixed by humane Lawes , whether on Iew or Turke , or Infidell , or upon Christians , but especially i● on his houshold servants and high stewards of his chiefest treasures , and most mysterious secrets , such as the Bishops are , who are graced in our Common-wealth with titles of Honours , and with the dignity of authority by the favour of Princes , and are indowed with great Revenues by the franck donation of many famous Founders and Benefactors , and have ever been confirmed in all by the Lawes of the Kingdome , which are as neere as may be regulated by his will , so farre as hath been possible to make discovery of it , either by the dictates of nature , or his expresse cōmands set forth in the Scriptures . And all this he seconds by surrounding them for the glory of his generall providence , with a guard of a double perfection not onely of strict Injunctions to honour and obey , to assist and support them in all . But also with direfull menaces of punishment proportionable to their transgression , denounced against all ( that prevent it not in time with a due repentance ) that should dare to derogate from their honors , or disobey their authority , or disturb the peace they injoy in their possessions , and turnes of all violations of his Law committed on them , but against himselfe from any the least termination upon them onely , and strikes in as a party , and makes himselfe the Center of the injury , and reflects back again like a Rock upon the Authors , the offences offered to his Messengers , as if he himselfe had suffered , saying not they , but I , not you , but me , which is the same with his language to Saul before he was St. Paul ; saying , when he appeared to him as he was travelling to Damascus breathing out slaughter and threatnings against the Disciples of the Lord , Saul , Saul , why persecutest thou me , who , in all probability , were not Disciples of the Ecclesiasticke , but the Civill state , and that too in the time of his ignorance , and while hee was yet in unbeliefe , but here CHRIST is persecuted in his chiefe Ecclesiastick Disciples , and that by knowing and beleeving Ministers , which is like the Contention between the Sunne and the Moone , which is an allusion the Poet tooke to expresse the insolencies wherewith the male contents of Rome seditiously did venture to outbrave their Superiours and Governours ; saying , — Fratri Contraria Phaebe Ibit , & obliquum bigas agitare per orbem , Indignata , diem poscit sibi ; totaque discors Machina convulsi turbabit foedera mundi . In English thus : The Moone impatient of her rule by night , Would needs dissease the Sunne the day to light ; And by this civill and unnaturall jarre : Enforc'd the bands of the worlds love to fry in war . Oh , let not the reddition be told in Gath , or spoken of in the tents of Ascalon . Secondly , It is against the light of nature , that prescribes a rule for every man to measure anothers good by the estimate and affection they hold and beare to any thing they can , or doe call theirs ; Which is this , Quod tibi fieri non vis alteri ne feceris . Manifested thus : if there be any that can intitle themselves either to honour or office , or inheritance that hath beene conferred upon them , either by the favour of Princes , or by the donation of Ancestors , and that confirmed by the Sanctions and Constitutions of humane lawes and judicatures , and that confirmation re-established by ancient prescription of long possession , and nothing to the contrary : It would be thought a thing very grievous and intolerable for a title so cleare and strong , and so impregnable to be unhinged and abrogated , and not to allow like Justice to the Bishops in all they are , wherin like correspondence in every respect is obvious to every ordinary eye , will prove a Paradox too too pregnant with mysterious absurdities both in ordinary Divinity and naturall Logique and vulgar Iustice and Moralty . Secondly , it is against the King his sole Deputy and Vice-gerent upon Earth , and that in a threefold respect . As first , It is against his Royall Prerogative , which above all other glorious beames of Divine Majesty that shine upon him , and abundantly shew themselves in him , not onely in his power , but in his parts , both of sanctity and intelligence , proves him the only expresse Image & lively representation both of the ample and free liberty , & also of the communicative goodnesse of the Almighty , wherein it is free and loose from the mixtures of humane limitations and restrictions , which like Sea-bankes bounds it up and circumscribes it in many particulars , but in this left free and absolute , and managed as it is according to the prescript rule of the word of God for the setting forth of his glory , by promoting of his peoples good , wch is the supreame end of all his Majesties ; for Salus pupuli especially spiritualis & eterna is suprema lex , as his Majesty hath ever done to his eternall renowne by countenancing , and continuing , and confirming according to the Royall patterne of his famous progenitors , the honours and authority , and bountifull maintenance of the Bishops as hee found them at his first comming to the Crowne . Wherin he approacheth by imitation as neere as is possible to the nature of the Almighty , and that in a double respect . 1. First thus : as God when he sent his Angels as nuntioes on his arrand to Mankind , he formed them with lineaments suitable to humane nature , to conciliate with their seeming germane affinity to their kind , some reciprocall welcome to be spent in a willing and favourable attention , and waiting on the delivery of their message , and so to steale upon both their apprehensions , and faith , and beliefe , all together by the prefaces of humane insinuations : so his Majesty takes his naked spirituall creatures , of the poore Ministers of the Gospell , and lest they should be too much estranged , and abstracted , like Angels in respect of secular and politicall out sides from all familiar association , with common and vulgar expectations ; he cloathes them with the Court Wardrope of honour and authority , and of the plentifull affluence of means , and so sends them forth , to charme the senses of his Subjects , with the pleasing shyne of greatnesse , into a happy and holy treason to their soules , for the betraying of their darling ignorance , and misleading darkenesse , into the sweet captivity of a farre better guide of light from above , which is usually as odious to them , as a candle or day-light is to a Thiefe and a Robber . 2. And secondly , as God made Kings , Prophets , as Melchisedeck , and King David , and after him Salomon his Sonne : so his Majestie vouchsafes to all the chiefe Evangelicall Prophets that have been found famous for their parts , and piety , to participate in some measure of some of the branches of honour and authority , and of the ample Revenewes derived at the first from Kings . And that not so much to gratifie those Reverend and holy Fathers , with a Paradise of temporall happinesse , in their present preferments , which is nothing to them , in comparison of those , fortes laetitias & solida gaudia , they have in their studies and performances of their duties ; as to winne upon the affections of carnall and secular minded men , to comply with him unawares in a point of state , policy , whilest they persue their owne covetous and ambitious thirsts and ●ymes at profit and promotion for thēselves or theirs , and that in his Royall providence and designes to perpetuate an eternall propagation of a learned and Orthodox , and of an vnblamable and unblemished Ministry to the worlds end . 2. Secondly , it is against his Royall title of defender of the faith , which is not to be conceived to be ment of faith in abstracto in any sence , but in concreto as it is incorporated ( blessed be God for it ) into the hearts of all or the greater part in some measure of his Christian people , the chiefe Champions and propugnators whereof , under his Majestie , were as ever the Bishops , who have incoumptred and subdued almost all the powers of darkenesse , with all their antihcristian impostures , and diabolicall , machinations wherewith they have ever endeavoured either to darken or eclipse , or totally to abolish the light of the Gospell . 3. Thirdly , it is against his Oath by which he ingaged himselfe at his Coronation to embossome the Church into his dearest and most intimate embraces , and to proove his Patronage thereof ( according as hath beene prophecied of him ) by his care and zeale of its fraile and tender safety and prosperity , subject to all the stormes of envy and malignity , which being duely observed as hitherto by his Majesty is the Pillar and basis that beares up all other fundamentalls both in Church and State , and that by reflecting back upon his Majesty a strength and an assurance compleate and eternall both of all Temporall and Spirituall happinesse , and to his Royall Consort and all his Royall issue , and to derive to all his loving Subjects throughout all his Dominions a confident security of the safe fruition of all the sundry objects of their chiefest and dearest delights the shaking and unloosing whereof upon any pretences , how spetious and advantagious soever will be little credit to their duty of loyalty that shall attempt it , and scarce thanke worthy at his Majesties hands whensoever it shall be presented unto him . Thirdly , it is against the Lawes of the Kingdome , and that in a double respect . 1. As first , it is against the grand Fundamentall Law of Magna Charta , so often confirmed by many sundry Acts of Parliament in sundry Kings Reignes , which allowes the Church and Church-men wherein no doubt Bishops were imployed because it was a Bishop that first begun and co●arived , and continued , and occasioned the free enjoying of all their endowements and immunities and Priviledges to the strict observation wherof all that oppose the good of the Church , are or should be sworne . 2. Secondly , it is against the Law of propriety of late so much stood upon and revived a new to the great good and comfort of the meanest and the lowest of the Civill state . And if the Heads and fathers of the Church should be condemned as aliens and politicall illegitimates to an incapability of common Rights , and interesses with their inferiors , it would amount to be a greater Monster in government then ever nature did produce . For seeing they are free-borne Subjects as well as others , and capable with them like free denisens of all Rights , and enlargements , either by honour , or authority , or by any additions of Reverewes they shall be thought worthy of , and can fairely arrive at , and being fully possessed of all by law accordingly , and that possession ratified by long prescription , they ought not neither can they be justly disseased of any , or all , but by order and course of Law , usually observed in all proceedings in every Court against any , eyther for disroabing , or dismounting of any from their honours , or for the deposing of any from their authority , or for the deprivation of any man of his means . And that too for some offence proportionable in waight to such a punishment , and that againe not meerely morall , as pride or covetousnesse , or neglect either of their Episcopall or Ministeriall duties , for which or the like , or greater , as meerely morall , never man was yet ever knowne to be questioned in any Court , nor legally can be : But politicall , and that not in generals onely , for Dolosus versatur in universalibus ( particulars are expected to be produced and proved , and they again to be tryed , and examined , whether hainous and enormious enough to undoe & destroy any one of the presēt Bishops ) for their personall delinquences ; for so the learned and the innocent , the pious and religious might save themselves with credit , and fairely escape ; or whether so capitall and outragious , as like the sinne of Adam , or a talent of Lead , it should unmercifully drowne them all at once in one common confused deluge of an utter universall sweeping exstirpation , and finall abolition of all , the learned with the ignorant , the innocent with the delinquent , the person , place , and Office , with all the concomitances , dependances , consequences , and influences for ever : Or whether according to the tenour of one or more leading precedents , practised in like case , by the sages of former times , which is the Cynosura , by which the whole Nation of Lawyers , both Judges and Pleaders for the most part usually steere and move in all their proceedings , who never had nor made precedents by the punishments of Communities , especially such as the Hierarchy of the Bishops is ; for speculative , imaginary universalities of impieties . And in the meane time it ought maturely to be considered of ; whether such a suddaine violent redresse of the supposed enormious crimes of the Bishops , would not become to them or some of them an irresistable rentation to greater and more intolerable , and unpardonable extravagant exorbitances , as of dejected and heartlesse , male-contentednesse , and of impious and blasphemous murmuring against Gods providence , & of seditious quarrelling with , and repyning against the Wisdome and the justice of the present government , or of busie studying out , and of subtile contriving of pernitious wayes of revenge for the unexpected losses of those pretious pledges of many former Princes favours , and , as may be supposed by them , for the undeserved deprivation of the antient inheritance of their famous predecessours , and so 〈◊〉 a course of more avocations and of greater in erruptions of their studies then as yet can possible be conjectured : But the consequences thereof may easily be discerned by any that is but weake sighted in future contingences , as blindnesse and ignorance which is sayed to be mater errorum & vitiorum ●utrix , the fountaine and nurce of all impieties both Speculative and Practicall , for as the Psalmist saith ; Thou makest darkenesse wherein all the Beasts of the Forrest move ; so the night of blindnesse and ignorance is the only opportunity for all the works and fruits of darkenesse to advance and display , and to shew themselves in their colours , such as are Heresies , Scismes , Factions , Dissentions , Seditions , Rebellions , Treasons of all kinds , Jesuiticall powder plots , Regicydes state underminings , and God knowes what Chaos of disturbance and confusion of the whole frame of Church and State of and all , for as Acosta very well observed of old , that Heresenan surores regnorum conturbationes secutae sunt , so it may be found true with us if not timely prevented . And as Varro said of Plautus ; Postquam morte donatus est Plautus , Comaedia luget , scaena est diserta , Dem risus , lusus , jocusque Et numeri innumeri simul omnes collacrumarunt . Change but the Sceane into the Church and the Seminaries , and Suborbes , and all the branches of it , and a man may see the like truth spring up faster and spreading already further then can be sooue or easily remedied . Fistly , and Lastly , it is against the Lawes of civility and common humanity , and that in a double respect . 1. As first , thus to deprive the deceased founders of their proper inheritances who still survive themselves in their devices and donations which they did forbeare whilest they lived to wast and consume on their owne lusts and pleasures , and without respect had to their neerest and dearest friends and acquaintance diverted at their deaths ever their beneficence from them , and turned it into a Sacrifice to be offered up to the Almighty , and to be spent by the Bishops , for the setting forth of his glory , and that by promoting the publique and spirituall good , both of King , and Church and State , and of all both at home and abroad , wheresoever the Gospell is professed , as is sufficiently manifested by the famous Monuments of Learning and Piety , which they have continually set forth and published to the world , of which as Horace said of his works ; Exegi monumentum aere perennius Regalique situ pyramidum altuis , Quod nec imber edax aut Aquilo impotens , Possit divere aut innumerabilis , Annorum eries , & fuga temporum . So may they say and more , and trulier of their workes , but they are no boasters . And now to defeate the aymes of those deceased founders , and to contend with them in a vye of better wisdome and larger liberty , and greater power then ever they had , or exercises over their owne estates , is like cum mortuo Protogene bellum gerere was enough heretofore to make the victorious and couragious Warriour Demetrius to retreat and shrinke with shame and feare from his siege of the City Rhodus , where the Picture of Iasylus made by the famous Painter Protogenes was kept , for when he was remembred to consider how foule a thing it was to warre with the dead , it is said that forthwith oppugnatione desita & imagini & civitati pepercit : so if it might be but deliberately thought on , what an unworthy and uncomely thing it is , that those ancient Monuments and lively ravishing pictures of charity and piety , and beneficence , of the famous foundations and endowements of Bishops , that have thus long subsisted & flourished ; should now be the objects of envy and hostility , they would spare their owne trouble , and forbeare their further prosecution of all the siege they have begirt them with , and of whatsoever they have attempted and enterprised gainst them . But to flye upon the Bs. their donees and adopted children , and to out them of their Legacies , as well or rather because they are Bishops , then for any Morall or politicall offence , as yet either alleged , or sufficiently proved , notwithstanding all the worthy services wherewith they or some of them , or some of their famous predecessours have enlarged and advanced the felicity both of Church and State , cannot be warranted from the gests and acts of former times , and will prevent a Parallel in after ages . For as Tertullus the Oratour said to Foelix the governour , seeing we have injoyed great quietnesse by thee , and many worthy things have beene done unto our Nation by thy providence , we acknowledge it wholly , and in all places most noble Faelix , with all thankes , so they might understand , if they pleased , and confesse and acknowledge , that they and their Fore-fathers have injoyed great quietnesse by their meanes ; For as the Apostle saith of the Israelites , that to them appertaine the adoption , and the glory , and the giving of the Law , and of the service of God , and of whom are the Fathers : so to them appertaine , the adoption and the glory of the chiefe Ambassadours , and Messengers of Christ , of the high Stewards of the great and manifold mysteries of Salvation , of the Master-builders of the great City and Temple of the Church , and body of our head Christ ; of the faithfull dispensers of the Covenant of Grace , and of the Ministeriall givers both of the Law and Gospell , and of the constant preservers , with their utmost care and diligence , of the sincere service of God , and of whom came all the Fathers , in both the famous Universities , and in all the Cathedrall and parochiall Churches , throughout the whole Kingdome , who did baptize , and teach , and marry , and blesse from God , all their Fore-fathers , and were to them in stead of Christ their first and sole Deputy redeemers , who recovered them out of worse then Aegytian darkenesse & bondage : and so have hitherto preserved them , and , with their burning and shining rayes of light from above , did enlighten and mollify , and reduce the old , blind , and hard-hearted world , into bright day-light , and Dove-like mildnesse and gentlenesse , to combine , and knit , and grow up together by the bands of charity into one man and one mind . And from those Halcyon dayes of love , and peace , and joy , and delight , they deriving all their happinesse 〈…〉 for their Fore-fathers debts and their owne , for former and present benefits all conce 〈…〉 them and theirs , with some thankefull requitalls of acknowledgement at the least . But in stead thereof , to affront the merits of their Piety , and constancy , and learning , and charity , with affections high and rough , and grimme in frownes , and threats of their utter ruine and destruction , makes the Gospell little better in event , then Senecaes institution of his great Scholler Nero in his Heathenish morality , of whom it is said , that he seemed non tam erudi●sse ingenium Neronis , quam armasse saevitiam . And that by decreeing it incongruous and dangerous for them , as Bishops , to taste of the pleasures of any little parcell of secular and temporall greatnesse , that at the best , have but stillam gaudii in ultima te parvitatis constituam , which is not onely to prejudicate their generous education of their continuall exercise of their best parts in the sublimest cōtēplations , in ye most abstruse mysteries in Divinity , as unfruitful to refine the temper they are of by nature , and as altogether vnusefull & unprofitable to renue their infirm frame with sufficient supplies of grace , to be as pious and as religious amid the smiles of their great fortunes , as Ioseph was in the Court of Pharoah King of Aegypt , and as the Evangelicall Saints were in the Roman tyrant Neroes house : But to found and ground from thence a greater degree of Popery then ever yet was discovered in the late Bishops , or aymed at , or attempted by any of them ; namely , the single life of the Clergy , which the Apostle calls the Doctrine of Devils . For if honours and intermedling with secular affayres , and great possessions be inconsistant with holy orders , then must the Clergie be interdicted and excommunicated altogether from the honourable estate of Matrimony , as too too various and tedious , with many more vnavoidable changes of distractions and interruptions from their studies , which is by this meanes pointed at as the next intolerable burthen and grievous captivity they must of necessity expect to be enthralled unto . And so from thence to derive restraints to the honourable , and to the rich and married , and to the great Commanders in the Civill state to forbeare their darling pleasures , and not to be like Polyphemus Evangeliophorus whom Erasmus brings in his Dialogue between him and Cannius , dreaming that the Gospell hanging at his girdle , might reach an influence to his heart and head , and corporally worke a spirituall change upon his intellectualls , as if the meere carrying of the Gospell about a man , or the sometimes vouchsafing to a Preacher , an averse eare that is charmed from within , with swarmes of a thousand curbes of sundry fancies , and that too but in case of distresse , of necessitated respite , and leasure from their other occasions , and in a just dread of Court-censures , and the punishments prescribed by humane Lawes : And as the streame & swinge of custome and company , heaves and drives them , were enough to maintaine the credit of a Christian profession , and in the meane time to ingrosse and impropriate to themsel●es all the guerdions and garlands due to the greatest endowments and best deservings ; and confine the Clergy only to their Intellectuall and Spirituall delights and hopes of their future happinesse and inheritance in the Kingdome of Heaven ; as Iulian the Apostata , did the Christians , when he spoyled them of their goods and estates , jeering them with their Masters Doctrine , saying to them , blessed are yee poore , for yours is the Kingdome of Heaven . As if our blessed Saviour had suffered death onely to redeeme them from the bookish and leane drudgery of the Clergy , and had come to crowne them , like a Temporall King ( as the Iewes expected ) with the Rose buds of all the delights , or more then ever Salomon provided for his lusts , in the dayes of his vanity , and to content himselfe onely with some few younger brother Parsons to be conformable to his poverty ; and to side with him in the fellowship of his sufferings , but rather they are to be like Epiphanius , of whom it is said , that Pingebat actibus paginam quam legisset ; So they are to expresse , in their lives and conversations , all their Lectures they have heard , and read , and received from their learned Ministers . For as the exemption of them from the busie employments of Magistracy , and the denudation of them from the bewitching splendor of honours , or exonerating them of the cumbersome luggage of riches and great possessions , must be turminated altogether by them in a moonkish Retirement , and that to be worne out and spent in restlesse and incessant labours at their studies ; the fruits whereof are all to be expended for the enriching of the Laity , with all the precious treasure of Divine Mysteries : so are they to be correspondent in a mutuall reciprocation of proportion●ble offices and duties ; and that by incorporating all that knowledge into all their existences , occasions , and occurrences , and as St. Origen said of St. Paul , Sanctificabat prophana , & fecit ecclesiastica : So they are to sanctifie all their civill and secular conditions ; And as one said of the Sacraments , that they were Verba visibilia : So they are to rarifie and sublimate all their lowe & terrene temporall employments , into a manifest visibility of the purity of Religion ; which will apparantly result not onely out of the exact measuring of the length and the breadth , and of the height and depth of all their endeavors and undertakings , according to the strict rule of the word of God : But also by pointing all their intentions , with a defixed ●yme at the high and chiefe end of the glory of God ; and by ever rancking all their other inferiour and secundary ends , with a Methodicall subordination and a harmonious coherence , and an orderly and tributary subserviancie to the supreame . And then , is the Poet said of Isla and her Picture : which the Painter had drawn so to the life-like hir . Vt utramque putabis esse v●ram : Aut utramque putabis e●●e pictam . So an ordinary Spectator , that is divided , through weakenesse of Iudgement , into a dubious apprehension , might either thinke both Laicke and Ecclesiasticall persons to be a chosen generation , a royall Priest-hood , an holy Nation , a peculiar people ; a● St. Peter called the distressed Iewes , writing to them being strangers scattered through Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , Asia , and Bithynia , or both of them to be and not to be , like a Picture , that is and is not , what it seemes to signifie and represent ; a Nation and no Nation , a people and no people , Christians , and yet no Christians , as they ought to be . Or else because they are , as they are good Bishops ; who for the most part are as good as any sort of men : amid the many infirmities our weake nature is subject unto , and notwithstanding the many tentations our best performances are too too frequently blasted and blemished with . And in some respects doe farre surmount and transcend many thousands of other vocations and conditions , in both unknowne and unvaluable eminencies , and that in a double respect . 1. As first , because in their tender yeares , almost as soone as they could see , to discerne of colours and differences , they could be so Eagle-eyed , as to spy out the pretious pearle of the Gospell ; to the study whereof they did wholly dedicate themselves without any further consult with nature ; and that with a kinde of disdaine of all other professions whatsoever , and singled out its excellencies from all the flatteries of honour , and riches , and renown , that courted their judgement from every corner of the earth , and the knowne world ; to be their sole , and secure , and most sincere delight , and as most really and substantially advantagious to themselves , and as most universally and freely profitable to all others in their most spiritualized , and sanctified desires and wishes ; howsoever slighted and undervalued by some ignorant Atheist , as the most barren and chargeable , and laborious , and difficult , and despicable vocation in the world . 2. And secondly , for the many weary dayes and , weekes , and moneths , and yeares , and anxious , and vexatious cares and indefatigable and restlesse , paines , whereby they have exhausted and consumed the flower of their strength , and prime time , and all to enrich themselves by Gods blessing , and the assistance of his holy Spirit , with heavenly treasures , to be retayled againe , sometime to men of corrupt minds , who for the most part requite them with no other rewards , but heapes of contumelies and heart-breaking reproaches ; wherewith they abundantly revenge all the great good of grace and glory which they intended them . And to conclude , when the State did never yet decree by any publique act , eyther riches , or any honourable remuneration , to any of the Bishops , or any of theirs ; for any of the best services , and performances ; which measured by the strictest exactions of humane Lawes ; may well goe for luxuriant and redundant super-erogations . And now to treat of nothing but degradations and demolitions of those Pillars of earth ; contrary to the word of God , and the light of nature ; and contrary to the Rights of his Majesty ; his Title , Oath , and Prerogative ; and contrary to the Lawes of the Kingdome , and of common humanity , and civility , and supra , and praeter , and ultra , all their demerits , and when many poore and beggerly Incorporations , are permitted and allowed to tryumph in needlesse , and superfluous Priviledges ; whose chiefe Magistrates wisdome and policy ; is sometimes recorded with his owne handy-work on the roofe , & top of his ruinous habitation : this would make St. Hierome , if he were now alive , to blush , and repent ; at what he said in his Epistle , ad Eustochium , quid Cicero cum Apostolis ? For the Orators exclamation of ô tempora ! ô mores ! may well suite for a fit amplification of the Apostles prediction of these our perilous times , the Apostle speaks of in his 2. Epistle to Tim. 3. c. v. 1. This know also , that in the last daies perilous times shall come . v. 2. For men shall be lovers of themselves , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemous , disobedient to parents , unthankefull , unholy . v. 3. Without naturall affection , truce-breakers , false accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers of those that are good . v. 4. Traitours , heady , high-minded , lovers of pleasures more then lovers of God . v. 5. Having a forme of godlinesse , but denying the powers thereof . He that please may reade , and use it as his Looking-glasse , and m●ke Discovery of some things amisse in himselfe , and thence learne to surrender up all the surfets of mistakes , wherewith they have undervalued and vilified those reverend Fathers , whom Tertullian calls A postolici semi●is frutices & haereditarios discipulos Christi , and are procuratores salutis generis humani , and the Chariots of Israel , and the horsemen thereof , as Elisha said of Elias , and ought to be honoured with all thankefulnesse ; omni loco , actu , habitu , tempore , as Ausonius said to Gratian the Emperour , and rather then to abase them any lower , then they are , with any dimiunitions ; to study how to adde to them further and ampler enlargements in all ; for as St. Hierome said in point of obedience , so may I say in matter of beneficence , quis pudor , quod nonpraestet fides , quod praestitit infidelitas , so what a shame is it that Our Father should not be as bountifull to the Church as ever was Pater Noster . But instead thereof , in this cleere and plentifull Sun-shine of the Gospell , to bereave them contrary to the Lawes of grace , & of nature ; of those endowements which were confer'd upon them , by such as were contrary to themselves , both in nature and in grace , in respect both of naturall and spirituall affections : will prove a double aequivocall operation , in the production of contrary effects in both Religions , both theirs , and ours . For as their blind superstition , became to them like the clay , wherewith our Saviour opered the blind mans eyes in the Gospel , which was likelier quite to put them out , then any way to cleere them or recover them : taught them to worke out new Discoveries of better wayes of serving God , and honouring him with their substance ; not onely for the buying out of the Prince of darknesse from his Regencie ( if it were possible ) wherewith hee tyrannized over the Children of darknesse : but also for the hyring of the light of the world ( if it might be ) to breake out , and shine upon them , their kindred and Country-men ; and with a holy kinde of Symony , to purchase for them the gifts of the holy Ghost . So the abundant bright Sun-shine of the Gospel , dazles the light of nature in some , into such a stupor of insensible blindnesse and ignorance ; as they can neither see their owne hands ; nor yet the surplussages of their over-flowing estates , nor the sundry formes of wants and miseries , wherein our Saviour proclaims and presents his distresses , continually in many thousands of his poore and afflicted members . But when they come to the Church they seeme to see double , and take all temporall accessions , of honours , of authority , and of revenues , to be a voenenum , and a perditio , and altogether superfluous , bursome and dangerous . But manum a tabula . Therefore as the Hills stand about Hierusalem , as the Psal. saith , so let the Lord , and the Lords annointed , and all the minor Lords of the earth ; and all that beare good will unto Sion , incompasse , and incampe , like Legions of Angells ; round about the reverend Bishops , and all they are , from this time fourth , and for evermore , Amen good Lord , so be it . Amen , Amen . FINIS . Errata , PAge 3. line 23. for perfection read protection , page 5. line 2. for spoken read published , line 27. for secondly read Thirdly , p. 6. l. 15. for Majesty r. Majestie , is ( p. 9. line 11 : for Thirdly read Fourthly , l , 18. for imployed r. implyed , l. 19 , for con●rived r. contrived , p. 12. l. 18. for Heresenan r. Heres●on , & l. 24. for deni r●dein , p. 13. l. 19. for altuis 1. altius , l. 22. for ●ries r. series , & l. 28. for exercises r. exercised ) p. 16 l. 1● . for constituam r. constitut●m , & line 22. for in read of page 21. line 27 , for earth read the earth . 
A37900	----	The censors censured, in a brief discourse to which is adjoyned the authors letter to an anti-episcopal minister concerning the government of the church : written in the year 1651, but not printed till now. Edmonds, Hugh. 1661 Approx. 23 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A37900 Wing E178A ESTC R36147 15612637 ocm 15612637 104118 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A37900) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104118) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1590:40) The censors censured, in a brief discourse to which is adjoyned the authors letter to an anti-episcopal minister concerning the government of the church : written in the year 1651, but not printed till now. Edmonds, Hugh. [6], 14 p. Printed for Phil. Stephens ..., London : 1661. "To the reader" signed: Hugh Edmonds. Reproduction of original in the Sion College Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Government. Church of England -- Apologetic works. Episcopacy. Presbyterianism -- Controversial literature. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-11 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CENSORS CENSVRED , IN A Brief Discourse : To which is adjoyned the AUTHORS LETTER TO AN Anti-Episcopal Minister Concerning The Government of the CHURCH . Written in the year 1651. but not printed till now . LONDON : Printed for Phil. Stephensat the Kings Armes over against Middle Temple Gate in Fleetstreet , 1661. To the READER , Courteous Reader , ALthough the many Books which have been already printed in defence of Episcopacy , may seem not only to forestal the credit , but to evacuate the use of future Impressions , about the same subject ; yet considering the messe of Confederate Brethren , who are sworn to oppose it , which ( being an Oglio of all Sects ) is of far greater dimension then the defendant party . I presumed it would not amount to the reckoning of a vanity to enter with my unkeen weapon into the same field : which ( though unworthy to be mustered with those forces of wit , that fight for victory ) may serve ( like the attendants of an Army ) to face the enemy . It is the fate of truth for its naked simplicity to be as little known , as trusted , with earthly inhabitants : whereas errour , clothed with glosing variety , finds not only acceptation , but maintenance in the hearts of most . What Gangrenes of Heresies , and fretting sores of schismatical opinions have infested the body of our National Church ? since Bishops ( the ministerial preservers thereof in soundnesse of Doctrine ) were first divorced from their office , as the History of former ages can yield no examples to parallel , so ( being by Satans subtilty heightned to an exquisite degree of wickednesse ) the possible corruption of succeeding times , will want invention to excel . Such was the sudden growth of greedy innovations in the black art of enmity , against their ancient guides , that experience hath proved them to be a true exception to the Philosophers saying , Nemo repente fit turpissimus . And if their master , who raised them to the pinacle of preferment , had not thrown them down headlong by a timely temptation , they would have all turned conceited Monarchs , and not lookt over , but for the Kingdomes of the earth . It will be as much shame hereafter to report , as it is now grief to remember the fiery generation of those meteors o● men , which ( rising by the fall of our great stars ) have vapoured from the Regions both of pulpit and presse , into the houses of the honourable , and musty Cottages of the basest people , deluding them into such a lamentable deviation from their right principles , that the greatest part of them ( like benighted Drunkards ) are not yet able to finde the way home . The consideration whereof doth offer us so much occasion , to pity the dangerous estate of their diseased souls , that I could wish no better successe to attend this work , then that , by detecting the malignant distemper of their faults , it may become a direction for their recovery . But knowing that habituated Crimes will not readily yield to a seperation from the subjects that possesse them , and that custome in sin , ( holding reason in bondage to the dominion of sense ) doth seldome nauseate the sinner to a detestation thereof . I am disposed to doubt , that the event will be unanswerable to the scope of my desire . However the chiefest Part of this Book being written in time of persecution , when Tyranny had stated the Tribes of all honest men in a fitter capacity of receiving wrongs then giving reasons , I shall not now disown the exposing thereof to publick view , though it happen to make a fermentation of humours in the cholerick stomacks of our English Pharisees . For being set forth with the same intention wherewith it was first penned , more to declare my willingnesse to approve , then ability of mind to defend the right of Episcopal Government . It may not be coujectured to be composed with confidence to confute those that deny , but out of love to confirm them who believe the same . To thee therefore , Gentle Reader , whosoever thou art of this number , do I principally dedicate this my labour , wherein if thou apprehend nothing deserving thy condemnation , but the truth of my affection to the welfare of the Church , it will be applause enough to satisfie the expectation of Thy well-wishing friend , HUGH EDMONDS . THE CENSORS CENSURED . AS in natural , so in bodies Politique , there are no distempers more smartly afflicting , than those which invade the most noble parts , and amongst the many causes , which work a solution of unity , in a civill constitution of government , the corrupt humours of a brain-sick clergy are the most intrinsecal . The Truth whereof , though we have by the sad experiences of our own past miseries been better taught to bewail , than dispute ; yet being farther instructed by the present discovery of their propagated mischiefs ( notwithstanding the bountiful rayes of mercy diffused amongst them from our Englands Sun ) we cannot but account it a pitifull folly to commiserate them , who think it a virtue to be cruel to themselves ; for they , whom neither the sense of their own sin , nor apprehension of the Kings pardon can reform , must needs be not onely the charity , which submitteth to the worst of Governours , and it may be justly feared , that no true concordance will inhabit the centre , whilest such Heteroclites are left to lurk in the circumference of the Church , who will rather professe themselves St. Peters animals by standing out in their own conceit , than St. Pauls souls in stooping to the authority of their lawful superiours , neither can they be well thought fit Trustees for the securitie of the Gospels treasure , who having once shipwrackt their Allegiance to the King , are still bankrupt of faith and honesty . Those are the old stocks , whereupon Satan hath graffed the variety of Sects , which hath been the shame , and is yet the grief of Englands Church , whose first non conformity to Canonical orders , hath been the very originals , whereunto the many copies of obstinate Fanaticks , that are now extant , have their true reference , who following the tracts of St. Judes murmurers , in admiration of some mens persons for advantage sake , do dissociate themselves from the community of Saints , not only in opinion , but practise , than which nothing can be more destructive to the concord and peaceable unanimity of spiritual Congregations ; for as in physical Compositu●s , a violent disunion of Integrable parts breeds a more dangerous shisme in the body , than a humerous distemper ; so in Ecclesiastical corporations , an actual seperation from the Catholick fellowship of beleevers in Gods service is a greater pandor to confusion , than the scandal of a speculative distraction . It is time therefore for our Seminary Presbyters , who have been the Protoplastiques of a Rebellious generation , both in Church and State , to make a confession of their past faults , as well as their present faith to the King. They are now sufficiently read in the book of their own consciences to know , nemo periculosius peccat , quam qui peccata defendit , to Apologize for sin is more damnable , than to act it , and not to retract inexcusable errours , doth as much unqualifie a delinquent for mercy , as the perpetration thereof can adapt him to justice . Repentance , though it may be too soon ended , can never bee too late begun ; he , that lives like St. Lukes judge on the bench , neither fearing God , nor regarding man , may have the grace to die like the Jewes theef on the Crosse , with profession of both ; for that power which expresly denyeth forgivenesse to one sin onely , doth implicitely conceede a possibility of pardon to all others . On this consideration it would be worth their paines to translate their Petition for Presbytery into a Suit for Indempnity , and publickly to acknowledge his Majesties Declaration which is the proof of his grace , to be an argument of their guilt , who ( like cunning fencers , that aim at the legs , when they intend to veny the pate ) under a reformative pretence of destroying those revenous beasts , which worry the people , begg'd leave of their master to hunt the kingdome , which being granted , they took liber●y of themselves to make him their chief game : for it is well known from Dan to Beersheba , that the credit of their false doctrine was the very leaven wherewith the people were first moulded into a sowre lump of armed malice against their Sovereigne . And I may truly say , it was the unlucky Boutefen , which not only yielded smoak to smother all Treaties into a nullity of successe , but that gave light also to clear the way for more active instruments then themselves to take off the Head of our eternally renowned Saint Charles , together with the Government from his soulders ; for although they entred not the Stage with those miscreants that personated Pilate in the fifth Act ; yet because they appeared with others who playd the parts of Annas and Caiphas , in the first Scene of the Tragedy , we may justly christen them the Grandfathers in law of that bloudy fact , which being unmatchable in humane stories , may be in some sort compared to the crafty complement of the cruel wolfe in the fable , who told the sheep , Da mihi potum , & ego mihi dabo cibum , meaning to eat him up for his courtesie . A fact , which as former ages have not been so learnedly wicked to invent , so I hope the future will be more honestly wise than to imitate ; A fact , which may schoole our Kings of England into a use of the Italians prayer , to be delivered from their friends whom they trust , as well as from their enemies whom they fear , and inform the people with the Spaniards soul , rather to sheath their swords in one anothers bowels upon private quarrels , than to draw them against their Sovereign in open war. But , if the Recognition of such an execrable murder be not caution enough for subjects to restrain them from Rebellion , let the memorable example of the Amalekites punishment be their exhortation to obedience , 2 Sam. 1. 13 , 14. who ( though a stranger to Sauls kingdome , and by them requested to conclude his pain with the inference of death ) was by Davids command for touching the Lords anointed , instantly condemned to loose his life . If Kings lives then are so precious in Gods account , that they may not be touched in the heat of proclaimd hostility , what a cursed sin must that be , which justifieth those who take them away in cold bloud ? By these animadversions I hope the whole host of spirituall officers , who have fought against the Regiment of the Church , will be victoriously fens'd into a unanimous Iudgement , that it is far better for them to have the Apostles doctrine in their hearts , then the Scots discipline in their hands , to be content with that estate wherein they have been , then to covet that wherein they ought not to be , to submit to the King in causes Ecclesiastical , rather then by calling his power in question , to abuse their own authority in the Gospel , to give Caesar his , will be no substraction from their due , had not our Saviour paid for himself and Peter , it might be doubted , whether the Clerks of this age ( like the old Egyptian Priests ) would not plead their estates untributary , as well as their offices unsubj●ct to the King. With what tenure of spiritual power they are invested Jure divino , none but those Laicks whom the Popes Mandate hath screen'd from the Sun-shine of Gods word , can be ignorant . The officious Acts of Jehoiada to Jehoash , and Nathan to David , are not only presidents to warrant the right , but boundaries to limit the extent of their claim ; they must instruct Kings as the one , and may reprove them as the other did , which was not executed by an excommunicative scourge to make David do pennance for his offence , but with the monition of a meek spirit , to give him a penitent sense thereof ; for as the act of reproof argued the King to be Gods subject : so the mode of reproving maintain'd him to be the Proph●ts Sovereign . And thus I believe Azariah withstood Vzziah by no other force , save that of the tongue , whose aim was to strike at the fact , not the person of the King , to induce him into a consciousnesse of his fault , not to require his submission to punishment , which , because immediately inflicted of God ▪ supposeth him priviledg'd not to receive it from man : so that rebus sic stantibus , our ministerial Guides have little reason , and lesse grace to pride themselves in their Ghostly authority of reb●●ing Kings , such verbal Reprehensions being no more then religious servants ( not adventuring beyond the sphear of their calling ) may lawfully practise towards their ungodly masters ; for as it is the Resolve of Divines , that in case of neccessity Quil●bet Christianus est sacerdos , so it is not only the liberty , but the duty of every one in Gods case boldly to reprove an offending brother , as I think my self bound to tell the associated brethren , that they have highly wronged the Majesty of God & the King , both by their orall and manual prolusions to introduce a new fangled government in the Church , & that it will be more safe for them to observe the duty of looking into their own , then the false commission of overseeing their superiours actions , the performance whereof might happily make that saying ex culpa sacerdotum ruina populi , to be as well known to themselves , as felt by others , and convert the hypocrisie , which some do , into the sincerity of obedience , which all should professe ; for though none of them be puritanized into Donatisme , but can protest it their necessary obligation to reverence the Kings person , yet most are so far sublimated from the drosse of superstition , that they cannot without defiling their consciences vaile to the train of his ceremonious Titles , they can easily concoct supream Governours , dryly swallowed , but with the sawce of Ecclesiastical causes it quite nauseates their stomacks , and the name of head is more offensive to their palates , then perfumes are to the nostrils of those that are grieved with an Histerical passion ; a monstrous straw for such mighty men to stumble at , which may be put in the same ballance with that of their schismatical Predecessours in the conference at Hampton Court , who were scandalized with the word absolution in the Liturgy , but well content with the Term Remission of sins . What difference there is betwixt supream Governour and Head in a notional acception , is more fit for Grammatical Criticks , then politick Christians to inquire , as they are complicated in one subject , and determined to a constant onenesse both of action and end , they must by the rules of honesty as well as Art , be construed Synonymous , and in a promiscuous manner adjudged to contract their literal variety into an identity of sense . Indeed we cannot deny but the Title of supream Head was first given to King Henry the Eight by the Pope , who being by his own institution in the world ( as the soul is in the body by Gods Creation ) Totus in toto , and not onely singulis , but universis major , cannot be supposed to part with a piece of himself but for his own ends ; yet we conceive it no trespasse against any Canon , either of Scripture or reason , to convert that to a good use , which was first bestowed to an ill purpose , but for Presbyters to take that away for the better esteem of their own authority , which was given by the Pope , to disgrace the Kings jurisdiction in the Church , is no lesse unreasonable to devise , then irreligious to practise . That great Bulwark of objection , ( Christ is the sole Head of the Church , ergo no other can have the Title ) which hath been presumed too strong for an army of Schoolmen to beat down , must necessarily yield upon terms to our side . For although as the Church is internally considered in respect of the kingdome of Grace , and our Saviour Christ as Lord thereof , by right of Redemption , ruling the hearts of the faithful by his spirit , there is no subjection allowable , nor headship to be attributed but to him only ; yet as he is King by right of Creation , loving an Imperial Sovereignty over all his creatures , and the Church in a militant condition , which ( by reason of an inseperable commixture of good and bad , and common relation of the inward and outward man ) doth necessarily require an external policy to maintain a uniformity and order in the worship of God , so he hath ordained his Vicegerent on earth to whom both Clergy and Laity must be subject . And in this qualification of sense Kings may be truly stiled supream Heads in causes Ecclesiastical , within their Dominions ; Thus Samuel called Saul the Head of the Tribes of Israel , 1 Sam. 15. 17. which in eodem signo rationis doth imply all persons , as well Ecclesiastical as civil in that Commonwealth , to be his subordinate members . And that the Priests were subject in their very Offices to the supreame power of their magistrates , 2 Chron. 8. Solomons Acts in ordering their courses , and appointing the Levites to their charges , ( who in manifestation of their duty are said not to depart from the commandement of the King ) do sufficiently evidence , whose authority likewise to punish sins of the first table , that refer to Religion as well as those of the second , which belong to humane society . Gods own prescript Laws to Moses , Deut. 13. Deut. 17. Levit. 17. are the authentique seals to confirm , whereunto we may annex that fact of our Saviour Christ himself , chastising the Jewish Pedlers , by vertue of his divine Royalty , for profanation of the Temple , as an exemplary proof beyond all exception . Having pickt out the pith of their Divinity in the former objection , there resteth one hard Argument more a break , wherein lies the marrow of their Logick , if the power , say they , in Ecclesiastical matters be proper to the supream magistrate as a Magistrate , then it should belong to all magistrates , and consequently to the heathen : the definition of a magistrate being one in Christian and Heathen Princes ; but this would be both sinful and ridiculous to assert , ergo that cannot lawfully be maintained . Truly this is a witty sophisme , which deserves the Reply of an ingenious Respondent in the Philosophers School , salse profecto , sed falso quidem . I presume the same learning which qualified them to oppose others , may enable them to answer themselves in this point ; for if their consequence be good , Baals Priests had as much right to the service of the Temple , as the Levitical Clergy-men , neither can our Protestant ministers have a better Title to the dispensation of Christs ordinances , then the officers of the Romish Church do now claim . Therefore if they will honestly defend their own as we do the Kings authority in the Church , they must acknowledge their argument to be contrary to the principles of art , as their opinion is to the precepts of Religion ; for when a Restrictive Term is adjoyned to an equivocal subject ( as magistrate is ) To argue from an indefinite to a universall , is an illegal consequence , the reason is , because what is attributed by such a note of limitation , is not an absolute but a comparate propriety , which doth convenire subjecto mediante alio , as the power of the King in c●uses Eccl●siastical is not proper to him , simply secundum naturam , but Relatively as he is a true Christian Magistrate ; according to which univocation , if their Argument had been formed , the consequence would be logically true . But as we do appropriate this power onely to Kings truly Christian , So I must acquaint them that the Heathen subjects had such a Reverend respect to the authority of the supream magistrate in matters of their idolatrous Religion , that Aristotle , Polit. l. 3. could say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The King is Lord and Ruler of things that pertain to the Gods. To conclude , I wish those men , who ( like the first matter have an indifferency to all forms , and are so unfixedly disposed ●n Religion , ●hat they can be content with the Sichemites , to ●e circumcised for their advantage , would ( not for wra●h but for conscience sake ) give a seasonable Testimony of their obedience by a willing conformity to the Kings power in Ecclesiastical causes , that the Church may be no longer grieved with the rapine of forreign wolves , or 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 , but that sound doctrine may flourish within her gates , and true discipline be established in her borders , to which end the Lord send us a speedy Restauration of our ancient Government by the hands of Zerubbabel and Joshua , the King and the Bishop , that as we are baptized in one faith , so we may be subject to one Rule , & as we are of one body , we may be all of one mind , to worship God both in the purity and beauty of holinesse , and to preserve the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . Amen . FINIS . 
A10189	----	A looking-glasse for all lordly prelates Wherein they may cleerely behold the true divine originall and laudable pedigree, whence they are descended; together with their holy lives and actions laid open in a double parallel, the first, betweene the Divell; the second, betweene the Iewish high-priests, and lordly prelates; and by their double dissimilitude from Christ, and his Apostles. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. 1636 Approx. 221 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A10189 STC 20466 ESTC S121078 99856267 99856267 21796 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A10189) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 21796) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1493:4) A looking-glasse for all lordly prelates Wherein they may cleerely behold the true divine originall and laudable pedigree, whence they are descended; together with their holy lives and actions laid open in a double parallel, the first, betweene the Divell; the second, betweene the Iewish high-priests, and lordly prelates; and by their double dissimilitude from Christ, and his Apostles. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. [20], 104 p. Printed, [London?] : anno M.DC.XXXVI. [1636] By William Prynne. Place of publication conjectured by STC. Reproduction of the original in the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library. Some print faded. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2002-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LOOKING-GLASSE for all LORDLY PRELATES . WHEREIN THEY MAY Cleerely behold the true divine Originall and laudable Pedigree , whence they are descended ; together with their holy lives and actions laid open in a double Parallell , The first , betweene the Divell ; The second , betweene the Iewish High-Priests , and Lordly Prelates ; and by their double dissimilitude from Christ , and his Apostles . ESAY LI. I. Looke unto the Rocke whence yee are hewen , and to the hole of the pit whence yee are digged . IOHN VIII . XXXXIV . Yee are of your Father the Divell , and the lusts of your Father yee will doe ; Hee was a Murtherer from the beginning , and abode not in the truth , because there is no truth in him . MATH VII . XV. XVI . Beware of false Prophets which come unto you in Sheeps cloathing , but inwardly they are ravening Wolves ; yee shall know them by their fruits . Printed Anno M. DC . XXXVI . To the PONTIFICIALL LORDLY PRELATES of England . MY LORDS , Being put by your pieties from my Ministry & function , contrary to the fourth Commandement and Gods sacred Word , To keep my selfe from idlenesse , o●… worse imployments , I have adventured to draw up and present this Looking-Glasse , for a New yeares gift , to your Lordships , not to defame you ( God is my witnesse ) but to informe , and so reforme you ( if possible ) by the Parallels therein comprised . If any of the comparisons therein specified , seeme odious , ( as commonly most doe ) to your holynesse , you must blame your selves , not me , who relate only your actions ( and compare them with the divells , the Iewish high Priests , Christs and his Apostles ) but was not the author , nor occasion of them , And if you amend them and become new men , the Parallels will soone grow out of date : Neither doe I involve you all 〈◊〉 , but coniuctim in these Parities and disparities ; All of you are not alike culpable , But some more , some lesse , and some of you ( perchance ) altogether innocent : I desir●… therefore every of you , to apply so much of it ( and no more ) to himselfe as his owne conscience ( upon serious examination ) shall ascertaine him doth appertaine to him . Sure I am , that the whole concernes you all ( as united . ) And the greater part , many of you ( as divided ) God grant you grace to make good use of it . It is the first degree of reformation , to discover your enormities to you ; ( This is my part , not yours ; Loe I have here performed it . ) The next degree is , to repent and amend all things amisse ; and not to relapse ; That is your part ( by Gods concurring grace ) I trust , you will speedily execute it ; If not , As it was no rayling or slander in Christ , to call Iudas a divell Iohn 6. 70. and to tell the Iewes that they wereof their Father the Divel Iohn . 8. 44. So it will be no reviling , or Scandalum magnatum in me , to say as much to your Lordships , If your actions prove you such ; or to tell you , that you are none of Christs Disciples , Sonnes ; or followers , but the divells ; None of the Apostles successors , but the Iewish high Priests , really ( though not morally ) ceased in Christ , of whom they were a Tipe . Consider therefore seriously what is here written , and view your lives and actions in this impartiall Glasse , and the Lord give you both understanding , and reformation in all things amisse , ( which now are many ) that so you may be Christs and his Apostles followers and Disciples in verity , as you are now onely in pretence , ( as is here in briefe discovered , I hope without offence . Now least your Lordships should take any just exceptions against any thing I haue written : be it knowen to you , and all men , by these ptesents , that I am both able & read●… to make good euery particular Parallel against all gainesayers , by Histories , testimonies , and examples of Lord Prelates , in all ages , which for breuity sake , I haue omitted ; the rather , because your selves , ( at leastwise some of your Holinesses ) haue experimentally ratified all and euery of them past all contradiction . But yet to stop your monthes , I shall only acquaint your Lordships what some of our Martyrs haue written of Lord Bishops (a) . Dr. Barnes , our Learned Martyr , recites . That their was no great Clarke in the Church of God this 400. yeares , but he complained vehemently against the pride and lewde liuing of the Bishops . &c. They say they be ●…he successors of Christ and his Apostles , but I can see them follow none but Iudas . For they beare the purse and have all the money . And if they had not so great possessions , I am sure an hundred would speake against them , where now dare not one , for lofse of Promotion . As for this Article , I will overcomme you with the witnesse of all the world , you may well condemne it for herefie , but it is as true , as your Pater noster : Iudas sould our Master but once , and you sell him as often as he commeth in your hands . But I would it were , you could prove me a lyer , and that you followed any of the Apostles saving Iudas only . Yea , I would that you were in certaine points as good as Iudas was , &c. Take it to you and make the best you can of it . Yea hee goeth one straine higher . (b) I doe reckon ( saith hee ) of our English Lord Prelates your Lordships Predecessors ) that you are ten times worse then the great Turke : for hee regardeth no more , but rule and dominion in this world ? and you are not therewith content , ( and I shall say the same to you my Lords ) but you will also rule over mens consciences , yea and oppresse Christ and his holy word , and blaspheme and condemne his word . They call themselues in words , the seruants of seruants ; but in very deed , they will be Lord ouer all Lords , and desire to be taken as Lords and King ouer al Kings . These truths he sealed with his blood . (c) Iohn Frith our godly Martyr , writes thus : After that the office of a Bishop was made so honorable & profitable , they that were worst both in learning & living , most labored for it : For they that were vertuous would not intangle themselues with the vaine pride of this world . And in conclusion it came so farre , that whosoever would give most mony for it , or best could flatter the Prince ( which he knew well all good men to abhor ) had the preheminence and got the best Bishopricke : and then insteed of Gods word , they published their owne Commaundments , and made Lawes to haue all under them , and made men belieue they could not erre , whatsoeuer they did or said . And euen as in the roomes and steede of Moses , Aaron , Eliazer , Iosua , Calib , & other faithfull folke , came Herode , Annas , Cayphas , Pilate and Iudas , which put Christ to death : So now in steede of Christ , Peter , Paul , Iames and Iohn , and the faithfull followers of Christ : we haue the Pope , Cardinals , Arch-Bishops , Bishops , and proude Prelates with their Proctours , the malicious Minister of their Maister the divell ; which notwithanding transforme themselues into a likenesse , as though they were the Ministers of righteousnesse , whose end shall be according to their workes . So that the body is cankered long agoe , & now are left but certaine small members which God of his puissant power , hath reserued vncorrupted : and because they see that they cannot be cākered as their owne flesh is , for pure anger they burne them , lest if they continued there might seeme some deformity in there owne cankered carcasse , by the comparing of these whole members to their scabbed body . So he . Mr. William Tyndall , our must deuout Martyr ; as he termes , (d) the Pope and Lordly Prelates ( Especially those who thrust themselues into , or meddle with temporall Offices and affaires , ) Wolfes in a Lambes ( Sr. Iohn Lambes ) skinne ; calling themselues in the title of 〈◊〉 Cham Seruus Seruorum , seruants of all seruants , and are yet found , tyrannus tyrann●…rum , of all tyrants the most cruell . So he determines thus of Lord Bishops . (e) Bishops they only can Minister the temporall sword , their Office the preaching of Gods word layd apart , which they ( as your Lordships now ) will neither doe , nor suffer any man to doe ; but slay with the temporall sword ( which they have gotten out of the hand of all Princes ) them that would . The preaching of Gods word is hatefull & contrary unto them * why ? For it is impossible to preach Christ , except thou preach against Antichrist , that is to say , them which with their false doctrine and violence of sword enforce to quench the true doctrine of Christ. And as thou canst heale no disease except thou beginne at the roote , even so canst thou preach against no mischiefe ( marke it ) EXCEPT THOV BEGIN AT THE BISHOPS . Kings they are but shadowes , vaine names and things idle , having nothing to doe in the world , but when our holy Father needeth their help . The Emperor and Kings are nothing now adayes but even hangmen unto the Pope and Bishops , to kill whomsoever they condemne , without any more adoe , as Pilate was into the Scribes and Pharisees and the high Bishop to ●…ange Christ. What Realme can bee in peace for such ●…urmoilers ? Bishops that preach not , or that preach ought save Gods Word , are none of Christs , nor of his annointing ; but servants of the Beast , whose marke they beare , whose word they preach , whose Law they maintaine cleane against Gods Law. (f) The Prelates with the rabble and multitude of their ceremonies , have put away preaching : and as ignorance made us servants to ceremonies ; so ceremonies are the chiefe cause of ignorance . Thus and much more , Tyndall . Now because I have Paralleld your Lordships and the divell together , least this should seeme harsh , or a great Scandalum magnatum to your Honours . I shall conclude this my Epistle to your Lordships , with that notable Epistle of Lucifer Prince of darkenes , written to your noble Progenitors , by William Swinderby , or some other Lollard , ( as they termed them , and you now call us Puritans in the selfesame malicious scornefull manner , ) transcribed by our laborious Mr. Iohn Fox , out of the Bishop of Hereford his Register , into his Acts and Monuments in these very words , which suite as pat with your Lordships as if it had been purposely penned for your selues alone . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a certaine letter fained u●…der t●…e name of Lucifer Prince of darkenesse , writing to the persecuting Prelates of the Popish Clergie . I Lucifer Prince of darkenesse and profound heauinesse , Emperor of the high Misteries of the King of Achar●…nt , Captaine of the dungeon Erebus , King of hell , and controller of the infernall fire : To all our children of pride , and companions of our Kingdoome , and especially to our Princes of the Church of this latter age and time ( of which our aduersarie Iesus Christ , according to the Prophet , saith : I hate the Church or congregation of the wicked ) send greeting , and wish prosperity to all that obey our commandments , as also to all these that bee obedient to the Lawes of Satan alrea●…y enacted , and are diligent 〈◊〉 of our behests , and the precepts of our decree . Know ye that in times past eertaine vica●…s or vicegerents of Christ , following his steps in miracles and vertues , living and 〈◊〉 in a beggerlie life , conuerted ( in a manner ) the whole world from the yoake of our tyrannie unto their doctrine and manner of life : to the great de●…ision and contempt of our prison house and Kingdom●… , and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our Iurisdiction and authoritie , not fearing to hurt our fortified power , and to offend the Majestie of our estate . For then receiued we no tribute of the world , neither did the miserable sort of common people , rush at the gates of our deep dungeon as they were wont to doe , with continuall pealing and rapping , but then the easie , pleasant and broade way , which leadeth to death , lay still without great noise of trampling travellers , neither yet was ●…rod with the feet of miserable men . And when all our Courts were without suters , Hell then began to houle . And thus continuing in great heauinesse and anguish , was robbed and spoiled . Which thing considered , the impatient rage of our stomack could no longer suffer , neither the vglie rechlesse negligence of our great Captaine generall could any longer indure it . But we , seeking remedie for the time that should come after , haue prouided us of a very trim shift : for in stead of these Apostles and other their adherents which draw by the ●…ame line of theirs , as well in manners as doctrine , and are odious enemies to vs : we have caused you to be their successors , and put you in their place , which be Prelats of the church in these latter times , by our great might & subtiltie , as Christ hath said of you : They have reigned , but not by me . Once we promised unto him all the Kingdomes of the world ; if he would falldowne and worship us ; but he would not , saying , My Kingdome is not of this world , and went his way , when the multidudewould have made him a temporal King. But to yo●… truly which are fallen from the state of grace and that serve us in the earth , is that my promise fulfilled : and all terrene things by our meanes which we bestowed upon you , are under gov●…rment . For he hath said of vs ye know : The Prince of this world cometh , &c. And hath made us to reigne over all children of vnbeleese . Therefore our adversaries before recited , did patiently submit themselves unto the Princes of the world , and did teach that men , should doe so , saying : Be ye subject to every creature for Gods cause , whether it be to the King as most chiefest . And againe : Obey ye them that are made rulers over you , &c. For so their Master commaunded them saying : The Kings of the heathen , have dominion over them , &c. But I thinke it long till we have powred our poyson upon the earth , and therefore fill yourselves full . And now bee ye not vnlike those fathers , but also contrary unto them in your life and conditions , and extoll yourselves above all other men . Neither doe ye give unto God that which belongeth to him , nor yet to Caesar that which is his : but exercise you the power of both the swords , according to our decrees , making yourselues doers in wordly matters , fighting in our quarrell , intangled with segular labours and businesse . And clime ye by little and little frō the miserable state of povertie , unto the highest seats of all honours , and the most princely places of dignitie by your devised practises , and false and deceitfull wiles and subtiltie : that is , by hypocrisie , flatterie , lying perjurie , treasons , deceits , simonie and other greater wickednesse then which our infernall suries may dev●…se . For after that ye have beene by us advanced thit●…er where ye would be , yet that doth not suffice you , but as greedie starvelings more hungrie then ye were before , ye suppresse the poore , scratch and rake together all that comes to hand , perverting and turning every thing topsie 〈◊〉 : so swolne , that ready ye are to burst for pride , liuing like Lechers in all corporall dilicatenesse , and by fraud directing all your doings . You challenge to yourselves names of honour in the earth , calling your selves lords holie , yea and most holie fathers . Thus , either by violence ye raven , orelse by ambition , subtillie ye pi●…ter away and wrongfully wrest , and by false title possesse those goods which for the sustentation of the poore members of Christ ( whom from our first ●…all we have hated ) were bestowed and given , consuming them as ye yourselves list , and wherewith ye cherish and maintaine an innumerable sort of whores , strump●…ts , and 〈◊〉 with whom ye ride pompous●…ie like mightie princes , farre otherwise going , then those poore beggerlie Preists of the primitive Church . For I would ye should build yourselves rich and gorgeous palaces : ye farelike princes , eating and drinking the most daintiest meates , and pleasantest wines that many be gotten ; yee hoord and heape together an infinite deale of treasure , not like to him that said , Gold & silver have I none ; yee serve & fight for us according to your wages . O most acceptable society or fellowship , promised unto us of the Prophet , and of those fathers long agoe reproved : whilest that Christ called thee the Synagogue of Satan , and likened thee to the mightie whore which committed fornication with the Kings of the earth , the adultero is spouse of Christ , and of a chast person made a strumpet . Thou hast left thy first love & hast cleaved unto us , O our beloved Bab●…lon , O our citizens , which from the transmigration of Ierusalem come hither : we love you for your deserts , we rejoyce over you , which contemne the Lawes of Simon Peter , and imbrace the Lawes of Simon Magus our friend , and have them at your fingers ends , and exercise the same publickely buying and selling spirituall things in the Church of God , and against the Commandement of God. Ye give benefices and honours by petition , or else for money , for favour , or else for filthie service . And refusing to admit those that bee worthy , to Ecclesiasticall dignity , you call unto the inheritance of Gods sanctuary , bauds , liers , flatterers , your nephewes , and your owne children , and to a childish boy , yee give many prebends , the least whereof yee deny to bestow upon a poore good man : ye esteeme the person of a man and receive gifts , yee regard money and have no regard of soules . Ye have made the house of God a denne of theeves . All abuse , extorsion , is more exercised , a hundreth fold in your judgement seats , then with any secular tyrant . Yee make lawes and keepe not the same , and dispence with your dispensations as it pleaseth you ; you justifie the wicked for reward , and take away the just mans desert from him . And briefly , yee perpetrate or commit all kinde of mischiefe , even as it is our will yee should . And yee take much paines for lucres sake in our service , and especially to destroy the Christian faith . For now the lay people are almost in doubt what they may beleeve , because if ye preach any thing to them at sometimes ( althouhg it be but seldome seene , and that negligently enough , even as we would haue it ) yet notwithstanding they beleeve you not , because they see manifestly that ye doe cleane contrarie to that ye say . Wherevpon the common people doing as ye doe , which have the goverment of them , and should be an example unto them of well doing : now many , of them leaning to your rules , d ee runne headlong into a whole sea of vices : and so continually a very great multitude flocketh at the strong & well fenced gates of our dungeon . And doubtlesse , ye send us so many day by day of euery sort and kind of people , that we should not be able to entertaine them , but that our insatiable ( Choas with her thousand rauening jawes is sufficient to deuour an infinit number of soules . And thus the soueraigntie of our empire , by you hath beene reformed , and our intollerable losse restored . Wherefore , most specially we commend you , & giue you most heartie thanks ; exhorting all you , that in any wise ye perseuere and continue , as hitherto ye haue done : neither that you slacke henceforth your enterprise . For why ? by your helps we purpose to bring the whole world againe under our powe●… and dominion . Over and besides this , we commit unto you no small authoritie , to supplie our places in the betraying of your brethren ; and we make and ordaine you our vicars , and the Ministers of Antichrist our son , now hard at hand , for whom ye have made a very trim way and passage . Furthermore , we counsell you which occupie the higest roomes of all other , that you worke subtillie , and that ye ( fainedly ) procure peace between the princes of the world , and that ye cherish and procure secret causes of discord . And like as craftilie ye have destroyed and subuerted the Roman Empire : so suffer ye no kingdome to be ouermuch inlarged or inriched by tranquillitie and peace ; lest perhaps in so great tranquillitie ( al desire of peace set aside ) they dispose themselues to view and eonsider your most wicked works , suppressing on euery side your estate : and from your treasures take away such substance , as we haue caused to be reserued and kept in your hands , vntill the comming of our wel beloued son Antichrist . We would ye should doe our commendations to our intirely beloved daughters , pride , deceit , wrath , auarice , bellicheere , and lecherie , and to all other my daughters ; and especiallie ho ladie Simonie , which hath made you men , and inriched you , and hath giuen you sucke with her owne breasts , and weaned you , and therefore in no wise see that ye call her sinne . And be ye loftie and proud , because that the most high dignitie of your estate doth require such magnificence . And also be ye couetous , for what soeuer ye get and gather into your fardell , it is for St. Peter , for the peace of the Church , and for the defence of your patrimonie and the Crucifix ; & therefore ye may lawfully doe it . Ye may promote your Cardinals to the higest seat of dignities , without any let in all the world , in stopping the mouth of our adversarie Iesus Christ , and alleaging againe , that he preferred his kins folks ( being but of poore and base degree ) vnto the Apostleship ; but doe not you so , but rather call , as ye doe , those that live in arrogancie , in haughtinesse of mind , and filthie lecherie , unto the state of wealthie riches and pride ; and those rewards and promotions , which the followers of Christ forsook , do ye distribute unto your friends . Therefore as ye shall have better vnderstanding , prepare ye vices , clocked under the similitude of vertues . Alleage for yourselues the glosses of the holie Scripture , and wrest them , directly for to serue for your purpose . And if any man preach or teach otherwise then ye will , oppresse ye them violently . With the sentence of excommunication , and by your censures heaped one upon another , by the consent of your brethren ; let him be condemned as an heretike , and let him be kept in most strait prison , and there tormented till he die , for a terrible example to all such as confesse Christ. And setting all favour apart , cast him out of your temple , lest peradventure the ingrafted word may save 〈◊〉 soules , which word I abhorre as I do the soules of o her saithfull men . And do your indeuour , that ye 〈◊〉 deserue to haue the place which we have prepared for you , under the most wicked dw●…lling on of our dwelling place . Farre ye well with such felicitie as we desire and intend finally to reward and recompence you with . Given at the center of the earth , in that darke place , where all the rablement of divels were present , specially for this purpose ca●…led unto our most dolorous Consistorie , under the the Character of our terrible seale , for the confirmation of the premisses . Ex Registro Herefordensi ad verbum This letter of Lucif●…r to your Lordly Predec●…ssors , then , will I trust , excuse my Epistle and Parallels here dedicated to your Lordships , now ; both from the unjust imputation of calumnie , slaunder , or reviling . And so leaving your Lordships to Ve●…we and reueiw your selves in this new Looking-Glasse made purposely for your sweet holy faces , I take my leave of you ( as I trust you will now doe of all your Lordlinesse , worldlinesse , pride , and other vices , here discovered ) till you have exactely trimed yourselves thereby , to make yourselves more amiablc both to God and man , then now you are . A notable Jesuiticall Policy of some Lordly Prelates , worthy consideration . SOme great domineering Lord Prelates to advance their own power , and draw all men to their party , have of late endevoured to ingrosse into their hands , the disposall of most Ecclesiasticall dignities ( as Bishopricks , Deanneres , Prebendaries , Headships in the Vniversities , presentations to most great Benefices , and the like ) and of many temporall preferments ; together with the Custody of his Majesties Treasury . By this policy : First , they keepe all men from preferment ( how deserving , learned and pioussoever ) but those of their owne faction and creatures . Secondly , they make their owne party very great and strong in all Courts of Iustice , and places of the Realm , so as none dare oppose them in the least measure , no not in cases which highly concerne both GOD , the King , Religion , and the whole Realme . Thirdly , they are more feared and crowched to then the King himselfe , or all his Nobles . Fourthly , they would win all men to their own opinions , humours and superstitions , out of hopes of preferment , which else they have no way to attaine . Fiftly , they have many Clergie men so wholly at their command , that they will write , preach , practice , defend , any errours , false Doctrines , Innovations , Superstitions or popish Ceremonies , their Lordships shall command or desire them , to obtaine their favours and advancement . Sixtly , by this meanes they gaine scouts and spies in every corner of the Kingdome , in Court , City , Countrey , and in most Noble-mens , and Gentlemens families ; ( whose Chaplaines are now for the most part , nought else but these great Prelates agents and Intelligencers ; ) so that nothing can be done or spoken against them , or intended for their prejudice , but they have present information of it . Seventhly , by this policy , they keep all men under their girdles , crush all that dare oppose them , stop the current of Iustice ; bolster out all their popish agents and opposing officers , setup Popery againe without much noyse or opposition , oppresse his Majesties good Subjects , extirpate piety and Religion , rob his Majesty , his Nobles and officers of ther Authority , Privilidges and power to preferre well-deserving men , ( and so by consequence , deprive them of much honour , service , respect , observance and thankfulnes for benefits to be received ; ) advance their owne Episcopall power , jurisdiction , Cours , beyond all moderation and bounds , and in a manner do and say what they list without opposition or controule . This Iesuiticall stratagem of theirs ( prescribed by Conc ' in his Politiques , as one of the chiefe meanes to undermine Religion , and all protestant States and Churches , ) is worthy his Majesties and his Nobles most serious consideration , and prevention in due time ; for feare it inslave them and the whole Kingdome to the Pope and Prelates , before they are aware of it . Great Reverend Lord Prelates are like to that we call a Sir Reverence ; the more they stirre and are stirred , the worse , the more they stinke . They are like Davids mountaines , Ps. 144. 5. If men doe but touch them and their vices , they will smoke , yea storme and rage like the troubled Sea when it cannot rest , whose waterscast up mire and dirt , Isay. 56. 20. Hence they labour to suppresse , sease and call in all good Bookes , ( yea the Palsgraves New-printed Declaration in affront to his Highnesse and his Churches , because it censures some of their idle Ceremonies and Arminian Doctrines , though tacitly and moderately by way of Apologie ; ) our Saviour himselfe gives us the true reason , Why : Iohn 3. 20. For every one that doth evill hateth the light , neither commeth to the light , lest his deeds should be discovered and reprooved ; as their Lord ships now are pretty well , if not to their amendment , yet doubtlesse to their shame . Gentle Reader , ere thou read this Treatise be pleased with thy penne to correct these Presse-errors . Page 2. line 2. read Parallels : p. 3. l. 17. for fable , r unstable l. 6. p 4. Iowne ; c drowne l. 9 be sure : l. 19. but weekes . p. 8. l 3. mak●…s . p. 10. l 7. and not , r. as not . p. 12. l. 11. traducing : l. 30. that , r. their . p. 14. l. 22. Fathers : p. 15 l. 24. them , r. their p. 16. l. 3. habe●…s : p. 17. l. 8 publish : p. 18. l. 25. a practise : p. 19. l. 5. Bayli . l 7. urge this . l. 25. auncient . l. 29. Crantzius . l. Testium , Aventimus . l. 32. Hypocrites p. 21. l. 9. heart . p. 22. l. 17. bruize , r. bring . p. 23. l. 3. Bacchanals . l. 12. Rainsford p. 24. l. 13. Ed. 6 p. 25. l. 3. ransant : Banger . l. 5. his : r. her . p. 26. l. 7. fends . r. feudes . p. 29. l. 25. Newman . r. Nucoman : p. 30. l. 25. ods . p. 33. l. 37. Altars . p. 34 l. 13. cease . p. 37. l. 30. have . p. 39. l. 28. Postils . p. 40. l. 15. strumpet . p. 41. l. 1. haunt , r saunt . l. 12. Gor. r Gee . l. 16. hung . l. 19. home . p. 42. l. 9. them . r. then . p. 44. l. 15. 29 set up : p. 46. l. 8. committing . p. 47. l. 3. power . r. Boner . p. 48. l. 15. their expunging . p. 51. l. 27. presents , eate , r. persecute , rate . p. 52. l. 2. drinke : r. drunken . p. 55. l. 28. memorable . p. 56. l. 25. this for any answer of bisp . 59. l. 16. Cant. 〈◊〉 . Court. p. 62. l. 13. Kings . r. 〈◊〉 . l. 23. condemne . p. 63. l. 8. Thou . r. then : p. 64. l. 2. r. upon one Crosse , but the Bishops nayle him againe unto . p. 66. l. 13. Archbishops . l. 19. to be . p. 67. l. 11. bedde . l. 22. grace : r. yeare . p. 83. l. 6. obedient , apparant . l. 13. Tipes . r. texts . l. 27. friends . r feindes . p. 80. l. 9. bletout , the. l. 30. early . r. rarely . p. 87. l. 10 deaths . p. 79. l. 22. no doubt . p. 80. l. 8. enrich . l. 28. pompe . p. 89. l. 26. r , walke directly p. 97. l. 5. for . r. fore : p. 92. l. 23. &c. and. p. 96. l. 10. money . r. many . l 12. illegall . l. 15. wofull . l. 19. which of . r. whether . p. 97. l. 20. Occupie . 98. l. 10. thus . r. there . l. 11. birelings . l. 9. blot out are : l. 13. humble , r. tremble . p. 100. l. 14. or r. 2. 101. l. 18. beats . r. brats . p. 102. 1. his , r. this . p. 103. l 5. insteed . r. infested . l. 13. been . r. beire . l. 22. 1 beseech . In the Margine . P. 9. l. 5. r. 414 p. 82. l. 3. 9. sublimiori , columnae . p. 97. l. 24. p. 14. this is omitted . A LOOKING-GLASSE For all LORDLY PRELATES . THERE is nothing now more rife in the mouthes of many great domineering Lordly Prelates , then , that their Lordly Episcopall Iurisdiction , Pompe and Soveraignty , is of divine Institution , and that their Sacred Lordships , are undoubted , Sonnes , Successors , heires of Christ , and his Apostles Which men might well enough believe , did not their lives and actions most apparantly contradict these their ambicious windy words ; But if men may judge of a Tree by the fruits , ( as our Saviour concludes they may , Math. 7. 16. ) or of mens true Fathers , and Pedigrees by their works ( as hee also resolves Iohn . 8. 44. ) I hope these arrogant lofty Prelates , will not bee offended with me , if I make it apparant to them ( and others ) by their fruites and workes , that they are so farre from being the Sons or Successors of Christ and his Apostles , or of divine Institution , that , they are of their Father the Divell ( for his workes and lusts they doe ) the successors from the Iewish high Priests , who crucified our Saviour , Persecuted , silenced , imprisoned , excommunicated his Apostles , And so , of Diabolicall ordination ; not Divine . This I shall plainely and briefely demonstrate , in two distinct Parallers . The first , betweene the Divell and Lordly Prelates . The second , betweene the Iewish high Priests and them . The 1. Parallel betweene the Divell and Lordly Prelates . 1. First , the Divell ( for his condition and quality ) is an Apostate Angell , who kept not his first estate and 〈◊〉 , and abode not in the truth . Iude 6. Iohn . 8. 44. Such are all Lordly Prelates and Bishops , both by their own exposition of Rev. 2. 1. 5. 6. (a) Where they interpret , the Apostate Angell of the Church of Ephesus , to bee the Lord-Bishop of that Church alledging this Text as the principall Scripture , to prove their Hierarchie of Divine Institution ; ) and by common experience : For as Lord Bishops are fallen from the pietie , holinesse , humility , poverty , zeale , meekenesse , laboriousnesse , heavenly mindednesse , charity , and equallity with other Ministers , that was in the true Christian Bishops of the Primitive Church and now openly avow the Popish and Arminian Doctrine of The Totall and Finall Apostacy of the Saints from grace . So most of them being made Lord Bishops , ( to prove this doctrine of Apostacy true by their practise ) fall away from the pietie , zeale , holinesse , meekenesfe , diligence , frequency in preaching , and most other vertues which they had or used in verity or pretence , before they were made Bishops ( in case they had any vertue or goodnesse in them before , of which too many of them were never guiltie , ) and become farre worse Christians , ●…arre greater Persecutors and enemies to God , his truth , his people , and more unholy , coveto●…s , lasie , vicious in their lives then ever they were before ; as all histories and experience manifest , beyond all contradiction . And how many of our present Lord Prelates are turned open Apostates from the established doctrine and discipline of this Church of England to Poperie , Arminianisme and Romish superstition , and all the zeale , the honesty , the piety and goodnesse they had or seemed onely to have before they were Lord Bishops , I leave to every mans experience to determine , some of the best of them being so strangely warped of late , that it made a great Popish learned Lord confesse openly at the Table this last summer , That if ever hee altered ●…is Religion , hee would turne Puritan ; for Puritans ( saith hee ) are constant to their owne Religion and Tenets , but the Bishops so fable and wavering with the times , that wee know not where to have them , such Apostate Angels are they . Secondly , the Divell is an uncleane spirit , void of holinesse , full of all filthinesse and impiety , and is hardly ●…ast out of those he once possesseth , Math. 10. 1. 6. 12. 43. Marke 1. 23 , 26 , 27. c. 5. 2. 8. c. 7. 25. Luke 4. 33. 36. c. 6. 18. Acts 8. 7. Such are most Lordly Prelates in all respects , witnesse their (b) u●…cleane , profane , voluptuous , impious , godlesse lives and actions in all ages . Of which all histories stincke and surfet ; to omit the present filthin●…sse of many of them : And how hard they are to be cast out where once they get but footing , our owne histories and instant experience too well demonstrate . Thirdly , the Divell is a dumbe and deafe spirit , making some m●…n dumbe , yet never any Preachers that I read of , except Prelates or thos●… that ●…ould be such ) d●…b , that they cannot speake , and oth●…s 〈◊〉 that they cannot h●…re , till Christ dispossessed them of these Divells , Marke 9. 17 25. Luke 11. 14. Such are Lordly Prelates for the most part ; they are not only d●…be themselves , very seldome or never preaching in their Diocesse , or opening their mo●…thes in the Pulpit to teach the people , whom they of●…er bite and ●…eare with their teeths , then instruct with their toungues . And also deafe , in turning the deafe care to the cries , petitions and lamentable complaints of those many godly faithfull painfull Ministers and people now most injuriously oppressed , persecuted , silenced imprisoned vexed ruined , and deprived by them , both of the foo●… of their soules & bodies : ( such inexorable mercilesse deafe Devils are they , to these , and all good motions else . But likewise by their ill examples , make divers other preaching Ministers dumbe and mute , and by their illegall suspensions inhibitions Iniunctions or Excommunications , close up the mouthes , and muzzle up the tongu●…s of sundry other the most powerfull , frequent constant preachers whom their examples cannot silence , ( as late woefull experience every where manifests , Especially in Norwich Diocesse ) By meanes whereof ; as also by suppressing most weeke-day Lectures , with all afternone Sermons on the Lords Day in most Countries , and prohibiting people that have no preaching at home , to goe out of their Parishes to heare Gods word abroade , they make thousands every where so deafe , that they cannot heare the sweete vovce of the Gospell preached though they desire it : Such dumbe yea deafe Devills are many Lord Prelates now become , whom Christ himselfe ( no ●…oubt ) & that by miracle will shortly cast out , that so our dumbe silenced Ministers , may once more speake , and our d●…afe people heare his s●…cred word , to the vnspeacable comfort and salvation of their soules . Fourthly , The devill is an evill spirit , who doth nothing else but vex , torment , teare , torture and disquiet men , of purpose , to destroy them Math. 15. 22. Mark. 9. 18 , 20 , 22. Luc●…e . 6. 18. And have not domineering Lord Prelates beene like the Divell , in this respect , in all ages heretofore , ( as the Acts and Monuments of our Martyrs , collected by Master Fox , sufficiently demonstrate ? ) Yea , What else doe many of them at this day , ( but like so many tormenting Divells ) vex , torment , teare , torture , pill , pole , Pursevant , tosse up and downe from Court to Court , prison to prison and disquiet all kindes of people , Especially godly Ministers and Christians ( whom they brand with the name of Puritans ) with their daily Citations , Excommunications , Suspensions , Pursevants , Apparitors , Chancellors , Officials , Visitors , Archdeacons , Visitation-Oathes , Articles , Injunctions , new minted Ceremonies , Innovations , Slauders , false accusations , fines , Sequestrations , Censures , Exactions , Procurations , Extorted , ●…es &c. Of purpose to fleece , Flay , and destroy them ? So like are they in this particular also , to their Father the diuell . Fifthly , The divell casteth same of Gods Saints , and Ministers ofttimes into Prison . Rev. 2. 10. Yea , into the fire sometimes , and sometimes into the water , to destroy them , Mark. 9. 22. The Lordly Prelates have done the like in all ages , Witnesse the French and English Acts and Monuments : of Martirs , Which record , how many of Gods Saints and Ministers they have imprisoned , cast into the fire & water burned , drowned ; This they still proceede to doe in forraigne partes ; And though they neither burne nor downe them , as yet , here at home , ( not so much for want of will , as Law to doe it ) Yet like so many Furies , they now daily silence , excommunicate , deprive , pursivant , imprison , fine , bannish , and ruine them , as much as in any age whatsoever , And if they cannot burne them at a Stake , they will sure to crop of their ●…res , & shed their bloud on some Pillary , and then mue them up in a Prison all their dayes , A lingring la●…ing tyranny , farre worse then present Mar●…irdome . Yea in this particular instance they farre outstrip the very Divell himselfe ; in two things : For where as , he●… cast but some only of Gods Saints and Ministers into prison and that , but for ten dayes , Revel . 2. 10. They commonly cast not some , but many of them into prison , and that not onely for ten dayes , weekes , nay months , and yeares , and ofttimes during life : And whereas Paul though imprisoned under that most b●…oody Divell and Tirant Nero in Pagan Rome , had so much liberty , as to dwell two yeares space together in his owne hired house , and 〈◊〉 receive all that came in unto him : Preaching the Kingdome of God , and teaching those things which concerne the Lord Iesus Christ with all confidence NO MAN FORBIDDING them , Act. 28. 30. 31. Neither the Divell , nor Nero shutting him up close prisonner : Yet these Lord Prelates to shew themselves more cruelly barbarous and Tyrannicall then either the Divell or Nero , have anciently , and yet daily doe shut up divers of Gods Ministers and people close prisonners , restraining all free accesse of friends , or company to them , and are so far from permitting or not prohibiting them to preach in prison , that they inhibit and forbid them to preach even when they are at large , such is their fatherly piety , pittie , love , and charity , their very tender mercies ( just like the divils ) being nought else but cruelties . Pro. 12. 10. Sixthly . The divell i●… an exceeding feirce and furious spirit , who desires to have nothing to doe with Christ , whose sacred presence torments him before his time Math. 8. 28. 29. And when he leaveth his howse for a time , and then returnes and findeth it swept and garnished , he taketh with him 7. other spirits more wicket then himselfe , and they enter in and dwell there , and so the last estate of that man , in whom●… they reside , is worse ●…hen the first . Math. 12. 23. 24. 25. Luke 11. 24 , 25. So most Lord Prelates are exceeding fiery , fierce , and furious spirits , who will not be crossed or affronted in any thinge be it never so impious or vnjust . Noe Kinges , Lords , Nobles , being so violent , vnreasonable , outragious malepart , feirce , chollericke peremptorie , or furious in their designes , or pursuite of their ends as they ; moreover they desire to have little or nothing to doe with Iesus Christ , or his sacred Ordinances which the sincere and diligent reading , preaching discoursing and meditation of his word , the due administration of his Sacrements , the strict sanctification of his sacred Sabbaths ( which they count 〈◊〉 heavy Iewish yoake of bondage &c. ) the ●…tation of his 〈◊〉 , imprisoned or disconsolate afflict●…d mebers &c. ( a thing from which they are so farre themselves , that they make it a piac●…lum in others , to visit godly prisoners . ) These petty ●…riviall things and Christian duties are belowe their Pompe & State , it beseemes not their Lordships honour to stoope so lowe as our Saviours ( f ) Plough-tayle ; or to enter into a poore cottage or Prison to visite a poore me●…ne Christian. These things they put off to the meanest Curates , as overmeane for their Lips ; who scorne to bus●… themselves with lesser matrers , then managing the greatest State Offices and affaires , wayting at kings owne elbowes , following the heeles of rheit Courts to gett more preferments ; Lording it over their whole Diocesse yea over whole Kingdomes at their pleasures , and that over Lords and knights if not Kings themselves aswell as Ministers , and the meanest Curate●… ; sitting as Iudges not only in their Consistories , visitations , and High commission Courts , but at Assizes , Sessions . Yea in Star chamber , and Exchequer-chamber to , (g) M●…king of new Canons , Iniunctions , Oathes , Articles , and Printin●… enforcing them on the subjects with all violence , in their o●…e names alone , like absolute Monarkes , Popes , and Parliaments : These , and such like , are the things that Lord Prelates busy thems●…lves with all , and in advancing their Iurisdictions , Revenues , Wealth , Pompe , State ; But they will have nothing or very little at all to doe with Christ , whose sacred presence ( Either by the powerfull preaching of his word , the Purity of his Ordinances , the reprehēsion of their sines , the approach or meditation of the day of death or Iudgment , or by the growth or progresse of his true spirituall Kingdome under their noses , ) is so irksome to them , that it ●…ments them before the time , & make them frett , fume , rage , vex , chafe , and play about them like madd men , as appeares by the Booke of Martirs , yea , by present experience with out further evidence . And if at any time after they are made Bishops , they leave their former habitations , and repaire to their Diocesse , or bee translated from one See to another ; they commonly take with them seaven other spirits as bad , ar more wicked themselves , ( to wit , * Archdeacons , Chauncellors , Registers , Appariters , howshold Chaplaines , Secretaries , and private Informers against good men ) who reside either neere or with them in their Diocesse ; which are so vexed , pilled , polled , spoyled , corrupted , by these Horseleaches , and Caterpillars , that the last estate of them , when they leave them , is commonly farre worse then the first , when they repaired thither ; yea their Bishopricks too , are usually so pared by the sale of woods , renewing of leases , granting of offices , Reversions , and such other usuall devices of these Ghostly Fathers , before their deathes and translations , that they leave them commonly in farre worse estate then they found them ; So like are they to the divell , to make all things worse and worsethey meddle with ; The reason ( I take it ) of our usuall English Proverbe , when any Milke or Broth on the fire is burnt , and thereby marred ; that the Bishop hath been in the Pot ; Because they commonly marre all things where they come , as the divell doth . Seaventhly , The divell takes men captive at his will , and few that are taken by him recover themselves ( but with great difficulty ) out of his snares , 2 Tim. 2. 26. So domineering , tyrannizing , Prelates , imprison , pursivant , and take men captive at their pleasures , against all Iustice , equity , piety , pitty , Lawes of God and man , against Magna Charta , the Petition of Right , and all other Acts of Parliament for the Subiects liberties . Take but one fresh instance ; for an example , insteed of hundreds more : on the 26. of this instant Ianuary , one Knight , a Glasse-man in London , for repeating a Sermon in Norfolke , was conuented before the Archbishop and other High-Commiffioners at Lambeth , and tend●…ed an Ex Officio oath ( not warranted by any Law of God or man , and in direct termes for ever exploded , and not warrantable by the Lawes and Statutes of this Realme in the late Petition of Right 3. Caroll : ) hee thereupon answered , that he was not fully satisfied in conscience of the lawfulnesse of that oath , and therefore humbly desired his Grace , that he might be satisfied , first , in point of conscience errehe tooke it . The Archbishop hereunto replied like a learned Prelate ; You shall bee satisfied I warrant you , take him laylor to ●…he Fleet , where he now is : Alas , is this the learned satisfaction , the argumentation , and sole Logicke of our Prelates , to quiet mens consciences , and remove their doubts . Take him laylor , away with him Purfevant to the Fleet , and that against the expresse Petition of Right , which enacts , that no man hereafter shall be compelled to take SVCH AN OATH , or be confined or molested , or disquieted concerning the same , or for refusall thereof ? Was ever such language heard out of our Saviours or his Apostles mouthes ? Take him Iaylor , to Prison with him , &c. or did they ever give such satisfaction to mens conscience as this ? No verily ; This onely is the divels language , law and spirituall satisfaction , Who takes men captive at his will ; as these Lord Prelates now daily doe , by his example . And as those who are taken captive by the divell , can hardly recover themselves out of his snares againe : So those who are thus uniustly imprisoned and apprehended by them , can hardly recover themselues out of their snares ; Such tenacious divells are they . Eightly , The Divell goeth about like a roaring Lion seeking whom he may devoure . 1 Pet. 5. 9. Iob. 1. 7. c. 2. 2. So doe Lordly Prelates , their Officialls , Commissioners , Pursevants , and Apparitors , especially when they ride about to visit , pill and poll their diocesse ; only this is the difference , that the Divell goeth and they ride , and coach it about in state . Ninthly , The divell layes snares and trappes to entangle and catch men , 2 Tim. 2. 26. Rev. 2. 23. So doe Lord Bishops lay baites , snares , and spies in every corner , especially to intrap and catch , betray or informe against godly Ministers & Professors of Religion , with all other sorts of men of whom they may gaine mony or advantage to themselves , or Officers . 10. The divell is , and hath been a murtherer of mens soules and bodies , from the beginning till this present , Iohn 8. 44. Such have Lord Prelates beene in all ages from their very beginning to this instant as a●… histories , our Bookes of Martyrs and present experience manifests . 11. The divell is a lyar , yea the Father of lyes , and there is no truth in him , yea when he speaketh a lye , he speaketh of his owne Iohn . 8. 44. Such are all Lorly Prelates , in raysing up a false enormous , schandals , tales , reports , accusations , and forged calumnies , of all good Ministers and people , in broaching false Doctrines , Errors , Heresies , and forging many fabulous stories , false glosses , miracles , tales , and spurious Antiquities , to support their tottering Hierarchies and vsurped Episcopall Iurisdictions ; in being trecherous yea perfideous in all their wordes and actions both towards God and men , Especially to their Princes , and those who have most relied on them , as all the Italian , German , and English Stories , Writers of the lives of Popes and Prelates , and Mr. Tindals practise of Popish Prelates , testify at large , and present experience much complaines of , there being no such grosse Hypocrites , Machiavils , Equivocators & perfideous faithlesse persons breathing , as some Prelates shewe themselves ; and that aswell in Divine as temporall affaires and transactions . 12. The divell is an accufer , ( a false Ruducing calumniator of the Brethren , ) & true Saints of God Reb. 12. 10. whence , false accusers , are stiled divells , in the Originall Greeke . 2. Tim. 3. 3. Such have malicious Lordly Prelates been in all ages ; and never more then ( (h) ) now ; accusing all godly , faithfull Christians , Preachers and Ministers of the Golpell ( whom they and the Papists now terme Puritains ) to Kinges and greate Officers of State , of seditions , rebellion , disobedience , disloyalty , treason , schisme , inconformity , conspiracy , vnlawfull conventicles and assemblies , false dangerous Doctrines , puritanisme , and the like ; only for their godly , holy , just , and blame lesse liues , their powerfull , Zealous , freq●…ent , preaching , praying , the discovering of , or declayming against their idlenesses , lordlynesses , luxury , persecutions , tyranny , covetousenes , secularity , Superstitio is Popish Doctrines , Innovations , and intollerable enchroachments both Superstitio●…s his Majesties Ecclesiasticall Prerogatives , and the Peoples liberties , consciences , and estates . All this their owne and that sworne creatures daily s●…ditious Court Sermons , and Treatises , evidence past all denyall . 13. The Divill envied and maligned holy Iob , stripped him of his Children , Cattle , Servants , estate , health , and all earthly comforts ; tormented him with botches and blaines from top to toe , and persecuted him with the most extremity of his malice and power ; Only because he was a iust man that feared God , Neither was there any like him for goodnes in all the earth . Iob. 1. & 2. & 3. Thus likewise have done and yet doe the Lordly Prelates serve many of the ●…minentest , best , yea most godly faithfull Ministers and Christians , whose families and estates they have vtterly ruined , depriving them of their Benefices , freeholds ; Iectures , Ministry , lawful callings ( contrary to the fourth Cōmaundment ) stripping them quitte naked of altheir estates by Fines , or costly Suites , and then casting them into a nasty Prison , there to rot and perish , or banishing them the Land , and troubling all such godly Christians who out of piety or charity dare contribute any thinge to there releife , witnesse the Mayer , Tounclerke and Aldermen of Gloster , not long since convented by the now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , as most notorious offenders before his Majesty and the high Commission to , only for granting an annuity to their ancient Preacher Mr. Workeman , which they were inioyned by his Lord-ships Grace to Cancell . Such cruell , mercilesse , barbarous , inhumane divells are they degenerated into , as to make charity and mercy itselfe to godly Ministers , a grievous crime . 14. The divell is full of venome , poison , rankor , wiles , devices , craft , and subtelty , to mischeife and destroy men , seeking and taking all advantages to hurt them . 2. Cor. 2. 11. Ephes. 6. 11. Whence he is called a 〈◊〉 , and an olde Sarpent . Isay 27. 1. Cor. 11. 3. Rev. 12. 2. 14. 15. c. 20. 2. Soe are the Prelates , as Ecclesiasticall Stories , the Booke of Martyrs , the History of the Counsell of Trent te●…ifie and experience evidenceth beyond all contradiction , in our presente serpantine , venemous malicious Prelates ( (k) ) wise only to d●… evill , but to doe good they have yet no knowledge ; for ought appeares by their daily practises . 15. The divell is the Prince of the world , by vsurpation & tyranny . Iohn . 12. 37. c. 14. 30. c. 16. 18. Ephes. 2. 2. Yea the Prince of the darkenesses of this world . Ephes. 6. 12. So are Lord Prelates , who beare cheife rule and sway in al Churches and States where they are , dominering like absolute Pri●…es , Kings , Tyrants in most Christian Realmes , exercising all temporall , all Ecclesiasticall Dominion at their pleasure , and Lording it over al men , yea , over Lords themselves contrary to our Saviours expresse inhibition Math. 20. 25. 26. 27. Luke 22. 25. 26. 27. Mark. 10. 42. 43. 1. Pet. 5. 1. 23. Yea which is very observable . Bishop , White , in his late Epistle to the 〈◊〉 of Canterbury , before his Treatise of the Saboath , London 1635. is not ashamed to appropriate that Text of Psal : 45. ( inste●…d of thy Father shal be thy children , whom thou ma●…st make Princes in all the earth , ) to Bi●…ops only ; who ( it seemes ) haue now ioyntly conspired togeather in all Countries , to make themselves Princes in all Kingdomes of the earth ; and to engrosse the sole goverment of them and the whole worldinto their spirituall hands , as they conspired in this Manner of olde both at home and abroade ; ●…itnesse 37. Hen. 8. c. 17. 28. H. 8. c. 10. M●… . Tindalls Practise of Popish Prelates , and his Obedience of 〈◊〉 Chri●…ian man. Moreover they are certainly the Princes of the 〈◊〉 darkenesses of this world ; both by putting out the glorious lights and Preachers of Gods word ; and sweeping downe the brightest stars of our Church from heaven which their dragonlike tayles , in every place ; by degrees , and by purging this very passage out of the first Collect in the last Fast-booke : Thou hast delivered us from superstition and idolatry wherein wee were utt●… drowned , and hast brought us into the most cleare and comfortable light of thy holy word , &c. of purpose to bring us backe againe into superstitious , Romish Hellish darkenesse , utterly to drowne both our soules and bodies in it . And are they not then pretty Princes , starres and Angels of darkenesse ? 16. The Divell challengeth all the Kingdomes of the world , and the glory of them , as his owne , and by a 〈◊〉 and grant of them , tempteth Christ himself●… to full dow●… and worship him , Math. 4. 8 , 9 , 10. Luke 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. This not only the Pope doth , in direct termes , ( as 〈◊〉 Crakenthorpe proves at large , in the first Chapter of the Popes temporall Monarchie , ) But the Lordly Prelates likewise ; who anciently have , and now againe attempt , to sway and dispose of all Kingdomes of the world with all dignities , offices , and promotions in them at their pleasures ; and by promise of them , or of Bishopricks , Benefices , Deaneries , and other preferments to them creatures and agents , tempt divers both of the Laity and Clergie , even against their knowledge and conscience , to fall downe , obey feare , serve , and worship them more then God , then Christ , their Soveraignes or their lawes , as woefull experience manifests at this day , wherein most men in authority , feare and worship our Prelates more then God or the King , and are more carefull to obey , more fearefull to offend their Injunctions , Articles , Edicts , pleasures , then either Gods or the Kings lawes , as I could instance in sundry particulars , in Prohibitions , habens corpora and other actions against the Lord Prelates , their officers and creatures which I spare to mention . 17. The divel adventured to tempt Christ himselfe by severall successive temptations , to drawe him to his beck . Math. 4. 1. to 12. Luke 4. 1. 10. Soe doe Lordly Prelates , adventure by several wiles Stratagems , flateries , promises and faire pretences , ( yea and by perverting the Scripture it selfe , as the divell did here with Christ ) to tempt Kings , Princes , Nobles , great officers of estate , Schollers , Lawyers , and all men of note , ( especially the eminent Preachers and Professors , ) to take their parts , to prostitute themselves to their Papall Institutions , Superstitions , Decretalls , pleasures , Ceremonies , Innovations and commaunds ; and to protect , uphold , aduance their Antichristian tottering Hierarchie , ( as ancient Histories , with present experience , and Mr. Tindalls Practise of Popish Prelates testifie . 18. The divell would have Christ himselfe to fall downe and worship him notwithstanding Gods expresse Commaundement to the contrary , Math. 4. 8. 9. 10. Luke 5. . 6. 7. Soe our Prelates would have all men euen against the lawes of God and the Realme to fall downe and submit to them and their antichristian novell Ceremonies , Articles , Injunctions Oathes , Vsurpation , Extorsions , encroachments to bowe and cringe to Altars , Images , Crucifixes , Crosses , the Sacramentall Bread & wine , the ver●… name of Iesus &c , and to publish theire Declaration ●…or sportes and pastimes on the Lords day , coloured only by them with his Maiesties name , though really none of his in their Parish Churches , as if it were Gods owne 〈◊〉 & Law , to spurre up yea precipitate the people to al manner of disorder , & the profanation of Gods owne sacre●… day , to the ruine both of their soul●…s and bodies . ( Yea the ouerthrowe of all pietie and Religon , ) silencing , suspending , excommunicating , yea suing such in theire Consistories , and high Commissions , who refuse to puplish it , ( though there be no Law or Canon for it , ) notwithstanding Gods Commaundements , and many late examplary Iudgments from heauen , ( ●…or which , some Prelates threaten to binde God Allmighty himselfe to the peace and good behauiour at the next Quarter Sessions and Assizes , expressly prohibit it : Soe like are they in this particular to their Spirituall Father the divill in perswading , enforcing men to fall downe and worship them and their Commandments against Gods owne heauenly Precepts . 19. The divill is a great enemy to the purity of Gods word and ordinances , and whiles men sleepe soweth Tares among the wheate and good seede to corrupt and mar●…e them Math. 13. 24. 25. 38. 39. So doe Lord Prelates , who sophisticate , pollute , depraue , yea marre the purity of Gods word , worship . Sacraments , and other Ordinances with their Idolatrous , Superstitious Antichristian Ceremonies , vestments , genuflexions additaments , mixtur●…s and humane inuentions , And whiles many of our Spirituall Watchmen are a sleepe and silenced , they have sowne so many Popish Tares among our wheate that little else but Tares appeare now upon the ground , & by that time Harvest comes , If men awake not the sooner , we are like to reape nothing but a crop of these pernitious Tares insteed of wheate , being already ledd by some leading Prelates ( like the Sirians by the Prophet Elishah into the midst of Samaria 2. Kings . 6. almost into the uery midst of Roome like persons hoodwinckt , before we are aware of it ; as all whose eyes God hath opened plainely se. 20. The divell hinders Gods Ministers to goe and preach the Gospell to the people that they may be saued 1. Thess. 2. 8. So doe the Prelates now by suspending , silencing , excommunicating , imprisoning most of the best and powerfullest Ministers , and forbidding them to preach unto the people , that they might be saved ( Yea even in the times of Pestilence and mortallity ) to fill np their sinnes allway , ●…or the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . 1. Thes. 2. 16. 21. Where the divill cannot hinder the preaching of Gods word altogether , there he comes and steales it away presently out of mens harts and mindes , as soone as it is sowen , that so it may take no roote , and bring forth no fruit at all . Math. 13. 19. So Lord Prelates , where they cannot altogether suppresse the preaching of the word , doe ( just-like the divell ) indeavour pr●…ntly to catch and steale it out of mens hartes , by giuing them liberty on the Lords owne day , as sone as ever the Sermon is ended , to fall to their May-games , Morisses , dancings , sportes , and pastimes , ( practise condemned in expresse termes long agoe by Clemens Alexandrinus , Pedagogil . 3. c. 11. Tertullion de spect●… lib. & Chrisostom H●…m . 5. in Math. and by all Divines of note since their age tot his , as Hellish , Heathenish , Diabolicall , impious , and pernitious , depriving mens soules of the benefit of all Gods Ordinances ) and by prohibiting them to meete together to repeate their Ministers Sermons with their freinds , neighbors , and families punnissing them for Conventicles if they doe it , contrary to St. Paules , St. Chrisostoms , Theophelacts , Caesarius Arelatensis , Bishop Iewells , Dr. Boyes , Mr. Iohn Sprintes , Bishop , Baglies , and all other Diuines Doctrine that I ever read or heard of , ( Yf not to the Canons , 1571. p. 16. & 1602. Can. 13 & 79 ) who much vrget his Repetition of Sermons as a necessary dutie on all Christians , though of divers families ) A stupendious straine of Atheisticall profanenes , and desperate impeity which no Prelates ever aspired to , before these of this last impious age , in affront of al the Prelates and Clergie of England in H. 8. his dayes , who prescribe and vrge it much to these Nouellers eternall shame . 22. The divi●…l to worke his owne divellish ends and designes , will sometimes transforme himselfe into an Angell of light , though he be still a divell in truth 2. Cor. 11. 14. So the Prelates ( the archest Hypocrites breathing ) will sometimes doe the like , putting on a counterfeit vizard of pietie and holinesse , to cloak their divelish designes , seeming , Angells of light in shewe , when as they are still meere Divells incarnate in verity : as appeares by seuerall Popes , by Thomas of Becket , Anselme , Edward , Thomas , and William , of Canterbury , with divers of our anuncient English , and late out landish Prelates , whose lives are at large related in Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britanicae , Malmesbury & Godwyn , in the 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. Centuries of Magdeburg ( cap. 6. 7. 10. of each ) in Crantzins ●…is Metropolis , Catalogus Testuum veritatis , Auealini An : Boiorum , & others ; who manifest Lordly Bishops in all ages , to have been the greatest Pypocrites , dissemblers , Schizmatickes , Atheists , Traytors , Rebells , Villaines , and Monsters of impiety , under the pretence of Sanctity , that ever had existence in the world ; as you may there read at leisure ; and in Doctour Iohn White his way to the true Church Sect. 55. n. 9 , 10. Sect. 57. n. 9 , 10 , 11. Sect. 38. n. 45 , 6. and Defence of the way , c. 6. 23. The divell is a proud insolent domineering spirit , falling ( as most hold ) by this sinne of pride and arrogance 1 Tim. 3. 6 , 7. Isay. 14. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Such and no other are the Lordly Prelates , witnesse all stories present unanswerable experience , and the common Proverbe . As proud as a Prelate they being the most arrogant , insolent , domineering , proud , ambitious , Luciferian generation of all the Sonnes of men , trampling all others under their Lordly feet ; when as if they were Christs members or disciples , they should bee the lowliest and humblest of all othes both in heart and conversation , as hee was Math 11. 29. An infallible Character that they are none of his institution , but the Divels , whose pride they imitate , equall , if not transcend , and which sinne ( no doubt ) will shortly ruine them , Prov. 16. 18. as it did their father the divell . 24. The divell entred into Iud●…s ( Christs Lord Treasurer . Iohn . 12. 6. 13. 29. ) and moved him for 30. peeces of silver to betray his M●…ster Math. 26. 14 , 15. Marke 14 10 , 11. Luke 22. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Iohn 13. 17 , 18 , 19. c. 18. 3. So these Lordly Prelates , for hopes of honour , money , or preferments sell and betray even Christ himselfe , his Word , truth , Gospell , Saints , members , to the Pope , yea the divell himselfe , or any that will hire them to doe it : Nay hundreds of them ( both at home and abroad ) have for lucre , honour and money , betrayed , murdered , deposed , conspired , and rebelled against their owne Soveraignes , ( Emperours , Kings , and Princes ) ( such notable treacherous varlets have they beene in all ages ) as sundry Stories manifest at large ; yea in former ages , and this present too , they insinuate into mens heates , with p●…omises and rewardes , causing Servants to betray their Masters , Wives their Husbands , Children their Parents , People their Pastors , Nay one Minister , one Professor ( at least in 〈◊〉 ) another , and cause one friend , one neighbour to accuse , intrappe , and betray another , whom they malice for their grace and goodnesse , or any other occasion ) that so they may persecute , hamper , ruine them in their ecclesiasticall or high Commission Courts , or crush them by their temporall power and greatnesse at their pleasures , by putting them from their freeholds , and lawfull callings , confining them to some prison , or forcing them to flie the land , in case they stoope not to their lusts in all particulars ; as hundreds of late Presidents , manifest a●…●…ull . 25. The divell doth buffet and binde Gods servants , till Christ by his infinite power doth loose them 2. Cor. 12. 7. Luke 13. 16. So have done , and yet dayly doe Lord Prelates buffet and binde Gods people by their Censures , Excommunications , officers , Pursevants , Iaylo●…s , till Christ by his omnipotent power shall rescue and deliver them from this their tyranny . 26. The diuell filleth mens hearts to lie to the Holy Ghost Acts 5. 3. So Lord Prelates with promises and perswasions do the like , by suborning their instruments in their writings and Sermons before Kings , Princes , Vniversities , and the most eminent assemblies , to maintaine their Episcopall Iurisdiction , Lordlinesse , pompe and power , their superstious Popish Ceremonies , Altars , Crucifixes , Tapers , genuflexions , Conservations , adorations , &c. to bee all Iure divino warranted an●… prescribed by Gods Law and word , of purpose to deceive the Auditors ( when as their consciences know t●…e contrary to bee true , and that they lye against the Holy Ghost in what they preach and write ) and to forge divers notorious fables and calumnies of Puritans Precizians and godly Christians out of their owne poeticall braines ( as false as any figments in the golden Legend ) to bring both them , the practise , power , and profession of Religion into publike scorne ; that so Popery , Atheisme , and Profanenesse may overflo●… the world , A dangerous ( yet now a common ) sinne and practise , which I wish the guilty would reforme by Ananias and Saphirahs exemplary punishments for this very sinne , Acts 5. 3. to . 10. 27. The divell tempts and encourageth men to all kindes of sinne , of wikednesse , and to disobey all Gods Commandements , Gen. 3. 1. to . 7. to ●…cleanenesse . 1 Cor. 7. 5. to cruelty and implacablenesse 2 Cor. 2. 11. to wantonnesse , worldlinesse , lasciviousnesse , profanenesse , and fleshly lusts Ephes. 2. 2 , 3. 1 Tim. 5. 15. besides murther , treachery , lying , and other forenamed sinnes . So doe the Prelates ; witnesse their many late vngodly , Superstitious , licentious Bookes and practises , to spurre men on to Popery and superstition , but especially to profane the Saboath , to use dancing , Morrisses , May-games , erect Ales , May-poles , Bacchavalls , drinke , swill , and play the Epicures , the Pagans , even on Gods owne sacred day ( and that whiles we lye all under Gods scourge & plagues for this very sinne ) to tumble them headlong into hell , and draw downe all Gods wrath and plagues upon us from heaven at once , to our speedy certayne ruine . Take but one fresh instance of this kinde : Master Skinner the Bishop elect of Bristoll , this last S●…mmer even in the heate of the Plague , invited one Sir Garret Ramsford ( a prisonner in the Kings Bench ) with his Lady , to dine with him at his Countrey house on the Lords day , and charged them not to fayle him , for they would bee very merry ; They came accordingly , and his elect Lordship , according to promise was so merry , that hee called for Bristow milke ( strong Sacke ) to season him for that diocesse , and sucked it up so freely , that hee had almost got the Staggars ; and his men seeing their new Lord set upon so merry a pinne , plied him so fast with it , that at last he bad them take away the Sacke for feare they should kill him with it , and what then should his Majestie doe for a new Bishop ? ( as if enough would not bee reddy to succeed him , if hee were gone ) : Well , their company was so good , that they must stay at Supper with him too ; they did so , and they were very merry ; Supper ended , his Lor●…ship cals for a paire of Cardes , and to play they must all goe ; Sir Garret thereupon answered , My Lord I thinke you are of their opinion who hold , that the Saboath endeth at six of the clocke , that you will now goe to Cardes , for I hope you will not play upon the Saboath : No ( saith hee ) I am not of that opinion ; but his Majestie cōmandeth us to play on this day . A notorious untruth ; For where ( I pray ) commandeth his Majestie , or alloweth B●…shops or Ministers to play at Cardes , or Dice , or Tables on the Lords day , when as he commands ; that nothing bee done against the Lawes aud Canons of the Church , in that very Declaration they would father on his Highnesse , and the 73. and 74. Canons expressely pro●…ibit Bishops and Ministers to play at Cardes , Dice or any other unlawfull games on any day , Much lesse then on the Lords day , which the 13 Canon , and the Homilie , of the time and place of prayer , with 5. & 6. E. l. c. 3. and his Majesties prime Act. 1. Carolic . 1. will inf●…rme them ought otherwise to be spent then in Carding , Playes and pastimes . Sir Garret replied , that hee conceiued , it was against the fourth Commandement : and that his Majestie neither would nor could command any thing against Gods Law ; or if he did ; we were not to obey in such cases . His Lordship replied , that the fourth Commandement was ceremoniall and abrogated long agoe . So ( said Sir Garret ) you may say as well of all the rest ; and if his Majestie should command any thing against the other 9. Would you obey it ? That ( said his Lordship ) wee must dispute when there shal bee occasion , ( intimating , that if his Majestie should command any thing against a●…y of Gods Commandements ( which wee trust hee will never doe ) the Bishops would obey it without any great dispute . ) Well , Sir Garret would not play at that time , and thereupon the Cards were sent backe againe . And is not this a man ( thinke you ) like to make a very ho●…y Prelate ? It may be so , for hee hath since beene consecrated ( and that with some new Popish Ceremonies as is reported . ) And in truth he needed a Consecration , for I remember well , when hee was fellow of Trinity Colledge in Oxford , hee after pretty Bes Bauger so long , that he begate a strong kinde of spurious tympany in his belly , for which I never heard , hee did any pena●…ce , or made any purgation ; But his Consecration ( doubtlesse ) hath purged this and all other his sinnes cleane away : Such holy examples are Lord Prelates , whose doctrine had need convert mens soules , for few of their lives will doe it . 28. The divell stirreth up Kings to offend God , to the destruction and prejudice of their subjects 1 Chron. 21. 1. and rayseth discordes and dissentions and disaffections betweene Kings and their subjects Iudges 9. 23. And haue not Lordly Prelates aunciently , yea lately done or endeavoured at least to doe the like in Germany , France , that I say not in England too ? Their chiefe practise 〈◊〉 allwayes bee●…e to ali●…nate subjects affectiens from their Kings , by putting them upon unjust Taxes , 〈◊〉 , Projects , Monopolies , oppressions , In●…ations ; by giving them evill counsell , by ●…opping the course of lawes , of common Right and Iustice , of the preaching power and progresse of the Cospell , by advancing Idolatry , popery , 〈◊〉 , with their owne intollerable 〈◊〉 and Lordly iurisdiction , by fathering all their unjust 〈◊〉 u●…on Kings , &c. and on the contrary to estrange the Ki●…gs hearts ●…om their Subjects , by false Calumnies , by sedicious Court-Sermons and by infusing jealousies and discont●…nts into their heads and hearts against their best and loyallest Subjects without a cause ; A divellish practise never more used then in these our dayes . 29. Satan will not bee devided against Satan for feare his Kingdo●…e should not stand Math. 12. 10. So these Lordly Prelates wil never be devided one against another in point of their Antichristian Iurisdiction Pompe , and Hierarchie ( which they all concurre i●… , though they have oft many deadly personall and particular fendes one with another ) nor yet against the Pope or Devells Kingdo●…s ; for then their o●…ne kingdome ( a branch and me●…ber of the P●…pes and divells , as many of our godly M●…rtyrs and Writers have reso●…ved ) should soone fall to ruine . 30. The divell ( that Red-Dragon ) had seven crownes upon his head Revel . 12. 3. to shew his royall power . So have the Popes and other Prelates , Crownes and Miters o●… their pates , to testify their royalty and Lordly do●…inion over Kings and others , as they vaunted in D. Ba●…twicks Censure . 31. The Divell had a seate and Throne in the Church of Pergamus , wherein hee sate in state Revel . 2. 13. So have the Prelates in their Cathedralls and Chappell 's ; ( as they then also boasted : ) yea their great Cathedralls are but ch●…ires for these great two legged Foxes Lordly tayles to sit in ; 〈◊〉 a lesser meaner Chayre did then c●…ntent the divell , who now sits in greater state , and is farre better served and attended in our Cathedrals then ever hee was in the Church of Perga●…us . 32. The divell ( that Red-Drogon ) with his tayle drew the third part of the Starres from heaven and cast them to the earth , Revel 12. 4. So have Lordly Prelates ( the tayle of that fell Dragon ) anciently , and of late times swept downe the third part or more , of our starres ( to wit , of all our faithfull , powerful , pain●…full , zealous Ministers ) f●…om heaven ( to wit , from their Pulpits and ●…hurches ) and by their suspensions , excommunications , imprisonments , deprivations , suppressing of Lectures , persecutions , &c. have cast them to the ground , nay trampled them under their dragon-like pawes , depriving them of their office and Benefices ; thereby robbing God and Christ of the glory , the poore peoples soules of the fruit and comfort of their Ministry , to their greatest griefe . 33. This greate Red Dragon , ( the divell ) stoode before the Woman ( the Church ) which was reddy to be delivered of a man-childe , for to devoure her Childe ( her spirituall regenerate Children ) as soone as it was borne . Rev. 12. 4 , 5. Thus those Lordly Prelates doe ; No sooner can the Church be reddy to be delivered of a man-childe , of a godly faithfull Pastor , new Minister , or zealous Christian , but these great redd scarlet Dragons , ( w●…o can suffer dumbe Dogges , deboist , licentious , dissolute drunken , scandalous Ministers and supersticious Popelings to sit still and doe what they list , without danger or countroll ) are at hand ( like P●…aroah , and the divell ) to devoure , silence , suppresse , pers●…cute , and destroy th●…m as s●…one as they are borne , or ●…ginne but once publiquely to appeare in the world ; as experience too well ●…ifieth in most places , where a godly Minister or Christian can no sooner shew his head or beginne to doe God faithfull service but they presently lay trappes and snares to hamper , or send Apparitors , Pursevants , with such other Hellish Furies , to seize upon them , that so their Lordships may swallow them all up at a bit ; Yea if any good Booke shall beginne to peepe out against their tyranny , Prelacy , and Innovations , Howses , Shipps , Studdies , Trunks and Cabinets must be broken up and ransacked for them : Such ravenous red●… Furious Dragons are they , and such open wide Sepulchers are their devo●…ring throates to swallow 〈◊〉 all things that any way make against them . 34. This Dragon , and his Angells make ware in heaven fi●…hting with Michaell , ( to wit , our Saviour Christ ) and his Angells Rev. 12. 7. Soe the Lordly Prelates and their Angells ( To wit , their Deanes , Arch-deacons Officialls , Chauncellors , Commissaries , Surragates , Advocates , Proctors , Registers , Pursevanst , Sum●…ers , Apparitors , & Howshold Chaplaynes too for the most part ) have in al ages to this very moment , made warre in heaven ( Gods Church militant ) with Christ and his Angells , To wit , his faithfull , po●…erfull , godly Ministers ; Preachers , Saints , and Servants ; as all Histories , ages witnesse , And now this Battaile seemes to be at the hottest , here amongst us , More godly Ministers h●…ving been silenced , suspended , deprived , driven from their Ministry , & chased out of the Realme within these 5. yeares , though conformable to the established doctrine and discipline of our Church , then in many ages before . 35. When the divell co●…es downe among the inhabitants of the earth , and of the Sea , then woe be to them Rev. 12. 12. Soe woe be to the kingdomes , Churches , and people , where Lord Prelates come and beare most sway amongst them , witnesse our Booke of Martyrs , and Chronicles of England ; & to these Diocesse wherein they domineere ; Witnesse Norwich Diocesse and others at this present . 36. When this Dragon , and the Divell was cast out to the earth , he persecuted the Woman ( the true Church of God ) Rev. 12. 13. So have these Lord Prelates in all ages ; ( as the Bookes of Martyres record at large ) since they were cast out of heaven ( Christs true spirituall Church ) for their Lordly pride . 37. When the Dragon saw the Woman had such swift winges given her , that Shee escaped his hands , and fledd into the wildernesse , out of his reach and danger , where Shee was nourished for a time , then he cast out of his mouth a floud of water after her , to devoure & drowne her Rev. 12. 14 , 15 , 16. So these Lord Prelates , when any godly Ministers or Christians have escaped their Lordships , their Apparitors , Pursevants , or other Cathpoles hands by flight , or otherwise ; power out of their mouthes a floud of Execrations , Excommunications , Intimations , Suspensions , Maledictions , reproaches , obloquies , and outragious Censures against them , to devoure and over whelme them ; Yea Excommunications with agravations , that no man shall buy , sell , trade , eate , drinke , or have any conversation with them ; An Hellish Antichristian , tyranny lately practised , and revived ( against all lawes and Statutes of the Realme ) against 4. men in Norwich , Only for not bowing at the name of Iesus ; and against Mr. Samuell Burrowes of Colchester , for Indicting Parson Newman for enforcing the people up to his new rayle to receive . 38. The divell , if stoutly and manfully resisted , will flie from us , ever raging ( like a coward ) over those with greatest extremity , that make the least resistance 1 Pet. 5. 9. Iames 4. 7. Thus doe these Lordly Prelates ; where they are stoutly and manfully withstood in their tyrannicall exorbitant procedings vsurpations , and incroachments , by men of courage , there they ( for the most part ) flie , & giue over ; these ever fareing best , that most manfully oppugne them : Where they are crowched , bowed , and basely submitted to , or faintly resisted , or not opposed ( as late experience too well manifesteth ) there they rage , tyrannize , triumph most , and make strange havock in the Church . Yf Ministers , or people then will ever be free from the tvranny , bondage , insolency , rage , or desperate oppressions , the unjust illegall Excommunications , Suspentions , exacted Fees , Visitation Oathes , Articles , Ceremonies , Innouations , Citations , Procedings of these outragious divells , made in their owne names and rights alone , under their propper Seales , without any Patent or Commission from his Majesties authorizing them ( Contrary to the expresse Statutes of 25. H. 8. c. 19 , 20 , 21. 26. H. 8. c. 1. 27. H. 8. c. 15. 31. H. 8. c. 9 , 10. 32. H. 8. c. 26. 37. H. 8. c. 17. 1. Ed. 6. c. 2. 1 , El. c. 1. 2. 5. El. c. 1. 8. El. c. 1. 13. El. c. 12. ) or from their high Cō nission ex officio Oathes , Pursevants , imprisonments and Fines , contrary to Magna Carta c. 29. the Petition of Right . 1 Eliz : c. 1. ( on which their commission is grounded 3 ●…oli . and the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme ( as their very last High Commission it selfe expressely resolves ; and therefore add a non obstante , these their ex officio oathes , imprisonments . fines , and censures bee contrary to the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme ; Such is the Prelates Iustice , conscience , piety , fatherly charity , and obedience to his Majesties Lawes , to foist such a desperate Papall non obstante into their High Commission ) : Let then them manfully , couragiously , unanimously resist and withstand them to the uttermost of their power , by all just , warrantable , lawfull meanes that may bee ( as loyalty to their King & Countrey , Charity to themselves and their posterity , and Conscience towards God , enioyne them ) and then these base-borne , ignoble , cowardly , mushrom Lords and divells ( animated , flushed , enraged , only by mens former cowardise , faint-hartednesse , and strange unchristian sordid basenesse ) will flee away shortly from them , and never assault or oppresse them more , in such a tyrannicall , uniust , illegall manner , as they have lately done ; as Phil : 1. 27. Iam. 4. 7. resolve and certifie us for comfort and encouragement . 39. There is , and hath been from the fall of Adam , to this present , a bitter , perpetuall , implacable enmity and warre , betweene the old Serpent ( the divell ) and his feed , and Christ the seede of the Woman , his Church , and her seed , the elect and regenerate Saints of God : Genes . 3. 15. So hath there beene betweene the Lordly Prelates , their officers , spawne , and generation , and Christ and his true spirituall seede and faithfull members , even from their first originall , till this present ; witnesse the desperate enmity , the implacable malice , and horrid cruelty of the ancient Lordly Arrian Court-Bishops towards the orthodox Christians of old ; Of the Popes , and popish Prelates to the true Ministers , Professors of the Gospell , and Protestants ; and of the ceremonious ; pompous , Lordly English Lord Prelates towardes the Puritans , and Precisians ( as they ) nickname them ) the powerfull , painefull , zealous , godly Preachers , Ministers , and Christians since ; Of all which , our Bookes of Martyrs , with other Ecclesiasticall Histories , and late Treatises give ample testimony , which present experience cannot but subscribe to . 40. The divell is a malicious malignant spirit whose malice is never satisfied , ended , mittigated , or appeased , but with the ruine of the parties maligned : as appeares in Iob. 1. 13. to 22. c. 2. 1. to 8 : Where he could not be satisfied with the destruction of Iobs Children , Oxen , Asses , Sheepe , Camells , Servants , and estate , but he would have had his life too ; and when that could not be obtayned ; Yet he would torment his body with sore painefull boiles from the Crowne of his head to the sole of his foote . So Lordly Prelates malice and rankor against Gods faithfull Ministers , is endlesse , boundlesse , implacable , they cannot be content to vex , molest , and trouble them with causelesse suites , vnlesse they silence & stop their mouthes : when that is done , they are never quiet till they have quite deprived them of their livings and Ministry , stripped them of all their lively-hood , cast them into some nasty Prison , or bannished them the Realme : When this is acco●…plished , Yet is not their rage abated , nor their malice extinguished ; euen in Prison they will keep an hard hand against them , use them with all de●…pit and rigor , depriue them as much as may be , of all releife , resort , and comfort , seeke out new occasions to vex and persecute them , But if perchance they escape beyond the Seas , and get out of their clutches ; then they persecute them ( as the high Preists did the primitive Christians ) euen into strange Cities and Countries Acts 26. 11. raising up fresh troubles and stormes against them by their Catholike agents , even there , to destroy them ; as they did against Mr. Tindall , and other Martyres of olde ; and against some of our godly Ministers of late , being never at rest or peace , till they have either sucked their bloud , or seene them dead in their graves ; A truth too apparant by many present Examples fresh before our eyes . 41. The divill hath his Angells , his Ministring spirits , and spirituall Sonnes to doe his service , advance his kingdome , and execute his Commandements Math. 25. 41. Iohn . 6. 70. c. 8. 44. 1. Iohn . 3. 8. 10. Yea , to perswade men to worship the divill and Idolls of gold and silver , and brasse , and stone , and of wood , which neither can se , nor heare , nor walke Rev. 9. 20. Math. 4. 8. 9 , 10. Luke 4. 5 , 6 , 7. 1. Kings 22. 28 , 29 , 30. So have Lordly Prelates their Angells , their spirituall Sonnes , and Ministring spirits , to execute their severall Injunctions & Commandments : Their Angells , ( To wit ) their howshold Chaplaines ( now knowne (h) Apostate Angells from their first faith love and workes ) and their spirituall Sonnes , To wit , their Preists serving at their ●…ew erected Altars , ( as themselves now pray , write and preach , who now call themselves the Sonnes of the Church ; to wit , of the Bishops ) who like an Oven heated by the (i) Baker , send out nothing but black fiery (k) Coales from the Altar , with which , their owne tongues , and others (l) lips being touched , by these greate Seraphins Commandments ( according to their usuall formes of prayer , before their Sermons ) insteed of crying out against the Idolatrous Altlas of Bethell ( as the man of God once did by Gods speciall Commandment in the very presence of K. Ieroboam 1. King 13. 2 , 3 , 4. ) they doe nothing else but preach and cry out for Altars , setting up of Altars , Images , Crucifixes , Tapers , with other Altar-trinkets , even before our most gracious King himselfe ; and (m) Bray like a wild Asse , or rayle and scolde like Oyster women , against those who preach for Lords Tables ( which they beginne now againe to terme (n) Oysterboardes , as that turne coate , Dr. White with other Papists did in ●…u . Maries dayes , when they did set up Popery afresh ) or oppose their Popish Idoll-Altars , and the turning of our Tables Altar-wise : And not contented to set up Altars , and Crucifixes , against our Statutes , Articles , Homilies , Canons , Injunctions , established Doctrine of our Church , to which they have subscribed , Yea against the very Booke of common prayer itselfe ; ( which prescribes only a Table , not any Altar ) they crease not to preach continually at Court , Paules-Crosse , in both our Vniversities , and else where , (o) that men 〈◊〉 and ought to bow downe and worship the golden Images , the stately guilded Altars , Cru cifixes , Images , which their greate (p) Nabucadonozer , the Lord Prelates , have set up in their owne Chappell 's , Cathedralls , and other Churches , ( as if one Stone , Stock , Image , or dumbe Idoll , might not fall downe and worship another alone , but all else must imitate their example , as the Rule of faith and worship ( and themselves bow downe and worship before them , as the Idolatrous Isralites and Pagans did before their Idolls and Altars 1. Kings 12. 30. 2. King●… . 18. 22. 2. Kings 5. 18. Besides these Angells , and spirituall Sonnes ) who preach nothing now all most but their Lordships (q) Commandement●…●…de of Gods ) they have divers Ministring spirits ; as Arch-Deacons , Commissaries , Pursevants , Apparitors , ●…ilors , Registers , Informers , Aduocates , Proctors , Spies , and Notaries in all places , to set up Al●… , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , impose and prescribe n●…w Ceremonies , Injunctions , Oathes , orders , Articles , to suspende silence , excōmunicate , imprison , intrap , wailay , betray , persecute , fleece , and ruine all godly Ministers and people , and advance their Lordships Monarchie , Honour , Pompe , State , Raveuewes , Kingdome , and cause al men to fall downe and worship them , like som●… petty Gods descended from heaven , and their Antichristian fond Injunctions and Popish Innovations , as Gods sacred Oracles : So like are they to their Father the divell in this resemblance . 42. The divell was a lying spirit in the mouth of Aha●…s Prophets ; to perswade him to what they pleased , against Gods word & true Prophets , &c. to advance his owne designes : 1. Kings 22. 22 , 23. So our Lord Prelates anciently were , & now are as much as ever , lying spirits in the mouths of many false Prophets ( and I would wee could not say , in most of his Majesties Chaplaines in ordinary , and others that preach before his highnesse , and in other publike places ) who preach nought else but their (r) Lordships pleasures , and those words , those precepts , they cunningly put into their mouthes , ( as the (s) Woman of Tekoah spake Ioabs words to David ) to accomplish their owne Antichristian designes , advance their owne power and Hierarchie , and cause all men to adore them as the only Gods , Lords , and Oracles on the earth . (t) Maximus Tirius records , That one P. Sapho dwelling in the parts of Libia , desirous to be canonized a God , tooke a sort of prating Birds , and secretly taught them to sing , P. Sapho is a great God : and having their lesson perfectly , hee let them flie into thee Woods and Hills adioyning , where continuing there long , other Birds also by imitation learned the same , till the hedges rang with nothing but P. Saphoes dittie , Great is the God P. Sapho : The Countrey-people hearing the Birds , ( but ignorant of the ●…raud ) thought Sapho to be a God indeed , and beganne to worship him . This ●…ame not only hath beene , but now is , both the Popes , and Lord Prelates practise ; Who desirous to effect their owne ambicious ends , advance their owne pretended divine power , Iurisdiction , Hierarchie , and to bee adored and obeyed in all their Antichristian Innovations , Injunctions , and designes , as Gods , with sweet promises of preferments ( which they have now for the most part monopolized into their owne hands ) they procure a company of bold audacious prating Birds ( or Bussards rather ) in our Vniversities , and elsewhere , with their owne domesticke Chaplaines , to learne these notes by heart , That the Calling of Lord Bishops is Iure Divino ; that the holy Fathers the Prelates are to order all Church-affayres , and to bee (v) obeyed in all their Injunctions and Commands without dispute : that they have power to decree Rights and Ceremonies , and authorities in Controversies of faith , a clause lately foysted by them into the 20 Article of our Church , ( being not in the Latine , or English Articles of King Edward the fixt , Queene Elizabeth ; Nor those of Ireland , taken Verbatim out of the English , that we must have Images , Crucifixes , Altars , Preists , Sacrifices ; that men ought to set their Altars and Tables Altarwise at the East end of the Church , & to bow downe vnto them and worship them : that they ought to bow at the naming of Iesus , Stand up at Gloria Patri , the Gospell , Athanasius , and the Nicene Creede , read , the 2. service at the Altar , pray with their faces to the East , submit to the Lord Prelates in all matters of faith and discipline , beleeving as they beleeve , and doing as they doe : that they must allwayes declayme and crie out thus against Puritans ( as they now doe in all their Sermons ) that they are sedicious factious persons , enemies and rebells to the King and his lawes , ( when as the Bishops themselves meere hildebrands ●…oth in Church and state , are such ) meere Hipocrites and imposters , men farre more dangerous and vnsufferable in the State then Preists or Iesuites : that they must magnify auricular confession , extreme vnction , and absolution , as things fitting to be received in the Church : Maintayne a reall presence in the Sacrament : Deny the Pope to be Antichrist , or his Ceremonies to bee Antichristian : Crie up the use of dancing , sports and pastimes on the Lords day : Crie downe the strickt ●…anctification of it as Iewdaisme , superticious , and puritanicall : Preach against lectures , lecturers , often preaching , and Sermons on the Lords day afternoone , as meere babling , pratling , and * foolishnes ; with a world of such like Songes , all which these their prating Iayes having perfectly learned some two or three yeares since , they sent them abroade , not only into the Woods , Hills , and Dales in the Country , but also vnto the Court , Citie , Vniversities , and places of greatest refort , to chaunt , and ●…oare out these their Episcopall Ditties ; where these singing Birds ( or Decoyes rather ) have so well playd their parts of late , by preaching , printing , and chanting out these their lessons , in Citty , Court & Country , that other Birds also ( by imitatiō ignorance , or hopes of like preferments as some of these first Decoyes ha●…h attayned to , ) fall to ●…nge the self same ditties euery where , as fast as they ; So that now our Cathedralls , Chappell 's , Churches , Pulpits , ringe of little else but these Episcopall tunes and songes : which the people daylie hearing every where ( being ignorant , of the Prelats fraud and practise herein who taught those Birds these tunes , of which I now desire all to take publique notice , ) begin to thinke Lord Prelates , and all these their Romish Doctrines , Ceremonies , and Innovations , to be of divine Institution , and that their Lordships are to be obeyed in all things without dispute , as if they were Gods indeede ; wherevpon , they now fall downe & worship them as some petty , yea the greatest Gods ; and these their antichristian doctrines , C●…monies , Innovations , as Gods sacred Oracles and Institutions , they being farre more happy then P. Sapho , in this their stratagem ( worthy most serious consideration and discovery . ) That hee deceived only the , simple Country people with this policy , but they , not only Country-clownes , but Citizens , Schollers , Courtiers , and some great nobles too I feare ; who upon the discovery of this their diobolicall fraud ( they speaking in these prating Birds , though Dumbe for the most part themselues , and singing the self same ditties when they speake , as the (x) divell spake of old in the serpent ) will no doubt vndeify them againe , and esteeme them but as men , or heathenish Idolls , not worthy adoration or any longer credit ; and all these their Innouations , Romish Doctrines and Ceremonies , as meere Iesuiticall Impostures . 43. The Divell desires to have all faithfull Christians in his clutches ( especially the eminentest Ministers and Preachers of the Gospell ) that he may fift them like Wheate to the very Branne , to finde an hole in their Coates , or an occasion to destroy them . Luke 22 , 31. So have Lordly Prelates desired and done the like in all ages , and still persist to doe it ; wee need not goe farre for Presidents to exemplify it , there being never an eminent sincere Minister of England whom the Prelates have not thus winnowed , and laid traps for ; and persecuted more or lesse . 44. The Divell wo●…keth most of all , and beareth greatest sway in carnall fleshly men , and in the Children of disobedience . Ephes - 2. 2 , 3. * Soe doe the Prelates worke most in , with , by , and upon meere Formallists , licensious , dissolute , carnall men and Ministers , and those who are most disobedient to the lawes of God , of Christ , of Kings and temporall Majestrates , whose Iurisdictions they have ever laboured to ecclipse abolish & tread quite under foote , as one of our Kings , and our whole Parliaments have resolved in 2. publique Acts. 37. H. 8. c. 17. & 28. H. 8. c. 10. 45. The divell commeth armed with all power , and signes , and lying wonders , and with all deceiveablenes of vnrighteousnes 2. Thess. 2. 9 , 10. So doe the Popes , and whole ●…able of Lordly Prelates , ( as the Apostle there resolves , ) who came armed against Gods Church and people both with the temporall and spirituall Sword ; with Ecclesiasticall and civill Officers , Pursevants , Somners , Censures , punishments , ter●…ors , and vexations of all sortes ; with signes and lying wonders ( of which we have many Instances in Popish legends Postils and Stories old and new ) and with all deceiveablenesse of vnrighteousnesse ; As costly Ornaments rich apparell , guilded Images , Stately Churches , Pallaces , Altars , Altar-clothes , sweete sounding Organs , and Church musike , gay 〈◊〉 , specious pretences , superstitious hipocriticall devotions &c. apt to cheate and ensnare all ignorant carnall people , The only deuices by which they maintaine , support , and increase their pompe , wealth , State and Lordly power as Bernard longue since resolved , in his Apology to William Abot . 46. The divell doth by himselfe and his instruments endeauor to enchaunt and bewitch men , to worke them to his will Levit , 20. 6 , 27. 2. Sam. 28. 1. to 12. 2. Chron. 21. 6. 2. Chron. 33. 6. Thus he bewitched the people of Samaria for a long time by Symon Magus his Sorceries Acts 8. 9 , 11. Thus he bewitched the Gallatians by false Prophets , that they should not obey the truth Gall. 3. 1. Thus he permitted the Emperor (y) Charles the greate to be bewitched by a notable Strupet with an enchanted ringe , having a pearle with some strange imagery graven thereon , so that he could never be out of her company , or deny her any request whiles Shee lived , nor yet suffer her corps ( embalmed wrapped up in lead and carried about after him whether ever he went ) to be out of his chamber or presence , when she was deed , till the ringe was pulled of her finger , in such sorte hath the Antichrist of Rome the (z) Pope , and Popish Prelates , heretofore enchanted divers kinges and others with their sorceries and conjurations , to cause them to give up their royallpower & prerogatives to these Beasts , as Rev. 17. 2 , 17. c. 18 , 9. 28. H. 8. c. 10. Mr. Tindall ●…n his practice of Popish Prelates and Officers . relate . Thus did the (a) greate Cardinall , Favorite Woolsey , with Negromancy , and an Image made by sorcery , which he wore about him , enchant King Henry the 8. to bringe him to his beck , which made the King to doate upon and run haunt after him , more then ever he did on any Lady or gentlewoman , so as the King after that , began to follow him , as he before followed the King , By meanes whereof , he ruled all things at his pleasure , till his blacke Arte did faile him ; Hereupon perchance ) it was , that this King afterward made an Acte against Conjuration , witchcrafts , Sorcery , and enchantments to procure vnlawfull love &c. An. 33. H. 8. c. 8 , This Arte hath been practised by many Preists and Iesuites here in England of late yeares , upon diuers of their Proselites to seduce them to their faith , of which (b) M. Gor , regords two stories practised upon a couple of seduced Maydes , I could add two later , practised upon two gentlemen ( the one a young Devonsher man , of good estate , so bewitched with an enchanted Crucifix hing by a Preist about his neck , above 9. yeare since , that as long as it cōtinued about him , al his frinds could neither perswade , nor force him either to goe to Church , or stay at home , or continue in the Realme , or to discourse or converse familiarly with them ; but no sooner was it espied , and cut of his neck by his Mother ( who beleeved it to be a Charme , ) but he was presently another man , & wondred how he could bee so strangely bewitched as he was for above 3. monthes space besore ; Wheither any of our great Lord Prelates have learned this Arte from their familiars , Preists and Iesuites ( who haue charmed all their zeale and prosecutions against them , and turned the whole streame of it against the godlyest Ministers and people , whom they revile and persecute under the name of Puritans , ) I leave to others to inquire after , who are more priuy to their secrets then my selfe ; Yf they have , I shall only desire them to remember , that Surely there is no enchantment against Iacob , Neither is there any divination against Israell . numb . 23. 23. and if they have bewitched any men with any their sorceries , flatteries , misinformations , false delusions , or enchauntements , to up hold their Lordly pompe and greatenesse or Superstitious Romish Innouations , Yet this infernall craft ( like vntempered morter ) will vndoubtely fayle them ar the last , and them shall they ( like their Father Satan ) fall suddainely and fearefully from heaven to earth , like Liteninge Luke 10. 18. yea the●… , with all their vsurped power , lordlynes , po●…pe , State , glory , and multitude , shall forever descend into Hell. Isay 5. 14. as to their propper place . Acts. 1. 25. 47. The divell is an importunate suitor , who will hardly take any refusall or denyall of his suite ; A diligent so●…icitor and vigilant prosecutor of his designes , overslipping no oportunity or meanes to atcheive ●…is ends , and an impudent shamelesse miscreant , who will never bee shamed , daunted , terrified by any detection , discovery , or publique dislike of his mischievous wiles , plotts , and attempts against the Ministers , people , O●…dinances , Gospell , Kingdome of God and Christ ; as appeares by Iob 1. 13. to . 22. c. 2. 1. to . 10. Math. 4. 1. to . 10. Ephes : 6. 11 , 12 , 16. 1 Pet : 5. 8 , 9. So the Lordly Prelates are importunate suitors to Princes , and others , for the advancement & preservation of their Hierarcie , usurpations , Iurisdictions , Ceremonies , and the suppression of the purity and power of Religion , in which they will have no denyall or foyle ; they are most vigilant , diligent , and earnest solicitors , loosing no 〈◊〉 , sp●…ring no cost or paynes , or promises , to effect any thing that may make for the advancement of their proffit , honour , power & Iurisdiction , or suppression of the Puritans ( as they terme them now ) as their late encroachments upon his Majesties prerogative , the subjects liberties , the Common Lawes , and other Officers witnesse , yea , they are impudent , shamelesse , most audacious brazen-faced creatures , who will neither blush at , give over , nor desist the prosecution of their impious Popish designes , though publickely detected to all the world ; witnesse our present experience : For though the execrable Romish , ●…esuiticall practises of some of our Lord Prelates to usher in Popery , Superstition and Idolatry , ( as by licensing Popish and s●…perstitious Bookes , purging and altering the Common Prayer-booke , ●…ast-booke , and Gun-powder-treason-boo●…e in a most g●…osse and shamelesse ( that I say not traytorly ) manner , by erecting Altars , Images , Crucifixes , Crosses , ( as the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Arch-Irnovator both in Church and State affaires , though hee will not bee thus reputed , hath erected Altars and Crucifixes in the Chappell 's of Lambeth , Croydon , London-house , Fu●…ham , &c. The Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield D. Wright , this last pestilentiall Sommer blotted out Gods Ten Commandements in the Cathedrall at Litchfield , a●…d set up a giont-like monstrous Crucifix , as bigge and large as any three men , with an Altar under it , and also raysed the Chauncell ; and set up an Altar at Coventry , as one Knightly , a knowne Popish Priest in those parts directed ; as that Good-man , S. Godfrey of Gloster hath also erected a Crucifix and Altar in his Cathedrall at Gloster , and solemnly consecrated Altar-clothes for them . And likewise hath set up a new Crosse at ●…inzor , with a large glorious Crucifix on the one side , and the picture of Christ arising out of his grave , with his Body halfe in and halfe out of his Sepulcher in goodly colours , on the other , not fearing to write thereon in Capitall letters , and to give publique notice to all the Realme : That this Crosse was repayred and beautified at his costs Anno Domini 1635. contrary to the expresse Doctrine of (c) our Homelies , which condemned the very making of the picture of Christ , or a Crucifix as Idolatrous wicked , and a meere lye , to which , hee , and all other our Crosse erecting Prelates have ofte subscribed , and therefore are worthy of no painted , but a reall Crosse themselues , for tollerating and erecting such Crosses and Crucifixes , contrary to their owne subscriptions , only to set Popery : ) by silencing , suspending , and persecuting godly Ministers , Suppressing lectures and powerfull preaching in many Diocesse , encouraging people to neglect and profane Gods Saboathes with all Heathenish sportes and impieties , imposing new visitation O●…thes , Articles , Ceremonies , and the like , setting up the Popes Canon law , rayling upon godly Ministers and people , & suppressing them under the name of Puritans , Magnifying Popish writings , and vilefyinge Protestant Authors , endeavoring to bring in the Gregorian account , punishing all those that oppose their Romish Innovations , or indicte or molest them for it in the high Commission , now made a meere Spanish Inquisition to suppresse our Protestant Religion , and set Popery with an high hand against his Majesties Lawes and publique declaration , and by sundry other such Iesuiticall tricks and stratagemes prescribed long since by the Iesuite Contzen Politiq . liber . 5. which their Lordships follow to an haires bredth . Since some , or all these their execrable practises I say ( at which the very divell himselfe might blush and hide his head ) have been * laid open to all the world of late , in such an apparant undeniable manner , that all the people both cleerely see , declayme against , and abhorre their treachery , villany , and wicked Romish designes , and themselves ( had they any conscience , shame , ingenuity , grace , or modesty in them ) would be ashamed to shew their faces either in citty , or countrey , Much more at Court , having so notoriously abused his Majestie and affronted his Lawes and Declarations in all these particulars , and injured his Highnesse in his Royall Issues , Sister , Nephewes , in blotting them out of the Collect , late Fast-booke , and Catalogue , of Gods Elect ; Yet these audacious holy Fathers ( as blushlesse as their Gownes , their Rochetts or the divell ) are so farre from being ashamed , or reforming these their enormities and impieties , that they proceed on with as great or greater rage and violence in them then before , silencing more Ministers every day ; yea breaking open the houses , committing close Prisonners and questioning those with an high hand , as seditious persons and offendors , who dare preach or write against , or finde fault with those their perfidious , traytorly , disloyall , impious practises , Purgations , Innovations , Crucifixes , Altars , Tapers , and proceedings , execrable both to God and man ; So like to the Divell are they growne , in their affronted shamelesse impudency . 48. The divell hath great wrath , b●…cause hee knoweth hee hath but a short time : Revel : 12 , 13. So have Lord Prelates no●… , great wrath , and ●…xercise strange unusuall rage , persecutions , exorbitances against Gods faithfull Ministers and people , hunting after them with their blood-hounds the Pursevants , and ri●…ing and breaking up their howses , Studies , Coffers , with unheard of violence , as if they were the archest Traytors breathing , witnesse their late proceedings against Master Burton in clapping him up close prisonner , and convicting his wife and Clarke to severall prisons onely for obeying his commands in presenting his Appeales and Sermons to the Lords , For God and the King , which makes people stand amazed at their tyranny , and causeth the Papists to triumph as if the day now were theirs : whereas Preists and Iesuites ( meere Traytors by our lawes ) are favored of late , as their darling Sonnes , and not molested by them . Therfore doublesse the time of their vsurped tyranny & raigne wil be but very short , and their sinnes now growne ripe withall for the Sickle of Gods Iudgments ) the fica●…l ruine of their antichristian Hierarchie and more then b●…barous tyrannie , neere at hand . 49. When the great redd Dragon and his Ange●…ls were cast out of heauen ( Gods Church ) the heauens , and those that dwelt therein , by Gods commandments , did reioyce , Rev. 12. 12. So when those Lordly Prelates and their forenamed Angels shall bee ca●… quite out of the Church of God , Shee and all her faithfull members will exceedingly rejoyce , they being now her greatest griefe and grievance , of which shee is so weary and sicke at heart , that shee groanes to bee delivered from , unb●…thened of them , being now intollerable for her to sustayne : Such is their present divellish insolency , pride and open tyrannie : especially of that Arch-wolfe , and madde red Dragon of Canterbury , who now makes open havocke of Gods Church and Ministers ; like another furious power , against all Lawes of God & the Realme , to the amazement of the people . 50. Hell and everlasting torments are prepated for the divell and his Angels , reserved now in chaines of darknesse ●…nto the Iudgment of the great day , when they shall be all cast into the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone for ever : Math. 25. 41. 2 Pet. 2. 4. Iude 6. Revel . 20. 20. So are they prepared likewise for all proud Lordly , persecuting , * unpreaching , oppressing , tyrannizing Prelates , who suppresse the preaching and progresse of the Gospell , with the Preachers , Ministers , and Professors of it , and hate them to the death : And if there be any place or torments in Hell , hotter , deeper , greater , or mo●…e insupportable , ●…orrid , and loathsome then other , certainly that shall bee reserved for these ungodly Lord Bishops and false Prophets ; who shall have the same condemnation and torments in●…icted on them as the divell himselfe shall vndergoe . 1. Tim. 3. 6 , 7. Rev. 20. 10. O that our proud persecuting Lording Prelates would now at last consider this , o that they would repent and amend in time before they fall downe headlong * quick into Hell , Some of them ( as their late actions manifest to all the world ) being growne as insolent , as impudent , as desperate professed publique enemies to purity , piety , holynes the syncere preaching and Preachers of Gods word and power of Religion , as the very divell himselfe ; and some of them I ●…eare ) worse then any divells . For first all the divells beleeve Gods threats , word , Iudgments , and tremble at them Iames. 2. 19. but they ( as their atheisticall , vnjust , vnconscionable , tyranicall lives and actions proclayme to all men , ) doe neither beleeue , nor tremble at them . 2. The divell confessed Paule & his fellow preachers , to be the servants of the most high God , which shew unto us the way of saluation Acts. 16. 16 , 17 , 18. Lordly Prelates will not confesse our godliest faithfullest Preaching Ministers to be such witnesse there expung of the Collect in the last fast-booke begining thus : It had beene good for us &c. Only because it magnifieth often preaching , and call such preachers , Gods servants . 3. The divell is exceeding diligent night and day , but Lordly Prelates very lasie & negligent in following of their spirituall Plough , ( as B. Latimer shewes at large in his Sermon of the Plough : ) & so in those three respects are worse then hee : When as they are parallels and checkmates with him in all and every of these 50. Particulars . From all which I shall frame this Argument , discovering the office and calling of Lordly Bishops and Prelates , not to be from God , nor of divine institution , but from the Divell , and his invention ; which I challenge all great Lord Bishops to answer , if they can . Those who are altogether like the very Divell , tread in his footsteps , doe his workes , and bring forth his propper fruits in all the forecited particulars and that principally by reason of their function ; those ( questionlesse ) are none of Gods institution , but of their Fathers the Divell , of and from whom they are Christ himselfe so expressely resolving : Iohn 8. 44. 1 Iohn 3. 8. Math 7. 16. 20. Such have Lordly domineering Pontificiall Bishops and Prelates in all ages beene , and that principally by reason of their Lordly functions , as the premises , all Stories and experience manifest . Therefore they , and their Lordly function , are none of Gods institution , but of their father the divells , of and from whom they are . Yet mistake me not , I pray , as if I concluded every Bishop to bee like the divell in all these particulars , or to bee damned ; Such uncharitablenesse and impiety , bee farre from me and all good Christians ; I know some Bishops have beene godly men , and Gods deere Saints , & I doubt not but there are some few such now : though their cowardise and silence in Gods cause , in which they now dare not publikely appeare , bee inexcusable . 1. But yet this I say withall . First , that they were such before they were made Lord Bishops . 2. That their Bishoprickes never made any of them better or more laborious or couragious sor the truth then before , but many of them far worse fearefuller and lasier . 3. That since Bishopricks were endowed with Lordly riches , Iurisdiction , power , and pompe , I never read of any one man that was ill before , who grew a good and godly Christian by being made such a Bishop ( a thing remarkable ; ) nor of any good man before , that ever grew better , more painefull , hol●… zealous , heavenly minded and laborious , but most of them al much ●…orse , more idle , worldly , covetous , proud , luxurious , malicious , oppressive petulant , selfe-willed , and unjust . 4. That most Lordly Prelates ( especially those who have beene most pontificiall , powerfull , Lordly , domineering , active and stirring in the Church and state ) have in all ages since they were made Lords , Peeres , and B●…rons , beene like the divell in all or most of the forecited particulars ; and if any proved good , or became not such , it was only from the overruling sanctifying grace of Gods spirit in their hearts before and after they were made Lord Prelates , not from this very Lordly office , pompe , power , and function it selfe , which otherwise would have made them such , as it hath made most other Popes and Prelates , as all sto●…ies evidence . 5. Finally , I affirme ; that if to bee a Lord Bishop , bee such a thing onely as many now define and make it ; Namely , to manage temporall offices , and state-affaires , to give over preaching , except one Leuten Court-Sermon in a yeare or two , not in their proper Dioc sse to their people , to follow and hunt the Kings Court , to get and dispose o●… Ecclesiasticall ( and so 〈◊〉 civil ) osfices and preferments ; to suppresse Lectures , Lecturers , and often preaching of Gods Word ; Suspend , excommunicate , persecute , imprison , deprive godly Ministers and Professors for toyes and trifles , ( yea for their zeale and piety , ) against all Lawes of God and man ; to consecrate Chappels , Churches , set up Crucifixes . Altars , Tapers , Crosses , Organs , Images , ●…oyle in Communion-tables Alta●…wise , set up Superstition , Popery , and Idolatry ; License Popish and Armenian Bookes , Corrupt and purge the Common-Prayer-Booke , the Gunpowder treason Booke , the Fast Booke , yea the Articles of Religion , ad normam Romanae fidei , to make and impose new visitation Oathes , Articles , 〈◊〉 Orders , Innovations , to make Mini●…ers & Churchward●…ns 〈◊〉 ; to keepe visitations and Consistories without any Patent or Commission from his Majestie , in their owne names and rights alone ; to graunt out Citations , Proces Excommunications , Probate of wills , Commissions of administration , &c. in their owne names , under their owne Seales , not his Majesties to fine , imprison censure , and 〈◊〉 his Majesties good Subjects , &c. their fellow brethren at their pleasures ; to bee coached and barged up and downe from place to place ( I am sure seldome to the pulpit ) to bee courted , capped , attended , cloathed like petty Kings and Princes , to fare deliciously every day , to have stately Pallaces , great possessions , Knights and brave Gentlemen to attend them , Lords and Earles to crowch unto them , all to feare them , flatter them , none to rebuke , oppose or control them , ( no not in their oppressing and unjust courses ) to bolster out their encroachments upon the Kings Prerogative and Lawes , and on his Subjects Liberties with might , threats , and violence ; to tramp●…e all Lawes of God and man under foot , and doe all things by will & power , not Law or Canon ; to bee implacable , unmercifull , pittilesse , proud , stately , cruell ; to shake up , terrifie and b●…ow-beate , imprison , Excommunicate deprive , degrade , presents their fellow-brethren , and eate them like their Curres ; to set forward all profanenesse , disorders , sports and E●…hnicke pastimes even on Gods own day , and make no conscience of it ; to doe all things like absolute Law-givers , Lords , Popes , and Monarks , or rather professed Atheists , fearing neither God ●…or man , and breaking all their lawes , to bolster up base , drinke , idle , scandalous clergie men , exempting them fro●… secular power & jurisdiction , to maintaine their Officers in 〈◊〉 open exortions , oppressions , abuses , exhorbitant misdemeanor & the like : Which is now only to be and play the Bishop in point of Doctrine and practise : Then thus to bee and act the Bi●…hop , is in truth to 〈◊〉 and play the very divell , and to parallell him in all forecited respects ; let those who are such Lordly . Prelates deny it if they can or dare . The second Parallel BETWEENE THE IEWISH HIGH PRIESTS And Lordly Prelates . AS Lordly Prelates resemble their Father the divell in all the forenamed particulars , so doe they the Iewish high Priests in these ensuing Particulars . 1. The high Priests of the Iewes , were ordained of men , to offer gifts and sacrifizes on the Altar Heb. 8 : 3. Exod. 40. Levit. 1. to . 22. So our high Priests the Lord Prelates , are and will bee ordayned and also ordaine others high Priests for this end , to offer Sacrifices and gifts at their new erected Altars ( not to preach ) the end why they every where erect , advance , consecrate , and bow downe to Altars , which now want nothing but a Masse to grace them withall . 2. The Iewish high Priests had their Miters , and brave costly pontificall Robes , ornaments , and attires , whereby they were differenced from other men Exod. 31. 1. to . 32. c. 28 , 2. to 43. So have the Lordly Prelates , and that in imitation of the Iewish high Priests , from whence they derive them . 3. The Iewish high Priests went but once a yeare into the second Tabernacle to offer for the people . Heb. 9. 7. And our Lordly high Priests commonly goe but once a yeare , ( and many of them scarce once in 3. or 4. yeares , witnesse both our present Arch-prelates ; & some other unpreaching Bishops examples , into the Pulpit , to preach unto the people , or to offer sacrifice on the Altar . 4. The Iewish high Priests commanded the Apostles , not preach any more in the name of the Lord Iesus , to the people , that they might be saved ; and apprehended imprisoned , and scourged them , for do●…ng it . Acts 4 & 5. 1 Thess. 2. 16. Our Lordly Prelates heretofore , and at this very day , silence and suspend our best , our painfullest Ministers from preaching Gods Word unto their people , that they may bee saved ( though God , the King , the Books of Ordination and Statutes of the Realme enjoyne them for to doe it , ) and threaten to apprehend , imprison , and fine them if they preach contrary to their suspensions ; as the Apostles did , Who in despite of all the high Priests threats , inibitions imprisonments , stripes , three times one after another , Daily in the Temple , and in every howse , ( which now would bee a Conventicle ) ceased not to teach and preach Iesus Christ - Acts 5. 41 , 42. And so would and should our Ministers ( now silenced against Law and Canon too ) were they true successors of the Apostles , and not intoxic●…ted with a base unworthy spirit of carnall feare and cowardize , which makes them betray their liberties , Religion , Flocks , Brethren to the will and rapine of these beastly ravening Lordly Wolves . 5. The Iewish high Priest granted out warrants or letters missive to Saul ( brea●…hing out threatnings and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord , ) that if hee found any of this way , whether they were men or women , hee might bring them bound to Ierus●…em . Acts 〈◊〉 . 2. Lordly Prelates heretofore , and now , grant the like letters missiue , warrants , and Attachments to their Pursuivants and other malicious wicked Informers ( that breath out threatnings and slaughter against the Lords disciples ) against divers godly Ministers , Christians , and all such as they please to stile , Puritans and Cowventicklers , wheither men o●… women , to breaks open and ransacks their houses , take their bodies , bring them up Prisonners to London , Ye k●… , or Durham , before their Lordships holynesses , to fine , censure , deprive , imprison and undoe them though Christ , his Apostles , and the primitive Bishops never claymed or exercised any such Lordly secular tyranny or Iurisdiction , but condemned it as unlawfull and unbeseeming Clergie-men . 6. The Iewish high-Priest Ananias , when Paul was convented before the Counsell and beganne to make his Apologie and plead his owne cause , commanded them that stood by to smite him on the mouth , and would not suffer him to speake in his owne defence Acts 33. 1 , 2. Thus doe our Lord Prelates deale with Gods Ministers when they come before them in the High Commission or elsewhere ; they will not suffer them to speake in their owne defence , or pleade their owne causes to the full ; but when they offer to speake , enjoyne them silence , or else commaund the Pursevant or Iaylour to smite them on the mouth , or take them away to the Prison , So imperious are their Lordships growne . Take but one fresh memorables instance insteed of many others . One M. Snelling a graue Kentish Minister , was suspended ab Officio & Beneficio about a veare and halfe since by D. Wood , commissary to the Bishop of Rochester , and after that excommunicated , pursuiuanted and articled against before the High Commissioners , at Lambet●… , only for not reading the Declaration for sports , fathered falsely upon his Majesty by the Prelates . To which Articles hee drawing up a full answer , shewing the reasons both in point of law and conscience , why hee conceived himselfe not bound to read it , and so not culpable of any crime ; the Register refused to accept or receive his Answer though tendred to him in writing , saying , it was too long , and hee durst not take it . Hereupon hee contracted it into lesse then a sheet of paper and tendred it to him as his answer . He refused it the second time ; and though he thus tendred his answer , yet an Attactment issued out against him , for not answering . The conclusion was , hee must put in onely such an answer as the Register should prescribe , without any justification or defence , or mention of the reasons why hee refused to read the Booke , telling him that he might and should put in his reasons in court , by way of defence . Whereupon he gave in a short answer without any defence at all in a manner ; which comming to bee repeated before one of the Commissioners ; the Register and hee dashed out of his very answer ( against all Law and Iustice ) what they pleased : which M. Snelling perceiuing , professed hee would not acknowledged for his answer none of his , but their owne making ; vet notwithstanding this answer must stand as his . This Hilary tearme hee tenders his defence ; the Register and Court at Informations refused to accept thereof , telling him 〈◊〉 came too l●…te ; though before the cause informed against : At Lambeth he tendred his defence in Court ; the Archbishop referre the consideration of it to Sir Nathaniell Brent , and D. Guyn whether it were fit to bee received ; only he told them , he would have no dispute of the point ; which is all one , as if his Grace had said ; I will have no defence at all : This the event hath manifested , For hee tendering his defence to these , Referres they refuse , to receive or allow thereof : telling him that the * King & the Archbishop have decreed that the Booke shall and must be read , and therefore hee must submit and read it , and they can allow of no Defence against it . That the Archbishop hath decreed it shall be read , I believe it without an Oath ; but that his Majestie hath made any such Dec●…ee , they must give me and all others leave to demurre to it , till they shall be able to produce such a Decree as this under his Majesties great seale ; which will be ad Grecas Calendas , loe here the desperate impiety and injustice of our Prelates , parallell to that of (h) Ananias , when hee commanded Paul to be smitten on the face as ●…ee began to make his Defence . For first they will make and prejudge the not reading of this forged declaration , an heinous off●…ce , though there be no law , canon or precept at all for the reading of it ; nor any clause at all that it should be read ; much lesse by the Minister , nor any power given them so much as to question , much lesse to suspend , excommunicate , fine or cenfure , any who refuse to read i●… . When as the great question is , whether it be an offence at all ? but this must not be disputed . What now is this but to prejudicate , and not judge mens causes . 2. No answer must bee given or received , but what themselves shall make and allow and alter at their pleasures . Is not this pretty iustice ? Who then shall bee , innocent ? 3. When the answer is in , no defence must be made or accepted : If so , then the most innocent man in the world may bee condemned . What , no defence made ? Christ himselfe had liberty to make his defence before Pilate an Heathen Iudge : Paul the like liberty before Felix , Festus and Agrippa , ●…eere Pagan Infidell Magistrates . Yea the veryest Traytors and Rebels in the world , have liberty in all Courts of justice , to make their defence , and pleade the best they can for themselves , yet this godly grave Minister cmming for such a grand crime as this , before our Lordly Prelates , must make no defence at all : O divell , o Iewish High Priests , blush at this impudency , impiety and injustice of these your sonnes and successors : A drunkard , an Adulterer , a Symoniacke , any incarnate divell may put in what answer and defence he please before them ; but this grave Minister every way unspotted in his life and doctrine must not doe it , because they haue decreed before hand to condemne him . Is not this right high Priests justic●… ? 7. This Iewish high Priest ●…te to judge Paul after the law , and commanded him to be smitten contrary to the Law. Acts 2●… . 3. So our Lordly Prelates in their Consistories , Visitations , and Commissions , sit to judge Ministers and others his Majesties Subjects according to the Law , and yet imprison , fine , excommunicate , suspend , deprive , degrade , teare , fleece , and judge them , for the most part , contrary both to the Lawes of God , the Realme , and their owne Canons ; as thousends of Presidents evidence of late . 8. The Iewish high Preist , by Tertullus his Orator , accused St. Paule before Felix the Governour , for a P●…stilent fellow , a mover of sedition among all the Iewes throughout the world , and a ring-leader of the Sect of the Nazarens , Acts 24. 1. Io●… . The selfe same accusation haue the Lord Prelates laid to our Ministers charge in former ages , and to our zealous godly Ministers and Preachers now adayes , accufing them to the King and his Counsell , and persecuting yea , suspending : imprisoning them every where as pestilent , factious , sedicious persons , and ringleaders of Sects and Schisme ; as many late examples , and some now in agitation evidence . 9. The Iewish his Preists , informed Festus the Governour against Paule , and desired favour against him , that he would send for him to Ierusalem , that there they might judge him themselves according to their owne law , or else murther him by the way Acts. 25. 23. c. 24. 6. Our Lordly Prelates ( Especially his Archgrace of Canterbury and other our Cant Bishops ) doe the like ; informing the King , or temporall Majestrates against godly Ministers and people ; and desiring not Iustice , but favour against them , that they would sent for them into their owne Courts or High-Commissions , or not suffer them to appeale , or be released thence by Prohibitions o●… other meanes ; that so they might judge them after their owne law and wills , and be both enemies , parties delinquents , and Iudges in their owne cause , contrary to all reason Iustice , equity , and law , both of God and man ; of which we have manylate memorable Instances ; and one thing verie observable , that they have caused his clause ( derogatory to his Majesties royall Iustice and supremacy , to make themselves absolute supreme Kings and Iudges ) ( that there shal be no Appeale or Provocation allowed or admitted from the high Commission●…rs , to be inserted into their last Commission : A strange clause , to tie up his Majesties hands and soveraigne Iustice from being able to releive his oppressed or injured subjects , be their causes never so good , their Iudges their censures never so parciall mali●…ious exorbitant or vnjust . 10. Saul , by authority received from the Iewish chiefe Preists , shut up many of the Saints in Prison , and persecuted them even unto strange Cit●…es . Acts. 26. 10. 11. 12. Our Lordly Prelates Pursevants , Catchpoles , creatures and vermine , by like authority warrant and Commission from their Lordships , have done , and yet doe the like , breaking up mens dores and houses with open violence , as if they were traytors or felons by their High-Commission warrants , in which case if they be slaine they have no remedy , neither is it any felony or murther as all the Iudges of England resolved in one Simpsons case 42. Eliz. 11. The Iewish chiefe Preists came to Festus to Ierusalem informing him against Paule , and desiring to have Iudgment against him without more adoe ; To whom 〈◊〉 gave this answere . It is not the man●…er of the Romans to deliver any man to die , before he which is accused , have the accusers face to face , and have license to answere for himselfe , concerning the crime laid against him Acts 25. 15. 16. The same doe Lord Prelates at this day ; they informe Princes and temporall Majestrates and Iudges against godly Ministers and people , desiring to have present Iudgment against them . O that they would give them such an answere as this ; Heathen Gouernour Festus did the Iewes high Preists ; and not condemne them but by lawfull witnesses ever bringing both them and their accusers face to face , which would discouer many a false brother and slie informing knaue , who no●… by meanes of ex Officio Oathes & procedings neuer appeares face to face to make good his accusation , and passeth vndiscouered . 12. Christ foretold his disciples , that he must suffer many things of the chiefe Preists . Math. 16. 21. And our go●…ly Martirs and writers in all times , have foretold all godly Ministers and people , that they must and shal suffer many things of Lordly Prelates for Christs sake , as they haue done for many ages in al places where they haue borne any sway ; yea Christ predicted , to his Disciples that he should be betrayed to the chiefe Preists , and that they should condemne him to death Math. 20. 18. The like hath beene predicted to his faithfull Ministers and seruants , concerning Lordly Prelates . 13. The Iewes chiefe Preists sent officers to apprehend Christ , because many of the people beleeued on him and harkened to his Doctrine ; and were exceeding angry with the Officers because they did not bring him Iohn . 7. 30 , 31. 32 , 35. Lord Prelates in former times , and now adayes , have also vsually sent out Officers and Pursevants to apprehend Christs faithfull Ministers , because the people beleeue and harken to their Doctrine ; and are exceeding angry with them , yf they ●…scape their hands and bring them not before them ; as appeares by many late examples . 14. The Iewes chiefe Priests consulted how to put Lazarus to death , because that by reason of him , many of the Iewes went away and beleeved on Iesus Iohn . 12. 10 , 11. So Lordly Prelates heretofore have consulted how to put Gods faithfull Ministers to death , and now how to s●…lence , suspend , deprive , imprison and thrust them from their Ministry , because by reason of them many of the people goe away from them and their traditions and beleeve on Iesus ; as hundred particular examples testify . 15. The chiefe Priests of the Iewes hired Iudas for 30. peeces of siluer to betray Christ his Master , & deliver him into their hands , sent a greate multitude with swords & Staves along with him , to apprehend him ; which they did . Math. 26. 14 , 15 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50. Mark 14. 10. 43. to 47. Luke 22. 4. 5 , 6 , 47. to 52. Iohn . 18. 1. to 14. The same haue Lordly Prelates done in all ages , hiring and corrupting godly Ministers and Christians , false disciples , friends , seruants , yea sometimes their very Kings , wives and Children to betray them into their hands and sending Persevants and a great company of Sherifes , Constables and other Officers with them to apprehend breake open their houses , doores like theeves , and bring them before them , as the Bookes of Martirs , and present experience plentifully evidence , to their shame . 16. The high Preist sought for false witnesses against Iesus our Saviour , to put him to death Math. 26. 59. to 64. Mark 14. 52. to 62. and by their falfe testimonies seeke to contemne him , Ibidem . The same have done & yet doe Lord Prelates ; ( as Hi●…ories and experience manifest ) against Christs faithfull Ministers and servants . 17. When these false witnesses would not steed them , they endeavour to inforce him to accuse himselfe by captious questions First , they examined him concerning his disciples and doctrine ; To which he gave them this answere ; I spake openly to the world , I ever taught in the Synagogues and in the Temple , wheither the Iewes allway resort , and in secret have I said nothing , why askest thou me ? aske them that heard me , what I have said unto them , behold they know what I said ( refuting to accuse himselfe or his Disciples ) Iohn 18. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. 23. After this , the high Preist said unto him , I adjure thee by the living God that thou tell us , wheither thou be he Christ , the Sonne of God. Iesus saith unto him , Thou hast said &c. Thou the high Preist rent his ●…lothes saying , hee hath spoken blasphemy , what farther need have wee of witnesses , behold now yee have heard his blasphemy ; What thinke yee ? They answered and said , he is guilty of death ; Then did they spit in his face and buffeted him , & others smote him with the palme of their hand saying Prophecy unto us thou Christ , who it is that smote thee , &c. Math. 26. 63. to . 69. After which , they tooke counsell together to put him to death , and deliver him bound to Pilate the Governour , before whom they accuse him ; And when Pilate would have released him to the people , they perswaded them that they should aske Barrabas and destroy Iesus , and to cry out let him bee crucified ; And when Pilate yet pronounced him innocent , and would have discharged him ; the chiefe Priests replied ; If thou let this man goe thou art not Caesars friend , for hee speaketh against Caesar ; Never leaving him till they had crucified , and sealed him up fast in his Sepulcher . Math. 27. & 28. Iohn 18. & 19. Thus have Lord Prelates formerly dealt with the godly ministers and Saints of Christ , and now deale with his faithfull Ministers and Servants ; when they have no true or sufficient witnesses against them , they enforce them against Scriptures , Councells Fathers , Decretals Canon , Civill Canon law , the practise of the primitive Church for above 1300. yeares after Christ all which time there is not one precedent extant or story of any such Oathes or proceeding among Christians ) by ex officio Oathes and Articles to accuse and entrap themselves , of purpose to catch matter of censure and condemnation out of their owne mouthes which when they have gotten , then they insult over them spit in their faces , buffet , reuile , deride , and jeare them ; take counsell against them to silence , suspend , deprive , fine , imprison , or destroy them ; never ending their malicious prosecutions , till they see them close prisoners in their grau●…s ; and if any temporall Majestrates pronunce them innocent , or are willing to discharge them at any ti●…e then they accuse them as enemies to Caesar , as factious , sedicious , pestilent fellowes and tell them , Yf they let them goe , they are not Caesar , the Kings or Churches friends ; Yea when any time of grace , release or Pardon comes they can , and doe perswade Kings and temporall Magistrates to pordon and release Barrabas , theeues murtherers , whores , bawdes Preists Iesuites , Adulterers , drunkards , and all other notorious malefactors , but yet Iesus his innocent Saints and servants must have no grace at all , no mercy enlargment , grace or justice , but be imprisoned , ruined , molested destroyed and by this meanes at last they most vnjustly Crucify , vex and ruine these pure innocent Saints of Christ , as they did Christ himselse . A●… whizh our Booke of Martyrs and dayly experience witnesse to the full , in each particular ; yea , many of our present Prelates doe as much as in them lieth to crucfiy Christ himselfe , and that in a farre more barbarous manner then ever the Iewes did : For First , they crucified and set him only unto many Crosses . 2. The Iewes crucified him but once , they oft times one after another . 3. They kept him no longer on the Crosse then till he was dead upon it , & then gaue Ioseph of Aramathea leave to take him downe , beseeching Pilate that he might not hange thereon till the next day Iohn 19. Our Lord Prelates keepe him allwayes hanging before their eyes , on the Crosse , and never take him downe , as if he had still continued on his Crosse till now , and never been taken off , buried , raysed againe from the dead , and carried into heauen . And why so I pray ? First , to shew their cruell and bloudy disposition , it being their daily practise to crucify Christ in his Image and Saints , which makes them so much in love with the sight of the Crucifix . 2. To ma●…st themselues to be the high Preist vndoubted Successors , who crucified Christ. 3. To testify , that they delight so much in the picture of Christs death , as they haue no care nor thought at all to imitate him in his paynefull preaching life . 4. To manifest to all men , that if Christ were now a live in the flesh , they would as certainely crucify him againe as the high Preists did . 5. To tax the Sacra●…nt of the Lords Supper , & Scriptures of much imper●…ction ; as if they were not sufficient , to shewe forth Christ death till he came ( without this additament of a Crucifix ) to their Dull Lordships , who seldome receive the one , or seriously meditate of , & preach the other . 6. To manifest , that they desire not to have Christ to liue & ruleas a King or supreame living Lord in his owne Church , which he canot do as long as he hangs as a dead manon his Crosse ; that so they themselues may Lord it and rule Christs Church at their owne pleasures according to their owne Canons , Lusts , and pleasures , not his word , as the Iewish high Preists did . 7. To testify , that their Lordships thinke there is litle neede to preach Christ crucified ; & , that a dumbe blinde painted Crucifix , is a farre better preacher of Christ and his death then their Lordships . And if so , what neede of Bishops or Preachers , when we may haue store of Crucifixes at a farre cheaper rate ? 18. Finally , so●…e of the Iewes high Preists , were rebells and traytors to their Soueraignes ; as Abi●…thar was to Solomon , who there upon depriued him of his office , but spared his life though he deserued death 1. Kings . 1. 7. c. 2. 26. 27. So many hundred LOrd Prelates in forraigne partes , and aboue 60. of our owne here at some ( Especially the Arch-Bishop of Canterbery , & Yorke ) haue bene notorious Arch-Traytors , Conspirators & Rebells too against their Soueraignes , Especially those Emperors and Kings , who haue most fauored magnified and advanced their secular greatenesse , pompe , and power , A just Iudgment of God upon them , for aduancing these Prelates be Lords and temporall Princes , against Christs owne precept , Math. 20. 25. ) and I pray God , all of them be now faithfull to their Kings and Soveraignes , which I have cause to feare . In all these regards then you see how the Iewish high Preists , and Lordly Prelates are direct Parallels , and so in verity , their vndoubted Successors ; one mayne argument and pretence to support their Lordly Hierarchie over their Brethren , being deduced from the high Preists example . The disparity or Antithesis , betweene Christs and Lord Prelates . IF any now in these Prelates behalfe replie , that they are of our Sauiour Christs owne institution , his true Disciples , Sonnes , and followers , not the divells , ( as the First Paralell manifests them ; ) To disprove this Cavill , let them a little consider the Antipathie , or disparity betweene our Saviour Christ and them , in these ensuing particulars . First , our Saviour Christ was so poore , that hee had not so much as an house or kedde of his own whereon to rest his head . Math. 8. 20. Our Lord Prelates , ( though in regard of their birthes for the most part very like our Saviour , borne in a stable , or some poore Obscure Cottage : ) yet when once they become Lord Bishops they have many Manfions , Palaces , and stately princely habitations , wherein they wallow & take their pleasure , as if they were borne Prelates or Princes : and yet not content therewith , they still complaine their are poore Prelates , craving and hunting after farre more , farre greater Possessions , though not borne heires to one farthing by the grace , nor demeriting halfe so much for their paines or preaching , at the poorest ten-pound Curate in their Diocesse . Secondly , Our Saviour Christ , had but one poore threed-bare-Coate without a seame , woven from toe to toe , for which the Soldiers cast lots . Math. 27. 35. Iohn 19. 23. 24. 〈◊〉 Iohn Baptist ( the greatest Prophet that euer was borne of a Woman ) hath his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Camels haire ( not silke or satin ) and a leatherne ( not a brave great silken ) girdle about his loynes , Math. 3. 4. O●…r Lordly Prelates have many silken , sattin , scarlet , G●…nes , c●…ssockes , robes , coapes , rochets , hoodes , patched up with ●…any sea●…es and piebalde colours , with many new inuented Pontificall vestments , disguise and quadrangular ca●…s and ●…rinkets peculiar to their Holinesses , which po●…re C●…rist never wore , saw , knew or dream'te of , and would have certainly disdained to looke on , much more to weare , being as unseemely for , as displeasing to him , as the purple scarlet ●…obe , and Crowne of Thornes that the Soldiers violently put upon him in derifi●… , when they mocked and Crucified him . Thirdly , Our Saviour Christ , had but course farre , and hard diet for himselfe and his Apostles and Guests ; to wit , a few barly lo●…ves and some small fishes ●…or the most part served in on the bare ground ; it being his chiefest meate & drinke , to doe his Fathers will , and to finish his worke . Iohn . 4. 31. 34 : c. 6. 5. to . 15. Math. 14. 17. to 22. c. 15. 34. to . 38. c. 16. 9. 10. Iohn . 21. 9. 10. 13 , Yea , great Iohn Baptists ordi●…y food , was nought else but Locusts and wild hony . Mith. 3. 4. Our Lordly Prelates have all variety of costly 〈◊〉 , cates , iunkets , wines , drinkes , and Provisions , both for themselves , wives , children , guests , servants , equall to any Barons Lords or Earles of the Real●…e , making commonl●… as sumptuous , great if not more luxu●… feastes then they . Witnesse the more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 royall excess●…e feast of ( (p) ) Wi●…liam Warham 〈◊〉 of Canterbury ; at which the great Duke of Buckingham with his 120 ; attendants , waited on this Archprelate , as his High-Steward and Butler , ( too meane an office for the greatest Peere then living ) going bareheaded before his Grace , ush ring in his first Service & bowing his body to his Holinesse , as to the Pope of this other world . Witnesse the ( (q) ) unparalleld monstrous Feast of George Ne●…ell Archbishop of Yorke , the greatest that England ever knew or heard of ; the particulars whereof you may read at large in Godwins Catalogue , with others , which I pretermit , of which Antiqui●…tes 〈◊〉 Brit : Godwin , and Sir George Paule in the life of Archbishop Whitgift , can informe you . And it is so farre from being their meate and drinke , that it is their least thought and care , their least desire and endeavour , their greatest trouble , paine and purgatory to preach Gods Word , and doe his will and worke , as Christ our Saviour did . Fourthly , Our Saviour Christ was so poore , and so ill stored with moneves , that hee had not so much as a Didrachma ( about fiften pence of our money to pay tribute money for himselfe and his followers , but was enforced to send Peter to the Sea to borrow it of a poore Fish , for want of a friend to lend him so much , hee and his whole retinue , not being able to make up so small a summe among them : Math. 17. 27. But Lordly Prelates , borne-not to a Didrachma , have not only their hundreds and thousands by the yeare , ( and yet doe none , or little spirituall worke for it , most of them all put together , not preaching halfe so often as a poore Sti●…endiary Curate that hath but eight or ten pound by the veare : ) yea their hundreds or thousands lying by them in their bagges , besides , and yet are not contented . So like are they to our Saviour i●… this particular . Fifthly , Our Saviour Christ , and his Apostles too , went about on foote from village to village , preaching the Gospell throughout all Galilee and Iudea . Math. 4. 23. c. 51. 2. c. 10. 5 , 6 , 7 , 9. 10. 14. c. 12. Iohn . 4. 6. Marke 1. 38 , 39 , Luke 9. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. c. 10. 3. to . 12. Acts 10. 38. Math. 14. 13. Marke 6. 33. Acts 20. 13. And when hee rode ( in state ) into Ierusalem ( which was but once ) hee rode but on an Asse . Math. 21. 1. to . 16. But our Prelates when they goe abroad to visit or preach before the King ( for they seldome preach in any Countrey village in an age ) or when they have any businesse to Court , to Parliament or any Citie , yea when they goe to their Cathedralls , or a Church that is necre them , are so farre from going a foote , that they seldome ride on horsebacke , ( and then on a stately Palfray ) but in a Coach or Chariot drawne with foure or six pampred horses , with many horses , horsemen and footmen environing them ; and if they meete a poore cart or wagon by the way ( or a lighter meete their Barges on the watter , where they ride in pompe to ) if they stirre not presently out of the way to give their Lordships passage , they will lay the poore Carters and Lighter-men by the heeles for their paynes ( as * some of thē have lately done : ) So like are they to our Saviour . And here I cannot pretermit a merry Story . ( (p) ) A certaine Germain Clowne or Boare ( as they terme him ) seeing the Bishop of Colen ride in state with a greate traine of horsemen before and after him , stood gaping on the Bishop as he passed by and smiled to himselfe ; The Bishop perceiving it , made a stand , and demanded of the Boare why he thus smiled , bidding him speake the truth freely without feare , for he should sustayne no dammage , Wherevpon the Boare replied , that he smiled to thinke with himselfe , whether St. Martin ( Patron and First Bishop of ●…olen ) ever rode in such state as he did now : The Bishop herevnto answered , that he was an ignorant silly fellow , for he did not ride in his state , as he was Arch-Bishop of Colen , but as he was the cheife Prince Elector of Germany : Where upon he wittily retorted ; Suppose ( said he ) my Lord , the divell should come and fetch away the Prince Elector , I pray what would become of the Bishop , I feare me he would to Hell too : At which the Bishop being confounded went his way . Our Prelates may apply it to themselves without my helpe . 6. our Saviour Christ was meeke and lowlie in heart , full of compassion and mercy , and gaue rest to mens soules and bodies . Math. 11. 28 , 29. c. 9. 36. Luke 10. 33. Heb. 5. 2. Ephes. 4. 32. Our Prelates ( like men exalted from law degree ) are for the most part feirce chollerick , furious , proud , haughty , insolent , arrogant , malicious , revengefull , implacable , full of mercilesse and barbarous inhumanity , vexing and disquieting both the bodies and consciences of godly Ministers and people ; as the Booke of Martirs , and experience testifie . Take but this one remarkeable fresh instance in leive of many . This last pestilentiall Somer , the Lord Brooke his Lady , was delivered of a child ●…t Dallam in Suffolke within Bishop Wrems D●…ocesse of Norwich . The Earles of Bedford Doncaster , & 3. or 4. Lords more , were here upon invited to the christning ; which being solemnized on the Lords day afternoone , these Lords earnestly pressed the Lord Brooke , that they might have a Sermon then preached upon this extraordinary occasion . He therevpon desired one Mr. Ash , his houshold Chaplaine to preach ; who knowing the Bishops perversnesse , was vnwilling to doe it , till at last upon his Lords commaund to preach , he condesc●…nded , and preached accordingly . Bishop Wren h●…aring of it , some two dayes after sends his Apparitor with a Citation , to somon Mr. Ash to appeare before him : who being rode that morning to Cambridge , the Appa●…itor after he had beene courteously entertained at my Lords house , defired to speake with my Lord Brooke himselfe , who comming to him ; he acquainted his Lorship , that he had a Citation for his Chaplaine , who it seemed was rode abroad & therefore he would leave the Citation with his Lordship , to serve it on his Chaplaine when he returned : My Lord therevpon , demaunded of him , whether he tooke him to be an Apparitor , or intended to make him one ? He replied , that the Bishop commaunded him to leave it with his Lordship , in case his Chaplaine was not within , and if is Lordship would not receive it , he would sue out an excommunication against his Chaplain and have it published in the Church the next Lords day . Vpon which he tooke the Citation ; and upon his Chaplaines returne rode over with him to the Bishop : who fitting in state like a great Lord , or demy Pope , my Lord Brooke acquainted him , how his Apparitor had left a Citation with him against his Chaplaine , and that he and his Chaplaine were therevpon both come together to his Lordship to know what the businesse was , and what his Lordship could object against him ; His Lordship therevpon answered , that his Chaplaine had openly affronted him in his Diocesse in daring to presume to preach therein without his speciall license , and that on the Lords day afternoone , when he had expressely prohibited all Sermons within his Iurisdiction : telling Mr. Ash , that he would make him an example to all others , and that if he could not punish him sufficiently in his owne Court , he would bring him into the * High Commission for this insolency , unto which my Lord Brooke answered , that his Chaplaine was vnwilling to preach , and that therevpon h●… commaunded him to doe it upon this spe●…iall occasion , being importuned by the Earkes and Nobles then present ; defiring his Lordship not to be offended with his Chaplaine , for obeying his commaund , upon such an extraordinary occasion . The Bishop replied , that his Lordship did very ill to offer to maintaine his Chaplaine in this ; that No Lord of England should affront him in his Diocesse in such a manner , and if he did his Majesty stould know of it , & that he would make his Chaplaine an example . My Lord Brooke demaunded , whether his Lordship could take any exception either against his Chaplaines l●…fe or doctrine ? He answered no : Then my Lord , said he , I hope the offence is not great , there being no Law of God , or the Realme , nor Canon of the Church , that inhibits Ministers to preach on the Lords day afternoone . ( To which he might have added that the very declaration for Sports , much vrged by the Bishop on the Ministers of his Diocesse , as his Majesties , allowes of Sermons every where in the afternoone ; Since it prescribes No Sports to be used but after the end of diuine Service , and AFTERNOONE SERMON : as Bishop white confesseth in his examination of A and B. p. 131. and p. 9. of the Declaration : our pleasure is , That the Bishop and all other inferior Church-men shall for their parts be carefull and Diligent , both to instruct the igno●…ant , and co●…vince and reforme them that are m●…led in religion &c. Therefore that Bishops and Ministers sho●… preach on the Lords day afternoone , as well as in the forenoone ; & not be questioned , but commended for doing it : ) The Bishop demaunded of Mr. Ash , how he durst presume to preach in his Diocesse , without his special License ? ( though his 〈◊〉 could preach at Cambridge , as they say , in Paris his pulpit , without his license : ) Mr. A●… answered , that he had a Metropoliticall license fro●… the Arch Bishop to preach over all his Province : the Bishop bad him produce it : My Lord , said he , I have it not about me ; No , replied the Bishop , nor any such license , and for ought I know you are no Minister : where are your Letters of Order ? My Lord , said he , I durst not be so bold or dishonest to informe you I had such a license , were I not able to produce it ; and had I no letters of order , or were no lawfull Minister , I presume my Lord would not have entertained me for his Chaplaine : m●… Lord , both my license and orders are at home , and I use not to carry them alwayes with me in my pocket . My Lord Brooke int●…ed his Lordship to dismisse his Chaplaine and prosecute him no further , all would not doe ; he would make him an example , and so after many threatning speeches to him and my Lord , they departed . The Bishop presently proceedeth with all violence against Mr. Ash in his owne Court , no Mediation of Lord and friends would pacify him ; till at last the Earle of Doncaster told him , that if he would not dismisse him his Court , he would complaine to the King against him , since he preached only upon my Lord Brookes commaund , and his and other Earles importunity : Hereupon the Bishop leaving the Chaplaine , falls upon the Churchwardens of the Parish for permitting him to preach without his License ; fines them ( Quo iure I know not ) forty shillings a pi●…ce , enjoynes them to doe publike pennance in the Church with a white wand and a paper in their hands ; to aske God , and his Lordship forgivenesse , to confesse , that their censure was just , and to desire all others to take example by them , not to offend in like manner ; All which the poore men were enforced to doe . O pride ! O tyrannie . 7. Christs very yoake is easie , and his burthen light . Math. 11. 30. Lord Prelates yoakes exceeding heavy and intollerable ; witnesse those under which the whole Kingdome now lie groaning & languishing , with their many late new invented Ceremonies , Oathes , Articles , Injunctions and Innovations . 8. Christ , whiles he was on earth , went about continually doing good , and healing all that were oppressed with the Divell . Acts 10. 38. Lord Prelates when they ride about in circuite , or their vifitations , ( not foot it , as our Saviour did , ) doe no good at all , but only mischiefe ; silence Ministers , set up Altars and new popish ceremonies , pill and poll both Ministers and p●…ople with new extorted fees & procurations disquiet a●… good men , and insteed of healing , wound and further oppresse those like divels that were spiritually oppressed by the divell before , by exactions , suppressing Gods ordinances especially powerfull pr●…aching , which should cast out the divels that spiritually possesse & take them captives at their wills . 9. Our Saviour Christ went about all the Countrey preaching in every Synagogue where he came , Math. 4. 23. Mark. 1. 38 , 39. Our Bishops ride sometymes about the Country in their trienniall visitations , to fill their guts and purses , and at other times hawking , hunting , feasting , and recreating themselues , but seldome or never goe or ride thus abroad to preach in any one Church or Synagogue ; inhibiting those Ministers that would , to doe it . 10. Our Saviour preached daily and constantly in the Temple , beginning early in the morning , and continuing untill evening ( and so preached morning and evening ) Luke 19. 47. c. 21. 37 , 38. Iohn 8. 2. But yet wee finde not that ever hee read any common Prayers or Homilies in the Temple or any other Synagogue . Our Lordly Prelates are so farre from preaching dayly in our Temples , that few of them preach monthly , or quarterly ; some of them , scarce yearely ; some , not once in three or foure yeares , yea in ten or twelve yeares together ; and other not at all ; and so farre are they from preaching , or approving morning and evening Sermons even on the Lords owne Sacred day , much lesse on others ; that they have suppressed the Lords day early morning Lectures in London , and all afternoon●… Sermons on the Lords day in many Diocesse in the Countrey , making it an high offence , deserving both suspension and excommunication , to preach on the Lords day after dinner . Yea they are not ashamed to license Shelfords Sermon of uncharitrble Charity , against often preaching , in direct opposition to our Saviours example , and the very established ●…omely of the right use of the Church . p. 3. 4. to which he & themselves have subscribed . Such undoubted Sons disciples and followers are they of our Saviour in this particular . 11. Our Saviour Christ when he preached , read only his Text , and then closed the Booke and gave it againe to the minister , & sate down & preached without book . Luke 4. 17. to . 22. Our Prelates , when ever they chance to preach , commonly read not onely their Texts , but their who●…e Sermons too , if not their very prayers ; being so dull of memory , that whereas our stage-players can get their parts by heart though they act every day of the weeke , yet their stupid block-headed Lordships cannot conne one Sermon by heart in a yeare or two ; their doctrine being so far from sinking into their owne hearts , that it never so much as enters into their heads when they preach it , but onely into their books , where they leave & shut it up close prisoner into their lips , which presently vent it out againe : Are they not then very deuout Preachers , very much in ●…oue with Gods word , with which they will neither trouble their braines nor hearts ; sweet followers of our Sauiours steps , in this particular ? 12. Our Sauior Christ with fasting , praying , weeping & preaching was so leane , that he might tel al his bones . Psal. 22. 17. Our Lord Prelates with feasting , Lording , laughing , sleeping & loytering are so fat & plumpe ( for the most part ) that they or others can neither tell nor feele their bones . 13. Our Sauiour Christ was full of grace , goodnes and truth Iohn 1. 14. Lord Prelates are cōmonly ●…ul of gracelesnes , profanenesse , malice , enuy , pride , ambition , couetousnes , idlenes , di●…imulation , and hypocrisy , hauing little reall , but only meere titular grace to adorne them . 14. Our Sauior Christ made both the deafe to heare , the blind to see , and the dumbe to speake : Math. 9. 33. c. 12. 22. c. 15. 30. 31. Our Lord Prelates make the hearers of Gods Word deafe for want of preaching , the seing blinde through ignorance and our preaching Ministers dumbe , by silencing and suspending them . 16. Christ sent forth his disciples , not to read Homilies , or divine service ( which every clowne or schoole boy can doe as well as the learnedst Minister ) but to preach the Gospell , Math. 10. 7. 10. 14. Luke 9. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. c. 10. 2. to . 15. and that as well in mens private houses as the publicke Synagogues , Ibid. and Acts 5. 42. c. 20. 20. which now ( for sooth ) our Lordly Prelates condemne and censure for a conventicle : yea hee bid and commanded his disciples goe into all the world and preach the Gospell to every creature , teaching them to observe all things that hee had commanded them . Math. 28. 19. 20. M●…rke . 16. 15. yea he enjoyned them earnestly to seed his flocke and Lambes . Iohn 21. 15 , 16 , 17. Our Lord Prelates silence and suspend Christs faithfull Ministers , prohibiting them ( not only in private houses but in Churches to ) to preach the Gospell to their people , send them about only to read divine service and homilies ; and command them to observe and subscribe to whatsoever Canons , Orders , Articles , Ceremonies , and Injunctions they shall prescribe them , though con●…rary to Christs ; charging them ; not to feed , but fleece their Lambes and Sheepe ; And are they not then good Pastors ? 16. Our Saviour Christ was the goo●… Sheopard that laid downe his life for his Sheep●… ; hee knew his Sheepe , and was knowne againe of them , and they heard and knewe his voyce Iohn 10. 6. 11. to 16. Lord Prelates are rather Wolves then Sheopards , reddier to take away theire Sheepes lives then to lay downe their lives for their Sheepe ; many of them being so farre from knowing their Sheepe by name , that they never so much as saw them , the most of their Sheepe never so much as seeing or knowing their faces , much l●…sse hearing or knowing their voyces in the Pulpit , many of them ( though they have thousands by the yeare , of purpose to preach to their Sheepe ) not so much as bestowing on Sermon on them in 3. or 4. yeares space ; receiving above 3. or 4000. pounds for every Sermon they preach , too greate a rate sor so little w●…rke ; Yt thesemen were Tankard-bearers and should sell their watter at that rare they take for their Sermons , our water certainely would be far●…e dearer then the richest wine ; Yet many of their Sermons for which they take so much , are scarce so good as ditch watter . 17. Our Saviour Christ , though he were equall with God the Father , yet he made himselfe of no reputation , but tooke upon him the forme of a Servant , & was made in the likenesse of men , ●…ubling himselfe for farre , that he became obedient to death even to the dreath of the Crosse Phil. 2. 6 , 7 , 8. Our Lord Prelats , though equal comonly in birth to the meanest Peasants , yet ( in doubt in imitation of our Sauiour ) make themselves of so greate reputation , that they take upon them not only the forme and title , but the pompe and state of Lords and Petty Princes , not servants ; and as if they were not made in the likenesse of men , but borne Princes , Angels or demy Gods ; they become disobedient to all lawes of God and man ; and insteede of humbling themselves to death , and the Crosse for Christs sake , they tyrannically humble their brother Ministers and other Christians to the Prison , the Pillary , the Crosse , & Stocks for Christ. Witnesse our Bookes of Martires , and late experience . 18. Our Saviour Christ , though he were rich , yet for our sakes he became poore , that we through his poverty might be made rich . 2. Cor. 8. 9. Our Lord Prelates , though poore and beggarly at first , yet for Christs sake they are content to become greate and rich ; that so others through their power , riches , avarice , tyranny , and extortion may be made poore , to enrigh themselves the more . 19. Our Saviour , when Peter drew his sword to cut of Malchas eare therewith , immediately healed it againe , commanding him to put up his sword into the Scabbard . Iohn . 18. 10 , 11. Luke 22. 50 , 51. Math. 26. 51 , 22. Our Lord Prelates now ingrosse both swords into their sacred hands , and insteede of putting them into the Scabbard , draw them out like valiant men , smiting off some mens eares and noses with it , and now threaten to maine and mangle more in like manner , insteede of curing those allready maymed by them : Such swashbucklers and gladiaters are they growne . Yf we have warres with Spayne , we hope his Majestie will send these hacksters packing to those warres to mangle and hackle off the Spainards eares and noses , insteede of his loyall Subjects . 20. Our Saviour Christ , after he began to preach , refused to inter meddle with secular affaires , or to devide the inheritance betweene the too Brethren ; refused the kingdomes , Pomde and glory of this world ; affirming openly , that he and his kingdome were not of his world Math. 4. 8 , 9 , 10. Luke 12. 13 , 14. Ioan. 6. 15. c. 17 , 16. c. 18. 36. Our Lord Prelates , after they become Lords ( forgetting their primitive base originall and pedigree , with that vow they made to God in Baptisme , to forsake the divell and all his workes , the vayne pompe & glory of the world with all covetous desires of the same , and al carnall desires of the flesh , so that they will ●…ot follow nor be ledd by them ; and that 〈◊〉 of St. Iohn . 1. Iohn . 2. 15 , 16. Love not the world nor the things of the world , if any man love the wor●…d , the love of the Father , is not in him . For all that is in the world , ( the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eye , and pride of life ) is not of the Father but is of the world ) intangle themselves in worldly , secular state affaires and off●…s , become Lords T●…mporall insteed of Spirituall ; ●…meddle with all 〈◊〉 affaires , hunt after the Kingdomes , goverment , honour , pompe , state , and pleasures of this world with all greedinesse and diligence , i●…steed of preaching the Gospell and converting soules to God : ing●…sse all power and temporall Iurisdiction into their hands , smite with both swords at once like madde-men on every side , and though they pretend their Lordly calling to bee of God , y●…t they and it are plainely of this world , and ●…ot o●… Christ , as their actions manifest . 21. C●…rist both 〈◊〉 , and administred the Sacrament to his disciples , in his ordinary apparell , sitting at a Table , and that standing in the midst of the ●…me , Math. 26. 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. Mar●… 14. 18. 22 , 23 24. Luke 22. 14. to : 21. I●…n 13. 4. 25. 28. ●…or . 10. 21. c. 11. 23 , 24 , 25. Yea , when he sent abroad his disciples to preach he sent them in their usuall 〈◊〉 , expressely ●…hibiting them , to provide them , either silver or gold in their purses , or to take or weare two Coates Math. 10. 9. 10. Marke 8. 8 , 9. Luke 9. 3 , 4 , 5 c. 10. 4. ( Therefore certainely they wore no cass●…cks , hoods , gownes , coates or surpluses ( alias surplusages ) or rochets on their backs , or any such new , Massing , masking vestments , as our Prelates have since invented and prescribed , under the severest penalties , for Ministers to preach , to administer the Sacraments and read their divine Service in ) our Lord Prelates when they preach , or administer the Sacrament themselves , or by others , preach and ad●…inister it in their Pontificalibus , coapes , surplusses , hoods , cassocks , gownes , rochets , with other disguized extraordinary apparell ; Yea , they administer the Lords Supper in these holy vestments , only at an Altar standing at the East wall not a Table , in the * midst of the Q●…ire , as of of old , commanding all to receive the Sacrament of Christs Supper , kneeling , not sitting , ( and why not Baptisme then as well as it ? ) the betrer to adore the Eucharist ; condemning Christs and the Apostles gesture of sitting , as irreverend , unmannerly , and undecent ; adoring the very Altar , and bowing to it even to the ground . when as they have the consecrated Bread & Wine in their hands , as if it were more honorable and worshipfull then that , for which they say they bow unto it . All , which antichristian Popish vestments ceremonies and ●…opperies Thom●…s Becan hath learnedly refuted , in his display of the Popish Masse , to which I shall referre you ; only I shall answer a Scripture or two , which they alledge for their white rochets and surplesses ; To wit , Revel . 3 , 4 , 5. 18. c. 6. 11. c. 7. 9. 13. c. 19. 11. Where the Saints and Martyrs , are said to be clothed in white linnen robes ; Therefore Bishops ought toweare white rechets , and Ministers white surplesses . A learned argument if well prosecuted . 1. For , these white linnen robes and garments mentioned in these Texts , were no rochets or surplesses ( as these fond men dreame , ) but the spotlesse white robes of Christs owne merits and innocency , wherewith these Saints ( who had put on the Lord Iesus Christ , and made their robes white in his precious bloud ) were inuested , as is obedient by Rev. 19. 18. c. 3. 18. 4. 5. c. 7. 13. 14. compared with Pom. 13. 14. Ephes. 5. 26 , 27. which kinde kinde of sacred white rochet or surplesse , few Lord Prelates ever yet wore upon their backes , o●… gown●… eves . 2. These white robes were not worne only by Bishops , Ministers , Clergie , & Cathedrall men as rochets and surplesses are , but by all the Saints and Martirs of Christ alike . Yf these Tipes then prove any thinge , it is only this . That all men ought to weare rochets and surplesses not Bishops and Church men only . 3. These white robes were their ordinary daylie garments which they never put of upon any occasion , no not when they rode in ●…riumph upon white horses , ●…ev . 19. 14. Therefore no argument fo●… rochets and surplesses wh●…ch are put on only upon speciall occasions and not ever worne as ordinary apparell , These Lordly Prelates perscribing only blacke gownes and garments , wearing none but such out of the Church and their supplisses & rochets ( to testify their spotlesse purity and holinesse ) for the most part only in the Church , to testify that they are only white Saints in shew whiles they are in the Church and Quier , but blacke friendes and divells for the most part in all places else , in thei●… lives and actions . The true significant reason , as I conceive , why they weare white robes and rochets only in the Church in time of diuine services ( where they commonly leave and put them off with all their seeming purity and holinesses with their surplesses ) but black coates & vestments under them and in all places else . A thing worthy observation . 4. These robes were not worne by these , or the Martyrs , on earth , whiles they lived ; but put upon them in heaven , after they were dead . Therfore no argument for , but against the wearing of rochets and surplesses here . 5. The Disciples and Apostles when they were sent to preach had c●…rtainely but o●…e Coate and garment on the them , and that vndoubtedly no white rochet , nor surp●…esse ; These Scriptures therefore make nothing for both , or either of them . 6. These Saints are said , to ride upon white horses only , and in these their white linnen garments . Revel . 19. 14. I may therefore better argue hence ; That Bishops and Ministers ought ever to ride upon white ho●…ses and no other , and that in their rochets and surplesses , not th●…ir Canonicall coates cloakes or halfe-gownes ; then they thence inf●…r : That they ought to preach & read prayers in their surplesses . But of these surplesages enough and too much : I proceed . 22. Christ professeth of himselfe , that he came into the world , of purpose for to preach the Gospell , Mark. 1. 38. Luke 4. 18. Lord Prelates professe , that they were not ordayned Lords or Bishops , to preach Gods Word , but to rule , governe , and Lord it over their fellow Brethren and their diocesse : 23. Our Saviour Christ maketh continuall prayer & intercession to his Father for all his chosen people , Rom. 8. 34. Heb. 7. 25. Our Lord Prelates , as they seldome preach , so they earely or never contend earnestly or make interc●…ssion unto God in earnest hearty fervent prayer for their people that they may be saved and converted : Yea some of them ( as Bishop Wren ) contrary to the practise of all former ages , begin to prohibit Ministers under paine of suspension and excommunication , to make any conceived prayers before or after their Sermons , suspending , and excommunicating them if they doe it ; ounparalleld impiety ! o atheisticall Novelty ! Wee know that Moses , David , Salomon , Ezra , Ieremiah , Daniell , with the Saints and Prophets in the old Testament used conceived , but no set formes of prayer , that we read of , the like did Christ and his Apostles in the New T●…stament ; prayer being a speciall gift of Gods Spirit , given to all his children , upon all their severall necessities and occasi●…ns . 1 Kings 8. 38. 45. 49. 54. Neh. 1. 6. 11. Ps. 102. 7. Ps. 141. 2 Ezeh . 12. 10 , 11. Acts 1. 14. c. 6. 4. c. 10. 31. c. 12. 5. 1 Cor. 7. 5 Phil. 1. 4. 2 Cor. 1. 11. Col. 4. 2 Iam. 5. 15. 16. Ephes. 6. 18. Rom. 8. 15. 26 , 27. Iude 20. Thus did the Ministers & Preachers of Gods Word in Iustin Martyrs and Tertullians dayes , ( as appeares by both their 〈◊〉 ) both 〈◊〉 and after their Sermons & love-feastes : Thus did the Fa●…ers , as appeares b●… th●…ir works ; & the Primitive Christians and Martyrs vpon all occ●…sions , as Ecclesiasticall Historians 〈◊〉 . Thus did our Martyrs of old witnes M. Fox his Acts and M●…uments . Yea , Archbishop Sandes of Yorke , be●…ore & after his Sermons ; & B. Pilkington of Durham before and after his Sermons on Nehemiah , Obadiah , &c. with other of our Bishops used conceived Pray●…rs o●… different for●…es , according to the variety of their Texts , & the 〈◊〉 occasions ; wh●…ch the●… published in print , for others imitation . Thus have all our Ministers , generally done in all ages and places , especially from the beginning of reformation to this present , till a ge●…eration of upstart unpraying Lordly Pre●…ates and lasy Docto●…s , ( who know not how to pray , or mak a conceived prayer out of their owne heades and hearts upon any occasion , no more then a child that is newly borne , ) have cryed downe all extemporary conceived Prayers , ( as well as studied Sermons and frequent preaching , ) endevoring utterly to extinguish this most heavenly gift of Prayer , not only in all private Christians , but also in all those godly Ministers whom God hath endowed with this eminent faculty , by confining them only to the very words of the Canon ; which are no more a prayet then the Creed or ten Commandements , ( which many ignorant people mumble over , as good prayers ) and hath made many great Doctors unable for to pray without the helpe of a Common-prayer booke , upon any urgent occasion . For proofe whereof , I shall instance only in two late examples . When the Earle of Castle haven was to bee beheaded , there came two great learned Deanes & Doctors of Divinity , to his lodging , to pray with him before his death . Where calling for A Common-Prayer Booke they read over the Letanie to him , ( which was all the Prayers ( they could make ) and so concluded their deuotions . The Earle much grieved and discontented therewith , brake forth into these speeches . Alas , what doe these Doctors meane to trouble themselves , or mee , in praying to God , to deliver me , from lightning and tempest , from plague , pestilence and famine , from battle and murther , and from sudden death , who am now presently to die and lose my head ? Or , what doth their praying , to preserve all that travell by land or by water , all women laboring with child , all sicke persons and young children , &c. concerne either me or my present condition , who am now ready to perish and bee destroyed ? Miserable comforters are they . This hee spake with teares in his eyes ; and there upon desired the company there present with him to goe with him from these Deanes into another roome , where hee made such an heavenly fervent extemporary Prayer , pertinent to his present dying condition , as ravished all the Auditours , and drew rivers of teares both from their eyes and hearts , which these non-praying Doctors Letany could not doe . When the honorable religious Lord Veere some two yeares since , was sodainely strucke with death arrow at Sr. Henry V●…ne his table at White-hall , as he sate at dinner , and caried from thence into a with-drawing chamber adioyning where he dyed , a grand Dr. of Diuinity ( one of his Majesties Chapplaines being there present , was upon this unexpected occasion desired to kneele and pray with the company . The Dr. Hereupon calls for a Common-prayer-booke , and answer being madde that there was none present ; he replied , that he could not pray without a Booke . Whereupon a Knight there present tooke him by the gowne , and forced him to kneele downe telling him , that my Lord was dying , and he must needes say some prayer or other ; vpon this he begins Pater noster , for other prayer could he none : Which the Knight hearing , bads him hold his peace , for my Lord was dead , and he was but a dead Divine . Who knew not how to pray . Such woodden Doctors & Prelates have we now adayes , that know not how to pray upon any sodaine occasion ; because ( like little children ) they ever confine themselves to a set forme of prayer , proceeding neither from their heads nor hearts but their lips only , which every Schoole-boy can read with as much devotion , as they . So vnlike are they to our Saviour Christ and his Apostles , who who were able to pray ex tempore , with all mann●…r of supplications , and prayers upon all occasions , and would have all Ministers and priuate Christians , to be thus able too . Ephes. 6. 18. 1. Tim. 2. 1 , 28. Phil , 4. 6. 1. Pet. 4. 7. Iam. 1. 5. 6. c. 5. 14. 24. Finally , our Saviour Christ whiles he was on earth , suspended , silenced , deprived , censured , imprisoned , and close imprisoned no Ministers or Christians , whiles he was on earth : ( yea , he was so farre from this , that he was anoynted and sent by the spirit of the Lord God , to binde up the broken-hearted , to proclaime liberty to the captiues and the opening of the prison to them that are bound . Isay. 61. But Lord Prelates silence , suspend , deprive , censure , imprison , and close imprison both Ministers and good Christians at their pleasures ; but never binde up the broken-hearted , or proclaime liberty to the Captiues , or the opening of the prison to them that are bound , Take him Iaylor . Catch him Pursuiuant ; Away with him to the Fleet , the Clinke or Gate-house ; I set a thousand pounde fins upon his head ; &c. bring their vsuall mercy , language , & Lordly tone . Christ had no Prisons , Counters , Gate-houses , Cole houses , to imprison and mue up Christians or Ministers in , for discharging a good consciences , or obeying God rather then men , or refusing to take an vnlawfull ex officio Oath : No consistory or High-commission to conuent men in , no visitation or ex officio Oaths Articles , Procurations , Dispensations , Tot-quots , Licenses to preach or keepe schoole ; No Deanes , Archdeacons , Vicars generall , Chancellours , Commissaries , Surrogates , Officials , Registers , Pursuiuants . Apparitors , Informers , but only 12. preaching Disciples attending on him . Lord Prelates have all and every of these , and would not thinke themselves Bishop without them . Christ thought his written word & precepts , sufficient to gouerne and instruct his Church , to the end of the world , without any Prelates Canons . Math. 28. 19. 20. Lord Prelates thinke not so , but deeme their owne Canons and Injunctions without his word , the only lawes whereby to governe and direct the Church . Christ was persecuted , imprisoned , scoffed at , crucified by the high Priests , and yet prayed for his enemies , leaving us an example , that we should follow his steps Ephes. 4. 32. 1. Pet. 2. 21 , 23. Luke 23 , 24. Lord Prelates are not thus persecuted , imprisoned , scoffed at , and crucified , but persecute , imprison , scoffe at , crucify , and burne others for Christs sake ; and insteede of following Christs foot-steps in praying for their enemies , they excommunicate , banne , curse , anathematize them to the very pit of Hell , with Bell Booke and Candle , and sometimes offer this vnchristian violence to their very ashes , bones , and v●…ines ; as our Booke of Martires manifests . Since therefore Lord Prelates in these and infinite other particulars are so contrary opposite , & vnlike to our Saviour Iesus Christ , I may safely conclude them to be none of his institution , Sonnes , or followers : For hee that is truly Christs , and saith that he abideth in him , ought himselfe also to walke even as Christ walked 1. Iohn . 2. 6. But Lord Prelates walked but directly contrary to him in all these particulars : Therefore they are none of his , and abide not in him what euer vaunts they make to the contrary : And if they be none of Christs institution , Sonnes , Disciples or followers , then certainely none of his Apostles ( the next thing I shall succinctly illustrate . The opposition and contrariety betweene Christs Apostles and Lordly Prelates . FIrst our Saviours Apostles yea Peter ( the Prince of all the rest , as the Papists vaunt ) had neither silver nor gold Acts 3. 6. Lord Prelates have plenty of both : yea doe little or no worke for it , and lesse good with it , vnlesse it be out of a vaineglotious humor to get themselues applause by some Pontificall stately structure , or monument of their ambicion pompe and pride . 2. These Apostles were poore , and vet made many rich , as having nothing and yet possessing all thing 2. Cor , 6. 10. Lord Prelates are rich , and yet by their oppression , tyranny injustice , great Fines , imprisonments , extortions and griping Officers make many Ministers and good Christians poore ; they have all things their hearts can wish , and yet through covetous ambicion and desire of more , and il●… use of what they have , truly possesse nothing . 3. The Apostles were made a spectacle unto the world unto Angells , and to men 1. Cor. 4. 9. Lord Prelates are not made but make others such for Christs sake . 4. The Apostles to their dying dayes , did both hunger & thirst & were naked , buffeted , despised , accounted fooles , defamed , reviled and persecuted , Yea they were made the very silth of the world and the ofscouring of all things for Christs sake , being in stripes often , in imprisonments , perills , and death often , in watchings often , in labours more abundant for Christ 1. Cor. 4. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. 2. Cor. 6. 5 , c. 11. 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. Lord Prelates are in no such condition at all , they sustayne no such hardship for Christ ; but they eate and drinke of the best , are gorgeously clad , courted , yea flattered , honoured and accounted great Lords , praysed above measure , feasted , promoted and made the greatest Peeres the most swaying overruling Lord controllers of the world , & Primates of all others for Christs sake ; being never in stripes &c. But only in voluptuous pleasures , stately Palaces , Princes Courts , downe beds , and lazy idlenesse for Christ ; and when persecution or affliction for the Gospell come ; they either turne chiefe persecutors , or turne-coates , rather then they will vndergoe any stripes , imprisonments , perrills , or deaths for Christ , by whom they enioye so much honour , pompe , wealth and worldly pleasures . 5. The Apostles had no certayne dwelling place and laboured , working whith their owne handes , and yet never gave over preaching for want of maintenance 1. Cor. 4. 11 , 12. Acts 20. 34. 1. Thess. 2. 9 , 2. Thess. 3. 8. Lord Bishops have divers certaine Palaces , Sees , Mannors , & Pontificall Mansions ; their hundreds and thousands by the yeare ; neuer labour with their hands ( and seldowne with their tongues or braines ) to get their livings ; and yet preach not so oft in 2. or 3. yeares , as Paul and other Apostles did in a weeke , when they labored to . 6. The Apostles were troubled on every side , for Christ , yet not distressed ; perplexed , but not in despaires persecuted , but not forsaken ; cast downe , but not destroyed ; alwayes bearing about in the body the marke ; of the Lord Iesus , and being alwayes delivered unto death for Iesus sake : 2 Cor. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Lord Prelates never were in such extremities , never suffered such things , as all or any of these for Christ , but have usually brought others into the Apostles condition far specified for Christs sake ; As the Booke of Martyrs , and experience manifest . 7. The Apostles were called from the receipt of custome , from all other secular imployments , and seperated for the Gospell of Christ ; forsaking all other things to preach and propagate it alone as soone as they were called to bee Christs Apostles and disciples , Math. 4. 18. to . 23. c. 9. 9. Marke 10. 28 , 29. Rom. 1. 1. Acts 13. 2. Lord Prelates when they are made such , intrude themselves into secular offices and imployments , call themselves back againe to the receipt of custome shouldring themselves into Lord Treasurerships Lord Chancellorships & other such great temporall offices , tosupport and maintaine their part , power and antichristian throne ; erect Popery and Romish superstition , and rule all things at their pleasures : yea they almost wholly seperate themselves from Christ , and the preaching of his Gospell , lay aside and give over their Ministry , &c. Preaching , that so they may wholely addict themselves to the world , the pleasures honours and preferments of it , to Court and State affaires , and Lord it over all men both in Church and State. 8. Christs Apostles , were all equall among themselves , and Lorded it not one over the other , nor yet over their fellow brethren , or the Lords inheritance never Pursevanting , imprisoning , fining , banishing or depriving of them like Pagan Princes , they being expressely prohibited so to doe , Math. 20. 25. 26. 27 Luke 22. 25 , 26. 2. Cor. 1. 24. 〈◊〉 . Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Lord Prelates Lord it one over another and are not equall among themselves , witnesse their Popes , their Patriarkes , Cardinall , Bishops , Metropolitanes , Arch-Bishops , Bishops , and Bishops Suffragans , al subordinate unto another ; they clayme a superiority Iure diuino over their fellow Presbiters ( their equalls , and all one with themselves by diuine law & institution Acts 26. 17. 28. Phil. 1. 〈◊〉 . 1. 7 ●…m . 3. 1 , 2 , 3. c. 5. 17. Titus 1. 5 , 7. 1. Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. Math. 20. 25 , 26 , 27 , c. 28. 19 : 20. ) Yea they Lord and tyrannize it over their fellow Ministers , Diocesse , and the Lords inheritance suspending , silencing , excommunicating , pursevanting , fining , imprisoning reviling , depriving them , prescribing new Ceremonies , Injunctions , Articles , Oathes , Orders , and fining and punnishing them for the violation of them at their pleasures , like absolute Popes , Kings , Monarks , Parliaments , against all lawes of God , and the Realme ; as ancient , and ( above all others ) present experience testifieth ; So like are their Lordly Sanctities to the Apoftles , or rather to their holy-Father the Pope & divell . 9. The Apostles preached daylie the Lord Iesus , and his Gospell , to the people , because Christ , & God himselfe enioyned them to doe it , notwithstanding the high Priests & whole Counsels suspencions inhibitiōs , threats , imprisonments , and scourgings to hinder and deterre them Acts 4 & 5. 1. Thess. 2. 15 , 16 , 17. Lords Prelates ( on the contrary ) are so farre from imitating their examples , that they every where against the lawes of God and the realme , yea contrary to the very Booke of ordination and charge there given them when they were ordavned , ) suspend & prohibit Ministers from preaching Christ & his Gospell to the people , that they may be saved , threatning to imprison deprive and ruine them if they doe it ; notwithstanding Christ and his Apostles have expresly commanded them , ( and their Lordships to if Christs Ministers , or their Successors ) to doe it under payne of eternal woe ( which Bishop wren commaunded to be blotted out of a Church wall in Ipswich Mat. 28. 19 20. Mark. 16. 15. Acts. 20. 281. Cor. 9. 16 , 17. 1. Tim. 4. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 1 Tim. 4. 13. c. 5. 17. The very highth of al iniquity and impiety 1. Thess. 2. 15 , 16. Yea , money base fainthearted Ministers forgetting this President of the Apostles , set now silence under these illegall impious suspensions , and some of them , like hirelings f●…e from their flocks , and leave them to be devo●…vred of these raging wolves , as full experience manifests , whereas if they were true Sheopards and faithfull Ministers , they would rather lay downe their lives then flie or give over preaching upon such vngodly , vnjust Suspentious , meerely void in law , which of Common , Civill , Canon or Diuine . 10. The Apostles dayly in the Temple ; and in every howse ( which now fotsooth were a Conventicle ) ceased not to teach and preach Iesus Christ Acts 5. 42. ( and that notwithstanding all the high Priests inhibitions , suspensions and imprisonments ) Nay S. Paul as he spread and preached the Gospell of Christ almost over all the world ever from Ierusalem round about to Illyricum and where Christ was not once so much as named before , Rom. 15. 19. 20. So hee disputed and preached daily in the Schoole of one Tyrannus for two yeares space , Acts 19. 9. 10. Yea for three yeares space together , he ceased not day and night to warne every one at Ephesus , with teares , teaching them publikely and from house to house , ( now a dangerous unlawfull conventicle in our Lord Prelates judgement ) Acts 20. 20. 21. 31. he , and the rest of the Apostles , by their daily preaching and holy lives , converting thousands unto God & planting and watering many eminent Churches ; as the Acts and Epistles of the Apostles , witnesse . Our Lordly Prelates are so farre from not ceasing thus to preach dayly , themselves , that few of them preach monthly , or quarterly , and it is much if they preach annually , and then only at Court : Others of them ( as our great Archprelates ) not in three or foure yeares space or more ; some not at all , ( as the dumbe Bishops of Oxford , Landaffe , and others : ) yea , they doe all they can to preach , write and cry downe frequent preaching , as hurtfull and superfluous ; suppressing all or most weeke●…day Lectures , with Sermons on Lords dayes afternoone in many Diocese , ( o impiety ! ) inhibiting all painfull , godly Ministers from preaching , some totally , other at least halfe so often as they desire to doe , or more : and , ( which is a thing almost incredible , and most impious ) suppressing Lectures and preaching in all infected places , and that on the solemne Fast-day , as a meanes to spread the pestilence , even then , when all former ages , and an eminent ancient Popish Councell , have cried them up as most necessary and usefull ; the sicke having farre more need of spirituall physicke and Physitians , then the whole : Math. 9. 12. 13. As for preaching from house to house ( bee it by a Minister in his owne parish only ) our holy Lord Prelates are so farre from practising or approving it , though Apostolicall , that they most unchristinaly prohibit , most impiously condemne , most severely punish it , and the repetition of Sermons for a dangerous Conventicle , deserving imprisonment , excommunication , fining , deprivation and what not , is a clowd of late examples testify . Such holy successors of Christs Apostles are these ghostly Lords spirituall ; I will not say , carnall , worldly , and diabolicall , as some too truly stile them : This being one of Satan the great dragon his * principall instructions to the heard-men of his goates , Bishops and Archbishops ; to see that they hate , despise and blaspheme both the word of God , and the true Preachers and lovers thereof , and not to suffer the truth and freedome of Gods Law to be knowne , but to keep it under as much as they can : to suffer no true Preachers to abide in their Diocesses , but quickly to bring them into great thraldome , charge and penury ; and never to cease till they have driven them away and set up in their roomes and places Doctor Ignorance Domine drunkard , Sir Iohn Lacke-latin , with Sir William Wilde-oathes that hunteth after whores , and such also as can play dissembling hypocrites , whereby the divels empire of darkenesse doth exceedingly flourish , which much decayed in all places by the true and frequent preaching of Gods Word . As for their planting or watering of Churches , and converting store of soules to God , by their diligent frequent zealous preaching and pious lives , Alas , which of our great Archprelates can truly say , that hee ever yet truly converted one soule to God by his life or doctrine ? Which of all our Lordly loyterers can shew mee one man that he thoroughly convetted to Christ or reduced to an holy life since he became a Prelate ? ( scarce one or two , I feare , of the whole paeke . ) Or what men are they this day living in England who can say with comfort , that a Lord Bishop was the meanes of their true conversion ? Such converts doubtlesse are so rare , that all their names , I feare , ( like the good Roman Emperors ) may bee ingraven in one ring ; whereas the soules they have murthered and tumbled into Hell by their ill examples , unjust , ungodly , tyrannicall , atheisticall lives , supressing of preaching Lectures , godly Ministers , repetition of Sermons , private Fasts , and Christian private assemblies in all places ; declamations against purity , Puritans , piety and precisenesse , making and countenancing ungodly , unworthy scandalous Ministers ; stirring men up to prophane the Lords owne day by Dancing sports , &c. As wofull experience witnesseth past all deniall . O that these unprofitable Lord Prelates would consider that excellent saying of Pope Gregory the first . Pensemus ergo &c. Let us therefore diligently consider , who have ever been converted by our preaching ; who being reprehended for their perverse actions , have repented upon our reprehension : who out of our instruction hath for saken his luxury ; who declined his covetousnesse , who his pride ? Let us consider what gaine wee have brought into God , who receiving a talent are sent by him to negociate with it . For he saith ; Occupis till I come . Behold hee now commeth ; behold hee requireth gaine out of our negotiation What gaine of soules shall wee shew unto him out of our negociation ? How many sheaves of soules shall wee bring before his sight out of the croppe of our preaching ? Let us set before our eyes that day of so great distresse , wherein the Iudge shall come and exact a strict account of those servants to whom he hath committed talents . There , shall Peter appeare with converted Iudaea , which hee hath drawne after him : There , Paul , leading , that I may so speake the converted world . There , also Andrew shall lead Achaia after him ; there , Iohn Asia , Thomas India converted by them , and present them to the view of the Iudge . There all the Rammes of the Lords flocke shall appeare with the gaines of soules , who by their holy Sermons draw a converted subdued flocke after them . When therefore so many Shepheards shall come thus with their severall flockes before the presence of the eternall Shepheard , what shall wee poore wretches ( what shall cur unpreaching , unprofitable Lord Prelates ) say , who after our negociation returne empty to our Lord ; who have the name of Pastors , and yet have no sheep at all to shew whom we have nourished and converted . Here were wee are called shepheards , and yet thus we lead no flocke at all●… therefore we shall then be reputed 〈◊〉 hireling and murtherers , not as Pastors . A speech which should make all our Lordly Prelates humble and give over their Lording , loytering and secular imployments , to fall a preaching & winne some soules to God. 11. Paul , ( Christs most laborious Apostle ) preached not only in the morning , but also in the evening on the Lords day , and continued his Sermon untill midnight . Acts 20. 7. Our godly devout Lord Prelates , not onely give over preaching themselues on Lords day evenings , but professedly prohibit it as vnlawfull , by their printed visitation articles , suspending those that dare to preach , ( though they catechize also ) on the Lords day evening , that so the profane vulgar may haue more liberty , and spend that time in dancing and playing , which this Apostles spent in preaching . And are they not then his vndoubted Successors . 12 Finally , the Apostles had no quadrangular Ca●…s for their round pates , no stately Miters for their heads , no rochets , Surplesses , Stoles , or other Pontificall disguised vestments for their backs or armes , no rings or Crosiers for their hands and fingers , no Altars for their Sacrament of the Lords Supper no Tapers , vestment Images , Crucifixes Altar clothes , Organs , or Arras hangings , Singing men , Cheristers , Prebends , Petty Canons , Canōs , Deanes or Chapters for their Cathedralls or priuate Chappell 's ( which they wanted ) no Vicars generall , Commissaries , Officialls , Registers , Purseuants , high Commissions , visitation Oathes , Articles , Orders , Injunctions , Canon lawes or Canonists for their Diocesse , no Coaches , Chariots , pamper●… Palfreys , Footmen , Horsmen , Cookes , Butlers , Keepers Hunters Falkners , & traine of attendants for their pleasure , State , iournies , or hospitallity ; no cringings and bowings to Altars , Tables , Crucifixes , or the name of Iesus , no standing up at Gloria Patri , Athanacius and the Nicene Creede , no kneeling at the Sacrament , no Procurations ; Letters of Ordination , licenses to preach , or keepe Scholes , Probate of wills , Commissions of administration , Seales of armes , Tit'es of your Grace , your Lordship , your Holynesse , your Father hood , Primate , Patriarke , Metropolitan , Arch-bishop , most reverend Father in God &c. Alas poore silly Fishe●…s and Michaniks , they neither had , nor knewe , nor euer dreamed of all these Pontificall Inuentions , ceremonies , vestements , Ornaments , Titles , which our Lord Prelates claime , enioye , enforce by diuine authority as their Successors , in which they place the very honour , luster , life and essence of their Episcopalities and Lotdlyresse ; They ; poore men , thought the Canon of the Scripture ( as did their Master Christ ) sufficient to rule and guide the Church to the end of the world Math. 28. 19 , 20 , Gal. 6. 16. Sufficient to make them wise to salvation , to build them up , to give them an inheritance among them that are sanctified , and to bring them safe to heaven Acts 20. 32. Gal. 6. 16. 2 Tim. 3. 15. Yea all sufficient for doctrine , reprooffe , correction , instruction inrighteounesse , that the man of God may be perfect throughly furnished unto all good workes 2. Tim. 3. 16 , 17. without any other Canons , Decretalls , Articles , Injunctions &c. Lord Prelates are of a quite contrary faith and judgment . They , poore silly Creatures , in their First generall Counsell at Ierusalem , would impose no Ceremonies at all upon the Gentiles , nor lay no other but these necessary things , as a burthen on them , to abstayne from fornication , and from bloud , and things strangled Acts 25. 28 , 29. And Paul himselfe , without expresse Commaund from God , would not enjoyne or single vnmarried life to any , but only advise it , Yet so , as to leave every man to his owne free liberty and discretion 1. Cor. 7. 8. 9. 25. 26. 27. 28. to 40. Yea else where ; Hee beates downe all humane Traditions and Constitutions as no wayes obligatory in diuine , or Ecclesiasticall matters . Col. 2. 20. 21. 22. 1. Cor. 7. 23. 1 Tim. 4. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Gal. 1. 10. c. 2. 9. to 20. c. 3. 1. 2. c. 5. 1 , 2. But our Lordly Prelates farre wiser and statelier then they , who were no Lords nor Peeres , of their severall divided heads without advise of Kings and Parliament , by their owne Lordly authorities in their owne names , can forge , prescribe enioyne , and that upon Oath and subscription , many hundred unnecessary Ceremonies , Articles and injunctions , not any where commanded by Christ ; and impose them upon Ministers and people under paine of suspension , excommunication , imprisonment , deprivation , and what other penalties their royall Papall Majesties please , to inflict , enforcing Church-wardens ( contrary to Gods Law , by the very Rhemists owne doctrine ) to present the infringers of them upon Oath , ( whereas they enioyne them not to present the violaters of Gods owne Ten Commandements , Or any of Christs , or his Apostles precepts ( as they are such upon oath , which God himselfe never enforced to b●… enquired or presented upon oath ; a thing considerable ) Such Gods , Popes , Kings , Tyrants , and absolute Lords are they now growne over mens consciences , soules , bodies and estates , all now made captive to their more then divine , Imperiall , Papall , pleasures ; as experience every where testifieth to our griefe and payne . Iudge now even you Lordly Prelates , and all ye people of the realme , by all the premised Parallels ; wheither these great Lords and th●…ir Prelacie bee of diabolicall or divine institution , wheither they are of Christ or the divell ; the impes and spurious beats of the one ; or Sonnes and genuine Children of the other ; the successors and followers of the I●…wish High Priests , or of the Apostles : Iudge , I say , of these things , not with passion or affection , but with imparciallitie and conscience ; not by opinion or fancie , but by experience and truth ; not with malice or prejudice eyther way , but with downe-right sincerity , as you desire CHRIST shall Iudge you at the day of Iudgement , and as your selves then shall judge . And when you have done his , then let our Lordly Prelates give up that verdict of themselves and others of them , as their soules and consciences shall sincerely dictate ; And then I doubt not , but their pretended Ius diuin●…m for their Lordly Hierarchie , will be a non est inuentus , and all their Lordlynesse , pompe , power , state , Pride , Canons , Articles , Oathes , Ceremonies , Titles , Innovations , Suspensions , and present fore-specified practises , cast and sentensed for ever to the pit of Hell , from which they sprung , if my poore weake Iudgment doth not misinforme me . Iohn Rupescissa ( a bold propheticall preaching Friere ) told the Ro●…ish Cardinals and Prelates some 300. yeares since , that they were the Peacocke whom all the birdes had enriched with their feathers , whereby shee was growne so proud , that shee would never know herselfe , till the Kings and Princes of the earth that had decked and enriched her , should come , and taking every one of them his owne feather , leaue her as bald and naked as they found her , and then as their pride & wealth was the begining of all the errors , Schismes and corruptions in religion that troubled the world , so their humiliation and fall should be the end of them . I may apply his Prophecie to our Lordly Prelates now : they are the only proud Peacockes of the world so adorned and swolne with worldly honour , power wealth , pompe , pride and greatnesse , that they will ne-ver know either God or themselves till the King & temporall Lords who have decked and enriched them with these gorgeous plumes , shall come , and taking euery one of them his owne feather , leave them as bald and naked as they found them . And then as their pride , pompe , Lordlinesse , powre and worldy wealth hath beene the errors , Schismes , Innovations , corruptions in Religion that have troubled our Church and the whole world ; ( yea , of all the grievances , oppressions , Tallayes , and mischeifes , that have insteed our state of later yeares ) so their humiliation and fall shall bee the end of them . Vp therefore o most gracious Soveraigne Lord King Charles , & all yee English Nobles , without more delayes , and unp●…ume these luciferian proud Peacocks of all those royall Lordly feathers , they have unjustly stollen and usurped from you : and since they claime all of them from a divine Right and Title , ( without any shadow or ground of truth , as I have been demonstrated in the preceeding Parallels , beyond all contradiction , ) and will no longer enjoy or claime them as from your grace and bounty , leave them not one feather more to hide their nakednesse , but what Gods word hath clearly indowed them withall ; then certainely they will be so bald and naked , that they will never play the divels , Lords or high Priests more . And that this dunghill generation of Lordly Peacockes may no more inf●… either our Church or state ; beseech you , follow the Counsell , that one Curghesis once gave to the King of Meth , when hee demanded of him , hom hee might destroy certaine noysome birdes then lately came into Ireland , where they did much harme to the Countrey ? Nidos eorum ubique destruendos : Let their Nests bee every where destroyed , I meane , their pompous , papall unprofitab●…e , unuseful Sees and Cathedralls , ( now their very chaires of pestilence , the Seminaries of Popery , superstition , idolatry , pride , lasines , Nonresidency , Epicurisme and prophanesse , ) or else turned to some better uses , as were our Abbies , Priories , Monasteries , Nunneries and Chauntries hertofore ; else though they be cast out for a time , yet they will ( as Popery now doth ) creep in againe by degrees , and hatch more Lordly Peacockes , Ravens , Rookes noysome birdes , as bad , as ravenous and pernicious as themselves , to the utter subversion both of our Church and state , which now lie gasping out their last breath under their Papall pride and tiranny without some speedy rescue . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A10189-e150 (a) In his works p. 217. 211. (b) Page 284. 198. (c) In his workes p. 116. (d) Practise of Popish Prelates p. 343. (e) Obedience of a Christian man p. 114. 138. 135. * Why it is ; that B. put downe preaching . (f) Acts and Monuments edi . 1610. pag. 462. 463. Notes for div A10189-e520 The Epifile of Lucifer , to the proud Prelates of the Popes Clergie . To difference betwene the Bishops of primitive Church & of the latter Church Humilitie edifieth . Pride destroyeth . Placing of all mischiefe . Thechurch never well governed since the divells ●…ere taken of the Church-men . Pride in Prelates noted . Popish Pre lates neither give to God no●… Caesar that which belongeth to God and Caesar. Thedouble Iurisdiction of the Popes tw●… s●…ords cometh of Lucifer . Dominus . Sanctus . Sanctijimus . The lasciuious and 〈◊〉 life of the Romish Clergie . Vhe whorish latter Church of Rome . Pope Successor not of Simon Peter , but of Simon Magus . Wicked & vnworthie Ministers admitted in the Popes Church Vnworthy bestowing of benefices . Extorsion . Perverting of Iustice . Acception of person . Bribery . Love of lucre . Dstructio of true faith . The life of Papists contrary to their teaching . The Pope increaseth hell . Antichrist The Pope a fained procurer of peace between princes . Simony the Popes nurse Promoting of provd and rich Cardinals Cloked holinesse . Wresting of Scripture . Tyranny and cruelty by the P pe . Ex Registro Hereford . Notes for div A10189-e2030 (a) William Bishop of Rochester his first Sermon before K. Iames at Hampton Court Sept. 21. 1606. B. Downham his consecration Sermon and the defēce thereof : with B. Bancrofts Sermon & others . B. Mountague in his Appeale to Cesar : B. White in ●…rabounces 〈◊〉 . Godwins catalogue of Bishops : The Acts of English Votaries by Bale Centur . Mag. 4. 10. 13. c. 7. & 10. (b) Balaeus & Platina de vitis Pontificum . See Bishop Whites Treatise of the Sabbath : 7. 266. Pocklington , Heylyn , & others . Math. 25 ●…6 . 42. 〈◊〉 . 1. ●…7 . 〈◊〉 See B. L●…timers Sermon of the Plough . (g) See Bishop ●…rens B. Mountagues B. Laudes . Bishop Perces Oathes & Printed visitation A●…icles . * See Fox Acts and Monuments p. 114. (h) See Bishop Whites Treatise of the Sabbath , Epistle Dedicatory . (k) Ier. 4. 22. (h) Rev. 2. 5. 6. (i) Hose●… . 7. 4. 6. (k) A Coale from the Altar . printed An. 1636. (l) Isay. 6. 6. 7. (m) Iob. 6. 5. See Pocklingtons Sunday no Sabbath . (n) Acts and Monuments . Edit . 1631 vol. 3. p. 85. 95. 497. (o) Shelford his Sermon of the Church Sunday no Sabbath . p. 46. ●…heeue , & others . (p) Dan. 3. 5. 6. 7. (q) Math. 15. 9 (r) Math. 15. 9. (s) 2. Sam. 14. 2. to 22. (t) 〈◊〉 : and Dr. Iohn White his Epistle Dedicative to K. Iames before his De●…te of the Way . (v) Shelford his Sermon of Gods house A Co●…e from the Altar . p. 1. 2. 3. &c Rheene his Communion Booke 〈◊〉 expounded Epi●… . Dedicatory p. 20. &c. * So Dr. Corbet B. Bwrens Chancellor Iately termed preaching and said he had Scripture for it . (x) Gen. 3 1. 2. 3. 4. * See this Answer to the great Turkes letter An●… 1542. & Bale de vitis Pontificium . (y) Mr. Tyndall his Practise of Popish Prelates . p. 350. (z) Platina & Bale de Vitis Pontificum . Dr. Ioh. Wite his Way to the true Church . Sect. 57. n. 9. 10. (a) p. 368. Antiqu. Ecclesiae Brit. in the life of Arch-bishop Warh . p. 357. 3. 358. (b) Foote out of the same London 1624. p. &c. (c) Of the Perill of Idolatri p. 41. 42. 61 , It is wickednes for a Christian to erect such an Image to God in a Temple , &c. * See looke about you . M. Henry Burton D. Burges , M. White , and others . * Oh that a man had but the view of hell ; ( saith ●…ather Latymer in his Sermons , Hee should see on one side of it a row of unpreaching Prelates in their square caps as farre as betweene this and Dover , I warrant you , as farre as betweene this and Dover . * It is reported of his Arch-Grace of Canterbury , that when he was a poore Scholler in Oxford hee dreamed , that he should first be a Bishop , then Archbishop of Canterbury , and a great persecutor of Gods Ministers and people : ( which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all 〈◊〉 ) and that at last hee si●…cke do●…ne into hell , 〈◊〉 he awaked , and then and since oft related this dreame enough to terrify and a●…ake his Lordship , if true , in the midst of his present furious ●…ersecutions . * See how these disloyall Officers most vniustly lay the blamt of all their tiranny , oppression , Innovations & iniustice upon his Maiesty : to rob him of his peoples hearts and affections . (h) Acts. 22. 1. 2. Witnes M. Henry Burton now charged by them , with sedition : with many others , as was B. Latimer , and all our Martyrs of old . Iudges of England resolved in one Smipsons case 42. Eliz. (p) Antiq. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 350. 351. 352. Godwins Catalog . p. 167. (q) Godwi . p. 611. to 614. * His Archgrace of Canterbury . (p) In an old Booke in H. the 8. his daies of the difference betweene Christs & antichrists Bishops . * The Court our Bishops now abuse to set up their owne Papall Hierarchie , and enforce their unlawfull commands . * Septem Diaconi subliuior gradu caeteris proxime circa aram Dei quasi columniae Altaris assisterent I●…dor , & Concilium Aquisgra●…se . Ibidem . * An Answer unto a letter sent by the Great Turke &c. compiled & imprinted by Iohn Mayler , an . 1542 , If thou bee put to an Oath to accuse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they ought to doe , or to utter any innocent man , to Gods enemies and his , thou oughtest to refuse such unlawfull Oeaths : but if thou have not constancy and courage so to doe , yet know , that such oathes binde not at all in conscience and law of God , but may and must bee broken under payne of damnation . For to take such vowes or oathes is one sinne and to keep them is another farre greater . Rhenists Notes on Acts 23. v. 12. A shrod blow to all visitation and ex officio Oathes . 
A27454	----	The original of kingly and ecclesiastical government by T.B. ... Barlow, Thomas, 1607-1691. 1681 Approx. 170 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A27454 Wing B1513A Wing B196 ESTC R37045 16194662 ocm 16194662 105037 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A27454) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105037) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1085:5 or 2362:14) The original of kingly and ecclesiastical government by T.B. ... Barlow, Thomas, 1607-1691. [6], 111 p. Printed for Robert Clavell and William Hensman, [London] : 1681. Place of publication suggested by Wing. Identified as Wing B196 on reel 1085; number cancelled in Wing (CD-ROM, 1996). Reproduction of originals in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Divine right of kings. Episcopacy. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2005-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ORIGINAL OF Kingly and Ecclesiastical GOVERNMENT . By T. B. Dr. in Divinity . Mat. 22.21 . Da Caesari quae sunt Caesaris . King Jame's Bas. Dor. Sublato Episcopo tollitur Rex . Printed for Robert Clavell , and William Hensman , 1681. THE CONTENTS . CHAP. I. GOd himself was the first founder , and the first that instituted the Office of Kings . Chap. II. The people cannot make an Anointed King. Chap. III. The meaning of the Anointing of Kings . Chap. IV. The reason why they are called the Lords Anointed . Chap. 5. Bad Kings are the Lords Anointed as well as good . Chap. VI. It is not lawful upon any pretences whatsoever to depose , or so much as touch the Lords Anointed . Chap. VII . What is meant by touching the Lords Anointed . Chap. VIII . That Kings now adays are to be had in the same veneration and esteem as the Kings of Judah and Israel were , notwithstanding our Christian liberty . Chap. IX . That a King failing in his duty , and not performing those things which he hath sworn unto at his Coronation ( so solemnly ) yet the people are not dis-obliged in their obedience unto him . Chap. X. Touch not mine Anointed , Psal. 105. meant by Princes , and not otherwise . Chap. XI . The Objection of the ten Tribes revolting from Rehoboam , answered . Chap. XII . The Objection of Jehu slaying his Master Joram , and taking the Kingdom upon him , answered . Chap. XIII . A Discourse concerning the necessity and excellency of Monarchy . Chap. XIV . That there is no such thing as a free State in the World. Chap. XV. A Discourse concerning Episcopacy , proving it to be Jure Divino . To the Reader . Good Reader , WE have lived to see our profession of Christianity , to have yielded some men arguments for their taking up Armes against their lawful Soveraigns and Goverment , certainly there hath been some violence used by them herein , or else this holy Religion could never afforded them such a Topick . Submission to our lawful Governours , not only for Wrath , but also for Conscience-sake , is the great duty and glory of our profession , whilest evil Religions prompt men to rapine , blood , and violence , Religio Christiana nil suadet nisi justum & lene . The Original and power of Kingly Government hath of late been much disputed , whether it be ( as our Saviour spake of St. John's Baptism ) from God or from men ; this Author ( I think ) hath evinced the former , and if so , subjection is our duty ; t is not male administration or persecution ( as some men call it ) can ever warrant the Subjects Arms against his Prince . The Christian Church gives no Example , nor our Religion any precept for such undertakings ; If it then be Religion ( as some men would have us think ) they fought for , why do they use unlawful weapons ? must prayers and tears be turned into Pike and Musket because a Nero is thy Governour ? The Church of God knows no such usage , the legal dispensation it self , which will be acknowledged somewhat harsh in respect of the Gospel , will not permit a holy David , tho a man after Gods own heart , to build his Temple , for that he was a man of battel and his hands were bloody ; peace , meekness , charity , and submission to our lawful Government , are the effects and true signs of real Christanity , the other is but spurious and Apocryphal . To inform our Reader of the rise of Kingly Government is the design of this pious Author , and to perswade us to subjection to our Civil as well as Ecclesiastick Governors , is the main intention and scope of his undertakings ; which I hope ( good Reader ) by a due perusal of this small Book may be well attained as the thing it self is well made out by the Author , and so I leave thee to the use of the Book . THE ORIGINAL OF GOVERNMENT . CHAP. I. Who was the first Founder , or the first that instituted the Office of KINGS . VVEE , say some People , were the first that desir'd them , and moved for them , and had them , and chose them . And all the people went to Gilgal , and there they made Saul King before the Lord in Gilgal . 1 Sam. 11.15 . 1 Sam. 8.5 . Soft and fair , good people ; do not mistake your selves ; you desired , and moved for , and would have , and had a King , but God gave him you : I gave thee a King , O Israel , in mine anger , and I took him away in my wrath , Hosea 13.10 , 11. According to this we read Acts 13.21 . They desired a King , and God gave unto them Saul , &c. And for your making of a King at Gilgal , your making was but approving , and applauding him , that was made already ; for Saul was both made a King , and confirmed King , and executed his Office , before the people are said to have mad● him King in Gilgal : He was anointed King over Israel , 1 Sam. 10.1 . he was confirmed by signs , 1 Sam. 10.2 , 3 , 4 , &c. he executed his Office , 1 Sam. 11.7 , 8. God first , sent . And s●condly , shewed . And thirdly , chose . And fourthly , anointed . And fifthly , found them out a King , before ever it is said , they made him . First , God sent him ; I will send thee a Man out of the Tribe of Benjamin , and thou shalt anoint him to be Captain over my people . Secondly , God shewed him ; for neither the people , nor any of the Saints , nor the Elders of Bethlehem , no , nor Samuel himself , knew not where to find this first of Kings , 'till God said , This is he , he shall reign over my people , 1 Sam. 9.17 . Thirdly , God chose him himself ; and Samuel said to all the people , See him whom the Lord hath chosen , 1 Sam. 10.24 . If the people had made him themselves , or could make him , what needed they to have come unto Samuel , to bid him , make us a King to judge us ? 1 Sam. 8.5 . and to say , give us a King ? Which deprecation was indeed no otherwise , than as if they should have desired Samuel to have asked a King for them of the Lord ; for so it seems by the sequel , for immediately hereupon Samuel went unto the Lord , and declared their importunity , and the Lord said , that he should hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they said unto him , verse 7. and this most certain and agreeable unto 1 Sam. 1. where Samuel tels the people ; Ye have this day rejected your God , &c. and have said unto him , set a King over us Fourthly , God anointed him ; Samuel took a violl of Oyl and poured it on his head , and kissed him , and said , is it not because he hath anointed thee to be Captain over his Inheritance , 1 Sam 10.1 . Fifthly , God found him out for them , where he was hidden from them ; for when all the Tribes of Israel were come together , and the Tribe of Benjamin was taken , and the families of that Tribe drew neer ; and the family of Matri was taken out of those families , and Saul the son of Kish from thence : 1 Sam. 10.20 , 21. ( the smallest Tribe , the least family , the poorest Benjamite , as shewing us that Kings were not to have derivation from the mighty people but from the almighty God : 1 Sam. 9.21 . ) the people sought him but they could not find him , so that they were fain to enquire of the Lord for him , and the Lord shewed them where he had hid himself in the stuffe ; 1 Sam. 12.22 . so that all that the people of Israel had to doe , either in the Election , Institution , Nomination , Creation , or Invention of their first King , was ( when God had done all this ) to shout , and say , God save the King , 1 Sam. 10.24 , and for their making a King , after all this in Gilgall , ● it could be no otherwise than their approbation of him , who was thus made by God already . Neither was God only the founder of the first King of the Jews , but of all the rest also : He was Davids founder too , I have found David my servant , with my holy Oyl have I anointed , him , Psal. 89.20 . It was well for David , for he should have been but a poor King , if he had been but of the peoples finding ; and it may be they would not have known what to have made of him when they had found him . David was not silius populi , but Dei , the son of God , not of the people : Psalm 89.26 . He was neither exalted of the p●ople , nor chosen of the people , I have exalted one chosen out of the people , said God , ( vers . 19. ) but the exaltation was Gods , and the choice not of , but out of the people . Kings are not children of the most voices , but children of the most high , Psal. 82.6 . yet the approbation of the people may serve ad pompam , but not ad necessita●em ; it may ad● something to the solemnity , but nothing to the essence of the constitution ; what was divinely given , may be humanely received , and so are Kings . Neither will we speak of the King , or the first of the Kings of Iudah or Israel , but we will go along with the first King that e're was read of ( if there be not Books ancienter than the Books of Moses ) and that was Melchisedec King of Salem : this Melchisedec is said to have neither Father nor Mother ; it could not be said so in regard of his person , for we all know who he was , and who his Father and Mother were ; he was Sem , the eldest Son of Noah , but it was said so , in respect of his Office ; shewing us , that Kings , they are not the off-spring of men , but an emanation from the Deity , and teaching us , that as Kings are not of the Peoples making , so they ought not to be of the peoples marring , and as they are not the founders , so they ought not to be the confounders of them ; cujus est instituere , ejus est abrogare , they that institute , may abrogate , they that make , may unmake , what thou buildest thy selfe , thou maist lawfully pull down ; thou maist diruere edificare mutare , quadrata rotundis , but if thou destroyest that which another hath built , thou maist chance to be sued for dilapidations : If a Limner draw a picture , he may alter and change it , and if he dislike it , race it out at his pleasure ; or if a Carver or Ingraver mislike his one handy-work , he may destroy it when he pleases ; but if God makes a man after his own Image , and creates him , after his own similitude , we offend God in a high degree , when we cut off , or deface the least part , or member of his handy-work . Now Kings are lively representations , living statues , or pictures , drawn to the life , of the great Deity ; these pictures , for their better continuance , are done in Oyl , the colours of the Crown never fade ; they are no water colours ; as Kings with their own statues will not be angry , though time and age devour them , yet they will not suffer them spitefully to be thrown down , or shot against ; so God , though he will suffer Kings to die like men , and fall like other Princes ; yet he will not suffer his Character , spitefully to be raced , or his Image defaced ; but though he will have them dye like men , yet he will have them live like Gods. And if all this be not proof suicffient , you shall hear God the Father , God the Son , and God the Holy Ghost affirm as much . God the Father plainly affirms ▪ John 10.34 . Dixi dii estis , I have said ye are Gods ; but if the stroke had been in the People , then it should have been , Nos diximus dii estis , we have said ye are Gods. God the Son told Pilate , Thou shouldest have no power except it were ( data desuper ) given from above ; but if the people had given him that power , then it should have been , Thou shouldest have no power , except it were ( data desubter ) given from beneath ; and I am sure the Holy Ghost tels us , per me Reges regnant , by me Kings reign ; but if they reigned by the suffrage of the People , then it should have been per nos , according to the modern dialect , they Reign by us , and as long as we think fit , and when we think it fit no longer , they shall reign no more ; they received their authority from us , and we may recall it when we please , and depose them when we list ; for they are but proxies and Atornies , of the people , see Buch. de jure Regni , Fickerus , & Renecherus , &c. little thinking how by this powerfull doctrine of theirs , they ( quite contrary to the word of God ) destroy the higher powers , and give the whole Trinity the lie at once : and if these testimonies are not sufficient , I know why they are not , because they never were confirmed by Act of Parliament CHAP. II. Whether the People can make a King or not . IF the Question be asked , whether the people doe make the King or not ? I could no more grant it , then I should grant , that the people made heaven ; but if you ask me , whether the people can make a King ( such a one as they use to make ) if they have not one already of Gods making , they may ; such are Kings and no King ; not Reges but Regentes ad placitum : Kings by Election , are allways Kings upon condition , an● where the condition is so little worth , the obligation is the lesse , and but small security will be required : for my own part I should be ashamed to ware a Crowne on my head , when the people must raigne , and the King stand under the penthouse : an● I had as live they should make me a jack a lent , for apprentices to throw their cudgels at me , as to make me a King to be controuled by their Masters , and every Tribune of the People ; for as an invitation to a dinner where there is no meat , is but a distastfull banquet , so the name of a King without its adjuncts , is but a favourless renown ; and in deed such as they are not Actu Reges , they do but agere Regem , they are not actual Kings , they doe but act the part of a King , and J hold him that acts the part of a King an hour upon the stage , to be as real a King for his time and territories as the b●st King by election , who is chosen but for his life ; herein consists the difference , as the one must act his part as the Poets please , so the other must act his part as the people please ; they must have their parts given them , they must act it accordingly ▪ they must not so much as tread the Stage awry ; their subjects are both spectators and judges , and it lies within the favour of the next society , whether or no the Son shall come to act the Fathers part . Such Kings as these the people may make , but to make a sacred and Anoynted King , an established and successive Monarch , a King that hath this Hereditatem in him , a King that hath this Noli me tangere about him ; whose Writs were alwaies termed Sacri apices , whose commands divalis jussio , whose presence Sacra Vestigia , whose Throne is the Lords , whose Scepter is his Rod , whose Crowne is his favour , and whose representation is of himselfe ; the People can no more make such a deity then so many tapers can make a glorious Sunne , or so many sparks of sprey and faggots , can make a firmament of Stars ▪ CHAP. III. What is meant by Anoynting of KINGS . ANointing , in severall places of Scripture , betokens some spirituall grace , as Jam , 5.14 Call the Elders of the Church , and let them pray over the sicke , anoynting him with oyl in the name of the Lord : which the Roman-Catholicks call extream unction , though now adays , we only make use of the extremity and leave out the unction : and therefore some will have the anoynting of Kings to signifie some spirituall grace also , which shall inable them with Religion and aptness to govern well ; which when they cease to doe , their anointing falleth off , and they cease to be Kings ; if they be not good , they are none of Gods anointed , and if they be not his anointed , they care not whose they are . This doctrine hath cause● the shedding of more bloud than there is now runn●ng in the veins of living Christians ; whereas the truth is , it is neither Religion , nor virtue , nor grace that is me●nt by this Royall Anointing ; Cyrus was Chr●●tus Domini ▪ as well as Josias , and Saul as well as David : If Religion were that that did the deed , then Cyrus had not been the Lords Anoyn●ed ▪ if vertue , then no Saul ; if grace , neither : If Religion make Kings , then there should have been of old no Kings ; but those of Iudah ; and now no Kings , but those of Christendome . It is Jus regnandi that he meant by this Royal Anointing ; and Vnction confers no grace , but declares a just title only ; unxit in regem , he anointed him King , includes nothing but a due title , excludes nothing but usurpation ; gives him the administration to govern , not the gift to govern well ; the right of ruling , not of ruling right : Kings are anoynted with Oyl , to shew , that as they have Thrones to signifie that they are the Cistern of Iustice , and Crowns to signifie that they are the Fountains of honours , and Scepters to signifie that the hands which hold them , are the Magazines wherein the whole strength & amunition of Kingdoms are reposed : So anointing is a sacred signature betokening soveraignty , obedience to the Throne , submission ●o the Scepter , allegiance to the Crown , and supremacy to the Oyl must needs be given , for Oyl will have it : pour Oyl and Wine , and Water , and Vinegar , or what other liquor you please together , Oyl will be sure to be uppermost : the three first ceremonies make him but high and mighty , and puissant , but the last only makes him sacred , and therefore some have maintained that a King is mixta persona cum Sacerdote , whether he be so or no I will not here insist ; but sure I am , that there is much divinity in the very name , and essence of Kings ; which duly consi●ered and belived ▪ that Kings are thus sacred ( as we ought , and Gods word informs us ) we would take heed how we touch , take warning how we tear and rend in peices , as much as in us lies ( with those leaden Messengers of Death ( with their gunpowder Commissions ) to fetch the higher to the lower powers , and make the King a Subject to the subjects wills , ) the sacred person of so great Majesty ; whereas the cutting off but a peice of the lappe of ●auls garment , hath checkt a greater spirit , then the proudest riser up against his Soveraigne : We would not speak so despicably of the Lords anointed ; what is the King ? he is but a man , he is but one he hath a soul to be saved as well as others ; for though all this be true , yet the end for which all this is said , is most false and a●ominable , for though it be true that the King is but a man ▪ yet it is also true , that that man is the light of Israel , 2 Kin. 8.19 . We must take heed how we put it out . And though it be true , that such a piece of silver , is but a piece of silver , yet as it bears Cesars Image and superscription upon it , it is more significant ; and if thou either pare or impare it a jot , if thou art found either clipping , or diminishing of it in the least degree , thou dost it to the prejudice of thine own life ; so though a King be but a man as in himself , yet as he bears representation of God , and hath his character stamped upon him , he is some-what more , if you will beleive him that said Ye are Gods , Psalm 82.6 . and therefore we must take heed how we debase or detract from them who represent so great a Deity , who by reason of their proximity and nearnesse unto God in some respects are most commonly of more discerning spirits then ordinary men : for Mephibosheth , when his servant had so grieviously slandred him to David , he makes but a short complaint . My servant hath slandred me ; but ( as if he should say , I need not tell thee much , thou hast wisedom enough to find it out ) My Lord the King is as an Angel of God , doe therefore what is good in thine own eyes : Therefore because thou art as an Angel of God , and thy selfe art a good intelligencer , as all Angels are , do what is good in thine own eyes ; as if he should have said , if thou doest only that which seemeth to be good in other mens eyes , it may be they will perswade thee that the thing was true , wherein my servant slandred thy servant poor Mephibosheth , and he huffer wrongfully . I am of opinion that God gives to every King to whom he communicates his name and authority , this extraordinary gift of discerning ; but because they do not some times make use of it to the end it was bestowed upon them , viz. ( the better goverment of their severall Dominions ) but are contented to see and discerne with other mens eyes ; and to have false spectacles put upon their noses , whereby many a good man suffers : God in his justice gives them over ▪ that in their own particular , and wherein their own greatest good is chiefly concerned , they shall make least use of their own judgements and advice , and wholly give themselves to be overswayed by the advice of those , whose judgements perhaps is not so good as their own , and whose intentions ( it may be ) are no better then they should be . It is written that the hearts of Kings are in the hands of the Lord , and he disposeth them as seemeth best to his heavenly wisdome ; certainly I would take a little advice from that heart , that is so directed by that hand ; the Kings head never plotted treason against the Crown , and no man can wish better to his Majesty then the King. I speak not this in derogation either of the Great or Privy Councel ( for it is written , in the multitude of councellors there is safety ) but in defence only of these sons of Oyl , who are Supreme in both . And as it is true that the King is but one man , so it is also true , that one man is worth ten thousand of the people ; Thou art worth ten thousands of us ( though all his worthies were in place ) 2 Sam. 18.3 . And though it be true , that the King hath a soul to be saved as well as others , yet it is also true , that he should have no body to be crucified by his Subjects , out of their dis-esteem of his person , the ceremonies of State ( as Anointing , sitting in Thrones , holding of Scepters , and coronation it self ) being to be exploded now a days ; and who look'd for it otherwise , when the lawful and decent ceremonies of the Church were called reliques of Popery , and raggs of the whore of Babilon : was it otherwise to be expected , but that they would call these ceremonies of state , theatrica pompa : Stage plays , Toyes : tush say they , what need all these Popperies , a Kings Throne is his ●ustice , his Crown his Honour , his Scpeter and heifest strength , the peoples hearts ; his holy Oyl is his Religion , and zeal to Gods Glory ; and so it is , what then ? may we not have the signs , and the things signified also ? because the true receiving of the Communion , is the receiving of the body , and blood of Christ by faith ; therefore shall we have no bread and wine ? Or because that true Baptism is the washing away of original sin , with the la●er of regeneration ; therefore shall we have no water powred on the Child ? we have Scripture for these ceremonies , and I am sure we have no Scripture for the abolishing of them , but rather Scripture for their continuation for ever . Reges in solio collocat in perpetuum : God establishes Kings upon their Thrones for ever , Job . 36.7 . CHAP. IV. Why they are called the Lords Anointed . THe Lords Anointed , is as much as to say the Lords Christ , and Christi signifieth Anointed ones : In the Hebrew you shall read it , who shall lay his hand upon the Lords Messiah ? for the Lords Anointed . 1 Sam. 26.9 . In the Greek , who can lay his hand upon the Lords Christ. Kings are taken into the society of Gods name , Dixi dii esti● , I have said ye are Gods ; and here into the society of Christs name , and all to terrifie subjects from lifting up their hands against the Lords Anointed , as much as if he were God or Christ himself . Again , Kings are not termed uncti Domini ( for that were no prerogative to them at all ) but Christi Domini , for not only persons , but things also , were Anointed under the Law ; not only Kings , but Priests and Prophets likewise ; neither did it rest there , but it extended to the Tabernacle it self , and ran down to the vessels thereof , even to the very Fireforks , Ashpans , and Snuffers : but unto whom said he any time , tu es Christus meus , Heb. 1.4 , 5. but unto Christ , and Kings ? to Christ once , Luke 2.26 . to Kings thirty two times throughout the Bible ; four times by God himself ; Kings are called Christi mei , mine anointed ; six times to God , Christi tui , thine anointed , ten times of God , Christi ejus , his anointed ; twelve times in terms terminant , Christi Domini , the Lords anointed : and therefore the ol● Translator observed it rightly , when in the same word , in the Hebrew , and the Greek , he speaks of the priest , he translates it unctus ; but when of the King ( always ) Christus . And as they are not uncti , but Christi , so they are not Christi populi , but Christi Domini ; not the people 's Anointed , but the Lords Anointed ; there may be a master of the ceremonies , but there must be no master of the substance ; they are the Lord 's Christs , and they hold their Kingdoms under him , in Kings service : neith●r are the Kingdoms of the Earth any bodies else but Gods : The Kingdoms are Gods , Dan. 4.17 . neither are they at any mans disposing but his , He giveth them to whom he pleaseth , ( loco citato ) therefore for whose they are , they are the Lords ; and for what they are , they may thank him and none else . Secondly , They are the Lords , because that by him , an● in him , and through him , th●y have their Dominion , and regiment ; from him they have their Crowns ; from his hands their Coronation : Di●dema Regis in manu Dei , Esay 60.3 . The ●oyal Diadem is in the hand of God , and out of that hand he will not part with it so much , as for another , to place it upon the Kings head ; but it must be tu posuisti ( tu Domine ) Thou , O Lord , hast set a Crown of pure Gold upon his head , Psal. 21.3 . The Emperours used to stamp their Coyn with a hand coming out of the clouds , holding a Crown , and placing it upon their heads ; We have no such Hierogliphicks in our Coyn , as a hand coming out of a cloud ; but we have grace from Heaven , D●i gratia , so that there is not a King but may say with the Apostle , Gratia Dei sum qui sum , by the grace of God ▪ I am that I am ; and indeed Kings are Kings , as Paul was an Apostle , not of men , neither by man , but by God. Thirdly , they are the Lord 's Christs ; because , not only their Crowns are in the hands of the Lord , but he puts the Scepter into theirs : nay , the Scepters which Princes hold in their hands , are Gods Scepters , being there , virga D●i in manibus ejus , It is Gods rod that is in their hands , Exod. 17.9 . and therefore right is the Motto ( and reason is it that they should be esteemed the Lords Anointed ▪ ) DIEV ET MON DROIT , GOD AND MY RIGHT ; none else have to do with it , the Scepter of a Kingdom , in the hands of a King , is the livery and seisin which is given him by God , of the whole Mili●ia , within his Dominion : they that take away that , put a reed into the hand of Christs Anointed : and why should it be expected that they should deal otherwise with Christs Anointed , then they did with Christ himself , first put a Reed in his hand , and afterwards a Spear into his heart . Fourthly , Kings are the Lords Anointed , because they sit upon his Throne : sedebat Solomon in Throno Dei , ●olomon sate upon Gods Throne : 1 Chro. 29.23 . but if Solomon should have lived in these our days , instead of his six steps to his great Throne of Gold , and Ivory , he should have six steppers to his Throne , for the Gold and Ivory sake ; instead of having a foot-stool of Gold under his feet , he should have much ado to keep a Crown of pure Gold upon his head : instead of hands to stay his throne , he should have hands enough to pull it down , and cast it to the ground : and instead of two , and twelve Lyons fixed on cach side as a guard unto his Throne , he should have found many Lyons , without regard , running up and down , seeking how they might destroy him . Lastly , Kings are the Lords Anointed , because they are Anointed with his own oyl ▪ Oleo sancto meo , with my holy Oyl have I anointed him , Psal. 89.20 . It is not with any common , or vulgar Oyl , or Oyl that any lays claim to but himself : but it is Oleo meo , my oyl , neither is it oyl , that was fetch'd out of any common Shop , or Warehouse , but it is Oleo sancto , with holy oyl , oyl out of the Sanctuary : And no question but this is a main reason ( if they would speak out ) why some have such an aking tooth at the Sanctuaries , because they maintain in them , oyl for the anointing of Kings ; but if the Alablaster box were broken , the ointment would soon be lost : If they could persuade the King out of the Church into the Barn , they would soon pull a Reed out of the thatch , to put into his hand instead of a Scepter ; or if they could get him to hear Sermons under a hedge , there would not be materials wanting to make a Crown of thorns to plat it on his head . Thus you see the reasons why Kings are called the Lords Anointed , because the Lord hath appropriated them unto himself , not in a common and general way , but in a particular and exclusive manner : my King , my Kingdom , my Crown , my Scepter , my Throne , my Oyl , where is there left any place for claim ? Pride may thrust down Angels out of Heaven , and violence may crucifie the Son of God ; But ( all these things considered ) who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed , and be guiltless ? 1 Sam. 26.9 . CHAP. V. Whether bad Kings be the Lords Anointed , or not . THey are : for they are of the Lords sending , and appointment as well as the good . I will set an evil man to rule over them ( saith God ) and I gave them a King in mine anger , Hosea 13.11 . which King was Saul , which Saul was a Tyrant , which Tyrant was the Lords Anointe● when he was at the worst . You cannot have two better witnesses then David , and the Holy Ghost , 1 Sam. 26. Cyrus was a Heathen Persian , and one that knew not God , yet for all that , Haec dicit Dominus , Cyro Christo meo , Thus saith the Lord to Cyrus mine Anointed ; Esay 43.4 . Nero was no good Emperour , but a Monster of man-kind , yet Saint Peter , in whose days he wrote his Epistle ▪ commanded all Christians to submit to him ▪ 1 Pet. 2.13 . Hasael , whom the Lord fore-saw , and fore-shewed unto his Prophet Elisha , to be the destroyer of his people of Israel , and one , that should make them like the dust by thres●ing , 2 Kings 13.7 . one that will set their strong holds on fire , slay their young men with the sword , dash their children against the wall , and rip up their women with child ; insomuch that it made the Prophet weep to foresee all the miseries that should happen , 2 King. 8.12 . insomuch that it made Hasael himself ( when he was told thereof ) cry out , is thy servant a Dogg , that he should do all these things ? vers . 13. yet for all this , Go● will have him to be King , and it be put to scourge his people , the Lord hath shewed m● that thou shalt be King over Syria ▪ vers . 13. Julian when from his Christianity , he fell to flat Pagani●m , yet this Anointing held , no Christian ever sought , no Preacher ever taught to touch him , or resist him in the least degree ; for whilst the cruel and bloody Emperours were persecuting the poor Christians , they were fitting their necks for the Yoke , and teaching one another postures , how they might stand fairest for the stroke of Death . And this was not quia deerant vires , because they could not help it ; for the greatest part of Julians Army , and the most part of his Empire were Christians : For saith Tertullian in his apologetical defence of the Christians of those times , una nox pauculis faculis , &c. One night with a few firebrands will yield us sufficient revenge , if we durst , by reason of our Christian obligation , and shews how they neither wanted forces , or numbers and that neither the Moors , or the Persians or any other Nation whatsoever , were more mighty , or more populous than they : and how they filled all places , Towns , Cities , Imperial Palaces , Senates , and Seats of Judgment ; and that they could do any thing , in their revenge , if it were any thing lawful ; but this Anointing was the thing that kept the swelling down , and hindred the corrupt humours from gathering to a head : And therefore it is not as Stephanus Junius , Franciscus Hottomanus , Georgius Buchananus , Ficklerus ● Renecheru● , with the rest of the pillars of the Puritan Anarchy , do answer ( being gra●el'd at the practice of the primitive Chri●tians , an● those precepts of the holy Apostl● ) that the Church then ( as it were swathed in the bonds of weakness ) had not strength enough to make powerful resistance ; and therefore , so the one taught , and the other obeyed , but if this doctrine were allowable , then would inevitably follow these two gross absu●dities . 1. That the pen of the holy Ghost ( which taught submission even to the worst of Kings ) was not directed according to the equity of the thing , but the necessity of the times . 2. That either the holy Ghost must turn Politician , and become a timeserver , or else the Church must lose the means of its being , and substance . Whereas we know the contrary so well , that when Acies Ecclesi●e , was so far from its bene ordin●ta , that w●en all the Souldiers fled , and the Life-guard ●outed , the Lord of ●ost ( the General himself ) taken Prisoner , yet then , like the Sun looking biggest in lowest estate , so the son of righteousness , think ye not that I can pray unto my Father , and he will send Legions of Angels ; and rath●r than Gods children shall be oppressed by a company of Egyptians ( if it be his pleasure to deliver them ) he can , without the drawing of one Sword , turn Rivers into blood , produce an Army of Froggs to destroy them : and rather than they should be necessitated for lack of means , send swarms of Flies , that may serve them in the stead of so many rescuing Angels , and therefore it was not any necessity , that the Church was , or could be in , that procured in the Apo●tl●s , or the first Christians , either that doctrine , or that use ; it was not disability , but duty ; not want of strength , but a reverend regard of the Lords Anointed , that wrought these effects in both : Let the people be never so many and mighty , and the Princes of the people never so wicked and cruel , mos gerendus est , we must obey them ; not in the performance of their unjust commands ; but in submission to their just authority ; if not by our active , yet by our passive obedience : if not for their own sakes yet propter Dominum , for the Lords sake ; if not for wrath , yet for conscience sake , Rom. 13.5 . If it goeth against thy conscience , say , as the people were wont to say , when they fell down before the Ass that carried the Image of the God●ess Isis , upon his back , non tibi sed Religioni ; if thy conscience condemns thee , God is greater than thy conscience , and we must look what he commands , as well as what she dictates ; the one may be mislead , the other cannot mislead ; sacrifice may be either pleasing , or displeasing to the Lord , but obedience was never faulty ; thou maist offer the sacrifice of fools , when thou thinkest thou doest well : but upon how sure grounds goes he , who can say with the prophet in all his actions , If I have gone a stray , O Lord , thou hast caused me to erre ? never deviating from the express of his word . Now God gives us express command , that we should not touch his Anointed what condition soever they are of : Nolite Tang●re Christos meos , touch not mine anointe● ; an● where Gods rules are general , we must not put in exceptions of our own ; for the wickedness of a King can no more make void Gods ordinance , of our obedience unto him , then mans unbelief can frustrate Gods decree in us , Rom. 3.3 . Let Saul be wicked , an● let wicked Saul be but once Anointed , David states the question neither concerning Saul , nor ▪ his wickedness , but whether he being the Lords anointed ( there 's the business ) it is lawful to stretch forth a hand against him ( Who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed and be guiltless ? 1 Sam. 26.9 . CHAP. VI. Whether upon any pretences whatsoever it be lawful to depose , murder , or so much as to touch the Lords Anointed . THere was the first time that ever it was put to the Vote , whether a King might be put to death or not , but it was resolved upon the question in that Parliament ; Ne perdas , destroy him not ; it is well that David had a negative voice , or else it had been but a bad president for Kings ; it is well that the men with whom David had this parley , would hearken unto reason , and let that sway them , otherwise David might have been forced to fly as fast away from his own men as he did at first from Saul : for there wanted no Lay-preachers then , to preach the destruction and slaughter of Princes , under the pretences of wicked Government and tyranny ; who had the trick then , as well as now , to couch their foul meaning in good words and Scripture phrase , with a dixit Dominus , when the Lord said no such thing ; as Davids Zealots , 1 Sam. 24.5 . This is the day whereof the Lord said unto thee , I will deliver thine Enemy into thine hand , and thou shalt do unto him ( what ? ) as shall seem good unto thee , that is thou shalt murder him , that was their meaning : though the word was a good word ; and we do not read where the Lord said any such thing at all : So Abishai , 1 Sam. 26.8 . God hath delivered thine enemy into ●hine hand : what then ? Therefore let me smite him ; no such matter ; David denies the consequence , as if he should have said , God hath delivered him into my hand , but I will make no such bad use of his deliverance , I had rather hereby shew him his own error , and my innocency ▪ then any way stretch forth my hand against him , for he is the Lords Anointed , and when sleep had betrayed Saul to Davids power in the trench , and made the King a subject for Davids innocence , he esteemed himself but as a Patridg in the Wilderness , when he might have caught the Eagle in the Nest : he pacified Sauls Anger , by inabling his power to hurt , sent him his spear ( it seems he did not think it fit to keep the Kings Militia in his hands ) and humbly beggs , Let not my blood fall to the earth ; when , if it had not been for David , Abishai would have smiten Saul unto the earth at once , so that he needed not to have smitten him the second time , but David would not : destroy him not saith he , and his reason was , Quis potest ? Who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed , and be guiltless ? Another most Notable demonstration of Davids innocency , and subjection , unto a hard Master , a most tyrannical King , cruel Saul ; we have , 1 Sam. 24. When in the Cave of Engildi , David might have cut off Sauls head ; like precious oyntment , he descends only to the skirts of his garment , and with a Quid feci ? checks himself , and beshrews his heart that he had done so much , and upon a little looking back of Saul ( as if he had put on rays of Majesty ) David bows , and stoops with his face to the earth to him , when he might have laid his honour in the dust ; call'd him my Father ; when that Father came to sacrifice him upon the mountains , and ( Isaac-like ) nothing but See my Father , when he could see nothing but fire , and sword , and himself also the lamb , ready for the sacrifice , A true Isacc ( though many young men staid behind with the Ass ) will after his father , though he have fire in the one hand and a knife in the other , ready for to sacrifice his follower ; A right David , and he that is a man after Gods own heart , though he could bite to death , and knaw into the very bowels of his Soveraign , yet he will assume no farther power to hurt , than to the biting of a Flea ; after whom is the King of Israel come out ? After a Flea ? Afte● whom doth Saul pursue ? After a dead Dog ? When he might have caught the Lion in the toyle . I could easily be endless in instances of the like nature , as our Saviour Christs obedience to the death , under the raign of Tiberius ; his Disciples un●er Nero , Claudius and Caligula , whose governments were opposite to the propagation of the Gospel , as themselves were enemies to the propagators of it ; yet we see they neither attempted the alteration of the one , or the destruction of the other ; yet Christ could do much if he pleased , and if the Napkins of Saint Paul , and the shadow of Saint Peter could cure diseases ; if a word out of their mouths could strike men and women dead in the place ; if an oration at the Bar , could make a King tremble on the Bench , then surely you will confess that his Disciples could do something : Yet nothing was done or attempted against those wicked , cruel , and pagan Emperours , one instance shall suffice for all : what mischief or injury could be done more to a people , then Nebuchadonozer King of Babylon did unto the Jews , who slew their King , their Noble , their Parents , their Children , and kinsfolks ; burn●d their Country , their Cities , their Jerusalem , their Temple , and carried the residue ( who were left alive ) Captives with him to Babylon . And now behold ( then ) Nebuchadonozers good subjects : will you hear what advice the Prophet Daniel gives them for all this ? Baruch 1.11 . Pray you for the life of Nebuchadonozer King of Babylon , and for the life of Balthazer his son , that their days may be upon earth , as the days of Heaven , and the Lord will give us strength ; ( what to do ? to wage War against him ? ) and lighten our eyes ( what , with new Revelations how they may be reveng'd ? O no ) that we may live under the shadow of Nebuchadonozer King of Babylon , and under the shadow of Balthazer his son , and that we may serve them many days and find favour in their sight , truly shewing that a King is Alkum , Prov. 30.31 . one , against whom there is no rising up ; that is , not upon any pretences whatsoever : there can be no pretences whatsoever more fair and specious ; then those of defending the Church , and redressing the Common-wealth . For the first ; if Religion be any thing pushed at , think you that Rebellion will keep it up , or that it ever stood in need of such hands ? when God refused to have his Temple built by David , because he was a fighter of the Lords Battels ; think you that he will have his Church defended by fighters against the Lords Anointed ? to defend Religion by Rebellion , were to defend it by means condemned , by the same Religion we would desend ; an● to reform or redress the Common-wealth , by Insurrection and Rebellion , were to rectifie an errour with the greatest of all mischiefs ; no government worse than a Civil War , and the wor●● Go●ernour is always better than the best Rebellion : Rebellion is as the sin of witchcr●ft , and stubborness is as Idolatry : and how perilous a thing it is , for the Feet to judge the Head , the subjects to chose wha● government and Governours they will have ; to condemn what , and whom they please , to make what pretences and surmises they have a mind to , this Kingdom by woful experience hath had sad resentments . Imbecillities and weaknesses in Princes , are on arguments for the chastisements , deposing , or murdering of Kings ; for then giddy heads will never want matter or pretences to cloak their Rebellion : Shall Moses , because Pharaoh was an oppressour of Gods people , and had hardned his heart , and would not let the Israelites depart , therefore inflict punishments upon Pharaoh , or so much as depart without his leave ? Though Moses could inflict punishments upon the whole Land , yet his Commission never went so far , as to touch Pharaoh , in the least degree ; though swarms of Flies came into the house of Pharaoh , and Frogs entred into the Kings chamber ; yet we read not that they seized on Pharaohs person ; there were Lice in all their Quarters saith the Psalmist , and there became Lice in man and beast , upon the smiting on the dust , but none were smitten of the person of the King : Boyls and blains were upon all the Egyptians and upon the Magicians , so sore , as they could not ●●and in the presence of Pharaoh , but they were not on Pharaoh , that he could not stand himself ; Pharaoh his eldest son may die , but Vivat Rex , Pharaoh must not b● touch'd . Did bsalom do well to conspire again●● his Father , though he defiled Vriahs bed , and cloaked adultery with murther ? should the Priest , Peers , Prophets , or People , offer to depose Solomon , because he had brought strange Wives into the Land , and as strange Religion into the Church ? shall Elias entice Ahabs subjects to Rebellion , because he suffered Jezabel to put Naboth to death , and killed the Lords Prophets ? shall Peter take vengeance upon Herod because he put him in prison , beheaded John the Baptist , and killed James ? shall Reuben be no Patriarch , because he was unstable as water ? shall Simeon and Levi lose their Patriarchal dignity , because they were brethren in iniquity , and instruments of cruelty , because in their anger they slew a man , and in their self-will digged down a wall ? shall Judah be depose● from his rule and government for making a bargain with an Harlot upon the high way ? shall Issachar not be numbred amongst the other twelve , because he was none of the wisest ? no reason ; they were Patriarchs as well as the rest , which was the immediate government before Kings ; and ( indeed ) were princes themselves : Princeps Dei es inter nos , Gen. 28.6 . Thou art a mighty Prince amongst us : and thus much shall suffice ( and I hope sufficient ) to shew , that no faults or pretences whatsoever , can make it lawful to depose , or so much as to touch the Lords Annointed . CHAP. VII . What is meant by touching the Lords Annointed , or stretching forth the hand against the Lords Anointed . NOt dare to touch the Lords Annointed , is an awfull reverence , and a supposed difference to be kept , between every subject and his Soveraign ; esp●cially in point of violence . A Mother doubting the discretion of her Children , and being to leave some curious looking ▪ glass in a place , doth not comand her Children they should not break it , but that they should not touch it ; knowing full well , that if they have the liberty to meddle with it in the least degree , they make break it before they are aware , and destroy it when they think least of any such matter . So God is very chary of his King , wherein he beholds the representatio● of himself , and ●nowing him to be but brittle and though the most refined Earth , yet bu● glass : he commands his people that they should not touch his Anointed ; knowing that if they were permitted but to tamper with him in the least degree , their rude hands may break it in pieces , when they do but think to set it right . A touch is but of one man , though but with one of his fingers , yet this must not be ; Nolite tangere , it is not said ne tangere , wherein only the act of touching is forbidden , but Nolite tangere , whereby the will is also prohibited : how wary should we be in touching , when the Lord is so cautious in his prohibition ? Now stretching forth the hand may signifie a combination of many into one confederacy , the hand being a part of the body , composed of five members ( one and all ) but this must not be : a most unhappy instrument is that hand that turns it self into the bowels of its own body ; if the head break out by chance , the hands must not presently be in the head clawing , with invenomed nails , the corruption there , lest that itching desire , turn into smart in the end ▪ lest when the peaceable day springing from on high , shall happily visit you , that now sit in darknesse and in the shadow of death , we then see our bloody hands , and this ( once happy ) kingdom , the only pillow , whereon peace had laid her head , streamed ( like the Egyptian River ) all with blood . In a word , by touching the Lords Anointed , or by stretching forth the hands against him , is meant any kind of violence that is used against sacred Majesty , and the signification thereof is of a large extent ▪ for we stretch forth our han●s when we do but lift up our heels in scorn against him ; Who so lifteth up his heel , Psalm . 41.9 . Secondly , We stretch forth our han●s again●t the Lords Anointed , wh●n we do but raise up Arms in our own defence ; Whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the Ordinance of God , and draweth Damnation upon himself . Rom. 3. Thirdly , We stretch forth our hands again●t the Lords Anointed , when we stretch not our Tongue and Voice , when we hear of any Traiterous plots or conspiracies against the Lords Anointe● , and so bring such conspiracies to light : It is a foul thing to hear the voice of conspiracy , and not to utter it : Lev. 5.1 . as good lay thy hand upon the Lords Anointed , as lay thy hand upon thy Mouth and conceal the T●eason . Fourthly , We stretch forth our hands against the Lords Anointed , when we do not stretch forth our hands for the Lords Anointed , when we see him assaulted with any danger , or Traiterous opposings . Should a man see his Father fiercely assaulte● , and should not presently run to his rescue , but should suffer him to be slain before his face , would we not equally exclaim against him with the murtherers , Qui non Vetat peccare Quum potest , jubet ; he bids , that doth not forbid with all his power ( like a true son ) such outrages and violences , to be committed against the Father of his Country . Fifthly , We touch the Lords Anointed , when we touch his Crown and Dignity ; intrench upon his Regalia ; hol● or withhold his sons or daughters , kill or take prisoners his men of War ▪ We must take heed of ●efacing the garment , as well as of hurting the person , for they are both Sacred ; the precious Oyn●ment , wet not Aarons head alone , but it ran down upon his Beard , and down unto the skirts of his garment , making all Sacred that was about him ; such touchings t●erefore are worse , than when we touch the person with the greatest violence ; for then the Ano●nte● are mo●t touche● , w●en they are touch●d where the Anointe● is , which is their ●tate and Crown , dearer to them than their lives ; touch bot● , ●●e mur●er of the person , is but a consequence to the d●posement of the dignity . Sixthly , we touch the Lords Anointed , when we take away h●s re●enue and li●el●hood from him , the Devil thought that he ha● stretched forth his hand excee●in●ly again●t Job , touch'd ( and touch●d him to the quick ) when he had procured Gods permission , that the Sabeans and Caldeans should take away his Oxen and Asses , his S●eep and Camels , and plundered him of all he had ; God called this a destraction unto Jo● , Job 2.3 . and that before ever a hand was stretched forth to touch either his bone , or his flesh . Seventhly . Is there no stroke but what the hand gives ? Yes , the tongue can strike as well as the best : Jer. tells us so , Venite percutiamus cum lingua : come let us smite him with the tongue , Jer. 18 , 18. and David said , His tongue was a two edged sword : There is , ( saith Solomon ) that speaketh ( and that waiteth too ) like the piercing of a sword : It is bad enough in any , or against any man , but worst of all again●t the Lords Anointed ; for it is said Thou shalt not revile the Gods , nor speak evil of the Ruler of the People : Saint Paul , but for calling of a High Priest , painted wall , ( though ) when he caused him to be smitten Contrary to the Law , yet he eat his words and confessed his error ; and now many , that would seem to be followers of Paul , are revilers of Kings and make no bones thereof . The same God that commanded Laban , in respect of his servant , Vide ne quid lo ●uare durius , see thou give no ill language , certainly expects that ●ubjects should set a watch before their mouths , to keep the door of their lips , lest they offend with their tongue , in speaking ill of Princes . Eighthly , As the tongue can strike without a hand , so the heart can curse without a tongue : Eccl. 10.2 . Curse not the King , no not in thy heart , for a Bird in the air shall carry the voice , and that which hath wings shall ●●ll the matter . The hand implies both ; never was the hand stretched forth to any evil act , but the h●art was th● p●ivy Counsellor , and the tongue the chief p●rswader unto such enormities ; therefore it is goo● , obstare princi●iis , to cru●h the cockatrice egg , kill it in the hea●t , lest those pravae cogi●ati●●es want room , and then out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh , and perswades the hand to be the destruction of the whole body : If hand , and heart , and tongue , and pen where thus regulated , we need not long look for peace , or despair of an accommodation , but whilst the hand is up , and the heart is set at liberty , and the tongue saith , Our tongues are our own , we , ought to speak , who is Lord over us ? and every pen is a ready writer in matters pertaining to the King : in vain it is to seem Christians , whil●t we are such Antichrists : the Bible under our arm , falls to the ground , whil●t we stretch forth our hand against the Lords Anointed : why do we take Gods word into our mouthes if we let it not down into our hearts , to do as that directs us ? Christian liberty never cut the string , that tied the tongue to those observances . Of these things there might be applications made , but lapping as they go along is best for doggs , where there are Crocodiles in the River . It seems by the story , that Kings may be coursely dealt withal if men make no bones of being guilty ; they stand like the forbidden Tree , in the midst of the Paradise of God , m●n may touch them , but they had better let them alone ; if God had placed ( at the first ) Cherubims , and a flaming sword , turning every way to defend the tree , how could there have been a trial of Adams obedience ? So if God by some instinct , had chained the hearts of men , and tied their hands , and bound them to the peace , so that they could neither in thought , word , nor deed , have committed violence against his Vicegerent , how could there have been a trial of the Subjects duty ? the Tree had no guard , nor fence about it , but only , thou shalt not eat thereof , if thou doest , thou shalt surely die the death , Princes have no better security for themselves , than the Almighties command for their preservation , ●olite Tangere , &c. Touch not mine Anointed ; to break the First , was but death , the second is damnation ; if thou resist the higher powers , you resist the highest God , and he that resi●teth shall be damned , Romans 13.2 . The commandment concerning the Tree of Paradise , was only thou shalt not eat thereof ; but we are forbidden to touch so much as a leaf of our forbidden tree , much less to shake down all his fruit ; there is hopes of a tree , saith Job , that if it be cut down , yet it will sprout again , but not only a finger , a hand , but an axe must be laid to the root of the tall Cedar of our Libanus ; yea , they must be rooted up like the names of Taronius ; they will not leave so much as a stump of Nebuchadnezzers tree chain'd to the earth ; up must all root and branch , till all the royal branches lie like sprey upon the ground : these men had rather be destroyed themselves , than say the Lords Anointed is not to be destroyed . Go ye blind Zelots , hearken to your Wives , and let them perswade you to disobedience , and the Devil them , as Eve did Adam , and the Devil her : behold the objects she presents unto your view ; how good they seem , how fair they look , how pleasant they are to thine eye , how wise you think you sha●●●e , how full of knowledg , when poor wretches , you shall find all these promises tu●ned into Fig-leaves , to hide your nakedness : all these golden Apples of Palestine once toucht , evaporated into stench and blindness , and that your disobedience hath given you nothing but curses , and brought you nothing but sorrows and Death upon your selves and children , and profited you nothing but the turning of an Edom into a Wilderness , till you be glad to eat the herbs of the field , and by the same fault , fall into the same punishment with our neighbours of Germany , dye with grass in your mouths . These things fell upon Adam for his disobedience unto God , and the like will fall upon us ( the sons of Adam ) for our disobedience unto Gods Anointed . O then let us not by any means lift up our hands against the Lords Anointed , lest ( like Adam ) we fall from our state of innocence , and be guilty : guilty of all the blood that hath , and shall be spilt upon this Land , guilty of the tears of so many fatherless children and widowes : and if we will not be obedient unto a Prince of men , guilty of all the eternal thraldom and submission unto a Prince of Devils : take then the advice of the wise Solomon , Prov. 30.32 . If thou hast done foolishly in lifting up thy self , or if thou hast thought evil , lay thy hand upon thy mouth : Fear God , honour the King , have nothing to do with them that are subject unto charge , for their destruction commeth suddainly ; and so will yours . Let no man deceive himself , he who is not good in his particular calling , can never be good in his general calling . He is no good man , that is no good servant , and if he be no good subject , he is no goo● Christian , he that honoureth not the King , doth never fear God ; and except he obeys both , he obeys neither . CHAP. VIII . Whether Kings now adays are to be had in the same veneration and esteem , as Kings were under the Law , by reason of our Christian liberty . CErtainly the murmuring of Co●ah , Dathan and Abiram , with their complices ; Thou seekest to make thy self altogether a Prince over us , the Lord is among us , we are all alike holy unto the Lord , ( and therefore Moses and Aaron must be no more excellent than the rest of the people ) was no prophesie to be fulfilled in these our days ; for if it had , surely our Saviour would never have paid tribute for himself and Peter , Mat. 17.27 . which was a symbole of their subjection to heathen pagans ; for this cause pay ye tribute , Rom. 13.6 . we have those who are apt enough to mak● arguments with our Saviour , bearing this conclusion , then are the Children free , Mat. 17.26 . but few that will imitate his peaceable example , to fish for money , rather than offend the higher powers , Mat. 17.27 . And if you conjecture that our Saviour did this meerly for quietness sake , behold the question● rightly stated ▪ Is it lawful to give tribute to Caesar or not ? Mat. 22.17 . seriously propounded ( Master we know that thou art true ( an● therefore we hope thou wilt not deceive us with a lye ) and teachest the way of God in truth ( and therefore thou wilt not cause us to err through the deceiveableness of unrighteousness ) neither carest thou for any man ( and therefore thou wilt not be afraid to speak the truth ) thou regardest not the persons of men ) therefore fearing only God , thou wilt boldly , and faithfully without partiality , or fear , plainly tell us , whether it be lawful or not ) clearly determined and concluded upon ; Da Caesari quae sunt Caesaris , Mat. 22.21 . If Christian liberty , should loose the reigns of Civil Government , then Christ would never have acknowledged Pilates power to have been of God , John 19.11 . If subjection unto Kings were a hinderance to the propagation of the Gospel , then Saint Peter would never have exhorted the Christians to submit themselves to every ordinance of man. 1 Pet. 2.9 . We have too many submitters now-adays unto every Ordinance of men , but they are not unto such Ordinances , whereof the King is Supreme , 1 Pet. 2.13 . Object . It is better to obey God than man , and therefore for his sake we cannot obey every ordinance of man. Sol. The Apostle doth not in this place discourse of obedience , but of submission : obedience is to be given to things , only lawful ; submission is to be given to any ordinance whatsoever , though not for the things sake , which is commanded , yet propter Dominum , for the Lords sake who doth command , so absolute submission : where God commands one thing , and the King comman●s another thing , we may refuse his will , and there is perfect obedience ; when God commands one thing , and the King commands the contrary , we may not resist his authority , and therein is true submisson ; and this the Apostle doth not only assure us to be the will of God , but puts this well doing in the stead of knowledg and wisdom , whereby the ignorance of foolish men may be put to silence , 1 Pet. 2.15 . when fre●dom stan●s on tiptoes , her coat is too short to cover her maliciousness , therefore the Apostle exhorts us to behave our selves As free , but not using our liberty , as a cloak for maliciousness , 1 Pet. 2.16 . If Christian liberty did break the School of civil Government , then Saint Paul would never have been such a School-master to the Romans , Rom. 13. Let every Soul be subject to the higher powers : an excellent rule for our obedience , every soul , no exemption by greatness , or holiness , or any by-respect whatsoever , but if he have a soul , let him be subject to the higher powers : if two powers clash one against another , here we know which to stick to in our obedience , that is , which is highest ( and that Saint Peter plainly t●lls us is the King , whether to the King as Supreme , 1 Pet. 2.13 . ) There is no power but of God , the powers that be , are of God , whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God , and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation , v. 2. What Christian then can have his conscience so misled , as to resist those powers out of conscience , when the Apostle plainly tells us , v. 1. We must needs be subject , not only for wrath ( that is , for fear of them ) but also for conscience sake , because God commanded it . There were Anti-monarchists , and Anti-dignitarians even in the Apostles time , but if it had been laudable , or agreeable to Chri●tian liberty , then Saint Jude in his Epistle v. 8. would never have called the despisers of Dominion and evil speakers of Dignities , filthy dreamers and defilers of the flesh ( as he put them , so we find them both together ) he never would have compare● them to bruit beasts , v. 10. he never would have pronounced woes unto them , as unto the goers into the ways of Cain : greedy runners after the error of Balaam , for reward ; and perishers ( as in the gain-saying of Corah ) v. 11. he would never have compared them to clouds without water : carried about with wind : to fruitless wretched Trees , twice dead , plucked up by the roots : to raging waves of the Sea , foaming out their own shame : wandring stars , to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness forever , ver . 12.13 . he never would have described them unto you so fully , to be Murmurers , Complainers , walkers after their own lusts , wide mouth'd , speakers of great swelling words , having of mens persons in admiration , by reason of advantage , separatists , sensual , ( and though they pretend never so much unto it ) having not the spirit , v. 16.19 . Christian liberty frees from the ceremony of the Law , not from the substance of the Gospel : whereof we see submission and subjection unto Kings , is a great part thereof . The Roman yoke , and the Romans hands which held the plough ploughing upon the Christians backs , and made long furrowes , and for a long time , were both adverse to the propagation of Christs Gospel ; yet during all that time , neither Christ , nor any of his Disciples , ever attempted either the change of the one , or the displaying of the other ; and shall we think our selves more wise than he , who is the wisdom of the Father ? Or better advised than by him , who is the everlasting councellour ? Or that any mans doctrine can settle us in more peace and quietness than he , who is princeps pa●is , the Prince of peace ? will you have more Orthodox Fathers than the Apostles ? or the Children of this generation to be wiser than the Fathers of old ? Christ and his Apostles with all the antient Fathers taught , and subscribed to this doctrine . First , Christ , Da Caesari quae sunt Caesaris : then Saint Paul , Render to all their due , tribute to whom tribute is due , custom to whom custom , fear to whom fear , honour to whom honour , and all to Caesar : Then St. Peter , submit your selves , &c. Fear God ▪ honour the King , &c. Sic passim in Scripturis . Dear Christians , are we better pleased with the glittering tin●el of a painted Baby from a Pedlers shop , than with the rich , and inestimabl● Jewels of Divine truth ? will we suffer our s●lves to be cozene● with the g●lded slips of error ? and what Enthusi●smes every pretended spirit , if not ev●ry ●obler , Weaver , Groom , or Coach-man , shall dictate , who are but velut ign●ae , and velut status , as it were of fire , or as it were a mighty an●●ushing wind , but nothing sensible , some hot exhalations of the brain set on fire , by th● continual motion , an● agitation of the tongue . Goo● God , have we thus learnt Christ ? Is this the fruit of so clear a Gospel ? and the retu●n of all our holy mothers care , and pains for Education ? shall we take Gods word into our mouths and preach Sedition , Rebellion and Insur●ection , contrary to that word which we pretend to preach ? to maintain Religion by Insurrection , is to maintain it by means , condemned by the same Religion we would maintain . CHAP. IX . Whether a King failing in his duty and not performing those things , which he hath sworn unto at his Coronation ( so solemnly ) the Peo●le are not disobliged in their obedience unto him , and may , thereupon , depose or put him to death . IF Kings held their Crowns by Indentures from the People , then were the People disobliged to their obedience unto him , upon his failing ( in those things whereto he hath been sworn ) on his part , but if they receive their Crowns immediatly from God , and that by him alone Kings Reign ( as hath been heretofore proved at large ) then all the failings that can be in a King ▪ can but make him a bad King ; but still he must remain a King ; the Oath assures us of his being a King , not of his being a good King ; for he was King before he took it : Coronation is but a ceremony , and his Oath is but at his Coronation ; the issue of ceremony , must not dis-inherit the right heir , of all that substance : King and Kingdom , are like man and wife , whose marriages are made in Heaven , who are betrothed by God himself ; Now as in the ceremony between man and woman , the husband in the presence of God and Angels , and all the Congregation promiseth ( which is as solemnly binding as any Oath ) that he will live together with her after Gods holy Ordinance in the sta●● of matrimony , that he will love and cherish her , maintain and keep her , and forsaking all other , keep himself only unto her : Now if he perform all these things , he doth well , he is both a good husband , and a good Christian ( considering the vow that he hath made ) but if he doth not live with her according to Gods holy Ordinance , nor love , nor cherish her as he should , nor maintain and keep her as he ought ; Shall it be lawful for a man to put away his wife for every cause ? Mat. 19.3 . much less can it be lawful for the wife to put away her husband upon every distaste ; It was God that made them male and female : Mat. 19.4 . and therefore it is fit they should continue together so ; They twain are but one flesh ; Mat. 19 ▪ 5. therefore they cannot be divided ; God joyned them both together : Mat. 19.6 . therefore no man can put them assun●er . Now to apply this to the King wedding himself to his People at his Coronation ; the King ( solemnly ) takes his Oath at his Coronation before all the People , that he will live tog●ther with them according to the Laws of the Land , that he will protect and defend them to the uttermost of his ●ower , with all other protestations contained in the said Oath ; which if he doth perform , he doth well , and is both a good man , and a good King ; but if he should not govern them accordingly to the Laws of the Land , and if he should not cherish and defend his People , shall it be lawful for his wife ●o make away this husband ? God forbid ! God made him King , them Subjects , therefore they must continue so , like man and wife , for better for worse , they two are both one , the head may not be divided from the body , and quae Deus conjunxit , nemo separet ; there have been Bills of divorcement given unto these King-husbands in former times : but of those Bills , I may say , as our blessed Saviour said of the Bills of divorcement which Moses commanded ; it was propter duri●iem cordis , Mat. 19.7 . Deut. 24.1 . for the hardness of mens hearts ; and then again , this durities cordis , never went so far as that the woman might put away her husband , but only the husband his wife ▪ and that only in the case of Adultery ; and if it had been otherwise , it had but a late beginning , a bad foundation : for our Saviour saith , Mat. 19.8 . In principio autem non erat sic , It was not so from the beginning ; and a hard heart is but a bad foundation for a good Christian to build upon . I will conclude this application with words not of my own , but of Saint Paul , which words are a commandement , Neither is it I ( saith the Apostle ) 1 Cor. 7.10 . but the Lord , that gives you this commandement , Let not the wife depart from her husband ; no , if she be an heretique , or which is worse , a heathen ; If the woman hath a busband which believeth not , i● he be pleased to dwell with her let her not leave him : 1 Cor. 7.13 . If I would resist my Soveraign in any kind , it should be for my Religion , but when my Religion tells me that I must not resist him in any case ; then I think I should but do ( in doing so ) like the boasting Jew , Rom. 2.13 . who boasted of the Law , and dishonoured God through breaking of that Law , which he had boasted of : What if some did not believe , shall their unbelief make the faith of God of none effect ? saith Paul ▪ Rom. 3.3 . God forbid : no more can the wickedness of a King , make void Gods Ordinance of our obedience unto him : our obedience must look upon Gods command , not upon the Kings good behaviour ; God doth not command things because they are fitting , but it is fit that we should obey , because he commands them ; neither ought we to have respect so much unto the goodness , as unto the Authority of a King ; for Kings do not consist in this , that they are good , but in this , that they are Kings ; for as it is possible for one to be a good man , and a bad King , so it is often seen , that a bad man may be a good King ; and it is an observation here at hom● , that the best Laws have been made by the worst of Kings . It is an observation , that divers Kingdoms have long continued in peace and happiness under bad Laws , and worse Governours . Well observed ; when unwarrantable attempts to better both , and inconsiderable courses to mend all , hath brought all to ruin and confusion . He that sets a Kingdom in combustion , to advance his own opinion , and prefer his private judgment , doth but set his house on fire to roast his Eggs. God makes Kings of several conditions , sometimes he gives a King , whose wisdom and reach in Government is like Sauls , head and shoulders higher then all the People : And then when we have wise Kings , and learned Judges , Psal. 2.10 . we shall be sure to have all those Breakers of their bonds asunder , and those casters away of their cords from them ; v. 5. to be bruised with a Rod of Iron , and broken in pieces like a Potters vessel ; v. 9. Sometimes God will send us a little child , sometimes a child in years , otherwhile a child in understanding , which of both it be , Vae regno ( saith Solomon ) cui puer dominabitur ; wo to the Kingdom , over which a child Reigns , for then the whole Kingdom is sure to be put upon the rack . Sometimes God in his judgment sends a Tyrant amongst us , I will set an evil man to rule over them , saith God himself , and then we are never in hope to be from under the lash ; and sometimes in mercy he sends meek and mild Princes ( like Moses ) who carried his People in his bosom , one that shall only make use of his Prerogatives , as Christ did of his miracles in cases of necessity ; one who shall say with the Apostle Saint Paul , I have no power to do hurt , but to do good , to edification but not to destruction : one who shall continue his Reign , as Saul began , Videre ne quid sit populo , quod fleat , who will hear and ask why do the People cry ? deserve well and have well ; shall we receive good from the hands of the Lord , and shall we not receive evil Princes ? though they be amarae sagittae , yet when we consider that they are e dulci manu domini emissae , we should not refuse them , but be contented with whomsoever his mercy or his justice sen●s ▪ or throws upon us : Never was there a bad Prince over any People , but he was sent by our heavenly Father for a scourge to his chil●ren ; and shall we kiss , or snatch the Rod out of our Fathers hand ? To conclude , there is nothing can disoblidge the people from their King , because bis Authority over them is a domino , from the Lord , but their obedience towards him is propter dominum , for the Lords sake ; though in himself there be all the reasons that can be given to the contrary , many will be glad to hear the Father of their Country , say , I and the Lord will go , and to be sole elect , and to hear his Father tell him , deus providebit , as Abraham said to his Son Isaac ; but if he takes fire and sword in hand threatning his follower , how many followers will he have ? I had rather , with Isaac , follow my Father I know not wherefore ; and with Abraham , obey my God , contrary to my own nature , and beyond all hope , then to serve so great a God and his Vicegerent by rules drawn by my own fancy and reason . CHAP. X. Psal. 105.15 . Touch not mine Anointed , meant by KINGS . BY the words , Touch not mine Anointed , is meant Kings and Princes : neither can any other interpretation , whatsoever , be obtruded upon this Text , without a great deal of impudence and ignorance ; If there were no other argument to be used but this , to a modest man , it were sufficient , viz. That not any Church , nor any Church-men , nor any Chri●tian , nor any Father , nor any Expositor whatsoever , did ever give it any other interpretation , before such time as the Jesuit and the Puritan , and they both at a time , and that time bearing not above an hundred yeers date neither , began to teach the world that it was lawful to murther Kings ; and no marvel if this found some querk or other to turn the stream of Scripture sence , out of its proper channel , and constant course ; the two Birds of a Feather , persecutors of one another , like two fighting Cocks who quarrel amongst themselves , being both of the same kind , and yet both agree in taking counsel together against the Lord , and against his Anointed : or like Pilate and Herod , they could not agree but in the principles of condemning the Lords Christ. But it is objected , that as a little child upon a Gyants shoulders , may see farther then the Gyant himself ; so a weaker understanding comming aft●r those Fathers , and taking advantage of such helps , getting up upon the shoulders of time and learning , may see more then they did , or hath been seen in former ages ; and therefore it is no wonder , if a man without aspersing himself with the least immodesty , may pretend to see more , then all those who went before him had observed , and what hath this child pick-a-pocket spied ? a Birds-neast can there be a simpler thing imagined ▪ whereby to give impudence the chair , and throw all the Ancient Fathers flat upon their backs , then this so common , and so much approv'd of instance to usher innovation , not only into the Church , but also into the very soul of Scripture it self ? for what if it be granted , that a child upon a Gyants shoulders sees further then doth the Gyant himself , doth the child know better what he sees then doth the said Gyant ? must not the child ask the Gyant what is what , of all that he beholds ? must not the child be informed by the knowing Gyant , of the difference between the mountains and the valleys , the water and the skie , a cock and a bull ? if the child be thus ignorant , what doth the childs getting up upon the Gyants shoulders advantage the child in points of controversie ? except it be such a child as Saint Christopher had got upon his shoulders , that was Judg of all the World : if the child be not so simple , but understands all these things ; then believe me he is no chil● in understanding ; but a Gyant himself in knowledge , an● so the similitude , the child , and the Gyant come tumbling all down together ; seat a child n●ver so high , he is but a child still , and sits but at the feet of a Gamaliel , when he is upon the ●houlders of a Gyant ; no child was ever thought worthy to pose all the Doctors , but the Child Jesus . Now to clear the Text from those blots and blurs that are thrown upon the words , going before this Text of Scripture , Touch not mine Anointed , viz. I have reproved Kings for their sakes , Ergo , the word Anointed could not betoken Kings , because Kings were reproved , for their sakes who were the Lords Anointed : now say they , the word Anointed must necessarily signifie the people of God , for whose sake these Kings were reproved , and so it doth ; but yet my Corahmites , Dathamites , and Abiramites , you must not think to be all alike holy unto the Lord , as that ye are all concern'd in this nolite tangere : There is no question but that in some sence the elect of God are anointed ones of the Lord , but not peculiarly the Lords Anointed : they are filii olii , sons of oyl , as the Prophet terms them , but not Christi mei , or Christi tui , or Christi ejus , or Christi Domini , which were attribut●s that were never given by the holy Ghost to any but to Christ , and Kings : the Priests who were anointed ( really ) never were term'd in Scripture the Lords Anointed , an● the prou●e●t , and most rebellious people that ever ●ere , whose arrogance claim'd an equality with , never ( in sacris ) strove to be above their Prie●s . Now if you expect clearness in the fountain , do not ye trouble the waters , an● you h●● behol● the springs of truth arise ; 't was the elect and chosen of the Lord that were here meant by anointed , and it was the fee● of Abraham , and it was not Kings that were meant by this word anointed in the Text ▪ But it was not all the elect of God , that must not be touch'd , it was not all the seed of Abraham who have this noli me tangere about them , but it was Abraham , Is●a● and Jacob , for whose sake God reproved Kings , as they are plainly nominated in the same Psalm , and none else ; if there be mention made of the seed of Abraham , Isaac and Jacob were the seed of Abraham ; who were else mentioned ? and though we cannot comprehend these three under the notion of nominal Kings , yet we may be pleased to consider them as real Princes , Principi Dei es enter nos , as it was said to Abraham , thou art a mighty Prince among●t us , so Kings may be reproved for their sakes ; they may be Kings too , and yet the Lords Anointed , for whose sake Kings were reproved : for we do not dispute about the name , but the thing . Now wheresoever you find this word nolite tangere , you shall find this word , saying , going before it , which of necessity must have some reference to some other place of Scripture to which it must allude , and in reference to which it must be spoken : for the word , saying , makes it rather a question of some Author , then the Psalmist's own , this allusion you may easily perceive , Gen. 26.11 . where it is set down , how that God touched the heart of Abimelech King of the Philistims , in the behalf of Isaac , one of the three named in the Psalm ; so that King Abimelech charged all his people , saying , He that toucheth this man , shall surely die : So Abimelech and King Herod were both reproved for Abrahams sake : Gen. 12.10 . And to what place of Scripture can this nolite tangere be more aptly applyed , then to this , where we find the same words reiterated ? Or what clearer testimony can be given of the Scriptures alluding to this saying , Touch not mine Anointed , then to Gen ▪ 16.29 . where totidem verbis , it is said to Abimelech in the behalf of Isaac , We have not touched thee thou blessed of the Lord ; what difference between these words , And touch not mine Anointed . Besides the Marginal notes of all our Bibles directs us to Abraham , Isaac and Jacob , as to the Anointed of the Lord , and as the Princes of Gods people , which must not be touch'd and for whose sakes Kings were so much reproved ; the word , King , in the Text , doth not exclude those who were Princes , but it only includes those Princes who were called Kings , and were reproved for their sakes who were Kings themselves re , though not nomine : so that all the ground that will be gained hereby , will be , that one Prince was reproved for another , though not called Kings . To conclu●e , as no Christians ever interpreted this place of ●cripture but of Kings and Princes , until Jesuits and Puritans , un●ertook that it is lawful to murther Kings : So no English Author ever interpret●d it otherwise , till within this seven or eight years ; when Presbyters and Independents began to put this doctrin in execution : and if the former of these two would wash their hands in innocency , as relating to this last unparallel'd act of Regicide , let them remember CHARLES the Proto-Martyr of Gods Church , and People , His own words , in his Book of Meditations , wherein He tells them , How vain is the shift of their pleading exemption from that aspersion , to grant Commission for shooting of bullets of Iron and Lead in his face , and preserving him in a Parenthesis of words . CHAP. XI . Objection . REhoboam hearkened unto young men which gave him evil counsel , and would not hearken unto his sages which gave him good advice , but answered the people roughly ; wherefore they renounced the right they had in David , and the inheritance they had in the son of Jesse , fled to their Tents , and Crowned Jeroboam King : Ergo , we may do the like upon the like occasion , having a president from the word of God , and warrantable , because God said , This thing was from the Lord , 1 King. 13.8 . Answer . All this proves only that such a thing was done , not that it was well done ; for if it be a sufficient proof to prove out of Scripture , that such a thing was done ▪ and thereupon conclude that therefore we may do the like , then this is as good an argument as the best , Judas betrayed Christ , therefore it is lawful for a servant to betray his Lord and Master ; first , the Scripture blames him in a most pathetical climax , 1 Kings 11.26 . Jeroboam the son of Nebat , the servant of ●olomon , whose mothers name was Zeruah , even he lifted up his hand against the King , shewing how he had desperately run through all those obligations , and tyes that were upon him ; Secondly , he and all his adherents are called Rebels for their pains , not only by Abijah his enemy , but also by the holy Ghost , who is enemy to none who are not Gods enemies , 2 Chron. 10.19 . And Israel Rebelled against the house of David unto this day ; his adherents were termed in Scripture vain men , and sons of Belial , they were punished with a destruction of five hundred thousand of them , which was one hundred thousand more then there were true Subjects for the slaughter ; the Scripture saith , God smote Abraham , v. 5. If it be objected , that the thing could not but be well done , because God saith , 1 Kings 14. I exalted thee from among the people , and made thee Prince over my people Israel , and rent the Kingdom from the house of David , and gave it thee : then it could not but be well do●● ●●nts of Rehoboam ( by the same reason ) to ans ▪ the people as he did : for it is written , that Rehoboam hearkened not unto the people , for the cause was from God , that he might perform the saying which he spake by Abijah unto Jeroboam the son of Nebat , 1 Kings 12.15 . Both were passive , and neither of them could resist the will of God ; but these places of Scripture are often times mistaken , and misapplyed , and interpreted either by those who are not well acquainted with the nature of Scripture language , or else by those who wilfully , ●nd wickedly layed hold of such a meaning as the Scripture may seem to give them leave , for all these and the like places of Scripture we must not take as Gods bene placence or approbation , but only for his permission ; for otherwise we should make a mad piece of work of it , for God said , 1 Sam. 12.11 . I will raise up evil against thee out of thine own house , and I will take thy wives before thine eyes , and give them to thy neighbour , and he shall lye with them in the sight of the sun : doth this justifie Absolom for lying with his Fathers wives and concubines in the sight of all Israel ? Is there any evil that I have not done it , saith the Lord ? therefore did the Citizens do well to do evil , because the Lord said , I did it ? God did it , that is to say , he caused it to be done , as the evil of punishment , not as the tolleration of evil , so this thing was from the Lord , that is to say , the Lord suffered such a thing to come to pass as a punishment of Solomon for his Idolatry on his posterity , and yet ●●ay no way approve of any such Rebellious courses : neither was Rehoboam so much to be blamed for his answer , as may be supposed , nor the people justified in their Rebellion neither , for they grounded their discontents upon a false ground , for the people complained when there was no cause , and deman●ed that which was not reason ; hear the whole grievance , and consider it a little , 1 Kings 12.4 . Thy father made our yoke grievous ( that was false ) do thou make it light : ( no reason for that ) for the people never lived happier neither before nor after , then they did in this Kings Fathers time , and might have done in his time , if they had known when they had been well , and Gods judgments would have suffered them to have seen it . For , 1. They were a populous Nation , as the sand on the Sea for multitude , 1 Kings 4.20 . 2. They liv'd merrily , eating and drinking , and making merry . 3. The Nation was honoured abroad , for Solomon reigned over all the Kings that were round about him , v. 21. 4. They lived peaceably , they had peace in all sides round about them v. 24. 5. They liv'd securely and quietly , every man under his own Vine , and under his own fig-tree . 6. They had much Trading in his days , and much merchandize , 1 Kings 10.15 . 7. He was very beneficial to those Merchants , for he gave Solomon , not only large wisdom , but largeness of heart , and let those Merchants have commodities from them at a price , v. 28. 8. He maintained a brave fleet at Sea , 1 King. 4.21 . 9. He made silver and gold to be in Jerusalem as plentiful as stones , and Cedars as Sicamore-trees , 2 Chron. 1.16 . 10. These felicities were not only in the Court , or among the Nobility , or between the Citizens , but they were universal , even from Dan unto Beersheba . 11. They were not for a spurt and no more , or at one time and not at another ; but all the days of Solomon . O me prope lassum juvate posteri . Neither doth the Scripture make any mention of any such hard yoke at all , only the margent of the Bible directs us from the complaint of the people , to look upon the first Chapter of the Kings , v. 7. and there you shall only find how Solomon had twelve Officers over all Israel , which provided victuals for the King and his houshold , each man his month in a year , but here is but a very slender ground for a quarrel , when the immediate verse after the naming of those twelve officers tells us , that the multitude of people as numberless as the sand upon the ●ea shore , were as merry eating and drinking as the King , and this place unto which we are directed ( and no other ) to find out this grievousness , appears by the context of the same Chapter , to be mentione● as an expression of Solomons glory and wisdom , rather then of any tyranny , or polling of his people : for the whole relation ends with an expression that as the people were as the sand of the Sea for number , so the largeness of the Kings heart extended as the largeness of the Sea for bounty , all were partakers of it , 1 Kings 4.29 . Pardon me therefore if I think that Rehoboam had more reason to answer the people as he did , then the people had just reason to complain . O alti●udo ! O the unsearchable ways of God! where God suffers his people to be a rod to visit the sins of the fathers upon the children , he permits them to take a wrong cause in hand , that he may also cast the rod into the fire . I pray God the Merchants of London be not too like those Merchants of Jerusalem , who Traded so long , until they brought over , together with other Merchandize , Apes and Peacocks , and the Traders begin to be too like their traffique , Apes for manners and behaviour , Peacocks for pride , and rusling until the Apes grow to be so unhappy , as to be brought to their chains , and the Peacocks , so vain-glorious , as to loose their feathers : and so I leave them both , tasting the fruit of their own follies . CHAP. XII . The Objection of Jehu slaying his Master Joram , Answered . Objection . THus saith the Lord God of Israel , I have Anointed thee Jehu King over the people of the Lord , even over Israel , and thou shalt smi●e the house of Ahab thy , Master , that I may avenge the blood of all the servants of the Lord at the hands of Jezebel : Ergo , if a King , be thus wicked , we have Gods warrant , for the deposing and putting such a one to death . Answer . But stay until you have this warrant , and then we will allow it to be lawful ; for though every one is apt enough to be a Jehu in his own case , yet every one is not a God-almighty , we must not clap his Seal to our own ●arrants ; what God commands at one time , we are not to make it our warrant to do the like at all times , this is a prerogative of the Almighty , no priviledg of a Subject ; God may command Abraham to slay his son ▪ but we must not go about to murther our children ; God may command the Israelites to spoil the Egyptians , but we must not Rob and Cosen our n●ighbours ; Christ may give order for the taking away of another mans goods , because the Lord hath need of it , but we must not make necessity our pretence for Arbitrary power ; these acts of the Almighty are specially belonging unto him , and we must have his special warrant before we go about any such thing . But setting all such plea aside , I utterly deny that either Jehu did , or that God gave Jehu any such authority as to slay King Joram , Jehu slew Joram , but Jehu did not slay the King , for Jehu by the Lords immediate appointment was King himself , before ever he laid hand upon Joram ; Joram was but then a private man , for in the verses going before , it is set down how that Jehu was Anointed King , how he was so proclaimed , and accordingly how he took the state of a King upon him and executed the Office. 2 Kings 12.13 . before ever any mention is made of Jehu slaying Joram , v. 14. therefore here is no regicidium , as yet here is but plain man-slaughter , and a lusty warrant for that too : again , we must not only take heed of unwarrantable actions , but of false warrants , the private spirit is no sufficient warrant to lay hold on such a publique Magistrate : as there are false Magistrates so there is a false spirit : for an erroneous spirit may as well con●emn a good Magistrate as a bad Magistrate may be condemned by a good spirit : but there may be a higher mistake then all this , and I wish it were not too common amongst us now adays , to mistake the works of the flesh , for the fruit of the spirit : Let us compare them both together , as the Apostle hath set them in order . The works of the flesh . Adultery , Fornication , Vncleanness Laciviousness , Idolatry , Witchcraft , Hatred , Variance , Emulations , Wrath , Strife , Seditions , Heresies , Envyings , Murders , Drunkenness , Revellings . The fruit of the Spirit . Love , Joy , Peace , Long suffering , Gentleness , Goodness , Faith , Meekness , Temperance . By which of these two was CHARLES the First 's Head cut off ? CHAP. XIII . Of the Necessity and Excellency of Monarchy . A Jove principium . Let us begin with Heaven , and behold its Monarchy in the unity of the blessed Trinity ; though there be three persons , yet there must be but one God : for the avoiding of that which we are fallen into , a confounding of p●rsons , and dividing of substance . Descend lower , and consider the Angels , and you shall find one Arch-angel above the rest , as the Angels Monarch . Lower yet , to those senseless and inanimate Rulers of the Day and Night , the Sun and Moon , and you shall not find ( or so much as the appearance of such a thing ) more Suns or Moons in the same firmament then one ; without a prodigy or portent , of some dire , and direful event . Come down to the Regions and you shall find in the head of the highest Region a Prince of the air . Come to the lowest , and you shall find amongst the wing●d inhabitants thereof , the Soveraign Eagle , as the King of Birds . Come amongst the Beasts of the field , and the Lion will soon let you know , that there is a King of Beasts . Run into the Sea , and their is a King of Fishes . Descend into Hell and there is a Prince of Devils : and shall only man be Independent ? Do we not observe the d●lving Labourer what pains he takes to joyn house to house , and land to land , till th●re be no more room for any competitor within his Dominions ; and when he hath wrought his petty dunghils into a mixen , he thinks it Law and Reason , that the place should not a●mit the Dominion of more Cocks then one , this man dies a Monarch in his own thoughts , and his son lives to inlarge his fathers Teritories , but at last dies big with thoughts of a principality , his son lays hold of all the advantages that may help him to the accomplishment of his hereditary desires , Iuno , Lucina fer opem obsecro , he is a Prince , Coelo timendum est Regna ne summa occupet qui vicit ima , he must be an Emperour , Divisum imperium cum Iove Caesar habet , he must have all or none , none but Iupiter must share with him . Mundus non sufficit un●s , when he hath all , and when all is done , the Empire after that it hath disimbogu'd an● incorporated into it self , all the Kingdoms of the earth , terminates in an everlasting Kingdom , that shall never be destroyed ; quam primum appropinquaverit regnum Coelorum , as soon as the Kingdom of Heaven shall be at hand : and what 's all this but to shew us that not only nature , but God himself , who is the God of Nature , affects Monarchy . The further off any government is to Monarchy , the worse it is , the nearer the better , the reason 's thus , that Government which avoids most the occasion of differences , must be most happy , because most peaceable ; and peace only consi●ts in unity : now where there are many Governours there must be differences : where there are few , there may be differences : where there is but one , there cannot . The Romans ▪ when they shook off their Government by Kings , and were distasted with their Government , for their Governours sake ; tried all the contraverted Governments of the world , of two by their Consuls , of three by their Triumvirat , of ten by their Decemviri , of ten thousand by their Tribunes : when they found that the farther off they departed from Monarchy , the Center of all Government , the more they lost themselves in the circumference of their own affairs , they began a little to look back upon the Government from which they had deviated all the while , but yet with squint eyes ; first , a King , and no King , a thing that was like a King , but not a King ; a thing that was so re , and tempore , but not nomine ; he must be only so , pro una vice , unoque anno , such were their dictators : at last this sucking Government gathered strength , and grew to be perpetual , which perpetuity in one begot an everlasting Monarchy in all ages , which is to continue unto the end of the world ▪ for the Proph●t Daniel tells us , that at the end of the la●● and fourth Monarchy , which was the Roman , Christ should sit upon his everlasting Kingdom that should never be destroyed ; therefore my Enthusiasticks , must either leave dreaming of pulling down all Kingdoms , and Empires in the world , or else think themselves the Kingdom of Christ , that we have pray'd for all along . Neither is it unworthy of your observation , that as soon as ever this Monarchy was restored , there was universal peace over the whole world ; and the Saviour of the world , who was Princeps pacis , vouchsafed not to come into the world , under any of the fore-mentioned governments ; but Imperante Augusto natus est Christus , who was the first Emperour of the Romans . He who affects parity , let him begin it in his own house , and as he likes it in the model , so let him attempt it in the fabrick : for my part , I have read their arguments , and am so far from being evinced by any of them , that I do not believe that there is any such thing : ● have been in all the Common-wealths in Europe , and I could not find any such thing as a Free State , I could find the word Libertas , fairly written over their Gates , but within their Walls the greatest Bondage and arbitrary power that could possibly be imagined in any part of the world , but no Liberty at all that I could find , but only some few there were , who had liberty to do what they would with all the rest . Geneva may of six , Genoa may have seven , Venice may have eight , the Hollanders nine or ten , England may have five Members or Leading-men as they call them ; but what 's all this but taking the Government from off its shoulders , and putting it in some hand ? And when you have done , it 's ten to one but you shall find one of the fingers longer then all the re●t , and if you please you may call that King , and all the rest subjects ; what 's this but a change from a Monarchy with one Crown , to a Tyranny with so many heads ? If it were so that all Free-States , as they call themselves , had all equal power , it would be so much the worse , all these kinds of Government have their continuation and subsistance upon this only ground , viz , that necessity and craft drive them to come so near to Monarchy , and sometimes to an absolute Monarchy , when you reckon your Hogan Mogan only by the pole , and not by the polar star , that commonly is fixed amongst them , about which , all the rest move and turn . But what do we talk of Monarchy or Aristocracy or Democracy , behold a well regulated Parliament , such a one as ours might have been , and ought to be ; hath the benefit and goodness that is in all these three kind of Governments , of Monarchy in the King , of Aristocracy in the Peers , of Democracy in the House of Commons , where the acerbities of any one is taken away by their being all three together , but if one will be all , then all will be nothing . This stupendiously wise ▪ and Noble way of Government had its dissolution by inverting the course it took in its original . When the first William had conquered the Nation , t●e Normans would not admit that any Laws should be observed , or rules obeyed , but only the will of the Conquerour ; and why so ? but because thereby the Conquerour might take away the Estates of any English-man , and give them to the Conquering Normans ; But in process of time ; when these Normans became English , they began to insist a little upon meum and tuum , and would know the what that was belonging to the King , as a King , and to themselves as Subjects ; for by the former rule the King might as well take away the Estates from one Norman , and give it to another , as he did formerly from the English , and give to his Normans ; wherefore they would have no more of that , but joyntly and unanimously Petitioned the King to the same effect , the King thought it reasonable , condescends to their desires , consultation was about the premises , the result of the Consultation was , that the King should issue out Writs to the Lords Spiritual ( who in those days were thought the wisest and most Conscientious ) to reason with the King , and advise with him , as well concerning the bounding of the Ocean of Soveraignty , as bridling in the petty Rivers of private interest . These Spiritual Lords thought it a work of too high a nature for their private undertakings , wherefore they supplicated his Majesty , that the Lords Temporal might be also summoned by Writ , and joyn with them in the same Authority ; 't was done accordingly ; being done , they both thought it a business so transcendent , and of so universal concernment , that they found a way to involve the whole Nation in a joynt consent , which was , that all Free-holders in the Kingdom , in their several precincts , might by the election of two in every County , disembogue all their suffrages into theirs , and to remain the Countries proxies , to Vote for , and to be directed by their several Countries ; and thus the Commons were brought in : but behold the Viper , that eats through the sides of its own Parents behold the Asses foal , who when she hath done sucking , kicks her own dam. The King brings in the Lords Spiritual , the Lords Spiritual bring in the Lords Temporal , both bring in the Commons , the Commons destroy both , both destroy the King. Neither was Kingship ( as they call it ) and Episcopacy better rewarded , for being the principal , and so zealous Reformers of the Gospel , to have both their Crowns and Miters broke in pieces by the same hammer of reformation ; and the walls of their Pallaces mingled with Abby dust , casting thereby such a blot upon the very name of Reformation , that it will scarce be legible by Christians , except what went before , and what may follow after , may help the future ages to the true sence and meaning of the word : thus Rivers run backwards and drown their own Head ; thus the monsterous Children who are born with teeth in their mouths , bite off the nipple , and starve themselves for lack of sustenance ; thus blind Sampsons revenge themselves upon their enemies , by pulling down the house upon their own heads ; thus the forms of the most glorious government of a Church and State , are wounded to death through the sides of Reformation : If you are not , I am sure you will ere it be long be satisfied , that all the specious pretences of popular Goverment , Free-State , Liberty of the Subject ▪ are but figments and delusions of the people , obtruded by vain-g●orious and haughty men , who knowing that they could not be that one Governour of all the rest , yet they hope to be one of many ; thus foolish children set their fathers barns full of Corn on fire to warm their hands , when they are ready to starve for lack of bread : who had not rather live under a Government wherein a man is only bound to submit to him , whom it is honour to obey , then to live under a Government where every man is a slave , because every one is a Master ? Finally , my opinion is this , I had rather have my liberty to kneel before a Throne , then to be the tallest man in a crowd , and should think it more for my ease and honour . CHAP. XIV . That there is no such thing as a Free-State in the World. IF by a Free-State , you mean a people who have shook off their Allegiance to their Prince , there are many such Free-States to be found , but a beggars-bush , or a company of Gipsies ( who propound to themselves new Laws ) renouncing the old , and yet chuse a King and Queen amongst themselves , pleasing one another with a self-conceited opinion of a thing they call Liberty , which is no otherwise then an ignoble bondage of their own choosing , preferring the correction of a bundle of rods ( because their own hands have made them ) before the sway-meant of a Scepter , which God himself hath put into their Soveraigns hand ) is as good a Common-wealth , or Free-State as the best : but if you mean by a Free-State , a freedom from Tyranny , you will be as far to seek for any such thing in rerum natura , as for a reason why tyranny may not be in many , as well as in one : But if you mean by freedom an exemption from all such tyrannical oppressions as are expressed in the Petition of Right ; I see not why such a Free-State may not be under a Monarchy : certainly I have seen such Petitions , and insistances , during the late Kings Reign , as having relation to Freeborn people of England , and should think that the Magna Charta defended by one , who had power to make it good against the infringement of many breakers , and by a Parliament of many , authorized to the same purpose against the pessundation of it by any one , be it by the highest , may not be as good a way to make , preserve and keep a Nation free , as well as the intrusting of a Nations freedom into the hands of a few , whose Independency deny all remedies to be either above them , or below them . It may be it will not be thought tedious , if I entertain your eye and consideration with some Observations of my own , in those Free-States of Christendom ( as they call themselves ) wherein I have been . I shall begin with the Free-State of Genoa , wherein I have been resident some time , and the rather , because whilst England was a Kingdom , they could not have the face to stand in any competition with us ; but now the Kings arms were cut off as well as his head , how should we do to make a distinction between them and us ? for both the State of Genoa , and the State of England give the very same Coat of Arms , and St. George is both our patrons : Certainly England must give the Half-moon as the younger brother ; and why should not the Moon Crescent follow after , now the Turkish Alcoran is come before ? When the overspreading Roman Monarchy , like Nebuchadnezzars over-grown and lofty Tree was brought only to a stump chained to the ground , and when the Keys of Heaven and Hell had so well fitted the locks belonging to the Gates of Rome , as to give way to the enterance of that high Priest into the Imperial seat , then was Genoa a lop of that great fall : and soon after it was wrought into a bundle or faggot of a Common-wealth , until such time as Charles the Great recovered all his Right in Italy , saving only the Holy Land , whose Princely sword could never strike at the already cloven Miters , but at Helmets . Amongst other Counties whose subduements , acknowledged Charles to be the Great , Genoa was one ; which City was no less happy then famous , in affording a man who honoured her Walls , with making it known unto the World , that he came out of them under the name of Andreas Dory a Genose ; this famous Andreas Dory was a zealous Common-wealths-man , and one of the new Gentlemen , as they call'd themselves , ( for you must understand , that when these States-men had shook off the yoke of Soveraignty , they expelled all their Gentry or Nobility ; which no sooner done , but they made a new Gentry or Nobility amongst themselves ) and being a deserving man , the Emperour Charles the fifth , will'd this Andreas Dory to aske and have what he desired of all that he had Conquered : he asked Genoa , the Emperour gave it him , to do with it what he pleased , he gave it the Citizens , together with all their Liberties , and former Freedoms upon this conditions , That they should recal the old Gentry in again , and settle them again in all their rights and priviledges , which being assented unto , Genoa became a Free-State again ; but behold the Freedom , or rather the power and bonds of love and gratitude , neither the old or new Gentry , nor the Common people , would allow of any thing that was said or to be done , but what this Dory should command or say : nor was there a more absolute and powerful Monarch upon the earth then he ; and whilst he liv'd he did continue so , because the people would obey : who being once dead , the people soon found they did obey , because they must : Yet still it must be a Free-State , because Libertas was written over the Senate-House , and City-gates , but neither within their Senate , or their Walls , was there ever such Tyranny over the common people , or the Citizens , then hath been all along , and is at this day practised by some few , who spit Monarchy in the face , and make no bones to swallow down all its adjuncts ? Exercising their several Tyrannies with this justification , that they are the Supreme Authority , whilst they deny Supremacy ; gulling the people into a scotish belief , that they are not suppressed by one hand , because it hath many fingers . I shall instance unto you one particular , which was done whilst I was there , whereby you may easily Judge in what Free-state their Commons live : There was a substantial Citizen , between whom , and a Noble Genoese there was some grudge , this Senator studies a revenge , and thus he intends it to be put Execution . He gives command to one of his Braves ( for so they call their Executioners ) to kill this Citizen : this Slaughter-man ( being by reason of some former Obligations ) struck with some remorse of doing so high an act of ingratitude to one , who had so well deserved at his hands ; discovers the whole plot to his so much acknowledg'd patron , who very much ackowledges and commends the ingenuity of this discoverer ; bids him to follow him where ●e leads him over a trap , where the leader knew full well how to order his steps , so that he might advance safely over the place , but the followers ( ignorant of these Observations ) must needs fall down a precipice , no less terrible , then destructive ; the poor man is slain : this persidious murderer watches his opportunity of meeting this designer of his death , in the Merc●ato , and gently takes him by the arm , and desires him that he might speak a word with him ; they withdraw themselves out of the walk to a private corner : the Citizen tells this Noble-man that his servant had betraid him , in discovering his design to him on whom it should be Executed ; in detestation of which , perfidiousness , he had given him the reward of a Traytor ( declaring the manner and form as is expressed ) and desired in all humility that he would be pacified and that whatsoever differences were between them , that he would bepleased to be his own Judge whereupon they both became friends , no less satisfaction being acknowledged by the one , then ingenuity on the other party . Such shifts as these , are these Free-born people fain to make to appease the wrath and fury of their Lords and Masters : In a word , as their Territories is no otherwise then a continued breach of three hundred miles along the sea-shore , so the Inhabitants live no otherwise then do the fishes in the Sea , the greater fishes devour the less so where there is no King in Israel , every man doth that which is good in his own eyes : it cannot be otherwise . From thence I went unto the Free-state of Lucca , and there I found the Free-men to have six Princes every year ; and the Senate chusing six men , whose elect a Prince for the Common-wealth every two months ; this Prince ascending his Throne up these six steps , acts what he pleaseth : nor have the common people any more liberty , then the most rigid Calvinist will allow a Papist , free-will : Neither is their any other difference between this Government of the Free-State of Lucca , and the Empire of Germany ; but that the one have so many Prime chusers , and the other so many Prince Electors , the one keeps it within the House of Austria , and the other keeps it out of the House of the Medices . I went from thence unto the ancient Common-Wealth of Venice , whose Government ( if in any ) I should approve of , because they never revolted from a better : but yet I must tell you , that at my first entrance into that City , I found the people full of complaints , of the heavy Taxes , exorbitant Power , and Arbitrary Government , which seized upon all their Plate , and what other goods of value they had , for the use of State , toward the maintenance of a War , which was both foolishly begun , and most carelessly run into by their Trustees , or Representatives ; for the Pope of Rome had certain intelligence that the Turk was preparing to make War against some part of Christendom , the Pope sends to all the Frontier Princes of Christendom , advising them they should all agree as one man to make it their own case , and that they would assist one another , on what part of Christendom soever the storm should fall , and that the several Embassadours would take it into consideration , about proportioning every Prince or State according to their abilities , for their several supplies of men and money ; to which they all soon condescended , except the Venetian , who told the rest , that there was a League between the Grand Seigniour and the Venetians , and therefore they were not to fear any such War to be intended against them ; to which it being demanded that if the Turk prevailed against other parts of Christendom round about the Venetian● , whether they though the would let the Venetians alone at last ? or whether the Venetians thought so or no , whether they di●● think themselves bound in honour , and Christianity to defend their neighbour Christians against so common an Enemy ? To which it was answered by the Venetians , that the very entring into such a league and covenant with them , were enough to break the Peace between them and the Turk , whereupon the Juncto was dissolved , and every tub was fain to stand on his own bottom ; but it fell out that ( by the Machiavillianism of the Card. Richlieu , who taught and perswaded the Turk to break the League between him and the Venetians , because he would not have the Venetians to lend the Emperour so much money , but would find them waies how to disburse it otherwise ) the Turks waged War only against the Venetians , and none else , whereupon they were fain to endure the whole brunt of the War themselves , and had no body to help them : this being so grievously found fault with by the common people , and their goods taken away ad placitum , their persons prest de bene esse , whe●her they thought so or no : I would fain know what liberty these people had , who could find such faults without remedies , and lose their goods without redress ? what liberty is there in having freedom in the State , and none in the condition ? I shall part with my children with tears in mine eyes , and through the same water behold the word , Libertas , written upon the Rialto ; what am I the better for this freedom ? Am I robbed of all my money , because one thief takes it away ? and am I not rob'd because six or seven lay hold upon me ? believe it , I never heard such complaints ●either in the King or Parliaments time , of oppression and tyranny , as I heard in this City during the time that I was there ; and this not only during the War , but also in the times of Peace , five or six men Rule the whole State , and it may be the Prince none of them neither . I shall relate unto you a story of one Loridan a Noble Venetian , who keeping a Courtisan , on whom he was intended to bestow a favour , he went into a rich Shop for to buy her some cloth of gold to make h●r a Gown , the Prentice was only in the shop , whom he commanded to cut out so much of such a piece as the Taylor gave directions , which done , he will'd the Prentice to tell his Master that he would be accomptable to him therefore ; the boy excused himself , he being but a servant , and not having any such directions from his Master , not doubting , but that if his Master were there , he would willingly trust him for what he should be pleased to command ; the Noble Venetian takes his leave , willing the Boy to tell his Master , that he should rue the day that ever he kept such a ●awcy Boy to give him such an affront , and so departed in g●eat fury : the Master of the Shop presently coming in , and hearing the relation of what had happened , tore his hair , wrung his hands , s●ampt upon the ground , and like a mad-man cryed out , that the Boy had undone him , and all his posterity ; takes the whole piece with him , follows this Noble Venetian to his Curtisans , offers to bribe the Curtisan with the whole piece , if she would intermediate for him which with much difficulty , and many pleadings she so appeas'd his wrath , that he was satisfied : and this was as common for a Senator of Venice to do , as for a Parliament man to pay no debts . Neither is their any Law or Justice to be had against any of these Statesmen : There was a Noble-man who was an Austrian both by Birth and Family , who being a Traveller , chanc'd to cast his eyes upon a fair and vertuous Lady , who in every respect were deserving of each other : This Noble-man had no sooner made his mind known unto his Paragon f●r beauty , but he was soon obstructed with a corrival , who was a Nobile Venetiano ; who perceiving his Mistress affections to this Stranger to be more liberally expressed than unto him , contrives his death , and soon eff●ct it , she loving her Martyr more than either others conceived , or she her self could brook , so great a cross concerning them , studies revenge , and being an Italian , found her self easily prompted by her own natural inclination , she pretends much love , that she might the better put in execution her greatest hatred , she gets him into a Chamber , where she prays him to rest himself in a Chair , wherein he was no sooner sat but his arms and thighs were caught with springs , and being thus fastened , she murders him with her own hands , and flies for sanctuary to the next Nunnery within the Popes Dominions , leaving behind her , by the murdered , these words , written with her own hand in a piece of paper , Because there is no justice to be executed against a Noble Venetian , I have been both Judge and Executioner my self . Men may talk what they will , and fancy what they please , but there is no more difference , in point of freedom between a Monarchy and a Free-State ( as they call it ) than there is between a High Sheriff of a Shire , and a Committee of a County ; Utrum horum mavis accipe Now for the Free State of our Neighbour Netherlands , otherwise called the States of Holland ( who have sprung up ( as all other Free-States will do at last ) from the submissive and humble stilings of the distressed , to the High and Mighty ) . The particulars which occasioned their revolt from their Soveraign the King of ●pain , I shall not insist upon , but refer you to the Spanish and Netherland Histories ; only I shall hint upon the main inducements to their Rebellion ; viz. Religion and Freedom . For the first , There is not a People amongst whom the name of God is known , to whom Religion is a greater stranger , than unto these stilers of themselves , Reformed Protestants , for if this Free-state , who allow all Religions both of the Jews and Gentiles , whose several Churches own , in Capital letters over their doors , the several sects of Religions , to which each Libertine is inclined , be Religious , than the Pantheonists were as truly Reformed and Religious as the Amsterdamiams ; but as he , who sacrificed to all the Gods in general , must needs have sacrificed unto the true God , and yet know him not , because he joyned others with him , who was to be worshipped alone : So that Country which embrace●h all Religions , happily may have the true Religion amongst them , and yet have no Religion , because they admit of many , being there is but one : This I speak in reference to the Country , not to particular men . Neither is there a sort of Christians in the world who are less servants unto Christ , if it be enough to make them so , to be the greatest prophaners of his day : for the Sabbath is only distinguished from other daies , by a Sermon in the Church , and the Ale-house being full of Mechanicks , drinking and carousing from morning until night ; the shops are open , and buying and selling all the day long , excepting half the window , which is to distinguish the day , but the door is open to let in the buyers , and the other half of the window is open to let in the light : and wonderfully strange it is , and remarkable to consider how these people , who shook off their Allegiance to their Prince upon pretences of Reformation , should be so besotted , as to fall into such a strange and unheard of prophaneness of him , and the day whereon Christ himself is to be worshipped , as in their Metropolls , or chief City , to have a dog-market kept to the utter scandal of true Religion and Christianity it self , this is no more than what I have seen , and if it were not true , it were easily returned upon my self as the greatest impudence that could be imagined ; but O the partiality of the Picture-drawer , when he receives large wages for a similitude ! he insults over his own work only because it is like , when the face it self is most abominable . Now for the freedom from Tyranny and oppression ; if the Turks or Tartars had conquered them , they never would ( nor never did where ever they extended their Dominions ) impose such Taxes and Rates as they have imposed on one another , incredible ; even to the full value of the several commodities , which run through their natives hands ; but you will ask me , how it is possible they should live then ? To which I answer you , by sharking and cosening of strangers : Let any forraigners come there and ask for a dinner , and for such a dinner as they may well afford for eight pence a-piece , they will ask you five shillings a man ; find but the least fault with them , and they will demand twelve pence a piece more for fouling of linnen ; and if you seem angry at that , you shall mend your self with the payment of six pence a-piece over and above for fouling the room : and seek a remedy , and you shall be told , the Prince of Orange himself if he were there could not help it : altom all , is all the reason they will give you ; if in sadness you shall complain of such abuses to indifferent Judges , they will tell you , that the States do lay such heavy Taxes upon the Inhabitants , that they are fain to flie to such shifts for their subsistance ; thus men pleased with the itch of Innovation , are contented to scratch the blood out of their own bodies , till they feel the greatest smart ; rather than their Physician should let out a little spare blood , to cure the disease , and preserve them in good health ; but you will say , that for all this , they thrive and prosper abudantly , so do the Argiers men , but with what credit and reputation in the eye of the World ? I believe both alike : It was not their strength or policy , which brought them to this height and flourishing condition : but it was our policy of State , in emulation to other Princes , which helped these Calves to Lions hearts , teeth , and claws , until the High and Mighty Butter-boxes stood in competition with the Crown : and I am afraid the siding with such Rebels , hath turned Rebellion into our own bosoms , as a just judgment from that God who is a revenger of all such iniquities , they may call it the School of War , whilst wanting a good cause , it could be no otherwise than the Christians shambles : I should be sorry that Holland should be the English-mans Looking-glass : a spur for his feet , or a copy for his hand , I hope the hand of Providence will cure us , like the Physician , who cur'd his Patient by improving his disease , from a gentle Ague to a high Feaver , that he might the better help him : CHAP. XV. That Episcopacy is Jure Divino . IN this Discourse I shall not trouble my self , nor you with Titles , Names and words of Apostles , Evangelists , Arch-bishops , Bishops , Patriarchs , Presbyters , Ministers , Angels of Churches , &c. which were all from the highest to the lowest , but tearms reciprocal ; and were often taken in the Church of God , and in the Scripture it self , for one and the same ; for if any man , though never so mean , a Minister of the Gospel converted any Nation , the Church ever called him , the Apostle of that Country ; as Austin , though but a Monk , was every where tearmed the Apostle of England : and St. Paul , being an Apostle , stiles himself a Minister of the Gospel of Jesus Christ : Paul bids Timothy being a Bishop , to do the work of an Evangelist ; and therefore no wonder if Bishops and Presbyters be often mentioned for one and the same : but it is a great wonder that any manner of men , should make this a ground for any argument against Episcopacy ; these kind of arguments instead of striking fire that should light the candle , they do but pin napkins over our eyes , and turn us round , until we know not where we are ; and then we grope for we know not who , and lay hold of we know not what : he that will cut down this over-grown up-start-tree of error , must first clear his way to the root , and brush away all those brambles , and briers , which grow about it ; we must not leave any thing standing , that may lay hold of the hatchet , and deviate the stroke , turning the same edge upon the feller , that was intended for the tree : if we should insist upon names and titles , we should make but a confounded piece of work , and run our selves into a most inextricable labyrinth and Mazes of error ; where we might run and go forwards and backwards , and round about , and ne're the near : Christs are Kings , Kings are Gods ; God is Christ , and Christ is Bishop of our souls ; Bishops are Presbyters , Presbyters are Ministers , a Minister is an Apostle , an Apostle is a Minister : and so if you will quite back again . I must put off these , as David threw away Sauls Armour , non possum incedere cum iis ; I love to knock down this m●nstrum informe ingens cui lumen ademptum , with a blunt stone taken out of a clear River , which with the sling of application may serve well enough to slay this erroneous Philistine , though he were far greater than he i● . In the first place therefore let us understand what is meant by Jus Divi●um ; if any man means that Episcopacy is so Jure Divino , that it is unalterable , and must continue at all times , and in all places , so that where it is left off , there can be no Church , he means to give much offence and little reason ; for there is no question but the Church may alter their own Government ( so that it be left to themselves to alter ) as they shall think most convenient , as well as alter the Sabbath from the seventh day to the first of the week , or as well as they chang'd immersion into aspersion of the baptised , and many other things which carried as much Jus Divinum with them as Episcopacy , and yet were chang'd . The Jus Divinum that is in Episcopal Government , doth not consist in the Episcopacy , but in the Government , be it Episcopal or what it will ; but where the Government is Episcopal , no question but there Episcopal Government is Jure Divino , because a Government ; and if it were otherwise , that Government into which Episcopacy degenerateth , would be Jure Divino , as well as it , provided that none touch this Ark of the Church but the Priests themselves ; for if the hand which belongs to the same body , pull the hat from off the head , the man loses not his right , only he stands in a more humble posture , but he is in a● strong possession of his own right , as when 't was on his head , but if another hand should chance to pull it off , the party stands disgracefully depriv'd of his highest Right and Ornament . So if Episcopal Government of the Church be put down , or altered by Church-men themselves , the Jus Divinum is but removed from the Supremacy of one , and fastened in the stronger hold of many members , for this is a Maxim that admits no postern , power never falls to the ground , neither in Church nor State , but look what one lets fall , another takes up before ever it comes to ground , wherefore losing nothing , they keep their own ; but whether this power in Church or State in the point of convenience be better in the hands of one or many , let whose will look to that , that 's not my work ; neither the names of Governments nor the numbers of Governours shall ever be able to fright away this Jus Divinum out of the Church Government , be the Government what it will , bene visum fuit spiritui sancto & nobis , keeps in the Jus Divinum , be the Government never so altered , whereas forbidden and improper hands , actions , as unusual , as unwarrantable , le ts out this Jus Divi●●● ▪ when they have changed it to what they can imagine , now whether or no it be proper for a Lay-Parliament , or a Representative of Lay-men , by the power of the Sword , declining the Kings Authority , will and pleasure , who was appointed by God to be a nursing Father of his Church , to alter Church-Government , so Antient , so begun by Christ himself in his own person over so many Apostles , so practis'd by the Apostles over others , so continued all along , I mean Episcopacy , that is to say , one Minister constituted an Overseer of many , and to lay hold upon tumults and insurrections , to pull down these Overseers , and for men who in such cases should be governed by the Church , to pull down the Church-Government without any the least consent of the Church Governours ; I leave it for the World to judge ; only my one opinion is this , That any Government thus set up , or by such practices as these altered , must needs be so far from being Jure Divino , that it must needs be Jure Diabolico . But it may be objected , that if they should have stayed until the Bishops had altered themselves , they might have styed long enough ; to which it may be answered , that had the Bishops been but as poor as Job , there would have been no such hast to change their cloaths . The Ark was a type of the Church , and whatsoever was literally commanded concerning the type , must be Analogically observed in the thing typified ; God sate in the Mercy-Seat that was over the Ark , the Ark contained within it Aarons Rod , and a pot of Manna , so the Church contains the Law and the Gospel , the killing letter and the reviving spirit ; others interpret the Rod to signifie the Government and Discipline of the Church , as the Manna the Doctrine of Christ , and food that came down from heaven : I take it to signifie both , and both answers my purpose ; if both be therein contained , neither must be touch'd but by the Priests themselves ; neither must we confine this prohibition to the Priests of the Law only , but we must extend it also to the Ministers of the Gospel , both which were typified by the two Cherubims , or Ministring Angels of the Almighty : these Ministers or Angels , though opposite to one another , yet they both lookt alike , and neither of them upon one another , but both of them upon the Ark that was between them , there was mutuality in their looks , and their wings touch'd one another ; so though the Ministers of the Law and the Gospel seem opposite in the Administration of the same grace , yet they must come so near as to touch one another in the manner of the Administration ; exempli gratiâ , as there was in the old Law High Priests , Priests and Levites , so in the new Law , Bishops , Pres●yters and Deacons ; as none but Priests were to touch the Ark , so none but the Ministers should reform the Church . Thus much for Government ; Now for Episcopacy ; the question then concerning Episcopacy , will be , whether or no , Jure Divino , one Minister ( which answers to all names and sorts of Church-men , and Church-Officers whatsoever ) may not exercise jurisdiction and power over many Ministers within such a place or territory ? If this be granted , the Bishops ask no more : if it be denyed , how then did Christ Jesus , Bishop of our souls , give orders and directions to his twelve Apostles , and taught them how they should behave themselves throughout this Diocese the whole World ? How did St. Paul exercise jurisdiction over Timothy and Titus , who were both Bishops ? and how did these two Bishops exercise jurisdiction over all the Ministers of Creet and Ephesus ? was not this by Divine Institution ? If I find by Divine Writ , that Christ laid the foundation of his Church in himself alone being over all the Apostles , and if I find that these Apostles , every Apostle by himself ( in imitation of our Saviour ) accordingly exercised jurisdiction and authority over many Ministers which were under them , and commanded others to do the like , as Paul , Timothy and Titus , and if I find the practice of the Church all along through the whole tract of time , to continue the like Discipline ; shall not I believe this Discipline to be Jure Divino , except Christ sends down a new conje deslier from heaven , upon the election of every new Bishop ? Christ lays the foundation , we build upon it , he gives us the Model , we follow the Pattern , the Church is built ; is not this by Divine Right , because he doth not lay the several stones with his own hands ? Christ promised that he would be alwaies with his Church , and that he would send his holy spirit amongst them , which should lead them into all truth , so that the gates of Hell should not prevail against it ; but if Episcopacy ●e Anti-Christian , then the gates of Hell have not only prevailed against it a long time , but all along . As all Judgments are given in the Kings Name , and all Records run Rege praesente , though the King be not there in person , but in power ; so the universal and un-interrupted and continued and generally received Discipline of his holy Catholick Church ( which Church we are bound to believe by the Apostolical Creed ) is Christo praesente ( Ergo Jure Divino ) though Christ be not there in person , but in power ; which power he conferr'd upon those who were to be his Successours , which were called Apostles , As my Father sent me , so send I you : and he that heareth you , heareth me ; and loe I will be with you alwaies unto the end of the world : surely this Discipli●● of one over many , call it what you will , is to descend and continue unto the end of the World. Object . But it may be objected , How can you prove that Christ commanded any such thing , or that Christ gave to the Apostles any such power , as to make Successors in their steads , with a warrant for it to continue from age to age ? Sol. Where do you find that Christ gave the Sacrament to any but his Disciples ? drink ye all of this , but they were all Apostles to whom he said so ? where did you find that Christ administred the Sacrament , or commanded it to be administred unto any Lay-men , or women ? therefore is not the Sacrament given unto them Jure Divino , because the words were left out in the conveyance ? When there grew a disputation concerning Divorcements , Christ sends us to the Original , Sic autem non fuit ab initio , if Christs rule be good , then the Bishops are well enough , for they may say concerning Episcopacy , I mean one over many ( and that safely too ) sic erat ab origine . Some are very unwilling that this Episcopacy should be intail'd by Christ upon his Apostles and their successors , out of these words , Mat. 28.20 . I will be with you alwaies to the end of the world ; they will not have it to mean in their successors ; but the meaning to be this , I will 〈◊〉 with you alwaies unto the end of the world ; that is to say , in the efficacy , and power of my word and Gospel , to all ages ; why may it not signifie this , and that too : that it doth one , is no argument but that it may do both : God made all things , in number , weight , and measure , and will you slight his word ? shall sensus factus thrust our sensus destinatus out of Scriptures ? the first Ministers of the Gospel must be ad●equate to the first Minister of the Law , and behold the same Method observed in both their Institutions : what difference is there between Christ's words to his Disciples , I am with you alwaies unto the end of the world , Mat. 28.20 . and Gods words unto Aaron at his setting him apart for the High Priests Office ? This shall be a Statute for ever unto thee , and to thy seed after thee , Exod. 28.43 . Certainly if the Gospel be nothing else but the Law revealed , and the Law be nothing else but the Gospel hidden ; whatsoever is written or said of the Ministers of the one ; must needs have reference to the Ministers of the other : and I shall desire you to look a little back upon the words which God said to Aaron ; when God speaks of the seed of Aaron , he only maketh mention of the seed after him ; but when he speaks of the Statute , he saith it shall be for ever : if I do not flatter my own judgment , that tells me , that this Statute of High Priesthood , or Episcopacy , call it what you will , must have heirs after the seed of Abraham is expired , and did not the Catholick Church all along call the receiving of the Holy-Ghost , the order of Priest-hood ? did ever any record above seven years date , call it making of Ministers ? and why are they angry with the word Priest ? Is it because the Prophet Isaiah , Prophecying of the Glory of Christs Church tells us , we shall be named Priests of the Lord , but that men shall call us Ministers of God ? Isa. 61.6 . If the Ministration of the Law be glorious , shall not the Ministration of the Gospel be much more glorious , 2 Cor. 1.3 . and shall the Ministers of the same Gospel be less glorious ? When you see a man that cannot abide to see anothers glory , you may be sure he is no kin to him , or very far off ; so you may be ass●red that these are no true sons of the Church , no●●o right Children , who think a Chair too great state for their Fathers to sit in . In the Apostles time these Bishops , or if you will , Superintendents ( which are all in one signification , only a good Greek word chang'd by Mr. John Calvin , into a bad Latin word ) were stiled Embassadors of the Almighty , Stars of Heaven , Angels of the Church , &c. but now these Embassadours are used like Vagabonds ; these Stars , are not Stars but fallings ; and the Angels are no where to be found but ascending and descending Jacobs Ladder ; whilst this reputation was given unto the Church , and its Officers , the Stones of its building were in unity , but as it is now , it seems no otherwise than as a Corps kept under ground seemingly intire , but once touch'd , soon falls to dust and ashes . Never was there such a Monster as this ruling , and thus constituted Presbytery , the Father of it Rebellion , the Mother Insurrection , the Midwife Sacriledge , the Nurse Covetousness , the Milk Schism , the Coats Armour , the Rattle Drums , a Bloudy Sword the Coral , Money the Babies that it delights to play withal , it grows up to be a stripling , and goes to School to a Council of War , its Lesson is on the Trumpet , its Fescue a Pistol , its going out of School in Rank and File , its Play-daies the daies of Battail , and Black-munday the day of Judgment ; it comes of age and is Married with a Solemn League and Covenant , it begets Children like it self , whose blessing upon them is the power of the Sword , and whose Imposition of hands are broken pates ; This Monster cries down this truly Ancient Catholick and Apostolick power which the Bishops exercised ; and then takes it up again , and uses it themselves in a higher nature than ever any Bishops or Apostles themselves did or durst have done , even to the Excommunication and Deposement of their Kings ( to the delivering of them up unto Satan , and to Hang-men , if they stood but in their way ) to whom the Apostles taught submission , ( how faulty so ever they were ) and if not obedience , yet submission , to every one of their Ordinances , if not for their own sakes , yet for the Lords sake , and for Conscience sake : these men cry down the same authority as Popish , whilst they exalt themselves above all that are called Gods , in a higher manner , than ever any Pope of Rome ever yet did . We will begin with this Monster in the very place of its Nativity , and so observe him all along through the whole tract of time ; we will consider how it dealt with the first Prince , under whose Dominions it pullulated , which was under the Prince and Bishop of Geneva , and these two were both nullified in the same person , as they were both here in England by the same Parliament ; verifying that Maxim of ours ( with that fore-running of theirs ) No Bishop , No King ; and then we will shew you how they dealt with our Princes here at home , where ever they had a power , viz. with Mary Queen of Scots , and James and Charles the First Kings of England and of Scotland both , and then usurp a power themselves , higher than Popes or Kings . Calvin with his gladiators , having expuls'd the Prince and Bishop of Geneva , set● up a Government so high and unexpected , that the people would have nothing to do either with him , or his Government : and thereupon they banished him the City ; Calvin ( in exile ) bethinks himself how he might appease their fury , and give them satisfaction , and be invited in again ; Calvinus de tristibus thinks it his best course of endearing himself unto the people , to make them sharers with him in the Government , whereupon he invented his new fangle of Lay-Elders , and so all parties were agreed ; In comes Mr. John Calvin ( whilst he was scarce warm in his seat ) I shall present you with a story of him and of his demeanour of himself towards the temporal Throne : There was a Noble-man of Italy , who liked the Reformation which he had begun so well , that he forsook his Religion and Country , sold his Lands and Fortune , converted all into money , and took Sanctuary in Geneva ; as soon as he came there , great rejoycing and insulting there was , that their cause was honoured with so high a Convert : The grand Seigniour falls a building ; directing his Masons , he found one of them something more sawcy than to what his Lordship ( in his own Country ) had been accustomed , little thinking that where there was promised so large a respect of souls , there had been so little respect of persons : this Noble-man hereupon gives this Mason a gentle tap upon the head , the Mason flies upon him like a Dr●●●● ▪ 〈◊〉 shakes him by the 〈◊〉 : my Lord not being used to such course salutations , stabs him with his Dagger , thinking nothing less , but that so high a provocation would have pleaded his indempnity ; no such matter , my Lord was soon laid hold on , and brought to his Trial : Calvin upon the Tribunal , not as a Temporal Judge in such cases ( take heed of him ) but only to be asked his opinion in cases of Conscience ; the Delinquent pleads for himself , tells them how insolently he was provoked , and wonders , considering such provocation , he should be questioned for so vile a varlet : Hereupon Mr. Calvin soon starts up , and tells him , that with God ( whose seat they held ) there was no respect of persons , and for ought he knew , that man whom he despls'd to death , was as near and dear to God and his favour , as himself : their Laws knew no such distinction as Man-slaughter and Murder ; but they were regulated by the Divine Law , that told them , that the man that sheds mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; that there was no exemption by greatness , nor buying it off by favour ; the Noble-man replyed , that he had not been long enough amongst them to be acquainted with their Laws ; it was answered , that the Law of nature did forbid that , of which he could not be ignorant ( all this was well enough . ) My Lord told them how hard a case it would be that a man out of his love and liking to the place and manners , should seek to it as a sanctuary for his conscience , and so soon find it his grave : that he was heartily sorry for what he had done , and would give any satisfaction to his wife and children that the Court should order , or his estate allow ; he intended the man no hurt , before such rough hands shook him out of himself , that he knew not what he did , and therefore he humbly begg'd their pardon , assuring them for the future , that his waies should be so directly answerable to those paths they walked in , that he would not by Gods grace hereafter step aside . The Temporal Judges , won with his humble and submissive behaviour began to relent , and desired Mr. Calvin to abate a little of his rigour , for the reasons before mentioned , assuring him that his case was no common case , and therefore it ought to have respect accordingly ; hereupon there grew a hot dispute between the Spiritual , and the Temporal Judges : Calvin remained st●ff in his opinion , and would not be bent to the least mercy ; the Noble-man thought to throw one grain of reason more into the ballance , that should turn the scales , and that should be taken out of a consideration had of their own good : for saith 〈◊〉 , if you shed my blood hand over head , without any the least respect had to my years , to my birth , to my education , to the little time I had of being acquainted with your Laws , nor to the provocation it self , nor to the suddenness of the action , nor to the surprize of all my senses , nor to the satisfaction I would have given , nor to the repentance of my very soul , who will come amongst you ? what Lord or Gentleman will live within your walls ? Wherefore if you will have no consideration of me , yet consider your selves ; consider what a blow it will give to your Religion , how many this very thing will stave off from ever having any thing to do with you ; by this time they were all prone to mercy , but Calvin alone , who stands up , and cries fiat justitia , ruat Coelum ; neither could he be brought to give his opinion , that the Jury ( as we call them ) might not pass upon him ; but out went the Jury , and contrary to their own Law , hearing the Noble-mans plea , and observing well the inclination of the Bench in general , they brought in their Verdict , not guilty ; whereupon the Noble-man was acquitted : hereupon John Calvin rises from the Bench , and whilst the rest proceed to their matters , calls all the Ministers within the Walls and Liberties of Geneva , who appear before the Judgment Seat , with white Wands in their hands , which they laid down , telling them , that with those wands they laid down their Offices , protesting that they would never Preach the Gospel to a people whose human Laws should run contrary to the Laws Divine ; and suddenly turned about and took their leave : which being acted with so much gravity , wrought so much upon the beholders , that they presently sent for them back again , and hanged the Noble-man . This story I have read in their own History in Geneva , than which my thoughts were then , as they are still , that never any Pope of Rome , did act as Pope of Rome , or so much as claim half that Authority over the Civil Magistrate , as this anti-Pope did virtually act ; and yet was not ashamed to make lesser matters than this the ground of the quarrel with the Bishop , who also was their Prince , when in his own person he acts the part of both . Now we will see how these kind of creatures have plaid the Masters of mis-rule among our Princes here at home . King James in his Discourse at Hampton Court , tells us how the Presbyterians became Lords Paramount in his Kingdom of Scotland , and how they used his Mother the Queen of Scots , viz. Knox and Buchanan , and the rest of that gang , came unto Mary Queen of Scots , and told her , that by right , no Pope nor Potentate whatsoever , had any superiority over her in her own Dominions , either in cases Civil or Ecclesiastical , but that she her self was Supreme in both , and constituted by God as the only nursing Mother of his Church , within her Dominion , and therefore conjured her to look about her , and not to let the Pope of Rome , or any of his agents , to have any thing to do within her Territories , and to have care of Christs Evangel , as she would answer it at the dreadful day of Judgment ; she gives them her ear , and at last her authority , they make use of it in the first place , to the pulling down of the Bishops , and exalted themselves in their room ; when the Queen look'd for an absolute Supremacy , behold all the Supremacy that these men would allow her , was not so much as to have one private Chapel for her self , nor one Priest whereby she might serve God according to her own conscience ; she finding her self so much deceived , labours to recal her Authority , they kept her to it ; she takes up Arms , they oppose her , fight her , beat her out of her Kingdom ; she flies into England , they follow her with invectives , thrust jealousies into the Queen of Englands bosom concerning her , she is imprisoned , and after a long imprisonment put to death . King James having related this passage in the forementioned discourse unto Dr. Renolds , and Knewstubs and the rest , turns unto the Bishops , and closes his Discourse with this Animadversion ; Wherefore , my Lords , I thank you for my Supremacy , for if I were to receive it from these men , I know what would become of my Supremacy . The shining light of the Gospel , and the burning zeal of the Ministers thereof , may fitly be compared to fire , which if it be not in every room confin'd to one hearth , and limited to one tunnel , that may convey out of this so comfortable and necessary a blessing , all that may be destructive , and offensive in it , up toward the highest region , but is suffered like wild-fire to run up and down the house , it will soon turn all to flames and high combustions ; so the government of the soul seems to be of so transcendent nature to what the government of the body and goods is , that if it be not overtopt with superintendency or Episcopacy , and so disimbogued into the Supream authority , this comfortable heat if limited , as it turns to our greatest benefit , so neglected and boundless , soon converts it self into a suddain destruction and ruine . If you will hear how these men dealt with King James , her Son , and Father to Charles the First , you shall find it in his Basilicon Doron , Crebrae adversus me in tribunitiis Concionibus Calumniae spargebantur non quod crimen aliquod designâssem , sed quia Rex eram , quod omni crimine pejus habebatur . Are these men good Subjects ? did they not convene him diverse times before them , school him , Catechize him like a School-boy ? did he not protest unto his Son Henry , that he mislik'd their proud and haughty carriage ever since he was ten years of age ? did he not say that Monarchy and Presbytery agreed like God and the Devil ? and have we not found it so , if we consider the behaviour of our new made Presbyterians in England , to Charles the first , his Son ? O but the Presbyterians had no hand in it , they Pray'd and Preach'd , and Writ against it , tasted and pray'd for a diversion of all such intentions : but I pray , who took the Scepter out of his hand , in taking away the Militia , of which it was an Emblem , that should have defended him , was it not the Presbyterians ? who cast down his Throne , by taking away his Negative voice , was it not the Presbyterians ? who took off his Crown , the fountain of Honour from off his Head , by denying those honour on whom he had confer'd it without them , was it not the Presbyterian ? Who took away his Supremacy , signified by the Sacred Unction wherewith he was Anointed , in not allowing him the Liberty of his own Conscience in the point of Episcopacy and Church-Government , was it not the Presbyterian ? Who would not Treat a minute with their King before they had made him acknowledge himself guilty ( as they say ) of all the blood that had been spilt throughout his Dominions , was it not the Presbyterian ? Who ( notwithstanding all the Concessions on his part that could be granted , even to the very grating his Princely Conscience , when he bid them ask flesh from off his bones , and he would not deny it them , if it might have been a benefit unto his people , prayed that he might keep his Conscience whole , it was the Queen Regent of all good mens actions , and he hoped there were none would force this Queen before him in his house , as Ahasuerus said to Haman ) voted not satisfactory so long , until the Independent Army came from Edenborough , and surpriz'd and murdred him , was it not the Presbyterians ? He that said the Presbyterians held him down by the hair , while the Independents cut off his Head , said true enough , they murdered him as a King , before ever they murdered him as a man ; for what may the Independent say to the Presbyter , if you 'l take off his Authority , we 'l take off his Head ; if you 'l make him no King , we 'l make him no Body : if you 'l make him a man of blood , we 'l use him accordingly ; therefore at your doors , O Presbyterian Hypocrites , do I lay his innocent blood , it is but like the rest of your actions , committed by your Ancestors to former Princes al● along . One thing I pray you well observe ; There was never any Reformed Church in Christendom , but when they shook off their Bishops , they made their Apologies to all the Christian World , how they were necessitated to alter that Ancient and best form of Government of the Church by Bishops , in regard that they could not be drawn off from their obedience and dependance on the Pope of Rome ; and if possible they would retain that laudable Government as most convenient ; but never were there any Reformers in the World , but ours , that ever held Episcopacy to be unlawful and Anti christian before ; and will you know the reason ? which is only this , the Bishops what they receive they lay down at his Majesties feet , as acknowledging him to be Supreme in all cases , when they would have him to be Supreme in no case , as Buch. de jure Regni plainly tells us , that Princes are no more but the Proxies and Attorneys of the people ; and yet for all this , the Authority which they hold , to be as Anti-christian in the Chair , they practise as most Christian on the Bench , and much improve it . These Monsters that they may the better cry down the Divine Right that is in Episcopacy , and descended to them from the Apostles ; tell us , that the calling of the Apostles was extraordinary , and died with them : to make answer to which assertion , we must consider how many waies a thing may be taken to be extraordinary , and if we find that it may be taken so many waies , if we can prove a thing extraordinary one way , we must not take it to be extraordinary in every respect ; exempli gratiâ ; Saul was extraordinarily called by God , because immediately by him , but this doth not make the calling of Kings to be an extraordinary calling , for that succeeded ; so the Apostles were extraordinarily called by God , as not being called out of the Tribe of Levi , nor taken from the feet of Gamaliel , nor brought up in the schools of the Prophets , yet this doth not follow , that the calling of the Apostles should be extraordinary , for they had their successors : It may be extraordinary à parte ante ; but not à parte post , only in regard of the manner of their election , but not in regard of the nature of their commission , they were called Apostles in regard of their Mission , not in respect of their Commission , which which was no more but what Bishops had , neither doth the word Apostle signifie so great Authority as doth the word Bishop , the one betokening but a Messenger , the other an Overseer , and therefore there is no extraordinariness hitherto , that they should not be extraordinary . 2. A man may be said to be extraordinary , in regard of some extraordinary gifts and endowments which God hath given unto a man , as unto the Apostles the gift of tongues , of healing , &c. but this doth no way make the calling extraordinary , for then it would follow , that if God Almighty should give unto any ordinary Minister , extraordinary gifts , then his calling should be extraordinary , or that the calling of Kings should be an extraordinary calling , because God bestows on some Kings the extraordinary gift of healing . 3. It may be further urg'd , the calling of the Apostles was an extraordinary calling , because they were pen-men of the Holy-Ghost , and in regard that the Holy-Ghost sat upon each of them ; no , that doth not make it extraordinary quoad nos , that it should not descend , for other Divines and Evangelists , were pen-men of the Holy-Ghost as well as they , therefore what was not extraordinary to themselves , cannot be extraordinary to us . 4. For their receiving the Holy-Ghost , it is no otherwise but what all Bishops , Pastors , and Curates do receive , when they receive Orders , Receive ye the Holy Ghost , only the difference is this , they received it by the sitting of cloven tongues , and they by imp●sition of hands , but still the extraordinaries consist in the manner , but not the matter of the thing received , so that all the while there is no reason why this calling of the Apostles should be so extraordinary , as that it should not descend : If Christ promised to be with his Apostles unto the end of the World , and they did not continue unto the end of the World , surely I should think without any straining at Gnats , or swallowing of Cammels , that the meaning of our Saviours words should be this , that he would be with those in the assistance of his holy spirit , that should succeed the Apostles in their Offices of supervising his Church , and propagation of his Gospel , except I should see more reason than I do yet , why the Apostles calling should be so peculiar , that it must not descend , or that the Government of one over many , be so inconsistent with the Church her good in after-time , more than in the beginning , that Episcopacy should be so abominable . Briefly I can compare these Presbyters pulling down the Bishops , to no other thing , than to a company of unhappy boys , who being not tall enough to reach the fruit , and wanting a Ladder , for the fruit sake , lay hold upon the branches , and break down a bow , making it thereby no part of the tree ; so ●hese men , wanting merit to taste the fruit of learning , and not having capacity enough in themselves to reach those preferments which the Church holds out to those who are deserving , they render that which was part of the Church , as sever'd from the Body , which is the highest kind of Sacriledge , not only in depriving the Church of part of its goods , but part of it self . Lastly , if there be no other reason to be given , if not for the Divine Right of Episcopacy , yet for the lawfulness thereof , but this one topical argument which I shall use , raised out of the continued practice of the Church in all ages , to men whose faces are not bra●'d so thick , that it were reason proof , it were sufficient in my understanding , viz. Suppose all the arguments which were for Episcopacy , were as weak as so many straws to support a cause , yet though four straws are not able to support a table , yet fourteen thousand bound up together in four bundles , will hold it up as firm as so many props of Iron ; so though some few practices of some few men within some few places , are not able to make an argument for Episcopacy , that shall be evincing , yet the practice of the Church all along for fourteen hundred years , in fourteen hundred Dioceses , and throughout forty ages , makes good the argument against any few Jack Straws , or Wat Tilers whatsoever . Ob. But there were no Diocesan Bishops in the Primitive times . Sol. Was not Christ a Diocesan Bishop ? and was not the World his Diocess ? were not the Apostles Diocesan Bishops , when the whole World , divided into twelve parts , were their twelve Diocess ? were not Timothy and Titus Diocesan Bishops , when Creet and Ephesus were allotted to be their Diocess ? Ob. There were no Lord Bishops in those daies ? Sol. Those who ruled well were to be accounted worthy of double honour , and will you not allow them a single Lordship ? Ob. The Lords of the Gentiles exercised Dominion , but so shall not you . Sol. No , not such dominion as they exercised , there is a great deal of difference betwixt dominion , and domineering , betwixt Lordship , and lording it over God's Inheritance ; a Paternal Government was never accounted intolerable but by unruly Children ; if this were not to be allowed of , how did Christ rule his Apostles ? Paul , Timothy and Titus ? both these , all the Ministers in Creet and Ephesus ? Ob. St. Paul laboured with his hands that he might not be chargeable to the brethren . Sol. So might the Bishops if they needed no more to study Divinity than did the Apostles , but if any Benefactor had bestowed large Revenues upon St. Paul , I see no reason why he might not be a keeper of Hospitality , as well as he advised Timothy so to do : but now Julians persecution is reviv'd ; Do not ( saith Julian ) destroy the Christians , but take away the maintenance of the Church , and that will bring their Ministers into contempt , and so destroy their Religion ; and now they are at it ; Libera me , domine ( saith St. Augustine ) ab homine impio , id est , libera me à me , so we had need to pray unto Almighty God , that he would save his Church out of the hands of her Church-men , for she now lies upon the ground like the tree that complained , that she was rent in sunder by wedges made out of her own body . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A27454-e730 See Buch. de Jure Reg. 1 Sam. 24.5 . 
A40796	----	A draught of a speech concerning episcopacy by the Lord Viscount Falkland, found since his death amongst his papers, written with his own hand. Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 1610?-1643. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A40796 of text R14178 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing F319). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A40796 Wing F319 ESTC R14178 12594464 ocm 12594464 64029 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40796) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64029) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 316:12) A draught of a speech concerning episcopacy by the Lord Viscount Falkland, found since his death amongst his papers, written with his own hand. Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 1610?-1643. [2], 9 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield ..., Oxford : 1644. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A40796 R14178 (Wing F319). civilwar no A draught of a speech concerning episcopacy, by the Lord Viscount Falkland. Found since his death amongst his papers, written with his own h Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount 1644 2755 2 0 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DRAVGHT OF A SPEECH CONCERNING EPISCOPACY , BY THE LORD VISCOVNT FALKLAND . Found since his Death amongst his papers Written with his own hand . OXFORD , Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the Vniversity , 1644. Mr Speaker , WHosoever desires this totall change of our present government , desires it either out of a conceit that it is unlawfull , or inconvenient . To both these I shall say something . To the first , being able to make no such arguments to prove it so my selfe , as I conceive likely to be made within the walls of so wise a House , I can make no answer to them till I heare them from some other ; which then ( if they perswade me not ) by the liberty of a Committee I shall doe . But this in generall ▪ in the meantime I shall say , that the ground of this government of Episcopacy being so ancient , and so generall , so uncontradicted in the first and best times , that our most laborious Antiquaries can find no Nation , no City , no Church , nor Houses under any other , that our first Ecclesiasticall Authors tell us , that the Apostles not only allowed but founded Bishops , so that the tradition for some books of Scripture which we receive as Canonicall , is both lesse ancient , lesse generall , and lesse uncontradicted , I must ask leave to say , that though the mystery of iniquity began suddenly to worke , yet it did not instantly prevaile , it could not ayme at the end of the race , as soon as it was started , nor could Antichristianisme in so short a time have become so Catholique . To the second , this I say , that in this government there is no inconvenience which might not be sufficiently remedied without destroying the whole , and though we had not paird their nailes , or rather their Tongues , I mean the High-Commission , though we should neither give them the direction of strict rules , nor the addition of choyce Assisters ( both which we may doe and suddenly I hope we shall ) yet the feare sunk into them of this Parliament , and the expectation of a Trienniall one , would be such bankes to these rivers , that we need feare their inundations no more . Next I say , that if some inconvenience did appeare in this , yet since it may also appeare that the change will breed greater , I desire those who are led to change by inconveniences only , that they will suspend their opinions , till they see what is to be laid in the other ballance , which I will endeavour . The inconveniences of the change are double , some that it should be yet done , others that it should be at all done ▪ the first again double , because we have not done what we should doe first , and because others have not done what they should doe first . That which we should doe first , is to agree of a succeeding Forme of Government , that every man , when he gives his Vote to the destruction of this , may be sure that he destroyes not that which he likes better then that which shall succeed it . I conceive no man will at this time give this Vote , who doth not believe this Government to be the worst that can possibly be devised ; and for my part if this be thus preposterously done , and we left in this blind uncertainty , what shall become of us , I shall not only doubt all the inconveniences which any Government hath , but which any Government may have . This I insist on the rather , because if we should find cause to wish for this back again we could not have it , the means being disperst , to restore it again would be a miracle in State , like that of the resurrection to Nature . That which others should do first , is , to be gone . For if you will do this , yet things standing as they do , no great cause appearing for so great a change , I feare a great Army may be thought to be the cause , and I therefore desire ( to be sure that Newcastle may not be suspected to have any influence upon London ) that this may not be done till our Brethren be returned to their Patrimony . We are now past the inconveniences in poynt of time , I now proceed , and my first inconvenience of this change is the inconvenience of change it selfe , which is so great an inconvenience , when the change is great and suddain , that in such cases , when it is not necessary to change , it is necessary not to change . To a person formerly intemperate I have known the first prescription of an excellent Physitian to forbeare too good a diet for a good while . We have lived long happily and gloriously under this Forme of Government , it hath very well agreed with the constitution of our Lawes , with the disposition of our People , how any other will doe , I the lesse know , because I know not of any other , of which so much as any other Monarchy hath had any experience , they all having ( as I conceive ) at least Superintendents for life , and the meer word Bishop , I suppose , is no mans aime to destroy , nor no mans aime to defend . Next , Sir , I am of opinion , that most men desire not this change , or else I am certain there hath been very suddenly a great change in men ; severall Petitions indeed desire it , but knowing how concern'd and how united that party is , how few would be wanting to so good a worke , even those hands which values their number to others , are an argument of their paucity to me . The numberlesse number of those of a different sense appeare not so publiquely and cry not so loud , being persons more quiet , as secure in the goodnesse of their Lawes , and the wisdome of their Law-makers , and because men Petition for what they have not , and not for what they have , perhaps that the Bishops may not know how many friends their Order hath , least they be incouraged to abuse their authority , if they knew it to be so generally approved . Now , Sir , though we are trusted by those that sent us , in cases wherein their opinions were unknown , yet truly if I knew the opinion of the major part of my Town , I doubt whether it were the intention of those that trusted me , that I should follow my own opinion against theirs , at least let us stay till the next Session , and consult more particularly with them about it . Next , Sir , it will be the destruction of many estates , in which many , who may be very innocent persons , are legally vested , and of many persons who undoubtedly are innocent , whose dependances are upon those estates ; the Apostle saith , he that provides not for his family , is worse then an infidell , this belongs in some analogy to us , and truly , Sir , we provide ill for our family the Common-wealth , if we suffer a considerable part of it to be turned out of doores , so that , for any care is taken by this bill for new dwelling , ( and I will never consent they shall play an after game for all they have ) either we must see them starve in the streets before us , or to avoid that , must ship them some whether away like the Moores out of Spaine . From the hurt of the Learned I come to that of Learning , and desire you to consider , whether when all considerable maintenance shall be reduced to cure of soules , all studies will not be reduced to those which are in order to Preaching ; the Arts and Languages and even eminent skill in Controversies , to which great leasure and great meanes is required , much neglected , and to the joy and gain of our common adversary , Syntagmes , Postylles , Catechismes , Commentators , and Concordances almost only bought , and the rest of Libraries remain rather as of ornament , then as of use . I doe not deny but for all this want , the wit of some hath attempted both , and the parts of some few have served to discharge both , and those of Calvin to advise about and dispatch more Temporall businesse into the bargain , then all our Privy-Councell . yet such abilities are extreamly rare , and very few will ever Preach twice a Sunday and be any match for Bellarmine ; nay I feare , Sir , that this will make us to have sewer able even in Preaching it selfe , as it is separated from generall Learning , for I feare many whose parts , friends and meanes , might make them hope for better advancements in other courses , when these shall be taken away from this , will be lesse ready to imbrace it ; and though it were to be wisht , that all men should only undertake those Embaflages with reference to his honour whose Embassadors they are ; yet I doubt not but many who have entred into the Church by the Doore , or rather by the Window , have done it after great and sincere service , and better reasons have made them labour in the vineyard then brought them thither at first ; and though the meer love of God ought to make us good , though there were no reward or punishment , yet it would be very inconvenient to piety , that hope of Heaven and feare of Hell were taken away . My next inconvenience I feare , is this , that if we should take away a Government which hath as much testimony of the first antiquity to have been founded by the Apostles , as can be brought for some parts of Scripture to have been written by them , least this may avert some of our Church from us , and rivit some of the Roman Church to her ; and as I remember , the Apostle commands us to be carefull not to give scandall even to those that are without . Sir , it hath been said , that we have a better way to know Scripture then by Tradition . I dispute not this , Sir , but I know that Tradition is the only argument to prove Scripture to another , and the first to every mans selfe , being compared to the Samaritan Womans report , which made many first believe in Christ , though they after believed him for himselfe , and I therefore would not have this so farre weakned to us , as to take away Episcopacy as unlawfull , which is so farre by Tradition proved to be lawfull . My next inconvenience that I feare , is this , having observed those generally who are against Bishops ( I will not now speak of such as are among us , who by being selected from the rest are to be hoped to be freer then ordinary from vulgar passions ) to have somewhat more animosity against those who are for them , then vice versâ ; least when they shall have prevailed against the Bishops , they be so farre enraged against their partakers , & will so have discouraged their adversaries , as in time to induce a necessity upon others at least of the Clergy to beleive them as unlawfull as they themselves doe , and to assent to other of their opinions yet left at large : which will be a way to deprive us I think of not our worst , I am sure of our most learned Ministers , and to send a greater Colonie to New England , then it hath been said this Bill will recall from thence . I come now from the inconveniences of taking away this Government to the inconveniences of that which shall succeed it : and to this I can speake but by guesse , and groping , because I have no light given me what that shall be ; onely I hope I shall be excused for shooting at randome , since you will set me up no Butt to shoot at . The first I feare the Scotch Government will either presently be taken , or if any other succeed for a while , yet the unity and industry of those of that opinion in this Nation , assisted by the counsell and friendship of that , will shortly bring it in , if any lesse opposite Government to it be here placed then that of Episcopacy . And indeed , Sir , since any other Government then theirs will by no meanes give any satisfaction to their desire of uniformity ; since all they who see not the dishonour and ill consequences of it , will be unwilling to deny their Brethren what they esteeme indifferent since our owne Government being destroyed we shall in all likelyhood be aptest to receive that which is both next at hand and ready made : For these reasons I look upon it as probable ; and for the following ones , as inconvenient . When some Bishops pretended to Iure divino ( though nothing so likely to be beleived by the People as these would be , nor consequently to hurt us by that pretence ) this was cry'd out upon as destructive to His Majesties Supremacy , who was to be confessed to be the fountaine of jurisdiction in this Kingdome . Yet to Iure divino that Ecclesiasticall government pretends , to meet when they please , to Treat of what they please , to excommunicate whom they please , even Parliaments themselves : so farre are they from receiving either rules or punishments from them . And for us to bring in any unlimited , any independent authority , the first is against the Liberty of the Subject , the second against the Right and Priviledge of Parliament , and both against the Protestation . If it be said , that this unlimitednesse and independence is onely in spirituall things , I first answer that arbitrary government beeing the worst of governments , and our bodies being worse then our soules , it will be strang to set up that over the second , of which we were so impatient over the first . Secondly , that M. Sollicitor speaking about the Power of the Clergy to make Canons to bind , did excellently informe us what a mighty influence spirituall power hath upon temporall affaires , so that if our Clergy had the one , they had inclusively almost all the other . And to this I may adde , what all men may see , the vast Temporall power of the Pope allow'd him by such who allow it him only in ordine ad spiritualia : for the fable will tell you , if you make the Lyon judge ( and the Clergy assisted by the people is Lyon enough ) it was a wise feare of the Foxes , least he might call a knubbe a horne . And sure Sir , they will in this case be judges , not only of that which is spirituall , but of what it is that is so : and the people receiving instruction from no other , will take the most Temporall matter to be Spirituall , if they tell them it is so . FINIS . 
A10190	----	Lord bishops, none of the Lords bishops. Or A short discourse, wherin is proved that prelaticall jurisdiction, is not of divine institution, but forbidden by Christ himselfe, as heathenish, and branded by his apostles for antichristian wherin also sundry notable passages of the Arch-Prelate of Canterbury in his late booke, intituled, A relation of a conference, &c. are by the way met withall. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A10190 of text S115311 in the English Short Title Catalog (STC 20467). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 261 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A10190 STC 20467 ESTC S115311 99850530 99850530 15739 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A10190) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 15739) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1286:01) Lord bishops, none of the Lords bishops. Or A short discourse, wherin is proved that prelaticall jurisdiction, is not of divine institution, but forbidden by Christ himselfe, as heathenish, and branded by his apostles for antichristian wherin also sundry notable passages of the Arch-Prelate of Canterbury in his late booke, intituled, A relation of a conference, &c. are by the way met withall. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. [88] p. Printed [at the Cloppenburg Press], [Amsterdam] : in the moneth of November 1640. By William Prynne. A reply to: Laud, William. A relation of the conference betweene William Lawd, then, Lrd. Bishop of St. Davids; now, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: and Mr. Fisher the Jesuite. Identification of printer from STC. Cf. Folger catalogue, which gives signatures: A-L⁴. "Good councel for the present state of England", K2r-end. Reproduction of the original in the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library. eng Laud, William, 1573-1645. -- Relation of the conference betweene William Lawd, then, Lrd. Bishop of St. Davids; now, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: and Mr. Fisher the Jesuite -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A10190 S115311 (STC 20467). civilwar no Lord bishops, none of the Lords bishops. Or A short discourse, wherin is proved that prelaticall jurisdiction, is not of divine institution, Prynne, William 1640 44023 222 0 0 0 0 0 50 D The rate of 50 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LORD BISHOPS , NONE OF THE LORDS BISHOPS . OR A SHORT DISCOVRSE , WHERIN IS PROVED THAT PRELATICALL JURISDICTION , IS NOT OF DIVINE Institution , but forbidden by Christ himselfe , as Heathenish , and branded by his Apostles for Antichristian ; wherin also sundry notable passages of the Arch-Prelate of Canterbury in his late Booke , Intituled , A Relation of a Conference , &c. are by the way met withall . MATH . 20. 25 , 26. Iesus said to his Disciples , ye know that the Princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise Authority upon them : But it shall not be so among you : But whosoever wil be Great among you , let him be your Servant . 1 Joh. 2. 18 , 19. Even as there are many Antichrists : They went out from us , but they were not of us . BERN. Praelati Pilati : non Pastores , sed Impostores . Printed in the Moneth of November , 1640. TO THE HIGH AND HONOVRABLE COURT OF PARLIAMENT , THE NOBILITIE AND GENTRIE NOVV Assembled in both the Houses , Grace , Mercy and Peace be multiplyed . MOST Noble Senare , and right worthy Pattiots , who both feare your GOD , and honour your King ; He who truly honours you , and dayly prayes for a blessed successe of this your Meeting , humbly presents you here with a Cause , which well weighed in your maturest judgements , may prove one of those greatest Parliament Businesses , which your most pious and prudent thoughts and Consultations are taken up withall . When you have perused this short Discourse concerning Prelaticall Authority , whence it is , and if it shall appeare by cleare evidence of Scripture , justly compared with their Prelaticall properties , and practises , that they are the Seed of Antichrist , the Mystery of Iniquity ; a more then Heathenish Tyranny over Soules , bodies , and estates ; a meere enmity ( but under the veile of Hypoerisie ) against Christ , against his Word , against his Ministers , against his People , and the Salvation of their Soulee ; yea against the peace and prosperity of Civil States , by their Factious and Seditious practises , and the like : Your Wisdome , your Piety , your Zeale for GOD , your Love to Christ , your Loyalty to your King , your tender compassion towards your poore Country , your Christian care of your own Soules , and of your Posterities , will all of them call and cry for a serious Consultation , and a speedy resolution what is to be done herein , as you shall apprehend the Prosperity , or Calamity of this whole Church and State , and the happy or miserable issues of Parlliaments to depend upon it . A word to the wise . What I would further say , I will turne into continuall Supplication to the Great President of Councels JESUS CHRIST , that he will send his Spirit of Wisdome and Vnderstanding , the Spirit of Councel and Might , the Spirit of Knowledge , and the Feare of the Lord : that Antichrists throne being quite cast out , and Christs alone set up , the King may be established in perpetuall Peace and Prosperity to himselfe and Royall Posterity , 'till the coming of Him , who shall put an end to Times and Kingdomes ; and with whom all that truly serve him here , shall raigne for evermore . Your Honours and Worships faithfull Orator till death . LORD BISHOPS , NONE OF THE LORDS BISHOPS . CHAPTER 1. Of the State of the Question : Whether Bishops be de jure divino , of divine Authority ? OF Bishops , or Episkopoi , Episcopi , so called , so commended in Scripture , we doubt not , but they are de jure divino . But what are those Bishops ? Not Diocesan Lord Bishops , so commonly called . For of such we no where read of in Scripture ; as we shall fully prove anon . But those , whom the Scripture calleth Episcopos , are Presbyters , or Ministers of the Word , lawfully Called , and set over their severall Congregations respectively . Such onely are Bishops jure divino . But as for such , as are Katagrestikoes , abusively styled Bishops , to wit , Diocesan or Lord Bishops , there is not so much as any one footstep of them in the Scripture . And therfore as these have not the true Nature and Calling of a Scripture-Bishop : So neither ought they to usurpe the Name and Title of Bishop . But as they are of humane invention and institution onely , yea of humane presumption ( as old Father Hierome saith ) and not of divine Institution : So let them be known by such Titles onely , as man hath given them , as namely Prelates &c. Prelati , or Prelates are so called , because they are preferred , or rather preferre them selves before and above others , that are GODS Ministers . And thus they participate of the Prelacie of the Great Antichrist , who is that * supereiromenos ( as the Apostle styles him ) he that exalts himselfe , above all that is called God . He is also called in the same place ' o a'ntikeímenos , that Adversary , called by Iohn , ' o Antíkristos , that Antichrist , to wit , that Adversary against Christ . And agreeable hereunto is that other Title of Prelates , namely Antistes in the Latine , which they interpret a witnesse : but it may rather be derived from the Greek ; Anti is not a Latine Preposition , but Greeke , and signifies against . So as Antistes , is one that stands against ; and it may answere to Antistasiastès , one of the adverse Faction , or on the contrary side , as all Prelates are Antistasiastai , adversaries against Christ , or Antichrists , which you will ; as will further appeare . But we will content our selves with the Title of Prelate in this our whole insuing discourse , as being none of the Scripture-Bishops . Now concerning Prelates , the learned Papists themselves are not , cannot be resolved , that they are jure divino , of divine institution immediately , but onely at the most mediately , deriving their Prelacie from the Pope , as all his Canonized Saints doe their Saint-ship ; saying , that the Pope hath his Supremacie jure divino , both as Christs Vicar , and Peters Successor : but all Prelates derive their Prelacie from no further a Fountaine , then the Pope , as from the well-head , or the Head of the Hierarchicall body , which gives them their lively motion , as the Head to the naturall members . This very point of Prelaticall Jurisdiction was canvased and controverted in the Councel of Trent , and held by some learned there , to be but jure Pontificio , by Pontifician Authority resident in the Pope : whom therefore they call Patrem Patrum , the Father of Fathers , as being the Father of the whole Paternity of Prelates . And our Prelates of England may remember , that till Hen. 8. cast the Pope out of England , the Prelates held all their Jurisdiction from the Pope , and their Authority was but translated from the Pope , to the King , So as passing from one man to another , it was meerly humane still . And the great Primate , the now Champion of the Church of England as he beares himselfe in his ●a●e Book ( his Relation of the Conference ) confesseth thus much , That among these ( to wit , ‡ Bishops in their severall Dioces , as there he names them ) there was effectuall subjection respectively grounded upon Canon and Positive Law in their severall Quarters . Where by effectuall subjection he meanes subjection of the Prelates in every Province to the Arch-Prelate , or Primate : then he confesseth , that Archiprelaticall Iurisdiction is grounded upon Canon and Positive Law , and so consequently not upon the Holy Scriptures , as being jure divino . And thus much he confessed in open Court at the High Commission at Doctor BASTVVICKS Censure , that no one of the Apostles had Iurisdiction one over another ; and so consequently not an Arch-Prelate over other Prelates , jure divino , but onely jure Canonico , & Positivo , by Canon and Positive Law . Arch-Prelates therfore have no Iurisdiction by divine Institution . Or if he meane it of subjection of Ministers in every Diocese to their Prelates respectively , that this also is grounded upon Canon and Positive Law : though so he should say truly , yet in so saying , he should contradict himselfe , as where he saith elsewhere , That Christ thought it fitter to governe the Church ( universall ) Aristocratically by diverse , rather then by one Vice-Roy . As much to say , rather by many Popes , then by one . And this ( saith he I beleeve to be true . So as he makes it an Article of his Faith , That Prelates are jure divino . Yet but a little before in the same page , it is not certaine that the whole Militant Church is a Kingdome : for there are no meane ones ( saith he ) which thinke our Saviour Christ left the Church Militant in the hands of the Apostles , and their Successors , in an Aristocraticall , or rather mixt government , &c. So as what others , and those no meane ones Thinke , the Prelate beleeves . And the Government , which some thinke , and he beleeves to be Aristocraticall , he understands to be Prelaticall , which ( saith he ) is Aristocraticall , or rather a mixt Government . What meanes he by a mixt Government ? Namely , partly Aristocraticall and partly Monarchicall , for of those two he there speaketh . His meaning then is , that a Prelate is in part in Monarch . But where doe we find that Christ thought it fittest to Governe his Church by Prelats , that the Prelate is so confident to beleeve it ? It seems he is one of Christs Cabinet Counsellors , that he is so intimately privie to his thoughts . For surely Christ hath no where left the impression of any such thought of his in his written word . But I suppose the Prelate doth but presume so , or charitably beleeve Christ thought so . Me thinks he should not so beleeve it , as to write upon it , I beleeve this is true . But thus ( I say ) this faith of his overthrows the credit of his former Saying , That Prelates with their effectuall Subjection , are grounded upon Canon , or Positive Law , and so have no Authority from Christ ( as the Prelate a little before affirmeth ) of what force is his Canon ? For there speaking of the Pope he saith , Nay out of all doubt , 't is not the least reason , why de facto , he hath so little successe , because de jure he hath no power given . But how then is it , that some few * pages before he saith , that some one must be Ordine Primus , to avoyd confusion● and he speakes there of the Rom●e Prelate . It is then of necessity , that there must be one Ordine Primus to avoyd confusion in the Catholick Church Militant ( which elswhere he makes to be visible , and Hierarchicall , or Prelaticall ) then did not Christ leave so much exprest in writing , but to Canon and Positive Law ? But perhaps Christ thought it best : and the Prelate so beleeves . Thus we see here is nothing , but Ridd●es , Ambiguities , and Contradictions , or Enterfeerings with our Prelate . What course then shall we take for a cleare resolution of the Question , That Prelates ( as themselves affirme ) are jure divino ? Certainly , if they be jure divino , they must shew good proofe for it in the written word of God . And to this Rule we must hold them , and to this onely . For it were to tread an endlesse maze , to goe about to prove a Divine Title , or Authority out of the Volumes of humane writings , or Ecclesias●icall Histories . They can tell us de facto what hath been : but that Prelates are de jure divine , that we must search for in the Sacred Records of Divine writ . If there we find it , well and good : but if there it be not , but the contrary : then all humane writings are in this point to be rejected , as of no credit , or value . Come we therfore to the Scripture , which will clearely tell us what Christ thought of this matter . CHAP. II. Wherein is proved , That CHRIST expresly condemneth all Prelacie , or Hierarchie , as flatly forbidding it to his Apostles and Disciples . MATH . 20. 29 , &c. Then came to him the Mother of Zebedees children , with her Sons worshiping him , and desiring a certaine thing of him . And he said unto her , what wilt thou ? She saith unto him , G●ant that these my two Sonnes may sit the one on thy right hand , and the other on thy lest in thy Kingdome . But Jesus answered and said . Ye know not ●hat ye aske . Are ye able to drinke of the Cup , that I shall drinke of , and to be baptised with the Baptisme , that I am baptised with ? They say unto him , we are able . And he saith unto them , ye shall drinke indeed of my Cup , and be baptised with the Baptisme , that I am baptised with : but to sit on my right hand , and on my left , is not mine to give , but it shal be given to them , for whom it is prepared of my Father . And when the ten heard it , they were moved with indignation against the two brethren . But Jesus called them unto him , and said , Ye know , that the Princes of the ●entiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them . But it shall not be so among you : but whosoever wil be chiefe among you , let him be your Servant . Even as the Son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister , and to give his life a ransome for many . In these words , as we see the mind of these , as yet carnall Disciples : So on the other side we see the mind of Christ , and what he thought of Prelacy . For Prelacy is that , which they make such a solemne suit for . They ambitiously affect Cathedram , a Prelates Chaire , or Throne : they make suit to sit , and that in the most prime Seat , on the right , and left hand of Christ . And these two suiters were Christs Kinsmen , Iames and Iohn . A faire motive for promotion to a Prelacy . For as the Saying is , Dic●re vis , Praest● ? De sanguine Praesulis esto . Wouldst thou have Church Dignitee ? the Prelats Kinsman thou must be . Or according to those old Verses : Quatuor , Ecclesias , his Portis , itur ad omnes : Sanguinis , & Simonis , Praesulis , atque Dei . Prima patet Claris : nummatis altera : Charis Tertia , sed raris janua quarta patet . Through these foure Gates all Churches wayes are trod Of Birth : of Simon : Prelate : and of God . The first for Nobles : next for golden worth . For Prelates Kin , the third : for few the fourth . These two brethren would enter into the chiefe Cathedralls by the gate of Nobility , as they are Christs neere Kinsmen , and so descending of the blood Royall . And in hope the better to speed , they get their Mother to speake , who with Christ was not a little gratious . But besides the absurdity of this their suit ( for Christ told them , ye know not what ye aske ) they come in as unfit a season , and upon as unsutable an occasion for such a suit , as possibly could be . For in the very next words going before , Christ had but newly told them of his Death at Ierusalem , saying , Behold we goe up to Ierusalem , and the Son of man shal be betrayed unto the Chiefe Priests and Scribes , and they shall condemn him to death : and shall deliver him to the Gentiles to Mocke , and to Scourge , and to Crucifie him , &c. And in the next words they come to make their suit . Nor onely here , but in other places of the Euangelists this is constantly noted of the Disciples , that when Christ was telling them of his suffering , and death , they were still harping upon this string , which of them should be the greatest . As we may read , Mark 9. ver. 30. to 34. and Luk. 9. ver. 43. to 46. Yea ( Luke 22. ) when they were at the Last Supper , and Christ had newly told them , that one of them should betray him , they were instantly againe at their philoneikía , a hotly contending about Prelacy : as ver. 21. to 24. As if they would contend , which of them should betray him . So as still they took as bad a Season for their suit , as might be . But in Mathew ( Chap. 20. 19. ) Christ told them also of his Resurrection , which might give him a faire hint for their suit . But alas , poore Soules ; they as yet * understood nothing at all , either of his Crucif●ing , or of his Rising againe . And againe it is to be noted , that after the Lord was risen againe , and they had received the Holy Ghost , they never made any such suit , or had any such contention , or ambition among themselves . Then they were become other men , never so much as thinking of any such vanity , as a Prelacy ; they now saw , that Christs Kindome in its military condition admitted not of Prelaticall Chaires to sit at their ease , and to injoy their pomp , pleasure , and riches of the world . Their contention was then , which should be the greatest in paines taking in his Ministry , and in undergoing greatest afflictions for Christ , and the Gospell , and in winning most Soules to Christ , and the like . But ( I say ) before Christ was risen againe , they were carnall , carnally minded , they dreamed of a temporall , and worldly Kingdome , wherein they would be chiefe . And such a Kingdome indeed is that , which hath Chaires of Prelacy , and Preeminence , such as they blindly aymed at . And yet as blind as they were , their * Conscience made them ashamed to confesse to Christ what it was , that they reasoned of by the way ; for they had been at it , which of them should be the greatest . Well , we have heard of their suit : now for Christs Answere Ye know not ( saith he ) what ye aske . You know not the nature of that Kingdome of mine , which in this world is not a Kingdome of externall pompe , glory , and greatnesse , but a Kingdome of grace , humility , patience , and wholly Spirituall , a Kingdome not of ease and pleasure , as to sit in Chaires of State , but of paines-taking , of labour and travell in your Ministry , of contempt of the world , and of suffering manifold afflictions , and even death it selfe , for my Names sake . And therefore Christ addeth here : Are ye able to drinke of the Cup , that I drinke of ? &c. And they answering : We are : he addes ; Ye shall indeed drinke of the Cup , and be baptised with the Baptisme , that I am baptised with : that is , you must thinke of other matters , when you come into my Kingdome , then of any such worldly greatnesse as you dreame of ; you must prepare your feet for the fetters , your backs for the whip , your bellies for hunger and thirst , your bodies for nakednesse , your stomacks to drinke and digest the bitter Cup of death , and to be dipped over head and eares in floods and Seas of afflictions . Are ye able to doe this ? Alas , poore Soules , as yet they were novices in Christs Schoole , they would be of the highest forme , before they had learned the very first Principles of the Catechisme , or the A , B , C. of the Crosse of Christ . But , saith Christ , Ye shall drinke of my Cup , &c. that is , after ye have fullfilled your Ministeriall Course , and suffered afflictions , and drunke deaths Cup , and therewith have been baptised , then a place shal be proved for you in my Kingdome of glory , such as my Father hath appointed for you , and for all my Disciples , so as in whom the greater improvement of the * Talents of Grace , committed to your trust , is found , the greater preferment in Glory he shall have , each according to his proportion yet so , as every good and faithfull Servant , shall enter into his Masters joy , in ‡ whose presence is the fullnesse of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . But for any such thing as you aske , it is not mine to give , I have no such Commission from my Father to bestow upon you any such thing , as worldly Prelacy ; that 's no part of my Kingdome , nor of the administration thereof . But all that are found faithfull in the Kingdome of Grace , shall in the Kingdome of Glory sit with me at my Fathers right hand for evermore . Whereas on the contrary , such as turne my Kingdome of Grace into a Kingdome of Pleasure , pride and ease , as they due which hunt after , and injoy the preferments of the world , to those I say , ‡ Woe to you that are rich for you have received your Consolation . Woe to you that are full : for you shall hunger . Woe to you that laugh now : for ye shall mourne , and weepe : Woe unto you , when all men shall speake well of you : for so did their Fathers to the false Prophets . Hence we may note by the way , that Christ applyes this his whole Speech to such especially as are false Prophets ; that wallow in ease and pleasure , as we know all Prelates doe ; who therfore shall be ranked among the voluptuous and salacious goates at Christs left hand when he shall say unto them , Goe ye cursed , &c. For as one said , Qui Praelatum quaerit in terris , inve●●t confusionem in Coelis . He that seeks Prelacy on earth , shall find confusion in heaven . And we see here , that Christ hath no such Prelacie to give ; he convinces his Disciples of great blindnesse , in such their ambition . Christ then to be the Author and giver of any such Prelacie . Prelacie therfore is not jure divino , as from Christs Ordinance . For Prelacie alwayes is attended with a long Silken Traine , goodly Palaces , rich revenews , great Grace in Princes Courts , and what not that the world can afford ? Quo jure then ? From what Title doe Prelates hold ? Namely , from him who said * All these things are mine , and to those that will fall downe and worship me , I give them : that is , All that will be Prelates , and so will be my Servants in oppressing Gods Word , in persecuting Christs Saints and Ministers , in exercising their Lordly Iurisdiction over the Consciences of Gods people , captiving them with manyfold ceremonies of will-worship , to ●h● destruction of Christs Kingdome , of Mans Salvation , and of that liberty from all Spirituall bondage , the redemption from which cost Christ his best blood : to those I will give rich Prelacies , goodly houses and Palaces , a Princely Traine and Retinue , a Lordly Revenew , and all the pleasures and contentments , which the world can afford . And thus we have found out the very Source of this Egyptian Nilus , the prime Author , and Patron of all such Prelacie , as falsely pretends its Title to be de jure divino , yea even from Christ himselfe . It followeth in the Text ver. 24. And when the ten heard it , they were moved with indignation against the two brethren . Observe here of these Disciples , as yet carnall , some are ambitious , and the rest envious . For all of them before Christs Resurrection , were ambitious of Prelacie ; as we read in the place forecited . So as hence we may note , that such as affect , and are ambitious of Prelacie , they are carnall men , which savour the things of the flesh , worldly minded , such as the Apostle speaks of , that § are enemies to the Crosse of Christ , whose end is destruction , whose God is their belly , whose glory is in their shame , who mind earthly things . They have a wisdome indeed , but † such as is not from above , but is earthly , sensuall , and develish , as Iames speaketh . And whereupon speakes he it ? In the former verse he had sayd , If ye have bitter envying and strife in your hearts , glory not , and lye not against the truth . And this was the wisdome of these carnall Disciples , they were ambitious , and envious one against another ; yea they did a'ganaktein , stomack and maligne one another in the point of Prelacy . For ambition and envy are two inseperable twinnes , like those of Hypocrates , they are borne together , live together , and dye together . And as Iames in the former place addeth , For where envying and strife is , there is confusion , kai pan phaulon pragma , and every evill worke . Now to apply this to our Prelates : what men in the world more ambitious of Prelacie , and more envious one against another ? In those Primitive times , at the first Councel of Nice , what bundles and fardles of complaints did those Prelates bring one against another ? and all this arose from their ambition and 〈◊〉 , each seeking precedency of his Sea before another . And the fire was so kindled , that had not Constantine the Emperour caused all the Bills of complaints to be cast into the fire together , it had been enough to have set all the world in a combustion . And the Prelate of Canterbury in his said Book confesseth , * that the onely difficulty was to accommodate the places and precedencies of Bishops among themselves . And afterwards , what a hot stirre was between Iohn of Constantinople , and GREGORY of Rome , for the precedencie of their Seas , and for the Supreme Headship it selfe ? And heretofore between the Prelates of Canterbury and Yorke for the universall Metropolitanship over all England ? But let us further hearken to what Christ saith : But Iesus called them unto him , and said , Ye know that the Princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority over them . But it shall not be so among you . And Luke expresseth it thus : The Kings of the Gentiles exercise Lordship over them , and they that exercise authoritie upon them , are called Benefactors . But ye shall not be so . All is to one effect . Which is , Christ here forbids his Disciples to exercise any such Dominion , or Auhortity , or Lordship , either over one another , or upon his Church , as Heathen Princes doe use over their People . And this he applies to their ambition of Prelacie , which Prelacie he samples and parallells with the Dominion , Authority , and Lordship , which Heathen Princes exercise over their people . These words of Christ are so expresse and full , that Bellarmine hath no other Shift to ward off the blow , but to say , that Christ here forbids his Disciples the exercise of all Temporall Authority and jurisdiction , such as Heathen Princes used , but not of spirituall Dominion and Lordship , Authority , and jurisdiction over the Church . But it is more cleare then the Sun , that Christ forbids here to his Disciples all manner of Dominion and Lordship either over one another , or over the Church of God , as over Gods Ministers and People . First , for Lordship over one another , the said Arch-prelate of Canterbury confesseth Christ gave them none . And secondly , for Lordship over Gods heritage , the Apostles themselves afterwards both disclaimed in themselves , and condemned in others ; as we shall see hereafter . And by the way , by Bellarmines own confession , all Temporall Lordship , or Government is condemned in Prelates . But now for our Prelates : Quo jure doe they de facto exercise such Authority and Dominion , such Lordship and Jurisdiction over Gods Ministers and People , as differeth nothing at all from the State of Heathen Princes ? This Christ expresly forbids to his Disciples : and therefore such as doe it , are none of his Disciples , nor yet any of their Successors . But they will say , They are Spirituall Lords , and exercise a Spirituall Lordship over the Church . But this bare Title of Spirituall , is too short a cloake to cover the nakednesse of so poore a shift . They call themselves Spirituall , when they are the most carnall men in the world . Thus did those false * Apostles , deceitfull workers , transforme themselves into the Apostles of Christ . Thus Antichrist himselfe , whom the Scripture intitles ‡ the Man of sinne , and the Son of perdition , will salve all , by Styling himselfe , Holy Father , yea Holinesse it selfe . But to come a little more close and home to our Prelates , those Spirituall Lords : wherein doth their Spirituall Dominion and Lordship differ from that of Heathen Princes ? For first , they assume the Title of Prince to themselves , as the Arch-prelate in High Commission most bravely and boldly alledged Psal. 45. 16. for which he borrows Bellarmines Glosse . Princes then they must be . But what Princes ? Spirituall . Nay by their Lordships favour , they are Temporall Lords ; For how els come they to sit in Parliament cheek by jowle with the Princes and Peers of the Realme ? And do they not in all points beare the Image , and represent Heathen Princes in their State and Dominion ? Have they not their Stately Palaces , as they ? Have they not their Attendants and Officers of their House , as they ? Doe they not goe in Purple , and Scarlet , Silkes and Velvets , and fine linnen , and faire deliciously every day , as they ? Have they not their Courts , and Officers , their Tipstaves , Lictors , and Prisons , as they ? And doe they not exercise their Authority without subjection to any humane Law , and in their own Names , as absolute , and independent Lords , as those Heathen Princes did ? Thus have they not with the Beast ( their Syre ) in the * Revelation , made a perfect Image of the first Beast , to wit , of the Heathen Empire , from top to toe , whose whole forme and State of Dominion they set up in their Prelaticall Hierarchie ? Doth not the ‡ Beast , which cometh out of the earth , having two hornes like a Lamb , but speakes as a Dragon ( which is the Papall Hierarchie ) exercise all the power of the first Beast before him ( namely of the Roman Emperour there described ) yea and cause the Earth , with all that dwell therein to worsh●p the first Beast , that is , to subject themselves to the Throne and Authority of the Hierarchie , which is now invested with an absolute , Imperiall , independent power , which yet they blush not to affirme to be jure divino , and from Christ himselfe ? How can any thing be more diametrically contrary to Christs words here , It shall not be so among you ? Yes ( saith this Shamelesse Beast , it shal be so with us , and this Imperiall jurisdiction ) we doe , and will exercise over the People . As they doe indeed . Yea these Spirituall Lords do not only exercise all the power of the first Beast , as of Heathen Princes over the bodies and goods of men , by imprisoning , fyning , undoing of Men and their whole Families ; yea and faggotting also the deare Saints and Servants of God , onely by a pretty conveyance , making the Civil Magistrate to be their executioner , as the High Priests having condemned Christ , delivered him over to the Secular Power , to Pilate the Roman Governour : but they also usurpe and exercise a most transcendent and Tyrannicall Dominion over the Soules and Consciences of Gods people , as whose Canons and Constitutions ( even their whole Canon Law , written in blood , signified by their red Inke , like to Draco his Laws , which for their cruelty were sayd to be written in blood● are most cruelly pressed upon the peoples soules for a full conformitie to all those humane Rites and Ceremonies of their will-worship in their Divine Service , as they call it . A bondage infinitely more bloody and cruel , then that of Gods people of old under the Egiptian Taskmasters . And yet , not withstanding all these things , is this their Lordly and Princely Jurisdiction jure Divino , from Christ ? Or are Prelates herein the Apostles Successors ? Were the Apostles ever such Princes ? Lived they in such Palaces ? Kept they such Courts ? Did they imprison , persecute , and undoe Gods Saints ? Did they make any Canons , or Laws for will worship ? Did they presse so much as any one ragge of a Ceremony of their own devising upon the Conscience of any of Gods people ? Nay did they not expresly forbid , and condemn it ? Not as Lords over Gods Heritage , saith * Peter to the Presbyters . Not as having dominion over your Faith , saith ‡ Paul to Gods Ministers and People . Yea this was also one branch of that Dominion , which the Heathen Emperours exercised over the people , namely to force their Conscienses in matters of Religion . ‡ Darius made a Decree , that none should make any request to God or Man for 30. dayes , save to the King alone : § Nebuchadnezzar proclaimes his Commandment , that all should fall downe and worship his golden Image . And Iulian the Apostata would force the Christians to offer sacrifice to his Idols , or at least to cast but a little incense upon the fire before them . And such as refused , were sorely persecuted , punished , yea put to death . And doe not the Prelates exercise the like Dominion over mens Soules ( I say ) even to the utter undoing and exterminating of all those , that refuse to submit their necks to such an Antichristian yoake ? Nay doe they not fast Chaine to their Tyranny all Ministers , that take their Oath of Canonicall obedience , even as Temporall Princes take an Oath of Allegiance of their Subjects● Only here is the difference , the Subjects are by their Oath bound to the Prince , to obey him according to Gods Law , and the Laws of the Land : but Prelates by imposing the Oath of Canonicall obedience , doe exact of all Ministers absolute and unlimited obedience , to all their Canons , not onely those in being ( although they be both contrary to Christs Law , and are not authorised by the Law of the Land ) but to whatsoever other Canons they should in time frame and compose . Which was one great Coale , that hath caused the Smoaking out of all the Prelates out of our neighbour Countrey . Thus we see , that the Prelates , exercising the like , yea even the same Authority and Dominion , which the Heathen Princes used in all points over their People , are here flatly and expresly forbidden by Christ himselfe : So as their Pr●lacie is so farre from being sure divino , of divine Authority , as that it is an open rebellion against Christ and his Kingdome , and a very trampling of his words under their feet : But it shall not be so among you . Againe for the words in Luke , The Kings of the Gentiles exercise Lordship over them , and they that exercise Authority upon them , are called Benefactors . But ye shall not be so . Ye shall not be called e'uergétai , Benefactors , or Gracious Lords , as some Translations render it . In which word or Title Christ forbids all such Titles to be assumed by his Apostles , as are Heathenish , or such as did , set forth the magnificence , pompe and State of Heathen Princes , or such Titles , as the Scripture doth not give to Gods Ministers . Now it was not unusuall with the Heathen to call their Kings , who were the greatest tyrants , and oppressors of the People , * Benefactors , or the like , in flattery of them . Thus they did incrustare vitia , parget , or roughcast their vices ; as the Poet speakes . And it seems the Popes learned of the Heathen this fashion of changing of their Names : as , if he were deformed , to call him , Formosus : if cruel , Clemens , &c. But for Prelates , are they not called Euergetae , Benefactors , your Grace , your Honour , Right reverend , most Reverend Father in God , My Lord , My Reverend Discesan , My Patron and Benefactor , Our Metropolitan , Primate , My Ordinary , and many such like devised Titles , no where to be found in Scripture , but serving to bolster out their Pontificiall pride ? All such Titles Christ forbids to his Disciples here ; as elswhere also , ‡ Be ye not called Rabbi : for one is your Master , even Christ , and all ye are brethren . And call no man Father upon Earth ( such Fathers as Prelates are called ) for one is your Father which is in heaven . Neither be ye called Masters : for one it your Master , even Christ . But the Prelates will say , Distingue tempora , Distinguish the times : the Apostles were poore , the Church was then but in the Infancie , Swadling clouts might serve the Turne : but now we that are the Successors of the Apostles , are men grown , and know how to use the honours , pleasures and preferments of the world , being cast upon us ; and being now promoted to be Princes , those titles , riches , and honours that we have , are but sutable to our dignity , and serviceable to our Principality : Then was then : and now is now . These things some great Pontificians and Popes themselves have alledged . ‡ But Bernard , who was one of their owne , writing to Pope Eugenius , and telling him plainly and freely of all his Pontificiall Pomp , and how unlike therein he was to Christ and his Apostles : saith , Scilicet sic factitabat Petrus ? sic paulus ludebat ? Did Peter I pray you doe thus ? Did Paul play such play ? Si anderem dicere , Daemonum magis , quam ovium pascua haec : If I durst speake it , these are the pastrues of Devils , rather then of the Sheep . Honori totum datum datur , Sanctitati nihil aut parum : All is given to honour , but little , or nothing to holinesse . But he puts their allegation as I sayd before ) Absit ; inquiunt , tempori non convenit : What should holinesse doe , say they ? It is not sutable for our times . Thus Bernard . But we need goe no further , then to the Painter , whom the Pope set a worke in his Gallery to draw the pictures of Peter and Paul : who having painted their faces blushing redde , and the Pope coming in to see his worke , and asking him , If Peter and Paul had such redde faces , because he had so painted them : No , quoth he , but if they were here now , and did behold what a glorious , rich and magnificent Successor they have , they would blush as redde , as now you see their pictures doe . And his Holinesse was very well pleased with the Painters Conceit , to see himselfe a braver man , then ever poore Peter and Paul were , whose Successor notwithstanding he boasts himselfe to be . For what els , but a Sweet Fable , doth the Pope make of the Gospel , as himselfe said ? And surely we cannot thinke , that Prelates , who are the limbs of this great Beast , are of any other Spirit , then Atheisticall , such as the Head himselfe is of , and which he hath derived to his Members . Well , hitherto we have heard Christs Sentence concerning Prelacy in the Church , and that negatively , denyed to his Apostles , as a thing heathenish and carnall ; and so which turnes Christs Spirituall Kingdome into a meere carnall and temporall , yea profane and heathenish Kingdome . But it shall not be so among you . Ergo Prelates ( as before is noted ) are none of Christs Disciples , and their Prelacie , or Hierarchy none of his Institution or Ordinance , but flatly forbidden and condemned by hm . Now a word of the affirmative part of his Answere , wherein the shews what manner of men his true Disciples must be . Verse 27. &c. But whosoever wil be great among you , let him be your Minister : and whosever wil be chiefe among you , let him be your Servant : The Summe is : Christs Apostles and Disciples must be humble men , and Servants to their brethren , not Lords over them . For these two are opposed one to the other : Prelacy is for proud men : humility for Christs Disciples . Christs Disciples then , and Prelates cannot stand together . And pride is not the way to come to sit the next to Christs right hand , but humility . He that is most humble , shal be exalted to the greatest honour . As Christ saith here , whosoever wil be chiefe among you , let him be your Minister , or Servant . That 's the way to be the chiefe . Lastly , in the next words , Christ sets himselfe for an example : Even as , ( saith he ) the Son of man came not be ministred unto , but to minister , and to give his life a ransome for many . And the Servant is not above his Lord . And as Christ humbled himselfe below all men : So for that cause God hath highly exalted him , and given him a Name , above every Name , that in the Name of Iesus every knee should bow , &c. that is as Christ made himselfe the Servant of all , So God hath made him now the Lord of all : this is that Name above every Name : So as In this Name to bow , is not an hypocriticall and Superstitious bowing of the knee of the body , when ever the bare Name Iesus is named , when the Name Christ is nothing regarded : but it is an acknowledgement that Iesus Christ is the Lord and Iudge of all , to the glory of God the Father ; as there the Apostle speakes . So as he there saith , * Let the same mind be in you , which was in Christ Iesus . Thus true humility is the way to honour in Christs Kingdome : he that fits lowest at Christs footstoole here , shall sit highest at his right hand in heaven . So as this is not such an humility , as was in the Monke , that alwayes went hanging down his head , untill at length he came to be Prior , and then being asked , why now he held up his head : he answered , I have now found the Keys of the Covent . Nor as of another , that being a Frier , would cover his Table with a piece of an old Fisher-net , in token of his humility : but coming to be Abbat , he cast away his Net ; and being asked why , he said , I have now taken the Fish . Neither are Christs words so to be taken , as the Pope stiles himselfe , Servus Servorum Dei , Servant of the Servants of God : under which Title he hath made himselfe Dominus Dominantium , Lord of Lords . Nor because Pope Gregory was the first , that styled himselfe Servus Servorum Dei , and his next Successor but one , Boniface 3. got the Title of Vniversalis Episcopus , universall Bishop : therfore Christ requires such an humility ; as aymes at temporall promotion . But he is truly humble , that denyes himselfe ; and tramples on the worlds preferments , preferring Christs rebukes before the treasures of Egypt , and to suffer afflictions with the people of God , rather then to injoy the pleasures of sinne for a season . This is that humility , which brings us to that Recompence of Reward , to sit at Christs right hand . And thus much of Christs words , wherein he declares his mind touching Prelacy , so as he never thought it fittest to governe his Church by Prelates , as the said Archprelate is not ashamed to bely him , and so to blaspheme him . Therfore the Hierarchy is no Institution of Christ , and so not jure devino , of divine Authority . CHAP. III. Wherein sundry passages of the Prelate in his said Booke , for the mainteynance of his Hierarchy , and so for the disabling of the Authority and Evidence of the Holy Scripture , are met withall . FOr concerning the Scripture , he hath writ a large Treatise or * Section of his Relation , of almost 15 Sheets of paper , wherein he extremely abuses the clearenesse and Sufficiencie of Scripture , as wanting light enough of it selfe to show it to be the word of God ; untill the Authority and Tradition of the present Church doe light it . And for proofe hereof he saith , that God in his Providence hath kindled in it no light for that . Thus belying and blaspeming Gods Providence . It shal be sufficient to name and note this onely , for the present , the confutation thereof requiring a larger discourse , then this of mine will admit . Againe , he saith , ‡ If there be a jealousie or doubt of the Sense of the Scripture , we must repaire to the Exposition of the Primitive Church , and submit to that : or call , and submit to a Generall Councel , &c. Now , if he shall quarrell this Scripture , and those words of Christ forementioned , as being either jealous or doubtfull of the sense thereof : and so send me to the Primitive Church , or call me to a Generall Councel , for the determination of this point : what shall we say ? For in no case can he yeeld the Scripture the honour to be sole Judge of controversies in faith . And for the Primitive Church , which he meanes , namely that which came after Christ and his Apostles , that ( he will say ) had Bishops , or Prelates . And for a Generall Councel , that by his own verdict , must consist of Prelates , and so then shal be Judges in their own cause . Therefore herein I must tell him plainly : that , first , for the Primitive Church , which was that of the Apostles , never any one of them was a Prelate or Diocesan Bishop , as we shall see more anon . Secondly , the next ages of the Church succeeding that of the Apostles , knew no such Lord Bishops , or Prelates , as are now adayes , with their Traines and Courts . And when they began to get Prelacies , old Hierome reprooved them ; and so did others . Thirdly , never any Generall Councel yet concluded , that Prelates were jure divino . Fourthly , For a Generall Councel now to be called for the determining of this controversie , which must consist onely of Prelates : I deny them to be competent Iudges in this Case . For by the Prelates own Confession * No man ought to be both party and Iudge in his own Cause . And again , the ‡ Prelate is too strict and Canonicall , in tying all men to the decision of a Generall Councel , and to yeeld obedience unto it , yea although it determine a matter erronious in the Faith . Now then if a Generall Councel of Prelates should determine , that Prelates are jure divino , although it be erronious , yet according to the Prelates Rule , all must yeeld obedience , and submit thereunto . And then we are gone , if we commit this matter to a Generall Councel . But we will passe by these , and come to some other of his passages for his Prelacy . He saith , ‡ I beleeve , Christ thought it fitter to governe the Church Aristocratically by Diverse , rather then by one Vice-Roy . A●d those Diverse , he makes to be Prelates , or Hierarchs , or rather Archprelates . Now except he verily beleeve that Prelates are the best men in the world , how can he beleeve , that Christ thought is fittest to governe his Church by them ? For Aristocracie is a Government of the best men . Aristoi , Optimi , and therefore called Optimates , most honourable for their vertues But are Prelates so ? Doth their extreme pride , ambition covetousnesse , voluptuousnesse , idlenesse , hatred and suppressing of Gods word , persecution of Gods Ministers , oppression of Gods people , even all that professe godlinesse , and extreme both injustice and cruelty without all Law or Conscience in Censuring poore innocent soules that come before them : doe these their vertues make them to be the best men for Christ to thinke the fittest , by whom to governe his Church ? unlesse in this respect Christ might thinke it fittest : that seeing he thought it fittest , to keep his true Church , his little sto●ke , alwayes under manifold tryalls of afflictions and persecutions , as being the exercises of all that will live godly in Christ Iesus , and the way , through which they must goe into the Kingdome of God : therefore for this very cause , he might thinke it fittest to suffer Satan to set up Anticr●ist in the Temple of God , with his Traine of Prelates , who should prove the most vengable Instruments of persecuting and oppressing Gods true children , of all other men in the world . And this I beleeve to be true . And againe , I beleeve this to be true also , that Christ thought it fittest to governe his true Church Aristocratically , that is , by the best men , because he hath so expressed himselfe in his word . Why ? Where ? and who be those best men ? Let my Lord Prelate have patience , and I will shew him a cleare ground of this my faith , such as he can never shew for his blind faith . Those best men , that Christ thought is fittest to governe his Church by : are the severall Ministerss rightly qualified , and lawfully placed over their Severall Congregations respectively . And they are called both Presbyteri , and Episcopi , Presbyters or Elders , and Overseers , or ( as Prelates falsely style themselves ) Bishops . But how are these o i aristoi , the best men ? Because Christ requires such to have the qualities of the best men . What be those ? First , such a Bishop , or Overseer must be blamelesse : the husband of one wife ( not therfore one tyed from Marriage , which is for Antichrists Priests ) vigilant , sober , of good behaviour given to hospitality apt to teach , not given to wine , no strik●r , not greedy of filthy l●●re : but patient , not a brawler , not covetous , &c. And in Titus : Not selfe-willed : not soon angry : a lover of good men● sober , just , holy , temperate , holding fast the faithfull word that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort , and to convince the gainesayers . Such therefore , as call themselves the onely Bishops , to exercise Lordship over many Ministers and Congregations , and are proud , heady , high minded , lovers of pleasures , more then lovers of God , cruell strikers with their High-Commission-weapons , soone angry ; and never appeased againe , not lovers , but persecuters of good men ; not such as hold fast the wholesome word , but suppresse it all they can , forbidding others to convince the gainesayers , as those of the Arminian party , and the like ; and cutting off the Eares of those Ministers , that should dare to reprove the Prelates notorious practises and attempts , in setting up a false , Idolatrous , and Anchristian Religion for Christs Religion , and such like : such ( I say ) how can the Prelate beleeve to be of those diverse , whom Christ thought it fittest to governe his Church by . Againe ; another passage of his , is this : * She ( the Church of England ) beleeves , That our Saviour Christ hath left in his Church , besides his Law-booke , the Scripture , visible Magistrates and Iudges , that is Arch-bishops , and Bishops , under a gracious King , to governe both for Truth and Peace according to the Scripture , and her owne Canons and Constitutions ; as also chose of the Catholick Church , which crosse not the Scripture , and the just Laws of the Realme . So the Prelate . In the next passage before , the Prelate makes profession of his own Faith concerning Christs thought for Prelaticall Government : and here he tells us what is the Faith of the Church of England about the same new Article of his beliefe●● And not unlikely it is ● that the Prelaticall Church of England is of the saine beliefe with her learned Champion , and great Metropolitan . But the faith both of the Prelate and his Church , in this point , is notoriously erronious , as both is proved before , and which the Prelates own words here will sufficiently convince of fashood . For first , Christ left none ( when he went into heaven ) but his Apostles and Disciples , such as he inspired with his Spirit , to instruct and governe his Church . But the Prelate a * little after confesseth , that one of these visible Iudges , Arch-bishops and Bishops , are infallible . Therfore Christ left no such Iudges ; and when he went into heaven , there were no Prelats extant , nor yet hatched ; and therfore Christ cannot be so much as thought ; much lesse beleeved , to have left any such visible Iudges , as the Prelate mentioneth . Secondly , it cannot be safe to beleeve , that Christ left any such to be visible Iudges in matters of faith and Religion , who are in their judgement not onely erronious , but in their affections malicious against Christ and his word , and his trile Church . For the universall and constant practise of Prelates ( and especially ever since Antichrist hath been exalted in his Throne ) in persecuting the Professors of the Gospell , doth proclaime them to be of the malignant Church , and of ‡ the bendwoman , that where of Babylon , whose ●eed doth persecute the true Church and Children of God : and therefore Christ would never appoint such to be visible Iudges in matters of Faith and Religion in his Church . Thirdly , the Prelate in making such visible Iudges besides Christs Law-booke , the Scripture ( as he saith ) doth hereby deny and exclude the Scripture from being the Sole Iudge in all matters of Faith and Religion . And the Church of England formerly before this her Metropolitan started up ) was of this beliefe , that the Scripture was the Sole Iudge and Rule of Faith , and admitted of no other Iudges to sit on the same Bench with it . This the many learned works of our English Divines , yet extant , can abundantly testifie . Therfore except the Church of England hath lost her wits , and hath no more grace left her , then the grace and faith of Canterbury : she cannot be so madde as to beleeve Christ left any such visible Iudges , as her Prelate speakes of . Fourthly , it can never be beleeved of any sensible man , much lesse of any even common Christian , that Christ would leave notorious hypocrites to be Iudges in matters of Religion , who under a faire pretence of Truth and Peace , doe labour utterly to destroy both Truth and Peace in his Church . As here , the Prelate names Truth and Peace , as the end of his Hierarchicall Government : but his practises doe prove him to be the greatest enemy both of Truth and Peace , that ever Sate in the Chaire of Canterbury . For first , for Truth ( as the Truth of the Doctrines of Grace , layd down in the Articles of Religion of the Church of England hath he not in the Declaracion before those 39 Articles ( but set forth in the Kings Name : for all must be , under a gracious King ) baffled it , making the Articles to speake nonsense , or in the language of the Delphick Oracle , ambiguous , that may be taken either way , as favouring the Arminian , aswell as the Orthodox ; so as by this meanes , his Arminian Crew may prove their Heresies out of those Articles , aswell as the Orthodox , can the Truth . Is this visible Iudge then for Truth ? Againe , how doth he suppresse all preaching of the Doctrines of Grace , by terrifying Ministers in all the Visitations of these visible Iudges ? So cleare it is , that he governes for Truth . Secondly , for Peace . What Peace , I pray you , hath either the Church , or State of England had , since this Polypragmatick began to stirre and stickle both in Church and State ? Nay what Peace hath the Neighbour-Kingdome had , since his Arme hath been imped out , to put his hot coale under the Eves of that Church also . So as now , when Scotland burneth , is 't not time for England to looke out , and to cast on water , and to quench the fire , not with more fire , to consume all , but by quenching the coale , that both first kindled , and still fomenteth the flame ? Thus we see what a Governour here is under a Gratious King , For Truth and Peace . But , fiftly , he addeth , According to the Scripture . This is something . And yet as good as nothing : for he immediately annexeth , And her own Canons and Constitutions Canons , enough to batter the Scripture : and Constitutions to undermine and blow it up . For what Scripture can stand in any force , where his Canons come ? And much more , where these Canons of his Church of England are seconded by his Catholike Church : Wherein his Church of England , and that of Rome , are become ( according to his * own words ) one and the Same Church , of one and the Same Faith and Religion . And thus indeed , the Church of England may enter Common with Rome in her Canons , as namely in her Canon Law , and so make Corpus Cononicum the Rule whereby to governe this new Corporation of the Two Churches now become one againe . So as let but the Canons of the Church of England be seconded with those of her Prelates Catholicke Church , and then all Scripture is gone in Common Law . So vaine is it , that with Scripture he names and yoakes his Canons of England and Rome , by which his Figures of value , he conjures the Scripture within the circle of a meere Cypher But , Sixtly , he concludes with this qualification : which crosse not the Scripture , and the just Laws of the Realme . But first , for the Scripture , who shal be Judge whether the Canons doe crosse it ? Who but the Canon-makers , and Canon-masters , the Prelates ? And will they trow you turne the mouth of their own Canons against themselves ? Nay their Canons , though never so crosse to Scripture , yet are like to Darius his Decree , which though against the Scripture , yet rather then it shal be broken , Daniel must to the Lions denne , to try whether the Lions , or the Kings Decree be more cruell . So the Prelates Church Catholick Canons are like the Laws of the Medes and Persians , all the Daniels in the world shall rather to the Lions denne , then the Canons be reversed . To give but one instance for many : That Canon De Haeretibus comburendis , Of Burning the Hereticks ( which is one of those speciall Canons of his Catholick Church , and a most damnable Canon , as any in all the packe , and such , as if Christ and his Apostles were now upon the earth , and did Preach as once they did , they should by vertue of that Canon be brought to the Stake , as Christ was by the High Priests * Law to his Crosse ) that Canon ( I say ) though it crosse the Scripture ( as being against all true Chistians , whom this Canon calls Hereticks , and burnes for the Scripture-sake ) yet shall it not be for ever in force , so long as there is one Hereticke remaining upon the face of the earth , and one Pope , or Prelate to discharge the Canon ? But the Prelate addes , And the just Laws of the Realme : If the said Canons crosse not the just Laws of the Realme . This is as good , as the former , and no better . For what Laws of the Realme doth he account just ? Those , that crosse any Prelaticall practises , and Antichristian lawlesse courses of his Spirituall Courts ? Surely those are not to be ranked among the just Laws of the Realme those must needs be unjust Laws , which are made to restraine ; the Infolencie and Lawlesse proceedings of Prelaticall Courts . Which is the reason , that now of late , under this Archprelate , Prohibitions out of the Kings bench to the High-Commission are so gueason , so well Schooled are both Lawyers to move , and Judges to grant any such thing . Thus the Prelates practises are a sufficient Commentary of his owne words . So as the Summe of this his whole passage is , That his Church of England must submit her beliefe to her Arch Bishops and Bishops , as visible Iudges left by Christ to governe , and to determine all matters of difference in point of Faith and Religion , and that according to Scripture too , so farre as they crosse not her own Canons , and those of the Catholicke Church , wherein England and Rome are one and the Same , one Church , of one Faith , of one Religion . And all this ( if we may beleeve her Metropolitan ) the Church of England beleeves . O miserable Church ! CHAP. IIII. Wherein some other Passages of the Prelate in his Booke , touching the Authority of his Hierarchie , are met withall , and confuted by evidence of Scripture . IN his * Epistle Dedicatory he hath these words : She the Church of England ) practises Church-Government , as it hath been in use in all Ages , and all Places , where the Church of Christ hath taken any rooting , both in , and ever since the Apostles times ; and yet the Seperatist condemnes her for Antichristianisme in her Discipline . So he . A bold Speech , and the more bold , because most false , and hath nothing but his bare Ipse dixit , his naked affirmation , as Authority sufficient . Whence I note sundry particulars . First that he calleth the Hierarchie , or Ecclesiasticall Government therof , the Church of England . A thing familiar with Prelates to make themselves the Church . And such a Church as that of Rome , the Pope and his Priests , or Prelates , are the Church , as themselves affirme . Whereas indeed ( as Iunius hath well distinguished ) ● they are not the Body it selfe of the Church , but ●●ennes , or swellings grown up , and so incorporated into the Body , as overspreading it like a Leprosie , it assumes the denomination of the Body . And such are Prelates , who in the Church of England are Strumae great swellings like the Kings Evill , which are commonly next the Head , or about the necke , in the most principall parts of the Body . Onely in this they will not be called the Kings Evill , because they claime their Originall from Christ ( as before is noted ) and therfore though they be but certaine Abscessus , or Apostemes ( and so indeed Apostat●s from the true Church of Christ ) which not onely deforme the Body , but greatly in danger the life thereof , yet the name of Church they challenge in peculiar to themselves . But surely the true Church of Christ in England disclaimes communion with such a false Church , as the Hierarchie calls it selfe . Secondly , he saith that his Church , or Prelaticall Government hath been in all Times and Places , where the Church of Christ hath taken any rooting . Here he finely excludes all the Protestant Reformed Churches , as no Churches of Christ , because they have weeded out those . * bittet roots , whereby many are defiled , and rooted up those plants , ‡ which our heavenly Father hath not planted , to wit ; all Prelates with their Hierar●hicall Government , which being rooted out of those Churches , the Gospell ( blessed be God ) and so the true Church of Christ hath taken the deeper and firmer rooting , and brought forth the more abundant ‡ fruits of holin●sse . But the Prelate in thus unchurching all true Reformists , is as good as his word , which he openly spake at Dr. Bastwicks Censure , in High-Commission , saying , The Protestant Churches beyond the Seas were no Churches , as having no Bishops , calling Calvin a plaine Rascall . But so long as those Churches have the true Bishops namely Orthodox and Sound Pastors to feed their severall ●locks , it is not the Arch-prelate , that can so easily degrade them from being Christs true Churches , as he can deprive those Ministers both of Ministry and Meanes , who are obnoxious to his Church-Go●ernment . Thirdly , where he saith , that his Church-Government hath been in use in all Ages , and in all Places , where the Church of Christ hath taken any rooting , both In , and ever since the Apostles times : although this be most false , yet were it true , it would not therupon follow , that this his Church-Government is either Apostolicall , or jure divino , or from Christ . For first , every thing that hath been in use in the Apostles times , and in the true Church of Christ , is not therfore Apostolicke , or such , as the true Church of Christ alloweth of . For we read , that the Mistery of Iniquity began to worke in the Apostles times , and even then there were § many Antichrists , and that in the very midst of the Church in those dayes . † And if Prelates shall prove to be those Antichrists , which the Apostles detected , and described by their qualities ( as will appeare anon● ) then because such Antichrists were extant , and their Church-Government in use in the Apostles times , will the Prelate therfore conclude , such were Apostolicke , and had their Originall jure divino ? Secondly , neither can the Prelate ever prove , that his Prelaticall Government ( as now of later , and of long time it hath been ) is any thing like to the Church-Government exercised by those , who took upon them to be the first Diocesan , or Provinciall Bishops in those ages succeeding the Apostles . He that shall read the Centuries ; Cat●lagus Testiun● veritatis , and other true Church Stories , shall find as vast a difference between those poore ancient Bishops , both in their manner of life , and Church-Government , and the moderne Prelotes , since Antichrist mounted aloft in his Pontificalibus : as the * Poet makes between the Silver Age , and the Iron Age : or as the ‡ Prophet shews between the brazen brest of the Image of the Babylonish Empire , and the feet mixt of iron and clay . And that Image may well resemble the State of the Spirituall Babylon , or Hierarchy , which had its rise of simple and small beginnings , but by degrees Successively , it grew and got strength , and both height and bredth , and so became at length of a blind Brooke , a goodly navigable River , so as the Church turned a City of Traffique and Trade in all worldly pleasures and riches ( as Babylon is described Revel. 18. ) and so the more worldly it grew , the more wicked , proud , tyrannicall , lordly , and imperious , and of a Militant Church turned Triumphant as the Prelate himselfe saith of Rome so as now the Church Government of the Prelates in regard of their great Courts , and Consistories , and doing all things without the Presbytery● is as much unlike that ancient Church-Government of those Bishops of old , as our moderne Prelates themselves are unlike them in manner of life ; for these are persecuters of the Gospel : those were persecuted , and suffered Martyrdome for Christ . Thus it is false , that he saith , that the Church-Government now in England was in us● in the Primitive Church . For to instance in one thing : In those ancient Times Excommunication was not used for every trifle , nor done in a blind Court , nor denounced by a dumb Priest . But enough of this . Fourthly , whereas he saith : And yet the Seperatist condemnes her for Antichristianisme in her Discipline . First , as for the Seperatist ( as he calls him ) I thinke the Prelate with this his Book , and other his Prelaticall practises hath made more Separatists from his Prelaticall Church of England , then ever any that hath sit in the Chaire of Canterbury ever since his Predecessor Augustine first sate in it . Nor doe I see , how any Christian living in England can with a safe Conscience have communion with that Church , which professeth ( as the Prelate doth in her Name ) to be one and the Same Church with Rome , of one and the Same Faith and Religion . Yea were it no more , but that the Church of England professeth to be a Hierarchicall or Prelaticall Church , which in that very respect is no true Church of Christ , it were argument and cause sufficient to Seperate from her . And that because , Secondly , he that is a true Seperatist from her , for the former respects , may justly condemne her for Antichristianisme in her Discipline , For first , She exerciseth , She professeth no other Discipline , but that which Antichrist , the Pope and the whole Antichristian Romish Church exerciseth and professeth , and that in all points Cap a pied , from top to toe . And this her Discipline is Antichristian , as being of Antichrist , and so against Christ , and exercised in the maintenance of Antichrist . For instance : The Prelaticall Church of England hath lately found out a Discipline , to censure , punish , imprison , fine , excommunicate , degrade deprive , and all these together , him that shall dare to deny the Pope and Prelates to be jure divino . Dr. Bastwicke did thus : and so the High-Commission served him , as aforesaid . What Discipline then in the world can be more Antichirstian , or more forcible to drive Christians from having any more communion with that Church ; which exercising such an Antichristian Discipline , how can She shift off the just condemnation of Antichristianisme , which they shall cast upon her ? Againe , Secondly , the whole Discipline of the Church of England , as it is the Discipline , which Antichrist and his Church exerciseth , and therfore Antichristian : So it is that , which hath no footing , but is expresly forbidden in the word of God , as Antichristian and Tyrannicall . For the Church of Englands Discipline stands most upon the imposition of sundry Ceremonies of humane invention , and Antichristian observation , which She presseth upon all mens Consciences , and for default of Conformity , layes grievous Censures upon them , as Excommunication , and the like . Now all such Ceremonies , so imposed , both Christ himselfe condemneth , * In vaine they worship me , teaching for Doctrines the Commandements of men : and the Apostle also throughout that whole Chapter of the Epistle to the Collossians doth charge Christians not to put their necks under any such yoake , as whereby they are deprived of the benefit of Christs death , and beguiled of their reward , and spoyled of their Christian liberty , and the like . Againe , the Prelates in imposing their Ceremonies are Antichristian , because in so doing , they usurpe Christs throne , and therein fitting , doe exercise a Tyranny over mens Consciences , intolerable to be borne ; which if men will not yeeld unto , they doe in as much as in them lyeth , make them Anathemaes , shut them out of the Church , by Excommunication , &c. And lastly , their Excommunication , not onely in regard of the matter and cause , for which it is , namely , because men will not renounce Christs service , to take the Tyrannicall yoake of Antichrists Ceremonies upon the shoulders of their Consciences , but for the very manner of it , as it is used in the Church of England , is a Discipline Antichristian , as being against that form of Excommunication , which is prescribed in the word of God , and was practised in the Apostolicall Churches . It was Christs rule , Tell it to the Church , that is , to the Congregation ; and if the Offender will not heare the Congregation , he is Excommunicate by and out of the Congregation . And the Apostles rule is , for such Offenders as deserve Excommunication : * I verily ( saith he ) as absent in body , but present in Spirit , have judged already , as though I were present , concerning him , that hath so done this deed : In the Name of our Lord Iesus Christ , when ye are gathered together , and my Spirit , with the power of our Lord Iesus Christ , to deliver such a one unto Satan , for the destruction of the flesh , that the Spirit may be saved in the day of our Lord Iesus Christ . Whence I note , that Excommunication is a Solemne businesse , not to be inflicted for every trifling matter , much lesse as the Pharisees did , who excommunicated all those , that confessed Christ ; nor to be done in a blind Court , and by a single soled Priest , nor the Offender to be released for the payment of his fees , or by way of committing , or the like : all which are practised in the Discipline of the Church of England . But Excommunication must not be , but for a great offence ; nor done , but by the whole Congregation , nor released , but upon the publique repentance , confession , and promise of reformation before the said Congregation , where the offence was given , and by whom the penalty is taken off . Therfore the Discipline of the Church of England in this case is wholly Antichristian . Lastly , forasmuch as Prelates doe necessarily draw after them a Traine of Ceremonies , as a Chaine of so many links , wherwith they captivate , ensnare , and enslave the Consciences of men ( as their Motto is , No Ceremonie , no Bishop : for they goe inseperably together , like Tobie , and his Dogge ) and the Church of England in her Discipline , and Church-Service , is wholly captivated by the Masters of such Ceremonies , the Prelates : and some Ceremonies are such , as even doe deny the Lord that bought them , as namely , Altars , and their Service : and all the Ceremonies imposed upon the Conscience , deny Christ to be the onely King of his Church : all these taken together , what between the Prelates , and between their Ceremonies , the Church of England , and her Discipline is become Antichristian ; and therfore no marvail , if for this cause , good Christians , that have knowledge , and make Conscience , doe Seperate from communion with any such Church . CHAP. V. Wherein some other Passages of the Prelate are taken tripping , though he would run away with it , That his Hierarchie is Jure Divino . HE saith , * For the Calling and Authority of Bishops over the inferiour Clergie , that was a thing of known use , and benefit for preservation of unity and Peace in the Church . And so much St. Jerome tells us . Though being none himselfe , he was no great friend to Bishops . And this was so sei●ed in the minds of men from the very Infancy of the Christian Church , as that it had not been to that time contradicted by any . So that then there was no Controversie about the Calling . The difficulty , was to accommodate their Precedencies● And the ‡ Ordine Primus ( whereof there was a necessity ) falling to the Roman Prelate , by reason of the Imperiall Seat , this was the very fountaine of Papall Greatnesse , the Pope having his Residence in the Imperiall City . So he . Now for Answere hereunto : First , for the Authority of Bishops or Prelats over the Inferiour Clergie ( as he calls it ) first he must prove their Calling , before he can make good their Authority . Now Prelates have no such Calling from God . And the Apostle saith , ‡ No man taketh this honour unto himselfe , but he that is called of God as Aaron . So Christ glorified not himselfe , to be made an High Priest : but he that said unto him , Thou art my Son , to day have I begotten thee : Thou art a Priest for ever after the Order of Melchisedec . But that the Prelates have no such Calling from God , the Prelate himselfe ( as before is noted ) doth as good as confesse , saying , § Among Bishops there was effectuall Subjection respectively grounded upon Canon , and Posuive Law in their Severall Quarters Ergo this was not jure divino . And if not , where is their Authority then ? And therfore , as the Prelate saith of the Popes Supremacy , in being the Sole Living Iudge in and over the universall Church . † Neither ( saith he ) hath he power from Christ over the whole Church to doe it ; nay out of all doubt , 't is not the least Reason , why De Facto he hath so little Successe , because De Jure he hath no Power given : So I may say as truly of all Prelates ( who challenge to be the living visible Iudges ( as before is shewed ) which is one maine part of their usurped Authority over the Ministry ) that they have no such Power from Christ over their severall Diocese , Provinces , or Quarters to doe it ; nay out of all doubt 't is not the least Reason , why De Facto they have so little Successe , because De Jure they have no Power given . According to that in the Prophet . * Behold ( saith the Lord ) I am against the Prophets , that steale my word every one from his Neighbour . Behold I am against the Prophets , saith the Lord , that use their tongues , and say , He Saith . Behold I am against them that prophecie false dreames , saith the Lord , and doe tell them , and cause my people to erre by their lyes , and by their lightnesse , yet I sent them not , nor commanded them therefore they shall not profit this people at all , saith the Lord . And this : is the very case of the Prelates ; they are faise Prophets , they steale Gods word from the people of God , and instead thereof use their own word , prophecying false dreames , saying , The Lord saith , the Lord hath sent us , we have our Calling and Authority from God over all Ministers , we are the sole living visible Iudges in matters of Faith and Religion , so as all must rest in our Iudgement , according to our own Canons and Constitutions , &c. thus causing simple people to erre by their lyes , and by their lightnesse : yet the Lord hath not sent them , nor commanded them , they have no Calling , and so no Power and Authority from God : and therfore the Lord is against these false Prophets : and because he hath not commanded them , nor sent them , therfore they shall not profit the people at all . But Secondly , the Prelate saith , that his Prelaticall Iurisdiction over the inferiour Clergie , was a thing of known use and benefit for preservation of unity and Peace in the Church . Now first , for his Inferiour Clergie . Clergie being appropriated to the Ministry is an abusive Monopoly , and usurpation ; for all Gods people redeemed by Christ , are his kleros , his Lot , or ●nheritance , whereof the word Clergie is derived . As Peter saith , writing to the Presbyters , ‡ Not as Lording over t●n kleron , Gods heritage , but as ensamples to the flocke . So that the flocke of God , are his kleros , his heritage . But to passe over this : Secondly , he tells us of an Inferiour Clergie : he meanes his Priests , and the rest , as Archdeacons , and so forth , to the number of 7 Orders , as they call them . A rabble of Orders not unsutable to the Subjects of a Lord Prelate , as being all of them of humane devise and institution ; of which their Hierarc●ie is made up ; another word of mans invention , which some call rather ‡ Hierodoulia ; but what holy Orders Christ hath left in his Church , we shall see anon . Thirdly , this was ( saith he ) a thing of known use and benefit . Of the known use we have formerly spoken . But now , what 's the benefit ? Namely , for the preservation of unity and peace in the Church . How proves he this ? From S. Ierome , who said , That one was chosen over the rest in Sckismatis remedium , to remedy Schisme in the Church . But by the way , these very words of Ierome doe argue , that Prelates were of humane Institution : for unus electus est , one was chosen , I ●rgo of men . But lerome speaks more expresly , which the Prelate wisely passeth over dry foot , where he saith , that Prelacy was set up humana praesumptione , non Institutione Divina , by humane Presumption , and not by Divine Institution . Well : but had it that successe , the Prelate speaks of ? Did it produce the fruitfull benefit of unity and Pea●e ? Or what unity ? Or what peace ? Indeed we find by wofull proof , that this Hierarchy was the very egge , of which the Cockatrice , Antichrist was hatched , so as the Hierarchy consisting of so many Prelates , grew at length co●lescere , to grow together into one Antichrists ●n body , whereof the Ordine Primus came to be the head . And herein unity and Peace are so conjoyned , as they have made up one intire new Catholicke Church , that , whereof the Prelate professeth himselfe , with the Church of England , and of Rome , and all other Prelaticall Churches in the world , ( all other not Prelaticall , as the Reformed Protestants beyond the Seas , excluded , as before is noted ) to be , in all which this his Catholick Church ( as * elswhere he saith , hath its existence . Which Prelaticall Catholicke Church is the ver●head and body of Antichrist . Even as the Prelate tells us , that the Ordine Primus , the Roman Prelate having his Throne in Rome . This ( saith he ) was the very fountaine of Papall Greatnesse : So I may say , The Prelacie , or Hierarchie was the very fountaine● , when●e hath issued the maine Ocean of th●se ‡ many waters over which the Whore sitteth , which though it be distinguished into many severall Seas of so many Prelates , yes all make up but one Maine Sea ( as it were ) one Catholicke Church . And this is that unity and Peace , the benefit of both the constitution , and preservation whereof is to be ascribed to the Hierarchy of Prelates over their inferiour Clergy . Thirdly where he saith , Though S. Jerome , being no Prelate himselfe , he was no gre●t friend to Bishops . Hence I note onely the conceit of the Prelate , that he thinks none can speake against Prelates , but such as are none themselves , as if it were onely a matter of envie . But as the Poet said , Dic mibi , si fi●l tis L●● , qualis eris● Tell me , if thou thy selfe wert a Lion , what manner of man wouldst thou be ? So the Prelate imagines , that if any of those , that speake against the Authority of Prelates , were themselves Lions that is , Lord Prelates , they would be of another mind , they would then say , We Prelates have Authority over all Inferiour Priests , Jure Divino ; we are the Sole visible living Iudges to determine and resolve all doubts in matters of Faith and Religion ; we are the Sole Masters of Ceremonies , to bind all men to Canonicall obedience to all our Canons and Constitutions : we enjoy honours , pleasures , riches , ease , delights of the world , favours in Court , and what not ? Thus the Prelate thinks all men would be of his mind , were they in his Place . And I thinke so too , thus farre , that they who take upon them the Prelacy , they no sooner sit in that Chaire , but it proves a Chaire of Pestilence unto them , infecting and corrupting mans very reason and judgement so farre , as to make him beleeve all is gold that glistereth . Onely few come to that Chaire , but such as are selfe-infected with their own imbred Plagues , as pride , Ambition , Covetousnesse , and that in a high Degree . So as King Iames being once asked , why he had made so many Bishops , in Scotland , and not one honest man amongst them all : he replyed , saying , By his Saule there was never an Honest Man wad tack a Bishopricke . And Histories tell us of many holy men , that utterly refused Bishopricks , And there is never a true Reformed Protestant Minister , but hates a Bishoprick , as he doth the Throne of the Beast . But Fourthly ( saith the Prelate ) This ( to wit Anthority of Bishops ) was so settled in the minds of men from the very Infancy of the Christian Church , as that it had not been to that time ( in the 4th Age or Century ) contradicted by any . No doubt but such a brave and bonny thing , as a Prelacy ; would find Grace enough in the world , and quickly sink down , and settle in mens minds and affections . But what 's this to the purpose , as to prove it a Calling from God● But this was ( saith he ) from the very Infancy of the Christian Church . Surely the Prelacy , in the very Infancy of the Christian Church , either had no being at all i●rerum natura , or was but a misshapen Embrio , or infant in the Mothers belly , as Es●● was at the same time in his Mothers belly with Isaac , yea and would have claimed the blessing of the birth-right too from Isaac , because of his antiquity . And did not this young Babe wrastle with 〈◊〉 in the wombe , when the Apostle saith , The Mystery of iniquity doth already works , and this young Prelate wanted but time and opportunity to grow up to be a Nimrod , even the great Antichrist , as we shall see further anon . So as to plead Antiquity of the Prelacy even from the very Infancy of the Christian Church , is yet no good Argument to confirme their Authority to be jure divino . For even Satans Kingdome had existence in the world , before Christ was Promised . And the Kingdome of heaven , to wit of 〈◊〉 here , is described to be such as no sooner was the wheat of the Gospell sowne , but that wicked one had his Supersemination of Tares of manifold ●rrors , such as sprung up even in the Apostles times , the very Infancy of the Church . But had not been till that time which the Prelate speakes of ) contradicted by any . That I must now contradict . For first ( as before is shewed ) Christ forbad it upon the first motion of it . Secondly , the Apostles of which we shall speake by and by ) mightily contradicted it , and cryed it down , as being that monstrous mystery of Iniquity . And thirdly , it was contradicted by sundry ; as by 〈◊〉 . But you will presently say , that Epiphanius ranks him ( even for that very opinion only , that he held Prelates not to be de jure divino , or that the Degree of a Bishop was no greater , then that of a Priest ) in the Catalogue of Hereticks . And so am I also content , upon the same termes , to be by the Prelates , counted for an Hereticke . But Secondly , himselfe confesseth S. Ierome to have contradicted their Authority ; as we noted before ; saying , that their Institution was meerly of humane Presumption . Yea and thirdly Augustine ( that Famous light ) was of the same mind with Ierome : So as some of the Learned in the * Councel of Trent alledged both of them in this point . So that contradicted it was , and had been , and that by many , and some of them ( as Christ and his Apostles ) of Divine and Infallible Authority . So as without all Controversie , Prelaticall Authority over other Ministers is no Calling of God at all ; which we now come more fully to shew , by the Testimony of the Apostles , both in their Doctrine and Practise . CHAP. VI . Wherein is shewed , that according to the Scripture , Preshyters and Bishops are all one , without difference , so as he which is a Presbyter , is called Episcopus , a Bishop , and a Bishop a Presbyter . THe first place of Scripture that proves this , is in Acts 20. where the Apostles called together the Presbyters , or Elders of the Church of Ephesus , as ver. 17. which Elders , or Presbyters in v. 28. he calls Episcopus , saying , Take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the Flocke , over the which the Holy Gh●st hath made you Episcopous , ( that is , Overseers , as our English renders the word , or ) Bishops , to feed the Church of God , which he hath purchased with his own blood . From which words it is manifest , First , that Presbyters and Bishops are all one and the same Order , Calling and Office . Secondly , that in the Church of Ephesus there were many Bishops , or Presbyters . Thirdly , that they had their Calling from the Holy Ghost . Fourthly , that their Office was to feed the Flock of God , over the which the Holy Ghost had made them Overseers . And for this Cause such are called elsewhere * Pastors , and Teachers , right Shepheards indeed , that feed the Flocke of God . Now will our Prelates say , First , that they are those Episcopi ? What more contrary to their Canons , and practise : For First , they doe not allow , that every Presbyter be called a Bishop , nor to be of the same Order , Calling , and Office . For they say , that the Order , Calling , and Office of a Bishop or Prelate is distinct and different from that of the Presbytery . Secondly , the Prelates have an old Canon , that there must be but one Bishop in one City , or Diocese . But here we see the Church of Ephesus , that one City had many Bishops in it , even as many as there were Presbyters . Thirdly , our Prelates can never prove their Authority and Office to be from the Holy Ghost either from any inward calling , or outward . Not from an inward calling , because , first , it is not any zeale of Gods glory , or desire to win soules to God , but it is the strong bias of ambition and covetousnesse , pride , and vaine glory , and love of the world , that draws them to a Bishopricke . Nor Secondly , is it an outward calling from men . For as in respect of God , they have run ; afore they be sent : So in respect of Man , they come before they be called . Yea they provide and prepare a long time before for such a Purchase . For they heap up by hook or crock 3 or 4 Fat Livings , they seldome Preach at any of them , nor keep Residence , or Hospitality , but hoord up full Bagges , Sculke at the Court , ●gratiate themselves with those in greatest Grace , and when the Chaire is voyd , they bring out their Bagges , and so they ar the onely qualified men for such a Dignity . They are well known to be no Puritans . So as neither according to their own ancient Canons ( which were framed according to the practise held in the Apostles dayes , when the People had a voyce in the election of their Pastors ) have the Prelates an outward calling to their dignities . For instance ; when Mr. Moutague was to be installed ( or I wot not what they call it ) in Bow Church , and the Tipstaffe ( according to the Ancient custome in that Case ) with his Mace proclaimes open liberty for any , that can come and except against the worthinesse of that Man ; one stood forth , and made his exception ; which though it was both legall , and very materiall , yet he was borne down , and the matter never came to tryall , but was carryed with a strong hand for the new Prelate . Thus ( I say ) they have no lawfull , nor truly formall , or yet Canonicall outward Calling . Yea , besides that they are notorious Simonists , either purchasing that dignity with a great Summe of money , or procuring it , obsequio , by obsequiousnesse , or Court-Service , and attendance , or by a wager , or the like ( all which are branches of Simonie they doe also play the egregious hypocrites . For when the Question is asked them , Vis Episcopare , Wilt thou be a Bishop ? he answers , Nolo , No forsooth . And this is done three times . A meere mock-holiday . For if the wretch were taken at his word , he were undone . Fourthly , neither doe our Prelates affect the Bishopricke for that end , that those Bishops of the Church of Ephesus were exhorted unto by the Apostle : namely , to feed the Fock of God . Yea , besides that their ayme and desire is not for the Office and worke of a true Bishop ( as the Apostle saith , * He that desireth the Office of a Bishop , desireth a worthy worke ) which is principally to feed the Flocke of God , as also ‡ Peter exhorteth ; for they look not to the duty , but after the dignity , as Chrysostome and ‡ Bernard have noted of old . Thou seest ( saith Bernard ) all Ecclesiasticall zeale to boyle and pant aft●r their Dignities onely , &c. as we noted before : besides this , I say , it is a thing impossible for them to feed the Flocke of God . For some of them have foure or five hundred Flocks within their Diocese , some more● some lesse , which they never once in all their life bestow one fothering upon ; onely the Prelate in his Trienniall Visitation , that is once in 3. yeares , visites perhaps halfe a dozen Churches , where he comes not to feed the Flock● with one Scrap of a Sermon , but to fill his pouch with his poore Ministers double Procurations , and his paunch with their good Cheere . But our Prelates will answere ( as our Non-residents doe in that case ) that though themselves doe not feed the Flocke , yet their Curates do● it for them . For ( say our Prelates , and that according to their Collect for Bishops and Curates ) all the Ministers in their severall Diocese are their Curates , to feed so many Flocks . Thus by this reckoning , the Prelates are the most egregious Non-residents , of all other . And thus we see , how not onely unlike , but directly contrary all Prelates are to those Bishops of the Church of Ephesus , and that in all and every of those particular and remarkable respects forespecified out of the Apostles own words . And therfore by that place of Scripture , Prelates , though they have usurped most unjustly the Title of Bishops , yet they have nothing in them of true Bishops indeed , and therfore are never able to prove , that they are Bishops jure divino . For they which are Bishops jure divino , are lawfull Pastors set over their particular Flocke , to feed the same with the wholesome food of the word : but Prelates call themselves Diocesan Bishops , having so many Flocks , as they neither doe , nor ever are able , nor ever intend to feed them . Nay instead of feeding them , they restraine and inhibit all Ministers to feed their Flocke at all in the Afternoone on the Lords dayes , nor at any time to feed them with sound and wholsome , and comfortable f●od of the Doctrines of Grace , and Gods free love to his Elect in giving Christ for them , effectually to Redeeme them , and certainly to bring them to that eternall glory in heaven , which God from all Eternity had Predestinated them unto . So as without this sound preaching of Grace no Flock can be Savingly fedde . Prelates therefore are Wolves to destroy , not Shepheards to feed the Flocke of Christ . A Second place of Scripture , proveing a Presbyter and a Bishop to be all one , in Order , Calling and Office , is in Tit. 1. 5. &c. For this Cause ( saith the Apostle to Titus ) I left thee in Creete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine Elders in every City , as I had appointed thee . If any be blamelesse , &c. For a Bishop must be bl●melesse , as the Steward of God ; not Selfe-willed● &c. Here againe we plainly see , that those , who are the Presbyters , or Pastors set over the Flock of God , are here called Bishops by the Apostle . Whence in is evident that in the Infancy of the Christian Church , in the time of the Apostles themselves , and that by Order from Christ , and from the Holy Ghost , all Presbyters , or true Pastors of several●Congregations ( as aforesaid ) were called Bishops , or Overseers , as the Greek word signifieth . And this was k●ta po●n , in every City , and Towne in Creete , especially where there was a Congregation of Christians , Titus was appointed by the Apostle to ordaine such Elders or Bishops , And in Centuries we read , ●ow in some Countries , there was never a Towne , or Village , but it had a Bishop in it , which Bishop was the Pastor there . And the severall qualities required in those Presbyters or Bishops are in the same Chapter set down by the Apostle , which because we touched before upon occasion , I will not here insist upon . But those qualities are such , as our Prelates willingly leave to those poore Presbyters or Bishops , as most sutable for those Apostolick Times and Persons , Content they are to take the Name of Bishop upon them , but for the qualities there required , they are not Prelaticall enough , such as will ●uit with a Lord-Bishop . For those were poore Bishops , or Overseers , and Feeders of one Flocke in this or that City : but these are Lord-bishops over a whole Di●●●se , as before is noted . To these places , we might adde others ; as Phil. 1. 1. With the Bishops and Deacons . Where the Apostle , nameing no more Orders , but of Bishops and Deacons● ( the same which he nameth and describeth in the forecited places , 1 Tim. 3. and Tit. 1. ) makes it cleare unto us , that by those Pishops in Philippi he meanes the same in kind , that were in Ephesus , and Creete , to wit , so many Presbyters , as were also called Bishops , or Overseers . And naming Bishops . which were at Philippi , it argues , there were many Bishops of that one Church , as we noted before of the Church of Ephesus . And in other places also , they are called Elders . For 1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule will , be counted worthy of double honour , mali●ta o● kopiontes , especially th●se , that take greatest paines in the Word and Doctrine . Now those Elders ( Chap. 3. ) he calls Bishops . Implying they are both o●e , as also , that there were many of those Bishops in the Church of Ephesus , where Timethy then was . And those Presbyters or Bishops , some were more industrious in the word and Doctrine , did kopian , labour more hard therein ( as the word signifieth ) then ordinary : and therefore such the Apostle would have to be counted worthy of double honour . Now is it thus with our Lord-Bishops ? First , do they kopian , ●oyle hard at Gods Plough ( to use La●imers Comparison ) do they desire no more honour , but such as is proportionable to their paines in Preaching Gods word ? Tussi , their honour is according to the honour of the City whereof they are Lord-Bishops ( as the Prelate himselfe ‡ tells us , The Honours of the Church should follow the Honours of the State ) or according to the greatnesse of their reven●●s , or according to their great favour and place in Kings Courts , and not according to their yeares , or vertues , or good deserts , which are neither required in them , nor respected of them . Thus still all along quantum abludunt , how much distance is there , and what infinit disparity between our Lord Bishops , and Scripture-bishops ? And lastly , these Bishops , so called by Paul , are called also by Peter Praesbyteri , Presbyters , or Elders : where he saith , ‡ The Elders which are among you , I exhort , who am also an Elder , and a witnesse of the sufferings of Christ , and a partaker of the glory that shal be reveald : Feed the Flocke of God , which is among you , taking the oversight thereof ( Episcopountes ) not by constra●nt , but willingly : not for filthy luore , but of a ready mind : neither as being Lords over Gods Heritage , but being Ensamples to the Flocke . And when the chiefe Shepheard shall appeare , ye shall receive a Crown that fadeth not away . Where First , he notes the Ministers and Pastors by the Title of Presbyters , or Elders , as also he stiles himselfe . He saith not My Lords , or Right Reverend Fathers , or the like . Secondly , he useth no imperious language unto them , but saith , parakalo , I exhort , or beseech you . Not as the Prelates to their Priests . These are to will and require you , upon pai●●e of Episcopall Censure , &c. Thirdly , the thing he exhorts them unto , is to ●eed the flocke of God committed to their Charge . But our Lord-Prelates command their inferiour Ministers to feed their flocke , as sparingly as may be , as , at the most to preach but once upon the Lords day , or once a moneth will serve , and for Catechising in the afternoone , altogether to forbeare expounding , and for the sound food of the Doctrins of Gods free Grace , which is the very Summe of the Gosp●l , never to preach of them at all , as being too Puritanicall , and the like . Fourthly , He exhorts them to feed , each his own Flocke , Feed the Flocke of God , which dependeth on you . He saith not Flocks , as if one Presbyter or Bishop were set over many Flocks or Congregations as our Lord Bishops are ; as is noted before . Fiftly , he exhorts them to oversee their Flock● , not for filthy lucre , but of a free and ready mind . But our Lord Prelates , and their Curate Priests are of another mind , as being hirelings , and noe true Shepheards , so as it is with them , No penny , no Pater noster ; they looke more to their tithes , then to their taske , and more after the sleece , then for the good of the flocke . Sixtly , Not as Lords over Gods Heritage ; yea Mud ' o●s katakurie●ontes , nor as Lording it ever Gods Heritage . The same word is used in Mat. 20. 25. Mark . 10. 42. Where such Heathen-like Lording , is by Christ himselfe forbidden his Disciples , as * before is she●ed . But the Pontificians , and so our Lordly Prelates say , that this word katakurieuein signifieth onely a tyrannicall Lordship , which they doe not use . I answere , that in Luke kurieu●in , to Lord it at all , is forbidden . And being put for katakurieuin , it noteth , that all manner of Lordship over the Flocke of God is forbidden to Christs true Ministers . Nor can the Prelates ( whether Pontifician , or Protestant in Name ) so easily cleare their Lordly Dominion over Gods people from Tyranny . For even our great Prelate himselfe sticks not to charge the Church of Rome with ‡ Tyranny . And can he discharge himselfe of it ? Wherein comes the Primate of the Church of England short of the Papall Tyranny , but in this , that the Pope tyrannizeth over the universall Church of the great world , and the Metropolitan or Metropolitician of all En●land tyrannizeth over that whole Church , which the Pope called the other world ? The difference ( I say ) is onely in the Magi● & Minus , which alter not the nature of the thing . For , for the Popes Inquisition , the Prelate hath his High-Commission ; by the Law whereof though he cannot bring his Heretick Puritans to the Stake , attended with fire and fagot , as the Popes Inquisition doth , yet he can make their life more miserable , then death it selfe , by his pecpetuall close Imprisonments , and the like . Nor wants he either Canons and Ceremonies , as snares to catch , nor Pursuivants , as Beagles to hunt out the poore Sheep , and to hale them to his Shambles , for refusing to be fed with such hemlocke , instead of Gods wholesome word . Yea where his High-Commission cannot reach to suck the blood , and crucifie the bodies of Christs Servants , as upon the Pillory : he can easily remove the Cause into another Court , where himselfe sitting a grand and Powerfull Swaying Judge , will satisfie his blood-thirsty longing . And as in * another place of his Booke he twitteth the Church of Rome for being a Tryumphant Church : Saying , Now She must be a Triumphant Church here ; Militant no longer : So no lesse Triumphant hath the Prelate made his present Prelaticall Church of England . Oh , how doth he triumph in his Chaire , as in his Charet ? Yea , more specially , how did he triumph over those . Three his Remarkable men , whom he ( looking out at the Court-window beheld standing on the Pillory , and loosing their Eares and Blood ; how did he then applaud his politicke pate , and potent credit in Court , that he could thus anékesta , without rememedy ( as the ‡ Story saith of the Tyrant Licinius , a persecuter of the Christians ) overthrow the most innocent Cause , and therein the most innocent Persons ( and without all colour of contradiction , the Minister ) that ever was Judged in any Christian Court . Thus he triumphed over them : though their triumph over him , and all his Antichristian lawlesse cruelty , in that their most constant couragious , and invincible cheerfullnes in suffering , was as much more glorious , and noble , as his was most Ignoble , and Base . But thus ( I say ) the Prelate , with his Prelaticall Church , must be Triumphant : Militant no longer , but in warring against the Lambe , and his poore followers . So as this Prelate , with his Confederates , are the Successors of the High-Priests , Scribes and Pharisees , and of Edmund Bonner , and Stephen Gardiner , those bloody Butchers and Wolves , which devoured and destroyed Christs Sheep in Queen Maries dayes ; and therein were the Church-Triumphant in England . But this by the way . Returne we now , whence we have a little ( as it were ) digressed , though not impertinent to our Purpose in hand , which is to shew the true difference between the true Ministers of Christ , and those of Antichrist . Seventhly , therefore , Not as Lording it ●ver Gods Heritage , but being Ensamples to the Flocke . Now wherein are our Lord Prelates Ensamples to the Flocke ? In their humble carriage ? In their meeknesse of spirit ? In the moderation of their government ? In their continencie , and contempt of Riches , Honours , Pleasures , Ease , and the like ? Nay are they not Examples to the world ( farre be it from Gods Flocke ) of extreme Pride , Ambition , Covetousnesse , Voluptuousnesse , Idlenesse , Profanesse , Lawlessenesse , extreme Cruelty , barbarous Injustice , implacable Malice , and intolerable Tyranny , palpable Hypocrisie , and such like Prelaticall vertues and graces , the most proper and peculiar indowments , inseperable qualities of their Hierarchie ? Eightly , and lastly , true Elders , or Bishops , that with a good Conscience feed Gods Flocke , both with the wholsome food of sound Doctrine , and with the holy Example of a good life , shall , when the chiefe Shepheard shall appeare , receive a Crown of glory , that fadeth not away . Where I observe two particulars : that Iesus Christ is the onely Chiefe or Arch-Shepheard . O' A' rkipóimen . So as here is no place , either for Pope , over the universall Church , or Metropolitan over a whole Kingdome , or for Arch-prelate over the Provinciall , or yet Prelate over all the Shepheards in his Diocese● for then such should be A' rkipoímenes , the Cheif Shepheards : but this Title and Office is peculiar to Christ alone , and incommunicable to any other . Nor did Peter himselfe , arrogate to himselfe any such Title , but was content with * o● tumpresbúteros , a Fellow-Elder , as if an equall to those Elders , or Presbyters , to whom he writ . The second particular I note is , that all such Presbyters , or true Bishops ( as aforesaid ) may and do most certainly expect , and shall most surely receive , at the appearing of the Chief Shepheard , an immarcescible Crown of Glory-Behold , here is such a Reward , as no Lord Prelate can expect , or hope for . For these are rightly resembled by ‡ Dives , to whom ( being in hell torments , and desiring one drop of water to coole his tongue ) Abraham answered , Son remember , that thou in thy life time receivedst thy good things , &c. For he had gone in his purple and fine linnen , and fared deliciously every day , while mercilessy he suffered poore Lazarus to lye at his gate full of sores , yeelding him no reliefe , or comfort at all ; saving that his dogs came , and licked his Sores . A●d doe not our Diveses , our rich Lord Prelates ( and which of them is poore ) goe in their Purple , Satten , Velvet , and the finest lynnen , as their Lawn sleeves and Rochet , and faire deliciously every day , not induring once in their lives , with their good wills , to keep one extraordinary Fast day , so zealous are they of the observation of Lent , and other Embers ; wherin they can faire deliciously with the choycest Fish , and Fruits , and Wines , and other Cates . So as with Dives they have their good things here . Only these come short of , and outstrip Dives in some things : For First , Dives yet suffered Lazarus to be layd at his doores : but these beat away the true Lazars from their doores , 2. Dives suffered his dogs to shew so much compassion , as to lick Lazarus his sores : but our Lord Prelates doe set their dogs at the true Lazarusses , to teare them in pieces ; 3. Lazarus brought his sores with him , Dives did not cause them : but our Lord Prelates doe fill Gods Lazarusses full of wounds , which they carry away with them , not scaping from their Gates with a whole Skin ; 4. Lazarus was willingly layd at Dives his gates : but Gods Lazarusses never come to the Lord-Bishops Gates , but with an ill will , when they are hayld and pull'd ; 5. Dives denyed his Crummes , to Lazarus , because they were of his bread to feed his dogs : but the Prelates doe not onely deny any one Crumme of mercy , when they are offended , or to doe right when the Lazarusses are injured : but they doe also rob , pill and poll them , stripping them of all they have , and so doe not relieve , but make Lazars . Againe , on the other side , Lazarus in some sort may be an Embleme of Gods true Ministers : For Lazarus had all his evill things in this world : So the good and faithfull Ministers of God must undergoe manifold afflictions , tribulations , and persecutions in the world , as our Saviour * Christ forewarned his Disciples , and so their true Successors , to wit , Godly and painfull Ministers of the Word ; who find their Masters words verified in themselves , by manifold experince of tributations and persecutions , which they mainly and chiefly suffer at the hands of Antichrist , and his Antichristian Prelates ; as the world it selfe is able to beare witnesse . In the Kingdome of England at this day , who are the great persecuters , yea and the onely oppressors of Gods faithfull and painfull Ministers , and of all true Professors , but these Lordly Prelates , who will not suffer any one , Minister , or other , to burrow within their Diocese ( if he doe but smell of a Puritan , as they call them ) but do ferrit them out , and hunt them to the death ? Where by the way it is cleare to all men , that have but common sense , that the Prelates ( which are , and ever have been ●at least since Antichrist hath been aloft ) the most furious and fiery Persecuters of Gods good Ministers and people , even for Religion sake ) are false Bishops , falsely pretending their Iurisdiction from Christ , and their Succession from the Apostles . They might aswell say , that they have Authority from Christ , and his Apostles to afflict , persecute , and oppresse all true Religion , with all the true Preachers , and Professors therof , and so prove themselves to be of those of whom Christ foretold his Disciples , saying , * They shall put you out of the Synagogues , yea , the time cometh , that whosoever killeth you , will thinke that be doth God Service . And surely the Prelates , grounding their usurped Authority upon Christ , which they so exercise in afflicting and oppressiing Christs Ministers and people , must needs consequently conclude , that this their persecution is a speciall part of Gods service . to conclude , then the Parable ; as these Prelates have their good things here , and nothing is left them , but a ‡ fearefull expectation of judgement and fiery indignation , which shall devoure the Adversaries , so as they shall not find a drop of mercy in Hell , who would not shew a crumme of mercy here , but contrariwise shal be tormented with more scorching flames , then Dives , by how much their wickednesse here exceeded his : So Gods faithfull Ministers , as they receive their evill things here ( and especially at the hands of Antichristian Prelates , whose malice and cruelty against them exceedeth all other in the world ) so they shal be sure to receive a most glorious and unfading ‡ Crown of Glory , which the Lord , the Chiefe Shepheard , the righteous Iudge shall give unto them , at that day , nor to them onely , but to all those that love his Appearing . CHAP. VII . Wherein is shewed , that the Prelates are no lesse contrary to the Practise of the Apostles ( whose Successors notwithstanding they pretend to be ) then they are to their Doctrines ; as hath been proved . FOr the more cleare demonstration hereof , we will consider the Practise of the Apostles in a twofold notion : 1. the Practise of their Ministry : 2. the Practise of their life and conversation . First , for their Ministry : that also we consider in a double respect : 1. of Doctrine . 2. of Discipline . Of these being to speake , we will first consider the Apostles two wayes : 1. as they were Apostles : and 2. as they were Ministers . First , as they were Apostles , to speake in a strict and proper sence , they left no Successors behind them . For as Apostles , 1. they had their immediate Calling from Christ : 2. they did * see Christ with their bodily eyes : 3. they were inspired immediately from Christ with Apostolicall Gifts and Graces of the Holy Ghost , ‡ which led them into all truth , so as their judgement was infallible , they could not erre : 4. they were made the Pen-men of the Scripture : 5. They had a power given them to appoint Euangelists to attend their Apostleship in the Gospell , to settle and water , where the Apostles had planted , and where they appointed them : 6. They had ‡ immediate direction from the Holy Ghost where to preach at such , or such a time : 7 They had their § Commision immediately from Ch●●st , which was to preach the Gospell throughout the world , though the † Holy Ghost did more particularly dispose of them to severall Countries . Now in all these respects the Apostles , as Apostles left no Successors behind them . For after the decease of Apostles , and so also of the Euangelists ( some whereof writ the Gospell , and some preached the Gospell , and did other things at the Apostles appointment ; whereof we shall have occasion to speake more anon ) their Office of Apostles and Euangelists , ceased . So as , never since they lived , have there beene any Apostles or Euangelists , properly so called . Though in a generall notion all true Preachers of the Gospell , in asmuch as they have a Calling from God , being sent of him , though mediately by the Church , may be called Apostoli , that is , sent , ( as the Apostle called Epaphroditus ‡ A'póstolon , the Philippìans Apostle , which our English translates a Messenger , because they had sent him to him ) as they are called in the selfe same respect Aggeloi , * Angels , or Messengers : and they may be called also for the same reason Euangelists , because they are Preachers of the Gospell . But I say , strictly and properly the Apostles onely were called Apostles , and the Euangelists Euangelists , for the reasons aforesaid . So as after their decease , the ordinary Ministers of the Word which God appointed to succeed them in their Ministry , were called Pastors and Teachers , as Eph. 4. 11. and somtimes Presbyters or Elders , and Overseers , or Episcopi , set over their severall Congregations respectively as aforesaid ) and somtimes ‡ u●pereta , or díakoni , Ministers of the Word ; as the Apostle often styles himselfe . So as in the Second place we come to speake of the practise of the Apostles , as they were Ministers of the Gospel , whose examample all true Ministers imitating , are said to be their true Successors . But before we speake thereof , one Objection crosseth us in our way , which is this . We noted before , that one peculiar priviledge and badge of an Apostle● properly so called , was , that he had the Holy Ghost immediately inspired into him by Christ , so as it led him into all truth , that he could not erre in his preaching , or writing of the word of God . Now it is Objected , that the promise of * Christs Spirituall presence , and so of the Holy Ghost , is made to the Apostles , but to all the succeeding generations of all their true Successors to the end of the world . Upon which promise ( but most falsely applyed ) the Pope doth build his Imaginary Infallibility , of a power of not erring in the faith . For Answere hereunto briefly . First , neither the Pope , nor any Prelate , have any thing to doe with this promise . For they have no Calling from Christ , as hath been proved ; and they are Antichrists , and so led by another spirit , to wit , of him , of whom they have their Calling , and tha● is , of the great red Dragon ; as remaines yet further to be cleared Secondly , concerning this promise made immediately by Christ to his Apostles , that he would be with them to the end of the world , and that the Holy Ghost should lead them into all truth : we must distinguish between the Apos●les , and all Succeeding true Ministers . First , this promise was actua●ly fullfilled to the Apostles , so as they neither erred in their preaching , nor in their writing of the word of God ; and the substance of all their preaching ( so farre as it is necessary for the salvation of Gods Chruch to the end of the world ) is by them left in writing to be a rule of our faith , and the ground of all holy and saving knowledge . Now then all true Ministers , succeeding the Apostles in all ages , and also all true Beleevers , though they neither receive the Holy Ghost inmiediately from Christ as the Apostles did , nor are any to expect to receive it in that extraordinary way : yet all true beleeving both Ministers and People doe receive the Holy Ghost . But how ? By what meanes ? The Apostle tells us , ‡ By the hearing of Faith preached ; that is , by hearing the Gospell ( which is the ground of Faith ) preached , we receive both faith , and the Holy Ghost . Now as we received the Holy Ghost by hearing of Faith preached : So this Spirit of God doth guide us into all truth , by and according unto the Scripture . And as the Holy Ghost is ( as I may so say ) § begotten in us by the Seed of Gods word Sown in our hearts ( though properly we are begotten again by the Holy Ghost ) so this Holy Ghost is as it were , nourished and preserved in us by and through the word of God , even as the light of the Lamp is nourished by the Oyle , or as the breath goeth with the voyce or word spoken ; or as the blood hath its course in the veins , or the vitall Spirits have their S●at in the heart ; or as the Animall Spirits in the braine , when they are derived into all the parts of the body in the Arteries and veines , so as all the members are thereby actuated and moved . And as the Philosopher saith of naturall bodies , * A'panta trephétas tois a●utois , e'x o`pér e`isi : All things are nourished by selfe same Substance , whereof they are begotten , or have their beginning or beeing : So in a sort it may truly be said , that as we begin Spiritually to live by the Holy Ghost through Faith by the Preaching of the word of God : So this Holy Ghost in the severall graces and operations there of is preserved , and as it were nourished in us by the continuall ministration of the food of the same word in our Soules : Or in a word , the Holy Ghost hath no operation in us , either for instruction , or illumination , or consolation , or corroboration of any Grace in our Soules , but in and by , or according to the word of God . So as besides Gods written word , there are no revelations of the Spirit to be expected in Gods true Church . Secondly therefore , the promise of the Holy Ghost to Christs true Church and Children , succeeding the Apostles even to the end of the world , is made good to all and every particular member of Christs Mysticall body , whether Ministers or People : so as in the matter of their faith , and whatsoever appertains to their salvation , they are by Christs Spirit guided into all truth , being led by the rule and light of Gods word , which to those that are in Christ never goes unaccompanied with the Holy Ghost . For , even as * so many as are led by the Spirit of God , they are the Sons of God● So as , If any man have not the Spirit of Christ , the same is none of his : So none are led by the Spirit of God , but those that are led by the word of God . And therefore as Christs Spirit dwells in all his , so his ‡ Word also . For these two are inseperable ; the Holy Ghost teaching us no other things , but what we find written in the word of Christ . To which purpose Christ saith , When § the Spirit of Truth is come , be will guide you into all truth : for he shall not speake of himselfe : but whatsoever he shall heare , that shall he speake . Now the whole Scripture is Christs word : this the Holy Ghost receiving from Christ revealed to his Apostles , or ( as Christ saith ) † brought to their remembrance : and the Apostles commited those things to writing ( as the Holy Ghost directed them ) for our both instruction , and remembrance . So as if * any Speake not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . Whatever Spirit men bragge of , not indurcing the Law and Testimony of the Scripture , it is without light , a counterfet Spirit , a lying spirit . And this is that very Spirit of Antichrist , and of his Prelates , who to advance their own Canons and Decrees , and to cry up their usurped Antichristian Authority , in taking upon them to be the onely visible Iudges in matters of faith ( as * before we have noted of our Prelate of Cant● ) as if they had the Spirit of Infallibility , and were the onely men of Gods Privy Counsell , and the onely Privilegiats not to erre : doe so much depresse , vi●ifie and cry down the Authority and Sufficiencie of the Scripture , as if it were a ‡ dumbe , dead , and blind Iu●ge , having not so much light in it , as is sufficient to demonstrate it to be the word of God , but what it must be beholden to the Authority and Tradition of the present Prelaticall Church●or . But ● ye blind Guides , § To the Law , and to the Testimony : for while ye Speake not accordiag to this word , but contrariwise blaspheme the same : it is a manifest signe , that there is neither light , nor ‡ life in you , Come we now to prosecute the remainder of the former particulars propounded : the second generall whereof is , the Practise of the Apostles , as they were Ministers of the Gospell , whose example all true Ministers imitating , are said to be their true Successors . And first of this Practise in regard of Doctrine , to wit , in their Ministy of the Word , and Sacraments . First for their Doctrine , it was sound and sincere , the very word of God , which they preached with all diligence , and good Conscience ; exhorting other Ministers also to the like diligence and faithfullnesse in preaching : as 2 Tim● 4. 1 , 2. I charge thee therefore before God , and the Lord Iesus Christ , &c. Preach the word , be instant , in season , out of season , &c. Thus did the Apostles . But doe our Prelates thus ? First , do they preach diligently ? Are their Sermons , any more , then 2 or 3 Festivalls in the yeare ? And doe they preach sound Doctrine ? Nay as the Apostle there saith , They will not indure sound doctrine ; they neither preach it themselves , nor permit others . And instead of exhorting Ministers to be diligent in preaching , and teaching the people , they flatly forbid them to preach so of●en , as twice on the Sabbath , or to expound the Catechisine , for instructing the People . Thus they are enemies of Gods word , and so of the salvation of Gods people . Are these men then Successors of the Apostles ? Againe , for the two Sacraments , the Apostles administred them duly according to ‡ Christs institution , not varying one title from it ; they neither detracted any thing from i● , nor added ought of their own inventions . Now doth the Prelaticall Catholicke Church , ( wherein that of England , and of Rome are both one and the same , and doe professe one and the same faith and Religion , as our great Prelate saith ; noted before ) thus ? Now Romes detractions and additions , we all know . But what hath the Prelaticall Church of England done in this kind ? 1. Doe they not detract both from Christs institution , and from the dignity of the Sacraments , while they set dumb Priests , no better then Masse-Priests , to administer ? Doe they not detract from Baptisme , while they doe as much debase it in comparison of the Lords Supper , as they doe exalt this ( which they * call the Great Eucharist ) in comparison of that ? Do they not administer that , neere the Belfrey , or Church-door , the lowest part of the Church , as they estimate it : and this at the end of the Chancel , their highest part of the Church ? Secondly , do they not alter Christs institution by adding to the Sacraments of their own superstitious inventions ? Doe they not adde an empty and 〈◊〉 signe of the Crosse to Baptisme , the o mission whereof is no lesse heinous , then of Baptisme it selfe ? And have they not added a long Forme of Liturgie to the administration of both the Sacraments ? Have they not altered the Table for the Lords Supper , into an Altar for a sacrifice , which is also as great a derogation from the sufficiencie of Christs onely sacrifice on the Crosse , as it is an alteration , yea and an annihilation of this Sacrament , which is to be administred as a supper , on a Table , not as a sacrifice , on an Altar . And this they doe also , in imposing a necessity of kne●eling at the receiving of the Sacrament , whereby they overthrow the nature of a Supper . To omit their necessity of private Baptisme , and of carrying their Host to a man on his death bed : would they not also of ‡ late yeares have brought againe into the Church of England the other 5 Sacraments of the Romish Church , that so the Church of England and of Rome might in nothing be unlike in their practise , as they are not in profession , as our said Prelate saith : Thus are our Prelates herein Successors of the Apostles ? Secondly , for the Apostles practise in point of Discipline . And this is either in Ordination of Ministers , or Reformation and correction of manners , or imposition of Ceremonies . For the first , Ordination of Ministers , we read , of Timothies ordination no lesse by the imposition of the hands of the Presbytery , then of Paul himselfe . Titus indeed was appointed by Paul to ordaine Elders in every City in Creet ( as was noted before ) but if he did this alone , without the Presbytery , 2 necessity must needs be supposed , which is neither Rule nor Law in ordinary Cases . And by the way , whether Titus and Tim●thy were Diocesan Bishops , as the Prelates pretend , we shall see in a more fit place . And for Ordination this we are sure of , that whoever have the charge of it , Prelates have nothing at all to doe with it , because ( as is already proved ) they are no lawfull Ministers of Christ , much lesse Successors of the Apostles . Againe , whom did the Apostles , and Presbytery ordaine Ministers of the word , but such , as were every way qualified with gifts and graces for preaching , and the like ; as we see prescribed in 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1 ? They were not like to Ierobeams Priests , nor any of those , whom the Prelates doe make Priests , which are * dumb dogs ( as the Prophet calls them ) blind watchmen , that love to s●●ep , to take their ease , greedy dogs , that are never satisfied with heaping up Living upon Living , they fill themselves with strong drinke , and are good Fellows , not good Ministers . Yea such as are truly qualified , either Prelates doe not ordaine them : or they doe afterwards , seeing how they prove painfull in their Ministry , put them to silence , or suspend and persecute them , as before is noted . And againe Thirdly , The Apostles , and Presbyters in their time , Ordayned none for money ; for offering whereof ‡ Simon Magus was accursed ; but our Prelates Ordaine tag and rag for money , so as the ordinary Fees come to 3 , 4 , 5 , or 6 pounds . So as in point of Ordination how doe our Prelates prove themselves to be Successors of the Apostles ? And lastly , the Apostles and their lawfull successors Ordained none , but lawfull Ministers of the Gospell : but our Prelates do ordaine a new Order of Priests , bringing in , and setting up a new Priesthood , which is Antichristian , not having any foundation in the Sccripture . Prelates therefore in Ordrnation are no Successors of the Apostles . Secondly , for matter of Censure , or for Reformation and correction of Manners , as for instance , in the Censure of Excommunication , the Apostles , though as Apostles , they might doe of themselves , yet as Ministers they did it not , but with the whole Congregation ; or else the Congregation with the Presbyters ; as we see 1 Cor. 5 3. 4. 5. Insomuch , as even Prelates themselves , after they first had taken footing , as being the time of their Innocency ( as I may say ) observed this Order . So as Cyprian , who lived about 250. yeares after Christs nativity , would doe nothing in this kind , without the consent both of the Presbytery and people . This lasted during the 10. Persecutions : but Peace and Prosperity Succeding , it degenerated into that height of Tyranny by degrees● to which we see it arrived at this day . Secondly , Excommunication was for weighty Causes , as in the same place ; and 1 Tim. 1. 20. The Apostles had no Prelates Courts , or Consistories , where they did Privately by themselves , or by a dumb Priest Excommunicatt for every trifle , and especially for the least breach of a Canon , and the like ( as we noted before ) but the Consistory was the whole Congregation solemnly assembled , where no Censure was imposed , but for great offences , and those breaches of Gods Laws , and of Christs Ordinance . Nor were those Censures remitted , but in and by the whole Congregation , after publick satisfaction given by the offender to the offended . Whereas our Prelates , in all , doe quite contrary , absolving also great offenders for a fee , without any signes of Repentance , much lesse fruits of Reformation , and satisfaction made to the Congregation offended . Whereas the Apostles absolved none , before the Congregation was first satisfied by , and so pacified towards the offender ; as 2 Tim. 2. 10. Do our Prelates thus ? No such thing . Therfore no Successor of the Apostles . Thirdly , for Imposition of Ceremonies in the worship of God , the Apostles were so farre from laying any such yoake , upon Christians necks , or any such snares for their feet , as they did utterly condemne all humane Rites and Ordinances whatsoever in Gods service , laying also a speciall charge upon Christians not to put their necks under such yoakes , unlesse thereby they would renounce Iesus Christ for their onely King , and Lord over their Consciences and Soules in all matters of faith , and the worship of God . In one Chapter ( colloss. . 2. ) the Apostle beats them all down , whether they be old Iewish Ordinances ( now abolished under the Gospell ) or of mans devising , and imposing . First , for Iewish Ceremonies , he saith , they are * Shadows , which now upon the death of Christ are all vanished , and abolished . Secondly , all other Rites and Ceremonies , which are of mans devising , he calls them ‡ Philosophy , and vaine deceit , traditions of men , rudiments of the world ; not after Christ : a ‡ voluntary humility , as worshiping of Angels , and so Idolatry ; an intrusion into things not seen in Scripture ; of a fleshly mind vainly puft up ; which seperate from the § head , Christ ; they † evacuate Christs death , wherein he did ‡ blot out the handwriting of all such Ordinan●es , nayling it to his Crosse , &c. So as now to be subject to such , is to renounce Christs death , and make it of none effect : and they * perish with the using , are good for nothing , being after the Commandements and D●ctrines of men : they have but a meere shew of wisdome in will-worship and humility , and hypocrisie in not sparing the body , and onely serve to satisfie the flesh . Arguments Sufficient to any one , that feares God , and hopes to be saved by Iesus Christ , to * Beware of being Spoyled , and made a prey ( as the word signifieth ) of being ‡ heguiled of their reward by such a bondage and Slavery . Thus the Apostle so damning all manner of Rites and Ceremonies imposed on the Conscience in the worship of God , so as he shews it to be a very Apostacy from Christ , of such as hold not the Head : with what face can our Lord Prelates ( the great Masters of all manner of Superstitious and Idolatrous , both Iewish , and Heathenish , Romish and Antichristian Ceremonies ) beare themselves to be the Successors of the Apostles , while not onely they erect such Superstitions , but with all rigour impose them upon mens Consciences as a most insupportable burthen , and intolerable bondage , and with all severity and cruelty inflict terrible punishments upon those , that refuse to performe the Tasks of such Egyptian Taskmasters ? Or how dare they affirme , that they have such their Iurisdiction from Christ , while in so doing , usurping such a Power over mens Consciences , they thrust Iesus Christ out of his Throne ? But we shall have occasion to speake more of this hereafter . Thus we see in the meane time what kind of Vice-Roys of Christ , and Successors of his Apostles , the Prelates prove themselves to be , in Lording over the Consciences of Gods people by their Superstitious Ceremonies , and Romish Rites . But perhaps they will object the Apostles determination ( Act. 15. ) concerning the Gentiles newly converted to Christianity , that they should abstaine from eating of blood , and things strangled , which was a Mosaicall Rite . To which I answere : First , that the Apostles in the § same place do shew , that that burthen of Legall Ceremonies was removed by the death of Christ , and buried in his Grave . Secondly , they did this , in regard of the Iews , which dwelt among those Christians , for the time being for peace-sake , untill the † Christian Iews were better confirmed in the faith and knowledge of Christ . Thirdly , they did it by the speciall direction of the ‡ Holy Ghost , for the reason alledged . So as that example being extraordinary , and for the time of the Infancie of the Gospell , it is no rule for us to follow now , after so long a shining forth of the Gospell . And I might adde this moreover , that the Apostles did not this alone , but with the whole Congregation , the Presbyters , or Elders , and Brethren being ●oyned with them . Whereas our Prelates , though they confesse that a * Generall Councel hath no immediate Institution from Christ to determine Controversies ; but that it was prudently taken up in the Church , from the Apostles example , Act. 15. yet for all their prudence in taking up that , which belongs not unto them , they shew themselves very unfaithfull , while they follow not the example of the Apostles in determining alone , and not with the whole Congregation ; and therefore Christians have the lesse reason to captivate their faith to Prelaticall Decrees , either in a Generall Councel , where the Pope of Rome , and of Canterbury are the rulers of the rost , or in a Convocation , where the Pope of Canterbury is Prime , Primate , Metropolitan , and All , who without the Holy Ghost ( which is never given to any such Antichristian Assemblies ) whatever they decree in point of faith , or otherwise , be it never so erronious , yet they enjoyne obedience thereunto by all men ; as our ‡ Prelate affirmeth . But he will not be so easily beaten off from his Ceremonies : For in his § Epistle Dedicatory he tells the King , That Ceremonies are ne●essary for the setting out of Gods worship His Great Witnesse to the world that our heare stands right in that Service of God , to wit , the inward worship . Take this away or b●ing it into contempt , and what light is there left to shine before men , that they may see our Devotion , and glorifie our Father which is in heaven . And to deale clearely with your Majesty , these thoughts are they , and no other , which have made me labour so much as I have done , for Decency , and an Orderly Settlement of the externall worship of God in the Church ; which cannot be without some Ceremonies , &c. For Ceremonies are the hedge , that feare the Substance of Religion , &c. And a great weaknesse it is , not to see the strength , which Ceremonies adde even to Religion itselfe , &c. So and much more the Prelate● Whence it appeareth , that had he not Ceremonies to garnish his worship of God ( as he calls it the world could not see how right his heart stands , nor yet see his good works ; because instead of good works perverting Christs word ) he puts his Devotion , and his Devotion stands in his Ceremonies ; which he saith must not be too few , for then they leave his Service naked , and therfore to avoyd that he must have both a Surplice , and Hood , and Cope , to cover that nakednesse . So as all his light is in his Externall worship shining forth in his brave Garbe of Ceremonies ; as that of the Pharises in their broad Philacteries . So as without this , men ( in truth ) could not so easily see the pride , vanity , Superstition , and hyprcrisie , which lurketh in the Prelates ●●re , and bewrayeth it selfe in his many inventions of Superstitious Ceremonies , the very Ideas and Idols of his profane heart . And Antiquity was the Mystery of Iniquity ; if that will doe them any pleasure . This we generally touched before in the Third Chapter . But for the Second , That the Prelacie is this Mystery of Iniquity , let us a little examine what is meant by this Mystery of Iniquity . This Mystery of Iniquity is opposed to the Mystery of Godlinesse , of which the Apostle speaks , 1 Tim. 3. 16. Iniquity is opposit to Godlinesse : but both Godlinesse and Iniquity are called a Mystery . Yet in a different respect . The Mystery of Godlinesse is so called , because of its deepnesse , and difficulty to be understood , but by Gods * Spirit reuealing the same : but the Mystery of Iniquity is so called , because Iniquity is vailed under a pretence and shew of Godlinesse , by which ‡ many are deceived , § whose names are not written in the booke of life . As Christ saith , † Many shall come in my Name , saying , I am Christ , and shall deceive many . And thus doe all Prelates come in Christs Name , while they pretend Christs Authority , and usurpe Christs throne over his People . And the great Antichrist is so called , because though he be against Christ , yet he saith , he is for Christ , as being Christs Vicar ; even as Antichristus in the Greeke is a compound word , the Preposition Anti signifying both for , or instead , and against . And so is Antichrist , in pretence for Christ , but in practise against Christ : and so are all our Prelates ; as shall yet further appeare . And this is truly and properly the Mystery of Iniquity . In which respect the Turke , and other profest Enemies of Christ , and Christian Religion cannot come within the compasse of this Mystery of Iniquity , and so cannot be full Antichrists , because they doe gumme kephale , openly , without any vaile , professe this Iniquity , of being Adversaries to Christ . And for the further application of this Mysterie of Iniquity to the Prelates , we come to the third Proposition : That , What is spoken of the great Antichrist himselfe , is spoken of all Prelates , as members of the same Head , or as so many inferiour antichrists , though in themselves great enough . Let us therefore see the properties of Antichrist here described by the Apostle . First he is called , That man of Sinne : And this is Antichrist in two respects : 1. in respect of himselfe , as being carnall , proud , covetous , ambitious , voluptuous , and a most malicious hater , and most cruel persecuter of the Saints and Servants of Christ , a proper Sinne of Antichrist● These Sinnes and Lusts are the proper Sinnes of a Prelate , and common to every Prelate , and especially those of the latter Stamp , since Antichrist mounted aloft , now for above 600. yeares , yea a 1000. yeares from Boniface 3. Secondly , Antichrist is that man of Sin , in respect of others , as being a prime instrument of causing others to Sin : as by giving Indulgence , Dispensation , and Liberty to men to Sin , and by suppressing the means whereby they should be kept from Sin . The Pope is notorious for this . And our Prelates come not farre behind him . For they allow profane sports on the Lords day , by which the 4th Commandement is broken : and that to Servants and Ch●ldren so as their Parents and Masters may not restraine them ; which is a manifest breach of the Fift Commandement : so as by this means many other Commandements are broken in committing many Sinnes . Thus they both * breake the greatest Commandements , and teach men so . Againe instead of suppessing of sports , they restraine and Suppresse the Preaching of Gods word , whereby men should be kept from Sinne , and learne to live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world , denying all ungodlinesse and worldly lusts . Thus Antichrist is that man of Sinne . Secondly , Antichrist is called the Son of Perdition For as he is that man of Sinne : so by consequence he is that Son of Perdition ' and that in both the foresaid respects , as of Sinning , so of Perishing : for as he both Sins himselfe , and causes others to Sin : so he both perisheth himselfe , and causeth others to perish , as 2 Thess. 2. 10. And this is proper to the Pope in the first place , whose necessity of perishing is such , that himselfe confesseth an impossibility of amendment . As is noted of Adrian 6. who said , * That the condition of Popes was miserable , seeing it was evident , that they could not doe good , though they desired and indeavoured it never so much . And Pope ‡ Marcell flapping his hand on the Table , said , It was impossible , that any one Sitting in that Chaire could be Saved . And his own Decretalls say , That if the Pope carry with him millions of Soules to be tormented with the great Devil , no man may reprove him . So incorrigible he is . And this is according to Christs saying , § That it is easier for a Camel to goe through the ●ye of a needle , then for a Rich man to goe into the Kingdome of heaven . And are Prelates in any better condition ? Is there any more hope of them , then of the Pope , that ever they can or will repent ? If they will repen● indeed , that they may not be the Sons of perdition , either in themselves , or also in others , they must get them out of the Chaire of Pestilence , they must in one word , abandon their Prelacie , and Prelaticall practises . Will they doe this , and so cease both to Sinne themselves , and to cause others ●o Sin ? This were happy for them . And this were the onely way to free them from being the Sons of Perdition , namely by ceaseing to be those men of Sin . But if Chrysostome said of Prelates in his dayes , that he wondred , if any of them could be saved : then what would he have said of the Prelates in our dayes ? Thirdly , Antichrist is called o `antikeímenos , that Adversary . But still under a pretext of being a friend ; as before is noted . Thus Antichrist is the grand Adversary , ●a'ntikeímenos , opposit , or set against . But against whom ? Against Christ , against his word , against his Ministers , against his people , even all true professors of the Gospell , against all true Religion . Such is the Pope , and such are the Prelates , as their practises doe plainly prove , and openly proclaime them to be . And Fourthly , here is added by a Copulative , kaì u`prairomenos , and He that exalts himselfe ( as our English renders it ) Over whom ? Over all that is called God , or that is worshiped . Epìpantà , Over all , or against all ( as some Translation hath it ) that is called God . For the Preposition e'pì may signifie both . But for Against we have a'ntikeímenos , opposite , and so this we may take for lifting himselfe up over all that is called God , or that is worshiped ; which we may understand two wayes , either over all Religion ( as before we noted ) or over all Policy , and Civill Government , over Kings , and Princes and Magistrates , who are * called Gods , and over the Emperour himselfe , who is called s●bastos , which is venerable , or worshipfull ; and the honour of Caesar which is called sèbasma ( as in the Text ) over which this Antichrist exalts himselfe . Now that this is verified of the Pope , it needs no proofe , as being as cleare as the Sun at noone day , and which Impudencie it selfe hath not the face to deny . But now for our Prelates , how is this verified of them ? For they would seem to be friends to Kings and Princes , insomuch as they are by Princes themselves openly proclaimed to be a holy Order most Christian in it selfe , most peaceable in Civil States , and most consonant to Minarchie , or the like . For answere whereunto : First , if the Pope their Sire be such an Adversary , and so exalted , how can the Prelates be excused , seeing they are of the same Spirit , as the members actuated by the Head ? Secondly , if Prelates be ( as their ordinary practises doe shew ) Adversaries and opposits to Christ , and to his word , aswell as the Pope is ( as before is noted ) how can their Hierarchie be said to be either most Christian in itselfe , or most peaceable to Civil States , or most consonant to Monarchie ? Can such an Hierarchie be most Christian , which is most Antichristian ? Or can it be peaceable for a Civil State , that professeth Christianity , yea and the true Religion , to uphold and maintaine such as are most notorious Adversaries to Christ , and to the Gospel ? Or can that be most Copsonant to a Monarchy ( professing to be under Christ the onely Monarch , on whom all others depend , and to be governed by good and just Lawes , and not by a Lawlesse Tyranny , which it selfe is an Hierarchicall Tyranny , and such as Tyranniseth over soules , bodies , and estates ? Or can Prelates be true Friends to Princes , who under a false vizard of Friendship labour to corrupt them by their flattery , to make them forget they are men , to make them disaffected with their good Subjects , to make them the Authors of Innovation in Religion , by suppressing the Truth by their publicke Edicts , which tends to fill the People with discontents , and to stirre up Sedition , and the like ? Can this be safe for Monarchie , or peaceable for the Civil State , or a thing in it selfe most Christian ? Nor is it so onely with our present Prelates . Revolve all Histories since Antichrists exaltation , and ye shall find that never any great Treasons have been , either against the persons of Princes , or their Civil States ( if they were but suspected of disaffection to the Papacy , or Romish Religion ) but either a Prelate , or some of his faction had his finger in it . But there it may suffice , that our eyes have been witnesses of the effects of Prelaticall pranks and practises , in being so busie and bold to bring in againe the Romish Religion , and after the Gospel had taken such deep rooting . So as if our Kings wisdome had not been the greater in composing things in a peaceable way ( as foreseeing the dangerous Consequences that might have ensued , in case he should have by a strong hand gone about to have reduced that Antic bristian Government into that Kingdome , which it had now cast out ) God knows what wofull calamities such a Warre might have produced . But blessed be God , for preventing it . Againe . As the Pope lifts up himselfe above and against all Emperious Kings , and Princes ; yea setting his feet on their necks , causing them to hold his stirrop , to lead his palfrey , and doe such like Offices ( as his Holinesse Booke of Ceremonies , and other Histories shew ) to hold their Kingdomes in Fee from him , and the like : and as his Cardinalls take place of Kings , his Arch-prelates of Dukes , his Prelates of Lords : So our Prelates ( which come from them , and pro●esse still to be of one and the same Church with them , of one and the same Hierarchicall Catholicke Church , of one and the same Faith and Religion , as before is noted ) doe they not the like , according to their proportion , and degree ? Doe not Archprelates take place of Dukes , and Prelats of Lords ? Nay , doe they not set their feet upon the neck of the Kings Laws , while they ( though as yet de jure they cannot , yet de facto they doe ) exempt themselves from them , in that they by their power in Court , and threatnings in their own Courts , so terrifie all Prohibitions , that they dare not peep , or shew their Faces in the High-Commission ; as the Author of the * Apologie , and Two Sermons , For God and the King , hath observed , though he hath payd dearely for his truth telling ? Thus doe they not u`praírethai , highly exalt themselves above all that is called God ( as above Kings and Civil States ) while they dare thus withdraw their necks from under the obedience of their good and just Laws ( the benefit whereof the Kings good Subjects should enjoy in relieving themselves , and their innocent Cause from the Prelates unjust and tyrannicall oppressions in the lawlesse proceeding in their Courts ) and so set their proud feet upon the Kings both Laws , which are the sinews , and loyall People , which are the members of the same Body Politick , whereof the King is the Head ? Do they not herein come neere their Father Pope , who trampleth upon Emperours necks , when they dare tread upon the Kings feet , as ‡ the Serpent did upon Christs heele ? And for this Cause is the Hierarchie , or Antichristianisme , called by the Apostle , the Mysterie of Iniquity . Yea the Mystery tes a'nomías , of Lawlessenesse ; for which cause the Head of this Mystery , to wit , the Grand Antichrist , or the Pope , is called o`anomos , that Lawlesse one , which our English turnes , That wi●ked . So as here may fitly come in Antichrists Fift Title o` a'nomos , that Lawlesse one . This the Pope proves himselfe to be , as being subject to no Laws , either of God , or man . So as ( he saith ) he hath all Laws folded up in the Cabinet of his own brest , as being the great Oracle of the world , and the onely infallible Iudge in matters of Faith ; at least , when he Sits in Peters Chaire ; and that he can dispense with the Apos●●● , and the like . But how doth his agree with our Prelates ? Are they also such a'nomi , such Lawlesse ones , as to merit the next place to the Pope , for the Title of Antichrist ? Yes surely , they hold a correspondence with their Syre , so as in all things they doe patrifare , shew themselves to be his Sons . Of their Lawlessenesse , in regard of Subjection to Princes Laws , we spake but now . And now remaines to shew how they are Lawlesse , in regard of Gods Laws . First , their Hierarch●e is 〈◊〉 at all , nor in any thing ( as neither g●o●●ded ; so ) regulated by the Law of God , and of C●●ist , but meerly by their own Lawlesse Canons , which are the Laws of their Lawlesse Kingdome . Yea , and when they list , they have a Prerogative to goe either beyond , or against their Canons , in case their lust find not scope enough . Secondly , ( as is noted before ) they not onely can dispense with Gods Law , but dare and doe annihilate it , and make it of no authority . For they doe unmoralize the 4th Commandement , as concerning the Sabbath day for Christians : they allow profane Sports thereon , which Gods Law hath altogether forbidden : they forbid preaching on that day , which Gods word commandeth to be both in season , and out of season : they altogether forbid preaching of the Doctrines of Grace , which Gods word commends unto us , and commands to be preached : they Suspend the sense of the Articles of Religion touching . Gods free Grace , thereby giving way to the contrary Errours , which they forbid Preachers to confute , flatly against * Gods Commandement : they dispense with the fift Commandement , dissolving the bond of obedience in Children and Servants to the Parents and Masters , and stripping those Governours of their Authority over them , while they give them liberty to Sport , and run riot on the Lords day , and threaten all that shall dare to controule them . And herein also , they destroy Mans Law : for the Law of the Land no where , either allows any such profane Sports on the Lords dayes , but flatly forbids them : or forbids Parents and Masters to restraine their youth from such profanati●ns , or to correct them , if they offend , and will not obey then Lawfull Commands : nor much lesse hath the Law of the Land given any such power and authority to any Civil Magistrate , or other , to punish those , that shal be brought before them , for exercising their lawfull authority over those under their charge . And we all know , that the Prelates had the chiefe hand , not onely in penning , but in publishing that Booke for Sports on the Lords day , which is an open proclaiming of Warre against God , against Christ , against his holy Laws , against all holinesse , against our Christian vow in Baptisme , against the good Laws of the Land , and Acts of Parliament , and against the very bonds of all Civill and Natural Societies . And thus our Prelates are the most notorious Lawlesse men ( onely excepting the Grand Antichrist , the Pope , unlesse in some things they doe outstrip him ) that ever were in any Age of the world . Further , two wayes more doe the Prelates prove themselves to be o`i a'nomei , those Lawlesse men . As first , in hanging the Keys of Scripture at their Girdle , saying , that the Credit and belie●● of Scripture to be the word of God , doth necessarily depend upon the Authority and Tradition of the present Church , as the prime inducing cause to that bel●●f . This our great Prelate in his said Book boldly affirmeth● and often repeateth , saying withall , that the Scripture hath not light enough in it selfe , is not sufficient to shew and prove it selfe to be the word of God . So as the whole Authority of Scripture● depending upon Church-Tradition , and Authority , is necessarily made subject to Episcopall Power , and so consequently the Law of God contained therein , shall not be Divine , unlesse it please their good Lordships to give their good word for it , and to make it of so much credit , by the vote of their Authority and Tradition , as that men may beleeve it to be Gods Law . And upon this ground it is , that if the Prelates shall pronounce the 4th Commandement not to be Morall for the sanctifying of a Seventh day , yea the first day of the weeke , for Sabbath , and that Servants , and Children are not bound to yeeld obedience to their Masters and Parents on that day , in Case Civil or Ecclesiasticall Authority shall dispense with them to be free that day for their Sports . then all men must be of their opinion , that those Commandements are none of Gods Commandements . The second way , whereby Prelates doe shew themselves Lawlesse men , is by denying the Scripture to be Iudge in Controversus of Faith . For the said Prelate pe●emptorily saith , * I absolutely make a lawfull and free Generall Councel Iudge of Controversies , by and according to Scriptures . Which [ By and according to the Scriptures ] come in by the By , and are meere Cyphers . For by these words he either meanes , That By and according to the Scriptures hee absolutely makes , &c. which is most false : for by and according to the Scripture no Generall Councel is Iudge of Coneroversies ; Neither by and according to the Scriptures hath the Prelate power absolutely to make a Generall Councel Iudge of Controversies : or els , by these words he doth but cast a ●yst before his Readers eyes to make him beleeve upon the first rebound of his words , that he makes Scripture the Rule , for Generall Councels to determine Controversies by . Whereas he meanes no such thing . For elswhere he hath sundry speeches to the contrary : as ‡ The Churches Declaration can bind us to peace , and externall obedience , where there is not expresse letter of Scripture , and s●nce agreed upon . And againe , If there be a a●eal●usie or doubt of the sense of Scripture , a Generall Councel must judge the Difference : onely Scripture must be the Rule . Now if Scripture be doubtfull , and not cleare , how can it be a rule to others , to judge by ? But if Scripture be sufficiently and aboundantly cleare in it selfe in resolving of matters of faith for salvation , how come men to take upon them to be Iudges ? But that the Scripture it selfe should be Iudge , the Prelate in no case , in no place of his Booke will allow of that : Onely he confesseth , that the Scripture is a * Iudge , but without light Sufficient : visible , but not living , not speaking but by the Church . So as the Iudge he makes upon the matter both blind , and dead , and dumb . As the ‡ Papists make it a dead letter , and Leaden or Lesbian Rule , that so they may set the Church above it , to be Supreme Iudge . Thus our Prelates ( if they will allow their Primate to speake for them ) have made the Scripture , and so Gods word of no Authority in and of it selfe , when it must depend both for its Authority , and Sense upon the Church and that the Prelaticall Church , or that Catholicke , wherein the Church Prelaticall of England , and of Rome , are one and the Same . Are not the Prelates then , next after the Pope , those Lawlesse men , branded here by the Apostle , under the name of that Lawlesse one ? We come now to the Sixth note of Antichrist in the Text : which is●that he at God sitteth in the Temple of God , shewing himselfe , that he is God . Now the ‡ Temple of God , properly , according to the New Testament ( the ancient Temple of the Iews being abolished ) is the Soule and Conscience of every beleever : or true Christian , namely a Spirttuall Temple . Now all that beare but the beare name of Christians , as Papists doe , doe also participate of the bare Name of such , as are the true Temples : and so in that respect , Antichrist is said to sit in , or upon or over the Temple of God . For sitting , argues a Seat , Chaire , or Throne , which Antichrist sets up in the Soules and Consciences of all Papists , Sitting and raigning as King over them in all matters of faith . So as thus he makes himselfe a Spirituall Lord , or King over them . And thus by Antichrists sitting is understood his raingning , as the Scripture doth often use this Terme : as Revel. 17. 1. 3. 15. and 18. 7. And so in other places of Scripture , by sitting , is understood raigning , as Heb. 1. 13. 1. Rev. 1. 13. Now that the Pope doth thus set up his throne , and sit and raigne in the Consciences of men , who are the Subjects and vassalls of his Spirituall Kingdome , himselfe cannot , will not deny . And he sits , as God , that is , assumes and exercises that power and authority over the Conscience , which appertaines to God , to Christ alone . And thus he makes shew , that he is God , as to whom God hath committed all his Power and authority unto . As the Pope calls himselfe Vice-God , Christs Vicar , and the like , usurping whatsoever Titles of Power Christ hath in the Scripture : as we read of Leo 10 , in the Councel of Lateran , calling himselfe the Lyon of the Tribe of Iudah , and the like . And Bellarmine blusheth not to say , and therein to Blas-Pheme , that what soever is attributed to Christ in the Scripture , is communicated to his Vicar , the Pope . And thus is fullfilled that , which Christ , foretold , * Many shall come in my Name , saying , I am , or I am Christ , and shall deceive many . Thus for the Pope , that man of Sinne , that Sonne of Perdition , who opposeth and exalteth himselfe , ab●ve all that is called God , or that is worshiped , that Lawlesse one , that as God sits in the Temple of God , shewing himselfe , that he is God● Now for our Prelates , are they not herein also , as in all the rest , at least petty Gods Sitting in the Temple of God , shewing themselvs to be so many Gods ? As for their materiall Princely Thrones in materiall Temples , they have them set up in great State . But this is nothing to that Throne , which they have set up , and wherein they sit and raigne , over the Consciences and Soules of Gods people ; their multitude of Canons and Ceremonies being so many Laws by which they rule over them , and so many bonds or Chaines , whereby they hold them in Spirituall bondage . And thus they sit also as God , in the Timple of God , shewing themselves to be God , in saying they are Christs Vice-Roys , and the Apostles Successors , having Authority from Christ to exercise that their Iurisdiction and Power over Gods People , who are the living Temples of the living God . Thus we see all along , how this Army of Priests ( as G●egory and others call them ) the Prelates , do follow their Captain and King Antichrist step by step , in all his properties here described by the Apostle . The last thing we propounded here to speake of , is , That Apostacie must goe before to strow the way , to the full revealation of the Mystery of Iniquity , and so of Antichrist , which Apostacie was partly and primarily the Prelacie . I say , partly and primarily . For partly the removall of the Imperiall Seat , from Rome to Constan●inople by Constantine , and partly the decaying and declyning of the Empire , and partly the defection of sundry Kingdomes from the Empire , made way for Antichrists greatnesse , to which he grew not but by degrees , and that through many Ages . Yet the prime foundation of his Babylonian Tower was layd in the Apostles own times , they labouring to hinder it all they could , but not prevailing herein , they preached and writ against it , and so forewarned Gods people to beware of it . And this foundation so long agoe begun to be layd , was the Prelacie , or rather the Spirit of Prelacie , which had a time of working even while the Apostles lived , and became to be as it were an Embrio or little Masse , but did not receice the forme of a body , till afterwards , and was long a growing up , untill it came to the full stature . Now ( I say ) the spirit of Prelacie was the very beginning of the Apostacie , which was Antichrists way-maker . But how doth it appeare , that this spirit of the Prelacie began to worke in the Apostles dayes ? And then secondly , how will it appeare , that this spirit of the Prelacy was and is an Apostacie ? For answere : First , that the Prelacie began to get life in the Apostle time , it is manifest by sundry places of Scripture . As 2. Cor. 11. 20. Ye suffer ( saith the Apostle to the Corinthians ) if a man bring you into bondage , if a man devoure you , if a man take of you , if a man exalt himselfe , if a man smite you on the face . Now the Apostle meanes here of those immediately mentioned before , to wit , false Ministers , whom he calls false Apostles , deceitfull work●rs is transforming themselves into the Apostles of Christ , v. 13. 15. These ( as young Prelates ) would be Apostolic●ll men ; and they have the qualities of Prelates , they Captivate Gods people ( as before ) they devoure , take , exalt themselves , smite● just Prelate-like . And for brevity ( to omit sundry other places ) we find one pretty briske Prelaticall man in 3. Iob. 9. 10. his Name was Diotrephes , and he did beare himselfe according to his Name , as one of Iupiters nurslings : his qualities are these : 1. He loveth to have the preeminence . 2. he receiveth not the Apostles , and brethren : 3. he prateth against them with malicious words : 4. he neither receiveth the brethren , and forbiddeth them that would : 5. he casteth them out of the Church . Loe here a pretty well grown Prelaticall Child , a pregnant Sparke to make a Lord Prelate of . For all his Properties are proper to a Prelate : for a Prelate , first , loves the preeminence : 2. though he pretend to Succeed the Apostles , yet his deeds shew , that he hates both their Doctrine , and Example , persecuting them in their true Successors : 3. he receiveth not the brethren : yea 4. he so hates the very name of holy brethren , that he forbids all men to receive them : and 5. he casteth them out of the Church , he playes fy gib with his thunderbolt of Excommunication . I might insist more , and inlarge all these particulars : but this may suffice to shew , that the Spirit of the Prelacie was stirring in the wombe of the Church , even while the Apostles lived . Now for the Second , it is no lesse true , that the Spirit of the Prelacy was and is an Apostacy from Christ . This first appeares by the Apostles former words of falling away first , which made way for Antichrist . And this began in the Prelacie : for the Prelacy is the setting up of a new Church , a new Kingdome , turning Christs heavenly Kingdome into an earthly , and the Spirituall into a carnall , and the Kingdome of Grace , into a Kingdome of terrene glory , and the Church militant into a Church malignant and triumphant ( as before is noted ) and the true Catholicke Church which we beleeve to consist of all the Elect onely , Christs living members ) into a new Catholicke visible Church of all nominall Christians , tagge and ragge , Papists and others : and in a word , the Church of Christ into the Church and Synogogue of Antichrist . Is not here then a fearefull Apostacie , and falling from Christ ? Time calls me off , and therefore I must be very briefe . I will adde therefore but one place more for the proofe of this , That Prelacy is Apostacy from Christ . It is in 1 Io. 2. 18. Little children , it is the last time , and as ye have heard that Antichrist shall come , even now are there many Antichrists , whereby we know that it is the last time . They went out from us ; but they were not of us : for if they had been of us , they would no doubt have continued with us : but they went out , that they might be made manifest , that they were not all of us . Loe , here is an Apostacie , and it is of certaine Antichrists , that were then sprung up , even many Antichrists . But how doth this concerne our Prelates ? Let us looke but a little lower , and as before we found them wrapped in the Swadling Clouts of the Mystery of Iniquity : So here we shall behold them in the very robes of Antichrist . For v. 22. Who is a lyar , but he that denyeth , that Iesus is the Christ : He is Antichrist , &c. Now what is it to deny Iesus to be the Christ ? Surely we must so take these words , as we hold the Analogie of faith , and so , as they crosse not the Mystery of Iniquity , which we shewed before to be a denying of Christ , under a colour of confessing him . Now then there is a twofold denyall of Christ : one in words , another in works . So the Apostle saith of such , * They porfesse that they know God , but in works they deny him , being abominable and disobedient , and unto every good worke reprobate . So as there is a denyall of Christ in deeds . But what it is to deny , that Iesus is the Christ ? This is a point indeed very considerable . To deny that Iesus is the Christ , is to deny , that Iesus is the Auointed King Priest and Prophet ; So , as never any were anointed , to all these 3 Offices . And therefore Christ was said to be ‡ anointed above his fellows . And for that cause he is called here , o' Kristòs , The Anointed . Now then to deny that Iesus is the Christ , is to deny , that Iesus is the onely King , the onely High Priest , and the onely Prophet of his Church . But ( to apply this ) doth the Pope , and so our Prelates , deny that Iesus is thus the Christ ? Yes , they do . First , for the Pope , it is manifest , that he denyes Iesus to be the only King of his Church : because himselfe takes upon him to be King over the Church , sitting as God in the Temple of God , shewing himselfe , that he is God ; as before is shewed . Secondly , he not onely sets up other High-Priests in heaven , as whom he makes Mediators of Interc●ssion : and so he denyes Christs High priesthood in heaven , whose Office alone it is to make Intercession within the v●ile , as was typed by the High Priest , Heb. 9. but the Pope also makes himselfe the High Priest on Earth , in forgiving of Sins , and in Sacrificing and offering up a Breaden Christ for a propitiatory Sacrifice , wherein also every Masse-Priest usurps Christs Priesthood on the Crosse . And Thirdly , he denyeth Iesus to be the onely Prophet to teach his Church , taking upon him to be the Sole Oracle , and unerring Iudge in matters of Faith . These might be inlarged , but I hasten . And a word in things so cleare , is sufficient . Now for our Prelates : Do not they too deny , that Iesus is the Christ ? Doe not they deny him to be the only King of his Church , by their usurping of his throne and dominion over the Consciences of Gods people in matters of faith and Religion , by imposing their manifold Canons , and Ceremonies , as before is shewed ? And Secondly , do they not deny , that Iesus is the onely High Priest , while themselves with the Pope , and their false Priesthood , take upon them to forgive Sins ? Yea and doe they not labour to come home to Rome , in setting up their Altars , with their Priests , which must needs have a sutable Sacrifice , some Host : so as thereby Christ is denyed to be the onely High Priest , who offered up himselfe on the Crosse once for all ? Thirdly , and Lastly , doe they not deny Iesus to be the onely Prophet of his Church , while themselves usurpe the Office of being Iudges of the S●ripture , and of the Controversies of Faith , making their Dictates to be received for Doctrines , and their determinations ( though in things erronious in the Faith ) to bind all men to peace and obedience ? Which being so : the Conclusion is , that as the Pope is the grand Antichrist , so Prelates are so many Antichrists . For ( saith the Apostle ) Who is a lyer , but he that denyeth , that Iesus is the Christ ? He is Antichrist . And thus we see , how these hypocrites , who are so Superstitiously and Idolatrously devout in their worshiping of the Name JESUS , prove themselves notorious . Antichrists , in denying Iesus to be the Christ , to be the only King , Priest and Prophet of his Church . CHAP. IX . Wherein the Prelates usuall Allegations out of the Scriptures , by them perverted , or other by them pretended , are answered . AS there hath been no Heresie , nor Hereticke , so grosse , but he could alledge some Scripture or other for the maintenance of his Heresie , if his own carnall sense might be the Intepreter and Iudge : So our Prelates , though their pretended Title of Iurisdiction be in some cleare Scriptures so expresly condemned both by Christ and his Apostles ( as hath been shewed ) as were sufficient to confound them , and put them to perpetuall silence : yet they leave no Stone unturned , under which they might find but some worme for a baite to deceive the Simple Fish . And therfore where they find but the least shadow , or appearance or resemblance , which may present to their fancy and imagination some aëry Image of their Hierarchie , that they set up for all men to adore . Now let us see what starting holes they find out for themselves in the holy Scripture . First , they alledge those Postscripts in the end of Pauls Second Epistle to Timothy , and of that to Titus : where in the one , Timothy is said to be first Bishop of Ephesus : and in the other , Titus first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians . These ( say they ) were Diocesan Bishops , ordained by the Apostle . And here ( say they ) we have Scripture for it . Ergo we Bishops have our Authority Iure Divin● To both which places , I answere : First , That those two Postscripts are no part of Canonicall Scripture , or of the holy Text . For ( as the learned Beza hath well observed ) they were not found in the most ancient Greek Copies : nor yet in the vulgar Latin Translation , no not to this day . These were additions of some Monks , that were made some hundred yeares after the Apostles . So as in Ieromes time they were not extant , as the Translation that goes in his Name can testifie , which hath no such Postscrips . Secondy , our former and ancienter English Translations , though they have those Postscripts , yet they are put in a small character , different from that of the Text , that all men may take notice they are no part of the Text . Although our All-Innovating Prelates of late , have in the newer Impressions inlarged their Phylacteries , in putting those Postscripts in the same full character with that of the Text , that the Simple might beleeve they are Canonicall Scripture . Thirdly , Timothy and Titus , are no where in Scripture called Bishops . Fourthly , Suppose they were such Bishops , as the Scriptures approve of , as before is shewed : doth it therefore follow , that they were Diocesan Bishops , Lording over the Presbyters , as our Lord Prelates doe ? Let them shew us that . But fiftly , it is cleare by Scripture , that Timothy and Titus were neither Dioce●an Bishops ; nor yet Bishops of a particular Congregation , such as the Scripture commends unto us . Not Diocesan Bishops : for first , as yet there was no distribution of Diocese ; that came in afterward . And secondly , they were not tyed to any Residence either Diocesan , or Parochiall . And neither as yet was the Church divided into Parishes . Now the reason why Timothy and Titus were no such Bishops , is , because they were * Euangelists , whose Office was to attend upon the Apostles , and to be sent by them now to one Church , now to another , and that in remote Countries , and farre distant one from another , where they stayed no longer , then the Apostles thought expedient , having occasion to imploy them in other places ; as we may read Tit. 1. 5. and 3. 12. Phil. 2. 19. 23. 2 Cor. 8. 16. 18 , 19. and 12. 17 , 18. Col. 4. 7 , 8 : 1 Thess. 3. 2. 5 and in sundry other places . So as Timothy and Titus , and other Euangelists , their Office was to water those Churches , which the Apostles had planted , to comfort , confirme , establish the hearts of Christians newly converted to the faith of Christ . So as if Timothy and Titus had been Bishops , either Diocesan , or Parochiall , then the Apostle in sending them to this and that Countrey , to this and that Church in farre distant Countries , should have been an Author of Non-residence , a thing much controverted in the ‡ Councel of Trent , and the best learned did maintaine , that Residence of Bishops was de jure divino . They were no Bishops therefore , but Euangelists . And thus the Scripture it selfe shews plainly , that those foresaid Postscripts are meere forgeries , and counterfeit stuffe ; though our Prelates are glad of any shred to patch up their Pyde Motley Coat withall . But they alledge againe for themselves , that Titus was left in Creet to ordaine Bishops in every City . Ergo , Ordination of Ministers belongs properly and solely to Bishops . For Answere : Is this a good Argument : Titus Ordained Ministers in Creet : Ergo Ordination of Ministers pertaines to the Office of every Diocesan Bishop ? But they must bring better proofe , that Titus was a Diocesan Bishop : otherwise , I deny their Argument . Secondly , Suppose , that Titus did alone ordaine : yet this being a case of necessity , and in the infancy of the Church , is it therfore to be made a Generall Rule ? Thirdly , if they were Diocesan Bishops , whom Titus ordained in every City in Creta , then Titus was an Arch-bishop at least , and no small one neither , for there being an hundred Cities in Creet , called therefore e katómpolis , the hundred-City-Ile . But for Arch-bishops our Arch-prelate confesseth they are not Iure Divino . Or els , for Titus to ordaine such Bishops , as the Prelate meaneth he could according to ancient Canons of Councels , have had 2 or 3 other Bishops joyned with him . But if they had been Bishops , whom he is sayd to Ordaine , the word should rather have been teleiosai , or so to Consecrate , then katastesai , to ordaine : because a Diocesan Bishop is not ordained , but consecrated , as they call it ; so as such a Bishop is not an Order , or Calling , as before is shewed . But to shut up this : Titus was no Bishop , and therfore our Prelates Argument from Titus his Ordaining of Ministers , is too weake a foundation , to build their high Towring Hierarchie upon . Againe , they alledge the power that Timothy and Titus had to Censure delinquents : Ergo Prelates Courts are Iure Divino . This Argument is like the former , and concluds nothing for them . Nor had Timothy and Titus their Courts and Consistories , their Apparitors , and Pursuivants , their dumb Priests to sit in Court to Excommunicate , and the like . Nor were their Censures like to those of our Prelates ; as before we have shewed about Excommunication , either for the matter , or manner , or end . But Titus had a Commission tà leíponta , epidiorthosai , to set in order the things that are wanting . What then ? Ergo it is an Office of Prelates to set the Church in Order , by adding such Ceremenies or Canons , as are wanting . As the Prelate saith in his said Booke , that he had * taken all that paines for an Orderly Settlement in the Church . But besides the reasons aforesaid , that Titus was no Diocesan Bishop , for our Prelates to make their pattern by : they must consider , that the full latitude of the sense of epidiorthosa● ( which our English turnes , to set in Order , ) is , to set those things in Order , or in integrum restituere , to restore and reduce them to their former estate , wherein at the first they were ordered . Now Titus had received his rule from the Apostle for whatsoever he was to set in Order , which rule comprehended such things as were wanting . The Apostle left it not to Titus to doe what he would , but o'● ego soi dietaxamen , as I had appointed thee . Thus nothing will frame well , the Scripture will not speak one good word for our Prelates . But they take their wings , and flie to the Revelation , where the Bishops are called Angels , as Rev. 1. 20. and 2. 1 , &c. The Angel of the Church of Ephesus ( say they ) was the Bishop , to wit , the Diocesan Bishop . But first they must prove that Ephesus had a Diocesan Bishop . before they can conclude he was that Angel . For every Angel is not a Diocesan Bishop . For then All Ministers being called Angels , because Gods Messengers , should be Diocesan Bishops , which our Prelates cry out against : but if they be false Ministers , or counterfeit Bishops , though they be Angels , yet they are of those Angels of darknesse , which transforme themselves into Angels of light , as the Apostle speakes , and which we mentioned before . But hath Ephesus now gotten a Dioces●n Bishop ? What 's then become of all those Bishops of Eph●sus , whom the Apostle called together , 〈◊〉 . 20. 17. 28 ? Of which we spake before . How come they now all to be moulded up into one Angel , one Diocesan Bishop ? But our Prelates must bring us better proofe from Scripture , then so , for their Diocesan Bishop , unlesse they will have him some Angel dropt from the Clowds . And ( saith the Apostle ) if an Angel from heaven preach otherwise , then what the Scripture teacheth , let him be accursed . But they imagine this Angel is the Diocesan Lord Bishop , because he stands single , and alone , To the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , not To the Angels , as many . But doe the● no● know , that it is familiar with the Scripture to use the singular number for the plural ? Doth not every one of the ten Commandements run thus , Thou shalt not , &c. when every Mothers Sonne is meant ? And why not so here ? Nay it is so here : for though he write as to one , v. 1. yet v. 7. he concludes the Epistle thus , He that hath an eare , let him heare what the Spirit saith to the Churches . And such is the style and manner of every one of those 7. Epistles to the seven Churches : so as under one is meant every one , yea all the Churches . Now will our Prelates hence conclude , that because an Angel herd is named , and that which is written particularly to one , concerneth all the Churches : that therefore this Angel was the Diocesan Bishop ? Surely then , he must be an Arch-bishop , as comprehending all the Churches . And so also must every one of the other Angels of the Churches : which would make a confusion . But if the Prelates were not selfe-blinded , they might discerne the reason , why the Holy-Ghost puts an Angel for many . For thus it holds proportion with the Vision shewed to Iohn , Chap. 1. 12. 20. This Vision of the Seven Starres , and Seven Candlesticks , and Seven Angels , and Seven Churches , is called a Mystery . And a Mystery is a Secret , which comprehends more , then is expressed . And so here , when one Angel is named , we are to understand all the Angels of that Church , to whom , in the name of one , the Epistle is written : nor ●onely to all the Angels , but to the Churches , under the name of one Angel . So as in one are comprehended many , for it is a Mystery : yet one is mentioned ( Chap. 2. 1. ) because ( I say ) it holds proportion with the vision . Againe , if by the Angel here , they would have to be understood a Diocesan Bishop , then they must prove , that this Diocesan hath a lawfull Calling , as Sent of God . Otherwise he is no Angel , that is , no Messenger , no Angel sent of God . Or if they say , This Angel was sent of God , let them prove him to be a Diocesan Bishop . And thus they are brought into a Circle , and cannot find the way out . But they alledge againe , That one here notes unity , which cannot be without a Diocesan Bishop . And therefore a Diocesan Bishop was set up for that end , to be a Head of unity , for the conservation of Order and Peace , in Schismatis remedium , for a remedy of Schisme . Insomuch as our Arch-prelate ( as is before noted ) holds a necessity of one Ordine Primus , for the unity and peace of his Catholicke Church . Now for answere briefly ( this being partly touched before ) true it is , that one here is a mysticall note of unity , so as in the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , is comprehended the whole Church of Ephesus , both Ministers and People . But one here doth not signifie one Diocesan Bishop . Neither is one Diocesan Bishop in a Diocese , nor one Metropolitan in a Province or Kingdome , nor one Ordine Primus in the whole Catholicke Church , of necessity to preserve unity in the Church . 'T is true indeed , that the Prelates new Catholicke-Church , which is Prelaticall , may need such a Head as one Ordine Primus , to preserve it in unity and peace : this being also very usefull for the inlarging of the Tower of Babel , for which the Prelate hath so laboured for Peace in the Church of England under the Headship of his Primacy : so as had he none to oppose or contradict his wicked practises , for the setting up of Popery , but all did quietly submit and conforme to his Canon , his Babylon would goe up apace , and prosper : even as * when the old world was all of one language , the Tower of Babel went up a maine , till God confounded their worke in the division of tongues : but the true Catholicke Church of Iesus Christ hath one Bishop of there Soules , which is Christ , who is that Ordine Primus , that ‡ unites the whole body , every joynt , and every member , that is , not onely every particular beleever , but every particular Christian Congregation is knit to the whole , in and under that one Head And so this Body groweth , and this building goeth up , notwithstanding all the mouths of contradiction , and of malicious Sandballets , that seek to hinder it . Whereas it is not so with the building of Babel . For one small breath of the mouth of God in his word , breathed by one poore Minister , is able to blast the building ; and therefore the builders cry out against such Fellows , as troublers of the State , and movers of Sedition . And they cannot be in quiet , nor their building goe up , untill such make-bates be silenced , or made our of the way . And therefore they labour with the Prince ( when themselves want power and Law ) to d●e with such as Constantine did with Athanasius . Athanasius was the onely man , that refused to hold Communion with a sort of Arian Bishops ; which caused a great gappe in that unity and peace in the Church , which Constantine so much desired . Well , what 's the remedy ? He thereupon was easily moved to send Athanasius away into banishment , and then he thought all would be quiet and in peace . But by the way , Truth must be looked unto in the first place : otherwise what peace ? For that a false peace , and the moeher of farther discord , for the which truth is lost . And even our Prelate himselfe in his said Booke doth often harpe upon these two strings together , Truth and Peace : a good harmony , were they rightly meant , and that his Truth were not made of a Wolfes gut , which will never agree with a string made of a Sheeps gut , as he pretends his Peace to be . But this by the way . And whereas they alledge the Prelacie to be a remedy of Schisme ( Heare ô heavens , and hearken ô earth ) is not the Prelacy the grand Schismaticke ? I mean , not onely in being the most busie and usuall make-bate in all Civil States , dividing Prince and People , but in setting up a new and false Catholicke Church , altogether seperate from , and holding no communion with , yea excluding all Reformed Churches not Prelaticall , as no members of the Catholicke ( as indeed they be not of the false Catholicke ) all Prelacie drawing to one Head of the Papacy , and that by a necessity of one Ordine Primus ; as before is noted . But to draw to a Conclusion . The last Allegation which I note they make , is , that S. Marke was Bishop of Alexandria . Ergo Episcopall Iurisdiction , is an Apostolicall Tradition , and so jure divino . And for this they alledge the Testimony of Ierome where he saith , At Alexandria from Marke the Evangelist , the Presbyters alwayes chusing one from among them , and placing him in a more eminent degree , called him Bishop . Whereupon the Prelate thus inferres . So even according to S. Jerome , Bishops had a very ancient and honourable Discent in the Church from St. Marke the Euangelist : and this ( saith Ierome , ) was a Tradition Apostolicke . So the Prelate . But first for Ierome , we noted his words before of such Bishops , saying , They were set up by humane presumption , and not by divine Institution , and consequently not by Apostolike Tradition . For Apostolicke Tradition is farre from ●um●ne presumption ; So as it is humane presumption to make that Apostolicke Tradition . And for S. Marke , * Ecclesiasticall Story tells us , that Marke was the first , that preached the Gospell ( which also he writ ) at Alexandria . But the Story saith not , that Marke was Bishop of Alexandria . And the Prelate must marke , that he was an Euangelist ( as also Iereme saith ) for he wrote the Gospel . And the History saith , he was ‡ a follower of Peter the Apostle . Which if true , it makes it more probable , that it was that Babylon in Egypt , whence Peter wrote his Epistle , where he saith , The Church that is at Babylon saluteth you , and so doth Marcus my Son : then that Peter was then at Rome , which the Papists ( to make Peter to have been at Rome ) are content should be that Babylon , from whence he writ . And if they will needs have it so , let them have it , with the whore of Babylon to boot . But this by the way . But be it , that Marke was at Alexandria , he was there onely as an Euangelist , and to doe the Office of an Euangelist , of which we have Spoken before : Bishop he was not , as the Prelates would have him ; for that we have already proved to be in their sense condemned both by Christ , and by his Apostles , and therfore is neither an Institution of Christ , nor a Tradition Apostolicke . And therefore what ever the Presbyters at Alexandria began to practise after Marke the Euangelist , in chusing and exalting one over them , whom they called a Bishop , whence our Prelates derive their Ancieut and Honourable descent : sure we are , they can never prove , that ever either any Apostle delivered this to Marke , or Marke from the Apostles to the Presbyters , to make it a Tradition Apostolicke . Yea this is a sure and infallible Rule in Divinity , That whatever the Apostles expresly set down in their Sacred writing , they never delivered the contrary by word of mouth . As the Apostle writes to the Corinthians , saying ‡ As God is true , our word towards you , was not yea and any . Now ( as we have sufficiently proved before ) the Apostles , as Christ their Masters forbad them ) forbid Prelacy to others , they exercised it not themselves , they disclaimed dominion over the saith of Christians , they brand it for Antichristian : therfore Prelaticall Iurisdiction is no Apostolick Tradition : and so no w●y of divine Institution . And thus the Truth and Title agreeing together , I end , as I began , Lord Bishops , are none of the LORDS Bishops . FINIS . GOOD COVNCEL FOR THE PRESENT STATE OF ENGLAND . I Call that Counsel onely good , which God himselfe giveth in his Word : and such is this Counsel , which is here given , as being taken from the mouth of God speaking in his Word . 'T is a dangerous thing , and impious too , for Men to neglect Gods Councel , and follow their own . This is a signe of a People given up of God : As the Lord saith , * My poople would not hearken to my voyce , and Israel would none of me : So I gave them up unto their own hea●●s lust , and they walked in their own Counsels . And what 's the issue of such Counsels ? David tells us , and that with an imprecasion , ‡ Destroy thou them , ô God , let them fall by their own Councels . And this is meant of such Councels especially , as are taken not onely without the Lord , but against the Lord . Of which David also saith , ‡ Why doe the Heathen rage , and the people imagine a vaine thing ? The Kings of the earth set themselves , and the Rulers take Councel together against the Lord , and against his Christ : Saying , Let us breake their bonds a sunder , and cast away their cords from us . And what followeth ? He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh , the Lord shall have them in derision . Then shall he speake unto them in his wrath , and vex them in his sore displeasure . For God hath set his King , even the Lord Iesus Christ , upon his holy hill of Sion . This King hath all power in heaven and in earth given into his hand . And he hath , as a golden Scepter sweetly to governe and protect his own people , so an Iron Rod to break in pieces his enemies , wherupon the Kingly Prophet concludes thus , Be wise now therefore ô ye Kings , be instructed ye Iudges of the Eearth : Serve the Lord in feare and trembling : Kisse the Son , least he be angry , and ye perish from the way , when his wrath is kindled but a little . And what doth more kindle Gods wrath against a State , or Nation , then to Slight and Scorn his Councels , and with those Giants of old to consult , and confederate , and even make Warre against the Lord and his Christ ? And now , ô England , thou a●t making a great preparation for Warre . But of whom hast thou taken Councel ? Of the Lord ? From his mouth ? Hast thou consulted his Oracle , his Word ? If not , what ever other Councel thou takest , or followest , it is but such , whereof David thus speakes , * The Lord bringeth the Councel of the Heathen to nought , be maketh the devises of the people of none effect , and casteth out the Counsels of Princes . The Councel of the Lord standeth for ever , the thoughts of his heart to all generations . And ‡ There is no King saved by the multitude of an Host , a mighty man is not delivered by much strength . An Horse is a vaine thing for safety , neither shall be deliver any by his great strength . Solomon saith , By wise Councel thou shalt make thy Warre . And no Councel can be wise , which is not taken of God , and much lesse , what is taken of enemies against God . Of whom then dost thou take Councel for thy Warre● Heare , ô England , examine thy selfe . I know the Councel of thy heart ( as Solomon saith is as ‡ deep waters , into the bottome wherof a vulgar eye cannot elsily pierce . But yet a man of understanding will draw it out . But if thou wil● not discover who is thy Counsellour , certainly thy intended actions will bewray and publish to the world . And therefore in the Second place , consider the Cause of thy Warre , that it be just . I do not meane made seemingly just by false colours , and pretences , but that it be really and truly just before God an Men , Otherwise , thou hast two grand Causes of feare , that the issue shall not be prosperous ; to wit , not takiug Councel first of God for thy Warre : secondly , not undertaking it upon a just Cause or quarrell . But ( to come a little nearer home to the point ) is the Cause such , as it will beare any Consultation , or Communion with God . So as thou mayst with a good heart and Conscience seek unto God , to maintaine thy Cause ? And for what ever Cause thou indendest thy Warre , or against whom , surely the Cause being publicke , and so concerning the whole Land , such a seeking of God is required , as is solemne , publicke , and universall . And we are sure , that as yet , ô England , thou hast not sought God , for the good Speed of this thy great and warlike preparation And then , what good issue canst thou expect for ? But thou wilt say , how shall I seeke Counsel and helpe of God ? For this , I will propound but one example . The whole Tribe of Benjamin stood up in maintenance of a most wicked and prodigious fact , as that towards the Levites Wife . He sent her being dead in 12 pieces to all the Tribes of Israel : who abhorring such a Fact , first sent to their Brethren the Benjamites to punish the Malefactors . They refused . Whereupon all the Tribes assembled . And first they aske Counsel of the Lord which of the Tribes , shall goe up first against Benjamin . He Answers , Iuda● . And though the Cause was just , and God councelled them , yet they were expulsed with the losse of 22 thousand men . They consult God the Second time ; and that with weeping before the Lord untill even : the Lord answers them , Goe up , yet this time also they were beaten and lost 18 thousand men . Strange ? Well they inquire of the Lord the third time , but in a better manner then before : for all the People of Israel assemble to the House of God , weeping and fasting the whole day untill even , and offered burnt offerings , and peace offerings before the Lord ; and then asking the Lord , shall I yet againe goe to battaile against Benjamin , or shall I cease . The Lord answers them the third time , Goe up , for to morrow I will deliver them into thy hand . Whence it is to be noted , that till this Third time , that they make their peace with God by burnt-offerings , and peace-offerings , God doth not give them an answere of peace , and prosperous successe . Hence then , ô England ; take thy patterne of seeking God , and asking Counsel of Him . First , doe not first resolve with thy selfe to fight , and then goe aske of God , not , whether thou shalt fight , or no , but onely , who shall goe up first . For then thou mayst speed , as they did . Secondly , thinke it not sufficient to powre forth teares of worldly sorrow for thy discomfiture , and therupon resolve to renew the battaile , for which also , though they had an Answere of God for it , yet it was without any Promise of good Successe . But Thirdly , a Generall Fast must be Proclaimed over the Land , and a Solemne Day must be kept in offering up the burnt offerings of an humble and contrite heart , and peace offerings of reconciliation with God through faith in Christ , joyned with a thorow Reformation of thy notorious Sins and transgressions , wherewith the whole Land is burthened and defiled . Then , then ( I say ) and not before ( alwayes provided the Cause of Warre be known to be just , as that of the Israelites was against the Benjamites their Brethren ) mayst thou with a good Conscience and sure confidence in God make thy Warre . But what Sins are those , which thou must reforme ? In brief , thou must ( ô England ) call in those wicked and ungodly Bookes , Orders , Edicts , Declarations , whereby the Doctrines of Grace have been suppressed , the Sanctification of the Sabbath cryed down , Ministers persecuted , and put out of their places , much innocent blood hath been shed , especially of those 3 banished Close Prisoners ; and to Summe up all in one head-Sinne , to cast out those , who are the maine Instruments and movers of all these and other outrages in the Land , to wit , the Prelates , who ( as the limbs of Antichrist , and so Christs adversaries ) doe of late especially challenge their Lordly Jurisdiction from Christ alone , * which notwithstanding he hath expresly forbidden as heathenish , and tyrennicall : and which his ‡ Apostles branded for Antichristian , and the Mystery of Iniquity . So as till these usurpers of Christs Throne , be cast out , with all their Baggage and Trumpery of their Cermonies and will-worship , be sure , ô England , thou canst not look to prosper in any thy undertakings , be they never so just : for in maintaining thy Prelates , thou maintainest open Warre against Christ , and his Kingdome , and ( hadst thou eyes to see it ) against thine own Kingdome too , and the peace and prosperity thereof . But it will be alledged that thy Reverend Prelats hate a Publick Fast , as being Puritanicall , and consequently any such Reformation , as aforesaid , as being all Puritanicall : that their Order is most Christian , and consonant to Civil Government , and most agreeable with the Monarchy ; and the like . And therefore , that thou art bound to defend them , yea though it be by making open Warre against all those , that doe withstand their Hiearchy . I● this be thy resolution , ô England , then know this for a certainty that thou canst not long stand : seeing thy so maintaining of that Antichristian Tyranny is to wage open Warre against Iesus Christ , the onely King of his Church . And therfore if this be the cause and end of thy warlike preparations , be sure thou shalt not prosper in why way how art thou so blind , as not to se , how thy prosperity must of necessity be thy ruine . For as Christ saith , * A Kingdome divided against it selfe cannot stand . And so if the Iland which consists of two Kingdomes under one King be divided against it selfe , and the one Kingdome destroy the other , is it not as with the body when the right hand cuts off the left ? And shalt not thou , ô England , be hereby exposed to thy false friends , and deadly enemies without , who could not wish a better opportunity for the effecting of their long wished desire , then to see this goodly Iland to imbrue her hands in her own bowels and blood ? And therefore , if thou hast any such designe ô England , who could , who would counsel and instigate thee unto it , but the Spirit of Iezebel of Rome , possessing thy ●relotes , who as those ‡ false Prophets , bid thee to goe up against Ram●th Gilead , and prosper . But it wil be pretended , they are Rebells whom thou wilt Warre against . Wherein Rebells ? For casting our Christs enemies , those Antichristian usurpers the Prelates ? Indeed thus thou didst deale with those 3 above said , as Seditious Persons , because they convinced the Prelates of their usurped title of Iurisdiction from Christ , wherein they did not in the least point transgresse , or yet so much as trench upon any of thy Laws , but defended them against the Prelates . And if in so doing any shal be accounted of thee to be Rebells , certainly they which doe it not , are neither good Christians , nor good Subjects . But if indeed thou wilt Warre against any such , as Rebells , let the Case first be tryed in a faire and Judiciall way , a better then which cannot be , then the present Parliament . And because the Prelates are Parties , let them be excluded out of the Court , till the matter be deci●ed . For no Reason , that Parties should sit as Judges , as the Prelates did in the Censuring of those former three , though they excepted against them in open Court . And if indeed by such a faire tryall any shal be found judicially to be Rebells against their King , then make Warre against them , and spare not , and I could wish to be the foremost in the fight . But if they onely stand to defend their ancient Rights and Liberties and those good Laws of the Land , which as the Ligatures doe bind , unite , and fasten the Head and Body , the King and his Subjects together : and which both Prince and People are bound by mutuall Covenant , and Sacred Oath to maintaine , let the Parliament determine , whether that be Rebellion , or no . Which , till it be determined , let me crave thy patience , ô England , in a few words ; and hearken to the Counsel , that I shall give thee in Gods own Name and words . And because the present Parliament is the Representative Body of the whole State of the Land , let me first addresse my Speech to it , now Assembled in both the Houses . Now where Gods word saith , * By wise Counsel thou shalt make thy Warre : he immediately addeth , And in a multitude of Councellers there is Safety . And you , most Noble Senate , are a Multitude of Councellers , whose wisdome and Councel is requisite at this time for the making of Warre , or not , and much more , for the making of Warre against your Brethren , and in the very bowells of the Land . Which Warre if it be for the Prelates Hierarchy , let me say , as he did , ‡ If Baal be a God , let him plead for himselfe . For otherwise● the making of such a Warre cannot be for safety : and therfore I hope a multitude of such Counsellers will never give their consent , much lesse their Counsel for such a Warre . Yea because as the wise Heathen Statesman and Orator said , Iniquissima pax justissimo Bello anteponenda est : even an unequall Peace is to be preferred before a just Warre : how much more is a most just and Christian Peace to be preferred before a most unjust and Antichrrstian Warre ; Such as is undertaken for the maintenance of the Hierarhy , which is meerly Antichristian . And miserable are those Warriers , that fight for the Beasts Kingdome , and for the Dragon against the Lambe , Iesus Christ . And therefore to prevent this , hearken to Christs words , Blessed are the Peace-makers : for they shal be called the Children of God . And if any be charged of Rebellion , if it be found so by you , let the Civil Sword of Justice be drawn , and not the bloody Sword of Warre , by which the innocent may as soone suffer , as the nocent . And for the better making of way for Peace : let the make-bates be removed , those Ackans of Israel , the troublers and incendiaries of all Estates both Civil and Christian . And who are those but the Prelates ? Solomon saith , ‡ Take away the wicked from before the King , and his throne shal ●e established in righteousnesse . This he compares there ( v. 4. ) to the drosse purged away from the silver ; which is not done , but by the fire . So this Seperation of these wicked from the King cannot be , but by a strong and a holy Zeale . And till this Seperation be the Kings throne cannot be established in righteousnesse . And as ( Pro. 26. 20. ) where no wood is , there the fire goeth out : So where there is no Tale-bearer , the strife ceasseth . And surely if these Sycophants● and Eare-wiggs were removed , we should neither heare of Warre between Prince and People , nor feare any Invasion of Forraign Power . But the Prelates ( will some say ) are by the Laws of the Land ●●thorised , and so incorporated into the Body of the State : So as ●tis no easie matter to make this Separation . 'T is true indeed , that an old inbred malignant hun our , or incorporated Wenne ( as Iuniu● calls the Popedome , and Hierarchie ) is not easily removed from the Body . But to you●comfort● most Noble Physitians ) the Wenne hath of its own accord star●ed out of his place , So as it is but closing it up , that it returne not . For of late the Prelates have by their very claim of holding their Iurisdiction from Christ , fallen off from , and disclaimed their dependance upon either Kings Prerogative , or Law . And how severely have they in their Courts of late Censured those , that have withstood this their usurped Title , as Dr. Bastwicke , Mr. Burton , Mr. Pryn. Yea and but the other day , and within the very smell of the approaching Parliament , was not a Learned Reader in the Law in the Temple , now a member of the Parliament , inhibited and suspended from his Reading , because he undertook to prove , that Prelaticall Iurisdiction was not Iure Divino , by Divine Authority ? So as now they having withdrawn themselves , and flown off from under the protection of Royall Prerogative , and Law , and having no one Evidence in Scripture for this their Title , which they are able to produce : they lye naked and exposed to this present Parliament , quite to casheere and abandon them , and send them with all their Pompe , Pride , Tyranny , and Antichristian Titles to Rome , from whence , with the great Antichrist , they had their first Rise and Originall . Therfore in Gods Name cast them out , as notorious Innovators , and enemies of all Laws of God and Man ; for as that * ● anomos , that Lawlesse one , they wil be tyed to none , but tramble upon all . How have they trampled on the sanctification of the Sabbath , and the morrality of the 4th Commandement , polluting it with their foule Pawes ? How have they dared the Courts of Civil Justice , that no Prohibitions can be obtained for the most innocent Causes , to fetch them off the hooks of their High Commission ? How have they trampled upon Gods word , and all the Doctrines of Grace , utterly prohibiting them to be preached , without which Doctrines there can be no true Preaching ? How doe they trample upon all godly Ministers and People , hunting them out of every hole , with their Beagles , So as what a kind of Convocation is now in beeing , and what Can●ns they will make , if they be suffered judge you , especially when they have such a Lawlesse Pope over them , as now they have . Out with them therfore , out of hand . But some will say , they are grown potent in Court , and they have a strong Faction and Party , so as they are become a Noli me tangere : and no sooner shall the Parliament begin to meddle with them , but they will procure a hand to knock them off and breake up all . Is it so ? Will they do thus ? It is not unlikely , because they have been such expert practisioners in such kind of fea●es . For all the world shal be set in a flame and combustion , rather then one Sparke shall cindge their Coat . And if so , what then ? Surely then , woe to thee , ô England , never look for Parliament more , but prepare thy necke for the Prelates Iron Yoake . Woe to thee , ô Scotland , i●●case thy Prelates return by a forcible reentry , which shal be my earnest Prayer , they may never doe . Nay I hope , for all their power and pride , their Kigdom is near at an end in this Hand . For Christ hath stirred up all the good Peoples hearts against them , and their Tyranny . And now , most Noble Senate , Christ requires , your helping hand , and unanimous votes to cast them out . Which to effect , first let a league be renewed between Christ and this Kingdome , by humiliation , by Reformation , by purgation of the Land from all Romish Altars , Images , and other Superstitions in Churches , and from all manner of humane Inventions and Ceremonies whatsoever to bind the Conscience of any man in the service and worship of our God . Then Secondly ( the Prelates being casheered ) stand closse to the King , and let him know and feele the boundlesse affections of his People , in their free and liberall Contributions , for the necessary maintenance of the State of the Kingdome . For nothing can Seperate Prince and Peoples affections , but Prelates . But for conclusion abruptly , if their malice and power prevaile so farre , as to cause an untimely and unhappy beeaking up of this Parliament , as formerly they have done , which hath been and is the onely cause of all the Calamities of the Land , which now is drawi●g on to utter ruine and confusion , if not at this time through Gods mercy , by the meanes of this present Parliament prevented : now or never take heart and courage unanimously to doe your utmost for the preserving both of your King and Countrey . And therfore before you be dissolved , if you cannot attaine to the establishing of so many Acts , yet at least let these particular Protests● be left recorded for perpetuall memory , and a Testimony to all the world , to Angels and Men , of your zeale for God , of your loyalty to your King , and of your love to your Countrey . First , Protest against the Hierarchy , as an Antichristian Tyranny over the Soules , Bodies , and Estates of all the Kings Subjects , and therefore ought to be rooted out , and not suffered in any Christian Church , or Common Weale . Secondly , and consequently , Protest against all Altars , Images , and such like Popish Idolatrous Reliques , utterly unlawfull to be erected in any true Christian Church . Thirdly , Protest against all humane Rites and Ceremonies whatsoever imposed upon mens Consciences in the worship of God , as being all of them Antichristian , bringing into bondage mens Soules , which Christ hath redeemed with his precious blood , who is the onely Lord of the Conscience , and the onely Law-giver to his Church for all matters of Faith , and of the worship of God . Fourthly , Protest against all such generall Taxes layd upon the Subjects , as whereby both their ancient Liberties , and the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome are overthrowne , and so vindicate the Honour both of the King , and of this noble Kingdome , that it may not be recorded to Posterity for a State of Tyranny and Slavery . Fiftly , and consequently , Protest against all those wicked Iudges , which have in such wise declared their opinions for intollerable Taxes expresly contrary to the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdome , as thereby they have given occasion for the betraying of all , and the bringing of the whole Land under perpetuall Slavery . Sixtly , Protest against that Prelaticall Declaration set forth in the Kings Name before the 39 Articles , wherein those Articles of the Dostrines of Grace , are made voyd , and so all preaching of them suppressed . Seventhly , Protest against that Booke for Sports on the Lords dayes , as whereby both the fourth Commandement , and the fifth are most desperately overthrown : as also against all those Bookes that have been set forth for the maintaining of such profanation , as whereby God is greatly dishonoured , and his wrath provoked even to the Spewing out of such a Nation out of his mouth . Eightly , Protest against all that Prelaticall Tyranny in oppressing the preaching of Gods Word on the Lords dayes in the after-noone , and other dayes in the week , and their Antichristian persecuting and putting out of all godly and painfull Ministers , such as will not conform to their lawlesse Ordinances . Ninthly , Protest against that most terrible and odious shedding of the innocont blood of those 3 forementioned , now perpetuall Exiles and Closse Prisoners , even their very Wives most lawlesly detained from them , with a●● their other severe punishments , one of them being a Minister , who in discharge of his duty first preached in his own Church , and then published his Sermons in Print against the Prelates notorious practises and Popish Innovations , for which he underwent punishments so great , so many , as no Age● no Christian State can parallell ; so as their blood doth incessantly cry against this whole Land , as guilty thereof ( though shed onely by the Prelates instigation as aforesaid ) untill it be purged . Tenthly , Protest against that accursed Booke , Relation of a Conference , &c. published in Print , and Dedicated to the King , by the now Prelate of Canterbury , wherein he belyes , and so blasphemes God , Christ , the Holy Ghost , the holy Scriptures , the Church of England , in saying it is one and the Same with that of Rome , of the same Faith and Religion with that Whore of Babylon , and many such like impious assertions , the whole Booke professedly tending to reconcile England and Rome , and so to bring the whole Land backe againe to Popery . Eleventhly , If this great and Warlike preparation be by the Prelates Diabolicall Instigation ( as by no other it can be , except by the Pope and his Iesuiter , and his Nuncio's Negotiation have also a hand in it ) to goe against the Scots , and if the cause shal be found to be no other , but that they have abandoned , and Remaunded to Rome all their Prelates , as the grand Enemies of Christ , and his Kingdome , and of the peaceable and prosperous estate of the Realme , and consequently of the Kings Crown and Dignity ; and that they stand for the maintenance of their just Laws and Liberties , the continuance whereof is the Kings honour , and the establishment of his throne : If ( I say ) no other cause can justly be alledged , and yet they shal be invaded , as Rebells : Protest against all ayd and assistance of such an Invasion , as being against the Law of God , of Nature , and of Nations , and as being a Warre directly against Jesus Christ , in the maintenance of Antichrist , and his Antichristian Hierarchy ; and so such , as must needs recoyle , and that in divine fury upon England it selfe , which having burned her neighbours house , exposeth her owne to the flames . Yea for England to Invade Scotland for no other cause in truth , then before mentioned , namely , for their maintaining of the true Faith and Religion of Christ , and their just Lawes and Liberties , which all true Christians , and Civil States ought to lay down their very lives for ; ( as the light of Nature taught the very Heathen , Pugnare pro Aris ac focis ; and that Grecian could say , A'iresomai teleutan mallon , ' è a'neleutheros sun : I choose rather to dye , a Free-man , then to live a Slave . And the Monarchicall estate , governed by good Laws , was ever preferred , and opposed to Tyranny ) were to renounce and give up her own ancient Liberties , and to betray , and persecute , and destroy the true Faith and Religion of Christ , and so set up and professe the Infidelity and Idolatry of Antichrist , and so with him and his cursed Crue , to goe into perdition . The Primitive Christians under Julian the Apostata , served him in the Warres against his Enemies : but when he Commanded them to goe against Christians , who refused to worship , or offer Incense to his Idols , they cast down their Weapons , acknowledging the Emperour of heaven . And when Saul * commanded his Servants to fall upon the Lords Priests , none of them would doe it . And I read of a Secretary to an Empresse , who being commanded by her to draw an Edict againg the Christians , he still found delayes : but at length she growing instant upon him for it , so as he could no longer delay it , he tooke off his Military girdle ( the Ensigne of his service ) and cast it at her feet , and so discharged himselfe from her Court . Thus , if you make , and leave these Christian , zealous , and just Protestations among the Recods of Parliament , in case it shal be by the malice and inchantments of the Prelates unhappily dissolved , before you can produce them into a full Act , and establish them for a Law : though otherwise ye cannot effect a reall Reformation of all the mischiefes and maladies , which the Prelates in speciall have filled the Land withall : yet forasmuch as you have thus publickly , both for your own persons , and as the Body representative of the whole State of the Land , solemnly protested against all these things : there is no question to be made , but that God in his mercy and favour will accept of your will for the deed it selfe , and will still preserve both you and your posterity , and the whole Land from destruction , and will find out some other way for the rooting out of the Hierarchy ; according to those Prophesies in the Revelation , the full filling of which cannot be farre off . Now the Lord Iesus Christ guide and govern the Kings heart to the love of God , and of his truth , and let him clearely see how miseraby he hath been abused by those notorious hypocrites , his flattering and Sycophantising Prelates , and so take off and divide his Noble heart from them , that being reconciled to God in reforming the manifold and horrible abuses , which the Prelates , to the dishonour of God , and of the King , have been the Authors and Instruments of , and being united to his loving and loyall People , as the Head to the Body , in this Body representative , the Parliament : he may long raigne over this Land , and all his other Kingdomes in much peace and prosperity . And the same Lord Iesus Christ so unite the hearts of this Parliament unto God , and to the King , and among themselves , and so guide them by the wisdome of his Spirit and Grace , that they may sit , and consult , and conclude such righteous Acts and Decrees , as may be for the honour of God , and of the King , for the advancement of Christs Kingdome , and the establishment of the Kings Throne upon the Pillars of good Government with justice and mercy● in punishing the wicked , and relieving the afflicted and oppressed Innocents , as David in that Psalme penned for his Sonne Salomon , a type of Christ , prayed saying , * Give the King thy judgemens , ô God , and thy righteousnesse unto the Kings Son . He shall judge thy people with righteousnesse , and thy poore with judgement . He shall judge the poore of the people , he shall have the children of the needy , and shall breake in pieces the oppressors . Even as the Heathen also said of the duty of Kings , which was , Parcere subjectis , et debellare superbos : To spare his Subjects , and the proud beat down . And as they said of Iulius Caesar , Caesar dando subl●vando , ignoscend● , gloriam adeptus est : Caesar by giving , relieving , and pardoning , got himselfe a glorious Name . And lastly , the same Lord Iesus Christ , power his Spirit of Grace and Supplication upon all the people of the Land , that being sensible both of their own Sins , and of the Nationall Sins of the Land , as also of the heavy yoake of Anticrhist , and the burthens of Egypt , wherewith those Taskemasters , the Prelates , have pressed them down , and broken their backs , and made their lives bitter unto them , they may truly repent and reforme their lives , and cry alowd to the Lord , as his People in Egypt did against their Taskmasters , and pray incessantly for the good successe of this Parliament , that it may be as a Moses sent of God in the ‡ doubling of their Bricks , to deliver them , from the Spirituall Egyptian bondage of the Prelates : and dayly to pray for the King their Soveraigne , and for his happy and truly Religious Raigne over them , that they may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty . Amen Even so come Lord Iesus and helpe thy poore England , and thy poore People therein . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A10190e-350 * 2 Thes. 2. 4. Histor. Concilii Trident. ‡ Conference pag. 176 , 177. Confe . pag. 200. Confer. pag. * Confer pag. 183. Notes for div A10190e-2190 * Mark 9. 32. Luke 9. 45. * Mark . 9. 33 , 34. * Luk. 19. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. Math. 25. 16 , 17 , 18 , &c. ‡ Psal. 16. 11. ‡ Luk. 6. 24 , 25 , 26. * Luk. 46 , 7. § Phil. 3. 18 , 19. † lam . 3. 15. * Confer. pag. 176. * 2 Cor. 11. 13. ‡ 2 Thess. 2. 3. * Rev. 13. 14. ‡ ver. 12. * 1 Pet. 5. ‡ 2 Cor. 1. 24. ‡ Dan. 6. 7. § Dan. 3. * Euergétal , Horat. ‡ Mat. 23. 8. 9 , 10. ‡ Bernard . De Consider. ad Eugen. 4. lib. 4. c. 2. Phil. 2. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 1. * ver. 5. Notes for div A10190e-7430 * Sect. 16. ‡ Confer. pag. ●57 . * pag. 157. ‡ pag. 220. 226. ‡ pag. 200. ● Tim. 3● 2. Tit. 1 , 7. * pag. 210 , 21. * lbid. . ‡ Gal. 4. 29. * Confe . Epist. Dedicatory , & pag. 376. * Ioh. 19. ● Notes for div A10190e-11540 * pag 15. * Heb. 12. 15. ‡ Mat. 15. 13. ‡ Rom. ●●● . § 2 Thess. 2. † 1 Iohn 2. * Ovid . Meta. ‡ Dan. 2. * M●t. 15. 9. * 1 Cor. 5. 3 , 4 , 5. Notes for div A10190e-14400 * Confer , pag. 175 , 176. ‡ pag. 183. ‡ Heb. 5. 4 , 5. § Confer. pag. 177. † pag. 198 , 199. * ler. 23. 30 , 31 , 32. ‡ 1 Pet. 5. ‡ Hist. Concil. T●id . * Confer. pag. 370. ‡ Revel. 17. 15. Vid Espencaeum in Tim. ‡ Gen. 10. 8 , 9. * Hist. Concil. Trid. Notes for div A10190e-17100 * Eph. 4. 11. * 1 Tim. 3. 1. ‡ 1. Pet. 5. 2. ‡ Vides omnem Ecclesiasticum zelum fervere , sola pro dignitate tuenda . Ber. 1 Tim. 3. ● . ‡ Confer. pag. 176. ‡ 1 Pet. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. * Chap. 2. ‡ Confer pag. 298. * Confer. pag. 204. ‡ Socrat. Hist. Eccle. lib. 1. c , 2. * ● Pet. 5. 1. ‡ ● Luk. 16. * Luk 21. 12. Mat. 24. 9. * Iob. 16. 2. ‡ Heb. 10. 27. ‡ 2 Tim. 4. 8. Notes for div A10190e-23400 * 1 Cor. 9. 1. ‡ Iohn 16. 13. ‡ Act. 8. 26. & 16. 6. § Mat. 28. 19. 20. † Act. 13. 2● ‡ Phil. 2. 25. * Revel. 1. 20. ‡ An. 26. 1● . Col. 1. 23. * Mat. 28. 20. Objection . Answer . ‡ Gal 3. 2. Act. 10. 44. § Gal. 4. 19● * Aristot. D● Ortu . & in teritu . lib. 2. * Rom. 8. 14● ‡ Ioh. 15. 7. § Iob. 16. 13. † Ioh , 14. 26. * Isa. 8. 20. * Cap. 3. ‡ See the Prelates Relation . Sect. 16. throughout . § Esa. 8. 20. ‡ Ioh. 6. 53. ‡ 1 Cor. 11. 23 * Relation of the Conf. p. 136. ‡ As in Dr. Coosins Booke of Private Devotions , or Canonicall , Houres . * Esa. 56. 10 , 11 , 12. ‡ Act. 8. * Verse 16 , 17. ‡ verse 8. ‡ v. 18. § v. 19. † v. 20. ‡ v. 14. * v. 22. * v. 8. ‡ v. 18. § v. 10. † v. 21. ‡ v. 2● . * Con. pag. 261. ‡ Confer pag 226. 227. § Epist. Dedi● pag. 19. 20. * 1 Cor. 2. 9. 10. ‡ Rev. 13. 8. 2 Thes. 2. 10. § Mat. 24. 5. * Math● * Hist. Concil. Trid. lib. 1. ‡ In Platina , of the lives of the Popes . § Mat. 19. 24. * Psal. 82. * See the Apologie . His Epistle to the Iudges . His Sermons . ‡ Gen. 3. 15. * Tit. 1. 9. * pag. 378. ‡ pag. 31. * pag. 80. & 194. ‡ Lighius . Hosius . de expresso Dei Verbo . ‡ 1 Cor. 3. 10. 17. & 6. 19. 2 Cor. 6. 16. * Mat. 24. 5. Mark 13. 6. Luk. 21. 8. * Tit. 2. 16. ‡ Psal. 45. Notes for div A10190e-38120 * 2 Tim. 4. 5. ‡ Hist. Concil. * Epist. Dedi . pag. 20. 2 Cor. 11. 13. 14. Gal. 1. * Gen. 11. ‡ Ephes. ● . 15 , 16. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 1. c. 35. Confer pa. 176. * Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. 2. c. 15 ‡ Ibid , c. 14. ‡ Ibid , c. 14. Notes for div A10190e-43200 * Psal. 81. 1● . 12. ‡ Psal. 5. 10. ‡ Psal. 2. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. * ● Psal. 33. 10 , 11. ‡ v. 16 , 17. ‡ Pro. 20. 5. * Mat. 20. 25. Mark . 10. 42. Luk. 22. 25. ‡ 2 Thess. 2. 4. 7. & 3 loh . 9 , 10. * Mat. 12. 25. ‡ 1 King. 22. * Pro. 24. 6. ‡ Iudg. 6. 31. ‡ Iudg. 6. 31. * 2 Thess. 2● * 1 Sam. 22. * Psal. 72. ‡ Cum duplicantur Lateres , tunc venit Moses . 〈◊〉 2● 2. 
A30396	----	Observations on the first and second of the canons, commonly ascribed to the holy apostles wherein an account of the primitive constitution and government of churches, is contained : drawn from ancient and acknowledged writings. Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. 1673 Approx. 180 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 66 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A30396 Wing B5840 ESTC R233638 18570235 ocm 18570235 108034 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30396) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108034) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1647:10) Observations on the first and second of the canons, commonly ascribed to the holy apostles wherein an account of the primitive constitution and government of churches, is contained : drawn from ancient and acknowledged writings. Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. [2], 126 p. Printed by Robert Sanders ..., Glasgow : 1673. Attributed to Gilbert Burnet by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Contains errors in pagination. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy. Church polity -- History -- Early church, ca. 30-600. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-12 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OBSERVATIONS ON THE FIRST and SECOND OF THE CANONS , Commonly ascribed to the Holy Apostles . WHEREIN An Account of the Primitive Constitution and Government of Churches , is contained . Drawn from ancient and acknowledged Writings . GLASGOW , By Robert Sanders , Printer to the City and University , 1673. The FIRST CANON . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Bishop shall be ordained by two or three Bishops . A BISHOP . THIS word is sometime taken for a Spy , so Estathius ad Homeri K. sometime for a Defender ; so Hector was called Bishop of Troy by Homer , Iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There was among the Athenians a publick Office so called : and in this sense , it was also used among the Romans ; so Cicero ad Atticum , Lib. 7. Epist. 11. tells , That Pompey would had him to be , quem tota compania & maritima ora habeant Episcopum , ad quem delectus & summa negotii referatur , ff . de mun . & hon . leg . ult . parag . item Episcopi sunt , qui praesunt pani & caeteris rebus vaenalibus . This term is sometime in the Old Testament . And Clemens Romanus Epist. ad Rom. proves Bishop and Deacon to be no new terms , from Isai. 60.17 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in our Edition , we find : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( where , on the way , mark how different the present Edition of the Septuagint is , from that which Clemens made use of ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is also Psalm 109.8 . Among the Iews , he who was the chief of the Synagogue , was called Chazan hakeneseth , the Bishop of the Congregation ; and Sheliach tsibbor , the Angel of the Church . And the Christian Church being modelled as near the form of the Synagogue as could be , as they retained many of the Rites , so the form of their Government was continued , and the names remained the same . But more of this afterward . Clemens Romanus in his Epistle , speaks only of Bishops and Deacons . Polycarp again in his Epistle , speaks only of Presbyters and Deacons ; where some object that it would seem , that both in the Church of Corinth , to which Clement wrote , and in that of Philippi , to which Polycarp wrote , there were but two Orders of Churchmen , whom the one calls Bishops , the other Presbyters . But if Polycarp's Epistle be genuine , then these of Ignatius , which he there mentions , must be so too , and in them the matter is past Controversie . Epiphanius lib. 3. baer . 75. tells , that at first there were only Bishops and Deacons , which he saith he had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that ubi Episcopi erant jam constituti , scripsit Episcopis & Diaconis . Non enim omnia statim potuerunt Apostoli constituere . Presbyteris enim opus est & Diaconis , per hos enim duos Ecclesiastica compleri possunt ; ubi vero non inventus est quis dignus Episcopatu , permansit locus sine Episcopo . Ubi autem opus fuit , & erant digni Episcopatu , constituti sunt Episcopi ; cum autem multitudo non esset , non inventi sunt inter ipsos , qui Presbyteri constituerentur , & contenti erant solo Episcopo in loco constituto . Verum sine Diacono impossibile est esse Episcopum . So it seems , that from these profound Histories which he had read , it appeared , that in some Villages there were only Presbyters and no Bishops , because in those places none were found worthy of it . But certainly these places were obliged to depend upon some place where there was a Bishop constitute : For if none were worthy to be Bishops , much less were they worthy to constitute a Church within themselves , and independent . It also appears , that in some places at first , they had no Presbyters : And indeed where the number of Christians was so small ( as no doubt it was in many places at first ) a Bishop alone might well have served a whole City : But where the Christians were more numerous , there were need of more hands , to assist the Bishop in his work . As for that of Polycarp's naming no Bishop , but only Presbyters and Deacons , perhaps he wrote in the vacancy of the See : so we find many Letters of Cyprian's ad Clerum Romanum , when there was no Bishop . Besides , it is known that at first the names of Bishop and Presbyter were used promiscuously . Presbyters were so called , not from their age , as they were men , but from the age of their Christianity : For a Neophite was not to be ordained , and the Presbyters did jointly with the Bishop , both rule and feed the flock . But some do stretch this too far , as if always the eldest Presbyter had been chosen Bishop . The Commentaries upon the Epistles , commonly called Ambrose's , but truly Hilary , the Deacons ( of which I shall say nothing , it being now agreed among the Criticks , that they are his ) upon the 4th of the Eph. After he hath at length shewn the difference which was betwixt the Churches in the Apostles times , when they were not fully constitute , and the ages that succeeded , he tells how at first all in the Clergy baptized and preached , and that on any day , or where they had opportunity . But afterwards Deacons were restrained in this , and things were astricted to certain times and places . Hinc est ergo ( saith he ) unde nunc neque Diaconi in populo praedicant , nec Clerici , nec Laici baptizant . — Ideo , non per omnia conveniunt scripta Apostolica ordinationi , quae nunc in Ecclesiâ est , quia haec inter ipsa primordia sunt scripta . Nam & Timotheum à se creatum Presbyterum , Episcopum nominat , quia primi Presbyteri , Episcopi appellabantur , ut recedente eo , sequens ei succederet . Denique apud AEgyptum Presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit Episcopus : sed quia coeperunt praesentes Episcopi indigni inveniri , ad primatus tenendos immutata est ratio , prospiciente Concilio , ut non ordo , sed meritum crearet Episcopum . Multorum Sacerdotum judicio constitutum , ne indignus temere usurparet , & esset multis scandalo . And like to this is , what he saith on 1 Tim. 3. from which words , it would appear , that he thought the Elder Presbyter , without any Election or Ordination , succeeded unto the Chair of the deceased Bishop . But this is directly contrary even to what Ierome himself saith : neither do we find any such constitution as that he mentions , either in the Acts of the Council of Nice , or of any other . It is true , Clemens Romanus saith , That the Apostles ordained their first fruits , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be the Bishops and Deacons of them who should afterward believe : but he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , trying them by the Spirit ( that of discerning spirits being among their extraordinary gifts ) and though they ordained no Neophyte , yet there is no reason to believe , that either they made the eldest Christians , Presbyters , or the eldest Presbyters , Bishops . The choice of Matthias , and of the seven Deacons , shews that it went not simply by age . St. Iames the younger was Bishop of Ierusalem , and Timothy was but young , when ordained . Yet the difference of Bishop and Presbyter seems not to have been unknown to Clemens , as appears from these savings of his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praepositis vestris subditi & seniores inter vos debito honore prosequentes . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Qui nobis praesunt revereamur , seniores inter nos honoremus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which by the words that follow , must certainly relate to some Ecclesiastical constitution among themselves , to which he accommodates the terms of the Temple Hierarchy . All which I propose without any peremptory decision in this matter , submitting it to the judgment of the impartial Reader ; For I know there are exceptions against these words , yet they do clearly imply a difference and subordination betwixt the Presbyters , and their Presidents : and what he saith of the ranks of the High Priest , the Priests , the Levites , and the Laicks , hath certainly a relation to the Orders of the Church . The next opinion about the Origine of Episcopacy , is that of Ierome , and he hath given it very fully , both in his Epistle to Evagrius , and on the Epist. to Titus , cap. 1. He holds , that all things at first were governed in the Church , communi Presbyterorum consilio , and that the Bishops were above the Presbyters , non ex dispositione dominicâ , sed ex Ecclesiae consuetudine ; And by divers arguments from Scripture , he proves , that Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same , Acts 20. they who v. 17. are called Presbyters , are v. 28. called Bishops . Titus 1.5 . he left him to ordain Elders , and v. 7. it is added , For a Bishop , &c. Whence he infers , that Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same . As also Phil. 1. the Apostle writes only to Bishops and Deacons . And 1 Tim. 3. he gives the Rules only to Bishops and Deacons . S. Peter also called himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And S. Iohn designs himself the Elder . But he adds , after there arose Schisms , and one said , I am of Paul , &c. Toto orbe decretum est , ut unus caeteris super imponeretur ad quem omnis Ecclesiae cura pertineret , & Schismatum semina tollerentur — ut Schismatum plantaria evellerentur ad unum , omnis sollicitudo est delata . And ad Evagrium , he tells how Alexandriae à Marco Evangelist â usque ad Heraclam & Dionysium , Presbyteri semper unum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant . — Quid enim excepta ordinatione facit Episcopus , quod Presbyter non facit . — Et , ut sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas de Veteri Testamento ; quod Aaron , & filii ejus , atque Levitae , fuerunt in Templo , hoc sibi & Episcopi , & Presbyteri , & Diaconi vendicent in Ecclesia . And from these words we may observe , that he accounted the difference of Bishop and Presbyter , an Apostolical tradition , which came in place of the difference that was betwixt Aaron and his Sons : as also , that this began from the time of the Apostles , and of Mark the Evangelist : That it was done to evite Schism , and that it was appointed through the whole World : as also , that the whole care and chief Power was in the hands of the Bishop , of which he saith further , Dial adv . Luciferianos . Ecclesiae salus in summi Sacerdotis dignitate pendet , cui si non exors quaedam , & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in Ecclesiâ efficientur Schismata , quot Sacerdotes . It may seem likewise probable , from him , that Presbyters choosed their Bishop out of their own number , and that in Alexandria they made him Bishop without any new Ordination . And of this Eutychius Patriarcha Alex. who was not very long after Ierome , speaks more plainly , for he in his Origines Ecclesiae Alexandrinae , published by Selden , pag. 29.30 . tells , that there were twelve Presbyters constitute by S. Mark , and when the See was vacant , they did chuse one of their number to succeed , and to be their Head , and the rest laid their hands upon him , and bless'd him : yet this cannot hold true , as shall afterwards appear . But all Ignatius his Epistles , are full of the subordination of Presbyters to Bishops , not without very hyperbolical magnifications of the Bishops Office. It is true , in the vulgar Editions these expressions are much more frequent ; but in the Medicean Codex ( published by Vossius , which agrees not only with the old Latin one published by Usher , but also with the citations of Theodoret , and Athanasius , and other ancient Writers which they have taken out of them ) there is a great deal of the subordination of Presbyters to Bishops . Ep. ad Tral . he saith , Necessarium est , quemadmodum facitis sine Episcopo nibil operari . — Omnes revereantur Episcopum ut Iesum Christum existentem filium Patris , Presbyteros autem , ut concilium Dei , & conjunctionem Apostolorum . To the Ephes. he bids them be subject 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and concludes that they should obey these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In his Epist. to the Magnesians , he saith , Quantum Episcopum quidem vocant , sine ipso autem omnia operantur : wherefore he adviseth them , ut omnia operentur praesidente Episcopo in loco Dei , & Presbyteris in loco confessionis Apostolorum . And there he speaks of the age of Damas their Bishop , who was but a young man , which he calls according to the vulgar Edition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in the Medicean Codex , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from which some will infer , that Episcopacy was then newly invented , but suppose that were the true reading , which some question , who in this prefer the vulgar reading , it is clear from the whole Epistle that he is speaking of the Bishops age , and not of Episcopacy . And from 2 Tim. 2.22 . we see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly youthful , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that which is new . And what tho Ignatius , who lived so near the Apostles time , did call Episcopacy a new Order ? Many other places to the same purpose of the difference among these Offices occur through all his Epistles , neither is there any room for debate : but if these Epistles be his , the difference of Bishop and Presbyter hath begun in the Apostolical times . But that debate would prove too long a digression here ; therefore I refer the Reader , if he desire a full discussion of that question to the incomparably learned and exact defence of them , lately published by Doctor Pearson , whose harvest is so full , that he hath not so much as left work for a gleaner . That of the Angel in the Revelation , is brought by many , and that not without ground , to prove that there was some singular person in these Churches to whom each Epistle was directed , and we have a great deal of reason to believe that Polycarp was then Bishop of the Church of Smyrna . Iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. and apud Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 13. tells that Polycarp was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now Irenaeus tells how he was Polycarp his hearer and disciple , and had conversed with him in his youth , and had often heard him teach . And as it were great uncharitableness to suspect the truth of his narration in a matter of fact , so we cannot think he could have been mistaken in a matter of that importance . But whatever jealousie may fix upon Irenaeus , there is no shadow of ground , for suspecting either the veracity , or good information of the Church of Smyrna , who ( giving an account of his Martyrdom in an Epistle inserted by Euseb. in his History , lib. 4. cap. 14. ) call him Bishop of the Catholick Church of Smyrna . All that can be alledged against this , is , that in their stile Bishop and Presbyter were one and the same thing . But the contrary of this is clear from Iranaeus , who speaks always of Bishops as distinct from Presbyters : and tho he sometimes call Bishops Presbyters , yet he never calls Presbyters , Bishops ; which is also the stile of these few Writers of that age , who sometimes call Bishops , Presbyters . Eusebius tells from the testimony of the Church of Lions , how he was first a Presbyter in Lions under Pothinus : after whose Martyrdom he succeeded him in the Chair , and died Bishop there . And if we will hear himself , lib. 3. cap. 3. when he is reckoning up the tradition of the Faith from the Apostles , he deduceth it by all the Bishops who did sit in Rome from the Apostolick times : whence two things will follow ; one , that he judged there had been still Bishops in that Church . The other , that he looked on the Bishop , as the chief depositary of the faith . Further , Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 24. sets down his Epistle to Victor Bishop of Rome , wherein he chides him for excommunicating the Eastern Bishops ; and there he lays the whole blame upon Victor , without sharing it among the Presbyters , and also commends the former Bishops of Rome for their greater gentleness ; whereby it plainly appears , that he judged that the power of discipline lay chiefly in the Bishops hands . Polycrates also ( apud Euseb. lib. 5. hist. cap. 23. ) vindicates the practice of their Church about the day of Easter , not only from the example of the Apostles among them , but of the seven Bishops who preceded him in his See. From which we may not only infer , that there was but one Bishop in a City , from the days of the Apostles ; but that his authority was great , since what they did , passed for a precedent to their Successors . And indeed the difference of Bishop and Presbyter , is so evpress in Irenaeus , that the most learned assertors of parity , confess the change was begun before his time , which was in the end of the second Century . Now how this change could have been introduced , when there was neither Council , nor secular Prince to establish it , when Churchmen were so pure ( Polycarp an Apostolical Man , having died but about thirty years before ; besides many other Apostolical men who had long survived ) when the Church was in the fire of persecution , and so less dross could be among them ; when there was no secular interest to bait them to it : for on the contrary this subjected them to the first fury of the persecution , seems strange . And it is not easie to be imagined , or believed , how this could have been so suddenly received through all the Churches , both Eastern and Western , and that there was none to witness against it ; and that neither the sincerity of some Presbyters , nor the pride of others , should have moved them to appear for their priviledges against this Usurpation : And how neither Heretick , nor Schismatick , save one , and that about two hundred years after , should have charged the Church with this : on the contrary , all of them having their own Bishops ; and how this Government continued in so peaceable possession through the succession of so many ages , till of late , that even fundamentals are brought under debate ; if this Superiority were either so criminal , as some hold it to be , or had not been introduced at least by some Apostolical men , if not by the Apostles themselves , will not be easily cleared . In the next Century we have Tertullian speaking clearly of the difference of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , lib. de bapt . Dandi quidem jus habet summus Sacerdos , qui & Episcopus , dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi authoritate , propter Ecclesiae bonum . Idem de praescript . advers . haer . cap. 32. Caeterum si quae ( praescriptiones ) se audent inserere aetati Apostolicae , ut ita videantur ab Apostolis traditae . — Edant ergo origines Ecclesiarum suarum , evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum , ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut primus ille Episcopus , aliquem ex Apostolis , vel Apostolicis viris , qui tamen cum Apostolis perseverarent , habuerit authorem & antecessorem ; hoc enim modo Ecclesiae Apostolicae census suos deferunt , sicut Smyrneorum Ecclesia habens Polycarpum , à Ioanne collocatum refert : sicut Romanorum à Petro Clementem ordinatum edit . Proinde utique & caeterae exhibent , quos ab Apostolis in Episcopatu constitutos Apostolici seminis traduces habeant ; confingant tale aliquid baeretici . He also lib. 4. cont . Marcionem , cap. 5. saith , Ordo tamen Episcoporum ad originem recensus , in Joannem stabit authorem . By which we see that he both judged Bishops to be of an Apostolical origene , and that he counted them different from Presbyters . A little after him was Clemens Alex. who 6. Strom. p. 667. speaking of the Constitution of the Christian Churches , saith , there were among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he thinks was taken from the Angelick glory , and from their Oeconomy and administration . We shall also find through all Cyprian his Epistles this disparity so clear , that it cannot be denied , that yet we find him as condescending as any . Epist. 6. writing to his Clergy : he saith , Solus rescribere nihil potui , quando à primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro , & sine consensu plebis meae , pivata gerere sententia . But even this looks like a yielding to a diminution of that plenitude of power to which he might have pretended , Epist. 65. writing to , Rogatian , who had advised with him concerning a Deacon that had carried insolently toward him , he writes : Pro Episcopatûs vigore , & Cathedrae authoritate , haberes potestatem , qua posses de illo statim vindicari . ( and about the end ) Haec sunt enim initia baereticorum , & ortus atque conatus Schismaticorum male cogitantium , ut sibi placeant , ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant , sic de Ecclesiâ receditur , sic altare profanum foris collocatur , sic contra pacem CHRISTI , & ordinationem , atque unitatem DEI rebellatur . Likewise we find Epist. 31. written to Cyprian , by the Clerus Romanus , the Seat being then vacant , what sense they had of the Bishop's power , when they say : Post excessum nobilissimae memoriae Fabiani , nondum est Episcopus propter rerum & temporum difficultates constitutus , qui omnia ist a moderatur , & eorum qui lapsi sunt possit cum authoritate & consilio habere rationem . And if in any case we receive a testimony , it should be from the mouth of those who can only pretend to be injured . My next witness shall be Dionysius of Alexandria , whose same and authority was inferiour to none of the age he lived in . I do not bring his words to prove there were Bishops in the Church in his time , since that is denied by none : But to prove how full and absolute the authority of the Bishops was then , and that the Presbyters were simply determined by their commands . Great care was used to keep the Christian Assemblies pure ; and therefore such as fell in scandalous sins , chiefly these who apostatised in the persecution , were not admitted to the Communion of the faithful , but after a long and heavy penitence : And a question rising , What should be done with those who died before they finished their penitence : he in his Letter to Fabius Bishop of Rome , telling that signal story of Serapion , shews that in his Diocese the Presbyters sent the Eucharist to the sick who desired it , though they died before they had compleated their penitence : and he adds how this was by his authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where from the stile of ● Command given by him , which was the rule of his Presbyters , and the rest of that Epistle , it is as clear as any matter of fact can be , that the authority of Bishops over their Presbyters was then full , absolute , and undisputed . If we will believe Eusebius , who certainly hath been a diligent and great Collector , as any of all the Ancients , the whole Tract , both of his History and Chronology , runs fully in this strain ; and he gives us the Catalogues of the Bishops of the Patriarchal Sees , from the days of the Apostles to his own time . And tho it is not to be denied that he hath been too credulous in some instances ; yet it is hard to think he could have been mistaken in such a Tract of so many particulars . And we see from the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That the power of Metropolitans over Bishops , was then accounted by that Council an ancient Custom ; neither was there ever any opposition made to this before Aërius , who upon that account is reckoned an Heretick by Epiph. lib. 3. haer . 75. and also by Augustin ad Quod vult Deum , haer . 53. Epiphanius adds , that he was an Arrian , and gives the account of his Opinion in this matter , thus : Aërius being a Presbyter in Sebastia , was offended when Eustathius was preferred before him to that Bishoprick : and tho Eustathius took all ways to gain him , and committed the Xenodochium that was there to his inspection , yet AErius too deeply irritated at the preference , said : Quid est Episcopus ad Presbyterum ; nihil differt hic ab illo , unus enim est honor , unus ordo , & una dignitas . Imponit munus Episcopus , ita etiam Presbyter ; lavacrum dat Episcopus , similiter & Presbyter . Dispensationem cultûs divini facit Episcopus , facit & Presbyter similiter ; sedet Episcopus in throno , sedet etiam Presbyter . By which he deceived many , and had divers followers : but it seems they have died with their Author , for we hear no more of them . Medina in the Council of Trent , numbred with AErius , Jerome , Ambrose , Augustine , Chrysostom , Theodoret , Primasius , and Sedulius , as if they had been of the same mind , wherein he certainly spoke rashly , and was either ignorant or indeliberate . We have already considered both Jerome and Ambrose , or rather Hilary the Deacon , their opinions in this matter . All that is gathered from Augustine , is , Ep. ad Hieronymum , where he saith : Quanquam secundum honorem vocabulorum , quae jam usus obtinuit , Episcopatus Presbyterio major fit , multis tamen in rebus Augustino Hieronymus major est . Whence some would infer that the difference of these was only in words , and brought in but by custom : But how thin and weak this is , it being but a smooth Complement , will appear to all , especially if they set it in the balance with the great evidence that stands upon the other side . Chrysostom . hom . II. on I Tim. when he is giving the reason , why the Apostle passeth from Bishops to Deacons , without giving rules to Presbyters , saith , the reason was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And a little after , he taxeth what that little betwixt them was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But this is far from saying that they were all one ; and that there ought to be no difference betwixt them . Chrysost. also in his first Homily on the Phil. I. cap. on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith , Quid hoc rei est ? An unius Civitatis plures erunt Episcopi ? nullo modo . Verum sic Presbyteros vocavit , tunc enim nomina invicem communicabant , & Diaconus dicebatur Episcopus . And there he shews that Bishop and Presbyter were taken promiscuously ; for which he cites that of Timothy's being ordained by the Imposition of the hands of the Presbytery , which he saith is to be understood of Bishops . Quia Presbyteri Episcopum non ordinassent . ( And a little after ) Etiam Presbyteri olim appellabantur Episcopi , & Diaconi Christi , & Episcopi Christi , unde nunc etiam multi Presbyteri & Diaconi scribuntur Episcopi . But he adds , that in process of time , each had their proper names appropriated to them . OEcumeneus and Theophylact , in this , and all other things , follow Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As also Primasius , who on I Tim. 3. gives the reason , why the Presbyters are not named . Eos in Episcoporum ordine comprehendit , quia secundus , imo pene unus est gradus . Sedulius Scotus on the I. of Titus , saith verbatim , that which Jerome hath on the same place , and so it is to be considered as all one with him on the matter . But Theodoret's opinion is a little more perplext , who on I Tim. tells , that the same persons were called sometimes Presbyters , sometimes Bishops : but these who are now called Bishops , were then called Apostles , and that in the progress of time they left the name of Apostles , and the name of Bishops was appropriated to them who were first called Apostles . Thus he . These words it seems dropped from him without consideration , for there is no shadow of ground to believe it was so ; otherwise how came it , that the Apostle gave no rules for them , under that name . But these words are sufficiently tossed by Petavius and Wallo Messalinus . And thus far we have an ingenuous account of the various Sentiments of the Fathers , about the disparity of Bishops and Presbyters . The next thing in this Canon to be consider'd is , what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is unquestionable , that by this is understood Ordination by Imposition of hands , for all the Ancients use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 promiscuously : But Criticks judge that by the former we are to understand all that pertained to the Ordination , and the whole Office of it , and that the latter is to be restrained to that particular rite of Imposition of hands given in the Ordination . Nor do I remember of any place , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stands for the Election of Churchmen , except in the fifth Canon of Laodicea , which discharges it to be in the presence of the hearers : and if we compare that with the 13th Canon of the same Council , which discharges the popular elections , we shall see the reason why they likewise forbid the elections to be in the peoples hearing , which was for avoiding tumults . Balsamon on this Canon refutes their mistake , who understood it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who founded their gloss on that Canon of Laodicea , ( which Zonaras and Aristenus doth ) Quae enim fit in Ecclesia ordinatio per preces mysticas peragitur , etiamsi fiat coram multis . And he proves his gloss from the 4. Canon of Nice , which appoints the elections of the Bishops to be by the whole Bishops of the Province , or by three at least . Therefore this Canon cannot be meant of the elections of Bishops , since two suffice by this rule for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and by the recurring of this same word in the next Canon , he confirms his assertion , since Presbyters and Deacons were not ( according to him ) elected by Suffrages . Whence we see , how groundless a nicety theirs is , who would distinguish them , as if the former had been the election , the latter the ordination . It is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the Greek Authors almost constantly taken for the election of Magistrates , which was ordinarily done in Greece by the extention or elevation of the hand ; so Budaeus upon the word , and Cicero pro Flacco speaks of their psephismata porrigenda manu , profundendoque clamore concitata . But that distinction is not observed in sacred Writings , in which these minute critical Modes of speaking are not attended to , and since , before they were to lay on hands , they were to stretch forth their hands on the head of the person , this word is not improperly used for that action : and therefore , Acts 14. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used of Paul and Barnabas their ordaining of Elders , where it is clear , it cannot be meant of the election by the people , but of their Ordination of Pastors . This word in Scripture is also used for an appointment , or election , Acts 10. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for GOD's election ; and 2 Cor. 8.19 . it is applied to these who were chosen to carry a Message . As for the Ordination of Churchmen , it is nothing else but a solemn Ceremony of blessing them , by laying on of hands . We find of old , that all who were called out for any Divine Service , were solemnly separated for it , so were both Kings , Priests , and Prophets . And the Law of Nature saith , that to all Functions for which a great veneration is due , there should be a solemn Inauguration . The laying of the hand upon the head , was the rite of Benediction , Gen. 48. 14. Jacob blessing Joseph's Children doth it with that Ceremony : In like manner , Deut. 34. 19. did Moses bless Joshuah . We see also by the sinners laying on their hands on the head of the Sacrifice , that is was a Ceremony used in the devoting of things to GOD , whence might rise that phrase among the Latins caput devovere . And upon these accounts , this was appropriated to the Ordination of Churchmen , who are to be both blessed , and devoted to GOD. We find this ceremony also used in the New Testament on many and different occasions ; sometimes when they healed diseases , Mark 16. 8. They shall lay their hand on the sick , and they shall recover . And our LORD usually touched the sick with his hand . Acts 28. 8. S. Paul lays his hands on Publius . Likewise , when they conferred the holy Ghost on any who were baptized , they used this ceremony , so Acts 8.17 . and 19. 6. And farther , when they appointed any for the Ministery of the Gospel , they separated and blessed them , by the laying on of hands ; so 1 Tim. 4.15 . and 5.22 . and 2 Tim. 1.6 . Deacons were also ordained by this ceremony , Acts 6. 6. As also when they sent any on a particular mission , though already sanctified for the work of the Gospel , they laid hands on them : so Acts 13. 3. Paul and Barnabas were ordained for the Ministery of the Gentiles . From all which it is clear that they used imposition of hands , as the constant ceremony of Benediction , and as a concomitant of it , and not as a ceremony of it self significant and sacramental . Among the Ancients , Imposition of hands was used not only in Confirmation , which is undoubted , and is by many founded on that of Hebrews 6.2 . where laying on of hands being joined with Baptism , and reckoned among foundations , seems to be common to all Christians . But they also used it in the receiving of penitents : so 19th Canon of Laodicea . As for the form of ordaining Bishops , we see here it was to be done by Bishops , which is agreed to by all , only Eutychius seems to say , that in Alexandria Presbyters ordained the Bishop . But as for the number of the Bishops who were to ordain , this seems to be later , and more sutable to the state of the Churches after they were constituted , than while they were under persecution . The number of three was appointed , Conc. Arel . 1. Can. 21. Nic. Can. 4. Arel . 2. Can. 5. Carth. 2. Can. 12. And see more of this Gratian dist . 64. This seems to have been founded on Timothy's Ordination , which is said to have been done by the Presbytery , which Chrysostom understands of a Company of Bishops . But it is not probable , that in the time of persecution , when Bishops neither durst leave their own flocks , nor meet in any number , this was then observed ; and divers accounts are given of Ordinations , where we hear only of one Bishop ordaining . Gregory Thaumaturg was ordained by Fidimus Bishop of Amasia , who went to the Wilderness to seek him . And there are many instances among the Lives of the Solitaries , of such as were brought to a Bishop , and ordained by him , without any other assisting him . So Synesius Epist. 67. tells how Siderius was ordained a Bishop , only by Philo Bishop of Cyrene ; and tho he call that a Transgression of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and confesseth it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , since he was neither ordained in Alexandria , nor by three Bishops ; yet he justifies it from the necessity of the times wherein such freedom of Assemblies was not safe . And Gregory the Great allowed Augustine to ordain alone in England ; who upon that did ordain some Bishops alone , as Beda relates . Dionysius the Areopagite cap. 5. de Eccles. hierar . giving the account of the Ordination of Bishops , represents it as done by one person . Anno 555 after Vigilius Bishop of Rome his death , Pelagius who got himself made his Successor , being suspected of accession to his death , could only get two Bishops , to wit , Joannes Perusinus , and Bonus Ferentinus , who with Andreas Presbyter of Ostia , laid hands on him . And here is a Presbyter laying hands on a Bishop . The Church of Rome , at this day , ordinarily dispenseth with this , so that one Bishop and two Abbots do often ordain Bishops . The Areopagite loc . cit . gives the account of the Bishops Ordination , whom he always calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus : He who was to be ordained , was brought to another Bishop , and kneeling before the Altar , the Gospels were laid on his head , and the Bishops hand , and so he was consecrated with a holy Prayer , and then marked with the sign of the cross ; and last of all , saluted by the Bishop , and whole holy Order . His Theory on this is : Their coming to the Altar , shews the subjecting of their whole life to GOD. Laying on of hands , is as a Father's blessing of his Child . The sign of the cross signifies , that they are to follow CHRIST , even to the cross . Their salutation signifies their union one with another : and the Gospel is laid on the Bishops head , because he being the head of the Hierarchy , is to illuminate the rest . With this agrees the fourth Council of Carthage , where the rules are at length set down for the tryals and qualifications of Bishops : and Canon first , at the end , we have , Cum in bis omnibus , examinatus , fuerit inventus plene instructus , tunc cum consensu Clericorum & laicorum , & conventu totius provinciae Episcoporum , maximeque Metropolitani vel authoritate vel praesentiâ , ordinetur Episcopus . And Canon second : Episcopus quum ordinatur , duo Episcopiponant & teneant Evangeliorum codicem super caput & cervicem ( aliter verticem ) ejus , & uno super eum fundente benedictionem , reliqui omnes Episcopi , qui adsunt , manibus suis caput ejus tangant . And of this see Gratian dist . 23. & 77. where we find a Bishop was to be five years a Lector or Exorcist , fourteen years an Acoluth or Subdeacon , and five years a Deacon , ere he be a Presbyter , and then he may hope for the highest degree . But in another Chapter it is said , he must be ten years a Presbyter , ere he can be a Bishop . And in another Chapter , none could be a Deacon under twenty five years of age . But by the Civil Law , the age both of Bishop and Presbyter is the same ; to wit , thirty five . These previous degrees were introduced , and the years of tryal in them were appointed , that all might be prepared and rightly formed before they were admitted to the government of the Church . Among other ceremonies in the ordination of Bishops , in some places they were anointed with the Chrisma . Nazianz . Orat. 20. tells , that his father had so anointed Basile : and Orat. 5. tells , that himself was so ordained : but it seems that that was a custom peculiar to that Country , since we meet not with it so early elsewhere . As for the elections of Bishops , we have seen from Ierome and Eutychius , how the Presbyters did choose the Bishop . But in Africk , the Synod with the Clergy , and the people did it ; of which we have a full account from Cyprian , epist. 68. De traditione divinâ & Apostolicâ observatione tenendum est , & observandum quod apud nos quoque , & fere per Provincias universas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad cam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , Episcopi ejusdem Provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & Episcopus delegatur plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit , & uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexerit . And a little before , he saith , Plebs ipsa maxime habet potestatem vel elegendi dignos Sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi . And from that of Numb . 10. where Moses stript Aaron , and clothed Eleazer before all the Congregation , he proves that it was of divine Authority , that the sacerdotal ordinations should not be , nisi sub populi assistentis conscientiâ , ut plebe praesente , vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit ordinatio justa & legitima , quae omnium judicio & suffragio erit examinata . And this course , he saith , held in the ordination both of Bishops , Priests and Deacons . And Epist. 33. he excuseth himself , that he had ordained one a Lector without the consent of his people , though he had been a Confessor in the persecution . the Epistle is directed to the Presbyters , Deacons , and the whole people , and begins : In ordinationibus Clericis solemus vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare . All that we meet with concerning this in Scripture , is the chusing of the Deacons by the people , Acts 6. for that of Acts 14.23 . is clearly misapplied . 1 Tim. 3. a Deacon should be first approved , and Titus 1.6 . a Bishop must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and thereby it appears , that certainly some enquiry was to be made into his Conversation , which at least must have been a Promulgation before-hand . So we find Conc. Chalc. can . 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Lampridius in the life of Alexander Severus tells , that he used such a course before he made any Governor of a Province . Dicebatque grave esse non fieri in Provinciarum rectoribus , cum id Christiani & fudaei facerent in praedicandis Sacerdotibus , qui ordinandi sunt . But there were frequent disorders in these elections , which occasioned the 13. Canon of the Council of Laodicea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and by the Canon goeth before that , the election of Bishops is committed to the Bishops of the Province , which was also established by the Council of Nice , fourth and sixth Canon . Likewise Justinian , Nov. 123. cap. 1. excludes the people from the election of the Bishop , but leaves it to the Clergy , and the primores Civitatis , to name a list of three , out of which the Metropolitan was to choose one . The Bishops were to be ordained in the presence of the People , where every one might propose his exceptions , why he might not be ordained , which were to be examined before they proceeded to the Ordination . So Conc. Antioch . Canon 19. and Carthag . Canon 49. and Iustinian tit . 1. Nov. Const. 1 , 2.17 . according to Photius in Nomocan , tit . 1. cap. 8. Yet these popular elections were not wholly taken away , and at least the peoples consent was asked : but there were great disorders in these elections . Nazianz. Orat. 14. at his Father's Funeral instanceth them in two cases at Cesarea , where his Father was present ; in which there were factions at the election of the Bishop : In one of them it was that Basil was chosen . Ammian Mercellin tells what tumults were at Rome in the elections of their Bishops , of whom he saith , Supra modum humanum ad rapiendam sedem Episcopalem ardebant : So that at the election of Damasus the faction betwixt his electors , and those that were for Urcisinus , brake out into such a tumult , that there were in Basilicâ Sicinini , ubi ritus Christiani est Conventiculum , centum triginta septem peremptorum cadavera reperta , lib. 27. And he adds , It was no wonder they struggled so about it , because id adepti futuri sunt ita securi , ut ditentur oblationibus matronarum , procedantque vehiculis insidentes , circumspecte vestiti , epulas curantes profusas , adeo ut eorum convivia Regales superent mensas , qui esse poterant beati revera , si urbis magnitudine despecta quam vitiis opponunt , ad imitationem quorandam provincialium Antistitum viverent , quos tenuitas edendi potandique parcissimè , vilit as etiam indumentorum & supercilia humum spectantia perpetuo Numini , verisque ejus cultoribus , ut puros commendant & verecundos . Because of those disorders in elections , it was that Nazianz. Orat. 19. wished , that the elections were only or chiefly in their hands who served at their Altar . Sic enim nunquam Ecclesiis male esset . Therefore he desires they should no more be committed iis qui opibus ac potentiâ pollent aut plebis impetui ac temeritati , atque etiam plebeiorum vilissimo aut contemptissimo cuique , as had been before . Adding , that the disorders which were in such elections , made him loath his life , and long to be in a Wilderness . One effect of these confused elections was , that some who were not Presbyters , nay not so much as Christians , were chosen Bishops : for Orat. 20. on Basil , when he tells how Basil was first ordained a Presbyter , he regrates that many Bishops oft-times leaped into the Chair without any preceding degree , which was contrary to Nature and Reason , since among Saylors none is made at first a Pilot : nor is there any at first made a General among Soldiers . Nunc autem periculum est , ne ordo omnium sanctissimus , omnium maximè sit ridiculus : non enim virtute magis , quam maleficio , & scelere Sacerdotium paratur , nec digniorum , sed potentiorum throni sunt . Adding , that none is called a Physician , before he understand diseases , nor a Painter before he can mix colors . Antistes contra facile invenitur , non elaboratus , sed recens . — Uno die sancto fingimus , eosque sapientes & eruditos esse jubemus , qui nihil didicerunt : nec ad Sacerdotium quicquam prius contulerunt quam velle . And Orat. 19. he tells how in Cesarea at an election of a Bishop , his Father and other Bishops being present , there arose a great sedition about it , which could not be easily composed , partly thorow the peoples fervor about the Faith , partly thorow the eminence of the Chair , which made the contentions greater . But at length the whole people with one consent made choice of a person of great quality , but not yet baptized , to be their Bishop : from which he was very averse , but they took him by force , and by the assistance of some Soldiers then in the City , haled him to the Church , and desired the Bishops , not without threats , to ordain him : whereupon they overawed by fear and force , first purified him , and then set him upon the Throne ; but more with their hands than with their heart . Chrysost . also lib. 3. de Sacerdotio , cap , 15. shews the evil of these popular elections , and that in them they looked more to riches and honor , than to true worth . But where the Synodical elections were set up , the People were not wholly excluded from their interest in the choice , as we see particularly in the Churches of Milan and Hippo. Neither were these Synodical elections so regular as Nazianzen hoped , which appears from two famous Instances of Nectarius and Ambrosius . Nectarius came to the Council of Constantinople in the company of Diodorus Bishop of Tarsus : and then it was , that upon some differences ( as you shall see afterwards ) Nazianzen retired from Constantinople . And Nectarius thinking to go home to his Country , came to his Bishop Diodorus to ask his blessing , and receive his commands . But at that time all Diodorus thoughts were , how a fit Person might be found for Constantinople , and looking on Nectarius , considering his Gravity , his gray Hairs , and sweet Temper , he thought ( it seems by a Divine Inspiration ) what if he were made Bishop . And thereupon pretending another errand , he took him to the Bishop of Antioch , and whispering him in the Ear , bid him consider how fit a Person Nectarius might prove for the Bishoprick of Constantinople . Meletius laughed in his heart at Diodorus his simplicity , who should think of Nectarius , when so many famous Men had been named for that See by their Bishops . After that , Theodosius the Emperor commanded the Synod to give him in writing a list of such persons as were judged fit for that Chair , which being laid upon Miletus to draw , he to gratifie Diodorus , puts Nectarius among them . The Emperor at first reading began to think of Nectarius : but at second reading , positively concluded that he must be the Bishop . The Synod was amazed , and began to enquire about him , and found that he was but a Catechumen , whereupon they desired the Emperour to change his mind ; but he continuing resolute , the Synod yielded : and after they had baptized him , they ordained him Bishop . And by this we see that the Synod made the list , but the Emperour named the person . Near of kin to this is the story of Ambrose . After Auxentius the Bishop of Milan his death , Valentinian the Emperor called a Council of Bishops , and appointed them to chuse some holy and fit person to be Bishop there , Cujus authoritati & nos subjiciamur , cujusque reprehensiones ferre non dubitemus . Etenim ut Imperatores nos simus , & rerum potiamur , homines tamen esse nos , & humanis lapsibus obnoxios fatendum nobis est . But the Synod referred the Election back to him , that he might name the person , yet he refused it , and told them , it was their business , adding , Ego vero , id & viribus meis majus & ab officio meo alienum judico . But as they went to consult about this , the people of Milan did all run together to the Church to chuse their Bishops , some of them were Arrians , and others Orthodox , and each party was contending to have the Bishop chosen of their own side . At that time Ambrose a Noble Roman of the Consular Order , was Prefect there , to whom Valentinian , when he sent him to that charge ; said , Vade , age non ut Iudex , sed ut Episcopus . He fearing that the concourse of the people might end in a Tumult , came among them to prevent that , and with great sweetness exhorted them to calmness and unity ; whereupon they much taken with his Speech , cryed out with one accord ; Let Ambrose be Bishop . But he resisted this as much as he could , and did chide them for their indeliberate choice of a secular person , who was a stranger to Ecclesiastical affairs , and not so much as initiated into the faith , for he was not then baptized . Yet the Synod approving of their Election , he was first baptized , and then ordained Bishop . But Paulinus adds , that after his Baptism , he past in order through all the Ecclesiastical degrees , and on the eighth day was ordained Bishop there . Thus went the Synodical Elections : but it was a great while before that , even in the Elections of the Bishops of Rome , the people were wholly barred from their priviledges . And of all this see at large Antonius de Dominis , lib. 3. de Repub. Eccles. cap. 3. Metropolitans were chosen by the Patriarchs , and the Patriarchs by the Emperours : but in some cases , the Emperours took the Elections simply to themselves ; at other times , they reserved only the ratification of them to themselves : and so for a great while , the Elections of the Bishops of Rome were to be ratified , either by the Emperors of the East , or by their Exarchs at Ravenna . And after that Charles the Great assumed the Empire of the West , it was decreed in a Synod at Rome , that the Election of the Roman Bishop belonged to him : and accordingly he was in possession of it , though his Successors did simply slip from it . Now the Elections are in the hands of the Canons and Prebends , which is an art to make the Election go what way the Superior will. But the Chapters chusing the Bishop , was not known to the Ancients , it belonging to the whole College of the Presbyters without distinction . And all who desire the restitution of Church discipline , think , that the erecting of Provincial Synods , and giving the power of electing Bishops to them , is both the best method , and most agreeable to all Antiquity . A See was not to lie vacant over three months , nor the ordination of a Bishop delayed , except upon an inexcusable necessity , otherwise the Metropolitan was liable to Censure , Conc. Chalc. Can. 25. and in the Council of Sardice , Can. 10. Osius proposed , that none should be Bishop till he had passed through all the inferior degrees , and had finished the Ministery of a Lector , Deacon , and Presbyter ; and to this all the Bishops there present gave their consent : but by the instances already marked , we see that this order was not universally observed . Nov. 123. it is decreed , that a Bishop be at least three months among the Clergy , before he be ordained , that he may be instructed in the Ecclesiastical Ministery and service . Another Custom there had been of Bishops ordaining Successors for themselves : so Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 26. or according to the Greek division , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tells how Theotecnus Bishop of Cesarea , ordained Anatolius to be his Successor , and that for some time they were both Bishops together . In other places they did not ordain , but only design their Successors . Yet Augustin was ordained Bishop of Hippo by his Predecessor Valerius ; but he apologizes for this , Epist. 110. and saith , that he did not know that it was contrary to the Council of Nice , which decreed that there should be but one Bishop at once in a City . And from that Epistle we see it was ordinary for Bishops to design their Successors , which was done to prevent the tumults were usually in Elections . And Augustin tells us of a disorder which had been in a neighbor Town , because the Bishop , though he had designed his Successor , yet had not published it . Therefore he to evite that hazard , designed Eradius to be his Successor , to which all the people assented . Yet lest this might have opened a door for Bishops to have transmitted their Sees to their kindred or Friends , it was decreed in the Council of Antioch , Can. 23. that any such designation of Successors made by Bishops , should be declared null , and that the Election of the Bishop should be in the hands of the Bishops of that Synod where the See lay . There might be but one Bishop in a City for Unities sake , yet sometimes there were Coadjutors : so Nazianzen was Coadjutor to his Father . And Augustin in his second Conference with the Donatists , offered that if the Donatists overcame , then they should yield their Bishopricks to them ; but if the Donatists were overcome by them , and so should return to the community of the Church , they should admit them to be conjunct Bishops with them . So was the Schism in Antioch betwixt the Meletianists and the Paulianists setled , that both should be Bishops together , and all should obey him that survived ; to this they all agreed , confirming it by Oath . Yet Flavianus , one of Miletus his disciples , after his death , got himself chosen Bishop , but was in that condemned by all . It is true , that the Novatians in divers Sees had distinct Bishops , but these were Schismaticks . Yet in the beginning of Christianity , it would appear that there were more Bishops in one place : for Tertullian and Epiphanius assert , that Clemens was ordained Bishop of Rome by S. Peter . And yet all reckon Linus to have succeeded him . So also Evodius is generally reckoned to be the first Bishop of Antioch ; thus Eusebius , Origen and Ierome . Yet Chrysostom and Theodoret say , that Ignatius was ordained there by S. Peter . If there be any authority in Clemens his Constitutions , they offer a clear account of this , that Evodius was appointed Bishop of the Circumcision , and Ignatius Bishop of the Uncircumcision ; and that after Evodius's death , both Churches grew in one . The same also is applied to the difference about Linus , and Clemens by others , as if Linus had been Bishop of the Circumcision , and Clemens of the Uncircumcision ; and that after Cletus's death they all grew in one , and submitted to Clemens . However , it is clear that in every Church there was but one Bishop : and accordingly was decreed , Conc. Nic. Can. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . By which stile we see they guarded against the disorder of two Bishops in a City , as a thing undoubtedly irregular , which hath been accounted so before that time : so that this of one Bishop in a City , is not to be accounted an act of that Council ; but a reference to some former act , or at least an universally received practice . Yet the first succession of the Bishops of Rome , tho always perplexed , is much more so , from the most learned Vossius ( his Observations in his Letter to Rivet , subjoined to Doctor Pearson's Vindiciae of Ignatius his Epistles : ) who from all the Manuscripts of Damasus his lives of the Popes , informs us , that S. Peter did ordain both Linus and Cletus Bishops of Rome : and after some enquiry into the matter , he concludes , that at first there were three Bishops in Rome at once , Linus , Cletus , Anencletus . In the next Succession , he places Cletus , Anencletus and Clemens ; but Anencletus surviving both the other , sate alone at Rome : after whom there was but one Bishop there . Yet I know not if Damasus ought to have such authority , that upon his testimony we are bound to believe a thing so different from the accounts given by elder and more unquestioned Writers . All ambitus was condemned in Bishops ; but it seems that in Nazianzen's time it was too common : For he in his Apologetick regrates how some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tanquam non virtutis exemplum , sed victûs parandi occasionem & subsidium hunc ordinem esse judicantes : ac non munus referendis rationibus obnoxium , sed imperium ab omni censurâ immune . And a little after : Prius fere quam primam comam abjecetimus , puerilique more balbutire desierimus . — Si duo aut tria pia verba didicerimus , eaque non ex lectione , sed ex sola auditione bausta , an t Davidi paulum operae dederimus , aut pallium scite contraxerimus , aut zonâ tenus philosophati fuerimus , pietatis quandam speciem nobis illinentes , ô praefecturam ! ô elatum animum ! Justinian . Const. Nov. 137. cap. 1. complains , that absque examinatione , atque honestatis vitae testimonio ordinantur Episcopi , Presbyteri , & Diaconi , &c. And there divers places out of Nazianzen's Apologetick are cited , to shew that Ordination should be gone about cum omni diligentiâ atque rigore , Cad . de Epis. & Cler. leg . 31. Tantum ab ambitu debet esse sepositus , ut quaeratur cogendus , rogatus recedat , invitatus effugiat , sola sibi suffragetur necessitas excusandi . Profecto enim est . indignus Sacerdotio , nisi fuerit invitatus , invitus . Chrysostom in his third Book de Sacerdotio , cap. 10. among the qualifications of a Bishop , reckons for a chief one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nam si ad eum principatum adipiscendum vehementi animi affectu rapietur , eo adepto impotentiorem sane suae ambitionis flammam incendet : ac vi tandem captus , ut sibi adeptum honorem stabiliat , nulli non peccato serviet : seu adulandum , seu servile quidpiam atque indignum sustinendum , seu res magno pecuniae sumptu tentanda : nam quod nonnulli caedibus Ecclesias compleverint , contaminarintque tum ejus honoris gratiâ depugnantes , civitates aliquot funditus everterunt dicere hic praetermitto , ne quibusdam videar ea in medium afferre quae fide majora sunt . And to preoccupy the objection from 1 Tim. 1.3 . he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And among other advantages of one who wants this too forward desire , he reckons this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And with a great deal of ingenuity , he confesseth how strong that unlawful desire was in himself , which frighted him from entering in holy Orders . How far Nazianzen was from all ambitus , the whole tract of his life doth fully discover . He was no sooner ordained a Presbyter , than he with his friend Basile , at that time likewise ordained , fled to Pontus , where they lived a great while , purifying their souls in the exercise of prayer and mortification . After which they returned home . Nazianzen out of compassion to his Father who pressed his return , and Basile out of zeal to Religion , and the Church then out of zeal to Religion , and the Church then over-run with Arrians ; S. Basile by the means of old Nazianzen , was chosen and ordained Biship of Cesarea , and he ordained Nazianzen Bishop of Sasime : but he , what through his love of retirement , what because Sasime being a stage of the Waggoners , was full of stirs and disorders , immediately left that place , in which he was set against his heart . And some say that he never ordained any in it , nor consecrated the Eucharist while he was there : neither could ever his Father obtain of him to return to it . And when his Father dealt earnestly with him , not without threatning of imprecations , that he would accept the charge of Nazianzen in his old age , he with great aversion yielded to his entreaty , declaring he would stay no longer there than his Father lived . During which time , he managed that See with a great deal of success and applause : but after his Father died , which was in the hundred year of his age , he continued a little longer there , till his Mother who survived her Husband sometime , died also . And then he retired to a House of holy Virgins in Seleucia , that in his absence they might chuse another Bishop ; but returning thither a little after , he found they had chosen none ; yet he continued stiff as an Oak , and neither prayers nor tears could prevail with him . Afterward Constantinople was in great disorder through the Heresies of was in great disorder through the Heresies of Apollinaris and Macedonius lately sprung up , beside the Arrian , which was there before : and he being inwardly called of God to go thither , and prompted by his Friend Basile , and invited by many Bishops , and honourable Citizens , went and laboured among them : not behaving himself as their Bishop , but as a temporary Overseer . And though all the Churches were then possess'd by the Hereticks , none remaining for the Orthodox , save only Anastasia ; yet through his labours the face of affairs was quickly altered in Constantinople . When Theodosius came to Constantinople , he possessed him of the great Church : and all the people desired that he might be enthroned , the Emperour concurring with them in that : but he declined it : And though the Emperour took great pleasure in him , yet he went seldom to the Palace . Then was the second General Council called to Constantinople , and he was by the authority of Miletus Bishop of Antioch ( of whom we made mention before ) confirmed in the Bishoprick of Constantinople by the Council . But after this , there arose some contention by Timotheus Bishop of Alexandria , who came later to the Council , and alledged upon the prerogative of his See , that that matter should not have been decided without him . Upon this , hot and sharp contentions arose among the Bishops , not so much out of any displeasure they had at Nazianzen , as out of their mutual jealousies , though he that writes his life , faith , that this was occasioned by Miletus his death . But therein he was mistaken ; for Miletus out-lived not only this action , and gave the lift to Theodosius of those who were designed to succeed him ( Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 8. ) but he also out-lived the Council , and subscribed its acts , and died a little after that in Constantinople . Upon this contention , Nazianzen finding many of those who had before established him , beginning to resile , told them how at first he had refused that Government , tho the Church there had been by his labours and pains setled , and enlarged ; but for that he expected his reward from GOD : yet it seemed strange to him , that after he had been forced to accept of it , out of his love to the Flock , and pressed to it with their united suffrages , they should now think of undoing what themselves had done . This he said , not that he desired Riches , or the nobleness of that Seat , and to be called Bishop of the Imperial City : But he confessed , the loss of his Children could not but affect him : besides , he feared they might seem to proceed out of envy or lenitv . However , if they desired it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — Mihi quidem solitudo & olim chara fuit & nunc eft : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whereupon he went out , and retired from the house wherein he dwelt , to one more secret . But many of the people flocked about him , and with tears besought him to have compassion on them : yet he finding the dissention about him growing hotter among the Bishops , went again to the Council , and charged them by the holy Trinity , that they would compose their differences peaceably , adding : But if I seem the occasion of any dissention among you , I am not more worthy than the Prophet Jonas : throw me in the sea , and these raging billows shall quickly be calmed , since I shall choose any thing you please , so if I be innocent , for drawing you to agreement on my account . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . After which he went to the Emperor , and with great earnestness begged his permission to retire : which having obtained , he called the Clergy and people together , and with many tears took leave of them , charging them to continue stedfast in the faith . This being done , he retired to Arianze , a Village of Cappadocia , which belonged to him by inheritance , and continued in his retirement , giving himself to his Poetry , till he died in an old age . That which next occurs to be considered is , in what places Bishopricks were founded , and Bishops setled . We find in all Cities where the Gospel was planted , and Churches constituted , that Bishops were also ordained . Among the Jews , where ever there were an hundred and twenty of them together , there did they erect a Synagogue . Compare with this Acts I. 15. where the number of those that constituted the first Christian Church , is the same . So it is like where ever there was a competent number of Christians together , that a Church was there setled . Yet in some Villages there were Churches and Bishops ; so there was a Bishop in Bethany : And S. Paul tells of the Church of Cenchrea , which was the port of Corinth . It is true , some think that the Church of Corinth met there . So these of Philippi went out of the City by a River side to prayer , Acts 16.13 . But we find Acts 18. that there was a Synagogue in Corinth , and that S. Paul stayed in the House of Justus , near the Synagogue : and therefore there is no reason to think that the Christians should have had their meeting without the City , since there was no persecution then stirring : and neither in the Acts , nor in any of the Epistles , is there mention made of their going out to Cenchrea . Therefore it is probable that the Church of Cenchrea was distinct from Corinth : and since they had Phebe for their Deaconness , it is not to be doubted but they had both Bishops and Deacons . From the several Cities the Gospel was dilated and propagated to the places round about . But in some Countries we find the Bishopricks very thick set . They were pretty throng in Africk , for at a Conference which Augustine and the Bishops of that Province had with the Donarists , there were of Bishops two hundred eighty six present , and one hundred and twenty absent , and sixty Sees were then vacant , which make in all four hundred sixty and six : There were also two hundred seventy nine of the Donarists Bishops . Sozom. lib. 7. hist. cap. 19. speaking how differently constituted some Churches were , he tells how in Scythia , though there were many Cities , yet there was but one Bishop . But in other Nations there were Bishops even in their Villages , as he knew to be among the Arabians and Cyprians . Theodoret tells , that there were eight hundred Parishes within his Diocese , Epist. 113. But it is to be observed , that in those places where the Gospel was latest of planting , the Bishopricks are fewer , and consequently larger . It is reported that in the vast tract of the Abyssin Churches , there is one only Bishop at Abuna . Balsamon on the 57. Canon of Laodicea tells , that at that time in some Churches of the East , it was neither safe nor expedient for them to have Bishops : and they were supplied by Visiters , sent them from other Bishops , so that they had no Bishops of their own : which was occasioned both by their poverty , and the smalness of their number , yet they were under the care and charge of other Bishops . Some Churches lay long vacant and without Bishops . In Carthage , when Hunnerick invaded them , they wanted a Bishop twenty four years : and he offering them one , providing the Arrians might have the free exercise of their Religion among them , they answered , that upon these terms Ecclesia non delectatur Episcopum habere , so Victor lib. 2. pers . V and. When Miletus was driven out of Antioch , for ten years together Diodorus and Flavian two Presbyters ruled that Church , Theodor. lib. 4. hist. cap. 23. Some places are alledged to have had the Gospel long before there were Bishops among them , and particularly Scotland , for Major lib. 2. cap. 2. faith , per Sacerdotes & Monachos , sine Episcopis Scoti in fide eruditi erant . The time of our conversion to the faith is reckoned to have been An. 263. And Palladius reckoned the first Bishop came not for an hundred and seventy years after that in the year 430. Fordown in his Chronicle , lib. 3. cap. 8. faith , Ante Palladii adventum habebant Scoti fidei Doctores , & Sacramentorum administratores , Presbyteros solum , vel Monachos ritum sequentes Ecclesiae primitivae . These were called Culdes , though in some Bulls they be Celli Dei. Boethius thinks it is Culdei , quasi cultores Dei : but others judg that it is from the Cells wherein they lived , which were held in great esteem , and after their death were turned into Churches : and from thence they think the name Kil is to this day so much used , as Kilpatrick , Kilmarnock , Kilbride , &c. Of these Boethius saith , That by common suffrage , they made choice of one of their number to be chief over them , who was called Episcopus Scotorum : so lib. 6. fol. 92. This is contradicted by Buchanan lib. 5. who faith , That before Palladius his coming , Ecclesiae absque Episcopis per Monachos regebantur , minori quidem cum fastu , & externâ pompâ , sed majore simplicitate & sanctimoniâ . But all our old Manuscripts being gone , it will not be easie to come to a decision about this matter . The Gothick Churches are said to have been planted and constituted before Ulphilas their first Bishop came unto them for seventy years together . In the beginning the Bishop's whole charge was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by the strain of Ignatius his Epistles , especially that to Smyrna , it would appear , that there was but one Church , at least but one place , where there was one Altar and Communion in each of these Parishes : for he saith , There was one Bishop , one Church , and one Altar . And Cyprian phraseth the erecting of a Schism , by the erecting of an Altar against an Altar : which seems to import , that there was but one Altar in the Bishops Parish . While the number of the Christians was but small , they might well have all met together in one place ; but as they increased , and the persecutions grew upon them , they must have had several meeting places , and consequently several persons to preside and officiate in these meetings . But Damasus and Platina reckon , that Evaristus who was Bishop of Rome about the 106 year , was the first , qui titulos in urbe Româ Presbyteris divisit : so that before his time , the Presbyters have all officiated here or there indefinitely according to the Bishop's appointment . And Evaristus seems to have given them assignments to particular places . As for the meaning of the word Tituli , it is to be considered that the Christians met about the places where the Martyrs were buried , and so their meeting places were called Memoriae Martyrum . Now upon Burials some title or inscription being usually made , it followed that the place of the burial or Gravestone was called Titulus among the Latins : so Gen. 35.20 . Jacob's erecting a Pillar upon Rachels Grave , is rendred by the vulgar Latin , erexit titulum super sepulchrum : and Gen. 28.18 of Jacob's stone at Bethel , it is said , erexit in titulum , and 2 Sam. 18. Absalom his Pillar is called Titulus : Hence it is that Evaristus his dividing of the titles is to be understood of his giving particular assignments of several Churches to Presbyters . The next thing to be examined is , what were the actions appropriated to Bishops . If we believe Ierome , the Bishop did nothing which Presbyters might not do , except Ordination : By which we see , that he judged Ordination could not be done without the Bishop . Athanasius in his second Apology inserts among other papers , an Epistle of the Synod of Alexandria , mentioning that Ischyras his Ordination by Coluthus being questioned and examined , and it being found that Coluthus had never been ordained a Bishop , but that he had falsly pretended to that Title and Character , all the Ordinations made by him were annulled : and Ischyras with such others who were so ordained , were declared Laicks . Which is an undeniable instance , that at that time , it was the general sense of the Church , that none but a Bishop might ordain . Neither in any Author do we meet with an instance of any that were ordained by Presbyters , save one , that Cassian , who was about the 500. year , Collat. 4. cap. 1. gives of one Paphnutius a Presbyter in the Desert of Scetis , who delighting in the Vertues of one Daniel , ut quem vitae meritis & gratiâ sibi parem noverat , coaequare sibi etiam Sacerdotii ordine festinaret . — Eum Presbyterii honori provexit . But what a few devout solitaries might do in a desert and undiscerned corner , will be no precedent for a constituted Church : else we may allow of Baptism with sand , for that was once done in a Desert . But Socrates had another Opinion of this , who lib. 1. cap. 27. tells , that Ischyras did a thin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And in the third Council of Toledo , set down by Gratian , dist . 23. cap. 14. this Canon was made . Quorundam Clericorum dum unus ad Presbyterium duo ad Levitarum ministerium sacrarentur , Episcopus oculorum dolore detentus , fertur manum suam super eos tantum imposuisse , & Presbyter quidam illis contra Ecclesiasticum ordinem benedictionem dedisse , sed quia jam ille examini divino relictus , humano judicio accusari non potest , ii qui supersunt gradum Sacerdotii vel Levitici ordinis quem perverse adepti sunt , amittant . By which we see how far they were from allowing of any Ordination , wherein a Bishop had not intervened . It is further clear , that the Bishop was looked upon as the Pastor of the Flock , who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that Presbyters or Deacons could finish nothing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was to give an account of the Souls of the people : and indeed in these days a Bishoprick was onus more than honos . The common treasury of the Church was also committed to his care , so infra Can. 4. And as the Offerings of the faithful were laid down at the Apostles feet , Acts 4.3.4 . so were the collectae , and the other goods of the Church laid in their hands . For all the goods os the Church and collectae , were at first deposited in the Bishop's hand , and distributed by him , tho afterwards there was an OEconomus appointed for that work . Ignatius Epist. ad Magnes . tells , that they were to do nothing without their Bishop . And ad Smyrn . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And 5. Canon of Laodicea , they might no nothing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem . Can. 19. Arel . 1. As for Baptism , Tertull , de bapt . saith , Dandi quidem jus habet summus Sacerdos , qui & Episcopus , dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi , non quidem sine Episcopi authoritate , propter Ecclesiae bonum , quo salvo salva pax est , alioquin laicis etiam jus est . Firmilian ad Cyprianum , which is reckoned the 75. among Cyprian his Epistles , faith , Majores natu ( and by what is a little after , where he calls these Bishops , it is clear he means not of Presbyters ) in Ecclesiâ praesidebant , & baptizandi , & manum imponendi , & ordinandi , potestatem possidebant . Pacian . serm . de Bapt. Lavacro peccata purgantur , Chrismate spiritus super funditur , utraque , purgantur , Chrismate spiritus super funditur , utraque , vero ist a manu & ore Antistitis impetramus . And even Ierome himself contra Luciferianos , saith , Sine Chrismate & Episcopi jussione , neque Presbyter , neque Diaconus jus habent baptizandi . By all which we see , that Baptism was chiefly the Bishop's work , and that the Presbyters did not baptize without his order . As for the Eucharist , Ignatius ad Smyrnenses , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iustin in his second Apol. giving the account of their Eucharist and whole service , reckons all to have been managed by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Tert. de cor . mil. Non de aliorum quam praesidentium manibus sumimus . But all this is very unjustly applied by such as would pretend to the whole Ecclesiastical Authority ; but would exempt themselves from the great labor of it . For it is clear , that according to the primitive constitution , the Bishop was the immediate Pastor of the flock , and the Presbyters were assumed by him in partem sollicitudinis : the greatest of the load still lying on his own shoulders , and this might have been some way managed by him , where the Dioceses were smaller . But the enlarging of the Dioceses hath wholly altered the figure of Primitive Episcopacy . All that the Bishop can now do being to try entrants well , and oversee these that are in charge ; which ought not to be performed either by these overly visitations in Synods , or by a pompous procession through the Diocese , but by a strict and severe Examen both of their lives and labors , performed in such visitations , as are sutable to the simplicity and humility of the Gospel . As for Preaching , it was ordinary at first , even for persons not ordained to preach , not to mention that of the Corinthians , where every one brought his Psalm , his interpretation , or his doctrine to the Meeting , which may be called Extraordinary ; under which notion , most reject everything in Scripture that doth not please them . But this continued longer in the Church . Euseb. lib. 6. hist. cap. 20. tells , that Origen before he had gotten the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( mark how this word stands here for the order and degree of Presbyterat ) was invited earnestly by the Bishops not only to dispute , but also to expound the Scriptures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the publick assembly of the Church . For the vindication whereof Alexander Bishop of Ierusalem , and Theoctistus Bishop of Cesarea , wrote to Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria thus : Quod autem in literis adjunxeris nunquam antea auditum , neque jam usurpatum , ut Laici praesentibus Episcopis disputarent , scripturásve exponerent in eo mihi , nescio quo modo , videris falsa dixisse : Nam ubi idonei & habiles reperiuntur , qui fratribus in verbo DEI adjumento sint , à sanctis Episcopis rogantur , ut populum DEI instituant in verbo , sicut Larandis Euelpis à Neone , Iconii Paulinus à Celso , & apud Synadas Theodorus ab Attico , qui omnes beati ac pii fratres crant : ac verisimile est , quamvis nobis obscurum & minime cognitum sit , illud idem in aliis locis fieri . Tert. in his Apologetick cap. 39. tells , that Post aquam manualem & lumina , quisquis ut de Scripturis sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio potest provocatur in medium DEO hymnum canere . And of this remember what was before cited from Hilary the Deacon on the 4th of the Ephesians . Sozom. lib 7. cap. 19. saith , that at Rome neither the Bishop , nor any other taught in the Church : but that in Alexandria the Bishop alone taught , that not being allowed to any Presbyter , after Arrius broached his Heresie . It remains only to be enquired who was the proper Minister of Confirmation . But because this whole matter of Confirmation comes not in so properly upon any of the other Canons , I shall therefore examine all that relates to it here , and shall consider upon what grounds it was used , how early it was practiced , with what Rites it was administred , who was the proper Minister of it , and for what end it was introduced , and continued in the Church . From Acts 8.15 . and 19.6 . all the Fathers have pleaded for this Rite : for there we have the laying on of hands practiced , as a Rite clearly distinct from Baptism : and tho we find the holy Ghost conferred by that imposition of hands , thence it will not follow that that action was extraordinary , and so to have expired with the Apostles : For we find extraordinary effects following upon their ordinary actions , such as Ordination , Excommunication , & c. And yet none will plead that these actions are now to be disused , because they are no more attended with such effects . But Heb. 6.2 . speaks most plainly for this , where among the foundations of Religion , the laying on of hands is joined with Baptisms : and this seemed so clear to Calvin commenting on that place , that he judges this to have been a Rite derived from the Apostles . The constant Ceremony of it was that which is often mentioned in Scripture , Imposition of hands . But besides this , they began very early to use a Chrisma of consecrated Oil , with which they anointed them in the brow . This it seems hath been taken from the mention that we find made of anointing , 2 Cor. 1.21 . where some think the whole Rites of Confirmation are set down in these words : Now he which stablisheth us with you in CHRIST , and hath anointed us , is GOD , who hath also sealed us , and given us the earnest of the Spirit in our hearts . And 1 Ioh. 2.27 . we are told of an unction from above , and a holy anointing . But that in these words no material anointing , but the extraordinary conferring of the holy Ghost is meant , seems clear from the Text : and so Christ is said to be anointed with the Oil of joy above his fellows , tho we hear nothing of a material anointing . It is true , James 5.14 . there is clear mention made of an anointing with Oil , in which certainly there is no Metaphor , but that relates nothing to our purpose . However , it is like from these places it was that the Ancients used the Chrisma , for we find that this was very early practised in the Church . Theophilus Alexandrinus , who flourished about the year 170. lib. 1. ad Antolycum , saith , we are for this reason called Christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Et quis mortalium est , qui vel ingreditur in hanc vitam , vel certat in arenâ & non oleo inungitur . Iren. lib. 1. cap. 18. tells , That Valentinus used both Confirmation and anointing in the receiving of his Disciples , and tells , that he used a mixture of Water and Oil with Opobalsamum . And this seems to imply that to have been the practice of the Church ; for he tells , that Valentinus had adapted and transformed the Rites of the Church into his Character . Tert. de bapt . cap. 7. makes mention of the Unctio benedicta , qua egressi de lavacro perunguntur . And cap. 8. dehinc manus imponitur per benedictionem advocans & invitans Spiritum Sanctum , Idem de refur . carnis , cap. 8. saith , Caro abluitur — caro ungitur — caro signatur , caro manus impositione adumbratur , ut & anima spiritu illuminetur . And lib. de praescript . cap. 36. Aquâ signat , Spiritu sancto vestit , Eucharistiâ pascit . Yet Tert. de Cor. Mil. cap. 3. when he recounts these Ceremonies which he judged to have been of Apostolical tradition , doth not reckon this for one . Cyprian Epist. 73. ad Iubaianum , speaking of S. Peter and S. Iohn their laying on of hands at Samaria , shews it was no new Baptism : Sed tantummodo quod deerat id à Petro & Ioanne factum esse , ut oratione pro iis habitâ , ac manu impositâ , invocaretur & infunderetur super eos Spiritus sanctus : quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur , ut qui in Ecclesiâ baptizantur praepositis Ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram orationem & manus impositionem Spiritum sanctum consequantur , & signaculo divino consummentur . And Epist. 70. after he hath spoken of Baptism , he adds , Ungi quoque necesse est cum qui baptizatus sit , ut accepto Chrismate id est unctione esse unctus Dei , & habere in se gratiam Christs possit . And he tell , That both the Eucharist & oleum unde unguntur babtizati , in altari sanctificatur . Cyril of Ierusalem his third Mistagogical Catechism is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein he describes the anointing we have from GOD ; and the consecrated Oil , which was the rite expressive of the former , comparing it to the Dove that descended from Christ , and was his spiritual Anointing . Which is also done by Optatus , lib. 4. cont . Paramenianum , and the Areopagite de Eccles. hier . cap. 4. where he at length describes the rites used in the consecrating of the Chrisma . Yet this Chrisma was not so peculiar to Confirmation , but that it was also used upon other occasions . Nazianzen tells ( as is above cited ) that such as were ordained , were also anointed . It was also used in Baptism , so both Tertullian , Cyprian , and Ierome , and the 48. Canon of the Council of Laodicea decrees , that the Illuminati post baptisma should be anointed with this unguentum coeleste . But by the I. Can. of the Council of Orange , it was decreed , That he who was not anointed at Baptism , should receive the Chrisma at his Confirmation : by which it seems they did not repeat the ceremony of Anointing , to such as had received it at Baptism . Likewise these who returned from Heresie , by the 7. Can. of the second General Council were to be anointed & fronte , & oculis , & naribus , & ore , & auribus , & signantes eos dicimus donum Spiritus sancti . And like unto this is the 7. Can. of Laodicea . And Author Resp. ad Orthod . that goeth under Iustin's name , ad quoest . 14. Cum hoereticus ad veram fidèm accedit , corrigitur lapsus falsae opinionis , sententiae , mutatione : baptismi , sancti Chrismatis unctione ; ordinationis , manum impositione : nihilque quod prius erat , indissolutum manet . Now by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he mentions , is not meant a new Ordination , which was not given to these that returned from Heresie . For as appears by the Council of Nice , the Orders which they got among the Hereticks were held valid , and not to be renewed : but this is meant of the Ceremony ordinarily given in the absolution and receiving of Penitents . August . cont . Donatist . lib. 5. cap. 23. confesseth , that the Baptism of Hereticks was valid , but denies that they conferred the holy Ghost , and therefore imposition of hands was given to those who returned from Heresie . Besides this Chrisma , they used also in Confirmation the sign of the Cross , of which that phrase of Tertullian is to be understood caro signatur . And Aug. in Psal. . 141. speaking of the Sacraments , saith , Quaedam sicut nostri ore accipimus , quaedam per totum corpus . And a little after , tegat frontem crux Domini , which words are to be understood of the Eucharist , Baptism and Confirmation . He calls this also Sacramentum Chrismatis , lib. 2. cont . Petilianum , cap. 104. applying to it that of the Ointment on Aaron's beard , Psalm 133. But elsewhere he calls that Bread which was blest , not with the Eucharistical and Sacramental benediction , but with that lower degree , called Eulogy , which might be given to the Catechumens , Sacramentum Catechumenorum ; using this term largely , as he saith Epist. ad Marcellinum . Signum cum ad rem sacram applicatur , Sacramentum appellatur . Of this sign of the Cross , is likewise to be understood that of the Signaculum Dominicum , mentioned by Cyprian , Ep. 73. The next thing to be enquired after is , who was the Minister of Confirmation ? In the Western Church the Bishop did only administer it . So Ierome adv . Luciferianos , brings in the Luciferian in the Dialogue . An nescis Ecclesiarum hunc morem esse , ut baptizatis postea manus imponantur , & ita invocetur Spiritus sanctus ? Exigis ubi scriptum est ? In Actibus Apostolorum . Etiamsi Scripturae authoritas non subesset , totius orbis hanc in partem consensus , instar praecepti obtineret . Then he makes the Orthodox to answer : Non equidem abnuo hanc esse Ecclesiarum consuetudinem , ut ad eos qui longe in minoribus urbibus per Presbyteros & Diaconos baptizati sunt , Episcopus ad invocationem Sancti Spiritus excurrat . And asking why the holy Ghost was not given , but by the Bishop ? He answers , That was potius ad honorem Sacordotii , quam ad legis necessitatem . Aug. de Trin. lib. 15. cap. 16. speaking of the Apostles conferring of the holy Ghost , saith , Orabant , ut veniret Spiritus sanctus in eos quibus manum imponebant , non enim ipsi cum dabant , quem morem in suis praepositis etiam nunc servat Ecclesia . But in the Greek Church , Presbyters might confirm : so the above cited Hilary on the 4 of the Ephes. Denique apud AEgyptum Presbyteri consignant , ubi praesens non sit Episcopus : and lib. quaest . in Vet. & Nov. Test. called Augustin's , but believed to be the same Hilary's , quaest . 101. faith , In Alexandriâ , & per totam AEgyptum si desit Episcopus consecrat Presbyter . By the comparing of which places , it appears , that it is the same thing which is exprest by these various names of Consecration and Consignation : but what is meant by it , is not agreed to . It is absurd to think that Ordination can be meant by it . For that decision of the case of Ischyras shews that in Alexandria they were far from allowing Presbyters to ordain without a Bishop . Some think that because Consecration is more usually applied to the blessing of the Eucharist ; therefore both it and Consignation , is so to be understood here . And whereas it is objected that in the cited places some custom peculiar to Alexandria seems to be mentioned ; but it was universally allowed in the Bishop's absence for the Presbyter to consecrate the Eucharist : therefore some other thing must be there meant . It is answered to this , that in other places Presbyters might not consecrate sine Episcopi jussione ; according to what was cited out of Ignatius ; and that the custom in Alexandria hath been , that the Presbyters without any such express Mandate , might have consecrated in the Bishop's absence . But the general practice of the Greek Church inclines me to think , that Confirmation is meant by the cited places , which was usually phrased by Consignation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only the consecrating af the Chrisma and Oil , was peculiar to the Bishop , as his work ; so that the Greeks seem to have made a difference betwixt the hallowing and applying of the Chrisma . The first could only be done by the Bishop , but the second was not denied to the Presbyters . Even as in the Eucharist none might consecrate but Presbyters , , yet Laicks of both Sexes , in case of necessity , might have carried and given it to the absents . Of Confirmation administred by Presbyters , some instances do meet us in the Latin Church . The first Canon of the Council of Orange , permits the use of the Chrisma to the Priests , who are appointed to carry some of it always about with them . Conc. Epaunense , cap. 16. permits the Presbyters to give the Chrisma to such Hereticks as were converted on their death beds . And the second Canon of the Council of Orange is : Haereticos in mortis discrimine positos , si Catholici esse desiderant , si Episcopus desit , à Presbyteris cum Chrismate & benedictione consignari placuit . And the Council of Toledo permits a Presbyter to do it in the Bishops absence , or in his presence , if commanded by him . But both East and West , it was agreed , that the Chrisma could not be sanctified by Presbyters . Conc. Romanum sub Sylv. cap. 5. decreed it . But as that Council is much suspected , so the reason there given is a very poor one . Quia Christus dicitur à Chrismate . But Canon sixth , Cod. Afric . is more authentick , ut Chrisma à Presbyteris non fiat . And Synod Tolet. Can. 20. Quamvis pene ubique custodiatur ut absque Episcopo nemo Chrisma conficiat , tamen quia in aliquibus locis vel Provinciis dicuntur Presbyteri Chrisma consicere , placuit ex hoc die nullum alium nisi Episcopum hoc facere . And the Areopagite , as he at length describes it , and descants upon it , so he appropriates it to the Bishop . Gregory the Great , lib. 3. Epist. 9. writing to Ianuarius Bishop of Caralis in Sardinia , discharges Presbyters to anoint with the Chrisma on the brow , appointing that to be reserved to the Bishop : for Sardinia , and the other Isles , had observed the customs of the Greek Church : but Gregory Epist. 26. writing to that same person , tells , that he heard how some were scandalized , because he had discharged Presbyters the use of the Chrisma , which he therefore takes off in these words : Et nos quidem secundum usum veterem Ecclesiae nostrae fecimus , sed si omnino hac de re aliqui contristantur , ubi Episcopi desunt , ut Presbyteri etiam in frontibus baptizatos Chrismate tangere debeant concedimus . But 200 years afterwards , Nicolaus first Bishop of Rome , observed not that moderation . For the Bulgarians who were converted by the Greeks , receiving the Chrisma from the Presbyters according to the custom of that Church ; Nicolaus sent Bishops to them , and appointed such as had been confirmed by Presbyters to be confirmed again by Bishops . But upon this , Photius , who was then Patriarch of Constantinople , called a Synod , it which it was decreed , that the Chrisma being hallowed by a Bishop , might be administred by Presbyters . And Photius in his Epistle contends , that a Presbyter might , unguento signare , sanctificare , consummatos angere , & expiatorium donum baptizato consummare , as well as he might either baptize or offer at the Altar . But Nicolaus impudently denied , that this had ever been permitted , and upon this account it is , that many of the Latins have charged the Greek Church , as if there were no Confirmation used among them . But this challenge is denied and rejected by the Greeks . And so much of the Minister of Confirmation . It is in the last place to be considered , what value was set upon this action , and for what ends it was practised in the Church . We have already heard Augustin call it a Sacrament . It is likewise so termed by Cyprian Epist. 72. and in the Records of the Council held by him for the rebaptizing of Hereticks . But as was marked before , they took that term largely for an holy rite or symbolical action : Whereas a Sacrament strictly taken is a holy rite instituted by Christ for a federal stipulation , by which the promises of the Gospel are sealed , and grace conveyed to the worthy receivers . Now in this sense it is visible , that Confirmation is no Sacrament : it neither being instituted by Christ , nor having any grace appended to it . Neither is it so totally distinct from Baptism , being but a renovation of the baptismal Vow , joined with Prayer , and a solemn benediction . Some have thought , that Confirmation was only used by the Ancients , as an appendix , or a consummatory rite of Baptism , which mistake is founded upon this , that some of the riper age being baptized , got this imposition of hands after Baptism . For the clearing of which some things must be considered : First , The Ancients used an imposition of hands before Baptism , to such as were admitted to be Catechumens , who were in the Christian Church , like the Proselytes of the gates among the Iews : for they having renounced Idolatry , were admitted to some parts of the Christian worship , and instructed in the faith for some time , before they could commence Christians . And an imposition of hands was used , when any were admitted to this Order : so it is express in the 39. Canon of Elib . and in the Greek Euchology there is a prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where it is said , Inflat signat & manum imponit . And in the Liturgy called S. Marks , Quotquot ad Baptismum dispositi estis accedite , ac manus impositionem & benedictionem accipite , dem manum imponit Sacerdos . And Euseb. de vitae Const. lib. 4. faith of Constantine ; Confessione factâ precum particeps factus est per impositionem manuum . The Areopagite makes mention also of this as done twice before Baptism ; and Aug. de mer. & remis . pec . lib. 2. cap. 26. Catechumenum secundum quendam modum suum per signum & orationem manuum impositionis puto sanctificari . And Cyprian ad Steph. makes Baptism a superaddition to that imposition of hands : which he draws from the example of Cornelius , upon whom the Spirit falling first , he was afterward baptized . It is true , he is there speaking of such as turned from Heresie , who he judged should be rebaptized , after an imposition of hands first given them . But as the 39. Canon of Elib . speaks of an imposition of hands given before Baptism , so the 7. Canon of that same Council , mentions another given after it . Si quis Diaconus regens plebem sine Episcopo , vel Presbyteris , aliquos baptizaverit , eos per benedictionem perficere debebit . And by the 33. Canon of that Council , any Laick that was baptized , and was no Bigamus , might baptize a Catechumen if sick . Ita ut si supervixerit , ad Episcopum cum perducat , ut per manus impositionem perficere ( or as others read it perfici ) possit . If the first be the reading , it will relate to Confirmation ; if the second , it will relate to the compleating of the Baptism . The 48. Canon of Laodicea is , Illuminatos post baptisma unguento caelesti liniendos esse . To infer from that , that Confirmation was immediately to follow upon Baptism is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not imply that it was to be done immediately after , but only that Baptism was to go before it : and we find that same phrase in the Canons immediately preceding this , applied to such as had been of a great while baptized . But tho such as were of riper years had been confirmed immediately after they received Baptism , it will no more prove that Confirmation was an appendix of Baptism , than that the Eucharist was so likewise , which was also given to them at the same time . So the Areopagite tells , how such as were baptized , were carried by the Priest to the Bishop . Ille vero unguento consecrato virum ungens sacrosanctae . Eucharistiae participem esse pronunciat . And tho even Children were confirmed immediately after Baptism , that doth not prove the one but a rite of the other : for we find that not only in the African Churches , but also in the Roman Church , the custom of giving Children the Eucharist immediately after Baptism , continued long : for the Ordo Romanus , held by some a work of the eleventh Century , appoints , that Children be permitted to eat nothing after they are baptized , till they received the Eucharist . That same practice is also mentioned by Hugo the S. Victore , lib. 1. cap. 20. in the twelfth Century . And all the Greek Writers assert the necessity of Childrens receiving the Eucharist , and yet none asserted the Eucharist to be but a rite of Baptism . Cornelius tells of Novatian ( apud Eusebium , lib. 6. hist. cap. 35. ) how he was baptized Clinicus , and being recovered nec reliquorum particeps factus , quae secundum Canones Ecclesiae obtinere debuerat , nec ab Episcopo obsignatus est . ( It is true , it is in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if it were explicative of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the former words he said he wanted ; whence some infer , that Confirmation was but one of the Baptismal rites . But it is clear that the true reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so Nicephorus hath read it ) quo non impetrato , quomodo Spiritum sanctum obtinuisse putandus est . Yet from the Story it appears that Confirmation was judged only necessary ad bone esse , and not to the esse of a Christian ; since notwithstanding the want of this , Fabian Bishop of Rome ordained Novatian a Presbyter . The Greek Euchology shews , that such as were baptized , were after their baptism anointed , and so to be confirmed : and it subjoyning that the Eucharist was to be given to them , proves no more the one to be a rite of Baptism than the other . The whole current of the Fathers runs , that in Confirmation the holy Ghost was conferred . August . de Bapt. cont . Donatistas , lib. 3. cap. 16. Spiritus sanctus in solâ Catholicâ , per manus impositionem dari dicitur , which he derives from the Apostles , tho these extraordinary effects of speaking of Tongues , or the like , did not follow upon it : Sed invisibiliter & latenter per vinculum pacis , est eorum cordibus charitas divina inspirata . And concludes , Quid enim est aliud nisi oratio super hominem . And certainly , were Confirmation restored according to the Apostolical practice , and managed with a primitive sincerity , nothing should give more probable hopes of a recovery of the Christian Church , out of the darkness and deadness in which it hath continued so long . It might quicken persons more seriously to consider to what they were engaged in Baptism , when they were put to so solemn a renovation of it . But the more denuded it were of all unnecessary rites , such as Oil , and the like , it might be more sutable to the Evangelical Spirit . And we see likewise from Antiquity , that there is no reason for appropriating this action wholly , or only to the Bishop . It should not be gone about till the person were ripe in years , and not only able by rote to recite a Catechism , but of a fitness to receive the Eucharist immediately after . But I shall conclude this whole matter with Calvin's words , lib. 4. Instit. cap. 19. sect . 4. & sequentibus : where after he hath laid out the primitive practice of Confirmation , he subjoins : Haec disciplina , si bodie valeret , profecto parentum quorundam ignavia acueretur , qui liberorum institutionem , quasi rem nihil ad se pertinentem , negligunt ; quam tum sine publico dedecore omittere non possent . Major esset in populo Christiano fidei consensus , nec tanta multorum inscitia , & ruditas , non adeo temere quidam novis , & peregrinis dogmatibus , abriparentur ; omnibus denique esset quaedam velut methodus doctrinae Christianae . A SUPPLEMENT ABOUT THE RURAL BISHOPS , CALLED CHOREPISCOPI . IT hath been already marked , that the extent of the Dioceses was not all of one proportion : and generally the Villages which lay adjacent to Cities , having received the Gospel at first from them , continued in subjection to the City , as to their Mother Church : whereby the Bishops Parish was not limited to the City , but did also include the adjacent Villages . The inscription of Clemens his Epistles insinuates this : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . By which we see , that the Churches of Rome and Corinth were made up not onely of such as inhabited the Towns , but also of such as dwelt about them : and this is yet clearer from Ignatius his inscription of his Epistle to the Romans ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Neither did they judg it fit to ordain Bishops in smaller or lesser Cities , as appears by the Council of Sardis , Can. 6. where it is decreed , that a Bishop should not be ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Adding , that it was not necessary that Bishops should be ordained there , lest the name and dignity of a Bishop should be vilipended . But before this , it was decreed in the Council of Laodicea , Can. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for so reads the Manuscript of Oxford , Dionysius Exiguus , Isidore Mercator , Hervetus , and Iustellus ; and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel , as Binius ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : who were to do nothing without the knowledg of the Bishop of the City , whom the learned Beverigius observes ( on this Canon ) to have been distinct from the Rural Bishops ; which he makes out both from the Civil Law , and a place of Gennadius , where the Orders of Churchmen being reckoned , these circular Visitors are set in a middle rank betwixt the Rural Bishops and Presbyters . Frequent mention is also made of these Visitors in the Acts of the Council at Chalcedon . This course therefore they took for these Villages to send Presbyters from the City , who were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and because the Bishop could not immediately over-see them himself , he did therefore substitute a Vicar and Delegate who was generally called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The first time that we meet with any of these , is in the beginning of the fourth Century , in the Councils of Ancyra , Neocesarea , and Antiochia . These differed from Presbyters , in that they got an Ordination distinct from theirs , called by the Council of Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They also might have ordained Subdeacons , Lectors , and Exorcists , and given them commendatory Letters . But they differed from Bishops in these things : First , that they were ordained but by one Bishop , as appears by the tenth Canon of the Council of Antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And therefore it is true that Balsamon calls them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now we have already seen , that a Bishop must be ordained by two Bishops at least . Next , these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Zonaras . And therefore in their subscriptions of the Councils , they only design themselves Chorepiscopi , without mentioning the place where they served , as the Bishops do . Now Bishops could not be ordained but with a Title to a particular charge and See. Thirdly , their power was limited , and in many things inferior to the power of Bishops . So Pope Leo the first , in his 88. Epist. Quamvis , cum Episcopis plurima illis ministeriorum communis sit dispensatio , quaedam tamen Ecclesiasticis regulis sibi prohibita norint , sicut Presbyterorum & Diaconorum consecratio . They might in general do nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and both the Council of Ancyra : , Canon 13. And that of Antioch , Canon 10. discharge them the ordaining of Presbyters or Deacons . The words of the Council of Antioch are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which words clearly import , that the Bishop must have intervened in the Ordination , and so are wrong rendered by an old Latin Edition , praeter conscientiam Episcopi . As if they had heen only limited not to ordain unless the Bishop gave warrant . And thus these Bishops of the Villages and lesser Cities were reduced from the degree of Bishops , to an inferiour and limited Office , and were undoubtedly of the Episcopal Order , tho their authority was much abridged . In the Council of Neocesarea their relation to the Bishop , is compared to that of the seventy Disciples to the Apostles , and they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And that which is there marked as their chief work , is their care of the poor . But by the Canon of Antioch , they might have ordained Lectors , Sub-Deacons , and Exorcists . And yet Basil in his 181. Epist. saith , That they might not have ordained , even these inferiour ranks , without having first advertised the Bishop , and sent their testimonies , and the suffrages of their Election to him : which is observed by Aristenus in his Gloss on the 13. Canon of Ancyra : and by Mattheus Blastares in his Syntagma , cap. 31. But Damasus , who was about the year 370. writes his whole fourth Epistle against them , telling that he found it decreed by his Predecessors , that they should be abolished , Prohibititam ab , hac sacrâ sede , quam à totius orbis Episcopis . — Nam ( ut nobis relatum est ) quidam Episcoporum , propter suam quietem , eis plebes suas committere non formidant . And falls severely on these Bishops , and compares them to Mercenaries and Whores , that give out their Children to others to suckle . He proves they were not Bishops , because not ordained by three Bishops , and descants upon the Canons of Neocesarea and Antioch , which seem to import , as if they had the Ordination of Bishops ; adding , Cesset ergo , cesset tot vicibus damnata praesumptio . And yet Pope Leo ( as we have already cited ) who was Bishop of Rome about 70. years after him , makes mention of them . And notwithstanding all he saith against them , of their being condemned , it doth not appear when or where it was so done . Express mention is made of them in the Council of Nice , Canon 8. as of a rank distinct from Presbyters . It being there provided , that such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as returned to the unity of the Church , should continue in that same Order of the Clergy , wherein they were before , only such of them as were Bishops might not continue Bishops of a City , where there was already a Bishop placed : because there could not be two Bishops in one City : but if it pleased the Bishop , they might either retain the bare name of a Bishop , or be made Chorepiscopi , or continue among the Presbyters . Mention also is made of them in the 2. Canon of the general Council of Chalcedon , which shews , that at that time they were not wholly taken away : but the latest accounts we have of them is in France , where it seems they continued longest . Conc. Paris . An. 829. they are cap. 27. compared to the 70 Disciples , according to that of Neocesarea , and Bishops are appointed to see that they did nothing beyond what was permitted to them by the Canons . The like is decreed Conc. Meldensi , An. 845. cap. 44. And it is expressed there , that they might neither give the holy Chrisma , nor the holy Ghost , nor confer any Order above that of a Subdeacon , nor consecrate Churches . Conc. Metensi , Anno 888. cap. 5. It was decreed , That Churches consecrated by them were to be again consecrated by a Bishop , and any thing they did which was proper to a Bishop was declared null , and they are reckoned all one with Presbyters ; and here we lose sight of them , hearing no more of them : for as they arose insensibly , so they vanished in the like fashion . So much of them and upon the first Canon . The SECOND CANON . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Presbyter shall be ordained by one Bishop , so likewise a Deacon , and the rest of the Clergy . WE find most of the Fathers , even Ierome himself , drawing the subordination among Churchmen from what was under the Law ; and therefore Deacons were ordinarily called Levites . But there is more ground to think , it was immediately taken from the form of the Synagogue , tho that constitution might have had its rise from the model of the Temple-service . I shall not here engage in a large Examen of the first Origine and rise of the Synagogues , or of the worship performed in them , or debate whether they began before the Captivity , in it , or after it . Nor what ground there may be from the word Synagogue used Psalm 74.8 . to assert their early date . But certain it is , that the Temple worship was merely typical , in which the whole people were to assist , but as a few returns of the year . And beside this , the Law of Nature dictates , that GOD is to be frequently and solemnly worshipped by such as acknowledge his great Name , which will plead for an early rise to these Assemblies . But be in that what may be , two things are certain . The one is , that Synagogues were constitute in our Saviour's time , and that there were Rulers , and chief Rulers in these Synagogues , that in them Prayers were said , the Law was read , expounded , and exhortations made upon it , and Discipline was used , and such as were faulty were cast out of these Synagogues . All this is evident from the New Testament : and much more than this can be gathered out of Iewish writings . Now our Saviour's going into these Synagogues , reading the Law , and preaching in them , doth abundantly evince , that this constitution was not unlawful . Another thing is as clear from the Old Testament , that there was neither written command , nor warrant for such Assemblies ; and the contrary of this none can undertake to make out . From which positions , both of them equally clear and certain , a great step might be made for the calming and composing of debates about Government , were heats and prejudices out of the way . It being apparent , that there was an entire frame of Church Government , and worship among the Iews , which was not unlawful , though not of divine Institution . In the Synagogues there was ( as is marked before ) first , one that was called the Bishop of the Congregation . Next , the three Orderers , and Judges of every thing about the Synagogue , who were called Tsekenim , and by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . These ordered and determined every thing that concerned the Synagogues , or the persons in it . Next them , were the three Parnassin or Deacons , whose charge was to gather the collections of the Rich , and to distribute them to the poor : And these were called Septem viri boni Civitatis . The term Elder , was generally given to all their Judges : but chiefly to these of the great Sanhedrin , so we have it , Matth. 16.21 . Mark 8.31 . 14.43 . and 15.1 . And Acts 23.14 . And for a fuller satisfaction to this , I must refer you to such as have given an account of the Synagogue out of the Iewish Writers . Next , a great deal might be said , to prove that the Apostles in their first constitutions , took things as they had them modelled to their hand in the Synagogue : and this they did , both because it was not their design to innovate , except where the nature of the Gospel Dispensation obliged them to it . As also , because they took all means possible to gain the Jews , who we find were zealous adherers to the traditions of their Fathers , and not easily weaned from these precepts of Moses , which by Christ's Death were evacuated : And if the Apostles went so great a length in complying with them in greater matters , as Circumcision , and other legal observances , ( which appears from the Acts and Epistles ) we have good grounds to suppose , that they would have yielded to them in what was more innocent and less important . Besides , there appears both in our Lord himself , and in his Apostles , a great inclination to symbolize with them , as far as was possible . Now the nature of the Christian Worship shews evidently , that it came in the room of the Synagogue , which was moral , and not of the Temple-Worship , which was typical and ceremonial . Likewise , this parity of Customs betwixt the Iews and Christians , was such , that it made them be taken by the Romans , and other more overly observers , for one sect of Religion : and finally , any that will impartially read the New Testament , will find , that when the forms of Government , or Worship are treated of , it is not done with such architectonical exactness , as was necessary , if a new thing had been instituted , which we find practiced by Moses . But the Apostles rather speak , as these who give rules for the ordering , and directing of what was already in being . From all which it seems well grounded and rational to assume , that the first constitution of the Christian Churches , was taken from the model of the Synagogue , in which these Elders were separated , for the discharge of their imployments , by an imposition of hands , as all Iewish Writers do clearly witness . So the Presbyters of the Christian Church were ordained by an Imposition of hands . Their power was not only to preach , which ( as I shewed already ) was common to others , but also to administer Sacraments ; so that it is true which Ierome saith , Communi consilio Presbyterorum res gerebantur . We have already considered , how necessary it was judged , that no Ordination of Presbyters might be gone about without the presence and concurrence of the Bishop , as the principal Person , which was judged necessary ( as I suppose ) more upon the account of Unity and Order , than from the nature of the thing in its self : for taking things in themselves , it will follow , that whatever power one hath , he may transmit to another ; and therefore there seems to be small reason , why one who hath the power of preaching the Gospel , and administring Sacraments , may not also transmit the same to others : and it seems unreasonable so to appropriate this to a Bishop , as to annul these Ordinations which were managed by Presbyters , where Bishops could not be had . Maimonides saith , Every one regularly ordained , hath power to ordain his Disciples also . There remains nothing to be cleared about this from Antiquity , save the 13 Canon of the Council of Ancyra , which runs thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( others read ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Others read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now the difficulty raised about this Canon is this , that if the reading be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then it will follow , that the Presbyters of the City might have ordained without the Bishops presence , if they had his warrant in writing . Yea , they also infer , that it is probable that before that , they ordained even without the Bishops warrant , to which they were limited by this Canon : and upon this Wallo Messalinus triumphs not a little . But Blondel chused rather to read the Canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as if the meaning of it were , that the Chorepiscopi could not have ordained either Presbyters or Deacons ; nor the Presbyters of the City without the Bishops Warrant in writing ; which will infer , that they might have done it being so warranted . It is true , Binnius hath read it so ; so also hath Gentianus Hervetus , as appears by his Latin version of this Council . The Arabick Manuscript also favors this . And it is directly asserted by Zonaras on this Canon , and Aristenus . But it is contradicted by the whole tract of Antiquity , whom we find all concurring in this , that the Chorepiscopi might neither ordain Presbyters , nor Deacons without a Bishop , as was cleared in its due place . Fut for that of Wallo Messalinus , it will appear to be ill grounded : For first , it is certain that the Chorepiscopi were a dignity above Presbyters . It will be therefore unreasonable to think that Presbyters could do that which was unlawful to the other . Besides , how bad an Inference is it from one Canon of a Provincial Council , of which there are such various readings , to argue for a thing which is not only without any other ground , but also contrary to the whole Current of Antiquity ? And it was but few years after this , that in Alexandria the Ordinations given by Colutbus , who was but a Presbyter , and only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were annulled . Now Ancyra being in Asia the lesser , and divers Bishops out of Syria being there , in particular the Bishops of Antioch and Cesarea , who subscribed first ; how came it that there was no notice of this had at Alexandria , to have prevented their severe Sentence in the Case of Colutbus ? But to consider the readings of the Canon , Binius reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Iustellus : it is true , he hath on the margin ( aliter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Hervetus hath translated it , in alienâ Parochia . Now if this be the true reading , the meaning of it will run thus . Whereas by a great many other Canons , Presbyters were so tied to their Bishop , that no Bishop was to receive the Presbyter of another Bishop , without his Bishops Warrant and Licence , and his literae pacificae , and dimissoriae . So here the Presbyters of the City are discharged to go and assist at Ordinations , in other Parishes , without a written Licence from their own Bishop . But as this Canon is read ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by some , so they seem to have added to it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so that the meaning of it is , that the Presbyters of the City might do nothing without the Bishop's Warrant and Licence in writing : Thus have both Isidorus Mercator , and Dionysius Exiguns read it , as appears by their Latin versions which are , Sed nec Presbyteris civitatis ( licet ) sine Episcopi praecepto , aliquid amplius imperare , vel sine authoritate literarum ejus ' in unaquaque Parochiâ aliquid agere . And this is according to Binius's Edition of them . But in another Edition of Dionysius Exiguus by Iustellus , he seems to have read it simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without any supplement . Another old Latin Edition published by Iustellus hath , Sed neque Presbyteris civitatis licere , sine jussione Episcopi , sed cum ejusdem literis eundi ad singulas Parochias . Ioannes Antiochen in his Collectio Canonum , reads it simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ferrandus in his Breviatio Canonum , Canon 92. cites this part of the Canon thus : Ut Presbyteri civitatis , sine jussu Episcopi , nihil jubeant , nec in unaguaque Paroeciâ aliquid agant . Alexius Aristinus in his Synopsis , hath the first part of the Canon , but wants the second part . ( And in his Gloss agrees with Zonaras , as was before observed . ) And so doth Simeon Logotheta , in his Epitome Canonum . And by this diversity of reading , it will appear how little ground there is for founding any thing upon this Canon alone , especially when that alledged from it , is contradicted by undeniable Evidences . But as Presbyters might not ordain without Bishops , so neither could Bishops ordain without the advice , consent , and concurrence of their Presbyters Conc. Carth. 4. Canon 22. Ut Episcopus , sine concilio Clericorum suorum , Clericos non ordinet , ita ut cirvium testimonium & co●●iventiam quaerat . And it was laid to Chrysostone's charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And in the Roman Council held by Sylvester ( if credit be due to the Registers of that Council , which are indeed justly questionable ) it was decreed , cap. 11. that one was to be ordained a Presbyter , cum omnes Presbyteri declararent & firmarent , & sic ad ordinem Presbyterii accederet . And none was to be made a Bishop , nisi omnis Clerus expeteret uno voto perenni . It is likewise certain , that all things were done by the joint advice of Bishop and Presbyters . Neither were these wretched contests , of the limits of Power , much thought on , or tossed among them . The Bishops pretending to no more , than Presbyters were willing to yield to them ; and Presbyters claiming no more than Bishops were ready to allow them . Their contentions lay chiefly with these that were without ; those intestine Fewds and Broils being reserved for our unhappy days . But as we find Cyprian amply declaring , how he resolved to do nothing without the consent of his Clergy , and People : so in the African , Churches , that course continued longest in vigor . Divers instances whereof appear in the 4. Council of Carthage ; one I have already cited , to which I shall add three more , Can. 23. Episcopus nullius causans audiat , absque praesentiâ Clericorum suorum , alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi , nisi Clericorum praesentiâ confirmetur . Can. 34. Episcopus in quolibet loco sedens , stare Presbyterum non patiatur . And Can. 35. Episcopus in Ecclesiâ , & in consessu Presbyterorum , sublimior sedeat ; intra domum vero , collegam Prebyterorum sese esse cognoscat . There were two ranks of Presbyters , as clearly appears from the 13. Canon of Neocesareo , to wit , the Presbyters of the City , and the Presbyters of the Country . The former were the more eminent , in so far that the latter might not consecrate the Eucharist within the Church of the City in their presence , which appears from the cited Canon . Over the Presbyters of the Country were the Chorepiscopi , of whom already ; but the Presbyters of the City being next at hand , were the Bishops Counsel , and advisers in all matters . The Bishop and they had the oversight of the Souls within the City . They were also to be maintained out of the Treasury of the Church , and were called Canonici or Praebendarii . The reason why they were called Canonici , was either , because of their regular observing of the course of Worship , and hours of Prayer : or because of the distributions that were made among them , according to the Canon or Rule , and from the share that was assigned to them , called Praebenda , they got the name Praebendarii . This Consessus or Collegium Presbyterorum , was afterwards designed by the barbarous word Capitulum . The chief over them , or the Vice praeses next to the Bishop was called Archipresbyter , or Decanus , Idem quod decurio , qui decem militibus praeerat : And insensibly the whole Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction crept into their hands . The Presbyters of the Country either neglecting it , or being neglected in it . But without the Capitulum , nothing that the Bishop did was valid . However , when the first servor and vigor of Church Discipline slacken'd : avarice and ambition creeping in apace into the Hearts of Churchmen , these Chanoins or Praebends not contented with their allowances out of the Church of the City , which were too small for their growing desires , got Churches in the Country annexed to them : and for most part serv'd them by Substitutes , except at the return of some solemn Festivities : and by this means it was , that Church Discipline fell totally into the Bishops hands ; and the ancient model being laid aside , new Courts which were unknown to Antiquity , were set up . As these of the Arch-deacons , Chancellors , Officials , Surrogates , &c. However the Praebends , though they had deserted their Interest in Church-Discipline , yet two things they stuck to , because of the advantage and power that followed them . The one was the capitular Elections of the Bishop , and the other was the meddling with , and disposing of the Church Revenues , and Treasure . But it was a gross Contradiction to the ends of Government , that the Bishop alone might manage the Spiritual part of his Charge , but must be limited to the advice of his Presbyters for the governing of the Temporality . Yet this was a farther proof of that saying , Religio peperit divitias , & filia devoravit matrem . And thus far we have seen what Interest Presbyters had within their own Parish , ( mark that at first the Bishops Precinct was called Parish , and not Diocese ) neither was the meeting of the Bishop with his Presbyters called a Synod : by which we see how weak that Allegiance is , that there were no Diocesan Bishops in the first Centuries , it being merely a playing with the word Diocess . But let us next consider what Interest Presbyters had in Provincial or National Councils . If that of the Acts 15. was a Synod , in it we have Presbyter subscribing with the Apostles . Brethren are also there added , not as if there had been any Laicks elected out of the Laity , such as these are who are now vulgarly called Lay-Elders , but some more eminent Christians , whom as the Apostles call'd then , so the Bishops continued afterward to consult and advise with in Ecclesiastick matters . But that Presbyters sate in Provincial Synods in the first and purest Ages , is undeniably clear . When Victor held the Council at Rome about the day of Easter , Damasus tells that it was collatione facta cum Presbyteris & Diaconibus . Likewise in the Council that Cyprian held , about the rebaptizing of Hereticks , there were present , Episcopi plurimi ex provinciâ Africanâ , Numidiâ , Mauritaniâ , cum Presbyteris & Diaconibus , praesente etiam plebis maximâ parte . And his contemporary Firmilian , whose Epistle is the 75. among Cyprian's , tells us , how there were yearly Synods of Bishops and Presbyters , Quâ ex causâ , saith he , necessario apud nos sit , ut per singulos annos seniores & Presbyteri , ( by which it is clear , that he can mean none , but Presbyters and Bishops ) in unum conveniamus , ad disponenda ea , quae curae nostrae commissa sunt . Eusebius lib. 6. cap. 35. tells , That upon the account of Novatus's Schism , there was held at Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which consisted of sixty Bishops , and many more Presbyters , and Deacons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He likewise tells , lib. 7. cap. 27. How that upon Samosatenus's Heresie , there was a great Synod held in Antioch : and after he hath set down the names of some Bishops there present , he adds , that there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And their Synodal Letter is written in the name of the Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons . In the Council of Eliberis in Spain , there were 19. Bishops , residentibus originta sex Presbyteris , abstantibus Diaconibus & omni plebe . In the Provincial Council at Arles , which judged in the matter of Donatus's Schism , Constantine the Emperor being present , where were about two hundred Bishops from divers Nations , from Italy , France , Spain , Sicily , Sardinia , Africk , Numidia , and Britain , the Canons of that Council are subscribed by many Presbyters and Deacons . And if the Story of the Council of Rome under Sylvester be true , it is subscribed by 284. Bishops , 45. Presbyters , and 5. Deacons . Now all these being before the Council of Nice , evince that in the first and best ages , Presbyters voted and judged in Provincial Councils , and if in Provincials , why not in General ones ? The Council of Nice is subscribed by some Chorepiscopi , and one Chorepiscopus subscribes in the Council of Ephesus , And if Chorepiscopi be ( as it is the opinion of some ) in their natural dignity only Presbyters , then we have Presbyters also subscribing General Councils . Besides that in the Council of Constantinople , and Ephesus , divers Bishops subscribed by Presbyters : from all which it is clear , that there is no ground from Antiquity to exclude Presbyters from a Suffrage in national and general Councils : and it is but a frivolous distinction that they may have a consultative , tho not a deliberative Suffrage , since we see them subscribing both the decisions of Faith and Canons of discipline . The next thing to be examined , is the qualification , election , and ordination of Presbyters . For their qualification , great care was used to train them up long in an abstracted and devote Life , that so they might be well prepared for that holy Function . And therefore it was , that many of the Primitive Bishops lived in Monasteries among them , whom they were educating for holy Orders , as appears from the Lives of Basil , Augustine , and Martin : Neither was one to be ordained a Presbyter , but after a long probation and tryal , and all these degrees , of which we shall speak afterward , were so many steps and preparations through which all were to go , before they could be initiated . And indeed it seems against reason , at first step to ordain a man Presbyter , and commit the care of Souls to him , before a long previous probation had of him . Therefore the ancient Monasteries , as they were Sanctuaries for such as designed to leave the World , and live devoutly , so they were also Colleges for the Education of Churchmen . It is true , the years of Probation may seem too too many ; but they ordinarily dispensed in that , as they found Persons worthy and qualified . But none might be Presbyter before he were thirty years of age , according to the Council of Neocesarea , even tho he were highly worthy ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) And the reason given for this , is , because Christ was thirty years of age before he entred upon the discharge of his holy Function . Likewise a Clinicus , that is , one baptised in sickness , by the twelfth Canon of Neocesarea , could not have been a Presbyter , because he was not a Christian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And this was not to be dispensed with , but upon his following Faith and Diligence , or that others could not be had . And in the Canon Law , dist . 77. cap. Siquis , among other prerequisites for a Presbyter , one is : Si poenitentiam publicam non gesserit , holding that any gross scandal committed after Baptism , should be a bar upon a Man from being ordained a Presbyter . As also Dist. 56. cap. 1. the Children of Presbyters are discharged to be ordained : Presbyterorum filios à sacris altaris ministeriis removemus , nisi aut in Coenobiis , aut in Canonicis religiose probati fuerint conversari . It is like , this was either to discourage the marriage of Churchmen , or to obviate the scandal might have been taken , if they had been partial to their own Children . Yet this was neither old nor universal ; for Nazianzen was both a Presbyter and a Bishop , though a Bishop's Son. And in the next Chapter of that same Dist. many instances are alledged by Damasus to the contrary . Further , none who had been Soldiers , and were Curiales , and obstricti curiae , could have been ordained without a dimission , and that they had been fifteen years in a Monastery , and three parts of four of their Estate were adjudged to the fisk ; so Dist. 53. and Iustinian 123. Nov. Now this might be first , left any weary of the service to which they were obliged , should upon that pretence shake it off , and run from their colors , or other employments . But next , that men who had been much involved in the World , and particularly men of bloud , might not enter into holy Orders , without a long precedent change of the course of their life ; it not being easie to pass of a sudden from a course of secularity , to that sublimity of holiness which is necessary for such a sacred Function . And finally , all ambitus was condemned in Presbyters , as well as in Bishops , though we see both from Chrysostom's Books de Sacerdotio , and Nazianzen's Apologetick , that there was enough of it among both kinds . Yet many there were who resisted the Calls given them to Church-Offices with great earnestness , some flying from them to the Wilderness , as from a persecution : some cutting off their Noses , and other members , that they might be thought unworthy of it ; some continued to the end in their refusal : others were not ordained without being haled even by force ; many receiving this sacred imposition of hands with trembling and many tears . And indeed were the greatness of the charge more weighed , and the secular advantages less looked at , it is like there might be yet need of some force to draw men to accept of it ; whereas all are so forward to rush toward it , blown up with pride , or provoked by covetousness . We saw already how averse Nazianzen was from entring in sacred Orders : but no less memorable is the History of Chrysostome , who ( with his Friend Basil ) having engaged in a Monastick life , was struck with fear when a rumour rose that they were both to be ordained Presbyters . ( And by the way observe , that he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) But Chrysostome was silent , lest the expressing of his aversion should have deterred Basil ; and his his silence was judged by Basil a consent , and so proved one of his chief inducements to accept of Orders . But when the day came wherein Chrysostome knew that the Bishops designed to ordain them , he withdrew privately , so that he could not be found : yet the Bishops upon another pretence , carried Basil to the Church , and there ordained him , much against his mind . But when he first met with his Friend Chrysostome , he melted down in tears , challenging him severely for his withdrawing from him ; whereof Chrysostome gives his Apology at large in these six excellent Books of his de Sacerdotio ; wherein by way of Dialogue betwixt him and his Friend , he layeth out the great dignity and weight of that Charge , chiefly in the third Book , where he shews , That a Priest should be like one of the Angels of GOD , cap. 4. And he blames these Elections that were rashly made , cap. 10. upon which he charges most of the disorders that were then in the Church . And cap. 11. he confesseth how guilty himself was of that unlawful ambitus for Church employment ; which being yet unmortified in him , did frighten him from entring in holy Orders . Cap. 14. he saith , Episcopum convenit studio acri & perpetuâ vitae continentia tanquam adamantinis armis obseptum esse . In the fourth Book he speaks of the great caution was to be used in Elections and Ordinations , complaining that in these , Regard was rather had to Riches and Honor , than true worth . Through the fifth Book he shews the great evil and hazard of popular applause , and the sin of being much pleased with it . And lib. 6. cap. 2. he hath that excellent saying , That the soul of the Priest should be purer than the very beams of the Sun themselves . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And cap. 12. he accuses himself of his vain desires and other faults , whence it was that he had so great a horrour of attempting at that for which he knew himself so unworthy : preoccupying that Objection , that a Man in that is to submit to the judgment of others , by the Examples of one who hath no skill in Physick , and knowing himself ignorant , is not to administer Physick , though all the World should desire him to undertake a Cure , declaring their Opinion and confidence of his skill : for if upon another mans opinion of his skill he should offer to meddle in it , and give Physick , he might as well kill as cure . So neither one unacquainted in military affairs , was to undertake the leading of an Army , knowing his own unfitness , though never so much solicited to it : whence he subsumes more strongly , that none should undertake the leading of Souls , as long as he knew his own unfitness , were the importunities and solicitations of others never so many . And so far of the qualifications of those who were to be ordained Presbyters . Their Election hath been touched already , for it went the same way with the Elections of Bishops , and so was partly popular , at least was to be ratified by the approbation , and consent of the people . Possidius in vita Augustini , tells how he was chosen a Presbyter by the people . We have the Ordination of the Presbyters set down thus , Conc. Carth. 4. Canon . 3. Presbyter quum ordinatur , Episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes Presbyteri , qui praesentes sunt , manus suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput illius teneant . Dionysius the Areopagite in the forecited place tells , That the Presbyter whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was ordained in the same form that a Bishop was ordained , save only that the Gospel was not laid on his head . From which simplicity of the primitive forms , we may see , how far they were from all these superstitious Fopperies now used in the Romish Church in Ordination . And so much concerning Presbyters . Deacons are next to be treated of . The Original of them is by the general current of the Ancients taken from the Levites under the Temple , and therefore in not a few of the antient Councils , they go under that designation . But as was formerly observed , it is more probable , that the Christian Church took its immediate Model from the Synagogue , tho that might have been taken from the Temple . Now in the Synagogue , as there was a Bishop and Presbyters , so there were also Deacons called Parnasin . There were three of them in each Synagogue , two were to gather the Collections , and all the three together did distribute them . The first Origine of them in the Christian Church is set down , Acts 6. where their primitive institution shews , that their first design was for looking to the necessities of the poor , who had been neglected in the daily distribution of the Charity , and there they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is true , that term Luke 4.20 . is used in another sense , for there the Minister of the Synagogue , to whom CHRIST delivered the Book , could be no other , than their Chazan or Bishop , whose Office it was to call out any to read the Law in the Synagogue . But since all Church-Office is for service , and not for domination , Christ himself not coming to be ministred unto , but to minister , it is no wonder , if that term should then have been promiscuously used . We also find S. Paul applying to himself ( 1 Cor. 4. a term equivalent to this . ) But though the primitive institution of Deacons import only their looking to the necessities of the poor : yet from the Levites ministring to the Priest in the Sacrifices , it came to be generally received and used , the Deacons should serve the Bishops and Presbyters in the administration of the Sacraments . The institution of them doth also discover , that they were persons to be separated for that holy service , and consecrated for it by an imposition of hands ; and so were to be no more secular , but Ecclesiastical persons : and the usual practice of the Church was to account that Office a step , degree and probation , in order to ones being made a Presbyter . And therefore our mungrel Lay-Deacons differ vastly , both from the first institution of the Scripture , and current of all Antiquity . The Arcopagite gives the account of their Ordinations thus : That the Deacon being brought to the Bishop , kneeled down on one knee , and so received imposition of hands . The fourth Canon of the fourth Council of Carthage is : Diaconus quum ordinatur , solus Episcopus , qui eum benedicit , manum super caput illius ponat ; quia non ad Sacerdotium , sed ad ministerium consecratur . As for their Election , at the first institution they were chosen by the whole Body of the people , so Acts 6. And tho the people were barred their suffrage in the choice of other Church Officers , yet there might be good reason why they should still chuse the Deacons , their Office being almost wholly temporal , to receive and distribute the peoples alms . But whatever right people might pretend to in this , it will never be proved that by divine Right , the people should chuse those who had the charge of their souls . For reason would infer , that none could make a choice , who were not able to give a judgment of the qualifications , and worth of a Churchman , that being peculiar to the Clergy . And hence it is that more than a consent cannot be justly pretended to by the people . But after all this , if this place prove anything , it will prove in favor of the whole body of the people , and not of a few selected Lay-Elders . All the Deacons were in their degree and order inferiour to Presbyters , which will appear from these Canons of the 4. Council of Carthage , Canon 37. The Deacon is declared to be the Minister of the Presbyter , as well as of the Bishop . Canon 39. He might sit in the presence of a Presbyter , if desired by him . Canon 40. In conventu Presbyterorum Diaconus interrogatus , loquatur ; so that he might not speak , except desired . It is therefore a disorder in Church-discipline , that the Archdeacon should not only be a Presbyter , but also exercise Jurisdiction over Presbyters . And therefore Petrus Blesensis , Epist. 123. hath well observed , how turbato ordine dignitatis , Archidiaconi bodie Sacerdotibus praeeminent , & in eos vim ac potestatem suae Jurisdictionis exercent . Jerome is the first that makes mention of these Arch deacons , telling how the Deacons did chuse one of their number to be over them , quem Archidiaconum vocabanst : and in the same Epistle to Evagrius , he severely inveighs against those Deacons , who pretend to an equality with , or preference over Presbyters , saying : Quid patitur mensarum & viduarum Minister , ut supra eos tumidus sese esserat , ad quorum preces corpus sanguisque Christi conficitur . Because of the first number Seven , the custom was to have but seven Deacons in a City were it never so great : so it was decreed in the Council of Neocesarea 14. Canon . Their Office was chiefly to look to the poor , and to serve in the administration of the Sacraments . Just in Martyr in the end of his second Apology tells , That the Eucharist was sent by the Deacons to such as were absent . Cyprian lib. 3. Epist. 15. reckons it as a part of the Deacon's Office to wait upon the Martyrs , and Epist. 17. of that same Book , he tells , That where there was no Presbyter , & urgere exitus coeperit . The Deacon might receive the Exhomulagesis of penitents , and absolve them by imposition of bands . Optatus lib. 2. calls them the Defenders of the holy Table ; telling how the Donatists had broken through the roof of a Church , and had killed and wounded some of the Deacons , who preserved the holy Elements from their sacrilegious attempt . The Deacons distributed the Eucharist , and sometime they did give it to the Presbyters , but that was forbidden by the 18. Can. of the Council of Nice . Yet in the fourth Council of Carthage , Can. 38. Diaconus , praesente Presbytero , Eucharistiam corporis Christi populo si necessitas cogat , jussus eroget . Cyril of Jerusalem in his 17. Catechism , counts the Deacon the Minister of Baptism , as well as the Bishop or Presbyter . And certain it is , that generally Baptism was administred by the Deacons , as well as by the Presbyters . Some parts of the publick Worship were also discharged by the Deacons . Chrysostome hom . 14. ad Rom. tells , that the Deacons offered prayers for the people ; and hom . 17. ad Heb. he tells , That the Deacons stood in a high place at the administration of the Eucharist , and calling with a terrible voice , as Heraulds , invited some , and rejected others from these holy mysteries . And thus far I have given an account of the sense which the Ancients had of the Offices of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon , which three were the only ones they accounted Sacred and Divine . And this held good even at the time , that the Areopagites's pretended Books were written ( I call them pretended , because there is none now so simple as to believe them his ) for he reckons the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy to consist in these three degrees . To this account given of Deacons , I shall add somewhat of Deaconesses , of whom mention is made , Rom. 16 1. where Phebe is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Deaconess ●f the Church of Cenchrea . They are likewise so called in the 15. Canon of Chalcedon ; but more ordinary in ancient Writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 IJerome on that place to the Romans , speaking of Phebe , understands her to have been a Deaconess : and adds , Etiam nunc in Orientalibus Diaconissae mulieres in suo sexu ministrare videntur , in baptismo , sive in ministerio verbi , quia privatim docuisse foeminas invenimus sicut Priscillam . He likewise understood the Widows mentioned , 1 Tim. 5. to be Diaconesses : Tales eligi voluit Diaconissas quae omnibus essent exemplum vivendi . Origen likewise takes it as undoubted , that Phebe had a particular office in the Church of Cenchrea : and saith on that place , Hic locus Apostolica authoritate docet etiam foeminas in ministerio Ecclesiae constitui , in quo officio positam Phaeben apud Ecclesiam quae est Cenchreis . Chrysostome likewise understood it to be an Office : And saith on that place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If any credit be due to the Apostolical Constitutions , they tell us many things of their Office , tho with a great alloy of much idle stuff . They tell , That no Woman might come to a Bishop or Presbyter , except in the company of a Deaconess , Lib. 2. cap. 26. And that they were to go to Womens Houses to instruct them , which had been scandalous for Churchmen , Lib. 3. cap. 15. They did likewise receive them in Baptism , Cap. 16. And kept the gates by which Women entred into the Church , Lib. 8. cap. 28. So it seems their Office was to instruct and teach Women . And so S. Paul , Phil. 4.3 . speaks of Women who laboured with him in the Gospel . And Rom. 16. we find mention not only of Priscilla , but of Tripbona , Triphosa and Persis , who laboured in the Lord. And it is like their Office was also to minister to the necessities of Churchmen : and therefore when S. Paul speaks of leading about a Sister and a Wife , as well as other Apostles , he may be well understood to speak of one of those who might both have supplied his wants , and assisted him in the conversion of Women ; but for eviting scandal , they were not to be under sixty years of age . Mention is made of them by Pliny , lib. 10. Epist . 97. who writing to Trajan , of the enquiry he was making of the Christians , saith , Necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis quae ministrae dicebantur quid effet veri & per tormenta quaerere . They were received by an Ordination in Tertullian's time : for he speaking of them , saith , ( De castit . cap. 13. ) Ordinari in Ecclesia solent . And ad uxorem , lib. 1. cap. 7. Viduam allegi in ordinationem nisi univiram non concedit . The 19. Canon of the Council of Nice , reckons the Deaconesses among those that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but saith that they had no imposition of hands , so that in all things they were reckoned among the Laicks ; but hints that they had a particular habit , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Balsamon's Gloss on this is , that the Virgins who dedicated themselves to GOD , continued in a Laical habit till they were forty years of age ; and were then , if found worthy , ordained Deaconesses , by a particular imposition of hands . To this Zonar as adds , that the Virgins in the twenty fifth year of . their age , got a particular habit from the Bishop . The 74 Canon of Nice , according to the Arabick Edition , appoints the Office of a Deaconess to be only the receiving of Women in Baptism . Epiph. baeres . 79. after he hath proved that a Woman is not capable of the publick service of the Church , adds , That the Order of the Deaconesses was instituted out of reverence to that Sex , that when the Womans body was naked in Baptism , they might not be so seen by the Priest. And with this agrees the 12th Canon of the fourth Council of Cartbage : Vidue vel sanctimoniales quae ad ministerium baptizandarum mulierum eliguntur tam instructae sint ad officium , ut possint apto & sano sermone docere imperitas & rusticus mulieres tempore quo baptizandae sint , qualiter baptizatori interrogatae respondeant , & qualiter accepto baptismate vivant . This is also confirmed by the 6. Chap. of the 6. Novel , which appoints the age both for Virgins and Widows to be fifty years : Sicque sacram promereri ordinationem . And their Office is denied to be adorandis ministrare baptismatibus , & aliis adesse secretis quae in venerabilibus ministeriis per eas rite aguntur . And the rest of that Chapter gives divers other rules concerning them . The 15. Canon of Chalcedon , appoints a Deaconess not to be ordained till she were forty years of age ( it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Canon ) and it is appointed that it be done after a strict examination ; but that after she was ordained , and continued some time in the Ministery , if she gave her self in Marriage , she ( as one that had reproached the grace of GOD ) was to be anathematized with her Husband . Zonaras reconciles this age with the Apostle , that the Apostle speaks of Widows , and this Canon of Virgins , tho it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Canon . Yet it seems some of these Deaconesses have given scandal in the Church , and perhaps proved like the Females among the Pharisees , whom the Rabbins reckoned among these who destroyed the World : And so we find the Western Church being scandalized at some miscarriages in this Order , they are discharged to be ordained by the first Council of Orange , Can. 26. Diaconissae omnimodo non ordinandae , si quae jam sunt benedictioni quae populo impenditur , capita submittunt . And in the beginning of the sixth Century , it seems they gave great scandal ; for Canon 22. Council Epaun. they are simply discharged : Viduarum consecrationem quas Diaco●as vocant ab omni regione nostra penitus abrogamus , solam eis poenitentia benedictionem si converti ambiant imponendo . And Anno 536. Con. Aurel. 2. C●● . 17. Benedictio Diaconatus , is said to be given to the Women contra interdicta Canonum . And the next Canon of that Council is , Placuit etiam ut nulli postmodum foeminae Diaconalis benedictio pro conditionis hujus fragilitate credatur . Yet they are mentioned in the Council of Worms in the year 868. Canon 73. where the 15. Canon of Chalcedon is wholly insert . One scandal we find occasioned by these Deaconesses , was , that they presumed to distribute the Elements in the Eucharist ; which Gelasius blames in his ninth Epistle written to the Bishops of Lucani● , Quod foeminae sacris altaribus ministrare ferantur . And this it seems hath continued longer : For we find Ratherius of Verona in the tenth Century , appoints in his Synodal Epistle ( which in the Tomes of the Councils is printed as a Sermon of Pope Leo the fourths ) Nulla foemina ad altare Domini accedat . And Matthaeus Blastaris in his Syntagma , lit . 1. cap. 11. concludes it to be unknown what the Office of the Deaconesses was . Some judged that they ministred to Women , who being in age received Baptism , it being accounted a crime for a Man to see a Woman naked . Others thought that they might enter to the Altar , and exercise the Office of Deacons , who proved this from many things , particularly from some words of Nazianzen's Oration at his Sisters Funeral , but that was afterwards forbidden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; yet he doubts much the truth of that , it not agreeing with reason , that Women who were not suffered publickly to teach , should be admitted to the Office of a Deacon , whose duty it was by the ministery of the word , to purifie these who were to be baptized . And after that he gives an account of the form of their Ordination . Mention likewise is made of them in the Council in Trullo , Canon 14. A Deaconess was not to receive imposition of band 's , before she was forty years of age . Which is more expressly appointed in the 40. Canon , where they decree , that though the Apostle made the age 60. yet the Canons had allowed their Ordination at 40. because they found the Church was become firmer in the grace of GOD , and had advanced forward : and by the 48. Canon of that Council , a Bishop's Wife , when separated from her Husband by consent , was to live in a Monastery , and if found worthy might be made a Deaconess . Basil by his 18. Canon allows Virgins to be received at the sixteenth or seventeenth year of their age , but by his 24. he reckons it a fault to receive a Widow into the Order under 60 : yet it seems that was not peremptorily observed . For in his 44 Canon he speaks of Deaconesses found in Fornication , who might not be allowed to communicate before seven years had been past in penitence . Whence this Order failed in the Greek Church , we know not ; but Balsamon on the 15. Canon of Chalcedon tells . That in his time Deaconesses were no more ordained , and his reason is , because no Woman was suffered to enter unto the Altar , though ( saith he ) some Women were abusively so called . As for the inferiour degrees of Subdeacon , Acolyth , &c. as they were only Iuris Ecclesiastici , so they were not designed for any sacred performance , nor had they any holy Character upon them : but were intended as steps for those whom they were training up to sacred employments , and were but like the degrees given in Universities . No mention is made of them in the first two Centuries : Ignatius is express that there is no intermedial step betwixt the Laick , and the Deacon , which stile we also meet in all the Fathers before Cyprian's time . He , Epistle 24. speaks of the Lectors and Subdeacons , telling how he had ordained Saturus a Lector , and Optatus a Subdeacon , quos jam communi consilio Clero proximos feceramus . And of the Lectors , he saith , Epist. 34. Caeterum Presbyterii honorem nos illis designasse sciatis . And by what follows , it is clear he means of a share in the maintenance of the Church . Epistle 28. he speaks of the Subdeacons and Acolyths , shewing how they likewise had a share in the divisions of the offerings made to the Church . Epistle 33. he tells of one Aurelius , who had been twice a Confessor in the persecution , whom he had ordained a Lector , apologizing that he had done it without the consent of his Clergy and people . In ordinationibus solemus vos ante consulere , & voces ac merita communi consilio ponderare ; sed expectanda non sunt testimonia humana , cum praecedant suffragia divina . And after he hath laid out the merits of the Person , he adds , Placuit tamen ut ab officio Lectionis incipiat , quia & nihil magis congruit voci quae Dominum gloriosâ praedicatione confessa est , quam celebrandis divinis lectionibus personare . Of the same strain is his following Epistle concerning Celerinus , who had refused to be ordained a Lector , until he was persuaded to it by a divine Revelation in the Night . Likewise in his 76. Epistle , he makes mention of Exorcists : who are also mentioned by Firmilian in his Epistle , which is reckoned the 75. among Cyprians . And at the same time Cornelius , the Bishop of Rome , in his Epistle ( insert by Eusebius , lib. 6. cap. 43. ) wherein he gives account of the Clergy were then at Rome ; tells , That there were 46 Presbyters , 7 Deacons , 42 Acolyths , 50 Exorcists , Lectors , and Porters . These inferiour Orders we see were then in the Church . And since we have no earlier accounts of them , we may conclude their rise to have been about this time . A short account will suffice for their several employments , which will be best gathered from the several Canons of the 4th Council of Carthage . Canon 5. Subdiaconus quum ordinatur , quia manus impositionem non accipit , patinam de Episcopi manu accipiat vacuam , & calicem vacuum . De manu vero Archidiaconi urceolum cum aquâ , & mantile , & manutergium . So his Office was to look to the Vessels for the Eucharist , and to serve the Deacons in that work . Canon 6. Acolythus quum ordinatur ab Episcopo quidem doceatur , qualiter in officio suo agere debeat . Sed ab Archidiacono accipiat ceroferarium cum cereo ut sciat se ad accendenda Ecclesiae luminaria mancipari , accipiat & urceolum vacuum , ad suggerendum vinum in Eucharistiam sanguinis Christi . As for these Cerei , they shall be spoken of upon the next Canon . The work of Acolythus was to light the Candles , and provide the Wine : And from the ratio nominis , we may believe their Office was particularly to wait upon the Bishop , and follow him . Canon 8. Lector quum ordinatur , faciat de illo verbum Episcopus ad plebem , indicans ejus fidem ac vitam , atque ingenium . Posthaec spectante plebe tradat ei codicem , de quo lecturus est , dicens ad eum : accipe , & esto lector verbi Dei , habiturus , si fideliter & utiliter impleveris officium , partem cum eis , qui verbum Dei ministraverunt . And by what hath been already cited out of Cyprian compared with this , it appears , that the Office of the Lector was judged that of the greatest importance of them all . Canon 9. Ostiarius quum ordinatur postquam ab Archidiacono instructus fuerit , qualiter in domo Dei debeat conversari , ad suggestionem Archidiaconi , tradat & Episcopus claves Ecclesiae de altario , dicens : sic age , quasi redditurus Deo rationem pro bis rebus , quae his clavibus recluduntur . Canon 10. Psalmista , id est , Cantor potest absque scientia Episcopi , solâ jussione Presbyteri , officium suscipere cantandi , dicente sibi Presbytero ; vide , ut quod ore cantas , corde credas ; & quod corde credis , operibus comprobes . Now the Psalmistae were these that were the Singers , for it was appointed in the Council of Laodicea , that none might sing in the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , those of the suggestum , or Pulpit . But because the 7. Canon will afford more matter of question , I have reserved it last . Exorcista quum ordinatur , accipiat de manu Episcopi libellum , in quo scripti sunt Exorcismi , dicente sibi Episcopo : accipe , & commenda memoriae , & habato potestatem imponendi manum super Energumenum , sive baptizatum , sive Catechumenum . But for examining this of the Exorcist , we must run a little back . The Iews under the second Temple were much addicted to Magick . In the Talmud it is given as a necessary qualification of one that might be of the Sanhedrin , that he should be skilled in all Magick doctrines and charms . And in the inner Court of the Temple , called the Court of Israel , there was a Chamber said to have been built by one Parva a Magician , by the Art of Magick , from whom it was called Happarva : And much of what they say of the Bath-col , seems to hint that it was an effect of Magick . Many places are also cited out of the Talmud , of their Rabbies killing one another by that Art ; and so highly do they extol it , that many of them thought that all Miracles were wrought by the exact knowledg of the Cabbalistick Arts , and it is well enough known how that abounded among the Heathens . Ulpian made a Law against these Physicians who cured Diseases by Exorcisms . We see our LORD triumphed over the powers of darkness , who were then raging through the World : and that the Oracles were silenced at this time , is confessed by Heathens . Neither did this gift of casting out Devils , conferred by our LORD on his Disciples , die with them , but remain some ages in the Church . Tertullian speaks of it as a Gift communicated to all Christians . De coronâ mil. he tells , That some Soldiers did exorcismis fugare spiritus malignos : and de Idololatriâ , cap. 11. Quo ore Christianus Thurarius ( this is one that offered incense to Idols ) si per templa transibit , fumantes aras despuet , & exsufflabit , quibus ipse prospexit : quâ constantiâ exorcizabit alumnos suos , quibus domum suam cellariam praestat . So that he hath understood this Power of exorcizing to have been the effect of every sincere Christian's Prayer . Origen in his 35. tract . on Matth. condemns the form of doing it , by adjuring the Devils , saying that CHRIST hath given us power to command them . Est enim Iudaicum adjurare Daemonia . Cyprian speaks of an Exorcism ordinarily preceding Baptism ; but prefers the vertue of Baptism to that of Exorcism , Epist. 76. Hodie etiam geritur , ut per Exorcist as voce humanâ & potestate divinâ flagelletur , & uratur , & torqueatur Diabolus ; & cum exire se & dimittere homines DEI saepe dicat : in eo tamen quod dixerit , fallat — Cum tamen ad aquam salutarem , &c. And ad Demetrianum , he saith , O si audire eos velles , & videre , quando à nobis adjurantur & turquentur spiritalibus flagris , & verborum tormentis , de obsessis corporibus , ejiciuntur ; quando ejulantes & gementes voce humanâ , & potestate divinâ flagella , & verbera sentientes , venturum judicium confitentur . And much of this nature is to be met with among the primitive Writers , which shews that the power of Exorcising was an Authority over Devils . Yet if this had been a formal Office , Reason will say it should rather have been among the highest than lowest Orders , the work being so great and miraculous . But from the Areopagite , and others , we are told , that before Baptism there was used a renunciation of the Devil , with a Prayer for casting him out : And there is some probability that these called Exorcists were only Catechists , who had some formuls , whereby they taught , such as they instructed , to renounce the Devil : and this with the Prayer that accompanied it , was called an Exorcism . Nazianz. Orat. in Bapt. Ne exorcismi medicinam asperneris , nec ob illius prolixitatem animo concidas , nam vel ut lapis quidam Lydius est , ad quem exploratur , quam sincero quisque pectore ad baptismum accedat . Cyril of Ierusalem , Praefat. in Catech. Festinent pedes tus ad catecheses audiendas , exorcismos studiose suscipe , etiamsi exorcizatus & inspiratus jam sis , salubris enim est tibi res ista . The Council of Laodicea , Can. 26. discharged all to exorcize either in Churches or Houses , except these appointed for it by the Bishops . And by the tenth Canon of Antioch , the Rural Bishops are warranted to constitute Exorcists , from which we see they could not esteem that a wonder-working Office. And Balsamon in his Sholion , makes them one with the Catechists , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and on the Canon of Laodicea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And towards the end of his Gloss on that Canon , he saith , That an Exorcist though appointed by the Chorepiscopus , and not by the Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Beveregius cites Harmenopolus to the same purpose on the tenth Canon of Antioch . From these evidences it is most probable to think , that the Exorcists at first were nothing but Catechists ; but afterwards , as all things do in any tract of time degenerate , they became corrupt , beyond perhaps either these of the Iews or the Gentiles ; so that the Books of Exorcisms now in the Roman Church , are so full of Bombast terms , and odd Receipts , that they are a stain to the Christian Church . And it is the most preposterous thing can be imagined , that what was given in the New Testament for the greatest confirmation of the Christian faith , should be made a constant Office , and put in so mean hands . And to this I need not add the base Arts and Cheats discovered among that sort of people . I shall conclude this long tedious Account of the sense the Ancient Church had of the several Officers in it , with some words of Tertullian , which I shall barely set down , without any descant on them , tho they have occasioned much perplexity to divers good Antiquaries . Tertullian in exortatione ad uxorem , cap. 7. saith : Nonne & laici Sacerdotes fumus ? Scriptum est regnum quoque nos & Sacerdotes DEO & Patri suo fecit . Differentiam inter Ordinem & plebem constituit Ecclesiae authoritas , & honor per Ordinis consessum sanctificatus . Ideo ubi Ecclesiastici Ordinis non est consessus , & offers , & tingis & Sacerdos es tibi solus , sed ubi tres sunt , Ecclesia est , licet laici . But others read these words differently , their Copies having them thus : Sanctificatus à DEO . Ubi Ecclesiastici Ordinis est consessus , & offert , & tingit , Sacerdos qui est ibi solus : sed ubi tres , Ecclesia est , licet laici . FINIS . POLYHISTOR TO BASILIUS . YOUR desire , and my own promise , have engaged me to send you the enclosed Papers : For the trouble the reading them may give you , my Apology lies in my Obedience ; and yet I have contracted things as much as I could , and perhaps have exceeded in my abridging : For had I let loose my Pen in a descant on every particular , these few Sheets had swelled to a Volume . And my design was not to act the Critick , but to be a faithful Historian . These gleanings were intended partly for my own use , and partly for the direction of some under my charge in the study of Antiquity ; and were written some years ago , when I had no thoughts of making them more publick , than by giving a few transcripts of them . But now I leave the Midwifry of them to you , that you may either stifle this Embryo , or give it a freer Air to breath in . I have here only given you what related to the constitution and modelling of Churches , referring to my Observations on other Canons , matters that come to be treated more properly upon their Texts , as of the administration of all the parts of the Pastoral charge , of all their forms in Worship , and Church-Discipline , of their zeal against Heresies and Schisms , together with the methods used for reclaiming them ; and of the poverty , simplicity , abstraction from secular affairs , and sublime sanctity of the primitive Bishops and Presbyters . These with many other particulars , if well examined , as they will make the Work swell to a huge bulk , so they will bring pleasure , as well as advantage , to such as desire a better Acquaintance with the state of the Church of GOD in her best times ; but what through the entanglements of affairs , and other avocations , what through their want of Books , are not able to engage in so laborious an enquiry by searching the Fountains themselves . I assure you , I have not gone upon trust , having taken my Observations from the Writings themselves , that I have vouched for my Warrants . I once intended to have cited all the Testimonies I brought in English ; and so to have avoided the pedantry of a Babylonish Dialect , as the French begin now to write . But observing that the foul play many have committed , hath put a jealousie in most Readers of these Citations , where the Author's words are not quoted , I chused rather to hazard on the censure of being a Pedant , than of an unfaithful wrester in my Translations . Only to save the Writer the labour of writing much Greek , which I found unacceptable , I do often cite the Latin translations of the Greek Authors . I shall only add , that as I was causing write out these Papers for you , there came to my hands one of the best Works this Age hath seen , Beveregius his Synopsis Canonum . I quickly looked over these learned Volumes , that I might give these Sheets such improvements as could be borrowed from them , which indeed were not inconsiderable . I detain you too long , but shall importune you no more . I leave this to your Censure , which I know to be severely Critical in all such matters . Your judgment being the wonder of all who know you , especially who consider how little your leisure allows you , to look unto things so far without the Orb you move in : though nothing be without the vast Circle of your comprehensive understanding , if you let loose these Papers to a more publick view , let this Paper accompany them , which may some way express the zeal of your faithfullest Servant , who humbly bids you Adieu . 
A40803	----	[Two discourses] concerning episcopacy the former made by the Lord Viscount Falkland ; and the later by William Chillingworth. Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 1610?-1643. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A40803 of text R24319 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing F327). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 27 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A40803 Wing F327 ESTC R24319 08121723 ocm 08121723 40908 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40803) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40908) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1229:5) [Two discourses] concerning episcopacy the former made by the Lord Viscount Falkland ; and the later by William Chillingworth. Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 1610?-1643. Chillingworth, William, 1602-1644. 14 p. Printed for William Nealand, London : 1660. First two words of title cropped. Missing words supplied from Wing. Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library. eng Episcopacy. A40803 R24319 (Wing F327). civilwar no Two discourses concerning episcopacy; the former made by the Right Honorable, the late Lord Viscount Falkland. And the later by his friend, Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount 1660 4945 13 0 0 0 0 0 26 C The rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2003-11 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-12 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Concerning EPISCOPACY ; The Former made by the Right Honorable , the late Lord Viscount FALKLAND . And the Later by his Friend , Mr. William Chillingworth . Published according to the Original Copies . LONDON , Printed for William Nealand , Bookseller in Cambridge ; and are to be sold there , and at the Crown in Duck-Lane , 1660. A SPEECH CONCERNING EPISCOPACY . Mr. Speaker , WHosoever desires this totall change of our present Government , desires it either out of a conceit that is unlawfull , or inconvenient . To both these , I shall say something . To the first , being able to make no such arguments to prove it so my self , as I conceive likely to be made within the walls of so wise a House , I can make no answer to them , till I hear them from some other ; which then ( if they perswade me not ) by the liberty of a Committee , I shall do . But this in generall . In the mean time , I shall say , that the ground of this government of Episcopacy , being so ancient , and so generall , so uncontradicted in the first and best times , that our most laborious Antiquaries can find no Nation , no City , no Church , nor Houses under any other ; that our first Ecclesiasticall Authors tell us , that the Apostles not onely allow'd but founded Bishops ( so that the tradition for some Books of Scripture , which we receive as Canonicall , is both lesse ancient , lesse generall , and lesse uncontradicted , ) I must ask leave to say , that though the Mysterie of iniquity began suddenly to work , yet it did not instantly prevail ; it could not ayme at the end of the race , as soon is it was started ; nor could Antichristianism in so short a time have become so Catholique . To the second , this I say , that in this Government there is no inconvenience which might not be sufficiently remedied without destroying the whole ; and though we had not par'd their Nails , or rather their Tongues , ( I mean the High-Commission , ) though we should neither give them the direction of strict rules , nor the addition of choyce Assiste●s ( both which we may do , and suddenly I hope we shall ; ) yet the fear sunk into them of this Parliament , and the expectation of a Trienniall one , would be such banks to these rivers , that we need fear their inundations no mo●e . Next I say , that if some inconvenience did appear in this , yet since it may also appear , that the change will breed greater , I desire those who are led to change by inconveniences onely , that they will suspend their opinions , till they see what is to be laid in the other ballance , which I will endeavour . The inconveniences of the change are double , some that it should be yet done , others , that it should be at all done . The first again , double , 1. Because we have not done what we should do first ; and 2. Because others have not done what they should do first ; That which we should do first , is , to agree of a succeeding Form of Government , that every man , when he gives his Vote to the destruction of this , may be sure that he destroy ; not that , which he likes better than that which shall succeed it . I conceive no man will at this time give this Vote , who doth not believe this Government to be the worst that can possibly be devised ; and for my part , if this be thus proposterously done , and we left in this blind uncertainty ( what shall become of us ! ) I shall not onely doubt all the inconveniences , which any Governmentment hath , but which any Government may have . This I insist on the rather , because if we should find cause to wish for this back again , we could not have it , the means being disperst . To restore it again would be a miracle in State , like that of the resurrection to Nature . That which others should do first , is , to be gone . For if you will do this , yet things standing as they do , no great cause appearing for so great a change , I fear a great Army may be thought to be the cause . And I therefore desire ( to be sure that Newcastle may not be suspected to have any influence upon London , ) that this may not be done , till our Brethren be returned to their Patrimony . We are now past the inconveniences in poynt of Time ; I now proceed . And my first inconvenience of this change , is , the inconvenience of change it self , which is so great an inconvenience , when the Change is great and suddain , that in such cases , when it is not necessary to change , it is necessary not to change . To a person formerly intemperate , I have known the first prescription of an excellent Physitian , to forbear too good a diet for a good while . We have lived long happily , and gloriously , under this Form of Government ; Episcopacy hath very well agreed with the constitution of our Laws , with the disposition of our People : how any other will do , I the lesse know , because I know not of any other , of which so much as any other Monarchy hath had any experience ; they all having ( as I conceive ) at least Superintendents for life : and the meer word Bishop , I suppose , is no man's aime to destroy , nor no man's aim to defend . Next , Sir , I am of opinion , that most men desire ast not this change , or else I am certain there hath been very suddenly a great change in men . Severall Petitions indeed desire it , but knowing how concern'd and how united that party is , how few would be wanting to so good a work , even those hands which value their number to others , are an argument of their paucity to me . The numberlesse number of those of a different sense , appear not so publiquekly and cry not so loud , being persons more quiet , as secure in the goodnesse of their Lawes , and the wisdom of their Law-makers ; And because men petition for what they have not , and not for what they have , perhaps that the Bishops may not know how many friends their Order hath , lest they be incouraged to abuse their authority , if they knew it to be so g●nerally approved . Now , Sir , though we are trusted by those that sent us , in cases wherein their opinions were unknown ; yet truly if I knew the opinion of the major part of my Town , I doubt whether it were the intention of those that trusted me , that I should follow my own opinion against theirs . At least , let us stay till the next Session , and consult more particularly with them about it . Next , Sir , it will be the destruction of many estates , in which many , who may be very innocent persons , are legally vested , and of many persons who undoubtedly are innocent , whose dependances are upon those estates . The Apostle saith , he that provides not for his family , is worse then an Infidel , This belongs in some analogy to us ; and truly , Sir , we provide ill for our Family ( the Common-wealth ) if we suffer a considerable part of it to be turned out of doors . So that , fo● any care is taken by this Bill for new dwelling , ( and I will never consent they shall play an after-game , for all they have ) either we must see them starve in the streets before us , or ( to avoid that ) we must ship them some-whither away , like the Moors out of Spain . From the hurt of the Learned I come to that of Learning ; an I desire you to consider , whether , when all considerable maintenance shall be reduced to cure of Souls , all studies , will not be reduced to those which are in order to Preaching ; the Arts and Languages , and even eminent skill in Controversies ( to which great leasure and great means is required ) much neglected , and ( to the joy and gain of our common Adversary , ) Syntagms , Postills , Catechisms , Commentators , and Concordances , almost onely bought , and the rest of Libraries remain rather as of ornament , then as of use . I do not deny but for all this want , the wit of some hath attempted both , and the parts of some few have served to discharge both , as those of Calvin , to advise about , and dispatch more Temporall businesse into the bargain , than all our Privy-Councell ; yet such abilities are extreamly rare , and very few will ever p●each ●●●ce a Sunday , and be any match for Bellarmine . Nay I fear , Sir , that this will make us to have fewer able even in Preaching it self , as it is separated from generall Learning , for I fear many whose parts , friends , and means , might make them hope for better advancements in other courses , when these shall be taken away from this , will be less ready to imbrace it ; and though it were to be wisht , that all men should onely undertake those Embassages , with reference to His Honour Whose Embassadors they are ; yet I doubt not but many , who have entred into the Church by the Door , ( or rather by the Window , ) have done it ( after ) great and sincere service ; and better reasons have made them lab●ur in the vineyard , than brought them thither at first : and though the meer love of God ought to make us good , though there were no reward or punishment , yet it would be very inconvenient to piety , that hope of Heaven and fear of Hell were taken away . The next inconvenience , I fear , is this ; that if we should take away a Government which hath as much testimony of the fi●st antiquity to have been founded by the Apostles , as can be brought for some parts of Scripture to have been written by them , lest this may avert some of our Church from us , and rivet some of the Roman Church to her ; and ( is I remember ) the Apostle commands us to be carefull , not to give scandall even to those that are without . Sir , It hath been said , that we have a better way to know Scripture than by Tradition ; I dispute not this , Sir , but I know that Tradition is the onely argument to prove Scripture to another , and the first to every mans self , being compared to the Samaritan Woman's report , which made many first believe in Christ , though they after believed him for himself . And I therefore would not have this so far weakned to us , as to take away Episcopacy as unlawfull , which is so far by Tradition proved to be lawfull . The next inconvenience that I fear , is this : having observed those generally who are against Bishops ( I will not now speak of such as are among us , who by being selected from the rest , are to be hoped to be freer then ordinary , from vulgar passions ) to have somewhat more animosity against those who are for them , then vice versâ ; lest when they shall have prevaild against the Bishops , they be so far encouraged against their partakers , and will so have discouraged their adversaries , as in time to induce a necessity upon others , at least of the Clergy , to believe them as unlawfull as they themselves do , and to assent to other of their opinions yet left at large . Which will be a way to deprive us , I think , of not our worst , I am sure of our most learned Ministers ; and to send a greater Colonie to New England , then it hath been said , this Bill will recall from thence . I come now from the incoveniences of taking away this Government , to the inconveniences of that which shall succeed it : and to this I can speak but by guesse , and groping , because I have no light given me what that shall be ; onely I hope I shall be excused for shooting at random , since you will set me up no Butt to shoot at . The first , I fear the Scotch Government will either presently be taken ; or if any other succeed for a while , yet the unity and industry of those of that opinion in this Nation , assisted by the counsell and friendship of that , will shortly bring it in , if any lesse opposite Government to it be here placed than that of Episcopacy . And indeed Sir , since any other Government than theirs will by no means give any satisfaction to their desire of uniformity ; since all they who see not the dishonour and ill consequences of it , will be unwilling to deny their Brethren what they esteem indifferent ; since our own Government being destroyed , we shall in all l●kelyhood be aptest to receive that which is both next at hand and ready made : For these reasons I look upon it as probable ; and for the following ones , as inconvenient . When some Bishops pretended to Iure divino ( though nothing so likely to be believed by the People , as those would be , nor consequently to hurt us by that pretence ) this was cry'd out upon as destructive to His Majestie's Supremacy , who was to be confessed to be the Fountain of Jurisdiction in this Kingdom . Yet to Iure divino the Scotch Ecclesiasticall government pretends , To meet when they please , to treat of what they please , to excommunicate whom they please , even Parliaments themselves ; so far are they from receiving either rules or punishments from them . And for us to bring in any unlimited , any Independent authority , the first is against the Liberty of the Subject , the second against the Right and Priviledge of Parliament ; and both against the Protestation . If it be said , that this unlimitednesse and independence is onely in Spirituall things ; I answer first , that arbitrary Government being the worst of Governments , and our Bodies being worse than our Souls , it will be strange to set up that over the second , of which we were so impatient over the first . Secondly , that M. Sollicitor speaking about the Power of the Clergy , to make Canons to bind ; did excellently inform us ; what a mighty influence Spiritual power hath upon Temporal affairs . So that if our Clergy had the one , they had inclusively almost all the other . And to this I may adde , ( what all men may see , ) the vast Temporall power of the Pope allow'd him by such who allow it him onely in ordine ad Spiritualia : for the Fable will tell you , if you make the Lyon judge ( and the Clergy , assisted by the people , is Lyon enough ) it was a wise fear of the Foxe's , lest he might call a knubb a horn . And sure , Sir , they will in this case be Judges , not onely of that which is Spiritual , but of what it is that is so : and the people receiving instruction from no other , will take the most Temporal matter to be Spiritual , if they tell them it is so . The Apostolical Institution of Episcopacy ; demonstrated by Mr. William Chillingworth . SECT. 1. IF we abstract from Episcopal Government all accidentals , and consider onely what is essential and necessary to it ; we shall find in it no more but this . An appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the Churches , within a certain Precinct or Diocesse ; and furnishing him with authority ( not absolute or arbitrary , but regulated and bounded by Laws , and moderated by joyning to him a convenient number of assistants ) to the intent that all the Churches under him may be provided of good and able Pastors : and that both of Pastours and people , conformity to Laws , and performance of their duties may be required , under penalties , not left to discretion , but by Law appointed . SECT. 2. To this kind of Government I am not by any particular interest so devoted , as to think it ought to be maintained , either in opposition to Apostolick Institution ; or to the much desired reformation of mens lives , and restauration of Primitive discipline ; or to any Law or Precept of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end ; for obedience to our Saviour , is the end for which Church-Government is appointed . But if it may be demonstrated ( or made much more probable than the contrary ) as I verily think it may : I. That it is not repugnant to the government setled in and for the Church by the Apostles . II. That it is as comply●ble with the reformation of any evill which we desire to reform either in Church or State , or the introduction of any good which we desire to introduce , as any other kind of Government : And III. That there is no Law , no Record of our Saviour against it : then I hope it will not be thought an unreasonable motion , if we humbly desire those that are in authority , especially the High Court of Parliament , that in may not be sacrificed to clamour , or over-borne by violence : and though ( which God forbid ) the greater part of the multitude should cry , Crucifie , Crucifie ; yet our Governours would be so full of Justice and Courage , as not to give it up , untill they perfectly understand concerning Episcopacy it self , Quid mali fecit . SECT. 3. I shall speak at this time onely of the first of these three points : That Episcopacy is not repugnant to the government setled in the Church for perpetuity by the Apostles . Whereof I conceive this which follows is as clear a demonstration , as any thing of this nature is capable of . That this Government was received universally in the Church , either in the Apostles time , or presently after , is so evident and unquestionable , that the most learned adversaries of this Government do themselves confesse it . SECT. 4. Petrus Molinaeus in his Book De munere pastorali , purposely written in defence of the Presbyterial-government , acknowledgeth : That presently after the Apostles times , or even in their time ( as Ecclesiastical story witnesseth ) it was ordained , That in every City one of the presbytery should be called a Bishop , who should have pre-eminence over his Colleagues ; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality . And truely , this form of Government all Chuches every where received . SECT. 5. Theodorus Beza in his Tract , De triplici Episcopaius genere , confesseth in effect the same thing . For having distinguished Episcopacy into three kinds , Divine , Humane , and Satanical , and attributing to the second ( which he calls Humane , but we maintain and conceive to be Apostolical ) not onely a priority of order , but a superiority of power , and authority over other Presbyters , bounded yet by Laws and Canons provided against Tyranny : he clearely professeth that of this kind of Episcopacy , is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of Bishops ( or Presidents , as Iustin Martyr calls them ) in Ignatius , and other more ancient Writers . SECT. 6. Certainly from * these two great defenders of the Presbytery , we should never have had this free acknowledgement , ( so prejudicial to their own pretence , and so advantagious to their adversaries purpose ) had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth en●orced them to it . It will not therefore be necessary , to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the anonymous Author of the Catalogue of Testimonies , for the equality of Bishops and Presbyters , who affirms , That their disparity began long after the Apostles times : But we may safely take for granted that which these two learned : Adversaries have confessed ; and see , whether upon this foundation layd by them , we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstructure ; That seeing Episcopal Government is confessedly so Ancient and so Catholique , it cannot with reason be denyed to be Apostolique . SECT. 7. For so great a change , as between Presbyterial Government and Episcopal , could not possibly have prevailed all the world over in a little time . Had Episcopal Government been an aberration from ( or a corruption of ) the Government left in the Churches by the Apostles , it had been very strange , that it should have been received in any one Church so suddainly , or that it should have prevailed in all for many Ages after . Variâsse debuerat error Ecclesiarum : quod autem apud omnes unum est , non est erratum , sed traditum . Had the Churches err'd , they would have varied : What therefore is one and the same amongst all , came not sure by error , but tradition . Thus Tertullian argues very probably , from the consent of the Churches of his time , not long after the Apostles , and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserv'd alteration . But that in the frame and substance of the necessary Government of the Church , a thing alwayes in use and practice , there should be so suddain a change as presently after the Apostles times ; and so universal , as received in all the Churches ; this is clearly impossible . SECT. 8. For what universal cause can be assigned or faigned of this universal Apostasie ? you will not imagine that the Apostles , all or any of them , made any decree for this change , when they were living ; or left order for it in any Will or Testament , when they were dying . This were to grant the question ; To wit , that the Apostles , being to leave the Government of the Churches themselves , and either seeing by experience , or fore-seeing by the Spirit of God , the distractions and disorders , which would arise from a multitude of equals , substituted Episcopal Government instead of their own . General Councells to make a Law for a generall change , for many ages there was none . There was no Christian Emperour , no coercive power over the Church to enforce it . Or if there had been any , we know no force was equal to the courage of the Christians of those times . Their lives were then at command ( for they had not then learnt to fight for Christ ) but their obedience to any thing against his Law was not to be commanded ( for they had perfectly learn't to dye for him . ) Therefore there was no power then to command this change ; or if there had been any , it had been in vain . SECT. 9. What device then shall we study , or to what fountain shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration ? Can it enter into our hearts to think , that all the Presbyters and other Christians then , being the Apostles Schollers , could be generally ignorant of the Will of Christ , touching the necessity of a Presbyterial Government ? Or , dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the World over , as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it ? Imagine the spirit of Diotrephes had entered into some , or a great many of the Presbyters , and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority , was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it once without any opposition or contradiction ? and besides that , the contag●on of this ambition , should spread it self and prevail without stop or controul , nay , without any noyse or notice taken of it , through all the Churches in the World ; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep , and all the dogs so dumb , that not so much as one should open his mouth against it ? SECT. 10. But let us suppose ( though it be a horrible untruth ) that the Presbyters and people then , were not so good Christians as the Presbyterians are now ; that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of Christ's Church commanded by Christ , which we now are so zealous to restore : yet certainly we must not forget nor deny that they were men as we are . And if we look upon them but as meer naturall men , yet knowing by experience how hard a thing it is , even for policy arm'd with power by many attempts and contrivances , and in a long time , to gain upon the liberty of any one people ; undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination , as that among all the Christian Presbyteries in the World , neither conscience of duty , nor love of liberty , nor aversenesse from pride and usurpation of others over them , should prevail so much with any one , as to oppose this pretended universal invasion of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the liberty of Christians . SECT. 11. When I shall see therefore all the Fables in the Metamorphosis acted and prove stories ; when I shall see all the Democracies and Aristocracies in the World lye down and sleep , and awake into Monarchies : then will I begin to believe that Presbyterial Government , having continued in the Church during the Apostles times , should presently after ( against the Apostles doctrine and the will of Christ ) be whirl'd about like a scene in a masque , and transformed into Episcopacy . In the mean time , while these things remain thus incredible , and in humane reason impossible ; I hope I shall have leave to conclude thus ; Episcopal Government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the Church , presently after the Apostles times . Between the Apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . And therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended . And therefore Episcopacy , being confessed to be so Ancient and Catholique , must be granted also to be Apostolique , Quod erat demonstrandum . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A40803e-150 ast See the Collection of Petitions for Episcopacy ; printed for Will . Shears . Notes for div A40803e-1170 * To whom two others also from Geneva may be added : Daniel Chami●rus ( in Panstratia , tom . 2. lib. 10. cap. 6. §. 24. ) and Nicol. Vedelius ( Exercitat . 3. in epist. Ignatii ad Philadelph . cap. 14. & Exercit. 8. in epist. ad Mariam , cap. 3. ) which is fully also demonstated in D. Hammonds dissertations against Blondel ( which never were answerd , & never will ) by the testimonies of those who wrote in the very next Age after the Apostles . 
A41557	----	Plain dealing being a moderate general review of the Scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. Gordon, John, M.D. 1689 Approx. 59 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41557 Wing G1285 ESTC R34919 14908527 ocm 14908527 102857 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41557) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 102857) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1571:6) Plain dealing being a moderate general review of the Scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. Gordon, John, M.D. [8], 28 p. Printed, and are to be sold by Richard Baldwin ..., London : 1689. Attributed to John Gordon, M.D., by Halkett & Laing, citing David Laing as authority; this Gordon is to be identified with Sir John Gordon in Munk's Roll of physicians ...--NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Establishment and disestablishment. Presbyterianism. Episcopacy. Church and state -- Presbyterian Church. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Plain Dealing : BEING A Moderate general Review of the SCOTS Prelatical Clergies Proceedings In the latter Reigns . With a Vindication of the present Proceedings in Church Affairs there . Licensed , September 11. 1689. LONDON , Printed , and are to be Sold by Richard Baldwin near the Black Bull in the Great Old-Bailey . 1689. To the Right Honourable and Truely Religious Lady Jane Countess of Sutherland . Madam , THE publication of this little piece ( at this juncture ) was not the Effect of my forwardness , but of that deference I owe to several good Men , and Well-wishers of the present Government , by whose importunity I was induced to take this Task upon me , without prejudice to the Rights of more Abler Men , to whose elaborate Works on the same Subject , as ( 't is here limited ) this Essay has the Honour to lead the way . Those Gentlemen my good Friends had very good reason to be moved , when they heard the good Measures of the Government misrepresented to Strangers by the Artifices of Designing Men , having no less in their Aim than to divide the common Interest of Protestants . They unanimously concurred in their judgments that it was expedient to put a stop to the spreading of this Contagion , and urged me with Motives that were too weighty for me to resist , having all the Inclination imaginable to shew my Zeal for Our Religion and Liberties within my Sphere . Herein is contained a true ( tho a general ) Account of the Matter of Fact to undeceive Strangers of their Mistakes , whose different Opinions as to Church Government , and other Circumstances , ought not to remove their Christian Charity towards one another , but ( being concerned in one bottom ) to promote the Common Interest and Salvation of Mankind , ( laying aside all Prejudice , Animosity and Rancour , ) tho it should tend to the removal of any Earthly thing most dear to them , that proves a stumbling-block or occasion of offence to either strong or weak Brethren , imitating the Apostles Precept , Acts 15. concerning the difference of the Circumcision . And the Apostle Paul's resolution in the like case , Romans , Chap. 14. & 15. And in 1 Cor. 8. last Verse , If meat make my Brother to offend , I will not eat Flesh while the World standeth , lest I make my Brother to offend . Which no doubt is preceptive to the Christian World , who pretend not to Infallibility . But being 't is come this length , the Dedication for its Patronage and Encouragement is due to your Ladiship ; chiefly for three Reasons . Because , First , That your Ancestors and Relations had not only a great share in the Reformation , but also ever since were great Promoters of the Protestant Reformed Religion in Scotland , and Protectors of its Ministers and Professors , and your Charity upon that account to Suffering Ministers and Professors , having been very considerable . Secondly , That without any Flattery , I dare say , ( and all those who have the Honour to know your Ladiship , will confirm my Assertion ) that none understands the Matter in hand better than your self . Thirdly , That your Honourable Husband , your Self , Eldest Son , and most of all your Relations , were chiefly concerned in the last Efforts , and great Enterprize made , and the signal Deliverance wrought of late for these oppressed Nations , of which God was pleased to make our present Gracious King his Glorious Instrument : ( and for which your Endeavours , I hope your Family will meet with its due Reward . ) Your Ladiship must not expect a fine stile of Language , it being sufficient that the Matter of Fact is true , tho Design honest , and the Language intelligible . Madam , I might have been more plain , particular , and ad homines , but declin'd that Method , designing to give offence to no good Christian , be his Profession what it will , if his Principles be good ; I don't value how Evil or Byassed men may criticise upon this matter ; Provided , that moderate good men may be pleased , and that the honest design of this little plain Piece may be any ways serviceable to the present Government , your Ladiships Honourable Family , and other good Subjects ; Which that it may , and that , as God in his infinite Wisdom has made our Gracious King his Glorious Instrument of our Redemption , from our Fears of Popery and Slavery , as the Effects thereof ) So the same Almighty God would be pleased to settle the Imperial Crown of this Kingdom upon the Heads of King William and Queen Mary in Peace and Truth , and be so transmitted from them after they have lived a long , happy Life here ( and received Crowns of Glory hereafter ) to their Posterity and lawful Successors for ever . And that your Ladiship and Honourable Family may live happily under their Auspicious Reign , is and shall be the constant Prayer of , TO THE READER . Candid Reader , I Was desired to Write the Parts of particular Ministers Acted upon the last Theatres of Government , but judged this not to be a fit time , so that I hope you will excuse my writing of this in so general terms , and also for laying down some general Hypotheses and Propositions , Argumentandi Causa , ( which perhaps the more strict on either side will not allow ) being no Divine ▪ myself , yet a Well-wisher of the Government , as well as of Moderation and Christian Charity amongst all those of the Reformed Protestant Religion , whose circumstantial differences occasioning some Heats and Animosities , I wish God will be pleased to remove to the Common good of both . Please to be as impartial and moderate in your Reading and Censures of this little plain piece , as I have been in exposing particular mens faults to publick view , and you will not only be more able to make a judgment of the thing , but also the impressions received of a violent Procedure in Church Affairs in Scotland will be removed , and if this moderate and general Account do not perswade you to the contrary Opinion , there will be a necessity to expose particulars and particular Persons to more publick view , which I desire altogether to decline . I did design to add to this Piece the Objections made against the setling of the Presbyterian Government in Scotland , with the Answer to these Objections ; with a List of the Reformers from Popery in Scotland , and those that Suffered Martyrdom upon that Account ; but being importuned not to put either of them to a publick view , I have laid it by for the present , but if this have a kind Reception , I shall publish the other . A Moderate general Review of the Scots Prelatical Clergy's Proceedings in the later Reigns : With a Vindication of the present Proceedings in Church Affairs there . IT being too much spread abroad ( whether out of Ignorance of the Matter of Fact , or Design of an Intriguing Party to divide the Interest of Protestants , I will not divine ) That the present procedure in Scotland tends to the Oppression or Persecution of the Episcopal Ministry there : But whatever be an evil Parties design in it , sure I am , these Surmises tend to load the good and unanimous Designs of the present Government with unjustifiable things : And to remove these Mistakes which might give Encouragement to an evil designing Party , ( who are always like the Salamander in the Fire , and love to fish in muddy Waters , acting both in different Elements for the same Ends ) or Discouragement to the good Party , whose different Opinions about Circumstances , ought not to divide them in the main . I shall first state it as my Hypothesis ( as many Learned moderate Divines under both Governments do ) that Church Government , whether it be this , or that , is a Matter indifferent ; There being no Platform of Government left in the Church , either by Christ or his Apostles , or their Disciples , further than appointing Bishops in every Church ( which word in the common acceptation in the Originals and Translations , by both Parties is understood to be Overseers , without mentioning any Preheminence to them over their Brethren ) these being Presbyters , and their Deacons and Elders ; So that Church Government in this case would seem to be left indifferent ; and every Nation or People link'd together in one Body or Society , in their own Civil Government ( whether Monarchical , Democratical , Aristocratal , &c. ) have it left in their Option ( being free from Engagements either to the one or the other ) to settle that Church Government , which the major part of that People or Society judges most suitable to the Word of God , and the general Inclination and Genius of the People . This being granted in the general ; In the next place let us consider , That when that Nation in particular , as generally all Europe were enslaved to the Romish Bondage , there was no other , and could no other Government be , but Prelacy suitable to that of their Universal Bishops , whose Vassals they , as well as all other Prelats were ( as they called them ) who assume to themselves always the Title of Head of the Church , and Christ's Vicars upon Earth , which all those of the reformed Protestant Religion , Episcopal or Presbyterial , look upon as Blasphemous ; And therefore the Pope is called by them all Antichrist , and no doubt he is . But when that Peoples Eyes came to be opened to see clearly , the Fundamental Errors which that Church maintained for several Ages , and the many Cheats , Villanies , and Wickedness committed by that Clergy in general , They began to be reformed in their Lives and Manners , by the indefatigable pains and labour of some few Presbyters , who suffered several kinds of Martyrdoms and other Cruelties therefore , by the Popish Clergy : And the Romish Clergies barbarous Cruelties in those times towards those valiant Champions in Christ's Cause , did at last animate the People to prosecute a General Reformation in that Nation , and their Reformation being by Presbyters , It seems gave the rise there , to that denomination of Presbyterian . And the Romish Clergies Cheatry , and wickedness in their Lives and Conversation , and Cruelty towards those Reformers , and those of the Reformed Religion , occasioned the Peoples general hatred at the very Order of Bishops : And besides , that the bulk of the Scots Clergies Opinion , being , That a well Constitute Presbyterian Government is both more agreeable to the Word of God , and general Inclination and Genius of the People , than any other . And though Superintendants were appointed there at the beginning of the Reformation ( the generality of the People not being as yet well Reformed ) the Reformers that they might prevail the more readily in moderation with the generality of the People ; especially considering the nearer they came to the last Settlement ( being Governed in Civil Matters by a Popish King Regent and Queen ) in the Infancy of their Reformation , the easier the work appeared to be ; yet the Presbyterian was the first Established Government , being fully settled in the Year 1592. by a general Meeting of the Estates , and Confirmed by Parliament , and continued so till the Year 1606. after that King James came to the Imperial Crown of England , when he endeavoured to make an Union between the two Nations , setled an Episcopal Government there , ( though contrary to the Inclinations of the People and Clergy in general ) Expecting thereby to Unite them as well in Trade as in Church Government ; And the hopes of an Union in Trade , and other things beneficial to Scotland , moved many of those who were Presbyterially inclined , to go beyond their Inclinations , and Opinion , alongst with that Settlement for present . But that Settlement by Bishops in Scotland being all ( it seems ) that the then English Clergy and others designed ( and in which Settlement many Eminent Men of that Kingdom were too precipitant , to their regret afterwards when they could not help it ) that being done the Union was blown up , though I am of opinion , as are many Eminent Men of both Nations , and Well-wishers to the present Government , That neither England or Scotland can ever be truly Happy , till there be an Union in Parliaments , as well as in Trade : For though England be more opulent and powerful by Sea and otherwise , ( by reason of their Trade ) yet when England has a Powerful Enemy in the Front , Scotland might prove as dangerous , if not a fatal Back-door to England ; and it 's not to be doubted if there were an Union , but the Product and Export of Scotland to other Foreign Countries at present might be of equal Gain to England to what Scotland might expect by an Union in Trade from England ; which could be made appear to a demonstration . But this not being hujus loci , I hope to be excused for this Digression from the thing proposed , there being some sympathy between the one and others Interest ; and to come to the point in hand , when there is any Revolution in the State of that Kingdom , as of late , and they are so happy as to have a King and Governours that design nothing more than the Tranquillity and Happiness of the People , the People eagerly in their Reformation desire to Establish that Church Government which their Clergy and People in general are of Opinion is most consonant to the Word of God , and their own Inclination . And to make it clear that the first Reformers were not at all for establishing the Order of Bishops , Mr. Knox being in Exile in England , by reason of the Clergies great Persecution in King James the Fifth's time in Scotland , King Edward the Sixth , having a great esteem for Mr. Knox , he proffer'd him a Bishoprick in England ; but he thanked that good King heartily , and refused it . And a long time after that Kingdom was turned to the Christian Faith , they had no Bishops , nor does any of our own or Foreign Historians assert that there was any that had the title of Bishop in that Church before Paladius in the fifth Century ; nor was this Paladius either a Diocesian or Provincial Bishop , Adrian in the ninth Century , being the first Diocesian , nor was there any Archbishop , Primate or Metropolitan to consecrate Diocesian Bishops till the Year 1436. That Patrick Graham was made Archbishop of St. Andrews , and yet 1200 years before this there was a Church in Scotland , ruled by Monks and Presbyters , and not to mention many other Eminent Men , that treat upon that subject , of undoubted Credit , I Cite only Fordon Lib. 3. Cap. 8. Ante Paladii adventum habebant Scoti fidei Doctores de Sacramentorum administratores , Presbyteros solummodo vel monachos ritus sequentes Ecclesiae primaevae : And Beda , Baronius , and all others confirm that Paladius was the first that was called Bishop in that Kingdom ; Attamen S●●●l Christiani prima●●i , saith another , so that long before there was any Order of Prelatical Bishops allowed in Scotland , even after Paladius time , there was a Church there ; and tho Foreign and Domestick Authors ( favouring Prelacy ) write upon this Subject , and name many Bishops to have been in Scotland before and after Paladius ; yet none of these Authors dare have the Confidence to say , that these Bishops had any medling in State Affairs till that Nation was enslaved to the Church of Rome , and even when that was , the Kings and Church of Scotland in general would never own the Pope so much , or subject themselves to him , as other Princes and Churches did . Look but the 43 Cap. p. 6 th . K. Ja. 3.39 Cap. Par. 4. K. Ja. 4 th , 85 Cap. Par. 11. K. Ja. 3 d. 4 Cap. Par. 1. K. Ja. 4.119 . Cap. Par. 7. K. Ja. 5 th , &c. which were but Confirmations of K. Ja. 1 st . Acts Cap. 13. Parl. 1 st . Cap. 14. &c. And there and elsewhere much more you will find to prove how little respect our Kings had to the Pope's Thunders in the time of Scotland's greatest Devotion to Rome . And a King who would rule Wisely , and to the general Satisfaction of the People ( in which case they can and will serve him faithfully ) will give Liberty of Conscience to his People in innocent or indifferent Matters , which are perhaps Matters indifferent to himself : and no good Man dare not but attribute the Epithetes of a Heroick Mind , as well as of a calm well disposed Spirit to our present Gracious King and Queen , who condescend Indulgently to any thing may make their People happy , so far as they are rightly informed ; and I am hopeful will verify Seneca's Saying in time , Mens regnum bona possidet : Besides , That the Constitutions of Bishops in Scotland and England , are not the same thing , and in their dependance have not the equivalent Power or Influence in their Publick and Private managements in relation to the State ; for in England , the Laws there seem to secure Bishops so in their Offices and Benefices ( when Ordained and Consecrated ) that though they should not go along with the Court in disagreeable things , without a new Law , or ranversing the old in a Parliamentary way , they cannot be put from their Benefices , though they should be suspended from their Offices . But in Scotland that Order depended so intirely upon Court Favour ; that the Governours could , and actually have , without any Supervenient Law or Statute turned out Bishops , Tam ab officio quàm à beneficio , of which there could be many Instances given , but the Matter of Fact being so well known , we need not trouble the Reader with them here . But certain it is , That the difference of these two Constitutions is an encouragement to the one to own what is good , and is a bait to the other to maintain even more dangerous things than the Doctrine of Non-resistance it self if required : And to make a Parallel between the English and Scots Bishops in many things , but particularly in their Practices ; would be but a reproach to our Nation , to render in Publick , were it not that it clearly appears in Matters of Fact , whether it be the fault in the Constitution of Scots Bishops , or the Bishops own natural temper . That the old Scots Proverb holds true , That Lordships changes Manners ; For be they habit and repute never so good and moderate Men when only in the state of Ministers , yet when once Bishops or Prelats , for the most part they become like that Emperor who was very good till he became Emperor , and had Power to do Evil , whose Answer upon a Question of the alteration of his different temper and practices is well known to all versant in History , and there was one of the Popes who proved to be of the same temper also . But now to come to give an account of some particular practices of their late Bishops in Scotland in the last two Reigns , which generally created an irreconcileable hatred in mens Minds to the Order it self ( though Church Government were a Matter indifferent to Clergymen and Laicks ; ) and the first step was , That when the General Assembly of Divines in Scotland , who were not only very active to Crown King Charles the Second at Scoon in 1650. but also , great Instruments to restore him to the Imperial Crown in the Year 1660. and that the Presbyterian Government was confirmed Act 16. Par. 1. Ch. 2 d. They looking upon Mr. James Sharp as one of the most violent Presbyterians in the English time , of great Credit with the Presbyterian Clergy , and of no less fame for his almost violent Zeal that way , which all the Presbyterian party there , solemnly Swearing to stand by the Church of Scotland , as it was then Established in a Presbyterial Government , was intrusted by them in the Year 1661. as their Commissioner to the King , to have that Government continued : But the Promise and fair Prospect of an Archbishoprick prevailed with his Judgment , and gave him a new light , for which he was tainted with that Epithet of the Betrayer of the Church of Scotland , and his Brethren , who being a politick Man , failed not to contrive , and ( with other Politicians in the State , and Laxer Clergy who looked for Benefices ) to concert the new Establishment of the Order of Bishops in its full extent , after the Form almost of the old Popish Order , and abolishing the Presbyterian Government in the Year 1662. It was no doubt a failure in some of the Presbyterian Ministers , then ( many of which were great Eminent and Loyal Men , though refusing Benefices from the late King ) to desert their Churches and Vocations in the Publick Assemblies , until they had been forced from them ( as no doubt they would have been without Compliance . ) But certain it is , That when some of them left their Charges , and others were forced to quit the same immediately thereafter , by imposing new Engagements to that Government , contrary to their former Solemn Oaths , and Vows ( though it be much my opinion , that no Oaths ought to be imposed in point of Government , except that of Allegiance to the King in his Political Government of the Church , as well as in the Civil State ; Because good Men need not to be loaded with Oaths , and evil Men will never keep Oaths when they find opportunity to break them to any earthly Advantage ) , which others Imbraced for love of the Benefices , and the Ministers that either quit or were put from their Charges , were not only restrained from Preaching and Praying in any Publick Meetings to their Congregations , or privately in their Houses , ( though they expected nothing for their Labours ) by Imposition of Arbitrary Penalties , and contriving Penal and Sanguinary Laws , equivalent to that which was made against Papists , Seminary Priests , and Jesuits ad terrorem , 2 Act. Sess . 3. Parl. 1 st . Ch. 2 d. &c. Acts 5. and 7. Par. 2 d. Sess . 2 d. Acts 9. and 17. Par. 2 d. Sess . 3 d. but several more severe Acts were made in Parliaments 1685. and 1686. and though none of those Laws were once put in Execution against Papists , Priests , Jesuits , &c. yet how violently were they put in Execution against those poor Ministers , their Flocks and Families , for the one's Preaching , and the other's Hearing of the Word of God , without mixture or the least grains of Schism or disloyalty ? Which oppression ( meerly for the difference of Opinion ) tended to so great a Persecution ( which verified that old Saying , That Oppression makes a wise man Mad ) that it put the People in such a terrible consternation , that this Persecution or Oppression ( call it what you will ) forced the People in the Year 1666. to gather together and rise in Arms in defence of their Preacher's , Religion and Liberty , against those persecuting Clergymen ; who not only contrived , but forced the Statesmen and the King's Privy-Council to stretch these Penal and Sanguinary Laws , against both their Religion and Liberty in which they were Educated : and what Devastation , Forfaultures , Cruelties and Bloodshed followed thereupon in that poor Kingdom for several Years is so generally known , that it 's needless to relate it here , and the late King Charles , who had nothing of violence in his Nature , considering the common Evil their Divisions occasioned , ( with the concurrence , and by a representation of some Honest Men then in the Civil Government ) did give a little respite by a Toleration to some Ministers to Preach in several Congregations , but the regular Clergy were so exasperated against this Indulgence , that they themselves made terrible Clamours and Complaints to the King and Clergy of England ( who were not so immoderate , nor so immoral in their Actions against Dissenters , nor so vitious and scandalous in their Lives and Conversations ) and to the Officers of State , and the Privy Council in Scotland , not only against those poor People , but also against any that favour'd or pitied them , alledging it was a Schism in the Church , that the Ministers Preached Rebellion , which the Council found frequently upon Tryal to be false , and that those that gave any dissent to their violence against these People were disloyal . And many that were vitious and the most scandalous of their inferior Clergy , not agreeing with the abstemious lives and the singular Examples of those godly Ministers , made it their business to harrass and malign them and the People , to the Government ; till they got their point wrought so far as to remove this Liberty which the King graciously granted , and procured an Army of Wild Highlanders to be sent to those Countries in Anno 1677. Which Army committed the greatest Barbarities and Unnatural things that ever was heard tell of in a Christian Nation , by their Oppressions , Robberies , Plunders , Rapines , &c. making no distinction of Persons or Sexes . This being with great difficulty represented again to the King , he out of his wonted Clemency , caused Remove his Army , and those poor People , though left in a manner desolate , having got the least Respite ( their Religion and Profession being dearer to them than their Lives ) they frequenting those Meetings again without Tumult or Uproar , where they thought they had the Word of God truly and more purely Preached to them : The Episcopal Clergy ( being again allarm'd ) made the greatest clamour that could be , and made their Interest at Court to send Arms again ( as they alledged , to suppress them ) upon which violent Persons did get Commissions , when other moderate Men that had Commissions laid them down ; and others refused them upon such cruel Expeditions ) and raised Regiments of Foot , Horse , and Dragoons , and many of them , who having neither Principles of Religion nor Humanity , were sent thither with those Troops , and treated the People in a most barbarous manner , which forc'd those poor oppressed People to Guard their Meetings with Armed men , till they fell in Blood with those cruel mercenary Souldiers in the Year 1679. Which Cruelty and Persecution increased their Number the more ; which verifies that old Saying , Cinis & Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae , for the more they were oppressed and persecuted , the more their Number increased . And were there not then some of the greatest Personages in that Kingdom in disgrace with the King by the instigation of that Clergy , and some other Ministers of State , not only for their Dissents to their violent Proceedings against Protestants ; but also for complaining of some other mismanagements in State ? But God has at this time been pleased to honour them , so as to put them in Capacity to be most Instrumental in setling the present Government , I hope upon sure and lasting Foundations . But not to make a greater Digression , then was the Duke of Monmouth sent Generalissimo to Scotland to Suppress those Protestants ; yet he was to be over-ruled by the Clergy , and the King's Council ; who notwithstanding of his limited Commission did , and for his favour shewn to those poor People ( who he knew suffered meerly upon the account of their Religion and stricter Lives ) was by the Clergy and the violent Party , their Adherents , put in disgrace with the King , as other great Persons were , and how many Families of all Ranks and Degrees were then and since destroyed by this Oppression and Clergy's persecution ? how many were tortured without Mercy ? how many were Banish'd , Drown'd , Beheaded , Shot , &c. many of them without the Liberty of once calling upon God before their Death , is incredible ; but all Europe knows it , and it cannot be denied . And who knowing , or in the least understanding the Affairs of Scotland in those times , will deny but that these cruel Proceedings against the Presbyterian Ministers and their Hearers , ( by Banishments , Imprisonments , Forfaultures , Intercommonings , or Outlawries , Deaths , &c. ) were the very things that forc'd many of the vulgar sort of Professors to fly to the Hills and Mountains , where ( though no doubt they had opportunity to hear some good Ministers Preach ) yet Popish Emissaries , Trafficking Priests , &c. being never idle , and never neglecting occasions by the Divisions of those of the Reformed Religion , to propagate their hellish Designs , were not wanting to be there as Wolves in Sheeps clothing , or Devils in Angels shapes , to seduce those of meaner Capacities to imbibe some dregs of the Jesuitical Principles , which brought many of those poor Innocents to end their days in Misery . But that , when the late King James was dealt with ( for Reasons best known to his Cabin Councellors ) to grant a general Toleration , doubtless out of no respect to the Presbyterian Party ; They did , it 's true , take hold of that opportunity and freedom to Preach the Gospel , and no further , ( when in the mean time the Episcopal Clergy did give their thanks to the late King , for his Liberty and Toleration to Papists , Quakers , and all other Sects ) of which they were hindred before by the Episcopal Clergy , their procurement ; and they no doubt had reason to thank the late King , or any , for the Liberty it self ( having by it received a glimps of the Gospel by their freedom to Preach it ) though they desponded of its long continuance , but expected a greater Persecution thereafter , which they Preached to their Hearers , and no doubt their Prophetick Sentences had been fulfilled , had not God in his Mercy prevented it , by preparing a fit and glorious Instrument to preserve his People from the designed overflowing deluge of Popery and Slavery . And what good Protestant would not thank a Turk or Pagan , nay , the Pope himself for Life , Liberty , and Freedom of the Reformed Religion ; much more a Native Prince , especially considering what is before related about a 26 Years Oppression or Persecution from those called the Regular Clergy then , and by their instigation ; for from that Clergy they could expect no good Tidings : for some of them had the Impudence to say in Pulpit , That Rome should have it e're Jack Presbyter should have it ; this is a Matter of Fact , for who would not rather receive a favour ( in the acceptance innocent ) from a professed Enemy , than be oppressed or cruelly used by a counterfeit false Friend or unnatural Relation , judge ye ? And whether these Proceedings against those poor Protestants , does not too much imitate the Romish Clergy and Missionaries imposition on Magistrates and Governors to be their Executioners , let any indifferent man judge : So that any impartial unbyassed person indued with common Sense and Reason ( considering what is said ( which is but a Specimen of a System that could be written on this unpleasant Subject to any good Protestant , were it not to vindicate the generality of the Nation , unjustly aspersed of purpose to make the Government unfavourable to Strangers , who know no better ) may conclude that this persecuted People , as well as the generality of the Scotch Nation , have reason not to continue the Order of Bishops there ; for if the practices of particular Bishops in Scotland , were rendred publick , none would tax or reproach that Kingdom with violence , inhumanity , persecution , or rashness in their present management of Church Affairs ; especially considering how great Instruments most of the Episcopal Clergy have been of late , by their connivance , forwardness , or contrivance to encourage the Ministers of the late Government to encroach so much upon the Religion , Laws , Liberties , and Properties of the Protestant Subjects , we shall only instance two ; So ex ungue Leonem . The first is , of their Behaviour in the Parliament 1686. when there was no less Design than to rescind the Penal Laws , fram'd and enacted against Papists , Seminary Priests and Jesuits , Hearers and Sayers of Mass ad terrorem , to hinder the Growth of Popery in that Nation , which was the only legal Bulwark and Security of the Protestant Religion , these all the Bishops ( excepting three ) concurred to remove ; by removing of which Laws , all persons lax in their Principles , or Evil-designing Men would be left loose , and at their full liberty to act in the Matters of Religion as they pleased , and in which case a prevailing Party might easily impose whatever they pleased , the Power being in their hand , and the Prerogatives screwed up above the highest Note in the Scale of Musick : But God who did not design to destroy that Nation ( meerly by his Providence as the Execution of his Eternal Decrees ) wonderfully prevented all those Hellish Designs beyond Humane Expectation , and disappointed the Actors . The next was that when all rational foreseeing Men had a jealousie of a Popish Contrivance , to impose a Prince of Wales to deprive the lawful Heirs of their rightful Succession , and Men having searched more narrowly into the Affair , they were fully convinc'd in their Minds of a Popish imposture , the whole Bishops of Scotland ( when in the mean time they could see no less than the Persecution of their honest Brethren in England for Religious Matters ) they ( some of them no doubt , for worldly Interest , whither that would drive them , God knows , and others in Compliance , for fear of Suspension from , or loss of their Offices and Benefices ) did make the most solemn , though the most unreasonable , unchristian Address , and disagreeable to the pretended Character that ever was upon the Birth of a supposed Prince of Wales ; and what Expressions are in that Address ( so generally known ) cannot but be nauseous to any good Protestant to rehearse , in which they called that Prince , The Darling of Heaven , &c. But to come in the next place to the late Procedure of the Convention , their Committees during their Adjournments , and the Parliament now sitting , in relation to Church Affairs , I shall give an impartial Account of the particulars , so much as is needful . And first , When the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland that were here in January last 1689. did give their Advice to the then Prince of Orange ( now our Gracious King ) what Methods to take in relation to the Settlement of the Scotch Nation then in great Confusion , having no Government , by reason of the late King's desertion of the Government ; The King did follow their Advice ; and albeit that some alledged a general Proclamation , to be published in ordinary times and accustomary places , for calling the ensuing general Meeting of the Estates , would be the best Method to call them together , for Reasons neither fit nor necessary to be inserted here ; yet His Majesty , to a general Satisfaction , did take very knowing Mens Advice to dispatch his Circular Letters , which he did by vertue of the Trust they reposed in Him , and the Advice given by the Gentry and Nobility of Scotland to such as had right to represent the Nation in a general Meeting , not omitting the then Bishops , their Order being as then Established by a standing Law , which His Majesty would not Transgress . And when those Representatives of the Nation did meet freely , frequently , and fully in a general Meeting , by virtue of our now Gracious King's Warrant before explained , had the Bisshops then behaved themselves as became persons of their Profession , pretended Honour & Character , if they thought not the Call sufficiently warrantable , they ought either not to present themselves at that general Meeting , or when they did appear by vertue of that general Warrant , they might have Protested and deserted the Meeting , as in their Opinion not legal , before it were constituted so by the general Meeting it self : Otherwise , to have complyed fully upon their Meeting , and not only to have acknowledged their Faults , Errors , and Mismanagements in the late Government , but also to have gone on honestly , and vigorously with the other Estates , in Prosecution of the good Designs of their meeting . First , By concurring to heal the Breaches made in the Hedges of Religion , and removing the Encroachments made upon its Laws . Secondly , By restoring the wholsom Laws , Liberties & Properties of the Estates & their Fellow-Subjects , so much encroached upon by Popish Emissaries , and any other wickedly designing Party in any of the later Reigns , but contrary to this , being it seems conscious to themselves of some guilt , they did all bandy together , not only with those that were too active to carry on the Mischief in the later Governments , but also with a new designing Party who had no Principles , not only to vindicate all the Evils that were done in the late Government , but also to bring the Nation under more Slavery than ever ; the particulars thereof are too generally known . And considering their Profession by their Actions , Contraria juxta se posita clariùs elucescunt . I will not be too opinionative to assert , That the generality of people in that Nation , or the major part of this Great and Wise Council of the Nation did incline to continue the Establishment of that Hierarchy , they finding it in a manner very improbable , if not altogether impossible , ( considering all that is said , and much more might be said ) to reconcile the Ignorance , Debauchery and persecuting humour of the most part of the Prelatical Party in Scotland , with the singular , exemplary strict , and orderly lives and conversations of the Presbyterian Clergy , and most of their Adherents : But sure I am , that Clergy's former and later Behaviour were the Reasons that induc'd that great and wise meeting of the Estates so suddenly to tender that Order of Bishops as a Grievance of the Nation to His Majesty , in their Preliminaries , in order to be abolished in the next Parliament , now Sitting , and to vindicate that Nation , the general meeting of the Estates , and the present Parliament , from all Aspersions which are industriously spread abroad , loading them with a Persecution of the Episcopal Ministry there . Take this for truth , of which no intelligent Man in Britain can be ignorant . That the first Act the Estates made , was to secure their own Sitting . The second material to our purpose was their declaring themselves a free Estate , and a legal Meeting , and declaring that they would not separate , but continue to sit by frequent meetings , till they had restored and secured their Religion , Laws , Liberties , and Properties ; as well as that of their fellow Subjects so much encroached upon , and till they had Established the Government of the Church and State. Both which Acts the Bishops Voted in and approved of . And this being done with several other things , establishing the Legality of the Meeting , &c. too tedious to rehearse here , being intended but an Abbreviat ; Who would think that the Reverend Protestant Fathers of the Church of Scotland would have stood in the way of any proposition that might tend to the Security of the Protestant Reformed Religion , restoring the wholsom Laws , and securing the Liberties and Properties of the Subject ? Yet with the next breath , they were not only for continuing profess'd Papists in chief Commands of strong Fortresses , and in the Army , expecting their greater Security that way , as it seems they had reason , considering their former Deportment ; and the then present circumstances of the Nation ; but were also for recalling home the late King , which they alledged they looked upon to be the only way to secure Religion , to give the standing Laws their lustre ( no doubt there is something understood there , & latuit anguis in herba ) and to secure the Liberty and Property of the people ; these were their very Express●ons . But as I doubt not , that there is any good Christian , but is heartily grieved for the Bigottry of the lat● K●ng's Religion , his Evil Council and Mismanagement of Affairs in State and Church , and Encroachments up ●n all that was dear unto us , which brought him to his low Estate , much more Brittish Inhabitants , and m●st of al● t●e S●ot●h Pro●e●●ants , who can endure no Government ●ut a Monarchical ; whose Love to that Governm●nt is such , that they did always undergo great burthens , and did peaceably forbear many Faults and Infirmities in several of their Kings for many Ages , as unquestionable good Historians make appear : Yet to give a Call to the late King in his and our present circumstances , to return with a French , Irish , and other cruel Popish Crew , were either to make him more miserable , who could not but be utterly destroyed in the Attempt , or the Protestants in Britain most miserable , by reducing of them all to Popery and Slavery , or to the French most Unchristian Cruelty , and untolerable heavy yoke , and our foreign Protestant Allies and their Confederates , though of different Religions , more uneasie , if not in hazard to be destroyed by the French Ambition and Slavery , which is more untolerable beyond doubt than that of the Turks and Tartars , his dear Confederates ; but it seems our Bishops when they desired to recall a Popish King did not mind , or rather did not value the verity of Claudian's Remarque , in case the late King did return with the least favour of a reeling populace , — Componitur Orbis Regis ad exemplum — And a little after , Mobile mutatur semper cum principe vulgus . And who doubts , but that if the late King returned by force , the fate of all those of the Reformed Religion ( if real Protestants ) whether Episcopal or Presbyterial , would be sudden in the Execution , and if invited home , were his promises never so fair and specious , the same fate would no doubt befall them in a short time : And the Mobile is not always to be trusted for a Bulwark in every Exigence . But to the next Matter of Fact. Upon the day of April , the Estates having fully considered that it would be dangerous , to have the Government longer unsetled , and having upon good grounds , too tedious to relate here , resolved to declare the Crown vacant , and the late King James's Right , &c. forfaulted , the Bishops not only urged frivolous Arguments , but also voted against it ; Notwithstanding their chearful voting affirmativè to the former Acts. And there being an Act ordaining the Clergy not to pray for the late King James , &c. as King and Prince , their Right being forfaulted , and the Crown declared vacant , the Bishops all removed without any compulsion , except 2 , or 3 , who were the most moderate ; and one of those being desired at the rising of the Meeting to say Prayers , he , that he might not omit his pretended Allegiance to King James in his Prayers , omitted to say Prayer in common Form , or extempore , but only repeated the Lord's Prayer , desiring it seems to give offence to none : But a person present alledged , That several persons used to conclude their Prayers with the Lord's Prayer , and so did that Bishop ; for he suspected it should be his last Prayer in that place . At the next Sitting of the Estates it was moved , That , Considering the Bishops behaviour in the later Governments , their behaviour in that general Meeting , ( where notwithstanding their being present , and voting in several Acts Affirmativè , which they contraveen'd contrary to their profession ) their Order should be declared a Grievance to the Nation ; which motion being remitted to the Consideration of the Grand Committee , they at their next meeting brought it in as their opinion , That the Bishops were one of the greatest Grievances of the Nation : which opinion the whole Meeting after serious Consideration approved of , and voted them out of Doors . After which , all the Bishops withdrew themselves in Cabals with several disaffected people , called several of their inferior Clergy together , prompting them to Disobedience in the present Juncture : which Principles many of the Episcopal Clergy did then vent too much in their Preachings and publick Prayers . The Estates having emitted a Proclamation proclaiming William and Mary then King and Queen of England , King and Queen of Scotland , without a contradictory Vote , and only one Non liquet ; And another Proclamation enjoyning the Clergy after the Proclamation to Read the Declaration , and to pray for King William and Queen Mary ; and in doing of which , many did comply , but several refused ; yet all , even those of the Episcopal Clergy ( though not complying with this ) who would live peaceably and regularly as Subjects , the Estates took into their particular protection , putting forth another Proclamation , prohibiting all or any of the Subjects whatsoever to trouble or molest any of them in their Lives or Estates . And none will be so Impudent as to alledge in publick , that any either of the Bishops , or their inferiour Clergy , whether complying or not , were ever troubled in their Persons or Estates since the said Prohibition , and few even before , by the unruly Rabble , unless it be those whose Deportment no good Men can vindicate , and those moderate Men of untainted Lives and Conversations of the Episcopal Communion , who have chearfully complyed with the Estates , and present Government , will declare how they were caressed by the Presbyterian party in this Juncture , and others who might be nice and scrupulous in some points , christianly exhorted and invited to joyn with them without Engagements , further than Reading the Declaration , and Praying for King William and Queen Mary ; and I have reason to think that the present wise Parliament will impose nothing capable to trouble their Consciences in their complyance with the present Government . And truly it would seem to be no small reproach to the Scotch Bishopsto hear those who were lately their inferior Clergy now declare in the Pulpit and elsewhere , how these many years by-past , they themselves have groaned under their Bishops Tyranny and Oppression of several kinds . But after the Bishops were declared a Grievance to the Nation for many undeniable good pregnant Reasons , and now voted out of Doors , the Estates took many calm Methods by Exhortations , &c. with their Clergy , to have their Deportment suitable to their profession in the present Juncture ; but several of them continued so obstinate , and endeavoured to seduce others to the defaming of the Government in publick and private ; so that they were necessitated to deprive some of them ( though they indulged some eminent Men till they advised better ) and ordered Presbyterian Ministers to Preach in their Churches : And sure I am notwithstanding the frequent Complaints given in to the Estates , of the Episcopal Clergy's and their Parties meeting in Cabals with Papists and other disaffected People , to the contempt of the present Government ; yet that they were so tender of their Character , as Ministers of the Gospel , that none of them were once prosecuted by the Estates , their Committees , the Privy Council , or the present Parliament , since their Deprivation , except one Minister , who was accused to have spoken some Treasonable Words ; and how tenderly they dealt with him in his Misbehaviour and Infirmities , for fear of bringing a reproach upon any that Preached the Gospel , whether6 of one Order or another , is well known ; And it is too Publick , how one of those deserting Ministers Wives , and others of that perswasion , who converse with Papists ( as the Effects of their Cabals ) were apprehended , endeavouring to get into the Castle of Edenburgh ( with fresh Meat , and other Provisions ) when it was block'd up , and declared Treason to converse with , or assist any therein ; and yet how tenderly they were proceeded against , is generally known ; there are many others of their Evil Practices in the late Conjuncture , might be spoken of , too tedious to the Reader ; but to conclude with the Episcopal Clergy's Behaviour in Scotland of late , Who have been more Active , or like to be found more guilty in a Correspondence with , and assisting the Lord Dundee and his Party , now in Rebellion , and committing most inhumane Actions , than several of those who are called the Regular Clergy ? which must be publick to their shame ; besides , that the late Bishop of Galloway is certainly concluded to be with the late King James in person in Ireland . And as a further Evidence of the Estates , the present Parliament , the Council , and other People of Scotland , their favourable Deportment and Lenity towards the Episcopal Clergy there , it 's undeniable that both the Bishops and their inferiour Clergy , who by their ill Deportment and late Obstinacy , deprived themselves of their Benefices , do Walk and Travel in Town and Country , on Foot , in Coach , and upon Horseback , at their pleasure , and live peaceably in their Houses without any Trouble or Molestation whatsoever : And it will be found unquestionably true , that neither the Episcopal Clergy , nor any other , who have been grievous and great Persecutors and Invaders of the Religion , and Encroachers upon the Laws , Liberties , and Properties of their fellow Subjects in the late Government , were in the least fear of their Lives or Estates in that Kingdom , since the first general Meeting of the Estates ; Notwithstanding of the great Clamours and false Aspersions , of purpose and industriously invented and spread abroad by some persons for their own ends , being either afraid to abide the Test of the Law by way of moderate Justice , or being uneasie to themselves , and troublesom to others under any Government , were it never so good and easie , but where they have a power to gratifie their Lusts and voracious Appetite , and to do Mischief to others . And as for that Allegeance that the Bishops , whose Order is abolished in Scotland , and their inferiour Clergy , who have deserted their Charge , out of an ill Principle , for the most part have not a livelyhood or subsistence , it must be very gross and ridiculous ; for it 's well known , that both the Bishops and those of their Clergy , who have deserted their Charges had opulent Benefices , and are rich ( though not to satisfaction ) or might have been so in a cheap Country , where , with the least management , the half or third part of their yearly Benefices might maintain them and their Families very well ; for it 's known generally there , that several Ministers with lesser Benefices than any that quit their Charge now , have made good Fortunes for their Children ; And it 's hardly known that ever their Charity or Pious Acts was the occasion of their Poverty , though they have had Examples enough from many of their good English Brethren Clergy-men ; and if they lived too sumptuously , Sibi imputent . And certain it is , that their Presbyterian Brethren , when they labour'd under the greatest Poverty and Affliction in the World , by the Scots Episcopal or Regular Clergy ( call them what you please ) their immediate procurement , none of them pitied their Distress , or relieved them in their Wants in the name of Disciples , ( when it must be confess'd they were sheltered and connived at , not only in England and Ireland , but caressed abroad in Holland , and elsewhere ) though there is good reason to believe that these Ministers and other Presbyterians both pity these called lately the Regular Clergy , for their Miscarriages , and pray for their Reformation ; Which God grant . But I conclude this Point with a good Church of England Man's Saying , That the Bishops of England were like the Kings of Judah , and the Bishops of Scotland like the Kings of Israel ; for that there were several good Bishops in England , but never one good Bishop in Scotland . And though this be a general Rule or Maxim of the Scots Bishops , yet no general Rule wants its Exceptions , there being some few Eminent Men of that Order in Scotland , who disssented from , and disapproved of their violent Procedures , and inhumane and unchristian-like Practice ; But this was Rara avis in hisce terris . And I sum up all with a Saying of a great Father in the Church , That whoever is of a persecuting Spirit , whatever he profess outwardly , is of the Devil ; which made Persius in the like case in his Satyrs , make that Imprecation to Tyrants in general , or Persecutors , which is the same thing upon the matter ; both being Tyrants : Summe parens divum , saevos punire Tyrannos Haund alia ratione velis , &c. And tho Tyrants or Persecutors may have a time allotted them to diffuse their venom to the terror or affliction of others ; yet they will meet with their Correction or Judgments here or hereafter , when the oppressed and afflicted shall be released . And now being that the Order of Prelatical Bishops is abolished in Scotland by an Act of Parliament ; It is not once to be supposed that any other Government can be Established there in the Church but a Presbyterian ; The model thereof I submit interim , to the Consideration and the final and unanimous Resolution of a Just and Wise King ( who favoured the Peoples general Inclination ) and this Wise , Loyal and free Parliament . And to make it evident to all unbyassed Men , that it is not only the general Inclination of the People , to have the Presbyterian Government established ; But also , That that Kingdom can never be in Peace , without the Establishment of it : Though I might urge many , yet I only offer two undeniable proofs . First , There being 32 Shires or Counties , and two Stewartries ( comprehending the whole Body of the Nation ) that send their Commissioners or Representatives to Parliaments , and all general Meetings of the Estates or Conventions ; of these 34 Districts or Divisions of the Kingdom , there are 17 of them entirely Presbyterians ; So that where you will find one there Episcopally inclined , you 'll find 150 Presbyterians . And the other 17 Divisions , where there is one Episcopally inclined , there are two Presbyterians . Secondly , Make but a Calculation of the valued Rent of Scotland , computing it to be less or more , or computed argumentandi causa , to be Three Millions , and you will find the Presbyterian Heritors , whether of the Nobility or Gentry , to be P●oprietors and Possessors of Two Millions and more ; So that those that are Episcopally inclined cannot have a Third of that Kingdom ; and as for the Citizens or Burgesses , and Commonalty of Scotland , they are all generally inclined to the Presbyterian Government except Papists , and some remote , wild , and barbarous Highlanders , who have not a true notion of a Deity , acknowledge neither King nor Superiour , but the Chief of their Tribe , and have little Subsistence but by Rapin and Plunder , and who ought to be subdued and reduced by force , and Garrisons placed amongst them ; without which , they can never be kept in order , or obliged to serve the Precepts of Law or Gospel . All which is true , and can be made appear to a Demonstration . FINIS . 
A36464	----	Archiepiscopal priority instituted by Christ, proved by plaine testimonies of Scripture. Asserted by the ancient fathers. And whereunto all the moderne divines of the Protestant side doe fully assent, without contradiction of any one man. / By Samuel Daniel Master of Arts. Daniel, Samuel, 17th cent. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A36464 of text R1122 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing D206). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 138 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A36464 Wing D206 ESTC R1122 99858956 99858956 111016 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36464) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 111016) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 41:E238[16]) Archiepiscopal priority instituted by Christ, proved by plaine testimonies of Scripture. Asserted by the ancient fathers. And whereunto all the moderne divines of the Protestant side doe fully assent, without contradiction of any one man. / By Samuel Daniel Master of Arts. Daniel, Samuel, 17th cent. [4], 36, 39-52 p. s.n.], [London : Printed anno 1642. The words "Archiepiscopal" and "Christ" in title are xylographic. Place of publication from Wing. Text continuous despite pagination. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A36464 R1122 (Wing D206). civilwar no Archi-Episcopal priority jnstjtuted [sic] by Christ proved by plaine testimonies of Scripture, asserted by the ancient fathers and whereunto Daniel, Samuel 1642 25967 9 15 0 0 0 0 9 B The rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-07 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-07 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ARCHIEPISCOPAL PRIORITY INSTITUTED BY CHRIST , PROVED By plaine Testimonies of Scripture . Asserted By the Ancient Fathers . And whereunto all the moderne Divines of the Protestant side doe fully assent , without contradiction of any one man . By SAMUEL DANIEL Master of Arts . I KING . 7. 21. And he set up the Pillars in the Porch of the Temple : And hee set up the right Pillar , and called the name thereof Jachim : And he set up the left Pillar , and called the name thereof Boaz , GAL. 2. 7 , 8. But contrariwise , when they saw that the Gospell of the Vncircumcision was committed unto me , as the Gospell of the Circumcision was unto Peter : for he that wrought effectually in Peter to the Apostleship of the Circumcision : the same was mighty in mee toward the Gentiles . Printed Anno 1642. To the godly and indifferent Reader . COurteous Reader , I foresee that at the first view of the title of this Booke , you will thinke strange to heare such an assertion affirmed , never being purposely maintained in a particular theme and position by any Divine untill this time . But I pray you first reade , and then judge : I hope you shall find that it is no new broached doctrine , but asserted by many learned Divines of our owne religion , and contradicted by none ; I know no Divine , that denies that Peter had a prioritie of order in the Church of the Iewes ; I will say no more , I onely desire you to reade the discourse , and I hope you shall finde it a doctrine , not only assented to by all our best Divines , but maintained by all the ancient Fathers , who have written on that Subject ; yea , which is most of all , delivered both to them and us , by Christ and his Apostles so plainly in the Scriptures ; that in my judgement , there can be nothing more plaine . I grant all the Arguments , that are brought by me from the Scriptures , to prove Saint Peters prioritie in the Church of the Iewes , and Saint Pauls in the Church of the Gentiles , are not demonstrative , and their conclusions necessarie : the most part are , and the Arguments so strong , that I , in my most serious meditations cannot imagine , how they can bee answered ; and those Inferences that are but probable , being joyned together are strong enough . Nam , quae non prosunt , singula , multa juvant . As for the places of Scripture set downe in my first paralell , I grant they doe not all beare witnesse for three degress of Church Governours , the most part doe , and all the rest are plaine enough for two , even for the first two Bishops and Presbiters , which is sufficient to shew the Imparitie of Church-men , and the divine right of Episcopall Government ; If ye aske me why I have not set downe the paralell places for the contrarie opinion of my opponents ? I answer , because I find not one place-in all the New Testament to prove a paritie of Church Governours , nor yet denying an Imparitie ; If any Divine will produce one place , from which , so much as a probable conclusion may be inferred , for the Paritie of Church-men , I will say ( as the Proverb speakes ) Erit mihi magnus Apollo . Well Reader , I begge not thy favour , I hope the truth shall procure thy affection , if thou wilt be pleased but to reade diligently , and consider seriously the doctrine delivered in this discourse , and with indifferencie of judgement ponder the reasons on both sides , and the perspicuitie of Scripture , from the which these reasons are drawne ; and I hope in the mercie of God , he will make the truth manifest to thy understanding , which the Lord grant for Christs sake : Farewell . Archiepiscopall prioritie Instituted by CHRIST . IOsephus ( de bello Iudaico ) affirmes , that in the dayes of Ptolomeus , Philopater , Gabbaeus and Theodosius , two Samaritans , kept a disputation at Alexandria , against Adronicus and other Iewes , for defence of their Temple which stood upon Mount Gerizim , and undertooke to bring proofes of their assertion out of the Law : But they could not doe it , and therefore the King adjudged them to die ; Now I professe before all the world , if I doe not prove from the Scriptures of the New Testament , the Order established by Christ , for the Government of his Church under the Gospell to be Hierarchicall , I shall be content to suffer for my presumption : only , let mee have one thing granted , that if my Opponents doe not prove their Paritie of the Ministers of the Word , and mixt Government , by cleere evidence of Scripture , and convincing Arguments , that they be subject to the same punishment . But oh ! if that Law of the Locrians were in force in this Kingdome , that they who petition for the change and abolishing of old Lawes , and establishing of new , should come with ropes about their necks , willingly offering themselves to suffer for their attempt , if they did not prove the New better then the Old ; Alas ! I say , what would become of many of my Opponents , who are not once able to produce one cleare and plaine testimonie of Scripture for their Paritie , no not any of the three Armies of my opponents , neither those who are for the Presbiterial Government , nor these who stand for Parochial , nor that third sort , who defends the necessitie of Familie exercises , and separate Congregations ; Nay , which is more , they are not able to prove their Assertions , by any necessarie and immediate consequence drawn from any place in Scripture . Now , this must be held for a ground : That whatsoever is not set downe in Scripture , in plaine and evident termes , nor yet can be drawne from thence by a just and immediate consequence , is only to be counted an humane ordination . But to come to the point , I will undertake by the assistance of Gods Spirit , to prove in the following discourse , that our wise and provident Master , and Saviour Jesus Christ , as he appointed degrees of Church officers under the Gospell , so hath he also established an order and a prioritie among the chiefe Governours themselves . For he who is wisdome it selfe , appointing a certaine number of chiefe Governours , of equall power and authoritie , and knowing that equalitie breeds confusion , most wisely did appoint , who should be their speaker and prolocutor , and order all things in their meetings and assemblies ; and so in this also left us a patterne to follow , in after ages , as his Father gave unto Moses a patterne , both of his worship , and the government of his Church under the Law . Now , because this doctrine may be subject to mistaking , and the malevolous may calumniate , I will follow the example of the Apostle Paul , whose wisdome it was , at all times to prevent calumnies and cavils , as in the Epistle to the Phil. 4.10 . to the conclusion of the Epistle , being to commend them for their beneficence and liberalitie exercised towards him , lest some malecontents should have suspected his sinceritie and thought , that hee had beene a man that had respected more the fleece , then the flocke , and had set before his eyes in the course of his ministerie , his owne ends and advantage , hee prevents this mistake before he insists in amplifying of their love and kindnesse towards him : I speake not this , saith he , in respect of want , for I have learned in whatsoever estate I am , therewith to be content , &c. Even so before I enter upon this discourse , I will premise the testimoni●s of some Protestant Divines , and some of the precisest straine too , who affirme all that in substance , which I maintaine in this discourse , and these testimonies I doe the rather set downe in the beginning , because I have resolved , not to confirme any thing that I am to deliver in all this Treatise by the testimonie of any Divine , ancient or moderne , but only by the Scriptures of the New Testament , wherewith I am able to prove , that the testimonies of all the ancients doe also accord : and this course chiefly I follow , because my opponents use to brag of the Scriptures , as if all that they say were Scripture it selfe , wheras it is nothing else but a meere abusing of the word of God , and throwing of it like a nose of waxe , which way they will ; and as Tertullian saith , a very murthering of the Scriptures for their owne purpose . I know it to bee true , they make the Scripture speake many times , that which neither the Penner nor the Dictator ever minded . My chiefe purpose in this Discourse is to prove , that as Christ did ordaine certaine men , to be chiefe Governours of his Church : so hath he o●dained among these Governours a Prioritie of order , and a primacie of moderation : but let no man mistake , and thinke that this Assertion doth favour in any wayes , the Popes pretended supremacie but let him consider , that there is a great difference betweene a Primacie and a Supremacie ; a dignitie and a degree ; a prioritie and a superioritie ; a primacie of moderation , and a supremacie of Jurisdiction ; a dignitie of estimation , and a degree of exaltation ; a prioritie of order , and a superioritie of power . Primacie of moderation and prioritie of Order , ( which cannot be without some dignitie and estimation ) may be , yea must be in all companies and incorporations , in all meetings and assemblies whatsoever . And Christ with his owne mouth did appoint this prioritie of order , among these chiefe Governours , whom he authorized himselfe with equall power and authoritie . Yea , I know no Divine that denyes that Peter had a Prioritie of order amongst the rest of the Apostles , and how can they ? for it is evident in the Scriptures , that he had it both de jure & de facto , but before I bring Scripture for it , I will produce the testimonies of some Protestant Divines , to prevent cavils , and I will begin with Calvin . Calvin in the fourth booke of his Institutions , cap. 6. Sect. 8. saith , that the twelve Apostles had one among them to Governe the rest , and it was no marvell , saith he , for nature requireth it , and the disposition of men will so have it , that in every company , although they be all equall in power , there be one as Governour , by whom the rest shall bee directed . There is no Court without a Counsell , no Senate without a Pretor , no Colledge without a President , no Society without a Master . Yea , he saith farther , speaking of the Government of the ancient Church , that every Province had a Archbishop among their Bishops , and that the Councell of Nice did appoint Patriarchs , which should be in order and dignitie above Archbishops . It was done , saith he , for the preservation of Discipline , although in this discourse wee may not forget , that it was a thing very rare ; For this cause therefore were these degrees especially appointed , that if any thing shall happen in any particular Church , which could not there be decided , the same might bee referred to a generall Synod , and if the greatnesse or difficulty of the cause required yet greater consultation , there were added Patriarchs together with the Synods , from whom there could be no appeale , but only to a generall Counsell . This kind of Government , saith he , some call an Hierarchie a name unproper , and not used in the Scriptures , as I thinke : for the holy Ghost would not have us to dreame of any dominion or rule ; when question is made of Church-Government ; but omitting the name , if we consider the thing it selfe , we shall find , that those old Bishops would not frame any other kind of Government of the Church , then that which God prescribed in his Word , so that Calvin was of opinion , that not only Archbishops are of Gods Institution , but also Patriarchs . Piscator in his Appendix Ad Analysin Matthaei , pag. 22. grants that Peter was speaker and prolocutor for the rest of the Apostles : wee grant , saith he , that Peter answered in name of the rest of the Apostles as their mouth , but not as their Prince and Head , this we deny . Bucerus de vi & usu ministerij pag. 565. speaking of Bishops and Metropolitans , and of their authority over the Churches and Ministers within their Diocesses , and Provinces , he saith , it was agreeable to the law of Christ . Hemingius in Enchir , pag. 367. saith , that Paul by order and dignitie was superiour to Tim. and Tit. and Tim. in degree and order excelled all the other Presbiters of Ephesus , and that Titus was chiefe Governour of the Cretians . Here this learned Divine acknowledgeth that Paul was an Archbishop , because in order and dignitie above Timothy and Titus , and that Tim. and Titus were Bishops , because both in order and degree above their inferiour Presbiters , which I thinke no man will say was done , but by the speciall ordinance of God . Iewel in his defence against Harding , 4. Art , pag. 195. saith , that the rest of the Apostles honoured Saint Peter , as the speciall member of Christs body , with all reverence , and so by this speech acknowledgeth his primacie of moderation , and priority of order . Willet Synop. pagina 274. saith , that there was a priority of order amongst the Apostles themselves , although in respect of their Apostleship , they were all of one authority : much more , saith he , should there be order and degrees among the Ministers of the Church , who are inferiour to the Apostles . And againe he saith , that Paul was ordained the chiefe Apostle of the uncircumcision , and Peter of the Circumcision , Gal. 2.2 . and further he saith , we also grant , that Peter when hee confessed Christ for and in the name of the rest , had a Primacie of order and a priority at that time , who also for , and in the name of the rest , received the Keys of the Church ; and thus much saith he , Cyprian acknowledgeth , Hoc erant caeteri Apost. quod fuit Petrus , the rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was , having the fellowship of power and honour , but the beginning is from one , that the Church may appeare to be one , De simplicitati praelat . In these words of Cyprians quoted by Willet , to confirme his preceding doctrine , acknowledgeth first a prioritie of order amongst the Apostles , next that Peter had this prioritie ; thirdly , that Peter was chiefe Apostle of the Circumcision , and Paul of the uncircumcision . Fourthly , hee acknowledgeth that when Peter confessed Christ in name of the rest , and received the keys in name of the rest , that then he received this Prioritie of order . And lastly , confirmes all this by the Testimonie of Cyprian . Willet in plaine termes speakes for Peters prioritie , pag. 155. Wee deny not , saith he , a primacie of order to have beene in Peter , but that hee was the head and commander of the rest , that we deny . Chemnitius in his Harmony , cap. 50. pag. 517. grants to Peter a primacie amongst the Apostles , but denyes that he hath any supremacie above the rest : as it is , saith he , most apparent , that Peter was chiefe among the Apostles , notwithstanding his dominion over the Clergie , can no wayes be proved . Lysetus pag. 1231. Harmon saith , It is one thing to be first for orders sake among those , who are of equall authority , and another thing to have power and Authority over their brethren , the first we grant Peter received of his Master , but not the second . Marlorat upon the 1 Cor. 9.5 . saith , We acknowledge Peter to have bin the first of the Apostles , as it is ever necessary in all meetings , that there be one to preside , but this primacie of Peters was not a domination , nor a cōmanding power ; yea , he saith further , that he had it with the cōsent of all the Apostles , so that by this it appeares , that Marlorat is of this mind , that although the rest of the Apostles grudgedat Iames & Iohns aspiring to this dignity , yet they were all content that Peter should have it . Dodelius on the Epistle to the Ephesians , written by Ignatius , fol. 240. confesseth that Peter was called the mouth of the Apostles , because he was Ordine princeps , that is first and chiefe in order and precedencie . Fulk Rh. Test. Gal. 2. Anotat . Therefore it was not lawfull to Peter , to whom by God was committed the chiefe Apostleship of the Circumcision , to forsake this charge and take upon him , the chiefe Apostleship of the Gentiles ; and againe he saith , though he came to Rome , and preached at Rome , and died at Rome , yet he was the chiefe Apostle of the Circumcision still , and Paul the chiefe Apostle of the uncircumcision and Gentiles ; therefore the Pope might more probably have conveyed his title of Supremacie from Saint Paul then from Saint Peter . Perkins on the Galat. cap. 2. The Apostle S. Paul was ordained by God to be the chiefe Apostle of the Gentiles , as St. Peter was of the Jewes ; and Iames and Cephas , and Iohn , that were the chiefe Apostles , did acknowledge him for their Colleague and gave him the right hand of fellowship . Perkins upon the 2. Galat. ver. 9. which Text makes ( saith he ) against the Primacie of Peter , and so by consequence against the Supremacie of the Pope , in regard Saint Paul was chiefe Apostle of the Gentiles , who were farre more in number then the Jewes . Cartwright on the Rhem. Test. ( as I remember ) on the same place of Scripture hath a very good note to the same purpose . I could bring the testimonies of many other Divines to prove my assertion if it were needfull , and that both ancient and moderne , only I will use one of Saint Augustines ; He writing upon Iohn saith , Petrus Apostolus Propter Apostolatus primatum , &c. Peter the Apostle , because of his Apostolicall prioritie , by the generalitie of a figure , he sustained the person of the Church , as concerning Peter himselfe by nature hee was but one man , by grace one and the first Apostle , but when it was said to him , Tibi dabo claves , universam significabat ecclesians , &c. Augustine here gives unto Peter a primacie and a prioritie , and this , hee saith , he had by grace , that is by the favour and benevolence of his Master , and yet when he recived the keyes he received them in the name of the whole Church , saith he , that is for the benefit of the whole Church . Now , I hope the testimonie of these godly and learned Divines , will defend me , from the aspersion of Poperie : I know all are called Papists by my opponents , that in any wayes opposeth their tenets concerning the Government of the Church : but the truth is , the Papists and my opponents are both in extremities , and none of them can endure Moderation and a middle course , wherein I am sure the vertue consists . Even as the liberall and charitable man , by the covetous niggard , who is the extreame in defectu , is called prodigall ; And againe by the prodigall waster , who is the extreame in excessu is called a niggard ; So the meeke , charitable , and moderate Divine by the Papist who is the extreame in excessu , is called a Puritane , and by the Puritane who is the extreame in defectu , is called a Papist . But for any thing that I shall deliver here , by the grace of God , I shall be as free of poperie as any of the foresaid Divines , for they doe all maintaine all , that I shall say , which in any kind may bee thought to smell of poperie , and not they only , but all the Commentators that I have read upon those places , out of which I bring my arguments : Yea , I know no Divine that denies Peter a primacie of moderation , and a prioritie of order , and yet as I said before , I bring not in their testimonies of purpose to prove what I am to say , but to prevent the cavils and calumnies of the malevolous . Well , if my opponents mouthes be not stopped by this meanes , I hope the cleere evidence of Scripture shall doe it , for great is truth and it prevaileth . I may here truly affirme , that the doctrine which I maintaine , is the most powerfull means to throw downe the Tower of Babel ; yea , and to allay the pride of all those who will not be content with that dignity which Christ gave unto Peter , nor those degrees of Church Governours , which Christ with his own mouth appointed for the government of his Church untill his second comming to Judgement , but exalt themselves above all that is called God , and curse with bell and candle all those that in the sinceritie of their hearts , and meeknesse of spirit refuses to sweare and subscribe to thier tenets . I find in the doctrine of the Evangelists , that there was a strife and contestation among the twelve Apostles who should be chiefe among them , and that which gave occasion of this strife , was Christs familiaritie with Peter , Iames and Iohn , he preferred them much in his respects to all the rest , he tooke them to an high mountaine , and suffered them to see him in his glory , at the transfiguration , and in the Garden of Gethsemanie in his greatest agonie , he suffered also those three to bee with him when he raised Iairus daughter to life , but none of the reste This respecting of them thus made the rest to murmure and grudge a little at it , but I am of opinion , that the greatest contestation was among the three Disciples , whom Christ respected most : for wee see that Iames and Iohn , and their Mother , being jealous of Peters preferment , hearing Christ , bid Peter pay toll for himselfe and for him , and hearing him promise to him the keys of the kingdome of heaven , and to none of the rest , they tooke occasion and their Mother to goe to Christ , and to desire of him , that one of them might sit upon his right hand , and the other upon his left hand in his kingdome ( for they dreamed even as all the rest did , of a temporall kingdome ) Math. 20.20 . and Mark 10.35 . which suit of theirs , Christ did not altogether refuse at first , but told them that they knew not what they asksd , and also asked them , if they were able to drinke of the Cup , whereof hee was to drinke , and be baptized with the Baptisme , wherewith he was to be baptized , and when it was answered yes ; Then he tels them that it was his Fathers right to give that which they desired , and that it was prepared for others , and was to begin in them of his Father in his own time ; so that by Christ his Answer to Iames and Iohn , and their Mother , we may easily collect by the way , that Christ did not condemne the dignity as unlawfull in it selfe , but a proud affectation of the dignitie : this he condemnes in his speech to the rest that tooke offence at Iames and Iohn their presumption : Christ had promised before , that they should sit upon 12. thrones , and judge the 12. Tribes of Israel , which very well might have sufficed them , but they would needs contest , who should be chiefe among themselves , they would not commit it to their Masters arbitrement , and therefore Christ telleth them who must be this chiefe ; not he that affected it most , not he that aspired to it out of a conceit of his owne worth , but hee that was humble and meeke and lowly , and therefore Christ said to them , that he that was lest among them all ( to wit in conceit ) he should bee greatest ; yea , further saith our Saviour , hee must bee like a little child in his owne eyes ; A child , although he be the sonne of a Prince , he will make himselfe companion to the sonne of a peasant : even so they that have chiefe place among Gods Ministers , must account all the rest as brethren , yea as Christ saith they must be servants to the rest , even as Christ was . As he that serveth , so must they that have chiefe place under Christ in his Church be , as servants to the rest of their inferiour Ministers : and this made Origen to say , That he that was called to a Bishoprick , was called unto the service of the Church , Homil. 6. in Esaiam , and the Counsell of Carthage decreed , 4. Can. 34. wheresoever a Bishop sitteth , he must not suffer a simple Priest to stand before him , and that the Bishop in the Assembly of Priests ought to sit in the highest place , but within the house let him know , that he is their fellow . Now I will beg leave of the learned , to vent a certaine conjecture of my owne , which I hope shall give offence to none which conjecture , Iames and Iohn , and their Mothers petition to Christ , and Christs answer to them againe , has given mee occasion to apprehend . The affectionate Mother being desirous of her sonnes preferment , shee comes in all humility , and falls downe before him , and earnestly intreates him on the behalfe of her sonnes , that one of them might sit on his right hand , and another on his left hand in his kingdome , she expected that at this time Christ was to restore the kingdome to Israel , and she would faine have had her two sonnes , in the most honourable roomes of Christs Court , little knew they that Christs kingdome was not of this world , and therefore hee tells her and her sonnes both , that they knew not what they asked , and yet he answered her according to her owne mind , as he did the Disciples after his Resurrection , when they asked him , if he was to restore the kingdome to Israel at that time ; he answered , that it was not for them to know the times and seasons , which the Lord had in his owne hand : Even so our Saviour Christ answered the sonnes of Zebedee and their Mother . These dignities , saith he , the bestowing of them is not in my hand , but in my Fathers , and they shall bee given of my Father to them , for whom they are prepared . I am confident that Christ by this answer of his , doth not meane of any two , that were to be advanced to the highest degrees of glory in heaven , for first , because this were not to answer ad rem , for her meaning was of some dignities here upon earth , and therefore wee must not thinke but Christ would answer her according to her owne meaning ; next we doe not reade of any right hand or left hand that Christ shall have in heaven , or of any that shall sit upon either of his hands there , wee reade of his Fathers right hand , where Christ sits for the present , and shall sit untill his second comming to Judgement , wee reade also of degrees of glory in heaven , but not in these termes ; but the good woman had no such meaning , her meaning was of the greatest dignities upon earth as Christ had to bestow , and therefore I thinke that our Saviour meanes of two , to whom his Father was to give , the two greatest dignities in his Church , the event shewes moe that Christ doth meane of these . For he had advanced the 12. Apostles to 12. Thrones , and had given them power to tread on Serpents and Scorpions , hee had promised to give them the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , that they might shut it upon the impenitent , and open it to the penitent , greater power they could not get , greater dignity they might : it was but honour and dignitie that the sonnes of Zebedee craved , and that upon earth too , they desired not power and authoritie over their brethren . And this dignitie was no more but a primacie of moderation , and a prioritie of order amongst the Governours of the Church , that Christ had to bestow upon those , for whom his Father had prepared it ; Christ was not to distribute to any of his Apostles state imployment , and places of honour and dignities in the Common-wealth , he left that to bee done by worldly Monarchs . Now I find in the Scriptures that our Saviour Christ gave this prioritie of order , and primacie of moderation , to two of his Apostles , and honoured them , as it were , the one upon his right hand , and the other upon his left hand ; these two Apostles were Peter and Paul , the one to have prioritie of order in the Church of the Jewes , the other in the Churches of the Gentiles , that Christ gave the chiefe precedencie amongst the 12. Apostles to the Apostle Peter , it is more then evident in the Scriptures , for is it also for Pauls moderation in the Churches of the Gentiles . The 12. Apostles were first appointed by their Master to be chiefe Governours of the Church of the Jewes , and therefore when Christ sent them out two and two to preach the Gospell , hee directed them only to the lost sheepe of the house of Israel , and therefore Peter having precedencie amongst them , it behoved to be in the Church of the Iewes only . But the Apostle Paul makes this manifest , Gal. 2. where he tels us in plaine termes , that the Gospell of the Circumcision was committed to Peter ; and the Gospell of the uncircumcision was committed unto him . The Apostle Paul could not say this if there had not bin some difference betweene their ministerie , and the ministerie of the rest of the Apostles ; for both the Gospell of the Circumcision , and the Gospell of the uncircumcision was committed to the rest of the Apostles , and to all others that were to be ordained by them , and advanced to the Apostolicall and Epis●opall charge , by vertue of that commandement , Goe teach all Nations , &c. but this is said because of that distinction that Christ made for order sake , that the chiefe care of the one should be in the Church of the Iewes , and the chiefe care of the other in the Churches of the Gentiles , so that it was lawfull still for the rest of the Apostles to preach to either Iewes or Gentiles , and also for Peter and Paul to preach to either , and so we see they did when occasion served . Now who was it that made this distinction ? Without all question it was Christ himselfe as the Apostle Paul makes manifest , Gal. 2. 7. But when they saw ( saith the Apostle ) that the Gospel over the uncircumcision was committed to mee , as the Gospell of the Circumcision was committed to Peter : These words can have no sence , unlesse there bee some difference betweene the charge of the rest of the Apostles , and the emploiment of Peter and Paul , made by Christ himselfe : for he saith , when the Apostles saw , to wit , the Apostles there mentioned , Peter , Iames and Iohn saw that the Gospell of the Uncircumcision , &c. the Apostle Paul takes it for granted , that the Gospell of the circumcision was committed unto Peter , as the relative word ( as ) doth demonstrate : for these Apostles saw as the one was committed to Peter , so the other was committed to Paul . These Apostles made not this difference then , they saw that it was made , they did not commit this charge to Paul , they saw that it was commited by another , even by him , by whom the Gospell of circumcision was committed to Peter , their Master and Saviour Christ , which the Apostle Paul makes plaine for himselfe , Gal. 1.15 . But when it pleased God , saith hee , that separated me from my mothers wombe , and called me by his grace , to reveale his Sonne in me , that I might preach him among the heathen ; So that the Apostle acknowledges , that both he received the degree of Apostleship from Christ , and the dignity in the degree to be the chiefe Apostle of the Gentiles : This may be also collected out of the words , for in that he saith , that the Gospell of uncircumcision was committed unto him , as the Gospell of Circumcision was committed to Peter , he sheweth cleerely that he hath a prioritie of order in the Churches of the Gentiles , as Peter had in the Church of the Jewes . That Peter had this prioritie , beside the evident testimonies of Scripture proving it , as wee shall see by and by , by Gods grace , his priority is insinuated in the same words , for if there were not some singularitie in the Apostleship of Peter , Paul would not have said , when the Apostles saw , that the Gospell of uncircumcision was committed to me , as the Gospell of circumcision was committed unto Peter , but he would have said , when the Apostle saw that the Gospell of uncircircumcision was committed unto him and Barnabas , as the Gospell of Circumcision was committed unto them : if he had spoken so then , we might have truly said , that as there was no difference in degree among them all , so there was no distinction in dignitie . But I will prove first that Peter had this prioritie granted him by Christ in the Church of the Jewes , and next that hee gave it also to Paul , in the Churches of the Gentiles , and first I will lay downe my grounds out of Scripture , and then forme my Arguments out of these grounds . There is one ground for both their precedencies , and it is this , that both their names were changed , wee see cleerely that Christ gave Simon a new name , and called him Peter , but who changed the others name it is not revealed . I am verily of that mind , that Christ did it too , for in the 13. of the Acts , where it is recorded , that Paul and Barnabas by Gods direction , were separate for the Apostolicall charge , it is said there by the Holy Ghost , to the Prophets and Teachers at Antioch , Separate 〈◊〉 Barnabas and Saul , for the worke whereunto I have called them . After this time he is never any more called Saul , but once , and then his new name is related , then Saul , otherwise called Paul ( saith Luke ) filled with the Holy Ghost , and so as soone as he is said to be filled with the Holy Ghost , as soone is he called Paul , and never any more Saul . Now , this changing of the two Apostles names was a speciall signe of honour and preferment , as the changing of the name of Abram to Abraham , was not only a signification of the multitude of his posteritie , but also a signe of his preferment , and the Lords respects to him . So the changing of Iacobs name , into the name of Israel , did not only testifie that he had prevailed with God , but it was a signe of Gods great love to him , and of his prevailing with men . Even so the changing of these two Apostles names , was an argument of Gods great respects to them , and of their preferment and advancement in the Church of Christ : and also it was a signe of the great worke , that the Lord was to accomplish by their Ministerie , both among Jewes and Gentiles . For Peters precedencie among the Apostles , we have many evidences for it in Scripture , for first he was one of the three , who was most respected by Christ , and also had place of the other two , for he is alwayes first named by all the foure Evangelists , hee gets a new name by himselfe , and the other two gets both of them but one name , Boanarges , Sons of Thunder . Peter againe is more employed in Christs affaires , and Christ is more familiar with him , then any of the rest : when there was toll required of Christ , he directed Peter to cast an angle in the Sea , and hee should get in the mouth of the first fish that came to his hand , a piece of money , Take it ( saith Christ ) and give it for me and thee , Math. 17.27 . but no word of the rest , this notes some preheminence . It was Peter that answered Christ , when hee asked his Disciples , Whom say yee that I am ? Thou art Christ , saith Peter , the Sonne of the living God , Math. 16.16 . It was Peter that drew Christ aside , and would have advised him not to goe up to Iervsalem , Math. 16.22 . It was Peter that said to Christ , when he saw his glory in the Mount ; It is good Master being here , let us make three Tabernacles , &c. Math. 17.4 . It was Peter that answered Christ in the name of the rest , O Lord , wee have forsaken all and followed thee , Math. 19.27 . But these differences are nothing in respect of those that were made by Christ himselfe , and first as I said before his name was changed by Christ ; yea , when Christ called him first from taking of fish , to bee a fisher of men , he promised that hee should be called Peter , Ioh. 1. but as yet his name was not changed , this was a great argument of his preferment ; Againe , Christ calls him Peter , in allusion to the rocke of Faith , whereupon he was to build his Church , for he is called Petrus a petra , he was called a Rocke , because his confession , ( Thou art Christ the Sonne of the living God ) was to be so solid and firme a Rocke , that whosoever was built upon it , the gates of Hell was not able to prevaile against him . Further Christ promised to give Peter the keyes of the kingdome of Heaven , which promise he made not to the rest : hee prayed for him in particular that his faith should not faile , but for none of the rest , and commanded Peter when hee was converted to strengthen his brethren , hee gave not this direction to the rest , Math. 22.32 . After his Resurrection he appeared first to Peter alone , with whom no doubt he had privie conference , and committed to him somethings which he did not to the rest ; or otherwise to what end should he have appeared unto him before any of the rest ? and after hee had dellvered a generall commission to all , hee gave him a particular Commission to feed his sheepe , to feed his Lambes ; hee required a greater measure of love of Peter then hee did of the rest , Iohn 21.15 . which was an argument , not only that Christ had forgiven him much , but also that hee had given unto him more then the rest of the Apostles : Christ forewarned Peter of his manner of death , and encouraged him to suffer to the end , Follow thou mee , saith hee , Iohn 21. this hee , did not to any of the rest . By all these particulars wee see our Saviour Christ differenced Peter from the rest of the Apostles , which evidently shewes that Christ gave him some dignitie and preheminence , that hee gave not unto the rest . The Angell also that appeared to Mary Magdalene put a difference betweene Peter and the rest , when he directed her to goe tell Peter by name , that Christ was risen , but none of the rest . The Evangelists also differences Peter from the rest of the Apostles in setting downe his name alwayes in the first place ; Yea , Saint Math. who was also an Apostle , doth not only mention him first , but also calleth him Primus , the first Apostle Mathew 10. he saith not Primum adverbialiter , but Primus nominaliter , the first , and this is an evident argument of his prioritie ) The Apostle Paul also beareth witnesse to this truth in that by way of Emphasis hee calleth him the Apostle of the Circumcision , and that Christ wrought effectually in Peter to the Apostleship of the Circumcision , this was not because hee was the only Apostle of the Circumcision , for in that same chapter , to wit Galat. 2. where hee calleth the Apostle Peter , the Apostle of the Circumcision ; hee saith also , that Iames and Iohn were also Apostles of the Circumcision , for thus hee speakes : Peter , Iames , and Iohn gave mee and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship , that they should goe unto the Jewes , and we unto the Gentiles ; Peter then is called the Apostle of the Circumcision by way of Emphasis , because hee had a precedencie of the rest of the Apostles of the Circumcision . Yea , wee see that the Apostle Paul preferres Peter in his account , to the rest of the Apostles , for Gal. 1. he saith , that after three yeares he went up to Ierusalem to see Peter , he mentions none of the rest , not Iames who was Bishop of Ierusalem ; and 1 Cor. 9.5 . he gives some preheminence to Peter , Have not wee ( saith he ) power to lead about a sister , a wife , as well as the other Apostles and the brethren of the Lord and of Cephas ; In this comparison , the Apostle ascends by way of Gradation , as if he had said , may not I have a wife to accompanie mee in my travells , as well as the rest of the Apostles ? yea , as well as the brethren of the Lord , yea even as Cephas , who is in dignitie before all the rest ; yea , would he say , we have power as well as any of them , even as well as Peter himselfe . All these Evidences were nothing , if he did not make proofe of his prioritie de facto , if he had not exercised it , and confirmed it by his practise , but this he did , both in his Masters owne time , as I shewed you before ; and also much more after his ascention : This , a very novice may perceive , that will but reade the Acts of the Apostles ; For immediatly after Christs ascention hee takes the place upon him , without any election , or the voyces of the rest . Me thinkes if Christ had not given him this preheminence , and moderatorship , the first thing that they would have done , they would have chosen a speaker , and a precedent for order sake , but this they did not , because they knew Christ their Master had done it before : Christ was more carefull of the government of his Church then so : hee saw them before his death contesting for precedencie , & the first place , and foresaw also , that after his departure there would bee emulation and strife amongst them , who should be chiefe , and therefore most wisely he thought good to prevent this schisme and division : For hee knew if they had fallen out amongst themselves for this prioritie of order , who were to bee the first and chiefe publishers of the Gospell , and Witnesses of all that Christ did , and said , It might have beene imputed to him by those , who hereafter tooke occasion to stop the course of the Gospell . They might have said even as the theese upon the Crosse , and the other railers that passed by said to him , ( and thou bee the Sonne of God , come downe from the Crosse ) So I say , they might have said , and this man had beene such a man as they call him , hee would have prevented this misorder and contention , hee would have appointed one of the number , to be first in order among them , to moderate their assemblies , for avoiding of confusion and dissention , but blessed be the God of order , that would not leave his Church without order . The Apostle Saint Peter then without any more Ceremonie obeys his Masters Commandements , hee commanded him when hee was converted to strengthen his brethren , hee gave him direction both to feed his sheepe and his lambes , and he like an obedient servant will not faile to doe , what he commanded with all expedition . And first hee begins with a Sermon ( ad clerum ) to the rest of the Apostles , and the other Disciples , and tells them , that it was necessarie , that Iudas should play the Apostate , that the Scripture might be fulfilled ; and that it was also necessarie to fill his roome , that the number of those might bee made up againe , whom Christ had appointed to be witnesses , of all that he did and said . His next Sermon was ( ad populum ) after that the Holy Ghost was descended , the people that heard the Apostles speak with divers tongues , wondred and marvelled at the matter ; some said that they were drunken , but the Apostle Peter in his Sermon made it knowne to them all how the matter was , Act. 2.14 . and at the hearing of this Sermon , there was three thousand converted to the Christian faith . Another Sermon also hee made to the people upon the occasion of healing of a lame Man , at the hearing of which there were five thousand converted to the faith of Jesus Christ , and in effect the most part of the historie of the Acts to the 13. chapter concernes the Apostle Peter , and his service in the Ministerie : and so by all these evidences it appeares , that Saint Peter was precedent of the Apostles . It appeares also in this , that Peter was chiefe Apostle of the Circumcision , because his chiefe stay for many yeares was at Ierusalem . Although the Apostle Iames was the peculiar Bishop of that Citie yet in regard of the generall charge that hee had over the whole Nation , his most frequent abode was there : for both the times that Paul went to Ierusalem , both the third yeare after his conversion , and fourteene yeeres there after he found Peter there ; yea , that his chiefe residence was there at that time ; it is manifest by the Apostle Paul his resolution , for he saith Galat. 1.18 . that three yeares after his Conversion he went to Ierusalem to see Peter , and abode with him fifteene dayes . The Apostle Peter also maketh manifest , that the Gospell over the Circumcision , was chiefly committed to him , by directing his Epistles onely to the Jewes : for his first Epistle is only written to the Jewes , whom hee calleth strangers scattered throughout Asia , Gala●ia , Pontus , Cappadocia : Now it is most certaine , that in all these Nations at that time , when he writ his Epistle , there were many Gentiles converted to the Christian faith , and yet hee writes to none of them , but to the Jewish Nation only , so that we may very easily perceive , that his chiefe care was o● the Jewish Church : and that the second Epistle was written t● them only , it is manifest to any , that will reade but the third chapter of the said Epistle . Now the question may be asked , who gave Peter this precedencie , and Prioritie of order among the Apostles ? I answer , This question is without all question , for no doubt Christ his Master gave it him ; Againe , it will be asked when it was , that Christ gave it him ? Answer , some thinkes that he gave him this dignitie , when he changed his name , and called him Peter ; some againe that he was thus advanced , when hee promised to give him the keyes of the kingdome of Heaven . And indeed , both these are certaine signes of preferment : The deliverie of the Keyes to any , was ever a signe of preferment ; yea , also of Power and Authoritie , for he that hath the keys he goeth thorow all : as when the Husband giveth the keyes to his new-married wife , hee declares that he gives her power over all ; even so when the Master of the family gives the keys to his steward , he gives him power over all his affaires : for this same cause it is that the keys are delivered to a Prince , when he first enters in any City of his dominions , it is a speciall signe of his power and authority within that City : even so when our Saviour gave the keys of the kingdome of heaven to his Apostles he gave them power to rule and govern his house , according to his will revealed in his Word , he gave them power to open the gates of heaven to the penitent , and to shut them upon the impenitent , so the Apostle Paul , 1 Cor. 4. 1. Let a man so account of us as of the Ministers of Christ , and Stewards of the Mysteries of God : The proofe of this we have Esay 22.20,21,22 . where the Prophet Esay at the command of God , threatens Shebna , Chamberlain to King Ezekiah , and tels him that hee shall be driven from his Station , and Civill place , Eliakim in his roome , and in signe of his preferment and authority , hee saith , and the Key of the House of David , will I lay upon his shoulders , so hee shall open , and none shall shut , and hee shall shut and none shall open , that is , hee will give unto Eliakim chiefe power in Ezekias house , and in the City of Ierusalem : whose advancement was a figure of the Kingdome of Christ . And by the spirit of God applyed to Christ , Revelat. 3.7 . Which power he conferred upon his Apostles , when hee said , All power is given unto mee both in heaven and in earth : Whose sins yee remit shall be remitted , and whose sins you retain shall be retained , whose sins yee bind in earth , shall be bound in heaven , whose sins yee loose in earth , shall be loosed in heaven : and this the Spirit of God confirmeth . Revel. 2.26 . where hee promiseth to that Minister of the Church of Thyatira , that overcommeth and keepeth his works unto the end , power over the Nations , which is not to be understood of civill power and authority ( Christ meddles not with that ) but of spirituall power and jurisdiction , even as I received of my Father ( saith he V. 27 . ) so then when Christ promised to Peter , that hee would give him the keys of the Kingdome of heaven , out of all question , it was a signe of his preferment to some dignity , but not of his power and authority above his brethren ; for that which hee promised to give to him , hee made a covenant to give it to all the rest as well as him : indeed had he not breathed upon all the rest , as well as Peter , and said to all , receive the holy Ghost , Whose sins yee remit , &c. I would have perswaded my selfe , that Christ had given Peter power and authority over the rest , and not only a priority of order , and a precedencie of Moderation . Some thinks that our Saviour Christ , give not Peter this precedency till after the resurrection , yea , after hee had given the generall commission to all the Apostles in common , when hee said to him , Feed my Sheep , feed my Lambs : but for my part , I will not dispute , when hee gave in him , sure all these are evidences that Christ , and none other did advance him in that kind , and many more then these , as may be collected by the former doctrine , and which I shall make more plain hereafter . Againe it will be asked , how long this precedencie of Peters was to continue , for a yeare or halfe a yeare , or how long ? truly for any thing can be said in the contrary , he had it for his life time ; What Christ hath joyned together , what man dare put asunder ? Christ gave him precedencie , who could then defraud him of it ? none of the rest might , yea , not all the rest had power to displace him : certainly as long as the Christian Iews were divided from the Gentiles that were Christians , by the Ceremonies of the Law of Moses , which they would needs keepe . The Apostle Peter tooke a speciall care of the Iewish Nation , so he took a speciall care of Iews in Antiochia , who were Christians , but zealous of the Law , Gal. 1. yea , it was condiscended betweene him and the Apostle Paul , that it should be so : but I believe that the mayn worke which was enjoin'd him by his Master , in cōmon with the rest of the Apostles , to teach all Nations , did in the end draw him of that particular charge of the Iewish Nation ; yet I thinke hee ever kept that priority of order amongst the Apostles , which his Master conferred upon him , upon all occasions . A third question wil be asked , was Peter to have successors in this precedency ? I answer , although perhaps he could have no Successors , in respect of his precedency over the eleven , whose calling was universall , and not confined to any particular Place , Congregation , Province , or Kingdom ; Yet his precedency in generall among the chief Governours of the Church in all severall Kingdoms and Nations was to have a succession , order was requisite among the successours of the Apostles , as well as among them , and this order was to be defined according to the division of Kingdomes and Provinces : Saint Peter was chiefe precedent in the Churches of Iews , in which respect he might have Successours , yea , and had them too , and so a chiefe precedent was requisite among the Governours of the Churches of other Kingdoms . Again this question will be asked , since a priority of order , is necessary in all Churches , must it remayne constantly in one person , or may it be changed from one to another , that every one may beare his part , and all beare equall burden ? Answer . I see no reason why it should be changed , except this vicissitude can be proved by Scripture , Christ hath left us a paterne , and this paterne we ought to follow . Further , it may be asked how this precedent should be elected ? I answer by him who is Gods Vicegerent here upon earth , for God hath appointed Kings to be pursing Fathers in his Church , and they ought to have a care , that all things be done decently and orderly , and that Gods will be done in earth as it is in heaven . If the King present the man , the Church ought to receive him , except they can give a reason in the contrary ; but it may be replyed , that wee have no paterne for this in the Scripture . I answer none , except that wee finde the election of Matthias referred to God : and the King is in Gods place , and a God upon earth , I have said yee are gods , Psal. 82. and Iohn 10. Reply : but this choice was referred immediatly to God , the lots is cast into the lap . I answer , in the election of Matthias , I finde that the Apostles had a hand in it , the seventy Disciples and other inferiour Ministers , for they made choice of Matthias and Barsabas , and prayed unto the Lord to give forth his determination by lot , but in the election of the seven Deacons , the people also , the Apostles , and all other Churchmen , all three joyned together . Upon other occasions the Apostle only made choice of inferiour Ministers , Timothy by prophesie , and so there is no certain patern left us in the Scriptures for the right of nomination . But if it were so agreed upon , it were easie to devise a way how both the people , inferiour Ministers , the Governours of the Church , and the supreame Magistrate might have their severall voices in the nomination of Churchmen of the first ranke and order , and yet in end the Lord to make the choice , but it were boldnesse in me to prescribe . The Lord of his mercy , so direct those a right , who have power and authority in their hand , that they may doe all things according to his will , plainly revealed in his Word . Now I will prove from the former grounds , first , that Saint Peter had a precedencie of the rest of the Apostles , in the Church of the Iews ; next that this precedency was given him by Christ his Master ; Thirdly , that this precedencie is not only profitable and expedient , but necessary for the Government of all Churches ; and this I will do by formall arguments , whereunto I desire my opponents to answer , Categorice , without subterfugies , prevarications , or circumlocutions , for by so doing , the truth shall be the more easily found out , The first Argument . Hee whose name is always recorded in the first place , had place of all the rest of the Apostles . But Peter his name is always recorded in the first place . And therefore Peter had place of all the rest of the Apostles . There can be no reason given why Saint Peter his name should be always first set down , but only , because he was first not only in gifts and graces , but also in dignity , place , and estimation . That his name is recorded at all times , sirst , is evident except onely once by the Apostle Paul , Gal. 2. who without all doubt , did it by the motion of Gods Spirit , that he might insinuate , although the Apostle Peter , was the chiefest Apostle of the Circumcision , as he had declared before , Verse 7. yet it was in order and estimation , and not in degree and exaltation : it was a primacie but not a supremacie , a prioritie , but not a superiority that he had of the rest of the Apostles . But I will prove , that the Apostle Peter was not only named first , but that he was called the first , and so was first indeed . The second Argument He who is called by the Apostle Saint Matthew , the first of the Apostles , hee was in deed , and in truth the first ; But the Apostle Peter is called by the Apostle Saint Matthew , the first of the Apostles , Chap. 10.2 . And therefore the Apostle Peter was indeed , and in truth , the first of the Apostles . The strength of the proposition stands in this , that hee who was an Apostle himselfe , would never have called Peter the first of the Apostles , and he had not been first indeed . The third Argument . He that was prolocutor and speaker for all the rest of the Apostles had a priority and precedency of the rest of the Apostles . But Peter was speaker and prolocutor , for all the rest of the Apostles . And therefore Peter had a priority and precedencie of the rest of the Apostles . The proposition I thinke will not be denied , for the Consul in the Senate ; the Speaker in Parliament , the Moderator in the Assembly , hath a priority and precedency of all the rest of the Senat , Parliament , and Assembly . That Peter was speaker and prolocutor for all the rest , I prove thus He that answered Christ in name of the rest , and received the promise in name of the rest , was speaker and prolocutor for all the rest : But Peter answered Christ in name of the rest , and received the promise in name of the rest : And therefore Saint Peter was speaker & prolocutor for all the rest . I hope my Opponents will deny nothing that is here affirmed , and therefore by their own confession , I conclude , that Peter had a priority of order and a precedencie of Moderation amongst the Apostles . The fourth Argument . He whom the Angell in particular commanded Mary to tell the Christ was risen from the dead , and none of the rest , had some sort of preheminence before the rest . But the Angel commanded Mary to tell Peter by name , and none of the rest , that Christ was risen again from the dead , Mark 16.7 . And therefore Peter had some preheminence before the rest . Truly , in my judgment , this is a strong argument to prove that Peter was in place and dignity before the rest of the Apostles or otherways , I think the Angell of God would never have mentioned Peter by himselfe , and all the rest of the Disciples in grosse . The fift Argument . He whom Paul preferred in his respects to all the rest of the Apostles , had some precedency of the rest of the Apostles . But the Apostle Paul preferred Peter in his respects , to all the rest of the Apostles . And therefore Peter had some precedencie , of the rest of the Apost. Now why the Apostle Paul should respect and honour Saint Peter , more then the rest of the Apostles , I know no reason , except hee had had some place and preheminence of the rest . That hee respected him more then the rest , we find , Gal. 1.18 . for he saith there , that hee went up to Ierusalem , three yeers after his conversion , of purpose to see Peter , and remayned with him 15 days : I will only aske my opponents , for what cause he went up to see Peter , more then Iames , who was Bishop of Ierusalem . The sixt Argument . He who took precedency upon him de facto , be had it de jure . But Saint Peter took precedency upon him , de facto . And therefore he had it de jure . Either the proposition must be true , or else we must say , that Saint Peter took more upon him , then he had good right to challenge , and so in this particular erred de facto , which no Divine ever said or dare say , and if any man durst be bold to say it , I durst take the boldnesse upon me to say that it were little lesse then blasphemy . But some may say that the Apostle Peter had this right of moderation , de jure Apostolico : I answer , if it were so , all were one thing in effect , for that which the apostles did , they did it by the motion of the spirit , and if the apostles did chuse Saint Peter to be their speaker , being a man of most singular parts , why may wee not , yea , why should wee not follow their example in giving to the most worthy for gifts , and graces , the precedency of Government ? I think the practice of the apostles should be a law to us : But the truth is , there is not so much as any shew or appearance in the Scriptures , that the rest of the apostles conferred this moderation upon the apostle Peter , but what probability there is , yea , what convincing arguments for his Master Christs donation of it , I refer to the judicious Reader . The seventh Argument . He that took a speciall care not only of Jewish Churches throughout the land of Judea , but of those Jews also that sojourned in other Nations , had the chief care of the circumcision , and consequently both of pastors and people . But the Apostle Peter took a speciall care not only of the Christian Iews that lived in the land of Iudea , but also of those who dwels in other nations . And therfore Peter had the chief charge of the Circumcision , and consequently both of the pastors and the people . The truth of the proposition , appeares by his writing to the one , and remayning with the other . Both his Epistles are written to the dispersed Tribes , and that he remayned in Iudea , for many yeers after the ascention of Christ is evident , Gal. 1. for Paul not only , three yeers after his conversion went up of purpose to Ierusalem , to see Peter , but 14 yeers thereafter , when he went up hee found Peter there : and that Peter had an oversight both of pastors and people , wee find in his first Epistle where he writes to both , and exhorts the Elders ( that is ) their Ministers both of the first and second order , but in speciall their chief Governours , and forbids them to exercise their power tyrannically over their inferiours , 1 Pet. 5.1,2,3 . and in his second Epistle 1.12 . hee saith , that hee will not be negligent to put them alwayes in remembrance of these things , though they know them , and be established in the truth , yea , I think it meet ( saith he ) Verse 15 , as long as I am in this Tabernacle , to stir you up by putting you in remembrance , and Verse 15. he saith , I will endevour , that you may be able , after my decease , to have these things always in remembrance , so that hereby it appeares infallibly , that Peter had the chief over-sight of the Church of the Jews , both at home and abroad , and consequently both of pastors and people . By these arguments , it is manifest that the apostle Peter had a priority , and a precedency in the Church of the Jews : follows to prove that his Master and Saviour Christ gave it him . The first Argument . He to whom Christ communicated himself most , with whom he was most familiar , and to whom he did commit his speciall affairs most , yea , whom he purposed to make one of the chief instruments of the advancement of his Kingdom , to him he gave some preferment and advancement , more then he did to the rest of the Apostles . But to Peter Christ communicated himself most , with Peter he was most familiar , and to him he did commit his speciall affairs most , yea , and him he purposed to make the chief instrument of the advancement of his Kingdom . And therefore hee gave Peter some preferment and advancement , that he gave not to the rest of the Apostles . The truth of the proposition appears by this similitude of Kings and princes , if they set their affection upon on man more then another , & chuse him to be their neerest minion , at lest they wil give him some title of honour , above the rest of their Court , that all others may honour him the more , and will advance him to some places of dignity and preheminence , which indeed will make all others to respect him , and reverence him , because they see the Kings affection set upon him : when King Assuerus , resolved to honour Mordecai , hee commanded Haman to put his Robe Royall upon him , and to set him on his best horse , and to lead him through the City of Susan , and proclaime before him , Thus shall it be done to him whom the King will honour : how much more , whomsoever the King of Kings desires to honour moethen others , in this life will he advance to some dignity at least , in the face of the whole world , and proclaime as it were before them , thus shall it be done to him whom the King of Kings desires to honour , and therefore since Christ had a respect to Peter more then the rest of the Apostles ; it cannot be questioned but hee made him president of the rest , for since a president was necessary for avoiding of strife and contention , it is very likely , that Christ would give it to Peter , rather then any other . The truth of the assumption wee may see in the grounds before laid down . The second Argument . If the changing of names be a signe of honour and preferment , then Peter was honoured and preferred by Christ before the rest of the Apostles . But the changing of names , is a signe of honour and preferment : And therefore Peter was honoured and preferred by Christ before the rest of the Apostles . The truth of the proposition is manifest , because our Saviour himselfe changed Peters name , from Simon to Peter , and so if the changing of names be a signe of honour and preferment , then Peter was without doubt honoured and preferred by Christ . As to the assumption , that the changing of names is a signe of honour and preferment , I prove it by the changing of Abrams name , in Abraham , and Iaacobs name in Israel , when it pleased God to advance them , Gen. 32.28 . and 41 , 45. even so when Pharaoh preferred Ioseph , he changed his name , and called him , Zaphna Paanea . So when Daniel was advanced by Nabuchadnezzar , he was called Beltashazer , and upon the same occasion , the three children , Hanama , Misael , and Azaria , were called , Zadrach , Mesech , and Abednego , Daniel 1.7 . and Assuerus changed Hesters name , when he took her to be his Queene , and called her Hadasha , Ester 2. But some may reply that Christ gave Iames and Iohn a new name , and called them Bonarges , that is , Sonnes of thunder ; I answer , that is rather a title then a name , and if it were a name , it is but an appellative name , and not a proper name ; But Peter got a name by himselfe , and a name signifying his prioritie and precedencie , and was for the most part called by that name , at all occasions . And further some are of opinion , that Iames and Iohn received also , some prerogative from Christ their Master above the rest of the Apostles , for the which also there are some probabilities in Scripture , all which and such like , are speciall evidences , that Christ did not establish a paritie among Church officers . The third Argument . Hee that tooke this precedencie upon him , after his name was changed , hee received this precedencie when his name was changed ; But Peter tooke this precedencie upon him , after his name was changed . And therefore Peter received this precedencie , when his name was changed . The proposition cannot be but true for if Peter tooke this precedencie upon him , after the changing of his name , who can say otherwise , but he got it when his name was changed , since ( as I said before ) the changing of names is a signe of honour and preferment . As to the assumption , that Peter tooke this precedencie upon him , after hee received his new name ; read the Gospell of Saint Mathew , and ye will find , that the Apostle Peter is the man , that for the most part at least , takes upon him to speake for all the rest , after this time . The fourth argument . If it was about the time that Christ changed Peters name , that the Disciples stroue who should be first , then by all appearance Christ at this time , gave unto Peter this precedencie . But the first is true , and therefore the second . The strength of the Proposition stands in this , that Christ being most wise , would needs take away all occasion of falling out , and knowing that a precedent was necessarie , for avoyding of Schisme and confusion , he would sure prevent this danger . As to the assumption that it was about this time , that the Disciples strove who should be chiefe . Compare Mat. 16.17 . & 18. and Marke 9. and Luke 9. read these chapters , and consider the doctrine contained in them , and ye will find , that it was about the time that Christ changed Peters name , that the Apostles strove who should be chiefe . The fifth Argument . Hee for whom Christ payed toll , and for none of the rest , he gave him a prioritie and precedencie of the rest . But Christ payd toll for Peter , but for none of the rest . And therefore Christ gave to Peter , a prioritie and precedencie before the rest . The Proposition is very probable , for why should Christ have bidden Peter pay toll for him and himselfe only , and he had not had some preheminence and precedencie of the rest , surely I cannot imagine what other cause there can be alleadged . As to the assumtion it is evident , Math. 17.27 . Take it , said Christ , and pay it for me , and for thee . The sixth Argument . To whom Christ promised only to give the keys of the kingdome of heaven , hee gave him a prioritie and precedencie of the rest of the Apostles . But Christ promised only to Peter , to give him the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . And therefore Christ gave Peter a prioritie and precedencie of the rest of the Apostles . The reason of the Proposition is this ; That Christ should promise only to Peter , to give him that , which hee made acount to give to all the rest of the Apostles , as well as to him an evident argument in my mind , of his Prioritie , for it was a speciall encouragement to Peter , and he was much comforted , with hope and assured confidence , and expectation of great matters ; which the rest of the Apostles had not . But I know it will be said ; that the promise was made to Peter in name of the rest . I answer , it is granted ; But I beleeve the rest of the Apostles knew not so much themselves , neither I thinke could they challenge Christ of any thing was promised to them ; yea , the Apostle thought verily , that the promise was only made to him , for the promise of Keys , the changing of his Name , the paying of toll for him , the singling out of Peter , Iames , and Iohn , to be witnesses of his transfiguration and raising of Iairus Daughter , all these respects Christ shewed to Peter about the same time , as may easily be perceived in the Harmonie of the Evangelists , which occasioned the murmuring of the rest , for the which Christ reproved them , Math. 18. and Marke 9. and Luke 9. But I see neither danger nor absurditie to say , that the promise was only made to Peter , Christ did not give him the Keyes , before he gave them to the rest , for after his Resurrection only , he gave the Keys to them all : with one breath ( as it were ) he breathed upon them all at once , and said to them , Receive the holy Ghost ; whose sinnes yee remit , shall be remitted ; The only difference is this , Christ gave Peter some hope and assurance which he gave not the rest . The seventh Argument . For whom Christ prayed in particular that his faith should not faile , and did not so for any of the rest , he gave him a preheminence , and a precedencie before the rest . But Christ prayed for Peter in particular , that his faith should not faile , and did not so for any of the rest . And therefore Christ gave Peter some preheminence , and precedencie before the rest . As to the Proposition , truly I see no reason why our Saviour should have prayed so earnestly for Peter his perseverance , and hee had not layd a greater charge upon him , then upon any of the rest of the Apostles , he gave unto all Apostolicall power and authoritie , and as ample a charge to teach all Nations , as he gave unto Peter , but forasmuch as he gave unto him a certaine oversight of the Apostles , as well as the inferiour Ministers and People ; therefore did his Master pray so earnestly for him , that God would strengthen him by his Spirit to resist the great tentations , wherewith hee was to be besieged , and to inable him with such a measure of grace , as the greatnesse of his charge required . The assumption is manifest that Christ offered up a particular prayer for Peter , which he did not for the rest of the Apostles , Luke 22.32 . Christ saith to him , that he had prayed for him that his faith should not faile , and he tells the reason too , because he foresaw that he should be highly tempted by Sathan ; at this same time hee offered up unto his Father most sweet , pithie and powerfull prayers , as yee may read , Iohn 17. the reading of which prayers will move any Christian heart , that has the least measure of grace in it ; O then ! how powerfull were these to pierce the stoniest heart that ever was , when they distilled from the sacred lips of our blessed Jesu : well , he prayed for all in generall then , but in that he offered up a particular prayer in behalfe of Peter , it is an Argument that his Master made a particular difference betweene him in the rest . The eighth Argument . Hee whom Christ commanded to strengthen his brethren when hee was converted , he gave him some preheminence , and charge over the rest of his brethren . But Christ commanded Peter to strengthen his brethren , when he was converted : And therefore Christ gave Peter some preheminence , and charge over the rest of his brethren . The strength of the Proposition stands in this , that he , that is commanded to strengthen another , is commanded either to teach him , and instruct him , or to direct him , and admonish him , or to comfort him , and incourage him : which soever of these duties he was commanded to performe on behalfe of his brethren , it argues at the least this prioritie and precedencie , lesse preheminence it cannot portend , I am fully perswaded , that Christ would never have commanded Peter to discharge any of those duties towards his brethren , more then he would have directed them to doe the like duties to him , and he had not had some charge and oversight of them that none of them had of him . As to the assumption that Christ commanded Peter to strengthen his brethren , when he was converted is evident , Luk. 22.32 . But I have prayed for thee , that thy faith fail not , saith Christ , and when thou art converted , strengthen thy brethren . The ninth Argument . Hee to whom Christ appeared in particular , before he appeared to any other of the Apostles , he gave him some charge , that he gave not to the rest of the Apostles . But Christ appeared in particular to Saint Peter , before he appeared to any other of the Apostles . And therefore Christ gave to Peter some charge and employment , that he gave not to the rest of the Apostles . The Proposition cannot be but true , for his appearing to him first , before he appeared to any other , is an evident argument in my mind of his prioritie and precedencie , yea , of some particular charge that he received from his Master , that was not layd upon any of the rest , joyne the consideration of Christ his appearance here to Peter , and the Angell his direction to Mary , to tell Peter in particular of Christs Resurrection , and other evidences already specified , this argument will bee strong enough to confirme all that I have said . As to the assumption , that Christ appeared first to Peter , the Apostle Paul shewes us , 1 Cor. 15.5 . for he saith that he was seen of Cephas , then of the 12. that is , first of Peter , then of the rest . And Luke 24.34 . it is said that he appeared to Simon alone . The tenth Argument . Hee to whom our Saviour Christ gave a particular commission , after he had delivered a generall commission to all the rest of the Apostles in common , to him he gave some priviledge before the rest of the Apostles . But Christ gave a particular Commission to Peter , after he had delivered a generall commission to all the rest of the Apostles in common . And therefore Christ gave Peter some priviledge above the rest of the Apostles . The Proposition I hold it most strong , for when , after a generall commission is delivered to an whole collective body , how they shall carry themselves in the duties of their calling , a particular charge againe is given to some one of the number , it argues a certaine kind of singularitie , as for example , when the Kings Majestie being Generall of his Army himselfe , gives directions to the under officers of the Armie , and then in particular , tells his owne Lievtenant what should bee his care and solicitude , he plainly declares his eminence above the rest : or when the Bishop comes to visit any particular parish of his Diocesse , and gives Injunctions in generall to all the whole Parish , and then in particular tells the Minister his dutie , doth not the Bishop hereby declare his Eminencie above the rest ? when our Saviour Christ called Peter and Andrew , Philip and Nathaniel , Iohn and Iames , he called them all at the same time to be Preachers of the Gospell , and yet hee said to Peter only , Henceforth thou shalt catch men . So to bring a particular after a generall , it still argues a singularitie , and so this commission which he gives to Peter by himselfe is a mightie argument that Peter had some speciall oversight in the Church of God , which none of the rest had , and this was no other thing but a prioritie of order , and precedencie of moderation , in the meetings of the Apostles ; it is not an argument that he had any power over the rest , but only a precedencie , to moderate all things discreetly , to gather the voyces faithfully , and to take a speciall care that all things be done orderly , and all Schisme and confusion shunned . As to the assumption , that Christ gave particular commission to Peter , after he had given a generall commission to all in common ; Wee reade Iohn 21. where Christ commands Peter to feed his sheep , to feed his Lambes : this commission is not only a severall commission , from that which Christ gave to all the Apostles in common , neither is it a particular commission in respect of Peter , to whom it is only given , but also particular in respect of the persons whom it concerns , it concerns not all Nations , all people and languages , but certaine particular persons whom Christ calleth his sheepe here and his lambes ; now all those whom the Apostles in generall are commanded to teach , cannot be called Christs sheep or his lambs , for they were cōmanded to teach all in generall without exception , Goe preach the Gospel to every creature , saith Christ , Marke 16. by every creature here is meant all men , as I thinke all men will confesse : but all men are not Christs sheepe , nor Christs lambes , and therefore some particular persons must be understood here : now who are these ? I answer , Some thinke that by sheepe here is understood strong Christians , and by lambes weake Christians , but this cannot be : because at this time I thinke there was not many strong Christians , it was hard then to discerne betweene the strong and the weake , even the Apostles themselves were but weake at this time , as we may perceive by that question which they proponed to Christ , to wit , if he was to restore the Kingdome to Israel at that time . They minded still a temporall kingdome , and as long as they expected such a kingdome , no man will say that they were strong Christians , they were but all weak untill the Pentecost , at which time the holy Ghost strengthened them abundantly . Neither can be understood by sheep , antient Christians , and by lambs new converts , for all that did stick to Christ at this time , they were no doubt Christs antientest Disciples , that had beene for a long time in his companie , that had long heard his doctrine , and seene his miracles : neither can be understood Gods elect who are called his sheepe in the Scriptures , and also his lambs , for then there should be no difference between the two words Lambs and Sheep , but they doe signifie divers things as all Interpreters accords , and certainly the elect cannot be understood here , because it will follow that Peter did know who was elect , and who not , and so this commission given to Peter had beene contrary to the generall commission given afore to all ; neither is understood inferiour Ministers and the people , for all the rest of the Apostles had this oversight as well as Peter , and layd upon them all by Christ in the generall commission : but by all probabilitie , is understood here by sheepe , the rest of the Apostles , and by Lambs the 70. Disciples , and all those that were to be joyned to them in either of the functions , & this commandement is equivalent to that which he gave him before his death , saying , When thou art converted strengthen thy brethren , Luk. 22.32 . but howsoever , understand whom ye will of all these forementioned divisions , it is a particular commission given to the Apostle Peter , after the Generall was given to all , which is an argument of his particular over-sight over all , both Pastors and people , for I hope wee will not except any sorts of Pastors out of the number of Gods sheep . I gant that threefold confession which Christ expostulates of Peter , had a reference to Peters threefold denyall , for as Peter denied his Master thrice , so his Master to testifie his earnest repentance would have him to make a threefold confession , for every time that he denyed him , he would have him to make as many confessions , and professions of his love to him , but there is a great difference between Peters confession and his Masters commission , the confession came from Peter , and rested as it were in Christ , the commission contrary wayes proceeded from Christ , and was terminate in Peter , that Christ then gave Peter , this commission , was because of the generall charge he had over all . The eleventh Argument . Whom Christ forewarned of the manner of his death , and encouraged him patiently to endure unto the end , and did not so to any of the rest , was in dignitie and estimation above the rest by Christ his owne ordinance . But Christ forewarned Peter of the manner of his death , and incouraged him to endure patiently to the end , and did not so to any of the rest : And therfore Peter was in dignitie and estimation above the rest , by Christs owne ordinance . The truth of the Proposition stands in this , that if Christ had not preferred Peter to some dignitie above the rest , hee would not have used him so respectively , and incouraged him so many and divers wayes , and not the rest of the Apostles . The assumption is manifest , Iob. 21.18.19 . Verely , verely , I say unto thee , When thou wast young , &c. The twelfth Argument . Hee that was appointed by Christ , to be the chiefe Apostle of the Circumcision , received from Christ a prioritie and precedencie of the rest of the Apostles . But the Apostle Peter was appointed by Christ , to be the chiefe Apostle of the Circumcision : And therefore the Apostle Peter received from Christ , a prioritie , and a precedencie of the rest of the Apostles . Either this primacie which our Saviour Christ gave unto Peter , did consist in a prioritie and precedencie , or in a superioritie of power and Authority , but this cannot be granted , because we see no warrant for it in Scripture at all , and therefore of necessitie this prioritie and precedencie for orders fake must be granted him . As to the assumption , that Christ appointed S. Peter to be the chiefe Apostle of the Circumcision , is manifest , Gal. 2.7 . where the Apostle Paul saith , that the Gospell of the Circumcision was committed to Peter , and that the rest of the Apostles saw that it was committed unto him ; Now I ask , by whom saw they that it was committed unto him ? by Christ only sure ; for none other could commit it unto him , but either Christ or his Apostles the Apostle : did not commit it , for they saw it was committed by another , and consequently by Christ ; and this Willet in his Synop. pag. 156. affirmeth , that Christ himselfe made this distinction ; But here it will be objected , that the Gospell of the Circumcision , was committed to all the rest as well as Peter . I answer , it was committed to all the Apostles alike , to preach the Gospell to all Nations , but the Church of the Jews was chiefly recommended to Peter , for even by that particular commission which Christ gave to Peter , to feed his sheep , to feed his lambs ; Some understand this particular charge of Peters , over the Jewish nation , for our Saviour Christ before called them his sheepe , when he first gave them all a commission to goe to the lost sheepe of the house of Israel ; and indeed this charge before Christs death was layd upon all alike , but after his Resurrection he inlarged their charge , and commanded them to teach all Nations , and withall gave the speciall oversight of the Jews to S. Peter , as is most cleer & evident by the testimony of the Apostle Paul , Gal. 2.7 . The necessity of this precedencie comes to be spoken of in the third place , of the which I wil speak but a little : that a speaker & a precedent is necessary , nature , reason , and experience teacheth us ; yea , that it is necessary , both necessitate medij , & necessitate praecepti ( as we speak ) it is most certain . Necessitate medij , because otherwise there could neither be government nor order in Gods house , but meere confusion and misorder , such as is not to be found among many sorts of brutish creatures : necessitate praecepti , for the Apostle Paul cōmands that all things be done decently and in order ; which order I think was necessary in the dayes of Christ and his Apostles though not so necessary as now ; yea , Christ himselfe hath tacitly injoyned it , Mar. 9.35,36 . & Luk. 9.47,48 . where he cōmands , that he that desired the first place among them to be servant to all , and most meek and humble in his own conceit , he wil have him both last of all , and least of all , and then saith our Saviour , the same shal be great , as if he would say , only they are worthy of preferment , that are humble and meek , and lowly , and of small account in their own conceit . I will make this doctrine manifest by a formall argument . If Christ hath declared how those should be qualified , that have chiefe place among the Governours of the Church , then it is Christs will and pleasure , that there bee one to moderate in their meetings and assemblies . But Christ hath declared how those should be qualified , that have chiefe place among the Governours of the Church . And therefore it is Christs will and pleasure , that there be one to moderate in their meetings and assemblies . The Proposition will be granted ; I prove the assumption . If Christ hath commanded that those , that have any prioritie in dignitie or degree in the Government of the Church to be simple as Doves , and meek and humble as children , yea , account themselves as servants to the rest , then Christ hath declared how those should be qualified that have chiefe place among the Governours of the Church . But the first is true , and therefore the second . The proposition cannot be denied , the assumption is manifest , Mat. 9. 35,36 . and Luke 9.47,48 . Yea our Saviour sets his own example before them to follow , behold , would our Saviour say , although I be chiefe among you , yet am I as he that serveth , the son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister , Matth. 20.28 . yea , which is worth our consideration after that he hath declared , that hee that desires to be chiefe among them , must humble himself like a little child , he inferreth , Whosoever receiveth one of such little children , receiveth me , and whosoever receiveth me , receiveth him that sent me , and whosoever shall offend one of those little ones that believeth in me , it is better that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and he were cast into the Sea : Augustine saith , by little ones wee must understand humble ones , such as hee would have his Disciples to be , and to receive such little ones , is to obey the Governours , of the Church , that humble themselves to attend upon us , as the Mother to attend her children , and to have a care of them , and they that receive such with all submission and obedience , Christ saith , they receive him , and not him only , but also him that sent him , and to offend those humble ones , ( saith Augustine ) is to disobey them or contradict them : that this is the true meaning of our Saviour ; it is evident by the like speech of our Saviour to his Disciples , Matth. 10.40 . Hee that receiveth you , receiveth me , and he that receiveth me , receiveth him that sent me . And Luke the 10.16 . he expounds himself these words as I have done . He that heareth you , heareth mee ( saith our Saviour ) and hee that despiseth you despiseth me , and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me , to heare in this place is to obey , and to despise is to desobey . So then we see that Christ hath evidently declared , that all those that have the chiefe goverment of the Church , must be humble , meek , and lowly , and consequently that chief Governours there must be , and a chief precedent among these Governours . But it will be replyed , that this necessity is not absolute but conditionall , when the Governours of the Church , has occasion to meet and assemble together . I answer , if it be of absolute necessity that there be chiefe Governours in the Church , according to Christs appointment , then is it absolutely necessary , that there be a constant president to moderate their meetings & assemblies . There is no Incorporation without a chief : a Major , an Alderman , a Baily , no Company without their Master , to moderate all their meetings : even so the Governours of the Church , must have a constant Moderator to sit amongst them , upon all occasions to convene them together when need is , propone matters to be handled in their assemblies , stay contentions and misorder , impose silence to the mutinous , and many other things . Here again my opponents will reply , that the forementioned Governours are elected every yeere : I answer , then hee that has the first place among them may be elected after that same manner ; but in a Society , where the Governours has place for their life time , or ad culpam , then the chief president must be continued for his life , or ad culpam . I grant , to chuse a Speaker at every assembly is conform to the platform of presbyteriall Government , for this precedent is no longer needfull in a Church so governed , because the Church during the not sitting of the assembly , is governed by Presbyteries in such a bound , and by Sessions consisting of the Ministers and lay Elders in every Parish , and so they need not a constant Moderator ; but in a Church that is governed according to the paterne that Christ hath left behind him , that is , if the government be established in the persons of certain chief Governours , with the concurrence of those whom they shall chuse to assist them , of necessity this precedent must be constant and perpetuall , either ad vitam , or ad culpam . But what do I dispute a point , so cleerly revealed in the Scriptures ? did not Christ appoint the 12 Apostles , and their successors to be chief Governors of the Church ? who can , yea , who dare deny it ? and is it not as manifest that Christ appointed a president to moderate all their meetings ? and was he not appointed to moderate for his life ? if he was not , shew me how long he was to continue in his office ? when hee was to lay it down ? Well I am sure , Christ was as wise as all the thousands of my opponents , and he knew the necessity of order and government in his Church , and therefore laid down a platform of Government to teach us what form of Government to follow , and what form he thought most necessary and expedient himselfe , and if he have laid down any other platforme then I have declared , I shall be very willing to know , and as willing to learn . O bessed Jesu , thou that art the way , the truth and the life , Direct me in thy truth , lead mee one in that way , that I may be partaker of that life , which shall never have an end . Amen . I know some of the weakest of my opponents will say , that by this d●ctrine , I give too much advantage to Papists , in affirming Peter to have been primus Apostolus , and chiefe Over-seer of the rest . Truly these brethren , exposes their weaknnesse to the World , for they neither know what popery is , nor what it is to oppose Popery : to mayntain Bishops to have been instituted by Christ , and that Christ did chuse one to be their chief President and Moderator , is so far from being Popery , that it is directly against it : for papists will have Bishops to be the Popes creatures , and not Christs , they will have the calling of Bishops only to be de jure humano , and not divino , and that Bishops are no more but Priests , and that Bishops and Presbyters are but one order , and that all are equall secundam consecrationem Eucharistiae , in regard of their equall power to consecrate the Eucharist , and all this they say to maintain the Popes pretended supremacy for Bellarmine , that great champion of Rome , affirms that the calling of the 11 Apostles was extraordinary , and that they were Christs extraordinary Embassadours , and that Peter was only appointed by Christ to be the ordinary and chief pastor of the Church , and that hee and his successours the Popes should govern the universall Church in all ages to come : now I refer it to the judgment of all Christians , to judge between mee and my opponents , whether I accord with the papists in most things , or they : this shall be the parallel , the papists say that the calling of the Apostle was but temporary and not perpetuall , so doth my opponents ; the papists say that the 11 Apostles was but Christs extraordinary Embassadors , so doth my opponents ; the papists say that the Episcopall function is not de jure divino , but humano so doth my opponents ; the papists say that Bishops and presbyters are all one order , so doth my opponents ; in all these I am opposite to the papists , for I mayntaine that the calling of the Apostles was an ordinary calling , and that the Apostles was ordained by Christ to be the chiefe Governours of the Church , and to have successours in all ages and generations to come , superiour both in dignity and degree , to inferiour presbyters . But my opponents will say , although I doe not agree with the papists in the forementioned heads , concerning the Episcopall Function , yet I jump with them in making Peter to be the chief of the Apostles : and here also I desire all good Christians to be judge in this case : this is the parallel . The papists say that Peter was in degree before the rest of the Apostles , I only that he was before them in dignity : The papists say that Peter had a supremacy of jurisdiction above the rest of the Apostles , I , that hee had only a primacy of moderation : the papists say that Peter had granted him by his Master a superiority of power and authority in his Church , I say that his Master gave him only a priority of order in it ; The papists say that Christ made Peter Universall Bishop over his whole Church throughout the World ; I say that Christ committed only to him the chiefe Apostleship of the Circumcision ; the papists say that Peter was both in dignity and degree above Paul , Peter was chief they say , and Paul only Legatus à latere : I say that Paul was equall to Peter both in dignity and degree , and had the larger Commission , for he was the chief Apostle of the uncircumcision , Peter only of the circumcision . The papists say that Peter received both the swords from Christ , civill and spirituall : that is both civill and spirituall power , I say he only received spirituall power , and that equally with the rest of the Apostles . The papists say that the pope of Rome is Peters successor in the Universality of jurisdiction : I say that an Archbishop is his successor , in his priority of order and primacie of moderation within his own province . Consider now good Christian which of us two , I or my opponent , be most popish , he is half I am sure , I in no case , hee in the point of Episcopall government , saith wholly as they say , I am against them in all the foresaid controversies , I give no more to Peter , then the chief adversaries of popery gives him , Calvin , Piscator Iewell , Willet , Marlorat , as I made manifest before by their particular testimonies , to whom accords Davenant in his determinations , for hee saith , that both out of Scriptures and Fathers , many things may be brought , which ascribes to Peter some prerogatives of honour , but of such titles and prerogatives as are attribute to him , we affirm , that no other thing can be collected , but that he obtain'd a certain primacy and presidency , for orders sake among the Apostles . Maier also in his Treasury upon Matth. 16. saith , That Christ gave Peter some prerogative above the rest of the Disciples , and yet making another viz. Paul equall to him in every respect . And truly I remember no Protestant Divine that denyes that Peter had the first place amongst the rest of the Apostles , and how can they ? since it is so plain and manifest in Scriptures , and which is in effect the very bane and overthrow of the mayn grounds of popery . For although the Papists abuse the foresaid places of Scripture , to maintaine Peter his supremacy and his successors the Pope , yet we must not refuse to give Peter that which his master bestowed upon him , and so wrest the Scriptures as farre upon the other hand : although the Papists abuse the words of our Saviour Christ ( hoc est corpus meum ) to maintaine their transubstantiation , yet we must not deny a reall and spirituall presence of Christs body in the soules of the faithfull : even so although the papists abuse the foresaid places of Scripture to maintaine Peters supremacy , and the universality of the Popes power and authority , yet we must not deny that Christ gave Peter a priority of order , and a precedency of moderation , among the Apostles , for there is a great difference between supream power and authority , which the papists ascribe to Peter and his successour the Pope , and a priority of order for avoiding of confusion ; this Christ gave Peter without doubt , but not the former . It is true indeed Protestant Divines have beene very sparing in amplifying the prerogative , and preheminence , that Peter had amongst the rest of the Apostles , only because the Papists advance him too much , far beyond measure and moderation : But although the Papists decline too much to one extremity , God forbid , that wee decline as farre to the other , God forbid , because papists defend a bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament , that we turne Sacramentaries , because the papists extoll good workes and make them meritorious , that we turn Libertines , because papists wil needs worship God supra statutum , they will doe more then God hath commanded , that we refuse to doe that which he hath appointed : even so God forbid , because Papists make Peter universall monarch of the whole world , that we deny , that he was chiefe Apostle of the circumcision , and had a priority of order among the governors of the Church of the Iewes , which the Scripture gives him in plaine language , let us remember , that they that adde to , and they that take from the word of God , are both subject to the same curse , and that they that call evill good , and good evill , are in the same case . For my owne part , I dare not but speake the truth as I find it delivered in the Scriptures , it is the dutie of all Gods messengers , to reveale the whole counsell of God , and to keepe back nothing , the knowledge whereof is necessary for the promoving of Gods glory , and the advancement of the Kingdome of his deare sonne : and this point which I maintaine , concerning the superiority of Church Governors , concerns the externall government of his kingdome , I am sure , and it is so cleere and evident in Scripture , that none that has understanding and can read the Scriptures , but may conceive it , and my opponents some of them make a Church government a marke of the Church , and a part of the Gospell ; it stands us then greatly in hand , to make triall , which is that government , that Christ hath established in his Church , and truely the government which I defend is the onely government which we finde established by Christ and his Apostles , and which hath beene in use in the Christian Church , in all ages and generations since : And that which some of my opponents defend , we neither read of it in Scripture , not so much as a syllable , nor that as it was the government established of any particular Church , in the whole Christian world , till within these few yeares , and truely it makes my haire to stand upon my head to heare so glorious Epithiets given to the Inventions of men , as to call their discipline , the temple of God , Mount Sion , the Tabernacle of the Lord , the eternall councell of God , the Scepter of Iuda , a marke of the Church , a part of the Gospell : these Epithiets , & stiles are proper to the Apostolicall government , to the purity whereof , as it is recorded in Scriptures , if the government of the Church of England were conformed , it might be justly called the holy discipline , and enjoy all these forementioned Epithiets . O blessed Iesu ! happy should I thinke my selfe , if I should see thy Church in all Christian Kingdomes governed , as thou hast prescribed in thy word ; and thus much I have said for Peters Archiepiscopall priority , now I will say somewhat for Paules , in the Churches of the Gentiles . Saint Augustine saith that Peter was not the head of the Church but an eye in the head : and truely if Peter was the one eye , I may say that Paul was the other , for although that Peter was called among the first of the Apostles by Christ his master , and Paul after all ; yet the Apostle Paul mentions his dignity and degree to bee as high as Peters , he was not inferiour he saith to the chiefe Apostle ; and if we looke to the manner of their calling , Pauls calling was much more glorious then Peters , even when hee was first called to be a preacher of the Gospell . Peter was called when he was going about the workes of his calling , Paul when he was raging with all cruelty against the Saints of God , Christ arrests him and makes him stand and yeeld , Saul , Saul , why persecutes thou me , it is hard for thee to kick against the pricks : it was at this time that hee was caught up into paradice , and heard unspeakable words , which is not lawfull for man to utter , 2. Cor. 12. It is no wonder that the Apostle Paul glories in the manner of his calling , for none of them were called after so excellent a manner , which was a presage of the greatnesse of the worke , whereunto he was called , which our Saviour makes known to Ananias Act. 9. for he saith to him , he is a chosen vessell unto me to beare my name before the Gentiles , and Kings , and the children of Israel , for I will shew him saith the Lord , what great things he shall suffer for my names sake , this was the first time that hee was called , and that onely to be a preacher of the Gospell , he was not as yet called to be an Apostle ; nor he was not advanced some yeares after this to the Apostolicall function , not before the Lord appeared to the Prophets and teachers at Antioch , and required them to separate to him Barnabas & Saul , to the worke whereunto he had called them Act. 13. it was at this time that hee was made an Apostle ; before this time , he was no more but one of the Prophets of the Church of Antioch , and so called Act. 13.1 . after this time he is said to be filled with the Holy Ghost , and to be mighty by wonders and miracles , after this hee is called by a new name Paul . That Paul was the chiefe Apostle of the Churches of the Gentiles , he shewes in divers places of his Epistles , Eph. 3. he saith , for this cause I Paul the prisoner of Iesus Christ for you Gentiles , and verse 2. if ye have heard of the dispensation of the mystery of God , which was given to you-ward , and verse 8. unto me , who am lesse then the least of all Saints is this grace given , that I should preach among the Gentiles , the unsearchable riches of Christ : The Apostle saith this grace was given him , not because it was only given him , but because it was chiefely given him . But he most plainely declares his priority in the Churches of the Gentiles , Gal. 2. for there hee equalls himselfe with Peter , who as I have made manifest , had a priority of order among the 12. Apostles , and in the whole Iewish Church , and doth not in any case acknowledge himselfe inferiour to him , neither in order nor degree , yea he tells us plainly that the Gospell of the uncircumcision was committed to him , as the Gospell of circumcision was committed to Peter , which testimony of the Apostle Pauls , evidently declares , that there was a speciall over-sight committed unto Peter , in the Church of the Jewes , and unto Paul , in the Church of the Gentiles , for if it had not beene so , why would he compare with Peter , and not with the rest ? not , he would have said without all doubt as the Church of the Iewes was committed to Peter , Iames , and Iohn , so the Church of the Gentiles was committed to him and Barnabas . Moreover it is evident that Paul his charge had some excellency in it , above the ministery of the other Governors of the Church of the Gentiles , for although there were others that were Apostles of the Gentiles , and namely Barnabas for one , yet he appropriates a speciall oversight of the uncircumcision to himselfe in these words , He that was effectuall in Peter to the Apostleship of the circumcision the same was mighty in me towards the gentiles . Further Paul telleth us , 2. Cor. 11.26 . that he had the care of all the Churches , viz. of many Churches of the Gentiles , this evidently shewes not the greatnesse only but the speciality of his charge , for sure there was some other Apostle that had the care of some Churches of the Gentiles , as Tim. of Eph. Tit of Cret . Epaphroditus of Phil. Archippus of Laodicea , Epaphras of Col. and Hierapolis , Apollos of Cor. and others ; And although these mens Apostleship may be questioned , there can no be question of Barnabas Apostleship , and tha● over the uncircumcision too , and yet the Apostle Paul saith that he had a speciall care of all . His care is also manifest in his diligent writing to the Churches of the Gentiles , Cor. Gal. Eph. in the which he makes knowne the great care that he had of their salvation , as may be instanced in his expostulations , protestations and earnest exhortations , yea he had a speciall care of those Churches that were not planted by himselfe , but by others , as of the Church of Col. Laodicea , Rome : & where he planted the Gospell himselfe , what a speciall care had he to visit them againe , and keepe them safe as far as as he could , from the entring in of wolves to devoure the sheep committed to his charge ? yea this is the greatest argument that he hath against the false Apostles that they intruded them upon his charge , the Gentiles being chiefely committed to him , which he proveth by the testimony of Peter , Iames and Iohn , who gave him and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship , that they should goe unto the Iewes , and they unto the heathen ; now from these grounds , I will forme some arguments for Paul his priority of order among the Churches of the Gentiles . The first Argument . IF Paul was not inferiour to Peter , neither in dignity not degree , then if Peter had a priority and precedencie among the Apostles of the circumcision , Paul had the same priority among the ministers of the uncircumcision . But Paul was not inferiour to Peter , neither in dignity nor degree . And therefore if Peter had a priority , and a precedency , among the ministers of the circumcision , Paul had the same priority , among the ministers of the uncircumcision . That Paul was not inferiour , neither in dignity nor degree , to the Apostle Peter , I hope will not be denyed , for he defendeth it in many passages of his Epistles ; and that Peter had a priority , and a precedencie among the Apostles of the circumcision , I have made manifest by cleare evidence of Scripture , and therefore the conclusion will stand good , that Saint Paul had a priority , and a precedencie , among the Ministery of the uncircumcision . The second Argument . HEe to whom the Gospell of the uncircumcision was chiefely committed , had a priority , and a precedencie of all the Ministers of the uncircumcision , of whatsoever order or degree . But the Gospel of the uncircumcision , was chiefely committed to the Apostle Paul . And therefore Saint Paul had a priority , and a precedency , in the Ministery of the uncircumcision , of all degrees . The proposition will be granted ; I prove the assumption by the Apostle Paul his owne testimony , Gal. 2. where he saith , As the Gospell of the circumcision , was committed to Peter , so the Gospell of the uncircumcision , was committed to him ; thus the Apostle Paul speakes , not because the Gospell of uncircumcision , was not committed to any other , for in that same Chapter , hee saith that it was also committed to Barnabas , and in the generall Commission given by Christ to all the Apostles , it was included ; for they were commanded to teach all nations ( omni creaturae ) both Iewes and Gentiles , but only because , it was principally committed to him ; and this exposition Doctor Willet confirmes in his Synopsis , Where he plainly testisieth that Paul had the chiefe Apostleship over the Gentiles , yea he saith , that Peter was chiefe of the circumcision , and Paul of the uncicumcision , that although Peter had the first Lot in order , yet Paul had the more large and glorious Lot , and further he saith that it cannot be denyed , but that Paul was chiefe towards the Gentiles , and therefore the Church of Rome might with better right , derive their authority from the Apostle Paul , then the Apostle Peter : now if Paul had an over-sight of the whole Churches of the Gentiles , then it will follow that he had an over-sight both of the Pastors and the people , if the pastors and Ministers of the Gentiles be of the Church of the Gentiles , which I think no man will deny . The third argument . HEe that had the care of all the Churches of the Gentiles , had a precedencie of all the Apostles , and inferior Ministers , of these Churches . But the Apostle Paul had the chiefe care of all the Churches of the Gentiles , 2. Cor. 11. 26. And therefore the Apostle Paul , had the over-sight of all the Apostles , and inferiour ministers , of these Churches . The proposition must be true , for to have a care of a Church wherein there are other inferior Ministers , either in dignity or degree , it will follow necessarily , that his care extends both to pastors and people . The fourth Argument . HEe that had the care not only of those Churches which hee planted by his owne ministery , but of those Churches also that were planted by the ministery of other men , hee had an over-sight of all the Pastors of those Churches . But the Apostle Paul had not only the care of those Churches , which he planted by his owne ministery , but also of those Churches , which were planted by the ministery of other men . And therefore the Apostle Paul had an over-sight of all the pastors of those Churches . The proposition must be granted , or else Paul might have beene challenged for putting his sicle in another mans field , and intruding himselfe upon the labours of other men , and so to have stretched himselfe beyond his measure , which hee labours by all meanes to avoid 2. Cor. 10. 13. 14. 15. I prove the assumption that the Apostle Paul had the care of those Churches which were planted by the ministery of others , he had a care of Rome , Col. Laodicea , which were planted by the ministery of others , as is evident Rom. 10. 11. for I long to see you , that I may Impart some spirituall gift unto you , to the end you may be established , and so forth to the 14. verse , and Col. 2.1 . for I would yee knew , saith Paul , what great conflict I have for you , and for them at Laodicea , and for as many as have not seene my face in the flesh , and verse 5. for although I be absent in the flesh , yet I am with you in spirit , Ioying and beholding your order , and the steadfastnesse of your faith in Christ , even as he saith Rom. 18. I thanke my God through Iesus Christ for you all , that your faith is spoken of throughout the world : so it is more then manifest that the Apostle Paul had a speciall care of those Churches , which were planted by others , and therefore it will follow necessarily that hee had some over-sight of the pastors as well as the people . The fifth argument . HEe that did Admonish , direct and command , as well the pastors as the people , hee had some over-sight both of the pastors and people . But the Apostle Paul did admonish , direct and command as well the pastors , as the people . And therefore the Apostle Paul had some over-sight , both of the pastors and the people . The proposition will bee granted : I prove the assumption , by his Admonition he sent to Archippus , Col. 4. 17. and yet Archippus was planted in my Iudgement by Epaphras in Laodicea , and perhaps in Col. also & not by the Apostle Paul . We see the truth of this by his directions to Tim. and Tit. registreat in his Epistle written to them , yea Phil. 2. 25. and 26. he saith that he had sent Epaphroditus back againe to them , which words argue some kind of over-sight at least for he that sends is greater then he that is sent . The sixth Argument . I If the changing of Peters name was a token of his preferment and advancement , then the changing of Pauls name was a token of his preferment and advancement . But the first is true , and therefore the second . I know it will be replyed , that Christ changed Peter his name , but not Pauls . Answer . I am confident he also changed Pauls , for the reasons before alledged , although it be not in plaine termes revealed in Scripture ; all things that Christ did and said are not revealed in the Word , as we may read in the last chapter of the Gospell according to S. Iohn . I am of opinion that when Paul was ravished to the third Heaven , and heard words which might not be spoken , that he changed his name then , and that he did conceale the changing of his name , as he did the rest of the words that he heard , because it was his own name , therefore he makes no relation of it : even as Peter out of modesty doth not report the many favours and respects which his Master did shew to him , no not the changing of his name ; so the Apostle Paul conceales the changing of his name , left his telling of it had been thought arrogancy in him ; and the rather because the name that he had before had an evill signification , and he had small credit to have had Saul for his Godfather , although he was King of Israel ; and indeed their names were very agreeable to their manners , for Saul in Greek signifies turbulency , and truly both Saul the King , and Saul the Pharisee , were rightly so called , for both were proud , both were turbulent , Saul the King persecuted Christ in David , who was a type and figure of Christ , he did what he could to frustrate Gods purpose , that Christ should not come of the seed of David , and also to deprive him of his Kingdome . Saul the Pharisee persecuted Christ in his children , and did what he could to hinder the propagation of Christs Kingdome , and so to frustrate the salvation of the Elect. Paul was therefore loath to make mention of his name ; and the rather because the changing of one letter of his first name S. into P. made it have a good signification , for Paul in Greek signifieth Quiet and peaceable , so that the changing of the name Saul into the name Paul did signifie his conversion and change , who of a turbulent persecutor of Christians , became a quiet and peaceable Christian himselfe ; and so S. Ambrose saith , before that this Apostle was washed with spirituall precepts , he was a blasphemer , a persecuter and a Saul : but when as the raine of the heavenly washing had flowed downe upon him , the blasphemer , the persecuter , and the Saul is killed , and the Apostle , the righteous , and the Paul is vivified : The word Saul as interpreters relates is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a name taken from turbulency , and Paulus commeth of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , rest and quiet : some will have it deriven from the Hebrew word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} to segregate , because he was chosen and segregated as a marvellous man , according to Ierome in Epist. ad Philem. But I am rather of Augustine his opinion , who follows rather the Latin Etimology saying , after that he was brought unto the Master , that said , Learne of me , for I am meeke and gentle , he was named Paul . And againe he saith , Saul laying aside the old coat of sinne , being bloody with slaughter , tooke the coat of humility , that he might be made of Saul a Paul . There are many opinions concerning the changing of the Apostles name from Saul to Paul , but I am confident that his Master Christ did it , although the Apostle told it not , and he might have told it too , although it be not recorded in Scripture , sure he told that he was so called , although he was not immediately called Paul after his conversion , he said to Paul ( it may be ) as he said to Peter , thou shalt be called Paul , viz. when he was advanced to the Apostolicall charge , and so we read Act. 13. soon after he was separate , for that worke , the Evangelist Luke calleth him Paul , and no more Saul . And therefore I may very justly conclude , that since Christ changed the Apostles name , that it was a signe of his preferment and advancement by Christ . The seventh Argument . HEe who tooke precedency upon him de facto , he had it de jure . But Paul tooke precedency upon him de facto : and therefore he had it de jure . The proposition must be true , or else we must say that Paul presumed and tooke more upon him , then did of right belong unto him , which I hope no Divine will say , and therefore my conclusion must be good . As to the assumption that Paul tooke precedency upon him , we see it in the Acts of the Apostles , for although Barnabas was an Apostle as well as Paul , yet he gave place unto Paul , and suffered him to speake , and therefore at Lystra Paul is called Mercurius because he spake all , and Barnabas is called Iupiter . Now I hope I have plainly proved , that these two Apostles , S. Peter and S. Paul , had a priority and a precedency of all the Church-officers both of Jewes and Gentiles , Peter of the Jewes , and Paul of the Gentiles . There is one argument yet for the dignity and preheminency of both , viz. that the History of the Acts concernes them onely , except very little in the beginning of the History , which in my judgement is an evident argument not only of their diligence in the ministery , but of their honour and preferment by Christ ; that these two Apostles paines in the ministery should be in some part registrate , and the acts of none of the rest , no not of Iohn who was a most painfull preacher of the Gospell even untill the day of his death , yea some of them are not once named except in the generall , under the name of Apostles ; who will be pleased to read over that part of Scripture will find it so . Now to end this discourse : as I brought in the beginning the testimonies of some moderne Writers to testifie for me , that what I was to say , had been said of them before my time , hereby to free my self from scandalous imputations wherewith I might have been wrongfully charged ; so here in the end I will produce the testimonies of the most ancient Fathers and godly martyrs that lived in the first centuries of Christianity , to make good what we both have said , but truly not to prove any thing that I have delivered in my former Discourse , for to what use shall a man light a thousand Candles and set them up in his house , when the Sunne shineth bright in at the windows ? and so there is no need of either the testimonies of ancient or moderne Writers , when the matter is delivered in the Scripture in plaine and evident termes . I will produce them then not to prove any thing that I have said , but to be as it were Proctors for me , and to defend me from the calumnies and the aspersions of the malevolous , and to testifie that I have said nothing , but that which is according to the cleere evidence Scripture , and whereunto some of them did beare witnesse before , and sealed the truth thereof with their blood . I will begin with Cyprian . S. Cyprian de simpli prolat . speaketh thus . The rest of the Apostles was the same that Peter was , ordained with that same honour and authority , but the beginning was from one to demonstrate the Church to be one . S. Ambrose writing upon Galat. 2. he saith that Paul nameth only Peter , and compareth him with himselfe , because he had received the Primacy to found the Church ( of the Jewes ) and himselfe was also elected to have the Primacy , in founding the Churches of the Gentiles , yet so that both Peter might preach to the Gentiles , & Paul to the Jewes , if there were cause , for both of them are found to have done both , and yet it is knowne that full authority was given to Peter , in preaching to the Jewes , and full authority to Paul in preaching to the Gentiles . And in the glosse S. Ambrose is thus alleaged , Which of them doth resist Peter , to whom the Lord gave the keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , nisi alius talis , but such another that knew himselfe , by the confidence of his election , not to be unequall . So saith Ierome , Paul doth reprehend Peter because he knew himselfe not to be unequall &c. So Ierome on Math. 16. saith , that all received the keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , yet one is chosen among the twelve , that an head being appointed all occasions of schisme might be taken away . Chrysostome Hom. 87. saith , what meaneth Christ to single out Peter alone , and to say thus unto him , ( Peter lovest thou me ? lovest thou me ? lovest thou me ? thrice . Feed my sheepe , feed my Lambs ? ) He was the mouth of the rest saith he , and Prince of the Apostles , wherefore Paul went up to see him above others ; for as though he , viz. Christ his master had forgotten his denials , he committeth unto him the care of his brethren ; as if he had said , as thou lovest me , so take a care of thy brethren , and the love which thou hast alwaies shewed to me , shew now , and the life which thou saidest , thou wouldest lay downe for me , lay downe now for them . S. Augustine saith that Peter and Paul were chosen for the salvation of two peoples , Peter of the Jewes , Paul of the Gentiles ; Peter to repaire the old and desert fields of Iudea and to make them fruitfull through the wholsomnesse of faith and grace , being kept unfruitfull by the shadow of the Law , and hidden from the heat of the Sunne ; but Paul is sent to the Gentiles a new ground , that yeelded no fruit before , that he might cut it with the plough of the Lords Crosse , &c Therefore these two are more eminent then the rest of the Apostles , and by a certaine peculiar prerogative did excell them all . August . in fest. Petri & Pauli . An ancient Writer compares Peter and Paul to the two great Pillars , which Solomon set up in the porch of the Temple , one upon the right side , and an other upon the left side in the enterance into the Temple , & that upon the right side he called Iachim , which signifies established ; and the other upon the left side he called Boos , which signifies strong or strength ; which two Pillars he compares to Peter and Paul , Peter signifiing a rocke most firmely established ; and the word Paul signifying rest or quietnesse , which is opposite to motion , and so of such strength as cannot be moved or turned backe . So that as Salomon who was a type and figure of Christ , being about to build a house unto the Lord , did set up two Pillars in the Porch of the Temple , one upon the right side , and another upon the left . Even so Christ the true Salomon , being to erect a Church to God here upon earth , he set up two Pillars as it were in the entry of this Church , so that whosoever desires to enter in the Church of Christ , they must enter by the doore which these two Apostles by their doctrine and ministery hath opened both to Jewes and Gentiles ; and therefore this ancient Authour compares the Jewes to the right side called Iachim to whom Peter was chiefly sent ; and the Gentiles to the left side called Boos , over whom Paul had the chiefe oversight . Surely it is mentioned by all the ancient Fathers , and moderne Writers , without contradiction of any one , that these two Apostles had a propriety of order before all the rest of the Apostles , and Presbyters , the one in the Church of the Jewes , the other in the Church of the Gentiles . What can be said against the perpetuity and continuance of this priority in the Church of Christ in all ages following , I cannot imagine : that it was a personall prerogative that these two Apostles had granted them by Christ their Master , in the beginning of the Gospell , can no waies be said , and that for these reasons following . First , because it is a thing that is morally necessary without the which a Church cannot be governed at all , as Calvin saith in plaine tearms , Inst it 4. cap. 6. sect. 8. That the 12 Apostles had one among them to governe the rest , it was no marvell saith he , for nature requireth it , and the disposition of men will so have it , that in every company , although they be all equall in power , there be one as Governour , by whom the rest shall be directed ; There is no Court , saith he , without a Consull , no Senate without a Pretor , no Colledge without a President , no Society without a Master ; so that whatsoever is morally necessary in all ages , Nations , Kingdomes , Provinces , Incorporations , Societies , can no waies be thought to be a peculiar Prerogative to one or two particular men , living in one age , or in one Nation and Kingdome . Secondly , this priority is much more necessary now in a setled Church , then it was in a Church while the foundation was but in laying , the Apostles calling was universall , and they were ordained to preach the Gospell to all Nations , and had equall power conferred upon them to preach the Gospell , and to gather a Church unto Christ , and thereafter to erect a ministery and plant overseers among them , there was not great need of a Precedent , and in speciall in the Churches of the Gentiles , untill there was a company to goe before ; but now in a setled Church , governed according to the pattern that Christ hath left behind him , this precedent is so necessary that he is most necessary . Thirdly , I conceive this Precedent to be so necessary that Christ setled it in the persons of Peter and Paul to be a pattern to afterages , shewing them that it is his will , that his Church be so governed in all ages and generations to come , for since it is more necessary now then it was then , the Church not being setled , and the Apostles and Presbyters charge being ambulatory , and their ministery spread over all , and the rather since the Apostle Iames was setled in Ierusalem as Bishop there , who was sufficient to govern the whole Church of the Jewes , with the assistance of his Presbyters , so that Peters Precedency in the Church of the Jewes seemed not to be so necessary , except onely that Christ thought good to doe so , for an example to afterages , yea that superiority and inferiority , which he established in the persons of the severall rankes of Church-governours was not so needfull then as now , considering that then Apost. and the 70. Disciples , and their successours in both degrees , had the gift of miracles , and other extraordinary gifts , by which powerfull meanes , they were able to keepe all their inferiours in order and awe : for if by such meanes they were able to worke faith and repentance in their soules , they were as sufficient to worke amendment of life in their conversation ; and therefore at this time all Church-men might have been of equall authority , both for dignity and degree , and yet Christ himselfe , with his owne mouth did constante both divers dignities and divers degrees , and that chiefely to teach us how he would have his Church governed in all ages and generations to come . Fourthly , there are some things that Christ did in the which we are not able to follow his example , as his fasting forty daies without meat , his walking upon the sea , and such other miraculous , and extraordinary workes : next , Christ did some things , wherein we must not follow him , as in being circumcised , celebrating the Passoever , and in a precise keeping of the Mosaicall Ordinances , Christ kept them all , he came to fulfill all righteousnesse , he saith he came not to breake the Law but fulfill it , yea that one jot or title of the Word of God should not passe away he saith , untill all things were fulfilled , the whole ceremonies of Moses Law were referred to Christ and had their end in him , and therefore we might not follow Christ in obeying them : Thirdly , Christ did some things wherein we need not follow him , Christ went bare-footed , he travelled on foot , we never read that he did ride on horse-backe , but once that he did ride upon an Asse to Ierusalem ; well , we may choose whether we will follow him in these things or not . Lastly , in some things we are bound to follow Christs example , that is , in all things that he did morally , we are bound to follow the example of his life and conversation , to be patient as he was patient , temperate as he was temperate , modest as he was modest , mercifull as he was mercifull , loving as he was loving , meeke as he was meeke , &c. In all these and such like morall vertues , we are bound to follow his example . And lastly , what Christ did in the setling of the manner of his worship , we are bound to follow him in these things , we are bound to preach in season , and out of season , as he did , we are bound to celebrate the Sacrament of the Supper , according to his example , except in in the circumstances of time , place , person , site , which are neither morally good , nor morally evill , but good or evill , according as they are used or abused , and thirdly we are bound to follow him , in what he did concerning the government of his own Church , he did found his owne Church in an imparity of Church-governours , he distinguished them in degrees and dignities , in doing whereof the Church in all ages is bound to follow his example , we hold the practice of the Apost. to have the force of a precept , much more should we hold the practise of Christ to be mandative and obligatory . And so I hope I have proved by good and forcible reason , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dency of these two Apostles Peter and Paul was not a per●●●●●●ogative but a morall example , instituted by Christ . FINIS . 
A41074	----	Lex talionis, or, The author of Naked truth stript naked Fell, Philip, 1632 or 3-1682. 1676 Approx. 90 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41074 Wing F644 ESTC R20137 12676598 ocm 12676598 65573 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41074) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65573) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 353:21) Lex talionis, or, The author of Naked truth stript naked Fell, Philip, 1632 or 3-1682. Gunning, Peter, 1614-1684. Lloyd, William, 1627-1717. [2], 42 p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : 1676. "First ascribed to Dr. Peter Gunning; afterwards to Dr. William Lloyd; but on better grounds, it is ascribed to Rev. Philip Fell, Fellow of Eton College"--Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Croft, Herbert, 1603-1691. -- Naked truth. Church of England -- Apologetic works. Episcopacy -- History of doctrines. 2003-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LEX TALIONIS : OR , THE AUTHOR OF Naked Truth STRIPT NAKED . LONDON , Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun at the West End of St. Pauls . MDCLXXVI . Imprimatur . G. Jane R. P. D. Hen. Episc. Lond. à Sacris Domesticis . LEX TALIONIS : OR , The Author of Naked Truth stript naked . To the Chapter concerning the Articles of Faith. I Have perused the Pamphlet which you sent of Naked Truth , and whereas you require me to give you my opinion of it , though I might refer you to the Printed Discourse of that worthy Person who has animadverted upon it ; yet because this would look like an Artificial excusing of pains , and seem only more civilly to disobey , I will trouble you with the cursory reflections which I made upon a hasty view of the aforesaid Book ; wherein I shall chiefly aim at two things not particularly designed in the Printed Answer : First , to shew that this humble Moderator ( as he stiles himself ) who pretends in his Title to give the true state of the Primitive Church , is utterly ignorant of Ecclesiastical Antiquity , and grosly mistaken in the representations he makes thereof . And then secondly , whereas he boldly avers to the Lords and Commons , to whom he has the confidence to dedicate his Libel , that there is nothing therein contained which is contrary to the known Laws of the Land ; I shall evidence that several things therein contained are as contrary to the known Laws as his Printing without Licence confestly was : and that the Book is pernicious , and tending to the disturbance of the establish'd constitution of the Church and State. As to the Book considered in the gross , my first reflexion about it was , whether it could be the work of the same person , several things being so well , and more so very ill said ; Therefore if it hapned to have one single Author , it either seem'd the exercise of Wit of some Sceptic and Atheistical derider of Religion , who desired to make sport with holy things , and say pro and contra , all that occurr'd to his mind : Or else that it was wrote in the different intervals of a craz'd Enthusiast , and therefore not unseasonably introduced by a declaration of being the product of Fasting and Prayer , and seeking of God , venerable words which have not left off to abuse the World : Or lastly , ( which seems most probable ) that it was wrote by some ambitious discontented Person of the Church of England , who not preferred according to his merit , or what may be greater than that , his expectation , his mind being leaven'd with spite and anger , cavils at the present Constitution of the Church ; and he having in ill humour left off studying , writes out of memory imperfect shreds of Antiquity , and yet not able to cast away at once the Principles formerly imbib'd , sometimes speaks in favour to Conformity , and quarrels the disobedience of Dissenters . But to pass from Conjectures to that which is more certainly before us . At the first setting out our Author tells us , That the Primitive Church received the Apostles Creed , as the sum total of Faith necessary to Salvation . And then disputes , Why is it not now so ? Which involving an intimation that in the Church of England it is not thought so , can only tend to sedition , being an odious suggestion ▪ and absolutely false : And it is known , that scarcely any thing is more particularly insisted on by our Church against the Papists than their making new Articles to the Creed . But it seems the fault will rather lie upon us , that with the Primitive Church , we think the whole Creed necessary : For we are bid remember and observe , That the Treasurer to Candace his Creed was only , I believe that Iesus Christ is the Son of God ; and no more that this purch●sed the Kingdom of Heaven , &c. That is , the Articles of the Death of our Saviour , his Resurrection , and Ascension ; at least , those of the Catholick Church , the Communion of Saints , the Forgiveness of Sins , and Resurrection of the Body , are if not superfluous , yet unnecessary speculations . How well this sutes with the close of the Athanasian Creed , our Author would do well to consider : If it shocks it , then he must confess that he has said something contrary to the known Laws of the Land : The Liturgy ( of which that makes a part ) being confirmed by several Acts of Parliament , and in particular the late one of Uniformity . Moreover , the Statute of Primo Eliz. which established the Oath of Supremacy , determining the limits of Heresie to be , not only what has been ordered or judged to be so , by the Authority of the Canonical Scriptures , but also by the first four General Councils , or any of them ; he may bethink himself , whether the System of what is to be held de fide , by the Law of the Land , is so narrow as is here pretended . But our Author says , Philip required no more ●of the Eunuch than this short Confession , that I believe that Iesus Christ is the Son of God , and that there is no assurance nor great probability that he was more fully instructed ; which is plainly to contradict the Text of S. Luke , who tells us , that Philip ( from the place of Isaiah which the Eunuch was reading ) began at the same Scripture , and preached unto him Jesus ; which certainly expresses a greater compass of particularities than is in the short System here proposed . Yet farther , it would be considered whether our Authors Argument be good ; Philip required no more , but baptized him on this ; and had the Eunuch departed this life in the same instant that Philip parted from him , I believe I have better assurance that thi● Faith would have saved the Eunuch , than any man hath that he was ever taught more ; therefore that Confession here required , is a sufficient Summary of Faith. For sure there is more required as necessary to be known of a Man , than of a Child in Christ. Such a knowledge as perswades to the undertaking the Covenant and duties of the Gospel , may entitle unto Baptism ; but yet neither involves the knowledge of the whole Gospel , nor supersedes the necessity of it . As to the Event of the Eunuchs condition had he departed this life immediately after Baptism , it is as much to the purpose as if one should say , that if an Infant immediately after Baptism should depart this life , he would be saved even without the Eunuchs Creed , therefore even that may well be spared . But after a complaint of the mischiefs arising from the establishment of new and many Articles of Faith , and requiring all to assent unto them : ( which let them who are guilty of doing answer for it ) the Author goes on to say , That for his part he thinks nothing can be more clearly deduced from Scripture , nothing more fully expressed in Scripture , nothing more sutable to natural Reason , than that no man should be forced to believe . Whereby he means , or else he can mean nothing , ( for what appears not is as if it were not ) that no man should be forced to declare his belief of any thing . Now since the Scripture under the severest penalties requires the confession of Christ before men , it is not sure contrary to Scripture , that Persons should be forced to declare their Belief ; and if so , will not be thought unsutable to natural Reason neither . But now let us see whether this Assertion of our Author be not contrary to the Law of the Land , notwithstanding the assurance we have from him who tells us , there is not a word in his discourse against it . The Oath of Soveraignty , enjoyned by the Statute before mentioned , Primo Eliz. commands the Subject to testifie and declare in his conscience , that the Kings Majesty is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm , and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries , as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes , as Temporal , &c. So likewise the other Tertio Iacob . I truly and sincerely acknowledge , profess , testifie , and declare in my conscience before God and the World , &c. And the Act of Uniformity commands the Abjuring of the Covenant , and assenting and consenting to every thing contained in the Liturgy . And after this , let my Author consider with what duty and good manners he concludes , Thus you see how impertinent , how irrational , how impious it is to require a man to believe ( that is , profess his belief of ) any thing more than is clearly contained in Scripture . The truth is , we , dull as we are , do not at all see this impertinence and unreasonableness , notwithstanding the beautiful illustrations of the Eye and the Candle , the hammer and the beating out the brains . St. Paul hath taught us that Heresie is a work of the flesh , and we know Pride , and Prepossession , and Interest are of more concernment therein than want of faculties and apprehension . The thing complained of is , that men turn away their faces , shut their eyes , and will not lay their heads to consider what is set before them : And if the immorality of error be once cured , there will be a speedy account of its misadventures in Speculation and Theory . The Will of man has an higher pretence to freedom than the Intellect ; Tyranny can make me suffer , but cannot oblige me to approve , much less to chuse : and yet it is not impertinent or irrational to require men to will , and , what is more than that , actually to perform their duty : Nor can any sufficient cause be rendred , why perverse and stubborn men should not be made to learn it and consider it too ; which plainly is their duty , and previous to the performance of it . The Scripture indeed commands to speak the truth in love , to instruct the Brother in the spirit of meekness ; and the same Scripture has made the greatest Christian Monarch , and his meanest Vassal brethren ; but notwithstanding that , he bears not the Sword in vain ; and in love and meekness , and with the greatest kindness and charity , is obliged to cut off the evil doer . The question , To what purpose is force ? would indeed do well in the mouth of a Ranter or Anabaptist , and I might answer thereto , that it is ordained by God to punish the rebellion of such a question by sharp severities ; but I shall content my self to repeat the Apostles words , just now recited , The Magistrate bears not the Sword in vain ; there is a purpose why fo●ce should be used , and all sober men understand it , though our Author knows not of it . What is added of the Scripture rule of Faith being compleat and full is seriously to be considered : But he who straitens the credenda into one short Proposition of the Eunuchs Creed , may in likelihood be as blameable in diminishing from it , as any can be by adding to it . Though , by the way , our Author is to know , that the explication of Faith , is not the extending or making new Articles of it . And what he says of requiring men to believe with Divine Faith what they add to the Scripture , is to make their words equal with God● : If this refer to the Church of England , first he proceeds on a false supposal , that there is somewhat added , when there is not any thing added ; And secondly , it is notorious , they have never pretended that any thing ought to be believed , as Scripture , or with Divine Faith , but Scripture . So that the exaggerations of impertinent , irrational , and impious , fall to the ground , unless they may chance to rest upon the head of him who to seditious and uncharitable purposes produces them . The next Paragraph desires it may be soberly considered , that the Trinity , Incarnation , Resurrection are things far above the highest reason , yet believed , because God , who cannot lie , hath declared them : And that it is strange that any one should take upon him to declare one tittle of them more than God hath declared . But I desire to be allowed to put in a caveat , that men should not be suffered to declare several ( not tittles , but ) Articles , less than God hath declared ; that our Authors direction concerning the quashing the whole debate of the Omoo●sios and Omoiousios may not be admitted ; and for quietness sake we may not be Latitudinarian Arians , and Theists ; pretend to admit the Scripture-Doctrines in our own extravagant sense , and therefore to be liable to no controul ▪ or farther rendring a reason of the Faith that is in us . It is easie to say , that the Bishops who contended in this great Controversie were more zeal●us th●n dis●re●t : But they who have read the History of those times ( which it is plain our Author never did ) know very well that the Orthodox , if they were defective in any thing , offended in permitting by their lenity Arius to infect the World and form his party , before ever they took notice of him : And the discreet advice here given by silence to prevent the Malice , Rancor , Persecution , and War , which fell upon the Orthodox ▪ might as well have been given to the Christians , during the ten Persecutions ; and doubtless might have preserved many thousand lives , and damned as many souls . The instance here mentioned of the Resurrection falls very pat to the purpose ; the Scripture hapning to afford a Parallel of what our Author thinks so adviseable . The Resurrection ( he tells us ) whereby men shall rise with the same body , when one body may be eaten and converted into several bodies , is far above the highest reason and sharpest understanding ; yet was believed by Hymeneus and Philetus , because God had declared it : Yet they by keeping within the bounds which God had declared , and referring it to that which was perfectly true , the first Resurrection from the death of sin , destroyed the faith of some : And it is to be hoped that St. Paul was not more zealous than discreet , because he was so earnestly concerned against them . There is no Arian nor Socinian who professes not to believe in Jesus Christ the Son of God , or allows him not to be God ; but our Author must hold us exc●sed , if we expect farther satisfaction in so weighty a concern , and examine how these Gentlemen stand affected to the tenure by which he holds his Godhead , and the Shiboleth of his Eternal Generation , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I am no friend to the unravelling of Mysteries , and making them so evident as to forfeit their nature ; yet I must not be so much a Socinian , notwithstanding our Authors opinion concerning the procession of the Holy Ghost , of I will send the Comforter : Or of the Sacrament , This is my Body : To believe every one Orthodox who admits those words to be Scripture , and declaratory of truth . He says indeed , that we have no other s●fe way to speak of divine matters , but in Scripture L●ng●age , ●psissi●is verbis , with the very same words . How then I pray comes it about that we may speak of them in Dutch , or French , or English ? they are none of them the ipsissima verba , the original Hebrew or Greek . It were easie to shew how much of our Creed the Socinian would have us cashier on this account , and how pestilent consequences have been drawn from these unhappy Premises . Nay , let us give even the Socinians their due , they in their sober Moods are not so extravagantly mad as is our Author . Volkelius in his Fifth Book and Seventh Chapter says , Sacris voluminibus ob ipsorum perfectionem , nihil nec adjiciendum nec subtrahendum , hoc tamen non eo consilio à nobis dictum existimari velim quasi omnes dictiones , omnes sententias , omnesque collectiones iisdem literis ac syllabis in S. Scriptura non expressas ob hoc ipsum repudi●mus . Nam vel dictio aut phrasis aliqua subaudiri , vel sententia aliqua si non verbis , reipsâ tamen in S. literis contineri potest , vel denique ex iisdem colligi . Id autem qualecunque est perinde habendum existimamus , ac ●i disertissimè scriptum extaret . Neque enim in sola verba sed praecipuè in verborum sententiam animum intendere debemus . Such is the perfection of the holy Scripture that nothing is to be added to , or taken from it . This we say , not that we reject all Words , Sentences , and Inferences , which are not there in the same Letters and Syllables . For many times Words and Phrases are to be understood ; and divers things , though not verbally , yet really may be be contained in the Scripture , or inferred from it . All which we take to be the same thing , as if it were most expresly written , for we must not consider naked words , but the meaning of them . Thus much a soberer man ( I am sorry to add , a better principled Christian ) is this Socinian , than our Pretender to Naked Truth ▪ But he is so liberal as to give a reason of h●s opinion : If in Divine Matters we once give way to Humane Deductions , a cu●ning Sophis●er may soon lead a weak Disputant into many Errors . Truly very well urged ; Whose fault is it that men are weak Disputants , or being so , that they will meddle with Controversie ? St. Paul has abundantly provided in the case , Him that is weak in the Faith receive ; but not to doubtful Disputations . Men of Parts and Learning will comprehend a Deduction as perfectly as the Text it self : And they who are deficient either in natural or acqui●ed Knowledge , will understand neither one or other ; whereof we have an example here before us . And now a mighty heat is struck upon the sudden against School-Divinity , as the greatest plague to Christian Religion . In which career our Author , to shew his Learning , tells us , That the School at Alexandria was the first Divinity-School he reads of . He might have better told us of the School of one Tyrannus , where St. Paul read his Lectures . Certainly the Angelical , the irrefragable , the subtil , and most founded Doctors would have been very proud of s●ch Antiq●ity as the age of Pantenus : But Peter Lombard , it is likely , would not have taken it well to be robb'd of his Mastership ; and to be made an Usher , nay , School-boy to Pantenus . Well , we will pass this over ; The School of Alexandria , we are told , was set up by Pantenus . Our Author might more ●easonably have said , that it was set up by St. Mark ; had he ever heard of E●sebius his relation , he could not have been so grosly ignorant . In this very account here pointed to , he expresly says , that this School was in Pantenus his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There was of ancient Custom , settled with them a School of the holy Scriptures . Now Pantenus lived in the time of Commodus , and what could then be said to have been from ancient times , will bid fair to be almost as old as Christianity it self . Our Author goes on with the same ill Stars , and the very next Period is a new misadventure : From this School , says he , sprung forth t●at damnable Heresie of the Arians . What shall we say if Arius were neither bred up at all , nor was a Professor in this School ▪ but an Afri●an by birth , and a plain Parish Priest of Alexandria ? Nay farther , what shall we say i● this School was employed in an honest Catechism-Lecture , or Exposition of the Scripture , and had nothing more to do with teaching School-Divinity than in teaching Anatomy or Mathematicks ? Will not this Gentleman , whoever he is , appear a wonderful meek Writer ; fitter to deal in a Romance than Church History ? Of his Country and Employment Epiphanius informs us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; He was of Libya by his Country ; and being made a Priest in Alexandria , was preferred to the Church called Baucalis . And that we may be more assured of the nature of his Employment , Epiphanius presently reckons up the other Churches of that great City , and recites the names of several of the Rectors of them . That this School was for Catechizing , St. Ierom is most express , who in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers , says that Clement , after Pantenus ; Alexandriae Ecclesiasticam Scholam tenuit , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Magister fuit ▪ Clement after Pantenus kept the Ecclesiastical School at Alexandria , and was Catechist there . We see then what a goodly Bracelet of ●alse Pearls our Author has hung together upon a string in hopes to adorn himself with them . One would now have the curiosity to ghess what should come into his head positively to assert so many false and extravagant things . Was Pantenus a Heretick , or noted for a great Sophister and man of Notions , and thereby obnoxious to have the great plague to Christian Religion , School-Divinity fathered upon him ? Nothing of all this : He is by Eusebius ( l. 5. c. 10. ) stiled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a most famous man , and said to have shewed so much , and such Divine Zeal for the Word of God , as to have gone and preached the Gospel unto the Indians : And that after his return he was made Master of this School ; where partly by Words , partly by Writing he expounded the Treasures of Divine Knowledge . But secondly , had this School at any time been so unfortunate as to have bred up notorious Hereticks , or perverse Disputers that did mischief in the Church ? Nothing of this neither ; it was the happy Nursery of the most eminent Propagators of the Christian Faith , and at this time when Arianism entred the World , merited this Character , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It continues to our times , and is celebrated for persons powerful in the Word , and study of Divine things . What then could be the matter that should hare and lead a poor innocent man into such a Maze of falsehoods ? Why surely no more than this : He had heard from the Parson of the Parish , or some other good body in discourse , that the Arian Heresie took its rise from Alexandria ; that it supported it self much with quirks of Philosophy , and Sophistical Nicities ; and that there was a Divinity-School at Alexandria , and a notable man , one Pantenus , had been Master of it ; and now if this were put together , and all the Heresies of the world laid upon the back of this Pantenus and School-Divinity , it would make a very pretty story , and look like a learned account of Antiquity . Just as if a stranger sho●ld have heard , that there was a mischievous fanatical Rebellion , which overr●n the whole Nation , and was the cause of the destruction of so many tho●sands of Christians both body and soul , fomented and carried on at Westmi●ster in England ; and likewise that there was a famous School , and one Dr. Lambert Osbaston , a noted man ▪ had been Master of it ▪ and then should tack all this together , and say , that Westminster School was a Seminary of Fanaticism and Rebellion , and that Dr. Lambert Osbaston was the first and chief Promoter of it . Now this ridiculous Fable is far more probable than that which our Author obtrudes upon us , in that several of the Ringleaders in the la●e Rebellion , as Sir Arthur Haslerig , Sir Harry Vane , Scot , and others , were really Scholars to Dr. Osbaston , and Governours of that School ; nothing of which nature can be truly suggested of the other . But our Author goes on , and has certainly made a Vow not to say one true word in this whole Paragraph , and keeps it most religiously . His following period runs thus : The Heresies before thi● were so gross and sensual , that none took them up but dissolute or frantick people , and soon vanisht : But after this School-subtil way of arguing was brought into Christianity , Heresie grew more refined , and so subtil , that the plain pious Fathers of the Church knew not how to lay hold of it , &c. But now what will become of us , if there were refined , and spiritual Heresies before ? Nay , in a manner if this very Heresie were so ? What if they were followed by men neither dissolute , nor frantick ? nor did soon vanish ? And that the Fathers of the Church were not so plain men , but that they knew how to encounter this School-Divinity Monster ? Has not our Author the worst luck of any man that ever put Pen to Paper ? As to the sensuality and grossness of Heresie ; no● to look higher than the confines of this Age we talk of , surely neither Novatianism , nor the Heresie of Sabellius , or Paulus Samosatenus , of which Arianism was but an off-set , were gross or sensual : Nor were Novatus , Tatian , Tertullian , and Origen , who were all very considerable men , and fell into Heresie before this time , ever noted for being frantick or dissolute people . But on the contrary , their very severity of life , and zeal for Vertue , were the prime occasion of their Heresies . Nor did their Heresies soon vanish , but continued for several Ages , some in their own , others under new names and titles . And whosoever reads the Controversies of those times will find that the pious Fathers of the Church were not quite baffled by School-distinctions and evasions ; nor did these Sophisters , proud of their conquest , triumph and carry away a specious appearance of truth : But the advantage of Arius was quite of another kind in application and address . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He was of taking and pleasant conversation , always glozing and flattering , as Epiphanius tells us ; then adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He addrest to each particular ●ishop with insinuating arts and flatteries , whereby he drew in many to be Partizans with him . And , as Sozom●n expresses it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His Party finding it their interest to prepossess in their behalf the Bishops of each City , they sent their ●gents to them , with confessions of their Faith .... w●●●h practice turned mightily to their advantage . But th●●r chief advantage lay in their Court insinuations , first with Constantines Sister during his life ; and after with Constantius his Sons after his death ; and when the Aria●s had the suffrage of an Emperour on their side , we need not imp●te it to Sophistry that they prevailed . Our Author , having not as he thinks fully enough discovered to us the mysteries of his knowledge , goes on , with the same ausp●ces of Ignorance and Error , to acquaint us farther : That this great bane of the Church took its rise from hence : Many of the Primitive Doctors and Fathers , being converted from Heathenism , and having by lo●g and great industry acquired much knowledge in natural Philosophy , Antiquity , His●ory , and subtil Logick or Sophistry , were very unwilling to abandon quite these their long studied and dearly beloved Sciences , falsly so called ; and therefore translated them into Christianity , &c. And now we know perfectly the true cause of all the Heresies that ever came into the Church . I will adventure notwithstanding all this to add one more to the number , and say , in opposition to what is here averred , that Christianity received more advantage from Philosophy than ever it did damage from it . It is true , as Tertullian tells us , that the Philosophers were the Patriarchs of Hereticks , but it is as true , they were the Champions of Christian truth . He must be a stranger to every thing that relates to the Church , who know not how much Religion ows to Iustin Mart●r , Athenagoras , Ammonius , Pantenus , Clemens of Alexandria , and ( notwithstanding all his misadventures ) to Origen himself . The last and most dangerous attempt against Christianity was the setting up Heathen Morality , gilded over with Magick against Christian Ethicks ; laboured by Apollonius Tyanaeus , Porphyry , Iamlichus , Plotinus , Hierocles , Simplicius , and several others : And had not the good providence of God raised up the before mentioned , and other eminent Christian Philosophers , to attaque them in their strengths , and fight them with their own Weapons ; it is to be feared our holy Faith would not have had so easie , or so clear a victory over the World. But because our Author has so particular a Pique against Sophistry , I shall desire him at his leisure to read the twenty ninth Chapter of the seventh Book of Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History , the Title of which Chapter is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . How Paulus Samosatenus , baffled and confuted by one Malchion a Priest , who had been a Sophister , was deposed . And sure the Sophister may be allowed to have done no small service , who baffled and confuted that so considerable Heretick . But the stop put to the Donatists Schism , by the interposition of the Civil Magistrate is a great mote in our Authors eye , and one way or other he will be sure to remove it . First , he tells us , It is well known the Donatists were a Sect very turbulent in behaviour . Alas , our Author has a Confessors memory , and has quite forgot the unpeaceable temper of our Dissenters , and how naturally Conventicles mustered themselves into Armies : But which way the enforcing a Confession of Faith comes to be our case , he will do well to interpret himself . If he speaks against the Penal Laws ; and the tendering of the Oath of Supremacy to Recusants thereby directed , be the enforcing a Confession of Faith which he speaks against ; there is again somewhat contained in his Book which is contrary to the known Laws of the Land. Fearing the success of this answer , he offers another , which is , that for ought any body knows these seeming converted Donatists were only Hypocrites , who for the love of the World , more than for the love of the truth , forsook their Heretical Profession ; or if their hearts were really changed as to belief , it is evident they were worldly still , and not one step nearer heaven . First , if for ought any body knows these Donatists were only Hypocrites , for ought any body knows they were sincere ; and Charity obliges to the better side . As to the carnality of their hearts , it is Gods , and not our Authors , Prerogative to judge of them ; In the mean time , it is surely of some good effect , to have set the understanding right , though a thorough reformation be not made on the aff●ctions . The ill luck is , the reasoning of our Author herein , if it prove any thing , is as valid against the Secular M●gistrates restraining Immorality and Vice , as well as Error . For men may be Hypocrites , and carnal in their hearts ; may design and wish Murder , Fraud , and Theft , though for fear they dare not act them . Our Author has more solutions in his Budget , and is very liberal of them , for he goes on , and says , That though we farther grant the pruning of the Magistrates Sword did really correct the viciousness of the Tree , yet we must not dò evil that good may come of it . That is , to punish Hereticks is in its self , and in its nature evil . This , I confess , comes home to the point , and would have superseded the former : But the proof is wanting , and must ever be ; for the Assertion is false , as we have shewed above : And is contrary not only to all the Imperial Laws , made against Hereticks , as also the Ecclesiastical of this National Church ; but the Municipal , against which our Author gave the Parliament his engagement that he had not spoken a word . But the illustration of this his Position is wonderfully pleasant , I mean the instance of Peter's cutting off Malchus his ear , for which he is sharply reproved , and threatned with perishing by the Sword , &c. As if because St. Peter , a private man , might not use the Sword against the Magistrate , the Magistrate might not neither against a private man. But lastly , if none of all the answers will conclude , there is one in reserve that infallibly will do the feat , it is th● Turkish and Mr. Hobbes's Appeal to Fate : They who are ordained to Eternal life will believe , and the rest are hardned , the sharp●st Sword in this world will not enter the hard heart more than an Adamant . And so farewel to all Exhortations and Instructions ; to all Threats , Rewards , and Punishments : Nay , to all Arguments and discoursings . Our Author was predestined to talk absurdly , and the sharpest reason in this world will no more enter the hard head than an Adamant . Our good man recapitulates the whole matter , and would have us not mistake him . All this he says in reference to compelling men to believe or conform , reserving to the Magistrate power to punish evil Doers , not evil Believers . I pray Sir remember once more your promise to the Parliament ; whatever shift you will make to palliate the matter concerning there not being Laws to compel men to believe , I am sure there are Laws enough which would fain by Penalties compel men to conform ; and here you tell us , that all this long discourse is levelled against them . What pity it is that great Wits , and men who speak untruth , have not better memories ? Whatever punishment they are worthy of who disobey the Laws ; they deserve much greater who stand in defiance , and dispute against them ; but what shall we say of him who at once denies and boasts his guilt , robs in the midst of an Assize , and while he does so , cries out unto the Judge , and desires him to take notice that he does no harm ? To the Appendix . OUr Author having abridged the Articles of Faith into his Eunuchs Creed , one would have hoped his Comment would have bore some proportion to his Text , but he has not yet shewed all his learning , and profound knowledge in Church Affairs ; and therefore we are blest with his bounty in an Appendix . And first , his Instances of the Millenary Error , Infants communicating , the Cro●s and Chrism , have ( if one mark it ) a mighty Neighbourhood with the Articles of Faith ▪ and the first Reformers by discarding the use of most , and taking away the abuse of all of them , have discovered their shyness , and timorousness to reject that Authority which they had long reverenced : And in modesty some of them admitting the Authority of the F●thers and Councils , for three or four of the first Centuries , some admitted five or six , whereby they were reduced sometimes to great streights in their disputations . A heavy charge indeed upon the first Reformers , that they had a reverence for Fathers and Councils ; and the Instances brought are wonderfully proper to demonstrate the streights to which Protestants are likely to be brought in their Disputations , the most of them being equally rejected by all with whom they have occasion to dispute . Not to wast time with such a Tri●●er , I leave the question proposed to the Papists , By what r●le they reject some things , and retain others ? At their best leisure to resolve : And to that offered to the Evangelical , by what rule they submit to the Authority of some Centuries , and refuse others ? without his help I shall frame a ready answer . Our rule we borrow from Tertullian , Illud verum quod primum : And add , th●t in all Concerns of Religion we make our resort and utmost appeal to Scripture ; but own also a great deference to Antiquity ; but by Antiquity ▪ mean not , as our Author fondly imagines ( who talks of Sacred things , as if he had newly put off his Apron ) the opinion of three or four Write●s of all the first Ages ; no● of all of any one ; ●ut the uniform concur●ence both of Times and Persons . Now , why the la●er Centuries should not be lookt upon with the same reverence as the forme● , is in it self evident , they having not the like Stamp and Character of Antiquity . Besides , our Controversies being chiefly with the Papists , whose Exorbi●ancies breaking in upon the World most notoriously abo●t the sixth Century , we think upon the common rules of judiciary proceeding , we have all reason to decline the testimony of obnoxious Persons and Times . I am weary of pursuing step by step insolent impertinencies ; and therefore for this time shall l●t pass the Pygmy and the Giant ▪ the charge upon Iren●us , Papias , St. Aust●● , and Lactan●ius ; with the good Character of our Authors own zeal , Sincerity , and eminent Parts , it being , as he says , possible , nay , ( what you will wonder at , having seen his discoveries in the stripping of Truth ) probable that there may be in the World another who has more natural understanding , and more acquired learning than himself . And shall proceed to his next Stage of Councils , where we are told roundly , that all the Evangelical Doctors grant , that the later general Councils have erred . I beg our Authors permission to differ from him herein ; and humbly conceive that he will scarce meet with a considerable number , who allow any of the later Councils to be General : And if they say any have erred , they shew reasons how they came to do so , without destroying the credit due to the decisions of the Church ; or our Saviours Promise , that the Gates of Hell should not prevail against her . And therefore the rest of his Harangue about Councils , being most of it false , and all of it impertinent , I shall say no more of it . To the Chapters of Ceremonies . OUr Author begins this Chapter with his wonder , Why any one of tolerable discretion should be so eager either for , or against Ceremonies . What , in the mean time , is to be done with men of our Authors kidney , men of intolerable discretion , wiser tha●●heir Superiours , than the Church wherein they live ? Le● them who are against Ceremonies answer for their eagerness ; there are others who find great reason to be eager for them . When a King of Spain pressed a General of his to pass over a Punctilio of Honour which belonged to hi● 〈◊〉 , saying , That it was but a Ceremony : He replied smartly ▪ That nothing differenced the King from him but Ceremony . When our Author shall have planted his levelling , Quaker●Gospel ; and perswaded Princes to relinquish their Ensigns of Royalty ; the Sages of the L●w to sit upon the Bench i● cuerp● ; the Lord Mayor of Lo●don with his Fraternity to part with their Liveries , and unaccountable Formalities ; Nay , that his Lordship should quit but his Chain and great Horse : Or lastly , that our Author , with all his self-denial , should condes●end so far , that he will be pleased to sit below his Kitch●n ▪ maid at Table , or light his Plough-boy up to bed ; we will endeavour to think as slightly of Ceremonies in Religion ( where sure , if any where , there should be awe and reverence ) as he would have us . Not long since our Neighbours of Holland refused to strike Sail to his Majesties Flag , upon which a bloudy War ensued . Shall we borrow now our Authors Rhetorical Apostrophe , and cry out , My Fathers , My Fathers , so much Christian bloud spilt , so many Orphans , so many Widows made , so much Treasure spent , and all for a Ceremony ? I pray mount a Turnip Cart , and preach to the heathen world the Spirit of the Hat , and hold forth that striking Sail is the same Idolatry in a Ship , as the putting off a Hat is in a Brother . Certainly , there is some dismal mischief in these Ceremonies of the Church , else there would never have been such a loud outcry of O my Fathers , my Fathers , will you restrain the Liberty of the Gospel to the rigidity of your Discipline , to lose some , to lose many , and perchance in the end to lose all , your selves and all ? Be Pious , be Charitable , be Prudent , &c. Let the World judge if such a charge , as this seems to import , be not the declaring or speaking something in derogation to , and depraving of the Liturgy of the Church , forbidden under severest Penalties in the Act of Uniformity , Primo Eliz. And if the expostulating with the Governours of the Church , for doing their duties themselves , and endeavouring that others should do it ▪ be not contrary to the known Laws of the Land , which enjoyns those duties , both to Bishop and People . What our Author would be at he plainly tells us in th● ensuing Period , You will say , if you yield to some Dissenters in this , you must as well yield to others in that , and so by degrees abolish all your Ceremonies . To this he roundly replies , ● beseech you , is not the ●ody more than R●iment , Substance more than Ceremony . Which is plainly to say , That to gratifie Dissenters we ought to discard all Ceremonies , and in contradiction to St. Paul , who enjoyns that all things should be done decently and in order , nothing is to be done decently and in order . I must have leave to say , That in this instance Raiment is the Body , Ceremony is substance . I may put off a Sca●ff , or Belt , or perchance a Coat in a cold Winters day ; but should I throw off all my Cloaths , I should certainly kill my self . A Ceremony , considered in individuo , or retail , may be of no great moment ; but they , taken in genere , and in the bulk , are absolutely necessary . The following Objection , that by parting with Ceremonies , which tend to the encreasing Devotion , preserving Order , and giving glory to Almighty God , we shall displease our Friends , and then lie exposed to our Enemies to spoil our goods , is of more moment than to be thrown off by saying , that our goods are only Faith , Hope , and Charity , and that these stood firm in the Primitive times , when there was not one of our Ceremonies to preserve it . Surely , the scandalizing those who do their duty , by our breaking the Laws , is a greater mischief , than to displease those who violate their duty , by our keeping the Law. A Scandal only taken is of less moment , than one both taken and given . And if Faith and Hope happen to be unconcerned in this whole matter , yet Charity is sure the natural product of Decency and Order ; and the common rule , that it ought to begin at home , is here to take place , and their satisfaction be most studied who are of the Houshold of Faith , rather than the humour and caprice of the Desertors of it , Moreover , upon a true account it is not Charity to Dissenters to humour them in their disobedience towards their spiritual Superiours ; no more than it is , to give Impunity to that of Rebels , against their temporal . But were there no Ceremonies among the Pri●itive Christians ? What shall we say of the kiss of Charity , or was there not one of ours , surely laying on of Hands , kneeling at Prayer , the Peoples answering Amen after it , the having the Head uncovered in Religious Assemblies , were more than one of theirs , and are our Ceremonies . I am weary of being a Scavenger , and sweeping together all the straws and dirt , which this unhappy Write● scatters as he goes ; and there being nothing but clamour and sedition in the rest of this Chapter , or that which follows concerning Church-Service , which only , after a few Complements sprinkled upon Discipline and Order , labours to disparage the present Constitution , and levels those who are concerned for their duty and obedience , with the wild Rabble of Sectaries and Fanaticks . I shall without more words dismiss the Inquest , and go on to what follows . To the Chapter of Preaching . THe Chapter concerning Preaching is a most unreasonable reproach of the Church of England . After that the Uniform Vote of all our Neighbours has given us the preference in this particular , the Ministers of the Reformed Churches , Germans , Hollanders , Danes , Swedes , French , and Switzers , learning our Language generally to take benefit of our Sermons , and many travelling hither for that end ; our Author , led to it by his excellent good nature , labours to shew his Talent in depreciating what strangers so must esteem . There was a time when Nicity of Division , and the flowers of a Polyanthea were somewhat in fashion ; but those days are long since done , a practical sober way of pressing Christian duty is generally taken up , which has as little of the Quid , or the Quale , or the Quantum , as our Author seems to have in his head ; or has discovered in his Writings . His project for Preachers is as extravagant as his Character of our Sermons . They must be grave elderly men , not raw Novices from the Vniversity with all their Sciences and Languages ; but rather ●ober persons of Age and Experience , having a good natural capacity , &c. that never saw the Vniversity , and knew no other Language than their Mother Tongue : That is , they must be experienced Farmers , illuminated Coblers , or gifted Weavers ; and these , no doubt , as they did twenty years since , would bring about a thorough Reformation ▪ These would redeem the Church from that great contempt , the Aristotelists , Scotists , Aquinatists , with their ▪ knacks of quiddities , and qualities , Syllogisms , and Enthymems , Distinctions , and Subsumtions , and the handsome School-boy exercise of the very good Preachers of the Age , have brought upon it . He goes on to tell us , That his heart bleeds to think how many thousand poor souls there are in this Land , that have no more knowledge of God than Heathens , &c. It is truly a lamentable thing , that where the Gospel has been so long , and so h●ppily planted , any should be ignorant of it . Would to God all the Lords People were Prophets ; but in the mean time let us not be so ungrateful , as not to own with all due acceptation and thankfulness that our People , generally speaking , are better instructed in all the parts of Saving Knowledge than any Nation in the World. And we may say it with perfect truth , and therefore without vanity , that they have also the most learned and sufficient Clergy : Men that understand the Athanasian Creed much better than our Author , who in his first Chapter has done what his little knowledge , and violent passion could effect , toward the undermining of it . The truth is , I cannot but wonder how it is possible for a man , that did not design to put scorn upon Religion , to offer such mad and unaccountable Proposals , and the while talk demurely , and in Scripture Phrase , as if he would be thought to be in earnest . To the Chapter concerning Bishops and Priests . THe long Chapter of Bishops and Priests is of the same strein with the former , it cries Hail Master to Episcopacy , acknowledges the Apostolical Antiquity and Dignity thereof ; and then fairly goes about to ▪ betray it : Whether Presbytery , or Erastianism , or Atheism be at the botton of the design , it is not easie to divine : That which is obviously apparent is , that one thred of ignorance runs through the whole discourse ; neither what Petavius means , nor what the Character of Priesthood is , nor what the practice of th● Ch●rch w●s , i● at ●ll understood ▪ b●t a long blunder is ●ade about A. B. C ▪ as if there we●e no other Character● in the world besides those of the Alphabet ; or as if the matter were as unin●elligible as the great mystery he talks of . Which is to be known only in a Metaphysic●l w●y of abstraction ; that the superiour Species contains th● inferiour Genus . Indeed the nature of a Genus or a Species , which is no more than every School-boy understands , who has learnt so much of his Grammar , as to know what a Noun Appellative is , requires not much niceness of Metaphysicks ; but the superiour Species , and inferiour Genus are terms of Art that the dull Logicians of the University stand amazed at . Aristo●le said of a man that he was Arbor inversa ; but our Author has here turned upside-down Porphyr●es Tree , and by it turned a Man into a Horse , for so he goes on in his learned Metaphysick Lecture . A man , a ration●l Cre●t●re contains the Anim●l●ty of an Ho●se , the inferiour Crea●ure : But doth not contain a real Hors● in his belly , nor can a man b●get hors●s , or men when he pleases ▪ Nor can you truly say a man is a horse . I believe my School me● would take it in snuff , should I affirm ●ny of them to be horse● . Here having mended the matter , and reformed a horse from being an inferiour Genus to a man , and made him an inferiou● Creature , he says that he contains the Animality of a Horse . Upon which Hypothesis , whether he will be as ill natured as the Schoolmen , and take it in snuff I know not ▪ but I am sure that I can irrefragably prove him to be a Horse ▪ And the thin Sophism ▪ which every Fresh-man learns to solve within a Week after he comes to the University , will be against him an unanswerable demonstration : Which , to try his patience , I propose to ●im in common form thus ▪ He that says , my Author is a living Creature , says true ; h● that says , he is a Hor●● , says that he is a living Cr●a●●re ▪ therefore he who says , he is a Horse , says true . There is no denying the Syllogism , and saying it has four terms . That though indeterminate animality be enunciated of the Species , yet that which is determined by the contrary diffe●ence may no● : Tha●● is , the Ani●ality of a B●ute c●● belong only to an irrational animal , as that of a man to a rational ; for our Author has precluded himself from that answer , by saying expresly that a man , a rational Creature , contains the animality of a Horse , the inferiour or irrational Creature . And now if my Author be not a mere animal , let the World judge : and this comes of despising Logick . Let us now see whether his Divinity be better than his Philosophy . After this hog-shearing , where we have had so loud a cry and no wool , we will if we can pick out a little sense ; The thing he aims at proving is , that Bishops are not superiour in Order to Priests ; a thing , by the way , directly contrary to the Liturgy of the Church , and thereby the Law of the Land : but yet they are superiour in Commission , and by vertue of that can govern , exercise the power of the Keys , and ordain Priests and Deacons , which Priests , ordinarily speaking , may not . Well , if this Commission were from Heaven , and stand upon that Scripture Basis , of As my Father sent me , so send I you , by vertue whereof the Bishops , during the first ten Persecutions , governed their Flocks in despight of all Secular opposition , and retaining part of their administration to themselves , disposed of some to Priests and Deacons ; which is as notorious in fact , as any thing in the world : The Bishops may do tolerably well , with this new word Commission , instead of the old of Order . Especially , since in the close it is confest by our Author : that in this order the Apostles left the Church at their death , and in this order their Successors continued it ( as in duty sure they ought ) from time to time near 1500 years without any interruption wherefore for any to alter this way of Government , or to take upon them to ordain , not being chosen this way to it , they would be guilty of great rashness and high presumption . Nor will it be in my Authors power to kick all this down again , as he endeavours in the following period , by making the orders given by Priests though irregular , yet firm and valid ; for if this power be from Heaven , and separate from all Secular Authority , as to its Nature and Original ; though limited by it in its Exercise and Application : no man upon any pretence can take this honour to himself or confer it on others , but they who were called of God as was Aaron . But let us see how well our Author confutes the distinction of Order between Bishops and Priests ? T is ridiculous , says he , that the Priesthood which is capable to do the greatest things , to Consecrate the Souls of men by Baptism and the Lords Supper , yet forsooth cannot Consecrate Oil and Cups ? I desire to know whether a Deacon cannot Consecrate the Souls of men by Baptism and the Preaching of the Gospel , or if they can , whether they are of the same Order with Priests ? Or whether a Judg who has power of Awarding Life or Death which is the greatest thing , may also make a Knight which is a less , and if therefore a Judg and a King be of the same Order ? This word ridiculous is very unlucky , and commonly returns on him who is most busie with it ; But since we are faln upon the instance of a King , for farther illustration of this matter let us consider the Monarchs of the East , who permitted the whole Administration of their Affairs to their Favorites , as we read of Pharaoh that he pulled his Ring off his hand and said to Ioseph , without thee no man shall lift up his hand or foot in all the Land of Egypt , and according to thy word shall all my People be Ruled ; but for all this Pharaoh and this his Minister of State were not of the same Order ; for in the Throne he was greater then he . Though the King had stript himself of the whole Execution of his Power , and put it into the hand of his Favorite , yet so long as the Origination of it continued with him , he was as absolute , and the other as subject as ever . T is true the Bishops power is in itself Subordinate and Ministerial ; he must not Lord it over the Inheritance of God , but as to the dispensing of it to the inferior Orders , the Parallel will hold ; they all Act in Subordination and dependence upon him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saies Ignatius . No Priest or Deacon for several Centuries ever did it without particular leave given by the Bishop , nay the Lector or Reader did not so much as Read the Gospel till first he had brought the Book to the Bishop , and had his permission to go to the Ambo or Reading Pu● with it ▪ and though the Licence with us be not no● every day renewed , yet the dependence is still owned in th● very Form of our Ordination , where the Bishop says to the person Ordained , take thou Authority to Read the Gospel in the Church of God , and Preach the same when thou art thereunto Licenced by the Bishop himsel● . But a farther Argument is taken from the promiscuous use of the name of Bishop and Presbyter , to prove they are of the same Order , which sure is one of seeblest ways of proving any thing ; the whole force of it amounts to this , St. Peter and St. Iohn call themselves Presbyters , but were also Bishops ; therefore Presbyters and Bishops are all one : which is as much as to say , that his Maj●sty is King of Great Britain and Knight of the Garter ; therefore to be King of Great Britain and Knight of the Garter is all one . Nay St. Paul stiles himself a Deacon , as well as an Apostle ; therefore to be a Deacon and an Apostle is all one , but if our Author be not satisfied with this , let him Read the Thirteenth Chapter of the most Learned Bishop of Chester's Vindiciae Ignati● and he will see how accurate the first Christian Writers were in distinguishing the three Orders of Bishop , Deacon and Priest. We will go on and attend him in his Talent of Book Learning , wherein he has been hitherto so unfortunate , and see how in his following expedition he mends the matter . And here he tells us that Aerius ( whom , by the way , he constantly calls Arius ) was not a Heretick upon the account of his introducing a parity between Bishops and Priests , but only for being an Arian . That is , Epiphanius made a List not of several Heresies , but a Catalogue of several Arians : and the 69. Heresie being assigned to Arius , it passes the Muster again in the 75. Heresie under the auspice of A●rius . It is agreed on all hands that discontent made Aerius a Heretick , for that Eustathius whom he thought a worse man then himself , was preferred before him : and being in power , though formerly his particular Friend , considered him no farther then to make him Master of an Alms-house . We are then to believe that out of discontent Aerius turned Arian ; but as ill luck would have it , Eustathius was of that Sect , and if he had a mind to quarrel with him , nothing could have been so proper , as to have turned Orthodox in spight . It is manifest he was originally an Arian , and the prime part of his Heresie was what his malice naturally dictated , and all Writers agree it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. He entertained a mad opinion , beyond what a man would receive , saying , What is a Bishop better than a Priest ? There is no difference between th●m ; there is but one order , the same honour and dignity . Since our Authors Greek reading fares no better , let us go on to consider his Latine ; and there is no missing St. Ieroms Epistle to Evagrius , which is so clear in the point , that without more ado it converted our Author , who it seems was once an Episcopal man , into that errant Presbyterian that now he is . Withal it makes him wonder , and if the Reader understand Latine , he will wonder to see men have the confidence to quote any thing out of it for the distinction between Episcopacy and Presbytery . Well , I have read over the Epistle , and , as our Author says , wonder , but it is at his great confidence to say , that there is nothing to be met with in it , to found a distinction between Episcopacy and Presbytery , when as he expresly reserves the power of Ordination peculiarly to the Bishops , which is the point chiefly contested between the Assertors of Episcopacy , and Patrons of Presbyterian parity . As to the second desire , that the Reader should observe the various fate of St. Jerom and Aerius , that the one is reviled as an Heretick , the other passes for a Saint : I will satisfie my Author in that particular , and shew him a plain reason for it . Aerius set himself against the Apostolical Government by Bishops , dogmatized , and separated himself from the Church : St. Ierom always obeyed his Governours , and remained in Communion with them , upon other occasions exprest his opinion in behalf of their Authority : And here only in a private Epistle to a Friend , and that a very short one , being scandalized at an unseasonable opinion , which pretended Deacons to be equal in dignity to Priests ; as it is usual in such cases , he depresses what he can the Order of Deacons , and exalts to his utmost that of Priests , in the mean time does not so much as attempt to prove any thing more than barely saying , Quid aliud facit Episcopus excepta Ordinatione quod non facit Presbyter ? What does a Bishop more than a Presbyter besides Ordaining ? And then reckoning up several actions common to both . Our kind-hearted Author hereupon tells us , that this presently converted him ; nay , as if this good nature of his were as meritorious as grace , he thereupon assures himself , that great is his reward in heaven . Our man of learning with his accustomed dexterity and confidence runs down the business of Colluthus his Ordination of Priests , and pities poor Bishop Hall for going about to prove from thence , that Presbyters were not capable to Ordain . How slightly soever our Author thinks of the matter , Socrates in the first Book of his History puts it under the blackest Character . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He privately adventured on an action worthy of many deaths , who , having never been ordained a Priest , did those things which belonged to the Function of a Priest. This you are to know was said of Ischryas who had as good Orders as Colluthus a Priest could give him , but yet antecedently to the Decree of the Council of Alexandria , is declared never to have been ordained a Priest. Let up now see why the old man was so much to be pitied , because he had quite forgot that the famous Council of Nice , consisting of above three hundred Bishops , had made a Canon , wherein they declare , that if any Bishop should Ordain any of the Clergy belonging to another Bishops Diocess , without consent and leave had of that Bishop to whose Diocess they did belong , their Ordination should be null . You see the irregular Ordination of a Bishop is as null as the irregular Ordination of a Presbyter : Therefore the irregular Bishop , and the irregular Presbyter are of the same Order , of the same Authority ; neither able to Ordain . Our Author , according to his usual Sagacity , knows no difference betwixt an Act that is null and void in it self , and an Act voided by Law. There is no question but Bishops , and Priests , and Deacons for their Crimes may be degraded and deposed , but that is not the same thing with the never having been Bishops , Priests , or Deacons . The Council of Alexandria declared the Ordinations of Colluthus to have been void ab initio , that of Nice voids those that are irregular . Surely these are very different matters . That the invalidity of the Ordination in the later case was of this kind , that is , made invalid by way of Penalty and Sentence , we may learn from the thirty fifth Apostolick Canon ; by which both Zonaras and Balsamon interpret this of Nice ; who decree that in case of ordaining in anothers Diocess the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Both he be deposed and they who were ordained by him . And truly if they were to be deposed , it is plain the Orders were in themselves valid ; and it is unquestionable that the Ordaining Bishops were so : which is not to be said , and can never be proved of a mere Presbyters . And therefore the Triumph which is added here of dashing out the indelible Character , or that the Line of a Diocess is a Conjurers Circle , might very fairly have been laid aside . And I appeal to the Reader , and more than hope he will see how no proofs are brought for this Identity and parity of Order ; no Scripture , no Primitive Council , no general consent of Primitive Doctors and Fathers ; that he is perfectly out in every thing he avers , and therefore for his poor judgment he may do well to keep it to himself , and probably his Judgment is so poor because he himself is rich . He in likelihood has imployed his time in Secular Concerns , which had it been spent in Study , would have rescued him from such gross misadventures , as he at every turn incurrs . But though the matter stand thus plain bef●re us , yet ●ince our Author has had the confidence to cite the Council of Nice in proof of the nullity of irregular Orders : to shew with greater evidence his perpetual ignorance and mistake , I will throw in for vantage the proceeding of this very Council in the Case of Meletius , who had usurpt upon the rights of Peter Patriarch of Alexandria , in the point here contested of Ordaining within his Diocess ; the words of Theodoret are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He invaded the Ordinations belonging to the other . Now the Council decreed herein , that Meletius should be suspended from the future exercise of his function , and retain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bare name of a Bishop , but do no Act of his Function either in the City or Villages ; but the Orders conferred by him were as to their intrinsick validity ratified and acknowledged . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those already Ordained should Communicate and Officiate , but come after the Clergy of each Church and Parish . 'T is to be wondered at , how this man who seems to have always lived in a hollow Tree , came to have heard by chance that there was once such a thing in the World , as the Council of Nice . To the Chapter of Deacons . OUr Author is resolved on all occasions to shew that he thinks himself wiser then both the Church and State , and therefore in defiance unto both , he attempts to prove that Deaconship is not Holy Orders ; and to bring about so g●n●rous a d●sign , he makes nothing of st●●ining a point with the Scripture , since t is so unkind as to stand in his way . It so happen'd that Petavius discoursing of Deacons had said , what the Contents of our English Bibles , and Commentators generally agre● in , that P●ilip the Deacon Preacht , did Miracles , and Baptiz'd , and Converted the City of Samari● , and that the History describ'd Act. 8. belongs to him . Now our Author is better advis'd , and assures us , that this more probably was Philip the Apostle . St. Luke , 't is true , tells us that upon the Persecution against Stephen , several of the Brethren went through all the Regions of Iudea and Samaria , except the Apostles ; 't is says our Author , a gross mistake , the Apostles are not to be excepted ; but Philip the Apostle , and not the Deacon went about these Regions . Having thus happily entred himself into the Lists , he goes on and tells us , that the first we shall find of Deacons ▪ Officiating in Spiritual matters , is in Iustin Martyr : A modest man would thing that to be competent Antiquity : but it seems to him that though in Greece it was then receiv'd ; it was not so in Afric● ; for Terttullian says that the Christians received the Sacrament only from the hand of the President or Bishop , that is , what I said even now out of Ignatius , that neither this , nor any other sacred Office was to be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the knowledg or consent of the Bishop ; Which thing our Author himself hereafter confesses . And sure when the Bishop Consecrated both Elements , and with his own hand delivered the Bread immediatly to every Communicant , and gave the Cup to the Deacon to distribute after him : 't will be a great truth to say that the Eucharist was only received from the hands of the Bishop . But 't is a fatal thing to be haunted by ill luck ; what will become of our Authors Profound Learning , if it should appear that the Deacon did distribute the Cup in Africa ? St. Cyprian will , I hope , be taken for a competent Witness in the Case , who says in his Book de Lapsis . Vbi solennibus adimpletis calicem Diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit . When the other solemnities were performed , and the Deacon distributed the Cup to them who were present . Nay if St. Cyprian be to be believed , he utterly confounds all our Authors pretensions at once , saying that Diaconis non d●fuit sacerdotalis vigor ; there was not wanting to the Deacons sacerdotal power , Ep. 13. allowing them somewhat of Priestly jurisdiction : and in the twelfth Epistle , giving them power to release from the Censures of the Church , In articulo mortis , si Presbyter repertus no● fuerit , & urgere exitus coeperit , apud Diaconum quoque exomologesin facere delicti sui possint , ut manu ejus in poenitentia imposita , veniant ad Dominum cum pace . If a Priest be not to be fo●nd , and death draw on , they may make their Exomologesis or Confession before the Deacon , that hands being laid on them as Penitents , they may go to the Lord in peace . Our Author proceeds , and according to his wont , shews his Learning backward ; and quoting an Epistle of St. Ignatius ad Tralli ( Trallianos I presume he means ) finds , and often laments that learned men go on in a Track , one after another , and some through inadvertency , some through partiality take many passages of ancient Authors quite different from their meaning . One would now expect some eminent discovery . The fault in short is this , that our Authors good Friend Vedelius , Bishop Vsher , Doctor Vossius , Co●ellerius , and as many others as have put forth Ignatius , ●ave gone on in a Track , and falsly translated these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Deacons , being Ministers of Jesus Christ , are to be honoured , for they are not the Ministers of meats and drinks , but of the Church , and Servants of God ; to run thus , and to concern Deacons , when as indeed the words are meant of Priests . Whosoever first translated this Epistle of Ignatius , says our Author , sure this fancy of Deacons ran much in his head , otherwise he could never have found them here , for it is evident the word Diaconus , in this place , relates to the Presbytery newly before mentioned , &c. Well , we hear what you say , but for all this are convinced you are infinitely mistaken : And are sure that Doctor Isaac Vossius , whatever became of other learned men , did not go in a Track , nor by inadvertency nor prejudice ( his Education , if he could have been seduced , leading him the other way ) but considered the place very particularly , and adhering to the Translation which you despise , concludes , Miror Antiochum qui sermone 124. haec Ignatii cit●t , it● illa mutasse , ut id quod de Diaconis hic dicitur , Presbyteris attribuat , modo apud illum locus sit integer , nec aliqua exciderint verba . I wonder Antiochus , who in his 124. Sermon quotes these words , should so change them , that what 〈◊〉 here said of Deacons , should by him be attributed to Priests , if so be the place be entire with him , and some words not left out . Well , but our Author has a mind that we should see the utmost of his skill : I do the more wonder at the Interpreters mistake in this place , because by the following words Ignatius here excludes the specifical Deacons , saying not the Ministers of meat and drink . To see the wonderful difference of mens understandings ; the most learned Doctor Isaac Vossius , from these very words concludes the beforegoing Period was meant of Deacons ( specific Deacons , since they must be called so ) from whence our Demonstrator proves they could not be spoke of them . It is , it seems , a Scheme of speech which our Author never met with , to say of things or persons you are not this or this , but that ; when they are remarkably more that , than this or this . Thus God says to Samuel of the People , who , complaining of his Old Age , and evil Sons , desired a King : that they had not rejected Samuel , but God. All men of common sense know very well the meaning to be , that though they rejected the Prophet , that was not to come into account with the Rebellion and Insolence wherein they rejected the Lord himself . Though God commanded Sacrifices under the Law , he expresly says , he will have no Sacrifice , and delights not in , nay , abhors Burnt Offerings ; yet this did not abrogate the Divine Institution , nor make Almighty God contradict himself . So St. Paul advises Philemon to receive Onesimus his servant , not now as a servant , but above a servant , a Brother beloved : By which words it is not to be inferred , that he should presently manumit him , but use him with kindness . But vanity and ignorance are most incommodiously quartered together ; our Author had a mind to shew his reading , and pick a quarrel with the Translator of a Father : And then , no doubt , he must be a Giant in Learning , and list himself with those Worthies that have slain their thousands . But such is our Authors hard Fate that this inconsiderable P●●●od which is here so earnestly controuled , is said unquestionably almost in every Page of this holy Martyr . So that should he have happened once in his life to be in the right , he had gained nothing to his cause ; and besides , from hence it is morally certain that our Author never read a Page together in Ignatius . In this very shor● Epistle within twenty Lines he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; He that does any thing without the Bishop , the Presbyter , and Deacon , has not a pure conscience . In that to the Magnesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I admonish you to do all things in love , the Bishop presiding in the place of God , the Presbyters in the place of the Colledge of the Apostles , and the Deacons most dearly bebeloved of me , as those who are trusted with the Ministry of Jesus Christ. In that to the Philadelphians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ Hearken to the Bishop , the P●esbytery , and the Deacons . And again in the same Epistle he adds , that it is necessary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To ordain there a Deacon to perform the Embassie of God. One would think this a competent instance of our Authors intolerable insolence , without any regard of truth or ingenuity to dictate to the World , and pretend to correct learned men . But this is not all ; it is manifest he never read this very Period , whose Translation he pretends to mend : For so Ignatius goes on there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ So in like manner let all reverence the Deacon as Jesus Christ , and also the Bishop as the Son of the Father ; and the Presbyters as God's Senat , and band of the Apostles ; without these the Church is not call'd . But we have not done yet . Behold a piece of ignorance and impudence more inexcusable than the former ; Poor Petavi●s is taken to task for calling St. Laurence a Deacon ; which many hundreds before him had very innocently done ; and generally all that ever heard of his Grediron , or his Martyrdom , or indeed the occasion of it , are of his mind ; but it is our Authors priviledge to be ignorant of what every body else is informed of . Now in the present misadventure he attempts a greater Mastery , goes beyond , and surpasses himself : For in that very place of St. Ambrose which he cites ; the direct contrary of what he goes about to prove is in termini● asserted ▪ For that speech of St. Laurence , which he recapitulates , and says , That it plainly shews St. Laurence was a Priest , not a bare Deacon , tells us that he was a Deacon . The words are Lib. 1. Offic. cap. 41. Quo progrederis sine filio Pater ? Quò Sacerdos sancte sine Diacono tu● properas ? &c. O my Father ( speaking to his Bishop going to Martyrdom ) whither go you without your Son ? O holy Priest whither ▪ hasten you without your Deacon ? Had it not been better for our Author to have said St. Laurence was an Arch-deacon to credit the matter ; or a Deacon Cardinal ; than thus run counter to the words he alledged ? Unless a man owed himself a shame , and was in dread he should never make honest payment , and therefore on purpose spoke what he knew most absurd , mere chance could never fall out so unluckily , that he should not in a whole Book make one true recital of an Author , or matter of Fact , as he has done . Yet after all this , as if he had come off with mighty credit , he closes his Chapter with a quod erat demonstrandum : So I leave , says he , the Deacons to their proper Office of serving of Tables , not finding in Scripture any thing more belonging to them . Our Author having thus taken away , we will expect the next Course , where it is to be hoped we shall be better served ; and that at last the Banquet will make amends for the very ill Fare we have hitherto had . To the Chapter of Church-Government . OUr Author has a dexterity of talking extravagantly of several weighty subjects , and this he calls handling them : which being beyond his strength , he heaves them to as much purpose as if they were Timber ; and thinks he has acquitted himself to admiration . Having therefore handled the former points ; that is , talkt beyond all aim and measure Foolishly ; Now he says he comes to the Authority of Bishops to Govern as well as to Ordain . And truly if they are to do one , as they are on his principle , to do the other , their Authority is likely to signifie but little ; being shared by every the meanest Priest. But the out-cry is , that the Power of the Keys is left to Chancellors , Lay-men who have no more capacity to Sentence or Absolve a sinner , then to dissolve the Heaven and the Earth , and make a new Heaven and an Earth . And thus the good man runs on like an Horse with an empty Cart , exceedingly pleased with the ratling of the Wheels , and gingling of the Bells ; but he never considers that all the proceedings of Chancellors in the Bishops Court are in consequence of the Canons of the Church which are the Decrees of Bishops Authoritatively met together , which have defined such and such Doctrines Heretical , such and such actions punishable with Suspension , Sequestration or Deprivation , and the like : Now all that the Chancellor has to do , is to examine the matter of Fact , take the allegations and proofs , and apply the Sanction of the Law to them . But where that extends to the use of the Keys , that is reserved to them who by Christs Institution are trusted therewith . And if Dr. Duck did do an ill thing , the fault lies at his door ; and t is well if in this profligate age a single instance can only be pitcht upon . We have , blessed be God , a great happiness in the protection of our Municipal Laws , none in the World being a firmer Bulwark of the Princes Rights and Peoples Liberties ; but should every clamorous Person be hearkned to , who complains of the exorbitance of a Judg , ( when if the matter be truly examined , probably the ground of the dislike , is that he did his duty ) we should soon tear out one anothers Thro●ts ; and every mans hand would be against his Brother . We know the worst of our present Constitution , and desire not the hazards of a change . To the Chapter of Confirmation . THis Chapter begins with a liberal Confession , that Confirmation or some such thing is necessary : but t is a little odd that in a matter which approaches to the being necessary , a loose succedaneum of some such thing , should be sufficient . Our Author like a true Empiric , in all cases strives to bring in aliquid Nostri , his preparation of the Medicin will render it Soveraign : but the old , known , and received Forms must by no means be taken . Having then made up a narrative of matter of Fact , jumbling , as his way is , true and false together , his first objection against Confirmation as it now stands is . That it is not possible for a Bishop of so large a Diocess as some of ours are , some extended Three or Fourscore Miles , many Forty or Fifty , Personally to Confirm half the Youth in a Diocess , if he duly examine each one as is fit and necessary . We see how this is performed in their Triennial Visitations . Having put in a Caveat in behalf of the present Constitution , and minded my Author again of his promise to the Lords and Commons , that there was not a word in his Book against the known Laws ; I cannot but reflect , that surely he lives in a Country where the Bishop is not over-diligent in his duty , else he would never make the task to be so impossible , unless the Bishop never comes into his Diocess , or never stir any where abroad in it : surely a very little contrivance with the diligence of the Ministers would make it possible both for the Bishop and Youth to meet together without much trouble to either . There is no doubt if the affair be adjourned over to the Triennial Visitation , 't is not likely to be well done : but as this ought not to be the course ; so thanks be to God it is not . The next inconvenience in the present Constitution is the disability of the Curat to fit for Confirmation ; and the little credit to be given , when he assures the Bishop when he presents the Children , that they are fully instructed for it : and therefore he concludes it necessary , to appoint some discreet conscientious Ministers in the several Circuits to examine and Licence for the Lords Table : for he passes it for granted , that Confirmation is no Sacrament , and if it were , why may not Priests , not Bishops perform it ? Well but suppose these discreet conscientious Ministers , that are to supply the place of the Parochial ones , should not be better qualified , be more discreet or conscientious then them , as it may very probably happen ; t is plain they cannot have those opportunities either to instruct the Youth of each Parish , or know they are instructed , as the local Minister is furnisht with ; but then farther is it likely that the several Parochial Ministers will readily admit their neighbour Minister , whom they may reasonably think not much wiser or better then themselves to meddle in their Cures , or that the people will be contented with it ? Will not animosities and quarrels , and contempt of the duty certainly follow ? As to the lawfulness of Priests and not Bishops performing it , upon the supposal that Priests and Bishops are the same thing , and that Priests may Ordain , which is the Doctrine taught in one of the preceding Chapters , this of Priests ●onfirming may ●easonably enough be admitted : but the falseness of that imagination being abundantly evident , the absurdity of this will necessarily follow . And therefore notwithstanding our Authors project , Bishops may do well to go on in the Execution of their Duty in this most Ancient and Useful Right , in which from the first Planting of the Gospel to this moment , they have been in possession . They who of late invaded the power of Ordaining Priests , having been so modest yet , as not to usurp this part of the Episcopal Office. As to the expedients proposed about framing additions to the Catechism , making Paraphrases on the Lords Prayer and Ten Commandments , regulating the Ministers way of Catechising , and enforcing Parents and Masters to bring their young people to be Catechis'd , I shall only say that if every body in the Nation , who is as wise as our Author , shall be allowe'd to make Models for the Church , we shall have almost as many Schemes of Government , as there are persons to be Governed . In the mean time we will take old Cato's rule , and be well pleased with the State of things as it stands at present . The next p●que is at the bounds of each Bishops Diocess , and having told a Story of Rome , Constantinople , Alexandria , Antioch , Ierusalem , Ephesus , Corinth , and Philippi , which sound big and look well in the Inventory , he informs us that partly by great distances of Citys , partly by the favour of former Princes , several Towns being cast into one Diocess they became so large as t is impossible any one Bishop should have a sufficient inspection into them ; the Bishop knows not the names nor faces of half a quarter of them , much less their behavior ; he may have as well a part of France in his Diocess to Govern. Our Author never considers where his argument will light , is it possible to Govern three Kingdoms , nay are they therefore happy , because entire and under one Government ? Is there no manner of need why the Prince should know the names of the Aldermen in his Metropolis , much less of the people in his Dominions ? and is it so impossible a thing to comprehend all the necessary interests of an Episcopal Diocess ? The truth is , our Author would make every Parish-Priest a Bishop , and then the Diocess will be little enough ; and the Revenues of the Bishops will be needless things , and as he says , the greedy Harpyes will readily make use of his zealous intentions : but I pray let us make a parallel to his Ecclesiastial Policy in the Civil State. There are a certain sort of men made Iudges in the several Circuits of England , which Circuits are many of them Fifty , Six●y , an Hundred or more Miles in Compass , they know not the name or faces of half or a quarter of them ▪ much less of their behavior , they may as well have a part of France in their Circuit : Were it not therefore better that every Lord of the Leet should distribute Justice in the Precincts of his Mannor ; that no man should be at the expence of seeing Councel , taking out Writs , or of going to the Shire-Town , or vamping upon the Hoof with shooes at back to Westminster-Hall ; but the Steward of the Court who knows the name and face and concern of every one should dispatch all things , and doubtless this would make a happy World. The Parish would quickly find the advantage of this new Scheme ; to have their Estates , their Lives and Fortunes in ●he hand of a little Attourny , and be all together by the Ears , and have none to part them , but him whose interest it is to set them on . I need not set down the Moral . Thus mad is the Ecclesiastical Policy of our Divinity-Common-Wealths-man , t is no very good account of time to write an Vtopia , a Politick Romance ; but to play tricks in Holy things , and set on foot a Christian Oceana , is an unpardonable fault . But our Author proceeds to consider a second abuse in Church Government , which is exempt Iurisdictions . Whatever a man thought of the unexpedience of any thing Establisht by Law , surely in good manners he should not give it ill Language , and call it an abuse , while it stood so Authorized and supported . Which should be done especially by him who has past a solemn promise of not speaking a word against the known Laws of the Land. But of all men in the World our Author , whose business it is to make all the Parishes in England peculiars , and have them straitned to the narrow limits , which admit the knowing every name and face , should not speak against exempt Jurisdictions ; for if the whole Nation were so Cantoned out , and we had ten thousand Bishops in England , we had exactly the Scheme which he recommends , and at the same time complains of . It seems my Author may freely write against what is Establisht in Church and State , as having obtained an exempt Jurisdiction from the power of both : and to say incoheren● things and such as none else would say , contradictory not only of all sober men who have wrote before him , but of himself also , is his Peculiar ▪ And so I leave him . To the Charitable Admonition . THis being addrest to Nonconformists , I must confess does not properly concern me , and is for the most part so well said , that I heartily wish it had been the whole Book : but since our Author finds himself oblig'd in Charity , to think of those misguided men , I must also upon the same Principle , have a concern for him ; and earnestly beg him to revise what he has wrote , and see whether he has laid Grounds in it for Socinianism , and all kinds of Separation : and whether he has done a good Office to Religion , to supply Dissenters , whom he decla●es to be obliged to obey the Government , with all the Arguments he could think of , to palliate and countenance their disobedience . Surely men are not too well principled , that it should be needful to unsettle them ; nor too dutiful , that ther● should be reason to check them in their duty : And in a time when , as my Author himself observes , Separation , and many following Divisions , have caused many to abhor the Church , and turn to Popery : It is obvious to apprehend that the doing every thing which the maddest Separatist requires , and making Religion slovenly and despicable , will not probably retain those who are tempted to Popery , or recover them who have revolted to it . It will not be enough to say , that the Book has every where in it sober and honest truths ; for so has the Cracovian Catechism , and the Alcoran ; nay , there is scarce any Conjuring Book which does not for the greatest part consist of devout and godly Prayers , We are told by our Author , That it is above two years since he had these thoughts , in which time he has read and conferr'd all he could to discover if he were in an Error ; but , for all he could yet meet wi●h , does not find it so , but hopes all he says is truth , and that it may be useful to the Publick , in this present conjuncture of Affairs . Now this is certainly a most prodigious thing , that a man in two years time should never be once awake , converse with any good Book , or man of Sense ; or have the least reflexion upon what is either truth or expedience . I never read this Book entirely over more than once ; nor have I had much leisure to consider it : And yet I presume any indifferent Reader will see what gross misadventures have been detected by me , and probably himself will discover many more : For , in earnest , there are every where such blots that one can hardly avoid the hitting ; such flaws in Discourse , that there needs no picking of holes , or looking narrowly to find the Incoherence , but the passage lies wide open , and one may fairly drive a Cart and Horses thorow . Upon the whole matter I cannot but conclude , that Pride or Discontent , or some other very prevalent Passion has here interposed : For what else should make a man think himself fit to renverse the established Constitution of the Church , and give his advice to the Parliament , how they should evacuate all their Laws ? What should make him almost in every Period contradict himself ; pretend to the knowledge of Antiquity and Religion , rant against Universities , disparage the Ministers and Preaching of the Nation : and at the same time discover the grossest ignorance and inconsideration as is imaginable ? And amidst all this acknowledge obligations to Submission and Conformity , and whatever he has spoke against : And after two years deliberation not to see that which is evident at the first glance , to any one that has but half an eye ? All this , I say , mu●t be the Product of some one , or many violent Passions . Let my Author seriously consider where this Fundamental mischief lies ; search his own heart , and desire the Searcher of hearts to discover it to him . He says , he has Fasted and Prayed , let him do so again ; but with Humility and Earnestness ; and the good God be merciful to him . FINIS . 
A45237	----	Episcopal admonition by the Right Reverend Father in God, Dr. Joseph Hall, Late Lord Bishop of Exeter, sent in a letter to the House of Commons, April 28, 1628. Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. 1681 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45237 Wing H382 ESTC R229 13649325 ocm 13649325 100968 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45237) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100968) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 789:22) Episcopal admonition by the Right Reverend Father in God, Dr. Joseph Hall, Late Lord Bishop of Exeter, sent in a letter to the House of Commons, April 28, 1628. Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for C.G., London : 1681. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Bishops -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-04 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Episcopal Admonition BY THE Right Reverend Father in God , Dr. Joseph Hall , Late Lord Bishop of EXETER , Sent in a LETTER to the House of Commons , April 28. 1628. Gentlemen , FOR God's Sake be wise in your well meant Zeal : Why do you argue away pretious Time that can never be revoked or repaired ? Wo is me , while we dispute our Friends perish , and we must follow them ; Where are we , if we break ( and I tremble to think ) we cannot but break if we hold so stiff . Our Liberties and Proprieties are sufficiently declared to be sure and legal ; our Remedies are clear and irrefragable : What do we fear ? Every Subject sees the way now chalked out for future Justice , and who dares henceforth tread besides it ? Certainly , while Parliaments live , we need not misdoubt the Violations of our Freedoms and Rights : May we be but where the Law found us , we shall sufficiently enjoy our selves and ours ; It is no season to search for more : Oh let us not whilst we over-rigidly plead for an higher strain of Safety , put our selves into a necessity of Ruine and utter despair of Redress . Let us not in the suspitions of Evils that may be , cast our selves into a present Confusion . If you love your selves and your Country , remit something of your own Terms ; and since the substance is yielded by your Noble Patriots , stand not too vigorously upon points of Circumstance . Fear not to trust a good King , who after the strict Laws made , must be trusted with the Execution . Think that your Country , nay , and Christendome , lies on the mercy of your present Resolutions . Relent , or farewel Welfare . From him whose faithful Heart bleeds in a vowed Sacrifice for his King and Country , EXETER . LONDON , Printed for C. G. 1681. 
A50915	----	Of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhither it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late treatises one whereof goes under the name of Iames, Arch-bishop of Armagh. Milton, John, 1608-1674. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A50915 of text R23425 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing M2133). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 43 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A50915 Wing M2133 ESTC R23425 12763534 ocm 12763534 93535 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50915) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 93535) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 254:E164, no 19) Of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhither it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late treatises one whereof goes under the name of Iames, Arch-bishop of Armagh. Milton, John, 1608-1674. [10], 9-24 p. Printed by R.O. & G.D. for Thomas Underhill..., London : 1641. Attributed to John Milton. Cf. BLC. The second of Milton's pamphlets written in support of the five protestant ministers in the Smectymnuus controversy. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Smectymnuus. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A50915 R23425 (Wing M2133). civilwar no Of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhether it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to tha Milton, John 1641 7795 4 25 0 0 0 0 37 D The rate of 37 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-09 Chris Scherer Sampled and proofread 2002-09 Chris Scherer Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OF PRELATICAL EPISCOPACY , AND VVhither it may be deduc'd from the Apostolical times by vertue of those Testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late Treatises : One whereof goes under the Name of IAMES ARCH-BISHOP OF ARMAGH . London , Printed by R. O. & G. D. for Thomas Underhill , and are to be sold at the signe of the Bible , in Wood-Street , 1641. OF PRELATICALL EPISCOPACY : EPYSCOPACY , as it is taken for an Order in the Church above a Presbyter , or as wee commonly name him , the Minister of a Congregation , is either of Divine constitution , or of humane . If onely of humane , we have the same humane priviledge , that all men have ever had since Adam , being borne free , and in the Mistresse Iland of all the British , to retaine this Episcopacy , or to remove it , consulting with our owne occasions , and conveniences , and for the prevention of our owne dangers , and disquiets , in what best manner we can devise , without running at a losse , as wee must needs in those stale , and uselesse records of either uncertaine , or unsound antiquity , which if we hold fast to the grounds of the reformed Church , can neither skill of us , nor we of it , ( so oft as it would lead us to the broken reed of tradition . If it bee of Divine constitution , to satisfie us fully in that , the Scripture onely is able , it being the onely Book left us of Divine authority , not in any thing more Divine then in the all-sufficiency it hath to furnish us , as with all other spirituall knowledge , so with this in particular , setting out to us a perfect man of God accomplish't to all the good workes of his charge . Through all which Booke can be no where , either by plaine Text , or solid reasoning found any difference betweene a Bishop , and a Presbyter , save that they be two names to signify the same order . Notwithstanding this clearnesse , and that by all evidence of argument , Timothy , and Titus ( whom our Prelates claim to imitate onely in the controuling part of their office ) had rather the vice-gerency of an Apostleship committed to them , then the ordinary charge of a Bishoprick , as being men of an extraordinary calling , yet to verify that which Saint Paul foretold of succeeding times , when men began to have itching eares , then not contented with the plentifull and wholsom fountaines of the Gospell , they began after their owne lusts to heap to themselvs teachers , and as if the divine Scripture wanted a supplement , and were to be eek't out , they cannot think any doubt resolv'd , and any doctrine confirm'd , unlesse they run to that indigested heap , and frie of Authors , which they call Antiquity . Whatsoever time , or the heedlesse hand of blind chance , hath drawne down from of old to this present , in her huge dragnet , whether Fish , or Sea-weed , Shells , or Shrubbs , unpickt , unchosen , those are the Fathers . Seeing therefore some men , deeply conversant in Bookes , have had so little care of late to give the world a better account of their reading , then by divulging needlesse tractats stuff't with specious names of Ignatius , and Polycarpus , with fragments of old Martyrologies , and legends , to distract , and stagger the multitude of credulous readers , & mislead them from their strong guards , and places of safety under the tuition of holy writ , it came into my thoughts to perswade my selfe , setting all distances , and nice respects aside , that I could do Religion , and my Country no better service for the time then doing my utmost endeavour to recall the people of GOD from this vaine forraging after straw , and to reduce them to their firme stations under the standard of the Gospell : by making appeare to them , first the insufficiency , next the inconvenience , and lastly the impiety of these gay testimonies , that their great Doctors would bring them to dote on . And in performing this I shall not strive to be more exact in Methode , then as their citations lead mee . First therefore concerning Ignatius shall be treated fully , when the Author shall come to insist upon some places in his Epistles . Next to prove a succession of 27. Bishops from Timothy , he cites one Leontius Bishop of Magnesia , out of the 11. act of the Chalcedonian Councell : this is but an obscure , and single witnesse , and for his faithfull dealing who shall commend him to us , with this his Catalogue of Bishops ? what know wee further of him , but that he might be as factious , and false a Bishop , as Leontius of Antioch that was a hunderd yeares his predecessor ? for neither the praise of his wisedome , or his vertue hath left him memorable to posterity , but onely this doubtfull relation , which wee must take at his word ; and how shall this testimony receive credit from his word , whose very name had scarse been thought on , but for this bare Testimony ? But they will say hee was a member of the Councell , and that may deserve to gaine him credit with us . I will not stand to argue , as yet with faire allowance I might , that wee may as justly suspect , there were some bad and slippery men in that councell , as we know there are wont to be in our Convocations . Nor shall I neede to plead at this time , that nothing hath been more attempted , nor with more subtilty brought about , both anciently by other Heretiks , and modernly by Papists , then to falsifie the Editions of the Councels , of which wee have none but from our Adversaries hands , whence Canons , Acts , and whole spurious Councels are thrust upon us , and hard it would be to prove in all , which are legitimat against the lawfull rejection of an urgent , and free disputer , but this I purpose not to take advantage of , for what availes it to wrangle about the corrupt editions of Councells , when as we know that many yeares ere this time which was almost 500. years after Christ , the Councels themselves were fouly corrupted with ungodly Prelatisme , and so farre plung'd into worldly ambition , as that it stood them upon long ere this to uphold their now well-tasted Hierarchy by what faire pretext soever they could , in like manner as they had now learnt to defend many other grosse corruptions by as ancient , and suppos'd authentick tradition as Episcopacie . And what hope can we have of this whole Councell to warrant us a matter 400. years at least above their time concerning the distinction of Bishop and Presbyter , whenas we find them such blind Judges of things before their eyes in their decrees of precedencie between Bishop , and Bishop , acknowledging Rome for the Apostolick throne , and Peter in that See for the rock , the basis , and the foundation of the Catholick Church , and Faith , contrary to the interpretation of more ancient Fathers ; and therfore from a mistaken text did they give to Leo as Peters successor a kind of preheminence above the whole Councel , as Euagrius expresses ( for now the Pope was come to that height , as to arrogate to himselfe by his Vicars incompetible honours ) and yet having thus yeilded to Rome the universall Primacie for spirituall reasons , as they thought , they conclude their sitting with a carnall , and ambitious decree to give the second place of dignity to Constantinople from reason of State , because it was new ROME , and by like consequence doublesse of earthly priviledges annext to each other City , was the BISHOP therof to take his place . I may say againe therfore , what hope can we have of such a Councell , as beginning in the Spirit , ended thus in the flesh . Much rather should we attend to what Eusebius the ancientest writer extant of Church-history , notwithstanding all the helps he had above these , confesses in the 4. chap. of his 3. Book , that it was no easie matter to tell who were those that were left Bishops of the Churches by the Apostles , more then by what a man might gather from the Acts of the Apostles , and the Epistles of St. Paul , in which number he reckons Timothy for Bishop of Ephesus . So as may plainly appeare , that this tradition of Bishoping Timothy over Ephesus was but taken for granted out of that place in St. Paul , which was only an intreating him to tarry at Ephesus , to do somthing left him in charge . Now if Eusebius a famous writer thought it so difficult to tell who were appointed Bishops by the Apostles , much more may we think it difficult to Leontius an obscure Bishop speaking beyond his own Diocesse : and certainly much more hard was it for either of them to determine what kind of Bishops those were , if they had so little means to know who they were ; and much lesse reason have we to stand to their definitive sentence , seeing they have bin so rash to raise up such lofty Bishops and Bishopricks out of places in Scripture meerly misunderstood . Thus while we leave the Bible to gadde after these traditions of the ancients , we heare the ancients themselvs confessing , that what knowledge they had in this point was such as they had gather'd from the Bible . Since therfore Antiquity it selfe hath turn'd over the controversie to that sovran Book which we had fondly straggl'd from , we shall doe better not to detain this venerable apparition of Leontius any longer , but dismisse him with his List of seven and twenty , to sleep unmolested in his former obscurity . Now for the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , it is more likely that Timothy never knew the word in that sense : it was the vanity of those next succeeding times not to content themselves with the simplicity of Scripture phrase , but must make a new Lexicon to name themselves by , one will be call'd {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , or Antistes , a word of precedence , another would be term'd a Gnostick as Clemens , a third Sacerdos , or Priest , and talks of Altars ; which was a plaine signe that their doctrine began to change , for which they must change their expressions : But that place of Justin Martyr serves rather to convince the Author , then to make for him , where the name {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the president , or Pastor of the Brethren ( for to what end is he their President but to teach them ) cannot be limited to signifie a Prelaticall Bishop , but rather communicates that Greek appellation to every ordinary Presbyter : for there he tells what the Christians had wont to doe in their severall Congregations , to read , and expound , to pray and administer , all which he saies the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , or Antistes did . Are these the Offices only of a Bishop , or shall we think that every Congregation where these things were done , which he attributes to this Antistes , had a Bishop present among them ? unlesse they had as many Antistites as Presbyters , which this place rather seems to imply , and so we may inferre even from their own alledg'd authority , that Antistes was nothing else but Presbyter . As for that namelesse Treatise of Timothy's martyrdome , only cited by Photius that liv'd almost 900. yeares after Christ , it hansomely follows in that author , the Martyrdome of the seven Sleepers , that slept ( I tell you but what mine Author sayes ) three hundred seaventy , and two years , for so long they had bin shut up in a Cave without meat , and were found living . This Story of Timothy's Ephesian Bishopricke as it follows in order , so may it for truth , if it only subsist upon its own authority , as it doth , for Photius only saith he read it ; he does not averre it . That other legendarie piece found among the lives of the Saints , and sent us from the shop of the Jesuites at Lovain , does but bear the name of Polyerates , how truly who can tell ? and shall have some more weight with us , when Polycrates can perswade us of that which he affirms in the same place of Eusebius 5. Book , that St. John was a Priest , and wore the golden brestplate : and why should he convince us more with his traditions of Timothy's Episcopacie , then he could convince Victor Bishop of Rome with his traditions concerning the Feast of Easter , who not regarding his irrefragable instances of examples taken from Philip , and his daughters that were Prophetesses ; or from Polycarpus , no nor from St. Iohn himselfe , Excommunicated both him , and all the Asian Churches for celebrating their Easter judaically : he may therfore goe back to the seaven Bishops his kinsmen , and make his moane to them that we esteem his traditionall ware , as lightly as Victor did . Those of Theodoret , Felix , and Iohn of Antioch are autorities of later times , and therfore not to be receiv'd for their Antiquities sake to give in evidence concerning an allegation , wherin writers so much their Elders , we see so easily miscarry . What if they had told us that Peter , who as they say left Ignatius Bishop of Antioch , went afterwards to Rome , and was Bishop there , as this Ignatius , and Irenaeus , and all Antiquity with one mouth deliver , there be never the lesse a number of learned , and wise Protestants who have written , and will maintain , that Peters being at Rome as Bishop cannot stand with concordance of Scripture . Now come the Epistles of Ignatius to shew us first , that Onesimus was Bishop of Ephesus ; next to assert the difference of Bishop and Presbyter , wherin I wonder that men teachers of the Protestant Religion , make no more difficulty of imposing upon our belief a supposititious ofspring of some dozen Epistles , whereof five are rejected as spurious , containing in them Herefies and trifles , which cannot agree in Chronologie with Ignatius , entitling him Arch-Bishop of Antioch Theopolis , which name of Theopolis that City had not till Iustinians time long after , as Cedrenus mentions , which argues both the barbarous time , and the unskilfull fraud of him that foisted this Epistle upon Ignatius . In the Epistle to those of Tarsus he condemns them for Ministers of Satan , that say Christ is God above all . To the Phillippians them that kept their Easter , as the Asian Churches , and Polycarpus did , and them that fasted upon any Saturday , or Sunday , except one he counts as those that had slain the Lord . To those of Antioch he salutes the Sub-Deacons , Chaunters , Porters , and Exorcists , as if these had bin Orders of the Church in his time : those other Epistles lesse question'd are yet so interlarded with Corruptions , as may justly indue us with a wholsome suspition of the rest . As to the Trallians he writes that a Bishop hath power over all beyond all government , and autority whatsoever . Surely then no Pope can desire more then Ignatius attributes to every Bishop , but what will become then of the Archbishops and Primates if every Bishop in Ignatius judgement be as supreme as a Pope ? To the Ephesians , neare the very place from whence they fetch their proof for Episcopacy , there stands a line that casts an ill hue upon all the Epistle , Let no man erre , saith he , unlesse a man be within the rays , or enclosure of the Altar , he is depriv'd of the bread of life . I say not but this may be stretch'd to a figurative construction , but yet it has an ill look , especially being follow'd beneath with the mention of I know not what sacrifices . In the other Epistle to Smyrna wherein is written that they should follow their Bishop as Christ did his Father , and the Presbytery as the Apostles : not to speak of the insu●●e , and ill-layd comparison , this cited place lyes upon the very brimme of a noted corruption , which had they , that quote this passage , ventur'd to let us read , all men would have readily seen what grain the testimony had bin of , where it is said , that it is not lawfull without a Bishop to baptize , nor to offer , nor to doe sacrifice . What can our Church make of these phrases but scandalous : and but a little further he plainly falls to contradict the Spirit of God in Salomon , Judge by the words themselvs . My Son , saith he , honour God & the King ; but I say , honour God and the Bishop as High-priest , bearing the image of God according to his ruling , and of Christ , according to his Priesting , and after him honour the King . Excellent Ignatius ! can ye blame the Prelates for making much of this Epistle ? Certainly if this Epistle can serve you to set a Bishop above a Presbyter , it may serve you next to set him above a King . These , and other like places in abundance through all those short Epistles must either be adulterat , or else Ignatius was not Ignatius , nor a Martyr , but most adulterate , and corrupt himselfe . In the midst therfore of so many forgeries where shall we fixe to dare say this is Ignatius ? as for his stile who knows it ? so disfigur'd and interrupted as it is , except they think that where they meet with any thing found , and orthodoxal , there they find Ignatius , and then they beleeve him not for his own authority , but for a truths sake , which they derive from els where : to what end then should they cite him as authentick for Episcopacie , when they cannot know what is authentick in him , but by the judgement which they brought with them , & not by any judgement which they might safely learne from him . How can they bring satisfaction frō such an Author , to whose very essence the Reader must be fain to contribute his own understanding . Had God ever intended that we should have sought any part of usefull instruction frōIgnatius , doubtles he would not have so ill provided for our knowledge , as to send him to our hands in this broken and disjoynted plight ; and if he intended no such thing , we doe injuriously in thinking to tast better the pure Euangelick Manna by seasoning our mouths with the tainted scraps , and fragments of an unknown table ; and searching among the verminous , and polluted rags dropt overworn from the toyling shoulders of Time , with these deformedly to quilt , and interlace the intire , the spotlesse , and undecaying robe of Truth , the daughter not of Time , but of Heaven , only bred up heer below in Christian hearts , between two grave & holy nurses the Doctrine , and Discipline of the Gospel . Next follows Irenaeus Bishop of Lions , who is cited to affirm that Polycarpus was made Bishop of Smyrna by the Apostles : and this it may seem , none could better tell then he who had both seen and heard Polycarpus : but when did he heare him ? himselfe confesses to Florinus , when he was a Boy . Whether that age in Irenaeus may not be liable to many mistakings ; and whether a Boy may be trusted to take an exact account of the manner of a Church constitution , and upon what terms , and within what limits , and with what kind of Commission Polycarpus receiv'd his charge , let a man consider , ere he be 〈◊〉 . It will not be deny'd that he might have seen Polycarpus in his youth a man of great eminence in the Church , to whom the other Presbyters might give way for his vertue , wisdome , and the reverence of his age and so did Amcetus Bishop of Rome , even in his own City , give him a kind of priority inadministring the Sacrament ; as may be read in Eusebius : but that we should hence conclude a distinct , and superior order from the young observation of Irenaeus , nothing yet alledg'd can warrant us , unlesse we shall beleeve such as would face us down , that Calvin , and after him Beza were Bishops of Geneva , because that in the unsetl'd state of the Church , while things were not fully compos'd , their worth , and learning cast a greater share of businesse upon them , and directed mens eyes principally towards them , and yet these men were the dissolvers of Episcopacie . We see the same necessity in state affaires Brutns that expell'd the Kings out of Rome , was for the time forc't to be as it were a King himself , till matters were set in order , as in a free Common-wealth . He that had seen Pericles lead the Athenians which way he listed , haply would have said he had bin their Prince , and yet he was but a powerfull and eloquent man in a Democratie , and had no more at any time then a Temporary , and elective sway , which was in the will of the people when to abrogate . And it is most likely that in the Church they which came after these Apostolick men being lesse in merit , but bigger in ambition , strove to invade those priviledges by intrusion and plea of right , which Polycarpus , and others like him possest from the voluntary surrender of men subdu'd by the excellencie of their heavenly gifts , which because their Successors had not , and so could neither have that autority , it was their policy to divulge that the eminence which Polycarpus and his equalls enjoy'd , was by right of constitution , not by free wil of condiscending . And yet thus farre Irenaeus makes against them as in that very place to call Polycarpus an Apostolicall Presbyter . But what fidelity his relations had in generall , we cannot sooner learn then by Eusebius , who neer the end of his third Book , speaking of Papias a very ancient writer , one that had heard St. Iohn , and was known to many that had seen , and bin acquainted with others of the Apostles , but being of a shallow wit , and not understanding those traditions which he receiv'd , fill'd his writings with many new doctrines , and fabulous conceits , he tells us there , that divers Ecclesiasticall men , and Irenaeus among the rest , while they lookt at his antiquity , became infected with his errors . Now if Irenaeus were so rash as to take unexamin'd opinions from an Author of so small capacity , when he was a man , we should be more rash our selves to rely upon those observations which he made when he was a Boy . And this may be a sufficient reason to us why we need no longer muse at the spreading of many idle traditions so soon after the Apostles , whilst such as this Papias had the throwing them about , and the inconsiderate zeal of the next age , that heeded more the person , then the Doctrine , had the gathering them up . Where ever a man , who had bin any away conversant with the Apostles , was to be found , thether slew all the inquisitive eares , the exercise of right instructing was chang'd into the curiosity of impertinent fabling : where the mind was to be edified with solid Doctrine , there the fancy was sooth'd with solemne stories : with lesse fervency was studied what Saint Paul , or Saint Iohn had written then was listen'd to one that could say here hee taught , here he stood , this was his stature , and thus he went habited , and O happy this house that harbour'd him , and that cold stone whereon he rested , this Village wherein he wrought such a miracle , and that pavement bedew'd with the warme effusion of his last blood , that sprouted up into eternall Roses to crowne his Martyrdome . Thus while all their thoughts were powr'd out upon circumstances , and the gazing after such men as had sate at table with the Apostles ( many of which Christ hath profest , yea thoughthey had cast out Divells in his name , he will not know at the last day ) by this meanes they lost their time , and truanted in the fundamentall grounds of saving knowledge , as was seene shortly by their writings . Lastly for Ireneus , wee have cause to thinke him lesse judicious in his reports from hand to hand of what the Apostles did , when we find him so negligent in keeping the faith which they writ , as to say in his third Booke against Heresies , that the obedience of Mary was the cause of salvation to her selfe , and all mankind , and in his fift Booke , that as Eve was seduc't to fly God , so the Virgin Mary was perswaded to obey God , that the Virgin Mary might be made the Advocate of the Virgin Eve . Thus if Irenaeus for his neerenesse to the Apostles , must be the Patron of Episcopacy to us , it is no marvell though he be the Patron of Idolatry to the Papist , for the same cause . To the Epistle of those brethren of Smyrna , that write the Martyrdome of Polycarpus , and stile him an Apostolicall , and propheticall Doctor , and Bishop of the Church in Smirna , I could be content to give some credit for the great honour , and affection which I see those brethren beare him , and not undeservedly if it be true which they there say that he was a Prophet , and had a voyce from Heaven to comfort him at his death , which they could heare , but the rest could not for the noise , and tumult that was in the place , and besides if his body were so pretious to the Christians , that hee was never wont to pull off his shooes for one or other that still strove to have the office , that they might come to touch his feet , yet a light scruple or two I would gladly be resolv'd in ; if Polycarpus ( who , as they say , was a Prophet that never faild in what he foretold ) had declar'd to his friends , that he knew by vision , hee should die no other death then burning , how it came to passe that the fire when it came to proofe , would not doe his worke , but starting off like a full saile from the mast , did but reflect a golden light upon his unviolated limbes exhaling such a sweet odour , as if all the incense of Arabia had bin burning , in so much that when the bill-men saw that the fire was overaw'd , and could not doe the deed , one of them steps to him , and stabs him with a sword , at which wound such abundance of bloud gusht forth as quencht the fire . By all this relation it appeares not , how the fire was guilty of his death , and then how can his prophesie bee fulfill'd ? Next how the standers by could be so soone weary of such a glorious sight , and such a fragrant smell , as to hasten the executioner to put out the fire with the Martyrs blood , unlesse perhaps they thought , as in all perfumes , that the Smoake would bee more odorous then the flame ? Yet these good brethren say he was Bishop of Smyrna . No man questions it , if Bishop , and Presbyter were anciently all one , and how does it appeare by any thing in this testimony that they were not ? If among his other high titles of propheticall , Apostolicall , and most admired of those times , he bee also stil'd Bishop of the Church of Smirna in a kind of speech , which the Rhetoricians call {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , for his excellence sake , as being the most famous of all the Smyrnian Presbyters , it cannot bee prov'd neither from this nor that other place of Irenaeus , that hee was therefore in distinct , and monarchicall order above the other Presbyters , it is more probable , that if the whole Presbytery had beene as renowned as he , they would have term'd every one of them severally Bishop of Smyrna . Hence it is that wee read sometimes of two Bishops in one place , and had all the Presbyters there beene of like worth , we might perhaps have read of twenty . Tertullian accosts us next ( for Polycrates hath had his answer ) whose testimony , state but the question right , is of no more force to deduce Episcopacy , then the two former . He saies that the Church of Smirna had Polycarpus plac't there by Iohn , and the Church of Rome Clement ordain'd by Peter , and so the rest of the Churches did shew , what Bishops they had receiv'd by the appointmēt of the Apostles . None of this will be contradicted , for we have it out of the Scripture that Bishops or Presbyters , which were the same , were left by the Apostles in every Church , and they might perhaps give some speciall charge to Clement , or Polycarpus , or Linus , and put some speciall trust in them for the experience they had of their faith , and constancy ; it remaines yet to be evinc't out of this and the like places , which will never be , that the word Bishop is otherwise taken , then in the language of Saint Paul , and the Acts , for an order above Presbyters . We grant them Bishops , we grant them worthy men , we grant them plac't in severall Churches by the Apostles , we grant that Irenaeus , and Tertul : affirme this , but that they were plac't in a superiour Order above the Presbytery , shew from all these words why we should grant . 'T is not enough to say the Ap : left this man Bishop in Rome , & that other in Ephesus , but to shew when they alterd their owne decree set downe by St. Paul , and made all the Presbyters underlings to one Bishop . But suppose Tertullian had made an imparity where none was originally , should hee move us , that goes about to prove an imparity betweene God the Father , and God the Sonne , as these words import in his Booke against Praxeas . The Father is the whole substance , but the Son a derivation , and portion of the whole , as he himselfe professes because the Father is greater then me . Beleeve him now for a faithfull relater of tradition , whom you see such an unfaithfull expounder of the Scripture . besides in his time all allowable tradition was now lost . For this same Author whom you bring to testifie the ordination of Clement to the Bishoprick of Rome by Peter , testifies also in the beginning of his treatise concerning Chastity , that the Bishop of Rome did then use to send forth his edicts by the name of Pontifex Maximus , and Episcopus Episcoporum chief Priest , and Bishop of Bishops . For shame then doe not urge that authority to keepe up a Bishop , that will necessarily ingage you to set up a Pope . As little can your advantage bee from Hegesippus an Historian of the same time not extant , but cited by Eusebius , his words are , that in every City all things so stood in his time as the Law , and the Prophets , and our Lord did preach . If they stood so , then stood not Bishops above Presbyters , for what our Lord , and his Disciples taught , God be thanked , we have no need to goe learne of him : and you may as well hope to perswade us out of the same Author , that James the brother of our Lord was a Nazarite , and that to him only it was lawfull to enter into the holy of Holies , that his food was not upon any thing that had life , fish , or flesh , that he us'd no wollen garments , but onely linnen , and so as he trifles on . If therefore the tradition of the Church were now grown so ridiculous , & disconsenting from the Doctrine of the Apostles , even in those points which were of lest moment to mens particular ends , how well may we be assur'd it was much more degenerated in point of Episcopacy , and precedency , things which could affor'd such plausible pretenses , such commodious traverses for ambition , and Avarice to lvrke behind . As for those Brittaine Bishops which you cite , take heed what you doe , for our Brittaine Bishops lesse ancient then these , were remarkable for nothing more then their poverty , as Sulp Severus , and Beda can remember you of examples good store . Lastly ( for the fabulous Metaphrastes is not worth an answer ) that authority of Clemens Alexandrinus is not to be found in all his workes , and wherever it be extant , it is in controversie , whether it be Clements or no ; or if it were it sayes onely that Saint Iohn in some places constituted Bishops : questionlesse he did , but where does Clement say he set them above Presbyters ? no man will gaine-say the constitution of Bishops , but the raising them to a superiour , and distinct order above Presbyters , seeing the Gospell makes them one and the same thing , a thousand such allegations as these will not give Prelaticall Episcopacy , one Chapell of ease above a Parish Church . And thus much for this cloud I cannot say rather then petty-fog of witnesses , with which Episcopall men would cast a mist before us , to deduce their exalted Episcopacy from Apostolick times . Now although , as all men well know , it be the wonted shift of errour , and fond Opinion , when they find themselves outlaw'd by the Bible , and forsaken of sound reason , to betake them with all speed to their old starting hole of tradition , and that wild , and overgrowne Covert of antiquity thinking to farme there at large roome , and find good stabling , yet thus much their owne dêify'de antiquity betrayes them , to informe us that Tradition hath had very seldome or never the gift of perswasion ; as that which Church Histories report of those East , and Western Paschalists formerly spoken of will declare , who would have thought that Polycarpus on the one side could have err'd in what he saw Saint Iohn doe , or Anicetus Bishop of Rome on the other side , in what he or some of his friends might pretend to have seene Saint Peter , or Saint Paul doe , and yet neither of these could perswade either when to keep E●ster ; The like frivolous contention troubled the Primitive English Churches , while Colmanus 〈◊〉 Wilfride on either side deducing their opinion 〈◊〉 the one from the undeniable example of Saint Iohn , and the learned Bishop Anatolius , and la●●● the miraculous Columba the other from Saint Peter , and the Nicene Councell could gaine no ground each of other till King Oswy perceiving no likelihood of ending the Controversie that way , was faine to decide it himselfe good King , with that small knowledge , wherewith those times had furnisht him . So when those pious Greek Emperours began , as Cedrenus relates , to put downe Monks , and abolish Images , the old Idolaters finding themselves blasted , and driven back by the prevailing light of the Scripture , sent out their sturdy Monks call'd the Abramites , to alledge for images the ancient Fathers Dionysius , and this our objected Irenaus , nay they were so high flowne in their antiquity , that they undertooke to bring the Apostles , and Luke the Evangelist , yea Christ himselfe , from certaine records that were then current , to patronize their Idolatry , yet for all this the worthy Emperour Theophilus , even in those darke times chose rather to nourish himselfe , and his people with the sincere milke of the Gospell , then to drinke from the mixt confluence of so many corrupt , and poysonous waters , as tradition would have perswaded him to by most ancient seeming authorities : In like manner all the reformed Churches abroad unthroning Episcopacy doubtlesse were not ignorant of these testimonies alledg'd to draw it in a line from the Apostles dayes , for surely the Author will not thinke he hath brought us now any new authorities , or considerations into the world , which the Reformers in other places were not advis'd of , and yet we see , the intercession of all these Apostolick Fathers could not prevaile with them to alter their resolved decree of reducing into Order their usurping , and over provender'd Episcopants : and God hath blest their worke this hunder'd yeares , with a prosperous and stedfast , and still happy successe . And this may serve to prove the insufficiency of these present Episcopall Testimonies not only in themselves , but in the account of those ever that have beene the followers of truth . It will next behoove us to consider the inconvenience we fall into , by using our selves to bee guided by these kind of Testimonies . He that thinks it the part of a well learned man , to have read diligently the ancient stories of the Church , and to be no stranger in the volumes of the Fathers shall have all judicious men consenting with him ; not hereby to controule , and new fangle the Scripture , God forbid , but to marke how corruption , and Apostacy crept in by degrees , and to gather up , where ever wee find the remaining sparks of Originall truth , wherewith to stop the mouthes of our adversaries , and to bridle them with their own curb , who willingly passe by that which is Orthodoxall in them , and studiously cull out that which is commentitious , and best for their turnes , not weighing the Fathers in the ballance of Scripture , but Scripture in the ballance of the Fathers , if wee therefore making first the Gospell our rule , and Oracle shall take the good which wee light on in the Fathers , and set it to oppose the evill which other men seek from them , in this way of Skirmish wee shall easily master all superstition , and false doctrine ; but if we turne this our discreet , and wary usage of them into a blind devotion towards them , and whatsoever we find written by them , wee both forsake our owne grounds , and reasons which led us at first to part from Rome , that is to hold to the Scriptures against all antiquity ; wee remove our cause into our adversaries owne Court , and take up there those cast principles which will soone cause us to soder up with them againe , in as much as beleeving antiquity for it self in any one point , we bring an ingagement upon our selves of assenting to all that it charges upon us . For suppose we should now neglecting that which is cleare in Scripture , that a Bishop and Presbyter is all one both in name , and office , and that what was done by Timothy , and Titus executing an extraordinary place , as fellow labourers with the Apostles , and of a universall charge in planting Christianity through divers regions , cannot be drawne into particular , and dayly example , suppose that neglecting this cleerenesse of the text , we should by the uncertaine , and corrupted writings of succeeding times , determine that Bishop and Presbyter are different , because we dare not deny what Ignatius or rather the Perkin Warbeck of Ignatius sayes , then must we bee constrain'd to take upon our selves a thousand superstitions , and falsities which the Papist will prove us downe in from as good authorities , and as ancient , as these that set a Bishop above a Presbyter . And the plaine truth is that when any of our men of those that are wedded to antiquity come to dispute with a Papist , and leaving the Scriptures put themselves without appeale to the sentence of Synods , and Councells , using in the cause of Sion the hir'd souldjary of revolted Israel , where they give the Romanist one buff● , they receive two counterbuffs . Were it therefore but in this regard , every true Bishop should be afraid to conquer in his cause by such authorities as these , which if we admit for the authorities sake , we open a broad passage for a multitude of Doctrines that have no ground in Scripture , to break in upon us . Lastly I doe not know , it being undeniable that there are but two Ecclesiasticall Orders , Bishops , and Deacons mention'd in the Gospell , how it can be lesse then impiery to make a demurre at that , which is there so perspicuous , confronting , and parallelling the sacred verity of Saint Paul with the offalls , and sweepings of antiquity that met as accidentally and absurdly , as Epicurus his atoms to patch up a Leucippean Ignatius , enclining rather to make this phantasme an expounder , or indeed a depraver of Saint Paul , then Saint Paul an examiner , and discoverer of this impostorship , nor caring how slightly they put off the verdit of holy Text unsalv'd , that sayes plainely there bee but two orders , so they maintaine the reputation of their imaginary Doctor that proclaimes three : certainly if Christs Apostle have set downe but two , then according to his owne words , though hee himselfe should unsay it , and not onely the Angell of Smyrna , but an Angell from Heaven should beare us downe that there bee three , Saint Paul has doom'd him twise , let him be accur'st , for Christ hath pronounc't that no tittle of his word shall fall to the ground , and if one jot be alterable it is as possible that all should perish ; And this shall bee our righteousnes , our ample warrant , and strong assurance both now , and at the last day never to be asham'd of , against all the heaped names of Angells , and Martyrs , Councells , and Fathers urg'd upon us , if we have given our selves up to be taught by the pure , and living precept of Gods word onely , which without more additions , nay with a forbidding of them hath within it selfe the promise of eternall life , the end of all our wearisome labours , and all our sustaining hopes . But if any shall strive to set up his Ephod , and Teraphim of Antiquity against the brightnesse , and perfection of the Gospell , let him feare lest he and his Baal be turn'd into Bosheth . And thus much may suffice to shew that the pretended Episcopacy cannot be deduc't from the Apostolicall TIMES . The End . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A50915e-120 2 Tim. 4. Pag. 4. 1 Tim. 1. 3. Pag. 5. p Euseb. l. 6. 〈◊〉 page 8 , p. 13. p. 16. 
A29194	----	The consecration and succession, of Protestant bishops justified, the Bishop of Duresme vindicated, and that infamous fable of the ordination at the Nagges head clearly confuted by John Bramhall ... Bramhall, John, 1594-1663. 1658 Approx. 289 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 123 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29194 Wing B4216 ESTC R24144 12116438 ocm 12116438 54322 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29194) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54322) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 759:30) The consecration and succession, of Protestant bishops justified, the Bishop of Duresme vindicated, and that infamous fable of the ordination at the Nagges head clearly confuted by John Bramhall ... Bramhall, John, 1594-1663. 239, [1] p. By John Ramzey, Gravenhagh : 1658. Errata: p. [1] at end. Includes bibliographical references. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy. Bishops -- England. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CONSECRATION AND SUCCESSION , Of Protestant Bishops justified . The BISHOP of DURESME vindicated . And That infamous Fable of the ordination at the Nagge 's head clearly confuted . By JOHN BRAMHALL , D. D. Bishop of Derry . Necesse est ut lancē in libra ponderibus impositis Deprimi , sic animum perspicuis cedere . GRAVENHAGH , By JOHN RAMZEY , Anno 1658. CHAP. I. The occasion of this Treatise . THe fairest eares of Corne are soonest blasted , so the more conspicuous the Church of England was among the reformed Churches , ( as not being framed according to the brainsicke dictates of some seditious Oratour , or the giddy humours of a tumultuous multitude , but with mature deliberation , and the free consent and concurrence of all the Orders of the Kingdome , ) the more it was subjected to the envie and groundless calumnies of our Country men of the Roman Communion . But of all the slanderous aspersions cast upon our Church , that liyng fable of the Nagge 's head Ordination doth beare the bell away . Those monstrous fictions of the Cretian bulles and minotaures , ( devised by the Athenians to revenge themselves upon Minos King of Creete , who had subdued them in a just warre , and compelled them to send their sons to him for hostages , ) were not more malicious , nor that shamelesslie of Kentish long tailes more ridiculous . The first deviser of it doth justly deserve the Character of A man of a brasen forhead and leaden hearie . If the unpartiall reader after he have perused this treatise , thinke I doe him wrong . I do willingly submitte my self to his censure . This prodigious fable received its deathes wound from Mr. Masons penne , and hath remained ever since for the space of thirty yeares buried in deepe oblivion . And those assaies which it maketh now to get wing againe , by the assistence of two Ignatian Fathers , are but the vaine attempts of a dying Cause . Neither would I have troubled the Reader or my self to bring Owles to Athens , or to confute a Cause which hath bene so demonstratively confuted to my hand , but for two new additions lately spread abroad . The one by orall tradition which concerneth my self . That Father T. and Father B. had so confuted the Bishop of Derry in the presence of the King , that he said he perceived his Father had made me a Lord , but not a Bishop , And that afterwards , by my power I had procured those two Iesuits to be prohibited that presence . So that whereas Father Talbot used to be the Interpreter in the Spanish treaties , now he was not admitted , and Don Iohn would admitte no other . So the Bishop of Derry is accused not onely to have bene publickly baffeled , but also to have bene a disturber of publick affaires . Yet I know nothing of all this , which concerneth myself . I never heard of any such conference , or any such words , I never knew that Father Talbot was designed to that imploiment . I was never guilty of having any such power , muchlesse of any endevour to turne out any man. If the Fathers seemed too pragmaticall to those who were intrusted , or to involue the interest of their Religion into Civill treaties , what is that to me ? If it were true they may thanke themselves . If it were false , they may thanke them who did it . Whether true or false I never had an hand , nor so much as a little finger in it . All the truth that I know is this . Hearing that these two Fathers , had spoken largely in the Courte of the Succession of our English Bishops , but never in my presence , I sought out Father B , and had private conference with him about it in the Iesuits College at Bruges , and afterwards some discourse with Father T. and him together in mine owne Chamber . Whatsoever they did say , they put into writing to which I returned them an answer , shewing not onely that there was not , but that it was morally impossible there should be any such Ordination at the nagges head . From that day to this I never heard any thing of it , that concerned myself . Now if a man should search for an Authour of this fabulous Relation , he shall be sure to have it fathered upon some very credible persōs , without names , who had it from Iohn an okes whilest he was living , and he had it from Iohn a Stiles , and he had it from No body , but feined it himself out of a good intention , according to that case Theology which he had learned of Machiavell , To advance the credit of Religion by all meanes possible true or false . The other addition concerneth the learned and Reverend Bishop of Duresme one of the ancientest Bishops this day living in the Christian world , being 95 yeares old at least . That he owned and justified the nagges head Ordination in publick Parliament , in the house of the Peeres : It is very well , we can not desire a better place where to have it spoken , then the house of Parliament . Nor better witnesses then the Lords spirituall and temporall . We have no man of the Episcopall Order , whose memory can reach so neare those times , or in whose integrity we doe more confide , then the Bishop of Duresme . He might heare many things either from the persons praetended to have bene then consecrated , or from the Notaries or witnesses who were then present at that imaginary Consecration . Or at least he might receive the tradition of that age from such as were eiewitnesses of what passed . Let it be put to his Testimony if they thinke fitte , ( without doubt he is the same man he was then ) or to the Testimony of any other of his age and Reputation , whom they can produce . We refuse no sort of proofe but onely vaine hear say , which as our English proverbe saith is commonly , and in this case most undoubtedly a lier . Nay we would not refuse the Testimony of Mr. Neale himself , though a professed enemy , who was the onely founder of this silly fable , so he might be examined upon oath , before equall Iudges , but compell him either to shame the divell , and eate his owne words , or to runne himself into such palpable absurdities Contradictions and impossibilities , that no man of reason how partiall soever , could give any credit to him . My first taske shall be , before I meddle with the fable it self to vindicate the Bishop of Duresme , and the truth which is wounded through his sydes , with this intimation to the Reader , that if this branch of the Legend be proved apparently to be false , which is pretended to have bene publickly acted in a full house of the Peeres of the Realme , we can expect no truth from the voluntary reporte of one single meane malicious enemy , to his own party . And with all a confessed Spie , of what was done at the Nagge 's head . Breake ice in one place , and it will crack in more . CHAPT . II. The Vindication of the Bishop of Duresme . TO vindicate the Bishop of Duresme , I shall first set downe the relation of this passage in the words of the Fathers themselves . In the beginning of the late Parliament some Presbiterian Lordes presented to the upper house a certeine booke , proving that the Protestant Bishops had no succession or consecration , and therefore were no Bishops , and by consequence had no right to sitte in Parliament . Hereupon Doctor Morton pretended Bishop of Durrham who is yet alive , made a speech against this booke in his owne and all the Bishops behalfe then present . He endeavoured to prove succession from the last Catholick Bishops , who ( said he ) by imposition of hands ordeined the first Protestant Bishops at the Nagge 's head in Cheap syde , as vvas Notorious to all the vvorld . Therefore the afore said booke ought to be looked upon as a groundless libell . This vvas told to many by one of the ancientest Peeres of England , praesent in Parliament vvhen Morton made his speech . And thesame he is ready to depose upon his oath . Nay he cannot believe that any vvill be so impudent as to denie a thing so notorious , vvhereof there are as many vvitnesses living , as there are Lords and Bishops that vvere that day in the upper house of Parliament . Here are three passages . One concerning a booke presented to the upper house , against the successiō of English Bishops , by some presbiterian Lords . The second concerning the pretended refutation of this booke by the Bishop of Duresme . The third the proofe of both these allegations by the Testimony of an Ancient Peere of England , First for the booke , It is most true there was a booke written about that time by a single Lord against Episcopacy , and dedicated to the members of both houses of Parliament . No wonder . How often have the Parliaments in the reignes of Queene Elisabeth and King Iames bene troubled with such Requests and Representations . It is no strange thing that a weake eie should be offended with the light of the sun . We may justly ascribe the reviving of the Aerian heresy in these later daies to the Dispensations of the Courte of Rome who licensed ordinary Priests to ordeine , and confirme , and do the most essentiall offices of Bishops So their Scholes do teach us , A Preest may be the ex●raordinary Minister of Priesthood , and inferiour orders by the delegation of the Pope . Againe The Pope may conferre the power of confirmation upon a simple Priest. By such exorbitant practises as these they chalked ou● the way to ●nnovators . And yet they are not able to produce one president of such a dispensation throughout the primitive times , A good Christian ought to regarde more what the whole Christian world in all ages hath practised , then what a few conceited persons in this last age have fancied . Among all the Easterne Southern and Northerne Christians , who make innumerable multitudes , there neither is nor ever was one formed Church that wanted Bishops . Yet these are as farre from submitting to the exorbitant power of the Roman Bishop as we . Among all the westerne Churches and their Colonies , there never was one formed Church for 1500. yeares , that wanted Bishops . If there be any persons so farre possessed with prejudice , that they chuse rather to follow the private dictates of their owne phrensy , then the perpetuall and universall practise of the Catholick Church , enter not into their secrets o my soule . Thus farre we agree , but in all the rest of the circumstances , ( though they be not much materiall ) the Fathers do pittifully mistake themselves , and vary much from the Testimony of their witness , and much more from the truth . First the Authour of this booke was no presbyterian Lord ▪ much less a company or caball of Presbiterian Lords in the plurall , but my Lord Brookes , one that had as little favour for Presbytery as for Episcopacy . Secondly the booke was not praesented to the upper house . It might be brought into the house privately , yet not be praesented to the house publickly . If it had bene publickly praesented , the Clerkes of the Parliament or some of them must needes have known of it and made an Act of it , but they know no such thing . The Lords Spirituall and Temporall could not all have Forgotten it , but they remember no such thing , as by their respective certificates praesently shall appeare . Thirdly as the Authour is mistaken , and praesentation mistaken . So the subject likewise is mistaken . Sit liber Iudex , let the booke speake for it self ▪ Thus an able freind certifieth me . I have got my Lord Brookes booke which he wrote against the Bishops with much labour , and perused it with no less Patience . And there is not in it the least shadow of any Argument , that the Bishops ought not to sitte in Parliament , because they had no succession or consecration . What did my Lord Brookes regard succession or Consecration or holy orders , who had a Coachman to be his preacher . The less Canonicall the ordination had bene , the more he would have applauded it . Time and place and forme and all were agreeable to that Christian liberty which he dreamed of , it was not wante of consecration , but consecration it self which he excepted against , as all men knew who knew him . And in this quarrell he lost his life , after a most remarkable and allmost miraculous manner , at the siege of Lichfield Church , upon St. Ceaddas anniversary day , who was the founder of that Church and Bishop of it . I know the Fathers will be troubled much , that this which they have published to the view of the world , concerning the Bishop of Durrham , as a truth so evident which no man can have the impudence to denie , should be denied , yea denied positively and throughout , denied not onely by the Bishop of Durrham himself , but by all the Lords spirituall and Temporall that can be met with , Denied by some Lords of their owne communion , who understand them selves as well as any among them , though their names are not subscribed , to the certificate , Denied by the Clerkes of the Parliament , whose office it is to keepe a diary of all the speeches made in the house of the Peeres For Proofe hereof First I produce the Protestation of the Bishop of Duresme him self , attested by witnesses in the Praesence of a publick Notary . Take it in his owne words . VVhereas I am most injuriously and slanderously traduced , by a nameles Authour , calling himself N. N. in a booke said to be printed at Rouen 1657. intituled [ a treatise of the nature of Catholick faith and haeresy ] , as if upon the praesenting of a certein booke to the upper house in the beginning of the late Parliament , prouing as he saith the protestant Bishops had no succession nor consecration , and therefore were no Bishops , and by consequence ought not to sit in Parliament , I should make a speech against the said booke in my owne and all the Bishops behalfs , endevouring to prove succession from the last Catholick Bishops as he there stiles them , ) who by imposition of hands ordeined the first protestant Bishops , at the nagges head in cheapsyde , as was notorious to all the world , &c. I do hereby in the praesence of Almighty God solemnely protest and declare to all the world , that what this Authour there affirmes concerning me is a most notorious untruth and a grosse slander . For to the best of my knowledge and remembrance , no such booke as he there mentions was ever presented to the upper house in that or any other Parliament , that ever I sate in . And if there had , I could never have made such a speech as is there pretended , seeing I have ever spokē according to my thoughts , and alwaies believed that fable of the Nagge 's head consecration to have proceded from the father of lies ; as the Authentick Recordes of the Church still extant , which were so faithfully transcribed , and published by Mr. Mason , do evidently testifie . And whereas the same impudent Libeller doth moreover say , that what he there affirmes was told to many , by one of the ancientest Peeres of England , praesent in Parliament , when I made this praetended speech : and that he is ready to depose the same upon his oath : And that he can not believe any will be so impudent , to denie a thing so notorious , whereof there are as many witnesses living , as there are Lords and Bishops that were that day in the upper house of Parliament &c. I answer , that I am very unwilling to beleeve any peere of England should have so little sense of his Conscience and honour , as either to sweare or so much as affirme such a notorious untruth . And therefore for the justification of my self and Manifestation of the truth in this Particular , I do freely and vvillingly appeale ( as he directs me ) to those many honourable persons , the Lord Spirituall and temporall yet alive , vvho sate in the house of Peeres in that Parliament , or to as many of them as this my Protestation shall come to , for a true certificate of vvhat they knovv or believe Concerning this matter . Humbly desiring them and charging it upon their soules , as they vvill ansvver it to god at the day of Iudgment , that they vvill be pleased to testifie the truth , and nothing but the truth herein , to the best of their knovvledg and remembrance , vvithout any favour or affection to me at all . I cannot reasonably be suspected by any indif●erent man , of denyng any thing that I knovv or believe to be true , seeing I am so shortly in all probability to render an account to the searcher of hearts of all my words and actions , being now ( at the least ) upon the ninetyfifth yeare of my age . And I acknowledge it a great mercy and favour of God , that he hath reserved me thus long , to cleare the Church of England and my self of this most notorious Slander , before he takes me to himself . For I can not imagine any reason , why this shamelesse writer might not have cast the same upon any of my Reverend Brethren as well as me , but onely that I being the eldest , it was probable I might be in my graue , before this untruth could be taken notice of in the world . And now I thanke god I can cherefully sing my nunc dimittis , unlesse it please him to reserve me for the like service hereafter : for I desire not to live any longer upon earth , then he shall be pleased to make me his instrument to defend the truth , and promote his glory . And for the more solemne and full Confirmation of this my free and voluntary protestation and declaration I have hereunto set my hand and seale , this seventeenth day of Iuly . Anno Domini 1658. THOMAS DVRESME . Signed sealed published and declared , in the presence of Tho : Sanders Sen : , Tho : Sanders Iun : , Iohn Barwick Clerke , R : Gray , Evan Davies . I Tobias Holder publick Notary , being requested by the Right Reverend Father in God Thomas Lo. Bishop of Duresme , at the house of Thomas Sanders Esquire , in the Parish of Flamstead , in the County of Hartford , in the yeare of our Lord moneth and day above specified , was then and there personally present , where and vvhen the said Reverend Bishop did Signe publish and declare this his Protestation and declaration above vvriten , to be his Act and deed , and did cause his Authentick Episcopall Seale , to be there to affixed , in the presence of the vvitnesses vvhose names are there to subscribed . And did there and then likevvise signe publish and declare as his Act and deed , another of the same Tenor vvritten in paper , vvhich he Signed vvith his Manuall Seale , in the presence of the same vvitnesses . All this I heard , saw , and therefore knovv to be done . In Testimony vvhereof I have subscribed and thereto put my usuall and accustomed Notaries Signe . TOBIAS HOLDER . Publick Notary . How doth this so solemne Protestation agree with the former Relation of the Fathers , that the Bishop of Durham affirmed publickly in the upper house that the first Protestant Bishops were Consecrated in the Nagge 's head , that they were not Consecrated at Lambeth , that this was notorious to all the world , that it is not Credible that any will be so impudent as to denie it , that all the rest of the Bishops approved his assertion by their silence , and were glad to have such a retiring place against the Presbyterians , that none of the Bishops did give credit to Mr. Masons new found Registers ? Even as light and Darknesse , or truth and falshood , or two Contradictory Propositions do agree together . This is the first witnesse whom any of that party hath adventured to cite publickly and directly for that infamous story whilest he was living . And they see the successe of it . I hope they will be wiser hereafter , then to cite any more living witnesses . But it may be that they who do not stick to suppose that our Arch-Bishops make false certificates , may object this is but the Testimony of the Bishop of Durham in his owne cause . Let us see whether the other Bishops dissent from the Bishop of Duresme . Take the Testimony of them all , who sate in that Parliament , which are now lining except the Bishop of Bangor , whose absence in Wales is the onely reason why he is not a subscriber with the rest . Whereas we the surviving Bishops of the Church of England , who sate in the Parliament begun at Westminster the third day of November 1640 , are required by our Reverend Brother the Lord Bishop of Duresme , to declare and attest the truth , concerning an imputation cast upon him in the Pamphlet of that namelesse Author , mentioned in his Protestation and Declaration here prefixed . And whereas we are obliged to performe what he requesteth , both for the justification of the truth , and for the clearing of our selves of another slanderous aspersion , which the same Authour casteth upon us , as if we had heard our said Reverend Brother make such a speech as is there pretended , and by our silence had approved , what that Libeller falsely affirmeth was delivered in it . VVe do hereby solemnely protest and declare before God and all the world , that we never knew of any such booke presented to the house of Peeres , as he there pretendeth , nor believe any such vvas ever presented : And therefore could never heare any such speech made against it , as he mentioneth , by our said Reverend brother or any other , much lesse approve of it by our silence . And if any such booke had bene presented , or any such speech had bene made , there is none among us so ignorant or negligent of his duty in defending the truth , but vvould have bene both able and ready to have confuted so groundlesse a fable , as the pretēded consecration of Bishops at the Nagge 's head , out of the Authentick and knovvne registers of the Church still extant , mentioned and faithfully trāscribed and published by Mr. Mason so long before . For the confirmation of which truth , and attestation of what our said Reverend Brother hath herewith Protested and declared , we have hereunto set our hands . Dated the 19th . day of Iuly Anno Domini 1658. LONDON . M. ELI . BR . SARUM . BATH . & WELLS . JO. ROFFENS . OXFORD . If all these proofes seeme not satisfactory to the Fathers , they shall have more . Let them take the Testimony of the Principall Peeres now living , who sate then in Parliament . VVe of the Lords temporall whose names are here under written , who sate in the Parliament begun at Westminster the third day of November 1640 , being desired by the Bishop of Duresme to testify our knowledge concerning an imputation cast upon him , about a speech pretended to be made by him in that Parliament , more particularly mentioned and disavowed in his prefixed Protestation , Doe hereby testify and Declare , that to the best of our present knowledge and remembrance , no such booke against Bishops as is there mentioned , was presented to the house of Peeres in that Parliament . And consequently , that no such speech as is there pretended , was or could be made by him or ony other against it . In testimony whereof we have signed this our attestation with our owne hands . Dated the nineteenth day of Iuly Anno Domini 1658. DORCHESTER . RVTLAND . LINCOLNE . CLEVELAND . DOVER . LINDSEY . SOVTHAMTON . DEVONSHIRE . MONMOVTH . To this proofe nothing remaineth that can be added , but onely the testimony of the Clerke of the Parliament , who after a diligent search made in the booke of the Lords house , hath with his owne hand written this short Certificate , in the margent of one of your bookes pag. 9. over against your relation , Vpon search made in the booke of the Lords house , I do not find any such booke presented , nor any entery of any such speech made by Bishop Morton . HENRY SCOBEL CLERK ▪ Of the Parliament ▪ And now methinkes I heare the Fathers blaming of their owne credulity , and rashnesse , and over much confidence . They had forgotten Epictetus his rule , Remember to distrust . I judge them by my self , Homo sum , humani a me nihil alienum pu●o . One circumstance being either latent or mistaken , may change the whole drift and scope of a relation . But though we would be contented to lend a skirt of our coate , to cover the fault of them who calumniate our Church : yet this relation can never be excused in any man from a most grievous mistake , where both the person , and the whole scope of his discourse is altogether mistaken . This is almost as great a mistake as the Nagge 's head Ordination it self , where a confirmation dinner was mistaken for a solemne consecration . But those who cherish such mistakes for advantage , and deck them up with new matter , and publish them to the world for undoubted truths , can not be excused from formall calumnie . The last thing to be considered in this first part of this discourse , being the vindication of the Reverend Bishop of Duresme , is concerning the witnesse , whom as the Fathers do forbeare to name , so shall I. Of whom they say foure things , ● that he is one of the Ancientest ▪ Peeres of England , that he was present in Parliament when Morton made this speech , that he will take his Oath of the truth of it , and that he can not believe that any will be so impudent to denie it . We have no dispute concerning the antiquity of Peerage , Let that passe : but I am confidēt whatsoever his present judgement had been either of the speaker or of the speech , your witness would have abstained from uncivill language , as to stile the Reverend Bishop of Duresme a pretended Bishop , and plaine Morton , without either welt or garde He would not have forgotten all his degrees both in the Church and in the Scholes . He will not charge all them with downe right Impudence , who tell him that he was doubly mistaken : Nor call that no●orious to all the world , which he himself acknowledgeth that he never heard of before in his life . He is not guilty of those inferences , and eo nomine● which you have added . I do not beleeve that he doth , or ever did know the Bishop of Duresme ▪ so well as to sweare this is the man : Nor doth take himself to be so exact an Analyser of a discourse , as to be able to take his Oath what was the true scope of it , pro or contra ; especially whē some thing is started that doth quite divert his attention , as the sound of the market bell did the Philosophers Auditours . This is my Charity . And my ground for it is this . When I had once conference with him about this relation , he told me the name of the Naggeshead did surprise him , and he betooke himself to inquire of another what it meant . And when I urged to him , that it was incredible that any Protestant Bishop should make such a speech , unlesse he used it onely by way of Supposition , as argumentum ad hominem , a reason fitte for my Lord Brookes , that such a Consecration as that was , agreed well enough with his principles , He told me he knew not that , the Bishop might answer so for himself . To conclude , I have heard the Bishop of Lincolne did once mention the Fable of the Nagge 's head in a speech in Parliament , but with as much Detestation of it , as our Ancestours used to name the Devill . Why might not the mistake both of the person , and of the drift or scope of his speech , be the occasion of this relation ? I had rather out of charity run into two such right handed errours , then condemne a Noble Gentleman of whose ingenuity I never had any reason to doubt , of a malicious lie . Take it at the very best , the mistake is great enough , to mistake both the person of the speaker , and the scope of his speech . I hope they will all do that which in Conscience they are obliged to do , that is acquitte the Bishop of Duresme , and crave his pardon for their mistake . If they do not , the world will acquitte him , and condemne them . But the greatest mistake of all others was , to publish such a notorious untruth to the world , so temerariously without better advise . CHAP. III. Three reasons against the Nagges head Consecration , 1. from the Contradictions of the Relaters , 2. from the latenesse of the Discovery , 3. from the Strictnesse of our lavves . NOw having beaten Downe the Pillar about their eares , which they had set up to underproppe their Nagge 's head Ordination , it remaineth next to assault the maine fable it self , as it is related by these Fathers . Having told , how the Protestant Doctors who were designed for Bishopricks in the beginning of Queene Elisabeths Reigne , had prevailed with Anthony Kitchin Bishop of Landaffe , to give them a meeting at the Nagged head in Cheapesyde , in hope ●he would Ordeine them Bishops there . And how the Bishop of Landaffe through Bishop Bonners threatenings refused , ( all which shall be examined and laid open to the view of the world in due order , how it is stuffed with untruth and absurdities . ) They adde , that being thus deceived of their expectation , and having no other meanes to come to their desires ( that is , to obteine consecration ) , they resolved to use Mr. Scories helpe , an Apostate religious Priest , who having borne the name of Bishop in King Edward the sixths time , vvas thought to have sufficient povver to performe that Office , especially in such a strait necessity as they pretended . He , having cast of together vvith his Religious habite all scruple of conscience , vvillingly vvent about the matter , vvhich he performed in this sort . Having the bible in hand , and they all kneeling before him , he laid it upon every one of their heads or shoulders , saying , take thou Authority to preach the world of God sincerely . And so they rose up Bishops of the nevv Church of England . This narration of the consecration at the Nagge 's head ( they say ) they have taken out of Holywood , Constable , and Dr. Champneys workes . They might as well have taken it out of Aesops fables , and with as much credit or expectation of truth on our partes . So the controversy betweene them and us is this . They say that Arch Bishop Parker and the rest of the Protestant Bihops , in the beginning of Queene Elisabeths reigne , or at the least sundry of them were consecrated at the Nagge 's head in Cheapesyde together , by Bishop Scory alone , or by him and Bishop Barlow jointly , without Sermon , without Sacrament , without any solemnity , in the yeare 1559. ( but they know not what day , nor before what publick Notaries , ) by a new phantastick forme . And all this they say upon the supposed voluntary report of Mr. Neale ( a single malicious spie , ) in private to his owne party , long after the businesse pretended to be done . We say Arch Bishop Parker was consecrated alone , at Lambeth , in the Church , by foure Bishops , authorised thereunto by Commission under the great Seale of England , with Sermon , with Sacrament , with all due solemnities , upon the 17 day of December Anno 1559. before foure of the most eniment publick Notaries in England ; and particularly by the same publick Notary who was Principall Actuary both at Cardinall Poles Consecration and Arch Bishop Parkers . And that all the rest of the Bishops were ▪ Consecrated at other times , some in the same moneth but not upon the same day , some in the same yeare but not the same moneth , and some the yeare following . And to prove the truth of our relation and falshood of theirs , we produce the Registet of the See of Canterbury , as authentick as the world hath any , the Registers of the other fourteene Sees then vacant , all as carefully kept by sworne Officers as the Recordes of the Vatican it self . We produce all the Commissions under the privy seale and great Seale of England : We produce the rolles or Recordes of the Chancery ; And if the Recordes of the Signet office had not been unfortunately burned in King Iames his time , it might have been verified by those also : We produce an Act of Parliament express in the pointe , within seven yeares after the Consecration : We produce all the controverted Consecrations published to the world in printe Anno 1572 ▪ three yeares before Arch Bishop Parkers death , whilest all things were fresh in mens memories . These bright beames had bene able to dasell the eies of Mr. Neale himself , whilest he was living , and have made him recant his lewd lie , or confess himself starke blinde . The first reason which I bring against this ridiculous fable , it taken from the palpable Contradictions , and grosse absurdities and defects of those Roman Catholick writers , who have related this silly tale of a tub , and agree in nothing but in their common malice against the Church of England . It is no strange matter for such as write upon hearesay , or relie upon the exact truth of other mens notes or memories , to mistake in some inconsiderable circumstance : as to set downe the name of a place amisse , which may be the transcribers faulte , or the printers , as well as the Authours : Or to say two Suffragans for one , when there were two named in the Commission , and but one present at the Consecration . Such immateriall differences which are so remote from the heart of the Cause , about indifferent Circumstances , may bring the exactnesse of the Relation into question , but not the substantiall truth of it . Such petty unsignificant variations , do rather prove that the Relations were not made upon compact or confederacy . Especially where there are originall Recordes taken upon the place by sworne Notaries , whose names , and hands , and Acts are as well known to every man versed in the Recordes of those times , as a man knoweth his owne house . To which all Relaters and Relations must submitte , and are ready to submitte as to an infallible rule . But he who should give credit to such a silly senslesse fable as this is , which is wholy composed of absurd , improbable , incoherent , inconsistent , contradictory fictions , had need to have a very implicite faith . The greatest shew of any accord among them is about the Consecrater , yet even in this they disagree one from another . The common opinion is that Bishop Scory alone did consecrate them . But Mr. Constable one of their principall authours supposeth , that Bishop● Barlow might joine with him in the Consecration . And Sanders , whose penne in other cases useth to runne over , one who had as much malice as any of them , and had reason to know the passages of those times better then all of them , leaveth it doubtfull , when , or where , or by whom they were ordeined , quomodocunque facti sunt isti Pseudo-Episcopi ; by what meanes soever they were ordeined . But they disagree much more among themselves , who they should be that were ordeined . First Mr. Waddesworth ( whose ingenuity deserveth to be commended ) doth not say that any of our Bishops were actually consecrated there , but onely that there was an attempt to consecrate the First of them , that was Arch-Bishop Parker . But that which destoyeth the credit of this attempt is this , that it is evident by the Recordes , that Arch-Bishop Parker was not personally present at his Confirmation in Bowes Church , or at his Confirmation dinner at the Nagge 's head , which gave the occasion to this merry Legend : but was confirmed by his Proctor Nicholas Bullingham Doctor in the Lawes , upon the ninth of December Anno 1559. A man may be confirmed by Proxie , but no man can be ordeined by proxie . It is a ruled case in their owne law , Non licet Sacramentum aliquod praeter matrimonium absenti administrare . So if there was an attempt to consecrate any man at the Nagge 's head , it must be Doctor Bullingham , it could not be Arch Bishop Parker . Others say there was more then an attempt , that one or more of them were actually ordeined there : but they name none . Others name some , but they accorde not one with another in naming of them . Some say , Iewell , Sands , Horn , Grindall ; where was Arch Bishop Parker ? Others say , Parker , Grindall , Horne , Sands . Lastly others say , they were all ordeined there , who were named to Bishopricks , and number fifteen of them . These fathers speake indefinitely , Parker and his fellowes . But they seeme to extend this word fellowes as farre as Doctor Champneys fifteene : for they tell us , that they all kneeled downe before him , and he laid the Bible upon every one of their heads or shoulders . Thus these Cadmean brethren , like those false witnesses which testified against Christ , destroy one another with their mutuall Contradictions . Thirdly , the time is a principall Circumstance in all Consecrations , and is evermore most punctually recorded by the Actuaries , or publick Notaries . But in this fabulous Relation the time is concealed . It seemeth the Forger was no good Actuary , and either did not know how materiall that Circumstance was , or had forgotten it . Onely Doctor Champney telleth us , that it was before the ninth of September Anno 1559. But this is not precise enough for an Act : and moreover , it is most apparently false and impossible . For whereas there are two Commissions under the greate Seale of England , for the Confirmation and Consecration of Arch Bishop Parker , both recorded in the Rolles ; the one which was not executed , dated the said very ninth day of September ; and the other which was executed , dated the sixth day of December following : if Doctor Champney said true , Arch Bishop Parker was consecrated before he was confirmed , yea before there was any Commission out , either for his Consecration or Confirmation ; which is one of the drowsiest dreames that could droppe from an English penne . Lastly , every Consecration must be performed before one or more publick Notaries . ( We shall shew them Notaries enough of great eminence , beyond all exception , for Arch-Bishop Parkers true Consecration . ) And indeed what could a Consecration availe any man , without a publick Notary to Recorde it , to make an authentick Certificate of it under the seale of the principall Consecrater ? Now who recorded the Nagges head Consecration ? who drew it up into Acts ? Who certified it ? No body , because the silly forger did not understand what things were requisite to a Consecration . Onely as the Athenians sometimes said of Metiochus , Metiochus grindes the corne , Metiochus bakes the bread , Metiochus mendes the high-waies , Metiochus doth all , an evill yeare to Metiochus : So we may say of Mr. Neale ; Mr. Neale was the spie , Mr. Neale was the witness , Mr. Neale was the publick Notary , Mr. Neale was the chiefe Eugenier or forger , Mr. Neale was all , what honours are due to Mr. Neale ? Qui tot sustinuit , qui tanta negotia solus . So they feine a Consecration without a publick Notary , or ( which is all one ) no man ever knew who that publick Notary was ; At a time impossible , or els no man knoweth at what time ; without any certeinty who consecrated , whether Scory alone , or Scory and Barlow together , or God knoweth who ; and yet with much lesse certeinty who were consecrated , whether none at all , but onely an attempt was made , or one , and who that one was ; or some indefinitely , without naming who they were , or how many they were ; or foure expressly , but dissenting one from another who those foure were . Here is a story composed altogether of uncerteinties and contradictions , like A man and no man , ●it a bird and no bird , on a tree and no tree , with a stone and no stone . To make this uncerteine , groundless , contradictory rumour , to be the touchstone of truth , and to overballance all the authentick Recordes of the Kingdome , in a matter of such publick concernment : is just to make the Parish clock goe truer then the Sun , because the Clerke who settes it is our Freind . My second reason against this senseless fable , is the late discovery of it to the world , and the long concealing of it in ▪ holes and corners before they durst adventure present it to the view of the world , Can any man who is in his right wittes be so stupide as to imagine , that the Nagge 's head Ordination happened in the yeare 1559 , and ( if these Fathers say truely ) was notoriously knowne to all the world ; and that it should never once Peepe into the light for almost a whole age after it was pretended to have been done , that is till after the yeare sixteen hundred ? We use to say a monster is but nine daies wonder : but this ugly monster was not taken notice of in the world untill after forty yeares . The reason is evident ; Either it was then but newly hatched , or it had bene kept all that time at dry nurse in a closet . If it had bene so notorious to all the world from the yeare 1559 as the fathers feine , all the windowes in the Nagge 's head would have been full of it , and the roome would have been shewed to all their guests , where such a prodigious pageant had bene acted . I dare appeale to the judgments of these Fathers themselves , whether it be Credible , that this story should be notoriously knowne to the world in the beginning of Queene Elisabeths reigne , and yet neither Stapleton , nor Harding , nor Bristow , nor Alan , nor Reynoldes , nor Parsons , nor any one of all their Roman Catholick writers , should so much as mention it for forty yeares ensuing ; especially writing so much as they did upon that very subject , the validity or invalidity of our Ordination . How could their silence have bene excused from betraying of their cause , to lose such an egregious advantage ? Was it peradventure out of affection to us , to conceale the Defects of the Protestāts ? No , they had will enough , but they durst not avouch such a Monstrous untruth in earnest , ( if ever they did heare of such a vain rumour , which I can not easily beleeve , ) so contrary to the knowledg of that age . Especially let them tell me how it commeth to passe , that Nicolas Sanders , who professeth to write the Ecclesiasticall history of England , from the one and twentieth yeare of Henry the eighth , untill the Eight and twentieth yeare of Queene Elisabeth then current , in his three bookes of the Originall and progresse of the English Schisme , hath not one syllable of the Nagge 's head Ordination ? He was never accused of partiality for the Protestants , ( but as malicious against the Protestants as any man could wish ) : nor of concealing truths to their advantage , but of Devising fables to their prejudice . He having related the forme of our English Consecrations , partly true and partly false , proceedth to this first Ordination of Protestant Bishops , in the beginning of Queen Elisabeths Reigne ; alleging that the Catholick Bishops refused to impose hands upon them , And that they had not of themselves two or three Bishops , or so much as one Metropolitan . What a shameless untruth is this , that there were not two or three Protestant Bishops , when the Queenes Commission under the great Seale of England , recorded in the Rolles , is directed to seven Protestant Bishops , expresly by their names and titles ? He addeth , that they were very instant with an Irish Arch Bishop to have presided at their Ordination , but he would not . He mistaketh the matter altogether , They might have had seven Irish Arch Bishops and Bishops if they had needed them ; where the procedings were not so rigorous , where the old Bishops complied and held their places , and joined in such Ecclesiasticall Acts , untill they had made away to their kindred , all the lands belonging to their Sees . We found one Bishoprick reduced to five markes a yeare by these temporisers , another to forty shillings a yeare , and all of them to very poore pittances for Prelates . But by this meanes there wanted no Ordeiners . Never did any man question the Ordination of the first Protestant Bishops in Ireland untill this day . Then he telleth , how being thus rejected by the Catholick Bishops and the Irish Arch Bishop , they applied themselves to the lay Magistrate in the ensuing Parliament for a confirmation , from whence they were called Parliamentary Bishops . By whom were they called so ? By no man but himself and his fellowes . How many Ordinations were passed over , one after another , before that Parliament ? Was there any thing moved in this Parliament , concerning any the least essentiall of our Episcopall Ordination ? Not at all , but onely concerning the repealing and reviving of an English Statute . English Statutes can not change the essentialls of Ordination , either to make that Consecration valid which was invalid , or that invalid which was valid . The validity or invalidity of Ordination , dependeth not upon humane law , but upon the institution of Christ. Neither did we ever since that Parliament change one syllable in our forme of Ordination . Then what was this Confirmation which he speakes of ? It was onely a Declaration of the Parliament , that all the Objections which these men made against our Ordinations , were slanders and calumnies : and that all the Bishops which had been ordeined in the Queenes time , had bene rightly ordeined , according to the forme prescribed by the Church of England , and the Lawes of the Land. These men want no confidence , who are not ashamed to cite this Statute in this case . But we shall meete with this Parliament againe . In all this impertinent Discourse , where is the fable of the Nagge 's head Ordination ▪ It had bene a thousand times more materiall then all this Iargon . And you may be sure it had not been missing , if there had bene the least graine of truth in it , or is there had but been any suspicion of it when that was written . It was not then full thirty yeares after Arch-Bishop Parkers Consecration , and there were store of eye-witnesses living to have hissed such a senselesse fable out of the world , And therefore Sanders very prudently for himself , after so many intimations , passeth by their Ordination in a deepe silence , which was the onely worke he tooke in hand to shew . Qualescunque fuerint aut quo modocunque facti sint isti Pseudo-Episcopi &c. VVhat manner of persons soever these False-Bishops were , or after what manner soever they were ordeined &c. If Bishop Scory had ordeined them all at the Naggeshead , by layng a Bible upon their heads , and this forme of wordes , Take thou Authority to preach the word of god Sincerely , M. Sāders needed not to have left the case so doubtfull , how they were ordeined . And if there had bene the least suspicion of it , he would have blowen it abroad upon a silver Trumpet : but God be thanked there was none . The universall silence of all the Romish writers of that age , when the Naggeshead Ordination is pretended to have been done , in a case which concerned them all so nearely , and which was the Chiefe subject of all their disputes ; is a convincing proofe to all men who are not altogether possessed with prejudice , that either it was devised long after , or was so lewde a lie , that no man dared to owne it , whilest thousands of eyewitnesses of Arch Bishop Parkers true Consecration at Lambeth were living . A third reason , against this ridiculous libell of the Nagge 's head Consecration , is taken from the strictness of our lawes , which allow no man to consecrate or be consecrated but in a sacred place , with due matter and forme , and all the Rites and Ceremonies prescribed by the Church of England . No man must be Consecrated by fewer then foure Bishops , or three at least , And that after the Election of the Deane and Chapiter is duely confirmed , And upon the mandate o● Commission of the King under the great seale of England ; under the paine of a Premunire , that is , the forfeiture of lands , and goods , and livings , and liberty , and protection . They allow not Consecration in a Taverne , without due matte : and forme , without the Ceremonies and solemnity prescribed by the Church , without Election , without Confirmation , without letters Patents , by one single Bishop , or two at the most ; such as they feine the Nagges head Ordination to have been . Who can beleeve , that two Arch-Bishops and thirteen Bishoppes , having the reputation of learning and prudence , should wilfully thrust themselves into an apparent Premunire , to forfeite not onely their Arch Bishopricks and Bishopricks , but all their estates and all their hopes , for a phantastick forme , and scandalous Consecration : when the Queene and Kingdome were favorable to them , when the forme prescribed by the Church did please them well enough , when there were protestant Bishops of their owne Communion enough to Consecrate them , when all the Churches in the Kingdome were open to them ; unlesse it had been Midsummer moone in December ▪ and they were all starke mad , and then it is no matter where they were consecrated ? In criminall causes , where things are ●retended to be done against penall lawes , ●uch as this is , the proofes ought to be clea●er then the noone day light . Here is no●hing proved , but one single witnesse named ●nd he a professed enemy , who never testi●●ed it upon Oath , or before a Iudge , or so much as a publick Notary , or to the face of a protestant , but onely whispered it in corners ( as it is said by Adversaries ) among some of his owne party . Such a testimony is not worth a deafe nut , in any cause betweene party and party . If he had bene a witnesse beyond all exception , and had beē duly sworne and legally examined ▪ yet his testimony in the most favourable cause had been but halfe 〈◊〉 proofe , though an hundred did testifie it from his mouth , it is still but 〈◊〉 single testimony : And as it is , it i● plaine prittle prattle . and ought to be va●lued no more then the shadow of an asse ▪ To admit such a testimony , or an hundred such testimonies , against the publick authentick Recordes of the Kingdome were to make our selves guilty of more madness , then they accuse the Bishops of● If St. Paul forbid Timothy to recei●● an accusation against a single Presbyter under two or three witnesses , he would no● have us to condemne fifteen Bishops of such a penall crime , upon a ridiculous rumour contrary both to the lawes and Record● of the Kingdome . The severity of ou● lawes doth destroy the credit of this fable . CHAP. III. The fourth and fifth reasons against this improbable fiction , from the no necessity of it , and the lesse advantage of it . MY fourth plea is , because there was no need to play this counterfeit pageant . We use to say Necessity hath no law . that is , regardeth no law . In time of warre the lawes are silent , but this was a time of peace . First there could be no necessity why they should have a clandestine Consecration , without a Register or publick Notary , when they might have had an Army of publick Notaries ready upon their whistle , evē under their elbowes at Bowes Church , out of the Courtes of the Arches , and the Audience , and Prerogative . Secondly , there was no necessity why they should anticipate the Queenes Letters patents for their consecration , by whose gracious favour they were elected , and of the accomplishmēt whereof in due time they could not doubt ; unlesse they would wilfully destroy their owne hopes , by such a mad pranke as this had been , that is , unlesse they would themselves hew downe the bough where upon they stood . Thirdly , there was no necessity that they should chuse a common Taverne for the place of their Consecration , when the Keies of all the Churches in the Kingdome were at their Command , Fourthly , there could be no necessity why they should deserte the forme of Ordination prescribed by the Law , which was agreeable both to their judgements , and to their desires , and to their duties ; and to omitte the essentialls of Ordination , both matter and forme , which they knew well enough , to be consecrated after a new brainsick manner . Then all the necessity which can be pretended , is want of a competent number of Ordeiners . Suppose there had bene such a necessity 'to be ordeined by two Bishops , or by one Bishop , this very necessity had bene a sufficient Dispensation with the rigour of the Canons , and had instified the Act. as St. Gregory pleadeth to Augustine ▪ In the English Church wherein there i● no other Bishop but thy self , thou can● not ordeine a Bishop otherwise then alone ▪ And after this manner , our First English Bishops were ordeined . And so migh● these protestant Bishops have bene validely ordeined , if they received the essentialls of Ordination . But what a remedy is this , because they could not have a competent number of Bishops , according to the canons of the Church , and the lawes of England , therefore to reject the essentialls of Ordination , for a defect which was not essentiall , and to cast of obedience to their superiours , both civill ād Ecclesiasticall ? This had bene just like little children which because they cā not have some toy which they desire , cast away their garments , and whatsoever their Parēts had provided for them , Wante of three Bishops might in some cases make a consecration illegall or uncanonicall , but it could not have rendered it invalide , as this silly pretēded Ordinatiō had . But now I come up close to the ground worke of the fable , and I denie positively that there was any such want of a competent number of Bishops , as they pretend . And for proofe hereof , I bring no vaine rumours or uncertein conjectures , but the evident and authentick testimony of the great seale of England , affixed to the Queenes Leuers Patents , for authorising the Confirmation and Consecration of Arch-Bishop Parker , dated the sixth day of December , Anno 1559. directed to seven protestant Bishops , namely Anthony Bishop of Landaffe , William Barlow sometimes Bishop of Bath and Welles , and then elect Bishop of Chichester , Iohn Scory sometimes Bishop of Chichester , then Elect Bishop of Hereforde , Miles Coverdale sometimes Bishop of Exceter , Iohn Suffragan Bishop of Bedford , Iohn Suffragan Bishop of The●ford , and Iohn Bale Bishop of Ossory in Ireland . Three are a Canonicall number , if there were choise of seven , then there was no wante of a competent number to ordeine canonically . I adde , that if it had bene needfull , they might have had seven more out of Ireland , Arch Bishops and Bishops , for such a worke as a consecration . Ireland never wanted store of Ordeiners . Nor ever yet did any man object , want of a Competent number of Consecraters , to an Irish Protestant Bishop . They who concurred freely in the Consecration of Protestant Bishops at home , would not have denied their concurrence in England , if they had been commanded . Which makes me give no credit to that vaine reporte ▪ of an Irish Arch Bishop prisoner in the tower , who refused to complie with the desires of the protestant Bishops , for his liberty and a large rewarde . But the Arch Bishop wanteth a name , and the Fabl● wanteth a ground ; the witnesses and persuaders are all unkowne . And if there had bene a grane of truth in this relation ; yet in this case one man is no man , one mans refusall signifieth nothing . Against the evident truth of this assertion , two things may be opposed out of the relation of these Fathers . The First is particular , concerning the Bishop of Landaffe , that he was no Protestant , but a Roman Catholick untill his death . So they say indeed , that he was the onely man of all the Catholick Bishops , that tooke the oath of Supremacy . Observe how prejudice and partiality doth blindfold men of learning and partes ; They confess he tooke the oath of supremacy , and yet esteeme him a good Roman Catholick . I see censures go by favour , and one may Steale an horse , better then another looke over the hedge . I am well contented , that they reckon him for so good a Catholick . They adde , that he knew Parker and the rest which were to be ordered Bishops to be hereticks , and averse from the Doctrine of the Roman Catholick Church , which he Constantly adhered unto , ( the Supremacy onely excepted ) during his life . And a little after they tell us , that he desired to be numbred among Catholicks . Now what if the Bishop of Landaff after all this should prove to be a protestāt ? Then all the Fathers story is quite spoiled . And so he was . If he knew Parker and the rest , to be heretickes , he knew himself to be one of their brother hereticks . His daily masse was the English Leiturgy , as well as theirs , He adhered constantly to a Protestant Bishoprick during his life , as well as any of them , And if he did not hold it as long as any of them , it was deaths fault , and none of his fault . They say they prevailed with him to give them a meeting at the Nagge 's head in Cheapeside , where they hoped he would ordeine them Bishops , despairing that ever he would do it in a Church , because that would be too great and notorious a scandall for Catholicks . They were too modest . They might easily have prevailed with him , or have had him commanded to joine in their consecration in a Church , after a legall manner . He who did not stick at renouncing the Pope , and swearing an oath of Supremacy to his Prince , would not have stucke at a legall Ordination , upon the just command of his Prince . But to desire him to do it in a taverne , in a clandestine manner , without the authority of the greate seale , before their election was confirmed , was to desire him out of Curtesy to run into a Premunire , that is to forfeit his Bishoprick of Landaffe , his estate , his liberty . Is it become a more notorious scandall to Catholicks , to ordeine in a Church , then in a taverne , in the judgment of these fathers ? There may be scandall taken at the former , but notorious scandall is given by the later . Here Bishop Bonner steppeth upon the stage , and had well neare prevented the whole pageant , by sending his Chaplein to the Bishop of Landaffe , to forbid him under paine of excommunication to exercise any such power of giving Orders in his diocesse , where with the old man being terrified , and other wise moved in conscience refused to proceed . Bishop Bonner was allwaies very fierce which way soever he went : If Acworth say true , he escaped once very narrowly in Rome , either burning or boiling in scalding leade , for being so violent before the Assembly of Cardinalls , against the Pope , on the behalf of Henry the eight , if he had not secured himself by flight . Afterwards he made such bonefires of protestants , and rendered himself so odious , that his prison was his onely safeguard from being torne in pieces by the People . But that was , dum stetit Iliam & ingens Gloria Teucrorum , whilest he had his Prince to be his second . Now he was deprived , and had no more to doe with the Bishoprick of London , then with the Bishoprick of Constantinople , he had the habituall power of the Keies , but he had no flock to exercise it upon . If he had continued Bishop of London still , what hath the Bishop of London to do with the Bishop of Landaffe ? Par in parem non habet potestatem . Thirdly , Bowes Church which is neare the Nagges-head , wherein the Ecclesiasticall parte of this story , so farre as it hath any truth in it , was really acted , ( that is the Confirmation of Arch Bishop Parkers election ) though it be in the City of London , as many Churches more , is not in the Diocesse of London , but a Peculiar under the Iurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . Lastly , the Fathers say that when Parker and the rest see that he had refused , they reviled the poore old man , calling him doating foole , and some of them saying , This old foole thinketh that we can not be Bishops , unlesse we be greased . The contrary is evident by the Recordes of the confirmation , that Arch Bishop Parker was not present in person : So this whole narration is composed of untruthes , and mistakes , and incongruities , and contradictions . But that which discovereth the falsity of it apparently to all the world is this , that the Bishop of Landaff lived and died a protestant Bishop , in the reigne of Queene Elisabeth , as he had bene formerly in the reigne of King Edward , for proofe whereof I produce two of their owne Authours . The one is Sanders , But the Bishops , who had bene created out of the Church in those most wicked times , who had now repented from their hearts of their Schisme , being not contented wiih this common dispensation and confirmation , did each of them particularly crave pardon of their former grievous fault from the See Apostolick , and Confirmation in their Bishopricks , excepting the Bishop of Landaffe , who omitting it rather out of negligence then malice , did onely relapse into Schisme in the reigne of Queene Elisabeth , as we interprete it by the just judgement of god . He acknowledgeth , that he became a Protestant againe , that is in their language , relapsed into Schisme . The other is cited by Doctor Harding , We had onely one foole among us , ( we see whose livery the foole was , ) who now I know not by what entisements is become yours , being unworthy the name of a Lord and a Bishop , whose learning is very little , and his credit by this action much lost . Thus writeth Doctor Harding of the Bishop of Landaffe , about the fifth yeare of Queene Elisabeth , at which time he was living , and continued protestant Bishop of Landaff . A second objection against the truth of that which hath bene said of the competent Number of our Protestant Bishops to make a canonicall Ordination , is an exception against all the seven Bishops named in the letters Patents , that they were no true Bishops , because all of them were ordeined in a time of Schisme , and two of them in King Edwards time , according to a new forme of Ordination , and consequently they could not ordeine . That Ordination which was instituted by Edward the sixth was judged invalide by the Catholicks , and so declared by publick judgment in Queene Maries reigne , in so much as leases made by King Edwards Bishops , though confirmed by Deane and Chapiter were not esteemed available , because they were not ( saith the sentence ) consecrated , nor Bishops . To the First part of this objection , that our consecraters were ordeined themselves by Schismaticks or in a time of Schisme , I answer three waies . First this argument is a meere begging of the quaestion . The case in briefe is this . If those branches of Papall power which we cast out of England by our Lawes at the Reformation , were ●laine usurpations , then our Reformation 〈◊〉 but a reinfanchisement of our selves , and ●he Schisme lieth at their dore , then they may question the validity of their owne Ordination upon this ground , not ours : But we are ready to mainteine to all the world ●hat all those branches of Papall power , which we cast out by our lawes at the Re●ormation , were grosse usurpations , ●irst introduced into England above ele●en hundred yeares after Christ. So this ●art of the Objection concerneth them 〈◊〉 us . ●econdly these Fathers know wel enough , ●●d can not but acknowledg , that according to the principles of the Catholick Church and their owne practise , the Ordination not onely of Schismaticks , but o● hereticks , if it have no essentiall defect i●●valide , and the persons so Ordeined ough● not to be reordeined , but onely reconciled ▪ Many Orthodox Christians had their holy orders from hereticall Arrians . If Cra●mer , and Latimer , and Barlow , and Hodgkins , were no true Bishops , because the● were ordeined in a time of Schisme then Gardinar , and Bonner , and Tu●●stall , and Thurleby , &c. were no true Bi●shops , for they were ordeined in a tim● of Schisme likewise ; then Cardinall Pol● and Bishop Watson , and Christophers ▪ and all rest of their Bishops were no tru● Bishops who were ordeined by these . 〈◊〉 to put out one of our eies ( like the envio● man in the fable ) they would put out 〈◊〉 their owne . Thirdly I answer , that it was not we 〈◊〉 made a Discrimination betweene our ●●●shops and their Bishops , as to the poi●● of Ordination , but the Marian Bisho● themselves , who made a mutuall co●●pact , one and all , that none of them shoul● impose hands upon any new elect● Bishops ; thinking vainely , there could other Consecraters have bene found out , and that by this meanes they should both preserve their Bishopricks , and bring the Queene to their bent : but they found them selves miserably deceived . Many Bishops who had bene chased out of their Bishopricks in Queene Maries daies , did now returne from exile , and supplie the place of Consecraters . Then conjurationis eos penituit , The Bishops repented of their Conspiracy . Multi ad judices recurrunt , &c. many of them ran to the Iudges , confessed their obstinacy , and desired leave to take the oath of Supremacy . Thus writeth Acworth an Author of good account in ▪ those daies . If this foolish conspiracy had not bene . we had had no Difference about our Consecrations . To the second part of this objection , that the forme of Ordeining used in King Edwards daies , was declared invalide in Queene Maries Daies , I answer , First , that we have no reason to regarde the Iudgment of their Iudges in Queene Maries Dayes , more then they regard the judgment of our Iudges in Queene Elisabeths daies . They who made no scruple to take away their lifes , would make no scruple to take away their holy Orders . Secondly I answer that which the Father● call a sentence , was no sentence . The word is Dicitur , it is said or it is reported , not decretum est , it is decreed . Neither were Queene Maries lawes proper rules , nor Queene Maryes Iudges at common law the proper Iudges , of the validity of an Episcopal consecration , or what are the essentialls of ordination , according to the institution of Christ. They have neither rules , no● grounds for this in the common law . Thirdly I answer that the question i● Queene Maries daies was not about the validity or invalidity of our Orders , bu● about the legality or illegality of them , not whether they were conformable to the institution of Christ , but whether they were conformable to the Lawes o● England . The Lawes of England can neither make a valide ordination to be invalide ▪ nor an invalide ordination to be valide , because they can not change the institutio● of Christ. In summe King Edwards Bishop● were both validely ordeined according to the institution of Christ , and legally ordeined according to the lawes of Englād . 〈◊〉 Queene Mary changed the Law , that the forme of ordeining which had beē allowed in King Edwards daies should not be allowed in her daies . Notwithstanding Queene Maries law , they continued still true Bishops , by the institution of Christ , But they were not for that time legall Bishops in the eie of the Law of England , which is the Iudges rule . But when Queene Elisabeth restored King Edwards law , then they were not onely true valide Bishops , but legall Bishops againe . That corollary which the fathers adde , in so much as leases made by King Edwards Bishops though confirmed by the Deane and Chapiter were not esteemed available , because they were not consecrated or Bishops , that is in ●he eie of the English law at that time , signi●ieth nothing at all . Leases concerne the be●efice of a Bishop , not the Office of a Bishop . A Bishop who is legally ordeined , though ●e be invalidely ordeined , may make a lease ●hich is good in law . And a Bishop ●hich is validely ordeined , if he be ille●ally ordeined , may make a lease which is ●oide in law . Concerning Bishop Bonners Conscience , ●hat he lost his Bishoprick for his con●ience , and therefore it is not proba●●e that he would make himself guilty of so much sacrilege , as to declare King Edwards forme of ordination to be invalide for the profit of new Leases , it belongeth not to me to judge of other mens Consciences . But for Bishop Bonners Conscience I referre him to the Testimony of one of his Freinds , Nicolas Sanders , who speaking of Bishop Gardiner , Bishop Bonner , Bishop Tunstall and the Bishops of Worcester and Chichester , concludeth with these words . T●●mide ergo restiterunt pueri Regis prima●● spirituali , imo simpliciter subscripseru● , & in omnes caeteras innovationes , quae ne● videbantur ipsis continere apertam haer●●sim , ne Episcopatus & honores perderent ● vel ul●ro , vel comra conscientiam coa● consenserunt . Therefore they resisted the sp●●rituall primacy of the King being but a boy fairly , yea they subscribed to it simply , and they consented to all the rest of the innovations , whic● did not seeme to them to conteine manifest heresy either of their owne accord , or compelled agai● Conscience , least they should lose their Bishopricks and honours . We see they had no grea● reason to bragge of Bishop Bonners Conscience , who sometimes had bene a grea● favorite of Cranmer and Crumwell . He g●● his Bishoprick by opposing the Pope , a●● lost his Bishoprick by opposing his Prince ▪ But if reordination be such a sacrilege , many Romanists are guilty of grosse sacrilege , who reordeine those Proselites whom they seduce from us , with the same essentialls , matter and forme , imposition of hands , and these words Receive the holy Ghost ; wherewith they had been formerly ordeined by us . Lastly I answer , ( and this answer alone is sufficient to determine this controversy , ) that King Edwards forme of ordination was judged valide in Queene Maries daies by all Catholicks , and particularly by Cardinall Pole then Apostolicall Legate in England , and by the then Pope Paul the fourth , and by all the clergy and Parliament of England . The case was this . In the Act for repealing all statutes made against the see of Rome , in the first and second yeares of Philip and Mary , the Lords Spirituall and Temporall in Parliament assembled , representing the whole body of the Realme of England , presented their common request to the King and Queene , that they would be a meanes to the Legate to obteine some settlements by authority of the Popes Holiness , for peace sake , in some Articles where of this is one . That institutiōs of Benefices and other Promotions Ecclesiasticall , and Dispensations made according to the forme of the Act of Parliament might be confirmed . Institutions could not be confirmed , except Ordinations were confirmed . For the greatest part of the English Clergy had received both their benefices and their holy orders , after the casting out of the Popes usurped authority out of England . And both benefices and holy orders are comprehended under the name of Ecclesiasticall Promotions . This will appeare much more clearely by the very words of the Cardinalls Dispensation , Ac omnes ecclesiasticas seculares seu quorumvis ordinum regulares personas , quae aliquas impetrationes , dispensationes , concessiones , gratias & indulta , tam ordines quam beneficia Ecclesiastica , seu alias spirituales materias , pretensa authoritate supremitatis Ecclesiae Anglicanae , licet nulliter & de facto obtenuerint , & ad cor reversae Ecclesiae unitati restitutae fuerint , in suis Ordinibus & beneficiis , per nosipsos seu a nobis ad id deputatos misericorditer recipiemus , prout jam multae receptae fuerunt , secumque super his opportune in domino dispensabimus ; And we vvill graciously receive ( or interteine ) by our selves or by others deputed by us to that purpose , ( as many have already been received ) in their Orders and in their Benifices , all Ecclesiasticall Persōs as well Secularas Regular of whatsoever Orders , vvhich have obteined any suites , dispensations , grants , graces , and indulgences , as vvell in their Ecclesiasticall Orders , as Benefices and other spirituall matters , by the pretended authority of the Supremacy of the Church of England , though ineffectually and onely de facto , so they be penitent , and be returned to the unity of the Church . And vve vvill in due season dispense vvith them in the Lord for these things . Here we see evidently , that upon the request of the Lo●ds Spirituall and Temporall and Commons , being the representative body of the Church and Kingdome of England , by the intercession of the King and Queene , the Popes Legate did receive all persons , which had been Ordeined or Beneficed , either in the time of King Henry or King Edward , in their respective Orders and Benefices , which they were actually possessed of , at the time of the making of this dispensation or Confirmation , without any exception or Condition , but onely this , that they were returned to the unity of the Catholick Church . Neither was there ever any one of them who were then returned , either deprived of their Benefices , or compelled to be reordeined . From whence I argue thus , Either King Henry the eighths Bishops and Priests , and likewise the Bishops and Priests Ordeined in King Edward the sixths time , had all the Essentialls of Episcopall and Priestly Ordination , which were required by the institution of Christ ; and then they ought not to be reordeined , Then ( in the judgement of these Fathers themselves ) it is grievous sacrilege to reordeine them : Or they wanted some essentiall of their respective Ordinations , which was required by the institution of Christ ; and then it was not in the power of all the Popes and Legates that ever were in the world , to confirme their respective Orders , or dispense with them to execute their functions in the Church . But the Legate did Dispense with them to hold their Orders , and exercise their severall functions in the Church , and the Pope did confirme that dispensation . This doth clearely destroy all the pretensions of the Romanists against the validity of our Orders . It may perhaps be objected , that the dispensative word is recipiemus , we will receive , not we do receive . I answer , the case is all one ; If it were unlawfull to receive them in the present , it was as unlawfull to receive thē in the future . All that was done after , was to take a particular absolution or confirmation from the Pope or his Legate , which many of the Principall Clergy did , but not all ; No not all the Bishops , Not the Bishop of Landaff , as Sanders witnesseth , Yet he injoied his Bishoprick , So did all the rest if the Clergy , who never had any particular confirmation . It is not materiall at all , whether they were confirmed by a generall or by a speciall dispensation , so they were confirmed or dispensed with at all , to hold all their Benefices , and to exercise their respective Functions in the Church , which no man can denie . Secondly it may be objected , that it is said in the Dispensation , licet nulliter & de facto obtenuerint , Although they had obteined their Benefices and Promotions ineffectually and onely in fact without right : which doth intimate that their Orders were voide and null , before they had obteined this dispensation . I answer , that he stiled them voide and null , not absolutely but respectively , quoad exercitium , because by the Roman law they might not be lawfully exercised without a Dispensation : but not quoad Characterem , as to the Character . If they had wanted any thing necessary to the imprinting of the Character , or any thing essentiall by the institution of Christ , the Popes Dispensation and Confirmation had been but like a seale put to a blanke piece of paper . And so the Cardinalls dispensation in generall , and particularly for Benefices and Ecclesiasticall Promotions , Dispensations , and Graces given by such Order as the lawes of the Realme allowed and prescribed , in King Henries time and King Edwards time , was then and there ratified by act of Parliament . Lastly , that this Dispensation was afterwards confirmed by the Pope , I prove by the confession of Sanders himself , though a malicious enemy . He ( that is Cardinall Pole , in a publick Instrument set forth in the name and by the authority of the Pope ) Confirmed all Bishop which had bene made in the former Schisme , so they were Catholick in their judgment of Religion , and the six new Bishopricks which King Henry had erected in the time of the Schisme . And this writing being affixed to the Statute , was published with the rest of the Decrees of that Parliament , and their minds were pacified . All which things were established and confirmed afterwards , by the Letters of Pope Paul the fourth . We have seene , that there were a competent number of Protestant Bishops beyond ' Exception to make a Consecration : And so the necessity , which is their onely Basis or Foundation of the Nagge 's head Consecration , being quite taken away , this prodigious fable having nothing els to support the incredibilities and inconsistencies of it , doth melt away of it self like winter ice . The fifth reason is drawen from that well known principle in Rethorick , Cui bono ? or what advantage could such a consecration , as the Nagge 's head Consecration is pretended to have been , bring to the Consecraters or the persons consecrated . God and Nature never made any thing in vaine . The haire of the head , the nailes upon the fingers ends , do serve both for ornament and muniment . The leafes defend the blossomes , the blossomes produce the fruite , which is Natures end . In sensitives , the Spider doth not weave her webbes , nor the silly Bee make her celles in vaine . But especially intellectuall creatures have alwaies some end of their Actions . Now consider , what good such a mock Consecratiō could doe the persons so consecrated ? Could it helpe them to the possession of their Bishopricks by the law of England ? Nothing lesse . There is such a concatenation of our English Customes and Recordes , that the counterfeiting of of any one can do no good , except they could counterfeite them all , which is impossible . When any Bishops See becommeth voide , there issueth a Writ out of the Exchequer to seise the Temporalties into the Kings hand , as being the ancient and well knowne Patron of the English Church ; leaving the Spiritualties to the Arch Bishop or to the Deane and Chapiter , according to the custome of the place . Next the King granteth his Conge d'Eslire or his License to chuse a Bishop , to the Deane and Chapiter ; upon the receite of this License , the Deane and Chapiter , within a certein number of daies , chuse a Bishop , and certifie their Election to the King , under the common seale of the Chapiter . Upon the returne of this Certificate , the King granteth out a Commission under the great seale of England to the Arch Bishop , or in the vacancy of the Arch Bishoprick to so many Bishops , to examine the Election : and if they find it fairely made to confirme it , and after Confirmation to proceed to the Consecration of the person elected , according to the forme prescribed by the Church of England . This Commission or Mandate must passe both through the Signet office and Chancery , and be attested by the Clerkes of both those offices , and signed by the Lord Chanceller and Lord privy seale , and be inrolled . So as it is morally impossible there should be any forgery in it . Vpon the receite of this Mandate , the Bishops who are authorised by the King , do meete first at Bowes Church in London , where with the assistence of the Chiefe Ecclesiasticall Judges of the Realme , the Deane of the Arches , the Iudges of the Prerogative and Audience , with their Registers to Actuate what is done , they do solemnely in forme of law confirme the election . Which being done , and it being late before it be done , the Commissioners and Iudges were and are sometimes invited to the Nagge 's head to a dinner , as being very neare Bowes Church , and in those daies the onely place of note , This meeting led Mr. Neale ( a man altogether unacquainted with such formes , ) into this fooles Paradise ; first to suspect , and upon suspicion to conclude , that they were about an Ordination there , and lastly to broach his brainsick conceites in corners ; and finding them to be greedily swallowed by such as wished them true , to assert his owne drowsy suspicion for a reall truth . But the mischief is , that Doctor Parker who was to be consecrated , was not present in person , but by his Proxie . After the Confirmation is done , commonly about three or foure daies , ( but as it happened in Arch Bishop Parkers case nine daies , ) the Commissioners proceed to the Consecration ; for the most part out of their respect to the Archbishop in the Chappell at Lambeth , with Sermon , Sacrament , and all solemnity requisite , according to the forme prescribed by the Church of England ; in the presence of publick Notaries or sworne Officers , who reduce every thing that is done with all the circumstances into Acts , and enter them into the Register of the See of Canterbury . Where they are carefully kept by the principall Officer in a publicke office , as Recordes , where every one who desireth may view them from time to time , and have a copy of them if he please . And it is to be noted , that at any Consecration , especially of an Arch-Bishop , great numbers of principall Courtiers and Citisens are present : so as it is no more possible to coun●erfeite such a Consecration , then to walke ●nvisible upon the Exchange at noone day . After the Consecration is done , the per●on Consecrated is not presently admitted to his Bishoprick , First the Arch Bishop maketh his certificate of the Consecration with all the circumstances of it , under his Arch-Episcopall seale : Thereupon the King taketh the new Bishops oath of fealty ●nd commands that he be put into the Actuall possessiō of his Bishoprick : Then he is ●nthroned , and at his Inthronisation his Or●ination is publickly read : Then he injoieth ●is Spiritualties : Then issueth a Writ out ●f the Exchequer to the Sherif , to restore ●im to the Temporalties of his Bishoprick . This custome is so ancient , so certein , so generall , that no Englishman can speak● against it . Here we see evidently how al things 〈◊〉 pursue one another , and what a necessary and essentiall connexion there is betwee● them . So as the stealing of an Electio● or the stealing of a Consecration , can ge● no man a Bishoprick , as Mr. Neale dreamed . He that would advantage himsel● that way , must falsifie all the Record● both Ecclesiasticall and Civill . He mu●● falsifie the Recordes of the Chancery , 〈◊〉 the Signet office , of the Exchequer , 〈◊〉 the Registries , of the Bishop , of the De●●ne and Chapiter . He must counterfeit th● hands and seales of the King , of the Arch● Bishop , of the Lord Chanceller , the Lo●● Privy seale , of the Clerkes and public● Notaries , which is not imaginable . 〈◊〉 Mr. Neale , who first devised this drow● dreame ( or somebody for him ) had 〈◊〉 more experience of our English lawes 〈◊〉 Customes , he would have feined a mo●● probable tale , or have held his peace fo● ever . Answer me , They who are calumniate to have had their Consecration at the N●●ges head , did they meane to conceale it 〈◊〉 have it kept secret ? Then what good could it do them ? De non existentibus & non apparentibus eadem est ratio : If it were concealed , it was all one a● if it had never bene . Or did they meane to have it published ? Such an Ordination had bene so farre from helping them to obteine a Bishoprick , that it had rendred them uncapable of a Bishoprick for ever : And moreover subjected both the Consecraters and the Consecrated to deprivation , and degradation , and a Premunire or forfeiture of their lands goods and liberties , and all that were present at it to excommunication . Rome is a fitte place wherein to publish such Ludibrious fables as this ; where they can perswade the people , that the Protestants are stupid creatures , who have lost their Re●igion , their reason , and scarcely reteine their humaine shapes . It is too bold an attempt , to obtrude such counterfeit ware●●n England . CHAP , IIII. The sixth and seventh reasons , that all the Records of England are diametrally opposite to their Relation , and do establith our Relation . HItherto we have beene taking in the out workes : Now I come directly to assault this Castle in the aire , That which hath bene said already is sufficient to perswade any man , who is not brimme full of prejudice and partiality : The other five reasons which follow next , have power to compell all men , and command their assen●● ▪ My sixth reason is taken from the diametrall oppositiō which is betweene this fabulous relation of the Nagge 's head Ordinatio● ▪ and all the Recordes of England , both Ecclesiasticall and civill . First for the time . The Romanists say , that this Ordination was before the ninth of September Ann. 2559 : 〈◊〉 it is apparent by all the Recordes of the Chancery , all the distinct Letters Paten●● or Commissions for their Respective Confirmations , and Consecrations , whereupo● they were consecrated , did issue out lo●● after ; namely , Arch Bishop Parkers Lette●● Patents ( which were the first ) upon the sixth day of December following . Next th● Commissions for Grindall , Cox and Sands , Then for Bullingham , Iewel , and Davis . Then for Bentham and Barkley : and in the yeare following for Horn , Alley , Scambler , and Pilkinton . He that hath a mind to see the Copies of these Commissions , may find them Recorded Verbatim both in the Rolles of the Arch Bishops Register , and in the Rolles of the Chancery . To what end were all these Letters Patents , to authorise so many Confirmatiōs and Consecrations , if the Consecrations were done and past long before ? No mans Election can be confirmed in England , but by virtue of the Kings Letters Patents . Therefore the Letters Patents must precede the Confirmation and Consecration , not follow after ●t three moneths , or foure moneths , or six moneths , and in some of thē above a yeare . And as by the Recordes of the Chancery , ●o their relation is proved to be a notorious fable , by all the Ecclesiasticall Recordes ; first of their severall and distinct Confirmations , which pursued their Commissions punctually ; Then of their severall and distinct Consecrations which pursued their Confirmations punctually . He who desireth ●o see these , may finde Authentick Recordes of them all , both Confirmations and Consecrations , in the Register of the Arch Bishop of Canterbury . It is not the forging of one Recorde that would serve the turne : Either all these Recordes must be forged , o● the Nagges head Ordination is a silly senslesse fable . Lastly after the Consecration followeth the Installement or Inthronisation , which is to be found in the Register of the Dea●● and Chapiter : And the Restitution of the new Bishop to his Temporalties by virt●● of the Kings Writ , mentioning the Confirmation and oath of fealty to the King , 〈◊〉 being temporall things . Observe ho● every one of these do pursue another● Arch Bishop Parkers Commission issue● December the sixth , his Confirmation followed December the ninth , his Consecration December the seventeenth , his Inthronisation forthwith , and the Restitution 〈◊〉 his temporalties the first of March ensu●●ing , that is , at the later end of the ver● next terme : But by their Relation , th● Consecration was long before the Electio● was confirmed , which can not be ; Th● Letter Patents to license the Confirmation and Consecration , come out three moneth● after the Consecration was done , which 〈◊〉 incredible . As for the Confirmation , M● Neale who was their contriver , knew not what it was . The installement followed three moneths after the Consecration , and the Restitution to the Temporalties six moneths after ; which have no probability . Thus for the time , next for the place . Their lying Relation saith , the elected Bishops were consecrated at the Nagge 's head : All the Ecclesiasticall Recordes say they were consecrated at Lambeth . The Kings Commission injoineth a legall Consecration according to the forme prescribed by law : Such a legall Consecration ours at Lambeth was ; Such a legall Consecration theirs at the Nagge 's head was not , neither for the place , nor for the rites , nor for the essentialls of Consecration . And without good assurance that the Consecration was legall , neither the person consecrated could have bene inthroned , nor made his oath of fidelity to the King , nor have bene restored to his Temporalties : but he was inthroned , and did his fealty , and was restored to his temporalties , that is as much as to say , that his Consecration was legally performed at Lambeth , not illegally at the Nagge 's head . Thirdly for the Consecrater . That fa●ulous Relation feineth that there was but one Consecrater , or at the most two : the authentick Recordes of the Church of England testifie , that there were foure Consecraters . The Letters Patents require that there should be four Consecraters , and without an authentick Certificate that there were four Consecraters , the King● Writ for restitution had not issued . They feine that they imposed hands m●tually , Scory upon them and they upo● Scorie : But the Recordes witnesse that Scor●● was solemnely ordeined Bishop in King Edwards time , the thirteenth day of Augu●● Anno. 1551 , by the Arch Bishop of Canterbury , the Bishop of London and the Susfragan Bishop of Bedford ; and needed no● to be reordeined at the Nagge 's head . Lastly , for the persons consecrated so● of them feine that all the elected Bishops and all of them say that many of them , we●● consecrated together at one time wi●● Arch Bishop Parker : But all the Record● both Civill and Ecclesiasticall do testifieth contrary , that they had severall Commissions , severall Confirmations , severall Consecrations , upon severall daies , in severa● moneths , in several yeares , severall Co●●secraters ; as appeareth most evidently 〈◊〉 onely by the Authentick Recordes of the S● of Canterbury , but also by the Record● of the Chancery , And particularly by the severall Commissions directed expresly to ArchBishop Parker , as a Bishop actually consecrated , for the Consecration of all the rest , the three first of which Commissions or Letters Patents beare date the eighteenth of December An : 1559 , that is the very next day after ArchBishop Parkers Consecration ; for the Confirmation and Consecration of Grindall , Coxe , and Sands , three of those elected Bishops . He that doubteth of the truth of these Letters Patents , may find them recorded verbatim , both in the Arch-Bishops Registry , and in the Rolles . If they were confirmed and consecrated by Arch-Bishop Parker , then they were not consecrated together with Arch-Bishop Parker , as in that lyng relation is affirmed . And with this their subsequent Installements and Restitutions do exactly agree . Either all the Recordes of England must be false , or this silly fable of the Nagge 's head is a prodigious forgery . Thus we have seene how the Recordes of England , civill and Ecclesiasticall , do contradict this tale of a tub . My seventh reareason sheweth how the same Recordes do confirme and Establish our relation . We say first ( that the See of Canterbury being voide by the death of Cardinall Pole , ( who died as some say the very same day with Queene Mary , others say the day following , ) the Queene granted her conge d'es●ire to the Deane and Chapiter of Canterbury to chuse an Arch-Bishop . This is clearl● proved by the authentick Copy of the cong● d'eslire itself in the Rolles . Regina dilect● sibi in Christo Decano & Capitulo Ecclesiae M●tropoliticae Cantuariensis saluiem &c. Examinatur RICHARD BROUGHTON . Secondly we say , that the Deane and chapiter having received this license , did chuse Doctor Mathew Parker for their Arch-Bishop . This is apparent by the Queenes Commission for his Confirmation and Restitution , wherein there is this clause And the said Deane and Chapiter , by vir●●● of our license , have chosen our beloved in Christ Mathew Parker Professor of Theology , for Arch-Bishop and Pastour to them and the aforesaid Church , as by their letters . Patent● directed to us thereupon it appeareth more fully . Thirdly the Queene accepting this Election , was graciously pleased to issue out two Commissions for the legall Confirmation of the said Election , and consecrating of the said Arch-Bishop . The former dated the ninth of September Anno 1559 , Directed to six Bishops , Cuthbert Bishop of Durham , Gilbert Bi●hop of Bath , David Bishop of Peterburough , Anthony Bishop of Landaff , William Barlow Bishop , and Iohn Scory Bishop , in these words . Elisabet● dei gratia Angliae &c. Reverendis in Christo Patribus Cuthberto Episcopo Dunelmensi , Gilberto Bathoniensi Episcopo , Davidi Episcopo Burgi Sancti Petri , Anthonio Landavensi Episcopo . VVillelmo Barlo Episcopo , & Iohanni Scory Episcopo , Salutem . Cum vacante nuper Sede Archi-Episcopali Cantuariensi per mortem naturalem Domini Reginaldi Pole Cardinalis , ultimi & immediati Archi-Episcopi & Pastoris ejusdem , ad humilem petitionem Decani & Capituli Ecclesiae nostrae Cathedralis & Metropoliticae Christi Cantuariensis , eisdem per literas nostras patentes licentiam concesserimus alium sibi eligendi in Archiepiscopum & Pastorem Sedis praedictae . Ac iidem Decanus & Capitulum vigore & obtentu licentiae nostrae praedictae , dilectum nobis in Christo Magistrum Matthaeum Parker Sacrae Theologiae Professorem sibi & Ecclesie praedictae elegerint in Archiepiscopum & Pastorem , prout per literas suas patentes Sigillo eorum communi sigillatas , nobis inde directas , plenius liquet & apparet . Nos electionem illam acceptantes , eidem electioni Regium nostrum assensum adhibuimus pariter & favorem , & hoc vobis tenore praesentium significamus . Rogantes , ac in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus eundē Magistrum Matthaeum Parker in Archepiscopum & Pastorem Ecclesiae Cathedralis & Metropoliticae , Christi Cantuariensis praedictae , sic ut praefertur electum , electionemque praedictam confirmare , & eundem Magistrum Matthaeum in Archiepiscopum & Pastorem Ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , caeteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbant officio Pastorali , juxta formam Statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum , velitis cum effectu . In cujus rei testimonium &c. Teste Regina apud Redgrave , nono die Septembris Anno Regni Elisabethae Angliae &c. primo . Per breve de privato Sigillo . Examinatur RI : BROVGHTON . Now if any man desire a reason why this first Commission was not executed , the best account I can give him is this , That it was directed to six Bishops , without an [ aut minus , or at the least foure of you ] : so as if any one of the six were sick or absent , or refused , the rest could not proceed to Confirme , or Consecrate . And that some of them did refuse , I am very apt to beleeve , because three of them not long after were deprived . But the Reader may note , First that there were three Protestant Bishops in that First Commission . They who were such punctuall observers of the law of England , that they would not proceed to consecrate without a fourth , in the vacancy of both the Archiepiscopall Sees , certeinly would never give way to a private profane Ordination at the Nagge 's head , by one single Bishop . And secondly , that for all their pretended intelligence , our English Romish writers are great strangers to the true passages of those times , knowing nothing but what they heare at Rome , or Rhemes , or Doway . If it were otherwise we should have heard of this Commission sooner . The second Letters Patents which were executed , were dated the sixth of December following , directed to Anthony Bishop of Landaff , William Barlow sometimes Bishop of Bath , now Elect Bishop of Chicester , Iohn Scory sometimes Bishop of Chichester , now Elect Bishop of Hereford , Miles Coverdale sometimes Bishop of Exceter , Richard Suffragan Bishop of Bedford , Iohn Suffragan Bishop of The●ford , and Iohn Bale Bishop of Ossory in Ireland , in these words . Regina &c. Reverendis in Christo Patribus Anthonio Landavensi Episcopo , Willelmo Barlow quondam Bathoniensi Episcopo , nunc Cicestrensi Electo , Iohanni Scory quondam Cicestrensi Episcopo , nunc Electo Herefordiensi , Miloni Coverdale quondam Exoniensi Episcopo , Richardo Bedfordensi , Iohanni Thedfordensi , Episcopis Suffraganeis , Iohanni Bale Ossoriensi Episcopo , Salutem . Cum vacante nuper Sede Archiepiscopali Cantuariensi per mortem naturalem Domini Reginaldi Pole Cardinalis , ultimi & immediati Archiepiscopi & Pastoris ejusdem , ad humilem petitionem Decani & Capituli Ecclesiae nostrae Cathedralis & Metropoliticae Christi Cantuariensis , eisdem per Literas nostras . Patentes licentiam concesserimus alium sibi Eligendi in Archiepiscopum & Pastorem Sedis praedictae , Ac iidem Decanus & Capitulum vigore & obtentu Licentiae nostrae praedictae , dilectum nobis in Christo Magistrum Matthaeum Parker Sacrae Theologiae Professorem , sibi & Ecclesiae praedictae Elegerunt in Archi-Episcopum & Pastorem , prout per Literas suas patentes nobis inde directas plenius liquet & apparet . Nos electionem illam acceptantes , eidem electioni Regium nostrum assensum adhibuimus pariter & favorem , & hoc vobis tenore praesentium significamus . Rogantes ac in fide & dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus vos aut minus quatuor vestrum , eundem Matthaeum Parker in Archi-Episcopum & Pastorem Ecclesiae Cathedralis & Metropoliticae Christi Cantuariensis praedictae sicut praefertur Electum , electionemque praedictam Confirmare , & eundem Magistrum Matthaeum Parker in Archi-Episcopum & Pastorem Ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , Caeteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbant officio Pastorali , juxta formam statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum , velitis cum effectu . Supplentes nihilominus suprema Authoritate nostra Regia , ex mero motu & certa Scientia nostris , si quid aut in his quae juxta mandatum nostrum praedictum per vos fient , aut in vobis , aut vestrum aliquo , conditione , Statu , facultate vestris , ad praemissa perficienda desit aut dèerit eorum , quae per statuta hujus Regni nostri aut per leges Ecclesiasticas in hac parte requiruntur , aut necessaria sunt , temporis ratione & rerum necessitate id postulante . In cujus Rei &c. Teste Regina apud VVestmonasteriū sexto die Decembris , Anno Regni Reginae Elisabeth Angliae &c. Secundo . Examinatur . RI : BROUGHTON . Before I proceed further , to prevent cavills , I must acquainte the Reader , that the Suffragan Bishop of Bedford is misnamed Richard in the Rolles ; by what mistake or errour , after so long time it is folly to inquire . We may Conjecture how it might easily , and most probably did come to passe : but to say positively how it did come to passe , whether it was the errour of the transcriber , or the mistake of him who gave the instructions , or it was no faulte at all , ( he might have two names , as many have had , and many have and owne them severally , ) is not possible . In the Ecclesiasticall Register of the Church , he is alwaies stiled by his right name Iohn , throughout all the Acts of the Confirmation and Consecration of Arch Bishop Parker . Once his name had been written Richard , but it was corrected , and my friend assureth me , that it is the onely word in that long narration which is expunged or interlined ; So exact is that Recorde . This is certeine , his right name was Iohn , as it is in the Register . To this the Recordes of his own Consecration , and twenty other Recordes do beare witnesse . But as to the validity of the Act or Ordination , it is not materiall whether his name were Iohn or Richard , or both , or neither . So he was truely ordeined himself , and did truely concurre in ordeining , it is no matter how he is Stiled in the Commission , or in the Register . Regall Commissions are no essentialls of Ordination ▪ Notariall Acts are no essentialls of Ordination . The misnaming of the Baptise● in a Parish Register doth not make voide the Baptisme . When Popes do consecrate themselves , ( as they do sometimes ) , they d● it by the names of Paul , or Alexander o● Vrbanus , or Innocentius : yet these are not the names which were imposed upon them at their Baptismes , or at their Confirmations , but such names as themselves have been pleased to assume . But to come to more serious matter . There are two differences betweene these two Commissions . The first is an [ aut minus , Or at the least foure of you ] , which clause is prudently inserted into all Commissions , where many Commissioners are named , least the sicknesse , or absence , or neglect of any one or more , might hinder the worke . The question is , why they are limited to foure , when the Canons of the Catholick Church require but three . The answer is obvious , because the Statutes of England do require foure in case one of the Consecraters be not an Arch Bishop , or deputed by one . Three had bene enough to make a valide Ordination , yea to make a Canonicall Ordination ; and the Queene might have dispensed with her owne lawes : but she would have the Arch Bishop to be ordeined both according to the canons of the Catholick Church , and the known ●awes of England . The second difference betweene the two Commissions is this , that there is a Supplen●es in the later Commission , which is not in the former . [ Supplyng by our Soveraigne authority all defects either in the Execution , or in ihe Executers of this Commission , or any of them ] . The Court of Rome in such like instruments have ordinarily such dispensative clauses , for more abundant caution , whether there be need of them or not , to relaxe all sentences censures , and penalties inflicted either by the law or by the Iudge . But still the question is , to what end was this clause inserted ? I answer , it is en● enough , if it serve ( as the Court of Rome useth it , ) for a certeine salve to helpe any latent impediment , though there be none ▪ A superfluous clause doth not vitiate 〈◊〉 writing . Some thinke it might have reference to Bishop Coverdales syde woollo● gowne , which he used at the Consecratio● toga lanea talari utebatur . That was uncanonicall indeed , and needed a dispensation fo● him that used it , not for him who was consecrated . But this was so slender a defe●● and so farre from the heart or essence o● Ordinatiō ; especially where the three othe● Cōsecraters , ( which is the canonicall number ) where formally and regularly habite● that it was not worth an intimation und●● the great seale of England . This Miles Coverdale had been both validely and legally ordeined Bishop , and had as much power to ordeine as the Bishop of Rome himself . If he had been Roman Catholick in his ●udgment , he had been declared by Cardinall Pole as good a Bishop , as either Bon●er , or Thirleby , or any of the rest . Others thinke , this clause might have relation to the present condition of Bishop Barlow and Bishop Scory , who were not yet inthroned into their new Bishopricks . It might be so , but if it was , it was a great mistake in the Lawiers who drew up the Commission . The Office and the Benefice of a Bishop are two distinct things ; Ordination is an act of the Key of Order , and a Bishop uninthroned may ordeine as well as a Bishop inthroned . The Ordination of Suffragan Bishops , who had no peculiar Bishoprickes , was alwaies admitted and reputed as good in the Catholick Church , ( if the Suffragans had Episcopall Ordination , ) as the Ordination of rhe greatest Bishops in the wolrd . But since this clause doth extend ir self both to the Consecration and the Consecraters , I am confident that the onely ground of it was that same exception , o● rather cavill which Bishop Bonner did afterwards make against the legality of Bishop Hornes Consecration ; which is all that either Stapleton or any of our Adversaries ha● to pretend against the legality of the Ordination of our first Protestant Bishops ▪ that they were not ordeined according to the praescript of our very Statutes . I have set downe this case formerly in my replication to the Bishop of Chalcedon ▪ But to avoide wrangling , I will put i● downe in the very wordes of the Statute ▪ King Edward the Sixth in his time by authority of Parliament , caused the booke of Common Praier and Administration of Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies in the Church of England , 〈◊〉 be made and set forth , not onely for or● uniforme Order of Service , Commō Prayer , and Administration of Sacrament● to be used whithin this Realme , but also did adde and put to the said booke , a very godly Order manner and forme , ho● Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Priests , Deacons and Ministers , should from time to time be consecrated , made , and ordered , within this Realme . Afterwards it followeth , that in the time of Queene Mary , the severall Acts and statutes made in the secōd , third , fourth , fifth and sixth yeares of King Edward , for the authorising and allowing of the said booke of Common praier and other the premisses , were repealed . Lastly the Statute addeth , that by an Act made in the first yeare of Queene Elisabeth , entituled An act for the uniformity of Common prayer and service in the Church , and administration of Sacraments , the said booke of Common Praier and Administration of Sacraments , and other the said Orders Rites and Ceremonies before mētioned , and all things therein conteined , is fully stablished and authorised to be used in all places within the Realme . This is the very case related by the Parliament . Now the exception of Bishop Bonner , and Stapleton , and the rest , was this . The booke of Ordination was expresly established by name by Edward the Sixth , And that Act was expresly repealed by Queene Mary : But the booke of Ordination was not expresly restored by Queene Elisabeth , but onely in generall termes under the name and notion of the Booke of Common Praiers and administration of Sacraments , and other orders rites and Ceremonies . Therefore they who were ordeined according to the said forme of Ordination in the beginning of Queene Elisabeths time , were not legally ordeined . And those Bishops which had bene ordeined according to that forme in King Edwards time , though they were legally ordeined then , yet they were not legall Bishops now , because Quee●● Maries statute was still in force , and was not yet repealed . Is this all ? Take courage Reader , Here is nothing that toucheth the validity of our Ordination , but onely the legality of it ▪ which is easily satisfied . First I answe● that Queene Maries Statute was repeale● sufficiently , even as to rhe booke of Ordination ; as appeareth by the very word of the Statute which repealed it . A● that the said booke , with the order of Service 〈◊〉 of the administration of Sacraments rites 〈◊〉 Ceremonies , shall be after the feast of St. 〈◊〉 Baptist next in full force and effect , any thing 〈◊〉 Queene Maries Statute of repeale to the contrary in any wise not withstanding . That the booke of Ordination was a part of this booke , and printed in this booke in King Edwards daies , besides the expresse testimony of the Statute in the eighth of Queene Elisabeth we have the authority of the Canons of the Church of England , which call it singularly the booke of Common Praier , and of Ordering Bishops Priests and Deacons . It is our forme of praier upon that occasion , as much as our forme of baptising , or administring the holy Eucharist , or our forme of confirming , or marryng , or visiting the sick . Secondly , it is also a part of our forme of Administration of the Sacraments . We denie not Ordination to be a Sacrament , though it be not one of those two Sacraments , which are generally necessary to salvation . Thirdly , although it were supposed that Ordination were no Sacrament , nor the booke of Ordination a part of the booke of Common praier : yet no man can denie that it is a part of our Ecclesiasticall rites and ceremonies , and under that notion sufficiently authorised . Lastly , Ejus est legem imerpretari cujus est condere . They who have legislative power to make a law , have legislative power to expound a law . Queene Elisabeth and her Parliament made the law , Queene Elisabeth and her Parliament expounded the law , by the same authority that made it ; declaring that under the booke of Common Praier , the forme of Ordination was comprehended and ought to be understood . And so ended the grand cavill of Bishop Bonner and Doctor Sapleton and the rest , of the illegality of our Ordination ; shewing nothing but this , how apt a drowning cause is to catch hold of every reed , That the Supplentes or this dispensative clause had Relation to this cavill , ( which as it did breake out afterwards into an open controversy , so it was then whispered in corners , ) is very evident by one clause in the Statute : that for the avoiding of all questions and ambiguities that might he objected against the lawfull Confirmations , investing , and Consecrations of any Arch-Bishops , Bishops &c. the Queene in her Letters Patents had not onely used such words as had bene accustomed to be used by King Henry and King Edward , but also diverse other generall wordes , whereby her Highness by her Supreme power and authority , hath dispensed with all causes and doubts of any imperfection or disability that could be objected . The end of this clause and that Statute was the same : And this was the onely question or ambiguity which was moved . Yet although the case was so evident , and was so judged by the Parliament , that the forme of Consecration was comprehended under the name and notion of the booke of Common praier &c : yet in the indictment against Bishop Bonner , I do commend the discretion of our Iudges , and much more the moderation of the Parliament . Criminall lawes should be written with a beame of the sun , without all ambiguity . Lastly , before I leave this third consideration , I desire the Reader to observe three things with me . First , that this dispensative neither hath , nor can be construed to have any reference to any Consecration that was already past , or that was acted by Bishop Scory alone ; as that silly Consecration at the Nagge 's head is supposed to have been . Secondly , that this dispensative clause doth not extend at all to the institution of Christ , or any essentiall of Ordination , nor to the Canons of the universall Church : but onely to the Statutes and Ecclesiasticall lawes of England . Si quid desit aut deerit eorum quae per Statuta hujus Regni nostri , aut per leges Ecclesiasticas requiruntur . Thirdly , that the Commissioners authorised by these Letters Parēts to cōfirme and consecrate Arch Bishop Parker , did make use of this Supplentes or dispensative power in the Confirmation of the Election , which is a politicall Act , ( as by the words of the Confirmation in the next paragraph shall appeare , ) but not in the Consecration , which is a purely spirituall act , and belongeth meerely to the Key of Order . Fourthly we say , that by virtue of these Letters Patents of December the sixth , foure of the Commissioners therein named did meete in Bowes Church , upon the ninth day of the same moneth : and then and there with the advise of the chiefe Ecclesiasticall Lawiers of the Kingdome , the Deane of the Arches , the Iudges of the Prerogative and Audience , did solemnely confirme the election . This is proved by the Recorde of the Confirmation or definitive sentence it self , in these words . In Dei nomine , Amen . Nos Willelmus quondam Bathonienfis & VVellensis Episcopus nunc Cicestrensis Electus , Iohannes Scory quondam Cicestrensis Episcopus nunc Electus Herefordensis , Milo Coverdale quondam Exoniensis Episcopus , & Iohannes Bedford Episcopus Suffraganeus , Mediantibus literis Commissionalibus Illustrissimae Reginae fidei Defensatricis &c. Commissionarij , cum hac clausula videlicet [ unae cum Iohanne The●fordensi Suffraganeo & Iohanne Bale Ossoriensi Episcopo ] , Et etiam cum hac clausula [ Quatenus vos aut ad minus quatuor vestrum ] , Nec non & hac adjectione [ Supplentes nihil ominus &c. ] specialiter & legitime Deputati , &c. Idcirco nos Commissionarii Regii antedicti , de & cum assensic Iurisperitorum cum quibus in hac parte communicavimus , praedictam Electionē Suprema Authoritate dictae Dominae nostrae Reginae nobis in hac parte Commissa Confirmamus ▪ Supplētes ex Suprema Authoritate Regia , ex mero principis motu & certa Scientia nobis delegata , quicquid in hac electione fuerit defectum . Tum in his quae juxta mandatum nobis creditum a nobis factum & processum est , aut in nobis aut aliquo nostrum , conditione , Statu , facultate ad haec perficienda deest aut deerit . Tum etiam eorum quae per statuta hujus Regni Angliae , aut per leges Ecelesiasticas in hac parte requisita sunt aut necessaria , prout temporis ratio & rerum praesentium necessitas id postulant , per hanc nostram sententiam definitivam , sive hoc nostrum finale decretum &c. I cite this the more largely , that our Adversaries may see what use was made of the dispensation , whieh they cavill so much against : But in the Consecration which is an act of the Key of order , they made no use at all of it . This is likewise clearly proved by the Queenes mandate for the restitution of Arch Bishop Parker to his Temporalties , wherein there is this clause . [ Cui quidem electioni & personae sic Electae Regium assensum nostrum adhibuimus & favorem , ipsiusque fidelitatem nobis debitam pro dicto Archi-Episcopatu recepimus . ] Fifthly , we say that eight daies after the Confirmation , that is to say the 17. of December Anno 1559 , the same Commissioners did proceed to the Consecration of Arch Bishop Parker , in the Archi-Episcopall Chappell at Lambeth , according to the forme prescribed by the Church of England , with solemne Praiers and Sermon , and the holy Eucharist ; at which great numbers of grave persons communicated with him at that time , [ frequens gravissimorum hominum caetus . ] This is proved evidently by the authentick Recordes of the Consecration , as they are still and alwaies have been to be seen , in the publick Registry of the Archi-Episcopall See of Canterbury . Registrum Reverendissimi in Christo Pa●ris & Domini , Domini Matthaei Parker &c. Principio Sacellum tapetibus ad Orientem adornabatur , solum vero panno rubro insternebatur , &c. And so first setting downe both how the Chappell was adorned for the Consecration , and what habit and garments as well the Consecraters as the person who was to be consecrated did weare , both at the Praiers and Sermon , as likewise at the holy Sacrament and Consecration , it proceedeth to the Consecration itself . Finito tandem Evangelio , Herefordens●● Electus , Bedfordensis Suffraganeus , & Milo Coverdale . Archiepiscopum coram Cicestrensi Electo apud mensam in Cathedra sedente his verbis adduxerunt , Reverende in Deo Pater hunc virum pium pariter atque doctum tibi offerimus atque praesentamus , ut Archiepiscopus consecretur . Postquam haec dixissent , proferebatur ilico regium Diploma sive Mandatum pro consecratione ArchiEpiscopi , quo per Dominum Doctorem Yale legum Doctorem perlecto , Sacramentum de Regio primatu sive suprema ejus authoritate tuenda , juxta statuta primo anno Regni Serenissimae Reginae nostrae Elizabethae edita & promulgata , ab eodem Archi-Episcopo exigebatur . Quod cum ille solemniter tactis corporaliter sacris Evangeliis , conceptis verbis praestitisset , Cicestrensis Electus populum ad orationem hortatus ad Letanias decantandas Choro respondence se accinxit . Quibus finitis , post questiones aliquot Archi-Episcopo per Cicestrensem Electum propositas , & post orationes & suffragia quaedam juxta formam libri authoritate Parliamenti editi apud deum habita , Cicestrensis , Herefordensis , Suffraganeus Bedfordensis , & Milo Coverdallus , manibus Archi-Episcopo impositis , dixerunt , Accipe Spiritum Sanctum , & excitare memineris gratiam Dei quae in te est per manuum impositionem . Dedit enim nobis Deus Spiritum non timoris , sed Potestatis , Charitatis , & Sobrietatis , &c. This is so evident that our Adversaries have nothing to say , but to crie the Recordes are forged . Forgery of Recordes is a grievous crime , and ought to be manifestly proved , or the accuser to suffer for his Calumny . Let them tell us who forged them , and when and where they were forged . But they know nothing of it . Did any of the succeding Proto-No●aries complaine that they were forged ? or so much as an under Clerke of the Office , or any man that had once occasion to view them , and afterwards found some change in them ? No such thing . Examine all the Officer● and Notaries and Clerkes living , whether ever they observed any change in them during their remembrance ; And they will all answer , No. And so would all their predecessors since Arch-Bishop Parkers time have answered , if they had beē put to their Oathes . Who are they then that accuse them of Forgery ? They are the Adversaries of the Church of England , who neve● read one word of them , nor know muc● what belongeth to such Recordes : Bu● they wish if they be not forged , that they were forged . What would you have 〈◊〉 do ? If they could answer them otherwise they would ; But they can not , and the●●fore they crie them downe as forged . It is possible to forge private Acts 〈◊〉 in a corner : But to forge a consecratio● done publickly at Lambeth , in Queene E●●●sabeths time , And to forge it so early as th●● was published to the world , is incredibl● Surely these Fathers do not know the C●●stomes of the Church , that all things whi●● are done at publick Consecrations , are p●●●sently drawne into Acts by principall N●●taries , and kept in publick Registries , 〈◊〉 the custody of them committed to swo●● Officers . And this practise was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in England upon this occasion , but ●●th beē observed throughout both Provin●●s for time immemoriall . I should not 〈◊〉 one Penfull of inke upon an English ●an , who either doth know or ought to ●●ow what credit the law of England doth 〈◊〉 to these Recordes : But for the satis●●●tion of strangers who are misled by 〈◊〉 bold calumnies , I will take leave for 〈◊〉 to prove that , which like the common ●●●nciples of Artes , ought to be taken for ●●anted , and De quo nefas est dubitare . 〈◊〉 us trie whether they can say more for 〈◊〉 Vatican Recordes , then we can for 〈◊〉 . For the present , I produce six grounds 〈◊〉 convince all those who gainsay them . 〈◊〉 first is that value and respect which 〈◊〉 Lawes of the Kingdome do give them , 〈◊〉 is to allow them to be authentick ●●ofes ; Especially in cases of this nature , ●●●cerning Spirituall Acts belonging to 〈◊〉 Key of Order . If a Clerke have lost 〈◊〉 Letters of Orders , a certificate out 〈◊〉 this Registrie , under the Seale of the ●●ch-Bihop , or the hand of the Protono●●● , is an authentick proofe . Shall 〈◊〉 or three Adversaries , who are strangers and know little of our affaires , altogethe● unacquainted with our Lawes and Recordes , dare without any ground to defa●● that for forged , which the Lawes of 〈◊〉 Kingdome do allow for authentick ? Eithe● these Recordes are authentick , or Christendome never had an authentick Ecclesiasticall Record . The very Act● of our Synods or Convocations are 〈◊〉 more undoubted , then these are . My second proofe is taken from 〈◊〉 credit of the Publick Notaries , who 〈◊〉 testifie this individuall Consecration , 〈◊〉 draw it up into Acts. The Testimony 〈◊〉 two publick Notaries , for matter of 〈◊〉 maketh full proofe over all Europe : but 〈◊〉 at least foure Publick Notaries we●● present at this Consecration , and testif●●●he truth of these Acts ; Whereof two 〈◊〉 them were the Principall Publick Notari●● in England , that is , Anthony Huse proto●●●tary of the See of Canterbury , and 〈◊〉 Argall Registerer of the Prerogative 〈◊〉 assisted in actuating this Consecration 〈◊〉 Thomas Willet and Iohn Iucent Publick N●●taries . Who can make doubt of a m●●●ter of fact so attested ? But is it further Observable that these foure publick Notaries were the same who did draw Cardinall Poles Consecration into Acts , and attest them . Either let ●hese Fathers denie that Cardinall Pole was Consecrated , or let them grant that Arch-Bishop Parker was Consecrated , Aut u●ramque negate , aut u●rumque conced●●e . There are the same Proofes for the one and for the other . There needeth no more to be done to satisfie any man that hath eyes in his head , but to compare the one Register with the other , We owe a third ground to the Queenes extraordinary care , who was so solicitous least some Circumstance in the Politicall part might be defective in some punctilio of law , by reason of the frequent change of the Statutes in the reignes of her Father , Brother , Sister , and Her self , that she caused the Letters Patents to be carefully perused by six of our most eminent Lawiers , who all with one unanimous consent did certifie , that the Commission was good in law , and that the Consecraters might proceed legally to Consecration upon it ; which Certificate subscribed with their owne hands is preserved in the Recordes . So if these Recordes be forged not onely the Acts of the Principall No●●ries of England , but also the hands of the Principall Lawiers of England 〈◊〉 be forged for company , which is incredible . The fourth ground is irrefragable , taken from the testimony and authority 〈◊〉 the Parliament of England , in the eight● yeare of Queen Elisabeth , that was about six yeares after this Consecration wa● acted ; which speaking of the great car● was taken in and about the Elections , Confirmations , and Consecrations of Arch-Bishop Parker , and the rest of those fir●● Bishops in Queene Elisabeths time , for proofe thereof referreth us to these very Recordes , [ As the Recordes of her Majesties said Fathers and Brothers time , and also her owne time , will mo●● plainly testifie and declare ] . Doth the Parliament referre subjects to Recordes which are forged ? You see the contrary , that it mentioneth them as authentick , undoubted , undeniable proofes of what was really done . To this unanswerable reason , these Fathers pretend to give two answers : But they are such as are able to satisfie any man , that no answer is to be expected . The first answer is in their printed booke pag. 16 , that the word Recordes is but a generall terme . As if truth ought not to be regarded in generalls ; as well as in particulars . Yet the termes which are added to Recordes , that is , [ of her Fathers time , her brothers time , and her time ] , are no generall but restreining termes . They adde , that it is a word of course , which men do rather suppose then examine , when they mention things that have been practised in former times . What latitude these Fathers may allow their Confitents in case Theology for words of Course , I do not now examine ; but what have words of Course to do in a printed law ? They might as well tell the Parliament in plaine termes , that they lied , or that they spake they knew not or regarded not what : as tell them that their words were but words of course . If these wordes of course were not true , why did not ●hey confute them then , when all things were fresh in mens memories ? No man can beleeve that they did forbeare out of affection to the Parliament , but because they could not then oppose so evident truth . Yet they conclude it to be evident , that there were no such Recordes of Parkers consecration . This is more then words of course , to charge the Parliament directly with an untruth . But how is it evident that there were no such Recordes ? because they were never produced to those Roman Catholick Doctors , who desired to see some evidence of Parkers Consecration . This is wonderfull , They were cited in printe , they were alleged by the Parliament in the Publick Lawes of the Kingdome , of which no man can pleade ignorance ; and yet they tell us they were never produced . But to satisfie their very pretensions . Their exception● in those daies were of another nature , either against our English Ordinall , or against the Legality of our Bishops ; which later exception hath been answered already , and the former shall be answered i● due place . The reason why Bishop Iewell , and Bishop Horne , and others did not ci●● these Recordes more expressely , was no dread at all least they should be found to be counterfeit , but because they had no need to cite them , to answer any thing that was objected against them . Either the Roman Catholick writers of those daies were false to their owne interest , to smother a thing which ( if it had been true ) had been so much to their advantage ; which no rationall man can imagine : Or the Nagges head Ordination was altogether unknowne and unheard of in those daies ; which is most certeine . But now the Fathers change their note , could they not be forged as well in Queene Elisabeths time as in King Iames his reigne ? This is to blow hote and cold with the same breath . Before they demanded , how it was possible they should be extant then and not produced ? Now they tell us , they might be extant then , and yet forged : Nay , such a dexterity they have in turning all which they touch into gold , that they make this very supposition that they were extant then , to be a proofe against us that they were forged . Therefore they were not produced , because in Queene Elisabeths time many were living , who would have proved them to be forged . Observe first , what honour and respect our Countrymen do beare to our Princes and Parliaments united . Before they did as good as gave them the lie , And now they make them at the least Accessaries to forgery , so farre as to avouch and justifie forged Recordes . Secondly observe , with what confidence and conscience they say that these Recordes were never produced : And yet confesse that they were cited in Printe , and alleged in our very Statutes . If Bishop Iewell and Bishop Horne had cited them , ( as they would have cited them if they had had occasion ) , they could have done no more then was done . Did any man upon this publication go about to convince them of forgery ? No I warrant you , The case was too plaine to be convinced . The Parliament , and the booke of the life 's of the seventy Arch Bishops of Canterbury printed by Iohn Day Anno 1572. have spoiled the Fathers Arguments , [ They were not produced , therefore they were forged ] ▪ and furnished us with a demonstrative proofe of the contrary . They were produced and cited in printe , and neither convinced , nor so much as accused of forgery ; Therefore they were not forged . It seemeth this answer did not satisfie the Fathers themselves : and therefore the one of them hath addeth a second answer in the margent , with his penne , in these words ; The Act of Parliament relates onely to the Recordes of the Queenes Letters Patents , and not to the Recordes of the Bishops Consecration or Ordination . They say that glosse is accursed which corrupteth and Contradicteth the text , as this glosse doth egregiously . The Statute speaketh expresly , of the Recordes of Elections and Confirmations and Consecrations , which are all of them Ecclesiasticall Acts , and none of them Recorded in the Rolles of Chancery , or any other civill Court of Recordes , but onely in the Ecclesiasticall Registers of the Arch-Bishops , Deanes and Chapiters respectively . This answer is a groundlesse evasion . My fifth ground to prove that these Recordes were not forged , is taken from that booke of the life 's of the seventy succeding Arch-Bishops of Canterbury , printed in London in the yeare 1572 ; wherein the Authour , ( that was Arch Bishop Parker himself , ) having described the Confirmations and Consecrations of Bishop Grindall , Bishop Sands , Bishop Iewell , Bishop Horne , and all the rest of those first Protestant Bishops , he addeth in the margent , Hae confirmationes & consecrationes in Registris apparent : These confirmations and consecrations de appeare in the Registers . Then the Registers were then extant , and not onely extant but publickly printed , whilest all things were fresh in mens memories , yet no man did or durst except against the truth of them ; So free they were not onely from corruption , but from suspicion . The sixth and last ground to prove that the Recordes were not forged , is taken from the agreement and concurrence of our civill Recordes ( which no man ever doubted of ) with our Ecclesiasticall Registers . We have seene the Queenes Letters Patēts , directed to seven other Bishops , for the confirmation and consecration of Arch-Bishop Parker , dated the sixth of December anno 1559 ; Therefore upon the sixth of December 1559 he was neither Confirmed nor Consecrated . We have seene the Ecclesiasticall Recordes , how by virtue of those very Letters Patents , he was confirmed upon the ninth day , and consecrated upon the seventeenth day of the same Moneth . We find three other Letters Patents , directed to Arch-Bishop Parker himself as a Consecrated Bishop , for the Confirmation and Consecration of other Bishops ; namely Richard Coxe , Edmund Grindall , and Edwin Sandes , dated the Eighteenth of December , that is the very next day after his consecration : Therefore he was then consecrated . And this agreeth exactly with the Ecclesiasticall Register . Elisabeth Dei gratia Angliae &c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri & Domino , Matthaeo Archi-Episcopo Cantuariensi , totius Angliae Primati & Metropolitano , &c , Salutem . Rogantes , ac in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus eundem magistrum Edmundum Grindall in Episcopum & Pastorem Ecclesiae Cathedralis Divi Pauli London praedictae sic ut praefertur Electum , Electionemque praedictam Confirmare , & eundem magistrum Edmundum Grindall in Episcopum & Pastorem Ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , ceteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbunt Officio pastorali &c. Teste Regina apud west monasterium , decimo Octavo die Decembris , Anno Reginae Elizabeth Angliae &c. secundo . Examinatur per RICH : BROUGHTON . Consimilia Brevia ( Eisdem forma & verbis , mutatis solummodo Mutandis ) directa sunt cidem Mattbaeo Archi-Episcopo Cantuariensi , pro confirmatione Electionis , & consecratione Richardi Cox Sacrae Theologiae Professoris in Episcopum Eliensem , Et Edwini Sands sacra Theologiae Professoris in Episcopum VVigornensem , Omnia sub dato praedicto & in Rotulo supradicto . Examinatur per RICHARDUM BROUGHTON , There cannot be a clearer proofe in the world , to prove that Arch-Bishop Parker was neither confirmed nor Consecrated upon the sixth of December Anno 1559. and that he was both Confirmed and Consecrated , and commanded to Consecrate others , upon the eighteenth of the same moneth . Neither doth the King , or Church , or Lawes of England , take notice of any man as a true Arch-Bishop or Bishop , untill hands be imposed upon him , but alwaies with this addition [ Elect ] as in the booke of Ordination , Ego I N. Ecclesiae atque sedis N. Elecius Episcopus profi●eor ▪ And in the letany , Te Rogamus ut huic fratri nostro Electo Episcopo Benedicionem & gratiam ●uam largiri digneris . Lastly , by the lawes of England , a Bishop can not be admitted to do his homage or sweare fealty for his Bishoprick , nor be restored to his Temporalties , untill he be legally Consecrated : But it is Apparent by the Queenes Letters Patents , dated the one and twentieth day of March following , ( that was at the end of Hilary terme , as speedily as could be ) he had done his homage , and was then restored to his Temporalties . Which proveth clearly , that he was legally Consecrated , that is to say , according to the Register . Such a perpetuall agreement there is , between our Ecclesiasticall-Recordes and our Civill Recordes . CHAPT . V. The eighth ninth and tenth reasons against that fabulous relation , from the Authority of our Statute , the booke of the life 's of the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury , and all sorts of witnesses . THe eighth reason to prove the Nagges-head Ordinatiō to be a fable , is takē frō the authority of the Statute in the eighth yeare of Queene Elisabeth , which is thus entituled . An Act declaring the manner of making and Consecrating of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of this Realme , to be good lawfull and perfect . [ An Act declaring ] not enacting or making ; [ the manner of making and Consecrating the Arch Bishops and Bishops of this Realme , ] that is , those in the beginning of Queene Elisabeths time , as appeareth by the whole body of the Act ; [ to be good lawfull and perfect . The title of the Statute alone is sufficient to confute this fable : But there is much more in the body of the Statute ; As where it approveth the making and consecrating of the same Arch Bishops and Bishops to be duely and orderly done , according to the lawes of this Realme . If it was done duely and orderly according to the lawes of this Realme , then it was not done at the Nagge 's head , nor after such a silly ridiculous manner , as these Fathers do relate it . That forme differeth from our forme in all things . In the Consecrater , or Minister of the Consecration : We must have three Bishops at the least , there was but one . In the matter : Our matter is Imposition of handes , their matter was the laying the Bible upon the head or shoulders of the person Consecrated . In the forme : Our forme is receive the holy Ghost &c , Their forme was , Take thou Authority to preach the word of God sincerely . The Statute proceedeth , that they were elected made and consecrated Arch Bishops and Bishops , according to such order and forme , and with such Ceremonies in and about their Consecrations , as were allowed and set forth by the said Acts Statutes and Orders , annexed to the said booke of Common praier before mentioned . This is plaine enough . If the Parliament say truely , then they were Consecrated in a Church , not in a Taverne ; not according to the Brainsick whi●sies of a self conceited Foole , or rather the ludibrious devise of an Archenemy , but according to the forme prescribed by the Church and Kingdome . The Parliament had more reason to know the truth then these Fathers , for there were personally present both the persons who did consecrate , and the persons who were consecrated , and many Lords and Gentlemen who were eye witnesses of the consecration . Chuse Reader , whether tho● wilt trust the tale of a single , obscure , malicious spie , tatling in a corner : or the asseveration of the Parliament of England , i● the face of the sun , published to the world in print . The Parliament testifieth further , that i● is and may be very evident and apparent that no cause of scruple ambiguity or doubt 〈◊〉 or may justly be objected , against the said Elections Confirmations or Consecrations . Do they thinke the Parliament would have give● such a testimony for the Nagge 's head Consecrations . And so they conclude , th● all persons which had been or should be orde●● or consecrated , after the forme and order presc●●bed in the said English Ordinall , wer● very deed , and by authority of Parliament were declared and enacted to be rightly Ordered and Consecrated . The scope of the Parliament and of this Act , was to confirme the consecration of Arch Bishop Parker and the rest of the Bishops , and to free them from ca●ills and objections : But they confirme no Ordination at the Nagge 's head , neither can their words be extended any way to such a ridiculous Consecration : Therefore the Ordination of Arch Bishop Parker and the rest , was no Nagges head Ordinatiō . My ninth reason to prove that Nagges-head Relation fabulous and counterfeit , is taken from the Testimony of that book formerly mentioned , of the life 's of the seventy Ar●h Bishops of Canterbury ; wherein the Consecrations of Arch Bishop Parker and all the rest are particulary related . That which was published to the world in print , above thirty yeares before the death of Queene Elisabeth , was not lately forged : But the legall Ordinations of Arch-Bishop Parker and the rest , according to the Register , was published to the world in print , above thirty yeares before the death of Queene Elisabeth . Againe , that which was published to the world in print with the allowance of Arch Bishop Parker , or rather by Arch Bishops Parker himself , was not intended by Arch Bishop Parker to be smothered o● concealed . Men do not use to publish their forgeries in print ; especially so soone , and of such publick actions , whilest there are so many eye witnesses living . That the Relation was not confuted , That the Authour was never called to an account for it , That no man stood up against the Registers , nor on the behalf of the Nagg●●head Ordination in those daies , That 〈◊〉 Neale was so tame to endure the lie in prie● and all his party so silent , at that tim● when the truth might so easily have bee● discovered , as if it had bene written with ● beame of the sun , ( as it was indeed ) ; is 〈◊〉 evident proofe that our Relation is undeniable , and the Relation which thei● Fathers make is but a drowsy dream● , which could not indure the light of the sun . The tenth and last reason to prove on Relation true and theirs fabulous , is taken from all sortes of witnesses , ours and theirs indifferently . Mr Mason reckoned up seven of our writers , who had justi●●ed the legality of our Ordinations , and ●ited our Registers as authentick Recor●es , before himself ; Bishop Iewell , Bishop Hall , Bishop Goodwin , Doctor ●ollings , Mr , Camden , Mr. Shelden , ●nd one who was then living when this ●uestion was so hotely debated in King ●unes his time , and had been an eye-wit●esse of Arch Bishop Parkers Consecra●●ons at Lambeth , that was the Earle of ●ottingham . One that was , well stored ●ith our English writers in Queene Elisabeths time , might adde many more : ●ut that can not well be expected from me 〈◊〉 this distance . We may produce as many of theirs , ●ho have confessed or been convinced of 〈◊〉 truth of Arch Bishop Parkers Conse●●ation . First Mr. Clerke , whose Father ●as Register to Cardinall Pole in his Le●●ntine Courte , and he himself an Actu●●y under him , when Theophilus Higgins 〈◊〉 out of England to St. Omars , or ●●oway , ( I remember not well whether ) . ●here he met with this Mr. Clerke , ●ho falling into discourse with him ●●ncerning his Reasons why he had forsaken the Church of England , Mr Higgins told him , that one of them 〈◊〉 that saying of St. Hierome , It is no Church which hath no Priests ; reflecting upon thi● Nagges head Consecration . Mr. Clerke approved well of his Caution , because 〈◊〉 dubiis tutior pars sequenda : but withall 〈◊〉 wished , that what their Authours had written concerning that point , could be ma● good ; confessing that he himself was 〈◊〉 England at that time , ( The witnesse do●● not positively remember whether at t●● Consecration or not . ) But Mr , Cler●● said that he himself was present when 〈◊〉 Advocate of the Arches , whom the Quee● sent to peruse the Register after the Consecration , and to give her an account whether it was performed Canonically , retur●● her this answer , that he had peruse the Register , and that no just excepti●● could be made against the Consecration But ( he said ) something might h●● been better , particularly that Bish●● Coverdale was not in his Rochet , 〈◊〉 he assured her , that could make no ●●●fect in the Consecration . Here 〈◊〉 have , if not an eye witnesse , yet at least 〈◊〉 eare witnesse in an undoubted manner , of●● legall Consecration ▪ and of the truth of the Register , and of the judgement of the Advocate of the Arches , concerning the Canonicalnesse of the Consecration . Thus much Mr. Higgins was ready to make faith of whilest he was living , and Mr. Barwick a person of very good credit , from him of at this present . The second witnesse is Mr. Higgins himself , who comming afterwards into England had a desire to see the Register , and did see it , and finding those expresse words in it [ Milo vero Coverdallus non nisi togalanea talari ●●ebatur , ] and remembring withall what Mr. Clerke had told him , whereas the Canonicall garments of the rest of the Bishops are particularly described : he was so fully satisfied of the truth of the Consecration , and lawfull succession of our English Bishops , that he said he never made doubt of it afterwards . My third witnesse is Mr. Hart , a stiffe Roman Catholick , but a very ingenuous person , who having seene undoubted copies of Doctor Reynolds his Ordination by Bishop Freake , and of Bishop Freakes Consecration by Arch Bishop Parker , and lastly of Arch Bishop Parkers owne , Consecration : he was so fully satisfied with it , that he himself did rase out all that part of the conference betweene him and Doctor Reinoldes . My fourth witnesse is Father Oldcorne the Iesuit . This testimony was urged by me in my treatise of Schisme in these words . These authentick evidences being upon occasion produced , out of our Ecclesiasticall Courtes , and deliberately perused and viewed by Father Oldcorne the Iesuit , he both confessed himself clearly convinced of that whereof he had so long doubted , ( that was the legitimate succession of Bishops and Priests in our Church ) and wished heartily towards the reparation of the breach of Christendome , that all the world were so abundantly satisfied as he himself was ; blaming us as partly guilty of the grosse mistake of many , for not having publickly and timely made knowne to the world , the notorious falshood of that empty , but farre spread aspersion against our succession . To this the Bishop of Chalcedon , who was better acquainted with the passages of those times in England , then any of those persons whom these Fathers stile of undoubted credit , makes this confession . That father Oldcorne being in hold for the povvder treason , and judging others by himself , should say , those Registers to be authentick , is no marvell , A fifth witnesse is Mr. Wadsworth , who in an Epistle to a freind in England doth testifie , that before he left England he read the Consecration of Arch Bishop Parker in our Registers . This made him so moderate above his fellowes , that whereas some of them tell of five , and the most of them of fifteen , which were consecrated at the Nagge 's head , he saith onely that the consecration of the first Protestant Bishop was attempted there , but not accomplished ▪ If it were onely attempted not accomplished , then the Nagge 's head Ordination is a fable . But it falleth out very unfortunately for Mr Wadsworths attempt , that of all those first Protestant Bishops , whose elections were all confirmed at Bowes Church about that time , ( And it might be all of them , it is very probable ●undry of them had a confirmation dinner at the Nagge 's head ) not one was confirmed in person , but all of them by their Proxies : Arch Bishop Parker by Doctor Bullingham , Bishop Barlow and Bishop Scory by Walier Iones Bachelour of Law , Bishop Grindall by Thomas Hink Doctor of Law , Bishop Cox by Edward Gascoine , Bishop Sands by Thomas Bentham , &c ; as appeareth by the authentick Recordes of their confirmation . Bishops are ordinarily confirmed by Proxie , but no man was ever consecrated , no man was ever attempted to be consecrated by Proxie . The four next witnesses are Mr. Collimo● ▪ Mr. Laithwait , Mr. Faircloth , and Mr. Leake , two of them of the same order with these Fathers ; to whom the ArchBishop of Canterbury caused these Recordes to be shewed , in the presence of himself , the Bishops of London , Durham , Ely , Bath and Welles , Lincolne , and Rochester . They viewed the Register , they turned it over and over , and perused it as much as they pleased , and in Conclusion gave this sentence of it , that the booke was beyond exception . To say , that afterwards they desired to have the Recordes into prison , to peruse them more fully , is ridiculous . Such Recordes may not goe out of the presence of the Keeper . But these Fathers may see them as much as they list in the Registri● , if they seeke for satisfaction , not altercation . Lastly Bishop Bonner had a suite with Bishop Horne , and the issue was whether Bishop Horne were l●gally consecrated Bishop ; upon that ●c●uple , or rather cavill , which I have formerl● mentioned . If Mr. Neale who they say was Bishop Bonners Chaplein , and ●ent on purpose to spie what the ●ishops did , could have proved the ordination of Bishop Horne at the Nagge 's head , he might not onely have cleared his Master , but have turned Bishop Horne deservedly out of his Bishoprick . But he was loath to forfeit his cares , by avouching such a palpaple lie . The Nagge 's head Ordination was not talked of in those daies . How should it , before it was first devised ? Mr. Sanders dedicated a booke to ArchBishop Parker , which he called the Rock of the Church : If the Nagges head Ordination had bene a serious truth , how would he have triumphed over the poore Arch-Bishop ? To conclude , ●f faith ought to be given to concurring Recordes Ecclesiasticall and civill , of the Church and Kingdome of England , If a full Parliament of the whole Kingdome deserve any credit , If the testimony of the most eminent publick Notaries in the Kingdome , If witnesses without exception , If the silence , or contradiction , or confession of knowne Adversaries , be of any force , If the strongest presumtions in 〈◊〉 world may have any place , that men in their right wittes will not ruine themselves willfully ▪ without necessity , or hope of advantage , If all these grounds put together do over ballance the clandestine Relation of a single malicious Spie , without either oath , or any other obligation : then I hope every one who readeth these grounds will conclude with me , that the Register of the Church of England is beyond all exception , and the malicious Relation of the Nagge 's head Ordination , a very tale of a tub , and no better ; so full of Ridiculous folly in it self , that I wonder how any prudent man can relate it without laughter . Who told this to Bluet ? Neale . Who told this to Haberley ? Neale . Who told it to the rest of the Prisoners at Wisbich ? Neale . Onely Neale . Who suggested it to Neale ? The Father of lies . Neale made the fable , Neale related it in Corners , long after the time it was pretended to be acted . If his Maister Bishop Bonner had knowne any thing of it , we had heard of it long before . That the Arch-Bishop should leave Lambeth to come to London to be consecrated ; That he should leave all those Churches in London , which are immediately under his owne Iurisdiction , to chuse a common taverne , as the fittest place for such a worke ; That Bishop Bonner being deprived of his Bishoprick , and a prisoner in London , should send Neale from Oxford , and send a command by him to one over whom he never had any Iurisdiction ; That the other Bishop being then a Protestant should obey him being a Roman Catholick , when there were so many Churches in the City to performe that worke in , where the Bishop of London never pretended any Iurisdiction ; That these things should be treated , and concluded , and executed all at one meeting ; that Bishop Bonner did foresee it would be so , And command his servant to attend there untill he see the end of that businesse . That the Bishops being about such a Clandestine worke , should suffer a knowne enemy to stay all the while in their company , is incredible . If Neale had feined that he had heard it from one of the Drawers boies , it had deserved more credit , then this silly , improbable inconsistent Relation ; which looketh more like an heape of fictions made by severall Authours by starts , then a continued Relation of one man , Quicquid ostendas mihi sic incredulus odi . CHAPT . VI. The Nagg●s head Ordination is but a late devise . Of the Earle of Nottingham , Bishop Bancroft , Doctor Stapleton ▪ the Statute 8. El. 1. And the Queenes disp●nsation . NOw having laid our grounds , in the next place let us see what the Fathers have to say further for themselves . This stor● of the Nagge 's head was first cno●radicted b● Mason in the yeare 1613 : yet so weakly and family that the a●ten●ive Reader may easily perceive he feared to be caught in a lie . First , the Fathers seem to argue after this manner ; Many Athenian writers did mention the Cretan Bulls and Minotaurs and Labyrinth , but no Cretan did write against them , therefore those ridiculous Fables were true . Rather , the Cretans laughed at their womannish ●evenge , to thinke to repaire themselves for a beating , with scolding and lying : such ridiculous Fictions ought to be entertained with scorne and contempt , Spreta exolescunt , si irascaris agnita videmur . Secondly , it might be ( for any thing I know to the contrary ) Mr. Mason was the first who dissected this lie , and laid the falsity of it open to the world : but he was not the first who avouched and justified the Canonicall Consecration , and personall Succession of our Protestant Bishops , which is the same thing in effect ; the Bishop of Hereford did it before him , and Doctor Reynolds before the Bishop of Hereford , and he that writ the life of Arch-Bishop Parker before Doctor Reynolds , and the Parliament before him that writ Arch Bishop Parkers life , and the publick Registers of the Church before the Parliament . Thirdly , they would make us believe that this Fable was ancient , and published to the world from the beginning of Queen Elisabeths time in print , and unanswered by the Protestants untill the 13 , of King Iames : but there is no such thing . For their credit , let them produce one Authour that mentioneth it in the beginning of Queen Elisabeths time , or if they cannot doe that , for forty yeares after , that is , before the yeare 1600 : or otherwise the case is plain that it is an upstart lie , newly coined about the beginning of King Iames his time ; the Fathers would not have us answer it before it was coined , or before it was known to us . Where they say that Mr , Mason did handle this Controversy weakly and faintly , they know they doe him wrong : He hath so thrashed their Authours , Fusherbert , and Fitz-Simon , and Holywood , and Constable , and Kellison , and Champney , that the cause hath wanted a Champion eversince , untill these Fathers tooke up the Bucklers . But whereas they adde , that Mr. Mason vvas affraid to be convinced by some aged persons that might then be living , and remember vvhat passed in the beginning of Queen E●isabeths reign ; is so farre from truth , that Mr. Mason nameth a witnesse beyond all exception , that was invited to Arch Bishop Parkers Consecration at Lambeth , as being his Kinsman , and was present there , The Earle of Notting●am Lord High Admirall of England . Why did none of their Authors goe to him , or imploy some of their Friends to inquire of him ? The case is cleare , they were more affraid of Conviction , and to be caught in a lie , then Mr. Mason : who laid not the Foundation of his Discourse upon loose prittle-prattle , but upon the Firm Foundation of Originall Records . They say , in the yeare 1603 , none of the Protestant Clergy durst call it a fable , as some now doe . I am the man , I did call it so , I do call it so . Such a blind relation as this is , of a businesse pretended to be acted in the yeare 1559 , being of such consequence , as whereupon the succession of the Church of England did depend , and never published untill after the yeare 1600 , as if the Church of England had neither Friends nor Enemies ; deserveth to be stiled a Tale of a Tub and no better . They adde , Bancroft Bishop of London being demanded by Mr. VVilliam Alabaster , hovv Parker and his Collegues vvere consecrated Bishops ? ●nsvvered , he hoped that in Case o● ne●essity a Priest ( alluding to Scory , might ordein Bishops . This answer of his was objected in Print by Holywood , against him and all the English Clergy in the yeare 1603 ▪ not a word replied , Bancroft himself being then living . And why might not Holywood be misinformed of the Bishop of London , a● well as you yourselves were misinformed of the Bishop of Durham ? This is certain he could not allude to Bishop Scory , wh● was consecrated a Bishop in the reign of Edward the sixth , as by the Records of those times appeareth ; unlesse you have a mi●● to accuse all Records of Forgery . If you have any thing to say against Bishop Sc●ryes Consecration , or of any of them who joined in Ordeining Arch Bishop Parker , spare it not , we wil not seek help of 〈◊〉 Act of Parliament to make it good . In summe , I doe not believe a word 〈◊〉 what is said of Bishop Bancroft , sub mod●● it i● here set down , nor that this Accusation did ever come to the knowledge of 〈◊〉 prudent Prelate ; if it did , he had great●● matters to trouble his head withall , the● Mr. Holywords bables : but if ever such a a question was proposed to him , it may be after a clear answer to the matter of Fact he might urge this as argumentum ad hominem ; that though both Bishop Scory and Bishop Coverdale had been but simple Priests , ( as they were complete Bishops ) , yet joining with Bishop Barlow and Bishop Hodgskings , two undoubted Bishops ( otherwi●e Gardiner and Bonner and Tunstall and Thurleby and the rest were no Bishops , ) the Ordination was as Canonicall , as for one Bishop and two Mitred Abbats to consecrate a Bishop ( which you allow in case of Necessity ) , or one Bishop and two simple Presbyters to consecrate a Bishop by Papall Dispensation . So this question will not concern us at all , but them very much , to reconcile themselves to themselves . They teach that the matter and form of Ordination are essentialls of Christs own Institution , They teach that it is grievous Sacrilege to change the matter of this Sacrament , They teach that the matter of Episcopall Ordination is Imposition of hands of three Bishops , upon the person consecrated : and yet with them one Bishop and two Abbats , or one Bishop and two simple Priests extraordinarily by Papall dispensation , may ordein Bishops . The essentialls of Sacraments doe consist in indivisibili , once Essentiall alwaies Essentiall , whether ordinarily , or extraordinarily whether with dispensation or without . So this Question whether a Priest in case of Necessity may ordein Bishops , doth concern them much , but us not at all . But for my part I believe the whole Relation is feined , for so much as concerneth Bishop Bancroft . They adde , or the one of them , I have spoken vvith both Catholicks and Protestants , that remember neare 80. yeares , and acknovvledge that so long they have heard the Nagges head story related as an undoubted truth . Where I wonder ? sooner in Rome or Rhemes or Doway , then in England , and sooner in a Corner then upon the Exchange . You have heard from good Authors of the Swans singing , and the Pellicans pricking of her Breast with her bill : but you are wiser then to believe such groundlesse Fictions . I produce you seven of the ancient Bishops of England , some of them neare an 100. yeares old , who doe testify that it is a groundlesse Fable : yet they have more reason to know the right value of our Ecclesiasticall Records , and the truth of our affaires , then any whom you convers● withall ▪ The Authours proceed , This Narration of the Consecration at the Nagge 's head , have I taken out of Holywood , Constable , and Doctor Champnies vvorkes . They heard it from many of the ancient Clergy , vvho vvere Prisoners for the Catholick Religion in Wysbich Castle , as Mr. Blewet , Doctor Watson , Bishop of Lincoln , and others . These had it from the said Mr. Neale and other Catholicks present at Parkers Consecration in the Nagge 's head , as Mr. Constable affirmes Here is nothing but hearsay , upon hearsay , such Evidence would not passe at a tryall for a lock of Goats wooll . Holywood and the rest had it from some of the Wisbich Prisoners : and the Wisbich Prisoners heard it from Mr. Neale and others . What others ? had they no names ? did Bishop Bonner send more of his Chapleins then one to be Spectators of the Consecration , and they who were to be consecrated permit them being Adversaries to continue among them , during the Consecration , supposed to be a Cla●de●●ine Action . It is not credible , without a Pl●● between Neale and the Host of the Nagge 's head , to put him and his fellowes for that day into Drawers habits , least the Bishops should discover them . Here , is enough said to disgrace this Narration for ever , that the first Authors that published it to the world , did it after the yeare 1600 ; untill then it was kept close in Lavander , Bishop Wa●son lived splendidly with the Bishops of Ely and Rochester , at the time of Arch-Bishop Parkers Consecration , and a long time after , before he was removed to Wisbich Castle . If there had been an● such thing really acted , and so notoriously known , as they pretend , Bishop Wa●s●● and the other Prisoners , must needs ha●● known it long before that time , when Mr. Neale is supposed to have brought the● the first newes of it . The who●e story 's composed of Inconsistences . That which quite spoileth their story , is that Arch Bishop Parker was never present at any 〈◊〉 these Consecrations , otherwise calle● Confirmation Dinners : but it may be 〈◊〉 merry Host shewed Mr. Neale Docto● Bullingham for Arch Bishop Parker , and told him what was done in the withdrawing roome , which ( to gaine more credit to his Relation ) he feigued that he had seen , out of pure zeale . Howsoever , they say the Story was divulged to the great griefe of the newly Consecrated , yet being so evident a truth they durst not contradict it . We must suppose that these Fathers have a Privilege to know other mēs hearts , but let that p●sse . Let them tell us how it was divulged by word or writing , when and where it was divulged whilest they were newly consecrated , who divulged it and to whom ? If they can tell us none of all this , it may passe for a great presumption , but it cannot passe for a proofe , But they say , that not onely the Nullity of the Consecration , but also the illegality of the same was objected in Print against them not long after , by that famous writer Doctor Stapleton and others . We looke upon Doctor Stapleton , as one of the most Rationall heads that your Church hath had since the seperation : but speake to the purpose Fathers , did Doctor Stapleton print one word of the Nagge 's head Consecration . You may be sure he would not have balked it , if there had been any such thing , but he did balke it because there was no such thing . No , no , Doctr. Stapletons pretended illegality was upon another ground , because he dreamed that King Edwards Statute was repealed by Queen Mary , and not restored by Queen Elisabeth , for which we have an expresse Act of Parliament against him in the point : and his supposed invalidity was because they were not consecrated ritu Romano . If you think Doctor Stapleton hath said any thing that is materiall , to prove the invalidity or nullity of our Consecration , take your bowes and arrowes and shoote over his shafts againe , and try if you do not meet with satisfactory answers , both for the Institution of Christ , and the Canons of the Catholick Church , and the Lawes of England . You say , Parker and the rest of the Protestant Bishops , not being able to answer the Catholick arguments against the invalidity of their Ordination &c. Words are but wind . The Church of England wanted nor Orthodox Sonnes enough to cope with Stapleton and all the rest of your Emissaries : nor to cry down the illegall and extravagant manner of it at the Nagge 's head , How should they cry down , that which never had been cryed up in those daies ? We condemne , that form of Ordination which you feign to have beē used at the Nagge 's head , as illegall , and extravagant , and ( which weigheth more then both of them ) invalid , as much as yourselves . They were forced to begge an act of Parliament , whereby they might enjoy the Temporalities , not withstanding the known defects of their Consecration &c. O Ingenuity ! whither art thou Fled out of the world ? Say , where is this Petition to be found , in the Records of Eutopia ? Did the Parliament ever make any such establishment of their Temporalties , more then of their Spiritualties ? Did the Parliament ever take any notice of any Defects of their Consecration ? Nay , did not the Parliament declare their Consecration to have been free from all defects ? Nay , doth not the Parliament quite contrary , brand these Reports for slanderous speeches , and justify their Consecrations to have been duely and orderly done , according to the Lawes of this Realm : and that it is very evident and apparent , that no cause of scruple ambiguity or doubt , can be justly objected against their Elections Confirmations or Consecrations . Yet they give a reason of what they say , for albeit Edward the sixths rite of Ordination was reestablished by Act of Parliament in the first yeare of Queen Elisabeth : yet it was notorious that the Ordination at the Nagge 's head was very different from it , and formed extempore by Scoryes Puritanicall Spirit &c. I take that which you grant out of Sanders , that King Edwards Form of Ordination , was reestablished by Act of Parliament 1. Elisabethae ; wherein you doe unwittingly condemne both Bishop Bonners and Stapletons plea of illegality . The rest which you say is partly true and partly false . It is very true that there is great difference between the English Form of Ordeining , and your Nagge 's head Ordination , as much as is between the head of a living horse and the sign of the Nagge 's head , or between that which hath a reall entity and an imaginary Chim●ra ( Mr. Mason was the Bellerephon that destroyed this monster ) : But that the Form of the Nagge 's head Ordination was framed extempore by Scoryes Puritanicall Spirit , is most false ; That Posthumus brat was the Minerva or Issue of Mr. Neales brain , or some others who fathered this rapping lie upon him . Then they repeat the words of a part of the Statute , and thence conclude , By which Act appeares that not onely King Edwards rite , but any other used since the beginning of the Queeens reign , upon her Commission was enacted for good , and consequently that of the Nagge 's head might passe . Cujus cōtrarium verum est . The Contrary to what these Fathers inferre , doth follow necessarily from these words which the Fathers cite . The words of the Act are these , [ By virtue of the Queens Letters Patents or Commission ] : Every one of the Letters Patents is extant in the Rolles , not one of them did ever authorise any form but that which was legally established ; that is , the Form of Edward the sixth . First , the Queens Letters Patents or Commission hath an aut minus in it , or at the least three or foure of you : but to justify the Nagges head Ordination , the aut minus must be altered to at the least one or two of you . Secondly , the Queens Letters Patents have alwaies this clause in them : Iuxta Formam & effectum Statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum ; According to the form and effect of the Statutes in that case made and provided : but the Statutes allow no lesse number then four , or at the least three to ordein , At the Nagges head ( you say there was but one Ordeiner . Our Statutes prescribe Imposition of Hands as the Essentiall matter of Ordination , and these words , Receive the Holy Ghost as the form of Ordination : but your Nagge 's head Ordination is a mere Phantasm , without matter or Forme ; our Statutes allow no such fanaticall and Phantasticall Formes , as your Form of the Nagge 's head . And so your Consequence , [ Consequently that of the Nagge 's head might passe ] , is foundered of all four , and can neither passe nor repasse , unlesse you can rase these words [ by virtue of the Queens Letters Patents ] out of the Statute , and insert these [ without the Queens Letters Patents ] : and likewise rase these words out of the Commission [ according to the Form and effect of the Statutes ] , and insert these [ contrary to the Form and effect of the Statutes ] . A single Falsification will doe your cause no good . Two poisons may perchance help it at a dead lift . It is in vain to tell us , that Mr Mason see this over clear to be denied , who know better that Mr. Mason did not onely deny it over and over again , but sqeesed the poore Fable to durt . I have shewed you particularly what was the end of the Queens Dispensations , the same which is the end of Papall Dispensations , to meet with latent objections or cavills . I have shewed you what that Cavill was ; which needed no Dispensation in point of Law , but onely to stop the mouths of Gainsaiers . But where you adde , that the Queens Dispensation was given , not in conditionall but in very absolute Termes : You are absolutely mistaken . The Queens dispensation was both in Generall Termes , which determin nothing , ( not like the Popes Dispensations , A quibusvis excommunicationis suspensionis & interdicti sententiis ) : and also in these conditionall Terms , si quid &c. desit aut deerit eorum quae per Statuta hujus regni nostri , aut per leges Ecclesiasticas in hac parte requiruntur : If any thing is or shall be wanting , which are required by the Lawes Civill or Ecclesiasticall of this Kingdome . You see it is conditionall and hath reference onely to the Lawes of England . They goe on , the truth is , all the world laughed at the Nagge 's head Consecration , and held it to be invalid , not so much for being performed in a Tavern , as for the new form invented by Scory . If all the world did laugh at it in those dayes , they laughed in their sleeves , where no body could see them laugh . It had been too much to laugh at a jeast before it was made , nay before it was devised . The Reader may well wonder , how all the world came to get notice of it so early as the beginning of Queen Elizabeths reign , and we onely in England should heare nothing of it for above 40 yeares after ? but assoone as we did heare of it , we laught at it as well as they , and held it as invalid as they could doe for their hearts ; but they laught at it as Bishop Scoryes Invention , and we laught at it as theirs . CAP. VII . Of Bishop Bonner , the Reordination of our Clergy , the quality of their witnesses , Mr. Fitzherberts suspicions , the testimony of their Doctors , and the Publishing of our Register before Mr. Mason Their next instance is in Bishop Bonners case , who was indited by Mr. Horn , one of the First Protestant Bishops consecrated by Mr. Parker , or together with him , for refusing to take the Oath of Supremacy . The first errour might be pardoned , as being onely a mistake in a word , to say that Bishop Bonner was indited by Mr. Horn , where as he was onely signified by Bishop Horn : but the second mistake is fatall , that after all this confidence , and this great Notoreity of the Nagge 's head Ordination to all the world , these Fathers themselves are still uncertain , whether Bishop Horn were consecrated by Archbishop Parker , or at the same time with him ; that is as much as to say , they know not certainly what was done at the Nagge 's head , but they wish that if the Confirmation dinner were not a Consecration , it had been one . It could never end better , for Mr. Neale to feign an Ordination , without an Actuary to record what was done . Bishop Wa●son and Mr. Bluet and the rest were much to blame , that ( since he had the fortune to weare Gyges his ring and walk invisible ) they did not cause him to play the publick Notary himself , and draw that which was done there into Acts ; then we might have known as certainly as he could tell us , whether Dr ▪ Parker had been consecrated there by his Proctor Dr Bullsngham . It may be , some very credulous Reader , who like the old Lamiae , could take out his eyes and put them in again when he pleased , would have given more credit to Mr Neales pleasant Fable , then to the publick Rolles and Registers of the Kingdome . I have handled Bishop Bonners case before : and th●se Fathers themselves have unwittingly given sentence in it against him ; That King Edwards Forme of Ordination , was reestablished by Act of Parliamant in the first yeare of Queen Elisabeth . But finall sentence there was never any given , untill the Parliament gave a finall sentence in it , That Bishop Horn and all the rest were legall Bishops . To admit a Plea to be tryed by a Iury , and the veredict of the Iury , are two very distinct things . They tell us , he was a man specially shot at . Rather he was a man graciously preserved by the Queens mercy , from the rage of the Common people against him . If they had shot at him , they could have found waies enough to have tendered the Oath of Supremacy to him , without Bishop Horn. I professe I am no great Patron of such Oaths , men have more dominion over their actions then over their judgements : Yet there is lesse to be said for Bishop Bonner , then for other men . He who had so great a hand in framing the Oath , He who had taken it himself , both in King Henryes time , and King Edwards time , and made so many others to take it , He who had been so great a stickler in Rome for the Kings Supremacy , who writ that Preface before Bishop Gardiners booke de vera Obedientia : if he had suffered by the Oath of Supremacy , he had but been scourged with a rod of his own making . Their next reason to prove the Nullity of our Holy Orders , is taken from the constant Practice of the Romane Catholicks , to Reordein Protestant Ministers , not conditionally but absolutely , which they call an evident Argument of our mere Laity . A doughty Argument indeed , drawn from their own Authority . Can any man doubt , that that they which make no scruple of taking away our lifes , will make conscience of taking away our Orders ? This is that which we accuse them of , and they doe fairly begge the Question . If Reordination be Sacrilege ( as they say it is ) , we are ready to convince them of grosse Sacrilege , or iterating all the Essentialls of Ordination , the same matter and the same Form that is for Episcopacy , the same Imposition of Hands by three Bishops , and the same words Receive the Holy Ghost &c. Some were of the same mind with these Fathers in Queen Maries time : but Paul the 4. and Cardinall Poole were wiser , who confirmed all Ordinations in Edward the sixths time indifferently , so the Persons professed but their Conformity to the Roman Religion . How doth this consist with your pretended Nullity ? They say , Our Records were produced by Mr ▪ Mason in the yeares 1613 , fifty yeare● after they ought to have been shewed . They forget that they were published in Print in Arch Bishop Parkers lifetime , that they were justified by the Parliament 8. Elisabethae , that all of them goe hand in hand with our Civill Records , He saith , it cannot be testified by any lawfull witnesses ( produced by us ) that they were 〈◊〉 forged . This is their Method , first to ●ccuse us of Forgery , and then to put us to prove a Negative ; where learnt he this Form of proceding ? By all Lawes of God and man the Accuser is to make good his Accusation : yet we have given him witnesses beyond exception . They say , there can not be a more evident mark of Forgery , then the concealment of Registers , if they 〈◊〉 usefull and necessary to the persons in whose Custody they are . The proofe lieth on the other hand . Tell us how they were concealed , which were published to the world in Print , by a whole Parliament , by private persons , and were evermore left in a Publick Office , where all the world might view them from time to time , who had either occasion or desire to doe it ? That our Adversaries did insult and Triumph over us , is but un empty flourish without truth or reality , as we shall see presently . They say , it is not worth refuting which some modern Protestants say , ye have no witnesses of the story of the Nagge 's head &c. but Roman Catholicks , we value not their Testimony , because they are known Adversaries . This answer they term Ridiculous , and paralell it with the answer of an Officer in Ireland . You will not find this answer so ridiculous , upon more serious consideration . Protestants know that some Exceptions in Law , do destroy all Credit , and some other Exceptions do onely diminish credit . An Adversaries Testimony may be admitted in some cases , but it is subject to exception and makes no full proofe , especially in cases favourable in the Law ; as the case of persons spoiled , ( which is your Irish case ) . such witnesses may be admitted , an●e omnia spoliatus restitui debet : but then they ought to make up in number what they want in weight . But you mistake wholy , our answer is not , that you produce no witnesses for the story of the Nagge 's head but Roman Catholick● : Our answer is that you produce no witnesses at all , neither Roman Catholicks nor others . For first one witnesse is no witnesse in Law , Let him be beyond exception duely sworn and examined , yet his Testimony makes but semiplenam probationem , half a proofe ; especially in Criminall causes such as this is , it is nothing . One witnesse shall not rise up against a man for any Iniquity or any sinne , At the mouth of two witnesses or at the mouth of three witnesses shall the matter be stablished . Which law is confirmed by our Saviour . They were never yet able to pretend any eye witnesse by name , but Mr. Neale , or some body that had no name , because he had no being in the nature of things : all the rest had it from Mr. Neales single Testimony , because they cannot testify what was done , but what Mr. Neale said . Secondly , Mr. Neale testifieth nothing , as a single witnesse ought to testify . He was never sworn to speake the truth , he never testified it before a publick Notary , he was never examined before a competent Iudge , 〈◊〉 was never produced before the face of a Protestant . Is this the manner of the Romans now a daies , to condemne whole Churches upon the ver●all Testimony of a single witnesse , before ●e be brought face to face with those whom ●e accuseth ; and such a Testimony which 〈◊〉 clogged with so many improbabilities ●nd incongruities , and incoherences , 〈◊〉 no rationall impartiall man 〈◊〉 trust one syllable of it ? whereas in such a case as this , against the third Estate of the Kingdome , against the Records Civill and Ecclesiasticall , against the testimony of a Parliament , an hundred witnesses ought not to be admitted . We regard not Mr. Fitzherberts suspicions at all . What are the suspicions of a private stranger , to the well known credit of a publick Register ? His suspicions can weigh no more then his reasons , that is just nothing . He saith this exception is no new quarrell , but vehemently urged to the English Clergy in the beginning of the Queens reign , 〈◊〉 shew how and by whom they were made Priests Bishops &c : You have said enough to confute yourselves , but you touch not us . If they had known that they were consecrated at the Nagge 's head , as well as you would seem to know it , they needed not to urge it so vehemently to shew how and by whom they were ordeined ; they would have done that for them readily enough : unlesse perhaps you thinke that they concealed the Nagges head Ordination out o● favour to the Protestants . But I see you are mistaken in this as in all other things ▪ There was an old objection indeed , that ou● Consecraters were not Roman Catholiks and that our Consecration was not Ri●● Romano , or that we were not Ordeined by Papall Authority : but the Nagge 's head Ordination is a new question . What might be whispered underhand , in the eares of credulous persons of your own party in Corners , we do not know : but for all your contrary intimations , none of all your Writers did dare to put any such thing in print , for above fourty yeares after Arch Bishop Parkers Consecration . If silent Witnesses in such circumstances prove more then others , as you affirm , then all your writers are our witnesses . But none of all your Doctors did ever urge any such thing , as required that we should cite the Registers in prudence , as by a cleare answer to all your Testimonies shall appeare . The water did not stop there in those dayes : yet even in Arch Bishop Parkers life time the Consecration of our Bishops was published to the world in Print ; either shew us as much for your Nagge 's head Ordination , or hold your peace for ever . Bishop Andrews the learned Bishop of Winchesters absurdities falsities and lies , are easily talked of , men may talke of black Swans : but he who hath laid your greatest Champions in the dust , requires another manner of Discoverer then Mr. Fitzherbert . But these Fathers are resolved to confute themselves , without the help of an Adversary . They tell us , that no mention was ever made of Registers testifying Parkers Consecration at Lambeth , untill Mr. Mason printed his booke . This is not true , they were mentioned by the Parliament , mentioned in Print , I think before Mr. Mason was born ▪ What though Lambeth were not mentioned , if the Legality of his Consecration were mentioned ? This is enough to answer your Objection ; this is enough to confute your Romance of the Nagge 's head . Yet thus much you yourselves confesse , in the same Paragraph , that in a booke printed in the yeare 1605 ( that is eight yeares before the yeare 1613 , wherein you say that Mr , Mason printed his booke ) called Antiquitates Britanniae , there is a Register of the Protestant Bishops of England : Thē there was a Register of the Consecration of Protestant Bishops extant , before Mr. Mason did write of that subject . You say , that Register doth not mention any certain place or Form of their Consecration . It was not needfull ; the Law prescribeth the Form , and the place was indifferent , so it were a consecrated place , which the Law doth likewise prescribe . But you tell us further , that thi● Register was forged or foisted in , and that your learned but namelesse Friend , see the old Manuscript of that booke , wherein there is no mention of any such Register , which you tell us in your Friends words , that all the world may see how this Register was forged . Why are all the world bound to believe your Friend ? How should we give credit to a man who tells us three notorious untruths in foure lines ? First , that it is pretended that Archbishop Parker was made a Bishop by Barlow Scory and three others , by virtue of a Commission from Queen Elisabeth : he was made a Bishop by Barlow Scory and two others . Secondly , that this work was acted on the 17. day of September , An : 1559 , which was acted on the 17. Day of December 1559. Thirdly , that we had no form then or Order to doe such a businesse ; whereas you yourselves confesse , that Edward the sixths rite of Ordination , was reestablished in the First yeare of Queen Elisabeth : and Archbishop Parkers Ordination was in the second of Queen Elisabeth . He who stumbles so thick and three fold , may erre in his viewing the Manuscript as well as the rest . But to gratify you , suppose it was foisted in , what good will that doe you ? It must of necessity be foisted in before it was printed , it could not be foisted in after it was printed , And it must be foisted in by a Protestant , for no Roman Catholick would foist it in . So still you see a Register of Protestant Bishops , was published to the world in print , eyght yeares before Mr. Mason published his booke . Your Friend saith , that this printed Booke of Parkers Antiquitates Britanniae , is the first that mentioneth any such pretended Consecration of him and the rest . So it might be well when it was first printed , that was not in the yeare 1605 , but in Arch-Bishop Parkers life time , three yeares before his death , An. 1570. So much you might have learned from the very Title-page of the Booke , printed at Hannovv ; Historia antehac non nisi semel , nimirum Londini in Aedibus Iohannis Day anno 1572. excusa : That this History vvas printed formerly at London in the house of Iohn Day in the yeare 1572. This doth utterly destroy the Credit of your Friends Relation , that he had viewed the Manuscript of that Booke . There needed no Manuscript , where they had a Printed booke for their Copy , ( as the Title-page telleth us they had ) ▪ and that printed above sixty yeares before your Friend writ , it is probable before his Birth . If there be any thing of foisting in the case , there is rather something foisted out of the former Edition , then foisted in ; namely , Archbishop Parkers Life untill that time , with the particular Consecrations of our first Bishops , which were in the London Edition , and are omitted in this Edition of Hannow . This is cleare enough by the very Title , An History of 70. Archbishops , and there are in this Edition but 69. Archbishops , because the Life of Archbishop Parker is wanting ; which neverthelesse is promised in the Life of Archbishop Warham pag. 312. [ ut in Matthaei Parker Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi vi●a inferius di●emus : As we shall say hereaf●er in the Life of Mathew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury . You see how infortunate you are in accusing others of Forgery . Your Authour proceedeth , Any man reading the printed Booke , will manifestly see it is a meerly foisted and inserted thing , having no connexion correspondence or affinity , either vvith that which goeth before , or followeth it . Say you so ? There was never any thing more fitly inserted . The Author undertaketh to write the Life 's of 70. succeeding Archbishops of Canterbury , from Austin to Matthew Parker , and having premitted some generall Observations concerning the Antiquity of Christian Religion in Britany , with the names of some Arch-Bishops of London , and the Originall and Changes of Episcopall Sees in England , and some other Generalities concerning the Privileges of the See of Canterbury , and the Conversion of Kent ; Iust before he enter upon the Life of St. Austin the first Archbishop , he presenteth the Reader with a summary View of the Archbishoprick of Canterbury , at that time when the booke was first printed , in the yeare 1572 , with the names of all the Bishops of the Province at that time , their Countries , their Armes , both of their Sees and of their Families , their respective Ages , their Vniversities , their Degrees in Schooles , with the times of their severall Consecrations , if they were ordeined Bishops , or Confirmations , if they were translated from another See. It is hardly possible for the wit of man to contriue more matter into a lesser Roome . Then , he settes downe a like Table for the Province of Yorke : and lastly an Alphabeticall Catalogue of the Bishops whose Lifes were described in this booke , and among the rest , Archbishop Parker , whose Life ( if you call it foisting ) is foisted out of this Hannow Edition . If this hath no connexion or affinity with that which goeth before , and followeth after , I know not what Connexion or Affinity is . Your Friends last Exception against the Authority of that booke called Antiquitates Britanniae , is , that it conteineth more things done after Matthew Parker had written that Booke . So you confesse that Archbishop Parker himself ( about whom all our controversy is , ) was the Author of that booke ; wherein I agree with you . The conclusion of the Preface , and many other reasons invite me to doe so . Surely this Author meant that there is something conteined in this Register , which is not within the Compasse of the following Lifes in the Hannow Edition . ( that may well be because Matthew Parkers life is foisted out in this Edition : ) but there is nothing which was not in the London Edition , much more largely then it is in this Register , especially for the Confirmations and Consecrations of our Protestant Bishops : there is nothing after the time when this Register was made , which is prefixed in the Frontispice of it in the Hannow Edition , with M P for Matthew Parker . Matthew Parker died May the 27 , Anno 1575 : he printed his booke at London three yeares before his death , without the Authours name , in the yeare 1572. I appeale to the ingenuous Reader , ( let him be of what Communion he will , or never so full of prejudice ) , whether it be credible , that Arch Bishop Parkers own booke should be printed in London , by the Queens Printer , in his life time , and have any thing foisted into it contrary to his sense . Here then we have a Register of Protestant Bishops , with their Confirmations and Consecrations , published to the world in Print at London , by Arch Bishop Parker himself , ( who was the principall person and most concerned in that Controversy , ) as if it should dare all the Adversaries of our Church to except against it , if they could ▪ Registers cannot be concealed , being alwaies kept in the most publick and conspicuous places of great Cities , whither every one hath accesse to them who will. They need no printing , but this was printed ( a work of supererogation ) . They who dared not to except against it then , when it was fresh in all mens memories , ought not to be admitted to make conjecturall exceptions now . Now the Fathers come to shew , how their Doctors did object to our Protestant Clergy , the Nullity and Illegality of their Ordination . If their Doctors give a cause or reason of their knowledge , we are bound to answer that : but if they object nothing but their own Iudgement and authority , we regard it not ; their judgement may weigh some thing with them , but nothing at all with us . This is not to make themselves Advocates , but Iudges over us , which we do not allow . If I should produce the Testimonies of fourscore Protestant Doctors , who affirm that we have a good Succession , or that their Succession is not good , what would they value it ? The first is Doctor Bristow ; Consider what Church that is , whose Ministers are but very Laymen , unsent , uncalled , unconsecrated , holding therefore amongst us when they repent and return , no other place but of Laymen , in no case admitted , no nor looking to Minister in any Office , unlesse they take Orders which before they had not . Here is Doctor Bristows Determination , but where are his grounds ? He bringeth none at all , but the practise of the Roman Church , and that not generall . Paul the 4 , and Cardinall Poole , and the Court of Rome in those dayes were of another Iudgement , and so are many others : and so may they themselves come to be , when they have considered more seriously of the matter , that we have both the same old Essentialls . That which excuseth their Reordination from formall Sacrilege ( for from materiall it cannot be excused upon their own grounds , ) is this , that they cannot discover the truth of the matter of Fact , for the hideous Fables raised by our Countrymen . But where is the Nagge 's head Ordination in Dr. Bristow ? Then had been the time to have objected it , and printed it , if there had beē any reality in it . Either Dr. Bristow had never heard of this Pageant , or he was ashamed of it . Here we meet with Dr. Fulke again , ād what they say of him shall be āswered in its proper place Their next witnesse is Mr. Reinolds , There is no Heardman in all Turky , who doth not undertake the Government of his Heard , upon better reason and greater right Order and authority , then these your magnificent Apostles . &c. And why an Heardsman in Turky , but onely to allude to his Title of Calvino Turcismus ? An heardsman in Turky hath as much right to order his heard , as an heardman in Christendome ; unlesse perhaps your Dr. did think , that Dominiō was founded in Grace , not in nature . This is saying , but we expect proving . It is well known that you pretend more to a magnificent Apostolate , them we . If the authority of the holy Scripture ( which knoweth no other Essentialls of Ordination ; but imposition of hands ād these words Receive the Holy Ghost , ) if the perpetual practise of the universall church , if the Prescription of the ancient Councell of Carthage , and above 200. Orthodox Bishops , with the concurrent approbation of the Primitive Fathers be sufficient grounds , we want not sufficient grounds for the exercise of our Sacred Functions . But on the contrary , there is no Heardman in Turky who hath not more sufficient grounds or assurāce of the lawfulnesse of his Office , then you have for the discharge of your Holy Orders , upon your own grounds . The Turkish Heardman receives his Maisters Commands without examining his intention : but according to your grounds , if in ●n hundred successive Ordinations , there were but one Bishop who had an intention not to Ordein , or no intention to ordein , or but one Priest who had an intētiō notto bap●●ise , or no intention to baptise any of these Bishops , then your whole Succession commeth to nothing . But I must aske still where ●s your Nagge 's head Ordination in all this ? ●r . Reinolds might have made a pleasāt Pa●●lell between the Nagge 's head Ordination ●nd the Ordination of the Turkish Mufti , and wanted not a mind mischievous enough against his Mother the Church of England , if he could have found the least pretext : but there was none . You seek for water out of a Pumice . Their third Witnesse is Dr. Stapleton , in his Counterblast against Bishop Horn. To say truely , you are no Lord Winchester , nor elsvvhere , but onely Mr Robert Horn. Is 〈◊〉 not notorious that you and your Collegues vvere not ordeined ▪ according to the prescript , I vvill not say of the Church , but even of the very Statutes ? Hovv then can you challenge to your self the name of the Lord Bishop of Winchester ? You are vvithout an● Consecration at all of your Metropolitan , himself pooreman being no Bishop neither . This was a loud blast indeed● but if Dr Stapleton could have said any thing of the Nagge 's head Ordination , he would have given another manner of blast , tha● should have made the whole world Ech● again with the Sound of it . In vain you see● any thing of the Nagge 's head in your writers , untill after the yeare 1600. For answe● Dr. Stapleton raiseth no Objection fro● the Institution of Christ , whereupon an● onely whereupon , the Validity or Invalidity of Ordination doth depend : but onely from the Lawes of England . First for the Canons , we maintein that our Form of Episcopall Ordination hath the same Essentialls with the Roman : but in other things of an inferiour allay it differeth from it . The Papall Canons were never admitted for binding Lawes in England , further then they were received by our selves , and incorporated into our Lawes : but our Ordination is conformable to the Canons of the Catholick Church , which prescribe no new Matter and Form in Priestly Ordination . And for our Statutes , the Parliament hath answered that Objection sufficiently , shewing clearly , that the Ordination of our first Protestant Bishops was legall , and for the Validity of it , we crave no mans favour . Their last witnesse is Dr. Harding , who had as good a will ( if there had been any reality in it ) to have spoken of the Nagge 's head Ordination as the best , but he speaketh not a Syllable of it more then the rest : and though they keep a great stirre with him , he bringeth nothing that is worth the weighing . First he readeth us a profound Lecture , that Sacerdos Signifieth both a Priest and a Bishop . Let it signify so , and in St. Hieroms sense , what will he inferre from thence ? Next , he askes Bishop Iewell of Bishoply and Priestly vocation and sending . What new canting language is this ? Could he not as well have made use of the old Ecclesiasticall word of Ordination ? Thirdly he taxeth the Bishop , that he answereth not by what example hands were laid on him , or who sent him . What doth this concern any question between them and us ? Hands were laid on him by the example of Christ , of his Apostles● , of the Primitive and Modern Church : so Christ sēt him , the King sēt him , the Church sent him , in severall respects . He telleth us , that when he had duely considered his Protestant Ordination in King Edwards time , he did not take himself for lawfull deacon in all respects . If his Protestant Ordination were a Nullity ( as these mē say ) , thē he was a lawfull Deacon in no respect . Pope Paul the 4. and Cardinall Poole were of another mind . Then follow his two grand excepitons against our Ordination , wherein you shal find nothing of your Nagge 's head fable The former exceptiō is , that King Edwards Bishops who gave Orders , were out of Orders themselves , The second is , that they ministred not orders according to the Rite ād manner of the Catholick Church . For the former exception , I referre him to the Councell of Carthage in St. Austins time , and for both his excepitons to Cardinall ●oles Confirmation of King Edwards Bishops and Priests , and Paul the 4. Ratification of his Act. If any man have a mind to inquire further into the Validity of our Form of Ordination , let him leave these Fables and take his scope freely . To all this they say , that Bishop Iewell answers with profound silence , yet they adde , onely he sayes without any proofe , that their Bishops are made by Form and Order , and by the Consecration of the Arch bishop and other three Bishops , and by admission of the Prince . I expected profound sile●ce , but I find a profound answer ; this is the first time I learned how a man can both keep profound silence ●nd answer so pertinently all at once . How doth Dr. Harding goe about to take away ●his answer : For Bishop Iewell was the defendent , and the burthen of the proofe did ●ot rest upon him ? First I pray you how was ●our Archbishop consecrated ? If Dr. Harding did not see his Consecration , he might have ●een it if he would . He askes further , what ●ree Bishops were there in the Realm to lay hands ●pon him ? Ask the Queens Letters patents , ●●d they will shew you seven . What a ●●eake Socraticall kind of arguing is this , ●ltogether by questions , without any Infe●ence ? If Dr. Harding could have said it justly , ( and he could have said it if it had been so ) , he should have confuted him boldly , and told him your Metropolitan was consecrated in the Nagge 's head , by one single Bishop , in a fanaticall and phantasticall manner : but he did not , he durst not do it , because he knew it to be otherwise , and it was publickly known to be otherwise . All his exception is against our Form , If you had been Consecrated after the Form and Order vvhich hath ever been used , you might have had Bishops out of France or at home in England . It is the Forme established in King Edwards time , and restored in Queen Elisabeths time which Doctr. Harding impugneth , not tha● ridiculous Form which they Father upon Bishop Scory : and their cheife objection against that Form , was that vain Cavill that it was not restored by Act of Parliament , which since hath been answere● abundantly by an Act of Parliament . Here upon he telleth Bishop Iewell , that his Metropolitan had no lawfull Consecration . Thoug● his Consecration had not been lawfull , y●● it might have been valid , but it was bot● legall and valid . This is all that Docto● Harding hath , which a much meane Schollar then that learned Prelate might have adventured upon , without feare of burning his Fingers . Their next proofe against our Records , is taken from the Contradictions of our Writers , Mr. Masons Registers and Records , disagree with those that Mr. Goodwin used in his Catalogue of Bishops , sometimes in the Day sometimes in the moneth , sometimes in the year . And againe , Mr. Mason Sutcliffe and Mr. Butler , all speaking of Mr. Parkers Consecration , doe all differ one from another in naming his Consecraters ; Mr. Mason saith it was done by Barlow , Scory , Coverdale ▪ and Hodgskins . Mr. Sutcliffe saith , besides the three first there vvas tvvo Suffragans . M Butler saith , the Suffragan of Dover vvas one . vvho is not named in the Commission . So as these men seem to have had three Disagreeing Registers . I answer , first that it is scarcely possible to avoid errours in transcribing and printing of Bookes , in the Authors absence , especially in names and numbers . To keep a balling and a stirre about these Errata of the pen or of the presse , is like the barking of little Curres , which trouble the whole Vicinage about the Mooneshining in the Water . Such were the most of these . Secondly supposing that some very few of these were the reall mistakes of the Authors , yet innocent mistakes , which have no plot in them or design of Interest or Advantage , which conduce neither pro nor contra to any Controversy that is on Foot , they ought not to be exaggerated or pressed severely ; It is the Wisdome of a wise man to passe by an Infirmity . Such are all these petty Differences . Whether Arch-Bishop Parker was consecrated by three City Bishops and two Suffragan , or by three City Bishops and one Suffragan Bishop , and whether this one Suffragan were Suffragā of Bedford or Suffragan of Dover , cōduceth nothing to any Controversy which is on Foot in the Church , and signifieth nothing to the Validity or invalidity , legality or illegality , canonicalnesse or uncanonicalnesse of his Ordination . All Memories are not so happy , to remember names and numbers , after a long distance of time , especially if they entered but by the ●are ▪ and were not Oculis subjecta fidelibus . I● any man should put me to depose ( wanting my notes and memorialls , ) what Priests did impose hands upon me with Archbishop Mathews at my Priestly Ordination , or what Bishops did joine with my Lord Primate of Ireland at my Episcopall Ordination , I could not doe it exactly . I know there were more then the Canons doe require , at either Ordination ; and referre my self to the Register . Whether two Suffragans or one Suffragan , is an easy mistake . when there were two in the Commission , and but one at the Consecration : so is the Suffragan of Dover for the Suffragan of Bedford . Thirdly , whether these were the faults of the pen or the presse or the Authour : yet after retractation it ought not to be objected . It is inhumane to charge any man with that fault , which he himself had corrected and amended . Bishop Goodwin corrected all these errours himself , without any Monitor , and published his Correction of his errours to the world in Print long since , in a new Edition of his booke . Likewise Dr. Sutcliffe acknowledged his mistake and gave order to Mr. Mason to publish it to the world , as he did . To ground exceptions upon the errours of the presse , or the slips of the tongue or pen or of the memory , after they have been publickly amended , is like flies to delight in sores , and neglect the body when it is sound . I have the same errour crept into a booke of mine , of [ five ] for [ four ] , how it came I know not , for the booke was printed in my absence : but I have corrected it in mine own Copy and in many Copies of my Friends , where I meet with the booke . Lastly , there is no danger in such petty differences , so long as all parties doe submit themselves to the publick Registers of the Church , as all these writers doe ; although is may be some of them were better acquainted with Polemick Writers , thē with Registers , or the practicall customes of the Church of England . The very Reference or submission of themselves to the Register , is an Implicit retractation of their errours . As in a City the Clocks may differ , and the peoples Iudgements of the time of the day , but both Clocks and Clerkes must submit to the Sun dyall when the sun shineth out : so all private memorialls must be , and are submitted to the publick Register of the Church . Where these Fathers talk of plurality of Registers , they erre because they understand not our Customes . Every Bishop throughout the Kingdome hath one Registry at least , every Dean and Chapter hath a Registry . The ordinations of Priests and Deacons , and the Institution of Clerkes to Benefices , are recorded in the Registries of the Respective Bishops , in whose diocesses they are ordeined and instituted . The elections of Bishops and Inthronisations and Installations , in the Registry of the respective Deans and Chapiters : and the Confirmations and Consecrations of Bihops , in the Registry of the Archbishop where they are consecrated ; except th● Archbishop be pleased to grant a Commission to some other Bishops , to Consecrate the elected and confirmed Bishop in some other place . But the same thing can not be recorded originally but in one Registry . CAP. VIII . Dr. VVhitaker and Dr. Fulke defended , Bishop Barlowes Consecration justified , of Iohn Stowes Testimony , and the Earle of Notinghams &c. HEre the Fathers take upon them the office of Iudges or Censors rather then of Advocates . Mr. Mason ought to have answered as Mr. Whitaker and Mr. Fulke , ( they were both eminent Drs. in the Schooles ) who had reason to be better informed of the Records then he . How ? Nay nor half so well . They were both contemplative men , Cloistered up in St. Iohns College , better acquainted with Polemick writers , then with Records , They were both ordeined Deacons and Priests legally , Canonically , according to the Form prescribed by the Church of England : and were no such ill Birds to defile their own nests . If the Records of their Ordination will ●atisfy you , that they were no Enthusiasts , ( as you imagin , ) you may quickly receive satisfaction : But if they had said any thing contrary to our Lawes and Canons , you must not thinke to wrangle the Church of England out of a good possession , by private voluntary speculations . Let us see what these Doctrs say as you allege them , for I have not their bookes in present . Mr. Whitaker saith , I would not have you thinke we make such reckoning of your Orders , as to hold our own Vocation unlawfull without them . You see Doctor Whitaker justifieth our Ordination in this very place as lawfull , and much more plainly elswhere in his writings . That though our Bishops and Ministers be not Ordeined by Papisticall Bishops , yet they are orderly and lawfully ordeined : Again , The Romanists account none lawfull Pastors , but such as are created according to their Form or Order . These are your two main Objections against our Ordination , that we are not ordeined by Bishops of your Communion . That we are not ordeined according to the Roman Form. In both of these Doctor Whitaker is wholy for us against you , that which he maketh no reckoning of , is your Form of Ordination , as it is contradistinct from ours , as it is in many things , especially in your double matter and Form in Priestly Ordination . You say Mr. Fulke speakes more plainly Let us heare him . You are highly deceived if you thinke we esteem your Offices of Bishops Priests and Deacons better then Laymen : and with all our heart we defie , abhorre , detest , and spit at your stinking , greasy , Antichristian Orders . This is high enough indeed , and might have been expressed in more moderate termes : but it is to be expounded , not of the invalidity of your Ordination , as if it wanted any Essentiall , but partly in respect of the not using or abusing these sacred Offices , and partly in respect of the Lawes of England . Excesses may make an Ordination unlawfull , although they do not make it invalid . Holy Orders are an excellent Grace conferred by God for the Conversion of men : but if those who have them , instead of preaching truth do teach errours to his people , and adulterate the old Christian Faith by addition of new Articles , they are no longer true Pastors , but Wolves which destroy the Flock , and so they are not onely no better , but worse then Lay men , Corruptio optimi pessima . In this respect they tell you , that your Priests and Bishops are no true Priests and Bishops , as Marcellus told his Soldiers that they were no true Romans ( who were naturall Romans ) because they wanted the old Roman virtue . Lastly you have habituall power to exercise these Offices , but you want actuall power in England , by reason of the not application , or rather the substraction of the matter by our Lawes : so you are no legall Bishops or Priests there . This I take to have been the sense of these two Doctors . Now are we come to their grand exception , against Bishop Barlow , who was one of the Consecraters of Archbishop Parker , whose Consecration is not found in the Archbishops Register , and there fore they conclude that he was never consecrated . If this objection were true , yet it doth not render Archbishop Parkers Consecration either invalid or uncanonicall , because there were three other Bishops who joined in that Consecration besides Bishop Barlow , which is the full number required by the Canons . But this objection is most false . Bishop Barlow was a Consecrated Bishop above 20 yeares before the Consecratiō of Archbishop Parker . They should have done well to have proposed this doubt in Bishop Barlows lifetime , and then they might have had the Testimony of his Consecraters under an Archiepiscopall or Episcopall Seale , for their satisfaction , The Testimony of the Archi-Episcopall Register , is a full proofe of Consecration affirmatively , but it is not a full proofe negatively ; such a Bishops Consecration is not recorded in this Register , therefore he was not Consecrated . For first , the negligence of an Officer or some crosse accident might hinder the recording . Secondly Fire or Thieves or some such Casualty might destroy or purloin the Record . Thirdly though it be not recorded in this Register , it may be recorded in another , the Arch Bishop may , and Arch Bishop Cranmer usually did delegate or give Commission to three other Bishops for Consecration . And though the work be ordinarily performed at Lambeth , because of the place , where they may have three Bishops alwaies present without any further Charge : yet they are not obliged by any Law to Consecrate them there . And if there be a sufficient number of Bishops near the Cathedrall which is to be filled , or if the person who is to be Consecrated do desire it , they may be Consecrated either in that , or any of their own Churches . The Bishops of the Province of Yorke , by reason of the former convenience are usually consecrated at Lambeth , yet I have known in my time Bishop Sinewes of Carlile consecrated at Yorke upon his own desire , by the Archbisop of Yorke , and the Bishops of Durham , Chester , and Mā A man might seek long enough for his Consecration in the Archbishop of Canterburies Register and misse it , but it is to be found in the Register at Yorke . So the Omission of it in that Register though it be no full proofe , yet it is a probable proofe that Bishop Barlow was not Consecrated there , but it is no proofe at all that he was not Consecrated elswere . And this I take to have been the case both of Bishop Barlow and Bishop Gardiner : and although the effluxion of above an hundred yeares since , hath rendered it more difficult to find where it was done , yet by the help of those Records which are in the Court of Faculties , I should not despaire of finding it yet . But there are so many evident proofes that he was Cousecrated , that no ingenuous person can have the Face to deny it . The first reason is , his actuall possession of 4. Bishopricks one after another , St. Assaph , St. Davids , Bath and Wells and Chichester , in the Reigns of three Princes . They feign some pretenses why Archbishop Parker was not consecrated Canonically ▪ because there wanted a competent number of Bishops , though it were most false : but what can they feign why Bishop Barlow was not consecrated in Henry the eighths time ? was Henry the eighth a Baby to be jeasted withall ? In Archbishop Parkers case , they suppose all the Bishops to have been stark mad , to cast themselves down headlong from a Precipice , when they had a faire paire of Stairs to descend by : but in Bishop Barlowes case they suppose all the world to have been asleep ; except there had been such an Vniversall sleep it had been impossible for any man in those dayes to creep into a Bishoprick in England without Consecration . To say he is actually possessed of a Bishoprick therefore he is Consecrated , is as clear a Demonstration in the English Law , as it is in nature to say the Sun shineth , therefore it is Day . But it may be objected , that he held all these Bishopricks as a Commendatory , no● in Title , as an Vsufructuary not as a true owner . It is impossible , Vsufructuaries are not elected and confirmed , but Bishop Barlow was both elected and Confirmed . The Conge d'eslire to the Dean and Chapter , the Letters Patents for his Confirmation , the Commission for the restitution of his Temporalties , do all prove that he was no Vsufructuary but a right owner , This is a second reason . Thirdly , The same Letters Patents that doe authorise Bishop Barlowes Confirmation , did likewise Command the Archbishop with the assistence of other Bishops to Consecrate him himself . or to give a Commissiō to other Bishops to Consecrate him , which if they did not perform within a prescribed time , or perform after another manner thē is prescribed by the Law , it was not onely a losse of their Bishopricks by the Law of England , but a Premunire or the losse of all their Estates , their Liberties , and a casting themselves out of the Kings Protectiō 25 , Hen : 8. c. 20. No mē in their right wits would r●n such a hazard , or rather evidētly ruine thēselves and all their hopes without any need , without any ēd in the whole world . Fourthly , by the same Law no man could be acknowledged a Bishop in England , but he who was Consecrated legally , by three Bishops with the consent of the Metropolitan , but Bishop Barlow was acknowledged to be a true Bishop ; The King received his Homage for his Bishoprick ; the King commāded him to be restored to his Temporalties , which is never done untill the Consecratiō be passed . King Henry sent him into Scotland as his Ambassadour with the title of Bishop of St. Davids ; and in his restitution to the Temporalties of that See , the King related that the Arch Bishop had made him Bishop and Pastor of the Church of St. Davids . This could not be if he had not been Consecrated . Thirdly , he was admitted to sit in Parliament as a Consecrated Bishop : for no man can sit there as a Bishop before he be Consecrated , but it is plain by the Records of the house of the Lords that he did sit in Parliament many times in the 31 of Henry the 8. in his Episcopall habit , as a Consecrated Bishop ; and being neither a Bishop of one of the five Principall Sees , nor a Privy Counseller , he must sit and did sit according to the time of his Consecration , between the Bishops of Chichester and St , Assaph . What a strange boldnesse , is it to question his Consecration now , whom the whole Parliament , and his Consecraters among the rest , did admit without scruple then as a Cōsecrated Bishop . Sixthly , There is no act more proper or essentiall to a Bishop then Ordination , What doth a Bishop that a Priest doth not ( saith St. Hierom ) except Ordination ? But it is evident by the Records of his own See , that Bishop Barlow did Ordein Priests and Deacons frō time to time , and by the Arch Bishops Register that he , joined in Episcopall Ordination , and was one of those three Bishops who imposed hands upon Bishop Buckley Feb. 19. 1541 , Seventhly , there is nothing that ●●inth a Bishops Title to his Chuch more then ●he Validity and Invalidity of his Leases . If Bishop Barlow had been unconsecrated , all the Leases which he made in the See of St. Davids , and Bath and Wells , had been voide , and it had been the easiest thing in the whole world for his Successour in those dayes , to prove whether he was consecrated or not , but they never questioned his Leases ; because they could not question his Consecration . Lastly , an unconsecrated person hath neither Antecessors nor Successors , he succeedeth no man , no man succeedeth him . If a grant of any hereditaments be made to him and his Successours , it is absolutely void● , not worth a deaf Nut ; If he alien any Lands belonging to his See from him and his ▪ Successours , it is absolutely void : But Bishop Barlow● received the Priory of Br●cknock from the Crown , to him and his Successors Bishops of St. Davids , and in King Edwards reign being Bishop of Bath and Wells , he alienated from him and his Successours to the Crown much Land , and received back again from the Crown to him and his Successours equivalent Lands . If he had been unconsecrated all these Acts had been utterly void . In summe , whosoever dreameth now , that all the world were in a dead sleep then , for twenty yeares together , whilest all these things were acting , is much more asleep himself . To these undeniable proofes I might adde as many more out of the Records of the Chancery , if there needed any to prove him a Consecrated Bishop . As. A grant to the said William Barlow Bishop of St. Davids , to hold in Commendam with the said Bishoprick the Rectory of Carewe in the county of Pembrooke , Dated Octob. the 29. Anno 38. Hen. 8. A commission for Translation of William Barlow Bishop of St. Davids to the Bishoprick of Bath and VVels , Dated . 3. Feb. 2. Edv. 6. A Commission for the Consecration of Robert Farrer to be Bishop of St. Davids , per translationem VVillelmi Barlow &c. Dated 3. Iul. Anno 2. Edv. 6. A Commission for the Restitution of the Temporalties of the said Bishoprick to the said Robert Farrer , as being void per translationem Willelmi Barlow . Dated 1. Augusti Anno 2. Edv. 6. In all which Records and many more he is alwaies named as a true Consecrated Bishop . And lastly , in Bishop Goodwins booke de Praesulibus Angliae pa. 663. of the Latin Edition printed at London Anno 1616. in his Catalogue of the Bishops of St. Assaph num . 37. he hath these words . Gulielmus Barlow Canonicorum Regularium apud Bisham Prior Consecratus est . Feb. 22. Anno 1535 ; Aprili deinde sequente Meneviam translatus est . VVilliam Barlow Prior of the Canons Regulars at Bisham was consecrated the two and twentieth Day of February , in the yeare 1535 , and in Aprill Follovving vvas translated to St. Davids . Which confirmeth me in my former conjecture , that he was Consecrated in Wales , which Bishop Goodwin by reason of his Vicinity , had much more reason to know exactly then we have . They say Mr. Mason acknowledgeth that Mr Barlow was the man who consecrated Parker , because Hodgskins the Suffragan of Bedford was onely an Assistent in that action : and the Assistents in the Protestant Church doe not consecrate . By the Fathers leave , this is altogether untrue . Neither was Bishop Barlow the onely man who Consecrated Archbishop Parker ; Neither was Bishop Hodgskins a meere Assistent in that action ; Thirdly , who soever doe impose hands are joint consecraters , with us as wel as them ; Lastly , Mr. Mason saith no such thing as they affirm , but directly the Contrary , that all the foure Bishops were equally Consecraters , all imposed hands , all joined in the words , and this he proveth out of the Register it self , L. 3. c. 9. n. 8. & l : 3. c. 10. n. 9. They object He might as well be proved to have been a lawfull Husband , because he had a woman ▪ and diverse Children , as to have been a Consecrated Bishop because he ordeined . and Discharged all acts belonging to the Order of a Bishop . What was Bishop Barlowes Woman pertinent to his cause . Are not Governants , and Devotesses , besides ordinary maidservants , women ? All which Pastours not onely of their own Communion , but of their own Society , are permitted to have in their houses . Let themselves be ●udges whether a Woman a wife , or a Woman a Governant or a Devotesse , be more properly to be ranged under the name or notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such women as were prohibited to Cohabit with Clerkes by the Councell of Nice . But to leave the Hypothesis and come to the Thesis , as being more pertinent to the present case . If a man have cohabited long with a Woman as man and wife in the Generall estimation of the world , and begot children upon her , and dies as her husband without any doubt or dispute during his life and long after , though all the Witnesses of their Marriage were dead , and the Register lost , this their Conjugall cohabitation and the common reputation of the world during his Life uncontroverted , is in Law a sufficient proofe of the Marriage : but all the world nemine contradicente esteemed Bishop Barlow as the undoubted Bishop and Spouse of his Church . They adde , Ridley Hooper Farrer were acknowledged and obeyed as Bishops in King Edwards time , yet were Iudged by both the Spirituall and Temporall Court not to have been consecrated . They mistake , they were not judged not to have been consecrated , ( for their Consecrations are upon Record , ) but not to have been consecrated ritu Romano , after the Roman Form. And who gave this Iudgement ? Their open enemies , who made no scruple to take away their Lifes , whose unjust judgement we doe not value a rush : but Paul the 4. and Cardinall Pole ; more authentick Iudges of their own party , gave a later Iudgemēt to the Cōtrary . They aske , how it is possible that Barlowes Cōsecration should not be found recorded ( if ever it was ) , as well as his preferment to the Priory of Bisham , and Election and Confirmation to the Bishoprick of St. Assaph . I answer it is very easy to conceive . I have shewed him sundry wayes how it might be , and one probable way how it was . I desire the Reader to observe the extreme partiality of these Fathers , they make it impossible for the Acts of one Consecration to be lost or stollen , and yet accuse us of forging fifteen Consecrations . It is easier to steale fifteen , then to Forge one Act. We have often asked a reason of them , why the Protestants should decline their own Consecrations ? They give us one , The truth is , that Barlow as most of the Clergy in England in those times were Puritans , and inclined to Zuinglianisme , therefore they contemned and rejected Consecration as a rag of Rome , and were contented with the extraordinary calling of God and the Spirit , as all other Churches are , who pretend Reformation . It is well they premised the truth is , otherwise there had not been one word of truth in what they say . First how do they know this ? It must be either by Relation , but I am confident they can name no author for it : or by Revelation , but that they may not doe : or it is ( to speake sparingly ) their own Imagination . It is a great boldnesse , to take the liberty to cast aspersions upon the Clergy of a whole Nation . Secondly , how commeth Bishop Barlow , to be taxed of Puritanism ? we meet him a Prior and a Bishop , we find him in his Robes , in his Rochet , in his Cope , Officiating , Ordaining , Confirming . He who made no scruple to Ordein and Consecrate others gratis , certainly did not forbeare his own Consecration with the apparent hazard of the losse of his Bishoprick , out of scruple of Conscience . Thirdly , this aspersion is not well accommodated to the times , For first Zuinglianisme was but short heeled in those Dayes when Bishop Barlow was Consecrated , who sate in Parliament as a Consecrated Bishop 31. Henr. 8 : and the first Sermon that ever Zuinglius Preached as a Probationer , was in Zurick in the yeare 1510. that was in the 10. or 11. yeare of Hēry the eighth . If there were any one Zuinglian in those dayes , upon their grounds , it is most likely to have been Bishop Gardiner , for his Consecration doth not appeare more then Bishop Barlowes . But there is yet a greater mistake in it ; it is the Anabaptists who reject Ordination , and content themselves with the extraordinary calling of the Spirit , not the Zuinglians . In the writings of Zuinglius we find a Letter of him and ten other of the principall Helvetian Theologians , to the Bishop of Constance ; beseeching him in all humility and observance , to favour and help forward their beginnings , as an excellent work and worthy of a Bishop ; They implore his Clemency , Wisdome , learning , that he would be the first fruits of the German Bishops ; They beseech him by the Common Christ , by that fatherly affection which he owes unto them , to looke graciously upon them &c ; They court him to shew himself a Father , and grant the request of his obedient sonnes , Zuinglius and the Zuinglians liked Bishops well enough , if he could have had them . But the Bishop of Constance of another Communion was their Bishop . Here Meanderlike they make a winding from St. Asaph back again to Cheapside , from Bishop Barlowes Consecration to Archbishop Parkers . They say , that if there had been any other Consecration of Archbishop Parker then that of the Nagge 's head , Iohn Stow would not conceale it in his Annales ; who is so diligent in setting down all that passed in and about London , and professeth personall respect to him , he having related the Consecration of Cardinall Pole with so many particulars . They adde out of Dr. Champney , that Iohn Stow acknowledged to many persons that the story of the Nagge 's head was true . Their store is very low , when they are forced to produce Iohn Stow , who scarce knew what a Consecration was . But what saith he in his Chronicles ? Not a word , either of the feigned Consecration at the Nagge 's head , or of the true Consecration at Lambeth . But he told it to many persons by word of mouth , that the Story of the Nagge 's head was very true . If he did , he lied notoriously to many persons , but we acquit him of that calumny : let it rest upon them , who think it a meritorious Act , to advance religion by any means true or false , we are too well acquainted with their hearsay reports . They who dare wrest his printed workes , ought not to be trusted what he spake by word of mouth , to some body , whom no body knowes . Their Authour saith to some persons , they say to many persons , thus this snowball increaseth . Iohn Stowe is now dead , and dead men do not bite : yet let us know to whom he said it ? Doctor Champney tells us , they are ●imorous and would not be named . Good reason , for they have no names : so Iohn Stow is a silent witnesse , and they are namelesse witnesses . So much for the man : now for the thing I give three answers ; First if Iohn Stow were a lover of the truth , he should rather have set down the Nagge 's head Ordination ( if there was any such thing ) then the Lambeth Ordination . Men would suppose the Lambeth Ordination of themselves , where nothing is said to the contrary , it is presumed for the Law : but the Nagge 's head Consecration , had been such a Consecration , as never was before , never will follow after . Secondly , their Authours wrest Iohn Stow abhominably . He was no profest writer of Ecclesiasticall Annales . It is true he mentioneth the Consecration of Cardinall Pole , whether it was his respect to his Eminence , as being a neare Kinsman to the Queen , a Cardinall , the Popes Legate , and his grand Minister for the reconciliation of England , or because a toy tooke him in the head : but not with so many particulars as the Fathers intimate ; all he saith is this , the 21 of March Dr. Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury was burnt at Oxford , the same day Cardinall Pole sang his first Masse at Greenwich in the Friars Church , on Sunday next he was Consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury ( here was speedy worke ) , and the 25 of March received the Pall with the usuall Ceremonies at Bowes Church in Cheape . Here is another Nagge 's head meeting ; where he was Consecrated , by whom , after what Form , he leaveth the Reader to presume : but of all the other Consecrations performed in Queen Maries time , this diligent Authour mentioneth not so much as one ; of all the Consecrations in Queen Elizabeths time , I think not one ; of all the Consecrations in England since the Conquest , not one , or so rarely that they are not to be taken notice of . If the Argument of these Fathers were of any value Iohn Stow mentioneth not his Consecration at Lambeth , therefore he was not Consecrated there , we never had a Consecration in England , since the Conquest , but Cardinal ' Poles : for he mentioneth none but that which I remember , I am sure if he mention any it is most rarely . If the Fathers argument were good , Archbishop Parker was never elected , nor confirmed , because his Election and Confirmation are not recordsd by Iohn Stow : but all our Records Civill as well as Ecclesiasticall do testify the Contrary . Lastly , if the Fathers would lay aside their prejudice , there is enough in Iohn Stowes Annales , to discover the falshood of their lying Fable of the Consecration at the Nagge 's head . By their account the Nagges head Consecration was September 7. Anno 1559 , but after this in relating the solemne Obsequies kept in St. Pauls Church , for the French King , Iohn Stow calleth him , Dr. Parker Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Elect , therefore the Nagges head Consecration is a lying Fable ; if he was still Elect , he was not then Consecrated . But afterward speaking of his Death May 17. 1575 , which is the next time I find him mentioned , he stileth him the right Reverend Father in God Matthew Parker Dr. of Divinity Archbishop of Cāterbury . Here is no more the word Elect , for after Confirmation and Consecration , the word Elect ceaseth , here he is complete Archbishop of Canterbury . They say , they who make no Conscience to falsify Scrip●ure will forge Records : And how notoriously the English Clergy have falsified Scripture , is Demonstrated by Gregory Martin . I hope none of us did ever attempt to purge St. Pauls Epistles , because there were in them , Quaedam male sonamia , Something 's that sounded not well , in the point of Iustification . We desire good words , untill they be able to prove their allegation . Rather then be accounted falsifiers of Scripture , we are contented to stand to the vulgar Latin , in any Controversy between them and us . But who is the man doth accuse us of so many Falsifications ? One Gregory Martin , one of their fellowes , whose censure we do not weigh a button . This is a new Inartificiall Kind of arguing , from the Authority of their own Writers . But they use it much , so it followeth in the next words , it is want of Charity to think that Stapleton , Harding , Bristow and the rest of the English Catholick Doctors , who did forsake all at home for Conscience sake , would publish to the world in print , the Nullity of Parkers Ordination ; thereby engaging posterity to commit so many damnable Sacrileges , in reordeining those who had been validly ordeined already , without due examination of the matter . This plea is much like that of the old Roman , that his Adversary , did not receive the wound with his whole body , that he might have killed him fairly . They would have us rather put up the losse of our Holy Orders , then the skill of their Doctors should be questioned . If Reordinatiō be damnable Sacrilege , the Authority of your own Doctors may be a fit medium to convince yourselves of Sacrilege , not us of the Invalidity of our Ordination . I hope Stephen the sixth and Sergius the third , two Popes , were other manner of men then your English Doctors , and did both pretend to examine the matter as duely , and to be as a verse from damnable Sacrilege as you , yet they decreed publickly , and most unjustly , ( as you yourselves doe now confesse ) that all the holy Orders received from Formosus were void , and compelled all those who had been ordeined by him , to be reordeined . Bell. de Rom. Pont. l. 4. cap. 12. Mr. Mason cited the Testimony of a witnesse beyond all exception , Charles Howard Earle of Nottingham , Lord High Admirall of England , who acknowledged Archbishop Parker to be his Kinsman , and that he was an invited Guest at his Cōsecration at Lambeth . To this the Fathers reply , If this were true , it proves onely that there was a good Dinner at Lambeth , which might well be to conceale the shamefull Consecration at the Nagge 's head . It proves there was a good Consecration , as well as a good Dinner , the words are to honour his Consecration , and the solemnity thereof with his presence . It had been something uncivill , to encumber the Tavern with a Consecration , and not stay dinner there . The Earle was invited to the Consecration , at Lambeth , therefore it was at Lambeth , The Earle was not at the Nagge 's head ; Mr. Neale himself , who see more then ever was acted , or so much as thought of , did not see that . Is it the Custome when one is invited to a Consecration , to come after it is done to dinner : or to invite a Nobleman to a Consecration in one place , and then be consecrated in another ? This had been so farre from concealing the shamefulnesse of such a brainsick Consecration , that it been a ready meanes to divulge it to all the world . They adde , Besides we must take the Earles Friends word for the Earles Testimony , and Mr. Masons word for his namelesse Friend . That is none of Mr. Masons fault , but Mr. Holywoods , Mr. Constables , Mr. Sacroboscoes , Dr. Champneys , Mr. Fitz Herberts , Mr Fitz-Simons , who first broached this odious Fable . Mr. Mason published this relation to the world in print while the Earle was yet living , on purpose that they might enquire and satisfy themselves ; if they did not , they can blame no body but themselves ; if they did by themselves or their Friends , ( as it is most likely they did ) it is evident the answer did not content them , and so we never heard more of them since . It had been the greatest folly in the world to allege the Testimony of such a Noble man in his Life time , contrary to his own knowledge , which might have been disproved from his own Authority , and so have easily laid Mr. Mason flat upon his back . You may remember your own case with the Bishop of Durham . But it was too true to be contradicted then , and too late to be Contradicted now . They say , they bring more then one witnesse of the Nagge 's head Consecration . Pardon me , You never produced one yet , and which is lesse then producing , you never so much as named a witnesse , whilst he himself was living . In or about the yeare 1603. you first named Mr. Neale and innocent Iohn Stow , when they were both dead ; you might as well have named the man in the Moone as Iohn Stow. Onely I confesse you named the Bishop of Durham in his life time , and you see what is the issue of it : and if you had named the others in their life times , you must have expected a like issue , either the perpetuall infamy of your witnesse , or the utter confusion of your Cause . You speake much of the learning , and virtue , and judgement of your hearsay Witnesses , who knew how to distinguish between an Episcopall Consecration , and a banquet . I hope you doe not meane that the Earle of Nottingham did not know , how to distinguish between a banquet and a Consecration , if he did not , the High Admiralship of England was ill committed to him : or that he had not as much regard to his honour and Conscience , as any of your Priests . We meddle not with their Learning and virtue , but we are no more obliged to take their Testimonies upon hearsay , then they would take our Testimonies . They have givē an account to God , and know before this time whether they have done well or ill . They proceed , The Priests and Iesuits , to whom the Recordes were shewed in King Iames his time , protested against them as forged and improbable , as appeareth by the Testimony of men yet living , whose honesty cannot be called in question . Father Faircloth , one of the imprisoned Iesuits , testified so much to many by word of mouth and in writing . Where is the writing ? where is the protestation ? why are they not produced ? Still here are no proofes but upon Hearsay . One eye Witnesse is worth an hundred such , who can sweare to no more but that they heard it , and God knowes through how many Hucksters hands . I hope the Bishop of Durhams case will make them more wary for the future . But they are angry with some Protestants , who endeavour to make this well grounded story a meer Fable , and thereby call many persons of much more learning , virtue , and prudence then themselves Fooles or knaves . We are plain Macedonians , who call a Fable a Fable , without either welt or gard : yea , so notorious a Fable , that ( but that you tell us the Contrary ) , we could not believe that any one of you did ever give any credit to it your selves ; any more then the Athenians did believe those monstrous Fables of Bulls and Minotaures , which themselves had raised , because some of their eminent Citizens had devised it or related it : But we call no men Fooles or Knaues , That langguage is too unmannerly for civill Writers . What new Topick is this , because we cannot beleeve a ●mans relation or his Iudgement , do we straightway call him Foole or Knave ? Excuse me , there are credulity , and prejudice , and mistakes , and pious frauds in the world , and none of these will willingly weare the Livery of Knaves or Fooles . We are not of the same mind with Pope Stephen and Pope Sergius , for the reordeining of those , who had been ordeined by Formosus , yet we do not call them knaves or Fooles . We cannot beleeve what you yourselves have related of my Lord of Durham , yet we are not guilty of such extravagant expressions . CAP. IX . The Fathers insist too much upon the Authority of their ovvn party , VVhy Consecration is not mentioned at Restitution , The exactnesse of our Records justified . IT seemeth to me , that the Fathers insist too much upon the honesty , and virtue , and learning of their own party ▪ In dispute with an Adversary , virtue is like fire , which preserveth it self by being covered with ashes : but spread abroad by ostentation , it is quickly extinguished ; especially Comparisons are odious , and beget altercation . We say , there is not a Hill so high in Lincolnshire , but there is another within a Mile as high as it : take you the reputation of learning and prudence , so you leave us the better cause ; and we shall be able to defēd it well enough against you . But the maine defect in this part of your discourse is this , the Bishop of Chalced●● confesseth of Mr. Oldcorn , one of your Order , that he acknowledged these Records to be Authentick , and the rest of the imprisoned Priests , who viewed the Records , are charged publickly in print to have done the same , by Bishop Goodwin , by Mr. Mason ; every thing ought to be unloosed the same way it is bound . They were all Schollars and could write , if this charge were not true , they ought to have published a Protestation to the world in print to the contrary , whilest their Adversaries were living , whilest the Witnesses were living : but now after they and their Adversaries , and the witnesses are all so long dead , to talke of a verball protestation to some of their Friends , upon hearsay , signifieth nothing . Now we must make another winding , and return to Bishop Barlow : but I hold to the clue , in hope at length to get out of this fictitious Labyrinth . Henry the 8. Letters Patents , vvhereby Bishop Barlow vvas installed in ( they would say restored to ) the Temporalties of his Bishoprick , make mention of his acceptation and Confirmation , but none of his Consecration . why should this last be omitted , if he were really consecrated ? This objectiō sheweth nothing , but the unskilfulnesse of the Fathers in our English Customes and Forms . Let them compare all the restitutions of their friends to their Temporalties in England , as Cardinall Poles , Bishop Gardiners and the rest , and they shall find the Form the very same with Bishop Barlowes ; I hope they will not conclude thence that none of them were consecrated . The reason of the Forme is very prudent , In a Restitution to Temporalties , they take no notice of any Acts that are purely Spirituall , as Consecration is : but onely of such Acts as are Temporall , as Acceptation and Confirmation . But if he was restored to his Temporalties not being Consecrated , he might also sit in Parliament without Consecration . The Assumtion is understood , but Bishop Barlow was restored to his Temporalties without Consecration ; which is most false . From the Conversion of the Nation untill this Day , they are not able to produce one instance , of one Bishop , who was duely Elected , duely confirmed , and duely restored to his Temporalties by the Kings Mandate , without Consecration , or did sit in Parliament without Consecration . He must sit in Parliament in his Episcopall habit , but that cannot be before Consecration . It seemeth they think that Bishops sit in Parliament , as Temporall Barons : but it a great mistake , Bishops sate in the Great Councells of the Kingdome , before the names of Parliament or Barons were heard of in England . They bring an Argument from the exactnesse of our Records , and that connexion that is between Records of one Court and another . The first thing necessary to obtein a Bishoprick in England , is the Kings Conge d'eslire ; that appears in the Rolles . Next , the actuall Election ; that appeares in the Records of the Dean and Chapiter . Thirdly , the Kings Acceptation of the Election , and his Commission to the Archbishop , or four Bishops in the Vacancy , to Confirm the Election and Consecrate the person Elected and Confirmed legally ; that appeares in the Letters Patents enrolled . Fourthly , the Confirmation of the Election before the Dean of the Arches , but by the Archbishops appointment , ( this is performed alwaies in Bow Church , except extraordinarily it be performed elswhere by Commission ) ; this appeares in the Records of the Archbishop . Fifthly , the Consecration it self by the Archbishop and other Bishops , or other Bishops without him by virtue of his Commission ; this appeares in the Records of the Protonothary of the See of Canterbury . Lastly the Restitution of the Temporalties ; which appeares in the Rolles , and his Enthronisation in the Records of the Dean and Chapiter . Every one of these takes another by the hand , and he who will enjoy a Bishoprick in England , must have them all . The Chapiter cannot elect without the Kings Conge d'Eslire . The King never grants his Letters Patents for Confirmation and Consecration , untill he have a Certificate of the Deā and Chapiters Electiō . The Dean of the Arches never confirms , untill he have the Kings Commission . The Archbishop never Consecrates untill the Election be confirmed . And lastly the King never receiveth Homage for the Bishoprick , or giveth the Temporalties , nor the Deā and Chapiter Enthrone , untill after Consecration . He that hath any one of these acts , must of Necessity have all that goe before it in this Method : and he that hath the last , hath them all . But this was more then Mr. Neale , or whosoever was Inventer of that silly Fable , did understād , otherwise he would have framed a more possible relatiō . Hence they argue , The Records being so exact , how is it possible that no Copies of Barlowes Consecration do appeare in any Court or Bishoprick of England ? They mistake the matter wholy , the Consecration ought not to appeare in any Court but one , that is that Registry where he was Consecrated , which being not certainly known , at so great a distance of time , is not so easily found , and I believe was neversought for yet further thē Lambeth . But all the other Acts doe appeare in their proper Courts ; The Kings License , the Dean and Chapiters Election , the Kings Letters Patents , the Confirmation of the Dean of the Arches , which all goe before Consecration : and his doing Homage , and the Restitution of him to his Temporalties , and his Enthronisation , all which do follow the Consecration , and are infallible proofes in Law of the Consecration : as likewise his sitting in Parliament , his Ordeining of Priests , his Consecrating of Bishops , his letting of Leases , his receiving of Heriditamēts to him and his Successours , his exchanging of Lands ; all which are as irrefragable proofes of his Consecration , as any man hath to prove that such persons were his Parents , either Father or Mother . And whē the right Register is sought , which must be by the help of the Court of Faculties , I doubt not but his Consecration will be found in the proper place , as all the rest are . Mr. Mason alleged , that Bishop Gardiners Consecration was not to be found in the Register of Lambeth , any more then Bishop Barlowes : yet no man doubted of his Ordination . They answer first , that Mr. Mason did not seek so solicito●sly or diligently for Bishop Gardiners Consecration , as for Bishop Barlowes . Then why do not they whom it doth concern , cause more diligent search to be made ? without finding the Records of Bishop Gardiners Consecration , they cannot accuse Bishop Barlow of want of Consecration , upon that onely reason . Secondly they answer , that if Gardiners Consecration , were as doubtfull as Barlowes and Parkers , they would take the same advise they give us , to repaire with speed to some other Church of undoubted Clergy . Yes , where will they find a more undoubted Clergy ? They may goe further and fare worse . Rome itself hath not more exact Records , nor a more undoubted Succession , then the Church of England . There is no reason in the world to doubt either of Archbishop Parkers Consecration , or Bishop Gardiners , or Bishop Barlowes . Neither doth his Consecration concern us so much , at the Fathers imagine : there were three Consecraters ( which is the Canonicall number ) besides him . It is high time for the Fathers to wind up , and draw to a Conclusion of this Argumēt . That which followeth next is too high and can scarcely be tolerated ; to accuse the publick Records and Archives of the Kingdome , and to insimulate the Primates and Metropolitans of England of Forgery , upon no ground but their own Imaginatiō . I doubt whether they durst offer it to a widow Woman . As to the impossibility of forging so many Registers , in case there be so many , it is easily answered , that it is no more then that the Consecraters and other persons concerned , should have conspired to give in a false Certificate , that the Consecration was performed with all due Cerimonies and Rites , and thereby deceive the Courts or make them dissemble . Should any man accuse the Generall of their order , or one of their Provincialls , or but the Rector of one of their Colleges , of Forgery and counterfeiting the publick Records of the Order ; how would they storm , and thunder , and mingle heaven and earth together and cry out . No moderate or prudent persons can suspect that such persons should damne their soules , that so many pious learned Divines should engage themselves and their posterity , in damnable Sacrileges , without feare of damnation . If a man will not believe every ridiculous Fable , which they tell by word of mouth upon hearsay , they call persons of more virtue learning and prudence then themselves , Fooles and Knaves : But they may insimulate the principall Fathers of our Church , of certifying most pernicious lyes under their hands and seales , not for a piece of bread , which is a poore temptatiō , but for nothing , that is to make them both Fooles and Knaves . Is not this blowing hot and cold with the same breath ? or to have the Faith of our Lord Iesus Christ with respect of persons ? Compare the politicall principles of the Church of England with your own , and try if you can find any thing so pernicious to mankind and all humane Society , in ours more then in yours . Compare the Case Theology of the Church of England , with your own , and try if you can find any thing so destructive to Morality , to truth , and Iustice , and Conscience , as might lead us to perpetrate such Crimes more then yourselves . We are not affraid of a Paralell . You professe great endeavours to make Proselites ; we do not condemne Zeale , yet wish you had more light with it : even in prudence , which you yourselves extoll , this is not your right Course , to follow those Birds , with noise and clamour , which you desire to catch . In summe , your answer or solution is full of ignorant mistakes . It confoundeth Civill Rolles and Ecclesiasticall Registers . It supposeth that our Records are but transcriptions , one out of another ; whereas every Court recordeth its own Acts , and keeps itself within its own bounds . It taketh notice but of one Consecrater : where as we have alwaies three at the least , many times five or six . It quite forgetteth publick Notaries , which must be present at every Consecration with us , to draw up what is done into Acts ; with us every one of these Notaries when he is admitted to that charge , doth take a solemne Oath upon his knees to discharge his Office faithfully , that is , not to make false Certificates . Secondly , it is absurd and unseasonable , to enquire how a thing came to passe that never was : you ought First to have proved , that our Records were forged , and then it had been more seasonable to have enquired modestly , how it came to passe . Thirdly , it is incredible , that persons of such prudence and eminence , should make false Certificates under their hands and seales , to the utter ruine of themselves and all that had a hand it , and no advantage to any person breathing . It is incredible that those Records should be counterfeited in a corner , which were avowed publickly for Authentick by the whole Parliament of England in the 8 yeare of Queen Elisabeth ; which were published to the world in print by the person most concerned , as if he dared all the world to except against them : and yet no man offered to except against them then . Fourthly , it is impossible to give in a false Certificate of a Consecration which was never performed in England , ( especially at Lambeth ) before lesse then thousands of eye witnesses : and that at Lambeth , in the Face of the Court and Westminster Hall. Surely they thinke we consecrate in Closets , or holes , or hay mowes . They may even as well say that the publick Acts of our Parliaments are counterfeited , and the publick Acts of our Synods are counterfeited , and all our publick monuments counterfeited . It is none of the honestest Pleas , Negare factum , to deny such publick Acts as these . Fifthly , this answer is pernicious to mankind , it is destructive to all Societies of men , that Bishops of so great eminence , should conspire with publick Notaries , to give in false Certificates , in a matter of such High Consequence as Holy Orders are , without any temptation , without any hope of Advantage to them selves or others . It affordeth a large Seminary for jealousies and suspicions . It exterminateth all credit and confidence out of the world , and instructeth all men to trust nothing , but what they see with their eyes . Lastly , it is contradictory to themselves ; They have told us , I know not how often , and tell us again in this Paragraph , That if the Nagge 's head Consecration had been false , they might have convinced it by a thousand witnesses : Here they make it an easy thing , for the Consecraters and other persons concerned , to conspire together to give in a false Certificate , that the Consecration was performed with all due Ceremonies and Rites , and thereby deceive the Courts or make them dissemble . If the world will be deceived so , it is but right and reason that it be deceived ; to be deceived by a false Certificate , that may be convinced by a thousand witnesses , is selfdeceit . But they say , this is more possible and more probable , then that all the Clergy should conspire not to produce the same Registers , when they were so hardly pressed by their Adversaries . These are but empty pretenses , there was no pressing to produce Registers , nor any thing objected that did deserve the production of a Register . That which was objected against our Orders in those dayes was about the Form of Ordination published by Edward the sixth , and the Legality of our Ordination in the time of Queen Elisabeth ; the Nagge 's head Consecration was never objected in those dayes . Besides , Registers are Publick enough themselves , and need no production ; and yet our Registers were produced , produced by the Parliament 8 Elisab . who cited them as authentick Records , produced and published to the world in Print , that was another production . They adde , Or that so many Catholicks should have been so foolish to invent or maintein the Story of the Nagge 's head , in such a time when if it had been false , they might have been convinced by a thousand Witnesses . Feare them not , they were wiser then to publish such a notorious Fable in those dayes ; they might perchance whisper it in Corners among themselves , but the boldest of them durst not maintain it , or object it in print , for feare of shame and disgrace . It was folly to give any eare to it , but is was knavery to invent it : and to doe it after such a bungling manner , ( whosoever was the Inventer ) was knavery and Folly complicated together . If the Fathers write any more upon this subject , I desire them to bring us no more hearesay testimonies of their owne party ; whatsoever esteeme they may have themselves , of their judgment , and prudence , and impartiality . It is not the manner of Polemick writers to urge the authority of their owne Doctors to an Adversary , or allege the moderne practise of their present Church . We have our owne Church and our owne Doctors as well as they . If we would pinne our faith to the sleeues of their Writers , and submit to their judgments , and beleeve all their reportes , and let all things be as they would have it , we needed not to have any more controversy with them : but we might well raise a worse controversy in our selves with our owne consciences . CHA. XI . Of our formes of Episcopall and priestly ordination , of Zuinglianisme , of Arch Bishop Lavvd , of ceremonies . Our assurance of our Orders . WE have done with the Nagge 's head for the present . That which followeth next doth better become Schollers , as having more shew of truth and reality in it . They object that in all the Catholick Ritualls , not onely of the west but of the East , there is not one forme of consecrating Bishops , that hath not the word Bishops in it , or some other words expressing the particular authority and power of a Bishop distinctly . But in our Consecration , there is not one word to expresse the difference and power of Episcopacy . For these vvordes [ receive the holy Ghost ] are indifferent to priesthood and Episcopacy , and used in both Ordinations . I answer , that the forme of Episcopall Ordination used at the same time when hands are imposed , is the same both in their forme and ours , [ Receive the holy Ghost ] , And if these words be considered singly in a divided sense from the rest of the Office , there is nothing either in our forme or theirs which doth distinctly and reciprocally expresse Episcopall power and Authority . But if these words be considered coniointly in a compounded sense , there is enough to expresse Episcopall power and authority distinctly , and as much in our forme as theirs . First two Bishops present the Bishop elect to the Arch-Bishop of the Province , with these words , most Reverend Father in Christ , we present to you this godly and learned man to be Consecrated Bishop . There is one expression . Then the Arch-Bishop causeth the Kings Letters Patents to be produced and read , which require the Arch Bishop to consecrate him a Bishop . There is a second expression . Thirdly the new Bishop takes his oath of canonicall obedience . I A B elected Bishop of the Church and See of C. do professe and promise all reverence and due obedience to the Arch Bishop and Metropoliticall Church of D. and his Successours . So God help me &c. This is a third Expression . Next the Arch Bishop exhorts the whole Assembly ▪ to solemne praier for this person thus elected and presented , before they admit him to that office ( that is the Office of a Bishop , ) whereunto they hope he is called by the holy Ghost , after the example of Christ before he did chuse his Apostles , and the church of Antioch before they laid hands upon Paul and Barnabas . This is a fourth expression . Then followeth the Litany , wherein there is this expresse petition for the person to be ordeined Bishop , we beseech thee to give thy blessing and grace to this our brother elected Bishop , that he may discharge that office whereunto he is called diligently to the Edification of thy Church . To which all the congregation answer , Heare us O Lord we beseech thee . Here is a fifth expression . Then followeth this praier wherewith the Litany is concluded . Allmighty God , the giver of all good things , which by thy holy Spirit hast constituted diverse orders of Ministers in thy Church , vouchsafe we beseech the to looke graciously upon this thy servant , now called to the Office of a Bishop . This is a sixth expression . Next the Arch-Bishop telleth him he must examine him , before he admit him to that administratiō whereunto he is called , and maketh a solemne praier for him , that God who hath constituted some Prophets , some Apostles &c. to the Edification of his Church , would grant to this his servant the grace to use the authority committed to him , to edification not destruction , to distribute food in due season to the family of Christ , as becommeth a faithfull and prudent Steward . This authority can be no other then Episcopall authority , nor this Stewardship any other thing then Episcopacy . This is a sevēth expressiō . Then followeth imposition of hands , by the Arch-Bishop and all the Bishops present , with these words Receive the holy Ghost &c : and lastly the tradition of the Bible into his hands , exhorting him to behave himself towards the flock of Christ , as a Pastour , not devouring but feeding the flock . All this implieth Episcopall authority . They may except against Christs owne forme of ordeining his Apostles if they will , and against the forme used by their owne Church : but if they be sufficient formes , our forme is sufficient . This was the same forme which was used in Edward the sixths time , and we have seen how Cardinall Pole and Paul the fourth confirmed all without exception , that were ordeined according to this forme ; so they would reunite themselves to the Roman Catholick Church . They bring the very same objection against our Priestly Ordination , The forme or words whereby men are made Priests must expresse authority and power to consecrate , or make present Christs body and blood , ( whether with or without transubstantiation is not the present controversy with Protestants . ) Thus far we accorde , to the truth of the presence of Christs body and blood ; So they leave us this latitude for the manner of his presence . Abate us Transubstantiation , and those things which are consequents of their determination of the manner of presence , and we have no difference with them in this particular . They who are ordeined Priests , ought to have power to consecrate the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ , that is , to make them present after such manner as they were present ar the first institution ; whether it be done by enunciation of the words of Christ , as it is observed in the westerne Church , or by praier , as it is practised in the Easterne Church ; or whether these two be both the same thing in effect , that is , that the formes of the Sacraments be mysticall praiers and implicite invocations . Our Church for more abundant caution useth both formes , as well in the Consecration of the Sacrament , as in the ordination of Priests . In the holy Eucharist , our consecration is a repetition of that which was done by Christ , and now done by him that consecrateth in the person of Christ : otherwise the Priest could not say this is my body . And likewise in Episcopall Consecration , Homo imponit manus , deus largitur gratiam , Sacerdos imponit supplicem dex●eram , Deus benedicit potente dex●era : Man imposeth hands , God conferreth grace , The Bishop imposeth his suppliant right hand , God blesseth with his Almighty right hand . In both consecrations Christ himself is the chiefe consecrater still , Then if power of consecratiō be nothing els but power to do that which Christ did , and ordeined to be done , our Priests want not power to consecrate . They adde , in all formes of Ordeining Priests , that ever were used in the Easterne or Westerne Church , is expresly set downe the word Priest , or some other words expressing the proper function and authority of Priesthood &c. The Grecians using the word Priest or Bishop in their formes , do sufficiently expresse the respective power of every Order . But our Reformers did not put into the forme of ordeining Priests , any words expressing authority to make Christs body present . I answer , that if by formes of ordeining Priests , they understād that essentiall forme of words , which is used at the same instant of time whilest hands are imposed , I denie that in all formes of Priestly ordination , the word Priest is set downe either expresly or aequivalently . It is set downe expresly in the Easterne Church , it is not set downe expresly in the Westerne Church . Both the Easterne and Westerne formes are lawfull , but the Westerne commeth nearer to the institution of Christ. But if by formes of Ordeining , they understand Ordinalls or Ritualls , or the intire forme of ordeining : both our Church and their Church have not onely aequivalent expressions of Priestly power , but even the expresse word Priest it self , which is sufficient both to direct and to expresse the intention of the Consecrater . Vnder that name the Arch Deacon presēteth them , Right Reverend Father in Christ , I present unto you these persons here present , to be admitted to the Order ef Priesthood . Vnder that name the Bishop admitteth them , well beloved brethren , these are they whom we purpose by the grace of God this day to admit [ cooptare ] into the holy office of Priesthood . Vnder this name the whole assembly praieth for them , Almighty God , vouchsafe we beseech thee to looke graciously upon these thy servants , which this day are called to the office of Priesthood . It were to be wished , that writers of Controversies would make more use of their owne eyes , and trust lesse other mens citations . Secondly I answer , that it is not necessary , that the essentiall formes of Sacraments should be alwaies so very expresse and determinate , that the words are not capable of extension to any other matter : if they be as determinate and expresse , as the example and prescription of Christ , it is sufficient . The forme of baptisme is , I baptise the in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost : Not I baptise the to Regeneration , or for Remission of sins . There are many other kinds of baptismes or washings , besides this Sacramentall baptisme : yet this forme is as large as the institution of Christ. And these generall words are efficacious both to regeneration and remission of sinnes , as well as if regeneration and remission of sins had bene expresly mentioned . In this forme of baptisme , there is enough antecedent to direct and regulate both the actions and intentions of the Minister : So there is likewise in our forme of Ordination . Thirdly I answer , that in our very essentiall forme of Priestly Ordination , Priestly power and authority is sufficiently expressed ; we need not seeke for a needle in a bottle of hay . The words of our Ordinall are cleare enough . First Receive the Holy Ghost , ( That is the grace of the holy Ghost ) to exercise and dicharge the Office of Priesthood , to which thou hast been now presented , to which thou hast been now accepted , and for which we have praied to God , that in it thou maiest disscharge thy duty faithfully and acceptably . Secondly , in these words , whose sins thou doest remit they are remitted , that is not onely by Priestly absolution : but by preaching , by baptising , by administring the holy Eucharist , which is a meanes to applie the alsufficient sacrifice of Christ , for the remission of Sinnes . He who authoriseth a man to accomplish a worke , doth authorise him to use all meanes which tend to the accomplishment thereof , That which is objected , that Laymen have power to remit sinnes by Baptisme , but no power to consecrate , signifieth nothing as to this point . For first their owne Doctors do acknowledge , that a Lay man can not baptise solemnely , nor in the presence of a Priest or a Deacon , nor in their absence , except onely in case of necessity . Saint Austin gives the reason , because no man may invade another mans office . Lay men may , and are bound to instruct others in case of necessity : yet the office of preaching and instructing others is Conferred by Ordination . The ordinary office of remitting sinnes , both by baptisme and by the holy Eucharist , doth belong to Bishops and under thē to Priests . Thirdly , this Priestly power to consecrate is conteined in these words , Be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word of God , and Sacraments . And afterwards , when the Bishop delivers the holy Bible into the hands of those who are ordeined Priests , Have thou authority to preach the word of God , and Administer the Sacraments . We do not deny , but Deacons have been admitted to distribute and Minister the Sacraments , by the Command or permission of Priests , or as Subservient unto them : but there is as much difference between a subserviēt distributiō of the Sacrament , and the Dispensing or Administring of it , as there is betweene the Office of a Porter who distributeth the almes at the gate , and the Office of the Steward who is the proper dispenser of it . Looke to it Gentlemen ; If your owne Ordination be valide , Ours is as valide , and more pure . They make the cause of these defects in our forme of Ordination , to be , because Zuinglianisme and Puritanisme did prevaile in the English Church in those daies . They bele●ved not the reall presence : therefore they put no word in their forme expressing power to consecrate . They held Episcopacy and Priesthood to be one and the same thing : Therefore they put not in one word expressing the Episcopall Function . This is called leaping over the stile before a man comes at it , To devise reasons of that which never was . First prove our defects , if you can : And then find out a● many reasons of them as you list . But to say the truth ; the cause and the effect are well coupled together . The cause , that is the Zuinglianisme of our predecessours , never had any reall existence in the nature of things , but onely in these mēs imaginations : So the defects of our Ordinalls are not reall but imaginary . Herein the Fathers adventured to farre , to tell us that we have nothing in our formes of Ordeining , to expresse either the Priestly or Episcopall functiō : when every child that is able to reade can tell them , that we have the expresse words of Bishops and Priests in our Formes , over and over againe , And mainteine to all the the world that the three Orders , of Bishops Priests and Deacons , have been ever from the beginning in the Church of Christ. This they say is the true reason , why Parker and his Collegues were contented with the Nagge 's head Consecration , ( that is to say , one brainsick whimsey is the reason of another ) : and why others recurred to extraordinary vocation in Queene Elisabeths time . Say what others ? name one genuine son of the Church of England if you can ? Doctor Whitakers , and Doctor Fulke , who are the onely two men mentioned by you , are both professedly against you . Doctor Whitakers saith we do not condemne all the Order of Bishops , as he falsely slanders us , but onely the false Bishops of the Church of Rome . And Doctor Fulke , for Order and seemely goverment among the Clergy , there was allwaies one Principall , to whom the name of Bishop or Superintendent hath been applied , which roome Titus exercised in Crete , Timothy in Ephesus , others in other Places . Adding , that the Ordination , or Consecration , by imposition of hands , was alwaies principally committed to him . The Fathers proceed , If Mr. Lawd had found successe in his first attempts , it is very credible , he would in time have reformed the Forme of the English Ordination . That pious and learned Prelate wanted not other degrees in Church and Schooles , which they omit . He was a great lover of peace , but too judicious to dance after their pipe , too much versed in Antiquity to admit their new matter and forme , or to attempt to correct the Magnificat for satisfaction of their humours . But whence had they this credible Relation ? We are very confident , they have neither Authour nor ground for it , but their owne imagination . And if it be so , what excuse they have for it in their Case Divinity , they know best : but in ours we could not excuse it from down right calumny . They have such an eye at our order and uniformity , that they can not let our long Cloakes and Surplesses alone . We never had any such animosities among us about our Cloakes , as some of their Religious Orders have had about their gownes : both for the colour of them , whether they should be black , or white , or gray , or the naturall Colour of the sheep ; And for the fashion them , whether they should belong or short &c , in so much as two Popes successively could not determine it . If Mr. Mason did commend the wisedome of the English Church , for paring away superfluous Ceremonies in Ordination , he did well . Ceremonies are advancements of Order , decency , modesty , and gravity in the service of God , Expressions of those heavenly desires and dispositions , which we ought to bring along with us to Gods house , Adjuments of attention and devotion , Furtherances of Edification , visible instructers , helps of Memory , excercises of faith , the shell that preserves the Kernell of Religion from contempt , the leaves that defend the blossomes and the fruite : but if they grow over thick and ranke , they hinder the fruite from comming to maturity , and then the Gardiner ▪ pluckes them of . There is great difference between the hearty expressions of a faithfull Friend , and the mimicall gestures of a fawning flatterer : betweē the unaffected comelenesse of a grave Matrone , and the phantasticall paintings , and patchings , and powderings , of a garish Curtesan . When Ceremonies become burthensome by excessive superfluity , or unlawfull Ceremonies are obtruded , or the Substance of divine worship is placed in Circumstances , or the service of God is more respected for humane ornaments then for the Divine Ordinance ; it is high time to pare away excesses , and reduce things to the ancient meane . These Fathers are quite out , where they make it lawfull at some times to adde , but never to pare away : yet we have pared away nothing , which is either prescribed or practised by the true Catholick Church . If our Ancestors have pared away any such things out of any mistake , ( which we do not beleeve , ) let it be made appeare evidently to us , and we are more ready to welcome it againe at the foredore , then our Ancestours were to cast it out at the backdore . Errare possumus haeretici esse nolumus . To conclude , as an impetuous wind doth not blow downe those trees which are well radicated , but causeth them to spread their rootes more firmely in the earth : so these concussions of our Adversaries , do confirme us in the undoubted assurance of the truth , and validity , and legality of our holy Orders . We have no more reason to doubt of the truth of our Orders , because of the different judgment of an handfull of our partiall countrymen , and some few forreine Doctors misinformed by them : then they themselves have to doubt of the truth of their Orders who were ordeined by Formosus , because two Popes Stephen and Sergius one after another , out of passion and prejudice , declared them to be voide and invalide . But supposing that which we can never grant , without betraying both our selves and the truth , that there were some remote probabilities , that might occasion suspicion in some persons prepossessed with prejudice , of the legality of our Orders : yet for any man upon such pretended uncerteinties , to leave the communion of that Church wherein he was baptised , which gave him his Christian being , and to Apostate to them , where he shall meet with much greater grounds of feare , both of Schisme and Idolatry ; were to plōge himself in a certein crime , for feare of an uncertein danger . Here the Fathers make a briefe repetition of whatsoever they have said before in this discourse , ( either out of distrust of the Readers memory , or confidence of their owne atchievements , ) of the Nagge 's head , and Mr. Neale , and the Protestant writers , and Bishop Bancroft , and Bishop Morton and the other Bishops that sate with him the last Parliament , ( which being the onely thing alleged by them in the Authours life time , and proved so undeniably to be false , is enough to condemne all the rest of their Hearesay reports , for groundlesse fables ) of our Registers , of King Edwards Bishops , of Bishop Barlow , and of the forme of our ordination ; Directing him who will cleare all those doubtes , what he hath to do , as if we were their Iournymen . Let them not trouble themselves about that , they are cleared to the least graine . But if they will receive advise for advise , and pursue a prudentiall course which they prescribe to others ; if they regard the present face of the skie , and looke well to their owne interest , and the present conjuncture of their affaires : they have more need and are more ingaged in reputation to defend themselves , then to oppugne others . So they conclude their discourse with this short Corollary , How unfortunately was Charles the first late King of England , misinformed in matter of his Bishops and Clergy ? what scruple could he have had , if he had known the truth , to give way to the Parliament , to pull downe Parliament Bishops , who were so farre from being de jure divino , that they were not so much as de jure Ecclesiastico ? We thanke you Gentlemen for your good will , The Orthodox Clergy of England are your feare . And you know what commonly followeth after feare , Hate , Oderunt quos metuunt . What pitty it is that you were not of King Charles his Councell , to have advised him better ? yet we observe few Princes thrive worse , then where you pretend to be great ministers . If you had counsailed him upon this Subject , perhaps you might have found him too hard for you ; as another did whose heart he burst with downe right reason . If ever that innocent King had a finger in the blood of any of that party , that was it , to choake a man with reason : but certeinly that wise Prince would not have much regarded your positive conclusions , upon hearsay premisses . We hold our Benefices by human right , our offices of Priests and Bishops both by divine right and humane right . But put the case we did hold our Bishopricks onely by humane right , Is it one of your cases of conscience , that a Soveraigne Prince may justly take away from his Subjects any thing which they hold by humane right ? If one man take from another that which he holds justly by the law of man , he is a thief and a robber by the law of God. Let us alter the case a little , from our Bishoprickes to their Colleges or their treasures : If any man should attempt to take them from them , upon this ground because they held them but by humane right , they would quickly cry out with Ploiden , the case is altered . Be our right divine , or humane , or both , if we be not able to defend it against any thing the Fathers can bring against it , we deserve to lose it . FINIS . ERRATA . P. 14. l. 9. r. that the. p. 15. l. 22. r. as to . p. 18. l. 9. and p. 19. l. 10. r. Tob●e , p. 20. l. 20. r. requested . p. 23. l. 2. d. present . p. 30. l. 2 r. Chapel . p. 37. l. 23. r. to present . p. 40. Ma●g ▪ lib. 3. p 47. l. 1. r. chap. 4. and in like manner correct the number of the chapter , till chap. ●1 . p. 63. l. 21. r. temporal , and commons in p. 76. l. 20. r. 1599. p. 77. l. 8. Rolles r. Acts. p. 82. l. 20. r. Ac i●dem Decanus & Capitulum &c. And p. 86. ad l. 24. Marg. add . Rot. par . 14.2 . E●●zab . p. 101 l. 10 r. Commissaru . l. 19. assensu . r. Consilio p. 104. l. ● . Marg. add . Regist. Parker . Tom. 1 sol . 10. l ▪ 12. r. per Thomam Yale l. 25. r. se adju●●it . p. 105 l. 7. r. dix erunt Anglico . take &c. as in the Preface , p. 108. l. 25. r. John Incent , p. 117. l. 11. r. Metropolitano salutem , &c. p. 127. l. 7. d. of . p. 154. l. 1. d. that . p. 162. l. 14. r. 1572. p. 168. l. 14 r● . r. merry and for w. r. we . p. 188. l. 7. r. Fif●ly p. 190. l. ult . r. 31. Iul. p. 191. l. 12. r. num . 27. p. 200. l. 19. r. September 9. p. 211. l. 10. p. 212. l. 12. and p. 213. l. 10. for Dean of the A●ches r. Archbishop or his Comm●ssioner . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A29194-e240 Treatise of the nature of Catholick faith and haeresy c. 2. p. 9. Notes for div A29194-e1280 The first reason . Seeond reason . De Schism . Angl. c. 3. p. 400. Edit Rom. The third Reason . 25. H. 8. c. 20. Notes for div A29194-e2700 Resp. Int. 8. August . Rot. 14. Pars 2. Elisab . Acworth cont . monar . Sander . l. 6. p. 195. Sand. de Schism . l. 2. p. 350 Confut. Apol. parte 6. c. 2. Brookes Novel , Cafes placit . 493. Ace worth . cont . Sander . l. 2. pag. 197. De Schismate l. 2. p. 282 Edit . Rom. Cardinall Poles Dispensation . De Schism . l. 2. p. 305. De Schism . l. 2. p. 350. A fifth reason Notes for div A29194-e4810 Rot● pars 1 4.2 . El. Reg. Cran. fol. 334. The seventh Reason . The seventh reason . Rot. pa. 6.1 . Elis. Ro : Pars 2.1 . Elis. Can. 36 8. Elc. cap. 1. Rot. pars 14.2 . El. Reg. Park . t. 1. f. 2. 8. El. c. 1. Notes for div A29194-e8450 The eighth reason . The tenth reason . Survey c. 9. p. 122. In Ep. ad ami . n. 5. Notes for div A29194-e9900 8. Elis. cap. 1. Notes for div A29194-e11910 Deut. 19.15 . Mat. 18.16 . pa. 10. Notes for div A29194-e18240 Bell. de Sac. Bapt. l. 1. c. 7. In praefa●ione . De Eccles . cont . 2. q. 5 c. 3. In Titum c. 1 
A29665	----	A discovrse opening the natvre of that episcopacie, which is exercised in England wherein with all humility, are represented some considerations tending to the much desired peace, and long expected reformation, of this our mother church / by the Right Honourable Robert Lord Brooke. Brooke, Robert Greville, Baron, 1607-1643. 1641 Approx. 271 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 74 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29665 Wing B4911 ESTC R17972 12868101 ocm 12868101 94761 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29665) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94761) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 256:E177, no 22) A discovrse opening the natvre of that episcopacie, which is exercised in England wherein with all humility, are represented some considerations tending to the much desired peace, and long expected reformation, of this our mother church / by the Right Honourable Robert Lord Brooke. Brooke, Robert Greville, Baron, 1607-1643. [8], 124 (i.e. 130) p. Printed by R. C. for Samuel Cartwright ..., London : 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE blazon or coat of arms A DISCOVRSE OPENING THE NATVRE OF THAT EPISCOPACIE , WHICH IS EXERCISED IN ENGLAND . Wherein , With all Humility , are represented some Considerations tending to the much-desired Peace , and long expected Reformation , of This our Mother Church . By the Right Honourable ROBERT LORD BROOKE . LONDON , Printed by R. C for Samuel Cartwright , and are to be sold at the signe of the Hand and Bible in Ducke-Lane . 1641. TO THE MOST NOBLE LORDS , WITH THE HONORABLE KNIGHTS , CITIZENS , AND BURGESSES , Now assembled in PARLIAMENT . IN Epistles Dedicatory , sometimes men render an account to the world , by what Principles they were Led to such a worke Sometimes they maintaine and strengthen , what they have done , by New Arguments . Sometimes ad captandam Benevolentiam , they present their whole Designe , in a briefe Epitomy , that so they may invite the Reader . But I shall doe None of These . The first I need not : For if the Ten Kings must hate the Whore , Eate her flesh , and Burne her with her fire ; Will not every good Christian offer himselfe a ready Servant to This Worke , a Willing Souldier under this Standard ? The Second , I cannot ; without questioning my owne Diligence , or ( which is worse ) my Readers Gentlenesse : Either of which every Writer carefully shunneth . The third I will not , left I be injurious to my selfe : For , Humane Nature is ever Novorum avida ; and the Soule of vast comprehension ; the Booke therefore would seeme but Crambe bis cocta , to All that read the Epistle ; and but create a nausea to Those that had already gathered all , by viewing the Breviate . If it be the Glory of a King's Daughter to be clothed in Needle-worke ; surely This poore Birth will need more then Fig-leaves , to make it Beautifull . When it is Cloathed with its Best Robes , It will not be worthy to appeare in so Great a Presence . How much lesse then , when presented only in a bare and naked Sceleton ? The Worke then of These Lines , is to lay prostrate at Your Feet ( most Noble Lords , and Gentlemen ) the Retirements of Your Humble Servant in the Last Recesse . If you shall aske mee , how I dare take the boldnesse to interrupt Your more serious Thoughts , with These Things of Little Worth : All I shall plead for my selfe is but This , the bow must be sometimes unbent ; and if then This Pamphlet may be called for , it is all I aspire to . For , Your Protection , and Your Patronage , not Your Trouble , is My Request : Of which being no whit Doubtfull ; with all Humility commending This to Your Noble Favour ; Your selves and Counsels to the Almighty ; I crave le●ve for ever to remaine Your most obliged and devoted Servant ROBERT BROOKE . The CONTENTS of the Sections , and Chapters , in the following Discourse . SECT . I. CHAP. I. THe Subject Stated Not a Bishops Name , but Office Opposed : nor Office in generall , but Such . Such a Bishop repug●nt to State-Policie ; Antiquity ; Scripture . The Method pro●unded for the first Section , containing Arguments drawne ●●om State-Policie . fol. 1. Chap. II. Of Our Bishops Birth ; how unsuitable to his Office : how Hurtfull to Himselfe and Others : How incongruous ● State-Policie . 3 III. A Bishops Breeding not fit for his Calling : against Rules of Policie . Some Objections answered . 5 IV. Of Our Bishops Election ; whether suitable to State-Policie . Of his Office : Principles , or Maximes , by which hee governeth : and Practice according to Those Principles . 11 V. Of the Nature of Indifference ; what it is : and in what i● h●th place : whether in Re , or onely in Appearance to our Understandings . 19 VI. Where the Power of Indifferent Things seemes to be fixed : whether in the Church , or not : or if in the Church , How farre . Of the Churches Deciding Commanding Power . Of Doubts , and how we must deport our selves under Doubts . 30 VII . Of the Consequents to a Bishops Office. His Relations Vpward and Dependances . Of his Vote in Parliament . Relations Downward : How repugnant to State Policie . 35 VIII . What Good our Bishops can do to the State , is examined , whether they have beene , or can be , friends to Monarchy , or Civill Government . 42 IX . How suitable such Episcopacie can be to Monarchy , is farther considered . Whether the Best forme of Church Government be Monarchicall . Whether other Formes may not well stand with Civill Monarchy . How Church and State Goverment differ and agree . 48 X. Who it is that opposeth , and exalteth himselfe above all that is called God. Who is properly a Papist : and what is Popery : Why the Pope is most properly Antichrist : How such Episcopacy differs , or agrees with Popery . 53 SECTION II. Considereth how Consonant such Episcopacy is either to sound Antiquity or Scripture . Chap. I. Some Antiquities produced by a late most Learned and Reverend Patron of Episcopacie , are discussed . 65 II. Our Bishops Election , Delegation , &c. Examined by Antiquity . 69 III. Of Ordination , whether proper onely to Bishops : or equally committed to all Presbyters : discussed by Ancient Authorities . 72 IV. Of the Name and Office of a Bishop in Scripture . How little , or how much the Scripture makes for , or against Bishops , Diverse Texts are discussed . 75 V. What forme of Church Government seemes most consonant to Scripture . Whether Monarchicall , Aristocraticall , or Democraticall . 81 VI. Of the consequemts that may possibly follow the change of Church Government . Of the great danger of Schismes , Sects and Heresies . Of One new Sect to come in the Last Dayes . Whether Bishops , can keepe the Church from Schismes , Sects , &c. What is , or who are the Cause of most Schismes among us . 86 VII . The danger of Schismes and Sects more fully discuss'd : the Nature and Danger of Anabaptisme , Separatisme , and Unlicensed Preaching . The conclusion with an affectionate desire of peace and union . 98 ERRATA . PAge 4. line 24. Affection , for Affectation p. 19. l. 2. Indifferent , for indifference . p. 26. l. 35. at one any time , for at any one time . p. 5. l. ●0 . Ioy for Ivy. p. 56. l. 11. may be the more , for may be more . p. 88. l. 2. of all Civill , &c. for of all . Civill , &c. p. 94. l. 32. Orders , for Orders from Rome . p. 98. l. 7. dele now . A DISCOVRSE OPENING THE NATVRE OF THAT EPISCOPACY WHICH IS EXERCISED IN ENGLAND : Wherein , with all humility , are represented some Considerations tending to the much-desired Peace , and long expected Reformation , of this our Mother Church . CHAP. I. IAyme not at Words , but Things ; not loving to fight with Shadowes . It is not the Looke , much lesse the Name of a Bishop that I feare , or quarrell with ; it is his Nature , his Office , that displeaseth me . Nor yet his Nature , or Office in Generall ; but Such , and so cloathed , or rather veyled , with such and such adjuncts . For to me the Word Bishop-signifies , either one that is to Preach , Administer the Sacraments , Exhort , Reprove , Convince , Excommunicate , &c. not only in some one distinct Congregation , his owne Parish ; but in many , severall Congregations crowded up together in one strange ( and , for long , unknowne ) word , a Diocesse . Or one who hath to all this added , not onely the name of a Civill Lord , ( with which bare name , or shadow , I fight not ) but also a vast , unweldy ( I had almost sayd unlimited ) Power in Civill Government ; which must needes draw on a mighty Traine , and cloath it selfe with glorious Robes of long extended and magnifique stiles , scarce to be marshal'd by a better Herald than Elibu , who could give no Titles . Or in the last place , ( which should be first ) a true faithfull Overseer , that , over one single Congregation , hath a joynt care with the Elders , Deacons , and rest of the Assembly , who are all fellow helpers , yea servants each to others faith . This last is a Bishop , of the first Institution ; of Christs allowance ; setled in divers Churches , even in the Apostles times . The first is of the second Century , when Doctrine , Discipline , all Religion , began to waine . For even then Mysterious Antichrist was not onely conceived , but beganne to quicken . The second rose last , ( though first intended by the Churches Enemy . ) Rising up while the world was busie , looking all one way ; as amaz'd at the new Beast , successour to the Dragon . This is now our Adversary ; One monstrously compounded , of different , yea opposite Offices ; and those the greatest , both Ecclesiasticke and Civill : for which he seemes no way able , no way fit ; and that for many reasons , which may be brought from Scripture , Church-Antiquity , State-Policy . I shall begin with the last , ( as that I now ayme at most . ) Here let us view our Bishop a while as a private man , before his Office. Next as a Lord over Church and State , in his Office. Then , with some necessary Consequents to his Office ; as now it is exercised in this Kingdome . Thus shall we quickly judge how sutable to true Policy of State , are either the Antecedents , Concomitants , or Consequents , of this too officious , two-headed Bishop . Antecedents to his Office , are his Birth , Education , Election , Ordination , &c. Concomitants , ( or rather Ingredients ) we may call , that almost illimited power , both Intensive , in sole Ordination ; Jurisdiction ( Directive ; by Injunctions , Canons , &c. Corrective , by Excommunication , Suspension , Deprivation , &c ▪ ) As also Extensive , over so vast a Diocesse . Hither also wee may referre his power Iuridicall or Legislative , in Parliament ; Judiciall in many Great , yea Civill Tribunals . And ( of all monsters most ugly ) his power Delegative : then which this sunne hath seene nothing more monstrous , at least as of late it hath beene exercis'd . By Consequents I meane his Relations , ( acquired by his office ) both Vpward , to his Soveraigne , Creator , Benefactors ; as Downward , to his owne family , Creatures , and hang-by Dependants . CHAP. II. LEt us begin with Antecedents ; in them the first . Which we shall finde very unsutable , to his after acquired office . For the most part he is Ex faece plebis ; humi-serpent ; of the lowest of the people ( an old complaint . ) Now for such a low borne man , to be exalted high , so high , and that not gradatim , but per saltum too , as oft it is ( in one of few , or no Schoole Degrees ; which yet indeede at best are scarce degrees to the Civill honour of a Peer● ; ) must needes make as great a Chasme in Politickes , as such leapes use to doe in Naturalls . A great Evill must it be , and that both in himselfe , and to himselfe from others . In others eye , his honour will be the object , not so much perhaps of envy , as scorne : while every man of lowest worth , will still value himselfe at as high a rate , and still conceive he wanted not the vertuous desert , but fortunate reward , a Bishop had . Now every Action will from hence displease , sith unexpected , sudden happinesse , is oft times fault enough . Now That fitting deportment , which may but expresse the just dignity of his place , & answere the majesty of his high calling , shall be esteem'd but pride , insolence , and at best but affection . And from some such displeasing action , or gesture , ( though but surmis'd on some groundlesse fancy , ) oft his very person comes to be distasted : and then adieu all effectuall good , which his words or actions , else , might soone effect . Sure the chiefe Dominion of Gospell Ministers should be in That , the Lord and master of the Gospell so much requires ; My sonne , give me thy heart . If a Minister once come to lose the heart , and affections of his people , he may indeede study some way to force their bodies ; but shall scarce ever winne a soule , or save a sinner . Homo duci vult , cogi non potest : if you can fasten any force on his whole person , it must be that of Love. For sure the Gospell constraint , is onely that of Love. The love of Christ constraineth . This , and this onely is an irresistible Attractive , an uncontroulable constraint . Thus is the Minister , the Bishop hurt , in regard of Others . In regard of Himselfe : sudden great changes are dangerous in Nature : the skilfull Grasier , the expert Gardiner , will not translate from barren to an over-fruitfull soile ; for this suffocates the Spirits , and destroyes the Plant. The sudden unexpected newes of a sonnes life , ( which was reported dead ) was the death of the Parent , as we read in Roman Histories . High places cause a swimming in the braine : your Faulkners seele a Pigeons eye , ( when they would have her soare high ) to prevent a vertigo . I conceive from this Reason , and mainely from this , it was the good pleasure of the Spirit , that under the Law , when the Church had an influence into state affaires , the High Priest should be chosen out of one eminent family , of the stocke of Levie : and some of the Kings of Israel are reproved by God , for that they chose their Priests out of the meanest of the people . He that is to goe in and out before the people , and is their guide , must be without blemish . Those Horses which are designed to a lofty Ayre , and generous manage , must be of a Noble race . Non bene conveniunt , nec in una sede morantur , Majestas & Origo plebeia . The Vapours which by the sunne are raised to a great height , even to the second Region , being of so meane a Progeny , are but the matter of hayle , snow , raine , storme , and tempest , which by Historians are observ'd to bee the frequent Prognostickes , or at least companions of Wars , and confusions . CHAP. III. BUt some will say , this defect ( in Birth ) may bee repaired in Breeding : else we shut the doores of hope , ( and by Consequence of Industry ) to Cicero , Marius , and such other Worthies ; who though but of a low Pedegree , may advance themselves even to the Helme , and there approve themselves men admirable , in the way of Government . 'T is true , Art oft-times helpeth Nature : some men of smal beginnings , by their vertues have deserved for a Motto , and impreso , the Poets words , — Et quae non fecimus ipsi , Vixea nostra voco — But when was this seene in a Bishop ? Let us therefore , in the next place , examine their Breeding ; and see whither in probability , that be not as disadvantagious to their Office , as their Birth . Our Education , ( if we intend service in way of Civill Policy ) must be in converse with those who are therein Arts Masters : or in reading their writings : or lastly , and mainely , in an happy use of both . Neither of the two former , hardly both together , can make us so expert , as Practice . Scribendo discimus scribere . Long , Active , costly , and dangerous Observations , are the onely way to make a wise States-man . Now when these Gentlemen , I meane , the most refined wits amongst them , ( for others come not within our question ; ) designe the Ministeriall Function , they either lay aside Divinity , and so God is displeased : or else they labour seriously in the more spirituall pathes ; and then the Common Weale is by them deserted . For , these two ( so different ) studies , cannot goe forward pari passu . A Minister cannot serve God and Mammon . I know other men think otherwise , ( of these Studies ) but I conceive the case is cleare : For sure the complaints of good men , Canòns and Act● of Councels ( forbidding Ministers to meddle in State affaires ) and the Answers of our owne breasts prove this truth more then sufficiently . You shall have St. Austin ( in his 81. Epist. ) complaining , that worldly affaires distracted his thoughts from his calling : and S. Cyprian apprehends , those great per●ecutions were but just consequences of the Clergies guilt in this kinde . Gregory the great was much troubled to feele himselfe under that load . Secondly , Canons and Councells discover their judgments fully in this point ; so Can. 6.8 . and 83. of the Apostles . Councells also doe the same ; Con. Carthag . Can. 16. Counc . Calced . Can. 3. and thus still they did while Canons and Councels did at all study the advancement of Christs Kingdome . I confesse of later times , Ministers ( like Water-men ) have looked one way and row'd another ; so that perhaps now you may finde Canons of another straine . But thirdly , ( which may answer all Objections ) let every good Minister examine but his own breast , his own heart ; and then let him speake . I am sure , to those who maintaine such Prelaticall Bishops , this absurdity will follow ; that to one man the whole power may be given , both in Civilibus , & Ecclesiasticis : a Thing , which God thought Christ onely fit for ; and so on His shoulders onely , did he place the Worlds Government . Yet some will perhaps affirme , Both these compatible , and this by example from Gods owne Injunctions , to some of the Ministers , under the Law , in the Jewish Polity . But I answere , first ; There are Two maine things in which our Ministery , and the Jewes ( of old ) doe differ . First , all their solemne externall worship , ( at least most part of it ) lay in Bodily Work , in such things wherin the minde & brain was but little exercised ; as in offering Sacrifice , burning Incense , divers washings , &c. Secondly , That which made their members uncapable of comming into their assemblies , was outward uncleannesse , ( as touching of a dead body , Leprosy , want of Legall washings , &c. ) and from hence their Ministeriall watch ( one of the greatest works ) became as Easy , as Outward and Visible ; so that even of the inferior Levites , were made Porters ; and to these , the Office of restraining unmeete persons , from their Congregation , did belong . But , now , the Worke of our Ministers under Christ , differeth toto Caelo ; and that both in publique and private . In publique , it is Preaching , Expounding , Chatechising , &c. which require mighty workings of the braine , and inward man : specially fith these must be done with Majesty and Authority , ( Let no man despise thy youth ; ) and yet with all sweetenesse and gentlenesse , ( for a Bishop must not be fierce . ) In private , his Worke is to compose differences , ( that they breake not out into publicke ) to visite the sicke , to comfort the afflicted , ( for Who is sicke ( saith Paul ) and I am not troubled ? who is weake or offended , and I burne not ? Yea and many more workes of this Nature . And all this , besides the care of his Family , and besides his private study , a worke too great for any man. If you then con●ider the quantity , the variety , or spirituality , of the Ministeriall Worke under the Gospell ; you cannot but acknowledge it great , very great , and much greater than that of old under the Law. Indeede they dispute sometimes , who have not tryed ; but a painfull Preacher still cryeth out , Who is sufficient , who is fit , for These things ? In the Censures of the Church ( though indeede the Keyes be entrusted with others as well as himselfe , yet ) by his learning , piety , and prudence , he must steere all : so that hee must alwayes be awake . Caveat Dictator nequid detrimenti capiat Respublica . Will any man now say , that the Case of a Priest , and a Minister , is all one ? for , suppose the Priests of old , did intermedle with secular affaires , shall any Minister now from this example , ( when the calling is so vastly different ) take upon him both functions ? If he doe , let him take heede he be not as one that hath taken up the Plough of the Kingdome of Heaven , and then doth the worke of the Lord negligently : If so , his judgement will be intolerable . But , in the second place , I answere confidently , and I hope truely , that these two Offices , or Callings , did not under the Law , meete in One , except in some Extraordinary Cases , and persons . First , the old Patriarchs , I confesse , did exercise Both Functions , in some sense , and in some sense they did not : ( I meane as a Calling . ) Abraham indeed swayed the Scepter ; but his whole Kingdome was limited to his owne Family ; and so he was a King , and no King ; for every Master of a Family must in the like case keepe up Government . I confesse he offered Sacrifice ; but then , when there was no Law , no Priest : and others might have done it as well as He , had they beene so well inclined . Thus he was a Priest , and no Priest ; for in his Priestly Office , hee did but what every good man would doe ; at least might have done : and in his Kingly Office , he was but as a Master of a Family . And so it was in the rest of the Patriarches ; so that little can be urged from these examples . To which may also be referr'd , that old instance of Melchisedech ; if at least he were a man , and not the Second Person of the Trinity , in mans forme ; as Cuneus , Molineus , and many others hold . Secondly , I finde Two Judges that were High-Priests also ; Samuel and Ely : but it seemes they were thus , by some expresse , particular , Extraordinary Command : for God saith to Samuell , These have not rejected Thee , but Me : intimating that he had particularly appointed him to judge , as in an Extraordinary Case , which may therefore bee no president for Ordinary men , in Ordinary Cases . Samuels speciall calling appeares not onely from his being devoted before his Birth , and strange call of God , after : but most clearely in that he was not ( as all the Priests were to be ) of Aarons house ; as appeares by 1 Sam. 1. Compared with 1 Chron. 6. Yea and Ely too , though of Aaron , yet was not of the eldest sonne ; ( whose Line by right ought to have had the High-Priesthood ) as the Jewes discourse at large ; and of late Cloppenburge , in his Excellent Schoole of Sacrifice . Now Hoseah may by speciall License take a wife of Adulteries ; Abraham Sacrifice his childe ; the Jewes borrow Jewels of the Aegyptians , and Phineas doe justice by an extraordinary command or instinct , but we may not follow these presidents . Some say that inferiour Levites did intermeddle in secular affaires . But I answere , there were Levites of two sorts ; out of one sort , Priests were chosen , ( out of Aarons Line ; ) the others were like the Seculars among the Iesuites . And these last did ( as the Seculars do● ) performe the Civill part of those Religious Services ; and nothing else , that I can finde in Scripture , or Story . Lastly , for the High Priests after the Jewish Government was broken in pieces , I hope no body will bring them for a president : there being then no Vision for spirituall things from God , no more Government for Civill things , according to the Rule of God. Of those times Ios●phus complaineth , that the Ghasmonei had taken upon them the Uniting of Priest-hood and Secular power , in one person ; which could not bee done , but in extraordinary cases , by Gods speciall command . And thus I suppose they will get but little from Gods injunctions among the Jewes . But some still will say , that one of these Studies may fit for another . All truthes , Polemicke , positive , whether Politique , Philosophicall , or Theologicall , are of neere consanguinity ; and he that is a Gnostique in one , cannot be a meere Tyrunculus in the other . I confesse did they improve their Studies to the ripening of Reason , and inlarging of their understanding , This might in some sense be true . But they spend their time in Criticall , Cabalisticall , Scepticall , Scholasticall Learning : which fills the head with empty , aeriall , notions ; but gives no sound food to the Reasonable part of man. Yea their study is mainely layd out upon bookes ; which they prize , and sleight as they please ; while they want , Cotem Scientiae & ingenii , a Reall Adversary , that by contradiction might raise their Parts , and much inlarge their judgements . Their learning is in Termes , it is but Nominall ; and waters cannot rise higher than their Fountaine . But allow that they improve their studies to the best ; yet this is not enough : For , State Policy is the Daughter of Converse , Observation , Industry , Experience , Practice ; and Bookes will never Teach That : but They are but ill Leaders of the Blinde , and what will be the issue in that Case , judge you . CHAP. IIII. WEE have seene our Bishops Birth , and Breeding , with all his Studies , and preparations to his Office ; to which we have now brought him ; onely that his Election , and Ordination Interpose . Of which I might speake much ; but because This is the common Theame of all complaints , I shall passe it here ; the rather because it may perhaps be better examined by Scripture , and Antiquity , than State Policy , in which I now am . Yet by the way I cannot but propose it as worthy of State consideration ; how like the inferiour Clergie is to yeeld true Canonicall Obedience , to one ( that nescio quo jure , requires it by Oath ) though he be oft forc'd on them against , and never with , their expresse will ; which they cannot expresse , having neither positive , nor negative votes in election . Except perchance the whole Clergie of a Diocesse or Province , may be fully represented by a Cloistred Chapiter , among which are usually the very dregges of lowest men . Who yet indeede ( themselves ) have no Elective votes ; but after the solemne dirge of Veni Sancte Spiritus , are as sure to finde the Spirit in a Conge d' eslire , as others not long since , in the Tridentine Post-mantile . Certainely , it is to be desired , that Christians would shew as much care and conscience in setting heads over whole Churches , as some Heathen Emperours did in setting Governours over private Townes ; which yet they would not doe , till at least free liberty was given to the Citizens complaint and rejection , if not Election , of the party propounded . And this Antoninus learnt from the Jewes , and Christians choyce of Their Church Governours in Those Times : though now Latter ages are growne Wiser . But I must leaue This subject . We are now come to view our Bishop in his Office. Though we may complaine ( as one once of Lewes the II. ) he cannot be fairely limn'd , because still in Motion : which yet in it selfe might be , at least excusable ; were he not nimium Dilig●ns , too officious ; being made up of Two most inconsistent Offices , the one of Church , the other of State. His deportment in Both , we may guesse by his Maximes or Rules by which he goes ; which once seene , wee shall quickely perceive how well he squares his Practise by his Principles ; and how consonant both be to true Church or State Policy . I shall instance but in one or two , for we may know Ex ungue Leonem . The Climax runnes up thus . First , the Church hath power in all Indifferents . Secondly , the Church is Judge what is Indifferent . Thirdly , the Bishops ( and their Creatures ) are This Church . If a Prince hath power to Command the persons and estates of his Subjects in case of Necessity , and the same Prince be sole judge of Necessity , it will be no wonder to me , if That People be ever Necessitous . If the Church have power in Adiaphoris , and the same Church be Judge Quid sit Adiaphoron ; and This Church be the Bishops ; I shall not wonder to see those things that are purely Indifferent , made absolutely necessary , to the insupportable burden of all mens consciences . But some will perhaps say , These Maximes have influence onely into Church Government , and so belong not to the present question of State Policy . I confesse , did they confine the pressing of these , within the confines of the Church , they could not so properly belong to the dispute in hand : but they run over ; For the Maxime is very large . It is not onely Indifferent things in the Church , but Indifferent things in generall , All-Indifferent things ; and so they may take in , what they will. Againe , they doe really set Lawes in State matters , under the notion of Indifferent ; so that all the Subjects Liberty , or propriety in goods . They compasse with their Net of Indifferencie ; which they make heavie with the plummets of greatest penalties . Yea , though they medled not at all , with such Things as these , without their Horizon ; yet if they make those Things to be Indifferent which are sinnefull , ( as they doe ▪ I feare ) and to These inforce obedience with pretence of Church Policy , They overthrow all Civill Government . I take such Maximes , to be the very Hinges upon which our Bishops Practice turneth . I shoote not Arrowes of Scorne : For truely I have not in my intentions , either by ●outs , or jeeres , or by a factious Spirit , to deale with This Adversary . Michael himselfe would not revile the Devill : It much lesse becomes me , so to behave my selfe towards These Men ( with whom I treat ) among whom I know so many truely Eminent : I desire to speake nothing but Truth . Yea , I should exceedingly rejoyce , if by the Spirit of Meekenesse , men of that Learning , and abilities , ( which many of them are ) might bee reduced to That , which I from my Soule conceive to bee truth , and am perswaded will be so acknowledged by Themselves , one day . If these then be their Tenets , ( as I suppose they will confesse them to be ) Is there any thing more Vnreasonable ? more Vnbrotherly ? more savouring of Selfe , than These Positions ? Vnreasonable ? For , allow the Church hath all power in Indifferents , ( which I dare not yet yeeld , ) who hath made the Church a Iudge ( beyond appeale ) what is Indifferent ? Is not this , to bring necessary and indifferent things all under one notion , If the Church shall judge indifferent things to be necessary , and necessary to be indifferent ? which would to me be a sad story . But you will say , if the Church bee not the Judge of what is Indifferent ; who may be That Judge ? I tell you , asking of questions is no answering of difficulties . But secondly , ( because I love to deale plainely , ) I will tell you who shall be Judge : In expounding of Scripture , the Scripture ; but in finding out what is indifferent , Recta Ratio must be Judge . But who shall tell us what is Recta Ratio ? I answere , Recta Ratio ; Will any man , if the Church shall judge That to be indifferent , which is not , say it is indifferent ? or that my conscience is bound in this case ? Ex. grat . I doe confesse the houre when the Congregation shall meete , is indifferent ; if the Church will appoint hereupon Eleven of the Clock at night , and Five in the morning ( in this Latitude under which we are ) I hope no man will say but that it is ill done of the Church ; and that neither my conscience , nor my outward man , is bound further in This , than to a passive obedience ; certainely all force upon me , in this case , would be sinne in them . But they will say , this is a thing in its selfe Vnreasonable , and so commeth not into the nature of indifferent thing . But the Church having such power , as is claimed , who may dispute it ? But secondly , this action must be considered either in the universall nature of it , or else as it is presently to bee put in practise . If you value and ballance it in this last sense , nothing is indifferent , no substantiall , nor circumstantiall Being . For we being bound to doe That , which hic & nunc is best , That which is so with the circumstances , will be our guide , and the Church will have , can have , no power against This. But if you consider things in the universall nature , ( not cloathed with these and these circumstances ) then it seemeth to have some Indifferency ; and then , if ever , it is in the Churches power ; and yet even then , the Church can goe no further , than what will be according to Reason . For , for a Church to say , I will , because I will , is most Papall , Tyrannicall , and altogether displeasing to Christ : but of This , more in another place . Thus their Tenets seeme to me very Vnreasonable ; They will doe more than Adam did : He gave Names to Things according to their Natures ; they will give Natures according to their owne fancies . Secondly , very Vnbrotherly ; in that they make themselves the Church , excluding all others : in which act , ( according to their Tenets ) they exclude all others from Salvation ; for they say , in an ordinary way , there is no Salvation out of the Church ; and They in this , admit none into the Church , but themselves . Moses was , upon a mistake , reproved by the Jewes , in that he made himselfe a Iudge , though in that decision he released a Jew . Truely I know not by what authority these Bishops stile themselves the representative Church ; for they must doe it either Iure humano , or Divino . By the last we doe not yeeld ; That is the Question in hand : by the first they cannot ; for where doe the people , either implicitely or explicitely , elect them and resigne up their power to them ? Is it in their Convocation , that they obtaine this priviledge ? That , by the Lawes of this Land , is not at all obligatory till confirmed by Parliament . Secondly , the people choose not These Convocation men , but the Clergie , and so they cannot represent the whole Church . Thirdly , the Clergie have no free election , for the Bishop will appoint whom they must choose ; and this too Sub poena anathematis . The Angells ( for the whole Ministery of the Church ) in the Revelation , seeme to receive some particular honour from the Spirit ; yet not the power of a Representative Body : but Quo jure humano , aut Diuino , Twenty sixe men shall challenge to themselves , as proper , That which is not so much as by a figurative right , given to those Angels , I know not . And is not this Vnbrotherly , to intrude my selfe , and exclude all others from Their Right ? But lastly it savoureth very much of Selfe . For certainely he that will out-doe the Pope , is growne to a pretty height of pride . Now in the Papacy it is a dispute , whether the Pope alone ; or the whole Colledge of Cardinalls ; or a Generall Councell ; or the People ; or All These ; or Some of These , with their joynt forces , may stile themselves the Church . But Our men without dispute , ( like the Lyon in the Fable ) challenge All : of whom the Poet is verified ; Aetas Patrum , pejor avo , tulit progeniem nequiorem . And yet , whoever takes up Errour at the Second hand , will have an ill bargaine ; though he buy it cheape ; hee will be no gainer . Error being like the Ierusalem-Artichoake ; plant it where you will , it over-runnes the ground and choakes the Heart . Thus having with the chaines of Indifferency bound up the Peoples Liberty ; they deale no better with their Prince . Onely Polyphemus-like , they leave Vlysses for the last . For , when the People are devoured , Kings cannot escape . But because Kings are of more prying Spirits , they steale in upon them , with Sugared Baites : such as That of Theirs , No Bishop , No King. But of This more anon . I might instance in many other of their Maximes , which I conceive very prejudiciall , both to Church , and State Policy . But I will rather view their Practise , according to These Principles of Indifferency . In this I shall be very short , not meaning to upbraide them with many monstrous miscarriages of late ; the rather , because I am confident that God , his Maje●tic , and The Parliament , will not permit them longer to transgresse in This height . Onely I cannot but intreat you to observe , how by Their Injunctions founded on Those Maximes , They have imposed as necessary , many things that are but Indifferent , some things that are Vnlawfull . First many Things but Indifferent , they have injoyned as necessary . Some to Ministers , as Cassockes , Gownes , Tippets , Hoods , Caps , Canonicall Coats , Blackes , and many other . Some to People , as Sitting with their hats off ; Standing up at Gloria Patri , the Gospell , and other parts of service . Weighty matters indeed , for Grave , Learned , Holy , Reverend Divines , to spend their time and thoughts upon . I might perhaps goe a little higher ; though I must confesse in some other things ( now prest as necessary ) They have had Authority above their owne ( though I conceive , none for such rigid imposall ; ) I meane the Highest , granted by the whole representative State Civill and Ecclesiasticall : which yet ( with all duty to that wombe which bare mee , and Those Breasts That gave mee suck hath thought some things indifferent , which ( I could scarce ever apprehend such : at least as of late they have beene enjoyned on greatest penalties . It hath oft made my soule bleed , to see the greatest sinnes daily committed , without more than a paper check , ( that I may not say countenanced ) while thousands must sigh in private , with losse of eares , goods , estates , livings , liberty , all ; only for refusall of Those things , that at best can be but Indifferent . But However these things may be in thēselves : sure I am , our Bishops have pressed them not only beyond the Laws intention , but also much against the meaning of those good men ; who in the first Reformation , did ( though perhaps erroneously ) what Christ once lawfully permitted , in almost the same case ; allowing a convenient Time for Buriall of those Ceremonies , which yet appeared not Mortiserae , though Mortuae . Yea and some things unlawfull , by their owne power They have forced upon Minister and People under the maske of Indifferent . On the Ministers , the Reading of the Booke of Sports , ( first invented by themselves ) that monstrous and prodigious late Oath , with divers new Canons , not enjoyned by Parliament , or any other Legall authority . I might adde their bare bidding forme of Prayer , Second Service at the Altar , ( though it could not be heard ) an illegall Oath of Canonicall Obedience , ( blind devotion ) and a new forme of subscription before Degrees , Orders , Institutions , &c. On Them and the People , placing the Communion Table Altar-wise ; Railing it in ; Bowing to it ; Receiving at it , &c. For I will now passe over their most unchristian Oath Ex Officio , ( fouler than the foulest dregges of that cruell Inquisition ) at one blow cutting asunder all the nerves , not onely of positive , but morall , naturall Lawes ; all which ( being tender of the least graine of mans liberty ) have entrusted us with this Vniversall maxime , Nemo tenetur se prodere . Thus it is manifest , Their Practice is according to their Principles , towards the People . And they have no lesse incroacht upon the Crowne . Do they not affirme , that in Civill Government , Democracie , Aristocracie , Monarchy , are all lawfull : and that of These , severall people may ( at first ) chuse which they please . But for Episcopacie , 't is still with them , onely Iure Divino : in which they seeme to affirme Themselves to stand upon a surer Rock then Kings . In This they erre against much light , ( I feare ) But , God forgive them . CHAP. V. BUt that we may no longer be impos'd upon , by This principle of Indifferent , give me leave to discover my thoughts in these two particulars . First , What is Indifferent . Secondly , Where the Power of Indifference is fixt , Some call those things Indifferent which are neither forbidden , nor commanded : but here they tell us onely what 't is not , and Negatives make no Definition . Those also who affirme that to be Indifferent , which may , or may not be done , leave us as much to seeke , as the former . I must intreat the Reader to remember , that wee are now upon Morall beeings : where the Two maine Ingredient● , Matter and Forme , can be but Metaphysically Notionall , and therefore it will be hard to give an exact Definition : Seeing even in Naturals ( whose matter occurrit sensibus ) 't is difficult enough . Before I assay to give the nature of it in a Definition , give me leave to present you with some kind of Etymologie . In the word Indifferent , the preposition In , is ( They say ) purely negative , though in other compounds ( as incipere , inflammare , incitare , influere , &c , ) it beareth another sense , which they call augmentative . But in the word Indifferent it must deny a Difference , as much as non differens . But under favour of our learned Critickes , I do not conceive that particle in This place wholly negative . Nor can I thinke Caninius , Martinius , or other good Grammarians ( when they call this preposition privative ) intend to make it wholly negative : but to my eye , to my sense ; in such , and such circumstances . When a man is said to be Imprudens , incautus , or the like ; we may not judge Him altogether , sine prudentia , sine cautela : for Animal Rationale cannot be quite devoid of these . And therefore if we take Imprudens ( in this proposition , Hic homo est imprudens ) in a pure negative sense , the Predicate is destructive to the Subject . So that I dare not thinke our Ancesters and learned men would give Epithets , or mak Compositions contrary to all reason . Such Propositions are then thus farre Negative , as by way of figure , to deny any caution , any prudence , whereas indeed they must allow both ; except in such or such a particular , such or such a sense . Such doubtlesse is the sense of this Preposition , in the word Indifferent : not purely Non differens , but in such , or such a respect , it Differeth not . Though in another respect , it may , and doth Differ ; even from the very same Thing with which yet in other respects it Differeth not . This Etymologie I chuse the rather , because I see the Criticks , in all their Etymologies , love to give to each part ( in the composition ) a Positive signification . Which I cannot do here , unlesse I translate Indifferens , Differing , and yet not differing : a sense which also the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will fully beare ; For ( if by other imployments I have not lost the smattering once I had in that Tongue ) the phrase seemes best applyable to a Medium , that doth not fully , or wholly , carry it selfe off from both the Extremes , but participates of either . Such an Indifferent-difference hath cleerly place in all those Natura's , which betweene two positive extremes ( such as Blacke and White ; Hot and Cold ) have a positive Medium , Participationis ( because it participates of both extremes ) and Negationis too , because it is neither . This Medium is properly Indifferent to either Extreme ; from which it Differeth , and yet it Differeth not : because it is neither of the Two Extremes , yet participates of Both. Thus Lukewarme , as Warme , Differeth not from Hot , yet Differeth as Coole : and therefore is Indifferent . This sense of Indifferent , being thus made good in Naturals ; some would borrow and apply to Morall , Theologicall Beings also . So that betweene Good and Bad ▪ they fancie an intermediate Entity , neither Good nor Bad , but Indifferent to either . As once a Moderator in the Schooles , being to determine whither Eucretia did well in stabbing herselfe ; seeing that Action Good in many respects , and Bad in as many more , concluded thus , Nec bene fecit , nec male fecit , sed Interfecit . But I conceive , such Indifference , will not , cannot be found in Morals , as it is in Naturals . The reason is , because the two extremes are not here ( as in many Naturals ) Both Positive Beings ; so that a Medium may really participate of Both. White and Blacke indeed are Both positives , but so is not Evill ; but onely the privation of Good , which is the other extreme . Moralists dispute how Passions are Indifferent , but they are put on great straits ; and limit it onely to passions in specie ( indeed onely in a Notion ) which yet in sensu composito cannot be said to be ever Both Good and Bad , or neither Good nor Bad , but being still Good naturally , may be morally either Good , or Bad , in individuo , but in sensu diviso , not Composito . For the same individuall action , or passion ( in man ) cannot be said both Good and Bad ( take it in actu exercito ) in the same respects ; yea , if in any One morall respect , it be truly Bad , it cannot at all be said to be properly Good. For an Error or Defect in any one Morall ( though but so much as a Circumstance ) truly donominates the whole action Evill ; but onely a perfect and universall concatenation of all essentials and circumstantials too , denominates it Good. Even as in Logicke , any one negative proposition makes the whole Syllogisme such ; when to an Affirm'd Syllogisme , every part must be affirm'd . So 't is in Morals too ▪ And hence perhaps the old Stoickes affirm'd , Omnia peccata to be paria ▪ Which is one of Tullies Paradoxes : because saith hee ▪ One Step beside the Line , may as truly be said to to be a Transgression , as a thousand , or running a thousand miles from it . It is well observed by Aquinas , that as a Body is not perfectly set in suo bene esse naturali , by a bare forme without Accidents ; so neither an Act in bene esse morali , by onely object and end , rightly fixed : except also every Morall circumstance , of ●ime , place , &c. rightly concu●re . They who will have our Vertues equally distare ab extremis , are much more in the right , than they who will have an Indifferent thing ( speaking of Morals ) to part●ke of Both extremes . Indeed Vertue f●ying from o●e extreme , when it is ●ancountred with an equall Evill , is arrest in medio : as Iron when accoasted by two L●adstones of equall vertue on either side , not daring to embrace either , hovereth in medio , betweene Both. Or as the Magneticall needle about the Azores , keepeth it selfe directly parallell to the Axis of the world ; and admitteth no va●●tiv●s : because in medio , betweene the two great Continents ( of Europe and America ) to which some great Philosophers ascribe the Magneticall vertue , with better reason perhaps then others did , before , to the Northerne pole , or Northe rne Climates . From all these premises , we will now assay to draw some conclusions that may helpe us in judging what may be Indifferent . First , it must be in it selfe Good , whol●y Good. For if it have but one dram of Evill , it is wholly Bad ( as was proved before ) and so not Indifferent . We have found the Genus of it ; it is Good , Lawfull . In the second place , to make our approach a little neerer ( if we can ) and to descend more particularly into the Differing nature of it ; We must confesse it lies mainly in the seeming equality of Vse . So that it may be thus described , a thing Lawfull and Good , which ( as we think ) may be Vsed or not : may or may not be done . But here wee must take heed we lose not our selves in Termes : For if they meane that some things at one time may be done , and at another may not ; I yeeld this True : For perhaps This yeare I may not marry , and yet next yeare I may , and in some circumstances must , else I sinne . But in this Hypothesis Marriage is not generally Indifferent , because not generally Lawfull ; but at some time lawfull , at sometime not . If they meane the same Thing , ( the same Act ) at one and the same time by the same person , may , or may not , be done ad placitum , without offence : I must crave leave to dissent , till I see more , than now I see . For I conceive two direct contraries , ( as to marry , and not marry ) at the same time , to the same person , cannot be so equally circumstantiated , that one of them , at least in one circumstance ( which is enough ) shall not be Better than the other . And if one be Best , I conceive it past scruple , that I may not reject that Best , and chuse the Worst . Now , if I mistake not , I am neere the Apex of this question , which yet ( Pernassus-like ) hath a double Vertex . The one is , whether in two contraries ( as Doing , not doing ) one must not needs be Better than the other . The second is , whether in this case I am not tied to take , and doe the Best , but am equally Indifferent to B●th . I will begin with this last first . In this I know I have many opposites , who stifly maintaine , that Optimun●●no● estisemper faciendum : amongst these is that good man lately deceased , ( to the Churches great losse ) Reverend M. Ball , in his Friendly Triall of Separation . I thinke it a subtile dispute , worth the discussing ; for if they meane thus , That which is Best , is not at all times Lawfull to be done while it is best ; This sense cannot be true : for here the Predicate is destructive to the subject ; For , that which is unlawfull is no● good , much lesse Best , at the time when unlawfull . Or if they meane , that 〈◊〉 Best ( in Re ) is not alwaies Possible to be done , they say ●rue , but tell mee no● new thing . For all men will yeeld This ; and in This case I must consider , what is Best possible to me ; because I cannot do the Best in Re. I suppose then they meane that which is Best , and possible to me , is not still necessary to be done , even while it is best : but though I may do it , yet I may also leave it undone , and do that which is lesse good . Here also they may deceive us with Termes . For they may meane either Best in Truth , or Best to appearance . And when these two cannot be reconciled by all my search , I must consider that which seemes ( though perhaps is not ) the Best . We shall now soone joyne issue . And the case is ; whether , when I must of necessity either do , or not doe , or when I must do either This or That ; I be not bound to do what is Best , ( or at least on exactest search , seemes Best ) if it be possible to be Done by mee . If they take the Negative part ( of this question so stated ) I hope yet they will give mee leave to hold the affirmative , and yet without offence , till my judgement may be better inform'd . My grounds briefly are these , First it is Lawfull to doe This Best ; else it is not Good , much lesse Best , as was said before . Againe , it is expedient to do this Best : or else some thing ( at least some one Ciocumstaice of Expedience ) is in the other good , which is not in This , and so This is not Best , but That , at this time , though at another time , perhaps , This may be Best , it is not Best now , because not best expedient and most convenient . And now this case comes not to our question , which is of Best in all circumstances ; for wee know one circumstance may so alter the case , that now That may be worst , which else would have beene best , as was said before . So that at this time , This cannot be Better than That , except This be not onely in it selfe expedient , but also more expedient than That is at this p●●●●t : for one graine of more expedience makes that to be ●est , which else would be Worst . I demand now how I can be determined to That which is lesse expedient ? though supposed equally lawfull by Right Reason ? All Philosophers yeeld , ( and it needeth no dispute ) that the Vnderst●nding rectified still dictates to the Will Optimum faciendum . And how is it possible I should do well , if I follow not the Dictate of Right Reason ? Video meliora , proboque ; deteriora sequor . See now to what a strait I am brought ; If I follow the Dictate of Right Reason , I must still doe what is Dictated , as now Best . And Right Reason must still ( where some Action is necessary ) dictate That to be done , which is ( at least , seemes ) Best . For , if Right Reason should ever ( though but once ) dictate , that This which is Best , is not Now to be done , but somewhat Worse ; It may much be suspected Right Reason may never dictate the Best to be done . For , by this Case ( of one such Dictate ) it would appeare , that when ever Reason doth happen to dictate Right , it is but by chance , or some fancy of its owne ; not by any certaine constant Rule , taken from the Nature of Things , rightly stated in such and such circumstances ; For if so , it must still judge eodem modo , of That which is so circumstantiated . And , if it once vary from this Rule , it will seeme to have no Rule , but it s owne fancy . And in this Case , we shall bee under Reason , as under a most corrupt Iudge , that will follow no constant Rule ( founded on the Nature of Things ) but onely his own humor ; which will give very Different judgements on the very same , or like Cases , in all circumstances . I see but Two Things can helpe them out of This straite . Either , that ( though Right Reason cannot but dictate that the Best in all circumstances , must still bee done , yet ) we are not bound to follow Right Reasons Dictates , when we see them . Or else , we be not bound to aske Right Reason , what it will dictate ; but may doe ( hand over head as they speake ) without any Dictate of Reason , Right or Wrong . But , Both These seeme to me very strange Doctrine . For , First , If I may but once goe against the Dictate of Right Reason , and yet not sinne ; I may goe ten thousand times , yea Ever against it ; and so all my acts may be Irrationall , and yet not sinfull : a strange Tenet : and sure a Case never to be found but in a distracted man ; who sinnes not though all his Acts be against Reason , because His Reason is not able to direct him ; or at least He not able to follow Reason ; and in this case God requires it not . And the Case is even the same ; when I Act without asking Reasons Dictate , as if I acted against Reasons Dictate . For till I see I act with , for ought I know , I act against Right Reason ; and so I sinne . Not yet , that I thinke a man bound before Every ( though the most common ) Action , to stay disputing for some houres or dayes , till Reason hath given its finall Dictate . For , this were to turne all practise into bare and nice Speculation . There are many Things by common use , and by themselves , so cleare that at first view Reason presently determines . Yet if there rise but the least scruple at the first glimps ; Then , man is bound to discusse it , till Reason rectifi'd dictate the Action Lawfull , and Best to be done : And till This Dictate , the Act must be suspended . For I still thought That a dangerous Maxime in State policy ; first , to Doe matters ( not like to sound well ) and then to dispute Them : and it sounds worse in Matters of Religion . I have done with the first Great Question , whether Optimum sit semper faciendum . I come to the Next , whether amongst divers Things ( to be done ) There be still One Optimum . I must meane whether there be any Optimum , for more than One there cannot be at one time . We may briefely State the Question Thus. Whether at one any time Two , or more Things , ( suppose to Marry , and n●t to Marry ) can possibly be so Equally Good to me , that One of them is not Better than the Other . I Thinke not . For , I dispute thus ; I must be determined to one of these Two , ( having no medium ) I must Marry , or not Marry . Now I aske what shall determine me to either ? Right Reason ( they must answere ) or my owne Fancy , Will , or other Thing . I rejoyne ; if Right Reason determine me ; either it doth so on no good ground ; ( and then I doe a groundlesse unreasonable Act , in following Reason ) or on some Ground , whose foundation is in Re. For , if we once grant Reason any Rule , or Ground , but that Certaine , Constant Truth , which is fixt in the Nature of Things ; we shall make it , of all Judges , most uncertaine , most corrupt . If once I see my Reason judge point blancke against Reall Truth , I shall suspect it still . Well then , it must be granted , Right Reason hath determined me ( not to Marry ) on some good Ground , taken from the Nature of Marriage ; ( not in Generall , for This would deceive me , but particularly considered with all circumstances pro hic & nunc ; ) so that it must also be granted , There was one or more circumstances , which made Marriage more unfit than non Marriage ( else Reason hath made , not found a Ground in Re , which it must never doe ; ) Ergo , of Marriage and Non-Marriage , One still is Best in re , ( at least to Reasons eye ) else Reason doth unreasonably determine me not to Marry , or to Marry . And if Right Reason have not , or cannot , determine me ; to which side so ever I incline , and rest , I sinne ; because I act Vnreasonably : being determined by humour , fancy , passion , a wilfull Will , and not Right Reason ; The Candle of God , which He hath lighted in Man , left man groaping in the Darke should stumble , and fall . I may now step a little higher ; and affirme , that of Two Contraries , or any Two Extreames , Both are so farre from being Equally Good , that pro hoc statu , in these Circumstances , Both cannot be Good at all or Lawfull . For , if of These Two , One must be Best , and but One ; and this One now necessary to be done ( because Best ) as was proved before ; It will follow that the other extreame is now , in these circumstances , not Good at all to me ; because unlawfull to be done , while now there is a better in view ; though else in it selfe , with other circumstances , it would have beene Lawfull , Good , and Best . If Right Reason determine it be better not to Marry ; at this time , and I be still bound to doe what Right Reason shall dictate Best ( as was prov'd before : ) Now , in these Circumstances , Marriage is unlawfull to me , and so not Good at all , at this time , because lesse Good than Non-Marriage . so Achitophels Counsell was Bad , being not good for That time , because not Best . For as Moralists say , if it be possible Man could be necessitated to chuse One of Two Evills ; in That case the Lesse evill , would be Good : So , when I am necessitated to chuse One out of two ( supposed ) Goods , the lesse Good would be Evill , and unlawfull to me , who am still bound ( for ought I can yet see ) to doe Optimum pro hoc statu . The Conclusion I ayme at , through all these Premisses is This. There is no One Thing , no One Act , in all the World , That I may doe , or not doe , ad placitum , all Circumstances considered . For , This Act ( so propounded ) either is Best for that time , and so must needes be done : or not Best , and so must not be done ; because in these Circumstances , at This Time , it is Vnlawfull ; as not being Good while a Better is in eye : as hath I hopefully beene proved . From This , results our finall Determination concerning Indifference ( which is our Subject in hand : ) No Thing , No Act , is Indifferent in Se , in Re : but either necessary to be done ( if Best ) or unlawfull to be done , if Bad , or lesse Good , pro hoc statu . What shall we say then ; hath the World talked so much of Indifference , and the power in Indifference , And yet no Indifference , at all , be in the World ? Give me leave here freely to propound my owne thoughts , without offence ; being still more desirous to learne , than to Dictate . I conceive that all the Indifference ( in the world ) lyes in our Understandings , and the Darkenesse thereof , ( which makes them wavering sometimes , and doubtfull whether to doe or not , so that in Them seemes some Indifference to either extreme ) but there is none in the things themselves , or Actions ; which are still either unlawfull , or necessary ( if Lawfull , at this time in these Circumstances ; ) never Indifferent in Themselves . As then it is in the point of Contingence , every thing is either True or False ; Certainly to Be , or not to Be ; and in one of these still Necessary in Re , and never Contingent ; yet to M●e , ( who cannot see the whole Chaine of Causes ) some things seeme Contingent , that are necessary . So for Indifference . All Things , All Acts , are in Re , either Necessary to be done , or Vnlawfull ; but to my blind judgement , ( while I cannot discerne whether I may Act , or may not ) some things Seeme , but are not Indifferent ; and so we thinke ( but erroneously ) that These may be done , or not , as we please . For example sake , suppose an unskilfull Physitian have two Simples by him , one of which is poyson , and the other a pretious Cordiall ; will any man living say , These are Indifferent for a sick mans cure ; so as he may use them , or not , ad placitum , without perill ? And yet now suppose the Physitian ignorant of both their Natures : they may be said to be Indifferent ( though not in themselves ) yet to Him ; who not knowing either , is Indifferent to Both ; and thinkes he may apply which he will , without offence ; yet if he apply the one he erres , because 't is poyson . So it is in all the Things , or Acts we thinke Indifferent . In themselves they are poysons , or cordials , very Good ( and so necessary ) or very Bad , and so unlawfull : But while our judgements are clouded , so that we see not the Nature of these Objects , or Acts : we are Indifferent ( because wavering ) betweene Them ; but They are not so in se ; or Really to us . I may conclude then , Nothing is Indifferent in Re , in se ; but to our Vnderstanding some things seeme so , for want of Good light . CHAP. VI. I Have now done with the Nature of Indifference , in which I have beene the more large , because I found it more abstruse than it seemed at first view . I come now shortly to examine What power may determine in Indifference , and where this Power is fixed . To All , I may answer briefly thus . By Divine Right , This Power is , and is not , in the Church . The Church hath , and hath not , power in Indifferent things . First , the Church hath no power to make any one thing Indifferent in it selfe : ( that is , to make it , at one , and the same time , lawfull to be done , or left undone , positis omnibus circumstantiis . ) For all Things and Acts , are in themselves necessarily Good or Bad , and cannot be Indifferent in Re , as hath beene proved at large . Againe , we cannot say the Church hath power to determine what is Indifferent . If at least All Indifference comes onely from the Darknesse of our Vnderstanding ( as before ; ) It then lyes not in the power of all other men living , to determine what seemes Indifferent to one mans Understanding , since He may perhaps not see , what they all see ; & e comrario . We are now reduced into a narrow compasse , having onely left to be considered , Those Things which generally seeme Indifferent ( For there is no Indifference in Re , but onely in appearance unto us ; ) because neither Scripture without , or light within , hath fully cleared , whether such things should be done , or not : or if done , whether in such , or such a time , place , &c. and in such cases only Things seeme Indifferent . Now in These seeming Indifferents ( which sure are not so many as some pretend ) the Church hath , and yet hath not , power to determine . All ( though but Seeming ) Indifference , is as it were in medio , betweene Two Extremes , as was said before . Now , when Neither of these extremes is necessary , There , ( specially where Both extremes are doubtfull ) I conceive the Church hath not power to determine to Either Extreme . As suppose Blacke and White colours should be Doubtfull , whether both or either , or neither , were Lawfull : In this case ( for ought I yet see ) the Church hath no power to determine ( any one so doubting ) to either Blacke or white . The Reason is , because Neither of These extremes are necessary , there being so many intermediate colours betweene Both. But when One of the extremes ( betweene which we waver as Indifferent ) is necessary to be imbraced , ( as in most cases it is ; ) Here all the Power Lawfull , I conceive , can do no more but resolve which of the Two extremes is Best ; whether it be safest to Do , or not to Do ( whereof one is necessary ; ) to do so , or so , if I must do . This Power ( whereever it be ) must be very warily exercised : since of All Two extremes , onely One ( as was proved ) can be Lawfull : so that one is wholsome , but the other poyson . In These also the Church hath , and hath not power . If you please , Thus ; It hath a power Iudicative , ( or if you will Iuridicall , ) but not Legislative . It may and must determine ; ( for ought I know , beyond all externall appeale ) yet againe it must not determine , What , and How it Will , because it Will. No , It also hath its bounds , a Rule to goe by , a constant Law ( and that non factam , sed natam ) Right Reason . So that the Church is like the Iudges on the Bench in Westminster Hall ( that have a Iudicative , or Declarative power , being entrusted with the explication , application , & execution of the Laws : ) but not as the King and Parliament , who have a Legislative power : and so not only to declare what is Law , but to make new Laws . And yet even This High Court hath one Rule , or Law to go by , ( and this is also the Law of the Church , even Right Reason . ) And if they or the Church , should erre from This Rule , ( which God forbid ) we must obey indeed , but Patiendo , I will , I must give Passive obedience to Lawfull Authority ; even there where I dare not , I cannot , I may not , give obedience Active . By the Church here I meane , not onely One , or Two , or a Few , of what Ranke soever ; but All , even every True Member of the whole Church . For I conceive every such Member hath de jure a Vote in This Determination . But what if after the Determination , I yet dissent from the judgement of the greater part of the Church , which in all doubtfull causes , seemes justly to challenge ( even by the law of Nature ) a decisive power ; What shall I do in This Case ? shall I make a Rent , Schisme , Faction that may fire Church or State ? God forbid ; no , I must Read , pray , discourse , and conferre with all humility s●bmitting my selfe to the Reason of any man that will teach me ; much more to the Judgments of many together eminent for learning and piety . And yet if after all This , I cannot be satisfied in my Doubts ( which must be Reall , and not pretended scruples of a factious spirit ) In this case , which sure will be very Rare ( where Right Reason is made supreme Judge ) I must suspend till my judgement be cleered , left That which to another is Lawfull , become sinne to mee : Who cannot Act in Faith , while I act against or with Doubts , or Scruples . However in the meane time , I must quietly deport my selfe without faction , turbulent commotion , or uncharitable censure of Those who dissent from me , both in Judgment and Practice ; wel knowing that the same thing may be Lawfull and necessary to one that sees it so ; which yet to me is unlawfull , while I so doubt . In This Case , I conceive no Power on Earth ought to force my Practice more than my Iudgement . For I conceive the Churches utmost compulsive power ( which must also very warily , and bu : rarely be used ) is but Expulsion , or Excommunication : which yet I suppose may scarce ever be exercised on one that so doubteth : much lesse Fine , Imprisonment , losse of member , or life : Except his dissent in practice hath necessarily with it a destructive influence into the State also , and Body Politique . Which case I thinke hardly ever possible , in Those Things which can be objects of Rationall Doubts : which are onely such , as the Scripture hath not determined . And in all things not determined by Scripture , ( which sure must needes be of lesse consequence ) One that Doubts with reason and humility , ( may not for ought I yet see ) be forced by Violence . Give mee leave by some Instances to cleare my meaning , in all the premisses concerning the power in Indifferent Things . Time , Place , and Deportment of our selves in the Congregation , are the maine , if not sole Things , which beare this acceptation of Indifferent : The Scripture not having laid downe expresse Rules for all particular cases of This Nature . So that wee seeme least Indifferent to the use of This or That Place , This or That Time , This or That Gesture , &c. In These Things ( not determined by Scripture ) there must be some determination , because one of the extremes is necessary , ( We must use some Place , some Time , some Gesture ) else all limitation here were needlesse , if not unlawfull , as was said before . The Church then Doubtlesse hath power to resolve here , What Time , what Place , what Deportment , &c. and what they do herein ( though it should prove to be Evill ) They do by power which God hath entrusted them with . And yet againe , The Church here must not command what she will , because she Wil ; but must goe by her Rule , which is Right Reason : if she swarve from This , she erres . And He that seeth Her error , or Doubteth , sinnes also , if ( while he so doubteth ) he yeeld her more than Passive Obedience : and if she force one so Doubting , I thinke she sinneth more . Now , I need not rip up the foulnesse of our Bishops miscarriage in t●eir practice about Indifferent Things ; which yet hath fully suited with their principles , as was touched before . For though I should grant ( which I never shall ) that onely they , and their Creatures , were the whole Church : Yet would they be so farre from a power of Making things Indifferent , ( which yet some seeme to challenge or at least to exercise ) that indeed they have no power to determine what is Indifferent : since it may be very easie for some men to thinke That Indifferent , which to others seemes clearly either unl●wfull or necessary . Againe , in things seeming ( generally ) Indifferent , they have no power peremptorily to determine to one Extreme , when there is a medium betweene both extremes , and so neither is Necessary . In things seeming Indifferent , where One extreme is necessary , They cannot determine pro arbitrio , ( but by a constant Rule of Reason ) much lesse by a Tyrannicall club Law force us to do ( though we rationally , and modestly doubt whether it be Lawfull ) what they first Make , rather , than find Indifferent ; and then ( by their wonted maximes in Indifferent Things ) make Necessary , on paine of Imprisonment , losse of Eares , yea life it selfe . Which yet might be more tolerable , if they onely tooke a Dictatorlike power to direct our judgments , in things that seeme most abstruse , or doubtfull ( in which yet they make themselves Gods ; for none but God can fully cleare ( much lesse force ) my Judgement ; ) But they scruple not , point blanke to contradict our Reason , and force our consciences , in things extremely manifest ; as in Bowings , and many other things , which one as blind as he that so much commended Rhombus , may see to be unlawfull . CHAP. VII . WE have seene the Antecedents , Concomitants , or Ingredients , to Our Bishops Office. Let us a little view some of the Consequents , that result from his Office. We shall consider but Two , or rather One with Two Heads , ( like himselfe , ) at least looking two wayes ; His Relations both upward and downward . First , Vpward . Nescio quō fato , Our Bishops have still depended on an others Beck . In the time of Popery , they were wholly moulded to the Popes Will ; which oft produced such wilfull and stubborne deportment ( both towards their Soveraigne and equals ) that wise men of those times began to perceive how insufferable such forraine dependance would still be in any free State. Winchester was not the first , though One , that in Edwards the first Time , professed such universal Obedience to his Creator the Pope , that he quickly learned to refuse ( that I may not say , disdaine ) to call the King his Lord. And his Treasons against the Kings Person , made all men see how easie it was , and still would be , to reduce such Principles into Practice . Edward the third summoned a Parliament to enable himselfe for the warres he designed : But the ArchBishop Stratford ( fearing it might injure the Popes Title if hee might not be permitted there to erect his Crosse ) refused to come , detained his Bishops , and prided himselfe in hindering his Soveraignes designe . Norwich handled the second Richard with the same pride and Insolence ; Levying Souldiers at the charge of the Kings Subjects to fight the Popes Battles . We have not forgotten Becket , and divers other of his temper , but reserve them to another place . Under the Reformation ; if they have indeed cast off the Pope , ( which may be doubted in most , but is past doubt in some ) yet they have ever beene at their command , by whose favour they stand , though ( with that unhappy bird ) they designe the Death of Those that give them Life . This Dependance appeares in a threefold Gradation ▪ 1 The Calling ( of the Bishops now in dispute ) being onely Iure Humano , they must therefore comply , not only to fixe their Persons , but their Callings . 2 When they are invested in their Sees , the smile or frowne of the Court , addeth or detracteth much from their splendor , comfort , and emolument . 3 Their further advancement , either to a better Bishopricke , or Archbishopricke , wholly depends on the Princes Will. Naturalists observe , there is not so much appearance of change in many degrees of Entitie , acquired by a second motion ; as in one degree , at the first step from Non Ens , to Entitie . But Moralists find that one little step of new preferment makes more impression upon low spirits , than their first Creation out of Nothing . Both are well reconciled in our Bishops Rising . For what can so sudden unexpected advancement ( from Nothing to such an Height of Beeing ) seeme but a new Creation ? so that hence such a dependance must needs result , as is that Relation which Nature fixeth in the Creature to his Creator . Courtesies and Hopes are the most oylie Bribes , and Bribes blind the eyes of the most wise . With what nature soever Obligations meet , they have an irresistible force . If they descend so low as men of base spirits , They there get a species of Profitable ; and so become like Lime-twigs to Little Birds . It was doubtlesse most feelingly spoken by the Slave in Plautus , Esculenta Vincula sunt firmissima . If they meete with men of high rais'd , Generous , Noble thoughts ; they yet worke much more , ( though out of a more ingenuous Principle ) while a true Noble spirit cannot breath under the least shadow of Ingratitude : having first learned that old Proverb , Ingratum si dixeris . — How hardly then a Bishops Conscience , Judgement , Reason , or Will , can bee his owne ; under not onely so many Obligations , ( for the greatest engagement past ) but Hopes also for new favours to come , ( either in higher advancement , or at least in continuance of His smiles , whose first frownes may quickly reduce Them to their first principles of Nothing ) I leave it to wise men to judge . To whom also I humbly propound , ( as worthy mature Consideration ) how fit these Spirituall Lords may be to sit as Law-makers in That Highest Court , by whose fundamentall Orders ( as also by the Law of nature ) None ought to have Vote , but Free men . And how can They possibly be deemed Free , that wholly depend on anothers Thought , ( for I neede not say , Beck , Smile , or Frowne ) not onely for their first Creation , but continuall Preservation in This State , and power of giving Vote in that Court ? But They say , This may be also objected against other Lords , Created by his Majesties favour ; Especially Officers of Court , which yet are not Excluded from Votes in Parliament . I answer first , Incommodum non solvit argumentum . Againe , If the Case were alike in all These ( which I yeeld not ) Because we are under One ( perhaps invincible Difficulty ) must we needs runne and plunge our selves into another ? Or being once in , may we not get out if we can ? But Thirdly , There is a Vast Difference betweene Those who cannot but still be affected with Noble , generous , and most vertuous deportment ; ( being still to live in their Names , Honours , Posterity ) and Those , who in Their height , are but as Meteors , that must quickly blaze out , vanish , fall , and be no more . Betweene Those whose Birth and Breeding hath filled their veines with Heroick noble blood ; and Those that are so much disadvantaged both by their Birth and Breeding : though Their Birth is nothing so Ignoble as their Education ; Compared with that Breeding a true States-man should have . For , will any wise man living thinke them fit to give Counsell in Princes Closets ; to make Lawes in Parliament ; and sit Judges in the Highest Tribunals of Civill Justice ; that all their life time , ( before the Conge d'eslire diverted their thoughts ) were wholly taken up in turning ( rather then reading ) Aquinas and Scotus , with some other schoole Trifle●s , before they came to some Church Benefice , where ever since they have spent all their time ( that might be spared from Tything ) in Liturgies , or Canons ; Except some new scruple with some of their Neighbours , have cald them to peruse some Author de Decimis ? If you view their Civill Converse , they have practised little , but to wrangle downe a Sophister , or to delude a Proctor , in the Vniversity ; to say Grace to a Gentleman , or acquaint themselves with a Reading-P●● , in the Countrey . In Cases of Conscience , they have studied little , but how , with most compendium , to digest the Oath of Direct and Indirect , in point of Simony ; and to swallow the Vow of thrice Nolo Episcopari , when God and their owne Consciences well know , many of them are not so solicitous for Heaven , as for a Bishopricke . And are These men fit , not onely to rule the whole Church ; to Ordaine , Censure , Suspend , Deprive , Excommunicate , ad placitum ; to governe our Consciences , by Articles , Canons , Oathes , ( and what else a Lawlesse Convocation may invent ; ) but also to direct and advice ( I might say more ) in the Privie Juncto's ; to sit at the Helme , to dictate Lawes ; & tantum non to sway the Scepter ; which if they forbeare to touch , It is but as Mercury once spared Iupiters thunder-bolts , which he dirst not steale , lest they should roare too loud , or at least burne his fingers . In the last place my Answer shall be thus . Though the Birth , Blood , Thoughts , Breeding , and all , of a Bishop were as noble as any One , or all the Peeres ; ( which none dare say ) Yet are not , cannot , Bishops be possibly so free , ( and so , not so sit , to fit and Vote in Parliament ) as other Lords , and members of that Great Body . For First , They that have large Estates by Inheritance , and to continue their Names and Families to the same Inheritance , are in all reason probable with more impartiall freedome to provide for the Good of the Common-wealth in generall ; than those that having little or no Estate of their owne ( at least , to leave to posterity ) are not like much to looke after the Weale-publike , or Good of posterity ; but rather will seeke to humour the present times , ( being truly Filii unius Horae ) especially to insinuate themselves into more and more favour with their Creator , and Preserver , on whose smile wholly depends more than their Bene Esse . My Judgement in This is much confirmed by the observation of a truly Noble Gentleman , and most-highly-well-deserving States-man , ( R.Ea. of E. ) who said , he had now served thirty yeares in Parliament , and in all that time never knew but Two or Three Bishops stand for the Common-wealth . Againe , though all the Branches of Nobility first sprouted out from the Roote of Royal●y ; ( Honours being in all Good States , Appendices to Majesty , and wholly disposed by the Royall hand ; ) Yet Estates and Revenues did not ; which are the Parliaments and Supporters of Noble Honours . And These also in Bishops , depend on the Princes Will. Yea , Our Honours and Baronies , though first they were granted by the King ; yet now being so invested in Our blood , and become Hereditary , They cannot be revoked . In This therefore we are Freer then any Bishop , whose Baronies are onely annexed to their Office , and not invested in them by blood . We have seene our Bishops Relation upward ; Let us now view it looking downe to his owne Family , Creatures , and Dependencies . We shall see all these Consequents , as unsutable to State policie , as were the Ingredients , and Antecedents to his Office. A Bishops Title and Place is High and Splendid , but his Estate ( for the most part ) Meane and Low : at least That which may be left as Inheritance to posterity . Now to what unworthinesse will not Ambition and Avarice carry them ? When they looke on themselves as Peeres and Grandees of the Kingdome , and againe reflect on their Wives and Children , as those which ( after Their Decease ) must soone bee reduced from such an h●ight ( like falling Starres ) into their first principles ; Must not This be a Great Temptation , by any meanes , right or wrong , to seeke the private inrichment of themselves , and Families , even much before the publike Good of the Common-wealth ; which is never more injur'd , then when it is made to stoope and vaile to the boundlesse Ambition of some private , low , base , sordid spirit ? Or suppose , by penurious Living they may in many yeares gleane up a meane Estate to leave to their House , to preserve their name : how miserable and sordid must be their deportment ? how base their House-keeping ? how Little their Hospitality ? Which yet not onely by Scripture , but Reason , seemes much ( if not most ) to be required of the Clergy . Such a Bishop must be as much given to Hospitality , as Blamelesse in other particulars . But alas , how can Ours be so ? Except , They can bee content to live without any Retinue of Attendance ; or bee Curst by Posterity , brought up perhaps as Lords , but left as Beggers . Except then it might be with our Bishops , or Bishops Children , as once it was with that Roman Dictator , who being brought from the Plough , was content againe to returne to the Plough , ( after he had with all humility , fidelity , and successe , served the Common-wealth in the Highest Office That State at that time did afford ) I cannot see why They should so ambitiously desire a Lordly Prelacie ; which they can neither leave to posterity ; nor carry downe to the Grave ; nor yet are sure to keepe all the time they live : for of all Riches , Those of a Bishop , may soonest fly away . If therefore Our Prelates would seriously reflect on their owne Peace , Credit , and Esteeme ; Or the Good of their Family and Posterity ; ( though they would despise the Church , and trample on the State , with the Weale , peace , and flourishing prosperity thereof ) sure they would leave the Common-wealth to States-men ; and thinke it honour more then enough to serve the Church , and waite on Gods Altar ▪ I meane That Holy Table , which may be served by Them that attend the Word and Sacraments ; though they must not neglect This , and serve any Other Tables . But Venales Animae will doe any thing to Rise . Yet I hope Our Bishops doe not , at least Will not doe so any more . If so , Let them know the Wheele of providence can runne as fast backward as ever it did forward . In its descent , they may perhaps sadly reflect on a serious dying speech of one of themselves ; Had I served my God , as I have served my Prince , I should not have beene so deserted now . Though I must confesse I doubt they have well served neither G●d , nor the King. But this shall bee discuss'd more an●● . CHAP. VIII . WE have seene how much our Bishop makes against State Policie ; Let us now see what hee doth , or can doe , For the State ; For , Both parts must be heard . It hath still beene the practise of These men to buzze into Princes Eares , that They strike at Monarchy that are displeased with such Episcopacie : Like one of the old Queen's Jesters , that would box and pinch any that stood neere him : and if they return'd the like , he would step before the Queene , and cry , Madame here comes a Traytor to strike at your Majesty . I know it is one of their first Canonicall principles , No Bishop , No King. On this Axletree the whole body of Popery is wheeled about . A specious shew indeede , and One of their Master-peeces of Policie ; to acquaint and perswade Kings , of what use they are to Them : Sed Timeo Danaos , & Dona ferentes . It is but a Trojan Horse . Mors est in Olla . While they seeme to please Kings , they weaken Crownes . Powers are Gods Ordinances ; and set over us for Our Good : And Kingdomes certainely have more for them in holy writ than any other Government : Shall Royall Crownes then come and stoope to a Miter ? La France ne tombe pas en Keneville . With Them a Woman must not beare the Crowne , and shall the Scep●er , with us , bow to the Cros●ers Staffe ▪ Let it not bee spoken in Ashkelon , nor published in the streets of Gah . Hath Christianity abated the Glory or power of the Diadem ? Bishops would , but Christ will not . In short , What is the sense of this Maxime ? What can it be other than This , that the Strength , nay the Being of a King , depends wholly upon a Bishop ? Prodigious State-Blasphemie ! Kings have beene when Bishops were not , and shall be yet much more Glorious , when such Bishops shall be no more . Which shall still be my desire for all Kings ; but especially for Ours ; whose Good and Gracious Government , I shall pray , may yet endure long , and long amongst us . It is much rather true , If any such Bishop , no King ; as I shall make good in my subsequent discourse . Otherwise , ( had These beene onely Metaphysicall No●ions , or Mathematicall sp●●●lations ) I should not have beene troubled more with a square Cap on a Bishops Head , than I am with a Circle squared in a Mathematicall braine . It is true , their Grand M●ster the Pope , seemed very officious in setting up the German-Franck Emperour , ( the Image of the old beast , ) But it was not long before he shew'd his Ends. Turne your Eye but a little about , and you shall see an Emperour stand barefoote at his G●ute : Here One kneeles to kisse That foote that spu●●●●th off His Crowne : There one holds the stir●up ; while that Proud Bishop steps up into the saddle . And have not our Bishops the same Designes with their Holy Father ? Even to free themselves from all Power , and ●● bring all things under their owne Power ? What meaneth of his Maxime of Episcopacie , that a Clergie man cannot fall under the Execution of a Civill Magistrate , Except they first degrade him ; which they may refuse to doe as long as they please ? Is not This to Exempt themselves from all Civill Jurisdiction ? What is the sense of This , that for breach of Their ( Church ) Injunctions , they may Excommunicate people , Ministers , Lords , Kings themselves , whom they please ; But shortly This , to reduce all men , ( Even Princes as well as others ) to plenary Obedience to themselves ? And when Once They have passed that sentence on their Soveraigne , at their owne fancie , I doubt not but some of Them would be ready to receive the Crowne from their kneeling Prince , ( as of old ) If any King would againe so farre forget himsel●e , and lay his Glory in the dust to be trampled on by such proud insulting Prelates . Which God forbid . Their Insolent Words and Actions , vented lately against the Crowne , are very sutable to these Principles . Some of themselves , in open Court of Judicature , have dirst to affirme , They were beholding to none , but Christ , for the place they held . Others of Them ( and Their Creatures ) have said They are under no Law of man. Some have preached point blanck , that Their standing did not at all depend on the Crowne . Others have flatly denied the King to be Head and Governour in Ecclesiasticall Causes , over all persons : though they cannot but know that This Title was given mainly to Exclude any other Earthly Head , as it is Interpreted by Order of Parliament . All of them Erect Episcopall Courts , send out Summons , Exercise Jurisdiction , Sentence , Fine , Imprison , doe what they list , in their Owne name . Though All the Bishops put together ( & Vis unita est fortior ) da●e not to do so ; ( for , the High Inquisition had a Commission under the Broad Seale ) and yet Every particular Bishop Exerciseth Jurisdiction under their owne seale , by their owne power , in their owne name ; without any Commission , directly against Statute , by which they all incurre a Praemunire . Indeed they have learnt to faune upon Princes , and would make them beleeve all This is for their Honour , and Advantage ; yet they are but Impostors ; This is but to stroake the Horse ( as the Proverb is ) till they are well up in the Saddle : for , at That they aime , and thither would they come ; which God forbid . I could heartily wish , the Kings of the Earth would be pleased to read Master Broughtons Epistle in his Refining the Roman Fox . Or Ni●hol . de Clemengiis , in his Excellent peece de Corrupto Ecclesiae Statu . Or that Noble Learned Lords incomparable Mysterium Iniquitatis ; presented to Our Late Learned Soveraigne King Iames ; though in some late Prints It hath beene refined by an English-Romish Index Expurgatorius , yet It will still ( with the other ) represent the sleights of this kinde of Episcopacie , in such lively Colours , that I beleeve no Prince would trust them againe . I neede not goe farre to seeke instances that may fully represent how much Our Bishops have in all ages promoted the Weale , Peace , and Honour of This Kingdome and Cowne : For their Treasons against the State and King , want not a Register . I could briefely present you with a true Emblem of Episcopacie ab ovo ad malum ; and yet not goe higher than the Conquerour . Lanfranck would have conquered the Conquerour : and by gentle insinuations have perswaded him to submit his Scepter to the Triple Miter : but , Etiamsi suasit , non persuasit . Art could not prevaile , and therefore Anselm went more rudely to worke ; Though Rufus forbad him , yet with many thankes and much honour from the Pope , he went to Rome for his Pall. After he had oftentimes bearded the King in many matters , he succeeded so well , that he attempts the same against the First Henry : and left not till he had caused the Scepter to bow , and the Crowne to totter . In Stephens time , Two Great Prelates dispute about Precedencie , and at last passing by the King , they call the Pope to be Moderator . B●ckets heights are well knowne , and scarce parallel'd in amy Story : Onely as Henry the second ( that Great Prince ) did suffer sore stripes here ; so did the Duke of Thoulouse in France , for joyning with the Albigenses . That was done by a Pope , This by a Bishop . King Iohn fell ( with his whole Kingdome ) under an Interdict , for some quarrell betwixt himselfe and Two or Three Prelates : nor could he buy or begge his peace but on his knees , resigning his Crowne ●o proud Pandulph . In Edward the seconds time Gaveston was much abetted by Coventry , in this a Traitor to his Countrey . What prankes Winchester plaid with Edward the First , Stratford with Edward the Third , and with the second Richard , Norwich , was touch the ●ore . Henry the fourth was ill handled by Yorke , that waged warre with him : at the same time Arandell vow'd he would not leave a slip of that Religion which then he saw Dawning in England . In Henry the sixts time , Yorke● Quarrell with W●●chester , lost all that England had gaine● from France ▪ at last Yorke sides with Warwick against the King. Edward the fourth had little r●●rse no pardon the new Arch-Bishop . Ely ended better then he beganne , but it was per accidens ; for first he perswaded Buckingham to claime the Crowne , but He refusing ( at least not daring to stirre for himselfe ) sets him on Richmond , the true Heire . But you will say , These were all Papists , and lived in the dark times of Popery . True , and were not Their Soveraignes such also ? were not Kings and Bishops of one Religion then ? Are they more now ? hath a Protestant Prince now more reason to trust a Protestant Prelate , than a Popish King a Popish Bishop ? Let all the world judge Seeing in Those times it was no difference in Religion , But Malignance against Civill Government , that produced Th●se Commotions , in Those Bishops . But since the Pope , and Popish Religion is confessed to be the Cause of all those Treasons and Rebellions , what if I prove Prelacie and Popery to be the same in re , and onely to differ in name ? This we stall Essay anon . In the meane time It is worth considering whether Our Prelates be not more like to s●de with the Pope against a Protestant , then Popish Prince . I will over-looke the darke times of Popery ; Let us beginne with the Reformation , ( which yet could hardly have entrance , for that strong Opposition the Prelates still made ) Alas what Commotions have they still raised in Scotland , ever since the Reformation ? Wee have felt , what Our Parents onely saw . They Eate ( at least suffered ) a soure grape , and Our Teeth were almost all set on edge . But blessed be God that hath delivered That Church and state from Tyrannicall Prelates ; and will ere long deliver us also . They did the same in Denmarke , till One of their Kings did perswade the people to Choose another Church Government : After he had in publke read a Charge for three houres long , containing Their Treasons , and Rebellions even since the Time that the Pope was cast out of that Countrey . When I call to minde their Cariage and miscariage here in England , I must beginne with that of the Poet , Infandum Regina jubes renovare dolorum . Our first Reformation was much opposed by Bishops . Gardiner , Bonner , and some others were no Changelings . Yea we shall finde some Good men were Bad Bishops ; and the Evill were intolerable . Ridley was too fierce in maintenance of Ceremonies . Cranmer and Ridley both were for allowing Masse to the Lady Mary : but That Admirable young Prince , was even in his Infancie , with King David , wiser then his Teachers ; and could weepe , though not yeeld to Their perswasions . What Our Bishops did in Queene Maries dayes ( Bloody Times ! ) we all know ; sure it was an unhappy Proverb that was then learnt , The Bishops foote hath trodden here . What they intended under the Old Queene ; Essayed in King Iames his Reigne ; and had well nigh performed under Our Gracious King Charles , to the Ruine of the Crowne , We now beginne to know : If at least Knowledge may properly be said to be wrought by Sense ; for , If so , our Feeling was enough to Teach us . Yet what wanted in This , may be supplied by the Daily complaints we are forced to heare not onely from England , but Ireland also ; where yet perhaps they have more parts to act then One. But he that sitteth in Heaven laugheth at them , the most High hath them in derision . CHAP. IX . I Have scarce done with that Grand Principle of Episcopall policie , No Bishop , No King. Yet I must now divert you a little from it , or at least lay it aside awhile , till It come in againe at due place : which perhaps may be in This next dispute . I am now come to the most moderate of Episcopall men . For even These affirme that The absolute Best Church Government , under a Monarchy , is Monarchicall . By the Way I must desire it may againe be remembred that hitherto I have contended onely with our Lordly Civill Episcopacie , ( properly called Prelacie ) I have not yet disputed Ecclesiasticall Episcopacie in generall , or the Prelacie of One Minister before another ( though I may touch That also before I conclude : ) so that I am not bound to answer this Objection ; which sure cannot mean that the Best Church Government under Monarchy , is Tyrannicall , ( as indeed such Lordly Prelacie is even in their owne Judgements which are moderate ) but simply Monarchicall , scilicet in Ecclesiasticis : against which I have not yet disputed ; though I know This was One of the maine Foundations on which That Destroyer , That man of sinne beganne first to build . But I am content to follow them Here also . Yet I must first sift out their meaning , lest they deceive mee with words . Doe they meane that All other Church Governments are destructive to Monarchy ? or do they mean , Monarchy is destructive to All other Church Government● , but Monarchicall ? The first sence is even the same with the former Axi●ome we discuss'd , No Bishop , no King ; except perhaps the● grant , that every Monarch is a King , but every King ● not an absolute Monarch . But take Monarchy in what sense you please : why cannot it stand with any kind of Church Government ? doth the supreme Civill power receive any essentiall part of it from Church Monarchy ? Is not Monarchy compleat even there where is no Church ? I am by no meanes of Their judgements who say , None that are without the pale of the Church have right to any Thing here below . A Tenet almost necessary to those that use to excommunicate Princes ad placitum , and then stir● up forraine Enemies , or Subjects themselves , to dispossesse such Princes ; but to other States of very dangerous consequence . I clearly conceive an Heathen Emperour may be as lawfull a Monarch , as any Christian Prince ; And I doubt not , but His Subjects owe as exact obedience to Him , ( if his Civill Title be just ) as we justly pay to our Kings and Governours . To say then that Monarchy cannot stand without Monarchicall Discipline in the Church , is to weaken ( if not to breake ) the nerves and ligaments of supreme power : nay to say that such a government will best suit with Monarchy , is to vaile the lustre and Majesty of monarchy ▪ which like an healthfull stomach , can easily assimulate all things to it selfe ; but is not changed by any . If they would but speake their owne Thoughts , They would turne the Proposition thus , Church-Monarchy cannot stand without Civill . Here the Mystery is unmasked . It is true , This Discipline cannot stand , but where Princes will uphold it . For That which hath no Footing in Scripture , must leane upon Humane Right ; and thus it discovereth its owne weaknesse . Divine Institution is able to bottome it selfe upon it selfe ; but Humane is like the weake Vine or Hop , which without a pole , must creepe , and so rot , upon the earth . Yea some inventions of Men ( specially in matters of Religion ) are like the weake Fruitlesse Ivy , that must be propt up by some El●● , or mighty Oake , and yet most unnaturally destroyeth That prop which holdeth it up . And of This kind is That Humane ( or rather Demonicall ) Episcopacity of which we have treated all this time . Our Bishops foreseeing This , ( for They are wise in their generation , ) thought best to invert the propositions ; and instead of this , that Church Monarchy cannot stand without Civill ; They affirme Civill Monarchy cannot stand without That of the Church . Thus they delude Silly people . But to come a little neerer to their Best meaning , ( Who stand so much for Church Monarchy ) I would gladly be shewed by Reason , what there is in Church government , why it may not derive it selfe into severall Corporations ; where either more or fewer may beare the sway ; still subscribing to those things which are left by Christ to the Civill government , or Monarchicall power . We see hundreds of Corporations are thus mannaged : And what there is in formali ratione of Church government ( essentiall to Church government that will not endure This ; mihi non liquet ; Truly I do not yet know , I cannot yet Imagine . Wee see ever since the reformation of Luther and Calvin , the Churches of Christ have had another discipline than ours ; under Elective and Successive , under Protestant and Catholique Princes , as will appeare clearely in Poland , Denmarke , in Scotland , and the Palatinate , in France , and Germany . I do from my heart agree that Civill Governours are Custodes utriusque Tabulae : but what the Civill Magistrate hath to doe in Church matters , till the Church hath done her utmost , I could yet never learne . The government of Christ is spirituall ; and Hee will have his worke wrought in a sweete way ; by the power of the Spirit , not by force . If I erre in This , I shall upon better reason recant ; In the interim , hoping that the clearnesse of my thoughts shal with the candid Reader receive gentle interpretation , I shall freely declare my opinion in This point . Christ ( as I shall more fully prove hereafter ) hath cleerly unfolded to us the Two main things of Church affaires : 1 The Doctrine . 2 The Discipline of his Church . Who will come in this case to adde or diminish any thing ? I appeale to any Ingenuous Reader , of what Religion soever he be ( yea of what sect in any Religion ) Whether any power ought to force a Church in matter of Doctrine . I conceive , what is True Doctrine the Scripture ●ust judge , and none but the Scripture : but what a C●●●ch will take for True Doctrine , lyes only in That C●u●ch . Will Rome admit us to expound to them this place , Hoc est corpus meum ? shall wee admit Rome's exposition ? Will either of us admit force ? There is certainly but one Truth : but what shall be taken by the Church for Truth , the Church must j●dge . If you descend to Discipline , will not the Case 〈◊〉 be the same ? In Discipline consider three things . 1 Admission of members . 2 Excommunication . 3 Officers to execute these , and other Ordinances . Whether you will Baptize children , and so ●y administring to them the Sacrament of Initiation , admit them members of the Church ? Whether you will admit all for Church members that barely professe , though they be open drunkards , and very ignorant persons ? Whether you will have Pastors , Teachers , and Elders , as your superiours in this worke , or Bishops , Archbishops , Primates , &c. who shall judge but the Church ? So long as the Church , in her Church Tenets , intermedleth not with State matters under the notion of Religion , I suppose the Civill power is not to interpose . It is most true , if the Church will broach ( with the Anabaptists ) that they will have no Governours , nor Government : This is a point not of Divinity , but Policie ; and here the Scepter must set a rule . or with the Adamites ( if there be any such ) allow Communion of wives : This takes away property , The sword must divide this quarrell . or with the Papists , that it is lawfull to kill Kings : that faith is not to be kept with Heritiques : I conceive in all these , ( and cases of the like nature ) the decision lyeth in the Magistrate ; for These tenets overthrow either Civill Government , or civill converse ; The Church must not goe out of her bounds . But if the Question be , how you will expound such a Scripture : what Gesture you will use in such an ordinance : what man is fit to be excommunicated : what deserveth excommunication : what is Idolatry : what is wil-worship : what superstition : what is the punishment of those crimes : who shall judge but the Church ? The Prince hath granted to such a Body by Charter , such priviledges , such offices , who can interpose but the power instituting ? Christ hath given us a platforme of Church government , with the offices , and officers ; who may here intermedle , but Christ himselfe ? It is most true when the Church findeth any refractary , and thereupon doth excommunicate him , he fals into the hands of the Civill Magistrate , if he continue pertinacious , and not before . When Parliaments do consider matters of Religion , they do it to deliver the Church from some who would impose upon her ; who would take the keyes from her , that by the help of these keyes , they may wrest the Scepter out of the hand of Soveraignty , which God forbid . And whilst Parliaments labour thus for the Church , dealing no further in the affaires of the Church , than by Scripture they may , certainly they do well ; but if they once exceed their bounds , the issue will be Confusion insted of Reformation . Church and State government differ as much as the Sexes Yet as there may betweene These be an happy union : ( Both keeping their bounds whilst the Husband hath the supremacie ; ) So may there be between the Church , and State a sweete harmony . The State having Committed to it the custody of the 10. commandments , and yet the Church preserving to her selfe Her rights . If the Church swallow up the State , as it is in Popery , & Episcopacy , the issue will be slavish , grosse superstition , and stockish Idolatry . If the State overtop the Church , there will be ignorance and atheisme : But give to God that which is Gods , and to Caesar that which is i● Caesars : and both Church and State will fare the better . Thus under favour , both by reason and president it is cleere , that any Church policie besides Episcopacie , ( though onely one by right ought ) may stand with Monarchy . CHAP. X. WHen I say , Any Church Government may stand with Monarchy , or other State Policie , I desire to be understood of any Church Government Well regulated : Which as I cannot conceive of our Episcopacie , so I must againe publiquely protest , that I verily believe This kind of Episcopacy is destructive , not onely to Good Monarchy , but all other State Policie whatsoever . I meane not now to runne over , so much as the Head● of my former discourse : Every particle of which is to represent how uncongruous , and incompatible to True policie of State , Our Bishops Place , Calling , and Office , is , as now it stands establisht in this Kingdome . If any man shall yet dissent from mee in this Cause , I shall now onely intreat him to view one place of Scripture , which yet perhaps at first glance may seeme to make but little for my purpose : but it is an old Maxime among Interpreters , Non est haerendum in Cortice . Let us therefore a little examine the Text , and if I be not in the Right , I will gladly learne of any that can better informe me . The Place I meane , is that which of old in the Primitive Church was wont to be more perused , and examined , than I thinke it is now , or hath beene of late : and I cannot much wonder , sith I see all men view the Sea , and well consider it at distance , from the top of a Cliffe or Rocke ; but when they are once fallen into it , they shut their eyes , winke , and care to see as little as ●ay be of it , while they have so much round about them . I must not detaine you too long without , left you think my Porch longer and bigger than my House . It is That of the Apostle to the Thessalonians 2. Epist. 2. Chap. 3. and 4. Verses , specially those words ; Who opposeth and exalteth himselfe above all that is called God , or is worshipped . For the understanding of this place , we must premise This , That it must not be taken as spoken of One single person : but a Compages of many , either existing together , or else succeeding one another ; yet agreeing together in This Great Apostasie , the maine thing here spoken of . And in This I have but few Adversaries : None I ●hinke , but some few of the Romish faction , that maintaine the grand Deceiver , False Prophet , or Apostate ●●or so I ●●ther call him , than Antichrist , though I doubt not al●o but he is most truly Antichrist in Re ) shall come only in the end of the world , and endure but three yeares and an halfe : which yet begins to found but ill among the Romanists themselves . In the next place I affirme , This Man of Sinne ( for so I must stile him ) is not of the Laity , over whom ( even over their Princes and Gods ) he exalteth himselfe ; but of the Clergy , For he sitteth in the Temple of God. Being come so farre ( without any Reall opposition ) I now demand , Who This Man ( Compages or Systeme of Men ) is , or can be ? The Pope , I suppose will be answered by most of our Church : And I yeeld it so ; beleeving Him to be prncipally intended here . But if I can prove that Popery properly taken , is the same in Re , with Our Episcopacy ; or at least that This is but a Piece and Part of That Mystery of Iniquity ; then I hope it will be granted , that such Episcopacy is also here intended : & per consequens , that such Episcopacy is altogether against True Policie of State : because it opposeth and exalteth it selfe above All that is called God , &c. This therefore is now my Taske , to prove that Our Episcopacy , is the same Really with Popery taken Properly . Let us first then see what Popery properly may signifie : for , for ought I yet see , the World is scarce agreed in this particular . I cannot conceive that All Errours or Heresi●s held by some ( nay All ) Papists , may in proper speaking be called Popery . Most ( I hope All ) of the Papists agr●e with us in many Truths , and All is not Heresie in which they Differ : and yet All Heresie in Them , not proper Popery . No , not every Error or Heresie in the Pope himselfe can proprie loquendo be said to be Popery . There are many Things the Papists hold in common with many , if I 〈◊〉 not say , All Heretickes : yet none ever properly called All Heretickes by the compendious Name of Papists . Many points are not yet so fully determined among themselves , but that some of them affirme , and others deny of the same subject . All of them will not agree about Originall sinne , Free will , Merit . &c. In this last ( which yet is one of the most fundamentall points of controversie now betweene us ) I see many of them comming so neere the Truth , that one must have a quick sharpe eye to see where they come short , for many of them yeeld Our workes do not properly merit as Ours , but as Tincta sanguine Christi ; yea and some are not rigid in pressing the phrase Merit , in its proper sense : so that perhaps Their most refined opinion in This , may be the more dangerous in the Consequence , than substance or forme of it . Nay , before the Councell of Trent ( before which yet Popery had beene long in the world ) most of their Tenets were so much indetermined , that scarce any of them knew what he was to hold and beleeve yet he was a Papist then , and is so still , and yet to this Day I thinke there is scarce one Doctrinall point in which they all agree . Wee must then consider what that is which Denominates a Papist , and may properly be called Popery . It must sure be somewhat Essentiall ( as I may speake ) to that Church , so that without This It could not be called a Popish Church . That is doubtlessie such and such Dependance on the Pope : This is in the Popes subjects truly Popery ; and this Dependance on Him , ●s perhaps expressed by receiving his Name or Character in the Apocalyps . In the Pope himselfe , it is not This or That errour , This or That Heresie , but such an Independance , such a Lordship , such a Prelaticall Tyranny , over civill and Church estates , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Popery . And this is it that is so emphatically expressed here in This place to the Thessalonians , He opposeth and exalteth himselfe above all that is called God , &c. And the exercise of This Popish Tyranny is lively limn'd out in Apoc. 13. vers . 16 , & 17. And he caused all , both small and great , rich and poore , free and bond to receive a marke in their right hand , or in their foreheads . And that no man might buy or sell , save he that had the marke , or the name of the beast , or the number of his name . This Tyrannicall Prelaticall Power and Dominion , which the Pope ufurpeth and excerciseth ( contrary to Gods Word ) over Clergy and Laity , Princes and Subjects , in their estates and consciences , is in Him , ( as in His Clients , yeelding and submitting to this Popish Prelacy ) True Proper Popery . And This is the Giving , Imprinting , or forcing of a Name , Character or Number , on the Popes part , as Receiving This on the part of Papists : though I have not now time , at least not opportunity , to discusse how much the Popes Name , Character and Number may differ . I doubt not but all are parts of That Prelaticall , usurped Power which is truly Popish ; and received by Papists , as Servants , and Souldiers of old received their Lord's and Commanders Tessera , or Character in their hands and foreheads . But God also hath impressed his Motto on them all , let them read it and tremble ; Apocal. 14.9 , 10. And the third Angel followed them , saying with a loud voyce , If any man worship the Beast and his image , and receive his marke in his forehead , or in his hand , the same shall drinke of the wine of the w●ath of God , which is powred out without mixture into the cup of his indignation , and he shall be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence of the holy Angels , and in the presence of the Lambe . God hath beene pleased to parcell out Church and Commonwealth as severall and distinct Governments : yet so that Princes should be Custodes utriusque Tabulae , as was said before . God hath beene pleased to make , appoint , and leave the Ministers of the Gospel Brethren , and hath permitted none of them a Lordly Prelacy above another . But now the Pope comes , with a wide mouth , and swallowes downe at once , all Civill and Ecclesiasticall power ; Challengeth to himselfe , not onely the Keyes , but the Sword ; not onely Papall Dominion in Ecclesiasticis , but Regall also in Civilibus . This Usurpation of His , is properly Popery ; & this robbeth Christ of his Regall Office. As every sinne breakes all the Commands , ( the whole Law ) yet some sinnes do more properly intrench on some particular command : so also is it in all Hereses and errors . All someway oppose the whole Law of Christ , and all the three Offices of Christ : yet some more properly One of these Offices , some another . As the Doctrine of Merit de Condigno , & Congruo , encroacheth on Christs Priestly Office ; the Al●horan mainly against his Propheticall . But Popery most properly strikes at his Kingly Office and Authority . For it is Christs Kingly Office to bind Kings in Chaines , and Princes in Fetters of Iron , if they resist him . And He that usurps this Power and Priviledge , labours to unthrone Christ , to s●t above him , and so properly opposeth and exalteth himselfe above all that is called God , or is worshipped . This is the Pope ; and this is Popery . Yea I may adde , This is truly and most properly Antichrist ; though indeed perhaps not That Antichrist of whom S. Iohn speakes in his first Epistle Chap. 2.22 . and 4.3 . who , it may be , was Ebion , or Cerimbus , or some other : though perhaps also Saint Iohn might speake that of some Lordly Prelacy , which began ( though but to dawne , if I may so speake of that darke mystery beginning to shew it selfe ) even in Saint Iohns daies : for in some respect wee will not stand to yeeld a Bishops Pedegree might perhaps extend so high : for even then Antichrist was conceiv'd . However , I doubt not to affirme the Pope is now most Really , Truly , and properly , The Grand Antichrist . For such is Hee most properly , that encroacheth on Christs Regall Office. This being It which now ( of all the three ) is most proper to him in his Glory : and This he hath received as a most glorious Reward ( if I may so speake ) for all his sufferings in his humane Nature : and This I think the Scripture Language ( Esay 53.12 . Psal. 110.7 . Phil. 2. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. 1 Cor. 15.27 . ) His Priestly worke was for the most part accomplisht in his Death ; His Propheticall Office , as it were resigned over to his Holy Spirit ; But his Kingly Office is his owne propriety , ( till the end come ) and so He that opposeth This , is most truly Antichrist . This is the Pope , and this is Popery . Now on the other part if any man please to survay Episcopacy with an unpartiall eye , he shal find this kind of Episcopacy , & Popery to be all one in Re , for they have the same Rise , the same Media of their progresse , and the same End. The rise of Popery , was by overthrowing Christs ordinances , and setting up of his owne . That this may appeare the more distinctly , give me leave to shew you the Bishops boldnesse in the particulars of it . Christs ordinances in the New Testament are either concerning Doctrine , or Discipline . I confesse the Pope hath made great assaults upon the doctrinall part ; but what he hath done in that kind , he hath done many times by gathering up the negorgements of others , and so they are not his owne : or as an Heretique , but not as Pope , for the reasons which I have even now mentioned . But he hath plaid his part mainly in point of Discipline : This most properly belonging to Christs Royall Office , as Doctrine to his Propheticall . In the Discipline there are two things considerable , 1 That which concerneth the Officer . 2 That which concerneth the Nature of his office . In the case of the Officer , you have his Accesse to his Office , and his Execution of the Office. In the first Election and Ordination are considerable . By Gods rule his Election is to be by the people ; his Ordination from the people by the hand of the Presbytery . By the rule of Popery a Minister is Ordained by the Pope , and his substitute , and is elected by the same power and in the same way . And as their Schoole darkens ( with a mist of their termes ) what they cannot cleere : So do These ; to cloud their swarving from Christs rule , They raise up new termes , and instead of Election , have Presentation , Institution , & Induction . The first is done by the Patr●n , the second by the Bishop ; a way which Christ never knew . It is so well knowne to all men that Episcopacy traces these very paths of Popes , that I shall not need to say more for this part of their Identity . In the execution of his O●●ce there are Acts of 2. sorts : some wherein he hath a Ioynt power with other ; some wherein he is a sole Agent : he is sole in Church preaching and in administration of the Sacraments : he is coadjutor to others in Admission of members , in Excommunication . Under the Papacy the Minister or Priest hath the power of Preaching , and Administration according to Gods Law ( and this onely with relation to the Bishop who in his Church superintends : ) But in the other hee hath no power at all ; it is wholly given up to the Pope , and by him committed to the Bishop . And thus the Pope may truly ( while he is Dominus Dominorum ) stile himselfe servum servorum : for hee impropriates all offices to himselfe ; and in liew of coadjutors given by God to the Minister , the Bishop hath Officers appointed him by the Pope . The Coadjutors of the Ministers by the Word , in some cases were the People , in some cases the Elders and Deacons , and sometimes people , Elders and Deacons : but the Pope in lieu of these hath instituted another generation of helpers ; and lest that true name should reduce true Officers , he hath given them yet another title , as Apparitor , Surrogate , Chancellour , Officiall , Commissaries , Deanes , Church-wardens , Overseers of the poore . In all which Episcopacie and Popery have so twin-like a frame , that seeing one , you see both ; Nec Sofia Sofiae similior , nec simiae simia . And so I leave that point , which concernes the Officer . In the Nature of his office it is considerable , 1 What the worke of his Office is : Secondly , from what power : and thirdly , in what manner he doth it . For the first , the subject matter of his office is Administration of the Sacraments , Preaching , Admission of members , Excommunication . In reckoning these , the Pope conformeth to Gods Word , and so doth Episcopacy ; for if we will erre , we must sometimes goe right , and then we may transgresse with lesse suspicion . But Consider from what power the Minister of the Gospell Acts. He ought not to borrow his Commission from any but from Christ , from Scripture ; and he ought to keepe close to That : now the Papacie is wholly steared by Traditions , Decretals , Councels , Canons , Colledge of Cardinals , and the Pope in the Chaire , where he cannot erre in matters of Faith. The Pandects of the Civill Law are too too boystrous , and of too great extent for any Civilian to comprehend ; and yet that body of their learning is boyled up to such a degree , that it runnes over , and no memory is able to attaine it , more than to compasse perfection in the learning of the Chin●es , where the A. B. C. amounts to 10000 letters . Constitutions crosse one another , and almost all fight against the Gospell of Christ. Doth not Episcopacie ( Si magna licet componcre parvis ) according to its modicum , do the same ? I confesse , with them the Scripture is the rule : but who must expound this Scripture ? Synods , Councells , Convocations , Bishops , Archbishops . Some of these sometimes , sometimes All of them : And though by their owne confession , These bind not mens Consciences , yet They bind them to obedience : which obedience they doe precisely Challenge , and when they faile thereof , they doe without the least scruple of conscience , proceede to excommunication , fine , imprisonment , deprivation , and what not ? In the meane time it is held a sinne for a Lay man at all to thinke of these studies . The Priests lips ( they say ) must preserve knowledge : It is a sad case ( say they ) when men with unhallowed hands will touch the Arke , and with unsanctified eyes , pry into these mysteries . and so These men , making the Scripture a Rule in appearance , do in truth Monopolize all to themselves : This is just and flat Popery . In the last place , The Manner which God hath prescribed , is that every thing be done in decencie and in order : with what singlenesse and plainnesse may be : without any addition of mens inventions . The Pope carrieth on his Jurisdiction with pompe and much outward glory ; They have cōmissions , Injunctions , Charters , Seales , Secretaries , Clarkes , and 1000 other inventions , to grind the face of the poore . Episcopacie hath its Courts , Summons , Clarkes , Seales , with other Ceremonies of the like nature . Christs rule is that Ministers of equall ranke , shall all have equall power . Apostles indeed were above Evangelists , and Evangelists above Pastors ; and Teachers : but one Apostle was not above another , nor one Pastor did not superintend another . The Pope hath Priest , Bishop , Archbishop , Primate , Patriarch , Cardinall , Pope ▪ and Episcopacie hath Ministers ( now called Priests ) Deacons , Bishops , Archbishops , Primates , &c. The Scripture commandeth Preaching in season and out of season , but with the Pope , and our Bishops , All preaching is now out of Season , I am sure out of fashion in themselves ; and cryed downe in others : for with them Ignorance is the mother of Devotion . The Scripture alloweth but two Sacraments ; the Pope addeth five ; and our Bishops are ambiguous : Two onely ( they say ) are generally Necessary to salvation ; which may clearly intimate , that there are More than Two ; though perhaps not absolutely Necessary to Salvation , or though necesary , yet not Generally necessary , to all men , in all times , states and conditions whatsoever . and so much the Papists yeeld of Their five Sacraments , nay of fixe of their seven : For , onely Baptisme ( they say ) is absolutely and generally necessary to salvation ; the Eucharist even with them , is not Necessary to Infants , much lesse Matrimony , Orders , Confirmation , Penance , V●ction . In what do our Bishops then differ from Papists in This ? How do they differ in Baptisme ? Both Pope and Bishops hold it necessary , absolutely necessary to salvation . Yea the most Moderate of Both , maintaine a generall Baptismall Grace , Equally confer'd to all partakers of that Sacrament . Indeed Our Bishops doe not openly use Salt and Spittle , but yet they retaine the Crosse , ( perhaps much worse ) and beginne to Claime spirituall alliances as the Papists doe . In the Lords Supper , the Pope makes ( rather than findes ) an Hostia , an Altar , a Priest ; and This Priest must offer for the sinnes of the Quick and Dead . Our Bishops must have Priests , Altars , a Sacrifice , Corporals , and what not that Papists have ? to say nothing of their Times and Gestures , which sure the Scripture never so determined , much lesse excluded any that could not yeeld to such and such circumstances , which none ever thought could be more than Indifferent . In all Ordinances the Scripture now speakes of no other Holinesse , then That which is Spirituall , Rationall , the Holinesse of the whole man. The Pope hath found out new Holinesse , which he puts on Places , Times , Vestments , Bels , Tapers , Water , Wafers , Copes , Basons , Pots , and Cups , with other Vtensles . And doe not our Bishops so also ? What meanes such rigid pressing of Holy dayes ? Bare heads in Churches ? Holy Surplices ? What meane they else by their Holy Chalices ? Holy Knives ? Holy Patents ? Holy Vtensles ? all which may be so sanctified by a devout Priest , t●at they may become profitable to the Soules of those that use them . How then doe our Bishops differ from Papists in administring Sacraments , Manner of all Ordinances ? And is there any Greater Difference in Admission of Members , and Excommunication ? This last being the last and Greatest Censure of the Church , by both Bishops and Pope is made not onely most Common ( as the humour moves them ) but also most Ridiculous ; being the usuall appendix of one groat short in our Reckonings with our Lord Bishops Register , Proctor , or Apparitor . I would not be mistaken here ; I bring not in These Things of Doctrine , or Discipline , as if by agreeing in One or Many of These , I might convince Bishops and Papists ( or the Pope ) were all one . The maine thing I drive at in all this , is the Originall fountaine from whence All These spring , and all the bankes that keepe in These Rivulets ; That vertue and power which moves and actuates all these in their proper Channels : And This is Papall . For , what ever the Pope doth of his owne head , by his owne Power , Dictating to his Vassals , as Head of the Church , This is truly Papall , and such is the Power by which They usurpe so much over mens persons , and consciences , in injoyning and pressing such or such Doctrine or Discipline . So that a Bishops wearing a Surplice , Cope , Miter ; using the Crosse , Bowing to the Altar , and many such Things ( though they may be Errors , yet All These , or One of these ) makes him not a Pope , a Popeling , or properly Antichristian : But Receiving These from the Popes Dictates , doing them because he commands , acknowledging his power in commanding ; This makes a Papist : and Commanding them , Pressing them on Others , in such Despoticall power , makes a true Pope , a Reall Antichrist . Nor may Our Bishops Evade by This ( which I easily see will be answered ) that though indeed they doe these things , and command these Things ; yet they neither doe them from the Popes Command , nor Command them in the Popes Power . Though I should grant This , which yet many wise men will not grant , ( for , Our Bishops first Power came from the Pope , and of late also We have found letters , advice , commands , Dictates from the Pope , to some of our Bishops ; and that in Matters of greatest Consequence , both for Church and State ; But grant all They say , yet they may be Antichristian , and so such in Re , as the Pope is ; though not literally Romanists , Except they doe , or command , in the Power of Rome . This I shall be bold to affirme , and maintaine , till I see better Reason , that He ( whoever he be ) that Commands the least title of Doctrine or discipline , meerely Ex imperio Voluntatis , in his owne Power , and Authority ; without Licence or Warrant from Scripture , or Right Reason , ( where the Scripture hath beene silent ) though the Thing he so commands should happen to be good in it selfe : Yet He in his so Commanding , is not onely Tyrannicall , but Antichristian , properly Antichristian ; Encroaching on the Royall Office of Christ , which is truly High Treason against God ; and most properly Antichristianisme . I care not whether we call him a Pope , Papist , Romanist , or any other name ; I call him Antichrist : and if you will call Antichrist by the name of Pope , I call such an Imperious Commander among us , ( though he have no shadow of Dependance on Rome , or Romish Pope ) an English Pope ; I meane an English Antichrist . I neede not spend much time in shewing by what meanes Either the Pope or Our Bishops beganne , and continued to be so Antichristian : Du Plessis and Others , have sav'd me This labour . In a word , they have beene These . With One hand they have laid Pillowes under Princes , and all Governours ( appointed by God ) that so they might fall softly , while they thrust them downe with the Other ( the stronger ) Hand , Arme and all . When These have beene so surely , though gently , laid downe asleepe ; They have beene bold to tread on them , ( yet with Plush Slippers , lest they should chance to wake , stirre , and get up againe ) and by Them , as so many staires or steps , mount up themselves into this Height of Tyranny . Thus have they still opposed , and advanced themselves , against and above All that is called God , or is worshipped . And If with your owne thoughts you will please to goe on in the Chapter , you will finde some other Media ( as Lying Wonders , and others ) by which they have ascended . I shall not neede to parallel Popish and Episcopall Media to Their Height . All the world sees them now , For , they were not done in a Corner . What meanes their Crying up an unjust and illimited power in Princes ? Is not This their bleating out of an illegall unwarranted Prerogative ( with which all Our pulpits have rung of late ) intended to tickle Princes till they be luld asleepe ? or to sow pillowes under them , till . They themselves can thrust them downe ; not onely from that Tyranny which Bishops would perswade them to usurp ; but also from their wholsome and lawfull prerogative . What meaneth their Buzzing in Princes Eares , That Kings cannot stand without such Bishops ? that if they should be put downe , the Church and State too , must needs be Ruined ? to This purpose they cry Blood , Blood ; They can never fall without Blood : so some of them have vaunted . But Let them remember what Christ said to One ( to whom they so much pretend ) He that smiteth with the sword , shall perish by the sword . They know also whose Coat was sent home to their Holy Father , with this Inscription ( written with his owne blood ) Iudge Holy Father whether This be Thy Sonnes Coat or not . I have not forgotten how they have dealt with the People , Ministry , Gentry , Nobility , All sorts of men : For they have many staires to step up by , to such an Height ; but Princes are their highest steps , their first Aime . That which they have most sounded in the Peoples Eares , is the Church , the Church , the Temple of the Lord , the Temple of the Lord ! by This , as by a stalking horse , they have come much neerer then else they could . But now their Vizard beginnes to fall off ; and Men beginne to see the true power of the True Church ; and the Tyranny of that Antichristian Mock-Church ; which under the Maske of Indifference , hath brought in most abominable Superstitions , and most intolerable slavery on the Persons , Liberties , Bodies , and Soules of Men. For they have pressed Consciences , even unto Gasping : yea , and would not be satisfied , though they daily heard the sighes and groanes of those bleeding hearts , which themselves had stabd with the poysoned sword of Church-Indifference . Indeed they have used Both hands , and have stricken with Both. What the Keyes could not break , the Sword hath cut . And it had been much more tolerable , If This Sword had pierced no farther then the Eares of Men : with which they have yet beene much more busie then He was , whom they bragge to have beene their first Predecessor . Yet methinkes it was a sad Omen that this Sword should cut off the Eare of Malchus , which signifies ( they say ) a King , or Kingly Authority . At This they strike indeed , through the Eares , and Hearts of so many Loyall Subjects . We neede not seeke their End , in all This. It cannot be doubted , but by all These Meanes , they aime at One End , ( which is also the Popes ) to pull downe all Other Power , and set up their owne . Thus , Thus they Oppose , and Exalt themselves above All that is called God , or is Worshipped ; as is more fully represented in another place of this Discourse . Now let any man Living speake : Are These Bishops , These Usurping Prelates to be suffered in a Church , or State , where there is any respect to Right Church Government , or True State Policie ? since it is Evident They are truly Papall , most properly Antichristian ; and as Antichrist must Oppose and Exalt themselves above all that is Worshipped , or Called God : Which is most True Popery , ( as hath beene demonstrated ) And as Popery , Destructive to all Church and State Policie . Doubtlesse some such Apprehensions as This , wrought in their Breasts , who being offered , have refused Bishop-ricks ; and being possessed , could not rest till they had Disinvested themselves againe . Histories are full of forraine and Domesticke Examples of This sublect . Such was Niceph. B●emnides chosen Patriarch of Constantinople . Weringbaldius chosen Bishop of Triers . Theophilus Bishop of Adiana . Aminonius cut off his Eare , ( being Bishop ) that so he might be uncapable of That Function . Eugenius ( the Philosopher ) left his Ministery rather than he would bee a Bishop . Bassiances an Elected Bishop , was by Memnon whipped before the Altar ( three houres together ) because he would not be made a Bishop . Adrian ( with us ) refused the Archbishopricke of Canterbury , being pressed thereunto . Two or Three Popes might come into this Catalogue ; Clement the first was One : E● quis fuit Alter ? Shall I name Marcellus ? He neither refused , nor resigned the Papacie ; yet solemnly professed be saw not how Those that possessed such high places could bee saved . O but had These piously considered what Good they might have done in such high places , or duly remembred their Owne , or their friends , advancement , they could never have dome This : But Ignoti nulla cupid● . For answer to This Objection , I shall give you some instances of Those that have resigned up their Bishop-ricks after they had held them long enough for a full Tryall . Yea perhaps there be more of This kinde than of the other , though the Proverb be , Aegrius Ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes . Of These were Vlbranius Bishop of S●etune , Arnulphus Bishop of Ment● , Add● Bishop of Lions , Vi●erbus Bishop of ●atisbone , Henger Bishop of M●●●s , Michael Bishop of Ephesies , with many more . Amongst our Owne was Edmund Boniface , and Robert Kalwarby , ( Both Arch-Bishops of Canterbury ) Will. Beavose and William De Sancta Maria ( Bishops of London . ) One of Lincoln , and Two of Coventry . I may adde Miles Coverdale , who being deprived in Queene Maries dayes would not be reiny●sted in Queene Elizabeths , but taught a Schoole . There is One Pope Cornelius : And Gregory the Great , must not be forgotten ; who said , He that affects the Primacie of the whole Church , must be Antichrist , or His Predecessor . If some few Walloons , or men of Geneva , should declaime against Episcopacie , They would prevaile but little , because it would be said of Them , perhaps ( as of That great disturber of the Church of old ) Insaniunt , quia non sunt Episcopi : But now Ex Ore Tuo judicaberis , Bishops contend with Bishops : not with Words , but Deeds . I beseech you consider that Flesh and Blood is not wont to refuse , or part with such great Advantages : Sure we may conclude there is somewhat that stings within , Latet Anguis in Herba . These Good men , doubtlesse , found a Sting , and they would not kick against Pricks . When Saint Paul ( a Great Philosopher ) bids us beware lest we be entangled with Philosophy : When Solomon ( who had tasted all the dainty Cates Nature could provide or dresse ) cries out , All is Vanity , All is Vanity : When Bishops themselves ( who have fully enjoyed all the sweetnesse a Bishops Honour can afford ) shall pause and cry , It is Enough , It is Enough , Non iterum bibam veneunm , ( as once Dioclesian , of his Empire ) Sure there must bee something worth reflecting on ; a faire warning for our Present or Future Bishops . O you Judges of the Earth , why will you not bee wise ? O you Senators ( for such our Bishops are ) why will you not learne Wisdome ? God forbid that of You should be said ( what the Spirit speaketh of some ) Why should they be smitten , They rebell more and more ? Why should they be reproved , They will still doe follishly ? Yet but for a little while ; For I am Confident yet within few Yeares , if not Months , if not Dayes , the God of Peace and Truth will deliver his Church of This heavie yoke , from which ( with the Letany Give me leave to conclude ) Good Lord deliver us . SECTION II. CHAP. I. HAving cleerly proved how uncompatible Our Episcopacy is to Civill Government in State Policy ; let us now consider whether It may shelter it selfe under the Mysterious Covert of Antiquity . I could heartily wish , that in matters which receive their being from Scripture , so immediately as Church Discipline doth , wee might make the Scripture ( which is a sufficient rule ) our sole guide , our sole moderator . But as Heretickes in the day of Judgement shall cry to the mountaines to cover them ; so Heresies now also , fly to the craggy rocks of remotest times : and in such darke corners hope to shelter themselves . Thither also wee will follow them , quo fata trahunt , we will advance . Not doubting but to unkennell those little Foxes : hoping even with Goliah's sword to lay Goliah in the dust , and bring the five uncircumcised Princes of the Caenaanites , to their just censure , before the King or Captaines of the Israelites . There is a most Reverend man , famous for learning , ( especially for that learning which is not open to every eye ) hath taken upon him the defence of This Cause : I shall therefore in few words present to Him my thoughts upon those His determinations ; Concluding with Philip of Macedon , that if I can but win the chiefe City , the whole Countrey is gained : Then I shall see whether Those things which are pressed by others , be not altogether ineffectuall to determine the point which they dispute . And so I shall leave the decision of This , to the judgement and opinion of the learned . Before I consider that Treatise in the parts of it , give me leave to say that which is most true , and I hope will satisfie all men ; If every word of that his booke were true , yet it is little to the point : For the Question is not , Whether there have been Bishops ever since Christs time ; but , Wh●ther these have had power over their brethren : or , Whether one Bishop hath had Jurisdiction over another . And this Question is double : First , Whether they have had any superintendence one above another . Secondly , Whether this hath beene mixt with that Lordlinesse which now is used ; forcing obedience by the edge of the Sword , where the Keyes can give no entrance : And of this , in the whole booke there is not the least hint , ne gry quidem . Though this also were not enough for our Question ; which is not only of their Lordly power in Ecclesiasticis , but also in Civilibus . In the first Querie , we shall quickly joyne issue ; agreeing with our Antagonists , that there have beene Bishops ( viz. Ministers of the Gospel ) who have had a Scripture power in matter of Government , over particular flocks ; but the other wee doe absolutely and confidently deny . First , He endeavoureth to prove the succession of seaven and twenty Bishops , in the seat of Timothy : and this hee essayeth by one single ( not to say simple ) witnesse , a certaine man named Leontius ; whose writings have not delivered him famous to us for learning , nor his exemplary holinesse ( mentioned by others ) famous for pi●ty . Truly , a man of greater authority than he , ( as Papias , Ignatius , Polycarpus , who , almost all , knew the Apostles ) shall not bee of credit sufficient to sway my faith in this point : Not but that they were most worthy men ; but because all Antiquity hath passed the refining pot of the Index expurgatorius , I shall consider well before I subscribe . And shall I then give credit to an unknowne Author , in those things that were acted almost five hundred yeares before his birth ? Let the world judge whether it bee equall . Neither is this Author quoted , from witnesse of his owne ; but out of a Councell . Now , how Councells have beene abused , those who have ever had place or note in great Assemblies , can too well tell : where there is almost no Order drawn up , but after a serious review , reducing the mistakes of the Clerks , to the sense of those who did frame the Order , which might else come forth most disorderly . By what I have already said , That other testimony brought from a fatherlesse Treatise of Timothy's Martyrdome , cited only by Photius , ( a learned man , who lived seven or eight centuries after Christ ) will be of no weight : for Photius doth but say he read it . Hear-say in matter of judicature is no good testimony : and reports in matter of opinion , at the second hand , are good to amuse those who defie venerable Antiquity ; but will never edifie those who desire to bottome their resolutions upon sound Reason . The testimonies of Faelix , Iohn of Antioch , and Theodore , are not of age sufficient to bee registred among the Ancients , or to be valued , because they are old . I confesse , I set a greater value upon Ignatius , and Irenaeus , who affirm , Polycarpus was made Bishop of Smyrna , by St. Iohn ; but this must not be of undeniable authority . For of Ignatius I shall affirme this , that All those who are any whit learned in Antiquity , know that five of his Epistles are spurious ; and how unmingled those are which wee allow to be his , wee doe not know , who look upon Antiquity at such a distance . But allow it to bee true , that Onesimus was Bishop of Ephesus , Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna , &c. This may be true , but evinceth in no measure the Question in dispute : Which is not of a Bishop in generall , but such a Bishop . The Authority of Tertullian also , is of the same credit : Hee tels us that Polycarpus was placed by St. Iohn at Smyrna ; and at Rome Clement by St. Peter . This no body will dispute ; ( though I am not bound to beleeve it . ) But where is the stresse of this Argument ? In the last place , that of Clement Alexandrinus , is as much questioned as all the rest . But allow it to bee true , that Iohn did appoint Bishops , they have gained nothing ; for I shall allow that Christ also hath instituted Bishops , and that Bishops are Iure divino ; yea , I will allow that they are to feed Christs flock , to rule Christs inheritance , in Christs sense ; but I shall never allow of these Bishops , which are now the subject of our dispute . There are Three sorts of Bishops , as Beza saith : There are of Gods Institution , and they are those who have a power over their proper flock , with the rest of the Church , and no other . There are also of Mans Institution ; and this ever overfloweth into the Neighbour parish . And lastly , there is a Demonicall Bishop ; and this is hee who challengeth the Sword , as well as the Keyes . This last may well be stiled Demonicall ; for sure God never erected This order ; nor Man in his right senses : Where it will then fixe , is cleere enough . Even on him , Whose darke Mysteries , most of these men have been very well acquainted with . The long Robe and the Sword doe not well agree . To see a Lawyer tyed to his Sword till hee put off his Gowne , is not so comely ; but to see a paire of Lawne sleeves to stifle a Scepter , if it were but on a stage , I would cry out , Spectatum admissi risum teneatis ? SECT . II. CHAP. II. THus having run through that little Treatise , ( yet with some wonder , that a person of his profession , piety , and known learning , should doe That , which might in any sense , seeme to impose on those whom hee loveth . ) I proceed to some other things , which I finde produced from Antiquity , by the greatest Patrons of that kinde of Episcopacy which wee now oppose . Yet by the way , I must note here also , That either none seeme to state the Question ( between us ) right ; or else , all seem to dissert it . Our Question ( as I have often said ) is not of the name of Bishop , or his power in Ecclesiasticalls only ; but also , and mainly , of his Civill power , and Temporalls . Which all the Patrons of Episcopacy seeme to shun , as a dangerous Rock ; and hovering aloofe off , goe about to prove by Antiquity , that Bishops had this Name , and some power even in the Primitive Church ; which ( though I thinke none can force me to beleeve , yet ) I dispute not : But demand , Whether any Bishops had such power in Ecclesiasticis , & Civilibus , as ours now have in England . Yet ; because they insist so much on Antiquity , for Ecclesiasticall Episcopacy , I will be content to follow them there also ; beleeving wee shall finde no one foot-step ( in true Antiquity ) of such a Bishop as wee now have established in England , though wee should strip him of all Civill power , and consider him only in Ecclesiasticis . Shall I begin with his Election ? which indeed is somewhat higher than they use ( perhaps dare ) to begin . I can produce many Antiquities to prove the Election of all Church Officers , was in the People ; yea , and that for divers ages after the Apostles ; who indeed at first appointed These themselves : and good reason why , when there were no People to choose their Officers , till converted by the Apostles ; who afterward left This Power to the Whole Church , rightly constituted . And This continued in the Church for divers ages : as appeares by Constantines Epistle to the Church of Nice ; Athanasius also ad Orth●doxos ; and St. Cyprians sixth Epistle : with many instances m●re , which might bee , and daily are produced . It is true , that after the Apostles , and purer times of the Church were gone , the Clergy began to lord it over the people , and to bereave them of their due priviledge ; yea oft times agreed among themselves to choose One Superintendant ( as we may call him ) whom they called Father , and Bishop ; and in This perhaps they did not amisse , if This Bishops power rested only on the Clergy , and never reached to the people ; who else sure by all reason should have had a vote in choosing any Officer , much more such a great Commander . But let all the Patrons of Episcopacy produce mee one found Antiquity for such Election as is now in use with us . Let them from undoubted Antiquity for three hundred yeares after Christ , ( nay much more , for I easily see their evasion ) let them , I say , shew me but one instance of our Conge d' eslire : It is the Thing I speak of , not the Word . Let them shew me ( except in the dark times of Popery ) power given to ten or twelve Men ( except all the Clergy explicitely consented ) to choose such a Bishop . And yet This is not halfe that which lies in our Elections ; whcih indeed are not at all made by so much , as the Chapiter of any Cathedrall , but received only by Those who dare not refuse it : but of this I spake before in the first Section . I am content to passe their Election , ( which I perceive none of them care much to examine ; ) and come to the Execution of their Office. In which I might instance in two or three maine points ; as sole Ordination , sole Jurisdiction , Delegation , &c. I meet with none that take upon them to defend this last ; which as a Great States-man observed many yeares since , was a Thing at first view , most monstrous , and unreasonable . For , will any man living think it reasonable my Lord Keeper should , ad placitum , delegate whom hee will to keep the Seale , and judge in Chancery , without consent of his Majesty and the State , that entrusteth him with this Great Office ? Yet These Men hold it fit to entrust a Vicar-Generall , Chancellors , Officials , Surrogates , ( and yet under Officers ; ) to keep the Seale , yea we●d the Scepter of Christ , and all the Church , which yet they say is entrusted with them . But with whom have they left the sheep in the Wildernes ? Were there nothing else but This , I cannot but hold our Episcopacy an intolerable Tyranny ; s●eing a Bishops Dog , ( I am not much amisse ) lording it over the People , Ministers , Gentry , Nobility , All : while his Master is perhaps Revelling , Dicing , or doing Worse ; for , worse they doe . Nor is this any way to be helped , ' while to one Lord Bishop is granted so vast a Territory . Which yet he commandeth as absolutely under that most significant term of Diocesan , Primate , or Metropolitan , as any Temporall Prince can doe , by the name of Earl , Duke , King , Emperor , or any other . I oft remember the dry Oxe-hide , that was brought to represent Alexanders great Dominions : But I see them so farre from standing on the middle , ( to keep down all ) that indeed they oft touch is not at all ; but are acting the Lord Temporall ( I might say more ) remote enough from their own Diocesse . Which yet of it selfe is oft so large , that no one man living could sufficiently Visit and Over-see it ; except he could get the Pope to Transubstantiate him also , and so get a Vbiquitarian Body . To supply which , hee is oft forc'd to puffe up his wide sleeves , and look very big : And yet much , yea most of all his Office , must bee done by Delegates ; who are oft , yea usually , the lowest dregs of basest men . In good earnest , I would thank any man , that can shew me one good Antiquity to countenance such Delegation of an entrusted Office , to Deputies , specially to such Deputies , as themselves doe not , cannot trust . Doth any man dare , or can any man think it fit , to Delegate the Tuition or Education of a tender Prince , committed to his Charge or Care , by his Royall Father ? I beseech you ; Is not the flock of Christ stiled by the Spirit of Christ , An Holy Priesthood , a Royall People ? Shall it then bee fit , or lawfull ; For any man to transmit this Trust to any whomsoever ? especially to such a crue of faithlesse Hirelings ? God forbid . SECT . II. CHAP. III. I shall passe their Sole Iurisdiction also , being the Common Theame of all that write of this Question ; specially when I finde some of themselves disclaime that Epithet of Sole : and if they can bee content to leave This out , I have lesse to speak against them . Wee come to Ordination ; or to speak as they use ; ( though some of them love not to heare of it ) Sole-Ordination . This is the main & Master-piece of all Episcopacy . All things else in the Church , they yeeld equally committed to Presbyters ; onely Imposition of Hands , they say , is solely retayned to the Bishop ; so Downham , Bilson , and of late One of their owne , that offers to yeeld the Cause , for one example of Lawfull Ordination by Presbyters without a Bishop . One Example ? what dare he say , France , Belgium , no parts of Germany , hath Lawfull Ordination , though by sole Presbyters , without Bishops ? Downham is somewhat more moderate , and yeelds such Orders Lawfull ; but in case of Necessity , or at least some great Exigency : in which hee hath the Charity to include the Reformed Churches abroad , though , as hee saith , They are of age , and might speake for themselves . But they urge us to shew Antiquity allowing any such Ordination without a Bishop . It hath beene shewed , and yet never answered ( that I know : ) that some Councels have intimated enough ; Presbyters were wont of old to Ordaine without Bishops . As that of Ancyra , Can. 1● . It shall not bee lawfull for Choriepiscopi , or Presbyters to Ordain , without consent of the Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ( for so the words are in Balsamon , though some of themselves translate the words very strangely . ) Which cleerly intimates , That before this Canon , Presbyters and Choriepiscopi ( who had not still Ordination from three Bishops , though some had so , ) did usually Ordaine without the Bishops leave , ( much more without his presence ; ) and that too in Other parishes besides their Owne : Else it is strange the Councell should now forbid it , if It had never beene done before . Nay , the Canon doth not now absolutely forbid it , ( which is much to bee marked ) but onely commands , the Bishop's leave should bee asked to all such Ordinations . But if This Imposition of hands were a Sole property of Bishops , ( as now some make it ) the Bishop could not give leave , or depute others to doe it . For , This , even among themselves is a received Axiome , Episcopus potest delegare ea quae sunt Iurisdictionis , non ea quae sunt Ordinis . Hitherto also may be refer'd all those Canons that require Presbyters to Lay on their hands with the Bishop in Ordination : As , Can. 3. Concil . Carth. about the yeare 418. and that of Aken , 400. yeares after : Yea , and this was the practice of the Church in St. Cyprians time , as appeares by his 6. and 58. Epist. So Ierome in his Epistle to Rome ; and St. Ambrose among his Epistles Book . 10. Yea , and This is our Law also ; which requires ●●oadjutors to Bishops in Ordination : Consonant doubtlesse to the most Antient practice of the Primitive Church , even in the ●postles Times ; as appeares by that of Paul to Timothy , on whom were laid the Hands of the Presbytery ; not of the Presbyterate , or one Presbyter , as learned Mr. Thorndick not onely yeelds , but proves ; who yet is no enimy to Bishops . Neither could I ever finde one good Antiquity against Ordination by Presbyters , or for Sole Ordination by Bishops . I finde indeed Collythus , and some others , Un-priested by Councels , because Ordained by Presbyters alone ; but That Act of the Presbyters was done in faction , against the Bishop , and their fellow Brethren . Yea , and in most cases , if not in all , Those Orders ( so annul'd by Councels ) were confer'd by One Priest alone , and so were indeed as unlawfull , as if by one Bishop alone . I might adde , that some Great men of good Note , have strongly maintained , all those Councels erred , which so Unpreisted Those that had beene Ordained by a Presbyter , or Presbyters , without a Bishop . Amongst These are some of Note in the Popish Church ; It being a Common Instance among the School-men , disputing , Whether Orders once confer'd could be annul'd ; and they all conclude the contrary . Yea , and many of These also strongly prove , that Priests may as well Ordain as Bishops ; and their Reason seemes very good ; for , say they , Seeing a Preist can Consecrate , and by Consecration Transubstantiate , ( which is more , ) Why can hee not also Administer the Sacrament of Orders , which is lesse ? Yea , and some of them dare affirme , Neither Bishop nor Pope can licence Priests to give Ordination , except The Power of Ordination bee de jure , in Presbyters : For , They all yeeld the Pope himselfe cannot licence One that is not a Preist , to Consecrate the Hoste ; because none but Preists have That Power of Consecration . And a Licence doth not confer Orders without Imposition of hands , as They all grant . F●r my owne part , I ever thought That of Bucer most Rationall , Deus non simpliciter singularibus Personis , sed Ecclesiae Ordinandi potestatem tradidit . For so indeed it seemes the Work of the whole Church , who are to Elect , to testifie also and seale their Election by Laying on their hands : And the Presbytery are but the Churches servants in This Act. I could heartily wish It were reduced to This againe , which I fully conceive to be most agreeable to Right Reason , Scripture , and All Good ( untainted ) Antiquity . Yet till This be again restored , I much desire the Prelates would leave off some of the Ceremonies , which I hear they use in it , ( though not by Law I think , ) lest they drive all good men from taking Orders . SECT . II. CHAP. IV. I Shall now passe from this kinde of Church Antiquity , and passe to the best Antiquity , the infallible Truth of God , in Holy Scripture . In it I shall shew there is little for , much against Bishops ; whether we consider the Name , or Office of a Bishop , as now it is setled . The Name , I finde but foure times in all the New Testament : In Two of which , the Name is so indifferently used , that it maketh nothing towards an issue of This Question . Those are , 1 Tim. 3. vers . 1 , 2 , 3. and , 1 Pet. 2.25 . And what can be gained from hence , truly I see not . In the other places it maketh against them , as I shall shew more at large by and by . But the Word Elder , ( a true Bishop ) is used twenty severall times in the New Testament . And you shall find the Apostles honouring This Name so much , that one of them stiles himselfe an Elder , but none calls himselfe a Bishop . Indeed , Iudas is so called ; Who ( as it were Prophetically ) behaved himselfe so , that his Arch-Bishoprick was given to another . I doubt not but the Spirit fore-saw this Word would bee quickly mounted high enough ; so that it brands Iudas first with This stile . Of much more ●ajesty is the Word Presbyter , which signifies Senior . Under the Law Youth was bound to pay Tribute to Gray haires ; and Senatus of old was so stiled , à Senioribus ; Whereas Episcopus signifies nothing but an Overseer : And such indeed Bishops have beene for many yeares . Perhaps the Name of Bishop is sometimes ( though rarely ) used , that the wilfully blinde might stumble : But the Name Presbyter very frequent ; that Those who love Truth and Light , might still see such a Glympse that might Enlighten them in the midst of Egyptian darknesse : from which , I doubt not , but God will deliver all Christendom in due time . I can finde as little also for the Office of a Bishop , as for his Name in Scripture , yea much lesse . I can finde our Saviour rebuking his Disciples , striving for precedency ; saying , Hee that will bee first shall bee last . I can finde St. Peter saying , Lord it not over the flock of Christ : And St. Iohn branding Diotrephes with seeking the Preheminence . But where shall wee finde the usurped Office of our Bishops in all the Scripture ? Can they finde it ( by a multiplying glasse ) where ever they see the Name of Bishop , though but in a Postscript , of St. Pauls Epistles , Whither I see many of them fly for their owne Name . I must confesse I have found some Praescripts of Davids Psalmes ( and other Texts ) to bee now part of Scripture ; but never yet found any Postscript of such Authority . I dare not therefore give it unto These ; Which first , were never ( that I could learn ) received by the Church for Authentick Scripture ; nor ever fully joyned to the Scripture , but by some distinctive note , till our Bishops times . Yea , some Antient Copies have them not at all ; as one very old Greek Copy in Oxford Library , if I be not mis-informed . Againe , These Postscripts have many Improbabilities and some repugnancies ; as many Learned men observe . As , That of the first to Timothy ; From Laodicea the cheifest City of Phrygia Pacatiana . Which sure was never so subscribed by St. Paul , who would not have spoken of a First Epistle , when as yet there was no Second , nor appearance of any . Againe , the Epithet Pacatiana , came from Pacatianus a Roman Deputy , 300. yeares after St. Paul wrote . The Epistle to Titus is thus subscribed , ( or rather superscribed , ) To Titus , ordained the first Bishop of Creet ; from Nicapolis of Macedonia : but it should have beene added ; Whither St. Paul meant to come after the Epistle , but was not there at his writing ; as appeares very probably from the third of the same Epistle verse 12. But what meanes that Phrase , Bishop of the Church in Creet ? was there but one Church in all Creet ? This sounds not like the Scripture stile ; which alwayes expresseth Nationall Congregations by Churches in the Plurall . But it may very well be , Titus was Bishop ( or Pastor ) but of one Church in Creet : so that wee shall not need to contend about This. Our Adversaries themselves yeeld , there cannot bee much urged from these Subscriptions . Baronius , Serrarius , and the Rhemists , will ingenuously confesse so much ; and Bishop Whitgift also against Mr. Cartwright . ●he Postscripts failing , where will they shew either Name or Office of a Bishop as now it is used ? I know their strong Fort , Tit. 1.5 . For this cause I left thee in Creet , that thou shouldest set in Order the things that are Wanting , and Ordain Elders in every City , &c. Here they think the Power of a Bishop is set forth at large . But what if so ? Will they bee content to bee limited to This Power ? if so , wee shall the sooner agree . I think no man ever thought , Good Titus had a Commission heere to draw the Civill Sword ; or so much as to strike with his Church Keyes . Let us a little examine This Commission ; Which seem● but a Briefe of a large Patent which Saint Paul had given him before . If we first examine the Date of This Commission , wee shall finde it before any Church Government was setled ; and so an Extraordinary Case , not fit , perhaps not lawfull , to be produced as a constant president . Extraordinary Cases of Necessity , breake through the Ceremoniall , yea Morall Law too . The Shew Bread may refresh fainting David ; Cain and Abel may marry their owne sisters to propagate the World ; Samuel may be a Priest , though not of Aarons House , as was shewed before . And why then may not an Extraordinary way be taken in the first setling of Church Government , where there is yet none setled ? Any man might now in the conversion of the Americans , or Chinois , give direction how to admit Members , elect Pastors , exercise the keyes , &c. This Titus did , and no more . But secondly , in what manner his Commission was , I know not ; and nothing can be proved from hence , till that be agreed upon . It is as probable he did it but instructivè , exhortativè , and not imperativè . Timothy received his gift by imposition of Presbyteriall hands . If an extraordinary gift was conveyed in an ordinary way : Why might not an ordinary calling , and affaires of an ordinary nature , be managed by an extraordinary man , be carried forth in an extraordinary way ? The contrary is not proved , and so This must till then , be Ineffectuall to them . But thirdly and lastly , I beseech you consider by what power he did it ; by the power of an Evangelist . There are two sorts of them , 1. Who write . 2. Who proclaime the Gospell in an extraordinary way , as coadjuters and messengers to the Apostles in this great worke . Of this last sort certainly he was * . A Bishop he was not ; for our adversaries doe all agree , that it is the duty of a Bishop curae sue incumbere , to watch over his charge : now this he did not , for if Creet was his Charge ( which in no way , neither by Scripture nor Antiquity is proved ) he did not attend it ; for we finde him continually journeying up and downe ; he leaveth Creet and commeth to Ephesus , from thence he is sent to Cor●nth , after that into Macedonia , from Macedonia he is returned to the Corinthians . Neither is it to be found in History that he ever returned to Creet . Thus if I mistake not , the Text is lesse advantageous than the Postscript . Some thinke to finde Episcopacy established in that example of Saint Iohn , writing to the Angels of the seven Churches . But this is Argumentum longè petitum . Because Paul endorseth the Letter of a Corporation , or an Assembly , to the most eminent man in the Congregation ; Therefore He shall have sole Jurisdiction ; therefore the Maior shall have sole power without the Aldermen , est par ratio . When Paul writes to the Church of the Thessalonians ( 1 Thes. 5. v. 27. ) commanding That Epistle to be read to all the holy Brethren ; the Church of the Thessalonians should have Jurisdiction over other Churches : which truely I doe not thinke to be a strong Argumentation . Secondly , the Word is taken collectively for the Assembly and charge of Ministers , and not for One , as appeareth evidently , Revel . 2. v. 24. He saith , speaking to the Angel , To you and to the rest in Thyatira : he puts the Angel in the plurall number , which hee would not have done had he written to a single Bishop . Thirdly , these Epistles are written to the whole Church for the threats and promises are read to them , and the Epiphonema of every Epistle is this , he that hath an eare let him heare , what is spoken to the Churches . But yet if this superscription could give any advantage to the Angel , it would but extend to his owne congregation . The Laodicean Angel hath no influence upon the Philadelphian , or the Smyrnite ; and if that be not proved , nothing is gained in the point of Episcopacy , except it could be proved , that these Angels had in their care many congregations under these particular Churches : which never hath , nor ever will appeare . I hope it is manifest to all men that they cannot establish Episcopacy by Scripture . Secondly , there is much in Scripture against them ; For the word Elder and Bishop is all one , Tit. 1. ver . 7. For this cause left I thee in Creet , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine Elders in every City , as I had appinted thee ; for a Bishop must be blamelesse , as the Steward of God. First , he sheweth Titus what manner of man an Elder must be , viz Blamelesse ; and now proveth it , because a Bishop must be blamelesse . As if I should write to Thomas to live soberly , because a Man must be sober ; it necessarily followeth that Thomas is a man. So that Phil. 1. he writes to the Bishops and Deacons at Philippi . Is it probable that a little Towne in Macedonia should have many Bishops , when one Bishop must have many Cities , in his Dioces ? Those Who translated the Bible , foresaw This : And therefore Acts 20. They have translated the word Episcopus an Over-seer . Yet in other places they translate it Bishop . And the Jesuites say Piae fraudes sunt licitae . The carriage of the Apostles , in severall places is remarkable : when they come to a City ( as Acts 20. ) They send for the Elders of the Church , never thinking of a Bishop , he is so inconsiderable a man. These places I hope make cleerely against them ; So now I will endeavour to shew what the Scripture holdeth forth for Church Government . SECT . II. CHAP. V. IN this search you will agree that the Government is fixed there , where you shall see setled the plenary and absolute power of Election of Officers , Decision of controversies , and Excommunication of those that transgresse . This you will find ministerially in the Officers , But initiativè , virtualiter , & conclusivè , in the People . The Officers are called Overseers , Rulers , and Elders , &c. Some of these are to preach and administer the Sacraments , others to watch over mens manners , others to serve Tables , and looke to the poore : All these are chosen by the People : but whensoever by their industry any delinquency is discovered , the whole matter is brought to the Church , and there the people and Elders doe passe their definitive sentence . Examine but where election of Officers , decision of controversies & excommunication of members are recorded , and you shall have them all in the Church ; not representative , but in the whole Church , consisting of Officers and other members . As first for election , Acts 1.15 . Peter speaketh to the People , and telleth them they must choose one in Iudas his place , and ver . 23. It is said They appointed Two. It is true the lot divided which of them two should be the man , ( a course in the like case , not unlawfull to us at this day : ) But the reducing of it to Two , was the act of the Church ; though Peter was amongst them . So afterwards Timothy received his Evangelicall gift by the Imposition of Presbyteriall hands ; which Presbyters were in this worke , the servants of one present Congregation . Secondly , Decision of Controversies , either in cases of Conscience , or in point of manners . In cases of Conscience when Paul and Barnabas had no small difference about Circumcision , they sent to Jerusalem where the Apostles , Elders , and Brethren meeting together , joyntly returned that answer which you finde Acts 15 . 23.24.2● . Some would presse this place , this act of the Apostles further , and give to every Synod a Commanding Power ; because it is said Act. 15.28 . It seemed good to the Holy Ghost , and to us , to lay no further burden upon you . Therefore they say a Synod hath a commanding and burdening Power . But I cannot consent to that : for then the major part of the Churches in Europe , Africa , Prester Iohns Country , might meet and command all the Churches of Christ ( which God forbid , ) in what they pleased ; and that jure divino : for God when hee giveth a rule to his Church , hee speaketh to the whole Church of Christ , and not to any particular Congregation . I only presse it thus farre , That the People were joyned even with the Apostles , in that Great Synod . The Commanding power of the Synod lay in this , that the Apostles speak the minde of the Holy Ghost . But such authority is not left in us ; and therefore no such Obligation upon others : Truly if there were such a power left us , I should with much scurple resist any act of such Government ; whereof I could make a good construction ; For many times the power Commanding is more dangerous than the thing Commanded : but there is no such power . Neither , as I said before , doe I presse it with such a designe . In cases of Civill converse , Mat. 18.17 . Wee must make our addresses to the Church ; and hee that will not heare the Church must be as a Publican . In that place the greatest dispute will be , What is meant by the Church ? for some will say , Here is meant the Church representativè ; either in more , as the Presbytery , or in one , as the Bishop ; and not the Church at large . But I would labour to evince the contrary . Weigh either the Context , or the generall signification of the word Church , and I hope the true sense will be manifest . For , Let us see how Church is taken in the Scripture ; It is used sometimes figurativè ; and sometimes properly . Figurativè , as when a particular house is called a Church ; As , the Church in his house , Rom. 16.5 . Secondly , When by Synecdoche , the head is put for the whole ; as Christ is called the Church , 1 Cor. 12.12 . Thirdly , Collectivè , When all the Churches of Christ are called the Church , 1 Cor. 10.32 . It is used perhaps under some other figures , but it will bee long to quote them all . Secondly , It is used Properly in two phrases ; First , When the Congregation is called the Church ; as the Church at Ephesus , Corinth , &c. Secondly , When the Congregations are called Churches ; as the Churches of Galatia , and of Iadea . Thus it is used Properly , Thus Figuratively ; but no where Representativè : scil . the Ministers , the Presbyters , or the Bishops ; or all these , for the Church . You shall finde these and the Church contradistinct ; as , To the Saints , the Bishops , and the Deacons , 1 Phil. 1.1 . To the Church , and the Elders , Act. 15.4 . I conceive wee are bound to take a word in that sense which is currant in Scripture ; except that sense cleerely crosse the scope and spirit of the text . You shall meet with that word 48. times in the New Testament , and no where signifying that which wee call the Representative Church ; Very often for the Saints themselves : As , 1 Cor. 1. vers . 15.2 Cor. 1. vers . 1. 1 Thes. 1. vers . 1. Why should we not then take it in the same sense ? Are not wee then bound to expound the word Church in some of those significations which are frequent in Scripture ; and not in that sense , which is so far from being found in the text , that a Contradistinct phrase is , as I said before , ●ather used ? Againe , From the text and context that will appeare to be the meaning of the Spirit , and no other : The text is , Mat. 18. vers . 17. If hee shall neglect to heare Them , tell the Church ; but if hee neglect to heare the Church , let him bee to thee as a heathen man , and a Publican . The context is in the 15. and 16. verses , If thy brother shall trespasse against thee , goe and tell him his fault betweene thee and him alone : If hee shall beare thee , then hast thou gained thy brother ; but if hee will not heare thee , then take with thee one or two more ; that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established . In the context and the text there are three things to bee examined , before the true sense can bee found out : First , Who are meant in that Gradation , in the 15 , 16 , 17. v. Secondly , Who is meant by Them , v. 17. ( if hee will not heare Them. ) Thirdly , What is meant by Publicans and sinners . First , Who is meant in that Gradation . In the first place is meant the Party ; in the second is meant the Elders , or the Bishops , the Officers of the Church . If you say , They are not there understood : yet I am confident you will not , I am sure you cannot , say , they are there excluded . If then the Spirit pointed at them , with the other members of the Church , or them solely ; It would be an unnecessary thing , to bring him afterwards to them againe , as to the Representative Church . Secondly , By Thee , ( v. 17. ) is not meant only the Party , but every Christian , every Church member , to whomsoever the newes of such a miscarriage shall come : Else this will bee a meanes to nourish particular parties sidings , ( which the Scripture doth exceedingly shun , ) If by Gods Law hee should bee a Publican to one of the Church and not another : If hee be so to every member of the Church , this will bee a hard case , That if a Bishop , or an Elder , one , two , or more , shall passe the bitter sentence of Excommunication , hee must be so to mee also , though I know nothing of it . But some will say , that must be done before the Church . To which I answer , The word saith no such matter . And thus those who mis-expound the Scripture , must eck out the Scripture , to make good their own imagination . But secondly , Why should it be complained of , before the Church , if the deciding power be in the Officers ? Frustra fit per plura , quod fieri potest per pauciora . But thirdly and lastly , If you will have the whole Church heare ; it seemeth to mee against all reason in the world , that the party deputed should have power , the party deputing being present . The Steward of a Court Leet , or Court Baron , is annihilated , if the Lord bee there . All Officers vaile bonnet , when the party giving them power is present . Why are Parliaments the representative body of the Kingdome , but because the Plough cannot stand ? but because no pla●e can containe the whole body ? But if all the people could meet in Campo Martio , should Those who now are but servants , then bee more than servants ? surely the whole Church being present , foure or five by Gods Law shall not rule all , seeing Gods Law never appoints any standing Laws against the rules of nature . In the third place wee must enquire after the sense of Heathen and Publican : sc. the most odious of men . Is it possible that any Christian shall bee to any Christian the most odious of men , for the sentence of a Judge which hee never heard , neither hath right to heare ? Thus if you will bee bound either by text or context , or the common acceptation of the word in the Scripture ; by Church must bee understood the whole Congregation . Againe , for excommunication of members , 1 Cor. 5.13 . S. Paul commandeth Them , ( sc. the whole Church ) to put away that wicked person , and to deliver up such a one to Satan . 2 Cor. 2. They restore him , They forgive him . Thus we see every where , That in election of Officers , in decision of Controversies , in cases of Conscience , in Excommunication , the whole Church disposeth everything , not the Bishops , not the Presbyters alone . I doe not observe the Church hath power in other things , but in these , and in all these , in election of Officers , in decision of controversies and excommunication of delinquents , the whole power is in the Church . I conceive then I have cleerely and briefly proved these three things : 1 That there is little in Scripture for Episcopacy ; much lesse for such an Episcopacy as Ours . 2 Something against them . 3 Another Government cleerely delineated . SECT . II. CHAP. VI. IT being ( as I conceive it is ) cleered both from State-policy , Antiquity and Scripture , how incompatible Civill Government and such Episcopacy are , I hope we shall never hereafter be choaked with that Proverbe , No Bishop , no King. I doe most willingly pay very great reverence to a saying delivered to us by many successions , from the wisedome of our forefathers ; But I shall ever crave leave to question that Maxime which may justly seeme to me the birth either of Ignorance or ends . Antiquity must have no more authority than what it can maintaine , by reason frequent impostures of this nature command us to be circumspect ; did not our predecessors hold the torrid zone inhabitabilem aestu ? till Noahs Dove , Columbus discoverd Land , the world was confined in the Arke of Europe , Africa , and Asia . In Divinity , where an error is of most dangerous consequence , we have beene too credulous : how many hundred yeares did our fore fathers swallow this pleasant bait , We must believe as the Church believeth ? And since the light of Reformation , was not particular assurance of our Salvation delivered us , as an exact definition of our faith ? We have ventured our bodies as well as our soules upon these sands ; for in the Art of Phisicke ( though our parents at a very great remotenesse were wiser ) it hath passed for a currant position that Phlebotomy almost in any case was more than dangerous ; and that men might pay deare for their learning , they have beene as wise in Tenets of State-Policy . Have not too many great ones closed in with Neroes conclusion , m● oderint dum metuant ? Lastly , Episcopacy hath beene the basis , the superstructure , the All , the soule of Church Discipline for these many ages : but dabit his meliora Deus . Some of these Tenets spring from invincible Ignorance ; others have beene the base pullulations of spirits enslaved to false ends : This No Bishop , no King ( as I have fully proved ) pertakes of both , and therefore hath no weight with me , nor I hope shall ever hereafter be of credit with any body else ; for we see that old received truthes are not alwaies to be entertained : and so I leave them with their maxime to the sentence of every judicious Reader . SECT . II. CHAP. VII . THere yet remaineth an objection or two , which must necessarily receive an answer , before I shut up this discourse . 1 Obj Allow there are some inconveniencies , ( yea great ones ) in Episcopacy ; yet ex malis minimum , it is better to beare these than groane under worse . If Episcopacy be taken away , Schismes and Heresies will breake in , as armed men ; Tyranny is more eligible then Anarchy ; the wofull sense of Anarchy begot that sad Proverbe , It is at it was with Israel , when there was no King. Ans. I doe agree to this , that a confusion is a most lamentable condition ; and that those times are very perillous , when every mans hand is up against his brother ; Ephraim against Manasses , and Manasses against Ephraim : Yea , I doe professe the distraction of Heresies , the most miserable of all Civill conquassations , disjoynt the outward estate ; but Heresies distract our soules , dismember our Churches , stave off Iew and Gentile , who know not whether part to believe , shake the weaker , cause heart-burning amongst the stronger , doe exceedingly provoke God to wrath and displeasure . But first , let us consider whether it be possible to be without Heresies and Schismes . Secondly , whether Episcopacy be not the efficient cause of the most grievous Schismes , and Heresies . Thirdly , whether Those which may justly be feared upon the removall of Episcopacy , be of such dangerous consequence , as to weigh downe the keeping up of that Government , rather than to hazard what inconveniences may there-hence follow . And 1 to the first of these . It will bee cleere both from experience , and Scripture , and reason , that Heresies must come . Look over all Nations , and all times , and you shall finde them distracted with difference of opinions : How many severall Sects doe you heare of amongst the Jewes , and some of them extreame grosse ? the Sadduces , the Pharisees , the Esseans , Herodians , with many more ; though a great Critique reduce them to Three . Christ had no sooner committed the care of his Church to the Apostles , Disciples , and ordinary Ministers ; but they were over-runne with Heresies : Yea , in their time , some were of Paul , some of Apollo , some of Cephas ; in the interim Christ quite laid aside . In the Church of Pergamus , were there not some that held the Doctrine of the Nicolaitans ? In Thyatira did not some of the Church listen to the Prophetesse Iezebel , who taught them to commit fornication , and to eate things offered to Idolls ? Barnabas and Paul were at some difference : the Doctrine of workes was pressed upon the Galatians , and the resurrection from the dead questioned by the Corinthians . Amongst Heathens ( where Morality was their God ) had you not the Peripatelickes , the Sceptiques , the Platonists , the Epicureant , and many other Sects ? The Pope and Pap●cy , have beene much turmoyled with Schismes ; and these Schismes have produced great confusions amongst them . In the yeare of the Lord 420. Boniface the eighth being chosen , the Clergy chose Eulatius , and there they decreed one another Heretickes ; Simmachus and Lawrentius caused the same distraction in the yeare 499.760 . Pope Custantine being convinced of Schismes and berest of both his eyes , he and Philip ( another Pope ) were deposed , and Stephen elected in their places . Thus it was 958.973.995.1047.1058.1062.1083.1100.1118.1124 . in the yeare of the Lord 1130 , the disputes betwixt Gregory and Peter ( Both chosen Popes ) were so famous that it was growne a Proverbe and recorded in this verse . Petrus habet Romam , totum Gregorius orbem . Every twenty yeares had such changes as these , even till of late , that Church hath beene vehemently turmoyled with all their Learned . Amongst the Schoolemen , some are Scotists , some Thomists : among the Polemiques , some Iesuites , some Dominicans . And all these wrangle each with other . In the yeare of our Lord 1400. there was a great dispute about the Originall sinne of the Virgin Mary . Betweene 1215. and 1294. was that great Faction betweene the Guelsians and Gibelines ( though both were Papists ) One desending the authority of the Pope , the other of the Emperour . In some points of Controversie , Bellarmine ( one of their ablest Writers ) is not to be read without restriction , and not without Licence of superiors . If we survey all Antiquity , we shall finde no one Century free from Heretickes . Ebion , Cerinthus , Marcion , Samosatenus , Novatians , Sabellians , Nepotians , Maniches , Arrians , Pelagians , with many others , have troubled the Church from time to time . If you descend so low as our daies , even among Protestants you shall meet with too too many Divisions . Luther and Calvin ; and the English Church betweene both ; a Calvinist for Doctrine , a Lutheran for Discipline . The Lutherans are divided in Rigidiores , & Molliores , and these differ toto Coelo . The Calvinists have many disputes : How fiercely doth learned Erastus contend with Calvin and Beza , about Excommunication denying the Church any such power ? The Church of England hath three maine Divisions ; The Conformist , the Non-Conformist , and the Separarist . The Conformist hath the Orthodox Divine , contending with the Arminian , Socinian , Pelagian , Anabaptist , and divers others ; who yet All stile themselves Sonnes of the Church of England . The Non-conformist is uncertaine what he scrupleth ; for some can dispence with one of the three Grand Nocent-innocent Ceremonies ; some with another , some with neither . The Separist is subdivided too ( as they say ) into Seperatist , and Semi-seperatist . Many other Divisions there also be , will be , in Churches here . Yea , it is cleare in Reason , that Divisions , Sects , Schismes , and Heresies , must come ; For , many are apt to advance themselves and undervalue all others : and Mens Braines being fertile of errors , after they have conceived they must bring forth ; though the Gospell suffer never so much by it . And while This Temper is among men , you must still expect Schismes and Heresies . The Scripture hath put this out of all doubt , it saith , Heresies must come . Christ came to set a Sword , not only betweene the Good and Bad , but even among Professors of the same Christian Religion ; that Those who hold out to the End may have their Honour and Reward . It is to be marked that Christ doth not presse his people to seeke their freedome , till Rome bee falling , and then he saith , Come out of her my People . Yea , the Scripture foretelleth of one Heresie that is not yet ( perhaps ) come ; it may be it is now in the Birth ; sure it is not farre off , It is mentioned in the second of Tiothy , the third Chapter and some of the first verses . 2 Tim. 3.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 1 This know also , that in the last daies perillous times shall come . 2 For men shall be lovers of their owne selves , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemers , disobedient to parents , unthan●full , unholy . 3 Without naturall affection , truce-breakers , false accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers of those that are good . 4 Traitors , heady , high-minded , lovers of pleasures more than lovers of God. 5 Having a forme of Godlinesse , but denying the power thereof : from such turne away . Expositors all agree This misery to be in the Waine : But in their agreement they differ very much ; for some conceive the Papist is here understood ; others apply it to the late Troublers of Israel , the Arminian , Socinian , and the worst sort of Episcopall men , that under the Notion of indifferent Ceremonies would have brought us to swallow downe all Popery . But under favour , I doubt neither of These , reach the full meaning of the Text. It cannot be the Papist , because it is not to rise till the Last Dayes . Indeed Popery is cleerely expressed in the 1 of ●im . the fourth , verse the 1 , 2 , 3. ● ( as that most Learned and Reverend man Mr. Mead hath fully cleered in his most excellent peece on that Text ) yet there they are said to rise in the Later Times ( viz. of the Roman Empire ; ) but here these new Hereticks come not out till the Last ( not only Later ) Dayes , not only Times , but Dayes of those Times . Againe , it seemes not to be the Arminian ( or any of that Rable I mentioned but now . ) For first , the Character of their Times is Perillous , as if it would intimate men indeed should be in danger , but yet escape , the Times being only perillous : But while Popery bore all before it , forced the whole Church into the Wildernesse , cloathed the Witnesses with Sackcloth , and at last prevailes to kill them : sure these Times are more than perillous . But perhaps there is no pressing force in This. In the second place let us consider the Character of the Persons . First , they are expressed as Breakers of the Lawes of Civill Converse ; and then as Hypocrites in Religion : the first of these beginneth at the second , and contiueth to the fifth verse : The second is in the fifth and si●th verses . Let us view some passages in both . Lovers of themselves , Covetous , Proud , &c. And have not men beene such ever since Adam ? Why then doth the Spirit speake of This as a strange thing in the Last Dayes ? Mr. Calvin saw this Objection , and therefore oft affirmes ( that the Scripture may not seem to speake Frigidè ) Here must be some new strange Crew of Men that act all These in a most eminent manner , even to the eye of all men . But some will say , Are not the Papists so ? Is not the corrupter part of Prelates such ? Are not the Arminians of this temper ? Certainely they are such , and in an eminent manner ; and yet to me they seeme not the men the Spirit pointeth at in this place . The maine Thing in which these men ( here exprest ) pride themselve● , is not Learning , or Parts ; But ( if I bee not much mistaken ) somewhat beyond and within all these : That , I suppose , which seemes to them to bee the Spirit . This , I conceive , is the Basis of all their vanity , pride , and insolence . They have the Spirit , and so know more than all the Learned , Pious , Godly Men in the world . They have the Spirit , they cannot sinne , they cannot erre ; they will not pray , but when that Spirit moves . Adultery is but an act of the Flesh , but they are all Spirit , and no flesh . What should these men doe with Naturall affections , they are all Spirit ? in this case if they be Traitors , High-minded , Heady , &c. Who will wonder ? What may they not be carried up to , by the imagination of the Spirit ? But let them take heede , if they have any thing of God in them ; let them be wise in this their day , for the time may come when it will bee too late . In the meane time I will say as Peter did to Simon , Pray ( that if it bee possible ) this wickednesse of heart may bee forgiven . If we look on the other part of their Character , Having a forme of Godlinesse , but denying the Power thereof , Creeping into the houses of silly women , Laden with divert Lusts , &c. How can these be spoken of Arminians , Socinians , or our Prelates ? It were to be wished that most of These had so much as a Forme of Godlinesse . Sure the World is now growne too wise to take Duckings , and Cringings , Crossing , and Crouching , with all of this kinde , to be so much as a Forme of Godlinesse . Doe These creep into Womens houses ? the Socinians , and Arminians attempt no such pranks , that I know of . And the Patrons of Episcopacy use not much perswasion , but Club law : All else is in Corners . It seems very probable to me , that the Holy Ghost in This text points out some such , as the Family of Love , the Antinomians , and Grindletonians are , if ( at least ) they are not much belyed . And to these , I think , every piece of This Character will most properly belong . Yea and the Close of it also , or the Issue of That Sect. They shall proceed no farther , for their folly shall be made manifest to all men , which can hardly be understood either of Arminianisme , or Prelacy , since That in severall names , This in severall dresses , hath been in the world above 1000. years . Thus you see Sects , Schismes , and Heresies will still come , and must come : And therefore if by keeping such Bishops we think to keep out all Divisions , we are much deceived . Which yet I spake not to take away watchfulnesse in Church-Governours , ( who are still bound to suppresse Divisions as much as they can ) but to convince men of This ( if I can ) that Episcopacy is never like to prevent Schismes : which I hope to cleere more fully in my subsequent discourse . I could never conceive more than Two wayes , that in probability may be like to quiet us in respect of Divisions . One of These we have no minde to try , and the other we may not if we would . The Spaniard indeed by his cruell Inquisition , hath inclined his Subjects to a kinde of Vnity ; but an Vnity of Darknesse and Ignorance : so that the Remedy proves worse than the Disease . Neither will , or can Tyranny either Civill , or Ecclesiastick , bring forth better fruit . The other Way is That of the Vnited Provinces ( in the Low Countreyes ) who let every Church please her selfe in her owne way , so long as she leaveth the State to her selfe . And how Religion doth flourish There , is known to most men . I will not dispute This now ; only I wish heartily , men would remember , that even Nature her selfe as much abhorres a forced violent Vnion , as a Rent or Division . BUt in the next place , let us seriously consider , whether the Bishops ( as now they be setled here ) be not the Cause of most Sects , Schismes , and Heresies now amongst us . Some of them will not deny themselves to be Arminians ; and others cannot deny themselves Socinians . If at least they think we can understand their writings , printings , yea and Sermons , though These bee very Rate . Yea some doe not deny , but they may ( at least ) receive Orders ; they meane a Pale , Mitre , and Cardinalls Hat , if they come . All which we may yet better construe by their carriage to Priests and Jesuites , both in publique and private , which now we know more than by bare surmise . Many of These they countenance openly , and never question any , though it be certainly knowne : we had ( they had ) more such in London , than were good Ministers in all England almost . All the Livings under most of our Bishops have been committed to the Cure and Care of superstitious Formalists , Arminians , Socinians , Papists , or Atheists . Yea the Universities are much corrupted by their malignant influence ; for , Nero-like they think they have done nothing , till they have murdered their owne Mother . In a word , through the whole Kingdome , Preaching , Praying , Expounding , and the like exercises , both in publick and private , are severely suppressed , and in many places altogether forbidden ( except such and such , more pernicious than profitable ; ) and all This by the Fathers of our Church , the Lords our Bishops . And is not This the most compendious way possible to beget and encrease Heresies ? They cry out of Schisme , Schisme ; Sects and Schismes ; and well they may : They make them , and it is strange they should not know them . When they laid such stumbling blocks ( Reall Scandals , not only accepta , but data ) in the way of good men , whose Consciences they have grievously burdened , and wounded with Things ( violently pressed on the greatest fines ) that are so farre from being indifferent , that many of them were point blank unlawfull : have they not by This even forced their brethren to separate themselves in Judgement and Practice , till they could finde some remote place that might separate their bodies also ? Was not This in Them the readiest way to produce Divisions , Separations , and ( as they call it ) Schismes in the Church ? Rents are bad , I confesse , where ever they be violent ; but yet then worst , when most out of the eye . Schismes in the Conscience are of greatest danger ; and to prevent These , if I am forct to That , which they please to call a Schisme in the Church , Woe to Him that so forceth me . Scandals , Schismes , and Divisions must come ; but woe to him by whom they come . God forgive them in This paticular . I professe I take no pleasure in ripping up their foule , loathsome sores ; I would they could bee throughly healed without launcing and opening . I could give you a strange account of sad Divisions , which themselves have caused both to Church and State : I could tire you and my selfe in This , though I should begin but little higher than mine owne Time , mine owne Knowledge . In Queene Elizabeths Time , many good men were cut off from the Church , some from the State , a sad Schisme ! Some by violence laid asleep ; Many suspended , silenced , deprived , cut off ( by a strange Schisme , ) from liberty , livings , ( that I goe not higher ; ) And all This for one word , of their owne compounding , Non-Conformity : While they themselves are indeed the greatest Non-Conformists to all the Reformed Churches in Europe . Surely , It would have savoured more of Humility , of Christianity , if they had suspected their owne Judgements and Opinions ; allowing something to the Judgement , Learning , and Piety of those holy , worthy , pretious Saints , Calvin , Beza , Bucer , P. Martyr , Oecolampadius , Zuinglius , with many more , great , famous , and eminent Lights , in their times . If they will stand for Conformity ; Let any man living judge , whether it bee fitter for some few Bishops , newly come out of grosse Popery , ( and still retaining their old Popish Ceremonies , ) to reforme , and conforme themselves to the Judgement and Practice of all Reformed Churches ; or all Churches to subscribe to Them. As they began , so they continued : Christ and they being like parallel lines , though they should run out in infinitum , they would never meet : Nay rather , like the Crura of a Triangle , the farther they run ( out from the Center ) the more they differ , and are distant each from other . Under King Iames , in a few years , four or five hundred Reverend men were divided from their Livings , and Ministery : And was not this a cruell Schisme ? Now also by Them was first forged that sharpe Rasor , ( or , Book of Sports ) with which they have since made great Divisions of heart . But in our Gracious Kings Reigne , they have come to Cutting off Eares , Cheeks ; and have yet struck deeper , and estay'd many Soule-Schismes ; not only in the Hearts and Consciences of thousands of good men ; but whole States also and Kingdomes , as much as in them lay . While I heare the sad groanes , and see the bleeding wounds of Three Kingdomes at once , by their Schismes ; I have almost forgotten the parting sighs , and farewell teares of ten thousand poore Christians , by Their Tyranny forc'd to abandon their native Country , and dearest acquaintance ; while others were here violently detained in Fetters , some smoothered in Dungeons , some Dismembred , some driven out of house and Living , and forced to beg : All which yet would have bin born patiently , had not only all Good men , but Goodnes it self , Learning , Religion , Piety , All that speaks any worth , been altogether , not only discountenanced , but suppressed , smoothered , and by most exquisite Tortures almost forced to breath its last . Yet that these Glorious Princes ( under whom such Tyrannies have beene committed ) may not suffer in your thoughts , Give me leave to speake some things on mine owne knowledge and experience , others from best intelligence . Queene Elizabeth , when shee heard of Their miscarriages , fell on Them in most sharpe language , threatning Them , if they should ever doe the like againe to her Subjects . King Iames offered faire discourse to the Non-Conformists ; honoured Mr. Cartwright and others of them ; disclaimed the Book of Sports : And being asked , why hee made so many Bad Bishops , answered ingenuously , with a strong asseveration , That hee was very sorry , but could not helpe it ; For , no good men would take the Office on them . And our Gracious Soveraigne ( since some light hath dawned out of darknesse , ) hath delivered our Sister Church of Scotland from that unhappy Generation . For , now I hope the Clouds begin to breake away ; Light springeth up , while Dark Iniquity is forced not only to shut her mouth , but hide her selfe and disappeare . Now the Sun againe mounteth up in our Horizon , and quickeneth the drooping spirits ; so that now many that were Bed-rid some moneths since , now begin to take up their Beds and walke , leaping up and blessing God. Fire and Water may bee restrain'd , but Light cannot ; It will in at every cranny : and the more it is opposed it shines the brighter : so that now to stint it , is to resist an enlightened , enflamed Multitude ; which still was , and still will be Durissima Provincia . Their mad outrage in all the three Kingdomes , of late , hath so incensed the Common People , that in all mens eyes they are become most vile : and while all men reflect on their constant trade of mischeivous practices , the wisest begin to conclude , The very Calling hurt the Men , as much as These disgrace the Calling . Thus we have , by too too long , great , and sad experience , found it true , That our Prelates have beene so farre from preventing Divisions ; that they have been the Parents and Patrons of most Errors , Heresies , Sects and Schismes , that now disturbe This Church and State. SECT . II. CHAP. VII . BUt it may bee , the Remedy will yet bee worse than this Disease . Let us therefore , yet more exactly weigh all the Inconveniences that may attend the Change of This Church-Government , which wee now dispute . The Dangers which some have fancied may hence accrew to the State , have beene discussed in the former Section , to which more properly they doe belong . We have here only to consider , such Evils as may have bad influence into the Church , and Polity thereof . Arminianisme , Socinianisme , Superstition , Idolatry , Popery , will pack away with Them ; being Their Attendants , as was shewed before . What is there then to be feared ? Anabaptisme , Brownisme , Separatisme ; nay every body , every Lay man will turne Preacher . Suppose all This be true , ( which can be but supposed ; ) Would it not bee much better to hazzard the comming in of all These , than still to suffer our soules and bodies , to be groun'd to powder by these Tyrannicall , Antichristian Prelates , that under pretence of keeping out Separatisme , introduce downe-right Popery , and a sinck of almost all Errors and Heresies ? Yea , and these Errors of the Right Hand ( which These pretend so much to oppose ) owe their birth to our Bishops also ; as was but now , and might yet more fully , be cleered . Wee all know , that within these ten yeares , all the Non-Conformists in England , could not amount to more than one or two hundred : And now how many thousands there bee , ( yea of such that rise one pin higher than Old Non-Conformity , ) Themselves , perhaps , know much better than I : Yet our Bishops never were more active , than in all this time . Whence then ariseth this New Non-Conformity , or Separatisme , but out of our Bishops Commotions ? I will not say , as the Fathers did of old , Ex martyrum sanguine pullulat Ecclesia ; yet I must confesse , I begin to think there may bee perhaps somewhat more of God in these ( which they call new Schismes , ) than appeares at first glympse . I will not , I cannot , take on mee to defend That , men usually call Anabaptisme : Yet I conceive that Sect is Twofold : Some of them hold Freewill ; Community of all things ; deny Magistracy ; and refuse to Baptize their Children . These truly are such Hereticks ( or Atheists , ) that I question whether any Divine should honour them so much as to dispute with them ; much rather sure should Alexanders sword determine here , as of old at the Gordian knot , where it acquired this Motto , Que solvere non possum , dissecabo . There is another sort of them , who only deny Baptisme to their Children , till they come to yeares of discretion , and then they baptize them ; but in other things they agree with the Church of England . Truly , These men are much to bee pitied ; And I could heartily wish , That before they bee stigmatiz'd with that oppr●brious brand of Schismatick , the Truth might be cleered to them . For I conceive , to those that hold wee may goe no farther than Scripture , for Doctrine or Discipline , it may bee very easie to erre in this Point now in hand ; since the Scripture seemes not to have cleerly determined This particular . The Analogy which Baptisme now hath with Circumcision in the old Law , is a fine Rhetoricall Argument , to illustrate a Point well proved before ; but I somewhat doubt , whether it be proofe enough , for that which some would prove by it : since ( beside the vast difference in the Ordinances , ) the persons to bee Circumcised are stated by a positive Law , so expresse , that it leaves no place for scruple : but it is farre otherwise in Baptisme ; Where all the designation of Persons fit to bee partakers , for ought I know , is only , Such as beleeve . For this is the qualification that , with exactest search , I find the Scripture require , in persons to be baptized : And This it seemes to require in all such persons . Now , how Infants can bee properly said to beleeve , I am not yet fully resolved . Yet many things prevaile very much with mee in this point . First , For ought I could ever learne , It was the constant custome of the purest and most Primitive Church , to baptize Infants of beleeving Parents ; For I could never finde the beginning and first Rise of this practice : Whereas it is very easie to track Heresies to their first Rising up , and setting soot in the Church . Againe , I finde all Churches ( even the most strict ) have generally beene of this judgement and practice : yea though there have beene in all ages some , that much affected novelty , and had parts enough to discusse and cleere what they thought good to preach ; yet was this scarce ever questioned by men of Note , till within these Last Ages . And sure , the constant judgement of the Churches of Christ , is much to be honoured , and heard in all things that contradict not Scripture . Nor can I well cleere that of St. Paul ( 1 Cor. 7.14 . ) Else were your Children Vncleane , but now are they Holy. I know some interpret it thus , If it be unlawfull for a beleever to live in wedlock with one that beleeveth not ; Then have many of you lived a long time in unlawfull marriage ; and so your very Children must be Illegitimate , and these also must be cast off ( as Base-borne : ) But it is not so ; for , Your Children are Holy ; that is , Legitimate . I confesse , This seemes a very faire Interpretation ; yet I much question , Whether This be all the Apostle meanes by that phrase Holy ; especially when I reflect on the preceding words , The Vnbeleever is Sanctified by the Beleever . Nor yet can I beleeve any Inherent Holinesse is here meant ; but rather That Relative Church-Holinesse , which makes a man capable of admission to Holy Ordinances , and so to Baptisme ; yea and to the Lords Supper also , for ought I see ; except perhaps Infants be excluded from This Sacrament , by That Text , Let him that eateth , Examine himselfe , aod so let him eat . As Women are excluded from Church-Government and preaching in Congregations , by That of the same Apostle , I permit not a Woman to speak ; Let Women keep silence . The second thing we feare so much , is Separation , or as some tearme it Brownisme ; for I am not so well studied in these , as to give an exact difference betweene them , or properly to state or phrase either . Yet I thinke this also hath Latitude , and admits of difference . Before you passe any severe censure , be pleased to Heare these Poore men ( you call Separatists ; ) Know their Tenets , and then Judge . Their maine Tenets ( for ought I could ever learne ) are about some few Points in Discipline , in which sure there is lesse danger , than in Doctrine , of which they dispute not . First , they would admit none as members of their Assemblies , generally to partake with them in all the Ordinances , but such which seeme Beleeving Saints , and so members of Christs true Church . Secondly , they conceive every severall Congregation ( rightly constituted ) hath within it selfe the power of the keyes , committed to it , without dependance on other Churches : Yet not denying the lawfull association of severall Churches , not refusing the advice and counsell of Councells and Synods . I shall crave leave to scan the first , and see how much it differeth in truth , from the received Tenets of the Church of England . I doe conceive that England , Scotland , France , all Churches , even Rome it selfe will agree in this , that a Church is Cetus Fidelium , Gathered together in the Name and power of Christ , to waite on him , in the way of his Ordinances revealed in his Word . In this I suppose we all agree ; where then is that Chasma , that great Gulfe of difference , which brands so many with the black spot of Separation ? All the difficulty lies in Stating who are beleeving Faithfull Saints , for of these only all agree , a true Church consists . I beseech you let us call him a Beleever , and a Saint whom the Scripture calls so , and wee shall soone agree . The Pope saith , he is a faithfull Saint , and a true Member of the Church ; Who beleeveth as the Church beleeveth . The Church of England saith , he is a Beleever ( enough to make a Member of that Church ) that professeth the truth , though in his life he deny it . Those men say he is a faithfull Saint who professeth the truth , and to all appearance ( for we cannot see the heart ) practiseth as he professeth . Now all men will agree , this last is a Beleeving Saint : And these will have none but this to be a Saint ; and so none but this to be a Member of Christs Church . I beseech you : Is this such an error , to desire Profession and Practise to be conjoyned in one that is to be a Member of the Church of Christ ? When I desire a good Wife , a faithfull Servant , a constant Friend , a familiar Companion ; Am I not as desirous to know the Heart as well as the Head , the Will as well as Skill , Affection as well as Profession ? And why then may I not doe as much in choosing my Spirituall Friends ; my constant Companions in the worship and service of God ? Can any man by right , force me to marry such or such a woman , to take such a servant , to dwell with such a friend , to choose such a companion ? And may any man force me then to bee companion , in the neerest and most intimate converse of Spirituall Ordinances , with any one or more , whom I dare not , I cannot , I may not trust , to be either friends to God or me ; because what ere their lips professe , their life and waies deny God , trample on the blood of Christ , despise , at least profane all his Ordinances . I could heartily wish some pitty might bee shewed to these poore mens soules . He that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation to his owne Soule . And is it not then much better to keepe these men off ( as they doe in Scotland and other Reformed Churches ) till they give the Church satisfaction upon good ground of their Repentance and Faith ; that so they may not hurt themselves by Gods holy Ordinances ? Sacraments confirme , but doe not conferre Grace ; if they did so , the case were altered ; but now they are like the Paradise of God , guarded with the Flaming Sword ; so that the Tree in the midst of the Garden , ( which is Christ ) cannot be Touched by prophane hands . The other Grand Heresie ( men so much cry against ) in Separation , is the Independence of their Congregations , as it was stated before . But why should the Independence of One Assembly , to a Province , or Nation , be more Schismaticall , than that of a Province , or Nation , to the whole World ? Why may not Geneva be as Independent to France , as France may bee to the other parts of Europ's Continent ? In Geneva , why may not one Congregation , be as independent to All Geneva besides , as Geneva is to all France besides ? Doth indeed such a Wall , or River , or Sea , so limit and bound the Church within it , that it may bee independent on any Church without it ; and may not one Congregation within this River bee as well independent on all other Assemblies , within the same River or Sea ? Are there not some sparklings of this Truth even amongst us in England ? Have not we Peculiars ? some Congregations exempt from the Jurisdiction of the Bishop within whose Diocesse they be ? And I thinke no Separatist desireth more than this , That all Parishes ( I meane all Congregations ) should be Independent Peculiars . Suppose an East Indi - Merchants Ship be cast on some Remote Iland beyond China where there shall be no Inhabitant ; may not in this Case , the men of this Ship gather together , choose out some one or more ( of themselves ) to Read , Preach , Administer the Sacraments ? is not this a true Church , and so to bee reputed while they beleeve the Truth , and doe what they beleeve ? Is there any one Essentiall part wanting to this Church , so Constituted ? If it be answered affirmatively , that there is yet wanting some Essentiall ; I rejoyn , then it is not a true Church ; nay so farre from being vera Ecclesia , that it is not vere Ecclesia : For He is not vere Hom● , that wants something Essentiall to Man : nor It vere Ecclesia , that wants any thing Essentiall to a Church . If it be yeelded that in such a Case there is nothing Essentiall wanting to This Church : I will againe suppose that within a yeare or Two , another English Ship be cast on the same very Iland , and have such another Company or Church ; I demand now whether it be necessary , that Both These Churches must needs joyne together , or at least depend One on the Other . If it be not necessary , I have what I desire . If it be necessary ; Then was not the former Church a Tr●e Church ; because it wanted something Essentiall and necessary to a Church ; to wit , Dependance on some other Church . If it be said , This Church did before depend on the whole Catholike Church , I will not gain say it ; so They meane onely Thus much , that This Church was a true member of the True Church or Body of Christ ; which is but made up of so many particular Congregations , as mans Body , of its particular members . And so This will be no more then to say , All the members of the Body are Parts of the Body , and conjoyned together , but onely subordinate to the Head. For , I suppose no man will say One of my hands is dependant on the Other ; but both ( as all the other members ) dependant on my Head : so are all particular Churches ( I meane Congregations ) dependant on their Generall Head , Christ , but not on other of their fellow members . If any man shall say , that Hands depend not onely on the Head ; but also on the Armes , Shoulders , and Necke ; which are betweene Them and the Head , on whom they ultimately depend . I answer , It is true , the Hands are conjoyned to the Armes ; These to the Shoulders ; and Both by the Neck to the Head : but yet They depend not on any but the Head. I meane they are not directed and guided by the Dictates of Arme , Shoulder , or Necke , but onely by the Commands of the Head : so that there is onely a bodily outward Continuity , and no vertuall Dependance , but on the Head. The Head sends out Animall Spirits , and by them guides my Hand , as my fancie pleaseth . This Guiding or Directing Depends onely on the Head , not Arme , which ( when I meane to move my Hand ) is but as it were my Hands Servant , that must goe and call , and lead my Hand ( as a Gentleman Usher ) but not command it . So are also all the Churches , all severall Congregations ; They are all members , and are all outwardly conjoyned One to another ( through all the world ) by the tendons and ligaments of Rivers , Seas , Hils , Vallies , and the like . Yea and some of These are neerer to Christ their Head , as they keepe themselves purer , and walke more closely in dependance on Him. Yet All these Churches are but Coordinate , not among themselves Subordinate ; They are but conjoyned each to other , not dependant each on other , but All on their Head ; which alone can command and move them . Yea though perhaps some One Church may come betweene Christ and another Church ( as the Arme betweene the Head and Hand ) yet it is there but as a servant to call on , leade , helpe , uphold , ( being so commanded by the Head ) but not to command , dictate , or over-top its fellow member . You see here what Power we give to Synods and Councels , or all other Churches over one particular Church ; ●o wit , a counselling , perswading ( which sure is very prevailing ) but not commanding Authority . I doubt not but Christ doth sometimes require One Church to incite , exhort , admonish , and perswade another fellow Church ( though This be not required of any one Angel in the Apocalyps , towards another Church or Angel , yet I suppose it may be in some Cases ) yea and so that the Other Church may haply sinne if shee doe not follow This Call and Counsell : yet not because it comes from her fellow Church , ( or any Synod ) but because It comes from Christ her Head , that speakes through This Church to her fellow . As the Hand might justly bee stiled rebellious that rejects the Animall Spirits sent from the Head , though they come through the Arme ; Which is here in this Case , not onely a servant to the Head , but to the Hand also . Yet doth not the Hand rebell , because it refuseth That which comes from the Arme , but because it came from the Head , but through the Arme as an Instrument . For if ever the Arme impose ought on the Hand , which comes not from the Head ( as it doth sometimes in a flux of putrid humours from an ulcer in the Arme ) in this Case the Arme erres in so imposing on the Hand , but the Hand rebels not in rejecting what the Arme so sends : because it comes not from the Head. On which ( and on which alone ) all the members vertually depend , and not on any one or more fellow members . All this while , though we dispute the Independancie of Churches among themselves ; yet we have not the least shadow of a Thought to withdraw any Church from the Civill Magistrate ; Nay , These men ( whom our Bishops brand so with Separation ) most cordially affirme that if Episcopacie can prove greater or better subjection , or but equall to Them , They will not scruple to subscribe to Them. But alas , if we once give way to Dependance of Churches , must not the Church of England Depend on the Dutch ; or the Dutch on England ; as much as one Church in England must Depend on a Provinciall Church of Canterbury , or Nationall in all England ? And if the English Church must Depend on the Dutch , or Dutch on English , which shall be Inferior ? This or That ? by This Dispute of Precedencie , we shall at length ●ast all Churches into such a Confusion , as some of our Bishops Sees were heretofore , for superiority . Pompejus non admittit superiorem , Caesar non parem . And now I conceive Yorke is Inferior to Canterbury , Durham to Yorke , not by any Law Morall , or of Nature , but positive of State. Yea , by This Dependance , will follow a farre greater Evill than This dispute and confusion about Precedencie : For if One whole Church must so depend on another , then must also the Officers of This depend on Those of That Church , And if so , shall not all Church Officers returne to the Pope at length , as to One Supreme Head on Earth . If Geneva Depend on France , why not France on Spaine ? Spaine on Italy ? Italy on Rome ? Rome on the Pope ? And had I begunne a great deale lower , I should have come up higher to This Head. Perhaps All the Inconveniences that can be objected on Independance , though they could not be answered ( as I conceive they may ) will not ballance This One Inconvenience of Dependance . But no more of This. The next Grand Inconvenience that may be feared on the removall of our Prelates , is Licentia praedicandi ; not onely in that sense in which This phrase is used beyond the Seas , and was in that sense forbidden under our Last Royall King ' Iames : That was Licentia quoad Materiam ; This quoad Personam . Now they say , Not onely Every matter will be preached , what every Minister pleaseth , but also Every Person will turne Preacher : Even Shoomakers , Coblers , Felt-makers , and any other . God is the God of Order , and not of Confusion . And if Order is to be observed any where , It is sure in matter of Worship : For if through the Churches default Disorder breake in , at any craney : you shall finde the Breach grow wider and wider every day : Except the Cleft be stopt , the Ship may quickly sinke . And therefore I shall wholly agree , and joyne with Them that indeavour with the first , to allay the very semblance and apparition ( lesse than the least bubling up ) of Disorder . Onely this I could heartily wish , that Fire and Fagot may not determine this Controversie ; that These men may not be dealt with , as were some of the Martyrs in Queene Maries daies ; For oft when the Bishops could not reply , They would start up and sweare by the Faith of their Body , that This was a dangerous , grosse , and Hereticall opinion : and All This was but a Prologue to That Tragedy , whose Epilogue was Flame and Fagot , or at least the Fasces to younger men . We have oft seene some of These Preachers before the highest Tribunall in This Kingdome ; For we thought it unreasonable ( with Those in the Acts ) to condemne any before they were heard . I was not their Judge alone , nor will I be at . This time . Onely that it may appeare I attended their pleading ( as it becomes any in a Court of Justice ) I will give the world an account , what Those men say for themselves ; and so I shall leave them to be judged by wise men . First , they conceive there be some Ordinances which are proper onely to the Church , and Church-Officers , belonging onely to Church Assemblies ( such as is the Administration of Sacraments , the Conferring of Orders , and all of this nature ) These they thinke Sacred , such as may not be touched by any but Church-Officers ; and of These they say , let Vzza● take heede how hee touch the Arke , though it shake . But there are other Ordinances ( they say ) of a Middle nature ; as they are exercised in a Church Assembly , by Church-Officers , They may truly be called Church-Ordinances ; yet are such as may be used Out of Church Assemblies , and therefore probably by Other th●n Church-Officers ; As Praying , Reading the Scripture , Catechising , Exhortation , and the like ; which ( as they conceive ) are not confined to the Church onely , or Church-Officers . 1. Because Heathens and Publicans may be admitted , nay ought to be invited , to These Ordinances . And it seemes no Mortall sinne , for a Lay-man in China , to call together a company of Heathens , and preach to them the Christian Religion , yet here is no True Church , till a Congregation will Embrace This Doctrine , and joyne in serving God. 2. They conceive Our State , by publike authority , hath and doth allow so much as This. For they see Clerkes ( even in publike Assemblies ) Read Psalmes , Prayers , and oft some parts of Scripture ; Deacons preach , yea and Baptize , and helpe to administer the Lords Supper , and yet no man takes them for complete Ministers : yea of old , and perhaps now also by Law , they are not at all Clergy men . 3. Former Preachers have taught them , that every Master of a Family , may and must read , pray , Catechise , and the like , in his owne Family , if he have none there that can doe it better than himselfe . Therefore These seeme rather to come under the Notion of Private Duties rather than Publike Church-Ordinances ; though sometime they be performed in Churches , yet other times they may be performed out of Churches , and by Those that are not publike Church Officers . Therefore These poore men ( through their weaknesse ) thinke such Ordinances Free to be performed by any Christian , whether of the Clergy , or Laity . And their Zeale makes them conceive , If God give gifts of Understanding , Memory , Judgement , & Utterance ; and an Earnest Desire to doe good with These ( lest they wrap up their Talent in a Napkin ) They have the Maine ( to wit , an inward ) Call to performe these duties in their owne Families : or else where , if They have an outward Call too . For they solemnly professe , they hold it not fit to presse or intrude themselves on any Congregation : But if any will come of themselves , either to their owne Families : or send for them , and desire to heare them , among some Good men , they take this for a Call , an Outward Call , to performe Those duties , to that Congregation . For , they thinke the wayes of Gods Spirit are free , and not tied to a University man ; so that having an Inward call , they conceive the desire of any One Congregation , is Outward call sufficient , though the Bishop call not . Yea , some Exercises in Gods worship , They thinke there be , which are warranted from the Gift that enables , and not from the Call that invites : so that a man whom God hath enabled with Parts and Gifts , might use them , though no man Living call him . And this also is the Judgement of many Learned men ; as of That Ingenuous , Worthy , Learned man Master Thorndick , of late Touching on That of the Corinths . So long then as they Encroach not on Ordinances appropriate to Church-Officers , they thinke they sinne not in performing other duties , where there are none that can , or will , performe them better . They have learned Latine Enough to say , Bonum quo Communius , eo melius . They have read of Moses , wishing all the Lords People were Prophets ; and that God would poure out his Spirit on them all . Yea they have heard that God promised to poure out his Spirit upon all Flesh , all Beleevers ( as well Lay as Clergie ) so that Young men should see Visions , and Old men dreame Dreames , and though This were begunne to be accomplished Even in Our Saviours time , yet They ( perhaps through ignorance ) Expect it should be yet still more and more accomplished every day , till Knowledge Cover the Earth , as Waters fill the Sea ; even till there be no more neede that any man should teach his neighbour , for all men shall know the Lord ; and They poore men Expect a new Heaven , and a new Earth , wherein there shall neede no more Temples of stone , but all Good men shall be Prophets , Priests , and Kings . In the meane time they say Waters must flow out of the bellies of all that beleeve , till at length the Great Waters of the Sanctuary flow forth without measure . Yea , they are much encouraged from the Practise of the Church in the Acts , where all the members , Every beleever , being scattered by persecution , went about Preaching . If it be Objected that This was an Extraordinary Case ; at the first beginning of the Church ; and in time of Persecution , &c. They Answer , that they conceive almost as Extraordinary a Case in This Land , at This Time ; Where the Church is so much unsetled , and hath beene so much persecuted . In some places they see no Ministers ; scarce any in some whole Shires , as in Cumberland , Westmorland , Northumberland , and especially , in Wales : Where the Church is even yet scarce ( & ne vix ) so much as well begunne to be planted , or the Gospel Preached . In Other places , where there is some shew of a Church , some Ordinances , some Ministers ; Yet even here , they thinke the Church calleth for many more Ministers , at least for much more , and much better preaching then it yet hath . Specially since the late Cruell Tyranny of some Lording Prelates , hath almost quite put downe Ordinances , silenced Good Ministers , and forbidden Preaching ; Having so detained the Truth ( and smothered it ) by unrighteousnesse , that there is scarce left the Face of a True Church . They conceive This an extraordinary Time , an extraordinary Case , and Call , for all that are Enabled by God , with Parts and Gifts , fit for such Exercises . And they conceive 30. or 40. or an 100. Good men of any one or more Congregations , to be as Fit Judges of their parts and abilities every way , as One Lord Bishop and his Ignorant ( perhaps Drunken ) Chaplaine ; who make scruple of admitting any to Orders , but Bowers and Cringers , sincks of Superstition ; Yet when they please , they can poze in an Alehouse , and lay hands ( well quickned with angels ) on Tapsters , Coblers , Butchers , and many such , that are so farre from the smell of a Colledge , that they never saw an Abcee or Primer to purpose , much lesse a Ferula in a Grammer Schoole . In the last place they solemnly professe they are ready to heare or read , any that either by writing , preaching , or private discourse shall informe them better than now they see or know . They would thanke any man that will satisfie their Consciences , and convince their judgement : For , they professe they are not acted by vaine-glory , or faction , but Conscience and desire of propagating Truth , and spreading the Gospel , as God shall give them opportunities . And supposing such parts , gifts , and abilities , fit for those duties ; They conceive no man may upbraid them with poverty , or former living in a trade ; which yet they thinke not altogether incompatible to Preaching : for they have read of Saint Paul ( and others ) intermixing his Sermons with making of Tents . Yea though they have not such parts and gifts as Saint Paul ; yet they thinke the worke of Preaching much more compatible with all works of the Hands , than with any one other study of the braine , or minde : and yet they see many Civill Lawyers take Livings , and have Cure of Soules : Yea , and all their Lord Bishops have Two Callings , Two severall ( opposite ) Studies ; and yet for all Those Two , They can spend as much , or more time at Cards and Dice ( or worse ) than at either of their Callings . Nor are they so tied to their Outward Callings , but if the Church shall thinke it fit , they are ready to give up all , and apply themselves wholly to the study of Scriptures , and worke of the Ministery . In the meane time they follow their Callings , ( not living idlely , or going up and downe Tatling as Busibodies ) but being diligent to serve God both with their hands , hearts also , yea and tongues too , if God shall call them , and give opportunity as well as abilities . I would not be mistaken by my Reader . All this time I am speaking Their words , not my owne ; All that I desire is , that they may have a faire Hearing , before they be severely censured . And I move this the rather , because they are still ready to say , Most that condemne them never heard them : I could not but doe what in me lies , to remove This scandall . It may be Expected I should now shew my owne Opinion ; and answer all These Things , which Those poore men say for themselves . But I must confesse I am already almost tired with relating the Arguments of One part onely ; so that I dare not set on the Other . Neither indeed doe I thinke it needfull : Most of That which They say , being such , that it is not like to doe much hurt ; and so I thinke it not needfull to refute it . What must be refuted , may much better bee done by Others of better Parts , and founder judgements : for I know some that in One poore discourse of Truth , are by their wit able to finde all the seventeene Intellectuall Sinner ; how much more in a discourse of Error ? Only by the way , I cannot but shew how weakly These poore Preachers answer some strong objections brought against them . As This in the First place : That by This Course , All Errors and Heresies shall quickly come to be vented and maintained in the Church , when every man may Preach that will , and what he will , without Controule . To This Argument , All Their Answer , that I can remember , is This. First , that They maintaine not that Any man may Preach that Will. No ; They say it must be One of Parts , Gifts , and Abilities fit for a Preacher ; and that not only in his owne fancie , but in the Judgement of many Godly men : Who ( being many ) are as like to be fit and able to judge of Abilities on Their Triall , as any One Bishops Chaplaine ; that yet useth to present to his Lord , after little or no posing , One whom he never heard speake , ( much lesse Preach or Pray ) before he came for Holy Orders . Secondly , they say , They maintaine not that any such man ( so Gifted , and Called , being judged fit by the votes of many ) may yet Preach what he will. No , they are as much limited , and kept within bounds , as if they were licenced by the Bishop . For , if he Preach false Doctrine , Either in matters of Church or State , they say the Bishops Keyes , or at least his Long Sword , may reach him as well in a Parlor , or some little Pulpit , as if he were a Licentiate in a Great Cathedrall . And if he Preach no false Doctrine , must he suffer ( say they ) for Preaching True ? It is true , No wise man living will blame ( much lesse punish or fine ) a man that speakes a good True Discourse of Law , or Physicke , though he be Licentiate in neither ; But These poore men consider not , the Case is not the same in Preaching a True discourse in Divinity . Yet let us give way , and they will speake more . Againe they say , Suppose they did hold ( which they doe not ) that Any man Living might Preach that would , and what he would ; yet perhaps there would not follow so great Inconvenience as some imagine . For , All such supposed Preachers , are either Wise men or Fooles . If Wise , they will Preach Wisely , and so doe Good. If Fooles , Foolishly , and so doe no Hurt , or at least very little hurt : For , it is not for a Foole to broach an Heresie , and maintaine it , or spread it much . No , Arrius , Pelagius , Arminius , and such , were men of the Greatest Parts , but set wrong . Yea suppose some of These Non Licentiate Preachers be men of the greatest parts possible , and so possible to become dangerous Heretiques ; Doth the Heresie spread it selfe the more for not being Licensed ? Might not This Great man doe as much hurt ( yea much more ) if he were Licensed , than now he is not ? If any answer , It is True , He is like to do more hurt , if Licensed ; but therefore the Bishop in wisedome will not License him . They rejoyne : First , is it probable One Bishop in This case will shew more care and conscience , than twenty or thirty Good men in a Congregation , where This parted Man would preach ? But againe , Suppose there be never a Good man ( in all his Auditory ; ) or that all the Good men there , will not have care to suppresse This man from doing hurt : How shall , how can the Bishop do This ? How can he keepe him from venting , and spreading his Heresie ? First , when this man comes for a License to the Bishop , No man can tell how he meanes to Preach , ( when hee is Licensed ) except the Bishop perchance be a Prophet also , as well as a Priest and King ? Either he hath Preached , ( before his comming for This License ) or he hath not . If he have not , No Bishop can tell how he will preach ; nor can any wise man living commend him to the Bishop , as fit to make a Good Preacher : since He that is the Best Scholler living , and perhaps as good a man as any , yet may prove but an ill preacher . If he have preached before , and done well , without License , then it seemes it is lawfull to preach without a License : for probation no doubt , ( though most of late have denyed This ) But I aske how long shall he be a Probationer ? how many yeares , months , weekes ? Though he preach ten good Sermons , no man tan tell , but in the next he meanes to broach an Heresie . But alas These poore men see not how weake all This is . For , Is it not easie for three or foure men , or a Bishops Chaplain to commend a man ( be he Scholler , or Groom , or Butler , or what he will : ) let the Bishop without seeing or smelling This man , give him his blessing blindfold , and seale him a Licence , What hurt is in all This ? For , if This man preach well , the Church will get good : if ill , cannot the Bishop as soone pull him downe , as he set him up ? They answer , Suppose he may , ( which is hard to suppose , since Orders once given , leave an Indelible Character ) why may not ten or twenty men , Good men in a Congregation , as well set up a man , and try how hee will prove ? For if Well , it is Well ; he will do good : If ill , These ten or twenty men can as easily pull him downe againe , as set him up . Not so . For the Bishop is still a very wise , discreete , Good , Holy man and being entrusted by the Church , will have a speciall care , even more than an hundred others , to set up a good man , or else pull him quickly downe againe . To This they yet answer , The Bishop cannot tell how or what he preacheth when he hath set him up , ( except hee can be present in all places , at least many at Once , to ●eare all young preachers , that he Liceuseth ; ) and therefore though he would pull him downe , yet he cannot because he cannot be still present to heare him . Though he come once , twice , ten times , yet the Preacher may hold in , all his Herise , till he see the Bishop absent ; and sometimes he must be absent . But may not the Congregation then goe and complaine to the Bishop , if their Preacher do amisse ? and upon complaint the Bishop will , may and must suppresse that error . If he doe not ( they say ) They are still where they were . But if he do Censure This Preacher , on the complaint of the Congregation ; Either he sees they complaine unjustly ( and then He doth injustice in censuring-upon , an unjust complaint ) or else he must yeeld they complaine justly ; and then he also grants , that This Congregation hath wisedome enough to judge , whether a man preach well or ill ; and if so , why may not the Congregation censure him for ill preaching , without complaint to one Bishop ? Sed frustra fit per plura ; quod fieri potest per pau●iora . And so I leave This , and come to another great Question , that is wont still to be propounded to These poore Non Licensed Preachers . It is This , why ( if indeed they be fit , or seeme fit , or do but thinke themselves fit to be Ministers , why then ) do they not enter into Orders ? or at least present themselves , shewing their desire to be in Holy Orders , if indeed they may be found fit for the Ministery , as they thinke themselves ? Why do they halt betweene Two ? either let them serve the Church wholly , and so be in Orders ; or else let them forbeare , and not meddle with dispensing of Holy Ordinances . This seemed to mee a very serious Question , and therefore I much desired to heare their Answers . Some of them say , they know not yet whether they be worthy , or fit to take on them Those Greater Offices which follow Orders , onely they desire they may have leave ( as Probationers ) to exercise , or keepe Acts , before the Church ; 'till the Church shall approve of them , and call them out ( judging them faithfull ) for higher imployment , or generally to dispense all the Ordinances . In the meane time , They meddle onely with such Ordinances , as they conceive not proper to Church Officers onely , but in some sort common to all Christians , yea to all men , as was said before . Others say , they would gladly ( with all their Hearts ) be consecrated to God , and wholly give themselves up to his service and worship in the Ministery ; but they are afraid to take Orders , as Orders are now conferred , in This State. And yet in the meane time , they dare not abstaine from Preaching , ( where they have opportunity , and a Willing Auditory ) lest they should detaine the Truth , God hath revealed to them ; and should be guilty of hiding their Talent in a Napkin . For they thinke they may do many Things belonging ( though not proper ) to a Minister ; though they be not , nor can be ( as things now stand ) in holy Orders . Their Instance is David , who was a King , and of the Tribe of Iudah , and so could be neither Priest nor Levite ; yet they find King David often Preaching ; else they understand not the meaning of Those Phrases , O come hither and I will shew you what God hath done for my poore soule , and the like . If these men in This be serious , and do not pretend Conscience where it is some other Principle that acts them , to some low end : I cannot but much pity them ; that if they be fit , they neither may be licensed , nor yet preach without License . But let us see why they dare not enter into Orders , and so be Licensed Ministers . They answer that they have not so much against Orders conferr'd by our Church , or the manner of conferring them ( though under some Bishops , This hath beene very strange , and not warrantable either by Law of God or man , they conceive ) as they have in their judgment and consciences , against the Power conferring them . For they doubt not to affirme , that He ( who ever he be ) that taketh on himselfe power , which the Scripture hath not given him , to appoint , dictate or command , any one Thing either in Doctrine or Discipline : though the Thing it selfe might possibly be good , yet He that so dictates , is Antichristian ; encroaching on the Regall Office of Christ ; and so a Traytor in Religion . Now they dare not touch That , which ( how Good soever in it selfe , yet ) comes in Power and Vertue of an Antichristian Traytor . Yea though such an one should command them a Thing very lawfull in it selfe , ( as to weare a blacke cloath ) yet if Hee have not Commission to Command , from Scripture , they conceive He incurres a Premunire with God ; because he takes on him to do that ( as an O●ficer ) for which he is not fore-armed with lawfull authority . In this case they thinke they ought not to obey Him so commanding : because though the Thing in it selfe be lawfull to be done , yet they thinke him an unlawfull Commander , and so dare not obey ; if for no other Reason , yet for This , that by obeying here , they shall betray not onely their owne Priviledges , ( which yet are very precious ) but also the Liberties and priviledge of all the Subjects of Christ , even of the whole Church ; so that they become Traytors to their spirituall Common-wealth . They give This Instance in Civill Things . Suppose a Sheriffe , that is a lawfull Officer , come and command me to give him forty pound , of his owne head , without lawfull Authority to beck his command . they say , if in This Case I give him forty shillings , I betray not onely my owne priviledge , ( which perhaps I may do ) but also the whole Liberty of the Commonwealth , and so become ( in Re ) a Traytor to t●e State : though in it selfe it be lawfull to give forty shillings to any man that askes , yet now I must not do it , because This officer commands it by unlawfull Authority , and so without Commission . Not yet that they thinke it necessary to stay disputing the Authority of a Commander , there where is no appearance of Ground for a Doubt . But if once they see and know the Command is grounded on no lawfull Authority ; or do but really doubt whether the Power Commanding , or the Thing Commanded be Lawfull : They conceive themselves bound to abstaine till their judgement be cleared , ( which they professe to desire , and by all lawfull meanes to endeavour ) lest while they doe , they be condemned in their owne consciences , because they do not act in Faith : and what is not of faith is sinne . I must leave These Things 'to be discussed by men of better judgements . In the meane time I humbly desire againe I may not be mis-understood ; for it is not in my thoughts to abet the least miscarriage in any one of these poore men : nor by any meanes to countenance any of them , in a way of exercising those Duties that are too high for their parts , and abilities which God hath given them . yet if there be any of them that have extraordinary parts , and endowments of judgement , memory , and utterance ; if God stirre up these to improve their Gifts to the best advantage , yet with all meeknesse , and humility ; I dare not condemne them till I heare them : for I know the Spirit of God is not tyed to our Fancies , but yet the Spirit of the Prophets is subject to the Prophets . I take not on me to warrant all the paths which some cut out to themselves : Yet I most affectionately intreat men not to contemne all things in those they now brand with their usuall staine of Separatisme ; which phrase many use in such scorn , as if with one stab ( of that Italian dagger ) they could run through Body and Soule at once . Light was one of the first Creatures , and yet not perfected till the fourth Day , ( and perhaps not fully then ) so was spirituall Light the beginning of Reformation , That New Creation ; yet it was not perfect at first dawning , but increaseth still by degrees , till it have quite chased away darknesse , and there be no more Night . All men yeeld there must be an increase of light in the world ; Now whether That be more probable to be in Doctrine or Discipline , judge yee . At the first Rising out of Popery , the Church-lesse Church of the Albigenses & Waldenses , ( Holy Good men ) began an admirable Reformation . This was much advanced by Ierome of Prague , and Iohn Hus. Luther had many grosse errours , yet must not lose his place among These glorious Lights . After these appeareth Calvin , shining yet brighter both in Doctrine & Discipline . Since Him Our God hath raised up a more glorious Light among These Northerne Iles. And yet some went from us lately with a candle burning , brighter perhaps than Ours ; though it were lighted here . Thus Light dilating , & enlarging it selfe , seemeth to become more pure , more Light , more Glorious ; and yet it seemes not to be Noone . The Light still will , must , cannot but increase ; why then do we shut our eyes ? Let it not be said of us , that Light came in , and grew up among us , yet we would not use it ( for we cannot but receive it ) because wee loved darknesse . Godly men may not onely neglect , but abuse light ; Yea they may both grieve , and quench Gods Holy Spirit . A sad case ! yet are they not still in some part Carnall ? and the Flesh not onely lusteth , but warreth against the Spirit . We are too too apt to sleight the sweet breathings of Gods Spirit , which Hee is pleased to communicate to others when we are destitute of the same Workings . Some Christians are as it were wholly legall ; they Fast , they Pray , receive Sacraments , heare Sermons , pay every one his owne , live inoffensively : This is well done , but This is not All ; yet This they take for enjoying God in Christ Jesus . But alas ! Quantum distat ab illo ? Non est vivere , sed valere vita . These men may well be saved hereafter , but in the meane time , they lose the sweetest part of their life here . On the other side , if God please to communicate himselfe in any manner of sweetnesse , so that a man begins to taste and see how Good Communion & acquaintance with God is ; how easily it is interrupted by loose walking ; how sweete it is while enjoyed ; so that it ravisheth the soule , and filleth the whole Heart , that it cannot but flow out at the Lips , in sweete breathings of , for , and after God in Christ Jesus , God in Christ Jesus . This man is presently stained with a taint of Madnesse , and I know not what Enthusiasme . If one that hath tasted and experimentally found the sweetnesse of Peace of Conscience , & knows how unpossible it is to keep it , but by close walking with God ; how easily it is broken ; and how hardly it is made up againe when broken : so that he is content to leave Friends , Living , Liberty , All , rather than to breake his Peace , wound his Conscience , sinne against God , in sinning against Light , or acting against Doubts . O this man is beyond all Rule of Reason ; He hath a Tang of Phrensie ; one puft up with a spirit of selfe conceit ; a Ranke Separatist . But sure it should not be so among Christians . Can we not dissent in judgement ( specially in These lower points of Discipline , while we agree in Doctrine ) but we must also dis-agree in Affection ? A Hard Case ! I confesse there are many now that turne the Light of Truth , into a Life of Loosenesse , vanity , and profanenesse ; and we are all too too prone to This. There are some Enthusiastickes , who prophane the Spirit . This I would resist with all my might . But let not all suffer with the wicked . Some without warrant runne away from their callings , and take up a bare , empty , fruitlesse Profession of Christianity , without the least dramme of life or power ; These men my soule hateth . But when God shall so enlarge his Hand , and unveile his face , that the poore Creature is brought into Communion and acquaintance with his Creator ; steered in all his wayes by His Spirit ; and by it carried up above shame , feare , pleasure , comfort , losses , grave , and death it selfe ; Let us not censure such Tempers , but blesse God for them . So farre as Christ is in us , we shall love , prise , honour Christ , and the least particle of his Image in Others : For we never Prove our selves true members of Christ more , then when we embrace his members with most enlarged , yet straitest Affections . To This end , God assisting mee , my desire , prayer , indeavour shall still be , as much as in mee lyes , to follow Peace and holinesse . and though there may haply be some little dissent betweene my darke judgement , weake conscience , and other Good men , that are much more cleare and strong ; yet my prayer still shall be , to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit in the Bond of Peace . And as many as walke after This Rule , Peace I hope shall still be on Them , and the whole Israel of God. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A29665-e1950 Object . Answ. 1. Answ. 2. Object . Answ. 1. Answ. 2. Object . Ans● . Object . Answ. * See 2. Cor. 8.23 . Object . 1. Answ. Question . Acts. 8.4 , 11 , 19. 
A19489	----	The Bishop of Gallovvay his dikaiologie contayning a iust defence of his former apologie. Against the iniust imputations of Mr. Dauid Hume. Cowper, William, 1568-1619. 1616 Approx. 361 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 102 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A19489 STC 5915 ESTC S108980 99844631 99844631 9463 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A19489) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 9463) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1600:20) The Bishop of Gallovvay his dikaiologie contayning a iust defence of his former apologie. Against the iniust imputations of Mr. Dauid Hume. Cowper, William, 1568-1619. Hume, David, 1560?-1630? [8], 183, [1] p. Printed by Thomas Snodham for Iohn Budge, and are to be sould at the great south-dore of Paules, and at Brittaines-Bursse, London : 1614. The Bishop of Galloway = William Cowper. A partial printing of and reply to an admonitory letter sent by David Hume. Signatures: A-2A⁴. The first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "A". Often bound with: The Bishop of Galloway his apologie. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE BISHOP OF GALLOVVAY HIS DIKAIOLOGIE : Contayning a iust Defence of his former APOLOGIE . Against the iniust Imputations of Mr. DAVID HVME . O what a griefe ; that hauing to doe with Enemies , wee are forced to fight with Friends ! LONDON : Printed by Thomas Snodham for Iohn Budge , and are to be sould at the great South-dore of Paules , and at Brittaines-Bursse . 1614. TO THE CHRISTIAN READER . AS I was on my iourney from LONDON homeward , in the Moneth of May last , I was ouertaken not farre from Darnetoune , by our Country-man , Mr. Dauid Hume , Goodman of Gods-croft . After we had saluted one another , we fell incontinent to a conference of Church-gouernment : hee excused himselfe , that his leasure serued him not at that time to stay in our companie , his vrgent affaires forcing him to post before , but hee promised to send mee his doubts in writing , and I promised him ( if it pleased the Lord ) an answere . The point I tooke in hand to proue , was , that no substanciall point of Discipline was changed in our Church . For , Ecclesiasticke Synods vsed before , are retained still , the censures of Admonition , Suspension , Excommunication ; yea , the Admission and Deposition of Pastors , or what euer else pertaynes to the matter of Discipline ; these are not remoued but rectified and roborated : in that the power to moderate and exercise these censures , is not left free to euery one , but restored againe to the Bishop , to be vsed with aduise of his Brethren : thus keepe wee still the same Discipline , but more orderly vsed . 〈◊〉 dined at Darneroune , and parted in louing manner , with all brotherly kindnes : we ouertooke him againe at Dunbar , where not finding his former humanitie , I maruelled what it could be , or from whom it c●me , that so small a change of the soile ; should make so great a change of the affection ; for in the one hee was most kinde , where with reason he might haue beene more strange ; and in the other most strange , where of dutie hee both might and should haue beene more kindly . Since that time I fore-gathered not with him , and I expected nothing , but kindnesse from him , and that the question should haue beene quietly and peaceably disputed by writing among our selues , till now that he hath begunne the publike warre . He had sent me some missiue Letters written by him to some others , crauing resolution of his doubts concerning Church gouernment . And as I was dispatching an Answere to him , I was forced to plead for my Conscience by APOLOGIE against a lying Libeller , which here Mr. Dauid against all dutie and reason hath publickely impugned . First , because I stood ●ound by promise to giue an answere to himselfe , and reason would hee should haue expected it : yea doubtlesse he had gotten it long ere now , in more quiet and louing manner , if he had not interrupted me . Secondly , I had written nothing against Mr. Dauid , I touched him not in my Apologie , and no other way gaue I him any cause to write against mee . Thirdly , hee being a priuate man , it cannot be but a great Presumption to condemne by publike writing a Church-gouernment established by Law and that without knowledge ( if himselfe be true ) for he professeth to seeke instruction concerning it , yea , without eyther calling or lawfull commission . Fourthly , before euer he sent this Refutation of this Apologie to me , or had discharged with me , he published sundry Copies of it to be seene and read of others , which in our Prouerbe we call Treason vnder trusting . Fiftly , his whole Admonitorie Treatise is full of Inuectiues in personam , without regard of modestie , yea , of that feare of God which becommeth a Christian , bringing nothing , or else very little ad propositum . Thus hath Mr. Dauid kept no faire warre with mee , but hath very farre ouer-seene himselfe , and wronged mee , which that the indifferent may know , I haue here published his Admonition in his owne words and mine answeres . I haue omitted no materiall thing in it ; onely words of needlesse repetition wherein hee abounds . If hee had contented himselfe to iustifie the Libeller , in tramping my Name , my Conscience , my Ministrie vnder his feete , it had beene a proofe of my patience great enough . But where without reason or truth , he will beare downe a common cause , and increase offences in the hearts of simple people , I cannot of conscience suffer it vnanswered : specially , seeing vnder pretence of impugning mee , hee directly impugneth it . If my heart in this had reproued mee of my wayes , I might haue lurked in secret , and past ouer the Libeller , and him also with silence ; but an honest conscience feareth not the light , but rather reioyceth in it . Onely I craue of the modest minded Christian , that if my speeches in the Answere at any time be sharper then becommeth , it be imputed to humane infirmitie , whereunto the loue of the cause , and knowledge of mine owne innocencie hath carryed mee , not want of loue toward him or others . It is no pleasure to mee to offend any man : if any such haue escaped mee , I will not excuse my selfe in that which the wise , godly , and indifferent Reader shall thinke may iustly be reprehended . Thine in the Lord , W. B. of Galleway . THE BISHOP OF GALLOWAY HIS APOLOGIE . THere are two things requisite in a man , that would doe good in a publike calling , the one is a good Conscience , the other a good Name ; the first commends him to God , and obtaines a blessing to his labours ; the next commends him to men , and procures him the greater credit to effectuate the good which hee hath intended , for the which ( said Philo ) Sicut bonum ac honestum esse , ita & videri a● haberi pr●dest . As it is a good thing to be good and honest , so is it also good that we should be esteemed good , Nonitaque est ●●gligenda fama restum ad custodian tu●● ad dignitatem vitae vtilissim● : A good name therefore is not to be neglected , considering it is a singular helpe both for the custodie and dignitie of our life : for this cause hath it alway beene one of Sathans customable policies , who stands at the right hand of Ieh●shuah , to resist him in well doing , to staine the Name where he cannot corrupt the Conscience , that by disgra●ing the instruments , he may destroy , at least diminish the good which faine they would doe : Hoc est Diaboli 〈…〉 seruos Dei mendacio laceret , & falsis 〈…〉 qui conscientiae su● luce clarescunt falsis ru●oribus sordidentur : This is the worke of the Diuell , to strike the seruants of God with the scourge of a lying tongue , to abase their honest name in the hearts of others , by wrongfull conceptions , and by false reports to defile them , who are honest in regard of their owne consciences . 2 It is a difficult thing to liue in a publike calling , and not to be calumniated . So long as our Sauiour liued a priuate life , we reade not that he was either tempted by Satan , or traduced by men , but from the time that by Baptisme he was consecrate to doe the great worke of the promised Messiah , then Satan set vpon him , and the mouthes of all his cursed instruments were opened to blaspheme him . Now we know that the seruant is not aboue the master : Si aut 〈…〉 aut palmarom folia complicarem , vt ins●dore vultus mei panem comederem , & ventris opus sollicita mente pertrectarem ●●●lus morderet , 〈◊〉 reprehenderet , nunc autem iuxta sententiam Saluatoris volo operari cibum qui non perit , & geminus mihi error infigitur : If were set ( said Hierome ) to weaue a basket of twigs , with the bull-rush , or to twist the leaues of I'alme-trees , or by any such base occupation , I had no more adoe , but to care for my belly , that I might eate my bread in the sweat of my brow , I might doe it all my dayes , and no man bite mee or reproue me for it , but now because , according to the saying of our Sauiour , I labour in a spirituall calling , to nourish my selfe and others with that bread of life which perishes not , a double error is enforced vpon me , Virum egregium sequitur proximorum inuidia , Enuie alway followes vertue : where it can hurt no otherway , it impugnes by calumnie : this is , as Nazianzen calls it , Malum grauissimum , generosam enim 〈◊〉 um virorum constautiam labefactere nititur : A most heauie euill , for by it Sathan seekes to weaken the constancie of good men , and so much the greater euill is it , Quia non solum falsa componit , sed etiam quae pi●gesta sunt decolorat , Because , faies Ambrose , it not onely forges false things , but falsifies true things , deforming and defacing that with her vncouth colours , which is done sincerely , and out of a good affi●ction . 3 With the like of these weapons hath Sathan fought against mee in his peeuish instruments , euer since the Lord called mee to be a Preacher , and no maruaile , Shall a man trample on a Serpent , and not looke to be stinged ? I haue professed my selfe , by the grace of my Lord , a disquieter of Sathans Kingdome , I thinke it not strange if hee doe what hee can to disquiet mee , disquiet hee may , dishearten hee shall not . Shall I be mooued at his lying Libellers ? No : Absit à seruo Christi tale inquinamentum , vt patientia maioribus praeparata , in minimis excid at : Farre be that spot from the seruants of Christ , that their patience prepared for greater , should faile in so small tentations , Qu● cito iniuria mouetur , facit se dignum videri contumelia , Hee that is hastily moued with a contumely , makes it to seeme that hee is worthie of it . What then , shall I vtterly neglect his false accusations ? No , least by them any credit I haue to doe good vnto others be stollen from mee . I will neither suffer an Absolom nor an Achitophel , A Friend nor a Foe , to steale away from mee the hearts of any of Gods people , if I may stay it . To such therefore as feare God I speake , as Augustine did to his brethren , Mihi sufficit conscientia mea , vobis necessaria est fama mea , To mee my conscience is sufficient , but for you my good name is necessarie . Of such as are mine Enemies either of weakenesse or wickednesse , I demaund as Iacob did of Laban . Now when yee haue searched all my stuffe , what haue yee found ? bring it forth , that we may see it . 4 O , forsooth , yee were once otherwayes minded concerning Church-gouernement . In some things , I confesse , I was , in others not . Paritie in Church-gouernment I euer thought the Mother of confusion , neither can , I see that God hath beene the Author of it in any of his workes , yea by the diuersitie of his gifts he declares that hee allowes not equalitie in gouernment , where here , if any strife be about comparison of gifts , I haue no more to say , but that hee who in humilitie of minde cannot submit himselfe to obay any other , was neuer meete to bee a Ruler of others , how great so euer has gifts be . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And that Preachers should haue place in Parliament , to giue light out of the holy Oracle , to the Prince and States of the Kingdome , I euer thought it both reasonable and necessarie , and did by my publike voice approue it in that generall assembly holden at Dundie , wherein this matter was first motioned . And in these publike Lectures which once in the moneth wee had in our Presbyteriall exercise , for clearing the Controuersies of this time : I did in my course openly declare , how in Church-gouernment a happy meane were to be wished betweene Anarchie and Monarchie , two fearefull euils in the Church , the one proceeding from paritie , wrought confusion , as might be seene in the pitifull state of the Churches of Flanders : the other breeding tyrannie and all sort of oppression : a lamentable proofe whereof we might see in the Churches of Italy , and other parts vnder the dominion of that Romish Vsurper : thus is there not so great a cause to charge me with a change , as is alleaged . 5 But in that wherein before I misliked Episcopall gouernment , fearing least tyrannie ▪ libertie , and other euils should follow it , if now , perceiuing a Christian King most carefull out of his rare pietie and wisedome , to see it vsed vnto the right end , I haue changed my minde , as many others , both worthie Fathers , and brethren in our Church haue done , to whom the world cannot denie an honest testimonie : what imputation should this be vnto me , Cum mentem in melius mutare non leuit as sit sed virtus , sith for a man to change his minde to the better , it is no leuitie nor inconstancie , ( as the lying Libeller termes it ) but vertue ? Episcopall gouernment was embraced of this Church ere I was borne , and with it wee enioyed the Gospell for many yeares , and some that were worthie and faithfull men in this same Ministrie of Perth , wherein I haue now laboured by the grace of God almost this twentie yeares , did discharge ( in effect ) the same office of a Bishop in the bounds of Galloway , yea by imposition of their owne hands did ordaine Bishops of other Dioces . If there were then a reason , why the Episcopall gouernment once embraced , being fallen in decay , the Presbyteriall should be established , is it not now possible ( thinke ye ) to get a reason why both of them should be reunited , the one of them being ordained to honour and strengthen the other , and being reduced to that order and vse , for which anciently it did serue in the Primitiue Church . Especially seeing it is done by the fatherly fore-cast and prouident care , ( not without warrant of Gods word , example of the Primitiue Church , nor aduice of the present Church ) of such a King as God hath giuen vs , a Professor , a Confessor , a Semi-martyt , a Protector , a Preacher , a Propagator of the Gospell with vs , whose power , for any thing I can yet learne , is greater in the externall gouernment of the Church , then we haue well considered of . 6 O but , say you , by this change , the people are made vncertaine of their Religion ? This cannot be but the bolt of some enemie , or the birth of the braine of some friend ouer-farre miscaried with opinion . If it hath done euill to any , it is an argument , their light is weake : for why ? doth diuersiue of externall gouernment import a difference in Religion ? Are there not many famous Churches in Europe , flourishing this day vnder the Episcopall gouernment ? haue not many Bishops themselues beene honoured with the honour of Martyrdome , and sealed the truth of the Gospell with their blood , since the reformation of Religion : Latmer , Ridley , Cranmer , and many moe in our neighbour Church may stand for examples . I will beseech all such weake Christians to take none offence , where it is not giuen . Ad v●itate● fidei sufficit vt ●adem sit doctrina Euangelij & Sacramentorum administratio : It is sufficient for the vnitie of faith , that the Doctrine of the Gospell and Sacraments be one and the same : in other externall things , there may be diuersitie , yea often times the diuersitie of times , and states of people will require a diuersitie of externall things , for the furtherance of the worke of edification . 7 The Apostles did all teach one , and the selfe-same Doctrine , but did not all gouerne their Churches in one and the selfe-same manner : for Iames and Peter among the Iewes tolerated Circumcision , which Paul among the Gentiles would not doe ; yea , the Disciples of S. Peter and S. Iohn , testifie how these blessed Apostles kept the Feast of the Pass●ouer on diuers dayes , as both Eusebius and Socrates doe write : yet was this diuersitie no impediment to the propagation of the Gospell by them both . It is euer to be considered , what the worke of edification requires . For that kinde of externall gouernment which some Churches of Christ hath , and others hath not : shall there be entertained a Schisme in our Church ? and an vnnecessarie and vnkindly contention , betweene a Christian people , and their most Christian King. Since to speake in most modest termes , to giue contentment to such as are not contentious , there is no question of Faith in the Church of Scotland ( Christian people might be ignorant of this disputation about Discipline , & come to heauen neuerthelesse , if so it might please some of their Pastors ) neither is there a question betweene good & euill , but betweene good and better ; betweene two , whereof either of them haue had their course to be , when the other was not ; euen in this same Church , I doubt not , the iudicious Reader will consider this , & Wisedome shall be iustified of her children . 8 But here I know it is obiected by men , euen of moderate mindes , if such gouernment were better vsed , and these who haue receiued it , did more good with it , then it would soone purchase credit to it selfe , and be the better liked . These men I see haue nothing against the thing it selfe , but against the vse of it , by which kinde of argument now commonly it is impugned . To these it were sufficient to answere , that Artisicum errata , artibus attribu●●● mon sunt , the errors of Artisans are not to be ascribed to the Arts themselues , or to such as more wilfully reason in this manner , to answere , as Nazi●●zen did the Eunomians , Cum in se ●ihil pr●●●●ij habeant , in nostra illud 〈…〉 Where in themselues they haue no strength , they seeke it in our imbecillitie : Et de malorum in 〈◊〉 sciutilla flammam ex●●tant & ad 〈…〉 affland● tollunt , vt longè 〈◊〉 Babilo●●●● superet : Of a little sparke of euill in vs , they kindle a great fire , by blowing vpon it with their secret surmisings , and publike reproches , till they make the flame , which they haue raised out of a sparke , to mount vp higher then the furnace of Babel : thus is it the manner of men to blame readily where they loue not . 9 But to goe further with them , as with all reason I require , that the faults of persons be not imputed to their Offices ; so with my heart doe I wish in all that are imployed with Ecclesiasticall authoritie , so moderate a behauiour , that no offence should be giuen to the weake , nor cause of contradiction to the contrary minded : but that as Iosephs preferment , tending to the good of all his brethren , forced them , who enuied it at the first , to thanke God for it at the last : euen so , credit may be conquest to vs in the hearts of them that feare God , by feruent and faithfull aduancement of the Gospell of Christ Iesus . We should neuer forget that warning which Ierome gaue to a certaine Bishop ; Rusticus Narbonensis , vide ne minor inueni ar is in Chris●● 〈…〉 in hoe seculo : Take heede that thou be not found lesse in Christ , then thou art named in this world ; thou art called a Bishop , so liue , that Christ that great Archbishop may approue thee for one . 10 But yet by some carnall and contentious spirits , who liue as if they were Demi-gods , and in their tongues God had set his tribunall , or had made them Iudges of the consciences of their brethren , it is obiected , published , and carried from hand to hand , in a Libell , as full of lies as lines , that● corrupt respects of gaine & glory hath moued me to embrace it : a fearefull crimination , if I were as guiltie of it , as they are bold to affirme it . I know it is a horrible sinne to abuse an holy calling to filthie luere : the Apostle said , that godl●nesse is great gaine , that is to say , that great gaine is godlinesse ; Questum 〈◊〉 pi●tatem . It is a peruerse order : Terrena coelestibus ●ercari , to buy earthly things with heauenly , where the spirituall Ministri● teacheth vs to exchange earthly things for heauenly , such impietie as this will be punished with a worse leprosie , then that of Gehazi . And no losse abhominable is it , to abuse it to vaine-glory and affectation of honour : it is a grosser idolattie then that of the Israelites , who of the gold and siluer which they reserued from the Lord , made a Baal to themselues . 11 To such I will answere , as Augustine did to Petilian , I am a man appertaining to the floore of Christ , if I be good , I am there as corne , if I be euill , I am there as chaffe , Sed non est huius areae ventilabrum lingua Petitiani , But your Petulant tongue , like the tongue of Petilian , is not the fanne of this floore . If any man thinke hee knowes me better then I doe my selfe , let him giue iudgement as he pleaseth , and others beleeue him as they list : if they will credit me of my selfe , my witnesse is in heauen , and my conscience within me beareth me record , that I was not moued with gaine or glorie , and I trust to declare it by Gods grace . But what ? Bene sibi conscius non debet falsis moueri , nec putare plus esse Ponderis in alieno co●●itio , quam in suo testimonis : Hee that hath in himselfe a good conscience , should not be moued with false conceptions in others , nor esteeme that there is greater waight in other mens traducing , then in his owne testimonie . 12 Now here I know it is expected , that as I haue declined the causes falsly imputed to me , so I should declare the true causes that moued me , which now shortly are these . 13 First , I perceiued a Christian King , by all meanes possible , seeking the aduancement of the Gospell , for the which it is griefe enough that his Maiestie sustaineth the greatest hatred and contradiction of the aduersaries , but more then enough , his Highnesse should want the comfort of his subiects , professors also : which when I considered , I thought it a matter of conscience to refuse to serue and follow his Maiestie in so good a course . 14 Secondly , I saw the weake hearts of many well affected Christians , through misconception , offended at the very name of a Bishop , not able out of light and knowledge to giue any reason of their misliking , notwithstanding , though it be so highly honoured by the Apostle , and commended by the famous lights of the Primitiue Church , who not onely accepted the name , but exercised the office thereof , to the great good of the Church : and that this offence might be remoued , at least so farre as my credit may carrie me , I haue embraced it . 15 Thirdly , I perceiued a perillous Schisme , and vnnecessarie diuision in our Church , for this matter of gouernment , to the great aduantage of the common Aduersarie , which gap I resolued , for my owne part , not to enlarge by contention , but so farre as my weaknesse may to close it vp , at least to make it the lesse . 16 Fourthly , I considered , that the same reason , that of old forced the Fathers of the Primitiue Church , in the iudgement of Ierome , to induce this gouernment in the Church , that is , in Remedium Schismatis , did more then manifestly require that it should be restored vnto vs : but of this the lesse I speake for duties sake , the more I leaue to be considered of them , who know the truth hereof . 17 Fiftly , the question among vs when I searched as narrowly as I could , is about Ierusalems wall , whether it should be circular or quadrangular , round or foure-squared : so the Citie be well , is this a matter for which we should make contention , it being better for the good of the Church , that any one of them should be , then that thus they should striue together , to the great hinderance of the Gospell . 18 Sixtly , and I doe verily thinke that the most famous and reformed Churches in Europe , who want this gouernment , would be glad to accept it , vpon this condition , that with it they might enioy the puritie of the Gospel , which they haue with vs , together with that libertie , fauour and protection of a Christian reformed King , which we haue , and they want . 19 For these reasons , as I was determined before , in the priuate calling of a Preacher , to reuerence and obey others my brethren , clad with the office of Bishops , the proofe whereof I gaue in these Prouinciall assemblies , moderated by Bishops , whereat I was bound to be present , so haue I at length embraced it in my owne person , being called there-vnto by the most Christian King , and Church of this Kingdome , without any motion , affection , or petition of mine owne ( if there be so much charitie in my aduersaries as to beleeue me ) I could with greater contentment and willingnesse of minde , haue giuen obedience in all dutifull submission to any of my brethren , nor to haue had any more publike charge in the Church ( if the matter had beene in my choice . ) And this doe I witnesse out of the very truth and simplicitie of mine heart . 20 If Shimei still will raile , and charge mee with a corrupt affection , let him be doing till his owne iniquitie reproue him , I am sure no well aduised Christian will fight with any such armour , for the weapons of our warfare are not carnall , but spirituall . As for others , who like barking Dogges and Birds of the night , chatter to themselues in secret confused sounds , which can bide no triall , back-biting those whom they dare not looke in the face , for such as these , why shall a man turne out of the way ? It is a sufficient punishment to such as this way with their will would hurt mee , that against their will they shall helpe me , Qui volens detrahit same mee , nolens additmer●●●● meae , For he that with his will empaites my name , against his will , shall encrease my reward . 21 But if such busie idle-bodies will come and labour with mee in the worke of God , I hope to teach them to bestow their time more profitably , not to disquiet , as they do , their vnsetled braines with such vanities , as vanish so soone as they are conceiued , and brought forth , leauing nothing behinde them but a guiltinesse to themselues , for mine owne part I haue determined not to be contentious , for that is not the custome of the Church of Christ , but haue resolued to spend my time and talent I haue saued to the vantage of my Master , and good of my Brethren , after my weake measure , Aur●us vtluteas minuat sic malleus vrnas . 22 As for others my Brethren , whom I loue in the Lord , and will alwaies reuerence for the graces of God in them , I wish from my heart that precept of the Apostle were fulfilled in vs. That wee did all speake one thing , and there were no dissension among vs , but that we were knit together in one minde , and one iudgement , for since the first beginning of this question , I euer thought it a lamentable thing , that they whose hearts are ioyned in one resolution to die for Christ , if so the Lord should call them vnto it , cannot liue together in the vnitie of one minde . But this hath in all ages beene Sathans policie , where hee cannot disturbe the peace of the Church with externall euasion , he creepes in like a subtile Serpent , to disquiet it with internall perturbation , & that oft-times vpon vnnecessarie or small occasions : where-vpon hath proceeded this great rupture in Ierusalems wall heere among vs , which as it is seene of vs all , and more then enough talked of by many , so would to God , our hearts did pitie it , and all of vs endeuoured by humbled hearts toward our God , by meekenesse of minde , euery one of vs toward another , to repaire and close it vp againe . And seeing such in the condition of our humane infirmitie , that our knowledge in this life is but in part , and so our iudgements in all things cannot be vniforme , let vs take heed to the next , that difference of iudgements worke not distraction of affections , remembring that the wisedome which is from aboue , is peaceable , and that the zeale of God fights not with the weapons of flesh , such as hatred , debate , emulations , wrath , contentions . I● we liue in the Spirit , let vs also walke in the Spirit , expressing the fruits of it in our liues , which are , loue , ioy , peace , long suffering , meekenesse , goodnesse , wherewith the Lord more and more endue vs all for Christs sake , AMEN . Yours in the Lord , WILLIAM COOPER , B. of Galloway . FINIS . A DEFENCE OF THE BISHOP OF Galloway his Apologie , against the Paralogie of Mr. D. H. PSAL. 7. 10. My defence is in God , who preserueth the vpright in heart . I Receiued from Master Dauid Hume , a Gentleman of sundrie good qualities ( if they were seasoned with greater sobernesse , pietie , and loue ) An admonitorie letter ; ( as hee calls it ) intending thereby to make mine Apologie Anapologeticke ; but indeede , as it will shew it selfe , An Accusatorie libell , dentata Charta , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , written in defence of those falshoods , which the former shamelesse , and namelesse Libeller had forged against mee , and which now I am forced againe to improue , that all honest men may see mine Apologie Euapolegeticke , my defence easily defended , and vvith reason . Before I entred to reade it , I bowed my knees to the Lord my God , earnestly praying , that if it contained any message from the Lord , he would encline my heart to follow it , and not suffer the vnruly passions , and perturbations of corrupt nature in me , to suffocate any light comming from his Maiestie toward me . But hauing read it , I found it to be but inanis , & inanimis oratio , a vaine declamation , void of spirit , life , truth and loue ; stored with such carnall boastings , contemptible reproaches , raylings , false lyings , and iterate criminations , as ministred vnto me manifest proofes , that the Spirit which hath stirred him vp to this vnchristian and contentious dealing , proceedes from the father of lies , who hath so far miscaried him out of the compasse of Christian modestie , as to shew himselfe Non correctorm , sed traditorem , non correptorem , sed corrosorem , Not a corrector , but a betrayer , not a reprouer , but a biting deuourer : for which I went againe the second time , and vpon the knees of mine heart , spread it out before God , as good Ezekiah did the rayling of Rabsache . And heere I found contentment enough for my selfe , and willingly would haue rested in the secret of mine owne heart , possessing ( as our Sauiour counselleth ) my soule in patience , which the admonent out of his impatience , wrongfully , and vainely had besieged without , remembring that of Nazianzene , In irae praelio risus optima est armatura , in a battell ●f warth , foughten with words , laughter is best armour , Quid enim , an non diues , si pauper appellatur , ridet , quia fal●um id nouit ? For why , will not a rich man if he be called poore , laugh in himselfe , because he knowes it is false , which is said of him ? Howsoeuer mine opponent please himselfe , in saying what he will , it is notorious to me , he hath said what he should not , to him it is truth ( as hee sayes ) by appearance , to me it is certainly knowne to be an vntruth . In this testimonie as I haue said , I would willingly haue rested , if the admonent in signe of battel , arietem in nos immisisset , yea by displayed banner had made known vnto others , that he intended battell against me , before he had giuen vp , or made any signification vnto mee , and there-after when his admonition came to me , hee warnes me by his letter sent with it , that I should not receiue it , as priuate , but publicke , because ( forsooth ) a publicke matter must be publickly handled , with many other pert probations to triall , giuing out great brags , that he hath sought many , but can finde none to encounter with him , Et calum territat armis , nec minus gloriatur , quam si argiuum abstul●sset clypeum . Beside , that his particular imputations are so shamelesse , as to charge me plainely for a Teacher of false Doctrine , and a man of corrupt conscience . And I know this Treatise of his is caried from hand to hand among those of his owne humor , like an Idoll , in a procession of triumph , admired , yea adored , as if it were some new Apollinis oraculum . That dutie also which I own to my brethren , and all honest , peaceable , and well affected Christians , bindes mee to giue them iust satisfaction for remouing such offences as this aduersarie hath laid before them . Quamuis enim animus bene sibi conscius Deo solo contentus esse soleat , nec alterius , aut laudes petere , aut accusationes pertimescere geminata tamen laude sunt condigni , qui cum consci●ntiam sciant se soli Deo debere iudici actus tamen suos desiderant , ab ipsis etiam fratribus comprobari . For albeit , an honest conscience contents it selfe with God , and neither seekes the praise , nor feares the accusation of another , yet are they worthie of double praise , who knowing that God is the onely Iudge of their conscience , desires neuer the lesse , their actions may be approued of their brethren . In all these respects I hope it shall be none offence to modest men , that I haue broken my determinate silence , and resolued once for all to answere , I will not say a Foole , yet certainely an inconsiderate man , least he seeme to be wise in his owne conceit . Mr. Dauid his whole Treatise consists of raylings , and reasonings : the fore-front , or vantgard of his battell hee commits to raylings , and these disordered and confused , altogether : wherein I must excuse him , it being hard to keepe such wilde Warriours in rule , as here he hath hired against me . I haue gone through them with order , and reduced them to foure ranckes : raylings , first against my Name . 2. against my Conscience . 3. against my Ministerie . 4. against my Brethren cloathed with the office of Bishops . In the end , he commeth more modestly to enquire of the cause , and there by Gods grace , hee shall finde me , as modest as he seekes me , readie with words of sobernesse and truth , to resolue him , if hee be readie with like affection to receiue it . But as to his behauiour in the beginning : I vvould truly haue dealt vvith him in the Spirit of meekenesse , I loue it best , but hee hath forced mee to come with a rodde ; yea , it is good for him and others , I should so doe : Since I am a Pastor , and hee a Sheepe of the Flocke : since hee hath shewed mee the sore , and protests in vvord hee is content I should cure it : Since I see his corruption so grosse , and that the canker thereof is like to eate him vp , I cannot of dutie but apply the greatest , the sharpest salt I can get to rectifie it . Excuse mee Master Dauid , though it should bite you , better so , that you may be mended , then otherwise , that this cankred corruption should consume you , which it will not faile to doe , if it be not in time preuented . For , beleeue , mee , you haue come forth , not like a new Dauid , but an olde Diogenes : Canis & tuba conuitiorum , Not with the gentle oyle of admonition , nor with the sharper wine of compunction , both which are necessarie in correcting offences by rebukes , and vsed by the sweet Samaritane in curing the wounds of his owne , Vngendo sanat Christus Iehouae , non vrendo , But you are a Phisitian of another qualitie , you haue propined a Cup full of the gall of your bitternesse , it is returned backe to your selfe , and you must drinke it , You haue drawne your sword to slay such as be of vpright conuersation , and it is entred into your owne bowels : You vvould kindle a hellish fire in an heauenly fellowshippe , and pester the Paradise of GOD vvith the pest and poyson of Satan . You bring in vvorkes of the flesh , hatred , emulation , wrath , contention , sedition , enuie , lying , rayling , heresie : ( for you are the first Father of this calumnie , that in our Church are Teachers of false Doctrine ) to defend , as you thinke a Spirituall cause . This is intollerable in the Church , this is to shame the Church ( so farre as you may . ) It were but a iust recompence of your presumption , to pay you home with your owne money . Neither is it alway reproueable ( said Nazian . ) Radentem vicissim radere ; I know he commends Hero the Martyr , that he came out against the Cynicks of his time , Canis aduersus veros canes : but where the iniurie concernes my selfe , I will not so requi●e you . You haue iudged my conscience to be corrupt , & done what you could to defame me , I will not doe the like to you . I am bound by the Apostles precept , recompence to no man euill for euill . And againe , Be not ouercome of euill , but ouercome euill with goodnesse . Ver. 21. I remember mine owne lesson in the Alphabet for Sions Schollers , it is dangerous to fight against Satan with his owne armour , to giue rebuke for rebuke , and pay home one calumnie with another : for I know there is no difference inter prouocantem et prouocatum , nisi quod ille prior in maleficio depraehenditur . I esteeme it neither wisedome then manhood , Cum virtute vincere liceat vitio superari , aut etiam superare , quod multo sceleratius est : When a man may ouercome by vertue , to suffer himselfe be ouercome by vice in another , or which is much worse , to striue by it to ouercome others . But where your reproaches are not priuate , nor personall onely , but publicke , concerning the whole Church , I cannot of dutie but speake of them as they are vnder , such names and stiles as they deserue : for the cause is common , and the Ministrie of a publicke Office-bearer in the Church , is for the benefit of others , where it is good , and honest , the defaming of it , is not without the preiudice of many , that should receiue good by it . In this you haue degressed so inordinately out of the compasse of Christian dutie , that I am forced to come to you with a fire from God , to burne vp , extinguish and vndoe your vncouth fire , and with an holy anger , as the hammer of God , to beate downe the horne of your pride . That same holy Spirit , which at one time descended in the likenesse of a Doue , at another discended in the similitude of Fire . Meekenesse alway is not to be vsed : there is a time when it becommeth Moses , the meekest man of the earth , to be angrie . I dare not say I can rule anger , as he did , but shall doe what I may to restraine it . I know then onely is anger good , when it is a seruant to reason , and a Souldier fighting for the truth , Tunc neruus quidam animae est indignatio , fortitudinem ad res bene gerendas praebens . And here if any shame of this conflict arise vnto you , it is not by my deede , you haue drawne it vpon your selfe . As the dirt which the Sea foames and casts vp in her flowing , returnes backe againe without difficultie into her owne bosome in the ebbing : so is it , beleeue me , with you ; you haue here but foamed out your owne shame , your reproaches and calumnies , which you haue here heaped vp , and dawbed together with vntempered morter , so soone as they are touched , fall backe vpon your selfe , and it is not my rebuke , but your owne , returning vnto you . You haue drawne me from mine accustomed course of studie , vnto a field of Contention , which I like not . It had beene greater pleasure to mee , and profit to others , I had spent this time vpon some other subiect , meeter for edification of the soules of men , and doubtlesse or now I had done so , if you had not interrupted me : but since you haue kindled a fire in the Church , and your selfe falne into it , and like to draw others with you into it also , I will not be so vndutifull as to leaue any thing vndone , that I may doe to quench it . And if in pulling you out of this fire , I handle you more roughly then otherwise I would , and my speeches be sharper then you like wel of to heare ; yet I hope to speake nothing against your selfe , but against your sinne , not to seeke a fault in you by searching your conscience , but to rebuke it , where you by word plainly manifest it : and in this if not you , yet at least the Christian Reader will excusemee , your danger is so desperate , the danger wherein simple ones are drawne by you , yea the perill imminent to the whole Church so euident , by this trumpet of Sedition you haue blowne into it , like another Bichraean Sheba , that I am forced to doe as I haue done . Yet by Gods grace two things I shall keepe , Patience and Loue , the one in my selfe , Cauendum enim est ne vindictae cupiditate amittatur ipsa patientia , quae pluris est habenda , quam omne quod potest inimicus etiam inuito auferre . The other toward you , I haue , and I will loue you , whether you will or not , neither shall your raging in this Feauer , alienate mine affection from you . But indeed , I looked for better fruits from you , and expected you should haue beene answerable to your stile , Theagrius . The husbandrie of God should abound in fruits of the Spirit , which are loue , peace , gentlenesse , goodnesse , meekenesse : but how farre you haue digressed from these , I hope you will see better , when you come to your selfe againe ? Surely if mine enemie had defamed me , I could haue borne it , or if mine aduersarie had exalted himselfe against mee , I would haue hid my selfe from him : but it was thou , O man , euen my familiar , and my companion , who delighted to consult together , and goe to the house of God as companions : What can the most professed enemie of the Gospell doe more then you haue done . You haue rewarded me euill for good , and so haue brought your selfe vnder the danger of that fearefull sentence : He that rewardeth euill for good , euill shall neuer depart from his house : I wish your eyes may be opened to see it , and God may giue you grace in time to repent of it . But now to come to the matter . The spight of your furie runnes first against my name , and that with such violence , as declares a great force of inordinate affection in you to ouer-runne it , if you could . For so you begin . THE ADMONENT . RIght loued brother , while I am in expectation of the answere you promised to my Letters , I receiued by euenture your Apologie written in defence of your fame , as you giue it out in your Preface , and proues you should so doe by diuers authorities of diuers Doctours , yet as good will thinke Fame should be despised , or procured , and retained by good actions , &c. THE ANSVVERE . HVmano capiti ceruicem pictor equinam , &c. Mr. Dauid begins at right loued brother ; but that this agrees no better with the progresse of his Paralogie , then a mans head set vpon a beasts body , will be manifest in the own place . The Locusts that came out of the bottomlesse pit , had a face like a mans face , but their teeth were as the teeth of Lyons , and their tailes like vnto the Scorpion , it becomes not a professed Christian to be like one of them . Doe you not here come to mee , as Ioab did to Amasa , hee tooke him by the beard with the right hand , to kisse him , and said , Art thou in health my brother ? and smote him with the left hand . As siluer drosse ouer-laied vpon a pot-shard , so are burning lips , and a false heart : if a louing heart had moued your lips in louing manner , to call me Right loued brother , you would haue spared to spew out such raylings as after followes , but you haue bewrayed your selfe : Salomon heere hath found you out , to be but a guilt Pot-shard , pretending by one word Christian brotherhood , when all the rest of your words and deedes , proues the contrarie , as concerning me . What euenture caried mine Apologie to you , I care not , I published it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speaking truly on my conscience to men , as conscience spake vnto me , onely to remoue such offence as weake Christians might conceiue , through the calumnies of a lying Libeller , I did it with such moderation of words , as I cannot thinke it offended any man , if I were in the wrong to any , it was to my Brethren , who stand for Episcopall gouernment , in that I set it lower , to procure peace , then I should haue done ; yet it offends Mr. Dauid , though it no way concerne him , he will be a busic-bodie , and meddle with other mens matters , where-vnto he hath neither calling nor commission . What your Doctours are , who mislike that a good name should be defended , yea that it should be despifed , I know not : you say it , but you cite them not , as good you call them , as Philo , Tertullian , Ierome , Ambrose , Nazianzene , Augustine : These men are small in Mr. Dauids conceit , here in the very entry giuing vs a taste of that humour , wherein you continue and encrease in the rest , liberall enough in your ( as good ) a word frequently vsed of them who are scant of matter , & yet faine would be contending : but this chaire is too high for you , to be the Palemon of Doctours past , and present ; can you tell their value , can you match them rightly ? you still vsurpe it , but will be found to take too much vpon you . A name , sayes your Doctors , should be despised , or else say you obtained , and retained by good actions , not by Apologies . The first is true , no man denies it , a good name should be procured by good deedes , but why seclude you the second ? Are not Apologies lawfull , yea needfull , to conserue a good name , begotten of good actions , when an euill tongue would destroy it ? For why ? will good actions stop the mouthes of backbiters ? Will innocencie it selfe fence a man against the strife of tongues ? No , it kept not Iesus the iust from the scourge of the tongue . Was not Samuel an vnrebukeable man among men , yet forced to vse Apologie : Behold , here am I , beare record of me before the Lord , whose Oxe haue I taken ? or whose Asse haue I taken ? or whom haue I done wrong to ? or whom haue I hurt ? or at whose hand haue I receiued any bribe to blinde mine eyes therewith ? Mr. Dauid , many a time in your admonitorie , you charge me for a corrupt louer of gaine : but I adhere to Samuels protestation before the Lord against you , and against all creatures . I could tell at how manie hands I haue refused gaine , euen for a shew of vngodlinesse , but that creature was not , is not , that can conuict me of receiuing it . And was not Saint Paul , a faithfull seruant of God , a painefull man in the worke of the Ministrie , yet compelled to plead his cause by Apologies before men . What shall I say , the Christians of the primitiue Church were men of a godly life , yet so sore oppressed with calumnies that Iustin , Tertullian , & other Fathers of the Church were forced to defend them by Apologies ? A worthy , constant , and couragious man of God was Athanasius : was he not without cause accused as a Murtherer and Sorcerer , that he had slain Arsenius , & cut off his right arme , to vse it in witchcraft , and so forced to purge himselfe by Apologie ? And is not this it , which I tolde you so clearely in mine Apologie , but that you can see nothing , which pleaseth not your humour ? I tell you it now therefore ouer againe : It is Satans policie to staine the Name , where hee cannot corrupt the Conscience ; and to disgrace the person , by contempt of men , where he cannot dishonour them , by trapping them in his owne snare . Sore hath mine aduersarie thrust at mee , from my young yeeres , by change of tentations hath hee sought to winnow mee , if you had read my little Dialogue , it could haue told you I haue beene trained vp with the wrastlings of GOD. Many wayes hath the Enemie sought to snare me , that he might shame me , and in shaming me , might shame the glorious Ministrie committed to me , though least , and vnworthiest of all his seruants : But my Lord prayed for mee , and his grace preserued me , that Satan got no vantage against mee , to the disaduantage of the Gospell : but now hee hath changed his battell , and heere is the point ; what Satan could neuer obtaine of mee by inward tentation , hee would make the world beleeue by outward calumnie , that he had obtained it , and that he had made me a man of a corrupt conscience , and of an vnhonest heart toward God and man. Before he fought against mee with inward tentations , and I resisted him by instant prayer ; now he impugnes me by outward calumnies , he hath not , I thanke God , corrupted my conscience , but he would make men beleeue that he had done it : and here it offends Mr. Dauid , I should resist the enemie , and defend my selfe by Apologies : Since he hath changed the manner of his on-set , why may not I change the manner of my Defence ? for in all this I take him for my principall partie . Thus stands the question betweene Satan and mee , and I am sorie for you that you come in to second him , and serue him for an instrument to carie his lies vpon the chariots of your tongue and penne , to the eares and hearts of others , for to speake according to truth : this is the place vvherein you stand at this time , you haue taken you to be Satans second in this combat against me , at least he hath abused you to follow him ignorantly into it : But since there must be a winde and a firie Chariot to carie Elijah into heauen . Since there must be an Angell of Satan to buffet Paul , and keepe him from pride : Since there must be a fire to purge the sonnes of Leui , I meane of affliction , which vnto the godly is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Purgatorie fire of Pisida , since gold cannot be fined but by Lead , which consumes and finishes it selfe in the fining of it : let it come by any instrument , by you , or any other the Lord pleaseth to stirre vp , so it bring forward his worke in me , I care not . THE ADMONENT . MOreouer , I am sure ye know it is with the oppugning of the Discipline of Scotland , the defence of the office of Bishops : This is more then any mans fame , the fame of the whole Church of Scotland these many yeeres , the fame of the best reformed Church in Europe . It is yet more , a matter touching the Church in lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse , in obedience or disobedience to their God , to their Prince , as you would make men beleeue . Also of the estate of the Church in profit , flourishing , or not flourishing , and many such things of great importance , of what weight should fame be here ? And againe , If fame be ioyned with the truth , and that which is right in the sight of God , let that truth and that right haue the sway in our hearts , let it appeare in our profession . In our pretences , in our actions , let vs auow it before the Sunne and Moone , not because of our fame , but because of it selfe , we shall haue no losse thereby , our fame shall be cleared , by clearing of it . If our fame be ioyned ▪ with errour , or what is wrong in the eyes of that diuine Maiestie , so that it cannot be borne out , but by bearing out of errour , let vs not seeke to maintaine our fame by maintaining that errour ; let vs stoope to him , and renounce that foolish fame , and count it our honour so to confesse our shame . THE ANSVVERE . HE that is first in his owne cause ( saith Saloman ) is iust , then commeth his neighbour , and makes enquirie of him . You haue heaped vp heere a multitude of words , huing a faire shew , not vnlike the words of the friends of Iob , good enough in themselues , but wrongfully applied , as will be seene by mine answere . Farre be it from mee Mr. Dauid , to seeke honour with the dishonour of my good God : I will still vse the words of those fortie Martyrs mentioned of Basile , Nolo honorem vnde nascetur ignominia , Neither will I maintaine my Name by impairing his Truth : Nay , nay , God forbid I should so doe , but it is for his truth , and for the honour of his name that I contend to maintaine my poore name . Since the Lord hath counted mee faithfull , and put me in his seruice ; since he hath called me to be a witnesse of his truth , and since he hath blessed my Ministrie to doe good by it ; will you not suffer me to defend the honestie of it against a lying Libeller that hath sought to dishonour it ? But I know where you are , Satan would haue me a witnesse of no value , nor credit , because through grace I stand vnder the banner of Christ against him , and so would you , because I am against you in this question of Church-gouernement : you seeke so farre as you may to disgrace the man , that his testimonie may be the lesse regarded . Here is your policie , but it will not be for you . I thanke God , among men I haue more to stand with me , witnesses of the honestie and effcacie of my weake Ministrie , then you are able to bring against mee : neither am I in doubt , but the same also who for the present are with you , if it pleased God I were knowne to them , as I am to others , who haue felt the comfort of my Ministrie , would stand vp to iustifie mee against you . But to leaue men , and come before the Lord , Mr. Dauid , I dare not speake presumptuously , since our Lord in the weakenesse of one , haue pointed out the infirmitie of all , yet in some measure I may say , I haue name , and life , and all that I haue to giue vnto the Lord for the glory of his name , and fealing vp of his truth , if his Maiestie require it , I trust hee will giue grace to performe it . Neither care I what shame befall me , so it may serue to hold vp the honour of my God. If this inward testimonie of mine owne heart sustained mee not , it had beene impossible for me to haue borne the manifold contempts of flesh I haue suffered , and this of yours among the rest , but to goe from my selfe . The discipline of the Church of Scotland , is not oppugned by Bishops , as you would make the simpler sort beleeue ; but rather it is stablished , and confirmed by them . Neither will you euer be able to proue , that the discipline of our Church at any time disalloweth the office of Bishops , but onely fights against the corruptions thereof , as the monuments of our Church , search them when you will , shall make manifest vnto you . And if you be able to make it good , that it is a hurt to a family , to haue a kindely Father ruling ouer it , then may you also proue that it is a harme to the Church , to haue an honest Bishop president in it ? This is for the honour and name of the Church of Scotland , which now I maintaine according to truth , and set it downe in this assertion . The Church of Scotland , with the puritie of Doctrine , not stained with any blot of Heresie , hath also kept a sound , and constant forme of gouernement , without alteration of any point of Discipline in substance , mending onely some circumstances , as time required , to make them serue for the greater edification of the Church . This is the point I promised to cleare vnto you , I hope to make it plaine or I end , and should haue cleared before now , if your Katagoric Pamphlet had not distracted mee . This Mr. Dauid is the state of the controuersie : This is a truth , which neither you , nor your Trident Fathers , nor your Sorbon Doctors , none with you , none by West you , none by East you , none about you will euer be able to impugne . And if you , or they haue any compassion of this Church , if you be her Sonne , a Christian , borne againe in her bosome , if you haue sucked out of her breasts the milke of consolation , then I am sure you will feare to impugne it : Since as I said it is a truth , it is the honour of your Mother , who in all times hath kept one constant tenour of Doctrine and Discipline , since it procures peace in her bowels , since it stops the aduersaries mouth , and remoues offences from the weaker ones . THE ADMONENT . I Am sure you know that this defence of your name , is with the touch of many mens fame , euen all those who are of a contrarie minde in matter of Discipline : but you thinke you care not for that , it is lawfull for you to defend your owne , though with the interest of theirs . And againe you say : That such as shall be liberall to speake against you , appearingly you call them carnall contentious Spirits , Demi-gods , as if God had set his tribunall in their tongue , or made them Iudges of mens Consciences , Libellers of lies , Shemeis , Raylers , Busie-bodies , Night-birds , &c. THE ANSVVERE . DOe you not here speake as one of the children of men set on fire , whose teeth are speares and arrowes , and their tongue a sharpe sword ? Are you not heere blowing at the coale , to kindle if you can a fire among brethren . To strengthen your feeble cause ▪ you cry for a partie ▪ and goes about , not with the godly policie of S. Paul , to deuide Pharisies and Sadduces , but with the godlesse impietie of the Serpent , to sowe the seede of dissention among brethren . That euill-one doth it in the night , when men are sleeping , and you are not afraid to doe it in the day , and all men looking vpon you . Is it true which you haue said , speake you iustly , and haue you iudged vprightly ? Will you throw these words of mine against my brethren ? are you become so brazen-fac'd ? haue you shaken off all shame , and taken libertie to say what you like , yea euen against your owne light ? for you dare not say plainely to it , but appearingly , say you , I call them so . Are not my words plaine ? said I not in mine Apologie , I am sure no well aduised Christian will fight with such armour ? if I thinke no Christian will doe it , farre lesse will any brother of the Ministrie doe it . Are they who are contrarie minded in Church-gouernment , otherwise stiled by mee , then Reuerend Fathers , or Brethren ? God knowes they are so in my heart , as I haue termed them in speech . Yet you say I haue iniured them in their name . My speech was then against a lying Libeller , and some other professours , whereof some are preposterously zealous , others prophanely presumptious , to giue out rash iudgement of all men . I knew not then that you had beene one of that sort , but since my words haue beene to you like the breath of the Hart , to draw such a Serpent as you out of your denne , and make you know your selfe in your owne colours , I cannot but tell you plainely , that you are one of them , to whom all these Epithets rehearsed by you are competent , a few onely excepted , Carnally contentious a rayling busie-bodie , a Dem●god ; vsurping Gods tribunall , you haue here declared your self but of others I cleare you , that you are not a night-bird , a chatterer in secret ; a biter behinde backes : For the height of your pride , and stoutnesse of your conceit carries you so farre , that you thinke it too little for the greatnesse of your reputation to be a Pestilence walking in darknesse . Nay , for the honour of your name , you must be daemonum meridianum , a plague that destroyes at noone , and an arrowe that flies by day , to slay the innocent . This is wickednesse more then enough ; and yet , Vt sit supra modum peccans peccatum , you will adde drunkennesse to thirst , and not content to slay one , you will ( as I said ) be a fire-brand in the Church to burne all , kindling , continuing , encreasing fierie contention among brethren . It became you rather of Christian dutie ( if you knew it ) to bring words of modestie , truth , and loue , like water to quench the fire that is , then by words of strife and contention , to kindle it where it is not , et sic oleum camino addere . Thinke you Mr. Dauid to goe betweene vs and our brethren ; beleeue mee , they neede not your patrocinie at our hands , nor we yours , or any mans at theirs , euen the Lord knowes how wee haue tendred their names , they are our brethren , wee dare goe neerer them then you , to liue with them , to die with them : where discrepance of iudgement is about things externall , God knowes it is with our mutuall griefe : where consonance is , as blessed be the Lord it is in all points of Faith , it is with our mutuall ioy . And since the beginning of this Controuersie , I did euer thinke it a lamentable thing , to see such as agree in vnitie of faith , disagree in a matter of Discipline , and that those who could happily haue concorded on a scaffold , to scale the truth of God , professed by them both ; if so the Lord had called them vnto it , should thus vnnecessarily discord for a question of externall Church-gouernement , in it selfe not absolutely requisite to Saluation . But this ( as I said in mine Apologie ) is the pittifull condition of humane infirmitie . If I cannot mend it , I shall at least mourne for it , and will daily pray to my God , that he would set peace in Ierusalems borders , and vnite the hearts of his seruants into one . Neither will I despaire of it , but will pray the Lord to stirre vp in this Church such a man as Athanasius was , and blesse the worke of this Vnion in his hands . A powerfull instrument of the Lord was hee to conserue puritie of Doctrine by his singular constancie , with peace among Preachers by his godly wisedome : for this was he renowned , as Columen Ecclesiae in his time . Many times was hee banished by deceit , and often-times forced to flie , to eschew the furie of his enemie : but none of all his sufferings purchased him such commendation as this , that when hee came home , and found a Schisme among the Fathers of the Church , for a greater cause then any that is among vs ( praised be God ) yet he happily composed it , Vtraque enim parte leniter & humane accersita verborumque sententia diligenter , & accurrate perpensa postaquam Concordes reperit , nec quantum ad doctrinam quicquam inter se dissidentes , ita negotium transegit , vt nominum vsum ipsis concedens , rebus ipsos constringeret ▪ For calling both the parties with meekenesse and loue vnto him , and iudiciously pondering either of their opinions , he perceiued that concerning Doctrine there was no difference , the diuersitie was about words , the matter vvhich either of them beleeued , one and the same , hee did therefore so compose this discord , that leauing vnto them free the vse of the words & names , hee bound them both with necessitie of the matter it selfe . I wish againe that such an Athanasius were among vs , for I can see nothing but strife about words and persons ( there being otherwise agreement both in the matter of Doctrine and Discipline . ) The same power of gouernement that now is in our Church , was alway in it , now vnder the name of a Bishop , before vnder a name equiualent to it . And when both the names were silent ; yet the power of them both euer exercised by some : When the name was not , the matter remained , the power I meane in substance : But now contention is growne to such heat , that an Office toll●rably lawfull , needfull in it selfe , is thought vntollerable vnder such a name , and for such persons as are with it , or against it . A lamentable matter , for the which I sigh within my selfe , and doe yet the third time cry for an Athanas●us . But till the Lord send this , I make knowne vnto you , that you haue no cause to wrest my vvords against my Brethren of the Ministrie , what euer their iudgement or opinion be concerning Church-gouernement , I would be loath to speake of them , as you haue alleadged : and therefore because I see the heat of contention in you is yet encreasing ; remember that when I speake of men of your humour , your sort , your band , your fellowship , I meane of such as the Libeller , and you haue declared your selues to be . Men that sets by loue , for a liking of their opinion , that spares not to forsake the bounds of modestie , yea , and Christianitie , debating their priuate iudgement with contention , rayling , lying , backe-biting : this is Satans armour , and is not meere to be vsed in defence of the cause of God : but now this first part of your Paralogie containing raylings against my name , you conclude this way . THE ADMONENT . LOe , Brother , what I thinke right concerning your name . THE ANSVVERE . THis is the second , and yet the last time that you vse any word of meekenesse and loue , they stand alone in this your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and thinkes shame of the rest , As hee that faigneth himselfe madde casts firebrands , arrowes , and mortall things , so dealeth the deceitfull man with his friend , & saith , am not I in sport ? Mr. Dauid in a furie , without rithme or reason , strikes all that are about him , friend or foe , as you will heare , and then will mend all with a word , I am but in sport , and am your brother . Salomon sayth , that this is to play the deceiuer . THE ADMONENT . YOur fame is in a hard case , very hard to be cleared from some blemish , &c. Thus stands it with your fame , which I cannot see , how it shall be remedied . And againe : Chiefely that Idoll Fame , which you trauaile so to maintaine : beleeue me there is no remedie , downe it must , and best by your selfe , your owne hand may pull it downe more easily , others must more rudely . Thinke not ; your Apologies will doe the turne , Palmodies must doe it . THE ANSVVERE . GOod Mr. Dauid , be not so sodaine ▪ be appeased but a little , and I will pay you to the vttermost farthing ; if I doe not , then pull all downe at your pleasure . A righteous man ( saith Salomon ) hath compassion ouer his beast , but the mercies of the wicked are crueltie . Mr. Dauid , why wil you be so cruell as at one stroke to slay both my selfe and my name , yea to burie my name , ere I be dead my selfe ▪ and that without anie pittie or compassion ? If you had anie loue , you would haue mourned at least a little ouer it , because once it did good , once it smelled well . Though there be not a Tribe cut off from Israel ( and euen they were sorie for it , which had done it ) yet is there a man in your conceit cut off from Israel , and you insult in the doing of it , yea , and haue triumphed with your complices during this interim of a none answere , neither can you keepe it close , but in your pride proclaime it , that you haue slaine a man. Yet it is but the Amalekites daunce : your pray will quickly be taken from you ; what you thought you had done , you will finde it vndone . It but fareth with you , as Philo saith it did with Cain : Then Cain arose against his brother Abel , and slew him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom slew he ? not Abel , no : hee slew himselfe . It seemes , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an incredible Paradoxe , yet is it true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Abel is taken away in the foolish minde of Cain , but he liues in God a blessed life ; and my name which in your conceit is past remedie , I suppose with you it is perished cleane in Preston , and you haue buried it there , neuer to rise againe : yet I am a man that beleeues the resurrection of the dead , euen of them who are dead , & buried in Preston also . But Mr. Dauid , know you not that the Sunne shines clearely in some parts , euen when it is obscured in others ? I am sure you cannot be ignorant of this , that when the Sunne is obscured by clouds or smoake in Preston , yet other parts of the Kingdome sees it clearely enough , and there also where it is obscured for a time , it will shine againe . Who sent a winde , and draue the Locusts of Egipt into the red Sea ? Who scattered the smoake that came from the bottomlesse pit , to darken the Sunne ? Is it not the Lord who soweth light for the righteous ? hee brings to light things that are hid in darknesse . I will still walke in the innocencie and simplicitie of mine heart , and not spare to speake to men , what I haue beene taught of God , nothing moued either with your calumnies , or other mens contempt . And of these men that haue despised me , shall I be had in honour : when God shall plead my cause , execute iudgement for me , and bring me forth into the light . But now as Satan in the tempting of Iob , proceeded from a small tentation to a greater : so Mr. Dauid not content to trample my name vnder foote at his pleasure , makes corruption also vpon my conscience . Hee iustifies the former Libeller in plaine termes , and will needes haue mee guiltie of a corrupt loue vnto gaine and glorie , for these are his words . THE ADMONENT . MEn searching what should haue moued you to change your minde , lights onely on these two , Gaine , and Glorie , as the onely appearant : for what could you euen say your selfe , if you saw diuers Hammers hammering a vessell , and it endured them all , and broke not , till the golden Hammer come , and so soone as it hits , the vessell leapes asunder at the first stroke : what would you thinke but that the golden Hammer had broken it ? &c. THE ANSVVERE . AS athorne in the hand of a drunkard , so is a Parable in the mouth of a foole ( saith Salomon ) for a drunkard taking a thorne in his hand to strike others , hurteth himselfe with it , and a foole pierces himselfe with the Parable wherewith he thinkes to pricke another . Mr. Dauid , this false supposition of yours is answered by another , which is true : what if the vessell was broken , or euer the golden Hammer touched it ? if they vvho could best see , being neerest vnto it , saw that it was so : if the change was made , or euer the Bishopricke came , is he not a lyer that will say the golden Hammer did it ? What euer you had said of the cause it selfe , or of my name might haue beene somewhat excusable , these are things externall ; but how take you this boldnesse to iudge another mans conscience ? Who art thou that iudgest another mans seruant ? hee standeth , or falleth to his Master . My cause you thinke you know perfectly to be euill , my name it pleases you to terme a vaine Idoll , which you will haue pulled downe , though the smoke of your pride darken your minde , so that you know none of them as they are : but as for my conscience , I am sure you know it not at all . The iudgement of conscience belongs to him who iudges the highest things , Who searches the r●ines and the heart , it is the Lord that makes the weight of the winde , and weighes the waters by measure , hee trieth the perfection of all things ? How then vsurpe you the Lords roome , to iudge things that are secret ? Will you sit downe on his tribunall ? or otherwise . Cum iudicare nescias cur vis calumniari ? Why will you calumniate , where you cannot iudge ? why speake you euill of that , which you know not . Now euen the God of truth , who hath the eies of fire to pierce into the soules of men , knoweth that you haue giuen out false iudgement against me : Deus font est omnis beatitudinis meae , ipse finis omnis appetitionis meae , As the Lord is the fountaine of my felicitie , so is he the end of my desires : Whom haue I in the heauen but thee ? and I haue desired none in the earth with thee : my flesh failes , mine heart also , but God is the strength of mine heart , and my portion for euer . Quem stercoribus animum adijciam , Shall I set mine heart vpon dung ? Was euer it so Lord since I knew thee ? This false accuser would foule the face of my soule with it ; looke vpon it O Lord , and consider it . Perceiue you not how like you are to the Diuell in this accusation , what a false imputation was it which he laid to the charge of Iob , the man of God : Doth Iob serue God for nothing ? Hee accuses him not of any corrupt action , he could not , he accuses him of a corrupt affection , that he was but a hireling , and a mercenarie worshipper of God , one that serued God , not for loue of God , but for loue of gaine which he got from God : this is the voice of the accuser , hee is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and how is this , that you will be like him ; will you also be a false accuser of your Brethren , imputing crimes to them , which you , nor no flesh can know , farre lesse qualifie ? May it not content you to examine their actions ? how presume you to enter into their affections ? See you not how Satanicall this is to leaue the action , and to iudge the affection ? Perswade your selfe , Mr. Dauid , the sinne in the world that hath had least credit or commandement of mine heart , is Couetousnesse , and loue of gaine ; it had neuer force to encline mine heart after it , I thanke the Lord : and yet you would blot mee with it , you haue done me great wrong : the Lord lay it not to your charge . THE ADMONENT . ANd to what effect serues such and so many words ? One onely argument had beene better then them all , but you bring neuer a one , onely for all arguments you appeale to the testimonie of your conscience , which as it is the best comfort inwardly , so the worst probation outwardly , for may not any man purge himselfe of ambition and couetousnesse , and whatsoeuer can be seene outward ? Men thinke all makes against you . THE ANSVVERE . BVt I pray you , Is not the crime which the Libeller first , and you next impute to mee an inward crime , and how can it be cleared , but by an inward purgation ? If the accusation were of an outward fact , it behoued to be answered and auoided by outward proofes and arguments , though euen in these oft-times the Oath must decide the controuersie for lacke of other probation : but here it is an internall guilt of a corrupt affection , wherewith you charge me , and where can I goe to improue it , but ad domesticum tribunal , to the internall testimonie of anvncorrupt conscience ? Any equitable man may see how your preiudice blinds you to denie a principall , when S. Paul retired to this defence , I say the truth in Christ , I lie not , my conscience bearing me witnes in the holy Ghost . Might not his aduersaries haue answered him , as you doe me , The testimonie of conscience is the worst probation outwardly ? yet he vses it . My Apologie stands Apologetique for any thing you haue said ; and I meruaile not you doe what you may to make mine Apologie no Apologie : Since you are so pert to doe what you should not , to make my conscience no conscience . It is more high then that you can reach vnto it , more secret then that you can see it : Tu vides in facie , Deus in corde , Man lookes into the countenance , but God beholds the heart . And if wee shall compare man with man , it is certaine in this knowledge , you can no way compare with me : Certum est quod eo ipso mihi notior sim , quam tibi , quo propinquior ideoque magis credo mihi de me videnti me , quam tibi o●inanti de me , quod non vides in me . Sure it is , I know my selfe better then you can know me , I am neerer mine owne hart then you , and am priuie to my conscience , which you cannot be , and therefore haue reason to beleeue my selfe of that which I know , and see in my selfe , rather then you who are but an Opinator , not a Spectator of mine heart , and thinke you see that in me , which I know you see not . But since you are of this humour , voide of loue , which beleeueth all things , that you will not credit a Brothers declaration of his conscience , I must in this leaue you to your owne conceit , vvhich I credit verie well , to be such as here you haue declared it , that is , both lawlesse , louelesse , and truthlesse , as will better appeare in that which followes , wherein to strengthen your calumnie , that the loue of gaine and glorie moued mee to accept a Bishopricke , you vvould make vs beleeue that most part of honest men are as deepe in this contumely as you are : for these are your words . THE ADMONNET . ANd howbeit , some will indeede be sober , and not so bold to affirme any thing precisely , setting themselues , as you plaine that Libeller doth , iudge of you , or any other mans conscience , yet you may be sure the most modest , knowing of no change come till the Bishopricke come , thinking that , the most , yea the onely likely cause of the change , can but suspend their iudgement , and what they encline , encline to that , as most apparant . Againe , whatsoeuer can be seene outward , men thinke all makes against you ; then a little after , Who can say that will say any thing at all , but that it is the golden Hammer hath done the turne ? THE ANSVVERE . MAster Dauid , beleeue me , you are now like a man out of his owne element , confused , and perturbed in your thoughts , if they be according to your words . It were best you should hold you at your olde tune of cauilling talke . There you speake like your selfe , and it flowes best with you : now you would come to speake words of modestie , and they will not mouth for you ; for what language is this , I pray , though sober men be not bold to affirme it , yet the most modest will encline to it ? Perceiue you not how you reele , and roue , and knowes not what you say ? Doth not one of your words dash and destroy another ? They suspend their iudgement ( say you ) and yet they encline to this as most apparent . Sober men will not affirme it ( say you ) yet the most modest will : and why forsooth ? Because ( saith Mr. Dauid ) It is most appearant . I pray you , doe sober and modest men encline their iudgement to and fro by appearance : and since as you say , Most modest men suspends their iudgement , why are you not one of those most modest men ? why praecipate you , and giues out rash iudgement ? O but s●y you , you knew no change till the Bishopricke came : What of that ? you knew it not , nor your complices , therefore it was not . It was knowne clearelie enough to such as vvere familiar with mee , it was knowne openlie in the Synods of Fyffe , yea vnto manie that desired not to know it : it vvas made knowne euerie day in the Presbyterie of Perth , from the time that once the Episcopall gouernement was receiued againe by order of the Church , by act of generall assemblie , with approbation of his Maiestie , I resolued to conforme my selfe , and from that time declared it in communing , reasoning , disputing : honouring Bishops priuatelie , publicklie , all that I could , and willinglie would haue liued content all my daies , to haue giuen honour to anie Brother of the Ministrie , aduanced to that office , rather then receiued it . This is the verie truth , though it was not published in Preston , nor knowne to Mr. Dauid . And where you say , that Gaine and Glorie are the onelie apparant causes , and most modest men enclines to them as most apparant , and that whatsoeuer can be seene of men outwardlie , makes all against me . Now God be thanked it is but apparantlie , and it is but the thought , and sight of men , and that of your men , it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mans day , mans iudgement , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of such men whose iudgement I set little by : my reason is , because by their owne confession , it is but iudgement by appearance . Will Christian Religion teach you to iudge by appearance ? Is not this the praise of our Lord , who as he is a Prince of Saluation , so stands hee also for a Paterne of righteousnesse vnto vs , Hee shall bring out iudgement in truth : why bring you out iudgement in vntruth ? he iudges not by the hearing of the eare : why doe you giue iudgement vpon report ? hee iudges not by appearance , and you spare not to condemne the conscience of your brother , hauing no reason for you , but appearance . Is not this too weake a probation for so strong a calumnie ? Who may not see , malice hath moued you , no light hath led you : you haue bewrayed by your speech the weakenesse of your cause , the wickednesse of your heart , which God forgiue you . Now you conclude this point . THE ADMONENT . VVHo can say , that will say any thing at all , but it is the golden Hammer hath done the turne ? THE ANSVVERE . HOw long will you vexe my soule , and torment me with words ? you haue now tenne times reproached me , and are not ashamed : you are impudent towards mee . Haue you forgotten what you said euen now ? Were not these your words : Sober men will not say it , modest men enclines to it but by appearance ? Yet now you will make vs beleeue , that such as will say any thing , can say no otherwise , but as you say . Mr. Dauid , Mendacem oport●it esse memorem . Frequently you bragge of this , that all men , whom you know , thinke as you thinke , and so with the terrible shew of your associates , like an Armie of the stuffed skinnes of Indian Elephants , you would afray vs. I am sure when your great multitude , mustred vnder generall titles , comes to be viewed , they will be found , as I haue said . For doubtlesse , godlie , modest , & learned men , howsoeuer they be minded concerning the cause it selfe , will no way approue your carnall debating of it , nor yet allow that which you haue said : they will be loath , I warrant you , to come vnder your standard , neither will they thinke their cause strengthened , but dishonoured by your Patrocinie . Thus will you be found but like Chaucers Cooke , busie where you neede not , taking paines , for which no side will giue you thanks . And these being remoued from you , who with their iudgement in Church-gouernement , retaine inward sobrietie and brotherlie loue vvith meekenesse ; the remanent that will stand vp with you , to maintaine your carnall , and contentio●s raylings , will trie as I haue said . Your great Vniuersalitie will be reduced to a small fellowship of strait-shod Gentlemen , and to speake as it is , A Diocie of Donatists , of whom you may read what hath beene the iudgement of the godlie , Horum spiritus homicida & mendax : Who thinke there is no Church , no Religion , no Conscience but with the men of their opinion : and if any man be otherwise minded , then forsooth hee is not a Brother , you must keepe no companie with him , you must not salute him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor walke in the streete or way with them . Fie vpon this pride , what should such wickednesse doe in Sion ? away with it to Shinar , meeter for Barbarians of Moroco , then for Christians of the beloued I le . In Africk it dwelt of olde , I would wish ( if I might lawfullie ) it were there againe , and this Church were quit of it . Now in the third roome , Mr. Dauid in most furious manner , inuades my Ministrie , not vnlike that fourth , fearefull , and terrible beast which Daniel saw in the vision , with iron teeth , deuouring , breaking in pieces , stamping vnder feet all ●●at is before him . Now he speweth out the superfluitie of his malitiousnesse , and vvith most false and horrible calumnies he chargeth me . THE ADMONENT . ERrour must be confessed . 2. Erroneous Doctrine , yea false Doctrine . 3. Rash affirming of vncertainties . 4. Inconsideratenesse , temeritie , headinesse . 5. Inconstancie . 6. Papisticall implicite faith . 7. Falsefying of Gods message , speaking that whereof he had no warrant from him . 8. Prophaning the chaire of veritie . 9. Carelesnesse and sloath in your calling , that in a great , high , and speciall question of it , being so long a Past●r , you neuer searched to know the truth of that point . THE ANSVVERE . O Lord , false witnesses are risen vp against mee , they charge me with things which I know not . O righteous God , who trieth the hearts and the reines , and hast proued and visited mine heart in the night , plead thou my cause , and let the lying lips be made dumbe , which cruelly , spightfully , and proudly speake against the righteous . The answere which our Sauiour gaue his Disciples , when they willed him to bring fire from heauen vpon the Samaritanes , is not vnproper here for Mr. Dauid : for hee hath here multiplied against me so many grieuous imputations , as ( if they were true ) might iustly make me worthie both of fierie wrath from God , and of all indignation from man. But M. Dauid , you know not of what spirit these railings haue proceeded . Saint Iames saith , that the wisedome which is from aboue is pure , peaceable , gentle , easie to be entreated ( no oath of conscience can entreate Mr. Dauid . ) It is full of mercie , he is so full of malice that hee runnes ouer : for who will say but that the house is full of smoake when it commeth out at the dore and window ? It is without iudging : he is bold to iudge the most secret things . It is without H●pocrisie : hee at one time kisseth and killeth , with Ioab . The same man whom at one word hee cals A beloued Brother , at the next word hee cals An abhominable man , a false Teacher , &c. His mouth is full of bitter enuie and strife , his tongue set on fire of Hell would set on fire the course of Nature ; yea , the whole Church if hee could ; this wisedome descends not from aboue , but is earthly , sensuall and diuellish , saith S. Iames. Loe where you are Mr. Dauid , see by what Decree you are condemned in this doing ; not mine but the Apostles . Is not this the monstrous birth of your Viperous minde ? Looke backe to it againe , and see if it be well faced or not ? Thinke you not shame of it ? or otherwise will nothing content you , except yee be the Basiliske , king of Serpents , and crowned as chiefe of railers ? But let vs examine more narrowly , and see what truth is in him . You will first haue mee to confesse an error : why not ? I daily doe it , who knoweth the errours of his life ? Errare possum , Haereticus esse nol● . Wee are men and may fall into errour , from Heresie Grace will keepe vs , and mine heart abhorres it . But are you Mr. Dauid and your fellowes free from errour ? Homo , iuste sanct●le , tune sine macula ? Holie one , tell mee , are you without blemish ? Dic mihi noue Pharisae & nomine duntaxat pure : Is it so ? I hope you will thinke shame to be a new Pharisie , pure in name onely . Audes tu mundum te dicere , qui etsi operibus mundus esses hoc solo verbo immundus fieres ? Dare the Catharan , Nouatian , Donatist , say he is cleane ? albeit in regard of his workes he were cleane , yet this same proud word would make him vncleane . But I thinke Mr. Dauid will confesse error also ; why then casts he the first stone at mee ? O forsooth Mr. Dauid is a common Christian , and I am a Preacher ; But may not a good and faithfull Preacher commit an errour ? To cite a testimonie of Scripture not out of the right place is an errour : to draw a sense out of the words , not consonant to the course of the Text , suppose agreeable to the Analogie of Faith , is an errour : to say that Timothie placed in Ephesus was an extraordinarie Euangelist , seeing it is plaine hee was setled there as an ordinarie Bishop , may be an errour but no Heresie : to say that Papall Hierarchie came out of Episcopall authoritie , is an errour , for it is not the proper cause of the other ; but who will call it Haeresie or falsifying of Gods message ? And many other waies ( not needfull to be repeated ) may Preachers commit errour , which yet are not Heresies . God forbid they so were . O but it is an higher Commission , which this Legate from the Legion , hath brought against mee . Hee is to accuse mee of many points of Treason against the most high God , for so hee reckens them out : You haue taught erronious doctrine false doctrine , and deceiued others . Auoid Sathan , thou art shamelesse in lying . You haue falsified Gods Message . Goe behinde mee Sathan , you are diuellish in railing . You haue prophaned the chaire of veritie . The Lord rebuke thee Sathan . Mr. Dauid , this is not you ; I will neuer thinke the good man of Gods-Croft hath said this : no , it is but subtle Satan , abusing the sillie Serpent . Vas es , alius te vtitur ; organum es , alius te tangit . The Apostle leades vs to this consideration , We wrastle not with ●lesh and bloud , but with Principalities , Powers , and spirituall Wickednesses . In this you are but Satans Serjeant : Is est qui omnia peccata nostra rimatur diligentia inuidi● ; It is hee that searcheth all our sinnes with the watchfull eye of Enuie . I am onely sorie that you are thus abused by him , and haue learned Ex vno multa facere , so cunningly to calumniate , and to imploy your engin to make a mountaine of a mote if you could finde it ; yet you would seeme modest , and professe you are loath to touch ; but can you be more malicious , and if yee can I defie you . For I must tell you , many a time hath Satan troubled mee with his grieuous accusations , so much more fearefull then yours , in that they were internall : I haue appealed and drawne him before the highest Tribunall , and there sundrie absoluitorie Decrees hath my God giuen mee against his false imputations , by many glorious victories hath the God of peace trampled Sathan vnder my feete . And now you come in , as it were vpon a new factorie from him , to charge me againe with the same criminations , and pursue mee before the Iudicatorie of men . Sillie man , why haue yee done this ? Seeing I haue endured the roaring of a Lyon , thinke you that I will be commoned for the biting of a Flea ? Euen Satan himselfe , as false as he is , knowes , and if hee could speake any truth hee might tell you that you are here miscarried from the truth : I am no prophaner of the Chaire of Veritie : I haue gone to the Pulpit in much feare and trembling ; I neuer went to it vnsanctified by Prayer , and the best part of that houre of preparation , haue I spent lying vpon the ground on my face , with teares and cries begging the Lords mercifull assistance . And after greatest humiliation , I haue found his most comfortable presence . I am forced to vtter that which I thought neuer flesh should haue knowne , for answering this shamelesse Accuser , who chargeth mee as a prophaner of the Chayre of Veritie . And as for false Doctrine , you are the first aduersarie ( among Professors ) that euer charged any in our Church with it . Is any Article of Faith denyed ▪ because the gouernment which you would haue is denyed ? Are they all false Teachers who stand for defence of Presbyteries against Episcopall Gouernment : or will you haue them false Teachers who stand for the maintenance of Episcopall gouernment ? Doth the one of them so esteeme of the other ? You will be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Doctor of the Law , but vnderstand not what you speake , nor what you affirme . Can you call it false doctrine which impugnes not any article of Faith ? Know you not that Preachers are the lawfull Iudges of true and false Doctrine ? Spiritus Prophetarum subijcitur Prophetis ; You are no Prophet nor Preacher , God called you not to that honour , yet your pride causeth you to stretch your selfe beyond your line , and to giue out against a Preacher a decree of false Doctrine . You would haue it a matter of Faith , least it should seeme that yee striue for nothing ; but it will not be for you : Is not this the confession of the reformed Churches , Ad vnitatem fideisufficit , si consentiatur de doctrina Euangelij , & administratione Sacramentorum ; It is sufficient for the vnitie of Faith , that wee agree in the doctrine of the Euangell , and ministration of the Sacraments . Dare yee say that in these among vs there is any disagreement ? will you ●eclude them all from the vnitie of Faith , who are not partakers of this Discipline ? What then will you say to Beza ; Exijs quaem Ecclesia Christi requiruntur vt partibus suis omnibus constet , solam doctrinam videri nobis absolute & si●e omni exceptione necessariam ; Of those things which are required to make vp a compleate Church , perfect in all her parts , it seemes to mee that the word onely absolutely , and without all exception is necessarie . Heare you this Mr. Dauid , no word here of Discipline , nor externall Church-gouernement as absolutely necessarie to make vp a Church , yet you will haue it a matter of faith : and againe , Ordo est diuinitus praescriptus , ordinis ratio arbitraria & pro circumstantijs temporum & locorum mutari potest , quia positi●i est iuris : Order is prescribed by God , the manner or forme of order is arbitrarie , and may be changed according to the circumstances of times and places , because it is of humane constitution . Praised be the Lord againe , there is no question of faith , no disagreement in anie article of our Creede , all the Doctors of the reformed Churches in Europe agree in the vnitie of one and the selfe-same Doctrine of saluation ; some discrepance indeede in the matter of Discipline , some of them standing for Episcopall gouernement , and others impugning it : but will the one of them for this , account the other false Teachers ? And in our owne Church , many that haue different iudgements concerning Church-gouernement , doe liue in mutuall loue as brethren , the one not esteeming the other Heretiques , till you come to make it so , if you could : but God forbid , rather all of them ioyntly haue cause to account you a diuider of brethren ; a seditious fire-brand in the Church , and a disturber of Christian peace , if it lay in your power . In your other criminations you are still like your selfe , you will be as one of those Dogges and Swine , that turnes backe to rend them , who hath cast vnto you the pearles of the Kingdome of God , with horrible imputations of implicite faith , inconstancie , rashnesse , temeritie , negligence , and sloath in my calling . Mr. Dauid humum , haec sapiunt , non Theagrium , imo nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Argiua enim haec insectatio : you were wiser to forbeare this language of Ashdod , and speake in Canaans tongue , and out of the new generation . But since you haue cast your selfe loose , to speake what you should not , Sine iugo , statera , aut mensura , Without a yoake , a ballance , or a measure , which three Ambrose requires in the speech of a moderate man , you must euen heare againe that which you would not , that these criminations though they be not of such weight , yet are they of no lesse falshood then the former . And first , among all the points of Ditta , which you haue here giuen in against mee , I meruaile most what you meane to charge me with a Papists implicite faith . Would you perswade them that I am become a Proselite of theirs , tell me , thinke you so your selfe , or would you haue others to thinke it ? At that same time when mine Apologie was published , there came forth also a Treatise of mine against Papists , in defence of the antiquitie of the Church of Scotland , prouing that we receiued not Christian Religion from the Church of Rome , might not that serue to cleare me , if you were not malitious to speake against cleare light , of all Papisticke implicite faith ? What should haue moued you to this calumnie , I know not , except that in my young yeares , as other modest men of the Ministrie did , I imployed my studie to Doctrine , and as for Discipline , I embraced that which I found for the time , not making anie enquirie of it . But M. Dauid , this will not proue mee guiltie of a Papists implicite faith , but rather conuince you of an Apists explicite euill will , who had rather giuevantage to an enemie , or the Idoll of your conceit be not honoured in all points , suppose to the disgrace of a friend . But the string you harpe most vpon , is my inconstancie , euerie where throughout this Pamphlet you obiect a change to mee , and as you call it an absurd change : and heere you haue collected manie things together of my speeches , Sermons , subscriptions , most part of them false , as will be shewed when wee come to them : but I pray you to what purpose bring you probations , of that whereof in mine Apologie I haue made a plaine confession , because say you , I haue not beene cleare in that point to declare from what , and vnto what I had changed : but Mr. Dauid , I supposed I had spoken more clearelie then you desired me ; and if yet you wil haue it more plainelie explained to you , here it is . In my younger yeares I misliked Episcopall gouernement , not hauing studied the question of Church-gouernement . Now after better consideration of it , I approue it , as best for the Church , and hauing the best warrants of all other gouernement . You haue cried for a Palinodie , aduise how this will please you , for I haue none other to giue you . This is it which Mr. Dauid will haue inconstancie , but if you can improue the iudgement which I haue embraced , then I must say my change is euill , yea worse then inconstancie : but if you cannot ( for you plainely decline that point , and I am sure you are not at anie time able to doe it ) then you should remember what I told you in mine Apologie , Quod mentem in melius mutare non leuitas sit , sed virtus : But let vs consider of this change , Vniformis est Christianorum vita vnicum habens scopum gloriam Dei : Since mine heart is the same , and the marke whereat I aime , to wit , the glorie of God , and good of his Church , remaines the same : if I haue changed the meanes , and made choise of that which is more effectuall for my proposed end ; what blame is this ? May not a wise man change his course , and continue his purpose ? may he not alter the meanes for the better furtherance of his intention ? If you can blame a Marriner for changing his saile , to take vantage of the winde , or call him for that , inconstant , he being still constant in his purpose , and course toward his intended harborie , then may you blame mee also : this is the truth , vvherein mine owne heart allowes me , condemne you it as you please . But you blame me that I should be ignorant of any point of my calling , and not learned all at the first , and cannot abide to heare that I haue learned that now which I knew not before . M. Dauid , it is the glorie of Angels , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , propter gratiam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnchangeable through the grace that is giuen them , being otherwise of their owne nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mutable of will. With their first creation they receiued full vnderstanding of all truth , which their Creator thought needefull to communicate to them , and in it by grace they abide without change , not subiect to any errour : but is it so vvith man vpon earth ? attaine wee at the first to perfection of knowledge ? must we not learne , and come to it by degrees ? I pray you whose words are these , when I was a childe , I spake as a childe , I thought as a childe . Now I haue put childish things from me ? Is it with euerie one as it was with the Baptist : he was Renatus prius quam natus , Regenerate ere he was borne ; he had not yet come into the world by the first birth , & he is made partaker of the second ? Were wee all with Ieremie sanctified in the wombe ? Get we all , with Salomon , knowledge of right and wrong in our younger yeeres ? he was wonderfull wise before hee was twelue yeeres olde . Is it with all Preachers as with the Apostles , who within fiftie dayes after that they were sent out by Christ , his Ambassadours to the world , they receiued the Spirit to leade them in all truth ? Thanks be to God when he entred vs into his holy Ministrie , he gaue vs such measure of his Spirit , as did teach vs all substantiall points of faith , needfull to saluation , and gaue vs gifts profitable in their measure , for edification of the Church . But Mr. Dauid , it was spoken to one , and it stands for all : Attende lectioni , intentus esto tibi ipsi & doctrinae . Take heede vnto learning . Timothie had learned the holy Scriptures from his youth , yet the Apostle will haue him to learne still , for so saith he to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it may be manifest to all men how thou profitest : and shall it then be a blame to mee to professe I haue learned that which I knew not ? Correct your selfe M. Dauid , what you call inconstancie , will be found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not inconstancie , but encrease of knowledge . O , but this Inquisitour will not take this for an answere , he will needes haue me guiltie of negligence and sloath in my calling , That in so great , so high , so speciall a question as it , yet neuer searched to know the truth of that matter , till now of late . Mr. Dauid , my calling is to be a Preacher : my commission is the whole word of God , whereof I acknowledge with Augustine , Tantam esse profunditatem , &c. The depth to be so great , that the quickest Engine , though hee should liue Methusalems yeeres , and doe no other thing but read it continually , yet vvere not able to plum it , nor to learne all the great , and high , and speciall questions concerning it . There are many points in holy Scripture , which most excellent Preachers know not , and will you for that conuince them , either for false Teachers , or carelesse Students . Know you not that Iacob at the first vvas called Israel , the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the one a name of learning and profiting , the other of perfection and preuailing ? Now is the time of our wrastling , a time wherein we should learne and grow in knowledge , Encreasing with the encreasings of GOD , stepping forward euery day a new step , and so walking till we appeare before the face of our God in Sion . The time is at hand , when wee shall come to the measure of perfect men in Christ : No darknesse , no error shall then be left in our mindes , but we shall then know euen as we are knowne . But it being a principall point of your calling , and you so long a Pastor , saith the admonent , it cannot be but a great sloath , that you haue neuer searched to know the truth of that matter . Truly Mr. Dauid , I doe verily thinke , that a man may proue both a faithfull and fruitfull Minister in the Church all his daies , and neither busie himselfe , nor his people with any question of externall Church-gouernement that is amongst vs. I thanke God , being now a man neere-by of fourtie and sixe yeeres , I haue liued in the Church twenty and foure yeeres a Pastor , without rebuke of any till the Libeller , and you yoaked against me , and beleeue me , if this matter of Church-gouernement had not beene wakened to mine hand , and the compassion I carie to this Church , wherein I was borne a Christian , and honoured to be a Pastor , whose bowels are vnnaturally rent by vnnecessarie contention of some of her vnkindely children : If these reasons , I say , had not moued mee , I thought all my daies few enough to spend in the matter of Doctrine , as being of greatest importance for edification of the Church , and wherein I haue found greatest comfort to mine owne heart , remembring that vvarning of Hippocrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vita breuis ars longa , And in this , though I haue not come with such speede as I would , yet that I haue neither beene sloathfull nor carelesse , I haue some workes for my witnesses , which how weake so euer they be in themselues , or little worth in your eyes , yet are they the encrease of my talent , wherein I haue found comfort to mine owne heart , and others of the Saints of God in all parts of the I le , haue found comfort also . Ab homine exigitur , vt prosit hominibus , si fieri potest multis , siminus , paucis , si minus , proximis , si minus , sibi . And where you tell me , I could not but know this same matter to haue beene agitate before in the persons of Bishops , Adamsone , and Montgomrie : This is like all the rest of your bold and rash assertions , for they vvere both dead ere euer I was called to be a Preacher , and what you would haue mee to learne at them , I can hardly coniecture : for if the equitie of their cause was obscured , either by the iniquitie of their actions ( which I know not ) or the violent course of that time , what is this to the matter now in hand . The one of them I neuer saw that I know , the other I heard when I was verie young at Schoole in St. Andrewes , and now must tell you , that if you were either so learned , or such a louer of learning as you pretend , you would haue spared to rake the ashes of the one , for the honour of his learning . There vvere sundrie other Bishops in this Church beside them , who liued and died honest men , and vnrebukeable ; but you passe by them , still like the venomous Flie that lights vpon the sore part , as if the faults of one or two were sufficient to discredit all the rest of the fellowship . And I cannot meruaile how still you obiect the example of two , as vndoubted proofes in your consistorie , to improue the honestie of all the rest . Since in mine Apologie , I remitted you to three renowned Bishops in our neighbour Church , Latimer , Ridley , Cranmer , lately , euen in our Fathers daies honoured vvith the honour of martyrdome , that you who cannot endure to see any honour vpon a Bishops head , may lay downe your combe of contempt , and thinke more honourably of them . This cannot be but an euill affection in you , that you haue an eye to see the euill of the one , and not an eye to see the goodnesse of the other : Nay , you will not suffer it to be thought , that such grace , or godlinesse , or conscience can be in a B●shop , as to make him a worthie Martyr of Christ ; but rather , which I told you before , as the ignorant Gentiles were seduced of olde , to esteeme it a iust cause of persecution of a man , if he had once been named a Christian : so are the simple people abused by you , and such as you , to disdaine a Preacher , were he neuer so honest otherwise , if once he be named a Bishop . A●d because your horne cannot reach vnto all , you thinke to trie your manhood in the killing of o●e , and when you haue loadned me with your contumelies , then you lay on this , as one ouer-laid vpon it : That I am an abhominable man , for if so be not , you haue done me wrong to conceiue so abhominably of me , as you haue confessed you doe . What shall I say ? Anger is cruell , wrath is raging , but who can stand before enuie ? But Mr. Dauid , you are not the first Egyptian , who hath esteemed an Israelite an abhomination , nor the first Pharisie that hath abhorred a Publican . Are you the great Chamberlaine of the house of God ? Are all the vessels of honour in it committed to your custodie ? Are ●ou keeper of the Booke of life , wherein the names of the he●es of grace are registred ? Haue you the balance of the Sanctuarie ? or is the fan put into your hand to seperate Chaffe and Corne : Speake no more presumptuously , and let not such arrogancie come out of your mouth , leas●it proue true vpon you which Augustine hath to Parmenian , Quon●am patientiam miseri isti perd●derunt , & festinant se ante tempus velut a palea separare , leuissimam paleam vento de area ablatam seipsos demonstrar●nt , Because you haue lost patience , and make hast before the time to separate the Chaffe and Corne , counting at your pleasure some men abhominable , and some men approued ; you haue declared your selfe to be but chaffe , and most light chaffe , carryed out of the compasse of charitie , by the winde of your owne pride . Trie your selfe M ● . Dauid , and see what spirit doth leade you . It hath beene Satans pollicie in all ages , to vent out his wares of hatred , enuie , and strife vnder colour of Religion , and to cause weake Christians to breake the band of brother-hood and loue , for small causes , or rather conceits . What pittie was it to see such a Schisme in the Church of Constantinople , for the space of thirtie yeeres betweene some that allowed the banishment of Iohn Chrisos●ome , and others who allowed it not , that the one would not communicate with the other ? And againe to see such a pride in some Catharans of Ierusalems Church , as to separate themselues from the fellowship of other Christians , as vnworthie of their companie ; and all through a vaine conceit of their owne puritie and sanctitie beyond others ? wherein they proceeded so farre that they would not keepe companie with Gregorie Nyssen , a worthie Bishop and excellent teacher , the Brother of Basill the great , who hauing come vpon the expenses of the Emperour Theodose , for reformation of some Churches in Arabia , and afterwards visiting by this occasion Ierusalem , hee found a miserable Schisme in it , and because the Schismatickes sought to strengthen their faction by drawing Ambrosia and Basilissa , women reputed notable for pietie among the people , vnto their opinion , he preuented it by his Letter to them , disswading them from fostering any diuision in the Church : his reasons I wish were pondered by you ; I bring but one of them , Vnum odium sanxit cum Serpente vitae nostrae Legislator , at ●athari isti foedus cum Serpente faciunt , odium mutuum in seip●os conuer●unt : There is but one hatred which the Law-giuer of our life hath allowed ; namely , that Christians should hate the Serpent , but these Catharans make a couenant with the Serpent , while they turne their hatred against Christians . Perceiue out of this how farre oftentimes good men vnder a shew of godlinesse , are carryed out of the compasse of Christian dutie . Learne you by other mens example to become wise : doubtlesse they were godly , learned and professors of the truth , yet you see to what extremitie the high conceit of their owne puritie and holinesse , did carrie them . I wish we had none like them in our bowels : but though I would not point at you , your owne words bewray that you are sicke of this same disease , in that you dare call your brother abominable , who worshippeth the Trinitie with you , professeth and beleeueth all the Articles of Faith which you professe . This , in the iudgement of Nyssen , will proue you to stand with the Serpent against Christ , not with Christ against the Serpent . Turne you , turne you Mr. Dauid , turne the penne , and edge of your sword , turne the hatre● of your abhorring heart against the Diuell , not against any that stand for Christ : Angues vorando , sana fit Ciconia ; suffer not , foster not , nourish not such Serpents in your bosome , worrie them , deuoure , destroy them with the Stroke , so may you happilie recouer of this euill . But now you proceede . THE ADMONENT . AND if you will needes delight in learning , wee may by your learning learne to speake learnedly , and shall not despise to take any good lesson from you , concerning learned writing , eyther of Grammer , Rhethoricke or Logicke , or any point of Philologie . Shortly I lay open my stuffe , and permits it to your cen●uring , and I shall consider , and correct at your admonition . THE ANSVVERE . COnsider I pray you whether it be your shame or no ; that your deedes should be so far contrarie to your words . Here you say yee will not despise to take a good lesson , and after this you pray mee to communicate to you any light that I haue : but if it be ( as you say ) that you would be a Disciple , how presume you to condemne your Master before you heare him ? Let your skill in Grammer , Rhethoricke , Logicke , be as great as you suppose it , and then I thinke no man shall match you ; yet you know these are but hand-maides to Theologie . Though Hagar be with childe , let her not despise her Dame ; shee is but a seruant , and will neuer get that honour as to bring out an heire of the promise . God hath learned me that which all the Grammer and Rhetoricke of East-Lowthan could not haue learned mee , hath not learned you , nor many others that brag with you , though euen there in my young yeeres I was trained vp also , and profited in those studies no way inferiour to any that were with mee . But seeing ( as I said ) you offer your selfe to be a Disciple , how are you so bolde as to controll your Master , not in a point whereof you haue skill , but in a matter of preaching whereof you are but an ignorant ? Your hypocrisie is euill couered , and your proud humour vnder humilities shadow is palpable . This verball submission of your selfe to learne , it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is but a false shew of an humble man that would seeme in glorious , being indeede vaine-glorious . It proueth true in you which was said by the Auncient , falsa humilitas , veram inducit superbiam ; false humilitie drawes on true pride . Now you speake out of counterfeit humilitie , no maruell you forget your selfe , and shortlie returne to speake out of vncounterfeit pride . But this point concerning my Ministerie , I close with this Admonition . It had beene better for you to haue followed the example of Aquila and Priscilla : they could not preach themselues , yet because they assisted S. Paul with their countenance and comfort , they receiue this praise in the heauenly Oracle , that they were the Apostles Fellow-helpers . Or else as it is written of Flauianus an honourable man , Non concionabatur inter ecclesiasticos , sed hoc agentibus multa Consilio●um conferebat subsidi● , illi tendebant arcus , iste vero quasi ex quibusdam Pharetris suae mentis congruas offerebat Sagittas : But if still yee will be like Alexander the Copper-smith , of whom S. Paul complained that hee resisted his Ministerie sore ; see to it , and fore-see what will be the end of it . I am farre deceiued if you haue done , or be able to doe while you liue , so great good , as that Ministerie hath done , which so earnestly you seeke to disgrace if it lay in your power . Now Mr. Dauid proceedes to the improbation of mine Apologie , and intermixeth throughout it , Railings against my Brethren , which I placed in the fourth roome , and now occurres to be considered of vs. Thus hee beginnes . THE ADMONENT . FIrst then , concerning this stuffe , you demand what is found in it ; but you demand before euer the search be made : Iacob of whom you speake , did not so ; hee was silent till all was searched , and saw that nothing was found ; then onely , and not till then , he demanded the question : hee was wise , he knew there might be something which hee saw not , or if h●e were sure enough of that , yet he thought it ouer-soone to brag of it , till the searcher had seene also that there was nothing . Then he triumphs , but after victorie , which is the iust time of triumphing . THE ANSVVERE . A Word spoken in his place is like Apples of Gold , and Pictures of Siluer , saith Salomon : such are not Mr. Dauid , your words here , they come out , somewhat painted-like , but not in their place , nor yet for this purpose . Looke to them I pray you and see : did I purge before I was accused ? Was not inquirie made of mee before I did answere ? Did not the Libeller then , whom you haue iustified now , search my stuffe ? And was it not lawfull for mee to tell him ( without your rebuke ) that hee had done mee wrong in charging mee with a fault which hee had not found in mee . See you not how your prettie words are nothing to the purpose ? But , say you , the first Inquisitour searched not well enough , and what he left vndone , you are come to doe , and you doubt nothing to finde Idols , and truly if any be , I thinke indeede you may best doe it . The Libeller with his sixe Lines , being but young and inexpert , beat mee with rods , but you come in with your sixe Sheetes of Paper● as an olde Souldier , experimented with inuectiues , to scourge me with Scorpions ; and as if you were another Iambres , you thinke to turne your Libellers Rod into a Serpent ; yet you will proue but a deceiued deceiuer ; your Serpent is dead , hath but a shew , and your accusation liuelesse , fectlesse , and nothing worth . But knowing in this your owne weaknesse , you boast much that many moe stricter inquisitors are comming vpon mee ; and with this , as Alexanders Armie was afraid at the hissing and noise of a S●rpent , ere euer they saw it , you would terrifie mee . It is easie to doe it I grant , yet is not , nor shall not my feare be without hope , when they come : if their inquisition be about Episcopall gouernment , they will finde it no stollen nor hidden Idoll : It will not fall to bee couered by Rahell , Iacob will maintaine it , as his owne iust and lawfull possession . And they shall see a Bishop , a graue Ecclesiastique Senator , standing in the chiefe and most publike place of Iacobs Tent , compassed with a guard inuincible of auncient and recent Fathers , readie to maintaine him , with his eies looking vp to God , and the hand of God vpholding him in his Word . Deceiue not your selfe , to thinke that in this question you haue to doe with an Idoll . And if it be the person they meane to come and search , come their way , hee whom Satan hath sought to winnow feareth not to be searched or sifted by flesh : Thou hast wrastled with God , and thou shalt preuaile with man. Now you proceede . THE ADMONENT . BVt if Rahels theft had beene found , what would hee haue said , trow yee , hee might ha●e excused himselfe iustly , but triumphed at leasure . Alas , how blinde are we oftentimes , not ●eeing the faults eyther of vs , or of our selues ? how poore are our triumphs , how slender our victories , if the cause of our triumph be solidly searched ? It was not her● the innocency of Iacobs house that gaue him matter of triumph , but Labans ill searching , &c. THE ANSVVERE . MAster Dauid , let your skill in Grammer , or Rethoricke , be as it will ; I can tell you , you are an euill Tholog , and wot not how to handle a Text of Scripture ; when you thinke you are wisest , you euanish most in your owne cogitations . If Rahels theft had beene found ( say you ) he might haue triumphed at leasure . And why ? Is it any reason that Rahels fault should haue beene imputed to Iacob ? Laban accused Iacob that hee had stollen his Idols : the question is not here of the honestie of Iacobs house , but of Iacobs selfe , hee is the partie accused ; the accusation was false , Iacob was free of it ; and albeit Laban had found out Rahels theft , hee had found out but his owne shame : but it stands with no reason that the fault of Labans Daughter should be sufficient to improue the honestie of Iacobs heart , or yet to impaire his triumph . No , though it had beene found , Iacob with a verie good reason might glory in his owne innocencie , and told Laban neuerthelesse , that his accusation was false . To cleare the matter , and set it downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let Mr. Dauid be Laban ( seeing hee will be so , ) let my heart be Iacob , let my corruption be Rahell , let the Idols be Gaine and Glory : If corruption in mee hath had any secret respect to these Idols , beleeue mee , my heart is not priuie vnto it . I know there is no man in whom the seede of all sinne is not . If I come to be examined before God , I will protest with Dauid , Lord enter not into iudgement with mee , for in thy sight shall no flesh be iustified . I know not mine owne soule , many euils are in it which are hid from mee ; for God is greater then the conscience , and knoweth many things of vs which our owne conscience knoweth not . But so farre forth as a man can know himselfe , in this whereof I am accused , I may answere you boldlie , My lips haue spoken no wickednesse , and my tongue hath vttered no deceit . It was not the loue of Gaine or Glorie that hath wrought this change of my minde . In this you haue wrongfully , and now after mine Apologie and oath of Conscience , wickedly , accused mee . God forbid I should iustifie you vntill I die , I will neuer take mine innocencie from my selfe , I will keepe my righteousnesse , and will not forsake it : mine heart shall not reproue mee of my dayes . This is Mr. Dauid , the right application of this example . But now you proceede . THE ADMONENT . NOW to looke backe but euen a little vpon this that wee haue alreadie said , what is this wee see standing at the very entrie ? Is it not Fame ? and is not that a great Idoll , as euer was in the World , the cause of huge Idolatrie ; and yet haue you reared it vp here openly , in a publike place . THE ANSVVERE . SVrely , if you were not like an Idoll of the Nations that hath eyes and sees not , I am sure you would not speake as you doe . You complained in the preceding Section , Alas we are blinde : and truely you are much blinder then I supposed you had beene : and now you say you see an Idoll , and what an Idoll ? Fame . Mr. Dauid , it is but your dimme sight which causeth you to take one thing for another : you are like that blinde man , of whom wee reade in the Gospell , when hee saw men hee thought hee had seene trees , for his eyes were not yet well opened . Stay a little , iudge not out of your darke sight : Pray IESVS to touch your eyes againe , and you shall see more clearely : what you thought to haue beene an Idoll , and called so , it is not so indeede ; it is a more excellent , yea , a most necessarie thing : for a good name is as a precious Oyntment , it is to be chosen aboue all riches . Salomon said so , hee saw as well as you ; and S. Paul will haue a Bishop well reported of , euen of them which are without : but if a good name had beene an Idoll , hee would not haue so necessarilie required it . Now you returne againe to your former blasphemous railings , refuted by mee , repeated now by you : for so well is Mr. Dauid pleased vvith the tune of this Song , that hee must sing it ouer oftner then once . THE ADMONENT . ANd that inconstancie with how blushfull things is it shielded ? how too like to Rahels Idols in her blushfull confession ? seeing for the eschewing thereof , 1. Errour must be confessed ; 2. Erronious Doctrine ; 3. Rash affirming of vncertainties ; 4. Headinesse ; 5. Papisticke implicite faith ; 6. Falsifying of Gods Message ; 7. Prophaning the Chayre of Veritie ; 8. Carelesnesse of Calling . THE ANSVVERE . AND a mighty strong winde rent the Mountaines and brake the Rockes , but the Lord was not in the winde : and after the winde came an earth-quake , but God was not in the earth-quake : and after the earth-quake came fire , but God was not in the fire . Mr. Dauid now againe gathers his breath , bends vp his bowels , to bring out a mightie blast of winde out of the Desart and Wildernesse of a a barren heart against me , not vnlike the winde wherewith Satan ouer-threw Iobs house and children , at one blow : so would this Reuiler ouer-turne my Name , Ministrie , Conscience , and all , with this one stroke and violent charge . Many furious , fierie , and mightie boistering words of winde hath hee blasted out vpon mee , but God is not in them . I will abide with Elijah till the Lord come in a soft and peaceable voyce , he speaketh peace to the hearts of his Saints : The Lord will looke on mine affliction , and doe me good for his cursing this day . The refutation of them see Sect. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. &c. Certainely it is euill more then enough to see men degenerate into beasts through the want of reason , but it is much worse to see a man become a Diuell , by abusing his reason so maliciously , that they Qui Angeli & sily Dei esse debeant , ne hoc quidem vt homines esse videantur sibi reseruarunt , who should be Angels and Sonnes of God reserue not so much modestie to themselues ; as whereby they may seeme to be men , or to put difference betweene them and beasts ; yea rather worse then beasts : euery beast hath some one euill qualitie of the owne , but you will finde a man so beastly , that in him they are all collected in one ; Irascitur vt Serpens , pungit vt Scorpio , insidiatur vt Vulpes , imo quasi Diabolus atrocia suscipit bella in fratrem : And this hating , abhorring , deuouring one of another , argueth it not ( saith the Apostle ) a carnall man ? yea truely . Non humanae mansuetudinis , sed immanitatis est belluarum ; it is beastly barbaritie and not that mansuetude which becommeth men . The Lord who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manure by his grace the heart of Theagrius , and all our hearts , that these thornes and bryers may be rooted out of them , and like a ground blessed of the Lord , they may bring forth the spirituall fruit of Meeknesse , Truth , and Loue. Now you proceede to improue my Reasons , and ere euer you doe it , you take a Decree to your selfe to call them ridiculous and fectlesse : but what is it which may not be labefacted by words ? THE ADMONENT . THE first is to comfort the King , for that you insinuate that his Maiestie may haue the comfort of his Subiects . Alas , what say you ? take you on a Bishopricke to comfort the King ? who will beleeue you , and that it is not rather to comfort your selfe ? THE ANSVVERE . YOV dispute with words not comely , and with talke that is not profitable : Shall a wise man speake words of the winde ? how vnlike your words are vnto mine the iudicious Reader will consider by reading mine Apologie . My reason I doubt not will be thought weightie of all honest hearts : this it is . Seeing we haue a Christian King sustaining contradiction of the Aduersarie for the Gospels sake , it is no reason his Highnesse should be grieued with the contradiction of his people also , specially for a matter not so materiall as you would make it ; for a point of Discipline , not of Faith , wherein his Maiestie doubtlesse hath the best end of the cause also . Is there no pittie nor compassion to such a Father of the Church and Common-wealth ? Shall his Maiestie be loadned with burdens at all hands , grieued with enemies , and grieued with Subiects also ? This is my reason , it moued mee then , it moueth me yet , and made mee to resolue that I would not be contradictorie to his Maiestie in any cause for the which I dare not giue my life ; and I trust such a cause shall neuer fall into the heart nor hand of the Lords annointed . This was my resolution long ere any motion of a Bishopricke was made to mee . God knoweth it , men know it , thinke you and yours what yee like to the contrarie . Now , this reason you answere this way ; Who beleeues you that you tooke on a Bishopricke to comfort the King , and not rather to comfort your selfe ? Is not this thinke you a iust confutation ? yet wee must take this for a sufficient proofe that Mr. Dauid saith the contrarie ? who may not see that in stead of reasoning you raile ; you shame your selfe , you answere not mee . It is very well knowne I sought not a Bishopricke , I thinke in this I shall haue no accuser to charge mee with Ambitus , and after that his Maiestie vnrequired , vnknowne , or vnlooked for of mee , had out of his Maiesties owne free pleasure presented mee vnto it , there interceeded more then eighteene weekes before that I accepted it : I would not haue done so , but griped more greedily at it , if I had so farre regarded my selfe as you alledge . Mr. Dauid , I ought you no quittance , neither make I any vnto you , but of the very truth of mine heart , I declare to such as feare God , that if the respects of dutie I owe to his Maiestie and this Church had not beene stronger in mee , then any respect I had to my selfe , I should neuer haue accepted it . This is the truth , calumniate as you will. You goe yet on . THE ADMONENT . BVT here you all commonly insult , and runne out vpon it , and haue euer the King , the Kings Maiestie in your mouth , whom we all reuerence . THE ANSVVERE . ANd doth this offend you Mr. Dauid ? is it not good reason we should haue his Maiestie in our mouths , yea , and in our hearts also , as a singular blessing of God bestowed vpon vs , for whom wee cannot be thankefull enough to our God ; whose fatherly loue and care , and entire affection toward his people , wee are neuer able to recompence : no remembrance , no care , no seruice , no obedience here can be sufficient . And then , that you may seeme to say something , you pray . THE ADMONENT . TOuching his Maiestie , whom the GOD of Heauen blesse in his owne person and posteritie to the worlds end , and send him better comforters then any of you Bishops be . THE ANSVVERE . A Man that boasts of false liberalitie is like vnto Clouds without raine . What your affection to his Maiestie is , we are not to examine , his Maiestie can best discerne it of any man ; but as for your prayer we say Amen to it . Euen the God of heauen send his Maiestie better comforters ; for his Highnesse is worthy of better then the best of vs are indeede . Yet this is some good , that there is no want of good will in vs , we wish from our hearts we were better then we are , more able to glorifie God , t edifie his Church , to serue his Maiestie then we are . And albeit we cannot doe the good which we would , yet his Maiestie shall not want the good which wee may ; and of his Princely equitie we doubt not but his Highnesse will accept good will in part of payment . And as for you Mr. Dauid , if your affection to his Maiestie be so sincere as you pretend , then let me demand of you in these words which Zadok and Abiathar got in commission to aske the Elders of Israel , Why are yee behinde to bring the King againe to his owne house ? or in plainer termes and meeter for our purpose , Why render you not his Maiestie all the comfort and contentment you may ? Or , if the light of your minde in this question permit you not , seeing it is but your priuate iudgement , and your selfe but a priuate man , why take yee vp a publike banner against his Maiestie ? why shew yee your selfe an open contradictor and a partie speciall , seeing this is not your calling , and you haue no commission for it . It would fit you better to be more sparing of your words , and more liberall in your deedes , to proue your affection to your Soueraigne , which now by your needlesse medling , you haue called more in doubt then it was before . And now to declare what you meane by better comforters , you fall out into a commendation of our brethren contrarie minded in Church-gouernment . THE ADMONENT . GOe you beyond them who stand for our Discipline , eyther in affection , or in action , or in praying , or in praysing , by word , by writ , by tongue , by pen , to honour him to the world within his owne countrie , without to forraine Nations ? you know you haue not done it , not can any Bishop of Scotland doe it beyond them . THE ANSVVERE . PRoud , hautie , and scornefull is his name that worketh wrath in his arrogancie . What neede you to take this paines out of your pride , to worke wrath among Brethren : it will not be for you Mr. Dauid , you shall long commend them before you offend vs. If so be the change of Court could content you , I wish it were , good comforters , good counsellors may they be to his Maiestie ; you will finde no Bishop of Scotland to hinder it , but by all meanes willing to procure it : but more impertinent are your comparisons which follow . THE ADMONENT . VVIll you enter into comparison with them in any thing ? or can you preferre your selues ? Come let 's see , and let vs try it but a little . What can you say ? you loue him , so doe they : you pray for him , so doe they , &c. THE ANSVVERE . AS the coale or wood maketh fire , so is a contentious man apt to kindle strife . A false witnesse that speaketh lies , and him that raiseth vp contentions among brethren doth the soule of the Lord abhorre . What needes I pray you such words , or how are they for the purpose of our argument ? Doe any of vs disesteeme of their gifts ? in my iudgement you had commended them better and forborne comparisons . You derogate from them when you compare them with others inferiour to them in good . Is there no way to aduance them but to set them on the backes of their brethren ? Is not this higher pride then to ride on a beast at Parliament ? I doubt not , it is against their will , but you haue mounted them so in the conceit of your vaine minde . Why doe you not consider that there is in the Church diuersitie of gifts but the same spirit ? The Lord is a wise dispenser of his gifts , who hath not giuen all vnto any one . If there be one endued with a gift which another wants , looke againe when yee will , and you shall see hee wants some gift that another hath . Dauid an excellent Prophet , yet hee needed a Nathan to waken him . Paul a worthy Apostle yet Agabus told him what hee knew not . This diuersitie of gifts makes the sweeter harmonie in the Church , and you would wickedly abuse it , to foster a cursed iealousie : for still you insist . THE ADMONENT . YOu will not denie , I hope , they all auow him their Prince , loued by the good , hated by the enemie , and persecuted ; yea , they will goe beyond you in all that you haue yet said , as who affectedly confesse , and professe him , their onely hope on earth , their onely delight , and contentment , their onely second meane , and effectuall instrument for aduancement of the Gospell , their greatest care , their onely hope on whom they set their eyes vnder God , whom they daily pray for on the knees of their heart , sighes , and sobs for him to their God , whom they honour , whom they affect , whom they serue , and will serue , with their goods , with their meanes , with their lands , with their blood , with their liues , and so forth . What deerenesse the tongue of man can speake , or the Pen describe , or the heart conceiue , if words may make it , they know the figures of Rhetoricke as well as you , and if deedes may make it , goes farre beyond you in all gratious action . THE ANSVVERE . HIther to Master Dauid haue the streames of your sweet eloquence and Rhetoricke so much bragged of , caried you into a meruailous delight of your selfe , scarse knowing where away : but you must be told by the way , that your former accustomed Rhetorick , which is Ars male conuitiandi , and in very deed as the Prouerbe hath it , Canina facundia , flowes most freely with you : for there you know a declaiming Conuitiator without stamme●ing ; but your Encom●astick stile goes somewhat more hardly with you ; as not so agreeable to your Cynick humour : for you haue here gathered many fectlesse flowers of What 's and whom's , vnmeete for a royall Maiestie , sundrie silly figures without substance of truth : Doubled Affectings , but simple effects , shadowes without bodies : but when all is done , though they were euen as good as they seeme , to what end I pray you serue they ? Would you perswade vs of the good affection of our Brethren toward his Highnesse person and posteritie ? Wee doubt not their heart is more honest in that , then that you are mee●e to expresse it . God forbid , it were otherwise in any Preacher of the Euangell , or haue you so spoken , because you would perswade his Maiestie of it . Remember Mr. Dauid , the King of Britaine is a prudent Prince , his Maiestie can best tell , who grieues him , who comforts : who affects his Highnesse , and who not . This matter must depend vpon his Highnesse owne testimonie , your idle discourse will not decide it : and you may be sure , a man of your humour , will neuer be found good for VNION ; nay , not of a brother with a brother , farre lesse of a subiect with a King. What you meane by your prouocation to words , I know not : if words , say you , may make it , they know the figures of Rhetoricke as well as you : what they know , that is not the question , what the power of your words is , we haue proued in a part . You touch a farre off some speeches of mine in my Dedicatorie Epistles , before that Treatise on the eight Chapter to the Romanes , and the Conference betweene a Catholicke Christian , and a Catholicke Romane : but if this be all the rancour your heart can thinke , your tongue speake , and your Pen write , you may boast at leasure , for you will finde that said before you , where-vnto as yet you haue not attained . Of deedes we speake in the owne place . But truly if you were as wise as olde , you would leaue this bragging of words to children : and since you will not , remember what I said of you , He that boasts of false liberalitie , is a cloud without raine ; let it stand you for an answere , Validior vox operis , quam oris , The voice of the worke is stronger then the voice of the word : yea , dicta factis deficientibus erubescunt : Words where deeds are not to second them , do but blush and thinke shame of themselues . But howsoeuer your former speeches be childish , and impertinent to our purpose ; yet are they tolerable in respect of these which followes : for now againe , like a Salamander that cannot long liue out of the fire , you returne to your accustomed railing , and will haue , if your word may doe it , all Bishops and their allowers , mercenarie hirelings , not worthie to be ranked in the fellowship of honest and sincere men : For these are your words . THE ADMONENT . THey loue him for himselfe without gaine , you for your selfe with gaine , they taking nothing from him , whereby to diminish his reuenewes , or impouerish his Crowne : You taking daily from him , to the great impa●ing of it : you pray , but prayes for your selfe , and maintenance of your estate , they pray , and prayes for him onely : no maintenance of their estate , or any particular , saue that which is generall to all the Church and Countrey . Iudge then who likes , who may be mercenarie , who cannot be mercenarie , but must be knowne sincere , who loueth best , who is ablest , and best minded to comfort . THE ANSVVERE . VVHat neede you Mr. Dauid call for another Iudge : Is there any in the land , that will be found more pert , and presumptuous in giuing out rash iudgement of things secret , which falles not vnder the iudicatorie of man , then your selfe ? Is it possible that any will come after you , who is able to goe before you in this impietie ? Is this good Diuinitie , or rather is it not Satans Sophistrie ? Iob had great riches giuen him of God , which many poore ones beside him had not , therefore hee was a mercenarie . The Good-man of Gods Croft hath a Lammer mure , Melene , and many beside him that loueth God more then he , hath not so good , therefore the Good-man of Gods-Croft is not a sincere man , hee loueth not God for himselfe , hee is a mercenarie , or at least may be a mercenarie , which they cannot be , who haue not receiued so much from God. Are you not ashamed of this stuffe ? And where you say the Kings reuenewes are diminished , and his Crowne impouerished , bewray you not your poore enuie ? Couetousnesse , saith St. Paul , is the roote of all euill : Anger and wrath are cruell , saith Salomon , but who can stand before enuie ? The most couetous man , though he will not giue of his owne , yet can be content that another giue beside him . But Mr. Dauid , his eye is euill , because the King is good , like another Constantine , giuing more , then some perhaps are worthie to receiue , yet no more then a Prince of his qualities is worthie to giue : and still you complaine that the Crowne is impouerished ; a care , I warrant you , that troubles you sore : Certainely , it were a pitie you were not his Highnesse Treasurer ; no doubt you vvould encrease his reuenue : but through this maske of spatious words , may not men perceiue you ? this is but Sepiae Atramentum , hides you not , but layeth you open , that all men may see you . If your Crowne had not returned from Court so clipped as it did , but some streames of his royall liberalitie flowed ouer it , to water it , and make it encrease , then should not the Crowne be impouerished . But what Crowne I told you not . And now that it may be manifest , how vnrighteous Mr. Dauid is in this imputation : wee will looke backe a little to the state of our Church of olde , how oft did our Fathers seeke maintenance of Superintendents and Ministers ? how oft craued they that the Patrimonie of the Church , which sacrilegious men had taken away , might be restored againe . They sought it , and could not obtaine it . Now a Christian King freely offers it , and Mr. Dauid contradicts it : leauing other probations , I will onely present to you a view of Mr. Knoxe his last Letter that he wrote to our generall assembly . The mightie Spirit of Comfort , Wisedome and Concord in God , remaine with you . DEere brethren , if ability of body would haue suffered , I should not haue troubled you with this my rude enditement . I haue not forgot , what was laid to my charge by famous Libels the last assembly , which I pray you patiently to heare , and iudge of me , as you will answere to God , for vnto you in that head , I submit my selfe , being assured , that I neither offended God , nor good men in that which hitherto hath been laid to my charge . And now Brethren , because the daily decay of naturall strength , threatneth vnto mee certaine , and sodaine departure from the miserie of this life . Of loue and conscience I exhort you , in the feare of God I charge and commaund you , that you take heede vnto your selues , and to the Flocke ouer the which God hath placed you Pastors . To discourse of your owne behauiour , I may not ; but to commaund you to be faithfull to the Flocke , I dare not cease . Vnfaithfull and Traytors to the Flocke shall you be before the Lord Iesus , if that with your consent , directly or indirectly , you suffer vnworthie men to be thrust into the Ministrie of the Church , vnder whatsoeuer pretense it be . Remember the Iudge , before vvhom you must make account , and resist that tyrannie as you would auoid hells fire . This battell I graunt will be hard , but the second part will be harder ; that is , that with the like vprightnesse and strength in God , you gaine-stand the mercilesse deuourers of the Patrimonie of the Church . If men will spoile , let them doe it to their owne perill and condemnation , but communicate you not with their sinnes , of whatsoeuer estate they be , neither by consent , nor yet by silence , but by publicke protestation make this knowne vnto the world , that you are innocent of such robberie : which will ere it be long prouoke Gods vengeance vpon the committers thereof , whereof you will seeke redresse from God and man. God giue you wisedome and courage in so iust a cause , and mee a happie end . S. Andrewes . Aug. 3. 1571. Your Brother in Christ Iesus , IOHN KNOXE . OVr first Fathers knew , that robbery of Church-liuing was a Iulian persecution , & fore-saw it would bring on a decay of Religion , if it were not preuented : but now Mr. Dauid grudges , that honour , credit , or maintenance should be giuen to the Church by a Christian King. THE ADMONENT . NEuer a one of you that are Bishops , can be said , to haue done any good , or gracious action . THE ANSVVERE . A Sore calumnie , a grieuous imputation doubtlesse if it were true : none of you hath done any good . All their persons , all their actions ( none excepted ) condemned by you in one sentence . It is written of Nero , that Monster of Nature , that he wished all the people of Rome had but one necke , that hee might at one stroke cut off all their heads . There is little more fauour , I see , to be expected at M. Dauids hands , if hee might as easily dispatch Bishops by the sword , as hee hath done here at one word : such is his zeale , you may be sure they should trouble Israel no longer . Thinke it not strange , that I say this , none of my words are aboue the wickednesse of your deedes : you haue slaine vs all in our name , you haue taken conscience and honestie away , and without these , life is worse then death . But , I pray you , tell vs what angers you ? whereat are you offended ? Is it at the Office or the persons of Bishops ? your owne speech will lead vs ere it be long . You grudge at the persons , it will be found so ; yet you pretend it is at the Office : you would perswade the people , that Bishoprie is a noysome weede , a barren tree , that neuer bare good fruit , and neuer will : but that it hath done good in the Church , will easily be shewed : Many famous Bishops haue beene fruitfull trees in the Lords Vineyard , and admit that now they are not so fruitfull as they should be , or had done no good , wherein you will be disproued also , yet it agrees with no reason , that the calling it selfe should be discredited for the infirmitie of persons that beare it : you might rather doe as they did in Lacedaemon , when an eloquent man , but an euill man , had giuen ou● a good decree in a doubtfull matter , the decree , most equitable in it selfe , was misliked by many , for the iniquitie of him that gaue it ; such is the humour of people , that they looke rather to the person then to the cause : to remedie this euill , they caused the same decree to be pronounced by a good man , so was neither sentence taken from the mouth of an euill man , nor a good decree iniustly reiected . It is not the office of a Bishop , I hope you vvill condemne , when you are well aduised : It will be found a good thing , and well warranted ; this offends you , that it is come in at such a time , and in such a manner , and in the persons of such and such men : where if Bishopricks were in the hands of good men , all were well enough : this is the matter , for as strange as you make it , and your selfe hereafter doth not denie it , for these are your words ; If God hath astricted ruling to gifts , and to greatest gifts , for you will not say it is to smallest , then ought these greatest gifts to rule , and where they rule not , be it in Bishops or whatsoeuer , there is confusion and plaine contrarietie to the ordinance of God , which should not be suffered in the Church , neither is it pride to the greater gifts , if they claime the higher place , but iustice in claiming their owne place . Mr. Dauid , you haue once tolde out the truth plainely , and honestly , and truly , I wish it were euen as you say , suppose I see not by what rule this triall of greatest gifts , shall be made to content all , you will finde some that haue gifts for the Schooles , vnmeete for the Pulpit : and by the contrarie , some againe , godly and zealous , but not learned : others , learned , but without that experience and wisedome which may make them meete for gouernment : and it will not be so easie to place euery gift in the owne roome as you suppose ; yet for my part I could agree with Nazianzen , to be cast ouer boord as Ionas was , depriued of all preferment in the Church , if this might stay the storme of strife , which as may be seene by your words , contention for the greatest gifts hath raised in it . Though in this also I rather thinke you speake out of your owne conceit , not out of sound iudgement , as wherein others will allow you . But howeuer it be , till a better reformation come , let mee tell you , you haue here also spoken what you should not . Neuer one of you haue done any good , say you . What if I should say you are in the wrong to some of them , requiring fruit ere euer the tree be fastned : to others very malicious , that cannot see fruit euen where it abounds , hauing still an eye to see euill , not to see good ? Mr. Dauid , tell mee ; who planted the Churches of Annandail , and other countries in the South border ? who made the Gospell to be preached there where it was not heard in our daies , nor in the daies of our Fathers ? was it any Presbyterie ? I doubt not they would but could not : you will finde it was the diligence and fidelitie of a Bishop . I may say further that in sundrie parts of the high Land , the name of Christ is brought in reuerence , by the care of Bishops , where it was not knowne before , in such bounds as haue not beene visited by any Superintendent , Bishop , Commissioner , nor Presbiterie before this . I could tell you of a meane Bishop , who hath made a constant prouision of three thousand Markes by yeere to his Ministers , more then their former stipends : and this care of the continuance of the Gospell after vs , you cannot denie to be a good action . Besides that , many professed enemies haue rendred themselues professed friends , by the care and diligence of such as vnder God , and his Maiestie , haue speciall charge in the Church . None of the rest want their owne witnesses , some more , some lesse , wherein I could be particular , but before we , with the Pharises , would proclaime by Trumpet our good deedes , wee will rather keepe silence , contented to let this blast of yours blow by vs also : yet the winde encreaseth and blustereth out these mightie blasts which follow . THE ADMONENT : AND is any man so impudent as to say that his Maiesties good course against Papists is deerer to you then to them , better fauoured by you ? or are you more earnest in it ? Doe any of you ? dare any of you doe more for it , or for his Maiestie in it ? Alas how poore a power is that of Bishops in that case , but that it is vnderpropped by them . THE ANSVVERE . SEeing by your owne confession Bishops are vnderpropped by Preachers : why come you to vndermine them whom Preachers vnderprop , vnlesse you be minded to fight against them both ? It is true , Bishops are the stronger , in that they haue worthie Preachers assistors vnto them in the combat against the enemie ; and they in like manner finde themselues more strengthened by authoritie of Bishops , and it is best when they goe ioyntly together to doe the worke of God : why then complaine you hereafter of an vniting or revniting to be made betweene them , and rage at a mixture , as you call it your selfe , betweene Bishops and their brethren of the Ministrie ? and here and euery where throughout this Eristic Libell of yours , doe what you can to stirre vp the one against the other , and set them by the eares together : for what language is this of yours ? Doe you ? dare you ? Know you what spirit leadeth you to speake so ? if you know not , looke to your selfe in this glasse : And there came out a man whose height was sixe cubits and an hand bredth , and hee had an helmet of brasse on his head , and a Brigandine vpon him which weighed fiue thousand Shekels of brasse , and hee had bootes of brasse , and a shield of brasse , and a speare like a weauers beame , and hee stood and cryed ; Doe you ? dare you ? Is any of you able to fight against me ? And so also railed Rabsache ; Are you able to ride the horses of my Master ? Thus did these Infidels in their pride despise the people of God , and vilifie them sore . And with no lesse carnall confidence doth this great Giant come out against vs , as if with his threatning voyce of Doe , dare yee , hee would afray vs all . But Rabsache , stay your railing : glorious Goliah get you backe againe to your Tent , lay downe your Speare and waightie Brigandine : put off your carnall armour of vaine , windie , and bragging words , and vnder pretence of loue to some of Israels armie , reproach not the rest . Through grace we both doe and dare doe to the glorie of our God , when you , if you continue in this Phar●saicall boasting , will proue but a phantasticall phraser . Take you therefore in time to a more wise and sober minde , or doubtlesse some stone out of the Riuer of God will beate out your braines . And this for your intended confutation of my first reason , in effect no other but a digression from it , I absolued it in sixe lines , and you haue heaped vp a multitude of words , Commendations , Comparisons , impertinent to the purpose , and no way touching my reason : but you goe on in your owne conceit as followeth . THE ADMONENT . HAd you said , you had laid downe a Bishopricke for his Maiesties comfort and obedience , you had said something , but to take it on for that end , is a pretended excuse , which no man will approue ; for who will not take it on that thinkes it lawfull ? THE ANSVVERE . MAster Dauid , if for obedience of a Christian King you thinke it good a man should lay downe a Bishopricke , why thinke you it euill that for his obedience he should accept it . Beleeue me , if the Church shall thinke it expedient , and his Maiestie shall declare it to be his pleasure , and in this require a proofe of mine obedience , I shall doe the one more speedily , more willingly , then euer I did the other , not for any vnlawfulnesse or misliking of it , but for the loue I haue to a more quiet life my selfe . And thinke you Mr. Dauid , that no man hath , or doth accept a Bishopricke , being rather willing to want it ? So you speake out of your carnall minde of things which yee know not , measuring other men with your spanne , but I am sure the minde of an honest Bishop or Pastor is a more high and diuine thing then that you G. are able to iudge it . How many worthy men of the Primitiue Church , notwithstanding that they thought the office lawfull , yet haue fled it , and denyed it , till they haue beene forced by the Church to accept it : yea , some haue dismembred themselues that they might eschew it . I know their preposterous zeale is not commendable , yet good enough to improue you , that euery one who alloweth a Bishoprie is not euer willing to accept it . But you thinke these men are not now adaies ; and seeing it is so , that such as like it will make no scruple to accept it , you might soone doe worse then fall to and studie the lawfulnesse of Episcopall Gouernement your selfe . Beleeue mee , if you lay aside your preiudicate minde , you will easily learne it , and then without difficultie I see you will accept it your selfe ( if you may get it . ) Poesie prospers not with you , I meane , it renders you not wished contentment ; though you haue skill in it , yet you know there is one before you that hath the praise of Prince of Poets : but if once you could be content to be a Bishop , who doth know what good you might doe to your selfe and the whole Church ? There is no impediment , but that you are not a Pastor ; yet the consideration of your learning , wherein you excell many Pastors , might purchase to you some speciall priuiledge , and be a motiue to others to draw you out in publike like another Ambrose , who for his singular learning and pietie was taken from the Barre , and placed in the Pulpit , and of a ciuill Iudge incontinent ordained to be a Bishop : onely you must be remembred that the motiue which moued the people to elect Ambrose , was an Orison of concord , which he , being then Gouernour of Liguria , had made to pacifie a tumult that was raised in Medeolanum about their Bishop ; and you , if you would come to the like honour , must not , as you haue done , blow the bellowes of Sedition : the subiect of your eloquent Oration must be concord , no more discord . And truely for all your con●ending , this is the worst I wish you , neither doe I despaire that you may change your minde , if not to be a Bishop , yet at least a Bishops fauourer . But whether this be or not , boast mee no more with a dismission of my Bishopricke , Quem nulla cupidit as traxit ad ambiendum , is ab eo soli● non formidat deturbart ; He will neuer be afraid to be cast downe from his dignitie , who by no ambition of his owne was aduanced vnto it . Now you proceede to improue my second Reason , but with no better successe then you had in the former . THE ADMONENT . THE second is like vnto this , to remoue ( say yee ) the offence the people haue conceiued against the honourable name of a Bishop . If this be worth the answering euen in your owne eyes , I trow I shall answere it . THE ANSVVERE . MY reason is more weightie then that you are able to answere it ; and therefore you shift it , and put it by you with impertinent words . My reason the Reader may see in my Apologie : and now this I adde vnto it , that the people are abused through your wrong information and others of your humour , to thinke no otherwise of a Bishop then of an Heretike , and that he who once becomes a Bishop is no more to be accounted a Brother . Among the auncient Fathers , Martyrs , and Confessors of the Church primitiue , a Bishop was honoured as Ornamentum Ecclesie . And now you will haue our Church so farre degenerate from them , that what they thought honourable , you will haue it abhominable , and so a stumbling blocke is laid before simple people , and they are made to contemne that which they should honour . Is not this an euill ? or rather manifold euils crauing remedie , that an innocent man vnder a misliked name be not condemned , that people be not abused to persecute that which they know not , and if they knew , would certainely honour it , and that the Church be not defrauded of an office , receiued in all ages , of all Orthodoxe Churches , good and profitable for conseruation of the Gospell , with peace and order . Now let vs see vvhat you answere to this . THE ADMONENT . ALas , are we so carefull of names ? and if we should , haue we not a better way ? Explicate it onely , and let it be vsed rightly , let them be called Bishops , that the Scripture so calls : Euery Pastor a Bishop , so shall all men honour the name , who now offends at this abuse of it , and thinke you to honour this abuse of it ? THE ANSVVERE . MAster Dauid , why talke you so idlely ? when I speake of the name , doe I disioyne it from the matter signified by the name : Doe I not in my speech expresly knit the name of a Bishop , and his office together . But you will haue all Pastors called Bishops , and then the name will be honoured of all . Mr. Dauid , we know that in a generall sense , all Pastors comes vnder the name of Bishops , Prophets , &c. Which for all that derogates nothing to the distinction of their places , and offices , and powers in gouernement . This is a common argument , vsed against Episcopall authoritie , but in truth of no strength : for why ? Doth Communion of names take away proprieties of things ? The blessed Spirits in heauen are called Angels , the faithfull Bishops of the Church in earth , called Angels also . Will you inferre of this an equalitie among them ? All Christians are called Kings and Priests to their God , will it therefore follow that there is not a peculiar kingly and priestly Office , proper to some , not common to all ? And thinke you that the name of a Bishop , when it is giuen vnto one Pastor , ( it being his calling to ouersee the rest ) and not vnto all , is abused ? know you not that the name of a Bishop and Superintendent , are one in the pith of signification , the one being but a Latine word , expressing the equiualent of it in Greeke ? and as their names are one , so their powers also are one ; as you will finde hereafter declared by act of generall assembly . Was the name then abused , when some Pastors were called Superintendents , and all Pastors not so called ? I hope you will not affirme it , you will be loath to condemne your Fathers so lightly , how euer beyond dutie you be liberall in setting light by vs that are your brethren . But to goe vp higher with you , was the name of a Bishop abused by the auntient Fathers of the Church primitiue , when they gaue both the name , and the honour of Bishops to some Pastors , which they gaue not to all ? Was it abused by Policarp , Martyr , and Bishop of Smyrna , by Ignatius Martyr , and Bishop of Antiochia , by Ph●tin●s , Irenaeus Bishops of Lions , by Ambrose Bishop of Millane , by Chryfostame Bishop of Constantinople : by Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria , by Cyprian , Martyr , and Bishop of Carthage , by Augustine Bishop of Hippon , with innumerable more whom I cannot rehearse , were they all abusers that receiued this name ? and was the whole Church abus●rs of that name , when they gaue it vnto some Pastors , and not vnto all , calling them Bishops , that is , Superintendents , and ouer-seers , not onely of their Flockes , but of their Brethren of the Ministrie within the bounds of their Diocesse : Will you pull out the eyes of all these men ? Did they see nothing ? Or will you make them all abusers of that holy name ? Aduise better good man , and be not so sodaine , as with one dash of your priuate Penne , to condemne all the worthie lights of the antient Churches . And where you would draw vs vp to be iudged by holy Scripture : with a verie good will we agree vnto it , more readie then you are to require it : That is the Fort of Sion , it defends both the Citie and the vvalls : but how vainely you bragge of this , your selfe vvill make manifest to your owne shame , when we come to the question it selfe : you will be found to denie it then , and euen presently you denie it , forsaking to reason the matter , and turning you to your wonted inuectiues in personam . THE ADMONENT . ANd thinke you to honour this abuse of it , and for that cause takes it on your selfe ? Strange you should thinke s● , and is it not arrogancie so to thinke ? you mixe a word like modestie , ( as farre as your credite might carie you , you would remoue the offence ) but might you not know , that would be no way off , not halfe an inch doubtlesse , your credit might not serue you to honour it , it might well impaire your credite , &c. THE ANSVVERE . YOu shew your selfe an arrogant man , imputing that vnto mee , which I neuer said , neuer thought : that is , say you , to honour the abuse of the name , and office of a Bishop . I honour the Office ; the abuse I neuer loued , and farre lesse now . My credit is little worth in your eies to remoue the offence , not halfe an inch , as you say : but if it be so , what needes all this stirre that you haue made ? what needes such lamentation ? Alas , alas , such bitter inuection , such complaint of the great triumph made be my example ? you are an vnmeete man to dwell in the borders , if you waken the Countrey , and all your friends for halfe an inch . But Mr. Dauid , be as troublesome as you like , you shall know for a certaine , that I care nothing to be disesteemed of you , it contents me to know that I haue remoued that offence out of the hearts of sundrie that feares God , not in a part , but vtterly : which Mr. Dauid , if you be not crabbed , is more then any one of your inches , though you were as great euen in stature of bodie , as you are in statelinesse of minde , and then I am sure you should proue like one of the sonnes of Anak , or that Giant , the sonne of Haraphath , whose fingers were by sixes , foure and twentie in number . Yet when he reuiled Israel , Ionathan , Dauids brother did slay him . THE ADMONENT . THe third is neuer a whit better , but worse if worse can be . To eschew Schisme and close it vp : Eschew Schisme ? In a Schisme by going to the wrong side , was the like euer heard ? Or if you meane that all should doe so , goe to the Schismaticke side , and then there should be no Schisme , it may be true by that meane : there should be no Schisme , but it should be farre worse , all should be in an errour , yet better a Schisme in the Church be , then the whole Church erring . THE ANSVVERE . MY third reason vvas , that I perceiued in our Church an vnnecessarie diuision for the matter of Church-gouernement , to the great aduantage of the common enemie : which gap I resolued for my part , not to enlarge by contention , but to close vp so farre , as my weakenesse may . This offends Mr. Dauid , and he professes plainely , he had rather Minister should be against Minister , Pulpit against Pulpit ; Preachers against the King , King against Preachers : then hee lay downe his conceit of gouernement , or suffer others to doe it . And to couer his nakednesse , hee hath shapen a large cloake for it , but it is of Figge-tree leaues , Better a Schisme be in the Church , then that the whole Church be in an errour : but why abuse you the people ? Is there any man , or any Church on earth without errour : and are there not sundrie errours not so pernitious to the Church as Schisme ? Speake plainely to the people , if any false Doctrine be in the Church , warne them that they may beware of it , but where vnder the name of errour in generall , you would make the people beleeue , that they were seduced in the faith . Mr. Dauid , you are but a Master-deceiuer , and since you professe you will defend a Schisme , and perturbe the peace of the Church , you are worthie of a Schismatickes punishment , that is to be cut off from the Church . For doubtlesse , you haue shewed your selfe heere a most malitious Sycophant ; see what must follow vpon your words : you shut vp all the Churches of Europe , standing for Episcopall gouernement into an errour , and so makes a great gap in the Armie of Israel , which God hath gathered together by the trumpet of his Gospell , against Babel . In like manner , you spet in the face of your Mother , affirming , that our Church was in an errour twentie yeeres , all the dayes of Iohn Knoxe , for all that time it had no gouernement , but Episcopall : all that time , there was not such a thing as a Presbyterie in the Church of Scotland : and if any truth be in you , all that time was our Church in errour ? Beside this , you are blasphemous against the Church present , and would make simple people beleeue , that an errour is enforced vpon them , by the King , by Preachers , by the generall assembly , wherein you doe most wickedly , and falsly gaine-stand the truth , since no such thing is done , but onely a gouernement restored , which the Primitiue Church had , which Orthodoxe Churches of all times haue had , which our owne Church in her purest state had : here is the point : here is all the errour , and for out-holding of this , you professe a Schisme and diuision betweene a King , and Church , betweene Pastors and Pastors . Mr. Dauid , is not Ierusalem besieged without by Romanes ? Are not here both King and people in like perill ? And the King impugned by the aduersarie beyond the rest , for the supereminence of his place ? Is there any Israelite vvithin : either Pastor or people , whose blood is not sought by the enemie ? Is it time then it should be deuided within the selfe ? Shall Shimeon , Iochanan , and Ele●zer , draw the Citie into factions ? Who will not faile to striue for superioritie among themselues , if Romanes relent to trouble them ? Haue wee not a Christian King going before vs , to fight the Lords battell , hazarding all that hee hath for the welfare of Ierusalem ? hath hee not aduanced himselfe before the Armie , and with his owne hands wounded the aduersaries head ? Are not the seruants of the Lord with his Maiestie , to crie alarum in the name of the Lord , and blow the trumpet ? Haue they not with them the holy Oracle of the word of GOD ? is any point of that truth impaired by them ? Stand they not in defence of it against the Armie of Antichrist ? This Mr. Dauid is the side where-vnto I haue taken mee , I wish I had knowne it sooner , that I might haue ioyned vnto it , and to this side are you bound by all reason to render your selfe : which if you will doe , and moue others by your example to doe the like : in so doing , you might declare your affection , your dutie , your seruice , your deerest estimation of his Maiestie , whereof you vaunted so greatly before in word : you might now make it knowne by your deedes . But now my fourth reason you gaine-say in this manner . THE ADMONENT . THe fourth : to enduce Bishops ad remedium Schismatis , that is to say , the Authors of Schisme for the remedie of Schisme : if this be not mockerie , I know not what is mockerie ; for are not Bishops the onely Authors of Schisme in our Church ? Were they not the first occasion , formers , mouers , forgers , ftirrers vp , and yet entertainers of it ? It was not till they came , put them away , and it is gone ; loe , the right remedie of our Schisme , &c. M●tter not therefore these suspitious words , which you professe to speake lesse of for duties sake . THE ANSVVERE . SHall men hold their peace at thy lies ? and when thou mockest others , shall none make thee ashamed ? It was Ieromes iudgement , that Episcopall gouernement vvas brought into the Church , inremedium Schismatis , and I said , the like rupture now required the like remedie . This argument you vnloose not with your tongue , but your teeth , biting at that ( after the manner of beasts ) which offends you , not answering it with reason . What is mockerie , say you , if this be not mockerie ? Is it mockerie to say , that a Bishop was brought in inremedium Schismatis ? since it is Ieromes saying , charge him as a mocker , and not me , and after your owne manner , trample all men vnder your feete , be they auncients or recents that agrees not with your humour : this vvas Ieromes Iudgement , but when wee come to the point , Episcopall gouernement , will be found elder then Ieromes dayes , and maintained by greater authoritie , where-vnto also that I doe him no wrong , I thinke his owne words shall leade vs. But say you , there was no Schisme , till Bishops came , they haue made it , not remedied it : This double calumnie is answered very well , by affirmation of the contrarie , and where you vrge mee not to vtter such suspitious words , as to say , the lesse I speake for duties sake , the more I leaue to be considered of them , who know the truth heereof . Mr. Dauid , you may prouoke as you please , and tempt as you will ; but you shall neuer preuaile to make mee vncouer nakednesse which should rather be concealed and couered . And if of weakenesse I were moued so to doe , yet as Calanus the Indian Philosopher said to Alexander , what praise were it to you to force me to doe that which I like not ? Where Bishops are reuerenced , there is a comely vnitie , pleasant to see , such as should be in the Familie of God , mutuall loue among brethren , and of them all loue and reuerence to their Bishop as vnto their Father . This haue I seene , and haue reioyced in it . What needlesse diuision hath beene before is knowne also , but shall not be knowne for me to them who know it not . Now you proceede to the improbation of my first Reason by sixe Interrogatories . THE ADMONENT . NOw of the fift , what shall I say ? when you haue searched all , the question is about Ierusalems wall , whether it should be round or foure-squared , euill searched certainely , who searcheth well will finde more : to-wit , the first question is , whether the wals that are built already should be pulled downe and built in another fashion ? Secondly , which are strong , built with stone and lime at the least , I might say with brasse and Iron bands already , if they should be pulled downe and built with sand and grummell ? THE ANSVVERE . BOth these questions are resolued with one answere . Let the auncient wals of our Church-gouernment stand ; where they decaied , let them be repaired , not with sand and grummell of promiscuall regiment , these are weake defences for a besieged Citie , but with Episcopall Authoritie , which is able to procure greatest reuerence to Ecclesiastique Censures , which otherwise by the impietie of this age , men would draw into contempt , and make them but like the Spiders Web , hauing some strength to hedge in the weaker , but easily broken through by the stronger . And this the Aduersarie findes in experience , that the wall which they haue besieged so long is stronger now then euer it was ; where-through , many of their chiefe Captaines are moued to forsake their Campe , and enter themselues into the Citie . And if our good Ezechia had not thus carefully repaired the wall , doubtlesse you had felt the weakenes of it long ere now , the charge being so great that was giuen by the enemie , and I may well say , that all those who are not bewitched with some sinister conceit , finde peace procured to the Citie in her owne bowels , and greater strength against the common enemie , so that others also of the meaner sort , who oft before contemned our greatest censure of Excommunication in all parts of the Kingdome , are faine now to render themselues obedient to Discipline : this is a knowne truth , howsoeuer Mr. Dauid would obscure it . THE ADMONENT . BVT if the question be light , and of so small importance as you would make it seeme by that fashion of speaking , as a difference onely betweene round and square ; why is so much trouble , so much strife , such trauell , such charges , ●●ugre the indwellers , with such compulsion of the worke men ? better let it stand as it stands , then trouble all the Countrey , or hurt a simple Labourer , if there were no more , &c. THE ANSVVERE . INdeede because you are the people , onely Wisedome must remaine with you . If the good man of Gods-Croft counsell had been craued , and his consent obtained , all should haue gone well . But Mr. Dauid , for all your malecontentment it is better then you apprehend it : your errour proceeds from the wrong vptaking of the question : if you had to do with your companion , or the Controuersie were onely among the workemen themselues , then to speake as you haue done , were somewhat tolerable , suppose-not absolutely best . But here Mr. Dauid , you haue to doe with your Master , with your Soueraigne Lord , with whom it becomes you not to stand vpon as good . And here the question is , feeing the great Maister of the worke vnder God with aduise of many skilfull and worthy workemen , will haue the wals repaired , and of circular made quadrangular , knowing this to be best for the safetie of the Citie , and that vpon his owne expences , not troubling the whole countrey , vnlesse you and your Diocie be the whole , not maugre the indwellers , but with consent and approbation of the most wise and auncient inhabitants in it . Whether is it meeter that the rest of the Worke-men here should follow him , or otherwise resist him , and tell him to his face , they will not doe it for him , and not content onely to with-draw their owne seruice in this worke , and obedience from him , will not suffer , ( if they may stay it ) any of their fellow-workemen to serue him in that worke ; or if any will , doe murmure and grudge against them , speake euill of them , and esteeme them for enemies , and so make a fearefull diuision in the Citie for a needlesse cause ? But to leaue the Parable , and to speake plainely , seeing a Christian King requires the wall to be repaired , and that vpon reason ; yea , forced thereunto of necessitie ; is it not better that Pastors and people in this should obey their King , then otherwise by refusing and resisting , should procure , and continue a needlesse debaite betweene a Prince of such knowledge and pietie , and his people ; betweene a King and his Church , and betweene faithfull , zealous , godly , and learned Pastors among themselues ? And now Mr. Dauid thinke shame that you professe to haue so great respect to a simple Labourer , but no respect to a singular King , no more then if hee had not to doe with the worke at all : rather then a simple Labourer be hurt say you , let the building stand : rather then a singular King be offended say I , let the wall be renued . Where pride is , where fectlesse and needlesse contention is , whether with you or vs , I leaue it to the consideration of the Christian and iudicious Reader . What regard the auncient Fathers of our Church had to his Maiestie in his minoritie ; how loath any way to make his Highnesse regent , and the Lords of Counsell their partie , by giuing them any cause of offence , the monuments of our Church can witnesse . But now the pleasure or displeasure of a Christian King in his old age is nothing regarded : yea , it is maintained for an Axiome , that Christ his Kingdome is dishonoured , when helpe is sought from the arme of a Christian King. I thanke God what euer my minde was in Church-gouernment , I knew not , I loued not , such foolish pride . Then I thought out of simplicitie , that euery mans minde had beene like mine owne : seeing I see it is otherwise , and far otherwise , they must excuse me to mislike in them , that which I neuer loued in my selfe , that is , a proud conceit of singular sinceritie , a disdaine of others , a delight in needlesse contention , and a misregard of a Christian King , of whom we haue neuer esteemed as we should , and as time will force other ages to acknowledge . Your third interrogatorie now followeth . THE ADMONENT : VVHether the wals should be retained in that estate wherein they are built , and as they are , after the direction of him who is both Lord and chiefe builder , a cunning master of the worke : or if wee should cast them downe and build them againe , after the pleasure of the Prentises and conceit of the Labourers ? THE ANSVVERE . MAster Dauid is so forward in his owne purpose , that he forgetteth his speech , or else his tongue runnes before , and tarries not on his minde . A labourers office is the basest of any who are imployed in a building , Mr. Dauid came neuer to this honour , as to bee a Labourer in Gods house ; yet hee dishonours it so farre , that where in the former Section hee said hee will rather haue the Master of the worke , albeit hee were a King , offended , then a Labourer be offended ; now hee saith the Master of the worke his word should bee a Law ; and a Laboures conceit should not be regarded . Doe you not here proclaime your inconfiderate folly ? But now to your Interrogatorie , take this for an answere ; Your question is out of question , to vse your owne words , in this you are your owne Antigonist , you shall haue none of vs your contradictor : turne your question into an Assertion , wee assent to it . Let the Tabernacle be built after the patterne which God shewed Moses in the Mount ; let the forme of Church-gouernment be learned from Christ and his Apostles ; let the auncient Fathers of the primitiue Church be followed where they are followers of Christ , and such as will doe otherwise , let them be accounted Nouices , Prentises , ignorant Builders , whose conceit may not , should not be a warrant in so great a workemanship . Your fourth Question followeth . THE ADMONENT . IF we should pull downe the wals quite with our owne hands , and dismantle the towne wholy . THE ANSVVERE . THis is as needlesse a question as the former , and nothing else but an idle conception of your owne braine ; yea , worse then Idlenesse , an exceeding great malice , that because the Citie is not gouerned after your humour , you will encourage the enemie to besiege it , and signifie to them by your warning Peece that the towne is dismantled , and hath no wals to hold them out . Is not this to encourage them boldly to set on ? But though such vnnaturall Mutiners as you , would betray it , bewraying the weakenesse of it to the aduersarie , your euill hart may foome out your owne shame , and procure your selfe the iust reward of such vile treason , but the Lord for his names sake will protect the Citie , build vp the wals thereof , and loue it still . And now if any truth Mr. Dauid remaine in you , concerning this matter , tell mee , doth this Citie want any wall that euer it had , or rather are not the Towers and strengths of the wall fortified , that the Samaritanes , Tobie , Sanballat , and their complices grudge and murmure to see Ophell Mariamne , Phaselus built vp againe ? To be plaine with you , wants there any Ecclesiastique Session ? want wee Synods Prouinciall or Nationall ? Is any censure of Admonition , Suspention or Excommunication taken away ? they are rectified , roborated , but not remoued : how then say you the towne is dismantled ? Your fift Interrogatorie followeth . THE ADMONENT . YEa , in effect , if wee should receiue in the Plague that hath proued so , that hath beene cast out , and cut off for corruption . THE ANSVVERE . SPeake more sparingly , if you meane not to proue a pestilent man in the Church . You call Episcopall gouernment a pestilence , so you say , but you proue it not . Much take you in this Treatise vpon your tongue , as if it were a sufficient warrand for all your Assertion ; The goodman said it : for if you come to probation , how hath it , as you say , proued a Pestilence ? the common argument you thinke is knowne well enough , that the Episcopall degree was a step to Antichrist , then must you graunt it was in the Church before Antichrist ; yea truely , long before Papall tyrannie was hatched , which is the worldly and wicked Hierarchie our Church hath abiured , Episcopall gouernement was in the Church ; and you haue no more reason to condemne Episcopall superioritie , although ( as you alledge ) Papall primacie had come of it , then you haue to condemne Veritie because Heresie came of it , per accidens . If man had neuer beene ordained , sinne by man had not come into the world ; if the word of truth had not beene preached , the people of heresie had not followed ; if there were not a bodie , there should not be a shadow ; if there had neuer beene a Bishop , there should neuer haue beene a Pope , as you say . What then ? because sinne is euill , is the man made by God not good ? because Heresie is abhominable , is not Veritie approuable ? because the shadow is a vaine thing is the bodie so ? because the Pope is a Plague in the Church , is the Bishop so also ? If this be a proofe of your best Logicke , what will the rest be ? But say you , it hath beene cast out of the Church , and cut off for corruption . I know you meane out of our Church , and that by act of Assembly . It might serue you for an answere , that the first Ecclesiastique gouernment which our Church euer allowed by act of generall assembly , was Episcopall gouernment , as shall be cleared by Gods grace . The last Ecclesiastique gouernment approued by act of our generall Assemblie , is Episcopall gouernment also : neyther shall you finde in the meane time betweene these two , any Act of Assembly disallowing the office of Bishops , but onely the corruptions thereof : and being forced for remouing the corruption to suspend the office for a time , they neuer simply reiected it , but by plaine act left a power of reuocation thereof to their Successors , to bring it in againe when they should see the good of the Church required it . The probation of this followeth hereafter . This is it , which according to your minde , you call a cutting off for corruption ; but our Fathers were neuer so inconsiderate as you haue affirmed . Mr. Dauid it is no good Chirurgie to cut off the hand for corruption , where the corruption may be cured , and the hand preserued ; it may be vnable for the present , and yet able afterward to doe good . Cut not away an Office from the Church for corruption thereof , but cut away the corruption , and conserue the Office , that it may doe good againe : So hath our Fathers done , like wise Phisitians , but you in your furie will cut all away , and make the simple beleeue that our Church had done it . So vndutifull are you , that you spare not , without all respect of reuerence , to rip vp againe the bowels of your Mother , that you may lay open her nakednesse to the opprobrie of the aduersarie , and where you can finde none , you faine lyes . Your last Interrogatorie is to the same purpose . THE ADMONENT . SHould wee receiue the plaine aspiring Tyrant and enemie , knowne and proued so , in the middest of the Citie , place him in the Citadell , giue him the Keyes in custodie , giue him all credit to open and shut the Ports , let in and thrust out at his pleasure , giue him a command of the watch , the Centinels ; to command , controll , that they mute not , stirre not ; doe what hee list , yea , euen binde vp all the Dogs , and mussell their mouthes , that they bite not , barke not , but at his pleasure . No light matter , &c. THE ANSVVERE . SHall there be none end of the words of winde ? What haue wee here ? the same tale tolde ouer in new words : hee still cals Episcopall authoritie a Tyrannie , an Enemie , knowns , proued so ; but hee proues nothing . The Bishop of Rome became a tyrant , shall the fault of one be a sufficient reason to impute tyrannie to all ? Did all the remanent famous Churches and Orthodoxe Bishops in Christendome reiect the paternall gubernation of Bishops , because the Bishop of Rome had turned his into tyrannie ? Mr. Dauid would haue it , but be not so inconsiderate as to hold your Father at the doore for feare of a tyrant . The rest of your words are more specious then substantious : there needes no more to improue you , but to turne them backe vpon your selfe . Is it not meeter that some one man hauing Commission from the Gouernour and Counsellors of the Citie , should haue the Keyes of the Ports , then that euery one in th● Citie should haue libertie to open and shut , let out and in at their pleasure ? Is it not meeter that some haue power to checke the Watch and command them , then that they should haue libertie to slumber and sleepe at their pleasure , not fearing the controulement of any ? Is it not meeter that Dogges ( that is , vndiscreet and contentious men ) should be kept vnder commandement , then that they shall haue libertie to barke and bite at their pleasure , euery one that commeth in their way ? What shall a man , euen of common wit , say , but that your words faire in shew , fectlesse in purpose , make against your selfe , when they are well considered ? In the end of this section , you haue another question proposed , the answere whereof , wil giue you light for resolution of the maine controuersie wee haue in hand , and till then , I leaue it . And now you proceede to improbation of my sixt reason , which was this , That other reformed Churches in Europe , wanting Episcopall gouernement , would be glad to accept it vpon condition , that with it they might enioy the puritie of Gospell , which they haue with vs , together with that libertie , fauour , and protection of a Christian King professing the Gospell truly , which we haue , and they want . This you impugne after this manner . THE ADMONENT : I Verily thinke this is but a bad reason , why a man should change his minde , in so great a matter , and for my part I easily thinke , that assertion is as easily denied , as auowed ; and I haue more for me to denie it , then you haue , to auow it , as I beleeue , their owne profession and declaration of their mindes against Bishops : But what doe you meane by that word ( Condition ) haue we that puritie , libertie , and Christian King by Condition ? I hope we haue them simply and purely without condition , &c. THE ANSVVERE . MY reason is better , then you consider : If we had liued among the Christians of the Church primitiue , sore persecuted three hundreth yeeres for Religion by Emperours who should haue protected them : or if we had liued in the Church of Fraunce , our necks daily vnder the sword of the enemie , and then it had pleased God to turne the heart of the Emperour , and King , not onely to protect vs , but to professe the Gospell with vs ; we would haue been loath to haue discorded with them for such a matter . You ponder not this benefit , but waxe insolent , and thinke it nothing to entertaine a diuision betweene a Church , and a Christian King , for a matter , without which , true faith in Christ , in all the articles thereof may be retained . In my iudgement , the Church of France , or antient Churches sore bitten with affliction , would neuer haue discorded vvith their Christian Rulers in such a cause . You alleadge you haue a declaration of their minde in the contrarie : but you must remember priuate letters are not sufficient to proue the minde of a Church . You are offended at this word vpon condition , & you demand , Haue we puritie , libertie , and a Christian King , on condition : What needes you peruert my words ? I am sure it can be no ignorance , onely malice caries you to this cauilling , know you not that his Maiestie will not be drawne into your opinion of Church-gouernement ? you speake as if the King were of your minde ; or at least would make the simple beleeue so , or that I had ouer-seene my selfe so farre , as to say , that wee had a King by condition . You know his Maiestie will not be drawne that way for you : it were more agreeable to reason , you should quit your conceit , and goe after your Soueraigne Lord : but if still you will stand in contradictorie termes , yet blow vs not all so blinde , as to make vs beleeue , that his Maiestie is on your side of this argument . And as to my words , are they not plaine , that vpon condition they had a Christian King , professing the Gospell with them , they would be loath to discord with him for this matter of externall gouernement , though indeede M. Dauid , you plainely declare a contrarie disposition in you : that ere your opinion of Church-gouernement stand not out , you had rather stand at debate vvith a Christian King all your dayes . This is the point , but after your fashion , you flie it . Then you conclude . THE ADMONENT . THus are these causes no causes , the sixe not making one sufficient : The former which you call falsly-imputed causes , remaine vnconuict of falshood , vnrefuted for these , and euill declined : what will follow therefore , and what must , on the pretending of them , I leaue to be considered , not listing to diue any further . And in the end of your answere to my second reason to this same purpose ( say you ) Beleeue me in this , I cannot beleeue , that euer you were that childe , to take on a Bishoprick for these causes , if you had not another cause , I thinke it should haue laid long in the dunghill , before you had put out your finger to take it vp , &c. THE ANSVVERE . FAlse ballance are an abhomination to the Lord , but a perfect weight pleases him ; he that condemneth the iust , and absolues the guiltie , are both alike abhomination to the Lord. M. Dauid now takes a decree to himselfe , but vpon such false premises , as makes it a decree of no strength nor value : Hee iustifies againe the lying Libeller , and imputes to me Gaine and Glorie , hee renewes the former-confuted calumnies to shew himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ac Hyperivertigine laborare : Hee willeth me to beleeue him , that he beleeues not that such causes moued me . He craues to be beleeued , and will not beleeue an other . But M. Dauid , I will not stand with you , I beleeue you that you can hardly beleeue any good of me , your faith may well be strong , but your charitie is colde : your loue little , if you had any : since it beleeues all things you would beleeue me in one thing . You tell mee ouer againe , that all men whom you know , thinke as you thinke , I told you also , I know you are all men : but as honest , godly , and conscientious , as you or they either , beleeue mee , and know I haue spoken the words of truth . Any thing you haue in this Libell to contradict the cause , you will finde it by Gods grace answered with reason : where you fall to inuectiues against the person , and against all reason vsurpe the iudicatorie of my soule , conscience , and affection , I will still appeale to that supreame , and onely Iudge of conscience , protesting in his presence , you haue lied against my soule , enforcing vpon it a foule crime of corrupt loue , of Gaine and Glorie , whereof when I haue examined my selfe more then tenne times , I finde mine heart free , so farre as in regard of humane infirmitie a heart may be , and the true causes mouing mee , are declared in my former Apologie . But to conclude this point vvith you , by your fruits you haue declared what you are , No man gathers Grapes of thornes , nor Figges of thistles , your words void of loue , your raylings full of spight , your iudging without warrant , your pert affirming without truth , witnesses cleare enough , though you were the best of your band , you are but a Brier : no Figge-tree , no Vine-tree in the Lords Vineyard , if in these you continue . And you know that Briers and pricking Thistles are the curse of the earth . God make you better . THE ADMONENT . ALway this same weakenesse of reason , to say no further , bewrayes the selfe euery where through the whole body of this Apologie , and among the rest most euidently in that point , that you take libertie to make your selfe your owne Antagonist , for we know none other . THE ANSVVERE . IN the remanent Sections of this Inuectiue , we haue lesse order ( I finde none ) but more falshood manifest : for now Mr. Dauid casts himselfe loose , reeling vp and downe at his pleasure , beating the ayre ; fighting against his owne shadow , or else carping at my words , and misconstruing them to his owne minde . He complaines , I make my selfe mine owne Antagonist , albeit the contrarie be euident : my first aduersarie was a lying Libeller , I gaue my defences according to his accusations ; and now Mr. Dauid comes in to make all good that he hath said , and hee will be my partie no way prouoked there-vnto by mee , nor vrged by any necessitie , except that Erostratus some way must be renowned . He will be a busie-bodie , Fedem in alieno choro ponere , medling with other mens matters , Not vnlike one that takes a Dogge by the eare , so is he that meddles with strife that belongs not to him : but I hope his owne wickednesse shall reproue him . Hee entreates me not to reiect his admonitorie , but to read it ; to pleasure him , I haue wearied my selfe , intermitting my better studies now these fortie dayes for reading , and refuting of it , this seauen yeares I spent not so much time with so little vantage to my selfe ( except that it may doe good vnto others . ) I haue beene seeking fruit in horto Tantali , for in all his admonitorie I cannot finde a line to make a man either more godly , or more learned . And this part of it , where-vnto now wee enter , containes no other but fierie in●ectiues in personam : needlesse repetitions , idle discourses , ( for matter many of them false ) all of them fectlesse , for order nothing else but a confused Chaos , and in a word a building of small stickes , standing vpon rotten posts : In the examination whereof , since he prouokes me to it , I will not insist as in the former : onely in the by-going , will strike the post , and let the building fall . Hee first complaines , that I haue not clearely enough declared the change of my minde concerning Church-gouernement , what motiues , what reasons , wherefore , and where-vnto I haue changed : And about this , it would wearie any man to read how he repeates and multiplies words , Sect. 14. 15. 17. 20. An answere to them all , see out of this Treatise . In your 16. Section , you lay downe a ground , as graunted by mee , vvhich I neuer gaue you , that I thought our Church-gouernement . 1. Anarchie . 2. Confusion . 3. Not allowed by God. 4. Disallowed by God. And heere you haue heaped vp a heape of words vpon a dreame , and false conception of your owne braine : you haue begotten it , and you would father it vpon me , the ground being false , that cannot stand which you haue built vpon it . I know there was order in our Church , but such as needed helpe to hold out carnall diuision ; the mother of confusion , the beginnings whereof in many parts were more then euident , but then say you . THE ADMONENT . VVHere was the dutie of a Preacher , your courage , your boldnesse ? why cried you not an Alarum against such an enemie ? THE ANSVVERE . TRuly Mr. Dauid , there were so many false Alarums cried in our Church , for disturbance of the peace thereof , by men of your humour , abusing the simplicitie of some Pastors , that it was needlesse to me to crie any more , yea of purpose I fled it , and thanke God I euer delighted to handle my Text for edification of the hearers in the matter of saluation , and had no pleasure in digressions , or other discourses , yea not in an open rebuke of the sinnes of them who were not present to heare me . Neither is it any reason that euerie vveakenesse seene in the State , or in the Church should be proclaimed in Pulpit incontinent : you cannot be ignorant , that many things are rather to be tollerated , then mended with vntimely remedies . Ne dum volumus importune ruimis subuenire , alias maiores multo videamur parare . Mr. Dauid , we haue had more then enough of this stuffe among vs : Men that will suffer no Bishops , and yet in Presbyteries will either gouerne all , or else nothing goes right : yea some , as if they were Episcopi Episcoporum , sit in their land-ward Pulpits , as in chaires of censure , giuing out iudgement , of King , State , Church , Countrey , and all ranks of men , condemning them in the hearts of their hearers , with iniust and vntimely rebukes , that neuer come to the knowledge of them , vnto whom they are directed , this is a proud vsurpation , couer it with the cloake of zeale who will , which for my part I neuer approued : yet this is one of the Alarums Mr. Dauid cries for . THE ADMONENT . TO take vp things then in grossest and simplest manner : you misliked Episcopall gouernement , say you , because you feared tyrannie , libertie , and other euils should follow on it , what is this to say , that you misliked it not for it selfe , but for the consequences of it . THE ANSVVERE . SInce it is notoriously knowne , and I haue plainely confessed , that I misliked Episcopall gouernement : what needes all this enquirie of the causes of my misliking . Sure it is , I misliked it vpon misconception . Now I know it , but I knew it not then , and is it any reason that I should for this be restrained from embracing a clearer light , when God offers ? so that you take here but needlesse paines , and yet you will be doing , and to proue that I misliked Episcopall gouernement , for the vnlawfulnesse of the Office it selfe , which you will neuer be able to make good , you bring foure arguments : The first , from a priuate speech of mine , spoken to a friend at the Parliament in Perth , which this way you repeat . THE ADMONENT . VVHether you behaued your selfe so or not , let it be weighed by this little suruey of your speech first priuate , then publike : in priuate I will cite but one , said to haue beene in Perth at their first riding there . Let vs goe ( said you to your friend ) and see these proud Prelates ride , which friend of yours afterward as is reported , at your first riding in Parliament , being come to Edenburgh ; and demanded of you wherefore hee was come , in detestation of you answered you with your owne words , hee was come to see the proud prelates ride . I know others report this somewhat otherwise , and that it was a Bishop that repeated your words in Edenburgh to that same your friend concerning you , to giue you a meeting , for that you said of him in Perth . THE ANSVVERE . NOW Mr. Dauid comes in to giue the Reader a proofe of his skill in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for lacke of Canonicall probations , he turnes him to Apocrypha and makes vp a tale here so ridiculous by his owne narration , as may make men maruell what hath made a reputed wise man so foolish , hee saith , I spake it to a friend in Perth , and a Bishop heard it ; was I so inconsiderate as to speake that in my priuate house ( that time I was not out of it ) that a Bishop might heare in the streetes ? Why name you not the friend ? vnder generals you may say what you list : yet you distrust your selfe , for you say , the tale which you bring here was said to haue beene in Perth ( said to haue beene ) what certaintie is here ? is this ground good enough ? say your selfe , and indeede in the next word you shame your selfe , It is , say you , otherwise reported : yet you make them both all one in effect , that is , in truth , both of them false and fectlesse . Is this solid reasoning thinke you ? Spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici . Without wood the fire is quenched , and without a tale-bearer strife ceaseth . Haue you no matter wherewith to fill vp your paper , but a tale of hee said and she said ? and you cannot tell who said it . You will be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Iudge , to iudge mee , and is ignorant of the Law , for it stands in all ages a Law to a Iudge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he should not iudge by hearing , and yet hee will receiue against me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a vaine report . Thou painted wall , thou sittest to iudge mee according to the Law , and smitest mee against the Law ? yet wee must vnderstand that Mr. Dauid is a learned man ( who will denie this that knowes him ? ) and how euer this subiect seeme small , yet his skill is the greater to make such a long and learned Commentarie vpon so little a matter , and seeing hee hath taken this paines vpon it , wee must all thinke it worthy of the reading , or else wee doe him great wrong , for so hee saith himselfe . THE ADMONENT . THe words ( of the fable ) are short , and seeme to import little , but let vs consider them , they may giue vs light perhaps ( and perhaps no ) sufficient to this matter concerning all these chiefe points , whether it was feare of euill to come , or euils present , you spake of , whether vncertaine feare or certaine sight , &c , THE ANSVVERE . HItherto haue wee heard Mr. Dauid his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , now followes his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it , a cunning and most eloquent Orison vpon a fabulous narration . How euer the matter seeme little , Mr. Dauid warnes you hee can make it much , Nouit tenuiter diducere , and can out of it draw many prettie Quiddities and Illatiues , vpon whethers and what ifs , and can shew himselfe a Rhethorician vpon Niff naffes . Mr. Dauid is no grosse spinster , giue him the grossest stuffe you may get , hee can twine it small , so skilled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that of little hee can make much ; yea , and could if neede required secare cuminum : not vnmeete to be Steward to some Italian Lord that would haue many dishes vpon small allowance , but that it were a losse to take such a good engine from the Schooles , wherein if he continue the world will see that Scotus subtilis is reuiued in him againe . But howeuer it be , I pittie you that you should not haue some better subiect to trye your wits vpon ; for you shall beleeue me , who euer reported this tale vnto you , in speaking of it was but a lyar , the thing it selfe is a false fiction : you haue not done Christianly to receiue it into your care , but much more vndutifully to publish it in writing , and spend so many words vainely vpon it : for you haue made vp here a Commentarie of sixe score and sixteene lines vpon a false narration . Now you intermixe a discourse against the riding of Bishops at Parliament , no lesse foolish then the former , for so you reason out of the Fable . THE ADMONENT . THat they were proud is argued by the effect ( riding ) now riding is not a fault in the person , nor for the person in it selfe , all the Lords rode , and you call them not proud for that , it became them , it is of their place and due , then it was the fault of the office you marked thereby , for wee must take heede that the word ( ride ) is not taken nakedly , for a simple action of riding , that had beene no fault , and as little wonder ; for so they had done when they were simple Ministers , but imports all circumstances , riding in Parliament , riding in pompe of horse , of harnessing , of apparrell , &c. THE ANSVVERE . NOW truely Mr. Dauid of a South-land Gentleman you are the worst rider that euer I heard of , for you ride your selfe cleane out of the Saddle , and casts your selfe to be dirided of all men . I told you already your narratiue whereupon you build this is false ; and albeit it were true , fectlesse to be vsed in such a purpose , except you would shew your selfe ridiculous : for why is riding , and riding in pompe and fine apparrell , an effect of pride ? tell mee Good man , is it so with your selfe ? are you alwayes proud when you are mounted vpon your Courser , and your courting garments vpon you ? or if it be not so with your selfe , why will you not thinke of another as you finde it in your selfe ? May there not be an humble heart vnder an honourable garment ? Read you euer of Eligius , Nouiomagensis Episcopus , it is recorded of him , Cum vestibus holosericis externe amictus esset , intra vestimenta ad nudam cutem cilicio indutus erat : when hee was clothed with Silke without , hee had Sacke-cloath within nearest his bodie : and yet out of an outward garment you will gather pride ; and as your owne words beare , such a pride as is not referred to the countenance but to the heart . But in all this Mr. Dauid , you haue said nothing to proue Bishops proud Prelates , and proud not in countenance onely , but in heart also ; but haue still proclaimed your selfe a proud pratler , pu●t vp with highest pride that can be , in that you will not rest in the countenance , which is Mans part , but you will iudge the heart , which is reserued to God. And now Mr. Dauid if you were there that day walking on foote in the streete , and other two with you , whom I might name , there are many deceiued but three were more pride going on foote with you there , then was riding on horse-backe with all the thirteene , though they had beene there . Your second argument , is from a publicke speech of mine , vttered in a Sermon at the Parliament of Perth , there say yee , I taught that the very stile of Bishops was to be abhorred , with many other imputations of yours , which admit they were as true as you would haue them , yet are they but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a figgie Sword , a weake weapon , that neyther helpes you , nor hurts mee . Doubtlesse if your cause were as strong as you suppose , you would bring stronger arguments to defend it , then to leaue the purpose , and fall vpon the person , but your allegation is false ; I had , as I declared , mine owne misconceptions of that estate , but neuer thought , farre lesse taught , that the stile and name of Bishops was to be abhorred . And albeit you thinke I taught much in that Sermon against Bishops , yet I remember more iudicious hearers then you , who were familiar with mee , maruelled I had spoken so little ; the iust copie of the Sermon is yet extant , and when I looke vnto it , I maruell at it , and reuerence the Lords prouidence , who then directed mee to a conclusion , wherein yet I remaine , for so were my words . That we may espie the cause of this diuision , let vs see what part of the wall hath gagged from the foundation whereupon the building stands , and from that policie wee haue receiued from our Fathers , let that be drawne in to the rest againe , then shall arise an happy vnion which shall assure vs of the continuance and encrease of Gods worke in the middest of vs. These are the words whereunto the Lord led me , and I yet stand to them . And againe , to this same purpose serues the words of my exhortation , directed to such as stood for Episcopall gouernment , that if they had nay new light which they had not before , they would communicate it to their brethren , that wee also might follow them , &c. This makes the matter cleare , that I was not so farre miscarryed as to condemne eyther the name or office of Bishops , as you alledge , but offered my selfe readie and willing to follow better light if they would bring it , or God otherwise should send it . And these words as being mine owne , you vse to my selfe in the end of this Treatise , desiring that if I haue any new light I should communicate it to you , which here I haue freely and truely done , wishing it may moue your heart , as it moued mine . Your third Reason followeth . THE ADMONENT . I Might adde the admonition giuen in by you subscribed to this same Parliament , where that office is called a slander to the Gospell , a defection , &c. THE ANSVVERE . YOur third argument is taken from an admonition as you call it , but a supplication , as I take it , subscribed by mee : for answere to this , I will very plainely and truely declare the matter as it is , that men may see there is no pith in your allegation to proue that which you intend . That there was a supplication giuen in I heare , who penned it , or what was in it I know not , where they assembled whether in the Church , or in a priuate house I enquire not , present at that meeting sure it is I was not . It was brought to mee by a familiar brother , to mine owne house ; I cannot remember whether before Sermon , or when I had new come from it : but well I wot at such a time wherein I had no leasure to reade it , like as I neuer read it : they tolde mee it contained nothing but a supplication for continuance of Church-gouernment , that then was . And as I haue said , at that time I could willingly haue contented ; yea , contended for it as I might , that our gouernment might continue , fearing euer least the intended course had beene to abolish it ; but from the time I perceiued that the course was not to disanull any substantiall point of Discipline which we had , but onely to roberate it , by restoring againe Episcopall power , whereby I perceiued the Church not weakened but strengthened , not preiudiced but confirmed in all her lawfull libertie , I reproued my selfe of my former folly , and not onely consented vnto it , but the more I looked into it , the more I loued it , reioycing at the preferment of Preachers for this end , and in honouring of them esteemed my selfe honoured . And if the subscribed Supplication hath that in it which you affirme , that the office of a Bishop is slanderous in the Church , which I can hardly thinke that any learned or well adu●sed Preacher will affirme , then I make it knowne vnto you it neyther had nor hath any approbation of mine . This being the simple truth I doubt not but the indifferent Reader will thinke any ouer-sight , that hath escaped mee , very easily excused . Your fourth Argument now followeth . THE ADMONENT . MIght I not adde also the Assemblies of Dundie 1580. at which it is likely you were , as being within your twenty yeeres that you haue beene a Pastor , where ( the office of a Bishop ) is called folly , corruption , mans inuention , vnlawfull , &c. THE ANSVVERE . IT is shame to see you alledge such notorious falsehoods , I was not at that Assembly ; yea , I was no Minister then at all , being but twelue yeeres old , I was newly taken from the Grammer Schoole in Dunbar , and entred into the Colledge in S. Andrewes . With many such false lies as these fighteth your Fellowship against mee , which yet are currant for truth in your Colledge of Do●atists , whose Spirit I iustly called alying Spirit : for noto●ious ●alshoods are carried among you in secret , from tongue to tongue , and receiued in your meetings for vndoubted truths . This I could qualifie by s●tting downe a particular catalogue of your ●alumnies , but I will not at this time . I haue onely to ●raue of suc● as feare God , that howsoeuer many spare not to carie Satan in their tongue by false reports : that they also lodge him not in their eare by hearing , and receiuing a false accusation : for this is required of them , who shall dwell in the tabernacle of God , and rest in his holy mountaine , that they receiue not a false report against their neighbour ; and therefore rests assured that they vvill reserue an eare to heare mee , before they condemne me . These are the foure pillars of your great building , so rotten in themselues , that they fall as soone as they are touched with the finger : and what then becommeth of your long discourses , inferred vpon them ? Are they not Bullatae nugae . bellering bablings , watrie bels , easily dissipate by the smallest winde , or rather euanishes of their owne accord ? THE ADMONENT . HOw is your change then ? and what causes are of it ? This had neede to haue beene cleerely shewed , decl●red , and proued , &c. THE ANSVVERE . IN this Section you returne againe improbitate muscae , to the point from which euen now you haue beene repelled , and you are not ashamed to be tedious to your Reader , Ea●●em semper canen●● Cantilenam : Still demanding how is your change : It were more time you should bethinke you how to change your talke , or if still you will multiply words in vaine , I contend no more in that which I haue answered alreadie : There be foure things ( saith Salomon ) which cannot be satisfied , the graue , the barren wombe , the earth , and the fire . Whether you be the fourth of these for your fierie humour , or a fifth to be ioyned to them for a hunger you haue , and I cannot satisfie , I rest resolued to take no more paines vpon you for this part of our question . Two things onely you haue here which must be answered . In the first you would proue , that I haue much more cause to feare the euils may follow Episcopall gouernement now then I had before : and your reason is . THE ADMONENT . CAn any humane carefulnesse suffice vnto that care ? it is true , Princes haue long eares , but other mens eares , they haue many eies as Argus , yet are they the eies of others : and these others may be brought a sleepe by some cunning Mercurius : Can his Maiestie in such distance see the whole proceedings of Prelates , the whole and naked truth of things by such informers ? by themselues , or their agents ? doth he now know the deepenesse of misteries ? euen the scurfe of many actions ? shall he hereafter ? The pride that may be ? that tyrannie , libertie , as it happens to grow , their neglects , sloathes , bribes , partialities , how much lesse fore-see how they shall be eschewed ? &c. THE ANSVVERE . MAster Dauid , you should haue aduised with your warrant , before you had reuiled your Rulers , you haue opened your mouth , and giuen out false accusations : Are you able to qualifie them ? but thou louest all words that may destroy , O deceitfull tongue , if you were put to probation vnder paine of suffering punishment due to these sinnes , it would goe hard with you . Neither can it be well , when euery man takes libertie to accuse such as are in authoritie , either in Common-wealth or Church , and is not able to make it good , that yet they goe away not the lesse without controlement : what you s●eake concerning feare , I confesse ( if that may please you ) I am neuer without feare . Euen the most pure Doctrine , the most perfect Discipline , who can secure himselfe that none euill shall follow it : Since in Paradise in the state of innocencie , a Serpent followed Adam and Euah , and corrupted them , We are vpon earth , like Passengers on the Sea , were the winde and weather neuer so faire , yet are they not without feare , till they come to their harbourie , because they know there may be a change : and shall wee get vpon earth a state exempetd from feare ? or is it possible to set downe that forme of gouernement in the Church , of the which wee may be sure , without all feare , none euill shall follow it ? Is none euill to be feared , to follow Presbyteriall gouernement ? what you haue enquired of the one , let me aske of you the other : can all the faults , offences , sloaths of Presbyteries , in not assembling to the weekely exercise , with diuisions , disobediences , be knowne to his Maiestie ? it is more apparant , the faults of one , are sooner knowne , sooner dilated , sooner corrected , then the ouer-sights of manie : neither is it likely , that Bishops shall escape with their smallest offences , so long as you and such as you , are their captors and inspectors , dogging them at the heeles , treading after them in all their foot-steps , glad when you may heare or see any weakenesse in them , that you lay hold vpon greedily , making much of little , that you may disgrace them . Is not this to imitate Satans nature ? is it not contrarie to the conditions of elect Angels ? they reioyce at the conuersion of a sinner , you with Satan reioyce at their fall : it doth you more good then your meate or drinke , to heare any blame you may impute to a Bishop . God forgiue you . But to returne , sure it is , no carefull , no conscionable man can liue in any state without feare : for why ? Satan seekes most carefully and cunningly to corrupt Offices most excellent , and most profitable for the Church , and the greater good be in them so long as they abide good , the greater euill comes of them when they begin to change : Euen as the finest wine turnes into the sharpest vinegar . How then shal a man be without feare ? but I nothing doubt it is in his Maiestie his chiefe cares to establish it , and that by fensing it against all euils , specially tyrannie , libertie , briberie , partialitie , sloath , which you haue obiected , and where desperately you insinuate that the Office of a Bishop will neuer doe good . A Wolfe , say you , will be a Wolfe , and all the world had sworne it ; and will worrie too when the Shepheards backe is turned : you but speake of your owne , either ignorance , or euill set affection , considering how many famous Bishops , without the reuerence of a Christian King , liued as Fathers to the Church , faithfull Preachers of the Gospel , and died constant Martyrs for the testimonie of Iesus ; but Mr. Dauid will haue all these rauening Wolfes . The other cause why my feare should be greater followes . THE ADMONENT . THe Office of Bishops then pretended no preheminence , now it doth ▪ then it was subiect to Presbyteries , now it is freed from them : then it was bound with caueats , now it is let loose . Then euery Preacher might speake against it , now none reproues , then were all alike friend and good fellow with their Pastors , now his Lordship , &c. THE ANSVVERE . MAster Dauid , wee know better what was wont to be in our Church then you , there was neuer all alike as you say in it , our gouernement was alway Aristocratick , for albeit by constitution for that time paritie was allowed , yet was it not practised ; there was euer some leaders , rulers honoured and reuerenced by other Pastors , and good reason so should bee : what else see you now , if the persons liked you , the purpose is the same ? Since the beginning of our Church , Bishops , Superintendents , vvere neuer subiect to the iudgement of their brethren , in the matter of their office ; nay , not to their Synods , but were reserued to be iudged onely by the generall assembly ; but you affirme the contrarie pertly enough , looking for no controlement . Bishops are not let loose , suppose they be not left to your teddering . But this offends you , that they are called Lords : let me enquire at you , Is honour giuen to any in the Church , but for the honour of all ? if they could looke to it with loue and humilitie , euery one might say , Honoris vestri participes et nos sumus ? Will any member of the bodie grudge to see another honoured ; or rather in the honour of one , doe they not all reioyce , and esteeme themselues to be honoured ? Mr. Dauid , there is a pride which loueth honour and preferment : Our Lord condemnes it , there is another pride that disdaines to giue it , and I may well say , it is the worst pride of the two , I will not thinke that either Elijah or Samuel were vaine-glorious , when the one was stiled by Obadiah , and the other by Anna , My Lord : Surely it is a weake and vaine minde , that is puft vp with so small a winde , and yet I am sure both Anna and Obadiah in giuing them this honour , did but their dutie . But I thinke M. Dauid in this will not be contentious ; for in the backe of his Letter directed to Bishops , he writes , To his verie good Lord : And then in the subscription within , Your L. or wisedomes : What he meanes by this , I know not : he will giue his owne reason ; hee saith , it is a nouation and corruption to call one Pastor a Bishop more then the rest , yet hee doth it , and here hee practises in secret , that which he impugnes in publick , and so dec●iues his complices , giuing honour himselfe to Bishops , which he saith , should not be giuen them : they haue cause to feare , least sometime hee forsake them . Now you proceede . THE ADMONENT . YOu make a faire shew by bragges to corroborate all by the word of God , and example of the Church Primitiue , iolly words , sooner said then proued , strings much harped on by diuers , but to little vse , and wherein the more men diue , the more they cleare the contrarie ; it may be easily seene through all the subtilties , clouds , and colours that they cast on it , who haue busied themselues in that matter , euen your Sarauia , euen whosoeuer , whom the more men reades , the lesse effect they see in him : they , I say , who haue not their eies blinded with some other thing , such as blindes not the eies of the wise . THE ANSVVERE . VVHether it be a faire shew or a solid substance wee will trye when it comes to the point : You will not haue it heard that the Primitiue Church had Bishops : you may aswell denie that the Sunne shined vnto them : you call this a Subterfuge , and a large field whereunto we runne to eschew the chocke of the question ; which say you is this , Whether these Bishops that now are , and as they are now , be lawfull in the Church of Scotland : or if the oath hinder ? But prouoke at leasure , ere we part you will finde vs ( by Gods grace ) at the chocke of the Question , and your selfe chocked with it for all your boast ; but I must first goe through this hedge of Bryers and Brambles which you haue laid in my way . You set light by our Sarauia as you call him , but you deceiue your selfe if you thinke our strength is in Sarauia : for mine owne part , I neuer read him so much as I haue done you , and of that which I haue read , I see Sarauia will stand for himselfe for all you are able to say ; your little Dagger will not reach to him , and it were shame for you now , though you might , to strike at a dead man , as I heare hee is : it were greater manhood to encounter with Downame , you dissemble that you know him , but if you doe and mislike him , hee is readie to fight with you in that cause , till your Logicke panne be cleane dryed vp or the cause renounced . One thing you haue , that no man can see any thing in Sarauia , but Sophistrie and falshood , except those whose eyes are blinded with some other thing , such as blindes the eyes of the wise : you would seeme here to be modest , yet of purpose as mordent as you may be , whom you would insimulate of briberie . Aduise with your selfe , if you be seeking any such here , as the By-word is , You are in the wrong Close . I told you before , you were acquainted with the Muses , onely the Dorit Muse hath beene strange vnto you : you were capable enough of her instruction , but shee tooke no paines vpon you : it is meetest you should meane you to Melpomene , her mourning moodes might procure you pittie , but out of your pride and male contentment to blot such as you are bound to honor , and secretly to insinuate that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as gaue iudgement for gifts , is intollerable presumption . I protest before God , I know none such in the Church , I would not say it for all the world . If any such be , of all men they are the most miserable : if they be not , Mr. Dauid declareth what manner of man hee is , and woe will be to him that would bring such a shame vpon Israell without a cause , if hee repent not . As for mee I thanke God , I was neuer stained with couetousnesse nor filthy lucre , I defie all flesh . Lord , gather not thou my soule with the sinners , nor my life with bloudie men , in whose hand is wickednesse , and their right hand is full of bribes : but I will walke in mine innocencie , redeeme me and be mercifull to me , my foote stands in vprightnesse , therefore will I praise thee O Lord , in the Congregation . Now you goe on . THE ADMONENT . TOuching our Church and Bishops being in it before you were borne , if so be , so is Popple among Wheate before it be shorne , of great auncientnesse , Co●uall springing vp with it , and in the ground perhaps before it . And incontinent . You will finde it difficult enough to proue that Bishops were receuied in our Church wittingly , willingly , by choyse , and free consent . &c. THE ANSVVERE . IF I proue it not without difficultie , and make it plaine to the iudicious indifferent Reader , let mee be blamed . Your refuge , that Bishops were in our Church as Popple among Wheate , will not relieue you : for you will finde them planted in this soyle , watred , nourished , and defended by the best Fathers of our Church . In your scorning of vniting or revniting Bishops and Presbyters ; Weedes as yee call it , with wine , speaking oft-times so barbarously for want of better , you doe but shew your selfe most worthy to be scorned , as ignorant of all Antiquitie , which could very well informe you that a Bishop without a Presbyterie , is an head without a bodie ; and a Presbyterie without a Bishop , a body without an head . Where , by a Presbyterie I vnderstand that which Ignatius cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Consistorie of a Bishop , subordinate to him , afterward called his Chapter , because they were instar Capituli Episcopo , which serue for assistance of him in waightie matters , as also to take care that the possessions of the Bishopricke should not haue beene dilapidated . Then is it well when they both goe together , euery one in their owne place to doe the worke of God. But no maruell Mr. Dauid denies that Bishops were in the Primitiue church , or that our owne church once allowed them ; for hee is bold to denie that any Father , or Brother of our present Church , approueth the Office of Bishops , but esteemes it as followeth . THE ADMONENT . 1 THe Office of a Bishop is vnlawfull in it selfe ; 2. More vnlawfull in this Church of Scotland ; 3. Vnprofitable in it importing tyrannie , and is it selfe tyrannie ; 4. Doth and shall import more libertie and loosenesse of life in it selfe , and in the Countrey , with Papistry , senslessenes , Atheisme : some that thought wel of it in the beginning , thinke worse of it now . Consider the experience in boldning Papists in so vnlookt for manner , so many witnesses in our chiefe Towne since Bishops got gouernment , as was not nor durst not be in all Scotland when Presbyteries had gouernment . Now Corruption flowes and ouer-flowes the whole Country , and defaceth the face of a most beautifull Church . THE ANSVVERE . MAster Dauid continues yet in his humour , & adhuc in Aegiptum euagatur , & patitur se in Assyriam pertrahi , framing himselfe to the manners and fashions of Egypt and Assur , hee raileth against Israell , forgetting all pietie , and modestie , and truth that becommeth the holy people , whereof hee professeth himselfe to be one . Hee denyes that any eyther Father or Brother of the Ministrie in Scotland allowes the office of Bishops , except it be Bishops themselues : this is a notorious vntruth , hee still affirmes it is vnlawfull and vnprofitable , but vpon what reason wee will see when we come to the Question . If yee had spoken this out of knowledge that the Episcopall Office in it selfe , is vnlawfull and tyrannicall , you would haue giuen some reason for it , but when you come to the point , you shew your selfe a coward , turnes your shield on your shoulder , and farely flyes the combat . You would seeme a great Captaine , and make your fellowes beleeue that you were matchlesse , but strike not one stroke to defend their cause , or hurt the contrarie ; but if crying may win the field , then should be beare away the victorie , for still hee cries it is vnlawfull , tyrannicall , and what not ? the reason is , Mr. Dauid saith so , and any silly wife could say as much to a cause as you doe here : for you bring but words , and so could shee , suppose hardly so many as you . In your other speeches you shew your selfe so full of malice , that before you want doung to cast on the face of your Brethren , whom you seeke to disgrace , you had rather rake it out of the bellie of your Mother : for what say you ? Is not the whole Church ouerflowed with Papistrie ? God forbid , but rather the deluge of waters which was before is begunne to fall . See you not the tops of many mountaines discouered ? and by all appearance , if the Lord by the care of a prudent Prince , had not prouided this remedie of Episcopall authoritie , it might well haue fallen out , as you say , that the spawne of Papistry would haue ouer-flowed all . Otherwise tell mee what would you haue done to preuent it ? Excommunicate them ? so might you quickely haue equalled the sicke wi●● the whole , or 〈◊〉 haue infected the whole with the sicke ▪ What else could you doe , vnlesse it had beene to draw the matter to the needlesse hazard of a battell , as seemes by you words , They durst not , say you : what is it to keepe a man that hee dare not ? The Ecclesiastique sword you know was contemned ; the 〈◊〉 sword , that is the last remedie ; praised be God wee haue a better : all your Physicke is violent . Cut off ▪ cut off ▪ but a prudent Prince in more moderate manner can effectuate peace , giue authoritie to truth , and falshood fals to the ground . And where you say that the face of a most beautifull Church is defaced , meaning the Church of the first towne in the Kingdome : how vnrighteous , vndutifull and inconsiderate are you ? Is it your pleasure to spit in the face of your Mother ? delight you to vncouer her shame , if you could finde it ? and where you cannot , is it your sport to blacke her face with the soote of your calumnie , and then call enemies to looke vpon it ? What say you , Mr. Dauid to the Church of Edenburgh ? Is it not still a Mother Church ? Is not the way of God truely taught in it ? Hath it not learned and famous Preachers of whom you are vnworthie ? Is there any defection in it from any point of truth ? How then defaced ? By Masses ( say you ) said in it . Were they publicke ? You dare not affirme it . Were they stollen in secret ? You cannot denie it , and yet discouered by the vigilant care of their Bishop and Pastors . Thankes to God , such abhomination dare not be auouched there . Is this a defacing of that Church ? No : it is a detracting of yours , no defacing of them ; yea , rather it is their great commendation , that in so populous a Citie scarce twelue are found miscarried by seducers , and those also of no credit nor countenance ; who , vvhen they are tryed and examined , professe they had done it of simple ignorance , and that they abhor the Masse so much the more , because they haue seene it , offering themselues most willing to declare their publicke Repentance , to remoue all offences giuen by them , out of the hearts of others : and among them seeing there was not one Burgesse of Edenburgh deprehended in this fault , why blame you the town● for it ? Tell mee , I pray you , was the Church of Ephesus defaced , because some false Apostles did creepe into it ? find you not the contrarie ? that the Bishop of Ephesus , called there the Angell , is commended , for that he had examined them , and found them to be lyars . If the Church of Edenburgh had fallen away ( which GOD auert ) as the Church of Thyatyra did , and suffered Iezabell a false Prophetesse to teach and deceiue the Seruants of God ; there then you might say it were a defaced Church , I suppose ( which I hope in God shall neuer fall out ) that Sathan had a Throne there , as he had in Pergamus , yet seeing there is a Church that will not denie the faith , no though Antipas should be slaine , how say you the face of the Church is defaced ? But the contrarie is manifest , Satan may creepe in there like a thiefe ( thanks be to God ) he hath no throne there : what villanie can hee worke , which they punish not ? Can you say any of their Magistrates , Councellors , Ministers , Elders , Deacons , or any honourable man of the body of their Citie , is stained with that Heresie ? How then is the face of their Church defaced ? And truely , though that many such were among them ( as you haue said ) which yet is not , it were no maruell to mee , when I remember the Apostles saying ; There must be Heresies , that such as are approued may be tryed ? Where there is no winde to carrie chaffe away , how shall the Corne be discerned ? where there is no Heresie how shall they be knowne who are confirmed in veritie , rooted and grounded so in Christ , stablished and built vpon the rocke , that no winde of contrarie doctrine can carrie them away ? Traduce as you will , this is the truth , for many reasons is that Church worthy to be commended ; but in my iudgement , this is the greatest commendation that euer it got , that subtle Heretiques with the seed of false doctrine , creeping in into her bosome , to seeke an aduantage , can finde either none at all or verie little . Yet your other Assertions are more impudent : it contents you not most wrongfully to haue defaced a chiefe Church in the Kingdome , now you proceede to doe the like vnto all other Pastors and Professors in our Church . THE ADMONENT . I Know many doe countenance Bishops , because they haue to doe with them , and giue them obedience as a man would giue his goods to arobber ( let not the comparison seeme odious , for in this they are alike ) that hee take not his life also ; because hee is not able to resist him . I know , some feare their menaces of Deposition , Suspending , Silencing , putting them from their flockes , takes it for a iust feare , and so a compulsion , so themselues to be excused : but that from their hearts like of that Office , I know none , such as you speake of . THE ANSVVERE . THE words of the righteous are stedfast , and what is it , that you can iustly reproue in them ? I haue spoken it , I speake it ouer againe , and I know it , that many worthie Fathers and Brethren of our Church , are of that same minde concerning Church-gouernment , that I haue here declared . As for those whom you say you know to be otherwise minded , looke what a miserable Patron you are vnto them ( if any such be , for in this you haue lost credit ) you make them all temporizers , dissemblers , sillie timerous bodies that countenance Bishops not from their hearts , but for feare and for compulsion . Mr. Dauid , I suffer you with the greater patience miscalling me at your pleasure , since I see your tongue spares none ; nay , not those whose hearts you grant your selfe are with you : you spare not to call them dissemblers , &c. Since so it is that you take libertie to speake of all men as you please ; neither sparing those who are in heart with you , nor yet those that in heart are against you in your opinion , what remaines , but that it be publickely proclaimed , The Good man of Gods Croft his tongue is no slander . THE ADMONENT . AND that which you pretend of the aduise of this present Church , comes vnder the same count , nothing voluntary nor by ●hoyse , but forced by such feares , iust or apprehended for iust , neyther by the Church customably assembled , but by a number propped out , for the most part by Bishops , to that effect . THE ANSVVERE . THat Mr. Dauid may be knowne for a compleate Conuitiator , as he hath hitherto spared no estate vntouched ; for hee hath set out the King hauing eies and eares not his owne , that may deceiue him , as though wee had so inconsiderate a Prince as to iudge by the eyes and eares of other men . Bishops hee hath painted out for Tyrants , Bribers , Libertines , Vsurpers . Pastors reuerencing Bishops hee hath made false , dissemblers , sillie bodies . The whole Church hee hath giuen out to flow and ouer-flow with Heresie . The principall Church in the Kingdome he hath described to be a defaced Church : so now , as if those were too little in his last furie , debacchatur in supremam Ecclesiae Synodum , binding vp all his former railings in one bundle . The Assemblie was conuocated by his Maiesties will and authoritie , a part of his Christian and Kingly power ; the Bishops of the Church present in it . Pastors hauing commission to vote from their Presbiteries , many Noble men honestly affected to religion , vnspotted , yea , vnsuspected in it ; many Commissioners from the most famous Churches and Townes of the Kingdome . All these assembled together , Mr. Dauid not with powder , but with his penne , blowes vp into the ayre as a corrupt assembly , compelled , budded , bribed , not rightly assembled , and wherein nothing was rightly done : yet was there some aged Fathers who subscribed plainly to the Episcopall gouernment , now after better aduisement ; of whom it is knowne that before , they suffered imprisoning for impugning of it : whereof I doe but warne him by the way . In the remanent of your Sections , after your owne disordered manner , to tell you as the truth is , like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you compasse about mine Apologie without order , making a proffer to many places in it , not lighting nor resting vpon any , to speake it in Scots , you flie bumming a throat after the manner of a drone Bee , making a great sound and noise , but little labour , no honie , no solid reason , no truth , no learning vttered here , onely iterate Inuectiues , not worthie to be insisted in , except I would Actum agere . Your misconstruction of Iosephs preferment for the good of his Brethren , as if I had so spoken of my selfe , confirmes me in that which I perceiued before , that you are but a vaine discourser , pleasing your selfe in Argutijs , silly , fectlesse , and impertinent conceptions and speeches . And therefore being loath to wearie the Reader and my selfe both any longer with your Batt●log-Tautol●gies , I presently commit them to the South winde to be carried away from your Peele-house at Preston , with the rema●ent smoke of your pannes , to the water of Forth , and so bid farewell to Mr. Dauid in his furie , and now turne mee to speake with him in his more sober minde . THE ADMONENT . VVHat is there then to be done here will you say ? euen this certainely as you said sometime your selfe , If you haue gotten new light which you had not before , communicate it to others your Brethren , that they also may follow you in their hearts , and know they yeeld to you in a good conscience , &c. Let bitternesse be remoued , let the cause with calmnesse and meeknesse be considered . THE ANSVVERE . NOw at length M. Dauid , the euill blood begins to fall from your heart , God be thanked , and you are come to some coolnes , suppose not kindly enough , yet of your former Feauer wherein you raged , yet it puts vs in hope , you may recouer of this disease betime , what you haue here said , I receiue ●buijs vlnis , any light I haue I will willingly communicate , bitternesse ● agree be remoued ; Perit enim iudicium , vbires transit in affectum : I wish therefore perturbate and preiudicat affection may be laid by : It is onely these two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that fights against Episcopall gouernement . To be short , I embrace all your conclusion , and euery condition of it , except onely where you will me , not to disguise my speech by sought out sentences ▪ and o●tentation of reading , to iuggle the iudgement of the simple , I must warne you , that whether your word stand for a i●gulator , or a deceiuing Iugler , your deede comes too soone ▪ against your protestation , euen now you craued bitternesse may be remoued , and you cannot leaue it , but to vse your owne Prouerbe , A Wolfe will be a Wolfe . Naturam expellas furcalicet vsque recurret ; And as to my manner of writing , I cannot change it : I want not my owne reasons , neither haue you any cause to complaine of it . Now we goe to the question . THE ADMONENT . I Goe from all that long disputation . 1. Whether Bishops be lawfull . 2. Whether they were , and how they were in the Primitiue Church , which you claime to . 3. How they were in our owne Church at the beginning , or leaues it to a fitter time , and alledgeth how euer these things were , they are not lawfull now to vs ; 1. In respect of our oath , since our oath ; 2. in respect of our Discipline more profitable for vs. THE ANSVVERE . NOw Mr. Dauid hauing of a long time trauelled with wickednesse , and conceiued mischiefe , at length bringeth forth a lye . When all is reckoned and counted the matter comes to iust nothing : Et magno conatu murem tandem peperisse videtur . Who could haue looked but that Mr. Dauid who so largely and liberally hath condemned Bishops in word , would haue brought at least one argument against them ? hee doth it not , but rather destroyes all that hee hath said before . You cannot eschew this ; you haue multiplyed words , and by most sharp Inuectiues haue condemned Episcopall gouernment : you haue called it tyrannie , and vnlawfull in it selfe ; and now you remit the lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse of it to be disputed . Truely good man you haue wronged the partie , and abused the Reader : for , according to reason , you should haue disproued Episcopall gouernment before you had condemned it ; but after that you haue condemned it , is it not your shame to remit it to further reasoning ? In the one you haue shewed superfluitie of malice , mouing you to speake euill of it ▪ in the other penurie of knowledge , that you haue no reason to iustifie you in the condemning of it . Thus haue you shewed your selfe , in initio confident em , in facto timidum ; one that feareth to fight , but is bold to bragge . You will not simplie giue ouer the combat , but declines it farely for this time , and puts it off to a better time : but in my minde a better time could you neuer haue had then this , seeing you haue gathered your friends , and haue mustered you Armie , and ordered it out of your ripest wits in sixe sheetes of paper before you ; what a shame is it , that in so feeble manner you should turne your backe , and leaue all that you haue sent and said before ? You haue braued a Bishop in presence of your friends , now hee stands before you , and you dare not looke him in the face , nor strike one stroke at him in this quarrell , that the office of a Bishop is vnlawfull in it selfe . But to pursue you euen to the vttermost point , wherevnto you haue fled ; in this also you shew your selfe weake , yea , ridiculous : for now you haue drawne all your speech to this Assertion , and I pray the iudicious Reader to consider it , Howsoeuer Episcopall Gouernment in it selfe be lawfull or vnlawfall to other Churches , or sometime lawfull in our owne Church , yet it is not lawfull now . A Paradoxe indeede : I thinke Mr. Dauid speakes not simplie , but grants it by concession . But taking it as hee giues it , let vs heare it ouer againe , Though Episcopall gouernement in it selfe were lawfull , lawfull to other Churches , lawfull once to our owne Church , yet now it is not lawfull . To proue this , Mr. Dauid brings two Reasons , which had neede to be very strong , it being a strange Position they haue to defend : but the Reader shall by Gods grace see it made plaine , that there is no more truth , worth , nor value in his two Reasons , then in the rest of his Assertions . And since the whole weight of the Controuersie stands vpon these two Reasons , I set them downe truely to you , as Mr. Dauid hath set them downe to mee . The first REASON . We may not receiue Bishops , because the oath in conceiued word is against Hierarchie . The second REASON . In respect of our receiued Discipline more profitable for our Church . The Confutation of these reasons . BEfore I come to a iust examination of these Reasons , I will onely present a view of their weaknesse to the Reader , in these words . In the Confession of faith , sworne and subscribed by the Preachers and Professors of this Land , they haue abiured the Popes wicked and worldly Hierarchie . Mr. Dauid leauing out the differences of Papall , wicked , worldly , makes mention onely of Hierarchie : which , in it selfe , signifies an authoritie or imperatiue power in things sacred : Who will abiure this ? but to declare their meaning , they added these three differences , Papall , worldly , wicked : but Mr. Dauid to declare how hee distrusts his owne cause , deceiueth the simple , by putting in into his Reason the Word Hierarchie onely . By this , any indifferent Reader may see that Mr. Dauid deales not truely , nor faithfully , nor like a man defending a good cause , but fore-seeing that these words would destroy his Assertion , of purpose he leaues them out . His second Reason is without reason , and against the very rules of reasoning . This is Petitio principij , he begs the question , and takes it for a principle , which is the Controuersie it selfe , as shall appeare in our improbation . I will not be presumptuous to dispute that which is concluded alreadie , and past in a Law. Onely to cleare the proceedings of our Church from the wrongfull imputations of malecontents , I giue an Answere to all their Obiections in these Positions following . 1 Episcopall gouernment in it selfe is lawfull , and of all other hath best warrants in the Word . Mr. Dauid hath declined this question , yet will I giue to him and others such light in it as God hath giuen mee . 2 No Church since the dayes of Christ vnto our Fathers dayes , was without Episcopall Gouernment , and Mr. Dauid cannot shew one instance to the contrarie : for , howsoeuer in some reformed Churches Superintendents were placed , the name being onely changed , the matter remained . 3 The Church of Scotland in her purest estate , enioyed the Gospell with Episcopall gouernment for the space of twentie yeeres , as may be proued out of the Monuments of our Church , for there you will finde by Acts of generall Assemblie , Ministers ordained to be subiect to Superintendents . A Law craued from the Lords of secret Counsell , for punishment of such as disobeyed Superintendents . Power to hold Assemblies twice in the yeere , giuen to Superintendents . Power to transport Ministers giuen to Superintendents . Power of diuorcements taken from Ministers and giuen to Superintendents . Power to admit ●inisters , and depose them , giuen to Superintendents . No religious Bookes to be printed but by ad●ise of Superintendents . This was the order of our Church all the dayes of Iohn Knox , &c. Here you obiect , first , that the offices of Bishops and Superintendents are not one : and why ? I am sure you know in power of signification they are one ; in power of Iurisdiction they are declared to be one by Act of generall Assemblie , Anno 1573. what power a Superintendent had by the law of our Church , that same power a Bishop had by the same Law : And those Countries which had Bishops of the reformed Religion , president ouer them were neuer committed to the care of Superintendents : but the Bishops exercised all points of Iurisdiction partaining to them , vvithout any contradiction made to them by our Assemblies . To ●ay yet further , there was appointed by the generall Assemblie , some Commissioners , to be assembled with other Commissioners appointed by the Regent , and Lords of Councell , to entreat of Ecclesiastique Iurisdiction , & establish it . Commissioners for the church , beside sundrie Superintendents , were Mr. Iohn Knox , M. Iohn Craig , M. Iohn Row , M. Dauid Lindsay , with others that were in the yeere 1564. The same Commission renued againe by the Church , Anno 1567. and againe , 1568. a Supplication from the As●emblie to the Regent , M. Iohn Willok , Superintendent of the West , being then Moderator , was directed , desiring that such as were appointed by the Lords of his Highnesse Councell , and by the Church , might meet , for setling church-Iurisdiction . After this , in euery assemblie the same sute is renued , till at length , An. 1571. the gouer●ment of Bishops is ratified by act of assem●lie . Thus M. Dauid , you see Bishops willingly rec●iued into our Church . Your other Obiection is , Superintendents had their Office from the Church : did their Office by aduise of their Brethren , and were countable to the Church for it . Tell me I pray you , what else see you in Bishops ? Their Office and power is from the Church , their temporall preferment , their rent and maintenance , is conferred by the King ; yea , good reason it is that his Maiestie haue the nomination of a Bishop , out of lytes of honest men giuen in by the Church : What nouation is here ? You will finde the nomination of Superintendents referred to his Highnes Counsell in his Maiesties minoritie , becaus● they gaue them their maintenance , see Act of Assemblie , An. 1562. Againe , Superintendents did by aduise ; good reason : see the Law prescribed to Bishops of olde , An. 1573. that no Bishop admit any Minister , without adu●se of three well qualified Ministers of the bounds . The same stands now , and can you say that any Bishop in our Church stands against this , except onely that where the Law bindes them to vse the aduise of three , they vse the aduise of sixe , or tenne , or thirteene if they may get them ? What can you say against this Mr. Dauid ? See you not here a constant forme of gouernment in our Church ? See you any other Bishops now then were in the dayes of Iohn Knox ? Here say you , Superintendents were changeable ? but you should haue cleared your selfe , not deceiued the simple people vnder ambiguitie of words . Tell the truth , were any of them changed in their time , or was there any cause might haue taken from them the office of a Superintendent , but such as might haue also depriued of the Office of Preaching and all other offices in the Church ? In which case Superintendents , Bishops , and Pastors , both might and should lawfully be deposed ; but God be praised such examples feil not out in our Church . Oh but Superintendents were subiect to their Brethren . Here also you lu●ke vnder the shadow of doubtfull speeches . Will you say that Superintendents were subiect to the censure of Ministers , ouer whom they had the inspection ? The contrarie is true , our Fathers foresaw the perill of that , and exempted them from it ; reseruing them to be iudged by the generall Assemblie , as I haue cleared before : and doubtlesse there could be no order where such as should correct the faults of others , are put vnder the censure of thos● that should be corrected by them . You still reply , there is now ( say you ) no generall Assemblie to censure them : but you may know that the same Law which restoreth the Iurisdiction of Bishops , ratifieth also generall Assemblies , howbeit in a reformed State , the power to call it belongs to the Christian Magistrate , and seeing it is the Parliament of the Church , the great Ecclesiastique Councell of the Church , the calling of it , except vpon very vrgent occasions , proueth often more hurtfull then helpfull , but where great and weightie causes require it , you may be sure the Prince will not refuse it . But your great grudge is here , that Bishops are not vnder the power of Ministers to be cast out of their places by pluralitie of voices You dreame of an assemblie that would finde the authoritie vnlawfull , and depose them all : but you are deceiued ; our Ministrie are not so affected , they see the necessitie and vtilitie of this calling : they who disliked it at the first , are now brought by reason and experience to allow it , and where you will finde one discontented with it , I warrant you twe●tie who are pleased with it , and thanke Go● for it . Speake no more then of the exemption of Bishops from censure , there is a Christian King , there is a Councell of Bishops , till necessitie require a Nationall Assembly , and it is not denyed to any in the Church or Kingdome to complaine , accuse , delate , Bishop or Archbishop , that hee may be brought to his answere , and tryed ; yea some that haue complained , haue beene answered with Iustice , to their satisfaction . In a word , let it be told you in name of all the Bishops of our Church , our Calling is of God , allowed by the generall Assemblie , ratified by our most Christian King and States of the Kingdome . Our care is to discharge it in the best sort wee can , when wee haue done all that is possible for vs , there are many of you ready so farre as you may to vndoe it , out of an euill humor , more narrowly looking to negligences then to obserue paines and good diligence : wee are men , and may fall as others , but our faults should not be abused to condemne our function , more then the faults of Ministers condemne their Ministrie . We claime no liberty , but are readie by Gods grace , to answere all our Superiours , and be censured by them as the meanest in the Church . And we carrie this humble minde , that if you , or any other , in loue and good affection , will signifie to vs wherein wee offend , wee will either satisfie you by reason , or willingly amend it : yet so that wee will maintaine the honour of our charge and calling , and not leaue it free for euery man to raile against lawfull authorities , whereof I pray you consider in time , and be more sparing to spread such inuectiue Libels : for , it will be thought a contempt of them whom you are bound to honour , and if you suffer punishment for it , you will not suffer as a Martyr , but as a malefactor , which I wish may no befall you . 4 So long as this Episcopall gouernement stood in vigour , there was nothing but comely order in our Church , Fathers honoured as Fathers , Ministers agreeing in pleasant Vnitie , without any Schi●me among them , singular peace betweene the King his Maiestie and the Church , t●ey going together like Moses and Aaron , to doe the worke of God , without grudging , anger , or diuision , then the Gospell flourished , and no professed Papist was in the land , but with decay of the one ensewed a lamentable change of the other , which cannot be mentioned without griefe , and I wish for euer may be buried in silence . Alway at this doore of vnhappie diuision , Papistrie creeped in againe into our Church ; it was sowen then , it tooke roote then , it buddeth now ; and by a false kinde of reasoning , A non causa pro causa , it is imputed to Bishops now , but as with the decrease of Episcopall gouernment it entred : so I hope in God with the credit , and author●tie thereof , it shall goe to the doore againe , Onely the Lord cloath his seruants with his righteousnesse and saluation , let his Vrim and Thummim be with his holy ones . The Lord set our hearts rightly to seeke his glorie , then shall his helping hand be with vs. There is no fault in the cause , God graunt it be not found in our persons . 5 Episcopall gouernement beganne first to be withstood , An. 1575. This is the first time that Commissioners for eschewing of alleadged ambition , are appointed to be changed yeerely . The same time authoritie of Bishops is called in question : some with it , some against it , the matter is referred to the aduisement of three for euerie opinion , whose names are inserted in the act : they resolue on these conclusions . It is not thought expedient , the question be answered at this time , but if any Bishop be chosen , who hath not such qualities as Gods word requires , let him be tried by the generall assembly , and so deposed . 2. That the name of a Bishop is common to all Preachers , whose chiefe function is to preach the Word , minister the Sacraments , and execute Discipline . Yet of this number some may be chosen to ouer-see and visite other bounds beside his owne Flocke , with power to ordaine and depose Ministers , with aduise of the brethren of the bounds . Perceiue here how loath wise men in our Church were to quit all grip of Episcopall gouernement . 6 And againe , the Office it selfe comming in contempt for the euill qualities of them that had it , whereof some were professed enemies of Religion : it was laid by and suspended , An. 1580. But not simply abrogate , as will appeare by this three-fold consideration : First not the Office , but corruption of the Office in Bishops is impugned , so beareth act , An. 1578. For as much as there is great corruption in the estate of Bishops , as they are presently made in this Realme , where-vnto the Church would prouide remedie in time comming , therefore further admission of Bishops is discharged till the next assembly . An argument by the way to Mr. Dauid , that they were before in the Church , and had their ordinarie admission of the Church . Then in the next assembly holden that same yeere . Iune 11. Sect. 3. It is concluded , that the former act shall be extended for all time to come , aye , and while the corruption of the estate of Bishops be remoued , and that all Bishops alreadie elected be enquired particularly to submit themselues to the generall assembly concerning the reformation of the corruption of that estate of Bishops . Nothing here you see against the Office , but against the corruptions . Secondly , alb●it anno 1580. Episcopall gouernement was disallowed ; yet that it was not done with full consent or approbation of the Fathers of our Church , will appeare by that act of reuocation : which if a man will consider , hee shall finde procured by the wisedome and fore-sight of some wise and honest men of the Ministrie , who contenting to submit themselues to the present gouernement , and loath to trouble the Church for that matter with Schismes , and diuisions , ( which you and yours cannot doe ) did notwithstanding leaue an open doore to their posteritie , to bring in againe Episcopall gouernement , when they should see it expedient for the Church . See the act . An. 1583. Sess● . Concerning th● question moued to the assembly , if the generall Church haue power to prouoke , whatsoeuer things done by them , or any particular member of the same , to the hurt and preiudice of the Church , or not . The brethren after reasoning and disputing , at length voted affirmatiue in the question , that the Church had power to doe the same : No exception here of any act , made either for Bishops , or against them . Thirdly , the abdication of Episcopall gouernement which was made ; was made without consent , yea contrarie the will of them by whom it was concluded in the Church , for Episcopall gouernement being practised in our Church from the beginning , was established by act of assembly , An. 1571. Whereat vvere present Commissioners from the Regents grace , and Lords of secret Counsell , in his Highnesse name , being also required specially , and to this same purpose by the Church : there it was agreed to stand during the Kings minoritie ; and therefore when first his Maiestie perceiued an intended nouation in Church-gouernement : his Highnesse discharged it , and protested against it by his letter registred in the Bookes of generall assembly , An. 1579. ●ul . 7. What can you finde out of all this , why Episcopall authoritie should not be restored againe ? or rather see you not many reasons that should moue vs to receiue it ? 7 As for your alleadged oath , whereby you make the simpler sort beleeue , that our Church hath abiured Episcopall gouernement : the strength of your cause is in it , but it shall be knowne to be as weake as the rest of your defences . For first of all , an Oath should be defended by the lawfulnesse of the thing that is sworne , and it is no good ground in Diuinitie , to defend the thing that is sworne by pretence of the sacred authoritie of an Oath . This order you keepe not . Secondly , since the most part of Preachers in our Church , gaue no Oath for Discipline at all , for mine owne part it was neuer required of mee , and I know there 〈◊〉 many others in the same estate : What reason is it , that the Oath of some , albeit they had made it ( as you say ) which will not be found , should binde others that made it not . Thirdly , when it was appointed by act of Parliament , An. 1572. Ianuar. 26. that the confession of faith which therein at length is exprest , should be sworne and subscribed by all Church-men , the gouernement which then was in our Church was Episcopall , for the Oath and subscription is ordained to be made in presence of the Archbishop , Superintendent , or Commissioner of the Diocie , as the words of the Act plainly imports , so that this Oath makes no renunciation of Episcopall authoritie , but rather ratefies and approues it . Fourthly , concerning the latter Negatiue confession , whereof it is most likely you meane , what will you finde there against Episcopall gouernement ? Nothing at all : it is a good confession , many Pastors , professours of our Church haue sworne it , subscribed it . Othere , say you , an Oath is conceiued against Hierarchie . Mr. Dauid , speake as the truth is . ( Now Rahel takes the Idols , and hides them in Cammels litter ) Now Rachel blushes for shame . Now Mr. Dauid steales away the chiefe words of the confession , and hides them for feare they should tell the truth , and shame him : will you say M. Dauid ? Hath our Church renounced Hierarchie simply , all sacred authoritie , all order , all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? say it not for shame , there are the words : looke what we haue renounced , these are the verie words of the Oath , We detest and refuse , the vsurped authoritie of that Romane Antichrist , his worldly Monarchie , and wicked Hierarchie : Therefore saith Master Dauid , we detest all Hierarchie : Why mutilate you the words ? and why falsifie you the words which you bring by a corrupt sense of your owne ? which I will proue was not the Subscribers minde . Will you condemne Episcopall gouernement vnder the name of Papall , vsurped , worldly , wicked Hierarchie ? Is it ignorance hath moued you ? who would thinke you were so ignorant ? or if you know better , what malice is this to beare downe a good thing vnder an euill name ? Were not Bishops in the Church before a Pope vvas in Rome , at least before Antichrist was hatched in it ? Haue any sort of men in the Church done more , suffered more , to destroy Antichrists Kingdome then Bishops ? yet you will haue all Bishops Antichristian . Let vs first see the iudgement of the Fathers of our owne Church plat contrarie to M. Dauids , it may be he will reuerence them , and thinke shame of his owne folly : when M. Iohn Knox got license from our generall assembly to goe into England , they wrote a Letter with him of this tenour : The Superintendents , and Commissioners of the Church of Scotland , to their brethren the Bishops and Pastors in England , that haue renounced the Romish Antichrist , and doe professe the Lord Iesus with them in sinceritie , the perpetuall encrease of the holy Spirit . See it registred in our assembly Bookes , An. 1566. M. Dauid , did our Fathers esteeme Episcopall gouernment Antichristian Hierarchie ? Do they not plainely disioyne them , writing to Bishops that had renounced the Romish Antichrist ? O , but it will be said , Our Church was then in her infancie ; it may be you make them all Infants : all the worthie , learned , and vnspotted Superintendents of our Church , Iohn Willok Superintendent of the West , Iohn Winram of Fyfe , Iohn Spotswood of Lowthian , Iohn Erskin of Din Superintendent of Angus , Iohn Row Superintendent of Galloway : make Infants also of M. Knox , M. Craig , M. Lyndsay , M. Hay , with many more I cannot name , present at the writing of that Letter : all these may well be Infants , where a man of your experience comes out : but beleeue me , wee haue not seene many such olde men in our Church since . Now as this sense , which you make of the word Hierarchie , is against the minde of our first Fathers ; so is it against the minde of the swearers and subscribers : and are you not a foule abuser to inforce vpon them a sense whereof they thought neuer ? This is cleere as the light . For why , did not his Maiestie sweare and subscribe that confession of Faith ? This was his royall and most Christian oath , offered to God in defence of his truth . Did not his Highnesse there , and at many other times , professe openly a renunciation of that wicked Hierarchie ? Will you inferre vpon this , that his Maiestie therefore abiured Episcopall gouernement ? I dare appeale to your owne knowledge , hath not his Maiestie kept one constant iudgement concerning Church-gouernement euer from his young yeeres ? doth not the inhibition of nouation in Church-gouernement cleere this ? doth not the publike printed Declaration of his Highnesse intention proue it ? doth not all his Highnesse speeches , and actions , before the subscription , since the subscription , declare his Highnesse approbation of Episcopal gouernement ? and yet you would make it to be beleeued of the people , that his Highnesse renounced Episcopall gouernement , when his Maiestie renounced Hierarchie , vsurped , Papall , wicked : this , or else a worse , must be the drift of your language . Truly you may thanke God you haue to doe with a clement and gratious king . And that this same which is his Highnesse mind of that Article , is also the minde of most part of the ancient teachers , and other brethren , learned , godly , vnspotted , who haue well deserued of the Church present , by fidelitie in their ministrie , will bee cleared also : I will not goe about in any inordinate manner to seeke subscriptions to this purpose , but when it shall be required by order in the Church , you will finde a cloud of witnesses standing against you , to improue this calumnie of yours : yea , many times in my younger yeeres haue I heard famous and auncient Fathers of our Church , who haue seene the first beginnings thereof , affirme , that our Church could not consist vnlesse Episcopall gouernement were restored againe : this they spake when there was no appearance of it , and when Episcopall gouernement was in greatest disdaine , and at that time being vnacquainted with Church discipline , I thought strange to heare it . And here againe , Mr. Dauid , I am in doubt with my selfe , what to thinke of you , seeing I know no other oath you meane of , and you haue touched none other in your Treat●se admonitorie : what hath carried you to t●is absurd affirmation , that the oath conceyued against Papall , vsurped ▪ wicked , wordly Monarchie , and Hierarchie , is against Episcopall authoritie ? shall I thinke ignorance hath done it ? You are giuen out , and bragged of for a learned man , and a Writer . Or shall I thinke malice hath done it ? you are counted for a Christian , and so I thinke you be : what euer hath moued you , sure I am , it hath miscarryed you : for let mee tell you , when Zorimus Bishop of Rome , sent ouer his Legates to the councell of Africke , wherein were assembled two hundred & seauenteene Bishops , among whom it is thought Augustine was one , to proue that it was lawfull to appeale vnto him from all Bishops in the world , alleadging this power was giuen by the Councell of Nice : after long deliberation and inquisition of the most auncient Copies of the Councell of Nice , his fraudulent vsurpation was discouered , and he warmed by these Fathers neuer to attempt any such thing in time to come . Many reasons they gaue him ( as indeede they had all reason for it ) specially this , that the grace of the holy Ghost , had not with-drawne it selfe from all other Prouinces to rest in one alone , to discerne there the right of all causes : wherefore they willed him to abstaine from such ambition , Ne fum●sum saeculi typhum inducere in Ecclesiam Dei videatur . Here Mr. Dauid , you see a solemne reiection of the wicked Hierarchie of the Bishop of Rome : Did these Fathers by so doing reiect Episcopall authoritie exercised by themselues allowed , accepted , embraced , and reuerenced in their Churches . Thus haue I made cleare that you haue fained a sense of that article contrarie to his Maiesties minde , contrarie to the minde of the first Fathers of our Church , contrary to the minde of the present Fathers of our Church , and contrary to the mind of the ancient Fathers of the Church primitiue in the foure hundreth yeere . And if I should draw you vp higher , are you able to denie that Episcopall gouernment was in the Church before that Romish Hierarchie was hatched out of the the shell ? What hath the one of them to do● with the other ? Hath the Romish Church beene more impugned by any then Orthodoxe Bishops ? Or hath any sort of men beene more persecuted by the Romish Hierarchie , then reformed Bishops ? Why are you so vnrighteous as to oppresse the one vnder the name of the other ? Were all the Bishops who suffered Martyrdome in the first three hundred yeeres , guiltie of that Hierarchie which you haue condemned ? And if I should draw you yet vp higher , I see as much light in the word of God , as giues warrant to me of the lawfulnesse of Episcopall Gouernment , and I doubt not will serue to content reasonable men when they shall heare it . You prouoked me to this point ; but you turne your backe and flie from it , and I haue not any leasure to pursue a flying man , hauing better studies I would more gladly ouer-take : yet something will I subioyne for discharge at least of my dutie . 8 These things therefore so standing , the Question will be thus : Seeing Episcopall gouernment in it selfe is lawfull , seeing all Christian Churches haue had it , seeing our owne Church had it ratified by acts of generall Assemblie , for many yeeres , with an happie successe of the Euangell ; seeing it was laid by against the will of a Christian King in his minoritie , against the will of his Highnesse Regent , and Lords of Councell , well affected to Religion , and that not simplie , but with a power of reuocation : queritur , whether if or not , a Christian King in his maioritie , requiring a restitution of it , the present Church hath done well to receiue it in againe ; especially , seeing it is done without destruction of that policie so long aduised , and added at length by the Fathers of the middle age of our Church , for strengthening of our Discipline . To contract then all the matter which you haue spread out with a multitude of idle words , into a short summe ; There is no new Discipline brought into the Church , but the auncient restored to th● former strength , no point of later policie abolished , but established , and an happy vnion made euery way betweene them who should agree in one , to do the worke of God. This is my iudgement , and I esteeme by it the name of the Church of Scotland honoured , a Christian King in his most reasonable desire satisfied , the peace of the Church happily procured , the mouths of aduersaries stopped , offence from weake and simple ones remoued , and much more good easily effected , if contentious and vaine spirits would not hinder it . Thus is the very state of the question cleared vnto you , so that you haue no cause to cry out as you doe , Who should teach vs but Bishops ? and if they will not , our bloud be vpon their heads . You seeme to be very earnest here , but all men may see it is but your Orpit or Ironic conceit : so like as M. Dauid will be taught of Bishops , a sort of profane men without either learning or grace , in your account . But you neede not make the halfe of this stirre ; you might be ignorant of Church-gouernement , and your bloud in no danger for all that : but if indeede you stand in feare least you loose your soule , follow our counsell , and we shall lay our life for yours , Repent of your sinnes , Beleeue in Iesus the Sauiour of the world , Amend your life , Decke the hid man of your heart with a meeke and qui●t spirit , which before God is a thing much set by ; Put on loue and meeknesse , leaue off strife and contention , be content with your owne calling , meddle not with things without your compasse , whereunto albeit you might reach , yet are they not so profitable as to repay your paines , nor yet absolutely necessarie for your saluation : doe this , and it shall be well with you ; if not , your bloud shall be vpon your owne head , and none of the Bishops of Scotland shall be guiltie of it . The rest of your discourses of paritie and imparitie in Church-gouernement , are answered by that which I haue said ; neither doe you here your selfe insist in them , but remit mee by particular quotations to your Epistles , foureteene in number , written to seuerall men , contayning eight sheetes of paper , bound vp in forme of a Booke , and sent to mee to peruse them . But you must remember it is an vnreasonable request to require a Bishop , employed in daily teaching , and other necessarie charges in the Church , to reade ouer all your missiue Letters , yet haue I looked to them as I had leasure , and answered them as cause requires in this my Defence . As for your Epistles , if your conceit be such of them , as if they contained humane and diuine learning , like that which Augustine hath vttered in his two and twentie Bookes de Ciuitate Dei : or if for Eloquence you esteeme them like the workes of some new Cicero ; or else for vndoubted Rules of Church-gouernement that are in them , you meane to make them vp as the bodie of some new Canon Law , whereunto in reasoning you will remit men as vnto Rules and Decrees ; or at least , will haue other men take paines to make glosses and Notes vpon them : then I pray you Mr. Dauid , seeke some Aldus Manutius , or Ludouicus Viues , or some new Gratianus , you will get of these right good on that side of the water : but Mr. Dauid , for me , I thinke them not worthie of that paynes , neyther haue I any time to spare vpon them ; the paines I haue taken are for your satisfaction if reason may doe it ; to pleasure you I haue lost much good time , which I intended to bestow another way . At the midst of September I receiued your Admonitorie , as your Letter will shew , though many saw it before you sent it to mee . In the end of October I absolued this answere to it ; what time hath ouerpast since , hath beene spent in writing it ouer and ouer againe for the Presse , for you will haue it publicke , and it is best so , for others and me also , to ease me of much paines of priuate writing , wherein I cannot giue euery man contentment . If my paines profit not you , I haue great losse , beside my instant labour , being forced , all this time to intermit mine ordinarie exercise of teaching at Euening Prayer : wherein I know you haue done more euill to this people , then I thinke you haue done good to any Congregation in the Land : but if eyther my paines or their losse ( for this time ) may serue to gaine you , the one I will thinke pleasure , the other I thinke they will esteeme vantage ; if not , yet I hope it shall doe good vnto others . And now in the end , albeit M. Dauid doe shunne the Question it selfe , yet seeing hee desireth I should communicate to him such light as I haue , I will not refuse to doe it , partly for his satisfaction , and partly also for satisfaction of others , who are not contentious of purpose about this question . There are some godly and learned men in the Church , who maintaine Episcopall gouernment to be iuris diuini , of diuine authoritie : there are others , worthy Light of the Church also , who albeit they thinke it not to be iuris diuini , but humani or Ecclesiastici , and sees not that it is a diuine ordinance , but humane , or Ecclesiastique , yet they reuerence it as a good , and a lawfull , and a profitable policie for the Church . If Mr. Dauid will not adioyne himselfe to the first , I wish at least , hee would betake himselfe to the modest iudgement of the second ; and consider what a grieuous sinne it is to nourish a Schisme in the Church , for such a matter , and how far the famous Lights of our time mislike them who spare not to diuide the Church , for their opinion in the contrary . The Arguments vsed by the first sort , the Reader will finde at length in the learned Treatises of D. Whytgift , Bilson , Douname : The reasons mouing mee to incline to Episcopall gouernment , and by which I found greatest light and contentment to mine owne minde , occurred to mee in the handling of the Epistles to Timothie , I haue shortly subioyned them , and submit them to the censure of the Church . A view of Church-gouernment , best warranted by the Word , proponed in these few POSITIONS . 1 AS other Bookes of holy Scripture , are written chiefely for the institution of a Christian , to teach him what he must beleeue and doe , that he may be saued , so the Epistles to Timothy and Titus are especially written for the institution of Ecclesiastique Office-bearers , teaching them how to behaue themselues in the gouernement of Gods house . 1 Tim. 3. 15. So that as the Tabernacle was build according to the patterne shewed to Moses in the Mount : so the right plat-forme of Discipline must be learned from the patterne prescribed by God in his Word , and most clearely in these Epistles . 2 And as no man can be so farre miscarryed as to thinke that the Epistles directed to the Romanes , Corinthians , &c. containing rules of Faith and Manners , belonged to them onely , but to all Christians till the worlds end : So is there no reason why a man should thinke that the Epistles written to them , containing rules of Discipline and Church-gouernment were for them onely , but for their successors also . 3 So that the power giuen to Timothie and Titus was not personall , to endure onely during their dayes , or to dye in the Church when they by death were taken from the Church , but it is perpetuall to continue in the Church to the worlds end : for why ? the precepts are giuen for gouernment of Gods house , and wee know his house is not for one age , but for all ages till the worlds end . And againe , Timothie is commanded to keepe this rule to the second appearance of Christ , 1 Tim. 6. 14. which by himselfe is impossible to doe , but in his successors . 4 Now , this power giuen to Timothie and his successors is the power of a Bishop , not onely in respect of preaching : for , in this generall sense all Pastors are Bishops , hauing the ouer-sight of their flockes : but also in regard of their speciall gouernment and power ouer other Pastors committed to their inspection ; in which sense the name of a Bishop is proper to some Preachers of the word , not common vnto all , as is euident out of the points of power , by diuine authoritie giuen them . 5 As first , a power to commaund Pastors that they teach no otherwise then according to the rule of the word , 1 Tim. 1. 3. Secondly , a power to depose and stop the mouthes of them who teach otherwise , 2 Tim. 2. 16. Tit. 1. 11. Thirdly , a power to lay hands vpon Pastors , to ordaine and admit them to their Callings , 1 Tim. 5. 23. Lastly , a power to iudge Pastors , and to receiue or repell accusatious giuen in against them , 1 Tim. 5. 19. So that his power is not onely ouer his flocke , but ouer other preaching Pastors also , according to this rule . 6 This power afore-said wee finde by diuine authoritie established in the person of one : let any man contrary minded , shew as cleere a warrant , to proue that this power is taken from one , and giuen vnto many . 7 And as here we haue this power giuen to one , for gouernement of Gods house in the precept , so is this same power established in the person of one , by the practise of the Son of God , for in his seauen Epistles to the Churches of Asia , he writes vnto one , as bearing the burden of all , both Pastors and people in those Cities . And Beza confesseth , that when S. Iohn directed his Epistle to the Angell of the Church , vnder that name he directed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the President of the Brethren . There wee haue a Pastor President , both of Pastors and people . 8 And here , because the custome of some is , to create enuy to Episcopall gouernement , by stirring vp other Pastors to grudge & mislike it , as being preiudiciall to their libertie . Let them know , that no tyranny with contempt , yea , or neglect of other Pastors is here allowed : Neither yet are other Pastors debarred from the participation of this same power , when by authoritie and order of the Church they shall be called vnto it . 9 Neither are here condemned other Churches , who through necessitie of time , cannot haue Episcopall gouernement ; for howsoeuer it be the best , yet God forbid wee should thinke , but that without it there may be a true Church , whole and sound , in all substantiall points of Faith. 10 These grounds being so cleare , it is euident out of them that to haue one in the Church , clothed with the power aforesaid , to exercise it for the benefit of the rest , is an Apostolike ordinance . 11 The common obiection against this , is , that Timothie was not a Bishop , but an Euangelist , because the Apostle exhorts him to doe the worke of an Euangelist , 2 Tim. 4. 5. but it is knowne , that the name Euangelist is common to al that are employed in the propagation of the Gospel : whether it be by them penned , as the foure Euangelists , who were by the Spirit to write the History of the Gospel : or else by preaching it from place to place , as extraordinary Euangelists did ; or preaching it in a certaine place , as ordinary Euangelists then did , and yet doe . 12 In the iudgement of Caluin , it is vncertaine whether S. Paul call Timothie an ordinarie or extraordinary Euangelist ; he thinks that he was aboue vulgar Pastors , yet so , that he was a Pastor . 13 And truly , whatsoeuer Timothie was before he trauelled through sundry Countries , to water Churches planted by the Apostles ; yet now , by reasons furnished out of the Text , it appeares ; That Timothie is setled at Ephesus , a resident ordinary Office-bearer , and not an extraordinary : I passe by many , and touch but one . 14 The Apostle warnes Timothie , that he neglect not the gift giuen him by imposition of the hands of the Presbyterie : eyther this place renders no warrant for a Presbyterie ( as ye take it ) or else it must proue that Timothie was an ordinary , and not an extraordinarie Office-bearer in the Church of Ephesus . 15 For , by a Presbyteric here , you must vnderstand either the Office it selfe , of a Preacher , whereunto Caluin enclines , or else the Office-bearers , as most part of ancients and recents thinkes . And then , whether you take a Presbyterie ( in your sence ) for a fellowship of equall Pastors , or for a Colledge of Bishops , as consent of Doctors takes it , the Argument is still against you . 16 For , seeing you affirme , that a Presbyterie is an ordinary Indicatorie , or call it as you please ; and Presbyters are ordinary Office-bearers in the Church : how can it bee that an ordinary office in the Church , can giue calling or admission to an extraordinary ? Neque enim fas erat vt inferior ordinaret maiorem , nemo tribuit , quod non accepit . But it shall be best , rather then you take away a Presbyterie from the Church , you should confesse that Timothie was an ordinary Office-bearer in the Church , and stands here for a Paterne to such as succeeds him in this ministration to the worlds end , and who must haue such power as he had ? 17 But it is needlesse for our purpose to dispute this question , whether Timothie was an extraordinary Euangelist , or an ordinary Bishop ; whatsoeuer himselfe was , the question here is ; whether this instruction giuen him for gouernement of Gods house , be extraordinary , temporarie , and to endure but a ●ime ; or , are they continuall , and should this rule of gouernement be kept in the Church till Christs comming againe ? 18 And if it should be ( as I thinke no man will denie it ) that this rule should continue , then it cannot be eschewed that it is most conformable to the Apostolike ordinance , that there should be in the Church a Bishop or Pastor , hauing power of admission , deposition , iudging , and censuring of Pastors : for the conseruation of true doctrine , vnitie , order , and loue in the Church . 19 Besides this , it is not to be neglected that in the Postscript of the second Epistle , Timothie is called the first Bishop elected of the Church of Ephesus , and Titus , in the end of that Epistle , The first Bishop of the Church of the ●retians . 20 Against this it is obiected , that the Post-script is no Scripture , and why ? because some ancient Copies haue it not . A dangerous assertion : I meddle not with it . The contents of Chapters , and marginall Notes , are no Scripture , but inscriptions of Prophecies and Epistles , such Post-scripts also , as haue beene found in most autentique Copies , from which wee haue the Epistles themselues , let men beware to reiect them for any fauour they carrie to their owne priuate opinion . 21 The Post-script in the Geneua Bible , beares , that Timothy and Titus were Bishops ; the Bible of the Spanish learned translator hath it , Arrius Monta●●s the Latine hath it , the Greeke hath it , which is the language wherein the newe Testament was written ; the Scots and English Bibles haue it , and howsoeuer men now make bolde eyther to deny or infirme it , we must thinke it is of greater authoritie to proue that Timothy and Titus were Bishops , then eyther Mr. Dauid , or Mr. Iohn , or Mr. Robert , or Mr. William , their assertion in the contrary . 22 Specially , seeing so many both ancient , and recent Fathers of the Church , are of this same iudgement , that Timothie was Bishop of Ephesus , Titus Bishop of Creta , it were long to rehearse all their testimonies , any man that pleaseth , will finde them cited by D. Whitgift , Bilson , and Douname , in their learned Treatises , written in defence of Episcopall gouernement . If there be any prettie man contrarie minded , that hath learning , and leasure to write , I doe but here poynt out vnto him where he may finde a partie : what needs new prouocations till these be answered who haue written already ? Now vnto these arguments , gathered out of holy Scripture , let vs but ioyne this one argument , furnished vnto vs by the Fathers , and seruing for this purpose . Constat id esse ab Apostolis traditum quod apud ecolesias Apostolorum fuerit Sacrosanctum : without doubt that must haue beene deliuered vnto vs by the Apostles , which in Apostolike Churches is holily obserued . Tertul . aduers. Marcion . lib. 4. Quod vniuersa tenet ecclesia , nec Concilijs institutum , sed semper retentum fuit , non nisi apostolica authoritate traditum rectissime creditur . That which is receiued of the whole vniuersall Church , not instituted , nor ordained by any Councell , but reteined , as being before Counsels , is rightly beleeued to haue beene deliuered vnto vs by Apostolike authoritie . August . de Bap. cont . Donast . lib. 4. cap. 24. This being the proposition , warranted by Tertullian and Augustine , containing a truth , which I thinke no reasonable man will denie ; the Assumption will be this . But Episcopall gouernement is such : Embraced of the Catholike Church , not instituted first by any Councel : for it was before the first O●cumenick Councell of Nice , retained by all Councels ; not reiected , nor impugned by any : and this assumption is verefied by consent and testimonie of the Church in all ages , which the learned Fathers of our time , Zanchius and Beza , plainely confesse : the words of Zanchius here follow . Fides autem mea nititur cum primis & simpliciter verbo Dei , deinde nonnihil etiam communi totius veteris Ecclesiae consensu , si ille cum sacris literis non pugnet . Credo enim , quae a pijs patribus in nom●●● Domin● congregatis communi omnium consensu , citra vllam sacrarum literarum contradictionem , definita & recepta fuerunt , ea etiam quanqu●m hand eiusdem cum sacris literis authoritatis , a Spiritu Sancto esse . Hin● fit , vt quae sunt etusmodi ego ea improbare ▪ nec vel●m , nec aude●m bona conscientia . Quid autem certius ex Historijs ▪ ex Con●lijs , & ex omnium patrum scriptis , quam illos ministrorū ordines ( de quibus dixim●s ) communi totius republicae Christianae consensu in Ecclesia constitutos , receptosque fuisse ? Quis autem ego sum , qui quod tota Ecclesia approb●uit , improb●m ? My faith leanes first of all and simply vpon the word of God , thereafter also it something depends vpon the common consent of the whole ancient Church , where it is not repugnant to the holy Scripture . For I beleeue those things which by godly Fathers , assembled in the name of the Lord , haue beene concluded , decreed , and receiued , not contradictorie vnto holy Scripture , and that those same things also , albeit they be not of equall authoritie with the holy Scripture , haue proceeded from the holy Spirit : whereof it comes to passe , that I neither will , nor dare in a good conscience , contradict them . For , what is more certaine out of Histories , Councels , and the writings of all Fathers , then that these orders of the Ministrie , whereof we haue spoken , were by common consent of all Christendome concluded , and receiued into the Church ? And who am I , that I should d●sallow that which the whole Church hath allowed ? Zanch. in his confession . To this same purpose serues the testimonie of Beza , who hauing declared the reasons that moued the auncient Church , to elect one of the Presb●terie , who in place and dignitie should be aboue the rest , and to whom the name of a Bishop , in speciall manner , should be giuen by the remanent , hee subioynes as followes . Neque enim quicquam est , quod in hac Prostasia , reprehendi potest aut debet : for there is nothing in this presidencie or supereminence of one Pastor aboue the rest , which either can , or ought to be reproued . And the reason he giues for it , is worthy marking , Quum praesertim , vetustus hic mos , primum Presbyterum deligendi in Alexandrina celeberrima Ecclesiaiam inde a Marco Euangelista esset obseruatus . Especially ( saith hee ) seeing this ancient custome to choose out the first of the Presbyters to gouerne the rest , hath beene obserued in the famous Church of Alexandria , euer since the dayes of S. Marke the Euangelist . Now it may be collected , that S. Marke died in the eight yeere of the Emperour Nero , the holy Apostles Peter , Paul , and Iohn being yet aliue : whereof it followes , that this policie hath had the Apostles , eyther authors , or approuers of it , and so will fall to be of diuine authoritie . Now then , the proposition being manifest in it selfe , and by the testimony of Tertullian and Ambrose confirmed . The assumption also cleare , and confessed by the testimonie of Zanchius and Beza , that one Pastor was in place and dignity aboue the rest , called by the name of a Bishop , in a speciall sense proper to him , not common to the rest ; the conclusion followes sure , that this policie may and should be receiued , as descended from authoritie . But now we come to speake of them ; who , albeit they thinke not that Episcopall gouernement is diuine , yet they reuerence it as a necessary and profitable policie for the Church . That Episcopall gouernement is a good and profitable policie for the Church , in the iudgement of most learned , and modest Doctors in our time . AND as concerning these worthy Diuines of our time , who thinkes not Episcopall gouernement to be of diuine authoritie , yet they reuerence it as a godly and most necessary policie , and all of them condemnes you that nourishes a Schisme for it ; I cannot now attaine to them as I would , being absent from my Bookes , but you shall haue some notable testimonies to this purpose . Zanchius , hauing set downe Ieroms iudgement concerning it , sub●oynes as here followes . Non damnat Hieronimus consuetudinem hanc , vtpote vtilem & ferme necessariam vt fit ordo in Ecclesia . Adde quod non prohibetur verbo Dei , si igitur liberum est Ecclesiae possunt ex tot● Presbyterorum Collegio , Presbyterum vnum eligere , qui peculiarem Ecclesiae curam ●uscipiat , & in Con●istorio ●it se● Consul in Senatu politico : at que vt ab alijs decernatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vocars potest Episcopus , vel Superintendens , vel Inspector , vel alio quo●●s nomine Episcopus . Certe Ecclesiae vnitas scindi non debet propter huius cemodi titulorum aut nominum differentias . Zanchius epist. ad Philip. cap. 1. Ierome condemnes not this confuetude ( of the power and preferment of a Bishop before a Pastor ; as being profitable , and almost necessary for conseruation of order in the Church : Besides that it is not forbidden in the word of God. Seeing therefore it is free , the Churches may chuse out one of the Colledge of Presbyters , to haue the peculiar care of the Church , and who may be in the Consistorie of Presbyters , as a Consull in the politique Senate , and to the end he may be distinguished from others he may in more excellent manner then the rest , be called Bishop , Superintendent or Inspector , or by any other such name . Certainely the vnitie of the Church should not be rent for any such titles or differences of names . See you not here , that in the iudgement of this worthy Doctor , Episcopall gouernment is not forbidden in the Word , and so is not against any point of Faith , as you affirme ? See you not that the name of a Bishop is not abused , when it is giuen to one , and not vnto the rest ? And thirdly , doth hee not condemne you that ●end the vnitie of our Church for such a matter ? Iunius in like manner : O 〈◊〉 haec vt iuris humani , atque 〈◊〉 ( si ita placet ) ecclesiastici concedimus fuisse i●m olim abs●ru●ta , nec d●mnamus ea simpliciter si non abusus access●●it . Wee confesse that all these haue beene of a long time obserued in the Church , as being of humane authoritie , or if you please , Ecclesiastique : neyther condemne wee them simplie , if they be not abused , Iunius in B●llar . Controuers . 5. lib. 1. ca. 24. But no such moderation is in you , you are not content to fight against the abuse of the Office , you will haue the Office it selfe abolished , but without any reason . To this same purpose is the testimonie of He●●mingius : Tametsi tempore Apostoli nondum receptus fuit pro●●●endi ritus , qualis nunc in vsu est , sciendum tamen est , pi●s Ecclesiarum & Scholarum gubernatores , bono & vtili con●ili● instituisse promotionum gradus , tum vt arrogantes 〈◊〉 vsurp●rent sibi hunc honoris titulum si●e Ecclesie iudi●●● , tum v● idonei ex testimonio publico agnoscerentur , ac●● precio haberentur . Neque hoc est contra Hierarchie Ecclesiasti●● diguitatem , quae nobis a S. Sancto commendatur ▪ Nam cum S. Sanctus or din●m & detorem commendat Ecclesi● , ius ipsi relinquit or dinandi ritus , qui ad ordinem & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facere videantur . Qu●ere non est quod moremur superborum Spirituum voces contemnentium hos ecclesiasticos gradus , meminerin● eos non contemptus aliorum aut arrogantis supereminentiae symbola esse , sed potius publica testimonia officij quod Ecclesiae debent , & ad quod tanquam publico Sacramento obstringuntur . Albeit ( saith hee ) in the time of the Apostles , this custome of promotion now vsed in the Church , was not then receiued , yet we must know that godly gouernours of Churches and Schooles by good and profitable counsell haue ordained degrees of promotion , partly that arrogant men should not vsurpe this title of honour without approbation of the Church ; partly also , that they who by publicke testimonie of the Church are thought meete for it , may be knowne and had in reuerence . Neyther is this against the dignitie of Ecclesiastique Hierarchie , commended to vs by the holy Ghost ; for in that hee requireth order and decencie in his Church : the power to ordaine Rites pertaining to the Church , hee leaueth to the Church . Wherefore we must not stand vpon the voices of some proud spirits , contemning Ecclesiasticall degrees : for , those degrees are not giuen them eyther for contempt of others , or to nourish any arrogant supereminence in themselues , but onely to be publicke testimonies of that dutie wherein they stand bound and obliged to the Church . Sed obijciunt , Ecclesia Christi nesciat pompam , habeat fidei & sanctimoniae probationem , preces , & manuum impositione● : respondeo , minime indignum esse Christianis , pijs ac eruditis viris , testimonia doctrinae & honestatis conferre , vt sci●t Ecclesia quibus possit tuto gubernationem & curam doctrin● commendare . Nec obstat , quod huiusmodi promotiones longo tempore in abusu fuerint , mod● sordibus abstersis res Ecclesiae ●tiles retineamus . But they obiect : there should be no pompe in the Church of Christ , but Faith and holines , prayer and imposition of hands . I answere , that it is not vnseemely for Christians to giue vnto godly and learned men publike testimonies of doctrine and honesty , that the Church may know to whom the care of Doctrine and Gouernement of the Church may safely be committed . Neyther should it be any impediment that these degrees of promotion haue of a long time beene abused , prouiding the abuse be remoued , and that which is good and profitable for the Church be retained . Rursus dicunt Dominum prohibuisse appellari Rabbi & Magistros super terram . Respondeo , idem Dominus dicit non appellandum esse Patrem super terram , &c. Quare , non de appellatione , sed de alia re interdictum est intelligendum ; dei●de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo●i satis conumcit , quis sit huius loci sensus ; addit enim , Qui maximus est vestrum , erit minister : non vult sua interdictione sublatam appellationem Patris , Magis●●i , aut Doctoris , sed arrogantem fiduciam . Hemming ▪ in Epist. ad Ephes. cap. 4. Againe , it is obiected that Christ hath forbidden that any should be called Lords or Masters vpon earth . I answere that the same Lord hath also forbidden that any should be called Father vpon earth : Wherefore the interdiction is not to be vnderstood of the appellation of any by such names , but of some other thing . Againe , the circumstance of the place proues plainely what is the meaning thereof : for , hee addes ; He that is greatest among you , let him be the seruant of the rest : he will not therefore take away the stile of Master , Father , or Doctor , but onely the arrogant conceit of any greatnesse in themselues for it . And in another place to this same purpose saith Zanchius : Cum prius omnes verbi Ministri , tum Pastores tum Episcopi , tum Presbyteri , ex aequo app●llarentur , equalis etiam essent authoritatis , quod postea vnus caperit , alijs omnibus praefici collegis , quanquam non vt Dominus , sed tanquam rector in Academia , reliquis collegis , & huic imprimis , cura totius Ecclesiae commissa fuerit , eoque & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quandam is solus Episcopi , & Pastoris nomine appellari consueuerit , reliquis Symmistis nomine Presbyterorum contentis , it a vt in vnaquaque , ciuit ate vnus tantum caeperit esse Episcopus & multi Presbyteri , hoc minime improbari posse iudicamus . Whereas before all Preachers of the word were called equally , Pastors , Bishops , Presbyters , and were also of equall authoritie , that thereafter one was set ouer the rest , albeit not as a Lord , but as a Gouernour of an Academie , and that to him was committed the charge of the whole Church , who for that , in a more excellent and singular manner was called Bishop , the rest of the Preachers contenting themselues with the name of Presbyters ; so that in euery Citie , there vvas but one Bishop and many Presbyters or Ministers . This is a policie which in my iudgement cannot be disallowed . Hac saue ratione quae etiam de Archiepiscopis , imo & de quatuor Patriarchis ante Concilium Nic●num creatis , constituta fuerunt , excusari , defendique posse sentimus . Zanch. de Ecclesiae militantis gubernatione , cap. 11. And by this same reason also , that which is said of Archbishops ; yea , and of the foure Patriarkes created before the Counsell of Nice , wee thinke may be not onely excused , but easily defended . And least ( as commonly is obiected ) men should thinke that this distinction of degrees tends to establish also the Superioritie of one aboue the whole Church : Marke what this same Father hath in the Chapter following . Ceterum quod vnus tantum caput omnibus per vniuersum terrarum orbem , Ecclesijs praefeci , iusque & plenitudinem vt vocant potestatis in omnes habere debeat , illud non solum non possumus probare , sed contra non possumus non execrari . But that one as head should be set ouer all the Churches in the world , hauing right and plenitude of power ouer all others , that is an iniquitie : which not onely we cannot approue , but also cannot but curse . Whereof it is euident , that if the iudgement of Zanchius be any thing worth , it must be eyther a grosse ignorance , or great malice , that stirreth vp many to cry out against Episcopall gouernment , as if it were Antichristian . It is to be wished that wee had many such wise , humble , learned , and sober minded men among vs : for the cause of our trouble is the ignorance of some , the pride of others , ( a very few excepted , ) and these are the Parents of needlesse contention . And yet more cleare is that other part of Zanchius his testimonie cited by vs before , which now followes , Quis autem ego sum , qui quod tota Ecclesia approbauit , improbem ? Sed neque omnes nostri temporis viri docti improbare ausi sunt , quippe qui norunt , & licuisse haec Ecclesiae , & ex pietate , atque ad optimos fines pro Electorum aedificatione ea omnia fuisse perfecta & ordinata fuit praeterea mihi habenda ratio earum etiam Ecclesiarum , quae licet Euangelium complexae sunt , suos tamen & re , & nomine habent Episcopos . Quid quod in Ecclesijs quoque Protestantium non desunt reipsa Episcopi , & Archiepiscopi quos ( mutatis bonis Graecis nominibus in male latina ) vocant Superintendentes , & generales Superintendentes ? Sed vbi neque vetera illa bona Graeca neque haec noua male Latina , verba obtinent , ibi tamen solent esse aliquot primarij penes quos fere tota est authoritas . De nominibus ergo fuerint Controuersie , verum de rebus conuenit , quid de nominibus altercamur ? Who am I that I should disallow that which the whole Church hath allowed ; yea , neyther dare all the Doctors of this time disallow it , knowing that this policie is lawfull in the Church , and that for good ends ; namely , the edification of the Elect , it was receiued and ordained . It behoued mee also to haue respect vnto those Churches which haue imbraced the Gospell with Bishops both in name and office . Yea , also in the Churches of Protestants , there wants not in effect Bishops and Archbishops , whom ( by changing good Greeke names into euill Latine names ) they call Superintendents , and generall Superintendents . And euen there where neyther the good auncient Greeke names ( of Bishop and Archbishop ) nor the euill Latine names ( of Superintendents ) haue place , yet is there some principall men who haue the authoritie and chiefe credit of Church-gouernment . So that the Controuersie is onely about names , but where men agree in the matter , why should there be an vnnecessarie strife about words ? And vnto this same purpose saith Beza : Neque tamen huius tyrannidis omnes Archiepiscopos seu Episcopos ●odie vocatos accusamus : quae enim fuerit h●●c arrogantia ? imo cunctos sic hodie appellatos modo sanctorum illorum Episcorum exemplum imitentur , & tam misere deformatam domum Dei ad amissim ex verbi diuini regula pro viribus instaurent , vt Ecclesiae Christian● fidos Pastores cur non agnoscamus ? obseruemus ? & omni reuerentia prosequamur ? nedum vt quod falsissime & impudentissime nobis obijciunt , ●uiquam vspiam Ecclesiae sequendum nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus , imperiti ssimorum illorum similes , qui nihil nisi quod ipsiagunt rectum putant , Ber. de grad . Minist . cap. 21. Sect. 2. Wee accuse not all Archbishops and Bishops , so called this day , of this tyrannie : for what arrogancie were this ? yea , those who are so called , prouiding they follow the example of former holy Bishops , to reforme the deformed house of God , according to the rule of Gods word , why shall wee not acknowledge and reuerence them as faithfull Pastors of the Christian Church : so farre are wee from that which most falsly , and without shame , is obiected against vs , to make our particular example a rule which other Churches are bound to follow , which is the fashion of wilfull ignorant men , who thinke nothing well done , but that which they doe themselues . And againe , albeit ( saith hee ) of old the gouernement of Presbyters was by course , Attamen prostasias hic modus paulatim postea visus est ita mutandus , vt vnus Presbyterio pr●estos esset & permaneret , cap. 23. sect . 25. yet this forme of presidence was in such sort changed , that one was set ouer the rest , as constant and perpetuall Gouernour . Ita factum est , vt Episcopi nomen ad hunc prestota proprie significandum , & quidem suorum Compresbyterorum respectu sit translat●m , cap. 23. Sect. 9. And so it came to passe that the name of a Bishop was translated properly to signifie this president of the Presbyterie , not onely in respect of superioritie ouer the people , but ouer his Compresbyters also . Postremum hunc ordinem , vel modum ordinis humanum , non simpliciter tamen , sed comparate nulla cum Patrum & tot Ecclesiarum iniuria appellauero , Sect. 10. And this last order , or manner of order without any offence of the Fathers , or of so many Churches , I call humane , yet not simply , but in comparison . Absit autem , vt hunc ordinem etsi Apostolica & mere diuina dispositione non constitutum , tamen vt temere aut superbe in●ectum reprehendam . Sect. 13. Farre be it from mee rashly or proudly to reproue this order , albeit it be not established by Apostolicke , or meerely diuine disposition . Cuius etiam magnum fuisse vsum , quandiu boni & sancti Episcopi Ecclesijs praefuerunt quis inficiari possit ? fruantur igitur illo qui volunt & poterunt , Sect. 13. And it cannot be denyed that this policie was very profitable vnto the Church , so long as good and holy Bishops were Presidents ouer it . Let them therefore enioy it who so will , and may haue it . This is the iudgement of these modest and reuerent Doctors of thereformed Churches , who albeit they see not clearely that the Episcopall function is diuine , yet they reuerence it as a necessarie and lawfull policie , which may make most iustly the malecontents of our time ashamed , who haue nothing in their mouthes but that the office of a Bishop is Antichristian , that the name is abused when it is giuen to one Pastor and not to all the rest ; wherein if they will not be reformed by vs , I wish at least , that laying all preiudice aside , they may follow in their iudging and speaking , this moderation of these learned and godly Fathers of our Church . A short answere , to the Tripartite Antipologie of some namelesse Authors . AS a little sparkle of fire kindleth a great flame , and one waue in the waters causeth many ; or as the barking of one dogge in a Village wakeneth the rest to barke also ( excuse mee to vse this comparison , for in this , as Mr. Dauid his word is , the case is alike ) so Mr. Dauid by his example hath prouoked others , his complices , to imitate him in his manner of doing . For since my comming to Edenbrough , for directing ▪ away my Dikaiologie to the Presse , there was deliuered to mee three sundry Treatises inuectiue , coincident for the most part , with Mr. Dauid his Parologie ; and where they differ from him , a particular answere is here returned vnto them . The Authors of them I know not , their names are suppressed : the first and the third goe together , and seemes to be some Preachers of Fyffe ; they reckon out some sundry indwellers of Fyffe , to proue a certain alleagance concerning the late Bishop of S. Andrewes . their intelligence also with Perth , bordering with that Prouince , from which reports of my Sermons are so easily carried vnto them , insinuates also the same ; but for their persons , be what they will , the matter is all one . Great brags were made be Mr. Dauid , of many answeres , and many Inquisitors that were to search mine Apologie : before they came , some great thing was expected , but no such thing is found : doubtlesse they haue manifested the weakenesse of their cause , that so many labouring about one thing haue not brought among them all , so much as one argument to defend it . An Answere to the first . THE first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , is vnacquainted with mee , onely hath heard mee teach oftentimes , and beene as sundry others were , comforted thereby , for which hee thankes God : for , truely the glorie of that good which God worketh by the ministrie of his weak Seruants belongs vnto himselfe ; for , wee are not able of our selues so much as to thinke a good thought . And to the end that such as haue gotten good by my Ministrie , may be further confirmed , I thought it my dutie , after I had considered the matter of Church-gouernement , rightly to informe them , that there is no cause why our Church should thus be diuided for it : And I may , and now doe with a good warrant of the word and mine owne conscience say to it , I should not , I will not , I dare not , be an author nor maintainer of diuision in our Church for it . If any will , let them doe it vpon their owne perill , wherein I will be loath to communicate with them . In your third Sect. you mislike the boldnes of others that vsurpe the Iudicatorie of other mens consciences , I wish the like moderation had beene vsed of the rest of your Complices . This onely you say , that albeit God be onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the searcher of the heart , yet men may iudge of other men by their fruits : whereunto I willingly agree ; for , it is the rule of our Sauiour , By their fruits you shall know them . If a man condemne the life of another , let him disproue it by his euill deedes ; or if hee will impugne the opinion , let him doe it by strength of reason : but to vsurpe the Iudicatorie of an other mans conscience , is it not intollerable presumption ? yet commonly practised by your Complices ? for whom it were good they remembred Nazianzen his warning , Multa versanda sunt animo priusquam ali●m iraepiet atis condemnes . Sect. 8. You graunt that from the beginning of reformation till the yeere 1575. Our Church contented themselues with Bishops and Superintendents , why then is it counted so odious a thing that Bishops should be in it now ? You affirme also that I can bring no warrant for Episcopall gouernment , neyther from Gods word , nor practise of the primitiue Church for the first three hundred yeeres . The Answere you will finde in my Reply to the last Opponent . Sect. 11. You alledge , that they who assembled at Glasgow , came vpon priuate missiues from his Maiestie , and vpon promises of gaine . Mr. Dauid obiected that before , and I answered it in my Dikaiologie ; onely you adde , that I know it to be so : but if you hope to make your Assertion good , you shall doe well to vse some other probations , for in truth I know not any such thing . Sect. 16. The argument I vsed , mistaken by you , concerning the Apostles dispensation of Circumcision , shall be cleared in mine answere to the last Opponent , who also impugnes it . Sect. 17. 18. You would proue that you are not the Authors of Schisme , but Bishops : why ? because they haue departed from the gouernment , whereunto you stand ( say you ) but this middes will not draw on that conclusion . For wee stand to the gouernment of our first Fathers , ( confessed by your selfe ) from the which who so shall be found to haue departed , let the blame be theirs . Sect. 19. Your alledging of the growth of Papistrie now , that was not before , is as I told you a Sophisme , A non causa pro causa , Kingdomes and Churches haue their owne periods of times , whereinto sinnes long contracted before , doe bring iudgement vpon them , which honest and godly men cannot hold off . By this same reason Daniell and Ezekiell might be blamed for Babels Captiuitie , which the sinnes of former ages had procured . It were but folly for you or vs eyther to charge one another with the causes of this wrath . There are none of vs free , by our sinnes wee haue deserued iudgement ; God giue vs grace ioyntly to preuent it by vnfained repentance in all holines and loue . Sect. 28. You charge mee for comparing my brethren of the Ministrie to Shimeies , if I had so done , I were worthie to be blamed , but in truth you haue mistaken mee , God forbid . My words are plaine against the Libeller , and such as hee , who if in their calling they were laborious , as I did hope to giue them example if they were acquainted with mee , they should finde no time for such idle toyes , and I maruell how men can so farre misconstrue my words ; for I affirmed plainely that I was perswaded no well aduised Christian would fight with such armour as lying Libels , and if no common Christian will doe it , farre lesse euer thought I that a Christian Preacher would doe it . And where you say they are very idle if they be not more laborious then I , my answere is , let the Worke beare witnesse . And so fare you well in the Lord. Edenburgh . Nouemb. 24. 1613. An Answere to the second . THE second ( to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) commeth in like a swaggerer , breathing out many brawling speeches without either truth or modestie , ●he shoots his fectlesse bolt , and hideth himselfe , which is the fashion of a feeble coward : hee conceales his name , but by his speech may be discerned to be some Lucius Blastus , a furibund , but a figuline fellow , loadned with railings , lyings , fabulous fictions , wherewith he ouer-burdens himselfe . I leaue him where I found him , vexing himselfe with his owne anger , tumbling , and weltring in the puddle of his tumultua● thoughts , whereof hee cannot rid himselfe , bragging most vainely , but bringing nothing that may be counted worthie of an answere , saue onely that for lacke of any other thing , wherewith to charge me . Hee carps at my Commentarie vpon the eight to the Romanes , and passing by ( as the manner of enuious men is ) all the good that is in it , hee findes fault with the Grammaticall construction of the seauenth verse . A great matter , indeede I thanke the Lord ; these labours of mine published in twelue or thirteene seuerall Treatises , hath done good to the Church : and howsoeuer they be disesteemed by you and some of your humour , yet that they are in account with men of greater pietie and learning then you is euident , in that now the third time that Commentarie vpon the eight to the Romanes , hath beene imprinted ; others of them fiue times imprinted . You come short of this honour your selfe , and grieues at it , you cannot walke with mee in the same way , to put your talent vnto profit , neither yet can suffer another to doe it beside you , vnlesse you lye snarling , and barking at his heeles , and thereby declare your selfe to be but a base bodie . I must tell you , as the truth is , for many of you blinded , with a vaine conceit of your selues , spils vnspoken to , whose manner is , that either they vvould doe , but cannot ; or else can doe , but for idlenesse will not , or may not : yet doing no good themselues , they will censure the doings of all others , neither can any thing be done , were it neuer so good , that shall escape the stroke of their tongue . But now to the word you quarrell , I know very well that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometime a Substantiue , and you cannot denie it is also an Adiectiue ▪ Beza in his notes , findes fault most iustly with the Latine translation , rendring the words in this manner , Carnem inimicam esse Deo. First , because if the word had beene vsed heere as an Adiectiue , the Apostle would haue said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make it agree with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Secondly , because it doth not so significantly expresse the Apostles meaning : it being more to say the sense of the flesh is inimitie with God , then to say , it is an enemie to God. Now if I looking especially to the best sense , haue vsed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as an Adiectiue substantiuated in the plurall , the more effectually to expresse the corruption of our nature , according to that of Moses , All the i●aginations of the thoughts of mans heart , are onely euill continually . And so hath rendered the words , Sensus carnis Inimicitiae aduersus Deum . And out of it , haue drawne a true and profitable obseruation , what haue you heere to carpe it ? As to these words subioyned ( otherwise it could not agree with the Substantiue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : it is of truth , it is drawne out of the first vncorrected Copie , and continues in the second Edition expresly against my direction . But when you shall haue taken as great paines to encrease your talent for edification of the Church , and shall offer your labours to the publicke censure of others . I can assure you , modest and reasonable men will excuse you for the like construction , prouided they finde good in the remanent of your labours . And truly I haue great cause to thanke the Lord my God , that so many eyes and tongues , and Pennes being stretched out to marke my wayes : my words , my secret writings ; my publicke writings yet among them all they can finde nothing either in my life , or in my labours wherewith to charge me : if they could , the world should haue heard it ere now : yea , since some of them haue beene so impious , as to iudge of Gods affection toward me by the death of some of my children , which I know hath beene tratled into the eares of some within Edenburgh . What would these who so narrowly seekes a blame against mee , haue done if they could haue found it ? Againe , I thanke the Lord who hath so watched ouer me , as not to suffer mee to fall vnder the rebuke of man. I feare not , I care not the censure of flesh , and I trust in his grace , that still hee will preserue me pure and blamelesse to his heauenly Kingdome for his names sake . But to returne vnto you , you haue here no other thing worthie of an answere : not answered alreadie ; It is scarse a sheete of paper you haue sent me , and you post through it with such speede , that any man may perceiue the heat of your humour hath spurred you to clatter out of the Cabinet of your cheeke any thing came readiest into it : neuer going in into your selfe , as becomes a modest man to aduise with your minde . My counsell to you , is , that when such a fitte of furie takes you againe , you giue commaund before to your seruants to holde Paper , Penne , and Inke out of your vvay , least you shame your selfe yet more , and so good Master 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vvishing to you greater modestie of minde and speech , I bid you farewell . Edenburgh Nouemb , 25. 1613. An Answere to the third . THE third begins his Logomachick declamation , with a great exclamation : O tempora ! O mores ! wherein is more noise of words , then dint of reasons : Who ( saith hee ) would haue said within these twelue yeeres , that I would haue beene of this minde ? But indeede it is no strange thing to see any Christian , farre lesse a Christian Preacher , in twelue yeeres ; yea in one yeere , attaine to knowledge which he had not before : What else is our life heere , but a daily changing from darknesse to light , from sinne to sanctification , from Satan to the liuing God , from euill to good , from good to better ? Wee behold as in a mirrour the glorie of God with open face , and are changed from glorie to glorie , into the same image by the Spirit of the Lord ; what change I haue made , is neither so so dainly , nor so lightly done , as you suppose . I haue considered the matter at length , and findes for the one part arguments from the authoritie of persons , which did long restraine mee , as also from a late custome of our Church , which when I searched the register of our generall assemblies , I found easily taken away by a more auncient custome of our Church : On the other part , arguments from the truth it selfe , which I dare not conceale for respect of persons ; neither is it any reason that I should be bound with the cordes of former ignorance , and holden backe from giuing place to a better light , when God reueales it ; yet this is the maine argument you bring against me , which I thinke you would not repeat so often , if you had any stronger to bring for you . In this same Page , you charge mee with two speeches , which are vntruths , they are not mine , I neuer had any such words , and it is a shame for you , who in the end of your Treatise subscribes your selfe Philalethe● , that you should proue Pseustes in the very beginning . But if these vaine reports , wherewith you fill the hearts of such as leane their eares vnto you , were taken from you , you would be found bare and barren of matter , whereby you might maintaine them in a liking of your opinion . Your calumnies , Fol. 2. that Episcopall dignitie drawes neere to Babel , and Egypt ; that the calling is euill in it selfe , and corrupts the Cariers thereof : that the shew of worldly glorie hath turned me out of the path●way of Christ , that a man nose-wise ( like you ) might smell in my speeches the sauour of a vaine-glorious , and selfe-pleasing humour , that mine heart cleaueth to the world , that it appeares to be auaritious and ambitious , are but words of winde , neither able to moue the mountaine of Episcopall dignitie ( as you call it ) nor yet one whit to commoue me at all : but so much the more confirmes me , that I see you fight with lies and vntruths . You denie that Superintendents and Bishops are one , Fol. 6. And why ? Because Superintendents rode not at Parliament . A strong argument ( forsooth ) as if this pertained to the substance of their Office : but it is good enough , you wot where . Your ▪ anger at Episcopall garments , and their riding at Parliament with Foot-cloathes , would be the lesse , if your care to redresse vanitie of apparrell in your selfe , and your complices were greater . As for Bishops their apparrell and riding , where-vpon you gnaw so much , if the honour of their place in that supreame Court of this Kingdome , wherein now they haue by his Highnesse fauour that benefit to sit , craued so long by our Fathers , and not obtained till now , if this I say moued them no more , then any respect of honour to themselues , I doubt not they could willingly content , to be without it . And if I should answere you in this as I could , well I know I might iustly make you asharned . Bishops you graunt , Fol. 6. were once set vp in our Church , with consent of our Church : so your first brother confessed before you ; what aileth you then at a Bishop now ? why make you such a stirre for receiuing that , which our best and oldest Fathers embraced before vs. Why call you hereafter Episcopall gouernment , The Romish Hierarchie ? Fol. 10. Did Mr. Kn●x and our Fathers set vp Romish Hierarchie ? this must follow , if you be a true man. God forgiue you , and lay it not to your charge , that rends the Vnitie of our Church for that which you are forced to graunt our Fathers had before vs : you blame them who haue departed from you : but considers not they haue ioyned themselues to the Fathers of our Church older then you , the blame is not theirs , but shall be yours , if you also follow them not : for my owne part it repents me , I knew not the truth of this matter sooner , but as now by searching the monuments of our Church and former Churches I know it . If I had knowne it , no man should haue beene confirmed by my example in the contrarie . There may be personall faults in Bishops present , they are but men : but I am sure the insolent pride euident in many of you , that will follow none , but be followed of others ; together with your hote contentions and needlesse strife , whereby you rend the bowels of this Church without compassion , bending your tongues in publicke and priuate against your brethren : is a sinne more abhominable in Gods sight , then any wherewith you are able to charge them ? Let alone therefore this conceit , and standing vpon your reputation . Thinke it no shame to submit your selfe to Episcopall gouernement ; to receiue it in the Church , which the plaine euidence of truth forces your selfe to confesse , that it was set vp in our Church by the oldest and best Fathers that euer our Church had . But if still you will be contentious , and foster a diuision , if you will depriue this poore Church of the good wee might haue vnder so Christian a King , so long as wee haue his Highnesse for the establishing of the Gospell : if you haue no respect to encrease his Highnesse ioy be our Vnion , nor to vnite the present estate of our Church with her first estate for the honour thereof ? If you haue no care to stoppe the mouth of the common aduersarie , and will diuide Ierusalem within , when it is besieged without , stand in feare , least God require this at your hands . You denie that the Episcopall and Presbyteriall gouernement were euer vnited . You may as well denie , that the Sunne shined in the Primitiue Church . Your fellow Writer wishes he had the benefit of Printing , I wish the same ; you care not what you write in priuate , but if you were to publish them by Print , I hope it should be some awband to you , to restraine you from your accustomed rash affirmations of such Paradoxes , vntruthes , fables : or otherwise it would turne to your greater shame . But now if you will credit Ignatius , from Peter the third Bishop of Antiochia : through all his Epistles , hee euer distinguishes a Bishop and a Presbyterie , and yet makes them sweetly concurre to doe the worke of God : let it be , you doubt of some of his Epistles , but I hope you will not reiect them all : hauing exhorted the Traellians to obey their Bishop and Presbyters , he defines them both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . What is a Bishop , but hee that hath power and rule in the Church , so farre as a man can haue it , and is according to his power a follower of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . What is a Presbyterie ? but a sacred consistorie of Counsellours and Assessors to the Bishop . See you not heere a Bishop and Presbyters distinguished : see you them not vnited , the one hauing power to rule , the others dutie being to counsell and assist . And this testimonie of their Vnion fifteene hundreth yeeres old . Many other cleare testimonies out of all the Epistles of Ignatius Bishop of Antiochia , Martyr at Rome , might be gathered to this same purpose , but that it were too long to rehearse them . Take with this another of Nazianzen . Nos omnes vinum corpus in Christ● 〈◊〉 , ac singuli tam Christs s●mu● membra , quam alter alterius , nimirum imperat & praesidet hoc , illud du●●tur , necidem efficunt vtraque , siquidem imperare , ac subie●tum esse imper●● non sunt idem , & fiunt tamen vtraque , vnum per vnum spiritum conglutinata in vnum Christum . Wee are all one bodie in Christ , and euerie one of vs the members of another , as also the members of Christ : one is president and commaunds ; another is gouerned : both these effectuates not one thing , for to commaund , and to be subiect to commaundement , are not one , and yet these two becomes one being conglutinate and conioyned by one Spirit into one Christ : That Nazianzen meanes here of the distinction of Ministers , whereof the Superiour hath power , to rule ; the Inferiour his place to obay , yet both happily vnited in Christ , to doe the worke of God : See Elias Commentarie vpon this place . Looke againe the fourth Councell of Carthage , holden about twelue hundred yeere since . Presbyter ordinatur Episcopo ●um benedicente & manum imponente capiti eius , & qui adsunt presbyters manus suas iuxta manus Episcopi teneant : A Presbyter is ordained , the Bishop laying hands vpon him , and blessing him , and let the Presbyters which are present , haue their hands beside the hands of the Bishop . There they are distinguished yet vnited . Omnes Episcopus Presbyter est , sed non omnis Presbyter Episcopus , hic enim Episcopus est , qui inter Presbyteros primus est . Euery Bishop is a Presbyter said Ambrose , but euery Presbyter is not a Bishop : for hee is a Bishop , who is first among the Presbyters : there they are distinguished and vnited . Ioyne to these Cyprians complaint ; Aliqui de Presbyteris nec Euangely , nec loci sui memores nec futurum Domini iudicium , nec sibi praepositum Episcopum cogitantes , quod 〈◊〉 sub antecessoribus nostris factum est , cum contumelia & contemptu praepositi totum sibi vendicant , &c. Si vltri in s●●dem perseuerauerint vtar ea admonitione , qua me Dominus vti iubet vt interim prohibeantur offerre . In his sixt Epistle hee professeth he was determined to doe nothing without counsell of his Compresbyters ; but because some Presbyters had receiued some that had fallen , to the peace of the Church , inconsulto Episcopo , without knowledge of the Bishop ; neyther fearing the future iudgement of God , nor the present Bishop set ouer them , which hee saith was neuer done by any Presbyter vnder any of his Ancestors , not without contumelie and contempt of their Bishop , he warneth them if they continue in it , hee will vse that censure against them which the Lord commaunded him , and suspend them from their Ministrie . How vnwise you were to alledge the authoritie of Cyprian for you , this one place , among many , may witnesse : for he not onely affirmes that the power of a Bishop ouer Presbyters is more auncient then his time , but that it is warranted also by diuine authoritie . I could to this same purpose bring many others , if at this time I might attaine to my owne minutes , collected for helpe of my memorie . But let these suffice for the present . If they content you not , then I send you to the fourth Booke of Douname , wherein hee proueth Episcopall Function to be of Apostolicall institution , because it was generally receiued in the first three hundred yeeres after the Apostles . If you be purposed to dispute this question , you will finde him there with very formall and forcible reasonings defending Episcopall gouernement : if you will not , as I thinke you will not meddle with him , because hee is too strong for you , then you shall doe best to let alone your whisperings in the eares of simple people , and your triuiall arguments which seeme good enough to them that know no better , but in very deede are like the Cuties of bone wherewith Children shoote in the streetes , that may well make a little fize with powder , but are not able to carrie any Bullet , and it will be long before you hurt a Bishop with such . You carp at my Argument fol. 9. that I bring to proue the externall D●scipline to be arbitarie and changeable , as may best serue for edification , because the Apostles , in a greater matter , dispensed with Circumcision for edification , some of them retayning it , some not admitting it , as they saw best for the state of their people . You neede not tell mee that Circumcision was a Sacrament , and no point of Church-gouernment , I know that very vvell : but must tell you againe , that as quicke as you thinke your selfe , you mistake the argument ; for , it is from the more to the lesse : If the Apostles vsed a diuersitie in a greater thing , for the good of the Church , and did not all keepe one rule concerning the Sacrament of Circumcision ; why shall it be thought euill now to see diuersitie in the Church about a lesse thing ? some Churches vsing externall gouernment one way , others another way , as the state of the time and people requires . Besides that , I beleeued your Doctorship had beene so acquainted , at least with the recent Writers of this age , that you would haue soone perceiued the Author of the words alledged by mee to be Musculus on 1 Tim. 1. and his probation of it , is not from auncient Augustine , as you take it , but from the latter Augustana Confessio ; put on your Spectacles and reade it againe . Thus while as like a blinde man you would strike at mee , you strike a more worthy man then euer you were , and a vvhole reformed Church also . Yet for all this , your vvords are oracles good enough ( I warrant you ) in your owne Conuenticles , and with them the simplicitie of many Christians is abused , whose eyes I pray the Lord open , that as they know the truth of the Gospell , so they may know the truth of this question also , and leaue off to rend this Church by so vnlawfull a diuision . That you affirme no Schisme was in our Church till Bishops came . I must tell you this is but your calumnie , and the contrarie is notoriously knowne : to mee it is cleare as the light ; with a mourning heart many a time haue I looked vnto one , I could make it cleare to the world , but I will not for all your prouocation . I say no more , but if you be ignorant of this , you are a great stranger in S. Andrewes . Your Discourses fol. 10. 11. 12. 13. are answered alreadie . In the 14 you condemne the calling of the Bishops of this Church , they neyther haue it from the people , nor the Church , nor the generall Assemblie . Surely , you are a pert affirmer of any thing you please , for you will not finde any Bishop of Scotland , whom the generall Assemblie hath not first nominated and giuen vp in lytes to that effect , or else by such as haue authoritie in the Church to doe it . In your fol. 15. you vsurpe the iudgement of my conscience , and therein vtters the pride of your spirit , but impaires not mine honest inward testimonie in the contrarie . I affected no Bishoprie , no creature can conuince me of Ambitus , directly nor indirectly : but you must be like your selfe , affirme falshoods confidently , that your simple ones may beleeue you : neuerthelesse know that God will bring you to iudgement , and you shall be countable , if for your idle words , much more for your false lying words , spoken and published for the corrupting of others . My words against the lying Libeller you wickedly and most wrongfully wrest against my brethren , God forgiue you ; I haue answered it alreadie . And where in your last leafe you runne out vpon your comparisons , that those who haue laboured more faithfully and fruitfully in the worke of GOD then I haue done , could teach mee how to behaue my selfe in the house of God , though now ( say you ) I seeme to my selfe a great Doctor in Israell . All this is but needlesse talke : I refuse not to be taught of any in the Church , I haue learned some good from any that euer I heard , and haue taken paines to keepe it : but what I seeme to be in mine owne eies is hard for you to know . When in the secret of my heart I deale vvith my God , I know my roome , that I am the chiefe of sinners , and least of Saints ; and in truth I so esteeme my selfe : but where you will come in , and out of your pride , runne ouer mee , and treade my gift vnder your feete , I will not suffer you . It is not mine owne , and I got it not from you I will speake in defence of it , and not let you disgrace it . I haue by the grace of God , laboured as faithfully , diligently , and I trust also fruitfully , as you , or any with you that haue stretched the penne against mee . Hee that made mee a Doctor in Israell , hath taught mee that which I neuer learned from man , and wherewith you , if you were well tryed would be found vnacquainted . Some of your sort , I wot not if it be your selfe , haue beene carping at my works in a publicke Sermon to the people . S. Luke ( saith hee ) when hee wrote the Historie of the Acts , dedicates it simplie to Theophilus , but some Writers of our time must in their Dedicatorie Epistles premit honourable Stiles : Is not this thinke you , good Diuinitie ? But the reputation of this Doctor maketh any thing good enough that hee liketh to speake . But if hee read the Booke through , before hee beganne to expound it , hee might haue marked that S. Paul speaking to Festus , giues him an honourable Stile , O Noble Festus ! What will hee say vvhen hee comes to that place ? If it had beene eyther Heresie , or flatterie , or vnlawfull , in it selfe , to giue Stiles of honour to honourable men , S. Paul would not haue vsed it . And hee who did obserue this lesson on Saint Lukes speech to Theophilus , did but abuse his hearers , and wrong the absent whose workes hee would faine disgrace , for a misliking of himselfe . As for fideli●●e in the Ministerie , the onely Iudge thereof is the Lord : and who hath laboured more or lesse fruitfully in his worke , will be knowne in that day wherein euery mans fruit shall be manifested : your presumpeuous preuenting of it will make no man vp nor downe : hee is not higher , because you doe commend him , nor the lower , because you disesteeme of him . My labours published for edification of others , are not the lesse regarded , that they want some Fifaean Sonnets prefixed to them , meeter for Actors of Comedies then Doctors of Diuinitie . In your Conclusion , seeing you will haue no peace except it agree with your humour , which I am not able to giue , and is as little reason you should receiue , I leaue you till God mend you , and worke a more sober and peaceable minde in you : and so farewell . Edenburgh , Nouemb. 28. 1613. The CONCLVSION . AND now to conclude all ; if Mr. Dauid , or any of his Complices will still be contentious , let them know I will no more interrupt the course of my studie and better exercises for such matters , except it be by commaundement of my Superiours : if any moe had come so long as my penne was about this purpose , they should not haue wanted an Answere , but now seeing I know none others , I close vp this Combat , Non licet ad huiusmodi ineptias vacare : surmise , say , report , backbite , lybell as you will ; bu● seeke some other partie . I haue bent the course of my studie to more profitable labours . I wish my paines may worke in you what I would , but because wee finde by daily experience the truth of that once spoken by Macarius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : I turne mee with Nazianzen , to the Lord , who is onely able to tame the nature of man : Beatissime Christe mortalium lumen , velim super mare nostrum ambules , & i●ctari desinet ; Sweet Iesus , the light of mankinde , let it please thee to come and walke vpon the Sea of our perturbed affections and it shall become calme . Veni Domine Iesu & aufer scandala de Regno tuo : Come Lord Iesus take offences out of thy Kingdome , out of our hearts . Who but thou should raigne in them ? let not Pride possesse vs , let not Arrogancie rule ouer vs , let not filthie Couetousnesse command vs : Put these to the doore O Lord ; come thou and possesse thine owne ; none but thou O Lord , can claime a title to vs : Vtinam praeter Christum nihil in nobis viueret ! Oh that nothing beside Christ Iesus were liuing in vs ! Lord Iesus who left thy peace to thy Church , keepe it among vs , that wee may be one in thee , with all holinesse , truth , and loue , Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A19489-e430 Philo de migratione Abraham● . Zach. 3. Cyprian ad Anton. H●●●●n Prolog . 2. 〈◊〉 Iob. Nazian . Ambros. Tertul. Amb. Off. lib. 1. to . 5. August . ad Frat. in Erem . Ambros in Psal. 119. Aug. Confess . Art. 7. Nazian . Beza . Hosea , 2. 8. August . Amb. Off. Aug. cont . liter . Petil. lib. 3. c. 7. 1 Cor. 1. Iam. 1. Notes for div A19489-e1520 Aug de . verb. Dom Ber. epist. 78. Nazian . lib. cyg . Carm. Chrysoft in Ioan. cap. 7. Cler. Rom. Cyp. epist. 31. Pro. 26. 5. 1 Cor. 4. Ber. Psal. 37. 14. Rom. 12. 17. Turtul . Nazian . Eustochio . epist. 55. Basil. Ser. de ira . 2 Sam 2● . Aug. Marcel . Epist. 5. Psal. 55. 12. Psal. 35. 12. Reuel . 9. Pro. 26. 23. 1 Sam. 12. 3. ☞ Pro. 18. 17. Basil. Ser. in 4. Mar. 1. ☞ Psal. 57. Psal. 58. Psal. 91. 6. Nazian ▪ de laude Athan. Pro. 26. 28. Sect. 2. Sect. 4. Iudg. 21. 6. 1 Sam. 30. 16. Phil. Athan. cont . gent. 2 Sam. 6. 22. Mich. 7. 9. Sect. 3. Pro. 26. 9. Iob. 28. 15. 3. Ambros. Aug. de Ciuit. Dei. lib. 10. ca. 4. Psal. 37. Nazian . Psal. 119. Rom 9. 1. Ber. ad Og●r . Epist. 87. Iob. 19. 2. Psal. 35. 11. Psal. 7. 9. Psal. 17. 3. Iames 3. 17. Psal. 19. 12 Aug. N●z . orat . 39. in sancta luminaria ▪ Ambros. Aug. Ephes. 6. Rom. 16. Aug. confess . Art. 7. Beza do presb . & ex●om . Beza de gradibus ministrorum . Amb offi ▪ lib. 1. ca. 2. Amb. Basil. Asc●● . Philo. lib. de Ioseph . Nazian●rat ●rat . 2. de Th●olog . Gregor . moral . Philo de Temulentia . Seneca . Pro. 27. 4. Aug 〈◊〉 . Epist. Parm. ●ib . 1. ca. 4 Pisid. Sect. 4. Nazian . Cyg . Carm. Histor. Tripart . lib. 8. Prou 25. 11. Iob. 9. 20. Iob. 27. 4. 1 Kings 19. 9 Chris. 〈◊〉 Mat. hom ▪ 22. Pisid. Iob 15. 1. Prou. 25. 14. 2 Sam. 19. Prou. 21 ▪ 24. Prou ▪ 26. 21. Prou. 6 , 19. ☞ Elias in Naz. de compositu d●ffer ▪ ration● . Iob. 11. 3. Iob 12. 2. Pro. 11. 1. Pro. 23. 3. Cyp. Epist. 26. Sect. 18. Prou. 26. 20. Acts 23. 3. Cent. 7. lib. 2. ●ea . 20. Psal. 52. 4. Psal. 26. 9. Sect. 22. Nazianz. orat . ad Eu●om . Iob 6. 25. 1 Tim. 17. Psal. 7. 14. An. 1561. An. 1561. An. 1562. An. 1562. An. 1573. An. 1563. ☜ Notes for div A19489-e18990 Amb. in 1. Epist. ad Tim. cap. 3. Beza de grad . minist . cap. 23. sect . 29. & sect . 11. Beza ibid. cap. 23. sect . 11. Notes for div A19489-e21190 Naz ●rat . 7. 2 Cor. 3. 1● . Ignat. ad Tra●llia●● . Epist. 2. Nazian . ●rat . 7. de Composita disser●●●● rati●ne . Concil . Carth. 4. cap. 3. Ambr. in 1. Tim. 3. Cypr. Epist. 10. Fol. 13. & 15. Acts 26. 25. Notes for div A19489-e22790 Cypr. Epis● . 6. 
A27494	----	Clavi trabales, or, Nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes confirming the Kings supremacy, the subjects duty, church government by bishops ... : unto which is added a sermon of regal power, and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance : also a preface by the right Reverend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Lincolne / published by Nicholas Bernard ... Bernard, Nicholas, d. 1661. 1661 Approx. 339 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 99 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A27494 Wing B2007 ESTC R4475 12019772 ocm 12019772 52606 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A27494) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52606) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 884:12) Clavi trabales, or, Nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes confirming the Kings supremacy, the subjects duty, church government by bishops ... : unto which is added a sermon of regal power, and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance : also a preface by the right Reverend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Lincolne / published by Nicholas Bernard ... Bernard, Nicholas, d. 1661. [40], 152 p. Printed by R. Hodkginson, and are to be sold by R. Marriot ..., London : 1661. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Errata: p. [39] (from t.p.) I. Two speeches of the late Lord Primate Ushers, the one of the Kings supremacy, the other of the duty of subjects to supply the Kings necessities -- II. His judgment and practice in point of loyalty Episcopacy, liturgy and constitutions of the Church of England -- III. Mr. Hookers judgment of the Kings power in matters of religion, advancement of Bishops &c. -- IV. Bishop Andrews of church-government &c. both confirmed and enlarged by the said primate -- V. A letter of D'Hadrianus Saravia of the like subjects. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Church of England -- Government. Church and state -- Great Britain. Episcopacy. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Clavi Trabales ; OR , NAILES FASTNED by some Great MASTERS of ASSEMBLYES . Confirming The KINGS SUPREMACY . The SUBJECTS Duty . Church Government by BISHOPS . The Particulars of which are as followeth I. Two Speeches of the late LORD PRIMATE USHERS . The one of the Kings Supremacy , The other of the Duty of Subjects to supply the Kings Necessities . II. His Judgment and Practice in Point of Loyalty , Episcopacy , Liturgy and Constitutions of the Church of England , III. Mr. HOOKERS Judgment of the Kings Power in matters of Religion , advancement of Bishops &c. IV. Bishop ANDREWS of Church-Government &c. both confirmed and enlarged by the said PRIMATE . V. A Letter of Dr HADRIANUS SARAVIA of the like Subjects . Unto which is added a Sermon of REGAL POVVER , and the Novelty of the DOCTRINE of RESISTANCE , Also a Preface by the Right Reverend Father in God , the Lord Bishop of LINCOLNE . Published by Nicholas Bernard , Doctor of Divinity , and Rector of Whit-church in Shropshire . Si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret , ut quid quam moliret adversus Regiam Majestatem , ego tamen Deum 〈◊〉 & ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere temere non auderem . Bern. Ep. 170. ad Ludovicem Regem . An. 11●0 London , Printed by R. Hodkginson , and are to be sold by R. Marriot , at his Shop in St. Dunstans Church-yard in Fleetstreet . 1661. THE PREFACE . THese two learned Speeches of the late Lord Primate Usher have been by some prudent persons judged seasonable to be thus published together . The one , Of the Kings Supremacy , may not only be instructive to those of the Church of Rome , but to some of our own Communion , who have been and are too scanty in the acknowledgment of it . The other , Of the duty of Subjects to supply the Kings necessities , was occasioned by the slowness in Ireland of contributing to the King , for the maintenance of the Army , continued there for their own defence , the great imprudence of which parsimony , we felt , to our own loss not many years after ; wherein that distinction in point of Loyalty , made between those descended of the antient English race ( though differing from us in point of Religion ) and those of the meer Irish ( which is there much enlarged ) may be now worthy of observation . The whole Speech is full of Loyalty , Prudence and Learning , for which , as he had his late Majesties ( of Blessed Memory ) gracious thanks , so he had as little from others , who were then as backward in assenting to the like Propositions here , conceiving he had pressed their duty too high in that point . Both these Speeches thus tending to the defence of Regal Power , and the duty of Subjects , hath ( in submission to the judgments of those whom I much reverence ) occasioned the putting forth a Sermon of mine upon the like Subject , which I have the rather adventured so near this eminent Primate , as having had his approbation occasioned by the censure of some at Dublin , anno 1642. when it was first delivered ; of which more is said in an Advertisement before it . Hereupon I have been further induced unto a vindication of the said most eminent Prelate not only of His Judgment in this Subject , but in point of Episcopacy , Liturgy , and Constitutions of the Church of England , from the various misapprehensions of such , who being of different opinions , the great respect given him by the one , hath been a scandal to the other : But by this impartial relation of his Judgment and Practice in each , it may be hoped that both sorts will be so fully satisfyed as to unite in the exemplary observance of that Piety , Loyalty , Conformity , and Humility found in him . And whereas some do much appeal to that Accommodation of his in relation to Episcopacy ( wherein he was not single ) proposed Anno 1640. ( which then they did not hearken unto ) they are herein remembred what was that which caused it , even the pressing violence of those times , threatning the destruction of the whole , with the sole end of it , a pacification , whose readiness in yielding up so much of his own Interest then , for the tranquility of the Church ( like Jonas willing to be cast overboard for the stilling of the Tempest ) would be worthy of all our Imitations now . The appeale here is from that Storm , unto what his practice was in calme and peaceable times , which if followed , would give a check to most of those disputes which have of late taken up so much time amongst us . The Fruite expected to be reaped from this declaration ( besides the satisfaction of mine own mind , which was not at rest without it ) is the due honor of him , for whose I am oblieged to sacrifice mine own . That as he is admired abroad , so he may not want that love and general esteem he hath deserved at home . And as the peace and unity of the Church was studied by him in his life time , so there might not be the least breach continued by a misapprehension of him after his death . And surely if such of us who think him worthy of being our copy , would but now upon the sight of this , writ after him the Arke of our Church would cease to be tossed too and fro in this floating uncertain condition , and immediately rest upon firm ground . Heretofore , having an occasion to vindicate this most Learned Primate in point of Doctrine ( so unhappy often are persons of his eminency , as after their deaths to be challenged Patrons to contrary partyes ) I had An. 1658. a Letter of Thanks from the late Reverend Bishop of Durham ( Bishop Morton ) in these wordes , viz. I acknowledge hereby my obligation of Thankfulness to you , not only for the book it self , but especially for your pains , in vindicating that admirable Saint of God , and Starr , primae magnitudinis , in the Church of God , the Primate of Armagh , &c. In which high esteem of the Primate , the now Reverend Bish. of Durham succeeds him , who hath often signified it , in divers of his Letters which I receiued from Paris to that purpose . Hereunto two other Treatises have been thought fit to be added ( mentioned in the foresaid vindication ( but then not intended to be published ) which the Eminent Primate had a hand in . The one , Mr. Hookers Judgment of Regal Power , in Matters of Religion , the advancement of Bishops , and the Kings Exemption from censure &c. Left out of the common copyes inlarged and confirmed by the Primate , all the marginal notes of the quotations out of the Fathers , being under his own hand , are noted with this mark* The other a Treatise of the Form of Church Government before and after Christ , &c. The main aime of it is to shew , that the Government of the Christian Church established by the Apostles under the New Testament was according to the pattern of that in the Old , then which scarce any book in so little , speaks so much , for the preheminency of Episcopacy . It first appeared Anno 1641. under the Title of the rude draughts of Bishop Andrews , ( which though I was in doubt of , by the contrary opinion of an eminent person , ( heretofore near unto him ) yet I am confirmed in it by what I find written by that Learned Bishop in answer to Peter de Moulin , wherein is found not only the substance , but the very words that are used both within this Treatise , and the Emendations . vid. resp . ad 3. epist. p. 193. 194. Vis arcessam adhuc altius , vol è veteri Testamento , atque ipsâ adeò lege divinâ ? Facit Hieronymus , & ut sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas ex veteri Testamento , quod Aaron , & filii ejus , atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt , hoc sibi Episcopi , Presbyteri , atque Diaconi vendicant in Ecclesiâ ▪ Facit Ambrosius , utrobique , in 1. Co. 12. & 4. ad Ephes , de Judaeis loquens ; Quorum , inquit , traditio ad nos tranfitum fecit , Aaronem mitto ne quasi Christi typum rejicias . Filiis ejus sacer dotibus nonne in singulis familiis suus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est Praelatus , sive ut alibi dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Episcopus ? Gersonitis , Num. 3. 24. Kaathitis v. 30. Meraritis , v. 30 ? Nonne vivente adhuc patre suo , Eleazar ibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas Praelatus Praelatorum v. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas Archiepiscopus , sunt ergo in lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In Evangelio Apostoli , septuaginta duo , septem illi , Act. 6. In Apostolorum praxi de duohus illis sumpta , Episcopi , Presbyteri , Diaconi . Again it hath been assured me by a Reverend Bishop , that the abovesaid Rude Draught was wrote by the hand of Bishop Andrews own Secretary , and that the said Bishop did deliver it himself to the Primate , Anno 1640. who , though it came in that imperfect condition , yet finding so many excellent observations wrought out with very great industry , he judged it forth with , as it was , worthy of the Press : But afterwards upon a further review , he added his strength to the perfecting of it , which I found amongst his papers done throughout with his own hand , and with it a Manuscript of the same , corrected accordingly by him . And in the conclusion of that , a very learned hand had contributed to it also , signifying by markes refering to several Pages , what he would have added , altered , or further enquired into , Now whether the Author of that be Bishop Andrews , or some other learned person , I shall not determine , only seeing it was his custom in what he published ( as I am assured ) first to write a rough draught , then after some distance of time to take a review , and a third before it passed his hand , this might be the second , and the third supplyed by the Lord Primate , wherein the last desire of the Author hath been satisfied , he not only inquiring into , but clearing those difficulties in Chorography and Chronology , which I have in their due places inserted , with the learned additions before mentioned . So that whether the whole be the labour of those two eminent Prelats ( the one laying the Foundation , the other building upon it ) or be a three fold cord , it is here faithfully presented without any dimunition or addition , even where there seemed to be some small imperfection which in a few places do occurre , all which some years agon Doctor Brounrigg the late Bishop of Exeter , upon the view of gave me his judgment for the publishing of them . I have only this to add , That for every particular passage in the whole , I have no warrant to intitle the Primates judgment to it . Only it is apparent by his great pains in the double correction , and supply made by himself in some Specialties , he had a very great valew of it . The Primates Annotations are noted with this marke* . And the supposed Authors additions and changes are noted with this mark [ ] though in some omitted . Lastly , finding among the said Primates papers a Letter of D. HADRIANUS de SARAVIA to the Ministers of the Isle of Garnsey , ( which I cannot hear was ever published . ) I have thought fit to add also , the Subject being so near a kin to the former , concerning both the KINGS POWER , EPISCOPACY , and the CONSTITUTIONS of the Church of England , whose advice to them many years agon , may be of good use to others now . I have no more , but to wish that the Judgment of these eminent Authors may be so prevalent with others , much inferior to them , that they may be moved accordingly to study quietness , and seek those ways of peace , which of latter years we have not known . The Bishop of Lincoln's Preface to the Reader . Courteous Reader , THe Four Authors of these scattered ( and some of them imperfect ) pieces , by the care and diligence of the learned Publisher gathered up , preserved from perishing , and presented to the World here altogether in one view , were all of them men famous in their times , and of so high esteem , that common opinion had set them up ( which is not alwaies the Lot of Worth and Vertue ) above the reach of Calumny and Envy , even whilst they were yet living , much reverence every where paid , not to their Persons only , but to their very Names : Their writings carried Authority with them , as well as Weight ; and the evidence of Truth ( which hath a marvelous strength to cast down every imagination that exalteth it self there against ) shining forth in their Works , subdued all men ( that had not to serve Interests laid aside their Reason ) to their Judgments , insomuch as the Adverse Party finding themselves not so well able to stand upon their own bottom , nor likely to hold up the reputation they had gained among the vulgar without a juggle , have been sometimes put to the pittifull shift of setting forth Suppositious Pamphlets in favour of their cause , under the counterfeit names of other men of known Piety and Parts , whose former writings having been entertained with general approbation abroad in the world , their very names ( they thought ) would give some countenance to any cause which they could seem in any degree to own . So sometimes poor mens Bastards are fathered upon those that never begat them ; only because it is known they are well able to maintain them . This is one of their Piae fraudes or Godly Cheats , a practice common to them with the Jesuites , as many other of their practises ( ey and of their Doctrines too ) are . Such an unhappy fatal coincidence , not seldom there is of Extreams . Thus dealt they with the Reverend Primate of Armagh , printing in his name , and that in his life time too , ( such was their modesty and tenderness of Conscience ) two severall Pamphlets , the one called Vox Hiberniae , and the other , A Direction to the Parliament , &c. See pag. 151. And sure , if they had the forehead to make thus bold with him , when he was alive , able to complain of the injury done him , and to protest against it : We cannot doubt but that if need were , they would make at least as bold with him and his name after he was dead , when they might doe it with greater security and less fear of controll . See pag. 60. They that betake themselves to these un worthy arts , though they may please themselves for a while with an imagination , that by this means the people will fall to them apace , and thereout they shall suck no smal advantage to their Cause and Party ; yet as it mostly cometh to pass , such their rejoycing is but short : For the imposture once discovered ( nor is it often long before that be done ; for a lying tongue is but for a moment ) the Imposters are forced to lye down in sorrow , and that ( if they could be found out ) with shame enough . For , such discovery once made , wisemen fall off faster from them , then ever fools came on ; concluding the Cause to be desperately crazy , that must be beholding to such weak props as these to shore it up , and support it . How they that are guilty of such foul play will be able to make answer for their insincerity before the tribunal of the great Judge at that his day ( if yet they that do such things can really believe there is any such thing as a day of Judgment to come ) I leave to their own Judgments in this their day to consider . As for us qui leges colimus severiores , as we profess our utter abhorrency of all forgery and other like un worthy & unchristian attempts in any person of whatsoever perswasion he be , or for what soever end it be done , so we hold our selves religiously obliged to use all faithfulness and sincerity in the publishing of other mens works ; by suffering every Author to speak his own sense in his own words , nor taking the boldness to change a phrase or syllable therein , at least not without giving the Reader , both notice where , and some good account also why we have so done . Such faithfulness and ingenuity the learned publisher of these Treatises professeth himself to have used , in setting them forth , neither better nor worse , but just as he found them in the Reverend Primate's Paper , some perfect , and some imperfect , according as they were , and still are in the Copies which are in his custody , and which he is ready upon all occasions to shew , if need shall require . The Primates two Speeches , and Dr. Saravia's Letter , are set forth perfect , according as they are in the Original Copies to be seen . The Treatise of the Form of Church-Government heretofore published , and ( very probably ) supposed to have been some Collections of the most Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews , but whereunto the Author had not put to his last hand , is a piece though little in bulk , yet of huge industry , and such as neither could the materials thereof have been gathered without very frequent reading , and attent observing of the sacred Text , nor being gathered could they have been easily contrived or digested into any handsome Form so compendiously without the help of a methodical and mature judgment ; which doubtless had the Author polished and finished according to his own mind , abilities , and exactness in other things , would have given very much satisfaction to the impartial Reader , and done good service to the Church of God. Yet rather then a Tract of so much usefulness should not be publickly known to the World , the Publisher in order to the publick good , thought fit ( notwithstanding whatsoever defects it may have for want of the Authors last hand thereunto ) to joyn it with the rest in this Edition , especially the Learned Primate having had it under his File , as by the Notes and other Additions written with the Primates own hand ( which I have seen and can testifie ) doth plainly appear . The same also is to be said of the three pieces of the renowned Hooker , and of what is written with the same hand in the Margent of the Manuscript Copie , whereof some account is given , pag. 47. Great pity it is , if it could be holpen , that any thing which fell from the Pen of any of these Four Worthies should be lost . But where the entire Work cannot be retrived ; it is pity but ( as in a Shipwrack at Sea , or Scath-fire by land ) so much of it should be saved as can be saved , be it more or lesse . Those men have been always thought to have deserved well of the Commonwealth of Learning , that have bestowed their pains in collecting out of the Scholiasts , Grammarians , Lexicons , and other antient Authors , the Fragments of Ennius , Lucilius , Cicero , the Dramatike Poets , and of other learned , though but Heathen Writers , whether Greek or Latine . How much more then ought the very imperfest Fragments and Relikes ( so they be genuine ) of such excellent persons , that tend so much to the advancement , not of the knowledge only , but of the Power also of Christianity , and of Godliness as well as Truth , be acceptable to all those that are true Lovers of either ? Of Gold quaevis bracteola , the very smalest filings are precious , and our Blessed Saviour , when there was no want of provision , yet gave it in charge to his Disciples , the off-fall should not be lost . The more commendable therefore is , and the more acceptable to the men of this Generation should be , the care of the Reverend Preserver and Publisher of these small but precious Relikes of so many eminent persons , men of exquisite learning , sober understandings , and of exemplary piety and gravity , all concurring in the same judgment , as concerning those points ( Factious Spirits in these latter times so much opposed ) of Regal Soveraignty , Episcopal Government , and Obedience in Ceremonialls . What the Reverend Doctor hath added of his own , as touching the Learned Primates Judgment in the Premises , and confirmed the same by instancing in sundry particulars under those three Generall Heads ; and that , from his own personal knowledge , and long experience ( having for divers years lived under or near him ) is in the general very well known to my self and many others , who have sundry times heard him , as occasion was given , deliver his opinion clearly in every of the aforesaid points , which were then grown to be the whole Subject ( in a manner ) of the common discourse of the times . But one particular I shall mention , which above the rest I perfectly remember , as taking more special notice of it when it was spoken then of the rest , because I had never heard it observed by any before , and having my self oftentimes since spoken of it to others upon several occasions ; which for that it hath given satisfaction to some , I think it my duty to make it known to as many others as I can , by acquainting the Reader with it , and it concerneth the Ceremony of the Cross after Baptisme , as it is enjoyned by Law , and practised in the Church of England . The use of this Ceremony had been so fully declared , and ( as to the point of Superstition where with some had charged it ) so abundantly vindicated , both in the Canons of the Church , and other writings of Learned men , that before the beginning of the Long Parliament , and the unhappy Divisions that followed thereupon , there were very few in the whole Nation ( scarce here and there one ) either of the Ministers that made scruple to use it , or of the People that took offence at it . But after that some leading men of the House of Commons in that Parliament , for the better driving on the design they had upon the King , had let all loose in the Church , whilst some few stood fast to their honest Principles ( and were most of them undone by it ) the greatest part of the Clergy ( to their shame be it spoken ) many for fear of loosing their own , more in hope to get other mens livings , and some possibly out of their simplicity beguiled with the specious name of Reformation , in a short space became either such perfect Time-Servers as to cry down , or such tame Complyers with the stronger Side , as to lay down ere they needed , the use of the whole Liturgy , and of all the Rites and Ceremonies therein prescribed . But among them ail none in the whole bunch so bitterly inveighed against , nor with such severity anathematized , as this of the Cross , as smelling ranker of Popery & Superstition then any of the rest , as it is even at this day by the Managers of the Presbyterian Interest represented as of all other , the greatest Stone of offence to tender Consciences , and the removal of it more insisted upon , then of all the other Ceremonies , by such men , as having engaged to plead in the behalf of other mens tender Consciences , do wisely consider withall , that it will not be so much for their own Credit , now to become Time-Servers with the Laws , as it was some years past for their profit to become Time-Servers against the Laws . These out-cries against a poor Ceremony , to us ( who were not able to discerne in it any thing of harme or Superstition , worthy of so much noise ) afforded sometimes , when two or three of us chanced to meet together , matter of discourse . It hapned upon a time , that falling occasionally upon this Theme , the Learned Primate among other things said to us that were then casually present with him , that in his opinion the Sign of the Cross after Baptisme , as it is appointed in the Service-Book , and taken together with the words used there withall , was so far from being a Relike of Popery , that he verily believ'd the same to have been retained in the Church of England at the Reformation , of purpose to shew that the custom used in the Church of Rome , of giving the Chrisme to Infants immediately after their Baptisme , was in their Judgments neither necessary to be continued in all Churches , nor expedient to be observed in ours . Which his opinion , as it is most certainly true in the former , so to me it seemeth very probable in the latter branch thereof . For first , how can that be with any truth affirmed , or but with the least colour of reason suspected to be a Popish Custom , or a Rag or Relike of Rome , that hath been for above a hundred years used ( and that use by Law established ) in the Protestant Church of England , but is not at all used , nor ( for ought I can learn ) ever was used by the Papists in their Churches , nor is it by any Order or Authority of the Church of Rome enjoyned to be used in any Church in the world that professeth subjection thereunto . True it is , that in the Office of Baptisme , according to the Romane Ritual , the signe of the Cross is very often used , from first to last , at least twenty times ( viz. in the Benediction of the Salt , in the Exorcismes , in the formal words of Administration , and otherwise ) yet as luck would have it , that signe is not made , nor by the Ritual appointed to be made upon the Childs Forehead , as with us is used : Nor are those very words therewithal used , nor other words to the like purpose by the said Ritual appointed to be so used ( shewing what the intent , meaning and signification of that Sign is ) as in our Service Book is done . And true it is also ( for I wil not , as I think Iought not dissemble any thing that I can imagine might be advantagiously objected by an Adversary ) that according to the Romane Order the Minister as soon as he hath finished the Baptisme ( Ego baptizo te &c. ) is in the next place to annoint the Infant cross-wise , with a certain Prayer ( or Benediction rather ) to be said at the same time , as by the Ritual printed at Antwerp , An. Dom. MDCLII . pag. 23. may appear . But so far distant is that Rite of theirs from this of ours in many respects , as may also by comparing their Ritual with our Service Book appear ; that ours cannot with any congruity be thought to have been drawen by that patterne , or to have been borrowed or taken from their practice . For first , 1. Theirs is actus immanens , a material annointing and so leaveth a real effect behind it , the visible Form or Figure of a Cross , to be seen upon the Childs head , after the act is done . But ours is a meer transient act , an immaterial sign of a Cross made in the aire , without any sensible either impression or expression remaining when the act is over . 2. Theirs is done upon the Top or Crown of the head ( in summitate capitis . Ritual p. 23. ) which is else where expressed by Vertex ( see pag. 49. & 51. & 56. ) which sure must needs have some other signification , if it have any , then ours hath . Which is done upon the Childs Forehead , the proper seat ( by the common judgment of the world , and according to the grounds of Phisiognomy ) of shamefastness and boldness , and so holdeth a perfect analogy with that which the Church intended to signifie by it in token that he shall not be ashamed &c. 3. Their Cross belongeth precisely to the annointing with the Chrisme , whereunto it relateth , and hath such a dependance thereupon , that supposing there were no such Chrisme used in the Church of Rome , there would be no place left for the Cross in all that part of the Office that followeth after the formal words of Baptisme , as from the frame and order of their Ritual is most evident . It cannot therefore be the same with the Cross used in our Church , where the Chrisme is not at all used , but thought fit rather at the Reformation to be ( I dare not say condemned as unlawful and superstitious , but ) laid aside , as at least unnecessary and useless , as many other Ceremonies ( still retained in the Church of Rome ) were , because , though some of them were guiltless , yet they were grown so burdensome by reason of their multitude , that it was fit the number of them should be abated . And yet secondly there might be , and ( in the Primates judgment ) probably there was a more peculiar Reason why after Baptisme our Church did substitute the signe of the Cross with the words thereto appertaining , in stead of the Chrisme and the Cross attending it , used in the Church of Rome . The Ceremony of giveing the chrisme to Infants in all likelihood came into the church about the same time , when ( through the misunderstanding of a passage in John 6. 53. ) the opinion of the necessity of administring the Lords Supper to Infants had obtained in the christian church . And that ( as it seemeth ) to supply in some sort the want of confirmation wherein the like Ceremony of annointing with the chrisme was used ) of which young children were not capable , and which yet was in all reason to precede the receiving of the Lords Supper . That opinion in time vanished as an Error , and with it the practise of communicating Infants ceased . But still the custom of giving them the chrisme continued , as a kind of initial confirmation ( if I may so call it ) as if by it were conferred some degree of that grace , which in their account ) is the proper effect of the Sacrament of confirmation , to wit , the grace of Spiritual Strength , to fight against the Spiritual Enemie of the Soul , the flesh , the world and the Divel : Now to prevent the imagination of any such efficacious vertue in the chrisme , and to shew that by Baptisme alone ( which is sacramentum militare ) without the addition of the chrisme , the person baptized receiveth all that benefite of grace and strength , whatsoever it be , which he should do , if the chrisme were joyned with it ( for by Baptisme he is not only received into the church as a Member of Christ , but matriculated also into the Militia as a Soldier of Christ ) it might very well be thought convenient , laying aside the annointing with the chrisme ( per modum crucis ) cross-wise , that the Minister as soon as he hath baptized the child , should in express words signifie to the Congregation , that he is now become the Soldier of Jesus Christ , as well as a Member of his Church , with the sign of the cross also used there withall as a significant ceremony in token that the person so baptized being now the Soldier of Christ , should not be ashamed of his profession , nor behave himself cowardly therein . This is the substance of what the Learned Primate declared to us to be his Judgment concerning the use of this Ceremony , and the place it hath in our Liturgy . In the setting down whereof , if for the Readers fuller satisfaction I have allowed my self a good liberty of enlargement , either for the farther confirming , or the better clearing of ●is opinion : I hope none will therefore charge me to have misrepresented it , having gone all along upon his grounds , and perfectly to his sense . This Story , of what discourse we had with the Primate at that time ( as I had to others heretofore , so ) I told very lately to the Reverend Doctor , the Publisher of these Treatises , who told me back again , that himself had also heard him declare his opinion to the same effect as aforesaid , and remembreth particularly ( which I here publish , having the Doctors Warrant so to do ) that he so declared it in a publick Speech ( mentioned pag. 63. ) before a great Auditory at Drogheda in Ireland , when he first confirmed children there . I am unwilling , having gone thus far already to weary the Reader or my Self with proceeding any farther , nor indeed is it needful I should . For ( since only by pride commeth contention , Prov. 13. 10. if all men that pretend to be wise and honest would be humble ( and truly he that is not so , is neither honest nor wise ) and make that their business which is certainly their Duty : That is to say , if they would study quietness more , and Parties less , bear a just reverence to Antiquity and to their betters , allow as favorable a construction to things established as they are capable of , suspect their own judgment , wherein it differeth from the publick , submit to reason , and yield when they are convinced , obey cheerfully where they may , and where they dare not , suffer without noise , a little saying and writing would serve the turn . But when men are once grown to this , to make it their Glory to head or hold up a Party ; To study wayes how to evade when they are called to obey ; To resolve to erre , because they have erred , and to hold their conclusion in despite of all Premises ; To preferre their private opinions before wiser mens judgments , and their reputation with the vulgar before Obedience to Superiors ; In a word , to suffer themselves to be swayed with Passions , Parties , or Interests ; all the writing and saying in the World , as to such men ( untill it shall please God to put their hearts into another Frame ) is to no more purpose , then if a man should go about to fill a Seive with Water , or to wash a Blackamore white . When we have tried all the ways and conclusions we can , we shall in the end find the best expedient for Peace , and the best Service we can do the Church , our Selves , and our Brethren , to be our constant and instant Prayers to Almighty God ( with our subservient Endeavors ) that he would give to every one of us , a discerning judgment to see the Truth , and a willing mind to embrace it , conscience to do what we ought , and Patience to suffer what wee must , Humility to acknowledge our own , and Charity to bear with other mens infirmities , that so we may keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace , and fulfil the Law of Christ , which is the unfeigned hearty Wish of London Aug. 10. MDCLXI . The unworthy Servant of JESUS CHRIST Ro. Lincoln . The Contents of each Treatise . I. Of the Oath of Supremacy . THe distinct Power of the Sword and Keys . That the Sword is not restrained to Temporal Causes only . That there is a Civil Government in Causes Spiritual , and a Spiritual Government in Causes Civil . The Right Sense of the Oath . Four Arguments against the Bishop of Romes Title , to an universal Supremaey . King James His gracious Thanks to the Primate for it . II. Of the Duty of Subjects to supply the Kings Necessities . The Pretensions of Spain to the Kingdom of Ireland . The Distinction in point of Loyalty between those of the ancient English Race , and the meer Irish. The hatred shewn by the latter to the former in the Colledges abroad . The moderating and answering Objections on both sides , for and against the Contribution propounded . Divers Records produced as presidents for it His Iudgment , as a Divine , in the ●ase , not to be an Arbitrary Act , but a matter of Duty and Conscience . That the denying of the King what is necessary for the support of his Kingdom , is no less a Robery of him then a Subtracting of Tithes and Oblations is called a Robbery of God by the Prophet . III. Of the late Lord Primate Ushers Judgment and Practice . 1. In point of Loyalty . The Occasion of his writing of that book of the Power of the Prince , &c. His joy or sorrow , according to the success of his Majesties affairs . His compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his Majesty . 2. In point of Episcopacy . His writing for it . Exercise of the Iurisdiction of it . The occasion and end of those Proposals concerning it , An. 1641. His censure upon the Omission of the form of words used by the Bishop in the Ordination of the Church of England . His sufferings for it . The right sense of that gradual superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter . His confirmation of Books tending to the Preheminency of Episcopacy . 3. Of the Liturgy . His dayly observing of the Book of Common-prayer . At Drogheda the Service sung upon Sundays before him , as in Cathedrais of England . His observing of the Ceremonies and causing them so to be . His pains in reducing and satisfying the scrupulous . His Constancy in the above-mentioned to the last . The falsehood of some Pamphlets since his death . Some specialties observed in him as to decency and Reverence in the Church at publick prayer , &c. 4. The Constitutions and Canons , &c. His subscription to the 3. Articles in the 36. cap. of the book of the Canons of England . The severity , put in with his own hand , in the first Canon of Ireland against such as should refuse to subscribe to the Articles of England , Observation of the annual Festivals , Good-Friday , &c. Confirmation of Children , Church Catechisme . Canonical decency of Apparrel in the Clergie . Consecration of Churches , &c. IV. Mr. Hookers Judgment confirmed by the Primate . 1. The Kings power in matters of Religion . 2. Of his Power in advancement of Bishops to their Rooms of Prelacy . 3. The King exempt from Censure and other Iudicial power . V. Bishop Andrews Judgment , ( as it is conceived ) of Church Government before and after Christ , &c. confirmed and enlarged by the Primate . In the Old Testament . 1. Before the Law. 2. Under Moses . 3. Among the Priests . 4. Under Joshua , 5. Under David ( where is much added by the Primate . ) 6. Under Nehemiah . A Recapitulation of the whole , &c. with some new enlargements by the supposed Author , answering the objections made against having the like government now , and giving reasons why it may be now . In the New Testament . 1. In the time of our Sáviour . 2. In the dayes of the Apostles and after . Of Deacons , Evangelists , Priests and Bishops . Of the persons executing those Offices . Of the promiscuous use of their names . The use of the Bishops office , and the charge committed to him . The choice of persons to their Callings . VI. A Letter of Dr. Hadrianus de Saravia to the Island of Garnzay . Of the first Reformation in the Island . Subjection to Episcopal Iurisdiction . Difference in the Case , between them and France and the Low-Countries . Their Synodicall meetings not justifiable . The Kings Power in making of a Law. Of Ordination otherwise then by Bishops . Of the Scotch Reformation . D. Hadr. Saravia with other learned mens Subscriptions to the Articles , and Liturgy of the Church of England . A Pamphlet printed under the name of the late Archbishop of Armagh coucerning the Liturgy and Church Government , declared to be none of his . As he hath been also injured and is still by another Book intituled , a Method of Meditation , or a Manual of Divine Duties , which though by his own direction in his life time 1651. I did in his name declare , to be none of his , but falsly put upon him , and have done so twice since his death , yet is still reprinted , and sold up and down as his , to the great injury of him . The late Lord Primate Ushers Iudgment of the signe of the Cross in Baptisme , confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln in his Preface . VII . The Contents of the Sermon Regal Power of Gods Ordination That of 1 Pet. 2. 13. Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man &c. Answered , Sauls Election not by the People : Difference in Religion quits not the due of Obedience . The Novelty of the Doctrine of Resistance . The Pharisies the first among the Iews The Arguments for it , taken out of Bellarmine and the Jesuites , which many other Writers of the Church of Rome do contradict . The Antient Fathers Loyalty to the worst of Emperors 1. Constantly praying for them Tertullian , &c. 2. Not giving the least Offence in word or writing , St. Hillary Nazianzen &c. 3. Not stirring up the people in their own defence . St. Augustines Commendation of the Christians under Julian , Tertullians under Severus . St. Ambrose , Athanasius and others . That Evasion viz. That the Christians then wanted Power to resist , cleared out of Eusebius , Tertullian , St. Ambross , Theodoret . Rebellion always found the Ruine of the Actors . The Speech of Rodolphus upon his mortal wound in taking up Armes against the Emperor . A Conclusive Application . An Animadvertisement . SUch of the Bishops and Clergy as by Gods Mercy escaped with their Lives to Dublin , in that Bloody Rebellion in Ireland Anno 1641. and 1642. did conceive fitting at a so great , though sad meeting , to have somewhat like a Commencement in that University . The Doctors part ( pro gradu ) was the Concio ad clerum . The Text Rom. 13. 2. was taken out of the Epistle appointed for the day , being the Tuesday after the Fourth Sunday after the Epiphany . The day ( according to that account ) of the late Kings ( of Blessed Memory ) murder . The Doctrine delivered , was then so offensive to some potent persons newly landed , that he was forced to send a Copy to the L. Primate Usher , who gave his approbation of it . And upon the Thirtieth of Ianuary last , 1660. ( the day of Humiliation for the abovesaid Murder ) it was preached in English at the Honorable Society of Grayes-Inn London . The Intention was to have published it in that Language it had its first being , but by the Printers Experiment of the slowness of the Sale in that , as the better suiting with these other Tracts , and that the Profit intended would be of a farther extent , the latter was resolved of . ERRATA . PAge 24. line 29. read the. p. 25. l. 8. r. 2. marg . l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 27. l. 3. r. him . l. 4. thee p. 29. l. 19 r. thus . p. 31. 10. Jehu . p. 39. marg . l. 1. r. Julianus l. 5. r iniquus . p. 40. marg . l. 27. r. fletibus . l. 35. r. injuriam . p. 45. marg . l. 6. r. pontisicumque . p. 43. l. 24. dele for . marg . l. 8. r. per regiam . 52. l. 31. r. waited . p. 56. l. 20. r. calls . p. 60. l. 9. r. commendam . p. 81. 6. r. consecratus . l. 7. r. gratias . p. 90. l. 9. r. scarce . l. 10. r. inexcusablae . p. 95. 11. r. Potiphera Job . 1. 5. 42. 8. p. 96. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 97. 16. r. fisties . l. pen. Merari . l. ult . after these r. the. p. 100. l. 14 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 101. l. 5. r. camp . l. 15. r. Asher . p. 102. l. 12. r. Further. p. 103. l. 9. r. Gibethon . p. 105. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 107. l. 22. r. Gershon . l. 23. r. Ethan . l. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 109. l. 12. r. Benaiah . l. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 112. l. 7. r. Governors of the. p. 113. l. 25. r. Priest. p. 114. l. 3. dele the. l. 20. r. are . l. 30. dele , p. 115. l. 24. r. they . p. 116. l. 19. r. of this mind . l. ult . dele ut . p. 117. l. r. degrees . p. 122. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 128. l. 6. r. Scythia . p. 130. l. 26. r. These . p. 132. l. 26. r. pam . l. ult . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 133. l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In marg . p. 134. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — p. 150. l. 12 dele 2. p. 147. l. 2. r. Christi . REcensui Librum cui Titulus , CLAVI TRABALES . Imprimatur Tertio Nonas Sext. 1661. MA. FRANCK . S. T. P. Reverendo in Christo Patri Episcopo Londinesi à Sacris Domesticis . A SPEECH Delivered in the CASTLE-CHAMBER at DUBLIN . 22. of November , Anno 1622. At the Censuring of some Officers who refused to take the Oath of Supremacy . By the late Lord Primate Usher then Bishop of Meath . WHat the danger of the Law is for refusing this Oath hath been sufficiently opened by my Lords the Judges , and the quality and quantity of that Offence hath been agravated to the full , by those that have spoken after them . The part which is most proper for me to deal in is the information of the Conscience , touching the Truth and Equity of the matters contained in the Oath ; which I also have made choice the rather to insist upon , because both the form of the Oath it self requireth herein a full resolution of the Conscience ( as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof ; I do utterly testifie and declare in my Conscience &c. ) And the Persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same have alledged-nothing in their own defence , but only the simple Plea of Ignorance . That this point therefore may be cleered , and all needless Scruples removed out of mens minds : Two maine Branches there be of this Oath which require special Consideration . The one Positive , acknowledging the Supremacy of the Government of these Realms in all Causes whatsoever , to rest in the the Kings Highness only ; the other Negative , renouncing all Jurisdictions and Authorities of any Forraigne Prince or Prelate within His Majesties Dominions . For the better understanding of the former we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that Exhortation of St. Peter , Submit your selves unto every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake , whether it be unto the King , as having the Preheminence , or unto Governors as unto them that are sent by him , for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well . By this we are taught to respect the King , not as the only Gove nor of his Dominions Simply ( for we see there be other Governors placed under him ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as him that excelleth , and hath the preheminence over the rest , that is to say ( according to the Tenure of the Oath ) as him that is the only Supream Governor of his Realms . Upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion , that whatsoever Power is inetdent unto the King by vertue of his place , must be acknowledged to be in him Supream , there being nothing so contrary to the nature of Soveraignty , as to have another Superior power to over-rule it . Qui Rexest , Regem ( Maxime ) non habeat . In the second place we are to consider , that God for the better setling of Piety and Honesty among men , and the repressing of Prophaneness and other Vices hath establisted two distinct powers upon earth , the one of the Keys committed to the Church , the other of the Sword committed to the Civil Magistrate , That of the Keys is ordained to work upon the Inner man , having immediate Relation to the remitting or retaining of sins . That of the Sword is appointed to work upon the outward man , yielding Protection to the obedient , and inflicting external punishment upon the Rebellious and Disobedient . By the former the spiritual Officers of the Church of Christ are enabled to govern well , to speak , and exhort , and rebuke with all authority , to loose such as are penitent , to commit others unto the Lords Prison until their amendment , or to bind them over unto the Judgment of the great Day ) if they shall persist in their wilfulness and obstinacie . By the other , Princes have an imperious power assigned by God unto them , for the defence of such as do well , and executing revenge and wrath upon such as do evil , whether by death or banishment , or confiscation of Goods or Imprisonment , according to the quality of the offence . When St. Peter that had the Keys committed unto him , made bold to draw the Sword , he was commanded to put it up , as a weapon that he had no authority to meddle withall ; and on the other side , when Uzziah the King would venture upon the Execution of the Priests office ; it was said unto him It pertaineth not unto thee Uzziah to burn incense unto the Lord , but to the Priests the Sons of Aaron , that are consecrated to burn Incense . Let this therefore be our second conclusion , that the Power of the Sword and of the Keys are two distinct ordinances of God , and that the Prince hath no more authority to enter upon the execution of any part of the Priests function , then the Priest hath to intrude upon an● part of the office of the Prince . In the third place we are to observe that the power of the Civil Sword , ( the Supreame managing whereof , belongeth to the King alone ) is not to be restrained unto temporal causes only , but is by Gods ordinance to be extended likewise unto all Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Things and Causes ; That as the Spiritual Rulers of the Church do exercise their kind of Government in bringing men unto obedience , not of the duties of the first Table alone , ( which concerneth Piety and the Religious Service which man is bound to perform unto his Creator ) But also of the second ( which respecteth moral honesty , and the Offices that man doth owe unto man : So the Civil Magistrate is to use his Authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first Table , as well as against the Second , that is to say as well in punishing of an Heretick or an Idolater or a Blasphemer , as of a Thief , or a Murtherer , or a Traytor , and in providing by all good means , that such as live under his Government may lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all Piety and Honesty . And how soever by this means we make both Prince and Priest to be in their several places custodes utriusque Tabulae . Keepers of both Gods Tables , yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their Offices together ; for though the matter wherein their government is exercised , may be the same , yet is the form and manner of governing them alwayes different , the one reaching to the outward man only , the other to the Inward ; the one binding or loosing the soul , the other laying hold on the body , and the things belonging thereunto : The one having speciall reference to the Judgment of the world to come , the other respecting the present , retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of this Life . That there is such a * Civil Government as this in Causes Spiritual and Ecclesiasticall no man of Judgment can deny ; For must not Heresie ( for example ) be acknowledged to be a Cause meerly Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall ? and yet by what power is an Heretick put to death : The Officers of the Church have no authority to take away the life of any man , it must be done therefore per brachium seculare , and consequently it must be yeelded without contradiction , that the Tempor all Magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his Civil Government in punishing a crime that is of its own nature Spiritual or Ecclesiasticall . But here it will be said , the words of the Oath being generall that the King is the only supreme Governor of this Realm , and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries . How may it appear , that the power of the Civil Sword is only meant by that Government , and that the power of the Keys is not comprebended therein ? I answer , First that where a Civil Magistrate is affirmed to be the Governor of his own Dominions and Countries ; by common intendment this must needs be understood of a Civil-Government , and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerly of another kind . Secondly , I say , That where an Ambiguity is conceived to be in any part of an Oath , it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the Oath was ministred . Now in the case , it hath been sufficiently declared by publick authority , that no other thing is meant by the Government here mentioned but that of the Civil Sword only . For in the book of Articles agreed upon by the Arch-Bishop and Bishops , and the whole Clergie in the Convocaetion holden at London ▪ Anno 1562. Thus we read . Where we attribute to the Queens Majesty the Chief Government ( by which Titles we understand the minds of some standrous folkes to be offended ) we give not to our Princes the Ministring either of Gods word or of the Sacraments ( the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen , doth most plainly testifie ) but that only prerogative which we see to have been given alwayes to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself , that is , that they should rule all Estates and degrees committed to their Charge by God , whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall , and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubbornand evill doers . If it be here objected , that the Authority of the Convocation is not a sufsicient ground for the Exposition of that which was enacted in Parliament : I answer that these Articles stand confirmed , not only by the Royall assent of the Prince ( for the establishing of whose Supremacy , the Oath was framed ) but also by a speciall Act of Parliament , which is to be found among the Statutes , in the thirteenth yeer of Queen Elizabeth , Cap. 12. Seeing therefore the makers of the Law have full authority to expound the Law , and they have sufficiently manifested , that by the Supream Government given to the Prince , they understand that kind of Government only which is exercised with the Civil Sword : I conclude that nothing can be more plaine then this , that without all scruple of conscience the Kings Majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to be the only Supream Governor of all his Highness Dominions and Countrys , as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things or Causes , as temporal , and so have I cleered the first main branch of the Oath . I come now unto the Second which is propounded negatively : That no forreign Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power , Superiority , Preheminence or Authority , Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm . The Forreiner that challengeth this Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction over us is the Bishop of Rome : And the Title whereby he claimeth the Power over us , is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world , because he is St. Peters Successor for sooth . And indeed if St. Peter himself had been now alive , I should freely confess that he ought to have spiritual Authority , and Superiority within this Kingdom , But so would I say also if St. Andrew , St. Bartholomew , St. Thomas , or any of the other Apostles had been alive , for I know that their Commission was very large , to go into all the world , and to preach the Gospel unto every Creature . So that in what part of the world soever they lived , they could not be said to be out of their charge , their Apostleship being a kind of an Universal Bishoprick . If therefore the Bishop of Rome , can prove himself to be one of this Rank , the Oath must be amended ; and we must acknowledge that he hath Ecclesiastical Authority within this Realm . True it is that our Lawyers in their yearly Books , by the name of the Apostle do usually designe the Pope . But if they had examined his Title to that Apostleship , as they would try an Ordinary mans Title to a Piece of Land , they might easily have found a number of Flaws and main defects therein ; for first it would be enquired , whether the Apostleship was not ordained by our Saviour Christ , as a special Commission , which being personal only was to determine with the death of the first Apostles . For howsoever at their first entry into the Execution of this Commission , we find that Matthias was admitted to the Apostleship in the Roome of Judas ; yet afterwards when James the Brother of John was slain by Herod , we do not read that any other was substituted in his place . Nay we know that the Apostles generally left no Successors in this kind : Neither did any of the Bishops ( he of Rome only excepted ) that sate in those famous Churches wherein the Apostles exercised their Ministry , challenge an Apostleship or an Universal Bishoprick by vertue of that succession . It would Secondly therefore be enquired what sound evidence they can produce , to shew that one of the Company was to hold the Apostleship , as it were in Fee , for him and his Successors for ever , and that the other Eleven should hold the same for Term of life only . Thirdly , if this State of perpetuity was to be cast upon one , how came it to fall upon St. Peter , rather then upon St. John , who outlived all the rest of his Fellows , and so as a Surviving Feoffee , had the fairest Right to retain the same in himself and his Successors for ever ; Fourthly if that State were wholy setled upon St. Peter , seeing the Romanists themselves acknowledge , that he was Bishop of Antioch before he was Bishop of Rome ; We require them to shew , why so great an Inheritance as this , should descend unto the younger Brother ( as it were by Borough-English ) rather than to the Elder ( according to the ordinary manner of descents ) especially seeing Rome hath little else to alledge for this preferment , but only that St. Peter was crucifyed in it , which was a slender reason to move the Apostle so to respect it . Seeing therefore the grounds of this great claime of the Bishop of Rome appear to be so vain and frivolous , I may safely conclude that he ought to have no Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Authority within this Realme , which is the principal point contained in the Second part of the Oath . King JAMES His Gracious Letter of Thanks to the Primate for his Speech . JAMES R. RIght Reverend Father in God , and Right Trusty and well beloved Counsellor We greet you well , you have not deceived Our expectation , nor the gracious opinion We ever conceived both of Your Abilities in learning , and of your Faithfulness to Us and Our Service ; Whereof as We have received sundry Testimonies both from Our precedent Deputys , as likewise from Our Right Trusty and well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor the Viscount Falkland , Our present Deputy of that Realm , so have We now of late in one particular had a farther Evidence of your Duty and Affection well expressed by your late carriage in Our Castle-Chamber there , at the censure of those disobedient Magistrates , who refused to take the Oath of Supremacy , wherein your zeale to the maintenance of Our just and lawfull Power , defended with so much Learning and Reason , deserves Our Princely and Gracious Thanks , which We do by this Our Letter unto you , and so bid you farewel , Given under Our Signet at Our Court at White-Hall the Eleventh of January 1622. In the Twentieth Year of Our Reign of Great Brittain , France and Ireland . To the Right Reverend Father in God , and Our Right Trusty and Well-Beloved Councellor The Bishop of Meath . A SPEECH delivered by the Lord PRIMATE USHER before the Lord Deputy and the great Assembly at His Majesties Castle in DUBLIN , April the last 1627. MY LORD , THe Resolution of these Gentlemen in denying to contribute unto the supplying of the Army sent hither for their defence , doth put me in mind of the Philosophers observation , That such as have respect unto a few things , are easily misled ; the present pressure which they sustain , by the imposition of the Soldiers , and the desire they have to be eased of that Burthen , doth so wholly possess their minds , that they have only an eye to the freeing of themselves from that Incumbrance , without looking at all to the Desolations that are like to come upon them by a long and heavy War , which the having of an Army in readiness might be a means to have prevented . The lamentable effects of our last Wars in this Kingdom , doth yet freshly stick in our Memories . Neither can we so soon forget the depopulation of our land , when besides the Combustions of War , the extremity of Famine grew so great , that the very women in some places by the way side , have surprised the men that rode by to feed themselves with the flesh of the horse or the rider ; and that now again here is a storm towards wheresoever it will light , every wise man will easily foresee , which if we be not carefull to meet with in time , our State may prove irrecoverable , when it will be too late to think of . Had I wift . The dangers that now threaten us are partly from abroad , and partly from home ; Abroad , we are now at odds with two of the most Potent Princes in Christendom , and to both which , in former times the discontented persons in this Country have had recourse , proffering the Kingdom it self unto them , if they would undertake the conquest of it . For it is not unknown unto them that look into the search of those things , that in the days of King Henry the Eighth , the Earl of Desmond made such an offer of this Kingdom to the French King , ( the instrument whereof yet remain's upon record in the Court at Paris ) and the Bishop of Rome afterwards transferred the Title of all our Kingdoms unto Charles the Fifth , which by new Grants was confirmed unto his Son Phillip , in the time of Queen Elizabeth , with a resolution to settle this Crown upon the Spanish Infanta ; which Donations of the Popes , howsoever in themselves , they are of no value , yet will they serve for a fair colour to a potent Pretender , who is able to supply by the Power of the Sword whatsoever therein may be thought defective . Hereunto may we adde that of late in Spain , at the very same time when the Treaty of the Match was in hand . there was a Book published , with great approbation there , by one of this Countrey Birth Phillip O Sullevan , wherein the Spaniard is taught , that the ready way to establish his Monarchy ( for that is the only thing he mainly aimeth at , and is plainly there confessed ) is first to set upon Ireland , which being quikcly obtain'd , the Conquest of Scotland first , of England next , then of the Low-Countreys , is foretold with great facility will follow after . Neither have we more cause in this Regard to be afraid of a Forreign Invasion , than to be jealous of a Domestick Rebellion , where lest I be mistaken , as your Lordships have been lately , I must of necessity put a difference betwixt the Inhabitants of this Nation ; some of them are descended of the Race of the antient English , or otherwise hold their Estates from the Crown , and have possessions of their own to stick unto , who easily may be trusted against a Forreign Invader , although they differ from the State in matter of Religion ; for proof of which fidelity in this kind , I need go no further than the late Wars in the time of the Earl of Tyrone wherein they were assaulted with as powerfull temptations to move them from their Loyalty as possibly hereafter can be presented unto them for at that time , not only the King of Spain did confederate himself with the Rebels , and landed his forces here for their assistance , but the Bishop of Rome also with his Breves and Bulls , solicited our Nobility and Gentry to revolt from their obedience to the Queen ; Declaring that the English did fight against the Catholick Religion , and ought to be oppugned as much as the Turks , imparting the same Favours to such as should set upon them , that he doth unto such as fight against the Turk , and finally promising unto them that the God of peace would tread down their enemys under their feet speedily ; and yet for all the Popes Promises and Threatnings which were also seconded by a Declaratian of the Divines of Salamanca and Valledolid , not only the Lords and Gentlemen did constantly continue their Allegiance unto the Queen , but also were encouraged so to do , by the Priests of the Pale , that were of the Popish Profession who were therefore vehemently taxed by the Traytor O Sullevan , for exhorting them to follow the Queens side , which he is pleas'd to term Insanam & venenosam Doctrinam & Tartareum dogma , A mad and venemous Doctrine , and a hellish opinion ; but besides these , there are a great number of Irish , who either beare a secret grudge against the English planted among them , or having nothing at all to loose upon the first occasion , are apt to joyn with any Forreign Invader , for we have not used that policy in our Plantations , that wise States have used in former times . They when they setled new Colonys in any place , did commonly translate the antient Inhabitants to other dwellings ; We have brought new Planters into the land , and have left the old Inhabitants to shift for themselves , who being strong in body , and daily increasing in number , and seeing themselves deprived of their means and maintenance , which they and their Ancestors have formerly enjoyed , will undoubtedly be ready when any occasion is offered to disturb our quiet , whether then we cast our eyes abroad , or look at home , we see our danger is very great . Neither may you , My Lords and Gentlemen , that differ from us in point of Religion , imagine that the Community of profession , will exempt you more then us from the danger of a Common-Enemy ; Whatsoever you may expect from a Forraigner you may conjecture by the Answer which the Duke of Medina Sidonia gave in this Case in 88. That his Sword knew no difference between a Catholique and a Heretique , but that he came to make way for his Master ; and what kindness you may look for from the Countrey-men that joyn with them , you may judge as well by the carriage which they ordinarily use towards you and yours , both in the Court , and in the Colledges abroad , as by the advice not long since presented by them unto the Councel of Spain , wherein they would not have so much as the Irish Priests and Jesuites that are descended of English blood to be trusted , but would have you and all yours to be accounted enemys to the designs of Spain . In the Declaration publisht about the beginning of the Insurrection of James Fitz-Morice in the South , the Rebels professed it was no part of their meaning to subvert , honorabile Anglorum solium . Their Quarrel was only against the Person of Queen Elizabeth , and her Government ; but now the case is otherwise , the translating of the Throne of the English to the power of a Forreigner , is the thing that mainly is intended , and the re-establishing of the Irish in their antient possessions , which by the valour of our Ancestors were gained from them . This you may assure your self , Manet alta mente repostum , and makes you more to be hated of them than any other of the English Nation whatsoever . The danger therefore being thus common to us all , it stands us upon to joyn our best helps for the avoiding of it , only the manner how this may be effected is in question . It was wont to be said , Iniquum petas ut aequum feras , and such perhaps might be the intent of the Project , the other day propounded unto you ; but now I observe the distaste you have conceived against that , hath so far possossed you , that you can hardly be drawn to listen to any equal motion . The Exceptions taken against the Project , are partly general , made by all ; partly special that toucheth only some particulars , of the former there are two , the quantity of the sum demanded , and the indefiniteness of the time , which is unlimited ; for the proportion required for the maintenance of Five thousand Foot and Five hundred horse you alledge to be so great , and your means so small , that in undertaking that which you are no ways able to perform , you should but delude His Majesty , and disappoint the Army of their expected pay . And although the sum required were far less , and for a time able to be borne by you , yet are you fearful that the payment being continued for some number of years , may afterwards be continued , as a constant revenue to His Majesties Exchequer with which perpetual burden you are unwilling to charge your Posterity . The Exceptions of the second kind are taken against the grants annexed unto the former demands , the granting whereof seemed rather to hinder then further the Service , as not so agreeing with the Rules of Equity ; for first some have the full benefits of the grants , and have their charge little augmented , as the Countrys which pay composition Rents , which by those grants during the time of the New payments are suspended . Secondly , others that have the charge of the payment imposed upon them to the full , are not Partakers at all of the benefit of the grants , as the Brittish planted in the six escheated Countys of Ulster . Thirdly such as are most forward to further His Majesties Service , and to contribute with the Most , are troubled in Conscience for yielding thereto upon the Terms proposed , especially for that Condition whereby the Execution of the Statute against Recusants is offered to be forborne . Wherein if some of my Bretheren the Bishops have been thought to have shewed themselves more forward then wise in preaching publiquely against this kind of Toleration ; I hope the great charge laid upon them by your selves in Parliament , wherein that Statute was enacted will plead their excuse . For there the Lords Temporal , and all the Commons do in Gods name earnestly require and charge all Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other ordinaries , that they shall endeavor themselves to the utmost of their knowledge , that the due and true execution of this Statute may be had throughout their Diocesses , and charged as they will answer it before God , for such Evils and Plagues as Almighty God might justly punish his people for neglecting those good and wholesome Laws , So that if in this case they had holden their tongues , they might have been censured little better then Atheists , and made themselves accessary to the drawing down of Gods heavy vengance upon the people . But if for these and such like Causes the former Project will not be admitted , we must not therefore think our selves discharged from taking further care to provide for our safeties . Other consultations must be had , and other courses thought upon which need not to be trable to the like Exceptions ; where the but then is borne in common , and the ayde required to be given to the Prince by his Subjects that are of different Judgments in Religion , it stands not with the ground of common Reason , that such a condition , should be annexed unto the Gift , as must of necessity de●er the one party from gi●ing at all , upon such Tearms as are repugnam to their Consciences . As therefore on the one side , if we desire that the Recusants should joyn with us in granting of a common aid , we should not put in the condition of executing the Statute , which we are sure they would not yield unto ; so on the other side , if they will have us to joyn with them in the like contribution they should not require the condition of suspending the Statute to be added , which we in conscience cannot yield unto . The way will be then freely to grant unto his Majesty what we give , without all manner of condition that may seem unequal unto any side , and to refer unto his own sacred breast how fat he will be pleased to extend or abridge his Favours , of whose Lenity in forbearing the executing of the Statute , our Recusants have found such experience , that they cannot expect a greater liberty , by giving any thing that is demanded , then now already they do freely enjoy . As for the fear that this voluntary contribution may in time be made a matter of Necessity , and imposed as a perpetual charge upon posterity , it may easily be holpen , with such a clause as we find added in the grant of an ayde made by the Popes Council An 11. H. 3. out of the Ecclesiastical Profits of this Land , Quod non debet trahi in confuetudinem , of which kinds of Grants , many other Examples of later memory might be produced , and as for the proportion of the sum which you thought to be so great in the former proposition , it is my Lords desire that you should signifie unto him , what you think you are well able to bear , and what your selves will be content voluntarily to proffer . To alledge as you have done , that you are not able to bear so great a charge , as was demanded may stand with some reason , but to plead an unability to give any thing at all , is neither agreeable to reason or duty . You say you are ready to serve the King as your Ancestors did heretofore with your bodys and lives , as if the supply of the Kings wants with monys , were a thing unknown to our Fore-fathers . But if you will search the Pipe-Rolls you shall finde the names of those who contributed to King Henry the third for a matter that did less concern the Subjects of this Kingdom , then the help that is now demanded , namely for the marrying of his Sister to the Emperor . In the Records of the same King kept in England , we finde his Letters Patents directed hither into Ireland , for levying of money to help to pay his debts unto Lewis the Son of the King of France . In the Rolls of Gasconie we finde the like Letter directed by King Edward the Second unto the Gentlemen and Merchants of Ireland , of whose names there is a List there set down , to give him ayd in his Expedition into Aquitain , and for defence of his Land ( which is now the thing in question . ) We finde an Ordinance likewise made in the time of Edward the Third , for the personall taking of them that lived in England , and held Lands and Tenements in Ireland . Nay in this Case you must give me leave as a Divine to tell you plainly , that to supply the King with means for the necessary defence of your Country , is not a thing left to your own discretion , either to doe or not to doe , but a matter of duty , which in conscience you stand bound to perform . The Apostle Rom. 13. having affirmed that we must be subject to the higher powers , not only for wrath but for Conscience sake ; adds this as a reason to confirm it , for , for this cause you pay Tribute also , as if the denying of such payment , could not stand with conscionable Subjection ; thereupon he inferrres this conclusion . Render therefore unto all their due ; tribute to whom tribute , custome to whom custome is due . Agreeable to that known lesson which he had learned of our Saviour Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesars , and unto God the things which are Gods : Where you may observe that as to with-hold from God the things which are Gods , man is said to be a Robber of God : whereof he himself thus complaineth in case of subtracting of Tythes & Oblations : So to deny a supply to Caesar of such means as are necessary for the support of his Kingdom , can be accounted no less then a Robbing of him , of that which is his due , which I wish you seriously to ponder , and to think better of yielding somthing to this present Necessity , that we may not return from you an undutifull answer , which may justly be displeasing to his Majesty . ROM . 13. 2. Whosoever resisteth the Power , resisteth the Ordinance of God ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves Damnation . THe former Chapter may be called the Apostles Ethicks ; this his Politicks ; in the former he had taught them their dutys one to another , in this , towards the Magistrate . And for this subject , De officio subditorum both St. Peter , and this our Apostle are very often and copious upon , not only in this Epistle , but in divers others , inculcating it as his last words to Timothy and Titus , chargeing them to teach it to the generation succeeding , 1 Tim. 2. 1. & 3. 1. And ( a ) some Expositors conceive one Cause to be the Rumor then falsly raised upon the Apostles , as if they had been Seditious Innovators of the Roman Laws , and the Kingdom of Christ preached by them , tended to the absolving Subjects from their obedience to any other . Whose mouths he here stops in shewing that the laws of Christ were not induced for the overturning the Civil , but confirming ; not abolishing , but establishing and making them the more sacred . Abhorring those tumultuous spirits who under pretext of Religion and Christian liberty , run into Rebellion as if there could be no perfect service of Christ , nisi excusso terrenae potestatis jugo , without casting off the yoak of earthly power . In the text it self he exhorts to a Loyall subjection from these two principall Arguments . First from the Originall of Regall Power , ordained of God ; Secondly the Penalty of resisting it , threatned as from God himself ; They shall receive to themselves damnation . Every word in the Text hath its Emphosis . Whosoever ] See how he commands a subjection without exception as in the former verse , Let every Soul ; Omnis Anima , si Apostolus sis , si Evangelista , si Prepheta , sive quisquis tandem fueris ( as S. Chrysostom upon the place . ) Resisteth ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which implies how all preparative Ordering of forces & Risings to that end ( as the Syriack renders it qui insurgit ) are condemned , as a violation of Gods Ordinance ; not only an actuall resistance by open force in the field , commonly called Rebellion ( like that of Absolom against David , Jeroboam against Rehoboam ) but all secret undermining of a Prince by fraud and falsehood tending to it . The Power ] 'T is observable the Apostle rather mentions the power then the person armed with it , to teach us we should not so much mind the worth of the person as the authority it self he bears . We acknowledge that sacred Apothegme of the Apostle ( Acts 5. 29. ) 't is better to obey God then man : but both may be at once obeyed : God actively , and the Magistrate passively , as the Apostles themselves then did . The Ordinance of God ] As if Rebellion were Giant-like , b a waging of war with God himself , as St. Chrysostome hath it , which fully checks that proud conceit of some ( viz. ) that being made heirs of God , they are no longer to be made subject to man. Receive to themselves damnation . ] As the Rebellion is against God , so from God the penalty is threatned , and that not c a common one , but exceeding heavy , as St. Chrysostom upon it . The Vulgar Latin reads it , Ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt , implying the vanity & madness of it , Nemo enim sanus seipsum laedit , Men that run their heads against a Rock , hurt themselves , not it : and so in conclusion Rebels seek their own ruine , and bring upon themselves swift damnation 2 Pet. 2. By this short Paraphrase upon the words , these two observations may be deduced : First , that Regal power is derived from God : Secondly , that it is not lawfull for Subjects to take up Arms in the resistance of it without being fighters against God , and in peril of damnation . The first is so apparent that I need not insist upon it : 'T is acknowledged even by heathens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. You see it de facto in the old Testament Moses ( who was ● King in Jeshurun ) was appointed of God , and Joshua succeeding him , the Judges as Elective Kings were raised by him also : Saul , David , &c. 'T is the complaint of God ( Hoseae the 8. ) fecerunt reges , sed non ex me ; They have made themselves Kings , but not by me . God , who is the God of Order , and not of Confusion , was pleased from the very first to take care of constituting a successive Monarchy ; The first-born was his own establishment in his specch to Cain ( though a bad , and his Brother Abel a righteous person ) only by right of his primogeniture ( Gen 4. 9 ) his desire shall be subject to thee , and thou shalt rule over him , from whence it succeeded in Jacobs family ( Gen. 49 28 ) Ruben thou art my first born , the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honor and authority ▪ ( i , e. ) the supremacy of both , and when he with Symeon and Levy for their severall crimes were disinherited by their father , and the primogeniture fallen to Judah ; to him it was said , thou art he whom thy brethren shall honour , thy Fathers children shall bow down unto thee ( ver . 10. ) to whom the Scepter was given , and the gathering or Assemblies of the People . That as in the creation in the Natural government of the world God made one ruler of the day , the Sun , the sole fountain of Light ( for the Moon and Starres are but as a Vice Roy of subordinate Governors , deriving theirs from him : ) so was it in the Civil Government also . As God by whom Kings reign , and who have the Title of God given them , I have said ye are Gods ) is one ; so was he pleased to represent himself in one accordingly , and in the Text ordained by him . Object . 1 There is a place which the adversaries of this doctrine much insist upon , 't is out of S. Peter 1. Epist. c. 2. 13. where he calls a Magist●ate an Ordinance of man : Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man ( as we render it ) for the Lords sake , whether to the King as supreme , or Governors sent by him , &c. The Answer is ready , that this is no ways a contradiction to St. Paul in this Text ; for , 1. By an humane Ordinance he doth not meane an humane Invention , but quia inter homines institutam , because it was ordained or appointed among or over men , called humane , respectu termiiii sive subjecti , but yet divine , respectu authoris primarii . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render Ordinance ( being , as e Rivetus observeth ) never so taken throughout the Scripture were better rendred Creature ( which it properly signifies ) as the vulgar Latine doth it , omni humanae creaturae , to every humane creature . Now creature is frequently taken for what is eminent and excellent , as if the sense were , submit your selves to all that do excell , or are eminent amongst or over men , according to the next words , whether to the King , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that excelleth : and the Hebrews do sometimes by a Creation imply a Rare and Eminent thing , Num. 16. 30. Si creationem creaverit deus . i. e. if the Lord make a new or rare thing , To which agrees that of our Saviour in his last words to his Apostles , Mark 16. 15. Preach the Gospell to every Creature , i. e. man : Because of his excellencie above all sublunary Creatures . f And thus why may not the King for the same cause , be so called here . So that St. Peter is so far from denying Regal Power to be ordained of God , that he rather confirms it . g A Creature , therefore the act of the Creator , and by way of excellency , therefore of God the sole original of it , and for the Lords sake , i. e. who hath so ordained him , or whom herepresents . Object . 2 For that objection of Saul's being elected by the people ; the contrary appears ( 1 Sam. 12. 8. 5. ) where Samuel saith thus to them , Answer . Dominus constituit regem super vos , and they to Samuel as a Delegate from God , Constitue nobis Regem , who in the name of God proposed to them jus Regis . And though Saul was elected by a Sacred Lot , yet ye have not the like again after him in David , Solomon , or any other , but they succeeded jure hereditario . Object . 3 But have evil Kings their power from God , Answer . Indeed as evil , they are not of him , because no evil can descend from him , from whom every good and perfect gift doth , ( though for the sins of people , God may justly permit such ) but we must sever their personal staines as men , from their lawfull Authority received of God , which looseth not its essence by such an accession , 't is no true maxime , Dominium fundatur in gratia , St. Paul applys that of Exod 22. to Ananias , Acts 23 , Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people , though he commanded him unjustly to be smitten . Pilate condemning Innocency it self , our Saviour acknowledgeth his power to have been from above , thou couldst not have any power over me , Nisi tibi data esset desuper . Claudius or Nero ( whom elsewhere St. Paul calls a Lyon ) reigned when he writ this Epistle , and is doubtless included in the verse before the Text : the powers that be ( i. e. now in being ) are ordained of God , and exhorts to pay unto him as the Minister of God the due of Tribute , Custome , Fear , Honour , &c. Daniel acknowledgeth Nebuchadnezzars dominion and Kingdom to have been given him of God , which copy the Fathers of the Primitive Church under Christianity we find to have wrote after . Constantius was an Arrian , and had exiled many of the Orthodox Bishops , yet * Athanasius in his Apology to them saith thus , God hath given the Empire to him , whosover shall with an evil eye reproach it , doth contrary to Gods Ordinance . h Tertullian faith thus to the Emperor Severus in his Apologie for the Christians , We must needs have him in great honor whom our Lord hath chosen , that I may truly say Caesar is rather ours then yours , as being constituted by our God , acknowledging him next to God , and less then God only , according to that known speech of Optatus * Super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus qui fecit Imperatorem : There is none above the Emperor but God only , who made him Emperor . And surely in the Text St. Paul can mean no other by the Powers , but the Roman Empire and Heathens , for none that were Christians had then any dominion . And so much for the first , that Kings and their Royal Power are of Gods ordination . This supposed , the second point necessarily follows ( which we shall a little longer insist upon ) viz. that it is not lawfull for Subjects to take up Arms. against their lawfull Prince without being fighters against God , and running the hazard of damnation , according to the Text , They that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . The k Pharisees ( as Josephus tells us ) a subtle kind of men , proud , scrupulous about the Law , wherein they placed their Religion having a seeming shew of piety , took themselves to be of exempt jurisdiction , and being about 6000. besides their party among the people which they had influence upon , stiffly refused to take the Oath of Allegiance to Caesar , ( and indeed were the first we read of that did so , for the whole Nation of the Jews had done it ) and were great opposites to Regal power . There are too many who of late years have trod in their steps , one writes a seditious book , as an Anonymus , another puts a feigned name to it , by which dissimulation they shew what is to be thought of the thing it self : Nam ●ui luce indigna tract at , lucem fugit , some of whom being of the vulgar , ( and each are most apt to advance their own Order ) have so promoted the pretended right of the people , that not being satisfied in quitting of Subjects from their obedience to their King , they have also ( subverting the very course of Nature ) given the people power over their King , And I wish the Jesuites only had given their votes to these paradoxes , but ( which is the more to be lamented ) there are some of our own , at least bearing the name , who either out of an overmuch desire to be heads of parties , or drawn to it like Baalam for the wages of unrighteousness , have to the Scandall of our profession ) delivered the same opinion with the Jesuits , and have taken their arguments out of them . l Bellarmine in his first book de pontifice Romano cap. 8. affirms , That the Prince was made for the People , That Principality is from humane Law and Authority , That the People can never so farre transferre their Power over to a King , but they retain the habit of it still within themselves , and in some cases may actually reassume it ; which he confirms ( in his 5. book cap. 8. ) by the Examples of Ozia and Athalia , who were deposed by the people ; These have been the Assertions of some of our own , urged in the same sense and manner . Who hath not heard of these Maximes m So long as a King keeps his obligation , the people are obliged to theirs ; he that governs as he ought , may expect to be accordingly obeyed . They that constitute may depose , &c. But are not these transcribed out of the aforenamed Writers . It was the speech of the * Bishop af Ments when the Emperor Henry the fourth's deposing was agitated . Quem meritum investivimus quare non immeritum devestiamus , i. e. Him while wel meriting we invested with the Empire , why may not we for his unworthiness disinvest again ; n Gregory the seventh ( vulgarly Hildebrand ) the Patron of Rebellious subjects endeavoured to draw them away from the Emperor , Quemadmodum militem ignavem imperator , &c. i. e. as the Emperor may Cashier a sluggish Souldier that neglects his duty in the Camp : So may the souldiery put off or desert an unfit King or Emperor . The Obligations of Subjects are quitted if Princes recede from theirs . Thus much to shew how neer of kin such are to the Sea of Rome , which is a professed Adversary to Regall power , according to St. Pauls description of that man of sin , 2 Thes. 2. 10. Who opposeth himself against all that is called God , i. e. Kings so called in Psalms . But now leaving these Parallels , let us come to the matter it self , and prove what we have asserted , both out of holy Writ , the ancient Fathers , and Practice of the Primitive Church , who we shall finde have not limited their loyalty within that narrow compass , viz. the Kings defence of the true Relogion , but continued it under their opposition to it . First , That those who have or shall presume thus to resist , doe tread under feet the holy Scriptures ; appears by the whole current of them . Suppose an unjust , cruel , bloody act in a King. Was not David in that sense vir sanguinis in the perfidious murther of Uriah , after his Adultery with his wife Bathsheba : And for my part I see not wherein that of Ahab in the Murther of Naboth doth exceed it , both unjustly caused a Subject to be slain ; Ahab only out of a desire to his Vinyard , but David to his wife . Did not Solomon Apostatize when to please his wives and concubines ( whom he married out of the Nations whereof God had given him a charge to the contrary ) he tollerated the worshipping of Idols , in building houses for each of them , and went after them also himself . Asa oppressed the people , cast the Prophet into prison that came with a message of God unto him . Yet we never read that God gave any Commission to the People , either for these or any other ( farre more degenerating ) any liberty to disturb them in their Regall government : For David , God punished him in his son Absolon . Solomon was disturbed by Hadad the Edomite , and Rezon a Servant of Hadadazer King of Zobah . Against Asa God sent some forreign Kings ; Against Ahaz came the Kings of Ass●ria : Hezekiah's pride was punished by Sennacherib , Manass●s Idolatry & bloodshed by the Babylonians , Ahab slain at Ramoth Gilcad by the King of Syriah : but for the People , either some or the whole , ye find not an instance where power was given them , to the offering any violence to them . Who was ever worse and more obstinate then Ahab to all Rapine , Murther and Idolotry , who gave himself to work wickedness ; but were ever the People exhorted by any Prophet to withdraw their obedience from him , or gather head against him ? For his posterity God indeed extraordinarily gives a special Commission by Elisha to John to destroy it , but ye doe not find the people of themselves here , or elsewhere so much as attempting it , or encouraged by the Prophets persecuted by them so to do ; which if it had been in their power , we should have found some president or other for it . What was the cause David was so carefull that his hand might not be upon Saul , though doubtless he had the hearts of the better , if not the greatest part of the people , and sometimes Saul was , as from God himself given up into his hands : And he was not altogether a private Subject ; but was heir of the Crown after him , being already annointed to it , and none could have a better pretence : Saul was now seeking his life , and injuriously persecuting him by force and fraud , yet he would not lay his hands upon him ; what can be imagined to be the Cause , but that it was against the doctrine then received . Who knows not , that Saul was become an absolute Tyrant ( which some think to be the sense of 1 Sam. 13. Saul reigned two yeers ; &c. i. e. Quasi biennium tantum ut Rex reliquum temporis ut Tyrannus . ) rejected by Samuel : The Kingdome rent from him given to David , yet ye never read of Samuel moving David to get possession by force of Armes ; he mourned for Saul , but never stirred up any disturbance in the Kingdome against him , but patiently expected Gods determination . o Optatus elegantly enlargeth himself thus upon it , David had Saul his enemy in his hands , might have securely slaine him , without the blood of any others , his servants and the opportunity moved him to it , but the full remembrance of Gods commands to the contrary with-held him , he drew back his hand and sword , and whilest he reverenced the oyntment he spared his enemy , and when he had compleated his loyalty , revenged his death ( i. e. ) in the Amalekite . ) We doe not say men are bound to doe whatever the Prince shall command against the Law of God and Nature , but yet neither doe we say , we may by force take up Armes against him : he said well Scutum dandum est subditis , non gladius : The three children refused to obey the command of Nebuchadnezzar in worshipping his golden Image ; and Daniel Darius his Edict in praying for thirty dayes to none but to him , ( as a new erected Numen ) but yet they resisted not when they were questioned and call●d to suffer for it . Elias withdrew himself from Jezebell and Ahabs bloody fury , yet ye doe not read him tampering with those many thousands hid in Samaria , by any secret Machinations against him , but were all patiently passive , and committed themselves to God that judgeth righteously : When Peter drew his Sword against the present power , though under the best defensive pretence , yet was bid to put it up , with a check as if it had been upon a private quarrell , qui accipit gladium gladio peribit . Rossaeus a Romanist hath indeed published a Book , De justa Reipublicae in Principem haereticum potestate , not blushing to ( a ) averre the contrary to what we have asserted , viz. That the Israelites did often make insurrections against their Kings , even of the stock of David , and with Gods approbation , but instanceth in none to any purpose . 'T is true ( as he saith ) Atheliah was deposed , but 't was from her usurpation . Hezekiah shook off the yoak of the King of Assyria , to the service of whom he had no just obligation . The Judges before Samuels time did the like in delivering themselves and the Israelites from their several servitudes . Absolon was suppressed by the same way of Force , he had most perfidiously and wickedly attempted his Fathers Crown , but what are these instances to a lawful Prince , or to such as are Subjects . Some I find thus endeavoring to evade the Text , by distinguishing between the Power and the Person ; as if this and the like were to be understood , only de potestatein abstracto . But certainly St. Peter applys it cleerly in co●creto , to the Person of the King : Regi quasi praecellenti & Magistratibus ab eo missis , as in the next , Fear God , honor the King. Neither can that Speech of Davids be otherwise meant then of the Person of Saul . God forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords annointed , to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the annointed of the Lord ; 'T is not the Power that is annointed ; but the Person who by it is resigned to the Power . Again 't is very probable , that St. Paul writing to the Romans , in this expression here of Powers , conformed himself to their Stile . Who as Berclaius observes out of Pliny , Suetonius and Tertullian , do very frequently take , the Abstract , for the Concrete , i. e. the Power for the Person armed with it . There is another argumentation still in the mouths of many , viz. That Princes receive their power from the people , and so may be abridged accordingly by them . But first let such know from whence they had this , even from the Jesuites , or the like ( for many other Authors of the Church of Rome are against it . ) Alphonsus de Castro ( de potestate Leg. Paen. lib. 1. ) and Vasques ( lib. 1. controvers . cap. 47. ) averre it , and call all power Tyrannical , that comes not by the people . It was that which Pope Zachariah suggested to the French for deposing of Childerick their King. b That the people who constituted him may as well depose him ; the Prince is obnoxious to the people , by whom he possesseth that Honor. Unto which agrees that of c Augustinus Triumphus de Anchona , ( who by the Sea of Rome hath the Title of Beatus given him . ) That th Pope may depose the Emperor who can deny it , for he that constitutes can depose , whose practice in story hath been accordingly , Henry the Fourth the Emperor , and d Childerick the Third , the French King , were by Pope Gregory the Seventh , the latter of which was deposed , as the Historian saith , non pro suis iniquitatibus , sed quod inutilis esset tantae potestati , as e Carolus Crassus , the Germans and Italians withdrew their obedience from him , by the Papal approbation , only ob segnitiem corporis ingeniique traditatem , though otherwise a most pious , devout and vertuous Prince , according to which is the Argument and Application of f Brllarmine , Constituens est prius constituto ; subditi vero constituunt Reges● Principes sunt propter populum , ergo populus est nobilior . But secondly t is of no force in it self . The Pastor is for the good of the Flock . The master of the family is for the welfare of it : forma est propter actionem , is therefore actio nobilior formâ ? Again a servant voluntarily binds himself to a Master , and after a manner constitutes him over him , What ? can he at pleasure withdraw himself again . Again these men consider not of the Oath of God taken of Subjects to their King , which Solomon mentions , Eccles. 8 , 2. I councel thee to keep the Kings commandements , and that because of tht Oath of God. They have likewise but little esteem of St. Pauls Judgement in the Text , viz. that the powers are of God , and ordained of God ; That they bear the sword of the Lord , and are his ministers . And indeed few Kings have originally come to their Crowns by the people , but most frequently as one observes , invitis subdi●is , Belli jure ( si hoc jus sit dicendum ) prima regnandi fecisse fundamenta : but after an Oath of an Allegiance the bonds are deposited in Gods hand ; so that the whole argumentation is both unchristian and irrational , and rejected by us as the Doctrine of some Romanists , which such as are so afraid to come neer them in any thing else , should be as much deterred in this . In a word , as Kings receive their power from God : so are we to leave them only unto God , if they shall abuse it , not but that they may and ought to be prudently and humbly reminded of their duties ( for which we have the example of the Primitive Fathers & Bishops to the Emperors , Constantius , Constans , and others , introducing Arianism ) but yet without lifting up our hands against them in the least resistance of them , which is the Judgement also of most of our Modern Orthodox Divines and even divers of the Writers of the Church of Rome , who have stiffey contradicted the Jesuites assertions of the contrary , one of each shall suffice . 1. For those of ours , g Franciscus Junius thus determines : All good men should bear even the most cruel injury from the magistrate , rather then enveigh against him by word , pen , or action , to the disturbance of order and the publick peace , according to which see Luther ( lob . de offic . magistr . Tom. 2. ) Brentius ( Hom. 27. in cap. 8. lib. 1. Sam. ) Melanthon , Bucer , Musculus , Mathesius Erasmus , and others . 2. For those of the Church of Rome h Gregorius Tholosanus : Governours ( saith he ) are rather to be left to the Judgement of God then to defile our hands by a Rebellion against them . God wants not means whereby he can ( when he pleaseth ) remove or amend them . If there be an evil Government , farre be it from us to revenge it by an evil obedience , or to punish the sins of the King by our own sins , but rather by a patient bearing , to mollify the wrath of God , who governs the hearts of Kings with his own hands , &c. And surely if it be a h terrible thing for any man to fall into the hands of the living God , much more is it to them , who are only accomptable to him , and the Justice of God hath been often notoriously manifested upon them , in sacred story . Abimelec , Jeroboam , Baasa , Ahab , both the Herods . In Ecclesiasticall story . Anastasius , Julian , Valens , and others . So much for holy writ . Now secondly let me demonstrate this out of the antient-Fathers , and practise of the Primitive Church in these three things . 1. After the example of Jeremiah and Daniel for Nebuchadnezzar , and St. Paul for Nero. 1 Tim. 2. We find the antient Fathers praying for the Emperors ( though of a different Religion , and persecutors of the true ) Now to be at the same time praying for them and conspiring in any combinations against their government , are inconsistent . i Tertulliau who lived under Severus the Emperor , saith this in the name of the Christians , we pray daily for the health of the Emperors , &c. That of Marcus Aurelius distress in his expedition into Germany , when by the prayers of the Christian Legion ( as it was acknowledged by the heathen ) Rain was obtained in a great Drought , and consequently a victory is sufficiently known : They called not for fire from heaven to consume him and his Army , according to that advice of Sanders the Jesuit , in the like case ( lib. 2. cap. 4. de visib . Monarch . ) but for water to refresh both . The Letters of the Fathers Synodi Ariminensis written to Constantius an Arrian are observable , who asking him leave to return to their severall Diocesses , give this for their reason , * That we may diligently pray for thy health , Empire , and peace , which the mercifull God everlastingly bestow upon thee . And in their second Letters , asking the same request of him : they say thus : * Again most glorious Emperor , we beseech thee that before the sharpness of the Winter , thou wouldst command our return to our Churches , that we may , as we have done and doe earnestly pray unto the Almighty God for the state of thy might with thy people . How are they then to be abhorred who to a Christian , pious , Orthodox King stained neither with Vice nor Heresie , temperate , meek , prudent , gracious , instead of prayers have returned menacies , for a dutifull subjection , Arrogant language , if he yield not to every particular of their peremptory demands . You shall not find the antient Fathers either by word or writing giving the least offence to the Emperors , though Hereticks . St. Hillary wrote two books against Constantius the Arrian , yet stiles him Gloriosissimum , Beatissimum ; nay Sanctum i. e. Ratione Imperii , Non Religionis &c. k Nazianzen is found of the like temper in his Orations against Valens and Valentinian , which are written throughout with all the Reverence and subjection that can be ezpected from a Subject to a Prince ; and yet Valens burnt fourscore Orthodox Bishops and Presbyters together in a ship , and did other horrid Acts , which l Socrates tells us . Oh the distance between the spirits of some men now dayes and those of the antient Church , even as as far those excelled these , in sanctimony of life , integrity of Conversation , piety and truth of Doctrine . You shall ever find them exemplary in their obedience and subjection to the Emperors , never stirring up the people to the least resistance or mutiny , but appeasing them . Excellently is that of St. Augustine m of the Christians under Julian ; An Infidel Emperor , a wicked Apostate . The Faithfull souldiers served a faithless Emperor ; when it came to the Cause of Christ , then they acknowledged no other then him that sits in heaven ; but in Millitary affairs , when he said unto them , bring forth your forces into the field goe against such a Nation presently they obeyed , they distinguisht the Lord who is aeternal from him that is only temporall , and yet were subject to the temporall Lord for his sake who is aeternall . n Tertullian affirms it as a high honour to Christianity , that they could never find a Christian in any seditious conspiracy : We are ( saith he ) defamed in relation to his Imperiall Majesty , but yet they could never find any of us among the Albiniani , Nigriani , or Cassiani ( who had been some seditious parties against the Emperor . That o of St. Ambrose was both becomming a good Bishop and a Loyall Subject , when he was commanded ( by the means of Justina the Empress , who was an Arrian ) to deliver up the Churches of Millain to the use of the Arrians , returned this answer to his people , and to the Emperor ; Willingly I shall never do it , but if compel'd I have not learned to fight , I can weep , my Tears are my Arms , I neither can nor ought to resist otherwise . Indeed by the desire of the Orthodox party he refused to give up the chief Church or his Cathedral to them , but the detaining of it was with all possible humble representation by way of Petition for it , with all the solicitous care that might be , of preventing the least misinterpretation of contumacie , and the people went into it with him , and there continued night and day , in fasting and prayer , that God would move the Emperor , not to disturb them ( which as some observe ( to prevent a weariness in it ) occasioned the use of Anthemes in these Western parts , though long before in the East ) he offered all his p own proper goods to the pleasure of the Emperor : Were it my Land , I should not gain-say it , doth the Emperor require my Body , I shall meet him , would he have me to prison , put me to death , I am pleas d with it , I shall not enclose my self with a guard of the multitude of the people , nor will I take hold of the Altar to ask my life , but I shall freely be sacrificed for the Altars , ( or the Service of God. ) Thus saith another Father many hundreds of years after him . q We will fight for our Mother the Church , but with what arms , not with Swords and Shields , but with Prayers and Tears , to God. Athanasius was four or five times banished by several Emperors , but in each he quietly yielded , r as conceiving it more consenant to the Religion professed by him , to overcome that injury by a patient suffering , then to have made his defence by an unwarranted seditious opposition by the people , and therefore in his Apology ye shall not find a word tending that way , but on the contrary , upon any Tumult of them whose zeale to him might possibly have carried them beyond their Limits ) he ever exhorts them to be quiet , and to retire to their homes , telling them that for those of his order , no ways was allowed them in their defence , but preces , fuga , & humiles supplicationes . i. e. Prayers to God , petitioning the Emperor , or a flight , and for Petitions to the Emperor , ye have the example of Ebedmelech for Jeremiah to the King of Israel ; Esther for her Nation to Ahasuerus , Jonathan for David to Saul ; In Ecclesiasticall story Plinius Secundus for the Christians ( in the Province of Bythinia ) to Trajan . And as each of these in some measure prevailed , so can they be hardly rejected by any person who is not wholly a stranger both to piety and humanity . For a flight , when petitions will not prevail , the same Athanasius ( in his Apologie for his from the Arrians ) produceth a great Catalogue of Examples . Jacob from Esau , Moses from Pharaoh , David from Saul , Elias from Jezabel , St. Paul from the Conspirators against him at Damascus , Acts 9. Nay , the Example of our blessed Saviour in his fight from Herod into Egypt in his Infancy , afterwards from the fury of the Jews and Pharisies , and the other Herod , till his time was come , according to which is his command to his Disciples , Mat. 10. When ye are persecuted in one City flye to another ; but no warrant or example from him or his for a resistance , or in the Primitive times succeeding for many hundred years , as a Sigebert tells us , that Doctrine , or Heresie rather , was a novelty in the world till the year 1088. after Christ. There is this one Evasion pretended against these Quotations of the Fathers , which must be answered ( viz. ) that this their patience then , was to be attributed rather to their ( b ) necessity then virtue , their number and strength being so smal , that they could not help it , and so were compelled to yield . This indeed is the very objection of the Jesuites , Bellarmine against Barclay saith the same , facultatibus non fuerint prediti satis idoneis , i. e. they wanted sufficient forces to resist , and would have that of Nazianzen , Lachrymas solas superesse Christianis contra Juliani persecutiones , &c. ( i. e. That Tears was all the Christians had to defend themselves against the persecutions of Julian ) thus to be understood , as b if Julian had by his tyranny cut off all their forces , which else it had been lawfull for them to have made use of against the Apostate , against whom in that , many of the Church of Rome have written , Gregorius Thelosanus , c Bercliaus ( whom we named before ) d Widringtonus . This is the objection of Bellarmine . But the Contrary is evident , that the number and strength of the Christians was then very great , not only to have resisted , but overthrown , and even shaken the foundations of the Empire . They were as the Israelites in Egypt , stronger then their enemies . See what Eusebius saith , that when Constantine the first professed to be a Christian , who succeed Dioclesian , that had made such havock of them ) the e whole world rose with him , and forsaking their Idols , joyned themselves unto him . f Tertullian who lived an hundred years before him , sets so th thus the number of the Christians in his time . We fill the whole Empire , your Cities , Castles , Corporations , Councels , your very Camps , Courts of Justice , Palaces , Market-places , your Senate , with whom are not we able to make a warre , who so willingly offer our selves to the slaughter , but that our Religion teacheth us , that 't is better to be killed then-to kill in such cases . It was so in St. Ambrose his time , the Army and people were ( at least the major part of them ) at his beck . I ( saith he ) upon all occasions am still desired , ut compecerem populum , ego Tyrannus appellor & plus quam Tyrannus . The Emperor often tells his Courtiers , he must doe what Ambrose will have him , the whole implying the great number of the Orthodox Christians then , and yet alwayes submitted to the Government . Now no man can conceive that in this the Christians wanted courage . That passage g which Theodoret tels us of sufficiently satisfies , viz. that when many of the Souldiers had been deluded by Julians impostures to have offered some incense to the Idols , they ran to and fro the Cities , offered not only their hands , but their bodies to the fire , that being polluted by fire , they might be purged by the fire . Can any in reason think that they who were so fearless of death in the profession of what they were taught by the Fathers , if they had been also by the same teachers assured what a merit it had been to have fought for them , and themselves against the Emperor and his Edicts made for their destruction , can we think them so senseless and heartless as not to have appeared accordingly ? No , it was only for the fear of God , and this Text with-held them , as Tertullian hath it ; Reprimebant manus quia non ignorabant quod leg ssent , qui resistit potestati Dei , ordinationi resistit . &c. There was then no such Jesuiticall doctrine known ( contrary to the doctrine of the Church of England ) that men may in the like cases take up Arms in Rebellion against their lawfull Princes . And surely it not in case of Heresie , i. e. if the Prince shall exemplo vel praecepto compel , or endeavour to draw his Subjects to it ( which is the assertion of h Bellarmine , fideles heretico non obligari ; licite posse veneno aut quacunque ratione è mediorollere , &c. ) surely much less may this be in cases of less consequence , which do not touch upon the foundation , but are only circumstantials . The ancient Christians held not these things worthy of blood , but submitted to them after St. Pauls example in the like . And now 't is high time to apply my self to the consideration of that horrid Fact which , as fruit sprung from those deadly seeds of Doctrine , we lament this day . This was the day when out of pretence of relieving the Mother ( as they call the Common-wealth ) children destroyed the Father , and so at once both , The Casuists say , Si filius patrem in ultionem matris occidat , haec pietas erit scelus , but for a Son to slay both Parents at once is a Monster indeed . This was the black work of this day , rather to be trembled at the thought of , then uttered , when the most wise , pious , prudent , meek , mercifull King was put to death by pefidious sons of Belial , faithless and merciless men : And this not in the dark , but in the face of the Sun , at his own gates , a thing unparalleld in any Story . That which hitherto hath been urged , is from what the ancient Church abhorred even to a Heretick , a Persecutor , a Heathen ; how much then is this cruelty and hypocrisie to be loathed when exercised against the life and soveraignty of a pious , orthodox , just , and Christian Prince , not only to a dreadfull Rebellion , but a bloody murther . All history shews that Rebellion hath ever in conclusion been the ruine of the Authors ; take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Text , as some render it poenam , judicium , i. e. ) for some corporal vengeance from God or man here . That known speech of i Rodolphus to those that were about him when he was nigh unto death after his taking up arms against his Master the Emperor , is worthy to be remembred : See ye my right hand maimed by a wound , with this I sware to my Lord Henry ( the Emperor ) that I would doe him no hurt , nor treacherously entrap him in his dignity , but the Apostolick Command ( or that of the Pope ) hath enduced me to it , that as a perjured person , I have usurped an honor not due unto me . Ye see in that very hand with which I violated my oath , I have received my mortall wound , let them look to it , who have invited us , to what a condition they have brought us , even to the very hazard of everlasting damnation ; according to the Text , ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt . I shall conclude with that sentence of St. Jude and St. Peter ( cap. 2. ) upon the like ( then which ye have not a more full execration in the whole Bible ) These are they that despise dominion , and are so presumptuous , as to speak evil of dignities ( i , e. Kings and Princes , ) Wo unto them for they have gone in the way of Cain , and ran greedily after the error of Baalam , and perished in the gain-saying of Core , these are spots in your feasts , clouds without water , trees without fruit , withered , plucked up by the roots , raging waves of the sea , foaming out their own shame , wandring stars , to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever : Let us all say Amen to that which fell from a Royal pen , King James of ever happy memory , in his maledictus qui maledicit uncto Domini , pereatque interitu Core , qui peceavit in contradictione Core : Let him be accursed that shall curse the Lords annointed , and let him perish with the perishing of Corah who hath sined in the gain-saying of Korah : And let us earnestly pray for the safety of the Kings Majesty according to that of the Christians for the Emperour in Tertullian . Det Deus illi vitam , exercitus fortes . Senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , i. e. God give him a long life , a secure Empire , a safe house , valiant forces , a faithfull Councell , loyall people , and a quiet State , &c. even for his sake who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords , to whom with the Father and holy Spirit be all honor and glory now and for ever Amen . The late Lord Primate USHER'S Judgment and Practice in point of Loyalty , Episcopacy , Liturgy , and Ecclesiasticall Constitutions of the Church of England . THe various interpretations which have been made of the Judgement and Practice of this most Eminent Prelate in these particulars and the mis-applications the eupon pread , by some of different Judgments to his great prejudice , hath occasioned this brief vindication of him , by declaring my own knowledge therein ; as followeth . 1. His Judgement and Practise in point of Loyalty . For his Judgement , it hath been most fully manifested by a most learned Treatise , lately published of the Power of the Prince and 〈◊〉 of the Subject : the writing of which was thus occasioned . About the beginning of those unhappy Commotions in Scotland , 1639. Sir George Radoleife desired me very earnestly to let him know , what the Lord Primats Judgment was of them , and not being contented with my verball assurance of it , desired to have it more punctually under my hand , which I had no sooner communicated to the Lord Primate , but hereadily and instantly dictated unto me his sentence upon them , which was accordingly returned , & for which I had a letter of very great thanks . Now as soon as the Primate came to Dublin the Earl of Strafford , ( then Lord Deputy of Ireland ) desired him to declare his Judgment publiquely concerning those Commotions , which he forthwith did at Christ-Church Dublin , before the State in two Sermons , to all mens satisfactions , from this Text Eccles. 7. 2. I councel thee to keep the Kings commandement , and that because of the Oath of God. After this , the Lord Deputy ( besides his own desire ) signified unto him that it would be acceptable to his late Majesty ( of ever blessed memory ) that he should either print his Sermons , or write a Treatise of the like Subject , the latter of which he made choice of : And having with much labour and industry finisht it , and caused it to be fairly transcribed , he came over with it into England with an intention to commit it to the Presse , as hath been declared by the learned and Reverend Father in God , the Lord Bishop of Lincoln in his Preface to that Treatise . To which give me leave to add : That his Judgement was alwayes the same and so declared by him upon all occasions , since I had the happynesse to be known to him : As annually upon the Kings Inauguration day ( which was constantly observed by him at Drogheda with great Solemnity : ) and occasionly in some learned Sermons preacht by him at the opening of two Parliaments . And especially upon the first solemnity for his present Majesties Birth day , anno 1630. at Dublin , being sent for of purpose by the State then to preach , which he did upon this Text , Psalm 45. 26. Instead of thy Fathers shall be thy children , whom thou mayest make Princes in all the Earth . But most fully in those two Speeches of his herewith revived . The one whereof he made while he was Bishop of Meath , Anno 1622. in the Castle-Chamber of Dublin , in defence of the Oath of Supremacy , and in special making good that Clause that the King is the only Supream Governor of these his Realms and Dominions . For which King Iames ( of happy Memory ) sent him a Letter of Thanks hereunto annexed , the original of which I have now in my custody . The other he made Anno 27. before the Lord Deputy Falkland , the Councel , and a great Assembly of the Lords , and other persons chosen out of each County at His Majesties Castle of Dublin , occasioned by their slowness to contribute to the maintenance of the Army , the main scope of which , is to declare the Duty of Subjects to supply the Kings necessities for the defence of his Kingdom , from strength of Reason , antient Records , and Grounds of Divinity , a Copy of which being by the Lord Deputy then desired of him to be sent unto His late Majesty , ( for which he received His Royal Thanks ) I took a transcript thereof ; Unto which I shall only add this , That I have found among the Primat's papers a Manuscript , containing Mr. Hookers judgment of these three things , 1. Of Regal Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs . 2. Of the Kings Power in the advancement of Bishops unto the rooms of Prelacy . 3. Of the Kings exemption from censures and other judicial Power . All which ( as the Primate notes with his own hand ) are not found in the common Copys of Mr. Hookers M. S. ( though by what art , and upon what designe so much was exspunged I know not ) only thus far the Primate hath joyn'd his Testimony with Mr. Hooker in these ( which seem to be the true ) that he hath corrected and perfected the copy throughout with his own hand , and not only found out the several quotations , and put them down in the Margent , which had been before omitted , but added many of his own , with some other large Annotations , by which his zeal for the defence of Regal Power is the more evident . And what his freedom of speech was frequently here in his Sermons to that purpose , and in speciall before his late Majesty ( of blessed memory ) upon his Birth-day at the Isle of Wight upon this Text , Genes . 49. 3. Reuben , thou art my first-born , my might , and the beginning of my strength , the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power , I suppose is sufficiently known . This for his Judgement . Secondly , his Practice hath appeared by what his sufferings have been upon that account , as his forced flight from London to Oxford : His ruff usage in Wales or thereabouts , by the Army then in the field against the King , to the loss of some of his Books and Principall Manuscripts never recovered : The taking that away from him which had been given him by the King for his maintenance , and at length being necessitated to return to London , he was silenced a long time from preaching , unless in a private house ; and when with much adoe he was permitted to preach at Lincolns Inne , it was that Honorable Society which gave him a competent maintenance ; but upon the failing of his eye-sight , being compelled to give it up , his small subsistance after that ( besides the continuance of the Countess of Peterburroughs respects to him in her house ) came ( with much difficulty ) through my hands unto him . And as his Prayers ( whtch were all the Arms he had ) were daily lifted up ( like Moses hands ) for the prosperity of his Majesties affairs , notwithstanding the hazzard he ran by it , like that of Daniels ; by a prohibition to the contrary : So was his joy or sorrow perpetually shown according to the success of them . I shall instance in one particular . Anno 1649. ( till when , the Book of Common Prayer was in my Charge of Drogheda , to his great content , continued , notwithstanding many Lords of the Parliament forces interchangeably had dominion over us ) the now Lord Duke of Ormond then appearing with an Army for the King , and taking the Town , with that part of his forces under the command of the Earl of Inchiquin , the same day I attended his Lordship in the proclaiming of his Majesty , and immediately went to the Church , and used the Common Prayer for his Majesty : And afterwards upon the Dukes comming himself thither , we had a Fast for the good success of his Majesties forces ( at which I preached : ) And a Communion was appointed the next Sunday , though Oliver Cromwels landing with so great a force at Dublin interrupted us ( the event of which in that bloody storme , and the hazzard of my self for the above-mentioned matters , would be impertinent here to relate ) only thus much : I may not omit as to this good Lord Primate , That as his Letters were full of encouragement , and approbation of me for it ; so at my coming over he embraced me with much affection , upon that Accompt , often rejoycing at the constancie of that Town , where himself had refided , and had sown so much of that Doctrine of Loyalty , which by his Order four times a year ( according to the Canon ) was preached unto them . And with many Tears he lamented the retarding of his Majesties affairs , by the loss of so many faithfull Servants of his , slain there in that Massacre in cool bloud . In one thing more , the Demonstration of his loyall affection to his Majesty was manifested by his passionate Commiseration of those of the distressed sequestred Clergy , who had suffered for him , and by his appearing to his utmost for them ( which was more commendable , then by hiding himself , to have take no more care , but to preserve one . When that merciless Proclamation issued forth against such that they might not so much as teach a School for their livelyhood ; when my soliciting for them ( by his encouragement ) representing their petitions , and petitioning for them is my own name subscribed , only to have had them capable of a Contribution , throughout England ( for which as Feoffees in Trust , Doctor Bromrigg then the learned Bishop of Exeter and my self , were nominated ) could not prevail , and an elegant Apologie for them written by Doctor Gauden the now Reverend Bishop of Exeter , which I delivered with my own hand , proved also ineffectuall . Then this eminent Primat out of a compassionate sense of their miseries was perswaded by me to make a Tryall how farr his own personal presence might prevail in their behalf , and so ( much against his own Genius and with great regret within himself to go into Whitehall , he having no other occasion in the world besides ) he went , and I wated on him thither for that end , where he spake at freely and fully , as some impertinent interpositions of discourses would permit him ; but to his great grief returned fruitless , and I think he never resented any thing more deeply , not living many moneths after unto which the ungrateful censures and rash extravagant language of such , whom he thus endeavored to serve , added the more to it ; which in some hath not been abated to his very Memory : Now in regard their ignorance of thus much , might still occasion it , is one cause of my enlargement upon it ; but so much in relation to his Loyalty , whereof he was an eminent Patterne . His Judgment and Practice in point of Episcopacy . FOr Episcopacy , first in his Judgment , he was a full assertor of it , which appears in those Learned Tractates of the Original of Bishops , and that of the Lydian Asia , where he doth not only deduce Episcopacy from the Apostolique times , but also the Metropolitans or Arch-Bishops to have been accordingly , from the superscription of St. John to the Seven Churches , each of which Citys being Metropolitical , and the rest of the Citys of Asia , as daughters under them ) for the confirmation of which , he hath given such strong probabilities , that 't will be hard to gainsay them . Secondly , for his Practice , I can witness his constant exercise of the Jurisdiction of it , or his causing it so to be exercised throughout his Diocess and Province , while those quiet times in Ireland did permit it . In all which a Learned and Prudent Divine was his Chancellor or Vicar-General , and afterwards a Bishop ( Bishop SINe ) one known to have been as much for the Government and Constitutions of the Church of England , as any person whatsoever . As for that of his Reduction of Episcopacy to the form of Synodical Government &c. presented to his late Majeof Blessed Memory , Anno 1641. It is to be considered , how it was occasioned by the present Tempestuous Violence of the Times , as an accommodation by way of Prevention of a totall Shipwrack threatned by the Adversaries of it , as appears sufficiently by the Title before it , viz. Proposed in the year 1641. as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles which afterwards did arise in matter of Church Government , &c. Now what can this , in the sense of any prudent unbiassed person prejudice him in his Judgment or Affection to Episcopacy it self , which rather confirms it . The Marchant parts with that in a Storme , that he would not have done in a Calme , and at shore recruits himself with the like goods again . St. Paul in that Wracke , Acts 27. consented not only to the lightning of the Ship of the lading , but of the Tackling also , We cast them out ( saith he , or St. Luke ) with our own hands , and all for the saving ( if it were possible ) of the Ship , and the Passengers in it . That of the same Apostle in another case , I think it fit for the present necessity , might in some measure in this particular be the Primates Application , wherein he was not singular neither . Unto which I can add this further confirmation , that for those many years I had the happines to be known unto him in those serene times , before these troubles arose , to the disturbance of Episcopacy , I never heard him mentioning any thing by way of alteration that way in those Proposals there specified , so that the sole occasion and end of them must be as afore-said . And for these 4. Propositions , they were only present prudentiall representations , left to the Judgment and correction of others , without any Magisterial Imposition of them , as a Copy to be writ after , and as they were not published till an imperfect Copy invited unto it , so the real intent of it was by that Conjunction of both parties in Ecclesiasticall Government to have the easier way prepared to their union in the civil , even an unanimous endeavour for his Majesties happy Restauration ( now through Gods great goodness wonderfully accomplished ) for which , as none prayed more zealously , so none could have exceeded the Primates in the joy for it , had he lived to see it . For the form of words used by the Bishop in the ordination of the Church of England , he did much approve thereof , viz. Receive the Holy Ghost , Whose sins thou remittest are remitted , and whose sins thou retainest are retained , and be thou a faithfull dispenser of the Word and Sacraments , &c. And the delivering of the Bible into the hands of the person ordained , saying , Take thou authority to preach the word of God , and administer the Sacraments , &c. Which being wholly omitted in that of the Presbyterian way , and no other words to that sense used in their room , and thereupon no express transmission of ministeriall Power , he was wont to say , that such an Imposition of hands ( by some called the Seal of Ordination ) without a Commision annexed , seemed to him to be as the putting of a seal to a blank , That the scruple was not only in the instrumentall cause , but in the formall : and that if a Bishop had been present , and done no more , the same query might have been of the validity of it : And in his letter to me ( which hath been published ) he hath declared , the Ordination made by such Presbyters as have severed themselves from their Bishops , unto whom they had sworn Canonicall obedience cannot be excused from being Schismaticall . For that of a gradual superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter which some have been offended at : 1. It is the language of Archbishop Whitgift in the defence of the Answer to the Admonition , Tract . 8. p. 383. that Episcopus is commonly used for that Priest that is in degree over and above the rest , &c. But secondly , howsoever if so that the gradus be granted to be of Apostolicall constitution ( which is the Primats sense ) I do not see how it any more takes off from the Preheminence and Authority of Episcopacy , then the denomination of Lights , given in common by Moses to all in the Firmament , detracts from the Sun whom he call only the greater , from whom the rest derive theirs , and is the Ruler of the day : Or that of the first-born among his brethren , who by his Primogeniture , had the supremacy of Dignity and Power to whom the rest must bow , and he was to rule over them : The distinction in both is but gradual . The Primate hath also elsewere derived the form of Church Government under the New Testament from the Pattern prescribed by God in the Old , and shews how it was from the Imitation thereof brought in by the Apostles . Now though the Distinction of the Chief , or High-Priest , and the other inferiour Priests was but gradual , yet there being so great a distance between them , the Chief-Priest having rule over the rest ( called by the 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) there shall not need any further instance to illustrate it . And whereas there hath been a learned tractate some years agone published , entitled the form of Church government before and after Christ , as it is expressed in the Old and New Testament , which then went under the name of Bishop Andrews . I found a Manuscript of it among the Primates Papers , wherein the Author upon a review hath ordered some things to be altered , added , or taken away , and some to be further inquired into , according as the marks make reference unto several Pages of it . This I found accordingly noted by the Primate throughout , and some passages which the learned Author desired to be farther inquired into , are at large perfected under the Primats own hand , and I know no book more full for the preheminency of Episcopacy ; so that what he did , or was willing to have yielded unto out of a calme temper of Moderation , in such times of extremity , to preserve the unity and peace of the Church , then in great hazard to be shattered , ought not in reason so to be stretched , as to inferre it was his Absolute desire , or free choice , but only upon the present distress to keep the Chariot upon its wheels from a Precipice of a total overturning . So much for Episcopacy . 3. His Judgement and Practice of the Liturgy of the Church of England . FOr the Liturgy of the Church of England he was a constant Assertor and observer of to the last . At Drogheda in Ireland ( where I had the happiness for many years to live under him ) he had the Common-Prayer read twice every day in his Chappel , from which nothing but sickness excused his absence . And in the Church it was ( by his approbation ) as duly observed by my self ; we had there an Organ and a Quire ; on Sundayes the Service was sung before him , as is used in Cathedrals in England . Anthems were sung very frequenly , and often , instead of a Psalm , before Sermon . He came constantly to the Church in his Episcopal habit , and preacht in it , and for my self ( by his approbation ) when I officiated I wore my Surplice and Hood ; administred the Communion , and at such occasions preached in them also . The Surplice was accordingly observed constantly by the Reader , and some of the Quire every Sunday . And for all other Administrations they were fully observed in each Rite and Ceremony according to the Rubrick or Rule of the Book of Common-prayer , which many years after his leaving of Ireland , was ( according to his trust committed to me ) continued , till my Church in that bloody storm of Drogheda 1649. was blown up with Gun-powder , and for my refusing to obey the command of his Nephew Colonel Michael Jones , sent by an Officer unto me in writing , to forbear the use of the Common-prayer ; I had much thanks from the Primate , being much displeased at his presumption in it , though thereupon the little means I had remaining there , was by the Colonels order taken from me ; and in the storme of the Town he did not forget it , in his designing my death , as I was assured by an Ear-witness . And indeed while the Primate continued in Drogheda , I doe not remember there were any Protestant Inhabitants there that so much as scrupled at the Crosse in Baptism , or kneeling at the Communion , with the like , but in all things conformed and submitted to what they saw was approved by him ; and for such as were refractory in the Northern parts of Ireland ( where the Scotch had mingled themselves with the English ) he did his utmost to reclaim them in his Provincial Visitation , which I was a witness of , and imployed by his directions among them for that end : Wherein ( craving leave for this short digression ) I have observed , that such who had so geat a prejudice to the Liturgy , as to run out of the Church when it was offered to be read out of the Book , when I used the very same form in several Administrations by heart , without the book , Baptism , Communion , Matrimony , Burial , and the like , they have highly commended it , as conceiving they had been my own present conceptions ( the younger sort having never heard it , and the other almost forgotten it ) which guile , both at Drogheda ( when several Parliament Regiments were sent thither successively to suppress it , like the Messengers of Saul to destroy David at Ramah , they have accordingly Prophesied with us ) and in other places since my coming over I have continued , who at first being praeingaged without the Book in the commendation of it , the next time upon the use of it , finding it to be the same , they have confessed their former delusion , and have been fully satisfied . And what the Primates Practice had been in Ireland , he continued in England to his last , which in the Countess of Peterboroughs house ( where he lived and died ) I have been often a witness of . And upon a false rumour raised of his remisseness that way , he shewed me ; not long before his death , what he then had written to an Eminent person ( who had told him of it ) signifying his high approbation and commendation of the said Book of Common-prayer . And when ( after his being destroyed in Ireland ) the late King of blessed memory had for his subsistence given him the Bishoprick of Carlile in Commerdam . He did at a Visitation of the Diocess ) unto which the remoteness of the place did not permit himself to travel ) writ a Letter unto the Ministers thereof , charging them to use constantly the Book of Common-prayer , and the publick Catechism in their several Churches . Some Pamphlets , which of late years have been published in his name , containing ( as they pretended ) his opinion for the omission and change of divers things in it , as I did at their first comming forth protest against them , to be fictitious papers , so I doe here confirm it ; and whatsoever he might now have yeilded unto for the peace and unity of the Church , that we might all speak the same thing ; I can assure it ( if he were alive ) in these late disputes of it , he would have been for the Defendant . And for some other particulars observed by me of him at Drogheda may not be impertinent herewith to relate . At the Creed he stood up constantly , repeated it with the Minister , alwayes received the Communion kneeling ; At the publick prayers he kneeled also : At his entrance into the Pulpit he addressed himself with some short prayer unto God for his assistance , not steping in irreverently with a rude confident boldnes as the manen of some is ) but rather with some fear and trembling . At his entrance into his Seat both in the Church and in his Chappel , he kneeled down , with some short Prayer also , and as he always came reverently into the Church and went out of it uncovered , so did he continue all the time of Divine Service . And though he had as great an ability as the chief Pretenders to an extemporary expression , yet he constant ly used a set form of Player before his Sermon , and that with a decent brevity , which in private Families ( as most profitable he commended accordingly , and even at their Tables , which was his own practice also , when he did not omit to pray ( according to the usuall Form ) for the Kings Majesty and Royal issue , ( now commonly omitted . ) In a wotd , this was his often assertion that as the affecting and imposing of a daily sudden conception at Prayer , was a Novelty and a singularity ( not being practised in any other Reformed Church ) so the immethodical impertinencies , and other indiscreet extravagancies both for measure and matter , frequently occasioned by it , were of greater scandal to the Church , then that aptitude , habitually attained unto by some , could be of profit . His Judgment of the Articles of Religion and practice of the Eeclesiastical Constitutions of the Church of England . THe Articles of the Church of England , as the Primat had long agon subscribed them , so have I often heard him highly commending them . The reception of which Articles in the First Canon of Ireland , Anno 1634. He drew up himself with his own hand , with an addition of a very severe punishment to such as should refuse to subscribe them , as may appear in it . Anno 1614. He was a principal person then appointed for the collecting and drawing up such Canons as might best concern the Discipline and Government of the Church of Ireland , taken out of Queen Elizabeths Injunctions and the Canons of England , to be treated upon by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops and Clergy of that Kingdom , some of which I have , which were written then with his own hand , and presented by him ; The two first of them were these , 1. That no other Form of Liturgy or Divine Service shall be used in any Church of this Realm , but that which is established by Law , and comprized in the Book of Common-Prayer , and Administration of Sacraments , &c. 2. That no other Form of Ordination , shall be used in this Nation , but which is contain'd in the Book of ordering of Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , allowed by Authority , and hitherto practiced in the Churches of England and Ireland , &c. And in his subscription ( in relation to the above mentioned ) it is in these words , viz. I do acknowledge the Form of Gods Service prescribed in the book of Common-Prayer , is good and godly , and may lawfully be used , and do promise that I my self will use the Form in the said Book prescribed in celebration of Divine Service , and administration of the Sacraments , and none other . I do also acknowledge , that such as are consecrated and ordered according to the form prescribed in the Book of Ordination , set forth by Authority , have truly received holy Orders , and have Power given them to exercise all things belonging to that Sacred Function , whereunto they are called &c. For the now more perfect Canons of the Church of Ireland , constituted Anno 1634. in the Convocation there ( whereof I was a Member ) most of them were taken out of these of England , and he being then Primate , had a principal hand in their collection and proposal to the reception of them , the methodizing of all which into due order , I have seen , and have it by me written with his own hand throughout : whereby 't is apparent what his Judgment was in relation to them . The Annual Festivals of the Church he duly observed , preaching upon their several Commemorations : On Christmas-Day , Easter , Whitsunday , he never fail'd of Communions , that excellent Treatise of his Entituled , The incarnation of the Son of God , was the substance of two or three Sermons which I heard him preach in a Christmas time . Good-Fryday , he constantly kept very strictly , preaching himself then upon the Passion beyond his ordinary time , when we had the publick prayers in their utmost extent also , and without any thought of a superstition , he kept himself fasting till the Evening . Confirmation of Children was often observed by him , the first time he did it ( when a great number were presented to him by me ) he made a Speech to the Auditory , to the satisfaction of all sorts of persons , concerning the Antiquity and good use of it . The publick Cathechism in the book of Common-Prayer , was enjoyned by him to be only observed in the Church , a part of which for a quarter or half an hour was constantly explained by me to the people every Sunday before evening Prayer , himself being present , which was also accordingly enjoyned throughout his Diocess . He was much for that decent distinctive habit of the Clergy ( Cassocks , Gowns , Priests-Clokes , &c. ) according to the Canon in that behalf provided , to be used by them in their walking or riding abroad , which himself from his younger years always observed . And in Anno 1634. that Canon of England of the decent Apparrel of Ministers was by his special approbation , put in among those of Ireland . Lastly though in our Constitutions , there is no form appointed for the consecration of a Church or Chappel , yet he was so ready to apply himself to what had been accustomed in England , that at his consecration of a Chappel not far from Drogheda in Ireland , he framed no new one of his own , but took that which goes under Bishop Andrews name , and used it , ( with little variation ) which I have in my custody . And thus I have endeavored by this Declaration of his Judgment and Practice in these particulars , to give satisfaction to all such , who by their misapprehensions have had their various censures and applications to the great injury of him . I shall only wish that not only they but all others that hear this of him , were both almost and altogether such as he was . Mr. HOOKERS Judgment of Regal Power in matters of Religion , and the advancement of Bishops ( wholy left out of the common Copies in his eighth Book ) here confirmed by the late Lord Primate USHER'S marginal notes , and other Enlargements with his own hand . THe service which we do unto the true God , who made heaven and earth , is far different from that which Heathens have done unto their supposed Gods , though nothing else were respected , but only the odds between their hope and ours . The office of piety or true Religion sincerely performed have the promises both of this life and of the life to come , the practices of Superstition have neither . If notwithstanding the Heathens reckoning upon no other reward for all which they did , but only protection and favour in the temporal estate and condition of this present life , and perceiving how great good did hereby publickly grow as long as fear to displease ( they knew not what ) Divine power was some kind of bridle unto them ; did therefore provide that the highest degree of care for their Religion should be the principall charge of such , as having otherwise also the greatest and chiefest power , were by so much the more fit to have custody thereof : Shall the like kind of provision be in us thought blame-worthy ? A gross error it is to think that Regal Power ought to serve for the good of the body , and not of the soul ; for mens temporal peace , and not their eternal safety ; as if God had ordained Kings for no other end and purpose , but only to fat up men like hogs , and to see that they have their Mast ? Indeed to lead men unto salvation by the hand of secret , invisible , and ghostly regiment , or by the external administration of things belonging unto Priestly order ( such as the Word and Sacraments are ) this is denied unto Christian Kings : no cause in the world to think them uncapable of supreme authority in the outward government , which disposeth the affairs of Religion , so farre forth as the same are disposable by humane authority , and to think them uncapable thereof only for that , the said religion is everlastingly beneficiall to them that faithfully continue in it . And even as little cause there is , that being admitted thereunto amongst the Jews , they should amongst the Christians of necessity be delivered from ever exercising any such power , for the dignity and perfection which is in our Religion more then theirs , It may be a question , Whether the affairs of Christianity require more wit , more study , more knowledge of Divine things in him which shall order them , then the Jewish Religion did : For although we deny not the forme of external government , together with all other Rites and Ceremonies to have been in more particular manner set down ; yet withall it must be considered also , that even this very thing did in some respects make the burthen of their spiritual regiment the harder to be born , by reason of infinite doubts and difficulties , which the very obscurity and darkness of their Law did breed , and which being not first decided , the Law could not possibly have due execution . Besides in as much as their Law did also dispose even of all kind of civill affairs , their Clergy being the Interpretors of the whole Law , sustained not only the same labour which Divines doe amongst us , but even the burthen of our Lawyers too : Nevertheless be it granted that more things do now require to be publickly deliberated and resolved upon with exacter judgment in matters divine , then Kings for the most part have ; their personal inhability to judge in such sort as professors do , letteth not but that their Regal authority may have the self same degree or sway which the Kings of Israel had in the affairs of their Religion , to rule and command according to the manner of supreme Governors . As for the sword wherewith God armed his Church of old , if that were a reasonable cause why Kings might then have Dominion , I see not but that it ministreth still as forcible an argument for the lawfulness and expedience of their continuance therein now . As we digrade and excommunicate , even so did the Church of the Jews , both separate offendors from the Temple , and depose the Clergie also from their rooms when cause required . The other sword of corporall punishment is not by Christs own appointment in the hand of the Church of Christ , as God did place it himself in the hands of the Jewish Church : For why ? he knew that they whom he sent abroad to gather a people unto him only by perswasive means were to build up his Church even within the bosome of Kingdomes , the chiefest Governors whereof would be open enemies unto it , every where for the space of many years : Wherefore such Commission for discipline he gave them as they might any where exercise in a quiet and peaceable manner , the Subjects of no Common-wealth being touched in goods or person by virtue of that spirituall regiment whereunto Christian Religion embraced did make them subject . Now when afterwards it came to pass that whole Kingdomes were made Christian , I demand whither that authority served before for the furtherance of Religion , may not as effectually serve to the maintenance of Christian Religion ? Christian Religion hath the sword of spiritual Discipline . But doth that suffice ? The Jewish which had it also , did nevertheless stand in need to be ayded with the power of the Civil sword . The help whereof , although when Christian Religion cannot have it , must without it sustain it self as far as the other which it hath will serve , notwithstanding where both may be had : what forbiddeth the Church to enjoy the benefit of both ? Will any man deny that the Church doth need the rod of corporall punishment to keep her children in obedience withall ? Such a Law as Macabeus made amongst the Scots , that he which continued an excommunicate two years together , and reconciled not himself to the Church , should forfeit all his goods and possessions . Again , the custom which many Christian Churches have to fly to the Civil Magistrate for coertion of those that will not otherwise be reformed , these things are proof sufficient , that even in Christian Religion , the power wherewith Eeclesiastical persons were indued at the first , unable to do of it self so much as when secular power doth strengthen it , and that not by way of Ministry or Service , but of predominancie , such as the Kings of Israel in their time exercised over the Church of God. Yea but the Church of God was then restrained more narrowly to one people and one king ; which now being spread throughout all Kingdoms , it would be a cause of great dissimilitude in the exercise of Christian Religion , if every King should be over the Affairs of the Church , where he reigneth Supream Ruler . Dissimilitude in great things , is such a thing which draweth great inconvenience after it , a thing which Christian Religion must always carefully prevent . And the way to prevent it is not , as some do imagine , the yielding up of Supream Power over all Churches into one only Pastors hands , but the framing of their government , especially for matter of substance , every wher according to one only Law , to stand in no less force then the Law of Nations doth to be received in all Kingdoms ; all Soveraigne Rulers to be sworn no otherwise unto it , then some are to maintain the Liberties , Laws , and received Customs of the Country where they reign : This shall cause uniformity even under several Dominions , without those woful inconveniencies whereunto the State of Christendom was subject heretofore , through the Tyranny and Oppression of that one universal Nimrod , who alone did all . And till the christian world be driven to enter into the peaceable and true consultation about some such kind of general Law concerning those things of weight and moment wherein now we differ ; If one church hath not the same order which another hath , let every Church keep as near as may be the order it should have , and commend the just defence thereof unto God , even as Judah did when it differed in the exercise of Religion from that form which Israel followed . Concerning therefore the matter whereof we have hitherto spoken , let it stand for our final conclusion , that in a free christian State or Kingdom , where one and the self same people are the church and the common-wealth , God through christ directing that people , to see it for good and weighty considerations expedient , that their Soveraign Lord and Governor in causes Civil , have also in Ecclesiastical Affairs a Supream Power ; Forasmuch as the Light of reason doth lead them unto it , and against it , Gods own revealed law , hath nothing ; surely they do not in submitting themselves thereunto , any other then that which a wise and religious people ought to do ; it was but a little over-flowing of wit in Thomas Aquinas , so to play upon the words of Moses in the old , and of Peter in the new Testament ; as though because the one did term the Jews a Priestly Kingdom , the other us a Kingly Priesthood : Those two Substantives Kingdom and Priesthood , should import that Judaisme did stand through the Kings Superiority over Priests , christianity through the Priests Supream Authority over Kings . Is it probable that Moses and Peter had herein so nice and curious conceits ? or else more likely that both meant one and the same thing , namely that God doth glorifie and sanctifie his , even with full perfection in both ; which thing St. John doth in plainer sort express , saying that Christ hath made us both Kings and Priests . Wherein it is from̄ the purpose altogether alledged that Constantine termeth church-Officers Overseers of things within the church , himself of those without the church ; that Hilarie beseecheth the Emperor Constance to provide that the Governor of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgment of Ecclesiastical Causes , unto whom commonwealth matters only belonged . That Ambrose affirmeth Palaces to belong unto the Emperor : but churches to the minister ; The Emperor to have Authority of the common walls of the city , and not over holy things ; for which cause he would never yield to have the causes of the Church debated in the Princes consistory , but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian for that being convented to answer concerning Church matters in a Civil Court , he came not . That Augustine witnesseth how the Emporor not daring to judge of the Bishops cause committed it unto the Bishops , and was to crave pardon of the Bishops , for that by the Donatists importunity which made no end of appealing unto him , he was , being weary of them , drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs , all which hereupon may be inferred reacheth no further then only unto the administration of Church Affairs , or the determination of Strifes and Controversie , rising about the matter of Religion : It proveth that in former ages of the world it hath been judged most convenient for Church-Officers to have the hearing of causes meerly Ecclesiasticall , and not the Emperour himself in person to give sentence of them . No one man can be sufficient for all things . And therefore publick affairs are divided , each kind , in all well ordered States , allotted unto such kind of persons , as reason presumeth fittest to handle them . Reason cannot presume Kings ordinarily so skilfull as to be personal Judges meet for the common hearing and determining of Church controversies . But they which are hereunto appointed and have all their proceedings authorized by such power as may cause them to take effect . The principality of which power ( in making Laws , whereupon all these things depend ) is not by any of these allegations proved incommunicable unto Kings , although not both in such sort , but that still it is granted by the one , that albeit Ecclesiastical Councels consisting of Church Officers did frame the Lawes , whereby the Church affairs were ordered in ancient times ; yet no Canon , no not of any Councel had the force of Law in the Church , unless it were ratified and confirmed by the Emperour , being Christian. Seeing therefore it is acknowledged that it was then the manner of the Emperor to confirm the Ordinances which were made by the Ministers , which is as much in effect to say that the Emperour had in Church Ordinances , a voice negative , and that without his confirmation they had not the strength of publick Ordinances ; Why are we condemned as giving more unto Kings then the Church did in those times , we giving them no more but the supreme power which the Emperor did then exercise with much larger scope then at this day ) any Christian King , either doth ar possibly can use it over the Church ? The case is not like when such Assemblies are gathered together by supreme authority concerning other affairs of the Church , and when they meet about the making Ecclesiasticall Lawes or Statutes . For in the one they only are to advise , in the other they are to decree : The persons which are of the one the King doth voluntarily assemble as being in respect of gravity fit to consult withall ; them which are of the other he calleth by prescript of Law as having right to be thereunto called . Finally , the one are but themselves , and their sentence hath but the weight of their own judgement ; the other represent the whole Clergie , and their voices are as much as if all did give personal verdict . Now the question is whether the Clergie alone so assembled ought to have the whole power of making Ecclesiasticall Laws , or else consent of the Laity may thereunto be made necessarie , and the Kings assent so necessary , that his sole deniall may be of force to stay them from being Laws . If they with whom we dispute were uniform , strong and constant in that which they say we should not need to trouble our selves about their persons to whom the power of making Laws for the Church belongeth ; For they are sometimes very vehement in contention , that from the greatest thing unto the least about the Church all must needs be immediatly from God : & to this they apply the patern of the ancient Tabernacle which God delivered unto Moses , and was therein so exact , that there was not left as much as the least pin for the wit of man to devise in the framing of it . To this they also apply that strict and severe charge which God so often gave concerning his own Law ; Whatsoever I command you take heed you doe it ; thou shalt put nothing thereto , thou shalt take nothing from it ; nothing , whether it be great or smal . Yet sometime bethinking themselves better , they speak as acknowledging that it doth suffice to have received in such sort the principall things from God , and that for other matters the Church hath sufficient authority to make Laws ; wherupon they now have made it a question , what persons they are , whose right it is to take order for the Churches affairs when the institution of any new thing therein is requisite . Laws may be requisite to be made either concerning things that are only to be known and believed in , or else touching that which is to be done by the Church of God. The Law of nature and the Law of God are sufficient for declaration in both , what belongeth unto each man separately as his soule is the spouse of Christ ; yea so sufficient that they plainly and fully shew whatsoever God doth require by way of necessary introduction unto the state of everlasting bliss . But as a man liveth joyned with others in common society , and belongeth unto the outward politique body of the Church , albeit the said Law of Nature and of Scripture , have in this respect also made manifest the things that are of greatest necessity , nevertheless by reason of new occasions still arising , which the Church , having care of souls must take order for , as need requireth ; hereby it cometh to pass , that there is , and ever will be so great use even of humane Laws and Ordinances deducted by way of discourse , as conclusions from the former divine and natural serving for principles thereunto . No man doubteth but that for matters of action and practice in the affairs of God , for manner in divine service , for order in Ecclesiastical proceedings about the Regiment of the Church , there may be oftentimes cause very urgent to have Laws made : but the reason is not so plain , wherefore humane Laws should appoint men what to believe . Wherefore in this we must note two things : First , that in matter of opinion , the Law doth not make that to be truth which before was not , as in matters of action it causeth that to be duty which was not before ; but it manifesteth only and giveth men notice of that to be truth , the contrary whereunto they ought not before to have believed . Secondly , that as opinions doe cleave to the understanding , and are in heart asserted unto , it is not in the power of any humane Law to command them , because to prescribe what men shall think , belongeth only unto God corde creditur ore fit confessio , saith the Apostle : As opinions are either fit or inconvenient to be professed , so mans Law hath to determine of them . It may for publick unities sake require mens professed assent , or prohibit their contradiction to speciall articles , wherein as there happily hath bin controversie what is true , so the same were like to continue still , not without grievous detriment unto a number of souls , except Law to remedy that evil should set down a certainty , which no man afterwards is to gain-say . Wherefore as in regard of divine Lawes , which the Church receiveth from God , we may unto every man apply those words of wisdom in Solomon , Conserva fili mi praecepta patris tui , My sonne keep thou thy fathers precepts : Even so concerning the statutes and ordinances which the Church it self makes , we may add thereunto the words that follow : Et ne dimittas legem matris tua , And forsake not thou thy mothers Law. It is undoubtedly a thing even naturall , that all free and independent societies should themselves make their own Lawes . And that this power should belong to the whole , not to any certain part of a politique body , though happily some one part may have greater sway in that action then the rest . Which thing being generally fit and expedient in the making of all Lawes , we see no cause why to think otherwise in lawes concerning the service of God , which in all well-ordered States and Common-wealthes is the first thing that Law hath care to provide for : When we speak of the right which naturally belongeth to a Common-wealth , we speak of that which must needs belong to the Church of God ; For if the Common-wealth be Christian ; if the people which are of it do publickly imbrace the true Religion , this very thing doth make it the Church , as hath been shewed ; so that unless the verity and purity of Religion doe take from them which imbrace it , that power wherewith otherwise they are possessed : Look what authority , as touching Laws for Religion a Common-wealth hath simply — Here this breaks off abruptly . The Princes power in the advancement of Bishops , unto the rooms of Prelacy . TOuching the advancement of Prelats unto their rooms by the King : Whereas it seemeth in the eyes of many a thing very strange , that Prelates the Officers of Gods own Sanctuary , then which nothing is more sacred , should be made by persons secular ; there are that will not have Kings be altogether of the Laitie , but to participate that sanctifyed power which God hath indued his Clergy with , and that in such respect they are anointed with oyle . A shift vain and needless for as much as if we speak properly , we cannot say Kings do make , but that they only do place Bishops , for in a Bishop there are these three things to be considered ; The power whereby he is distinguished from other Pastors ; The special portion of the Clergy , and the people over whom he is to exercise that Bishoplie Power ; and the place of his Seat or Throne , together with the Profits , Preheminencies , Honors thereunto belonging . The first every Bishop hath by consecration , the second the Election invested him with , the third he receiveth of the King alone . Which consecration the King intermedleth not farther then only by his Letters to present such an elect Bishop as shall be consecrated . Seeing therefore that none but Bishops do consecrate , it followeth that none but they do give unto every Bishop his being : The manner of uniting Bishops as heads unto the flock , and Clergy under them , hath often altered ; for if some be not deceived , this thing was somtime done even without any election at all . At the first ( saith he to whom the name of Ambrose is given ) the first created in the Colledg of Presbyters was still the Bishop , he dying , the next Senior did succeed him . Sed quia coeperunt sequentes Presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenēdos , immutata est ratio , prospiciente concilio , ut non ordo sed meritū crearet episcopum multorum , sacerdotum constitutum , ne indignus temere usurparet & esset multis scandalum ; In elections at the beginning the Clergy and the people both had to do , although not both after one fort . The people gave their , Testimonie and shewed their affection either of desire or dislike concerning the party which was to be chosen . But the choice was wholy in the sacred Colledg of Presbyters , hereunto it is that those usual speeches of the antient do commonly allude , as when Pontius concerning St. Cyprians election saith he was chosen judicio Dei & populifavore , by the judgment of God , and favor of the people , the one branch alluding to the voices of the Ecclesiastical Senat which with religion , sincerity chose him , the other to the peoples affection , who earnestly desired to have him chosen their Bishop . Again , Leo , nulla ratio sinit , ut inter Episcopos habeantur qui nec a clericis sunt electi nec applebibus expetiti . No reason doth grant that they should be reckoned amongst Bishops whom neither Clergy hath elected , nor Laitie coveted , in like so●t Honorius . Let him only be established Bishop in the Sea of Rome , whom Divine Judgment and universal consent hath chosen . That difference which is between the form of electing Bishops at this day with us , and that which was usual in former ages riseth from the ground of that right which the Kings of this Land do claim in furnishing the places where Bishops elected & consecrated are to reside as Bishops : for considering the huge charges which the ancient famous Princes of this Land have been at , as well in erecting Episcopal Seas , as also in endowing them with ample possessions , sure of their religious magnificence and bounty , we cannot think but to have been most deservedly honored , with those Royall prerogatives , taking the benefit which groweth out of them in their vacancy , and of advancing alone unto such dignities what persons they judge most fit for the same . A thing over and besides , even therefore the more seasonable , for that as the King most justly hath preheminence to make Lords Temporal , which are not such by right of birth , so the like preheminence of bestowing where pleaseth him the honour of Spiritual Nobility also cannot seem hard , Bishops being Peers of the Realm , and by law it self so reckoned . Now whether we grant so much unto Kings in this respect , or in the fomer consideration , whereupon the Lawes have annexed it unto the Crown it must of necessity being granted both make void whatsoever interest the people aforetime hath had towards the choice of their own Bishop , and also restrain the very act of Canonical election usually made by the Dean and Chapter , as with us in such sort it doth , that they neither can proceed unto any election till * * * leav be granted , nor elect any person but that is named unto them . If they might doe the one it would be in them to defeat the King of his profits : If the other , then were the Kings preheminences of granting those dignities nothing . And therefore were it not for certain Canons requiring canonical election to be before consecration , I see no cause but that the Kings Letters patents alone might suffice well enough to that purpose , as by Law they doe in case those Electors should happen not to satisfie the Kings pleasure . Their election is now but a matter of form ; it is the Kings meer grant which placeth , and the Bishops consecration which maketh Bishops : Neither do the Kings of this Land use herein any other then such prerogatives as foraign Nations have been accustomed unto . About the year of our Lord 425. Pope Boniface sollicited most earnestly the Emperour Monorius to take some order that the Bishops of Rome might be created without ambitious seeking of the place . A needless petition if so be the Emperour had no right at all in the placing of Bishops there . But from the days of Justinian the Emperour about the year 553. Onuphrius himself doth grant that no man was Bishop in the Sea of Rome whom first the Emperor by his Letters-patents did not licence to be consecrated , till in Benedicts time it pleased the Emperor to forgoe that right , which afterwards was restored to Charles with augmentation , and continued in his successors till such time as Hildebrand took it from Hen. 4. and ever since the Cardinals have held it as at this day . Had not the right of giving them belonged to the Emperours of Rome within the compass of their Dominions what needeth Pope Leo the fourth to trouble Lotharius and Lodowick with those his Letters whereby having done them to understand that the Church called Reatina was without a Bishop , he maketh suit that one Colonus might have the Rome , or if that were otherwise disposed , his next request was , Tusculanam Ecclesiam quae viduata existit illi vestra serenitas dignetur concedere , ut consecratis à nostro presulatu Deo omnipotenti vestroque imperio grates peragere valeat : May it please your Clemencies to grant unto him the Church of Tuscula , now likewise void , that by our Episcopal authority , he being after consecrated may be to Almighty God and your Highness therefore thankfull . Touching other Bishopricks extant , there is a very short , but a plain discourse written almost 500. years since , by occasion of that miserable contention raised between the Emperor Henr. 4. and Pope Hildebrand . named otherwise Gregory the seventh , not as Platina would bear men in hand for that the D. of Rome would not brook the Emperors Symoniacall dealing , but because the right which Christian Kings and Emperors had to invest Bishops , hindred so much his ambitious designments , that nothing could detain him from attempting to wrest it violently out of their hands . This Treatise I mention for that it shortly comprehendeth not only the fore-alledged right of the Emperour of Rome , acknowledged by six several Popes , even with bitter execration against whomsoever of their successors that should by word or deed at any time goe about to infringe the same , but also further these other specialties appertaining thereunto : First , that the Bishops likewise of Spain , England , Scotland , Hungary had by ancient institution alwaies been invested by their Kings without opposition or disturbance . Secendly , that such was their royal interest partly for that they were founders of Bishopricks , partly because they undertook the defence of them against all ravenous oppressions and wrongs , part in as much that it was not safe , that rooms of so great power and consequence in their estate , should without their appointment be held by any under them . And therfore that ev'n Bishops then did homage , and took their oathes of fealty unto the Kings which invested them . Thirdly , that what solemnitity or Ceremony Kings do use in this action it skilleth not ; as namely whether they doe it by word or by precept , set down in writing or by delivery of a staffe and a ring , or by any other means whatsoever only that use and Custome would , to avoid all offence , be kept . Some base Canonists there are which contend that neither Kings nor Emperours had ever any right hereunto saving only by the Popes either grant or toleration . Whereupon nor to spend any further labour we leave their folly to be controlled by men of more ingenuity & judgment even amongst themselves : Duarensis , Papon , Choppinus , Aegidius , Magister , Arnulphus , Ruzaeus , Costvius , Philippus Probus , and the rest , by whom the right of Christian Kings and Princes herein is maintained to be such as the Bishops of Rome cannot lawfully either withdraw , or abridge or hinder . But of this thing there is with us no question although with them there be ; the Laws and customes of the Realm approving such regalities in case no reason thereof did appear , yet are they hereby aboundantly warranted unto us , except some Law of God or nature to the contrary could be shewed . How much more when they have been every where thought so reasonable , that Christian Kings throughout the world use and exercise , if not altogether : yet surely with very little odds the same ; so far that Gregorie the tenth forbidding such regalities to be newly begun , where they were not in former times , if any doe claim those rights from the first foundation of Churches , or by ancient custome of them , he only requireth that neither they nor their agents damnifie the Church of God , by using the said prerogatives : Now as there is no doubt but the Church of England by this means is much eased of some inconveniences , so likewise a speciall care there is requisite to be had , that other evils no less dangerous may not grow . By the history of former times it doth appear , that when the freedom of Elections was most large , mens dealings and proceedings therein were not the least faulty . Of the people St. Jerome complaineth , that their judgements many times went much awrie , and that in allowing of their Bishops , every man favoured his own quality , every ones desire was not so much to be under the regiment of good and virtuous men , as of them which were like himself . What man is there whom it doth not exceedingly grieve to read the tumults , tragidies , and schismes which were raised by occasion of the Clergy at such times as divers of them standing for some one place , there was not any kind of practise though never so unhonest ot vile left unassaied , whereby men might supplant their Competitors , and the one side foil the other . Sidonius speaking of a Bishoprick void in his time : The decease of the former Bishop ( saith he ) was an alarm to such as would labour for the room : Whereupon the people forthwith betaking them selves unto parts , storm on each side , few there are that make suit for the advancement of any other man ; many who not only offer but enforce themselves . All things light , variable , counterfeit . What should I say ? I see not any thing plain and open but impudence only . In the Church of Constantinople about the election of S. Chrysostome by reason that some strove mightily for him and some for Nectarius , the troubles growing had not been small , but that Aroadius the Emperor interposed himself ; even as at Rome the Emperor Valentinian , whose forces were hardly able to establish Damasus Bishop , and to compose the strife between him and his Competitor Urficinus , about whose election the blood of 137 was already shed . Where things did not break out into so manifest and open flames ; yet between them which obtained the place , and such as before withstood their promotion , that secret hart burning often grew , which could not afterwards be easily slaked ; insomuch that Pontius doth note it as a rare point of vertue in Cyprian , that whereas some were against his election , he notwithstanding dealt ever after in most friendly manner with them , all men wondering that so good a memory was so easily able to forget . These and other the like hurts accustomed to grow from ancient elections we doe not feel . Howbeit least the Church in more hidden sort should sustain even as grievous detriment by that order which is now of force ; we are most humbly to crave at the hands of Soveraign Kings and Governors , the highest Patrons which this Church of Christ hath on earth , that it would please them to be advertised thus much . Albeit these things which have been sometimes , done by any sort may afterwards appertain unto others , and so the kind of Agents vary as occasions dayly growing shall require , yet sundry unremovable and unchangeable burthens of duty there are annexed unto every kind of publique action , which burthens in this case Princes must know themselves to stand now charged with in Gods sight , no lesse than the People and the Clergy , when the power of electing their Prelates did rest fully and wholly in them . A fault it had been if they should in choice have preferred any , whom desert of most holy life and the gift of divine wisedome did not commend , a fault if they had permitted long the rooms of the principal Pastors of God to continue void , not to preserve the Church patrimony , as good to each Successor as any Predecessor enjoy the same , had been in them a most odious & grievous fault . Simply , good and evil doe not loose their nature . That which was is the one or the other , whatsoever the subject of either be . The faults mentioned are in Kings by so much greater for that in what Churches they exercise those Regalities , whereof we do now intreat , the same Churches they have received into their speciall care and custody , with no lesse effectual obligation of conscience then the Tutor standeth bound in for the person and state of that pupill whom he hath solemnly taken upon him to protect and keep . All power is given unto edification , none to the overthrow and destruction of the Church . Concerning therefore the first branch of spiritual dominion , thus much may suffice , seeing that they with whom we contend doe not directly oppose themselves against regalities , but only so far forth as generally they hold that no Church dignity should be granted without consent of the common People , and that there ought not to be in the Church of Christ any Episcopall Rooms for Princes to use their Regalitie in . Of both which questions we have sufficiently spoken before . As therefore the person of the King may for just consideration , even where the cause is civil , be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the seat of Judgment and others under his authority be fit , he unfit himself to judge ; so the considerations for which it were happily not convenient for Kings , to sit and give sentence in spiritual Courts , where causes Ecclesiastical are usually debated , can be no bar to that force and efficacie which their Sovereign power hath over those very Consistories , and for which we hold without any exception that all Courts are the Kings . All men are not for all things sufficient , and therefore publick affairs being divided , such persons must be authorised Judges in each kinde as common reason may presume to be most fit ; Which cannot of King 's and Princes ordinarily be presumed in causes meerly Ecclesiastical ; so that even common sense doth rather adjudge this burthen unto other men . We see it hereby a thing necessary to put a difference as well between that ordinary jurisdiction which belongeth to the Clergy alone , and that Commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to joyn with them , as also between both these Jurisdictions and a third , whereby the King hath a transcendent Authority , and that in all causes over both . Why this may not lawfully be granted unto him , there is no reason . A time there was when Kings were not capable of any such power , as namely when they professed themselves open Adversaries unto Christ and christianity . A time there followed when they being capable , took sometimes more , sometimes less to themselves , as seem'd best in their own eyes , because no certainty touching their right was as yet determined . The Bishops who alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such Affairs , saw very just cause of grief when the highest , favoring Heresie , withstood by the strength of Soveraign Authority , religious proceedings ; whereupon they oftentimes against this unresistable Power , pleaded that use and custom which had been to the contrary ; namely , that the Affairs of the church should be dealt in by the clergy and by no other , unto which purpose the sentences that then were uttered in defence of unabolishing Orders and Laws , against such as did of their own heads contrary thereunto , are now altogether impertinently brought in opposition against them who use but that power which Laws have given them , unless men can show that there is in those Laws some manifest Iniquity or Injustice . Whereas therefore against the force Judicial & Imperial which Supream Authority hath , it is alledged how Constantine termeth Church Officers , Overseers of things within the Church , himself of all without the Church ; how Augustine witnesseth that the Emperor not daring to judge of the Bishops cause , committed it unto the Bishops , and was to crave pardon of the Bishops , for that by the Donatists importunity , which made no end of appealing unto him , he was ( being weary of them ) drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs , how Hilarie beseecheth the Emperor Constance to provide that the Governors of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the Judgment of Ecclesiastical causes , to whom Commonwealth matters only belonged ; how Ambrose affirmeth that Palaces belong unto the Emperor , Churches to the Minister , that the Emperor hath Authority over the Commonwealth of the City , and not in holy things , for which cause he never would yield to have the Causes of the Church debated in the Princes Consistory , but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian , for that being convented to Answer concerning Church Matters in a civil court , he came not . [ Besides these Testimonies of Antiquity , which Mr. Cart. bringeth forth , Doctor Stapleton who likewise citeth them one by one to the same purpose , hath augmented the number of them , by adding other of the like nature ; namely , how Hosius the Bishop of Corduba answered the Emperor , saying , God hath committed to thee the Empire ; with those things that belong to the Church , he hath put us in trust . How Leontius Bishop of Tripolis also told theself same Emperor as much . I wonder how thou which art called unto one thing , takest upon thee to deal in another , for being placed in Military and Politique Affairs , in things that belong unto Bishops alone thou wilt bear rule . ] We may by these Testimonies drawn from Antiquity , if we list to consider them , discern how requisite it is that Authority should always follow received laws in the manner of proceeding . For in as much as there was at the first no certain law determining what force the principal Civil Magistrates Authority should be of , how far it should reach , and what order it should observe , but Christian Emperors from time to time did what themselves thought most reasonable , in those Affairs , by this mean it cometh to pass , that they in their practice varie , and are not uniforme . Vertuous Emperors , such as Constantine the great was , made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the customes which had been used in the Church , even when it lived under Infidels . Constantine of reverence to Bishops , and their spiritual authority , rather abstained from that which himself might lawfully do , then was willing to claim a power not fit or decent for him to exercise . The order which had been before he ratifieth , exhorting Bishops to look to the Church , and promising that he would do the office of a Bishop over the Common-wealth . Which very Constantine notwithstanding did not thereby so renounce all authority in judging of spirituall causes , but that sometimes he took , as St. Augustine witnesseth , even personall cognition of them . Howbeit whether as purposing to give therein judicially any sentence , I stand in doubt ; for if the other , of whom St. Augustine elsewhere speaketh , did in such sort judge , surely there was cause why he should excuse it as a thing not ususally done . Otherwise there is no let but that any such great person may hear those causes to and fro debated , and deliver in the end his own opinion of them , declaring on which side himself doth judge that the truth is . But this kind of sentence bindeth no side to stand thereunto : it is a sentence of private perswasion , and not of solemn jurisdiction , albeit a King or an Emperour pronounce it . Again on the contrary part , when Governors infected with Heresie were possessed of the highest power they thought they might use it , as pleased themselves to further by all means therewith that opinion which they desired should prevail . They not respecting at all what was meet , presumed to command and judge all men in all causes without either care of orderly proceeding or regard to such laws & customs as the Church had been wont to observe . So that the one sort feared to doe even that which they might , and that which the other ought not they boldly presumed upon : the one sort modestly excused themselves when they scace needed , the other though doing that which was inexsable bare it out with main power , not enduring to be told by any man how far they roved beyond their bounds . So great odds between them whom before we mentioned , and such as the younger Valentinian , by whom St. Ambrose being commanded to yeild up one of the Churches under him unto the Arrians , whereas they which were sent on his message , alledged that the Emperour did but use his own right for as much as all things were in his own power , the answer which the holy Bishop gave them was , that the Church is the House of God , and that those things which be Gods are not to be yielded up and disposed of at the Emperors will and pleasure ; his pallaces he might grant unto whomsoever . A cause why many times Emperours did more by their absolute authority then could very well stand with reason , was the over-great importunity of wicked Hereticks , who being enemies to peace and quietness cannot otherwise then by violent means be supported . In this respect therefore we must needs think the state of our own Church much better settled then theirs was , because our Laws have with farr more certainty prescribed bounds unto each kind of power . All decisions of things doubtfull , and corrections of things amiss are proceeded in by order of Law , what person soever he be unto whom the administration of judgement belongeth : It is neither permitted unto Prelate nor Prince to judge and determin at their own discretion , but Law hath prescribed what both shall do . What power the King hath , he hath it by Law , the bounds and limits of it are known . The entire community giveth general order by Law how all things publickly are to be done , and the King as the head thereof the highest in authority over all , causeth according to the same Law every particular to be framed and ordered thereby . The whole body politick maketh Lawes , which Lawes give power unto the King , and the King having bound himself to use according unto Law that power , it so falleth out that the execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most religious and peaceable sort . There is no cause given unto any to make supplication as Hilary did , that Civil Covernors to whom Common-wealth matters only belong , may not presume to take upon them the judgment of Ecclesiastical causes . If the cause be spiritual , secular Courts doe not meddle with it , we need not excuse our selves with Ambrose , but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any Civill Judge in a matter which is not Civill ; so that we doe not mistake the nature either of the cause or of the Court , as we easily may doe both , without some better direction then can be had by the rules of this new-found Disciplines But of this most ceertain we are that our Lawes doe neither suffer a * Spirituall Court to entertain those causes which by Law are Civil ; nor yet if the matter beindeed spirituall a meer Civil Court to give judgement of it . Touching supreme power therefore to command all men , and in all manner of causes of judgement to be highest . Let thus much suffice as well for declaration of our own meaning , as for defence of the truth therein . This is added by the Lord Primat Usher . * The Kings exemption from Censure , and other Judiciall Power . THe last thing of all which concerns the Kings Supremacie is whither thereby he may be exempted from being subject to that judiciall Power which Ecclesiasticall consistories have over men . It seemeth first in most mens Judgements to be requisite , that on earth there should not be any alive altogether without standing in aw of some by whom they may be controled and bridled . The good estate of a Commonwealth within it self is thought on nothing to depend more then upon these two speciall affections Feare and Love : Feare in the highest Governour himself , and Love in the Subjects that live under Him. The Subjects love for the most part continueth as long as the righteousness of Kings doth last , in whom vertue decaieth not as long as they feare to do that which may alienate the loving hearts of their Subjects from them . Feare to do evill groweth from the harm which evill doers are to suffer . If therefore private men which know the danger they are subject unto , being malefactors , do notwithstanding so boldly adventure upon heinous crimes , Only because they know it is possible for some Transgressor sometimes to escape the danger of law . In the Mighty upon earth ( which are not alwaies so Virtuous and Holy that their own good minds will bridle them ) what may we look for considering the frailty of mens nature , if the world do once hold it for a Maxime that Kings ought to live in no subjection , that how grievous disorder soever they fall into , none may have coercive power over them . Yet so it is that this we must necessarily admit as a number of rightwell Learned men are perswaded . Let us therefore set down first what there is which may induce men so to think , and then consider their severall inventions or ways who judge it a thing necessary even for Kings themselves to be punishable , and that by men . The question it self we will not determine , The reasons of each opinion being opened it shall be best for the wise to judge which of them is likeliest to be true . Our purpose being not to oppugne any save onely that which Reformers hold and of the rest rather to enquire then to give sentance . Inducements leading men to think the highest Majestrate should not be judged of any saving God alone , are specially these . First , as there could be in naturall bodies no motion of any thing unlesse there were some which moved all things and continueth unmoveable , even so in politick Societies , there must be some unpunishable or else no man shall suffer punishment , For sith punishments proceed alwaies from Superiors to whom the administration of justice belongeth , which administration must have necessarily a fountain that deriveth it to all others , and receiveth not from any , because otherwise the Course of Justice should go infinitely in a Circle every Superiour having his Superior without end ; which cannot be ; therefore a well-spring , it followeth there is , and a supreme head of Justice whereunto all are subject , but it self in subjection to none . Which kind of Preheminence if some ought to have in a Kingdome , who but the King shall have it ? Kings therefore no man can have lawfull power and Authority to judge . If private men offend , there is the Majestrate over them which judgeth ; if Majestrates they have their Prince . If Princes there is Heaven , a Tribunall , before which they shall appeare : on earth they are not accomptable to any . Here it breaks off abruptly . The FORM OF Church Government , Before and after Christ. As it is expressed in the OLD and NEW TESTAMENT . Of the Form of Government in the Old Testament . THerewere Priests before the Law. Melchisedech Genes . 14. 18. In Egypt 46. 20. 41. 50. Patiphera . In the East , Job . 12. 19. Exod. 2. 16. Madian . Among the Jews . Exod. 19. 22 , 24. These were Young men of the Sons of Israel Exod. 24. 5. The Eldest Sons or First-Born Numb . 3. 12. 8. 16. Under MOSES . The Commonwealth of Israel was either personal , containing all the whole people , not a man left . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Or Representative in which the Estate , Tribes , Cities , whose Daughters the towns adjacent are called . I. The Estate had ever one Governor , 1. Moses , 2. Joshua , 3. Judges , 4. Tirshathaes or ( Vice-Roys ) Ezra 2. 63. with whom were joyned the LXX . Elders called ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) II. The Tribes had every one their Prince , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phylarcha ( Num. 2. ) with whom were joyned the Chief of the Families , Patriarchae ( Num. 1. 4. ) III. The Cities had each likewise their Ruler : Judg. 9. 30. 1 Kings 22. 26. 2 Kings 23. 8. with whom were joyned the Elders , or Ancients ( Ruth 4. 2. Ezra 10. 14. These last , not before they came into Canaan , ( and were setled in their Citys . ) It appeareth , that Moses sometime consulted only with the heads of the Tribes , and then one Trumpet only sounded , Num. 10. 4. In some other causes with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or Assembly of the LXX . ) and then both Trumpets called ( Num. 10. 3. ) * when all did meet it represented the whole body of Israel : [ So then sometimes all the people , the whole body of Israel met ; sometimes the whole people were represented by the chief men of the several Tribes . ] The highest BENCH , or Judgment for causes of greatest difficulty was that of the LXX , who at the first were the Fathers of each Family that came down to Egypt ( Gen. 46. ) which number did after that remain , Exod. 24. 1. 9. and was at last by God himself so appointed Num. 11. 16. See ( 2 Chron. 19. 8. ) The inferiour BENCHES , for matters of less importance were erected by Jethroes advice . Of Rulers of Thousands Hundreds Fiftiss Tithings Exod. 18. 21 , 26 , And after established by Gods approbation ( Deut. 16. ) in every City , wherein ( as Josephus saith ) were seven Judges , and for each Judge two Levites , which made together the Bench of each City . The Forme of Ecclesiasticall Government [ amongst the Priests . THe Priesthood was settled in the Tribe of Levy by God. Levy had three Sons , Cohath , Gershom , and 〈◊〉 . Of these , Line of Cohath was preferred before the rest . From him descended four Families , Amram , Izhar , Hebron , and Uzziel . Of these the Stock of Amram was made chief . He had two Sons , Aaron and Moses . Aaron was by God appointed High-priest , So that there came to be four distinctions of Levites : 1. Aaron as chief . 2. Cohath . 3. Gershon . 4. Merari . The Common-wealth of Israel was at the beginning in the Desert , a Camp in the middest whereof the Ark and Tabernacle were pitched ; and according to the four Coasts whereof they quartered themselves , on every side three Tribes . On the East side Judah , Issachar , Zabulon , Num. 2 verse 3 South Reuben , Simeon , Gad , 10 West Ephraim , Manasses , Benjamin . 18 North Dan , Asher , Napthali . 25 These four Quarters were committed to those four Divisions of Levites . The East quarter to Aaron and his Family , Numb . 3. verse 38. South The Cohathites , 29. West The Gershonites , 23. North The Merarites , 35. Who lodged among them , and took charge of them as of their several Wards . But there was not an * equality in these four ; for , 1. Aarons Family , which bare the Ark it self was chief . 2. Cohaths , which bare the Tabernacle , and Vessels next . 3. Gershons , which bare the Veile and Hangings of the Court , Third 4. Meraries , which bare the Pillars and Posts , last . Neither were all the Levites of each of these several houses equal , but God ordained a superiority among them . Over the Priests Eleazar Numb . 3. ver . 30. Cohathites Elizaphau Gershonites Eliasaph 24. Merarites Zuriel 35. Whom he termeth Nesiim , that is , Prelates or Superiors . No , nor did he permit these four to be equals among themselves ; but Appointe● Ithamar ( Exod. 38. 21. to command over Eliasaph with his Gershonites Num. 4. 28. Zuriel with his Merarites , Num. 4. 33. Eleazar ( Nu. 4. 16 ) to have jurisdiction over his own Family . Elizaphau with his Cohathites . Note . Yea he maketh not Eleazar , and Ithamar to be absolute equalls , but giveth Eleazar preeminence over Ithamer , and therefore termeth him Nasi Nasiim , Princeps Principum , or Praelatus Praelatorum , Num. 3. 32. And all these under Aaron the * highest . So that 1. Aaron was the High Priest. 2. Under him Eleazar ; who as he had his peculiar charge to look unto , so was he * also generally to rule both Ithamars jurisdiction and his own . 3. Under him Ithamar , over two Families . 4. Under him the three Prelates . 5. Under each of them their several Chief Fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are termed ( Exod. 6. 25. ) under Elizaphau Foure , under Eliasaph two , under Zuriel two . Num. 3. 18. &c. 6. Under these the several persons of their Kindred . Note . This is here worth the noting , that albeit , it be granted that Aaron was the type of Christ , and so we forbear to takeany argument from him , ( yet Eleazar ) who was no Type , nor ever so deemed by any Writer ) will serve sufficiently to shew such superiority as is pleaded for , that is a personal Jurisdiction in one Man resiant over the Heads or Rulers of divers charges [ in one Kingdom State or National Government , as here in Israel under Moses , who was ( as Kings now are ) custos utriusque tabulae , and took care of all matters Civil and Ecclesiastical . ] The Form of Government under JOSHUA . THe Commonwealth being changed from the Ambulatory Form , into a setled Estate in the Citys of Caanau , as before the Levites were divided according to the several Quarters of the Campe , so now were they sorted into the several Territories of the Tribes , so God commanded , Num. 35. 2. 8. The Lot so fell , that the four partitions of the XII . Tribes were not the same , as when they camped before together , but after another sort , for the Tribes of 1. Juda , Simeon , and Benjamine made the first Quarter . 2. Ephraim , Dan , and half the Tribe of Manasses , the second Quarter . 3. Izachar , Ashur , Napthali , and the other half of Manasses , the third Quarter . 4. Zebulun , Reuben , and Gad the fourth Quarter . Now in these Four. 1. The charge , or over-sight of the first was committed to Aaron and his Family , and they had therein assigned to them XIII . Cities , in Judah and Simeon IX . and in Benjamin IV. ( Joshua 21. 10. &c. ) 2. of the second the care was committed to the Family of the Cohathites , and they had * therein assigned to them X. cities ; in Ephraim IV. in Dan. IV. and in the half of Manasses II. ( Joshua 21. 20. ) 3. The third was committed to the Family of Gershon , and they had therein assigned to them XIII . cities ; in Issachar IV. in Asher IV. in Napthali III. in the other half of Manasses II. ( Joshua 21. 27. ) 4. The oversight of the fourth partition was committed to the Merarites , and they had therein assigned to them XII . cities ; in Zebulun IV. in Reuben IV. in Gad IV. ( Joshua 21. 34. ) These were in all XLVIII cities , whereof the chief ( as may appear ) were cities set on hills , and all scituate in such proportion of distance , as they most equally parted their Tribe among them , to perform unto them their duties of attendance and instruction . Further , there were in Joshua's time added by decree of the Princes , the Nethinims of the people of Gibeon for the lowest Ministeries , and for the service of the Levites ( Joshua 9. 27. ) So that now the order was thus . 1. Eleazer . 2. Phineas . 3. Abisa. 4. The three Nesilm . 5. The Rase Aboth ( or heads of the Families . ) 6. The Levites . 7. The Nethinims . Note . If this power and superiority was necessary , when all the people and Priests were within one Trench , even within the view of Aarons eye , much more in Canaan , when they were scattered abroad in divers cities farre distant , was the retaining of it more then necessary . * Now the abovesaid 48. Cities of the Levites were these , In Judah and Simeon IX . viz. " Hebron , Libna , Jattir , Estitema , Holon , Debir , Ain , Jutta , Bethshemesh . In Benjamin IV. viz. " Gibeon , Geba , Anathoth , Almon. In Ephraim IV. viz. " Sichem , Gezer , Kibraim , Beth-horon . In Dan IV. viz. " Eltekah , Tekoa , Gibethorn , Aialon . In the half of Manasses II. viz , " Taanach , Gathrimmon . In Issachar IV. viz. " Kishon , Dabera , Jarmath , Engamin . In Aser IV. viz. " Mishall , Abdon , Helka , Rehob . In Nepthali III. viz. " Kedish Galilaae , Itamoth Dor , Kiriathaim . In the half of Manasses II. viz. " Golau Ashtaroth . In Zabulon IV. viz. " Jockmea , Karta , Dimna , Nahalal . In Reuben IV. viz. " Bezer , Jahaza , Kedimoth , Nephaath . In Gad. IV. viz. Ramoth Gilead , Mahanaim Heshbon , and Jazer . The Forme of Government under DAVID . Note . ALbeit under Sauls Government small regard was had to the Church , yet David found at his coming a Superiority among them . For besides the Priests , he found six Princes or Rulers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over six families of the Levites ( 1. Chron. 15. 5 , 6. &c. ) Uriel . over Cohath . Asaiah . Merart . Joel . Gershom . Shemaiah . Elizaphau . Eliel . Hebron . Aminadab . Uzziel . Likewise between the two Priests an inequality , the one Abiathar , attending the Ark at Jerusalem : the higher Function , the other Zadock , the Tabernacle at Gibeon ( 2 Sam. 20. 25. 1 Chr 16. 37. 39. ) But after the Arke was brought back , he set a most exquisite Order among the Levites , and that by Samuels direction . 1. Chron. 9. 22. So that he is there reckoned as a new Founder . Of them he made six Orders . 1 Chron. 23. 1. Priests . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24000. Vers. 4. 2. Ministers of Priests . 3. Judges . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6000. Vers. 4. 4. Officers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. Singers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4000 Vers. 5. 6. Porters . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4000 1. Of Priests , Zadock was the Chief of the Family of Eleazar , and Abimelech the second of the Family of Ithamar ( 1 Chron. 24. 3. ) * Besides and under these were XXIIII other Courses . Of the Posterity of Eleazar . XVI . Ithamar . VIII . 1 Chron. 24. 4. Which 24 are called in the 5. verse Rulers of the Sanctuary , and Rulers of the House of God , to whom it is thought by learned Interpreters , That the 24. Elders Apoc. 4. 4. have reference . 2. Of Levites that ministred to the Priests in their Function , likewise 24. Courses , out of the 9. Families the heads of whom are set down in the first of Chron. 23. 6. & 24. & 20. And the Genealogy of them is thus as followeth . All this was written with the L. Primats own hand . Of Cohath 4. Amram . Moses Gershom . Shubael . I. Iohdeia . Eleazar . Rehabiah . II. Eshiah Izhar . Shelomith . III. Iahath . Hebron . IIII. Ieriah . V. Amariah . VI. Iahaziel . VII . Iekameam . Uzziel . Micha . VIII . Shamir . Iesiah , or Isshiah . IX . Zechariah . Gershom 2. Laadan . or Libni . X. Iehiel . XI . Zetham . XII . Ioel. Shimei XIII . Shelomith . XIIII . Haziel . XV. Haran . XVI . Iahath . XVII . Ziza or Zina . XVIII . Ieush and Beriah , who were counted for one ( 1 Chr. 23. 11. ) Merari 3. Mahli . Eleazar . ( obiit sine filiis 1 Chr. 23. 22 ) Kish . XIX . Ierahmeel : Mushi XX. Marli . XXI . Eder . XXII . Ierimoth . Iehazia . Beno . XXIII . Shoham . XXIIII . Zaccur . XXV . Ibri . * * III. Of Judges that sate for Causes as well of God as the King there were appointed 1. On this side Jordan upwards towards the River . Ashabiah the Hebronite ( 1 Chron. 26. 30. ) 2. On this side Jordan downwards towards the Sea Chenaniah the Isharite ( 1 Chron. 26. 29. ) 3. Beyond Jordan over the two Tribes and the half , Jerijah the chief of the Hebronites ( 1 Chr. 26. 31. ) IV. Of Officers . Scribes . Shemajah ( 1 Chron. 24. 6. ) Serajah ( 2 Sam. 8. 17. ) Shevah ( 2 Sam. 20. 25. ) Scribes of the Levites ( 1 Chron. 24. 6. ) Temple ( 2 Kings 22. 3. Jerem. 36. 10. ) People ( Matt. 2. 4. ) King. 2 Kings ( 12. 10. ) V. Of the Singers , likewise he set XXIV . courses , over which he placed three chief out of the three families Chro. 15. 17. & 25. 2 , 3 , 4. Out of Cohath , Heman Samuels Nephew ( 1 Chron. 6. 33. ) Gershoni , Asaph ( 1 Chron. 6. 30. Merari , Ethau , or Jeduthun ( 1 Chro. 6. 44. ) Of these Heman was the Chief ( 1 Chron. 25. 5. ) Under these were divers others * ( Chron. 15. 18. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . VI. Of Porters who were divided into the Keepers of the Watch of the Temple ( Matt. 27. 65. ) Psal. 134. 1. ) who were placed on each quarter of the Tabernacle ( 1 Chr. 26. 13. 14. &c. ) On the East side VI. over whom was Shelemiah . South IV. ( for the Tablernacle II. for Asuppim ) over whom was Obed-Edom . West IV. over whō was Hosa . North IV. over whom was Zechariah . Over all these it seemeth Benajah , the son of Jehoiadah the Priest was the chief ( 1 Chron. 27 5. ) * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Captain of the Temple ( Acts 4. 1. ) Treasurers for the Revenues of the house of God ( 1 Chr. 26. 20. ) Cohath , Shebuel of Moses , Gershon , Jehiel , Merari , Ahiah , Things dedicated by vow , & c. Shelomith ( 1 Chr. 26. 26. ) Cohath , Shebuel of Moses , Gershon , Jehiel , Merari , Ahiah , Over all the Porters was Chenaniah ( 1 Chron. 26 , 29. 15. 22 , 27 , ) It is to be remembred that besides Zadock the High-Priest , and Abimelech ( the second ) we find mention of Hashabiah the sonne of Kemuel , as chief of the whole Tribe ( 1 Chro. 27. 17. ) so that there was One over the Ark , Zadock . The second over the Tabernacle , Ahimeleck . The third over the Tribe . Hashabiah . As over the Levits Ministers , Jehdaiah . Judges , Chasabiah . Officers , Shemaiah . Singers , Heman . Porters , Chenaniah or Benaeiah . Agreeable to this form we read , that under . Josias there were three * Rulers of the House of God , that is Hilkiah , Zachariah , and Jehiel ( 2 Chron. 35. 8. ) and that the Levites had over them six 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 2 Chron. 35. 9. Again under Zedekiah , that there were carried into Captivity Seraiah the Chief Priest , and Zephaniah the second Priest ( 2 King. 25. 18. ) Likewise under Ezekiah , at the provision for the Levites portions , there were 10. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — or Overseers of the Levites : over whom was Cononiah the * Chief , and Shimei the * Second : And so Kore over voluntary Offerings ; and six Levites under him ( 2 Chro. 31. 12 , 13 , &c. The Form of Government under NEHEMIAH . OF whom , and Esdras it is recorded , that they did all according to Moses institution ( Ezra 6. 18. ) ( Nehemiah 10. 34. 36. ) There was then Eliasha , the * High Priest ( Nehemiah 3. 1. ) Seraiah , the * ruler of the house of God. 11. 11 ) Zabdiel , the * Overseer of the Priests . 11. 14 ) The Courses were then but XXII ( Nehemiah 12. 12. ) There was then Uzzi , * the Overseer of the Levites ( Nehemiah 11. 22. Jezrahia , * the Oveseer of the Singers ( Nehemiah 12. 42. Shallum , the chief of the Porters ( 1 Chro. 9. 17. Under Zabdiel at his hand Adaiah Amasai ( Nehem. 11 , ver . 12-13 . ) Under Uzzi Shemaiah Sabbethai Jozabad ( Nehem. 11. 15 , 16. ) Under Jezrahiah Mattaniah Bakbukiah Abda ( Nehem. 11. 17. Under Shallum Akkub . ( 1 Chron. 9. 17. ) Talmon . ( Nehem. 11. 19. ) So that there was 1. The high-Priest , 2. The Second , and Third , Overseers of the Priests , 3. The Princes of the Priests * Ezra 8. 29. 4. The Priests . 5. The Overseer of the Levites , 6. The Princes of the Levites , 7. The Levites , 8. The Heads of the Nethinims , 9. The Nethinims of the Gibeonites , Solomons Servant . A brief Recapitulation of the Degrees observed under the Government of the Old Testament , with an accommodation thereof unto the New. OUt of these we gather this Form to have been I. Moses in whom was the Supream Jurisdiction ; to visit Aaron ( Numb . 3. 10. ) II. Aaron the High Priest ( Levit. 21. 20. Numb . 35. 28. Nehem. 3. 1. ) head ( 2 Cron. 19-11 . Prince of the House of God ( 2 Chron. 9. 11. ) III. Eleazar the Second ( 2 King. 25. 18. ) as there Zephaniah is said to be . Prelate of Prelates ( Num. 3. 22. ) Chief Overseer , or Bishop ( Jer. 20. 1. ) At his hand Ithamar . IV. Prince of the Tribe ( 1 Chron. 27. 17 ) V. Elizaphau , Eliasaph , Zuriel . Prelates ( Num. 3. 24 &c. ) Overseers or Bishops ( Nehem. 11. 14. 22. ) c. 12. 32. VI. In the XXIV . courses set by David ; The Princes of the Priests . Ezra 8. 29. The house Of God. Of the Sanctuary . 1 Chron. 24. 5. Elders of the Priests , Jeremiah 19. 1. ( 2 Kings 19. 2. ) Heads of the Families , ( Nehemiah 12. 12. ) Chief Priests ( Acts 19. 14. ) VII . The Priests themselves . Whether at Jerusalem , or in the Country Towns ( 2 Chron. 3. 19. ) VIII . The Overseer of the Levites ( Nehem. 11. 22. ) IX , The Princes of the Levites ( 1 Chron , 15 , 5 , ) ( 2 Chron , 31 , 12 , and 35 , 9 , ) Nehem , 12 , 22 , ) X. The Head of the Levites Officers . The Scribe , * ( 2 Chron , 31. 13. ) * Of the Singers , ( 1 Chron. 16. 5. ) Nehem. 12. 42. Of the Porters , ( 1 Chron. 9. 17. and 15. 22. ) Of the Treasurers , ( 1 Chron. 26. 24. 2 Chron. 21. 11. ) XI . The Levites themselves . XII . The Chief of the Nethinims , ( Nehem. 11. 21. ) XIII . The Nethinims Gibeonites , ( Josua 9. 21. ) Solomons servants , ( 1 King. 9. 21. Nehem. 7. 60. ) It is not only requisite that things be done , but that they be diligently done , against sloth , and that they be done continually and constantly , * not for a time ( against Schism , and if they be not , that redress may be had . To this end it is , that God appointeth Overseers . 1. To urge others if they be slack , ( 2 Chron. 24. 5. & 34. 12 , 13. 2. To keep them in course , if they be well , 2 Chron. 29. 5. & 31. 12. & 34. 12 , 13. 3. To punish , if any be defective ( Jerem. 29. 26 ) For which cause A power of commanding was in the High Priest ( 2 Chron. 23. 8. & 18. & 24. 26. & 31. 13. A power Judicial , if they transgressed ( Deut. 17 , 9. Zach. 3. 7. Ezek. 44. 24. ) Under paine of death , ( Deut. 17. 12. ) Punishment in prison , and in the Stocks , ( Jer. 29. 26. in the Gate of Benjamin , ( Jer. 20. 2. ) Officers to Cite and Arrest . ( John 7. 32. Acts 5. 18. ) This Corporal . To suspend from the Function , Ezra 2. 62. To excommunicate , Ezra 10. 8. John 9. 22. & 12. 42 , 16. 2. This Spiritual . 1. Why may not the like now be for the Government of the Christian Church . There is alledged on only stop . That the High Priests was a Figure of Christ , who being now come in the flesh , the Figure ceaseth , and no Argument thence to be drawn . Answ. There is no necessity we should press Aaron , for Eleazar being Princeps principum , that is , having a Superior Authority over the Superiors of the Levites in Aarons life time , was never by any in this point reputed a Type of Christ , so that though Aaron be accounted such , yet Eleazar will serve our purpose . As also the ( 2 Chron. 35 , 8. ) We read of three at once , one only , of which was the High-Priest , and a Type of Christ , the rest were not , let them then answer to the other twaine , who were Rulers , or chief over the House of God. Thus we grant , that Aaron and the High Priests after him were Types of Christ , and that Christ at his death ended that Type ; yet affirm , that Eleazar being Praelatus Praelatorum , governing and directing the Ecclesiastical persons under him , and being subject to Moses was not any Type of Christ ; further we say , that the Twelve Apostles as so many several Eleazars under Christ , were in the Primitive times sent to several Coasts of the world to govern , direct and teach Fcclesiastical persons and people in their several Divisions . We say also that many Primates now , as so many Eleazars under Christ , and in several Kingdoms and States of the world , to govern , direct , and teach Ecclesiastical persons , and people in their several divisions ; and yet be under and responsible to Christian Princes and States , who have the chief charge of matters both Civil and Ecclesiastical . Object . If it be further alledged , that Eleazar and all Sacrificing Priests ( quatenus Sacrificers ) were Types of Christ , who sacrificed himself for us , and put an end to all Sacrifices typing himself . Answ. Answ. This we grant , and further say , that the Popish sacrificing Priests , Office and other performance in this regard , is utterly unlawful and sinful . But the other Imployments of Eleazar , viz. His Governing , Directing and teaching both the Ecclesiastical persons and the people , were not typical nor ended , but are still of use , for the Apostles practiced the same ; so have their Successors to these very days . And that this is most true , the Presbyterial Classes cannot but grant ; for this very Authority over Ministers and people , they use , and therefore judg it not Typical . Besides St. Paul appearing before one , but a weak resemblance of the old High Priest , yielded him obedience , and acknowledged him a Governor of the people , which had been meerly unlawful , if there had not remained in him something not Tipical , and not made to cease by Christ. Hence we see the Anabaptists shifts to be vain and gross , when they say we ought to have no Wars , for the Jews wars were but Figures of our spiritual battle ; No Magistrates , for the Jews Magistrates were but Figures of our Pastors , Doctors and Deacons ; and as no Magistrates , so no Oaths , pretending these to be abolished by Christ. Answ. As in the Priests Office there were some things not Typical , not ended : So Kings , Types of Christ , in somthing only prefigured , and Typed him . In many things their Office is still of singular use , for they become Nursing Fathers of the Church and provide that we may live a peaceable life in all Godliness and Honesty . The lawfull use of Wars and Oaths hath been often vindicated . If the Pope here claim authority over all the world , as Eleazar over all his brethren , his Plea is groundless , wicked and insolent . For , first , each chief Bishop in any Kingdom , must be subject to the King , as Aaron and Eleazar to Moses . 2. The Apostles sent into several Kingdoms of the World were all of equal power , no one had Authority above the rest in their line , or division , which shews that no Primate ought to be of Authority over any other Primate under a several Prince . But each Primate subject to Christ as Eleazar to Aaron , and each Primate subject to his several King. As Eleazar to Moses . 2. Why it may be . I. Out of Dic. Ecclesiae , the New Reformers tell us , we are to fetch our pattern from the Jewish Sanhedrim therefore it seems they are of opinion , that one Form may serve both us and them . II. Except there should be such a fashion of government , consisting of inequality . I see not in the new Testament , how any could perish in that contradiction of Core , which St Jude affirmeth , for his plea was for equalitie ; and against the preferring of Aaron above the rest . III. The Ancient Fathers , seem to be of mind , that the same Form should serve both . So thinketh St. Cyprian lib. 3. epist. 9. ad Rogatianum . So St Hierome . Epist. 85. Ad Evagrium , traditiones Apostolicae sumptae sunt de veteri Testamento , & ad Nepotianum : de vita Clericorum . So St. Leo. Ita veteris Testamenti Sacramenta distinxit , ut quedam ex iis , sicut erant condita , Evangelicae cruditioni profutura decerperet , ut quae dudum fuerant consuetudines Judaicae , fierent obsevantiae Christianae . So Rabanus , ut de institutione Clericorum ( lib. 1. c. 6. ) They ground this their opinion upon that they see I. That the Synogogue is called a Type , or Shadow , and [ an image of the Church now Heb. 10. vers . 1. ] II. That God himself saith of the Christian Church , under the Gentiles that he will take of the Gentiles , and make them Priests and Levites to himself ( Esa. 66. 22. ) there calling our Presbyters and Deacons by those Legall names . III. That there is an Agreemen in the Numbers XII . Numb . 1. 16. and Luk. 9. 8. LXX . Numb . 11. 16. and Luk. 10. 1. Names Angell , Mal. 2. 7. and Rev. 1. 10. Degreers Aaron . Answerable unto Christ. Eleazar . Archbishops . Princes of Priests . Bishops . Priests . Presbyters . Princes of Levites Archdeacons . Levites . Deacons . Nethinims . Clerks & Sextons . * And their often enterchange , and indifferent using of Priest or Presbyter : Levite or Deacon , sheweth They presumed a Correspondence , and Agreement between them . The FORM OF Church Government , In the NEW TESTAMENT . And first in the days of our Saviour Christ. 1. THE whole Ministrie of the New Testament was at the first invested in Christ alone . He is termed our Apostle ( Heb. 3. 1. ) Prophet . ( Deut. 18. 15. Act. 3. 22. ) Evangelist ( Esa. 41. 27. ) Bishop and * Pastor ( 1 Pet. 2. 25. ) Doctor ( Mat. 23. 10. ) Deacon . ( Rom. 15. 8. ) II. When the Harvest was great ( Mat. 9. 38. ) that his Personall presence could not attend all , he took unto him XII . as the XII . Patriarchs or XII . Fountains , as St Jerome , or the XII . Princes of the Tribes ( Num. 1. ) Gathering his Disciples Mat. 10. 1. Choosing out of them . Luke 6. 13. Whom he would Mark. 3. 13. He called them to him . Luke 6. 13. Made them . Mark 3. 13. Named them Apostles . Luke 6. 13. These he began to send ( Mark 6. 7. ) Gave them in charge ( Matt. 10. 1. and 11. 1. ) To preach the Gospel ( Luke 9. 2. ) To heal ( Matt. 10. 1. Luke 9. 2. ) To cast out Devils ( Matt. 10. 1. ) Gave them Power , To take maintenance ( Matt. 10. 10. Luke 9. 2. ) To shake off the dust , for a witness ( Matt. 10. 14. ) So he sent them ( Matt. 10. 5. Luke 9. 1. ) They went and preached ( Luke 9. 6. ) They returned and made relation , What they had Done Taught Mark. 6. 30. III. After this , when the Harvest grew so great , as that the XII . sufficed not all , Luke 10. 1 , 2. he took unto him other LXX , as the 70. Palm trees , Num. 33. 9. the Fathers of Families , Gen. 46. the Elders , Num. 11. These he Declared , ( Luke 10. 1. ) Sent by two and two into every City and place whether he himself would come , ibid. Gave them power , as to the Apostle , to Take maintenance , Luke 10 7. Shake off dust , Luke 10. 11. Heal the sick , Preach , ( Luke 10. 19. ) Tread upon serpents and scorpions , and over all the power of the Enemy ( Luke 10. 19. ) These two Orders ( as I think ) St. Paul Ephes. 3. 5. doth comprehend under the name of Apostles and Prophets , by the LXX . understanding Prophets , as wheresoever they are both mentioned together , next to the Apostles he placeth Prophets ( 1 Corinth . 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11. ) None of the Fathers ever doubted , that these two were two several Orders or Sorts , nor that the Apostles were superior to the LXX . It appeareth also that ( the Apostles ) had in them power to forbid to preach , Luke 9. 49. and that Matthias was exalted from the other order to the Apostleship . This was then the Order while Christ was upon the earth . I. Christ himself . II. The XII . were sent to all Nations . Their successors were Bishops placed and setled in several Nations . III. The LXX . were sent by Christ to the particular Cities of the Jewes , to prepare them for Christ , with his Apostles comming to them . Their Successors were Presbyters placed in particular Cities and Towns by the Apostles , that they might prepare the hearts of many Christians for the receipt and employment of an Angel or Bishop over the severall Presbyters . IV. The faithfull people , or Disciples , of whom 500. and more are mentioned in ( 1 Corinth . 15. 6. ) * though at the time of the electing of Matthias , and the Holy Ghost's descending , there were but CXX . present ( Acts 1. 15. ) The Form of Government used in the time of the APOSTLES . ALbeit Christ saith , the people were as Sheep without a Shepheard ( Mat. 9. 38. ) yet he termeth his Apostles Harvest-men , not Shepheards ; for while he was in person on earth , himself only was the Shepheard . And they but Arietes Gregis , but at his departure he maketh them Shepheards ( John. 21. 15. ) as they likewise others at theirs ( 1 Pet. 5. 2. Acts 28. ) Of the APOSTLES themselves , and first of their names . Shelicha , which is the Syrian name , was the title of certain Legats or Commissioners sent from the High-Priest , to visit the Jews and their Synagogues , which were dispersed in other Countries , with authority to redress things amiss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among the Greeks were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into Delphos , an Office of great credit , as by Herodotus and Demosthenes appeareth . Secondly of their form what it is . Not to have been with Christ all his life time , Acts 1. 21. so were others more . Not to be sent immediately of Christ , Gal. 1. 1. so were the LXX . ( Luke 10. ) Not to be limitted to one place ( Matt. 28. 19. ) sowere others , Luke 24. 33. 50. Not to be inspired of God , so that they did not erre , so were Mark and Luke . Not to plant Churches , so did Phillip the Evange-list ( Acts 8. 5. ) Not to work signes and Miracles : So did Stephen . ( Acts. 6. 8. ) and Philip ( Acts 8. 6. ) But over and above these , or with these that emnient authority or Jurisdiction which they had over all , not only joyntly together , but every one * severally by himself . I. Of Imposing hands in Ordination ( Acts 6. 6 ) Confirmation ( Acts 8. 17. 18. ) II. Of Commanding ( the word of the Bench Acts 4. 18. & 5. 28. Of Caesars , Acts 18. 2. ) The word of Gods command , 1 Cor. 9. 14. 1 Thess. 4. 11. 2 Thess. 3. 6. 12. Of Christs Acts 1 , 2 , 4. [ Of the Prophets , Acts 5. 32. Of the Apostles Phil. 8. The Apostles ordained matters in Churches , 1 Cor. 7. 17. & 11. 34 The Commandments of the Apostles of Christ the Lord are to be kept 1 Cor. 14. 37. 2 Pet. 3. 2. ] III. Of Countermanding ( Luke 9. 49. Acts. 15. 24. 1 Tim. 2. 12. ) IV. Of Censuring , Virga 1 Cor. 4. 21. 2 Cor. 13. 10. Gladius , Gal. 5. 12. Tradendi Satanae , 1. Cor. 5. 5. 11. 1 Tim. 1. 20. Claves , Matt. 16. 19. Sit tibi with 18. 18. and John 20. 23. ) In this power it is , that the Bishops succeed the Apostles , 1. Iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. 2. Tertul. de praescript . 3. 3. Cyprian ad Plorent . 3. 9. 4. Epiphan . Haeres . 27. Romae fuerunt primi Pettus & Paulus Apostoli udem ac Episcopi . 2. Chrysost. in Act 3. Jacobus Episcopus fuit Hierosolimae . 6. Hieronym . Epist. 85. & 54. ad Marcellam de Montano , & de scriptoribus , Ecclesiast . in Petro & Jacobo . 7. Ambrose in 1 Corinth . 11. ( de Angelis ) & in Eph. 4. ( Apostoli Episcopi sunt ) . Of Deacons . At the beginning the whole weight of the Churches affairs lay upon the Apostles . The Distribution As well of the Sacrament ( Act 2. 42. ) As of the Oblations ( Acts 4. 35 ) The Ordination ( Acts 6. 6. ) The Government ( Acts 5. 3. ) But upon occasion of the Greeks complaint whose Widdows were not duly regarded in the daily ministration , which was as well of the Sacrament as of the Oblations , otherwise the Apostles would not have left out ( the mention of ) the Sacrament in Act. 6. 4. They transferred that part upon the 7. Deacons whom they ordained for distribution of the Sacrament , not for Consecration . * For that the Deacons dealt not only with alms , 't is acknowledged by all the Primitive Church . Justin Apolog. 2. Ignatius ad Heron. Tertull. de Baptismo , Cyprian de Lapsis , & lib. 3. epist. 9. Chrysost. hom . 83. in . Matth. Hieron . epist. 48. ad Sabinam , & contra Lucifer . Ambr. Offic. lib. 1. c. 41. Greg. 4. 88. Concil . Nicaen . 1 Can. 14. 1 Tim. 3. 12. Of EVANGELISTS . Upon occasion of the scattering of the Disciples , by means of the persecution after the death of St. Stephen * grew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Acts 8. 4. & 11. 19. ) of which number St. Phillip is reckoned ( Acts 8. 21. ) and divers others Acts 11. 19 , 20. of whom Eusebius maketh mention lib. 3. cap. 37. and lib. 5. cap. 10. Upon these was transferred that part of the Apostles function which consisted in preaching from place to place . Electio per sortes , Acts 1. 10. Per populi suffragia , Acts 6. 6. Per spiritum sanctum , Act. 13. 2. Of PRIESTS . When the Church was in some sort planted by the preaching of the Apostles , Prophets and Evangelists , that they might continually be watered , and have a standing attendance , the Apostles ordained them Priests by imposition of hands in every Church , Acts 14. 23. & 11. 30. & 21. 18. And they made choice of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rather then of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . more in use with the Greeks , because it includeth an Embassie , and that chiefly of reconcilation , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressed by St. Paul in 2 Cor. 5. 20. with Luke 14. 32. [ and thence they were called Presbyters . ] Of BISHOPS . Last of all , that the Churches thus planted and watered might so continue , the Apostles ordained Overseers to have a generall care over the Churches , instead of themselves , who had first had the same , which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 15. 36. and containeth in it , as a strengthening or establishing in that which is already well ( Acts 14. 22. & 15. 41. Rev. 3. 2. ) so a rectifying or redressing if ought be defective or amiss , Tit. 1. 5. These are called by the Apostles , Acts 20. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Syrrian , that is Episcopi , by St. John Rev. 1. 20. the Angels of the Churches . These were set over others both to rule and teach , 1 Tim. 5. 17. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Upon these was transferred the chief part of the Apostolick function . The Oversight of the Church . The power of Commanding , Correcting , Ordaining , The occasion which caused the Apostles to appoint Bishops ( besides the pattern set by Gods Ordinance in the time of the Law ) seemeth to have been Schisms , such as were in the Churches of Rome , Rom. 16. 17. Corinth , 1 Cor. 1. 11. and 3. 3 , 4. Galatia , Gall. 5. 12. Ephesus , Eph. 4. 2 , 3. Phillippi , Phil. 4. 2. Colossi , Col. 3. 13. Thessalonica , 2 Thess. 3. 11. The Hebrews , Heb. 13. 9. James 3. 1. For which St. Cyprian , S. Jerome , and all the Fathers take the respect to one Governor , to be an especiall remedy ( for which also see Calvin . Instit. lib. 4. cap. 4. 8. 2. ) This power even in the Apostles time was necessary , for God chargeth not his Church with superfluous burdens , yet had they such graces ( as power of healing , doing signes , sundry languages , &c. that they of all other might seem best able to want it ; for by these graces they purchased both admiration and terrour sufficient for crediting of their bare word , in the whole Church . If necessary then in their times that were so furnished , much more in the Ages ensuing , when all these extraordinary graces ceased , and no means but it , to keep things in order . So that were it not apparent to have been in the Apostles times , yet the necessity of the times following , destitute of these helps , might enforce it . Seeing then God hath no less care for the propagation and continuance of his Church , then for the first settling or planting of it , Eph. 4. 13. it must needs follow , that the power was not personal in the Apostles , as tyed to them only , but a power given to the Church , and in them for their times resident , but not ending with them as temporary , but common to the ages after , and continuing , to whom it was more needfull then to them ) to repress Schism , and to remedy other abuses . So that the very same power at this day remaineth in the Church , and shall to the worlds end . Of the PERSONS * ( that executed these Offices . I. Albeit the Commission were generall over all Nations , which was given to the XII . yet was that generality only by permission , not expresly mandatory . Else should they have sinned , that went not through all Nations . Therefore how soever the Commission was to all Nations , yet was it left to their discretion how , and in what fort they would dispose themselves , as the Holy Ghost should direct them . Therefore that partition Gal. 2. 9. betwixt St. Peter and St. Paul was lawfull and good , and no wayes derogatory to ite praedicate , Goe teach all Nations . Further the Ecclesiasticall History doth testifie , that they parted the Coasts and Countries of the world among them by common advice , and so sundred themselves . Peter to Pontus , Galatia , Capadocia . John to Asia , Parthia . Andrew to Cythia , Pontus , Euxinus & Bizantium . Phillip to Upper Asia , unto Hierapolis . Thomas to Jndia , Persia , and the Magi. Bartholomew to Armenia , Lycaonia , India citerior . Mathew to ( Ethiopia . ) Simeon to Mesopotamia , Persia , Egypt , Afrique , Britany . Thaddeus to Arabia , Jdumea , Mesopotamia . Matthias to Ethiopia . Soc. 1. 15. 2. Again albeit their preaching was for the most ambulatory ; yet do the same Histories witness that having setled Religion , and brought the Church to some stay , towards their end , they betook themselves to residence in some one place , divers of them , as St James at Jerusalem ( Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 1. Epiphan . Haeres . 66. Chrysost. in Act. 15. Hierom. Chrysost. in Acts 15. St. John at Ephesus , Euseb. 3. 26. Tertul. lib. 4. contra Marcion . Hierom. St. Peter first at Antioch , and after at Rome . Which places were more specially accounted their Sees , and the Churches themselves after a more special manner were called Apostolick . Sedes Apostolorum . August in Epist. 42. Ecclesiae Apostolicae . Tertullian . 3. It is also plain , that the Apostles * while they lived chose unto them as Helpers ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) divers who were companions with them in their Journies ministred unto them , and supplyed their absences in divers Churches , when they were occasioned * themselves to depart . Such were . * Androniours ( Rom. 16. 17. ) Apollos ( Acts 19. 1. ) 1 Cor. 3. 6. Aquila ( Rom. 16. 3. ) Archippus Phil. 2. ( Col. 4. 17. ) Aristarchus ( Acts 20. 4. ) Clemens ( Phil. 3. 4. ) Crescence ( 2 Tim. 4. 10. ) Demetrius ( 3 John 12. ) Epaphras ( Col. 4. 12. &c. 1. 7. & Philem. 24. ) Epaphroditus ( Phil. 2. 23. ) Epaenetus ( Rom. 16. 5. ) Erastus ( Acts 19. 22. ) Gajus ( Acts 20. 4. ) Jesus Justus ( Col. 4. 11. ) John Marke ( Acts 13. 5. & 15. 37. &c. Philem. 24. ) Lucas ( Philem. 24. Col. 4. 14. Secundus ( Act. 20. 4. ) Silvanus ( 1 Pet. 5. 12. ) ( 1 Thes. 1. 2. 2 Thes. 11. ) Sopater ( Acts 20. 4. ) Sosttheues ( 1 Cor. 1. 1. ) * Stachys ( Rom. 6. 9. ) Stephanus ( 1 Cor. 16 , 15. Tertius ( Rom. 16. 22. ) Timotheus ( Acts 19. 22. & 20. 4. ) Titus ( 2 Cor. 8. 23. ) Trophimus ( Acts 20. 4. ) Tychicus ( Acts 20. 4. ) * Col. 4. 7. Urbanus ( Rom. 16. 9. ) Of whom Eusebius , lib. 3. Hist. cap. 4. Euthymius in tertium Johannis . Isydorus de patrib . Derothei Synopsis . * To these , as namely to Timothy and Titus ( two of these ) one at Ephesus , the other in Crete , Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 4. The Apostles imparted their own Commission while they yet lived ; even the chief Authority they had . To appoint Priests , Titus 1. 5. & Hieron . in eum locum . To ordain them by laying on of hands , 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2. To keep safe and preserve the Depositum , 1 Tim. 6. 14. 20. 1 Tim. 1. 14. To command not to teach other things , 1. Tim. 1. 3. Titus 3. 9. 2 Tim. 2. 16. To receive accusations , 1 Tim. 5. 19. 21. To redress or correct things amiss , Titus 1. 5. To reject young Widdows , 1 Tim. 5. 11. To censure Hereticks , and disordered persons ; Titus 1. 11. and 3. 10. 1 Tim. 6. 5. 2 Tim. 3. 5. And these after the Apostles deceased , succeeded them in their charge of Government , which was Ordinary , Successive , and perpetual . Their extraordinary gifts of Miracles and Tongues ceasing with them . So Irenaeus lib. 3. cap. 3. Quos & successores relinquebant , suum ipsorum locum Magisterii tradentes . Of the promiscuous use of their Names . Hese were they whom posterity called Bishops , but in the beginning regard was not had to distinction of Names , the Authority and power was ever distinct , the Name not restrained either in this or others . The Apostles called Priests , or Seniors 1 Pet. 5. 1. Deacons or Ministers 1 Cor. 3. 5. Teachers or Doctors 1 Tim. 2. 7. Bishops or Overseers Acts 1. 20. Prophets Acts 13. 1 Rev. 22. 9. Evangelists 1 Cor. 9. 16. 9. The name of Apostle was enlarged and made common to more then the XII . To Barnabas Act. 14. 4. 14. Andronicus Rom. 16. 7. Epaphroditus Phil. 2. 25. Titus and others 2 Cor. 8. 23. Timothy ( Hierom. in Cantic . Chro. Euseb. ) The Priests were called Prophets ( 1 Cor. 14. 32. Bishops Phil. 1. 4. Titus 1. 7. So Chrysost. in Phil. 1. Quid hoc ? an unius eivitatis multi erant Episcopi , nequaquam sed Presbyteros isto nomine appellavit , tunc enim nomina adhuc erant communia . Hierom. Hic Episcopos , Presbyteros intelligimus ; non enim in una urbe plures Episcopi esse potuissent . Theodoret. * Ne fieri quidem poterat , ut multi Episcopi essent unius civitatis pastores , quo fit ut essent Presbyteriquos vocavit Episcopos . Et in 1 Tim. 3. Eosdem olim vocabant Episcopos & Presbyteros ; eos autem qui nunc vocantur Episcopi , nominabant Apostolos . Oecumenius : Non quod in una eivitate multi essent Episcopi , sed Episcopos vocat Presbyteros , tunc enim nominibus — adhuc communicabant . For in the Apostles absence in Churches new planted , the oversight was in them , till the Apostles ordained , and sent them a Bishop , either by reason of some Schisme , or for other causes . The Bishops as the Ecclesiastical History recounteth them , were called , Apostles Phil. 2. 25. Evangelists 2 Tim. 4. 5. Deacons 1 Tim. 4. 6. Priests 1 Tim. 4. 17. For it is plain by the Epistle of Irenaeus to Victor in Eusebius lib. 5. cap. 25. that they at the beginning were called Priests , that in very truth , and propriety of Speech were indeed Byshops , and by Theodoret , Phil. 2. 25. That they that were Bishops were at first called Apostles . The name ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) saith Suidas was given by the Athenians to them , which were sent to Oversee the cities that were under their Jurisdiction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ Rodigin . 18. 3. ] The name Episcopus was given among the Romans to him qui praeerat pansi , & voenalibus ad victum quotidianum F. de muneribus & honoribus , Cicero ad Atticum lib. 7. Epist. 10. vult me Pompeius esse quem tota haec Campania , & maritima or a habeat Episcopum . The name in Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 41. 34. seemeth to have relation to the second use , for they were such as had charge of the grain , laying up and selling under Joseph . The use of the BISHOPS Office , and the charge committed to him . The party , who in the New Testament is called Episcopus , is in the Old , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Office in the New 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Tim. 3. 1. in the old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psalm . 109. 8. with Acts 1. 20. In a House or Family it is affirmed of Joseph , Gen. 39. 4. who had the oversight and government of the rest of the Servants . In a House there be many Servants which have places of charge * Matt. 25. 14. but there is one that hath the charge of all * Luk. 12. 42. that is Occonomus the Steward . So doe the Apostles term themselves , 1 Cor. 4. 1. And their Office 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Cor. 9. 17. And their successors the Bishops , Tit. 1. 7. 9. Vide Hilar. in Matt. 24. 45. In a Flock the Pastor , John 21. 15. Acts 20. 28. Matt. 25. 32. 1. Pet. 3. 2. Eph. 4. 11. In a Camp , * the Captain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Matt. 2. 6. Heb. 13. 7. 17. 24. In a Ship the Governor * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Cor. 12. 28. under whom there are * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 13. 5. In the Common-wealth they be such as are set over Officers , to hasten them forward , and so they doe their duties , as in 2 Chron. 34. 13. & 31. 13. Nehemiah 11. 22. & 12. 42. So that what a Steward is in a House , A Pastour in a Flock , A Captain in a Campe , A Master in a Ship , A Surveyor in an Office , That is a Bishop in the Ministery . Upon him lieth first * ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the eare of the Churches under him , 2 Cor. 11. 28. Phil. 2. * Concil . Antiochen . can . 9. * Act. 9. 32. & 15. 36. ( and to be observant . ) * II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the visiting of them , Acts 9. 32. & 15 , 16. * And in both these I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Tikkun ) * the confirming of that which is well and orderly Acts 15. 41. Rev , 3. 2. II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Manatseach ) the redressing which is otherwise ( Tit. 1. 5. ) To him was committed principally I. Authority of Ordaining , Tit. 1. 5. and so of begetting Fathers , Epipha . Haeres . 75. See Ambros. Theodoret and Oecumentus in 1 Tim. 3. Damasus Epist. 3. Jerem . Epist. 85. ad Evagr. Leo Epist. 88. Concil . Ancyran . Can. 12. al. 13. For though St. Paul should mention a Company * together a with him at the Ordaining of Timothy , 1 Tim. 4. 14. yet it followeth not but that he only was * the Ordainer . No more , then that Christ is the only Judge , although the XII . shall sit with him on Thrones , Luke 20. 30. II. Authority of enjoyning or forbidding ; 1 Tim. 1. 3. Ignatius ad Magnesia , Cyprian Epist. 39. III. Authority of holding Courts , and receiving accusations 1 Tim. 5. 19. 1 Cor. 5. 12. Revel . 2. 2. Augustin . de opere , Monachor cap. 24. IV. Authority of Correcting , 1 Tim. 1. 3. M●cro Episcopalis Tit. 1. 5. Hieron . contra Lucifer cap. 4. & Epist . 53. ad Riparium , Cyprian Epist. 38. ad Rogatianum . V. Authority of Appointing Fasts . Tertullian adversus Psychicos . The Choice of persons to their calling . [ 1. The Apostles were immediately called by Christ. 2. For the calling of Matthias the Apostle Peter gave direction ; two persons were propounded by the 120. the chief and constant disciples of Christ , but he was designed to his place by a sacred Lot. 3. Some were chos●n and appointed to their callings by the Holy Ghost , Acts 11. 12. Acts 13. 2. Acts 8. 29. Acts 20. 28. 4. In choice of the Seven Deacons who were credited with the provision for such as wanted , the multitude of the Chief , and constant Disciples of Christ , and the Apostles who were contributers of the same , present 7. persons , the Apostles ordain them Deacons . 5. The Apostles chose to themselves Helpers , fellow Servants of Christ , fellow-Souldiers , and the like , Acts 15. 5. Rom. 16. 9. 2 Cor. 8. 23. Coll. 4. 7. Tit. 1. 5. So Timothy well reported of is taken by Paul , Act. 16. 2. 3. 6. The Apostles chose such as were their Attendants , or Ministers , and sent them to severall Churches and People , Acts 19. 22. 2 Tim. 4. 10. 12. 2 Cor. 12. 17. 1 Thess. 3. 2. and left some to abide in Churches where was need of their help . Tit. 1. 5. Col. 20. Acts 18. 19. 1 Tim. 1. 3. ] A LETTER of Dr. Hadrianus Saravia , to the Ministers of the Isle of Garnsay ; written in French and translated into English. Grace and Peace from Jesus Christ our Lord. GEntlemen and wel-beloved Brethren in the Lord , my calling doth oblige me to procure the good and the true edification of the Churches of Christ Jesus , and chiefly of those which I have formerly had to doe with as their Minister ; such are those of the Islands , where I was one of the first , and know which were the beginnings , and by which means and occasions the preaching of Gods word was planted there . But you hold now ( to my thinking ) a course quite contrary to that which we have held . All the favour we then obtained was through the Bishops means , and without them I dare confidently assure you , that you will obtain nothing of what you look for . In the beginning there was no other Reformation in the Islands then that common throughout the whole Kingdome of England . The Priests which a little before had sung Mass , became suddenly Protestants ; but yet not one of them was appointed to preach the word of God. They were but ignorant blockheads , continuing still in ●eart and effection Papists , and enemies to the Gospel . Now such as were sincerely affected to the Gospel , prevailed so far as that they obtained Ministers , with whom the Priests could not agree : they retained their Service , and the Ministers preached , and had the exercise of Religion asunder , following the order of the Churches of France . In those beginings at the pursuit of Mr. John After , Dean , I was sent by my Lords of the Councell to the Islands , as well in regard of the School that was newly erected , as to be a Minister there . At that time the Bishop of Constance was sent Ambasadour from the French King to Queen Elizabeth , from whom , and from her Councell he obtained , Letters to the Governors of the Islands , whereby they were enjoyned to yeild unto him all authority and right , which he pretended did belong unto him , as being the true Bishop of the Islands . But how this blow as was warded let your Fathers tell you . Upon this occasion the Bishop of Winchester ( as their true Bishop ) took upon him the protection of the Churches of both Islands , representing to the Queen , and unto her Councel , that of old the Islands did belong to his Bishoprick , and that he had ancient Records for it ; yea an Excommunication from the Pope against the Bishop of Constance , whenever he would challenge any Episcopall Jurisdiction over the Islands . So through the means of the said Bishop , and Mr. John After , Dean , two places only were priviledged of my Lords of the Councell , St. Peeter-haven for Garnzay , and St. Helier for Jarnsay , with prohibition to innovate in ought in the other Parishes . Then were the Court and Chapter of the Bishop held , which afterwards were supprest , how , by whom , and by what authority , I know not : I fear the Authors have run themselves into Premunires ( if premunires have power within the Islands ) The Consistories , Classes and Synods of Ministers have succeeded them , yet without any Episcopall Jurisdiction . Now so it is , that your Islands want Episcopall Courts for proving of Wills , for Divorces , and Marriages , and for the Tythes which are causes , and Actions , Ecclesiasticall , and have so been these 600. years and upwards , as well under the Dukes of Normandy , as the Kings of England . The Reformation and change of Religion hath altered nothing ; neither is there any one that hath power or authority to transferre the said causes to any other Judges then to the Bishop , but the Kings Majesty : so that your Civil Magistrates have nothing to doe with such causes ; if they meddle with them 't is usurpation . The French Ministers are so rash as to say , that the Bishops of England have usurpt this Jurisdiction , and that it belongeth not unto them , because it is Civil , making no difference between what some Bishops have heretofore usurpt , & what the King and Soveragn Magistrates have freely given ( for certain reasons moving them thereunto ) and conferred upon Bishops ; therefore though the matter be civill , yet can they not be held for usurpers . Truly the present state and condition of the Kingdom of England doth bely such slanderers of our Bishops . I fear that your Magistrates being seasoned with this Doctrine , have carried themselves in this point more licentiously then the Laws of this Kingdome and of their Islands will warrant them . I pass over the debates that might be made upon this matter , as a thing impertinent in the place and government under which we live . I consider the state of England . and that of the Islands , and the dignity of Bishops , and the condition of the other Ministers of the Church , such as it is at this day . In Scotland for the time present the State hath otherwise provided , but not in England , and therefore ye ought not to take example by them , as though your State were like theirs . I hear that your Governor hath taken order about Wills , and appointed one to prove them . But I cannot conceive how that may be done without Episcopal Jurisdiction conferred by the Bishop . Your Governour I know hath power to present to the Bishop a man proper to execute this authority of the Bishop in his name . Likewise the Governor as Patron of the Churches and Parishes of his Government , upon the vacancy of any living , ought to present by such a time a man well qualified to succeed in the Office of a Pastour , but the admission and induction of such a charge , belongs to your Bishop , and to no body else . If I be well informed , you observe nothing of all this : which if it be so , you 'l never be able to justifie it . The example of the French Churches , and of the Low-Countries doe you no good . Your case is quite another : They have Laws from their Soveraigns , and particular places for themselves , but all that you doe is contrary to the Laws and Ordinance of the King your Soveraign . You hold Synodicall meetings , wherein you make Statutes about the Government of the Church , unto which you bind your selves and the rest that are naturall Subjects to the King : wherein you ( unsensibly derogate from his authority . The Synods of the Arch-bishops and Bishops , together with the rest of the Clergy of this Realm dare not presume that which you doe , nor attribute to their Canons and Statutes what you attribute to yours . Yet the Assembly of Bishops and of their Clergie , is of men far otherwise qualified then some dozen of the Ministers of your Islands to judge and discern what belongs to the edification of the Church ; their Decrees nevertheless are of no authority to tye unto them those of this Realm , till the King , yea in his own person , have approved them , and by Proclamation made them his : There is no body in his Realm , nor in any of his Dominions that hath power to enact Laws and Decrees but himself : The Parliaments authority is great , but without the Kings assent nothing takes the rigour of Law. I know very vell , that at the perswasion of the Ministers , your Governours and others that were present to your Synods , have subscribed and acknowledged your Synodicall Acts , they did it even in my time : but their power doth not stretch so far . That may bring a greater prejudice to themselves , then give force of Ecclesiasticall Law to your Decrees . I doe not think that his Majesty being well informed will grant unto your Ministers or Governours of your Islands such authority : They will be more pernicious to you then youthink . You 'l alledge me , I know , your Priviledges ; but I dare boldly answer you ; that you never had any such priviledges : I have read them , and have the copies of them ; and they say ; that in matters Civil you shall be governed by the ancient Coustumier of Normandy , and that you are not subject to the Statutes of the Parliament in such matters , nor to the Subsidies , other charges and impositions that are raised in England , except ( which God forbid ever should come to pass ) the King were detained Prisoner by the Enemy . In matters Ecclesiasticall you are freed from the Bishop of Constance , and under that of Winchester , yea even of old by the Popes authority and consent of the two Kings , from whom also in part , your neutrality in times of warre is approved , excommunicating all such as would molest you . Ye cannot shew concerning your priviledges , but only what is renewed as often as there is a new King. And for the Patent which you say you have procured from his Majesty for matters of Religion ; First , it is in generall terms , and without any clause derogating from the authority of your Bishops . Secondly , if it be questioned , it may be told you , that it was surreptitious , and granted you before the King was well informed of the business . To conclude you must understand that in matters of Religion the Kings Majesty will doe nothing without the counsell and advice of the Arch-bishop and your Bishop of Winchester ; wherefore you may doe well to insinuate your selves in their favour , and conform your selves to them , as we have done in the beginning . You may reduce the Decrees of the Church of England , and the use of the book of prayers to a good and Christian Discipline , farre more solid , and better grounded then that for which ye so earnestly bestirre your selves . I must addone word more which will be hard of digestion . This is it , that you may be upbraided , that as many Ministers that are naturall of the Countrey , being not made Ministers of the Church by your Bishop , nor by his Demissories , nor by any other according to the order of the English Church , you are not true and lawfull Ministers . Likewise that as many among you as have not taken institution and induction into your Parishes from the Bishop , nor from his Substitute lawfully ordained and authorised so to doe , ye are come in by intrusion and usurpation of cure of Souls , which no body could give you but your Bishop , that is , in terms and words Evangelicall , that you are not come into the Sheep-fold by the door , but by elsewhere , and that by the Ecclesiasiastical Laws you are excommunicants and Schismaticks . I know well enough you do not regard such Laws , and think that your Priviledges will exempt you from them , wherein you greatly deceive your selves . For a man may tell you , who are yee that would have your Ecclesiastical Decrees made by Private Authority , to have force of Laws , and dare scorn and reject those of the English Church , made by Publick Authority , by farre honester men , greater Scholars ( without comparison ) more learned , and farre more in number then you are ? The Kings Majesty by his Royall authority hath approved them , this Realm hath received them . But what are your Synodall Decrees ? who be the Authors of them , and who be they that have approved them ? 'T is winkt at , and your ignorance is born with , but think not , that that which is born in you be any such thing as vertue . Your Priviledges do not stretch so far as that you may make Ecclesiasticall Decrees : Had it been so , the Priests had retained Mass and Poperie : In that you hold a contrary course to that of the English Church whereof you are and must be ( if you be Englishmen ) Members , it proceeds from nothing else but from the connivence and indulgence of your Governors , who have given too much credit to the French Ministers , and partly in the beginning , to the stubborness of the Papists of the Islands . When your Governors shall have a liking to the English Reformation , then will they make you leave the French Reformation : You fail against wind and tyde ; you think that the Governors you shall have hereafter will be like Sir Tho. Layton , you are deceived . Though this day you had compassed your wish , to morrow or the next day after , at your Governors pleasure , all shall be marred again . Finally , the Ecclesiasticall Government which you aske , hath no ground at all upon Gods word . 'T is altogether unknown to the Fathers , who in matter of Christian Discipline , and censure of manners , were more zealous and precise then we are , But you cannot , of all the learned and pious antiquity ▪ shew one example of the Discipline or Ecclesiasticall order , which you hold , as your Bishop in his book of the perpetuall government of the Sonne of Gods Church , doth learnedly teach . I pass over what I have my self written concerning it in my book , De diversis Ministrorum gradibus , and in my Defence against the Answer of Mr. Beza , and more largely in my Confutation of his book De triplicigenere Episcoporum . I cannot wonder enough at the Scotchmen , who could be perswaded to abolish and reject the state of Bishops , by reasons so ill grounded , partly false , partly of no moment at all , and altogether unworthy a man of such fame . If the Scots had not more sought after the temporal means of Bishops , then after true Reformation , never had Mr. Beza's Book perswaded them to do what they have done . And I assure you , that your opinion concerning the government of the Church , seems plausible unto great men , but for two reasons , the one is to prey upon the goods of the Church , the other for to keep it under , the Revenues and authority of Bishops being once taken away . For the form of your discipline is such , that it will never be approved of by a wise and discreet supreme Magistrate , who knows how to govern . Ye see not the faults you commit in your proceedings as well Consistoriall as Synodals , men well versed in the Lawes , and in government do observe them . But they contemn them so long as they have the law in their own hands , and that it is far easier for them to frustrate them , & regard neither Consistorie nor Synodes , then for you to command and make Decrees . Were your Discipline armed with power , as the Inquisition of Spain is , it would surpass it in tyranny . The Episcopall authority is Canonical , that is , so limitted and enclosed within the bounds of the Statutes and Canons [ of the Church ] that it can command nothing without Law , much less contrary to Law. And the Bishop is but the Keeper of the Lawes , to cause them to be observed , and to punish the transgressors of your Consistories and Synodes . For the present I will say no more , only take notice of this , that it is not likely the King who knows what Consistories and Synodes be , will grant that to the Islands which doth displease him in Scotland . This , Gentlemen and Brethren , have I thought good to write vnto you , intreating you to take it well , as comming from him that loves the Islands , and the good and edification of the Church of Christ , as much as you can doe . Upon this occasion I have thought fit to add thus much concerning Dr. Hadrianus Saravia . HIs learning is sufficiently known by his works , his judgement in relation to the Liturgy and Discipline of the Church of England is declared by this Letter , which doth further appear by his Subscriptions following . 1. In Queen Elizabeth's time the form required was in these words , We whose names are here underwritten , do Declare and unfainedly Testify our assent to all and singular the Articles of Religion , and the Confession of the true Christian Faith , and the Doctrine of the Sacraments comprized in a book imprinted , intituled Articles , whereupon it was agreed by the Arch-bishops and Bishops of both Provinces , and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London in the year of our Lord God 1562. according to the computation of the Church of England , for the avoiding of the diversities of opinions , and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion , put forth by the Queens Authority . And in testimony of such our Assents we have hereunto subscribed our names , with our own proper hands , as hereafter followeth . Unto this Doctor Hadrianus de Saravia ( the sixth Prebend of the Church of Canterbury being conferred upon him ) subscribes in these words : Per me Hadrianum de Saravia Sacrae Theologiae Professorem , cui sexta Prebenda in Ecclesia Cathedrali Christi Cantuariens conferenda est sexto December is 1595. Wherein I find he did immediately succeed Doctor Whitaker , whose Subscription is in these words , viz. Per me Gulielmum Whitaker sacrae Theologiae Doctorem ejusdemque Professorem Regium in Academia Cantabrigiensi , cui sexta Praebenda in Ecclesia Cathedrali Chrstl Cantuarens . conferenda est , Decimo Maii 1595. According unto which I find Mr. John Dod of Hanwell in Oxfordshire ( who wrot upon the Commandements ) to have subscribed in these words : Per me Johannem Dod , in Artibus Magistrum praesentatum ad Ecclesiam de Hanwell Oxon. Dioces . 28. Julii 1585. unto whom abundance more ( and about that time ) might be added Mr. Richard Rogers , Doctor Reynolds of Oxford , &c. among whom it pleased me to find the hand of the Reverend and Learned Mr. Hooker thus subscribing : Per me Richardum Hooker Clericum in Artibus Magistrum praesentatum ad Canonicatum et Praebendam de Neather-haven in Ecclesia Cathedrali Sarum . 17. Julii 1591. 2. In King Jame's time , and since , the form of the Subscription was thus , To the three Articles mentioned in the 36. Chapter of the Book of Canons . First , that the Kings Majesty under God is the only supreme Governor of this Realm , and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries , as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or Causes as Temporall , and that no foraign Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction , Power , Superiority , Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within his Majesties said Realms , Dominions and Territories . That the Book of Common Prayer and of Ordering of Bishops , Priests and Deacons , containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of God , and that it may lawfully so be used , and that he himself will use the form in the said book prescribed in publick prayer , and administration of the Sacraments , and none other . That he alloweth the book of Articles of Religion agreed upon by the Arch-bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the Clergy in the Convocation holden at London in the year of our Lord , One thousand five hundred sixty and two . And that he acknowledgeth all and every the Articles therein contained , being in number nine and thirty besides the Ratification to be agreeable to the word of God. To these three Articles , Doctor Hadrianus de Saravia being instituted unto the Rectory of Great Chart in the Diocess of Canterbury anno 1609. subscribes in these words . Ego Hadrianus de Saravia Sacrae Theologiae Professor , cui Ecclesia Parochialis de Charta magna Cantuar. Dioces . conferenda est , his tribus Articulis supra scriptis , & omnibus & singulis in iisdem contentis , lubens & ex animo subscribo , vicessimo quinto die Mensis Februarii , Anno Dom. juxta computationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae , 1609. Hadr. de Saravia . According unto which in succeeding years I find very many of our reverend Divines , famous in their times for Learning and Piety have subscribed also , which would be needless here to mention , in regard their judgments are sufficiently known that way : Only there are some other learned men , and of a pious estimation ( whom the vulgar possibly have misapprehended ) I have thought fit to doe them that right , as to vindicate them in it , having found them there as fully and heartily subscribing also : Each of which being various in some expressions I have put them down distinctly . Mr. Nicholas Bifeild ( whose many pious works hath made him famous ) subscribes in these words : Mart. ult . 1615. Ego Nicholaus Bifeild verbi divini Praedicator , admittendus & instituendus ad vicariam de Isleworth in Comitatu Middlesex , hisce tribus Articulis & omnibus in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo subscribo . Mr. Jeremiah Dike of Epping in Essex , ( an able and constant Preacher , and of great esteem in his time ) subscribes thus : Mart. 21. anno 1609. Ego Jeremiah Dike in Artibus Magister legitime praesentatus ad Vicariam de Epping in Essex , his tribus Articulis supra Scriptis , & omnibus in iisdem contentis , lubens , & ex animo subscribo . Which two I find subscribing accordingly twice . Mr. Daniel Caudery . April . 25. 1616. Ego Daniel Caudery in artibus Magister admissus ad docendam Grammaticam in Ecclesia Parochiae de Berkin in Comitatu Essexiae , his tribus articulis , & omnibus , in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , non coactus , subscribo . Mr. William Jenkyn . Jan. 2. 1640. Ego Gulielmus Jenkyn Clericus in Artibus Magister , jam admittendus , & instituendus , ad & in Rectoriam sancti Leonardi in vico Colcestriae in Comitatu Essexiae , hisce tribus articulis praescriptis , antea a me lectis , & omnibus , in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , subscribo . Guil. Jenkyn . Mr. Calamy . Novemb. 9. 1637. Ego Edm. Calamy sacrae Theologiae Bacch . jam admittendus & instituendus , ad & in Rectoriam de Rochford in Comitatu Essexiae , hisce tribus articulis praescriptis antea a me lectis , & omnibus in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , subscribo . Edm. Calamy . And what is here subscribed as to the book of Common-prayer , was heretofore ( to my own knowledge ) as diligently attended by persons of the like eminency being so farre from absenting themselves , that they were carefull to come to the beginning of it . And it is also as fully defended by Mr. Hildersham in his 26. Lecture upon cap. 24. of St. John ) ( a man of as much learning and piety as any before mentioned ) to be according to Gods institution , Ordinance and Commandement ; which in another Treatise I have more largely declared ( with the testimonies of divers others . ) And in his 27. and 29. Lect. exhorts unto kneeling at it , and being bareheaded even at the reading of the Psalms and Chapters , as of the rest of Divine Service , defends the custome of our Church therein , as well becomming every one of Gods people to conform themselves unto it . In the view of the Registry of Subscriptions of later years , I find that till the year 1641. all subscribed as abovesaid , and continued it , to the Articles of Religion , though with several expressions and provisoes , In an . 1643. thus , Tertio Articulo praescripto , &c. or thus , Articulis Religionis praescriptis juxta formam statuti in eodem Casu editi , & provisi , i. e. To the Articles of Religion before written , according to the form of a Statute ( or Ordinance ) in that case provided and published . In 1644. the form was thus , Articulis Religionis Ecclesiae Anglicanae juxta formam Statuti in ea parte editi , &c. quatenus non regugnant foederi Nationali , &c. i. e. To the Articles of Religion of the Church of England , &c. as far as they are not repugnant to the National Covenant , &c. And about 1646. thus : Salvo foedere Nationali , Then about Octob. 1648. that clause was left out ( there being it seems in the Covenant somewhat contradicting that horrid Act intended unto the late King of blessed Memory ) and the form was then only Artioulis Religionis Ecclesiae Anglicanae , and so continued till this late happy change of Government , when the subscriptions returned to the first form . A POSTSCRIPT . One thing more in relation to the Lord Primate Usher , There hath been a Pamphlet of late revived which had been printed before in his name , intituled The Bishop of Armaghs Direction to the Parliament concerning the Liturgy and Episcopal Government , &c. against which , as himself had declared in his life time , so have I since his death , to be a false fictitious Paper ; yet notwithstanding it is reprinted , and sold up and down as his , and accordingly produced at this day , by many upon all occasions to his great injury . For the further clearing of which let the Reader take notice that in Anno , 1640. when it came first out , the Primate petitioned the House of Commons for the suppressing of it ; upon which this Order was conceived as followeth . An ORDER of the Commons-House of Parliament , for the suppessing of * another Pamphlet falsely fathered upon the said Arch-bishop of Armagh , Die Martis 9. Feb. 1640. WHereas complaint hath been made unto us by James Lord Archbishop of Armagh , and Priof all Ireland , that a certain Pamphlet hath been lately most injuriously fathered upon him , and spread under the false title of the Bishop of Armaghs Direction to the House of Parliament concerning the Liturgy and Episcopall Government . It is this day Ordered in the Commons House of Parliament , that the Master and Company of Stationers , and all others whom it may concern , shall take such course for the suppressing of the said Book , that they shall not suffer it to be put in Print ; or if it be already Printed , not permit the same to be divulged ; and if any man shall presume to print or publish the Book above mentioned , that he or they shall be then lyable to the Censure of the said House . H. ELSYNG Cler. Dom. Com. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A27494-e7440 ☞ Notes for div A27494-e10330 1 Pet. 2. 13 , 14. John 20. 23. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Tit. 2. 15. Mat. 16. 19. & 18. 18 Rom. 13. 4 : Ezra 7. 26. Math. 20. 52. 2 Chron 26 18 1 Tim. 2. 2. * As on the other side , that a Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall Government is exercised in Causes Civill or Temporal : For is not Excommunication a main part of Ecclesiastical Government , and Forest Laws a special branch of causes temporal , yet we see in sententiâ , lat● super Chartas , An. 12 R. H. 3. that the Bishops of England pronounce a solemn sentence of Excommunication against the Infringers of the liberties contained in Chartâ de forestâ . Mark 16. 15. Acts 1. 25 , 26. Notes for div A27494-e12710 O Sullevan Hist. Cathol . Hib. sol . 20. & 2●3 . Stat. Hyb . 20. Eliz. Pat. An. 11. Hen. 3. 10. Tu●r . Lond. Pat. An. 3. Hen. 3. Membran . 9. Pat. Gascony in 18 Edw. 2. m●mbr . 25. indo . s. Pat an . 44. Edw. 3. ●n Arch ●● Tu●r . Lond. Math. 22 , 21. Mal. 3. 8. Plurima tune tempor is circumserebatur sama traducens Apostolos veluti seditiosos rerumque novatores , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in Rom. ●om . 23. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Rom. 〈◊〉 . 23. ( d ) Deut. 33. 5. e In Decalog . Praer . 5. Nome● creaturae , ( sio enim malim vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reddere , quam per ordinationem , cum nullibi in Scriptura tali sensu reperiatur usurpata ) accipi potest pro eminentia ut sensus sit , subjecti esto●e eis qui inter homines eminent , sicut immedtate ●●idit sive Regi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi explicare volu sset ambiguam vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Sic quid n● á Petro hic per excellenti●m Rex dicitur , humana Creatura q●ia inter reliquos homines eminet . ibidem . g Ibid. quia d●catur Creatura ideo actus Creatoris & humana per excellentiam , ideo a Deo originem traxisse qui origo est omnis excellentiae , quod sequentia etiam confirmant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propter dominum . i. e. quia cum instituit dominus . * Apol. ad Constant . Tibi Deus Imperium commisi qui tuum imperium malignis occulis carpit contradicit ordinationi divinae . h Apolog. Necesse est ut suspiciamus eum quim Dominus noster elegit , & merito dixerim , noster est magis Caesar ut a nostro deo constitutus . ( i ) Colimus Imperatorem ut bominem a deo secundum , & solo deo minorem . ad scapul . k Pharisaei ●●nus hominum astutum , arrogans , de scrupu ofitate paternae legis gloriantes , & spectem p●etatis simulantes , Caesari ( etsi cunct● gens Ju laica , jurejurando jurasset ) sidelitatem ju are recusaverunt , imo , qui numero erant supra sex millia , Regibus adeo in●e●●i suerunt ut eos aperte opp●gnare ausi fuerint Josephus . Antiq 17. cap. 3. l Principem esse propter populum princ●p● tum esse ex lege & au h●r●tate humana . Populum nunquam ita suam ●otestatem in regem transfe●re , quin illam sibi in habitu retineat , & in Cer●●●●si●a , etiam a ●u recipire possit l. 5. de Pontif. c. 8. quod lib. c. 8. Confirmat exemplis Oziae & Athalia , qui o●e populi , a solio sue●unt dejecti . m Si princeps promissa servet , & no● servabimus : Bene im●erant● , bene obtemperandū : Ad quem per●n●● institutio ad eundem destitutio . * Helmold in Chron. Slau . n Avent . 5. annal . Si ab articulis recedant princip●s non debet obligatiatio nocere subtis , ibid. 2 Chron. 16. 2 Chron. 16. 2 Chron 28. 2 Chron. 22. Oap 33. Kin. 9. & 10. o Lib. 2. advers . Parmen . David . inimicum habebat in manibus in cautum & securum adversarium , sine labore potuti jugulare , & sine sanguine , multorum bellu mutare in caedem , preri ejus & opportui●as suadebant ad victoriam , &c. sed obstabat plena divino●ū memoria mandatorum : repressit cum gladio manum , & dum timu● oleum servav●t inimicum , &c. & cum comple ret observantiam , vindicavit occisum . ( * ) Cap 9. Ju●ae● , sepecon●ra proprios Reg●s , e●●am á Davidica stirpe , approbant● Deo ●s●rrexisse ●le-gumur . 1 Pet. 2. 13. 1 Sam. 24. 6. Lib. 3. cap. 10. b Avent . lib. 3. Annal. Regem cum piebs constituit , eunden . & deslituere potell . Prince S●op●lo , cujus beneficio posst . ● . obnoxius est . c De potestate Eccles. q. 22. Art. 3. Imperatorem à Papa posse depo●i●jui● ibit infic as , ejus en●m est 〈…〉 cujus e●t constituere . d Trithem . lib 1. compend . Annal. de 〈◊〉 . Reg & Gent. Franc. e Platina in Stepb . 6. Princeps qui alias suit Christianissimus deum timens , Ecclesiasticis sanct o●ibu● devous●ame parens in Elce . mo●ynts largus Nationibus in desiu●nter 〈◊〉 & . ●● tamen cum his tot , & tantis virtutibus non effugit Carolus notam Tyranni & deposit us ●u●ta subditis . f In Recognit . lib. 3. q. de latcis . g De. Translat . imp . lib. 1 c 2. Omnes injuria● a Mgist ata po tius serunt boni , quam atrocissimus , quàm ut in eum invehunt , sermone , scr●p●c ; opere , ad ordinis & pacis public per ▪ turbationem . h potius relinquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quā polluendae manus per rebellioonem ; non caret Deus modis quibus possit , quando voluerit hujusmodi malos principes tollere , vel emendare : Malum si sit Imperium non est quod male obedienda ulcisci debeamus , eut peccatum Regis peccatis nostris pu●ire , sed potius patienter serendo iram Dei tmolliere , qui corda Regum suâ gubernat . manu , &c. lib. 26. derepub . c. 5. h potius relinquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quā polluendae manus per rebellioonem ; non caret Deus modis quibus possit , quando voluerit hujusmodi malos principes tollere , vel emendare : Malum si sit Imperium non est quod male obedienda ulcisci debeamus , eut peccatum Regis peccatis nostris pu●ire , sed potius patienter serendo iram Dei tmolliere , qui corda Regum suâ gubernat . manu , &c. lib. 26. derepub . c. 5. ( i ) Heb. 10. 31. i Lib. ad scapul . Nos prosalute Imperatorum Deum invocamus , &c. * Sozom lib. 4. cap. 17. ut oremus sedulo pro tua salute Imperio & race quam Deus tibi sempiternam benignus largiatur . * Theodor. lib. 2. cap. 20. Rursumte , Gloriosissime Imperator obsecramus ut ante hyemis asperitatem jubeas nos ad Ecclesias nostras redire , ut omnipotenti Deo , pro statu potentiae tuae una cum porulo , quemadmodum serimus & sacimus magno s●udio supplicare possemus . k Orat 8 18. 22. 24. 25. 27. l Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 13 m In Psalm . 124. Iulianus , infidelis Imperator , Apostata in qus , milites fideles servie●unt Impe atori infideli quando d●ceat , producite aciem ite contra illam 〈◊〉 , statim obtem●eraba●t , ●●●ting●ebant , Dem●n●m ●●ernuon a Domino temporali , & tamen sui diti erant propter Dominum aeternam , etiam Domino temporali . n Ad Sca●● . ●n●a Majestatē Imperatora insamamur tamea nunquam t●ter Alb●anos , Niga●os , vel Cassianos nos in venire potu●runt . o In orat , de busilic , non tradend . Volens nunquam deseram coastus repugnare non novi . Fle epot●ro , l●●b●ymae m●ae mea armi sunt , al●ter nec deb●o , nec possum resisse●e . p Quod me um est . i. e. sundum meum , non refragarer , si co . pus petit occu●ram , vultis in unicula rapere vultis in mortem voluptati est mihi non ego me vallabo circumfusione populorum , nec altaria teneb● vitam obsecrans sed pro altaribus gratis immolabor . ibid. q Bern Ep. 221. ad Ludon Reg. pro matre nostra Ecclesia Propugnabimus sed quibus armis non scutis , non glad●s sed precibus fl●ctibusque ad deum . r Religioni quam profi ebatur , putavit magis consen●a neum patientia quam injusta seditione conjuriam imperatoris superare . Apol. a Haec sola novitas ne dicam haeresi● , nec dum in mundo emenserat : Sigeb . Chronol . Ann. 1088. Object . Necessita●i magic quam vi t●●● & valun●ati ●a●ctorum Pat●um , &c. b Julianus Tyranide sua vi res omnes praeciderit quibus alids its contra Apostatam uti fas fuisses . c Lib. 6 de regn . c. 26. & depo●est . Papae . d In Apol. B●ll . a n. 249. usque ad u. 267. Answer . e Fere om●e● mortales ●un● denrum cultu reli . to , Christianorum genit . &c. Euseb. l b. 9. c. 9. f Apol. Exter●●●umus , & vestra omnia in p●cvimus , urbes insulas , ca●●ella , m●●n●ci p●a , conciliaba la. castra ipsa , decarias , p●la ita , sorum , Se nals●● : cui bello non . 〈◊〉 non prem ●● suissexiu● , ●●i tam 〈…〉 , si nan apud discipliam nostram . magis ctcid . li●●re● quam 〈…〉 . g Theod. lib. 3. cap. 17. Cum multi militum qui exer●ore thus adoleverunt , imposturis Juliani decepti , peregiam discurrences , non tantum manus , sed corpor a ad ignam offerent ut igne polluti igne repurgarentur . h lib. 5. de Pontifice c. 7. i Helmold . histor . Sclau . cap. 28 , 29 , 30. lib. 1. Spectate manum meam dextram de vulneie cauciam , haec ego iuravi Domino Henrico , ut non nocerem et , nec insidtarer gloriae ejus , sed jussio Apostolica Po●tificamus mandatum me ad id dedu●i● , ut juramenti transgressor honorem mihi 〈◊〉 usorparem : Videtis quod in manu unde jura menta violavi mortale hoc vi●lnus accepi . Viderint ii qui nos ad 〈◊〉 instigave●unt , qualiter nos duxerint ne forte deducti simus in praecipitium aeier●ae damnationis Praesat . Apol. Apol. Notes for div A27494-e24150 Occasion of writing that Book of the Power of the Princes , &c. His Speech of the Oath of Supremacy . His Speech of supplying the Kings Necessiries . Mr. Hookers judgment of Regal Power confirmed by the Primate . His sufferings for it . His Prayers , joy , and sorrow according to the success of his Majesties affairs . His compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his Majesty . His judgment . His Practice . The reduction of Episcopacy . &c. The occasion and end oft it . Ordination of the Church of England . Episcopal superiority over Presbyters . As the Sun to the other Lights . The dignity and power of the first-born . A● the distance beween the High-Priest , and the other inferiour Priests . His approbation of books tending to the preheminence of Episcopacy . The Liturgy . The Service Song . The Ceremonies . His reducing the scrupulous 〈…〉 The falshood of some Pamphlets put out in his name since his death . Some particulars observed by him , The Articles of Religion of England . The Canons of Ireland , 1614. taken out of Q. Eliz. Injunct and Can of Engl. The Common Prayer . Book of Ordination . His Subscription . Canons of Ireland . Anno 1634. taken out of those of England . The Festivals . Good Friday . Confirmation of Children . Catechism . Apparrel of the Clergy . Consecration of Churches . Notes for div A27494-e29560 * This is wanting in the common books of Mr. Hookers M. S. Cor. 3. 7 , 8. Ad. 2. Ad. 3. Exod. 19. 1 Pet. 2. * Thom. in cum locum . Revel . 1. 6. * This is also wanting in the common copy . ) * Euseb. l. 4. de vit . Constant. * Dib . ad Const. * Lib. 5. Epi. 33. * Ep. 166. 162. T. C. l. 1. p 193. This is in the common copies . That is , in the copies which the Primate then saw , but not in that which is now printed Of their power in making Ecclesisticall Laws . What Laws may be made for the affairs of the Church , & to whom the power of making them appettaineth Deut. 12. 32 ▪ 4. 2. Jos. 1. 7. * Tho. 2. quaest . 1 c 8. artic . 2. Prov. 6. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Archit . de le●e & justit . * This is wanting in the common books of Mr Hooker's M. S. In vit . Cypy . Nulla ratio Dist. 63. * Ep. Hono● Imp. ad Bonif. Concil . Tom. 1. * 25 Ed. 3. * 25 Ed. 3. * 25 H. 8. c. 20 * C. Nullu● , Dist. 63. * Tom. 1. Concil . * Onuph . in Pelag . 2. * ●Rea in . Dist. 63. * W●tthramu● Naumburgensis , deinvestit Episcoporum per Imperat . saciendâ . * Cap. General . de elect . l. 6. * Adver . Jovin . l. 1. * L. 7. Epist 5. * Theod. lib. 5. cap. 27. * Sozom. lib. 8. cap. 2. * Marcel . l. 15. * Socr. 2. c. 27. & l. 4. c. 29. * Theod. l. 2. c. 15 , 16 , 17. * Sozom. lib. 4. c. 11. & l. 6. c. 23. * In vit . Cypr. * C. Sacrorum Canon . dist . 63. * C. Lectis Dist. 63. * This is in the common Copy of Mr. Ho●ke , M. S. that is , in the copies which the Primate then saw , but not in the now printed ones . * T. C. lib 3. Pag. 155. * Euseb. de vita Constant. lib. 4. * Epist. 162. 166. * Lib. ad Constant . * Lib. 5. Ep 33 * Inclusa desunt in vul●atis exempl● ib. * Doctrin . ●iccip . lib 5. Cont. 2 cap. 18. * Apud Athanos in Epist. ad solit . vit . agentes . * Suid. in verb. Leontius . * Epist. 68. * See the Stature of Edward 1. and Edward 2. and Nat. Bren. touching Prohibition . See also in Bract n these sentences l. 5. c. 2. Est jurisdictio quaedā ordinaria quaedam delegata , quae pertinet ad Sacerdotium & forum Ecclesiasticum , sicut in causis spiritualibus & spiritualitati annexis . Est etiam alia jurisdictio , ordinaria vel delegata , quae pertinet ad Coronam & dignitatem Regis . & ad Regnum , in causis & placitis rerum temporalium in so●o seculari . Again , Cum diversae sint binc inde jurisdictiones , & diversae judices , & diversae causae ; debet quilibet ipsorum inprimis aestimare , an sua sit jurisdictio , ne falcem videatur ponere in messem alienam . Again , Non pertinet ad Regem injungere poenitentias , nec ad judicem secularem . Nec etiam ad eos pertinet cognoscere de iis quae sunt , spiritualibus annex asecut de decimis & aliis Ecclesiae proventionibus . Again , Non est laicus conveuiendus coravs judice Ecclesiastico de aliquo quod in soro seculari terminari possit & debeat . * None of all this which follows is to be found in the common coppy of Mr Hookers MS Notes for div A27494-e34860 * Antiquit. l. 4. c. 8. 2 Sam. 2 , 3. Nehem. 11. 25. All this is writ with the Lord Primat Ushers own hand . 2 Sam. 17. 24. 1 Of Priests . 2 Of Levites . 1 Chron. 24. vers . 26. 27. * IBRI The AUTHOR in his review and emendations hath in this place made this Querie . Seeing the Courses were but 24. why should IBRI 25. be reckoned Jedeiah was chief . Quer. Whether he was not to be connted one of the 24. because of his generall superintendency over the rest . This Querie seems to be resolved by the PRIMATE , and was the occasion of setting down the bove mentioned Genealogy . * It seemeth the first of these Jedeiah is to be omitted in the reckoning ( as chief over them all ) in respect of his generall superintendency over the rest . 3 Of Judges . 4 of Officers . 5 Of Singers . 6. Of Porters . Officers and Judges . This answer I find ordered by the Author to be thus put instead of that which had been in a former copy . This also the Author hath added to be put unto the former answer Exod. 14. 27. Numb . 33. 9. The supposed Author in his advertisments concerning this passage , saith , This I know not well what way to make more clear . The supposed Author in his Advertisments put this out here , saying [ This I thought might better make a chapter of it self : See infra , the last chapter of all . ] Acts 5. 5. 15. 13. 11. 19. 2. 1. 16. 46 , Acts 14. 11. 8. 13. 5. 11. 13. Vid. Hierem. Epist. 4. ad rusticum . c. 6. Et Epist. ad . Eva● ium . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodorat , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( b ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 Tim. 1. 6. This is added by the supposed Author . Notes for div A27494-e57930 There was one called Vox Hy berntae , published in his name , for the suppressing of which he had an Order from the House of Pe●rs . 
A31419	----	A dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of Rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the See of Constantinople / by William Cave ... Cave, William, 1637-1713. 1683 Approx. 344 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 201 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A31419 Wing C1595 ESTC R19344 12605651 ocm 12605651 64253 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31419) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64253) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 347:9) A dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of Rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the See of Constantinople / by William Cave ... Cave, William, 1637-1713. [47], 334, [8] p. Printed for R. Chiswel ..., London : 1683. Errata on p. [47]. Advertisements: [8] p. at end. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Papacy. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISSERTATION Concerning the Government of the Ancient Church , BY BISHOPS , METROPOLITANS , and PATRIARCHS . More particularly , Concerning the ancient Power and Jurisdiction of the Bishops of Rome , and the Encroachments of that upon other Sees , especially the See of Constantinople . By WILLIAM CAVE , D. D. One of His Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary . Omne genus ad Originem suam censeatur , necesse est . Tert. de praescript . c. 20. p. 208. LONDON , Printed for R. Chiswel , at the Rose and Crown in S. Paul's Church-yard , MDCLXXXIII . TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD HENRY Lord Bishop of LONDON , One of the Lords of His Majesties most Honourable PRIVY-COUNCIL . My Lord , IN compliance with the good old Rule of S. Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Do nothing without leave from the Bishop , I have taken the confidence to lay these Papers at Your Lordships feet ; being well content , they should receive from You a sentence of Life or Death ; either to come abroad into open light , or be condemn'd to be thrown aside , if you shall judge them useless and unprofitable . For I am not so fond of my own Undertakings , as to flatter my self , that any thing that I can do , will work much upon the obstinate humour of a perverse and contentious Age. My Lord , The Church of England is usually assaulted by two sorts of Adversaries . The one declar'd Enemies to the Episcopal Government , or if at any time in a good humour they allow the name , they deny the thing making the Bishop of the Primitive times no more in effect than a meer Parish-Priest . The other are great pretenders to Antiquity , and strongly enough assert the Episcopal Order , but withall would obtrude upon us a Supreme and Universal Bishop , to whom all others are to be subject and accountable , and he we may be sure is the Bishop of Rome . As for the first of these , I have not directly enter'd the Lists with them , though what is here said concerning the Ancient Church-Government might be enough to satisfie Men modest and unprejudic'd ; and more I did not think fit to add . They have been so often baffled upon that Argument , that nothing but a resolv'd obstinacy could make them keep a post , so utterly indefensable . But the Men of that way seem generally too over-weaning and opiniative , and I have no hopes of doing good upon that Man , that 's wiser in his own Conceit , than seven Men that can render a Reason . Indeed the nature of my design led me more immediately to encounter with the other Party , whose cause ( so far as it relates to the Subject under debate ) I have examin'd , and brought to be tried by the Standard of Antiquity , the truest Rule to proceed by in this matter ; and this managed without any needless Exasperations . For I never could think it a reasonable method of Conviction to rail at Popery , or to load the Bishop of Rome with ill Names , and spiteful Characters . The best way sure in such cases is to appeal to the judgment of the Ancients , and to enquire what power and authority was allow'd him in the wiser and better Ages of Christianity . Which I hope I have done with all truth and fairness in the following Discourse . My Lord , Your Lordships known Zeal for the Protestant Cause , and ( what next the goodness of the Divine Providence is the strongest Bulwark and Defence of it ) the honour and interest of the Church of ENGLAND , might give you a just Title to this Discourse , though there were no other inducement to it . But we that are the Clergy of Your Diocess , think our selves oblig'd to take all occasions of letting the World know , how much we rejoyce under the happy Influences of Your Care and Conduct ; how much we are beholden to that great Example of Pastoral Industry and Diligence , you daily set before us ; that we have to deal with a temper so incomparably sweet and obliging , and that not only in private Converses , but in all public Cases that concern the Church under your Charge , you are pleased so freely and familiarly to consult and advise with us . 'T is this ( to mention no more ) that creates in us so just a regard and veneration for Your Lordship . And I verily believe , since the Primitive Times there never was a more mutual Endearment and Correspondence . Never Bishop , that treated his Clergy with a more Paternal kindness and Condiscention ; never Clergy that paid a greater Reverence , and a more chearful Obedience to their Bishop . That this Concord and Agreement may not only continue , but encrease , and the happy effects of it visibly spread over your whole Diocess , and especially this great CITY , is the earnest Prayer of , MY LORD , Your Lordships faithful and sincerely devoted Servant , WILLIAM CAVE . TO THE READER . AMong the several Virtues , wherewith the Religion of our Lord does at once refine and adorn Humane Nature , there are none conduce more , both to the peace of the World , and the quiet of private and particular persons , than Humility and Contentment ; the laying aside the vain and fond opinion of our selves , a lowliness of Mind to esteem others better than our selves , in honour preferring one another ; an easiness and satisfaction under that place and portion , which the Wisdom of the Divine Providence has thought fit to allot us , and a generous Contempt of those little and sordid Arts , by which Men hunt after Power and Greatness , and impatiently affect Dominion and superiority over others . A noble and divine temper of Mind , which our Lord has effectually recommended both by his Doctrine , and the example of his Life . He has taught us , that we should not , after the proud and hypocritical manner of the Pharisees , do our works to be seen of Men , make broad our Phylacteries , and enlarge the borders of our Garments , love the uppermost Rooms at Feasts , and the chief Seats in the Synagogue , and greetings in the Markets ; that we should not affect proud Titles , and the honour of a Name , to be call'd of Men , Rabbi , Rabbi , for that one is our Master , even Christ , and all we are Brethren , ( not that our Lord here absolutely forbids all Honour and Precedence , no more than he does all Mastership and Superiority in what follows , but only an inordinate desire , a vicious and irregular inclination toward these things , and an undue and tyrannical exercise of them ) that we should call no man our Father upon Earth , that is , in the same sence , and with the same respect , wherewith we do God , for that one is our Father , which is in Heaven , neither that we be called Masters , for that one is our Master , even Christ : For that whosoever should exalt himself , shall be abased , and he that should humble himself , shall be exalted . And then for his own practice , how openly did he protest against seeking his own glory , or receiving honour from Men ? how studiously did he stifle the fame of his own Miracles , and whatever might raise him in the esteem and value of the World. When an Appeal was made to him to judge a Cause , he rebuk'd the motion with a who made me a Judge , and a Ruler over you ? When the Jews were resolv'd to have made him King , he fled from the very shadow of a Crown . When there was a strife amongst his own Apostles , which of them should be accounted the greatest , like the Kings of the Gentiles which exercis'd Lordship and Authority over their Subjects , he ended the Controversy with a short decision , but ye shall not be so . This Charge S. Peter particularly applies to the Bishops and Rulers of the Church , that they should not be Lords over God's Heritage ; that the younger should submit themselves to the elder ; yea , all of them be subject one to another , and be cloathed with Humility : for that God resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble . Had the excellent Rules here laid down by S. Peter , been observ'd by those who pretend to be his Successors , the Christian World had been free from those infinite disturbances and distractions , which the pride and ambition of the Roman Bishops have brought upon it . For certainly among all the corruptions and innovations of that Church , nothing is more palpable and notorious , than an intolerable usurpation over the Rights of their Brethren ; nothing more wild and extravagant , than the challenging a Supremacy over the Christian Church , as affix'd to the See of Rome , expresly contrary not only to the Scripture , the great Canon of our Faith , but to the Laws of all ancient Councils , and the practice of the Church ; which however it allow'd a primary honour and respect to the Roman Prelate , yet still set him out , as it did to all other Bishops , the particular extent of his Jurisdiction . This is that which I have endeavoured to evince in the following Discourse , wherein I have trac'd the Papal Authority to those proper bounds and limits , within which it was confin'd of old . And upon that occasion have briefly survey'd the frame and constitution of the ancient Church , and that Policy and Government , whereby it was manag'd in its purer and better times . That which gave birth to the whole Discourse , was this : I had elsewhere in relating the Acts of the second general Council , represented the third Canon of that Council , which decreed , that the Bishop of Constantinople , upon the account of its being New Rome , or the Imperial City , should have the priviledge of honour next to the Bishop of Rome . A Canon which they of Rome could never pardon , as which limits the power of the Roman Prelate , and declares the foundation upon which it stands . For the illustration of this Canon , I intended im that place to have added a digression concerning the ancient Power and Precedence of the Bishops of Rome ; but upon second thoughts , referr'd it to an Appendix at the end of the Book . But that Book swelling into too great a bulk , and this Discourse being grown beyond the proportion that was at first design'd , I was over-perswaded by some Friends to venture it abroad alone . A thing which had I intended from the beginning , it had come forth , at least in some parts , more perfect than it is , and with some advantages which now it is forc'd to go without . I have wholly wav'd all Debates concerning the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy , and the Controversies that depend upon it , ( enough has been said upon that Argument ) and have chiefly insisted upon those branches of the Ecclesiastic Government , which have been less canvassed amongst us . For the same reason I have more lightly touch'd upon the Pope's Universal Supremacy , 't was his Metropolitical and Patriarchal Power I principally design'd to enquire into . I know Volumes have been written De primatu Papae , de Ecclesiis Suburbicariis , &c. and therefore I have reduc'd what concerns those matters into as narrow a compass as I could , and have said no more than what is necessary to clear the Argument , and express my own sense about it . If what is here said shall administer any light to this part of Church-antiquity , I shall be very glad ; if not , I am content it should follow the fate of many much better Books to be thrown aside . 'T was never design'd to instruct the Learned , but only to form a short Scheme of the true state of things , for the benefit of those , who have not been much conversant in the Antiquities of the Church ; at least to give some aid and direction to the younger sort , who first apply themselves to the study of those ancient Times . And if it may but attain this end , I shall think my Time and Pains have been well bestow'd . THE CONTENTS . CHAP. I. The State of the Church-Government , and Power of the Roman Bishops 'till the Council of Nice . An Equality among the Apostles as Church Governours appointed by Christ . Peter's pretended Supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . If any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the Roman Bishops . Early appearances of the Pride and Usurpation of the Bishops of that Church . Special advantages of that See to set up for Tyranny and Usurpation . The foundation of that Church by two great Apostles , Peter and Paul. Rome the Seat of the Empire . The honour and advantages of that Church thereby . The Catholick Faith long time preserv'd entire in the Church of Rome . It s large Revenues affording liberal Hospitality . It s sending forth Emissaries to plant Christianity in other Countries , and thereby claiming superiority over them . The pride of that Church severely censur'd by S. Basil . A general Scheme of the subordination in the Government of the Primitive Church , by Bishops , Archbishops , and Patriarchs , and the Conformity herein to the Civil State. Episcopal Government , how it spread it self at first ? Metropolitans introduc'd , and why ? A brief account of the ancient way of Ecclesiastical Administration out of Cyprian and others , by the Bishop and his Clergy , by Provincial Synods . What things usually manag'd there . Foreign Churches how mutually transacting with one another . The Bishops of Rome had no more authority in this Period , than the Bishops of other greater Sees . Pope Melchiades appointed Commissioner by Constantine . Donatus appeals from his Judgment . His sentence brought under Examinations in the Synod of Arles . Page 1 CHAP. II. The Government of the Church , and Power of the Bishops of Rome , as 't is represented in the Canons of the Nicene Council . The sixth Canon of the Synod of Nice set down , with the occasion of it . Seven Observations drawn from that Canon . I. That the larger bounds of Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction were the Roman Provinces . A. Province , what . Whether the Countries in Italy so called . II. That the chief Church-Governour in every Province was the Metropolitan . The prudence and convenience of that way of Government . Patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the Nicene Canon . III. That the Bishop of Rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited Metropolitical power . This own'd by some of the greatest Champions of Rome . IV. That the Metropolitick Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch , were ever of the greatest note in the Christian Church , and of these Rome the chief . The eminency of Sees according to the greatness of the Cities wherein they were planted . This gave precedency to the Church of Rome . The three Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch ascribed to S. Peter . Blasphemous things spoken of the Pope upon that account . Primacy allow'd to the See of Rome . No Supremacy belonging to it . The Christian Church then knew of no such supereininent Power . V. That the Rights of the Roman Metropolitan were not due by any Divine Constitution , but by custom and the practice of the Church . This plainly shew'd to be the sence of this and other following Councils . VI. That the Ordination of Provincial Bishops was one of the prime Rights and Priviledges of every Metropolitan within his own Jurisdiction . The fourth , sixth , and seventh Canons of this Council noted to that purpose . The same shew'd to be the determination of other Synods . What other Rights belong'd to Metropolitans . VII . That this way of Ecclesiastick Administration was not any late novel Institution , but founded upon ancient custom and practice . What this Antiquity implies . The original of Metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . Several instances of this way of Government noted in the second and third Centuries . The word Metropolitan not met with 'till the Council of Nice . But the thing long before . The sum of the Observations upon this Canon . Page 46 CHAP. III. The extent of the Bishop of Rome's Jurisdiction , considered as a Metropolitan . A search into the proper bounds of the Roman Bishop . His Power fourfold , Episcopal , Metropolitical , Patriarchal , Apostolical . The first not controverted ; the last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the Reformed , and Greek Church . L. Allatius's jeer of his Country-men . His Metropolitical Jurisdiction considered , as concurrent with that of the Provost of Rome . That how great , and how far extending . The Suburbicary Regions , what . Sicily no part of the Urbicary Regions . The usual conformity between the extent of the Civil and Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction in those times . The power of the Roman Metropolitan confin'd within an hundred Miles of Rome . Rufinus his Exposition of the Suburbicary Churches . Greatly quarrell'd at by the Romish Writers . His authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . His Book approv'd by Pope Gelasius and others . No probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the Canon , or the extent of the Roman Metropolitanship , or the Suburbicary Churches . His Explication confirm'd by most ancient Interpreters of this Canon . The Bishops of Rome and Italy distinct . The Bishop of Milan rank'd with him of Rome . The objection of the Bishop of Rome's being confin'd to so narrow a compass , consider'd and answer'd . The Majores Dioeceses in the Epistle of the Synod of Arles , what . The bounds of the Roman Bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient Notitia Episcopatuum . The fraud in the first publication of that Notitia . Morinus noted . The greatness of Rome equivalent to a large extent . Page 98 CHAP. IV. An Enquiry into the Rise and Original of Patriarchs in the Christian Church . An Enquiry into the Rise and Original of Patriarchs in general . None before the Council of Nice . What that Council contributed to them . Civil Dioceses , when , and by whom introduc'd . These gave start to Primary Metropolitans . Dioceses , when first brought into the Church . The title of Patriarch borrow'd from the Jews . Who their Patriarchs , and whence descended . Exarchs , what . The word Patriarch , when first us'd by Church-writers in a strict and proper sence . The Patriarchs among the Montanists , who . A short Survey of the four great Patriarchates . The extent of the Patriarchate of Alexandria . The Dioecesis Aegyptiaca , what . The Patriarchal Jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the Augustal Prefect . Little gain'd to this Patriarchate more than a title of honour . The Patriarchate of Antioch commensurate to the Eastern Diocess . The contest about Cyprus , how determin'd . Palestine for some time under Antioch . The Patriarchship of Constantinople . By what degrees it arose . What privilege conferr'd upon it by the second general Council . The Bishops of it hence forwards exercising a kind of Patriarchal power over the Churches of the neighbouring Provinces . The Power granted to that See by the Council of Chalcedon . Its ninth , seventeenth , and eight and twentieth Canons considered to that purpose . Jurisdiction over the three Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica , and Thrace . This setled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . This Power own'd by the Synod to have been exercised of a long time before . This Grant urg'd against the universal Supremacy of the See of Rome . The extent of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient Notitiae . The Patriarchate of Jerusalem . The honour confirm'd to this Church by the Nicene Council . It s subjection to the See of Caesarea . When first attempting a Metropolitical Power . The contest between this Bishop , and the Bishop of Antioch , how determin'd in the Council of Chalcedon . When first styl'd Patriarch . The extent of this Patriarchate . Page 137 CHAP. V. The bounds of the Roman Patriarchate . A return to the Roman Patriarchate . The limits hereof not expresly set down by the Ancients . Unjustly pretended to reach over the whole West . This granted by them of the Greek Church , and why . The Pope's Patriarchal Power disown'd by the Churches of Milan , Aquileia , and Ravenna . The independency and opposition of those Churches to the Roman See , severally evinc'd by particular cases and instances . The Power of Metropolitans in France kept up independant from Rome . The truth of this confess'd and clear'd by De Marca . Other instances of preserving their Rights against the pretensions of Rome , Hincmar of Rhemes , and the Synod of Metz. Two other National Churches instanc'd in , the African , and the Britannick Churches . The famous case of Appeals in the Church of Africk . A clear account of that matter . Their publick rejecting the power which the Pope challeng'd over those Churches . The Letters of the Council of Carthage to Pope Boniface and Caelestine to that purpose . Several useful and proper Corollaries deduc'd from this story , for the evincing the vain pretensions of the Papal Power over those Churches . The boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . The state of the Britannick Church . The progress of Religion and Church-Government here 'till the times of Pope Gregory . The Church govern'd here by an Archbishop and Bishop at Austin's arrival . Their Customs wholly different from , and independant upon Rome . Their absolute refusal to own the authority of Austin or the Pope . The slaughter of the Bangor-Monks suspiciously charg'd upon Austin . The Pope's proper Patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the Jurisdiction of the Vicarius Urbicus . What Provinces under his Government . The Roman Synod consisting of the Bishops of those Provinces . A twofold Patriarchate of the Pope trifling and precarious . The Bishops of Rome daily amplifying their Jurisdiction . The means whereby they did this briefly intimated . Page 198 CHAP. VI. The Encroachments of the See of Rome upon other Sees , especially the See of Constantinople . The Roman Bishops breaking the bounds of all Laws and Canons . Their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . Instances of Julius , Damasus , Innocent , Zosimus , to this purpose . The briskness and activity of Pope Leo. His many Letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . His jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the See of Constantinople . The attempts and actings of his Legates in the Council of Chalcedon . Their mighty opposition against the passing the XXVIII . Canon of that Synod . The fraud of Paschasinus in citing the sixth Canon of Nice . Their protestation against the power granted to the Bishop of Constantinople . Pope Leo's zeal and rage against these Synodal Proceedings . Faelix his Excommunicating Acacius of Constantinople . The pretended occasion of that Sentence . The same spleen continued and carried on by Pope Gelasius . A reconciliation procur'd by the Emperour Justin between the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople . Pope John's insulting over Epiphanius in his own Church at Constantinople . John the Second's ranting Letter to Justinian . The Bishop of Constantinople assumes the title of Oecumenical Patriarch . This in what sence ( probably ) meant . The passionate resentment of Pope Pelagius hereat . The same zeal shew'd by his Successor Gregory the Great . His Letters written upon that occasion . The hard words he every where bestows upon that title . His mistake about the offer of that title to the Pope in the Chalcedon Council . The true state of that case . This title frequently given to the Constantinopolitan Bishops in the Council under Mennas , before John assumed it . Baronius's poor evasion of that matter . Gregory still continues to thunder out Anathema's against this Title . All this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the title . Phocas his Usupation of the Empire . The monstrous villany and wickedness of that man. Pope Gregory's scandalously flattering Caresses to him and his Empress . Boniface the Third makes suit to Phocas , and procures the title of Oecumenical to be affixt to the See of Rome . The Pope's daily enlargement of their Power and Tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . The whole concluded with the Canons or DICTATES of Pope Hildebrand . Page 267 ERRATA . PAge 5. line 8. read whosoever . p. 52. l. 21. r. Administration . p. 73. marg . r. iii. p. 75. l. 12. r. - head . p. 110. l. 19. r. Crustuminum . p. 133. l. 15. r. larger . p. 136. l. 3. r. desire . p. 152. l. 12. after who , add are . p. 173. l. 4. r. this . p. 187. l. 22. r. them . p. 300. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 304. l. 13. r. Isidore . A DISSERTATION Concerning the GOVERNMENT OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH , BY Bishops , Metroplitans , and Patriarchs , &c. CHAP. I. The State of the Church-Government , and Power of the Roman Bishops till the Council of Nice . An Equality among the Apostles as Church Governours appointed by Christ . Peters pretended Supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . If any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the Roman Bishops . Early appearances of the Pride and Usurpation of the Bishops of that Church . Special advantages of that See to set up for Tyranny and Usurpation . The foundation of that Church by two great Apostles , Peter and Paul. Rome the Seat of the Empire . The honour and advantages of that Church thereby . The Catholick Faith long time preserv'd intire in the Church of Rome . It s large Revenues affording liberal Hospitality . It s sending forth Emissaries to plant Christianity in other Countries ▪ and thereby claiming superiority over them . The pride of that Church severely censur'd by St. Basil . A general Scheme of the subordination in the Government of the Primitive Church , by Bishops , Arch-bishops and Patriarchs , and the Conformity herein to the Civil State. Episcopal Government how it spreads it self at first ? Metropolitans introduc'd and why . A brief account of the ancient way of Ecclesiastical Administration out of Cyprian and others , by the Bishop and his Clergy , by Provincial Synods . What things usually manag'd there . Foreign Churches how mutually transacting with one another . The Bishops of Rome had no more authority in this Period than the Bishops of other greater Sees . Pope Melchiades appointed Commissioner by Constantine . Donatus appeals from his Judgment . His sentence brought under Examinations in the Synod of Arles . I. ORDER and Government are so essentially necessary to the peace and welfare of Mankind , that no Society whether civil or sacred can subsist without it : Where there is none to command , there will be none to obey , and where every one is left to do what he please , there must be confusion and every evil work . No sooner therefore had our Blessed Saviour laid the foundation of the Christian Church , but he chose twelve , whom he named Apostles , to whose care and conduct he committed the administration of it . These he invested with equal powers , upon these he deriv'd the same mission , which he himself had receiv'd from God , As my father sent me , so send I you . All had the same authority to Preach , Plant , and propagate the Church , to feed and rule the flock of Christ , to go teach and baptize all Nations ; the same Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven committed to one as well as another , that whatsoever sins they should remit , they should be remitted , and whosoever sins they retain , they should be retained : The same Holy Spirit breathed upon all with a receive ye the Holy Ghost . Notwithstanding all which , it is confidently pretended on the behalf of S. Peter , that a paramount authority was conferr'd upon him , and that not only above , but over the rest , that he was constituted by our Lord , Prince and Head of the Colledge ; the other Apostles were indeed Shepherds of the Flock , but were themselves Christs Sheep , and St. Peter appointed Pastor over them ; with a great deal more , boldly asserted at a venture , and attempted to be made good by such warrant from Scripture , as any thing , but the necessity of maintaining a desperate cause would be ashamed to produce . And as no such charter can be produc'd , sign'd by our Saviour , so neither do we find S. Peter challenging , much less exercising any such superiority . He submitted to the Orders of the Apostolical Colledge , and rendered himself accountable to them for his actions , styles himself no more than their Fellow-Presbyter , and cautions against Lording over God's Heritage . How openly did S. Paul assert , that he came not a whit behind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very chiefest Apostles ? and that the Gospel of the Uncircumcision was committed unto him , as well as that of the Circumcision was to Peter . James and John are said to be Pillars as well as he ; nay , the whole twelve Apostles are equally styl'd the twelve foundations of the new Jerusalem , that descended out of Heaven , and it was indifferently promised to all , that they should sit upon twelve Thrones , judging the twelve Tribes of Israel . Nay , when a strife arose amongst them , which of them should be greatest in his Kingdom , our Lord on purpose to silence all such ambitious attempts for the future , plainly told them , that though the Kings of the Gentiles exercised Dominion over their Subjects , and they that are great exercised authority upon them : Yet ye shall not be so ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your Minister , and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your Servant . II. AND yet after all should it be granted , that our Lord gave S. Peter some kind of superiour power over the rest , yet what is this to the Bishops of Rome ? unless it could be prov'd , that those priviledges were to be Haereditary , and were not to determine and expire with S. Peter's person . Bellarmine * pleads , that it is founded in a Right of Succession , and this Right settled jure divino , and by our Lords own Institution , who expresly commanded S. Peter to fix the Apostolical Seat at Rome . The proofs he brings to make good this command are a passage out of an Apocryphal Epistle of Pope Marcellus , long since discarded together with the rest , as the most notorious cheat and imposture that ever was put upon the Christian Church ; and at best an uncertain story of our Lords appearing to Peter , and that too nothing to his purpose . And therefore not daring to trust to them , he fairly quits * the jus divinum , and confesses that the Pontifical Succession has no foundation in Scripture : However , that 't is not improbable , and that 't is a thing piously to be believed ; that is , perhaps it may be so , and perhaps not , we may do well to believe it , but there 's no certain ground for it . An admirable foundation to build so important a claim upon , and for the sake whereof they have now for many ages created so much trouble and disturbance to the Christian World. And besides , there 's a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this case lies at the bottom , it being generally taken for granted , that S. Peter was in a proper sence Bishop of Rome , which yet I believe can never be made good . That he constituted that Church , and laid down his life there for the Confirmation of it , I easily grant , but this makes him not properly Bishop of it , and consequently the Popes cannot properly be his Successours . Dye he might there , but how comes this to entitle the Bishops of Rome to the Succession ? If so , then ( as a Learned Man * of the Greek Church long since urged in this case ) because our Lord died at Jerusalem , therefore the Bishop of Jerusalem , as possessing the Seat of our great High-Priest , may claim an Universal superiority , and challenge to be as much greater than the Bishop of Rome , as Christ is than Peter . Once more , let it be suppos'd that this Supremacy was entail'd not only upon S. Peter , but upon his Successors , how comes it to pass that it was not lodg'd in the See of Antioch , where they grant S. Peter resided as Bishop several years before he went to Rome , and which therefore in all reason ought to challenge a Primary title ? An Objection which Bellarmin with all the subtilties of his Wit and Learning is not able to claw off . So many insuperable barrs are there lying in the way to this soveraign and unaccountable authority of their Church . III. BUT what Power soever the Bishops of Rome may pretend to derive from S. Peter , sure I am they thus far inherit too much of his spirit and temper , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I mean , that rash and busie fervour and eagerness , so frequently noted in him by the Ancients : Forward like him to speak , run , and interpose at every turn ; and forward like him too to smite with the Sword , when meeting with the least opposition . No sooner were the heats of the fifth persecution somewhat cooled , and the Church entred a little upon more calm and prosperous days , but we find Pope Victor , An. 196. picking a quarrel with some of the Eastern Churches about the time of Celebrating Easter , and though they justified themselves to the Christian World by Apostolical practice , and a constant uninterrupted observation ever since , yet because refusing to comply with the custome of the Church of Rome , he hastily threw them under Excommunication , to the great disturbance and amazement of the Christian World , for which he was severely rebuked by the wise and good men of that time , especially the mild and peaceable Irenaeus . It was not much above half an Age after this , when the practice of Baptizing a new those who had been Baptized by Hereticks begun mightily to prevail in some parts of the East , but especially in the African Churches . Stephen , who was then Bishop of Rome , storm'd hereat , and in a great rage publickly declared , that he would hold no Communion with them ; and when , according to the custome whereby Churches mutually acted in those days , they sent some Bishops to give him an account of their opinion and practice , he proudly refused * either to see them , or speak with them ; and not content to deprive them of the Peace and Communion of the Church , he denied them the common offices of humanity and charity , forbidding the Christians at Rome so much as to entertain them . To Cyprian he gave very hard words , calling him false Christ , false Apostle , deceitful Worker ; and no better did he treat Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia , and the Churches of Iconium . But Cyprian ( though a man otherwise of great gentleness and moderation ) plainly told him , * that this was nothing but the effect of a proud , impertinent , imprudent , self-contradicting humour , that it proceeded from blindness and perverseness , from obstinacy and presumption , and directly tended to the Patronage and encouragement of error and Heresie . Firmilian charg'd * him with inhumanity , audaciousness and insolence , with doing very unjust and unwarrantable things ; that they at Rome , however vainly pretending Apostolical authority , did not themselves exactly observe primitive tradition , that he could not but disdain Stephens open and manifest folly , who while he boasted so much of the eminency of his Episcopal place , and contended that he had the Succession of Peter , upon whom the foundations of the Church were laid , did yet hereby introduce several other rocks , and build new Churches upon them . And when not long after the controversie came to be canvass'd in a Synod of Eighty seven African Bishops , whom Cyprian had assembled at Carthage for that purpose , in the speech that he made at the opening of the Council , Cyprian tax'd the Pride and ambition of the Bishop of Rome , telling * them that they should all freely speak their minds , without judging , or Excommunicating any that were of another opinion , that none of them took upon himself to make himself Bishop of Bishops , or by a tyrannical threatning to force his Colleagues into a necessity of compliance : since every Bishop , according to the power and liberty granted to him , had his proper rule and jurisdiction , and could no more be judg'd by another , than he himself could judge others ; that in these matters they were to expect the Judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ , who alone had power both of appointing Governours over his Church , and of calling them to an account for their administration . IV. BY these instances ( and many more no doubt , which the History of those times would have set before us , had the Churches Records come safe to us ) it appears , how early the Bishops of Rome set out to usurp a Dominion over the Church , and though they generally met with opposition , yet they still went on , and vigorously improv'd all advantages , with what success , the Christian world has now for many ages found to their cost . And certainly never any stood fairer to start and carry on such a design . For , First , Their Church was not only Apostolical , but had been founded by two of the most eminent Apostles , Peter and Paul , which gave a mighty reputation to it in after Ages ; the Christian world bearing an extraordinary reverence to those great names , which the Bishops of that See knew how to improve to their own advantage . For this reason Irenaeus * calls the Church of Rome the greatest and most eminent Church , and most Universally known , as being founded by the two most glorious Apostles Peter and Paul ; and S. Augustine * says , that in it there always flourished the principality of the Apostolick Chair ; and Origen took a journey * on purpose to Rome , to gratify his curiosity with the sight of so ancient and renowned a Church . And upon this account must be discharged very many of those great things , which several of the Fathers speak so liberally concerning the Church of Rome ; who thought they could never express a veneration big enough towards S. Peter , and consequently towards the place which he had honoured with his Doctrine and Residence , and watred with his Blood : which however spoken by them out of a devout intent , prov'd the first rounds of that Ladder , by which the Roman Bishops mounted up to a Supremacy above the rest . It happening in a few Ages that nothing was talkt of at Rome , but of the Prince of the Apostles , and the authority of the Apostolick See , 'till almost every thing there became Apostolical , and was covered with S. Peters name . Secondly , Their Church was planted in the Imperial City , a place that seem'd born for Empire and Soveraignty , that had long since Conquered , and at that time Governed the greatest part of the World ; a City that was the Center of all Nations , and the Seat of Majesty and Magnificence , where all great affairs were transacted , and all the Scenes of glory and greatness represented in a little compass . Which could not but reflect a more than ordinary lustre upon those Bishops that sat at the upper end of the world , and make them appear considerably bigger , more conspicuous and useful than the rest of their Brethren , and by reason of the general confluence of all Nations to Rome , enable them in a little time to draw the cognizance of Ecclesiastick Causes from all parts thither . 'T was this conveniency of Situation gave them opportunity to insinuate themselves into the favour of the Emperors , and by their power to enlarge their own Borders , yea , and to succour and relieve their Clients and Dependants , which made many to court their protection and assistance , though often with the loss of their own freedom and liberty . This was especially done after the Emperours became Christians , the Roman Church being by them enrich'd with vast honours and priviledges , accounting that the greatness of that Church would not a little contribute to the splendour and magnificence of the Empire . And though the Imperial Seat was quickly translated to another place , yet besides that the Emperours a long time retain'd their affection for Rome , what the Pope lost in one sence , he gain'd in another , making use of the Emperours absence to enhance his own Power and Revenue , 'till he was able not only to Lord it over his brethren , but over Princes themselves . Thirdly , The Roman Church continued for several Ages the Seat of true Apostolick Doctrine , maintaining that character that S Paul had given them , that their Faith was spoken of throughout the whole world , it being here preserv'd pure and uncorrupt , while a great part of the Christian world besides was over run with Error and Heresie , and torn in pieces by Schisms and Factions . This made Rome in those days ( while it remain'd sound and Orthodox ) in a manner the Standard of Catholick Communion , most other Churches veering in point of Communion , as they found the Wind blow from that Quarter , and saw how the business far'd at Rome . Accordingly Theodosius in the beginning of his Reign resolving to reform the Doctrine of the Church , then miserably degenerated in the Eastern parts , commanded , * that that Faith only should take place , that was profess'd by Pope Damasus , and Peter of Alexandria , that Faith and Religion which S. Peter had delivered to the Church of Rome , and which had all along 'till that time flourisht there . This made way for Appeals , every party being desirous to gain the good will of that Church , and to have its Bishop pronounce for their cause , 'till from an honourary arbitration it came to be claim'd as a right and due . And persons ( especially those who were persecuted in their own Countries for their adherence to the Catholick Faith ) were the more encourag'd to repair hither , because here they were kindly treated , and hospitably entertain'd ; a piece of charity which the Bishops of that Church by reason of their ample possessions and large endowments , were very capable to afford . For besides their standing Rents and Revenues , their gains by collections and oblations was so great , that by them alone in the time of Pope Damasus , they were enabled to live in a state and grandeur like that of Temporal Princes , if we may believe the account given by Ammianus Marcellinus ; * and the story is known of Praetextatus ( a zealous Gentile ) design'd to be Consul , who reflecting upon the plenty of that See , was wont pleasanly to tell * Pope Damasus , make me but Bishop of Rome , and I will immediately become a Christian . 'T is certain that Church could never want plentiful Incomes flowing in upon it ; and as charitable it was in those days , as it was wealthy , and was not only very kind to strangers when they came thither , but was wont to transmit very liberal distributions of its charity to forreign Churches , to relieve the necessities of the Brethren that were under Persecution , and were condemned to the Mines , as Dionysius Bishop of Corinth tells us in his Letter * to Soter Bishop of Rome , written about the Year CLXXIV . and that this had been the custome of that Church from the very Infancy of Christianity . Fourthly , The Church of Rome by the advantage of the Imperial City was capable of propagating the Christian Doctrine into several parts of the West , to send out Disciples , receive Dispatches , transmit Directions , and supply all Emergencies that might arise . Accordingly upon this foundation the Popes built and advanc't a claim to Superiority and Dominion . Thus Damasus writing * to the Bishops of Africk , tells them , that in all doubtful cases they ought to have recourse to him as to the head , and thence to take their determination , from whence they had received their institution and instruction in the Christian Faith. And Pope Innocent tells * Decentius Bishop of Eugubium , that all the Churches in those parts ought to take their measures from Rome , and nothing to be valid , but what 's received from thence ; it being evident , that no Churches had been planted in Italy , France , Spain , Africk , Sicily , and the interjacent Islands by any , but such as had been Ordain'd by S. Peter , or his Successors . And this is the Plea we are so often urg'd with , whereby the Roman See challenges jurisdiction over England , its commissionating Augustine the Monk to convert the Saxons , and settle Religion in these parts . But were there no more to be offered in answer to it , this were enough , that Christianity had for several ages been planted here , before ever Austin set his foot on English ground : as perhaps we may have occasion to shew afterwards . In short , though it became Churches thus planted , to bear a very grateful respect to that Mother Church , that was the instrument to convey to them the Christian faith ; yet did it lay them under no obligation to subjection and servitude : however the Church of Rome has handled the matter to its own advantage , and from the lenity and tenderness of a Parent , had degenerated into the pride and cruelty of a Stepmother ; and not content to exercise authority over its own Colonies , began to advance its banners over all the rest ; proudly proclaiming it self the Mother and Mistres of all Churches . I observe no more , then that pride seems to be a vice more peculiar to Rome , than other places : 't was this put the old Romans upon subduing the world ; and by this the Emperors tyrannized over it for some ages , and when Rome shifted its Lords , it did not change its Task-masters ; the ambition which the Emperors laid down , the Popes took up , and prosecuted it by far worse arts and methods , than ever the Romans did of old . S. Basil more than once complains * of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pride of the West , and how little help was to be expected from them that neither understood the truth , nor would be content to learn it ; that he was resolved to write to the Pope , to let him know that it did not become him to insult over and add to the miseries of the afflicted , nor to think pride to be honourable ; a thing alone sufficient to render a man odious in the sight of God : and elsewhere he expresses * a very passionate resentment , that he hated the pride of that Church . V. FURNISHED with these advantages , the Roman Prelates set up for themselves , and gave not over , till they had by right and wrong spread such an Ecclesiastic Empire over the world , as would admit neither superior nor equal . In order to the discovery whereof , it will be necessary to enquire what was of old the proper jurisdiction of the Bishops of Rome , before they removed those antient Land-marks which the Fathers had set . We have elsewhere * observ'd , ( what has been remarkt by many , and indeed is evident to any one vers'd in Church-antiquity ) that in the primitive times , the external Polity of the Church was conform'd as near as might be to the Mode that obtain'd in the civil State. Now the whole Roman Empire consisted of thirteen Dioceses , ( for so they began to style those large Divisions about the time of Constantine , ) whereof seven in the Eastern parts , Egypt , the Orient , or East properly so call'd , Asiana , Pontica , Thrace , Macedonia and Dacia ; and six in the West , Italy , Afric , Illyricum , France , Spain , and Britain ; besides the Roman Praefecture , extending to the Provinces round about the City , which had anciently been a peculiar government , equal , yea superior in dignity to any Diocess ; whereof hereafter . In each of these Diocesses were several Provinces , ( 118 in all ) the chief City whereof in every Province , was the Metropolis , that had a kind of jurisdiction over all the rest ; both title and dignity being peculiarly settled by imperial constitution . Now the civil and Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , were concurrent after this manner ; in every City there was a civil Judge , who presided over it , and the Towns about it ; and to him answered the Bishop of that City : in every Province a Proconsul or President resided at the Metropolis , govern'd that whole division , received appeals , and determined all important cases brought before him from the inferior Cities . Correspondent to him was the Metropolitan , or ( as they after call'd him ) the Archbishop , whose See was in the same City , who superintended the several Churches , and ordained the several Bishops within his Province . And then in every Diocess , there was a Vicarius or Lieutenant , who kept his residence in the principal City , thence dispatcht the Imperial Edicts , and there heard and decided those causes , that were not finally determin'd by inferiour Courts . And concurrent with him in Ecclesiastical matters was the Primate , or ( as some of them were more eminently stiled ) the Patriarch , who presided over the several Metropolitans within that Diocess , appointed the conventions of his Clergy , Umpir'd the differences that arose between the several Bishops , and gave the last determination to all Appeals brought before him . And thus by an orderly Subordination of Deacons and Presbyters to their Bishops , of Bishops to their immediate Metropolitans , of Metropolitans to their respective Primates or Patriarchs , and by a mutual correspondence between the several Primates of every Diocess , the affairs of the Christian Church were carried on with great decorum and regularity . VI. THIS excellent Platform was not fram'd and set up all at once . In the more early Ages Christianity being generally first Preacht and planted in the greater Cities , and the Ecclesiastical Government settled there , thence spread it self into the neighbouring Country , and persons were thence dispatcht to Preach and attend the Ministeries of Religion in those rural Plantations , who yet were in all things steer'd and directed by the Bishop and his Ecclesiastick Senate residing in the City . As Churches multiplied , and Christianity extended it self into wider circles , it was found necessary to fix a particular Bishop almost in every City , to whom was committed the care and superintendency over all the Clergy and people there , and in all the Towns and Villages belonging to the jurisdiction of that place . But because controversies began to arise between the several Bishops ( and sometimes between them and the inferiour Clergy ) which could not easily be determin'd , where every ones authority was independant , it was necessary that some one should preside over all the other Bishops of that Province , as the Proconsul did in the civil state , who might convene Synodical Assemblies , adjust the differences , and manage the Ordinations of the Provincial Bishops . And for this none could be so fit as he that resided in the Metropolis of the Province ( thence call'd Metropolitan ) partly because the Countries for the most part round about had originally derived their Christianity from thence , and 't was but fit they should pay a peculiar respect to the Mother-church , partly because most persons had occasion to resort thither for the dispatch of business , and might with the same opportunity conveniently transact both their civil and Ecclesiastick matters , and partly because 't was but reasonable , that the Bishop of so eminent a place should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have an honourable presidency over the rest , as the Council of Antioch particularly provides * in this case ; Ordaining accordingly , that tho every Bishop might Ordain Presbyters and Deacons , and manage the affairs of his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or particular Diocess ( as we now call it ) yet that all the Bishops of the Province should acknowledge the Metropolitan , and attempt nothing of moment without his knowledge and consent ; which they there enact , not as any Novel constitution , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they tell us , according to a most ancient Rule and Canon , that had been in force from the times of their fore-fathers . To the Metropolitan then upon every extraordinary occasion the Provincial Bishops addressed themselves , to him also other Metropolitans , such especially as lay nearest to him , were wont to send Letters of Communion , to testify their consent with him in the faith ( a confession whereof every new Metropolitan us'd to send abroad upon his advancement to his See ) and mutually to consult each others advice in all important cases . VII . THIS 't is plain from the Writings of S. Cyprian and others , was the way of Administration during those first and most early Ages of Christianity : Private causes every Bishop judg'd of within his particular jurisdiction , where taking to him the assistance of his Clergy , his Presbyters and Deacons , they did Communi Consilio ponderare , * weigh things by common advice and deliberation ; where the case was of greater importance , or more general concernment , it was referr'd to a provincial Synod , wherein the chief Bishop of the Province presided , and directed all affairs . Here the Ordination of Bishops was usually perform'd , or where a Synod could not conveniently be had , by as many Bishops as could be got together , the rest * who were absent by writing under their hands testifying their consent , and the whole either actually manag'd by , or at least done by the allowance and confirmation of the chief Bishop . Here also criminal Bishops were depos'd , and the same way of general suffrage observ'd : Thus when Cornelius and his Synod at Rome * had condemn'd and cast out Novatian for his Schismatical Usurpation of that See , the Bishops that were not present at the Council , did by their Letters ratify and subscribe that Decree . VIII . IN reference to the affairs of Churches abroad , they acted by a kind of mutual consociation , they communicated councils , interpos'd in differences , oppos'd the same common enemies , and upon all occasions afforded ready help and assistance to one another , that dilectio communis , that Cyprian so often speaks of , * the common bond of love and charity obliging them to advise together , that so by joynt consultations things might be carried on to the best advantage of Ecclesiastick Administration . For they look'd upon themselves , he tells us , * as members of the same Body of the Church , though stretcht out into many several Provinces , and that therefore they were bound to have care one of another , and to watch over the welfare of the whole Body . Upon a Persons Election to any of the greater Sees , they were wont to send their congratulatory Letters , to give him joy of that place , to signify their concurrence with his advancement to a share of the Government of the Church , and their communion with him in the Faith. Thus Cyprian by Letters * approv'd Cornelius his Election to the See of Rome , which he did , he tells us according to divine tradition and Ecclesiastick institution ; nay he sent to all the Bishops of his Province , requiring them by their Letters to do the like . And when Marcian Bishop of Arles was depos'd for his siding with Novatian , Cyprian wrote * to Pope Stephen to send him word who succeeded in that Bishopprick , that so he might know to whom to direct his communicatory Letters . When any person was duly Excommunicated in on Church , he could not be admitted to Communion in another . Thus when Felicissimus , who had been Excommunicated by Cyprian and the African Synod , fled to Rome , * and came thither guarded with a potent faction , he found the doors shut against him , whereof Cornelius advis'd Cyprian by Letters , which the good man commends as replenisht with Brotherly Love , Ecclesiastick Discipline , and Episcopal censure . And when the Legats of Novatian ( who had procur'd himself to be irregularly Ordain'd Bishop of Rome , for which he was Synodically condemn'd ) came into Africk , Cyprian rejected them , * and utterly refus'd to receive them to Communion . In short , no sooner did any extraordinary emergency arise , but notice was presently given of it to other Churches , and advice return'd what was fit to be done in those matters , and all possible assistance afforded towards the dispatching of them . In all which transactions the Bishop of Rome was no otherwise considered than ( as all others were ) as a Bishop of the Catholick Church , nor was his Sentence any more regarded than that of other Bishops . Donatus à casis nigris accus'd * Cecilian Bishop of Carthage to Constantine the Great . The Emperour referr'd the case to Pope Melchiades , and three French Bishops , together with whom Assembled fifteen Bishops of Italy , who gave judgment against Donatus . Wherein as the Pope acted as the Emperours Delegate , and had no more power than the rest of his Collegues , so the sturdy African slighted his judgment , and appeal'd from it . Constantine hereupon referrs the business to a Synod at Arles in France , Ann. CCCXIV . where the former sentence is again brought under examination , and this thought no injury or dishonour to the Bishop of Rome , nay , his Legates in that Council subscribed only in the fifth place , * as the subscriptions publisht by Sirmoud out of an Ancient Copy , stand at this day . In short , 't is ingenuously confess'd by Pope Pius the second , * then Cardinal , that before the time of the Nicene Council very little regard was had to the Church of Rome . By all which we see how the Government of the Church in those days was carried on ; Bishops superintended the affairs of the Church in every City and its adjacent Territory , over them were Metropolitans and Provincial Synods , and with foreign Churches they transacted by a mutual agreement and confederation for the good of the whole , but without any coercive power over one another . CHAP. II. The Government of the Church , and Power of the Bishops of Rome , as 't is represented in the Canons of the Nicene Council . The Sixt Canon of the Synod of Nice set down , with the occasion of it . Seven Observations drawn from that Canon . I. That the larger bounds of Ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the Roman Provinces . A Province what . Whither the Countries in Italy so called . II. That the chief Church-Governour in every Province was the Metropolitan . The prudence and convenience of that way of Government . Patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the Nicene Canon . III. That the Bishop of Rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited Metropolitical power . This own'd by some of the greatest Champions of Rome . IV. That the Metropolitick Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch were ever of the greatest note in the Christian Church , and of these Rome the chief . The eminency of Sees according to the greatness of the Cities wherein they were planted . This gave precedency to the Church of Rome . The three Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch ascrib'd to S. Peter . Blasphemous things spoken of the Pope upon that account . Primacy allow'd to the See of Rome . No Supremacy belonging to it . The Christian Church then knew of no such supereminent power . V. That the rights of the Roman Metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but by custome and the practice of the Church . This plainly shew'd to be the sence of this , and other following Councils . VI. That the Ordination of Provincial Bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every Metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . The fourth , sixth and seventh Canons of this Council noted to that purpose . The same shew'd to be the determination of other Synods . What other rights belong'd to Metropolitans . VII . That this way of Ecclesiastick Administration was not any late novel institution , but founded upon ancient custome and practice . What this antiquity implies . The original of Metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . Several instances of this way of Government noted in the second and third Centuries . The word Metropolitan not met with till the Council of Nice . But the thing long before . The Sum of the Observations upon this Canon . IN this condition stood things at that time when the great Council Assembled at Nice , An. CCCXXV . where what had hitherto been transacted only by custome and mutual consent , became then a Law of the Church . For Alexander the venerable Bishop of Alexandria having complain'd to the Synod , that the Metropolitical Rights of that See had been invaded by the irregular and ambitious attempts of Meletius , the Schismatical Bishop of Lycopolis in Thebais , who during the late persecution had amongst other crimes taken upon him to Ordain Bishops , and to confer inferiour orders where-ever he came , the Synod did not only depose Meletius , and in a manner null his Ordinations , but pass'd among others this following Canon . LEt ancient customs still take place ; those that are in Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis , that the Bishop of Alexandria have power over all these ; because such also is the custome of the Bishop of Rome . And accordingly in Antioch , and in other Provinces , let the priviledges be preserved to the Churches . This also is altogether evident , that if any man be made a Bishop without the consent of the Metropolitan , this great Synod Decrees such a one to be no Bishop . And if two or three , out of a contentious humour , shall oppose the common election duly and regularly made according to the Canon of the Church , let the majority of voices in this case prevail . In this Canon , which has been the subject of infinite debate and controversie , there are several things very observable to our purpose , which every impartial unprejudicate Reader will see do naturally flow from it . First , That the larger bounds of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction at that time were concurrent with the Roman Provinces . Secondly , That the chief Church Governour within every Province was the Metropolitan . Thirdly , That the Bishop of Rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited Metropolitical power . Fourthly , That the Metropolitick Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch were ever of greatest note in the Christian Church , and of these Rome the chief . Fifthly , That the rights of the Roman Metropolitan were not due by any Divine constitution , but flow'd only from Custome and the Practice of the Church . Sixthly , That the Ordination of Provincial Bishops was one of the prime Rights and Priviledges of every Metropolitan within his own Jurisdiction . Seventhly , That this way of Ecclesiastick Admiration was not any late novel institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . All which Observations I shall briefly explain and make good . 1. THAT the larger bounds of Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction were the Roman Provinces . Every City , besides what was within its Walls , and immediate Suburbs , had usually some adjacent Territory , whither its Government did extend , as Strabo * notes of Nemausus or Nismes , a City of the Gallia Narbonensis , that it had under it twenty four Villages , all well peopled and inhabited , and so commonly in other places ; and these were the Towns and Villages ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are call'd in the ninth Canon of Antioch ) that were under the superintendency and jurisdiction of the City-Bishop . But a Province was a Collection of many Cities , with all the Tracts and Territories belonging to them ; and was greater or less according to the custome of places , or as the will of Princes had set them out . Augustus ( as Strabo who lived about that time informs * us ) when he resolv'd to commit some parts of the Empire to the immediate care of the Senate , and to reserve the rest to himself , divided each moiety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into several Provinces , and caus'd a Rationarium or Book to be made of it ( this he did out of the Commentaries * of Balbus , whom he had appointed to measure the several parts of the Empire : ) Some account of these Provinces Strabo there gives us , but a more full and particular account is given by Dion Cassius . * How these Provinces stood divided in the following Ages , especially from the times of Constantine , is distinctly and accurately set down in the Notitia Imperii , compos'd under the reign of the younger Theodosius . I observe no more then that if at Augustus his settlement ( which is taken notice of , and objected by some * ) the Countries in Italy were not styl'd Provinces , but Regions , ( he divided it says Pliny * into eleven Regions ; whence Italy and the Provinces , and jus Italicum , and jus Provinciale are frequently distinguisht ) yet this distinction held not long , nor universally , the words being promiscuously us'd , as is evident from the Scriptores Rei agrariae ( some whereof if their Titles bely them not , liv'd not long after Augustus his age ) where we find more than once , the Territory of the Province of Picenum , as well as the Region of Picenum , the Province of Apulia and Calabria * , of Valeria ‖ , of Tuscia * , and the like . And for after ages , especially from the times of Constantine , no man can doubt of it , that has but once lookt either into the Justinian , or Theodosian Code . II. THAT the chief Church-Governour within every Province was the Metropolitan , that is , the Bishop that resided in the Metropolis , or Mother-City of the Province . For as the preventing Schism and disorder had necessitated Provincial Bishops ( who being all equal had no power one over the other ) to chuse one common President to umpire and determine differences , and manage those affairs which could not be done by every single Bishop , so reason and conveniency , the example of the civil Government , and the greatness of the place , pleaded for the Bishop of the Metropolis to be the person , who hence deriv'd the title of Metropolitan . And this Salmasius * himself , how ill a friend soever to the whole Episcopal Order , cannot but confess was wisely contriv'd , and that had but Metropolitans contain'd themselves within their proper bounds , there could not have heen a more useful and laudable Institution . His business was upon all important occasions synodically to summon together the Bishops of his Province , and therein to enquire into their miscarriages and misdemeanors , to judg of the contentions that arose between them , to ordain persons to vacant Bishopricks , or at least to ratify their Ordination , and to direct all transactions that were of greater and more general concernment . Therefore the Fathers of Antioch take care , that forasmuch as all that have any business to dispatch , are forc'd to go to the Metropolis , therefore the Bishops in every Province should own , honour and give precedence to the Bishop that presided in the Metropolis , and attempt nothing of moment without his concurrence , and this according to a more ancient Canon derived to them from their Fore-fathers . By the Ancient Canon here spoken of cannot be meant this of Nice , which was but sixteen years before it , and therefore without doubt referrs to the XXXIV . Canon of the Apostles , which almost in the same words commands the Bishops in every Nation to own him who is first or chief amongst them , and to esteem him as Head , and to do nothing of moment without his consent , which truly expresses the ancient practice of the Church ; these Apostolick Canons being nothing else but a collection of Rules and Customes agreed upon in the first ages of Christianity . For ( that I may note this by the way ) 't is vain to think , that a thing then first began to be , when we find it first mention'd or enjoyn'd by a Synodal Decree ; the Canons in such cases being very oft expressive of a more ancient practice , which they then take notice of , or enforce , only because some extraordinary accidents at that time may have given particular occasion for it . As here at Nice , in the case of the Rights of Metropolitans , which the Canon mentions and resettles , only because Meletius's usurpation had brought it into question . It had been long before an ancient custome , and having lately received some little shock , the Church no sooner had an opportunity of meeting together in a general Council , but it establisht these Metropolitical priviledges by its Oecumenical Authority . There are , I know , and they too men of no mean name and note , both heretofore and of later times , who tell us , that this Nicene Canon is to be understood not of Metropolitans , but Patriarchs : But where does the Council say , or so much as hint any such thing , the Synod both here and in all other places constantly calls them Metropolitans , and makes the bounds of their jurisdiction to be Provinces , not Diocesses . And indeed the word Diocese , as relating to this extent of Ecclesiastick Government , was not in use till above an intire age after . Nay perhaps at this time it was scarce in use for the larger division of Countries in the civil state : For it was but about this time that Constantine new modell'd the Government , and brought in Dioceses as comprehending several Provinces under them . So that either here must be Patriarchs without Dioceses , or if the Canon be meant ( as some explain it ) of Metropolitani Metropolitanorum , of some prime and principal Metropolitans , that presided over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces within their jurisdiction , then 't is plain the Synod must intend such whereever it mentions Metropolitans , for it all along speaks of them as of the same . In the fourth Canon it provides , that in every Province a Bishop Ordain'd shall be confirm'd by the Metropolitan ; which is necessarily to be restrain'd to proper provincial Metropolitans . In this sixth Canon it speaks more particularly , and because the Metropolitick rights had been invaded in Egypt , Ordains that the Bishop of Alexandria , no less than he of Rome , and that he of Antioch , and the Churches in all other Provinces should still enjoy their ancient priviledges . Where we see it speaks of them all without any difference in this respect as provincial Churches . And thus the ancient Version of this Canon ( whereof more hereafter ) understood it , when it rendred it thus , in caeteris provinciis privilegia propria reserventur Metropolitanis Ecclesiis , that at Antioch , and in the other Provinces , the Metropolitan Churches should have their own priviledges . And to put the case out of doubt what the Council meant , the Canon adds in the close , that no Bishop should be made without the consent of the Metropolitan . Nothing therefore can be more absurd , than to say , that Patriarchs are meant in the former part of the Canon , and Metropolitans only in the latter , when as the Canon it self makes no difference . And indeed were that the meaning , the grave and wise Fathers of that Council took an effectual course that posterity should never understand their mind . If we look into the following Canon , that secures the rights of the Metropolitan Church of Caesarea in Palestine , and though it grants the next place of honour to the Bishop of Jerusalem , yet still it subjects him to his own Metropolitan . And I suppose it will puzzle any man to give a wise reason , why the Church of Jerusalem ( for which the Christian World ever had so great and so just a veneration ) should be subject to that of Caesarea , but only that Caesarea was the Metropolis of that Province , and so had been ever since the time of Vespasian , and accordingly Josephus says * 't was the greatest City in the Country , and Tacitus * calls it the head of Judaea . So miserably does Alexander Aristinus blunder in his Exposition of this Canon , when by virtue of it he makes the Bishop of Jerusalem to become a Patriarch , and yet withal to be subject to the Metropolitan of Caesarea , or , which is all one , that the Metropolitan of Caesarea should not hereby lose his ancient power and dignity . As if any Patriarch , and much more one of the five greater , could be subject to a private Metropolitan , or a Metropolitan could have his ancient rights reserv'd to him , when at the same time a considerable part of them are taken from him . But Patriarchs were not then heard , or so much as dreamt of in the Church ; nothing being truer than what Balsamon has observ'd * in this case , that anciently all the Metropolitans of Provinces were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolute and independent , and Ordain'd by none but their own Provincial Bishops . III. THAT the Bishop of Rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited Metropolitical Power . This is so evidently the sence of the Canon , that few , who have otherwise Will good enough , have yet the hardiness to oppose it . The Sun it self is not clearer at Noon-day , than that hereby the Council design'd , that the Bishop of Alexandria should have the same power within his Province , that the Bishop of Rome had in his . Let the Bishop of Alexandria ( says the Canon ) have all his ancient and accustomed powers and priviledges in Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since , or forasmuch as the Bishop of Rome has the like Custome , that is , ( as a learned and zealous Champion * for the Popes Supremacy does yet with great ingenuity expound it ) that he and none but he should exercise Jurisdiction within his own bounds ; as the Alexandrian Bishop has prescrib'd limits to his Diocess , so also has he of Rome : And as he of Rome manages the affairs of his own Diocess without the interposal or medling of any other person , so we Will that he of Alexandria shall have the same power , and that none shall obstruct him in the exercise of it . The Canon then makes a double comparison between these two Metropolitans , the one respecting the extent of their Jurisdiction , that one was confin'd and limited as well as the other ; the other the fulness of their power , which they might exercise within their respective limits , and that none might presume to invade or hinder it , but by the same Right by which the Roman Prelate Govern'd his Churches , by the same might he of Alexandria the Churches subject to him . One of the Greek Scholiasts * Summs up the Canon into these words . Let the Bishop of Alexandria have power over Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis : And the Roman Bishop over those places that are subject to Rome . Harmenopulus * expresses it in somewhat more general terms : Let the ancient customes of Arch-Bishops still prevail , and every one have power over his own Province . I enquire not now what were the peculiar bounds , within which the Power of the Bishops of Rome was terminated . 'T is enough at present , that whether larger or narrower , limits he had , which he might not regularly pass , and that the Church of Rome was in those days accounted a particular Church , and as much a Member of the Church Universal , as Alexandria , Antioch , or that of any other Province . IV. THAT the Metropolitick Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch , were ever of greatest note in the Christian Church , and of these Rome the chief . Hence they are here particularly named , while others are dismist with an Et caetera , and Rome as the most eminent , made the Exemplar according to which the Rights of Alexandria were to be recovered and resettled . 'T were impertinent to shew that respect was always paid to places proportionable to their Temporal power and greatness ; S. Cyprian * long since told us , that the reason why Rome had the precedency of Carthage , was pro magnitudine sua , because 't was the greater City . And 't were as endless as 't is needless to prove , that the places mention'd in this Canon were Capital Cities of the Empire : Rome was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Athanasius styles * it ) the Metropolis , or chief City of the Roman World , it had for several Ages been the Governing City , and was still the Seat of Empire , the greatness whereof the Geographical Poet * has no less briefly than Elegantly thus summ'd up . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rome triumphs in th' Imperial Seat , and is Wealth 's Store-house , and the World's Metropolis . Alexandria besides the vastness of the place , numerousness of its inhabitants , the riches and plenty of its Traffick , was the Seat of the Imperial Vice-roy , call'd the Augustal Prefect : Indeed it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * the second City under the Sun , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Aristides * styles it , the greatest next to Rome ; and thence by ancient Writers * emphatically call'd THE CITY . Antioch was frequently the Court of Emperors , constantly the residence of their Lieutenants , the most ancient , rich and populous City of the East , commonly styl'd Antioch the Great : Now the greatness of these places added a proportionable reputation to their several Bishops , it being but reasonable that they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the Fathers at Antioch speak * ) precede others in honour , who presided in the most eminent and honourable Cities . And because Rome was confessedly the greatest and noblest City of the Empire , hence the Church there had an honourary precedency before all others , and the Bishops of it in all publick meetings and consultations had the first place allowed them , and upon all occasions a mighty deference and respect paid to them , and their favour was courted , and Addresses made to them from all parts . And in this sence 't is plain the ancients understood the honour due to the Roman Bishop . When the Council of Constantinople decrees , * that the Bishop of that City shall have the next place to him of Rome , for that Constantinople was new Rome , it sufficiently shews upon what foundation the precedency of the Roman Prelate stood . And that of Chalcedon * much more expresly , that the cause why the Fathers gave priviledges to the See of old Rome was , because that was the Imperial City . And in pursuance of these Canons ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Emperour Justinian enacts , * that the Bishop of old Rome should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first of all Bishops . I know there are , ‖ who place the Eminency of these three great Sees upon another bottom , and tell us it was , because they were all founded by S. Peter , two of them by himself , and that of Alexandria by the Ministry of S. Mark his peculiar Disciple , sent thither by his immediate direction and authority : And the assertion further improv'd , that these three Cities being severally the chief Cities of the three then known parts of the World , Europe , Asia and Africa , thence it follows that the Government of these three great Churches , and in them of the whole Christian World is lodg'd in S. Peters Successour , and 't is added * ( with greater boldness shall I say , or blasphemy ? ) that S. Peter herein exprest a lively representation both of the Unity of the Godheads , and of the Holy Trinity , and that as 't is but one and the same Episcopal Office that is in a Bishop , a Metropolitan , and a Patriarch , so a Trinity of Patriarchs meets in the Unity of the Pope ; so that in the See of the Prince of the Apostles , there is an Unity in Trinity , and a Trinity in Unity . But where Men can suffer their wits want only to sport at this rate ( though 't is gravely brought in by way of Argument , by some otherwise learned enough ) 't is no wonder , that nothing should be stuck at , true or false , that may serve their cause . But I spare any farther censure of this Authour , finding by his life * ( publisht since the Writing of these Papers ) that he repented afterwards of so hasty and inconsiderate an undertaking , and oft intended to have brought that work under a review and castigation . And indeed any Man may at first sight discern 't was the issue of a Juvenile heat , and wanted the corrections of calmer and maturer thoughts . But perhaps it might prove no such easie task to make it out that S. Peter founded those three Sees , and if he did , that any such authority as is claim'd , is thence deriv'd to the See of Rome . Antioch and Alexandria did always maintain their Jurisdiction Independent , though the Popes frequently inculcated their being originally Instituted by S. Peter , as a kind of obligation to Rome , and that which reflected the greatest honour upon those Churches . And the Fathers we see found their preheminence upon the Glory and Majesty of their Cities , and none more expresly than that of Rome , the Bishop whereof was therefore honoured , caress'd and add rest unto , because Bishop of Rome . And had he contented himself with that place and deference which the Fathers gave him , and not broken down Inclosures , and trampled over the Heads of his Brethren , we should neither have envied , nor denied it . And though perhaps it might admit some dispute , whether Rome having for so many Ages lost the honor of being the Imperial City , the Privileges conferr'd upon that Church , upon that account , ought not in reason to abate proportionably ; yet we are willing to grant , what genuine Antiquity did allow , that the Bishop of that place containing himself within Primitive Rules and Orders , should be esteemed the most honourable among all Christian Bishops , that he should be first , but not Lord , much less Tyrant over his Brethren . The Priviledges assign'd him by the ancient Canons , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says a late learned Patriarch of Alexandria * ) Priviledges of honour , not conveyances of a Tyrannical power to make or abrogate Laws as he pleases . And therefore suppose the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Primacy of the Church of Rome ( mention'd in the beginning of this sixt Nicene Canon , as 't is quoted by Paschasinus the Popes Legate in the Council of Chalcedon ) were granted , yet who knows not that there is a Primacy of Order as well as Power ; a Primacy amongst equals ; and such 't is plain was that which the ancient Councils did assign him , not an Universal , Monarchical , uncontroulable Power and Supremacy over the whole Christian Church , which would have fundamentally destroy'd the very design of this Nicene Canon , which makes the Bishops of Alexandria , Antioch , the other Provinces , independent , and as supream within their own limits , as the Pope is in his . Is there no difference between Precedency and Supremacy , between Dignity and Dominion ? Let the Roman Church be the Head of all Churches ( as 't is sometimes styl'd by the Ancients , and frequently challeng'd by the Popes ) 't is so only in an honourary sence , and in that respect other Churches , especially that of * Constantinople , have the same title given to them . Where then shall we find the Soveraign , Arbitrary , and unbounded Power of the Bishop of Rome ? and where , but in the pride , ambition and Usurpation of that See ? certain I am it has not the least footing in this or any other ancient Council . Nor can it be suppos'd , that had the Fathers of this venerable Synod known of any such supereminent Power of the Roman Bishop , as is now pretended to ( and know it they must , if there had been any , meeting from all parts of the World ) we cannot suppose , I say , they would have given the Bishops of Alexandria , Antioch , &c. equal Power within their respective Provinces , without inserting into the Canon a Salvo to the Supreme Rights and Prerogatives of the See of Rome , especially when we find them in the very next Canon , giving the Bishop of Jerusalem an honourable Session , but still with a Proviso to preserve the Rights of the Metropolitan of that Province . V. THAT the Rights of the Roman Metropolitan were not due by any Divine Constitution , but flow'd only from Custome and the practice of the Church . This is here laid down as one of the main foundations upon which the whole Body of the Canon is built , the Right here convey'd not being Divine Institutions , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient Customs , introduc'd by time and use and a wise contrivance . Which is not only the case of Metropolitans in general , but is particularly applied to him of Rome , it being ( says the Canon ) the custome for the Bishop of Rome to have such Metropolitick Power . Had these good Fathers known of any peculiar Commission given by Christ to Peter , and in him to the Bishop of Rome , to be his Supream and Universal Bishop upon Earth , to Govern his Church by a despotical unaccountable power , or that our Lord had but so much as authorized and appointed him to be Superiour to all the Bishops within the Roman Province , it had been hard , not to say unjust and unreasonable in them to conceal it , and an irreparable injury to that Church , to derive its authority from any meaner original . An injury , which we cannot conceive but that the Popes Legates , who were then in Council , must have immediately entred their Protest against . But the Christian World was as yet unacquainted with such Notions , and the Popes then either did not claim any such power , or to be sure durst not challenge it in that Assembly , where they knew it must be shamefully baffled and rejected . What Power soever our Lord or his Apostles convey'd to Bishops , this is certain , that all Bishops as such stand upon a common level , and that Superiority and Subordination among them is meerly from humane positive Institution , borrowed from the Forms in the civil state , and with great reason brought in to comply with the conveniencies and necessities of the Church . And to this the Fathers usually refer it . Thus we see they here determined the case of Metropolitans . And in the following Canon the Bishop of Jerusalem's taking place next to his Metropolitan before all the other Bishops of that Province , is ascrib'd to custome , and ancient tradition . In the Council of Ephesus the Bishop of Antioch was complain'd of for invading the Rights of the Metropolitan of Cyprus , in deciding whereof the Fathers affirm , * it would be sufficient prejudice to his cause , if he had not ancient custome on his side : And having determin'd the case against him , decree , That every Province should enjoy those original Rights pure and inviolable , which had been deriv'd to them by long continuance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according as the power of ancient custome had prevail'd . And when some years after by reason of the Incursions of the barbarous people , the Metropolitan of Cyprus was forc't to remove to Nova Justinianopolis in the Hellespont , the Fathers of the sixt Council in Trullo confirm'd * his rights to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to ancient custome : For the Holy Fathers ( say they ) have determin'd , that Customs should be preserv'd in every Church . VI. THAT the Ordination of Provincial Bishops was one of the prime Rights and Priviledges of every Metropolitan within his own Jurisdiction . No Man in those days was bound to go beyond his own Metropolis , much less did they know of any obligation to seek to Rome either for Consecration , or Confirmation . And for this the Laws of the Church are as express and peremptory as words could make them . Our great Council had made Provision herein by their fourth Canon , that a Bishop should be Ordain'd by all the Bishops in the Province : But because pers haps business , or distance , might render that inconvenient , and sometimes impossible , they decree that it should be done by three , the rest testifying their consent in writing ; and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the validity of what was done , should be from the Confirmation of the Metropolitan in every Province . And because the case of Meletius was then before them , and had rais'd a mighty noise and clamour , they again establish this matter in the close of the sixth Canon by way of recapitulation , that whoever should be made Bishop without the consent of his Metropolitan , his Ordination should be null and void , and that if any doubt and dispute arose in this case , the majority of Votes should carry it : Accordingly in their Synodical Epistle * to the Church of Alexandria they tell them , they had taken care about the Election of their Bishops , and that it must be with the Concurrence and Confirmation of the Bishop of Alexandria . This Constitution we find unanimously ratified by almost all following Councils ; by that of Antioch a most expresly , by that of Laodicea b , by that of Sardica c , by the Second d and Fourth e Councils of Carthage , by the general Council of Chalcedon f , who take notice of the neglect of some Metropolitans in delaying the Ordinations of their Provincial Bishop ; and in the particular controversie between Anastasius of Nice , and Eunomius of Nicomedia g , they all with one voice ratify the Nicene Canon . In all which Canons , and infinite more that might be mention'd , there is not the least intimation given of any Prerogative peculiar to the Bishop of Rome , or that he has any power to take this Right out of the hands of the respective Metropolitans . Nor is Ordination the only Priviledge which the Synod of Nice vests in Metropolitans , for though they more particularly insist upon this , because Meletius had given such fresh occasion by violating the Metropolitan Rights of Alexandria , yet in the beginning of the sixt Canon they establish their Priviledges in general , that they should have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the ancient Powers and Priviledges that belong'd to their Churches in every Province . What these were , practice and the subsequent Canons of the Church do inform us ; to take care that vacant Sees were well supplied , to call Provincial Synods , to disperse Canons there agreed on for the common good , to end controversies between their Bishops , to admonish the unruly , to censure and suspend the irreregular , to give communicatory Letters to their Provincial Bishops that were to go into foreign parts , and such like . In short , the Synod of Antioch ( than which perhaps none ever made wiser and better Rules for the Government and Discipline of the Church ) order * the Bishops of every Province not only to honour their Metropolitan , but to do nothing of moment without his consent . Lastly , I observe hence , That this way of Ecclesiastick Administration was not any late Novel Institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . 'T was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says the Canon most expresly . How far this Antiquity does extend , it is not easie precisely to determine . Salmasius * himself grants it for an hundred years before the Synod of Nice : And we would not have thankt him for a larger concession , had the state of things before that Council been as clearly transmitted to us , as they were afterwards . Indeed the Records and Writings of those early Ages are generally lost , and the defending Christianity from the assaults of Heathens on the one side , and Hereticks on the other , take up the far greatest part of those few that remain . So that little light is afforded us to discover the Originals of particular Churches , and to trace out the gradual advances of Polity and Church-Discipline . Whether the Apostles themselves fixt a Superiour Bishop in every Metropolis of the civil State , as some will have it ; or whether the Apostles only form'd the Scheme and draught , but left it to following Ages to erect and set it up , as de Marca * thinks , I leave it to the Reader , who is curious about these matters , to weigh their arguments , and then pass his Sentence . To me it seems probable that it actually commenc'd not long after the Apostolick Age , when Sects and Schisms began to break in apace , and when the Apostles who were the supream Governours and Moderators being remov'd off the Stage , and controversies multiplying between particular Bishops , it was found necessary to pitch upon one in every Province , to whom the Umpirage of cases might be referr'd , and by whom all common and publick affairs might be directed . In the declining part of the second Century we find Philip styl'd * not only Bishop of the Diocess of Gortyna , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but also of all the rest of the Churches or Dioceses ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in Crete , among which Pinytus is reckon'd Bishop of the Parochia of Gnossus . Towards the latter end of the same Century we find several Provincial Synods conven'd for determining the Paschal controversie * : Pope Victor presided in that at Rome ; in that of Palestine , Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea , and Narcissus of Jerusalem ; where Narcissus is joyn'd with Theophilus , because the Bishop of Jerusalem had ever the place of honour next to his Metropolitan of Caesarea , and this ( say our Nicene Fathers ) from custome and ancient tradition . Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , at the request of Victor summon'd a Synod of the Bishops of Asia ( i. e. of the Lydian or Proconsular Asia , whereof Ephesus was the Metropolis ) wherein he was president , who all subscrib'd his opinion , as he tells us in his Letter to Pope Victor . In France there was a convention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Bishops of the several Gallick Dioceses , wherein Irenaeus Bishop of the Metropolis of Lyons was chief Moderator . Bacchylus also Bishop of Corinth ( that was a Metropolis too ) held a Synod of the Bishops of Achaia ( if S. Jerome * understand Eusebius aright ) and in their name wrote an Epistle about this matter . This the Author of the Ancient Synodicon * calls a Provincial Synod , and expresly styles Bacchylus Arch-bishop of Corinth . How oft does S. Cyprian * mention his Province , and his Fellow-Bishops in it , to whom he communicated affairs of the Church , and commanded ( Mandavimus is his own word ) their help and assistance : and this Province no mean one neither , as extending over Africk properly so call'd , Numidia , and the two Mauritania's . Nor can I see any reason with Salmasius * to understand it of the civil Province , especially when the best reason he gives , is , that the Power of Primates or Metropolitans was not yet in force , which is a plain and shameful begging of the Question . Indeed if he means it only of the Title , by which they were call'd , I grant that the word Metropolitan is very rarely , if perhaps at all , to be found in any Authentick Writer before the time of the Nicene Council : They were in those days styl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first Bishops , and the Heads of Provinces , ( as is plain from the XXXIV . Apostolick Canon ) i. e they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief Bishops that resided in the several Metropoles , as Zonaras truly expounds that Canon . But whatever becomes of the Title , the thing it self is plain to all that are not byass'd by prejudice and partiality , that there was a Superiour Bishop in every Province , resident at the Metropolis , who partly by himself , partly by the assistance of his Provincial Bishops meeting in Council , usually manag'd all the more important Church-affairs within that Province . The Sum in short of this great Nicene Canon amounts to this That the greater limits of Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction were concurrent with the Provinces of the Roman Empire , that the prime Governours within those bounds were the Metropolitans , and though some were more honourable than others , by reason of the eminency of their Episcopal Stations , yet that every Metropolitan had a free and independent power of Ordination , and steering the main affairs of the Church within that Province ; that the Bishop of Rome had the same , and no more within the Roman Province ; a Power not granted by any immediate commission , or Divine authority , but introduc't for conveniency , and setled by custome and long continuance . CHAP. III. The extent of the Bishop of Romes Jurisdiction , considered as a Metropolitan . A Search into the proper bounds of the Roman Bishop . His Power Four-fold , Episcopal , Metropolitical , Patriarchal , Apostolical . The First not controverted . The last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the Reformed , and Greek Church . L. Allatius's Jeer of his Country-men . His Metropolitical Jurisdiction considered as concurrent with that of the Provost of Rome . That how great , and how far extending . The Suburbicary Regions what . Sicily no part of the Urbicary Regions . The usual conformity between the extent of the Civil and Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction in those times . The Power of the Roman Metropolitan confin'd within an Hundred Miles of Rome . Rufinus his Exposition of the Suburbicary Churches . Greatly quarrell'd at by the Romish Writers . His authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . His Book approv'd by Pope Gelasius and others . No probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the Canon , or the extent of the Roman Metropolitanship , or the Suburbicary Churches . His Explication confirm'd by most ancient Interpreters of this Canon . The Bishops of Rome and Italy distinct . The Bishop of Milan ranckt with him of Rome . The objection of the Bishop of Romes being confin'd to so narrow a compass , considered and answered . The Majores Dioeceses in the Epistle of the Synod of Arles what . The bounds of the Roman Bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient Notitia Episcopatuum . The fraud in the first publication of that Notitia . Morinus noted . The greatness of Rome equivalent to a large extent . I. THUS far then we have gain'd ; that the Bishop of Rome as well as the rest was bounded within his Metropolitical Province ; the Council supposing this as the ground of its constitution , that the Bishop of Alexandria should have jurisdiction over all within his Province , as the Bishop of Rome had in his . 'T is true , the Council does not assign the proper limits of the Roman Metropolitanship , as it does that of Alexandria , there being a more particular reason why it should specify the latter , that being the Subject under debate , and the main , if not only occasion of the Canon ; we must therefore search it out some other way . And here we are told * of a Three-fold power vested in the Pope ; Episcopal , Patriarchal , and Apostolical ; or as others * distinguish a little more accurately , he may be considered under a Four-fold capacity , as a Bishop , as a Metropolitan , as a Patriarch , and lastly as Pope , or as he is the Vicar of Christ , and Head of the Universal Church . In which capacity he is not only more honourable than all other Bishops and Patriarchs , but has full authority over them , to consecrate , confirm , or depose them , yea when he pleases , to suppress old , and to erect new Episcopal Sees . Hereby ( they tell us ) he is constituted Judge over all Churches in the World , and may at pleasure visit , govern , and give Laws to them . For the First of these , as he is a private Bishop , we have no controversie with him : And for the last , his Supreme and Apostolical power over the whole Christian Church ; 't is so wild and extravagant a claim , so groundless and precarious , so utter a stranger to Scripture and Primitive Antiquity , that it 's needless to take pains in the refuting of it . Nay , the Popes themselves how desirous soever to amplify their own Power , have not yet dar'd to challenge it where they knew it would be disputed or denied . In the discourse that past between Constantius and Pope Liberius about the condemnation of Athanasius , the Emperour askt him , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what great part of the World are you , that you only should take his part ? and that ( as he urges a little before ) when the whole World had past Sentence upon him . The proper answer to which ( had Liberius known of any such power ) had been this . I only am intrusted by Christ with Supream Authority over the whole Church , and I having acquitted him , 't is no matter though the whole World besides has condemn'd him . And so no doubt he would have answered , had he been aware of any such Prerogative affixt to his See. But Popes had not then set this claim on foot , nor 't is like dreamt of it , nor if they had , was the World as yet dispos'd to receive it . Something we said to this before , when we considered the Bishop of Rome as standing uppermost among the Metropolitans mention'd in the Nicene Canon . To add more , were a vain , and impertinent loss of time ; especially after so much as has been said upon this Argument , both by the Writers of the Greek Church , ( Alexius Aristinus , Zonar as , Balsamon , Matthaeus Blastares , Pet. Antiochenus , Macarius Ancyranus , Demetrius Chomatenus , Barlaam , Nilus Thessalonicensis , Nicetus Seidus , Nilus Doxopatrius , Geo. Coressius , Gabriel Philadelphensis , Maximus Margunius , Meletius Alexandrinus , &c. whom Leo Allatius * in a scornful insultation over the deplorable state of his own Country is pleas'd to style Graecanica ingenia , the Witts of Greece ) and by them of the Reform'd Religion , and by some too of their own Church , by whom all pleas and pretences to this power have been so often and so shamefully baffled , that a man would wonder if at this time of the day they should be again rallied , and brought into open Field . It remains then that we consider him in his Metropolitical , and Patriarchal capacity . II. AND first we shall enquire what were the bounds of his Metropolitical Power . And the best measures we can take in this matter , will be to enquire into the extent of the civil Jurisdiction of the Provost of Rome , with which that that of the Roman Prelate must run parallel , no man can doubt , that considers the course of things in those times , when in this respect the Church and the State went so fairly hand in hand . A thing not only affirm'd by Protestants , but granted by the most Learned and zealous Writers of the Church of Rome . Let us therefore consider first how the case stood in the civil State. The Prefect of Rome was an Officer of great Antiquity , instituted in the very infancy of that state , while govern'd by Kings , but being only of a pro tempore-use , was never made fixt and ordinary till Augustus , who being much engag'd in foraign Wars , appointed a Magistrate , who might in the interim supply his room , manage his affairs , and administer Justice at home . His publick appearances were very pompous and stately , and he had several great Officers under him , as may be seen in the Notitia Imperii . The greatest persons in the City were not exempt from his power , for calling five persons of the Senatorian Order to his assistance , he might try and pass Sentence upon the Head of a Senator himself . His Government extended not only to Rome , but to an hundred miles round about it , where the limits of his jurisdiction ceas'd , as is expresly said in a Rescript a of the Emperour Severus . Ditioni suae non solum Roma commissa ( quamvis in illa contineantur universa ) verum etiam intra Centesimum Miliarium potestatem te protendere , antiqua jura voluerunt , as his Patent runs in b Cassiodore . Within this compass were several Countries , which partly from their lying round about , partly from their subjection to , and dependance upon the praefecture of Rome , were usually styl'd Urbicariae c and Suburbicariae d , and Suburbanae Regiones e , sometimes also Regiones solitae f , the Countries within which the Governour of Rome was wont to exercise his solemn jurisdiction , and Vicinae Regiones g , Countries that lie next to the City . And these I doubt not are those Four Regions mention'd in a Law h of Constantine M. directed to Orfitus Praefect of the City . III. THIS circumference Salmasius conceives * ( though herein stiffly oppos'd by his Learned Antagonist ) to be the Romana regio , mention'd in an old Inscription at Nola , and by the Historian ( as he corrects * him out of an ancient Manuscript ) in the Life of Probus , where 't is oppos'd to Verona , Benacum , and other Regions of Italy ; and that this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Region of the Romans , spoken of by Ignatius in the front of his Epistle to that Church . What these Four Regions were , mention'd in the Law of Constantine , is not agreed by those that have searcht furthest into this matter . Gothofred * makes them to have been Tuscia Suburbicaria ( another part of it being call'd Annonaria ) Picenum Suburbicarium ( to distinguish it from the Annonarium ) and of these there is no doubt : The other Two he makes to be Latium Vetus , and Latium Novum , lying South of Rome , and extending as far as Sinuessa upon the River Safo , which divided beween Latium and Campania . Salmasius * will have the Latium Vetus and Novum to have been but one and the same , and which was afterwards call'd Campania Latina , and to fill up the number , substitutes the Province of Valeria , so call'd from the Valerian way , that lay through it . Another French Lawyer , * who takes upon him in less than half a sheet of Paper ( which he publisht on purpose ) to state the controversie , will have five of the Eleven Regions ( into which Pliny tells us Augustus the Emperour divided Italy ) to belong to this , viz. the First , Fourth , Fifth , Sixth and Seventh , as those that lay next the City , and were bounded with the Rivers Tifernus and Silarus on the East , and Marca and Constantinum on the West . But herein he offers no other evidence than his own conjecture . Sirmondus * ( and others after him ) extends the number of the Suburbicary Countries to Ten , which he makes the same with the Ten Provinces , that were under the Vicarius Urbicus , and to have thence taken their denomination . But there are two things amongst many others that lye strongly in prejudice of that opinion , and with me turn the Scales . First , That some of these Ten Provinces , especially the Three Islands of Sicily , Sardinia and Corsica lay too remote to come under the notion of Suburbicary Regions : For Urbicarium , and Suburbicarium , Suburbanum , and Suburbicum all importing the same thing ( as the Learned Jerom Aleander * readily grants ) must necessarily imply their lying within some tolerable neighbourhood to the City . Secondly , That Sicily , one of the Ten Provinces belonging to the Vicarius Urbicus , is most expresly distinguish'd * from the Urbicary Regions , and as equally as 't is from Italy , strictly so call'd , that is , the Seven Provinces that constituted the Italick Diocess . A case so clear , that Sirmond * though he endeavours to say something to it , yet 't is so thin and trifling , that it rather shews he had a good mind to answer it , than that his answer would ever hold water . Others * are willing to suggest , as if in that Law of Constantius , Illyricum ought to be read instead of Sicily : but this is thrown in only as a conjecture , and that too against all reason , Illyricum belonging at that time to another jurisdiction . For by the famous distribution * which Constantine the Great made of the Parts and Offices of the Empire , Illyricum was under a Praetorian Prefect of its own , and so I suppose continued all the time of Constantius ( in the latter part of whose Reign this Law was made ) though afterwards a great part of it was laid to the command of the Praetorian Prefect of Italy . But Morinus * like a young and daring Champion that was resolv'd to do the work , is for quite dashing it out of the Body of the Law , as a word contrary to the usage of that time . All which shuffling Artifices are a shrew'd sign it was a bad cause they had to manage . In short , though men of Learning may by tricks and subtilty intangle and perplex an argument ( as they have done in this controversie ) yet two things are plain beyond all just exception . First , that the Jurisdiction of the City-Praefect reacht an Hundred miles about Rome . Secondly , that the Urbicary and Suburbicary Regions lay chiefly , and in all likelyhood , intirely within that compass , and deriv'd that title from their vicinity to the City , and their immediate dependance upon the Government of its Provost . And I cannot but a little wonder that Sirmond , who more than once grants * the Praefect of Rome to have had jurisdiction within an Hundred miles , should yet as often deny * , that he had any Provinces under his Government , as if there had been no Provinces within that compass , when they are expresly call'd the Suburbanae Provinciae in the Theodosian Code * , and the ordinary Judges in those parts commanded to return all greater causes to the Tribunal of the City-Praefect , and this in contradistinction to the course of other Provinces , which were to be accountable to the Praetorian Praefect . IV. HAVING thus found out the Jurisdiction of the Roman Praefect , it should one would think be no hard matter to discover that of the Bishop of Rome , there being so known a correspondence between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Government of those days . And though this did not always , nor Universally take place ( and how should it , when time , and the Will of Princes made such alterations in the bounds of places and Provinces ? ) yet did it generally obtain . A thing introduc'd at first for greater conveniency , founded upon long custome , and settled by several Laws and Canons of the Church , insomuch that if a change or alteration had been , or should hereafter be made by imperial authority in any City , that then the Order of Episcopal Sees should follow the civil and Political forms , as is expresly provided by two general Councils , the one of Chalcedon * , the other of Constantinople * . Nor can any reason be given , why the Bishop of Alexandria should exercise a Pastoral Authority over Three such large Provinces , as Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis , but only because they were under the civil Government of the Praefectus Augustalis , the Imperial Vice-roy , who kept his residence in that City . The Jurisdiction then of the Bishop of Rome being of equal circumference with that of the Roman Provost , must extend to all the City-Provinces , that lay within an Hundred miles round about it . Accordingly we find that when great disturbances were made in the Church of Rome by the Manichees , and other Hereticks and Schismaticks , Valentinian the Third writes * to Faustus Praefect of Rome to expel them all out of the City ; but especially to proceed against those who separated themselves from the Communion of the venerable Pope , and whose Schism did infect the people ; commanding him , that if upon warning given they should not within Twenty days reconcile themselves , he should banish them One hundred miles out of the City ; that so they might be punisht with their self-chosen solitude and separation . The Emperour thinking it but just , that they who had voluntarily rejected , should be themselves cast out of the bounds of his Jurisdiction , that they who had perverted many in the Capital City , should not be left within any part of his Diocess to infect the people . And this was done in compliance with the course observ'd in civil cases , where notorious malefactours were so us'd . Thus Symmachus * the Gentile was for his insolence banish'd an Hundred miles out of Rome . And some Ages before that , Severus having cashiered the Souldiers that murdered the Emperour Pertinax , banisht * them , and charg'd them at the peril of their Heads not to come within an Hundred miles of Rome , that is , within the limits of the City-Praefecture . And more plainly yet , in the case of Ursicinus , who had rais'd infinite stirs at Rome about the choice of Pope Damasus , and had set up himself as Competitor in that Election , for which he had been banish'd into France , Valentinian the Elder afterwards ( as appears by his Rescript * directed to Ampelius the City-Provost ) gave him and his companions leave to return into Italy , provided they came not to Rome , nor any place within the Suburbicary Regions , that is , within the Jurisdiction of the Roman Bishop . But Rufinus has put the case beyond all question , who in his short paraphrase ( for for a translation we may be sure he never intended it ) of the Sixt Nicene Canon , tells * us , that according to ancient custome , as he of Alexandria had in Egypt , so the Bishop of Rome had the care and charge of the Suburbicary Churches . The Champions of the Roman Church finding themselves sorely pinch'd with this authority , have no other way to relieve themselves but to throw it quite off their Necks , and to fall foul upon Rufinus , loading him with all the hard Names and Characters of reproach , charging him with malice , falshood , ignorance , want of learning , and indeed what not . But the World is not now to be taught that Rufinus was a Man of parts and learning , witness the reputation which his Works had of old , and still have to this day . Pope Gelasius with his Synod of seventy Bishops allow'd * them ( the case only of free-will excepted : ) And among the rest his Ecclesiastical History , wherein this very Nicene Canon is extant , and gives him too the title of a Religious Man into the bargain . So that Rufinus his Exposition has the Popes own approbation on its side . And surely if ever his judgment be infallible , it is , when he has his Council about him to advise and assist him . And though perhaps that Gelasian Synod , if searcht into , may not be of that authentick credit , as to lay any considerable stress upon it , yet however it stands good against them , that own its authority , and thereby approve its determination . And though it had not given this testimony to Rufinus , yet there wants not other evidence that the thing was so . Accordingly Hincmar of Rhemes , speaking of this very Book of Rufinus whence this passage is taken , assures us * , it was one of those that were receiv'd in the Catalogue of the Apostolick See. Nay , his Ecclesiastical History obtain'd such credit , that it was wont solemnly to be appeal'd * to by Fathers and Councils in some of the most weighty and important cases of the Church . V. NOR is there any shadow of probability , that he should be mistaken either in the sence of the Nicene Canon , or in the Province of the Bishop of Rome . He was himself an Italian , born not above Twenty years after the Synod of Nice , Baptiz'd , and perhaps born at Aquileia , a famous City of Friuli , ( honoured heretofore with the residence of Augustus and some other Emperours , and made afterwards a Metropolis , and the Seat of the Praetorian Prefect ) and himself a Presbyter of that Church : He had been frequently conversant at Rome , had travell'd over most parts of the Christian World , and had convers'd with persons of the greatest note and eminency in every place . In all which respects he could no more mistake the jurisdiction of the See of Rome , than we can suppose , that a Prebend of York born and bred in the Church of England , should be ignorant how far the Province of Canterbury does extend . Nor can there be the least reason to imagine , either that by Suburbicary Churches Rufinus should mean any other , than what lay within those Provinces , that were universally known by that title , or that he should dare so openly , and in the face of the World to shut up the Bishop of Rome within those Suburbicary Regions , had not his power at the time of the Nicene Council ( whose Canon he must in all reason be suppos'd to explain as things stood at the time of that Synod ) been notoriously known to have been confin'd within those limits . But what need we take pains to vindicate the credit of our witness ? he stands not alone in this matter , his testimony being sufficiently justified by concurrent evidence . The ancient Version of the Nicene Canons ( publish'd by Sirmond * out of the Records of the Vatican , and another exactly agreeing with it by Mons. Justell , from a very ancient Manuscript ) the Author whereof was perhaps not much later than Rufinus , renders it by Suburbicaria loca , the Suburbicary places ; the three Arabick Versions , the Alexandrian , that of the Melchites , and the Paraphrase of Joseph the Egyptian , all express it to the same effect , that he should have power over his Countries and Provinces , and what ever lay next to him : Alex. Aristenus , and Sim. Logotheta , two Greek Canonists , and a third ancient Epitomizer of the Canons , mention'd by Leo Allatius * , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the places and Provinces that lay under Rome , i. e. the Suburbicary Countries . Nor will it a little contribute to the further clearing of this matter , to observe , that as the civil Government of the Roman Provost is distinguish'd from that of Italy in the Writings of those times , so is this of the Roman Prelate : and this distinction very ancient . When Paul of Samosata Bishop of Antioch refus'd to give Domnus possession of that Church , an appeal was made to the Emperour Aurelian , who referr'd the Decision of the case to the Bishops of Italy and of Rome , as Eusebius * tells us : and in the title of the Letter written by the Sardican Synod to the Church of Alexandria , 't is said , * that the Bishops Assembled from Rome and Italy , i. e. Italy taken in its strict and peculiar notion , as 't is there distingusht from Campania , Calabria , &c. Thence Milan as being Head of the Italick Dioces , is in an Ecclesiastick sence call'd * the Metropolis of Italy , and Dionysius Bishop of that Church styl'd * Bishop of the Metropolis of Italy , and Sulpitius Severus speaking of Priscilian and his company coming into Italy , says * they address'd themselves to Damasus Bishop of Rome , and Ambrose of Milan , as Bishops that had the greatest authority in those days . And in this respect in the civil sence Berterius * truly makes Rome to be the Metropolis of the Suburbicary Regions , as Milan was of the rest of Italy . VI. BUT it seems no small prejudice to the great men of that Church , that so venerable a person as the Bishop of Rome should be pent up within such narrow limits , much inferiour to many others , especially him of Alexandria or Antioch . But besides that the Eastern Dioceses ( as some think ) were generally larger than those of the West , the Ecclesiastick Provinces ( as we noted before ) were restrain'd to the form of the civil constitution , and were more or fewer , as it happened in the political Distribution : Wherein if the Roman Bishop had not so large an extent as some others , yet was it made up in the number , and frequency of Episcopal Sees , beyond what was in all those times in other places of the like extent . And therefore when the Synod at Arles in their Letter * to Pope Sylvester , say that he did majores Dioeceses tenere ( a passage frequently quoted by the Writers of the Roman Church ) possess greater Dioceses ; besides , that the place as Salmasius * observes is very corrupt , and affords no currant sence , 't is plain that the word Diocess there cannot be understood of Patriarchal Dioceses ( Constantine not having yet made the division of the Empire , nor Dioceses come up in a civil , much less in an Ecclesiastical sence ) and must therefore be meant of single Bishopricks , in the modern use of the word , and which was not unusual in those days , as is evident from the Code of the African Church , and the conference between the Catholicks and Donatists at Carthage , where nothing is more common and obvious than this usage of the word Diocess , for a single Episcopal See ; the places * are too numerous to be reckon'd up . And thus also . Pope Leo uses * the word in the case of Restitutus an African Bishop . VII . AND indeed that the bounds of the Church of Rome for several Ages after the Nicene Council were much narrower than some others , appears from an old Greek Notitia Episcopatuum , wherein the five Patriarchates are distinctly reckon'd up , with all the Provinces and Bishopricks contain'd under them . Where under him of Rome , are set down no more than six Provinces ( whereof the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Province of Urbicary Rome is the first ) containing not above One hundred and eight Episcopal Sees . A number far inferiour to the rest , especially the Patriarch of Constantinople , who had subject to him XXXiii Provinces , and in them CCCLXXXiX Bishopricks , besides some others then newly added to him . This Notitia had been heretofore publisht by Carolus a S. Paulo in his Geographia Sacra , but when he came to that part of it that concerns the Diocess of Rome , he quite leaps over it , pretending the Manuscript Copy to be imperfect , and that the words were so corrupted , that scarce any one remain'd entire ; leaving somewhat more than a bare suspicion , that he himself , or some before him had purposely rac'd the Manuscript , least the nakedness of the Country , the thinness and smallness of the Roman Diocess in comparison of others , should be discovered . But to their great confusion it has been lately publish'd * intire and perfect out of the Oxford Library , where the account that we have given is plain and notorious . All which considered , with how little reason and pretence to truth does Morinus * appeal to the Ecclesiastick Notitia's , even such as were made long after the times of Constantine , to prove the amplitude of the Roman Province , as to the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome . But to return , there can be no reason to expect , that the Ecclesiastick limits in those days should be longer than those of the State , which were the standard and measure , by which the others were ordinarily regulated . Nor is the greatness of any Jurisdiction so much to be measured by the largeness of its extent , as by the honor and authority of the place , where 't is exercised ; as that of the Lord Mayor of London , though reaching no further than the Liberties of the City , ( which take not in half the Suburbs ) is yet a more honourable authority , than that of a Sheriff of the largest County in England . In this regard the Bishop of Rome had though a shorter cut , a better and more noble Jurisdiction , than any other Prelate in the World besides ; Rome being the Seat of Majesty and Power , the residence of the Emperours , the highest Court of Justice , the place to which all parts paid either homage , or at least respect and veneration , honoured with the Title of ROME THE GREAT , the Provost whereof was reckoned next * in honour to the Emperour , and upon all occasions went equal in dignity to the Praetorian Prefect , who yet commanded ten times as many Provinces : He had the precedence a of all the great Officers of Rome , and to him belong'd Civilium rerum summa , b the management of all civil affairs . Hence the Title given to Sylvester , is that of Bishop of the Imperial City c and the Council of Chalcedon tells us , that the Fathers therefore gave a Prerogative to the See of Rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that was the Governing and Imperial City ; and Constantius the Emperour though he had already condemn'd and depos'd Athanasius , did yet to put the better colour upon it , desires to have it ratified by the authority enjoy'd by the Bishops of the eternal City , as the Heathen Historian * has remark'd . And thus much may serve for the Metropolitical bounds of the Roman Prelate . CHAP. IV. An Enquiry into the Rise and Original of Patriarchs in the Christian Church . An Enquiry into the Rise and Original of Patriarchs in general . None before the Council of Nice . What that Council contributed to them . Civil Dioceses when , and by whom introduc'd . These gave start to Primary Metropolitans . Dioceses , when first brought into the Church . The title of Patriarch borrowed from the Jews . Who their Patriarchs , and whence descended . Exarchs what . The word Patriarch when first us'd by Church-writers in a strict and proper sence . The Patriarchs among the Montanists , who . A short Survey of the four great Patriarchates . The extent of the Patriarchate of Alexandria . The Dioecesis Aegyptiaca , what . The Patriarchal Jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the Augustal Prefect . Little gain'd to this Patriarchate more than a title of honour . The Patriarchate of Antioch commensurate to the Eastern Diocess . The contest about Cyprus how determin'd ? Palestine for some time under Antioch . The Patriarchship of Constantinople . By what degrees it rose . What priviledge conferr'd upon it by the second general Council . The Bishops henceforwards exercising a kind of Patriarchal power over the Churches of the neighbouring Provinces . The Power granted to that See by the Council of Chalcedon . It 's ninth , seventeenth and eight and twentyeth Canons considered to that purpose . Jurisdiction over the three Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica , and Thrace . This settled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . This Power own'd by the Synod to have been exercised of a long time before . This grant urg'd against the universal Supremacy of the See of Rome . The extent of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient Notitiae . The Patriarchate of Jerusalem . The honour confirm'd to this Church by the Nicene Council . It s subjection to the See of Caesarea . When first attempting a Metropolitical Power . The contest between this Bishop , and the Bishop of Antioch How determin'd in the Council of Chalcedon . When first styl'd Patriarch . The extent of this Patriarchate . I. PROCEED we in the second place to consider him as a Patriarch , the highest Degree of Ecclesiastick Government which the Church ever owned . And in order to the better clearing the whole matter , it will be of some advantage , and perhaps not unpleasant to the Reader , to enquire briefly into the rise and original of Patriarchs in general , and then survey each particular Patriarchate . The rise of Patriarchs is but obscurely delivered in the Records of the Church , the thing not being particularly and by name taken notice of , 'till like a River that has run a great way , and gathered many tributary rivulets , it had swell'd it self into a considerable stream . That there were none at the time of the Nicene Council we shew'd before , the chief Church-Governours then being the Metropolitans , some of which soon after set up for more room , and began to enlarge the bounds of their Jurisdiction . And two things there were greatly contributed to that attempt . First , The mighty reputation which the Synod of Nice had given to Metropolitans , and especially to the particular Sees of Rome , Alexandria and Antioch . This inspir'd them with an ambitious affectation of extending their Superiority and Jurisdiction , and prepar'd the way among their Brethren , for the easier reception of it . Socrates observ'd , * that long before his time ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which must reach as far as the Council of Nice at least ) the Bishop of Rome ( as he also of Alexandria ) had gone beyond the bounds of his place , and had aspir'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a Power and Dominion over his Brethren . A remark so very clear and plain ( especially as to the Bishop of Rome ) that nothing is more obvious in the whole History of the Church . The Synod of Nice was beholden by all with a just regard and veneration , and its Decrees receiv'd as Oracles from Heaven , and the Christian World finding what particular care it had taken of those three great Sees , were the more ready to submit and strike Sail to their Usurpations . Hence the following Popes , but especially Leo the First , do upon all occasions magnifie the Nicene Canons , and amplify their meaning beyond what was at first intended by them . Secondly , The late division of the Empire , and the alteration of it from that form , whereinto it had been cast , first by Augustus , and afterwards by the Emperour Hadrian , new modell'd by Constantine the Great much about the time of the Nicene Council , gave a singular advantage and opportunity to promote and further this design . II. FOR Constantine introduc't four Praetorian Praefectures , each Praefecture containing several Dioceses ( XIII . in all ) and each Diocess comprehending several Provinces , the Vicar or civil Lieutenant residing in the Metropolis of every Diocess , and presiding over all the Provinces within that division . And how easie was it , the World being so prepar'd and dispos'd , and the Church so readily embraceing the forms of the civil state , for the chief Metropolitan of every Diocess to set up for himself . The dignity of the City where he resided , and the resort of people thither for the dispatch of business made him at first be esteem'd and honored as the First Bishop of the Diocess , and this in a little time brought on the priviledge of Ordaining the Metropolitans of the several Provinces , and to be intrusted with almost the same powers over Metropolitans , which they had over Provincial Bishops . And no doubt it made persons more willing to comply with such a Model , that haveing frequent occasion of repairing to the Metropolis , ( as is intimated in the ninth Canon of Antioch ) they might with the greater conveniency dispatch their civil and Ecclesiastical affairs both at once . It serv'd not a little to help on this business , that the second general Council gave the Bishop of Constantinople the next place of honour to him of Rome upon the account of its being the Imperial City ; which gave no small encouragement to the Bishops of all Diocesan Metropoles to attempt the extending their Superiority equal to that of the Imperial Governour that kept his residence in that City . But that which puts the case past dispute is ▪ that that Council took in the form of civil Dioceses into the Church , at least , approv'd what was already taken in : for so they provide * that Bishops should not go beyond the Diocess to meddle in Churches that were without their bounds . Socrates * giving an account of this Canon , says expresly , that the Fathers of the Synod having made division of the Provinces , constituted Patriarchs . And though perhaps by Patriarchs Socrates means no more than those Pro tempore Commissioners who were within such and such places appointed to judge who should be received to Catholick Communion ( as we have elsewhere * observ'd ) yet very plain it is , that the Council there intends Diocess properly , and in an Ecclesiastick sence , and therefore opposes it to Province , ordaining that Bishops should not ordinarily go out of the Diocess to celebrate Ordinations , or any other Church-offices ; and that the Canon concerning Dioceses being observ'd , the Synod in every Province should manage the affairs of it according to the Nicene constitution . And in the sixt Canon they speak yet more expresly , that if any take upon him to accuse a Bishop , he shall first exhibit and prosecute his charge before the Provincial Synod ; and in case they cannot end it , that then the accusers shall apply themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the greater Synod of the Bishops of that Diocess , who shall be assembled for that purpose . And if any slighting the Bishops of the Diocess , shall sue to the Emperour , or the secular Tribunals , or to a general Council , he shall not in any wise be admitted to exhibit an accusation , but be rejected as a Violator of the Canons , and a disturber of Ecclesiastick Order . And to name no more in a case so evident , Pope Innocent * in a Letter written about the year CCCCVIII . says of the Church of Antioch , that its authority reacht not over a single Province , but over a Diocess ; though withal he falsly makes it to have been so settled by the Synod of Nice . Nay long before all this we meet with Ecclesiastick Dioceses in this sence . For by a Law * of the Emperour Gratian bearing date May the XVII . Ann. CCCLXXVI . it is provided , that the same customs that were in use in civil Judicatures , should obtain in Church matters , and the final decision and determination of Ecclesiastick causes should be made in their proper places , and by the Synod of every Diocess . And this course the Emperour insinuates , as that which was not then first introduc't . III. FROM all this it appears that according to the Political constitution , Diocesan or , as 't was after call'd Patriarchal , Jurisdiction was brought into the Church , and that accordingly the Bishops of some of those Cities , who had hitherto been but Metropolitans , advanc't into the Title and Dignity of Primates ( which was the word that generally obtain'd in the Western parts , the word Patriarch being late , and little us'd in the Western Church ) extending their superintendency commensurate to the Jurisdiction of the Vicar of the Diocess . And because some of these Metropoles were Cities of far greater eminency and account than others , as Rome , Alexandria , &c therefore the Bishops of them were ( in the East especially ) honoured with the Title of Patriarchs , differing at first from other Primates not so much in power , as in dignity and honour , they were diversorum nominum , sed ejusdem officii , as Gratian * notes . That this Title of Patriarch was borrowed from the Jews , there can be no doubt . Upon the final destruction of their Church and State , they were dispers'd into several Countries , especially in the Eastern parts , where not being capable of continuing their Levitical Polity , exactly according to the Mosaick Institution , they constituted some persons to exercise the chief authority among that people , who kept their residence in some of the greater Cities , as at Babylon , Alexandria , Tiberias , and afterwards probably at Jerusalem . The persons thus made choice of , are thought to have been of the Tribe of Judah , and more particularly to have descended from the Line of David . Epiphanius * seems to make them ( at least them of Tiberias ) to have been the Posterity of Gamaliel , the great Councellour spoken of in the Acts. But Theodorit * has a more peculiar fancy , that they were the descendants of Herod the Great , who was by his Fathers side an Ascalonite , by his Mothers an ●dumaean . But however descended , they were entrusted with the chief Power and Government over the Jews within their particular Jurisdictions . These are they who so often calld 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Heads of the Exiles , and otherwhiles Princes , and frequently Patriarchs ( though besides these Supream , it seems probable from some of the Imperial Laws , that they had an inferiour sort of Patriarchs , who were but just Superiour to their Presbyters , or Elders ) of these Jewish Patriarchs there is frequent mention both in Jewish a , and Christian b writers , and especially in the Theodosian c Code : Whence also 't is evident that this Office and Title ceas'd , or rather was abolisht by the Imperial Authority not long before the year d CCCCXXIX . in the time of the younger Theodosius . But though it be plain whence this Title was deriv'd , yet when it first sprung up in the Christian Church , it is hard to say . In the Canons * of the Chalcedon Council he is call'd Exarch of the Diocess , and any Bishop or Clergy-man that has a controversie with his own Metropolitan , is allow'd to appeal to him ( the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indifferently notes any chief Person in place or power , and the sence or it is to be determin'd according to the circumstances of the case : Thus the Canons mention both Exarch * of the Province , and Exarch of the Diocess , the First denoting a Metropolitan , the Second a Patriarch ) But in the Acts * of that Council we are told of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most holy Patriarchs of every Diocess ; and in the several Libels * exhibited against Dioscurus , Pope Leo is intitled Patriarch of Great Rome . And that this Title was not then newly taken up we are assured from the Letters * of Theodosius and his Empress Placidia , about calling the third general Council , holden at Ephesus Ann. CCCCXXXI . in both which Leo is styl'd the most Reverend Patriarch . This is the first time that I remember to have met with a Patriarch strictly so call'd , unless we will understand the passage of Socrates I mention'd concerning Patriarchs in a proper sence . IV. INDEED the Montanists or Cataphrygians , who started up under the Reign of the Emperour Antoninus , had their Patriarchs . They had three Orders * of Church-Officers , Patriarchs , Cenones and Bishops . But besides that they were an odd and absurd Sect , whom the Catholick Church alwas disown'd , 't is not easie to guess what they meant by Patriarchs , whom they plainly make distinct from Bishops . They were it seems their prime Ecclesiastick Governours , the chief whereof resided probably at Pepuza in Phrygia , which they Fantastically call'd * Jerusalem , affirming it to be the New Jerusalem , that came down out of Heaven , and this 't is like in imitation of the Jewish High-Priest ; for from the Judaical constitution they borrowed many of their Devices , and perhaps might borrow the very name as well as thing from them , the prime Church-Officer among the Jews after the Destruction of the Temple , and the Abrogation of that Polity , being styl'd Patriarch , as we noted before . But it may be doubted , whether the Montanists had those three Orders from the beginning of their Sect , it being taken notice of by none Elder than S. Jerome , nor that I know of , mention'd by any other ancient Writer after him . However 't is certain , that in the common use of the word , it occurrs not till the time of Pope Leo , and the Ephesine and Chalcedon Councils . After that the Title became fixt , and nothing more common than the word Patriarch , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Patriarchal Sees in the writings of the Church . What and how many these particular Sees were , we are told by the sixt Council in Trullo * , where they are particularly enumerated , and their order and precedency adjusted in this manner , Rome , Constantinople , Alexandria , Antioch , Jerusalem . From hence then we descend to survey these particular Patriarchates ; not designing to meddle with Secondary and later Patriarchates , such as that of Aquileia , Grado , Russia , the Patriarchs of the Maronites , Jacobites , Armenians , the Catholick or Patriarch of Bagdad or Mauzel and the like . Our business now is with the five ancient , and eminent Patriarchships , and though first in order , we shall reserve that of Rome to be treated of in the last place , intending to discourse more fully concerning it . V. WE begin with the Patriarch of Alexandria ( for I shall take them in order , as I conceive they grew up in time ) who seems to have gain'd little by his new Patriarchship besides the honour of the Title , whether we consider him in point of precedency , in point of power , or in the extent of his Jurisdiction ; nay in some respects he was a loser rather than a gainer by it . In point of precedency , he was before the second Metropolitan in the whole Christian World , whereas now he was thrust down into the third place . In point of power he was before this change sole Metropolitan of those parts , and the Ordination of his suffragan Bishops intirely belong'd to him , or depended upon his consent and confirmation , which now according to the constitution of Church-Policy must be devolv'd upon the several Metropolitans under him : Nor was he much advanc't in the extent of his Jurisdiction . 'T is true the Dioecesis Aegyptiaca consisted of six large Provinces , all under the Government of the Augustal Praefect , who constantly resided at Alexandria ( and consequently in Spirituals belong'd to the Patriarch of that place : ) These in the Notitia Imperii * we find thus reckon'd up ; Libya Superior , Libya Inferior , Thebais , Aegyptus , Arcadia , Augustanica . Whereas in the Nicene Canon the Alexandrian Metropolitanship is said to extend but over three , Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis . But when it is considered , that Thebais , Arcadia and Augustanica , were of old parts of , and lay hid under the more general name of Egypt , and that Pentapolis was the same with the Upper Libya , the account will be much the same . We find in the Council of Nice * that the Bishop of Alexandria was appointed to give an account of those Synodal transactions to the Churches throughout all Egypt , Libya and Pentapolis , and the neighbouring Countries as far as the Provinces of India . Where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or whole Egypt ( in opposition to the other two which were but single Provinces ) takes in Egypt strictly so call'd , Thebais , Arcadia and Augustanica ; and by the neighboring Regions that lay as far as India , are doubtless meant the Frontier Countries that bordered upon the Roman Provinces , and were perhaps confederate with the Empire , and wherein 't is like the Bishops of Alexandria had propagated Christianity ( as we know Athanasius did in India ) whose Churches therefore own'd a dependance upon the See of Alexandria . And in this respect I grant the Bishop had somewhat a larger Jurisdiction than the Augustal Praefect , tho otherwise they were the same . Upon the erection of this See into a Patriarchate , several Metropolitans start up : Ten of the Metropolitans of his Diocess , the Emperour Theodosius * commanded Dioscorus to bring along with him to the Council of Ephesus . How many more he had is not certain . Nilus Doxopatrius in his Notitia * says there were thirteen ; the old Greek Notitia we mention'd before a reckons ten Provinces , and in them ninety nine Bishopricks , which surely argues that a miserable desolation had laid waste those Countries , and reduc't the number of Episcopal Sees . Seeing before the time of the Nicene Council there met in Synod near an Hundred * Bishops out of Egypt and Libya , whom Alexander had summon'd to the condemnation of Arius . And that so many there were , Athanasius expresly * tells us more than once . And how greatly Bishopricks were multiplied afterwards , the Reader who is vers'd in these matters needs not be told . VI. THE See of Antioch always took place next that of Alexandria , being ever accounted the prime City of the East . Like the rest it arose by degrees into a Patriarchate , First getting an honourary , then an authoritative Superiority over that Diocess . During the Session of the Second general Council , the Bishops not only of that Province , but of the Eastern Diocess met together to Ordain Flavianus Bishop of Antioch , whose Act herein was ratified by the Vote of that Council , as the remaining part of the Synod , meeting again the next year , tell * Pope Damasus in their Letter to him . About this time , or rather sometime before , I guess the Bishop of Antioch had set up for a Patriarchal power , and had begun to enlarge his Jurisdiction from a Province to a Diocess . Now the Eastern Diocess * under the care of the Comes Orientis contain'd fifteen Provinces , the Three Palestine's , Phoenice , Syria , Cyprus , Phoenice Libani , Euphratensis , Syria Salutaris , Osrhoëna , Mesopotamia , Cilicia Secunda , Isauria and Arabia ; Cyprus indeed stood out , and would not submit to the See of Antioch , and though the Bishop stickled hard to bring them under , yet the Cyprian Bishops stoutly maintain'd their ancient rights . The case was canvass'd and debated at large in the Council of Ephesus * , and upon hearing the whole matter , the Council adjudg'd it for the Cyprian Churches , that they should still enjoy their ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their liberties independent upon the See of Antioch , and pass'd a particular Canon in favour of them . And so they continued for many Ages : And therefore in the old Notitia * Cyprus is not plac'd under any of the Patriarchates , but is noted to be a Province 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having Jurisdiction within it self . But the rest of the Provinces for any thing that appears , submitted , and the Bishop of Jerusalem with his Metropolitan of Caesarea , were both for some time under the See of Antioch . And this renders S. Jerom's meaning plain enough in that known passage * , when he tells John Bishop of Jerusalem , who in the controversie between him and Epiphanius had appeal'd to Theophilus of Alexandria , that if he would have appeal'd , it should have been either to him of Caesarea , who was his Metropolitan , or to the Bishop of Antioch as Metropolitan of the whole East , that is , of the Eastern Diocess . But when he says , this course was settled by the Synod of Nice , 't is plain 't was his mistake . And indeed his own Ni fallor shews he was not very confident and peremptory in the case . The account of this Patriarchate , as delivered by * Nilus Doxopatrius ( with whom in the main concurr many other ancient Notitiae * ) stands thus . Immediately subject to the Patriarch were VIII . Metropolitans , who had no suffragan Bishops under them , and VIII . or as others reckon , XII . Arch-Bishopricks : Besides which he had XIII . Metropolitick Sees ; Tyre containing under it XIII . Bishopricks ; Tarsus VI ; Edessa XI . or as others X ; Apamea VII ; Hierapolis XI , the Latine Notitiae reckon but VIII ; Bostra XIX , or XX ; Azarbus IX . Seleucia in Isauria XXIV ; Damascus XI ; Amida VIII , or as the Latins VII ; Sergiopolis V , but by some one less ; Daras X , the Latin Notitiae call it Theodosiopolis , and allow but VII . Episcopal Sees ; and lastly Emesa containing VI. This was the state of that once venerable Patriarchate . VII . THE next that succeeds is the Patriarchate of Constantinople , which though starting later in time , soon got beyond the other two . The Bishop of Byzantium or Constantinople had for several Ages been only a private Bishop , Subject to the Metropolitan of Heraclea , which anciently had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Procopius * tells us ) the Primacy of all the Cities of that Country ; in acknowledgment of which subjection the Bishops of Heraclea had ever the priviledge to Ordain the Patriarch of Constantinople . But no sooner was that City made the Seat of the Empire , but great things were spoken of it , 't was styl'd the Governing City , the Metropolis of the whole World a , a great City ( says Nazianzen b in one of his Sermons to the people of that place ) and the very next to Rome , nay not at all yielding the Primacy to it , it being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first and chiefest City of the Empire . And now the Bishop of Constantinople began to appear considerable in the World , and both Church and State conspir'd to render him great and powerful . The Fathers of the second general Council holden in that City , considering that Constantinople was new Rome , conferr'd * upon him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priviledge of honour and respect next to the Bishop of Rome . This at one lift set him over the Heads of the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch . Accordingly in the preceding Canon of that Council , and in a Law * of Theodosius conforme thereto concerning the bounds of Dioceses , and Catholick Communion , he is set before both the Bishops of those Sees ; and if the subscriptions to this Synod be of any credit , we find Nectarius subscribing first to the Decrees of the Council . And when the Acts of the clancular Synod at Ephesus were read in the Chalcedon Council * , and it was found that the Bishop of Constantinople was therein put in the fifth place , the Bishops presently rais'd a clamour , why had he not his proper place , why was he thrust down into the fifth place ; whereupon Paschasinus the Popes Legate declar'd that he held Anatolius of Constantinople in the first place : which Diogenes of Cyzicum affirm'd was according to the constitutions of the Fathers . But to return to what we were upon . Though this Canon of Constantinople gave the Bishop no direct power , yet it gave him so mighty a value and reputation , that he wanted not opportunities enough to carve for himself . He was soon courted on all hands , his mediation requested , and his interposal desired for the ending differences , and where Provincial Bishops could not agree about the Election of their Metropolitans , the case was very often referr'd to him , and he perform'd the Ordination . This in time begat a right , at least a claim , over the Churches in those Countries that lay next him , especially the Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica and Thrace , in which 't is plain he exercised a Patriarchal power . Thus to omit other instances , S. Chrysostom Synodically heard the cause of Antoninus Bishop of Ephesus ( the Metropolis of the Asian Diocess ) and afterwards went himself in person thither , where he conven'd a Synod of LXX . Bishops of those parts , heard the cause over again , gave judgment upon it , and ordain'd a Metropolitan in that City . He likewise depos'd Gerontius Bishop of Nicomedia , which lay in the Diocess of Pontica , and some others , and fill'd up their Sees ; whereof we have elsewhere given an account at large . And this very instance we find produc'd and pleaded in the Chalcedon Synod * to prove the rights of the Constantinopolitan See over those Churches . I know the validity of these good mans proceedings in this matter is disputed by some , and was of old put among the Articles exhibited against him to the Synod at the Oke . But no doubt can be made , but Chrysostom thought he had sufficient authority and right to do it , and would not have attempted it , had it not been warranted by the practise of his predecessors . In the mean time I cannot but smile at the grave fancy of a Learned Man * , who without the least shadow of any other warrant than his own conjecture , will have Chrysostom to have acted herein as the Popes Legate , and to have done all this by vertue of his absolute and supreme authority . So quick-sighted and acute are men to discern what never was , and so willing to believe , what 't is their interest should be true . VIII . BUT to proceed with our Patriarch of Constantinople , he held on much at this rate till the general Council at Chalcedon holden there Ann. CCCCLI . when what he had hitherto holden by custome , Canonical authority made his right . By their ninth Canon they provide , that if any Bishop or Clergy-man have a controversie with his own Metropolitan , it shall be at his liberty to appeal either to the Exarch , that is , Primate of the Diocess , or to the See of Constantinople , where his cause shall be heard . A Canon that invested him with a vast power , putting him into a capacity of receiving and determing final appeals from all those parts . The same they again ratify by their seventeenth Canon , and by their twenty-eight make a more particular provision for him . First , they profess in general altogether to follow the Decrees of the Holy Fathers , then they recognize the third Canon of the second general Council ( which was then read before them ) and Decree the same Priviledges , and upon the same account , as that had done to the Church of Constantinople . Forasmuch ( say they ) as the reason why the Fathers conferr'd such Priviledges upon the See of Old Rome , was , that it was the Imperial City . And upon the same consideration the Bishops of that second general Council gave equal Priviledges to the See of New Rome ; rightly judging ( as the Canon goes on ) that the City which was honoured with the Empire , and the Senate , and enjoy'd equal Priviledges with old Imperial Rome , should also in Ecclesiastical matters have the same honour with it , only coming after it in the second place . And because the Bishop of Constantinople had hitherto had no certain Diocess , nor any place wherein to exercise Jurisdiction , but what he held precariously , and as it were by courtesie , in the latter part of the Canon they fix his bounds , giving him power over the three Dioceses of Pontica , Asiana and Thrace , that the Metropolitans of all those places , and all the Bishops of the Barbarous Countries belonging to those Dioceses , should be bound to come , and receive their Ordination from the Bishop of Constantinople . And now he lookt like Bishop of the Imperial City , being invested with so ample and extensive a Jurisdiction . For the three Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica and Thrace were great and large . The First * containing eight Provinces ( viz. Pamphylia , Lydia , Caria , Lycia , Lycaonia , Pisidia , Phrygia Pacatiand , and Phrygia Salutaris , both which were anciently comprehended under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or greater Phrygia , as it stood oppos'd to the lesser , that lay upon the Hellespont : ) the Second * eleven ( Bithynia , Galalatia , Paphlagonia , Honorias , Galatia Salutaris , Cappadocia Prima , Cappadocia Secunda , Hellenopontus , Pontus Polemoniacus , Armenia Prima , Armenia Secunda : ) the third * six ( Europa , Thracia , Haemimontus , Rhodopa , Maesia Secunda , Scythia . ) The Popes Legates were infinitely enrag'd at this Canon , and the Powers and Priviledges hereby given to the See of Constantinople , and us'd all possible arts to overthrow it , but all in vain , it pass'd clearly , and was subscrib'd by all the Bishops then present in the Synod , amounting to a very great number , whose subscriptions are still extant * in the Acts of the Council . After a full discussion of the whole matter , that no pretence of force or fraud might be objected , as many of the Bishops of Asiana and Pontica as were then in the Synod were desir'd to declare whether they had freely submitted to this constitution . Who accordingly stood up , and one after another did most solemnly protest that they had voluntarily and unconstrainedly assented to , and subscrib'd the Canon , and that nothing was more acceptable to them . And many of them expresly declar'd they did it for this reason , because not only themselves , but their Predecessors had been Ordain'd by the Bishops of Constantinople , and that the See of Constantinople had these rights 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from Canons and precedent customs . So that it 's more than probable that the Bishop of Constantinople had exercised this power within those Dioceses almost ever since the time of , and by virtue of the third Canon of the second general Council . And 't is observable what Eusebius Bishop of Dorylaeum , a City of the greater Phrygia , tells the Synod upon this occasion , that he had been at Rome , and there in the presence of the Clergy of Constantinople that were with him had read the Canon ( I suppose he means that of the second general Council ) to the Pope , who approv'd and received it , ( which I the rather take notice of because not only modern Writers , but Gregory the Great * so confidently affirms , that the Church of Rome neither had Copies , nor did admit the Acts and Canons of that Council . ) And whereas Eusebius of Ancyra scrupled to subscribe , yet he confest , that he himself had been Ordain'd by the Bishop of Constantinople , that he had ever declin'd Ordaining Provincial Bishops , and had done it only by direction of the Bishop of Constantinople . And after Thalassius of Caesarea in Cappadocia told the Synod , that they were of Arch-bishop Anatolius his side , and did decree the same thing . The Judges hereupon having weighed all that had past , declar'd , that in the first place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that precedency and singular honour should according to the Canons be paid to the Arch-bishop of Old Rome ; and that withal the Arch-bishop of the Imperial City of Constantinople , being New Rome , ought to enjoy the same Priviledges of honour , and to have besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power of himself , and by his own authority to Ordain the Metropolitans within the Dioceses of Asiana , Pontica and Thrace ; the Election being first duly made within every Province , and that then it shall be at the choice of the Arch-bishop of Constantinople , whether the Metropolitan Elect shall come to him for his Consecration , or whether by his permission it shall be done at home by the Provincial Bishops ; and that this shall no ways prejudice the Rights of Metropolitans and Provincial Bishops in Ordaining private and particular Bishops , wherein the Arch-bishop of Constantinople shall not interpose . Whereupon all with one voice cried out , 't was a righteous Sentence , that they were all of that mind , that this just judgment pleas'd them all , that the things that had been establisht should take place , and that every thing had been done decently and in order . In conclusion , they wrote a Synodical Letter * to Pope Leo , acquainting him with what had past , and upon what grounds they had done it , and desiring his concurrence in it . And we may observe they tell him , that in settling this power upon the See of Constantinople , they did but confirm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the custome which that Church had of a long time obtained over those three Dioceses . Which puts it past all peradventure what we noted before , that from the very time of the second general Council , the Constantinopolitan Bishops had exercised a kind of Patriarchal Jurisdiction over those Churches , though never till now settled by Canon . IX . AND now let the Reader impartially reflect upon the whole affair , and when he has considered what this wise and great Council expresly affirm , that the Priviledges which the Fathers gave to the See of Rome were meerly upon the account of its being the Imperial City , and that for the very same reason they gave equal Priviledges to the See of Constantinople , only reserving a honourary precedence to him of Rome ; let him tell me , whether it can be suppos'd , they could or would have said and done this , had they known , or but so much as dream't of any supream authority , which Christ had immediately given the Bishops of Rome over the whole Church of God. Nor was this the only Council that thus honoured the Constantinopolitan See ; somewhat more than two Ages after met the sixt general Council in the Trullus , or great Arch'd-hall or Secretarium of the Pallace , who confirm'd * what both the former Councils , that of Constantinople , and the other of Chalcedon , had done in this matter , and assigned each Patriarch his proper place . X. WHAT additions , or alterations after Ages made in the See of Constantinople , the Reader may perceive somewhat by perusing the following accounts . In the Greek Notitia publisht * not long since out of the Bodleian Library , compos'd in the Reign of the Emperour Leo the Wise , about the year DCCCXCI . this Patriarchate had under it XXXIII . Metropolitans , who had under them CCCLXXV . Episcopal Sees , besides XLI . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or independent Arch-bishopricks , subject to no Metropolitan . Leunclavius * presents us with another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disposition of the Churches of this Patriarchate made by this same Emperour , wherein are set down LXXXI . Metropolitans , containing under them DLXXIV . Suffragan Sees , and XXXIX . Arch-bishopricks . But surely this list is either greatly interpolated , or must be of a later date than it pretends to , being so different from the other both in the number , and the names of places , and not very consistent with it self . For whereas it reckons up LXXXI . yet when it comes to set down each Metropolitan with his particular Suffragans , it gives but an account of LVII . of the number . But however this be , within an Age or two after , partly by the addition of new Provinces , partly by erecting new Metropoles , it was enlarg'd For in the Notitia , or discourse concerning the five Patriarchal Sees written by Nilus Doxopatrius the Archimandrite , Ann. MXLIII . the account stands thus . * Metropolitans LXV . under the Bishopricks DCXL. Arch-bishopricks without Suffragans , and immediately subject to the Patriarch XXXIV . Ann. MCCLXXXIII . Andronicus Palaeologus entred upon the Empire : He publisht an order * according to which the Metropolitans were to take place , wherein they are reckon'd up to the number of an Hundred and nine . And in another , agreed upon by the Emperour and the Patriarch , put out by Leunclavius * , but without any date either of time or persons , are mention'd LXXX . Metropolitical Sees , Archiepiscopal XXXIX . And thus much for the Patriarchship of Constantinople . XI . THE fourth that remains is the Patriarchate of Jerusalem , the last in time , and least in circuit . For several Ages the Bishop of Jerusalem was no more than a private Prelate , subject to the Metropolitan of Caesarea . For so the Notitia publisht by William Archbishop of Tyre informs * us , that according to ancient tradition , and Records of good authority in those parts , the Church of Jerusalem had no Bishop under it , nor enjoy'd any , or very little prerogative till the Reign of Justinian , and the times of the fifth general Council ; though always out of reverence to the place , custom and ancient tradition ( as the Fathers of Nice inform * us ) had allow'd him a peculiar honour , and therefore those Fathers decree him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the consequence of honour , that is , that he should have respect and precedence before all the Bishops of that Province next to his own Metropolitan . And indeed whatever they of the Church of Rome may talk of the merit of S. Peter , as the foundation of the supereminent authority of that Church , surely if any Church might have pleaded merit , one might have thought it should have been that of Jerusalem , which for so many Ages had been the Metropolis of the Jewish Nation , the Seat of their Kings , adorn'd with a most magnificent Temple , and all the Solemnities of Divine Worship ; the place where our Blessed Saviour spent the greatest part of his publick Ministry , where he Preacht so many Sermons , wrought so many Miracles , where he suffered , died , and rose again , and whence he ascended into Heaven , where the Apostolical Colledge was kept for some years , and all affairs of the Church transacted there ; where S. James the Brother of our Lord was made ( and that say some of the ancients by our Lords own hands ) the first Christian Bishop of that See ; the place where the first Church was planted , and from whence Christianity was propagated into all other parts of the World. This was the true Mother Church , and if merit might have challeng'd Primacy and Power , it had more to say for it self , than all other Churches in the World besides . But Caesarea happening to be the Metropolis of that Province , and the Seat of the Roman Governour , carried away the Superiority , and so Jerusalem though it had an honourary respect , continued a private See , subject to the Metropolitan of Caesarea , as he for some time was to the Patriarch of Antioch . But after that the Empire was become Christian , and that Constantine the Great , and his Mother Helena , and some following Emperours began to reflect some peculiar favours upon that place , and had grac'd it with stately and magnificent buildings , and other marks of honour ; and after that the Devotion of Christians began to pay an extraordinary respect to the places of our Lords Crucifixion , Sepulchre , and Resurrection , the Bishops of that Church lookt upon themselves as hardly dealt with to be coop'd up within so narrow a compass , and to be subjected to another jurisdiction , and therefore resolv'd to throw off the yoke , and to get what power they could into their own hands . The first that graspt at the Metrpolitick Rights was S. Cyrill , who disputed the case with Acacius Bishop of Caesarea , for which Acacius depos'd him , and persecuted him both in the Synod at Seleucia , and in that which followed at Constantinople about the latter end of Constantius his Reign . What immediately followed in this controversie , is uncertain , the History of the Church being silent in that matter . In the Council of Ephesus , Juvenal Bishop of Jerusalem laid claim to the Metropolitical Jurisdiction of that Province , and sought to have it confirm'd by a Decree of that Synod . But Cyrill of Alexandria President of the Council , oppos'd and hindred it . After this a high contest arose between him and Maximus Bishop of Antioch , who challeng'd Jerusalem and Palestine as within his Diocess . The case was brought before the Chalcedon Council * , where it was debated , and at last by compromise between the two contending parties brought to this issue , that the Bishop of Antioch should retain the two Phoenicia's and Arabia ( which it seems were also in dispute ) and the See of Jerusalem should have the three Palaestine Provinces for the bounds of his Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction . This was assented to , and ratified by the Decree of the Council . And now the Bishop of Jerusalem had his peculiar Diocess , though of no very great extent , allotted him , and the tables were turn'd , and Caesarea it self subjected to him , and the fifth and last place among the Patriarchs assign'd to him ; as appears from the constitution of the sixth general Council . And because Jerusalem lay in the borders both of the Antiochain , and Alexandrian Patriarchates , therefore to make up its jurisdiction , we are told * that something was taken out of each , the Metropolitick Sees of Rabba and Berytus , from him of Alexandria , as Caesarea and Scythopolis from him of Antioch . And that as a badge of his ancient subjection , the Metropolitan of Caesarea still had the honour * to Ordain the Patriarch of Jerusalem , as upon the fame account he of Heraclea had to Consecrate the Patriarch of Constantinople . And in this Patriarchal capacity we find the Bishop of Jerusalem subscribing in all Councils , and upon occasions summoning the Bishops of his Patriarchate . Thus Ann. DXVIII . we find John Bishop of Jerusalem with his Synod of the Bishops of the three Palaestines sending a Letter * to John Patriarch of Constantinople . And when the Council at Constantinople under Mennas had condemn'd Anthimus , Severus , and the rest of the Acephali Ann. DXXXVI . Peter Patriarch of Jerusalem ( as he is all along call'd in the Acts * of his Council ) summon'd a Patriarchal Synod of all the Bishops of the three Palaestine Provinces , who confirm'd what had been done in the Council at Constantinople . And thenceforwards the Patriarchate of Jerusalem runs smooth and currant through the History of the Church . As to what Bishops and Metropolitans he had under him , the old Notitiae * give us this account . The Patriarch himself had immediately under him XXV . Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nilus Doxopatrius * calls them , Independent Bishopricks , because subject to no other Metropolitan ; besides which he had four Metropolitans : The Metropolitan of Caesarea , who had twenty Bishops under him ; he of Scythopolis or Basan , who had nine ; Rabba Moabitis , or as Doxopatrius has it , Petra , who had twelve , and Berytus , who had XXXV . which by the Authors we have cited are particularly reckon'd up . CHAP. V. The bounds of the Roman Patriarchate . A return to the Roman Patriarchate . The limits hereof not expresly set down by the ancients . Unjustly pretended to reach over the whole West . This granted by them of the Greek Church , and why . The Popes Patriarchal Power disown'd by the Churches of Milan , Aquileia and Ravenna . The independency and opposition of those Churches to the Roman See , severally evinc't by particular cases and instances . The Power of Metropolitans in France kept up independant from Rome . The truth of this consess'd and clear'd by De Marca . Other instances of preserving their Rights against the pretensions of Rome ; Hincmar of Rhemes , and the Synod of Metz. Two other National Churches instanc't in : the African , and the Britannick Churches . The famous case of Appeals in the Church of Africk . A clear account of that matter . Their publick rejecting the power which the Pope challeng'd over those Churches . The Letters of the Council of Carthage to Pope Boniface , and Caelestine to that purpose . Several useful and proper Corollaries deduc't from this story for the evincing the vain pretensions of the Papal Power over those Churches . The boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . The state of the Britannick Church . The Progress of Religion and Church-Government here 'till the times of Pope Gregory . The Church Govern'd by an Arch-bishop and Bishop at Austin's arrival . Their customs wholly different from , and independant upon Rome . Their absolute refusal to own the authority of Austin or the Pope . The slaughter of the Bangor-Monks suspiciously charg'd upon Austin . The Popes proper Patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the Jurisdiction of the Vicarius Urbicus . What Provinces under his Government . The Roman Synod consisting of the Bishops of those Provinces . A two-fold Patriarchate of the Pope trifling and precarious . The Bishops of Rome daily amplyfying their Jurisdiction . The means whereby they did this briefly intimated . I. HAVING thus dispatcht the other Patriarchs , we return to him of Rome , ever allow'd to be the first , and most honourable of the number . What his Patriarchal bounds were , the Records of the Church have not so particularly set out , as they have done the rest . And here the Champions of that Church when they find themselves prest upon , and that rhe Popes Universal and Apostolical Power is a Post not to be defended , presently retreat to his Patriarchate , which with great confidence they extend over the whole Western World , being content with half , when they cannot have all . And to this prodigious Latitude some * of them stretch the Suburbicary Churches , ( as if the whole Western Empire had been nothing but the Suburbs of Rome ) and in this sence they tell us Rufinus meant the Canon of Nice , and this upon no wiser reason than ( what is as trifling and precarious as the other ) that the whole West was the Special Diocess of the Bishop of Rome . But this looks rather like Fancy and Romance , than that grave and sober arguing that becomes those great Names that use it . Omitting therefore this extravagant notion of Suburbicary Churches , come we to the thing it self . And herein it must be granted , they have the later Greeks , Zonaras , Balsamon , Barlaam , Nilus , &c. on their side , who very liberally give him all the Western Provinces , and that too by vertue of the sixth Canon of Nice . A concession which they make not so much out of any kindness to the Church of Rome , as partly out of a design to magnifie the power and greatness of their own Patriarch of Constantinople , who was to share equal priviledges with him of Rome ; partly because they were willing to keep the Pope within any bounds , whose restless ambition they saw carrying all before it , and therefore car'd not to throw him the West for his portion , for which they had no care or concernment what became of it , being mainly intent upon preserving their Jurisdiction at home . And here I cannot but by the way remark the indiscreet and injudicious Zeal of a very Learned man * , who confidently asserts , that in the expedition of the Franks for the recovery of the Holy Land , God by a peculiar providence let the Eastern Parts be subdued by the Western Armies ; that so those famous Patriarchal Sees might learn to strike Sail to the See of Rome , and own the greatness and dignity of that Church . Besides , 't is to be considered , that in this concession the Greeks took their measures of things from the state of the Church as it was in their time , when the Pope had in a manner intirely subdued the Western Provinces to the See of Rome . But in the better and more early Ages the case was otherwise . And indeed that the Popes Patriarchal Jurisdiction was far enough from extending over the whole West , there can be no better evidence , than that there was scarce any Western Church in those days , that did not upon occasion oppose the power , and remonstrate against the Usurpations of the See of Rome . In Italy we need go no further than to those Churches that lay next it , I mean the great Churches of Milan , Aquileia , and Ravenna . II. HOW great Milan was , and of how great reputation the Bishop of it , so that he stood upon a level with him of Rome , we briefly noted before ; it being next Rome , the largest , richest , most plentiful , and populous City of the West , as Procopius * tells us . S. Ambrose his Election and Ordination to that See was made purely by the Provincial Bishops , and at the command of the Emperour , without the least notice taken of the Roman Bishop . A case so clear , that De Marca * fairly gives up the cause , and confesses that in those times and for some Ages after , the Pope had nothing to do in the Ordination of the Metropolitan of Milan : Nay , that this was the case of all Metropolitans out of the Popes Jurisdiction in Italy , where the Bishops of every Province constantly Ordain'd their own Metropolitans without any authority ; or so much as consent had from the Bishop of Rome . But then not being able to shift off the evidence of truth , and yet willing withall to serve his cause , he does in order to that design , distinguish the Roman Patriarchate into ordinary , over a great part of Italy , and extraordinary , over the whole West . A distinction wholly precarious , and which is worse , false . And indeed what kind of Patriarchate that must be , that could consist without right of Ordaining Metropolitans , the first and most inseparable branch of Patriarchal Power , would have become a person of his , I say not ingenuity , but wisdom and learning to have considered . As for Milan , the Metropolitick Rights of that Church , he confesses , continued independant at least till the year DLV. And indeed 't is plain from the Epistle * of Pope Pelagius ; who confesses that the Bishops of Milan did not use to come to Rome , but they and the Bishops of Aquileia Ordain'd each other : and when he was not able to reduce them by other means , he endeavour'd to bring them in by the help of the secular Arm , as appears from his Letter * to Narses the Emperours Lieutenant to that purpose . And afterwards upon a difference that hapened , Milan withdrew it self from the Communion of the Church of Rome for Two hundred years * together . And though with others it was brought at last under the common yoke , yet upon every little occasion it reasserted its original liberty . Thus when Ann. MLIX . great disturbances arose in that Church * , Pope Nicolaus the Second sent Peter Damian as his Legate to interpose . This made it worse , the common out-cry presently was , That the Ambrosian Church ought not be subject to the Laws of Rome , and that the Pope had no power of Judging , or ordering matters in that See ; that it would be a great indignity , if that Church which under their Ancestors had been always free , should now to their extream reproach ( which God forbid ) become subject to another Church . The clamour increas'd , and the people grew into an higher ferment , the Bells are rung , the Episcopal Pallace beset , the Legate threatned with Death , who getting into the Pulpit , and having in a short speech set forth the Pope's and S. Peter's power , and wheedled the people with some popular insinuations , reduc'd things to a better order . III. THE Church of Aquileia was much at the same pass with that of Milan , the Bishops whereof mutually Ordain'd one another , without so much as asking the Pope leave . And though Pelagius * would insinuate , that this was done only to save the trouble and charge of a journy to Rome , yet De Marca * honestly confesses the true reason was , that Milan being the Head of the Italick Diocess , the Ordaining the Metropolitan of Aquileia belong'd to him as Primate ; and the Ordaining the Primate of Milan belong'd to him of Aquileia , as being the first Metropolitan of the Diocess of Italy . Upon this account , and that of the tria capitula , this Church held no correspondence with that of Rome for above an Hundred years , and when Gregory the Great having got the Emperour on his side , attempted by force and armed violence to bring them to answer their stubbornness at Rome , the Bishop of Aquileia with his Provincial Synod met , and wrote an humble remonstrance * to the Emperour Mauricius , wherein they set forth the true state of their case , and the unjust and violent proceedings of the Pope , and plainly tell him that they had at the time of their Ordination given caution in writing to their Metropolitan , which they never had , nor would violate , and that unless his Majesty was pleas'd to remove this compulsion , their Successours would not be suffered to come to Aquileia for Ordination , but would be forc't to fly to the Arch-bishops of France , as being next at hand , and receive it there . The Emperour was satisfied with their Addresses , and wrote * to the Pope ( Baronius calls them imperious Letters , written more Tyrannico , like a Tyrant ) commanding him to surcease the Prosecution , and to create those Bishops no farther trouble , 'till the affairs of Italy were quieted , and things might more calmly be enquired into . Baronius is strangely angry at this Letter , even to the heighth of rudeness and passion , especially towards so good an Emperour , that he should take upon him arroganti fastu , with so much pride and arrogancy not to beseech , but to command the Pope , which he again says was done not like an Emperour , but a Tyrant . But the Istrian and Ligurian Bishops , little regarded how it thundred at Rome . Nay , to make the ballance hang more even , they had some time since advanc't their Metropolitan to the title and honour of a Patriarch , which Baronius * himself grants was done while Paulinus was Metropolitan of Aquileia about the year DLXX. An honour a long time resident at Aquileia , then translated to Grado , and at last fixt at Venice . Though withal Aquileia having recovered its broken fortunes , resum'd the style and dignity of a Patriarch , an honour which it retains to this day . IV. LET us next view the Church of Ravenna , and see whether that was any more conformable to Rome than the rest . Ravenna had for some time , especially from the days of Honorius , been the Seat of the Roman Emperours ; and in the declining times of the Empire , the Exarchs of Italy , who govern'd in chief under the Emperour , constantly resided there , while Rome was under the command of a petty Duke : Swell'd with so much honour and advantage , the Bishops of Ravenna for some Ages disputed place with them of Rome , the Exarchs taking all occasions to curb and repress the Pope . Ann. DCXLIX . Maurus , sometimes Steward of that Church * , entred upon the Archiepiscopal See of Ravenna . A man as my Author grants , wise , and of a shrew'd sharp Wit. He without taking any notice of Rome , was Consecrated by three Bishops of his own Province , Ordain'd his own Provincial Bishops , and was so far from seeking any Confirmation from the Pope , that he received his Pall from the Emperour . This gave infinite distaste to Pope Martin , and 't is like to his Successour Eugenius , who sat but one year . But Pope Vitalian who succeeded , would not so put it up , but summons Maurus to appear , and answer his contempt at Rome , but he slighted the Summons , for which the Pope Excommunicated him , and he in requital did the like to the Pope , nay upon his Death-bed oblig'd his Clergy never to submit themselves to the Bishop of Rome . Reparatus his Successour trod in the same steps , and procur'd the Emperours Rescript to free that Church from any subjection to the Roman See. Ann. DCCVIII . * Felix of Ravenna was content to receive his Ordination at the hands of the Pope , but when he came thither , an Oath of Allegiance and Fidelity was required of him to the See of Rome . This he utterly denied , a confession of his Faith he offered , but homage he would not pay , nor engage to send money to Rome . Nor more he did , but home he goes , where his people gave him little thanks for what he had done , and both agreed to defend their liberty ; but it cost the old man dear , and them too for that attempt . For Justinian Rhinotmetes the Emperour ( who favoured the Pope ) being made acquainted with what was done at Ravenna ; a Fleet is sent under the command of Theodorus Patricius , the City besieg'd , and taken , several of prime quality lost their lives and fortunes , and the poor Arch-bishop had his eyes put out , and was banisht into Pontus , where he remain'd , 'till the severity of Discipline had taught him better manners . The same courage in asserting the priviledges of their Church against the Papal encroachments was afterwards shewn by John , and Guibert Successors in that See , as were it necessary , might be particularly related . But the case is too evident to be denied , and the argument thence too strong to be evaded , how little those times understood of any Patriarchal Jurisdiction which the Pope had over all Italy , much less over the whole West . V. IF we look into France , we shall find them careful to secure the Rights of Metropolitans , and the priviledges of Provincial Bishops , without being oblig'd to fetch them from Rome . The second Council of Arles Ann. CCCCLII . decree * , that no Bishop shall be Ordain'd without his own Metropolitan , and three of the Provincial Bishops , the rest testifying their consent by Letter . The second of Orleans holden Ann. DXXXIII . renew * the ancient form and manner of Ordaining Metropolitans , that it shall be done by the Bishops of the Province , which shews how little they depended upon any foreign power in this matter . But it 's needless to insist upon this point , which the Learned De Marca * has so fully cleared and vindicated , as a fundamental part of the liberties of the Gallican Church , and has deduc't it through the several Ages and Dynasties of their Kings . I shall only remark , that when Hincmar Arch-bishop of Remes had depos'd Rothald Bishop of Suessons for great misdemeanours , Rothald appeal'd to Rome , and Pope Nicolaus espous'd his cause , wrote sharply to Hincmar , and cited him to appear , and answer what he had done at Rome . But Hincmar would not stir , but publisht a large Apologetick * to the Pope , wherein he justifies his Act , and though he gives good words , and great deference to the See Apostolick , yet stoutly contends , that he ought to be content with a general care and inspection , and not interrupt the ordinary Rights of Metropolitans , and that 't was infinitely reasonable , that the criminal should be referr'd to the judgment of his own Province . Two years before this , viz. Ann. DCCCLXIII . a French Synod met at Metz * about the Marriage of King Lotharius , wherein they determin'd contrary to the liking of the Papal Legates . However they sent Letters with the reasons of their proceedings by Guntharius Arch-bishop of Colen , and Theatgaud of Triers to Pope Nicolaus . The Pope upon their arrival call'd a Synod , wherein he Excommunicated the Synod of Metz , and depos'd the two Arch-bishops that were sent with the Letters , and publisht * a manifesto of what he had done . To this the Bishops return'd an answer , wherein having represented the personal affronts , and ill usage they had met with from him , they tell him Chap. IV. that as for his froward , unjust , and unreasonable sentence , contrary to all Canons , they did not own it , yea as being illegal and unwarrantable , they together with the rest of their Brethren slighted and despised it , and utterly renounc'd Communion with him , contenting themselves with the Communion and fellowship of the whole Church , over which he had so proudly exalted himself , and from which through his pride and contempt he had separated himself . And whereas he had styl'd them his Clerks , they bid him take notice they were none of his Clerks , but persons , whom , if his pride would have suffer'd him , he ought to have own'd and treated as his Brethren and fellow Bishops , with much more there spoken with a just , but smart resentment . And now can any man believe , the Pope should have met with such treatment upon all occasions , and that from the wisest , gravest , most learned , and eminent persons in their several Ages , had his title to the Jurisdiction of the West been so clear and unquestionable , as some men seem to represent it . The same might be shew'd in other Countries , and he must be a great stranger to Church-History , that can be at a loss for instances of this nature . I shall therefore instance only in two more ( and with them dispatch this argument ) the African and the Britanick Churches . VI. I chuse to instance in the Churches of Africk , because so confidently challeng'd by them of Rome at every turn , and because they were under the civil Jurisdiction of the Praetorian Praefect of Italy . And here omitting infinite arguments that offer themselves , I shall insist only upon the famous case of Appeals , commenc'd under Pope Zosimus , Ann. CCCCXVIII . and not ended 'till some years after , which will furnish us with a plain and uncontroulable evidence , how little authority more than what was honourary , the See of Rome in those days had over those Churches . The case , as briefly as it can well be summ'd up , stands thus , * Apiarius a Presbyter of Sicca in Africk had been depos'd by his Diocesan Urbanus for very notorious and scandalous offences , and the sentence ratified by a Provincial Council . Hopeless of any relief at home , over he flies to Rome , tells his tale to Pope Zosimus , who restores him to Communion , espouses his cause , and sends him back with Faustinus an Italian Bishop , and two Roman Presbyters into Africk , to see him resettled in his former place . When they arriv'd in Africk , they found a Council of African Bishops to the number of CCXVII . sitting at Carthage , to whom they delivered their message partly by word of mouth , partly by writing . But the writing being demanded , a memorial was produc't containing instructions from Pope Zosimus what they should insist upon ; it consisted of four Heads . First , concerning the Appeals of Bishops to the See of Rome . Secondly , against the busie resorting of Bishops to Court. Thirdly , concerning the handling the causes of Presbyters and Deacons by the neighbouring Bishops , where they were unjustly Excommunicated by their own . Fourthly , concerning the Excommunicating Bishop Urban ( who had depos'd Apiarius ) or at least his appearing at Rome , unless he corrected what he had done amiss . But the main thing insisted on was that of Appeals , and the Popes sending Legates thither to hear causes , and this too challeng'd by Zosimus in his memorial by vertue of a Canon of the Council of Nice , giving leave to Bishops accus'd or condemn'd to appeal to Rome , and power to the Pope to hear and determine those Appeals , either immediately by himself , or by Commishoners which he should send to that purpose . The African Fathers were infinitely surpriz'd to hear such a power claim'd , and more to hear it claim'd as due by a Canon of Nice . They had search'd into the Canons of that Council , which they found to be but twenty , and not one of that number to this purpose . While these things were debating , Zosimus dies , and Boniface succeeds , and the case is again canvast , and the result of the consultation was , that for the present things should rest upon that bottom , whereon the Popes memorial had plac't them , 'till they could send to the three great Churches of Constantinople , Antioch and Alexandria for authentick Copies of the Nicene Canons , to adjust and decide this matter . They wrote likewise to Pope Boniface by his Legates ( who then return'd ) acquainting him with the state of the case , and what was done in it , and withal tell him , that if it were as those pretended Canons claim'd , the issue would be intolerable to them : But they hop'd it would be found otherwise , no such thing appearing in their Copies of that Council . However they had sent to the Eastern Churches for such as were most authentick , and intreated him also to do the like . VII . SOME years pass'd in this matter , at length the Messengers that had been sent into the East return'd , and brought Letters * from Cyril of Alexandria , and Atticus of Constantinople , importing that they had sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most true and exact Copies of the authentick Synod of Nice , preserv'd in the Archives of their Churches , Copies of which they had also sent to Pope Boniface . Hereupon a full Council of African Bishops is conven'd , to which Pope Caelestine ( for Boniface was lately dead ) dispatcht Faustinus as his Legate . And now the case of Apiarius is again brought under examination , and found worse than it was before , the farther they rak'd into it , the more foul and offensive did it appear to them , 'till the conviction of his conscience , though sore against his Will , forc'd him to confess all , and save them the trouble of any farther Scrutiny . And now this cause being over , and the pretence of Appeals overthrown by the authentick Copies of the Canons of Nice , nothing remain'd but to write to Caelestine , which they did in a quick and smart strain , Wherein they first give him an account of the case of Apiarius , and how troublesome and injurious his Legate Faustinus had been to the whole Synod , in asserting the priviledges of the Church of Rome , and by vertue thereof challenging that Apiarius should be readmitted to communion , because his Holiness ( believing his Appeal , which yet could not be made good ) had restor'd him to communion , a thing which he ought in no wise to have done . Next they proceed earnestly to beseech him , that henceforth he would not so easily give ear to those that came from hence , nor admit any to communion , whom they had excommunicated , which he might easily perceive was prohibited by the Council of Nice , which if it has taken so much care about the Inferiour Clergy , how much more did it intend it in the case of Bishops , that where any are suspended from communion within their own Province , his Holiness should not rashly and unduly readmit them , that he should , as became him , reject the unwarrantable repairing of Presbyters and others of the Inferiour Clergy , there being no Canon of any Council that has depriv'd the African Church of this Right , and that the Decrees of Nice have most plainly committed both the Inferiour Clergy , and the Bishops themselves to their own Metropolitans ; having most wisely and justly provided , that all affairs shall be determin'd in the very places where they arise , and that the Grace of the Holy Spirit will not be wanting to every Province , whereby equity may be prudently discern'd , and constantly maintain'd by the Ministers of Christ , especially since every man has liberty , if he be offended with the determination of his Judges , to appeal to a Provincial , or if need be , to a general Council : Unless perhaps any one can think , that God should enable single persons to examin the Justice of a cause , and deny it to a vast number of Bishops Assembled in Council . Or , how shall a Judgment then made beyond Sea be valid , whereto the persons that are necessary to give in evidence , either through the infirmity of their Sex , or Age , and many other impediments that will intervene , cannot be brought ? For that any Commissioners should be sent hither by your Holiness , we do not find Ordain'd by the Fathers in any Synod . For as to what you long since sent us by Faustinus as part of the Nicene Council , in the true and authentick Copies of that Council ( which we received from Cyril of Alexandria , and Atticus of Constantinople , and which we sent to your Predecessour Boniface ) we could find no such matter . In conclusion , they advise him , that he should not upon the request of any man , send any of his Clerks thither to execute his sentence , nor grant such leave to any , lest they should seem to introduce the smoaky pride of the World into the Church of Christ , which holds forth the light of simplicity , and the brightness of humility to all them that are desirous to see God : That as to Faustinus , they are confident , that Brotherly love continuing through the goodness and moderation of his Holiness , Africa shall no longer be troubled with him . Such was their Letter to the Pope , a Letter not fuller fraught with true matters of fact , than fortified with clearness and strength of reason . VIII . FROM this naked and unartificial representation of the case , its plain ; First , That whatever power the ●●shop of Rome claim'd in Africk , was even by his own tacit confession , founded upon the Canons of the Church . Zosimus did not pretend a Commission from Christ , or a Delegation from S. Peter , but only a Canon of Nice to justify his proceedings . Secondly , That the Canons of the Church give the Bishop of Rome no power over foreign Churches , either to receive their excommunicated Members , to hear and decide their causes , or to restore them to communion , or to send Legates and Commissioners with authority to determine the cause at home ; for this , say the African Fathers , nullâ invenimus patrum Synodo constitutum . Thirdly , That Zosimus was guilty of a notorious forgery and imposture in falsifying the Nicene Canons , pretending a Canon of Sardica to be a Canon of Nice , and as such endeavouring to impose it , and his own power by it upon the African Churches . Can it be suppos'd , that Zosimus should be ignorant what and how many the Nicene Canons were ? the Popes Legates were present , and as we are often told , presided in that Synod , brought the Decrees home with them ( as all other great Churches did ) where they were no doubt carefully preserv'd among the Records of that Church , and the frequent occasions of those times , made them be daily lookt into . Was not the Pope , think we , able to distinguish between Nice and Sardica , between an Oecumenical Council , and a Synod only of Western Bishops , call'd in another Emperours Reign above Twenty years after . No , no , it was not a sin of ignorance , but the Pope knew well enough which Council would best serve his turn , that the World had a just and a mighty veneration for that of Nice , and that his design would be easily swallowed , if he could gild it over with the reputation and authority of that Synod . It was obvious to except against Sardica , that it was but a particular Council , and that the Canon it made for Appeals to Rome was only a Provisionary Decree , when the injur'd person was not like to meet with Justice at home , but the whole Mass of Bishops was corrupted , and set against him , as was the case of Athanasius and two or three more in respect of the Arians , who were the occasion , and for whose sakes that Canon was made . But that of Nice was universal , and unexceptionable , and which he hoped would pass without controul . But the African Bishops according to the humour of that Nation were of too honest and blunt a temper to be cajol'd by the arts of Rome . They requir'd to have the matter brought to the test , and to be Judg'd by the Original Canons , and so the fraud was discovered , and brought to light in the eye of the World. Fourthly , That the Church of Africk , and accordingly every National Church , has an inhaerent power of determining all causes that arise within it self : That this Right is founded both upon most evident reason , ( nothing being fitter than that controversies should be ended in the places where they began , where there are all advantages of bringing matters to a more speedy and equal trial ) and upon the wisdom and justice of the Divine providence , which would not let his assistance be wanting in one place more than another , and especially there where doing right to truth did more immediately make it necessary ; and that 't was as probable two or three hundred should sift out truth as a single person . That the Nicene Synod had made this the Right of the African no less than other Churches , and they did not understand how they had forfeited it , or that any Council had taken it from them . Fifthly , That it was not lawful for any person , accused or proceeded against in Africk , to appeal to Transmarine Churches , no not to the See of Rome . This they tell Coelestine most expresly , and call them improba refugia , wicked and unwarrantable refuges . Against this they had particularly provided in the Council at Milevis * not long before this contest arose , that if any Clergyman had a controversie with his Bishop , the neighbouring Bishops should hear and determine it . But if there were any occasion of appealing , they should appeal no further than to an African Council , or to the Primates of those Provinces . And that if any should resolve to appeal to any Transmarine Judgment , no man in Africk should admit them to communion . The Canon 't is true expresses only the Appeals of Presbyters , Deacons , and the Inferiour Clergy ; but as the Fathers in their Letters to Caelestine argue strongly , if this care be taken about the Inferiour Clergy , how much more ought it to be observ'd by Bishops . Sixthly , That the power which the Bishop of Rome sought to establish over other Churches , evidently made way to bring pride , and tyranny , and a secular ambition into the Church of God , and that if this course were follow'd , it would let in force , and domination , and a scornful trampling over the Heads of our Brethren , and perhaps the calling in the secular arm to remove the opposition it would meet with ; Principles and Practices infinitely contrary to the mild and humble Spirit of the Gospel . And now let the Reader Judge what power the Pope had over the African Churches , so solemnly denied , so stiffly oppos'd , not by two or three , but by two or three hundred Bishops , twice met in Council upon this occasion , and their judgment herein not precipitated , but past upon most mature and deliberate debate and consultation , and after that the cause had been depending for five or six years together . The truth is , so great a shock is this to the Papal power , that the Advocates of that Church know not which way to decline it . At last stands up one , * who not being able to unty , resolv'd to cut the knot , directly charging both the Acts of the Council , and the Epistles to Boniface and Caelestine , without any warrant from Antiquity , to be forg'd and supposititious . But the best of it is , the Writers in this Cause that came after him , had not the hardiness to venture in his bottom . Nor have any of the many Publishers of the Councils since that time stigmatiz'd them with the least suspicion of being spurious , nor taken any notice of the trifling exceptions he makes against them . IX . FROM Africk let us Sail into Britain , and see how things stood in our own Country , the first Nation of the whole Western World that received the Christian Faith ; it being planted here ( as Gildas , an Authour of untainted credit , and no inconsiderable antiquity , informs us , and he speaks it too with great assurance ) * Tempore summo Tiberii Caesaris , in the latter time of Tiberius his Reign , which admit to have been the very last year of his Life ( he died March the XVI . Ann. Chr. XXXVII . ) it was five or six years before 't is pretended S. Peter ever came at , or founded any Church at Rome . Christianity though struggling with great difficulties , and but lukewarmly entertain'd by some , yet as Gildas assures us , made shift to keep up its head in the following Ages , as is evident from some passes in Origen , Tertullian , and others , and from the known story of King Lucius ( Leuer Maur as the Britains call him , the great Brightness ) the first Christian King. But this we have particularly noted elsewhere * . Religion being settled , that Church Government grew up here as in other Countries , by Bishops and then Metropolitans , or Superiour Bishops , there can be no just cause to doubt . At the Council of Arles Ann. CCCXIV . we find three British Bishops among others subscribing the Decrees of that Synod , Eborius of York , Restitutus of London ( the same perhaps that subscrib'd the determination made by the Sardican Synod ) Adelfius de civitate Coloniae Londinensium , with Sacerdos a Priest , and Arminius a Deacon . After the Empire had submitted to Christianity , we cannot question but that Religion prospered greatly in this Island , and that Constantine who made it his business to advance it in all places , would much more give it the highest encouragement in that place , to which he owed both his first breath and Empire . What progress it made afterwards , I may not stand nicely to enquire ; 't is certain it flourish'd here under the Roman Government 'till the Declension of the Empire , when that guard and protection being withdrawn , the Country became a prey to the neighbour - Picts and Scots , as not long after to the Saxons , a War-like but Pagan Nation , whom the Britains had call'd in to their Assistance , who drove the remainder of the Britains , and with them Religion into the Mountains , where yet it throve under the greatest hardships . Things continued thus , when Ann. DXCVI. Pope Gregory the Great sent Austine the Monk to convert these Saxons , who after his first expedition being at Arles consecrated Arch-bishop of Canterbury , applied himself more closely to this errand than he had done before . He found Paganisme covering the greatest parts of the Island , but withal a considerable Church among the Britains ; seven Bishops * they had as Bede informs us ; A number says Bale * , conform'd to the seven Churches of Asia ; their Sees were Hereford , Tavensis or Landaff , Lhan-Padern-Vaur , Bangor , Elviensis or S. Asaph , Worcester and Morganensis , suppos'd by many to be Glamorgan , but that being the same with Landaff , R. Hoveden * reckons Chester in the room of it , or as Bishop Usher * thinks not improbable , it might be Caer-Guby or Holy-head in the Isle of Anglesey . These seven were under the superintendency of a Metropolitan , whose Archiepiscopal See had been formerly at Caer-leon upon Uske ( the famous River Isca ) in Monmouthshire , but some years before Austins arival had been translated to Menevia or S. Davids ( so call'd from the Bishop that translated it ) in Pembrook-shire , though for some time after retaining the Title of Arch-bishop of Caer-Leon . And to him were the Welsh Bishops subject , and by him Ordain'd , as he by them , until the time of King Henry the First . Besides these Episcopal Sees , the Britains had Colledges or Seminaries , and in them vast numbers of Christian Monks , who dwelt especially at Bangor under the care and superintendency of Abbot Dinooth . But that which spoil'd all was , that this Church had Rites and Usages * vastly different from them of Rome , both in the Observation of Easter , the Administration of Baptism , and many other Customes . A most infallible Argument , that the Britannick Church had no dependance upon , had held no communication with the Church of Rome . Their celebration of Easter after the manner of the ancient Asiatick Churches , clearly shewing that they had originally deriv'd their Religion from those Eastern parts . To reduce therefore this Church into subjection to Rome , was a great part of Austins work . In order whereunto by the help of King Ethelbert , he procur'd a conference with them at a place upon the Borders of Worcester-shire , call'd from this occasion Augustins Oke . Austin us'd all his arts to prevail upon them , perswaded , intreated , threatned , but in vain . After a long disputation they declar'd they preferr'd their own ancient Traditions and Customs , from which they might not depart without leave and liberty from their own Church . Nay , if the British fragment produc'd by one of our great Antiquaries * be of any credit , Abbot . Dinoth plainly told him with a Be it known to you , and without doubt , That they ow'd no more to the Pope of Rome , than to every godly Christian , vzi. the obedience of Love and Brotherly assistance , other than this he knew none due to him , whom they call'd Pope , and who claim'd to be own'd and styl'd Father of Fathers ; that for themselves they were under the Government of the Bishop of Caer-Leon upon Uske , who under God was to oversee and guide them ▪ Austin saw 't was to no purpose at present to treat further , and so reserv'd himself for another conference . A second therefore and a more general meeting is propounded and agreed to , whereto came the seven British Bishops , and many other persons of Learning , especially of the College of Bangor . Austin as before press'd them to a compliance with the Roman and Apostolick Church . But they , offended with his proud and contemptuous treatment of them , never so much as rising out of his Chair , at their coming to salute him , told him plainly , they would do nothing of what he demanded , nor would they own him for Archbishop ; prudently arguing among themselves , If he would not now vouchsafe so much as to rise up to us , how much more when we have submitted to him , will he despise and scorn us . Austin finding no good was to be done upon them , parted from them with this passionate farewel , That since they would not have peace with their Brethren , they should have war from their Enemies , and for as much as they refus'd to preach the way of life to the English , they should be punisht with death by their hands . And his word it seems was made good : For soon after Ethelfrid King of Northumberland , at the instigation ( as is said ) of Ethelbert King of Kent , march'd with a powerful Army to Caer-Leon , and made great havock and destruction , and among the rest slew Twelve hundred of the innocent Monks of Bangor , who were come along with their Army , by fasting and prayer to intercede with Heaven for its prosperous success . That Austin was the first spring of this fatal Tragedy , moving Ethelbert , as he did Ethelfrid , there are not only strong suspicions , but the thing is expresly affirm'd by several Historians of no inconsiderable credit and antiquity . 'T is true Bede says this happened not till after Austins Death . But besides the inconsistency in point of Chronology , 't is suspicious that passage was foisted into Bede , it being wanting in the ancient Saxon Translation of King Alfred , done within CL. years after Bedes Death . Nay , though we should grant the slaughter to have happened after the death of Austin , yet who knows not but he might easily lay the design with Ethelbert , though himself liv'd not to see the Execution . And the proud and haughty spirit of the man gives but too much encouragement to the suspicion . What became of the British Churches after this , I am not concern'd to relate . 'T is enough to my purpose , that from the very originals of this Church it was independant upon Rome , and that for Six hundred years together ; nor could be brought to strike Sail , 'till Fire and Sword ( the most powerful Arguments of the Papal cause ) had converted , that is , in effect ruin'd and destroy'd it . X. FROM the whole of what has been said , laid together , the impartial Reader will easily make this conclusion , how vain and frivolous the pretences are to the Popes Patriarchal Authority over the whole West , when there 's scarce any one Western Church that did not in those times stoutly appear against the incroachments of Rome . But you 'll say , where then shall we find the Roman Patriarchate ? certainly within much narrower limits . And here nothing can offer it self with so much rational probability , as that his Patriarchal Jurisdiction was concurrent with that of the Vicarius Urbicus , or the Lieutenant of Rome , as his Metropolitical was with that of the Praefectus Urbis , or City-Provost . Now the Vicarius Urbicus had ten Provinces * under his Government , four Consular , viz. Campania , Tuscia , and Umbria , Picenum Suburbicarium ( the Suburbicary as well as other Provinces being in some cases * , especially that of Tribute , under the Inspection of the Praetorian Praefect , and his Lieutenant ) Sicilia ; Two Correctorial , Apulia with Calabria , and Lucania Brutiorum ; Four Praesidial , Samnium , Sardinia , Corsica , and Valeria . This was the Urbicary Diocess , distinct from the Italick Diocess , the Metropolis whereof was Milan . Within these bounds the Bishops of Rome , especially after the times of the Nicene Council took upon them to exercise Jurisdiction , to call Synods , Ordain Metropolitans , and dispatch other Church-afairs . Hence they had their usual Synod , which was a kind of Council in ordinary to the Bishop of Rome , and met upon all important occasions . Such was the Synod of Pope Damasus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the Bishops that Assembled with him at Rome , mention'd by Athanasius * , as conven'd about his Cause . Such that of the Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in those parts , spoken of by Pope Julius * , as concurring with him in his Letter to the Eastern Bishops . The old Roman notitia ( produc'd by Baronius * out of the Records of the Vatican , but of an Age much later than the times we write of ) tells us this Synod consisted of LXX . Bishops . And much about that number , we find them in the Acts of Councils , as in the Synod under Pope Gelasius a , and in that under Symmachus b . Thus we find Pope Leo c requiring the Bishops of Sicily to send three of their number every year upon Michaelmus-day to meet the Roman Synod , fraterno concilio soc●andi . And the Synod of Sardica * sending their Decrees to Pope Julius , desire him to communicate them to the Bishops in Sicily , Sardinia and Italy , ( i. e. that part of Italy that lay within the Urbicary Diocess ) that none of them might receive communicatory Letters from any that had been depos'd in that Council . And this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the multitude of Bishops wherewith Pope Leo was encompast , and whom by vertue of the power and preheminence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of his own proper place and Jurisdidiction he had conven'd out of many Cities in Italy , as the Empress Galla Placidia speaks in her Letter * to Theodosius . Not but that sometimes here ( as in other places ) ▪ we find foreign Bishops convening in Synods , with those under the Jurisdiction of the Roman Bishop , especially upon some extraordinary emergencies : But then this was only in a Brotherly way , and at the invitation of the chief Bishop of those parts , and not that they were under his charge and government . He had no direct and immediate influence over any but those who lay within the bounds , over which the civil Governours who resided at Rome , extended their authority , and who no doubt fell in the willinglier with his Jurisdiction , for the conveniency of their being aided and assisted by the Church of Rome . By all which we see , that no sooner were Dioceses divided and settled by the civil constitution , but the Roman Bishop began to extend his Jurisdiction commensurate to the Urbicary Diocess , within which his Metropolitical was at last swallowed up . This the Learned Arch-bishop of Paris * readily grants , and thinks is intimated in the ancient Version of the Nicene Canon , which we mention'd before , where the Bishop of Rome is said to have Principality over the Suburbicary places , and all the Province ; the first denoting the Government of the Provost , the latter that of the Vicarius , or Lieutenant of Rome , and consequently the one represents the Popes Metropolitical , the other his Patriarchal Jurisdiction . 'T is true he often tells us of a two-fold Patriarchate the Pope had , ordinary , and extraordinary , the one reaching to the Urbicary Diocess , the other over the whole West . But with how little reason and pretence of truth we noted before . We grant the Pope had always great honour given him by all , and more by the Western Churches , but authoritative power he had not but over his own special Diocess , nor does S. Basil's styling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief of the Western Bishops , imply any more than dignity and precedence ; or the Empires being divided into East and West , and in allusion thereto the Churches being sometimes distinguish'd into Eastern and Western make any more for his Western Patriarchate , than it did for the Bishop of Constantinoples being Patriarch over the whole East . Arguments which I should be asham'd to mention , but that they are produc'd by such great Names , and are indeed the best they have in this matter . I grant that according to the ambitious humour of that Church they were always attempting to enlarge their Borders , and to propagate their power beyond its just limits : and partly by recommending persons to be Bishops in foreign Churches , and thence proceeding to impose them , partly by interposing in Ordinations , and exacting an Oath of Obedience to the See of Rome from the persons Consecrated , partly by challenging the immediate decision of Episcopal Causes , and a power to confirme , translate , excommunicate , depose , or restore all delinquent Bishops , partly by drawing Appeals to Rome , and taking the determination of matters from the cognizance of their proper Judges , and arrogating the sole priviledge of judging and condemning Heresies , partly by claiming to preside in all Councils , and if disoblig'd , withholding their assent to the Decrees of Synods , partly by sending their Legates into foreign Countries to hear and decide cases , and take up controversies , by taking off , and engaging brisk and active Bishops by honourary Imployments , by sending Commissions to the Bishops of the greater Sees , and lodging certain powers in their hands to act as their Vicars within their several Provinces , that so they might seem to derive their authority from the Roman See , as they did at Thessalonica , Corinth , Justiniana Prima , Arles , &c. partly by giving all imaginable encouragement to persons , whether of the Clergy or Laity to send to Rome for the resolution of difficult and important cases , and partly by dispatching Missionaries to convert Pagan Countries ; by these and infinite other the like Arts and Methods , they grew in time though not 'till some Ages , to challenge and exercise a power over all the Churches of the West . But from the beginning it was not so . The summ then of all that has been discours'd hitherto is this ; that as 't was the Dignity of the City of Rome gave the Bishops of that place preheminence above all other Primates or Patriarchs , so 't was the division of the Empire made by Constantine , exalted his power from that of a Metropolitan to a Patriarch , and enlarged it to an equal extent with the Diocess of the Lieutenant of Rome ; within which Bounds they pretty well contain'd themselves 'till their pride and ambition began more openly to break out , and to disturb the peace and order of the Church . CHAP. VI. The Encroachments of the See of Rome upon other Sees , especially the See of Constantinople . The Roman Bishops breaking the bounds of all Laws and Canons . Their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . Instances of Julius , Damasus , Innocent , Zosimus to this purpose . The briskness and activity of Pope Leo. His many Letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . His jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the See of Constantinople . The attempts and actings of his Legates in the Council of Chalcedon . Their mighty opposition against the passing the XXVIII . Canon of that Synod . The fraud of Paschasinus in citing the sixth Canon of Nice . Their protestation against the power granted to the Bishop of Constantinople . Pope Leo's zeal and rage against these Synodal proceedings . Faelix his Excommunicating Acacius of Constantinople . The pretended occasion of that Sentence . The same spleen continued and carried on by Pope Gelasius . A reconciliation procur'd by the Emperour Justin between the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople . Pope John's insulting over Epiphanius in his own Church at Constantinople . John the Seconds raving Letter to Justinian . The Bishop of Constantinople assumes the Title of Oecumenical Patriarch . This in what sence ( probably ) meant . The passionate resentment of Pope Pelagius hereat . The same zeal shew'd by his Successour Gregory the Great . His Letters written upon that occasion . The hard words he every where bestows upon that Title . His mistake about the offer of that Title to the Pope in the Chalcedon Council . The true state of that case . This Title frequently given to the Constantinopolitan Bishops in the Council under Menans , before John assum'd it . Baronius's poor evasion of that matter . Gregory still continues to thunder out Anathema's against this Title . All this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the Title . Phocas his Usurpation of the Empire . The monstrous villany and wickedness of that Man. Pope Gregory's scandalously flattering Caresses to him and his Empress . Boniface the Third makes suit to Phocas , and procures the Title of Oecumenical to be affixt to the See of Rome . The Popes daily enlargement of their Power and Tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . The whole concluded with the Canons or DICTATES of Pope Hildebrand . I. THOUGH Custome and the Canons of the Church had set out the Bishop of Rome his proper Portion in the Ecclesiastick Government , yet how hard is it for covetousness and ambition to keep within any bounds ? A spirit of pride still fermented in that See , that made them restless , 'till they had thrown down all enclosures , and that their Sheaf alone ( as it was in Joseph's Vision ) arose and stood upright , and the Sheaves of their Brethren stood round about , and did obeysance to it . In the discovery whereof we shall only remark the more general attempts they made concerning it . And first nothing made more way to their Usurpt Dominion , than the magnifying their own power , and the priviledges of their Church upon all occasions . II. TO begin no earlier than Pope Julius ; in his Letters to the Bishops of Antioch , to make them more willing to submit their Cause to be tried at Rome , he had it seems highly extoll'd the greatness of that Church , and the dignity and authority of his See , as appears by the summ of their answer * , and his rejoynder to their Letter . Not long after Pope Damasus writing also to the Eastern Bishops , commends * them that they had yielded due reverence to the Apostolick See : And though this was spoken with modesty enough ( aw'd hereinto perhaps by the Synod at Rome , in whose Name he wrote ) yet in his Epistle * to them of Numidia , and in general to all Catholick Bishops ( if that Epistle be genuine ) he speaks out , telling them that according to ancient institutions , they did well in all doubtful cases to have recourse to him as to the head , and that this was founded upon Custome and Ecclesiastick Canons ; concluding his long Epistle thus , All which Decretals , and the constitutions of all my Predecessors , which have been publish'd concerning Ecclesiastical Orders and Canonical Discipline , we command to be observ'd by you , and all Bishops and Priests , so that whoever shall offend against them , shall not be received to pardon , the Cause properly respecting us , who ought to steer the Government of the Church . This was most Pontifically spoken , and boldly ventured at , especially if we consider how little the African Bishops regarded the authority of the Roman Church , when the case of Appeals arose a few years after , as we have already seen at large . Siricius came next to Damasus , and he in his Letter * to Himerius of Taragon in Spain , magnifies the Roman Church as the Head of that Body , and bids him convey those Rules he had sent to all the Bishops in that and the neighbour Countries , it not being fit that any Bishop should be ignorant of the constitutions of the Apostolick See. Innocent the First , more than once and again styles * the Church of Rome the Fountain and Head of all Churches , and this built upon ancient Canons ; and yet perhaps meant no more , than that it was the principal and most eminent Church of the Christian World : An honour , which upon several accounts intimated before , Antiquity freely bestow'd upon it . Zosunus in a Letter to the Council of Carthage ( produc'd by Baronius * out of a Vatican Copy ) makes a mighty flourish with the unlimited power of S. Peter , that he had the care not only of the Roman , but of all Churches , ratified by the Rules of the Church , and the tradition of the Fathers , that both by Divine and Humane Laws this Power descended upon the Bishop of that See , whose sentence none might presume to reverse . III. LEO the Great entred that See about the year CCCCXL. A Man of somewhat a brisker and more active temper , than those that had been before him , and one that studied by all imaginable methods to enlarge his Jurisdiction , and being a Man of Parts and Eloquence , did amplify and insinuate his power with more advantage . He tells * the Mauritanian Bishops , That he would dispence with the Election of those Bishops , who had been immediately taken out of the Laity , so they had no other irregularity to attend them , not intending to prejudice the commands of the Apostolick See , and the Decrees of his Predecessours ; and that what he pass'd by at present , should not hereafter go without its censure and punishment , if any one should dare to attempt , what he had thus absolutely forbidden . And elsewhere * that Bishops and Metropolitans were therefore constituted , that by them the care of the Universal Church might be brought to the one See of S. Peter , and that there might be no disagreement between the Head and the Members . And in a Sermon upon the Martyrdom of Peter and Paul , in a profound admiration he breaks out * into this Rhetorical Address . These ( says he ) are the Men that have advanced thee to this honour , that thou art become a holy Nation , a peculiar People , a Royal and Priestly City , that being by the Holy See of S. Peter made Head of the World , thou mightest govern farther by means of a Divine Religion , than by worldly power . For although enlarg'd by many victories , thou hast extended the Bounds of thy Empire both by Sea and Land , yet is it far less which thou hast conquer'd by force of Arms , than that which thou hast gain'd by the peace of the Church . IV. BUT Leo was a Man not only for speaking , but for action . He saw the Emperours and the Eastern Bishops were resolv'd to advance the See of Constantinople , that it might bear some proportion to the Imperial Court , and that the Synod of Constantinople had already adjudg'd it the place of honour next to Rome ; that therefore it concern'd him to bestir himself to stifle all attempts that way , well knowing that the glory of that would eclipse his lustre , and cramp those designs of superiority and dominion , which the Bishops of Rome were continually driving on over the Church of Christ . A general Council was now call'd to meet at Chalcedon , Ann. CCCCLI . wherein were present no less than Six hundred and thirty Bishops : Hither Pope Leo sent his Legates , furnished with peremptory instructions ( which they afterwards read openly in the Synod ) to keep a quick eye upon all motions that way , and with all possible resolution to suppress them . At the opening of the Council , the Legates cunningly slipt in a clause , telling * the Fathers , that they had such and such things in command from the most Blessed and Apostolical Bishop of the City of Rome , which was the Head of all Churches : Which either was not heeded by that Synod , or pass'd by in the sence before declar'd , as allowing it an honourary preheminence above the rest . In the fifth Session of that Council * the Papal Legates mov'd that the Epistle of Leo about the condemnation of Nestorius might be inserted into the very definition of the Council against that Heresie . Craftily foreseeing what a mighty reputation it would give the Pope in the eye of the World , and to what vast advantage it might be stretch'd afterwards . But the Council stiffly oppos'd the motion , and said , they freely own'd the Letter and were ready to subscribe it , but would not make it part of the definition . The Legates were angry , demanded the Letter back again , and threatned to be gone , and to have a Synod at Rome . And when the Emperour intimated some such thing , the Bishops cried out , they were for the definition as it was , and they that did not like it , nor would subscribe it , might if they please get them gone to Rome . After this , all things went on smoothly 'till they came to frame the Canons , among which one was * , that the Bishop of Constantinople should enjoy equal Priviledges with the Bishop of Rome ; and then the Legates could hold no longer , plainly telling them , that this was a violation of the constitution of the great Synod of Nice , and that their Commission oblig'd them by all ways to preserve the Papal dignity , and to reject the designs of any , who relying upon the greatness of their Cities , should attempt any thing to the contrary . To prove that this was contrary to the Nicene Decrees , they produc'd the Sixth and Seventh Canons of that Council , beginning thus as Paschasinus repeated them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. The Church of Rome ever had the Primacy . Let Egypt therefore have this priviledge , that the Bishop of Alexandria have power , &c. where instead of the first words of that Canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let ancient Customs still take place , the Legate shuffled in this sentence as more to his purpose , the Church of Rome ever had the Primacy . And admitting here that this was only the Title to that Canon in the Roman Copy , yet 't is somewhat more than suspicious , that Paschasinus intended it should be understood as part of the Canon it self . Which if so , there could not be a bolder piece of forgery and imposture . But the Fathers were not to be so impos'd upon . Aetius Arch-deacon of Constantinople produc'd a Copy from among the Records of that Church , which he delivered to Constantine the Secretary , who read it according to the genuine words of the Canon , without any such addition , Let ancient Customs still take place , &c. and in confirmation of that were next read the second and third Canons of the second general Council at Constantinople . And because the Legate had objected that the Canon had been procur'd by fraud , the Judges requir'd the Bishops concern'd to declare their minds , who all readily declar'd the contrary . The case having been thus fully debated , and nothing material being alledg'd against it , the Canon pass'd by the unanimous suffrage of the Fathers , the Roman Legates only entring their protestation , and resolving to acquaint the Pope with what was done , that so he might judge both of the injury done to his own See , and the violence offered to the Canons . V. NO sooner did the news of what had pass'd in the Synod arrive at Rome , but Pope Leo storm'd to purpose , wrote * to Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople , charging him with pride and ambition , with invasion of the Rights of others , with irreverence towards the Nicene Canons , contrary to which he had exalted himself above the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch . He dispatch'd * Letters also to the Emperour Marcianus , to his Lady the Empress Pulcheria , and to Juvenal Bishop of Jerusalem , and the rest of the Fathers of the Synod , all to the same effect , complaining of the pride of Anatolius , and the irregular proceedings of the Council , that the priviledges of Churches were destroy'd , the bounds of Metropolitans invaded , many depressed to make way for one , venerable Decrees made void , and ancient Orders trodden in the dirt . That whatever Rules were made contrary to the Canons of Nice were null , that the care and inspection of these things was committed to him , a duty which he could not neglect without being guilty of unfaithfulness to his trust , that therefore by the authority of S. Peter he repeal'd and made void what ever any Council had agreed upon , repugnant to the Nicene Canons , yea , though done by many more in number than were in that venerable Synod , declaring that no regard or reverence was to be paid to their constitutions . In all which though nothing appear above ground but a mighty zeal for the honour of the Nicene Canons , yet 't is plain enough 't was his own ambition , his envy and emulation that lay at the bottom . And indeed , neither Leo , nor any of the Bishops of that See could ever pardon the Chalcedon Synod , not only for making the Bishop of Constantinople equal to him of Rome , but for placing the Primacy of the Roman Church , not in any Divine Right , but only in Romes having been the Seat of the Empire . VI. HENCEFORWARD they beheld the Bishops of that place with an evil Eye , as competitors with them in the Government of the Church , and the likeliest persons to give check to their extravagant designs , and therefore laid hold upon all occasions to weaken their interest , and to vent their spleen against their persons . And it was not long after , that a fit occasion presented it self . John the Tabennosiot * had by gifts and bribes ( enabled thereto by being Steward and Treasurer of that Church ) procur'd himself to be made Bishop of Alexandria , expresly contrary to his Oath lately made to the Emperour Zeno , that he would never attempt that See. For which he caus'd him to be expell'd , and Peter Mongus , who had been heretofore consecrated to that place to be restor'd . Peter was a Patron of the Eutychian Heresie , but which at first he craftily dissembled , insinuating himself into the favour and friendship of Acacius Bishop of Constantinople , who constantly held Communion with him . But was so far from siding with him in any Heretical Sentiments , that no sooner did he hear * that Peter had publickly Anathematiz'd the Chalcedon Council , but he dispatch'd Messengers to Alexandria to know the truth of things , before whose Eys Peter cast a mist , having form'd a judicial Process about that matter , and brought in persons to depose that he had done no such thing . Nay , he himself wrote * to Acacius , assuring him , that the charge was false , and that he had , and did confirm and embrace the Council of Chalcedon ; though all this was pretence and elaborate hypocrisie . John driven out from Alexandria , flies to Rome , giving out himself to be a Martyr for the Cause of Pope Leo , and the Faith of the Chalcedon Synod . Welcome he was to Pope Simplicius , who wrote to the Emperour in his behalf ; but dying not long after his arrival , his Successour Faelix readily espous'd the quarrel , and after some preparatory messages and citations ( wherein he required of the Emperour Zeno , that Acacius might be sent to Rome , there to answer what John of Alexandria laid to his charge ) taking advantage of two Synods at Rome , held one soon after the other , twice excommunicated and depos'd Acacius , for communicating with him of Alexandria . Letter after Letter he wrote both to the Emperour , and the Clergy and People of Constantinople , that the Sentence against Acacius might be own'd and put into execution , who yet continued in his See 'till his death , without any great regard to the Sentence from Rome , which he so far slighted * , that to be even with him , he struck the Popes name out of the Diptychs , to shew the World he renounc'd all communion with him . This so much the more enrag'd his enemies at Rome , who all his life long pelted him with continual clamours and threatnings . Nay , Faelix and his Successours persecuted his very memory , denouncing censures against any that should mention his name with respect and honour . And I cannot but observe that in the Edict * that was pass'd against him at Rome , mention is made of nothing but contumacy against the Popes Admonitions , the ill usage and imprisonment of his Legates , and the affront therein offered to his person , and in the Excommunicatory Letter sent to Acacius himself , though favouring of Hereticks was the great and indeed only thing pretended abroad , yet the very first thing wherewith he charges him , is contempt of the Nicene Council , and invading the Rights of other mens Provinces . It seems though he was loth to speak out , it was the Decree of the late Synod of Chalcedon still stuck in his stomach , by which the Constantinopolitan Patriarch had been advanc'd to so much power in the East , and made equal to him of Rome . And indeed Gelasius , who came after Faelix , says * plainly , that the Apostolick See never approv'd that part of the Chalcedon Canons , that it had given no power to treat about it , and by its Legates had protested against it , and thence most infallibly inferrs , that therefore it was of no authority or value ; and accordingly Peter of Alexandria , which was the second See ( i. e. according to the constitution of the Nicene Canon ) could not be duly absolv'd by any other power then that of the first See , i. e. his own ; accounting that of Constantinople ( as he elsewhere * asserts ) not to be reckon'd so much as among Metropolitan Sees : And as he argues in his Epistle * to the Emperour Anastasius , if Christians be oblig'd in general to submit to their Regular Bishops , how much more should submission be made to the Bishop of that See , to whom both God and the subsequent piety of the Church have always given the preheminence above all Bishops ; and so he goes on , according to the custome of the men , to speak big words of the authority and priviledges of the Apostolick See. VII . SEVERAL years this breach that had been made remain'd , 'till Justin , a Man of very mean Originals , having by no good arts gain'd the Empire , thought it his interest to oblige and unite all parties . And first he begins to court the Pope , to whome he wrote * , giving him an account of his advancement to the Empire , and begging his prayers to God to confirm and establish it . This Hormisda in his answer calls a paying the first fruits of his Empire due to S. Peter . Hereupon reconciliation is offered , and John Bishop of Constantinople writes to him to that purpose , which he at length consents to upon this condition , that the name of Acacius might be stricken out of the Diptychs ; which at last is done , and that of the Pope again put in , and so a Peace is piec'd up , and the Catholick Faith profess'd on both sides , according to the Decrees of the four general Councils . And though Epiphanius , who succeeded John in the See of Constantinople , maintain'd the same correspondence , yet when ever it came to any important instance , the Pope could not forget his proud domineering temper over the Bishops of that Church . Which sufficiently appear'd about this very time , when John the first , Hermisda's Successour , being by Theodorick King of the Goths sent Embassadour to Constantinople , with this message to the Emperour Justin , either that he should restore to the Arians their Churches in the East , or expect that the Catholicks in Italy should have the same measures , he departed from Rome with weeping eyes and a sad heart , being grieved not more to be made the bearer of a message , so contrary to his judgment , than to be put upon an imployment that seemed a diminution to the Papal dignity ; he being ( as Marcellinus * observes ) the only Pope that had ever been commanded out of the City upon any such Errand . However arriving at the Imperial City , he resolved to keep up his Port , entred with great state , and being invited * to sit upon a Seat even with that of Epiphanius Bishop of that Church , he refus'd , telling them he would maintain the Prerogative of the Apostolick See , not giving over , 'till a more eminent Throne was purposely plac'd for him above that of the Bishop of Constantinople . As if it had not been enough to reproach and vilify him at a distance , unless contrary to all Laws and Canons , and to the Rules of modesty , civility and reason , he also trampled upon him in his own Church . Nay , Anastasius * adds , that the Emperour in honour to God came before him , and prostrated himself upon the ground to adore and worship him . Pope John the second , about ten years after writing * to Justinian ( though there want not very learned men , who question the credit of that Epistle ) talks stylo Romano , just after the rate of his Predecessours ; he tells the Emperour , 't was his singular honour and commendation , that he preserv'd a reverence for the Roman See , that he submitted all things to it , and reduc'd them to the unity of it , a Right justified by S. Peter's authority , conveyed to him by that authentick deed of gift , Feed my sheep ; that both the Canons of the Fathers , and the Edicts of Princes , and his Majesties own professions declar'd it to be truly the head of all Churches . Where yet ( as in infinite other expressions of that nature in the Pontifical Epistles ) he warily keeps himself within general terms , capable of a gentler or a brisker interpretation , as it stood with their interest to improve . VIII . WEARIED out with continual provocations , oppositions and affronts from Rome , the Patriarchs of Constantinople began to think upon some way , by which they might be better enabled to bear up against them . To this end , John who from his extraordinary abstinence was Sir-nam'd Nesteutes or the Faster , being then Bishop of that See in a Synod conven'd there Ann. DLXXXIX . about the Cause of Gregory Bishop of Antioch , procur'd the Title of Oecumenical or Universal Bishop to be conferr'd upon him ; with respect probably , to that Cities being the head Seat of the Empire , which was usually styl'd Orbis Romanus , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Universe , or whole World , and it could not be therefore thought extravagant , if the Bishop of it did assume a proportionable Title of honour , nothing appearing that hereby he laid claim to any extraordinary Jurisdiction . Nor indeed is it reasonable to conceive , that the Eastern Patriarchs ( who as Evagrius , who was advocate for Gregory in that Synod , tells us * ) were all either by themselves or their Legates present in this Council , together with very many Metropolitans , should at one cast throw up their own power and authority , and give John an absolute Empire and Dominion over them ; and therefore can be suppos'd to grant no more , than that he being the Imperial Patriarch should alone enjoy that honorable Title above the rest . Besides that every Bishop as such , is in a sence intrusted with the care and sollicitude of the Universal Church , and though for conveniency limited to a particular charge , may yet act for the good of the whole . Upon this ground it was , that in the ancient Church , so long as Order and Regular Discipline was observ'd , Bishops were wont upon occasion not only to communicate their Councils , but to exercise their power and functions beyond the bounds of their particular Diocess , and we frequently find Titles and Characters given to particular Bishops ( especially those of Patriarchal Sees ) equivalent to that of Universal Bishop : I cannot but mention that passage of Theodorit , who speaking of Nestorius his being made Bishop of Constantinople , says * , that he was intrusted with the Presidency of the Catholick Church of the Orthodox there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was nothing less then that of the whole World. A passage which perhaps might the more incourage and invite John at this time to assume the Title . IX . BUT in what sence soever intended , it sounded high ▪ but especially made a loud noise at Rome , where they were strangely surpris'd to find themselves outshot in their own Bow ; for though they had all along driven on the design with might and main , yet they had hitherto abstain'd from the Title . Pelagius , who at this time sat in that Chair , was extreamly netled at it , and immediately dispatch'd Letters * to John and the Bishops of his Synod , wherein he rants against this pride and folly , talks high of the invalidity of all Conciliary Acts without his consent and approbation , charges them , though summon'd by their Patriarch , not to appear at any Synod , without authority first had from the Apostolick See , threatens John with excommunication , if he did not presently recant his error , and lay aside his unjustly usurpt Title of Universal Bishop ; affirming that none of the Patriarchs might use that Profane Title , and that if any one of them were styl'd Oecumenical , the Title of Patriarch would be taken from the rest , a piece of insolence which ought to be far from all true Christians ; with a great deal more to the same effect . I know the last publishers of the Councils make this Epistle to be spurious , a false piece of Ware patch'd up in Insidore Mercators shop . But however that be , plain it is from S. Gregory * , ( who sent Copies of them to the Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria ) that Pelagius did write such Letters , wherein by the authority of S. Peter he rescinded the Acts of that Synod , propter nephandum elationis vocabulum , for the sake of that proud and ungodly Title , prohibiting his Arch-Deacon then at Constantinople , so much as to be present at prayers with the Patriarch of that place . X. GREGORY the Great succeeded Pelagius , whose Apocrisiarius , or Agent he had been at Constantinople when the thing was done . A man of good learning , and greater piety , and of somewhat a more meek and peaceable temper , then most of those that had gone before him , which perhaps he owed in a great measure , to those sad calamitous times , he so oft complains of , wherein he liv'd : And yet as tender in this point as his Predecessours . John of Constantinople had lately sent him an account * of the proceedings in the case of John Presbyter of Chalcedon , wherein he took occasion to style himself Oecumenical Patriarch almost in every sentence . This touch'd Pope Gregory to the quick , and as he had an excellent talent at writing Letters , he presently sends to Mauritius the Emperour , to the Empress Constantina , to the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch , to John himself , and to Sabinian his own Deacon then residing at Constantinople . In all which he strains all the Nerves of his Rhetoric to load the case with the heaviest Aggravations , complaining * that by the contrivance of this proud and pompous Title , the peace of the Church , the holy Laws , and venerable Synods , yea and the commands of our Lord Jesus himself ( who by that Instrument , Tu es Petrus , &c. had committed the care of the whole Church to Peter , Prince of the Apostles ) were disturb'd and shatter'd ; that it better became Bishops of this time rather to lye upon the ground , and to mourn in Sackcloth and Ashes , than to affect names of Vanity , and to glory in new and profane Titles , a piece of Pride and Blasphemy , injurious to all other Bishops , yea to the whole Church , and which it became the Emperour to restrain : * that by this new Arrogancy and Presumption he had lift up himself above all his Brethren , and by his Pride had shewn , that the times of Antichrist were at hand ; that he wondred the Emperour should write to him to be at peace with the Bishop of Constantinople , chiding * Sabinian his Deacon for not preventing the Emperour's Commands being sent to him . To Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria , and Anastasius of Antioch ( whom elsewhere * he tickles with their three Sees being the only three Apostolical Sees founded by S. Peter Prince of the Apostles , and that they mutually reflected Honour upon each other ) he represents , * how great a diminution this was to their Dignity , that they should therefore give none this Title , for that so much undue Honour as they gave to another , so much they took away of what was due to themselves ; that this fond attempt was the invention of him , who goes about as a roaring Lyon , seeking whom he may devour , and a forerunner of him , who is King over all the Children of Pride . He tells John * himself , and that as he pretends with tears in his Eyes , that unless he quitted this proud foolish Title , he must proceed further with him , and that if his profane and ungodly humour could not be cur'd by gentler methods , it must be lanc'd by Canonical severity ; that by this perverse ▪ Title he had imitated the Devil , and had made himself like to Lucifer Son of the Morning , who said , I will ascend above the heights of the Clouds , I will exalt my Throne above the Stars of God ; telling us , that by Clouds and Stars we are to understand Bishops , who water by their Preaching , and shine by the light of their Conversation , whom while he despis'd and trod upon , and proudly lift up himself above them , what did he but aspire above the height of the Clouds , and exalt his Throne above the Stars of Heaven ; that such proud Attempts had been always far from him or his Predecessors , who had refus'd the Title of Universal Bishop , when for the honour of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles , the venerable Council of Chalcedon offered it to them . XI . IN which last passage ( inculcated by him at every turn , no less * than four or five several times ) I cannot but remark either his Carelesness , or Insincerity ; Carelesness , in taking such an important passage upon trust ; or Insincerity , if knowing it to be otherwise , to lay so much stress upon so false and sandy a foundation . For the truth is , neither were his Predecessors so modest , that I know of , as to refuse such a Title , neither did the Synod of Chalcedon ever offer it to them . There being nothing in all the Acts of that Council that looks this way more than this , that four persons that came from Alexandria with Articles against Dioscorus their Bishop , exhibited their several Libels of Accusation , which they had presented to Pope Leo ( who had beforehand espoused the quarrel ) with this inscription , To Leo the most holy and religious Oecumenical Archbishop and Patriarch of Great Rome . These Libels the Papal Legats desired might be inserted into the Acts of the Council ; which was done accordingly ( as is usual in all judiciary Proceedings ) for no other reason ( as the Synod it self tells * us ) but this , that remaining there , they might thence be again rehears'd in Council , when Dioscorus himself should appear , and come to make his defence . This is the true state of the case , and now let the Reader judge , whether the Council offer'd the Pope this Title , when they were so far from approving it , that they did not so much as once take notice of it . I do not deny , but that the Pope's Legats might have an eye that way , and design to have that Title remain among the Records of the Council ( as they were watchful Stewards to improve all advantages for their Master ; ) and therefore we find them sometimes subscribing * themselves Vice-gerents of Leo of Rome , Bishop of the universal Church , which yet elsewhere * they thus explain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Apostolical and chief Bishop of the whole Church . But however they intended it , certain it is for any thing that appears to the contrary , that the Fathers themselves never dreamt of any such matter , and accordingly when they came * singly to declare their Judgments about the Epistle of Pope Leo , they style him only Pope , or Archbishop of Rome , nor do his Legates there give him any other Title . And in their Synodal Epistle * to him , they superscribe it only , To the most holy and blessed Archbishop of Rome . Binius * indeed will have the word Oecumenical to have been in the Inscription , and that it was maliciously struck out by some Transcriber , because ( says he ) in the body of the Epistle the Fathers own Leo to be the Head of the Universal Church , and the Father of all Bishops . When as the Letter has not one word to that purpose , more than this , That as the Head presides over the Members , so did Leo over the Bishops in that Synod ; which can import no more than his presiding by his Legates ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his qui tuas vices gerebant , as the last publishers of the Councils truly correct the Translation ) in that Council . But suppose the Pope had had this Title conferr'd upon him , ( as Gregory untruly affirms ) 't was no more than what was frequently given to the Patriarch of Constantinople , as , to omit other instances , is evident from the Council holden there Ann. DXXXVI . under Mennas , and another under John 18 years before , where John and Mennas , successively Bishops of that See , have both in the Acts of those Councils , and in Libels of Address from whole Synods , the Title of Oecumenical Patriarch near twenty times bestow'd upon them . And this was several years before it was assum'd by that Patriarch John whom we mention'd before . And 't is methinks a sorry evasion of Baronius * , and his Footman Binius ‖ ( though 't is that which they always have at hand , when an Argument pinches , which they know not how to decline ) that this Title was foisted into the Acts of the Council by some later Greeks . And yet they produce no authority , no nor shadow of pretence from any ancient Copy that ever it was otherwise . And what if the Church of Rome did receive the Acts of that Council , and yet make no such clamours and loud outcry against it ? Perhaps it did not intirely admit the Acts of that Synod under John of Constantinople Ann. DXVIII . Binius himself says , they were but Magna ex parte recepta , in a great measure receiv'd by the Church of Rome . And who knows whether this Title might not be some part of what was rejected . But if not , perhaps the Popes might slight it as a Title only accidentally given , not claim'd as due . Whereas Pelagius and Gregory rant so much against the other John , because he assum'd it in opposition to Rome , and had it by a solemn Synodical Act conferr'd upon him . I observe no more concerning this , than that Leo Allatius * ( who is not wont to neglect the least hint that may serve his cause ) speaking of this passage , barely takes notice of Baronius's inference , without the least sign of his approving it . But to return . XII . WHILE Gregory was venting these passionate Resentments , John the Patriarch dies . But the quarrel died not with him , Cyriacus , who came after him , keeping up the Title . This put the Popes passion into a fresh ferment , and now all the hard things are said over again , and Cyriacus * is warn'd to lay aside the scandal of that ungodly Title , that had given so much offence ; and that * he would hold no communion with him 'till he had renounc'd that proud and superstitious word , which was the invention of the Devil , and laid * a foundation for Antichrist to take possession , nay peremptorily affirms * with an Ego autem fidenter dico , that whoever either styles himself , or desires to be styl'd by others , Universal Bishop , is by that very Pride of his a fore-runner of Antichrist . And when he understood that John Bishop of Thessalonica , Urbicius of Dyrrachium , John of Corinth , and several others , were summoned to a Synod at Constantinople , not knowing whether a Snake might not lye hid in the Grass , he writes * to them , giving them an account of the rise and progress of that proud and pestiferous Title , ( as he calls it ) cautioning them not only not to use it themselves , but not to consent to it in others , nor by any overt Act to approve or own it ; and if any thing should be craftily started in the Synod in favour of it , he adjures them by all that is sacred , that none of them would suffer themselves to be wrought upon by any Arts of Flattery and Insinuation , of Rewards or Punishments to assent to it , but stoutly oppose themselves against it , and couragiously drive out the Wolf that was breaking into the Fold . XIII . HE that shall view these passages , and look no farther than the outside of things , will be apt to think , surely S. Gregory was the most self-denying man in the World , and that he and his Successors would sooner burn at a Stake , than touch this Title . And yet notwithstanding all these passionate outcries , 't is shrewdly suspicious , that they were levell'd not so much against the Title it self , as the person that bore it . We have taken notice all along what an inveterate Pique the Bishops of Rome had against those of Constantinople , ever since the Emperours and Councils had made them equal to them , and this now added to all the rest , seem'd to exalt Constantinople infinitely above S. Peter's See. Had this Title been Synodically conferr'd upon the Pope , we had heard none of this noise and clamour ; but for him to be pass'd by , and his Enemy the Patriarch of Constantinople to be crown'd with this Title of Honour , 't was this dropt the Gall into his Ink. And therefore in the midst of all this Humility he ceas'd not to challenge a kind of Supremacy over that Bishop : Who doubts ( says he * ) but that the Church of Constantinople is subject to the Apostolic See , a thing which both the Emperour , and Eusebius the Bishop of it , daily own . But this 't is plain is there spoken in the case of Rites and Ceremonies , wherein it seems all Churches must take their Measures from Rome ; unless with Spalato * we understand it of a subjection in point of Order and Dignity , that Rome was the first See , and Constantinople the second . The truth is , to me the passage seems suspected , and that Constantinople is there thrust in for some other place ; and the rather , because there was no Eusebius at that time Bishop of that See , nor for a long time either before or after . However , Gregory had all his Eyes about him , that no disadvantage might surprise him ; and therefore in his Letter to the Bishops of Greece ( mentioned before ) that were going to the Synod at Constantinople , he tells them , that although nothing should be attempted for the confirmation of the Universal Title , yet they should be infinitely careful , that nothing should be done there to the prejudice of any place or person : which though coucht in general terms , yet whoever understands the state of those Times , and the Pope's admirable tenderness in those Matters , will easily see , that he means himself . And indeed , that the Bishops of Rome look'd upon the Title of Oecumenical Bishop to be foul and abominable only 'till they could get it into their own hands , is evident , in that Gregory had scarce been 12 Months cold in his Grave , when Pope Boniface the Third got that Title taken from Constantinople , and affix'd to the See of Rome ; the manner whereof we shall a little more particularly relate . XIV . MAURICIUS the Emperour had in his Army a Centurion call'd Phocas , one whose deformed looks were the Index of a more brutish and mishapen Mind . He was * angry , fierce , bloody , ill-natur'd , debauch'd , and unmeasurably given to Wine and Women ; so bad , that when a devout Monk * of that time oft expostulated with God in Prayer , why he had made him Emperour , he was answer'd by a voice from Heaven , Because I could not find a worse . This Man taking the opportunity of the Soldiers mutinying , murder'd the Emperour , and possess'd his Throne , which he fill'd with Blood , and the most savage Barbarities . Ten of the Imperial Family * he put to death , and so far let loose the Reins to fierceness and cruelty , that he had it in design , to cut off all those , whom Nobility , or Wisdom , or any generous or honourable Actions had advanc'd above the common Rank . And yet as bad as this lewd Villain was , scarce was he warm in the Throne when he receiv'd Addresses from Pope Gregory , who complemented the Tyrant , and that too in Scripture-phrase , at such a rate , that I know not how to reconcile it with the honesty of a good Man. His Letter * begins with a Glory be to God on high , who , according as it is written , changes Times , and transfers Kingdoms , who gives every one to understand so much , when he says by his Prophet , the most High ruleth in the Kingdom of Men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will. The whole Letter is much of the same strain , representing the happy advantages the World would reap under the benign influences of his Government . And in another * written not long after he tells him , what infinite Praise and Thanks they ow'd to Almighty God , who had taken off the sad and heavy Yoak , and had restor'd times of Liberty under the conduct of his Imperial Grace and Piety . He wrote * likewise to the Empress Leontia ( one who is said to have been not one jot better than her Husband ) with flattering Caresses ; and under abundance of good words , courts her kindness and patronage to the Church of S. Peter , which he fails not to back with , Thou art Peter , and upon this Rock , &c. To thee I will give the Keys , &c. XV. NOT long after Gregory dies , and Sabinian , who succeeded , living not full six Months , Boniface the Third of that name takes the Chair . He had very lately been Apocrisiarius , or the Pope's Legate at Constantinople , where he wanted not opportunities to insinuate himself into the favour of Phocas , and the Courtiers . And now he thought it a fit time to put in for what the Popes notwithstanding all the pretences of Self-denial , so much desir'd , the Title of Universal Bishop , and the rather because Cyriacus Patriarch of Constantinople , was at this time under disfavour at Court. From the very first entrance upon the Papacy he dealt * with Phocas about this matter , and at length gain'd the point , though not without some considerable difficulty and opposition , aegre nec sine multa contentione , as my Authors have it . At last out comes an Edict from Phocas , commanding , that the Church of Rome should be styl'd and esteem'd the Head of all Churches , and the Pope Universal Bishop . A rare Charter sure , not founded upon the Canons of the Church , but upon an Imperial Edict , and this Edict too granted by the vilest and the worst of Men. But so they had it , no matter how they came by it . And now that Title that had so lately been new , vain , proud , foolish , prophane , wicked , hypocritical , presumptuous , perverse , blasphemous , devilish , and Antichristian , became in a moment not only warrantable , but holy and laudable , being sanctified by the Apostolic See. XVI . FROM henceforth the Church of Rome sate as Queen , and govern'd in a manner without control . For the Empire being broken in the West by the irruptions of the Lombards into Italy , and its Power declining in the East by the successful invasions of the Saracens , the Emperours were but little at leasure to support and buoy up the Honour of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate . Advantages which the Popes knew well enough how to improve . And indeed every Age made new Additions to the height of the Papal Throne , and the Pride of that Church increasing proportionably to its Power and Grandeur , hector'd the World into submission to the See of Rome , which as imperiously imposed its Commands and Principles upon other Churches , as Tyrants do Laws upon conquer'd Countries . Witness ( for a concluding instance ) those extravagant Canons * or Articles , ( DICTATES he calls them ) which Pope Gregory the Seventh publish'd about the year MLXXV. I know Monsieur Launoy ‖ has attempted to shew that these Dictates concerning the Prerogative of the See Apostolic were not fram'd by Gregory the Seventh . Whether his Reasons be conclusive , I am not now at leasure to enquire . Sure I am they are without any scruple own'd for his by Baronius , and generally by all the Writers of that Church : And Launoy himself is forc'd to grant , that several of them are agreeable enough to the Humour , Pretensions , and Decrees of that Pope . They run thus . 1. That the Church of Rome is founded by our Lord alone . 2. That the Bishop of Rome only can be truly styl'd Universal Bishop . 3. That he alone has power to depose or reconcile Bishops . 4. That his Legate , though of an inferiour Degree , is above all Bishops in Council , and may pronounce sentence of Deposition against them . 5. That the Pope may depose absent Bishops . 6. That where any are excommunicated by him , we may not , among other things , so much as abide in the same House with them . 7. That he only may , according to the necessity of Times , make new Laws , constitute new Churches , turn a Canonry into an Abby , and on the contrary divide a rich Bishoprick , and unite such as are poor . 8. That it is lawful only for him to use the Imperial Ornaments . 9. That all Princes shall kiss none but the Pope's Feet . 10. That his Name alone shall be recited in Churches . 11. That there is but one only name in the World [ that is , that of Pope . ] 12. That it is in his power to depose Emperours . 13. That in case of necessity he may translate Bishops from one See to another . 14. That wheresoever he please , he may ordain a Clerk to any Church . 15. That whoever is ordain'd by him , may have the Government of any other Church , but may not bear Arms , nor may receive a superiour Degree from any Bishop . 16. That no Council ought to be call'd General without his Command . 17. That no Chapter nor Book shall be accounted Canonical without his authority . 18. That no Man may reverse Sentence past by him , and he only may reverse all others . 19. That he ought not to be judg'd by any . 20. That none presume to condemn any person that appeals to the Apostolic See. 21. That the weightier Causes of every Church ought to be referr'd to that See. 22. That the Church of Rome never err'd , nor , as the Scripture testifies , shall ever err . 23. That the Bishop of Rome , if Canonically ordain'd , is by the merits of S. Peter undoubtedly made holy , as S. Ennodius Bishop of Pavia bears witness , favour'd herein by many of the holy Fathers , as is contain'd in the Decrees of the blessed Pope Symmachus . 24. That by his leave and command Subjects may accuse [ their Superiours . ] 25. That without any Synod he may depose and reconcile Bishops . 26. That no Man shall be accounted Catholic , that agrees not with the Church of Rome . 27. That it is in his power to absolve the Subjects of unjust Governours from their Fealty and Allegiance . These were Maxims with a witness , deliver'd like a true DICTATOR and Head of the Church . And it shew'd , the World was sunk into a prodigious Degeneracy , when a Man durst but so much as think of obtruding such Principles upon the Consciences of Men , and imposing them upon the belief of Mankind . The END . Books Printed for , and Sold by RICHARD CHISWELL . FOLIO . SPeed's Maps and Geography of Great Britain and Ireland , and of Foreign Parts . 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Herodoti Historia Gr. Lat. cum variis Lect. Rushworth's Historical Collections the 2d . Part in 2. vol. Rushworth's Large account of the Tryal of the Earl of Strafford , with all the circumstances relating thereunto . Bishop Sanderson's Sermons , with his Life . Fowlis's History of Romish Conspir . Treas . and Usurpat . Dalton's Office of Sheriffs with Additions . Dalton's Office of a Justice of Peace with additions . Keeble's Collection of Statutes . Lord Cook 's Reports in English . Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World. Edmunds on Caesars Commentaries . Sir John Davis's Reports . Judge Yelverton's Reports . The Laws of this Realm concerning Jesuites , Seminary Priests , Recusants , the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance explained by divers Judgments , and resolutions of the Judges ; with other Observations thereupon , by Will. Cawley Esq ; . William's impartial consideration of the Speeches of the five Jesuits executed for Treason . 1680. 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Cypr. p. 150. * Epist . 74. ad Pomp. per tot . p. 129. * Epist . supr . cit . p. 143 , &c. * Synod . Carth. apud Cypr. p. 282. * Adv. Haeres . l. 3. c. 3. p. 232. * Epist . 162. col . 728. * Euseb . H. Eccl. l. 6. c. 14. p. 216. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herod . Hist . l. 1. in vit . Commod . p. 32. Tibi proficiscentium major facultas fuit : primò , quia in commune imperii caput undique gentium convenitur ; tum , quod clementissimum principem in hac parte degentem , varia omnium desideria vel necessitates sequuntur . Symmach . l. 4. Epist . xxviii . ( ad Protad . ) vid. sis not Lectii . * De fid . Cathol . C. Th. leg . 2. vid. Soz. l. 7. c. 4. p. 708. * Lib. 27. p. 1739. * Hieron . ad Pammach . adv . error . Jo. Hierosol . p. 165. * Ap. Euseb . H. E. l. 4. c. 23. p. 145. * Epist . v. Concil . Tom. ii . col . 876. * Innoc. Epist . I. ibid. col . 1245. * Epist . 10. ad Gregor , p. 54. * Ap. Baron . ad An. 372. T. 4. p. 322. * Prim. Chr. Part. 1. Ch. 8. p. 227. Edit . 1. vid. Breerwoods Quaer . 1. & Berter . Pithan . fere per tot . aliique . * Can. 9. * Cypr. Epist . xxxiii . p. 47. xxxii . p. 46. * Vid. Cone . Nic. Can. iv . * Cornel. Epist . ad Fab. Antioch . ap . Eus . l. 6. c. 43. p. 245. * Epist . xxix . p. 41. * Epist . xxx . p. 42. * Epist . XLii. p. 56. * Epist . LXVii . infin . * Epist . LV. p. 78. * Epist . XLi. p. 55. * Optat. l. 1. p. 27 , &c. & Const . Epist . ad Melch. ap . Euseb . l. 10. c. 5. p. 391. * Vid. Conc. Tom. 1. col . 1428. * Epist . CCLXXXii . p. 802. Vid. Epiph. Haeres . 68. p. 307. Sozom . l. 1. c. 24. p. 438. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nist Territorium est universitas agrorum intra fines cujusque civitatis : quod ab eo dictum quidam aiunt quod magistratus ejus loci intra eos fines terrendi , id est , submovendi jus habet . l. 239. § 7. de verb. signific . * Geograph . l. 4 p. 186. vid. Plin. l. 3. c. 4. p. 39. * Lib. 17. p. 84. * Vid. J. Front. de Colon . inter s●r . Rei Agr. à Goes . Edit . p. 141. frag . de Term. ib. p. 148. * Lib. 53. in vit . August . * Sirmond . Censur . P. 1. c. 2. p. 10. Aleand . Refut . Conject . P. 1. c. 3. p. 25. * Lib. 3. c. 5. p. 41. Front. ib. p. 118. 123. & alibi . * Ib. p. 127. ‖ Ib. p. 144. * Hyg . de limit . ib. p. 211. * Appar . ad Primat . pap . p. 273. Can. ix . * De bell-Jud . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 854. * Hist . l. 2. p. 359. * In Can. II. Concil . C P. p. 88. * L. Allat . de consens . Eccles . Orient . & Occid . l. 1. c. 12. N. 4. p. 190. * Alex. Arist . in loc . * Epit. Can. Sect. I. Tit. I. in Jur. Gr. Rom. p. 1. * Epist . XLIX . p. 63. * Epist . ad solit . p. 644. * Dionys . de script . Orb. vers . 355. p. 8. * Dion . Orat. xxxii . ( ad Alex . ) p. 362 * Orat. in Rom. p. 358. Tom. 1. * Alexand. ap . Eustath . comment . in Homer . I●iad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stephan . in v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Can. ix . * Can. ii . * Can. xxviii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 8. Edit . Graec. vid. Barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 26. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 374. fac . 2. Edit . Graec. ‖ L. Allat . ib. c. 2. N. 6 , 7 , &c. p. 12 , &c. Morin . exercit . Eccles . l. 1. exerc . 1. p. 9. * Morin . ib. p. 8. 11. vide sis etiam Hieron . Aleand . de Region . Suburb . dissert . 11. c. 2. p. 90. * Vit. I. Morin . p. 5. 7. * Melet. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 14. * Constantinopolitana Ecclesia omnium aliarum est caput . Lib. 1. Cod. Just . Tit. 11. l. 24. * Concil . Ephes . Can. viii . * Can. xxxix * Ap. Theod. l. 1. c. 6. p. 31. a Can. xix . b Can. xii . c Can. vi . d Can. xii . e Can. i. f Can. xxv . g Conc. Chalced. Act. xiii . col . 715. * Can. ix . * De primat . c. 4. p. 57. * De Concord . l. 6. c. 1. n. 9. p. 176. * Epist . Dionys . Corinth . Episc . ap . Eus . l. 4. c. 23. p. 144. * Euseb . H. Eccl. l. 5. c. 23. p. 190 ▪ * De Script . in Bacchyl . c. 44. * A Papp● edit . p. 7. * Vid. Epist . XLii. p. 56. XLV . p. 59. * Loc. ●itat . * L. Allat . ib. c. 8. n. 1. p. 158. Filesac . de S. Episc . auctor . c. 9. §. 3. p. 225. * Bellarm. de R. Pont. l. 2. c. 18. col . 659 Aleand . de reg . suburb . Part. II. c. 4. p. 142. Sirmond . Censur . P. II. c. 5. p. 76. * Ap. Theod. l. 2. c. 16. p. 94. * Ib. 16 n. 2. col . 240. a Ap. Vlp. de offic praef . urb . l. 1. ff . §. 4. Lib. 1. Tit. 12. & collat . Ll. Mosac . Tit. 14. de plag . b Form. Lib. 5. p. 207 c L. 3. C. Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 30. l. 3. Lib. 11. Tit. 3. l. 9. Tit. 16. ib. d L. 9. C. Th. Lib. 11. Tit. 1. l. 12. Tit. 16. ib. l. 12. Tit. 28. e L. 13. C. Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 1. f Vlp. ubi supr . §. 13. g L. 4. C. Th. Lib. 14. Tit. 10. h L. 1 C. Th. Lib. 14. Tit. 6. * Epist . ad Amic . p. 4. Euchar. P. 1. c. 1. p. 7. P. 11. c. 1. p. 249. * Euchar. ib. p. 11. & not . Salm. in vit . Probi . * Conjectur . de region . suburb . c. 5. p. 27. 30 , 31. & com . ad C. Th. Lib. 14. Tit. 6. l. 1. * Epist . cit . p. 23 , 24. Eucharist . 1. c. 5. p. 170. 186 , &c. * Io Lechasser . observat . de Eccles . Suburb . p. 4 , 5. * Censur . Conject . l. 1. c. 4. p. 23. Advent . P. 1. c. 3. p. 31. * Refut Conject . P. 1 c. 3. p. 26. * Lib. 11. C. Th. Tit. 16. l. 9. p. 120. * Censur . ubi supr . c. 6. p. 38. vid. Advent . ib. p. 36. * Aleand . ubi supr . c. 2. p. 23. * Vid. Zosim . Hist . l. 2. p. 688. * Exercit. Eccles . l. 1. c. 30. p. 243. * Cens . c. 1. p. 9. Adv. c. 1. p. 7. * Cens . p. 12. Propemp . l. 1. c. 7. p. 87. * Lib. 9. Tit. 1. l. 13. * Conc. Chalc can . 17. * Conc. C. P. in Trull . c. 38. * L. 62. C. Th ▪ Lib. 16. Tit. 5. * Prosp . de promiss . div . P. iii. prom . 38. p. 60. * Herodian . Hist . l. 2. p. 97. * Ext. ap . Baron . ad Ann. 371. vid. item Rescr . ad Maxim . V. V. ibid. * H. Eccl. l. 1. c. 6. * Distinct . xv . c. 3. Sancta Romana . p. m. 34. * Adv. Hincm . Laud. cap. 21. p. 100. * Vid. Conc. Nic. II. Act. 1 Con. T. vii . Col. 80. 85. vid. Cyril . Epist . ad PP . Afric . Conc. T. 2. col . 1143. * Censur . P. ii . c. 4. p. 68. * De Eccl. Occid . & Or. consens . l. 1. c. 12. S. 4. p. 191. * H. E. l. 7. c. 30. p. 282. * Ap. Athan. Apol. II. p. 588. vid. ad solitar . p. 640. * Ap. Ath. ib. p. 643. * Ap. Theod. H. Eccl. l. 2. c. 15. p. 91. * Sac. Hist . l. 2. p. 169. * Pithan . P. 1. c. 3. p. 26. * Ext. Conc. T. 1. col . 1429. * De Primat . c. Vlt. p. 390. * Vid. Cod. Can. Eccl. Afric . Can. 53. 56. 71. 93. 98. 99. 117. 118. 119 123. & in collat . Carthag . passim . * Epist . LXXXVii . c. 2. p. 158. * A D. Bevereg . inter Annot. ad Can. XXXVi . Conc. Vi. in Trull . p. 135. * Exerc. Eccl. l. 1. exercit . XXX . p. 250. * — Adoratum populo caput , & crep●t ingens Sejamis : deinde ex facie toto or be secunda , &c. Juvenal . Satyr . x. vers . 62. orbe &c. ] quia praefectus Vrbi fuit venerabilis , secundus à Caesare Tiberio . Vet. Scholiast . ibid. — erubuit tanto spoliare ministro Imperium fortuna tuum : stat proxima cervix Ponderis immensi — P. Stat. Sylv. l. 1. c. 4. vers . 5. de Rub. Gallico . P. V. Vid. Gothofred . conjectur . dissert . I. c. 1. II. c. 5. & J. Dartis . de Reg. Suburb . Part. I. c. 16. p. 147. a L 3. C. Lib. 1. Tit. 28. Symmach . l. 10. Epist . 36. p. 503. b Id. ib. Epist . 30. p 459. c Ap. Eus . de Vis. C. l. 3. c. 7. p. 487. Can. 28. * A. Marcell . Hist . l 15. p. m. 1454. * L. 7. c. xi . p. 347. * Concil . C. P. Can. 11. * L. 5. c. 8. p. 275. * Life of Greg. Nazianz . Sect. v. Num. 8. * Epist . xviii . non longe abinit ▪ * Lib. 16. C. Th. Tit. 2 l. 23. * Distinct . xcix . p. 302. * Haeres . 30. p. 60. * Dial. 1. Tom. iv . p. 22. a Seder Olam , R. Abraham , R. Dav. Ganz . in Zemach , David . Benjamin in itin . &c. b Epiph. Haeres . xxx . ubi supra . Cyril . Catech. xii . p. 261. Hieron . Comm. in Esa . c. 3. p. 18. & alibi . Chrysost . adv . Jud. l. 4. p. 448. & de hisce intelligendus est locus in Epistola Hadriani ap . Vopisc . in Saturnino p. 960. c Lib. 16. Tit. viii . de Judaeis . l. 1. 2. 8. 11. 13 , 14 , 15. 17. 22. 29. d Vid. C. Th. ubi supr . l. 29. & Theod. loc . supr . citat . * Can. ix . & xvii . * Con. Sard. Can. vi . * Conc. Chal. Act. ii . col . 338. Tom. 4. * Ib. Act. iii. col . 395. * Ext. ibid. col . 57. * Hieron . Epist . ad Marcellam . p. 28 T. 2. Habent primos de Pepusa Phrygiae Patriarchas . Secundos , quos , &c. * Vid. Apollon . ap . Euseb . l. 5. c. 18. p. 184. &c. 16. p. 180. * Can. xxxv . * Ca. 116. fol. 76. ubi vid. comment . Panciroll . * Gel. Cyz . H. Conc. Nic. l. 2. c. 32. p. 268. * Conc. Chalc. Act. I. p. 100 T. iv . * Ap. L. Allat . de cons . Eccl. Or. & Occid . l. 1. c. 9. n. 2. p. 167. a Chap. 2. Num. 7. * Vid. Alexand . Epist . Encycl . ap . Socr. l. 1. c. 6. p. 11. * Apol. II. p. 611. vid. p. 560. * Ap. Theod. l. 5. c. 9. p. 211. * Not. Imp. Orient . c. 104 fol. 71. * Act. vii . col . 787. &c. Tom. iii. * Vbi supr . p. 147. * Hier. ad Pammach . Tom. 2. p. 178 * Ap. L. Allat . l. 1. c. 9. n. 1. col . 165. * Ap. Guil. Tyr. l. 23 Mirae . notit . Episc . &c. * De aedific . Justin . Lib. 4 c. 9. p. 87. vid. Chron. Alex. ad An. Const . XXV . p. 666. a Chrysost . Homil. iv . de verb. Esai . T. 2. p. 865. b Orat. xxvii . p. 472. * Can. iii. * C. Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 1. l. 3. * Conc. Chalc. Act. 1. col . 116. * Act. xi . col . 669. * Morin . l. 1. Exercit. xiv . p. 102. Impp. THEODOSIUS & Honorius AA . Philippo PF . P. Illyrici . Omni innovatione C●ssante , vetustatem & Canones . pristinos Ecclesiasticos , qui nunc usque tenuerunt , per omnes Illyrici provincias , servari praecipimus : Tum , si quid dubietatis emerserit , id oporteat , non absque scientia Viri Reverendissimi Sacrosanctae legis Antistitis Vrbis Constantinopolitanae ( QUAE ROMAE VETERIS PRAEROGATIVA LAETATUR ) conventui Sacerdotali Sanctoque judicio reservari . Dat. Prid. Jul. Eustathio & Agricola COSS. [ 421 ] * Vid. notit ; Imp. c. 122. fol. 78. * Ib. c. 126. fol. 79. * Ib. c. 132. fol. 82. * Act. xvi . col . 798 , &c. Tit. iv . * Lib. 6. Indict . xv . Epist . 31. col . 614. * Ext. ib. col . 833. vid. ib. col . 838. A. * Can. xxxvi ▪ * Inter Annot . D. Bevereg . ubi supr . * Jur. Gr. Rom. l. 2. p. 88. * Ext. ap . L. Allat . loc . cit . c. 24. col . 411 , &c. * Ext. ad calc . Codin . cle offic . CP . p. 117. * Ib. l. 3. p. 244. * Ad colc . lib. 23. Histor . suae p. 1015. * Can. vii . * Act. vii . col . 614. &c. * Guilielm . Tyr. loc . citat . * Nil . Doxopatr . ap . L. Allat . ubi supr . c. 9. n. 5. col . 196. * Ext. conc . T. v. col . 188. * Ext. ibid. col . 276. &c. * Ap. Guil. Tyr. ibid & Miraeum notit . Episc . p. 48. * Vbi supra . * Sirmond . Censur . de Eccl. Suburb . c. 4. p. 69. Advent . P. II c. 1. p. 63. * Ph. Berter . Pithan . Diatrib . II. c. 3. p. 170. 171. * Goth. lib. 2. c. 7. p. 406. * DeConcord . l. 6. c. 4. n. 7. 8 p. 188. vid. n. 6. * Ext. Conc. T. v. col . 805. * Epist . v. ib. col . 794. * Plat. in vit . Steph. ix . p. 172. * P. Dam. Act. Mediol . à seipso conscript . ext . ap . Baron . T. xi . p. 265. & Jo. Monach. de vlt. P. Dam. c. 16. * Epist . supr . laud col . 815. * Loc. supra citat . * Ext. ap . Baror . An. 590. n. xxxviii . Tom. 8. * Ext. ib. n. XLiii . * Tom. 7. p. 568. * Hieron . Rub. Hist . Ravennat . l. 4. ad Ann. DCXLiX . p. 203. 205. 206. vid. Bar. ad Ann. 669. n. ii . iii. T. 8. * Baron . cod . An n. ii . iii. iv . Rub. ibid. p. 213. 214. * Can. v. Conc. T. 4. col . 1012. * Can. vii . ib. col . 1781. * De Concord . l. 6. c. 3. per tot . c. 4. n. 3. 4. * Ext. ap . Bar. ad Ann. 865. T. 10. n. XXXV . &c. * Annal. incert . auct . ad Ann. 863. inter script . coetan . a Pith. edit . p. 62. * Ext. loc . cit . * Epist Syv. Afric . ad Bonifac. Concil . T. ii . col . 1670. item ad Coelest . ib. col . 1674. Concil . Carth . vi . col . 1589. Cod. Can. Eccles . Afric . in init . * Ext. ubi supr . col . 1143. * Conc. Mil. ii . Can. xxii . T. 2. col . 1542. * M. A. Capell . de Apellat . Eccl. Afric . c. 4. p. 118. * Gild. de Excid . Brit. non longe ab init . * Antiq. Apost . Life of S. Paul. §. x. n. 7. Introd . to the Apostolici . n. 8. 9. * Bed. l. 2. c. 2. p. 111. vid. Galfr. Monomuth . l. 11. c. 12. Girald . Cambr. itin . Cambr. l. 2. c. 1. p. 856. & not . D. Powell . ibid. * De Script . Cent. i. n. 70. p. 64. * Annal. Par. Post . sub Joann . R. fol. 454. * De Primord . Eccl. Brit. c. 5. p. 91. * Bed. ubi supr . p. 110. * Spelm. Conc. Brit. An. 601. T. 1. p. 108. * Notit . imper . c. 48. fol. 149. * Vid Zosim . Hist . l. 2. p. 688. * Epist ad Afric . in init . * Ep. ad Orient . ap . Athan . Apol. ii . p. 580. * Ad. Ann. 1057. Tom. xi . p. 243. a Concil . T. iv . col . 1260. b Ibid. col . 1312. c Ep. iv . c. 7. p. 101. * Ext. Ep. ap . Hilar. in fragm . col . 407. * Conc. T. 4. col . 53. * De Concord l. 1. c. 7. §. 6. p. 26. * Ap. Sozom. l. 3. c. 8. p. 508. ap . Alban . Apol. II. p. 579. * Theod. H. E l. 5. c. 10. p. 212. * Dam. Epist . v. Conc. T. 2. col . 876. * Epist . 1. c. 15. ib. col . 1022. * Vid. Innoc. Epist . 21. 24. 25. Conc. T. 2. * Ad An. 418. Tom. 5. * Epist . 87. c. 1. p. 157. * Epost . 84. c. 11. p. 155. * Serm. 1. in Natal . App. c. 1. p. 79. * Conc. Chalc. Act. I. Conc. T. 4. col 93. * Act. v. col . 555. &c. * Ibid. Act. xvi . col . 810. * Epist . 53. c. 2. p. 130. * Epist . 54. 55. 61. 62. 105. * Evagr. H. E. l. 3. c. 11. 12. &c. p. 343 & seq . vid. Gest . de nom . Acacii . Conc. T. 4. col . 1081 Gelas. Epist . 13. ad Epp. Dard. ib. 1199. & Tom. de Anath . vincul . ib. col . 1227. * Evagr. ib. c. 16. p. 347. * Ext. Epist . ib. c. 17. * Basil . Cil. H. Eccl. ap . Niceph. l. 16. c. 17. p. 683. * Ext. in calc . Gest . de nom . Acac. ubi supr . col . 1083. Faelic . Epist . vi . ib. col . 1073. * Tom. de Anath . ubi supr . * Ad Epp. Dard. ib. col . 1207. * Epist . viii . ib. col . 1182. * Inter Epist . Hormisd . Conc. T. 4. col . 1469. * Chron. Indict . 3. Philox . & Prob. Coss . p. 61. * Niceph. H. E. l. 17. c. 9. p. 746. * In vit . Joan . 1 ▪ Conc. T. 4. col . 1601. * Epist . 2. ibid. col . 1745. * H. Eccl. l. 6. c. 7. p. 450. * Haeret. fab . l. 4. c. 12. T. 4. p. 245. * Pelag. Epist . viii . Conc. T. 5. col . 949. * Lib. 4. Indict . 13. Epist . 36. col . 549. vid. etiam Epist . 38. ibid. * Lib. ● ▪ pist . 39 ▪ 555. * Ib. Epist . 32. * Epist . 33. * Epist . 39. * Lib 6. Ind. 15. Epist . 37. * Lib. 4. Epist . 36. * Epist . 38. * Epist . 32 , 36 , 38. lib. 7. Epist . 30. * Conc. Chalc. Act. III. col . 419. Conc. T. 4. * Ib. Act. vi . col . 579. * Act. xvi . col . 818. * Act. iv . col . 472. &c. * Ext. ib. col . 834. * Not. in loc . col . 997. * Ad An. 518. T. 7. p. 5. ‖ Not. in Conc. sub Menna . Conc. T. v. col . 274. * De Consens . Eccl. Or. & Occ. l. 1. c. 19. n. 7. col . 289. * Lib. 6. Epist . 4. ( vid. l. xi . Epist . 47. al. 45. * Ib. Ep. 24. * Epist . 28. * Ib. Ep. 30. * Lib. 7. Epist . 70. * Lib. 7. Epist . 64. * De Rep. Eccl. l. 4. c. 4 , n. 28. p. 582. * Cedren ▪ compend . Hist . p. 404. * Cedren . ib. p. 407. vid. Anastas . Sinait . Quaest . xvi . p. 182. * Vid. Niceph . l. 18. c. 41 , 55. * L. xi . Epist . xxxvi . Indict . vi . col . 793. * Ib. Ep. xliii . col . 796. * Ib. Ep. xliv . * Sabell . Ennead . viii . l. 6. col . 528. Plat. in vit . Bonif. iii. p. 85. Naucher . vol. ii . Gener. xxi . p. 754. Adon . Martyrol . prid . Id. Novembr . * Ext. inter Epist . Greg. vii . ad calc . Ep. lv . Conc. T. 10. col . 110. & ap . Baron . ad ann . 1076. p. 479. ‖ Epist . Part. vi . Epist . 13. ( ad Ant. Faur . ) 
A45589	----	A detection or discovery of a notable fraud committed by R.B., a seminary priest of Rome, upon two of the articles of the Church of England in a booke imprinted in anno 1632, intituled, The judgment of the apostles and of those of the first age in all points of doctrine, questioned betweene the Catholikes and Protestants of England as they are set downe in the nine and thirty articles of their religion : with an appendix concerning Episcopacy / by a lay gentleman. Harlowe, Pedaell. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45589 of text R21855 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H780). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 139 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45589 Wing H780 ESTC R21855 12260993 ocm 12260993 57892 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45589) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57892) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 187:3) A detection or discovery of a notable fraud committed by R.B., a seminary priest of Rome, upon two of the articles of the Church of England in a booke imprinted in anno 1632, intituled, The judgment of the apostles and of those of the first age in all points of doctrine, questioned betweene the Catholikes and Protestants of England as they are set downe in the nine and thirty articles of their religion : with an appendix concerning Episcopacy / by a lay gentleman. Harlowe, Pedaell. [12], 42, [1] p. Printed by E.P. for William Leake ..., London : 1641. "Epistle dedicatory" signed: Pedaell Harlowe. Richard Broughton is the author of The judgement of the apostles. Cf. DNB. Errata on p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Marginal notes. eng Broughton, Richard. -- Judgement of the apostles. Church of England. -- Thirty-nine Articles. Episcopacy. A45589 R21855 (Wing H780). civilwar no A detection or, discovery of a notable fraud committed by R.B. a seminary priest of Rome, upon two of the articles of the Church of England. Harlowe, Pedaell 1641 21513 45 0 0 0 0 0 21 C The rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-07 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DETECTION OR , DISCOVERY OF A NOTABLE FRAVD Committed by R. B. a Seminary Priest of ROME , upon Two of the Articles of the Church of ENGLAND . In a Booke Imprinted in Anno 1632. Intituled , The Judgment of the APOSTLES , and of Those of the first Age , in all points of Doctrine , questioned betweene the Catholikes and Protestants of England , as they are set downe in the nine and thirty Articles of their RELIGION . With an Appendix , concerning Episcopacy . By a Lay Gentleman . LONDON , Printed by E. P. for William Leake , and are to be sold at his Shop in Chancery-Lane , neere the Rowles . 1641. To the right Honourable , HENRY Earle of Manchester , Lord Privy Seale , and one of his Majesties most Honourable Privie Councell . My most honoured Lord , SEeing it is a Maxime of divine and humane Law , most infallibly true , Suum cuiq . reddere , I hold my selfe obliged in Obedience to it , to dedicate unto your honourable Patronage the ensuing Tract , most truly and humbly acknowledging Tam me , quam omne meum , to be your Lordships Creature , made fortunate by the Rayes of those sweet Influences which have issued from your Lorships ever Candide Aspect , which Bounty ( my inability wanting means of any Requitall or other Retribution ) doth claime this my poore Infant-worke , together with all other Services , both as a duty of Tribute unto your Lordships high Merit , and as a signall or testimoniall Badge of that ever bounden Gratitude and Recognition which my Heart and Tongue rendreth unto your Lordships goodnesse . Your honourable Greatnesse [ as able ] and your gracious Benignity ( as willing ) to protect it , hath Encourag●d my humble Boldnesse , to beseech your noble acceptance of it . I neither will nor can presume it worthy your Lordships Perusall , not daring to arrogate so high as to invite so great a Iudgement to discend beneath it's proper Spheare , to behold A thing so meane and low : It 's sufficient that your Lordship vouchsafe the loane of your honourable name , to give it credit unto others of the lesser Orbe . For though this Tract ( as I am somewhat confident ) containes in it nothing but what is justifiable by the evidence of Truth ; yet it is likely to meet with opposition , Quia veritas odium parit ; but it being quitted from harms by such as are Friends to the vertue of truth ( splendent as light radiated from the Sun ) it may serve ut fragmentum in Cophinis Christi , or otherwise , ut minutumi : Gazophylacio Ecclesiae : how ever your Lordship and the world may find , that Inter res seculares , I have spared some time for sacred designes , taught to doe so well by the rare President of your Lordships divine Enchyridion de contemplatione mortis et immortalitatis , a piece of such admirable excellence , as would exse ( without your honourable name or dignity ) protect it selfe . But my Modicum ( lesser than a meere shadow to that perfect substance ) implores both your honourable regard to the Author and worke , and also Fronte serena to entertaine this humble duty of him , whose perpetuall suit unto the Supremest is , for all successefull blessings on the Person and state of your honourable Lordship , and noble Posterity both in stocke and branches , as well for health and life , to be happily lengthned here , as for Eternity , to be enjoyed hereafter ; & for some manifestation of his Cordiall meaning ( the soule of verball expressions ) he really wishes for such Imployment as may testifie him to bee Your Lordships most faithfull and humble Servant ; PEDAELL HARLOWE . To the READER . IN Lent 1639 , there came to my hands commended , and esteemed by some ( as a choice piece ) a Booke intituled , The judgement of the Apostles , and of those of the first Age in all points of doctrine , questioned betweene Catholikes and Protestants of England , as they are set downe in the Nine and thirty Articles of their religion , by an old Student in Divinity , Dedicated to her most excellent Majesty Queene Mary , subscribed R. B. Which Booke opening about the middest of it , with intent to read such part of it , as first offered it seife to my view , I casually lighted on the Ninth Chapter thereto the six & twentieth Chapter hath reference , both which chapters doe treat of the Consecration of our Bishops , and the Ordination of our Priests , Ministers , and Deacons , wherein ( as it is there delivered ) is concerned the Standing or ruine of our whole Religion : Hereat making some pause as morthy the reading , which being perusid , me thought it was a point not to be slighted , jam securis ad radicem , ' its ayme was to strike at the roote for the utter overthrow and razing up the Basis and foundation of the visible Entity of that Church ( whereof my selfe is an unworthy Member ) and consequently as it concerned the generall , so it concerned me in particular : how much my soule was afflicted and troubled at it , cannot be exprest , because the particulars urged by the Adversary are chiefely or altogether matters of Fact and Record , not matter of Dispute , Reasoning , or argumentation , so as nothing could be had from the reach of Reason , or my onne understanding on which I presume not , nor from literature whereof my portion is but small , how to be brought out of the Bryers : and for that purpose applying my selfe to the learned of our Church in Print , especially Master Francis Mason , late Archdeacon of Norfolke now with God , who have most exactly and gravely , to their eternall praise and renowne , vindicated our Church in the matter of Consecration and Ordination , against a great company of virulent , cunning and subtile adversaries , I could not meet with any of those particulars alleadged in these Two chapters of this Author's Booke , anywhere objected , treated of , or answered , which happened as I beleeve , because this Booke came either under the Presse since those workes were finished , or else it lurk't so close , as it came not to the view of those brave Defendors of our Church : whereupon being become restlesse in my selfe , and holding it too supine negligence , to continue still ignorant in so weighty a matter , without some indeavour to be satisfied in so reall a Concernment , I became resolved to make such search into it my selfe , as my weake abilities could attaine unto , which having in some poore measure atchieved , it was originally intended for my owne selfe-satisfaction ; but thereof , some of my friends having view , they became very desirous to be pleasured with Copies of it , which being found to be too tedious and over-chargeable , it was earnestly desired to be made vnlgar by the Presse , but being loath to be read in Print , it hath lyen by me by the space of a yeare , in which time it having gotten approbation by some of Eminent learning , I am become obedient to the desires of others , in that behalfe , holding it better to Communicate a browne morsell , than to be totally uncharitable , being pers●aded it can doe no hurt , but to the Adversary by detection of his Fraud , and hoping that this piece of plainnesse may at present , give some content and satisfaction , if not to all , yet to such as thinke it better to have a little light , than none at all , untill an abler Pen , as meaner than mine cannot be , should vouchsafe a more polite and exact Vindication of our afflicted Church , from this Aversaries false Accusation , wherenith it hath stood charged unhappily these eight yeeres , which will ( in my simple opinion ) be worth the undertaking , to the end the Foule mouth of this Romish Adversarie may be as fully stopped in the particulars now in question , as other like Underminers of our Churches foundation , have beene already , concerning all other their vaine plots and devices against our Episcopall Consecration , and Sacerdotall Ordination , to their utter shame and perpetuall silence , which brave worke concerning these parpiculars had ere this time ( I beleeve ) shewed it selfe Conspicuous to the world , if this Booke of R. B. had in all this time come to the viem ( before me ) of any of our brave and able Champions of our Israel ; In the meane season if this shall ( as a taste ) yeeld any relish , or product any profit at all , it is a blessing farre beyond my deserts ; and if Errors in it bee remitted , or passed over in gentle silence , it is a favour of grace heartily Supplicated ; Howsoever my meaning is good ; Ultra non — : And although this worke is concerning Church affaires , and consequently lay-hands may bee said , arr not Sacred enough to handle it ; Yet upon perusall it will appeare to bee so dependant on temporall Lawes and Acts municipall , as will I trust , take off the Censure , Mittendi Falcem in Messem alienam . And for the accommodation of the vulgar , who understand not the Latine tongue , such Latine sentences as are produced out of Authors , are translated into our vulgar tongue , for their ease and satisfaction , save onely a few Scriptures , for which they may turne to in their English Bibles ; all which neverthelesse is humbly submitted to the correction of Superiours , and to the judgement of those , who can judge , what it is to take paines without hope of gaines , accounting my Reward very great , if what I have done shall be in any sort accepted , or can doe any Service . Hoping you will not blame him , who hath thus laboured for your sakes , and would if he could , doe more , to bee , Your ready and faithfull friend , PEDAELL HARLOWE . To R. B. or to such other Pontifician as shall assume to be his Vindicatour . THough the Proverbe be ( Good wine needs no Bush ) yet where both good wine is within the house , and also a faire Bush or brave signe without at the doore , it is the more compleat and sutable , and so giving full content , it increases custome , and advances credit to the owner : But let the signe be never so brave and fine without , if corrupt wine be within , that house soone looses custome , fals to neglect , and becomes contemptible . Such ( Sir ) is your Booke , whose Title is so faire , ( having the Apostolike image in Front ) as meriteth ( eo nomine ) highest Reverence , honour , and esteeme in all Christendome over : The worke of an old Student in Divinity , beares with it a double portion of reverence amongst all men for Sagenesse of Age , and also among the best sort of Men , for Divinities sake . And it being dedicated to our most Royall Queene Mary , Consort to our most dread Soveraigne Lord King Charles , of ever renouned memory , it drawes another parcell of honourable regard unto it ; which brave and fine outside requires the inside to be sutable in the beauty of Truth , honesty , and goodnesses otherwise howsoever your Favourers may flatter your wit , for putting on a fair & rich garment , on an ugly and foul carcase , to make it passe the better with such as will be easily cozened with shadowes , your judgement neverthelesse must needes suffer , for presuming such brave and rich Furniture to decke an unworthy and base creature withall , for a present , for such as can discover her Deformitie , as soone as they see her ; If your Booke be such ( as such indeed it is ) then those glorious Titles and attributes of Apostolike judgement , Divinity , and royall Majestie , must be taken from it , as too much prophaned and Presumptuously taken in vaine : Whereas if your Booke were correspondent unto , and justifyable by that Title , it would be a Volumne of Truths , Veritas in tolo , et veritas in qualibet parte , even the truth , the whole truth , & nothing but truth , according to the constant custome of the holy Apostics of Jesus Christ , in delivering heavenly Doctrines purely & sincerely without fraud or deceit , as by St. Paul is protested , not onely to the Church of Rome , Veritatem dico , non mentior , testimonium mihi perbibente conscientiâ meâ in Spiritu Sancto : But also to the Church of Corinth , Deus , et pater Domini nostri Iesu Christi scit , quod non mentior : And likewise to the Church of Galatia , Ecce , coram Deo non mentior , And so also for the Church of Ephes veritatem dico , non mentior ; But contrarily lying & Fraud punctually suites and agrees with the judgement and practice of Apostataes and Apostaticall men , ( Builders and upholders of the Church malignant whose doom is Destruction ) Qui in temporibus novissimis discedent à fide , attendentes spiritibus Erroris , et Doctrinis Daemoniorum , in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium , et cauteriatam habentium conscientiam suam : So as the judgment of the Apostles is Verities Dialect ; The judgement of Apostataes is Errors Rhetorick : Now unto which of these two judgements ( Apostalicall , or Apostaticall ) this Adversary of ours R. B. and his Booke doe properly belong , let the Sequell determine it ; Whereby it will evidently appeare ( I trust ) that R. B. very well deserves the signe of the Whetstone , to be prefixed to the Front of his Booke , — In perpetuan rei memoriam . Your Tell-troth-Friend . P. H. A direction for the Quotations . HAving with great industry , difficulty , and paines , had a visible knowledge ( not trusting to second helpes ) concerning all the Authorities and Quotations cited in this Tract , ( save onely one which I could find neither among the Stationers or Booksellers , nor the Libraries at Westminster , or Sion Colledge , nor private Studies ) I have for the accommodation of the searching Reader , set downe each Quotation so direct and certaine in the marginall notes , as the same may be found with ease ; so as the severall Impressions of each Booke , be also here set downe ; which are as followeth . viz. Names of the Authors . The times and places of Impression . Augustinus . Basilia . 1542. Archidiaconus . Venctiis . 1601. Antiquitates Britannicae . Hanoviae . 1605. Bellarminus . Coloniae Agrippinae . 1628. Baronius . Coloniae Agrippinae . 1624. Binius . Coloniae Agrippinae . 1618. Budaus . Parisiis . 1541. Biel. In epistola . 1620. Dominicus Soto . Salmantica . 1568. Franciscus de victoria . Lugduni . 1588. Gregorius de valentia . Lutetiae . 1609. Godwinus Episc. Londavens . Londini ( anglicè ) 1615. Historia Ecclesiastica per Basiliae . 1611. Eusebium , Socratem , Zozomenum &c. Basiliae . 1611. Iohannis Reignolds . Londini . 1602. Mercellus . Venetiis . 1582. Optatus Milevitanus . Parisiis . 1631. Petrus Paludanus . Panormitarms . 1527. Ruewardus Tapperus . Coloniae . 1577. Registrum Cantuariense , in libris pergamenis , in officina Registrarii principalis Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis , in vico vocato ( Doctors Comous ) Lon , Sleidonnis . Argeotorari . 1558. A DISCOVERY OF A notable Fraude and Deceit committed by R. B. a Seminarie Priest , upon Two of the Articles of the Church of England . SECT. I. Num. 1 THis Romish Adversary R. B. raises his Engines for undermining of our Church upon these two severall Articles of ours , to wit , the Three and twentieth Articles , and the sixe and thirtieth Article following . It is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publike preaching in the Congregation , before he be lawfully called and sent to execute the same ; and those wee ought to judge lawfully called and sent , which be chosen and called to this worke by men , who have publike authority given them in the Congregation to call , and send Ministors in the Lords Vineyard . The booke of Consecration of Archbishops , and ordering of Priests and Deacons , lately set forth in the time of K. Edward the sixt , and confirmed the same time by authority of Parliament , doth containe all things necessary to such Consecration and ordering , neither had it any thing that of it selfe is superstitious or ungodly , and therefore whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the Rites of that Booke , since the second yeare of the aforenamed King Edward unto this time , or shall be hereafter consecrated or Ordered according to the same Rites , we decree all such to be rightly and lawfully consecrated , and ordered . Upon these Two Articles , are Three such Engines devised by R. B. for overthrow of the Foundation of the visible and outward Entity of our Church of England in point of Consecration and Ordination , ( here delivered in his owne words ) as are novell , and consequently unconfuted ; The particulars whereof , are as followeth . R. B. OBIECTION . I. Num. 2 This new Protestant Queene Elizabeth ( her Raigne beginning here in the yeare 1558. and 1559. in her first Parliament ) never had any knowne , publike , allowed square , Rule , forme , maner , order or fashion whatsoever , for any to have publicke authority to call , make , send , or set forth any pretended Minister untill the yeare 1562. when their Religion was foure yeares old , and these Articles were made , and in them the Booke of King Edward the sixt about ten or eleven yeares old , when he set it forth by Parliament , was first called from Death , wherewith it perished in the first yeare of Queene , Mary : It hath beene pretended — that Mathew Parker was made a Bishop — on the seventeenth day of December ; But ( alas ) they had then no forme or Order to doe such a businesse — untill foure yeares after this pretended admittance , alleaged to have beene the seventeenth of December 1559. Here I have proved demonstratively , that they neither have any lawfull Iurisdiction or Ordination among them : But to doe a worke of Supererogation , in this so much concerning the standing or overthrow of our Frotestants whole Religion , quite overthrowne by this one dispute , if they have no rightly orderly and lawfully consecrated Bishops , Priests or Deacons ; I thus further demonstrate . First then , if the Decree of this ( later ) Article ( as they terme it ) were to be accepted and received for a just and law , full Decree , yet the first — Protestant — Bishops , Priests and Deacons in Queene Elizabeths time , ( from which all that now be in England , or have beene since then , ) cannot be said to be rightly , orderly and lawfully consecrated by this very Article it selfe : For that supposed Booke of King Edward the sixt being abrogated and taken away by Queene Maries Lawes , and not afterwards revived by the Protestant — Lawes of Queene Elizabeth , untill in those Articles , in the yeare of Christ 1562. ( as their date is ) Queene Elizabeth beginning her Raigne the 17 of November 1558 , all their first pretended Bishops , Priests and Deacons , must needs be unrightly , unorderly and unlawfully made , though by that Booke of King Edward , because there was no Protestant right order or Law to make or admit any into such places by that Booke not approved or allowed by any Protestant — right , order or Law all that time . P. H. ANSWER . Num. 4 This objection ( more then once repeated ) is nothing but a litigious and impertinent quarrell for want of matter : For posito , That Archbishop Parker wanted in his consecration some Punctilioes of outward Order for me or fashion according to the prescript tenor of our Lawes or Rules , or that there was not any law , or publike Rule of our Common-meale prescribing an outward for me of Consecration then in ●cre , yet such want or Fayler did not nor could vitiate , destroy , or annibilate his Consecration , celebrated in a sufficient Church manner , in esse and substance good and valide , in regard regall Lawes and Ecclesiasticall Canons are but circumstantiall and ad bene ●sse , fitting and directing ( quatenùs ad nos ) the Ceremony and outward forme thereof , which Order and forme , if it hap at any time upon just or reasonable occasion , not to be pursued , the same is not destructive to such Consecration to make it invalide or fruitlesse . But of all others this objection becomes not R. B. nor any Romanist : First because the (a) Pontificians do exclude all civill and municipall Lawes of Princes and Republikes from Intermedling with those Ecclesiasticall Affaires : wherein your Romish rote is like the bold (b) Protest of the Donatists against Insperiall authority in Church businesse : Quid Imperatori cum Ecclesia ? What have Emperours , Kings and Princes to dowith Ecclesiasticall affaires ? whereas seeing Kingsare both (c) Custodes utriusque Tabulae & Nutritii Ecclesiae Keepers , of both Tables , and Nursing Fathers and Nursing Mothers of the Christian Church , it belongs unto , and is a Duty of Regality , to constitute and ordeine lawes concerning Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy , and the Regiment of the Church , and per potestatem coactivam , by power coactive to enforce the due execution of the duties of Religion , and to cause punishments to be inflicted on the Delinquents , to succour the oppressed , and to cherish the good , both among Priests and Laikes , as well in Church as Common-weale : But indeed the immediate Actes of the Episcopall , Priestly and ministeriall office , as Preaching , Administration of Sacraments , and the Actuall consecration of Bishops and ordination , of Priests , Ministers and Deacons , belongs properly to the Pastorall charge . Numb. 5 Secondly , because the Romish Church is guilty of violation both of Canons , and it's owne Pontificall , being content to derive succession from many incanonicall and irregular Consecrations : For contrary to the tenor of the first generall (d) Councell of Nice , and their owne Iurists and (e) Doctors , determining , that Consecration of a Bishop ought to be by Three Bishops at the least , the Romish Church hath not onely consecrated some Bishops by (f) one onely Bishop and two mitred Abots , but hath permitted Boy (g) — Priests , Boy — Bishops , Boy — Cardinals : and Boy — Pope too . And where , by the sixt Councell of (h) Calcedon each Bishop ought to be designed to some particular Diccesse , your (i) Panormitan sayes , Multi sunt Episcopi sine administratione Episcopatuum , ut sunt illi qui vulgariter Nullatenenses appellantur , There are many Bishops without administration of a Bishopricke , and they are those who are commonly called Nullatenenses , Meere Titulary Bishops without profit or substance ; Such was Olaus (k) Magnus , stiled Vpsalensis , & Rokertus Venantius , stiled Armachanus , who ( being Bishops in conceit ) were sent to the Councell of Trent to fill up the number , and to make voyces : And such ( I say ) was your Doctor Smith your late Bishop of Chalcedon , commorant therefore here in England , and now or late in France ; Such Vtopian No — Bishops have passed for currant in your Church of Rome , Where all Regularities , Formalities , Canons , and Legalities have suffered most shamefull violation , as testifies your owne Baronius , speaking of the State of your Church in ages long since past : Quae tunc facies sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae ? quam foedissima ? Cum Romae dominarentur potentissimae aequé ac sordidissimae meretrices ? quatum arbitrio mutarentur Sedes , darentur Episcopi , Et ( quod auditu horrendum , & intandum est ) intruderentur in Sedem Petri earum Amasii Pseudopontifices , qui non sunt ( nisiad consignanda tantrum tempora ) in Catalogo Romanorum Pontificum scripti ; Quis enim a Scortis hujusmodi intrusos sine lege legitimos dicere possit Romanos fuisse Pontifices ? Nusquam Cleri eligentis , vel postea consentientis aliqua mentio : Canones omnes pressi silentio , Decreta Pontificum suffocata , proscriptae antiquae Traditiones veteresque in eligendo Summo Pontifice consuetudines , sacrique Ritus , & pristinus usus prorsits extincti : What then was the Face of the holy Romane Church ? how filthy ? seeing most potent and filthy whores did governe and Rule at Rome , at whose pleasure Sees were changed , Bishops appointed , and ( which is horrid to be heard and hainous ) their Lovers false — Popes were thrust into Peters — Seate , who are not ( unlesse onely for designing the times ) written in the Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome : For who can say that these who were put in by such Strumpets without Law , were lawfull Bishops of Rome ? No mention is made of the Clergie electing or afterwards consenting ; All Canons were silenced , Pontificall Decrces choaked , antient Traditions proscribed , and the old Customes and holy Rites and antient usage in electing the High Bishop , utterly extinct . Was not this a very bad time , thinke you ? What was the latter age better ? your-Budeus will tell you , Sacrosanctos Canones melioribus annis factos , ut iis velut Regulis vita Clericorum dirigeretur , & velut Patrum praescriptis posteri formarentur ; jam in amusses plumbeas'evasisse ( quis non videt ? ) quales olim fuisse Canones Lesbiae structurae tradit Aristoteles : Nam ut Canones plumbei & molles non structuram operum tenore aequabili dirigunt , sed exstructorum commodo & libidine stexiles structurae accommodantur : Sic Canones Pontificil excusu Ecclesiae antistitum flexibiles plumbei & cerei facti sunt , ut jam diu instituta Majorum , & Sanctiones Pontificiae non moribus regendis ●●sui esse , sed ( propemo●ùm dixeram ) argentariae factitandae authoritatem accommodare videantur ; the holy Canons made in better Ages , that thereby as by Rules , the life of the Clergie should be directed , and posierity be formed as by Praescripts of the Fathers , are now turned into leaden Rules ( who see's not ? ) such as Aristotle says the Lesbian Ru'es-for building were in times past : For now as leaden and soft Rules doe not direct the structure with an equall tenor ; but are accommodated and bended unto the building at the will of the Builders : So the Pope's Canons are by practice of the Prelates of the Church made flexible as lead and wax , as that now along time our ancestours Decrees , and Popes Canons serve not for guiding our maners , but ( as I may say ) seeme to be imployed for Money — Bankes . And also let your Iesuite Franciscus de victoria Doctor of the Chaire at Sa●mani●e , in Spaine , tell you his knowledge herein , Videmus quotidie a Roman â Curiâ tam largas , imo omnino dissolutas Dispensationes prosect is , ur Orbis ferre non posset , nec solum in scandalum pusillorum , sed Majorum ; and also he sayes , Nullus quaerit Dispensationem quin obtineat : we see such large , yea such dissolute Dispensations to come daily from the Count of Rome , as the world cannot beare it , not only in scandall and offence of little ones ; but of the Great-ones also — no man seekes a dispensation out he obtaineat : This is further consirmed by your Ruardus Tappesus Chancellor of Lovame , Abusus Romanae Curiae inexcusabiles agnosci oportere , totum Ecclesrae corpus contaminatum lapsu disciplinae , venalia esse omnia per monstrosas provisions , regressus , & retrogressus , per commendationes Abbatiarum , & Episcopat num , per Dispensations super Pluralitate Beneficiorum , & super aliis plurimis , super quibus nec Christus ipse dispensare posset . The abuses of the Court of Rome we must acknowledge to be inexcusable , the whole Body of the Church is contaminated by the decay of Discipline , all things are sold by mastrens provisions , R. turnes out-goings , by besi●●ing Abbathies and Bishopricks by Dispon sations in plurality of Benefices , and on many other things wherwith Christ himselfe cannot distense : Now seeing your Romane Church ( not withstanding she hath Canons and Rules enough . ) hath neverthelesse departed fouly therefrom , doe's it not ill become R. B. ( a child of that Church ) to cast dirt most causelessely on the beautifull face of our purer Church . ( yea I say ) so pure and perfect as no Church this day can parallel her for Doctrine and Discipline , so conformable to the Primitive Church ) and unjustly to traduce Her for supposed want of legall Forme of Consecration at the time of Doctors Parkers Consecration ? Num. 6 And if it be true , that there was then No legall outward Forme or fashion prescribed for Episcopall Consecration , then was not Doctor Parkers Consecration any Transgression of our Lawes , and so the lesse peccant or offensive : But indeed , neither Peccant , nor offensive at all either to God , or Man ; Not to God , in regard it was performed in Apostolicall manner by Imposition of hands , by apt words of the Gospell , accipe Spiritum Sanctum ( which is essentiall ) done by men having power from God to Consecrate , and with all essentiall Requisits whatsoever , and with fit Circumstances , as holy Prayer , learned Sermon , and holy Communion , as indeed nothing is therein urged by R. B. to the contrary : Not to man , being done by the consent , approbation and command of Royall power signified by Letters Patents , under the great Seale of England , after orderly & due election ; Wherby the Tenor of the former of the Decrecs of our Church cited by R. B. before mentioned , ( even before those nine and thirty Artieles of our Church were established ) was accomplished ; So as he did not assume on himselfe that Office , but was thereunto called by lawfull Authority : And as for the latter of our Decrees before mentioned , cited by R.B. ( whereby it is ordained , that those who be consecrated according to the Tenor of King Edwards Booke , are thereby adjudged to be lawsully consecrated ) if it were true ( as R. B. affirmes it ) that King Edwards Book of Consecration was dead at the very time of Archbishop Parkers consecration , or if he were not consecrated in all particulars according to the Tenor and prescript of that Booke , yet it does not follow that his Consecration must be utterly void and invalid , as R. B. resolutely affirmes it , pretending that the Standing or overthrow of our Protestants whole religion depends thereon ; for if so , it would go very far for overthrow of the antient Church , or at least it would receive a deadly wound thereby : For notwithstanding the Councell of Sardica ordained : — Episcopus — non prius ordinaretur , nisi et ante Lectoris munere et officio Diaconi et Presbyteri fuerit perfunctus , et ita per singulos gradus ( sidignus fuerit ) ascendat in Culmen Episcopatus ; potest enim per has promotiones ( quae habent utiq . prolixum tempus ) probari quâ fide sit , quâve modestiâ , et gravitate , et verecundiâ A bishop may not be ordained unlesse he hath first performed the duty of a Reader , and the office of a Deacon , and Presoyter , and so through each degree ( if he shall be found worthy ) let him ascend the height of Episcopacy ; for by these promotions ( which verily require long time ) , He may be tryed of what faith , modesty , gravity , and reverence he is : yet neverthelesse Eusebius (a) Deacon of Alexandria was immediately made Bishop of Laodicea , and (b) Nectarius , a neophyte and unbaptized , Catechumene was elected Patriarch of Constantinople (b.c) and presently made Bishop in the second generall Counsell , held at Constantinople : (a c c) And St. Ambrose of a consul was baptized and Consecrated Bishop of Millaine . ( d ) And Eusebius a Magistrate , was baptized and made Archbishop of Cesarea . (e) And also Saint Tharasius being a lay-man , was consecrated a Bishop : And (f) in like sort Petrus Moronaeus , of a lay-man was made Pope of Rome . And ( I beleeve ) nether R. B. nor any well advised Romanist will , or dare say , their Consecrations were void : much lesse can R. B. irritate or make void the Consecration of Arch-bishop Parker if it were true , that King Edwards Booke of Consecration was indeed atterly dead at the time of his Consecration , because our Decree concerning that Book ( before ricited ) does not ordaine that if any Consecration be Celebrated , not in all and every Punctilio of that Book , that such Consecration is judged , deemed , and decreed , to be utterly void and of none effect ; No , that Article is utterly Silent therein , it onely affirmatively sayes that such as are Consecrated according to the tenor of that Booke , are deemed and decreed to be rightly & lawfully Consecrated : so as the Conclusion inferred by R. B. cannot be supported by the premisses : try it syllogistically , and it will be most manifest . Whosoever is Consecrated Bishop according to the rites of King Edwards Booke of Consecration , is rightly & lawfully Consecrated , so sayes our Article ; But Doctor Parker was not Consecrated according to the tenor of King Edwords Book of Consecration , so sayes R. B. in regard it was then dead , and not m●rerum natura , as he alledgeth ; ergo — Doctor Parker was not rightly & lawfully Consecrated ; so is the Conclusion of R B. which is a false syllogisme , being in no figure nor mood , nor any way consonane to the rules of dialectical argumentation , if the little skill I have in that Learning does not misguide me very much : For it were necessary for maintenance of this Conclusion of R. B. ( That Doctor Parker was not rightly and lawfully Consecrated , and thereby our whole R●ligion overthrowne ) that our Decree should have bin of this Tenor , ( viz ) Such as are Consecrated Bishops in an other manner than is prescribed by K. Edwards Booke of Consecration , we decree him to be unrightly and unlawfully Consecrated ; & thereon R. B. mighthave had some colour , or matter to inferre his Conclusion , with this manner of argument ; Num. 7 Whensoever is consecrated Bishop in any other manner . forme , or fashion , thou is prescribed by King Edwards Booke of Consecration , be is not rightly orderly or lawfully comsecrated ; But Doctor Parker was consecrated in an other mammer , forme , and fashion , than is preseribed by King Edwards Book of consecration ; Ergo , Doctor Parker was not rightly , orderly , or lawfully , consecrated . And yet this would not directly maintaine this Pontifician's Conclusion , unlesse it went more directly thus , Whosoever is consecrated Bishop in other manner , than according to King Edwards Booke , his Consecration is irruat ; and voyd . But Doctor Parker was consecrated in other manner than is prescribed by King Edwards booke , Ergo Doctor Parkers Consecration is irruate and voyd : But this matter being already most learnedly handled , and most soundly cleered by such Heroes of our Church , as I am unworthy to hold the candle unto , I have been too long on this point , because the thing undertaken by me here , is not to consider how well and sufficiently R. B. hath disputed , but how truely hee hath spoken , in the matters by him brought into question ; wherin the issue is whether King Edwards Booke of Consecration ( being put to Death by Queene Maries lawes ) was never revived to life , till the making of our Nine and thirtie Articles in Anno 1562 , in the fourth yeare of the raigne of Queene Elizabeth ? Num. 8 For the better discovery of the truth wherof , I thinke it meet , here to set downe the substance of the severall Acts of Parliament concerning the matter ; viz. Statute 2. & 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. The Kings Majestie hath appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury and certaine of the most learned and discreet Bishops , and other learned men of this Real me to — draw and make one convenient and meet order , rite , and fashion , of common and open Prayer , and administration of the Sacraments , to be had and used in England and Wales ; The which — with one uniforme agreement is of them concluded — in a Booke intituled The Booke of Common Prayer , and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies , after the use of the Church of England ; wherefore it — be — ordained and enacted that — all — Ministers — shall — be bounden to say , and use the Mattens , Evensong , Celebration of the Lords Supper , and all their Common and open Prayer , in such Order and Forme , as is mentioned in the same Booke , and none other , nor otherwise . Numb. 9 By this Stature there was onely the Forme of Common Prayer , Adminisiration of the Sacraments , and other Rites and Ceremonies established ; But the Forme of Consecration of Bishops , and Ordination of Priests and Deacons was not thereby settled or established : And therefore afterwards there was made The Statute of 5. and 6. of King Edward the fixt , Cap. 1. The Kings most excellent Majestie hath caused the aforesaid Order of Common Service ( intituled , The Booke of Common Prayer ) to be faithfully and godly perus●d , explained and made fully perfect , and — hath Adjoyned it to this present Statute , adding also a Forme and manner of making and Consecrating of Archbishops , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons ; to be of like force , authority and value , as the same like aforesaid Booke ( intituled , The Booke of Common Prayer ) was before , and to be accepted , received , used & esteemed in like sort and manner — as by the said Act — of the second yeare of the Kings Majesties raigne was ordained — for uniformity of Service and administration of the Sacraments — ; And the aforesaid Act to stand in full force — to and for the establishing the Booke of Common Prayer now explained and hereunto annexed : And also the said Forme of making Archbishops , Bishops , Priests and Deacons hereunto annexe , is it was for the former Book : And — Bee it further enacted that if any person shall wittingly or wilfully heare or be present at any other — form of Common Prayer , Administration of Sacraments , making of Ministers , and — other Rites then are mentioned — in the said Booke — shall suffer , &c. — Hereby ( as is manifest ) the forme both of Common Prayer & Celebration of the S●●am●n●s , and also Ordination and Consecration of Bishops Priests and Deacons , was made One intire Booke or volume : And afterwards Queene Marie ha●ing attained the Crowne , did ( as R. B. sayes ) make an Act of Repeale in Anno primo regni sui cap. 2. Thus : It is enacted and established , that one — Act — of Parliament — in 2. Edward . 6. intituled an Act for the uniformity of Service and Administration of the Sacraments throughout the Realme , and also one other Act made 5. Edward . 6. entituled An Act for the uniformity of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments — shall be from henceforth utterly Repealed , — and of none effect . — This being that Act of Parliament , which R. R. sayes , killed King Edwards Booke of Consecration , it is to be observed , that this Act of Repeale doe's expressely neither mention any thing in particular , nor in precise words repeale any Law made for preseribing the forme of Consecration , &c. — But it doe's repeale and mention onely the foresaid Lawes , intituled , Acts for the uniformity of Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments ; which particular is not here urged to gainesay it , but that thereby The authority for that manner of Consecration and Ordination was repealed and annihilated , but it is here offered for removall of a weake objection , which peradventure may be made upon the Statute of Revier ( hereafter mentioned ) made in the very beginning of the raigne of Queene Elizabeth . Num. 10 But such was the high wisedome of Royall Queene Elizabeth ( of ever most famous memory ) as that ( notwithstanding the confident affirmation of R. B. ) there was not in her raigne ( for preventing of all scruples doubts and quarels ) any Consecration , till Queene Maries Law therein was repealed , and made vtterly voyd by Stat. 1. Eliz. cap. 2. thus , Wheras at the death of our late Soveraign Lord King Edward the sixt , there remained one uniforme Order of Common Service and Prayer and administration of Sacraments , and other Rites and Ceremonies in the Church of England , authorized by Act of Parliament holden in the sift and sixt yeares of our said late Soveraigne King Edward the sixt , intituled an Act for the uniformioy of Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments , the which was repealed and taken away by Act of Parliament in the first yeare of the raigne of our late Soveraigne Lady Queene Mary , to the great decay of the honour of God and discomfort to the Professors of the Truth of Christs — Religion — Be it enacted by Authority of this present Parliament , that the Estatute of Repeale and every thing therein conteined , onely concerning the said Booke , and the Service , Administration of the Sacraments , rites , and Ceremonies cont eyned or appointed in or by the said Booke , shall be void and of none effect , from and after the Feast of the Nativity of Saint Iohn Baptist next comming : And that the said Booke with the Order of Service , Administration of the Sacraments Rites and Ceremonies , with the Alterations and Additions therein added and appointed by this Statute shall stand and be from and after the said Feast of the Nativity of Saint Iohn Baptist in full force and effect according to the tenor and effect of this Statute , any thing in the foresaid Estature of Repeale to the contrary not withstanding : Now by this Acte of Parliament the aforesaid Acte of Queene Mary being repealed as concerning this very Booke which comprised in it as well the Consecration of Bishorps and Ordination of Priests and Deacons , as the Celebration of Divine Servic : and administration of the Sacraments ; And from and after Mid-Summer then following , in Anno 1559. The same Booke being in all things become againe in full vigour and force , then afterwards was Doctor Parker ( our first Protestant Bishop , which was made in Queene Elizabeths Raigne ) elected , and consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury ( for ought by R.B. urged to the contrary ) rightly , orderly & lawfully according to publike knowne and allowed Square , rule , forme , order & fashion : which Booke and all Consecrations ab initio regni Elizabethae Reginae , were againe Confirmed by Acte of Parliament 8. Elizab. cap. 1. not for any need of it , but to satisfie some causelesse scrupulofities ; If it be objected , That in this last Act there is no expresse mention of Consecration , then it is answered ( as before touched , ) That Queene Maries Lawe made no expresse mention of Consecration neither : But to make it Sans doubt , by this Law is Queene Maries Law made utterly voyd , Whereby King Edwards Lawes therein became in force , And more-over , by this Law of Queene Elizabeth that Booke ( which is but one Totum ) is recontinued and set in it 's full strength and vertue : Hereby it appeares what little regard R. B. had either to the force of truth , or to his owne Reputation and credit , by affirming with bold considence , that this Booke was first called from Death to life , by the nine and thirty Articles only , and that the Church of England had not for the space of foure yeares any publicke allowed forme of consecration of Bishops or Ordination of Priests and Deacons . SECT. II. R.B. OBIECTION . II. Num. 11 AGaine the first Protestant Censecration or admittance of any to be a Bishop by that Booke or Order in Queene Elizabeths Raigne , was on the 17 day of December in her second yeare ( as they pretend from the Register of Marthew Parker ) But their owne both private and publike Authorities prove , that both Matthew Parker ( their first pretended Archbishop ) and others were received and allowed for Arch-Bishops , and Bishops about 6 moneths before their first pretended Consecration on the 17 of December ; — For Parker Barlow , Scory , and Grindall , were allowed and received for Bishops in the moneth of August before in publike S●emniti●s : — None can say ; these were onely Bishops Elect , and not perfectly allowed or admitted for the true Bishops ; For by the Statute of Hen. 8. Anno 25. revived by Queene Elizabeth in her first Parliament Anno 1. cap. 1. it is ordained that Consecration must be within twenty dayes of Election . P. H. ANSWER . Numb. 12 It is readily yeelded unto , that Doctor Parker not our first Protestant Arch-bishop , seeing ( Arch-bishop Cranmer was his Predecessor , but our first in Queene Elizabeths time ) was allowed Arch-bishop of Canterbury five or sixe moneths before the 17 of December 1559 , which is the time ascribed for his Consecration ; And also Barlow ; Scory , and Grindall were allowed , and acknowledged Bishops before ; But what use you would make of it I know not , unlesse it be to the end , that the Reg●ster which Records the Consecration of Archbishop Parker on the 17 of December 1559. should be thereby conceived to be fictitious and untrue , such ( I thinke ) is your meaning , because you elsewhere call that Register ( a new-borne Register ) which is contraryed by the outhenticke Register of Canterbury , whereby it so appeares to be a true and faithfull Register as nothing needs to be said for it : But be your meaning there in what it will , I had upon the first reading of the former part of this Objection , this ready ! Answer That Doctor Parker might be Bishop elect all that time . But R. B. well foreseeing the readines of that kind of Answer , did immediatly take that help from me ( as he thought ) by trumping in my way his Statute of Consecration within twenty dayes after election , so as it cannot ( as he sayes ) be alleadged that He stood Bishop onely elect for the space of five or six moneths together : But shall R. B. be so gently used , As to say , He in mistaken ? If I should so deale with him , I shall ( in good sooth ) be mistaken then too . For I cannot conceive that an old Student can be so mistaken in such a matter as ordinary Schoole-boyes may easily know by meere reading , without helpe of Tutor or Expositor ; I pray God it was not wilfully done , contra dictamen conscientia suae , against his owne particular knowledge per bypocrism . Here are the words of the Statute . Num. 13 Be it enacted that if any Archbishop or Bishop within the Kings Dominions after Election — shall be signified unto them by the Kings Letters Patents , shall refuse and doe not confirme , invest and consecrate with all due circumstance — such person as shall be elected-and to them signified — within twentie dayes next after the Kings Letters of such signification — shall come to their hands — That then — every Archbishop , Bishop and other persons so offending — shall runne into the dangers , paines , and penalties of the Estatute of provision & Praemunire . It it not most evidently obvious to every Reader , that This , Act doth not ordaine that Consecration shall be within Twentie dayes next after Election , but within twentie dayes next after the Kings Letters signifying such Election , shall come to those who are by his Majestie appointed to be Consecrators of the New-Bishop ? And the very troth is , That Matthew Parker was elected to be Archbishop of Canterbury on the first day of August 1559. But the Queenes Letters Patents signifying his Election were dated not before the sixt of December following , and bee was confirmed the ninth , and Consecrated the seventeenth of December aforesaid : So as his consecration was celebrated within the time limited by the Law , And on the 21 of the same December was Edmond Grindall consecrated Bishop of London , and from the time of their Elections , they stood all the while Lord Bishop elect : And Barlow and Scory were Bishops consecrated long before Q Elizabeth came to the Crowne , as in Answer to the subsequent objection shall evidently appeare : But in the meane time , let it be observed , that where he sayes in this place , that Barlow and Scory were allowed Bishops in August 1559 ; Hee elsewhere sayes , the said Barlow and Scory were not allowed for Bishops till the 20 of December following , And is not that a direct contradiction ? But what cares bee or the Iesuited partie for contradictions or false-hoods , so as beliefe be gained from the simply credulous ? SECT. III. R. B. OBJECTION III. Numb. 14 NEither was there any One of the pretended Consecratours of Matthew Parker ( from whom all the rest doe claime Ordination , ) a true and lawfull Bishop by Protestant proceedings : These they name unto us , William Barlow , Iohn Scory , Mikes Coverdale , Iohn Hodikins ; By these was Matthew Parker consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury the seventeenth of December in the yeare 1559. Two of these fower ( namely ) Coverdale and Hodskins were never allowed for Bishops inall Queene Elizabeths time , as the pretended Register , the printed Antiquitates Britamicae , Godwyn , Mason , and others of them confesse , confessing also , That the other Two were but Bishops elect , Barlow elect Bishop of Chichester , Scory elect of Heresord ; But all men grant both Catholikes and Protestants , that Men onely elect Bishops , not consecratedor admitted , cannot consecrate Bishops , much lesse an Archbishop Metropolitan . And William Barlow , and Iohn Scory were not allowed by these Protestants for Bishops or such men , untill Matthew Parker was ( as they pretend by their Register ) consecrated ; by them William Barlow , stiled before Doctor of Divinity , or a Priest Regular , — And Iohn Scory then stiled onely Bachelour of Divinity and Priest Regular , — were first allowed for Bishops , or such men , the 20 of December 1559 , even three dayes after Matthew Parker's pretended * Ordination by them . P. H. ANSWER . Num. 15 The two former objections were purposely framed for the undermining of the Consecration of Archbishop Parker and all his Successors , as done without any Protestant — Order , rule , forme , or fashion , which is ( as you see ) vindicated to be regular and formall , according to Protestant-publike right , square , forme , and Order , notwithstanding any thing urged by R. B. to the contrary : Now the last Objection tends to the destraction of all Episcopall abilities in the Consecration of Archbishop Parker ; First R.B. sayes , That two of them were never allowed for Bishops in Queene Elizabeths Raigne : And secondly the other two were but Bishops elect , and consequently uncapable to Consecrate any other ; unto both which I returne this Answer . Num. 16 First , as the two , supposed not to be allowed by Queene Elizabeth ( to wit ) Coverdale and Hodskins , Hee sayes not , that they were not Bishops de facto , but not allowed to be Bishops , what strength is there in that Proposition ? Examine it thus , and you shall find nothing in it . Whosoever ( though once Consecrated for Bishops ) were not by Protestants in Queene Elizabeths raigne allowed for Bishops , did become in such sort no Bishops , as that their Episcopall Acts were ipso facto , meere Nullities , and of no validity . But Coverdale and Hodgkins ( though both once consecrated Bishops ) were not allowed for Bishops by Protestants in Queene Elizaboths raigne . Ergo the Episcopall Acts of Coverdale & Hodskins , ( though once consecrated Bishops ) were ipso facto me●re Nullities and of no validity . If R.B. or his vindicatour will grant the Major , then I know what will become of the Romish Church in England , and of all Episcopall and Sacerdotall Acts by Romish Bishops and Priests in Consecrations , Ordinations , Marriages , Sacrifices , absolutions , &c. even to be here in England meere nullities : Againe I perceive R. B. did faint in his Assertion , not adventuring to say , that Coverdale and Hodskins were either no Bishops at that time de factor , Num. 17 or were disallowed to exercise Episcopacy , which for to doe , he ought to maintaine that they were never at all consecrated to be Eishops ; and if he allow them to be once consecrated Bishops , then hee ought to produce some Act or Sentence for unbishoping of them , or for discharge of their exercise of Episcopacy , which he doe's not goe about to doe ; But ( I say ) it was neither the one , not the other , but it proceeded from themselves whatsoever was wanting therein , they beingin truth long before consecrated lawfull Bishop , neither they themselves nor the State of the Realme holding or judging them to be no Bishops here quoad officium , or passing any Sentence against exercise of it , but they did not exercise of themselves at that time Episcopacy here quoad Beneficium . But posito , these two had beene excommunicate , deprived , deposed , or degraded , had they not neverthelesse by your owne Doctrine continued Bishops , quoad characterem , & quoad officium , ( as well as Priests ) having such a Character by Consecration and ordination imprinted as is indelible ? your Councell of Trent determines it for you ; Siquis dixerit per sacram Ordinationem non imprimi Characterem , vel cum ( qui Sacerdos semel fuit ) Laicum rursùs fieri posse , Anathema sit ; if any one shall say that a Character is not imprinted by holy Orders , or that He which once was a Priest can be made Lay againe , let him be accursed : And such also is the Character of Episcopacy , as according to the Romish Doctrine , neither by Schisme , heresie , excommunication , suspension , deposition or degradation , it can be obliterated , as your (a) Gregory de Valentia , (b) Gabriel Biel , (c) Dominicus à Soto , (d) Capreohis say . And also your great (e) Cardinall Bellarmine sayes , Observandum est Characterem Episcopalem esse absolutam perfectam & independentem potestatem conferendi Sacramenta Confirmationis & Ordinis , ideo non solum posse Episcopum sine aliâ Dispensatione confirmare , & Ordinare ; sed etiam non potest impediri ab ullâ superiori potestate , quin re verâ Sacramenta ista conferat , si velit , licet pecc●t , si id faciat prohibente Summo Pontifice : It is to be observed , that the Episcopall Character is an absolute perfect and independant Power to conferre the Sacraments of confirmation and Orders , therefore a Bishop may ( without any Dispensation ) constitute , & ordaine ; and not onely He cannot be hindred by any superiour power , but also hee may conferre those Sacraments , if hee will , though he offend if he doe it , the high Bishop prohibiting it : And likewise your Petrus de Palnde sayes . Si non omnis Episcopus potest Ordines conferre , hoc esset , vel propter Demeritum'vitae , quia esset malus ; vel propter defectum Fidei , quia Haereticus ; vel propter Sententiam Ecclesiae , quia esset excommunicatus , vel suspensus , vel alias praecisus ; vel propter Depositionem ab Ordine , vel quia esset Degradatus , sed nihil istorum impedit , quin omnis Episcopus possit veros Ordines conferre : if every Bishop cannot conferre Orders , it would be either by reason of Demerit of life , because he is wicked ; or by defect of faith , because be is an Hereticke , or else by reason of the Sentence of the Church , because he is excommunicated , or suspended , or otherwise cut off ; or because hee is deposed from Orders , or because he is degraded ; but none of these doe hinder , but that every Bishop may conferre true orders . So as if Coverdale and Hodskins had beene deposed in Queene Elizabeths time , yet might they consecrate an other : And if you say , Fieri non debet it ought not to be done , then I say , Factum valet , & dissolvi non potest , being done it availeth , and cannot be undone : But here the Consecration of Archbishop Parker by Imposition of their hands was so farre from doing ought therein in Contempt of or against Authority , as that it was done by Regall Assent and Command comprised in the Queenes Letters Patents directed to them and others to Consecrate Doctor Parker to be Archbishop of Conterbury : The Letters Patents are thus : Elizabetha Dei gratiâ , &c. Reverendis in Christo Patribus — Miloni Cover dale quondam Exoniensi Episcopo , Iohanni Suffraganeo Bedd &c. Elizabeth by the Grace of God , &c. — To the Reverend Fathers — Miles Coverdale late Bishop of Exeter , Iohn Suffragan of Bedford , &c. whereby it is manifest they were allowed , and also imployed as consecrate Bishops in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths raigne . Num. 18 But posito , they had not beene allowed Bishops , yet if Deposition or Degradation cannot obliterate the Character of Episcopacy , but it is still in force , quatenus ad officium , as concerning the office , notwithstanding the benefits , profits , and all that pertaines ad exeroitium jurisdictionis , as concerning the exercise of jurisdiction be taken away , how little hurt can not-allowance , or disallowance doe ? But if I may speake my mind freely , I conceive that when R. B. said , that Coverdale and Hodskins were not allowed for Bishops , in all . Queene Elizabeths time , he did intend , that his Vulgar Reader should beleeve , that they were never Consecrated Bishops at all ; For I cannot easily be perswaded , but that this old Student did well know , that Coverdsle and Hodskins had beene long before Consecrated Bishops , and still continued Bishops de jure ; For the Records declare it plaincly , that Hodskins was 9. Decembris 29. Hen. 8. Anno Domini . 1537. Consecrated , and so continued till his death ; from whom the principall Bishops in Queene Maries raigne descended : By him was Consecrated , Thomas Thurlby , who was one of the Consecrators of your Cardinall Poole , Archbishop of Canterbury : and as for Coverdale , he was 30. August . 1551. An. 2 . Edw. 6. Consecrated Bishop of Exeter , who being displaced and imprisoned by Queene Mary , was at the desire of the King of Denmarke , sent to his Majesty by the same Queene ; And returning backe in the beginning of the raigne of Queene Elizabeth , he being aged , cared not to returne to his Bishopricke , but retired to a private life , not allowing himselfe Episcopacy , quoad Beneficium , et jurisdictionem , yet he still continued true and perfect Bishop , de jure , quoad esse , et Titulum ; which two , Coverdale and Hodskins did joyne with the other two , Barlow and Scory , in the Episcopall Act of Consecrating of Doctor , Parker , to be Archbishop of Canterbury . Num. 19 And now in the second place , it remaines that Barlow and Scory , be righted concerning their Episcopacy , whom R. B. pretends , were but elect Bishops , not Consecrated nor admitted , as by our owne Authors is supposed to be confessed : If this allegation were true , nothing ( I thinke ) were to be said on their behalfe : But it is so apparantly false , as that it makes me admire the little regard this R. B. had , to his reputation and credit amongst men ( If there were no divine doome or judgement for Lyars ) in adventuring to put in Print , what he could not , but knew to be directly contrary to what he divulged to the world : For the very same Record and authority of ours , that enformed him , that these two then stood elect Bishops , the one of Chichester , and the other of Hereford , doth also tell him that they were late Bishops , the one of Bath and Wells , and the other of Chichester : For the Queenes Letters , Patents , to them and others directed , signifying the election of Doctor Parker , to be Archbishop of Canterbury , requiring them to Consecrate him accordingly , hath these very words ( viz ) Will'mo Barlow quondam , Bath and Wells Episcopo , nunc Cicestrensi Electo ; Iohanni Scory quondam Cicestrensi Episcopo , nunc Herefordensi electo . To William Barlow late Bishop of Bath and Wells , now elect of Chichester , John Scory , late Bishop of Chichester , now elect of Hereford &c. By which any one having his eyes in his head , might as easily se : quondam Episcopo late Bishop , as read nunc electo , now Bishop elect : But who is more blind than he that will not see ? and as for Barlow , he was so farre from standing then meerely Bishop elect without Consecration or admittance , as that he had beene Consecrated about foure and twenty yeares , before he layd hands on Archbishop Parker ; For he being advanced to be Prior of Bisham was thence translated to be Bishop of Asaph , wherein he was confirmed the 25. of February , 1535. Anno 27. Hen. 8. and in April 1536. it pleased King Henry to preferre him to the Bishopricke of Saint Davids , where he continued till by King Edward the sixt , he was in Anno 1549. Translated to the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells ; And in the beginning of Queene Maries raigne , he was forced to leave his Country , Bishopricke and all , living in exile in Germanie , till he was restored by Queene Elizabeth ; And at the time of the Consecration of Archbishop Parker , by the favour of Queene Elizabeth , he stood elect of Chichester , wherein he was 20 December , 1559. confirmed ; And as for Scory , he was above eight yeares Consecrated Bishop ere he imposed hands on Archbishop Parker : For he was 30. Augusti 1551. Anno 5. Edw. 6. Consecrated Bishop of Rochester , and shortly afterwards translated to Chichester ; And being displaced by Queene Mary , he was advanced by Queene Elizabeth ; And at the time of the consecration of Archbishop Parker , he stood elect of Hereford : And the booke of Antiquitates Britannicoe making a Series of the Bishops of that time , distributes it into eight Columnes ( viz ) 1. Academiae , 2. Diocesis : 3. Nomen : 4. Gradus : 5. Ordo : 6. Patriae : 7 Aetas : 8. Consecratio et confirmatio : And it declares Barlow to be by degree ( Doctor in Divinity ) and by order ( a Priest regular ) and Scory to be by degree ( Batchelor of Divinity ) and by order ( a Priest regular ) And it doth expresse them both to be confirmed on the 20 of December , 1559. but it does not declare them to be Consecrated that day , nor the nomination of them by their degrees & orders does intimate them to be then no-Bishops , as R B. enforces it : for they were long before Consecrated Bishops as before is declared ; But they having forsaken their Bishopricks in Queene Maries raigne for persecution , remained beyond Seas , till the Crowne fell on Queene Elizabeth , and then being returned home , they were elected to be Bishops , the one of Chichester , the other of Hereford ; and three dayes after , Archbishop Parkers Consecration , they were confirmed in those several Seas , as aforesaid . Wherefore upon these particulars let R. B. recollect himselfe , with consideration how he can make it good , that Barlow and Scory either de-facto were ( or else confessed to be ) at the Consecration of Bishop Parker no more but Bishops elect , not Consecrated , nor admitted , and then ingenuously in the name of God confesse his Error , professing that ( as Protestants and Papists acknowledge ) Bishops elect being formerly Consecrated may rightly Consecrate others , before they be confirmed in their new Seas . Num 20 And now upon the whole matter ; Forasmuch as it is most cleerely evident , modo retrogrado ire , reckoning backeward , that Coverdale , Hodskins , Barlow , and Scory , were all Consecrated Bishops long before , and so continued at the time of their Consecrating of Archbishop Parker ; And forasmuch as Archbishop Parker was Consecrated according to the law within twenty dayes after the date of the Queenes Letters Patents , signifying his election ( though he was elected five moneths before ) And forasmuch also as the Protestant order , rule , forme , square , and fashion for a Episcopall Consecration , according to King Edwards booke was then in full vigour , vertue , and force , it must undeniably follows , that Archbishop Parker and all our first Bishops in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths raigne , and all other our Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , ever since were and are ( notwithstanding the allegations of R. B. ) rightly , orderly , and lawfully made , Consecrated , and ordained , according to publike , knowne , and allowed square , rule , forme , manner , order , and fashion . And it is most manifest that what R. B. hath said against it upon the grounds before mentioned , are vaine and frivolous : ( And me thinkes ) it 's strange that in so few Leaves of that book of R. B. there should be so many untruthes , every of those particulars being so many severall False-hoods , manifestly contrary to it's Title : The judgments of the Apostles and first age , more consonant rather unto the Iudgement of Apostates and worst age : A shame to the Author ( an old Student in Divinity ) more agreeable to the old Serpent , or at best , more fit for ignorant boyes ; and most unworthy to be a Present for our sacred Queene Royall Mary : But indeed what can be expected of those , whose Religion holds Lying and Equivocation , to be piae Fraudes , Godly deceits in the learned Clergie , & ignorance to be Mater devotionis , the Mother of Devotion , for the Illiterate Laiety . For mine owne part this parcell of the Booke being found to be so faulty , it causes me justly to mistrust the rest of it , and to hold it not worthy of so much Expence of time , as to read any more of it , leaving it to your Index expurgatorius for due Correction ; or else to our Purgatory fire in Smithfield , for utter destruction . The like Martyrdome deserves another lying Brat , begotten by as false a Parent ( not so learned and wise a fellow ) as R. B. put abroad into the world , about ten yeeres agoe : For , whereas Sir Humphrey Lynd said , that although the Doctours of antient Church did rest in Two Sacraments ( Baptisme and the Lords-Supper ) as generally , Necessary to salvation , yet they called many Rites and Ordinances by the name of Sacraments , as — The signe of the Crosse , Exorcisme , holy-Bread given to Catechumeni●s [ Novices in the Faith ] One Master Iohn Heigham ( a Papist ) taking on him to answer that Booke , does most unconscio ably turne the word [ NOVICES ] into [ NOVICES ] and so very untruly pretending that Sir Humphrey Lind had thereby yeelded , that the Signe of the Cresse , Exorcisme , holy-bread , holy-water and the like , are ( Novices in the Faith ) endeavours most absurdly to make Sir Humphrey dispute against himselfe , and the Church of England : And by that silly devise , this Heigham takes occasion to slide from the point , without any answer at all to it , Hi sunt Fratres in Malo : Falshood incorporates it selfe in Fraternity , against sacred Truth ( walking here desolate a while ) Sed magna est veritas , et in die suo pravalebit , divine and holy Truth will in her season become Victorious and Tryumphant , with Gloria in excelsis , hurling blacke and ugly Error and False-kood , headlong into the Bottomeles Pit , the dark and noysome Cave of that wicked monster Abaddon , the Father of Lyes : Amen , Amen . EPILOGVE or APPENDIX . Num. 21 NOw this Tract is finished ; me thinkes I heare two sorts of people among us whisper their Conceits ; the one , are the Preciser sort ( people of good intents ) demanding of me , why I have in this Tract severall times used the word ( Priest and Sacerdotall ) rather than the word [ Minister and Ministeriall ] doe's it not savour of Popery ? Are you not inclined ( Sir ) a little to allow and relish the Masse-Priest , Sacrifice and Altar ? For removall of such misconceits , if any such arise , I say , I used the word [ Priest and Sacerdotall ] because it is indifferently used with the word [ Minister ] sometimes the one , sometimes the other , not onely in our publike Lyturgie , but also in these two Articles now in some sort vindicated against our Romish Antagonist R. B. And in the same sense doe I also intend it : And for mine owne part , I conceive that [ Sacrifice , Altar , and Priest ] may be all indifferently used , [ as Supper , Table , Minister ] even in this present age , as well as in the Primitive age , and as farre it is now , from any just and reall offence unto judgements and consciences rightly informed and disposed , as it was to the Fathers of antient Church , and unto the Primitive Christians ( being holy Saints and Martyrs . ) But Popery ( which came in by Intrusion secretly into the Church betwixt the Primary and later purity ) hath caused such a distaste to words and phrases of aniquity ( extremely abused by Romanisme ) as that these termes ( Sacrifice , Altar , Priest , are become edious , or at least scrupulous , especially unto weake judgements and tender consciences ; which may ( I suppose ) be easily rectified and sufficiently satisfied with this one Distinction or Method ( for many , ) when the Holy Eucharist is spoken of as a Sacrifice , ( as often it is among the Antients , and so might be by them , and may also by us be called Sacrifice , to wit , Commemoratory and Sacramentall ) then may be useed th word ( Priest and Altar ) as words relatively sutable , and convenient : But when the Eucharist is spoken of , as the Lords Supper , ( as so it is according to Scripture Phrase , ) then the words ( Table and Minister ) is the meetest adjuncts for that subject ; And thus we may joyne with Antiquity both in language and sence without offence , and thereby explode and reject as erronious , the doctrine of Sacrifice proper and propitiatory , Masse-Priest , and reall-Altar . Num , 22 Affront to Episcopacy . The other is Popish Faction , whom ( me thinkes ) I heare say , that although we Papists must confesse that the frauds of our Brother R. B. are now so discovered and laid open ; as that Hee cannot by any of us be fairely defended or excused ; And therefore the Consecration of Archbishop Parker , and consequently of all the English Bishops since , and now being , must stand sacred and valide , notwithstanding any thing produced , pleaded , or proved by R. B. to the contrary : yet ne-verthelesse let us Romanists cheere up our selves , sparing our labours and paines to seeke the overthrow of the Episcopacy of the Church of England : For see we not ? that a great multitude of the Members of their owne Church , yea of their Clergie too ; doe lowdly crie downe Episcopacy , not onely quoad personas for exorbitancy by personall misdemeanours , and for over large exercise of jurisdiction in their function , too too bad ( as is alleaged , ) but also quoad officium . & jus Episcopatus , against the Right of Episcopacy , as Antichristian and intollerable in the Church , devised by man , and not ordained by Christ . And therefore they would have it utterly abolished out of their Church : And instead of it , they would have their new devised Presbyterie to be Consistorially set up for Government of the Church , as that which is indeed de jure divino , and consequently Presbyterie ought to be put into Possession of the Church , and Episcopacy to be ejected out of it : Howbeit others indeed doe allow of the right of Episcopacy , onely desiring moderately some Reformation , and limitation of the Bounds and exercise of it , to the end it may be brought into some convement Temper : Wee Romanists doe with great expectation waite upon the successe thereof , not doubting but that this Division will doe the English-Protestant-Church more harme and mischiefe , than a thousands such as our R. B. can doe with Frauds and lias : and will sooner destroy their Church , than our Gunpowder plot ( had it taken effect ) could have done : Marke 3.24 , 25 , 26. For Christs Maxime is infallibly true , Si regnum , aut domus contrasese dissideat , non potest stare illud Regnum , aut illa domus : A Kingdome or house at division within it selfe , cannot stand , but must fall to ruine and destruction . Num. 23 P. H. Now therefore seeing many men have of late vented themselves in this cause , let me also come in with my vote tco , as an Appendix to this Tract of mine , conceiving it to be a fruitlesse worke , Episcopacy vindicated by Scripture . to quit our English Episcopacy from the Batteries raised up against It by Romesh R. B. ( a knowne and professed enemy of our Church , ) if it suffer by Brethren at home ( naturally wounding deepest , ) I therefore adventure to say , That ( me thinks ) seeing Ordination of our Ministers hath hundreds of years beene and is in this Kingdome immediatly derived from Episcopacy , this clamour ( specially by Ministers ) against Episcopacy ( as Antichristian ) should be spared , even for their owne sakes ; and should be by Ministers more tenderly handled , least it be retorted upon them , that upon their owne grounds , their owne Ordination and Admission into the Church is from Antichristianity , and and from a Power before God unlawfull . Ejectione firme . But howsoever , for as much as these Presbyterians have brought an Ejectione firme against Episcopacy , pressing to have Episcopacy to shew forth It's Evidence , and to prove it's Title to be Ex Iure Divino , or else to be ejected out of the Church ; I Causidically say in Defence of it , That Episcopacy ought not ( under favour ) by leg all proceedings to be compelled thereto , because Episcopacy hath possession in the Church of God , And so hath had many hundred yeares , Some for it say sixteene hundred yeares , and upwards , ever since Christianity was imbraced in the World , And it's Adyersaries doe either acknowledge or cannot fairely deny it , to be so for the space of thirteen or foureteene hundred yeares , and not in a corner of the Church , but universally in Christendome ; And in such a Case Possidenti conceditur , without Prescription , Possession is a good right and title a gainst all men , saving him onely , that can make a good and better title first to appeare ; And untill the Pretender doe make his Right and Title to appeare , the Possessour should not be enforced either to prove , or shew forth his Right and Title : Let then the Consistoriall Presbytery both shew and prove that A standing Ecclesiasticall Court consisting of Presbyters , and of twice so many Laikes to be annually elected to beare Rule , to Governe , Hooker Eccles. Polity , preface , page . 5. and to be Iudges in the Church , were by Christ or his Apostles ordained or established , and this Consistoriall Power , and it onely , and no other , should for ever beare away this Government Ecclesiasticall : which proofe ought to be made ( not by Texts stretcht from the genuine sence , or by words of equivecall and double sence or severall significations ) but by cleare and manifest Record of Scripture , which ( I beleeve ) is a taske unperformable : I am sure it wanteth that prosperous Successe and blessing which accompanies Divine Institutions , according to that divine Axiome truly delivered by Gamaliel , Act. 5.38 , 39. Si est ex hominibus hoc opus , dissolvetur ; Sin ex Deo est , non potest dissolvi : what is of humane invention may perish or come to nothing , what is of divne Ordination cannot perish , though at some time and in some place be resisted and persecuted , and so become clouded and eclipsed ; yet it will be resident somewhere or other , and it will in time convenient be disclouded and become conspicuous and transplendent againe ; apply to the present Case , The Blessing hath ever gone in an eminent and conspicuous manner with Episcopacie ; But Presbyterie Consistoriall , is at the best supposed to have had buta little entrance in some narrow part of the Church , once in the first — hundred yeares , and againe in this last — hundred yeares , but hath beene at an inter-regnum , at a losse and vacation for many hundred years , How can wee then judge your Presbytery to be of God , and our Episcopacy to be of Antichrist ? Presbytery non surted . it this be the Evidence on the behalfe of Consistoriall Presbytery , as such it is , ( as I conceive clearely ) then must it become non suite ; and Episcopacy must keepe it's Possession still , amending it selfe , or else be caused to amend , what is amisse in it by personall defects . or by bad Customes . Num. 24 Episcopacies Title . Although Episcopacy thus prevaile upon this Nonsuite , yet nevert helesse ex abundante , I will produce such evidence as I have found and collected for it , out of divine Records , to prove Episeopacy to be ex Iure divino , assuring my selfe , that others , as well those of ablest parts , as those whom it more concernes , are provided of other evidence , and also of a way to apply the same better than I can : But for making good my undertaking , I offer these three particulars to be considered , concerning Episcopacy . Num. 25 1. An office , or power Ministeriall , 2. An office or power meerely Episcopall , 3. Exercise of jurisdiction ; Title of Honour and Dignity , and competency of Revenewes : First , the office or power Ministeriall or Sacerdotall , is Authority to preach the Gospell , and to distribute and give the Sacraments : this power ex Iure divino , it is Christs owne Ordination , as is agreed on both sides without Contradiction : Wherein there is indeed a Parity in the Ministery , in so much as such Ministeriall-acts , done by an inferiour-Minister or Priest , are as valid and effectuall , as if the same were done by the highest Prelate in the Church . Secondly , the office or power meerely and truly Episcopall , is to ordeine and to admit Ministers into the Clergie : To suspend or punish such of the Priest-hood as become delinquent , or neglect their Cure or charge ; to make use of the Keyes in binding and loosing by judiciall sentence , out of , and into the Assemblies of the Church , both Clerkis and Laicks , upon just and weighty causes ; and generally to governe the Churches , for the prevention of the creeping in and growth of Heresie , and Error ; for support and maintenance of Unity , without Schisme or Division ; And for to Rule , Governe and Command , and to be ruled , governed , and to obey , in such sort as Church affaires may be duly and rightly performed , and done in the Churches , whereof they are Superintendent . Thirdly , Exercise of jurisdiction , bic non illic , sic et non sic , in this and not in that Dioces or province , in this and not in that manner , or other than is allowed , prescribed , and authorized : Title of Honour and Dignity , to be Lords and Piers of Parliament ; and to be endowed with faire Estates and Revenewes annexed , as adjuncts unto Bishopricks in this Kingdome ( to wit ) to be Lords and Peers of Parliament ; and to possesse and enjoy Lands and Tenements of value correspondent , which are called Temporalities , &c. These are ex gratiâ Principis , et Reipublica : So as of the first , and the last , there is no controversie or doubt , ( as I take it ) And therefore the first being ex Iure divino , may not be abolished out of the Church , it being de esse , of the essence of the Church ; and the last , being ex Iure humano , and de bene esse , of accommodation , may be corrected , restrained , and limited in such Moderation , as shall by Superiours be found and adjudged most meet and convenient for the welfare , of the Church and Common-weale of England . Num. 26 But the Controversie is ( I thinke ) onely concerning the second particular , Episcopacy not de jure humano . whether it be de Iure divino , or humano , of Christs Institution , Invention ? and ( if it be divine ) or of mans whether it was conferred upon all the then Clergie , equally or to some conjunctim or divisim , as Superiour over the rest ? I assume in the first place , that this office is not de Iure humano , Reasons . of mans ordination , for these two Reasons ; The one , because this office was in the Church , long before Emperours and Princes became Christians , so as the Temporal power could not be the Parent or Founder of this office in the Church : but when the Emperour Const intine became Christian , he indeed advanced Bishops both with honours and Revenewes , and so other good Emperours and Christian Kings did encrease it more and more ; But this Episcapail office of Superintendency , was long before any Advancoment of honour , or Revenew , was conferred by Princes on Bishopricks ; Yea long before the Bishops could enjoy any assurance of peace for life , or member being generally Martyred and persecuted for the Gospels sake : And the other Reason is , because this office is Spirituall , which necessarily requires a Divine hand and Power , to be the Author , Founder , and Institutor of it , and that must needs be Jesus Christ ( the mysticall head of the Church ) from whom all divine and spirituall gifts , are derived unto his mysticall Body , and each member thereof : Without all doubt , Christ had in himselfe this office and power of government , Mar. 28.18.19.20 . Ma●ke 16.15 . John 20.20 , 21 , 22 , 23. and of binding and loosing ; For the divine Text sayes , All power in heaven and earth was given to him ; And out of his large Stocke of power , he after his Resurrection did conferre some parcell of it unto those who should after his Ascension , be Governours in the Church saying unto them , that , As his Father sent him , so also he did send them ; giving them Command to goe unto all Nations , and to teach what he had commanded , and breathing into them the Holy Ghost , gave them power to bind and loose : Mat. 20.25 , 26 . -7 , 28. Marke 10.42.43 , 44 , 45. Luke 22.25 . Vos 26 , 27. Which gift of power and authority , was not contrary nor repugnant unto his pleasure , signified unto them formerly , saying , The Kings of the Gentiles exercise Lordship over them , but yee shall not d●e so , which Prohibition ( Verum non it a erit inter vos ) or ( Vos autem non it a dominabimini ) yee shall not rule or domineere so , ( or in such manner as heathen Princes used to doe ) was not an absolute Prohibition from use of all manner of Superiority , among the Clergie ; but a Prohibition aliquo modo . a qualified Prohibition , not to Rule as heathen Princes used to doe , tyrannically after their-owne wills ( with Stat pro ratione Voluntas ) their pleasure to be their Law , for their owne ends , not regarding the welfare of the people ; Will. Archbp. of Canterb conference wub M. Fisher . S. 6 pa , 5 et . 247. Mar. 23 8 9 , 10.10.13 13.14.15 . which prohibition , aliquo modo , or suomodo , doth infer an allowance of ruling in the Church , aliquo modo , in a temperate & charitable manner , otherwise what shall be said to a Text containing a stricter Prohibition , than this Text do's , and that is , where Christ forbids his Disciples to be called Masters , with a strong reason for it , because they were Omnes frat es all Brethren : If a convenient exposition can be fitt●d to this Text , that Christ did therby for bid unto them ambition or Title , ●t forbidding what himself assumed , saying yee call me Masier and Lord , and yee say well , for so I am , but was so farre from affecting of honourable Titles , as he beares himselfe so lowly and humbly , as that He washed their feet , exhorting them to doe so likewise , and the chiefest , and greatest among them to be Servant , tanto altior , tanto submissior , the more honourable in out ward condition , the more humble in mind , and in submissive deportment ; If this Text ( being literaliter of an absolute Tenor of Prohibition ) may receive a benigne interpretation ; much more may the Text ( Vos non ita dominsbimini — ) being not an absolute , but a qualified Prohibition , may receive the like exposition , that Christ did thereby for bid such ambitious and tyrannicall Government , as was exercised by Pagan-Princes ; and allowed neverthelesse of ruling in the Church by Superiours upon Inferiours ; otherwise the Consistoriall Fresbyters therefore may neither rule , or governe , nor be so much as called Mastors ; but what need of seeking further for Proofe ? this our Text affords it sufficiently by our Saviours words , of Maximus and minimus , he that is greatest among you , Luke 22.26 . let him be least , Qui major est in vobis fiat sicut minor , ( maximus erit Minister ) not that he that in authority is made Superio , should be pulled down by his Inferiours , but still be Superiour in authority , and also be humbled in himselfe , Mar. 20.28 . to minister unto Inferiours , just as Christ ( being most Supreme ) came to minister , as followeth there in the next verse . Num. 28 This being cleered , it remaines to be inquired , to what part of the Clergi : Christ did conferre this office of Governing ; giving of Orders ; and of Binding and loosing , I say not to all the then present Clergy , but to some as Superiours , to exercise it upon others as Inferiours : episcopaty , ex jure divino . For which purpose , it is to be noted , that Christ had a Cler●y of two sorts , to wit , the Apostles , and Seventy Disciples , the Apostles were first called , made neerest unto him , and in Communion with him , the Seventy Disciples were called afterwards , and sent out from Christ two by two ; to the Apostles and to the Seventy Disciples equall Commission and power was given . Mar. 4.18 , 20 , & 10 1 , 2 , 8. Marke 3.13 , 2 , 19. Luke 9.1 , 2 , 10 , & 10.1 , 2 , 20. 1. To preach the Gospell , 2. To administer Sacraments , 3 To heale and cure diseases . 4. To worke Miracles : This office they all had in Parity and in Common among them ; but the office and power of Mission or ordination of others ; for the jadiciall use of the Keyes , for binding & loosing in the Church , and of Governing in the Church , to preserve the Doctrine of Faith & order therein , was conferred on the Apostles conjunctim et divisim , joyntly & severally ; to them Christ said , As my Father sent me so I send you , 10 . 1.4●4 , 43 , and 3 , 22 , and 4 , 1 , 2. Commission corjunction et divisim . to the end by power of that Mission they might send others , as he had sent them ; Into them he breathed the Spirit of truth , Accipite Spititum Sanctum , for the establishing of sacred Doctrines , and for prevention of heresies and errors in matters of Faith ; and to them were the Keyes of binding and loosing of Delinquents and Penitents , out of and into the Church , for offences unto the Church ; and for the absolute confirmation of them in this sacred office , the Holy Spirit did according to Christs promise , visibly descend on them at Pentecost , Luke 24.49 . Act. 1.4 . Act . 2.1.2.3.4 . after Christs Ascension into heaven : In all or any of which particulars , the Seaventy Disciples ( for ought I read in Scripture ) had not any immediate participation or share ; and according to the Power and Authority of this office , conferred on the Apostles , joyntly and severally , they did whiles they were all at Hierusalem , convene and assemble together , Act. 1.2.6.13.20.23.24.25.26 . and elected Mathias to succeed Iud is in his Bishopricke , whereof he was deprived by his Treason to his Master , and by his Act of Felo de se : And these Twelve Apostles at another Assembly did ordaine ( for their ease ) Seaven Deacons at a time , Act. 6 , 1 , 2 , 7. laying Apostolicall hands on them ; and being afterwards met in Councill , they made a Decrce or Canon , for the present deportment of the Churches ; and according as the present number of the Apostles , was either more or lesse , so they executed the same power and authority by sewer in number ; Act. 8.14.17 . for Peter and Iohn being come to Samaria , they two onely executed the same office by Ordination of others , with imposition of hands , and with Prayer ; which makes it appeare , that this Commission was committed to the Apostles , Conjunction et divisim , and it was necessary to be so , seeing they were to be dispersed the one from the other for Conversion of the Nations of the world : In so much as the same office which was executed , Conjunction by all joyntly , whiles they were together , was shortly after onely executed by two of them : but it must be reduced to one alone , or else peradventure it will not satisfie , though ( for my owne part ) this President of executing it by two , is sufficient to make it appeare , that this Commission and office was given Divisim , to be executed by any one , as well as by any two of the Twelve , there being no expresse direction to authorize two , more than any one , but it being naturally included ; ( and so the Apostles rightly understood it ) it was sufficient ; Nam expressio eorum , quae tacite insunt , nibil operatur : What is included need not be expressed . Num. 29 But to make it full , it shall ( God willing ) be here made apparent , that both before the Apostles were severed and dispersed among the Gentiles and afterwards , Execution by one Episcopally . this Office and Commission was executed by one of the Apostles alone : whilest the company of the Apostles were at Hierusalem it pleased God , that Samaria received the word , and there one Simon Magus , seeing the holy Ghost was given by Imposition of hands by Peter and Iohn , Hee would have purchased the Holy-Ghost with money , whereupon Saint Peter alone making use of the Keyes , Acts 8.18 , 9 , 20 , 21 binds Him with this Malediction , That he had no part nor portion in that matter , and his money perish with him ; And how fast it stucke to him , both Scripture and Ecclesiasticall story doe relate ; And Ananias and Saphyra , dissembling and lying ; were so bound by Saint Peters sole Act of binding as ( divine Iustice smiting at the Cue thereof ) both fell downe dead to the great amazement and wonder of the Spectators : Acts 5.1.1010 wherein he exercised this Office of Binding . And Saint Peter being come to Casarea ( at the request of Cornelius ) Hee commanded that Cornelius and the company should be baptized , which was done accordingly ; by which Act Saint Peter did exercise his Office of Commanding , Acts. 10 44 . 4S and obedience was yeelded upon his sole C●mmand : and Saint Paul reasoning in the Synagagnes of the lowes , and finding them to be opposers of his D●ctrine and Blesphemers of Christ , He sbooke his raiment , and by the Power of the Keyes exercised by himself alone , Acts 18.2.5.6 . He did bind them to heare their blood upon their ●wne h●ads , and so it afterwards succeeded accordingly ; And be having summoned at Milet us the Elders ( the Spirituall Governours and Superintendants of the Church ) saves [ Spiritus Sanctus so ; Act. 10.17.18 . constituit Episcopos ] ye are by the Holy Ghost made Bishops : And rebuking the Church of Corinth for their Sedition and Division , He tels them , He was a Master-builder ( whose Office is to direct how and in what manor the fabricke shall be framed and erected , i Cor. ● . 3.10 10. and to superview the worke , and to command the workefolkes to do e their worke , and to place and displace , whom he thinkes good for the better ordering of the Businesse : ) And then Saint Faul after some reprooses , does give them warning , 1 Cor. 4.14,15 , ( which carryes in it the Sence of Authority ) telling them , that though they had ten thousand Teachers , yet hee was their Father ; which imports awe , reverence , and Power : And for that cause Hee sent unto them Timothy , Ib. ver. 17. which manifests Saint Paul to be Superiour Mittendo , by the Act of Mission , and Timothie to be Inferiour and under obedience , cundo by Going : And moreover Saint Paul reproving them about the Inecstuous person , doth behave himselfe therein as their chiefe Bishop exercising this Office both of Government and Ruling , and also of Iudgement , Doome and censure by Power of the Keyes in binding and loosing ; For concerning that Offendour , 1 Cor. 5. per totum . hee sayes I have judged already ; and then He commands them , That in their Assembly , they should In the Name of Iesus Christ and Saint Pauls spirit ( to wit ) of binding Power , Deliver him unto Satan , by casting him out of the Communion of that Church for castigation of the flesh , that the spirit might be saved ; And then Hee gives them command , Not to associate themselves with Fornicatours , covetous persons , extortioners , or Idolatours , and this he did doe in the Spirit or Power of judging , For à minore ad majus hee sayes , They themselves did passe judgement on them within , as for those without the Pale of the Church , Hee sayes , Hee judged not , but leaves them to the judgement of God , and then in the power of that Office of Iudging and Commanding , Hee requires them , to put from among themselves ( or excommunicate ) that wicked incestuous person : Cor. 2.6 . to 10. And as Saint Paul had by the power of the Keyes caused that incestuous person to be excommunicated ; So be afterwards absolves him , saying , I forgive him , and willed the Corinthians to forgive him too , and to restore him , his punishment being sufficient , and to confirme their love to him , and so he tryed An in omunibus obedientes , their obedience by it : And those Corinthians having had suits in Law one against another in the Courts of Iusti●e among Pagans , 1 Cor. 6.1 . to 9. how does Saint Paul handle them for it ? even as a man of authority and awfull power , Audet aliquis vestrum ? Dare any of you doe it ? And concerning the matter of Marriage , and single life , he gives Rules or Canons as a Supreme Governour , To azoyd Fornication , Let every man have his owne wife , and every woman her owne husband ; the unmarried and widowes , ( if they could not abstaine ) to marry ; And to the married , He gave command , let not the wife depart from her husband , And putting them in mind of his Ordinances ( or Canons ) in these and other things . Hee praise them for keeping his Ordinances and then He makes more Canons , 1 Cor. 11.2 . to 15. and 28.1 Cor. 14.34 , 39. lawes , and Ecelesiasticall Ordinances , for receiving the Communion in both kinds ; For uncovering Mens heads , and covering woment heads in the Church , And for silence to be kept by women in Church , assemblies and all things to be done with Decency , and Order : And as concerning Collections for the Saints , hee commands them , that looke what Order he had given at Galatia , even so they should doe , and repeates it to them , 1 Cor. 16.1.2 . what that Order was : were it not a folly ( thinke you ) that Saint Paul should take on him to make Orders , Rules and Canons , it he did not know , He had Power and authority both to create them , and also to put them in execution in those severall Churches ? And the same Saint Paul writing to the Church of Galatia complaines , that some had endeavoured to pervert them from the Gospell , He by the Power of the Keyes doth accurse with Anathema such False Teachers : Si quis whis evangel zazerit praterid , quod accepistis , Gal. 1.7 , 8 , 9. Anathema sit ; And to the Church of Thessalonica , Hee gives his Commands to withdraw themselves from such as walke disorderly and not after the Traditions ( or Ordinances ) by them received from Him , 2 Thes. 3.6.10 , 12.14 . commanding , that he that would not worke should not eate , and that with quietnesse they should worke and eate their owne bread , and requiring , that they which obeyed not his word , they should not associate or keepe company with them : And as for Hymenaeus and Alexander , who were retrograde in the Faith , Saint Paul by power of the Keyes , did deliver to Satan , and in particular Hee binds Alexander the Copper-smith ( who had done him much Evill ) to be rewarded by the Lord according to his workes : Thus it is manifest , that Saint Paul alone as Metropolitan and Superintendent of severall Churches or Diocesses , did exercise this Office of Government ; of making Canons , Rules and Ordinances ; of Mission and Ordination ; and of censures by Binding and Leosing : which He did doe without Conjunction with , or assistance of any Consistory or Presbytery , or any other with Him as I conceive . Num. 30 Episcopacy delegated unto successors . And now finally , least it should be alledged that though this office was in the Apostles , as well divisim , as anjunction equally , yet it ended with them , as to the execution of it by one alone ; and then it fell into the Church promiscuously , or into the Consistory , which if any shall say , Let it be proved , and take it ; But the contrary appeares evidently , for Saint Paul delegated it unto Timothy , and Titus , the one instituted Bishop of Ephesus , and the other Bishop of Crete , as is evidenced by these Scripture-particulars : Saint Paul tells Timothy , that he had disposed of him for Ephesus , to the end he should charge others , that they should teach no other Doctrine , 1 Tim. 1 . 3● which carries in it matter of power and Authority , not to permit false Doctrine : And the Apostle as Metropolitan giveth Timothy his charge and rules , how he should governe and order the Ephesian Church , willing and appointing how men should pray with hands erected , 1 Tim. 1.18 . & 2 Tim. 2.8.0 . and women to be adorned with modest apparell , with shamefastnesse and modesty , learning in silence with subjection , nottaking on them to teach , or to usurpe authority ower the man : And then the Apostle declares as an undoubted truth , 2 Tim. 3.1.4.9.11 . that the desire of the office of a Bishop is a good worke , whose care ought to be to rule his owne Family wel , that he may rule the Church the better ; and he having given Timothy severall instructions , he appoints him , to command and teach them , not onely teach them , as a Presbyter , but also command as a Superintendent and Superiour ; otherwise he might command and doe it himselfe : and concerning Elders , Widdowes , and Children , hee appoints Timothy , to give them in charge to be blamelesse , and gives him powor of receiving and rejecting of Widdowes , into and out of the care of the Church , which is a parcell of authority surely ; and as for the Elders , he appoints Timothy to let them be cou●ted worthy of double honour ; 1 Tim. 5.17.19.22 . surely then Timothy was a person of greater honour & authority , other wife he could not conferre honour on others : and as for the power of Ecclesiasticall-judic●ture , Timothy must not receive an accusation against an E●der , but before two or three witnesses : Which informes me , that Timothy had power as an Ecclesiasticall Iudge to heare and determine complaints , and to examine witnesses , and to give Sentence : and Elder being Presbyter sheweth that he was Iudge of Presbyters and Teachers , And as for Mission and Ordination , it is cleere as the Sunne ; that Timothy had that power to Execute it alone ; for he is exhorted , suddainly to lay hands on no man , and Timothy himselfe was ordained and consecrated to this Office per prophetion aforehand eum impositione manuum presbytery , 1 Tim 1.18 and 4.14 . with imposition of hands by the Presbyterie ( non per Presbiteros , not by the Presbyters but by the office of the Presbytery ) which may be done by one , as if I say , I receive Baptisme at the bands of Priesthood , I say true , though it be alwayes done by one Minister onely , 2. Tim. 1.8 . and so it appeares this was ; For Saint Paul sayes it was perimpositionem Manuum mearum , by imposition of my hands , which addes confirmation to the former point , that one Apostle did and might execute this office of Episcopacy ; and so a Bishop might then be consecraeted by one , as Timothy then was , Council . Nicen. 1. can. 4. Bin . 10. p● . 161. col . 1. P. though afterwards ( when the stock of Bishops was stored ) it was Decreed , that Conseeration should be done by three at the least ; And never thelesse for the point in hand , our Apostle here appointeth Timothie that what he had heard from Saint Paul , he should commit to faithfull men , able to teach , which is the Power of Ordination of Ephesus , 2 Tim. 2.2.14 . which Ministers hee was to charge , that they should not strive about words tending to the subversion of the Auditory , which comprises in it matter of Episcopall Authority . And as for Titus , the Apostle tells him , Tit. 1.5 .. that he also left him in Creet , aini corrigea qua desunt , to the end that he should set in Order things wanting , & constituat , per Civitates Presbyteros , and ordaine Elders in every City , which plainely declareth that Titus was ordained Bishop of Crete by Saint Paul alone ; and that Titus had power delegated to him to rule and governe , otherwise he could not set things in Order , and had power to ordaine teaching Elders , ( to wit ) Presbyters and Ministers , which Iurisdiction and power was not to be Exercised in one Parish onely , but the Text sayes , in every Citty ; whereby Titus had a large Dixes or Territory . And at the end of these Epistles of Saint Paul to Timothy and Titus , it is recorded ( though peradventure not Scripture , yet exceeding ancient , and ( next Scripture ) the Church of the Ephesians ; and Titus ordained the first Bishop of the Cretians , I shall conclude with that of the Spirit of God to the Angels of the seven Churches in Asia . Reve. 2. These were not indeed Angels , or spirituall Essences , for reall Angels are not partly'good , and partly evill , nor to be chargedwith good things and with had things too , as the best nun are : For Angels are either totally good without any mixture of finne , as are the blessed Cherubins and Seraphins , and other heavenly Spirits , or else totally deformed and wicked , as Diabolicall spirits be ; The word ( Angell ) in this piece of Scripture must needs be borrowed to expresse somegreat men and glorious in those Churches , as Kings are for Majestic and power called Gods , So Bishops and Superintendants are here called Angels , being persons eminent , and glorious for Ecclefiasticall honour and piety : And as there were in Asia just seyen Churches mentioned , so the Angels or Superintendants are reckoned to be onely Seaven , one for each Church ; to whom in particular is directed the Message of the Spirit of God , on behalfe of themselves , and the Church under each of their Governments ; like the Message of an Emperour to his severall Princes and Governours of his severall Cities concerning detention of Tribute , it is delivered and directed unto the severall Princes and Governours onely , but it is for and on the behalfe of them selves and the people under each of their Principalitieis : And that there were then indeed Superintendents or Bishops over those Seven Churches of Asia is manifested by Ecclesiasticall History ; But what is comprised in sacred Scripture is so ample and cleere to this purpose , as there is no need of Authorities or proofes out of Historie : Howbeit antient and authenticke Ecclesisticall Histories doe declare , how that as Citties and Common-ireales were converted to the Faith , Bishops were ( even in the Apostles dayes ) ordained , to be Superintendents over those Citties and Countries , & of the Apostles and Disciples were ordained Bishops of some of those Seas , Eusebiu . lib. 2. cap. 1. Anto. Cron. part . 1. ccp . 8. paragr. 1. as Iames ( called Brother of our Lord Iesus ) was immediatly after Christs Ascention ordained by the Apostles Peter , Iames and Iohn to be Bishops of Hierusalem : where Hee continued thirtie yeares , and then suffered Martyrdome ; Saint Peter was first Bishop of Antioch , where hee continued seven yeares ; and Marke the Evangelist , was the first Bishop of Alexandria ; and as the Churches in severall Provinces encreased , so the number of Bishops encreased , where they had Successours for many hundred yeares : And this Office of Episcopacy bath ever continued in the Catholicke Church hitherto , And therefore if Scripture were darke , and not cleare in this point , yet if there be but a print or shaddow of Episcopacy there , seeing the same was immediatly after our S●●●●●● Ascention put in practise by the Apostles , and hath had penpetuall continuance and Succession in the Church of God ever since , the same is a sufficient Exposition of the meaning of Scripture , if it were obscure in it ; but seeing the Scripture is ( in my opinion ) cleere in it , and continuall Succession hath blest it , my judgement is captivated and convinced , and my conscience is fully satisfied , That this Office Episcopall is exjure divino , and that this Episcopall office was sometimes executed by one Bishop alone , and sometimes by one Bishop as Supreme Superintendent with others Presbyters as Assistants , bearing this mind neverthelesse , to be corrected by Superiours , and to be informed by more forcible prooses , and to be reformed in whatsoever is mistaken , professing ingennously , than this is not thus presented on any supposall , that these Records of Scripture have not beenc already produced ; it ia truly acknowledged that this point hath bin both long since , and also of fate by severall learned Doctors and Divines famous in our Church most solidly and soundly vindicated ; But seeing old Arguments on the Presbyterian party , some in the same old clothes , and some with new apparell , have beene of late revived , and come abroad without any notice taken of the cleere Defences made on the Episcopall party by the learned in those times , I think I may thus petere petita , sing an old song too : which was never before ( I thinke ) thus dressed . Sure I am , I being no way engaged to either party , in particular profit orinterest , am the more impartiall , being onely swayed with the Power and Evidence ( I thinke ) of perfect and unconquerable Truth out of Gods — Booke , not professing these all the Scripture proofes for it , nor that every singular Text here vouched doe cleerely proove the point , but hoping that each Text does render somewhat towards it , and some and many of them direct , and all connexed , doe together become ( I beleeve ) invincible , conjunct , vincunt , si singula prosint And what I have here presumed is meerely my owne conceptions ( without addresse to any promptuary or other belpe ) which is intended ( not for disputation or controversie , but ) as a Corolarium to my Tract against R. B. for declaratum of mine Opinion ( backt with Scripture prose ) which strongly inclines my Heart to cleave , with all filiall duty , submissive Obedience , and : humble reverence unto our holy Mother , our sacred Church of England , long blest with the use and honour of Episcpacy and ( I trust in God ) shall ever be to the end of the world . And now whiles our Romish Adversaries are ( according to Divine providence ) by One or other utterly ejected and convinced , let not , O let not any unhappy schisme , division or fruitlesse Contention distract us at Home ( the high way to loose all ; which the great God of Peace , by the high ; merit of our Sacrifice of Peace , with sweetest influences of the blest Spirit of Peace prevent in time , firmely and strongly binding with the Triple-Cord of Peace ( Truth , unity and Love ) all our unhappy breaches in a solide and perpetuall Conjunction of Christion Amity in Church and Common-weak . Amen . Amen . FINIS . April 22. 1641. Imprimatur , THO. WYKES . Errata . p. stands for page . l. stands for line of that page . m. stands for margen . l. stands for lim of that margen p. 4. m. l. 12. read ( 230. ) for 203. ) m. l. 17. read ( 276. ) for ( 297. ) p. 5. l. 3. read ( beretofore ) for ( therefore . ) p. 17. l. 17. read ( conscerators ) for ( consecration . ) m. l. 14. read ( 1605. ) for ( 1604. ) p. 23. l. 15. read ( most ) for ( must . ) l. 24. read ( place it . ) l. 28. read ( apply it . ) p. 29. l. 17. read ( power is . ) p. 30. l. 4. blot out ( to wit , to be Lords and Piers of Parliament and to possesse and enjoy lands and tenements of value correspondent . ) l. 20. read ( conjunction & divisim . ) p. 32. m. l. 7. read ( and 10. unto 8. ) l. 10. read ( Luke 9. 1. to 10. ) p. 33. m. l. 13. read ( Act. 6. 1. to 7. ) l. 34. put in the margen ( 1 Tim 1. 20. ) & Tim. 4. 14. ) Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45589e-200 Mat. 14.20 . Marc. 12.42 . Notes for div A45589e-840 Mat. 3.10 . Notes for div A45589e-1610 Sec ndum Vulgatem translationem , Rom 9.1 . 1 Cor. 11.31 . Gal. 1 20.1 Tim. 2.7 . 1 Tim. 4.1.2 . Notes for div A45589e-2760 Article 23. R. B. pa. 206. Article . 36. R. B. pa 346. Pag. 209. 210. Pag. 346. Pag 347. (a) Coneil . Parisi . 3 bin . Tom. 2. pag. 207. col . 2. nu 8 B. Synod 7. Act. 8. can. 3. Bin Tom. 3 part . 1. sect 1 pag. 701. E. F. Synod . 8. cap. 22. Bin . Tom. 3 part 1 Scot . 2 p. 647. col 1. A. & pag. 676 col a C. D. Concil. ●ar . sub Gre Pop. 7. Bin . Tom 3 sas . 2. pa. 4●7 col . 1. F. baron Tom. 12 Ann. 1103. paragr. 8. pag. 33. Ft Ann. 111● . para 29.30.34 . Et Ann. 1106. par . 33. pag. 55. Et Ann. 1108. par . 25 pag 67. Et Ann. 1119. paragr. 10. pag. 143. Et ●nno . 1139. parag. 5. pag. 89. nu . 25. Et. 1169. par . ● 29. pag. 623. (b) Optat afrie . milevit . lb. 3. pag. 64. August . contr. liter . Pet. lb. 2.1 . (c) tosua 24.23 . ad 28 & 34.31.22 33. Isay 47.23 . S. August . contr. Cresc . li . 3 . c.51 . pag. 272. A. B. & contr. Gaudent . lib. 2 . c.11. col . 341. A. B. & Epist. 50. col . 207. ad 203. (d) Concil. Nice . I. can. 4. Bin . Tom 1. pag. 297. col . 1. B. Epistdehan . pap . 3. Bin . Tom. 2. part . 2. pag. 205. col . 2. D. (e) Archidiac . super Dec part . I . dist. 66 pog . 88. Bellarm. Tom. 2. de mil. Eccles. lib. 4 cap. 8. p 189. B. Quantum . Cardin . Turtecr . in Gratian . Tom. 1. part . 1. dist. 66. Porro pag. 88. (f) Bellar. Tom. 2. Not. Eccles. li 4. cap. 8 col 189. B.C. (g) Iohan. Reynolds Apol. Thes. 26. pag. 292. cites many authorities for these Boyish heads . (h) Concil calce. . gen. 4. Act. 15. can. 6. Bin . Tom. 2. par ●● pag. 327 col . 2. C. (i) Panormit . de offic. ordinar. cap Quoniam nu . 4. (k) Sleidon . Commom . lib 17 pag. 248. a. Baron . Tom. 10 Anne 912 , na. 8 col , 685. Budaeus de asset lib. 5. sol . 199. Franc. de Victor . Rel 4. de potest . Papae propos 6 , pag. 39. & 48. Ra ward Topp . oral . 10. Anno 1552. pag. 199. & 200. R B. pag. 346. 3. 7. Concil Sardicenscap . 3 Bn. ●om 1. pag 434. col . 2. F. (a) Baron Tom. 2. Anmo . 260. paragr 29. col . 580. (b) Zozom . Hist. eccl lib. 4. cap. 8. Bin . Tom. 1 part . 1. sect. pag. 521. and Tom 3. part . 2. sect. 2. pag. 423. co . 2. E. Concil. Constanti . Ep. vel . hist. cons. B n. Tom. 1. pag. 521. (b.c) Bin Tom. 3 par . 2. sect. 2. pag. 4●4 . col . 1. A. B. (a c c) Baron To . 4. Anno 375 paragr. 21.22.23 . col . 395. 396. (e) Baron Tom. 4. An. 362. para . 50 pag. 29. (f) Marcell . correct . Sacr. Cerl 1. sect. 2 fol. 13. Socrat. bist . eccles. lib 4 cap. 25. pag. 282. E. Begun 22. Ianu. 1558. 1. Eliz. & ended 8. May following 1559. Pag. 343. Godwyn Catal of bishop Durbam 58. Cath. Tunsto'l Stow hist Queen . Fliz. an. 1. Injun . Eli. Reginae . Injunct . 8.28.40.51.53 . R.B. pag. 348. 1. R. B. pag. 209. Statut. 25 . Hen. 8 . cap.20 . Register Parker . Lib. 1. fol. 2. a.b. & fol. 3. a & fol. 9. b. R.B. pag. 210. 211. Vide hic infra . Object . 3. Page 350. Franc. Mason , booke of Consecrat. lib. 3 ca. 4. pag. 127. R.B. pag. 210. 〈◊〉 , antepenult . Antiquitat , Britan . pag. 39. Editio Hano v. Anno 1604 * He meanes ( surely ) consecration . Concil Trid. Sess. 23. can. 4. Bin . Tom 4. part . 2. pag. 328. Col. 1. ● . (a) Greg àc Valent . Ies . Tom. 4. disp 9. qu. 2. punct 1. pa. 894. Secundus effectus . — (b) Biel. in 4. sent . dist. 25. qu. 1. fol. 31. col . 1. C. (c) Dam. Soto . in 4 sent . dist. 25. qu. 1. pag. 58 col . 2. contra hunc . — (d) Capreol lib. 4. sent . dist. 25. qu. 1. art . 3. pag. 272. col . 1. in margine . (e) Bellar. Tom. 3. De effectu Sacrament . lib. 2. cap. 19 , 20 , 21.22 . pag. 46 , 47 , 48 Et de Sacra confirmat . lib. 2. cap. 12. pag. 92. col . 1. C. Petrus de Palude in 4 , Sentent . d. 25. p. 1. art , 1. Masonus de Minister . Aug. lib. 8 . cap.30.pag.372.lat . impr anno 1638. Regist. Cran. sol.261 . Regist. Polisol . 3. Godwin lat Exeter 32 . pag 413. Rigist . Parker Libr. 1.fol.3.b . Reman in Recor . Cur. cancellar. . Godwin . Catal. Chichester 39 . et pag. 474. Audaxi inscitia . Regist. Cran. fol. 179. Godwin . Catal. Asaph . pag. 552. et St. Davia's 78. et Bath & Wells , 45. et Chichester , 41. Regist. Park . lib. 1. fol. 39. b. Regist. Cranm . fol. a. Godwin . Catal. Chichester 39 pag. 474. Regist. Parker 1. lib. 1. fol 23. a. Antiquitates Britan pag. 39. Sir Humpb Lind Via tuta pag. 154. 155. 10. Heigham via vere tuta pag. 425. 426. 
A47044	----	A sermon preached at the consecration of the Right Reverend Father in God Ambrose Lord Bishop of Kildare in Christ-Church, Dublin, June 29, 1667 / by the right reverend father in God, Henry, Lord Bishop of Meath. Jones, Henry, 1605-1682. 1667 Approx. 122 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47044 Wing J948 ESTC R5267 09464174 ocm 09464174 43197 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47044) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43197) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 386:12, 1311:3) A sermon preached at the consecration of the Right Reverend Father in God Ambrose Lord Bishop of Kildare in Christ-Church, Dublin, June 29, 1667 / by the right reverend father in God, Henry, Lord Bishop of Meath. Jones, Henry, 1605-1682. [44], 31 [i.e. 42], [1] p. Printed by John Crook ... and are to be sold by Samuel Dancer ..., Dublin : 1667. Errata: p. [1] at end. Reproductions of original in the Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jones, Ambrose, d. 1678. Bible. -- N.T. -- Titus I, 5-9 -- Sermons. Church polity -- Sermons. Episcopacy -- Sermons. 2005-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-07 Simon Charles Sampled and proofread 2005-07 Simon Charles Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur Mich. Dublin . Canc. A SERMON Preached at the Consecration OF The Right Reverend Father in God AMBROSE Lord Bishop of KILDARE IN Christ-Church , Dublin , June 29. 1667. BY The Right Reverend Father in God HENRY Lord Bishop of MEATH . DUBLIN , Printed by John Crook , Printer to the King 's most Excellent Majestie , and are to be sold by Samuel Dancer in Castle-street . 1667. To the Most Honourable JAMES , Duke , Marquess , and Earl of Ormond , Earl of Ossory and Brecknock , Viscount Thurles , Lord Baron of Arklow and Lanthony , Lord of the Regalities and Liberties of the County of Tipperary , Chancellor of the Universitie of Dublin , Lord Lieutenant General , and General Governour of His MAJESTIES Kingdom of Ireland , Lord Lieutenant of the County of Somerset , the City and County of Bristol , and the Cities of Bath and Wells , one of the Lords of His MAJESTIES Most Honourable Privy Councils of His MAJESTIES Kingdoms of England , Scotland , and Ireland , Lord Steward of His MAJESTIES Household , Gentleman of His MAJESTIES Bed-chamber , and Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter , His GRACE , My LORD , WHat of Ecclesiastical Government in the Christian Church , hath passed our fore-fathers unquestioned more than One thousand five hundred years , from the Apostles downward , that , is become the unhappy Dispute of this last Age , both as to Pen and Sword. This had its Rise at Geneva , Anno 1541. a the people having thence tumultuously expelled their Bishop , and being thereby without Government , and to seek for the way toward it , thereupon did Calvin put himself on them , finding , in that , a fit introduction to greatness , and by his prudence , and learning , ( in both which he excelled ) became he there an Oracle , and his will a law . Of that made he use in meditating , forming , and proposing a Model of Church-government , ( it being desired of him by the people ; ) which he well ordered to his ends , and interests ; intermixing Church , and Lay-Elders ; ( those fixed , these yearly elected ) appointing a double number of the Laity , to what was of the other ; That is , six Ministers , and twelve others , chosen out of their three Councils of State , viz. Six out of their Council of two hundred , and four out of that of sixty , and two out of the twenty five ; wherein ( for pleasing the people ) the advantage of major Votes was given them in decisions ; and in that , most of power in them ( seemingly ) placed ; whereas , indeed , all was thereby in himself , and in his Church-Elders principally , well judging , that the fewer ( being learned , leading , and lasting ) might easily influence , and overbear a greater number not so reaching , and changing , whose election also might be by the other so ordered , as to serve a Church-interest . And least ( on consideration , ) this might be ( over-soon apprehended and avoided . Therefore had Calvin ( undertaking that form of Government , desired of him ) first , politickly , obliged that people by Oath to receive and submit to what should be so proposed ; Provided , it were agreeable to Gods Word , and to the approbation of such of the Reformed Churches as should be thought fit to be therein consulted . And accordingly , did he carefully hold , in that , to Scripture-names and words , knowing , that this could not but sound well howsoever , and that it might take with the less discerning , and would certainly pass with those , whose interest it was to be so satisfied . In which , he fixed principally on the name of Elders ; a Scripture-name , of which much is spoken in both Testaments , but in the New Testament sounding toward the frame of Government in the Christian Church : yet , in the New Testament was found the word Bishop also : and this , as considerable , for Church government as could be pretended to , in that other of Elders ; and yet , must not ( notwithstanding ) the name of Bishop be in this new Model mentioned : for , the Name would mind the injurious casting off of their Bishop , and the Thing stood in the way to other grandeures ; therefore with the person must the name of Bishop be shut out also . But how may that be without force and wrong to Scripture ? where , of the Name and Office of Bishops , is mention frequent and honourable ; As to that , the expedient is readie and easie . It is but ordering the Text to the gloss , and framing such an Interpretation for that Scripture-name Bishop , that thenceforth ( although never till then ) by Bishops , Elders be understood : so as , whatsoever is in the New Testament said of Bishops , should be of Elders onely , & that Bishops and Elders be as the same , not distinguished in office or work . But such avoiding of express Scriptures by private constructions , could not satisfie all : therefore , what is short in that , is to be supplied otherwise ; that is , by the sense and approbation of other Reformed Churches : and to that is this new Law-giver put ( unexpectedly ) by a reluctancy found in the people , they beginning to resent the design , and desiring ( if possible ) to get off , and loose from that , in which they now saw , ( but too late ) themselves intangled . And whereas their late obligation of an Oath , could not but stick close , it behoved to seek their libertie some other way , and no other way appeared so ready , as that part of the mentioned proviso , the sense of other Churches in the case , by which was hope for evading , it being observed , that no other Church was then so modelled in Government ; and therefore , was it hoped they might be inclined not to favour this , being new and strange . This , the people now press , and to four of the Helvetian Cities and Churches is by them addressed , with which Calvin closeth readily ; that being what he expected , and for what he was prepared , and of which he had already assurance . For , ( all that having been foreseen ) he had before ( underhand ) by Letters , dealt with the principals of those Churches , that they would not fail to declare for that form of Government , in which he had so laboured for Geneva , ( saying ) That Religion , and piety , and the welfare of that Church and people depended on it . Whereby when that business was by all parties laid before those Churches , the Answer was readie ; which was , That they had heard of those Consistorial Laws , which they acknowledged for godly Ordinances , and drawing towards the prescript of Gods Word : therefore did they think it good for the Church of Geneva , not to change the same , but rather to keep as they were . Thus , is Calvins Work done , and setled , and the people brought to a succumbency ; onely , it remained , That whereas it had been by those compromising Churches , more warily delivered concerning those Laws of Government , that they were godly Ordinances ( which might seem a lean expression ) and that they did draw toward the prescript of Gods Word , ( which was short and diminishing ) therefore was something to be declared more absolute and positive in the case . And seeing it was not to be expected from other Churches , it was thus therefore otherwise ordered ( and as effectually ) First , that this Discipline be cried up ( as it was industriously ) for ancient , Apostolical , and wholly Scriptural ; and so , above all other forms whatsoever , and therefore , to be that to which other Churches should conform ; and Geneva ( as to Church and Government , ) to be esteemed of all , and above all best reformed : unto which , in that cursed National Covenant in England , was respect had particularly . Wherein is to be observed the prodigious growth of this last nights mushrom ; that this , but just now , standing on its good behaviour , and beholding to others votes and approbation ( and that begged ) for introducing it , and needing an Oath ( slily imposed , and inconsiderately taken ) for holding the people to it , it self also looking on it self jealously , whether to be or not ; yet should it now from a politick Government start up in a moment , and be transformed to what is Divine . And therefore no longer begging , but commanding ; nor to be now confined to Geneva , ( where first imposed , ) but Geneva in that , giving Laws to the world , and expecting from other Churches conformity to that as the principal . By all which ( notwithstanding ) although other Reformed Churches had been in all this time , little influenced ; yet ( surely by some fatality ) hath it been with us in these Kingdoms otherwise . For this Geneva form well pleasing our English , fled to Geneva in Q. Mary's Persecution was by them brought thence in their return ; by whom it having been for a time hatched in private Conventicles , at length was it brought forth , and after by strong hand imposed on our Churches for imitation : as was that Idol-altar at Damascus patterned for Jerusalem . b This began in Scotland , where Episcopacie was cast off by the Reformers ( Geneva Principled ) and that ( as in Geneva , ) in a way popular and tumultuary so imbibing Reformation with Schism . And although in th● other Kingdoms Episcopacy still held , and many years flourished after the Reformation , ( to the glory of our Church above all others reformed ) yet was that sacred Hierarchy , in that time , by that Party oft pushed at ; and at length , ( they getting head and power in our late dismal times ) our very foundations of Government , Civil , and Ecclesiastical , Regal , and Episcopal , ( as by a general earthquake ) were at once , and together , overturned , and in their ruins buried : under which universal desolations lay these Kingdoms , miserably , when ( as by miracle ) all were again raised and restored to their former beauty and lustre , by His Sacred Majesties glorious and happy Restauration . ( And next and unto His Majesty ) doth Ireland own Your GRACE in its Settlement , both as to Church and State , our general settlement of the Kingdom by your great Hand , speaking Your glory to generations . And whereas all these mentioned evils and miseries , had been occasioned by schism , and by that particularly concerning Church-government , and that this present generation hath been ( in a great measure ) bred and educated in an Age , where that truth hath been silenced , and nothing heard but what hath been loudly against it , and the contrary magnified , as what only is according to Scripture : and considering , that this , ( we must now say ) controversie , being cleared , mens minds ( or some of them ) might be satisfied in the truth , and thereby setled in obedience ; therefore ( occasion being for it ) did I take up this subject , in which Episcopacy is asserted as Apostolical , and the contrary examined , so far , as the short time then allowed me would admit ; which being by Your GRACE commanded from me , it is thus in due obedience presented ; yet in some particulars here and there enlarged , above what was in publick delivery , what is so added , being what was intended to have been then spoken , had I not been enforced by the time , and work of the Day , to contract . All which is now laid at Your Excellencies feet , and under Your great and piercing Judgment , there , leaving it humbly , and ever praying for Your Lordships happiness every way ; and that the Lord would remember You according to the good by You done for the House of our God , and for the Offices thereof . Your GRACES In Duty and Service . Henry Midensis . Dublin , 16. Aug. 1667. My LORD , I Have more than once read your Lordships very excellent Sermon , and do think it not only so convincing in what it aims at , but so prudent and seasonable , that with your good leave , I wish it may be printed , and to that end have left the Copy you sent me in my Lord Chancellors Hands . What you are pleased to say of me , in your Epistle to me , is the only questionable part of the Work ; and if I have not been what you say , you teach me what I should be , and I receive the Instruction as I ought , and remain . Your Lordships most Affectionate humble Servant , ORMONDE . For the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of Meath . These . THE PREFACE TO THE READER . WHat is here withall now published , was at first intended to have been no farther publique , then as spoken . But it being since then , otherwise ordered , and concieving that so necessary a Truth ( now dark and controversal , ) might require more for its Explication and Proof , then was , or could ( circumstances considered ) be , at that time , in speaking allowed . Therefore is this intended in way of Supplement at present , which may be hereafter farther enlarged , as opportunity shall be for it ; if not , perhaps , thereunto provoked by Gain-sayers , whom I expect and provide for . The asserting the Episcopal Office and Calling , and in that , the Government Ecclesiastical of the Christian Church , is that now before us , concerning which that may be found true , which God speaks of some other his Truths , in corrupt times . I have ( saith he ) written to them the great things of my Law , but they were counted as a strange thing . a And what is now so strange , as to hear of Episcopacy , that it is the true , ancient , and Apostolical Government of the Church ? And on the contrary , That the Government without Elders ( Lay or others ) is but feigned , and novel ? Yet , is this a great Truth , Episcopacy having been received , both in profession and practice in all Ages of the Church , from the first of Christianity unto 〈◊〉 last Age , whereas now we find this Truth , not so much antiquated or forgotten , as utterly denied . But comparing Scripture , and authentick Records of ancient times 〈…〉 evident , That Episcopacy is so far Apostolically Divine , 1. That Bishops were in the 〈◊〉 times of the Apostles . 2. And they by the Apostles themselves ordained and appointed . 3. And that in those very times of the Apostles , in the Apostolical Churches ( such as were by the Apostles themselves planted , and setled , ) there had been an approved succession of Bishops . 4. And that in all the following P●●●●tive Ages of the Church , the 〈◊〉 by Bishops , so Apostolically ordered , had been accordingly received , and continued , no one Church contradicting in word , or practice . 5. Lastly , nothing heard , in all that time , of a Government by Elders , Lay , o● other . For manifesting which , briefly , in particulars , it appears , 〈…〉 ( Taking that unto the death of 〈◊〉 John , an . 〈◊〉 ) 1. That St. James , ( not the Son of 〈◊〉 who was killed by Herod b but 〈…〉 killed the 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 brother c or kinsman ) was ( it may be on such respect● ) appointed by the Apostles , Bishop of Jerusalem . He was there , therefore resident , while other the Apostles were other where on their work . And on that account might he be ( probably , ) pointed 〈…〉 as principal among the 〈◊〉 d 〈◊〉 ( faith he ) show these things unto James , and to the brethren , speaking of his miraculous deliverance from Herod , and from his prison . And after , in the great Council 〈◊〉 Hierusalem ( the greatest that ever was in the Christian world , all the Apostles being present ; ) St. James appears there as Principal and President , by whom ( as 〈◊〉 by such usual ) the Resolve of the Council is last , and definitively declared . e Also to St. James , is by St. Paul at Hierusalem expresly addressed . f And again , and again is he honourably mentioned among , and above others , g in which he was considered as Bishop of Hierusalem , which I need not prove , it being by the other 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ●ledged , & proved also , although with some tenderness , as to be willingly passed over . It seemeth ( say the Authors of the Annot. on the Bible Printed an . 1651. ) that he was assigned to stay at Jerusalem . h But on what account was that ? They test us , i Antiquity ( say they ) took him , ( James ) to be superintendent , or Bishop of the Church of Jerusalem , Chrys. hom . 33. in Act. Jerom. to 1 Catal. ser. Eccles. These are their words and proof for it , of that therefore I need not ( I hope ) say more . After St. James ( who governed that Church thirty years ) his brother Simon or Simeon succeeded in that Bishoprick ; k He , living until he was 120 years old , suffered under 〈◊〉 . 2. By appointment of St. Peter , St. Mark was appointed Bishop of Alexandria , and the first there . He died five or six years before S. Peter or S. Paul , and almost 40 years before S. John : Him succeeded Anianus , then Abilius , and after Cerdo , all in the Apostles time . l 3. By S. Paul was Timothy made Bishop of Ephesus , and Titus Bishop of Crete . The Postscripts to those Epistles stile them Bishops ; which beside the Antiquity of that testimony , is otherwise averred , for the Authors of the Centuries m say , That it is evident that Paul appointed Timothy Pastor , and that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or President , which is with Beza a Bishop . n Timothy had first the Bishoprick of the Church of Ephesus , and Titus of the Churches in Crete : so Eusebius , o also Jerome , p Timothy was ordained of S. Paul the Bishop of the Ephesians , and Titus Bishop of Crete : And Oecumenius on these words , 1 Tim. 1. 3. I be sought thee to abide still at Ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Here ( faith he ) he appointed him Bishop . q And of Titus , r That Paul left him to ordain Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having first made him Bishop . As for Timothies Successors In the Apostles times ; you have the Angel of that Church mentioned by S. John , Re● . 2. 1. Also Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus Contemporary to Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna , ordained by S. John. And of others his successors after , we read in the Council of Chalcedon ; where Stephanus Bishop of Ephesus being deposed , and it being debated by whom the new Bishop should be appointed , whether by the Council , or by the Provincial Synod of Asia ; thereupon Leontius Bishop of Magnesia ( of the Province of Asia ) said , Thatfrom S. Timothy to that time , there had been 27 Bishops of Ephesus , all ordained in the Province . s As to Crete , and of Bishops , succeeding Titus ; we read , that Basil Bishop of Gortyna ( the Metropolis of Crete ) was present at the Council of Trullo . t 4. The Apostles S. Peter , and S. Paul , about the year 45. appointed Evodius Bishop of Antioch , who continued there Bishop 20 years . Him Ignatius succeeded , and sate there 30 years ; both of them in the times of the Apostles . u 5. In the year 56. the same Apostles ordered Linus Bishop of Rome , who is mentioned 2 Tim. 4. 21. after whom followed Anacletus , and Clemens , w in the Apostles times also . Clemens did see the Apostles , and conversed with them , saith Irenaeus ( l. 3. c. 3. ) 6. S. John ordained Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna . x And after his return from exile , he appointed several Bishops in divers places . y And as we finde it thus in those Apostolical Churches ( by themselves , ordered ) so in others also hath it been in like manner , as to Apostolical Ordination and succession : Of which Tertullian : As the Church of Smyrna had Polycarpus placed there by S. John , and the Church of Rome Clement ordained by S. Peter , so the rest of the Churches also did shew what Bishops they had received by the appointment of the Apostles , to traduce the Apostolical seed to them . z In all which are seen , Bishops ordained by the Apostles ; with their succession , and that , even in the times of the Apostles , together with their times and places , ascertaining the truth of it . Adde , the universal practice after , of all Churches , both Orthodox , and Heretical ; ( for even the Novatians , Arians , and Donatists , &c. retained the true Government of the Church by Bishops . ) But on the contrary , No instances out of Councils , Fathers or Histories , can be given ( in all that time ) of Churches ordered without Bishops by Elders , of which kind soever ; allowing the time when Churches were first constituted ; they being then under the immediate tuition and care of the Apostles themselves respectively , until by their removal or otherwise , they found it necessary to appoint others in their places , in which case , the Apostles being themsel●es Bishops , they then stood in that capacity , which Bishops after supplied . That general consent therefore of all Churches from the beginning , evidenceth the Truth in this undeniably ; if it be not supposed , that all those holy Fathers and Councils should joyn in one , throughout all those ages , ( no one contradicting , ) in setting up a Government in the Church ( Episcopal , ) contrary to what was by the Apostles appointed ; and utterly silencing ( without the least memory ) what the Apostles had ordered ( if so it were ) of a Government by Elders without Bishops . But that , were to suppose a conspiracy and combination , as to those holy men uncharitable , and in it self irrational and impossible . This I rather chuse to give in the very words of his late Majestie Charles I. ( the Royal Martyr for this Church truth , as for the essential priviledges of His Crown and Kingdoms ) that , being by him delivered in answer to certain Papers of the Divines attending the Commissioners of Parliament at the Treatie of Newpors in the Isle of Wight anno . 1648. a He that shall find by all the best records extant , that the distinction of Bishops from , and the superiority over Presbyters was so universally and speedily spread over the face of the whole world ; and their government submitted to so 〈◊〉 by the Presbyters that there never was any considerable opposition made there against before Aerius ( and that cried down as an Hereste ) nor since till this last age , And shall duely consider withall that if Episcopal government had not had an indubitable Institution from the authority of Christ and his Apostles ; or if any other forme of Church government could have pretended to such Instruction , it had been the most impossible thing in the world , when their neither was any outward certain power to enforce it , nor could be any general Council to stablish it , to have introduced such a forme of government so suddenly and quietly into all Christian Churches , and not the spirit of one Presbyter for 〈◊〉 that appeareth for above 300. years to 〈◊〉 been provoke either through zeal ; ambition or other motive to stand up in the just defence of their own and the Churches libertie against such usurpation . These are his Majesties words . Thus doth Episcopacy derive from the first times , and shews it self generally received , and continued by a Succession of after ages , in the Christian Church . Which that by Elders without Bishops , cannot shew . By this Tertullian concludes for the Catholick Church against Heretiques . Let them ( saith he ) shew the beginning of their Churches , let them run over the Succession of their Bishops , so as the first of them , may have one of the Apostles , or Apostolique men , to be a founder , or predecessor . So Apostolique Churches derive themselves ; So doth the Church of Smyrna shew Policarpus placed there by John : and Rome , Clements , ordained by Peter ; so have other Churches those , who were by the Apostles appointed Bishops by whom the Apostolique seed ( or race ) is derived , or continued ( so Tertullian , de Praescript . advers . Haeretic . c. 33. ) thus was it of old , and from th beginning , unto these later times ; when the change of that ancient forme of Church Government began ; that being occasionally brought in ( it troubles to say it ) with the Reformation . ( Then I say ) was that occasioned , rather than designed , or approved by the first Reformers . For , the truth and puritie of the Gospel , being then opposed and persecuted by Popish Bishops , thereby were those Reformers enforced to act in that work of Reformation without those Bishops , whom they could not gain , and who were to them so contrary . Yet did not those Reformers in that , cast off Episcopacy , with aversness to the Order ; but onely in respect of those individual persons of the Popish Bishops oppressing , they the Reformers in the mean time professing for Episcopacy , and greatly desiring it , if it might be . It is 〈◊〉 by us endea●oured ( say they ) that Bishops be deprived of Government , or Power , but it is desired , that they suffer the Gospel to be purely preached : b and we have oft protested , That we do greatly approve the Ecclesiastial Politie and degrees in the Church , and as much as in us lieth , we desire to preserve them . We do not dislike the authority of Bishops , so that they would not compel us to do against Gods commandments : c and yet again , We do here protest , and we would have it to be recorded , that we would willingly have the Ecclesiastical and Canonical Politie , if the the Bishops cease to tyrannize over our Churches . This our desire shall excuse us with all posterity , both before God and all Nations . d All which we have in that famous Augustan confession of the Reformers , who from the word protest , so frequent there , had then and thence the name of Protestants , they being there first called Protestants , as first Christians at Antioch e This Augustan Confession , or Profession , or Protestation , was signed by the more eminently Learned in that age , and work of Reformation : Among whom , even Calvin was a Subscriber . Yet did others of the chief Reformers , adhere to their professions made concerning the right of Episcopacy , both as to Order and Jurisdiction , concluding , that in Justice it ought not to be violated . f By what right or Law ( saith Melan●thon to Camerarius ) may we dissolve the Ecclesiastical Politie , if the Bishops will grant us what in reason they ought to grant : and though it were lawful , yet surely it were not expedient . And he writing to Luther , You will not believe how they of Noricum and others hate me , Propter restitutam Episcopis Jurisdictionem , for restoring the Jurisdiction of Bishops . g And Camerarius in the life of Melancthon ▪ saith thus of him , ( h ) Melancthon non modo adstipulatore sed etiam authore ipso Luthero &c. ) Melancthon not onely by the consent , but even by advice also of Luther perswaded , that if Bishops would grant free use of the true doctrine , the ordinary power , and administration of their several Diocesses should be restored to them ; and even Beza who succeeded Calvin in Geneva for the space of ten years in like authority , duering which time , he was strict in his Judgment as to his discipline ; Yet after Danaeu's his comeing thither , whereby that course of continueing long in that place , was altered , and Beza laid by ; Then could he find those inconveniences in that course , which he could not now remedie , onely , wishing it were otherwise . So speaking of the 34th Canon , of those called , the Apostles Canons , concerning the power of Metropolitans over Bishops , Quid aliud ( saith Beza ) hic statuitur , quam ordo ille , quem in omnibus Eccles●is restitutum cupimus : what is in this appointed , but that order , which we wish maybe restored , in all the Ghurches ? f I shall but add that of Zanchius , ( one of the most learned of that side . ) He in a confession , or profession of Faith by him composed , speaking of Church Orders , and saying that Arch bishops and Patriarchs may be defended , k And sending that his confession to others for their approbation , and consent in it ; he found exceptions taken at that said by him concerning those Church Orders : his words are . l A certain eminent person , did write to me thus : what you write of your confession , hath been by me , and by N. and others received with great delight ; it being learnedly written , and in an accurate method , with which I was greatly pleased , if you except what in the end you add of Archbishops and that Hierarchy . On which Zanchius maketh for himself this Apologie ; when ( saith he ) I wrote this confession of Faith : I did write all things out of a good conscience , and as I believed so did I freely speak . Now my faith is grounded chiefly and simply on the word of God ; something also , in the next place , on the common consent of the whole Ancient Catholique Church , if that be not repugnant to the Scriptures . I do also beleive , that what things were defined in Councils and received by the godly Fathers , gathered together in the name of the Lord , by common consent of all , without any gainsaying of the holy Scriptures , that those things also , ( though they be not of the same authority with the holy Scriptures ) proceeded from the holy Ghost . Hence it is , that those things that ●e of this kind , I neither will , nor dare with a good conscience dislike . But what is more certain out of History , Councils , and writings of all the Fathers , then that those Orders of Ministers , whereof I speake , were established , and received by the common consent of all Christendom ( Quis autem ego ? &c ) And who am I , that I should disallow , what the whole Church approveth : nor date all the learned men of our times oppose it ; knowing that it was both lawfull for the Church so to order it : and that those things proceeded , and were ordained for the best ends , and for the edifying of the Elect. ( So Zanchius ▪ ) he , in that , agreeing with the sence of the moderate sort of Reformers . Notwithstanding which , as a little stepping out of the right way , and so proceeding , makes ( in long running ) the return more difficult , so those Reformers stepping so , out of the right path of truth , in acting ( as they did ) without Bishops ( although thereunto enforced ) thereby was occasion given to those following , to proceed in that error , and so farre , as not onely to be without Bishops , but to be also to them ill spirited ; which their leaders , were not , and that , at length , ending in Schisme , and Seperation . But let such consider , that for that very thing was Aerius by the Fathers branded with haeresie ( as was before mentioned ? He , as an Arian first opposed Christ ; and after , his Church , in its government ; and that obstinately , and Schismatically ; the occasion whereof would be considered . It was his standing for a Bishoprick , in competition with Eustathius , both of them Arians , and in an Arian Church ; ( For very Arians also held the true Government of the Church by Bishops ) But Aërius being put by what he so ambitiously desired , and Eustathius preferred to the Bishoprick , thereupon discontented , ( discontent proyeing oft , a rise to haeresies , and schismes ) Aërius did first , set himself against Eustathius : and after against the whole Episcopal Order ; teaching ; that between a Preshiter , and a Bishop there is no difference : That the order is the same , and the honour alike in both &c ) ( The very doctrine of our late Aëriaus ) But in that was he opposed by St. Augustin m And by Epiphanus . n both censuring that his opinion for heresie ; Nor was he by them alone oppugned , but ( as Epiphanus , who lived in the same times with him , addeth ) All Churches both in City , and Country , so detested him , and his followers , ( which were many ) that being abandoned of all they were forced to live in open fields , and woods o which opinion of Aërius against Bishops being so by the Fathers adjudged heresie it was , in that , judged to be contrary to Gods word ( for there is no heresie ) that is not contrary to Gods word . ) And let those in his case among us , se to this : and how farre they are gone in this seperation , casting of the Sacred order of Bishops utterly , contrary to the sence of the first Reformers , who would have bad Bishops if they might , but these will not , though they may ; and those such Bishops as are affectionate to them in the truth . And readie to receive them , ( returning ) with embracements of love in Christian Communion . Which spoken of the Reformed Churches , acting in the first Reformation without Bishops , is not to be understood , as if they after continued without Bishops ; for as soon as could be , they did , ( many of them ) set up that holy Order of Bishops and Archbishops in their Churches , Yet ( I know not why ) with change of those good ancient names for worse ; In Ecclesijs protestantium non desunt reips● Episcopi , & Archiepiscopi , quo● mutatis●onis graecis nominibus in male latina , vo●ant Superintendentes , & generales Superintendentes , ( saith Zarichius ) The Protestant Churches , ( understand many of them . ) want not Bishops and Archbishops , haveing them in effect ; whom changing good Greek names , into bad latine names , they call Superintendents and general Superintendents . p And when it is said , that of the reformed Churches , retaineing Episcopal government , there are many ; understand those many , for the more considerable . Some of them holding to that Order , in substance , but under varied names , ( as was said ) others , under the proper appollations of Archbishops and Bishops and that in their primitive lustre and dignity . Among these , and above all , are the Churches of great Brittaine and Ireland , in this , emmently glorious ; where , that Apostolical government is here held up , in name , and forme , in title , and substance ; to the lasting honour of those our Princes : who in that , as otherwise , well merited the Title of Defenders of the Faith ; ( A glorious gemme in the Royal Diadem ) an honour ( I may say it ) peculiar to His Sacre●d Majesty Charles the 〈◊〉 above all his 〈◊〉 Progenitors they having but maintained what of this they found , and had been delivered into their hands in a long settlement , but He restoring what had 〈◊〉 by a stoole of iniquitie , as by ( a law , ) q 〈◊〉 out ( as they intended ) Root and branch . The praise of the reforming Princes of Juda ( such were Asa , Jehosaphat , Hezekiah , and Josiah ) was next those , by whom Gods worship was first Setled ( David and Solomon ) and in that above all others , although other ways good , in maintaining Gods worship as they found it delivered to their hands . Among these , Hezekiah was eminent ; for he found all in confusion ( 〈…〉 29. ) the Temple defiled , Prophaned , and Shut up , and its Service neglected , and interrupted . He opened the doors of the house of the Lord. ( v. 3. ) and ordered the carrying out the filthyness out of the Sanctuary ( v. 5. 15. 16. ) after , setling those , appointed for the holy Service , together with then worke ( v. 18. &c , ) and all that by him early begun , and soon perfected . For the first 〈◊〉 and first month of his Reign ( v. ● ) and the first day of the month ( v. 17. ) he immediately on his comeing in , was this begun ▪ and so was it industriously followed , as that in sixteen days the work was finished ▪ ( v. 17. ) that expedition , shewing it to be from the ( Lord , so is it observed ( v. 36. ) that God prepared the people , for the thing was done suddainly : and ( Ch●●●● 〈◊〉 it is said , That in Judah , the hand of God was to give the● one heart , to do the Commandement of the King , and of the Princes , by the word of the Lord : On all which followed , great joy in salem ; for since the time of Solomon , the Son of David King of Israell , there was not the like in Hierusalem ( 2. Chr. 30. 36. ) So was it in Hezekiahs reformation . In which we see his Sacred Majestie our dread Soveraign , in his glorious work of Reformation , lively portrayed . 1. As to the greatness of the work all was among us in greatest confusion , and deformation , by a pretended Reformation ▪ Gods houses prophaned , his holy Service neglected , interrupted , and despised ; and the Sacred Office , and Officers of the Church cast off , and 〈…〉 on : and ( in order to their 〈…〉 ) were the ample 〈◊〉 of the Church ( the Lords portion ) ●acrilegiously invaded , and designedly alienated into 〈◊〉 , great , and many thereby ingaged to oppose the very Office for ever . 2. And as wene the proceedings in Hezekiahs reformation , so were they 〈◊〉 of His Majesties , answereably 〈◊〉 that work did he set himself early , even the first year , the first month , and the first day of the month , that is , immediately after His Majesties happy entrando among his people , and before his own Solemn Settlement on his Royal Throne , then , were the doors of the Lords house by him opened , and the Sanctuary purged from filth , and prophanation ! Then the holy offices of the Church in Gods Service Setled . And our Apostolical Church Officers , ( Arch-bishops and Bishops ) set in their respective places . And soon after , were also restored the just possessions of the Church , for support of those attending that Sacred work . And all this done , as it were , on a suddain silently , and cheerfully , even to astonishment that , shewing it not to be from men , but from God ▪ who , as he ●owed the hearts of the people as one man to His Majesties own Royal Person ; as to David r so the hand of God was on the people , that he gave them one heart , to do the commandement of the King , and of the Princes towards this Royal reformation as in Hezekiah ( s ) and that as there , 〈…〉 with a general rejoyeeing : For the like thing had not been in England since the beginning of Christianity . In all which , as we have to bless God greatly for such his goodness to his people : so to begg daily his preserveing to us his Sacred Majesty ( as our nursing Father of his Church , ) together with such of the Princes , who ( under his Majesty ) have been in this great work , eminently instrumental . Tit. 1. ver . 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Ver. 5. For this cause left I thee in Crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain Elders in every City , as I had appointed thee . 6. If any be blameless , the husband of one wife , having faithful children , not accused of riot , or unruly . 7. For a Bishop must be blameless , as the steward of God : not self-willed , not soon angry , not given to wine , no striker , not given to filthy lucre . 8. But a lover of hospitality , a lover of good men , sober , just , holy , temperate . 9. Holding fast the faithful word , as he hath been taught , that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers . THat , is here verified , which the great Apostle of the Gentiles S. Paul speaketh of himself , his being daily pressed with the care of All the Churches ; a that his care began in planting ; and was followed in watering , and continued in settling the Churches planted and watered . First , Planting where yet none were : In which his pains were great , labours indefatigable , and endeavours succesful ; so that from Jerusalem , and round about unto Illiricum , I have ( saith he ) fully preached the Gospel of Christ. b In which round about , are Arabia , Damafeus , Antiochia , Seleucin , Cyprus , ●amphilia , Pisedia , Licaonica , Siria , Cilicia , ●hrygia , Galatia , Misia , Troas , Achaia , Epirus , and many more ; over all which he passed in few years , in all , powerfully and effectually preaching the Gospel of Christ ; so were those Churches planted . Secondly , After that , was his care also in watering and confirming the Churches so planted . And that did he : 1. By personal visits ( where it might be ) and staying with them also ( while it was permitted him ; ) so find we him wintering at Nicopolis of Macedonia , whence this Epistle is sent , c and continuing about Ephesus the space of three years . d 2. Also , sending others for that work , where he himself could not be : So in Corinth , where himself had planted , there Apollo after watered e and thither sent he also Timotheus , That ( saith he ) he should bring you into remembrance of my ways which be in Christ , as I teach every where in every Church . f 3. Further also confirming , in appointing some to be more constant and resident , for instructing and ordering the Churches ; so Timothy at Ephesus , g and Titus in Crete . h 4. That also by writing , where there was occasion : such are his Epistles , whether to those appointed in chief over the Churches respectively , as to Timothy and Titus , or to the Churches themselves ; so to the Romans , &c. hereby confirming the souls of the Disciples , and exhorting them to continue in the faith , and that we must through much Tribulation enter into the Kingdom of God. i Thirdly and lastly , His care was in setling the Church planted and confirmed . In that , was his care ( as was said ) continued . This Settlement of the Church , was 1. By Order and Government there appointed ; ( without that , were no settlement ) for that , is Titus left in Crete , to set in order the things there wanting , &c. 2. In appointing persons fitly qualified for that work ; for which is here also provided ( v. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. ) where you see those qualifications in such required . 3. In both , providing for the future , as for the present ; and that , by Ordination , ordaining Elders in every City . Ordination is a standing Church Ordinance ; answering mortality , supplying vacancies , and extending to all in holy Orders ; not to those of lower rank onely , to whom ( in common speaking ) Ordination seemeth to be now almost rest ained ; but rising to the higher also , even to Bishops , in respect of whom , it is now termed , commonly , Consecration . Consecration is the highest act of Ordination . Ordination includeth Consecration ; so are Bishops ordained , as Timothy ordained Bishop of Ephesus ; k and , Titus ordained Bishop of Crete . l This is the work of this day ; for which , and for what concerns it , are these words now chosen . In which words you have the persons in this sacred Ministration considered , 1. In their place , order and work , ( v. 5. ) 2. In their qualifications , apting and fitting for that work ( v. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. ) 1. As to the persons in this great work of Church Settlement ; see them here considered as chief and subordinate : first , the Apostle , next , and under him , Titus ; and by Titus , others ordained and ordered : So was it there , so in other Churches ; so was it then , and to be so in the Church successively for ever ; which gives us this Doctrinally , That in Order and Church-Government , is Church-Settlement . In which , speaking of Order , are excluded Parity and Community . 1. Parity ; That , and Government , are inconsistent ; for , if all equal , Who then ruling ? who ruled ? Who ordering ? who ordered ? Inter pares non est potestas ; Government there ceaseth . 2. Community : That also is here excluded : Community as to Government , is but confusion . Let Quakers , and such , see to this ; among whom ( in Divine things ) is no distinction of Offices , or persons , no , nor of Sexes , even very women ) to whom it is not permitted , but expresly forbidden , to speak in the Church , the Apostle crying shame on such so speaking , m yet even women so speaking , are among these allowed . Lastly , All with them depending ( in Divine duties ) on uncertain Impulses , whensoever , and from whomsoever : Wherein , let them see , if such Impulses be ( what they pretend ) from God ; God disowning confusion , and that in the Church especially : God is not the author of confusion , but of peace , as in all the Churches of the Saints . n And what greater confusion , than for a body to be all in a heap and lump , without head or foot , or distinction of members ? So is it there . Levelling Parity therefore , and confused community , are in this , excluded , as contrary to Order , Government and Settlement . Therefore Order here intended , is that wherein is distinction of Offices and persons , and degrees , in way of Superiority and Subordination : This Nature , and Reason , and Scripture shew to be necessary . 1. So is it in the body natural ; where the the members are distinguished in order and use ; which is by the Apostle excellently expressed , o shewing , that the body is not one member , but many ; p and , if the whole body were an eye , where were the hearing , and if the whole were hearing , where were the s●elling , q and if they were all one member , where were the body ? but now are they many members , yet but one body ; r shewing after , the use of that distinction , in the usefulness thereby of each member to other , and of all , to the body ; s and that thereby , there should be no schism in the body t applying all that to us ; that as the body is one , and hath many members , and all the members of that one ●od● being many , are one body ; so also ( saith the Apostle ) is Christ ( ver . 12. ) that is , Christ Mystical , considered as compleat in head and body , he the head , we ( taking in the Church Catholick , or Universal ) being his body , and each of us distinct members in that body under him the head . Lastly , all that , is applied to the present business ; God ( saith he ) hath set some in the Church , first , Apostles , secondarily , Prophets , thirdly , Teachers , after that , miracles , then gifts of healings , helps , governments , diversities of tongues ? ( adding ) are all Apostles , are all Prophets , are all Teachers , are all workers of miracles , have all the gifts of healing ? do all speak with tongues , do all interpret ? ( ver . 28 , 29. ) so there . In all , you see a distinction of members in the body natural , distinct in order and use ; and that , every way , necessary . 2. See it so also in the body Politique , in all civil Societies of men in every condition , whether in families or corporations ( a word borrowed from the body ; ) or in States . In any of which , if no distinction of persons , or of callings , if not difference in place or degrees , how , in reason , can that family , city or Kingdom subsist ? 3. And if so elsewhere generally , ( in the Body Natural and Politick ) then so in the Church , ( Christs Mystical Body ) and there especially , the Church being in this , leading to others . God ( saith the Apostle ) is not the author of confusion , but of peace , As in all the Churches of the Saints w And in that , hath Gods care appeared particularly , as is evidenced . 1. In the former Ministration and Government of the Church under the Law ; where God appointed , 1. One in chief , an High Priest , Superior to all in Divine things ; he overseeing , ruling and judging Gods House . x Gods house is his Church . y 2. Vnder him the High Priest , were Levites , the lowest in that Ministration , and more restrained in duty and at distance in the service of the Tabernacle . z 3. From among the Levites were Priests chosen : who were , as to Order , higher than Levites , and in service more full , and nearer the Altar , Tabernacle or Temple . 4. And whereas there were of these Priests several courses ( 24 in number ) we find each of these 24 courses of Priests to have had an Overseer a or chief Priest ; of which chief Priests , much is spoken in the New Testament . These chiif Priests were in degree and dignity , next the high Priest , and above all others . Thus , and so , was the Church then ordered , in way ( you see ) of preheminsnee and subordination : God himself so appointed it . But is it not now , under the New Testament , otherwise ? Is not that distinction now removed , all Gods people being holy , b and all now a Royal Priesthood ? which is spoken of Saints in a generality . c It is indeed what some would have ; therein , giving a general liberty to all , for acting in holy things in common , one as another ; or where that is by others restrained , they notwithstanding allow not in the Church , government in chief , but taking that from others , that they themselves might rule . In which , as to that general liberty for acting in way of Parity or Community ; that is already cast off , it being inconsistent with Order or Government ( as hath been shewed . ) And as to that said of all the Lords people being holy , therefore none to assume a Propriety in Divine Offices more then others ( which is the consequence by such contended for ) there needs no more to be said of that , but to know whose reasoning that was ; Was it not Corah and his factious Crew , by whom that was urged , against Aaron and his d Priesthood , which had been by God himself appointed ? that , therefore I ( hope ) will not be now again insisted on . Lastly , To what is said of all Gods people , that all are a Royal Priesthood e therefore all to act accordingly ; ( which is by some inferred ) 1. What priviledge is in that now , which had not been before , under the Old Testament ? for of them also is that spoken , f and yet none then so acted notwithstanding , who had not been thereunto peculiarly called . 2. All Gods people are said to be Kings also , as Priests ; ( a Royal Priesthood , or a Kingdom of Priests . ) g And are all Kings ? in a sense they are so ; and in that sense and not otherwise , are all Priests also . All , that are truly Gods , are Kings , but that spiritually , and in a private capacity , as to our selves onely ; so are we Kings ●ver our selves , ruling over our own hearts and passions , the greatest rule ; h He that is slow to anger , is better than the mighty ; and he that ruleth his spirit , than he that taketh a city ; so , are we all Kings . And so , are all of us , Priests also ; that is , spiritually ; so as are our Sacrifices , an holy Priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifices , acceptable to God by Jesus Christ. i All of us are also Priests in our private capacities , all praying for our selves and others , and exhorting each other to good : this is incumbent on all Christians , as Christians , in way of private duty , not of Office : For as to publick Office , that appertaineth to such only as are thereunto expresly called , and peculiarly appointed ; No man taketh this honor to himself , but he that is called of God , as was Aaron : So also even Christ glarified not himself to be made an high Priest , but he that said unto him , Thou art my son , to day have I begotten thee ( as saith the Apostle , Hebr. 5. 4 , 5. and if not Christ , until called to it , then surely none other ; therefore , was King Vzziah sacrificing , justly of the High Priest reproved , and by God himself punished : k To all it is given to be Priests in way of private priviledge , not as to Office publiquely . Such were Gods Appointments in this , under the Old Testament ; nor is it now under the New Testament otherwise : And so far is it from such a change now , that the New Testament Ministration may be observed , to be modelled to that of the Old Testament ; yet , with allowance of necessary variations , according to the change of times and things : This appears in both Testaments , both as to Service and Government . I. As to Service : See ours under the New Testament , answering that of old ( although not the same . ) 1. For as there was then a Priesthood , so now also : So was it prophesied of the Gentile Christian Church , k I will take of them for Priests , and for Levites , saith the Lord : the admitting Gentiles into the Priesthood was new , to what was formerly ; that is here promised . And see that expressed in an Old Testament stile , by Priests and Levites , shewing a conformisy in both Testaments , in that , to each other . 2. As then were Priests , so an Altar , at which those Priests officiated ; so now also have we our Altar . Let not this offend any ; it should not , they being the Apostles words : We have ( saith he ) an Altar , whereof they have no right to eat , which serve the Tabernacle : l The words We , and They , distinguish persons , and times , and service ; yet both agreeing in an Altar for each : But not now as then ; for otherwise , the right of those Priests would be to this Altar , as to that , but in that , the former Priesthood is here excluded . 3. And as to the Sacrifices on that Altar ; Bullocks , &c. were then offered ; m so have we ours also : but , the Calves of our lips n prayer and praise , the fruit of our lips ( that is our Sacrifice to God ) giving thanks to his name . o 4. Maintenance also for those serving at the Altar , is new , from what was formerly : Do ye not know ( saith the Apostle ) that they which minister about holy things , live of the things of the Temple ; ( so then : ) even so hath the Lord ordained , that they which preach the Gospel , should live of the Gospel . p 5. And even our very Sacraments also are ( in matter ) from the Old Testament , although not now as then ; 1. Our Baptism is borrowed from their Legal Washings . 2. And our bread and Wine in the Lords Supper , from the Passeover rites ; but , as to nature , use and efficacy . vastly differing : So , have you seen the New T●stament Service ( as to so much , and so far ) ordered and conformed to that before under the Old Testament . ( The time will not allow me to instance further in it . ) II. See it so as to Church-Government also , ours and theirs : Ours being now , in substance , modelled to the form of the Old Testament . 1. For as then there was an High Priest over the House of God , Supreme and ruling all there ; so is it now ; and such to us , is Jesus Christ our great High Priest ; q of him , and of his Priesthood and work , were those High Priests , in their Person , Office and Work , types and shadows ; therefore , they , and all that , to cease and give way , Christ , the true High Priest being manifested , and his work finished . 2. Under that High Priest were Levites ( as you heard ) and they , lowest in that service , and more at distance , and short in ministring . To these answer our Deacons , an Office Apostolically appointed , r and a name from Ministring ; these , are with us lowest in Office , and restrained in work , not admitted to all sacred duties ( for a time ) as it was with the Levites of old . 3. As out of those Levites , Priests were called ; these being in degree higher and neerer the Altar in their ministrings : So among us , are also Priests ; ( called so as formerly ) or if called Elders ( a name by some rather delighted in ) yet is even that , an Old Testament name also , s thence borrowed , and derived , and continued to us . These our Priests , or Elders , are ( as those before ) chosen out of our Levite-Deacons ; ( so from their conformity may I call them : ) And these our Priests , as the other , are in order above Deacons , and more enlarged in work and duty . 4. And as there , among those Priests , there were some above others , who although of the same Order ( both being Priests ) yet were they in degrees differing , one being to the other Superiour ; therefore termed Overseers , and Chief Priests : These were as to place , next to the High Priest , and above all others : And such with us were the Apostles of our Lord , they being ( in the Rule and Government of the Church ) next unto Christ the High Priest , and above all others : Hence , first Apostles , is the place given them , t they are first , and among all other Officers in the Church the principal . In which Apostolick order and work , were some things Extraordinary , and some things Ordinary . 1. Extraordinary : ( for among the Extraordinary Offices in the Church are Apostles reckoned v That ( I say ) in this their Office Extraordinary , was their measure of gifts , infallibility of their doctrine , and the extent of their charge , their universal care of all the Churches throughout the whole world ; for although some of them were for the Circumcision , or for the Jews principally ; and others for the Vncircumcision , or Gentiles more especially , w yet was not the extent of the Apostolick power of either , in that limited , neither their universal care of all the Churches ; the care of all the Churches was on S. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles : x These things in the Apostolick office extraordinary , were fix'd to their persons , and with themselves expired and determined . In that had they no Successors ; therefore Romes pretence to an universal Bishoprick , and Supremacy of care , and rule over all the Churches in the world , and that , as S. Peters Successor , is but Vsurpation , as the pretence to Infallibility is also evidenced to be otherwise . 2. But in the Apostolick Office and Work , was something also Ordinary : Such was their Overseeing , Ordering , Ordaining , Preaching and Baptizing . This part of the work is lasting ; this is now , and ever holding in the Church to all generations ; which is intended in their Commission given them by our Lord , y Go ye and teach all Nations , baptizing them , &c. and teaching them to observe all things whatsoever , I have commanded you , and lo I am with you alway ( saith Christ ) to the end of the world . But how that to the end of the world ? of the Prophets it is said , that they are dead , z and that is true of the Apostles also . S. Paul the aged , a had his time at hand in which he was to be offered up ; b so was S. Peters tabernacle to be put off shortly ; c how then to the end of the world ? Both are true ; for that which failed with their Persons , lasts in their Office , and in their Work , and Successors : So had the Apostles Successors . And accordingly do we finde them providing for Succession , both as to persons and work . For that , were Timothy and Titus drawn in , and ordained by the Apostle S. Paul , to be then , his Assistants , and to be after , his Successors , for supplying his place , care , and work in their Churches respectively ; he appointing them also to ordain others with , and under them , and others after to succeed these ; so , to generations unto the end of the World : Of which , and of the correspondence of both Testaments S. Hierom speaks thus , d That we may see Apostolical Traditions to be taken out of the Old Testament , look what Aaron and his Sons , and the Levites were in the Temple , the same let the Bishops , Priests and Deacons challenge in the Church : And e We know Bishops and Priests to be what were Aaron and his Sons ; And S. Cyprian calleth Bishops the Apostles Successors : f All Bishops are the Apostles Successors , saith S. Hierom. g And as so , do we finde the Apostles name , place and work , to have been by the Apostles given to these their Successors . II. As to the Name : The very name of Apostle is so given to Epaphroditus Bishop of the Philippians , as Bullinger calls him ; h him doth S. Paul call their Apostle , Philip. 2. 25. so is it in the Original , whereas in our English ( it would be enquired how well ) it is rendred Messenger . For S. Ambrose on those words , i He ( Epaphroditus ) is by the Apostles made their Apostle . And S. Hierome writing on those words , My Fellow Souldier , and your Apostle : Fellow Souldier ( saith he ) by reason of his honor , because he also had received the Office of being an Apostle among them k Again , By those chosen by our Lord , were others ordained Apostles , as appears , in that to the Philippians ( Phil. 2. 25. ) Epaphroditus your Apostle , so S. Hierom. ( Coment . in Gal. 1. 19. ) But that name Apostle was not intended for a lasting name , as Theodoret observeth , l In time past they called the same men Presbyters and Bishops , and they who are now called Bishops , they named Apostles ; but in process of time they left the name Apostle to them properly called Apostles , and the name of Bishop they gave to them who had been Apostles . Apostle was their name , and even that name of Bishop ( now more fixed ) is what they had from the Apostles ; from whom they derive their Office , that of Bishop , was the Apostles own name of Office. So Judas numbred with the Apostles , and obtaining part of the same Ministry with them the Apostleship m that his Apostleship is called his Office ( so we read it ) but by the LXX , it is rendred , his Bishoprick ) let another take his Office or Bishoprick ; n which word Bishoprick is is used by the Apostle S. Peter , citing that in Psalm 109. 8. according to the LXX , o and what is there called by the name of Bishoprick , is after called Apostleship : p The Apostles were Bishops , which are the words of S. Ambrose ( in Ephes. 4. 11. & 2 Cor. 12. 28. ) And that name of Bishop was derived to the Apostles from those from whom ( under the Old Testament ) they derive ( if I may so say ) I mean these Chief Priests , called in our English , Overseers , but by the LXX Bishops : q Overseers and Bishops are the same ; r the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers , ( so in our English ) but in the Greek , Bishops : which the Apostles name Bishop is thus given ( you see ) to their Successors Bishops to this day . Thus as Christ the High Priest hath the Name of Apostle ( Heb. 3. 1. ) and Bishop ( 1 Pet. 2. 25. ) and as they sent by him ( his Apostles ) were so also called ; so are in like manner they who are by the Apostles substituted , as you have seen . II. And as the Apostolick name , so , the same work also , ( as , Teaching , Ordering , Ordaining , &c. is by the Apostles committed to their Successors ; for this cause left I thee in Crete , that thou shouldst set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain Elders in every city , as I had appointed thee , saith the Apostle here to Titus his Successor . s The same work being in all others in like place and trust in the Church for ever . III. And for carrying on that great work and name , had these , the Apostles Succssors , the Apostles place and degree also in the Church ; in being above others , and to be accordingly respected and esteemed . t Among us ( saith S. Hierome ) Bishops have the place of the Apostles : which his Expression , Among us , sheweth how Bishops were esteemed among Oxthodox Christians ; other , than was among Hereticks , such as Montanus , and his followers , against whom he there writes ; blaming them , for so depressing and vilifying that sacred and high Order , as they did ; And what is among us , chief and first ( speaking of Bishops ) that is ( saith he ) last with them : ( with Montanus and his Faction ; ) with them Bishops are in the third and last place . So , S. Hierome ; on whom I fix rather then on many other , to that purpose , he being understood by the contrary side , not to have been of the best friends to Bishops , yet in this , is the priviledge and preheminence of Bishops by him acknowledged , asserted , and even ( you see ) contended for . Thus was it in S. Hieromes time , 400 years after Christ ; it having been so continued to his days from the times of the Apostles : so also after S. Hieromes time , through all ages of the Church , until that Schism raised about 126 years since , in Geneva , An. 1541 ( a year to us , in the next Century , 1641. on the same account fata● : ) whereby , we find this Sacred Hierarchy trampled on by inferio● Elders , by whom ( although the name of Bishop would be forgotten ) yet is the place & power , and work of Bishops by them notwithstanding ambitiously sought after , & sacrilegiously usurped , & to themselves alone appropriated ; affirming , all spoken of Bishops to be intended onely of Elders , and making Elders and Bishops the same , without difference of degree , or preheminence in any kind . Some Community there is indeed between Bishops and Elders , yet so , as that even in that , there appears sufficient to preserve to Bishops their Being , Work and Dignity , distinct and above those , who would themselves have all without sharing . Let this be considered distinctly in that community , which is by these Elders challenged with Bishops both in Name and Work ; by which they conclude Bishop and Elders the same , and themselves all . As to the names of Bishops and Elders promiscuously used : for that , are these places of Scripture , among others , by them , insultingly , insisted on particularly , Acts 20. 28. where the Elders of the Church of Ephesus ( v. 17. ) are v. 28 ) called Overseers , or Bishops ( so in the Greek . ) Also Phil. 1. 1. the Apostle saluteth the Saints at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons : See ( say they ) Bishops ( plurally ) many of them in the same City ; therefore intended of Elders , not Bishops , and that there also Bishops and Deacons onely are named , not Elders ; Elders notwithstanding being intended ; therefore concluding , that in that of Bishops , Elders are understood , and not Bishops . And even this Text also ( Tit. 1. 5 , 7. ) is by them urged to that purpose : where are Elders in every City ( v. 5. ) and those Elders ( v. 5. ) called Bishops ( v. 7. ) 1. Therefore ( say they ) to be meant of Elders properly , and not of Bishops ; on all , concluding that Elders and Bishops ( so promiscuonsly vsed ) are therefore the same , and not distinguished ; and therefore no preheminence in Bishops over Elders : These are the Allegations and inferences , in this ; which are to be examined . But , the promiscuous using of those two names of Bishops and Elders ( the principal ground of these reasonings ) is far from such conclusions ; that because Elders are called Bishops , or Bishops Elders , both therefore to be the same , without priority or subordination ; whereas on the contrary , we find usually in Scripture , the names of one degree given to another , without confounding them as the same ; or , in that , abating any way the dignity of the higher . See this in the name of Deacons ( a name from ministring ; ) and that an order lowest in our Ministration : yet , is that given to higher Orders : So of Timothy , Bishop of Ephesus , saith S. Paul. If thou put the brethren in remembrance of these things , thou shalt be a good ( Deacon ; ) we render it Minister : v so speaks the Apostle of himself , I Paulam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Minister ( Col. 1. 23 & the whole Apostleship is also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Deaconship , or Ministry w ; and even Jesus Christ himself the great High Priest , is called a Deacon : Jesus Christ was ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a Minister of the Circumcision ; x or , ministring to those of the Circumcision . y But because our English readings in this , and in the Original are diverse ; therefore not so clear to every apprehension ; let this therefore be considered in that other of Elder , where it is more plain . In that , we finde the Apostle S. John terming himself an Elder , more than once , the Elder to the elect Lady , z and the Elder to the well beloved Gaius a : So S. Peter of himself , The Elders which are among you , I exhort , who am also an Elder b . You see in that , the Apostles called Elders ; yet doth not that conclude , Apostles and Elders to be the same . For how oft do we read of Apostles and Elders as distinct . c Nor doth it conclude , Apostles and Elders to be equal , because Apostles are Elders ; but , this it shews , That all Apostles are Elders ; not , all Elders Apostles , and that notwithstanding that community of names , they still are distinguished in Degree and Dignity . So is it as to Bishops and Elders in like manner , the name of Elders is given to Bishops , and of Bishops to Elders , both are true ; For in the Bishop ( saith S. Ambrose ) are all Orders , because he is the first Priest , that is , the Prince of the Priests d . Again , e of a Bishop and Presbyter , there is one Order for either of them as a Priest , but the Bishop is the first ; so that every Bishop is a Presbyter , but not every Presbyter a Bishop . So S. Ambrose . Thus all Bishops are granted to be Elders , and some Elders are Bishops , but all Elders are not Bishops . They who say they are , must prove it , before they can conclude any thing to purpose : Nor will that do it , which they alledge out of Acts 20. where the Elders of the Church of Ephesus , ( v. 17. ) are termed Overseers , or Bishops : ( v. 28. ) for those Elders were indeed Bishops ; if not all , yet some of them , and to those some for all , is there spoken as Bishops . This appears in that , Ephesus was a See Metropolitical , comprehending Asia the less ( a large Jurisdiction . ) So in the sixth general Council of Constantinople , Theodorus Bishop of Ephesus thus subscribes , f Theodorus by the mercy of God , bishop and Primate of Ephesus , the Metropolis of the Asian Province , or Diocess : g Also of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , Eusebius saith , that he was Ruler or chief of the Bishops of Asia ; h and that by his Authority he did assemble a Provincial Synod to discuss the question about Easter ; i and that he did write a Synodical Letter to Victor Bishop of Rome ( Euseb. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) we find also in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or distribution of Churches by Leo the Emperor , that Ephesus was a Metropolis , having 36 Suffragane Bishops ; k and so is Ephesus to be understood in Acts 20. as Metropolical ; and that meeting of Elders , or Bishops there as Provincial : For it is there called not the Churches , but the Church of Ephesus , Metropolitically ; yet , Elders ( plurally ) implying . more than of one Church : And as in a Provincial meeting of the Bishops of Asia , together with other Elders , ( both usually conveening on such occasions , ) might the Apostle call those Elders , litterally , Bishops . Irenaeus saith as much , that Bishops and Presbyters were there convocated from Ephesus , and other adjoyning Cities , &c. l And ( Acts 20. 28. ) The Holy Ghost hath ( saith the Apostle ) made you Bishops ( so in the Original ) or Overseers ( so in our rendring : ) If therefore the Holy Ghost had made them Bishops ; and the Apostle call them so accordingly , we may then acquiesce in it , rather than to mince the matter according to pe●verse glossings , it being to so great a prejudice as the disturbance of the peace of the Church ; ( so precious ) In this , have we to answer , what is alfo objected out of Phil. 1. 1. the Apostle sa●nting the Saints at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons , wherein the Authors of the larger Annotations on the Bib●e , busie themselves exceedingly m in proving out of the second Council of Nice , and by Cornelius Bishop of Rome ( there cited ) that there should be but one Bishop in one City ; thence concluding , in favour of those times , that there being many Bishops in Philippi , therefore were not they Bishops , but Elders . But all this is grounded on a supposition , that Philippi is restrained to that City of Macedonia so called , whereas Philippi was a Metropolis in Macedonia ; n and we read of the Churches of Macedonia ; o and of the brethren in all Macedonia ; p And why may not Philippi a Metropolis , include its Province ? and this Epistle to the Philippians be to that Church at large , where many Bishops were to be saluted , without those narrow inferences in confining Philippi to a City within its walls , and the Bishops and Deacons at Philippi , to those onely in that City inhabiting ; As to that farther objected from that Text , Phil. 1. 1. of Bishops and Deacons onely named ; and that Elders being intended ▪ therefore , by Bishops , ( say they ) Elders are to be understood , and not Bishops . But how follows that ? For , 1. May not Elders be as well included in , and with that of Deacons ? You have seen the name of Deacon to have been sufficiently comprehensive of more , and greater than they . 2. Or if Elders be supposed to be included in that of Bishops : Let that suffice and satisfie , without excluding Bishops : For shall Elders included , and not named , exclude Bishops , which are expresly named ? 3. Or if Presbyters be there signified in those many Bishops yet was there one chief Bishop over all , which was Epaphroditus their Apostle ( Phil. 2. 25. ) Of which Theodoret q he calleth him Apostle , to whom the charge of them was committed ; Wherefore ( saith he ) it is manifest ) that they who in the beginning of the Epistle were called Bishops , were under him , they having the place of Presbyters . But this Text also , ( Pit. 1. 5. 7. ) is pressed in favour of Elders against Bishops ; for Elders ( so named , v. 5. ) are ( v. 7. termed Bishops , adding , that there being Elders in every City , therefore is that intended of Elders properly , and not of Bishops , who are not for every City . ( thus they ) 1. It is true , that in every City are to be Elders , wheresoever is a meeting of people to be provided for ; so , are Elders properly to be understood ; and the word City to be , in that case , strictly taken . 2. But as referring to Bishops Seats , the word City is to be understood more enlargedly ; not for every city , but such onely as are fit for it ; as places of note , and such as are extended in jurisdiction : We use to say ( traditionally ) that a Bishops Seat should be a city ; i. e. a place of note : so doth Leo expound this very Text , writing to the Bishops of Africa , r To appoint Bishops in every City or Town , is , ( saith he ) in the greater citres to place Bishops , in the less to place Priests : He in that , speaking according to the Council of Sardis ; It is not allowed saith that Council ) that a Bishop be appointed in every village , or smaller city , where one Presbyter may suffice , for there , a Bishop needs not be , that the name and authority of a Bishop be not vilified : ( Con. Eard . c. 6. ) In every city , therefore , are to be Elders ; and in every city fitting for it , a●e be to Bishops . So , hath this been understood in the practice of the Church accordingly . And well might Crete be capable of many Bishops , being an Island of great extent , and populous . And Titus his enlarged Jurisdiction there , over many Bishops , ( ordaining and appointing them where necessary , ) sheweth his power to have been Archiepiscopal , a though he be stiled onely Bishop of Crete , as Timothy Bishop of Ephesus ; ( so , in the poscript to those Epistles ; ) and usual it is in the Councils and elsewhere , to finde Archbishops and Patriarchs , under the name of Bishops . And that Cre●e had its Archbishop and Suffragans we also find . The Archbishop of Crete was nominated from Gortyna its Metropolis . Dionysius of Corinih ( who lived in the next age to the Apostles ) writing to the Church of Gortyna , together with the rest of the Churches of Crete , commendeth Philip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their Bishop , for his singular piety and virtues s . The City of Gnossus in Crete , had Pintus its Bishop : And ( saith Theodorus Balsamo ) I have perused the ancient code of Councils , and defind by the subscriptions , that Basiil Bishop of Gortyna was present at the Council of Tru●lo . On the whole , therefore , from the community of the names between Bishops and Elders , is no ground for what is thence inferred , That therefore Bishops and Elders are the same , without dictinction of Persons , Offices , or Degrees ; for , Bishops are Elders , and some Elders are Bishops , and both distinct , in Degree , and Dignity . But the the strength of the Objection is it what concerns the work , common to Bishops and Elders : For if the same work be common to both , so as , what a Bishop doth , that an Elder doth also ; then what needs a distinction of Persons and and Offices ? These are not to be multiplied without necessity . And that the work is common , and the same , both to Bishops and Elders , is ( by that side ) instanced , in 1. Ordination . 2. In Overseeing , ( under this of Overseeing , all the other pa●ts of the work are comprehended , as Preaching , Baptizing , &c. ) Let these two , be therefore distinctly considered and examined ; Whether in the work common to both Bishops and E●ders , there be not sufficient to differente each from other . 1. As to Ordination : To this , Elders or Presbyters pretend ; grounding on that , 1 Tim. 4. 14. where the Apostle exhorts Timothy , Not to neglect the gift which was given him by prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbyterie . Here ( say they ) Presbyters Ordain . 1. But ●et them take all together ; for doth not the same Apostle say also to Timothy , I put thee in remembrance , that thou stir up the gift of God which is in thee by the putting on of my hands ? ( 2 Tim. 1. 6. ) here , we finde another hand ( the Apostles ) beside those hands of Presbyters imposed on Timothy ; therefore , not the hands of Presbyters alone : where therefore their hand onely is in the work , there is another yet wanting ; and the work short without it ; ( the case of necessity excepted . ) 2. Ordination , must be granted to have been in the Apostles primarily , and principally ; and not in Elders or Presbyters principally ; ( they but acting with the Apostles , and that but subordinately : ) By my hand , saith the Apostle ( ( 2 Tim. 1. 6. ) with the hands of the Presbytery ( 1 Tim. 4. 14. ) It is by the Apostles hand principally , and but with the other , in way of approbation . Therefore , is the charge of Oedination given principally to Timothy , that he lay not hands suddenly on any ; so not to be partaker of other mens sins t : there , Presbyters are not named , not as not assisting , but as onely assisting , and not as principals . It is , be not thou partaker of other mens sins ; not , be not ye , ( speaking of Presbyters . ) So , you finde it here also as to Titus ; to him is that work committed principally and in chief : I left thee ( Titus ) in Crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and that thou shouldest orvain Elders in every City , as I have appointed thee v . So is it to be understood , as to others , in like place with Timothy and Titus . Bishops ordain others joyning with them . Bishops will not do it without others ; and others must not do it without Bishops ; concur Elders may , but act in it alone , they must not : the contrary ( where necessity is not ) is an unwarranted usurpation . Yet in giving but an hand in the work , they will have All. Such notwithstanding are to know , that there is another hand in that work , as beside theirs , so before theirs , and above them : theirs is onely with , not without Bishops ; and Bishops in that principally . So , for Ordination : in which work ( common both to Bishops and Elders ) is ( you see ) sufficient , notwithstanding , ) to difference both , in Degree and Office. II. See it also in the other part of the work , in which Bishops and Elders act also in common ; as Preaching , Baptizing , and ordering the flock committed to them ; so , are both Overseers . This is granted in common to both Bishops and Elders ; yet so , as that this is in both , differently : and , so in Bishops , as not in others . 1. It is true , that Preaching , Baptizing , Ordering , and Overseeing the flock , are incumbent on all ; but in inferior Elders more restrainly ; with respect to place and persons ; they acting within Precincts , and Parishes , among their own people , and within their own districts onely . To these , and there , are they Overseers ; and not otherwise : so as , for any such to take on him to Oversee , and see what others without , do , or do not , is to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x a Bishop in anothers D●ccess , or a busie body in other mens matters ( so is that in our English rendred ; ) whereas , the same work is in the hands of Bishops far otherwise ; who as they do it themselves , so is it in them , in way of Superintendency , to see it done by others also . So the chief Priests under the Law ( whom the Apostles , and afther them , Bishops , represent ; ) they were Overseers to others , that the work be done in manner and order , as did become . Thus are Bishops overseers to those other Overseers ; the care of many Churches being on them , as was the cure of all Churches on the Apostles ; whereas the care of particular Churches ( this or that ) is onely on others . 2. Although Presbyters have power to preach , and do what belongs to their Function , yet are they in acting that power , limited and ordered by the Bishop . Wherein , we are to distinguish ( as in the Schools ) between Power of Order , and of Jurisdiction ; Power of Order , Presbyters receive in their Ordination , to do what belongs to their function , to which they are thereby qualified : but the Power of Jurisdiction to act that their power of Order as ●astors , that , a Presbyter hath in his Institution from the Bishop , being , thereby , appointed to a charge and place , and licensed to discharge the duty of his calling , to which he was before qualified , and now enabled . Tertullian saith , y That the chief Priest ( which is the Bishop ) hath the right of giving Baptism , and then the Presbyters and Deacons , but yet not without the Authority of the Bishops . So also S. Hierome ; z Without power from the Bishop , neither Presbyter nor Deacon hath right to baptize . Every Presbyter therefore hath power in common with a Bishop , to preach and administer the Sacraments in fulness , ( which an inferior Order , a Deacon cannot do ; ) yet , the exercise of that power , is subjected to , and regulated by the Bishops authority , to be permitted , directed , restrained or suspended , as should be necessary . In which the Bishops priviledge of Jurisdiction over Elders , is he from them eminently differenced . It was said of Elders , that they have a power of Jurisdiction ; ( understand it , of a power of spiritual and inward Jurisdiction , in foro conscienciae , in the Court of Conscience ) so , as Pastors of the flock , is committed to them , the seeding , ruling , teaching , reproving , binding sinners notoriously scandalous ; by denouncing Gods judgements in the Word , and ( while unreformed ) excluding from the Sacrament ; and again loosing , and releasing penitents , by applying the gracious promises of the Gospel , and readmiting them to the use of the Ordinances . But , that Jurisdiction which is in Bishops , is more extended , and that , even over Elders themselves . For as Presbyters are in their Ordination , qualified , and by their Institution authorized , to their work ; so , are they , after , to behave themselves in that as becometh . It is in Bishops ( who are overseers of those Overseers ) to expect and exact that from them authoritatively ; and on failing in duty , or manners , ( as to life , and conversation , ) to reprove and punish also . In this , is Episcopal Jurisdiction given them Apostolically , and over inferior Elders particalarlarly , to which they are subjected . Such was Timothies power in Ephesus ; a Rebuke not an Elder ; and , against an Elder receive not an accusation , but before two , or three witnesses , them that sin rebuke before all , that others may fear : Which words , Rebuke not an Elder ; is not a restraining , but an ordering that rebuke , that it be not lightly , or on slight grounds ( as in 1 Tim. 5. 19 , 20. ) by which appears a Jurisdiction in Bishops , above Elders , directive , coercive , and corective : which is Epiphanius his interence on these words , against a Presbyter , &c. Therefore ( saith he ) Presbyters are subject to the Bishop as to their Judge b . He is their Judge , as to Doctrine ; that thou mayest charge some that they teach no other Doctrine , saith the Apostle to Timothy , 1 Tim. 1. 3. ) and to Titus ( Tit. 3. 10. ) A man that is an Heretick ofter the first and second admonition , reject ; judge also , as of their Doctrine , what they teach ; so of their Conversation , how they live , as you have heard in that of 1 Tim. 1. 5 , 17 , 20 , 21. Therefore is the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ( Timothies Successor ) commended , that he could not bear with them that are evil , and had tryed them which say they are Apostles , and are not , and had found them lyars ( Rev. 2. 2. ) On the contrary , the Angel of the Church of Thyratira is reproved for suffering such ( Rev. 2. 20. ) So as , although there be a Community of names , ( in some cases ) between Bishops and Elders ( Bishops are called , Elders and Elders Bishops ; ) and notwithstanding that the worke also , be ( in a kind ) common ; yet is that community so differenced in both , that all pretences of Elders , in that , for casting of Bishops , as to their Office , or divesting them of Jurisdiction and Dignity , is apparently inconsequent , and evil . For although the names of Bishops and Presbyters were confounded , and the work ( in a sort ) common to both , yet were not the Offices of Bishops and Presbyters ever confounded until now . 1. And now to sum up al● ; you see the Church under the New Testamen ordered as before , in way of Superiority and Subordination ; and that Apostolically appointed . So Timothy in Ephesus ; and Titus in Crete ; and others elsewhere in like manner ; they ordering persons and things appertaining to that sacred work , within their respective Jurisdictions . 2. See those Apostolically ordered to that care and charge in the Church above others , to be by the Apostles , dignified with their own name , ( that standing name of Bishops . ) they standing also in their place and stead , and acting in their work , ( Ordaining , Overseeing , Ordering , and Correcting as is necessary . ) 3. What hath been by the Apostles so ordered in the Church , ( whose words Christ would have to be observed as his own ; If they have kept my saying , they will keep yours also , John 15. 20. ) that , in this particularly , hath been by Christ himself , the High Priest approved . For , as the High Priest , did Christ appeare habited , being cloathed with a garment down to the feet , and girt vbout the paps with a golden girdle , c and also visiting his Church Ecclesiatim : each of the seven Churches particularly , being by him inspected : d In that reproving what was amiss in any , and allowing , what was right . particularly , See that Government which was ordered in each of those eminent Churches , ( in Ephesus and the other six ) under their respective Angels , or Chiefs , or Bishops ; see that order ( I say ) in the Church , approved of Christ : for , the Seven Stars , ( the seven Angels Angels of those Churches , their Bishops ) were in Christs right hand ( Rev. 1. 16. 20. ) that is , under his care , and protection . And to those Angels of the Churches doth our Lord direct himself principally in behalf of all under their charge ; expecting from them an accompt of the Churches within their respective Jurisdictions , each of them being responsible for all that was there , well , or otherwise . 4. Lastly , What had been so ordered by the Apostles , see it by the Church received , and after continued throughout all ages from the beginning : whereby , what might ( seem ) doubtful in the first Institution , may be cleared by observing what was of that understood , and after practised by the Church accordingly : The Church is the pillar and ground of truth ; e and what ( grounding on the Scripture ) the Church in all ages hath held from the beginning , that we may rely upon for truth . And how did the Church understand the Apostles appointing Bishops and Elders in the Church for its Government ? Did they not understand it of Bishops distinct from Elders , and Superior to them ? Did they ever understand it of Elders without Bishops ? or of Elders ruling in chief ? much less of Lay-Elders ? ( of which , is nothing to be found any where , in Scripture or Antiquity . ) Let the constant practise of the Church throushhout all ages be Judge in that , how the Apostles were therein understood . In which I shall use the words of Judicious Mr. Hooker , f Very strange it is ( saith he ) that such a Discipline as ye ( Elders ) speak of , should be taught by Christ and his Apostles in the word of God , and no Church have found it out , nor received it till this present time ; contrariwise , the Government against which ye bend your selves , be observed every where throughout all generations and ages of the Christian world , no Church ever perceiving the word of God to be against it ; ( adding ) We require you to finde out but one Church upon the face of the whole earth , that hath been ordered by your discipline , or hath not been ordered by ours , ( that is to say ) by Episcopal Regiment Sithence the time that the blessed Apostles were 〈◊〉 conversant . This was Mr. Hookers challenge to that side in this case , and that , many years since : which hath never been to this day answered , onely by the sword ; and so , was it , indeed , put home to us perilously : Antiquity is not to be despised , but that to be advised with , and submitted to in such cases . Enquire of the former Age and prepare thy self to the search of their fathers ( for we are but of yesterday and know nothing ) shall not they teach thee and tell thee , and utter words out of their hearts : said Bildad , to Job . 8. 8. 9. 10. So the Lord directs by the Prophet , thus saith the Lord stand ye in the way and see , and ask for the old paths , where is the good way and walk therein and ye shall find rest for your Soules : but they said we will not walke therein g which is even what these say in this ; refusing any such tryall in this dispute , well knowing themselves cast in it . But in matters of antiquitie to denye the credit of Antiquitie in what is not contradicted by Scripture , discovers One addicted to Noveltie and singularity rather then to truth . Let therefore our Church Levellers se to this ; who in such their Schisme teare and rend the seamless garments of the Church , and as a generation of Vipers eat out , and through the bowels of their Mother ; disturbing Church unity and peace , drawing into factions , and filling all with confusions . Herein let them see themselves in their forefathers ; for , such there were of old , under both Testaments . Se some under the old Testament setting themselves even against what God himself had expresly ordered concerning the high Priest-hood in Aron h There , Corah of the tribe of Levy , raised a partie and faction of 250 Princes of the Assembly against Moses and Aron , having the confidence thus to tell them , yee take too much upon you , seing all the congregation are holy every one of them , and the Lord is among them , wherefore then lift you your selves above the congregation of the Lord ; but Moses returns it to them again : yee take too much upon you yee Sons of Levy , seemeth it but a small thing unto you that the Lord God of Israel hath separated you from the congregation of Israel to bring you near unto himself to do the service of the Tabernacle of the Lord , to stand before the congregation to Minister unto them : And he hath brought thee neer unto him : and all thy brethren , the Sons of Levi with thee and seek ye the Priest-hood also , so was it then . 2. And such Corahs we find under the new Testament also , of whom the Apostle S. Jude speaks with a woe i woe to them for they have gone in the way of Cain and ran greedily after the error of Balaam and perished in the gainsaying of Core. Where se them ranked with three notoriously wicked ; Cain , and Balaam , and Corab : with Cain for blood ; with Balaam for Covetousness , and with Corah for faction , Cain the accursed murderer of his brother , righteous Abel : so was he the first persecuter of the Church k Balaam called on to curss the people of God. l and Corah , a factious schismatique , to Corahs schisme , are they moved , by Balaams Covetousnesss and ambition ; and to that , going on in the way of Cain , in blood and cruelty . And for that see woe , and destruction ; begining with woe ( Judgment denounced ) and ending with destruction ( Judgment executed ) perishing in the gainsaying of Core ; Core ( or Corah ) of all that faction , is alone mentioned ; others being but his followers in that wicked cause : his destruction being also more remarkable , whether as to those with him in that rebellion ; or as to those other two , notoriously wicked , ( Balaam and Cain , ) whose ends were not as of others , Corah and his followers perishing not by an ordinary Judgment like other men , the earth opening its mouth and swallowing up them , and theirs alive , in sight of all the people . m By the dreadfulness of the Judgment , let the hainousness of the sin be estimated . 3. And , such have been our Corah● also , ( authors of our late confusions and evills in Church and State. ) By whom hath been in the Church , and Inlet and overflowing of blasphemies and of monstrous and pernicious doctrines ( horrible to be mentioned and not , in very confutations , to be remembred ) as if hell it self had broken loose ( The title of a book in which many of those abhominations are Collected . ) And no wonder it should be so , Church order and Government having been , ( as it was ) cast off and trampled on . While that stood , all was well withus ; the face of our Church was comely : and truth and peace secured , and the enemies to both , error , and schisme , not daring to shew themselves among us , The Church is here Militant ; So is it described n terrible as an army with banners ; with banner i. e. in order : So it is by the LXX . rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An army under its banners is in order : and in that order is both beauty and terror , and in that , security ; ( Church security and Church beauty is in order : ) thou art beautifull O my love as Tirza , comely as Ierusalem terrible as an army with banners ( Cant. 6. 4. ) how pleasant is an army ranged under its banners ! so the Church under its colours , leaders and officers , each in their place order , and degree . And as in that is beautie , so also , securitie ; securitie is implied where it is said to be terrible , that is , to enemies , ( to errors and heresies , enemies to truth ; and to schisme and faction , which are contrary to order and vnitie : ) These dare not appear while the Church is under its government and in order ; each under his banners , in their order and place , being thereby ready to oppose what shall be contrary . It is otherwise , where order is not in the Church but our banners cast down , and our chief leaders taken off ; what can be then 〈◊〉 deformitie for beautie and for order 〈◊〉 on ? what then but terror ? terror to our selves : ( so is , an army , in confusion , to it self terrible ; ) and thereby have enemies their advantages , about , and within ; therefore saith S. Ierome . o the safety of the Church dependeth on the dignity of the chief Priest ( meaning the Bishop ) to whom if power be not given , there must be as many schismes in the Church ●s there are Priests . So S. Cyprian . p Heresies or Schismes have no other beginning but this , that Gods Priest ( meaning Bishop ) is not obeyed . Again ; q These be the beginnings of heretiques , these the risings and endeavours of ill minded Schismaticks , that they please themselves and contemn their Bishops with swelling pride , So do men depart from the Church &c. And r hence do men rush into heresies and schismes when they speak evil of Priests , and envy their Bishops . All which we have found sadly in our late miserable Church distractions . 2. And by those evils in the Church did follow on our state also confusion and destruction . If the Church be borne down , let not the State think to stand ; And we have seen evils designed to the State , carried on by attempting , first , on the Church Corahs opposition pretended principally against Aron , rests not there , for others with Corah , had their designes in that , against Moses also : and in that against Aron , came in Moses immediately , they gathered themselves against Moses and Aron . And ( say they ) to Moses ( even in a breach ) wilt thou make thy self altogether a Prince over us : s Therefore are both joyned by the Apostle S. Jude t with the gainsaying of Core is a speaking evill also of dignities . In both , have we seen and felt the dismall effects of this Church Schisme . But blessed be God by whom : these breaches are now all made up and repaired both in Church and State , by the happy Restauration of his Sacred Majesty to his Royall throne and government . 1. hereby , is Settlement to the Kingdoms . Our Judges being restored as at the first and our Councellors as at the beginning . u 2. And thereby is our Church also setled : so as at this day ( even this very day ) we have , and our eyes do behold among us here , such in the Church , who sit and rule in chief , setting in order the things that are wanting and ordaining Elders , ( Bishops ) Successively , as hath been Apostolically appointed . In that , see we our Church Settlement . In Church order and Government , is Church Settlement ; which was that , in the words , first propounded with which I have now done . As to what remains of the Text ( the qualifications of those persons to be called forth to this high and Sacred calling and work ; ( of which you have much here v. 6. 7 , 8 , 9. ) of that I may not now speak ; time will not admit it nor needs it at present ; where , in the person now before us , and to be admitted into this Sacred function , these qualification ; are already ; nor were it for me ( for me I say ) to shew it so . w I shall therefore conclude with the Apostles Clerum ( Acts 20. ) wherein we have ( to our purpose , ) both exhortation and valediction . First exhortation : you have heard your place and honour asserted , see now your office and work : and in that your care and charge . x Take heed unto your selves and to all the flock , over the which , the holy Ghost hath made you overseers ( or Bishops ) to feed the Church of God which he hath purchased with his own blood . In that you have your charge ; ( see you now to the discharge . ) Next , and last , follows an Apostolical valediction , benediction , and prayer ; which shall be mine also , and with that I now conclude ; y And now Brethren I commend you to God and to the word of his Grace , which is able to build you up , and to give you an inheritance among all which are Sanctified . FINIS . Errata . Epistle . P. 3. margin ep . p. 2. dele . p. 10. line 6. first dele p. 13. line 19. and dele p. 14. line 3. for the read this Preface . P. 9. marg . ( z ) for contra marcione . 5. r. contra marcion . c. 5. p. 10. l. 2. for Bishops r. being Bishops p. 11. l. 20. for theire r. there p. 12. l. 20. for Policarpus r. Polycarpus l. 22. for Clemets r. Clemens p. 15. marg . ( g ) for 406. r. 306. ibid. marg . r. ( h ) Camorar . in vita phil . molaneth Sermon . P. 2. l. 7. for Licaonica r. Lycaonia ibid. marg . for Act. 3. 12. r. Tit. 3. 12. p. 7. marg . ( x ) for Zech. 37. r. Zech. 3. 7. p. 9. marg . ( d ) for Nunb . 16. 3. r. Numb ; 16. 3. ibid. marg . ( g ) for Rev : 1. 6. 15. 10. r. Rev : 1. 6 : p : 11. l. 28. legal dele p. 12. marg . ( r ) for Acts. 1. 6. r. Acts. 6. 1. p. 14. marg . ( a ) for phile 9. r. philem v. 9. p. 15. l. 26. for II. r. I. p. 16. l. 1. sor For r. So l. 2. for Apostles r. Apostle l. 29. for is is r. is p. 17. l. 2. for in r. on p. 21. l. 29 , for as r. 〈◊〉 p. 22. marg . ( f ) for Synod r. 6 : Synod p. 23. l. 4. for conveening r. convening p. 25. l. 28. for conc . Eard . 〈◊〉 . conc . Sard. l. 30. for be to r. to be p. 26. l. 13. for nominated r. denominated p. 32. l. 18. for ofter r. after . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47044-e140 a Ric. Hookers Eccles. Pol. Pref. Ep. p. 2● Beza de grad . Min. c. 11. b 2 Kin. 16. 10 , 11. Neh. 13. 14. Notes for div A47044-e1740 a Hos. 3. 12. b Acts 12. 2. c Gal. 1. 19. d Acts 12. 17. e Acts 15. 13 , &c. f 〈…〉 g 〈…〉 h Annot. on Acts 21. 18. i Annot. on Acts 12. ●7 . k Hiero. Catal. Scrip. in Sim. l Niceph. l. 14. 〈…〉 Euseb. l. 2. c. 24. Doroth. in Synop. Hie. proëm . in Math. & in catalog 〈◊〉 Marco , & ad Evagr. m Cent. 1. l. 2. c. 10. in Joh. Evang. n Beza in 1 Tim. 5. 19 o Euseb. l. 3. c. 4. p Hier. catal . sc. q Oecum . in 1 Tim. 1. r Oecum . in Tit. 1. s Conc. Chalce . act . 11. t Theod. Balfamo . u Euseb. l. 3. c. 22. Ignat. ad Anti ch . w Euseb. l. 5. c. 6. & l. 3. c. 4. &c. 13. &c. 22. Iren. l. 3. c. 3. Hie. cata . in Clement . x Iren. l. 3. c. 3. Euseb. l. 3. c. 35. Hier. in catal . sc. y Euseb. l. 3. c. 23. z Tertul. de praescrip . c. 32. & l. 4. contra Marcione . 5. a His Majesties final answer concerning Episco pac i. Nov. 1. 1648 p. 9. b Hist. confess : August per ●hytraeum c ibid pa. 109 , d Apolog , Confes , August per Pap P , 137 , e Acts , 11. 26. f Hist. August . confess . per chytr . p. 389. g Hist. August . confess ; p. 406. f Beza de gra●minist . c. 20. k Hier. Zanch. de relig . cap. 25. l observat in c. 25. Apho. 10. 11. m Aug. haeres . 53. n Epiph. haeres . 75. o Id. ibid p Zanch. observ . in c. 25. Aphor. 10. 11. q Psal. 94. 20. r 2. Sam. 19. 14. Notes for div A47044-e6800 a 2 Cor. 11. 20. b Rom. 15. 15. unto 22. c Acts 3. 12. & in the proscript . d Acts 20. 31. e 1 Cor. 3. 6. f 1 Cor. 4. 17. g 1 Tim. 1. 2. h Tit. 1. 5. i Act● 14. 22. k 2 Tim. postscript . l Tit. Postscript . Doctr. m 1 Cor. 14. 34 , 35. n 1 Cor. 14. 33. o 1 Cor. 12 p Ver. 14 q Ver. 17. r Ver. 20. s Ver. 21. t Ver. 25. w 1 Cor. 14. 33. x Zac. 37. y 1 Tim. 3. 15. z 1 Chro. 23. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32. a 1 Chro , 24. 7. to 19. Num. 13 , 14 b Numb . 16. 3. c 1 Pet. 21. 9. d Numb . 16. 3 : e 1 Pet. 2 5 , 9. f Exod. 19. 6. g Exod. 19 6. Rev. 1. 6. 15. 10. h Prov. 16. 32. i 1 Pet. 2. 5. k 2 Chro. 26 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. k Isa. 66. 21. l Heb. 13. 10. m Psal. 51. 19. n Hos. 14. 2. o Heb. 13. 15. p 1 Cor. 9 , 13 , 14. q Heb. 10 21. r Acts 1. 6. 1. to 7. 〈◊〉 Tim. 3. 10. s 2 Ki. 19. 2 Ita. 37. 2. t 1 Cor. 12. 28. v 1 Cor. 12. 28. w Gal. 2. 7 x 2 Cor. 11. 26. y Mat. 28. 19 , 20. z Zech. 1. 5 a Phile. 9. b 2 Tim. 4. 6. c 2 Pet. 1. 14. d Hi●r . ad Evagr. e Idem ad Nepotianum . f Cypr. l. 4. epist. 9. g Hier. ad Evagr. h Bulling . in Philip. 2. i Ambros. in Phil. 2. k Hier. in Phil. 2. l Theod. in 1. Tim. m Acts 1. 17. n Psalm 10● . 8. o Acts 1. 2● . p Acts 1. 25. q Nehem. 11. 14. r Acts 20. 28. s T it 1 5. t Apud Nos Apostolorum locum tenent Episcopi , apud Eos , tertius est Episcopus ; quod apud nos primum , apud illos est novissimum . Hieronim . Ep. 54. ad Marceliam adversus Montanum . 1. v 1 Tim. 4. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . w Acts 1 , 17. x Rom. 15. 8. y Math. 15. 24. z 2 John. v. 1. a 3 John v. 1. b 1 Pet. 5. 1 c Acts 15. 2 , 4 , 6 , 22 , 23 & 16. 4. d Ambr. in Ephes. 4. e Id. in 1 Tim. 3. f S●n●d . Constantin● . Actione 17. g Act. 18. h Euseb. l. 5. c. 24. i Ib. c. 25. k Iur. 〈◊〉 90. l Iraen . l. 3. c. 14. m Annat . on Phil. 1. 1. n Acts 16. 12. o 2 Cor. 9 1. p 1 Thess. 4. 10. q Theod. in Phil. 2. r Leo ad Episc. Afric . Epist. 87. c. 2. s Euseb. l. 4. c. 21. & 23 & 29. t 1 Tim , 5. 22. v Tit. 〈◊〉 . 5. x Pet. 4. 15. 2. y Tertul. de Bapt. z Hier. adver . Lucif . a 1 Tim. 5. 1 , 19 , 20. b Epiphan . Haeres . 75. c Rev. 1. 13. d Rev. 2. 3 e 1 Tim. 3. 15. f Rich-H●oker , of Eccles. Pol. Preface n. 4. g Jer. 6. 16. h Numb . 16. 1 , 2 , 3 , 9 , 8 , 9 , 10. i Jude 10. k Math. 23. 35. l Nam . 22. 56. m Num. 16. 20 , 31 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34. n Cant. 6. 4 , 10. o Here advers . Lucifer . p Cypr. 〈◊〉 . 1. epist. 3. q Id. l. 3. epist. 5. r Id. Scr. 2. de zel● & li 〈◊〉 . s Numb . 16. 3. 11. 13. t Jude v. 8. 11. u Is. 1. 26. w Flaternam ut propriam tacere gloriam est modestie Senec. x Acts. 20. 28. y v. 32. 
A56256	----	The qvestion concerning the divine right of episcopacie truly stated Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A56256 of text R19874 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P418). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 21 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A56256 Wing P418 ESTC R19874 12731718 ocm 12731718 66500 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56256) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 66500) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 254:E162, no 4) The qvestion concerning the divine right of episcopacie truly stated Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. [4], 12 p. Printed for Robert Bostock, London : 1641. "The epistle dedicatory" signed: H. P. Attributed to Henry Parker. Cf. BLC. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Religion -- 17th century. A56256 R19874 (Wing P418). civilwar no The question concerning the divine right of episcopacie truly stated. Parker, Henry 1641 3815 1 5 0 0 0 0 16 C The rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE QVESTION CONCERNING The Divine Right OF EPISCOPACIE truly stated . LONDON , Printed for Robert Bostock , 1641. To the most Reverend and Gracious Father in God , my Lord Primate of IRELAND . MY LORD , IN a discourse lately written concerning Puritans , I had occasion offred me to declare my opinion against the Divine right of Episcopacie . Those reasons which I then urged , seemed weak to your Grace , as I have heard , which was a great discouragement to me : but I thought it not fit to desert so well a seeming cause , and to resigne my judgement presently upon a meere discouragement . I have since summoned up some more deep and retired thoughts , that I might gain a more just cause to retract my error , or to cleere the truth , and persist in my assurance . The question of Episcopacie , I think , I have now rightly stated , and if I am not deceived , I have let in such light upon it , that judicious men will now more easily ransack the profundity of it . Certainly the matter of it self is of great difficulty , and of great moment in these times , and it was not any confidence in my own wit that first ingaged me in it , but the knowledge of my candor , and freedome from private respects . No man living , I conceive , can be more dispassionate , or more disinteressed in this case then I am , The heat of my own mind could never yet thrust me into any faction , or make me turbulent in the world , neither has any impression from without either by hope of gain , or fear of dammage stirr'd up sleeping passion in me . Of my selfe I rather wish well then ill to Episcopacie , because it is so antient a government ; and for my own interest I have found more friendship then enmity from Bishops , so that I am certain , there is nothing but the simple love of truth , as it is truth , is the bias of my actions at this time . As for the Presbyteriall discipline also , I have so laid open my opinion concerning that , that if I have erred therein , I am sure the world can charge me of nothing else but error . Had all men which have formerly treated of this subject , been as unswayde by private interests as I am , this controversie had not bin so long protracted as it is ; but your Grace knowes well , that scarce any but Bishops have maintained Bishops hitherto ; nor scarce any opposed them , but such as have found some opposition from them ; My Lord , I now begge your gracious favour to lay aside your Palle , and to put on the same impartiall man in perusing these papers , as I now am whilst my pen is upon them : for I know there is none has a more cleere Spirit , and lesse liable to the grosse dampe of worldly respects then your self . Let this my humble addresse be a testimony at this time that I am not a prejudging , factious enemy to all Bishops , and let your gracious acceptance of the same be as strong a crisis that your Grace is not a prejudging factious enemie to all which maintaine not Bishops . Your Graces in all observance most humbly devoted , H. P. The Question concerning the Divine right of Episcopacie truly stated . THe question about Episcopacie hath never yet been truly stated , nor the chief points of it methodically distributed , and this is the cause that it is now become so intricate and involved to the great disturbance of the world ; for satisfaction therefore herein , the first thing to be questioned is the Quid esse of Episcopacy , and what is separable from the Order of it , as it is now constituted in England . According to Bishop Bilson , there are foure things necessary in Religion . 1. Dispensing of the word . 2. Administring of the Sacraments . 3. Imposing of hands in Ordination . 4. Guiding of the keyes . The first two of these being the ordinary means of Salvation , he attributes generally to all Ministers : the other two respect the clensing and governing of the Church , and are committed ( as he saith ) to Bishops onely , and not ; to all Presbyters equally , least by a parity of rule confusion follow , and ruine upon confusion . It seems then , that the end of Religion is , that God be duly served , and the end of Churchpolicie , that Religion be wisely maintained . And for the wise maintenance of Religion , it behooveth not only that some peculiar chosen men be separated & dedicated to officiate before God , and to direct and assist others in the offices of Devotion , but also that all Anarchy and confusion be avoided amongst those that are so chosen into the Priesthood . Thus farre there needs no dispute : the main branches then of this controversie are three . 1. Who are designed by God to be governours over the Priesthood for avoiding of confusion . 2. What proportion of Honour , Revenue , Power in Ecclesiasticall and in temporall affairs is due to those Governours . 3. What are the proper , distinct offices of that government to be executed & undergone . As to the first main branch , the first question is , who is supreme Head of the Church under Christ : whether the Prince as Bishop Gardiner first held under H. 8. or the Bishop of Rome , as Sir Thomas More held , or the Aristocracy of Bishops , as Dr. Downing holds , or the Democracie of Presbyters and Lay-elders , as Calvin taught ; if Scripture be expresse in any precept to this purpose , or any Canon extending to all places and times , we must look no farther : but if no such expresse rule be , nor no necessity of any such , nor Divines were ever yet agreed upon any such , it seems that under the King , that Junto of Divines , Statesmen , and Lawyers in Parliament , which hath a Legislative power over the State , hath the same over the Church . And if the King have not the same supreme power in spirituall as in temporall things , it is either for want of sanctity in his person , or for want of capacity in his judgement : but that the Prince is more then temporall , and of sanctity competent for supremacie of rule in the Church is sufficiently evinced by Bilson , Hooker , &c. against Calvin , and the Papists , and Presbyterians both ; and that defect of judgement is no bar in the Church more then in the State , is apparent ; for if the King be unlearned , yea , an infant , Lunatick , &c. yet by his Counsels and Courts of Law , warre and policie , he may govern the Common-wealth well enough ; and it little skilleth whether he be Lawyer , Souldier , or Polititian : and there is the same reason in the Church . And if we admit the King to be supreme head of the Church , I think no man will deny but that the fittest policie for him to govern the Church by , will be the same pattern by which he governeth the State , making as little difference between them as may be ; for it is the same body of men now , of which both State and Church are compacted , and so it was not in the Apostles times ; and the same body hath the same head now , as it had not in the beginning : for Tiberius was then the head of the Christians , but the enemy of Christian Religion . So the main {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} remaining is , whether the King having power to chuse subordinate officers and Counsellors in the Church , may or ought to chuse such as are meerly spirituall or meerly temporall , or a mixture of both . The Papists hold no Governours over the Clergy competent , neither supreme , nor subordinate , but such as are meerly spirituall : The Protestants every where almost but in England , incline to a mixt government in the Church , though they exclude the King quatenus King : in the mean while , we in England admit of the King for our supreme governour , but doubt of any subordinate mixt government . 'T is not my taske at this present to dispute the conveniency of a mixt government , and an association of Spirituall and Lay rulers : but I think the Presbyterians have sufficiently asserted it though to another purpose . And it seems to me , that the Apostolicall form of government , as to the supremacy of it , is not now in force , because there is not the same reason , that head being then wanting in the Church which is since supplied ; but as to any constitution in the subordinate wheels of government , if the Laity had then any motion or influence therein , I think the same reason still remaines , and the same form ought still to be in force . In the second branch : Be the subordinate governours of the Church mixt or simple , either according to the Popish or Presbyterian discipline : the question is , whether or no , such Ecclesiasticall governours ought to be vested , and dignified with temporall honours above the Judges of the Land , and equall with the Peeres of the Realme , and whether or no they ought to enjoy temporall revenues proportionable to that Honour , and power in secular affairs correspondent to those revenues ; and if so , whether by divine or humane constitution . Also if these differences were added ( as Bishop Bilson acknowledgeth ) rather for the honour of the calling , then for any necessity of Gods Law , it is next to be questioned , whether or no a Parliament hath not now power and cause to reduce these additions of Episcopacy into more modest limits , for it seems that from Adam till Christ , no such grandour and splendor was in Church-men , nor from Christ to Constantine , and from Constantine to the Reformation , we know how they were abused to the mischief of the Church , and decay of Religion ; and in the reformation , we know all Nations besides us did utterly remove them : and we know that the Church in England is now much impoverished by many impropriations and commendams , &c. now deteined by Bishops and Cathedrals , besides that which it suffers by Lay-men ; and it seems strange that the Pastors of the flock should be starved , that Prelates should abound , and swim in too great excesse : and that the meer livelyhood of holy preachers should be held lesse necessary then the proud pomp of unusefull ( nay as some think ) mischievous dominators . As to the third branch : if the end of Episcopacy ( as Bishop Bilson holds ) be to prevent the confusion of parity in the Church , we are first to question , whether Ordination by imposition of hands , and guiding of the keyes be necessary to Episcopacy , and so necessary , as that confusion cannot be prevented without them : All wise men will allow some authority requisite , whereby Ministers may be duly elected , and their true qualifications of learning and integrity tried , and that being rightly elected , they may be further consecrated by prayer and the solemnity of hands , and being consecrated , that they may be further instituted , and designed to some particular charge . The Presbyterians do not dislike such authority , nor are negligent in the same : the question is therefore onely , to whom this authority may be committed , whether to Bishops onely , or to some such judicatory as the Presbyterians use , or some other of humane institution . As for example , if the Vniversities , or some select Committee therein , be intrusted to try the sufficiency of Scholars , and to give Orders , and upon the vacancy of a Rectory to present three , &c. to the King , and the King out of those three to present two , &c. to the parish , and the parish out of two to chuse one for their Pastour , the question onely is , whether such election , ordination , presentation , and induction , be not as legall , and religious , as if it were by Bishops , and be not far more politike in preventing simony , and in better satisfying the right of the flock , whose soules are mainly concerned , and whose tithes are to that purpose contributed . And now it seemes S. Ierome allowes no further use of Bishops to have been of old : for he sayes plainly , that a Bishop differs from a Presbyter in no act exceptâ ordinatione : and as for the power of the keyes , that has been alwaies held common to the whole Clergie : but we wil not stand upon this , we will freely grant an authority necessary as well to superintend over Ministers in their charges , as to place them therein , and when B. Bilson appropriates to Bishops the guiding of the keyes , we will understand not the meere power of them , but the government of that power : we will admit also under this terme of guiding the keyes to be comprehended 1. The power of making Ecclesiasticall Canons . 2. Of giving judgement , and executing according thereto . 3. Of issuing the sentence of excommunication . 4. Of deciding controversies . And the question now is , whether the keyes may not be so guided by some other Ecclesiasticall judges and magistrates besides Bishops , if the King thinke fit to designe them , for First , the Legislative power of the Church was never yet only committed to Bishops , the whole Clergie , and the King were never yet excluded from Synods , and Councels , neither are the acts of Synods and Councels binding to any Nation unlesse the secular states ratifie them . And I think , there is no question of the validity of such Canons as are now made in those Protestant Countries , where Bishops have no command , or being at all . And secondly , spirituall jurisdiction is not only appropriated to Bishops , but to Lay-men under Bishops , Canonists and Civilians are held more able and knowing herein than Bishops , and Bishops are held lesse fit by reason of their more sacred imployments : so the question here will be only this , Whether or no the jurisdiction of Lawyers , and such like , as now execute justice in the spirituall Courts under Bishops will be as competent under the King without Bishops as it is now under Bishops immediately . Some say , that Chancellours &c. are not meere Lay-men , no matter : For by the same reason any others to whom such Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction shall be committed by the King shall be held sacred , and if they are not meere Lay-men , yet they are not meere Bishops ; if they are preferred to some equality with the Clergie , yet they are not preferred above the Clergie , and this preferment is no other , but such as may be bestowed upon any other Lay-man , that is not otherwise insufficient . And even amongst Presbyterians there is a forme of Jurisdiction , and I think not held vaine , or unlawfull by any : and even in cases of heresie , blasphemie , &c. which are most spirituall , if none can so rightly judge what is heresie , blasphemy , &c. as spirituall governours , yet this proves not any necessity of Bishops , for the fact may be tryed , & execution awarded by others , and nothing but an assistance of Councell from spirituall men will be needfull . In the third place also , if Excommunication be still held of necessity , and all other temporall authority defective without it , if it be concluded to be perpetuall , notwithstanding the decay of Prophecy , and the supply of other Christian jurisdiction , and if it be to be extended also to all persons in all cases as our Christian Court now extends it ( which seemes to me a strange , obscure , unproved thing ) yet the only question is , Whether it may not continue in the Church , and be still ordered and guided without Episcopacy : For it seemes that the Presbyterians , though they use not Excommunication for such violent , rigorous purposes as the Papists doe , yet they are more severe in it then ever the Fathers were before the Law or under the Law : and yet notwithstanding , their authority of using it , is not excepted against by their enemies . And fo●rthly , if it be granted that Bishops were first introduced for the preventing of schismes and factions in the Church , as being held the fittest meanes for to procure the decision of controversies , and the determination of disputes in Religion : yet the question is whether discord and division may not be prevented , and difficulties of dispute as conveniently resolved by some other as by Episcopall authority : for it seemes there is great difference inter Ecclesiam constitutam , and Ecclesiam constituendam , and between a Church whose supreme governor is ill affected to it , & a Church whose Prince is an indulgent Father to it : so that Episcopacy cannot be now of the same use , as it was at first in the infancy of the persecuted Church . And it seemes that amongst all other Protestants both Calvinists and Lutherans where Bishops rule not , controversies are not so manifold , nor innovations in Religion so easie to be induced , nor factions in the Church so dangerously maintained , as they are in England under the sway of Bishops . It seemes also in all great emergent occasions of division and dissention in points of doctrine , that if our two famous Vniversities were consulted , and in case of disagreement there , if London , as our third Oracle should arbitrate by a Junto of all her Divines , the decision would be farre more honorable and satisfying to all , than if any one Bishop , or any Province , or Nation of Bishops should attempt to give the like . And to conclude this point , the solemn use of Synods , Councels , and Parliaments does not at all depend upon Episcopacy , so that it seemes as to this purpose no necessity can be alledged for the government of Bishops , as Bishops are now qualified in England . These branches if they were thus orderly discussed by moderate , conscionable , & learned Divines , many incomparable advantages in probabilitie would arise thereby : for first , the very foundations of Popery would be laid open and naked , the very center of that tyrannous united Empire which has subjugated the world so long under such base slavery , would be ript up , and all its infernall mysteries discovered to the sun . Secondly , that unpolitike axiome , No Bishop , no King , whereby Bishops have alwayes imbarqued Princes in their warres , would appeare to be sophisticate , and a meere color without all substance of reason . Thirdly , many great fruits of peace and unity both Ecclesiasticall and Civill would redound to our whole Nation . Those many mischiefs which attend Episcopacy , against which the complaints are so grievous and universall would be remedied . That new module of government which so many have so variously phansied , and proposed in these latter times would open it self , and offer it self to us of its own accord . The pattern of the State would be sufficient to present to us a fit & harmonious pattern for the Church : and the body and head of both Church and State would appeare to be the self same . The King should be the same in both , and Councels and Courts govern under him by the same commission in both . A power to ordain fit Ministers , and to put a finall end to controversies and dissentions might be committed to the Vniversities , and some gentle influence by votes affirmative or negative might be also allowed therein to the Laytie . The power of making Articles and Orders for decency and peace in the Church might remaine unalter'd in the Kings Clergie , and Parliament : Able civill and canon Lawyers might still sit in their tribunals taking cognizance of such cases , as are truly Ecclesiasticall , and have not been by usurpation of the Hierarchy wrongfully wrested out of the Temporall Courts : and the spirituall sword of Excommunication might still be gently weelded in the same hands as it has been , when it is necessary . An assistance of godly Divines in all cases of Conscience might be allotted to the K. and all his Judges and Magistrates upon occasion , without wholly drawing them from their charges , and this would be no lesse effectuall , then that of the greatest Prelates . The inconveniences of the Presbyterian Discipline also which is not so adequate and conformable to Monarchy would be rectified . And lastly , the bleeding Church which had so great a part of her Patrimony torn from her by Hen. 8. by the addition of Episcopall and Cathedrall livings might be healed up , and restored to her antient grace and vigour . FINIS . 
A56778	----	A paradox, in the praise of a dunce, to Smectymnuus by H. P. Peacham, Henry, 1576?-1643? This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A56778 of text R4116 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P948). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A56778 Wing P948 ESTC R4116 12631602 ocm 12631602 64787 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56778) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64787) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 250:E135, no 30) A paradox, in the praise of a dunce, to Smectymnuus by H. P. Peacham, Henry, 1576?-1643? [2], 5 p. Printed for Thomas Paybody ..., London : 1642. A satire on episcopacy. Attributed to Henry Peacham. cf. NUC-pre 1956. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Smectymnuus. Episcopacy. Great Britain -- Religion -- 17th century. A56778 R4116 (Wing P948). civilwar no A paradox, in the praise of a dunce, to Smectymnuus. By H. P. Peacham, Henry 1642 2854 12 5 0 0 0 0 60 D The rate of 60 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PARADOX , IN THE PRAISE OF A DUNCE , TO Smectymnuus . By H. P. LONDON , Printed for Thomas Paybody , in Queenes Head Court in Pater Noster Row . 1642. A Paradox In the praise of a DVNCE . WHen I undertook this subject and seriously bethought me of the Title , ( as Plinies advice to every Author ) The praise of a Dunce , I considered whether I were my selfe a Dunce or no , then it had beene true , proprio laus sordet in ore . Againe , Qui alterum incusare vol●● scips●● intueri opertet . But when I saw that I had spent no small a time in the Vniversity , published some usefull Bookes ( as well in Latine as English ) to the Common-wealth , which have taken in the world , and I could never get any thereby , but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as Plutarch calls them , silken words , I concluded I was no Dunce ; But the greatest reason of all that perswaded me was , that for all my paines I could never get any preferment , had I bin Dunce , without question , I had long ere this , perhaps bin double or treble benefic'd , bin a lasie Prebend , or Deane of some Cathedrall my selfe , or kept a fellowship with a good Living to boote in some Colledge or other , as long as I had lived . But to our purpose . There is no question , but a Dunce deriveth his name from Duns Scotus , who was a tolerable writer in his time ; and no doubt but they deserve to be commended , for that they are pretenders to his knowledge and learning , and though they cannot attaine to the same , yet in rebus magnis est vol●isse satis . They commonly keepe good houses , and give entertainement to Learned men , and so they do ( as Erasmus saith ) sarcire officium Hospitalitate . Yea while they are in the Vniversitie ; they are very beneficiall by bestowing Suppers and Break-Fasts , ( besides their liberality in Money ) upon such learned Schollers as make their Declamations and other exercises for them . They love and make much of their Wives above other ( whom they choose commonly the handsomest in the whole Country ) keeping them in their Coaches , their Taffata , or Plush Gownes , themselves clad in Damaske , with their broad Beavers , Hats turnd up , or crushd close before like a Court dripping-pan . They make good sport in their exercises , by speaking of false Latine , making absurd arguments , to the exceeding recreation of others . And since Taciturnitie , or silence is a vertue , they are to bee commended for their silence , for in learned company where matter of knowledge or Learned discourse is offered , hee alwayes holds his peace . I remember in a Christmasse time as I was at Dinner in the company of one who was a Doctor , and had some 800l . by the yeare in spirituall living , when a learned friend of mine a Doctor of the Civill Law , told him that I was a stranger lately come from beyond the Seas , and could speake little or no Latine , and desired to speake to him in Latine , which I did , the Doctor by an interpreter , answered me , it was not the Custome of England to speak Latine in a Christmasse time , and so drinking to me wee had no more discourse . He can in his preaching please both Country and Citie , and give them content . In the Countrie he will never stand above three quarters of an houre , whereby young men of the parish have leasure enough in the afternoone to recreate themselves at any exercise they please : in the Citie he will not stick to preach ( such as they are ) three or foure Sermons in a day . Learned B. Andrewes when he was Vicar of St. Giles without Criple-gate would often say , that if he preached twice in one day , his second Sermon was rather a prating than a preaching , for indeed every Sermon hee made was throughly studied , and fraught with abundance of reading and learning . The best Schollers commonly are slovens in respect of one of them , they goe spruce and so neate , and whatsoever their Doctrine or divisions be , if they be handsom men and weare pontificall Beards , they are much commended by the Faeminine Auditory , for saith Erasmus merily , In Far . Ep. Foemina laudant concionem a vultu Concionatoris , Women commend a Sermon from the Preachers countenance . They never make any quarrell betweene our Church and the Church of Rome , neither meddle th●y with controversie , or ever write against Bellarmine , Bucanu● , Suarez , and the rest . He will hardly suffer any Living to fall into the lapse , which rather than it should he will engrosse three or foure into his own hands . He seldom falleth out or quarrelleth with any man , now and then he will break Priscians head till the bloud runs about his eares . Againe though he be no Scholler himselfe , he will provide of some more able than himselfe to preach , which as a foile sets him off the better . Sometimes if he bee ambitious of popular applause , hee will turne Schismaticke in some kind or other sowing his Tares and Cockle , in woods and corners , to the hazard of his eares ; This proceedeth both from want of learning , and want of wit , wherein hee is to bee pitied veritas non quaerit angulos . A Dunce also makes us good sport with any of his works that he publisheth himself , or that is published by another , witnesse , Epistolae obscurorum virorum , where you shall see Duncery to the life , that if a man be extremely Melancholique , let him read that book , and I will warrant it to cure him . If a Dunce falls into a Schollers company in travell upon the way , or meet at an Inne at night , he is the most boone companion of the world , he will call for Wine , and the best meate in the house ( for observe it , they are commonly the sons of wealthy men and left exceeding rich , which indeed maketh them Dunces ) and in the end pay for all , which , who can deny but to bee a most honest and a generous part . Hee commonly playeth well at Bowles , and is so valiant that hee scornes to give ground to any man . Hee hath an especiall care of the burning of Pigges upon the spit , and the overbaking of Pies in the Oven , therefore by his good will , hee will make short work upon a Sunday , and he thinks an Homily well read to be sufficient . If he bee a Separatist ( as many of them affecting singularity above the●● fellowes prove , ) he puts his Auditors to little or no charge at al for his Pulpit , a Velvet Cushion for his Deske , or so rich a Pulpit Cloth as they have at St. Martins in the Fields , nor ever troubles he his officious Clerke to waite at his opened Pulpit dore for his comming in , for in plaine truth his preaching place or Pulpit , is either a two-eard Bucking-tub , or at the best the one halfe of a Vinteners Caske , without any dore at all . The Bishop of his Diocesse commonly beares with him and much delighteth in his company at publike entertainements and meetings . For many of them though they want learning , yet have they oft times good Naturall wits , and ripe conceipts upon any occasion . As one came before Bishop B. to bee examined and posed of the Bishop for a Living ( which was bestowed upon him ) when he came for his institution , and it fell out to be late at night , and at such a time the B. was writing of a letter , Mr. B. quoth the Bishop , you have picked out an ill time , for me to examine you in , neither am I at leasure to aske you many questions , come one quoth the Bishop ; what is latine for this Candlesticke , and if it please your Lordship quoth the other , the Candlesticke is latine of it selfe , so it was , indeed a latine Candlesticke , the B. not knowing whether he spoke it out of simplicity , or in way of jest , gave him his institution , without further questioning . A Dunce commonly will tell the people of their faults truly and roundly , or if they heare of any misbehaviour or abuse in a Parish they will not stick ( though he leaves his Text altogether ) to correct and ●ea●e it downe , and many times will tell such as are guiltie to their faces of such and such faults they have committed . One preached at Barkeway , and after he had read his Text told the people their Towne consisted of many Lordships , and how he was informed of one notable abuse amongst them in that Parish , which was , if a Cow or Oxe of another mans were strayed away and hapned into any of their grounds , they would with a Rie loafe hot out of the Oven bend his hornes which way they listed , so that when the owner came to challenge his owne Cow he knew not whether that were shee or no , for quoth hee my Cowes hornes stood backward , these stand before and hang downe her forehead , surely this is not she ; and thus men were cozened of their Cattell , but the truth was , none in the Town knew this trick before , but after he had preached it amongst them , presently after they began to practise it . Another came by chance as a stranger unto a shire Towne that shall bee namelesse , some day or two before a Visitation in the same Town he sent to the Arch-Deacon residing then in the Towne , that he might have leave to preach , which ( to gratifie him being a stranger and very formall in his habit ) was granted : upon the day , before the whole Clergie , the Arch-Deacon , Chancellor , and most of the officers of the spirituall Court , hee went into the Pulpit , after he had made his prayer , he read his Text , Come and See . My Text divideth it selfe ( quoth he ) most naturally into two parts , the one is Come , the other See , Come I apply to our selves of the Clergie , and See to the Laitie : for the first , Come I divide it into three parts , whither wee Come , then who they be that Come , then how they Come : we Come hither to a Visitation , which is derived from an old Latine Verbe of the first Conjugation Visit● , visit-as , Visitavi , withall he makes an obeisance to the Arch-Deacon , and to visite is a Metaphor borrowed from the visiting of Patients by the Physitian , for they visit them to see whether they bee sicke or sound in the Body , & these Visitations to see whether the Countrey men be sick or sound in the purse or no , &c. who they be that Come , ( for ( quoth he ) I comprehend under the name of Visitation all manner of your Ecclesiasticall Courts ) here come to your Courts and visitations , Swine , men presented for drunkennesse , Goates and Towne Bulls , for lying with their owne maides , or their neighbours Wives , and what become of them after they have dearely paid for their poundage in your spirituall ( or rather fleshly ) , Courts , they run againe into other mens Corne , and doe as much mischiefe as they did before , &c. How they come , your rich and double benefit'd Parsons come a day or too before , and feast the Arch-Deacon Chancellors , Proctors , sparing neither for Sack nor Claret , the poore Curate except his Church-Wardens be the more mercifull unto him to pay for his dinner , hee must fast and go home as he came : to be short , some Come with money , and some Come with none , if you do not beleeve me Come and See . So he fell into his Text againe , &c. Now See for the Lai●ie , I see a 〈◊〉 sit and stand at the nether end of this Church , who if they had beene thriftie and good husbands when they were young , they might have had their places above and had heard me better : and I see a great fault in you Inne-keepers of this ancient Citie or Town , who lodge a foot-man who hath travailed hard all day upon a Mattris or a flock-bed at the best , if an horse man comes to your houses , riding upon an ambling Nagge , or an easie trotting Gelding you lay him upon the best feather bed you have , and sometimes 〈…〉 with this fault amended , the poore footeman hath more need of a feather bed than the other , after this manner he proceeded , till the glasse was run out , when he had made an end , and was come downe , the Proctors , Apparators , and other officers of the Court , had like to have torne him in peeces , but the Arch-Deacon and Chancellor would not suffer them , but cited him next morning to come before them , but after dinner he had taken his horse and was never heard of after . Notable are the absurdities of Dunsticall Schoole-Masters , as one at Dunstable was so precise , that hee would not teach his Schollers to say Amo I love , but Amo I am in Charitie , quoth a Boy wiser than him , then Master I must construe , Cum amarem eram miser , when I was in Charity , I was a wretch . I had my selfe a Schoole-Master who is yet living , who I well remember construed unto mee Maecenas atavis edite regibus , edite , set you forth Maecenas the sports , atavis regibus , of ancient Kings . One Sir Hugh a Welchman who was a Brownist or the l●ke , taught a Schoole in Gloustershire , who when he was accused before the Major of the Towne for teaching his boyes to speake false Latine , and that they profited little or nothing , hee told their fathers , they should play at Cat , or spanne Counter with all the boyes in the Countrey . Your very Dunce is commonly like Ignoramus , an excellent Sollicitor in Law businesse , and many Countrey Parsons are fitter for pettifogging than for p●eaching . One , a Dunce in Graine after hee had read his Text , fell a rayling against Church Government , for which his Sermon he was cited before Bish. Barlow , whom upon his horse backe he met comming out of Gate at Buckden house , he riding upon a white Gelding with a redde Saddle and a yellow Saddle Cloth , how now Mr. G. quoth the Bishop , is this Canonicall , a Red Saddle , and a yellow Saddle Cloth for a Minister ? My L. quoth the Parson , though you have Canons for me , you have none for my horse . And the common reason why most of our Dunces care not for Learning , is because say they , Scientia inflat , knowledge puffeth up : and in very truth as our Times are , the matter is not great whither a man be learned or a Dunce , for he may come to preferment as soone by the one as the other , though he were but a Tradesman , or a Mechanike . Let not my Reader be offended at what I have written , for like a suite in Birchen Lane , if any thing here fit him let him weare it . FINIS . 
A58291	----	The recantation and hvmble svbmission of two ancient prelates of the kingdome of Scotland subscribed by their own hands and sent to the generall assemblie : as also the act of the said assemblie condemning episcopacy and other abuses which are contrary to the Word of God and the laws of this church and kingdome. Lindsay, Alexander, ca. 1561-1639. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A58291 of text R17222 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing R611). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 13 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A58291 Wing R611 ESTC R17222 12863376 ocm 12863376 94711 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A58291) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94711) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 255:E172, no 18) The recantation and hvmble svbmission of two ancient prelates of the kingdome of Scotland subscribed by their own hands and sent to the generall assemblie : as also the act of the said assemblie condemning episcopacy and other abuses which are contrary to the Word of God and the laws of this church and kingdome. Lindsay, Alexander, ca. 1561-1639. Grahame, George. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. [2], 6 p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : 1641. The two prelates are Alexander Lindsay, Bishop of Dunkeld and G. Grahame, Bishop of Orkney. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A58291 R17222 (Wing R611). civilwar no The recantation, and humble submission of two ancient prelates, of the kingdome of Scotland: subscribed by their own hands; and sent to the Lindsay, Alexander 1641 2220 12 0 0 0 0 0 54 D The rate of 54 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE RECANTATION , AND HVMBLE SVBmission of two ancient PRELATES , of the Kingdome of SCOTLAND : Subscribed by their own hands ; and sent to the Generall Assemblie . As also , THE ACT OF THE said Assemblie , condemning EPISCOPACY and other abuse which are contrary to the WORD of GOD , and the Laws of this Church and Kingdome . Printed in the yeare , 1641. THE BISHOP OF DVNKELL his Recantation . BE it known to all men , I Mr. Alexander Lindsay Minister at St. Madois , forsomuch as I by my Missive Letter sent by me to the Generall Assembly of the Kirke of Scotland , holden at Glasgow , the 21. of Novemb. 1638. did freely submit my self , and dimit and lay down at the feet of the said Assembly my pretended Office of Episcopacie , as pretended Bishop of Dunkell , and my Letter promised and subscribed with ample form of dimission there anent , as the said Assembly should subscribe . And now the said reverend Assembly hath found and declared the said Office of Episcopacie as it hath been used and termed within the said Kirke of Scotland , to be abjured by the Confession of Faith of the said Kirke subscribed in the yeers 1580. 1581 and 1590. And therefore hath declared and decerned the said Office to be removed out of the said Kirke of Scotland . As also seeing the Reverend Assembly hath decerned Me according to my said Letter , to subscribe a more ample forme of Dimission of the said pretended Office , in presence of Sir Iohn Moncreeffe , Knight Baronett , Mr. Robert Murray Minister at Methven , Mr. Iohn Robertson , Minister at Perth , Mr. Alexander Petrye Minister at Kynde , and Thomas Durham Burges of Perth , Commissioners appointed by them for that effect . Therefore and for performance of my said Letter , and in obedience to the ordinance of the said Reverend Assembly ; Witt you me to have Dimitted , quytclamed , and simpliciter overgives the foresaid pretended Office of Episcopacie , as pretended Bishop of Dunkell , with the whole Title , Style , Name , and Dignitie thereof : Power of Ordination , and Jurisdiction , Voice in Parliament , and usurpation of the same in time coming . And faithfully promises , and by these presents bindes and oblidges me , never to exerce , nor use the said pretended Office , in the said Kirke of Scotland ; Nor no power of Ordination , Jurisdiction , Voice in Parliament , neither any other Power Ecclesiasticall , belonging , usurped , and acclamed to belong to the said pretended Office . Like as , according to the Act of the said Reverend Assembly , I acknowledge the said Office of Episcopacy to be abjured in the f●●esaid Confession of Faith ; and therefore most justly ought to be removed out of the said Kirke of Scotland ; and these whole Premisses I heartily acknowledge , As I will answer to God . In testimony hereof , I am content and consents , that these Presents be insert , and Registrate in the Generall Books of Assembly , therein to remain Ad 〈◊〉 rei memoriam . And to that effect constitutes my lawfull Procurators , conjunctly and severally , Promitter 〈◊〉 rato . In witnesse whereof ( written by Robert Re 〈…〉 , servant to Pattrick Rosse Nottar in Perth ) I have subscribed the same with my hand , as said is . At St. Madois , the 24. of January 1639. Before these witnesses , Students in Perth . Mr. George Paterson , Mr. Allexander Dundie , George Boswall , servant to . SirIohn Moncreeffe . THE BISHOP OF ORKNAY his Recantation . TO all and sundry whom it effeeres ; To whose knowledge these Presents shall come ; especially , to the Reverend and Honorable members of the future Assemblie to be holden at Edinburgh the 12. of August 1639. I Mr. George Grahame sometime pretended Bishop of Orknay , being sorrie and grieved at my heart , that I should ever for any worldly respect have embraced the order of Episcopacy ; the same having no warrant from the Word of God : and being such an Order as hath had sensibly , many fearfull , and evill consequences in many parts of Christendome ▪ And particularly , within the Chur●h of Scotland , as by dolefull , and deplorable experience this day is manifest , to have Disclamed ▪ Like as , I , by the tenour hereof , do altogether disclame , and abjure all Episcopall power , and jurisdiction , with the whole corruptions thereof , condemned by lawfull Assemblies within the Church of Scotland . In regard the same is such an Order , as , is also abjured within the said Church , by vertue of that Nationall Oath which was made in the yeer of God 1580. and 1581. Promising and swearing By the great Name of the Lord our God , &c. That I shall never while I live , directly exerce any such power within the Church ; neither yet shall I ever approve , or allow the same : not so much as in any private or publike discourse , But on the contrary , shall-stand and adhere to all the Acts and Constitutions of the late Assemblie holden at Glasgow ▪ the 21. of Novemb. 1638. Last by past : And shall concurre to the utter most of my power , sincerely and faithfully , as occasion shall offer in executing the said Acts ; and advancing the work of Reformation within this Land ; To the glorie of God , the Peace of the Countrey , and the comfort and contentment of all good Christians , As God shall be my help . In testimonie of which Premisses , I have subscribed these Presents with my hand ; At Brecknesse in Stromnes the 12. of Februarie 1639. Before these witnesses . Mr. Walter Stewart Minister at Sowthronaldsay . Mr. Iames Cheene Minister at Kirkwall . Mr. Robert Person Minister at Firth . Mr. Patricke Grahame Sonne to the said Bishop . Minister at Holme , THE ACT OF THE Generall Assembly . THe Kings Majestie having declared , that it is his Royall will and pleasure , that all Questions about Religion and matters Ecclesiasticall , be determined by the Church : having also by publike Proclamation Indicted this free Nationall Assembly , for setling the present distractions of this Church ; and for establishing a perfect Peace , against such divisions and discords ) , as have been sore displeasing to his Majestie , and grievous to all his good Subjects . And now his Majesties Commissioner Iohn E. of Traquair , instructed and authorized with a full Commission , being present and sitting in this Assemblie , now fully conveened and orderly constitute , in all the members thereof , according to the order of this Church having at large declared his Majesties zeal to the Reformed Religion ; and his Royall care , and tender affection to this Church ; ( where his Majestie had both his Birth and Baptisme ) his great displeasure at the manifold distractions , and divisions of this Church and Kingdome ; and his desire to have all our wounds perfectly cured , with a faire and Fatherly hand . And although in the way approved by this Church , tryall hath been taken in former Assemblies before from the Church Registers to our full satisfaction . Yet the Commissioner making a particular inquirie , from the members of the Assembly now solemnly conveened concerning the reall and true causes , of so many and great evils at this time past , and so sore troubling the Peace of the Church and Kingdome . It was represented to his Majesties Commissioner by this Assembly ; That besides many other , the maine and most materiall causes were , 1. First , the pressing of this Church by Prelates with a Service Booke , or Booke of Common Prayer , without direction or warrant from the Church , and containing besides the Popish frame thereof , divers Popish errours , and Ceremonies ; and the seeds of manifold grosse superstitions , and Idolatrie : with a Book of Canons , without warrant er direction from the Generall Assembly ; establishing a Tyrannicall power over the Church in the person of Bishop ; and overthrowing the whole discipline and government of the Church by Assemblies ▪ with a Book of Consecration , and Ordination , without warrant of authoritie Civill or Ecclesiasticall , appointing Offices in the house of God , which are not warranted by the Word of God ; and repugnant to the Discipline and Acts of our Church : with the Commission erected without the consent of the Church , subverting the Jurisdiction and ordinarie Judicatories of this Church ; and giving to persons meerly Ecclesiasticall the power of both Swords ; & to persons meerly Civill , the power of the Keyes and Church Censures . 2. A second cause was the Articles of Perth ( viz. ) Observation of Festivall dayes ; kneeling at the Communion ; Confirmation ; Administration of the Sacraments in private places which were brought in by a Civill Assembly ; and are contrary to the Confession of Faith 1590 as it was meant and subscribed in Ann. 1580. and divers times since to the order and Constitution of this Church . 3. A third cause was , the change of the Government of the Church , from the Assemblies of the Church to the persons of Church-men ; usurping the priority and power over their brethren , by the way , and under the name of Episcopall government , against the Confession , Anno 1580. Against the order set down in the Book of Policy ; and against the intentions and Constitutions of this Church from the beginning . 4. A fourth cause was , the Civill places and power of Church men , their sitting in Session , Counsell , and Exchequer : Their Ridding sitting and voting in Parliament ; and their sitting in the Bench as Justices of Peace , which according to the constitutions of the Church , are incompatible with their spiritual function , lifting up above their brethren , and worldly pomp , and do tend to the hinderance of the Ministry . A fifth cause was , The keeping and authorizing of corrupt Assemblies at Linlithgow 1606. 1608. at Glasgow 1610. at Aberdene 1616. at St. Andrews 1617. at Perth 1618. which are all null and unlawful , as being called and constitute quite to ● order and constitutions of this Church , received , and practised ever since the Reformation of Religion . And withall 〈…〉 ing to introduce Novations within this Church , against the order and Religion established . A sixt cause was , The want of lawfull and free Generall Assemblies , rightly constitute of Pastors , Doctors , and Elders yeerly or oftner pro re rata , according to the liberty of the Church , expressed in the Book of Policy , and acknowledged in the Act of Parliament 1592. Which his Majesties Commissioner having heard patiently , and examined particularly , and all objections to the contrary being answered to the full . The whole Assembly with expresse consent of his Majesties Commissioner , in one heart and voice did declare that these & such other proceedings , from the neglect and breach of the N 〈…〉 all Covenant of this Church , and Kingdom made in 〈…〉 have been indeed , the true and maine cause of all our evil 〈◊〉 and distractions . And therefore ordaines , according to the Const●tutions of the Generall Assemblies of this Church , and upon the grounds respective above specified , that the foresaid Service Booke , Book of Cannons , and Ordination , and High Commission be rejected still : That the Articles of Perth be no more practised : That Episcopall Government and the Civill places and power of Churchmen , be holden still as unlawfull in this Church : That the above named pretended Assemblies at Linlithgow 1606. 1608. at Glasgow 1610. at Aberdean 1616. at St. Andrews 1617. at Perth 1618. be hereafter accounted as nul and of none effect ; and that for preservation of Religion , and proventing all such evils in time coming , Generall Assemblies rightly constitute , as the perfect and competent . Judge of al matters Ecclesiasticall hereafter be kept yeerly and oftner as occasion and necessitie shall require . The necessitie being first remonstrate to his Maiestie by humble Supplication ; as also of these occasionall Assemblies , that Church Sessions , Presbyteries , and Sinodall Assemblies , constitute and ordained according to the Book of Policies , and Constitutions of this Church , be also hereafter kept as occasion and necessity shall require . FINIS . 
A50949	----	The reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty by Mr. John Milton ; in two books. Milton, John, 1608-1674. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A50949 of text R3223 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing M2175). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 166 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A50949 Wing M2175 ESTC R3223 12578479 ocm 12578479 63661 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50949) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63661) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 250:E137, no 9) The reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty by Mr. John Milton ; in two books. Milton, John, 1608-1674. [2], 65 p. Printed by E. G. for Iohn Rothwell ..., London : 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A50949 R3223 (Wing M2175). civilwar no The reason of church-governement urg'd against prelaty by Mr. John Milton. In two books. Milton, John 1642 32451 365 0 0 0 0 0 112 F The rate of 112 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-09 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2002-09 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE REASON OF Church-governement Urg'd against PRELATY By Mr. John Milton . In two Books . LONDON , Printed by E. G. for Iohn Rothwell , and are to be sold at the Sunne in Pauls Church-yard . 1641. The Reason of Church-government urg'd against PRELATY . THE PREFACE . IN the publishing of humane lawes , which for the most part aime not beyond the good of civill society , to set them barely forth to the people without reason or Preface , like a physicall prescript , or only with threatnings , as it were a lordly command , in the judgement of Plato was thought to be done neither generously nor wisely . His advice was , seeing that persuasion certainly is a more winning , and more manlike way to keepe men in obedience then feare , that to such lawes as were of principall moment ; there should be us'd as an induction , some well temper'd discourse , shewing how good , how gainfull , how happy it must needs be to live according to honesty and justice , which being utter'd with those native colours and graces of speech , as true eloquence the daughter of vertue can best bestow upon her mothers praises , would so incite , and in a manner , charme the multitude into the love of that which is really good , as to imbrace it ever after , not of custome and awe , which most men do , but of choice and purpose , with true and constant delight . But this practice we may learn , from a better & more ancient authority , then any heathen writer hath to give us , and indeed being a point of so high wisdome & worth , how could it be but we should find it in that book , within whose sacred context all wisdome is infolded ? Moses therefore the only Lawgiver that we can believe to have beene visibly taught of God , knowing how vaine it was to write lawes to men whose hearts were not first season'd with the knowledge of God and of his workes , began from the book of Genesis , as a prologue to his lawer ; which Josephus● ight well hath noted . That the nation of the Jewes , reading therein the universall goodnesse of God to all creatures in the Creation , and his peculiar favour to them in his election of Abraham their ancestor , from whom they could derive so many blessings upon themselves , might be mov'd to obey si cerely by knowing so good a reason of their obedience . If then in the administration of civill justice , and under the obscurity of Ceremoniall rites , such care was had by the wisest of the heathen , and by Moses among the Jewes , to instruct them at least in a generall reason of that government to which their subjection was requir'd , how much more ought the members of the Church under the Gospell seek● to informe their understanding in the reason of that government which the Church claimes to have over them : especially for that the Church hath in her immediate cure those inner parts and affections of the mind where the seat of reason is ; having power to examine our spirituall knowledge , and to demand from us in Gods behalfe a service intirely reasonable . But because about the manner and order of this government , whether it ought to be Presbyteriall , or Prelaticall , such endlesse question , or rather uproare is arisen in this land , as may be justly term'd , what the feaver is to the Physitians , the eternall reproach of our Divines ; whilest other profound C● erks of late greatly , as they conceive , to the advancement of Prelaty , are so earnestly meting out the Lydian proconsular Asia , to make good the prime metropolis of Ephesus , as if some of our Prelates in all haste meant to change their solle , and become neighbours to the English Bishop of Chalcedon ; and whilest good Breerwood as busily bestirres himselfe in our vulgar tongue to divide precisely the three Patriarchats , of Rome , Alexandria , and Antioch , and whether to any of these England doth belong , I shall in the meane while not cease to hope through the mercy and grace of Christ , the head and husband of his Church , that England shortly is to belong , neither to See Patriarchall , nor See Prelaticall , but to the faithfull feeding and disciplining of that ministeriall order , which the blessed Apostles constituted throughout the Churches : and this I shall assay to prove can be no other , then that of Presbyters and Deacons . And if any man incline to thinke I undertake a taske too difficult for my yeares , I trust through the supreme inlightning assistance farre otherwise ; for my yeares , be they few or many , what imports it ? so they bring reason , let that be looke on : and for the task , from hence that the question in hand is so needfull to be known at this time chiefly by every meaner capacity , and containes in it the explication of many admirable and heavenly privileges reacht out to us by the Gospell , I conclude the task must be easie . God having to this end ordain'd his Gospell to be the revelation of his power and wisdome in Christ Jesus . And this is one depth of his wisdome , that he could so plainly reveale so great a measure of it to the grosse distorted apprehension of decay'd mankinde . Let others therefore dread and shun the Scriptures for their darknesse , I shall wish I may deserve to be reckon'd among those who admire and dwell upon them for their clearnesse . And this seemes to be the cause why in those places of holy writ , wherein is treated of Church-government , the reasons thereof are not formally , and profestly set downe , because to him that heeds attentively the drift and scope of Christian profession , they easily imply themselves , which thing further to explane , having now prefac'd enough , I shall no longer deferre . CHAP. I. That Church-government is prescrib'd in the Gospell , and that to say otherwise is unsound . THe first and greatest reason of Church-government , we may securely with the assent of many on the adverse part , affirme to be , because we finde it so ordain'd and set out to us by the appointment of God in the Scriptures ; but whether this be Presbyteriall , or Prelaticall , it cannot be brought to the scanning , untill I have said what is meet to some who do not think it for the ease of their inconsequent opinions , to grant that Church discipline is platform'd in the Bible , but that it is left to the discretion of men . To this conceit of theirs I answer , that it is both unsound and untrue . For there is not that thing in the world of more grave and urgent importance throughout the whole life of man , then is discipline . What need I instance ? He that hath read with judgement , of Nations and Common-wealths , of Cities and Camps , of peace and warre , sea and land , will readily agree that the flourishing and decaying of all civill societies , all the moments and turnings of humane occasions are mov'd to and fro as upon the axle of discipline . So that whatsoever power or sway in mortall things weaker men have attributed to fortune , I durst with more confidence ( the honour of divine providence ever sav'd ) ascribe either to the vigor , or the slacknesse of discipline . Nor is there any sociable perfection in this life civill or sacred that can be above discipline , but she is that which with her musicall cords preserves and holds all the parts thereof together . Hence in those perfect armies of Cyrus in Xenophon , and Scipio in the Roman stories , the excellence of military skill was esteem'd , not by the not needing , but by the readiest submitting to the edicts of their commander . And certainly discipline is not only the removall of disorder , but if any visible shape can be given to divine things , the very visible shape and image of vertue , whereby she is not only seene in the regular gestures and motions of her heavenly paces as she walkes , but also makes the harmony of her voice audible to mortall eares . Yea the Angels themselves , in whom no disorder is fear'd , as the Apostle that saw them in his rapture describes , are distinguisht and quaternion● into their celestiall Princedomes , and Satrapies , according as God himselfe hath writ his imperiall decrees through the great provinces of heav'n . The state also of the blessed in Paradise , though never so perfect , is not therefore left without discipline , whose golden survaying reed marks out and measures every quarter and circuit of new Jerusalem . Yet is it not to be conceiv'd that those eternall effluences of sanctity and love in the glorified Saints should by this meanes be confin'd and cloy'd with repetition of that which is prescrib'd , but that our happinesse may or be it selfe into a thousand vagancies of glory and delight , and with a kinde of eccentricall equation be as it were an invariable Planet of joy and felicity , how much lesse can we believe that God would leave his fraile and feeble , though not lesse beloved Church here below to the perpetuall stumble of conjecture and disturbance in this our darke voyage without the card and compasse of Discipline . Which is so hard to be of mans making , that we may see even in the guidance of a civill state to worldly happinesse , it is not for every learned , or every wise man , though many of them consult in common , to invent or frame a discipline , but if it be at all the worke of man , it must be of such a one as is a true knower of himselfe , and himselfe in whom contemplation and practice , wit , prudence , fortitude , and eloquence must be rarely met , both to comprehend the hidden causes of things , and span in his thoughts all the various effects that passion or complexion can worke in mans nature ; and hereto must his hand be at defiance with gaine , and his heart in all vertues heroick . So far is it from the kenne of these wretched projectors of ours that bescraull their Pamflets every day with new formes of government for our Church . And therefore all the ancient lawgivers were either truly inspir'd as Moses , or were such men as with authority anough might give it out to be so , as Min● s , Lycurgus , Numa , because they wisely forethought that men would never quietly submit to such a discipline as had not more of Gods hand in it then mans : To come within the narrownesse of houshold government , observation will shew us many deepe counsellers of state and judges to demean themselves incorruptly in the setl'd course of affaires , and many worthy Preachers upright in their lives , powerfull in their audience ; but look upon either of these men where they are left to their own disciplining at home , and you shall soone perceive for all their single knowledge and uprightnesse , how deficient they are in the regulating of their own family ; not only in what may concerne the vertuous and decent composure of their minds in their severall places , but that which is of a lower and easier performance , the right possessing of the outward vessell , their body , in health or sicknesse , rest or labour , diet , or abstinence , whereby to render it more pliant to the soule , and use● ull to the Common-wealth : which if men were but as good to disci● ne themselves , as some are to tutor their Horses and Hawks , it could not be so grosse in most housholds . If then it appear so hard and so little knowne , how to governe a house well , which is thought of so easie discharge , and for every mans undertaking , what skill of man , what wisdome , what parts , can be sufficient to give lawes & ordinances to the elect houshold of God ? If we could imagine that he had left it at randome without his provident and gracious ordering , who is he so arrogant so presumptuous that durst dispose and guide the living arke of the holy Ghost ; though he should finde it wandring in the field of Bethshemesh , without the conscious warrant of some high calling . But no profane insolence can paralell that which our Prelates dare avouch , to drive outragiously , and shatter the holy arke of the Church , not born upon their shoulders with pains and labour in the word , but drawne with rude oxen their officials , and their owne brute inventions . Let them make shewes of reforming while they will , so long as the Church is mounted upon the Prelaticall Cart , and not as it ought betweene the hands of the Ministers , it will but shake and totter , and he that sets to his hand though with a good intent to hinder the shogging of it , in this unlawfull waggonry wherein it rides , let him beware it be not fatall to him as it was to V● a. Certainly if God be the father of his family the Church , wherein could he expresse that name more , then in training it up under his owne all-wise and dear Oeconomy , not turning it loose to the havock of strangers and wolves that would ask no better plea then this to do● in the Church of Christ , what ever humour , faction , policy , or ●centious will would prompt them to . Againe , if Christ be the Churches husband expecting her to be presented before him a pure unspotted virgin ; in what could he shew his tender love to her mo● then in prescribing his owne wayes which he best knew would be to the improvement of her health and beauty with much great● care doubtlesse then the Persian King could appoint for his Queen●Esther , those maiden dietings & set prescriptions of baths , & odo● which may tender her at last the more amiable to his eye . For o● any age or sex , most unfitly may a virgin be left to an uncertaine and arbitrary education . Yea though she be well instructed , yet is she still under a more strait tuition , especially if betroth'd . In like manner the Church bearing the same resemblance , it were not reason to think she should be left destitute of that care which is as necessary , and proper to her , as instruction . For publick preaching indeed is the gift of the Spirit working as best seemes to his secret will , but discipline is the practick work o● preaching directed and apply'd as is most requisite to particular duty ; without which it were all one to the benefit of souls , as it would be to the cure of bodi● s , if all the Physitians in London should get into the severall Pulpits of the City , and assembling all the diseased in every pari● should begin a learned Lecture of Pleurisies , Palsies , Lethargies , to which perhaps none there present were inclin'd , and so without so much as feeling one puls , or giving the least order to any skilfull Apothecary , should dismisse 'em from time to time , some groaning , some languishing , some expiring , with this only charge to look well to themselves , and do as they heare . Of what excellence and necessity then Church-discipline is , how beyond the faculty of man to frame , and how dangerous to be left to mans invention who would be every foot turning it to sinister ends , how properly also it is the worke of God as father , and of Christ as Husband of the Church ; we have by thus much heard . CHAP. II. That Church governement is set downe in holy Scripture , and that to say otherwise is untrue . AS therefore it is unsound to say that God hath not appointed any set government in his Church , so is it untrue . Of the time of the Law there can be no doubt ; for to let passe the first institution of Priests and Levites , which is too cleare to be insisted upon , when the Temple came to be built , which in plaine judgement could breed no essentiall change either in religion , or in the Priestly government ; yet God to shew how little he could endure that men should be tampring and contriving in his worship , though in things of lesse regard , gave to David for Solomon not only a pattern and modell of the Temple , but a direction for the courses of the Priests and Levites , and for all the worke of their service . At the returne from the Captivity things were only restor'd after the ordinance of Moses and David ; or if the least alteration be to be found , they had with them inspired men , Prophets , and it were not sober to say they did ought of moment without divine intimation . In the Prophesie of Ez-kiel from the 40 Chapt. onward , after the destruction of the Temple , God by his Prophet seeking to weane the hearts of the Jewes from their old law to expect a new and more perfect reformation under Christ , sets out before their eyes the stately fabrick & constitution of his Church , with al the ecclesiasticall functions appertaining ; indeed the description is as sorted best to the apprehension of those times , typicall and shadowie , but in such manner as never yet came to passe , nor never must literally , unlesse we mean to annihilat the Gospel . But so exquisit and lively the description is in portraying the new state of the Church , and especially in those points where government seemes to be most active , that both Jewes and Gentiles might have good cause to be assur'd , that God when ever he meant to reforme his Church , never intended to leave the governement thereof delineated here in such curious architecture , to be patch't afterwards , and varnish't over with the devices and imbellishings of mans imagination . Did God take such delight in measuring out the pillars , arches , and doores of a materiall Temple , was he so punctuall and circumspect in lavers , altars , and sacrifices soone after to be abrogated , left any of these should have beene made contrary to his minde ? is not a farre more perfect worke more agreeable to his perfection in the most perfect state of the Church militant , the new alliance of God to man ? should not he rather now by his owne prescribed discipline have cast his line and levell upon the soule of man which is his rationall temple , and by the divine square and compasse thereof forme and regenerate in us the lovely shapes of vertues and graces , the sooner to edifie and accomplish that immortall stature of Christs body which is his Church , in all her glorious lineaments and proportions . And that this indeed God hath done for us in the Gospel 〈◊〉 shall see with open eyes , not under a vaile . We may passe over the history of the Acts and other places , turning only to those Epistle● of S. Paul to Timothy and Titus : where the spirituall eye may discerne more goodly and gracefully erected then all the magnifice● ce of Temple or Tabernacle , such a heavenly structure of evangel● ck discipline so diffusive of knowledge and charity to the prosperous increase and growth of the Church , that it cannot be wonder'd if that elegant and artfull symmetry of the promised new temple in Ezechiel , and all those sumptuous things under the Law were made to signifie the inward beauty and splendor of the Christian Church thus govern'd . And whether this be commanded let it now be j● dg'd . S. Paul after his preface to the first of Timothy which hee concludes in the 17 Verse with Amen , enters upon the subject of his Epistle which is to establish the Church-government with a command . This charge I commit to thee son Timothy : according to the prophecies which went before on thee , that thou by them might'st war a good warfare . Which is plain enough thus expounded . This charge I commit to thee wherein I now go about to instruct thee how thou shalt set up Church-discipline , that thou might'st warre a good warfare , bearing thy selfe constantly and faithfully in the Ministery , which in the I to the Corinthians is also call'd a warfare : and so after a kinde of Parenthesis concerning Hymenaeus he returnes to his command though under the milde word of exhorting , Cap. 2. v. 1. I exhort therefore . As if he had interrupted his former command by the occasionall mention of Hymeneus . More beneath in the 14 V. of the 3 C. when he hath deliver'd the duties of Bishops or Presbyters and Deacons not once naming any other order in the Church , he thus addes . These things write I unto thee hoping to come unto thee shortly ( such necessity it seems there was ) but if I tarry long , that thou ma●'st know how thou ought'st to behave thy s● lfe in the house of God . From this place it may be justly ask'● , whether Timothy by this here written might know what was to be knowne concerning the orders of Church-governours or no ? If he might , then in such a cleere t● xt as this may we know too without further j● ngle ; if he might not , then did S. Paul write insufficiently , and moreover said not true , for he saith here he might know , and I perswade my selfe he did know ere this was written , but that the Apostle had more regard to the instruction of us , then to the informing of him . In the fifth Chap. after some other Church precepts concerning discipline , mark what a dreadfull command followes , Verse 21. I charge thee before God and the Lord Jesus Christ , and the elect Angels , that thou observe these things , and as if all were not yet sure anough , ● e closes up the Epistle , with an adj● ring charge thus . I give thee charge in the sight of God who quickneth all things , and before Christ Jesus , that thou keepe this commandement : that is the whole commandement concerning discipline , being them ine purpose of the Epistle : although Hooker would faine have this denouncement referr'd to the particular precept going before , because the word Commandement is in the singular number , not remembring that even in the first Chapt. of this Epistle , the wo● Commandement is us'd in a plurall sense , Vers. 5. Now the end of the Commandement is charity . And what more frequent then in like manner to say the Law of Moses . So that either to restraine the significance too much , or too much to inlarg it would make the adjuration either not so waighty , or not so pertinent . And thus we find here that the rules of Church-discipline are not only commanded , but hedg'd about with such a terrible impalement of commands , as he that will break through wilfully to violate the least of them , must hazard the wounding of his conscience even to death . Yet all this notwithstanding we shall finde them broken wellnigh all by the faire pretenders even of the next ages . No lesse to the contempt of him whom they fain to be the archfounder of prelaty S. Peter , who by what he writes in the 5 Chap. of his first Epistle should seeme to be farre another man then tradition reports him : there he commits to the Presbyters only full authority both of feeding the flock , and Episcopating : and commands that obedience be given to them as to the mighty hand of God , wch is his mighty ordinance . Yet all this was as nothing to repell the ventrous boldnesse of innovation that ensu'd , changing the decrees of God that is immutable , as if they had been breath'd by man . Neverthelesse when Christ by those visions of S. Iohn foreshewes the reformation of his Church , he bids him take his Reed , and meet it out againe after the first patterne , for he prescribes him no other . Arise , said the Angell , and measure the Temple of God and the Altar , and them that worship therein . What is there in the world can measure men but discipline ? Our word ruling imports no lesse . Doctrine indeed is the measure , or at least the reason of the measure , t is true , but unlesse the measure be apply'd to that which it is to measure , how can it actually doe its proper worke . Whether therefore discipline be all one with doctrine , or the particular application thereof to this or that person , we all agree that doctrine must be such only as is command● , or whether it be something really differing from doctrine , yet 〈◊〉 it only of Gods appointment , as being the most adequat measure of the Church and her children , which is here the office of a gr● Evangelist and the reed given him from heaven . But that par● of the Temple which is not thus measur'd , so farre is it from being 〈◊〉 Gods tuition or delight , that in the following verse he rejects i● , however in shew and visibility it may seeme a part of his Church , yet in as much as it lyes thus unmeasur'd he leaves it to be trampl'd by the Gentiles , that is to be polluted with idolatrous and Gentilish rites and ceremonies . And the the principall reformation here foretold is already come to passe as well in discipline as in doctrine the state of our neighbour Churches afford us to behold . Thus through all the periods and changes of the Church it hath beene prov'd that God hath still reserv'd to himselfe the right of enacting Church-government . CHAP. III. That it is dangerous and unworthy the Gospell to hold that Church-government is to be pattern'd by the Law , as B. Andrews and the Primat of Armagh maintaine . WE may returne now from this interposing difficulty thus remov'd , to affi● me , that since Church-government is so strictly commanded in Gods Word , the first and greatest reason why we should submit thereto , is because God hath so commanded . But whether of these two , Prelaty or Presbytery can prove it selfe to be supported by this first and greatest reason , must be the next dispute . Where in this position is to be first layd down as granted ; that I may not follow a chase rather then a● argument , that one of these two , and none other is of Gods ordaining , and if it be , that ordinance must be evident in the Gospell . For the imperfect and obscure institution of the Law , which the Apostles themselves doubt not o● t-times to ● ilifre , cannot give rules to the compleat and glorious ministration of the Gospell , which lookes on the Law , as on a childe , not as on a tutor . And that the Prelates have no sure foundation in the Gospell , their own guiltinesse doth manifest : they would not else run questing up as high as Adam to fe● h their originall , as t is said one of them lately did in publick . To which assertion , had I heard it , because I see they are so insatiable of antiquity , I should have gladly assented , and confest them ye● more ancient . For Lucifer before Adam was the fir● prela● Angel , and both he , as is commonly thought , and our 〈◊〉 Adam , as we all know , for aspiring above their order● , were miser● bly degraded . But others better advis'd are content to receive their beginning from Aaron and his sons , among whom B. Andrews of late ye● res , and in these times the Primat of Armagh for their learning are reputed the best able to say what may be said in this opinion . The Primat in his discou● se about the originall of Episcopacy newly revis'd begins thus . The ground of Episco● cy is fetcht partly from the pattern prescribed by God in the old Testament , and partly from the imitation thereof brought in by the Apostles . Herein I must entreat to be excus'd of the desire I have to be satisfi'd , how for example the ground of Episcop . is fetch't partly from the example of the old Testament , by whom next , and by whose authority . Secondly , how the Church-government under the Gospell can be rightly call'd an imitation of that in the old Testament ? for that the Gospell is the end and fulfilling of the Law , our liberty also from the bondage of the Law I plainly reade . How then the ripe age of the Gospell should be put to schoole againe , and learn to governe her selfe from the infancy of the Law , the stronger to imitate the weaker , the freeman to follow the captive , the learned to be lesson'd by the rude , will be a hard undertaking to evince from any of those principles which either art or inspiration hath written . If any thing done by the Apostles may be drawne howsoever to a likenesse of somethi● g Mosaicall , if it cannot be prov'd that it was done of purpose in imitation , as having the right thereof grounded in nature , and not in ceremony or type , it will little availe the matter . The whole Judaick law is either politicall , and to take pattern by that , no Christian nation ever thought it selfe o● g'd in conscience ; or morall , which containes in it the observation of whatsoever is substantially , and perpetually true and good , either in religion , or course of life . That which is thus morall , besides what we f● tch from those unwritten lawes and Ideas which nature hath ingraven in us , the Gospell , as stands with her dignity most , lectures to us from her own authentick hand-writing and command , not copies out from the borrow'd manuscript of a subservient scrow● , by way of imitating . As well might she be said in her Sacrame● of water to imitate the baptisme of Iohn . What though ● he retaine excommunication ● s'd in the Syna ● ogue , retain the morality of the Sabbath , she does not therefore imitate the law her underling , but perfect her . All that was morally deliver'd from the law to the Gospell in the office of the Priests and Levites , was that there should be a ministery set a part to teach and discipline the Church ; both which duties the Apostles thought good to commit to the Presbyters . And if any distinction of honour were to be made among them , they directed it should be to those not that only rule well , but especially to those that labour in the word and doctrine . By which we are taught that laborious teaching is the most honourable Prelaty that one Minister can have above another in the Gospell : if therefore the superiority of Bishopship be grounded on the Priesthood as a part of the morall law , it cannot be said to be an imitation ; for it were ridiculous that morality should imitate morality , which ever was the same thing . This very word of patterning or imitating excludes Episcopacy from the solid and grave Ethicall law , and betraies it to be a meere childe of ceremony , or likelier some misbegotten thing , that having pluckt the gay feathers of her obsolet bravery to ● I de her own deformed barenesse , now vaunts and glories in her stolne plumes . In the meane while what danger there is against the very life of the Gospell to make in any thing the typical law her pattern , and how impossibl● in that which touches the Priestly government , I shall use such light as I have receav'd , to lay open . ● t cannot be unknowne by what expressions the holy Apostle S. Paul spar● s not to explane to us the na● ure and condition of the l● calling those o● dinances which were the chiefe and 〈◊〉 offices of the Priests , the elements and rudiments of the world both weake and beggarly . Now to br● ed , and bring up the child● en of the promise , the heirs of liberty and grace under such a kinde of government as is profest to be but an imitation of that ministery which engender'd to b● ndage the so● s of Agar , how can this 〈◊〉 but a foul injury and derogation , if not a cancelling of that birth-right and immunity which Christ hath purchas'd for us with his blood . For the ministration of the law consisting of c● all things , drew to it such a ministery as consisted of ca● all respects , dignity , precedence , and the like . And such a ministery establish't in the Gospell , as is founded upon the points and ter● of superiority , and nests it selfe in worldly honour , will draw to it , and we see it doth , such a religion as ● unnes back againe to the old pompe and glory of the flesh . For doubtlesse there is a certaine attraction and magnetick force betwixt the religion and the ministeriall forme thereof . If the religion be pure , spirituall , simple , and lowly , as the Gospel most truly is , such must the face of the ministery be . And in like manner if the forme of the Ministery be grounded in the worldly degrees of autority , honour , temporall jurisdiction , we see it with our eyes it will turne the inward power and purity of the Gospel into the outward carnality of the law ; evaporating and exhaling the internall worship into empty conformities , and gay sh● wes . And what remains then but that wee should runne into as dangerous and deadly apostacy a● our lamented neighbours the Papists , who by this very snire and pitfall of imitating the ceremonial law , fel into that irrecoverable superstition , as must need● make void the cov● nant of salvation to them that persist in this blindnesse . CHAP. IV. That it is impossible to make the Priesthood of Aaron a pattern whereon to ground Episcopacy . THat which was promis'd next , is to declare the impossibility of grounding Evangelick government in the imitation of the Jewish Priesthood : which will be done by considering both the quality of the persons , and the office it selfe . Aaron and his sonnes were the Princes of their Tribe before they were sanctified to the Priesthood : that personall eminence which they held above the other Levites , they receav'd not only from their office , but partly brought it into their office : and so from that time forward the Priests were not chosen out of the whole number of the Levites , as our Bishops , but were borne inheritors of the dignity . Therefore unlesse we shall choose our Prelat● only out of the Nobility , and let them runne in a blood , there can be no possible imitation of Lording over their brethren in regard of their persons altogether unlike . As for the office wch was a representation of Christs own person more immediately in the high Priest , & of his whole priestly office in all the other ; to the performance of wch the Levits were but as servitors & Deacons , it was necessary there should be a distinction of dignity betweene two functions of so great od● . But there being no such difference among our Ministers , unlesse it be in reference to the Deacons , it is impossible to found a 〈◊〉 upon the imitation of this Priesthood . For wherein , or in w● worke is the office of a Prelat excellent above that of a Pa● in ordination you 'l say ; but flatly against Scripture , for there we know Timothy receav'd ordination by the hands of the Presby● y , notwithstanding all the vaine delusions that are us'd to 〈◊〉 that testimony , and maintaine an unwarrantable usurpation . But wherefore should ordination be a cause of setting up a superiour degree in the Church● is not that whereby Christ became our Saviour a higher and greater worke , then that whereby he did ordai● e messengers to preach and publish him our Saviour ? Every Minister sustains the person of Christ in his highest work of communicating to us the mysteries of our salvation , and hath the power of binding and absolving , how should he need a higher dignity to represent or execute that which is an inferior work in Christ ? why should the performance of ordination which is a lower office exalt a Prelat , and not the seldome discharge of a higher and more noble office 〈◊〉 is preaching & administring much rather depressehim ? Verily neither the nature , nor the example of ordinationdoth any way require an imparity betweene the ordainer and the ordained . For what more naturall then every like to produce his like ; man to beget man , fire to propagate fire , and in examples of highest opi●●on the ordainer is inferior to the ordained ; fo● the Pope is not ma● e by the precedent Pope , but by Cardinals , who ordain and consecrate to a higher and greater office then their own . CHAP. V. To the Arguments of B. Andrews and the Primat . IT followes here to attend to certaine objections in a little treatise lately printed among others of like sort at Oxford , and in the title said to be out of the rude draughts of Bishop Andrews . And surely they bee rude draughts indeed , in so much that it is marvell to think what his friends meant to let come abroad such shallow reasonings with the name of a man so much bruited for learning . In the 12 and 23 pages he seemes most notoriously inconstant to himselfe ; for in the former place he tels us he forbeares to take any argument of Prelaty from Aaron , as being the type of Christ . In the latter he can forbeare no longer , but repents him of his rash gratuity , affirming , that to say , Christ being come in the flesh , his figure in the high Priest ceaseth , is the shift of an Anabaptist ; and stiffly argues that Christ being as well King as Priest , was as well fore-resembled by the Kings then , as by the high Priest . So that if his comming take away the one type , it must also the other . Marvellous piece of divinity ! and well worth that the land should pay six thousand pound a yeare for , in a Bishoprick , although I reade of no Sophister among the Greeks that was so dear , neither Hippias nor Protagoras , nor any whom the Socratick schoole famously refuted with out hire . Here we have the type of the King sow'd to the typet of the Bishop , suttly to cast a jealousie upon the Crowne , as if the right of Kings ; like M● ager in the Metamorphosis , were no longer liv'd then the firebrand of Prelaty . But more likely the Prelats fearing ( for their own guilty carriage protests they doe feare ) that their faire dayes cannot long hold , practize by possessing the King with this most false doctrine , to ingage his power for them , as in his owne quarrell , that when they fall they may fall in a generall ruine , just as cruell Tyberius would wish , When I dye , let the earth be roul'd in flames . But where , O Bishop , doth the purpose of the law set forth Christ to us as a King ? That which never was intended in the Law , can never be abolish'● as part thereof . When the Law was made , there was no King : if before the law , or under the law God by a speciall type in any King would foresignifie the fut● re kingdome of Christ , which is not yet visibly come , what was that to the law ? The whole ceremoniall law , and types can be in no law else , comprehends nothing but the propitiatory office of Christs Priesthood , which being in substance accomplisht , both law and Priesthood fades away of it selfe , and passes into aire like a transitory vision , and the right of Kings neither stands by any type nor falls . We acknowledge that the civill magistrate weares an autority of Gods giving , and ought to be obey'd as his vicegerent . But to make a King a type , we say is an abusive and unskilfull speech , and of a morall solidity makes it seeme a ceremoniall shadow . Therefore your typical chaine of King and Priest must unlink . But is not the type of Priest taken away by Christs comming ? no saith this famous Protestant Bishop of Winchester ; it is not , and he that saith it is , is an Anabaptist . What think ye Reade● , do ye not understand him ? What can be gather'd hence but that the Prelat would still sacrifice ? conceave him readers , he would missificate . Their altar● indeed were in a fair forwardnesse ; and by such arguments as the they were setting up the molten Calfe of their Masseagaine , and of their great Hierarch the Pope . For if the type of Priest be not taken away , then neither of the high Priest , it were a strange behe● ding ; and high Priest more then one there cannot be , and that o● e can be no lesse then a Pope . And this doubtlesse was the bent of his career , though never so covertly . Yea but there was something else in the high Priest besides the figure , as is plain by S. Pauls acknowledging him . T is true that in the 17 of Deut , whence this autority arise● to the Priest in matters too hard for the secular judges , as must needs be many in the occasions of those times involv'd so with ceremoniall niceties , no wonder though it be commanded to enquire at the mouth of the Priests , who besides the Magistrat● their collegues had the Oracle of Uri● to consult with . And whether the high Priest Ananias had not incroach't beyond the limits of his Priestly autority , or whether us'd it rightly , was no time then for S. Paul to contest about . But if this instance be able to assert any right of jurisdiction to the Clergy , it must impart it in common to all Ministers , since it were a great folly to seeke for counsell in a hard intricat scruple from a Dunce Prelat , when there might be found a speedier solution from a grave and learned Minister , whom God hath gifted with the judgement of Urim more amply oft-times then all the Prelates together ; and now in the Gospell hath granted the privilege of this oraculous Ephod alike to all his Ministers . The reason therefore of imparity in the Priests , being now as is aforesaid , really annull'd both in their person , and in their representative office , what right of jurisdiction soever , can be from this place Levitically bequeath'd , must descend upon the Ministers of the Gospell equally , as it findes them in all other points equall . Well then he is finally content to let , Aaron go . El● r will serve his turne , as being a superior of superiors , and yet no type of Christ in Aarons life time . O thou that would'st winde into any figment , or phantasme to save thy Miter ! Yet all this will not fadge , though it be cunningly interpolisht by some second hand with crooks & emendations ; Heare then ; the type of Christ in some one particular , as of entring yearly into the Holy of holies and such like , rested upon the High Priest only as more immediately personating our Saviour : but to resemble his whole satisfactory office all the lineage of Aaron was no more then sufficient . And all , or any of the Priests consider'd separately without relation to the highest , are but as a livelesse trunk and signifie nothing . And this shewes the excellente or Christs sacrifice , who at once and in one person fulfill'd that which many hunderds of Priests many times repeating had anough to foreshew . What other imparity there was among themselves , we may safely suppose it depended on the dignity of their birth and family , together with the circumstances of a carnall service , which might afford many priorities . And this I take to be the summe of what the Bishop hath laid together to make plea for P● laty by imitation of the Law . I hough indeed , if it may stand , it will inferre Popedome all as well . Many other courses he tries , enforcing himselfe with much ostentation of endlesse genealogies , as if he were the man that S. Paul forewarnes us of in Timothy , but so unvigorously , that I do not feare his winning of many to his cause , but such as doting upon great names are either over-weake , or over sudden of faith . I shall not refuse therefore to lea● ne so much prudence as I finde in the Roman Souldier that attended the crosse , not to stand breaking of legs , when the breath is quite out of the body , but passe to that which follows . The Primat of Armagh at the beginning of his tractat seeks to availe himselfe of that place in the 66 of Esaiah , I will take of them for Priests and Levites , saith the Lord ; to uphold hereby such a forme of superiority among the ministers of the Gospell , succeeding those in the law , as the Lords day did the Sabbath . But certain if this method may be admitted of interpreting those propheticall passages concerning Christian times in a punctuall correspondence , it may with equall probability be urg'd upon us , that we are bound to observe some monthly solemnity answerable to the new moons , as well as the Lords day which we keepe in lieu of the Sabbath : for in the 23 v. the Prophet joynes them in the same manner together , as before he did the Priests and Levites , thus . And it shall come to passe that from one new moone to another , and from one Sabbath to another shall all flesh come to worship before me , saith the Lord . Undoubtedly with as good consequence may it be alledg'd from hence , that we are to solemnize some religious monthly meeting different from the Sabbath , as from the other any distinct formality of Ecclesiasticall orders may be inferr'd . This rather will appeare to be the lawfull and unconstrain'd sense of the text , that God in taking of them for Priests and Levites , will not esteeme them unworthy though Gentiles , to undergoe any function in the Church , but will make of them a full and perfect ministery , as was that of the Priests and Levites in their kinde . And Bishop An● rows himselfe to end the controversie , sends us a candid exposition of this quoted verse from the 24 page of his said book , plainly deciding that God by those legall names there of Priests and Levites means our Presbyters , and Deacons , for which either ingenuous confession , or slip of his pen we give him thanks , and withall to him that brought these treatises into one volume , who setting the contradictions of two learned men so neere together , did not foresee . What other deducements or analogies are cited out of S. Paul to pro● e a likenesse betweene the Ministers of the Old and New Testament , having tri'd their sinewes . I judge they may passe without harme doing to our cause . We may remember then that Prelaty neither hath nor can have foundation in the law , nor yet in the Gospell , which assertion as being for the plainnesse thereof a matter of eye sight , rather then of disquisition I voluntarily omitt , not forgetting to specifie this note againe , that the earnest des● e which the Prelates have to build their Hierarchy upon the sandy bottome of the law , gives us to see abundantly the little assurance which they finde to reare up their high roofs by the autority of the Gospell , repulst as it were from the writings of the Apostles , and driven to take sanctuary among the Jewes . Hence that open confession of the Primat before mention'd . Episcopacy is fetcht partly from the patterne of the Old Testament & partly from the New as an imitation of the Old , though nothing ca● be more rotten in Divinity then such a position as this , and is all one as to say Episcopacy is partly of divine institution , and partly of mans own carving . For who gave the autority to fetch more from the patterne of the law then what the Apostles had already fetcht , if they fetcht any thing at a● l , as hath beene prov'd they did not . So was Jer● oams Episcopacy partly from the patterne of the law , and partly from the patterne of his owne carnality ; a parti-colour'd and a parti-member'd Episcopacy , and what can this be lesse then a monstrous ? Others therefore among the Prelats perhaps not so well able to brook , or rather to justifie this foule relapsing to the old law , have condiscended at last to a plaine confessing that both the names and offices of Bishops and Presbyters at first were the same , and in the Scriptures no where distinguisht . This grants the remonstrant in the fift Section of his desc● e , and in the Preface to his last short answer . But what need respect he had whether he grant or grant it not , when as through all antiquity , and even in the lo● iest times of Prelaty we finde it granted . Ierome the learned'st of the Fathers hides not his opinion , that custome only , which the Proverbe cals a tyrant , was the maker of Prelaty ; before his audacious workman● p the Churches were rul'd in common by the Presbyters , and such a certaine truth this was esteem'd , that it became a decree among the Papall Canons compil'd by Gratian . Ans● l me also of Canturbury , who to uphold the points of his Prelatisme made himselfe a traytor to his country , yet commenting the Epistles to Titus and the Philippians acknowledges from the cleernesse of the text , what Ierome and the Church Rubrick hath before acknowledg'd . He little dreamt then that the weeding-hook of reformation would after two ages pluck up his glorious poppy from insulting over the good corne . Though since some of our Brittish Prelates seeing themselves prest to produce Scripture , try all their cunning , if the New Testament will not help them , to frame of their own heads as it were with wax a kinde of Mimick Bishop limm'd out to the life of a dead Priesthood . Or else they would straine us out a certaine figurative Prelat , by wringing the collective allegory of those seven Angels into seven single Rochets . Howsoever since it thus appeares that custome was the creator of Prelaty being lesse ancient then the government of Presbyters , it is an extreme folly to give them the hearing that tell us of Bishops through so many ages : and if against their tedious muster of citations , Sees , and successions , it be reply'd that wagers and Church antiquities , such as are repugnant to the plaine dictat of Scripture are both alike the arguments of fooles , they have their answer . We rather are to cite all those ages to an arraignment before the word of God , wherefore , and what pretending , how presuming they durst alter that divine institution of Presbyter● , which the Apostles who were no various and inconstant men surely had set up in the Churches , and why they choose to live by custome and catalogue , or as S. Paul saith by sight and visibility , rather then by faith ? But first I conclude from their owne mouthes that Gods command in Scripture , which doubtlesse ought to be the first and greatest reason of Church-government , is wanting to Prelaty . And certainly we have plenteous warrant in the doctrine of Christ to determine that the want of this reason is of it selfe sufficient to confute all other pretences that may be brought in favour of it . CHAP. VI . That Prelaty was not set up for prevention of Schisme , as is pretended , or if it were , that it performes not wh● t it was first set up for , but quite the contrary . YEt because it hath the outside of a specious reason , & specious things we know are aptest to worke with humane lightnesse and frailty , even against the soli● est truth , that sounds not plausibly , let us think it worth the examining for the love of infirmer Christians , of what importance this their second reason may be . Tradition they say hath taught them that for the prevention of growing schisme the Bishop was heav'd above the Presbyter . And must tradition then ever thus to the worlds end be the perpetuall cankerworme to eat out Gods Commandements ? are his decrees so inconsiderate and so fickle , that when the statutes of Solon , or Lycurgus shall prove durably good to many ages , his in 40 yeares shall be found defective , ill contriv'd , and for needfull causes to be alter'd ? Our Saviour and his Apostles did not only foresee , but foretell and forewarne us to looke for schisme . Is it a thing to be imagin'd of Gods wisdome , or at least of Apostolick prudence to set up such a government in the tendernesse of the Church , as should incline , or not be more able then any other to oppose it selfe to schisme ? it was well knowne what a bold lurker schisme was even in the houshold of Christ betweene his owne Disciples and those of Iohn the Baptistabo● fasting : and early in the Acts of the Apostles the noise of schisme had almost drown'd the proclaiming of the Gospell ; yet we rea● e not in Scripture that any thought was had of making Prelates , no not in those places where dissention was most rife . If Prelaty had beene then esteem'd a remedy against schisme , where was it more needfull then in that great variance among the Corinthians which S. Paul so labour'd to reconcile ? and whose eye could have found the fittest remedy sooner then his ? and what could have made the remedy more available , then to have us'd it speedily ? and lastly what could have beene more necessary then to have written it for our instruction ? yet we see he neither commended it to us , nor us'd it himselfe . For the same division remaining there , or else bursting forth againe more then 20 yeares after S. Pauls death , wee finde in Clements Epistle of venerable autority written to the yet factious Corinthians , that they were still govern'd by Presbyters . And the same of other Churches out of Hermas , and divers other the scholers of the Apostles by the late industry of the learned Salmatius appeares . Neither yet did this worthy Clement S. Pauls disciple , though writing to them to lay aside schisme , in the least word advise them to change the Presbyteriall government into Prelaty . And therefore if God afterward gave , or permitted this insurrection of Episcopacy , it is to be fear'd he did it in his wrath , as he gave the Israelites a King . With so good a will doth he use to alter his own chosen government once establish'd . For marke whether this rare device of mans braine thus prefe● ' d before the ordinance of God , had better successe then fleshly wisdome not counseling with God is wont to have . So farre was it from removing schisme , that if schisme parted the congregations before , now it rent and mangl'd , now it ● ag'd . Heresie begat heresie with a certaine monstrous haste of pregnancy in her birth , at once borne and bringing forth . Contentions before brotherly were now hostile . Men went to choose their Bishop as they went to a pitcht field , and the day of his election was like the sacking of a City , sometimes ended with the blood of thousands . Nor this among hereticks only , but men of the same beliefe , yea confessors , and that with such odious ambition , that Eusebius in his eighth book testifies he abhorr'd to write . And the reason is not obscure , for the poore dignity or rather burden of a ● ochial Presbyter could not ingage any great party , nor that to any deadly feud : but Prelaty was a power of that extent , and sway , that if her election were popular , it was seldome not the cause of some faction or broil in the Church . But if her dignity came by favour of some Prince , she was from that time his creature , and obnoxious to comply with his ends in state were they right or wrong . So that in stead of finding Prelaty an impeacher of Schisme or faction , the more I search , the more I grow into all perswasion to think rather that faction and she as with a spousall ring are wedded together , never to be divorc't . But here let every one behold the just , and dreadfull judgement of God meeting with the a● dacious pride of man that durst offer to mend the ordinances of heaven . God out of the strife of men brought forth by his Apostles to the Church that beneficent and ever distributing office of Deacons , the stewards and Ministers of holy almes , man out of the pretended care of peace & unity being caught in the snare of his impious boldnesse to correct the will of Christ , brought forth to himselfe upon the Church that irreconcileable schisme of perdition and Apostasy , the Roman Antichrist : for that the exaltation of the Pope arose out of the reason of Prelaty it cannot be deny'd . And as I noted before that the patterne of the High Priest pleaded for in the Gospel ( for take away the head Priest the rest are but a carcasse ) sets up with better reason a Pope , then an Archbishop , for if Prelaty must still rise and rise till it come to a Primat , why should it stay there ? when as the catholick government is not to follow the division of kingdomes , the temple best representing the universall Church , and the High Priest the universall head ; so I observe here , that if to quiet schisme there must be one head of Prelaty in a land or Monarchy rising from a Provinciall to a nationall Primacy , there may upon better grounds of repressing schisme be set up one catholick head over the catholick Church . For the peace and good of the Church is not terminated in the schismelesse estate of one or two kingdomes , but should be provided for by the joynt consultation of all reformed Christendome : that all controversie may end in the finall pronounce or canon of one Arch-primat , or P● otestant Pope . Although by this meanes for ought I see , all the diameters of schisme may as well meet and be knit up in the center of one grand falshood . Now let all impartiall men arbitrate what goodly inference these two maine reasons of the Prelats have , that by a naturall league of consequence make more for the Pope then for themsel● . Yea to say more home are the very wombe for a new subantichrist to breed in ; if it be not rather the old force and power of the same man of sin counterfeiting protestant . It was not the prevention of schisme , but it was schisme it selfe , and the hatefull thirst of Lording in the Church that first bestow'd a being upon P● elaty ; this was the true cause , but the pretence is stil the same . The Prelates , as they would have it thought , are the only mawls of schisme . Forsooth if they be put downe , a deluge of innumerable sects will follow ; we shall be all Brownists , Familists Anabaptists . For the word P● ritan seemes to be quasht , and all that heretofore were counted such , are now Brownists . And thus doe they raise an evill report upon the expected reforming grace that God hath bi● us hope for , like those faithlesse spie● , whose carcasses shall perish in the wildernesse of their owne confused ignorance , and never taste the good of reformation . Doe they keep away schisme ? if to bring a num and chil stupidity of soul , an unactive blindnesse of minde upon the people by thei● leaden doctrine , or no doctrine at all , if to persecute all knowing and zealous Christians by the violence of their courts , be to keep away schisme , they keep away schisme indeed ; and by this kind of discipline all Italy and Spaine is as p● ely and politickly kept from schisme as England hath beene by them . With as good a plea might the dead pal● boast to a man , ti● I that free you from stitches and paines , and the troublesome feeling of cold & heat , of wounds and strokes ; if I were gone , all these would molest you . The Winter might as well vaunt it selfe against the Spring , I destroy all noysome and rank weeds , I keepe downe all pestilent vapours . Yes and all wholesome herbs , and all fresh dews , by your violent & hid ● bound frost ; but when the gentle west winds shall open the fruitfull bosome of the earth thus over-gird● d by your imprisonment , then the flowers put forth and spring and then the S● ne shall scatter the mists , and the ma●ing hand of the Tiller shall roo● up all that burdens the soile without thank to your bondage . But farre worse then any frozen captivity is the bondage of P● elates , for that other , if it keep down any thing which is good , within the earth , so doth it likewise that which is ill , but these let out freely the ill , and keep down the good , or else keepe downe the less● r ill , and let out the greatest . Be asham'd at last to tell the Parlament ye curbe Schismaticks , when as they know ye cherish and side with Papists , and are now as it were one party with them , and t is said they helpe to petition for ye . Can we believe that your government strains in good earnest at the petty g● at s of schisme , when as we see it makes nothing to swallow the Camel heresie of Rome ; but that indeed your throat● are of the righ● Pharisaical straine . Where are those schismaticks with whom the Prelats hold such hot skirmish ? shew us your acts , those glorious annals which your Courts of loathed memory lately deceas'd have left us ? those schismaticks I doubt me wil be found the most of them such a● whose only schisme was to have spoke the truth against your high abominations and cruelties in the Church ; this is the schisme ye hate most , the removall of your criminous Hierarchy . A politick government of yours , and of a pleasant conceit , set up to remove those as a pretended schisme , that would remove you as a palpable heresie in government . If the schisme would pardon ye that , she might go jagg'd in as many cuts and ● lashes as she pleas'd for you . As for the rending of the Church , we have many reasons to thinke it is not that which ye labour to prevent so much as the rending of your pontificall sleeves : that schisme would be the sorest schisme to you , that would be Brownisme and An●baptisme indeed . If we go downe , say you , as if Adrians wall were broke , a flood of sects will rush in . What sects ? What are their opinions ? give us the Inventory ; it will appeare both by your former prosecutions and your present instances , that they are only such to speake of as are offended with your lawlesse government , your ceremonies , your Liturgy , an extract of the Masse book translated . But that they should be contemners of publick prayer , and Churches us'd without superstition , I trust God will manifest it ere long to be as false a sl● nder , as your former slanders against the Scots . Noise it till ye be hoarse ; that a rabble of Sects will come in , it will be answer'd ye , no rabble sir Priest , but a unanimous multitude of good Protestants will then joyne to the Church , which now because of you stand separated . This will be the dreadfull consequence of your removall . As for those terrible names of Sectaries and Schismaticks which ye have got together , we know your manner of fight , when the quiver of your arguments which it ever thin , and weakly stor'd , after the first brunt is quite empty , your course is to be take ye to your other quiver of slander , wherein lyes your best archery . And whom ye could not move by sophisticall arguing , them you thinke to confute by scandalous misnaming . Thereby inciting the blinder sort of people to mislike and deride sound doctrine and good christianity under two or three vile ● nd hatefull terms . But if we could easily indure and dissolve your doubtiest reasons in argument , we shall more easily beare the worst of your unreasonablenesse in calumny and false report . Especially being foretold by Christ , that if he our Master were by your predecessors call'd Samaritan and Belzebub , we must not think it strange if his best Disciples in the reformation , as at first by those of your tribe they were call'd Lollards and Hussites , so now by you be term'd Puritans , and Brownists . But my hope is that the people of England will not suffer themselves to be juggl'd thus out of their faith and religion by a mist of names cast before their eyes , but will search wisely by the Scriptures , and look quite through this fraudulent aspersion of a disgracefull name into the things themselves : knowing that the Primitive Christians in their times were accounted such as are now call'd Familists and Adamites , or worse . And many on the Prelatickside like the Church of Sardis have a name to live , and yet are dead ; to be Protestants , and are indeed Papists in most of their principles . Thu● perswaded , this your old fallacy wee shall soone unmask , and quickly apprehend how you prevent schisme , and who are your schismatick● . But what if ye prevent , and hinder all good means of preventing schisme ? that way which the Apostles us'd , was to call a councell ; from which by any thing that can be learnt from the fifteenth of the Acts , no faithfull Christian was debarr'd , to whom knowledge and piety might give entrance . Of such a councell as this every parochiall Consistory is a right homogeneous and constituting part being in it selfe as it were a little Synod , and towards a generall assembly moving upon her own basis in an even and firme progression , as those smaller squares in battell unite in one great cube , the main phalanx , an embleme of truth and stedfastnesse . Whereas on the other side Prelaty ascending by a graduall monarchy from Bishop to Arch-bishop , from thence to P imat , and from thence , for there can be no reason yeilded neither in nature , nor in religion , wherefore , if it have lawfully mounted thus high , it should not be a Lordly ascendent in the horoscope of the Church , from Primate to Patriarch , and so to Pope . I say Prelaty thus ascending in a continuall pyramid upon pretence to perfect the Churches unity , if notwithstanding it be found most needfull , yea the utmost helpe to dearn up the rents of schisme by calling a councell , what does it but teach us that Prelaty is of no force to effect this work which she boasts to be her maister-peice ; and that her pyramid aspires and sharpens to ambition , not to ● erfection , or unity . This we know , that as often as any great schisme disparts the Church , and Synods be proclam'd , the Presbyters ● ve as great right there , and as free vote of old , as the Bishops , which the Canon law conceals not . So that Prelaty if she will seek to close up divisions in the Church , must be forc't to dissolve , and unmake her own pyramidal figure , which she affirmes to be of such ● niting power , when as indeed it is the most dividing , and schism● icall forme that Geometricians know of , and must be faine to inglobe , or incube her selfe among the Presbyters ; which she hating to do , sends her haughty Prelates from all parts with their fork● d Miters , the badge of schisme or the stampe of his clov● n foot whom they serve I think , who according to their hierarchies ac● nating still higher and higher in a cone of Prelaty , in stead of healing up the gas● es of the Church , as it happens in such pointed bodies m● eting , fall to gore on● another with their sharpe spires for upper place , and precedence , till the councell it 〈◊〉 prove the greatest schisme of all . And thus they are so farre fro● hindring dissention , that they have made unprofitable , and eve● noysome the chiefest remedy we have to keep Christendom at one , which is by councels : and these if wee rightly consider Apostolick example , are nothing else but generall Presbyteries . This seem'd so farre from the Apostles to think much of , as if hereby their dignity were impair'd , that , as we may gather by those Epistles of Peter and Iohn , which are likely to be latest written , when the Church grew to a setling , like those heroick patricians of Rome ( if we may use such comparison ) hasting to lay downe their dictatorship , they rejoys't to call themselves and to be as fellow Elders among their brethren . Knowing that their high office was but as the scaffolding of the Church yet unbuilt , and would be but a troublesome disfigurement , so soone as the building was finis● . But the lofty minds of an age or two after , such was their small discerning , thought it a poore indignity , that the high rear'd government of the Church should so on a sudden , as it seem'd to them , squat into a Presbytery . Next or rather before councels the timeliest prevention of schisme is to preach the Gospell abundantly and powerfully throughout all the land , to instruct the youth religiously , to endeavour how the Scriptures may be easiest understood by all men ; to all which the proceedings of these men have been on set purpose contrary . But how O Prelats should you remove schisme , and how should you not remove and oppose all the meanes of removing schism ? when Prelaty is a schisme it selfe from the most reformed and most flourishing of our neighbour Churches abroad , and a sad subject of discord and offence to the whole nation 〈◊〉 home . The remedy which you alledge is the very disease we groan under ; and never can be to us a remedy but by removing it selfe . Your predecessors were believ'd to assume this preeminence above their brethren only that they might appease dissention . Now God and the Church cals upon you , for the same reason to lay it down , as being to thousands of good men offensive , burdensome , intolerable . Surrender that pledge which unlesse you sowlely us● rpt it , the Church gave you , and now claimes it againe , for the reason she first lent it . Discharge the trust committed to you prevent schisme , and that yeoan never do , but by discharging your selves . That government which ye hold , we con● esse pr● s much , hinders much 〈◊〉 move● much , but what th● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Church ? — no , but all the peace and unity , all the welfare not of the Church alone , but of the whole kingdome . And if it be still permitted ye to hold , will cause the most sad I know not whether separation be anough to say , but such a wide gulph of distraction in this land as will never close her dismall gap , untill ye be forc't ( for of your selv● ye wil never do as that Roman Curtius nobly did ) for the Churches peace & your countries , to leap into the midst , and be no more seen . By this we shal know whether yours be that ancient Prelaty which you say was first constituted for the reducement of quiet & unanimity into the Church , for thē you wil not delay ● o prefer that above your own preferment . If otherwise , we must be confident that your Prelaty is nothing else but your ambition , an insole● t preferring of your selves above your brethren , and all your learned scraping in antiquity even to disturbe the bones of old Aaron and his sonnes in their graves , is but to maintain and set upon our necks a stately and severe dignity , which you call sacred , and is nothing in very deed but a grave and reverent gluttony , a sanctimonious avarice , in comparison of which , all the duties and dearnesses which ye owe to God or to his Church , to law , custome , or nature , ye have resolv'd to set at nought . I could put you in mind what counsell Clement a fellow labourer with the Apostles gave to the Presbyters of Corinth , whom the people though unjustly sought to remove . Who among you saith he , is noble minded , who is pittifull , who is charitable , let him say thus , if for me this sedition , this enmity , these differences be , I willingly depart , I go my wayes , only let the flock of Christ be at peace with the Presbyters that are set over it . He that shall do this , saith he , shall get him great honour in the Lord , and all places will receave him . This was Clements counsell to good and holy men that they should depart rather from their just office , then by their stay , to ravle out the seamlesse garment of concord in the Church . But I have better counsell to give the Prelats , and farre more acceptable to their cares , this advice in my opinion is fitter for them . Cling fast to your Pontificall Sees , bate not , quit your selves like Barons , stand to the utmost for your haughty Courts and votes in Parliament . Still tell us that you prevent schisme , though schisme and combustion be the very issue of your bodies your first born ; and set your country a bleeding in a Prelaticall mutiny , to fight for your pompe , and that ill favour'd weed of temporall honour that sits dishonourably upon your laick shoulders , that ye may be fat and fleshy , swo● with high thoughts and big with mischievous designes , when God comes to visit 〈◊〉 you all this forescore yeares vexation of his Church under your Egyptian tyranny . For certainly of all those blessed soules which you have persecuted , and those miserable ones which you have lost ; the just vengeance does not sleepe . CHAP. VII . That those many Sects and Schismes by some suppos'd to be among us , and that rebellion in Ireland , oug● t not to be a hindrancc , but a hastning of reformation . AS for those many Sects and divisions rumor'd abroad to be amongst us , it is not hard to perceave that they are partly the meere fictions and false alarmes of the Prelates , thereby to cast amazements and panick terrors into the hearts of weaker Christians that they should not venture to change the present deformity of the Church for fear of I know not what worse inconveniencies . With the same objected feares and suspicions , we know that suttle Prelat Gardner sought to divert the first reformation . It may suffice us to be taught by S. Paul that there must be f● cts for the manifesting of those that are sound hearted . These are but winds and flaws to try the floting vessell of our faith whether it be stanch and sayl well , whether our ballast be just , our anchorage and cable strong . By this is seene who lives by faith and certain knowledge , and who by credulity and the prevailing opinion of the age ; whose vertue is of an unchangeable graine , and whose of a slight wash . If God come to trie our constancy we ought not to shrink , or stand the lesse firmly for that , but passe on with more stedfast resolution to establish the truth though it were through a lane of sects and heresies o● each side . Other things men do to the glory of God : but sects and errors it seems God suffers to be for the glory of good men , that the world may know and reverence their true fortitude and undaunted constancy in the truth . Let ● s not therefore make these things an incumbrance , or an excuse of our delay in reforming which God sends us as an incitement to proceed with more honour and alacrity . For if there were no opposition where were the triall of an unfai● d goodnesse and magnanimity ? vertue that wavers is 〈◊〉 vertue , but vice revolted from i● selfe , and after a while returning . The actions of just and pious men do not darken in their middle course but Solomon tels us they are as the shining light , that shineth more and more unto the perfet day . But if we shall suffer the trifling doubts and jealousies of future sects to overcloud the faire beginnings of purpos'st reformation , let us rather fear that another proverb of the same Wiseman be not up● ided to us , that the way of the wicked is as darknesse , they stumble at they know not what . If sects and schismes be turbulent in the unseal'd estate of a Church , while it lies under the amending hand , it best beseems our Christian courage to think they are but as the throws and pangs that go before the birth of reformation , and that the work it selfe is now in doing . For if we look but on the nature of elementall and mixt things , we know they cannot suffer any change of one kind o● quality into another without the struggl of contrarietie● . And in thing● artificiall , seldome any elegance is wrought without a superfluous wast and refuse in the transaction . No Marble statue can be po● itely carv'd , no fair edifice built without almost as much ● bbish and sweeping . Insomuch that even in the spirituall conflict of S. Pauls conversion there fell scales from his eyes that were not perceav'd before . No wonder then in the reforming of a Church which is never brought to effect without the fierce encounter of truth and fashood together , if , as it were the splinters and shares of so violent a jousting , there fall from between the shock many fond errors and fanatick opinions , which when truth has the upper hand , and the reformation shall be perfet● d , will easily be rid out of the way , or kept so low , as that they shall be only the exercise of our knowledge , not the disturbance , or interruption of our faith . As for that which Barcl● y in his image of minds writes concerning the horrible and barbarous conceits of Englishmen in their religion . I deeme it spoken like what hee was , a fugitive Papist traducing the Hand whence he sprung . It may be more judiciously gather'd from hence , that the Englishman of many other nations is least atheisticall , and bears a naturall disposition of much reverence and awe towards the Deity ; but in hi● weaknesse and want of better instruction , which among us too f●quently is neglected , especially by the meaner sort turning the b● nt of his own wits with a scrupulous and ceaselesse care what he might do to informe himselfe a right of God and his worship , he may fall not unlikely sometimes as any otherland man into an uncouth opinion . And verily if we look ● t his native towardli● sse i● the roughcast without breeding , some nation or other may haply be better compos'd to a naturall civility , and right judgement the● he . But if he get the benefit once of a wise and well rectifi'd ●ture , which must first come in generall from the godly vigilance of the Church , I suppose that where ever mention is made of countries manners , or men , the English people among the first that shall be prais'd , may deserve to be accounted a right pious , right honest , and right hardy nation . But thus while some stand dallying and deferring to reform for fear of that which should mainly hasten them forward , lest schism and error should encrease , we may now thank our selves and our delayes if instead of schism a bloody and inhumane rebellion be strook in between our slow movings . Indeed against violent and powerfull opposition there can be no just blame of a lingring dispatch . But this I urge against those that discourse it for a maxim , as if the swift opportunities of establishing , or reforming religion , were to attend upon the ● eam of state businesse . In state many things at first are crude and hard to digest , which only time and deliberation can supple , and concoct . But in religion wherein i● no immaturity , nothing out of season , it goes farre otherwise . The doore of grace turnes upon smooth hinges wide opening to send out , but soon shutting to recall the precious offers of mercy to a nation : which unlesse Watchfulnesse and Zeale two quick-sighted and ready-handed Virgins be there in our behalfe to receave , we loose : and still the of● er we loose , the straiter the doore opens , and the lesse is offer'd . This is all we get by demurring in Gods service . T is not rebellion that ought to be the hindrance of reformation , but it is the want of this which is the cause of that . The Prelats which boast themselves the only bridle● of schisme God knows have been so cold and backward both there and with us to represse heresie and idolatry , that either through their carelessenesse or their craft all this mischiefe is befal● . What can the Irish subject do lesse in Gods just displeasure against us , then revenge upon English bodies the little care that our Prelate have had of their souls . Nor hath their negligence been new in that Iland but ever notorious in Queen Elizabeths dayes , as Camden their known friend forbears not to complain . Yet so little are they touch● with remorce of these their cruelties , for these cruelties are theirs , the bloody revenge of those souls which they have famisht , that wh● s against our brethren the Scot● , who by their upright and loyall and loyall deed● have now bought themselves a● honourable name to posterity , whatsoever malice by slander could invent , rag● i● hostility attempt , they greedily attempted , toward these murd● ous Irish the enemies of God and mankind , a cursed off-spring of their own connivence , no man takes notice but that they seeme to be very calmely and indifferently affected . Where then should we begin to extinguish a rebellion that hath his cause from the misgovernment of the Church , where ? but at the Churches reformation , and the removall of that government which pe● sues and war● es with all good Christians under the name of schismaticks , but maintains and fosters all Papists and Idolaters 〈◊〉 tolerable Christians . And if the sacred Bible may be our light , we are neither without example , nor the witnesse of God himselfe , that the corrupted estate of the Church is both the cause of tumult , and civill warres , and that to stint them , the peace of the Church must first be s●l'd . Now for a long season , saith Azariah to King Asa , Israel hath 〈◊〉 without the true God , and without a teaching Priest , and without , law ; and in those times there was no peace to him that went out , ● or to hi● that came in , but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries . And nation was destroy'd of nation , and City of City , f● God did vex them with all adversity . Be ye strong therefore , saith he to the reformers of that age , and let not your hands be weake , for your worke shall bee rewarded . And in those Prophets that liv'd in the times of reformation after the Captivity often doth God stirre up the people to consider that while establishment of Church matters was neglected , and put off , there was no peace to him that went out or came in , for I , saith God , had set all men every one against his neigbour . But from the very day forward that they went seriously , and effectually about the welfare of the Church , he tels them that they themselves might perceave the sudden change of things into a prosperous and peacefull condition . But it will here be said that the reformation is a long work , and the miseries of Ireland are urgent of a speedy redresse . They be indeed ; and how speedy we are , the poore afflicted remnant of our martyr'd countrymen that sit there on the Sea-shore , counting the houres of our delay with their sighs , and the minuts with their falling teares , perhaps with the destilling of their bloody wounds , if they have not quite by this time cast off , and almost curst the vain hope of our founder'd ships , and aids , can best judge how speedy we are to their reliefe . But let their succors be hasted , as all need and reason is , and let not therefore the reformation which is the chiefest cause of successe and victory be still procrastinated . They of the captivity in their greatest extremities could find both counsell and hands anough at once to build , and to expect the enemies assault . And we for our parts a populous and mighty nation must needs be faln into a strange plight either of effeminacy , or confusion , if Ireland that was once the conquest of one single Earle with his privat forces , and the small assistance of a petty Kernish Prince , should now take up all the wisdome and prowesse of this potent Monarchy to quell a barbarous crew of r● bels , whom if we take but the right course to subdue , that is beginning at the reformation of our Church , their own horrid murders and rapes , will so fight against them , that the very sutler● and horse boyes of the Campe will be able to rout and chase them without the staining of any Noble sword . To proceed by other method in this enterprize , be our Captains and Commanders never so expert , will be as great an error in the art o● warre , as any novice in souldiership ever committed . And thus I leave it as a declared truth , that neither the feare of sects no nor rebellion can be a fit plea to stay reformation , but rather to push it forward with all possible diligence and speed . The second Book . HOw happy were it for this frail , and as it may be truly call'd , mortall life of man , since all earthly things which have the name of good and convenient in our daily use , are withall so cumbersome and full of trouble if knowledge yet which is the best and , lightsomest possession of the mind , were as the common saying is , no burden , and that what it wanted of being a load to any part of the body , it did not with a heavie advantage overlay upon the spirit . For not to speak of that knowledge that rests in the contemplation of naturall causes and dimensions , which must needs be a lower wisdom , as the object is low , certain it is that he who hath obtain'd in more then the scantest measure to know any thing distinctly of God , and of his true worship , and what is infallibly good and happy in the state of mans life , what in it selfe evil and miserable , though vulgarly not so esteem'd , he that hath obtain'd to know this , the only high valuable wisdom indeed , remembring also that God even to a strictnesse requires the improvment of these his entrusted gifts cannot but sustain a sore● burden of mind , and more pressing then any supportable toil , or waight , which the body can labour under ; how and in what manner he shall dispose and employ those summes of knowledge and illumination , which God hath sent him into this world to trade with . And that which aggravats the burden more is , that having receiv'd amongst his allotted parcels certain pretious truths of such an orient lustre as no Diamond can equall , which never the lesse he has in charge to put off at any cheap rate , yea for nothing to them that will , the great Marchants of this world searing that this cours would soon discover , and disgrace the fals glitter of their deceitfull wares wherewith they abuse the people , like poor Indians with beads and glasses , practize by all means how they may suppresse the venting of such rarities and such a cheapnes as would undoe them , and turn their trash upon their hands . Therefore by gratifying the corrupt desi● of men in fleshly doctrines , they stirre them up to persecute with hatred and contempt all those that seek to bear themselves uprightly in this their spiritual factory : which they forseeing though they cannot but testify of Tr● th and the excellence of t● at heavenly traffick which they bring against what opposition , or danger soever , yet needs must it sit heavily upon their spirits , that being in Gods prime intention and their own , selected heralds of peace , and dispensers of treasures inestimable without price to them that have no pence , they finde in the discharge of their commission that they are made the greatest variance and offence , a very sword and fire both in house and City over the whole earth . This is that which the sad Prophet Ieremiah laments , Wo is me my mother , that thou hast born me a man of strife , and contention . And although divine inspiration must certainly have been sweet to those ancient profets , yet the irksomnesse of that truth which they brought was so unpleasant to them , that every where they call it a burden . Yea that mysterious book of Revelation which the great Evangelist was bid to eat , as it had been some eye-brightning electuary of knowledge , and foresight , though it were sweet in his mouth , and in the learning , it was bitter in his belly ; bitter in the denouncing . Nor was this hid from the wise Poet Sophocles , who in that place of his Tragedy where Tirefias is call'd to resolve K. Edipus in a matter which he knew would be grievous , brings him in bemoaning his lot , that he knew more then other men . For surely to every good and peaceable man it must in nature needs be a hatefull thing to be the displeaser , and molester of thousands ; much better would it like him doubtlesse to be the messenger of gladnes and contentment , which is his chief intended busines , to all mankind , but that they resist and oppose their own true happinesse . But when God commands to take the trumpet and blow a dolorous or a jarring blast , it lies not in mans will what he shall say , or what he shall conceal . If he shall think to be silent , as Ieremiah did , because of the reproach and derision he met with daily , and all his familiar friends watcht for his halting to be reveng'd on him for speaking the truth , he would be forc'● to confesse as he confest , his word was in my heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones , I was weary with forbearing , and could not stay . Which might teach these times not suddenly to condemn all things that are sharply spoken , or vehemently written , as proceeding out of stomach , virulence and ill nature , but to consider rather that if the Prelats have leav to say the worst that can be said , and doe the worst that can be don , while they strive to keep to themselves to their great pleasure and commodity those things which they ought to render up , no man can be justly offended with him that shall endeavour to impart and bestow without any gain to himselfe those sharp , but saving words which would be a terror , and a torment in him to keep back . For me I have determin'd to lay up as the best treasure , and solace of a good old age , if God voutsafe it me , the honest liberty of free speech from my youth , where I shall think it available in so dear a concernment as the Churches good . For if I be either by disposition , or what other cause too inquisitive , or suspitious of my self and mine own doings , who can help it ? but this I foresee , that should the Church be brought under heavy oppression , and God have given me ability the while to reason against that man that should be the author of so foul a deed , or should she by blessing from above on the industry and courage of faithfull men change this her distracted estate into better daies without the lest furtherance or contribution of those few talents which God at that present had lent me , I foresee what stories I should heare within my selfe , all my life after , of discourage and reproach . Timorous and ingratefull , the Church of God is now again at the foot of her insulting enemies : and thou bewailst , what matters it for thee or thy bewailing ? when time was , thou couldst not find a syllable of all that thou hadst read , or studied , to utter in her behalfe . Yet ease and leasure was given thee for thy retired thoughts out of the sweat of other men . Thou hadst the diligence the parts , the language of a man , if a vain subject were to be adorn'd or beautifi'd , but when the cause of God and his Church was to be pleaded , for which purpose that tongue was given thee which thou hast , God listen'd if he could heare thy voice among his zealous servants , but thou wert domb as a beast ; from hence forward be that which thine own brutish silence hath made thee . Or else I should have heard on the other care , slothfull , and ever to be set light by , the Church hath now overcom her late distresses after the unwearied labours of many her true servants that stood up in her defence ; thou also wouldst take upon thee to share amongst them of their joy : but wherefore tho● where canst thou shew any word or deed of thine which might have ha● ten'd her peace ; whatever thou dost now talke ; or write , or look is the almes of other me● active prudence and zeale . Dare not now to say , or doe any thing better then thy former sloth and infancy , or if thou darst , thou dost impudently to make a thrifty purchase of boldnesse to thy selfe out of the painfull merits of other men : what before was thy sin , is now thy duty to be , abject , and worthlesse . These and such like lessons as these , I know would have been my Matins duly , ● nd my Even-song . But now by this litle diligence , mark what a privilege I have gain'd ; with good men and Saints to clame my right of lamenting the tribulations of the Church , if she should suffer , when others that have ventur'd nothing for her sake , have not the honour to be admitted mourners . But if she lift up her drooping head and prosper , among those that have something more then wisht her welfare , I have my charter and freehold of rejoycing to me and my heires . Concerning therefore this wayward subject against prelaty , the touching whereof is so distastfull and disquietous to a number of men , as by what hath been said I may deserve of charitable readers to be credited , that neither envy nor gall hath ente● d me upon this controversy , but the enforcement of conscience only , and a preventive fear least the omitting of this duty should be against me when I would store up to my self the good provision of peacefull hours , So lest it should be still imputed to me , as I have found i● hath bin , that some self-pleasing humor of vain-glory hath incited me to contest with men of high estimation now while green yeer● are upon my head , from this needlesse sor● isall I shall hope to disswade the intelligent and equal auditor , if I can but say succesfully that which in this exigent behoovs me , although I would be heard only , if it might be , by the elegant & learned reader , to whom principally for a while I shal beg leav I may addresse my selfe . To him it will be no new thing though I tell him that if I hunted after praise by the ostentation of wit and learning , I should not write thus out of mine own season , when I have neither yet compleated to my minde the full circle of my private studies , although I complain not of any insufficiency to the matter in hand , or were I ready to my wishes , it were a folly to cōmit any thing elaborately compos'd to the carelesse and interrupted listening of these tumultuous timer . Next if I were wise only to mine own ends , I would certainly take such a subject as of it self might catch applause , whereas this hath all the disadvantages on the contrary , and such a subject as the publishing whereof might be delayd at pleasure , and time enough to pencill it over with all the curious touches of art , even to the perfection of a faultlesse picture , whenas in this argument the not deferring is of great moment to the good speeding , that if solidity have leisure to doe her office , art cannot have much . Lastly , I should not chuse this manner of writing wherin knowing my self inferior to my self , led by the genial power of nature to another task , I have the use , as I may account it , but of my left hand . And though I shall be foolish in saying more to this purpose , yet since it will be such a folly as wisest men going about to commit , have only confest and so committed , I may trust with more reason , because with more folly to have courteous pardon . For although a Poet soaring in the high region of his fancies with his garland and singing robes about him might without apology speak more of himself then I mean to do , yet for me sitting here below in the cool element of prose , a mortall thing among many readers of no Empyreall conceit , to venture and divulge unusual things of my selfe , I shall petition to the gentler sort , it may not be envy to me . I must say therefore that after I had from my first yeeres by the ceaselesse diligence and care of my father , whom God recompence , bin exercis'd to the tongues , and some sciences , as my age would suffer , by sundry masters and teachers both at home and at the schools , it was found that whether ought was impos'd me by them that had the overlooking , or betak'n to of mine own choise in English , or other tongue prosing or versing , but chiefly this latter , the stile by certain vital signes it had , was likely to live . But much latelier in the privat Academies of Italy , whither I was favor'd to resort , perceiving that some trifles which I had in memory , compos'd at under twenty or thereabout ( for the manner is that every one must give some proof of his wit and reading there ) met with acceptance above what was lookt for , and other things which I had shifted in scarsity of books and conveniences to patch up amongst them , were receiv'd with written Encomiums , which the Italian is not forward to bestow on men of this side the Alps , I began thus farre to assent both to them and divers of my friends here at home , and not lesse to an inward prompting which now grew daily upon me , that by labour and intent study ( which I take to be my portion in this life ) joyn'd with the strong propensity of nature , I might perhaps leave something so written to aftertimes , as they should not willingly let it die . These thoughts at once possest me , and these other . That if I were certain to write as men buy Leases , for three lives and downward , there ought no regard be sooner had , then to Gods glory by the honour and instruction of my country . For which cause , and not only for that I knew it would be hard to arrive at the second rank among the Latines , I apply'd my selfe to that resolution which Aristo follow'd against the perswasions of Bembo , to fix all the industry and art I could unite to the adorning of my native tongue ; not to make verbal curiosities the end , that were a toylsom vanity , but to be an interpreter & relater of the best and sagest things among mine own Citizens throughout this Iland in the mother dialect . That what the greatest and choycest wits of Athens , Rome , or modern Italy , and those Hebrews of old did for their country , I in my proportion with this over and above of being a Christian , might doe for mine : not caring to be once nam'd abroad , though perhaps I could attaine to that , but content with these British Ilands as my world , whose fortune hath hitherto bin , that if the Athenians , 〈◊〉 some say , made their small deeds great and renowned by their eloquent writers , England hath had her noble atchievments made small by the unskilfull handling of monks and mechanick● . Time serv● not now , and perhaps I might seem too profuse to give any certain account of what the mind at home in the spacious circuits of her musing hath liberty to propose to her self , though of highest hope , and hardest attempting , whether that Epick form whereof the two poems of Homer , and those other two of Virgil and Tasso are a diffuse , and the book of Iob a brief model● or whether the rules of Aristotle herein are strictly to be kept , or nature to be follow'd , which in them that know art , and use judgement is no transgression , but an inriching of art . And lastly what K or Knight before the conquest might be chosen in whom to lay the pattern of a Christian Heroe . And as Tasso gave to a Prince of Italy his chois whether he would command him to write of Godfreys expedition against the infidels , or Belisarius against the Gothes , or Charlemain against the Lombards ; if to the instinct of nature and the imboldning of art ought may be trusted , and that there be nothing advers in our climat , or the fate of this age , it haply would be no rashnesse from an equal diligence and inclination to present the like offer in our own ancient stories . Or whether those Dramatick constitutions , wherein Sophocles and Euripides raigne shall be found more doctrinal and exemplary to a Nation , the Scripture also affords us a divine pastoral Drama in the Song of Salomon consisting of two persons and a double Chorus , as Origen rightly judges . And the Apocalyps of Saint Iohn is the majestick image of a high and stately Tragedy , shutting up and intermingling her solemn Scenes and Acts with a sevenfold Chorus of halleluja's and harping symphonies : and this my opinion the grave autority of Pare● commenting that booke is sufficient to confirm . Or if occasion shall lead to imitat those magnifick Odes and Hymns wherein Pin●darus and Callimachus are in most things worthy , some others in their frame judicious , in their matter most an end faulty : But those frequent songs throughout the law and prophets beyond all these , not in their divine argument alone , but in the very critical art of composition may be easily made appear over all the kinds of Lyrick poesy , to be incomparable . These abilities , wheresoever they be found , are the inspired guift of Go● rarely bestow'd , but yet to some ( though most abuse ) in every Nation : and are of power beside the office of a pulpit , to inbreed and cherish in a great people the seeds of vertu , and publick civility , to allay the perturbations of the mind , and set the affections in right tune , to celebrate in glorious and lofty Hymns the throne and equipage of Gods Almightinesse , and what he works , and what he suffers to be wrought with high providence in his Church , to sing the victorious agonies of Martyrs and Saints , the deeds and triumphs of just and pious Nations doing valiantly through faith against the enemies of Christ , to deplore the general relapses of Kingdoms and States from justice and Gods true worship . Lastly , whatsoever in religion is holy and sublime , in vertu amiable , or grave , whatsoever hath passion or admiration in all the changes of that which is call'd fortune from without , or the wily suttleties and refluxes of mans thoughts from within , all these things with a solid and treatable smoothnesse to paint out and describe . Teaching over the whole book of sanctity and vertu through all the instances of example with such delight to those especially of soft and delicious temper who will not so much as look upon Truth herselfe , unlesse they see her elegantly drest , that whereas the paths of honesty and good life appear now rugged and difficult , though they be indeed easy and pleasant , they would then appeare to all men both easy and pleasant though they were rugged and difficult indeed . And what a benefit this would be to our youth and gentry , may be soon guest by what we know of the corruption and bane which they suck in dayly from the writings and interludes of libidinous and ignorant Poetasters , who having scars ever heard of that which is the main consistence of a true poem , the choys of such persons as they ought to introduce , and what is morall and decent to each one , doe for 〈◊〉 most part lap up vitious principles in sweet pils to be swallow'd down , and make the tast of vertuous documents harsh and sowr . But because the spirit of man cannot demean it selfe lively in this body without some recreating intermission of labour , and serious things , it were happy for the Common wealth , if our Magistrates , as in those famous governments of old , would take into their care , not only the deciding of our contentious Law cases and brauls , but the managing of our publick sports , and festival pastimes , that they might be , not such as were autoriz'd a while since , the provaction● of drunkennesse and lust , but such as may inure and harden o● bodies by martial exercises to all warlike skil and performance , and may civilize , adom and make discreet our minds by the learned and affable meeting of frequent Academies , and the procurement of wise and artfull recitations sweetned with ● oquent and gracefull inticements to the love and practice of justice , temperance and fortitude , instructing and bettering the Nation at all opportunities , that the call of wisdom and vertu may be heard every where , a●Salomon saith , She crieth without , she uttereth her voice in the streets , in the top of high places , in the chief concours , and in the openings of the Gates . Whether this may not be not only in Pulpits , but after another persuasive method , at set and solemn Paneguries , in Theaters , porches , or what other place , or way may win most upon the people to receiv at once both recreation , & instruction , let them in autority consult . The thing which I had to say , and those intentions which have liv'd within me ever since I could conceiv my self any thing worth to my Countrie , I return to crave excuse that urgent reason hath pluckt from me by an abortive and foredated discovery . And the accom● lishment of them lies not but in a power above mans to promise ; but that none hath by more studious ways endeavour'd , and with more unwearied spirit that none shall , that I dare almost averre of my self , as farre as life and free leasure will extend , and that the Land had once infranchis'd her self from this impertinent yoke of prelaty , under whose Inquisitorins and tyra● ical duncery no free and splendid wit can flourish . Neither doe I think it shame to covnant with any knowing reader , that for some few yeers yet I may go on trust with him toward the payment of what I am now indebted , as being a work not to be rays'd from the heat of youth , or the vapours of wine , like that which flows at wast from the pen of some vulgar ● Word● , or the trencher fury of a riming parasite , nor to be obtain'd by the invocation of Dame Memory and her Siren daughters , but by devout prayer to that eternall Spirit who can enrich with all utterance and knowledge , and sends out his Seraphim with the hallow'd fire of his Altar to touch and purify the lips of whom he pleases : to this must be added industrious and select reading , steddy observation , insight into all seemly and generous arts and affaires , till which in some measure be compast , at mine own peril and cost I refuse not to sustain this expectation from as many as are not loath to hazard so much credulity upon the best pledges that I can g● ve them . Although it nothing content me to have disclos'd thus much before hand , but that I trust hereby to make it manifest with what small willingnesse I endure to interrupt the pursuit of no lesse hopes then these , and leave a calme and pleasing solitaryn● s fed with cherful and confident thou● hts , to imbark in a troubl'd sea of noises and hoars disputes , put from beholding the bright countenance of truth in the quiet and still air of delightfull studies to come into the dim reflexion of hollow antiquities sold by the seeming bulk , and there be fain to club quotations with men whose learning and beleif lies in marginal stuffings , who when they have like good sumpter● laid ye down their hors load of citations and fathers at your dore , with a rapsody of who and who were Bishops here or there , ye may take off their packsaddles , their days work is don , and episcopacy , a● they think , stoutly vindicated . Let any gentle apprehension that can distinguish learned pains from unlearned drudgery , imagin what pleasure or profoundnesse can be in this , or what honour to deaf against such adversaries . But were it the meanest under-service , if God by his Secretary conscience injoyn it , it were sad for me if I should draw back , for me especially , now when all men offer their aid to help ease and enlighten the difficult labours of the Church , to whose service by the intentions of my parents and friends I was destin'd of a child , and in mine own resolutions , till comming to some maturity of yeers and perceaving what tyranny had invaded the Church , that he who would take Orders must subscibe slave , and take an oath withall , which unlesse he took with a conscience that would ● etch he must either strait perjure , or split his faith , I thought it better to preferre a blamelesse silence before the sacred office of speaking bought , and begun with servitude and forswearing . Howsoever thus Church-outed by the Prelats , hence may appear the right I have to meddle in these matters , as before , the necessity and constraint appear'd . CHAP. I. That Prelaty opposeth the reason and end of the Gospel three ways , and first in her outward form . AFter this digression it would remain that I should single o● some other reason which might undertake for Prelaty to be a fit and lawfull Church-government ; but finding none of like validity with these that have alredy sped according to their fortune , I shall adde one reason why it is not to be thought a Church-government at all , but a Church-tyranny , and is at hostile terms with the end and reason of Christs Evangelick ministery . Albeit I must confesse to be half in doubt whether I should bring it forth or no , it being so contrary to the eye of the world , and the world so potent in most mens hearts , that I shall endanger either not to be regarded , or not to be understood . For who is ther almost that measures wisdom by simplicity , strength by suffering , dignity by lowlinesse , who is there that counts it first , to be last , somthing to be nothing , and reckons himself of great command in that he is a servant ? yet God when he meant to subdue the world and hell a● once , part of that to salvation , and this wholy to perdition , made chois of no other weapons , or auxiliaries then these whether to save , or to destroy . It had bin a small maistery for him , to have drawn out his Legions into array , and flankt them with his thunder ; therefore he sent Foolishnes to confute Wisdom , Weaknes to bind Strength , Despisednes to vanquish Pride . And this is the great mistery of the Gospel made good in Christ himself , who as he testifies came not to be minister'd to , but to minister ; and must he fulfil'd in all his ministers till his second comming . To goe against these principles S. Paul so fear'd , that if he should but affect the wisdom of words in his preaching , he thought it would be laid to his charge , that he had made the crosse of Christ to be of none effect Whether then Prelaty do not make of none effect the crosse of Christ by the principles it hath so contrary to these , nullifying the power and end of the Gospel , it shall not want due proof , if it want not due belief . Neither shal I stand to trifle with one that will tell me of quiddities and formalities , whether Prelaty or Prelateity in abstract notion be this or that , it suffices me that I find it in his ● kin , so I find it inseparable , or not oftner otherwise then a Pheni● hath bin seen ; although I perswade me that whatever faultines was but superficial to Prelaty at the beginning , is now by the just judgment of God long since branded and inworn into the very essence therof . First therefore , if to doe the work of the Gospel Christ ou● Lord took upon him the form of a servant , how can his servant in this ministery take upon him the form of a Lord ? I know Bils● hath decipher'd us all the galanteries of Signore and Monsignore , and Monsieur as circumstantially as any punctualist of Casteel , Naples , or Fountain Blea● could have don , but this must not so complement us out of our right minds , as to be to learn that the form of a servant was a mean , laborious and vulgar life aptest to teach ; which form Christ thought fittest , that he might bring about his will according to his own principles choosing the meaner things of this world that he might put under the high . Now whether the pompous garb , the Lordly life , the wealth , the haughty distance of Prelaty be those meaner things of the world , wherby God in them would manage the mystery of his Gospel , be it the verdit of common sense . For Christ saith in S. Iohn , The servant is not greater then his Lord , nor he that is sent greater then he that sent him . And addes , If ye know these things , happy are ye if ye do● them . Then let the prelates well advise , if they neither know , nor do these things , or if they know , and yet doe them not , wherin their happines consists . And thus is the Gospel frustrated by the Lordly form of Prelaty . CHAP. II. That the ceremonius doctrin of Prelaty opposeth the reason and end of the Gospel . THat which next declares the heavenly power , and reveales the deep mistery of the Gospel , is the pure simplicity of doctrine accounted the foolishnes of this world , yet crossing and confounding the pride and wisdom of the flesh . And wherin consists this fleshly wisdom and pride ? in being altogether ignorant of God and his worship ? no surely , for men are naturally asham'd of th● . Where then ? it consists in a bold presumption of ordering the worship and service of God after mans own will in traditions and ceremonies . Now if the pride and wisdom of the flesh were to be defeated and confounded , no doubt , but in that very point wherin it was proudest and thought it self wisest , that so the victory of the Gospel might be the more illustrious . But our Prelats instead of expressing the spirituall power of their ministery by warring against this chief bulwark and strong hold of the flesh , have enter'd into fast league with the principall enemy against whom they were se● , and turn'd the strength of fleshly pride and wisdom against the pure simplicity of saving truth . First , mistrusting to find the autority of their or● er in the immediat institution of Christ , or his Apostles by the cleer evidence of Scripture , they fly to the c● nal supportment of tradition : when we appeal to the Bible , they to the unweildy volumes of tradition . And doe not shame to reject the ordinance of him that is eternal for the pervers iniquity of sixteen hunderd yeers ; choosing rather to think truth it self a lyar , the● that sixteen ages should be taxe with an error ; not considering the general a postasy that was foretold , and the Churches flight into the wildernes . Nor is this anough , instead of shewing the reason of their lowly condition from divine example and command , they seek to prove their high pre-eminence from humane consent and autority . But let them chaunt while they will of prerogatives , we shall tell them of Scripture ; of custom , we of Scripture ; of Acts and Statutes , stil of Scripture , til the quick and pearcing word enter to the dividing of their soules , & the mighty weaknes of the Gospel throw down the weak mightines of mans reasoning . Now for their demeanor within the Church , how have they disfigur'd and defac't that more then angelick brightnes , the unclouded serenity of Christian Religion with the dark overcasting of superstitious coaps and flaminical vestures ; wearing on their backs ; and , I abhorre to think , perhaps in some worse place the unexpressible Image of God the father . Tell me ye Priests wherfore this gold , wherfore these roabs and surplices over the Gospel● is our religion guilty of the first trespasse , and hath need of cloathing to cover her nakednesse ? whatdoes this else but hast an ignominy upon the perfection of Christs ministery by seeking to adorn it with that which 〈◊〉 the poor remedy of our ● Word● . ● eleive it , wondrous Doctors , all corporeal resemblances of inward holinesse & beauty are now past ; he that will cloath the Gospel now , intimates plainly , that the Gospel is naked , uncomely , that I may not say reproachfull . Do not , ye Church maskers , while Christ is cloathing upon our barenes with his righteous garment to make us acceptable in his fathers fight , doe not , as ye do , cover and hide his righteous verity with the polluted cloathing of your ceremonies to make it seem more decent in your own eyes . How beautifull , saith Isaiah , are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings , that publisheth salvation ! Are the feet so beautifull , and is the very bringing of these tidings so decent of it self ? what new decency then can be added to this by your spinstry ? ye think by these gaudy glisterings to stirre up the devotion of the rude multitude ; ye think so , because ye forsake the heavenly teaching of S. Paul for the hellish Sophistry of Papism . If the multitude be rude , the lips of the Preacher must give knowledge , and not ceremonies . And although some Christians be new born babes comparatively to some that are stronger , yet in respect of ceremony which is but a rudiment of the Law , the weakest Christian hath thrown off the robes of his minority , and is a perfect man , as to legal rites . What childrens food there is in the Gospel we know to be no other then the sincerity of the word that they may grow thereby . But is heer the utmost of your outbraving the service of God ? No . Ye have bin bold , not to set your threshold by his threshold , or your posts by his posts , but your Sacrament , your ● igne , call it what you will , by his Sacrament , baptizing the Christian infant with a solemne sprinkle , and unbaptizing for your own part with a profane and impious forefinger : as if when ye had layd the purifying element upon his forehead , ye meant to cancel and crosse it out again with a caracter not of Gods bidding . O but the innocence of these ceremonies ! O rather the fottish absurdity of this excuse ! what could be more innocent then the washing of a cup , a glasse , or hands before meat , and that under the Law when so many washings were commanded , and by long tradition , yet our Saviour detested their customes though never so seeming harmlesse , and charges them severely that they had transgrest the Commandments of God by their traditions and worshipt him in vain . How much more then must these , and much grosser ceremonies now in force delude the end of Christs comming in the flesh against the flesh , and stifle the sincerity of our new cov'nant which hath bound us to forsake all carnall pride and wisdom especially in matters of religion . Thus we see again how Prelaty sayling in opposition 〈◊〉 the main end and power of the Gospel doth not joyn in that ●sterious work of Christ , by lowlines to confound height , by simplicity of doctrin the wisdom of the world , but contrariwise hath made it self high in the world and the flesh to vanquish things by the world accounted low , and made it self wise in tradition and fleshly ceremony to confound the purity of doctrin which is the wisdom of God . CHAP. III. That Prelatical jurisdiction opposeth the reason and end of the Gospel and of State . THe third and last consideration remains , whether the Prelats in their function doe work according to the Gospel practizing to subdue the mighty things of this world by things weak : which S. Paul hath set forth to be the power and excellence of the Gospel , or whether in more likelihood they band themselves with the prevalent things of this world to overrun the weak things which Christ hath made chois to work by : and this will soonest be discern'd by the cours of their jurisdiction . But heer again I find my thoughts almost in suspense betwixt yea and no , and am nigh turning mine eye which way I may best retire , and not proceed in this subject , blaming the ardency of my mind that fixt me too attentively to come thus farre . For Truth , I know not how , hath this unhappinesse fatall to her , ere she can come to the triall and inspection of the Understanding , being to passe through many little wards and limits of the severall Affections and Desires , she cannot shift it , but must put on such colours and attire , as those Pathetick handmaids of the soul please to lead her in to their Queen . And if she find so much favour with them , they let her passe in her own likenesse ; if not , they bring her into the presence habited and colour'd like a notorious Falshood . And contrary when any Falshood comes that way , if they like the ● rrand she brings , they are so artfull to counterfeit the very shape and visage of Truth , that the Understanding not being able to discern the ● ucus which these inchantresses with such cunning have laid upon the feature sometimes of Truth , sometimes of Falshood interchangeably , sentences for the most part one for the other at the first blush , according to the suttle imposture of these sensual mistresses that keep the port● and passages between her and the object . So that were it not for leaving imperfect that which is already said , I should goe neer to relinquish that which is to follow . And because I see that most men , as it happens in this world , either weakly , or falsly principl'd , what through ignorance , and what through custom of licence , both in discours and writing , by what hath bin of late written in vulgar , have not seem'd to attain the decision of this point , I shall likewise assay those wily Arbitresses who in most men have , as was heard , the sole ushering of Truth and Falshood between the sense , and the soul , with what loyalty they will use me in conuoying this Truth to my understanding ; the rather for that by as much acquaintance as I can obtain with them , I doe not find them engag'd either one way or other . Concerning therfore ecclefial jurisdiction , I find still more controversie , who should administer it , then diligent enquiry made to learn what it is , for had the pains bin taken to search out that , it had bin long agoe enroul'd to be nothing el● but a pure tyrannical forgery of the Prelats ; and that jurisdictive power in the Church there ought to be none at all . It cannot be conceiv'd that what men now call jurisdiction in the Church , should be other thing then a Christian censorship ; and therefore is it most commonly and truly nam'd ecclesiastical censure . Now if the Roman censor a civil function , to that severe assise of survaying and controuling the privatest , and sliest manners of all men and all degrees had no jurisdiction , no courts of plea , or inditement , no punitive force annext , whether it were that to this manner of correction the intanglement of suits was improper , or that the notic● of those upright Inquisitors extended to such the most covert and spiritous vices as would slip easily between the wider and mo● e material grasp of Law ; Or that it stood more with the Majesty of that office to have no other Serjeants or maces about them but thos● invisible ones of Terror and shame : Or lastly , were it their feare , lest the greatnes of this autority and honour arm'd with jurisdiction might step with ease into a tyranny . In all these respects with much more reason undoubtedly ought the censure of the Church be quite devested and disintal'd of all jurisdiction whatsoever . For if the cours of judicature to a political censorship seem either too tedious , or too contentions , much more may it to the discipline of Church whose definitive decrees are to be speedy , but the execution of rigour slow , contrary to what in legal proceedings is mo● usual , and by how much the lesse contentious it is , by so much will it be the more Christian . And if the censor in his morall episcopy being to judge most in matters not answerable by writ or action could not use an instrument so grosse and bodily as jurisdiction is , how can the minister of Gospel manage the corpulent and secular trial of bill and processe in things meerly spiritual . Or could that Roman office without this juridical sword or saw strike such a reverence of it self into the most undaunted hearts , as with one single dash of ignominy to put all the Senate and Knighthood of R● into a tremble , surely much rather might the heavenly ministery of the Evangel bind her self about with farre more pearcing beams of Majesty and aw by wanting the beggarly help of halings and amercements in the use of her powerful Keies . For when the Church without temporal support is able to doe her great works upon the unforc't obedience of men , it argues a divinity about her . But when she thinks to credit and better her spirituall efficacy , and to win her self respect and dread by strutting in the fals visard of worldly autority , t is evident that God is not there ; but that her apostolick vertu is departed from her , and hath left her Key-cold . Which she perceaving as in a decay'd nature seeks to the outward fomentations and chafings of worldly help , and external flourishes , to fetch , if it be possible , some motion into her extream parts , orto hatch a counterfeit life with the crafty and arteficial heat of jurisdiction . But it is observable that so long as the Church in tr● e imitat● on of Christ can be content to ride upon an Asse carrying her self and her government along in a mean and simple guise , she may be as he is , a Lion of the tribe of Iuda , and in her humility all men with loud Hosanna's will confesse her greatnes . But when despising the mighty operation of the spirit by the weak things of this world she thinks to make her self bigger and more considerable by using the way of civil force and jurisdiction , as she sits upon this Lion she changes into an Asse , and instead of Hosanna's every man pel● s her with stones and dirt . Lastly , if the wisdom of the Romans fear'd to commit jurisdiction to an office of so high esteem and d● d as wa● the ors , we may see what a solecism in the art of policy it hath bin all this while through Christendom to g● jurisdiction to ecclesiastical Censure . For that strength joyn'd with religion abus'd and pretended to ambitions ends must of necessity breed the heaviest and most quellingty ranny not only upon the necks , but even to the souls of men : which if Christian Rome had bin so cautelous to prevent in her Church , as Pagan Rome was in herstate , we had not had such a lamentable experience thereof as now we have from thenceupon all Christendom . For although I said before that the Church coveting to ride upon the Lionly form of jurisdiction makes a transformation of her self into an Asse , and becomes despicable , that is to those whom God hath enlight'nd with true knowledge ; but where they remain yet in the reliques of superstition , this is the extremity of their bondage , and blindnes , that while they think they doe obeisance to the Lordly visage of a Lion , they doe it to an asse , that through the just judgement of God is permitted to play the dragon among them because of their wilfull stupidity . And let England here well rub her eyes , lest by leaving jurisdiction and Church censure to the same persons , now that God hath bin so long medcining her eyesight , she do● not w● her overpolitick fetches marre all , and bring her self back again to worship this Asse bestriding a Lion . Having hit herto explain'd , that to ecclesiasticall censure no jurisdictive power can be added without a childish and dangerous oversight in polity , and a pernicious contradiction in evangelick discipline , as anon more fully ; it will be next to declare wherin the true reason and force of Church censure consists , which by then it shall be laid open to the root , so little is it that I fear lest any crookednes , any wrincle or spo● should be found in presbyterial governnient that if Bodin the famo● French ● r though a Papist , yet affirms that the Commonwelth which maintains this discipline will certainly flourish in vertu and piety , I dare assure my self that every true protestant will admire the integrity , the uprightnes , the divine and gracious purposes therof , and even for the reason of it so coherent with the doctrine of the Gospel , besides the evidence of command in Scripture , will confesse it to be the only true Church-government , and that contrary to the whole end and m● ry of Christs comming in the flesh a false appearance of the same is exercis'd by Prelaty . But because some count it rigorous , and that hereby men shall be liable to a double punishment , I will begin somwhat higher and speak of punishment . Which , as i● is an evil , I esteem t● be of two forty , or rather two degrees only , a reprobat conscience in this life , and hell in the other world . Whatever else men ● l punishment , or censure is not properly an evil , so it be not an illegall violence , but a saving med'cin ordain'd of God both for the publik and privat good 〈◊〉 man , who consisting of two parts the inward and the outward , 〈◊〉 by the eternall providence left under two sorts of cure , the Church and the Magistrat . The Magistrat hath only to deale with the outward part , I mean not of the body alone , but of the mind in all her outward acts , which in Scripture is call'd the outward man . So that it would be helpfull to us if we might borrow such autority 〈◊〉 the Rhetoricians by parent may give us , with a kind of Prometh● skill to shape and fashion this outward man into the similitude 〈◊〉 a body , and set him visible before us ; imagining the inner man only as the soul . Thus then the civill Magistrat looking only upon the outward man ( I say as a Magistrat , for what he doth further , he doth it as a member of the Church ) if he find in his complexion , skin , or outward temperature the signes and marks , or in his doings the effects of injustice , rapine , lost , cruelty , or the like , sometimes he shuts up as in frenetick , or infectious diseases ; or confines within dores , as in every sickly estate . Sometimes he shaves by penalty , or mulct , or els to cool and take down those luxuriant humors which wealth and excesse have caus'd to abound . Otherwhiles he ser● , he cauterizes , he scarifies , lets blood , and finally for utmost remedy cuts off . The patients which mostanend are brought into his hospital are such as are farre gon , and beside themselves ( unlesse they be falsly accus'd ) so that force is necessary to tame and quiet them 〈◊〉 their unruly fits , before they can be made capable of a more human ● ure . His general end is the outward peace and wel-fare of the Commonwealth and civil happines in this life . His p● ular ● nd in every man is , by the infliction of pain , dammage , a● disgrace , that the senses and common perceivance might carry this message to the soul within , that it is neither easefull , profitable , nor prais-worthy in this life to doe evill . Which must needs tend to the good of man , whether he be to live or die ; and be undoubtedly the f● means to a natural man , especially an offender , which might open his eyes to a higher consideration o● good and evill , as it is taught in religion . This is seen in the often penitence of those that suffer , who , had they scapt , had gon on sinning to an immeasurable hea● , which is one of the extreamest punishments . And this is all that the civil Magistrat , as so being , conser● to the healing of mans mind , working only by terrifying 〈◊〉 upon the rind & orifice of the ● ore , and by all outward appli● , as the Logicians say , a post● , at the effect , and not from the cause : not once touching the inward bed of corruption , and that hectick disposition to evill , the sourse of all vice , and obliquity against the rule of Law . Which how insufficient it is to cure the soul of man , we cannot better guesse then by the art of bodily phisick . Therfore God to the intent of further healing mans deprav'd mind , to this power of the Magistrat which contents it self with the restraint of evil doing in the external man , added that which we call censure , to purge it and remove it clean out of the inmost soul . In the beginning this autority seems to have bin plac't , as all both civil and religious rites once were , only in each father of family . Afterwards among the heathen , in the wise men and Philosophers of the age ; but so as it was a thing voluntary , and no set government . More distinctly among the Jews as being Gods peculiar , where the Priests , Levites , Prophets , and at last the Scribes and Pharises took charge of instructing , and overseeing the lives of the people . But in the Gospel , which is the straitest and the dearest cov'nant can be made between God and man , wee being now his adopted sons , and nothing fitter for us to think on , then to be like him , united to him , and as he pleases to expresse it , to have fellowship with him , it is all necessity that we should expect this blest efficacy of healing our inward man to be minister'd to us in a more familiar and effectual method then ever before . God being now no more a judge after the sentence of the Law , nor as it were a school maister of perishable rites , but a most indulgent father governing his Church as a family of sons in their discreet age ; and therfore in the sweetest and mildest manner of paternal discipline he hath committed this other office of preserving in healthful constitution the innerman , which may be term'd the spirit of the soul , to his spiritual deputy the minister of each Congregation ; who being best acquainted with his own flock , h● th best reason to know all the secret● st diseases likely to be , there . And look by how much the inter●● an is more excellant and noble then the external , by so muc● 〈◊〉 his cure more exactly , more throughly , and more particularly to be perform'd . For which cause the holy Ghost by the Apostles joyn'd to the minister , as assistant in this great office sometimes a certain number of grave and faithful brethren , ( for neither doth the phisitian doe all in restoring his patient , he prescribes , another prepares the med'cin , some read , some watch , some visit ) much more may a minister partly not see all , partly erre as a man : besides that nothing can be more for the mutuall honour and love of the people to their Pastor , and his to them , then when in select numb● and cours● they are seen partaking , and doing reverence to the holy 〈◊〉 discipline by their serviceable , and solemn presence , and receiving honour again from their imployment , not now any more to be separated in the Church by vails and partitions as laicks and unclean , but admitted to wait upon the tabernacle as the rightfull Clergy of Christ , a chosen generation , a royal Priesthood to off● up spiritual sacrifice in that meet place to which God and the Congregation shall call and assigne them . And this all Christians ought to know , that the title of Clergy S. Peter gave to all Gods people , till Pope Higinus and the succeeding Prelates took it from them , appropriating that name to themselves and their Priests only ; and condemning the rest of Gods inheritance to an injurious and alienat condition of Laity , they separated from them by local partitions in Churches , through their grosse ignorance and pride imitating the old temple : and excluded the members of Christ from the property of being members , the bearing of orderly and fit offices in the ecclesiastical body , as if they had meant to sow up that Iewish vail which Christ by his death on the Crosse rent in sunder . Although these usurpers could not so : presently over-maister the liberties and lawfull titles of Gods freeborn Church , but that Origen being yet a lay man expounded the Scriptures publickly , and was therein defended by Alexander of Jerusalem , and Theoctistus of Caesarea producing in his behalf divers examples that the privilege of teaching was anciently permitted to many worthy Laymen ; And Cyprian in his Epistles professes he will doe nothing without the advice and assent of his assistant Laicks . Neither did the first Nicene councel , as great and learned as it was , think it any robbery to receive in , and require the help and presence of many learned lay brethren , as they were then calld . Many other autorities to confirm this assertion bot● 〈◊〉 of Scripture and the writings of next antiquity Golartius hath collected in his notes upon Cyprian ; whereby it will be evident that the Laity not only by Apostolick permission , but by consent of many the aucientest Prelates did participat in Church offices as much as is desir'd any lay Elder should now do . Sometimes also not the Elders alone , but the whole body of the Church is interested in the work of discipline , as 〈◊〉 as publick satisfaction is given by those that have given publick scandal . Not to speak now of her right in elections . But another reason there is in it , which though religion did not commend to us , yet morall and civil prudence could not but extol . It was thought of old in Philosophy , that shame or to call it better , the reverence of our elders , our brethren , and friends was the greatest incitement to vertuous deeds and the greatest dissuasion from unworthy attempts that might ● Word● . Hence we may read in the Iliad where Hector being wisht to retire si ō the battel , many of his forces being routed , makes answer that he durst not for shame , lest the Trojan Knights and Dames should think he did ignobly . And certain it is that wheras Terror is thought such a great stickler in a Commonwealth , honourable shame is a farre greater , and has more reason● For where shame is there is fear , but where fear is there is not presently shame . And if any thing may be done to inbreed in us this generous and Christianly reverence one of another , the very Nurs and Guardian of piety and vertue , it can not sooner be then by such a discipline in the Church , as may use us to have in aw the assemblies of the faithful , & to count it a thing most grievous , next to the grieving of Gods Spirit , to offend those whom he hath put in autority , as a healing superintendence over our lives and behaviours , both to our own happines and that we may not give offence to good men , who without amends by us made , dare not against Gods command hold communion with us in holy things . And this will be accompanied with a religious dred of being outcast from the company of Saints , and from the fatherly protection of God in his Church , to consort with the devil and his angels . But there is yet a more ingenuous and noble degree of honest shame , or call it if you will an esteem , whereby men bear an inward reverence toward their own persons . And if the love of God as a fire sent from Heaven to be ever kept alive upon the altar of our hearts , be the first principle of all godly and vertuous actions in men , this pious and just honouring of our selves is the second , and may be thought as the radical moisture and fountain head , whence every laudable and worthy enterpri● issues forth . And although I have giv'n it the name of a liquid thing , yet is it not incontinent to bound it self , as humid things are , but hath in it a most restraining and powerfull abstinence to start back , and glob it self upward from the mixture of any ungenerous and unbeseeming motion , or any soile ● ewith it may peril to stain it self . Something I confesse it is to ● ' d of evil doing in the presence of any , and to reverence the opinion and the countenance of a good man rather then a bad , fearing most in his ● ght to offend , goes so farre as almost to be vertuous ; yet this is but still the feare of infamy , and many such , when they find themselves alone , 〈◊〉 their reputation will compound with other scruples , and co● close treaty with their dearer vices in secret . But he that holds himself in reverence and due esteem , both for the dignity of Gods 〈◊〉 upon him , and for the price of his redemption , whi● he thin● 〈◊〉 visibly markt upon his forehead , accounts himselfe both a fit person to do the noblest and godliest deeds , and much better worth then to deject and defile , with such a debasement and such a pollution as sin is , himselfe so highly ransom'd and enobl'd to a new friendship and filiall relation with God . Nor can he fear so much the offence and reproach of others , as he dreads and would 〈◊〉 at the reflection of his own severe and modest eye upon him● , if it should see him doing or imagining that which is sinfull though in the deepest secrecy . How shall a man know to do himselfe this right , how to performe this honourable duty of estimation and respect towards his own soul and body ? which way will leade 〈◊〉 best to this hill top of sanctity and goodness● above which there is no higher ascent but to the love of God which from this self-pious regard cannot be assunder ? no better way doubtlesse then to let him duly understand that as he is call'd by the high calling of God to be holy and pure , so is he by the same appointment ordain'd , and by the Churches call admitted to such offices of discipline in the Church to which his owne spirituall gifts by the example of Apostolick institution have autoriz'd him . For we have learnt that the scornfull terme of Laick , the consecrating of Temples , carpets , and table-clothes , ● he railing in of a repugnant and contradictive Mount Sinai in the Gospell , as if the touch of a lay Christian who is never the lesse Gods living temple , could profane dead judaisms , the exclusion of Christs people from the offices of holy discipline through the pride of a usurping Clergy , causes the rest to have an unworthy and object opinion of themselves ; to approach to holy , duties with a slavish fear , ● nd to unholy doings with a familiar ● ldnesse . For seeing such a wide and terrible distance between religious things and themselves , and that in respect of a woodden table & the perimeter of holy ground about it , a flagon pot , and 〈◊〉 corporal , the Priest 〈◊〉 their lay-ships unhallow'd and ● Word● , they fear religion with such a fear as loves not , and think the purity of the Gospell too pure for them , and that any uncleannesse is more sutable to their 〈◊〉 estate . But when every good Christian throughly acquainted with all those glorious privileges of sanctification and adoption which render him more sacred then any dedicated altar or element , shall be restor'd to his right in the Church , and not excluded from such place of spirituall government as his Christian abilities and his approved good life in the eye and testimony of the Church shall preferre him to , this and nothing sooner will open his eyes to a wise and true valuation of himselfe , which is so requisite and high a point of Christianity , and will stirre him up to walk worthy the honourable and grave imployment wherewith God and the Church hath dignifi'd him : not fearing left he should meet with some outward holy thing in religion which his lay touch or presence might profane , but lest something unholy from within his own heart should dishonour and profane in himselfe that Priestly unction and Clergy-right whereto Christ hath entitl'd him . Then would the congregation of the Lord soone recover the true likenesse and visage of what she is indeed , a holy generation , a royall Priesthood , a Saintly communion , the houshold and City of God . And this I hold to be another considerable reason why the functions of Church-government ought to be free and open to any Christian man though never so laick , if his capacity , his faith , and prudent demeanour commend him . And this the Apostles warrant us to do . But the Prelats object that this will bring profanenesse into the Church , to whom may be reply'd , that none have brought that in more then their own irreligious courses ; nor more 〈◊〉 holinesse out of living into livelesse things . For whereas God who hath cleans'd every beast and creeping worme , would not suffer S. Peter to call them common or unclean , the Prelat Bishops in their printed orders hung up in Churches have proclaim'd the best of creatures , mankind , so unpurifi'd and contagious , that for him to lay his hat , or his garment upon the Chancell table they have defin'd it no lesse hainous in expresse words then to profane the Table of the Lord . And thus have they by their Canaanitish doctrine ( for that which was to the Jew but jewish is to the Christian no better then Canaanitish ) thus have they made common and unclean , thus have they made profane that nature which God hath not only cleans'd , but Christ also hath assum'd . And now that the equity and just reason is so perspicuous , why in Ecclesiasic● censure the assistance should be added of such , 〈◊〉 whom not the vile odour of gaine and fees ( forbid it God and blow it with a whirle● out of our land ) but charity , neighbourhood , and duty to Church-government hath call'd together , where could a wiseman wish a more equall , gratuitous , and meek examination of 〈◊〉 offence that he might happen to commit against Christianity 〈◊〉 here ? would he preferre those proud simoniacall Courts ? 〈◊〉 therefore the Minister assisted attends his heavenly and spirituall cure . Where we shall see him both in the course of his proceeding , and first in the excellence of his end from the magistrate farre different , and not more different then excelling . His end is to recover all that is of man both soul and body to an everlasting health : and yet as for worldly happinesse , which is the proper sphere wherein the magistrate cannot but confine his motion without a hideous exorbitancy from law , so little aims the Minister , as his intended scope , to procure the much prosperity of this life , that oft-times he may have cause to wish much of it away , a● a diet puffing up the soul with a slimy fleshinesse , and weakning her principall organick parts . Two heads of evill he has to cope with , ignorance and malice . Against the former he provides the daily Manna of incorruptible doctrine , not at those set meales only in publick , but as oft as he shall know that each infirmity , or constitution requires . Against the latter with all the branches thereof , not medling with that restraining and styptick surgery which tho law uses , not indeed against the malady but against the eruptions , and outermost effects thereof . He on the contrary beginning at the prime causes and roo● of the disease sends in those two divine ingredients of most cleansing power to the soul , Admonition & Reproof , besides which two there is no drug or antidote that can reach to purge the mind , and without which all other experiments are but vain , unlesse by ●dent . And he that will not let these passe into him , though he be the greatest King , as Plato affirms , must be thought to remaine impure within , and unknowing of those things wherein his purenesse and his knowledge should most appear . As soon therefore as it may be discern'd that the Christian patient by feeding 〈◊〉 here on meats not allowable , but of evill juice , hath disorder'd his diet , and spread an ill humour through his 〈◊〉 immediatly disposing to a sicknesse , the minister as being much neerer both in eye and duty , then the magistrats , speeds him betimes to overtake that diffus'd malignance with some gentle potion of admonishment ; or if ought be obstructed , puts in his opening and disenssive con● . This not succeeding after once or twice or oftner , in the 〈◊〉 of two or three his faithfull brethren appointed thereto be advis● him to be more carefull of his dearest health , and what it is that he so rashly hath let down in to the divine vessel of his soul Gods temple . If this obtaine not , he then with the counsell of more assistants who are inform'd of what diligence hath been already us'd , with more speedy remedies layes neerer siege to the entrenched causes of his distemper , not sparing such servent and well aim'd reproofs as may best give him to see the dangerous estate wherein he is . To this also his brethren and friends intreat , exhort , adjure , and all these endeavours , as there is hope left , are more or lesse repeated . But if , neither the regard of himselfe , nor the reverence of his Elders and friends prevaile with him , to leave his vitious appetite , then as the time urges , such engines of terror God hath given into the hand of his minister as to search the tenderest angles of the heart : one while he shakes his stubbornnesse with racking convulsions nigh dispaire , other whiles with deadly corrosives he gripes the very roots of his faulty liver to bring him to life through the entry of death . Hereto the whole Church beseech him , beg of him , deplore him , pray for him . After all this perform'd with what patience and attendance is possible , and no relenting on his part , having done the utmost of their cure , in the name of God and of the Church they dissolve their fellowship with him , and holding forth the dreadfull sponge of excommunion pronounce him wip't out of the list of Gods inheritance , and in the custody of Satan till he repent . Which horrid sentence though it touch neither life , nor limme , nor any worldly possession , yet has it such a penetrating force , that swifter then any chimicall sulphur , or that lightning which harms not the skin , and rifles the entrals , it scorches the inmost soul . Yet even this terrible denouncement is left to the Church for no other cause but to be as a rough and vehement cleansing medcin , where the malady is obdurat ; a mortifying to life , a kind of saving by undoing . And it may be truly said , that as the mercies of wicked men are cruelties , so the cruelties of the Church are mercies . For if repentance sent from heaven meet this lost wanderer , and draw him out of that steep journey wherein he was hasting towards destruction , to come and reconcile to the Church , if he bring with him his bill of health , and that he is now cleare of infection and of no danger to the other sheep , then with incredible expressions of joy all his brethren receive him , and set before him those perfumed bankets of Christian consolation ; with pretious ointments bathing and fomenting the old and now to be forgotten stripes which terror and shame had inflicted ; and thus with heavenly solaces they cheere up his humble remorse , till he regain his first health and felicity . This is the approved way which the Gospell prescribes , these are the spirituall weapons of holy censure , and ministeriall warfare , not carnall , but mighty through God to the pulling downe of strong holds , casting down imaginations , and every high thing that exalteth it selfe against the knowledge of God , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ . What could be done more for the healing and reclaming that divine particle of Gods breathing the soul , and what could be done lesse ? he that would hide his faults from such a wholsome curing as this , and count it a two-fold punishment ; as some do , is like a man that having foul diseases about him , perishes for shame , and the fear he has o● a rigorous incision to come upon hi● flesh . We shall be able by this time to discern whether Prelaticall jurisdiction be contrary to the Gospell or no . First therefore the government of the Gospell being economicall and paternall , that is , of such a family where there be no servants , but all sons in obedience , not in servility , as cannot be deny'd by him that lives but within the sound of Scripture , how can the Prelates justifie to have turn'd the fatherly orders of Christs houshold , the blessed meeknesse of his lowly roof , those ever open and inviting dores of his dwelling house which delight to be frequented with only filiall accesses , how can they justifie to have turn'd these domestick privileges into the barre of a proud judiciall court where fees and clamours keep shop and drive a trade , w● ere bribery and corruption solicits , paltring the free and monilesse power of discipline with a carnall satisfaction by the purse . Contrition , humiliation , confession , the very sighs of a repentant spirit are there sold by the penny . That undeflour'd and unblemishable simplicity of the Gospell , not she her selfe for that could never be , but a false-whi● ed , a lawnie resemblance of her , like that aire-born Helena in the fables , made by the sorcery of Prelats , instead of calling her Disciples from the receit of custome , is now turn'd Publican her self ; and gives up her body to a mercenary whor● ome under those fornicated ches which she cals Gods house , and in the fight of those her altars which she hath set up to be ador'd makes merchandize of the bodies and souls of men . Rejecting purgatory for no other reason , as it seems , then because her greedines cannot deferre ● ut had rather use the utmost extortion of redeemed penances in this life . But because these matters could not be thus carri'd without a begg'd and borrow'd force from worldly autority , therefore prelaty slighting the deliberat● d chosen counsell of Christ in his spirituall government , whose glory is in the weaknesse of fleshly things to t● ad upon the crest of the worlds pride and violence by the power of spirituall ordinances , hath on the contrary made these her freinds and champions which are Christs enemies in this his high designe , smothering and extinguishing the spirituall force of his bodily weaknesse in the discipline of his Church with the boistrous and carnall tyranny of an undue , unlawfull and ungospellike jurisdiction . And thus Prelaty both in her fleshly supportments , in her carnall doctrine of ceremonie and tradition , in her violent and secular power going quite counter to the prime end of Christs comming in the flesh , that is to revele his truth , his glory and his might in a clean contrary manner then Prelaty seeks to do , thwarting and defeating the great mistery of God , I do not conclude that Prelaty is Antichristian , for what need I ? the things themselves conclude it . Yet if such like practises , and not many worse then these of our Prelats , in that great darknesse of the Roman Church , have not exempted both her and her present members from being judg'd to be Antichristian in all orthodoxall esteeme , I cannot think but that it is the absolute voice of truth and all her children to pronounce this Prelaty , and these her dark deeds in the midst of this great light wherein we live , to be more Antichristian then Antichrist himselfe . The Conclusion . The mischiefe that Prelaty does in the State . I Adde one thing more to those great ones that are so fond of Prelaty , this is certain that the Gospell being the hidden might of Christ , as hath been heard , hath over a victorious power joyn'd with it , like him in the Revelation that went forth on the white Horse with his bow and his crown conquering , and to conquer . If we let the Angell of the Gospell ride on his own way , he does his proper businesse conquering the high thoughts , and the proud reasonings of the flesh , and brings them under to give obedience to Christ with the salvation of many souls . But if ye turn him out of his rode , and in a manner force him to expresse his irresistible power by a doctrine of carnall might , as Prelaty is , 〈◊〉 will use the , fleshly strength which ye put into his hands to subdue your spirits by a servile and blind superstition , and that againe shall hold such dominion over your captive minds , as returning with an insatiat greedinesse and force upon your worldly wealth and power wherewith to deck and magnifie her self , and her false worships , she shall spoil and havock your estates , disturbe your ease , diminish your honour , inthraul your liberty under the swelling mood of a proud Clergy , who will not serve or feed your soules with spirituall food , look not for it , they have not wherewithall , or if they had , it is not in their purpose . But when they have glutted their ingratefull bodies , at least if it be possible that those open sepulchers should ever be glutted , and when they have stufft their Idolish temples with the wastefull pillage of your estates , will they yet have any compassion upon you , and that poore pittance which they have left you , will they be but so good to you as that ravisher was to his sister , when he had us'd her at his pleasure , will they but only hate ye and so turne ye loose ? no● they will not , Lords and Commons , they will not fauour ye so much . What will they do then in the name of God and Saints , what will these man-haters yet with more despight and mischiefe do ? I le tell ye , or at least remember ye , for most of ye know it already . That they may want nothing to make them true merchants of Babylon , as they have done to your souls , they will sell your bodies , your wives , your children , your liberties , your Parlaments , all these things , and if there be ought else dearer then these , they will sell at an out-cry in their Pulpits to the arbitrary and illegall dispose of any one that may hereafter be call'd a King , whose mind shall serve him to listen to their bargain . And by their corrupt and servile doctrines boring our eares to an everlasting slavery , as they have done hitherto , so will they yet do their best to repeal and erase every line and clause of both our great charter● . No● is this only what they will doe , but what they hold as the main● reason and mystery of their advancement that they must do ; ● e the Prince never so just and equall to his subjects ; yet such are their malicious and depraved eyes , that they so look on him , & so understand him , as if he requir'd no other gratitude , or piece of service si● thē then this . And indeed they stand so opportunly for the disturbing or the destroying of a state , being a knot of creatures whose dignities , means , and preferments have no foundation in the Gospel , as they themselves acknowledge , but only in the Princes favour , & to continue so long to them , as by pleasing him they shall deserve , whence it must needs be they should bend all their intentions , and services to no other ends but to his , that if it should happen that a tyrant ( God turn such a scourge from us to our enemies ) should come to grasp the Scepter , here were his speare men and his lances , here were his firelocks ready , he should need no other pretorian band nor pensionry then these , if they could once with their perfidious preachments aw the people . For although the Prelats in time of popery were sometimes friendly anough to magnacharta , it was because they stood upon their own bottom , without their main dependance on the royal nod : but now being well acquainted that the protestant religion , if she will reform her self rightly by the Scriptures , must undresse them of all their guilded vanities , and reduce them as they were at first , to the lowly and equall order of Presbyters , they know it concerns them neerly to study the times more then the text , and to lift up their eyes to the hils of the Court , from whence only comes their help ; but if their pride grow weary of this crouching and observance , as ere long it would , and that yet their minds clime still to a higher ascent of worldly honour , this only refuge can remain to them , that they must of necessity contrive to bring themselves and us back again to the Popes supremacy , and this we see they had by fair degrees of late been doing . These be the two fair supporters between which the strength of Prelaty is born up , either of inducing tyranny , or of reducing popery . Hence also we may judge that Prelaty is meer falshood . For the property of Truth is , where she is publickly taught , to unyoke & set free the minds and spirits of a Nation first from the thraldom of sin and superstition , after which all honest and legal freedom of civil life cannot be long absent ; but Prelaty whom the tyrant custom begot a natural tyrant in religion , & in state the agent & minister of tyranny , seems to have had this fatal guift in her nativity like another Midas that whatsoever she should touch or come ne● r either in ecclesial or political government , it should turn , not to gold , though she for her part could wish it , but to the drosse and scum of slavery breeding and setling both in the bodies and the souls of all such as doe not in time with the sovran tr● le of sound doctrine provide to fortifie their hearts against her Hierarchy . The service of God who is Truth , her Liturgy confesses to be perfect freedom , but her works and her opinions declare that the service of Prelaty is p● rfect slavery , and by consequence perfect falshood . Which makes me wonder much that many of the Gentry , studious men , as I heare should engage themselves to write , and speak 〈◊〉 in her ●fence , but that I beleeve their honest and ingenuous natures coming to the Universities to store themselves with good and solid learning , and there unfortunately fed with nothing else , but the s● gged and thorny lectures of monkish and miserable sophistry , w● re sent home again with such a scholastical burre in their throats , as hath stopt and hinderd all true and generous philosophy from entring , crackt their voices for ever with metaphysical gargarisms , and hath made them admire a sort of formal outside men prelatically addicted , whose unchast'nd and unwrought minds never yet initiated or subdu'd under the true lore of religion or moral vertue , which two are the best and greatest points of learning , but either slightly train'd up in a kind of hypocritical and hackny cours of literature to get their living by , and dazle the ignorant , or els fondly overstudied in uselesse cōtroversies , except those which they use with all the specious and delusive suttlety they are able , to defend their prelatical Sparta , having a Gospel and Church-government set before their eyes , as a fair field wherin they might exercise the greatest vertu's , and the greatest deeds of Christian autority in mean fortunes and little furniture of this world , which even the sage heathen writers and those old Fabritii , and Curii well knew to be a manner of working , then which nothing could lik'n a mortal man more to God , who delights most to worke from within himself , and not by the heavy luggage of corporeal instrument , they understand it not , & think no such matter , but admire & dote upon worldly riches , & honours , with an easie & intemperat life , to the bane of Christianity : yea they and their Seminaries shame not to professe , to petition and never lin pealing our eares that unlesse we fat them like boores , and cramme them as they list with wealth , with Deaneries , and pluralities , with Baronies and stately preferments , all learning and religion will goe underfoot . Which is such a shamelesse , such a bestial plea , and of that odious impudence in Church-men , who should be to ● is a pattern of temperance and frugal mediocrity , who should teach us to contemn this world , and the gaudy things thereof , according to the promise which they themselves require from us in baptisme , that should the Scripture stand by and be mute , there is not that sect of Philosophers among the heathen so dissolute , no not Epicurus , nor Aristippus with all his Cyrenaick rout , but would shut his school dores against such greasy sophisters : not any College of Mountebanks , but would think scorn to discover in themselves with such a brazen forehead the outrageous desire of filthy lucre . Which the Prelats make so little conscience of , that they are ready to fight , and if it lay in their power , to massacre all good Christians under the names of horrible schismaticks for only finding fault with their temporal dignities , their unconscionable wealth and revenues , their cruell autority over their brethren that labour in the word , while they sno● in their luxurious excesse . Openly proclaming themselvs now in the sight of all men to be those which for a while they fought to cover under sheeps cloathing , ravenous and savage wolves threatning inrodes and bloody incursions upon the flock of Christ , which they took upon them to feed , but now clame to devour us their prey . More like that huge dragon of Egypt breathing out wast , and desolation to the land , unlesse he were daily fatn'd with virgins blood . Him our old patron Saint George by his matchlesse valour slew , as the Prelat of the Garter that reads his Collect ● an tell . And if our Princes and Knights will imitate the same of the t old champion , as by their order of Knighthood solemnly taken , they vow , farre be it that they should uphold and side with this English Dragon ; but rather to doe as indeed their oath binds them , they should make it their Knightly adventure to pursue & vanquish this mighty sailewing'd monster that menaces to swallow up the Land , unlesse her bottomlesse gorge may be satisfi'd with the blood of the Kings daughter the Church ; and may , as she was wont , fill her dark and infamous den with the bones of the Saints . Nor will any one have reason to think this as too incredible or too tragical to be spok'n of Prelaty , if he consider well from what a masse of slime and mud , the sloathful , the covetous and ambitious hopes of Church-promotions and fat Bishopricks she is bred up and nuzzl'd in , like a great Python from her youth , to prove the general poyson both of doctrine and good discipline in the Land . For certainly such hopes and such principles of earth as these wherein she welters from a yong one , are the immediat generation both of a slavish and tyranous life to follow , and a p● stiferous contagion to the whole Kingdom , till like that fenborn serpent she be shot to death with the darts of the sun , the pure and powerful beams of Gods word . And this may serve to describe to us in part , what Prelaty hath bin and what , if she stand , she is like to be toward the whole body of people in England . Now that it may appeare how she is not such a kind of evil , a● hath any good , or use in it , which many evils have , but a distill'd quintessence , a pure elixar of mischief , pestilent alike to a● I shal shew briefly , ere I conclude , that the Prelats , as they are to the subjects a calamity , so are they the greatest underminers and betrayers of the Monarch , to whom they seem to be most favourable . I cannot better liken the state and person of a King then to that mighty Nazarite Samson ; who being disciplin'd from his birth in the precepts and the practice of Temperance and Sobriety , without the strong drink of injurious and excessive desires , grows up to a noble strength and perfection with those his illustrious and sunny locks the laws waving and curling about his god like shoulders . And while he keeps them about him undiminisht and unshorn , he may with the jaw-bone of an Asse , that i● , with the word of his meanest officer suppresse and put to confusion thousands of those that rise against his just power . But laying down his head among the strumpet flatteries of Prelats , while he sleeps and thinks no harme , they wickedly shaving off all those bright and waighty tresses of his laws , and just prerogatives which were his ornament and strength , deliver him over to indirect and violent councels , which as those Philistims put out the fair , and farre-sighted eyes of his natural discerning , and make him grinde in the prison house of their sinister ends and practices upon him . Till he knowing this prelatical rasor to have bereft him of his wonted might , nourish again his puissant hair , the golden beames of Law and Right ; and they sternly shook , thunder with ruin upon the heads of those his evil counsellors , but not without great affliction to himselfe . This is the sum of their loyal service to Kings ; yet these are the men that stil cry the King , the King , the Lords Anointed . We grant it , and wonder how they came to light upon any thing so true ; and wonder more , if Kings be the Lords Anointed , how they dare thus oyle over and bes● eare so holy an unction with the corrupt and putrid oyntment of their base flatteries , which while they smooth the skin , strike inward and envenom the life blood . What fidelity Kings can expect from Prelats both examples past , and our present experience of their doings at this day , whereon is grounded all that hath bin said , may suffice to inform us . And if they be such clippers of regal power and shavers of the Laws , how they stand affected to the law giving Parlament , your selves , worthy Peeres and Commons , can best testifie ; the current of whose glorious and immortal actions hath bin only oppos'd by the obscure and pernicious design of the Prelats : until : their insolen● broke out to such a bold affront , as hath justly immur'd their haughty looks within strong wals . Nor have they done any thing of late with more diligence ; then to hinder or break the happy assembling of Parlaments , however needfull to repaire the shatter'd and disjoynted frame of the Common-wealth , or if they cannot do this , to crosse , to disinable , and traduce all Parlamentary proceedings . And this , if nothing else , plainly accuses them to be no lawful members of the house , if they thus perpetually mutine against their own body . And though they pretend like Salomons harlot , that they have right thereto , by the same judgement that Salomon gave , it cannot belong to them , whenas it is not onely their assent , but their endeavour continually to divide Parlaments in twain ; and not only by dividing , but by all other means to abolish and destroy the free use of them to all posterity . For the which and for all their former misdeeds , wherof this book and many volumes more cannot contain the moytie , I shal move yee Lords in the behalf I dare say of many thousand good Christians , to let your justice and speedy sentence passe against this great malefactor Prelaty . And yet in the midst of rigor I would beseech ye to think of mercy ; and such a mercy , I feare I shal overshoot with a desire to save this falling Prelaty , such a mercy ( if I may venture to say ● Word● ) a● may exceed that which for only ten righteous persons would have sav'd Sodom . Not that I dare advise ye to contend with God whether he or you shal be more merciful , but in your wise esteems to ballance the offences of those peccant Citties with these enormous riots of ungodly mis-rule that Prelaty hath wrought both in the Church of Christ , and in the state of this Kingdome . And if ye think ye may with a pious presumption strive to goe beyond God in mercy , I shall not be one now that would dissuade ye . Though God for lesse then ten just persons would not spare Sodom , yet if you can finde after due search but only one good thing in prelaty either to religion● or civil govern● to King or Parliament 〈◊〉 Prince or people , to law , liberty , 〈◊〉 learning , spare her , 〈◊〉 her live , let her spread among ye , till with her shadow , all your dignities and honours , and all the glory of the land be darken'd and obscurd . But on the contrary if she be found to be malignant , hostile , destructive to all these , as nothing can be surer , then let your severe and impartial doom imitate the divine vengeance ; rain down your punishing force upon this godlesse and oppressing government : and bring such a dead Sea of subversion upon her , that she may never in this Land rise more to afflict the holy reformed Church , and the elect people of God . The end . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A50949e-120 1 Tim. 5● Zechar. 8. Haggai 2. Notes for div A50949e-1880 Cor. 2. 10. 
A63735	----	The Copie of tvvo letters vvritten by two friends, one to another, concerning a pretended dispute had betwixt Doctor Taylor with a young Batchelour of Divinitie attending him, and Master Alexander Henderson, commissioner for the Kirk of Scotland at Oxford. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A63735 of text R1773 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing T307). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A63735 Wing T307 ESTC R1773 12627663 ocm 12627663 64682 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A63735) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64682) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 336:15) The Copie of tvvo letters vvritten by two friends, one to another, concerning a pretended dispute had betwixt Doctor Taylor with a young Batchelour of Divinitie attending him, and Master Alexander Henderson, commissioner for the Kirk of Scotland at Oxford. Taylor, Jeremy, 1613-1667. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], London : Aprill the 11, 1643. An account of a dispute at Oxford between Dr. Jeremy Taylor, the Kings's chaplain, and the best known of the Scottish Kirk commissioners about Episcopacy. Cf. Madan. Authorship uncertain; attributed to Jeremy Taylor by Wing. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. eng Taylor, Jeremy, 1613-1667. Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. Episcopacy. A63735 R1773 (Wing T307). civilwar no The copie of tvvo letters; vvritten by two friends, one to another, concerning a pretended dispute had betwixt Doctor Taylor with a young Ba [no entry] 1643 1208 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE COPIE OF TVVO LETTERS ; VVritten by two friends , one to another , Concerning a pretended Dispute had betwixt Doctor Taylor with a young Batchelour of Divinitie attending him , and Master Alexander Henderson , Commissioner for the Kirk of Scotland at Oxford . London , Printed Aprill the 11. 1643. SIR , A Few dayes ago there came to my hands a Pamphlet intituled , Mercurius Aulicus , the weeke thereof ; wherein I found mention made of a certaine dispute made betwixt one Doctor Taylor with a Batchelor of Divinitie , and our good friend Mr. Alexander Henderson . In reading over of which part of the paper , I find the expression and discourse of the businesse a little to Mr. Henderson his disadvantage , nor lacketh there divers who really think so , and make great brags therof : the man his worth I well know , and shall ever honour ; being of the mind that he may bee wronged in that Printed relation . And because you are daily conversant with him , and cannot be ignorant of what have passed in that kind , I shall esteem it as none of the least of the obligements I owe to you , if by the first sure bearer you send me a true account how that businesse went for satisfying the iudgement of divers , and the curiositie of Your very loving friend . London , 15. March . 1642. The Answer to the said Letter . SIr , the 15. of March , there lately came to my hands , and I shall be glad to resolve your doubts , by shewing the true progresse so farre as I can remember unpartially . April the first . IN this confused and miserable time of warre , while truth suffereth exile with peace , and all sinewes of humane societie are dissolved , you are more wise then to judge of your old acquaintance by the report of Mercurius . I have inquired from those that were present , what did passe betwixt Master Henderson , and the Doctor , And have learned that the Doctor did begin indeed with much civility , saluting him , presenting him with a book , and speaking more of his reputation then he could willingly heare ; But without the smallest provocation , did suddenly grow to such procacitie , that as he boasted of his new arguments in his booke , which had not been heard of before , so spared he not to say , that our best Arguments were swords and gunnes ; that Master Henderson had given proofe at Aberdene , how much might be said in an evill cause . To which nothing was answered but that it beseemed him who was a young man to speake more modestly of a nationall Kirk , and a nationall Cause ; He replyed , that he was a Presbyter , as he told before , that he was a Doctor of Divinitie , which could not be knowne by his booke , although printed in the yeare 1642. The other who is called a Batchelour of Divinitie added , Let no man despise thy youth ; which speech had it been directed to the Doctor , had not been non-sense . It is true , he came to Master Henderson on the 19 of Feb. in the morning , but Mercurius telleth not that this 19. of Feb. was the Lords day , a circumstance so considerable , that it made those who were present for the time , thinking it no Iudaisme to keepe the Sabbath , and preparing themselves after a long Iourney for the Kirk , weary of his discourse , in so much , that at last it was told the Doctor , that it was the Sabbath . But the Doctor was so pregnant and confident , that he was readie to argue , that he was about a worke of the Sabbath : it may be , because it is not unlawfull to fight on the Sabbath day . Had the Doctor come in the termes of Mercurius , desiring Master Henderson to give a reason either of his faith , or hope , or demands ; or had an amica collatio been his desire , he might have obtained all that he desired , and possibly more . But coming with faenum in cornu , and no word in his mouth , but Dispute , dispute , concertation , concertation , such a way as was more sutable for schoole-boyes , then great Divines . And wherewith Mr. Henderson , although the most part of his life conversant with Vniversity men , had never been acquainted . It was told him , that in the Synode which was expected , he and others might have disputing their fill , or if that failed , there were many learned men in England to answer his Book , or if it pleased him to send to Scotland , it would finde an answer there . But that Master Henderson was come to supplicate the Kings Majestie , not to answer Bookes , nor to dispute Propositions in the Vniversitie . Whether this humour in the Doctor proceedeth from the condition of the times or some individuall cause , I dispute not . This I know , that a Scripturient Engine , may finde matter enough for exercise in Gerson , Bucerus , Altare Damascenum , the learned Salmasius , and other moderne Authors , which yet lye unanswered , but I confesse it is a more easie worke ferram contentionis reciprocare , by writing a new booke . Had the Doctor perused the paper exhibited in the late Treatie , or the Declaration of the Nationall Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland , for unitie of Religion , and uniformitie of Kirk government , with the reformed Kirks , he would not have challenged us of any obtrusion or anrichristian usurpation , nor would he have compared our Christian way of charitie , not of authoritie , of supplication , not of usurpation , with the obtruding of the Service-Booke , so full of Popery upon the Kirk of Scotland , but this he and his fellow did retractate . Not onely Master Henderson and many better then he , but the Kirk of Scotland , and all the reformed Kirks at their first reformation , were resolved upon the Question , that Antichristian doctrine , worship , and government , should all downe together . And we wish that the Kirk and Kingdome of England were resolved also . But beside the will of God that scandalls must be ; and beside the judgement of God upon people for the abuse of the Gospel ; the avarice and ambition of the corrupt Clergie is a maine hinderance of the resolution which could it be as easily satisfied , as their Arguments answered , it would be quickly resolved upon the Question ; It is right that Episcopacie goe downe , because it standeth not by divine right . FINIS . 
A64660	----	The iudgement of Doctor Rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy more largely confirmed out of antiquity / by James Archbishop of Armagh. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64660 of text R7442 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U186). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A64660 Wing U186 ESTC R7442 11976553 ocm 11976553 51794 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64660) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51794) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 521:3) The iudgement of Doctor Rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy more largely confirmed out of antiquity / by James Archbishop of Armagh. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 16 p. Printed by G.M. for Thomas Dovvnes, and are to be sold by Wiliam Lee ..., London : 1641. First edition. Reproduction of original in University of Pennsylvania Library. eng Rainolds, John, 1549-1607. -- Judgement of Doctor Reignolds concerning episcopacy. Episcopacy. A64660 R7442 (Wing U186). civilwar no The iudgement of Doctor Rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy. More largely confirmed out of antiquity by James Archbishop of Armag Ussher, James 1641 3768 23 210 0 0 0 0 618 F The rate of 618 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE IUDGEMENT OF Doctor RAINOLDES touching the Originall of EPISCOPACY . More largely confirmed out of Antiquity By JAMES Archbishop of ARMAGH . LONDON , Printed by G.M. for THOMAS DOVVNES , and are to be sold by William Loe at the Turkes head in Fleetstreet . 1641. THE IVDGEMENT OF DOCTOR RAINOLDES touching the Originall of Episcopacie . WHEN a Elders were ordain'd by the Apostles in every Church , b through every City , c to * feed the flocke of Christ , whereof the Holy Ghost had made them over-seers : they to the intent they might the better doe it by common counsell and consent , did use to assemble themselves and meete together . In the which meetings , for the more orderly handling and concluding of things pertaining to their charge ; they chose one amongst them to be the President of their company and Moderator of their actions . As in the Church of Ephesus , though it had d sundry Elders and Pastors to guide it : yet amongst those sundry was there one chiefe , whom our Saviour calleth e the Angell of the Church , and writeth that to him , which by him the rest should know . And this is he whom afterward in the Primitive Church the Fathers called Bishop . For as the name of f Ministers , common to all them who serve Christ in * the stewardship of the mysteries of God , that is in preaching of the Gospell , is now by the custome of our English speech restrained to Elders who are under a Bishop : so the name of g Bishop common to all Elders and Pastors of the Church , was then by the usuall language of the Fathers appropriated to him who had the Presidentship over Elders . Thus are certaine Elders reproved by h Cyprian ; for receiving to the communion them who had fallen ( in time of persecution ) before the Bishop had advised of it with them and others . And i Cornelius writeth that the Catholick Church committed to his charge had sixe and forty Elders , and ought to have but one Bishop . And both of them being Bishops , the one of Rome , the other of Carthage , k doe witnesse of themselves that they dealt in matters of their Churches governement by the consent and counsell of the company of Elders , or the Eldership , l as they both ( after S. m Paul ) doe call it . THus farre , that Reverend a Doctor : whose observation touching the Angell of the Church of Ephesus ( in the second of the Revelation ) that he was the same with him whom afterwards in the Primitive Church the Fathers called Bishop , is clearely confirmed , both by the succession of the first Bishops of that Church , and by the testimony of Ignatius , who ( within no greater compasse of time then twelve yeares afterwards ) distinguisheth the singular and constant President thereof , from the rest of the number of the Presbyters , by appropriating the name of Bishop unto him . As for the former : we finde it openly declared in the generall Councell of Chalcedon , by Leontius Bishop of Magnesia ; that b from Timothie ( and so from the daies of the Apostles ) there had beene a continued succession of seven and twenty Bishops ; all of them ordained in Ephesus ▪ Of which number the Angell of the Church of Ephesus , mentioned in the Revelation , must needs be one whether it were Timothie himselfe , as c some conceive ; or one of his next Successors , as others rather do imagine . For that Timothie had been sometime d the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ( which is the appellation which Iustin Martyr giveth unto him , whom other of the Fathers do peculiarly tearme a Bishop ) or Antistes , or President of the Ephesine Presbytery , is confessed by Beza himselfe : and that he was ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephesians , we doe not onely read in the subscription of the second Epistle to Timothie , and the Ecclesiasticall History of e Eusebius , but also in two ancient Treatises concerning the Martyrdome of Timothie ; the one namelesse in the Library of f Photius , the other bearing the name of g Polycrates , even of that Polycrates , who was not onely himselfe Bishop of this Church of Ephesus , but borne also within six or seven and thirty yeares after S. Iohn wrote the forenamed Epistle unto the Angell of that Church : as it appeareth by the yeares he was of , when he wrote that Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome , wherein he maketh mention of h seven kinsmen of his who had beene Bishops ; he himselfe being the eight . I come now to the testimony of Ignatius : whom i Theodoret and k Felix Bishop of Rome , and l Iohn the Chronographer of Antioch report to have beene ordained Bishop of Antioch by S. Peter ; and without all controversie did sit in that See , the very same time wherein that Epistle unto the Angell of the Church of Ephesus was commanded to be written . In the Isle of Patmos had S. Iohn his Revelation manifested unto him , m toward the end of the Empire of Domitian , as Irenaeus testifieth ; or the foureteenth yeare of his governement , as n Eusebius and Hierom specifie it . From thence there are but twelve yeares reckoned unto the tenth of Trajan : wherein Ignatius , in that last journey which he made for the consummation of his glorious Martyrdome at Rome , wrote another Epistle unto the selfe-same Church of Ephesus . In which he maketh mention of their then Bishop Onesimus : as it appeares both by o Eusebius citing this out of it , and by the Epistle it selfe yet extant . In this Epistle to the Ephesians , Ignatius having acknowledged that their p numerous multitude was received by him in the person of their Bishop Onesimus , and q blessed God for granting unto them such a Bishop as he was : doth afterwards put them in mind of their r duty in concurring with him , as he sheweth their worthy Presbytery did , being s so conjoyned ( as he saith ) with their Bishop , as the strings are with the Harpe ; and toward the end exhorteth them to t obey both the Bishop and the Presbytery , with an undevided minde . In the same journey wrote Ignatius also an Epistle unto the Church of Smyrna ; another of those seven unto whom those letters are directed in S. Iohns Revelation ▪ wherein he also u saluteth their Bishop and Presbytery : exhorting all the people to x follow their Bishop , as Christ Iesus did his Father , and the Presbytery , as the Apostles ; and telling them that y no man ought either to administer the Sacraments , or doe any thing appertaining to the Church , without the consent of the Bishop . And that Polycarpus was then Bishop , when S. Iohn wrote unto the Angell of the Church in Smyrna ; who can better informe us then Irenaeus ? who did not onely know those worthy men , z who succeeded Polycarpus in his See ; but also a was present , when he himselfe did discourse of his conversation with S. Iohn , and of those things which he heard from those who had seene our Lord Iesus . Polycarpus b saith he , was not onely taught by the Apostles and conversed with many of those that had seene Christ , but also was by the Apostles constituted in Asia Bishop of the Church which is in Smyrna : whom we our selves also did see in our younger age for he continued long , and being very aged , he most gloriously and nobly suffering Martyrdome departed this life . Now being ordained Bishop of Symrna by the Apostles ; who had finished their cours● and departed out of this life before S. Iohn ( the last surviver of them ) did write his Revelation : who but he could there be meant by the Angell of the Church in Smyrna ? in which that he still held his Episcopall office unto the time of his Martyrdome ( which fell out LXXIIII yeares afterward ) may sufficiently appeare by this testimony , which the brethren of the Church of Smyrna , who were present at his suffering , gave unto him . c He was the most admirable man in our times , an Apostolicall and Propheticall Doctor , and Bishop of the Catholick Church which is in Smyrna . Whereunto we may add the like of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , who lived also in his time and in his neighbourhood , affirming d Polycarpus to have beene both Bishop and Martyr in Smyrna . So saith he in his Synodicall Epistle , directed unto Victor Bishop of Rome , about 27 yeares after the Martyrdome of Polycarpus ; he himselfe being at that time 65 yeares of age . About the very same time wherein Polycrates wrote this Epistle unto Victor , did Tertullian publish his book of Prescriptions against Hereticks : wherein he avoucheth against them , that e as the Church of Smyrna had Polycarpus placed there by Iohn , and the Church of Rome Clement ordained by Peter ; so the rest of the Churches also did shew , what Bishops they had received by the appointment of the Apostles , to traduce the Apostolicall seed unto them . And so before him did Irenaeus urge against them f the successions of Bishops , unto whom the Apostles committed the charge of the Church in every place . g For all the Hereticks ( saith he ) are much later then those Bishops , unto whom the Apostles committed the Churches . And , h we are able to number those who by the Apostles were ordained Bishops in the Churches , and their Successours unto our daies ; who neither taught nor knew any such thing as these men dreame of . For proofe whereof , he bringeth in the succession of the Bishops of Rome , from i Linus ( unto whom the blessed Apostles committed that Episcopacie ) and Anacletus ( by others called Cletus ) and Clement ( who did both see the Apostles , and conferred with them ) unto k Eleutherius ; who , when he wrote had the charge of that Bishoprick in the twelfth place after the Apostles ; concerning whom , and the integrity which then continued in each other succession from the Apostles daies , Hegesippus , who at the same time published his History of the Church , saith thus . l Soter succeeded Anicetus , and after him was Eleutherius . Now , in every succession , and in every City , all things so stand , as the Law and the Prophets , and our Lord doe preach ▪ When this m Eleutherius ( as our Bede relateth ) was Bishop of the Church of Rome , Lucius King of the Brittaines sent an Epistle to him ; desiring that by his meanes he might be made Christian ▪ who presently obtained the effect of his pious request : and the Brittaines kept the faith then received sound and undefiled in quiet peace , untill the times of Dioclesian the Emperour . By whose bloudy persecution the faith and discipline of our Brittish Churches was not yet so quite extinguished ; but that within ten yeares after ( and eleven before the first generall Councell of Nice ) three of our Bishops were present and subscribed unto the Councell of Arles : n Eborius of Yorke , Restitutus of London , and Adelfius of Colchester , called there Colonia Londinensium ▪ the first root of whose succession we must fetch beyond Eleutherius , and as high as S. Peter himselfe : if it be true , that he o constituted Churches here , and ordained Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons in them ; as Symeon Metaphrastes relateth out of some part of p Eusebius ( as it seemeth ) that is not come unto our hands . But , to returne unto the Angels of the seven Churches , mentioned in the Revelation of S. Iohn : by what hath beene said , it is apparent , that seven singular Bishops , who were the constant Presidents over those Churches , are pointed at under that name . For other sure they could not be , if all of them were cast into one mould , and were of the same quality with Polycarpus , the then Angell of the Church in Smyrna : who without all question was such , if any credit may be given herein unto those that saw him and were well acquainted with him . And as Tertullian in expresse termes affirmeth him to have beene placed there by S. Iohn himselfe ( in the testimony before alledged out of his q Prescriptions : ) so doth he else-where , from the order of the succeeding Bishops , not obscurely intimate , that the rest of that number were to be referred unto the same descent . r We have , saith he , the Churches that were bred by John . For although Marcion do reject his Revelation ; yet the order of the Bishops reckoned up unto their originall , will stand for Iohn to be their Founder . Neither doth the ancient Writer of the Martyrdome of Timothy ( mentioned by Photius ) meane any other by those seven Bishops , whose assistance he saith S. Iohn did use , after his returne from Patmos , in the governement of the Metropolis of the Ephesians , that is , of the Churches of Asia most properly so called , which in his time acknowledged the Bishop of Ephesus for their Primate . s Being revoked from his exile by the sentence of Nerva , he betook himselfe to the Metropolis of Ephesus ; and being assisted with the presence of the SEVEN Bishops , he took upon him the government of the Metropolis of the Ephesians : and continued , preaching the word of piety , untill the Empire of Trajan . That he remained with the Ephesians and the rest of the brethren of Asia , untill the daies of Trajan ; and that during the time of his abode with them , he published his Gospell ; is sufficiently witnessed by t Irenaeus . That upon his returne from the Island , after the death of Domitian , he applied himselfe to the government of the Churches of Asia , si confirmed likewise both by u Eusebius , and by x Hierom : who further addeth , that y at the earnest intreaty of the Bishops of Asia he wrote there his Gospell . And that he himselfe also , being free from his banishment , did ordaine Bishops in divers Churches , is clearely testified by Clement of Alexandria ; who lived in the next age after , and delivereth it as a certaine truth , which he had received from those who went before him and could not be farre from the time wherein the thing it selfe was acted . z When S. Iohn ( saith he ) Domitian the tyrant being dead , removed from the Island of Patmos unto Ephesus , by the intreaty of some he went also unto the neighbouring nations ; in some places constituting Bishops , in others founding whole Churches ▪ And thus much may suffice for the deduction of Episcopacie from the Apostolicall times . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64660e-130 a Act. 14.23 . b Tit. 1.5 . c Act. 20.28 . * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that is , to doe the duty of a Pastor to it . d Act. 20.17 . e Rev. 2.1 . f 1. Cor. 4.1 . * Luke 12.42 . g 1. Tim 3.2 . Tit. 1.7 . Act. 20.28 . h Epist. 13. Presbyteris & Diaconis . i Euseb. Hist. Eccles. 1.6 . c. 42. k Cornelius Cypriano Ep. 46. Cyprianus Presbyteris & Diaconis Ep. 6. l Cornelius Ep. 46. apud Cyprianum . m 1. Tim. 4.14 . a D. Rainold . Conference with Hart , chap. 8. divis 3. b {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Concil Chalcedon . Act. 11. c 〈…〉 . in Vit. Polycarp . cap 7. d N●tandum est ex 〈◊〉 , Timotheum in Ephesino Presbyterio 〈…〉 {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ( id est , antis●●●em ) ut vocat Justinus . Pez . Annotat. in 1. Tim. 5.19 . Qui politicae causa reliquis fratribus in coetu praeerat ( qu●m Iustinus {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} vocat ) peculiariter dici Episcopus coepit . Id. in Philip . 1.1 . e Euseb. Hist. Lib 3. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . f {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . & post . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Phot. B●bliothec . num . 254. g Polycrat . de Martyrio Timothei : inter Vitas Sanctorum ▪ edit. Lovanij anno 1485 ▪ h {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Polycrat . Epist. ad Victorem : apud Euseb lib. 5. Hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . i Theodoret in Dialogo 1. sive {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . k Felix III. in Epist. ad Zenonem . Imp. recitat . in V. Synodo Constantinopol . Act. 1. ( tomo 2. Concilior . pag. 220. edit. Binij , ann. 1606 ) l Johan . Mal●la Antiochenus , Chronic. lib. 10. M.S. m {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Iren. advers. haeres . lib. 5. cap. 30. Euseb. lib. Hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . n Euseb. Chronic. Hieron. Catal. scriptor . Ecclesiast . in Johanne . o Euseb. lib. 3. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . p {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ignat epist. ad E●h●s q {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. r {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. s {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. t {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. u {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. in epist. ad Smyrn. x {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid y {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , &c. Ibid. z {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Iren. advers haeres lib 3. cap. 3. Euseb. lib. 4 hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . a Iren. in epist ad Florinum : ( apud Euseb. lib. 5. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ) & ad Victorem ( ibid. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ) b {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Iren lib 3. cap. 3. ut suprà . c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Smyrnens . eccle. . epist. encycl de martyrio Polycarpi Euseb. lib 4. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . d {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Polycrat . epist. ad Victorem : apud Euseb. lib. 5. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . e Sicut Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia Polycarpum ab Johanne conlocatum resert ; sicut Romanorum Clementem à Petro ordinatum edit : proinde ( or perinde ) utique 〈◊〉 ●●ceterae exhibent quos , ab Apostolis in Episcopatum constitutos . Apostolici seminis traduces habent . Tertullian de Praescript . cap. 32. Vid. & ejusd lib. 4. contra Marcion . cap. 5. f Successiones Episcoporum , quibus Apostolicam quae in unoquoque loco est Ecclesiam tradiderunt . Iren. lib. 4. advers. haeres . cap. 63. g Omnes enim ij valdè posteriores sunt , quàm Episcopi , quibus Apostoli tradiderunt Ecclesias . Id. lib. 5. cap. 20. h Habemus annumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesijs , & successores eorum usque ad nos ; qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt quale ab his deliratur . Id. lib. 3. cap 3. i {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. ibid. & apud Eu●eb lib 5. hist {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . & s. ibid. l {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . hegesip. . apud Euseb. lib 4. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . m Cùm Eleutherius vir sanctus Pontificatui Romanae Ecclesiae praeesset , misit ad eum Lucius Britannorum Rex epistolam ; obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus efficeretur . Et mox effectū piae postulationis consecutus est : susceptamque fidem Britanni usque in tempora Diocletiani Principis inviolatam integramque quietâ pace servabant . Bed. hist. ecclesiast . Anglor . lib. 1. cap. 4. n Tom. 1. Concilior . Galiae , à Sirmondo edit. pag. 9. o {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Metaphrast . Commentar. de Petro & Paulo ; ad diem 29 Iu●ij . p {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. q Tertull. Praescript . cap. 32. & , post eum , Hieronymus in Catal. script . Ecclesiast . cap. 17. Polycarpus , Joannis Apostoli discipulus , ab eo Smyrnae Episcopus ordinatus . r Ha●emus & Joannis alumnas Ecclesias . Nam etsi Apocalypsim ejus Marcion respuit ; ordo tamen Episcoporum ad originem recensus , in Joannem stabit auctorem . Sic & caeterarum generositas recognoscitur . Tertullian . advers. Marcion . lib. 4. cap 5. s {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Phot. Bibliothec num 254. t Irenae . advers heraes . lib. 2 cap. 39. item lib. 3 . c 1. & 3. u Euseb. lib. 3. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . x Hie●onym . in Catal. script ecclesiast . cap 9. y Id ibid. & Praefat. in Evangel Matthaei ▪ z {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Clem. Alexandrin . in lib de divite salvando ( qui falso Origenis nomine habetur editus , ad calcem tomi 3. Commentariorum Michaelis Ghislerij ) Euseb. hist. lib 3. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . 
A28864	----	Master Geree's Case of conscience sifted Wherein is enquired, vvhether the King (considering his oath at coronation to protect the clergy and their priviledges) can with a safe conscience consent to the abrogation of episcopacy. By Edward Boughen. D.D. Mr. Gerees Case of conscience sifted. Boughen, Edward, 1587?-1660? 1650 Approx. 459 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 81 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28864 Wing B3814 ESTC R216288 99828026 99828026 32453 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28864) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 32453) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1944:2) Master Geree's Case of conscience sifted Wherein is enquired, vvhether the King (considering his oath at coronation to protect the clergy and their priviledges) can with a safe conscience consent to the abrogation of episcopacy. By Edward Boughen. D.D. Mr. Gerees Case of conscience sifted. Boughen, Edward, 1587?-1660? [8], 71, 70-141, [1] p. [s.n.], London : printed in the yeare, 1650. An edition of: Boughen, Edward. Mr. Gerees Case of conscience sifted. A reply to: Geree, John. A case of conscience resolved. Text is continuous despite pagination. Reproduction of the original in the Congretional Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Geree, John, 1601?-1649. -- Case of conscience resolved -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Solemn League and Covenant (1643). -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Divine right of kings -- Early works to 1800. Church polity -- Early works to 1800. 2006-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Master GEREE'S CASE of CONSCIENCE SIFTED . Wherein is enquired , VVhether the KING ( considering His Oath at Coronation to protect the Clergy and their Priviledges ) can with a safe Conscience consent to the Abrogation of EPISCOPACY . AUG . de Trin. l. 4. c. 6. Contra rationem nemo sobrius , contra Scripturas nemo Christianus , contra Ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit . CYPR. Ep. 27 Dominus noster , cujus praecepta metuere , & observare debemus , Episcopi honorem , & Ecclesiae suae rationem disposuit . Dr. CORN . BURGES . Fire of the Sanctuary . p. 68. Men now count it an high piece of zeal to direct their Directors ; and like Clock-makers to take the Church all in pieces at their pleasure . By EDWARD BOUGHEN , D. D. LONDON . Printed in the yeare , 1650. TO THE MOST EXCELLENT AND PIOUS PRINCE , CHARLES , KING of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , and Guardian of the Church . SIR , IT may seem strange to some ; but , my hope is not to Your Majesty , that I make this Dedication , at this time , to Your sacred Person . The matter of this Treatise is in Your behalf ; it justifies Your solemn Oath at Coronation , the just necessitie of this Oath ; as also Your Crown and dignity , and the goodliest Floure in that Crown , Supremacy . To whose hands then should I chiefly present it , but to Yours ? The times affright me not from my faith , and duty . I remember well , that during the Ecclipse of heaven and the King of heaven , there was one , that durst acknowledge our Saviours Kingdom ; and in the full assurance of his title , preferr'd his petition to him as a King. And shall I be ashamed to do the like ? I know , You are my onely Soveraign here on earth . I know , You represent my Saviour in his kingly office ▪ though Your Crown be wreathed with thorns . With all humility therefore I present this acknowledgement of my most loyall affections , which are due to Your sacred Majestie , from Your poore , but most faithfull Subject , Edward Boughen . To the intelligent READER . I Was intreated by a very good Friend to take Mr. Gerees Case of Conscience into consideration , and to bestow some pains in disclosing the weaknesse and foulnesse of his arguing . Truly I was willing to undeceive my seduced Countreymen , and yee ded to his request . The Treatise I finde to be small , but dangerous . It aims at the ruine both of Church and Kingdom . It perswades the King , that his Oath as Coronation is a wicked Oath , and that he ought to break it . And then wo be to his Soul , and the Kingdoms safety . Yea he affirms it to be a Vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie . Thus he hath knit up out most gracious Soveraign , with all His religious Predecessors , in the bundle of iniquity No sooner read I this , but b my heart was hot within me ; and while I was musing upon this , and the like blasphemies ▪ the fi●e was kindled within me , and at the last I spake with my tongue . c Why should this Shimei blaspheme my Lord the King ? and d slander the footsteps of those anointed of the Lord , that have so long slept in peace ? e Because he hath done this wickednesse , the Lord shall return it upon his owne pa●e And King Charles shall eblessed ; and his throne shall be established before the Lord for ever . Consult I pray you , with Dr. Cornelius Burges a feirce Assembly man , and of great authority among them ; and he will tell you , that f God is tender not onely of the safety , but also of the honour of HIS ANOINTED . In so much , that g he hath made a law to all , not to revile the Gods , nor curse the Ruler of the people . Which Law ( saith he ) not onely proh●biteth imprecations , and seditious railings which are an HELLISH IMPIETY , though it be but in word onely , ●e the Prince never so impious ) but even all rude , bitter , and unseemly speeches . And Mr. Nathaniel Ward in his Sermon upon Ezech. 19. 14. preached before the Commons , June 30. 1647. affirmes h that besides the male administrations of Government by Magistrates themselves , there is no readier way to prosti●ute it , then to suffer vile men to BLASPHEME AND SPIT IN THE FACE OF AUTHORITY . All this Master Geree hath done most undeservedly . If then I shall cleare the Kings Oath from these foule imputations , I shall prove Mr. Geree to be involved i in the bond of iniquity . And he that is so , k his heart is not right in the sight of God , l he is in the very gall of bitternesse Just in Simon Magus case . I shall therefore take up S. Peters words , and advise him , to m Repent of this his wickednesse , & to pray God , if perhaps the thought of his heart may be forgiven him . If you conceiv●● I have ventered upon some questions , not so fit to be handled ▪ & without my Profession , I beseech you take notice , that this Minister hath led me into these undesired , and unpleasant pathes . He that undertakes to answer a book , is bound to confute all , but what he approves . Silence in such passages , speaks consent . Good Reader , let true reason , Scripture , and authority guide thee , and then thou shalt be sure to judge impartially . Take notice , that J G. stands for Mr. John Gerees Case of Conscience . I D. for Jus Divinum regiminis Ecclesiastici . Sir Robert Cotton ; for his Treatise , that the Soveraignes person is required in the great Councels , or Assemblies of the State. His Majesties Oath published by Himself in an Answer to the Lords and Commons in Parliament . 26. May. 1642. SIR , will you grant and keep , and by your Oath confirm to the people of England , the Laws and Customs to them granted by the Kings of England , you Lawfull and Religious Predecessors ; and namely the Laws , and Customs , and Franchises granted to the Clergie by the glorious King S. Edward , your Predecessor , according to the Laws of God , the true profession of the Gospel established in this Kingdom , and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof , and the ancient Customs of this Realme ? Rex . I grant and promise to keep them . Episcopus . Sir , will you keep Peace and godly agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to God and the Holy Church , the Clergie and the people ? Rex . I will keep it . Episcopus . Sir , will you ( to your power ) cause Law , Justice , and Discretion in mercie , and truth to be executed in all your Judgments ? Rex . I will ▪ Episcopus . Will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightfull Customs , which the Commonaltie of this your Kingdom have , and will you defend and uphold them , to the honour of God , so much as in you lieth ? Rex . I grant and promise so to do . Then one of the Bishops reads this Admonition to the King , before the people , with a loud voice . OUR Lord and King , We beseech you to pardon & grant , and to preserve unto us , and to the Churches committed to our charge , all Canonicall Priviledges , and due Law and Justice : and that you would protect and defend us , as every good King ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and Churches under his Government . Rex . With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my part , and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches committed to your charge ▪ all Canonicall priviledges ▪ and due Law and Justice : and that I will be your Protector and Defender , to my power , by the assistance of God , as every good King in his Kingdome by right ought to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under his Government . Then the King ariseth , and is led to the Communion Table where he makes a solemne Oath , in sight of all the ●●op●e , to observe the premises , and laying his hand on the Booke saith , The Oath . The Things , that I have before promised , I shall perform and keep , so p 〈…〉 me God , and the Contents of this Book . The Contents . CHAP. I. VVHether the King may lawfully consent to the abrogation of Episcopacy . 1. CHAP. II. Whether the Kings Oath taken at his Coronation , be an unlawfull Oath . 4. CHAP. III. Whether Prelacy in the Church of England were an usurpation . 9. CHAP. IV. Whether the King may consent to the abrogation of Episcopacy , if so that calling be lawfull . 18. CHAP. V. Whether ye have not bound your selves by your Solemne League and Covenant to maintaine Episcopacy . 22. CHAP. VI. Whether the King , without impeachment to his Oath at Coronation , may consent to the abrogation of Episcopacy . 31 CHAP. VII . Whether the King may desert Episcopacy without perjury . 37. CHAP. VIII . Whether the Kings Oath to the Clergie be injurious to his other subjects , and inconsistent with his Oath to the people . 41. CHAP. IX . How far forth , and wherein the Clergie is subject to a Parliament , and to what Parliament . 52 CHAP. X. Whether it be lawfull for the King to abrogate the Rights of the Clergie . 60. CHAP. XI . Whether the Clergie and Laity be two distinct bodies , or one body Politicke . That Church-men in all ages had some singular priviledges allowed them . 69. CHAP. XII . Whether to sit and Vote in Parliament be incongruous to the calling of Bishops . 78. CHAP. XIII . Certaine light and scandalous speeches concerning Prince & Preist , tenderly touched . 87. CHAP. XIV . Whether the Lands of the Church may be forfeited by the misdemeanour of the Clergie . 93. CHAP. XV. Whether it be lawfull to take away the Bishops Lands , and to confer them upon the Presbytery . 104. CHAP. XVI . How far forth the King ought to protect the Church & Bishops . 114 CHAP. XVII . Whether there be two Supremacies in this Kingdome . 127 Mr. GEREES Case of Conscience SIFTED . CHAP. I. Whether the King may lawfully consent to the abrogation of Episcopacy . 1. I Find a Case of Conscience proposed by Mr. Geree , and this it is ; a Whether the King ( considering his O that Coronation , to protect the Clergie and their Priviledges ) can salvâ conscientiâ consent to the abrogation of Episcopacy ? But why ( I pray you ) is the question proposed here , when you have determined it before ? For doth not your Title page speak thus ? In this Case of Conscience it is cleared , that the King may , without impeachment to his Oath , touching the Clergie at Coronation , consent to the Abrogation of Episcopacy . Thus you have full magisterially determined , before the question be so much as proposed . Is this the fashion , first to resolve , and then to argue the case ? This may be the course of Hereticks ; it is otherwise with good Catholicks . But you are resolved to maintain , that a Christian may swear and forswear , without the least prejudice to his soul . 2. And your practice is accordingly ; witnesse the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy ; which you with your great Masters have taken more then once . And those of your perswasion have taken up Arms against their Soveraign Lord , without impeachment to their Oath of Allegiance ; and maintain that b The Parliament is subordinate to no power under Heaven , without any breach of the Oath of Supremacie . And your self , like a good Preacher of Gods Word , have taken the Oath of Canonicall obedience to the Bishop ; and yet endeavour the abrogation of Episcopacy , and the extirpation of that Order , from whence you had your Orders , and without which you could have had no Orders . 3. Me thinks , the Smectymnuans should not endure this Proposition , since with them a Bishop and a Presbyter are one and the same . Thus , while you endeavour to ruinate Episcopacy , you subvert the Presbytery , according to their tenets . I wonder much , how your case hath passed so long unsifted , and uncensured by the Divine Masters of your learned Assembly . 4. But I shall take it for your best advantage , as it is distinguished , or ( as we say ) a distinct order from Presbytery . I shall also take into consideration , the severall motives , which you produce for the Abrogation of Episcopacy . 5. Whereof your first is this ; that c there is no hope of the Kings or Kingdoms safetie , without an union between our King and Parliament . I must confesse with anguish of spirit , as matters have been handled , the King and Kingdom are driven into a great streight ; and an Vnion between our King and your Parliament hath been prayed for , and sought for by all commendable , or tolerable means . The hope left us is onely in our God and Saviour , whose custome it is to d scatter the proud in the imagination of their hearts ; to pull down the mighty from their throne , and to exalt the humble and meek . Thus can he e shew strength with his arm , and do great things for us . And this , I hope , in his due time he will do , and reduce this Kingdom from irreligion and sacriledge ; and not cast off the innocent with the prophane blasphemers . Oh , that we might begge that blessing from Heaven , to see a Parliament rightly regulated , religiously minded , and with-out any by ends of their own : f men of courage , fearing God , men dealing truly , hating covetousnesse . Such , as will not be g led by a multitude to do evil , or to subvert the truth . I am certain , we should then have an Union , a blessed Vnion between King and Parliament . 6. But by you it seems , that h there is now no probable or possible means of reconciliation left , in mans judgement , unlesse the King yeeld to the extirpation of Episcopacy . You should have added , unlesse he lay down his Lands , Royalties , and just Prerogatives at his Subjects feet : unlesse he abandon the wife of his bosome , and become a stranger to the Children of his loins : unlesse he sacrifice his friends to the malice of his foes , and the ruine of whole families to their avarice : unlesse he cast off the Service of God , that most excellent form of Common Prayer , and give up the houses and lands of God , and all that is accounted holy , to satiate their sacrilegious appetite . 7. But , in sober sadnesse , do you beleeve that the Abrogation of Episcopacy is that , they yawn at ? You are mistaken , good brother , the Episcopall houses and lands , as also what ever belongs to Deans and Chapters , to Archdeacons and Prebendaries , are the things they hunger and thirst after ; they will wipe your mouthes of all such morsels : as their Ordinances for the sale of such Lands have fully manifested . 8. And wheras you seem to be much troubled for his Majesty , lest i he should condescend renitente conscientia , against conscience , to gratifie you in this kind , and to bring sin upon himself . Which you perceive , and in a manner confesse , he must do , if he do , as you would have him : for you say , It would be sinfull to himself . Thus you endeavour to perswade our Soveraign into sin , upon pretence to sin : how you can salve it , we shall see hereafter . In the mean space I must tell you , that you trouble your self for the King , blessed be God , without cause ; for we cannot perceive , that He is inclinable to gratifie you in this kinde . Neither doth every reluctance of conscience make a grant sinfull ; but onely when my conscience checks me upon just grounds . It is not the renitence , or strugling , of conscience , but the pulling down of Gods Ordinance , Episcopacy , that makes the sin ; though , I confesse , the sin is the greater , if it be done upon deliberation against conscience ; let the pretence be , what you please . If this indeed should prove to be the Kings case , which God forbid , then must it necessarily follow , that k it would be sinfull to him ; and so he should forfeit inward to procure outward peace ; and be represented to times in the glasse of conscience , to adventure the heavenly , to retain an earthly Crown . Nothing more certain . Wo then be to him , or them , who ever they be , that plot , how they may endanger the Kings earthly Crown , that so they may deprive him of his heavenly inheritance . He hath been tried as gold in the furnace ; he hath been enforced thorow fire and water ; but for all this , with Gods blessing he shall arrive in the haven of happinesse . 9. But there is an l Oath , that stands in the way , which was taken at the Kings Coronation . This hath been prest by some Learned pens , with that probabilitie , that ( by your own confession ) may stumble a right intelligent Reader . But you are none of that number , you stumble not , but smoothly passe over such rubs ; and though m they have not hitherto received any satisfactory answer , yet now we shall have it in Print n . By your pains the Obj●ctions shall be cleared , which while they stand unanswe●ed , cast an ill reflection upon the King , in condescending to abrogate Episcopacy . I beseech you , do you dream ? Who told you , that His Majestie had condescended to this impious and Antichristian demand ? No , no , blessed be God , he hath done Christ , and his Church , and himself that honour , in the refusall of this Proposition , that His memory shall be glorious in our Histories , and his Name high in the book of life . But for certain , they will cast an ill , a foule , an infamous ref●●ction upon those , who ever they be , that shall presse him to this unchristian act . This you , and your Masters of the Assembly can never avert with all your Dutch devices , and Geneva fallacies . I say it now , it shall be explained hereafter . 10. But why am I so forward , when o the Kings Oath may be taken off two wayes ; either by clearing the unlawfulnesse of it ; or else by manifesting , that p though Episcopacy be lawfull , yet notwithstanding that his Oath , the King may consent to the abrogation of Episcopacy . Both these your wayes shall be severally taken into consideration ; and first for the unlawfulnesse thereof . CHAP. II. Whether the Kings Oath taken at his Coronation , be an unlawfull Oath . 1. YOu say , and say truly , that a the oath , which is vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie , is void the first day . And your reason is firme ; for Qui jurat in iniquu● , obligatur in contrarium , he that swears to do that , which is unjust , is bound to performe the contrary . Your argument hitherto is good ; and upon these very grounds we will joyne issue . But how will you proove , that his Majestie hath sworne to uphold that , which is unjust or impious ? This shall be done by manifesting that b the King hath sworne to maintaine that , which is contrary to Christs Institution . And what is that ? Episcopacy , say you . Your resolution is high and peremptory , as if you were settled upon infall blegrounds ; which upon just try all will dissolve into sand . And yet with you I readily acknowledge , that c If Prelacie in the Church be an usurpation contra●y to Christs Institution ; then to maintain it , is to sin , and all bonds to sin are frustrate . 2. I hope you use no tricks ; but fairely without any fallacie , according to the question proposed , by Prelacie you mean Episcopacy , properly and strictly so called . Otherwise there are foure termes in your syllogisme . Now if this proposition be firme , upon the same grounds it will follow , you cannot deny it , that If Supremacie in the Parliament be an usurpation contrary to Christs Institution ; then to maintain it , is to sin . But Supremacie in the Parliament is an usurpation contrary to Christs Institution ; Ergo to maintaine it , is to sin . That Supremacie in the Parliament is contrary to Christs Institution , is evident by St. Peter , who placeth Supremacie in the King ; in these words , d Submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake , whether it be unto the KING as SUPREME , or unto GOVERNOURS , that are SENT BY HIM , by the King. And every rationall man cannot but discerne , that there can be but one , not two Supremes , in the same Kingdome , e as you would have it . But of this more fully in the last Chapter . Secondly , it followes , If ordination by Presbyters be an usurpation contrary to Christs Institution , then to maintain it , is to sin . But O●dination by Presbyters is an usurpation contrary to Christs Institution . To maintain it therefore is to sin . The minor with Gods blessing , shall suddenly be made good against the Presbyterian Jus divinum . Thirdly , If Episcopacy in the Church be no Vsurpation , but Christs Institution , then to endeavour the extirpation thereof , is sin . But Episcopacy in the Church is no usurpation ; but Christs Institution . Therefore to endeavour the extirpation thereof , is sin . 3. That f you , your Assembly , and Parliament , have made and taken an oath to extirpate Episcopacy , is too notorious to be denyed . But if I shall prove , that Episcopacy is not contrary to Christs Institution , then shall I cleare the Kings oath from sin . Secondly , if I shall demonstrate , that Episcopacy is the Institution of Christ , then is your Covenant g vinculum iniquitatis , the very bond iniquitie ; and you are bound in conscience publickly and penitently to retract it . That the same Order cannot be Christs Institution , and contrary to Christs Institution , is so apparent a truth , that a meer idiot may discern it . But the Order of Bishops is Christs Institution : and yet ye have sworne to up with it root and branch . Much like to those in the Prophet , h Let us destroy the tree , with the fruit thereof . And yet the root of Episcopacy is our B. Saviour ; Who is called i the Bishop of our soules ; from him it takes his rise ; from him it receives life , it springs up , and is watered with the dew of his heavenly blessing . 4. We know , that he , from whom a familie springs , is called the root of that familie . That * our Saviour is the root of Episcopacy , that from him it received being and life , is evident in the Apostles strictly so called , who had their Orders immediately from Christ , as is evident S. Mat : 10. S. Luk : 9. S. I● : 20. 21. &c. To them he gave power to ordain Apostles , in Gratis accepistis , gratis date . S. Mat. 10. 8. so S. k Ambrose , so S. l Jerome , so m Gennadius Patriarch of Constantinople , with seventy and three Bishops more in a full Synod . Our Saviours words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the Greekes understands thus , A gift ye have received , give ye this gift . This Commission he renewed unto them after his Resurrection , in these words , n As my Father sent me , so send I you . So S. o Hilarie , so p S. Cyril , and other with them , upon the strength of this commission Christs Apostles ordeined some other to be Apostles , conferring upon them the same honour and power which they themselves had received from Christ . This is evident in S Iames Bishop of Hierusalem , in Epaphroditus , Bishop of Philippi , and in Apollos Bishop of Corinth . These are called Apostles in Scripture ; S. Iames , Gal. 1. 19. Epaphroditus , Phil. 2. 25. Apollos , 1 Cor. 4. 9. And these are confessed to be Apostoli ab ipsis , Ap stolis ordinati , Apostles o●dained by the Apostles ; Even by q S. Jerome , r Calvin , and your mighty champion ſ Walo Melsalinus . 5. Apostles they were at that time called , but afterwards that title , upon just occasion was taken from them , and the name of B●shop was setled upon them , and their successors in Office. So Theodoret. t The same persons were sometimes called both Presbiters and Bishops , but those who are now named BISHOPS , were then called APOSTLES . But in processe of time the title of APOSTLE was reserved to those , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 APOSTLES properly and t●uly so called . And the name of BISHOP became appropriated to those , who were lately called APOSTLES . Hence is it , that Timothy and Titus are called Bishops and Apostles : Bishops in the postscripts of those Epistles , which were written to them by S. Paul ; but Apostles by k Ignatius , l Theodoret , and m many other . 6. Bishops they were at that time called , when Episcopacy was distinguished from the Presbyteriall Order ; But n Apostles they were named , when a Bishop and a Presbyter were one and the same . These were o Apost●es not onely by name , but in office and power ; and p governed Churches and their Presbyter-Bishops by the same right , and with the same authority , that the cheife and prime Apostles swaied them with . And as they governed , so they , and they onely ordained Pres●yters . 7. From hence we argue thus . They , that have the same name and office with the true Apostles , are of the same order with the true Apostles . Bu● Bishop Timothy , and Bishop Titus , and Bishop Epaphroditus have the same name and office with the true Apostles . They are therefore of the same order with the true Apostles . q The major is Smectymnuus his Proposition , and not to be doubted of . The minor , or second Proposition shall be justified by Salmasius ; who in severall passages acknowledgeth this name , and office , and power in Epaphroditus Bishop of Philippi . Take this for all ; r Epaphroditus Pau●o dicitur Apostolus Philippensium ; quia ad Philippenses eum miser at ad Ecclesiam eorum confirmandam , & constituendos in eâ Presbyteros & Episcopos ▪ That the name of Apostle was usually given to Timothy and Titus , I have already manifested . That the Apost●licall power was in each of them , is evident by those Epistles , which S. Paul wrote unto them : and more briefly in these words to Titus ſ For this cause left I thee in Creete , that thou shouldest SET IN ORDER , o● redresse , WHAT IS WANTING , or a misse , and ORDAIN PRESBYTERS in every City as I have appointed thee . Herein is both Jurisdiction and Ordination allowed him ; and the maine power of the Apostolicall Order consists in Jurisdiction and Ordination . Herein the Bishops , and onely Bishops , succeed them . 8. Since then the Apostleship and Episcopacy , are one & the same Office , he that is the root and author of the one , is the root and author of the other . But Christ is the root and author of the Apostleship ; he is therefore the root and author of Episcopacy . In Covenanting then to take away Episcopacy root and branch , you have done no lesse then Covenanted to take away Jesus Christ , t who gave the Ap●stles , and u ordeined them in the Church . Indeed ye have taken the ready way to root him out o● our hearts & soules . For ye have absolutely stripped the Church of the three Creeds , the ten Commandments , and the Lords Prayer , with the Epistles and Gospels ; wherein was daily mention made of our B. God. and Saviour , as also of his power , pleasure , and mercy . And what I pray you , is become of the Lords Supper , x which we are commanded to administer and receive , in remembrance of our B. Saviour ? And y unlesse we eat his flesh , and drink his blood , in that holy Sacrament , we have no life abiding in us . Many Parishes in this Kingdom have been utterly deprived of this heavenly Supper , even since their lawfull Parsons or Vicars have been imprisoned , or sequestred by your instigation . So farewell ro●t and branch , and fruit , as much as in you lieth . And now , I hope , the Kings Oath is cleerly discharged of sin ; and your Covenant sufficiently proved to be the bond of iniquity . 9. But how comes it to passe , that if root and branch must up , yet by your Ordinance some branches of that root may be preserved ? For it is resolved , that z Ordination performed by a BISHOP , being a Presbyter , j●yned with other Presbyters , is for substance va●id , and not to be disclaimed●y any , that have received it . And most probable it is , that you are a branch , or sucker , of that root . For a Presbyters so ordained , shall he admitted to a charge , without any new ordination . Is not this a flat contradiction ? some branches lopped off , and some spared ; is this according to your solemne league and Covenant ? Indeed had they taken all branches away , which spring from that root , there had hardly been a man of any learning left . And is not that Clerke , who hath been ordeined by a Bishop , a wise man , to sware to root himselfe up , if not here , yet out of the land of the living . For he that is not a member of the Church militant , can never be a Saint in the Church triumphant . CHAP. III. whether Prelacy in the Church of England were an usurpation . 1. THe Question proposed is , of Episcopacy ; the Oath is for the maintenance of Episcopacy ; and your endeavour is for the abrogation of Episcopacy . According to your sense therefore by Prelacy I understand Episcopacy , which you have vowed and covenanted to extirpate . Whether upon just grounds , or no , shall be now enquired . For the Office is either good or bad , lawfull or unlawfull , necessary or indifferent . If in it self bad , and utterly unlawfull , God forbid , but we should joyne in the extirpation of it . If indifferent , it is in the breast of authority , to allow , or disallow it . But if simply lawfull , and good , and necessary , for the being and continuation of a Church , then it is not in the just power of man to discard it , or cast it off . And yet you resolve , that b the Kings Oath to uphold Episcopacy is sin . If sin , then it necessarily followes , that Episcopacy in it self is naught , and utterly unlawfull . Thus in the first place you condemne all the Kings and Queens of this Kingdome , that have taken this oath . Secondly , you condemne those many Saints of God , that have discharged this Office of Episcopacy . Thirdly , You condemne all those Fathers , and Councels , which justify a necessity of Bishops . And last of all you condemn the whole Church of Christ , which from her Infancie hath been governed by Bishops . Is not this to c blaspheme the footsteps of the Lords anointed ? Is not this to question the actions of those Saints d to whom the Faith was first delivered ? Is not this to vilifie the Spouse of Christ , and Christ himselfe ▪ who hath suffered the Church to erre so foully from the beginning . 2. But how shall it be proved , that Episcopacy is so bad , that it is a sin to defend it ? An universall Proposition must have an universall Proofe . Exparticulari nonest syllogizari . A particular makes no proofe , but for that particular , whereof it treats . I● I manifest , that Monarchy , or Arist●cracy hath been a●used in such a State or Nation , by such or such a Prince , or Peeres , do I therefore justifie , that it is a sin to defend Moarchy , or Aristocracy ; O● if I shall make it appeare , That some Parliament men have abused that trust , which is committed to them , is therefore a Parliament naught ? This follows not ; but hereby I manifest , that they who at that time sat at the helme in that place , did abuse that , which in it self is good . Is the Apostleship naught , because Judas abused himself and that ? Is Episcopacy bad , because Gregory VII ▪ of Rome , George of Cappadocia , or Paulus Samosatenus abused their place and function ? Far be it from me to argue , or conclude in this manner . I have learned to distinguish between the office and the Officer : The Office may be simply good , and the Officer extremely bad . This then is no argument against Episcopacy , though perchance you may prove , that Episcopacy hath been ill managed . 3. But view we your own words , which are the minor of your conditionall Syllogisme ; which are these . e And truly as Prelacy stood with us in England ingr●ssing all ruledome in the Church into the hands of a few L. Bishops , I think it may be cleered to be an usurpation . And truly I think not . So you and I are of two severall opinions . But truly your thinking shall be cleered ●y this one argument . f That power , that dispoiles any of Christs Officers , of any Priviledge , or duty indulged or injoined them by the word of God , that power is an usurpation against the word . But this Prelacy did , as it stood in England Ergo , English Prelacie was an usurpation against the word of God. 4. How properly you speake , and how strongly you argue , let the intelligent judge : That you , and others may be sensible of the strength of your argument , under favour of Parliament , I shall invert it thus . That power that despoiles any of Christs Officers of any priviledge or duty indulged or injoined them by the word of God , that power is an usurpation against the Word . But this the Parliament doth , as it stands now in England Ergo , the English Parliament is an usurpation against the word of G●d . I hope you know your own argument ; though it alter a terme , it alters not the forme . g The Major , you say , is cleer of it self , it needs no proofe , as you conceive . The difficultie is in the Minor ; and that I make good thus , out of your own words . h Presbyters are by Christs warrant , in Scripture indued with power to rule in their own congregations , as well as preach . But the Parliament hath banished many hundreds of us from our own congregations , and barred us from preaching therein . Ergo , The Parliament hath despoiled many of Christs officers of their priviledges and duties indulged , and injoyned them by the Word of God. You cannot deny us to be Christs officers , since we are Presbyters . That we are Presbyters , is acknowledged by your great Masters ; i who grant all those to be Presbyters , who have been ordained by a Bishop j●yned with other Presbyters . And so , I am sure , we are . 5. Let a review be taken of the soliditie of your former argument ; and then we shall finde you offend in limine , in that Major , which is so clear of it self . For do not you say thus ? That power , that despoils any of Christs ●fficers of any priviledge , or duty indulged or injoyned them by the Word of God , that power is an usurpation against the Word . Had you said , That power , that wrongfully , or causelesly despoils any of Christs officers , &c. you had said something . You have not , it seems , learned to distinguish between justly and unjustly ; but we must . And yet k this Proposition is clear of it self , if we take your word . But Gods Word and yours , are two . Gods Word saies , l Non est potestas nisi à Deo , There is no power but of God ; but you say , that there is a power , which is an usurpation against the Word of God. But how can that be usurpata , which is data ; both usurped , and given ? That it is given by God , m our Saviour testifies , S. Joh. 19. 11. Indeed this power may be abused ; and the abuse of this power is an usurpation . The office is from God , the abuse from our selves . But you cannot , or will not distinguish between the office and the abuse . If all ●ffi●es must be discarded , because the officers have done a misse , what office will remain in this Kingdom ? I fear , not one . 6. We read , that n Pas●ur the High Priest set Jeremie the Prophet in the stocks for preaching the truth , o which the Lord had commanded him to preach . And yet who dares say that the High Priesthood in the old Law was an usurpation ? We know , that p the office of a King is Gods own ordinance ; and yet we dare not say , that the power of Jehoi●kim King of Juda was an usurpation against Gods Word , when q he slew Vrijah the Prophet . But we may safely and truly justifie , that he abused his power . And so did King Zedekiah , when r he imprisoned Jeremiah for prophesying , what the Lord had injoyned him to denounce . Both Regall and Priestly power are the gift of God ; they cannot therefore but be good . But the abuse of this power to other ends then God gave it , is the viciousnesse of man , and therefore bad . ſ Solomon made just use of this power , when he despoiled Abiathar the High Priest not onely of his priviledges , but also of his office , and of all that belonged to his office . The reason is , because t Abiathar for his treason deserved this and an heavier doom . And I presume , it was no usurpation in St. Paul , when u he delivered Hymeneus unto Satan , that he might learn not to blaspheme : nor yet when he x anathematized and accursed those Preachers , that taught otherwise , then they had received . If then our Bishops have made use of this power in silencing or depriving hereticall , schismaticall , or seditious Preachers , y they have done no more then they ought to do . This therefore is no usurpation , but a just use of that power , which with their Orders was conferr'd upon them for this end and purpose . 7. I have done with your Major ; now to your Minor. z But this Prelacy did ▪ as it stood in England . What did it ? why it a despoiled Christs ●fficers ( the good Presbyters that preached up the Scottish discipline and doctrine ) of their priviledges indulged , and duty inj●yned them by the Word of God. If they deserved this censure , it was no despoiling , but a just deprivation . If they deserved it not , let it be proved . I am sure , Courts and Committees have been long enough open , to receive large informations , and easie proofs against them . And I am as sure , that our Saviour never indulged any such priviledge to his Apostles , or any other of his ●fficers , as to vent heresie , schisme , or sedition . If any Bish●p be faultie , I plead not for him . I justifie Episcopacy , not the Bishop . Judas was bad , cut his Episcopacy good ; Judas offended , but not his office . Judas was cut off , not his Episcopacy ; b the office is continued , and a good man must be put into it . So St. Peter . And c let another take HIS BISHOPPRICK . So the Spirit of Prophecie . Prelacy therefore is not in fault ; but the Prelate . And it is as false a speech to say ▪ Prelacy despoils any , as to say , Judicature wrongs any . Since we know , that Judicature is blamelesse , when the Judge is criminous . And as improper a speech it is to say , that a man is despoiled of his duty : I may be forbidden my duty , but not spoiled of it : because I am bound to discharge it , though forbidden , if unlawfully forbidden . 8. But what are these priviledges , and duties , whereof they are said to be despoiled ? The particulars are these ; d Power to rule , and to preach in their own congregations ; and this power they are indued with ●y Christs warrant . Power to Rule , and by Christs warrant , sound high , and raise attention . And this they have as well , as much , as power to preach ; if we may beleeve you . As if they had ruledome ( as you call it ) from Christ himself . If this be doubted of , you give us Scripture for it , and that in foure severall texts . The first is this , e If any cannot rule his own house , how shall he take care for the Church ? Here is care to be taken for the Church , but no rule given to a Presbyter in the Church , unlesse you allow him as much power to rule in his Parish , as he hath in his own house . To which assertion no man , I conceive , will subscribe . It is required indeed , f if any Lay-man desire to be a Presbyter-Bishop , that before he be ordained , he be known to be such a one , g that could rule his own house well . But what is this to prove , that by Christs warrant in Scripture a Presbyter is indued with power to rule in his eongregation ? Alas , h this government , as your learned brethren confesse , is but domesticall in private families ; not Ecclesiasticall in the publick congregation . In like manner i Deacons must be such , as rule their houses and children well . And yet ye allow them no ruledome in the Church , but set Lay-Ruling Elders to over-top them . No warrant here for this Presbyteriall ruling power ; what may come hereafter , shall be examined . 9. The next proof is from the same Epistle ; the words are these ; k I charge thee before God , and the Lord Jesus Christ , and the elect Angels , that THOV OBSERVE THESE THINGS without preferring one before another , and do nothing partially . This is something , were it to the purpose . Here is a large authoritie given to Timothy in this Chapter ; and a charge in this verse , that he be carefull to discharge his office with integritie . But what is this to the point in question ? Alas , you are clean mistaken in your mark . It rests upon you to prove , that this power in Scripture is given to a Presbyter-Bishop ; whereas it is here given to an Apostle-Bishop ; who is clean of another , an higher order . If I should justifie , that a Sergeant at Law hath power to hear and determine Suits in Westminster-Hall , because the Justices of the Kings Bench , and Common Ple●● have such a Commission , you would think , I were beside the cushion ; and so are you . 10. In the third place , you produce a text of the same Apostle to the Hebrews ; where-in he commands his brethren , to l obey those , that have the over-sight of them , and to submit themselves un●o them . No question , but they ought to do so . But who are these Praepositi , these Rulers , here mentioned ? Are they Presbyters onely ? Presbyters are not mentioned here ; and it is impossible to prove , that Presbyters onely are intended here ; unlesse they be the onely Church-governors . It is rather to be beleeved , that all Church-governors , or else the chief Governors , were here intended . That he speaks of Presbyters , I deny not ; but that he speaks of Presbyters onely , I utterly deny . When you can prove , that onely Presbyters m watch for the souls of the people , and that they onely must give an account for those souls , then shall I readily acknowledge , that the Apostle speaks only of Presbyters in this place . 11. If the Kings Majestie should command his Souldiers to obey their Commanders , could any man imagine , that he spake of the Lieutenants and Captains onely ? No wise man can have this imagination : but this must reach , to Majors , and Collonels , and all other in authority . Thus , when the Lord commands his people , to obey those Governors , that watch for their souls , he means not onely Deacons and Presbyters , but Bishops also . For as in an Army there are Captains over souldiers , and Commanders over Captains ; so in the Church , which is n aci●s ordinata , a well-ordered Army , there are o Praepositi populo ▪ & Praepositi Presbyteris , Spirituall Governors of the people , and some set over both people and Presb●ters . Such were the Apost●●s in Scripture , and such their p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their copartners in labour , and successors in office ; whom we now call Bishops . Such were Timothy and Titus , q who had not onely the power of Ordination , but of Jurisdiction also : that is , they had authoritie , not onely to set in order , what was amisse in the Church , and r to reform the Laitie ; but to 1. convent , 2. silence , and 3. excommunicate the Clergie , even Deacons and Presbyters , if they deserved it . 12. For convention , in the first place observe , that ſ S. Paul acknowledgeth in Bishop Timothy power to receive an accusation against a Presbyter , or Elder ; and upon proofe to rebuke him . Which could not be done without conventing him . 2ly . That the power to silence preaching Presbyters was in Bishop Timothy , these words manifest , t Thou maiest command some that they teach no other doctrine . And as for Bishop Titus u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it be hoves him to stop the mouths of the disobedient and deceitfull , as also to x stay foolish questions and contentions . And if this will not serve , then must they proceed to higher censures even to excommunication . For doth not S. Paul command Timothy , to y withdraw himself from those , that teach unwholsome Doctrine ? And what this means let Beza speake ; z Gravissime damnatos extra Ecclesiam ejicit , he casts for●h these as condemned men out of the Church . For as S. Cyprian speaks , a They that are not in communion with the Bishop , are out of the Church . Timothy then being Bishop of that Church , and withdrawing his communion from them , they were no longer members of the Church . This power , we see , was in the Apostle Bishops ; but no man can shew that ever it was in the Presbyter Bishops , Par enim in parem non habet potestatem ; it is a sure rule , that no man hath power over his equall , while his equall . 13. The last place is reserved for the first in Scripture , which you have kept for your reserve to help at a dead lift ; and this it is . b We beseech you , brethren , that ye know them , which labour among you , and are over you in the Lord , and admonish you : A great friend of the Presbytery tels us that c this is the same with that , which the Apostle speaks in another Epistle that those Presbyters are worthy of double honour , who labour in the word and doctrine . So then , in his judgement , this rule , you so much boast of is , but your labouring in the word and doctrine . And surely he hath two able men , that back him very well , viz. The●d●ret and Ca●vin . Theodoret tels us , that when S. Pau saith , Qu●praesunt , th●se th●t are over you in the Lord , it is all one ▪ as if he ha● said , they that ●ff●● up prayers and supplica●ions for y●u . And Ca●vin thu● , e Qu DOCENDO rite & fideliter GU●ERNANT , who by TEACHING orderly and faithfully GOVERN the people . And el●ewhere f he expounds this kind of G●verning by boris & salutaribus consiliis popu●o praeire , by guiding the pe●ple with good and wholesome counsell . The Preifis rule then consists in 1 Prayer for Gods people , in 2 Admonishing , 3 Inst●ucting , and 4 Advising them ; as also in 5 conveying to them those heavenly blessings by the Sacraments ; which in an ordinary way they could not otherwi●e obtain . This is all the rule , that I can find belonging to Presbyters . And this was ever allowed you in your own Congregations , while ye behaved your selves as the Ministers , of Christ in all meeknesse and sobriety , dividing the Word of God aright ; and while ye kept within the ru●e of faith . 14. Thus your ruledome ( my fellow Presbyters ) is come to no great matter by these texts . Shew me one place of Scripture , that allowes Presbyters to excommunicate , or absolve , of their own authority ; and I shall be of your mind , and justifie , that ye have susteined much wrong ; If ye have been suspended from officiating , or silenced , ye may thank your unbridled tongues , which have been so lavish in venting unsound and seditious doctrine . The Bishop in these cases hath but discharged that dutie , which is required of him by Gods Word . 1 ▪ Tim. 6. 3. 5. 2. Tim. 3. 5. Tit. 1. 11. Tit. 3. 9. And it is no more , then the Presbytery chalengeth to it selfe in those places , where it hath gained autho●i●y . 15. g That ye were excluded from all society in Rule ▪ is that , which troubles you . Society pretends equ●litie , and Rule is that which ye affect . So ye may be made Bishops , or B●shops fellowes , equall with them in rule and authority , all sh●ll be well , but till then we must expect no p●ace , if ye can hinder it . H●d your leading Church-men be●n made Bish●ps or Deanes , the K●ngs oath had been most just , and unalterable ; yea unquestion●ble . Some mens mouths have been stopt so heretof●re ; the more the pitie : And ye have gaped after such morsels . What the benefit hath been , is sufficiently discerned , and ambitious male-contents shall no more , I hope , be tempted in this manner to continue among us , when they are neither with us , nor of us . But , I pray you , what Society in Rule , can you chalenge with the Bishops , when by Scripture ye are made subject to them ? We know your pride ; Ye would faine be hail-fellows with your Governours both Ecclesiasticall and Civill . Faine would ye have the raines in your own hands , with Phaeton , though it were with the same issue . But how shall they learn to govern , that know not how to obey ? All Baristers are not qualified to be Judges . 16. But there is another thing , which troubles you marvelously , that you deem to be h much more prejudiciall to the dignity and liberty of the Ministery ; namely to be subjected to a lay Chancelour . And yet how many lay Chancelours have you subjected us to ? i To the whole Parliament ; that 's plaine ; and yet not so much as one Presbyter among them : And to every Committee-man both in Citie and Countrie , Whose busie Apparators are all persons disaffected to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England . And all this is for the dignity and liberty of the Ministery , according to your new Magna Charta . Thus much to manifest , that ye are deeply plunged in those crimes , which you boldly charge upon others . But this is no new , no strange thing . For this hath been generally observed ; when your great Masters blemish our most gracious Soveraigne with any foule or illegall surmise , they usually act it themselves . Dominisimiles , such Masters , and such Chaplaines . k Par autem erat , ut vel quod accusant , non facerent , vel quod facerent , non accusarent . But it were meet , that either they should not do , what they blame ; or not blame , what they do . 17. And now , I beseech you which is most prejudicall , to be subject to one lay Chancelour in a Diocese , or to those great lay Courts of Lords and Commons and others at Westminster ? to so many lay Committees in the City ; to so many in every Countie ? Without whom ye are not able to subsist , nor to abide in your Congregations , if these men take but the least offence against you . And how can the Gentrie and Comminaltie of this Kingdome take it well , that you complain so much of one lay Chancelour in a Diocese , and yet enthrall them to so many lay Elders , Parochiall , Classicall , Provinciall , and Nationall . Say not , that there be preaching Elders joyned with them , least it be returned upon you , that the lay Chancelour is but the Bishops Officer in such cases of Judicature , as belong to his profession ; and to the Bishop he is accountable . But you can endure no loy Judges over you , on any hand . And whereas l you charge the lay Chancelorship with usu●pation contrary to Gods direction , I am certain , ye have made use of it against Gods direction . For how many of you have been instituted into Benefices by lay Chancelours ? Qu● jure , comes not now to be scanned . Thus ye can abuse them , and yet use them . But I shall turn you over to the Doct●rs of the Commons ; them it concerns , they are well able to argue the case with you , and to wash off these aspersions . 18. Your first argument is , I hope , sufficiently confuted in the eye of indifferent and judicious men . I shall not therefore any longer insist upon it , but observe , at how low a rate you value authority . Nor Bishop , nor King , nor your Idolized Parliament shall be a Power , but an usurpation against God and his Word , if they deny you any priviledge indulged , or debarre you any dutie , which ye suppose to be injoyned you by the word . If they sequester you from the Pulpit , or from ruling in your congregations , farewell my great Lords and Masters at Westminster . And when they have sold the Bishops and Chapters lands , they shall no longer be a Parliament , but an Vsurpation ; because they have m despoiled you of those lands , which ye lay claim to , and which they ought to have disposed of , to supply you and your predicant brethren with such maintenance , as your selves hold sufficient . CHAP. IV. Whether the King may consent to the abrogation of Epi●copacy , if so that calling be la●full . 1. SAving your argument , in the first place this is certain , ●f Episcopacy be lawfull , then the Kings Oath at Coronation was not as you would have it vinculum iniquitatis , a bond of iniquitie . And hereupon it follows , quod non obligatur in contrarium , that he is not bound to break this oath . Take this by the way . You must then seek some other way , to cleere it to us , that it is lawfull for his Majestie to wave this oath . But your own conscience seemes to check you for your former resolution ; you therefore confesse , that n this way of invalidating the Kings is most satisfactory but to some . 2. Surely if to some it be satisfactory , those some are such , that are either very weak , or wilfully blinded with avarice ; o Whose gaine is godlinesse . But the end will prove , th●t p Godlinesse is pr●fitable to all things . q That is ( as the Geneva Note hath it ) he that hath faith and a good conscience , is promised to have all things necess●ry for this life , and to injoy life everlasting . This would be seriously layed to heart . 3. But though your former argument seem satisfactory to some r yet to some it will not hold ; namely to those that are not c●nvinced of the UNLAWFULNESSE OF EPISCOPACY . What ? so satisfactory and yet not hold ? Alas , alas , what creatures have you to deale with ? Pitie it is , that you have to deale with learned and rationall men , and not with Ignoramus and his Dull man. What shall now become of your Case of Conscience ? Why ? z It will cast the resolution of this doubt upon another question . From one question to an other . And what 's that ? The lawfulnesse of Episcopacy . This is a large field , that you are not acquainted with . And yet to satisfie the conscience of your Reader , you have already concluded , that a Episc●pacy is an usurpation against the word of G●d ; and therefore sinfull and unlawfull . How ? Conclude first , that Episcopacy is unlawfull , and then b grant it to be lawfull . But this is granted onely for argument sake . That is , because your argument is so loose , that it proves just nothing again●● Episcopacy . For a firme demonstration admits of no contradiction , it leaves no doubt behind . 4. Well , be it lawfull , c yet not withstanding that his O●th , th● King without impea●hment may in this circumstance consent to the ab●●g●tion of Episcopacy . What mean you by circumstance ? Is the Kings O●●h , or Episcopacy , or the abr●ga●i●n of Episcopacy but a circumstance ? A circumstance is that , which is not substantiall , or essentiall to the point in question ; but comes in upon the by ; at most , for illustration . The question is , d Whether the King , notwithstanding his oath , may consent with a safe conscience , to the abrogation of Episcopacy ? All these then I take to be essentiall to the question ; unlesse a safe Conscience be with you and with your brethren but a circumstance . And yet it is such an ingredient , that a man may neither swear , nor consent to , nor act , but what he may undertake with a safe conscience . e For if our heart ( if our conscience ) condemn us , God is greater then our heart , and knoweth all things ; His Majesty , I make no question , hath sadly thought on this . 5. That he may abrogate that which is lawfull , you say , and we deny not , since God hath given Kings a power nt onely over things indifferent , but even in such things , as are lawfull , and honest , and in their kind necessary for the preservation of a Common-wealth . This is evident in Jonadab the sonne of Rechab , f who commanded his posterity , that they should neither drink Wine , nor build House , nor sow seed , nor plant Vineyard , nor have any . And yet as lawfull , and necessary , as these things were , g they obeyed their fathers voice . h God approves of their obedience , and crowns it with a blessing . And what a father is in his own familie , that is a King , at least , within his own Dominions . 6. But here the case is different , for the question is concerning Christs own Ordinance and Institution ; which the King hath sworne to maintaine . This then being lawfull , and legally sworne , the oath may not in any wise be dispenced with . Nay , if we say , that the King , or any authoritie upon earth , may alter , or abolish any one Ordinance of our Saviour , we contradict our selves , and complie with the Papists . What reason bring we against the halfe Communion , but Christs own institution , who commanded it to be deliver'd and received in both kinds . And i Calvin deservedly reproves Bishop Cardiner for attributing this power to a King : Now if Episcopacy be our Saviours institution , then may no humane power root it up ; least they that do it , be rooted out of the land of the living . But that this very order , which we now call Episcopacy , is Christs own institution , is already proved cap. 2. 6. 7 8. 7. Besides , if this be the onely Order , to which Christ hath given power to ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , who shall confer these Orders , when Bishops are taken away , and utterly extinguished ? Say not , that in case of necessity Presbyters may ordaine , when you maliciously make the necessity . God provides for such necessities , as are inforced upon us , or happen casually and inevitably ; not for those , whereinto we wittingly and wilfully plunge our selves ; Delve up the root , & God will hardly work a miracle to provide sap for the branches , or body of the tree . k Sine nostro officio est plebi certa pernicies . It is S. Austins . Without our , without the EPISCOPALL OFFICE there is certaine ruine to the people . S. Austine was a Bishop , when he resolved thus , and wrote it to a Bishop . l That I may speake plainly ; God and the times require it : No Bishop , no Preist ; no Preist , no Lords Supper ; no Lords Supper , no Salvation , according to the ordinary way prescribed by our blessed Saviour . 8. This shall be made good , first according to your Protestation ; secondly , according to your Solemn League and Covenant . In your m Protestation , ye have vowed in the presence of Almighty God , to maintain and defend the true Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the doctrine of the Church of England . This doctrine is punctually and carefully delivered in the 39 Articles . According to which Articles I proceed thus . The ordinary way to heaven is by the Word and Sacraments . No man may preach , or administer the Sacraments , but he that is lawfully called and sent . None are lawfully called and sent , but they onely , who are called and sent by those , that have authority . But Bishops , and onely Bishops have authority to send in this kind . And therefore No Bishop , no ordinary way to heaven . 9 The first Proposition is not doubted of by Protestant or Papist ; it is therefore taken for granted . The second Proposition is in terminis let down Art : 23. It is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the Office of PUBLICKE PREACHING or MINISTRING THE SACRAMENTS in the congregation , before he be lawfully called and sent , to execute the same . The third is likewise expressed in the same Article . Those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent , which be chosen and called to this work by men , who have publick , authority given unto them in the congregation to call and send Ministers into the Lords Vineyard . And who are these men , that have this authority ? Bishops , onely Bishops ; So the 36 Article . The book of consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops , and ordering of Preists and Deacons , doth containe all things NECESSARY to such consecration and ordering And whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the Rites of that Book , ●●e decreed to be RIGHTLY , ORDERLY , and LAWFULLY CONSECRATED and ordered . But therein the Bishop onely hath authority to ordain . And in the Preface to the Book of Ordination it is resolved that I is requisite that NO MAN SHALL EXECUTE ANY OF THESE ORDERS , except he be called , tried , examined and admitted , ACCORDING TO THE FORME FOLLOWING in that Book . 10. Thus we cannot but see , that according to the expresse doctrine of this Church of England without a Bishop no Sacraments , and consequently no salvation . For though God can save without meanes , yet he hath tied us to the meanes ; and the meanes must be used , if we desire to be saved n This book was composed and set forth in the time of K Edward the sixt , by those holy men , who afterwards were blessed Martyrs , and at the same time confirmed by full consent and authority of Parliament . o After this in the time of Queen Elizabeth it was again confirmed , and alwaies ratified with the 39 Articles ; and p the Clergie injoyned to subscribe to this booke , in and with those Articles , that so they might be known to be in Communion with the Church of England . Thus far with the Protestation . CHAP. V. Whether ye have not bornd your selves by your Solemne League and Covenant , to maintain Episcopacy . 1. NOw I descend to your Solemne League and Covenant , wherein ye have publickly vowed to endeavour the Reformation of Religion according to the word of God , and the example of the best reformed Churches . I shall therefore prove first by the Word of God , and secondly by the best reformed Churches , that ye have solemnly bound your selves to maintain Episcopacy , if so ye are resolved to keep this branch of your Covenant . 2. First , we know , that q there is no other name under heaven , whereby we may be saved , but onely the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ . Secondly , we are agreed , that r Faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the Word of God. Thirdly , our Saviour saith flatly , ſ Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man ; and drink his blood , ye have no life in you . We cannot therefore but acknowledge , that without the Word and Sacraments , there 's no salvation . Since then all those , that are in Orders , exercise t the ministration of the Word and Sacraments , not in their own name , but in Christs , and do MINISTER BY HIS COMMISSION AND AUTHORITY ; we are therefore to enquire , who have this Commission given them in and by the word of Christ . For S. Paul wonders , u how any man can preach , in publick , except he be sent . The Commission for preaching was immediately given by our B. Saviour , both to the twelve Apostles , and to the seventy Disciples . To the twelve , St. Luk 9. 2. St. Matth. 28. 19. To the seventy , St. Luk. 10. 9. 16. The Commission to consecrate and administer the Lords Supper , is given to the twelve Apostles , St. Luk. 22. 19. 1 Cor. 11. 24. x St. Paul , and y St. Matthias also were immediately admitted to the Apostleship by Christ himself . These , and onely these , who are here mention'd , were immediately ordained by our B. Saviour . 3. But our Saviour having commanded and provided , that z All Nations should be taught , and baptized ; and having a instituted , and in his holy Gospel commanded us to continue a perpetuall memory of his precious death , untill his coming again ; that this might be done , he gave his Apostles this large commission , b As my Father hath sent me , even so send I you . And how was that ? even to preach , to baptize , to consecrate , and administer the Lords Supper ; to binde sinners , and loose the penitent ; and to ordain other Apostles and Presbyters , which might continue these blessings to his people in all ages . As also else-where in c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A gift ye have received , give this gift . The Greeks take not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adverbially , but substantively : and I beleeve , in the East they understand their own , the Greek tongue better , then we do in the West . And as they were commanded , they did . d S. Paul and S. Barnabas were Apostles ; and them we find ordaining Presbyters in every Church , where they come . Act. 14. 23. e S. Paul himself ordains Timothy to be the Apostle , or Bishop of Ephesus . He gives the power of Ordination to Titus . Tit. 1. 5. And acknowledgeth it to be in Timothy . 1 Tim. 5. 22. These were the Apostles , or Bishops properly so called , of their severall Churches . These had the power of Ordination , but not the Seventy , not those of the inferior order , not meer Presbyters . 4. Besides , doth not St. Paul justifie , that f none may preach , except they be sent ? Talk not of an inward calling , or extraordinary sending . Neither of these will serve the turn , without the outward , without the ordinary Ordination . St. Pauls words are full to this purpose . g No man taketh this honour [ of Priesthood ] to himself , but he that is called of God , as Aaron was . The extraordinary calling , which some pretend to , is abolished , in that , No man takes this honour to himself . How then must he attain the Priesthood ? The Apostle tels you , he must be called of God , as Aaron was . And how was that ? Non immediatè a Deo , sed mediante hominis ministerio ; he was not called or ordained immediately by God , but by the interceding Ministery of man. The Apostle therefore doth not say , He , that is called of God , as Moses was ; but , He , that is called of God , as Aaron was . But we know , that though h Moses were immediately ordained by God , yet i Aaron was not , he was ordained by Moses . And yet both k Moses and Aaron are among his Priests ; for Moses discharged the Priests office , before Aaron was ordained . Exod. 24. 4. &c. Exod. 29. 12. 18. 25. 36. &c. Exod. 30. 29. 30. 5. I have done with your first way , having , according to your Covenant , proved by Scripture , that none may confer Orders in the Church of Christ , but onely Apostles , or Bishops , as we take them in a strict and Ecclesiasticall sense : that is , onely such , as are of the same order with the Apostles , and may fitly be called Apostle-Bishops . 6. We are now cast upon the Example of the best reformed Churches , which may raise some dust . For when we descend to comparisons , we cannot but displease those , who are left out of the superlative . Yet this I dare say , that those Churches are best reformed , which come neerest to the Primitive Church in Doctrine and Government . For to reform is not to innovate , but In primaevam & veram formam reducere , to settle it in the ancient and true state . For l thus saith the Lord ; Stand in the wayes , and behold , and ask for the OLD WAY , WHICH IS THE GOOD WAY , AND WALK THEREIN , and ye shall find rest for your souls . This rule therefore is given by Zanchius , m Exempla veteris Ecclesiae nobis debent esse instar praecepti ; and your learned Ministers of London second him , assuring us , that n the examples of the ancient Church bind us as firmly , as any precept . And reason good , since o the custome of the ancient Church is Optima legis interpres , the best interpreter of the Law of Christ . The ancient Church then ought to be a pattern to all Reformers . 7. Well , what kinde of Government was there in the primitive Church ? Peter Moulin testifies , that p either in the Apostles times , or suddenly after , Bishops had praeheminence over Presbyters , in the severall Cities , wherein they were setled . This Government is very ancient ; and in the Church of Christ every thing the MORE ANCIENT it is , the TRUER AND BETTER it is . Zanchius justifies it . q In Ecclesia Dei , quo quid ANTIQUIUS , eo etiam est VERIUS , ideoque & MELIUS . And lest I may seem to wrest that famous learned mans words to another sense , then he intended them , I shall give you his resolution at large concerning this point in question , whether Bishops , or no Bishops : and this it is . r Hoc unum addo , me coram Deo IN MEA CONSCIENTIA , non alio habere LOCO quàm SCHISMATICORUM , illos OMNES , qui in parte Reformationis Ecclesiarum ponunt NULLOS HABERE EPISCOPOS , qui AUTHORITATIS GRADU supra veros compresbyteros emineant , ubi liquido , possint haberi . Praeterea cum D. Calvino , NULLO NON ANATHEMATE DIGNOS CENSEO , quotquot illi Hierarchiae , quae se Domino Jesu Christo snbmittit , subjici nolunt . These are his words in Latine ; and to your comfort you shall have them in English : like them as you please . This one thing I adde ( saith learned Zanchius ) that IN MY CONSCIENCE before God , I esteeme ALL those NO BETTER THEN SCHISMATICKS , who make it A PART OF REFORMATION TO HAVE NO BISHOPS in the Church ( where they may readily be had ) which maybe above their true fellow-Presbyters IN DEGREE OF AUTHORITIE . Yea , with Mr. Calvin , I HOLD THEM WORTHY OF THE MOST GRIEVOUS CURSE , who will not submit to that SACRED PRELACY , which is subject to Christ . He was far from a Rooter . 8. Neither is Zanchius alone , he hath that moderate and judicious Melancthon to second him ; who is so right and home for Episcopacy , that he comes with his ſ Ego reddo , I , for my part , restore the whole Jurisdiction and dignitie to Bishops . And t he wisheth with all , that he and the rest of his friends might redeem peace , though it were upon harder terms . Yea , he affirms , that u he sees not , quo ore , with what face they can take from Bishops their Ecclesiasticall government . And then he adds : x That I may speak my mind Vtinam , utinam POSSEM , non quidem dominationem confirmare , sed ADMINISTRATIONEM EPIScOPORUM restituere : I would to God , I would to God , IT WERE IN MY POWER , not to confirm the Dominion , but to restore the ADMINISTRATION OF BISHOPS . For I see , I see ( saith he ) what a ●inde of Church we are like to have , when the Ecclesiasticall policie shall be dissolved . Video postea MULTO INTOLERABILIOREM futuram TYRANNIDEM , quam antea unquam fuit I see , we are hereafter like to have a FAR MORE INTOLERABLE TYRANNY , then ever we have known heretofore Note that ; and consider , whether experience hath not made us sensible , that his words were but a Prophecie of these times . And after this he expostulates the same businesse with Camerarius , and questions , y Quo jure , by what law it might be free for them , to subvert the Ecclesiasticall Policie ; if so the Bishops would yeeld unto them , what is meet ? The question being thus proposed , his resolution follows ; z Et ut liceat , certè non expedit ; but suppose it lawfull yet is it not expedient . Luther himself was ever of this opinion ; whom some , I perceive , love meerly for this ; because by his means they had shaked off their Bishops , and thereby gained Libertatem minimè utilem ad posteritatem , such a LITERTIE , AS WILL BE LITTLE FOR THE GOOD OF POSTERITIE . This he spake , and we feel . a For what kinde of state shall the Church be in , in after ages , if all ancient customes and manners be utterly abolished , and no certain Governors established ? God knows , and we imagine . 9. Hitherto you have seen , how Zanchius for himselfe and Calvin ; and Melanthon with Luther , did endeavour , even in the shell , to crush that new model , b which ye boast to be of divine Right , and yet confesse , that c it is not much above fourscore yeers standing ; and that but d in some Churches . For , the truth is , ye can give us no President for the Presbyteriall Government in any one Orthodoxe Church , for 1500 yeers after our Saviours ascension . All this while the wisedom of God , it seemes was breeding this truth , and stayed for you , and such as you are , to be her midwives . Her pangs were long and doubtful , but now Juno Lucina hath done her part , and the strip●ing reckons fourescore yeers , and that but in Cantons , in some odde corners of the world . Truth it is , he was creeping in here about seventy yeers since ; but banished he was as dangerous to the Crowne . But now he is returned in a fresh suite , and hath got the hand both of King and Bishops ; yea he hath put the Peeres shroadly to it ; even those , that complyed with him . 10. It may be , for all this , you will replie , that these are but the opinions of a few particular men . What say you to that memorable convention at Auspurg , where met all , or most of the learned , that endeavoured the Reformation ? These were , at least , the whole Reformation representative ; and Melancton gives them that very title in his Apologie . Wherein he tels us , that e ALL THE REFORMATION did often professe in their meetings at Auspurg , that they desired exceedingly , to f preserve that Ecclesiasticall Policie , which was settled by the Cannons of the Church : as also to continue those very Degrees in the Church , which were agreed upon by humane authority . These pious men desired not the subversion , but the Reformation both of Church and Church-men . Yea , g by Protestation they cleer themselves to all porsterity , that it was neither their intent , nor fault , to overthow the Order , or authority of Bishops . Melancthon therefore , in behalf of all his brethren , acknowledgeth , that h Bishops have both potestatem ordinis , & potestatem Jurisdictionis , power of Order , and power of Juridiction . And I beleeve , that these men had seriously considred of their Protestation . 11. But what is this , that he calls power of Order ? Surely a power to do that , which Presbyters could not do ; that is , a power at least , to ordain Ministers . For i herein by Calvins confession , was the difference between a Presbyter and a Bishop properly so called , in the opinion of the ancients , that a Bishop hath power to ordain , but not a Presbyter . Indeed the resolution of the ancient Church is this , k Presbyterorum ordo non est potens generare patres ; the whole Order of Presbyters is not able to beget Fathers , that is , Presbyters for the Church ; but Bishops are able : The Order therefore of Bishops and Presbyters is not one and the same . Hence it follows , that there is a necessity of continuing Bishops in the Church , if so we desire Presbyters ; since without a Bishop no Presbyter ; and without a Presbyter ( at least ) no Lords Supper . 12 Besides , your grand Champion Walo Messalinus acknowledgeth , that l from the time that those Orders and degrees were distinguished , and that a Bishop became greater then a Presbyter , ORDINATION COULD NOT BE COMMON TO THEM BOTH . But those Orders and degrees were from the beginning distinguished by our Saviour , though not by these specificall titles Observe , I beseech you . In the first place m he names the Twelve , those of the higher Order , Apostles ; and after this , those of the lower Order , the Seventy , are called Diciples , as I conceive , 3. Luk : 10. 22. Or else in the four Evangelists they are distinguished from his other Diciples by number onely , and not by title . In the other writings of the New Testament they are distinguished into Apostles and Presbyteres , or Bishops . n The Apostles are of two sorts ; either such as were immediately ordained by Christ , or such as were ordained by those Apostles . The former are called the Apostles of Christ ; or o the holy Apostles ; and sometimes p the chief Apostles . The other are styled q Apostoli vestri , and r Apostoli Ecclesiarum , your Apostles , and the Apostles of the Churches ; because they had set Cities , and a certaine people committed to their charge . The twelve were ordained by our Saviour , while in the flesh he was conversant here on earth . But S. Matthias , and S. Paul , after his ascension were ſ called to be Apostles by Jesus Christ and God the Father . These did ordain , but not the Seventy , not Presbyters , or such as in Scripture text are called Bishops . S. Paul and S. Barnahas were Apostles ; those we finde ordaining Presbyters , Act : 14. 23. And S. Paul professeth , that he ordained Timothy , 2 Tim. 1. 6. 13. Let us now descend to those Apostles , who were ordained by Christs Apostles . Such were S. Iames , Appollos , Epaphroditus , Timothy , and Titus . None of these were immediately ordained by Christ ; and yet they are called Apostles . The three former plainly in Scripture , as is heretofore evidenced ; t the latter by your good friend Salmasius . That Timothy & Titus did ordain , is too plain to be denyed ; and u for Epaphroditus we have an acknowledgement likewise from Salmasius . 14. These Offices were necessarily to be continued in the Church ; for x Christ gave them for the gathering together of the Saints , for the work of the Ministery , and for the edifying of the body of Christ y till we all grow up unto a perfect man : Which is now but in fieri , in polishing , not perfected , neither will it be , till the second comming of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ . For z the Church is the body of Christ , which will have her imperfections and blemishes , till she be made fully compleat in the Kingdom of glory . Our Saviour therefore saith , a Behold I am with you alwaies , even unto the end of the world : which could not be spoken of their persons , but of their Office , b as is confessed by the London Ministers : Since their persons were shortly to leave this world ; but their Office is to continue , till heaven and earth passe away . When therefore c S. Paul had lively described the true Government of the Church , and instructed Timothy the Bishop of Ephesus d how he ought to behave himself in the Church , he charged him in the sight of God , and before Jesus Christ , that he keep these commands without spot , and unrebukeable , untill the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ . But this he could not do in his own person , which was shortly to depart ; Calvin therefore readily acknowledgeth , that f these things were written not so much for Timothy s as for other mens directions , that were to come after him ; since g herein ( as Beza observes ) many particulars belong to the daily Office of a Pastor . These things then must be daily and duely done , as occasion requires : But diverse of these ought , and might be done by Timothy onely , and by such as were of his ranke ; but by no other ; needs therefore must this Order be continued for the edifying and perfecting of the body of Christ . This Office then being quotid●a●um munus an Office of daily use , must of necessitie be continued in the Church . 15. But what Office was this , that Timothy and Titus did beare in the Church ? Let Salmasius speake . h They at that time were mamed Apostles , & revera erant EPISCOPI JVRE EODEM ET ORDINE , QUO HODIE HABENTUR , qui Ecclesiam regunt , & Presbyteris praesunt , and indeed were BISHOPS IN THE SAME RIGHT , AND OF THE SAME ORDER , WHEREOF AT THIS DAY THOSE ARE ACCOUNTED , Who govern the Church , and rule Presbyters . But this very Office was none of those , which were extraordinary , and to continue for a season onely , no , no , in Beza's judgement it is quotidianum munus , an Office of daily use ; of necessity therefore it must be perpetull in the Church . And yet the duties of that Office were such , i quibus sustinendis non alius quilibet ( e vulgo pastorum ) par fuisset , as none of the vulgar Pastors , no ordinary Presbyters , were meet to undertake . And what are these ? k Even to redresse , what is amisse , and to ordain Presbyters . These are matters of moment , and require more then ordinary discretion . l For this cause S. Paul left Titus at Creete ; and for this very end m he sent Epaphroditus to Philippi , though at that time there were in that Citie many Bishops . Phil. 1. 1. If then there needed no ordination , but every man without orders might have discharged Presbyteriall duties ; or if the Presbyter-Bishops of that Citie might have set that Church in order , and therein ordaine Presbyters , Why did S. Paul send Epaphroditus to Philippi , to do those things , which might either have been left undone , or at least have been done as well without him . Surely S. Paul imposeth not needlesse businesses upon any . 16. Bishops there were ( you will say ) before in that Church ; if then it belong to the Episcopall Order to ordain , and reforme in the Church , what is amisse , why was Epaphroditus sent thither ? Take notice ( I beseech you ) that those Bishops were but Presbyters , or Presbyter . Bishops ; n which Order never had the power either of Ordination or Jurisdiction . S. Paul therefore sends unto them , Epaphroditus an Apostle-Bishop , who could performe both . This you see acknowledged by your most able and subtill advocate . 17. Well , let it be , what it will , lawfull or unlawfull , t is all one , in this exigent or distresse that his Majestie is put to , o notwithstanding that his oath the King ( say you ) without impeachment , may in this circumstance , consent to the Abrogation of Episcopacy . His Majesties oath now falls in question ; and I shall be willing fairely and calmely to consider , wherein , and how far forth a Christian King is bound to keepe , or breake his Oath . CHAP. VI. Whether the King , without impeachment to his Oath at Coronation , may consent to the Abrogation of Episcopacy . 1. THis question hath two branches . The first , Whether a Christian King be bound to keep his Oath . The second , Whether he may notwithstanding his Oath , consent to the Abrogation of Episcopacy . His Majesties Coronation deserves also to be looked upon ; since an oath deliberately and solemnly taken , deserves the more seriously to be thought on ; and will draw from God the heavier doome , if despised , or slighted . 2. By your own confession it is evident , that p an oath against Christs Institution is vin●u um iniquitatis , an impious oath , and ought not to be observed ; but to be cut off with shame and sorrow ; since q all bonds to sin is frustrate Confesse we must , that an oath against God revealed will or honour , is a bond to sin ; and therefore no sooner made then void , and to be abhorred Such is your Covenant against Episcopacy . And had the King either through misunderstanding , ill advice or fear taken that irreligious Covenant , he had been obliged , by your confession , to have made it frustrate ; since it is a bond to sin , because it is against Christs Word and Instituition , as is manifested c. 2. & 4. 3. But r an oath taken in truth , and righteousnesse , and judgement , because it is of such things , as may justly and lawfully be performed , yea because God approves & ratifies this oath , is vinculum aequitatis & necessitatis , such a bond as equity and conscience bind us necessarily to performe , to the utmost of our power . But such is his Majesties Oath at Coronation concerning the Church , the Spouse of Christ . 4. No unrighteousnesse can ye shew in it , the lawfulnesse of Episcopacy , as also their just right to govern Presbyters , is sufficiently justified c. 4. No untruth ; for our Soveraigne hath sworn to maintaine an Ordinance of truth , of Christ himself . And sub paenâ judicij , upon paine of judgment he is bound to make good this his Oath , so justly taken , least he fall into the hands of God , and so into eternall judgement . ſ For Justice requires , that every man , much more a Christian , and a King , keep his Oath made upon such grounds , t though it be with hazard both of Crown , and life , and all that may be indangered upon earth . 5. Consider , I beseech you , how u in an oath we call God to record ; and we make him not onely our witnesse , but our suretie , that we will , with his blessing , performe , what we have vowed , or sworne in his name . And not onely so , but we call upon him to be our Judge , and the Revenger of our perfidiousnesse , if so we wittingly depart from this Oath . With what face then can we fall back , and wilfully incurre perjury ? Is not this as Philo Judaeus hath it , to x make God a shelter for our wickednesse , and to cast our sin upon him ? That so to the infamie of Christian Religion , we may ●oder up a faire repute before men . Is not this to cast aside not onely a fore-head , but all conscience , and the fear of God ? Oh , ( saith S. Austin ) y What blindnesse can equall this , to hunt after a little vaine glory by deceiveing man , while in thy heart thou sleightest God the searcher of all secrets ? As if his error , who thinks thee good , were comparable with thine , who seekest to please man with a show of good , whilest thou displealest God with that , which is truly naught . 6. But this is no new thing to you , that have dispenced so long , so often , so variously with so many Oaths of Supremacie , Allegeance , and canonicall obedience : That have done so many strange acts , contrarie to your faith , and subscription . Take heed in time , lest not onely your oaths , but your own hand-writing arise in judgement against you , for casting off the Book of Ordination ; For renouncing the Booke of Common-Prayer ; For disclaiming the Articles of the Church of England , with those three Creeds , the glory and hope of all good Christians . Thus you , and your brethren , are become Apostata's and renegadoes to all Religion and piety ; gracelesse , faithlesse , perjured men . God of his mercy give you a sence of these sins , that so you may in time repent , and make some satisfaction to the Church of Christ , by an open confession , and by a full detestation of those presumptuous and crying sins . 7. This Oath his Majestie took solemnly before God , in the house of God , in the presence of the Nobility , and Clergie , and a multitude of his leige people . And shall not all these oblige him so much the more to be tender of this Oath ? Zanchius tels us , that z it is a more grievous sin to offend against a publick solemne oath , then against one made in private . What may we then think of an oath taken with such high Solemnity ? 8. This Oath was voluntarily , freely taken , without compulsion , or perswasion ; so no excuse that way . Indeed it was taken a in truth , in judgement , and in righteousnesse . In truth , his sacred Majesty resolving truly to keep it : In Judgement , judiciously , upon mature deliberation ; and in righteousnesse ; intending that every branch of this Oath should be justly and righteously observed in all his Courts of Justice . How then can he infringe this Oath ? 9. He made this promiss●ry Oath to a great body of this His Kingdome , the whole Clergie of this Land ; and those not the meanest of his Subjects . And not onely so , but to holy Church his mother , and to God the Father of us all . How can he then disclaime this Oath ? which so obligeth his conscience before God. that b ●ad he bound himself by such a tye to high-way robbers , or to his professed ●nemies , he had been bound by the Law both of Nations and Christianity , strictly to haue observed it without fraud or coven . Talke not of a dispensation . Nor life , nor death , nor principalities , nor powers , whether civill or spirituall , can possibly discharge him of this oath ; no more then they can me of my oath of Allegiance . And yet it is a point of your Religion to perswade to perjurie ; as if it would ease your consciences , to have millions concurre with you in the same perfidiousnesse and end . 10. Is perjurie a sin , or no sin ? If it be a sin , and an heinous sin , c how then can I commit this great wickednesse , and sin against God ? Is it no sin ? If you be of that mind , speake out , shew your self in your true colours . What Religion are you of , I know not well ; little use hath your conscience made of Religion in this case . Your eye is wholly upon the Parliament , and the present necessity , those members have wrought our good King and this whole Nation . Necessity hath so far prevailed with you , as rather to be forsworne , then to forgo your present maintenance . But our most gracious Soveraigne , whom God ever blesse , hath wholly fixed his heart upon God , and his Word , wherein we are charged d , not to sweare falsely by the name of the Lord ; no , e nor to forsweare our selves , but to performe our oaths unto the Lord. Marke ; though the oath be made to the servant , it must be performed unto the Lord ; because the caution is given to the servant in the Lords behalfe ; yea upon the Lords credit ; for by his name , and upon his book we sweare to do it . And if we do it not , f the Lord will not hold us guiltlesse . Minus dicitur , plus intelligitur ; by this one word much may be understood ; For g the Lord will come against us in Judgement , and call us to an account for our oaths . h Oaths therefore must be avoided , lest we fall into condemnation . For perjurie is a foule , a dangerous , a damnable sin . i Odious it is to God , because , k it defiles his most holy name . l For this very sinne the land mournes ; I beseech God , it become not disolate . Sure I am , m a curse will enter into his house , that sweareth falsely ; it will settle there , till it have consumed the timber and stones thereof . Or as the wise man hath it , n his house shall be full of calamities , and the plague shall never depart from it . Let Zedekiah be our evidence . o He took the Oath of Allegiance to Nebuchadnezzar ; but slighted it , and rebelled against that his Soveraign Lord , who had so highly honoured him , and trusted him with a Kingdom . But what became of him ? p The Caldees came , besieged Jerusalem , conquer'd it , took Zedekiah prisoner , and slew his sons before his eyes . This done , they put out his eyes , and in fetters carried him captive to Babylon . Here was an end of the Kings of that Land , descended from the Tribe of Judah . Are not here the timber and stones of his house , his strong men , and the sons of his loins utterly consumed ? 11. Think not to excuse your selves or any other , by some later Covenant ; this will not serve the turn . Was the first sworn in truth , and judgement , and righteousnesse ? or was it not ? Doth it truly and justly agree with the Word of God ; at least , not contradict it ? If so , thou art bound in justice to observe it , lest judgement fall upon thee . For this is a true rule , if Zanchius mis-guide us not , q Posteriores promissiones , etiam juramento firmatae , nihil de prioribus detrahere , aut imminuere possunt : Later aths cannot possibly make the former of no , or lesse validitie . Why then do you perswade the King to break his oath ? He that enticeth a man to perjurie , under pretence of pietie and Religion , r what doth he else but affirm , that some perjuries are lawfull . Which is as much to say , as some sins are lawfull . Which is naught else , but to conclude , that some things are just , which are unjust . I appeal to men of understanding , whether this proposition savours of pietie , or discretion . Think not then to ensnare prudent and conscientious men , with such frivolous and senslesse pretences ; which favour strongly of absurditie , if not of Atheisme . CHAP. VIII . Whether the King may desert Episcopacy without perjury . 1. GIve me leave to passe over a few pages , and to take that into consideration , which follows next in reason , though not according to your method . We are now fallen upon a strange question , too high to be proposed by any Subject . But you have enforced me to make that a question , which is harsh to loyall ears , lest I may seem to avoid your subtill and sawcie cavils , as unanswerable . For do not you say ▪ that your second Ant●gonist plainly ●ffi●ms , that the King cannot desert Episcopacy without flat perjury ? His words are far more mannerly : but I am bound to trace your steps ; and shall , with Gods assistance , manifest , that His Majestie without violation to his Oath , and to Religion , may not desert Episcopacy , and leave it naked to the subtill fox , or the mercilesse swine . 2. First , according to your own confession , his sacred Majestie hath sworn to almighty God , in his holy place , before a solemn Assembly , to t protect the Bishops , and their priviledges to his power , as every GOOD KING in his Kingdom IN RIGHT OUGHT to protect and defend the Bishops , and Churches under their Government . 1. Good Kings protect Bishops ; and good they are in doing so ; there is no evill then in protecting Bishops . 2. They ought to do it : it is therefore their duty ; and to fail of this their duty , when they may choose , is sin . 3. In right they ought to do it : they do wrong therefore , if they do it not . This right is grounded upon Scripture ; for God saith , u Erunt Reges nutritii tui , Kings shall be nursing Fathers , and Queens shall be nursing Mothers to the Church . Who then dares say , they ought not , or shall not ? 3. Besides , what is done in right is injurious to no man ; since jus and injuria , right and wrong cannot consist in the same action , under the same consideration . And yet no right is done , but it is displeasing to the adverse partie . God did right in protecting Moses and Aaron , against Korah , and his confederates . He did right in destroying those factious and rebellious persons ; and yet x this was displeasing to all the congregation of the children of Israel . And shall God or the King forbear to do right , because the multitude murmure at it ? This be far from the Lord and his Vicegerent . A Judge is sworn to do right . If then he do not right to the utmost of his understanding , he is perjured . And the more eminent a man is in place , the greater the sin . You know , to whom it was said , y Because by this deed thou hast given great occasion to the enemies of the Lord to blaspheme , the childe that is born unto thee , shall surely dye . And of Jer●boam it was said , z Go , tell him , thus saith th● Lord God of Israel ; For as much as I ex●●ted the fr●m ●m●●g the people , and made thee Prince over my people Israel : and yet th●● hast done evill above all that were before thee , and hast cas● me behind thy 〈…〉 ▪ Therefore behold , I will bring evill upon the house of Jeroboam ▪ &c. 4. Secondly , the King hath sworn to be the Protect●r and Defender of the Churches under his Government : and this , you will confesse , the King ought to do . But the King doth not protect the Church , unlesse he protect the Bishops ; since without Bishops the Church must needs crumble away , and come to nothing . The Bishop is the ministeriall Spouse of the Church : how then can the Church be protected , if her husband be taken from her , or stripped of his means ? Just as our wives are maintained with the fift part . Fed with an Ordinance , with words ; but where 's the fift part ? which of our wives have had that justly payed them ? 5. The Bishop is , under Christ , the Father of the Church . Destroy the Father , and how shall the Children be provided for ? Nay who shall beget children of the Church , when she is void of an Husband ? And the Bishop is the onely Husband of the Church ; a take ●way the Bishop , and the Church is a Widow ; if you will beleeve the Councell of Chalcedon . b I have heretofore manifested , that none but a Bishop can ordain either Priest or Deacon . And Zanchius determines , that c the Church may not want Ministers , who are to administer these externall things , the Word and Sacraments . Remove the Ministers that have this power derived unto them from Christ , and the Sacraments must fail , and consequently the Church . For what d is the Church , but a Congregation of Christians , wherein the pure Word of God is preached , and the Sacraments duly administred , ACCORDING TO CHRISTS ORDINANCE . But , according to Christs Ordinance , none may administer the Word and Sacraments but Bishops , Priests , and Deacons . Take these away , and what becomes of the Sacraments ? Take away Baptisme , and according to Gods ordinary and revealed way , we cannot become Christians , e we cannot be born anew of water , and of the holy Ghost . And when we are become Christians , take away that food of life , the Lords Supper , and we must needs famish : for f unlesse we eat the flesh of the Son of man , and drink his blood ( in that blessed Sacrament ) we have no life in us . Hence is that of Calvin : g The light and heat of the Sun , meat and drink are not so necessary for the cherishing and sustaining this present life , as the APOSTOLICALL and P●storall OFFICE is for the PRESERVATION OF THE CHURCH on earth . If then it be proved , that Bishops properly and strictly so called , be of the same office and order with the Apostles , then have we Calvins acknowledgement , that the Church cannot subsist without Bishops . 6. Indeed it cannot , if we beleeve S. Cyprian ; for he saith , that h we ought to know Episcopum in Ecclesia esse , & ECCLESIAM IN EPISCOPO ; that the Bishop is in the Church , and the CHURCH IN THE BISHOP : it stands and fals with him . What then becomes of that Church , where there is no Bishop ? i Si qui cum Episcopo non sint , in Ecclesia non esse . We must also know ( saith that blessed Martyr ) that they , which are not with the Bishop , are out of the Church . Thus the Bishop is in the Church causaliter , causally ; but the Church in the Bishop virtually . The fountain is in the brook causally ; and the brook in the fountain virtually ; because from the fountain the Rives derives his being , from thence it is derived and fed . Damne up the fountain , or divert his course , and what becomes of the river ? Thus is it between the Bishop and the Church . Hence I infer , that the matter of the Oath is lawfull : I conclude therefore , with the Author of the Review , that k His Majestie is bound in Religion and conscience to protect the Bishops with their Churches , and priviledges . Unlesse it be so , that you can bring him a new Christ , who will ordain another way to heaven . 7. But , say you , ▪ it is a ground laid down by this Author , that no oath is obligatory beyond the intention of it . That is , according to the common , plain , and literall meaning thereof , otherwise we know no intention of an oath . We must therefore look back to the intention of the first framers thereof , as also to the good and securitie of those , to whom , and for whose sake , it is tak●n . n. That m the intention of this oath , and the framers thereof , is against a tyramous invasion on the rights of the Clergie ; as also to protect them against violence , no question at all is to be made ; and you do well to acknowledge it . So far then the King is to protect them to the utmost of his power . And hitherto , by the assistance of God , he hath done it : and my trus● is in Jesus Christ , that he will strengthen our good King to live and dye in this pious and Princely resolution . 8. This Oath is to the Clergie ; the King then must have an eye upon them , and their intention , who so humbly begge his protection , and to whom he makes this oath . n Expectationem enim eorum , quibus juratur , quisquis decipit , non potest esse non perjurus : For he that deceives their expectation , to whom he swears , cannot but be perjured . This S. Austin proves at large in the preceding Epistle ; wherein o he wonders , that any man should be of such an opinion , as to conceive , that a man might incur certain perjurie , to avoid uncertain danger , losse or death . It is a rule therfore in the Canon Law , p Quacunque arte verborum quis juret , Deus tamen , qui conscientiae testis est , ita hoc accipit , sicut ille , cui juratur , intelligit . What art soever a man use in the words of his Oath , God who is witnesse of the conscience , takes the Oath in that very sense , wherein the party takes it , to whom we swear . Otherwise we shall not onely deceive others , but we shall cheat our selves into equivocation , wherewith of late we have so justly charged the Jesuites ; and for which the Fathers most deservedly heretofore condemned q the Helcheseites , r Valentinians , ſ Priscillianites , and t the followers of Origen . Truly , I am much afraid , we are fallen into such times , as Roger Hoveden complains of under K. Steven ; u wherein it was accounted a noble act to lye , and forswear ; and a manly deed to betray their Lords and Masters . 9. And is not this , which is wrought against the Clergie , a tyrannous invasion ? What Law is there to countenance , what of late yeares hath been done against us ? Where is the orderly alteration , you speak of ? Hath not all been done by tumults , and insurrections ? Have not divers of the Peers been assaulted , and many of the Commons vilified , and terrified by a seditious faction , that so they might bring them to their own bend ? How many have been inforced to flye with all secrecy from Westminster , because they would not passe their Vo●es against Law and conscience ? Was it orderly to frame Petitions at Westminster , against the Bishops and Orthodox Clergie , and then to gleane hands in the Countrey from factious spirits , to your own Petitions ? Was this an orderly alteration , without any pretence of Law , to deprive us of our freeholds , to plunder our houses , to imprison our persons ; and to thrust into our Benefices men with unwashed hands , Felt-makers , Blacksmiths , Taylors , and I know not whom ? And yet all this hath been done by our great Masters in Israel . 10. By your own confession , the King hath taken an oath to protect the Clergie and their rights against violence , and a tyrannous invasion . But how shall he protect us , that is not able to secure himself ? This , it seems , was his dutie , and with Gods assistance in his power , when his sacred Majestie took the Oath . His duty still it is , though he be robbed of his power . And when God shall restore him to his power , he is bound to discharge this dutie . For you confesse , that x his Majestie is ingaged to his power to protect the Bishops and their priviledges . And if he breake this solemne Oath , in his own person , with what conscience can he punish perjurie in others ? 11. An orderly alteration , or Legall waies of change , who condemnes ? But we justly complaine , that no such alteration hath been endeavoured . For that is not orderly , which is illegall : neither can that be imagined rationall , which is wrought by violence , or forced upon a King. He is to be ruled by the word of God , and right reason , y which is the life of the Law ; not to be over-awed , or over-swayed by a faction . 12. That z it is rationall for a King to undertake , to protect the Clergie against violence , you acknowledge ; and it is no more then all the Kings Ministers are bound in conscience to performe , The King hath done it , blessed be God , to the utmost of his power . Whether the Kings Officers , and those he hath put in trust , have done their dutie , wi 〈…〉 be answered for at an higher barre . In right reason the Oath should have no other sense . Th●● sense then it hath ; and we desire that sense may be made good by Parliament , and we restored to our free-holds , according to reason , and Law ; and satisfaction made us for our losses , ●nd illegall imprisonment , ●ill an orderly and Legall change be made . CHAP. VIII . Whether the Kings Oath taken to the Clergie , be injurious to his other Subjects , and inconsistent with his Oath to the people . 1. YOu Object , and we confesse , that a this oath to the Clergie , must not be intended in a sense , inconsistent with the Kings Oath to the people ? How ? Inconsistent with the Kings Oath to the people ? What ? All blind but Mr. Iohn Geree , and his confederacy ? King and subject , Preist , and people , composers , approvers , takers , all dimme-sighted ? How came you to spie this foule mistake ? Surely this is one of your new lights ; for both these Oaths as you please to call them , have happily stood , and may long stand together . There was a time , when the devill had found a device , to set God and Caesar at odds : but our Saviour set them to rights ; b Give ( saith he ) unto Caesar what belongs to Caesar , and to God , what belongs unto God. That difference being reconciled , that Arch enemie of man , hath found out a late device , to raise a quarell between Clergie and people , as if the Liberties of the one could not consist with the Rights of the other . But we have learned of our blessed Master to set these also at one , and beseech his Majestie , to give unto the people what belongs to the people , and to the Clergie , what belongs to the Clergie . We desire nothing , that is theirs ; and we are certaine , that no good man will repine , at what is iustly Gods , or ours . 2. It is Gods command to c give every man his due . And if any Law be made contrary to this , it is no Law. The reason is , because d all power i● from God , and under God. e That Law then , that God hath made , man may neither abrogate , nor alter ; it is onely in the Lords breast to do it . Indeed what is settled by man , may be changed , or abolished by man. But man must be carefull , that the Law be just . f Lex enim non obligat subditos , in foro conscientiae , nisi s●t justa : No Law binds a subject in case of conscience , unlesse it be just . Indeed it bind● them not to performance , but to submission . Though they be not bound to performe , what is injoyned ; yet must they submit , to what shall be inflicted ; since resistance is damnable . Ro. 13. 2. 3. Since then it is onely the just Law that binds us to obedience , it will not be a misse to set down , what Laws are just , and what not . g That a Law be just ( saith Thomas ) three ingredients are requisite : first , Power in the Law-maker ; 2ly . the end , that it be for the common good ; and 3ly . the forme ; namely , that all burthens and taxes be equally , evenly layed upon the Subjects ; not more upon one then upon another , but proportionably upon every man according to his estate . Laws so qualified , are just , because impartiall . 4. From hence we may safely conclude , that h those Laws are unjust , where , in the first place , the Imposer wants authoritie . 2ly . When burdens are imposed , that are not for the common good , but for private interest , gaine , or glory . 3ly . When taxes , or subsidies , though for the publick good , be unequally layed . Or , in the last place , when Laws contradict Gods written Word : For i all Laws ought to be so framed , vt illis , quos tangunt , prosint , & nemini praesertim notabile afferant n●cumentum : That they may be commodious for those , whom they concerne , and yet not be evidently injurious to others . From these or the like grounds , I find it resolved by the Sages of this Kingdom , that k the King may grant priviledges to any Corporation , so they be not prejudiciall to some other of his Subjects . 5. But wherein is the Kings Oath to the Clergie , inconsistent with his Oath to the people ? Because his Majestie hath first ( say you ) taken an oath for the protection of the people in THEIR LAWS and liberties . Their Laws ? The peoples Laws ? Who made them makers ▪ or Masters of the Laws ? Do the people use to make Laws in a Monarchie ? Behold , all are Law-makers . Who then shall obey ? None but the Clergie ▪ Thus the Clergie must obey the people ; and if obey , then please . For whom we obey , them we must please . And yet there is much danger in pleasing the people : For l If I should please men , ( that is , the common people ) I were not the servant of Christ . The plain truth is , the Laws are the Kings Laws , so we call them , and so they are ; and his subjects must observe them . Otherwise m he beareth not the sword in vaine . The Liberties indeed are the peoples , granted and confirmed unto them by the Soveraignes of this Realme . But wherein n will the latter Oath be a present breach of the former and so unlawfull ? One would think , here were some great wrong offered to the people , as if some immunities , or means were taken from them , and transferred upon the Clergie by this Oath . But when all comes to all , it is no more then this , that o One of the priviledges of the people is , that the Peers and Commons in Parliament , have power , with the consent of the King , to alter what ever in any particular estate is inconvenient to the whole . I had thought , that this priviledge , you speake of , had not been a priviledge of the people , but of the Parliament , that is , of the Peers and Commons , representees of the people met in a lawfull and free Parliament with the Kings consent . Not of the representees of the people alone . But you would faine incense the people a new against us , under a pretence , that all is for their good , and for the maintenance of their priviledges ; because they are represented by the House of Commons . Whereas the truth is , you endeavour to devolve al upon that House , for the erection of P●ssbytery ; That so both Church and State may be Democraticall , both settled under a popular government . 6. Let us take a view of this passage , and see what truth is in it . One of the priviledges of the people is , say you , that the Peers and Commons in Parliament HAVE POWER TO ALTER what-ever is inconvenient . How the Lords will take this , I know not , though of late they have been so passive . Can they endure , that their power should be onely derivative , and that from the people ? Your words are plain ; one of the priviledges of the people is , that the peers have power . As if the Lords had no power in Parliament , but what issued from the peoples priviledges . Why then are they called Peers ; when they are not so much as Peers to the people , but their substitutes , if not servants ? Surely you lay the Lords very lowe . And if it be one of the peoples priviledges that the Lords have power ; then is it also one of their priviledges , that the Lords have no power , that the people may take it from them , when they please . Cuius est instituere , ejus est & destituere ; they that can give power , can also take it away , if they see good . This of late hath been usually vaunted against the House of Commons ; and you say as much to the House of Peers . Whereas the peoples priviledges are but severall grants of the Kings of this Land , proceeding meerly from their grace and favour . Alas , the people hath not so much as a vote in the Election of Peers ; neither have they liberty to choose Members for the house of Commons ; no , not so much as to meet , for any such purpose , untill they be summoned by the Kings Writ . So the peoples priviledges depends upon the Kings summons ; no such priviledge till then . 7. And whereas you say , that the Peers and Commons have power to alter , what-ever is inconvenient ; You are much mistaken . When by the Kings summons they are met in Parliament , they have power to treat and consult upon alterations , as also to present them to his Majestie , and to petition for such alterations , where they see just cause . But they have no power to alter : that is in the King ; or else , why do they Petition him so to this day , to make such changes good , as they contrive ? Hoc est testimonium regiae potestatis , vbique obstinentis principatum . This a full testimonie of the Kings power in all causes , and over all persons , that the Lords & Commons Assembled in Parliament are faine to Petition for his Royall consent and confirmation , before they can induce an alteration . The truth is , the Power of making laws is in him , that gives life to the Law , that enacts it to be a Law : not in them , that advise it , or Petition for it . p Where the word of a King is , there is power ; it is his word , Le Roy Le V●lt , that makes it a Law ; then t is a Law , and not before . No power makes it a Law but his . For q he doth , whatsoever pleaseth him . When it pleaseth him ; not when it pleaseth them : many times therefore he rejects Bills agreed by both houses , with his Roy ne veult , the King will not have them to be Lawes . The reason is given by that renowned Justice Jenkins ; because r the Law makes the King the onely Judge of the Bills proposed . ſ I counsell thee therefore to keep the Kings commandment ( or , to take heed to the mouth of the King ) and that in regard of the Oath of God. t That is ( saith the Geneva Note ) that thou obey the King , and keep the Oath , that thou hast made for the same cause . This is agreeable to Scripture . And the wisest of this Kingdome not long since acknowledged , that u without the Royall consent , a Law can neither be complete nor perfect , nor remaine to posterity . A Law it is not , it binds not , till the King speak the word . Yea the Kingdom of Scotland hath declared , that the power of making Laws is as essentiall to Kings , as to govern by Law , and sway the Scepter . Declar. of the Kingdome of Scotland . p. 34. 8. But if this be the peoples priviledge , that the Peers and Commons in Parliament have power WITH THE CONSENT OF THE KING to alter , what is inconvenient : Whose priviledge is it , I pray you , for the Lords and Commons , without the Kings consent , to make alterations , and abrogations with root and branch ? This is no priviledge of the people , nor yet of the Houses ; x Because ( as Justice Jenkins observes ) it is against their Oaths to alter the Government for Religion . For ( saith he ) every of them hath sworne IN THIS PARLIAMENT , That His Majestie is the onely Supreme Governour in all causes Ecclesiasticall , and over all persons 9. But what inconvenience , I pray you , ariseth to the people from the rights and priviledges of the Clergy ? Not tithes . No , say you , y that justifie them to be due to your precious Presbyters , by divine right . Not the Bishops revenues . By no meanes ; z they must not come into any mans hands but yours ; who are the Parochiall Pastors ; These must be your maintenance . a To seize them to private or civill Interest , is detestable sacriledge , cried out upon all the world over , and to be deplored of all good men . So you with your Master Beza . Indeed to take them away from those , that are intrusted with them , would prove marvelous inconvenient to the people . 10. How many inconveniences will arise to the people of this Kingdome , by stripping the Clergie of their immunities , and lands , cannot suddenly be discovered . Some of them I shal lay down , and leave the rest to be displayed by those , that are cleared fighted . First the curse , that is likely to fall upon this whole Nation by sacriledge . For a nationall sin must have a nationall punishment . b Admensuram delicti erit & plagarum modus ; according to the fault , and the measure thereof , the number of the stripes shall be . Let it be considered , how from severall Counties multitudes came in with Petitions , for the exrirpation of Episcopacy . By whose instigation the Petitioners best know . Think not to avoid the scourge , because multitudes conspired in the sin : c We must not follow a multitude to do evill . Hope not to lye hid in a throng ; d be sure , thy sin will find thee out , as e it did Achan among the thousands of Israel . His nobility could not excuse him . Remember that this was for sacriledge ; for f he stole two hundred shekels of silver , & a wedge of gold , g which were consecrated unto the Lord. This is a dreadfull sinne , h it will lye at thy doore ; it will be a stone of offence to thee , at thy going forth , and thy coming in . 11. I know there are men of severall mindes met at Westminster . Some are wholly bent upon Church lands , and are resolved to swallow them up , come what will come . Others are content to Covenant , Vote , or do any thing to save their own stakes ; For to what purpose were it for them to withstand ? Alas , they are but an handfull ; they may wrong themselves , but no good can they do to Church , or King. But we forget the Lords rule ; i Thou shalt not speak in a cause , to decline after many , to wrest judgement . 12. Some young gentlemen there are , that must plead Ignorance in their votes , as being not acquainted with the state of the question ; much lesse with the mysterie of iniquitie , which worketh powerfully in the sons of disobedience . But they must know , that there be sins of ignorance ; for these there must be an attonement made by the Preist , and without this , for ought I read , no forgivenesse . Levit. 4. Yea , saith the Lord , k If a soule sin , and commit any of these things , which are forbidden to be done by the Commandments of the Lord , though HE WIST IT NOT , yet is be guiltie . And he shall beare his iniquitie , for l he hath certainly trespassed against the Lord. But to bring it home a little neerer to these times , that are so violent for sacriledge , let all Achans broode give eare to the words of the Lord , m If any person transgresse , and sin through ignorance , by taking away things consecrated to the Lord , HE SHALL RESTORE THAT , WHEREIN HE HATH OFFENDED , in taking away of the holy thing , and SHALL PUT THE FIFT PART MORE THERETO , AND GIVE IT UNTO THE PREIST . Then n shall the Preist make an attonement for him , not before ; then shall the sin be forgiven him , not before . Here then remaines no excuse for any , that have the least hand in sacriledge , without restitution . But why do we o abhor Idols , and commit sacriledge ? Why rob we God , as if he were an Idol , not sensible of these wrongs , nor able to revenge them ? 13. Next , when the Church is stripped of her means , what kinde of Clergie shall we have ? p Jeroboams Priests ; the lowest , and meanest , of the people . For as now , so then , q the Priests and Levites followed their true liege Lord. For that Arch-rebell and his sons had cast them off from executing the Priests office . This being done , r who would , might consecrate himself , and be one of the Priests of the high places . Like King , like Priest ; each had alike right to their places . A lively character of our times . These are called the Devils Priests , 2 Chron. 15. 11. men that wanted either the knowledge , or the fear of God , or both . And surely this is the ready way to fi●● our Priests places with men void of Learning , not ſ apt to teach , not t able by sound doctrine either to exhort , or to convince the gainsayers . Now S. Peter tells us , that u the unlearned and unstable ( ungrounded men ) wrest the Scriptures to their own destruction . What then shall become of the people ? x If the blinde lead the blinde , both shall fall into the ditch . This will bring us to that passe , which Bishop Latymer speaks of , y We shall have nothing but a little ENGLISH DIVINITIE ; which will bring the Realm into very barbarousnesse , and utter decay of Learning . It is not that , I wis ( saith that good Bishop ) that will keep out the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome . And this will be a strange dishonour to this Nation , which hath alwayes abounded with Learned men . 14. 3 Hospitalitie will come to nothing ; 4 your rents will be racked ; and 5 your sons barred from one fair and most commendable course to preferment . For with us no one familie , or set persons are tyed to be Priests , as was the Tribe of Levi. The qualification of the person , and not his pedegree , is with us inquired into . What understanding man then will freely dedicate his son to the Ministerie , and be at an extraordinarie charge to breed him up to Divinitie , when his reward shall be certain poverty ? And what Scholer of worth will desire Orders , when he knows , that by these he shall be exposed to contempt and beggary ? Though we love the Priesthood , when we are miserable in it ; yet no man affects the Priesthood , that he may be miserable . I know many , since our coat is grown so contemptible , who intended Divinitie , that have diverted their studie to Physick ; knowing that this Nation is carefull of their bodies , though carelesse of their souls . 15. Is it not enough by this extirpation to barre your selves from heaven , unlesse ye sink your posteritie into the same damnation ? Is it not enough to murder Priests , unlesse ye slay the Priestood also ? Certainly ye run the readie way to do it . If ye will not beleeve Bishop Latymer , because a Priest ; yet trust Sir Edward Coke , because a Lawyer and a States-man . This great learned man assures us , that z It is a more grievous and dangerous persecution to destroy the Priesthood , then the Priests . For by robbing the Church , and spoyling spirituall persons of their revenues , in short time insues GREAT IGNORANCE OF TRUE RELIGION , and of the service of God ; and thereby GREAT DECAY OF CHRISTIAN PROFESSION . For none will apply themselves , or their sons , or any other they have in charge , to the Study of Divinitie , when after long and painfull studie they shall have nothing whereupon to live . Will not our Church then come to a sweet passe ? And yet to this passe we are almost brought . 16. All the inconvenience , that Mr. Geree presseth , is this , that a we are not subject to the Parliament , to be whipped and stripped as they please . If we be not subject to them , I am sure they have made us so . But how far forth , and wherein we are subject to the Parliament , and what Parliament , shall speedily be taken into consideration . Chap. 9. 17. You speak much of b a former and a latter Oath ; the former to the people , the latter to the Clergy . As if His Majestie took two severall Oaths , at two severall times . Whereas in truth it is but one Oath , c as you acknowledge p. 1. taken at the same time , and , as it were in a breath . Indeed there are severall priviledges proposed to the King , which he first promiseth , and afterwards swears to maintain . As for the promise , it is first made in grosse to the people of England ; & afterwards to the severall States of this Realm ; but first to the Clergie by name . In generall to the people of England , the King promiseth to keep the Laws and Customs to them granted by his lawful and religious Predecessors . Under this word People are comprehended the Nobilitie , Clergie , and Commons of this Kingdom . Afterwards distinguishing them into severall ranks , he begins with the Clergie , promising that he will keep to them the Laws , Customes , and Franchizes granted to them by the glorious King S. Edward his Predecess●● . Secondly , he promiseth to keep peace and GODLY AGREEMENT entirely , to his power , both to God , the holy Church , the Clergie , and the People . Here also , you see , his promise to the Church , and Clergie , goes before that to the People . In the third branch His Majestie promiseth to his power to cause Law , Justice ▪ and discretion in mercy and truth to be executed in all HIS JUDGEMENTS , to all before named . Next he grants to h●ld and keep to the Comminalty of this HIS KINGDOM , the Laws , and rightfull Customes , which they have TO THE HONOUR OF GOD [ mark that ] so much as in him lyeth . The Commonalty , you see , are not mentioned , till we come to the fourth clause . And last of all , lest the Bishops , though implied in Church and Clergie , should seem to be omitted , and an evasion left to some malignant spirits , to work their ruine , and yet seem to continue a Clergie ; the King promiseth to the Bishops in particular , that he will preserve and maintain to them all Canonicall priviledges , and due Law and Justice ; and that he will be their Protector and Defender . How then can he desert them , or leave them out of his protection ? 18. These promises made , the King ariseth , is led to the Communion Table , where laying his hand upon the holy Evangelists , he makes this solemne Oath in the sight of all the people : The things , that I have promised , I shall perform and keep ; So help m● God , and the contents of this Book . Though then the promises be severall , the Oath is but one : and so no former , no latter Oath ; not two , but one Oath . d The Kings Oath to the people is not first taken ; but you are wholly mistaken . 19. If any man desire to know , who the People and Commonalty of this Kingdom are , let him look into Magna Charta ; where he shall find them marshalled into severall estates , Corporations , and conditions . There you shall also see the severall Laws ▪ Customes , and Franchizes , which the King and his religious Predecessors have from time to time promised , and sworn ▪ to keep and maintain . That Great Charter begins with the Church ; e Inprimis concessimus Deo : First , we have granted to God , and by this our present Charter have confirmed , f in behalf of our selves and our Heirs for ever , that the Church of England be free , and that she have her Rights entire , and her Liberties unmaimed . Now Sir Edw : Coke , that Oracle of the Law , tels us , that g this Charter for the most part is but DECLARATORY OF THE ANCIENT COMMON LAWS OF ENGLAND : to the observation wherof THE KING WAS BOUND AND SWORN . And not onely the King , but h the Nobles and Great Officers were to be SWORN to the observation of Magna Charta : i which is confirmed by thirtie and two Acts of Parliament . 20. The Liberties of this Church , as I have gleaned them from Magna Charta , and Sir Edw : Coke are these . First , that k the possessions and goods of Ecclesiasticall persons be freed from all unjust exactions and oppressions . Secondly , that l no Ecclesiasticall person be amerced ( or fined ) according to the value of his Ecclesiasticall Benefice , but according to his Lay tenement , and according to the quantitie of his ●ffence . Thirdly , that m the King will neither sell , nor to farm set , nor take any thing from the demeans of the Church in the vacancie . Fourthly , that n all Ecclesiasticall persons shall enjoy all their lawfull Jurisdictions , and other rights wholly without any diminution or subtraction whatsoever . Fiftly , o A Bishop is regularly the Kings IMMEDIATE OFFICER to the Kings Court of Justice in causes Ecclesiasticall . Sixtly , p It is a Maxime of the Common Law , that where the right is spirituall , and the remedy therefore onely by the Ecclesiasticall Law , the conusans thereof doth appertain to the Ecclesiasticall Court. Seventhly , q Sir Edw : Coke tels us from Bracton , that r no other but the King can demand ( or command ) the Bishop to make inquisition . Eightly , ſ Every Archbishoprick and Bishoprick in England are holden of the King per Baroniam ( by Baronry ) . And IN THIS RIGHT THEY THAT WERE CALLED BY WRIT TO THE PARLIAMENT , WERE LORDS OF PARLIAMENT . t And every one of these , when any Parliament is to be holden , ought ex debito Justitiae ( by due of Justice ) to have a Writ of Summons . And this is as much as any Temporall Lord can chalenge . The conclusion of all is this , that u neither the King , nor His Heirs ( or Successors ) will ever endeavour to infringe or weaken these Liberties . And if this shall be done BY ANY OTHER , nihil valeat , & pro nullo habeatur , let it be of no force , and passe for nothing . Hence x it is provided by Act of Parliament , that if any Judgement be given CONTRARY TO ANY OF THE POINTS OF THE GREAT CHARTER , by the Justices , or by any other of the Kings Ministers whatsoever , IT SHALL BE UNDONE , AND HOLDEN FOR NOUGHT . Let all true hearted Englishmen observe this , that are lovers of their Countreys liberties . 21. We have seen , what the King hath granted & sworn , as also in what order ; and that the Oath is but one . And yet Mr. Geree goes forward , as if it were certain without question , that this to the Clergie , were a severall Oath from that to the people . Confidently therefore he presseth it , that y the King cannot afterwards ingage himself . Whereas he ingaged himself alike to his people at the same instant , that he would preserve the priviledges both of Clergie and Commonaltie , because both his people . Now , why His Majestie should be bound to maintain the priviledges of that one estate , rather then of the other ▪ I cannot conceive . Especially when I consider , that z the priviledges of the Clergie are granted to God ; without whose blessing nor privilege , nor people can be preserved . The King then herein non c●●sit jure suo , hath not yeelded up the Clergie or his right to any other ; neither can he with a safe conscience do so . But since a Magna Charta hath been so often confirmed , even by 32. severall Acts of Parliament , the Parliament , in that sense you take it , hath parted with that right it had , by these severall Grants and Confirmations : and we ought in justice to enjoy our priviledges , and they to maintain them ▪ unlesse they mean to affront and subvert so many Acts of Parliament , and that main Charter and honour of this Kingdom . As if they onely had the judgement of infa 〈…〉 ibilitie ; which Scotland denies . Declarat . of the Kingdom of Scotland , p. 19. CHAP. IX . How far forth , and wherein the Clergie is subject to a Parliament , and to what Parliament . 1. THe net is prepared , the snare layed , danger is at hand , and yet we must not forsake , or betray the truth in time of need . The noose layed by our Church adversary , is this : b The Clergie and their priviledges are subject to the Parliament , or they are not . To this we must say , yea , or nay ; and the man thinks he hath us sure enough . But the man is mistaken , one mesh is not well made up ; and I must tell him that we are subject to the Parliament , and we are not . Subject we are to the Parliament , consisting of head and members ; but not to the members without the head , not to the members alone ; since we are subject to the members meerly for the heads sake ; and in those things onely , wherein he subjects us to them . Set apart the head , and we are fellow members , fellow subjects . For Iowe no temporall subjection to any or many Subjects , but onely for the Kings sake . Though the Parliament be a great , a representative , an honourable body , yet it is but a body : And that body , with every member thereof , owe obedience and service to the head ; not one to another . I say nothing , if I prove it not by Scripture . c Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake ; Whether it be to THE KING AS SUPREME ; or unto Governors , AS UNTO THOSE THAT ARE SENT BY HIM , by the King. As if he should say , Submit your selves to the King , for the Lords sake ; and to other Governors for the King● sake . For King● have their Commission from God ; but all State Governors from the King : and Iowe them no subjection beyond their Commission . If then it shall please the King to give the members of Parliament power over us , we must submit either by doing , or suffering . Either by doing , what they shall command , or by suffering , what shall be inflicted on us . 2. Subjection is not due to them , as they are great , or rich men ; but as they are the Kings Ministers . This is evident , because d all Commissions breath and expire with the King e Upon death of the King follows necessarily the dissolution of Parliament . None of us , that are meer Subjects , have at such a time power one over another , but onely by advice ; none of us authority , but onely as this or that man hath gained esteem by his wisedome and integritie . Onely the Preisthood never dyes , because Christ ever lives , from whom the Preist hath his Commission . But all other subordinate powers expect a new Commission from the succeeding Prince . This experience taught us upon the death of Queen Elizabeth . 3. Though this be truth , yet no truth can charge us , that f we claime exemption from secular power . You see , we acknowledge our selves subject to the King , as also to those Ministers , that he sets over us . But as these may not exceed their Commissions given by the King ; neither may the King exceed his Commission granted him by God. The Kings Commission is like the Preists , g ad aedificationem , non ad destructionem , for upholding the Church and service of God ; not for the ruining of either . And the King may not grant a larger Commission to his ministers , then himselfe hath received from the King of Heaven ▪ His Commission is , to be h a nursing father to the Church , not a step-father ; to i preserve to her all her rights and dues , to see , that she be provided with necessaries , and to protect her against her profaine and sacrilegious enemies . Surely if our Soveraigne hath intrusted the Parliament with any power over the Church and Church-men , it is but with some part of that , wherewith God hath enriched him , and no other . 4. Well , k if we be under Parliamentary power , it cannot rationally be conceived , to be the meaning of the King so to subject us to the Parliament , as to forget , or renounce his hath , by destroying the priviledges of the Clergie ( which he hath swo●ne to preserve ) against ( or in dishonour to ) that power to which they are legally subject ▪ How far we are legally subject to this Parliament , I know ; and how far we are ▪ or may be under Parliamentary power , I have alreadie declared . The power we are legally subject to , is his Royall Majestie ; and it is not , it cannot be , the meaning of the Kings oath , to preserve our priviledges against his own power ▪ or to exempt us from his Iurisdiction . Let the world judge , whether your , or our priviledges and principles be distructive of legall power . We are bound by Canon l faithfully to keepe and observe , ( and as much as in us lieth ) to cause to be observed and kept of others , all and singular Laws and Statutes made for restoring to the Crown of this Kingdome , the ancient Jurisdiction over the State Ecclesiasticall , m AGAINST ALL USVRPED and forraign POWER . Marke that ; it is not onely against forraign , but it is against usurped , and all usurped power ▪ Shew me , if you can , one such loyall Canon or resolution from any Presbyteriall Assembly . n This Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall is by the Lawes and Statutes restored to the Imperiall Crown of this Realme , and not upon the Parliament ; because it is by Gods Word settled upon the Crowne . 5. o This authority in causes Ecclesiasticall was in the godly Kings amongst the Jews , & Christian Emperors in the primitive Church ; and hath been exercised by the Kings of this Realme , according to an Act of Parliament in that behalfe , An. 32. Henr. 8. c. 36. According to this Statute were the Bishops and the rest of the Clergie assembled b● King Edward VI. and Queene Elizabeth for composing the Articles of Religion , which were allowed to be holden and executed within this Realme , by the assent and consent of those Princes ; and confirmed by the subscription of the Arch-Bishops & Bishops of the upper House , and of the whole Clergie in the neather House in their Convocation . As is to be seen in the R●tification of those Articles . Agreeable to the same Statute , the Arch-Bishops , Bishops and other of the Clergie were summoned & called by K. Iames to treat of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall ; Which were by them agreed upon An. Dom. 1603. and were by the same King of blessed memorie ratified and confirmed by his Letters Patents . And I am certaine , that we have subscribed and sworne , p That the Kings Majestie under God is THE ONELY SUPREME GOVERNOR of this Realme , and of all other his Highnes Dominions and Countries , as well in all Spirituall , or ECCLESIASTICALL THINGS OR CAUSES , AS TEMPORALL . 6. The substance of your touchie argument is , I hope , satisfied in the eye of every moderate and discreet man. The rest ▪ that follows is but a Rhetoricall flourish , or reiteration of what passed before , as if q the Kings Oath to the Clergie could not be consistent with the priviledges of the Nation , formerly by him sworn to . As if , without peradventure , there were a former and a latter Oath , which I have proved to be most false . And as if we of the Clergie were none of the Nation . Or as if we were bastards , and not legitimate ; slaves , and not free-born subjects . And yet , blessed be God , diverse of our Orthodox Clergie are as well descended , as any that speake against them , Is this , my good brother , to r reverence the Preists , and count them holy ? Is this the way to invite men of worth , to incorporate themselves into your Presbyteriall Hierarchie ? Surely we are a part of this Nation , to whom this promissory Oath was made . Our Rights consisted comfortably many yeers with the priviledges of the people , to the honour of this Nation , and to the astonishment of others . With what face then can you say , that the Kings Oath to the Clergie cannot be consistent with the priviledges of the Nation ? Whereas it is evident , that in three or foure yeers this Nation is so weary of the Presbyteriall encrochments , that they can no longer possibly endure them . 7. But by your words it seems , ſ when and while the Clergy were a distinct corporation from the Laitie , the Oath had this sense , viz. that the Kings oath to the Clergie was consistent with the priviledges of the Nation ▪ That must be the sense , if I know what sense is . But the Clergie were and are a distinct corporation . In ceasing to be Popish , we are not ceased to be Preists : neither is that necessary and just exemption , or distinction yet abolisht . If it be , why are you so zealous , to distinguish us and our privileges , from the people and their priviledges ? Whereas if we be all one without distinction , our priviledges must needs be the very same ; and so no inconsistencie at all . But of this more fully Chap. 11. 8. A Popish exemption it was for the Clergie to be free from the Kings Commands . But this is abolished , and we readily submit to every Ordinance of man ; and wish , that you , and your Assembly brethren would learn the same Christian obedience . A Popish exemption it is for the Bishops and their Churches to know no Governor but the Pope . That also is disclaimed , and at the Kings Coronation it is publickly acknowledged , that the Bishops and their Churches are under the Kings government . The Antichristian usurpation is condemned , and true Christian subjection justified . The King is the ●nely Supreme O vern●r , to him we owe obedience , and to others for him , and under him . And though all Antichristian usurpation were abolish●d upon the death of Queen Mary , yet in all the Acts since that time to this present Parliament the Lords spirituall are distinguished from the Lords temporall , the Clergy from the Laity , and the Convoc●tion from the Parliament . Yea even in these times of confusion , the Clergie are doomed by your great Masters , to be unfit for Lay ▪ or Civill imploiment ▪ If there be no such men , then was that sentence sencelesse : & while we are of the same Corporation with them , we are as capable of any office of State , as the rest of our fellow-subjects , even to be Members of both Houses . But this distinction is still on foot ; the Kings Oath therefore to us is still binding ; especially since our immunities may as well subsist with the priviledges of the Commons , as the priviledges of Bristoll with the Franchizes of London . 9. Indeed you may well twit us with the change of our condition ; for we have just cause with Bishop Latymer to complain , that z there is a plain intent to make the Clergie slavery : which was far from the intention of this Oath , till your faction prevailed in the change . But what inconvenience will follow , if we confesse , that the intention of the Oath was changed , with the change of our condition ? Not that , which you aime at . For therein , and so far forth onely is the intention of the oath changed , as our condition is changed . But wherein is our condition changed ? A Church we are still ; Bishops and Preists we are still ; onely our condition is thus far changed ▪ before we were subject to Antichristian usurpation , but now we are altogether for Christian Allegiance . Before our Bishops and Preists were subject to the Pope ; but we submit wholly to the King. And I hope , we shall not fare the worse for that . The Kings Oath is , to protect the Church , as it is , not as it was ; not as she was popish and superstitious , but as she is Catholick and Apostolike . Then she was subject to the Pope , and free from the King , but now she is subject to the King , and free from the Pope . But you would faine enforce us to our old vomit ; for we cannot but discern , that a far more intollerable tyranny is drawing on , by how much the more dangerous it is to be subject to a multitude , then to one ; to a multitude at home , then to one abroad : Both of them being equally destructive to the liberty of the Church , and alike contrary to the Word of God. 10. Besides , the change of our condition is either for the better or the worse . If for the worse , this is to maintain Popery . He that saith our condition is changed for the worse , justifies , that it is better for us to be subject to the Pope , then to the King. If for the better , then must the intention of the Oath be changed for the better . For are not these your words , that the change of the Clergies condition must needs change the intention of the Oath ? Without question the intention of the Oath was to protect all his subjects in their severall places , dignities , add degrees ; and not to suffer them to oppresse or devoure one another , to see justice done for them and upon them , according to the Laws established ; and not to yeeld to any Law , that may be distructive to the rights or liberties of any of his subjects . 11. The intention of the Oath is , to maintain the ancient , legall , and just rights of the Church ; and to preserve unto the Bishops due law and justice . We desire no more , and no man may with reason deny this , to be the intention of the Oath . The The words are plaine : Sir , will you grant , and keep , and by your Oath confirme the Laws , Customs , and Franchizes granted to the Clergie by the glorious King S. Edward ▪ your Predecessor , &c. And again ; Our Lord and King , we beseech you to pardon and grant , and preserve unto us , and to the Churches committed to your charge , all Canonicall priviledges , and due Law and Justice . All this the King hath sworne to performe ; and hath acknowledged , that by right he ought to do it . And would you have him to be forsworne , and to neglect that , which by right he ought to make good ? Surely you would make an excellent ghostly father for the man of sin . 12. Neither is this the peculiar opinion of us Church-men onely ; that great Oracle of the Law resolves , that a The King is bound to maintain and defend the rights and inheritance of the Church . And he gives two reasons for it ; first , because the Church is alwaies in her minoritie , it is under age : Seconly , she is in Wardship to our Lord the King. And then he addes , b Nec est juri consonum , quod infra aetatem existentes , PER NEGLIGENTIAM CUSTODUM SVORUM exhaeredationem patiantur , seu ab actione repellantur : Neither is it consonant to the Law ( nor yet to conscience ) , that those who are under age , should either be spoiled of their inheritance , or barred from action at Law , THROUGH THE NEGLIGENCE OF THEIR GUARDIANS . Especially Kings being by divine Ordinance made Guardians and nursing fathers to the Church . Es . 49. 23. 13. You see , we have divine and humane Law for what we say , we claime no c priviledges long since by Act of Parliament abolisht . We desire not his Majestie to contradict , but to ratifie bis Oath , and to maintain those Laws he found in force . But as for you , all your endeavour is to perswade the Laity , that our weale is their woe , and that the upholding of the Clergie in their due and ancient state , would be certain ruine to the Commons . As if our Priviledges were like d Pharaohs lean kine , ready to devoure the fat of the Laity : as if our aime were to reduce Antichristian usurpation , & to subvert the ancient Laws . Whereas every man may readily discern , that these are but pretences . The true end aimed at in these invectives and incentives , is that the caninus appetitus the wilde ravenous stomachs of M. Geree and his fellow Presbyterians may be satisfied . But at seven yeers end they will be as lank and hungrie as Pharaohs famished kine . It was so with King Henry VIII : and it will be so with all , that tread in his steps . 14. e It s apparent then to make the intention of that Oath to be false and fallacious , and under pretence , that it may not be against legall alteration , so to wrest it , that it may be to the ruine of a great body of his subjects , and those not the worst ; that it shall be against all Law and conscience , ( for f that Law , which is unjust is no Law ) : That it shall be to the subversion of the true Religion and service of God , to the distraction of his people , and to the eternall dishonor of himself and the whole Kingdome , makes his Oath in your sense utterly unlawfull . And if unlawfull , then is it not obligatory either in foro conscienciae , or in foro justitiae , either before God , or any good man ; unlesse it be to do the contrary . But if this Oath in the true and literall sense be not against legall alteration , but against unjust oppression , sacriledge , and profanenesse , manifest it is , that it is both lawfull and obligatory ; and the King may not , without violation of his Oath , and certain danger of the pure and undefiled Religion , passe a Bill for the abolition of Episcopacy , what ever His Houses of Parliament think , or Petition , or presse never so violently . 15. But your opinion is , that the King may passe a Bill , for the abolition of Episcopacy . And what I thinke , or what the King thinks ; it is no matter if His Houses of Parliament think it convenient , he may do it . It is wonder , you had not said , he must do it . Indeed you say that , which is equivalent ; for are not these your words ; g He cannot now deny consent ( to their abolition ) without sin ? And if the King without sin cannot deny it , then must he assent unto it . Thus by your words it seemes , he is at their disposing , not they at his . Indeed , if a man may beleeve you , the power is in the Houses , and not in the King. For do not you say , that h the Peers and Commons in Parliament have power , with the consent of the King , to alter whatsoever , &c. And againe ; i There 's no question of POWER IN THE PARLIAMENT to over-rule it . The power , it seemes , is in them , consent onely in the King. And here , The King may passe a Bill , when His Houses think it convenient . Well , he may , and he may choose ; he may consent , or dissent . k Cujus enim est consentire , ejus est & dissentire . And so long we are well enough . For the Kings Negative in Parliament is a full testimony of his Supreme power . Hence is it , that the Houses Petition for his consent , which they need not do , if the power were in the Houses . Besides , His Houses , the Kings Houses , you call them ; and so they are . This also manifests , that they are at his disposing , and not He at theirs . They must therfore wait his pleasure , til he thinks it convenient . His consent they may Petition for , enforce they ought not , since they are his subjects ; enforce it they cannot , since l he hath power over his own will. And whatever you suppose , it is in his power to consent , or dissent , when he sees it convenient ; and consequently to keep , or not to keep his Oath . His affirmative makes it a Law ; his negative denys it to be a Law. For m The King is the onely Judge , whether the Bills agreed upon , and presented , be for the publick good , or no : And to take away the Kings negative voice , is contrary to your Covenant ; it diminisheth the Kings just power and greatnesse ; and cuts off all Regall power . Witnesse the Declaration of the Kingdome of Scotland . p. 18. CHAP. X. Whether it be lawfull for the King , to abrogate the Rights of the Clergie . 1. THe question proposed is concerning Episcopacy ; but now you are fallen to the Rights of the Clergie . As if this were a sound and unanswerable argument , It is lawfull for the King to abrogate the Rights of the Clergy : Ergo , It is lawfull for him to abrogate Episcopacy . It is for all the world , as if one should say , It is lawfull for the King to take away the Rights of Lawyers ; Ergo , he may also take away Judicature . Yet all men would say , that this were flat tyrannie ; since without Judicature no man can compasse , or enjoy his own with peace . 2. But I shall return your argument so upon you , as shall concern you more neerly . It is lawfull for the King to abrogate the Rights of the Clergie : it is therefore lawfull for him to abrogate Presbytery . How like you this ? Is it not your own argument , changing terme Episcopacy into Presbytery . Ye have strooke out the former & set up the latter in the place of Episcopacy . And your scholers , by the same argument , may live to root up thut too , if any lands be annexed to this great Diana of Geneva . Thus you have made a rod to scourge your selves with . 3. But you will say , that though it be legall for the King , to take away the Rights , yet he may not destroy the Order . And why so ? Because the Rights are granted by man , but the Order was settled by God : And what God hath ordained , is not lawfull for man to abrogate . I must return you the same answer , since t is sufficiently justified . C. 4. 5. That the Order of Episcopacy is the immediate institution of our B. Saviour , and Ministeriall root , from whence all Orders spring . Though then this be n the usuall way of cleering this your assertion , and you o conceive it to be a sound resolution , yet learned men see , that you have said just nothing , unlesse you confesse , that the Order of Presbyter may likewise be ex●i●pated by Royall authority . 4. But return we to the Rights of the Clergie , and take notice upon what grounds you suppose it lawfull for the King to abrogate those Rights , which he hath vowed so solemnly to maintain . p The King ( say you ) is sworne to maintaine the Laws of the Land in force at his Coronation . Yet it is not unlawfull for him after to abrogate any of them , upon the motion , or with the consent of his Parliament . I am glad that you acknowledge it to be the Kings Prerogative , to maintaine the Laws of the Land ; and that it is not unlawfull for him , to abrogate any of them with the consent of his Parliament . If he be bound by Oath , either he hath power to maintain these Laws , or not . If he hath not power , it is a senselesse Oath . If he hath power , where is it ? What is become of it ? Hath he resigned it ? We know the contrary . Hath he forfeited it ? To whom ? To his subjects ? He can no more forfeit his Regall power to his subjects , then a father the right of fatherhood to his children . He is no more a King upon condition , then a father is a father upon condition . His power he hath not from the people , but from God. q Per me Reges regnant , by me Kings reign , saith God. And , I hope , God speaks no untruth . His substitute the King is , for r He sits on Gods ( not on the peoples ) throne ; and ſ King he is for the Lord , in his stead . 5. If you object misdemeanours , or bearing armes against His Parliament ; your self say , that t He is sworne to maintain the Laws of the Land. The Laws , Liberties , and Properties were all at stake , they were trampled upon by his faithlesse , but potent Subjects . This enforced him to take up u that sword , which he ought not to beare in vaine , but to x execute wrath as the Minister of God , upon them that do evill ; upon such , as plunder his good subjects , and turn them out of house and home . For y the King is made by God the Supreme Governor , for the punishment of evill doers , as also for the praise of those , that do well . But suppose the King were a tyrant , as bad as bad may be , yet z we ought from our hearts to give him all due honour ; so Beza ; and not to rob him of his just power . If he sin a it is against God onely ; and to him onely he must account ; not to his Subjects . 6. Well , bound he is by Oath , b to maintain the Laws , while they are Laws . As yet then the rights of the Church are safe , and the King is bound to maintain them . But how long are these Laws in force ? c Till they are abrogated BY JUST POWER IN A REGULAR WAY . They are your own words , and we subscribe them . But the just power is in His Majestie , by your own confession , both d to maintain , and to abrogate Laws . And the regular way , say you , is at the motion , or with the consent of HIS PARLIAMENT . But with all our loyall Predecessors we say , at the petition , or humble suit [ not at the motion ] of His Parliament . And His it is , his they are all , though Members of Parliament , since the Parliament is His. They are not then a Parliament of themselves , at their own choice , or disposing , nor yet without him . His they are ; I am sure , they should be so ; I would to God they were so . * The King is the fountain of honour and power within his own Dominions . And e who may say unto him , What doest thou ? Why doest thou honour this man , and not that ? Why doest thou call a Parliament at this time , and not at that ? f Impius est , qui Regi dixerit , inique agis : He is impious , that saith unto the King , thou dealest unjustly , or unequally . So the Fathers read that place . No obbraiding , no controulling of a King ; g He can do no wrong . So the Law. 7. His , the Kings , they are , when they are met , and set in Parliament , h His great Councell , Magnum Concilium Regis ; i His Houses , k His Parliament . And l therefore called so , that they may Parlar la ment , speak their minds freely for the generall good . Him they may entreat , not controul ; advise , not command ; perswade , not enforce . Suppose , the King grants them power and authoritie , he grants them none either over , or against himself : this he cannot do . This were to set the Members above the Head , and to make his Subjects superior to himself . This were to despoil himself of the power of the Sword. But this he may not do , since m God hath made him supreme , and n given him the charge of the Sword. And His Majestie may not invert that order , which God hath set ; neither may he repeal Gods ordinance , or make it void . God hath laid the charge upon him , and he cannot with a safe conscience decline it , or neglect it . 8. Observe , I beseech you : o though Pharaoh set Joseph over his house , and over his people to rule and arm them at his pleasure : though Joseph were so p made Ruler over all the land of Egypt , yet without him no man might lift up his hand or foot , within that land ; yet Joseph is not king . q Pharaoh keeps his throne ; and therein is he greater then Joseph , who still is but Pharaohs deputy , though r Lord of all Egypt . And though he be ſ a father to Pharaoh , yet t is he still at his command . Thus is it with the Parliament of England ; though they are put in highest trust by the King , yet are they still at his disposing , either u to be adjourned , prorogued , or dissolved at his pleasure ; and are at his command in all things lawfull and honest . To this great Councell we are no further to submit , then in those things they are sent for by the King , and so far forth as they have commission from him . S. Peter saies the same . x Submit your selves unto THE KING AS SUPREME , or unto Governors AS UNTO THEM , THAT ARE SENT BY HIM , by the King. So far forth , and in such things , for which they are sent , I owe them obedience ; but no further . 9. How far forth the King is sworn to maintain the Laws of the Land , and upon what grounds they may safely be repealed , we have alreadie seen . Now we are called upon to descend to the Rights of the Clergie ; whereof your resolution is this , by way of consequence . y So the King by his Oath is bound to maintain THE RIGHTS OF THE CLERGIE , while they continue such . But , blessed be God , such they do continue : the King therefore by Oath is bound to maintain them . 10. z But ( say you ) if any of their Rights be abrogated by just power , he stands no longer ingaged to that particular . Why , I beseech you , do you leave out something here , that you held necessary for the abrogation of the Laws of the Land. Before it was , that the Laws might be abrogated by just power in a regular way . But here you grant , that the Rights of the Clergie may be abrogated by just power . But what 's become of the regular way ? Was it forgotten ? or left out on set purpose ? Surely there is a my fiery in it ; for your argument ought to procede thus : By what means the Laws of the Land may be abrogated , by the same means may the Rights of the Clergie be abrogated . But the Laws of the Land may be abrogated by just power in a regular way . Ergo , The Rights of the Clergie may be abrogated by just power in a regular way . Thus the Syllogisme stands fair for the form ; and the Major or Minor Proposition must be denied by the respondent : otherwise he is at a non-plus , and convinced . But your conclusion is , So , or , Ergo , the Rights of the Clergie may be abrogated by just power . But this so is faultie ; and so is the Syllogisme ; because the minor terminus is maimed in the conclusion ; it comes not in whole , as it should do . The reason why , is plain ; because you are not able to set down a regular way , wherein , or whereby those Rights , you aim at , may be abolished . 11. And what wonder , that you can finde no regular way for the Clergie and their rights , since you have put them clean out of the regular , the right way . And when ye will find the regular way , God knows ; for , plain it is , that ye are out of the way . Ye wander this way , and that way , like men in a Maze , or mis-led by an Ignis fatuus , by Jack in a lantern . No rule at all you have to be guided by but onely this , that the Book of Common Prayers must down , and Episcopacy shall not stand . So farewell heavenly devotion , and all true faith ; and farewell Church . If this be not to be possessed with the spirit of giddinesse , and impietie , I know not what is . 12. But , I pray you , give me leave , before I passe further , to tell you , that Just power goes alwayes in a regular way . And when it leaveth that way , it ceaseth to be just ; unlesse inforced by such necessitie , as cannot be provided for in a regular way . That power onely is just , which doth nothing wittingly but what is just ; and distributes to every man and societie their severall dues . If it do otherwise , we cannot call it just , unlesse we desire to incur that sentence of the Almighty , a He that saith unto the wicked , Thou art righteous , him shall the people curse , Nations shall abhor him . 13. Well , be it just , or unjust , be it never so much cursed at home , or abhorred abroad , you are resolved to justifie the Abrogation of the Rights of the Clergie . What ? A Clergie-man , and a Preacher of the Word of God , and altogether for ruine and destruction ? Surely you are not a Preacher of that Word , which S. Paul taught ; for he professeth , that b authoritie is given to men of our calling , not for destruction , but for edification . Shew me one Preacher in the word of God , besides Corah and his confederates , that ever spake , or wrot any thing against the Rights of the Clergie . You cannot possibly , unlesse you bring in Judas with his c Ad quid , finding fault , with that cost , which was bestowed upon our Saviours person . Indeed no man so fit for your turn ; d he robbed and betrayed the head , and you the body . But you know , what censure is passed upon him for it ; e This he said , because he was a theife , and did carrie the bag . He did , and you would . It is private , not publick interest , that stirres up ambitious and greedy spirits against Christ and his Vicegerents . I can shew you f S. Paul magnifying his office , and g justifying the priviledges therof . But you are none of S. Pauls followers ; Demetrius and Alexander , silver-smiths and Copper-smiths , are your good Masters , and with them I leave you . 14. But what are these Rights that you are so eagar to have abrogated ? Every subject in his severall place and degree hath right to his lands , to his goods , to his liberties and privileges : and so hath every Clergie-man ; unlesse we of the Clergie be no longer subjects , but slaves . Would you have all these , or onely some of these abolished ? A question it was at first , but now I see , what they are . First , h Episcopacy . 2ly , i The Clergies priviledges , & immunities . 3ly , the k Bishops Ecclesiasticall , or sole Jurisdiction in so large a circuit . 4ly , l The Bishops great revenues . Thus the Rights of the Clergie , are precisely inventoried , that so neither root nor branch may scape their fingers . Episcopacy we have already taken into consideration ; now let us take a survey of the rest . 15. But first let us observe the course , you propose , to strip us of these Rights . Your method is subtil , and your expressions at first view seeme moderate : you put us in equall balance with the rest of our fellow-subjects . Thus you argue ; m It is not unlawfull to abrogate ANY of the Laws of the Land : It is not therefore unlawfull to abrogate ANY of the Rights of the Clergie . Thus far your argument seemes to proceed fairely . But how comes it to passe , that out of this Any of the Kingdome , you conclude against All the Rights of the Clergie ? For what have the Clergie besides their Orders , priviledges , and immunities ; besides their Jurisdiction and revenues ? And yet all , all these you expose to the mercie of a Parliament . But , in good sooth , do you think , that if it be lawfull for a Parliament to alter or abolish any particular Laws of the Land , that therefore it is lawfull to take away all , that the Clergie have , or should have ? Indeed this is something answerable to the proceedings of these times . It would sound very harsh , if it were thus resolved ; It is lawfull for King and Parliament to abrogate any of the Laws of the Land : It is therefore lawfull for them to abolish all the Laws of the Land. And yet this is your manner of arguing . As if a particular included the generall ; as if any were equivalent to all . Which is apparently false ; for universals are of a far larger extent then these individua vaga , uncertain notions . Though all comprehend any , yet any comprehends not all . For lawfull it is not to subvert the fundamentall Laws ; therefore not all . This were to raze the foundation of the Kingdome . Were this justified of any particular Corporation , or body politick , besides the Clergie , it would not be indured . Oh , how would the Citizens of London storme , if we should conclude thus ; It is lawfull to take away any of the Laws of the Land ; and therefore it is lawfull to take away all the Rights of the City of London . Yet let wise men judge , if this be not your argument right . But the Clergie is become the asse of the times ; it must bear all , or sink under the burden . 16. But you say , that this is to be done n by just power in a regular way . Well and good . But can that be a just power , which deals unjustly ? For o Justice gives to every man his own ; according to Gods Command , p Render to every man his due . The Law of God we confesse to be the Supreme Law ? Whatever then is done against the Law of God , cannot be just . Yea though it be done by a Law , no Act can justifie it ; since a Law contrary to Gods Word , is no sooner made , then void . I speak to Christians . But with you r the Law shall be valid , though injurious . To the injuriousnesse of this Law I shall submit , because a subject ; but never acknowledge any validitie therein , because a Christian . 17. By a just power , we see , this cannot be done ; how then shall it be done in a regular way ? A regular way , as you conceive you have set down ; wherein any Law of the Land may be abrogated . And that is , ſ upon the motion , or with the consent of the Parliament . How comes this to passe ? Because the Parliament consists of the head , and the representative body of the whole Kingdome . And who are these ? First t the King , who is the head . 2ly , the Lords spirituall and temporall : and 3ly , the Commons . But the Parliament is maimed of late . u 1. The House of Commons represents the greivances of the Countrey . 2. The House of Lords advise his Majestie with their counsell , and propose for the common good , what they conceive meet . 3. x It is in the Kings power to assent to these proposals , or to disassent , to make them Statutes , or no Statutes . And that the Crown may receive no detriment , the King hath the Judges of the Land , his Councell , and other Officers of State present , to prevent such mischiefes . The Lords take care of their Lands and honors , that they be not damnified by any new Law. The Knights and Burgesses by the severall Counties and Corporations , are intrusted with such things , as concern their generall or particular good . And all are to take care for the good of the Church , the common mother of us al. In these things every man doth , or ought to provide , that all things be so done for the Common good , that ( if it be possible ) nothing be done to the prejudice of any . 18. And reason for it : for as y by one Spirit we are all baptised into one body spirituall , or mysticall , so by the goodnesse of God we all are under one King incorporated into one body politick . z But the body is not one member , but many . Indeed a if it were all one member , where were the body ? And God hath so tempered this body together , that b every member hath need one of another ; and c those , which seem to be most feeble , are necessary . All this was done by the great wisedome of God , d that there might be no divisions , or distractions , in the body : but that the members should have the same care one for another . Thus God hath knit us together with the bonds of a mitie and necessity , that we might love one another sincerely . But Charity is so farre from doing wrong , that e she seeketh not her own . Which is thus to be understood , according to S. Austins expression , f Quia communia propriis , non propria communibus anteponit : Because Charity prefers the Common good before her own private interest , and not her own private interest before the Common good . Where this love is , ther 's the Common-wealth . But what state is that Kingdom in , where they that are intrusted by the publick , seeke their own , and indeavour with might and maine , to make that theirs , which is none of theirs ? Where under pretence of the Common good , they ingrosse all into their own clutches ? Is not this the crying sinne , the grand Monopolie of these times ? 19. The regular way to abrogate any of the Rights of the Clergie , or Laity , is at their own motion , or consent , made and delivered by their representatives in Parliament , or Convocation . Henry VIII , with Cromwell , and the rest of his blessed Councel , after banishment of the Popes power , knew not which way to make a title to Monasteries with their lands and goods , but onely by grant and surrender of the Abbots . With them therefore he labours by his great and active servant Cromwell ; who prevailes with some by promises and large annuities ; with other by violence and the sword : as is manifested by Master Spelman , in the Preface to his ever honoured fathers book De non temerandis Ecclesiis . The Statute therefore 31. Hen. VIII . C. 13. tells us , that These Grants Surrenders , &c. were made FREELY , VOLUNTARILY , AND WITHOUT COMPULSION , to the King , his Heires and Successors . What ever the truth be , this was the onely legall pretence they could devise . And this is the onely course you can take , to make a plea in Law to the Church-lands . You are faine therefore at last to perswade the Clergies consent , p. 5. But of that in due place . 20. In the mean space thus much by the way . Either we are subjects , or no subjects ; If we are subjects , then ought we to have the liberties and priviledges of subjects ; whereof this is one , that not so much as a Subsidie , or a little Ship-mony be taken from any one of us , without our assent yeelded either by ourselves , or by such as we put in trust . And this present Parliament hath often protested before God and the world , that the Rights and Liberties of Subjects they do and will defend with their lives and fortunes . Why then are our Rights and Liberties so strook at , and exposed to contempt and sale ? Are we no subjects ? Surely we were borne so . How then did we forfeit g our birth-right ? By taking Orders ? Then is it better to be Mr. Gerees groom , then himself . And , it may be , this is the reason , why so many step up into the Pulpit without Orders , lest perchance they lose their birth-right . 21. It may be , you will say , that we were not born Priests or Clergie-men . You say right ; neither is any man born a Lawyer , a Goldsmith , or a Draper . And yet when any of our brethren undertake these professions , they enjoy the Rights and Liberties , they were born to , with some additions . And why not we ? And yet we poore Clergie-men are the onely free-born Subjects , that are out-lawed , as it were , and cast forth as dung upon the face of the earth . Surely it is better to be a Parliamentarians foot-boy , then h a Steward of the mysteries of Christ . And yet such we are . Little do these men consider , that all Subjects are born alike capable of these Rights , if so they be fit to take Orders . The wrong therefore is done alike to all free-born Subjects ; perchance to Mr. Speakers grandchild . Since then i the Kings Oath ( as you confesse ) is against acting or suffering a tyrannous invasion on Laws and Rights ; it must necessarily follow , that as he may not act , so he may not suffer any such tyranny to be used . Hitherto he hath withstood these temptations : and God , I hope , will ever deliver him from them , and from the hands of his enemies . Even so Amen , Lord Jesu . CHAP. XI . Whether the Clergie and Laitie be two distinct Bodies , or one Body Politick . That Church-men in all ages had some singular priviledges allowed them . 1. THat with some colour you may perswade the people , that it is lawfull not onely to clip the wings , but to pick the carkasse , and to grate the very bones of the Clergie , you tell them , that k this Oath was so framed , when the Clergie of England was a distinct Society or Corporation from the people of England . When was this Oath , I beseech you , framed ? You should have done well to have pointed out the time ; and not tell us , that l this distinction is a branch of Popery . But this is the fashion of such , as you are , when you intend to disgrace , alter , or destroy any thing , that concerns the Church , then presently 't is Popery . Thus you cast a mist before the peoples eyes , that loath Popery ; and yet know not , what Popery is . 2. But this His Majesties Oath is grounded upon the Word of God , who hath made promise to his Church , spread among the Gentiles , that m Kings shall be her nursing fathers , and Queens her nursing mothers . When therefore Christian Kings are inthroned , they take a most solemn Oath , not onely to administer true justice to the people , but that they will also maintain the Rights and priviledges of the Church and Clergie , as by right they ought to do . The reason is , because there are so many envious & mischievous eyes upon the Church : because n the Edomites and Ishmaelites , the Moabites and Hagarens , have cast their heads together with one consent , and conspired to take her houses and lands into possession . Gods Word prevails with few ; the Kings sword therefore must stand between the Church , and such sacrilegious spirits . 3. If they fail in this duty , then o will the Lord enter into judgement with the Ancients of the people , and the Princes thereof . What , for this cause ? Yes , for this very cause : p For ye have eaten up the vineyard ; the spoil of the poore is in your houses . Is this any thing to the Church ? Yes marrie is it , the Geneva Note tels you so . q Meaning ( saith the Note ) that the Rulers and Governors had DESTROYED HIS CHURCH , and not preserved it ACCORDING TO THEIR DUTY . Those , who are guilty of this mischief , let them beware : His Majesties comfort is , that he hath withstood these impious designes according to his duty . For r whosoever shall gather himself IN THEE , AGAINST THEE , shall fall . ſ Meaning the DOMESTICALL ENEMIES OF THE CHURCH , as are the HYPOCRITES . Dear brother , take heed to your feet , and remember , that t it is a dreadfull thing to FALL into the hands of the everliving God. But view we your reason . 4. u The Clergie and Laitie ( say you ) were distinct bodies ; but this distinction is taken away , and Laity and Clergie are now one body Politick . One body Politick ? Are we so ? Whence is it then , that the Bishops are thrust out of the House of Peers ; and that none of us may vote , or sit in the House of Commons ? Are we of the same body ; and yet have no priviledges with the body ? In at subjection , out at immunities ? In at taxes , out at privileges ? This is one of those even Ordinances , which your blessed Covenant hath hatched . Of the same body we are , under the same power , subject to the same Laws , and yet not capable of the same privileges . Is this equalitie ? Scoggins doal right , some all , and some never a whit . 5. Neither do we say , that we are a severall or distinct body ; but we are a severall state , or Corporation in the same body . One body , but severall members in and of the same body . In Ecclesiasticall persons of this Kingdom are commonly three qualities or conditions : one is naturall , the other two are accidentall . 1. Englishmen and denisons of this kingdom we are by birth : 2. Vniversitie men by matriculation and education : and 3. Clergie men by Ordination . By the first we have an interest in the privileges of the kingdom . By the second we have an interest in the immunities of the Universitie . By the third we have an interest in the Rights of the Church . The later privileges do not annihilate that right or claim , which we have by birth . Neither cease we to be the Kings Subjects , because Clergie men . In taking Orders we put not off Allegeance ; we rather confirm and inlarge it . For x a shame it is for us to teach others , what we do not our selves . And our duty it is , to y put every man in minde to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey Magistrates . 6. That there are severall relations in us of the Clergie , and that we have severall privileges by these relations , will appear evidently in S. Paul , who was z an Israelite by blood , a a Roman by freedom , but b an Apostle by Ordination . By his Orders he lost none of his former privileges , but c acquired new , whereto he had no right as Israelite , or Romane . Yet , as occasion serves , he stands upon his privileges as a Romane ; and both d the Centurion and the Commander in chief were afraid to offend against that law , or privilege . But we with bl●shlesse foreheads trample upon Gods Laws , and the privileges of his nearest servants . But though S. Paul stand upon his privileges , and e magnifie his office , yet f he acknowledgeth himself to be Cesars subject , and that at his tribunall HE OUGHT TO BE JUDGED . 7. Our Saviour himself had severall Relations : g he was the Son of David , and the Lord of David ; the Son of David , according to his humanitie ; but the Lord of David , in his Deitie . As Lord of all , he receives tithes and sacrifices ; h as a Subject he payes tribute to Cesar : and when an arraigned person , i he acknowledgeth Judge Pilate to have power against him . Besides this , he is a King , a Priest , and a Prophet : a King , to command ; a Priest , to offer sacrifice ; and a Prophet , to foretell , what he sees meet . Nay there is hardly a Citizen of London , but hath a treble relation to severall privileges : 1. to the generall Rights as he is a free denison of this Nation ; 2. to others , as he is Citizen of London ; and to a third sort , as he is free of this or that Company . And shall the meanest Freeman enjoy his severall Rights , when the Ministers and Stewards of God are cut out of all . Are we dealt with as the Dispensers of Gods high and saving mysteries ? Nay , are we so well dealt with as the lowest members of this Nation ? Is not this the way to lead in Jeroboams Priests ; to fill the Pulpits with the scum of the people , and to bring the Priesthood into utter contempt ? O all ye , that passe by the way , behold , and consider , if ever the like shame befell any Nationall Church , that is threatened to ours , at this day . But k thus it comes to passe , when there is no King in the Israel of God. 8. If this distinction between Clergie and Laity be a branch of Popery , how comes it to passe , that those great Reformers , and zealous enemies to Popery , suffered the Clergie to continue a distinct Province of themselves ; and that they did not with Popery quite extinguish this distinction ? Why doth Q. Elizabeth call them l a great State of this Kingdome , if they be no State at all ? Why did King Edward VI. that vertuous Lady Queene Elizabeth , and wise King Iames , summon the Bishops to convene in Convocation as a distinct society ; and to vote in the House of Peers as Lords spirituall ; plainly by title distinguished from the Lords temporall ? m Vndoubtedly ( say you ) all priviledges of the Clergie , that are ( or were ) contrariant to the Laws of the Land , were abolisht in the reign of Henry the eight . They were so . It follows therefore undoubtedly , that these priviledges , which were continued through so many Princes raigns that were enemies to Popery , were neither Popish nor contrariant to the Laws of the Land. And yet some of those times were not over favourable to the Clergie . 9. That we are a distinct society , or Corporation from the people is evident ; by the Coronation Oath , by Magna Charta , by severall Acts of Parliament , and by Scripture itself . The Coronation Oath observes the distinction of Clergie and People ; and assures us , that they shall be distinctly preserved . Magna Charta does the like : and the Acts of Parliament distinguish the Kings subjects into Clergie and Laity , allotting to each their severall priviledges ; allowing the people to take many courses , which the Clergie may not . This distinction is approved by Scripture , where n the Lord takes the Levites from among the children of Israel . S. Paul assures us , that o Every High Preist is TAKEN FROM AMONG MEN. And the Scholiast tels us ▪ that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is there taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if the Apostle had said , he is set apart from men , from the Common people . This exemption or distinction , which you are pleased to call q a branch of Popery , or r of Antichristian usurpation , is here justified by Gods owne word . And Josephus that was well skilled in Moses writings , and Judaicall Antiquities , testifies , that ſ Moses did seperate the tribe of Levi from the communitie of the people . He might have said , that God himself did it ; for the text saith plainly , that t THE LORD SEPERATED THE TRIBE OF LEVI to beare the Arke of the Covenant , to stand before the Lord , to administer unto him , and to blesse in his name . From that time forward u they were not numbred amongst the rest of the people ; x the Lords they were : and y the rest of the tribes were strangers to their office . z The very light of nature taught the heathen to distinguish between Preist and people ; and to allow them distinct priviledges . And the light of Scripture taught Christians to do the like : hence is it , that not onely in the Canons of the Church , but also in the Imperiall constitutions this distinction between the Clergie and Laity is most frequent and familiar . Otherwise what strange confusion must necessarily have overspread the face of the Church , if this distinction had not been religiously preserved ? What diverse would not see , these times have enforced us to feele . 10. And yet for all this , we say not , that a we are exempt from secular power ; neither set we up two Supremacies . This will prove to be your Popish or Anarchicall doctrine ; yours , I say , that would so fain cast this aspersion upon us . For do not you tell us , that b ther 's a Supremacie in the King , and a Supremacie in the Parliament ? Are not here two Supremacies set up by you ; that so you may make the Parliament Law-lesse , and subject to no power ? We detest and have abjured the Popes Supremacie ; and not onely that , but all other Supremacies , besides the Kings , within these his Majesties Dominions and Countries . For we have sworne , that King Charles is THE ONELY SUPREME GOVERNOR of all his Realms , over all persons in all causes . But you induce the peoples Supremacie . Wheras we know no Coordination but a Subordination of all persons severally and jointly to his Majestie , and to his Majestie onely , within all his Dominions . 11. We protest before God and the world , sincerely and from the heart , that the King is major singulis , & major universis , greater then any , and greater then all the Members of his Dominions , whether in , or out of Parliament : and that he is c homo a Deo secundus , & solo Deo minor , second to God , and lesse then God onely . To this our best Lawyers bear Testimonie , even that d the King is Superior to all , and Inferior to none . And our e Acts of Parliament say the same . Thus much in substance we have sworne ; and we unfainedly beleeve , that all the world cannot absolve us of this Oath . As therefore we hitherto have done , so shall we still , by Gods grace , bear faith , and true Allegiance to his Majestie , his heirs and successors , though it be to the hazard of our liberty , of our estates , and lives . Yea we acknowledge our selves obliged to the Laws of the Land in all those things , which concern the right and peaceable administration of the State. To the King we pay first fruits and tenths : which Lay Impropriators are seldome charged with . To the King we grant and pay subsidies after an higher rate , then any of the Laity , by many degrees . Where then are the two Supremacies , which we erect ? 12. 'T is true indeed , that f For deciding of controversies , and for distribution of Justice within this Realm , there be TWO DISTINCT JURISDICTIONS , the one ECCLESIASTICALL , limited to certain spirituall and particular cases . The Court , wherin these causes are handled , is called Forum Ecclesiasticum , the Ecclesiasticall Court. The other is SECULAR and generall ; for that it is guided by the Common and generall Law of the Realme . Now this is a maxime , affirmed by the Master of the Law , that g The Law doth appoint every thing to be done by those , unto whose office it properly appertaineth . But h unto the Ecclesiasticall Court diverse causes are committed jure Apostolico , by the Apostolicall Law. Such are those , that are commended by S. Paul to Timothy the Bishop of the Ephesians , and to Titus the Bishop of the Cretians . First , to i receive an accusation against a Presbyter , and the manner how . 2ly , to k rebuke him , if occasion require . 3ly . l If any Presbyter preach unsound doctrine , the Bishop is to withdraw himself from him , m that is to excommunicate him . 4ly , n In the same manner he is to use blasphemers , disobedient and unholy persons , false accusers , trucebreakers , Traitors , and the like . 5ly , o The Bishop is to reject , p that is , to excommunicate , all Hereticks after the first and second admonition . 13. q These things the Ordinary ( or Bishop ) ought to do De droit , of Right ( as Sir Edward Coke speaks ) that is to say , he ought to do it by the Ecclesiasticall Law IN THE RIGHT OF HIS OFFICE . These censures belong not to secular Courts ; they are derived from our Saviours Preistly power , aud may not be denounced by any , that is not a Preist at least . And , r a Maxime it is of the Common Law , ( saith that famous Lawyer ) that where the right is spirituall , and the remedy therefore ONELY BY THE ECCLESIASTICALL LAW , the c●nusans thereof doth appertain to the Ecclesiasticall Court. But ſ A BIHOP is regularly THE KINGS IMMEDIATE OFFICER to the Kings Court of Justice in causes Ecclesiasticall . Therefore not a company of Presbyters : no rule for that . And this is it that wrings and vexes you so sorely . For your a me is t to share the Bishops Lands and Jurisdiction among you of the Presbyteriall faction . This your vast covetousnesse & ambition have of late cost the Church full deere , and have been a maine cause of these divisions and combustions . By these means you have made a forcible entrie upon Nabaoths Vineyard . It were well Ahab and Jezabel would beware in time . However , wise men consider , that every one , that steps up to the Bar is not fit to be a Judge ; nor every one , that layes about him in the Pulpit , meet to be a Bishop . 14. Besides , in those Epistles this power is committed to single Governors , to Timothy alone , and to Titus alone . But Timothy and Titus were Bishops strictly and properly so called ; that is , they were of an higher order then Presbyters , even of the same with the Apostles . Hence is that of S. Cyprian , u Ecclesia super EPISCOPOS constituitur , & omnis actus Ecclesiae PER EOSDEM PRAEPOSITOS gubernatur . The Church is settled upon BISHOPS , and every Act of the Church is ruled BY THE SAME GOVERNORS . By Bishops , not by Presbyters . Now the word of God is , norma sui , & obliqui , the rule , whereby we must be regulated : from which if we depart , we fall foule , or runne awry . Since then the Church is settled upon Bishops , it is not safe for any King or State to displace them , lest they unsettle themselves and their posterity . They that have endeavoured to set the Church upon Presbyters , x have incurred such dangers , as they wot not of . For if we beleive S. Cyprian , 1 they offend God , 2 they are unmindfull of the Gospel ; 3 they affront the perpetuall practise of the Church ; 4 they neglect the judgment to come ; and 5 endanger the souls of their brethren , whom Christ dyed for . Neither is this the opinion of S. Cyprian onely ; Ignatius speaks as much ; y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , As many as are Christs , cleave fast to the Bishop . But these that forsake him , and hold communion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the accursed , shall be cut off with them . This is Ignatius genuine resolution , attested by Vedel●us from Geneva : and if true ; a most dreadfull sentence for those , that endeavour the extirpation of Episcopacy . 15. As for the Priviledges of the Clergie , which you are so earnest to ruinate , I shall manifest , that they have footing in the Law of Nature , in the Law of Moses , and in the Gospel . In the Law of Nature . z Abraham give tithes to the Preist of the most high God , a The Preists in Egypt had lands belonging to them , as also portions of the Kings free bountie . And the same Law of Nature taught Pharoah and Joseph b not to alienate either the Preists lands , or other their maintenance in time of extremest famine . By the light of Nature c A●taxerxes King of Perfia decreed , that it should not be lawfull for any man to lay toll , tribute , or custome upon any Preist , Levite , Singer , Porter , or other Minister of the house of God. And d King Alexander sonne of Antiochus Epiphanes made Jonathan the High Preist a Duke , and Governor of a Province . e He commanded him also to be clothed in purple ; and f caused him to sit by , or with , his own Royall Person . g He sent also to the same High Preist a Buckle or collar of Gold , to weare ; even such as were in use with the Princes of the blood . And h by Proclamation he commanded that no man should molest the High Preist , or prefer complaint against him . And can it be denied , that i Melchisedec , Preist of the most high God , was King of Salem , and made so by God himself ? 16. In the Law , k the Lord made Aaron more honourable , and gave him an heritage . He divided unto him the first fruits of the increase ; and to him especially he appointed bread in abundance . l For him he ordained glorious and beautifull garments . m He beautified Aaron with comely ornaments , and clothed him with a robe of glory . n Upon his head he set a miter , and o a crown of pure gold upon the miter , wherein was ingraved Holinesse ; And this , if I mistake not , is p that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Philo tels us , was set upon the Preists head , and is the cheife ornament of the Eastern Kings . The reason , he gives for it , is this ; because q while the Preist is discharging his dutie he is more eminent then any person whatsoever , even then Kings . But I rather conceive , it was because at that time he represented , or prefigured the Royall Preisthood of our Saviour . 17. For the Gospel , we have prophecies , in what state and honor Preists ought to be had among Christians . Witnesse that Evangelicall Prophet , whose words are these , r Ye shall be named THE PREISTS OF THE LORD ( as they are at this day ) : Men shall call you the Ministers of our God. Ye shall eat the riches of the Gentiles , and ye shall be EXALTED WITH THEIR GLORY . This is one ▪ the other shall be from that royall Psalmist ; t In stead of thy Fathers thou shalt have children , whom thou mayest make PRINCES in all Lands . Do not you go about to make the Word of God a lye , while you endeavour to dis-inherit the Clergie of these privileges and honors ? But u God shall be true , he shall be justified in his sayings ; and every man shall be a liar . Behold , how these prophecies were fulfilled under the Gospēl . When our Saviour sent forth his Apostles and Disciples to preach the Gospel , and to dispense his heavenly mysteries , he daines them with this honour , to rank them for usage with himself ; x He that despiseth you , despiseth me ; and he that receiveth you , receiveth me . To intimate to all Christians , that they ought to use his messengers , as they would Christ in his own person . For whether well , or ill , he will take it as done to himself . Hence is it , that y the Galathians received S. Paul as an Angel of God , even AS CHRIST JESUS . Yea z they were ready to pull out their own eyes , to do him a pleasure . And a when this Apostle came to Melita , he , and those that attended him , were courteously entertained , honoured they were with many honors , and enriched with gifts , by the Prince of that Island , and his people . 18. Some , it may be , may conceive , that these were but personall honors ; and that they belong to them onely , whom Christ immediately ordained . But the Scripture will teach us a better lesson . For doth not our Saviour say , b He that receiveth whomsoever I send , receiveth me ? Now we know , that our Saviour sendeth not onely by himself , but by those also , to whom he hath given power to send , and ordain . Thus by S. Paul he sent Timothy and Titus : and we find c S. Barnabas with S. Paul ordaining Presbyters in all Churches , where they came . This therefore is a generall rule ; d those Governors , who labour in the Word and Doctrine ( whether they be ordained by Christ , or his Apostles , or any other , to whom this authoritie is duely given ) are WORTHY OF DOUBLE HONOR ; that is ( saith Primasius ) e both in love , and place . Thus f Titus by the Corinthians was received with fear and trembling , and memorable obedience . g They honoured him ( as Theodoret speaks ) as their Father , and reverenced him as their spirituall Governor . These honors are due , not so much in respect of personall worth , as in regard of the office , which they bear . This appears by S. Paul ; who willeth the Philippins not onely to h receive Epaphroditus , their Apostle , or Bishop , with all gladnesse ; but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he chargeth them to hold SUCH , AS HE WAS , in honour and reputation . All must be thus honoured ; but those most , that are most worthy . 19. Constantine , the first Emperor that ever was christen'd , had learned this lesson ; i he therefore did reverence the Bishops , ad imaginem quandam divinae praesentiae , as if he had some resemblance of God before his eyes . k He kissed those Bishops skars , that had suffered for Christs most holy Name . l He entertained divers of them at his own table : and m at their departure he bestowed upon them many & goodly gifts . n Upon Bishops he conferr'd very many privileges , and the highest Honors he had to bestowe . He ordained , that o those Canons , which were agreed upon by the Bishops , and had received his Royall approbation , should be of more sacred authority , then any Law or sentence , that should passe from his highest Judges : and that none of his Princes should dare to infringe them . To conclude , p he commanded the Governors of his severall Provinces to give reverence and honour to Bishops ; threatning no lesse then death to such as should revile or abuse them . What reverence and esteem Bishops were of with his severall sons , though differing in Religion , the Church History manifests : for these and all other privileges were inviolably preserved to the Church , till that Apostata Julian ware the Crown . But those pious and orthodox Emperors , that succeeded him , raised up the Church , and made good her former privileges . 20. The reason why good Princes were so carefull of the Church and Churchmen , was q because they were confident , with Great Constantine , that God gave a blessing to their affairs , for the Bishops sakes . And those two wise Emperors Leo and Constantine professe with Justinian , that r the peace and felicitie of their people , as well for body as soul , depend upon the harmonious consent of the Imperiall and Episcopall functions . Mark that . In Scripture ſ the Prophets and servants of God are called the charet of Israel , and the horsemen thereof ; because t by their prayers they did more prosper their Countrey , then by force of arms . Yea u by them God blessed his people . These were the Church-priviledges ; and these the opinions the most Christian Princes had of Church-men . And you cannot say , that any of these Emperors had any dependance upon the Pope , or any compliance with him . But we are fallen into those times , wherein it is accounted losse , to bestowe cost upon Christ ; pietie , to rifle the Church ; and good service to God , to murder his Apostles and Priests . Indeed , what ever is good and commendable , is now with the round brotherhood cried out upon as Popish . By this time , I hope , it appears , that x these immunities , which belong to the Church , arise not from the errour of the times , as you suppose , but from the tenure of Scripture . That 's the tenure , we hold by . CHAP. XII . Whether to sit and vote in Parliament be incongruous to the calling of Bishops . 1. SOmething an hard theme to treat upon , and unpleasing to the times . And yet I must say something to it , lest I seem to desert the cause , to blame our Predecessors of indiscretion , and to acknowledge that weaknesse in our Bishops , which the wisest of this Kingdom know to be far from them . What ? Not contented to strip us of our rights , lands , and priviledges , but you must twit us with the losse of y the Bishops Votes , as if they were neither fit to sit or vote , in the House of Peers ? That this hath been done cannot be denied ; but how justly I shall not question for the honour I bear to my Soveraign . Yet thus much is evident to every single eye , that we have had many even and conscionable Parliaments , wherein Bishops have voted : what kinde of Parliament we have had without them , some will make bold to speak hereafter . But a word in private . Were they not thrust out , lest the King should have too many faithfull Counsellors in the House ? Were they not removed , to make way for these civill broils ? The Incendiaries knew full well , that those messengers and makers of peace would never have passed a Vote for war. 2. But what were the motives , that wrought upon His Majestie , to yeeld to have the Bishops turned out of that House , z wherein they had voted from the first day , that ever Parliament sate in England ? And before ever there was an House of Commons , they had their Votes in the great Councels of the Kingdom ; as Sir Robert Cotton manifests in his Treatise , that the Soveraigns person is required in the great Councels of the State. p. 3. &c. If at any time they have been forced out of these Parliaments , or great Assemblies , it hath been with so ill successe , that with all possible speed they have been recalled . Will you hear the motives ? Surely they were the very same , that drove the King from Westminster , and London . I remember , the Clothiers were perswaded in a mutinous manner to cry down the Bishops votes , because they had no market for their clothes . And now they cry out , that they want wooll to make clothes . Is not this the blessing they have gained by that hideous and senselesse out-cry ? 3. But why was this privilege abolisht , as incongruous to their calling ? Are Bishops unfit to advise , or assent in framing Laws ? Surely they are rationall men , and learned men . By reason of their age , and offices , which they have heretofore passed thorow , they must needs be men of much experience . And it is to be presumed so many , for so many , as conscionable , and as much for the common good , as any . And such men are most fit to prepare , and commend Laws for and to Kings . For I have learned , that a this is a strong argument in Law , b Nihil , quod est contra rationem , est licitum , Nothing contrary to reason , is lawfull . For REASON IS THE LIFE OF THE LAW ; nay the COMMON LAW it self IS NOTHING ELSE BUT REASON . Which is to be understood of an artificiall perfection of reason , gotten by 1 long studie , 2 observation , and 3 experience , and not every mans naturall reason : for , Nemo nascitur artifex , no man is born Master of his profession . Against reason therefore it is , that men of long study , much observation , and experience , should be excluded from voting in matters of such high concernment . And some men , that have scarce any of these , should be admitted , as if they were born wise , or gained State-experience by hawking , or hunting . 'T is true , that c Senatore sons might be admitted to the government of the Common-wealth , before they were five and twenty yeers of age : but d before they were twenty and five yeers compleat , they could give no suffrage among the rest of the Senators , though Senators . This was the wisdom of that thriving Roman State. 4. Now give me leave to enquire more strictly , what it is , that is incongruous to the calling of Bishops . Is it to sit in the House of Peers ? or to Vate in the House of Peers ? or both ? That the Lords Spirituall have sate and voted with the Lords Temporall , cannot be denied . The Acts of Parliament speak it , from the first Session to this last . Let it not be thought incongruous for Bishops to sit with the best of Subjects . e They sate at Constantines own table . Nor to be numbred among Peers . f The prophecie saith , that they may be made Princes . Nor to vote in matters of State : since usually they are men of great Learning , of much experience , observation , and conscience . Such as fear God , honour their Soveraign , and love their Countrey with-out by ends . Such they are , and such they ought to be . And though sometimes there be a Judas among the twelve , yet is the Calling never the worse . 5. Had it been incongruous to their Calling , Melchisedech that was both King and Priest had never been a type of our Saviour . The Law of God and Nature abhor that , which is incongruous . Had it been incongruous to the Priesthood , God had never made Moses and Eli Governors of his people , in temporall affairs ; for g they were both Priests . h Jethro , Priest of Midian , was of excellent use to Moses in State affairs . And it may not be forgotten , that i King Jehoash thrived , as long as he hearkned to Jehoiada the High Priest . But when he sleighted the Priests counsell , he suddenly fell into the extremest miseries . 2 Chron. 24. 21. 23. &c. Our Histories will likewise tell you , how K. Henry VII . prosper'd by applying himself to the advice of his Bishops , Morton , Denny , Fox , and others . And how his Son K. Henry VIII . never thrived , after he turned his ears from the counsell of his Prelates . And yet he excluded them not from Parliaments ; he could not be drawn to that . Sure , had this been incongruous to their calling , your fellow - Ministers of London would never have granted , that two distinct offices may be formally in one and the same person ; as Melchizedech was formally a King and Priest . I. D. p. 212. 6. A wonder it is , that you & your faction should spie thi● incongruitie , which was never discerned by the wisest of our fore-fathers . The Writ , which summons the Parliament , runs thus , k Rex habiturus colloquium & tractatum cum Praelatis , Magnatibus , & Proceribus . The King intending a Conference and Treatie with his Prelates , and Great men , and Peers . This Writ , as some report , was framed under K. Henry III. and is continued in the same terms to this day . And yet no incongruitie discerned in it , till ye came in with your new Lights , which issue from your light brains . But now the Bishops must no more vote , no , not sit in Parliament ; because you , forsooth , conceive it to be incongruous to their calling . But will any wise man take your word for a Law , or imagine it to be more authentick , then the resolutions of all our fore-fathers ? You have no way to finger the Bishops lands and Jurisdiction , but by turning them out of the House . This , this was it , that moved you to charge their presence in Parliament with incongruity . 7. The Lawyers tell us , that l the Writ of Summons is the basis and foundation of the Parliament . And m if the foundation be destroyed , what becomes of the Parliament ? Truly it falls ; saith Justice Jenkins ; according to that n maxime both in Law and Reason , Sublato fundamento opus cadit , the Foundation being taken away , the work falls . If then it shall be proved , that you endeavour to ruine the Foundation , the Writ of Summons , it must necessarily follow , that you endeavour the ruine of the Parliament . By the Writ the King is to have treatie with his Prelates . But you suffer him to have no treaty with his Prelates . Where then is the Writ ? Nay , the Bishops are quite voted down root and branch . How then shall he treat in Parliament with those , that have no being ? The Lord commands o the Ark to be made of Shittim-wood : If there had been no Shittim wood , the Ark could not haue been made . If there be no Prelates , where 's the treatie ? Where the Parliament ? It will not serve to slip in the Presbyters ; they are not the men , they are not called for . p These are Episcopall privileges : q all other Ecclesiasticall persons are to be contented with those liberties and free customes , quas priùs habuerunt , which they enjoyed heretofore . 8. The Writ summoned this Parliament , for the defence of the Church of England . Herein you have also made the Writ void ; for you have destroyed the Church of England . And in destroying the Church , you have destroyed the Writ . The Commission is for defence ; they then that destroy , what they are bound to defend , overthrow their Commission . r Our Saviour sent his Apostles to preach peace ; ſ to blesse , and not to curse ; t to please God , and not man. If then we preach warre , and not peace ; if we curse , when we ought to blesse , if we please men , and not God , we forfeit our Commission . S. Paul is plain ; u If we please men , we are none of Christs servants ; much lesse Apostles . For x his servants we are , whom we obey , whom we please . If then we prove y faithlesse and unprofitable servants , we shall be turned out of our Masters house , even out of doores , and cast into outer darknesse . Upon these grounds I argue thus . He that overthrows the prime intention of the Writ , overthrows the Writ . But you have overthrown the prime intention of the Writ . Therefore you have overthrown the Writ . That you have overthrown the prime intention of the Writ , I prove thus . The prime intention of the Writ is for the State , and defence of the Church of England . But you have z overthrown the State and defence of the Church of England . You have therefore overthrown the prime intention of the Writ . The second Proposition cannot be denied , it is so palpably true . The former is Sir Edw : Cokes ; his words are these . a The State and defence of the Church of England is first in intention of the Writ . And b if the Writ be made void , all the processe is void ; and so farewell Parliament . 9. Besides , I have learned , that c the assembly of Parliament is for three purposes . First , for weighty affairs , that concern the King. Secondly , For the defence of his Kingdome . And thirdly , for defence of the Church of England For the King , no question , but the Bishops are faithfull to him . We see , they have constantly adhered to him in these times of triall . In Gods and the Kings cause they have all suffered , and some died commendably , if not gloriously . For the defence of the Kingdome none more forward with their advice , purses , and prayers . And for the Church , who so fit , who so able to speake as Bishops ? Versed they are in the divine Law ; in Church history , and in the Canons of the Church . They fully understand not onely the present , but the ancient state of the Church . They know , what is of the Essence of the Church ; what necessary , and what convenient onely ; what is liable to alteration , and what not . These things are within the verge of their profession , and most proper for them to speak to . 10. When King David first resolved to bring up the Arke of the Lord from Kiriath-jearim , into his own Citie , d he consulted with the Captains of thousands , & hundreds , & cum universis Principibus , and with all his Princes , about this businesse , e By their advice he orders , that the Arke should be carried in a new Cart ; and Vzzah and Ahio are to drive it . But what becomes of this consultation ? f An error was committed clean thorough , and Vzzah suffers for it . Though David were a marvelous holy man , and a good King , and had a company of wise , religious Councellors about him , in the removall , and ordering of the Arke , they were mistaken , because they did not advise with the Preists about it . For g the Preists lips preserve knowledge ▪ & they shall inquire of the Law at his mouth . And h the Law will not have a Cart to carrie the Arke , nor Lay-men to meddle with it . David saw his mistake with sorrow ; and confesseth to the Preists , that i he and his Councellors had not sought God after the due order . And why so ? k Quia non eratis praesentes ( so the Fathers read ) because the Preists were not present , & he had not consulted with them about this sacred businesse . And hence it is , that l they did illicitum quid , somthing that was unlawfull . That then a thing be not unlawfull , we must consider , not onely what is to be done ; but the order and manner is to be considered , how it ought to be done ; least failing of the due order , it prove unlawfull . Most Christians know bonum , what is good ; but few are skilled in the bene , how it ought to be done ; and that is it , that makes so many ruptures , so many breaches , and factions in the world , because every man will prescribe the order , and manner ; which , God knows , they ttle understand . 11. When therfore David had once more resolved to fetch up the Arke from the house of Obed Edom , he calls for the Preists , and acknowledgeth , that m none ought to carrie the Arke of God , but they ; and that n therefore the Lord had made a breach upon him and his , because the Preists had not brought it up at first . That this fault may be duly and truely mended , o David commands the Preists to sanctifie themselves , and to bring up the Arke . They did so , p they brought it up upon their shoulders , q according to their dutie . And r God helped the Levites , that bare the Arke ; because it was now done in due order . It is no shame then for us , to acknowledge our error with David , and with him to amend , what is amisse . Yea this was such a warning to him , that ſ he would not so much as resolve to build an house for the Lord , till he had acquainted the Prophet Nathan with it . In matters therefore , that concern the Arke of the Covenant , the Church of the living God , it is not safe to do any thing without the Preists advice . If then the cheif and maine end of calling a Parliament be for the good of the Church , it is most necessary to have the cheif Fathers of the Preists present . But Sir Edward Coke assures me , that this is the main end of calling a Parliament . His words are these ; t Though the State and defence of the Church of England be last named in the Writ , yet is it FIRST IN INTENTION . And what is first in intention is chiefly aimed at , all other things that are handled , are but as means to effect that . It is not then incongruous , but most consonant to the calling of Bishops to sit and Vote in Parliament . 12. Besides , u if the honour of God , and of holy Church be first in intention , how shall the honour of God , and of the Church be provided for , how defended , when the Fathers of the Church are discarded , who know best , what belongs to Gods honour ; who are most able to speake in defence of the Church , & to shew how she ought to be provided for ? Shall she not in their absence be layed open to the subtill foxes , and mercilesse bores to wast and distroy her ? Yea x by this means she is already distroyed . So pious Justice Jenkins . The incongruitie then is not to the Bishops calling , but to the covetousnesse of bores and foxes . 13. Another incongruity will follow upon this . y The whole Parliament is one corporate body consisting of the HEAD AND THE THREE ESTATES . If one of the Estates be wanting , it cannot be called a whole , but an imperfect , a maimed Parliament . But z the Bishops are one of the three Estates . Suppose them to be the more feeble and lesse honourable Estate , or Member , yet a this very Member is necessary ; and the body is but lame without it . Take heed then , that the excluding of Bishops , be not incongruous to the Parliament . I see not , how it can be incongruous to the Prelates to suffer wrong , since b for this purpose they are called . But it is incongruous to the Parliament , to be without them ; since without them , it is not a whole , but an imperfect Parliament . For I have read , that c Bishops were in all Parliaments , and voted in them , since we had any . Yea , that great Master of the Law justifies , that d every Bishop ought ex debito justiciae of due justice to be summoned by Writ , to every Parliament , that is holden . But if they leave out the Bishops , they begin with injustice , and lay but an ill foundation for so great a Court of Justice . And where injustice beares the sway , there is little Justice to be hoped for . So they are incongruous in the first stone , or foundation of a Parliament . 14. There is a Statute , that no Act of Parliament be passed by any Soveraign of this Realm , or any other authority what soever , without the advice & assent of the three Estates of the Kingdome , viz. of the 1 Lords spirituall , & 2 temporall , & the 3 Commons of this Realme . And all those are solemnly cursed , by the whole Parliament , that shall at any time endeavour to alter this Act , or to make any Statute otherwise then by the consent of all these , or the Major part of them . This , as the learned in the Law report , is upon record in the Parliament Roles . 15. And what comfort , I beseech you , can his Majestie have to call a Parliament without Bishops , since he cannot assure himself of Gods assistance without them ? f Cenwalch King of the West-Saxons was sensible , that his Province was destitute of Gods protection , while it was without a Bishop . Indeed g a good Bishop is ( with Gregory , Metropolitan of Cesarea ) not onely the beautie of the Church , and a fortresse to his flock , but he is the safety of his Country . It was the religious conceit of our country men heretofore , that h both King and Kingdome have by the Church a solid , ● sure foundation for their subsistence . And it was the usuall saying of King Iames , i No Bishop , no King. In Scripture the Preists are called k the Charets and horsemen of Israel ; because by their prayers the Country prospered more then by force of armes . And the Greek Fathers observe , that l the Bishop is therefore to pray for all , m because he is the Common Father of all , be they good or bad . 16. And as he can have little spirituall comfort without Bishops ; so n without them he can have no temporall releife , no Subsidies granted for his own supplies , or for the defence of the Kingdome . I am sure , none have been granted him at Westminster , since the expulsion of the Bishops . Thus have you moulded up such a Parliament , as was never known in this Realme , since these great Councels of State were first assembled . For though the Bishops were by his Majestie summoned according to justice ; yet were they afterwards turned out at the instigation of a strong & tumultuous faction ; & not suffered to vote in matters that concerned either Church or State. Thus ye are become o like the Princes of Judah , that remove the bounds ; That is as the Genevians interpret , p ye have turned upside down all politicall order , and all manner of Religion . q Therefore upon those , that have done so , the Lord will powre out his wrath like water ; which will surely overwhelm them , as it did those desperate sinners in the deluge . Thus I have manifested , that it is not incongruous to the calling of Bishops to sit , and vote in Parliament ; but to exclude them is incongruous to the being of a Parliament , to the weale of the King , and safety of the Kingdom . 17. And yet , as if what-you had delivered , were ex tripode , as sure as Gospel , r from barring their votes , you deduce an argument for taking away their Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall . If one be abolished , why may not the other be removed ? As if , because my cassocke is taken from me , I must necessarily be stripped out of my gowne 'T is true , if this be also done , I must bear it patiently ; but my patience doth not justifie their action , that do me the injurie . Neither doth the former fact justifie the latter : truly no more then Davids follie with Bathsheba can countenance the murder of Vriah . The question is not de fact● , but de jure , not what is done , but whether it be justly done . If the fact may justifie a right , then may we maintaine robbing upon Salisbury Plain ; because it hath been done there more then once . A wonder it is , you had not framed your argument thus : who knows not , that the Parliament caused the Arch Bishop of Canterbury to be beheaded ? And then why may they not hang the rest of the Bishops , if their lives prove inconvenient , and prejudiciall to the Church ? But with Julian the Apostata , ye had rather slay the Preisthood , then the Preists . 17. Indeed ſ the removall of their Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction is no more against the Oath then the abolition of their Votes . Both alike in respect of the Oath ; but if we consider the severall authorities , from whence they are derived , we shall find a difference ; because the most part of their Jurisdiction is the grant of God ; but their Voting among the Peers is by the favour of Princes , grounded upon the right of Nature , and that civill interest , which every free denizon ought to have in some measure , in disposing of his own , and assenting to new Laws . But suppose Princes may revoke their own favours , can they without perill to their soules , cut off that entaile , which God hath settled upon his Church ? I beleeve , no. But you will onely remove it , not abolish it . And removed it may be from Dorchester to Lincolne , from Crediton to Exiter . But the removall of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction from Bishops to Presbyters , is utterly unlawfull ; since without sinne we may not alter the Ordinance of God , who settled this Jurisdiction upon Bishops onely , and not upon Presbyters ; as is demonstrated in the next Chapter . CHAP. XIII . Certaine light and scandalous passages concerning Prince and Preist tenderly touched . 1. THere 's a great cry in the fourth page against the Jurisdiction of Bishops , ● inconvenient and prejudiciall to the Church ; against unlawfull immunities , Anti-Evangelicall Pompe , combersome greatnesse , and Forfeiture by abuse . All these are cryed out upon , but none of them proved . I shall therefore passe these by as a distempered foame , or pulpit froath . Yet thus much I must say , that the Immunities of the Clergie , are held by Law , or not . If by Law , then are they not unlawfull , but legall . If legall , it is presumption in you to call them unlawfull . If unlawfull , shew against what Law. We take not your word to be so authenticke , as if we were bound to beleeve , what ever you say . 2. Somthing answerable to this it is , that you tel us , t when this Oath was framed , the Church was indued with the ignorance of the times . But when was that time ? For that we may go seek ; for you relate it not . If you had , perchance we might have shewed you as wise , and as learned men in those times , as Westminster affords at this day . 3. And yet upon these imaginations you conclude , that u the Kings Oath is invalid , and not onely so , but that it is vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie . The respects , you relie upon , are onely these . First , that x Prelacy is an usurpation contrary to Christs institution . 2ly , that y the Clergie ●e of themselves a distinct Province , is a branch of Popery . 3ly , that z Bishops sitting and voting in the House of Peers , is abolisht as incongruous to their calling . 4ly , that a the Church was endowed with diverse unlawful immunities . And last of all , that b when this Oath was framed , the Church was indewed with the ignorance of the times . The foure former have been pretily well sif●ed , and a non liquet is returned , I find them not proved . When you make good the last , I shall , with Gods blessing , return you an answer . 4. In the mean space I cannot but tell you , that you have willfully & dangerously scandalized diverse Princes or blessed memorie ; and charged them almost as deeply , as c S. Peter did Simon Magus , with the bond of iniquitie . A binding , in intangling sinne . Surely those Princes if you may be credited , tooke this Coronation Oath either ignorantly , o● maliciously . If ignorantly , they are simple , or carelesse : If maliciously , they were neither good Kings , nor good Christians . But light forsooth , hath shined forth since those mistie daies . I fear this late light , is but a false light : for it was never spyed by any , that were not condemned Hereticks , till now of late . 5. Well , thinke men , what they please , you have lately discovered , that the Jurisdiction , which was inconvenient and prejudiciall in the Bishops , will prove very convenient and commodious for the Church in preaching Presbyters . Those immunities , that were unlawfull in them , will be lawfull in you . That pompe , which was Anti-evangelicall , and carnall in them , must needs be spirituall and throughly sanctified to such Evangelists as yourself . That combersome greatnesse will but fit your shoulders ; and those great promotions , will not at all be unwildy to Presbyteriall Saul , which did comber Bishop David . And d those priviledges , which were disadvantagious to the Church , and hindred the growth of religion , while they were in Episcopall hands ▪ will in a Classicall Assembly turn to the advantage of the Church , and further her edification . If this be not your meaning , let the world judge . For these are your words ; e And why may not the great revenues of the Bishops , with their sole ▪ Jurisdiction in so large a circuit , be indicted and convict to be against the edification of the Church ; and it be found more for the glory of God ; that both THE REVENUE BE DIVIDED , to maintain a preaching Ministery , and THEIR JURISDICTION also , for the better oversight and censure of manners . You have indicted them indeed , and their revenues , as if under the Bishops there were no preaching Ministery , no censure of manners ; as if under them there were nothing to the edification of the Church or the glory of God. Wheras it is well known , that whilest the Bishops enjoyed their Jurisdiction , other manner of Sermons were preached , then have been ever since . 6. You have already vaunted , that the Bishops revenues and Jurisdiction are against the edification of the Church ; and I make no question , but you will justifie , that the abolishing of the three Creeds , is much to the edification of Gods people . And is not the silencing of the ten Commandments , for the better oversight and censure of manners ? Thus you have also condemned that most excellent forme of Divine Service , and vented multitudes of heresies ; and all for the glory of God. But when these things come to try all we shall certainly see , who will be convicted by that grand Jury , f that shall sit upon twelve thrones , Judging the twelve tribes of Israel . Not onely of Israel according to the flesh , but of Israel also according to faith . 7. But why are you so suddenly fallen from an abolition , to an alteration ? Before you professe , g That the abolition of the one , is no more against the Oath , then of the other . There you would have the Bishops Jurisdiction abolisht with their Votes . But here you will have the Jurisdiction divided , their domination altered , and all to maintain a preaching Ministery . This you call h the removall of their Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction ; in the same page . Aaron must lay down his Miter and holy garments , that Korah may put them on . And S. Paul must resigne his Apostolicall rod to Simon Magus , to Alexander the Copper-smith , and to the brethren in Q●irpo . And why so ? Alas , the Apostle-Bishops i do not further , but hinder the work of the Gospel ; They are superannited and decrepit ; away with them by all means , and bring in the young , lustie Presbyter-Bishops , k where strong holds are to be vanquisht . These are the men will do the work , or the Pulpit and Church shall ring for it . This you call l a good plea to ALTER the uselesse Anti-Evangelicall pomp . Indeed ' ●is the best you have ; and make the best you can of it , it will prove but an Anti-evangelicall and Antichristian plea ; if we trust Scripture . 8. Yet , that this may be done according to your designe , you allow the King thus much power , m that he may , notwithstanding his Oath , consent to ALTER the Clergies immunities . No Oath shall stand in the way , so ye may gain by it . What ? again fallen from the question ? From abrogation to alteration ? What if I should tell you , that you have altered the state of the question ? That abrogation is the repealing , the disanulling of a Law ; and not the changing of it ? But this is no error with you , whose aim is to have Episcopacy abolisht , that so the immunities and lands thereof may be transferred upon the Presbytery . This is the alteration you gape after . Yes , you would so ; n settled you would have them upon preaching Ministers , and o upon parochiall Pastors : as if none were Preachers or Pastors , but you of the Presbyteriall cut . I will not say , that you are Hereticks in this and in other your new-forged doctrines , invented to subvert Monarchy and Episcopacy . But I shall tell you S. Austins opinion , and so leave you to the opinion of the world . p He , in my conceit , is an heretick ( saith that Father ) who FOR ANY TEMPORALL COMMODITIE , and chiefly FOR HIS OWN GLORY AND PREFERMENT , doth either raise or follow false and new opinions . And are not pelf , honour , and preferment the cause of all these fidings , and seditions , in Church , and State ? If these times speak it not , I am deceived . As for your opinions , it hath been sufficiently manifested , that they are both false and new . 9. Be your opinions what they will , their immunities and rights must down , or you will fail in a Dilemma . q The Clergie ( say you ) either hold their rights and immunities by Law , or otherwise . This is not to be denied . But what follows upon this ? r If by Law then the Parliament , which hath power to ALTER ALL LAWS , hath power to alter such Laws as give them their immunities : and those Laws altered , the immunitie ceaseth ; and so the Kings ingagement in that particular . If not by Law , it is but an usurpation . You say it , and we grant it . For truth it is , that we claim no rights and immunities , but what the ancient and Christian Laws of this Realm have confirmed unto us by Act of Parliament . 10. You say , that the Parliament hath power to alter all Laws . What if a man should say , that this assertion is not true ? I conceive , it were no blasphemie . Indeed it is a blasphemous position to broach the contrary . None but an Atheist dares justifie , that ſ the Parliament , or any mortall Soveraigntie , hath power to alter either the Law of God , or the Law of Nature . And yet these are Laws . And who , but an enemy to his Countrey , and a friend to confusion , dares affirm , that the Parliament hath power to alter the Monarchicall or fundamentall Laws of this Kingdom . I am sure Justice Jenkins resolves , that t by the Law of the Land a Parliament cannot alter any morall Law. 11. Give me leave to propose your own Argument in terminis , in behalf of the City of London . The Citizens of London either hold their rights and immunities by law , or otherwise . If by law , then the Parliament , which hath power to alter all Laws , hath power to alter such Laws , as give them their immunities : and those Laws altered the immunity ceaseth . If their immunitie be not by Law , it is an usurpation without just title ; which upon discovery is null . How like you this , my rich Masters of London ? Hath not Mr. Geree set you in the sleep way to ruine ? But ye may , perchance , have a confidence , that the Parliament will not serve you so . Be of that minde still . The power , it seems , is in their hands : how they will use it towards you , I cannot say . How they have used it towards us , and towards our good Soveraign , ye know . And can ye look to fare better ? Remember , what our Saviour saith , u The servant is no greater then his Master . If they have persecuted me , they will also persecute you . As they have used your Lord and King , they will use you . The courtesie ye are like to find , is that , which Vlysses had from Polyphemus , to be their last breakfast . 12. Well , x upon the alteration of the Law , the immunitie ceaseth , and so the Kings ingagement in that particular . An Ordinance of Parliament hath absolved many a subject from his Oath of Allegeance : and now we shall have a Law , to absolve the King from his Oath of protection . But I am sure no Law can absolve him from a duty inherent to his Crown . And * such is the duty of protecting his Subjects from oppression , and the Church from sacriledge . You cannot therefore possibly absolve him from this ingagement . Besides , it was never conceived , that an Ordinance was of sufficient force to alter a Law. The Kings ingagement therefore stands as yet in this particular . 13. But suppose , there were such a Law , as you-speak of , could it be just ? I have learned from your London Ministers , that y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Law , is so called in Greek , from rendering to every person , what is just , meet , equall . In very deed , as the great Lawyers speak , z Jus , idem est , quod justum & aequum ▪ The Law is nothing else , but that which is just and right . If it be otherwise , it is not jus , but injuria , an injurie , but no right . You are pleased to acknowledge a our privileges to be our rights . How then can they be taken from us without injuri●● And it is not lawfull , with the supreme Judge , for any Prince or Court to deal injuriously , with the meanest , that are subject to them . Justice it is , to give to every man his own . Injustice then it must needs be , to spoil any man of that , which is his , either by the Laws of God or man. Suppose us to be in equall balance with our fellow Subjects , and that we have no other right to our lands and privileges , but by the Laws of the Realm : what reason can be given , why we should not peaceably enjoy , what is ours , by the Law of the Land , as well as the rest of our fellow Subjects ? We have the same right ; and why not the same protection ? CHAP. XIV . Whether the Lands of the Church may be forfeited by the misdemeanour of the Clergie . 1. VVE shall have reason to work us out of our rights , and Law to turn us out of the Kings protection . But such reason and Law , as may with much ease , and more equitie be returned upon your selves . Your reason is this ; because b these rights were indulged to the Clergie , for the personall worth of present incumbents . If therefore their successors forfeit them by their ill demeanour , these rights may be taken from them . This is easily resolved , not so easily proved . For the truth is , these rights were not given to particular persons , but to a succession of Bishops and Priests , and other Officers for Gods service . Or rather , these lands and privileges were given to God and the Church , for the maintenance of these offices . My unworthinesse makes not the office the worse ; neither can my wickednesse make a forfeiture of Gods inheritance . I may , c with Abiathar , justly be deprived of my place , and the benefits thereof ; but the place , and the rights thereof fall not into a Premunire ; a good man even d Zadok succeeds this traitor Abiathar , and enjoyes not onely the office , but all the profits ▪ that belonged thereto . This was Solomons justice ; he knew , how to distinguish between the faultie Priest , and the faultlesse office . But you are a rooter ; if a twig be in fault , up with b●ai●h and root . This is your justice . But e it is far from the ju● Judge of all the world , to root up the righteous with the wicked . And surely we ought to endeavour to be righteous and just , as our heavenly Father is just . 2. Have you a desire to know , what true justice is ? It is that , f Quam uniformen ac simplicem proposuit omnibus Deus , not what we fancie , but what to all men God hath proposed uniform , and alike , plain and simple ; such as can admit of no cavill or misconstruction . g Where this true justice is wanting , there can be no Law , no right . For that which is done by right , is done by Law. And that , which is contrary to right , is contrary to Law. Nothing can be according to Law , but what is according to justice . For justice is that , which gives lif● & being to a Law. And to say , that this or that is an unjust Law , is a flat contradiction : since it is jus à justicia , Law hath the Latin denomination from justice : r and the Greek from rendering to every man , what is just ▪ and meet . And the Latin word Jus signifies both Law and Right . An unjust Statute therfore there may be , an unjust Law there cannot be . ſ N●n enim jura dicenda su●t , vel putanda , iniqua hominum constituta : for the unjust Constitutions of men , are not to be called , ●r esteemed Laws . And they that frame unjust Decrees , are not Princes , but tyrants : neither are their Subjects , Free-men , but slaves . Neither can the State , they live in , be called a Common-wealth ; since , as Scipio Africanus observes , and S. Austin approves , t Respuplica and res populi , the Common-weal and the weal of the people , are one and the same . And then is it truly a Common-weal , u Cum benè ac justè geritur , when it is fairly and justly governed , either by one King , or by a few Noblemen , or by all the people . But where the Government is unjust , there 's no Common-wealth . It is S. Austins ; x Vbi justicia non est , non est Respublica . Take away justice , and farewell Republick . For how can that be for the generall good of all , where justice is not equally distributed to all of whatsoever profession . 3. But y there 's a great deal of difference ( say you ) betweene an ingagement made to persons , on valuable consideration , and that which is made gratis to an office or society subservient to publike good . So much difference indeed there is , that the setling of land upon a corporation is more firme then any entaile upon a familie ; because persons dye , but Corporations live . If gratis make the difference in your opinion , it makes none in Law : For that land ●● as much mine , which is conferred upon me by deed of gift , as that which is conveyed to me by purchase . What difference , I pray you , between lands , purchased by the society of Goldsmiths , and such as are freely given to that Company ? Are not the later as much theirs , as the purchased lands ? Are they not alike settled by the same Law , & justified alike by the same Law ? And z of this very sort is this ingagement to the English Clergie . And never a whit the worse for that . For of this sort is that magnificent maintenance , which was settled upon the tribe of Levi , by God himself : all given gratis . a And of this sort are the ingagements made to them by Darius King of Persia . And yet b whosoever shall ALTER this word , let the timber be pulled down from his house , and being set up , let him be hanged theron : And for this let his house be made a dunghill . And the God , that hath caused his Name to dwell there , destroy all KINGS and people , that shall put their hand to ALTER and to destroy this house of God. Of this sort also were c the silver and gold , which were freely offered by King Artaxerxes and his Counsellers , by the Preists and people to the God of Israel , for the house of God. Of this sort also was d the relaxation of all toll , tribute , & custome to the Preists and Levites ; a free gift . And yet e Whosoever will not do the LAW OF GOD AND OF THE KING , in these things , let judgement be speedily executed upon him , whether it be 1 unto death , or 2 to banishment or 3 to confiscation of goods , or 4 to imprisonment . And was not this priviledge granted , for the grace and favour that f Shesbazzar and g Ezra found in the eyes of those Kings ? Or , if you will , for their personall worth ? And yet this grant is called not onely the Law of the King , but the Law of God : and delivered so to posterity by h Ezra aready scribe in the Law of Moses , and the penman of God. 4. Suppose we also , that i these rights were indulged for the personall worth of the present incumbents ; may they therfore be alienated , because some succeeding officers demean themselves amisse ? So say you ; but you are wide of the marke . These lands and immunities were not made to any particular persons , but to the office or society ; or to God for their use . What is given to a person for life , goes not to the Office , but dyes with the person . But what is settled upon an Office , lives with the Office. k And I have manifested , that Episcopacy is a living Office ; an Office , that must last , while Christ hath a Church on earth . Persons may forfeit their place , and the benefits arising from thence to their incumbency ; but the Office , if necessary , must continue . l Judas by transgression fell from his Office ; but the Office fell not with him ; no , m another , a Saint may , and must take his Bishopship , or Apostleship , and the Rights that belong thereto . 5. However then some such favours may be granted to an Office , with relation to the personall worth of the present incumbent , yet being given to promote the usefulnesse of the Office , it shall be no movable ; it is fixed ( as the Lawyers speak ) to the freehold , and shall abide , till the Office be found uselesse , and therefore abolisht . But till then n it is injustice to alter , or alienate those rights , without which the usefulnesse of that Office cannot be so well promoted . Injustice it is , to take that away , which you never gave , and is so usefull for the Office , let the Officers fault be what it will. It is wild work to punish the Office for the person : This is none of Gods course . o The sons of Eli were as bad as bad might be ; God destroyeth them , but not the Office , neither yet doth he fleece it . But before I passe further , I must make this observation : The quarrell you picke with the Clergie , to rob them of their lands and priviledges , will suite with any society , or Corporation . If it shall please your great Masters to say , that the Drapers , or Grocers , or that great Corporation of London have so demeaned themselves , that they have forfeited their lands and immunities , up they go ; they shall be in the same state with us . They that uphold their power by the sword , do usually what they list , not what they ought . If Parliaments might utterly be abolished for misdemeanour and miscarriage , I presume , this Iland should never see another Parliament . 6. You speake largely p of the Parliaments power . It is out of my element , and I am tender to meddle with it . I know t is large in a free and full convention , when the Members constitutive are present : But how large , I shall leave it to the learned of the Law to define . Yet this I dare say , whatever their power be , they cannot make that just , which is unjust ; nor that truth , which is a lie . q Ahab and Jezabel had power to over-rule the Elders and Nobles of Jezreel ; and to take away both Naboths vineyard and life , without any cause at all . You will not , I hope , justifie any such power , or Act. 'T is true ; Naboth hath lost all at a blow ; but it was by tyranny , not by Law : Because there was no equity in the sentence . And yet there were as good witnesses came against Naboth , as any appeare against Episcopacy . 7. But you have been at the bar of late , and have learned a Law distinction , which neither Scripture , nor Fathers , nor Scholmen ever taught you , and this it is . r An ingagement may be gone in Law , though not in equity . And that an Order of Parliament will be valid in Law , though injurious . How ? valid in Law , though injurious ? The learned in the Law deny , that an Order of Parliament is valid in Law. And some of their own creatures in their circuits have rejected some Orders from Westminster , because they were contrary to Law. But you , my Masters , that have been so forward with your purses , bewar . ſ He speaks of summs of mony , borrowed upon the publique faith , for publique good : For t the Parliament may ordain release of the ingagement . Here 's divinity without equity or conscience . But it 's like the rest . 8. Gone in Law ( saith this conscientious Preacher ) , not in equity ; valid in Law , though injurious . Behold Law without equity ; a Law , and yet injurious . God blesse me from such Law , and such Divinity . I ever thought , that Law and equity had gone together , and that Law could not have stood with injurie : Since ( as S. Austine speaks ) u Jus & injuria contraria sunt , Law and injurie are contraries ; and can no more consist then light and darknesse . And if with x Thomas , and y the London Ministers , Jus be that , which is prescribed , or measured by Law ; then either that is no Law , which prescribes , what is not right ; or else injurie shall be right , because it is prescribed by Law. I hope , you are not of this mind . 9. If the Fathers were not quite out of date , I could tell you , what S. Austine saith . And yet why may not I make use of him as well as your fellow Ministers of London ? Behold then the very case . z Quid si a liquis condat jus iniquum ? What if any shall make an unjust Law , a Law without equity ? Is not the case put right ? If it be so , take his resolution . a Nec jus dicendum est , si injustum est . If it be unjust , it is not to be named a Law. And yet with you it shall be a Law though injurious . Thus your case of conscience is resolved against conscience ; for all injurie , if understood , is against conscience . Surely the Parliament is much beholding to you , to stretch your conscience , and their fringes so much against conscience . For you justifie a power in them to do injurie ; and not onely so , but a power to make Laws , to justifie this injurie . And yet b in them this shall be no tyrannous invasion on any Societies rights , because done by a Parliament . That title is a salvo for all blemishes and injuries . No tyranny , no invasion , if done by a Parliament : as if they were infallible , and could not erre ; impeccable , and could not do amisse . Or as if God himself did alter his own Laws , that their alterations might be irreprovable . 10. I must confesse , the next is a very conscientious proposition , of another die ; and this it is . c If there be no injury , the King and Parliament may cancell any obligation . Without peradventure they may . But what makes that So there ? As ther 's no question of power in the Parliament , to ordain an injurious Order , or a Law without equity : SO IF THERE BE NO INJURY &c. What So , and no otherwise ? Then have they no power at all to cancell any obligation , because the Parliament hath no power to make a Law without equity . If this do not follow , let men of understanding judge . And if you have no better argument to prove , that it is lawfull for the King and Parliament to abrogate the immunities , and to take away the lands of the Clergie , you will never be able to approve the lawfulnesse thereof . 11. What is according to Law , true Law , is lawfull ; and what is lawfull , is according to Law. If lawfull , not injurious ; if injurious , not lawfull , not valid in Law : since nothing is valid in Law , that is injurious . To what purpose then are those words ; d The abrogation will be just , as well as legall , there will be no injury done ? Surely none , where Law is of force ; for where Law is , there can be no injustice countenanced . But where your Law bears sway , an order may be legal , though injurious ; for your words are , e The order would be valid in Law , though injurious . 12. And as for f forfeiture by miscariage , the forfeiture in justice must fall upon him , that miscarries , that is , upon the person , not upon the Office ; for an Office duely settled can no more make a forfeiture , then it can miscarrie . Such an Office is Episcopacy , which was duely settled by Christ himself . And I hope you have not so far forgotten your selfe , as to say , that an Office immediately instituted by our blessed Saviour can run into a forfeiture by miscarriage . What reason can you give , why that should suffer , that cannot erre ; that never offended ? This is none of Gods justice . And it is well known to the wise , that Bishops hold their lands , revenues , and immunities not as granted to their Persons , but as annexed to the office for the continuall and comfortable maintenance thereof . Our religious Predecessors had learned of S. Paul , that g no man feedeth a flock , but he eateth of the milk of the flock . And that h it is the dutie of the Gentiles to minister unto them in carnall things , of whose spirituall things they have been made partakers . Indeed i he makes a wonder , that any man should doubt of it ; For how can the Office be maintained without means ? Surely , though k S. Paul did sometimes worke with his own hands , that he might not be chargeable to new converts ; yet he telleth the Corinthians , that l He robbed other Churches in taking wages of them , to do the Church of Corinth service . Yea this Apostle justifies , that m he hath power to eat and drinke of their charge , and to n live upon their cost . And that o he wronged them , when he did otherwise . 13. We confesse , that p the Office was provided for publick good ; and that those , which are of the Office neither hold , nor ought to hold any thing but for publick good . Is the Ministery Lawfull , or no ? Was it settled by Christ , or no ? q Your London Ministers have concluded for the Divine right of Ministers , or Pastors , and Teachers : and I know , you subscribe to their doctrine . There may not then be any forfeiture of the Ministery , since the Ordinance of Christ cannot be forfeited by the miscarriage of man ; that 's out of all peradventure : Of priviledges perchance there may be a forfeiture , where they prove prejudiciall to the publick good . But if and where never prove any thing , unlesse you can justifie , that these priviledges have been prejudiciall to this Church and State. 14. Our religious predecessors began the Great Charter with r Concessimus Deo , First of all we have granted to God , and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us , and for our heires for ever , that the Church of England be free ; and that it have all her rights entire , and her liberties unhurt . ſ William the Conqueror began his raign with confirming the liberties and priviledges of the Church . And he gives this reason for it , t Quia per eam & Rex & regnum , solidum habent subsistendi fundamentum ; because both King and Kingdome have by the Church a solid foundation for their subsistence . Had that Prince been alwaies of the same mind , he had never defiled his hands with sacriledge , nor plunged himselfe and issue into so deepe a curse . For after he began to ransake Churches , to rifle Monasteries , and to expose holy ground to wild beasts , and Church-lands to his pleasure , he and his became most unfortunate . He rips up the bowels of the Church his mother ; and sucks her blood : and the son of his loines rebels against him , beats him , and draws blood from him . The Conqueror turns God out of his inheritance , and his sonne Robert endeavours to do the same to him . What afterwards befell him , and all his issue , I shall not need to relate , u Mr. Spelman hath lately saved me that labour ; to him I remit you . In whose treatise you may briefly see the lamentable end of all that great Conquerors posterity . To this I shall adde , & wish all my countrie men to observe , that in the strictnesse of Reformation Episcopacy was continued , as most usefull for the Church . 15. But though Episcopacy have not been prejudiciall heretofore , it is likely now to prove so . For unlesse they degrade themselves , unlesse they will patiently x part with their wealth and honour , and lay down their Miters , the Crown is like to runne an hazard , and the whole Land be brought to nothing but misery . I am sorrie to read these lines from a professed Preacher of the Word of God ; for so you stile your self . And yet I am glad , you deale so fairely with us , as to give us notice , what hath been the cause of your factious preaching , the Countries and Citys tumults , and this detestable and deplorable rebellion ? 1 The Bishops great wealth , 2 their honour , and 3 their Miters : these three 1 Their wealth they are already stripped of ; 2 Their honour lies in the du● ; and 3 their Miters have not been seen many a faire yeer , unlesse it be upon their armes . We know no more what a Miter is , then a Bishop knows what great wealth is ; by speculation meerly . Few of them have gained so much by the Church , as their breeding cost their parents . And yet the Clergie is the onely profession repined at . 16. You should have done well , mutatis mutandis , to have directed this passage to the Parliament with this small alteration . I hope , you will not be so tenacious of that wealth , and honour , you have gained in these tumultuous times , as to let the Crown run an hazard , rather then lay down this usurped power , and indanger the whole Land to be brought to nothing , rather then your selves to moderation . O , that they would bow down their ears in time , and embrace this counsell ; then might they yet heal the sores of this shaking Land ; and save their own souls . But the blame and danger are layed upon those , that least deserve it ; that stood in the gap , as long as possibly they could , to avert Schisme , Heresie , Blasphemie , Atheisme , Rebellion , & bloodshed . All which , since the Bishops have been stripped of their honour and power , have overspread the face of this Land. 17. Suppose , the Bishops were faulty , shall God be turned out of his possessions , because his servants are to blame ? Mr. Selden can tell you of a Charter of King Edgar , which will teach you to distinguish between God and man ; between Gods right , and mans fault . a Inviolabilis stet Monasterei Winton libertas ; b Although the Abbot , or any of the Covent , through the incitement of Satan , fall into sin , let the liberty of Winchester Monastery stand inviolable ; because GOD , who POSSESSETH the plentifull munificence of this privilege , as also the place , with the whole family of Monks , and all the lands belonging to that holy Monastery , NEVER COMMITTED SIN , neither will in future times commit any . Let therefore this LIBERTY , or privilege , be ETERNALL , because GOD THE POSSESSOR OF THIS LIBERTY is eternall . The same say all good men for , though the Bishop be faulty , God is not , cannot be . The possessions therefore , and rights of the Church must stand inviolable . The faults are the Bishops , the lands are Gods. Let not God suffer for the Bishops irregular behaviour . Let the Bishop be deprived of his place and profits , but not God of his lands . c Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter , according to the Holy Ghosts prescription , Let another , a good man , take his Bishoprick , that Gods service may be duely celebrated , his Name glorified , and Christs flock faithfully provided for . 18. But say we , what can be said , the Bishops are to blame , and must be brought to moderation . And how must this be done ? By being brought to just nothing . For , according to your doctrine , Episcopy must be abrogated , and their Lands alienated . This we simple men take to be extirpation , or annihilation . But such discreet , conscionable men , as you are , know it to be but moderation . Should God return this moderation upon your heads , the Presbyteriall Government would come to , what it should be , even to nothing . 19. Well , their wealth , their honour , and their miters are in fault : and the Bishops must be corrected , for not laying down all these at this blessed Parliaments feet , to redeem the Kings Crown . Good King , he suffers for the Bishops obstinacy ; and they , poore men , have parted with all , but what they may not part with , namely , their fidelitie to God and the King. Have you not alreadie dis-roabed them of their honors ? Have you not plundred their houses , and seized their Lands ? Have you not made them house-lesse , harbourlesse , not able to keep a servant ? What would you more ? But , let me tell you , your great Masters might have purchased better houses and lands at a cheaper rate . This they will be sensible of , when the accounts are cast up as well elsewhere , as at London . 20. The Bishops wealth , honor , and miters were your aim ; these you have preached for , these you have fought for ; what would you more ? All these your Masters have , and the Crown to boot ; and yet not quiet . Indeed all these thus gained will not afford a quiet conscience . That there may be some shew of legality , y the King must get the CLERGIES CONSENT , and the Bishops must lay down their Miters . And then 't will passe for currant , that these Acts were passed by their own consent , and so no wrong done . z Volenti non fit injuria . True it is , undone they are without consent : but if they consent , they undo themselves , and wrong their souls . And a madnesse it were to be chronicled , if I should cut mine own throat , to save my enemie the labour . How then can I give away Gods inheritance to the Edomites & Ishmalites , lest perchance they enter forcibly upon it ? And yet the Bishops are much to blame , if they will not do this : if not , the Crown will run an hazard , and the whole Land be brought to ruine . 21. What is to be done in this case ? Surely if the Bishops knew themselves guilty of the difference betweene the King and his subjects , God forbid , but they should be willing to part with all , they may lawfully part with ; and a be earnest with Jonah , that they might be cast into the sea , to allay this dangerous storme , if that would do it . But b what is Gods and the Churches , they cannot give away , or alienate . No , no , saith S. Ambrose , I cannot deliver up that , which I have received to preserve , not to betray . The Lands of the Church they may take , if they please . Imperatori non dono , sed non nego . I give them not to the Emperour , but I deny them not . c I withstand him not ; I use no violence . d What I do , is for the Emperours good ; quia nec mihi expediret tradere , necilli accipere ; because it would be neither safe for me to give them up , nor for him to receive them . What beseemes a free Preist , I advise freely ; si vult sibi esse consultum , recedat à Christi injuriâ ; If he desire to prosper , let him forbear to wrong Christ . Observe what belongs to the Church , is Christs , not the Bishops . If any part of it be diminished , the wrong is done to God , and not to man. e Ananias layed down his possession at the Apostles feet ; but kept back part of the price . Here was wrong done ; But to whom , think you ? Not to the Apostles ; no : f he lyed not unto men , but unto God ; he couzen'd God , and not man. This was the moderation of S. Peter , and S. Ambrose ; and we may not be drawn from this moderation . Advise your great Masters to embrace so much moderation ; as to wrong no man , but g to give unto Caesar , what belongs to Caesar , and to God , what belongs unto God. Till then , however they may seem to prosper , they will never be secure . CHAP. XV. Whether it be lawfull to take away the Bishops lands , and to confer them upon the Presbytery . 1. THe Church at this present , is much like her h Saviour hanging between two theeves : but in so much the worse case , because neither of these are for our Saviour . One , the Independent , is wholly for stripping the Church of all settled maintenance : With him the Minister is to rely meerly upon the peoples benevolence . And reason good ; for he is no longer a Minister , then it pleaseth that Congregation . But the other , the Presbyterian is like the chough in the fable , that would faine prank up himself with other birds feathers . i The Bishops lands and revenues must be diverted , & divided , to maintaine Parochiall Pastors ; so you call them . k Sacriledge you condemne ; but theft you like well of , so you and your fellow Presbyterians may be gainers . Quocunque modo rem , is profitable doctrine ; so you may have it , you care not , how you come by it , nor who smarts for it . l The man of Jerusalem fel into such hands . 2. m Prelacy must be abolisht ; that 's agreed upon . So far you go with your Parliament , but you are against seizing of the Prelates revenues , to private , or civill interest . That is , as I conceive , to any particular mans use , or for the service of the State ; as ye call it . I am just of your mind , and resolve with you , that this kind of impropriation could want neither staine , nor guilt . Such was that in the dayes of , K. Henry the eight ; which was deservedly cried out of , all the Christian world over . But cry out you and your Mr. Beza with your Stentorian voices , upon this n detestable sacriledge , your good Masters are resolved upon the question , and have exposed the Bishops lands to sale . So they may have these revenues to dispose of , they will venter stain , guilt , and curse too , say what ye can . 3. I must confesse , you would faine set a faire glosse upon this detestable act . You would have o those large revenues ( as you are pleased to call them ) to be passed over from the Fathers of the Church , to the sons of the Church ; from the Bishops to Parochiall Pastors , or Presbyters . I call these parochiall Pastors , sons of the Church : because , though they be called Fathers in respect of their Parishioners ; yet are they but sons in respect of Bishops , from whom they have their orders , and by whom , as Ministers , they are begotten . For Presbyters have not power to ordain a Deacon , much lesse to ordain a Presbyter ; as p hath been already manifested , & shall be more fully , if God give me life and leave , to examine the Divine Right of Church Government . 4. But since q these revenues must be diverted , or passed over from the Fathers to the sons , to supply them with sufficient maintenance , who shall make the conveiance ? And when the conveiance is drawn with all the skill that may be , it is nothing worth , till the proprietary , the true owner give his consent , and confirme it . Desire you to know , who is the true owner ? Look upon God , he hath accepted them , and taken possession of them ; his they are by deed of gift . The Charters usually run thus ; Concessi , offero , confirmavi DEO & Ecclesiae , I grant , offer , or confirme TO GOD and the Church , such and such Lands , Mannors , or messuages . When they are thus offered , God accepts of the gift , and sets this stamp upon them , * They offered them before the Lord , THEREFORE THEY ARE HALLOWED . And again , r Nothing devoted , or separated from the common use , that a man shall devote unto the Lord ( whether it be man , or beast , or LAND OF HIS INHERITANCE ) MAY BE SOLD , OR REDEEMED : every devoted thing is MOST HOLY UNTO THE LORD . When it is once seperated from common use , it may no more return to common use ; since ( as your Geneva Note tells us ) ſ It is dedicated to the Lord WITH A CURSE To HIM , that doth turn it to his private use . And of this curse they have been sensible , that have turned it to such use . Observable therefore it is , that t this word , which we here translate devoted , or dedicated , signifi●s properly , destroyed , quia destructio imminet usurpan●il us illa , because destruction hangs over their heads , that usurp them . Jos . 7. 1. &c. We translate this word accuesed : and u ● cu●se fell upon Achan openly for medling with the accursed or devoted silver , and gold , and a costly garment . God made A●●ma● example of his justice to all posterity , that so the dreadfull end of him and all his , might strike a terrour into the hearts of all covetous persons ; that they medle not with that , which is dedicated to the Lord. 5. Achans fault was , that x he clancularily stole it , and dissembled , and put it among his own stuffe . But what you do shall be in publike , enacted by Parliament ; and they shall not be seized to private or civill interest . Your purpose is to have them diverted , or settled upon your selves , and your fellow Presbyters , who are no private or civill persons . Oh , no , you are the men , by whom the work of the Ministery is cheifly performed . And yet I cannot but observe , that here is a diversion ; and what is diverted , runs not in the right channel , it is enforced another way . But y this ( you say ) will not be to ruine , but to rectifie the devotion of former ages , and turn pompe into use , and impediments into helps . There needs no proofe for this , Ipse dixit , Mr. Geree hath delivered this in the Pulpit ; It is enough , so it come from him , who is so well skilled in devotion , and able to rectifie former ages . But I am none of your credulous followers ; my faith is not pinned to your sleeve . Indeed , to deale plainly with you , I am of another mind , and suppose , I have good reason for it . 6. That revenues were very anciently settled upon the Church , can be no new thing to them , that are skilled in Councels , Fathers , and Church History . But who were these lands settled upon ? To whose trust were these committed ? z That Constantine settled revenues upon the Bishops , is too too evident to be denyed . That the Bishops had houses and lands long before Constantines time , is manifest by the Councell of Angur , Can. 15. As also by that of a Paulus Samosatenus ; whom the Emperor Aurelian ejected out of the Episcopall house , after he had been deprived of his Bishoprick of Antioch by a Councell of Bishops . b In S. Cyprians time and writings we read that the Church was endowed with means . A little higher we may go in our own country , c we find King Lucius in the yeer of grace 187. settling possessions upon the Church . 7. Neither were these means very small ; as some conceive . d S. Austine was a Gentleman well desended , and had a faire estate left him . And yet he professeth , that e the possessions of his Bishoprick of Hippo , were twenty times more then the lands of his inheritance . And yet his was none of the richest Bishoppricks in Africk . Such was the devotion of former áges . 8. Of these revenues the Bishops had the profits ; they did f uti frui rebus Ecclesiae ( as S. Austin speaks ) tanquam possessores & Domini ; they were Gods trustees ; and yet as possessors and Lords they disposed of the Church goods . g At his See the government of the lands and oblations belonged to him ; but h to some of his Clergie he committed the charge both of the one and of the other . But so , that once a yeer at least , he had an account from them , as from his Stewards . i At his charge , as it were , the Presbyters and other Clerks of that Church were fed and clad . Indeed k the lands and goods of the Church were so at the Bishops disposing , that the Steward might not distribute any of them , as he thought meet , but as the Bishop directed him . This was not onely by custome , but by Canon , that the Bishop have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power to dispose the goods of the Church upon the needie . And l if it happened , that any of the lands were alienated , or sold in the vacancie , it was in the succeeding Bishops power to ratifie or make void the sale . 9. Neither did the Bishops innovate any thing therein ; they followed the steps of the prime and Apostolick Church ; as is to be seen Apost . Can. 41. and in the Acts. There we read , that the Christians , who were so charitably minded , m sold their lands , or houses , and layed the prices thereof ( not at the Disciples , not at the Presbyters , but ) at the Apostles feet . After this indeed n the Disciples choose out men of honest report , full of the holy Ghost , and of wisdom , that might dispose of these legacies to such , as were to be relieved by the Church Stock . But this they did not of their own heads , but at the Apostles directions , who reserved this power to themselves . The text justifies it ; o Whom we may appoint over this businesse . So the Apostles . Hence is it , that S. Paul commanded Timothy , Bishop of Ephesus , to take care , that the Presbyters be well provided for : p Let the Presbyters , that rule well , be counted worthy of double honor , of double maintenance . And to what purpose was this charge to Timothy , unlesse he were to provide for the Presbyters of his Church ? I am certain , that it is most consonant to common sense , Nature , and Scripture , that q parents provide for their children , and not children for the parents . And is it not reason , that he , who sets the Presbyters on work , should pay them their wages ? But Bishop Timothy was to set them on work ; r Those things , that thou hast heard ( or learned ) of me , the same commit thou to faithfull men , who shall be ABLE TO TEACH others . And ſ charge them , that they teach no other doctrine then this . But if they do , what then ? t withdraw thy self from them . That is , eat not with them , let them not come to thy table , allow them no maintenance . What counsell the Apostles gave others , without question they observed themselves . But S. Paul commands , that u we eat not with open and notorious sinners ; and S. John , that we x receive not deceitfull Preachers into our houses . The same rule then they observed themselves . For in those times y the Bishop and his Presbyters did usually live in the same house , and eat at the same table . In those times the Bishops provided for the Presbyters ; but our start up Presbytery will so provide , that the Bishops shall have just nothing left them to relieve their own wants ; all must be for Mr. Presbyter . 10. And why so ? Because there are many z defective Parishes in England , which want suffi●ient maintenance to supply their Parochiall Pastors with . But from whence comes this defect , or want of maintenance ? Surely not from the Bishops , not from their greedinesse , and wretchlesnesse : but from that detestable sacriledge ( a as Beza and you call it ) which was by Parliament acted and ratified under the reign of King Henry VIII . At the dissolution of Abbeys the Appropriations of Tithes were taken into Lay-mens hands ; which heretofore were appropriated and annexed to this or that particular Religious House ; b Which house ( according to Mr. Spelman ) was the perpetuall incumbent Parson of each of those Rectories , and did duely officiate the Cure , by one of their own fraternity . Then were there few , or no defective Parishes . But upon these new Statutes the Lay Appropriatoes swept all into their own custody and possession . From hence ariseth the want of congruous maintenance , in too many Parishes , for him , or them , that serve those Cures . And shall Bishops smart for it , when Lay-men have done the mischief , and purse up the profits ? Dat veniam corvis , vexat censura columbas ; when the Laity offends , the Clergie suffers . Is this Justice ? But so the Parliament do it , it is with you c valid in Law , though injurious . But God and you are of severall minds . 11. Nay , if this be done , if Bishops lands be removed to Presbyters , d there will be no danger of sacrilege . How prove you that ? e This ( say you ) will not be to ruine , but to rectifie the devotion of former ages , and turn pomp into use , and impediments into helps . This is somewhat like Cardinall Wolseys pretence , who dissolved fourty small Monasteries of ignorant silly Monks , to erect two goodly Colleges , for the breeding up of learned and industrious Divines . Was not this to turn impediments into helps ? Lo , he removed lazie drones , that did little but eat , and drink , and sleep ; that so learned men might be provided for , who would labour in the Word and doctrine , and might be able to do Church and State good service . Was not this as fair a pretence as yours , or as any you can invent ? And how was this accepted of ? God , that forbids theft , will no more endure the offering gained by theft , f then by adultery . One of his Colledges dyes in the conception ; the other remains unfinished to this day : and it pities me to see her foundations under rubbish . And a misery it is to take into consideration the ruine of this man , as also of that King and Pope , who gave him licence to commit this sin . This attempt and grant opened a gap to the most profuse sacrilege , that ever Christian Nation , before that time , had been acquainted with . And yet , for ought I find , by this particular sacrilege there came no gain into any of their private purses . 12. But , I beseech you , what is the meaning of these words , this will turn pomp into use ? What your intent is , perchance I may gesse : but to take them according to the plain and literall sense , I can make no other construction of them , then this : If the Prelates revenues were diverted , to supply with sufficient maintenance all those Parochiall Pastors , that want congruous maintenance , this would turn pomp into use . That is ; that pomp , which the Prelates made no use of , the Presbyterians would turn into use . If this be not the Grammaticall sense , I appeal to any rationall man. And their Essay in the Divine right of Church government , shews what their proceedings would prove . I must confesse , ye have marvellously improved the impediments , and turned them into helps . For the power and Jurisdiction of Bishops , which were the main impediments to Schisme and Heresie , you have covenanted to root up ; and have brought in all the helps , that may be , to further irreligion , and Atheisme . While the Bishops had power , heresies were rarae nantes , seldom seen , and suddenly supprest , if any such crept in . But now they flowe in by shoals , and have Pulpits and Presses cloyed with them . Does not your own Mr. Edwards professe , that never was there such plenty of Sects and Heresies ? As many more in truth , as ever the Church knew in former ages . Onely , as g by Julian the Apostata , both Pulpits , and Presses are locked up to the Orthodox ; no coming there for them , lest perchance they infect the Auditories with sound and Apostolike Doctrine . 13. Parochiall Pastors are most necessary men ; by them the work of the Ministery is CHIEFLY to be performed . This is true , and not true . True in the Fathers sense ; not in yours . h In the Fathers sense a Pastor is a Bishop strictly so called , as by his Order he is differenced from a Presbyter ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no petty Countrey or Citie Parish ; i it is a whole Citie , with the Precincts and Countrey adjoyning , which were under the jurisdiction of the Citie , and repaired thither for justice , if differences arose . With them Paraecia was the same , that a Diocese is with us . So a Parochiall Pastor , in the ancient and Church sense , is a Diocesan Bishop : and in this sense , the work of the Ministery is CHIEFLY PERFORMED BY THE PAROCHIALL PASTOR . This Pastor indeed can perform all Ministeriall acts ; divers of which are clean out of a Presbyters power . And yet you say , that by the Parochiall Pastor , who is with you but a Presbyter , the work of the Ministery is chiefly performed . Not so , my good brother not so , not that work , without which the Church cannot possibly subsist . And that is twofold ; first k the ordering of the Church ; and 2ly , ordeining of Presbyters . The chief works of the Ministery , according to St. Paul , are to 1 regular the Church , and to 2 beget those , by whom the Sacraments may be administred , and absolution pronounced . But these works may not , cannot be done by any , or many Presbyters . In your sense therefore this proposition is false . 14. But why cheifly ? What , because Presbyters offer up the prayers and supplications of the Church ? Because they are the usuall Preachers , and dispensers of the Sacraments ? These indeed are the most usuall and daily offices , and very necessary ; but I dare not say , that by them these offices are cheifly discharged . What say you to that principle of reason , l Propter quod aliquid est tale , illud est magis tale ? Especially if it be such an efficient or ministeriall cause , without which , in the ordinary way , there can be no such thing . But by a Bishop a Presbyter is made a Minister of these holy duties ; & in the ordinary way , without him he could not be a Presbyter . The Bishop then doth cheifly performe the work of the Ministery . The reason is , because illo mediante by his means , or mediation , that is done , which without him could not be done . The work of Justice is usually performed by the Justice of the severall Benches . But I presume , you will not say cheifly ; that you will reserve to the Parliament ; since you have sworne that to be m the Supreme Judicatorie of this Kingdome . And in this treatise you have concluded , that n The Parliament is the Supreme Court , by which all other Courts are to be regulated . And as all Courts are to be regulated by Parliament , so are all Presbyters to be guided by their own Bishop . 15. Cheifly , say you ; onely , saith your Ordinance for Ordination ; wherein you make the Presbyter the onely Minister . In your Solemne League and Covenant , ye resolve and vow o the extirpation of Arch-Bishops and Bishops . And in both ye lay the whole work upon the Presbytery ; as if they were the men , that could discharge all sacred and Ministerial duties . No such matter ; the contrary is manifested . Can any man imagine , that a common souldier , or an ordinary marriner , doth performe the cheife work in an army , or ship , because they take the greater toile to the outward eye ? No , no ; it is the Pilot in a Ship , the Colonel in a Regiment , the Admirall in a Navy , and the Generall in an Army , that discharge the cheife duties . Without these there would be wise worke by Sea or Land. Ev●ry one , that can pull a gable , or manage an oare , is not fit to be a Pilot. Every man that can and dare fight , and charge with courage , is not fit to be a Commander . But the Church is both a ship , and an armie . And I dare say , that every one , that can talke lavishly , or make a rhetoricall flourish in the Pulpit , is not fit to be a Bishop , or Governour , in the Church of Christ . And yet q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this cause left I thee in Creet , that thou shouldest set in order the things , that are wanting , & ordain Presbyters in every City . These are the duties of a Bishop ; without which the Church will suddenly be out of frame , and crumble into nothing . 16. In a ship , or regiment , no man comes to sit at the stern , no man attempts the cheife command , the first day ; if he do , both ship and regiment suffer for it . No ; they are trained up in their severall professions , and by degrees they rise till they come to the highest . Thus was it in the ancient , and thus is it in the present Church . If any be suddenly raised to a Bishoprick , it is seldom for the good of that Diocese . 17. But you and your fellow Presbyters want congruous and sufficient maintenance ; down therefore must the Bishops ; and their Revenues must be divided amongst such good Pastors , as you are . The Levellers doctrine right ; the Nobility and Gentrey have too much , & the godly of the land to little : all therefore must be shared , that Jack and Tom may have a congrurus maintenance . If the great men of the Land will not yeeld to this , the Parliament shall be garbled , the Nobility and Gentry shall be turned aside ; and then look for a new Covenant , and a fresh extirpation . Dukes descend from profane Esau ; Marquesses , Earles , Vicounts , &c. are but heathenish titles , invented by the children of darknesse , and the children of light defie them . What ? Are we not all Adams sons ? Are we not brethren in Christ ? Is it not fit , that we should all have share , and share like , as had the children of Israel in the land of promise ? As long as the Church onely was strook at , it was well liked of ; but now patience perforce , we must be leveled both in Church and State. We shall find , that there is such a sympathy between them in all Christian Common-wealths , that they stand and fall , swimme and sink together . 18. What ? talke we of Levelling ? That is enough to destroy the State and face of a Kingdome . But in your project there will be no danger . How ? No danger ? No danger , ( say you ) of sacriledge . No danger in the subversion of the Church ? Surely this must be ruine to Episcopacy , and consequently to the Church . For no Bishop , no Church . r Ecclesia enim super Episcopos constituitur ; for the Church is founded and settled upon Bishops . So S. Cyprian . Think not , that we exclude Christ . Christ it is that layd the foundation , and settled the Church so . And it is not for man to unsettle it , or to lay another , a new foundation . For other foundation can no man lay , then that is layed by Jesus Christ . But ſ we are built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets . And Bishops and Apostles , are of the same order ; they are one and the same . t Apostolos , id est , Episcopos & Praepositos Dominus elegit . So S. Cyprian , the Lord made choice of APOSTLES , THAT IS OF BISHOPS & Prelates . When therefore our Saviour founded the Church upon the Apostles , he founded it upon Bishops . Who dare then after this foundation ? He that endeavours it , doth not build , but destroy the Church . 19. Is there no danger of sacriledge in robbing father and mother ? The Bishop your father , and the Church your mother ? For as in the Church you were born anew of water and the Holy Ghost ; so if you be a Presbyter , as a Presbyter you have your being from a Bishop ; or else you have no such being . But you return , that ye rob not the Church : for you intend , that these revenues shall be settled upon Church-men ; that is , upon Presbyters . Suppose , you rob but one , but your Father , the sacriledge is detestable . For doth not the Lord say , u Who so robbeth his father , or mother , and saith it is no transgression ; the same is the companion of a murtherer . But to make the sacriledge more odious , I shall manifest , that ye have not onely robbed your Father , but your Mother also . The Bishop your father is the husband to his particular Church ; If then you rob him of his meanes , who will succeed in his roome , and become an husband to that Church ? For though there be a thousand Presbyters in a Diocese , yet , x if she be without a Bishop , that Church is a widow . So that great Councell of Chalcedon . Thus ye rob the Bishop of his means , & that Church of her husband . And wile a widow , she can bring forth but a bastard brood . Consider that . 20. Upon these motives I must tell you , that if his Majestie shall gratifie either the Parliament , or the Assembly , in the abolition of Episcopacy , and in sacrificing the Church-lands to your , or their sacrilegious avarice , it will be such y a work , for which following generations shall have just cause to pitie , & lament him , that so good a man should either be cheated , or enforced into so foule a sin . His children and the whole Kingdome would rue it ; and the generations to come ( unlesse the world turn Presbyterian ) will speak of Him as of King Henry the eight : with this difference , that King Henry wilfully plunged himself into this sin , and King Charles was driven into it by an Atheisticall and bloody faction . But I am confident , his Majestie is seasoned with better principles ; he knows , it was z no excuse for Saul , to confesse , that he had sinned , because he was afraid of the people , and obeyed their voice , not Gods directions . a This King knew Gods Word , & rejected it ; God therefore rejected him from being King , and his seed from the throne . A lamentable case , to be frighted by a multitude , out of Gods favour , and the Crowne . But I hope , you have no Saul in hand : Our good Kings Crowne you may cause to totter , but not his resolution . Ye may , and have robbed him of his Prerogatives , revenues , and liberty : but you cannot imprison , or force his conscience , that will injoy her ancient priviledges , & freedome ; and these disasters shall end in a Crowne of glory . His memory shall be honoured in our Annals , and his posterity flourish in these thrones . Amen , Amen . CHAP. XVI . How far forth the King ought to protect the Church and Bishops . 1. IT is confessed to my hand , that b the King is ingaged to his power , to protect the Bishops , and their priviledges ; as every good King ought in right to protect & defend the Bishops & Churches under their Government . Reason requires no more ; and Religion requires so much . For by that God , whom we serve , Kings are made Guardians , and c nursing fathers to the Church ; and by the same God this ingagement is put upon them . Not by man , not d by the Author , as you seem to intimate ; nor yet by the Bishops . One of the Bishops indeed , in the behalfe of his brethren , and the whole Clergie , humbly beseecheth his Majestie to protect and defend to them , and to the Churches committed to their charge , all Canonicall priviledges , and due Law and Justice . The King with a willing and devout heart premiseth , to be their protector , and Defender to his power , by the assistance of God. And afterwards at the Communion table , he makes a solemne Oath , upon Gods own book , to observe the Premises . This ingagement then is not put upon the King , but with a willing heart he takes it upon himselfe ; acknowledging that he ought to do so , if he be a good King. Yea , ( saith Sir Edward Coke ) e the King is bound and sworn to the observation and keeping of Magna Charta . His Majestie then is but intreated to do , what he is sworne and bound to do . And since sworne and bound , he may not with a safe conscience give them up to the f wild boares of the forrest to root up the plants , or suffer the wild beasts of the field to devour this Vine , g which the Lords right hand hath planted . 2. That h the King is bound no further to exercise his power in the protection of the Church , then he can do it without sinning against God , is most undoubtedly true : and it were not the part of a Christian to desire more . For we know , that i the King receives his power from God , which is to be used , not against , but for God. Not to protect the Church to his power , is to break his Oath , it is to desert that trust which God hath committed to his charge : and is not this to sin against God ? In the discharge of this dutie , he is so far from being injurious to the rest of his people , that if he should forbear it , it would prove the greatest mischeife , that can be imagined , to his people , and to their posterity , in their soules , in their estates ; and a perpetuall infamie to this Nation . I need not prove it now , it is already done , Cap. 8. Sect 10. 11. &c. 3. That k his sacred Majestie hath interposed his Authority for the Bishops , & put forth all the power he hath to preserve them , is that which vexeth your confederacy . And yet you cannot deny , but that every good King is bound in right to do so . What we ought to do , is our bounden duty ; and what we do in right , is justly done . Oh , that this had been done in the right time . Indeed he is not onely bound , but he finds it more then necessary to protect and preserve them ; for in protecting them , he protects himself , his throne , and his posterity . Alas , he was strook at thorough the Bishops sides . His wise Father descried this long since , l No Bishop , no King. What the Father spake , his Sonne our good King hath found true by woefull experience . His Crowne hath sunke with their Miters . 4. Well , by your own confession , what our gracious King hath done , is right , and what good Kings are bound to do , to the extent of their power . Thus our good King is justified by his enemies , as m our Saviour was by Judas . If his Majestie have endeavoured to do that , which is right , what are they , that have hindered him from doing it ? Have not they done wrong ? How can they excuse themselves before God or man , that have so manacled our betrayed Soveraigne , that he cannot do , what good Kings are bound in right to do ? Is this to be good ? Is this to be just ? Then have all the Saints of God been utterly deceived . 5. n If after all this He must perforce let the Bishops fall ; you and your Schisme have much to answer for , that have driven him to this necessity . You seem to pitie his good subjects , who with their blood have endeavoured to support Episcopacy . Their swords were not drawn to maintaine this Government , or the Religion established ; they never learned to fight for Religion . What they did , was done in submission to his Majesties just commands , and to manifest their allegiance . But if these be good ; that have indangered their lives to uphold Bishops , what are they , I beseech you , that have spent their blaod to root them out ? Surely in justifying the former , Mr. Geree hath condemned the latter ; and when the waspes find it , he must look to his eares : 6. I must confesse , it is an hard case for one man to o ingage his life for the maintenance of other mens privileges . But who did so ? Not a man ingaged himself ; but the Kings command , the Oath of Allegiance , and the Laws of the Land ingaged every good Subject , to assist his Soveraign to the utmost . The King , according to his Oath , endeavoured to maintain the Laws of the Land , to protect the Members of both Houses driven from Parliament , to support the Bishops ; and to suppresse those seditious and sacrilegious persons , which plotted and covenanted the ruine of Religion , root and branch . Though much the greatest part of the Nobility , Gentrie , and learned in the Law , were deservedly moved to see Majestie dethroned and blasphemed ; Religion spurned at , and vilified ; the Fathers of the Church scandalized , and persecuted ; the Laws of the Kingdom , and liberties of the Subject sleighted , and trampled on ; yet not a man of these took up the Sword , till he was commanded by him , to whom the Laws of the Land , and the Word of God have committed the power of the Sword. This may not be called backwardnesse , or unwillingnesse , but pious discretion , which ever waits upon the Soveraigns call . When therefore His Majesty had set up his Standard , I may truly say , p the governors of our Israel offered themselves WILLINGLY among the people ; they did the King service to the utmost . Had there not been a back-doore to let in a forrein Nation , to divide the Kings forces ; had not some of q the Nobles of Judah conspired with Tobiah , held intelligence with him , and acquainted him with Nehemiahs secrets , there never had been so many Thanksgiving dayes , nor so much boasting , that God prospered the cause . God suffered David his own chosen servant , his anointed , and a man after his own heart , to be hunted as a Partrige upon the mountains , to be frighted from his throne , and to live like a forlorn man ; and yet in his good time he restored him to his Scepter in peace , and subdued the people to him . 7. And whereas you term them others privileges , as if they concerned no man but the Clergie ; I dare boldly say , they concern every man , as he is a member of this Church and Realm . r If we have sown unto you spirituall things , is it a great matter if we reap your carnall things ? And if we reap not your carnall things , how shall we sowe unto you spirituall things ? This is worthy of consideration ; unlesse you have layed aside all care of the soul . Have we some privileges , that the Laity have not ? They are not ours alone ; they are every mans , that enters into Orders . And Orders are indifferently proposed to all , of all families whatsoever , so they be sufficiently qualified . High and lowe , noble and ignoble have reaped the benefit of these privileges . I have known some of high birth in Orders ; and some of good rank , that have taken Sanctuary under a Priests coat . And we read of ſ a young man of the tribe of Judah , of the most remarkable family , that was glad to turn Priest , and to t serve by the yeer for ten shekels of silver , a double suit of apparell , and his victuals . If then our Calling suffer , all families suffer in it , and with it . 8. But what if the Laws of the Land , what if Magna Charta do oblige all men to stand up for the due observation of these privileges ? If so , then must every man readily acknowledge , that all good Subjects are bound to obey His Majestie , when he commands that , which the Law requires . View we then the words of that Great and justly magnified Charter , which are these . u Reserving to all Arch-bishops , Bishops , Earls , Barons , and all persons , as well Spirituall as Temporall , all their liberties , and free customes , which they have had in times past . And all these customes and liberties aforesaid , which we have granted to be holden within this our Realm ; as much as appertaineth to us and our Heirs , we shall observe . And ALL MEN of this our Realm , as well SPIRITUALL AS TEMPORALL ( as much as in them is ) SHALL likewise OBSERVE THE SAME , AGAINST ALL PERSONS . Mark that : are we not all , both spirituall and temporall , bound to maintain each others privileges , as much as in us lies ? 9. I know , you will return , that Abbots and Priors are provided for by the same Law ; and yet they have since been taken away by Act of Parliament . I confesse it : but I shall desire you to observe in the first place , how they prospered , that were the contrivers and procurers of that Act. 2ly , I cannot but take notice , that you with your Master Beza call that disso●ution x detestandum sacrilegium , detestable sacrilege , and such as was cried out of all the Christian world over . It is not therefore to be drawn into president . 3ly , consider , I pray you , that y they who did so , are stiled Enemies of our Soveraign Lord the King ▪ and his Realm . 4ly , that great * Councell of Chalcedon , consisting of above 600. Bishops , resolves , that no Monastery , consecrated with the Bishops liking , may be turned to a secular dwelling . And those that suffer any such thing , are lyable to the Canonicall censures . 5ly , you will , I hope , make a difference between our Saviours institution , and mans invention . Bishops are of our Saviours own institution , but Abbots and Priors are titles and orders of mans invention . And yet z hospitalitie , and alms , and other works of charity , for which these fraternities were erected , failed much with them . How those means were imployed , I shall not enquire ; but I am certain , that good and pious men have wished , that the abuses had been pruned off , and that the lands had been disposed of according to the Doners intentions . This indeed had been pietie , not sacrilege . 10. How oft have the Kings of this Realm ingaged themselves to observe Magna Charta , and to maintain the rights and liberties of the Church ? Are not these the words of the Statute , a We take the Prelates and Clergie with their possessions , goods , and chattels INTO OUR SPECIALL PROTECTION AND DEFENCE ? The Princes of this Land have bound themselves strictly to keep this Great Charter ; and have provided , that if any other shall do , or procure to be done , any thing contrary to this Charter , it is to be accounted void , as soon as procured . Take the words of the Charter . b We have granted unto them ( the Spirituall and Temporal persons of this Realm ) on the other part , that neither we , nor our Heirs shall procure , or do any thing , whereby the liberties in this Charter shall be infringed , or broken . But suppose , they shall make any such grant through ignorance , wilfulnesse , or evill counsell , shall it be of force ? The Law saith , no. For it follows immediately ; c And if any thing be procured BY ANY PERSON contrary to the premisses , it shall be holden OF NO FORCE , NE EFFECT . You and your great contrivers , what have ye laboured for , all this while ? What have ye fought for ? what have ye shed so much blood for ? For wind , nothing but wind . For all the Westminster Orders and Ordinances contrary to this Charter , shall be holden of no force , ne effect . You had best then keepe your paper for a more necessary use . 11. And yet you tell his Majestie , that d it is not equall to ingage the lives of some to uphold the honour of others . Is it equall then , I beseech you , to ingage the lives of some , to destroy the honour and estate of others ? All this while you have been on the destructive part , all for rooting up , what the Lords right hand hath planted , and for alienating the Lords inheritance . And that ye might effect , what ye have subtilly projected , ye have ingaged the lives of many , who were very unwilling , to uphold the honour of some at Westminster , that had overlashed , & ran themselves upon dreadfull rocks . I would to God , the Commons of this Kingdome would lay it to heart , how e cruell ye have been to many thousands to be indulgent to a few , to uphold the honour of a few . Consider , how many thousands in England and Ireland have been plundered , sequestred , imprisoned , maimed , and murdered , because they would not submit to the illegall , unjust , and irreligious decrees of the men at Westminster . A compleat Mercurius Rusticus will make after ages stand amazed , and their hearts bleed within them , to consider , that such a Nation as this , so blessed with peace and plentie , should be so miserably deluded , as to undoe themselves willfully , and sheath their swords into one anothers bowels , to save a Lord and five Members from tryall by Law. 12. That you may perswade us , some way or other , that the King ought to give up the Bishops , and their lands , since he hath hitherto protected them to the utmost of his power , you argue by supposition . f Suppose ( say you ) a King put a Commander into a City , and give him an Oath to maintaine the priviledges of it , and keep it for him to his power : and this Commander keeps this Towne , till he have no more strength to hold it , unlesse he force the Towns-men to armes , against the priviledge , which he hath sworne to maintaine . Well , what then ? If this Governour now surrender this Towne upon composition , doth he violate his Oath ? Thus far Mr. Gerees question : what think you of it ? What any man thinks , is no matter ; g Mr. Geree thinks none will affirme it . And I think , there be many , that will affirme it ; and I am one of that number . Good Lord , to see , how Mr. Geree and I differ in opinion ! His is but thought without proof , but I shall give you reason for what I think , and say . 13. If this Casuist speake to purpose , as he ought , he speaks of a King of this Realme ; and no town within this Realme hath any such priviledge , as not to bear armes against the Kings enemies ; or not to keep it for his Majestie , to the utmost of their power . The reasons are these : First , h these are the Kings Dominions and Countries . 2ly , These Towns and Cities are part of these Dominions . 3ly , The inhabitants and Citizens thereof are his Majesties subjects . 4ly , i All lands and tenements are holden either mediatly , or immediatly of the King. 5ly , This Citie or Towne is the Kings ; otherwise how could he put a Commander into it , and give him an Oath to keep it for him ? I speake of Towns within these his Majesties Dominions , which in all writings are called the Kings Cities , Counties , and Towns. 6ly , It cannot be imagined , that the Kings of this Realme would grant any priviledge destructive or dangerous to their owne safety . And we must take notice , that k All Liberties at the first were derived from the Crown . Adde hereunto the severall Acts of Parliament , wherein l the Peers and Comminalty confesse themselves to be bound , and make faithfull promise , to aide their Soveraigne at all seasons ; as also to assist and defned his , or their , rights , and titles , to the utmost of their power , and therein to spend their bodies , lands and goods , against ALL PERSONS , whatsoever . But new Lords , new Laws ; and these Statutes are out of date . 14. By this time , I hope , you see , that no towns-men have any such privilege , as to refuse to bear arms in the Kings behalf . But they are bound by their allegiance , and the Laws of this Land to keep those Towns for his Majestie , & to defend them with all their might against his foes . If then the inhabitants shall be backward , the Commander ought to force them to armes : and if he do it not , he violates his Oath , and the Towns-men their fidelity . And now you may tell your freind , that helped you to this supposition , that he is no skilfull Apprentice at Law. If then m the Kings case be such in this particular , his Highnesse may not recede from his Oath , nor do any thing contrary thereto . 15. Though this may seeme reasonable to sober men , yet n the onely objection ( as you conceive ) which lyeth against this , is ; that though it be not in the Kings power to uphold them , yet it is in his power not to consent to their fall . Though this be not the onely , yet is it a just objection , or rather a resolution ; which being rightly harkned to , will preserve the King from sin in this particular . For how ever you are so uncivill with his Majestie , as to call it o peremtorinesse in him to deny assent to the fall , or abolition of Episcopacy ; yet such as are learned to sobriety , know this to be Christian prudence , and true fortitude , p not to fear them , that can imprison him , that can rob him of this earthly Crowne , and slay his body , but to stand in aw of him , that can slay the soul , that can deprive him of his heavenly Crown , and cast him into the infernall pit . Oh , q 't is a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living God ; we are not therefore to be threatned , or frighted into sin . These things you can presse violently in the Pulpit , but now you are beside both Pulpit and text , beside modesty and truth . It is Justice , Religion , and courage , not peremtorinesse , to deny the least assent to sin . That it is sin to yeeld to , or confirme the abolition of Episcopacy , is already manifested C. 4. 6. Since it is to destroy an Ordinance of Christ ; which cannot be done without sin . 16. However then he may indanger his own Crown , not save their Mitres , yet he shall be sure , by denying assent , to save his own soul : for r without consent no sin ; and without sinne no damnation . ſ A woman ravished is free from fornication , because she assents not , but is really enforced ; and yet t he , that commits that sin upon her , must die for it . This is the Kings case right : if he yeeld not , this is a rape upon his power , no sin in his person , since no assent . Hence is it , that Idolatry and Oppression in Scripture are charged upon Kings ; because their assent makes a Law. Without the Kings affirmative every Ordinance imposed upon the people is not Law , but Tyranny ; since it is not legall , but arbitrary . Our brethren of Scotland say as much . Take their words . There can be no Law made , and have the force of a Law without the King. Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland . p. 19. 17. That t it is in his Majesties power , or not in his power to deny assent to the abolition of Bishops , is most certainly true . But we must learn of you to distinguish between a naturall and a morall sense ▪ and then we shall find both true , that he can , and he cannot deny consent . In a naturall sense he may , but in a morall sense he may not . In a naturall sense he may ; because the will cannot be inforced . In a morall sense it is not in his power ; because he cannot now deny consent without sinne . So it is , and it is not in his power , or rather as S. Austine speaks , u In potestate est , quod in voluntate esse non debet : That is in our power , which ought not to be in our will ; x The King then hath it in his power to yeeld , or not to yeeld ; because he may do , which he pleaseth . The book of God stands by , and adviseth him to do that , which is right in the sight of God , proposing blessings if he do so ; and menacing curses , if he shall do any thing contrary to Gods revealed will. And all this while it doth but instruct & perswade him to do , what he ought and may , when he will. This then being in the Kings power , he must take heed , he incline not to sin . 18. I cannot but resolve , that to forsake the naturall sense , if good , is to be unnaturall . To renounce the morall sense is against good manners , and the morall Law. If therefore both senses may be kept , we are to preserve them both safe . With confidence therefore , I speake it , that it is not onely in his power , but * it is his dutie to be Master of his negative voice , and to deny consent . If he deny consent , he does his dutie , & observes his Oath . If he yeeld assent , he breaks his oath , and failes of his dutie . And this will prove no lesse then sin . I have already demonstrated , that Episcopacy is agreable to the word of God , and that it is the Institution of Christ himself . It is sinne therefore to abolish it , or to consent to the abolishing thereof . You neither have , nor can justifie the contrary out of holy writ , or from the ancient and Apostolike Church . And yet the Observations upon the Ordinance for Ordination have been extant in Print above these three years . But you and your Assembly Rabbines take no notice of it , because you have not what to say against it . 19. But though you have neither Scripture , Councels , nor Fathers , for the abolishing of Episcopacy , yet you have reason grounded upon policy , to worke his Miajestie to yeeld to this abolition . For ( say you ) he cannot now deny consent without sin . It seemes then , he might , without sin deny consent heretofore : but not now . And why not now ; as well as heretofore ? Because ( say you ) x if he consent not , there will evidently continue such distraction and confusion , as is most repugnant to the weale of his people ; which he is bound by the Rule of Government , and his Oath to provide for . Thus sin shall vary at your pleasure : sin it shall be now , that was none heretofore . That shall be sin in King Charles , which was vertue and piety in Queen Elizabeth , and all their religious ancesters . 20. y Where no Law is , there is no transgression . Before then you prove it to be a sin , you must prove it to be against some Law either of God or man. Not against the Law of God ; that 's already proved . Not against the Law of man ; since no man can sin against that Law , to which he is not subject . * The Laws are the Kings ; he gives Laws to his subjects , not his subjects to him : and we know no Law of his against Bishops . Indeed the Laws of this Land are so far from the extirpation of Bishops , that z the fundament all Law of this Kingdom approves of them . They then that are enemies to Bishops , are enemies to the fundamentall Law of this Kingdom . And what is fundamentall , is in and of the foundation . If then a Law be made to extirpate Bishops , it grates upon the foundation , it is against the fundamentall Law of this Realme , & it contradicts that Law of Laws , the word of God. Besides , we are assured by that learned in the Law , Justice Jenkins a that it is against the Kings Oath , and the Oaths of the Houses , to alter the Government for Religion . But an alteration of this Government , must necessarily follow upon the abolition of Episcopacy . Yea with Bishops , not onely the Church and Religion will be ruined , but the very Government and Laws of the Kingdom will be so confounded , that the learned in the Law will not know , where to find Law. They must burn their old books , and begin the world upon the new model . All this will amount to no small sin ; it will be to the shame of this Land ; to the ruine of those two noble professions , Divinity and Law ; and to the common misery of the people . 21. These reasons premised , I shall justly return your own words upon your self , in this manner . It is not in the Kings power to consent to the abolition of Episcopacy , because he cannot now yeeld consent without sin . For if he consent , there will evidently follow such distraction and confusion , as is most repugnant to the weal of his people ; which he is bound by the Rule of Government , and his Oath to provide for . I say so , and true it is ; because it is evident to every discerning eye , that there are as many , and those more considerable , that are cordially for Episcopacy and Common Prayer , as are against them . Indeed they are not so factious , so mutinous , and bloody as the other . What multitudes are there in this Kingdom , that mourn and grieve to see Religion so opprest , so trampled on , and almost breathing out her last ? In truth it is palpable , that these seditious and irreligious courses have ingendred , and propagated , and will continue such distraction and confusion in Church and State , as is most repugnant , not onely to the present , but to the eternall wedl and salvation of his people : both which he is bound to provide for , but more especially for the later . 22. And whereas you say , Such distraction and confusion will continue , unlesse Episcopacy be abolished ; if seems , you are resolved to continue these distractions . But , God knows , and your words testifie , that it is not the calling or the office of a Bishop , that is offensive ; it is b their honour , and their wealth , which you aim at ; c these , with their revenues must be shared amongst you of the Presbyterian faction ; and then all shall be well . Till then we must look for nothing but fire and sword . Hence it evidently appears , that neither Episcopacy , nor the Kings dissent , but your ambition and avarice have been the true cause of these distractions and combustions . d Such a sedition as this there was in the time of Moses about the Priesthood ; because every man might not sacrifice , as , when , and where he pleased . Because Corah might not wear a Miter , and go into the most holy place , as well as Aaron . And yet who dares say , that the Priestood was the cause of those uproars ? 23. That insurrection was against Moses and Aaron , against Prince and Priest : but against the Prince for the Priests sake ; because the Prince would not endure , that every one should meddle with the Priests office , or strip him of his means and honour . That conspiracie was linsie-woolsie , loomed up of Clergie and Laitie . Korah , the son of Levi was the ring-leader ; and c with him two hundreth and fiftie of his own Tribe . To these were joyned f Dathan and Abiram , great Princes , and men of renown ; such as were eminent in blood , and of the tribe of Reuben . And was not the crie the same then , that is now ? g Moses and Aaron , Prince and Priest , ye take too much upon you , seeing all the congregation is holy , every one of them , and the Lord is among them ; Wherfore then lift ye your selves above the congregation of the Lord ? The Prince and Priest did but their duty ; and yet are obbraided with pride . God raised them to their places ; and they are charged to raise themselves . But Moses justly retorts upon them , what they had falsly cast upon him ; h Ye take too much upon you , ye sons of Levi. What ? i Is it not enough for you , that God hath separated you from the multitude , that he hath taken you neer himself , to do the service of the Lords tabernacle , but you must have the Priests office ? But you must be k offering incense , as well as the High Priest ? The Priest of the second Order would needs be equall with the chief Priest , the Priest of the first Order . And is it not so now ? Have we not just cause to say to you , Ye take too much upon you , ye Presbyters , ye sons of Bishops . What ? Is it not enough for you , that God hath separated you from the multitude , that he hath taken you neer himself , to do the service of the Lords house , and to administer the Sacraments ; but you must have the Bishops office ? But you must be giving Orders , as well as the Bishop ? Surely this is to assume that power to your selves , which God never committed to any Presbyter , while a Presbyter . 24. Last of all , I cannot but observe , that when the Lord had punished these schismaticall and seditious persons , l the tumult ariseth afresh against Moses and Aaron ; they cry out upon them as m murderers , as if these two had slain the people of the Lord : for thus they call that factious and damnable crue . But the Lord decided the controversie , and shewed manifestly , who were His ; first n by consuming the mutineers with the plague ; and secondly , by causing o Aarons rod , when it seemed to be quite dead , to revive , even to bud , and blossom , and bear fruit in the Tabernacle . p Thus the mouthes of the rebellious Children were stopped , and Gods Ordinance justified . q Oh , that salvation were given unto Israel out of Sion : Oh , that the Lord would deliver his people out of Captivity . Oh , that we might see Aarons rod once more bud , and blossom , and bring forth Almonds . r Then should Jacob rejoyce , and Israel should be right glad . CHAP. XVII . Whether there be two Supremacies in this Kingdom . 1. IN this Treatise ſ you blame those , that seem to set up two Supremacies ; and yet you cannot see the same beam in your own eye . You are of kin , sure , to those Lamiae , those witches , that were blind at home , but quick-sighted abroad . Thou , that findest fault with another , doest the same thing . For do not you say plainly , that t there 's a Supremacie in the King , and a Supremacy in the Parliament ? I hope , you know your own language . Clodius accusat . It is an usuall thing for your confederacie , to charge the King and his good Subjects with that , which your selves are either guilty of , or intend to induce . 2. What , two Supremacies , two superlatives , at the same time , in the same Kingdom ? Is this possible ? What , because there is summus and supremus ; because there are two superlatives of the same word , shall we therefore have two Supremacies in the same Realm ? Is not this flatly against the Oath of Supremacy ? Wherein you , and I , and your great Patriots , have sworn , that the Kings Highnesse is the ONELY SUPREME GOVERNOUR OF THIS REALME , and of all other his Highnesse Dominions and Countreys . But the King hath been so long out of your eye , that he is now out of your minde , and the Parliament shall at least be his corrivall in the Supremacy . Take heed , take heed of perjury . I can tell you of severall Acts of Parliament since the Reformation , that u lay a penaltie of fourty pounds , upon every particular perjurie . If His Majestie had all these forfeitures , they would satisfie his debts , and make him a glorious King after all these pressures . 3. But you clip His Majesties wings , though ye make him flie ; and tell us , as x you conceive , that the Supremum jus Dominii , the supreme right of Dominion , which is above all Laws , is not in the King. To say it is in him , is in this , in our State a manifest error . Why , what 's become of the Oath of Supremacy ? Have we forgot that ? Was not that provided for this State ? In our State this is no error ; in yours it may be ; or else you are in a manifest error . Certainly the members have sworn , that the King is the ONLY SUPREME GOVERNOUR OF THIS REALM , or State. And that he is so , as well IN ALL Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things , or causes , as Temporall . If He be the onely Supreme , how shall we find another Supreme , or an equall to him within his own Dominions ? If He be so in all things and causes both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall , what thing or cause is there , wherein he is not the onely Supreme ; or wherein he hath any other Supreme joyned to him ? For certain , these particles Onely and All , are exclusive of any copartner . 4. But you will chalk out a way , whereby to elude , or avoid this Oath , and the restrictions therein . There 's a supreme Parliament , as well as a supreme King. Or , a Supremacy is in the Parliament , and a Supremacy in the King. An excellent Arithmetician , he hath learned to multiply ; of one , and one onely , he hath made two . Thus have they raised division out of unity : and from hence are these distractions and divisions , which are so repugnant to the weal of the people . This is one of their new lights , which is borrowed from their multiplying glasse , that makes a molehill as bigge as a mountain , and a Spider as large as a Sea-crab . But when the multiplying glasse is layed aside , the spider will be but a spider . 5. Well , let us see , how you make good this twofold Supremacy . y The Supremacy , or the Supremum jus Dominii , that is over all Laws , figere or refigere , to make , or disanull them at pleasure , is neither in the King , nor in the Houses apart , but in both conjoyned . Here then we are fallen back to one Supremacy . And this Supremacy is not the Kings onely ; but it is the Parliaments , as well as his . This is to skip from Monarchy to Aristocracy . Kingdoms indure no corrivals ; and z Kings have no Peers . But this man hath found one thing , wherein the King hath Peers ; and consequently is not the onely supreme Governour of this Realm . Strange , how that Parliament , and all since that time have been so mistaken , as not to see their own right , but to ascribe all to the King ; and that in a point of so high concernment . Surely they wanted this young Preacher , to bring them in a new light . But I beleeve , it will appeare , that the Supremacie over all Laws to make , or disanull them , is in the King alone , at the Petition of both houses : and that those Parliaments knew full well . 6. For satisfaction in this point I shall observe , what Scriptures , Fathers , and some modern writers have resolved concerning Kings . S. Petter plainly and fully a ascribes Supremacy to the King. Submit your selves ( saith he ) to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake : Whether it be to the KING , as SUPREME ; or unto Governors , as unto them , that are sent by him . Kings are sent by God ; to them therfore we submit for the Lords sake . All other civill Governours are sent by the King ; to them therefore we submit for the Kings sake , that sent them . Answerable hereunto are those passages in Tertullian , that b the Emperor is homo a Deo secundus , & solo Deo minor , c in Dei solius potestate , a quo secundus , post quem primus , the man second to God , and lesse then God onely . That he is in the power , or under the Command of God onely ; from whom he is the second , and after whom he is the first . Optatus saies as much ; d Super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus , qui fecit Imperatorem ; There is none above the Emperor , but God alone ; who made him Emperor . And what the Emperor was in the Empire ; the same is the King of England within his own Dominions . For e the Crown of England hath been so free at all times , that it hath been in subjection to no Realm , but IMMEDIATELY SUBJECT TO GOD , AND TO NONE OTHER . Hence is it called f an Empire ; and g the Imperiall Crown of this Realm . 7. The Greeke Commentators are so full for obedience to Kings , that h they will not yeeld , that an Apostle may be freed from this subjection . This doctrine S. Paul justifies ; i I stand ( saith he ) at Caesars Judgment seat , WHERE I OUGHT TO BE JUDGED . And after this appeal he resolves , that k no man , not the President himself , may judge him , or deliver him to be judged by any other . Nay after this the President himself might not release him . So King Agrippa , l Had not this man appealed to Caesar , he might have been set at liberty . Are not these strong evidences of the Kings Supremacy ? That learned Grotius gives a sure rule , whereby to know , on whom the Supremacy is settled . m That ( saith he ) is the Supreme civill power , cujus actus alterius juri non subsunt , whose actions are not subject to any other mans censure , or Law. But such is the King , n Qui sub nullo alio , sed sub solo Deo agit , who lives in subjection to none , but to God onely . For o who may say unto him , what doest thou ? When therefore David had sinned , he cries out unto the Lord , p In te solum peccavi , against thee onely have I sinned , thou onely canst call me to account Hence is that resolution of all the learned of this Church , in the time of King Henry VIII . among whom were Bishop Carnmer , and Bishop Latymer , q Although Princes do otherwise , then they ought to do , yet God hath assigned NO JUDGES OVER THEM in this world , but will have the judgement of them reserved to himself . And the judgement of the great Lawyers in France is this , r Rex solus ▪ THE KING ONELY IS THE SUPREME LORD of all the Subjects , aswell Lay , as Ecclesiasticall , within his own Dominions . ſ All other men live under judgment ; & cum deliquerint , peccant Deo , peccant & legibus mundi ; and when they offend , they sinne against God , and against the Laws of the Land. 8. But I know , you relye more upon the Laws of this Land , then upon the Laws of God ; and upon our Lawyers , rather then the Fathers , and out best Divines . I shall therefore transgresse my profession . & shew you , what their opinion is . t This Realme ( say the Statutes ) is an Empire , whereof the KING IS THE SUPREME HEAD ; and consisteth of the Spiritualty and Tempora●ty , OVER WHICH THE KING HATH WHOLE POWER , AND JURISDICTION . Are you of this Realm , or are you not ? I●●on be , then are you either of the spiritualty or tempora●ty And if of either , then wholly under the Kings power The whole power is his ; Why seek you to rob him of it ? Of this Realme the King not the Parliament , is the Supreme head : One head not two . He that makes two Supremacies , makes a Bul ; and he that se●● two heads upon one body , frames a monster . 9. Indeed they are so far from having any Supremacy , that they are Subjects as well in , as out of Parliament . u When King Edward the Confessor had all the Earles and Barons of the Kingdome assembled in Parliament , he cals them all , his leige men My Lords , you that are MY LEIGE MEN. Perchance you may say , the King calls them so , but that makes them not so . You shall therefore have their own acknowledgement , in Parliament , thus . x We your most loving , faithfull , and obedient SUBJECTS , REPRESENTING THE THREE ESTATES OF YOUR REALME of England . Thus the whole Parliament united into one body . False therefore is that proposition , that the King is Major singulis , sed minor universis , greater then any , and lesse then all the Inhabitants of this Realme . For here the representative body of the three Estates of this Kingdome , assembled in Parliament , in their highest capacitie , acknowledge themselves to be the Queens Subjects , and her most obedient Subjects ; because to her , they thus assembled , did justly owe both subjection , and obedience ; which none that are supreme , can owe. And these are due to his Majestie & à singulis , & ab universis , from one , and all ; from every one singly , and from all joyntly . 10. Secondly , when they are assembled in Parliament , they Petition , as well as out of Parliament . This is evident by the Acts themselves ; wherein we read , that y our Soveraigne Lord the King , by the assent aforesaid , and at the PRAIER OF HIS COMMONS . The same words are repeated 2 Hen. 5. c. 6 & 9. And in Queen Elizabeths time , the Parliament humble themselves in this manner , z That it MAY PLEASE YOUR HIGHNESSE ▪ that it may be enacted , &c. I might come down lower , but I shall satisfie my selfe with Sir Edward Cokes report , b who assures us , that in ancient times all Acts of Parliament were IN FORME OF PETITIONS . Mr. Geree himselfe acknowledgeth , they should be so now . c The King ( saith he ) may passe a Bill for the abolition of Episcopacy , when HIS HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT think it convenient , and PETITION FOR IT . Either then the Houses have no Supremacy , o● else they humble themselves too low , when they Petition His Majestie . But this Supremacy of Parliament is one of the new lights , that were lately wafted into this Land in a Scottish Cookboate . 11. Thirdly , what Supremacy can there be in those , that may not lawfully convene , or consult , till the King summon them ; and must dissolve and depart , when the King command ▪ The Writ it self runs thus , d prelatis & Magnatibus nostris , QUOS VOCARI FECIMUS . To the Prelates . and our Nobles . WHOM WE HAVE CAUSED TO BE CALLED . And e Sir Robert Cotton , out of Elie Register , tels us that Parliaments were assembled at first as now , Edicto Principis ( not at their own , but ) at the Kings pleasure . And Sir Edward Coke assures me , that f None can begin , continue , or dissolve the Parliament , but BY THE KINGS AUTHORITY . And let me tell you , that if his Majestie shall withdraw himself from Parliament , it is not for your great Masters to inforce him to return , but to g pray his presence , and to inform his Majestie , that if he forbear his presence among them fourty dayes , that then by an ancient Statute , they may return absque domigerio Regis , to their severall homes . This is all they ought , or may do . 12. Fourthly , whereas , according to your words , h the Parliament is to regulate all other Courts ; the Court of Parliament is to be regulated by the King. For the time , that is already manifested , to be at his Majesties pleasure . And for the matter , that is prescribed , and limited by the King ; i super praemissis tractare , to consult and advise upon such things , as the King nominates , and prescribes . And if credit may be given to Iohn Speede , he tells us , that k the great Lawyers Judgments , in King Richard II. time , concerning orderly proceedings in Parliaments , run thus . That after the cause of such assembly is by the Kings Commandement there declared , such Articles , as by the King are limited for the Lords and Commons to proceed in , are first to be handled . But IF ANY SHOULD PROCEED VPON OTHER ARTICLES , AND REFVSE TO PROCEED VPON THOSE LIMITED BY THE KING , till the King had first answered their Proposals , contrary to the Kings Command ; such doing herein contrary to the rule of the King , ARE TO BE PUNISHED ASTRAITORS . And he cites the Law books for what he saies . Truly I am the rather induced to beleeve , what Speed delivers , because Sir Edward Coke gives us the reason , why , and how far forth , the King relies upon his Parliaments . l The King ( saith he ) in all his weighty affairs used the advice of his Lords and Commons ; so great a trust and confidence he had in them . Alwaies provided , that both the Lords and Commons keep them within the Circle of the Law and Custom of the Parliament . The reason , why the King useth their advice , is because he hath a great trust and confidence in them . But alwaies provided that they keepe themselves within the Circle of the Law , and Custome of Parliament . But how if they deceive the Kings trust , and abuse his confidence ? How if they break the Lawfull Circle , and transgresse the Customs of Parliament ? How then ? What Speede hath recorded , I have shewn you . But what the King may do in this case , I shall leave to the Masters of the Law to determine . 13. Last of all , the King regulates their consultations . For in his breast it is , whether their Bills shall become Laws , or no. Observe ; though the advice and assent be theirs , yet the power of Ordaining , Establishing , and Enacting , is in the Soveraigne . The Statute books shall be my witnesses . m THE KING by the advice , assent , and authority aforesaid , HATH ORDEINED AND ESTABLISHED . And again , n BE IT ENACTED BY THE QUEENS MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTIE , with the assent of the Lords Spirituall , and Temporall , and the Commons , &c. Hence is it , that they are called The Kings Laws . And o the King is called the head of the Law ; because from him it is derived ; from him the Law receives both life and force . p His breast is the Shrine , or deske , wherein all the Laws are stored up , and preserved . If any man make question of this , present experience will satisfie him . For do not the Houses at this day Petition His Majestie , to make that a Law which they have voted ? Take their own words in that high Message sent to Holdenby house in March last . We the Lords and Commons , assembled in the Parliament of England , &c. Do humbly present unto your Majestie the humble desires and Propositions , agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively . Vnto which WE DO PRAY YOUR MAJESTIES ASSENT . And that they , and all such Bills , as shall be tendered to your Majestie in pursuance of them , or any of them , may be ESTABLISHED AND ENACTED FOR STATUTES AND ACTS OF PARLIAMENT , by your Majesties Royall assent . Which words , though very high , do manifest , that there is neither Majesty , nor Supremacy , nor power in this , or any other Parliament , to make , or repeale Laws . It is at the Kings pleasure to establish and enact them for Laws and Statutes , or not . This our neighbour Scotland sees , and confesseth that Regall power and authority is chiefly IN MAKING AND ENACTING LAWS . Declarat . of the Kingd . of Scotland . p. 18. 14. From hence it appears , first , that there is no Supremacy in the Parliament , without the King. Secondly ; That the Supremum jus Dominii , the supreme right of Dominion , which is over laws , to establish or disanull them , is in the King alone . For a Bill not established , is of no force , it is no Law. 3ly , that q the King is the supreme Magistrate ( as you are pleased to call Him ) from whom all power of execution of Laws is legally derived . And 4ly , if the power of execution be derived from the King , much more is the power to regulate . For he , that gives them power by his Commission , to put the Laws in execution , he gives them rules in the same Commission , whereby they must be guided ; and sets them bounds , which they may not passe . If they transgresse either , the King hath a legall power to revoke their Commissions , and to dispose of them , to whom , and when , he pleaseth . Hence is it , that all Courts , and the Judges of those Courts , are called the Kings Courts , and the Kings Ministers of Justice . And when we are summoned to appear in any Court of Justice , the Processe runs Coram Domino Rege , before our Lord the King : because the Kings person and power is there represented . And though His Majestie be over-born , and against all Law and reason kept from his Courts of Justice , yet in all Writs you are fain to abuse his Name ; though he be no way accessary to these lawlesse , and illegall proceedings . How these Courts have been regulated , since His Majesties forced departure , this Kingdom is very sensible , and laments to consider it ; God amend it . 15. Upon these grounds I argue thus . They , that are Subjects ; they , that are suppliants ; they , that owe obedience to an higher ; they , that cannot lawfully convene , or consult , till they be called by another ; they , that must dissolve their meeting at anothers command ; they , that are to be regulated by another ; they , that can onely advise , perswade , entreat , but not enact a Law , have no Supremacy . But the whole Parliament sever'd from the King , are Subjects , are suppliants ; they owe obedience to an higher ; they cannot lawfully convene , or consult , till they be called by His Majestie ; at his command , they are to dissolve their meeting ; by him they are to be regulated ; and q without him they cannot enact a Law. The Major is evident , to every intelligent eye . The Minor is demonstrated , Sect. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. I must therefore upon these premises necessarily conclude , that the Parliament , in that sense you take it , hath no Supremacy . 16. That nothing may be wanting , I shall give you the resolution of our Sages at Law , concerning the Kings unseparable and incommunicable Supremacy ; that so all mouthes may be stopped . Bractons resolution is this , r Rex habet potestatem & jurisdictionem super omnes , qui inregno suo sunt . The King hath power and jurisdiction over all , within his own Kingdom . Plowden saith as much ; ſ The King hath the SOLE GOVERNMENT of his Subjects . Here is no man , no Societie of men exempted ; all under the King , and solely under the King. Where then is the Parliaments Supremacy ? Not in this kingdom ; it must be looked for some where else . 17. Secondly , t Ea , quae sunt Jurisdictionis & pacis ad nullum pertinent nisi ad regiam dignitatem : Those things , which concerne Jurisdiction and Peace , belong to none but onely to the Royall dignity . u The same he affirmes of restraint , and punishment . These then belong not to the Parliament ; since that cannot chalenge Royall dignity . Where then is their Supreme power ? All power almost consists in Jurisdiction , ordering of Peace , and punishing offenders . And all these are flowers of the Crown . Yea , x the power of the Militia , of eoyning of mony , of making Leagues with forreigne Princes ; the power of pardoning , of making of Officers , &c. All Kings had them , the said Powers have no beginning . If then all these and many more are peculiar to Soveraignty , what is left for the Parliament ? Why surely if you will , to be the Kings Supreme or chief Councell , and his capitall Court. This they are ; and this is an high honour to them being rightly used . 18. Thirdly , y Omnis sub Rege , & ipse sub nullo ; Every one is under the King ; but the king is under none , but God onely . The Supremacy then must needs be in the king ; who is superior to all but the God of heaven . And over the Supreme there can be no earthly superior . To admit a comparative above the superlative in the same kinde , is a solecisme not onely in Grammar , but in reason , and Religion . Yet , though no superior , there may perchance be an equall to this supreme . There may so ; but not within his own Dominions . z Rex enim non habet parem in regno suo ; a The King ( saith the Statute ) hath no Peer in his Land. And if Justice Jenkins may be heard , he tels us , that b the Houses in Parliament confesse , the King to be above the representative Body of the Realm . They are not therefore his equals ; and so have no Supremacy . When I can be perswaded , that any , or all the Members of the Body are equall to the Head , then I shall be apt to beleeve , that there may be two Supremacies in a Kingdom . But I am confident , that c a wife may as safely admit of two husbands , as a Kingdom of two Supremes . For d the king is Sponsus Regni , that Husband , who by a Ring is espoused to this Realm at his Coronation . But a Ring is superstitious , and husbands are grown out of date . The onely thing in request is liberty , to take or leave what and whom we please . 19. But e the Parliament is the supreme Court , by which all other Courts are to be regulated : what say we to that ? This I say , that the Parliament is f Curia capitalis , the supreme Court of this Kingdom : and yet his Court it is , whose Courts the rest are . It is therefore called g Curia Regis , and h Magnum Concilium Regis , The kings Court , the kings great Councell : yea and the kings Parliament . Sir Rob. Cotton justifies it from the Parliament Rowles . i Henry IV. began his first Parliament . Novemb. 1. k The King began his second Parliament Jan. 20. And of Henry VII . thus : l It is no doubt , but he would have been found as frequent in HIS GREAT COUNCELL OF PARLIAMENT , as he was in the Starre-Chamber . And this very Parliament , how oft have they called themselves , The kings great Councell ? They are so , and they are no more . But why am I so carefull to heap up instances ? Your self call it . His , the Kings , Parliament , p. 2. and His Houses of Parliament , p. 8. 20. If then in your sense , we take the Houses without the King , there is no Supremacy in them , either severally , or joyntly : since they are but Subjects , and the representative body of Subjects . And under this consideration they cannot regulate other Courts , unlesse the king give them power to do so . But take the Houses with the king , and then it is most true , that there is a Supremacy in the Parliament ; and that it hath power to regulate all other Courts . But this Supremacy it hath by , and from the king ; and from no other . We therefore professe with that learned Mr of the Law , that m the Parliament is the HIGHEST , AND MOST HONORABLE AND ABSOLUTE COURT of Justice of England , CONSISTING OF THE KING , the Lords of Parliament , and the Commons . The Lords are here divided into two sorts , viz. SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL . When such an Assembly meets , and each House and the Members thereof keep themselves within their proper limits , I dare be bold to say , that this Court is assembled as it ought , n for provision for support of the State in men and money ; and well ordering of the Church and Common-wealth ; and determining of such causes , which ordinary Courts nesciebant judicare , were not skilfull to determine . o These are the causes of such Assemblies . 21. But truly , when they are thus assembled , I do not conceive , that they have power to p make or disanull all Laws at pleasure ; but upon just and necessary occasion . For there is great danger in altering Laws without urgent cause . Innovation in government makes an alteration in State : & sudden alterations are not for the safety either of bodies naturall , or bodies politicke . Observe , what the mirror of his time K. Iames speaks : q We are not ignorant of the inconveniences , that do arise in Government , by admitting Innovasion in things once settled by mature deliberation : And r how necessary it is to use constancy in the upholding of the publik determinations of State. For that such is the unquietnesse and unstedfastnesse of some dispositions affecting every yeer new formes of things , as if they should be followed in their unconstancy , WOULD MAKE ALL ACTIONS OF STATE RIDICULOUS and contemptible . Whereas the STEDFAST MAINTAINING OF THINGS BY GOOD ADVICE ESTABLISHED , IS THE WEALE OF ALL COMMON-WEALTHS . There is often danger , seldom pleasure in the change of Laws . Truly since the Laws-have been neglected , and varietie of Ordinances have supplied their roome , ſ We have been fed with the bread of tears , we have had plentiousnesse of tears to drinke . We are become a very striffe unto our neighbours ; and our enemies laugh us to scorne . 22. That the King in Parliament doth usually make or alter Laws , as the necessity of the times , and common good of his Subjects require , is no rare thing . Yet this ought to be done with much care and deliberation ; that so nothing be enacted , which may be justly greivous or destructive to his leige people . Sithence , according to your determination , t He cannot lawfully make any ingagement to any , against the Laws , and LEGALL RIGHTS of others . Your reason is because , u that were not Cedere jure suo , sed alieno , a parting with his own , but with other mens rights . The same reason will hold against the Parliament . Suppose we should grant , what we may not , that the King and Parliament are equals ; it follows necessarily , that whatsoever is unlawfull for one , is unlawfull for any other of the same ranke and power . If then it be not lawfull for the King , neither is it Lawfull for his great Councell , to take away the legall rights of others against Law. And therefore not the legall Rights of Bishops , Deanes and Chapters , or any other of the Clergie . For by the Laws of the Land , we have as firme an interest , and as true a freehold in those possessions , wherein to we are admitted , or inducted , as any other of his Majesties subjects have in theirs . Boast not of your power ; x power must attend upon Justice , not go before it , nor over-rule it . I● Justice take place , it is a judiciall , a just power ; but if power over sway Justice , the Government proves tyrannicall . 23. As for the power of making Laws , we must know , that y by the Common Law , which is guided by the light of nature , and the word of God , that power is acknowledged to be in the King. Who is leg●●us superior , as * Fitz harbert speaks , above the Law. But the Soveraignes of this Realme to reitifie the tender care they have of their peoples welfare , and the desire they have to injoy their love , have so far condescended in the Stature Law , that they will not henceforth do so without the advice & assent of the Houses . This is not to give them a Supremacie , but to admit them to advice . This is the way to win the most refractary , to submit to those Laws , whereto they have given consent either in person , or by proxy . Besides , z what is concluded on with good advice , by Common consent , and hath the opprobation of diverse wise , learned , and religious persons , gives better satisfaction to all in generall , then what is done by one alone , be it never so well done . And yet to this day the power of ordeining , establishing and enacting Laws , is reserved wholly to the Crowne . Most of these Statute Laws are as so many Royall legacies bequeathed to this Nation , by the severall Soveraignes and Fathers of this Countrey . a Not a Liberty or priviledge , b not any Land or tenement , but is originally derived from the Crowne . Such hath been the goodnesse and bounty of our Princes to us their unworthy subjects . All we have , is from them : and now we take all from them . Is this gratitude ? We serve God and the King alike ; we are resolved to seize upon all , that is called sacred . And I have learned , that not onely c the Kings house , but d his very lands are called in Law Patrimonium sacrum , the holy Patrimony . Is not this that sacra fames , that sacred hunger , which is so greedy of all that is called sacred ? 24. Brand not us , poore Clergie-men , with foule and fained aspersions ; delude not the People with false & forged suggestions . e Whose legall priviledges , or rights have we invaded , or sought after ? When did we ever desire , or perswade his Majestie , to do the least injurie to people , or Parliament ? Your own conscience clears us in the generall . And your own profession is , that f you cannot but have a better conceit of the major part of the Clergie , at this time , that they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honour , as t● let the Crowne run an hazard . If then we will , and have parted with that , which is justly ours , rather then in the least manner we would prejudice the king , or wrong our own consciences ; certainly we cannot perswade the king g to make any ingagement to us , against the Laws , and legall rights of others . If any particular person have offended in this kind , we make no Apologie for him : upon just proofe let him have a legall censure . This Kingdom cannot but take notice , that we have been so far from incroaching upon others , that we have parted with u● own rights , though not with Gods. We have deserted all we had , to preserve a good conscience . This is truly cedere jure suo , to part with our own , that we may not faile that trust , which is committed to us . We justifie Gods right , and lose our own . 25. We confesse , that h the king is bound to maintain the legall priviledges of people and Parliament ; but not so , as to destroy Gods rights , or the priviledges of his Ministers . That be farre from him . i Suum cuique , the true Princely justice is , to be just to God and man ; to give God what is his , and impartially to his subjects , what is theirs , as also what truly belongs to them in their severall places and professions . His Majestie knows full well , that the liberties of the Subject , the priviledges of Parliament , and rights of the Clergie , have long consisted and prospered together . Take away the Vine , and the Elme will beare no fruit ; take away the Elme , and the Vine will fall to the ground , and be trod to durt . 26. That k the King hath been alwaies ready to confirme needfull ( not wanton , not malicious , not destructive ) Bills , cannot be denyed by any of his impartiall & conscionable subjects . The quarrell raised against him is , because he will not suffer Gods inheritance , and the Churches patrimony to be devoured ; because he will not endure Gods service , and all Religion to be trampled on ; because he end eavours to releive his poore people the Clergie , against whatsoever greivance they suffer , or threatned to be enforced upon them . The same favour he alwaies hath , and is at this time forward to afford to all his good people , and loyall subjects . Yea , even to those , that are neither good , nor loyall . 27. But before I take my leave of your Case of Conscience , I shall resolve you , what a pious designe you have ventered on , and what a rock you have run your self upon . You will , I hope like the better of it , because it comes from that Law , you most delight in . The Statute saith , l when a man secular or Religious slayeth his Prelate ; to whom he OWETH FAITH AND OBEDIENCE , it is Treason . If then it be Treason to slay the Prelate , what sin is it to murder Prelacy ? certainly by how much the sin is greater to destroy the species , all mankind , then one particular man ; by so much is the Treason more heinous more abominable to kill Episcopacy , then any one Bishop whatsoever . And yet this you have endeavoured to the utmost of your power . For this I shall leave you to the Law , and to those , m whom the King shall send for the punishment of evill doers . Pray we therefore for the safety of our Soveraigne , and that he may with speed be restored to his throne ; for these times have made us sensible with Rabbi Chanina , that n were it not for fear of him , alter alterum vivus devoraret , one would devoure another quicke . 28. o Thus I think , by this time , I may safely conclude , that it is sufficiently cleared , that neither as a king , nor as a Christian , may his Majestie in Justice , or conscience , ingage himselfe , or yeeld consent either to the extirpation of Episcopacy out of this Church of England , or to the abrogation of the just priviledges of his Clergie , or to the alienation of their Lands . Since by your confession , p he cannot lawfully make any ingagement to any , against the Laws and legall rights of others . And the King is so just ; that he will never do , what he cannot lawfully do . Observe the plagues of such men , as are never touched with the miseries of others . They commonly fall under the same judgment , which others unpittied have tasted before . D. Corn. Burges . Fire of the Sanct. p. 50. 51. FINIS . Errata . PAg. 6. l. 34 Melsalinus , r. Messalinus . p. 20. l. 34. Cardiner r. Gardiner . P. 21. l. 33. let , r. set . p. 30. l. 21. perpetull , r perpetuall . p. 31. l 29. cut off . r. cast off p. 33. l. 20 teneatur , r. tenetur Ib. l. 23 possit . r. posse . Ib. in marg . l 12 quisquis r. quisque p. 34 l. 12. are you of r. you are of . Ib l. 16. Nation r. Nation into Ib l. 3● disolate . r. desolate . p. 35 l 29. VIII . r. VII . p 38 l ▪ o Rives r River . p. 44. l. 7 depends , r. depend . Ib. l. 17. obstinentis r. obtinentis . p. 51 in marg . l. 13 concessimo , r. concessimus . p 53. l. nlt. distructive , r. destructive , p. 54. l. 10. not upon , r. not set upon . p 55 l. 25. abolishet , r. abolished . p. 50. l 2. Overnor , r. Governor . p. 60 l. 21. changing terme , r. changing the terme . Ib , l 32. 1. and the Ministerial . p. 6● . l. 2. yet r. that p. 83 l ult ttle , r. little . p 84 l. 34. distroied , r destroyed . p. ●●0 . l. penult . regular , r. regulate p. 111. l. 18. the Justice , r. the Justices . p. 113 l. 17. after , r. alter . p 116. in marg . l. 24. other , r. others , Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28864-e420 a I. D. P. 4. Psal . 39. 4. c 2 Sam 1● . 9. d Psa● 89. 50. e 1. Reg. 2. 44. 45. f The fire of the Sanctuary p. 22● . g Ib. p. 272. h Nathan Ward p. ●lt . i A● ▪ 8. 23. k Ib v. 21. l Ib. v. 23. m Ib ▪ v. 22. Notes for div A28864-e1000 Episcopus . Notes for div A28864-e1840 a I. G. p. 1. b Mr. Challenor● Speech . c I G p. 1. d S. Luk. 1 51. 52. e I● . v. 49. 31. f Ex. 18. 21. g Ex. 23. 2. h That such an union is ●●n●●p●●si●i●e ●●p●●si●i●e , 〈…〉 the King condescend in the point of Episcopacy l. G. p. 1. i For the King to condescend renitente conscientiâ , though it might gratifie us , it would be sinfull to himself . I. G. p. 1. k I. G. p. 1. l The oath taken at the Kings Coronation hath been prest by some learned Pens with that probability , &c. I. G. p. 1. m Neither have they that I know , received an● satisfactory answer in Print I G p. 1. n It may ●e a work worthy some pains to resolve this case ▪ and clear your obj●ctions , that while they stand unanswered , cast an ill reflect on both upon the King in condescending to abrogate Episcopacy , and the Parliament , in pressing him to it . I. G p. 1. o The bond of the K●ngs Oath may be taken off two waies Either by clearing the unlawfulnesse of it I. G. p. 1. p Though it be granted , that Episcopacy is lawfull ▪ yet notwithstanding that his Oath , the King without impeachment may consent to the abrogation of Episcopacy I G. p. 2. a It was vinculum iniquitatis , and so void the fi●st day : for qui jurat in iniquum obligatur in contrarium , ● . G p. 1. b I. G. p. 1. c I. G p. 1. d 1 S Pet. 2. 13 , 14. e I. G. p. 9. f Solemn League and Covenant . ● . G. p. 1. h Ier. 11. 19. i S. Pet 2. 25. * As Scripture is the Rule of Church ▪ Government ▪ so Christ is the sole root and fountain wh●nce it originally flows I. D. p. 50 k Ambr. de dignit Sacerd c. 5. l Hieron . in Mat. 10. 8. m Gen●ad apud Balsam . p. 1085. n S Ioh 20. 21. o Hilar in Mat. can 10 p Cyril in Io. l. 12 c. 55. q Hieron i● Gal. 1. ●9 . r Calvin in 1 Cor 4. 9. ſ Wal ▪ Messal . p. 41. t Theo in Phi. lip . 11. k Ignat ad Eph. l Theodoret ▪ in 1 Tim. 3 1. m Walo . Messal . p ●0 43. n I● p. 53. o Timoth●m Apostoli munere & officio functus est Ib p 42. 52. p Ib. p. 47 50. 244. q Smect . Answ . to the Remonst . p. 21. & 26. r Epaphroditus by S ●au●●● ●● called the Apostle of the P●●lippians , b●caus● h● had sent him to the Philippians to confirm their Church , and therein to ordain them ●resbyters and Bishops Walo . Messal p. 58. ſ Tit. 1. ● . t Ephes 4 11. 1 Cor. 12 28. x S. Luk. 22 19. 1 Cor. 11. 24 , 25. y ● Joh. 6. 53. z Ordinance for Ordinat . p 2. a Ib. p ▪ 13. b I. G. p. 1. c Psal 89 50. d S. Jude v. 3 ▪ e I. G p 1. f I. G p 1. g I G. p 2. h I. ● ▪ ● ▪ ● ▪ i Ordinance for Ordinat . p 2. k I. G. p. 2. l Rom. 13. 1. m Thou couldst have no power at all , ag●●nst me , except it were given thee from above S. Jo. 19. 11. n Ier. 20. 2. o Ier. 19. 14. p Prov. 8. 15. q Ier. 26. 23. r Ier. 32. 3. ſ 1 Reg. 2. 27. 31. t Ib. v. 26. u 1 Tim. 1. 20. x Gal ▪ 1. 9. y 2 Tim. 3 ▪ 2. &c. z I. G. p. 1. a Ib b Act 1. 22. c Act ▪ 1. 20. d Presbyters are by Christs warrant in Scripture indued with power to rule in their own Congregations , as well as to preach . See 1 Tim. 3. 5 & 5. 21. Heb. 13. 17 ▪ 1 Thes . 5. 12. I G. p. 2. e 1 Tim. 3. 5. f 1 Tim. 3. 1. g Ib. v. 4. h I. D. p. 12● ▪ i 1 Tim. 3 ▪ 12 ▪ k 1 Tim. 5 ▪ 2● ▪ l Heb. 13. 17. m Ib n C●nt 6. 3. o Episcopus est pres●yt●●is pr●positus Cypr ep . 10 p 2 Cor ● . 23. Philip. 2. 25 ▪ q 1 Tim 5. 22. Tit ▪ 1. 5. r 2 Tim. 3. 5. T it 2. 15. & 3. 10. ſ 1 Tim 5. 19. t 1 Tim. 1. 3. u Tit. 1. 11. x Tit. 3. 9. y 1 Tim 6. 3. 5. z Beza & Piscat . in loc . a Si qui cum Episcōp● non sunt , in Ecclesid non sunt ▪ Cypr. ep . 69 ▪ n. 31. b 1 Thes . 5. ●2 . c Hilar. Dial. Rom. in loc . apud Ambros . d Theodoret ▪ in 1 ●he● . 5. 12. e Calvin in loc . f Caluin I●stit . ● . ● . c. 3. Sect. 15. g As Prelacy stood in ●ngl●nd , the Presbyters were ●x●●●●ed from all soc●●tie in Rule . I. G p. 2. h Which was much more preiudiciall to the dignity & lioerty of the Ministery , the Presbyters w●re subiected to a Lay Chancelor . I. G. p. 2. i The Clergie & their priviledge● are subiect to the Parliament . I. G. p. 7. k Greg Naz. orat . 52. ● 15. l An● was not here ●●urpation against Gods direction ? I. G. p. 2. m I. G. p. 6. n Though this way o● i●validating the K●●gs oath be most satisfactory to some , I. G. p. 2. o 1 Tim. 6. 5. p 1 Tim ● 8. q Gen. no●e in loc . r Yet to those that are not onvin●ed of the unlawfulnesse of Ep●scopacy , it will not hol● . I. G. p. ● z It would cast the res●lution of th●s ●ou●t a●out the oa●h , upon another qu●stion touc●●●g the l●wfulnesse of Episcopac● , which is a lar●er feild . I. G p. 2. a I. G. p. 1. 2. b I sh●ll endeav●u● to shew , that though for argument s●ke , it be grant●● , that Episcopacy●e ●e lawfull I G. p 2. c I. G. p. 2. d I. G. p. 2. e 1. S. Joh. 3 20. f Ier , 35. 6 , 7. g Ib. v. 8. h Ib. v. 19. i Calvin in Amos 7. 13. k Aug. ep . 180. l Nunc malori libertate & fiduciâ veritatem profitemur : ne al●oqui per ●miditatem hâc poenâ mulctemur , ut Deo minimè placeamus Greg. Naz. Orat. 35 n. 2. m The Protestation . n Art 36. o VIII Elis . 1. p XIII . Elis . ●2 . q Act. 4. 12. r Rom. 10. 17. ſ S. Joh. ● . 53. t Artic. 26. u Rom. 10. 15. x Gal 1. 1. y Act. 1. 26. z S. Mat. 28. 19. a Com : Prayer book , at the Communion . b S Ioh. 20. 21. c S. Matt. 10. 8. d Act 14. 4. 14. e 2 Tim 1. 6. f Rom. 10 , 15. g Heb. 5. 4. h Exod. 28. 41. Exod. 29. 9. &c. i Levit. 8. 12. k Psal . 99. 6. l Ier. 6. 16. m Zanch. n I. D. p 11. o Hug. Grotius de Jure belli . l. 1. c. 4. Sect. 5. & 7. p Statim posttempora Apostolorum , aut etiam eorum tempore , constitutum est , ut in unâ uroe unus inter caeteros Presbyteros Episcopus vocaretur , qui in suos collegat hateret pr●●minentiam Pet. Molin de Munere Past . p. 20 21. q Zanch. de verâ reformand● Eccles ratione . Thes . 5. r Ib. Thes . 7. Sect. Pono . ſ Jurisdictionem ●otsm , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reddo Episconis . Melane . ad Ioach. Carner ●1 ep . 99. t Io. u Io. ep 104. x Ib. y Ib. ep . 106. z Ib. a Ib. b I. D. Passim . c I. D. Pre●at . Sect. The imputation . d Ib. e P. Melane . Apo● . confes . Aug cap. de ord Eccles . f Politiam Canonicam non reprehendimus . ●b . c. de ●otest Eccles . g Ib. de ord . Eccl. h Ib. de Potest . Eccles . i Veteres ho● saepe habent , non differte aliâre ab Episcopo Presbyterum , nisi quia ordinandi potestatem non habet . Calv. Instit . l 4. Sect. 15. k Epipha . haer . 75. l Vbi distingui ordines & gra●us caepti sunt , atque Episcop 〈…〉 exit it Pr●●ly 〈…〉 , tum ordinatio non potuit esse utriusque commnois . Wal. Messal p. 299. m S Luk 16. 13. n Qui Apostoli vocabantur duo rum generum fuere , primi & secundi . Primi à Christo missioné suam acceperunt , immediatè ab ipso missi Secundi ab ipsis Aposto lis Walo Messal . p 4● . o Ephes 3. 5. Apoc. 18. 20 p ● Cor 11. 5. &c. ●2 . 11 q Phil. 2 25. r ● Cor. 8. 23. ſ Gal. 1. 1. t Walo Messal . p. 40. 41. 43. &c. u Ib. p. 38. x Eph 4. 12. y Ib. v. z Col. 1. 24. a S Mat. 28. 20. b I. D. p. 14. 32. 168. c Calv. in ep . Ded. ad Edvard ▪ Somerseti Ducem . d 1 Tim 3. 15. e 1 Tim. o. 13. 14. f Calvin arg in 1. & 2. ad Tim. g Beza in 1 Tim. 3. 14. h Walo Messal . p. 4● . i Calvin . in 1 Tim. 1. 3. k Tit. 1. 5. l Ib. m Ad Philippenses eum misit , ad Ecclesi●m eorum confirm and am , & constituendos in eâ Presbyteros & Episcopos . Walo Messal . p. 58. n Chrysost . in Philip. 1. 1. o I. G. p. 2. p I. G. p. 1. q Ib : r Ie● . 4 2. ſ Hoc jus ipsum postulat , quo quisque tenetur . Zanch. in 3 praecept . de Juramento . Thes 3. Sect. Actionem . t Ib , Sect. Quid fit . u Ib. Thes 6. Sect. Quid. sit . x Philo Iud de special . leg ● 1. y Quid i●●â caecitate tenebrosius , ad obtinendam inanissimam gloriam , errorem hominis aucupari , & Deum testē in corde contemnere ? Quasi verò ullo modo comparan●u● sit error illius , qui te bonum putat eirori tuo qui homini de 〈◊〉 bono placere stu●●s , de 〈…〉 displices Deo Aug. in Gal c. 6. z Gravius est peccatum , facere contra publicum s●●enne jusju andum , quàm contra privatum . Zanch. in 3 praecept . Thes . 4 Sect. Actionem . a Jer. 4. 2. b Omnino juramentum quisquis suum . sine ullo prorsus dot● , aut de●raudatione , ●u●● Gentium legeque Dei , ipsis etiam hostibus , & latronibus fervare teneatur : eosque à nemine hominum ta●i i●r●méto lib rari possit . Zanch in 3 , praecept . Thes . 6. c Gen. 39. 9. d Levit. 19. 12. e S. Matth. 5. 33. f Exod. 20. 7. g Mal. 3. 5. h S. Isa . 5. 12. i Zech. 8. 17. k Levit. 19. 12. l Hos 4. 2. 3. m Zech. 5. 4. n Ecclus. 23. 11. o 2 Chron , 6. 13. p 2 Reg. 25. 6. 7. q Zanch. in 3. praecept de Juramento Thes . 6. Sect. Prima igitur . r Nihil judicandus est dicere , qui dicit aliquae iustae esse mendacia , nisi aliqua iusta esse peccata , ac per hoc aliqua iusta esse , quae iniusta sunt . Quo quid ab surdius dici potest ? Aug. cont . mend . c. 15. I G. p. 7. t I. G. p. 8. u Es 49. 23. x Num. 16. 41. y Sam. 12. 14. Reg. 〈…〉 &c ▪ a Concil . Chalced . can . 25. b C. 5. c Ministris carere non potest Ecclesia , qui externas res administrent , ver●um & Sacramenta . Zanc. in 4. praecept . de Minist Eccles . 9. 1. Sect ontavo . d Act. 19. e ● . Joh. 3. 9. f S. Ioh. 6. 53. g Neque vel Solis lumen ac calor , velcibus ac potus tam sun ▪ prae send v●tae foven dae ac sustinendae necessari● , quam est conserv●ndae 〈…〉 rris Ecclesiae postolicum , ac 〈…〉 storale munus . Calvin . Instit . l. 4. ▪ 3 , Sect. 2. h Cypr. ep . 99. n. 31. i Ib. k I. G. p. 7. Ib. ● m I propose to consideration , whether the in tention of this Oath be not only against a ty●●nnous invasion on the rights of the Clergie : not against an o●derly alteration of them , if any prove inconvenient , and to protect them against violence , not against ●egall wayes of change . I. G. p. 7. n Aug. ep . 225. o Aug ep . 224. p C. Quacunque 22. quaest . 5. q Euseb hist . l 6. c. 31. r Iren. l. 4. c. 53. ſ Sulpit. Sever. hist . l. 2. t Hierom. ep . 65. c. 1. u Perjurare fidem , mentiri , nobile factum : Prodere vel Dominos , actio digna viris . Rog. Hove . in R. Steph. p. 485 x I. G. p ▪ 8. 9. y Sir Ed : Coke in Litleton ▪ ● . 2. Sect. 138. z This is as much , a 〈…〉 rationall for a King to underta●● & th r● . f 〈…〉 in ●●g●● reason the Oat● should have no other ●●n●e I G p. 7. a This Oath to the Clergie , must not be intended in a sense inconsistent with the Kings Oath to the people , first taken for their protection in their Laws , and Liberties . I. G. p 7. b S. Mat. 22. 21. c Rom 13 7. d Ib. v. 1. e Lex divina sicut Deo●●rtur ●●rtur , ita à solo also tolli , aut abroga●i po●est Lex autem human● sicut per hominem con●tituitur , ita ab homine tolls , aut abroga●i potest . Franc. à V●ctor . Relect 3 n 16. f Tho. 1. 2● . ● . 96. 4. g Tho. Ib. h I ▪ b. i Gul. Ockam de Jurisdic . in causis matrimon . k Fitzherbert . nat . brev . tit . Protection . p. 28. l Gal. 1. 10. m Rom. 13. 4. n For then the latter Oath would be a present breach of the former , and so unlawfull . I. G. p. 7. o Ib. p Eccles . 8. 4. q Ib. v. 3. r Lex terrae . p. 14 & 15. ſ Eccles . 8. 2. t Gen. note in loc . u 1 I●c . 1. x Lexterrae , p. 29 y I D. p. 33. z I. G. p. 6. a Ib. b Deut 25. 2. Exod. 23. 2. d Num. 32. 23. e Iosh . 7. 18. f Ib. v. 21. g Iosh . 6. 19. h Gen. 4. 7. i Exod. 23. 2. k Levit. 5. 17. l Ib. v , 19. m Ib. v. 15. 16. n Ib. v 15. o Rom. 2. 22. p 1 Reg 12. 31. q 2 Chron. 11. 13. 14. r 1 Reg. 13. 33. ſ 1 Tim. 3. 2. t Tit. 1. 9. u 2 S. Pet. 3. 16. x S. Mat 15. 14. y Bp. La●yme● Ser. 5 before K. Edw : VI. z Sir Edw : Coke Reports , 2d . part . Levesque de Winchesters Case . fol. 44. a I. G. p. 7. b Ib. c The Kings Oath taken at Coronation I. G. p 1. d The Kings Oath to the people , first taken for their protection ▪ &c. I ▪ G. p. 7. e Mag. Charta ●● These words are added to avoid all scruples that this Great Parliamentary Charter might live , and take effect in all successions of age● for ever . Sir Ed Coke in loc . g Sir Edw Coke Proeme to Magna Charta . h Ib. i Ib. k Sir Ed Coke in Mag. Chart c. 1. l Mag Cha c. 14. m Ib. c. 1. n Sir Ed. Coke in Mag. Chart. c. 1 ▪ Sect. Et habe . bunt . o Sir Ed. Coke in Litleton l. 2 , Sect. 201. p Ib. in Sect. 136 q Ib. in Sect. 201. r Nullu● ali●● praeter Regem potest Episcopo demandare inquisitionem ●●ciendā . Bract. l. ● . 10● . ſ Sir Ed. Coke in Mag Chart c. 1. Sect E● habeat . t Sir Ed Coke instit part l 4 c 1. Sect O● what persons . u Mag. Cha. c 38. x Sir Ed Coke Proeme in Mag. Chart. y He cannot afterwards in●age himsel● to any particular estate to exempt it fr● this power : for by that Oath at least cessit ●●re suo I G p ▪ 3 z Conce●●imo Deo , quod Ecclesi● A●glicana libera ●it Mag. Cha. c. 1. a Sir Ed. Coke Proem . in Mag. Chart. b I. G. p. 7. c 1 S. Pet. 2. 13. 14. d Lex terrae . p. 8. e Ib. 7. f I hope they will not now claim an exemption from secular power . I. G. p. 7. g 2 Cor. 13. 10. h Es . 49. 23. i Meaning , that Kings converted to the Gospel , shall bestow their power and authoritie , for the preservation of the Church Gen note in Is . 49. 23. k But if the● be under Parliamentary power , how can it ●ationally be conceived to be th 〈…〉 meaning of the Kings Oath to pr●s●rve the privi●edges of the C●er●● against that power to which they are legally subject ? I. G. p. 7. l Canons Eccles . ●an . 1. m 1 Eliz. 1. n Ib. o Can Eccles . can . 2. p 1 Eliz 1. q Or how were the Oath in that sens● consistent with the p●ivil●●●e of the Nation ▪ formerly ●●orn to ●y the King. I. G. p. 8. r Thou shalt count the Priests holy , and reverence them . Gen. note in Levit. 21. 8. ſ If the Oath had such a sense in the times of Popery , when the Clergy were a distinct Corporation , yet when that exemption was abolisht , as a branch of Antichristian usurpation , the change of their condition must needs change the intention of the Oath . I. G p. 8. z B● . Latymers Serm. before K. Edw. VI. March 8 ▪ 1549. a Ecclesia est infra aetatem , & in custodiâ Domini Regis , qui tenetur jura & haereditates suas manu tenere , & defendere . Sir Ed : Coke in Mag , Chart. c 1 b Ib. c Vnlesse they will say , that the Crown stands still ingaged to them , to maintain such priviledge● , as by Act of Parliament were long since abolisht : which is to make his Oath to them contariant to that taken before , for the maintenance of the Laws . I. G. p. 3. d Gen. 41. 4 ▪ e It ▪ s apparent then , to make the intention of the Oath to be against legall alteration of their priviledges by Parliamēt , makes it unlawfull , and so not obligatory . And if it be not intended against legall alteration , the King may passe a Bill for the abolition of Episcopacy when his Houses of Parliament think it convenient , and petition for it , without violation of his Oath ▪ I. G. p. 8. g I. G. p. 9. h Ib. p. 7. i Ib. p. 5. k He that hath power to consent hath power also to dissent . l 1 Cor. 7. 37. m Lex terrae , p. 14 , 15. n I. G. p. 2. o Ib. p Ib. q Prov. 8. 15. Cujus iussu nascuntur homines , huius iussu & Reges constituuntur . Iren. l. 5. p. 601. r 2 Chron. 9 ▪ 8. ſ Ib. t I. G. p. 2. u Rom. 13. 4. x Ib. y 1 S. Pet. 2. 13 , 14 z Magistratibus ex animo de●erendus est honor , 〈…〉 etiam tyrannis . Beza in Act. 23. 5 a Psal . 51. 4. b I. G. p. 2. c Ib. d The King is sworn to maintain the Laws of the Land in force at his Coronation Yet no man questions , & the constant practise shews , that it is not unlawfull after to abrogateany upon the motion , or with the consent of HIS PARLIAMENT . I. G p. 2 * Declarat . of the Kingd . of Scotland . p. 22. e Eccles 8. 4. f Ib. g Lex terrae , p. 19 h Sir Ed. Coke in Litleton , l. 2. Sect. 164. i I. G. p. 8. k Ib. p. 2. l Sir Ed : Coke in Litleton , l. 2. Sect. 164. m 1 S Pet. 2. 13. n Rom. 13. 4. o Gen. 41. 40. p Ib. v , 43. 44. q Ib. v. 40. r Gen 45. 9. ſ Ib. v ▪ 8. t Ib. v ▪ 19 ▪ & 21. u Lex terrae , p. 27 x 1 S. Pet. 2 ▪ 13 , 14. y I. G. p. 2. z Ib. a Prov. 24. 24. b 2 Cor. 10. 8. c S. Matth. 26. ● . d Christ is the head of his body , the Church . Col. 1. 18. 24. e S. Joh. 12. 6. f Rom. 11. 13. g 1 Cor 9. 1. &c. 2 Cor. 10 4 &c. 2 Cor. 11. 7. 8. h I. G. p. 4. i Ib. p. 4. 5. k Ib. p. 4. l Ib. m I. G. p. 2. n I. G. p. 2. o Iust●s est animus qui scientia atque ratione , in vitâ ac moribus ▪ sua cui . que distribuit . Aug. de Trin ▪ l. 8. c. 6. p Rom. 13. 7. q Ea , quae contra legem Dei fiunt , ju●ta esse non poss●nt . ●ug cont mendac . c. 15. r I. G p. 5. ſ I. G. p. 2. t Sir Ed. Coke in Litleton , l. 2. Sect. 164. u Lex terrae , p. 15 x It is no Statute , if the King assent not to it : and he may disassent . Lex terrae p. 7. y 1 Cor. 12. 13. z Ib. v. 14. a Ib. v. 19. b Ib. v. 21. c Ib. v. 22. d Ib. v. 25. e 1 Cor. 13. 5. f Aug. in Reg. 3. g The ancient Rights , Laws , and Liberties , are the birthright of the Subiects of this Land. Declarat . Parl. July 12. p. 458. h 1 Cor. 4 1. i I. G. p 2. k I. G p. 3. l This distinction of the Clergie from the Laity , that they should be a distinct Province of themselves , being a branch of Popery , s with it quite extinguisht . I. G. p. 3. m Es 49. 23. n Psal . 83 5. &c. o Isa . 3. 14. p Ib. q Gen. note in loc . r Isa . 54. 15. ſ Gen. note in loc . t Heb. do . 31. u I. G ▪ p 3. x Thou which teachest another , teachest thou not thy self ? Thou , that preachest , a man should not steal , doest thou steal ? Rom. 2. 21. y Tit. 3. 1. z Rom. 11. 1. a Act. 22. 25. b Gal. 1. 1. c 1 Cor. 4. 1. and 9. 4. 5. 1● . d Act. 22. 26. 29● . Rom. 11. 13. Act. 25. 10. g S. Matt. 22. 42. &c. S. M at . 17 27. S. Ioh. 19. 10. 11 k Iud. 21. 25. l 8 Eliz. 1. m I. G. p. 3. n Numb . 3. 12. & 18. 6. o Heb. 5. 1. p Occumen . in loc . q I. G. p. 3. r Ib. p. 8. ſ Moses tribum Levi , à communione populi segregavit . Joseph . Antiq. l. 3 c. 13. t Deut. 10. 8. Num. 16. 9. u Num. 1. 47. 49. Num ● . 33. &c. x Num. 3. 12. y Num. 1. 51. z Gen. 47. 20 22. a Vndoubtedly that privilege was abolisht , that any Society should be exempt from secular power : for that were to set up Supremacies● G p. 3. b Ib. p. 9. c Tertul ad Scap. c. 2. d Bracton . temps H. 3. l. 4. c. 24. Sect. 5. Sir Ed● : Coke in Litleton La. Sect. 140. e 3. Ed. 3. 19. f Sir Ed. Coke in Litleton , l. 2. Sect. 136. g Ib. h Cod. Asric . can . 59. i 1 Tim. 5. 1● . k Ib. v. 20. Tit. 1. 13. l 1 Tim. 6. 3 , 4. 5. m Beza & Piscat . in loc . n 2 Tim. 3. 2. &c. o Tit. 3. 10 ▪ p Piscat . in loc . q Sir Ed. Coke in Litletop , l. 2. Sect. 136. r Ib. ſ Ib. Sect. 201. t And why may not the great revenues of the Bishops b● divided , to maintain a preaching Minister● ▪ and their Iurisdiction also , for the better over sight and censure of manners ? I. G. p. ● . u Cyp ep . 27. n. 1 x Quod non peri●●ium metuere debemus , 1 de ●ffenlâ Domini , quando aliqui de Presbyteris 2 ●ec Evangelii , 3 ●ec loci sui memores , 4 sed neque suturum Domini judicium , neque nunc sibi praepositum Episcopum cogitantes , quod nu●quam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contemptu & contume●ià praepositi totum sibi vendicent ? Atque utinam non 5 prostratâ fratrum nostrorum salute sibi omnia vindicarent Cyrp ep . 10. y Ignat ad Philadelph p 91. z Gen. 14. 10. a Gen. 47 22. b Ib. & v. 26. c Ezra 7. 24. d 1 Mac. 10. 65. e Ib. v. 62. f Ib v. 63. g Ib. v. 89. h Ib v. 63. i Heb. 7. 1. k Ecclus 45. 20. l Exod. 28. 2. m Ecclus. 45. 7. n Ex. 28. 36. 37. o Ecclus. ●5 . 12. p Philo Iud. de vitâ Mosis . q Ib. r Es . 61 6. s● Soli Episcopi & Presbyteri propri● jam vocantur in Ecclesiâ Sacerdotes . Aug. de civit . Dei. l. 10. c. 10. t Psal . 45. 17. u Rom. 3 4. x S. Mat. 10 40. S. Luk. 10. 16. y Gal. 4. 14. z Ib. v ▪ 15. a Act. 28. 27. 10. b S. Ioh. 13. 20. c Act. 14. 20. d 1 Tim. 5. 17. e Primas . in 1 Th ● . ● 23 f 2 Cor 7. 15. g Theod. in loc . h Philip. 2. 29. i Ruffin hist . l. 9. c. 10. k Theod. hist . l 1. c. 11. l Euseb . de vi●â Constant . Mag. l 1. c. 33. m Gelas . Cyzie . l. 1. c. 37. n Ruffin . hist . l 9. c. 10. o Euseb de vitâ Constant . M. l 4. c. 27. p Theodoret. hist . l. 1. c. 2. q Euseb . de vitâ Constant M. l. 1. c. 35. r Ius Graeco-Rom●tom . 2. lib. Leonis & Constant Tit. 3. n 8. ſ 2 Reg. ● . 12. &c. 13. 14. t Gen note in 2 Reg. 13. 14. u Ib. x Immunities arising from the error of the times , not the tenure of Scripture . I. G. p 4. y One of the privileges of the Clergie was for the Bishops to sit and vote in the House of Peers . yet that is abolish● as incongruous to their calling I. G. p. 4. z Lex terrae p. 14 a Sir Ed. Coke in Litleton , l 2. Sect. 138. b Omne factum , si rectè factum non est , peccatum est , Nec rectè factum esse ullo modo potest , quod non à rectâ ratione proficiscitur . Aug. de util . credendi . c. 12. c Gu●d . Pancirol . de Magistrat ▪ Municipal . c. 2. d Ib. c. ● . e ●useb . de vitâ Constant . M. l. 1. c 33 f Psal . 45. 17. g Psal . ●9 ● . h Exod. 18. 14. 17. &c. i 2. Reg. 12. 2. k Iustice Ienkins Inconven . p. 4. l Ib. m Ib. n Ib. p. 5. o Exod. 25. 10. p Sit Ed. Coke Instit . part 4. c 1. Sect. Of what persons . q Mag , Charta . c. 38. r S. Mat. 10. 12. ſ Rom. 12. 14. t Gal. 1. 10. u Ib. x Rom. 6. 16. y S. Mat. 25. 30. z Defensionem Ecclesiae Anglic●●ae , that is gone . Just Ienkins Inconven . p. 5. a Sir Ed Coke Instit . part 4. c. 1. Sect. The matters . b Iustice Ienkins Inconvenien p. 5. c Ib. p. 4. d 1 Chron. 13. 1. e Ib. v. 7. f 2 Sam. 67. Vzzah died before the Ark , for usurping that , which did ▪ not appertain to his vocation● for this charge was given to the Priests , Gen. Note in 1 Chron 13 10. g Mai. 2 7. h Numb . 4 15. i 1 Chron. 15. 13. k Ib. l Ib. m 1 Chron. 15. 2. n Ib. v. 13. o Ib. ● . 12. p Ib. v. 1● . q Num. 4. 15. r 1 Chron. 15. 26. ſ 1 Chron. 17. 1. t Sir Id Coke Inssit . part . 4. c. 1. Sect. The matters . u Ib. x Iust . Ienkins Inconven . p 5 ▪ y Iust Ienkins Inconven . p ● . Instit . ●●● . 4 ▪ c 1. Sect Of what persons ▪ z Sir Ed. Coke Ib. a 1. Cor. 12. 22. 23 b 1 S. P●● . 2 ▪ 21. c Lex terrae p. 14 d Sir Ed Coke Instit . part . ● c. 1. Sect. Of what persons . f Beda Eccles ▪ hist l. 3. c. 7. g Bafil . M. ●p . ●1 . h Rog. Hoveden . in Hen. ● . p ▪ 601. i Confer . at Hampt . Court p. 36. & 82. k 2 Reg. 13. 14. l 1 Tim. 2 : 1. m Occumen . in Ioc. n ●4 Ed. 1 c. 1. & 14. Ed. 3. c. 1. o Hos . 5. 0 p Gen. note in Ioc. q Hos . 5. 10. r And then why may not the removall of their Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction be consented to , as well , if it prove inconvenient & prejudiciall to the Church . I. G. p. 4. ſ The abolition of the one , is no more against the Oath then of the other . I. G. p. 4. t I. G. p. 4. u In all which respects the Oath was invalid ▪ being vinculum iniquitatis . I. G. p. 4. x Ib. p. 1. y Ib. p. 3. z Ib. p. 4. a Ib. b Ib. c Act. 8. 23. d I. G. p 4. e Ib. f S Mat 19 ▪ 2● . g I. G. p. 4. h Ib. i Ib. k Ib. l Ib. m Ib. n Ib. o Ib. p. 6. p Haereticus est , ut mea fe●t opinio , qui alicuius temporalis commodi & maximè gloriae principatusque sui gratiâ , falsas ac novas opiniones vel gignit , vel sequitur . Aug deutil ▪ credend . c. 1. q I. G. p. ● . r Ib. ſ Princeps supra legem divinam non est , positailla quippe ab eo est , qui supra ipsum est : neque supra naturalem , quae aboleri non potest nisi cum naturâ ipsâ . Io. Be daeus de Jure Regio c. 2. t Lex terrae p. 29. u 8. Joh. 15. 20 x I. G. p. 5. * All Kings by the Royall Office , and Oath of Coronation , are obliged to protect their Laws and Subjects . Declarat of the Kingd . of Scotland . p. 20 y I. D. p. 6. z Calv. lex Jutid . in verbo Ius . a I. G. p. 2. b Ingagements to a Societie to maintain their rights , indulged for the personall worth of present incumbents , or to promote the usefulnesse of the office : if in their matters they prove prejudiciall to the office , or the succeeding officers by their ill demeanour forfeit them , their ingagement becomes alterable . I G p. 5. c 1 Reg 2. 27. d Ib. v. ●5 . e Gen. ●8 . 25 26. f Lactan. Instit . l. 6. c. 9. g Vbi iusticia ve ra non est , nec ius potest esse . Quod enim iure fit , iustè sit . Quod autem fi●imustè , nec ●●re fieri potest . Aug. de civit . Dei. l. 19. c. 21. r See c. 13. Sect 13. ſ Aug. de Civit. Dei. l. 2. c. 21. t Aug de civit . Dei l 2. c. 21. u Ib. x Aug. Ib. l. 19. c. 21. y I. G. p. 5. z Of the later sort , is this ingagement to the English Clergy . Ib. a Ezra 6 8 , 9. b Ib. v. 11. 12. c Ezra 7. 15 , 16. d Ib. v. 24. e Ib. v. 26. f Ezra 1. 8. g Ezra 7. 6. h Ib. i I. G. p. 5. k Cap. 4. 5. l Act. 1. 25. m Ib. v. 20. n There 's no injustice done to make a Law to overrule or alter this ingagement . I. G. p. 5. ●1 Sam. 2. 12. 22. p There 's no question of power in the Parliament , to overrule it . I. G. p. 5. q 1 Reg. 21. 13. 16 r The ingagement were gone in Law , though not in equity . The order would be valid in Law , though injurious . I. G. p. 5. ſ Ib. t Ib. u Aug. in Psal . 145. 6. x Tho. 2. 2● . q. 57. 1. 2m . y I. D. p. 6. z Aug. in Psal . ●45 . 6. a Ib. b The Kings Oath is against acting or suffering a tyrannous invasion on Laws and rights , not against a Parliamentary alt●ration . I. G ▪ p. 2 c So if there be no injury , the King and Parliament may cancel any obligation . I. G p. 5. d Ib. e Ib. f Where there is forfeiture by miscarriage , or the privilege indulged to a Ministery , proves preiudiciall : the abrogation will be just . Ib. g 1 Cor. 9. 7. h Ib. v. 11. & Rom. 15. 27. i If we have sowen unto you spirituall things , is it a great thing , if we shall reap ▪ your carnall things ? 1 Cor. 9. 11. k Act. 20 34. & 1 Thes . 2. 9. 2 Thes . 3. 8. l 2 Cor. 11. 8. m 1 Cor. 9. 4. n 2 Thes . 3. 9. o 2 Cor. 12. 13. p The privilege indulged to a Ministery ( which ought to hold nothing but for publick good ) proves predudiciall . I. G. p. 5. q ● . D. p. 114. &c. r Mag ▪ Char. c. 1. ſ Rog Hoveden in Hen. 2. p. 601. t Ib. u Prefat . de non temerand . Eccles . x I hope , they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honor , as to let the Crown run an hazard , rather then lay down their miters , and indanger the whole Land to be brought to nothing , rather then themselves to moderation I G. p. 5. a In Cod. Edgar● apud Selden . in Notis . ad Eadmer . p 159. n. 10. b Ersi Abbas , vel fratrum aliquis , incitante Daemone , reatus quippiam contraxerit ; quia Deus , qui hanc privilegii largifluam donationem locumque cum universâ Monachorum familiâ , ruraque omnia sa●io subiecta coenobio possidet , nunquam rea●um commisit , nec ullo unquam tempore committet . Sit igitur prae●ata libertas aet●rn● , quia Deus libertatis possessor aeternus est . Ib. c Act ▪ 1. 20. y Take it at the worst , it is but for the King to get the Clergies consent I. G. p. 5. z No injurie done to him , that consents . a Jonah 1. 12. b Ambros . orat . in Auxent . de Basil . tradend . ep . l 5. c Tradere Bafilicam non possum , sed pugnare non debeo . Ambros , ep . 33. d Ambros . orat . in Auxent . de Basil . tradend . e Act. 5. 1. &c. f Ib. v. 4. g S. Mat. 22. 21. h S. Luk. 23. 33. i I. G. p. 6. k Ib. l S. Luk. 10. 30. m To abolish Prelacy , and seize the revenues of Prelates , to private , or civill interest , undoubtedly could neither want stain , nor guilt , Such kind of Impropriation as happened in the dayes of H. 8. was cried out of , all the Christian world over . I. G. p. 6. n Ib. o Who knows not the great defect amongst us , of congruous maintenance for ▪ Parcchiali Pastors , by whom the work of the Ministery is chiefly to be performed , I. G. p. 6. p C. 4. & 5. q If those large revenues of the Prelates were diverted ●o supply with sufficient maintenance all the defective Parishes in England , there would ●e no danger of sacrileg● I. G. p. 6. * Numb . 16. 38. r Levit. 27. 28. ſ Gen. note in Levit. 27. 2● . t Caiet , in Levit. 27. 28. u Jos . 7. 25. x Ib. v. 11. y I. G. p. 6. z Euseb . hist . l. 1. c. 35. Sozom l 1. c. 8. a Euseb . hist . l. 7. c. 24. b Cypr ep 56. 36 60. 61. c Mat Westminst . An Dom 187. d Possed , de vitâ . August c 1. e Aug ep . 225. f Aug. ep . 224. g Possid . de vitâ August . c. 23. h Ib c. 24. i Ib. c. 25. Concil . Antioch . can . 25. k Cypr. ep . 38. & Concil . Chalced. can . 26. * Concil . Anti. och . can . 25. l Concil . Ancyr . can . 15. m Act. 4. 34. 35. 37. & 5. ● . n Act 6. 3. o Ib. p 1 Tim. 5. 17. q 2 Cor. 1● . 14. r 2 Tim 2. 2. ſ 1 Tim. 1. 3. t 1 Tim. 6. 3. 5. u 1 Cor. 5. 11. x 2 Joh. 10. y Possid . de virâ August , c. 25. z I. G. p. 6. a Ib. b Prefat . de non temerand . Eccles . c I. G p. 5. d I. G. p. 6. e Ib. f Deut. 23. 18. g Theod. hist . l. 3. c. 11. h Ignat. ad Rom. p. 250. Hieron . Damas . ep . 57. 58. Basil . M. ep . 292. Cypr. ep . 3 n. 6. & ep . 38. n. 3. i Concil . Antioch can . 9. 19. Christ . Justellus in cod . Eccles . univer . can . 88. k Tit. 1. 5. l That , by , or for which , any thing is made so , is more so . m Solemn League and Coven . n. 4. n I. G. p. 9. o Sol. League & Coven . n. 2. p I. D. q Tit. 1. 5. r Cypr. ep . 37. n. 1. ſ Ephes . 2. 20. t Cypr. ep . 65. n. 3. u Prov. 28. 24. x Concil . Chalced . can 25. y A work , for which following generations should not need to pity the King , as put upon it by misfortune : but rise up , and call him blessed , whose many other disasters ended in so good , and so usefull a work . I. G. p 6. z 1 Sam. 15. 24. a Ib. ● . 26. b You see the ingagement put upon the King , is but to his power : as every good King ought inright to protect and defend the Bishops & Churches under their government . I. G p 8 c Isa . 40. 22 d I answer from the expressions in the Oath it self , a● they are set down by the same author . I. G. p. 8. e Sir Ed. Coke proem . in Mag. Chart. f Psal . 80. 13. g Ib. v. 25. h Such power is no further , then he can do it , without sinning against God , and being injurious to the rest of his people . I. G. p. 8. i Rom. 13. 1. 4. k When he hath interposed his authority for them , and put forth all the power he hath to preserve them : he hath gone to the extent of his power , and as far as good Kings are bound in right . I. G. p. 8. l Confer . at Hampt . Court. p. 36. m S. Mat. 27. 4. n If after all this he must let them fall , or support them with the blood of his good Subjects . I. G. p. 8. o And those unwilling too , to ingage their liues for the other privileges . I. G. p. 8. p Jud. 3. 9. q Nehem. 6. 17. 18. 19. r 1 Cor. 9. 11. ſ Iud. 17. 7. t Ib. v. 10. u Mag. Charta c. 37. x I. G. p. 6. ● y 25. Ed. 3. * Concil . Chalced . can . 24. z Statut. de provisor . 25. Ed. 3. a Stat. of the Clergy . 14. Ed. 3. 1 b Mag. Charta . c. 37. c Ib. d I. G. p. 8. e That were to be cruel to many thousand , to be indulgent to a few , I. G. p. 8. f I. G. p. 8. g I think , none will affirm it . I. G. p. 9. h Mag. Charta , c. 37. 38. i Sir Ed Coke in Litleton . l. 2. Sect. 139. k Sir Ed Coke in Mag. Chart. c. 1. l Statute of Armour . 7. Ed. 1. & 1. Eliz. 3. m Such is the case with the King in this particular . I. G. p. 9. n I. G. p. 9. o If the King should be peremptory in deniall , what help would this be to them ? Such peremptorinesse in this circumstance might in danger his Crown , not save their Mitres . I. G. p. 9. p S Mat. 10. 28. q Hebr. 10. 31. r Vsque adeò peccatum voluntarium malum est , ut nullo modo sit peccatum , si non sit voluntarium . Aug. de vera Relig c. 14. ſ Deut. 22 26. t Ib. v. 25. t Though it be in his power to deny assent to their abolition , in a naturall sense , because Voluntas nonpotest cog● ; yet it is not in his power in a morall sense , because he cannot now deny consent without sin . I. G. p. 9. u Aug. de Fide cont , Manish c. 9. x Hoc habemus in potestate , quod cum volumus , possumus . Aug. cont Maximin . l. 3. c. 14. * Far are we from taking away his Negative voice . Exact Collect , of Remonst , & Declarat , p. 727. x I. G. p. 9. y Rom. 4. 15. * Declarat . of the Kingd . of Scotland . p. 19. z Lexterrae . p. 14. a Ib , p. 29. b I hope they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honour , as to let the Crown run an hazard , and indanger the whole Land. I. G. p. 5 , c That the revenues be divided to maintain a preaching Ministery . I G. p. 4. d Num. 16. 2. c Num. 16 , 16. 17. 35. f Ib. v 2. g Ib. v. 3. h Ib. v. 7. i Ib. v. 9. 10. k Ib. v. 40. l Ib. v. 42. m Ib. v. 41. n Ib. v. 49. o Numb . 7 8. p Ib. v. 10. q Psal . 54 7. r Ib. v. 8. ſ That was to set up t●o Supremacies . I , G. p. 3. t I. G. p. 9. u 3 Eliz. 9. &c. x That the Supremum jus dominii , even that , which is above all laws , is in the King , which , under favour , I conceive , in our State is a manifest error . I. G. p. 9. y I. G. p. 9. z Rex non parē habet in regno suo . Bract. temps . el. 3. l. 4. c. 24. Sect. 5. a 1. S. Pet 2. 13. 14. b Tertul. ad Scap. c. 2. c Tertul. Apol. c. 30. d Optat. l. 3. e 16. Rich. 2. 5. f 24. Hen. 8. 12. & 1. Eliz. 1. g 1. Eliz. 1. h Chrysost . Theodoret . Theophilact . Occum . in Rom. 13. 1. i Act. 25. 10. k Ib. v. 11. l Act. 26. 32. m Hug Grot. de Jure belli l. 1 c. 3. Sect 7. n Atnob . in Psal . 51. 4. o Eccles . 8. 4. p Psal 51. 4. q Instit . of a Christ man fol 86. The supreme and Soveraigne Prince hath none between him and God , representing the person of God , executing his office , and in this respect bearing his name : to whom onely he is accountable Dr. Corn Burgesse , Fire of the Sanct. p. 263. r Rex solus , omnium subditorū , tam Laicorum , quam Ecclesiasticorum , in suis ditionibus supremus est Dominus Commo fact . & Postulat ●●g . cogni p 38 ſ Arnob. in Psal . 51. 4 t 24. Hen. 8. 12. & 1 Eliz. 1. u Sir Rob. Cotton . p 5. x 1. Eliz. 3. y 16. Ri● . 2. 5. z 1. Eliz. 1. b Sir Ed Coke instit . l 4. c 1. Sect. The severall forms c I. G. p. 8. d Rot. Clausa . An. 59. Hen. 3. e Sir Rob Cotton , p. 3 , f Sir Ed. Coke in Litleton , l 2 Sect. 164. g Sir Rob. Cotton p. 8. h I. G. p. 9. i Rot. claus . An. 59. Hen. 3. k Speed in Ric. 2 , c. 13. n. 102. l Sir Ed. Coke In sti●l 4 c. ● . Sect How Parliaments succeed . m 12. Ed. 4. 3. & 2. Men. 5. 6. 9 ▪ n 13 Eliz. 2 ▪ & 27. Eliz 17. o Sir Fd. Coke in Litleton , l. 2. Sect. 140. p Praesumitur Rex habere omnia jurain scrinio pectoris sui . Ib. q I. G. p. 9. q The Houses of Parliament without the King cannot enact any Laws . Declarat ▪ of the Kingd . of Scotland p 19. r Bract. temps . H. 3. l. 4. c. 24. Sect. 1. ſ ●lowd ▪ 234. 242. t Bract ib. u Ib. x Lex . terrae : p. 4. y Bract. temps . H. 3. l. 4. c. 24. Sect. 5. z Ib. a 3 Ed. 3. 19. b Lex terrae p. 7. c Nee regna socium ferre nec tedae queunt . d Sir Ed Coke Reports , part . 2. Magd. College Case . e I. G. p. 9. f Sir Rob. Cotton . p 1. g Ib. h Sir Ed Coke in Litleton , l 2. Sect. 164. i Sir Rob. Cotton p. 8. k Ib. p. 9. l Ib p. 11. m Sir Ed Coke in Litleton , l. 2. Sect. 164. n Sir Rob. Cotton p , 3. o Ib. p The Supremum jus dominis , that is over all Laws , to make or disanull them at pleasure , is neither in the King , nor in the Houses aparti but in both conjoyned . I. G. p. 9. q In his Proclamation before the Book of Common Prayer . r Illud exploratissimum est , leges patrias aut mutare , aut ad earum obsequium sese non accommoda ▪ re , negotium semper cum periculo fuisse conjuncti●simum . Smith , de Repub. Anglorum l. 1. c. 5. ſ Psal . 80. 5. 6. t I. G. p. 9. u Ib. x Potentia sequi debet ●u●●ti●m , no● praeire Augde Trin l. ●● . c. 13. y The forms or Acts of parliament sometimes beein with Concessimus , or Statuit Rex And of latter times Laws and Statutes begin , as Deinz enacted by the King , &c Declarat . of the Kingd of Scot and , p. 19. * Nat Brev. tit . Pro●ection fol 28 z P●u●imum ●acit ad populum corrigendum multorum in unâ re sententia atque consensus . Hieron . in Gal. 1. 2. a Sir Ed : Coke in Mag Chart. c. 1. b Sir Ed. Coke in Litleton , l. 2. Sect. 139. c Notit ▪ Imperii Orient . c. 159. d Lex terrae . p. 5. e This Oath to the Clergy , cannot ingage him against the legall privileges of the people , or Parliament I. G. p. 9. f I. G p. 5. 6. g Ib. p. 9. h I. G. p. 9. i Rom. 137. k One of which is to be ready , by confirming needfull Bills to relieve thē against whatsoever grievance they suffer from any . I. G. p. 10. l 25 Ed. 3. 2. m 1. S. ●et . 2. 14. n Apud Jo. Coch in Notis ad Maccoth c. 1. n. 31. o Thus I think the Case is sufficiently cleared , that notwithstanding the Kings Oath to the Clergie at his Coronation , he may consent to the extirpation of Prelaey out of the Church of England . I. G. p. 10 p Ib. p. 9. 
A61495	----	A discourse of Episcopacy and sacrilege by way of letter written in 1646 / by Richard Stewart ... Steward, Richard, 1593?-1651. 1683 Approx. 88 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61495 Wing S5519 ESTC R15105 11924086 ocm 11924086 51001 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61495) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51001) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 515:26) A discourse of Episcopacy and sacrilege by way of letter written in 1646 / by Richard Stewart ... Steward, Richard, 1593?-1651. [8], 36 p. Printed for Thomas Dring..., London : 1683. "Never before printed." Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy. 2003-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOURSE OF EPISCOPACY AND SACRILEGE . By way of LETTER . Written in 1646. By Richard Steward , D. D. Clerk of the Closet to King Charles the First . Never before Printed . LONDON , Printed for Thomas Dring , at the Harrow next Chancery-Lane End in Fleet-street . 1683. The PREFACE . HE that will Reflect upon the last four Years , will scarce believe a Prefatory Apology needful for Printing this Discourse : If at present the Madness of the People be in some Measure stilled , I think it not ill-timed , for I have taken the Advantage of a lucid Interval , and have offered them Reason when they have Recovered their Senses , though not their Temper . It is with them as it is with the restless Ocean , Posito flatu inquietum Mare . So now , though the Popular Breath of a pretended Patriot does not blow hard upon the Nation , yet the giddy Multitude remain unsettled , and are in great danger of a Relaps into the like Lunacy . This Letter was writ , 't is true , in 46 , but it is exactly Calculated for 82. For of late we have only Transcribed those Times , as if we intended to Copy out the Iniquities of our Fore-Fathers . We are now full of Murmurings and Repinings , the Natural Product of Ease and Plenty , being almost tired with too long a Happiness , as if we had deflowred our Felicity : For though we cry out so loud of Grievances , they are most like that of the Effeminate Sybarite , who , Seneca says , Saepius questus est quod foliis Rosae duplicatis incubuisset . We do not complain because we are really hurt , but because we are too delicate . I may boldly Challenge the tenderest Person of the Discontented Party to shew me one Princes Reign since the Conquest , in which the People of England have sat under the shadow of their own Vines with less Disturbance : But they that make the greatest noise are Men that have been rejected by the Government , or else Persons that would be silenced by Preferment , and would willingly lose their Tongues with a silver Quinzy . There is a pleasant Story in the History of Great Britain of Gondemar the Spanish Embassador and a Lady , very applicable to our Times . In those Days there were some Ladies ( who pretended to be Wits ) had fair Nieces , or Daughters , which drew great Resort to their Houses ; and where Company meet , the Discourse is commonly of the Times . These Ladies Gondemar sweetned with Presents that were too sour in their Expressions . He Lived at Ely-House in Holborn ; his Passage to the Court was ordinarily through Drury-Lane , and that Lane and the Strand were the Places where most of the Gentry Lived ; and the Ladies as he went knowing his Times , would not be wanting to appear at their Balconies or Windows to Present him their Civilities , and he would watch for it ; and as he was carried in his Litter , or bottomless Chair ( the easiest Seat for his Fistula ) he would strain himself as much as an Old Man could do to the Humblest Posture of Respect . One day passing by the Lady Jacobs House in Drury-Lane , she exposing her self for a Salutaion , he was not wanting to her , but she moved nothing but her Mouth , gaping wide open upon him . He wondred at the Ladys Incivility , but thought it might be happily a Yawning fit took her at that time , for trial whereof the next day he finds her in the same place , and his Courtesies were again accosted with no better Expressions than an extended Mouth . Whereupon he sent a Gentleman to her to let her know , that the Ladies of England were more Gracious to him than to Encounter his Respects with such Affronts . She Answered , it was true , he had Purchased some of their Favours at a dear Rate ; And she had a Mouth to be stopped as well as others . Gondemar finding the Cause of the emotion of her Mouth , sent her a Present , which Cured her of that Distemper . We find this Gaping-Sickness is broke out afresh in our Times , but it is grown much worse ; for we are not only troubled with a silent extension of the Jaws , but it is attended with horrid Yellings against Evil Counsellors , when under that Appellation we would extort from our King his dearest Friends . Neither has the King only been remotely Attacqued in his Ministers of State , but the Mercenary Scriblers of the Age have Blasphemed him in their Prints . What swarms of written Lampoons besides have crept abroad , some writ by Wretches Cursed with a Wit too good , since they employ their Talents only to commit an Ingenious Iniquity . Alexander thought it too great at Priviledge for every Common Hand to Pourtraict Majesty , and therefore established that Liberty by a Law to none but Famed Apelles : Had he Lived in our Days , when Princes sit to every drunken Poet , who purposely deforms his Soveraign , he had been impatient of so high an Indignity : But now Treason is uttered under the strong Protection of a Rhime , and he passes for the greatest Wit , whose Talent 't is to fling the filthiest Dirt in the Face of Gods Anointed . My Blood has oft grown warm at the repetition of a Modish Libel , to see how it has tickled the Conceits of empty Fops , whose Parts could reach no higher , than to understand the fulsome Ribaldry : For if there chanced to be any quaint Conceit , that was but lost to their pert dulness , and pass'd by with an Ignorant silence . He that will Burlesque his Prince , and suits Reproaches to the Genius of the Age , must please by a gross and naked Obscenity : For Men are come to that Unnatural Dyscrasie as to relish or digest nothing but Poyson , and Keck , and Vomit when you offer to their filthy Stomacks a wholsom and a cleanly Banquet . The Strumpet-Muse of these our Modish Poets was bred up in Stews , and Brothels , and by her Language she betrays her Education . They know not how to reach the Noble heights of a Civil well writ Poem , but grow weary of unaccustomed Goodness if once they dare to undertake that Task , for then their Parts are overcome , being not befriended , with those baser Helps of speaking those things that most Men blush to hear . Unhappy is that State where Princes Faults are made the Pastime of Buffoons ; they are the common Calamities of the Nation , and every Subject should become a Penitent when the King 's a Sinner , for they provoke Heavens Vengeance by their Representative , and often feel the Punishments that result from his Iniquities . Quicquid delirant Reges plectuntur Achivi . But if this Consideration cannot restrain this Incontinency of Rhiming , but their Debauched Fancies will still make Majesty the Subject of their Droll , Publick Authority , it is to be hoped , will Correct these Poetical Traytors ; and if they cannot be taught better Religion , they will be forced to better Manners . I must confess I have ventured to Censure this as an Immortality , and as an innovated Crime of latter Ages ; but I find in a Modern Author , it is a Christian Liberty of great Antiquity ; for he has run it up so high , that I was in great dread that he would have proved it of Apostolical Institution . But it seems it was certainly in Practice amongst the Primitive Christians at Antioch , whose Example he does alledge for its Justification ; for he says , They Lampoon'd the Beard of the Emperour Iulian , and Burlesqued his Princely Whiskers . Surely this Instance serves much better to prove the Lawfulness of Reviling the King , than to Confute the Doctrine of Passive Obedience . But yet this Revolted Divine would pass for a true Son of the Church of England , though he Renounces her Doctrine and Practice ; for he is very Angry she will furnish her Magazines with no other Weapons than Tears and Prayers , for he thinks he could manage a Carnal Sword for Preferment much better than a Spiritual , and for that Reason likes the Alcoran beyond the Gospel . I know he blames our Saviour in 's Heart for commanding St. Peter to put up his Sword , and for not making use of those many Legions of Angels that would gladly have Rescued him from the Iews . But Alas ! this Son lyes in his Mothers Bosom only to Betray her , and stays in the Vineyard , for the same Reason the Boar does , that he may have the better Conveniency of Rooting of it up . I know how unpalatable a Doctrine is maintained in this Discourse , but though , like the best Physick , it be bitter , it is wholsome , and will certainly Cure the Divisions of the Church , for they can have no pretence to Quarrel Episcopacy , if once they be perswaded that the Government by Bishops is Iure Divino . Neither do I believe the Notion of Sacriledge will have a better Taste in their Mouths ; for it will not be worth while to pull down the Bishops if the Church-Lands cannot be shared , God Almighty being the real Proprietor . I hope this little Book may convince some of their Errors , but if not , I am sure it will confirm those that have embraced the Truth . SIR , YOU have put an odd task upon Me , in commanding my judgment on a Letter lately sent to a Doctor in Oxon , with a Commission to shew it to my Lord Dorset , and to as many more as own Reason and Honesty ; for thus it is in the Post-script , and many like passages more in the Letter : As , That the more Wise and Honest Party would make use of that Reason , &c. And I know you to be too great a Master of Reason to be unsatisfied , which makes me fear , if perhaps I should dissent in opinion from this Epistler , I might be thought ( at least in his conceit ) to incur a sharp Censure both of Reason and Honesty ; which ( I confess ) at first somewhat troubled me , till I remembred you were wont to say , That when once Vessels make such noises as these , it was a shrewd sign they were empty . He who wrote the Letter seems most desirous of Peace , and truly so am I. Besides , we agree in this , That we must not commit sin for a good Cause : So that if peace it self cannot be obtained without that guilt , we must be content with a worse Estate . But you very well know , with how many several deceits our Affections can mislead our Reason ; you remember who it was that said it to the very face of a Prophet , I have kept the Commandments of the Lord : and yet his sin remained a great sin still , and much the worse because he excused it ; for his guilt is less , that commits a sin only , than his that undertakes to defend it ; because this cuts off all Repentance , nay , it makes a sin grow up to that more wicked height of a scandal ; and so it is not only a snare to the sinner himself , but it warrants many more to be sinful . Whether this Oxford-Londoner ( for so I take this Epistler to be ) hath not defended or made Apologies for sin , and hath not in that sense done Evil , that Good may come thereof , I am now to make enquiry ; and I shall follow him in his two Generals . 1. The Delivering up of the Kings friends , whom they above call Evill Counsellors . And , 2. In the business of the Church . 1. For the Kings friends he sayes . I know not how you can with Reason gain-say the bringing of an Offender to Iustice. Indeed nor I neither , but what if they be not offenders ? What if they be brought to Injustice ? I know no man will refuse to be Judged by a Parliament , whose undoubted Head , is the King sitting there with an unquestioned Negative ; nay , for His Majesty to refer Deliquents to be judged by the House of Peers sitting in a Parliament , and judging according to the know Laws of the Realm , is that at least which in my opinion will be stuck at . But the Parliaments Prerogative which this Letter speaks of , being now so extended , we have cause to think it is a doubt in this case ; Whether not only in point of Honour , but in point of Justice and Conscience , the King for His own peace , can leave his Friends to such men , whom he is bound by so many grand Ties to protect . But this , Sir , I shall commit to you to determine ; and if you return me a Negative , I shall not presume to question either your Reason or Honesty . Nor shall I perswade the Kings Friends that they should banish themselves , unless it were to do that great favour to the two Houses of Westminster , as to keep them from some future inhumane Act of Oppression and Blood , because they shall have none left to Act them on . 2. For the business of the Church , which he again divides into two parts . 1. That of Episcopacy . 2. That of Sacriledge . In those , Sir , I shall speak with less Hesitation , and clearly tell you the Epistler is quite out ; And though you know me a great honourer of your Profession , yet I cannot hold it fit for you to decide cases of Conscience , or in humane Actions to tell us , what is sin , or not sin : And I am confident , Sir , you will not take this ill at my hands . 1. For Episcopacy , his words are , if I mistake not ( and if I do , I pray you inform me ) The Opinion , that the Government by Bishops is Jure Divino , hath but lately been Countenanced in the Church of England , and that but by some few of the more Lordly Clergy . These last words makes me suspect some passion in the writer , as being in scorn heretofore taken up by men , who for a long time were Schismaticks in Heart , and are now Rebels in their Actions . And since the Laws of the Land makes some Church-men Lords , I do the more marvel , that the Epistler , who seems so Zealous for the Laws , should be angry at that . So that though his profession be that he has undergone labours and hazards for the Episcopal Government ; Yet truly Sir , I must think that it is then only fit for the Church to give him thanks , when she has done all her other business . But grant the Tenent to be but of late countenanced , it thence follows not , that it is any whit the less true : For in respect of the many hundred years of abuse , the Reformation was but lately countenanced , and yet I take it for an unquestionable truth , that the Laity ought to have the Cup ; And though I was not desired to reform the Epistlers Errors , yet in charity I shall tell him he is out , when he affirms , that this opinion was but of late countenanced in the Church , as I could shew out of Archbishop Whitgift , by Bishop Bilson , and divers others . And since perhaps he might think these to be men of the more Lordly Clergy , I shall name one more who may stand for many , and who wrote forty years since , that most excellent man Mr. Hooker ( a Person of incomparable learning , and of as much modesty , who , I dare be bold to say , never once dreamed of a Rochet ) he avers in clear terms . There are at this day in the Church of England , no other than the same degrees of Ecclesiastical Order ; Namely Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , who had their beginning from Christ and his Blessed Apostles themselves ; or as he expounds himself , Bishops and Presbyters are , and by Christ himself in the Apostles , and Seventy , and then Deacons by the Apostles . I may add Bucer too ( no man I am sure of the Lordly Clergy ) who though he was not English born , yet he was Professour here in King Edwards time , and wrote , and dyed in this Kingdom . Bishops ( saith he ) are ex perpetua Ecclesiarum ordinatione ab ipsis jam Apostolis ; and more , visum est Spiritui sancto ; and surely , if Bishops be from the Apostles , and from the holy Spirit himself , they are by Divine Ordination . Nay , what think you , if this Tenent be approved by a plain Act of Parliament ? I hope then it wants no Countenancer England can give it , and it needs not fly for shelter under the wings of the Lordly Clergy . You have these words in the Books of Consecration of Archbishops and Bishops , which is confirmed by Parliament : It is evident to all men reading holy Scripture and Ancient Authors , that from the Apostles time , there have been these orders of Ministers in Christs Church , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons . And again , the prayer in the form of Consecrating Bishops — Almighty God , giver of all good things , which by thy holy Spirit hast appointed divers Orders of Ministers in thy Church ; Mercifully behold this thy Servant now called to the Work and Ministry of a Bishop . And in the Question to the Person to be consecrated Bishop , Are you perswaded you be called truly to this Ministration , according to the will of the Lord Iesus Christ , &c. I beseech you Sir , consider , whether these words , or the Prayer , could fall from any man not possessed with this Tenent , that Episcopacy is of Divine Right : For if the three Orders may be found by reading Scripture , together with antient Authors ; if men are taught to pray , That God by his Spirit hath appointed divers Orders in his Church , and this made the ground of praying for the present Bishop ; If the Person to be consecrated must profess , that he is called according to the Will of our Lord Jesus Christ : either all this must be nothing but pure pageantry , and then the Parliament mocked God by their Confirmation ; or else Episcopacy is grounded on Scripture , is appointed by the Spirit of God , is according to the Will of our Lord Jesus , and all this hath not been said of late , and countenanced only by some , &c. And we have the less reason to doubt , that this Tenent was countenanced in this Church of ours , because we find it desired in those parts that have lost Episcopacy . For we are told by Doctor Charelton ( after Bishop of Chichester , one that writ against the Arminians ) more than twenty-five years since , That sitting at Dort , he there protested in open Synod , that Christ ordained no Parity , but made twelve Apostles the Chief ; so under them the Seventy Disciples , then Bishops succeeded the Twelve , and Presbyters the Seventy Disciples . He affirmed this order had still been maintained in the Church , and then challenged the Judgment of any learned man that could speak to the Contrary : Their answer was silence , which was approbation enough . But after ( saith he ) discoursing with divers of the best learned of the Synod , He told them how necessary Bishops were to suppress the then rising Schisms . Their answers were , That they did Honour & much Reverence that good Order and Discipline of the Church of England , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established amongst them , but that could not be hoped for in their Estate ; their hope was , that seeing they could not be what they desired , God would be merciful to them that did what they could . If they hoped for mercy to pardon what they did , sure they must suppose that what they did was sinful ; nay , they thought their necessity it self could not totally excuse that sin ; for then in that particular there had been no need of mercy . Nor could they well think otherwise , for being pressed , they denied not but that Episcopacy was of Christs own Institution , and yet they were not Lordly Clergy . Nor do I well see how either by charitable or civil men , they can at all be taxed either for want of Reason or Honesty . But this Londoner goes on , and proves this Tenent , could not be here countenanced ; for we alwayes allowed the Protestants of Germany , the Low Countrys , &c. part of the Reformed Catholick-Church , though they had no Bishops . The Reformed Catholick Protestant-Church , a pretty expression , just like that so well known , the Roman-Catholick Church , which we were wont to call a Popish Solecisme , an Universal particular . But wee 'l forgive him this Slip : Suppose his Sence be well worded , yet he has as ill luck in his Argument as his Expression . For though we do maintain , that Episcopacy is of Divine Right ( i. e. ) of divine Institution ; does it then follow , That Germany and the Low Countrys are no Protestant Churches , or no part of the Catholick Church . I could almost believe , that the Author of this Letter writ from London indeed , for sure Oxford makes no such Arguments . No , it must be a Crime of most horrid Nature , that makes a Church run in non Ecclesiam : For though that of the Iews was bad , Idolatrically bad ; yet God seriously professes , He had sent Her no Bill of Divorce . Nay , no Learned Man of Judgment durst ever yet affirm , That the Romaen Church her self ; was become no true part of the Church - Catholick ; and yet She breaks a flat Precept of Christs ; Drink ye all of this . And shall we be thought to deny the same right unto Christians without Bishops , when they brake but Christ's Institutions ? No! Churches they are , true parts of the Catholick Church , but in point of Ordination and Apostolical Government they are not : And to affirm this , will ( I hope ) he thought ( I am assured by Learned Men ) neither irrational nor unhonest . He goes on — I am certain the King would never have have way for Extirpation of Bishops in Scotland , had he conceived them to be Jure Divino . Grant it were so ; yet of all mankind , are Kings only bound that they must not change their opinions ? or if perhaps they have done ill , must they for their Repentance be far more reproached than Subjects for their Crimes ? The King would not have given way to Presbyterians and Independents to exercise Religion here in their own way ( as by his late Engagement ) when such a Toleration in the face of a divine Law must needs be sinful . There is a great mistake in this Argument ; for , to Tolerate , doth not at all signify either to approve or commend Factions ; neither of which the King could at all do to gross Schismatiques without sin : But it meerly implyes not to punish , which Kings may forbear upon just reason of State , as David forbare the punishing of Ioabs Murther ( I say , in Person he forbare , though he bequeathed it to his Son ) : And we our selves in our English State , have no punishment for all kind of lyars , and yet their sin is against a flat Law divine ; and we should not be still vexed with so much Poetical-News , had we Sanction made that might prohibit and punish them . And now Sir , I conceive , you think that what the Londoner hath said , in this point , amounts to just nothing ; yet , since you would needs enjoyn me , to acquaint you with the state and grounds of the Tenent he is pleased to deride , I shall readily obey you ; For truly Sir , I have ever held you a Gentleman of a pious Inclination , and am confident you will welcome Truth for his sake who is Truth , though it should cross both your gain and peace . Indeed , this Tenent of Divine right of Episcopacy hath been long since , and of late much years opposed ; as on the one side by the Pope and his party in the Council of Trent , and after that by some warmer Iesuites ; so on the other side by Schismatiques and Sectaries , that call themselves of the Reformation . And I remember You and I were oft wont to say , that commonly the truth ( our English Churches Tenents ) lay in the midst between those , and did seem the more Christian , because they were Crucified oft between two such kind of Thieves . We affirm then , Episcopacy to be of Divine Right , ( i. e. ) of Divine Institution , and that must needs imply a Divine Precept too ; for to what end are things instituted by God , but that it is presumed it is our part to use them ? To what end should some men be appointed to teach and to govern , but that it is clearly implyed there are other men too , who ought both to hear and obey them ? He that erects a Bridge over a broad swelling Stream , needs not ( you will think ) add any express command , that men should not hazzard drowning by going into the water . Thus when our Blessed Saviour made his Institution of that great Sacrament the Eucharist , he gave command indeed concerning the Bread , Do this in remembrance , &c. And concerning the Cup , Drink ye all of this ; but he gave no express command to do both these together , and yet his Institution hath been ever held to have the Nature of a Command : and so for One Thousand Years the whole Christian Church did ever practise it , save only in some few cases , in which men supposed a kind of necessity . I say then , Episcopacy is of Divine Right , Instituted by Christ in his Apostles ; who , since they took upon them to Ordain and Govern Churches , you need not doubt they received from their Master an Authority to do both ; for sure men will not think they will break their own Rules : No man takes this upon him , but he that was called of God , as was Aaron . Episcopacy then was Instituted in the Apostles , who were Bishops , and aliquid amplius , and distinguished by Christ himself from the Seventy , who were the Presbyters , so the most antient Fathers generally : Or , if you will take St. Ieroms opinion ( who neither was a Bishop , nor in his angry mood any good friend to that order ) they were Instituted by the Apostles , who being Episcopi & Amplius did in the latter time formalize , and bound out that Power which we do still call Episcopacy , and so these received opinions may well stand together ; for Episcopatus being in Apostulatu , tanquam Consulatus in Dictatura , as the latter and Subordinate Power is alwayes in the greater ; we may truly say , it was instituted by Christ in his Apostles , who had Episcopal Power and more , and then formalized , and bounded by the Apostles themselves , in the Persons of Timothy , Titus , and others ; so that call the Episcopal Order either of Divine Right or Apostolical Institution , and I shall not at all quarrel with it , for Apostolical ( I hope ) will seem Divine enough to Christians : I am sure Claudius Salmasius thinks so ( a sharp Enemy to the Episcopal Order ) If ( saith he ) it be from the Apostles , it is of Divine Right . Thus we find the Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , to be given to those men alone , for then that Power is properly Episcopal , when one man alone may execute it . So St. Paul to Timothy , Lay hands , &c. in the singular Number , Against an Elder receive not an accusation under two or three witnesses , 1 Tim. 5. 19. And then the Text is plain , he and he alone might do it . So to Titus , For this cause left I thee in Crete , that thou ( and thou alone ) shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and Ordain Elders in every City . Where plainly these two Powers are given to one Man of Government and Ordination , so St. Iohn to the Seven Churches of Asia , Rev. 14. where he presumes all the Governing Power to reside in the Angels of those Churches , and in them alone , as all the Antients understand it . And hence it is plain that though we should yield , that the Apostles only did institute Bishops ; Yet in this Revelation Christ himself immediately in his own Person , and the Holy Spirit withall did both Approve and Confirm them : And the Bishops of those Sees are called Angels by St. Iohn who was born a Iew , because in Palestine their Chief Priests were there called their Angels , and so this Appellation was taken up by the Apostle in that place , because those were the Chief of those Churches . This truth appears not only from cleare Texts , but from the Universal Consent and Practise of more than One thousand five hundred Years space of all the Christian Churches ; So that neither St. Ierom nor any other Ancient did either hold Orders lawfully given , which were not given by a Bishop , nor any Church-Jurisdiction to be lawfully Administred , which was not either done by their hands , or ( at least ) by their Deputation . I know there are men lately risen up especially in the last Century , who have collected and spread abroad far other Conclusions , and that from the Authority of Text it self : But as it is a Maxime in Humane Laws , Consuetudo optima legum interpres ; So no rational man but will easily yield , it as well holds in Lawes Divine . For I would gladly ask , what better way there can be for interpreting Texts , than that very same means whereby I know Text to be Text , to wit , The Consent of the Church . Shall I believe , and yet disbelieve that self-same Consent , which is the best ground of my belief ? This is as 't were to say , that I believe such a tale for the Authors sake , who hath told it , and yet now I do hold the self-same man to be a Lyar. Men do believe the Testimony of Universal Consent , in the sense it gives of Singular terms , and why not in the sense it gives of Sentences and Propositions ? Without the help of this Consent ( which indeed is the ground of our Dictionaries ) how shall we know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the Resurrection of the Body , which the Socinians at this day deny ? And I know no such way to confute their Errour as by the Authority of this Consent . Admit then of that Rule that Consent Universal is the best interpreter of the Text , and then I am sure , that it is as clear as true , that Episcopacy is of Divine or Apostolical Right . And that Proposition , There can be no Ordination without the hands of a Bishop , will clearly appear to be as well grounded as this . There can be no Baptism without a Lawful Minister , which yet is good Divinity amongst our new Masters in Scotland , and antiquity allowed it , Extra casum necessitatis ; For I ask upon what Text do they ground this Rule ? I suppose they will say upon our Saviours Words , Go teach all Nations and Baptize them ; but in the Institution of the Eucharist , he spake those words too , but only to the Twelve , Drink , &c. Mat. 26. I demand then , how shall we know that when our Saviour spake those words to the Eleven , he spake them only as to Lawful Ministers , but when he spake the other to the Twelve , he spake them at large as to them that did represent all Christian men ? So that though only Ministers may Baptize , yet all Christians may receive the Cup ? Perhaps they l say , that this general receiving the Cup is manifest from the 1 Cor. 11. ( and I think so too ) where St. Paul seems to chide the whole Church for their irreverence at the Sacrament : But if a quarreller should reply , that he there speaks but of the Presbitery only , whereof many were at that time at Corinth , as when in Chap. 5. he seems to chide the whole Church for not Excommunicating the Incestuous Person ; yet t is plain , that he means none but the men in Government ( as sure all Presbyterians will allow me . ) I know not what could be said , but to make it appear out of the Fathers and others , that the whole Christian Church never took the words in that sence . And if to stop the mouth of the contentious , we must be constrained to quote the Authority of Universal Consent , and of the common practise of Christs Church , then you 'l easily see , that those two Propositions named , do stand fast on the same bottom . There can be no Baptism without a lawful Minister extra casum necessitatis , for so the Practise and Consent of Universal Church have still interpreted that Text. And again , 't is true there can be no Ordination without the hands of a Bishop , for so those Texts out of Timothy and Titus have been understood and practised for One thousand five hundred Years together , by the Consent of the whole Church of Christ. 'T is true that this precept of Christ , Go ye , teach all Nations , and baptize them , runs not in exclusive words , ye Apostles , or ye lawful Ministers , and none else ; yet extra casum necessitatis , none was allowed but a lawful Minister : so that though those commands , Lay hands suddainly on no Man , and do thou Ordain Elders in every City , run not in Verbis exclusivis , thou and none but thou , or men of thine Order only , yet the Church understanding , and Preaching them in an exclusive sense , no man for One thousand and five hundred Years in any setled Church , was held rightly Ordained without , the hands of a Bishop . Nay , that there is something Divine in the Episcopal Order , will appear clearly by this ; That immediately from the times of Christ and his Apostles , yea within the reach of those times , it was Universally spread throughout the whole Church ; so that no man can name a Nation , that was once converted to the Christian Faith , but he shall soon find there were Bishops . So that there must needs have been an Universal Cause for an Effect that was so Universal . General Council there was none about it , at which all Christians might have met , and might thence have obeyed their directions : Nor can any name a Power to which all Christians would submit ( for they were soon fallen into factions ) but either the Authority of Christ or his Apostles ; from them then must needs flow the Episcopal Order , and at that Fountain I shall leave it : I say within the reach of the Apostles times , for before St. Iohn dyed , there are upon good Church Records above Twenty-eight Bishops appointed to their several Sees , as at Ierusalem , Alexandria , Antioch , Rome , Ephesus , Crete , Athens , Colosse , and divers others , a Catalogue whereof I shall be ready to attend you with , when you shall be pleased to command it . And hence it will be plain , how great a Corruption , nay how flat a sin is brought into Christs Church , when Episcopacy is thrown down , and so where Ordination is performed by any hands without theirs , 't is as gross as if the Laymen should be allowed to baptize where a Presbyter stands by . Nay more , 't is as bad , as if the Order of Presbytery should be thrown down , that Laymen might Baptize . What is this but wilfully to run into necessity , which may thence create an Apology ? 'T is a Corruption far worse , than if a Church should audaciously attempt to put down the Lords day , since the Observation of that time is neither built on so clear a Text , nor on the help of so Universal consent as is the Order of Episcopacy . So that if men can think it sinful to part with the Lords day , though the Institution of it be merely Apostolical ; they must needs confess , that there is at least as much sin ( nay indeed more ) in parting with their Bishops : And then the Oxford Doctrine he abuses , and talks of as Transmitted for Orthodox Truth , will ( it seems ) prove no less in earnest . Secondly , For the point of Sacriledge ; and the better to clear this , I must premise these directions . 1. That God accepts of things given Him , and so holds a Propriety as well in the New as Old Testament . 2. That God gets that Propriety in those things He holds , as well by an Acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a Command that such things should be presented unto Him. 3. To invade those things , be they moveable or unmovable , is expresly the Sin of Sacriledge . 4. That this Sin is not only against Gods positive , but plainly against the Moral-Law . For the First , I quote this Text , I hangred , and ye gave me Meat , I thirsted , &c. Mat. 25. If Christ do not Accept of these things , He might say indeed , That you offered Me Meat ; but He cannot say , that you gave it , for a Present , is then only to be called a Gift , when it is Accepted as his own that takes it . And doth He thus accept of Meat and Cloathing , and doth he not accept of those kind of Endowments , that bring both those to Perpetuity ? Will He take Meat , and refuse Revenues ? Doth He like ( can you imagine ) to be Fed and Cloathed to day , and in danger to be Starved to morrow ? The Men thus provided for , He calls no less than His Brethren , In as much as you have done it , &c. Whether those were of those Brethren which He enjoyned to Teach others , or of those He would have instructed , the Text then doth not decide : Without doubt it must be meant of both , for 't were a strange thing to Affirm , That Christ likes it extream well , to be Fed and Cloathed in all those He calleth His , but only in the Twelve and Seventy . But to put it out of doubt , That what is done to these , is done to Him too , His own words are very clear , He that receiveth you , receiveth Me ( you Teaching Disciples ) in the work of the Gospel , when He sends them forth to Preach ; and that Reception implys all such kind of Provision , as is apparent throughout the whole Tenour of that Chapter . And again , I quote that so well known passage of Ananias , and Saphira his Wife , Acts 5. His Sin was , he kept part of the Price of those Lands he had given to God , for the publick use of Christ's Church ; they were given to God , and 't is as plain God did accept them . For St. Peter ( you know ) thus reproves him , why hast thou Lyed , or why hast thou deceived the Holy Ghost ? For so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth properly import ; why dost thou so cheat him of what is now his proper Right ? And again , Thou hast not Lyed unto Men , but unto God , ver . 4. And is this so strange a thing ? Are our Lyes to be accounted Sins before God ? Yes , All against God , as a Witness and a Judge , but not all as a Party : And so this is a more remarkable , a more signal Lye. Thou hast not Lyed to Man , a Negative of Comparison , not so much to Man , as to God ; what 's done to them is scarce worth the naming : But thou hast Lyed to God as a Witness , and a Judge , and a Party too : Thou hast Lyed , and robbed God by Lying , and so run thy self into a most horrible Sin , and it shall appear in God's judgment : So the Fathers generally expound the place , both of the Greek and Latine Church ; and affirm , his Crime was a robbing of God of that Wealth , which by Vow or Promise was now become God's Propriety ; so the modern interpreters ; so Calvin , Sacrum esse Deo profitebatur ; and Beza , Praedium Dco consecrassent ; and he that will not believe so universal Consent in the Interpreting of a place of Scripture , should do well to consider , whether on the same Ground ( as I told you before ) he may not be brought to doubt of his Dictionary ( for that 's but universal Consent ) he may as well almost doubt , whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify God , and altogether as well , whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify the Gospel . The New-Testament will afford more places for that purpose , Rom. 2. 22. Thou that abhorrest Idols , committest thou Sacriledge ? 'T is true , these words are spoken , as to the Person of an unconverted Iew ; and may be therefore thought to Aim only at those Sins which were against the Law of Moses : But do but view St. Paul's way of Arguing , and you shall find quickly they come home to us too . He there tells the Iew , that he Taught others those things which yet he would not do himself ; and he strives to make this good , by three several Instances : First , Thou that Preachest a Man should not steal , dost thou steal ? Secondly , Not commit Adultery , dost thou commit Adultery ? In both which , 't is plain , that the Iew he dealt with , did the same thing he reprehended ; and straitway the Third comes , Thou that abhorrest Idols , dost thou commit Sacriledge ? So that hence will follow ( if St. Paul's words have any Logick in them ) that these two Sins are of the self-same nature too ; and that to commit Sacriledge , is a breach of the same Law as to commit Idolatry : So that this Crime will appear without all doubt , a plain Robbing of God. For he that Steals from Men , yea , though a whole Community of Men ; yet he Sins but against his Neighbour , 't is but an offence against the second Table of the Law : But Sacriledge layes hold on those things which the Latine Laws call Bona nullius , it strikes down right immediately at God ; and in that regard no Idolatry can can do it ; 't is a breach of the first Table of the Law ; and both these Crimes are equally built on the self-same contempt of God. The Offender in both kinds , the Idolater , and the Sacrilegious Person both think meanly of Him. The first conceives He will Patiently look on , while His Honour is shared to an Idol ; the other imagines He will be as unconcerned , though His Goods be stolen to His Face . This was , without doubt , the Sence of all the ancient Church ; for upon what Grounds could they profess they gave Gifts to God , but only that they presumed , That God was pleased to Accept them . So saith Irenaeus , We offer unto God our Goods , in token of Thankfulness . So Origen , By Gifts to God , we acknowledge him Lord of All. So the Fathers generally : So Emperors and Kings : So CHARLES the Great , To God we offer , which we deliver to his Church , in his well known Capitulary ; and our own Kings have still spoken in this good Old Christian Language ; We have Granted to God , for us , and our Heirs for ever , that the Church of England shall be free , and have Her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable : They are the first words of our Magna Charta ; Her whole Rights and Liberties ; words of a very large Extent , that imply far more than Her Substance , and yet these , and all these Lands , Honours , and Jurisdictions , all these have been given to God ; yea , and frequently confirmed by the publick Acts of this Kingdom . And if Ananias might thus promise , & yet Rob God ; I beseech you Sir consider , whether England may not do so too . For the Second , 't is plain in the Text , That God did as much take the Temple to be His , as He did the Iews Tythes and Offerings ; these last indeed were His by special and express Law and Command , 2 Sam. 7. but the Temple was the voluntary design of King David , and the voluntary work of King Solomon . Nay , God expresly tells David , That He had been so far from Commanding that House , that He had not so much as asked this Service . And therefore St. Paul , in his Apology , tells the Iews , Neither against the Laws of the Jews , nor against the Temple , have I offended any thing , Act. 25. 8 For he might in some cause offend against the Temple , and yet not against the Law : Notwithstanding God pleads as much for his Temple in the Prophet Haggai , as he doth in Malachi , for his Tythes and Offerings . In this , his words are — Ye have robbed me in Tythes and Offerings . In the other — Is it time for you , O ye , to dwell in cieled houses , and this house lie waste ? Therefore ye have sown much , and bring in little ; ye eat , but ye have not enough . And to affirm in the New Testament , that God doth accept of meat , drink , and cloathing as is plain ; of money , for which the Land was sold , as in the case of Ananias : And yet he doth not accept of Land it self , is so contrary to all reason , so contrary to the practice not only of the Christian , but of the Heathen world ; so contrary to what God himself hath expressed in the Old Testament , and no where recalled in the New ; that he which can quiet Conscience with such Conceits as these , may ( I doubt not ) attain to the discovery of some Evasions , which , in his Conceit , may palliate Murther or Adultery ; or to think those Possessions are indeed Gods which he commands , but not those which he accepts , is to use God so , as we would neither use our selves , nor our Neighbours : For no Man doubts , but that 's as properly mine which I accept , as what I attain to by my own personal Acquisition , be it by a just way , by Study , by Merchandize , &c. For the Third : Sacriledge is then committed , ( say the Schools and Casuists , and they speak in their own Profession ) Quando reverentia rei Sacrae debita violatur ; when we violate the Reverence due to a thing Sacred , by turning it into a thing Profane , so that this Violation may be committed either per furtum , strictly so taken , by stealing a thing moveable ; or , per plagium , by stealing of a Man ; or , per invasionem , by spoiling Men of Lands or things immoveable : For as any one of these done against our Neighbour , is , no doubt , in Scripture phrase Theft , a Sin against the Eighth Precept ; so done against God , 't is no doubt a Sacriledge , and a breach of the Table , be it against the First or Second Commandment , I stand not now to dispute . Thus the word in the New Testament to express this Sin , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praeda , or spolium so that Sacriledge is not only to be defined by Stealth strictly taken , but 't is a depredation , a spoliation of Things consecrated ; and so the word extends it self as properly ( it not more ) to Lands , as to Things moveable . And hence Aquinas is plain , That Sacriledge reaches out its proper sense — Ad ea quae deputata sunt ad sustentationem ministrorum , sive mobilia , sive immobilia : For 't would be very strange to affirm , That in the sacking of Ierusalem , Nebuchadnezzar was sacrilegious , when he transported the holy Vessels ; but not at all , when he burnt the Temple . For the Fourth : Common Reason hath taught all , even the Pagan Nations , to hold Sacriledge a Sin ; so that Lactantius observes , ( and he was well read in humane Learning ) and therefore chosen Tutor to a Son of Constantine the Great : In omni Religione nihil tale sine vindicta ; God will remarkably revenge this Sin , not only in the true , but amongst Men of the most false Religions . And 't were easie to shew , That no Nation did ever yet adore a God , but they thought he did accept them , and possess himself of some substance ; I omit those Proofs that would be thought too tedious , 't is enough to quote the Prophet's words which he speaks to the Iews . Will a man rob God ? Yet ye have robbed me , Malachi 3. 8. A Man , any man , though an Amorite , or a meer Philistine , a Pagan , ( that must be the sense ) will not do that to his god , which you Iews do to Me : For the Law written in his heart , ( and he can go by no other ) that Law controlleth this Offence , and so plainly tells him , that because his God may be robbed , or despoiled , he may therefore have a Property . And if Sacriledge be a Sin against the Law Moral , 't will follow , That what we read in the Old Testament against that Sin , must be as Moral ( and that whereby we Christians are as much obliged ) as what we read against Theft or Adultery : save only these passages which are peculiarly proper unto the policy of the Iews , and we may let them go for Judicial . These Directions premised , I return to this Epistler , who conceives it no Sacriledge to take away Church-Lands . — Nor do I ( saith he ) ground my Opinion barely upon the frequent practice of former Times not only upon Acts of Parliament , ( in the Times of Queen Elizabeth , King James , and King Charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of Durham-house , as well as Hen. 8. ) but even by the Bishops themselves , &c. He will not ground his Opinion upon bare practice , and indeed he hath little reason for it ; for if from a frequent practice of sin , we might conclude it were no sin , we might take our leaves of the Decalogue and ( as our New Masters do ) put it out of our Directory , because our intent is to sin it down . And therefore I shall say no more of such Laws of Hen. 8. than I would of David's Adultery , that it is no ground at all to make Men bold with other Mens Wives . Queen Elizabeth made a Law , ( so you have told me , Sir for I speak nothing in this kind but from you ) That Bishops might not alienate their Castles , Mannors , &c. but only to the Crown : But if she sometimes took order that Churchmen should not be Bishops , till they had first made such Alienations , ( as I have oft heard you say she did ) I know not how to defend it , but must withall tell you , That if Prince or Subjects resolve to sell the Church Preferments , it is great odds but in a Clergy consisting of Ten thousand Persons , they shall have Chapmen for them . For King Iames , I must highly commend that most Christian Prince , you say amongst his first Laws took away that of Queen Elizabeth . Nor can I well tell when this Epistler doth quote King Charles for this purpose , unless it were only for the Alienation of York-house ; but I must inform him that that Act was lawful , because it was for the advantage of that Archiepiscopal See , there being clear Text for it , that the Levites themselves might change that which was theirs by Divine Law , so they gained by Permutation ; and this Answer will serve for what King Charles did about Durham-house . But he thinks it an Argument — That by the Bishops themselves , Deans and Chapters , such things were done , Alienations were made , long Leases were granted . True , Sir , for these Clergymen were but Men , and their sins can no more abrogate Law , than can the Sins of the Layety ; yet I could name you Churchmen of great Note , who totally refused to be preferred by that Queen to any Bishoprick at all , because they would by no means submit their Conscience to the base Act of such Alienations , and one of them was Bishop Andrews . I could tell you too , that those long Leases he speaks of , had one cause more than the Marriage of the Clergy ; for when they saw a Stool of Wickedness set up , of sacrilegious Wickedness , that imagined Mischief by a Law ; some , not the most Men , thought it fit to make those long Leases , that the Estate of the Church might appear more poor , and so the less subject unto Harpies , and then their hope was , that at the length ( at least after many Years spent ) it might return whole unto the Successors . He goes on — But to deal clearly with you , Sir , I do not understand how there can be any Sacriledge , ( properly so called ) which is not a Theft , and more , viz. a Theft of something dedicated to Holy Vse , ( a Communion Cup , for instance , or the like ) and Theft , you know , must be of things moveable , even by the Civil Law ; and how Theft can be of Lands or Sacriledge by alienating Church-Lands , I pray ask your Friend Holborne , and his Fellow-Lawyers , for ours here deride us for the Question ? — It seems they are very merry at London , or at least this Epistler thinks so ; for being Winners , he might perhaps conceive they make themselves pleasant with a Feather ; and that this Argument is as light a thing , appear'd before by my 3 d Answer . For can any man think ( in earnest ) that 't is Sacriledge ( and so a Sin ) to take away a Cup from a Church , but 't is none to take away a Mannor ? As if Ahab had been indeed a Thief , had he robbed Naboth of his Grapes ? But Elijah was too harsh when he talked to that good King , because he only took away his Vineyards . Indeed there is such a Nicety in the Civil Law , that Actio Facti lies only against him that hath stolen Rem Mobilem ; for Iustinian ( it seems ) in the Composition of his Digests , ( which he took from the writing of the old Iuris Prudentis ) thought it fit to follow Vlpian's judgment ; and yet Sabinus in his Book de Furtis , ( a Man of Note amongst those Men ) was known to be of another Opinion — Non tantùm rerum moventium . Sed fundi & aedium fieri Furtum . I would gladly know of this Epistler , whether he thinks all Men , both Divines and others , bound to frame all the Phrases of their Speech , according to the Criticisms of the Civil Law , as it is now put out by Iustinian ? If not , why may not some use the word Furtum in Sabinus's sense , as well as others may in Vlpian's , and then Sacriledge may be properly a Theft , and as properly in immoveables ; or if we must needs speak in your sense whom Iustinian hath approved , I do not well see how a Man can spoil the Church of her Lands , and at the Civil Law 'scape an Action of Theft ; for it lies against him that takes the Trees , Fruits , and Stones . And I am confident there 's no Church-Robber , but he intends to make use of those kind of Moveables ; otherwise , what good will his Church-Land do him ? And if he make this use , a Thief he is in the Civil Law Phrase ; and then in the sense of this Epistler himself , he is without doubt a sacrilegious Person . But where ( I wonder ) did the Londoner learn that Furtum strictè Sumptum , was that genus of Sacriledge ? So that where there is no Theft in the Civil Law sense , there is none of this kind of Sin. I am sure 't is neither intimated by the Greek , nor Latine word , nor ( I believe ) delivered by any learned Author on this Subject : So that I must set down an Assertion , and ( I conceive well grounded too ) point blank against this Londoner , and affirm there may be a Sacriledge properly so called , whch is not a Theft in the Civil Law sense ; which has been proved in the 3 d Affertion , and need not trouble Sir R. Holborne , ( that learned Gentleman may have other business ) nor his Fellow-Lawyers : For I doubt not there are enough besides who will here smile at this passage , and will think that this Epistler hath met with a Civil Law Quirk , which he knew not well how to wield : But , to say truth , he deals clearly with the Doctor , and tells him , that for his particular , he doth not yet understand , which for my part I do believe , and do only wonder , that he would laugh at another , in a Point he could no better satisfie him in . He goes on — The hyre of a Labourer at most as sitting maintenance , is all that can be challenged . But the Maintenance must be honourable , or else we Christians , use God like no other Men , far worse , I am sure , than do Pagans . And when such a Maintenance hath been once given in Lands , the Acceptation of it will soon make the Gift immoveable ; so that it signifies little , to say the Apostle had no Lands , for they who had the Money for Lands sold , might ( no Man will doubt ) have still kept the Lands , had they liked them : But the Church being in Her Persecution , the Disciples were to flie , and Lands , we know , are no moveables . And 't were very strange , if not ridiculous , to affirm , that Ananias and his Wife sinned , in taking back what they had promised ; but if in Specie they had given those Lands , they might have revoked that Gift without Sacriledge . He proceeds — Which I mention , to avoid the groundless Arguments upon the Lands and Portions allotted to the Tribe of Levi by God's appointment , to whom our Ministers have no Succession . Our Ministers challenge nothing which belonged to the Tribe by Levitical Right , but where things are once given to God for the use of his Ministers , they there get a moral interest ; and what we read of this kind in the Old Testament , doth as much oblige Christians , as if it were in the New. And then 't will follow , that they enjoy your Lands by the same Law of the State as others do , and must be subject to that Law which alone gives strength to their Title . Out toto Coelo ! Have Churchmen no Title to those Possessions they enjoy , but by the Law of this Land alone ? Yes , besides these , they have Christ's Acceptation , and so they are become theirs by Law Evangelical ; their Lands are God's own Propriety , and so they hold them from him by the Law moral too . And therefore though by the new Constitution of the Laws of the Land , they hold Estates in Fee simply , and so may alienate , without punishment from the Law of England ; yet they cannot do it without guilt of Sin , as being a breach of the Law Evangelical and Moral , except then only when they better themselves by some gainful , at least not hurtful Permutation . Besides , were this Argument good , it would only follow , that the Clergy by their own , yet might alienate their Lands , but none else without their consent . And I conceive it would not now prove so easie a task to bring Churchmen to such an Alienation : But the Parliament may do it . — For ( saith he ) I am sure it will be granted , that ( by the Laws of this Nation ) whosoever hath Lands or Goods , hath them with this unseparable condition of limitation , ( viz. ) that the Parliament may dispose of them , or any part of them , at their pleasure . This you have told me , Sir , is strange Doctrine : For neither the Parliament ( I hope he means the King in Parliament ) doth this , as being the Supreme Power , or as being Representative , and so including the consent of the whole People of England . If as being the Supreme Power , it will follow that any absolute Prince may as lawfully do the like ; and yet this hath ever been held Tyrannical in the Great Turk , as being against the Rules of all Justice and Humanity . Indeed Samuel tells the Israelites , That since they would needs change their Theocracy , the immediate Government of God himself , though it were into a Monarchy , the best of all humane Governments . Their Kings should take your Sons , and your Daughters , their Fields and their Vineyards , &c. and they shall cry , and find no help . Yet the best Divines think this would be most sinful and most unjust in those Kings , and expresly against the Law of Moses , who grants to every Man his Propriety : only the Prophet avers it should not be punishable in him , they should have no remedy , since being the Supreme Power , it was in no Subjects hands to judge him . So if the Kings in Parliament should take away the Church-Lands , there is ( I confess ) no resistance to be made , though the Act were inhumanely sinful : or else the Parliament doth this , as representing the whole People , so including their consent : ( For they who do consent , can receive no injury . ) And then I understand not which way it can now at all touch the Clergy , who are neither to be there by themselves , nor yet ( God knows ) by Representation . Or if again they were there , I would gladly know what Burgess , or what Knight of a Shire , nay , what Clerk or Bishop do represent Christ , ( whose Lands these are ) and by vertue of what Deputation ? Or do I believe that any Subject intends to give that Power to him that represents him in Parliament , as to destroy his whole Estate , except then only when the known Laws of the Land make him liable to so high a Censure ? But grant this Doctrine were true in Mens Lands , yet sure it will not hold in Gods : For since in Magnâ Chartâ ( that has received by Parliament at least Thirty Confirmations ) the Lands we now speak of are given to God , and promise there made , that the Church , Her whole Right and Liberties should be held inviolable . Surely the Kingdom must keep what she hath thus promised to God , and must not now think to tell Him of implied Conditions or Limitations . For 't were a strange scorn put upon Him , that Men should make this grand promise to their Maker , and then tell Him , after so many hundred years , that their meaning was , to take it back at their pleasure . I believe there 's no good Pagan that will not blush at this dealing , and conclude , That if Christians may thus use their God , without doubt he is no God at all . Hence it is ( saith he ) they sometimes dispose some part in Subsidies , and other Taxes , the Parliament disposes part of Mens Estate in Subsidy , and without their consent , Ergo it may dispose of all the Church-Lands , though the Churchmen themselves should in down-right terms contradict it . Surely , Sir , this Account is neither worth an Answer , nor a Smile : For I am sure you have oft told me , That the Parliament in Justice can destroy no Man's Estate , though private ; or if upon necessity it may need this or that Man's Lands for some Publick Use , yet the Court is bound in Justice to make that Man amends . Subsidies , you say , were imposed Salvo contenento ; so that a Duke may still live like a Duke , and a Gentleman like a Gentleman . Is 't not so with the Clergy too ? By your own consent indeed , and not otherwise , they are often imposed , and payed by them ; but if they are burdens , which they may bear Salvo contenento , they are payed not out of God's Propriety , by alienating his Lands , but out of the Vsus Fructus they receiv'd from God , and so the Name doth go on to their Successors . So that to infer from any of these Usages , that the Lands of Bishops , Deans and Chapters , may be wholly alienated from the Church , is an Inference that will prevail with none but those , who being led by strong passions that it should be so , make very little use of the Reason . He proceeds — Now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an express Condition or Limitation in the Deed of Donation , ( which should silence all dispute ) wherein it is as clear as truth , that where any thing is necessarily by Law implied , 't is as much as if in plain terms expressed , &c. No marvel if such Conditions be not expressed in Benefactors Deeds of Donation , because it will make such pious Deeds most impiously ridiculous : For who would not blush to tell God , that indeed he gives him such Lands but yet with very clear intent to revoke them ? And what Christian will say , that such an intent is tacitely there , which were Impiety to express ? Nay , it is apparently clear , by the Curses added by such Donors upon those who shall attempt to make void their Gifts , that their meaning was plain , that such Lands should remain Gods. For ever by Magna Charta these Gifts are confirmed unto the Church of England , ( She shall have all Her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable ) and yet is there a tacite condition in that self-same Law that they may be violated ? No marvel if with us , Men cannot trust Men , if God himself must not trust our Laws ; and if that Charter , or any else made by succeeding Princes , do indeed confirm such Donations , ( as without all doubt they do ) sure they must confirm them in the same Sense wherein the Donors made them , for so do all other Confirmations . I say in this case of a total Disinherison , there cannot be in Law any such tacite Conditions , or Limitations , as the Epistler speaks of ; for I have shewed you such to be tyrannical and unjust in a private Subject's Estate , therefore in Gods they are much more unjust , because we are sure he cannot offend , and the tyrannical and unjust meaning cannot be called the meaning of the Law. The Letter goes on — Besides , it were somewhat strange , that the Donors of the Land should preserve them in the hands of the Bishops from the power of the Parliament , which they could not do in their own , and give them to a greater and surer Right than they had themselves . The Lay-Donor might preserve them thus in his own hands , suppose him but an honest Person ; for though a Parliament may Impunè disinherit such an innocent Man , yet they cannot do it justly , and so in this regard , both the Donor and they are ( you see ) in the very same condition . Besides , 't is no such very strange thing for the self-same Right ( as a Right suppose a Fee-simple ) to become more sure in his hand that takes it , than it ever was in his hand that gave it . For though the Right it self be still the same Right , ( for Nemo dat quod non habet ) yet by Gift it may come into a stronger hand , and so by this means that self-same Right may become the stronger . And sure with us , God's hands should be more stronger than Man's : Nay hence , as some think , Lands given to the Church , were said to come in manum mortuam , as 't were a dead hand , that parts with nothing it hath once closed upon . And why the Epistler should call this a strange thing , I do not yet see the reason , because 't is always so when any one Benefactor doth by vertue of a Mortmayne , convey his Lands to any kind of Corporation . Again — Nor do I understand their meaning , who term God the Proprietary of the Bishops Lands , and the Bishops the Usu Fructuarii . I conceive I have made this plain , because such Lands were first offered to God , and become his own Propriety , by his own Divine Acceptation . And if the Dominiam ad rectum of Kings do once rest in God , the Dominum utile , the Vsa fructus only is left a Patrimony to the Clergy . But he adds a Reason — For I know not how ( in propriety of speech ) God is more entitled to their Lands , than to his whole Creation . Here the Epistler speaks out ; for truly , Sir , I fear this Lawyer , your Friend , is little better than an Independant : For has God no more Title ( in propriety of speech ) to one piece of ground than another ? No more to a Church , no more to a place where a Church is built , that where Men have placed a Stable ? Our English Homilies , which are confirmed by Law , cry down this gross piece of Anabaptism . 'T is true , God made all things , and so the whole World is most justly his , by that great work of Creation : But yet the Psalmist's words are as true , The earth hath he given to the children of men . So as that great God is well content to receive back what Men will give him , and this acceptance of his must needs in all reason make those things his more particularly . Thus Christ calls the Temple , My Father's House : 'T was Gods , and Gods more peculiarly ; not only by the right of Creation , but of Donation . Thus Lands given to God are his , and his more peculiarly ; so that his Priests and his Poor being sustained by them , he calls it in a more peculiar manner , his meat , and his drink , and his cloathing . And then , if in point of acceptance with God , there be a great difference betwixt feeding his Priests , and feeding them that do him no service , there must needs be as much difference betwixt Lands set out to that Sacred Use , and Lands of a meer common employment . He gives a second Reason — Were Clergymen the Usu Fructuarii , how come they to change , dispose , and alter the propriety of any thing , which an Usu Fructuarii cannot do , and yet is done by them daily ? Yes , they may change or dispose , or alter many kinds of things , ( for so , without doubt , may an Vsa Fructuarii do ) so that he wrong not his Lord , by an Abuse done to his Propriety . Thus he may change his Corn into Cloathing , or his Wooll into Books . Nay , he may alter the very Propriety of his Possessions too , if he have express leave of his Lord. And God himself did tell Levi , that he was well content that men should alter some things that belonged unto him , so that it were to that Tribes advantage . The Letter goes on — Ask then by what Divine Law St. Mary's Church in Oxon may not be equally employed for Temporal Vses , as for holding the Vicechancellor's Court , the Vniversity , Convocation , or the yearly Acts ? He might as well have asked , Why not for Temporal Uses as for Temporal Uses ; for if these he means be not so , his Argument is naught ; and if they be so , it is not well put down . His meaning surely was , for other Temporal Uses , as well as for these . And truly , Sir , to put a Church to any such kind of use , is not to be defended ; and therefore I excuse not the University , especially She having had at least for a good time so many large places for these meetings : Yet something may be said for the Vicehancellor's Court , because 't is partly Episcopal ; something for the Act , at least in Comitiis , because 't is partly Divinity ; but I had rather it should receive an amendment , than an excuse , though it follow not neither , that because this Church is sometimes for some few hours abused , therefore it may be always so ; as if because sometimes it is made a prophane Church , therefore fit 't were no Church at all . He proceeds — And for the Curses , ( those bugbear words ) I could never yet learn , that an unlawful Curse was any prejudice but to the Author , of which sort these Curses must be , which restrain the Parliament , or any other , from exercising a lawful and undeniable Power , which in instances would seem very ridiculous , if any Curse should prejudice another lawful Right ; I am sure such Curses have no warrant from the Law of God , or this Nation . No warrant from the Law of God ? I conceive there is a very clear one , and Our Mother the Church commends it to the use of Her Sons , in the express words of the Commination , Cursed be he that removes the marks of his Neighbours Lands , and all the People shall say , Amen . If he be accursed that wrongs his Neighbour in his Lands , what shall he be , that injures his God ? If a Curse light on him , and a publick Curse , ( confirmed by Amen , made by all the People ) who removes but the mark whereby his Neighbours Lands are distinguished , sure a private Curse may be annexed by a Benefactor unto his Deed of Donation , in case Men should rob the very Lands themselves that have been given to their Maker . That such Curses restrain the Parliament in their undeniable Right , is ( you have told me ) but a great mistake : For though the Parliament may impunè ( which in some case is called lawful ) take away Church Lands , yet the Church it self cannot do it justly without a Sin , and that a greater Sin , than removing a Land-mark , and then a higher may follow it . Let the Epistler then take heed of those more than Bugbear words , for believe it , Sir , in such Curses as these , there is much more than Shows or Vizards , and if you will give trust to any Stories at all , many great men have sadly felt it . His last Argument is — Ask your Bishops , Whether Church Lands may not lawfully ( the Law of the States not prohibiting ) be transferred from one Church to another , upon emergent Occasions , which I think they will not deny ; if so , who knows that the Parliament will transfer them to Lay-Lands ? They profess no such thing , and I hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the Ministry . I conceive the Bishops Answer would be , That it is no Sacriledge to transfer Land from one Church to another , but yet there may be much Rapine and Injustice , the Will of the Dead may be violated , and so Sin enough in the Action . Men may be injuriously put from the Estates , in which they have as good Title by the Law of the Land , as these same Men that put them out . To say then that the Church Lands may be totally given up , because the Epistler hopes the Parliament will commit no Sacriledge , is a pretty way of persuasion , and may equally work on him to give up his own Lands , because he may as well hope to be re-estated again , in that the Parliament will do no Injustice . And now , Sir , having thus observed your Commands , yet one thing more I shall adventure to crave your Patience in , and 't is to let you know , That if this Epistler had been right in both his Conclusions — That Episcopacy is not of Divine Right , and that Sacriledge is no Sin ; yet if you cast your Eyes upon His Majesties Coronation Oath , wherein He is so strictly sworn to defend both the Episcopal Order , and the Church Lands and Possessions , you would easily acknowledge , That the King cannot yield to what this Letter aims at . And though I must needs guess , and that the Epistler knew well enough his Juratory Tye , yet you will the less blame him for his concealment in this kind , because he was not retain'd of the Churches Councel . His Majesties Oath you may find published by Himself , in an Answer to the Lords and Commons in Parliament , 26 May. It runs thus : Episcopus . ] Sir , Will You grant and keep , and by Your Oath confirm unto the People of England , the Lavs and Customs to them granted by the Kings of England , Your Lawful and Religious Predecessors ; and namely , the Laws , Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the Glorious King Edward Your Predecessor , according to the Laws of God , the true Profession of the Gospel established in this Kingdom , and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof , and the ancient Customs of this Realm ? REX . ] I grant and promise to keep them . Episcopus . ] Sir , Will You keep Peace and godly Agreement intirely ( according to Your Power ) both to God , the Holy Church , the Clergy , and the People ? REX . ] I will keep it . Episcopus . ] Sir , Will You ( to Your Power ) couse Law , Iustice and Discretion , in Mercy and Truth to be exeruted in all Your Iudgments ? REX . ] I will. Episcopus . ] Will You grant to hold and keep the Laws , and rightful Customs which the Commonalty of this Your Kingdom have ? And will You defend and uphold them , to the Honour of God , as much as in You lieth ? REX . I grant and promise so to do . Then one of the Bishops reads this Admonition to the King before the People , with a loud voice : Our Lord and King , we beseech You to pardon , and grant and preserve unto us , and to the Churches committed to our Charge , all Canonical Priviledges , and due Law and Iustice : And that You would protect and defend us , as every good King in His Kingdom ought to be Protector and Defender of the Bishops , and the Churches under their Government . Then the King ariseth , and is led to the Communion Table , where He makes a Solemn Oath in the sight of all His People , to observe the Promises , and laying His Hand upon the Book , saith — The Things which I have before promised , I shall perform and keep . So help me God , and the Contents of the Book . In the first Clause ( it is plain ) He makes a promissory Oath to the whole People of England , ( a word that includes both Nobility , Clergy , and Commons ) That He will keep and confirm their Laws and Customs . And in the second , He swears a particular Promise to the Clergy , That He will keep the Laws , Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the Glorious King Edward . And again ( more plain in the fifth Clause ) he makes the like promissory Oath to the Bishops alone , in behalf of themselves , and their Churches , That He will preserve and maintain to them all Canonical Priviledges , and due Law and Iustice : And that He will be their Protector and Defender . Where since He swears Protection to the Bishops by Name , 't is plain He swears to maintain their Orders : For he that swears he will take care , that Bishops be preserved in such and such Rights , must needs swear to take care , that Bishops shall first be , for their Rights must needs suppose their Essence . And where the King swears Defence , it must needs be in a Royal Kingly way : Tu defende Me Gladio , & Ego defendam Te Calamo , is the well known Speech of a worthy Churchman to his Prince . For sure where Kings swear defence to Bishops , I do not think they swear to write Books in their behalf , or to attempt to make it clear to their People , That Episcopacy is Iure Divino : But a King ( whose Propriety it is to bear the Sword ) swears to bear it in defence of Bishops . For though it be against the very Principles of Christian Faith , that Religion should be planted and reformed by Blood , yet when Christian Kings have by Law setled this Religion , and sworn defence of those Persons that should preach it , he ought sure to bear his Sword to defend his Laws , and to keep his Soul free from Perjury , as well to them , as the rest of his Subjects . And as by Canonical Priviledge that belong to them and their Churches , there must needs be implied the Honour of their several Orders , ( as that Bishops should be above Presbyters , &c. ) together with all the due Rights and Jurisdictions . And the words , Due Law and Iustice , cannot but import , That His Majesty binds Himself to see that Justice be done to them and their Churches , according to Law then in force when He took that Oath . And the King swears Protection and Defence , that Clause must needs reach not only to their Persons , but to their Rights and Estates ; for He swears not only to Men , but to Men in such a condition , to Bishops of their Churches . And whereas He swears to be their Protector and Defender , to His Power , in the Assistance of God ; those words , To His Power , may seem to acquit Him of all the rest , if He fall into a condition wherein all Power is taken from Him. But , Sir , I will prove that a mistake for one of the greatest Powers of the King of England ; Is His Negative in Parliament so , that without Him no Law can be Enacted there , since 't is only the Power Royal that can make a Law to be Law ? So So that if the King should pass a Statute to take away the Churches Lands , He protects it not to His Power : since 't is plain , so long as a Man lives and speaks , he hath still power to say No : For it cannot be said in this Case , that the Church may be ( as it were ) ravisht from the King , and then He may be no more guilty of the Crime , than Lucretia was in her Rape ; for though a chaste Body may suffer Ravishment , yet the strength of a Tarquin cannot possibly reach to Man's Will or Assent . Now in all promissory Oaths made for the benefit of that Party to whom we swear , 't is a Rule with Divines , That they ( of all others ) do most strictly bind , except then allow when Remission is made — Consensu illius cui facta est promissio . So although the King swear to the People of England , That He will keep and preserve their Laws , yet if upon their common desires these Laws be either abrogated , or altered , 't is clear that Oath binds no farther , because a Remission is made by their own consent who desired that Promise from Him. And upon this ground 't is true , the King swears to observe the Laws only in Sensu composito , so long as they are Laws ; but should this desire either to alter or abrogate either Law or Priviledge , proceed from any other but from them alone to whose benefit He was sworn , 't is plain by the Rules of all Justice , that by such an Act or Desire , His Oath receives no remission ; for the foundation of this Promissory is the Oath He was sworn to , and it cannot be remitted but by them alone for whose sakes it was taken ; so that when ( in the second Part of the first Clause , and more plainly in the fifth ) He swears a benefit unto the Bishops alone in behalf of them and their Churches , 't is apparent this Oath must perpetually bind , except a remission can be obtained from the Bishops themselves , and their Churches He was sworn to . This then must be confessed to be the sense of the Oath , that when the King hath first sworn in general , to grant , keep and confirm the Laws and Customs of the People of England , He farther yet swears to the Clergy , to preserve their Laws and Priviledges , and since these are not able to make a Negative in Parliament , so that the Clergy may be easily swallowed up by the People , and by the Lords ; therefore in a more particular manner , they have obtained an Oath to be made unto them by the King , which being for their particular benefit , it cannot be remitted without their express Consent : So that although an Act of Parliament being once passed by the Votes of the King , and both Houses , it doth ( Sir , as you have told me our Lawyers say ) bind the whole People of England , yea , the whole People , as it includes the Clergy too ; yet it concerns the King , by vertue of His Oath , to give His Vote to no such Act as shall prejudice what He hath formerly sworn unto them , except He can first obtain their express Consent , that He may be thereby freed from His Juratory Obligation . It may be said , perhaps , That in the Consent given by both Houses of Parliament , the Consent of the Clergy is tacitly implied , and so it is ( say our Lawyers , as you have told me Sir ) in respect of the Powers obligatory , which an Act so passed obtains upon them ; for they affirm , That it shall strongly bind the Clergy , as if they themselves had in express terms consented to it , although Bishops being debarr'd from the Votes in Parliament , and neither they nor their inferiour Clergy having made choice of any to represent them in that great Council , their Consent can be in no fair sense said to be involved in such Acts as are done , as well without their Representative Presence , as their Personal . But the Question is , Whether such tacit Consent ( though it be indeed against their express Wills ) can have a Power remissory to the King , to absolve Him of His Oath ? He that affirms it must resolve to meet with this great Absurdity , that although besides His general Oath to all the People of England , His Majesty be in particular sworn ot the Rights of the Clergy , yet they obtain no more benefit by this , than if He had sworn only in general ; which is as much as to say , that in this little Draught , Oaths are multiplied without necessity ; nay , without signification at all : And that the greatest part of the first , and the whole fourth Clause , are nothing else but a more painful Draught of superfluous Tautologies . For His yielding to the two first Lines , swears Him to keep and to confirm the Laws and Customs of the whole People of England ; which word People , includes those of the Clergy too , and so in general their Laws and Customs are confirm'd ( no doubt ) in these words , and so confirm'd , that they cannot be shaken , but at least by their tacit Consent in Parliamentary way : And since the King condescends to afford to their Rights a more particular Juratory Tye , there is no doubt but it binds in a way too that 's more particular ; so that His Majesty cannot expect a remission of this Oath , without the Consent clearly expressed . For as when the King swears to keep the Laws of the whole People in general , He can by no means acquire a remission of this Oath , but by the express Consent of the People . So when in particular He swears unto the Laws and Customs of the Clergy , this Oath must needs bind , until it be remitted in an express Form , either by the whole Clergy themselves , or by some Body of Men ( at least ) that represents the Clergy , quatenus a Clergy , and not only as they are involved in that great Body of the People . So that he that presumes to persuade His Majesty to pass any Act in prejudice of the Ecclesiastical Body , ( to whom He is thus sworn ) without their express Consent first obtained , counsels Him that which is both injurious to his Fellow Subjects ; nay , which is indeed a most damnable wickedness against the very Soul of the King. SIR , As I conceive , it is now plain enough , That if the Parliament should destroy the Episcopal Order , and take away the Lands of the Church , the Houses in that Act will run themselves into two Sins , and His Majesty into three . And upon this Supposition the Epistler and I have agreed ; I do not think , saith he , that Convenience or Necessity will excuse Conscience in a thing in it self unlawful : And before that , he calls the contrary , the Tenent of the Romanist , or Iesuited Puritan ; only I will beseech him for his own Souls sake , to consider how great a Scandal he hath given to Mankind , in defence of such Sins as these : For , I conceive , that Durand offended more , in holding that Fornication was no Sin against the Law natural , than Sechem did ( who was only under that Law ) in his lust upon old Iacob's Daughter ; for Fraudem legi facere , ( saith the Civilian ) is worse than Legem violare . It argues a more unsubject-like disposition , for a Man to put Tricks and Fallacies upon his Princes Laws , than to run himself into a downright Violation : And God ( we know ) is a King ; I am a great King , saith the Lord of Hosts , and a King in whose hands is a vengeance . 'T is true , SIR , we are thus put into a very sad Condition , when the only Option that seems left us now , is either to chuse Sin or Ruine ; but yet ( if well us'd ) 't is a Condition glorious , a Condition in which all that Noble Army of Martyrs stood , before they could come at Martyrdom . And if in preparation of mind , we thus lay our Lives down at the Feet of Christ , I am undoubtedly persuaded it is the onely way to preserve them ; for this Word of God is the Lord of Hosts too , and for his Glories sake , he oft effects to save them who have lost both their strength and hopes : But to you , Sir , whom I know so well , such Persuasions as these are needless . I rest Your very Faithful Servant . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61495-e480 M. I. 3. 8. Hagg. 1 4. & 6. Mat. 25. Aquin. 22. Acts 1. Gell. l. 11. l. ult . F. l. v. 1. Lev. 27. 13. Deut. 27. 17. 1646. 
A64711	----	The Bishop of Armaghes direction, concerning the lyturgy, and episcopall government Being thereunto requested by the Honourable, the House of Commons, and then presented in the year 1642. Directions propounded and humbly presented to the High Court of Parliament, concerning the Booke of Common Prayer and episcopall government. Udall, Ephraim, d. 1647. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64711 of text R220173 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U5B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A64711 Wing U5B ESTC R220173 99831597 99831597 36061 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64711) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 36061) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2046:42) The Bishop of Armaghes direction, concerning the lyturgy, and episcopall government Being thereunto requested by the Honourable, the House of Commons, and then presented in the year 1642. Directions propounded and humbly presented to the High Court of Parliament, concerning the Booke of Common Prayer and episcopall government. Udall, Ephraim, d. 1647. Ussher, James, 1581-1656, attributed name. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], London : printed, for the general good, 1660. Not in fact by James Ussher, Bishop of Armagh, but by Ephraim Udall. Originally published in 1641 as: Directions propounded and humbly presented to the High Court of Parliament, concerning the Booke of Common Prayer and episcopall government. This edition has a woodcut ornament of a Tudor rose on title page. Caption title on p. 1 reads: Bishop of Armaghs direction. Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University Library. eng Church of England. -- Book of common prayer -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Liturgy -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Liturgy -- Early works to 1800. A64711 R220173 (Wing U5B). civilwar no The Bishop of Armaghes direction, concerning the lyturgy, and episcopall government. Being thereunto requested by the Honourable, the House Udall, Ephraim 1660 1500 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE BISHOP OF ARMAGHES DIRECTION , Concerning the Lyturgy , and Episcopall Government . Being thereunto requested by the Honourable , the House of COMMONS and then presented in the year 1642. LONDON , Printed , for the general good , 1660. BISHOP OF ARMAGHS DIRECTION . To satisfie your demands both concerning the Liturgy , and Episcopall government . 1. FIrst for the Book of Common Prayers , it may be alledged that God himselfe appointed in the Law a set forme of Benediction , as Numb. 6. ver. 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. 2. That David appointed set Psalmes to be sung upon special occasions , as the title of them sheweth . 3. That the Prophet Joel appointed a set forme of Prayers to be used by the Priests at a solemne Fast , Joel 17. 4. That Christ not only commanded us to pray after such a manner , Mat. 6. 9. but to use a set form of words , Luke 11. and the 2. When you pray , say , Our Father , &c. 5. The spirit of God is no more restrained by using a set form of Prayers , then by singing set Hymes or Psalms in meeter , which yet the adversaries of our Common prayers practise in their assemblies . 6. Of all Prayers , premeditated are the best , Eccles. 5. 2. and of premeditated prayers , those which are allowed by publick authority , are to be preferred before those which are to be uttered by any private spirit . 7. All the Churches in the Christian world , in the first and best times , had their set form of Lyturgy , whereof most are extant in the Writings of the Fathers at this day . 8. Let our Service-book be compared to the French , Dutch , or any other Lyturgy prescribed in any of these former Churches , and it will appear to any indifferent Reader , that it is more exact and compleat than any of them . 9. Our Service-book was penned and allowed of , not only by Learned Doctors , but glorious Martyrs , who sealed the Truth of the reformed Religion with their blood . Yet it cannot be denyed that there are quaedam in pulchro corpore , and it were to be wished , so it were to be done without much noise . 1. That the Calender in part might be reformed , and the Lessons taken out of the Apocrypha might be struck out , and other Lessons taken out of the Canonical Scripture appointed to be read in places of them ; for besides that there is no necessity in reading any of the Apocrypha , there are some of the Chapters repugnant to the Doctrine of the holy Scripture , as namely in some Chapters of Tobit . 2. That in the Psalms , Epistles , Gospels , and all sentences alledged out of the holy Scripture , the last translation of King James his Bible may be followed ; for in the former there be many passagaes not agreeing to the Original , as might be proved by many sentences . 3. That in the Rubrick , wherein of late the word Priest hath been put instead of Minister , it may be expunged , and the word Minister restored , which is less offensive , and more agreeable to the language of all the reformed Churches , and likewise some clauses which seem surreptitiously to have crept into it , be expunged , as namely after the Communion . 4 Every Parishioner shall communicate , &c , and shall after receive the Sacrament , and other Rights according to the order in the book appointed , which words can carry no good sense in a Protestant Cure , nor those added after private Baptism : That it is certain by Gods Word , that Children being baptised have all things necessary for salvation , and be undoubtedly saved . 5. That in the Hymes instead of the Song of the three Children , some other were placed out of the Canonical Scripture , and that a fitter Psalm were chosen at the Churching of women for these verses : He will not suffer thy foot to be moved : and the Sunne shall not burn thee by day , nor the Moon by night : seem not to be pertinent . 6. That in the Prayers and Collects some expressions bettered , as where it is said , Almighty God which only worketh great things , &c. And let thy mercy lose them for the , &c. And from all fornication and all other deadly sins , as if all sinnes were not deadly . And that among all the changes and chances , &c. And in the visitation of the sick , I absolve thee from all thy sins , &c , 7. That in the singing of Psalms , either of hymns , rymes , or other superfluous words , as I have said , and for why : and homely phrases , as thou shalt feed them with brown bread : and take hand out of thy lap , and give thy foes a rap , and mend this geere , and the like , may be corrected , or at least , a better translation of the Psalms in meeter appointed in place of the old . For Episcopal governmen , tit may be alledged that in the old Law , the Priests were above the Levites . That in the Law the Apostles were above the seventy Disciples . That in the subscription of St. Paul's Epistles , which are part of the Canonical Scriptures : It is said that Timotheus ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Christians . That Episcopal ordination and jurisdiction hath express warrant in holy Scriptures ▪ As namely Titus the 1. and the 5. For this cause left I thee in Creet , that thou shouldest set in order things that are wanting , and ordain Presbyters , that is , Ministers in every City , as the first of Timothy , the 5. 22. Lay hands suddenly on no man ; and verse 19. Against a Presbyter or Minister receive not an accusation but under two or three witnesses . The Angels to whom the Epistles were endorsed , two or three of the Apocalyps , are by the unanimous consent of all the best Interpreters , both ancient and later , expounded to be the Bishops of these Cities . Eusebius , and other Ecclesiastical Writers affirm , none contradicting them , that the Apostles themselves chose James Bishop of Jerusalem ; and that in all the Apostolick See there succeeded Bishops , which continued in all the Christian world , and no other goverement heard of in the Churches for 1500 years and more , than by Bishops , and the Canons both general and provincial consisted of Bishops . That so many Acts of Parliament and Laws of the Kingdome , and Statutes of the Colledges of both Universities , have relation to Bishops . That the removing of them , especially there having been no other Government ever setled in the Kingdome , will breed an infinite confusion , and no reformation in the Church ; yet it will be wished that in some things our Government might be reduced to the constitution and practise of the Primitive Church , especially in these particulars . 1. That Bishops did ordinarily and constantly preach , either in the Metropolitan Churches , or in the Parochial Churches in the Visitations . 2. That they might not ordain any Ministers without the consent of three or four at the least grave learned Presbyters . 3. That they might not suspend any Minister ab officio & beneficio , at their pleasures by their sole authority , and not but for such crimes only , as the antient Lawes of this Kingdome appointed . 4. That none might be excommunicated but by the Bishop himself , with the consent of the Pastor in those Parishes the delinquent dwelleth , and that for heynous and scandalous crimes joyned with obstinacy and wilfull contempt of the Churches authority ; and that for non-appearance upon ordinations , some lesser punishment might be inflicted . 5. That Bishops might not demand benevolence from the Clergy , nor exact allowance for their diet in their visitations , nor suffer their servants to exact undue Fees at Ordinations and Constitutions . 6. That Bishops and Officials might be subjected to the censure of provincial Synods and Convoations . FINIS . 
A51419	----	Confessions and proofes of Protestant divines of reformed churches that episcopacy is in respect of the office according to the word of God, and in respect of the use the best : together with a brief treatise touching the originall of bishops and metropolitans. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. 1662 Approx. 231 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51419 Wing M2836 ESTC R40650 19499012 ocm 19499012 108873 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51419) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108873) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1675:6) Confessions and proofes of Protestant divines of reformed churches that episcopacy is in respect of the office according to the word of God, and in respect of the use the best : together with a brief treatise touching the originall of bishops and metropolitans. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Originall of bishops and metropolitans. W. C. Apostolicall institution of episcopacy. [6], 82 p. s.n.], [London : 1662. Attributed to Thomas Morton by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Place of imprint suggested by Wing. Pages 35 and 73 misnumbered as 53 and 63 respectively. Reproduction of original in the British Library. With: The originall of bishops and metropolitans / briefly laid down by James, Arch-bishop of Armagh -- The apostolicall institution of episcopacy / deduced out of the premises, by W.C. 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Episcopacy. 2005-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-02 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2005-02 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CONFESSIONS AND PROOFES OF PROTESTANT DIVINES OF Reformed Churches , That EPISCOPACY is in respect of the Office according to the word of God , and in respect of the Use the Best . TOGETHER With a brief Treatise touching the Originall of BISHOPS and METROPOLITANS . Printed in the year , 1662. TO The Pious and Religious Reader , Grace and Peace in Christ Jesus . THe matter subject of this Treatise being yet in suspense , and to be determin'd de future , viz. What Ecclesiasticall Government is to be judged to be , according to the Word of God , in respect of the office it self , and also the Best in respect of its use : After that , upon more and more deliberation , I had perfected my conlusion , the saying of Augustine came into my mind , He that concealeth a truth , and he that teacheth a falshood are both guilty : the first because he will not profit ; the other because he intendeth to hurt and delude : which I apprehend as a double caution , both of not publishing any Utopian Ecclesiasticall form of Government of mine own forging , as also , of not stifling , by my silence , a form truly Apostolicall . Which Resolution , notwithstanding , I did not adventure to take , before that I was fortified in my perswasion by a general consent of Protestant Divines of reformed Churches , and among others , in some principal points appealing to the Divines of the Church of Geneva ; Nor yet do we so much insist upon their Confessions as upon their Proofs , especially being grounded upon two infallible foundations . The first , the general verdict of Antiquity , as well Doctrinall as Historicall : Though we should not name that general Council of Calcedon consisting of 630 Fathers , which by one Canon decreed it to be a Sacriledge to presse down a Bishop into the degree of a Presbyter . The same Council that did also ordain another Canon , which was then the very break-neck of Romish Popedome . 2. The Authenticall Texts of Scripture so far as thereby to demonstrate Christ his own approbation of Episcopal Prelacy after his Ascension in the Churches of Asia : in one whereof without all contradiction was one Polycarpus Bishop and Martyr . As for the Churches , whereof we are to speak , the Tractate hath been undertaken in behalf of Protestant Churches , which practice at this day the same Prelacy under these two divers names of Episcopacy and Superintendency , as much exceeding the number of those which are destitute of Bishops , yet so , as justly condemning the Romish Hierarchy ( rather Tyranny ) poysoned with most grosse Idolatry ; and not so onely , but so far opposite to the Episcopacy which we defend , that it is a false Usurpation , that all Bishops be originally deduced from the Pope , and dependant upon him . Other Churches destitute of Bishops we differ from , yet not so ( far be it from us ) as not to account them essential Churches of Christ , but to whom as formerly , we do desirously give the right hand of Brotherly fellowship ; to joyn against the common and grand adversary in the Romish Babylon . Concerinng other points circumstantial we have provided , that our Method be with coherence , our Styl plain and even , our Allegations direct and punctual , our Authors justly approveable , our Taxations toothless , and our Inferencies brief , pertinent and consectary . As for you ( good Christian Reader ) his hope is , that he shall not need the use of the Apostles Expostulation , saying , Am I your enemy because I tell you the truth ? And his prayer to God shall be to protect and blesse you , to the glory of his saving Grace in Christ Jesus , that he also will distribute to this our lacerated Church , some portion of that his peerlesse Legacy left unto his Apostles , when he said , My peace I leave with you , by vertue whereof , we may with one heart and mind faithfully worship God in Spirit and in Truth . The Contents of every THESIS . I. THesis . That our English Episcopacy hath been justified b the confession of the most learned Protestants of remot Churches , in speciall by the Church of Geneva . Pag. 1 II. Thesis . That there was never any visible constituted Church in all Christendome since the Appostles time for 1500. years and more , which held Episcopacy in it self to be unlawful . 5 III. Thesis ▪ That Episcopall Prelacy is acknowledged by Protestant Divines of remote Churches to be according to the Word of God , and their consent therein unto Primitive Antiquity . 7 IV. Thesis . That Episcopall Government in the Church is , in respect of the necessary use thereof , the Best , by the consent of Protestant Divines of other reformed Churches . 9 V. Thesis . That the most Protestant Churches do professe and practise a Prelacy over Presbyters . 13 VI. Thesis . That the former Reasons of Confessions of Protestant Divines , concerning the necessity of Episcopall Prelacy , for preservation of concord and preventing of Schisme , is correspondent to the judgement of Antiquity . 14 VII . Thesis . That Bishops primitively were not only the chiefest Champions for the Christian Faith , but also the greatest adversaries to Romish Popedome , as have also our English. 16 VIII . Thesis . That to be of Aposticall Institution argueth in it a Divine Right by the confession of excellent Divines of the reformed Churches . 18 IX . Thesis . That no Ancient Father absolutely denyed the Aposticall Originall of Episcopacy , no not the objected Hieròme , who will shew himself a manifest Patron thereof . 19 X. Thesis . That Clement an Apostolicall Disciple , to whose arbitrement both our Opposites and we offer to yeild our selves , doth patronize Episcopacy , as being Apostolicall . 21 XI . Thesis . That other Primitive Fathers before Hierome did unanimously testifie an Apostolical Right of Episcopacy . 24 XII . Thesis . That the Apostolicall Antiquity of Episcopacy is confessedly proved out of Ignatius . 26 XIII . Thesis . That Antiquity hath given us Rules of Resolution for the knowledge of any Apostolicall practice , which may serve in the case of Episcopacy . 27 XIV . Thesis . That Protestant Divines of other Reformed Churches have held it most equall to be directed by the judgments of Ancients for a proof of a Practice Apostolicall . 28 XV. Thesis . That Mr. Beza himself is challengable to yield unto an Apostolicall right of Episcopacy from his own former confession . 30 XVI . Thesis That the testimonies of Nazianzen and Augustine are unworthily objected to the contrary . 30 XVII . Thesis . That Timothy and Titus both had a Prelacy over Presbyters notwithstanding the objection of the Community of names of Bishops and Presbyters is sufficiently confessed by Protestant Divines of remote Churches . 32 XVIII . Thesis . That Timothy and Titus have had a Prelacy as Bishops over Presbyters in the Apostles times , notwithstanding the Objection , that they were called Evangelists according to consent of Protestants of Reformed Churches . 34 XIX . Thesis . That Antiquity taught an Episcopacy both in Timothy and Titus . 36 XX. Thesis . That our Opposites first Exposition which interpreteth the Angell to meane the whole Church and Congregation is notably extravagant . 38 XXI . Thesis . That our Opposites second Exposition of the word Angell , to signifie onely the Order and Colledge of Presbyters , is erroneous , notwithstanding the Arguments of our Opposites to the contrary . 39 The Answer to the first Argument . 39 To the Second . 39 To the Third . 41 To the Fourth . 42 To the Last . 43 XXII . Thesis . That our Opposites third Exposition of the word Angell , to signifie one only Pastour in the Church of Ephesus , is extremely new and naught 44 XXIII . Thesis . That by the word Angell of Ephesus , to signifie a singular and individuall Pastour having a Prelacy over Presbyters , is proved by a large consent of Protestant Divines without Exception judicious and ingenuous . 45 XXIV . Thesis . That Antiquity held not the word Angell ( whereof we treat ) to be taken collectively for a Multitude of Pastours . 48 XXV . Thesis . That the word Angell in other places of the Revelation is commonly , if not alwayes individually taken . 48 XXVI . Thesis . That by Angell is meant individually one Bishop , is demonstrated by Historicall learning without contradiction . 50 XXVII . Thesis . That Christ himself shewed his approbation of Prelacy , which the foresaid Angels had in their severall Churches . 52 The judgment of Protestant Divines , of remote Churches , as well such as were the first Reformers of Religion , as others after them in behalf of Episcopal degree in the Church . THis they perform , both by their direct and ingenious confessions , and after by sound and solid Proofs , so far as to shew Episcopal Prelacy to be According to Gods Word , as also to acknowledge the same for use to be the Best kinde of Ecclesiastical Government . We are , in the first place , to try their plain confessions concerning the said Prelacy , as well in special , for our English , as touching Episcopacy in generall , in what Orthodox Church soever , and afterwards to adjoyn the proofs . 1. THESIS . That our English Episcopacy hath been justified by the confession of the most learned Protestants of remote Curches , in special by the Church of Geneva . OUr Episcopall Prelacy we are sure was profess'd , and practis'd by Bishops . 1. In the dayes of King Edward the 6. who as they were the principal Authors of the Reformation of our Protestant Religion , so did some of them seal the truth of their profession with their bloud , and have therefore been with others thus extoll'd by that golden mouth of the French Church a Master Moulin saying , That they were for zeal nothing inferiour to the most excellent servants of God , that Germany or France ever had ; which ( saith he ) none will deny is so , if not wilfully stupid and blinded in day-light . Yea , and touching those then Archbishops and Bishops b Beza for the Church of Geneva . It happened in our memory , that she ( speaking of our English Church ) hath had men of that calling , not onely constant Martyrs of God , but also excellent Pastours and Doctors . 2. In the dayes of Queen Elizabeth , Calvin the most illustrious star of the Church of Geneva , doubted not to instile Archbishop Cranmer c A most accomplish'd Prelate ( saith he ) who hath the cure , not onley of England , but also of the whole Christian world , which he did to the dignifying of the Government of our English Church ; and no marvel , seing that he durst professe to yeild , in behalf , even of Popish Bishops , upon condition , that renouncing the dependance upon the Pope , and acknowledgment of Christ as their onely Head , with profession of his Truth d . Then shall we professe all them ( saith he ) who shall not reverently and willingly submit to their Government , to be worthy of whatsoever Anathema or curse . So he , even in his Tractate of Reformation of the Church , at what time also Beza after his congratulating the restitution of our Protestant Religion in England , earnestly desired the whole Clergy under the Government of Grindal then Bishop of London , to e submit unto him , holding him worthy of much punishment who should despise his Authority . Yea , and so well did he approve of the then Government by Archbishops and Bishops , as to wish it might be perpetual unto them . † Sadell likewise , who is sufficiently commended by his excellent writings in defence of the Protestant Religion , did joyn together with Beza in an Apology to vindicate themselves from a sinister report , as if they had detracted from the Right of Government by Arch-bishops and Bishops , avouching the same aspersion to have been a most impious slander . And f Bishop Jeuell , how was he honoured by Peter Martyr , calling him A most renowned Prelate ; and by Sibbrandus * Lubbartus , entitling him The Ornament , not onely of England , but also of the whole world ? g Hierom Zanchee , one in the opinion of our Opposites ( we doubt not ) worthily renowned , in his Letters to Queen Elizabeth , he exhorteth her Majesty with an imprimis , and especially to extend her care , power and authority , to have godly Bishops , skilfull in holy Scriptures , of which sort ( saith he ) by the blessing of God you have already very many : and to cherish and hear them . h Also in his Epistle to Arch-bishop Grindall , upon occasion of his remove to Canterbury , he expresseth his joy for that accesse of dignity , as a testimony of Gods love towards him , and a means whereby he might more and more promote Gods true Religion . Our Opposites ought not to be offended with us , although we offer unto them next an Author , somewhat distastfull unto them at the first hearing , namely i D. Saravia , because as he is a Religious Divine● and as un-Episcopall as any other , so also is he as Orthodox , every-where , as they know , inveighing against the Romish Hierarchie ; he confesseth himself to wonder at the wisdome of the Reformers of Religion in England , So as not any where deviating from the antient Church of Christ ; and concludeth with this Epiphonema , saying , I hold it a part of her happiness that she hath retained with her the order of Bishops . 3. In the raigne of King James , that famous k Isaack Casaubon , whom we reckon as the fourth witnesse from the Church of Geneva , had that estimation of our English Episcopall government , as to confesse , That no Church doth come nearer the form of the primitive Church , then it doth : so farre that even they who envyed her happinesse , are notwithstanding constrained to extoll it . He proceeds furthermore to blazon the worthinesse of it . If ( saith he ) the essentiall part of the Church be enquired into , and what either necessarily belongeth unto the Doctrine of Salvation , or else to the decency of the Church , then ( praysed and magnified be God ) no Church upon earth can be found , which more professeth the faith , and resembleth the form of the ancient Catholique Church , then it doth . So he . But to return to our French witnesse again : worthy * Master Moulin , in an answer to a Papist , who upbraided him with the discipline of England , doth avouch the dignity thereof , telling him furthermore , That their agreement is such , that England ( saith he ) hath been a refuge to our persecuted Churches , and correspondently the excellentest servants of God in our Churches , as Peter Martyr , Calvin , Beza , and Zanchee , have often written Letters full of respect and amity to the Prelates of England . So he . Lastly , now under our Gracious Soveraigne King Charles in the time of Arch-Bishop Abbot , Whose daily experience did testifie the reciprocall correspondence between him , and with other Bishops and all reformed Churches beyond the Sea. At what time likewise Cyrill , late Greek Patriarch of Constatinople , did so farre honour both him and our English Church , as to professe his accordance therewith , more specially then with any other . And if our Bishops of later date had not been respected , then surely would not the Divines about Breme in Germany have sent their controversies had among themselves , onely unto certain Bishops in England ( as they did ) to have them moderated by their judgements , not to speak of their dedications of some of their Books unto Bishops . These last Relations nothing , but the importunity of these times , could have extorted from us . Thus much of particular respects had in speciall to our English Episcopall Government , by singular approved Divines of the reformed Protestant Churches . In the next place , as the thread of our method leadeth us , we are to examine what they will say touching the unlawfulnesse , or lawfulness thereof in generall . II. THESIS . That there was never any visibly constituted Church in all Christendome since the Apostles time for 1500. years and more , which held Episcopacy in it self to be unlawfull . WE are not ignorant that even at this time , all Episcopacy , and Prelacy of any one above Presbyterie , is cryed down by some as unlawfull in it self , notwithstanding our Opposites cannot but know what , besides Epiphanius , Saint Angustine recorded of one Aerius , to wit , that he , because he could not obtain to be made a Bishop , did therefore teach that there ought to be no difference between a Presbyter and a Bishop . So he : and for that cause they listed him among the erroneous Authors of that Age , but ( he being excepted ) never any visible Church of Christ before him , we adde , nor yet any thus protested after him , nor before these dayes of contradiction defended his opinion . Now whether the humour of desire to rule others , and the unwillingnesse to be subject unto others , may not equally transport some Ecclesiasticks to oppose against Episcopacy , they can best judge whom it most concernes . We know ( beside infinite others , who have acknowledged the lawfulnesse of Episcopacy ) some protestant Divines of remote Churches , who have fully condemn'd the opinion of Aerius . Three may suffice for three hundred if they be learned and judicious Authors , and not interested in that which is now called Episcopall policy . a Master Moulin commeth on roundly : I have since my infancy ( saith he ) abhorr'd the opinion of Aërius . b Tylenus also a Divine of the French Church as pertinently and plainly . None ever before Aërius endeavoured the extirpation of Episcopacy , nor yet after him any , but some of Geneva . What some he might meane we know not , but whom he might not meane we have already shewn , as Calvin , Beza , Sadle , and Causabon , who have given their ample suffrages for our English Episcopacy , but only speak against the Romish Hierarchie : And now , for the generality of it , c Beza is again at hand , saying , If there be any , as I think ( saith he ) there is not , who altogether reject the Episcopall Order , God forbid that any of sound brains should ever assent to their furies : and besides , protesteth his acknowledged observance , and all reverence to all Bishops reformed . Hitherto against the objected unlawfulnesse of Episcopacy in the Church of Christ. But this will not satisfie some men , except furthermore the lawfulness thereof may appear in that degree which is called in respect of its right , According to the Word of God. It belongeth unto us to shew this by the Confession of Divines of remote Protestant Churches , which we are ready to performe , and more too . III. THESIS . That Episcopal Prelacy is acknowledged by Protestant Divines of remote Churches to be according to the Word of God , and their consent therein unto Primitive Antiquity . LVther may well be allowed for the fore-man amongst the Reformers of the Protestant Religion , who proveth the Prelacy of Episcopacy above simple Presbyters ( for so he saith ) by Divine Right ; and this he doth in his Tract●te called his Reselution , grounding his judgment upon Scripture , whereof hereafter . Accordingly Bucer , against the Pope as Anti-Christ : b We see ( saith he ) by their perpetual observation of Churches , and from the Apostles themselves , that it seemed good to the holy Ghost that some singular one should be appointed among the Presbyters to Govern in so sacred an Order , who hath for the same cause , the Appellation of Bishop in Scripture . Scultetus the Divine , Professour at Heidelberg , professing Episcopal degree to be of divine Right , and professeth to prove it to be such by efficacious reasons , who in the sequell of his discourse will be as good as his word ; with whom agreeth that admirable Schollar c Isaac Casaubon , the ornament of Geneva , who held the same to be grounded upon the Testimonies of Scriptures . These may serve for the present till we come to a larger consent . All these , and other the former confessions of Protestant Divines , are the proper idiom and language of primitive Antiquity , teaching thus . Episcopacy is by the Ordination of Christ. So d Ignatius : and again , e Reverence your Bishop as Christ and the Apostles have commanded you . Or thus , To be a divine power , the resistancè whereof is against God himself : So Cyprian . And thus , God placed Bishops over His family : So f Origen . And thus , The Apostles were made Bishops by Christ , who ordained others ( meaning Bishops ) in other places , by whom the Church should be govern'd : g So Augustine . Or thus , h Bishops constituted over Presbyters , as the Word of God teacheh : So Epiphanius . And thus , i None can be ignorant that Bishops were instituted by Christ when he made His Apostles , by whom others should be made Bishops , whom we succeed , and ( speaking of Bishops ) of whom Christ said , he that despiseth you despiseth me : So again Augustine . Before we end this point we shall desire our Opposites to bethink themselves what they think may signifie the suffrages of the Fathers of the Synod of Calcedon , for Antiquity , one of the first four Generall , and in this generality universally receiv'd throughout Christendom , for amplitude consisting of six hundred and thirty Bishops , and for aversenesse against the Pope of Rome , that which undermin'd the very foundation of Romish Popedom , which is a pretence of having been established by the divine Authority of Christ the universall Bishop of the Church , and equalling another Patriarch with him , and shewing that all the Primacy which the Pope of Rome had , was but from humane Authority . This k Councell concerning Episcopacy ordain'd , that To depose a Bishop down to the degree of a Presbyter , is Sacriledge . This so great a Harmony , between the former Protestant Divines , and those eminent Fathers , how shall it not sound delightfull unto every docible and unpreoccupated hearer ? These confessions notwithstanding , we have not discharg'd our Assumption , untill we produce their proofes , which is to be perform'd according to our former promise , after that we shall manifest the like confessions of Protestant Divines and accordance to Antiquity , in acknowledging Episcopacy to be the best forme of Government in respect of the use thereof . IV. THESIS . That Episcopall Government in the Church , is , in respect of the necessary use thereof , the best by the consent of Protestant Divines of other reformed Churches . SOme peradventure will conceive , that three at the least being required in the degree of comparison , to make up a best : Therefore our three must be taken either for Episcopacy , which is a Prelacy of one above more ; or Presbytery , which is an equality of moe among themselves ; or that which is called an Independency , of one in each Parish without relation to any other . Which mis-begotten brat was never heard of in ancient times , or approv'd of any latter Church of Christ since ; and indeed is but the erecting of a Pope in every Parish , whereof something * hereafter . It will be sufficient that we understand a best in the full latitude with comparison of whatsoever other . Our Protestant Witnesses we ranke into two Classes ; First is the Church of the Lutherans , who were the first Reformers of our Protestant Religion . a If our Reader will be pleased but to cast his eye upon the Marginalls , he may find out these following observables , viz. that Luther will be known , when he complained of Bishops , to have meant over tyrannous ( P●pish ) Bishops , and them , ( as he saith ) who are unworthy of the Holy name of Bishop ; next , that all Protestant Churches of Germany in their generall Confessions , had ( as they say ) often protested their earnest desire to conserve the discipline of degrees in the Church by the Authority of Bishops , whereby to remove dissentions and Schismes from the Church , then that b Melancthon , by the perswasion of Luther , was as much bent for Episcopall Government as any , when he burst out into this expression ; I would to God it lay in me to restore the Government of Bishops , for I see what a Church we shall have , the Ecclesiasticall Policy being dissolv'd , I foresee it will be far more intolerable then ever it was . There is added to this the acknowledgment of Bucer ; holding it necessary , that the Clergy have those ( speaking of Bishops ) to whom the Authority of the Church is committed : His reason , least that refractory and dissolute persons should be in the Church . Prince Hanolt , after he became a sincerely profess'd Protestant and faithfull Preacher of the Gospel , speaking of Bishops , that would be faithfull in Governing the Church : c How willingly , and with what gladnesse of heart , would we ( saith he ) reverence , obey , and yeeld them their ordination and jurisdiction , the which we and Luther have very often protested , both by word and writing . We now passe unto the other Classes of Protestant Divines , of Reformed Churches , beginning with Calvin himself , who hath a double intuition concerning Presbyteriall Government . One as it may be considered is in an Independency ; so that every one have a Right of excommunication in himself : d this he calleth , unprofitable , odious , and such as easily turneth into Tyranny , and contrary to that which the Apostles taught . Next beholding them in a joynt parity , he relateth the reason of the first beginning of Episcopacy , and saith truely , e that by the parity and equality among Presbyters , ( as it useth to be ) Schismes and dissentions might arise among them . This Parenthesis [ as it useth to be ] which he inserteth , certainly hath in it a sting , which pierceth into the Bowells of the cause . Successour to Calvin was Beza , who thus far succeedeth him also in his opinion , as f to confesse ( as he saith ) from experience , this of the Presbyterian Government , that it being not sufficient to repress vices , choice was made of one to Governe the rest , as was observed anciently ( saith he ) from the Evang. Mark in the famous Church of Alexandria : Again , speaking of the institution of Episcopacy , whatsoever it was , he will be known to abhore and reprehend it , as erected by pride : but why ? for none can deny ( saith he ) but that there was great use of it whilst that goodly and Godly Bishops were chief over others . We may well presume ( as was said ) that the other part of the misquoted sentence of Zanchie is extant in some Impression of his Works , wherein he did so symbolize with the forecited Sentence of Calvin , g Testifying before God ( for these are the words ) that he holdeth them Schismaticks , who shall determine , that in the restauration of Churches there ought to be no Bishops , having authority over Presbyters , where freely they may be had . He proceedeth furthermore , I think with Calvin saith he , them to be worthy of whatsoever Anathema , who will not be subject to their Government , which submitteth it self to Christ ; So he . Furthermore concerning the testimonies , as I may so say , of Ecclesiasticall Government , h Zanchie confessed Episcopacy to have been ordained for the best end , to wit , the edification of the Elect. The sentence of Calvin hath been formerly alleadged ; Unto these we adde the saying of the proloquutour in the Synod of Dort , who is rendred unto us , by them that heard him , to have wished , that the Church with them were so happy as our English , by having an Episcopall Government among them . This case was so evident to a late Advocat for Presbyters , Salmasius by name , that although he relucteth justly against an irregular Prelacy , yet doth he freely and ingenuously grant , that i the preferring of one Bishop in every Church , was instituted with best reasons . Would any see more ? Then he is to observe the Protestation made by the German Divines in the Augustane confession , protesting their desire for the conservation of Episcopacy ; whereof it is testified by a k Theologicall professour , that other Protestants were ready to subscribe to the Augustane Confession , ( per omnia ) excepting only the Article of the Eucharist , because it was not clearly explain'd : among these Protestants he names Calvin , Beza , Vermilius , Marlorat and Zanchius , which probably could not have been altogether true , if they had been adversaries to the foresaid Protestation . Before we can conclude , we return to Geneva to be satisfied in a main question ; which is , whether the forme of Government in Geneva ought to be perscribed as a patterne to other Reformed Churches to be regulated thereby : And when we consult with l Beza about this very point , he telleth us , that this opinion was imparted to their Church , but in the name of the whole Church of Geneva rejecteth it as a most false and impudent exprobration . After this comparison made by weight and ponderation , we seek to try what may be done by computation and numbring . V. THESIS . That the most Protestant Cburches do professe and practise a Prelacy over Presbyters . MAny now look upon our English Bishops as birds upon owles , yet not peradventure so , as they for strangenesse or for reverence ; but with left eyes in an opinion of singularity and onelinesse , as a thing not acknowledged in other remote and reformed Churches of Protestants ; not considering what hath been published to the world long-ago , that the word Superintendent is of the same signification with the word Bishop : both from the same Greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Yet some Protestant Churches practising a Prelacy , vail it over with the word Superintendency : If we would know what , a Zanchie will speak out and to the purpose , in telling us that Episcopi ( whom we call Bishops ) and Superintendents , are words of the same sense and signification : and therefore where there is an agreement in the thing signified , there ought not to be any altercation and strife about words . But what will he say to the practice ? He distinguisheth Protestant Churches in this respect into three differences , some whereof practise a superiority of one above the Clergy under the proper name of Bishops ; another sort the same , but under the name of Superintendents and General Superintendents , whom we call Arch-bishops . Lastly , he discloseth a third kinde , ( a circumstance very remarkeable ) who although they avoid the Titles of Bishops or Superintendents , yet use they to be such primarii , as to say , eminent in Prelacy , as in whom ( for so he saith ) the whole Authority consisteth . Now therefore our question must be , whether the Church exercising Prelacy , or the other that onely practise equality , exceed in number . The number of Churches , which had Prelates under the name of Bishops , and the other of Superintendents ( being in signification the same ) seemed to Greg. de Valentia , the Jesuite , so many , that he thought all Protestant Churches to have Bishops . An excellent servant of God Doctor Duraeus , and a zealous hunter after the best game , which is , the general peace of Protestant Churches among themselves , hath set down a Catalogue of the Churches reform'd on both Parties , and reckoneth ( if he be not mistaken ) seven Bishops in the Kingdom of Swede : in Denmark Bishops , in other Lutheran Churches Superintendents , and in all Imperial Cities among the Protestants , besides divers other reform'd Churches the like ; which we suppose will rather keep their conformity with England , then tast new wine with others , seing that , as the Text saith , * The old is better : and whether the Episcopal form be not the onely and Apostolical , cometh now to be discussed by inquiring into Antiquity . VI. THESIS . That the former reasons of Confessions of Protestant Divines , concerning the necessity of Episcopal Prelacy , for preservation of concord and preventing of schisme , is correspondent to the judgment of Antiquity . IT would be worth our knowledge to understand , that the former Confessions of Protestant Divines are , in effect , but the ecchoings unto the sentences of ancient Fathers . Among whom , Hierome could tell us , a That the original of Episcopacy ( which is the placing of one Presbyter in a degree above others ) was decreed throughout the whole world , for taking away Schisme : which use thereof was held so necessary in the dayes of Antiquity , that the said Hierome spared not to affirm , b That the safety of the Church dependeth upon the dignity of a Bishop , to whom , except some eminent Authority be given , there will be as many Schismes as there are Priests in the Church . So he , and before him Tertullian thus , c The Bishop is for the honour of the Church , which being in safety , our peace will be also safe . But how d Chrysostome and Gregory Nyssen do illustrate , both affirming the same necessity of a Bishop in the Church , as is a Precentor in a Quire , a Governour in a Campe , and a Pilot in a Ship. By which Episcopal order ( saith e Basil ) the Church is reduced as one soul into communion and concord : yea and before all these ; f Cyprian Bishop and Martyr , complained of such insolencies of Presbyters against their Bishops , as being causes of heresies and schismes against a divine power of Government . So he ; These , will some say , are but their sayings , and shall we therefore think that their sayings were not the symbolls and expressions of their meaning ; but we presume better of them that are ingenuous , and the rather for their further satisfaction which may be had in the next Thesis . VII . THESIS . That Bishops primitively were not only the chiefest champions for the Christian faith , but also the greatest adversaries to Romish Popedome , as have also our English. BEfore we can begin the proof of this Thesis , we are confronted by our Opposites against Primitive Fathers in strange termes , Bishops by advancing the authority of Episcopacy did thereby ( say they ) but plead their own cause , and made a stirrop for the Romish Antichrist to mount into his Pontificall saddle . So they . Which contumely against the reverend antiquity , we are loath to call by its proper name ; being therefore not to reprove others , but to prove what we have in hand , which is that some of the ancient Bishops lived in the torrid zone of fiery persecution , and others in a temperate . Of the first sort we have it confessed , That the persecuting Emperours did , above all others , make their Inquisition and exercises of their furies most especially upon Bishops ; we have it upon record in Cyprian , but much more in other Ecclesiasticall Histories , wherein , as is confessed by a Master Brightman , although Dioclesian in his Edict , did especially command the destruction of all that had taken sacred Orders , yet in a further b speciality the massacring of Bishops ; he relateth that one hundred and sixty of them were martyred in two places ; yea , and in the Church of Rome it self is also reckoned the number of 160. Bishops , who were martyrs of Christ in those primitive times . To fancy that these afflicted and persecuted Members of Christ for their degree sake , could pride it in their Episcopall office , would be held to be but a dream , they will rather think , that if they should prelate it , ( as Marriners use to frolike it ) rather in a calme of tranquility ; but for this also we shall easily subcribe to the judgement of Master Beza , who when he was thus posed , whether he should impute the note of pride unto these Primitive servants of God , ( whose names have alwayes been celebrious in the Church of Christ ( to wit ) Basil , Nysen , Nazianzen , Athanasius , Chrysostome , Ambrose , and Augustine , who are known to have afterwards had Episcopall Government in their several Churches ) answereth , saying , c I never heard any speak , or read any write otherwise then honourably of those men , as was meete . So he , of his time ; he could not prophesie of the future . It were good , that these who use this new and broad language had considered , * That Bishops were then almost the only ones , who , as occasion fell out , either pulled the Romish Pope out of his Saddle when he was mounted , or else pluckt away his Stirrop , that in those times he could not get up . For whereas Popedome , being a double usurpation , one of plenitude of Authority , † universall over Bishops ; and the other of an infallibility of judgement in determining all Controversies of Faith , it hath been evidently and copiously proved , that the amplitude of his Diocesse was limited by three hundred Bishops in the Generall Councell of Nice . His pretended right of Universall Authority was contradicted an . 553. by six hundred Bishops in the Councell of Calcedon , where we find it accounted to be but of Humane Authority against his pretended universall challenge of appeale to Rome , it was twice contradicted by Bishops in two Councells in Africk ; and as for his pretended infallibility in judgement , the 165 Bishops in the Councell of Constantinople condemned the Decree of Pope Vigilius ; aud in the sixth and seventh Councells , consisting in all of 603. Bishops , was Pope Honorius condemned for an Heretique . We may not omit the mention of singular persons Bishops , who have had their solemne oppositions against the Popes of their times , Cyprian , Athanasius , Basil , Cyrill of Alexandria , Hilary of Arles and Augustine , with many others . But what talke we of Bishops in other Sees ? seeing we have in the See of Rome it self one , who did prejudice the pretended and usurped dignity and authority of all his Successours in condemning the pretence of the highest Title and Prerogative which the Pope doth challenge , which is to be called The Vniversall Bishop of Christs Church , by judging it to be proud , prophane , and blasphemous , and the Bishop we mean was Pope Gregory the first , whom Mr. Brightman hath adorned with this Encomium , * The flying Angell mentioned , Apoc. 8. 13. whose lustre , saith he , God would use for the Church . As for our Church of England since the Reformation , it hath been conformable to the Primitive . Surely greater faithfulness could not be shown then in the seal of Martyrdom , nor more opposition to Popedom , then to cut off all dependence upon it by the neck ever since , nor this more by any then in Bishops , as our Ecclesiastical monuments have recorded ; not to mention the writings publique in confutation of all Popish Errours and Heresies , onely let it be lawfull for us to point at the last Synod and Convocation was vehement against Popery , as ( for this is spoken by him that was absent from it ) any one may read . After these Confessions of Protestant Divines , we are to ascend higher to our proofs , for evincing the same to be according to the word of God , as Apostolical ; first from Antiquity , and after from the word of God it self . Our first proof , that Episcopacy is according to the word of God , by manifesting it to have been of Apostolical Institution by necessary reasons . VIII . THESIS . That to be of Apostolical Institution , argueth in it a divine Right , by the confession of excellent Divines of the Reformed Churches . FRom the Church of Geneva , we have before us Mr. Beza to deliver his own words . a Surely if Episcopacy had proceeded from the Apostles , I would not doubt to ascribe unto it a divine Ordinance . So he . This is plain ; Secondly , from the Churches within the Palatinate , Scultetus by name , argueth accordingly . b The Apostles placed Bishops above Presbyters , and therefore is Episcopacy of divine Institution . A third , properly call'd Salmasius , out of the University and Church of Leiden in the Low-countries , one of great fame , and a profess'd friend unto our Opposites ; and notwithstanding confesseth , saying , c If the Institution of Episcopacy ( saith he ) be from the Apostles , then it is of divine Right . So they . Certainly , because what power was ordained by the Apostles proceeded from the Spirit of God : like as was their decree against Strangled and Blood , their Holy-kisse , their Agapae , and the like in their first Institution . And although these were abrogated in time , yet the necessity of perpetuating Episcopacy , standeth upon two grounds ; one , is the first reason of institution thereof , which was , for avoiding Schisme ; the other was , the universal continuance thereof from age to age , upon experience of the same reason : Which , as we have heard , hath been held most reasonable to almost all Protestant Divines of remote Churches . Now therefore , that which we are to make good is onely our Assumption ; to wit , that Episcopacy was of Apostolical Institution , then which nothing almost can be more evinceable , if testimonies from Antiquity , evidences out of Scriptures , and upon both these , the confessions of Protestant Divines of the Reformed Churches may be held satisfactory , our first endeavours concerning Antiquity for this performance , must be to remove objections which our opposites cast in our way . The onely peremptorily objected Ancients are these two , Hierome and Clement , both whom we are now to salute . IX . THESIS . That no Ancient Father absolutely denied the Apostolical Original of Episcopacy , no not the objected Hierome who will shew himself a manifest Patron thereof . THe objected sentence of a Hierome , saying , concerning Episcopal Prelacy , That it is rather by the custom of the Church , then by the Lords disposal , is confessed by the Theological Protestant Professour in the University of Heidelberg to be understood b by the decree of the Lords disposal ; the immediate ordinance of Christ , in his dayes upon earth , and affirming the custom , happily to have meant the Apostolical custom , after they began the forming and framing of the Churches . However , for this one place objected against us , we have many most evident Testimonies out of Hierome himself , to prove the first institution of Episcopacy to have been indeed Apostolical . First is from the original occasion , whereunto he alludeth , even the contention in the Church of Corinth , when c some held of Paul , some of Appollo , some of Cephas , whereof it is confessed by the foreceited Palatinate Doctour , d That the words of the Apostle will not suffer me ( saith he ) to doubt but that alteration was made in the dayes of the Apostles , and his confirmation is as doubtlesse ; namely , because no man can produce any other original of the questioned Schisme and contention . This is a chief point , and therefore we desire to hear what e Videlius the Divine Professour in Geneva , will say unto it . He handleth the matter accurately , which is to be reserv'd to its proper place . In summe , out of Ignatius the disciple of the Apostles he sheweth the difference of Bishop and Presbyter begun timely in the Church , even presently after the contention to the Corinthians , whereof it is say'd , some held of Paul , and some of Apollo , and some of Cephas . Secondly , Hierome granteth in general , yet distinctly of Bishops , f That they are the Successors of the Apostles . Thirdly , yea he sheweth who were Successours in the very dayes of the Apostles , reckoning among others , * Timothy , Titus , Polycarpus and Euodius . Fourthly , He relateth who were first Bishops of all others after them , to wit , g James of Jerusalem , and Marke of Alexandria . Fifthly , h he alleadgeth the Analogy between Aaron and his sonnes in respect of the Levites with Bishops and Presbyters , from ( as he saith ) Apostolicall tradition . Sixthly , the i Episcopall part of Excommunication against Vigilantius he calleth His Apostolicall Iron Rodde . So Hierome . It were incredible if that all these Apostolicall Relations concerning Episcopacy , should not amount unto so much as to make up an Apostolicall Institution thereof . The second objected Father , is Clement , whereof their successe will be no better , if not much worse . X. THESIS . That Clement an Apostolicall Disciple , to whose arbitrement both our Opposites and we offer to yeeld our selves , doth patronize Episcopacy , as being Apostolicall . WE are earnestly called upon to hearken unto Clement , talking of a prophecy of a future contention which should happen about the name of Bishop . Next , That there is no peece of Antiquity of more esteem , then the Epistle of Clement unto the Corinthians . Then ; That this was brought to light by a learned Gentleman Mr. Patrick Young : and lastly for the matter it self , That there is a common and promiscuous use of the word Presbyter and Bishop . We shall answer punctually to every one , viz. The Prophecy maketh for us , the Epistle much more , the Publisher also as much as can be desired , and that Objection of the indifferency of the Words of Bishop and Presbyter is scarce worthy the mention . We begin with the Prophecy ▪ The Prophecy was only , that there should be in time to come , a contention about the word Bishop . If we should ask our Opposites , when this contention was first known in times of old , they would be loth to tell us , knowing right well , that it was first raised by one Aerius , of whom Epiphanius and Austin have * told us , that he broke out into Schisme , and * because he could not obtain to be made a Bishop , did therefore spurne against Episcopacy , teaching , saith St. Austin , that there ought to be no difference between Bishops and Presbyters ; therefore thus they may see the Prophecy fulfilled , both when , and in whom , if they like it . But if any shall boast , that it is fulfilled now by their present Opposalls against Episcopacy , after that it hath had approbation with a continuall use universally in the Churches of God : Then have we nothing else to reply , but what the spirit of God , from the pen of the holy Apostle , putteth in our mouth ; If any be contentious ( saith he ) we have no such custome , nor the Churches of God , whereby the wilfully contentious maketh himself an adversary to the Churches of God , and consequently no way acceptable to God himself . The second point which we are to discerne , is that , which they call identity of names of Bishops and Presbyters : they should have called it community of names , especially knowing that there is no more identity in the words Presbyters and Bishops , then there is between the letters of P. and B. But this was a lapse : Therefore to our matter in hand . We answer , that meer names and words make but verball consequences , to which we oppose a reall and Logicall consequence à paribus , thus : For of the very Apostles of Christ one instiled himself Co-presbyter , another himself Presbyter , a third himself Deacon , who are all common names with others that were not Apostles ; and notwithstanding , the Apostles themselves in respect of their offices and Functions were Governours over Presbyters : which sheweth that the enterchangeablenesse of names cannot conclude an indifferency of degree . But this ●rambe will be sodden once again , when we shall be occasioned to give further satisfaction . As for the present , it may well be said , what shall we need words , when we see Acts and deeds , namely concerning this Clement ? Not only that he maintained the distinct degrees of Episcopacy , but that also he was distinctly above Presbyters , a Bishop himself . Yet should not our Opposites pose us in that , where a Vedelius a Professour of Geneva gave them ( if they have read him ) some satisfaction ; shewing , that as soon as Clemens remained the sole Adjutour of the Apostles after Linus and Cletus , the name of Bishop was given unto him , and not attributed to any Presbyter , or Presbyters in the Church of Rome . So he . Is not this to the point ; the distinguishing of times doth solve many doubts . It is meet now at length we hear Clemens himself speak . Clement immediately after his relation of the aforesaid Prophecy , addeth , saying concerning the Apostles , b for this cause , they having a perfect foreknowledge , constituted the aforesaid , and left a description of Officers and Ministers in their course , who after that they themselves should fall asleep , other Godly men might succeed and execute their function . So Clement . Whence it is evidently collected , that Bishops were the successours of the Apostles , because a Role and Catalogue of Bishops is frequently had in Ecclesiasticall stories , lineally deduced from the Apostles , as the most of the learned Protestants of the Reformed Churches have ever confessed . But if our Opposites cannot prove the like Catalogue of Presbyters of a primitive and right line of descent , then are they wholy to yeeld the cause , and that even by the judgment of Clement , which is now ready to be furthermore confessed by the exact learning of the Publisher of Clement . This Gentleman , our Opposites call Learned , we owe him an higher Title , even one exquisitely learned ; he commenting upon the same Epistle of Clement , now objected against Episcopacy , teacheth that the right word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agreeth with the word census in Tertullian by whom it appeareth , that it was a custome in Apostolicall Churches to make a Role ( for this word he held not unfit ) of the order of Bishops to bring them unto their first originall , even as , saith Tertullian , Polycarpus , was from John the Apostle in the Church of Smyrna , and Clemens , in the Church of Rome , from Peter , speaking even of this our Clemens , and addeth of others ; and others ( saith he ) whom the Apostles constituted Bishops , from whom others might deduce their traductions and offsprings ; what is , if this be not , an inexpugnable convincement of our Opposites to prove Episcopacy to be of an Apostolical Ordination ? Yet is not this all . Clement is further represented unto us by the same learned Publisher , as one register'd and enroll'd by antiquity as Bishop of Rome , in the Catalogue of the same Bishops lineally descended from the Apostles , whether in the first , second or third rank , it matters not ; and the doubt , such as it is , is solved in the Margent by our foresaid Geneva Professour : And for witnesses hereunto are cited Optatus , Hierome , Ruffinus , Eucherius and Photius , set down expressely in the same Book , which our Opposites have objected against us ; which if you would not see , or seing not regard , all we shall say is , We are sorry for it : Yet after this our retorsion of their objected Authors upon themselves , we shall endeavour to give them further satisfaction from our selected and expresse suffrages of Antiquity for the truth of Apostolicall succession of Episcopacy . XI . THESIS . That other Primitive Fathers before Hierome did unanimously testifie an Apostolical right of Episcopacy . NOthing can be more manifest for the first three a Ireneus b Tertullian , and c Origen , to which we add d Augustine , do all professe themselves ready to deduce the succession of Bishops in the principal Sees from the dayes of the Apostles . Next they instance in some Apostolicall Church , as namely from Ja. the B op . of Hierns . & Mark in Alexandria What say our Opposites to this ? a principal one e ( Salmasius by name ) calleth this alleadgment of James a Bishop false and foolish : his reason was , because James was an Apostle , and therefore not to keep residence in one See. First , be it known , that whatsoever this James was , all Antiquity rendereth him unto us a Bishop of Hierusalem , ( viz. ) f Eusebius , g Epiphanius , Hierom , h Egesippus , i Chrysostom , and k Ambrose , the l Synod of Trullo : How then shall it become us but of yesterdayes birth , thus to pull reverend Antiquity by the beard , and give them the fool ? Yet we may not restrain rational men from reasoning , and therefore we answer , that were it that Ia. had been an Apostle , yet other Protestant Divines of the reformed Churches were no fools , as Dr. m Scultetus , n zuinglius , and Mr. o Moulin each one can answer ; that notwithstanding the proper functions of the Apostles , in visiting of Countries after Countries for conversion of people , and founding of Churches ; yet whether enfeebled by age , or upon extraordinary occasions , they might fix themselves to one Province . But yet are we not costrained to this answer ; but furthermore tell our Opposites that , ( which hath been p judiciously proved at large ) that this was not Iames that Apostle , but Iames the Brother of our Lord , and onely an Apostolical Disciple , which may satisfie our Opposites , untill we come to speak of their objected Timothy and Titus , called Evangelists ; As for Mark , if in the line of succession of Bishops of Alexandria , he only be taken exclusively , yet must the Ordinance of that See be necessarily held Apostolicall . XII . THESIS . That the Apostolicall Antiquity of Episcopacy is confessedly proved out of Ignatius . VEdelius that learned Divinity Professor in the Academy of Geneva , in his most elaborate work of Exercitations upon the Epistles of Ignatius for vindicating his Doctrine from the false glosses of Bellarmine , Baronius and other Romish writers , is copious in manifesting the direct judgement of Ignatius in many notable points . Concerning Ignatius himself he rendereth him unto us a Disciple of the Apostles , a Bishop of Antioch , an holy man , aud a faithfull Minister of Christ. 2. Concerning the cause against Bellarmine , and others who will have Bishops the first under the Pope of Rome , as the Apostles were under Christ , this he confuteth out of Ignatius , who taught that Presbyters should be subject to Bishops , and Bishops to Christ. 3. Against Papists who proclaime the Pope to be Bishop of Bishops : he confesseth Ignatius holding the Bishop in every Church to be the next under Christ , and chief therein . 4. The distinction between Bishops and Presbyters , was in the dayes of the Apostles : and lastly professeth for himself and others , that if they had a Bishop , such as was Polycarpus ( a Disciple also of the Apostles ) they as Ignatius required of the Smyrnaeans , would willingly , yea , necessarily obey him . So he . In this Maxime we behold two Disciples of the Apostles , Ignatius and Polycarpus ; both Bishops distinctly from Presbyters and Governours : and this in the Apostles times . As well therefore may our Opposites deny themselves to have depended naturally from their own parents , as Bishops , originally from the Apostles . We are to pursue this yet a little further . XIII . THESIS . That Antiquity hath given us Rules of Resolution for the knowledge of any Apostolicall practice , which may serve in the case of Episcopacy . THe rule given by Antiquity , was alwayes held Catholique throughout all Christian Churches of ancient times . St. Austins rule may be our first direction thus , a Whatsoever the Vniversall Church holdeth , and was not instituted by Councels , but alwayes kept , that must most rightly be judged to have been from Apostolicall Authority : So he : which for our purpose is as much as Dr. Scultetus most judiciously and ingenuously confess'd , that if no Interim can be shewn between the Apostles times , and the dayes immediately succeeding , when there was no Episcopall Government over Presbyters in the Church , then must the same have proceeded immediately from the Apostles . We hold this most reasonable , even as if the Question were , what the practice is of the Country adjoyning unto us : Our next bordering neighbours to it , would be the most competent witnesses of their manners , such have been hitherto our proofes even from such Ancients , as either had seen the Apostles , or else from such as had been conversant with the immediate Disciples of the Apostles . Our Opposites not able to instance in the practice of any one Primitive Church to the contrary , onely object a community of names of Presbyters and Bishops , which shadow will vanish , as soon as we shall give light by proofes of the Apostolicall O●●gi●all of Episcopacy in diverse Theses following by expression , confession and Authorities . XIV . THESIS . That Protestant Divines of other Reform'd Churches , have held it most equall to be directed by the judgements of Ancients for proof of a practice Apostolical . WE plead no other equity in this cause , a then what Calvin held necessary against Anabaptisticall Revelations , arguing negatively in this manner , These lyes ( saith he ) are easily confuted , because many were then living who had been conversant with the Disciples of the Apostles . So he concerning Doctrines . How much more convincent must this Argument be when our Question shall be of the practice of the Church in the dayes of the Apostles ? even as is daily done by all Christian Churches , for p●oof of the practice of baptizing of Infants , against the same Anabaptisticall Faction ; yea , why not also for the like Originall practice of Episcopacy , even by the confession of Protestant Divines of excellent judgement : b Beza must not be neglected , telling us , that he ought not to neglect the Ordinance of a higher degree of a Bishop above a Presbyter , because this was an ancient custome in the famous Church of Alexandria . So he . This is well , but he hath not quite told out his tale , which he doth elsewhere out of the words of c Hierome , saying namely , that in Alexandria , from Mark the Evangelist , one was elected by the Presbytery , and placed in a higher degree , whom they named Bishop , which was done for a remedy against Schisme . Be it then that touching this Series and order of Succession , as it was said of Saint Mark the Apostle , be it taken inclusively , or exclusively ; it necessarily implyeth , that the Original of Episcopacy was in the dayes of the same Apostles . Master Moulin giveth us a lowder Accent , saying , that d he was never so hard faced as to censure these Bishops : Ignatius , Polycarpe , Augustine , Chrysostome , and other great lights of the Church , to have usurped an unlawfull function in the Church of Christ ; So he : Alleadging among his ancients Polycarpe and Ignatius ; the first of which , as all the learned know , lived in the dayes of the Apostles , and as antiquity it self teacheth , and consent of Protestant Divines of Remote Churches will afterwards grant , to have been in the dayes of Saint John the Evangelist , the Bishop of Smyrna . The other , viz. Ignatius , was also acquainted with those , who had been the Disciples of Christ. Besides , we have heard e Scultetus resolving , that Iames ( not the Apostle ) the Brother of our Lord , was Bishop of Hierusalem , from the plentifull testimonies of Antiquity it self . We will conclude with this our proof from the same Antiquity ; but what ? even that which f Bucer finds resolved upon ( as he saith ) before Hierom , let us take his own words . Divine Fathers more ancient then Hierom. Cyprian , Ireneus , Eusebius , and other Ecclesiastical Historians shew , That in the Apostles times there was one elected and ordained , who should have Episcopal function and superiority over Presbyters ; so he , instancing in Iames , of whom we have spoken who was Bishop of Hierusalem . XV. THESIS . That Master Beza himself is challengable to yeild unto Apostolical right of Episcopacy , from his own former confession . MAster Beza hath already * confessed concerning the famous Church of Alexandria , that from Mark the Evangelist , one was chosen to be placed in a degree above Presbyters , called Bishop , is according to the Testimony of Hierom. The Story hereof hath been of late published by Master Selden , the Ornament of our Nation , excellently conversant in ancient & exotick Learning , out of the Relation of Eutych●us , that Mark the Ev. placed Anianus Patriarch or Bishop over Presbyters in the Church of Alexandria . In which book also , there is set down the full Catalogue of 18. Bishops successively unto Dionysius , that possessed the same See , which proveth as plainly an Episcopal and personal succession , by an Apostolical Constitution from Anianus to Alexandria in a lineal succession , as was the filiall and natural descent from Adam to Thara , which makes up eighteen Generations . What need then many words ? the most Theses which have been premised , and almost all afterwards to be propounded , do declare the same by joynt accordance of Protestant Divines of reformed Churches , and suffrages of Antiquity . We hasten to our last proof ; but are arrested in our way by our Opposites , to answer two objected Testimonies of Antiquity . XVI . THESIS . That the Testimonies of Nazianzen and Augustine are unworthily objected to the contrary . VVE are urged to reckon these two excellent Bishops , although in true Construction they have answered for themselves . Nazianzen ( say our Opposites ) mustering up the evils that had hapned unto him , reckoneth ejection out of his Episcopacy , holding it a part of wisdome to avoid it , wishing that there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 place of President-ship , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Tyrannicall Prerogative in the Church , but that they might be known only by vertue . We have alleadged Nazianzen according to the genuine sense ; So they : But so as usually in an Heterogeneall sense to inferre a necessary abnegation of Episcopacy . They who seek iugenuously the genuine sense of Sentences in Authors must be Janus-like faced , looking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 backward and foreward , both which properties have been wanting to our opposites ; first because before the words objected they lay before their eyes this saying of Nazianzen ; there was a time when Episcopacy was had in great admiration , and desired of wise and prudent men ; and the second , as not considering that was then spoken only comparatively against the Tyrannicall Government of Bishops , which by all Protestant Bishops hath been condemned in the Popish Hierarchie ; besides , that this was but the breath of vexatious passion upon occasion of one Maximus , whom Nazianzen calleth a Cynicke and doggish Philosopher , because , whereas he himself had the Generall esteem in the Church of Christ to be , by way of excellence , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Divine , notwithstanding he was vehemently persecuted by the same unworthy Prelate , and by his circumvention disturb'd out of his Bishopricke ; and therefore sensible of that iudignity , did utter the language of his hearts grief . But why did not our Opposites tell us , that after this storme there fell a calme , when the same godly Bishop was with generall applause received to his Bishoprick again ; but especially we may complaine that they have by their silence smothered Nazianzens judgement concerning the cause it self , which is the right of Episcopacy , and which he esteemed the most perfect kind of Government ; So he . And is not this as much as to have held it the best ? Which he further declareth in his funerall Orations which he had of three famous Bishops , Basil , Athanasius , and Cyprian . Augustine writing to Hierome b saith , that custom hath obtained , that Episcopacy should be higher then Presbytery , according to the honour and dignity of the words . Therefore ( saith Walo ) the distinction of Episcopacy and Presbytery was first constituted by the Church . So he ; whose disciples our other Opposites have learned this lesson , saying , c If Augustine had known the majority of Bishops above Presbyters , to have been of Divine or Apostolicall institution , he might have said so much ; nay he would have said as much . And we answer , if any of our Opposits had reguarded to search the judgement of Augustine , they would not have said thus much , because it is evident that Augustine did say as much as they require , he should have said , as hath been shewn ; saying of himself and other Bishops , thus ; we succeed the Apostles in the same Power , and that Christ instituted Bishops when he ordained his Apostles : That we * repeate not his condemning Aërius ( as Epiphanius did ) for denying Episcopacy to have been an institution Apostolicall ; and now whether our Reader think it more reasonable , to yeeld to the supposition of what Augustine would have done , or the manifestation what he did , we permit to his judgement . This obstacle thus removed , we fall now upon the last proof . Our last proof , that Episcopacy is of Apostolicall right & according to the word of God , even from the Word of God it self . To this purpose , two places of Scripture are especially to be alleadged : The Epistles of Paul to Timothy and Titus , and the Epistles of St. John in the Revelation to the seven Churches in Asia , which are to be discussed according to our foremer Method , by the consonant Testimonies of ancient Fathers ; and consent of Protestant Divines of generall esteem and approbation . XII . THESIS . That Timothy and Titus both had a Prelacy over Presbyters , notwithstanding the objection of the community of Names of Bishops and Presbyters , is sufficiently confessed by Protestant Divines of Remote Churches . THere can none be held a more sufficient witnes with our Opposites , then he who hath professedly pleaded this cause in their behalfe , & notwithstanding freely , & deerly granteth : that a Timothy and Titus were indeed Governours over their Provinces and places , where the Apostle had appointed them , and that they had over the Presbyters a kind of Apostolical anthority , which he in his own judgement calleth extraordinary , and we take him at his own words ; in granting that it was some way an Authoritative Prelacy , and for the distinction of extraordinary , it will by and by receive an ordinary , but a true answer : yet we do not so much presse his confession , as we may do his Reasons thereof , deducted from the Texts themselves , concerning their Prelaticall power of ordering matters that were amisse . Tit. 1. 5. of receiving Accusation against Presbyters , 1 Tim. 5. 19. and the like . But our other Opposites will needs pose us , requiring us to answer their first Objection , videl . † That the Bishops , whose pedegree was derived from the Apostles , were no other then Presbyters ; then this is proved , say they , by two instances ; the first is , The identity of their names , which ( quoth they ) is a proof of no small consequence , we answer , yea , rather of none at all : Else was Master Beza but of small judgement , when speaking of the Apostolicall Age , be confessed , b that the Presbytery had then a President over them , yea , when the community of names . So he ; of Presbyters and Bp● . remained among them ; accordingly as c Dr Reynolds hath said that the Presbytery had then one , who was president over them , when as yet the names of Bishop and Presbyter were the same ; who furthermore concerning the time of distinguishing the name of Bishop and Presbyter , whither sooner or later , here or there , he saith . The name of Bishop was afterwards appropriated by the usuall language of the Fathers of the Church , to him that had the Presidentship over the Elders . So he ; Hereby granting that the Presidentship by Bishops was of force before the title and name was appropriated and allotted unto them . If our Opposites had acquainted themselves with these learned authors , they would have spared their pains in oppugning Episcopacy . How much more if they had consulted with Gods own Oracle in his word , wherein we find ( which formerly we pointed at ) that Saint Peter intituled himself a Co-presbyter . 1. Pet. 5. & 1. Saint Iohn himself a Presbyter . 1. John 1. And Saint Paul himself thrice ( he could then stoop no lower ) a Deacon . Col. 1. 23. & 25. 2 Cor. 3. & 6. Yet notwithstanding all these inferiour appellations they held still the Authority of their Apostelship ; we end this point in hope that our Opposites will take out this lesson , which Calvin learnt from the Divine Text in the Epistle of Titus ; what 's that ? Even our full conclusion in this cause . d We learn from hence , that there was not then an equality ( saith he ) among the Ministers of the Church ; but that one was with Authority placed over others . Their second convincing objection would be discuss'd XVIII . THESIS . That Timothy and Titus have had a Prelacy , as Bishops over the Presbyters in the Apostles times : notwithstanding the objection that they were called Evangelists , according to consent of Protestants of reform'd Churches . IN the next place we are to examine the second , and only other objection , which our Opposites enforce in this case , to wit , † that Timothy and Titus , with all other such Disciples of the Apostles , the assistants and immediate successors , did take care of the Churchs , not as properly Bishops , but as Evangelists , who had no setled residence in any of the Churches : So they , but are encountred with other Protestant Divines of remote Churches in good number . For a Luther among his other Resolutions inserted this : That Episcopacy was of divine Right , grounding his judgement upon the Text , specifying Titus his Government in Creete , as being consonant to the judgement of Augustine . 2. Their learned b Scultetus sheweth , that at this time , they were not exercis'd in assisting the Apostoles for collecting of Churches at Evangelists , but for Governing of them that had been collected , as the generall praecepts given by the Apostles ( saith he ) do prove thereby to become the examples & Types for the successours to follow : and thereupon he concludeth them to have been the same , who otherwise were called Evangeliste for preaching the Gospel , although by their superintendency Bishops . To the same purpose c Master Moulin will have it known , that whatsoever Timothy and Titus had , whether as Bishop or Evangelist , it was such as had a continual succession in the Church , which is as others confesse , as James had in Jerusalem , and Marke in Alexandria , which was Episcopall . Titus ( saith d Tossahus ) after his peregrinations with Paul , was appointed Bishop of Creet , and before these e Zuinglius confess'd , that Tim. at that very time , when Paul advis'd him to pursue the work of an Evangelist . 2 Tim. 4. was then Bishop in some place or other , by all consequence . f Dr. Gerhard a late famous Theological Author is copious in this Argument : who in the same sheweth that the word Evangelist , given to Timothy when Paul wrote unto him , was taken in a generall acceptation , and not as properly belonging to him , as he had been an Assistant , even as Luther ( saith he ) understood it . Besides he sheweth out of Scripture exactly the severall Stations , which Timothy had with Saint Paul in exercising his office , before that time that he was placed Bishop in Ephesus . We forbeare the full allegation of the like Authours cited by others , that we may hearken to our English Doctour Reynolds , nothing inferiour to any of the rest even in the opinion of our Opposites themselves , telling us of that very time when Paul assembled the Ministry at Miletum , Act. 20. 28. g One was chosen as chief in the Church of Ephesus to g●●d it , the same whom afterwards the Fathers of the Primitive Church called Bishop . So he . And for confirmation hereof , sheweth that which must indeed be impregnable , to wit , A lineall succession of 27. Bishops ( as hath been proved ) from Timothy in the Church of Ephesus : and for surplus age to all this we answer , to the objected reasons propounded for Timothy's non-residence in Ephesus , by that qualification , which h Calvin hath done in like cases , namely , that Pastours are not so strictly tied to their Glebe or charge , as that they may not help other Churches upon necessary occasions . As for the objected terme of Evangelists , we moreover answer from Scripture , where we find Philip preaching the word of God in Samaria . Act. 8. 5. Called an Evangelist , Act. 21. 8. And yet was one of the seven , meaning Deacons , Act. 6. 5. Our Quaere is , why Timothy might not as well be called an Evangelist for preaching the word , being a Bishop , as Philip was , for the same cause , named in Evangelist , being a Deacon . We think all this should be satisfactory , although no more were said : But more we have . XIX . THESIS . That Antiquity taught an Episcopacy both in Timothy and Titus . OUr strongest Opposite a Salmasius could not but confesse concerning Antiquity , ( although he spurne against it ) That Chrysostome , Epiphaneus , Theophylact , Theodoret , and other Greek Commentatours have collected out of the words of Paul , that Titus was verily Bishop of Cree●e , and that there could not be divers Bishops in one City , which is our present defence , and agreeth as well to Timothy as to Titus . b Hierome hath recorded both Timothy and Titus Bishops , the one of Ephesus , and the other of Creete , to whom c Ambrose , d Primasius , e Gregory the great , do consent : Luther also bringeth in Augustine into the said Chorus . We hasten to our last Act. Our second ground out of Scripture to prove a Prelacy over Presbyters , to be according to the word of God is , Rev. c. 2. 3. In the Book of Revelation , Christ by his Angel ( properly so called ) commandeth Iohn to write unto the seven Churches in Asia , vers . 1. Telling him mystically of seven golden candlesticks , vers . 13. and of seven starres , vers . 16. and afterwards expoundeth their meanings ; seven starres to signifie seven Angels of the seven Churches ; and seven candlesticks , to betoken the seven Churches , vers . 20. By and by , descending to particulars , he directeth his several Epistles to the several seven Angels of the seven Churches , beginning at the Church of Ephesus , saying , Write to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , and so of the rest . These are our Texts , which we are , in discussing these our differences , to insist upon . The State of the Question . We readily grant , that whatsoever matter was written to these Angels concerning either themselves or others , were by them to be communicated severally to the Churches , and all the faithfull as they were interested therein , according to that Epiphonema , severally applied in every Epistle thus ; [ He that hath an ●ar to hear , let him hear ] But the onely question is , whether each of these Angels of the Churches were singular persons , having a Prelacy over other Pastors and Clergy , or no ? Our opposites say nay , we yea . The odds is ex Diametro . We are therefore according to true method : first , to disprove their negative , and after to evince our affirmation ; But , in the first place , be it known that our Opposites in their negatives are distracted into three Opinions . One sort , by the word Angel , will have understood the whole Church collectively , as well Laitie as Clergy . Not so , say the second Opinatours , but by Angel is collectively meant onely the Order or Colledge of Pastours or Presbyters . After these the Novelists , it s neither so nor so ; but by Angel is meant one individual Pastour , without relation to any other , newly called an Independent , whereas our tenet is , by Angel , to understand one individual Ecclesiastical person , having a Prelacy above the rest . XX. THESIS . That our Opposites first Exposition , which interpreteth the Angel to mean the whole Church and congregation , is notably extravagant . ALthough a Wal● Messalinus , the grand Adversary to Episcopacy , be very peremptory for this exposition , yet will it altogether appear groundlesse . But first we are to hearken unto his glosse . Let is be held a firm and fixt truth , ( saith he ) that by the name of Angels are not signified any that had Presidency over others , but the whole congregation and Churches . So he ; Pythagorically upon his own word , as we see : whereunto we may rather answer , Let it be held firmly and fixtly , that this glosse upon the Text is evidently confuted by the context , which standeth thus , cap. 1. and 20. The Angels are called Starres , and the Churches Candlesticks , so that he must turn Starres into Candlesticks , before that he can make the Angel to signifie the whole Congregation . Beside cap. 2. 1. the command to John is , Write to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , where if by Angel must be understood the Church , then were it as much as to have been said , Write unto the Church of the Church of Ephesus . But we know the spirit of wisdom could not write unwisely . XXI . THESIS . That our Opposites second Exposition of the word Angel , to signifie only the Order and Colledge of Presbyters , is erroneous , notwithstanding the Arguments of our Opposites to the contrary . The Answer to their first Argument . THis indeed is the common exposition of our opposites , whereunto our objectours adhere , upon , as they call them firme Arguments , as first ; Our first Argument , say they is drawn from the Epistle to the Church of Thyatira , where after it was said to the Angell [ I have something against thee ] in the singular number , cap. 2. 20. It is after added in the plural , vers . 24. [ But I say to you , and to the rest ] But what of this ? This sheweth ( say they ) the word Angell to be collective , to signifie a multitude of Pastours . We answer , if so , then was Beza but dim-sighted , who paraphras'd upon these words thus [ unto you ] that is ( saith he ) unto the Angell as President , and unto Collegues , as unto the Assembly ( meaning of Presbyters ) and to the rest , that is , to the whole flock . So he . Where we see that the Angell was as individuall and singular , as either Thee , or Thy : And is it possible our Opposites should be ignorant what an Apostrophe is ? And that there is no f●gure of speech more familiar and usuall among men , then it is ? As when a Lord writing to his chief Steward of matters belonging to him and other Officers under him , and the whole Family : Be thou circumspect in managing my affaires , and afterward as well unto him , as others , but see that you and the rest keep at home , as much as may be , because of the danger of the Pestilence which now rageth on all sides . Answer to the second Argument . Our second Argument ( say they ) is drawn from the Phrases even in this very book of Revelations , wherein it is usual to express a company under a singular person , as the civil State of Rome called a Beast with ten heads , which proveth that the Angell might be taken collectively . Is this all ! Master Meade ( say they ) one better skil'd in the meaning of the Revelation , then our adversary , said , that the word Angell is commonly [ if not alwayes ] in the Revelation taken collectively . So they . This saying have I diligently sought after , but it fled from me : But yet I shall be content to be satisfied of Mr. Meade his meaning from his other sayings more obvious unto me , to shew , that he hath not been rightly understood by these objectours . For Collectively , properly taken , is a word comprehending a multitude without distinction of persons , as Christ in his Lamentation said , [ O Hierusalem , how oft would I have gathered thy Children , but tho● wouldst not ] where the words singular Thou , and Thy , do here comprehend all the Citizens of Hierusalem without distinction . Had Master Meade this collective sense ? He sheweth the flat contrary , Apoc. 9. 14. [ four Angells ] These four ( saith he ) were put for Nations , which they were thought to Govern. So then , they did represent Nations , as notwithstanding to be distinctly their four Governours . Next upon Revel . 14 6. [ I saw another Angell flying ] We are to call to mind ( saith he ) that which before was cap. 7. shewed : that the Angells of like Visions de represent them , of whom they have Government wheresoever . And again upon vers . 7. The flying Angell is ruler , not onely of men , but also of a more eminent ranke . So he . If that our Objectours had ( according to Master Meade's direction ) but cal'd to minde his own explanations , they might have easily perceived he said no more , then as if we may grant that under the word Angell , to whom the Epistle is in speciall directed , are implyed all those who are concern'd therein . But how ? Not by alteration of his person , but by communion of interest , for which cause Master Beza accknowledged him the President over others , even as many other Protestant Divines are ready to do , and that as exactly as either we can desire , or our Opposites mislike , when we come to discharge the affirmative point . Two Answers we wish our Opposites to take into their second thoughts ; One , as they have presented him by way of comparison , as better skill'd in the Book of the Revelation then his adversary : the other , as he is to be singly respected , and in his own worthinesse . To the first we say , that comparison might well have been forborne , which now provoketh us to another comparison , between him and one as dear to our Opposites as any other , whom they know to have been as conversant in the Book of the Revelation altogether , wherein he , notwithstanding , after the second and third Chapters , hath been so far from the collective interpretation of the word Angell , that he hath not any where , as we can find , set it down as comprehending any Multitude , nay in many places he expresseth by name the individual persons themselves , or some Individuum Vagum signified thereby , some singular notable one . The consideration of Master Meade his worthinesse and judgement touching Episcopacy , would be had the rather , because we have read the Translation of his Book authoriz'd in this manner , It is Ordered by the Committee of the Commons House in Parliament , that the Book entituled , The Key of the Revelation , be printed . So they . Which Key doth unlock unto us his judgement in behalf of Episcopacy , to be so fully according to the word of God , that part . 1. c. 4. v. 67. p. 35. The four and twenty Elders ( saith he ) compasse next about the throne , which represent the Bishops and Prelates of the Churches , and do answer both in place and order to the Levites and Priests in the Camps of Israel , &c. Thus Master Meade , so commended by our Opposites themselves , who if they shall approve his Key in this point , it is well , we in imparting thus much unto them have but done our duty . The third Argument . Our third Argument , say they , is taken from the word Angel , as it is a common name to all Ministers and Messengers , and surely if Christ had intended to point out any individuall person , he would have used some distinguishing name , as to have called him President , Rector , Superintendent . So they . As if by this their surely they would assure us it is a Truth , if we shall take their own word for it , contrary to the judgement of all the Learned , who have every where taught that ever since Angelical Spirits were revealed to the world , the word Angel , spoken in the better part , hath been used to expresse the dignity of their Office , and accordingly of the Ministers of God whensoever it is applyed unto them : Otherwise our Opposites , I think , would have gratified us with the allegation of some one Author that ever fancied the contrary , whom notwithstanding we shall endeavour to satisfie by a parallel in the word Apostles ( signifying Messengers ) whereof Mr. Calvin , a This word ( saith he ) according to its Etymon agreeth to any Minister of Christ , yet was it entituled upon the twelve Apostles , because they were the immediate Embassadours of Christ. So he . And yet we presume that our Opposites would not , because of the Community thereof , call either every Minister of Christ sent to preach the Gospel , an Apostle ; or every Cobler sent on a message , an Angel. Their fourth Argument . Our fourth Argument , say they , standeth thus ; * Our Saviour saith , that the seven Candlesticks are the seven Churches , but he saith not likewise that the seven Starres are the seven Angels , but in mentioning Angels , omitteth the word seven , which is not done without a Mystery ; to wit , that the Angels do not signifie seven individual Pastours . So they . Whose Tenents are two ; First , that the ommission of the word seven argueth a Mystery ; Secondly , that the Mystery signified thereby is this , that the word Angel is not individually , but collectively taken . We cannot but deny both , and so will any even with wonderment at the Objectours boldnesse in uttering such their conceptions : for first to call that a Mystery , which by all Grammar learning is in every Language most common , by that which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a word not expressed following upon course in the understanding of any rational Reader . As for example : If any one of our Opposites writing to any of his Servants to bring him his two Horses , the black Horse and the white , omitting in the second place the word Horse , which word doth follow in course of common understanding ; yet his man should bring only the black , but not the white , might his excuse have been , It was a Mystery ? Secondly , were it that a Mystery should be imagined therein , yet that denial of the word Angel , to be an individual person in the Text , contradicteth the Context . The Context standeth thus , cap. 1. 26. The Starres are said to be the seven Angels of the Churches , & cap. 2. & 3. The same Angels being recko●ed , prove accordingly to be seven . In the Context we have Numerum numerantem , in the Text Numerum numeratum , that that which maketh up a number , should be said not to refer unto a number , which was before express'd by Christ. He that hath a perfect natural hand , is said to have individually every finger , although he reckon them not to be five . Their last argument answered . This Argument ( say they ) is taken from Christs denunoiation against the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , to remove his Candlestick out of its place , if he did not repent : where by Candlestick is meant the Church or Congregation ; But if there by Angel were signified one individual person , then the congregation and people should be punished for the offence of that one Pastour . So they . Who would not have thus argued , if they had considered ; that by thus oppugning our Exposition , they have as utterly undermin'd and overthrown their own . As for example , their tenent hath been ; that by the word Angel is signified the Order and Colledge of Pastours , in the Church of Ephesus . Now then ( to return their own engine upon them ) if the Candlestick , signifying the Church , should be removed out of its place , except those Pastours should repent , then should the people and congregation be punished for the fault of those Pastours . Therefore all the odds that is between both these consequences , is no more than this , viz. the punishing of people for the fault of the Pastour : and for the faults of the Pastours , in extremity equally , unequally in both ; whereas they should have labour'd to solve the doubt by some commodious , and congruous interpretation . Whether thus , if by Candlestick be to understood the people : then by people to conceive such of whom the Prophet spake like people like Pastour , so that the irrepentant people adhering to the unpenitent Pastor , may justly be involv'd in the same punishment . Secondly , or thus , by taking the word Candlestick to signifie the Pastor himself , for the Ministers of the Gospel are so called , Mat. 5. 15 ▪ And that the same word should be diversly taken in the same sentence , cannot be strange to him who is not a stranger to Scripture . As where it is said , He that shall save his life , ( viz. Mortall ) shall loose his life ; to wit , the Eternal : And again , 2. Cor. 5. 21. Of Christ , He that knew no sin , ( properly taken ) was made for us sin , that is , a sacrifice for sin , or else ( not to seek further ) by distinguishing of the word place , as here betokening mans estate and condition with relation to others , in which sense might the Church of Ephesus , be removed by altering the relation to that one Pastor , both by not acknowledging him their Bishop , and by withholding maintenance . XXII . THESIS . That our Opposites third Exposition of the word Angel , to signifie one onely Pastor in the Church of Ephesus , is extremely new and naught . THis mis-begotten brat , namely an Exposition , which before these dayes of distraction never saw print , we might think should by and by vanish with its own novelty : How much more for the safety thereof , which we are rather to enquire after , seeming to us to be very transparent . For the reasons , which these our Opposites might have read in a Mr. Brightman , viz. The City of Ephesus was more ennobled of all other , by Pauls Triennial labour therein : Next , by the divine Epistle written unto the people there , as also by that Timothy was ordained their Pastor : and besides ; for John's laborious watring thereof for so many years together . So he . But how successefull were these then ? this was told us in the Acts of the Apostles , concerning the Church of Ephesus : whereof it is said , so mightily grew the word of God , and prevailed . Act. 19. 20. Now that after Pauls long residence , after Timothies Pastorship , and after Saint Johns watering of that Church , and so long a time ; and that with so admirable successe , and yet here but one onely Pastor among them . Is this credible ? What saith the Scripture ? The Harvest indeed is great , but the labourers are few . But here in the mightily great Harvest , the labourers are fewer then few . We ought not to be blamed for medling with such trifles in earnest , but that our study hath been to weed out even the least scruples , now that we are to expedite a matter of highest importance , which is our proof of Episcopacy from the word of God : and to that purpose from confutation of the negative part held by our Opposites , we passe to the proofes and confirmations of our affirmative . XXIII . THESIS . That by the word Angel of Ephesus , to signifie a singular and individual Pastor having a Prelacy over Presbyters , is proved by a large consent of Protestant Divines without exception judicious and ingenuous . THe Divines , which we shall produce shall be those , whom our Opposites themselves cannot call Partialists in behalf of Bishops , whether they be of remote Churches , or as it were domestiques in our own Country . Of the first kind , we alleadge the last chief Pastor of the Church of Geneva a Master Deodate , who is to be cited out of his Book lately authoriz'd to be publish'd , by Order of the House of Commons this Parliament . The Text in the Revelations is , Write to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus : His paraphrase thus . That is , saith he , to the Pastor or Bishop ; under whose person ought to be understood the whole Church . The Church to be implyed or understood , and the Pastor or Bishop , under whose person , which , because person can be but one , according to the Etymon of the word Angel , Persona quasi per se una : Or as it is defin'd in Philosophy . A person is an individual intellectual Nature ; yet so in this place as he being to acquaint all with the contents of this Epistle , all were understood to be concern'd in him , as all the other following witnesses will acknowledge . Before him in the same Church of Geneva was Theodore b Beza , by Angel ( saith he ) is meant the President , who was admonish'd and his Collegues with him . So he . c Bullinger , although he , as others affirm , that the Epistle concerneth as well People as Pastors , yet doth he consent unto us , that , the Epistle was inscribed to one , by whom the Pastors and people might be enformed : As punctually and pertinently d Marlorat , some things ( saith he ) were to be corrected as well in the people as in the Clergy ; yet doth not John address himself unto the people nor yet to the Clergy , but to the chief of them , which is the Bishop , and that not without good reason . So he . Of our chief e Gualther held the same opinion with further evidence of these other words . [ Unto the Angel of the Church of Smyrna write ] that is , saith he , To the Bishop thereof , as Histories do manifest . f Gaspar Sibilius , having compared the divers Expositions , confess'd , saying , This , as spoken but of one Angel , pleaseth me better . g Piscator briefly and consonantly to the Angel , that is , to the Bishop and to the Church : namely Bishop expressely , and Church consequently , because of matters of concernment to them also . h Paraeus doubteth not to make his explanation as generally to be observ'd in these Epistles . It is the word of Christ ( saith he ) that that , which is meant to the Church , should be inscribed to the Bishop of the place , or Church . i Aretius is of no lesse esteem then the former , and as punctuall altogether , by Angel interpreting a speciall one Minister , and Disciple of John ; by whom the writing might be commended to the whole Church . k Peter Martyr used to be reckoned among the first Worthies . John ( saith he ) was commanded to write to the Angels , who were the Bishops of the Churches . But what do we multiply remote Authors , when one of their Doctors may satisfy us both for the generall , and for himself ? l All the most learned Interpreters , ( saith Dr. Scultetus ) by Angels expound the Bishops of the Churches , nor can it be otherwise Interpreted without violence to the Text. So he . After our so long peregrination in remote Churches , it is time to haste home , to try what our own English Divines have judged of this matter ; and lest now we be too numerous , we shall single out three , who will be held singular in the estimation of our Opposites themselves , m Dr. Reynolds . Although in the Church of Ephesus , saith he , there were sundry Elders and Pastors to guid it , yet , among those sundry , was there one Chief , whom our Saviour calleth the Angel of the Church . Apoc. 2. So he . His words need no Paraphrase . n Dr. Fulke is one of them whom our Opposites have cited for their part , who , if he speak directly against them , they may not be offended with us . The Epistle to Pergamus , saith he , was directed to the Bishop thereof . We have reserved Master Cartwright to the last . that his Testimony may be more lasting in the memory of our Opposites , as from one who useth to be most gratefull unto them . The letters written to the Churches , saith he , were therefore directed to the Angel , because he is the meetest man by office , by whom the Church may understand the tenor of the letter . So he , and so they . Although this Cloud of witnesses thus raining down aboundance of Testimonies , for proof of an Apostolicall originall of Episcopacy , o may justly be held so convincent , that nothing but selfenesse in any party can oppose any thing against it , yet shall we furthermore fortify their proofes , desiring that this one thing may be observed , ( to wit ) the reason why all our Opposites have strugled against this our Exposition , as a break neck to their whole cause ; but wee 'll go on . XXIV . THESIS . That Antiquity held not the word Angel ( whereof we treat ) to be taken Collectively for a multitude of Pastours . IF that our Opposites had not said that we cited no ancient Fathers for our exposition , we should not have framed this Thesis ; only we cannot tell with what appetite they did it : Is it that they hold the judgement of Fathers satisfactory in this case ? Why then have they not alleadged any one syllable out of them for their own collective sense ? But we list not to expostulate , rather hoping the best , we entreat them to spell the words of a Ambrose , they are but few , I call Bishops Angels , as I am taught in the Revelation . What Ambrose meant by Bishops who can doubt ? Likewise b Augustine the famous Bishop of Hippo , saith , of one of these Angels , That he was set over the Church by the divine voice ( meaning the Scripture . ) If * Scultetus when he said , that all the most learned Interpreters , by Angels , understood Bishops ; if among all , he comprehend the Ancients , we have not to seek more witnesses ; however , we need not , because there is but very rare commenting upon the Apocalyps among the Fathers , much lesse upon these Texts . All this notwithstanding we are sure of that what is wanting in their Commentaries , they supply in their Historicall relations , as will appear by and by , rendring unto us one Polycarpus Bishop and Martyr to have been one of these Angells in the Church of Smyrna . In the interim we will plead Reason with our opposites . XXV . THESIS . That the word Angel in other places of the Revelation is commonly if not alwayes Individually taken . BEtter reason they cannot expect then is the retorting of their own Argument upon them : When they dislike this , The word Angell is commonly , if not alwayes taken Collectively , ergo , ought it to be so interpreted in the second and third cap. So they ; but altogether amisse , as hath been shewen . It will be our part to prove the contradictory , whereof upon observation in reading Commentaries upon the Revelation , we are the more confident ; our Opposites at their leisure may inquire to other Authors ; We for this present shall need but commend a special one unto them who in their opinion may stand for many , because only now at hand . He after these two Chapters ( as the Marginalls shew ) a through his whole Commentaries upon the same Book , taketh the word Angel so far individually , as to enterpret it of some one person , either expresly by name , or else equivalently by an Individuum vagum as thus , some not able one , or the like . In the second place , we do appeale to the Texts themselves to give a sufficient taste ; for oftentime the Angels are reckoned seven , and after distributed ordinatively into first , second , third , and so till the seventh , as plainly as one can reckon the seven dayes in the week , Chap. 15. and 16. Afterwards we have recited one Angel having the Key of the bottomlesse pit , Chap. 20. was there need of a Collectively understood multitude of Angels to keep one Key ? The like may be said of a mighty Angel for delivering a little booke , Chap. 10. 1 , 2. Besides the Angel whom John is said to have worshiped , Chap. 22. will they say this Angel also to comprehend a Multitude ? Then might the Angel reply , have you forgot when I said to John , I am thy fellow Servant , but five words , and every one an Individuall . Thirdly , to return to the questioned Text , whereas some of the Angels are commended for notable vertues , and as much condemned for some notorious vices ; they that think that all the same vices and vertues did as well imply every Pastour in all the Colleges of the seven Churches , may as well conceive , that where the deformities are noted in any Corporation , therefore every person in it is equally flat-nosed , crook't-legged , bald-headed , and the like , Lastly , the Angels and Churches being both reckoned distinctly seven times , that there should be a Collective number of the Order of Pastours , without so much as any insinuation of distinguishing them either from Angels , or Churches ; have they any Key to unlock such a Mystery ? From this kind of reasoning , we passe unto an evidence of no lesse importance , Historicall Experience , and Practice . XXVI . THESIS . That by Angel is meant Individually one Bishop , is demonstrated by Historicall learning without contradiction . HIstory is the life of memory , and memoriall of mens lives , if it may be undubitably had , it must necessarily seal up the verity of all that hath been said of an Apostolicall Institution of Episcopacy , whereof we have had evident instances in the Episcopall Traditions from James in Jerusalem , Mark in Alexandria , Peter in Antioch and in Rome : And now we are to insist upon examples of the descent from John in two of these Angelical Churches Ephesus and Smyrna . For the first , it hath been made good unto you out of Eusebius , that a Polycrates writ himself Bishop of Ephesus , testifying withall a line of seven Bishops of his own kindred , his Predecessours : Whereunto may be added the Declaration made by Leontius the Archbishop of Magnesia in the general b Councell of Calcedon of the succession of the seven and twenty Bishops from Timothy in the same Church of Ephesus ; which Timothy , all antiquity with a large consent of most approved Protestant Divines have testified to have been Bishop there ; none will think , but shame it self would have restrained Leontius from making such a publique Declaration in the hearing of six hundred Fathers assembled in this Councell , if the matter it self had been liable to any contradiction . The next instance ( as we are perswaded ) may be held satisfactroy and infringeable in it self , in Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna , in the dayes when Saint Iohn lived ; Our witnesses deserve your hearing , we will begin with the veriest junior of all , saying , c Polycarpus who had been Disciple to one that heard the Lord , and afterward burnt a Martyr of Christ , was ordained Bishop of Smyrna by Saint Iohn . c So Hierome . Another , Polycarpus Bishop and Martyr , was placed by John Bishop of Smyrna . So d Eusebius . A third before him . By John was Polycarpus constituted Bishop of Smyrna . So e Tertullian . And before him a fourth testifieth as one that had seen this Polycarpus , That after that he had been instructed by the Apostles of Christ , with whom he had been conversant , he was made by them Bishop of Smyrna . So f Ireneus . We ascend somewhat higher , to one who write an Epistle to the same Polycarpus , intituling him the Bishop of Smyrna ; and in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna , saluting him as their Bishop . g Ignatius in these Epistles and sayings which Vedelius the Professour in the Church of Geneva , and an exact discerner and discoverer of the corruptions crept into his writings , doth hold as genuine and legitimate . Can our Opposites require a greater confirmation of any historicall point , which they themselves maintain , as more amply testified then this is ? whereto as many of our former Protestant Divines did subscribe , so is there not one , to our knowledge , from this Saint Iohn that ever did contradict it . XXVII . THESIS . That Christ himself shewed his approbation of the Prelacy which the foresaid Angels had in their severall Churches . THere was yet never either favourites to Episcopacy , nor opposites against it , but have granted , that whatsoever the Government was meant in these seven Churches , it had the approbation of Christ by the tenour of his Epistles written unto them . First from the words of the Chap. 1. 1. [ The Revelation of Jesus Christ sent by his Angel to his Servant John ] to acknowledge the Epistles to have been dictated by Christ himself , conveied by an Angel to Iohn , and as it followeth in the second and third Chapters , distributed by Iohn to the severall Angels , and communicated to the Churches . After this , by the vertue of the same letters , an inquisition is made , ( as it were a Visitation kept ) upon every Angel of the Churches , concerning the discharge of their offices ; wherein two of them are found of weight and commendable , the other five , more or lesse criminally deliquents , yet so , as to manifest a justification of the Offices . The approbation of the function is seen , not only ( which reason none can deny ) by Christ his commending their diligence , zeal , and faithfullnesse ; but even likewise in his processe of convictions , reprehensions , and denuntiations against their remissenesse , dissolutenesse , and faithfulnesse of others ; but how ? certainly , so that the condemnation of their vices and abuses argued an approbation of their Offices and Functions , because it was done , not with an absolute intent to remove them at the first , but onely to reforme them , and continue them upon their Reformation ; therefore was it said from Christ to one , Repent , or else , &c. Chap. 2. 5. & 16. to another , Repent , if not , I will come against thee , and the like ; this we see was no deprivation of the Officers at first , much lesse abolition of the Offices which were to continue from age to age . The last poynt will be our Assumption from all these premisses , which is , that these Angels , being so amply , evidently , and with so unanimous consent of the most and best approved Protestant . Divines , agreeable to Historicall practise of Apostolicall Churches , proved to have been such Bishops as had a Prelaey over the Clergy with Christs own approbation , a truth , which the evidence of these Scriptures did expresse in part from a Beza himself ; his sentence is large , consisting of these briefes ; First , that the Episcopacy which seemed to him to be regulate , was to be collected out of this Scripture of the Apocalyps . Secondly , that the same was a Presidency , and Prefectureship of one Presbyter over the rest . Thirdly , that it was a Prelacy of Authority . Fourthly , that Hierome was of judgement . Fifthly , that to hold otherwise , were to doate and play the foel : all which prove the difference of Bishop and Presbyter both to have been of Apostolicall Institution , because under Iohn in the Church of Asia ; and to have had the approbation of Christ , because of Christ his commendation of the faithfull discharge of this Function , which fully makes good unto us both our conclusions , That Episcopacy for the Office and Function it self , is according to the word of God , and in respect of use , therefore the Best . The Originall of BISHOPS and METROPOLITANS , briefly laid down by James , Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH . THe ground of Episcopacy is derived partly from the patterne perscribed by God in the Old Testament : and partly from the imitation thereof brought in by the Apostle's and confirmed by Christ himself in the time of the New , The government of the Church of the Old-Testament was committed to the Priests and Levits : unto whom the Ministers of the New do now succeed ; in like sort as our Lords-day hath done unto their Sabbath , that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the Prophet , touching the vocation of the Gentiles . a I will take of them for Priests , and for Levits , saith the Lord. That the Priests were superiour to the Levits , no man doubteth : and that there was not a parity , either betwixt the Priests or betwixt the Levits themselves , is manifest by the word of God ; wherein mention is made of the Heads and Rulers both of the one , and of the other . 1 Chron. XXIV . 6. 31 and Ezr. VIII . 29. The Levits were distributed into the three families of the Gershonites , Cohathites , and Merarites : and over each of them God appointed one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Ruler , Num. III. 24. 30. 35. the Priests were divided by David into four and twenty courses ; 1 Chron. XXIV . Who likewise had their Heads ; who in the History of the New-Testament are ordinarily called b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or chief of the Priests ; and clearly distinguished from that singular one , who was the type of our great High Priest , that is passed into the Heavens , Jesus the Son of God. c Yea in the XI . of Nehemy , we find two named Bishops , the one of the Priests , the other of the Levits that dwelt in Jerusalem . The former so expresly tearmed by the Greek in the 14. the latter both by the Greek and Latin Interpreter in the * 22 vers . and not without approbation of the Scripture it self , which rendreth the d Hebrew word of the same originall in the Old , by the e Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the New-Testament . Of Levi it was said by Moses the man of God f They shall teach Jacob thy judgements , and Israel thy law ; they shall put incense before thee , and whole brunt sacrifice upon thine Altar . Because this latter part of their office hath ceased with them , and the Leviticall Altar ( the truth prefigured thereby being now exhibited ) is quite taken away : May not we therefore conclude out of the former part ( which hath no such typicall relation in it ) that our Bishops and Presbyters should be ( as the Apostle would have them to be ) g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apt to teach ; h able by sound doctrine both to exhort , and to convince the gain-sayers ? Nay , and out of the latter part it self ; where God had appointed , that i the Priests the Levits and all the Tribe of Levi should eat the offerings of the Lord made by fire ; doth not the Apostle by just analogy inferre from thence , that for asmuch as k they which waited at the Altar , were partaker with the Altar ; even so had the Lord ordained , that they which preached the Gospell , should live of the Gospell ? With what shew of reason then can any man imagine , that what was instituted by God in the Law , , for meere matter of Government and preservation of good order ( without all respect of type or ceremony ; ) should now be rejected in the Gospell , as a device of Antichrist ? That what was by the Lord once l planted a noble vine , wholly a right seed , should now be so turned into the degenerate plant of a strange vine ; that no purging or pruning of it will serve the turne , but it must be cut down root and branch , as m a plant which our heavenly Father had never planted ? But nothing being so familiar now a dayes , as to father upon Antichrist , whatsoever in Church matters we do not find to suite with our own humors : The safest way will be , to consult with Christ himself herein , and hear what he delivereth in the cause . These things saith he , that hath the seven Starres . Revel . III. 1. he owneth then , we see , these Starrs ; whatsoever they be . And , the Mystery of them he thus further openeth unto his beloved Disciple . The seven Starrs which thou sawest in my right hand , are the Angels of the seven Churches . Revel I. 20. From which words a learned man , very much devoted to the now so highly admired Discipline , deduceth this conclusion . n How great therefore is the dignity of true pastours , who are both STARRES , fixed in no other firmament then in the right hand of Christ , and ANGELS ? He had considered well , that in the Church of Eph●sus ( one of the seven here pointed at ) there were many o PRESBYTERS , whom the holy Ghost had made BISHOPS , or Overseers , over all that flook , to feed the Church of God , which he had purchased with his own blood . And withall he saw , that by admitting one Angel there above the rest ( all , as well p extraordinary Prophets , as q ordinary Pastours , being in their own severall stations accounted Angels or Messengers of the Lord of Hosts ) he should be forced also to acknowledge the eminency of one Bishop above the other Bishops ( that name being in those dayes r common unto all the Presbyters ) and to yeeld withall , that such a one was to be esteemed as a starre fixed in no other firmament , then in the right hand of Christ. To salve this therefore ; all the starrs in every Church must be presupposed to be of one magnitude , and though those starrs which typified these Angels are said to be but seven , yet the Angels themselves must be maintained to be farre more in number : and in fine , where our Saviour Saith , s unto the Angel of the Church of Ephesus write ; it must by no means be admitted , that t any one Angel should be meant hereby , but the whole Colledge of Pastors rather . And all upon pretence of a poor shew of some shallow reasons ; that there was not one Angel of Ephesus but many , and among them not any Principal . Which wresting of the plain words of our Saviour is so extream violent , that M. Beza ( though every way as zealously affected to the advancement of the new Discipline , as was the other ) could by no means digest it : but ingenuously acknowledgeth the meaning of our Lords direction to have been this . u To the Angel , that is , to the President , as whom it behoved specially to be admonished touching those matters ; and by him both the rest of his colleagues , and the whole Church likewise . And that there was then a standing President over the rest of the Pastors of Ephesus , and he the very same ( as learned x Doctor Rynolds addeth ) with him whom afterward the Fathers called Bishop : may further be made manifest , not only by the succession of the first Bishops of that Church , but also by the clear testimony of Ignatius : who ( within no greater compasse of time then twelve years afterwards ) distinguisheth the singular and constant President thereof , from the rest of the number of the Presbyters , by appropriating the name of Bishop unto him . As for the former , we find it openly declared in the general Council of Chalcedon , by Leontius Bishop of Magnesia ; that y from Timothie ( and so from the dayes of the Apostles ) there had been a continued succession of seven and twenty Bishops ; all of them ordained in Ephesus . Of which number the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , mentioned in the Revelation , must needs be one : whether it were Timothie himself , as z some conceive ; or one of his next Successours , as others rather do imagine . For that Timothie had been some time a * the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the appellation that b Justin Martyr , in his second Apology for Christians , & c Dionysius of Corinth not long after him , in his epistle to the Church of Athens , and d Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra in his Letters to Julius Bishop of Rome , do give unto a Bishop ) or Autistes , or President of the Ephesine Presbytery , is confessed by Beza himself : and that he was ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephesians , we do not only read in the subscription of the second Epistle to Timothy , and the Ecclesiastical History of e Eusebius , but also in two ancient Treatises concerning the martyrdom of Timothy ; the one namelesse in the Library of f Photius ; the other bearing the name of g Polycrates , even of that Polycrates , who was not only himself Bishop of this Church of Ephesus , but born also within six or seven and thirty years after S. John wrote the fore-named Epistle unto the Angel of that Church : as it appeareth by the years he was of , when he wrote that Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome , wherein he maketh mention of h seven kinsmen of his who had been Bishops ; he himself being the eight . I come now to the testimony of Ignatius : whom i Theodoret , and k Felix Bishop of Rome , and l John the Chronographer of Antioch , report to have been ordained Bishop of Antioch by S. Peter in special , Chrysostome ( who was a Presbyter of the same Church ) by m the Apostles in general ; and without all controversie did sit in that See , the very same time wherein that Epistle unto the Angel of the Church of Ephesus was commanded to be written . In the Isle of Patmos had S. John his Revelation manifested unto him , n toward the end of the Empire of Domitian , as Ireneus testifieth ; or the fourteenth year of his government , as o Eusebius and Hierome specifie it . From thence there are but twelve years reckoned unto the tenth of Trajan : wherein Ignatius , in that last journey which he made for the consummation of his glorious Martyrdome at Rome , wrote another Epistle unto the self-same Church of Ephesus . In which he maketh mention of their then Bishop Onesimus : as it appears both by p Eusebius citing this out of it , and by the Epistle it self yet extant . In this Epistle to the Ephesians , Ignatius having accknowledged that their q numerous multitude was received by him in the person of their Bishop Onesimus , and r blessed God for granting unto them such a Bishop as he was : doth afterwards put them in minde of their s duty in concurring with him , as he sheweth their worthy Presbytery did , being t so conjoyn'd ( as he saith ) with their Bishop , as the strings are with the Harp : and toward the end exhorteth them to u obey both the Bishop and the Presbytery with an undivided minde . In the same journey wrote Ignatius also an Epistle unto the Church of Smyrna , another of the seven , unto whom those letters are directed in S. Johns Revelation , wherein he also x saluteth their Bishop and Presbytery : exhorting all the people to y follow their Bishop , as Christ Jesus did his Father , and the Presbytery , as the Apostles : and telling them that z no man ought either to administer the Sacraments , or do any thing appertaining to the Church , without the consent of the Bishop . Who this Bishop , and what that Presbytery was , appeareth by another Epistle written a little after from Smyrna , by * Polycarpus and the Presbyters that were with him , unto the Philippians . And that the same Polycarpus was then also Bishop there , when S. John wrote unto the Angel of the Church of Smyrna ; who can better inform us then Irenaeus ? who did not only know those worthy men , a who succeeded Polycarpus in his See ; but also b was present , when he himself did discourse of his conversation with S. John , and of those things which he heard from those who had seen our Lord Jesus . Polycarpus , c saith he , was not only taught by the Apostles and conversed with many of those that had seen Christ , but also was by the Apostles constituted in Asia Bishop of the Church which is in Smyrna : whom we our selves also did see in our younger age , for he continued long : & being very aged , he most gloriously and nobly suffering Martyrdome departed this life . Now being ordained Bishop of Smyrna by the Apostles ; who had finished their course , and departed out of this life before S. John ( the last surviver of them ) did write his Revelation : who but he could there be meant by the Angel of the Church in Smyrna ? in which that he still held his Episcopal office unto the time of his Martyrdome ( which fell out LXXIV . years afterward ) may sufficiently appear by this testimony , which the brethren of the Church of Smyrna , who were present at his suffering , gave unto him . d He was the most admirable man in our times , an Apostolical and Propheticall Doctor , and Bishop of the Catholick Church which is in Smyrna . Whereunto we may add the like of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , who lived also in his time and in his neighbourhood , affirming e Polycarpus to have been both Bishop and Martyr in Smyrna . So saith he in his Synodica Epistle directed unto Victor Bishop of Rome , about 27 years after the Martyrdome of Polycarpus ; he himself being at that time 65 years of age . About the very same time wherein Polycrates wrote this Epistle unto Victor , did Tertullian publish his book of Prescriptions against Hereticks : wherein he avoucheth against them , that f as the Church of Smyrna had Polycarpus placed there by John , and the Church of Rome Clement ordained by Peter ; so the rest of the Churches also did shew what Bishops they had received by the appointment of the Apostles , to traduce the Apostolical seed unto them . And so before him did Irenaeus urge against them g the successions of Bishops , unto whom the Apostles committed the charge of the Church in every place , h For all the Hereticks ( saith he ) are much later then those Bishops , unto whom the Apostles committed the Churches . And i we are able to number those who by the Apostles were ordained Bishops in the Churches , and their Successours unto our dayes ; who neither taught nor knew any such thing as these men dream of . For proof whereof , he bringeth in the succession of the Bishops of Rome , from k Liuus ( unto whom the blessed Apostles committed that Episcopacy ) and Anacletus ( by others called Cletus ) and Clement ( who did both see the Apostles , and conferred with them ) unto l Eleutherius ; who when Irenaeus wrote , had the charge of that Bishoprick in the twelfth place after the Apostles . Concerning whom , and the integrity which then continued in each other succession from the Apostles dayes , Hegesippus , who at the same time published his History of the Church , saith thus . m Soter succeeded Anicetus , and after him was Eleutherius . Now , in every succession , and in every City , all things so stand , as the Law and the Prophets and our Lord do preach . And more particularly concerning the Church of Corinth ; n after he had spoken of the Epistle written unto them by Clement , for the repressing of some factions wherewith they were at that time much troubled ( which gave him occasion to tell them , that o the Apostles , of whom he himself was an hearer , had perfect intelligence from our Lord Jesus Christ , of the contention that should arise about the name of Episcopacy ) he declareth , that after the appeasing of this tumult , p the Church of the Corinthians continued in the right way , untill the dayes of Primus , whom he did visite in his sayling toward Rome . Which Primus had for his successour that famous Dionysius , whose Epistle to the Church of the Athenians hath beene before nominated ; wherein he put them in minde of q the first Bishop that had been placed over them , even Dionysius the Areopagite , r S. Pauls own convert , a thing whereof they could at that time have no more cause to doubt , then we should have , if any question were now made of the Bishops that were here in King Edward the VI. or Queen Maryes dayes : I might also say , in the middle of the raigne of Queen Elizabeth her self ; if with s Baronius I would produce the Areopagites life unto the government of the Emperour Hadrian . This Hegesippus , living next after the first succession of the Apostles ( as t Eusebius noteth ) and being himself a Christian u of the race of the Hebrews ; was carefull to record unto posterity the state of the Church of Ierusalem in the dayes of the Apostles , and the alteration that followed after their departure out of this life . Where first he sheweth , that x Iames the brother of our Lord , surnamed the Iust , did governe that Church together with the Apostles : yet so ( as y Clement of Alexandria , who wrote some twenty years after him , further addeth ) that he had this preferment even before the three prime Apostles , Peter and the two sons of Zebedee ( Iames and Iohn ) to be chosen the peculiar Bishop of Ierusalem , the then mother Church of the world . After the death of Iames the Just , z Hegesippus declareth that Symeon the sonne of Clopas or Cleophas was constituted Bishop , and so continued untill the dayes of the Emperour Trajan : under whom he suffered a glorious Martyrdome ( about the same time that Ignatius did ) being then an hundred and twenty years of age ; and by that account borne before the Incarnation of our blessed Saviour . Where , the observation of this prime Historian is not to be passed over : that a untill these times the Church was called a Virgin ; as being not yet corrupted with the overspreading of hereticall doctrine . For howsoever heresies did spring up before , yet they were so kept down by the authority of the Apostles and the Disciples who had heard our Lord himselfe preach ; that the authors and fautors thereof were not able to get any great head , being forced ( by the authority of such opposites ) to lurk in obscurity . But as soone as all that generation was gathered unto their fathers , and none of those were left who had the happinesse to hear the gracious words that proceeded from the Lords own mouth : the Hereticks , taking that advantage , began to enter into a kind of combination , and with open face publickly to maintain the b oppositions of their science falsly so called ( from whence they assumed unto themselves the name of Gnosticks , or men of knowledge ) against the preaching of that truth , which by those who were c eye-witnesses and ministers of the Word had been d ONCE delivered unto the Saints . e The first beginner of which conspiracy was one Thebûthis : who had at the first been bred in one of the seven sects , into which the people of the Jewes were in those dayes divided ; but afterwards , because he missed of a Bishopricke unto which he had aspired , ( this of Jerusalem , as it may seem ; whereunto Iustus , after the death of Symeon , was preferred before him ) could think of no readyer a way throughly to revenge himself of this disgrace , than by raising up the like distractions among the Christians . Which as , in the effect , it sheweth the malignity of that ambitious Sectary : so doth it , in the occasion , discover withall the great esteem that in those early dayes was had of Episcopacy . When Hegesippus wrote this Ecclesiasticall History ( the ancientest of any , since the Acts of the Apostles ) Eleutherius as we heard before , was Bishop of the Church of Rome : unto whom f Lucius King of the Britains ( as our Bede relateth ) sent an Epistle ; desiring that by his means he might be made Christian. Who presently obtained the effect of his pious request : and the Britains kept the faith then received , sound and undefiled in quiet peace , untill the times of Dioclesian the Emperour . By whose bloudy persecution the faith and discipline of our Brittish Churches was not yet so quite extinguished ; but that within ten years after ( and eleven before the first generall Councell of Nice ) three of our Bishops were present and subscribed unto the Councel of Arles : g Eborius of York , Restitutus of London , and Adelfius of Colchester ; if that be it , which is called there Colonia Londinensium . The first root of whose succession we must fetch beyond Eleutherius , and as high as S. Peter himself : if it be true , that he h constituted Churches here , and ordained Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons in them ; as Symeon Metaphrastes relateth out of some part of i Eusebius ( as it seemeth ) that is not come unto our hands . But , to return unto the Angels of the seven Churches , mentioned in the Revelation of S. Iohn : by what hath been said , it is apparent , that seven singular Bishops , who were the constant Presidents over those Churches , are pointed at under that name . For other sure they could not be , if all of them were cast into one mould , and were of the same quality with Polycarpus , the then Angel of the Church in Smyrna : who without all question was such , if any credit may be given herein unto those that saw him and were well acquainted with him . And as Tertullian in expresse termes affirmeth him to have been placed there by S. Iohn himself ( in the testimony before alledged out of his k Prescriptions : ) so doth he else-where , from the order of the succeeding Bishops , not obscurely intimate , that the rest of that number were to be referred unto the same descent . l We have , saith he , the Churches that were bred by John. For although Marcion do reject his Revelation : yet the order of the Bishops reckoned up unto their originall , will stand for John to be their Founder . Neither doth the ancient Writer of the Martyrdome of Timothy ( mentioned by Photius ) mean any other by those seven Bishops , whose assistance he saith S. Iohn did use , after his return from Patmos , in the government of the Metropolis of the Ephesians . For m being revoked from his exile , saith he , by the sentence of Nerva , he betook himself to the Metropolis of Ephesus ; and being assisted with the presence of SEVEN Bishops , he took upon him the government of the Metropolis of the Ephesians : and continued , preaching the word of piety , untill the Empire of Trajan . That he remained with the Ephesians and the rest of the brethren of Asia , untill the dayes of Trajan , and that during the time of his abode with them , he published his Gospel ; is sufficiently witnessed by n Ireneus . That upon his return from the Iland , after the death of Domitian , he applyed himself to the government of the Churches of Asia , is confirmed likewise both by o Eusebius , and by p Hierom : who further addeth , that q at the earnest intreaty of the Bishops of Asia he wrote there his Gospel . And that he himselfe also , being free from his banishment , did ordaine Bishops in diverse Churches , is clearely testified by Clement of Alexandria : who lived in the next age after , and delivereth it as a certain truth , which he had received from those who went before him , and could not be farre from the time wherein the thing it self was acted . r When S. John ( saith he ) Domitian the Tyrant being dead , removed from the Iland of Patmos unto Ephesus , by the intreaty of some he went also unto the neighbouring nations ; in some places constituting Bishops , in others founding whole Churches . Among these neighbouring Churches was that of Hierapolis : which had Papias placed s Bishop therein . That this man was t a hearer of S. John , and a companion of Polycarpus , is testified by his own Schollar u Irenaeus : and that he conversed with x the disciples of the Apostles , and of Christ also ; he himself doth thus declare , in the Proëme of the five books which he intituled , A declaration of the words of the Lord. y If upon occasion any of the Presbyters , which had accompanied the Apostles , did come ; I diligently enquired what were the speeches which the Apostles used , what Andrew or what Peter did say , or what Philip , or Thomas , or James , or John , or Matthew , or some other of the disciples of the Lord ; and the things that Aristion and John the Elder , our Lords disciples , did speak . The two last of whom he often cited by name in the processe of the work ; relating the passages in this kind which he had heard from them . Neither can any man be so simple as to imagine , that in the language of Clemens Alexandrinus the name of a Bishop should import no more then a bare Presbyter : if he consider , that not the a difference only betwixt Presbyters , Bishops and Deacons is by him acknowledged ; but further also , that the disposition of their three offices , in his judgement , doth carry with it b an imitation of the Angelicall glory . To say nothing of the Emperour Hadrian : who , hard upon the time of the fore-named Papias , writing unto the Consul Servianus touching the state of things in Aegypt , maketh distinct mention in his letter of c the Presbyters of the Christians , and of those d who call themselves the Bishops of Christ. And thus having deduced Episcopacy from the Apostolicall times ; and declared , that the Angels of the seven Churches were no other , but such as in the next age after the Apostles were by the Fathers tearmed Bishops : we are now further to enquire , why these Churches are confined unto the number of seven , in the superscription of that Apostolicall Epistle prefixed before the book of the Revelation . e Iohn to the seven Churches in Asia : Grace be unto you and peace . where S. Iohn directing his letters unto them thus indefinitly , without any mention of their particular names ; cannot by common intendment be conceived to have understood any other thereby , but such as by some degree of eminency were distinguishable from all the rest of the Churches that were in Asia , and in some sort also did comprehend all the rest under them . For taking Asia here in that stricter sense , wherein the New Testament useth it , as denoting the Lydian Asia alone ( of the circuit whereof I have treated f elsewhere more particularly ) it is not to be imagined , that after so long pains taken by the Apostles and their disciples in the husbanding of that part of the Lords vineyard , there should be found no more but seven Churches therein , especially since S. Paul that g wise master-builder professeth , that he had here h a great door and effectuall opened unto him : and S. Luke testifieth accordingly , that i all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord Iesus , both Iews and Greeks ; so mightily grew the Word of God and prevailed . Which extraordinary blessing of God upon his labours , moved the Apostle to make his residence k in those parts for the space of three years : wherein he ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears . So that in all reason we are to suppose , that these seven Churches ( comprising all the rest within them ) were not bare Parochiall ones , or so many particular congregations ; but Diocesan Churches ( as we use to call them ) if not Metropoliticall rather . For that in l Laedicea , Sardis , Smyrna , Ephesus and m Pergamus , the Roman governours held their Courts of justice , to which all the Cities and Towns about , had recourse for the ending of their suites ; is noted by Pliny . And besides these ( which were the greatest ) Thyatira is also by n Ptolomy expresly named a Metropolis : as Philadelphia also is , in the o Greek Acts of the Councell of Constantinople held under Menas . Which giveth us good ground to conceive , that the seven Cities , in which these seven Churches had their seat , were all of them Metropoliticall , and so had relation unto the rest of the Townes and Cities of Asia , as unto daughters rising under them . This Lydian Asia was separated from Caria by the river Maeander : upon the banks whereof Magnesia and Trallis were seated , to the Christians whereof Ignatius directed two of his epistles ; wherein he maketh mention of Damas Bishop of the one Church , and Polybius Bishop ( or p Ruler , as Eusebius calleth him ) of the other , whom they had sent to visit him at Smyrna , adding withall in that to the Trallians , his usuall admonitions . q Be subject to the Bishop , as to the Lord : and r to the Presbytery , as to the Apostles of Jesus Christ our hope . s He that doth any thing without the Bishop and the Presbyters and the Deacons , such a one is defiled in conscience . t Fare ye well in Jesus Christ ; being subject to the Bishop , and likewise to the Presbyters . Wherein we may note , that with twelve years after mention of the seven Churches made in the Apocalyps ( for then , as hath been shewed , were these epistles of Ignatius written ) other Episcopal cities are found in the same Lydian Asia ; and two such , as in after times are well known to have been u under the government of the Metropolitan of Ephesus . But whether this subordination were as ancient as the dayes of Ignatius ( whose Epistles are extant unto these three Churches ) and x Damas the then Bishop of Magnefia , with Polybius of Trallis , were at that time subject to One simus the Bishop of Ephesus , might well be doubted : but that the same Ignatius directeth one of his Epistles unto the Church y which had presidency in the place of the Region of the Romans ; and in the body thereof doth attribute unto himself the title of the Bishop of Syria . Whereby , as he intimateth himself to have been not onely the Bishop of Antiock , but also of the rest of the province of Syria , which was under that Metropolis : so doth he likewise not obscurely signifie that the Bishop of Rome had at that time a presidency over the Churches that were in the z Vrbicarian Region , as the Imperiall Constitutions , or the * Roman Province , as the Acts of the first Councell of Arles call it . What that Vrbicarian Region was , I will not now stand to discusse : whether Tuscia onely , wherein Rome it selfe was situated ( which in the dayes of Ignatius was one entire region , but afterwards divided into Tuscia Suburbicaria and Annonaeria ) or the territory wherein the Praefectus Vrbis did exercise his jurisdiction ( which was confined within the compasse of a hundred miles about the City ) or , with that , those other provinces also whereunto the authority of the Vicarius Vrbis did extend ; or lastly the circuit within which those 69. Bishopricks were contained that a were immediatly subject to the Bishop of Rome , and frequently called to his Synods : the names whereof are found registred in the Records of that Church . The antiquity of which number , as it may in some sort receive confirmation from the Roman Synod of seventy Bishops held under Gelasius : so for the distinction of the Bishops which belonged to the city of Rome , from those that appertained to Italy , we have a farre more ancient testimony from the Edict of the Emperour Aurelian ; who in the controversie that arose betwixt Paulus Samosatenus and Domnus for the house which belonged unto the Church of Antioch , commanded that it should be delivered to them , b to whom the Bishops of Italy and Rome should by their letters declare that it ought to be given . Which distinction , aswell in the forecited c Acts of the Councell of Arles , as in the Epistles of the d Sardican Synod and e Athanasius , may likewise be observed : the name of Italy being in a more strict sense applyed therein to the seven Provinces , which were under the Civill jurisdiction of the Vicarius or Lieutenant of Italy , and the Ecclesiasticall of the Bishop of Millaine . And it is well worth the observing , that the Fathers of the great Councell of Nice afterwards confirming this kinde of primacy , in the Bishops of Alexandria , Rome and Antioch , and f in the Metropolitans of other Provinces ; do make their entrance into that Canon with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let the ANCIENT customes continue . Which as it cleareth the antiquity of the Metropoliticall jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome , so doth it likewise confirm the opinion of those , who conceive the Metropolitan of Alexandria to be meant in that passage of the Emperour Hadrians epistle unto Servianus . g Even the very Patriarch himself , when he commeth into Egypt , is by some compelled to adore Serapis , and by others to worship Christ. As if , upon his returning into Egypt , either from his visitation of Lybia and Pentapolis ( which this same Nicene Canon sheweth to have of old belonged unto his care ) or from his flight in that present time of persecution ; he should suffer this distraction : the heathen labouring to compell him to the worship of Serapis , and his own Christian flock on the other side striving to keep him constant in the service of Christ. For that either the Heathen had will , or the Christians power at that time to force the Jewish Patriarch ( of whom some do understand the place ) to the adoration of Christ ; hath no manner of probability in it . That part also of the Canon , which ratifieth the ancient rights of Metropolitans of all other Provinces , may serve to open unto us the meaning of that complaint which , some threescore and ten years before the time of this Synod , S. Cyprian made against Novatianus ; for the confusion which by his schisme he brought upon the Churches of God : that h Whereas long since in all Provinces , and in all Cities , Bishops had been ordained , in age ancient , sound in faith , tryed in affliction , proscribed in persecution ; yet took he the boldnesse to create other false Bishops over their heads . Namely , subordinate Bishops in every City , and Metropolitans in every Province . In Africke at that time , although there were many civill Provinces , yet was there but one Ecclesiasticall : whereof Cyprian himself was i Archbishop ; as the Fathers of the Trullan Synod call him . It pleased , saith he in one of his Epistles , k all the Bishops constituted either in our Province or beyond the Sea : intimating thereby , that all the Bishops which were on his side the Sea did belong unto one Province . l For our Province , saith he in another place , is spread more largely ; having Numidia also , and both the Mauritaniaes , annexed unto it . Whence that great Councell assembled by him for determining the question touching the baptizing of those that had been baptized by Hereticks , is said to be gathered m out of the Province of Africa , Numidia , and Mauritania . For howsoever in the civill government , the Proconsular Africa ( wherein Carthage was seated ) Numidia and both the Mauritanies , ( Sitifensis and Caesariensis ) were accounted three distinct Provinces : yet in the Ecclesiasticall administration they were joyned together and made but one Province , immediately subject to the Metropoliticall jurisdiction of the prime See of Carthage . Some threescore years before this African Councell was held by Cyprian , those other Provinciall Synods were assembled by the Metropolitans of sundry nations , fot the composing of the Paschall controversie , then hotly pursued : and among the rest , that in our neighbour country , out of n the Parishes ( for so , in the ancient language of the Church , those precincts were named , which now we call Dioceses ) of which Irenaeus had the superintendency ; whence also he wrote that free Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome , o in the person of those brethren over whom he was President . At which time ( and before ) the p most famous Metropoles of that Country , and so the q most eminent Churches therein , were Lyons and Vienna ; in the one whereof Irenaeus * was then no lesse renowned a Prelat , then Cyprian was afterwards in Africa . Dionysius , the famous Bishop of Corinth , was elder then they : who among many other Epistles , directed one r to the Church of Gortyna , and all the rest of the Churches of Crete ; wherein he saluted their Bishop Philip. Whereby it appeareth , that at that time , aswell as in the ages following , s Gortyna was the Metropolis , and the Bishop thereof the Metropolitan of all the rest of that whole Island . Which kinde of superintendency there , Eusebius ( the ancientest Ecclesiasticall Historian now extant ) deriveth from the very times of Titus ; whom , out of the histories that were before his time , he relateth to have held t the Bishoprick of the Churches in Crete . With whom the Grecians of after times do fully concurre ; as appeareth both by the subscription annexed by them unto the Epistle of S. Paul u to Titus , ordained ( as there they say ) the first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians ; and by the argument prefixed by them before the same , speaking of him to the same effect , that x he was by Paul ordained Bishop of that great country , and had commission to ordain the Bishops that were under him , which they gather out of those words of S. Paul unto him . y For this cause left I thee in Crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain Elders in every City , as I had appointed thee . Out of which M. Calvin collecteth this doctrine unto us for the generall . We learn out of this place , that there was not then such an equality betwixt the ministers of the Church , but that there was some one who was president over the rest both in authority and in counsell . And S Chrysostom , for the particular of Titus , a Had he not been an approved man , he would not have committed that whole Iland unto him : he would not have commanded him to supply the things that were defective ; he would not have committed unto him the judgement of so many Bishops , if he had not had very great confidence in the man. And Bishop Jewell z upon him again . Having the government of many Bishops ; what may we call him but an Archbishop ? Which is not so much to be wondred at , when we see that the Bishops of another Iland stick not ( and that without any controll ) to deduce the ordination of their Metropolitan from the Apostolick times , in the face of the whole generall Councell of Ephesus . For whereas the Patriarch of Antioch did claim an interest in the ordaining of the Metropolitan of Cyprus : the Bishops of that Iland prescribed to the contrary , that b from the time of the holy Apostles it could never be shewed , that the Bishop of Antioch was ever present at any such ordination , or did ever communicate the grace of ordination to that Iland ; and that the former Bishops of Constantia ( the Metropolis of Cyprus ) Troilus , Sabinus , Epiphanius , c and all the holy and orthodoxe Bishops which were before them , ever since the holy Apostles , were constituted by those which were in Cyprus , and therefore desired that d as in the beginning from the times of the Apostles , and by the constitutions and canons of the most holy and great Synod of Nice , the Synod of the Cyprian Bishops remained untouched and superiour to privy underminings and open power ; so they might still be continued in the possession of their ancient right . Whereupon the Councell condemning the attempt of the Bishop of Antioch , as e an innovation brought in against the Ecclesiasticall laws and the canons of the holy Fathers ; did not only order , that f the governours of the Churches which were in Cyprus should keep their own right entire and inviolable , according to the Canons of the holy Fathers and their ancient custome : but also g for all other Dioceses and Provinces wheresoever ; that no Bishop should intrude himself into any other Province , which had not formerly and from the beginning been under him or his predecessours . The beginning of which kind of subordination of many Bishops unto one chief , if it were not to be derived from Apostolicall right ; yet it is by Beza fetched h from the same light of Nature and enforcement of Necessity , whereby men were at first induced to enter into consociations , subjected one unto another ; and by Bucer acknowledged to have i been consentaneous to the Law of Christ , and to have been done by the right of the body of Christ ; and by all men must be confessed to be conformable to the pattern delivered by God unto Moses . For having set apart the three families of the Levites for his own service , and constituted a chief ( as we have heard ) over every of them : he placed immediately over them all , not Aaron the High Priest , but Eleazar his son , saying , k Eleazar , the son of Aaron the Priest , shall be chief over the chief of the Levites ; and have the oversight of them that keep the charge of the Sanctuary . In respect of which oversight , as he hath by the Septuagint ( warrantably enough by the Word of God ) given unto him the name of l a Bishop : so the Holy Ghost having vouchsafed to honour him with the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the President of the Presidents of the Levites ; none , that without prejudice did take the matter into consideration , would much stick to afford unto him the name of an Arch-bishop , at least he would be taught hereby , to retain that reverend opinion of the primitive Bishops of the Christian Church ( who so willingly submitted themselves , not only to the Archiepiscopal , but also to a Patriarchical government ) which Calvin professed he did : that in all this , they were far from having a thought , n to devise another form of Church-government , then that which God had prescribed in his Word . The Writers , which in the next age after the Apostles , have here given testimony for Episcopacy . IN the XIIII . year of Domitian , about the XCV . year of our Lord ( according to the vulgar account ) S. John wrote his Revelation ; and in it , the Epistle directed by our Saviour to the Angel of the Church in Philadelphia . No longer then twelve years after that time , Ignatius ( S. Johns Schollar ) writeth his Letters unto the same Church . In the beginning whereof , he giveth this testimony unto their Bishop ; that a he knew him to have been promoted , not of himself , nor by men , unto that Ministery , pertaining to the publick weal of the Church : which is every whit as much , as if he had called him their Angel. Afterwards he telleth them , that there is but b one Bishop , joyned with the Presbytery and the Deacons : and that he delivered this as the voice of God ; c Take heed unto your Bishop , and to the Presbytery and the Deacons , d calling him to witnesse , for whom he was bound ( and for whom he went then unto his last martyrdome ) that he had not this from humane flesh ( or from the mouth of men ) but that the Spirit spake it . Without the Bishop do nothing . So that from S. Johns time , we have this continued succession of witnesses , in the age next following , for Episcopacy . In the year : CVII . Ignatius , Bishop of Antioch , where first they were called Christians . CXXX . Hadrian the Emperor , touching the Bishop● of Aegypt . CL. Justin Martyr , from Samaria . CLXIX . The Church of Smyrna . CLXXV . Dionysius , Bishop of Corinth . CLXXX . Hegesippus , from Judea . Irenaeus , Bishop of Lions , near unto us ▪ CXCV. Tertullian , from Africk . Polycrates , Bishop of Ephesus . CC. Clemens , Presbyter of Alexandria . The Apostolicall Institution of EPISCOPACY ; deduced out of the premises , by W. C. IF we abstract from Episcopall government all accidentals , and consider onely what is essentiall and necessary to it ; we shall find in it no more but this : An appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the Churches , within a certain Precinct or Diocesse ; and furnishing him with authority , not absolute or arbitrary , but regulated and bounded by lawes , and moderated by joyning to him a convenient number of assistants . To the intent that all the Churches under him may be provided of good and able Pastours : and that both of Pastours and people conformity to lawes and performance of their duties may be required , under penalties , not left to discretion , but by law appointed . To this kind of government I am not by any particular interest so devoted , as to think it ought to be maintained , either in opposition to Apostolick institution , or to the much desired reformation of mens lives , and restauration of Primitive discipline , or to any law or precept of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end . For obedience to our Saviour is the end for which Church Government is appointed . But if it may be demonstrated , or made much more probable then the contrary , as I verily think it may : I. That it is not repugnant to the government setled in and for the Church by the Apostles . II. That it is as complyable with the reformation of any evill which we desire to reform either in Church or State , or the introduction of any good which we desire to introduce , as any other kind of government ; And III. That there is no law , no record of our Saviour against it : then I hope it will not be thought an unreasonable motion , if we humbly desire those that are in authority , especially the High Court of Parliament , that it may not be sacrificed to clamour , or over-born by violence : and though ( which God forbid ) the greater part of the multitude should cry , Crucifie , Crucifie , yet our Governours would be so full of Justice and courage , as not to give it up untill they perfectly understand concerning Episcopacy it self , Quid mali fecit . I shall speak at this time only of the first of these three points : That Episcopacy is not repugnant to the government setled in the Church for perpetuity by the Apostles . Whereof I conceive this which followes as clear a demonstration , as any thing of this nature is capable of . That this government was received universally in the Church , either in the Apostles time , or presently after , is so evident and unquestionable , that the most learned adversaries of this government do themselves confesse it . Petrus Molinaeus , in his book De munere postorali , purposely written in defence of the Presbyteriall government , acknowledgeth : That presently after the Apostles times , or even in their time ( as Ecclesiasticall story witnesseth ) it was ordained , That in every City one of the Presbytery should be called a Bishop , who should have preheminence over his Colleagues ; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality . And truly this form of government all Churches every where received . Theodorus Beza , in his Tract De triplici Episcopatus genere , confesseth in effect the same thing . For having distinguished Episcopacy into three kinds , Divine , Humane , and Satanicall , and attributing to the second ( which he calls Humane , but we maintain and conceive to be Apostolicall ) not only a priority of order , but a superiority of power , and authority over other Presbyters , bounded yet by lawes and canons provided against Tyranny : he clearly professeth , that of this kind of Episcopacy is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of Bishops or Presidents ( as Justin Martyr calls them ) in Ignatius , and other more ancient Writers . Certainly from * these two great defenders of the Presbytery we should never had this free acknowledgement , so prejudiciall to their own pretence , and so advantageous to their adversaries purpose , had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth enforced them to it . It will not therefore be necessary to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the Anonymus Authour of the Catalogue of Testimonies for the equality of Bishops and Presbyters , who affirmes , That their disparity began long after the Apostles times : But we may safely take for granted that which these two learned Adversaries have confessed ; and see , whether upon this foundation laid by them , we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstruction . That seing Episcopall Government is confessedly so ancient and so Catholique , it cannot with reason be denyed to be Apostolique . For so great a change , as between Presbyteriall Government and Episcopall , could not possibly have prevailed all the world over , in a little time . Had Episcopall Government been an aberration from , or a corruption of the Government left in the Churches by the Apostles , it had been very strange , that it should have been received in any one Church so suddainly , or that it should have prevailed in all for many Ages after . Variâsse debuerat error Ecclesiarum : quod autem apud omnes unum est , non est erratum , sed traditum . Had the Churches err'd , they would have varied . What therefore is one and the same amongst all , came not sure by errour , but tradition . Thus Tertullian argues very probably from the consent of the Churches of his time , not long after the Apostles , and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserv'd alteration . But that in the frame and substance of the necessary government of the Church , a thing alwayes in use and practice , there should be so suddain a change as presently after the Apostles times , and so universall , as received in all the Churches , this is clearly impossible . For what universall cause can be assigned or fained of this universall Apostasie ? you will not imagine that the Apostles , all or any of them , made any decree for this change , when they were living ; or left order for it in any Will or Testament , when they were dying . This were to grant the question ; to wit , that the Apostles , being to leave the government of the Churches themselves , and either seeing by experience , or foreseeing by the Spirit of God , the distractions and disorders which would arise from a multitude of equalls , substituted Episcopall government instead of their own . Generall Councells to make a Law for a generall change , for many ages there was none . There was no Christian Emperour , no coercive power over the Church to enforce it . Or if there had been any , we know no force was equall to the courage of the Christians of those times . Their lives were then at command ( for they had not then learn't to fight for Christ ) but their obedience to any thing against his Law was not to be commanded ( for they had perfectly learn't to die for him . ) Therefore there was no power then to command this change ; or if there had been any , it had been in vain . What device then shall we study , or to what fountaine shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration ? Can it enter into our hearts to think , that all the Presbyters and other Christians then , being the Apostles Schollers , could be generally ignorant of the will of Christ , touching the necessity of a Presbyteriall government ? Or dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the world over , as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it ? Imagine the spirit of Diotrephes had entered into some or a great many of the Presbyters , and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority , was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it once without any opposition or contradiction ? and besides that the contagion of this ambition should spread it self and prevail without stop or controule , nay , without any noyse or notice taken of it , through all the Churches in the world ; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep , and all the dogges so dumb , that not so much as one should open his mouth against it ? But let us suppose ( though it be a horrible untruth ) that the Presbyters and people then were not so good Christians as the Presbyters are now , that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of Christs Church commanded by Christ , which we now are so zealous to restore : yet certainly we must not forget nor deny that they were men as we are . And if we look upon them but as meer naturall men , yet knowing by experience how hard a thing it is even for policy arm'd with power by many attempts and contrivances , and in a long time to gain upon the liberty of any one people , undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination , as that among all the Christian Presbyteries in the world , neither conscience of duty , nor love of liberty , nor aversenesse from pride and usurpation of others over them , should prevail so much as with any one , to oppose this pretended universall invasion of the Kingdome of Christ and the liberty of Christians . When I shall see therefore all the fables in the Metamorphosis acted and prove stories ; when I shall see all the Democraties and Aristocraties in the world lye down and sleep , and awake into Monarchies : then will I begin to believe that Presbyteriall government , having continued in the Church during the Apostles times , should presently after , against the Apostles doctrine and the will of Christ , be whirl'd about like a scene in a masque , and transformed into Episcopacy . In the mean time , while these things remain thus incredible , and in humane reason impossible ; I hope I shall have leave to conclude thus . Episcopall government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the Church , presently after the Apostles times . Between the Apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . And therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended . And therefore Episcopacy , being confessed to be so ancient and Catholique , must be granted also to be Apostolique . Quod erat demonstrandum . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A51419-e1080 a Moulin epist. ad Episc. Winton . Quorum Martyrum habemus scripta , & meminimus gesta , ac zelum , nullâ ex parte inferiorem zelo praestantissimorum Dei servorum , quos Germania , aut Gallia tulit : hoc qui negat , oportet ut sit vel improbè vecors , vel gloriae Dei invidus , vel cerebrosâ stoliditate caliget in clara luce . b Bezae Respons . ad Sarav . de Minist . gradibus , c. 18. p. 303. Quod si nunc Anglicanae Ecclesiae instauratae suorum Episcoporum & Archiepiscoporum authoritate suffulta praestant , quemadmodum hoc illi nostra● memoriá contigit , ut ejus ordinis homines non tantum insignes Dei Martyres , sed etiam praestantissimos Pastores , ac Doctores habuerit . c Calvin epist. Cranmero , Te praesertim ( Ornatissime Praesul ) qui altiori in specula sedes , in hanc curam incumbere necesse est . Scio non ita unius Angliae haberi abs te rationem quin universo orbi consulas . d Calvin . tom . 7. ad Sadoletum , & de necessitate reformandae Ecclesiae , p. 69. Verum talem nobis si contribuant Hierarchiam in quā emineant Episcopi , ut Christo subesse non recusent , ut ab illo t●nquam ab unico capite pendeant , & ad ipsum referantur , in quâ si fraternam charitatem inter se colant , & non alio modo quam ejus veritate collegati , tum vero nullo non Anathemate dignos fatemur si qui erunt , qui eam non reverenter & summâ cum obedientia observent . e Beza ad Grindal . Epist. 23. ut omnibus praesulibus suis ex animo obsequantur : majori poena digni sunt qui Authoritatem Tuam aspernabuntur . Idem rursus ad Sarav . upon the consideration of the Government by Arch-bishops and Bishops . Fruantur sane istā Dei beneficentiā , quae utinam sit illi nationi perpetua . † This is cited by the Author of the Survey of the pretended holy discipline , &c. Beza apud Sarav . de Minist . gradibus , p. 343. c. 21. Nedum , ut quod falsissimè & impudentissimè nonnulli nobis objiciunt cuiquam uspiam Ecclesiae sequendum nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus , imperitissimorum illorum similes , qui nihil nisi quod ipsi agunt , rectum putant . f Pet. Martyr Epist. praefix . Juelli Apol. Amplissime Praesul , & Domine mihi quotidie etiam atque etiam observande . * Sibrand , contra Grotium p. 183. citatus â Nicholao Videlio . lib. de Episcopat . Constantini magni p. 25. g Zanchius in Epist. ad Elizab. Anglia Regin . Cogitet Tua Majestas in hoc omnem Tuam curam , potentiam & authoritatem intendere , ut imprimis Episcopos habeas pios , & in Sacris literis eruditos , ficut Dei beneficio habes quamplurimos , eosque soveas & audias . h Idem Epist. Edmund Grindall● Episcop . non possum non gratulari novam & amplissimam dignitatem : quoniam ista sunt divinae benedictionis Testimonia & constantis Tuae in Deum pietatis , quâ ejus beneficentiâ cura Tua magis magisque in verâ Religione & pietate promoveri possit . i Saravia de Minist ▪ gradi bus in Epist. ad Lectorem . Saepe miratu●sum eorum sapientiam , qui Anglicanae Ecclesiae restituerunt divinum cultum , & ita se attemperârunt ut nusquam decessisse ab antiquâ & priscâ Ecclesiae consuetudine reprehendi possint Et in Epist. Dedicatoriâ . In parte foelicitatis Regni Anglica ut numerandum est , quód hunc Ordinem Episcoporum retinet . k Isaac Casaub . Regem alloquens , in praefat , ad exercit . Qui Ecclesiam ●abeas in Tuis regnis partim jam oli● ita institutam , partim magnis Tuis laboribus ita instauratam ut ad florentis quondam Ecclesiae formam nulla hodie propius accedat , quàm Tua : inter , vel excessu , vel defectu peccantes , median viam sequu●a . Quā moderatione hoc primum assecuta est Ecclesia Anglicana , ut illi ipsi qui suam foelicitatem invident , saepè tamen ex altarum comparatione illam cogantur laudare . Idem Epist. ad Card. Beron. Reg. Brit. nomine sed ex animi quoque sui sententia , Certo ac liquido mihi constat , si notae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quaerantur , & verè necessaria ad Salutem spectentur , ut etiam ad decorum Ecclesiae , nullam in orbe terrarum ( Deo uni sit laus & gloria ) inventam , quae propiùs ad fidem , aut speciem antiquae Ecclesiae Catholicae accedat , &c. * Master Moulin in his Buckler of Faith. p. 271. August de Aëri● lib. de Haresi cap. 53. Quia non potuit Episcopus ordinari , dicebat Presbyterum ab Episcopo nulld differentiâ debere discerni . a Mr Moulin in Epist. 3 ad Episc. Winton . Ab incunabulis Aërium damnavi . b Tylenus in paraenes . Ante Aërium de Episcopis exautorandis nemo , post Aërium solùm Genevenses studebant . c Beza de Minist . gradibus . p : 2. Si qui sunt ( quod sanè mihi non facilè persuaseris ) qui omnem Episcopatûs Ordinem , ut Tu scribis , reliciunt , ab sit ut quisquam sanae mentis furoribus illorum assentiatur . Idem si modò deformatam domum Dei adamussim ex verbi divini Regula pro viribus instaurarent , ut Ecclesiae Christianae fidos pastores , cur non agnoscamus ? observemus ? & omni Reverentiâ prosequamur ? Luther . tom ▪ 1. fol , 309. Resolut . ejus super propositionibus Lypsiae disputationibus habitis , conclusio . Probo quamlibet civitatem habere debere Episcopum proprium jure divino , quod ex Paulo ad Titum ostendo , dicente hujus rei gratiâ , reliqui te Cretae , ut quae desunt corrigas , ut constituas simplices Presbyteros per civitates sicut ego disposui tibi , Hos autem Presbyteros fuisse Episcopos . Hieron , & textus sequens ostendit , dicens , oportet Episcopum irreprehensibilem esse . b Bucer , de Regno Christi lib. 2. cap. 12. Ex perpetuâ Ecclesiarum observatione ab ipsis Apostolis videmus visum hoc esse spiritui Sancto , ut inter Presbyteros unus Ecclesiarum & totius Sacri Ministerii gerat curam singulorum , & cunctis praeerat aliis quâ de causâ Episcopi nomen hujusmodi Ecclesiarum Curatoribus est peculiariter attributum : tametsi hi sine Presbyterorum consilio nihil statuere debuerant qui & ipsi propter hanc communem Ecclesiarum ad minist . rationem Episcopi in Scripturis vocantur . c Isaac Casaubon , Exercit , Episcopi , Presbyteri , Diaconi apertis Scripturae testimoniis sunt sundati . Ibid. Apostolorum hodie vicarii sunt , etsi non pari potestate cum Apostolis omnes Episcopi , ut è B. Cypriano antea dicebamus Exercit. 14. Cyprian , Ep. 65. Apostolis vicariâ ordinatione succedere Episcopos . d Ignatius illam formam Episcopalem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teste Sculteto in Titum . e Cyprian Epist . 65 , ad Rogat ▪ Quod si nos aliquid sacore contra De●um audemus , qui Episcopos facit ; Et Epist. 27. ad Laps . cum igitur divinâ lege fundata sit &c. Epist. ad Cornel. Ecclesiae gubernandae sublimem ac divinam potestatem . f Origen , tract . in Mat. 31. cognoscunt Episcopi quod hoc non vos salvat , quod constituit eos Dominus super familiam ejus , &c. g August . in quaestion . veter . & novi Testamen . pag. 97. Nemo ignorat Salvatorem nostrum Episcopos instituisse , quando Apostoli facti sunt , qui missi sunt ut mittere possint alios ; ipse enim imprimis Apostolis instituit Episcopos . h Epiphanius adversus Aërium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Heresi . 75. i August . lib. 7. contra Donatist . cap. 42. De Apostolis à Christo missis , quibus nos successimus eadem potestate Ecclesiam Dei gubernantes : & de Verb. Domini Serm. 24. Qui vos spernit , me spernit &c. k Concil ▪ Calced Can. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * See hereafter . a Luther ; tom . 2 fol. 307. Plus illis tribuo quàm merentur , qui eos tam sancto & veteri nomine dignor . Lup●s enim & canes appellare op●rtes , & fol. 320. Nemo contra statum Eiscoporum , & ver●● Episcopos vel bonos pastores dictum putet quicquid contra hos Tyrannos dicitur . Apol. Confess . Aug. cap. de numero & usu Sacramenti . No● saepe protestati sumus summâ cum voluntate conserva●e Politiam Ecclesiasticam & gradus in Ecclesiâ sactos etiam summâ authoritate . lib 4 cap. Protestant . de unitat . Eccles. ut scbismata vttarentur accessit utilis ordinatio ut ex multis Presbyteris eligeretur Episcopus qui regeret Ecclesiam decendo Evangelium & retinenedo Disciplinam , ut praeesset Presbyteris , &c. b Phil. Melanct Hist conf . Aug. pag. 365. Teste Sarav . de Minist . gradibus cap. 16. Quanquam ut ego quod censeā dicam , utinam possem administrationem restituere Episcoporum . Video enim qualem simus habituri Ecclesiam dissolutâ politiâ Ecclesiasticâ Video postea futuram Tyrannidem multò intolerabiliorem , quàm unquam fuit , nihil concessimus praeter ea Lutherus censuit esse reddenda . Melancthon citat Buoerum disciplin . eleric . quia omnino necesse est ut Clerici suos habeant Curatores atque Custodes instaurandos , ut Episcoporum , ita & Archiepiscorum , aliorum que omnium ; quibuscunque nominibus censeantur potestas & animadversio , ne quis omnino sit in hoc ordine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Georgius Princ. A●bolt Concion . In praefat . de Ordinatione Teste Saravia pag. 267. utinam si●ut gerunt nomina & titulos , ita so reipsa praestarent Episcopos Si fideliter Ecclesias regerent , quàm libenter , quantâque cordis laetitid , pro Episcopis ipsos habere , revereri , morem gerere , debitam jurisdictionem & ordinationem eis facere , eā que sine ulla recusatione frui vellemus . d Calvinus Epist. ad Gasparum Magnum u●ile fuit jus excommunicandi permitti singulis pastoribus , nunc ea res odiosa est , & facilis est lapsus in Tyrannidem , & Apostoli alium usum tradiderunt . e Calv. instit● lib. 4. cap. 2. & Tom. 7. fol. 218. Presbyterum in suo numero ex singulis civitatibus unum eligebant , cui specialiter titulum Episcopi dabant , ne ex aequalitate ut fieri solet , dissidia nascerentur . f Beza de divers . Ministrorum gradibus cap. 23. apud Sarav . p. 386● Ipsa tandem experientiâ compertum fuisse , non satis virium eos habuisse ad improbos compescendos ; communicata viz. singulis pastoribus per vices hujus Primatûs dignitate : Ergo visum fuit ad unum , & illum quidem totius Presbyterii judicio , delectum transferre , quod certè reprehendi non debet , cum praesettir● veinstus hic mos fuit in Alexandrinâ Ecclesiâ , jam inde à Marco Evangelistâ observatus esset , & rarsus . Absit ut hunc Ordinem , etsi merâ divina dispositione non constitutum , tamen aut ut temerè , aut superbè inventum reprehendam , cujus potiùs magnum usum fuisse , quandiu bonî & Sancti Episcopi Ecclesiis praefuerunt , quis inficiari poss●t ? g Citat per Petrum Moulin : filium Hieron . Zanch. Thefibus de vera reformandarum Ecclesiarum ratione . Testor me coram Deo in mea conscientia non alio habere loco quàm Schismaticorum illos omnes , qui in parte Reformationis Ecclesiarum ponu●t nullos habere Episcopos , qui authoritatis gradu suos compresbyteros emineant , ubi liquido possint haberi . Praterea cum D. Calv. nullo non Anathemate dignos censeo , quotquot illi Hierarchiae , quae se Domino Jesu submittit , subjici nolunt . h Zanchius pag. 7. in suâ Confessione . Quid cortlus ex historiis , ex conciliis , ex omnium patrum scriptis , quàm illos Ministrorum Ordines , de quibus dicimus cum totius Reipubl . Christiana consensu in Ecclesia constitutos & receptos fuisse ? Quis autem ego sum qui quod tota Ecclesiâ approbat improbem ? neque omnes docti viri nostri temporis improbare ausi sunt , quippe quod norunt & licuisse hac Ecclesia , & ex pietate atque ad optimos fines pro aedificatione electorum ea omnia fuisse perfecta & ordinata● quid quod in Ecclesiis Protestantium non desunt Episcopi . i Wallo , alias Salmasius lib. de Episc. p. 413 Episcopus Ecclesiis regendis unicus praepositus est qui & Presbyteris pluribus unius Ecclesiae praeesset . Bono fine hoc institutum esse nemo negat , cum optima ratio fuerit ita instituendi . k Conradus Verstius in Apol. Pro Eccles. Orthodox ; de Augustan . Confess . pag. 285. in Colloquio Possiaceno Augustanae confessioni per omnia se subscribere paratos esse , testati sunt praeterquam Articulo doctrina de Eucharistiâ , utpote obscuriùs positâ . l Beza c. 21. pag. 343. apud Sarav . Quod falsissimè & impudentissimè nonnulli nobis objiciunt , cuiquam uspiam Ecclesiae sequendum nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus , imperitissimorum illorum similes , qui nihil , nisi quod ipsi agant , rectum putant . a Zanchius in suâ confessione , fuit mihi praterea habenda ratio illarum etiam Ecclesiarum , quae licet Evangelium complexae sint , suos tamen , & re & nomine habuerunt Episcopos , quos ( mutatis benis graecis nominibus in malè Latina ) vocant Superintendentes & Generales Superintendentes ; sed etiam ubi neque vetera illa bona Graeca neque haec nova male Latina verba obtinent , ibi tamen solent esse aliquot primarii , penes quos fere tota est Authoritas . Sed cum de rebus convenit quid de nominibus altercamur ? Teste Sarav . de Ministrorum gradibus , c. 23. p. 365. * Luke 5. 39. a Hieron in Epist ad Evag● Omnes Episcopi ( ubicunque sunt locorum ) Successores sunt Apostolorum . Ad Evagr. Quod posteà unus est electus , quae praepon●retur caeteris , in Schismatis remedium factum est , nequisquam ad se trahens Ecclesiam Christi corrumpat . b Hieron . advers . Lucif . Ecclesiae salus ex summi Sacerdotis dignitate pēdet , cui nisi exors quaedam & ab omnibus ●minens detur potestas , tot in Ecclesiâ efficientur Schismata quot Sacerdotes . c Tertull. lib. de Baptismo , Episcopus propter Ecclesia honorem , quo salvo salva est Pax. d Nyssen . Hom. in Ecclesiast . ut Chorus ad Coriphaeum respicit , nempè suum ductorem , nauta ad Gubernatorem & Acies ad Imperatorem ; ita etiam ad Ecclesiam qui praesunt in coetu Ecclesiae . Chrysostom . orat . in dicta Apostoli , Omnia in gloriam Dei. Quemadmodum Chorus Praecentorem , & nautarum multitudo Gubernatorem requirit , sic & Sacerdotem coetus Pontificem , &c. e Basil. in Epist. ad Eccles. Ai. de Episcopis Membra Ecclesiae hâc dignitate tanquam unâ qua●em animâ in concordiam , & communionem reducantur . f Cyprian Epist . Vnde Haereses , unde Schismata , nisi quòd Sacerdoti dei non obtemperent , qui est loco Christi Judex . Idem Epist. 55. Actum est de Episcopatûs vigore , & de Ecclesiae gubernandae sublimi ac divinâ potestate , &c. ( where he speaketh of himself , and not of the Bishop of Rome . ) Smestym . in their vindication . a Brightman●n ●n Apocalyps . Dioclesian te . poribus erant atrocissimae clades , sed tamen fideles ad extremum certamen constanter perstiterunt , reportantes Trophaea victoriae corporis stigmata . b Complures Episc. insignes erant in Concilio Nicaeno ; & rursus qui historiam scripsit , meminit centum & sexaginta Episcoporum qui in Sagasan● extincti sunt , & in provincias edicto Regis proferantur ut delerentur universi qui sacros ordines habuerint . c Beza de Ministrorum gradibus , c. 25. pag. 543. apud Saravian . Neminem adhuc audivi loquentem , neque legi scribentem , qui non honorificè , sicut par est , de magnis illis suorum temporum hominibus sentiat : nempe Nazianzeno , Nisseno , Basilio magno Athanasio , Cypriano , Chrysostimo , Ambrosio , Augustino . * Iren. lib. 5. adversus haeres . cap. 20. † See the book intituled , The Romish Grand Impostor , throughout . * Mr. Brightman in Apoc. cap. 8. 13. cited hereafter . a Beza tractat . de Minist . gradibus c. 23. Cert● si ab ipsis Apostolis esset profecta haec mutatio , non vererer illam ut caeteras Apostolicas Ordinationes divinae in solidum dispositioni tribuere . b Scultetus observat in Tit. esse juris divini . Ratio . Apostolos prafixisse Presbyteris Episcopos . c Walo , alias Salmasius lib. de Episc. pag. 422. Institutio Episcopi si ab Apostolis , est Jure Divino . a Hieron . in 1. ad Tit. Sicut Presbyteri sciant se Ecclesiae consuetudine iis , qui sibi praepositi sunt esse subjectos ; ita Episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis Dominicae veritate Presbyteris esse majores , & in communi debere Ecclesias regere . b Scultet . observat in Tit. ●8 . Nisi forte consuetudinem Ecclesiae pro consuetudine Apostolicâ , et dispositionis Dominica veritatem pro instituto Christi capiat . c Hieron . in 1. Tit. Antequam Diaboli instinctu studia in Religione fierent diversa inter populos , Ego sum Pauli , Ego Apollinis , Ego Gephae , communi consilio Presbyteris Ecclesiae gubernabantur postea autem in toto terrarum orbe decretum est ut unus ex Presbyteris electus superponetur saeteris . d Scultetus in Tit. hoc caeptum est viventibus Apostolis , prior Epistol . ad Corinthios nos dubitare non finit . e Videlius in Epist. Ignat. ad Philadelphenses , cap. 14. Discrimen illud Presbyterorum & Episcopi ut ex pluribus Epistolarum locis apparet , tempore Ignatii fuit , etenim illud valde maturè ipsorum Apostolorum temporibus in Ecclesiam irrepsit statim postquam dici coeptum est , Ego sum Pauli , Ego Cephae , &c. Teste Hieronymo in Titum . f Hieron . in Epist. ad Euagr. Omnes Episcopi ( ubi cunque sunt locorum ) successores sunt Apostoli . * As they are set down in their divers Titles in his Book De Ecclesiasticis scriptoribus . g Idem de script . Ecclesi . Jacobus minor Hierosolymitanus Episcopus , Marcus Ecclesiae Alexandrinae primus Episcopus . h Idem Epist. ad Euag. 58. Aaron & filii summi Sacerdotes & us Aaron , Eleazar , & Levitae , juxta traditiones Apostolicas hoc sunt Episcopi , Presbyteri , & Diaconi . i Idem ad Ruper ● advers . Vigilant . Miror sanctum Episcopum in cujus parochiâ Presbyter esse dicitur , a●quiesc●re furori ejus , & non virgâ Apostolicâ & ferre confringere vas inutile . Smectym . vind . pag. 136. * See above . * See above . a Vedelius . Exercit. 8. ad Mariam in Ignatium , cap. 3. Lino & Cleto defunctis ante Clementem , solus Clemens superstes , solus etiam Episcopi nomen retinuit , tum quia inter adjutores Apostolorum solus ipse restabat , tum quia jam invaluerat distinctio Episcopi & Presbyteri . ita ut caeteris Ecclesiae Romanae Presbyteris , qui cum solo Clemente , essent , nomen id non fuerit tributum . b Clement ad Corinth . Epist ▪ p. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Ireneus advers . haeres . l. 3. c. 3. Habemus annumerari eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis , qui nihil tale docuerunt , & l. 4. c. 43. Qui cum successione Episcopatûs Chrisma veritatis certum acceperunt . b Tertull. praescript . cap. 31 lib. 4. contra Marcion . cap. 5. Romanae perinde & caeterae extant Ecclesiae , quae ab Apostolis in Episcopatum constitutos Apostolici seminis traduces habeant . c Origen in Joha● ▪ de Episc. Quod Dominus in Ecclesiâ ordinavit post Apostolos , quià in eâ primum 〈◊〉 sunt locum . d August . Epist. 42. Radix Christianae societatis per sedes Apostolorum & successiones Episcoporum certâ per orbem propagatione diffunditur . e Walo , alias Salmas . de Episc pag. 201. Absurdum est Clementis Alexandrini commentum . & p. 406. Fabula est , quam in libri Hypotypose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de ordinatione , &c. f Eusebius lib. 7. cap. 8. Jacobus , quem Scriptura fratrem Domini nominat , Hierosolymae Ecclesiae sedem accepit . g Epiphan . lib , 2. cap 2. Haeres . 65. Jacobus primus Ecclesiae Hierosolymitanae . h Egesippus , Apostolorum temporibus erat quod Jacobus cognomento Justus Ecclesiam Hieros . post Apost . accepit , sic Hieron , de scriptis Ecclesiae in Jacobo . i Chrysost. Hom. 33. in Act. 1. 15. Jacobus Episc. Ecclesiae Hieroolymitanae . k Ambros. in 1. Galat. Jacobus ab Apostolis Hierosol . constitutus est Episcopus . l Synod . 6. in Trullo can . 32. Ad stipulantes . enimvero hic est ille Jacobus , qui fixum Hier●solymis habuit domicilium velut Ordinarius Episcopus , quem Paulus primo & ultimo suo adventu invenit in urbe Apostolis fere omnibus foris Evangelizantibus , Gal. 1. Act. 21. m Scultetus observat in Tit. Jacobum ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episcopum ordinatum testantur patres quam plurimi . n Zuinglius tom . 2. de Eccles. fol. 48. Apostoli Apostolorum nomina deposuerunt , uni sedi affixi , sive senecta impediti , aut peregrinationibus afflicti ; exemplum esto Jacobus minor Hierosol Episcopus . o Moulin lib. de Vatibus cap. 10. Apostoli toti Ecclesiae invigilabant in solidum & indivisum , aliquam tamen peculiarem provinciam quibusdam Apostolis fuisse assignatam discimus ex Sacrâ Scripturâ , Gal 2. 7. p Archiepiscopus Spalatensis , tomo quarto . Vedelius professor Genevensis Apol. pro Ignatio cap. 1. Ignatius Apostolorum discipulus erat ; quem nemo negabit fuisse virum sanctissimum , Ecclesiae Antiochiae Episcopum , et qui Christi veritati Testimonium praebuerit saevissimo mortis genere sub Trajano Imperatore . Item Exercit. prima in Ep. ad Trall . cap. 4. § 4. Bellar. lib. 4. de Pontifice c. 25. Quemadmodum Apostoli primi erant sub Christo , ita Episcopi primi sub Pontifice . Resp. Imo Episcopi non sunt primi sub Pontifice , sed sub Christo , nisi Bellarmino Ignatius mentitur , qui Episcopum nullam in Ecclesiâ habere supra se potestatem dicit hâc ipsâ Epistolâ . Et Epist , ad Smyrnenses . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ib. c. 9. num . 8. Pontificii statuunt Papam ut Episcoporum Dominum : at Ignatii tempore maximus in Ecclesiâ erat Episcopus , post . Archiep. Item Exercit. 1. cap. 2. num . 4. Ignat. in Epist , ad Polycarp . Verba ejus monēt Episcopū officii sui , ut agnoscat se tum demum aliorum Episcopum esse , quando ipse Episcoporū principi pareat : Talibus Episcopis & libenter paremus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a August . de Baptism . contra Donatist . l. 4. Quod universa tenet Ecclesiae , nec consiliis institutum , sed semper retentum est , non nisi Authoritate Apostolica traditum rectissime creditur . a Calv Tract . Theol. Eccl●si . reform , a● 74 Iren●o & Origini negotium erat cum improbis nebulonibus ▪ qui , dum pro lig●o●os errores p●●●errent in 〈◊〉 , eos sibi divinitus rev●latos 〈◊〉 . Hujus 〈…〉 facilis erat Revel●tio quô ●adhuc superstites erant multi , qui familiares Apostolorum discipuli fuerunt : quibus rec●ns erat hujus doctrinae memoria , quam Apostoli tradiderunt . b Beza de Minist gradibus . Pro primatu Ordinis inter Presbyteros communicato ●●nguli p●storibus per vices Primatùs dignitate , quod visum fuit hunc ad unum equidem ●otius p●esbyterii judicio delectum transferre , certè reprehendi nec possit , nec deb●t , cum 〈◊〉 ●●●ustus mos 〈◊〉 primum presbyterum deligendo in Alexandrinâ Ecclesiâ celeberrimâ inde à Marco Evangeli●● observatus . c B●za de Minist grad . c. 23. ●uod autem unus electus est qu●●aeteris praeponer●tur , in Schismatis factum est Remelium , ne unusquisque ad se Christum traho●●s Ecclesiam rumperet ; nam & Alexandriae a Marco Evangelistâ ad Heracl . usque et Dionysium Episcopos , Presbyteri unum semper à se electum in cel●iore gradu coll●catum Episcopum nominabant . d Moulin Ep. 3. ad Episc. Winton . Non sum adeo ●ris duri ut velim adversus illa veteris Ecalesiae Lumina Ignatium , Polycarpum Cyprianum , Augustinum , Chrysostomum , &c. ferre sententiam , ut adversus usurpatores mùneris illiciti : plus semper apud me potuit veneranda Antiquitas , quam novella cujusquam constitutio . See below . The like acknowledgment will Beza give us hereafter . e Scultet . observat . in Titum . c. 8. sed ego de Jacobo dicam , non illo quidem Apostolo sed Salvatoris nostri fratre . f Bucer de Anim. curâ et officio Pastor : Apud patres Hieronymo vetustiores clara habemus Testimonia , in praecipuis Ecclesiis omnibus temporibus Apostolorum ita comparatum est , ut Presbyteris omnibus quidem officium Episcopale fuerit impositum . Interim tamen Apostolorum temporibus unus , de Presbyteris electus utque ordinatus est in officii ducem & quasi Antistitem , qui cateris omnibus praeivit , & curam animarum , ministeriumque Episcopale pracipuè & in summo gessit atque administravit , quod de Jacobo legis , Act. 15. ubi Lucas Jacobum describit ut Antistitem totius Ecclesiae omniumque Presbyterorum . * Vide Thesi● . 12. Smect . vindicat . pag. 88. Nazianz , orat . 28. Fuit tempus quando corda●● & prudentes viri Episcopatum in admiratione habuerunt & disiderabant b Walo pag. 355. usus , inquit obtinuit , ut Episcopatus Presbyterio major sit secundum honorum vocabula , Ergo usu & consuetudine Ecclesiae priùs constitutum est ut Episcopi majores essent Presbyteris , tum ex re distinctâ vocabulorum etiam insequuta est distinctio . c Smect ▪ Vindic . pag. 87. * See above . a Walo lib. de Episc. per totum cap. primum extraordinariâ missione & functione p. 70. sic alii discipuli Christi & Apostolorum ejus &c. p. 229 Titum Cretae insulae praefecit Paulus , qui non singulari in aliquâ Civitate Episcopus fuit , sed totam illam provinciam ad tempus procuraret . Tales fuerunt Apostolorum auditores & discipuli , quique primi eorum successores . † Smect . b Beza de Minist . grad . cap. 22. Habuit jam tum Presbyterium suum aliquem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Presbyterum , etiam Presbyterorum manente communi appellatione . c Doctor Reynolds his conference with Hart. c. 8 divis . 3. d Calvinus in Titum ▪ 1 5. Discimus ex hoc loco non eam fuisse aqualitatem inter Ministros , quia unus aliquis authoritate prae●sset . † Smectym . vindicat pag. 115. a Luther tom . 1. fol. 309 Resolutiones ejus super propositiones Lypsiae disputat conclus . 13. Proboquamlibet civitatem habere debere Episcopum proprium jure divino , quod ex Paulo ad Titum ostendo dicente , ( Hujus rei gratiâ reliqui te Creta , ut quae desunt corrigas , & constituos Presbyteros per civitates , sicut disposui tibi ) Hos autem Presbyteros fuisse Episcopos Hieron , & textus sequens ostendit dicens , Oportet Episcopum irreprehensibilem esse , &c. B. Augustin . in Epist ad Hieron . Epist. descripturus rationem reddit & dicit . Erat enim Civitas quasi diceret , non erat simplex Presbyter , sed Eipse . de quo loquor , quia erat civitas cui praeerat . b Scultetus in Titum cap. 8. pa. 10. At Paulus Ephesi et in Cretâ aliquandiu docuerat , ideo Titum & Timotheum in Cretâ jubet manere non utiquè ut Evangelistas sed Ecclesia gubernatores . Id quod etiam Epistolae ad utrumque scriptae evincunt : In his enim non Ecclesiae colligendae , que erat Evangelistarum sed collectae gubernandae , quae est Episcoporum , rationem , illi● praescribit ; suntque pracepta omnia ita confirmata , ut non speciatim ad Timotheum vel Titum , sed generatim ad omnes Episcopos referentur . Ideoque ad Temporariam Evangelistarum potestatem minimè quadrent c Moulin in Epist. 3. ad Epis● . Winton . Quomodo appellaveris Titum , Timotheum , & Marcum , seu Episcopos sive Evangelistas ? constat eos habuisse successores Episcopos haerede● illius preminentiae d Paulus Tossanus index in Sacra Bib. Titus comes Peregrinationum Pauli , postea Cretensium Episcopus e Zuinglius tom . 2. fol. 45. Idem Episcopi & Evangelistae nomen ; nam Paulus , 2 Tim. 4. [ Tu vigila , opus Evangelist● perage : ministerium tuum probatum reddito ] aliquo in loco tunc temporis fuit Episcopus , cum haec scriberet Apostolus , Ergo constat idem fuisse Officium utriusque . f Gerhard , tom . 6. De Minister , Ecclesiast ▪ num . 227. 2 Tim. 4. Fac quae Evangelistae . Haec v●x hoc in loco generaliter sumitur , non specialiter pro quodam Doctorum ordine , quo Timotheus constitutus fuerit Ecclesiae Ephesinae Episcopus , nec ulterius Paulum comitatus . Sicut etiam Lutherus reddidit specialiter [ dicti Evangelistae erant Apostolorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à qutbus in partem muneris Apostolici asciti ad diversa l●ca ab illis mittebantur . In illorum Evangelistarum numero censendi sunt Timotheus et Titus . Timotheum Lystria assumpsit Paulus Act. 16. postea eum misit in Macedoniam Act. 19. 22. & ad 1 Cor. 4. 17. Ad Phil. 2 19. Ad Thes. 1. c. 3. Tandem vero Ephesi●ae Ecclesiae Episcopus . 1 Tim. 3. 15. Titum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Cor. 8. 23. cum misit ad Corinth . 2 Cor. 5. 6. 12. 18. Assumpsit secum Hierosel . Gal. 2. 1. Misit in Dalmatiam . 2 Tim. 4. 10. Tandem Cretensium Ecclestatum constituit Episcopum Tit. 1. 5. g Dr. Reynolds Conference with Hart , cap. 8. distinct . 3. h Calvin . institut . lib. 3. c. 3. S. 7. Pastoribus singulis assignatur sede● , interea non negamus , qui● pastor alias Ecclesias adjuvare possit , qui uni est alligatus● sive quid turbarura intercedat quod ejus praesentiam requirat , sive ab eo petàtur consilium . Nec enim sunt veluti Glebae addicti , ut Jurisconsulti . a Walo , alias Salmas . lib. de Episc. pag. 229. Titum Cretae insulae praefecit Paulus , qui non singulari in aliqu● civitate Episcopus fuit , sed t●tam illam provinciam ad tempus procuraret . Tales fuerunt Apostolorum Auditores & 〈◊〉 , quicunque primi eorum successores extitere , b Hieron . de Eccles. script . Ephesiorum Episcopus à Paulo ordinatus . c Ambros. in praefat . ad Timoth c. 3. Hunc creatum Episcopum . d Greg. Pap. de Curat . Past. part . 2. c. 11. e Primasius in 1. Tim. a Lib. 3. de Episc. pag 183. Sit ergo hoc fixum , per Angelos nihilaliud voluisse Johannem designari , nisi ipsas Ecclesias . Smect . vindication . Smect . vindic . pag. 143 ▪ a Calvin institut l. 3. c. 3. ● . 5 , De voce hâc Apostoli , etsi ex verbi Etym ritè sic possunt vocari omnes verbi Ministri , quoniam à Domino mittuntur nuncii ; sed tamen quia magni refert certam habere de eorum missione notitiam , qui rem inauditam afferrent , duodecim illos peculiari hoc titulo ante omnes insigniri oportuit . * Smect . vind . pag. 146. Smectym . pag. 148. vindicat . a Brightman in Apoc. p. 11. Ephejus evasit nobilior propter Pauli operam triennalem in eâ Act. 19. 10. & 20. 31. Divinam ad populum Scriptam Epist. datum iis Timotheum pastorem ac faelicissimam Johannis . Apost . per tot annos irrigationem . a Master Deodate his notes upon the Apoc. 2. 1. b Beza in Apoc. 2. 1. Angelus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quem oportet admoneri & per eum Collegas , totamque adeo Ecclesiam . c Bullinger in Apoc. cap. 2. concio septima . Nemo autem existimet hanc Epiostlam uni inscriptam Angelo , i. e. Episcop● vel pastori , nihil ad Ecclesiam pertinere . Nam sub finem Epistolae Epiphonema adjicitur . Qui habet aurem audiat quid Scriptura dicat Ecclesiis . Nominatur ergo pastor , sed non excluduntur oviculae ; Interim verò Angelo inscribitur , ut admoneantur Pastores , in ipsis esse per multum sitū qualis sit Eccles. d Marlorat . in Apoc. 1. 12. Quamvis quaedam tam in Clero , quàm in populo corrigenda essent , non tamen populum , sed Clerum aggreditur : nec quemlibet de Clero , nominatim principem Cleri , utique Episcopum . e Gualther . Hom. 9. in Apoc. 8. Angelo , id est , Episcopo Smyrnensi , atque adeo toti Ecclesia ; constat ex Historiis Polycarpum fuisse hunc Angelum . f Gaspar . Sib. in Apoc. p. 185. de uno singulari Angelo , qua sententia mihi magis arridet . g Piscator in eandem Apoc. [ Angelo ] id est , Episcopo , nec non ipsi Ecclesiae . h Paraus [ Angelo Ephesinae Ecclesiae ] sic vocat pastorem ejus , eadem apellatione Christus aliarum Ecclesiarum Episcopos dignatur . i Aretius [ Angelo ] id est Ministro Ecclesiae per quem ad totum coetum res proferantur . k P. Martyr cōment , in primam Corinth . 11 Johannes jubetur scribere ad Angelos Ecclesiarum , quierant illarum Episcopi . l Scultetus observat in Tit. Doctissimi quique interpretes per septem Ecclesiarum Angelos interpretantur septem Ecclesiarum Episcopos , neque enim aliter possunt , vim nisi facere textui velint . m Dr. Reynolds in his Conference . with Hart. c. 2. divisio . 3. n Dr. Fulke in Apoc. 2. Ad Pergamensis Ecclesiae Episcopum Epistola haec destinatur . o Mr. Cartwright on the Rhems Testament upon Apoc . 2. a Ambros. in 1 Corint . 1. Angelos Episcopos dico , sicut docet in Apocalypsi Johannes . b August . Epist . 192. Divind voce laudatur Angeli nomine Praepositus Ecclesia . * See above . a Brightmannus in cap. 7. 2. id est . Constantius . cap. 8. 17. Angelus volans i. ● . Greg. Magnus c. 10. Angelus robustus , id est Chestus . cap. 14 There is seven times alius Angelus , and of the first three he saith , Erant hi tres totidem coelestes viri , &c. v. 15. Alius , ut probabile est Minister , and yet after doubleth fondly , v. 17. Angelus alius est , Tho. Cromwellus , v. 18. Alius Tho. Carmerus , cap. 16. Sunt 7. Angeli , v. 2. Angelus primus Eliz. Regin . v. 3. Secundus , id est , Mart. Chemnitius . v. 5. Angelus Aquarum , Civis aliquis Magistratus , v. 7. Alius Angelus . Unus aliquis . Videat reliqua Lector , cap. 16. vers . 2 , 3. 5. 7. 12. 17. cap. 18. vers . 21. cap. 19. vers . 17. a Polycrat . Epist , ad Victorem apud Euseb Hist. lib. 5. cap 25 b Concil . Calced . Act. 11. c Hieronym . de Scrip. Eccles. Polycarpus Johannis discipulus & ab es Smyrnae Episcopus ordinatus , totius Asiae princeps fult , qui nonnullos Apost , lorumqui Dominum viderant Magistros habuerit & viderit . Postea vero regnante Marco Antonio quartâ post Neronem persecutione Smyrnae sedente proconsule & universo populo in Amphithet . adversus eum personaliter igni traditus est . c Hieronym . de Scrip. Eccles. Polycarpus Johannis discipulus & ab es Smyrnae Episcopus ordinatus , totius Asiae princeps fult , qui nonnullos Apost , lorumqui Dominum viderant Magistros habuerit & viderit . Postea vero regnante Marco Antonio quartâ post Neronem persecutione Smyrnae . sedente proconsule & universo populo in Amphithet , adversus eum personaliter igni traditus est . d Euseb. Alius Polycarpus . Episc. & Martyr suffr●giis Smyrnens . Episcapatum obtinuit . e Tertull. praescript . cap. 23. à Johanne Symrnae collocatus . Euseb. Hist. lib. 3. c. 30. Episcopus Smyrnae abiis qui erant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. vide & apud Euseb lib. 3. c. 55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Polycarpus non solum edoctus â Christi discipulis & conversatus apud multos qui Christum ipsum viderunt , verum etiam ab Apostolis constitutus Episcopus Ecclesiae in Asia quae dicitur Smyrna , quem in tenera nostra aetate nos ipsi vidimus ; diu enim vixit & valdè senex per nobile & gloriosum Martyrium vitâ decessit g Ignatius Epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Epist. ad Smyrnenses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vedelius , Exercit. in ist a● Epist. a Beza de Minist . grad . cap. 13. Quid objicis in atatem Johannis Apost . Asiae Ecclesia septem habuerunt Episcopos , divinâ non humanâ ordinatione sibi praefectos , Apostolo singulos illos singularum Ecclesiarum Angelos minimè compellature , & culpam malè obitae functionis minimè illi● attributuro , nisi eminentior fuisset eorum in Ecclesiae regimine auctoritas : Hoc , inquam , qu●rsum adversus Hieronymum & nos torques ? nec enim ille , quum diceret Ecclesias initio fuisse communi Presbyterorum consilio gubernatas , ita desipuisse existimandus est , ut somniares neminem ex Presbyteris illi c●tui praefuisse , &c. Notes for div A51419-e13040 a Esa 66. 21. b Matth. 2. 4. and 27. Act. 19. 14 &c c Heb. 4. 14. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . LXX Episcopus Levitarum . Hieron . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 109. 8. e Acts. 1. 20. f Deut. 33. 10. g 1 Tim. 3. 2. h T it 1. 9. i Deut. 28. 1. k 1 Cor. 9. 13 , 14. l Jerem. 2. 2. m Matth. 15. 13. n Quanta igitur dignitas verorum Pastorum , qui tum stellae sunt , non in alio firmamento , quàm in dextrā Christi fixae , tum Angeli ? T. Brightman . in Apocalyps . 1. 20. o Act. 20. 17. 28. p Judg. 2. 1. Hagg. 1. 13. Matth. 11. 18. q Malach. 2. 7. r Philip. 1. 1. 1 Tim. 1. 2. Tit. 1. 5. 7. s Revel . 3. 1. t Nec uni alicui Ange●o mittuntur , sed toti ( ut ita dicam ) Collegio Postorum ; qui omnes hāc communi voce comprehenduntur . Non enim unus erat Angelus Ephesi , sed plures : nec inter istos aliquis Princeps . Brightman in Apocalyps . 2. 1. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Quem nimirùm oportuit inprimis de his rebus admon●ri , ac per eum cateros Collegas totamque ad●ò Ecclesiam . Bez. in Apocalyps . 2. 1. x Conference with Hart , c. 8. divis . 3. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . Chalcedon . Act. 11. z Vid. Peter . in Apocalyps . cap. 2. disp . 2. Alcasa : Pro●em . in cap. 2 , & 3. Apocal , notat , 1. & Petr , Halloix , Notat , in vit . Polycarp . cap. 7. a Notandum est ex hoc loco , Timotheum in Ephesino Presbyterio tum fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. antistitem ) ut vocat Justinus . Bez. Annotat. in 1 Tim. 5. 19. b Qui politiae causā reliquis fratribus in coetu praeerat ( q. ē Justinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat ) peculiariter dici Episcopus coepit Id. in Philip. 1. 1. c Dionys. Corinth . in epist. ad Athenienses , eodem sensu Publium martyrem nominat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quo proximum ejus successorem Quadratum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud Eusebium , l. 4. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Marcell . Ancyran . apud Epiphanium , haeres . 72. e Euseb. Hist. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . P●ot . Bibliot●num 254. g Polycrat . de martyrio Timothei : inter vitas Sanctorum edit . Lovanil anno 1485. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Polycrat . Epist. ad Victorem . apud Euseb. l. 5 Hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i Theodoret. in Dialogo 1. sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k Felix III. in Epist. ad Zenonem Imp. recitat in V Synodo Constantinopol . Act. 1. ( tomo 2. Concilior . pag. 220. edit . Binnii . anno 1606. l Johan . Malela Antiochenus , Chronic. lib. 10 M. S. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Jo. Chrysost. in Ignatii Encomio . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iren . advers . haeres . lib. 5. cap 30. o Euseb. Chron. Hier. Catal. scriptor . Ecclesiast . in Johanne . p Euseb. lib. 3. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. epist. ad Ephes. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in epist. ad Smyrn . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polycarp . epist. ad Philippens . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iren advers . haeres . lib 3 cap 3. b Id. in epist. ad Florinum : ( apud Euseb. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) & ad Victorem , ( ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. Vid. & Euseb lib. 3. hist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Smyrnens . Eccles. epist. de martyrio Polycarpi . Euseb. lib. 4 , hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Polycrat . epist ad Victorem : apud Euseb. lib. 5. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Sicut Smyrnaorum Ecclesia Polycarpum ab Johanne con●ecatum refers ; sicut Romanorum Clementem à Petro ordinatum edit : proinde ( or , perinde ) utique & caeteri exhibent , quos ab Apostolis in Episcopatum constitutos , Apostolici seminis traduces habent . Tertul. de Praescript . cap. 32. Vid. & ejusd . lib. 4. contra Marcion cap. 5. g Successiones Episcoporum , quibus Apostolicam qua in unoquoque loco est Ecclesiam tradiderunt . Iren. lib. 4. advers . hares . cap. 63. h Omnes enim ii valdè posteriores sunt quàm Episcopi , quibus Apostoli tradiderunt Ecclesias . Id. lib. 5. cap. 20. i Habemus annumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis , & successores eorum usque ad nos ; qui nihil tale docuerunt , neque cognoverunt quale ab his deliratur . Id. lib. 3. cap. 3. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hegesip . apud Euseb. lib. 4. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ita enim ex MS. legendum , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 4. histor . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cum lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clemen . epist. ad Corinth . pag. 57. edit . D. Patricii Junii . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ita MS. non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hegesip . apud Euseb. lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q Dionys. Corinth . apud eund . Euseb. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r Act. 17. 34. s Baron . Annal. tom . 2. ann . 120. t Euseb. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( non , ut vulgò legitur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Egesippus qui post ipsas statim primas . Apostolorum successiones fuit : ut Rufinus locum expressit . u Euseb. lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fin . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hegesipp . Commentariot . lib. 5. apud eund . Euseb. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y Clem. in libro sexto Hypotyposcôn : ubi narrat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud eund . l. 2. cap. 1. z Apud Euseb lib. 4 cap. 22. Vide eund . lib. 3 cap. 11. & 32. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hegesipp . apud eund . lib. 3 ▪ cap. 32. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Tim. 6. 20. c Luc. 1. 2. d Jude v 3. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hegesipp . apud Euseb. lib ▪ 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Misit ad eum Lucius Britannorum Rex epistolam : obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus efficeretur . Et mox effectum pia postulationis consecutu● est : susceptamque fidem Britanni usque in tempora Diocletiani Principis inviolatam integramque quietâ pace servabant . Bed. hist. ecclesiast . Anglor . lib. 1 cap 4. g Tom. 1. Concilior . Galliae , à Sirmondo edit pag. 9. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Metaphrast . Commentar . de Petro & Paulo ; ad diem 29 Junii . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. k Tertull. Praescript . c. 32. Similiter & Hieronymus in Catal. script . Ecclesiast . cap , 15. in Polycarpo ; & Nicephorus , lib 3. hist. ecclesiast . cap. 2. l Habemus & Johannis alumnas Ecclesias . Nam etsi Apocalypsim ejus Marcion restuit ; ordo tamen Episcoporum ad originem recensus , in Johannem stabit auctorem . Sic & caeterarum generositas recognoscitur . Tertullian . advers . Marcion . lib. 4. c. 5. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Phot. Bibliothec , num . 254. n Irenaeus advers . haeres . l. 2. cap. 39 item . lib. 3. c. 1. & 3. o Euseb. lib. 3. hist. cap 23. p Hieronym . in Catal. scrip . Ecclesìast c. 9. q Id. ibid. & Praefat. in Evangel . Matthaei . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Alexandrin . in lib. de divite salvando , ( qui falso Origenis nomine habetur editus , ad ca●eem tomi 3. Commentariórum Michaelis Ghislerii . ) Euseb. hist. lib. 3. cap 23. s Euseb. lib. 3. hist. cap. 35. Hieron . Catal. script ▪ Ecclesiast . cap. 18. & Chronic. ad ann . Traj●ni 2. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Irenaeus advers . haeres lib. 5 cap. 33. u Irenaeus , vir Apostolicorum temporum & Papiae auditoris Evangelistae Johannis discipulus , Episcopus Ecclesiae Lugdunensis . Hieronym . epist. 29. ad Theodoram . x Hi sunt Presbyteri Apostolorum discipuli ; quorum Irenaus , lib. 5. cap. 36. meminit . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ita enim ex Graecis MSS. & vetere Rufini versione locus est restituendus ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Papias , in Prooemio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apud Euseb. lib. 3. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb ibid. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Alexandr Paedagog . lib. 3. cap. ult . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. Stromat . lib. 6. c Nemo Christianorum Presbyter . Hadrian . epist. ad Servian apud Pl. Vopisc . in vità Saturnini . d Qui se Christi Episcopos dicunt . Id. ibid. e Revel . 1. 4 : f Disquisit . touching the Asia properly so called , &c. chap. 2. g 1 Cor. 3. 10. h 1 Cor. 16. 8 , 9. i Act. 19. 10 , 20. k Act. 20. 18. 31. l Plin. lib. 5. hist. natur . cap. 29. m Id. ibid. c. 30. n Ptolem. Geograph . lib. 5. o Concil . Constantinop . sub Menâ , Act. 5. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 3. hist. cap. 35. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. epist. ad Trallian . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ib. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ibid. u Ordo Metropolitar . in Append . Geograph . sacr . Caroli à S. Paulo , pag. 11. & in tomo 1. Juris Graeco . Romani . à Jo. Leunclavio edit . pag. 90. x Euseb. lib. 3. hist. cap. 35. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. epist. ad Roman . z Ex Vrbicari● Regione . ●od . Theod. lib. 11. tit . 2. leg . 3. * Ex Provincia Romanâ , civitate Portuen , &c. In nominibusquae Concilio Arelatensi l. praefixa leguntur . a Insuper praeter septem collaterales Episcopos eraut alii Episcopi , qui dicuntur suffraganei Romani Pontificis , nulli alii Primati vel Archiepiscopo subjecti ; qui frequenter ad Synodos vocarentur . M S. Vatican apud Baron . ann . 1057. S. 23. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : saith Nicephorus Callist . lib. 6. Hist. cap. 29. but Euseb . lib. 7. c. 30. more fully , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Ex Provinciâ Italia , civitate Mediolanen , &c. Ex Provinciâ Romanâ , civitate Portuen . ut suprà . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Synod . Sardic . epist. ad Alexandrin . in 2. Athanasii Apologiâ ( tomo 1. Oper edit . Commelin . pag. 588. ) e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. epist. ad solitar ▪ vit . agentes . ( ibid. pag. 640. ) f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Conci . Ni●aen . 1. Can. 6. g Ipse ille Patriarcha quum Aegyptum venerit , ab aliis Serapidem adorare , ab aliis cogitur Christum . Hadrian ▪ epist. ad Servian . apud Vopisc . in Saturnino . h Cùm jampridem per omnes provincias , & per urbes singula● , ordinati sint Episcopi in aetate antiqui , in fide integri , in pressurâ probati , in persecutione proscripti ; ille super eos creare alios pseudo-episcopos ▪ audent . Cyprian Epist. 52. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . Constantinop . in Trullo , Can. 2. k Universis Episcopis , vel in nostrâ provi●ciâ , vel trans mare constitutis . Cyprian . epist. 40. l Quoniam latiùs fusa est nostra provincia ; habet etiam Numidiam & Mauritanias duas sibi cohaerentes . Id. Epist. 45 m Ex provincia Africâ , Numidiâ , Mauritaniâ . Concil . Cypriani . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. histor . lib. 5. cap 23. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. cap 26. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. cap. 1. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodoret. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. lib. 4. cap. 23. s Subscript . Concil . Chalcedon Act. 6. & Concil . Constantinop . sub Me●â , Act. 5. & Synodi V. generat . Constantinop . Collat . 8. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id lib. 3. cap. 1. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodoret. argument . epist ad Tit. in Oecome●o . y Tit. 1. 5. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in Tit. 1 ▪ Homil. 1. z Discimus ex hoc loco , non eam fuisse tunc aequalitatem inter Ecclesiae ministros ; quin unus aliquis autoritate & consilio prae●sset . Calvin . in Tit. 1. 5. b A sanctis Apostolis nunquam possunt ostendere quod adfuerit Antioche●us & ordinaverit , vel communicaverit unquam insulae ordinationis gratiam , neque alius quisquam . Concil . Ephesin . Act. 7. c Et nunc memorati Episcopi , & qui a sanctis Apostolis erant omnes orthodoxi , ab his qui in Cypro constituti sunt . Ibid. d Sicut initio à temporibus Apostolorum & constitutionibus & canonibus sanctissimae & magnae Synodi Nicaenae ; illaesa & superior infidiis & potentiā permansit nostra Cypriorum Synodus . Ibid. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & paulo pòst . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. h Neque verò magis existimandum est , hunc externum ordinem fuisse initio humani generis . Pagi enim ex familiis , & ex pagis urbes , & ex urbibus civitates ipsae , suadente naturâ & necessitate flagitante , sensim eoïerunt ; aliis aliorum exemplum sequutis . Bez. de divers . gradib . ministr . contr . Sarav . cap. 24. sect . 4. i Atque hoc consentiebat legi Christi , fiebatque ex jure corporis Christi . M. Bucer . de vi & usu . S. Ministerii . ( inter scripta ejus Anglicana , pag. 565. ) k Num. 3. 32. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . LXX . Num. 4. 16. m id . Num. 3. 32. n Reperiemus veteres Episcopos non aliam regen●ae Ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere ab eâ quam Deus Verbo suo praescripsit . Calvin . Institut . lib. 4. cap. 4. sect . 4. Notes for div A51419-e23660 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. epist. ad Philadelph . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. cum Antiocho , Serm. 124. Notes for div A51419-e24180 * To whom two others also from Geneva may be added : Daniel Chamierus ( in Panstratia , tō , 2. lib. 10. cap. 6. sect . 24. ) and Nicol. Vedelius ( Exercitat . 3. in epist. Ignatii ad Philadelph . cap. 14. & Exercit. 8. in epistol . ad Mariam , cap. 3. ) which is fully also demonstrated in the former Treatise , by the testimonies of those who wrote in the very next age after the Apostles . 
A61839	----	Episcopacy (as established by law in England) not prejudicial to regal power a treatise written in the time of the Long Parliament, by the special command of the late King / and now published by ... Robert Sanderson ... Sanderson, Robert, 1587-1663. 1661 Approx. 137 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 77 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61839 Wing S599 ESTC R1745 13173416 ocm 13173416 98327 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61839) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98327) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 777:19) Episcopacy (as established by law in England) not prejudicial to regal power a treatise written in the time of the Long Parliament, by the special command of the late King / and now published by ... Robert Sanderson ... Sanderson, Robert, 1587-1663. [16], 136 p. Printed by R. Norton for Timothy Garthwait ..., London : 1661. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church and state -- England. Divine right of kings. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2004-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion EPISCOPACY ( As established by Law in England ) NOT PREJUDICIAL TO REGAL POWER . A Treatise written in the time of the Long Parliament , By the special Command of the late KING . And now published by the Right Reverend Father in God ROBERT SANDERSON Lord Bishop of Lincoln . LONDON , Printed by R. Norton , for Timothy Garthwait in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1661. TO THE Most High and Mighty King CHARLES the II d , By the Grace of God , King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. Most Gracious and Dread Soveraign , THat I take the boldness humbly to present this short discourse to your Majesties Sacred hand and piercing eye ; it is upon this one and onely account , that how mean soever the performance be , the undertaking was in obedience to the command of a most Gracious Master , your Majesties Royal Father of Blessed Memory . The Occasion this . When the Army had gotten the King into their own custody out of the hands of those that had long holden him in durance at Holdenby : to put a blind upon the world , they made a shew of much good towards him , which ( as soon after appeared ) they never meant him . Amongst other the pompous civilities , wherewith ( the better to cloak their hypocrisie ) they entertained him ; it was their pleasure to vouchsafe him the attendance of some of his own Chaplains : which , though it could merit little ( for such a kindness could not with justice have been denyed to a far meaner person ; ) was yet a boon his former Goalers thought too big for him . In that Summer Progress ( such as it was ) four of us of his own naming , with the Clerk of his Closet , were suffered to wait upon him . In which time of waiting , ( which was in August MDCXLVII . ) His Majesty , being then at Hampton-Court , one day called me to him , and told me he had a little work for me to do . Some about him , it seems , had been often discoursing with him about EPISCOPACY , as it was claimed and exercised by the Bishops within this Realm . Which ( whether out of their good-will to him , or their no-good-will to the Church , I am not able to say , ) they had endeavoured to represent unto him , as not a little derogatory to the REGAL AUTHORITY , as well in the point of Supremacy , as of Prerogative : in the one , by claiming the function as of Divine Right ; in the other , by exercising the Jurisdiction in their own names . His Majesty said farther , that he did not believe the Church-Government by Bishops as it was by Law established in this Realm , to be in either of the aforesaid respects , or any other way prejudicial to his Crown ; and that he was in his own judgement fully satisfied concerning the same : yet signified his pleasure withal , that for the satisfaction of others I should take these two Objections into consideration , and give him an Answer thereunto in writing . In Obedience to which his Majesties Royal pleasure , after my return home , I forthwith ( according to my bounden duty ) addressed my self to the work ; and was drawing up an Answer to both the Objections , as well as I was able ; with a purpose to present the same ( as soon as it should be finished ) to his Majesty in writing , upon the first offered opportunity . But behold , before I could bring the business ad umbilicum , and quite finish what was under my hand , the Scene of affairs was strangely changed . The King trepann'd into the Isle of Wight ; the mask of Hypocrisie , by long wearing now grown so thin and useless , that it was fit for nothing but to be thrown by ; no kind of impiety and villany , but durst appear bare-faced and in the open Sun ; high insolencies to the contempt of Authority every where committed ; Majesty it self trampled upon by the vilest of the People ; and the hearts of all loyal honest men sadly oppressed with griefs and fears . Yet had the men who steered the Publick as they listed , ( that they might give themselves the more recreation , amuse the world anew , and grace the black Tragedy they were acting with the more variety , ) a mind to play one game more the next year ; to wit , the Treaty at the aforesaid Isle of Wight . Where , assoon as I understood , that by his Majestie 's nomination , I was to give my attendance ; I looked out the old Papers which I had laid aside a good while before ; made up what was then left unfinished , and took the Copy with me to the Isle ; thinking that when the Treaty should be ended ( for whilest it lasted his Majesty was taken up with other thoughts and debates of higher concern ) I might possibly have the opportunity to give his Majesty an account thereof . What became of that Treaty , and what after ensued , is so well known to the world , that there is no need , and withal so sad , that it can be no pleasure , to remember . But thenceforward were those Papers laid aside once again , and destined to perpetual silence , had not a debate lately started , concerning one of the principal points therein handled , occasioned some persons of eminent place and esteem in the Church ( and one of them conscious to the aforesaid command laid upon me by the late King , ) to desire a sight of those Papers . Which being by their encouragement now made publick ( though having little other to commend them , either to the world but Truth and Plainness , or to your Majesty but that they had their first rise from his command whose Throne and Vertues you inherit ; ) I humbly beseech your Majesty graciously to accept ; together with the Prayers of Your Majesties most Loyal Subject and devoted Servant ROBERT LINCOLN . LONDON , August 10. MDCLXI . By the KING . A PROCLAMATION , Declaring that the proceedings of his Majesties Ecclesiastical Courts and Ministers , are according to the Lawes of the Realm . WHereas in some of the Libellous books and Pamphlets lately published , The most Reverend Fathers in God , the Lords Arch-Bishops and Bishops of this Realm , are said to have usurped upon his Majesties Prerogative Royal , and to have proceeded in the high Commission and other Ecclesiastical Courts , contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm ; It was ordered by his Majesties high Court of Star-Chamber , the Twelfth day of June last , that the opinion of the two Lords chief Iustices , the Lord chief Baron , and the rest of the Judges and Barons should be had and certified in those particulars , viz. Whether Processes may not issue out of the Ecclesiastical Courts in the Name of the Bishops . Whether a Patent under the great Seal be necessary for the keeping of the Ecclesiastical Courts , and enabling Citations , Suspensions , Excommunications , and other censures of the Church . And whether Citations ought to be in the Kings name , and under his Seal of Arms , and the like for Institutions and Inductions to Benefices , and Correction of Ecclesiastical offences . Whether Bishops , Arch-Deacons and other Ecclesiastical persons may or ought to keep any visitation at any time unless they have express Commission or Patent under the great Seal of England to do it , and that as his Majesties Uisitors only , and in his name and Right alone . Whereupon , his Majesties said Iudges having taken the same into their serious consideration , did unanimously concur and agree in opinion , and the first day of July last certified under their hands as followeth , That Processes may issue out of the Ecclesiastical Courts in the name of the Bishops ; and that a Patent under the great Seal is not necessary for the keeping of the said Ecclesiastical Courts , or for enabling of Citations , Suspensions , Excommunications and other Censures of the Church ; And that it is not necessary that Summons , Citations , or other Processes Ecclesiastical in the said Courts , or Institutions , or Inductions to Benefices , or correction of Ecclesiastical offences by Censure in those Courts , be in the Kings name or with the style of the King , or under the Kings Seal , or that their Seals of Office have in them the Kings Arms ; And that the Statute of Primo Edvardi Sexti , cap. secundo , which enacted the contrary , is not now in force : And that the Bishops , Arch-Deacons and other Ecclesiastical persons , may keep their Uisitations as usually they have done , without Commission under the great Seal of England so to do : which opinions and resolutions being declared under the hands of all his Majesties said Iudges , and so certified into his Court of Star-Chamber , were there recorded : and it was by that Court further ordered the fourth day of the said moneth of July , that the said certificate should be inrolled in all other his Majesties Courts at Westminster , and in the High Commission , and other Ecclesiastical Courts , for the satisfaction of all men , That the proceedings in the High Commission and other Ecclesiastical Courts are agreeable to the Laws and Statutes of the Realm . And his Royal Majesty hath thought sit , with advice of his Councel , that a publick Declaration of these the opinions and resolutions of his Reverend and Learned Iudges , being agreeable to the Iudgement and Resolutions of former times , should be made known to all his Subjects , as well to vindicate the legal proceedings of His Ecclesiastical Courts and Ministers , from the unjust and scandalous imputation of invading or entrenching on his Royal Prerogative , as to settle the minds and stop the mouths of all unquiet Spirits , that for the future they presume not to censure his Ecclesiastical Courts or Ministers in these their Iust and warranted proceedings : And hereof his Majesty admonisheth all his Subjects to take warning as they shall answer the contrary at their perils . Given at the Court at Lyndhurst the 18. day of August , in the 13. year of his Majesties Raign . God save the King. Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty , and by the Assignes of Iohn Bill , 1637. Primo Julii 1637. The Iudges Certificate concerning Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction . May it please your Lordships , ACcording to your Lordships Order made in his Majesties Court of Star-Chamber the Twelfth of May last , we have taken consideration of the particulars , wherein our Opinions are required by the said Order , and we have all agreed , That Processes may issue out of the Ecclesiastical Courts in the name of Bishops , and that a Patent under the great Seal is not necessary for the keeping of the said Ecclesiastical Courts , or for the enabling of Citations , Suspensions , Excommunications or other Censures of the Church . And that it is not necessary that Summons , Citations , or other Processes Ecclesiastical in the said Courts , or Institutions , or Inductions to Benefices , or Correction of Ecclesiastical offences by censure in those Courts , be in the Kings name , or with the Style of the King , or under the Kings Seal , or that their Seals of Office have in them the Kings Arms. And that the Statute of Primo Edvardi Sexti Cap. 2. which enacted the contrary , is not now in force . We are also of opinion , That the Bishops , Archdeacons and other Ecclesiastical persons may keep their Visitations as usually they have done without Commission under the great Seal of England so to do . Io. Bramstone . Io. Finch . Humfrey Davenport . Will. Iones . Io. Dinham . Richard Hutton . George Croke . Tho. Trevor . George Vernon . Ro. Berkley . Fr. Crawley . Ric. Weston . Inrolled in the Courts of Exchequer , Kings Bench , Common Pleas , and Registred in the Courts of High Commission and Star-Chamber . EPISCOPACY not Prejudicial to Regal Power . SECT . I. The two great Objections proposed . I. HE that shall take the pains to inform himself rightly , what power the Kings of England have from time to time claimed and exercised in Causes and over Persons Ecclesiastical ; as also by whom , how , and how far forth their said Power hath been from time to time either opposed , or maintained : shall undoubtedly find that no persons in the world have more freely acknowledged , and both by their writings and actions more zealously , judiciously and effectually asserted the Soveraign Ecclesiastical power of Kings , then the Protestant Bishops and Divines ( whom our new Masters have been pleased of late to call the Prelatical party ) in the Church of England have done . Yet so far hath prejudice ( or something else ) prevailed with some persons of quality in these times of so much loosness and distraction ; as to suffer themselves to be led into a belief , or at leastwise to be willing the people should be deceived into the belief of these two things . First , that the Opinion which maintaineth the Ius divinum of Episcopacy is destructive of the Regal power . And secondly , that Episcopal Iurisdiction , as it was exercised before and at the beginning of this present Parliament , was derogatory from the honour of the King , and prejudicial to the just Rights and Prerogatives of his Crown II. Truely , they that know any thing of the practises and proceedings of the Anti-prelatical party , cannot be ignorant , that their aims ( these or whatsoever other pretensions notwithstanding ) are clearly to enlarge their own power by lessening the Kings , and to raise their own estates upon the ruines of the Bishops . And therefore howsoever the aforesaid pretensions may seem at the first appearance to proceed from a sense of Loyalty , and a tenderness of suffering any thing to be continued in the kingdom which might tend to the least diminution of his Majesties just power & greatness . yet , ( till their actions look otherwise then for some time past they have done ) the pretenders must give us leave to think that their meaning therein is rather to do the Bishops hurt , then to do the King service ; and that their affections ( so far as by what is visible we are able to judge thereof ) are much what alike the same towards them both . But to leave their Hearts to the judgement of him to whom they must stand or fall : for the just defence of truth , and that ( so far as we can help it ) the people be not abused in this particular also , as in sundry others they have been , by such men , as are content to use the Kings name when it may help on their own designs ; I shall first set forth the two main Objections severally to the best advantage of the Objectors ; and then endeavour by a clear and satisfactory answer to discover the weakness and vanity of them both . III. The former objection . Whereas in the Oath of Supremacy the supreme power Ecclesistical is acknowledged to be in the King alone ; and by the Statute of 1. Eliz. All jurisdictions and preeminencies Spiritual and Ecclesiastical within the Realm of England are restored to the Crown as the ancient right thereof , and forever united and annexed thereunto : the Bishops claiming their power and jurisdiction to belong unto them as of divine right , seemeth to be a manifest violation of the said Oath and Statute , and a real diminution of the Regal power in and by the said Oath and Statute acknowledged and confirmed . For whatsoever power is of divine right , is immediatly derived from God , and dependeth not upon any earthly King or Potentate whatsoever as superiour thereunto . These two tearms , to be from Heaven , and to be of Men , being used in the Scriptures as terms opposite and inconsistent , and such as cannot be both truly affirmed of the same thing . IV. The latter objection . Setting aside the dispute of jus divinum , and whatsoever might be said either for or against the same : the very exercising of Episcopal jurisdiction in such a manner as it was with us , the Bishops issuing out their Summens , giving Censures , and acting every other thing in the Ecclesiastical Courts , in their own and not in the Kings name , seemeth to derogate very much from the Regal power in the point of Ecclesiastical Soveraignty . For whereas the Judges in the Kings Bench , Common Plees , and other Common-Law-Courts do issue out their Writts , and make all their Iudgments , Orders , Decrees , &c. in the Kings name ; thereby acknowledging both their Power to be depending upon , and derived from the Kings authority , and themselves in the exercise of that Power to be but his Ministers sent and authorzied by him ; and so give him the just honour of his Supremacy temporal : The Bishops on the other side exercise a spiritual power or jurisdiction in their own names , and as it were by their own authority , without any the least acknowledgment of the effluxe or emanation of that power or jurisdiction from the King. Which custome as it had undoubtedly its first rise , and after-growth from the exorbitant greatness of the Bishops of Rome , who have usurped an unjust authority as well over Kings and Princes , as over their Fellow-Bishops , laboured all they could to lessen the authority of Kings , especially in matters Ecclesiastical : so is the continuance thereof no otherwise to be esteemed then as a rag or relique of that Anti-Christian tyranny , which was retained ( as some other things also of evil consequence were ) in those imperfect beginnings of Reformation , when the Popes power was first abrogated under King Henry the Eighth . But it was afterwards in a more mature and perfect reformation taken in to consideration in the Raign of King Edward the Sixth : and remedy provided there-against by an Act of Parliament made in the first year of his Raign . Wherein it was enacted , that all Summons , Citations , and other Processes Ecclesiastical should be made in the Kings name and with the style of the King , as it is in Writts original and judicial at the Common Laws ; and that the Teste thereof only should be in the name of the Bishop . V. It is true indeed that this Statute of King Edward was within a few years after repealed , and so the old usage and form again restored primo Mariae , and hath ever since so continued during the Raigns of the said Queen , of Queen Elizabeth , of K. Iames , and of his Majesty that now is until this present Parliament , without any alteration or interruption . But the repealing of the Statute of primo Edw. 6. and the reception of the former usage insuing thereupon , ought not to be alleaged by the Bishops , or to sway with any Protestant : inasmuch as that repeal was made by Queen Mary , who was a professed Papist , and who together with that form of proceeding in the Ecclesiastical Courts restored also the whole Popish Religion , whereof that was a branch . Neither ought the un-interrupted continuance of the said form under Queen Elizabeth and the succeeding Kings , ( whether it happened through inadvertency in the State , or through the incessant artifices and practises of the more active Bishops , some or other whereof had alwayes a prevalent power with those Princes in their several Raigns ) to hinder ; but that , as the said manner of proceeding was in the said first year of Edward 6. by the King and the three Estates in Parliament adjudged to favour the usurped power of the Bishops of Rome , and to trench upon the Kings just and acknowledged authority in matters Ecclesiastical ( as by the preamble of the said Act doth sufficiently appear ; ) so it ought to be still no otherwise esteemed then as a branch of the Papal usurpation , highly derogatory to the honour of the King , and the rights of his Crown . This is ( as I conceive ) the sum of all that hath been , and the utmost of what ( I suppose ) can be said in this matter . THE II. SECTION In answer to the former Objection . I. WHereunto I make answer as followeth . To the former Objection , I say first , that it is evidently of no force at all against those Divines , who for the maintenance of Episcopacy lay their claim under another notion , and not under that of Ius Divinum . Which expression , for that it is ( by reason of the ambiguity thereof ) subject to be mistaken , and that captious men are so willing to mistake it for their own advantage ; might peradventure without loss of Truth , or prejudice to the Cause , b● with as much prudence laid aside a● used , as in this , so in sundry other disputes and controversies of these Times . II. If it shall be replyed , that then belike the Proctors for Episcopacy are not yet well agreed among themselves by what title they hold : and that is a shrewd prejudice against them , that they have no good title . For it is ever supposed he that hath a good title , knoweth what it is : and we are to presume the power to be usurped , when he that useth it cannot well tell how he came by it . I say therefore secondly , that the difference between the Advocates for Episcopacy is rather in the different manner of expressing the same thing , then in their different judgement upon the substance of the matter . The one sort making choise of an expression which he knoweth he is able to make good against all gainsayers , if they will but understand him aright : the other out of wariness or condescension forbearing an expression , ( no necessity requiring the use of it , ) which he seeth to have been subject to so much mis-construction . III. For the truth is , all this ado about Ius divinum is in the last result no more then a meer verbal nicety : that term being not alwayes taken in one and the same latitude of signification . Sometimes it importeth a divine precept ( which is indeed the primary and most proper signification : ) when it appeareth by some clear express and peremptory command of God in his word , to be the will of God that the thing so commanded should be perpetually and universally observed . Of which sort , setting aside the Articles of the Creed , and the Moral duties of the Law ( which are not much pertinent to the present enquiry ) there are , as I take it , very few things that can be properly said to be of divine positive right under the New Testament . The Preaching of the Gospel , and administration of the Sacraments are two : which when I have named , I think I have named all . IV. But there is a secondary and more extended signification of that term , which is also of frequent use among Divines . In which sense such things , as having no express command in the word , are yet found to have authority and warrant from the institution , example , or approbation either of Christ himself , or his Apostles ; and have ( in regard of the importance and usefulness of the things themselves ) been held , by the consentient judgement of all the Churches of Christ in the primitive and succeeding ages , needful to be continued : such things I say are ( though not so properly as the former , yet ) usually and interpretativè said to be of Divine Right . Of which sort I take the observation of the Lords day , the ordering of the Keys , the distinction of Presbyters and Deacons , and some other things ( not all perhaps of equal consequence ) to be . Unto Ius divinum in that former acception is required a Divine Precept : in this later , it sufficeth thereunto that a thing be of Apostolical institution or practice . Which ambiguity is the more to be heeded , for that the observation thereof is of great use for the avoyding of sundry mistakes that through the ignorance or neglect thereof daily happen to the engaging of men in endless disputes , and entangling their consciences in unnecessary scruples . V. Now , that the Government of the Churches of Christ by Bishops is of divine right in that first and stricter sence , is an Opinion at least of great probability , and such as may more easily and upon better grounds be defended then confuted : especially if in expounding those Texts that are alleaged for it we give such deference to the authority of the Ancient Fathers and their expositions thereof , as wise and sober men have alwayes thought it fit we should do . Yet because it is both inexpedient to maintain a dispute where it needs not , and needless to contend for more , where less will serve the turne : I finde that our Divines that have travailed most in this Argument , where they purposely treat of it , do rather chuse to stand to the tenure of Episcopacy ex Apostolicâ designatione , then to hold a contest upon the title of jus divinum , no necessity requiring the same to be done . They therefore that so speak of this Government as established by Divine right , are not all of them necessarily so to be understood , as if they meant it in that first and stricter sense . Sufficient it is for the justification of the Church of England in the constitution and government thereof , that it is ( as certainly it is ) of Divine right in the latter and larger signification : that is to say , of Apostolical institution and approbation ; exercised by the Apostles themselves , and by other persons in their times , appointed and enabled thereunto by them , according to the will of our Lord Iesus Christ , and by vertue of the Commission they had received from him . VI. Which besides that it is clear from evident Texts of Scripture , and from the testimony of as ancient and authentique Records as the world hath any to shew for the attesting of any other part of Ecclesiastical story ; it is also in truth a part of the established Doctrine of the Church of England : evidently deduced out of sundry passages in the booke of Consecration , ( which book is Approved in the Articles of our Religion Art. 36. Confirmed by Act of Parliament , and Subscribed unto by all persons that have heretofore taken Orders in the Church , or Degrees in the University ; ) and hath been constantly and uniformly Maintained by our best Writers , and by all the sober , orderly and Orthodoxe sons of this Church . The point hath been so abundantly proved by sundry Learned men , and cleared from the exceptions of Novellists ; that more need not be said for the satisfaction of any intelligent man that will but first take the pains to read the books , and then suffer himself to be master of his own reason . VII . Only I could wish , that they who plead so eagerly for the jus divinum of the Lords day , & yet reject ( not without some scorn ) the jus divinum of Episcopacy , would ask their own hearts ( dealing impartially therein ) whether it be any apparent difference in the nature of the things themselves , or in the strength of those reasons that have been brought for either , that leadeth them to have such different judgments thereof ; or rather some prejudicate conceit of their own ; which having formerly fancied to themselves even as they stood affected to parties , the same affections still abiding , they cannot easily lay aside . Which partiality ( for I am loath to call it perversness ) of spirit , is by so much the more inexcusable in this particular ; by how much Episcopal government seemeth to be grounded upon Scripture-Texts of greater pregnancy and clearness , and attested by a fuller consent of Antiquity to have been Uniformly and Universally observed throughout the whole Christian world , then the Lords day hath hitherto been shewen to be . VIII . But should it be granted that all the defenders of Episcopacy did indeed hold it to be jure divino in the strictest and most proper sence ; yet could not the Objectors thence reasonably conclude , that it should be eo nomine inconsistent with the Regal power , or so much as derogatory in the least degree to that Supream power Ecclesiastical , which by the Laws of our Land is established , and by the doctrine of our Church acknowledged to be inherent in the Crown . As themselves may easily see , if they will but consider . IX . First , that Regal and Episcopal power are two powers of quite different kinds : and such as considered purely in those things that are proper and essential to either , have no mutual relation unto , or dependence upon , the one the other ; neither hath either of them any thing to do with the other . The one of them being purely spiritual and internal , the other external and temporal : albeit in regard of the Persons that are to exercise them , or some accidental circumstances appertaining to the exercise thereof , it may happen the one to be somewayes helpful or prejudicial to the other ; yet is there no necessity at all that the very powers themselves in respect of their own natures should be ( at that distance ) either of them so destructive of other , but that they might consist well enough together . Yea although either of them or both should claime ( as indeed they both may do ) to be of divine right independently upon the other . Let any man come up to the point , and shew if he can , how and wherein the Episcopal power is any thing at all diminished by affirming the Regal to be of divine right ; or how and wherein the Regal power is at all Prejudiced , by affirming the Episcopal to be of divine right . The opposition between those two Terms , To be from Heaven and To be of Men , which was objected , cometh not home enough : unless we should affirm them both of one and the same power in the same respect . Which since we do not ; that opposition hindereth not , but that the same power may be said to be of both in divers respects , viz. to be from Heaven , or of God , in respect of the substance of the thing in the general ; and yet to be of Men in respect of the determination of sundry particularities requisite unto the lawful and laudable exercise thereof . X. Secondly , that the derivation of any power from God doth not necessarily infer the non-subjection of the persons in whom that power resideth to all other men . For doubtless the power that Fathers have over their children , husbands over their wives , masters over their servants , is from Heaven , of God and not of Men. Yet are Parents , Husbands , Masters in the exercises of their several respective powers subject to the power , jurisdiction and Laws of their lawful Soveraigns . And I suppose it would be a very hard matter for any man to find out a clear and satisfactory reason of difference between the Ecclesiastical power and the Oeconomical ; why the one , because it claimeth to be of Divine Right should be therefore thought to be injurious to Regal power , and the other ( though claiming in the same manner ) not to be injurious . XI . Thirdly , the Ministerial power , in that which is common to Bishops with their fellow-Presbyters , viz. the Preaching of the VVord and administration of the Sacraments , &c. is confessed to be from Heaven and of God ; and yet no prejudice at all conceived to be done thereby to the Regal Power : because the Ministers who exercise that power are the Kings subjects , and are also in the executing of those very acts that are proper to their Ministerial functions to be limited and ordered by the Kings Ecclesiastical Lawes . A man might therefore justly wonder , ( but that it is no new thing to find in the bag of such Merchants , as we have now to deal with , pondus & pondus , ) how it should come to pass that the Episcopal Power , in that which is peculiar to Bishops above other their brethren in the Ministery , viz. the Ordaining of Priests and Deacons and the managing of the Keyes , cannot be said to be of God , but it must be forthwith condemned to be highly derogatory to the Regal Power : notwithstanding the Bishops acknowledge themselves as freely as any others whosoever , to be the Kings subjects , and submit themselves , with as much willingness ( I dare say , and some Presbyterians know I speak but the truth ) as the meanest of their fellow-Ministers do , to be limited in exercising the proper Acts of their Episcopal Functions by such Lawes as have been by Regal Power established in this Realm . The King doth no more challenge to himselfe as belonging to him by vertue of his Supremacy Ecclesiastical , the power of Ordaining Ministers , Excommunicating scandalous offenders , or doing any other act of Episcopal Office in his own person ; then he doth the power of Preaching , administring the Sacraments , or doing any other act of Ministerial office in his own person : but leaveth the performance of all such acts of either sort unto such persons , as the said several respective powers do of divine right belong unto ; viz. of the one sort to the Bishops , and of the other to all Preists . Yet doth the King by virtue of that Supremacy , challenge a power as belonging unto him in the right of his Crown , to make Laws as well concerning Preaching , administring the Sacraments , and other acts belonging to the function of a Priest , as concerning Ordination of Ministers , proceedings in matters of Ecclesiastical cognisance in the Spiritual Courts , and other acts belonging to the function of a Bishop . To which Lawes , as well the Priests as the Bishops , are subject , and ought to submit to be limited and regulated thereby in the exercise of those their several respective Powers ; their claim to a Ius divinum , and that their said several powers are of God , notwithstanding . I demand then : As to the Regal Power , is not the case of the Bishops and of the Ministers every way alike ? Do they not both pretend their Powers to be of God ? And are they not yet for all that both bound in the exercise of those powers to obey the King and his Laws ? Is there not clearly the same reason of both ? How then cometh it to pass , that these are pronounced innocent , and those guilty ? Can any think God will wink at such foul partiality ? or account them pure with the bag of deceitful weights ? XII . Fourthly , that there can be no fear of any danger to arise to the prejudice of the Regal power from the opinion that Bishops are jure divino , unless that opinion should be stretched to one of these two constructions : viz. as if it were intended either 1. that all the Power which Bishops have legally exercised in Christian Kingdomes did belong to them as of divine right ; or 2. that Bishops living under Christian Kings , might at least exercise so much of their power as is of divine right after their own pleasure , without , or even against the Kings leave , or without respect to the Laws and Customes of the Realm . Neither of which is any part of our meaning . All power , to the exercise whereof our Bishops have pretended , cometh under one of the two heads : of Order , or of Iurisdiction . The Power of Order consisteth partly in preaching the word and other offices of publique VVorship ; common to them with their fellow-Ministers ; partly in Ordaining Preists and Deacons admitting them to their Particular Cures , and other things of like nature , peculiar to them alone . The power of Iurisdiction is either Internal in retaining and remitting sins in foro conscientiae , common to them also ( for the substance of the authority , though with some difference of degree , ) with other Ministers : or External for the outward government of the Church in some parts thereof peculiar to them alone . For that external power is either Directive in prescribing rules and orders to those under their jurisdictions , and making Canons and Constitutions to be observed by the Church ; wherein the inferior Clergy by their Representatives in Convocation have their votes as well as the Bishops ; and both dependently upon the King ( for they cannot either meet without his VVrit , or treat without his Commission , or establish without his Royal Assent : ) or Iudiciary and Coercive , in giving sentence in foro exteriori in matters of Ecclesiastical cognisance , Excommunicating , Fining , Imprisoning offenders , and the like . Of these powers some branches , not onely in the exercise thereof , but even in the very substance of the Power it selfe , ( as namely that of external jurisdiction coercive , ) are by the Laws declared , and by the Clergy acknowledged to be wholly and entirely derived from the King , as the sole fountain of all authority of external Iurisdiction whether Spiritual or Temporal within the Realm ; and consequently not of divine right . Other-some , although the substance of the power it self be immediately from God and not from the King , as those of Preaching , Ordaining , Absolving &c. Yet are they so subject to be inhibited , limited , or otherwise regulated in the outward exercise of that power by the Laws and Customes of the Land , as that the whole execution thereof still dependeth upon the Regal Authority . And how can the gross of that Power be prejudicial to the King or his Supremacy , whereof all the parts are confessed either to be derived from him , or not to be executed without him ? XIII . Fifthly , that if Episcopacy must be therefore concluded to be repugnant to Monarchy , because it claimeth to be of divine Right : then must Monarchs either suffer within their dominions no form of Church-government at all ( and then will Church , and with it Religion , soon fall to the ground ; ) or else they must devise some new model of Government , such as never was yet used or challenged in any part of the Christian world ; since no form of Government ever yet used , or challenged , but hath claimed to a Ius divinum as well as Episcopacy : yea , I may say truly , every one of them with far more noise , though with far less reason then Episcopacy hath done . And therefore of what party soever the objectors are , ( Papists , Presbyterians , or Independents ) they shew themselves extreamly Partial against the honest Regular Protestant ; in condemning him as an enemy to Regal Power for holding that in his way , which ( if it be justly chargeable with such a crime , ) themselves holding the very same in their several wayes , are every whit as deeply guilty of , as he . XIIII . Lastly , that this their partiality is by so much the more inexcusable , by how much the true English Protestant for his government not onely hath a better title to a Ius divinum then any of the other three have for theirs ; but also pleadeth the same with more caution and modesty , then any of them do . Which of the four Pretenders hath the best title , is no part of the business we are now about . The tryal of that will rest upon the strength of the arguments that are brought to maintain it : wherein the Presbyterians perhaps will not find any very great advantage beyond the rest of those that contest for it . But let the right be where it will be ; we will for the present suppose them all to have equal title ( and thus far indeed they are equal , that every one taketh his own to be best : ) and it shall suffice to shew , that the Ius Divinum is pleaded by the Episcopal party with more calmeness and moderation , and with less derogation from Regal Dignity , then by any other of the three . XV. For First , the rest when they spake of Ius Divinum in reference to their several waves of Church-Government , take it in the highest elevation , in the first and strictest sense . The Papist groundeth the Popes Oecumenical Supremacy upon Christs command , to Peter to execute it , and to all the Flock of Christ ( Princes also as well as others ) to submit to him as their universal Pastor The Presbyterian cryeth up his Model of Government and Discipline , ( though minted in the last by-gon Century , ) as the very scepter of Christs Kingdome , whereunto all Kings are bound to submit theirs ; making it as unalterable and inevitably necessary to the being of a Church , as the Word and Sacraments are . The Independent Separatist also , upon that grand principle of Puritanisme common to him with the Presbyterian ( the very root of almost all the Sects in the world ) viz That nothing is to be ordered in Church-matters , other , or otherwise then Christ hath appointed in his Word ; holdeth that any company of people gathered together by mutual consent in a Church-way is Iure Divino free and absolute within it self , to govern it self by such rules as it shall judge agreeable to Gods Word , without dependence upon any but Christ Iesus alone , or subjection to any Prince , Prelate , or other humane person or Consistory whatsoever . All these you see do not onely claim to a Ius Divinum , and that of a very high nature ; but in setting down their opinions weave in some expresses tending to the diminution of the Ecclesiastical Supremacy of Princes . Whereas the Episcopal Party , neither meddle with the power of Princes , nor are ordinarily very forward to press the Ius Divinum , but rather purposely decline the mentioning of it , as a term subject to misconstruction ( as hath been said ) or else so interpret it , as not of necessity to import any more then an Apostolical institution . Yet the Apostles authority in that institution , being warranted by the example , and ( as they doubt not ) the direction of their Master Iesus Christ , they worthily esteem to be so reverend and obligatory ; as that they would not for a world have any hand in , or willingly and deliberately contribute the least assistance towards ( much less bind themselves by solemn League and Covenant to endeavour ) the extirpation of that Government ; but rather on the contrary hold themselves in their consciences obliged , to the uttermost of their powers to endeavour the preservation and continuance thereof in these Churches , and do heartily wish the restitution and establishment of the same , wheresoever it is not , or wheresoever it hath been heretofore ( under any whatsoever pretence ) unhappily laid aside , or abolished . XVI . Secondly , the rest ( not by remote inferences , but ) by immediate and natural deduction out of their own acknowledged principles , do some way or other deny the Kings Supremacy in matters Ecclesiastical : either claiming a power of Iurisdiction over him , or pleading a priviledge of Exemption from under him . The Papists do it both wayes ; in their several doctrines of the Popes Supremacy , and of the Exemption of the Clergy . The Puritances of both sorts , who think they have sufficiently confuted every thing they have a mind to mislike , if they have once pronounced it Popish and Antichristian , do yet herein ( as in very many other things , and some of them of the most dangerous consequence ) symbolize with the Papists , and after a sort divide that branch of Antichristianisme wholly between them : The Presbyterians claiming to their Consistories as full and absolute spiritual Iurisdiction over Princes , ( with power even to excommunicate them , if they shall see cause for it , ) as the Papists challenge to belong to the Pope : And the Independents exempting their Congregations from all spiritual subjection to them , in as ample manner , as the Papists do their Clergy . Whereas the English Protestant Bishops and Regular Clergy , as becometh good Christians and good Subjects , do neither pretend to any Iurisdiction over the Kings of England , nor withdraw their subjection from them : but acknowledge them to have Soveraign Power over them , as well as over their other subjects ; and that in all matters Ecclesiastical as well as Temporal . By all which it is clear , that the Ius Divinum of Episcopacy , as it is maintained by those they call ( stylo novo ) the Prelatical party in England , is not an opinion of so dangerous a nature , nor so derogatory to the Regal Powers , as the Adversaries thereof would make the world believe it is : but that rather , of all the forms of Church-government that ever yet were endeavoured to be brought into the Churches of Christ , it is the most innocent in that behalf . THE III. SECTION In Answer to the later Objection . 1. HAving thus cleared the Opinion held concerning Episcopacy in the Church of England from the crime unjustly charged upon it by the Adversaries , ( but whereof in truth themselves are deeply guilty ) in their former Objection : our next business will be the easier , to justifie it in the Practise also from the like charge laid against it in the later Objection , by shewing that the Iurisdiction exercised by the Bishops within this Realm , ( and namely in that particular which the Objectors urge with most vehemency , of acting so many things in their own names , ) is no way derogatory to the Kings Majesties Power or Honour . Wherein it were enough for the satisfaction of every understanding man , without descending to any farther particularities , to shew the impertinency of the Objectors from these two general Considerations . II. First that the Bishops have exercised no Iurisdiction in foro externo within this Realm , but such as hath been granted unto them by the successive Kings of England ; neither have challenged any such Iurisdiction to belong unto them by any inherent right or title in their persons or Callings , but onely by emanation and derivation from the Royal Authority . The very words of the Statute primo . Edw. 6. in the objection mentioned run thus , Seeing that all authority of jurisdiction Spiritual and Temporal is derived and deducted from the Kings Majesty as Supream head — and so justly acknowledged by the Clergy of the said Realms , and that all Courts Ecclesiastical be kept by no other power or authority either forraign or within the Realms , but by the authority of his most Excellent Majesty &c. Now the regular exercise of a Derived power is so far from destroying , or any way diminishing that Original power from whence it is derived , as that it rather confirmeth and establisheth the same . Yea , the further such derived power is extended and enlarged in the exercise thereof , so as it be regular , ( that is , so long as it containeth it self within the bounds of its grant , and exceedeth not the limits prefixed thereunto by that Original power that granted it ) the more it serveth to set forth the honour and greatness of that Original power ; since the vertue of the efficient Cause is best known by the greatness of the effect : for propter quod unumquodque est tale , illud ipsum est magis tale . As the warmth of the room doth not lessen the heat of the fire upon the hearth , but is rather a signe of the greatness of that heat : nor doth the abundance of sap in the branches cause any abatement in the root , but is rather an evident demonstration of the greater plenty there . III. Secondly , that it is one of the greatest follies in the world , to endeavour in good earnest to maintain any thing by argument when we have the evidence of Sence or Experience to the contrary . For what is it cum ratione insanire , if this be not ? To deny fire to be hot , or water to be moist , or snow to be white ; when our sences enform us they are such ? Or to prove by argument that life may be perpetuated by the help of art and good dyet , or that infants are capable of faith or instruction by ordinary means ; when Experience sheweth the contrary . Now the Experience of above fourscore years , ever since the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Raign , doth make it most evident , that the exercise of Episcopal Iurisdiction by the Protestant Bishops here , was so far from diminishing the power , or eclipsing the glory of the Crown , that the Kings and Queens of England never enjoyed their Royal power in a fuller measure , or flourished with greater lustre , honour and prosperity , then when the Bishops ( by their favour ) enjoyed the full liberty of their Courts , jurisdictions , honours and priviledges according to ancient grants of former Kings and the Lawes and Customes of England . On the other side ; in what condition of power and honour ( otherwise then in the hearts of his oppressed Subjects ) our most pious and gracious Soveraign that now is hath stood , and at this present standeth , through the prevalency of the Smectymnuan Faction ; ever since they had the opportunity and forehead from lopping off ( as was at first pretended ) some luxuriant superfluities ( as they at least imagined them to be ) in the branches of Episcopal Jurisdiction ( as High Commission , Oath ex officio , &c. ) to proceed to take away Episcopacy it self Root and Branch : it were a happy thing for us , if the lamentable Experience of these late Times would suffer us to be ignorant . So as we now look upon that short Aphorisme so usual with his Majesties Royal Father [ NO BISHOP , NO KING ] not as a sentence onely full of present truth when it was uttered ; but rather as a sad prophecy of future events , since come to pass . The miseries of these wasting divisions both in the Church and Common-wealth we cannot with any reason hope to see an end of , until it shall please Almighty God in his infinite mercy to a sinful nation , to restore them both ( King and Bishops ) to their Antient , Just and Rightful power : and in order thereunto graciously to hear the weak prayers of a small oppressed Party , ( yet coming from loyal hearts , and going not out of feigned lips ) beyond the loud crying Perjuries , Sacriledges , and Oppressions of those that now exercise an Arbitrary Soveraignty over their fellow Subjects without either Iustice or Mercy , together with the abominable hypocrisie and disloyalty that hath so long raigned in them and their adherents . IV. Those two general Considerations , although they might ( as I said ) suffice to take away the force of the Objection , without troubling our selves , or the Reader with any farther answer thereunto : yet that the Objectors may not have the least occasion given them to quarrel the proceedings , as if we did purposely decline a just tryal , we shall come up a little closer , and examine more particularly every material point , in the order as they lye in the Objection aforesaid . And the Points are three . 1. That the manner used by the Bishops , in sending out their Summons , &c. in their own names , is contrary to the form and order of other Courts . 2. That such forms of Process seem to have at first proceeded from the Usurped power of the Bishops of Rome , who laboured by all possible means to bring down the Regal Power , and set up their own . 3. That upon these very grounds the custome was altered by Act of Parliament , and a Statute made 1. Ewd. VI. ( howsoever since repealed and discontinued , ) that all Processes Ecclesiastical should be made in the Kings name , and not in the Bishops . V. As to the first point , true it is that the manner used by the Bishops in the Ecclesiastical Courts , ( viz. in issuing out Summons , Citations , Processes , giving Iudgments &c. in their own names , and not in the Kings , ) is different from the manner used in the Kings Bench , Exchequer , Chancery , and sundry other Courts . But that difference neither doth of necessity import an independency of the Ecclesiastical Courts upon the King , nor did in all probability arise at the beginning from the opinion of any such independency ; nor ought in reason to be construed as a disacknowledgement of the Kings authority and Supremacy Ecclesiastical . For VI. First there is between such Courts as are the Kings own immediate Courts , and such Courts as are not , a great difference in this point . Of the former sort are especially the Kings Bench and Chancery : as also the Court of Common Pleas , Exchequer , Iustices of Goal-delivery &c. In the Kings Bench the Kings themselves in former times have often personally sate ; whence it came to have the name of the Kings Bench ; neither was it tyed to any particular place , but followed the Kings Person . At this day also all Writs returnable there run in this style , Coram nobis , and not ( as in some other Courts ) coram Iustitiariis nostris or the like : and all judicial Records there are styled , and the Pleas there holden entred , Coram Rege , and not coram Iustitiariis Domini Regis . Appeals also are made from inferiour Iudges in other Courts to the King in Chancery ; because in the construction of the Lawes the Kings Personal Power and Presence is supposed to be there : and therefore Sub-poena's granted out of that Court , and all matters of Record passed there run in the same style Coram Rege &c. Forasmuch as in the Iudges in these two Courts there is a more immediate representation of the Kings Personal power and presence , then in the Iudges of those other Courts of Common Pleas , Exchequer , &c. Which yet by reason of his immediate virtual power and presence are the Kings immediate Courts too . In regard of which his immediate virtual power , although the style of the Writs and Records there be not Coram nobis , Coram Rege , as in the former , but onely Coram Iustitiariis , Coram Baronibus nostris , &c. yet inasmuch as the Iudges in those Courts are the Kings immediate sworn Ministers to execute justice , and to do equal right to all the Kings people in his name , therefore all Processes , Pleas , Acts and Iudgements are made and done in those Courts , as well as in the two former , in the Kings name . But in such Courts as do not suppose any such immediate Representation or presence of the Kings either personal or virtual Power , as that thereby they may be holden and taken to be the Kings own immediate Courts , the case is far otherwise . For neither are the Iudges in those Courts sworn the Kings Iudges , to administer Justice and do right to the Kings subjects in his name and stead : nor do they take upon them the authority , to cite any person , or to give any sentence , or to do any act of Jurisdiction in the Kings name ; having never been by him authorized so to do . Of this sort are amongst others ( best known to them that are skilled in the Laws of this Realm ) all Courts-Baron held by the Lord of a Manner , Customary Courts of Copyholders , &c and such Courts as are held by the Kings grant , by Charter to some Corporation , as to a City , Borough , or Vniversity ; or els by long usage and prescription of time . In all which Courts , and if there be any other of like nature , Summons are issued out , and Iudgements given , and all other Acts and Proceedings made and done in the name of such persons as have chief authority in the said Courts , and not in the name of the King : So as the styles run thus , A. B. Major civitatis Ebor. N. M. Cancellarius Vniversitatis Oxon. and the like ; and not Carolus Dei gratia , &c. VII . Upon this ground it is that our Lawyers tell us out of Bracton , that in case of Bastardy to be certified by the Bishop , no inferiour Court , as London , Yorke , Norwich , or any other Incorporation can write to the Bishop to require him to certify : but any of the Kings Courts at Westminister ( as Common Pleas , Kings Bench &c. ) may write to him to certify in that case . The reason is , Because Nullus alius praeter Regem potest Episcopo demandare inquisitionem faciendam . Which maketh it plain that the Kings immediate powe ( either personal , or virtual ) is by the Law supposed to be present in Courts of the one sort , not of the other : the one sort being his own immediate Courts , and the other not . VIII . Now that the Ecclesiastical Courts wherein the Bishops exercise their Jurisdiction , are of the latter sort , I doubt not but our Law-books will afford plenty of arguments to prove it , beyond all possibility of contradiction or cavil . Which being little versed in those studies I leave for them to find out who have leisure to search the books , and do better understand the nature , constitution , differences and bounds of the several Courts within this Realm . One argument there is , very obvious to every understanding , ( which because I shall have fit occasion a little after to declare , I will not now any longer insist upon , ) taken from the nature of the Iurisdiction of these Courts so far distant from the Iurisdiction appertaining to those other Courts , that these are notoriously separated and in Common and vulgar speach distinguished from all other by the peculiar name and appellation of the Spiritual Courts . But another Argument , which those books have suggested , I am the more willing here to produce , for that it not only sufficiently proveth the matter now in hand , but is also very needful to be better known abroad in the world then it is , for the removing of a very unjust censure , which meerly for want of the knowledge of the true cause , hath been laid upon the Bishops in one particular , to their great wrong and prejudice . It hath been much talked on , not only by the Common sort of people , but by some persons also of better rank and understanding , and imputed to the Bishops as an act of very high insolency , that in their Processes , Patents , Commissions , Licences , and other Instruments whereunto their Episcopal Seale is affixed , so oft as they have occasion to mention themselves , the Style runneth ever more in the Plural number [ Nos G. Cantuar-Archiepiscopus , Coram nobis , Salvo nobis — &c. ] just as it doth in his Majesties Letters Patents and Commissions : thereby shewing themselves ( say they ) as if they were his Fellows and Equals . All this great noise and clamour against the pride of the Bishops upon this score , proceedeth ( as I said ) meerly from the ignorance of the true original cause and ground of that innocent and ancient usage ; and therefore cannot signify much to any reasonable and considering man , when that ground is discovered : which is this , viz. that every Bishop is in construction of our Laws a Corporation . For although the Bishop of himselfe and in his private and personal capacity be but a single person as other men are , and accordingly in his letters concerning his own particular affairs , and in all other his actings upon his own occasions and as a private person writeth of himselfe in the singular number , as other private men do ; yet for as much as in his publike and politick capacity , and as a Bishop in the Church of England , he standeth in the eye of the Law as a Corporation ; the King not only alloweth him acting in that capacity , to write of himselfe in the plural number , but in all writs directed to him as Bishop ( as in Presentations , and the like ) bespeaketh him in the plural number [ Vestrae Diocesis , vobis praesentamus &c. ] The Bishop then being a Corporation , and that by the Kings authority , as all other Corporations ( whether Simple or Aggregate , whether by Charter or Prescription ) are : it is meet he should hold his Courts , and proceed therein in the same manner and form ( where there is no apparent reason to the contrary ) as other Corporations do . And therefore as it would be a high presumption for the Chancellour and Scholars of one of the Universities , being a Corporation , to whom the King by his Charter hath granted a Court , or for the Major and Aldermen of a City for the same reason , to issue Writs or do other acts in their Courts in the Kings name , not having any authority from the King or his grant , or from the Laws and Customs of England so to do : so doubtless it would for the same reason be esteemed a presumption no less intolerable for the Bishops to use the Kings name in their processes and judicial acts , not having any sufficient legal warrant or authority for so doing . IX . Which if it were duly considered , would induce any reasonable man to beleive and confesse that this manner of proceeding in their own names used by the Bishops in their Courts , is so far from trenching upon the Regal power and authority , which is the crime charged upon it by the Objectors , that the contrary usage ( unless it were enjoyned by some Law of the Land , as it was in the Raign of King Edward the Sixth ) might far more justly be charged therewithal . For the true reason of using the Kings name in any Court , is not thereby to acknowledge the emanation of the power or jurisdiction of that Court from , or the subordination of that power unto , the Kings power or authority , as the Objectors seeme to suppose ; but rather to shew the same Court to be one of the Kings own immediate Courts , wherein the King himselfe is supposed ( in the construction of the Law ) either by his personal or virtual power to be present . And the not using of the Kings name in other Courts , doth not infer , as if the Iudges of the said Courts did not act by the Kings authority , ( for who can imagine that they who hold a Court by virtue of the Kings grant only , should pretend to act by any other then his authority ? ) but only that they are no immediate representatives of the Kings person in such their jurisdiction , nor have consequently any allowance from him to use his name in the exercise or execution thereof . X. Secondly , there is another observable difference in this point , between the Kings Common-law-Courts , such as are most of those afore-mentioned , and those Courts that proceed according to the way of the Civil Law. If the King appoint a Constable , or Earle-Marshal , or Admiral of England : for as much as all tryals in the Marshals Court ( commonly called the Court of Honour ) and in the Admiralty are according to the Civil Law ; all Processes therefore , Sentences , and Acts in those Courts go in the names of the Constable , Earle-Marshal , or Admiral , and not in the Kings name . Which manner of proceeding constantly used in those Courts , sith no man hitherto hath been found to interpret , as any diminution at all or dis-acknowledgement of the Kings Soveraignty over the said Courts : it were not possible the same manner of proceeding in the Ecclesiastical Courts should be so confidently charged with so heinous a crime , did not the intervention of some wicked lust or other prevail with men of corrupt minds to become partial judges of evil thoughts . Especially considering that XI . Thirdly , there is yet a more special and peculiar reason to be given in the behalf of the Bishops for not using the Kings name in their Processes , &c. in the Ecclesiastical Courts , then can be given for the Iudges of any other the above-mentioned Courts ( either of the Common or Civil Laws ) in the said respect ; arising ( as hath been already in part touched ) from the different nature of their several respective Iurisdictions . Which is , that the summons and other proceedings and acts in the Ecclesiastical Courts are for the most part in order to the Ecclesiastical censures and sentences of Excommunication , &c. The passing of which sentences and other of like kind , being a part of the power of the Keyes which our Lord Iesus Christ thought fit to leave in the hands of his Apostles and their Successors , and not in the hands of Lay-men ; the Kings of England never challenged to belong unto themselves : but left the exercise of that Power entirely to the Bishops , as the lawful Successors of the Apostles , and inheritours of their Power . The regulating and ordering of that power in sundry circumstances concerning the outward exercise thereof in foro externo , the godly Kings of England have thought to belong unto them as in the right of their Crown ; and have accordingly made Laws concerning the same , even as they have done also concerning other matters appertaining to Religion and the worship of God. But the substance of that power , and the function thereof , as they saw it to be altogether improper to their office and calling : so they never pretended or laid claim thereunto . But on the contrary when by occasion of the title of Supream Head , &c. assumed by King Henry the Eighth , they were charged by the Papists for challenging to themselves such power and authority spiritual ; they constantly and openly disavowed it to the whole world , renouncing all claim to any such power or authority : As is manifest ; not onely from the allowed writings of many godly Bishops , eminent for their learning in their several respective times , in vindication of the Church of England from that calumny of the Papists ; as Archbishop Whitgift , Bishop Bilson , Bishop Andrews , Bishop Carleton , and others : but also by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth , and the admonition prefixed thereunto ; by the 37 th Art. . of the Church of England required to be subscribed by all that take Orders in the Church , or Degrees in the Universities ; and by constant declared judgement and practice of the two late Kings of blessed memory , King Iames and King Charles the I st . They who thus expresly disclaimed the medling with Spiritual Censures and the power of the keyes , cannot be rationally supposed to have thought their own presence ( either personal or virtual ) any way requisite in the Courts where such Censures were to be pronounced , and that power to be administred and exercised : and therefore doubtless could not deem it fit or proper , that in the juridical proceedings of such Courts their names should be used . XII . The second point in the charge objected is , that this custome used by the Bishops in acting all things in the Ecclesiastical Courts in their own names grew at first from the exorbitant power of the Popes , who laboured what they could to advance their own greatness by exempting the Clergy from all subjection to Temporal Princes , and setting up an Ecclesiastical power of Jurisdiction independent upon the Secular : and that the Parliament had that sence of it in the Raign of King Edward the Sixth , as the words of the Statute made I. Edward VI. for the altering of the said Custome , do plainly intimate . XIII . In which part of the Charge there is at the most but thus much of Truth . 1. That the Bishops of Rome did not omit with all sedulity to pursue the grand design of that See , which was to bring all Christian Princes into subjection to it self . 2. That all the labouring for the Exemption of the Clergy from the Secular Powers , was in order to that design . 3. That the Bishops manner of using their own names in all acts of their Iurisdiction , ( looked upon alone and by it self without any consideration of the true reasons thereof ) doth carry , by so much the more , shew of serving the Papal Interest , then if they should do all in the King's Name , by how much the acknowledging the Kings Supremacy-Ecclesiastical is less apparent therein , then in the other . 4. That the want of such an express acknowledgement of the King's Supremacy , together with the jealousies the State had in those times over any thing that might seem to further or favour the usurped Power of the Pope in the least degree ; might very probably in this particular ( as well as it did in some other things ) occasion such men as bear the greatest sway in managing the publick affairs in the beginning of that godly ( but young ) King 's Raign , out of a just detestation of the Papacy to endeavour overhastily the abolishing of whatsoever was with any colour suggested unto them to savour of Popery , without such due examination of the grounds of those Suggestions as was requisite in a matter of so great importance . XIIII . This is all we can ( perhaps more then we need ) yield unto in this point of the Charge . But then there are some other things which we cannot easily assent unto : as viz. 1. That this custome had undoubtedly its original and growth from the Popes usurped power . Which as we think it impossible for them to prove ; so it seemeth to us the less probable , because by comparing of this course used in the Ecclesiastical Courts with the practise of sundry other Courts , some of like , some of different nature thereunto , we have already shewed the true reasons and grounds of the difference between some Courts and othersome in this particular . 2. That it is a rag or relique of Antichristian tyranny . Which we believe to be altogether untrue . Not only for the reasons before specified , and for that the same is done in sundry other Courts , holden within this Realm without any note of Antichristianisme or Popery fastened thereupon : but also because it hath been constantly continued in this Kingdome ( the short Raign of King Edward the Sixth only excepted ) with the allowance of all the Protestants Kings and Queens of this Realm ever since the Reformation . Who , although they be ever and anon taxed by the Puritane-faction ( unjustly and insolently enough ) for want of a Through-Reformation , and leaving so much Popish trash unpurged in the point of worship and Ceremonies : yet have not usually been blamed by that party for being wanting to themselves in vindicating to the uttermost their Regal authority and Supremacy Ecclesiastical from the usurped power of the Bishops of Rome in any thing wherein they conceived it to be many wise or degree concerned . As also because this manner of proceeding in the Courts Ecclesiastical hath been constantly and without scruple of Conscience or suspition of Popery used and practised by all our godly and Orthodoxe Bishops ; even those , who have been the most zealous maintainers of our Religion against the Papists , and such as have particularly written against the Antichristian tyranny of the Pope , or in defence of the Kings Supremacy in matters Ecclesiastical ; as Iewel , Bilson , Abbots , Buckridge , Carleton , and many others . XV. But against all this that hath been said , how agreeable soever it may seem to truth and reason , may be opposed the judgement of the whole Realm in Parliament ( the Bishops themselves also then sitting and voting as well as other the Lords and Commons ) in the first year of the Raign of King Edward the Sixth , who thought fit by their Act to alter the aforesaid form , and that upon the two aforesaid grounds , viz. that it was contrary to the form and order of the Common Law-Courts , and according to the form and manner used in the time of the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome . Which being the last and weightiest point in the Charge , is the more considerable , in that besides its own strength , it giveth also farther strength and confirmation to the other two . XVI . But for answer unto this argument drawn from the judgement of the Parliament , as it is declared in the Statute of ● Edw. 6. I would demand of the Objectors , where they place the chief strength of the Argument : whether in the authority of the persons ( viz. the great Assembly of State convened in Parliament so judging ; or in validity of those reasons , which led them so to judge . If in this later , their judgment can weigh no more , then the reasons do whereon it is built ; the frailty whereof we have already examined and discovered . If in the Authority of the Judges ; we lay in the ballance against it the judgment of the Kingdome in all the Parliaments after the decease of King Edward for above fourscore years together : the first whereof repeated that Statute ; and none of those that followed ( for ought appeareth to us ) ever went about to revive it . XVII . If it shall be said first , That the enacting of that Statute by King Edward was done in order to the farther abolishing of Popery , and the perfecting of the Reformation begun by his Father : I answer , that as it was a very pious care , and of singular example in so young a Prince , to intend and endeavour the reformation of Religion and the Church within his Realms ( for which even at this day we have cause to acknowledge the good providence of Almighty God in raising him up to become so blessed an instrument of his glory and our good : ) so on the other side we cannot doubt but that the business of Reformation under him was carried on with such mixture of private ends and other human frailties and affections , as are usually incident into the enterprising of great affairs , especially such as cannot be effected without the assistance of many Instruments . All of which in likelyhood being not of one judgement and temper , but having their several inclinations , passions and interests with great difference ; the product of their endeavours ( whatsoever sincerity there were in the intentions of the first mover ) must needs be such , as the constitution of the most prevalent instruments employed in the work would permit it to be . The very name of Reformation of Religion and manners , and of abuses crept into the Church or Common-wealth , carrieth with it a great deal of outward glory and lustre , filling the hearts of men with expectations of much happiness to ensue , and in that hope is evermore entertained with general applause , especially of the vulgar sort : because men look upon it as it were in the Idea , ( that is to say , as it is fancied and devised in the mind and imagination ) and abstractedly from those impediments and inconveniences , which when they come ad practicandum and to put their thoughts in execution , they shall be sure to meet withal more or less , to render the performance short of the promise and expectation . XVIII . Now because Reformation is so much talked of in these evil dayes of ours , wherein thousands of well-meaning people have been seduced into dangerous by-paths by that specious Name : it will not be amiss , ( though we may seem perhaps to digress a little for it ) to prompt the Reader to some considerations , that may incline him rather to suspect a thing to be ill done , then to be confident that it is well done , if he have no other reason of that confidence but this , that it is pretended to be done by way of Reformation . XIX . It is considerable first , that Reformation is the usual vizard , wherewith men of insatiable avarice or ambition disguise their base unworthy intentions , that the ugliness thereof may not appear to vulgar eyes . Seldome hath any Sacrilegious or Seditious attempt appeared abroad in the world , and been countenanced either by the Great ones or the Many ; which hath not been ushered in by this piece of Hypocrisie . Not to look further ( backward or forward ) for instances in both kindes , then to the Raign of that King wherein the Statute so much insisted upon was made ; It cannot be denied , but that during the Raign of that religious and godly young King ( without his knowledge as we verily hope and believe , or at most through the malitious suggestions and cunning insinuations of some that were about him ) such Sacriledges were acted , and that under the name & pretence of Reformation , as have cast a very foul blemish upon our very Religion , especially in the eyes of our Adversaries , who have ever shewed themselves forward enough to impute the faults of the persons to the Profession . And under the same pretence of Reformation were also masked all the bloodshed , mischiefs and outrages committed by Kett and his seditious rabble in the same Kings Raign : insomuch as a great Oak whereat they appointed their usual meetings , and whereon ( by the just judgement of God ) himself the ringleader of that rebellion was afterwards hanged , was by them called the Oak of Reformation . By what was done in those times , ( ill enough indeed , yet modestly in comparison of what hath been done in ours ) we may have a near guess what their meaning is , that are so eagerly set upon a Thorow-Reformation ( as they call it ) in the Church , in the Commonwealth , in the Vniversities : even to get into their own hands and disposal all the Haces and Offices of power or profit in them all . I dare not say , ( for truly of some I believe the contrary , and hope the same of many more ) that all those that joyn in vote or act with those plansible pretenders of Reformation , or wish well unto them in the simplicity of their hearts , are guilty of their abominable hypocrisie . But sure all experience sheweth , that in great Councels there are evermore some one or a few 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , active and cunning men that are able by the reputation of their wisdome and abilities of speech to carry all businesses in the vogue even as themselves have before-hand closely contrived them : leading on the rest , as a bell-weather doth the whole flock , or as a crafty fore-man of a Iury doth the whole dozen , which way soever they please ; who follow tamely after ( quâ itur , non quâ eundum ) in an implicit belief , that that must needs be the right way , which they see such skilful guides to have taken before them . XX. But say there were no such reserved secret sinister ends either in the chief Agents or their Ministers , but that a just Reformation were as really and sincerely intended by them all , as it is by some of them speciously pretended : yet is it considerable Secondly , how very difficult a thing it is , in the business of Reformation to stay at the right point , and not to overdo , by reason of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby we are very apt in declining one of the extreams to fall into the other , either in point of opinion or practice . In detestation of the heresie of Nestorius , who distinguished the persons in Christ , because he knew there were two natures ; Eutyches went so far as to confound the natures , because he knew there was but one person . And because the Papists by the multitude and pompousness of their Ceremonies had taken away much of the inward vigour of Gods publick worship , by drawing it too much outward ; the Puritanes in opposition to them , and to reform that errour , by stripping it of all Ceremonies have left it so bare , that ( besides the unseemliness ) it is well nigh starved for want of convenient clothing . It is in the distempers of the body politick in this respect not much otherwise then it is in those of the body natural . In an Ague , when the cold sit hath had his course , the body doth not thence return to a kindly natural warmth , but falleth speedily into a burning preternatural heat , nothing less ( if not rather more ) afflictive then the former . And how osten have Physicians , ( not the unlearned Empericks onely , but even those best renowned for their skill and judgement , ) by tampering with a crazy body to master the predominancy of some noxious humour therein , cast their patients ere they were aware under the tyranny of another and contrary humour as perillous as the former : or for fear of leaving too much bad blood in the veins , have letten out too much of the vital spirits withall ? Onely the difference is , that in bodily diseases this course may be sometimes profitably experimented , and with good success ; not onely out of necessity , when there is no other way of cure left , ( as they use to say , Desperate diseases must have desperate remedies : ) but also out of choice , and in a rational way ; as Hippocrates adviseth in the case of some cold diseases to cast the patient into a burning feaver , which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And I remember to have read somewhere to that purpose such an Aphorisme as this , Vtile est innasci sebrem in spasmo . But for the remedying of Moral or Politick distempers , it is neither warrantable nor safe to try such experiments : Not warrantable ; because we have no such rule given us in the Word of God whereby to operate : nor safe ; because herein the Mean onely is commendable , all Extreams ( whether in defect or excess ) vitious . Now what defects or excesses there might be in the Reformation of Religion and the Church within these Realms during the Raigns of K. Henry the Eighth , King Edward the Sixth , and Queen Elizabeth ; it doth not become me , neither is it needful , to examine . But sure it is , they that had the managery of those affairs in their several respective times were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made of the same day with other men , subject to infirmities and passions , and to be byassed with partial affections , and those affections capable to be enflamed with zeal , cooled with delayes , enraged by opposition , and allayed by seasonable applications . And therefore although we cannot say for certain with what affections those Reformers in the beginning of Edward's Raign were steered in the whole business : yet it is very possible , and in this particular of the Statutes , ( from the weakness of the reasons therein expressed ) not improbable , that the jealousies they had of the Papal power so lately ejected might make them more abundantly cautelous and sollicitous to secure themselves thereagainst , then need required . Verily the temper of those times and men , and the Reformation made about those times in other countreys considered ; we have far greater cause to bless God that in their then ▪ Reformation in very many things they did not a great deal worse , then to blame them that in some few things they did not a little better , then they have done . XXI . It is further considerable Thirdly , that where a Reformation is truly intended , and the thing it self intended by that Reformation to be established is also within a tolerable compass of Mediocrity ; there may yet be such errour in the choice of the means to be used for the accomplishing of those intentions , as may vitiate the whole work , and render it blame-worthy . For although it be a truth so expresly affirmed by the Apostle , and so agreeable to the dictates of right reason [ That we may not do any evil thing for any good end ] as that I should scarce have believed it possible that any man that pretended to be Christian or but reasonable should hold the contrary , had I not been advertised by very credible persons that some men of eminent place and power did so , by distinguishing ( but beside the book , and where the Law distinguisheth not ) between a publick and a private good end : yet the eagerness of most men in the pursuance of such ends as they are fully bent upon , and their pride of spirit disdaining to be crossed in their purposes , and impatient of meeting with any opposition ; putteth them many times upon the use of such means as seem for the present best conducing to the ends they have proposed to themselves , without any sufficient care to examine whether such means be lawful or not . For either they run on headlong and are resolved not to stick at any niceties of conscience , but being ingaged in a design to go through with it per fas & nefas ; measuring honesty by utility : or els they gather up any thin fig-leaves where they can meet with them to hide the deformity of their actions if it were possible even from their own eyes ; and are willing their affections should bribe and cheat their judgements with any weak reasons to pronounce that lawful to be done which they have a mind to do , the secret checks and murmurings of their consciences to the contrary notwithstanding . Hence it is , that whereas men ought to conform all their wills and actions to the exact rule of Gods Word , they do so often in stead thereof crooken the rule to make it comply with their actions and desires : raising such doctrines and conclusions from the sacred Texts of Scripture by forced inferences , as will best serve to give countenance to whatsoever they fancie to be , or please to call Reformation ; and to whatsoever means they should use for the effecting of such Reformation , though it were by popular tumults , civil war , despising Governours , breaking Oaths , open Rebellion , or any other act how unjust soever and full of disloyalty . Which made Learned Zanchy , observing in his time how Anabaptists and all sorts of Sectaries , that attempted to bring in any new and unheard of alteration in Religion into the Churches of Christ , by any means though never so seditious and unlawful , did yet justifie all their enterprises by this , that they were done in order to a more perfect Reformation , to cry out , Ego non intelligo istam Reformatorum mundi ●●elogiam . Whether this observation be so sitly applyable to those times of King Edwards Reformation , as the two former considerations were , I know not : I am sure it sitteth but too well to these evil times of ours , wherein the pretence of a Thorow-Reformation serveth as a foile to set off the blackest crimes that ever the Christian world was guilty of . XXII . Lastly , say there should be nothing amiss in any of the premisses , but that the intentions were sincere , the proceedings moderate , and the means lawful : yet since no wit of man is at the present able to foresee all the inconveniences that may ensue upon any great and suddain change of such Lawes and Customes as have been long and generally observed , till time and experience discover them ; it may very well ( and not seldome doth ) come to pass , that the Reformation intended for the remedying of some one abuse , or the preventing of some present apparant inconvenience , may open a gap to let in some other abuses or inconveniences , which ( though yet undiscerned ) may in time prove to be more and greater , then those that were sought to be remedyed . Physicians tell us that all sudden changes in the body are dangerous : and it is no otherwise in the Church and State. Which is the ground of that Maxime , well approved of all wise men , if rightly understood , Malum benè positum non movendum : and of that other , so famous in the Ancient Councels , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let the old Customes be observed . And therefore Aristotle gravely censureth that Law made by Hippodamus the Milesian Law-giver , That whosoever should devise any new Law for the common good should be rewarded by the State , as a Law indeed foolish and pernicious , how specious and plausible soever it seemed at the first appearance : because ( saith he ) it would but encourage busie & active spirits to be alwayes innovating some thing or other in the State , which might finally tend to the subversion of all ancient Lawes and Customes , and consequently of the whole Government it self . Now that the Reformation in King Edwards dayes , as to this particular in that Statute concerned , was subject at least to this frailty , we may very probably gather ( a posteriori ) from this ; that after it was once repealed , they that had to do in the Reformation ever since , thought it sit rather to let it lye under that repeal , then to revive it . XXIII . There can be no doubt , but that to an objection made from the force of a Statute , it is a sufficient answer ( if it be true ) to say that the said Statute hath been repealed and so continueth . Yet the adversaries of Episcopacy are so pertinaciously bent to hold their Conclusion in despite of all Premisses , that they seem to be nothing satisfied there withal , but dividing the answer , turn the former part of it ( viz. that of the Repeal ) to their own advantage . For say they , that Repeal being made by Queen Mary , who was a professed Papist , and a Persecuter of the Protestant Religion , was certainly an Act of hers done in favour of Popery ; and so is a strong confirmation , that the form of proceeding formerly used by the Bishops in the Ecclesiastical Courts , prohibited by the Statute of King Edward , but restored by that her Repeal , was a popish practice , and more besitting Papists then Protestants to use . XXIV . To return a full answer hereunto ; first it shall be willingly granted , that Queen Mary , being a zealous Papist , did cause that Statute made in the first of her Brothers Raign to be repealed out of pure zeal to the Romish Religion , and in favour of the Pope and of his Iurisdiction . Both bee use she conceived ( which was true ) that her late Brother being a Protestant had by that Statute prohibited the Bishops to do sundry things in their own names , of purpose thereby to lessen the Popes authority within his Realms : as also because their using of the Kings name in their Processes and Acts carried with it ( as we formerly granted ) a more express and evident acknowledgment of the Kings Supremacy Ecclesiastical , then the contrary custome doth . XXV But then secondly , this being granted , it will by no means follow either first , that the repeal of that Statute is not to be valued by any Protestant ; or that secondly the custome of the Bishops prohibited by the Statute and restored by the Act of Repeal was Popish ; or thirdly , that our former answer was unsufficient : not the first , because we are not to look upon the Statute and upon the Act of Repeal , as they were made , the one by a Protestant the other by a Papist ( for that were to judge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and with respect of persons ; ) but to consider whether the reasons whereupon the Statute was grounded were in veritate rei such , as that it ought not to have been repealed either by Papist or Protestant . Which reasons how they have been valued , appeareth upon the post-fact in this ; that a Papist Princess by the principles of her Religion could do no less then repeal that Statute , and a Protestant Princess without prejudice to the principles of her Religion might continue that Repeal . XXVI . Not the second : because that very Statute of I. Edward the Sixth , by which it is ordained that all Summons , Citations and other Processes Ecclesiastical be made in the name and with the style of the King , doth it self sufficiently absolve the contrary custome formerly used by the Bishops acting in their own names , from being either Popish or otherwise derogatory to the Kings Supremacy . Inasmuch as by Proviso's in the said Statute the Bishops are still permitted in some cases to use their own names without any mention at all to be made of the King : as namely the Archbishop of Canterbury to grant Faculties and Dispensations ; and every other Bishop to make Collations , Presentations , Institutions and Inductions of Benefices , Letters of Orders and Dimissories &c. under their own names and seals , as by the words of the said Statute doth plainly appear . Which sure would not have been permitted in any case , had the thing it self been by them conceived to have been simply and de toto genere either Popish or prejudicial to the Regal Power . XXVII . Not the Third : because they disjoynt our former answer , that they might make their advantage of the one piece of it severed from the other . For the strength of the answer ( it being copulative ) was not to lye in either part alone , but in both together taken joyntly ; and indeed more principally in the later part which they slightly put off , then in the former whereat they take advantage . We do not say that the objecting of that Statute is of little moment against us , because it was repealed by Queen Mary ( though that repeal alone is sufficient to make it void and invalid as to all effects in Law : ) but because being then repealed it was never after revived in the Raigns either of Queen Elizabeth , King Iames , or his Majesty that now is : which sheweth that the Act of Repeal ( as to the point now in dispute ) was by them approved of , and intended to continue in force . And it will thence follow further and most clearly , that in the judgement of all these wise and religious Princes , there was a great difference between the Papal and the Episcopal Iurisdiction , as they had been either of them exercised within these Realms : and that the Papal was prejudicial to the Regal Power and Supremacy , but the Episcopal was not . XXVIII . Neither doth that suffice which is put in by way of Reply hereunto , to alledge that the continuance of the old custome ( after the repeal made ) happened either through inadvertency of the State , or by reason of the great power some or other of the Bishops ever had with those Princes . For it cannot be doubted but that the State , having before them a Precedent of so late and fresh memory as the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. would at some time or other within the space of fourscore years ( especially there being no want in those dayes of enough greedy Great-ones and factious Disciplinarians to remind them of it ) have taken a time to frame and pass a Bill for the reviving of that Statute : if they had deemed the custome , therein forbidden , Popish or derogatory either to the Kings honour or power , or had not rather found sufficient reason to perswade them that the said Statute was inconvenient , or at leastwise useless . And as for the Bishops , they that understand the condition of those first times well know that ( under God and his good providence ) they stood in a manner by the immediate and sole favour of Queen Elizabeth . The Papists on the one side hated them above all other sorts of men , because of their Religion , and their abilities above all other men to defend it . On the other side the Puritanes who envied their power , and some great ones about the Court , who having tasted the sweet of Sacriledge in the times of the two last Kings , thirsted after the remainder of their Revenues , complyed either with other , for their several respective ends , against the Bishops . Which being so , it had been the foolishest thing in the world for the Bishops , to have used that power or interest they had with the Queen ( upon whose favour or displeasure their whole livelyhood depended ) for the procuring of her consent to any Act to be done in favour of them , that malice it self could with any colourable construction interpret either to savour of Popery , or to trench upon the Royal Supremacy : That Queen having both by her sufferings before , and actions after she came to the Crown , sufficiently witnessed to the world her averseness from Popery : and being withall a Princess of a great Spirit , and particularly jealous in the point of Prerogative . XXIX . Whence I think we may ( with good reason ) conclude , that the ancient custome of the Bishops in making Summons , &c. in their own names , after it was by the Act of Repeal 1. Mar. restored , was continued by Queen Elizabeth and her successours ever since without interruption , or reviving of the Statute of King Edward : neither out of any inadvertency in the State , nor through any importune or indirect labouring of the Bishops , as by the Objectors is weakly presumed ; but advisedly and upon important considerations , viz. that the devising of such a new way , as is set forth and appointed in the said Statute , was not only a needless thing , ( and Laws should not be either made , or altered , but where it is needful so to do , ) but subject also to manifest both inconvenience , and Scandal . XXX . That it was altogether needless to change the old Custome may appear by this , that all the imaginable necessity or utility of such a change could be onely this : To secure the King by using his Name in their Processes &c. ( as a real acknowledgement that their Iurisdiction is derived from him and no other . ) that the Bishops had no intention in the exercise of their Episcopal power to usurp upon his Ecclesiastical Supremacy . Which Supremacy of the King , and Superiority of his Jurisdiction & Authority over that which the Bishops exercised , being already by so many other wayes and means sufficiently secured ; it could argue nothing but an impertinent jealousie , to endeavour to strengthen that security by an addition of so poor and inconsiderable regard . XXXI . The Kings of England are secured against all danger that may accrue to their Regal power from Episcopal Iurisdiction as it hath been anciently and of later times exercised in this Realm : First by the extent of their Power over the persons , and livelihoods of the Bishops , and over the whole State Ecclesiastical , as in the ancient right of the Crown , which how great it was , may appear by these three particulars . XXXII . First , the Collation and Donation of Bishopricks together with the nomination of the persons to be made Bishops , in case they did by their Writ of Conge d'eslier permit the formality of Election to others , did alwayes belong to the Kings of this Realm , both before and since the Conquest , as in right of their Crown . Our learned Lawyers assure us , that all the Bishopricks of this Realm are of the Kings foundation : that they were originally donative , and not elective : and that the full right of Investiture was in the King , who signified his pleasure therein per traditionem baculi & annuli , by the delivery of a ring and a Crosier-staff to the person by him elected and nominated for that office . The Popes indeed often assayed to make them elective , either by the Dean and Canons of the Cathedral , or by the Monkes of some principal Abbey adjoyning : but the Kings still withstood it , and maintained their right as far as they could or durst . Insomuch as King Henry the First being earnestly sollicited by the Pope to grant the election of Bishops to the Clergy , constanter allegavit ( saith the story ) and verbis minacibus , he stoutly and with threats refused so to do , saying he would not for the loss of his Kingdome lose the right of those Investitures . It is true that King Iohn , a Prince neither fortunate nor couragious , being overpowred by the Popes , did by Charter in the Seventeenth year of his Raign grant that the Bishopricks of England should be eligible . But this notwithstanding in the Raign of King Edward the Third , it was in open Parliament declared and enacted , that to the King and his heirs did belong the collation of Archbishopricks , &c. and all other dignities that are of his Advowson ; and that the elections granted by the Kings his progenitors were under a certain form and condition , viz. that they should ask leave of the King to elect , and that after the election made they should obtain the Kings consent thereunto ; and not otherwise . XXXIII . Secondly , the King hath power , if he shall see cause , to suspend any Bishop from the execution of his Office for so long time as he shall think good : yea , and to deprive him utterly of the dignity and office of a Bishop , if he deserve it . Which power was de facto exercised both by Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth in the beginning of their several Raigns upon such Bishops as would not conform to their Religion . XXXIV . Thirdly , the Kings of England have a great power over the Bishops in respect of their Temporalties , which they hold immediately of the King per Baroniam ; and which every Bishop Elect is to sue out of the Kings hands ( wherein they remained after the decease of the former Bishop during the Vacancy , ) and thence to take his only restitution into the same , making Oath and fealty to the King for the same upon his Consecration . Yea , and after such restitution of Temporalties and Consecration , the King hath power to seize the same again into his own hands , if he see just cause so to do . Which the Kings of England in former times did so frequently practice upon any light displeasure conceived against the Bishops ; that it was presented as a grievance by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and the other Prelates by way of request to King Edw. 3. in Parliament , and thereupon a Statute was made the same Parliament , that thenceforth no Bishops Temporalties should be seized by the King without good cause . I finde cited by Sir Edward Coke out of the Parliament Rolls 18. H. 3. a Record , wherein the King straightly chargeth the Bishops not to intermeddle in any thing to the prejudice of his Crown ; threatning them with seisure of their Temporalties if they should so do . The words are , Mandatum est omnibus Episcopis quae conventuri sunt apud Gloucestr ' ( the King having before summoned them by writ to a Parliament to be holden at Gloucester ) firmiter inhibendo , quod sicut Baronias suas quas de Rege tenent diligunt , nullo modo praesumant concilium tenere de aliquibus quae ad Coronam pertinent , vel quae personam Regis vel Statum suum , vel Statum concilii sui contingunt ; scituri pro certo quod si fecerint , Rex inde capiet se ad Baronias suas , &c. By which Record , together with other the premisses , it may appear , that the Kings by their Ancient right of Prerogative had sundry wayes power over the Bishops whereby to keep them in obedience , and to secure their Supremacy from all peril of being prejudiced by the exercise of Episcopal Iurisdiction . XXXV . Yet in order to the utter abolishing of the Papal usurpations and of all pretended forraign power whatsoever in matters Ecclesiastical within these Realms , divers Statutes have been made in the Raign of King Henry the Eighth and since for the further declaring and confirming of the Kings Supremacy Ecclesiastical . Wherein the acknowledgement of that Supremacy is either so expresly contained , or so abundantly provided for ; as that there can be no fear it should suffer for lack of further acknowledgement to be made by the Bishops in the style of their Courts . Amongst other , First , by Statute made 25. H. 8. 19. upon the submission and petition of the Clergy it was enacted , that no Canons or Constitutions should be made by the Clergy in their Convocation without the Kings licence first had in that behalfe , and his royal assent after : and likewise that no Canon &c. should be put in execution within the Realm that should be contrariant or repugnant to the Kings Prerogative Royal , or the Customes , Lawes , or Statutes of the Realm . Then Secondly , by the Statute of 1. Eliz. cap. 1. all such Ecclesiastical Iurisdictions , Priviledges , Superiorities and Pre-eminences , as had been exercised or used , or might be lawfully exercised or used by any Ecclesiastical power or authority was ( declared to be ) for ever united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm . And Thirdly , it was also in the same Statute provided , that the Oath of Supremacy ( wherein there is contained as full an acknowledgement of the Kings Ecclesiastical Suprenacy as the wit of man can devise ) should be taken by every Archbishop and Bishop &c. which hath been ever since duely and accordingly performed . XXXVI . Lastly from receiving any prejudice by the Bishops and their Iurisdiction , the Regal power is yet farther secured , by the subordination of the Ecclesiastical Laws and Courts to the Common Law of England , and to the Kings own immediate Courts . For although the Ecclesiastical Laws be allowed by the Laws of this Realm , and the proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts be by the way of the Civil and not of the Common Law : yet are those Laws and proceedings allowed with this limitation and condition , that nothing be done against the Common Law whereof the Kings prerogative is a principal part ) nor against the Statutes and Customes of the Realm . And therefore the Law alloweth Appeales to be made from the Ecclesiastical Courts to the King in Chancery : and in sundry cases , where a cause dependeth before a Spiritual Iudge , the Kings prohibition lyeth to remove it into one of his Temporal Courts . XXXVII . Having so many several ties upon the Bishops to secure themselves and their Regal authority from all danger that might arise from the abuse of the Ecclesiastical Power and Iurisdiction exercised by the Bishops in their Courts ( by the ancient prerogative of their Crown , by the provisions of so many Statutes and Oaths , by the remedy of the Common Law : ) the Kings of England had no cause to be so needlesly cautelous as to be afraid of a meere formality , the Style of a Court. Especially considering the importance of the two Reasons expressed in the Statute of King Edward , as the onely grounds of altering that Style , not to be such as would countervaile the Inconvenience and Scandal that might ensue thereupon . XXXVIII . For whereas it was then thought convenient , to change the Style used in the Ecclesiastical Courts , because it was contrary to the form used in the Common-Law-Courts within this Realm , ( which is one of the Reasons in the said Statute expressed : ) it might very well upon further consideration be afterwards thought more convenient for the like reason to retain the accustomed Style , because otherwise the forme of the Ecclesiastical Courts would be contrary to the form of other Civil-Law-Courts within the Realm ( as the Admiralty , and Earle-Marshals Court , ) and of other Courts of the Kings grant made unto Corporations ; with either of which , the Ecclesiastical Courts had a nearer affinity , then with the Kings Courts of Record , or other his own immediate Courts of Common Law. Nor doth there yet appear any valuable reason of difference , why Inconformity to the Common Law-Courts should be thought a sufficient ground for the altering of the forms used in the Ecclesiastical Courts ; and yet the like forms used in the Admiralty , in the Earle-Marshals Court , in Courts Baron , in Corporation-Courts &c. should ( notwithstanding the same inconformity ) continue as they had been formerly accustomed without alteration . XXXIX . If any shall alledge as some reason of such difference , the other Reason given in the said Statute ; viz. that the form and manner used by the Bishops was such as was used in the time of the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome : besides that therein is no difference at all , ( for the like forms in those other aforesaid Courts were also in use in the same time ; ) there is further given thereby great occasion of Scandal to those of the Church of Rome . And that two wayes : First , as it is made a Reason at all ; and Secondly , as it is applyed to the particular now in hand . First , whereas the Papists unjustly charge the Protestant Churches with Schism for departing from their Communion : it could not but be a great Scandal to them , to confirm them in that their uncharitable opinion of us , if we should utterly condemn any thing as unlawful , or but even forbid the use of it as inexpedient , upon this onely grouud or consideration , that the same had been used in the times of Popery , or that it had been abused by the Papists . And truly the Puritanes have by this very means given a wonderful Scandal and advantage to our Adversaries , which they ought to acknowledge and repent of : when transported with an indiscreet zeal they have cryed down sundry harmeless Ceremonies and customes as superstitious and Antichristian , onely for this that Papists use them . Whereas godly and regular Protestants think it agreeable to Christian liberty , charity and prudence , that in appointing Ceremonies , retaining ancient Customes , and the use of all other indifferent things such course be held , as that their moderation might be known to all men ; and that it might appear to their very Adversaries , that wherein they did receed from them or any thing practised by them , they were not thereunto carried by a Spirit of contradiction , but either cast upon it by some necessity of the times , or induced for just reasons of expediency so to do . XL. But then Secondly , as that Reason relateth to the present business in particular , the Scandal thereby given is yet greater . For we are to know , that when King Henry the Eighth abolished the Papal Power , resuming in his own hand the ancient rights of the Crown , which the Bishops of Rome had unjustly usurped : he took upon himselfe also that title which he then found used by the Bishops of Rome , but which none of his Progenitors the Kings of this Realm had ever used , of being the Supream head of the Church within his Dominions . This title continued during the Reign of his son King Edward the Sixth , by whom the Statute aforesaid was made , and is mentioned in that very Statute . Now albeit by that title or appellation was not intended any other thing , then that Supremacy Ecclesiastical which the Kings of this Land have , and of right ought to have , in the governance of their Realms over all persons and in all causes Ecclesiastical as well as other , and which is in the Oath of Supremacy ackowledged to belong unto them : yet the Papists took Scandal at the novelty thereof , and glad of such an occasion made their advantage of it , to bring a reproach upon our Religion ; as if the Protestants of England were of opinion , that all Spiritual Power did belong unto the King , and that the Bishops and Ministers of England had their whole power of Preaching , administring the Sacraments , Ordaining , Excommunicating , &c. solely and originally from the King , as the members of the body live by the influence which the Head hath into them . Upon their clamours , that title of Supream head and governour was taken into farther consideration in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Raign . And although that style in the true meaning thereof was innocent and defensible enough : yet for the avoiding of Scandal and Cavil , it was judged more expedient that the word Head should thenceforth be laid aside , and the style run only Supream Governour ; as we see it is in the Oath of Supremacy and otherwhere ever since , without mentioning the word Head ; according to the intimations given in the Queens Injunctions and elswhere in that behalfe . And it seemeth to me very probable , that for the same reason especially ( besides those other reasons already given ) it was thought fitter by Her then , and by her successours hitherto ; that the Bishops in all their Ecclesiastical Courts and proceedings should act in their own names as formerly they had done , then that the Statute of King Edward should be revived , for doing it in the Kings name . For the sending out processes &c. in order to Excommunication and other Church-censures in the Kings name , would have served marvellously to give colour , ( and consequently strength , in the apprehension at least of weaker judgements ) to that calumny wherewith the Papists usually asperse our Religion , as if the Kings of England took themselves to be proper and competent Iudges of Censures meerly spiritual in their own persons , and the Prelates accordingly did acknowledge them so to be . Thus have I shewen to the satisfaction ( I hope ) of the ingenuous and unprejudiced Reader , that Episcopacy is no such dangerous creature either in the Opinion or Practice , as some would make the world believe it is : but that the Kings Crown may stand fast enough upon his head , and flourish in its full verdure , without plucking away or displacing the least flower in it , notwithstanding Episcopacy should be allowed to be of Divine Right in the highest sence , and the Bishops still permitted to make their Processes in their own names and not in the Kings . By this time I doubt not , all that are not willfully blind ( for who so blind , as he that will not see ? ) do see and understand by sad experience , that it had been far better both with King and Kingdome then now it is , or ( without Gods extraordinary mercy ) is like to be in haste : if the enemies of Episcopacy had meant no worse to the King and his Crown , then the Bishops and those that favoured them did . A POST-SCRIPT to the Reader . WHereas in my Answer to the former of the two Objections in the foregoing Treatise , I have not any where made any clear discovery what my own particular judgement is concerning the Jus divinum of EPISCOPACY in the stricter sense , either in the Affirmative or Negative : and for want of so doing , may perhaps be censured by some to have walked but haltingly , or at least wise with more caution and mincing , then became me to do in a business of that nature ; I do hereby declare , 1. That , to avoid the starting of more Questions then needs must , I then thought it fitter ( and am of the same opinion still ) to decline that Question , then to determine it either way : such determination being clearly of no moment at all to my purpose , and for the solving of that Objection . 2. That nevertheless , ( leaving other men to the liberty of their own judgements ) my opinion is , that EPISCOPAL GOVERNMENT is not to be derived meerly from Apostolical Practise or Institution : but that it is originally founded in the Person and Office of the Messias , our blessed Lord JESUS CHRIST . Who being sent by his Heavenly Father to be the great Apostle , [ HEB. III. 1. ] Bishop and Pastor [ 1 PET. II. 25. ] of his Church , and anointed to that Office immediately after his Baptisme by JOHN with power and the Holy Ghost [ ACT. X. 37-8 . ] descending then upon him in a bodily shape [ LUK. III. 22. ] did afterwards before his Ascension into Heaven , send and impower his holy Apostles , ( giving them the Holy Ghost likewise as his Father had given him ) in like manner as his Father had before sent him [ JOH . XX. 21. ] to execute the same Apostolical , Episcopal and Pastoral Office for the ordering and governing of his Church until his coming again : and so the same Office to continue in them and their Successours , unto the end of the world . [ MAT. XXVIII . 18 — 20. ] This I take to be so clear , from these and other like Texts of Scripture ; that if they shall be diligently compared together , both between themselves , and with the following practise of all the Churches of Christ , as well in the Apostles times as in the Purest and Primitive times nearest thereunto ; there will be left little cause , why any man should doubt thereof . 3. That in my Answer to the later Objection I made no use at all ( nor indeed could do ) of the Opinion of the Reverend Judges in that point , nor of his Majesties Proclamation grounded thereupon . For although the Proclamation had been extant Ten years before this task was imposed upon me ; yet I had never seen , nor so much as heard of the same in all the time before , nor yet in all the time since ; till about ten dayes ago I was advertised thereof , when these Papers were then going to the Press . Which , since they give so much strength to the main Cause , and so fully avoid the Objection ; I have followed the advise of some friends , and caused them to be printed here withal . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61839-e1990 See Stat. 25. H. 8. 20 ; 1. Edw. 6. 2. Cok. 1. Instit. 2. Sect. 648. Stat. for the Clergy 14. ● . 3. cap. 3. 
A67119	----	Eleutherosis tēs aletheias, truth asserted by the doctrine and practice of the apostles, seconded by the testimony of synods, fathers, and doctors, from the apostles to this day viz. that episcopacie is jure divino / by Sir Francis Wortley ... Wortley, Francis, Sir, 1591-1652. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A67119 of text R34763 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing W3637). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 59 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A67119 Wing W3637 ESTC R34763 14627444 ocm 14627444 102691 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67119) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 102691) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1082:6) Eleutherosis tēs aletheias, truth asserted by the doctrine and practice of the apostles, seconded by the testimony of synods, fathers, and doctors, from the apostles to this day viz. that episcopacie is jure divino / by Sir Francis Wortley ... Wortley, Francis, Sir, 1591-1652. [8], 30 p. Printed by A.N. for J.K. and T.W. ..., London : 1641. First three words of title in Greek characters. Imperfect: pages stained. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Episcopacy. Apostolic succession. Theology, Practical. A67119 R34763 (Wing W3637). civilwar no Eleutherōsis tēs alētheias. Truth asserted by the doctrine and practice of the Apostles, seconded by the testimony of synods, fathers, an Wortley, Francis, Sir 1641 10426 18 125 0 0 0 0 137 F The rate of 137 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2004-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΩΣΙΣ ΤΗΣ Αληθειασ . TRVTH ASSERTED BY THE DOCTRINE AND Practice of the Apostles , seconded by the Testimony of Synods , Fathers , and Doctors , from the Apostles to this Day . Viz. That Episcopacie is Iure Divino . BY Sir Francis VVortley Knight and Baronet . LONDON Printed by A. N. for I. K. and T. W. and are to be sold at the White Horse in PAVLES Church-yard . 1641. To the most High and Illustrious Charles Prince of GREAT BRITAIN . SIR , YOu set back the Clock of my age and make it day-spring , when it is past the mid noone of my life . I court my fancy in my observations of you . My first Love , my first Master , your Vnkle Prince Henry , whose name is , and ever must bee sacred to Mars and the Muses , whose memory is still precious to the World , justly was the Rivall and Competitour to Honour , with your glorious Grandsier Henry the Great , of France the greatest . In you deare Sir I finde the Character of them both , as if you were sole heire to both ; and it joyes my Soule to see it . I had the Honour to gird the first sword about you , with this wish , that you might use it in peace , like our Northern Solomon King Iames , and drawn , as that Boanerges the sonne of Thunder , the glory of France , your Grandfather . When your Father ( whose goodnesse makes him glorious ) shall be gathered to his Fathers , his Titles must as your Birthright descend on you ; amongst the rest that which is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Defender of the faith . This , as it is well worthy observation , was given by him who they say could not erre in Cathedra , plenario Consistorio & pleno Concilio , to him who as some of his Successors say even in that gave him the lye , who gave him the title ; t is true t was an unkind requitall , but there was Digitus Dei in it , for it was like the selling of Ioseph into Egypt , faelix scelus in eventu , guided by that hand which cannot erre . It was a worke of great and high daring , a voyage wherein many of his Predecessours had suffered shipwracke , and Sir Walter Rawleigh observes the worke suited the man , and the man was made for the work : as Nebuchadonezar was for Tyre . Sure it is strange that out of the ruines of good workes faith should spring , & disorder set all the Church in order , Sed Deus est qui fecit , & est mirum in occulis nostris . Sir , the Title is the most glorious your Royall father hath , and his Second is , that he is the best Friend living . It was a promise of the Prophets , that Kings should bee Nursing Fathers , and Queenes Nursing Mothers to the Church . And believe mee Sir , the words are Emphaticall , for the Fathers wisdome and power should provide for the childe ad extra , the mothers care ad intra ; The fathers is and should be protegendo , instruendo , promovendo , corrigendo ; The mothers in her Oeconomicks pro victu & amictu , Necessaries and Decency , and all with a ▪ Nurses affection . And I am so much Irish , that as they love , the Children the Nurse , and the Children their Nurses , and foster brothers as much or more then their own : such mutuall love wish I betwixt the Prince and the Church , and as that habit is acquired partly , and partly infused , So may God infuse that into your heart , and by many mutuall reciprocall actions may it become habituall . So shall the Church be happie in future , and you shall be glorious in your timely reigne , and blessed in your Succession , as your Father is in you , and the Prayers of the Church attracted as the Dew and Exhalations , by the glory and heate of the Sunne above , shall bee returned in rich showers of blessing upon you and yours . Poets are Prophets , or at least would be ; If I be one this is my prophecie : Your name 's no stranger to the Imperiall seate , Our turn comes next , wee must have Charles the Great . Your highnesses most humble servant , FRANCIS WORTLEY . To the well affected Reader , or otherwise . PRuning and reformation I allow , but eradication and deformation I tremble to heare of , and hope never to see . God forbid that personal errors should destroy an Institution so ancient & sealed with the bloud of so many blessed Martyres . Though Iudas die in the consciousnesse of his treason , yet an other must succeed him in his Bishoprick . As an obedient sonne to my mother the Church I wish her honour , and happinesse to the Common Weale , as a member of it ; and that these two as Mercie and Truth may kisse each other , and in their unitie make the Soul and Bodie , the King and his people happie , so shall our Common-weale flourish , and our Church be glorious , and God even our own God shall blesse us : Peace shall be within our Walls , & plentie within our palaces . I study Multum in parvo , and to put as much as I can into a little room , and hope to give satisfaction to such as are not more addicted to their wills then reason , if mine deceive me not . However I have discharged the dutie I ow my conscience , and hope to finde the benefit of that , which is all I look for , and is sufficient to arm mee against the obloquies or misconstructions of those , whose hearts are ful of that , which their tongues must utter , or their hearts will breake with their Plerophory ▪ I protest I have no end in it but Gods glory & the discharge of my own studied thoughts , & have therein conquered my inclination by the assistance of my reason grounded upon much more paines then the World holds me guiltie of . And thus satisfied I would not that succeeding ages should finde my name amongst those who consented to eradicate Episcopacie . For my part I had rather suffer the censure of the malevolent then to be thought to consent to that which my conscience approves not . If this excuse me for my writing , I am glad , If not , I have pleased my selfe in discharge of my troubled thoughts and conscience . ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΩΣΙΣ ΤΗΣ Αληθειασ . Truth asserted , by the practice of the Apostles , confirmed by the Testimonie of Synods , Fathers , and Doctors from Christs time to this day . IN Discourses Rhetoricall men desire to shew the power of Nature improved by Art , which wee call Eloquence : in Logicall Disputes , the quicknesse of apprehension , and the improvement of judgement . The one often makes a difference betwixt subtilties , and attempts to puzle Reason : The other rightly employed defines and settles a Truth obscured by different falsities . In matters of Faith wee lay aside reason , and yield to Scriptures truth , as other faculties of the body doe to their informer the Rationall soule , and as young Scholars to their Ipse dixit . We believe therefore what neither sense nor reason can make us to conceive . I believe the Scripture to bee the sacred Word of God : and what truth I find therein , I conceive it to be Iure Divino . My reason , I confesse , is bound , and yields in the point of Episcopacie , that it is Iure Divino , because I find for it so many ipse dixit's in sacred Writ . My judgment also is further strengthned therein by Reasons sufficient to settle humane belief . Opinion , we define , Haerens & dubia deveritate quorumvis in animo praesumptio ; A questionable and doubtfull presuming in ones conceit that a matter is true ; And Cognitio est rerum conceptarum per experientiam scientia ; Knowledge is a sure apprehension of the matters which we conceive by experience of their causes and undoubted grounds of truth ; And Resolution is Dubii depositio , the abandoning of all doubting . I am past opinion , and acknowledge my selfe satisfied , and well resolved , that Episcopacie is Iure Divino : and am ready to give an account thereof : and endeavour so to doe in this Discourse . I will not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , withstand and resist , or seek evasions , or subtle answers to elude Gods Truth . Nor doe I love {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} to be in suspense : having well weighed the truth here asserted , I finde cause to say {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Great is the force of truth , and hath prevailed . To satisfie the World , what reason I have of this my confidence , I leave a Testimony thereof in this my discourse . I define Episcopum Presbyterum cum additamento superioritatis quoad regimen in Ecclesia : A Bishop to bee a Presbyter , having an addition of superioritie for the government of Gods Church : his charge is to oversee the Clergie , and their flocks . The word I confesse in a large signification may be taken for a Major of a Citie : for hee is Over-seer thereof : In Homer Ajex is , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the Bishop or Orderer of his Army : But our Episcopus est Cleri & Gregis in sua Dioecesi , Is Over-seer of his Clergie , and his flock , bounded within his own Diocesse . Hee is also called Presbyter an ancient , and therefore experienced and able to informe and direct . As for the inferiour Presbyter or ancient , and Diaconus Minister or Servant , they are distinct and subordinate to the Bishop or superiour Presbyter , both in the New Testament , and in the practice of the first Centurie , and in all Ages even to this day . Let it not stumble any man that the Apostles sometimes terme themselves and Bishops by the title of Presbyters , they call themselves also Diaconos , Deacons , in a generall notion . Our Presbyterians would have Bishops to be Pastores jure divine Praesides jure Ecclesiastico , Principes jure humano & Diabolico , Pastors by Gods Law , Presidents by Ecclesiasticall Law , Lords by humane and Diabolicall law . How faultie this assertion is , let my following Discourse testifie . Our Bishop is a Presbyter or ancient Pastour set in eminent superiority over the Clergie and their flocks with a relation to the government of them in matters Ecclesiasticall . And such I say the Apostles instituted , and to them gave a charg how to demean themselves . A perpetuall Succession hereof by practice hath continued from Christs Apostles to this day . Now for Ius divinum , I take that to be of Divine Right which is warranted in sacred Scripture de credendis & agendis in matters to be believed or done . Let this serve for the present , it wil be more enlarged occasionally in some part of this treatise . Only here I adde , that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the practice of the Apostles , which never was questioned or excepted against , and is recorded in the canonicall Scripture ; hath in it Ius Divinum , and shews what is of divine right defacto . These things ▪ being premised , I proceed to Objections against my Assertion , and Answere unto each of them particularly . Eminent superiority , & Lordly authority over their people is that which the Lords of the Gentiles may & do challenge & practice , as their due , Iure human● , by humane right . Therefore , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , by law of things opposite , eminent superiority and Lordly authority over the Clergie & the people of God is that which Bishops ought not to challeng or practice Iure Divino . For proofe hereof see Mat. 20. 25. 26. The Princes of the Gentiles Dominantur , Lordly rule over them , but you non sic , not so , or , it shall not bee so with you . And 1. Pet. 5. 2. 3. Feed the flock of the Lord taking the over-sight therof not by constraint , but willingly , not for filthy Lucre , but of a ready minde , neither as being Lords over Gods Heritage . To this I answere , that the measure of domination , not the matter lies in the word [ sic ] and so is expounded by the words aforegoing , not by constraint , but willingly , not churlishly or covetously , not as though ye were Lords domineering over them , but that yee may be ensamples to the flock . Non herile aut Regale imperium exercentes , sed pastorali superioritate , & paterna gubernatione utentes , Not exercising a masterlike or Kingly command , but using a pastorall superiority and fatherly government . And so this rather ( as I conceive ) confirms superiority and Episcopacy then destroies them . For the word sic , so , takes not away the legality , but qualifies the power given , by saying , let it be used sic , so . This I prove to bee the meaning of the Apostle by this argument . The practice of the Apostles is not contrary to Christs and their Doctrine , and the sense thereof : But the Apostles did practise eminent superiority , and such lawfull authority as Christ forbids not , over the Clergie and flock , and instituted successors . Therefore their doctrine allowed the same . And so that cannot be meant by the words above , which is pretended : viz. that there should be a parity in the Clergie , and that Episcopacie is Dominium in Clerum , a Lordly rule over the Clergie , and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} an usurped authority . The successors which they instituted are warranted by Christ , when hee said , I am with you to the end of the world : that is , I am with you , whilst you live , and with successors in your stead governing and teaching the Church to the worlds end . Hence it was that the Apostles ordained Bishops to succeed them , so did the ancient Fathers in the purer times . This course continued ever since . The practice of the Apostles was in a superiority above others of the Clergie : and to the Bishops whom they constituted to succeed themselves in place over the Clergie , they gave a superior authority : neither did they either practise , or ever mention that parity in power , which the presbyteriās so much endeavour to introduce . And therefore the Apostles never understood the words as these men doe , viz. that they should disallow of Bishops in superior authority above other of the Clergie . To make the practice of the Apostles more evident , I appeale to Saint Paul , who gave to Timothy and Titus Episcopall power . To the one in Ephesus , to the other in Creet . Now to cleere this , let us first cleanse the spring head , and then the streames will run cleare down to the after times . I have to his end above defined Episcopum a Bishop : if we observe what he is , then shall we evidently see , whether Saint ▪ Paul did institute such a calling or no . Of Civill Bishops I speake not : but of Spirituall . A Bishop of this kind I defined to be Presbyterum cum additamento superioritatis quoad regimen in Ecclesia : he governs the Clergie and their flocks in spirituall matters . Bishops of this Kind Saint Paul did institute . He made Timothy and Titus Episcopos Cleri & Gregis quoad regimen in Ecclesia , Bishops of the Clergie and their flocks , and to have Ecclesiasticall government over them : whereas before they were but Presbyters , or Disciples brought up under him . By this institution were other Presbyters made subordinate to them in governing and teaching the Church . Which to prove I thus argue . He that is ordained , and so ordained that hee hath power Constituere Presbyteres per civitates , to ordain presbyters in every City , is greater then those , who have no such power in their Cities or Churches : and those who may correct , what is defective , are superiour to those for whom matters defective are corrected . But Titus and Timothy had such power given them , and did so correct things defective , and none of the Presbyters had the same from the Apostles . Therefore I conclude undeniably that Titus and Timothy were superiors as Bishops over their Presbyters in their severall charges and Divisions , viz ▪ Titus in Creet , and Timothy in Ephesus . That they had this power given them by Paul appeares 1. Tim. 5. 22. Lay hands suddenly on no man . Tit. 1. 5. For this cause I left thee in Creet , that thou shouldst set in order things which are wanting , and ordain Elders in every City , as I had appointed thee . If any other in these Churches could have ordained Presbyters , why was Timothy sent to Ephesus , and Titus left at Creet for this very purpose . And if the Cretians and their Presbyters could have set in order things defective , what neede was there that Tit. alone should have this commission . Saint Ierom himselfe , who was accounted no great friend , but rather harsh against Episcopacie , in his Epistle to Evagrius , pag. 329. gives us this as a distinction , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , remarkable betwixt a Presbyter and a Bishop , saying , Quid facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter ? What doth a Bishop , except the ordaining of others , which a Presbyter doth not ? And it is worth the observation that the ancient Father and great Champion for the blessed Trinity Athanasius hath in his second Apologie , viz. that Colythus a Presbyter of the Church of Alexandria had constituted Presbyters , but what became of them ? Rescissa est haec ejus ordinatio , & omnes ab eo constituti in laicorum ordinem redacti fuere , The ordaining of others by him , was made invalid , and they who were ordained by him , were degraded and made Laicks . So then you see that Bishops are in this eminenter superiores Presbyteris , eminently superior to Presbyters , having power affirmative and negative by the opinion and practice of the ancient Fathers . This confirms what the Apostles had taught & practised , and appointed others in place above the ordinary Presbyters to do . Now I come to shew a second difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter , and wherein a Bishop hath , eminentem superioritatem , a cleere superiority above a Presbyter , That is , excommunication , and was called Mucro Episcopalis , the Episcopall weapon , and was a power given to Bishops successors of the Apostles , and was ever practised by them . This appears in that an account of it was and is expected at their hands , as is manifested by the quarel , which our blessed Saviour had against the Angell of the Church of Pergamus , namely , that he suffered some of his Church who held the doctrine of the Nicolaitans ; and against the Angell of the Church of Thyatira , viz. That hee suffered the woman Iezabell to teach and seduce the people . By this it is apparent that Christ expected they should doe , what they had by their places power to doe ; namely , that they being Angells of their Churches ( whom I affirme to bee also Bishops therof , and successors to the Apostles , as is sufficiently proved by the most reverend and learned Arch-bishop of Armach , and by Beza himselfe called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , men in place above others ) should haereticos coercere & ex Ecclesia ejicere , Keepe under Heretikes and cast them out of the Church . If here it be objected , that wee must ▪ not argue from darke and mysticall places of Scripture , such as the Apocalypse . I answere , that I argue from a plain place , and from the plain words , and direct scope of the place , & not the mystical sense or interpretation . Neither can we here admit of that distinction , that Angelus is in this place to bee taken collectively pro tota Ecclesia , for the whole Church . For I conceive that there is not a word in the Scripture , but hath its weight : and was it not as easie to have said [ Ecclesiae ] as [ Angelo Ecclesiae ] if [ Angelus ] had not something more in it then [ Ecclesiae . ] And why not Angelus Ecclesi● , but Angelus Ecclesiae , The Angell the Church , but the Angell of the Church , if it had beene to be taken collectively ? But the tearmes be distinct and of a different force , like those , panis Domini , the bread of the Lord , and panis Dominus , bread representing the Lord . Besides , to return to Timothy and Titus , they are injoyned to command others {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} not to teach other doctrine , and obturare ora deceptorum , & haereticos rejicere , to stop the mouthes of deceivers , and to reject Hereticks . These things were commanded them , and an account accordingly exspected of the performance thereof : which manifestly proves that every Church had his Angelum , who had Episcopall authority and jurisdiction eminent above other inferior Clergie-men : And not many Angels in each of these Churches all of equall authority and place . Or at least the Angell in each of the seven churches was so absolute in his power , that he was {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , chief Governour , the Presbyters assistants to him : he a spirituall Justicer and of the Quorum , they of the Counsell . The difference also of Episcopal authority from that of Presbyters appears , in the cause of excommunication : where there was an appeal to the Synods , which either confirmd them , or dissolved them , but none to the people , none to the presbyters . This is confirmed by the ancient Councill at Nice Can. 5. and at Antioch Can. 6. And Ierom himselfe writing to Riparius concerning Vigilantius an Hereticall Presbyter , is angry that the Bishop under whom he was , did acquiescere eius furori , & non virga Apostolica , virgaque ferreavas inutile confringere , & tradere ad interitum carnis , ut spiritus salvu● fiat , Did quietly give way to his fury , & not rather break in pieces that unprofitable vessell with his Apostolike staffe and rod of iron , and deliver him up to the destruction of the flesh , that his soul might be saved . And it seemes strange to mee that any should think , that our blessed Saviour his Excecutors , Administrators , and assignes knew not the meaning of his will and Testament , as well , as wee in these dayes . Christ who ascending into Heaven gave guifts unto many , would not deny this guift so necessary . Hee , I say , giving supereminent guifts to his Apostles ad fundandam Ecclesiam , for the founding his Church , would not deny to their successors those , which were necessary Ecclesiae fundatae , to the Church being founded : and so necessary that nothing more concerneth the Church . Would he not , or could he not informe his Trustees how he pleased to have his Church his houshold governed in his absence ? To say he would not , is derogatory to his wisdome and goodnesse ; to say he could not , to his Almighty and Sovereigne power . I therefore conclude these 2. points . 1 That Ordination of Presbyters was left to Titus and Timothy , as to men of higher place and authority , and not to the Presbyters who were of inferiour degree . 2 That the power , given to the Angells of Ephesus and the other Churches , puts a difference of superiority and eminence betwixt a Bishop , and an ordinary Presbyter , and others the teachers of the Churches , and gives them commission prae caeteris tam Clericis quam Laicis , above others both Clergie and Laity , yea a coercive and castigative power . Further they object and say . That Episcopacie is not Iure Divino , because Christ did not command it in the Gospell . To this I answere . That Ius Divinum aliter se habet in rebus credendis , aliter in agendis ; aliter in rebus fidei , aliter in rebus facti , There is a difference of Divine right betweene matters to bee believed , and matters to bee done ; betwixt matters of faith , and matters of fact . In matters of faith there must be textus manifestus , aut convincens deductio , a cleere text , or a sound consequence . As for example . In the beginning God made all things . Here is textus manifestus . But there is only convincens deductio , concerning the mystery of the blessed Trinity : for the Trinity is proved not by an expresse Text , but by convincing deductions out of sacred Scriptures ; as thus . There came downe at the Baptisme of Christ the Holy Spirit in the form of a Dove , and a voice was heard saying , This is my beloved Son , in whō I am well pleased . Here wee find the Spirit in the form of a Dove : There is heard a voice : And Christ is seene in the water . We know both by the sacred Scriptures and by the light of nature , that there is but one God : and that from one all things are , and that in one they terminate : and that there is aliud medium copulans primum & ultimum , one between both coupling the first and the last . Seeing also we reade that there is a Father , a Son , and a Spirit , and that there is but one God , we hence infer by necessary deduction , that there are three persons and but one God . Besides this deduction is further confirmed by that place {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , These three are one : which in some sort is textus manifestus , a cleere text . Now a matter of fact may be inferred to bee Iure Divino ( as I suppose ) if I prove , 1 That the same fact was the practice of the Apostles . 2 That it is analogical to the institution of the Church of the Jewes , which was setled according to Gods appointment by the mediation of Angels , by the Ministery of Moses and Aaron . 3 That it is pointed at and insinuated in the New Testament . 4 That it hath successively continued since the Apostles time . And as elsewhere , so particularly in Britain . If these points can bee proved concerning the fact ( viz. Government by Bishops ) in question , I hope that none will deny it to be Iure Divino . Now for proofe and confirmation of my Tenent , That Episcopacie is Iure Divino , I will prove these points , and then say something more concerning the practice of some other Churches . 1 Saint Paul the Apostle and Doctor of the Gentils gave power and authority to Titus and Timothy ordinare dignos , to ordain men worthy , and to examine such as were faulty , to reprove and discharge such as were guilty , and did {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , teach other Doctrine , and were offensive to the honour of their callings , and to cherish such as did well . These things are evident in the Epistles of Paul to Timothy and of that to Titus . From Pauls practice of superiority over these two , and from the institution of Timothy and Titus to be Bishops , the one of Ephesus , the other at Creet , I prove Episcopacie to be practised by the Apostles . To make which good thus I argue . If Saint Paul himselfe practised an eminent superiority , and in the Epistles alleadged gave all that power , which of right Bishops challeng , or doth belong to the definition of a Bishop , to Timothy and Titus then Paul himselfe did not only practise Episcopacie , but did also constitute and institute them Bishops . But verum prius , ergo & posterius . That he had {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a Bishoprick as the other Apostles had , Act. 1. 20. & did diligētly run his course therein , no man will deny . And that he gave power to Timothy and Titus ( the same which himself had ) 1 To ordain , 2 To convent , 3 To punish , 4 To reward duplici honore ▪ with double honour , the Epistles alledged doe sufficiently prove . Therefore Paul himselfe practised superiority , and constituted Timothy and Titus Bishops in place superior to Presbyters , whom they had authority to ordain , convent , punish , and reward . If they further object , That the Presbyters with their President may doe the same , even all things which are commanded Timothy and Titus , and therefore these things were spoken to Timothy and Titus and to their Presbyters collectively in the persons of Timothy and Titus . I answer , this is petere principium : this evasion I formerly took away . And now further I argue . Such as the charge is , such is the power : but the tharge is personall , that is , given to Timothy and Titus particularly ; and therefore the power and authority given is personall : to them for their time , and to their successors in place after them ; and not to them and the Presbytery collectively : nothing in places where such charge is given doth intimate the Presbyters or Deacons interposing themselves in these Episcopall actions with Timothy and Titus . If they will have these priviledges and performances to belong to their President , they must plead them due to him as he is successor to Timothy and Titus : and so hee is in effect ( if you give him continuance in his place ) a Bishop indeede ; the bare name of President cannot make him of a different calling from a Bishop , when as he acteth the part of a Bishop in all points by Saint Paul prescribed . The practice of all times , especially of the first Century warrants not a monethly or yeerly President doing nothing for ordination , convention , punishment , & reward without the advise and consent of a company of Presbyters : but it allows Bishops superiority to presbyters , and Presbyters to Deacons : Yea , it placed Bishops as successors to the Apostles , as were Timothy and Titus ; and Presbyters and Deacons subordinat to Bishops , as to the Apostles , whilst they lived . Saint Ignatius the next Bishop to Evodius : Hee received Episcopall charge from the Apostles : and writing to them at Antioch , when hee was carried prisoner to Rome , useth these words to the Laity , Obsequium praebete Presbyteris & diaconis , Be yee obedient to your Presbyters and Deacons , and addeth to the Presbyters , pascite gregem apud vos , done● Deus ostendit {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , feed the flock under you , untill God shew who shall bee your governour : and hereby establisheth superiority to Bishops , and enjoyneth the Presbyters obedience . The same Father in an Epistle to the Ephesians acknowledgeth ONESIMVS ( named often by Saint Paul ) to be their Bishop , & exhorteth them saying , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as it becomes you submit your selves to your Bishops advice . Thus here wee finde Saint Pauls charge and ordination observed and followed by Ignatius , who lived in the first century , and whose worth and authority clouds of witnesses doe confirme . In the same journey he writes to the Church of Smyrna and salutes their Bishop by name , and exhorteth the flock , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to follow their Bishop as Jesus Christ did his Father : and the Presbytery , as the Apostles . The Bishop here spoken of was Polycarpus , as Ireneus his successor affirmes : with whom Ireneus was contemporaneus & multa accepit ab illo de Sancti Ioannis vita & conversatione , contemporary , and by whom Ireneus was informed in many things concerning Saint Iohns life and conversation . In the life time of Trajan the Emperour , Saint Iohn returning from his banishment out of Patmos , where he wrote his Revelation , summoned the seven Bishops , who are conceived to be those named in the Apocalypse the Angells of the seven Churches , and used their ministery for setling and ordering his own Metropolis of Ephesus , and the other Churches in Asia , as the ancient Greeke Records found in the Library of Photius testifie . Concerning his Apostolicall superiority and practice of constitution and ordination of Bishops is frequent mention in Ireneus , Eusebius , and Ierom. So then , by that which hath been said , wee see that Episcopacie is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , warranted by the practice of the Apostles , because that viventibus , videntibus , constituentibus , confirmantibus Apostolis & viris Apostolicis , patribus & Doctoribus testantibus , The Apostles and Apostolike men being alive , seeing it , appointing it , and confirming it , and the Fathers & Doctors being eie witnesses thereof , There were these three distinct degrees in the Clergy , Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons . Now to the second Point . That Episcopacie is analogicall to the institution and constitution of the Church government of the Iewes in the old Testament : Which Moses as a Prince did establish by Gods appointment in the wildernesse , and which continued in force till the veil of the Temple was rent , and the Gentiles became heirs to Abraham , and the promises made to him , were made good to us his heirs by faith and adoption : Because the Iews , Abrahams heirs according to the flesh , by their own default & disobedience forfeited their interest in that conveiance of inheritance , which they claimed from their Father Abraham by the evidences registred in Moses and the Prophets . Episcopacie and subordination thereunto , I say , holds Analogie and a kinde of proportion with the Jewish Church government . For God in it appointed an High Priest , Priests and Levits subordinate one to the other , Such is the subordinatiō of the three degrees in the Clergie in the new Testament Church . This subordination of the Christian Church Saint Ierom neere the end of his Epistle to Evagrius observes , and ▪ says , Scimus traditiones Apostolorum sumptas de veteri Testamento . Quod Aaron & filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fuere , hoc Episcopi , Presbyteri & Diaconi sibi vendicant in Ecclesia , scil ▪ Christiana . The orders delivered to the Church by the Apostles , were taken out of the old Testament . The same subordination which was seen in Aaron , his sons , and the Levits , now appeares in the Christian Church , in our Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons . This proportion is made undenyable by Saint Iude , who chargeth some with the gain-saying of Koreth . Now there can be no gain-saying like that of Koreh in the Christian Church , except there be distinction & subordination of superiours and inferiors in the Clergie , as there was : and was gain-said by Koreh and his complices , desirous of superiour honour , and of higher degrees and places , then they had a calling unto . Here then you see that God would have a proportion of Church-government betwixt the Old and New Testament . It is further worthy the observation that both the Church and Common-wealth of the Jewes had in their government a kind of proportion established by God . For as the Church was Monarchicall in Moses , Aristocraticall in some select Priests and Levits governing under Aaron , and Democraticall in the rest of the Priests and Levits : So was the Common-wealth Monarchicall in Moses , Aristocraticall in some select Princes of each Tribe governing under Moses , and Democraticall in the rest , and in the whole body of the people . Such is the proportion betwixt our Church and Common-wealth , and such hath it beene from the first foundation . This will , I hope , appeare , when I come to speak of the succession in our Church . And what kind of government thus sutable to that of the Jews , is in any one Church , may be in all Churches : namely , all degrees of men subordinate to their Princes , and all the Princes or Kings subordinate to Christ , without having any King on earth Head over the rest : as all degrees of men in the Churches were subordinate to the Apostles , and the Apostles going to severall and far remote Nations were all equally subordinate to Christ , and no one of them Head over the rest . To conclude then , seeing the Constitution of Episcopall government is so agreeable to that which was most absolute , and was established by that wisdome , that no other Common-wealth and Church ever was ; as one observes , Dictante Deo , constituente Mose , God ordaining it , and Moses putting it in practice : Why should wee endeavour to alter it ? Such an attempt might prove with us , as it did with the people of Capua , when Pacuvius saved the Senators . It is held an axiome among Architectors , that it is scarce wisdom to pull down one of the mayne posts of a building , especially so ancient , except another be setled and fixed , which we are sure is right and fitted to our purpose : which yet for all the workmans skill may have a private flaw in it , which cannot be discovered by the most skilfull : and so may the building fall on the builders head . Thus much for the analogie and proportion betwixt Episcopacie and the Church government of the Jews . Now in the third place wee come to prove that Episcopacie was pointed at , and in some sort deciphered in the New Testament . What I produced before concerning the authority of Ordination , convention , punishment , and reward , put upon some speciall persons , may serve sufficiently to this purpose : yet some thing more I will here adde . Bee it so , that when the Apostle saith , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , If any one desire the office of a Bishop , hee desireth a good work , that this is spoken of an inferior Bishop , or Presbyter , who is an Overseer of the people committed to his charge , as well as of a Bishop Superiour , who hath the oversight of the Clergie and people : yet will it follow , that if the office of an inferiour Bishop or Over-seer of his flock bee a good work ( as indeed it is ) then much more they , who first have laboured in that painful harvest , and afterward in their elder yeeres are advanced to the Superiour Bishops office of Over-seeing the Clergie , of ordaining , conventing and the like as above , undergoe and performe {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , A good work of greater eminencie and more notable . For certainly there cannot be a more blessed worke , nor more holy calling in the Clergie , then to succeed the glorious Apostles , and Martyrs in their places and callings , as heires doe their parents in their estates and possessions , and to deliver and teach sacred Doctrine to faithfull men , who shall bee able to teach others also : as Saint Paul bids Timothy ▪ 2 Tim. 2. To this purpose , S. Austin upon that , Ps. 44. or as we have it , 4● . Propatribus tibi nati sunt filii , Childrē shall rise in steed of their Fathers , saith Patres m●ssi sunt Apostoli , pro Apostolis filii tibi nati sunt , constituti sunt Episcopi . Hodie enim Episcopi qui sunt per ●orum orbem , unde nati sunt ? Ipsa Ecclesia Pa●tes illes appellat : Ipsa filios genuit , & ipsa illos constituit in sedibus Patrum : The Fathers sent to us were the Apostles , insteede of the Apostles , the sons which were appointed are Bishops . For at this day the Bishops in all the World , from whom did they arise ? The Church it selfe calls them Fathers : shee her selfe begot these Sons , and shee her self hath put them into the seats of the Fathers . Here yee see the succession of Bishops proved plainly by Saint Augustin , as before by Ireneus , Eusebius , Ignatius , and a cloud of witnesses , who sealed their witnesse with their bloud , and are those whose robes are washed in the bloud of the Lamb , and who shall shine more brightly then the Cynosure amongst other starrs of Heaven . Besides all the witnesses and proofes already brought , I will produce one text more to prove Bishops to bee successors of the Apostles Iure divino . In that great Synod . ACT. 1. where were assembled the eleven Disciples , and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} fere centum & viginti , other persons believer : 120. Saint Peter moved the consideration of an election of one in the place of Iudas , and urgeth two places of the Psalmes , as prophecies , which must be fulfilled , Psal. 69. 26. and 109. 6. There the Holy Ghost prophesied by the mouth of David concerning Iudas : Let his habitation be void , and let no man dwell therein : {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , and let another take his Bishoprick . Mark wee well the words , and grant we these two assertions . 1 That no man will say that there is a Tautologie or Vaniloquium in the words of sacred Scripture , or that any word may be altered or can be beitered . 2 That the Scriptures should be understood , as neere as we can , literally , and as the plaine sense of the place will beare , and so as may stand with the Analogie of other Scriptures . These things being granted , I thus argue . That which the spirit of God by the mouth of a Prophet hath foretolde , and the blessed Apostles in a Synod have ratified , that is an undeniable truth , and may pleade its Ius divinum . But David did foretell by the inspiration of the Spirit of Prophecie , that Episcopacie should succeed Apostleship , and the Apostles ratified it in their Synod . Therefore Episcopacie succeeded the Apostleship , Iure divino . It is not any other word which is attributed to Matthias place , but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a Bishoprick : and hee succeeded Iudas . If any here object , that Matthias had {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the Bishopricke of Iudas , so that Iudas his Apostleship is there call'd a Bishopricke in a generall notion , as it imports an office or charge . And that therefore Episcopacy did not succeed Apostleship , but both of them were of right attributed to the 12 chosen by Christ , and both given to Matthias , who succeeded Iudas . I answer . Suppose this be granted , it maketh much more for what I intend . For first , if they be termes of so neere affinity , that they serve to expresse one and the same office in a different regard : then it followeth , that in regard of their affinity , the one may more easily succeed in the other place ; for where there is a likenesse of nature , there is facilior transitus , an easier change of one thing into another , as of aire into fire , because of their agreement in the quality of heat . Secondly , Seeing the terme of Apostle was by those and after-times in some sort appropriate to some few : it remayned that the other term , viz. Bishop , should be left and turned over to their successors . And with respect to this , Matthias is expresly said to succeed in Iudas his Episcopacie : and the chiefe Officers of the Clergie are termed Bishops rather then by any other name . This we read to have beene the constant practice of the first Century , in which ( as it is likely ) the Executors and Feoffees in trust of our Lord , best understood the meaning of the Testatour , and had gifts extraordinary , ad Ecclesiam & fidem stabiliendam , as to establish our faith , so Gods Church too , and could best fit right terms to persons and callings . But to come close to our selves . This Isle received Christianity very soon , even in the days of Tiberius , as Gildas Brito a grave Authour writeth : who wrote , Anno 493. And as another Gildas after him confirmeth . This Gildas was cald Albanicus , and , as some will have it , preceded the other . He testifies , that after the dispersing of the Disciples , by reason of the persecution , Philip sent out of France , Joseph of Arimathea , and divers others , who preached the Gospel in this Kingdome . Their Doctrine ( as Malmesbury hath it ) was afterward confirmed by other Preachers and Doctours here . This is also witnessed both by Origen and Theodoret ; not to speake of those , who some of them affirme that Paul , some that Iames , some that Peter were in this Island , and visited the Church here established , as Baronius a Romish Writer , and of special note in that Church , hath it . T is further said , that Insula glacialis ( which we now call Glastenbury ) was granted them by Arviragus King of the Britains . This is witnessed unto by divers memorable Records alleaged by the studious and learned Searchers into the British and Saxon Antiquities . As for that report of Lucius and Eleutherius mentioned by Beda and Marianus Scotus , and so often alleaged by divers others , I must either thinke that Rome had changed her customes , and many of her Tenents , or question the Truth of the relation : My Reason for this is : because , when in the yeer 601. Austin the Monk first required obedience to the Roman Church in three things , viz. 1. in Paschate celebrando , 2. in Baptismo ministrando , 3. in praedicando Anglis Saxonibus , In celebrating Easter , in administring Baptisme , in preaching to the English , His motion was refused , and Austin utterly disliked . Quia ( to use the words of another ) Augustini fastum spernebant , they disliked Austins pride . And well they might , for he was haughty and harsh , and did contrary to his directions from Gregory Bishop of Rome , who sent him hither . For he incensed Edlefred so against the poore Christians of Bangor , that he put twelve hundred of them to the sword . Of this the Reason is given : Quia noluere obsequium Augustino praebere , because they would not submit to Austins will . For this was indeed the quarrell , as our Writers say . This their refusall to yield to Austin the Monke , I produce as a proofe , that the Christians , which hee found here , held in many things with the Eastern Churches , as having their doctrine from Ierusalem and Sion , whence the Gospel was to be sent , Esay 2. 3. Mic. 4. 2. to the Nations . And whence as Salvation went , Psal. 14. 7. So likewise the Doctrine of salvation : for Christ , who gave the Apostles Commission to go to all Nations , and preach to them the Gospel , did bid them stay at Jerusalem , till the Holy Ghost furnished them with guifts for the worke commanded . This further appeares by that resolute answere , which the Abbot of Bangor gave to Austin the Monk , Anno 601. viz. That he and his acknowledged no Superioritie in the Bishop of Rome over them , nor any Superiour but their own Archbishop Caer-leonis , or ( as some have it ) Senovensis , qui sub Deo solus positus fuit super illos ad supervidendum , & ad faciendum illos servare viam spiritualem , Who alone under God was made an Over-seer or Bishop to them , that hee might make them observe the spirituall way . Seeing this stout Champion thus answered , it is probable that they were of the Primitive institution . And this I the rather give credit unto ; because if the Bishop of Rome had then held the present Tenet of that Church : That their Citie is the spirituall Metropolis , and that their Bishop is Caput Ecclesiae , our Predecessours would have acknowledged the Pope and his See , as they had been taught . But Baronius saith , that our British Bishops are as ancient as those of Rome . And t is probable they were so . For this we have good proof ; that at a Council at Arles held Anno Dom. 314. wee had three Bishops , viz. 1. Eborius de Civitate Eboraci Episcopus , 2. Restitutus de civitate Londini Episcopus , 3. Aldelfius de civitate Coloniae Londinensium , & exinde Sacerdos Presbyter , Arminius Diaconus , Eborius Bishop of Yorke , Restitutus Bishop of London , Adelfius Bishop of Colchester , and after them Sacerdos a Presbyter , Arminius a Deacon . These subscribed in this Synod . Here therefore I observe , that Anno 314. wee had Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons : the very Governours now in question . And Romish they were not , as I conceive : because they then acknowledged not a Subordination to Rome : and because Vrban the second called learned Anselme , Patriarcha Britaniae , the Patriarch of Britaine . Therefore , me thinks , it should not now be questioned , whether Episcopacy be a Romish Relicke , but rather , that it should be confirmed as an Evangelicall Ordinance , and as ancient , as the first institution of Churches , and as a calling appointed by the Apostles . What more have we for Baptisme of Infants ? What more for our Sunday , or the Lords day , but convincing deductions from the Scriptures , or the practice of the Apostles , and the observation of the same in the Churches of God successively to this very day ? yet wee hold both these to be sacred Ordinances and of divine institution : though they both be questioned by some learned men of the reformed Churches , as Episcopacie is among some of ours . The case is alike , and as cleere , if not much more , for Episcopacie : that it had a divine institution . If what is formerly said , satisfie not , I will only use this argument more , to prove that Episcopacie is Iure Divino . If the charge given 1 Tim. 6. 14. be to Timothy personally , and be perpetuall , then it is to one person , namely to Timothy , and to the successors in his place : For Timothy was mortall , so that the perpetuitie of the charge must reach to all his successors , till the appearing of the Lord Christ Iesus . But the charge is personall to Timothy , and perpetuall even to the appearing of our Lord Iesus Christ . Therefore it is to one person , viz. to Timothy and to his successors for ever . If it be here objected , that the charge there was given to Timothy , as elswhere the Keyes to PETER , and according to that , which is said , Quod dixit Petro , dixit caeteris Apostolis , What was spoken to Peter , was spoken to the other Apostles also : I Answer , It is so . For what was said to Timothy , was said caeterisque Episcopis & successoribus eorum , both to other Bishops , and their successors : as Christs giving the keys to Peter were to him and the other Apostles : But not to all the Disciples , Deacons and widdowes . To summe up all in a word ; since it appeares that Episcopacie , Presbytery and Diaconatus are according to the practice of the Apostles analogicall and agreeable to the constitution of the Jewish Church appointed by God , and established by Moses ; pointed at , and in some kinde deciphered in the New Testament ; and strongly insinuated by the successors of the Apostles , to have beene received and practised by them , as commended to them from divine authority : since these three orders in our Church are derived so high , have continued so long , even from the primitive times to this day : we may well conclude , that as Presbyters and Deacons , so Bishops are Iure divino : especially seeing Episcopacie is so generally confirmed , and hath beene so constantly continued by the Apostles , Apostolick men , Councills , Fathers , and Doctors . And much the rather am I induced thus , as I have said , to judge of Episcopacie : because the contrary part have not the like proofes , warrant , and approbation for their Presbytery ; and can bring no sufficient and convincing authority for a quarterly or yeerely President , joynt Presbyters and Lay Elders usurping pastorall and Episcopall jurisdiction . And here in confidence of my cause I adde , that if they have any lawfull generall Councill , or any Synod ( except their own ) which established a Church Government by such a President , Presbyters , and Lay-elders , as above , I will yeeld the cause . Now it concerns us very much to be well advised and truly to judge of these matters ; because it appeares in that dangerous and seditious Pamphlet concerning the late Protestation , that the Author therof , and such as he is , care not what government be established , so that Popery ( which we wish more rightly then they ) be abolished , Episcopacie and the present government ( which change how inconvenient it may be , they know not ) be altered , and that they may have liberty and toleration ( which what state wil permit ) to professe what manner of Religion they make choise of . So may we have as many religions , as there be at Amsterdam , and unpeople all our plantations by calling many phantasticall schismaticks home , who under colour of dislike of the Church Government here , have fallen out with our Religion , and framed to themselves divers opinions , if not Religions , contrary to ours , not only in forme , but in reality . Seeing there is but one Lord , one faith , one baptisme , one God and father of all , let us indevour to keepe the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace : that there may be one body and one spirit , even as we are called in one hope of our calling , Eph. 4. Let us stick fast to that one truth , which wee are taught , and be stedfast in one faith : and agree joyntly with one accord , like children of one Father and Mother . Let us not lose the honour of our Church Government , but reforme the personall errours . And since reformation signifies nothing else , but the reducing and setting matters into the forme in which they were most perfect : let us constantly hold our-selves to the forme kept and practised in the Primitive times , and in the first & second Cēturies . In which we shal find the Order Episcopall , Presbyteriall , and Diaconall observed , and ever since confirmed by Nationall Synods and Councils of our own , neere 1400 yeeres agoe , or at least 1000 , and practised by many Successions before and since . What then remayneth , but that wee establish the present Government of our Church , which is so agreeable to the ancient Constitution ? As for that which is alleaged by Saint Ierome , in his Dialogue against the Luciferians , concerning those things which were rather in honorem sacerdotii , quam legis necessitate , gratia Principum & Conciliorum authoritate data & collata , for the honour of the Ministerie , then the necessity of any Law , given and bestowed by the bounty of Princes , and authoritie of Councils ; I say for these things , I take them not to be Iure divino , though Deo data : I know that God is to be honoured with our substance , and that it is as lawfull since Christs time to vow or give to him , according as he blesseth out labours and meanes , as it was for David , Solomon , and their worthies ; and how offensive it may be to him to alter what is given or vowed , as it was of old to change and give a bad lamb for a good , I leave to the grave consideration of others . Only I here wish that we may save the honour of our deare and aged Mother ; and punish her sons , if any have dishonoured her by Pride , Tyranny , or Covetousnesse : and that the Church and Common-wealth may hold such correspondencie , as they did in the daies of David and Solomon : and that as Kings were Nursing Fathers , and Queenes Nursing Mothers to the Church in her infancie ; so in her age shee may find Kings to support her , if weake : and if any of her children be like those of Elies , their fathers may correct them so , that their Mother be not dishonoured nor ruined . To say no more , I conclude with that of Saint Augustine , Siquid tota Ecclesia hodie per orbem frequentat , hoc quin ita sit faciendum , disputare insolentissimae est insaniae , If any thing at this day be of frequent use in the whole Church , to question and dispute whether it ought so to be is a most insolent madnesse . Epist. 118. And that it is Aerianisme to say , that Presbyters ( in the common acception ) are equall to Bishops , such namely as were successors of the Apostles , and such as Saint Augustine himselfe was . This Epiphanius reckons among the ancient Heresies , and time hath not bettered it : and whether it resembles and comes neere to the Antilogie of Koreh , or not , my self not being rigid , or prone to censure , I leave to be determined by others . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A67119e-640 Object . Answ. Object . Answ. Object . 2. Answ. Of the first point . Object . Answ. Epist. ad Antioch . The second point . The third point . Object . Answ. The fourth point . Object . Answ. 
A67149	----	Bishop Wrens petition to the Parliament in defence of episcopacie in the behalf of himself and the rest of the bishops wherein he endeavours to ebreviate and lessen the libertie of the subject : being his sole resolution to extenmate the priviledge of Parliament : as also how his most expeciall intents Wren, Matthew, 1585-1667. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A67149 of text R9031 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing W3679). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A67149 Wing W3679 ESTC R9031 12531911 ocm 12531911 62775 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67149) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62775) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 249:E131, no 32) Bishop Wrens petition to the Parliament in defence of episcopacie in the behalf of himself and the rest of the bishops wherein he endeavours to ebreviate and lessen the libertie of the subject : being his sole resolution to extenmate the priviledge of Parliament : as also how his most expeciall intents Wren, Matthew, 1585-1667. [6] p. Printed for Thomas Bates, London : 1642. Illustrated t.p. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Wren, Matthew, 1585-1667. Church of England -- History. Episcopacy -- History. A67149 R9031 (Wing W3679). civilwar no Bishop Wrens petition to the Parliament, in defence of Episcopacie. In the behalf of himself and the rest of the bishops. Wherein he endeavo Wren, Matthew 1642 934 7 0 0 0 0 0 75 D The rate of 75 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BISHOP WRENS Petition to the PARLIAMENT , in defence of Episcopacie . In the behalf of himself and the rest of the Bishops . WHEREIN , He endeavours to ebreviate and lessen the libertie of the Subject ; being his sole resolution to extenuate the priviledge of Parliament . AS ALSO , How his most especiall intents contain ( in the ensuing Petition ) the corroborating of Prelaticall primacie . WITH Many reasons inducing him to the presentation of the same to the Right Honourable the High Court of Parliament . portrait portrait LONDON , Printed for Thomas Bates . 1642. BISHOP WRENS Petition to the PARLIAMENT , in defence of Episcopacie . HUMBLY SHEWETH . THAT although many invective aspersions of scandalous Pamphlets , and illicite rumours have been , and daily are published , to the Epedemicall spectacle of the world against me . Yet notwithstanding , I have buried all those abuses in the sepulchre of patience and lenitie , presenting my self once more to the clement judgement and mature deliberation of your honours ; imploring nothing but Justice . As for those libels which have approbriously been cast upon me in particular ; and in generall , against the most and greatest Peers in the Land , to the intollerable abuse of us all espe●●●lly of such as have any adherence or else that do appear of Episcopall government ▪ or Puri 〈…〉 on . Which government 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ited with the first point of Protestant Religion , yea instituted by Christ himself and the Apostles , and have ever since successively continued , being the next antiquity to Apostolicall men though the abusive detractions of the Brownists and Separatists in our time have derogated the Classicall authentick and approved authoritie therof , they have beene the sole men that have opposed the Episcopal Hierarchy , & although they have externally denyed ( all innovations ) ( as they call them ) in their common appellation : yet principally they have and doe make daily more inovations themselvs ; betwixt both which , there is a repugnant authority as for the former it tended only to the honour and glory of God , the decency of the Church , and the credit of the King and Kingdome , but for the latter nothing but schismaticall 〈…〉 sions , and confusive distractions are introduced by them . I therefore implore your honour with all humility , maturely to consider all their proposterous actions , they have contaminated the purity of Religion so much , that it is almost become leprous , they swarme so promiscuously in our streets , that like the Egyptian Locusts they eat up the sanctity of our Church government ; yea withall , they are now grown so licentious , that they will not be curbed by humane reason , nor disapproved , although confuted by the holy Scripture . The fervency of my desire , is , therfore that the church may be purgel from such opposite enemies to true Religion , and that the fountain of Piety may not be corrupted by such turbulent obstacles : & withall ▪ I beseech your honors to consider the abuse intollerably offered , and promiscuously intended against scientiall learning , that it may not be so defaced and discountenanced by the Ignorants , but rather that you would bee pleased to advance it to its perfect lustre , dignity , and irradiation , it being the prime supporter of all true loyalty and obedience , order , rule , regularity , & obsequious civility in all states : for the defective derogation from the duties of our religion , will incontinently prove a consumption vnto any kingdome , and that Basis of Church-government , and foundation of Piety , which if not first rooted and grounded in Christ , is not only weak of it self , and infirm , but likewise debilitates , a whole Nation . If it be so , then they consequently do promerrit the strict execution of Justice , that would bring the church to a distructive Anarchy , the deniall of Episcopacie is the abridgment of sacred Piety , the dispossessing of the Church of that primogeniture and predominant head , which should govern , guide , and direct it . The refusall of Justice in conducting the taking away of equity , in patrocinating & the excluding those 1. & absolute institutions of the Church are such obst●uctions beyond the limit of any former Authors , and the wounds of our Prelaticall property lets out the very life blood of the people ▪ the reformation whereof must necessarily bee a worke of much consequence . But God be praised , the defence is not desperate beyond cure , we serve one God , we beleeve in one Christ , and we all acknowledge and professe one Gospell , the difference is only de natura , we vary but in the Ceremonies ; to reduce which to the primitive practice , was all our former endeavors , and cannot effectually be inacted without our assertions , and your mutuall concurrence : the condoleable disrespect of our function , the divisions and various distractions of the Schismaticks , the almost Anarchicall government of the church , the languishing impurity of religion , hath at this time respectively induced me to present this humble petition unto your honours favourable respects , imploring your favour to concur unanimously in this petitory construction , And your Petitioner shall be ever bound to pray , &c. FINIS . 
A52036	----	An answer to a booke entitvled An hvmble remonstrance in which the originall of liturgy, episcopacy is discussed : and quares propounded concerning both : the parity of bishops and presbyters in Scripture demonstrated : the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered : the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested : the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated : the prelaticall church bownded / written by Smectymnvvs. Smectymnuus. 1641 Approx. 246 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A52036 Wing M748 ESTC R21898 12569638 ocm 12569638 63410 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52036) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63410) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 254:E161, no 4) An answer to a booke entitvled An hvmble remonstrance in which the originall of liturgy, episcopacy is discussed : and quares propounded concerning both : the parity of bishops and presbyters in Scripture demonstrated : the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered : the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested : the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated : the prelaticall church bownded / written by Smectymnvvs. Smectymnuus. Milton, John, 1608-1674. First edition. [2], 104 p. Printed for I. Rothwell and are to be sold by T.N. ..., London : 1641. "A postscript" by John Milton? : p. 85-95 (i.e. 95-104) Wing attributes authorship to Stephen Marshall, who with Edmund Calamy, Thomas Young, Matthew Newcomen and William Spurstowe, wrote under the pseudonym Smectymnuus. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. -- Humble remonstrance to the high court of Parliament. Church of England -- Liturgy. Church of England -- Controversial literature. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2002-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ANSWER TO A BOOKE ENTITVLED , AN HVMBLE REMONSTRANCE . In which , The Originall of LITURGY , EPISCOPACY is discussed . And Quaeres propounded concerning both . The PARITY of Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture Demonstrated . The occasion of their IMPARITY in Antiquity discovered . The DISPARITY of the Ancient and our Moderne Bishops manifested . The ANTIQUITY of Ruling Elders in the Church vindicated . The PRELATICALL Church Bownded . IEREMY 6.16 . Thus saith the Lord , stand in the wayes , and Behold , and aske for the Old Way , which is the Way , and walke therein . Tertul. de praescr . adv . haeres . Id Dominicum & verum , quod prius traditum : id autem extraaeum & falsum quod sit posterius . Written by SMECTYMNVVS . LONDON , Printed for I. Rothwell , and are to be sold by T. N. at the Bible in Popes-Head-Alley . 1641. MOST HONOVRABLE LORDS , AND YE THE KNIGHTS , CITIZENS , AND BVRGESSES , of the Honourable House of COMMONS . ALthough we doubt not , but that book which was lately directed to your Honours , bearing the name of an Humble Remonstrance , hath had accesse unto your presence : and is in the first approaches of it , discovered by your discerning spirits , to be neither Humble , nor a Remonstrance ; but a heape of confident , and ungrounded assertions ; so that to your Honours a Reply may seeme superfluous : Yet lest the Authour should glory in our silence , as a granting of the cause ; we humbly crave your Honours leave , to present , not so much to your selves , as to the world by your hands , a review of this Remonstrance ; in which the Authour after too large a Preface , undertakes the support of two things , which seeme to him to bee threatned with danger of a present precipice , the Liturgy , and the Hierarchie . It was a constitution of those admired sonnes of Iustice the Areopagi ; that such as pleaded before them should pleade without prefacing and without Passion : had your Honours made such a constitution , this Remonstance must have beene banished from the face of your Assembly : for the Preface fils almost a fourth part of the Booke , and the rest swels with so many passionate Rhetorications , as it is harder for us in the multitude of his words to finde what his argument is , that we have to answer , then to answer it when it is found . We would not trace him in his words , but close immediately with his argments ; did wee not finde in him a sad exemplification of that Divine Axiome , in Multitudine verborum non deest peccatum , in the multitude of words there wants no sinne : for though the Authour is bold to call upon your Honours to heare the words of truth and confidence , yet how little truth there is in this great confidence , the ensuing discourse shall discover . His very first word● are confident enough , and yet as false as confident ; wherein he Impropriates all honesty unto these his Papers , and brands all others with the name of Libellers , and yet himselfe sins deeply against the rule of honesty , and lies naked to the scourge of his owne censure . First , in setting a brand upon all writings that have lately issued from the presse , as if they had all forgotten to speake any other language then Libellous : it seemes himselfe had forgotten , that some things had issued by Authority of the King and Parliament . Secondly , in taxing ( implicitely ) all such as will not owne this Remonstrance for theirs : as , none of the peaceable and well-affected Sons of the Church of England . Thirdly , in censuring the way of petitioning your Honours , the Ancient and ordinary free way of seeking redresse of our evils , for a Tumultuary under-band way . Fourthly , in condemning all such as are not fautors of this Episcopall Cause , as none of his Majesties good Subjects , engrossing that praise onely to his owne party , saying , The eyes of us the good Subjects of this whole Realm● are fixed upon your Successe , &c. Fiftly , in Impropriating to the same party the praise of Orthodox , pag. 6. as if to speak a word , or think a thought against Episcopacy , were no lesse Heresie , then it was in forme● time to speake against the Popes supremacy , or the monkes fat Belly ; whereas whether the Episcopall part be the Orthodox , peaceable , well affected part , and his Majesties onely good Subjects , wee leave to your Honours to Iudge , upon the numerous Informations that flow in unto you from the severall parts of this Kingdome . Nor can they decline your Iudgment , seeing now you are ( through Gods blessing ) happily met in a much longed for Parliament : but whether so much longed for by him and his accomplices ; as by those against whom he wh●●s his Style , the Prayers that have obtained this happy meeting , and the prayses that doe attend it , will decide in ●hat great day . The Helena , whose Champion this Remonstrant chiefely is : is that Government which hee calles Sacred , viz. that Governement by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deanes , Archdeacons , &c. which , saith he , through the sides of some misliked persons some have endeavoured to wound . Misliked Persons ? and why not offending persons ? why not guilty persons ? when this Honourable house hath ●ound just cause to charge some of them , with crimes of the highest nature . Our zeale for your Honours make us feare , lest your assembly shold suffer in this word ; as if your proceedings against such persons should be grounded upon compliance with such as doe mislike them , rather then upon their owne demerits , or the Iustice of this Court. But what ever those Persons be , the Government it self is Sacred ; which by the ●oynt confession of all reformed Divines , derives it selfe from the times of the ●lessed Apostles , without any interruption , without contradiction of any one congregation in the world unto this present age . This is but an Episcopall Bravado , therefore we let it passe , till we come to close and contend with him in the point ; where we shall demonstrate , that in the compasse of three lines hee hath packt up as many untruths , as could be smoothly couched in so few words , as any man of common understanding , that lookes upon the face of the Governement of almost all reformed Churches in the Christian world , may at first view discover . But before we come to this , there are yet two things in this Preface which we count not unworthy observation . The First is , the comparison which he makes between the two Governments , the Civill which with us is Monarchie : and the sacred which with him is Episcopacy . Of the first he saith , if Antiquity may be the Rule ; ( as he pleades it for Episcopacy ) or i● Scripture ( as he interprets Scripture ) it is VARIABLE , and ARBITRARY : but the other DIVINE and VNALTERABLE , so that had men petitioned for the altering of Monarchicall Government , they had ( in his Iudgement ) beene lesse culpable , ●oth by Scripture and Antiquity , then in petitioning the alteration of the Hierarchicall : Had he found but any such passage in any of his Lewd Libellers ( as his modesty is alwayes pleased to tearme them ) certainly if we may borrow his owne phrase , the eares of the three Interessed Kingdomes , yea , all the neighbour Churches , and if we may say , the whole Christian world , and no small part beyond it , had rung with the lowd cryes of no lesse then Treason , Treason . Truth is , in his Antiquity we find that this his uninterrupted sacred Government , hath so far invaded the Civill , and so yoked Monarchy , even in this Kingdome , as Malmesbury reports : That William Rufus oppressed by Bishops , perswaded the Iewes to confute them ; promising thereupon to turne England to their Religion , that he might be free of Bishops . And this is so naturall an effect of unalterable Episcopacy , that Pius ●he fourth to the Spanish Embassadour , importuning him to permit Bishops to bee declared by the Councell of Trent , to be Iure Divino , gave this answer : That his King knew not what he did desire , for if Bishops should be so declared , they would be all exempted from his Power , and as indepedent as the Pope himselfe . The second thing observable is the comparison hee makes betweene the late Alterations attempted in our Neighbour Church by his Episcopall faction , and that Alteration that is now justly desired by the humble petitioners to this Honourable House . The one being attempted by strangers , endevouring violently to obtrude Innovations upon a setled Church and State , The other humbly petitioned to the Heads and Princes of our State by Multitudes therein almost ruined by an Innovating Faction : yet doth not this Remonstrant blush to say ; if these be branded , ( so he cals the just censures of this Honorable House ) For Incendiaries , how shall these Boutefeux escape , &c. thus cunningly indeavouring either to justifie the former by the practise of the latter , or to render the latter more odious then the former . The attempts of these men whom he would thus render odious , hee craves leave to present to your Honours in two things , which are the subjects of this quarrell : The Liturgie and Episcopacy , and we humbly crave your Honours leave in both to answer . SECT . II. FIrst , the Liturgie of the Church of England ( saith he ) hath bin hitherto esteemed sacred , reverently used by holy Martyrs , daily frequented by devout Protestants , as that which more then once hath been confirmed by the Edicts of religious Princes , and your own Parliamentary Acts , &c. And hath it so ? whence then proceed these many Additions and Alterations ? that have so changed the face and fabrick of the Liturgie , that as Dr. Hall spake once of the pride of England : if our fore-fathers should revive and see their daughters walking in Cheapside with their fannes and farthingales , &c. they would wonder what kinde of creatures they were , and say Nature had forgot her selfe and brought forth a monster : so if these holy Martyrs that once so reverently used the Liturgy should revive and looke for their Letany stampt by Authority of Parliament , they would be amased , and wondering say ; England had forgotten her selfe and brought forth , &c. Martyrs ? what doe we speake of Martyrs when we know Sir , that one of your owne a Bishops said it in the hearing of many not so long since , but you may well remember it . That the service of the Church of England was now so drest , that if the Pope should come and see it , he would claime it as his owne , but that it is in English. It is little then to the advantage of your cause , that you tell us , it is translated into other languages , and as little service have they done to the Church of England , who have taught our Prayers to speake Latine againe : For if it be their Language chiefly that overthrowes the Popes claime , take away that , and what hinders then , but the Pope may say , these are mine . As for other Translations and the great applause it hath obtained from Forraigne Divines , which are the fumes this Remonstrant venditates ; what late dayes have produced we know not , but the great lights of Former ages have beene farre from this applauding : we are sure judicious Calvine saith , that in the Liturgy there are sundry Tolerabiles Ineptiae , which we thinke is no very great applause . To vindicate this Liturgy from scorne ( as he calles it ) at home , or by your Honours aide to reinforce it upon the Nation , is the worke of his Remonstrance ; for the effecting whereof he falls into an unparallell'd discourse about the Antiquity of Liturgies ; we call it unparalleld , because no man that we have seene ever drew the line of Liturgy so high as he hath done . Concerning which , if by Liturgy this Remonstrant understand an Order observed in Church assemblies of Praying , reading , and expounding the Scriptures , Administring Sacraments , &c. Such a Liturgy we know and do acknowledge both Iewes and Christians have used . But if by Liturgy hee understand prescribed and stinted formes of Administration Composed by some particular men in the Church , and imposed upon all the rest ( as this he must understand , or else all hee saith is nothing ) wee desire and expect that those formes , which he saith are yet extant , and ready to be produced , might once appeare . Liturgy of this former sort we finde in Iustine Martyr and Tertullian . But that there were not such stinted Liturgies as this Remonstrant disputes for , appeares by Tertullian , in his Apol. Cap. 30. where he saith the Christians of those times did in their publique assemblies pray sine monitore qui● de pectore , without any Prompter but their own hearts . And that so it should be the same Father proves in his Treatise , de Oratione : S●●nt quae petantur , &c. There are some things to be asked according to the occasions of every man : the lawfull & ordinary prayer ( tha● is the Lords Prayer ) being laid as a foundation ; It is lawfull to build upon that foundation other prayers according to every ones occasions . And to the same purpose S. Austin in his 121. Ep. Liberum est , &c. it is free to aske the same things that are desired in the Lords Prayer , aliis atque aliis verbis , sometimes one way and sometimes another : And before this in that famous place of Iust. Mar. Apo. 2. He , who instructed the people , prayed according to his ability , Nor was this liberty in prayer taken away , and set and imposed formes introduced , untill the time that the Arian and Pelagian Heresies did invade the Church , and then because those Hereticks did convey and spreade their poyson in their formes of Prayer and Hymnes , the Church thought it convenient to restraine the liberty of making and using publike formes : And first it ordained that none should pray pro Arbitrio , sed semper eaedem preces , that none should use liberty to vary in prayer ; but use alwaies the same forme , Conc. Laod. Can. 18. yet this was a forme of his owne composing , as appeares by another Canon , wherein it was ordered thus : None should use any forme , unlesse he had first conferred Cum fratribus instructioribus : with the more learned of his brethren . Conc. Carth. 3. Can. 23. and lastly that none should use set prayers , but such as were approved of in a Synode , which was not determined till the yeare 416. Conc. Milev . 2. Can. 12. And had there been any Liturgies of Times of the first and most venerable antiquity producible , the great admirers of them , and inquirers after them would have presented them to the world ere this . we know that Bishop Andrews in his zeale for Liturgies pursued the inquiry after the Iewish Liturgie so far , that he thought he had found it ; and one there was which he sent to Cambridge to be translated : but there it was soone discovered , to have beene made long after the Iewes ceased to be the Church of God ; and so himselfe supprest it , that it never saw the light under a translation . We wonder therefore , what this Remonstrant meant to affirme so confidently , that part of the forme of prayer which was composed by our blessed Saviour , was borrowed from the formes of prayer formerly used by Gods people . An opinion we never met before ; indeed , we have read that the Rabbines since the daies of our Saviour have borrowed some expressions from that Prayer , and from other Evangelicall passages : But we never read till now , that the Lord Christ the wisdome of the Father borrowed from the wisdome of the Rabbines expressions to use in Prayer . And as much we wonder by what Revelation or Tradition ( Scripture being silent in the thing ) he knew , that Peter and Iohn , when they went up to the Temple to pray , their Prayer was not of a sudden and extemporary conception , but of a Regular prescription . Sure we are some as well read in Iewish antiquity , as this Remonstrant shewes himselfe to be ; have told us that the houre of Prayer was the time when the Priest burnt Incense ; and the people were at their private prayers without , as appeares , Luke 1.9 . where we reade , that while Zachary the Priest went in to offer Incense , all the people stood with out praying in the time of the Oblation . Which Prayers were so far from being Prescript Formes or Liturgies that they were not vocall but mentall Prayers , as Master Meade tels us in his exposition upon the eighth of the Revelations . And what ever Peter and Iohn did , this we know , that when the Publican and the Pharisee went up to the Temple to pray ( as the Apostles did at the houre of prayer ) their prayer was not of Regular prescription , but of a present Conception . But if this Remonstrant be in the right , concerning the Iewish Liturgies , then the Evangelicall Church might better have improved her peace and happinesse , then in composing Models of Invocation and Thanksgiving , when there is one extant and ready to be produced , that was constantly used by Gods people ever since Moses daies , and put over to the times of the Gospel and confirmed by Apostolicall practise : or else great is our losse , who are so unhappily deprived of the best improvement , the Church made of her peace and happinesse in the first 300. yeares : for rejecting those Liturgies that are confest by the Learned to bee Spurious ; We challenge this Remonstrant to produce any one Liturgie that was the issue of those times . And blessed Constantine was herein as unhappy as we , who needed not have composed formes of prayer for his Guard to use upon the Lords day , but might and would have taken them out of former Liturgies , if there had been any ; And can ye with patience think that any ingenuous Christian should be so transported , as upon such weak and unproved premises to build such a Confident conclusion , as this Remonstrant doth ? and in that Conclusion forget the state of the controversie sliding from the question of a prescribed and imposed Liturgie to an arbitrary book of prayer . In his Rhetoricall Encomium of conceived prayer wee shall more willingly bear a part with him , then they whose cause he pleads ; for had that been in their hearts , which is in this book : to hate , to be guilty of powring water upon the Spirit , and gladly to adde oyle rather : so many learned , able , Conscientious Preachers had not been molested and suspended , for letting the constant flames of their fixed conceptions mount up from the altar of their zealous heart unto the throne of grace : nor had there been so many advantages watched from some stops and seeming solecismes in some mens prayers , to blaspheme the spirit of prayer , which though now confest to be so far from being offensive , that they are as pleasing Musick in the eares of the Almighty : yet time hath been , when they have ●ounded as meere Battologies ; nay no better then meere Blasphemies in the ●ares of some Bishops . And if this conceived prayer be not to be opposed in another , by any man that hath found the true operation of this grace in himselfe : with that spirit then are those possest , that have not only thus raged with their tongues against this way of prayer : but by sealing up the mouthes of Ministers for praying thus in publike , and imposing penances upon private Christians for praying thus in their Families : and compelling them to abiure this practise , have endeavoured with raging violence to banish this divine ordinance from our Churches and dwellings , and profest in open Court : it was fitter for Amsterdam than for our Churches . But howsoever this applause of conceived prayer may seeme to be Cordiall , yet he makes it but a vantage ground to lift up publike formes of sacred Church Liturgie ( as hee calls it ) the higher , that they may have the greater honour , that by the power of your authority they be reinforced , which worke there would have beene no need to call your Honors to , had not Episcopall zeale broke forth into such flames of indignation against conceived prayers , that we have more just cause to implore the propitious aide of the same Authority to reestablish the Liberty of this , then they to re-inforce the necessity of that . Yet there are two specious Arguments which this Remonstrant brings to perswade this desired re-inforcement , the Originall and Confirmation of our Liturgie . For the first , he tels your Honours , it was selected out of ancient Models not ROMAN but CHRISTIAN , contrived by the holy Martyrs and Confessors of the blessed reformation of Religion ; where we beseech your Honours to consider how we may trust these men , who sometimes speaking and writing of the ROMAN Church , proclaime it a true Church of CHRIST , and yet here ROMAN and CHRISTIAN stand in opposition : sometimes they tell men , their Liturgie is wholly taken out of the Romane Missall , only with some little alteration : and here they would perswade your Honours there is nothing Romane in it . But it is wholly selected out of pure Ancient Models , as the Quintessence of them all . Whereas alas the originall of it , is published to the world , in that Proclamation of Edward the sixt . And though here they please to stile the Composers of it , holy Martyrs , and contrivers of the blessed Reformation : yet there are of the Tribe for whom he pleads , not a few that have called them Traitors rather then Martyrs , and D●formers rather then Reformers of our Religion . His other Argument for the Liturgie is taken from that supply of strength , it hath received from the recommendation of foure most Religious Princes , & your own Parliamentary establishments : and more especially from the Proclamation of King Iames of famous memory : the validity of which plea , your Honors are best able to judge , and therefore we leave it at your Bar ; yet these two things we know : first , that this form was never established to be so punctually observed , so rigorously pressed , to the casting out of all that scruple it , or any thing in it ( as many of his Majesties Subjects now doe ) to the ( almost ) justling out of the preaching of the Word , and Conceived Prayer altogether . And secondly , as sure we are , that your Honors thinke neither your own Lawes , nor the Proclamation of that most famous and ever admired Prince , to be as unalterable as the Lawes of the Medes and Persians . And now having briefly shewed , that Liturgies are not of that antiquity that this Remonstrant pretends , but that conceived prayer was in use in the Church of God before Liturgies , and is iustified from their own mouthes , and not to be found fault with by any but a gracelesse man : and having likewise shewed that our Liturgie was taken out of Models , not only Christian but Romane , and hath since the first compiling of it suffered alteration to the worse ; and though established by Law , and confirmed by Proclamation , was never intended to the justling ou● , either of preaching or conceived prayer ; these things declared , we humbly crave your Honors leave to propound these two Queries . QUERE I. Whether it be not fit to consider of the alteration of the present Liturgie . First , because it symbolizeth so much with the Popish Masse , as that the Pope himselfe was willing to have it used , if he might but confirme it . It was made and composed into this frame , on purpose to bring the Papists to our Churches , which we finde to be with so little successe , as that it hath rather brought many of us to them , then any of them to us , and hath lost many of ours from us . Because many things therein contained are stumbling blocks before the feet of many : such as these , the clogging it with Ceremonies , and the often and impertinent reiterating of the Lords Prayer , the ill translation of the Psalmes , and other Scriptures , the many phrases in the very prayers , which are liable to just exception . And whereas the Minister by the Scripture is the peoples mouth to God , this booke prescribes Responsories to bee said by the people , some of which are unsutable to what the Minister pronounceth , some of them seeme to savour of Tautologie , some are made to be so essentiall to the prayer , as that all which the Minister saith , is no prayer without them ; as in the Letany . Because it is so much Idolized , as that it is accounted the only worship of God in England , and is now made the upholder of a non-preaching Ministery , and is cryed up to that height , as that some are not ashamed to say , that the wit of men and Angels cannot mend it : and that it is a sufficient discharge of the Ministers duty to reade this Booke . There are such multitudes of people , that distaste this booke , that unlesse it be altered , there is no hope of any mutuall agreement between Gods Ministers and their people . There is such a vaste difference betweene it , and the Liturgies of all other reformed Churches , as that it keepes them at a distance from us , and us from full Communion with them . QUERE II. Whether the first reformers of Religion did ever intend the use of a Liturgie further , then to be an help , in the want , or to the weaknesse of a Minister . All other reformed Churches , though they use Liturgies , yet doe not binde their Ministers to the use of them . A Rubrick in King Edwards booke left it unto the discretion of the Minister , what and how much to reade , when there was a Sermon . The Homilies which are appointed to be read , are left free either to be read or not , by preaching Ministers , and why not then the Liturgie ? especially considering that the ability to offer up the peoples wants to God in prayer is part of the Ministeriall office , as well as preaching . And if it can be thought no lesse than sacriledge , to rob the people of the Ministers gift in preaching , and to tie them to Homilies , it can be no lesse , to deprive them of their gift in prayer . The ground of the first binding of it upon all to use , was not to tie godly men from exercising their gift in prayer ; but the old popish Priests , that by a seeming returne to our Religion , did through indulgence retaine their places ; from returning to the old Mas●e . That which makes many refuse to be present at our Church service , is not only the Liturgie it selfe , but the imposing of it upon Ministers . And we finde no way to recover our people to a stinted prayer , but by leaving it free to use or not to use . If it be objected , that this will breed divisions and disturbances in Churches , unlesse there be a uniformity , and that there are many unable . It hath not bred any disturbance in other reformed Churches . Why should the free liberty of using or not using a Liturgie , breed more confusion than the free liberty of reading or not reading Homilies , especially when Ministers shall t●ach people , not to condemne one another in things indifferent . If there be a care taken in those that have the power to make Ministers , to choose men gifted as well for prayer as preaching , there cannot be conceived how any inconvenience should follow . Or if afterwards it should appeare , that any Minister should prove insufficient to discharge the duty of prayer in a conceived way , it may bee imposed on him as a punishment , to use set formes and no other . But why any Minister that hath the gift of prayer , in an abundant measure , as well as of preaching , should be hindered from exercising his gift well , because another useth it ill , is a new Divinity never heard of in Gods Church , till Bishop Wrens daies , who forbad all use of conceived prayer in the Church . SECT . III. VVE come now with your Honours favour , to the second point disputed in this Remonstrance ; Episcopacy it selfe : against which , whatsoever hath been either spoken or written by any , either learned Divines , or well reformed Churches ( as his conscience knowes , there are of both that have writ against it ) is Taxed by him as no other then the uniust Clamors either of weak or factious persons . Sure the man thinkes he hath obtained a Monopoly of learning , and all Knowledge is lockt up in his bosome ; and not o●ly Knowledge but piety and peaceableness too ; for all that are not of his opinion , must suffer either as weake or factious , if he may be their Iudge . We know not what this Arrogancy might attempt to fasten upon your Honors , should the bowels of your compassion bee enlarged , to weigh in the Ballance of your wisdomes , the multitude of Humble petitions , presented to you from severall parts of this Kingdome , that hath long groaned under the Iron a●d Insupportable yoake of this Episcopall Government , which yet we doubt not , but your Honours will please to take into your prudent and pious consideration : Especially knowing it is their continuall practise to loade with the odious names of Faction all that justly complain of their unjust oppression . In his addresse to his defence of Episcopacy , he makes an unhappy confession that he is confounded in himselfe . Your Honours may in this beleeve him , for hee that reades this Remonstrance , may easily observe so many falsities and contradictions , ( though presented to publike view , with a face of confident boldnesse , ) as could not fall from the Pen of any , but selfe-confounded man : which though we doubt not but your Honours have descryed ; yet because they are hid from an errant , and unobserving eye , under the Embroyderies of a silken Language , wee Humbly crave your Honours leave to put them one by one upon the file , that the world may see what credit is to be given to the bold assertions of this confident Remonstrant . First , in his second page , he dubs his Book * the faithfull messenger of all a the peaceable and right affected sons of the Church of England : which words ( besides that unchristian Theta , which as we already observed , they set upon all that are not of his party , ) carry in the bowels of them a notorious falsity and contradiction to the phrase of the booke ; for how could this booke be the messenger of all his owne party in England , when it is not to be imagined , that all could know of the comming forth of this booke before it was published : and how can that booke crave admittance in all their names , that speakes in the singular number , and as in the person of one man almost the whole booke thorow . But it may besome will say this is but a small slippe ; well be it so : but in the seventh page hee layes it on in foure lines , asserting these foure things : First , that Episcopall Government , ( that very same Episcopall Government , which some he saith seekes to wound , that is Government by Diocesan Bishops ) derives it selfe from the Apostles times , which though we shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more fully confute anon , yet we cannot here but ranke it among his notorious — : for how could there be such Government of a Diocesse by a Bishop derived from the Apostles times : when in the Apostles times there were no Bishops distinct from P●esbyters , as we shall shew , and if there had beene Bishops , yet they were no Diocesans , for it was a hundred yeares after Christ , or as most agree 260. before Parishes were distinguished , and there must be a distinction of Parishes before there could be an union of them into Diocesses . Secondly , it is by the joynt confession of all reformed Divines granted , that this sacred Government is derived from the Apostles : What all reformed Divines ? was Calvin , Beza , Iunius , &c. of that minde ? Are the reformed Churches of France , Scotland , Netherlands , of that Iudgement ? we shall shew anon that there is no more Truth in this Assertion then if he had said with Anaxagoras , snow is black , or with Copernicus , the Earth moves , and the heavens stand still . Thirdly , he saith this Government hath continued without any interruption : What doth he meane , at Rome ? for we reade in some places of the world this Government was never known for many yeares together : as in Scotland ● we reade that in Ancient times the Scots were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monkes , and were without Bishops 290. yeares : yea to come to England , we would desire to know of this Remonstrant whether God had a Church in England in Q. Mari●s daies or no ? and if so , who were then the Bishops of this Church , for some there must be , if it be true that this man saith , this Government hath continued without any interruption unto this day ; and Bishops then we know not where to finde but in the ●ine of Popish succession . Fourthly , he saith it hath thus continued without the contradiction of any one Congregation in the Christian world . It seemes he hath forgotten , what their own darling Heylin hath written of the people of Biscay in Spaine , that they admit of no Bishops to come among them , for when Ferdinand the Catholike came in progresse accompanied among others with the Bishop of Pampelone , the people rose up in Armes , drove back the Bishop , and gathering up all the dust which they thought he had trode on , flung it into the Sea. Which story had it been recorded only by him , would have been of lighter Credit . But we reade the same in the Spanish Chronicle , who saith more then the Doctor , for he tels us that the People threw that dust that the Bishop or his Mule had trode on , into the Sea with Curses and Imprecations : which certainly saith he was not done without some Mysterie , those people not being voide of Religion , but superstitiously devout as the rest of the Spaniards are : so that they is one Congregation in the Christian world in which this Government hath met with contradiction . And are not the French , Scottish , and Belgicke Churches worthy to be counted Christian Congregations , and who knows not that amongst these this Government hath met not only with verball , but reall contradiction ? Yet he cannot leave his — : But within two pages is at it again ; and tels us of an unquestionable clearnesse wherein it hath been from the Apostles derived to us , how unquestionable ? when the many volumes written about it , witnesse to the world , and to his conscience , it hath been as much questioned as any point ( almost ) in our Religion . And that assertion of his that tels us that the people of God had a forme of prayer as ancient as Moses , which was constantly practised to the Apostles dayes , and by the Apostles , &c. though we have shewed how bold and false this assertion is , yet we mention it here as deserving to be put into the Catalogue . And that he may not seeme Contra Mentem ire : but to be of the same minde still , p. 18. he saith Episcopall Government hath continued in this Island ever since the first plantation of the Gospell without contradiction . Had he taken a lesse space of time , and said but since the resuscitation of the Gospel : we can prove it to him and shall , that since the reformation , Episcopacy hath been more contradicted , then ever the Papacy was before the extirpation of it . Yet still the man runs on , thinking to get credit to his untruthes by their multiplications , for pag. 21. hee saith ; Certainly except all Histories , all Authors faile us , nothing can be more certain then this truth : O● Durum ! Nothing more certain : what is it not more certain that there is a God ? is it not more certain that Christ is God and man ? is it not more certaine that Christ is the onely Saviour of the world ? Nothing more certaine : must this then be an Article of our Creede , the corner stone of our Religion : must this be of necessity to Salvation ? Nothing more certaine . O that men should not onely forget themselves , but God also : And in their zeale for their owne Honour utter words bordering upon Blasphemy . Indignation will not suffer us to prosecute these falsities of his any further ; wee will leave this displeasing service , onely retorting the words of this Remonstrant upon himselfe ; Surely could he looke with our eyes ( or any eyes that were not partiall ) he would see cause to bee throughly ashamed of these his grosse injurious miscarriages , and should be forced to confesse , that never good cause ( if cause be good ) had more reason to complaine of a sinfull prosecution . SECT . IV. VVE will now come with your Honours patience to weigh , whether there be any more strength in his arguments , then there is truth in his assertion● . His Plea for Episcopacy consists of two parts . In the ●irst he brings arguments for the supporting of it . In the second he undertakes to answer the objections that may be made against it . His first argument for it , is couched in these words ; Were this Ordinance merely humane or Ecclesiasticall , if there could no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding Ancient , of more then 15 hundred yeeres , &c. The strength of which argument lies in this , that they have beene in peaceable possession of this government fifteene hundred yeares and upwards ; and in this Island ever since the Gospell , without contradiction . In which words he speakes two things , which deserve just censure . First , that the Hierarchicall Government hath continued for fifteene hundred yeares , therefore should not now be altered , which may well be called , as Hierome in another Case ; Argumentū Galeatum , an argument calculated for the Meridian of Episcopacy , and may indifferently serve for all Religions in the world : For thus the Iewes might have pleaded against Christ the Antiquity of more then so many hundred years ; and thus the Heathens did plead against the Christian Religion , which Iustin Martyr in his Apology answers . And by this Argument the Pope sits as fast rivetted in his chayre at Rome , as ours in theirs : whose plea for Antiquity runs parallell with theirs . It is a good observation of Cyprian , that Christ said , Ego sum via , veritas & vita , not Ego sum consuetudo ; and a that Consuetudo sine veritate est vetustas erroris , Christ is Truth , and not Custome , and Custome without Truth , is a mouldy errour : and as Sir Francis Bacon saith , Antiquity without Truth , is a Cypher without a Figure . Yet had this b Remonstrant been as well versed in Antiquity , as he would beare the world in hand he hath , hee might have found Learned Ancients affirming , there was a Time when the Church was not governed by Bishops , but by Presbyters . And when by Bishops , he might further have seene more affinity betweene our Bishops and the Pope of Rome , then betweene the Primitive Bishops and them . And that as King Iames , of famous memory , said of the Religion of England , that it differed no more from Rome , than Rome did from what it was at first ; may as truly be said of Bishops , that we differ no more from them , then they doe from what Bishops were , when first they were raised unto this eminency : which difference we shall shew in our ensuing Discourse , to be so great , that as he said of Rome , he did Romam in Roma quaerere , he sought Rome in Rome ; so we Episcopatum in Episcopatu , may go seek for a Bishop among all our Bishops . And whereas in his application of this Argument to the Bishops of this Nation , he saith , It hath continued in this Island ever since the first plantation of the Gospel , without contradiction ; which is his Second in this Argument : How false this is we have declared already , and we all know , and himselfe cannot but know , that there is no one thing since the reformation , that hath met with so much Contradiction as Episcopacy hath done ; witness the severall Bookes , written in the Reignes of our severall Princes , and the many Petitions exhibited to our severall Parliaments , and the many speeches made therein against Episcopall Government : many of which are yet extant . As for that supply of Accessory strength , which he begs to this Argument , from the light of nature , and the rules of iust policy , which ( saith he ) teacheth us not easily to give way to the change of those things , which long use and many a Lawes have firmly established , as Necessary and Beneficiall ; it is evident , that those things which to former Ages have seemed Necessary and Beneficiall , may to succeeding Generations , prove not Necessary but Noxious , not Beneficiall but Burthensome . And then the same light of nature , and the same iust policy , that did at the first command the establishment of them , may and will perswade their abolishment ; if not , either our Parliaments must never Repeale any of their former Acts ( which yet they have justly and wisely done ) or else in so doing must run Counter to the light of nature , and the Rules of iust policy ; which to think were an impiety to be punished by the Iudge . SECT . V. THe Second Argument for the defence of Episcopall government , is from the Pedigree of this holy Calling , which he derives from no lesse than an Apostolicall , and in that , right divine institution ; and assayes to prove it from the practice of the Apostles ; and as he saith , the cleare practice of their Successors , continued in Christs Church to this very day : and to this Argument he so much confides , that he concludes it with this Triumphant Epiphonema , What scruple can remain in any ingenuous heart ? And determines , if any continue yet unsatisfied , it is in despight of reason , and all evidence of History , and because he wilfully shuts his eyes , with a purpose not to see the light . Bona verba . By your favour Sir , we will tell you notwithstanding the supposed strength of your argumentation , there is one scruple yet remaining , and if you would know upon what ground , it is this , because we finde in Scripture ( which by your own Confession is Originall Authority ) that Bishops and Presbyters were Originally the same , though afterwards they came to be distinguished : and in processe of time , Episcopacy did swallow up all the honor and power of the Presbytery ; as Pharaohs lean Kine did the fat . Their Identity is discernable ; first , from the same names given unto both ; secondly from the same office , designed unto both in Scripture . As for the names , are not the same names given unto both in sacred Writ ? Let the fifth , sixth , and seventh verses of the first Chapter to Titus testifie : in the fifth verse , the Apostle shews that he left Titus in Creet to ordaine Elders in every City : in the sixth verse , he gives a delineation of the persons that are capable of such Ordination : and in the seventh , the Reason , why the person to be ordained , must be so qualified ; for a Bishop , &c. Now if the Bishop and Elder be not here the same , but names of distinct office and order , the Apostles reason rendred in the seventh verse of his direction in the fift and sixt verses , is ( with reverence be it spoken ) inconsequentiall , and his demand unjust . If a Chancellor in one of the Vniversities should give Order to his Vice-chancellour to admit none to the decree of Batchelour in Arts , but such as were able to preach , or keepe a Divinity Act ; For Batchelours in Divinity must be so ; what reason or equity were in this ? So if Paul leaving Titus as his Locum teneus , as it were in Creet for a season , should give order to him not to admit any to be an Elder but one thus and thus qualified , because a Bishop must be so : Had a Bishop been an Order or Calling distinct from , or superiour to a Presbyter , and not the same , this had been no more rationall or equall then the former ; therfore under the name of Bishop in the seventh verse the Apostle intends the Elder , mentioned in the fift verse . Consonant to this is the Language of the same blessed Apostle , Acts 20. verse 17.18 . where such as in 17 verse he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders in the 28. he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ordinary English , Bishops , though our Translation there , ( we know not for what reason ) reads it Overseers ; not so rendring the word in any other Text. And though this Remonstrant undertakes to shew a cleare and received distinction , of Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , as three distinct subordinate Callings in Gods Church , with an evident specification of the duty & charge belonging to each of them ; or els let this claimed Hierarchy be for ever hooted out of the Church : Yet let us tell him , that we never find in Scripture these 3 Orders , Bishops , Presbyters & Deacons , mentioned together : but onely Bishops & Deacons , as Phil. 1. and 1 Tim. Nor do we finde in Scripture any Ordination to the office of a Bishop , differing frō the Ordination of an Elder : Nor do we finde in Scripture , the specification of any Duty charged upon a Bishop , that Elders are secluded from : Nor any qualification required in a Bishop , that is not requisite in every Presbyter ; some of which , if not all , would be found , were they not the same . But if this Remonstrant thinke to helpe himselfe by taking Sanctuary in Antiquity ( though we would gladly ●est in Scripture , the Sanctuary of the Lord ) yet we will follow him thither , and there shew him that Hierome from the Scriptures proves more then once , Presbyters and Bishops to be the same . And Chrysostome in Philip. 1. Homil. 2. with his admirer Theophilact in Philip. 1. affirmes that while the Apostles lived , the Names of Bishops and Presbyters were not distinguished : and not only while the Apostles lived , but in after ages . Doth not Irenaeus use the name of Bishops and Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a promiscuous sence . Are not Anicetus , Pius , Hyginus , Telesphorus , Sixtus , whom the Papists call Bishops , and the popes predecessors , termed by Eusebius presbyters ? Nor was it strange in the primitive times to heare Bishops called presbyters , when Presbyters writing to their Bishops have called him Frater . So Cyprian ( Epist. 26. in the beginning ) is stiled by his Presbyters , Deacons and confessors , nor was that holy Martyr offended with that title , nor they condemned of insolency that used it . But what should we burthen your patience with more testimonies ? when the evidence of this truth hath shined with so strong a beame , that even our Adversaries have stooped to it , and confessed that their Names were the same in the Apostles time . But yet say they , the Offices were distinct . Now here wee would gladly know , what these men make the distinct Office of a Bishop . Is it to edifie the Church by word and Sacrament ? is it to ordaine others to that worke ? is it to rule , to governe , by admonition and other censures ? if any of these , if all these make up the proper worke of a Bishop ; we can prove from Scripture that all these belong unto the Presbytery , which is no more then was granted by a Councell a . For the first , Edifying of the Church by word and Sacraments , though we feare they will some of them at least scarce owne this as their proper worke ( for some have beene cite● into the High Commission for saying , it belongs to them ) yet Sir we are sure , Scripture makes it a part , a chiefe of the Episcopall office ; for so in the 1 Pet 5.2 . they are said to doe the worke of a Bishop , when they doe feede the flocke of God. And this is such a worke as we hope their Lordships will give the poore Presbyters leave to share with them in : or if not , we will tell them that the Apostle Peter in that forecited place , and the Apostle Paul , Acts. 20. binds this worke upon our hands , and Woe unto us if we preach not the Gospell . But this branch of Episcopall and Presbyteriall office we passe with brevity , because in this there lies not so much controversie as in the next ; which they doe more wholly Impropriate to themselves : the power of Ordination . Which power , that it was in former times in the hands of Presbyters appeares 1 Tim. 4.14 . Neglect not the gift which was given thee by Prophesie , and by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . The gift here spoken of is the Ministeriall gift , the exercise whereof , the Apostle exhorts Timothy not to neglect , which saith he , he had received , not by the laying on of the hands of one single man , whether Apostle , or Bishop , or Presbyter ; But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Presbytery , that is , the whole company of Presbyters , for in that sense onely wee ●inde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in Scripture , as in Luke 22. vers . 66. Act. 22. vers . 5. which the Christian Church called the Ecclesiasticall Senate , as Ierom in Isay 3. Nos habemus in Ecclesia Senatum nostrum , Coetum Presbyterorum , & an Apostolicall Senate : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ignatius Epis. ad Magnes : and some times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Concil . Ancyr . Can. 18. And though the Apostle in his second Epistle to Tim. 1.6 . makes mention of the laying on of his hands ; yet to maintaine the Harmony of Scripture , it must not be denied , but there was imposition of hands by the Presbytery , as well as by himselfe , & so it was a joynt act ; So that in this there is no more difference then in the former . And if there be no difference betweene Presbyters in feeding or ordaining , let us see if there be any in the third part of their office of Ruling , which though our Bishops assume wholy to themselves , yet we shall discover , that it hath beene committed to and exercised by Presbyteriall hands . For who are they of whom the Scripture speakes , Heb. 13.17 . Obey them that have the Rule over you , for they watch for your soules , as they that must give an account , &c. Here all such as watch over the soules of Gods people , are intituled to rule over them . So that unlesse Bishops will say , that they only watch over the soules of Gods people , and are only to give an account for them : they cannot challenge to themselves the sole rule over them . And if the Bishops can give us good security , that they will acquit us from giving up our account to God for the soules of his people , we will quit our plea , and resigne to them the sole rule over them . So againe in the 1 Thessa. 5.12 . Know them which labour amongst you , and are over you in the Lord , and admonish you . In which words are contained these truthes ; First that in one Church ( for the Thessalonians were but one Church , 1 Ca. ) there was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not one chiefe Bishop or President , but the Presidency was in many . Secondly , that this presidency was of such as laboured in the word and Doctrine . Thirdly , that the Censures of the Church were managed not by one , but by them all in Communi . Them that admonish you . Fourthly , that there was among them a Parity , for the Apostles bids know them in an Indifferency , not discriminating one from another : yea such was the rule that Elders had , that S. Peter thought it needfull to make an exhortation to them to use their power with Moderation , not Lording it over Gods Heritage , 1 Pet. 5.3 . By this time we have sufficiently proved from Scripture , that Bishops and Presbyters are the same in name , in Office , in Edifying the Church , in power of Ordination and Iurisdiction ; we summe up all that hath beene spoken in one argument . They which have the same Name , the same Ordination to their Office , the same qualification for their Office , the same worke to feede the flock of God , to ordaine pastors and Elders , to Rule , and Governe ; they are one and the same Office : but such are Bishops and presbyters , Ergo. SECT . VI. BUt the dint of all this Scripture , the Remonstrant would elude , by obtruding upon his reader a commentary ( as he calls it ) of the Apostles own practise ( which hee would force to contradict their own rules ) to which he superadds the unquestiōable glosse of the cleare practise of their immediate successors in this administration . For the Apostles practise , we have already discovered it , from the Apostles own writings ; and for his Glosse he superadds , if it corrupts not the Text we shall admit it ; but if it doe , we must answer with Tertullian , Id verum quodcunque primum : id adulterum quod posterius , whatsoever is first is true ; but that which is latter is adulterous . In the examination of this Glosse , to avoyd needlesse Controversie . First , wee take for granted by both sides , that the first and best Antiquitie , used the names of Bishops and Presbyters promiscuously . Secondly , that in processe of time , some one was honoured with the name of Bishop and the rest were called Presbyters or Cleri . Thirdly , that this was not Nomen inane , but there was some kinde of Imparitie betweene him and the rest of the Presbyters . Yet in this we differ ; that they say , this Impropriation of name , and Imparity of place , is of Divine Right and Apostolicall Institution : we affirme both to be occasionall , and of humane Invention ; and undertake to shew out of Antiquitie , both the occasion upon which , and the Persons by whom this Imparity was brought into the Church . On our parts stands Ierome and Ambrose , and others , whom we doubt not but our Remonstrant wil grant a place among his Glossators : Saint Ierome tells us in 1 Tit. Idem est ergo Presbyter qui Episcopus : & antequam Diaboli instinctu , studia in Religione ●ierent , & diceretur in populis , ego sum Pauli , ego Apollo , ego Cephae , Communi Presbyterorum Consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur . Postquam verò unusquisque eos quos baptizaverat suos putabat esse , non Christi ; in toto Orbe decretum est , ut unus de Presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis Ecclesiae Cura pertineret , & schismatum semina ●olicrentur . Putat aliquts non Scripturarum , sed nostram esse sent●ntiam , Episcopum & Presbyterum unum esse , & aliud aetatis , aliud esse nomen officii , rel●gat Apostoli ad Philippenses verba , dicentis , Paulus & Timotheus servi Iesis Christi qui sunt Philippis , cum Episcopis & Diaconis , &c. Philippi una est urbs Macedoniae , & certè in unâ Civitate non poterant plures esse ( ut nuncupantur ) Episcopi , &c. sicut ergo Presbyteri sciant se ex Ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fuerit esse subjectos ; Ita Episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis Dominicae veritate Presbyteris esse majores , & in Communi debere Ecclesiam regere . A Presbyter and a Bishop is the same : and before there were through the Devils instinct , divisions in Religion , and the people began to say , I am of Paul , and I of Apollo , and I of Cephas , The Churches were governed by the Common Counsell of the Presbyters : But after that each man began to account those whom hee had baptized his owne , and not Christs ; it was decreed thorow the whole world , that one of the Presbyters should be set over the rest ; to whom the Care of all the Church should belong , that the seeds of schisme might be taken away . Thinkes any , that this is my opinion , and not the opinion of the Scripture , that a Bishop and an Elder is the same , let him reade the words of the Apostle to the Philippians , saying , Paul and Timothy , the servants of Jesus Christ , to them that are at Philippi , with the Bishops & Deacons . Philippi is one City of Macedonia , and certainly in one Citie there could not be many Bishops ( as they are now called , &c. ) and after the allegations of many other Scriptures , he concludes thus ; as the Elders therefore may know , that they are to be subject to him that is set over them by the Custome of the Church ; so let the Bishops know , that it is more from custome , then from any true dispensation from the Lord , that they are above the Presbyters , and that they ought to rule the Church in common . In which words of Ierome , these five things present themselves to the Readers view ; First , that Bishops and Presbyters are originally the same ; Idem ergo est Presbyter qui Episcopus . Secondly , that that Imparitie that was in his time betweene Bishops and Elders , was grounded upon Ecclesiasticall Custome , and not upon divine Institution ; Episcopi noverint , &c. Thirdly , that this was not his private judgement , but the judgement of Scripture ; Putat aliquis , &c. Fourthly , that before this Prioritie was upon this occasion started , the Church was governed Communi Presbyterorum Consilio , by the Counsell of the presbyters in common , and that even after this imparity , it ought to be so governed ; Sciant Episcopi se Ecclesiam debere in communi regere . Fifthly , that the occasion of this Imparity and Superiority of Bishops above Elders , was the divisions which through the Devils instinct fell among the Churches ; Post quam verò Diaboli instinctu . Saravia would take advantage of this place , to deduce this Imparity as high as from the Apostles times , because even then they began to say , I am of Paul , and I of Apollos : but sure S. Ierome was not so weake as this man would make him , to speake Inconsistencies ; and when he propounds it to himselfe , to prove that Bishops and Presbyters are in Scripture the same , to let fall words that should confute his own proposition : whereas therefore S. Ierome saith , that after men began to say , I am of Paul , and I of Apollos , &c. it was decreed that one of the Presbyters should be set over the rest , &c. This is spoken indeed in the Apostles phrase , but not of the Apostles times , else to what purpose is that coacervation of texts that followes ? But suppose it should be granted to be of Apostolicall antiquity ( which yet we grant not , having proved the contrary ) yet it appeares : it was not of Apostolicall intention , but of Diabolicall occasion : And though the Divell by kindling Divisions in the Church , did minister Occasion to the invention of the primacy or prelacy or one for the suppressing of Schisme ; yet there is just cause to thinke , that the Spirit of God in his Apostles was never the author of this Invention . First , because we reade in the Apostles dayes there were Divisions , Rom 16.7 . and Schismes , 1 Cor. 3.3 . & 11.18 . yet the Apostle was not directed by the holy Ghost to ord●ine Bishops for the taking away of those Divisions ; Neither in the rules hee prescribes for the healing of those breaches , doth hee mention Bishops for that end : Nor in the Directions given to Timothy and Titus for the Ordination of Bishops or Elders , doth he mention this as one end of their Ordination , or one peculiar duty of their office . And though the Apostle saith , O portet haereses inter vos esse , ut qui probati sunt manifesti fiant inter vos ; yet the apostle no where saith , Oportet Episcopos esse , ut tollantur haereses , quae mainifestae fiunt . Secondly , because as Doctor Whitaker saith , the remedy devised hath proved worse then the disease , which doth never happen to that remedy whereof the holy Ghost is the author . Thirdly , because the holy Ghost , who could foresee what would ensue thereupon , would never ordaine that for a remedy , which would not onely be ineffectuall to the cutting off of evill , but become a stirrup for Antichrist to get into his ●addle . For if there be a necessity of setting up one Bishop over many presbyters for preventing schismes , there is as great a necessity of setting up one Archbishop over many Bishops , and one patriarch over many Archbishops , and one pope over all , unlesse men will imagine , that there is a danger of schisme only among presbyters , and not among Bishops and Archbishops , which is contrary to reason , truth , History , and our own Experience . And lest our adversaries should appeale from Hierome as an incompetent Judge in this case , because a Presbyter , and so a party , we wil therefore subjoyne the judgements of other ancient Fathers who were themselves bishops . The Commentaries that goe under the name of Saint Ambrose upon Ephes. 4. mention another occasion of this Discrimination or priority ; and that was a the increase and dilatation of the Church , upon occasion whereof they did ordaine rectors or Governours , and other officers in the Church ; yet this he grants , that this did differ from the former orders of the Church , and from apostolicall Writ . And this Rectorship or Priority was devolved at first from one Elder to another by Succession , when hee who was in the place was removed , the next in order among the Elders Succeeded . But this was afterwards changed , and that unworthy men might not bee preferred , it was made a matter of election , and not a matter of Succession . Thus much we finde concerning the occasion of this imparity , enough to shew , it is not of Divine Authority . For the second thing , the persons who brought in this Imparity , the same Authours tells us : the Presbyters themselves brought it in ; witnesse Hierome ad Evag. Alexandriae Presbyteri unum ex se electum in Excelsiori gradu collocatum , Episcopum nominabant , quomodo si exercitus Imperatorem faceret , aut Diaconi de se Archidiaconum . The Presbyters of Alexandria did call him their Bishop , whom they had chosen from among themselves , and placed in a higher degree , as if an army should make an Emperour , or the Deacons an Archdeacon . Ambrose upon the fourth of the Ephesians tells us , it was done by a Councell , and although he neither name the Time nor place of the Councell , yet ascribing it to a Councell hee grants it not to be Apostolicall : this gave occasion to others to fixe it upon Custome as Hieronym . in Tit. and August . Epist. 19. secundùm honorum vocabula quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit Episcopatus Presbyterio major est . And had that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Prelacie had the Seale and confirmation of Divine or Apostolicall Authority , Gregory Nazianzene would never in such a Patheticke manner have wished the Abolition of it , as hee doth in his 28. Oration . And now where is that acknowledgement , and conveyance of Imparitie and Iurisdiction which saith this Remonstrant was derived from the Apostles hands , and deduced in an uninterrupted line , unto this day : where is it ? we find no such Imparity delivered from Apostolicall hands , nor acknowledged in Apostolicall writings ; yet had there beene such an acknowledgement and conveyance of imparity : how this should have beene deduced to us in an uninterrupted Line , wee know not , unlesse our Bishops will draw the Line of their Pedigree through the loynes of Antichrist , and joyne issue , and mingle blood with Rome : which it seemes they will rather doe then lose this plea for their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : their tyrannicall prerogative , as Nazianzen calls it . Suffer us therefore humbly to appeale to your Honours , whether this Remonstrant hath not given sentence against himselfe , who is so confident of the Evidence of his cause , that he doth not feare to say , if there can be better Evidence under Heaven for any matter of fact then there is for his Episcopacy : Let EPISCOPACY BEFOR EVER ABANDONED OVT OF THE CHVRCH OF GOD. SECT . VII . YEt it seemes himselfe in the height of his confidence was not without Jelousies , of some thing might be spoken against his Cause , therefore he seemes to heare , what is spoken against it . That the Apostles Bishops and ours are two : there was no other then a Parochiall Pastor , a Preaching Presbyter without inequality , without any Rule over his brethren . Ours claime an eminent Superiority , and a power of Ordination and Iurisdiction unknowne to the Primitive times . That this which hee supposeth hee heares us say is Scripture Truth we have shewed already , &c. that there was a parity between Presbyters and Bishops : and that eminent superioritie and power of Ordination and Iurisdiction which our Bishops claime , was unknowne to Scripture , and are now prepared by Gods assistance to prove , it was unknowne to primitive times . But how doth this Remonstrant meete with this Reply : ALAS ALAS HOVV GOOD PEOPLE may be abused by misinformation ! It seemes the man Judged this Reply so poore as in his thoughts it was more worthy of his pitty , then of his paines to answer , or rather knew there was more in this Reply , then hee knew how to answer , and therefore waves it with his Rethoricke . And this we rather thinke , because hee knowes but little in Antiquity , that knowes not , that there is so vast a difference betweene our Bishops , and those that were not onely in the Apostles dayes ( whom wee have proved to be undistinguished from Presbyters ) But those Bishops that were in the Church 400 yeares after , when there began to bee some discrimination , that Episcopacy may well be likened to the Shippe Argo , that was so often repaired , as there was nothing left of the First Materialls ; yet stil it challenged the first Name . Which difference we spread before your Honours in three particulars : first in point of Election to their office ; secondly , in point of Execution of their office ; thirdly , in point of state-Imployment . First ( having discovered already upon what occasion this priority began to have existence in the Church , and from whom it first received its being , not from God but from Consent and Custome of the Churches , according to Ambrose , Ierom , Augustine , &c. ) Wee come now to Declare what was the manner of Election unto this Prioritie in these times , and to shew first , how therein these Bishops did differ from ours : for all their Elections were ordered by the privity , consent , and approbation of the people , where the Bishops was to serve . Were there no other Authours to make this good , Cyprian alone would doe it , among other places let his 68. Epistle witnesse , where he saith a plebs Maxime habet potestatem , &c. The people specially have power either of chusing worthy Priests , or rejecting the unworthy : for this is derived from Divine Authority , that the Priests should bee chosen in the presence of the people , before all their eyes and approved as fit and worthy by their publike vote and Testimony . This hee proves by the Testimonie of Sacred writ both Old and New. Where wee observe first , that the speciall power of Judging of the worthinesse or unworthinesse of a man for the Prelacy was in the breast of the People . Secondly , the speciall power of choosing or rejecting to his place according as they Judged him worthy or unworthy resided in the People . Plebs maximé Habet potestatem , &c. Thirdly , that this power did descend upon the People De Divina Authoritate . Nor was this the Judgement of one Sole man , but of an Affrican Synod consulted by the Spanish Churches in point of Election , as the inscription of the Epistle shewes . a The Obtrusion of a Bishop upon the Church of Alexandria without the Presence , desire and vote of the Clergie or People is Condemned by Athanasius not onely as a breach of Canon , but as a Transgression of Apostolicall prescript , and that it did compell or necessitate the heathen to blaspheme . Nor did onely Christian Bishops , but Christian Princes acknowledge the Right and power of Election of Bishops to be in the People ; so that admired Constantine the great Promover and Patron of the peace of the Christian Church writing to the Church of Nicomedia against Eusebius and Theognius , tells them the ready way to lay asleepe the Tumults that did then disturbe the Church about the Election of a Bishop was , si modo Episcopum fidelem & integrum nacti fuerint , quod quidem in praesentia in vestrâ situm est potestate , quodque etiam dudùm penes vestrum Iudicium fuerat , nisi Eusebius de quo dixi pravo eorum , qui cum juverunt Consilio hâc praeceps ruisset & rectum Eligendi Ordinem impudenter conturbasset . Gelas in Act. Concil . Nicen. part . 3. if they would get a faithfull and upright Bishop which saith he , is in your power presently to doe ; and was long agoe , if Eusebius with the ayd of his faction , had not rushed in upon you , and impudently disturbed the right Order of Election . That which this sacred Emperour calls the right order of Election ; what is it but the Election by the people ? in whose power , he saith , it then was and long had beene to choose a Bishop : and by whose power the next Bishop was chosen . So the same Author tells us , that after Eusebius and Theognius were cast out of their severall seats for Arianisme , by the Councell of Nice , others were appointed in their roomes by the Clergy and people of each Diocesse . To this Election in Nicomedia , wee could ( if it were needfull in so cleare a Truth ) adde many the like Presidents of popular Elections ; which for brevities sake , we passe over . Not questioning , but that which hath beene spoken , is sufficient to informe the intelligent Reader , that our Bishops and the Bishops of former times , are Tvvo in point of Election . SECT . VIII . A Second thing wherein we have undertaken to shew , that our Bishops and the Bishops of former times , are Tvvo , is in the Execution of their Office : and here there are three things , wherein he that will not wilfully shut his eyes against all light , may see a Latitude of difference betweene ours and former Bishops . First , in that Sole Iurisdiction which our Bishops assume to themselves . Secondly , in the Delegation they make of the power of exercising this Iurisdiction unto others . Thirdly , in the way of the exercise of that power . For the first of these , Their sole Iurisdiction ; That our Bishops assume this to themselves , it is knowne and felt , and that this Sole Iurisdiction was a stranger , a Monster to former times , wee shall now prove , and make cleare , that the power of Ordination , Admonition , Excommunication , Absolution , was not in the hands of any sole man. First , for Ordination , Cyprian in his exile writing to his Charge , certifies them , that Aurelius was ordained by him and his Colleagues , who were present with him ; who were these Colleagues , but his Presbyters ? as he himselfe expounds it , writing to Lucius in his owne name , and the name of his Clergie and people , Ego & Collegae & fraternitas omnis , &c. I and my Colleagues , and my whole people send these Letters to you , &c. So that it is cleare in Cyprians time , Presbyters had a hand in Ordination , and Bishops did not Ordaine alone . Firmilianus saith of them that rule in the Church , Quod baptizandi , MANVM IMPONENDI ET ORDINANDI , possident potestatem . And who those be , he expresseth a little before , SENIORES & Praepositi : by whom the Presbyters as well as the Bishops are understood . And as these places prove , that Bishops in the Primitive time , could not ordaine alone without the Presbyters ; so there are that give us light to understand , that the Presbyters might ordaine without the Bishop . The Author of the Comment upon the Ephesians , that goes under the name of Ambrose , saith , Apud Aegyptum Presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit Episcopus , In Egypt the Presbyters ordaine , if the Bishop be not present , so saith Augustine in the same words ; and the Chorepiscopus , who was but a Presbyter , had power to impose hands , and to ordaine within his precincts , with the Bishops Licence . Now Licences conferre not a power to him that hath it not , but onely a facultie to exercise that power he hath . The Iniquitie of our times hath beene such , that a Minister may not Preach to his owne flocke , without a Licence : doth this Licence make a man a Minister , and give him power to preach , or onely a facultie and libertie to exercise that power ? Should a Bishop give a Laike a Licence to preach , or to ordaine , doth that Licence make him a Minister , or a Bishop ? Sure all will say , no : why ? because in the Laike there is not Actus primus , the roote and principle of that power , which Licence onely opens a way to the exercise of ; and therefore that must bee concluded to be in those Chorepiscopi , or Presbyters , by vertue of their place and calling , and not by vertue of a Licence . So that the power of Ordination was so farre from residing in the Bishop alone , as that the Presbyters and Chorepiscopi had power to ordaine as well as he . Neither was this onely a matter of Ecclesiasticall Custome , but of Ecclesiasticall Constitution , which binds the Bishop ; First , in all his Ordinations to consult with his Clergy ; Vt Episcopus sine Consilio Clericorum suorum Clericos non ordinet ; That the Bishop shall not ordaine a Clergy man without the counsel of the Clergy ; this was Cyprians practice , Epist. 33. Secondly , in his Ordinations to take the concurrent assistance of his Presbyters ; Cum ordinatur Presbyter , Episcopo cum benedicent● , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt , manu● suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput illius teneant ; When a Presbyter is ordained , the Bishop blessing him , and holding his hand upon his head , all the Presbyters that are present , shall likewise lay their hands upon his head , with the hands of the Bishop . In which Canon , we have the unanimous vote of two hundred and fourteene Bishops , declaring that the power of Ordination is in the hands of Presbyters as well as Bishops . And whereas it may be objected , that Hiorome and Chrysostome , affirming Bishops to differ from Presbyters in the power of Ordination ; seeme to imply , that that power is soly theirs : Here we desire it may be observed ; First , that these Fathers put all the difference that lyes betweene Bishops and Presbyters , to be in point of Ordination . Quid facit Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter exceptâ Ordinatione . And therefore Chrysostome himselfe confesseth , that in his dayes there was little or no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter . Inter Episcopū et Presbyterū interest fermè nihil , &c. Secondly , That this difference is not so to be understood , as if these Fathers did hold it to be by divine right ( as Bellarmine and our Episcopall men would make us beleeve ) but by a humane constitution . And therefore they doe not speak De jure , but de facto , Quid facit , &c. not quid debet facere . And this Hierom confesseth . So Leo prim . ep . 88. upon complaints of unlawfull Ordinations , writing to the Germane and French Bishops , reckons up what things are reserved to the Bishops , Among which he set down Presbyterorum & Diaconorum consecratio , and then adds , Quae omnia solis deberi summis Pontificibus Authoritate Canonam praecipitur : So that for this power of Ordination , they are more beholden to the Canon of the Church , then to the Canon of Gods Word . Thirdly , we answer that this very humane difference was not in the Primitive Antiquity . It was not so in Cyprians time , as we even now shewed . And when it did prevaile , it was but a particular custome ( and sometimes usurpation ) of some Churches . For it was otherwise appointed in the Councell of Carthage , and in Egypt , and other places , as is declared in the former part of this Section ; And even in Chrysostomes time , it was so little approved of , that it was one great accusation against Chrysostome himselfe , That hee made Ordinations without the Presbytery , and without the consent of his Clergie . This is quoted by Bishop Downam , lib. 1. cap. 8. pag. 176. SECT . IX . NOr had the Bishop of former times more right to the power of sole Iurisdiction , then of sole Ordination : And here we have Confitentem reum , our very Adversaries confesse the Votes of Antiquity are with us . Cyprian professeth , that hee would doe nothing without the Clergie ; nay , he could doe nothing without them ; nay , hee durst not take upon him alone to determine that which of right did belong to all : and had hee or any other done so , the fourth Councell of Carthage condemnes the Sentence of the Bishop , as Irrita nisi Clericorum sententiâ confirmetur . Would yee know the particulars , wherein the Bishops had no power of Judicature without their Presbyters . First , in judging and censuring Presbyters themselves , and their Doctrine ; For this the Canon Law in Gratian is full and cleare : Episcopus non potest Iudicare Presbyterum vel Diaconum sine Synodo & Senioribus : Thus Basill counselled and practised , epist. 75. So Ambr. lib. 10. epist. 80 Cyrill in epist. ad Iohannem Antiochen . Thus Gregory ad Iohan. Panormitan . lib. 11. epist , 49. Secondly , in judging of the Conversation or Crimes of any of the members of the Church : Penes Presbyteros est Disciplina quae facit hom ines meliores ; That Discipline that workes emendaion in men , is in the power of the Elders . And therefore when any was questioned in point of conversation , hee was brought , saith Tertullian , into the Congregation where were Exhortations , Castigations , and Divine censures : And who had the chiefe stroke in these Censures , he tells us after : Praesident probati quique seniores ; All the approved Elders sit as Presidents . And those censures that passed by the whole Presbytery were more approved by the Church in Ancient times , then such as were passed by one man ; for wee finde that when Syagrius and Ambrose passed Sentence in the same case , the Church was unsatisfied in the Sentence of Syagrius , because he past it sine alicujus fratris consilio , without the counsell or consent of any of his Brethren . But were pacified with the sentence of Saint Ambrose : because , saith hee , Hoc Iudicium Nostrum cum fratribus & consacerdotibus participatum processerit . Nor was there any kinde of censures that the Bishops did administer alone : Admonitions were given by the Elders ; Augustine tells us the Elders did admonish such as were offenders ; to the same purpose speakes Origen contra Celsum . Lib. 3. a So excommunication , though that being the dreadfullest thunder of the Church , and as Tertullian calls it , summum praejudicium futuri Iudicij , the great fore-runner of the Judgement of God , was never vibrated but by the hand of those that laboured in the Word and Doctrine : yet was no one man in the Church invested with this power more then another . Therefore saith b Hierom ; Presbytero si peccavero licet me tradere satanae in interitum carnis . If I sinne , a Presbyter ( not a Bishop onely ) may deliver me to Satan , to the destruction , &c. where the Reader may please to take notice that Saint Hierom speakes not of one particular Presbyter , but of the Order of Presbyters . The same S. Hierom saith againe , Sunt quos Ecclesia reprehendit , quos interdum abijcit , in quos nonnunquam Episcoporum & Clericorum censura desaevit . There be some whom the Church reprooves , and some which shee casts out ; against whom the censures of Bishops and Presbyters sharply proceed ; where we see , the Censures whereby wicked men were cast out of the Church , were not the sole hands of the Bishops , but likewise in the hands of Presbyters . Syricius Bishop of Rome signifies to the Church of M●llaine , that Iovinianus , Auxentius , &c. were cast out of the Church for ever , and he sets downe how they did it , Omnium Nostrum tam Presbyterorum quam Diaconorum , quam totius etiam clerisciscitata fuit sententia . There was a concurrence of all Presbyters , Deacons , and the whole Clergie in that sentence of Excommunication . The truth herein may be further evidenc●d by this , because the whole Clergie as well as the Bishops imposed hands u●on such , as rep●nting were a●solved : Nec ad communicationem ( saith Cypr●an ) venire quis possit , nisi prius ab Episcopo & Clero Manus illi fuerit imposita : No man that hath beene excommunicated might returne to Church-Communion , before hands had been laid upon him by the Bishop and Clergie . Also writing to his Clergie concerning lapsed Christians , he tells them , Exomologe si facta & manu eis a vobis in poenitentiam impositâ , &c. that after confession and the laying on their hands , they might be commended unto God : so when certaine returning from their heresie were to be received into the Church at Rome in the time of Cornelius , they came before the Presbyterie , and therefore confessed their sinnes , and so were admitted . But though the sentence of Excommunication was managed one●y by the hand of those that laboured in the Word and Doctrine , yet we will not conceale from you , that neither Excommunication nor absolution did passe w●thout the knowledge and approbation of the body of the Church , to which the Deliquent did belong . So we have learned out of Tertullian , that their censures were ordered in their publike assemblies ; and good reason , because the people were to forbeare communion with such . 2 Thes. 3.6 , 14 , 15. and publick Censures of the Church were inflicted not onely for the Emendation of delinquents , but for the admonition of others , and therefore ought to be administred in publick that others might feare . 1 Tim. 5.20 . Origen speaking of the Duty and Power of the Church in cutting off a scandalous Person though a Presbyter : making the case his owne he saith thus : In uno consensu Eccl●sia universa conspirans excidat me dextram suam & projiciat a se , He would have the consent of the whole Church in that Act. And when the lapsed Christians were received againe into the Church , the Peoples consent was required therein ; else why should Cyprian say , Vix plebi persuadeo imò extorqueo ut tales patiantur admitti : I can scarce perswade the people to suffer such to be admitted : and in another Epistle written to his people in his Banishment , he promiseth to examine all things , they being present and judging . Examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . But of this power of the People wee shall have a further occasion to speak afterwards , when we come to discourse of Governing Elders . Onely may it please your Honours from hence to take notice , how unjustly our Bishops have invaded this right and power of Presbyters and people in Church censures , and devesting both of it , have girt it wholly upon themselves , and how herein they and the Bishops of former times are TWO . SECT . X. ANd as our Bishops , and the Bishops of former times are TWO in point of Sole Iurisdiction , so also in the Delegation of this power of Iurisdiction unto others : a to their Chancellours , Commissaries , Officers , &c. Was ever such a thing as this heard of in the best primitive Times ? that men that never received Imposition of hands , should not onely be received into assistance , but be wholly intrusted with the power of Spirituall Iurisdiction : Even then when it is to be exercised over such persons as have had hands laid upon them . We may observe in Cyprian , whilst persecution separated him from his Church , when questions did arise among his people , he doth not send them to his Chancellour or Commissarie ; No , he was so farre from su●stituting any man ( much lesse a lay man ) to determine or give Judgement in such cases , that hee would not assume that power wholly to himselfe , but suspends his Judgement , till the hand of God should restore him to his Church againe , that with the advice and Counsell of the Presbyters , he might give sentence : as may appeare to any that shall peruse his Epistles . Sure if God had ever led his Church to such a way of deputation , it would have been in such a case of Necessity as this was : or had any footsteps of such a course as this beene visible by this holy Martyr in the goings of former ages , hee needed not have deferred the determination of the question about the receiving of some penitent lapsed ones into the bosome of the Church againe , till his returne and the returne of his Clergie , as he doth . We will instance in his 28 Epistle , wherein giving direction for the excommunicating of such as would rashly communicate with lapsed Christians , he gives this charge not to his Chancellor or Commissarie , or any other man upon whom he had devolved his power , and set him as his Deputie or Vicar generall in his absence , but ad clerum , to the whole Presbyterie . This Truth is so cleare , that Bishop Downam the great Ad●ocate of Episcopacie confesseth , that in Ambrose his time , & a good while after ( which was about 400 yeers ) til the Presbyters were in a manner wholly neglected , the Bishops had no Ordinaries , Vicars , Chancellors , or Commissaries , that were not Clergie-men : but this is but a blind , wherewith the Bishop would Dorre his Reader , for wee challenge any man to produce the names of any Clergie-man that was Vicar to Ambrose , or Chancellour to Augustine , or any other of the Bishops of these times ; so that herein our Bishops and theirs are TWO . SECT . XI . A Third branch wherein the difference betweene our Bishops , and the Bishops of former times , inpoint of Exercising their Jurisdiction , is visible , is the way or manner of exercising that power . For brevities sake we will onely instance in their proceedings in Causes Criminall ; where let them tell us , whether any good Antiquity can yeeld them one President for THEIR OATH EX OFFICIO , which hath been to their COURTS , as Purgatory fire to the Popes Kitchin : they have forgotten that old Maxime in the Civill Law , Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum , which as it is grounded upon naturall equity , so it is confirmed by a Law enacted by Dioclesian and Maximilian , Nimis grave est quod petitis , &c. It is too grievous that the adverse part should be required to the exhibition of such things as should create trouble to themselves . Vnderstand therefore that you ought to bring proofes of your intentions , and not to extort them from your adversaries against themselves . Shall the Lamp of Nature in the night of Ethnicisme enable Heathen Princes , ( yea Persecutors ) to see and enact thus much , and shall not the glorious Sunne of the Gospell convince these of their iniquities in transgressing this Law , that call themselves the Fathers of the Church ? If neither the light of Nature , nor Gospell light can , yet the Custome of the Church , to which they so oft appeale , may both convince them of this iniquitie , and discover to all the world the contrarietie of their proceedings , to the proceedings of former times , in this particular . For of Old , both the Plaintiffe and Defendant were brought face to face , before the parties , in whose power it was to judge : which way of proceeding , Athanasius affirmes to be according to Scripture , the Law of God. And because those that condemned Macarius , did not thus proceed , he condemnes their Sentence as malicious and unjust . Of old , no Sentence passed against any man , but upon the Testimony of other witnesses besides the Accusers : after Complaint exhibited , the first thing they applyed themselves to , was to consider the person and qualit●e of the Accuser , Concil● prim Constant. Can. 6 Then they heard the Witnesses , who were two at least , Can. Apost . Can. 75. And these witnesses must be such , as might not be imagined to be partiall , nor to beare enmity nor malice against the party accused . Ambros. Epist. 64. so Gratian , Caus. 3. quae 5. cap. Quod suspecti . Of old , None might be party , witnesse , and Iudge , which Gratian proves at large , Caus. 4. qu 4. cap. Nullus unquam praesumat accusator simul esse , & Iudex & testis . We grant indeed the Canon Law permits in some cases Tryall without witnesses : Si crimen ita publicum est , ut meritò debeat appellari notorium ; If the crime be so publique , that it may deservedly be called Notorious . Which Law further determines what is notorious , sa●ing , Offensam illam nos intelligimus manifestam , quae vel per confessionem vel probationem legitime nota fuerit , aut evidentiâ Rei , quae nulla possit tergiversatione celari ; We count that offence manifest , which either by confession , or by lawfull proofe comes to be knowne , or by evidence of fact , so as it can be hid by no tergiversations . So that all was done in former times with mature deliberation , upon examination and evidence produced , and proved by such witnesses , as against whom the d●fendant could lay in no just exception . And not as now an accusation whispered against a man , he knowes not by whom , to which he must take his Oath to answer , before he knowes what his accusation is . Which Oath , if he takes , without further witnesse , he is censured upon the witnes●e of his owne Oath . If he takes it not , he is sent presently to prison , there to lie without Bayle or Mainprize , till the insupportable miseries of his long durance , compel him to take an Oath against Nature , Scripture , Conscience , and the just Defence of his owne innocencie . That our Bishops therefore and former Bishops are Two , in the point of executing their Judicatory power , we need spend no more time to prove . But come to the third thing , in which the difference betweene ours and former Bishops is to be evidenced . SECT . XII . ANd that is State Imployment , or attendance upon Civill and Secular affaires , &c. which both Christ and Saint Paul prohibits , which prohibition reacheth every Bishop ( to speake in Chrysostomes words ) as well as Timothy , to whom it is directed ; Nullus ergo Episcopatu praeditus haec audire detrectet , sed agere ea omnia detrectet ; Let no man that is a Bishop , refuse to heare what the Apostle saith , but to doe what the Apostle forbids . We deny not but that Bishops were in the Primitive times often incumbred with secular businesse ; but these were put upon them , sometimes by Emperours , who sought the ruine of the Church , as Iulian , of whom Niceph . lib. 10. cap. 13. doth report , that in Clerum coaptatos Senatorum munere & ministerio perversè fungi jussit Sometimes the gracious disposition of Princes towards Christian Religion , made them thus to honour Bishops , thinking thereby to advance Religion ; as Constantine the Great enacted , that such as were to be tryed before Civill Magis●rates , might have leave to appeale ad Iudicium Episcoporum , atque eorum sententiani ratam esse tanquam ab ipso Imperatore prolatam : And this the Historian reckoneth as one argument of his reverend respect to Religion . Sometimes the excellency of their singular parts cast Civill dignities upon them . Tiberius granted a Questors dignitie unto a Bishop for his eloquence . Chrysostome for his notable stoutnesse and freedome of speech , was sent as the fittest man to Gainas , with the Emperours command . Sometimes the people observing the Bishops to be much honoured by the Emperour , would sollicite them to present their grievances to the Emperour . And sometimes the aspiring humour of the Bishops raised them to such places , as appeares by Cyrill , who was the first Bishop in Alexandria , who had civill dignities conferred upon him , as Socrates relates it , from whom Civill authority did descend upon succeeding Bishops . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : of whom Nicephorus therefore recorded , Episcopatum majoricum fastu , prophanorum Magistratuum more , quam praedecessores ejus Episcopi , ingressus est , unde adeo initium sumptum est in Ecclesia Alexandrina ut Episcopietiam profana negotia curarent ; He entred upon his Episcopacie with more pomp then his predecessors , with a pomp conformable to the Heathen Magistrates . Both these Historians relate the sad consequence that followed upon this , that Orestes the Roman Governour seeing his power much weakned by the Bishops interposing in secular affaires , hated the Bishop ; and this ( as the Historian calls it ) his usurped power . This president of the Alexandrian Bishop , the Bishop of Rome did soone follow ; Et Romanus Episcopatus non aliter quam Alexandrinus , quasi EXTRA SACERDOTII FINES egressus ad secularem principatum erat jam delapsus ; The Bishop of Rome as well as the Bishop of Alexandria breaking the limits of the Priestly function , did degenerate into a secular Principalitie : which purchased no lesse envie to him then that to the other . And though these two Bishops went at first abreast in this point , yet in a short time the Roman had outstripped the Alexandrian in that power , till the Church degenerating more and more , that Roman Priest advanced his power not onely above all the Bishops , but all the Monarchs in the Christian Orbe . Yet notwithstanding , he that shall look into the Ancients , shall finde ; first , that the best of them held , that they were not to be molested with the handling of worldly affaires , Cyprian Epist. 66.1 . Singuli divino Sacerdotio honorati non nisi altari & sacrificiis deservire & precibus atque orationibus vacare debent , Molestiis secularibus non sunt obligandi , qui divinis rebus & spiritualibus occupantur . Secondly , that they complained of them as of heavy burthens , Aug. calles it Angaria , yea Austin himselfe in his 81. Epistle Complaines , that worldly businesse hindered his praying , and so pressed him , that vix respirare potuit : and Gregory the great , non sine dolore in secularibus versabatur , praefat . in Dial. Thirdly , Cyprian construed it as one great cause of persecutions raised against the Church , de lapsis , Sect. 4. Fourthly , it was much cryed downe as unlawfull by the holy Fathers , many Canons forbidding it , and that under paine of being removed from their places . Can. Apost . Can. 6. Can. 81. hee that did presume to administer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Roman command or Administration of Military affaires or civill place ( as Zonaras there ) he should be deposed , Can. Apo. Can. 83. hiring of ground , medling with worldly affaires is to be laid asid by them : Otherwise they are threatned to be liable to Ecclesiasticall censures , Conc. Cal. Cano. 3. Conc. Carth. Can. 16. We will ad this for a conclusion in this point , it is observed by Athanasius , Sulpitius , Severus , and other Ecclesiasticall Historians , that the Arians were very expedite in worldly affaires , which experience they gained by their constant following and attendance upon the Emperours Court ; and what troubles they occasioned to the Church thereby , is notoriously knowne to any that have seene the Histories of their times . And in this our Bishops have approved themselves more like to the Arian Bishops then the purer Bishops of purer times : but how ever cleare it is , that our Bishops and the Bishops of former times are Two : Two in election to their office ; Two in the discharge of their office ; Two in their Ordination , Iurisdiction , processes , Censures , Administrations , and the difference betweene our Bishops and those of former times , is greater then between the great Bishop of Rome and them . SECT . XIII . BUt it seemes our Remonstrant soared above those times even as high as the Apostles dayes , for so hee saith , If our Bishops challenge any other spirituall power , then was by Apostolike Authority delegated to , and required of Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the seven Asian Churches , let them be DISCLAIMED as VSVRPERS . And the truth is , so they deserve to be , if they do but challenge the same power that the Apostle did delegate to Timothy and Titus ; for Timothy and Titus were Evangelists , and so moved in a Sphere above Bishops or Presbyters . For Timothy , it is cleare from the letter of the Text , 2 Tim. 4.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Doe the worke of an Evangelist : if Timothy had beene but a Presbyter or Bishop , Paul had here put him upon imployment , Vltra Sphara Activitatis . And to any man , that will but understand and consider what the Office of an a Evangelist was , and wherein it differed from the Office of a Presbyter or Bishop , it will bee manifest that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists , and no Bishops : for the title of Evangelist is taken but two wayes ; either for such as wrote the Gospell , and so wee doe not affirme Timothy and Titus to bee Evangelists : or else for such as taught the Gospell ; and those were of two sorts , either such as had ordinary places and ordinary gifts , or such whose places and gifts were extraordinary ; and such Evangelists were Timothy and Titus , and not Bishops , as will appeare if wee consider , what was the Difference betweene the Evangelists and Bishops● Bishops or Presbyters were tyed to the particular care and tui●ion of that flock over which God had made them Overseers , Acts 20.28 . But Evangelists were not tyed to reside in one particular place , but did attend upon the Apostles by whose appoyntment they were sent from place to place , as the necessity of the Churches did require . As appeares first in Timothy ● whom S. Paul besought to abide at Ephesus . 1 Tim. 1.3 which had been a needlesse importunity , if Timothy had had the Episcopall ( that is the Pastorall ) charge of Ephesus committed to him by the Apostles , for then hee might have laid as dreadfull a Charge upon him to abide at Ephesus , as he doth to Preach the Gospell . But so far was Paul from setling Timothy in Cathedrâ in Ephesus , that he rather continually sends him up and downe upon all Church services , for we ●inde Acts. 17.14 . That when Paul fled from the tumults of Berea to Athens , he left Silas and Timothy behinde him , who afterwards comming to Paul to Athens , Paul sends Timothy from Athens to Thessalonica , to confirme the Thessalonians in the faith , as appeares 1 Thes. 3.1.2 . from whence returning to Paul to Athens againe , the Apostle Paul before hee left Athens and went to Corinth , sent him & Silas into Macedonia , who returned to him againe to Corinth , Act. 18.5 . afterwards they travelled to Ephesus , from whence we read Paul sent Timothy and Erastus into Macedonia , Act. 19 22. whither Paul went after them , & from whence they & divers other Brethren journied into Asia , Acts 20.4 . All which Brethren Paul calles , as it is probable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the messengers of the Churches , 2 Cor. 8.23 . And being thus accompanied with Timothy , and the rest of the Brethren he comes to Miletum , and calls the Elders of the Church of Ephesus thither to him , of which Church had Timothy beene Bishop , the Apostle in stead of giving the Elders a charge to feede the flock of Christ , would have given that charge to Timothy , and not to them . And secondly , the Apostle would not so have forgotten himselfe , as to call the Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before their Bishops face . Thirdly , It is to be conceived , the Apostles would have given them some directions , how to carry themselves towards their Bishop , but not a word of this , though Timothy were then in Pauls presence , and in the presence of the Elders . The cleare evidence of which text demonstrates , that Paul did not leave Timothy at this time as Bishop of Ephesus . But it is rather evident that hee tooke him along with him in his journey to Hi●rusalem , and so to Rome ; for wee finde that those Epistles Paul wrote while hee was a prisoner , beare either in their inscription or some other passage of them , the name of Timothy , as Pauls companion , viz. The Epistle to the Philippians , Colossians , Hebre●es , Philemon , which Epistles he wrote in bonds as the contexture , which those two learned professors , the one at Heydelberge , the other at Saulmur , make of Saint Pauls Epistles , doth declare . So that it appeares that Timothy was no Bishop , but a Minister , an Evangelist , a fellow labourer of the Apostles , 1 Thess. 3.1 . an Apostle , a Messenger of the Church , 2. Cor. 8.3 . a Minister of God , 1 Thess. 3.2 . these titles the Holy Ghost gives him , but never the title of a Bishop . The like we find in Scripture concerning Titus , whom Paul as it is conceived by learned men , did first assume into the fellowship of his Labours in the place of Iohn , and made him his companion in his journey through a Antioch to Herusalem , b so we find Gal. 2.1 , from thence returning to Antioch againe ; from thence hee passed through Syria and Cilicia , confirming the Churches , & from Cilicia , he passed to Creet , where having Preached the Gospell , and planted Churches , he left Titus c there for a while , to set in order things that remaine . Yet it was but for a while he left him there , for in his Epistle which he wrote to him not many yeares after , hee injoynes him to come to him to Nicopolis d where he did intend to winter , but changing that purpose sends for him to Ephesus , where it seemes his Hyemall station was , and from thence sends him before him to Corinth , to enquire the state of the Corinthians e . His returne from thence Paul expects at Troas f , and because comming thither he found not his expectation there , he was so grieved in his spirit , 2 Cor. 2.12 . that hee passed presently from then●e into Macedonia , where Titus met him ; and in the midst of his afflictions joyed his spirits with the glad tydings of the powerfull and gracious effects , his first Epistle had among the Corinthians , 2 Cor. 7 , 5 , 6 , 7. Paul having there collected the Liberalities of the Saints , sends Titus againe to the g Corinthians , to prepare them for the same service of Ministring to the necessities of the Saints , 2 Cor. 8.6 . And makes him with some others the Conveyers of that second Epistle to the Corinthians . All these journeyes to and fro did Titus make at the designement of the Apostle , even after hee was left in Creet . Nor doe we finde , h that after his first removall from Creet , he did ever returne thither . Wee reade indeed , 2 Tim. 4.10 . hee was with Paul at Rome ; and from thence returned not to Creet , but into Dalmatia . All which doth more then probably shew , it never was the Intendment of the Apostle to six Titus in Creet as a Bishop , but onely to leave him there for a season for the good of that Church , and to call him from thence , and send him abroad to other Churches for their good , as their necessities might require . Now who that will acknowledge a Distinction betweene the Offices of Bishops and Evangelists , and knowes wherein that Distinction lyes , will not upon these premisses conclude that , Timothy and Titus were Evangelists and NOT Bishops . I but some of the Fathers have called Timothy and Titus Bishops . We grant it true ; and it is as true , that some of the Fathers have called them Archbishops , and Patriarks ; yet it doth not follow , they were so . Wee adde , secondly , that when the Fathers did call them so , it was not in a proper but in an improper sense ; which we expresse in the words of our Learned Orthodox Raynolds ; You may learne by the Fathers themselves , saith hee , that when they tearmed any Apostle a Bishop of thi● or that City ( as namely Saint Peter of Antioch or Rome ) they meant it in a generall sort and signification , because they did attend that Church for a time , and supply that roome in preaching the Gospell , which Bishops did after ; but as the name of Bishop is commonly taken for the Overseer of a particular Church , and Pastor of a severall flocke ; so Peter was not Bishop of any one place ; therefore not of Rome . And this is true by Analogy of all extraordinary Bishops , and the same may be said of Timothy and Titus , that he saith of Peter . But were it true that Timothy and Titus were Bishops ; will this remonstrant undertake , that all his party shall stand to his Conditions ? If our Bishops challenge any other power then was by Apostolique Authority delegated to , and required of Timothy and Titus , and the Angells of the seaven Asian Churches , let them be disclaimed as usurpers . Will our Bishops indeed stand to this ? then actum est . Did ever Apostolique authority delegate power to Timothy or Titus , to ordaine alone ? to governe alone ? and doe not our Bishops challenge that power ? Did ever Apostolique authority delegate power to Timothy and Titus , to rebuke an Elder ? no ; but to entreate him as a Father : and doe not our Bishops challenge to themselves● and permit to their Chancellours , Commissaries , and Officialls power not only to rebuke an Elder , but to rayle upon an Elder ? to reproach him with the most opprobrious tearmes of foole , knave , jack-sauce , &c. which our paper blushes to present to your Honours view . Did ever Apostolique authority delegate to Timothy and Titus power to receave an accusation against an Elder , but before two or three witnesses ? and doe not our Bishops challenge power to proceed Ex officio , and make Elders their owne Accusers ? Did ever Apostolique authority delegate power to Timothy or Titus , to reject any after twice admonition , but an Heretick ? and doe not our Bishops challenge power to reject and eject the most sound and orthodox of our Ministers , for refusing the use of a Ceremony ; as if Non-conformity were Heresie . So that either our Bishops must disclaime this remonstrance , or else themselves must be disclaimed as usurpers . But if Timothy and Titus were no Bishops , or had not this power , it may bee the Angells of the seven Asian Churches had ; and our Remonstrant is so subtile as to twist these two together , that if one fayle , the other may hold . To which we answer ; first , that Angell in those Epistles is put Collectively , not Individually ; as appeares by the Epistle to Thyatira , cap. 2. vers . 24. where wee reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. But I say unto you ( in the plurall number , not unto thee in the singular ) and unto the rest in Thyatira , &c. Here is a plaine distinction betweene the members of that Church . By you , is signified those to whom hee spake under the name of the Angell . By the rest , the residue of the people . The people governned , and the governours in the plurall number . What can be more evident to prove , that by Angell is meant not one singular person , but the whole company of Presbyters that were in Thyatira . This also further appeares , because it is usuall with the holy Ghost , not only in other books of the Scripture , but also in this very booke of the Revelation , to expresse a company under one singular person . Thus the Civill state of Rome , as opposite to Christ , is called , A beast with ten hornes : and the Ecclesiasticall state Antichristian is called the whore of Babylon , and , the false Prophet : and the devill and all his family is called An old red Dragon . Thus also the seven Angels that blew the seven trumpets , Revel . 8.2 . And the seven Angels that poured out the seven Vialls , are not literally to be taken , but Synecdo●hically , as all know . And why not then the seven Angels in those Epistles ? Master Meed● in his Commentaries upon the Revelation , pag. 265 , hath these words ; Denique ( ut jam semel iterumque monuimus ) quoniam Deus adhibet angelos providentiae sitae in rerū humanarum motibus & conversionibus ciendis , gubernandisque administros : idcirco , quae multorum manibus peraguntur , Angelo tamen tanquam rei gerendae praesidi & Duci pro communi loquendi modo tribuuntur . Adde , thirdly , that the very name Angell is sufficient to prove , that it is not meant of one person alone , because the word Angell doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction or preheminence , but is a common name to all Ministers , and is so used in Scripture . For all Ministers are Gods Messengers and Embassadours , sent for the good of the Elect. And therefore the name being common to all Ministers , why should wee thinke that there should bee any thing spoken to one Minister , that doth not belong to all ? The like argument wee draw from the word Starres , used Revel . 1.20 . The seven Starres are the Angels of the seven Churches . Now it is evident , that all faithfull Ministers are called Starres in Scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the Churches , in all purity of doctrine and holinesse of conversation . And in this sence , the word is used , when it is said , that the third part of the starres were darkened , Revel . 8.12 . and that the Dragons taile drew the third part of the starres of Heaven , & cast them to the Earth , Revel . 12.4 . Which is meant not onely of Bishops , but of other Ministers , unlesse the Bishops will appropriate all corruption and Apostacy unto themselves . Adde , fourthly , out of the Text it selfe , It is very observable , that our Saviour in opening the mystery of the Vision , Revel . 1.20 . saith ; The seven Candlestickes which thou sawest , are the seven Churches , but hee doth not say . The seven starres are the seven Angels of the same Churches , But the Angels of the seven Churches ; wherein not without some mystery the number of the Angels in omitted , least we should understand by Angell , one Minister alone , and not a company . And yet the septenary number of Churches is twice set down . Lastly , though but one Angell bee mentioned in the forefront , yet it is evident , that the Epistles themselves are dedicated to all the Angels and Ministers in every Church , and to the Churches themselves . And if to the whole Church , much more to the Presbyters of that Church . This is proved Revel . 1.11 . What thou seest write in a Book and send it to the seven Churches which are in Asia . And also by the Epiphonema of every Epistle ; He that hath an eare to heare , let him heare what the Spirit saith to the Churches . Upon which words , Ambrosius Ausbertus in his second booke upon the Revelation , saith thus ; Vnâ ead●mque locutione & Angelos & Ecclesias ●num esse designat . Nam cum in principio locutionū quae ad sep●em fiunt Angelos dicat , & Angelo illius Ecclesiae scribe ; in ●ine tamen carundem non dicit , qui habet aurem audiat quod spiritus dicat Angelo , sed quid Ecclesiae dicat . By one and the same phrase of speech hee sheweth , the Angels and the Churches to bee one and the same . For whereas in the beginning of his speech , which he makes to the seven Churches , he saith ; And write to the Angell of the Churches ; yet in the close of the same , he doth not say , Hee that hath an Eare , let him heare what the Spirit saith to the Angel , but what he saith to the Church . And this is further proved by the whole argument of those Epistles , wherein the admonition● , threatnings , commendations , and reproofes , are directed to all the Ministers of all the Churches . Revel . 2.10 . The devill shall cast some of you into prison , &c. Rev. 2.16 . I will fight against them with the sword of my mouth , Rev. 2.24 . I will put upon you no other burden , &c. I say unto you and the rest of Thyatira , as many as have not this doctrine , and which have not known the depths of Satan , &c. And when it is said in the singular Number ( as it is often ) I know thy works and thy labour , &c. vers . 2. & vers . 4. Repent and doe thy first works ; and verse 13. Thou hast not denied my Faith , &c. and cap. 3.26 . Because thou art neither hot nor cold , &c. All these and the like places , are not to bee understood as meant of one individuall person , but of the whole company of Ministers , and also of the whole Church , because that the punishment threatned , is to the whole Church ; Revel . 2.5 . Repent and doe thy first works , or else I will come unto thee quickly , and remove thy Candlestick out of his place ; Rev. 2.16 . Repent , or else I will come unto thee quickly , and will fight against them with the sword of my mouth ; Revel . 2.24 . I will not put upon you any other burden . Now wee have no warrant in the Word to thinke that Christ would remove his Gospell from a Church for the sinne of one Bishop , when all the other Ministers and the Churches themselves are free from those sinnes . And if God should take this course , in what wofull and miserable condition should the Church of England be , which groaneth under so many corrupt Prelates ? By all this it appeares , that the word angell , is not to be taken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not properly , but figuratively . And this is the judgement of Master Perkins upon the second Chapter of the Revelation ; and of Master Brightman ; and of Doctor Fulke , who in answer to the Rhemists in Apoc. 1.20 . hath these words ; S. Iohn by the angels of the Churches meaneth not all , that should weare on their heads myters , and hold crosier staves in their hands , like dead Idolls , but them that are the faithfull messengers of Gods Word , and utter and declare the same . Againe , they are called the angels of the Churches , because they be Gods messengers . Master Fox likewise in his Meditation upon the Revelation ( pag. 7 . 9.17● . ) is of this opinion , and hath gathered to our hands the opinions of all Interpreters hee could meete , and saith that they all consent in this , that under the person of an Angell , the Pastors and Ministers of the Churches were understood . Saint Austin in his 132. Epistle , saith thus ; Sic enim in Apocalypsi legitur Angelus , &c. Quod si de angelo superiorū coelorum , & non de Praepositis ecclesiarum vellet intelligi , non consequenter diceret , habeo adversum te , &c. And so in his second Homily upon the Revelation ( if that booke be his ) Quod autem dicit angelo Thyatirae ● habeo adversum te pauca , dicit Praepositis Ecclesiarum , &c. This also Gregory the Great , lib. 34. Moral● in Iob cap. 4. Saepè sacrum scripturam pr●dicatores Ecclesiae , pro eo quod patris gloriam annunciant , angelorum nomine solere de signare : & hinc esse , quod Iohannes in Apocalypsi septem Ecclesiis scribens , angelis Ecclesia●um loquitur , id ●st , Praedicatoribus populorum . Master Fox citeth Primasius , Haymo , Beda , Richard , Thomas , and others , to whom we referre you . If it be here demanded ( as it is much by the Hierarchicall side ) that if by angell bee meant the whole company o● Presbyters , why Christ did not say , to the angels in the plurall number , but to the angell in the singular ? Wee answer , that though this question may savour of a little too much curiosity , yet wee will make bold to subjoyn three conjecturall reasōs of this phrase of speech . First , It is so used in this place , because it is the common language of other Scriptures in types and visions to set down a certaine number for an uncertaine , and the singular number for the purall . Thus the Ramme , Dan. 8.3 . is interpreted vers . 20. to be the Kings of Media and Persia And the enemies of Gods Church are set out by foure ho●nes . And the deliverers by foure Carpenters , Zach. 1.18 20. And the wise and foolish Virgins are said to be five wise and five foolish . And many such like . And therefore as we answer the Papists , when they demand why Christ if he meant figuratively when he saith , this is my body , did not speake in plaine language , this is the signe of my body ? We say , that this phrase of speech is proper to all Sacraments : So we also answer here , this phrase of speech , Angell for Angels , is common to all types and visions . Secondly , angell is put , though more be meant , that so it may hold proportion with the Vision which Iohn saw● Chap , 1.12.20 . He saw seven golden Candlestickes , and seven Starres . And therefore to hold proportion , the Epistles are directed to seven angels , and to seven Churches . And this is called a mystery , Revel . 1.20 , The mystery of the seven Starres , &c. Now a mystery is a secret , which comprehends more then is expressed ; and therefore though but one angell be expressed , yet the mystery implyes all the angels of that Church . Thirdly , to signifie their unity in the Ministeriall function , and joynt commission to attend upon the feeding and governing of one Church , with one common care , as it were with one hand and heart . And this is more fitly declared by the name of one angell , then of many . Wee often finde the name of ( one ) Prophet or Priest to be put for the generall body of the Ministery , or whole multitude of Prophets or Priests , in the Church of Israel or Iudah , when the Spirit of God intendeth to reprove , threaten , or admonish them . Thus it is Iere. 6.13.18.18 . Isa. 3.2 . Hos. 9.8 . Ezek. 7.26 . Hos. 4.6 . Mal. 2.7 . Neither should it seeme strange , that a multitude or company of Ministers should bee understood under the name of one angell , seeing a multitude of Heavenly angels ( implyed in one service for the good of Gods Saints ) is sometimes in the Scripture shut up under one angell in the singular number , as may be gathered from Gen. ●4 . 7 . 2 Kings 19.35 . Psal. 34.7 . compared with Psalme 91.11 . Gen. 32.1.2 . Kings 6.16 , 17. And also a multitude of devils or evill angels , joyntly labouring in any one worke , is set forth under the name of one evill or uncleane spirit , 1 Kings 22.21 , 22. Mark. 1 23 , 24. Mark● 5.2.9 . Luke 4.33 , 34. Luk. 8.27.30 . 1 Pet. 5.8 . Heb. 2.14 . Ephes. 6.11.12 . But now let us suppose ( which yet notwithstanding we will not grant ) that the word Angell is taken individually for one particular person , as Doctor Reynolds seemes to interpret it , together with Master Beza , yet neverthelesse , there will nothing follow out of this acception , that will any wayes make for the upholding of a Diocesan Bishop , with sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , as a distinct superior to Presbyters . And this appeares . First , because it never was yet proved nor ever will ( as we conceive ) that these angels were Diocesan Bishops , considering that Parishes were not divided into Diocesses in S. Iohns dayes . And the seven starres are said to bee fixed in their seven Candlestickes or Churches , not one starre over divers Candlestickes . Neither can those Churches be thought to be Diocesan , when not only Tindall and the old translation , calls them seven Congregations , but we reade also Acts 20. that at Ephesus which was one of those Candlesticks , there was but one flock . And secondly , we further finde that in Ephesus one of those seven Churches , there were many Presbyters , which are all called Bishops , Acts 20.28 . and we finde no colour of any superintendency or superiority of one Bishop over another . To them in generall the Church is committed to be fed by them without any respect had to Timothy , who stood at his elbow and had beene with him in Macedonia , and was now waiting upon him to Ierusalem . This is also confirmed by Epiphanius , who writing of the Heresies of the Meletians , saith , that in ancient times this was peculiar to Alexandria , that it had but one bishop , whereas other Cities had two . And hee being bishop of Cypres , might well be acquainted with the condition of the Churches of Asia , which were so nigh unto him . Thirdly , there is nothing said in the seven Epistles that implyeth any superiority or majority of rule or power that these angels had over the other angels that were joyned with them in their Churches . It is written indeed , in commendation of the angell of the Church of Ephesus , that he could not beare them that were evill , and that he had tryed them which say they were Apostles and are not , & had found them lyars . And it is spoken in dispraise of the angell of Pergamus , that he suffred them which held the doctrine of Balaam , &c. But these things are common duties , requirable at the hands of all Ministers , who have the Charge of Soules . But suppose that there were some superiority and preheminency insinuated by this individuall angell , yet who knoweth not that there are divers kinds of superiority ; to wit , of Order , of dignity , of gifts and parts , or in degree of Ministery , or in charge of power and jurisdiction . And how will it be proved that this angell if he had a superiority , had any more then a superiority of order , or of gifts and parts ? Where is it said , that this angell was a superior degree or order of Ministery above Presbyters ? In which Epistle it is said that this angell had sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction ? and therefore as our learned Protestants prove against the Papists , that when Christ directed his speech to Peter in particular and said , I will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdom of Heaven , &c. That this particularization of Peter did not import any singular preheminence or majority of power to Peter more then to the other apostles . But that though the promise was made to Peter , yet it was made to him in the name of all the rest , and given to all as well as one . And that therefore it was spoken to one person , and not to all , that so Christ might fore signifie the unity of his Church , as a Cyprian , Austin , Hierome , Optatus , and others say . So when Christ directs a● Epistle to one angell , it doth not imply a superior power over his fellow angels , but at most onely a presidency for order sake . And that which is written to him , is written to the rest as well as to him . And therefore written to one , not to exclude the rest , but to denote the unity that ought to bee betweene the Ministers of the same Church in their common care and diligence to their flocke . And this is all that Doctor Reynolds saith , as you may reade in his conference with Hart , cap. 4. divis . 3. ad finem . For it is evident that Doctor Reynolds was an utter enemy to the I●● Divinum of the Episcopall preheminency over Presbyters by his Letter to Sir Francis Krolls . And learned Master Beza also saith something to the same purpose in his annotations upon Revel . 2.1 . Angelo . i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem nimirum oportuit imprimis de his rebus admoneri , ac per eum caeteros collegas , totamque adeo Ecclesiam . Sed hinc statui Episcopalis ille gradus postea humanitus in Ecclesiam Dei invectus certe nec potest nec debet , imo ne perpetuum quidem istud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 munus esse necessariò oportuisse , sicut exorta inde Tyrannis oligarchica ( cujus apex est Antichristana bestia ) certissima cum totius non Ecclesia modo , sed etiam orbis pernicie , nunc tandem declarat . If therefore our Remonstrant can produce no better evidence for his Hierarchy then Timothy , and Titus , and the Angels of the Asian Churches , Let not this Remonstrant and his party , cry out of wrong , if this claimed Hierarchy be for ever hooted o●t of the Church , seeing it is his owne Option . And yet we cannot cōceale one refuge more out of Scripture , to which the Hierarchy betake themselves for shelter . And that is the two Postscripts in the end of Pauls second Epistle to Timothy , and of that to Titus ; where in the one , Timothy is said to be the first bishop of Ephesus , and in the other , Titus is said to be the first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians : to both which places wee answer . That these two Postscripts ( and so all the rest ) are no part of Canonicall Scripture . And therefore our former and ancienter English translations , though they have these Postscripts , yet they are put in a small character different from that of the text , that all men might take notice they were no parts of the text . Although our Episcopall men of late in newer impressions have inlarged their Phylacteries , in putting those Postscripts in the same full character with that of the text , that the simple might beleeve they are Canonicall Scripture . The Papists themselves ( Baronius , Serrarius , and the Rhemists ) confesse that there is much falsity in them . The first Epistle to Timothy , is thus subscribed : the first to Timothy was written from Laodicea , which is the chiefest City of Phrygia Pacatiana . Here we demand , whether Paul when he writ the first Epistle to Timothy , was assured he should live to write a second , which was written long after ? And if not ; How comes it to be subscribed , th● first to Timothy , which hath relation to a second ? Besides , the Epistle is said to be writ from Loadicea , whereas Beza in his Annotations proves apparently , that it was written from Macedonia ; to which opinion Baronius and Serrarius subscribe . It is added , Which is the chiefest City of Phrygia Pacatiana . But this Epithete is no where read in the Writers of those ages , saith Beza , Sed apud recentiores illos , qui Romani imperii jam inclinantis provincias descripserunt . So that by this place it is evident , that the subscription was added a long while after the writing of the Epistles by some men , for the most part vel indoctis , saith Beza , vel certe non satis attentis , Either by a learned , or negligent man. The second Epistle is thus subscribed ; the second Epistle unto Timothy ordeined the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephesiās , was written from Rome , when Paul was brought before Nero the second time . Now these words Ordained the first Bishop , is wanting , saith Beza , in quibusdam vetustis codicibus , in veteri vulgat● editione , & apud Syrum interpretem . If Saint Paul had written this Postscript , he would not have said , to Timothy the first Bishop , &c. whereas it was not yet certaine whether ever there should be a second . Neither would it bee said when Paul was brought , &c. But when I was the second time brought before Nero. The Syriack Interpreter reads it , Here ends the second epistle to Timothy written from Rome . The Epistle to Titus is thus subscribed : Written to Titus , ordained first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians , from Nicopolis of Macedonia . Here it is said that this Epistle was written from Nicopolis , whereas it is cleare that Paul was not at Nicopolis when he wrote it , Tit , 3.12 . Be diligent to come to me to Nicopolis , for I have determined there to winter . He doth not say , Here to winter , but there ; Where note , for the present hee was not there . And besides , it is said , that Titus was ordained the first Bishop , &c. And who was the second ? or was there ever a second ? And also He is said to be Bishop , not onely of a Diocesse , but of all Creet . Was there ever such a second Bishop ? Adde , lastly , that it is said , Bishop of the Church of the Cretians ; Whereas it would bee said of the Churches of the Cretians . For the Christian Churches of any Nation are called Churches by Luke and Paul , not Church . Therefore Codex Claremontanus subscribes ; Here ends the Epistle to Titus , and no more . So the Syriack ; Finitur Epistola ad Titum quae scripta fuit è Nicopoli . The old Vulgar Edition hath nothing of the Episcopacy of Titus . By all this it appeares , that if the Bishops had no more authority to urge us to subscribe to their Ceremonies , then they have authority for their Episcopall dignity by these Subscriptions , there would be no more Subscription to Ceremonies in the Churches of England . But some will say , that there is one objection out of Scripture yet unanswered , and that is from the inequality that was betweene the twelve Apostles , and the seventy Disciples . To which we answer ; First , that it cannot bee proved that the twelve Apostles had any superiority over the seventy , either of Ordination , or Jurisdiction . Or that there was any subordination of the seventy unto the twelve . But suppose it were yet we answer . Secondly , that a superiority and inferiority betweene Officers of different kindes , will not prove that there should be a superiority and inferiority betweene Officers of the same kinde . No man will deny but that in Christs time , there were Apostles , Evangelists , Prophets , Pastors , and teachers , and that the apostles were superior to Evangelists and Pastors . But it cannot bee proved , that one apostle had any superiority over another apostle , or one Evangelist over another . And why then should one Presbyter be over another ? Hence it followeth , that though we should grant a superiority betweene the twelve and the seventy , yet this will not prove the question in hand . Because the question is concerning Officers of the same kinde , and the instance is of Officers of different kinds , amongst whom no man will deny but there may be a superiority and inferiority , as there is amongst us between Presbyters and Deacons . And now let your Honours judge ( considering the premisses ) how farre this Episcopall government is from any Divine right , or Apostolicall institution . And how true that speech of Hierome is , that a bishop as it is a superior Order to a Presbyter , is an Humane praesumption , not a divine Ordinance . But though Scripture failes them , yet the indulgence and Munificence of Religious Princes may support them , and to this the Remonstrant makes his next recourse , yet so as he acknowledgeth here , Ingagements to Princes onely for their accessory dignities , titles , and Maintenance ; not at all for their stations and functions , ( wherein yet the author plainely acknowledgeth a difference betweene our Bishops and the Bishops of old by such accessions . ) For our parts , we are so farre from envying the gracious Munificence of pious Princes , in collating honourable maintenance upon the Ministers of Christ , that we beleeve , that even by Gods owne Ordinance , double Honour is due unto them . And that by how much the Ministery of the Gospell is more honourable then that of the Law ; by so much the more ought all that embrace the Gospell , to bee carefull to provide , that the Ministers of the Gospell might not onely live , but maintaine Hospitalitie , according to the Rule of the Gospell . And that worthy Gentleman spake as an Oracle , that said ; That scandalous Maintenance is a great cause of a scandalous Ministery . Yet wee are not ignorant , that when the Ministery came to have Agros , domos , locationes , vehicula , equos , latifundia , as Chrysost. Hom. 86. in Matth. That then Religio peperit divitias , & filia devoravit Matrem , religion brought forth riches , and the Daughter devoured the Mother ; and then there was a voyce of Angels heard from Heaven ; Hodie venenum in Ecclesiam Christi cecidit , this Day is poyson shed into the Church of Christ. And then it was that Ierome complained , Christi Ecclesia postquam ad Christianos principes venit , potentiâ quidem & divitiis major , sed virtutibus minor facta est . Then also was that Conjunction found true ; That when they had woodden Chalices , they had golden Priests ; but when their Chalices were golden , their Priests were wooden . And though we doe not thinke , there is any such incompossibility , but that large Revenues may be happily managed with an humble sociablenesse , yet it is very rare to finde . History tells us , that the superfluous revenues of the Bishops not onely made them neglect their Ministery , but further ushered in their stately and pompous attendance ; which did so elevate their Spirits , that they insulted over their brethren , both Clergy and People , and gave occasion to others to hate and abhorre the Christian Faith , Which Eusebius sets forth fully in the pride of Paulus Samosatenus , who notwithstanding the meannesse and obscurity of his birth , afterwards grew to that height of Insol●nc● and pride in all his carriage ; especially in that numerous traine that attended him in the streetes , and in his stately throne raised after the manner of Kings and Princes , that Fides nostra invi●●ia , & odi● , propter fostum & superbi●m cordis illius , facta fuerit obnexia ; the Christian faith was exposed to envy and hatred through his pride . And as their ambition ( fed with the largenesse of their revenewes ) discovered it selfe in great attendance , stately dwellings , and all Lordly pompe , so Hierom complaines of their pride in their stately seates , qui velut in aliqua sublimi specula constituti , vix dignantur vid●re mortales & alloqui conservos suos : who sitting aloft as it were in a watch tower , will scarce deigne to looke upon poore mortalis , or speake to their fellow servants . Here we might bee large , in multiplying severall testimonies against the pride of Ecclesiasticall persons , that the largenesse of their revenues raysed them to : but we will conclude with that grave complaint of Sulpitius Severus . Ille qui ante pedibus aut asello ire consueverat , spumante equo superbus invebitur : parvá prius ac vili cellula contentus habitare , erigit celsa Laquearia , construit multa conclaviu , sculpit postes , pingit armaria , vestem respuit gressiorem , indumentum molle desiderat , &c. Which because the practise of our times hath already turned into English , wee spare the labour to translate . Onely suffer us ( being now to give a Vale to our remonstrants arguments ) to recollect some few things . First , whereas this remonst●ant saith ; If we doe not shew out of the true & genuine writings of those holy men , that lived in the Apostles dayes a cleare and received distinction of Bishops● Presbyters , and Deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings , with an evident specification of the duty belonging to each of them : Let this claimed Hierarchie be for ever rooted out of the Church : We beseech you let it be rememred how we have proved , out of the genuine and undeniable writings of the Apostles themselves : that these are not three distinct callings : Bishops are Presbyters , being with them all one , Name and Office , and that the distinction of Bishops and Presbyters was not of Divine Institution , but Humane : and that these Bishops , in their first Institution did not differ so much from Presbyters , as our present Bishops differ from them . Secondly , Whereas this remonstant saith , If our Bishops challenge any other power then was by Apostolike authority delegated to , and required of Timothy and Titus , and the Angells of the Asian Churches : Let them bee disclaimed as usurpers . Wee desire it may be remembred , how wee have proved first ; that Timothy and Titus and the Angels were no Diocesan bishops ; and secondly , that our bishops challenge ( if not in their Polemicks , yet in their Practicks ) a power that Timothy and Titus , and those angels never did . Thirdly , Whereas this remonstrant saith , If there can be better evidence under Heaven for any matter of fact , let Episcopacy be for ever abandoned out of Gods Church : We beseech you remember how weake we have discovered his Evidence to be ; and then the Inference upon all these we humbly leave to your Honours Wisedome and Iustice. SECT . XIIII . HAving thus considered the validity of those arguments , whereby this remonstrant would suffult Episcopacy , we descend now to inquire what satisfaction he gives to those objections , which himselfe , frames as the maine , if not the sole arguments , that Episcopacy is asfaultable by , and they are two . First , that pleading the Divine right of Episcopacy , is to the prejudice of Soveraignty : Secondly , that it casts a dangerous imputation upon all those reformed Churches that want this Government . To the first , the prejudice of Soveraignty ; he answers there is a compatiblenesse in this case of Gods Act , and the Kings : it is God that makes the Bishop , the King that gives the Bishopricke . But we have proved already , that God never made a Bishop , as he stands in his Superioritie over all other Presbyters , he never had Gods Fiat : and if they disclaime the influence of soveraignty unto their creation to a priority , and assert , that the King doth not make them Bishops , they must have no being at all . Sure we are , the Lawes of the Land proclaime , that not onely Bishopricks , but Bishops and all the Iurisdiction they have is from the King : whereas the Remonstrant acknowledgeth no more , but the bare a place and exercise to be from Regall donation , which cannot bee affirmed without apparent prejudice of that Soveraigntie which the Lawes of the Land have invested our Princes with . And for his unworthy comparison of Kings in order to Bishops and Patrons in order to their Clerkes , when he shall prove that the patron gives ministeriall power to his Clerke , as the K●n● according to our Laws gives Episcopall power to the Bishop ● it may be of some conducement to his cause , but till then , we leave the unfitnesse of this comparison , and the unthankfulnesse of those men to the indulgence of their Soveraigne , to their deserved recompence . His learned answer to such men as borrowing Saint Ieroms phrase , speake Saint Pauls truth , is in summe this : That he kn●w●s not how to prescribe to mens thoughts , but for all his Rhetoricke , they will thinke what they list ; but if they will grant him the question , they shall soone be at an end of the quarrell : which one answer if Satisfactory , would silence all controversies to as good purpose as he did Bellarmine , who said , Bellarmine saith it is thus , and I say it is not , and where is Bellarmine now ? To the second objection , that Episcopacie thus asserted casts an imputation upon all the reformed Churches , that want that Government , hee saith ; that the objection is intended to raise envie against them ; who ( if they may be beleeved ) love and honour those sister Churches , and blesse God for them . But doe they not plucke all this envie upon themselves , who in their Conferences , Writings , Pulpits , Vniversities , Disputes , High Commission , Declamations , have disclaimed them us no Churches , that have disclaimed the Prelats ? and have honoured the most glorious Lights of those Reformed Churches , Calvin , Beza , and others with no better titles than of Rascalls , Blasphemers , &c. But the pith of his answer after a few good words is this : that no such consequent can be drawne from their opinion , for their Ius divinum pleads only for a Iustifiablenesse of this holy calling : Not for an absolute necessity of it , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; but not fixing upon the Church that wants it , the defect of any thing of the Essence of a Church , but only of the glory and perfection of it ; neither is it their sin , but their misery . And is it so , doth not this Ius divinum argue a Necessitie , but onely a Iustifiablenesse of this calling ; nor is the want of it a want of any thing of Essence , but onely of perfection ? wee had thought , that page the twentieth , where this Remonstrant strives to fetch the pedegree of Episcopacie from no lesse than Apostolicall , and in that right Divine institution he had reckoned it among those things , which the Apostles ordained for the succeeding administration of the Church in essentiall matters : but here it seemes he is willing to retract what there fell from him : there it was to his advantage to say , this government was a thing essentiall to the Church , and here it is no lesse advantage to say , it is not essentiall . But if it be not Essentiall , then what is the reason that when a Priest who hath received orders at Rome turnes to us , they urge not him to receive ordination among us againe : but when some of our brethren , who flying in Queene 〈◊〉 dayes , had received Imposition of hands in the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas returned againe in the dayes of Queene Elizabeth , they were urged to receive Imposition of hands againe from our Bishops , and some did receive it . If those Churches that want Bishops want nothing essentiall to a Church ; then what Essentiall want was there in the ordination of those Ministers that received Imposition of hands in those Churches , that might deserve a Re-ordination , more than if they had first received their ordination at Rome ? And what is the reason that Bishop Mountague so confidently affirmes , that Ordination by Episcopall hands is so necessary , as that th● Church is no true Church without it , and the Ministery no true Ministery , and ordinarily no salvation to be obtained without it ? And if this Remonstrant should leave Bishop Mountague to answer for himselfe , yet notwithstanding he stands bound to give us satisfaction to these two questions , which arise from his owne Booke . First , whether that Office , which by divine right hath the sole power of Ordaining , and Ruling all other Officers in the Church , ( as he saith Episcopacy hath ) belong not to the being , but onely to the glory and perfection of a Church . Secondly , there being ( in this mans thoughts ) the same Ius divinum for Bishops , that there is for Pastors and Elders , whether if those Reformed Churches wanted Pastors and Elders too , they should want nothing of the Essence of a Church , but of the perfection and glory of it ? But this Remonstrant seemes to know so much of the minde of those Churches , that if they might have their option , they would most gladly embrace Episcopall Government , as littl● differing from their owne Moderatorship , save onely in the perpetuitie of it , and the new Invention ( as hee odiously calls it ) of Lay Elders . But no question those learned Worthies that were entrusted by the Churches to compile their confessions , did comprise their Iudgements better than the Composer of this Remonstrance . And to his presumption , wee oppose their Confession . Wee will begin with the French Church , who in their Confession speake thus . Credimus veram Ecclesiam gubernari debere ea politia , quam Dominus noster Iesus Christus sancivit , ita videlicet , ut sint in ea Pastores , Presbyteri , sive Seniores , & Diaconi , ut doctrinae puritas retineatur , &c. Ar. 29. Credimus omnes Pastores ubicunque collocati sunt , cádem & aequali potestate inter se esse praeditos sub uno illo capite summoque & solo universali Episcopo Iesu Christo . Art. 30. Gallicae confessionis . Credimus veram hanc Ecclesiam debere regi , ac gubernari , spirituali illâ politiâ quam nos Deus ipse in verbo suo edocuit ; it a ut sint in ea Pastores ac ministri qui pure & concionentur , & Sacramenta administrent ; sint quoque Seniores , & Diaconi qui Ecclesiae senatum constituant , ut his veluti mediis vera R●ligio conservari , Hominesque vitiis dediti spiritualiter corripi & emendari possint . Tunc enim ritè & ordinate omnia siunt in Ecclesia , cum viri fid●les , & pii ad ejus gubernationem deligūtur juxta Divi Pauli praescriptum , 1 Tim. 3. Confes. Belgic . Art. 30. Caeterum ubicunque locorum sunt verbi Dei Ministri eandem atque aequalem Omnes habent tum Potestatem tum AUTHORITATEM , ut qui sunt aeque Omnes Christi unici illius universalis Episcopi & capitis Ecclesiae Ministri . We beleeve that the true Church ought to be governed by that policie which Christ Jesus our Lord established , viz. that there bee Pastors , Presbyters , or Elders and Deacons . And againe , Wee beleeve that all true Pastors where ever they be , are endued with equall and the same power , under one chiefe Head and bishop Christ Jesus . Consonant to this the Dutch Churches . We beleeve ( say they ) the true Church ought to be ruled with that spirituall policie which God hath taught us in his Word , to wit , that there bee in it Pastours to preach the Word purely ; Elders and Deacons to constitute the Ecclesiasticall Senate , that by these meanes Religion may be preserved , and manners corrected . And so again , We beleeve where ever the Ministers of God are placed , they All have the same equall power and authoritie , as being All equally the Ministers of Christ. In which harmony of these Confessions , see how both Churches agree in these five points : First , That there is in the Word of God , an exact forme of Governement set downe , Deus in verbo suo edocuit . Secondly , That this forme of Governement Christ established in his Church ; Iesus Christus in Ecclesiâ sancivit . Thirdly , That this forme of Government is by Pastors , Elders , and Deacons . Fourthly , That the true Church of Christ ought to be thus governed ; Veram Ecclesiam debere regi . Fifthly , That all true Ministers of the Gospell are of equall power and Authority . For the reason he assignes , why those Churches should make this Option , wee cannot enough admire that such a passage should fall from his pen , as to say , there is Little difference betweene their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and our Episcopacie , save onely in perpetuity and lay Elders , for who knowes not that between these two , there is as vast a difference as between the Duke of Venice and an absolute Monarch . For , 1. the Moderator in Geneva is not of a superiour order to his Brethren ; nor 2. hath an ordination differing from them ; nor 3. assumes power of sole Ordination or Jurisdiction ; nor hath he 4. maintenance for that office above his Brethren ; nor 5. a Negative voyce in what is agreed by the rest ; nor 6. any further power then any of his Brethren . So that the difference betweene our Bishops and their Moderators is more then Little : But if it be so little as this Remonstrant here pretends ; then the Alteration and Abrogation of Episcopacie will be with the lesse difficultie , and occasion the lesse disturbance . SECT . XV. BUt there is another thing , wherein our Episcopacie differs from the Geneva Moderatorship , besides the perpetuity ; and that is the exclusion of the Lay Presbytery , ( which if we may beleeve this Remonstrant ) never till this age had footing in the Christian Church . In which assertion , this Remonstrant concludes so fully with Bishop Halls Irrefragable Propositions , and his other book of Episcopacie by divine right ; as if he had conspired to sweare to what the Bishop had said . Now , though we will not enter the Lists with a man of that learning and fame that Bishop Hall is , yet we dare tell this Remonstrant , that this his assertion hath no more truth in it , then the rest that wee have alreadie noted . Wee will ( to avoyd prolixity ) not urge those a three knowne Texts of Scripture , produced by some for the establishing of Governing Elders in the Church , not yet vindicated by the adversaries . Nor will wee urge that famous Text of b Ambrose in 1 Tim. 5. But if there were no Lay Elders in the Church till this present age , wee would be glad to learne , who they were of whom Origen speakes , when he tels us , it was the Custome of Christian Teachers , first to examine such as desired to heare them , of whom there were two orders ; the first were Catechumeni , or beginners ; the other was of such as were more perfect : among whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & c● Nonnulli praepositi sunt quì in vitam & mores eorum qui admittuntur inquirant , ut qui turpia committant iis communi Caetu Interdicant , qui vero ab istis abhorrent , ex anima complexi , meliores quotidiè reddant : There are some ordained to enquire into the life and manners of such as are admitted into the Church , that they may banish such from the publique Assembly , that perpetrate scandalous Acts ; which place tells us plainely : First , that there were some in the higher forme of heares ( not Teachers ) who were Censores morum over the rest . Secondly , that they were designed or constituted to this work , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thirdly , that they had such Authority instrusted into their hands , as that they might interdict such as were scandalous from the publique Assemblies . We would gladly know , whether these were not , as it were , Lay Elders . That there were such in the Church ( distinguished from others that were called to teach ) appeares . Augustine writing to his Charge directs his Epistle , Dilectissimis fratribus , clero , senioribus & universae Plebi Ecclesiae Hipponensis : where first there is the generall compellation . Fratribus , Brethren , then there is a distribution of these Brethren into the Clergie , the Elders , and the whole People ; so that there were in that Church Elders distinguished both from the Clergie , and the rest of the People . So againe , Contra Cresconium Grammaticum : Omnes vos Episcopi , Presbyteri , Diaconi , & Seniores scitis ; All you Bishops , Elders , Deacons , and Elders , doe know . What were those two sorts of Elders there mentioned in one comma , & ibidem cap. 56. Peregrinus Presbyter & seniores Ecclesiae Musticanae Regiones tale desiderium prosequuntur ; where againe we reade of Elder and Elders , Presbyter , and Seniors in one Church . Both those passages are upon record in the publike acts , which are more fully set downe by Baronius , ao. 303. Num. 15.16 , 17. As also by Albaspineus , in his Edition of Optatus : in which Acts the Seniors are often mentioned . In that famous relation of the purging of Cecilianus and Felix , there is a copie of a Letter ; Fratribus & filiis : Clero & Senioribus , Fortis in Domino aeternam salutem : Another Letter is mentioned a little before Clericis & Senioribus Cirthensium in Domino aeternum Salutem . These Seniors were interessed in affaires concerning the Church as being the men , by whose advise they were managed . The Letter of Purpurius to Silvanus saith , adhibete concl●ricos , & seniores plebis , Ecclesiasticos Viros , & inquirant quae sunt ista Dissensiones : ut ea quae sunt secundum fidei Praecepta fiant , Where wee see the joynt power of these Seniors , with the Clergie in ordering Ecclesiasticall affaires ; that by their wisedome and care peace might be setled in the Church ; for which cause , these Seniors are called Ecclesiasticall men ; and yet they are distinguished from Clergie men . They are mentioned againe afterwards by Maximus , saying ; Loquor Nomine SENIORVM Populi Christiani . Greg. Mag. distinguisheth them also from the Clergie : Tabellarium cum consensu SENIORVM & Cleri memineris Ordinandum . These Seniors had power to reprove offenders , otherwise why should Augustine say , Cum ob errorem aliquem à Senioribus arguuntur & imputatur alicui cur ebrius fuerit , cur res alienas pervaserit , &c. when they were by the Elders reproved for their errors , and drunkennes is laid to a mans charge &c. So that it was proper to the Seniors to have the cognizance of delinquents , and to reprove them . The same Augustine in Psalme 36. Necesse nos fuerat Primianicausam , quem , &c. Seniorū literis ejusdem Ecclesiae postulantibus audire . Being requested by letters from the Seniors of that Church , it was needfull for me to heare the the cause of Primian , &c. So againe , Optatus , who mentioning a persecution that did for a while scatter the Church , saith , Erant Ecclesiae ex auro & argento quàm plurima Ornamenta , quae nec defodere terrae , nec secum portare poterat , quare fidelibus senioribus commendavit . Albaspin●us , that learned Antiquarie , on that place acknowledges , that Besides the Clergie , there were certaine of the Elders of the people , men of approved life , that did tend the affaires of the Church , of whom this place is to be understood . By all these testimonies it is apparent ; first , that in the ancient Church there were some called Seniors . Secondly , that these Seniors were not Clergie men . Thirdly , that they had a stroke in governing the Church , and managing the affaires thereof . Fourthly , that Seniors were distinguished from the rest of the people . Neither wou●d we desire to chuse any other Iudges in this whole controversie ; then whom himselfe constituted ; Forraine Divines , taking the generall Suffrage and practise of the Churches , and not of particular men . As for the learned Spanhemius whom hee produceth , though wee give him the deserved honour of a worthy man : yet wee think it too much to speake of him , as if the judgement of the whole Church of Geneva were incorporated into him , as this Remonstrant doth . And for Spanhemius himselfe , we may truly say , in the place cited , he delivered a complement , rather then his judgment , which in Dedicatorie Epistles is not unusuall . Wee know that reverend Calvin and learned Beza have said as much upon occasion in their Epistles , and yet the Christian world knowes their Judgement was to the contrary . Little reason therefore hath this Remonstrant , to declaime against all such as speake against this Governement as unlawfull , with the termes of Ignorant and spitefull Sectaries , because they call the Governement unlawfull : had they proceeded further to call it Antichristian , ( which he charges upon them ) they had said no more , then what our eares have heard some of their principall Agents , their Legati à Latere speake publikely in their visitations : That how ever the Church of England be as sound , and Orthodox in her Doctrine as any Church in the world , yet in our Discipline and Governement , wee are the same with the Church of Rome , which amounts to asmuch as to say , the Governement is Antichristi●n , unlesse they will say the Governement of Rome is not so , nor the Pope Antichrist . SECT . XVI . NOw our Remonstrant begins to leave his dispute for the Office , and flowes into the large pra●ses of the Persons , and what is wanting in his Arguments for the Place , thinks to make up in his Encomiasticks of the Persons , that have possest that place in the Church of God and tels us , that the Religious Bishops of all times are and have been they , that have strongly upheld the truth of God against Satan and his Antichrist . It is well he sets this crown only upon the heads of Religious Bishops , as knowing that there are and have been some Irreligious ones , that have as strongly upheld Satan and his Antichrist against the truth of God. But the Religious Bishops are they that have all times upheld the truth . What ? they , and only they ? did never any uphold the truth , but a Religious Bishop ? did never any Religious Minister or Professor preach , or write , or die , to uphold the truth , but a Religious Bishop ? if so then there is some perswasive strength in that hee saith ; and a credulous man might bee induced ●o thinke , If Bishops goe downe , truth will goe downe too : But if wee can produce for one Bishop many others that gave beene valiant for the truth , this Rhethoricall insinuation will contribute no great help to their establishment . Nor indeed any at all ; unles he were able to make this good of our times , as well as of all others , which he assaies ; for saith he , even amongst our own how many of the reverend & learned Fathers of the Church now living , a have spent their spirits , & worne out their lives in the powerfull opposition of that man of sinne ; how many ? I sir ; wee would faine know how many : that there are some that have stood up to beare witnesse against that Man of sin , we acknowledge with all due respect , to the Learning and worth of their Persons . But that their Episcopall dignity hath added either any flame to their zeal , or any Nerves to their ability : we cannot believe , nor can we thinke they would have done lesse in that cause , though they had beene no Bishops . But what if this be true of some Bishops in the Kingdome , Is it true of all ? are there not some that have spent their spirits in the opposition of Christ , as others have in the opposition of Antichrist ? & are there none but Zealous , Religious Prelates in the Kingdom ? are there none upon whom the guilt of that may meritoriously bee charged , which others have convincingly and meritoriously opposed ? And are there not some Bishops in the Kingdome , that are so far from opposing the Man of sin , that even this Remonstrant is in danger of suffering under the name of P●ritan for daring to call him by that name , we doubt not but this R●monstrant knowes there are . But if he will against the light of his own Conscience , bear up a known errour out of private repects , ( wee will not say these papers ) but his own conscience , shall owne day be an evidence against him before the dreadfull Tribunall of the Almighty . But there is yet a second thing that should endeare Episcopacie , and that is the carefull , peaceable , painefull , conscionable mannaging of their Charges ; to the great glory of God , and the comfort of his faithful people . Which ( in not seeming to urge ) hee urgeth to the full and beyond . This care , conscience , paines of our Bishops , is exercised and evidenced , either in their Preaching or in their Ruling ; for their preaching , it is true , some few there are that Labour in the Word and Doctrine ; whose persons in that respect wee honour : but the most are so farre from Preaching , that they rather discountenance , discourage , oppose , blaspheme Preaching . It was a Non-preaching Bishop , that said of a preaching Bishop , He was a preaching Coxcomb . As for the discharge of their office of ruling , their entrusting their Chancellors , and other Officers , with their visitations , and Courts ( as ordinarily they doe , whiles themselves attend the Court ) doth abundantly witnesse their care in it . The many and loud cryes of the intolerable oppressions and tyrannies of their Court-proceedings witnesse their peaceablenesse , their unjust sees , exactions , commutations ; witnesse their conscionablenesse in mannaging their Charges , to the great glory of God , and the comfort of his faithfull people . And hence it is that so many at this day here ill ; ( how deservedly , saith this Remonstrant , God knows ) and doe not your Honours know , and doth not this Remonstrant know ? and doth not all the nation ( that will know any thing ) know how deservedly Some , nay , Most , nay , All the Bishops of this nation heare ill , were it but onely for the late Canons and Oath ? But why should the faults of some , diffuse the blame to all ? Why ? by your owne argument , that would extend the deserts of some ; to the patronage of All ; and if it bee a fault in the impetuous and undistinguishing Vulgar , so to involve all , as to make Innocency it selfe a sinne ; what is it in a Man able to distinguish , by the same implication , to shrowd sinne under Innocencie , the sinne of many , under the Innocencie of a few . But have our Bishops indeed beene so carefull , painfull , conscionable , in managing their Charges ? how is it then that there are such manifold scandalls of the inferiour Clergy presented to your Honours view , which he cannot mention without a bleeding heart ; and yet could finde in his heart ( if he knew how ) to excuse them , and though hee confesse them to be the shame and misery of our Church , yet is hee not ashamed to plead their cause at your Honours BARRE , Onuphrius-like , that was the Advocate of every bad cause ; and to excite you by Constantines example ( in a different Cause alleadged ) if not to suffer those Crimes , which himself calls hatefull , to passe unpunished , yet not to bring them to that open and publique punishment they have deserved . But what , if pious Constantine ( in his tender care to prevent the Divisions that the emulation of the Bishops of that age , enraged with a spirit of envie and faction , were kindling in the Church , lest by that meanes the Christian faith should be derided among the Heathens ) did suppresse their mutuall accusations , many of which might be but upon surmises ; and that not in a Court of Iustice , but in an Ecclesiasticall Synode ; shall this bee urged before the highest Court of Iustice upon earth , to the patronizing of Notorious scandalls , and hatefull enormities , that are already proved by evidence of cleare witnesse . But oh forbid it to tell it in Gath , &c. What ? the sinne ; alas , that is done already ; Doe wee not know , the drunkennesse , profanenesse , superstition , Popishnesse of the English Clergie rings at Rome already ? yes undoubtedly ; and there is no way to vindicate the Honour of our Nation , Ministry , Parliaments , Soveraigne , Religion , God ; but by causing the punishment to ring as farre as the sinne hath done ; that our adversaries that have triumphed in their sinne , may be confounded at their punishments . Doe not your Honours know , that the plaistring or palliating of these rotten members , will be a greater dishonour to the Nation and Church , then their cutting off ; and that the personall acts of these sonnes of Beliall , being connived at , become Nationall sinnes ? But for this one fact of Constantine , wee humbly crave your Honours leave to present to your wisedome three Texts of Scripture , Ezek. 44.12 , 13. Because they ministred unto them before their Idolls , and caused the house of Israel to fall into iniquity , therefore have I lift up my hand unto them , saith the Lord , and they shall beare their iniquity . And they shall not come neere unto mee , to doe the office of a Priest unto me , nor to come neere unto any of mine holy things in the most holy place , &c. The second is Ierem. 48.10 . Cursed be hee that doth the work of the Lord negligently : and the third is , Iudges 6.31 . He that will plead for Baal , let him be put to death while it is yet morning . We have no more to say in this ; whether it be best to walk after the President of Man , or the Prescript of God , your Honours can easily judge . SECT . XVII . BUt stay saith this Remonstrant ; and indeed he might well have stayed and spared the labour of his ensuing discourse , about the Church of England , the Prelaticall and the Antiprelaticall Church : but these Episcopall Men deale as the Papists that dazle the eyes , and astonish the senses of poore people , with the glorious Name of the Church , the Church ; The holy Mother the Church . This is the Gorgons head , as a Doctor White saith , that hath inchanted them , and held them in bondage to their Errors : All their speech is of the Church , the Church ; no mention of the Scriptures , of God the Father ; but all of the Mother the Church . Much like as they write of certaine Aethiopians , that by reason they use no marriage , but promiscuously company together , the children only follow the Mother ; the Father and his name is in no request , but the Mother hath all the reputation . So is it with the Author of this R●monstrance , he stiles himselfe , a Dutifull sonne of the Church . And it hath beene a Custome of late times , to cry up the holy Mother the Church of England , to call for absolute obedience to holy Church ; full conformity to the orders of holy Church ; Neglecting in the meane time , God the Father , and the holy Scripture . But if wee should now demand of them , what they meane by the Church of England , this Author seemes to be thunder-stricken at this Question ; and cals the very Question , a new Divinity ; where he deales like such as holding great revenues by unjust Titles , will not suffer their Titles to be called in Question . For it is apparent , Ac si solaribus radiis descriptum esset ( to use Tertullians phrase ) that the word Church is an Equivocall word , and hath as many severall acceptions as letters ; and that Dolus latet in universalibus . And that by the Church of England ; first by some of these men is meant onely the Bishops ; or rather the two Archbishops ; or more properly the Archbishop of Canterbury : Just as the Iesuited Papists resolve the Church and all the glorious Titles of it into the Pope ; so do these into the Archbishop , or at fullest , they understand it of the Bishops and their party met in Convocation ; as the more ingenuous of the Papists , make the Pope and his Cardinals to be their Church : thus excluding all the Christian people and Presbyters of the Kingdome ; as not worthy to be reckoned in the number of the Church . And which is more strange , this Author in his Simplicitie ( as he truly saith ) never heard , nor thought of any more Churches of England then one ; and what then shal become of his Diocesan Churches , and Diocesan Bishops ? And what shall wee think of England , when it was an Heptarchy ? had it not then seven Churches when seven Kings ? Or if the Bounds of a Kingdome must constitute the Limits and Bounds of a Church , why are not England , Scotland , and Ireland , all one Church ? when they are happily united under one gracious Monarch , into one Kingdome . Wee reade in Scripture , of the Churches of Iudea , and the Churches of Galatia ; and why not the Churches of England ? not that we denie the Consociation , or Combination of Churches into a Provinciall or Nationall Synod for the right ordering of them . But that there should be no Church in England , but a Nationall Church : this is that which this Author in his simplicity affirmes , of which the very rehearsall is a refutation . SECT . XVIII . THere are yet two things with which this Remonstrance shuts up it selfe , which must not be past without our Obeliskes . First , he scoffes at the Antiprelaticall Church , and the Antiprelaticall Divisions ● for our parts we acknowledge no Antiprelaticall Church . But there are a company of men in the Kingdome , of no meane ranke or quality , for Piety , Nobility , Learning , that stand up to beare witnesse against the Hierarchie ( as it now stands : ) their usurpations over Gods Church and Ministers , their cruell using of Gods people by their tyrannicall Governement : this we acknowledge ; and if hee call these the Antiprelaticall Church , we doubt not but your Honours wil consider , that there are many Thousands in this Kingdome , and those pious and worthy persons , that thus doe , and upon most just cause . It was a speech of Erasinus , of Luther , Vt quisque vir est optimus , ita illius Scriptis minimè offendi , The better any man was , the lesse offence he tooke at Luthers writings : but we may say the contrary of the Prelates , Vt quisque vir est optimus , ita illorum factis magis offendi , The better any man is , the more he is offended at their dealings . And all that can be objected against this party , will be like that in Tertullian , Bonus vir Cajus Sejus , sed malus tantum quia Antiprelaticus . But he upbraides us with our Divisions and Subdivisions , and so doe the Papists upbraid the Protestants with their Lutheranisme , Calvinisme , and Zuinglianisme . And this is that the Heathens objected to the Christians , their Fractures were so many , they knew not which Religion to chuse if they should turn Christians : And can it be expected that the Church in any age should be free frō divisions , when the times of the Apostles were not free ? and the Apostle tells us , it must needs be that there be divisions : in Greg. Naz. dayes there were 600 Errours in the Church ; doe these any wayes derogate from the truth and worth of Christian Religion ? But as for the Divisions of the Antiprelaticall party , so odiously exaggerated by this Remonstrant : Let us assure your Honours , they have beene much fomented by the Prelates , whose pract●se hath beene according to that rule of Machiavill : Divide & Impera , and they have made these divisions , and afterwards complained of that which their Tyranny and Policie hath made . It is no wonder considering the pathes our Prelates have trod , that there are Divisions in the Nation . The wonder is our Divisions are no more , no greater ; and wee doubt not but if they were of that gracious spirit , and so intirely affected to the peace of the Church as Greg. Naz. was , they would say as he did in the tumults of the people , Mitte nos in mare , & non erit tempestas ; rather then they would hinder that sweet Con●ordance , and conspiration of minde unto a Governement that shall be every way agreeable to the rule of Gods word , and pro●itable for the edification and flourishing of the Church . A second thing , wee cannot but take notice of , is the pains this Author takes to advance his Prelaticall Church : and forgetting what he had said in the beginning : that their party was so numerous , it could not be summed ; tells us now , these severall thousands are punctually calculated . But we doubt not but your Honours will consider that there may be mul●i homines & pauci viri . And that there are more against them then for them . And whereas they pretend , that they differ from us onely in a Ceremony or an Organ pipe , ( which however is no contemptible difference ) yet it will appeare that our differences are in point of a superiour Alloy . Though this Remonstrant braves it in his multiplyed Quere's . What are the bounds of this Church ? what the distinction of the professours and Religion ? what grounds of faith ? what new Creed doe they hold different from their Neighbours ? what Scriptures ? what Baptisme ? what meanes of Salvation other then the rest ? yet if hee pleased hee might have silenced his owne Queres : but if hee will needs put us to the answer , wee will resolve them one by one . First , if he ask what are the bounds of this Church , we answer him out of the sixt of their late founded Canons : where we find the limits of this Prelaticall Church extend as farre as from the high and lofty Promontory of Archbishops , to the Terra incognita of an , &c. If what Distinction of professors and Religion ; we answer their worshipping towards the East , and bowing towards the Altar , prostrating themselves in their approaches into Churches , placing all Religion in outward formalities , are visible differences of these professours and their Religion . If what new Creed they have , or what grounds of Faith differing from their Neighbours , we answer ; Episcopacy by divine right is the first Article of their Creed Absolute and blinde obedience to all the commandements of the Church ( that is the Bishop and his Emissaries ) election upon faith foreseene , the influence of works into Iustification , falling from grace , &c. If what Scripture , we answer ; the Apocrypha and unwritten Traditions . If what Baptisme ? a Baptisme of absolute Necessity unto salvation ; and yet insufficient unto salvation : as not sealing grace to the taking away of sinne after Baptisme . If what Eucharist ? an Eucharist that must be administred upon an Altar or a Table set Altar-wise , rayled in an Eucharist in which there is such a presence of Christ , ( though Modum nesciunt ) as makes the place of its Administration the throne of God , the place of the Residence of the Almighty ; and impresseth such a holinesse upon it as makes it not onely capable , but worthy of Adoration . If what Christ ? a Christ who hath given the same power of absolution to a Priest that himselfe hath . If what Heaven ? a heaven that hath a broad way leading thither , and is receptive of Drunkards , Swearers , Adulterers , &c. such a heaven as we may say of it , as the the Indians said of the heaven of the Spaniards : Unto that heaven which some of the Prelaticall Church living and dying in their scandalous sinnes , and hatefull enormities goe to , let our soules never enter . If what meanes of salvation ? we answer , confession of sinnes to a Priest as the most absolute , undoubted , necessary , infallible meanes of Salvation . Farre be it from us to say with this Remonstrant , we do fully agree in all these and all other Doctrinall , and practicall points of Religion , and preach one and the same saving truths . Nay , we must rather say as that holy Martyr did , We thank God we are none of you . Nor doe we because of this dissension feare the censure of uncharitablenesse from any but uncharitable men . But it is no unusuall thing with the Prelats and their party , to charge such as protest against their corrupt opinions and wayes , with uncharitablenesse and Schisme , as the Papists do the Protestants : and as the Protestants doe justly recriminate , and charge that Schisme upon the Papists , which they object to us ; So may we upon the Prelats : And if Austin may be Judge , the Prelats are more Schismaticks then we . Quicunque ( saith he ) invident bonis , ut quaerant occasiones excludendieos , aut degradandi , vel crimina sua sic defond●re parati sunt ( si objecta vel prodita fuerint ) ut etiam conventiculorum congregationes vel Ecclesiae perturbationes cogitent excitare , jam schismatici sunt . Whosoever envie those that are good , and seeke occasions to exclude and degrade them , and are so ready to defend their faults , that rather then they will leave them , they will devise how to raise up troubles in the Church , and drive men into Conventicles and corners , they are the Schismaticks . And that all the world may take notice what just cause wee have to complaine of Episcopacie , as it now stands , wee humbly crave leave to propound these Quaeries . Quaeries about Episcopacie . VVHether it be tolerable in a Christian Church , that Lord Bishops should be held to be Iure Divino ; And yet the Lords day by the same men to be but Iure Humano . And that the same persons should cry up Altars in stead of Communion Tables , and Priests in stead of Ministers , and yet not Iudaize , when they will not suffer the Lords day to be called the Sabbath day , for feare of Iudaizing . Whereas the word Sabbath is a generall word , signifying a day of rest , which is common as well to the Christian Sabbath , as to the Jewish Sabbath , and was also used by the Ancients , Russinus in Psal. 47. Origen Hom. 23. in Num. Gregory Nazian . Whether that assertion , No Bishop , No King , and no Ceremonie , no Bishop , be not very prejudiciall to Kingly Authoritie ? For it seemes to imply , that the Civill power depends upon the Spirituall , and is supported by Ceremonies and Bishops . Whether seeing it hath beene proved that Bishops ( as they are now asserted ) are a meere humane Ordinance , it may not by the same Authoritie be abrogated , by which it was first established ; especially , considering the long experience of the hurt they have done to Church and State. Whether the advancing of Episcopacie into Ius Divinum , doth not make it a thing simply unlawfull to submit to that Government ? Because that many consciencious men that have hitherto conformed to Ceremonies and Episcopacie , have done it upon this ground , as supposing that Authoritie did not make them matters of worship , but of Order and Decencie , &c. And thus they satisfied their consciences in answering those Texts , Colos. 2.20 . 21 , 22. Math. 15.9 . But now since Episcopacy comes to be challenged as a Divine Ordinance , how shall wee be responsable to those Texts . And is it not , as it is now asserted , become an Idoll , and like the Brazen Serpent to be ground to powder ? Whether there be any difference in the point of Episcopacie between Ius Divinum and Ius Apostolicum . Because we finde some claiming their standing by Ius Divinum ; others by Ius Apostolicum . But wee conceive that Ius Apostolicum properly taken , is all one with Ius Divinum . For Ius Apostolicum is such a Ius , which is founded upon the Acts and Epistles of the Apostles , written by them so as to be a perpetuall Rule for the succeeding Administration of the Church , as this Author saith pag. 20. And this Ius is Ius Divinum , as well as Apostolicum . But if by Ius Apostolicum , they meane improperly ( as some doe ) such things which are not recorded in the writings of the Apostles , but introduced , the Apostles being living , they cannot be rightly said to be jure Apostolico , nor such things which the Apostles did intend the Churches should be bound unto . Neither is Episcopacie as it imports a superioritie of power over a Presbyter , no not in this sense jure Apostolico , as hath beene already proved , and might further be manifested by divers Testimonies , if need did require . We will only instance in Cassander , a man famous for his immoderate moderation in controverted Points of Religion , who in his Consultat . Articul . 14. hath this saying ; An Episcopatus inter ordines Ecclesiasticos ponendus sit , inter Theologos & Canonistas non convenit . Convenit autem inter omnes , in Apostolorum aetate Presbyterum & Episcopum nullum discrimen fuisse , &c. Whether the distinction of Beza , betweene Episcopus Divinus , Humanus , & Diabolicus , be not worthy your Honours consideration . By the Divine Bishop , he meanes the Bishop as he is taken in Scripture , which is one and the same with a Presbyter ; By the humane Bishop he meanes the Bishop chosen by the Presbyters to be President over them , and to rule with them by fixed Lawes and Canons . By the Diabolicall Bishop he meanes a Bishop with sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , Lording it over Gods heritage , and governing by his owne will and authority . Which puts us in minde of the Painter that Limmed two pictures to the same proportion and figure ; The one hee reserved in secret , the other he exposed to common view . And as the phansie of beholders led them to censure any line or proportion , as not done to the life , he mends it after direction . If any fault bee found with the eye , hand , foot , &c. he corrects it , till at last the addition of every mans fancie had defaced the first figure , and made that which was the Picture of a man , swell into a monster : Then bringing forth this and his other Picture which hee had reserved , he presented both to the people . and they abhorring the former , and applauding the latter , he cryed , Hunc populus fecit : This the deformed one the People made : This lovely one I made . As the Painter of his Painting , so ( in Bezaes sence ) it may be said of Bishops , God at first instituted Bishops such as are all one with presbyters ; and such are amiable , honourable in all the Churches of God. But when men would bee adding to Gods institution , what power , preheminence , Iurisdiction ; Lordlynes their phansie suggested unto them , this divine Bishop lost his Originali beauty , and became to be Humanus . And in conclusion ( by these and other additions swelling into a P●pe . ) Diabolicus . Whether the Ancient Fathers , when they call Peter Marke , Iames , Timothy , and Titus Bishops , did not speak according to the Language of the times wherein they lived , rather then according to the true acception of the word Bishop ; and whether it bee not true which is here said in this Booke , that they are called Bishops of Alexandria , Ephesus , Hierusalem , &c. in a very improper sense , because they abode at those places a longer time then at other places ? For sure it is , if Christ made Peter and Iames Apostles ( which are Bishops over the whole world ) and the Apostles made Marke , Timothy and Titus Evangelists , &c. It seemes to us that it wonld have beene a great sinne in them to limit themselves to one particular Diocesse , and to leave that calling in which Christ had placed them . Whether Presbyters in Scripture are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that it is an office , required at their hands , to rule and to governe , as hath beene proved in this Booke ; The Bishops can without sinne arrogate the exercise of this power to themselves alone ; And why may they not with the same lawfulnesse , impropriate to themselves alone the Key of Doctrine ( which yet notwithstanding all would condemne ) as wel as the Key of Discipline , seeing that the whole power of the Keyes is given to Presbyters in Sc●ipture as well as to Bishops ; as appears , Mat. 16.19 . where the power of the Keyes is promised to Peter , in the name of the rest of the Apostles , and their successors ; and given to all the Apostles , and their successors , Mat. 18.19 . Iohn 20.23 . And that Presbyters succeed the Apostles , appeares not onely Mat. 28.20 . but also Acts 20 28. where the Apostle ready to leave the Church of Ephesus commends the care of ruling and feeding it to the Elders of that Church . To this Irenaeus witnesseth , lib. 4. cap. 43.44 . This Bishop Iewell against Harding , Artic. 4. sect . 5.6 . saith , that all Pastors have equall power of binding and loosing with Peeter . Whether since that Bishops assume to themselves power temporall ( to be Barons and to sit in Parliament , as Judges , and in Court of Star-Chamber , High Commission , and other Courts of Justice ) and also power spirituall over Ministers and People to ordaine , silence , suspend , deprive , excommunicate , &c. their spirituall power be not as dangerous ( though both bee dangerous ) and as much to be opposed as their temporall ? 1. Because the spiritual is over our consciences , the temporall , but over our purses , 2. Because the spirituall have more influence into Gods Ordinances to defile them , then the temporall . 3. Because spirituall Judgements and evills are greater then other , 4. because the Pope was Anticstrist , before he did assume any temporall power . 5. Because the Spirituall is more inward and lesse discerned : and therefore it concernes all those that have Spirituall eyes , and desire to worship God in spirit and truth to consider , and and endeavour to abrogate their Spirituall usurpations as well as their Temporall . Whether Acrius bee justly branded by Epiphanius and Austin for a Hereticke ( as some report ) for affirming Bishops , and presbyters to be of an equall power ? Wee say , as some report , for the truth is , he is charged with heresie meerely and onely because he was an a Arian . As for his opinion of the parity of a presbyter with a Bishop ; this indeede is called by Austin , proprium dogma Aerii , the proper opinion of Aerius . And by Epiphanius it is called Dogma furiosum & stolidum , a mad and foolish opinion , but not an heresie neither by the one nor the other . But let us suppose ( as is commonly thought ) that he was accounted an Heretike for this opinion : yet notwithstanding , that this was but the private opinion of Epiphanius , and borrowed out of him by Austin , & an opinion not to be allowed appeares ; First , because the same Authors condemne Aërius , as much for reprehending and censuring the mentioning of the dead in the publique prayers , and the performing of good works for the benefit of the dead . And also for the reprehending statu jejunia , and the keeping of the week before Easter as a solemne Fast ; which if worthy of condemnation , would bring in most of the reformed Churches into the censure of Heresie . Secondly , because not onely Saint Hierome , but Anstin himselfe , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Oecumenius , Theophilact , were of the same opinion with Aërius ( as Michael Medina , observes in the Councell of Trent , and hath written , Lib. 1. de sacr . hom . Origine ) and yet none of these deserving the name of Fools , much lesse to be branded for Hereticks . Thirdly , because no Counsell did ever condemne this for Heresie ; but on the contrary , Concilium Aquisgranens . sub Ludovico Pio Imp. 1. anno 816. hath approved it for true Divinitie out of the Scripture : That Bishops & Presbyters are equall , bringing the same texts that Aerius doth , and which Epiphanius indeed undertakes to answer ; but how slightly let any indifferent Reader judge . Whether the great Apostacie of the Church of Rome hath not been , in swarving from the Discipline of Christ , as well as from the doctrine . For so it seems by that text . 2. Thess. 2.4 . And also Revel . 18.7 . and divers others . And if so , then it much concernes all those that desire the purity of the Church to consider , how neere the discipline of the Church of England borders upon Antichrist ; least , while they indeavour to keepe out Antichrist from entring by the doore of doctrine , they should suffer him secretly to creep in by the doore of discipline , especially considering , what is heere said in this Booke . That by their owne confession , the discipline of the Church of England is the same with the Church of Rome . Whether Episcopacy be not made a place of Dignity , rather then Duty , and desired onely for the great revenues of the place : And whether , if the largenesse of their revenues were taken away , Bishops would not decline the great burthen and charge of soules necessarily annexed to their places , as much as the ancient Bishops did , who hid themselves that they might not be made Bishops and cut off their eares rather then they would bee made Bishops : wheras now Bishops cut off the eares of those that speak against their Bishopricks . How it comes to passe , that in England there is such increase of Popery , superst●tion , Arminianisme ; and profanenesse more then in other reformed Churches ; Doth not the root of these disorders proceed from the Bishops an● their adherents , being forced to hold correspondence with Rome , to uphold their greatnesse , and their Courts and Canons , wherein they symbolize with Rome ; And whether it bee not to be feared , that they will rather consent to the bringing in of Popery , for the upholding of their dignities , then part with their dignities for the upholding of Religion . Why should England that is one of the chiefest Kingdomes in Europe , that seperates from Antichrist , maintaine and defend a discipline different from all other reformed Churches , which stand in the like Separation ? And whether the continuance in this discipline will not at last bring us to communion with Rome from which wee are separated , and to separation from the other reformed Churches , unto which wee are united . Whether it bee fit that the name Bishop , which in Scripture is common to the Presbyters with the Bishops ( and not onely in in Scripture , but also in Antiquitie for some hundreds of yeeres ) should still bee appropriated to Bishops , and ingrossed by them , and not rather to bee made common to all Presbyters ; and the rather because : First we finde by wofull experience , that the great Equivocation that lyeth in the name Bishop hath beene and is at this day a great prop & pillar to uphold Lordly Prelacy , for this is the great Goliah , the master-peece , and indeed the onely argument with which they thinke to silence all opposers . To wit , the antiquity of Episcopacie , that it hath continued in the Church of Christ for 1500 yeeres , &c , which argument is cited by this Remonstrant ad nauseam usque & usque . Now it is evident that this , argument is a Paralogisme , depending upon the Equivocation of the name Bishop . For Bishops in the Apostles time were the same with Presbyters in name and office and so for a good while after . And when afterwards they came to bee distinguished . The Bishops of the primitive times differed as much from ours now , as Rome ancient from Rome at this day , as hath beene sufficiently declared in this Booke . And the best way to confute this argument is by bringing in a Community of the Name Bishop to a Presbyter as well as to a Bishop . Secondly , because wee finde that the late Innovators which have so much disturbed the peace & purity of our Church , did first begin with the alteration of words ; and by changing the word Table into the word Altar ; and the word Minister , into the word Priest ; and the word Sacrament into the word Sacrifice , have endevoured to bring in the Popish Masse . And the Apostle exhorts us , 2 Tim. 1.13 . To hold fast the forme of sound words : and 1 Tim 6.20 . to avoid the prophane novelties of words . Upon which text we will onely mention what the Rhemists have commented , which wee conceive to be worthy consideration . ( Nam instruunt nos non solum docentes , sed etiam errantes ) The Church of God hath alwayes been as diligent to resist novelties , of words , as her adversaries are busie to invent them , for which cause shee will not have us communicate with them , nor follow their fashions and phrase newly invented , though in the nature of the words sometimes there bee no harme . Let us keepe our forefathers words , and wee shall easily keepe our old and true faith , that wee had of the first Christians ; let them say Amendment , Abstinence , the Lords Supper , the Communion Table , Elders , Ministers , Superintendent , Congregation , so be it , praise yee the Lord , Morning Prayer , Evening Prayer and the rest , as they will , Let us avoide those novelties of words , according to the Apostles prescript and keepe the ole termes , Penance , Fast , Priests , Church , Bishop , Masse , Mat●in , Evensong , the B. Sacrament , Altar , Oblation . Host , Sacrifice , Halleluja , Amen ; Lent , Palme-Sunday , Christmasse , and the words will bring us to the faith of our first Apostles , and condemne these new Apostates , new faith and phrase . Whether having proved that God never set such a government in his Church as our Episcopall Government is wee may lawfully any longer be subject unto it , bee present at their Courts , obey their injunctions and especially bee instruments in publishing , and executing their Excommunications and Absolutions . And thus we have given ( as wee hope ) a sufficient answer , and as briefe as the matter would permit , to The Remonstrant . With whom , though we agree not in opinion touching Episcopacie and Liturgie ; yet we fully consent with him , to pray unto Almighty God , Who is great in power , and infinite in wisdome , to powre downe upon the whole Honourabe Assembly , the Spirit of wisdome and understanding , the spirit of Councell and might , the spirit of knowledge and of the feare of the Lord. That you may be able to discerne betwixt things that differ ; separate betweene the precious and the vile , purely purge away our drosse , and take away all our tinne ; root out every plant that is not of our heavenly Fathers planting . That so you may raise up the foundations of many generations , and be called The Repairers of breaches , and Restorers of paths to dwell in . Even so , Amen . FINIS . A POSTSCRIPT . THough we might have added much light and beauty to our Discourse , by inserting variety of Histories upon severall occasions given us in the Remonstrance , the answer whereof wee have undertaken ; especially where it speaks of the bounty and gracious Munificence of Religious Princes toward the Bishops , yet unwilling to break the thread of our discourse , and its connexion with the Remonstrance , by so large a digression , as the whole series of History producible to our purpose , would extend unto : Wee have chosen rather to subjoyne by way of appendix , an historicall Narration of those bitter fruits , Pride , Rebellion , Treason , Vnthankefulnes , &c. which have issued from Episcopacy , while it hath stood under the continued influences of Soveraigne goodnesse . Which Narration would fill a volume , but we wil bound our selves unto the Stories of this Kingdome , and that revolution of time which hath passed over us since the erection of the Sea of Canterbury . And because in most things the beginning is observed to be a presage of that which followes , let their Founder Austin the Monk come first to be considered . Whom wee may justly account to have beene such to the English , as the Arrian Bishops were of old to the Goths , and the Jesuits now among the Indians , who of Pagans have made but Arrians and Papists . His ignorance in the Gospell which he preached is seene in his idle and Judaicall Consultations with the Pope , about things cleane and uncleane ; his proud demeanour toward the British Clergy , appeares in his counsell called about no solid point of faith , but celebration of Easter , where having troubled & threatned the Churches of Wales , and afterwards of Scotland , about Romish Ceremonies , hee is said in fine to have beene the stirrer up of Ethelbert , by meanes of the Northumbrian King , to the slaughter of twelve hundred of those poore laborious Monks of Bangor . His Successors busied in nothing but urging and instituting Ceremonies , and maintaining precedency we passe over . Till Dunstan , the Sainted Prelate , who of a frantick Necromancer , and suspected fornicatour , was shorne a Monk , and afterwards made a Bishop . His worthy deeds are noted by Speed to have beene the cheating King Edred of the treasure committed to his keeping ; the prohibiting of marriage , to the encreasing of all filthinesse in the Clergie of those times ; as the long Oration of King Edgar in Stow well testifies . In Edward the Confessors dayes , Robert the Norman no sooner Archbishop of Canterbury , but setting the King and Earle Godwine at variance for private revenge broached a civill warre , till the Archbishop was banisht . Now William the Conquerour had set up Lanfrank Bishop of Canterbury , who to requite him , spent his faithfull service to the Pope Gregorie , in perswading the King to subject himselfe and his state to the Papacy as himselfe writes to the Pope , Suasi , sed non persuasi . The treason of Anselm to Rufus was notorious , who not content to withstand the King , obstinately in money matters made suit to fetch his Pall or investiture of Archiepiscopacie from Rome , which the King denying as flat against his regall Soveraigntie , he went without his leave● and for his Romish good service received great honour from the Pope , by being seated at his right foot in a Synod , with these words , Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam . Whence perhaps it is that the Sea of Canterbury hath affected a Patriarchy in our dayes . This Anselm also condemned the married Clergie . Henry the first reigning , the same Anselm deprived those Prelats that had beene invested by the King , and all the Kingdome is vext with one Prelat , who the second time betakes himselfe to his old fortresse at Rome , till the King was faine to yeeld . Which done , and the Archbishop returned , spends the rest of his dayes in a long contention and unchristian jangling with York about Primacie . Which ended not so , but grew as hot betweene York and London , as Dean to Canterbury , striving for the upper seat at dinner , till the King seeing their odious pride put them both out of dores . To speak of Ralf . and Thurstan , the next Archbishops , pursuing the same quarrell , were tedious as it was no smal molestation to the King and Kingdome , Thurstan refusing to stand to the Kings doome , and wins the day , or else the king must be accurs't by the Pope ; which further animates him to try the mastry with William next Archbishop of Canterbury , and no man can end it but their Father the Pope , for which they travel to Rome . In the mean while , marriage is sharply decreed against , Speed 448. and the Legate Cremonensis , the declamor against matrimony taken with a strumpet the same night . In King Stephens Reigne , the haughty Bishops of Canterbury and Winchester bandy about precedencie ; and to Rome to end the duell . Theobald goes to Rome against the Kings will ; interdicts the Realme , and the King forc't to suffer it ; till refusing to Crowne Eustace the Kings sonne , because the Pope had so commanded , he flies againe . Beckets pride and outragious treasons are too manifest ; resigning the Kings gift of his Archbishoprick to receive it of the Pope ; requiring the Custody of Rochester Castle , and the Tower of London , as belonging to his Seignorie . Protects murthering Priests from the temporall sword ; standing stifly for the liberties and dignities of Clerkes , but little to chastise their vices , which besides other crying sinnes , were above a hundred murthers since Henry the seconds crowning , till that time to maintaine which , most of the Bishops conspire , till terror of the King made them shrink ; but Becket obdures , denies that the King of Englands Courts have authority to judge him . And thus was this noble King disquieted by an insolent traytor , in habit of a Bishop , a great part of his Reigne ; the land in uproar ; many excommunicate , and accursed . France and England set to warre , and the King himselfe curbed , and controlled ; and lastly , disciplin'd by the Bishops and Monks , first with a bare foot penance , that drew blood from his feet , and lastly , with fourescore lashes on his anointed body with rods . In the same Kings time it was that the Archbishop of York , striving to sit above Canterbury , squatts him down on his lap , whence with many a cuffe hee was throwne downe . Next the pride of W. Longchamp , Bishop of Elie was notorious , who would ride with a thousand horse , and of a Governour in the Kings absence , became a Tyrant ; for which ●lying in womans apparell he was taken . To this succeeds contention betweene Canterbury and York , about carriage of their crosses , and Rome appeal'd to : the Bishop of Durham buyes an Earldome . No sooner another King , but Hubert another Archbishop to vex him , and lest that were not enough , made Chancellor of England . And besides him , Geffry of York , who refusing to pay a Subsidy within his Precincts , and therefore all his temporalities seaz'd ; excommunicates the Sheriffe , beats the Kings Officers , and interdicts his whole Province . Hubert outbraves the King in Christmasse house-keeping : hinders King Iohn by his Legantine power from recovering Normandy . After him Stephen-Langton , set up by the Pope in spight of the King , who opposing such an affront , falls under an interdict , with his whole Land ; and at the suit of his Archbishop to the Pope , is depos'd by Papall Sentence ; his Kingdome given to Philip the French King , Langtons friend , and lastly resignes and ●nfe●ds his Crowne to the Pope . After this tragicall Stephen , the fray which Boniface the next Archbishop but one had with the Canons of Saint Bartholmews is as pleasant ; the tearing of Hoods and Cowles , the miring of Copes , the flying about of wax Candles , and Censors in the scuffle , cannot be imagined without mirth ; as his oathes were lowd in this bickering , so his curles were as vehement in the contention with the Bishop of Winchester for a slight occasion . But now the Bishops had turned their contesting into base and servile f●atteries , to advance themselves on the ruine of the Subjects . For Peter de Rupibus Bishop of Winchester perswading the King to displace English Officers and substitute Poictivines , and telling the Lords to their ces , that there were no Peeres in England , as in France , but that the King might do what he would , and by whom he would , became a firebrand to the civill warres that followed . In this time Peckam Archbishop of Can. in a Synod was tempering with the Kings liberties , but being threatned desisted . But his successor Winchelsey on occasion of Subsidies demanded of the Clergie , made answer , That having two Lords , one Spirituall , the other Temporall , he ought rather to obey the Spirituall governour the Pope , but that he would send to the Pope , to know his pleasure , and so persisted even to beggerie . The Bishop of Durham also cited by the King flies to Rome . In the deposing of this King who more forward , then the Bishop of Hereford ? witnesse his Sermon at Oxford , My head , my head aketh concluding that an aking , and sick head of a King was to be taken off without further Physick . Iohn the Archbishop of Canterbury , suspected to hinder the Kings glorious victories in Flanders , and France , by stopping the con●eyance of moneys committed to his charge , conspiring therein with the Pope . But not long after was constituted that fatall praemunire , which was the first nipping of their courage , to seeke aide at Rome . And next to that , the wide wounds , that Wickleffe made in their sides . From which time they have beene falling , and thenceforth all the smoke , that they could vomit , was turned against the rising light of pure doctrine . Yet could not their pride misse occasion to set other mischief on foot . For the Citizens of London rising to apprehend a riotous servant of the Bishop of Salisbury then Lord Treasurer , who with his fellowes stood on his guard in the Bishops house , were by the Bishop , who maintained the riot of his servant , so complained of , that the King therewith seized on their liberties , and set a Governour over the Citie . And who knowes not , that Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Canterbury was a chiefe instrument , and agent in deposing King Richard , as his actions and Sermon well declares . The like intended the Abbot of Westminster to Henry the fourth , who for no other reason , but because hee suspected , that the King did not favour the wealth of the Church , drew into a most horrible conspiracie the Earles of Kent , Rutland , and Salisbury , to kill the King in a turnament at Oxford , who yet notwithstanding was a man that professed to leave the Church in better state then hee found it . For all this , soone after is Richard Scroop Archbishop of York in the field against him , the chiefe attractor of the rebellious party . In these times Thomas Arundell a great persecutor of the Gospel preached by Wifclefs followers , dies a fearefull death , his tongue so swelling within his mouth , that hee must of necessity starve . His successor Chickeley nothing milder diverts the King , that was looking too neerely into the superfluous revenewes of the Church , to a bloody warre . All the famous conquests which Henry the fifth had made in France , were lost by a civill dissension in England , which sprung first from the haughty pride of Beaufort Bishop and Cardinall of Winchester , and the Archbishop of York against the Protector , Speed 674. In the civill warres the Archbishop sides with the Earle of Warwick , and March in Kent , Speed 682. Edward the fourth , Mountacute Archbishop of Yorke , one of the chiefe conspirators with Warwicke against Edward the fourth , and afterwards his Jaylor , being by Warwickes treason committed to this Bishop . In Edward the fifths time , the Archbishop of York was , though perhaps unwittingly ( yet by a certaine fate of of Prelacie ) the unhappy instrument of pulling the young Duke of Yorke out of Sanctuary , into his cruell Unckles hands . Things being setled in such a peace , as after the bloodie brawles was to the af●licted Realme howsoever acceptable , though not such , as might bee wished : Morton Bishop of Ely , enticing the Duke of Buckingham to take the Crowne , which ruin'd him , opened the vaines of the poore subjects to bleede afresh . The intollerable pride , extortion , bribery , luxurie of Wolsey Archbishop of Yorke who can bee ignorant of ? selling dispensations by his power Legantine for all offences , insulting over the Dukes and Peeres , of whom some hee brought to destruction by bloodie policie , playing with State aff●ires according to his humour , or benefit : causing Turnay got with the blood of many a good Souldier , to be rendred at the French Kings secret request to him , not without bribes ; with whom one while siding , another while with the Emperour , hee sold the honour and peace of England at what rates hee pleased ; and other crimes to bee seene in the Articles against him , Hol. 912. and against all the Bishops in generall● 911. which when the Parliament sought to remedie , being most excessive extortion in the Ecclesiasticall Courts , the Bishops cry out ; sacriledge , the Church goes to ruine , as it did in Bohem , with the Schisme of the Hussites , Ibid. After this , though the Bishops ceased to bee Papists ; for they preached against the Popes Supremacie , to please the King , yet they ceased not to oppugne the Gospel , causing Tindals translation to be burnt , yet they agreed to the suppressing of Monasteries , leaving their revenewes to the King , to make way for the six bloodie Articles , which proceedings with all crueltie of inquisition are set downe Holinsh. pag. 946. till they were repealed the second of Edward the sixth , stopping in the meane while the cause of reformation well begunne by the Lord Cromwell . And this mischiefe was wrought by Steven Gardiner , Bishop of Winchester . The sixe Articles are set downe in Speed , pag. 792. The Archbishop of Saint Andrewes , his hindring of Englands and Scotlands Union , for feare of reformation , Speed 794. As for the dayes of King Edward the sixth , we cannot but acknowledge to the glorie of the rich mercie of God , t●at there was a great reformation of Religion made even to admiration . And yet notwithstanding we doe much dislike the humour of those , that crie up those dayes as a compleat patterne of reformation , and that endeavour to reduce our Religion to the first times of King Edward , which wee conceive were comparatively very imperfect , there being foure impediments which did much hinder that blessed work . The three rebellions . One in Henry the eighths time , by the Priests of Lincolne and Yorkeshire , for that reformation which Cromwell had made . The other two in King Edwards dayes . One in Cornewall , the other in Yorkeshire . The strife that arose suddenly amongst the Peeres emulating one anothers honour . Speed pag 837. The violent opposition of the Popish Bishops , which made Martin Bucer write to King Edward in his booke de Regno Christi . Lib. 2. cap. 1. and say , your Majestie doth see , that this restoring againe the Kingdome of Christ , which wee require , yea , which the salvation of us all requireth , may in no wise bee expected to come from the Bishops , seeing there be so few among them which doe understand the power and proper Offices of this Kingdome ; and very many of them by all meanes ( which possibly they can and dare ) either oppose themselves against it , or deferre and hinder it . The deficiencie of zeale and courage even in those Bishops who afterwards proved Martyrs , witnesse the sharp contention of Ridley against Hooper , for the ceremonies . And the importunate suit of Cranmer and Ridley for tolleration of the Masse for the Kings sister , which was rejected by the Kings , not only reasons , but teares ; whereby the young King shewed more zeale then his best Bishops . 839. The inhumane butcheries , blood-sheddings , and cruelties of Gardiner , Bonner , and the rest of the Bishops in Queene Maries dayes , are so fresh in every mans memory , as that we conceive it a thing altogether unnecessary to make mention of them . Onely wee feare least the guilt of the blood then shed , should yet remaine to be required at the hands of this Nation , because it hath not publikely endeavoured to appease the wrath of God by a generall and solemne humiliation for it . What the practises of the Prelats have beene ever since , from the beginning of Queene Elizabeth to this present day , would fill a volume ( like Ezekiels roule ) with lamentation , mourning , and woe to record . For it hath beene their great designe to hinder all further reformation ; to bring in doctrines of Popery , Arminianisme , and Libertinisme , to maintaine , propagate and much encrease the burden of humane ceremonies : to keepe out , and beate downe the Preaching of the Word , to silence the faithfull Preachers of it , to oppose and persecute the most zealous professours , and to turne all Religion into a pompous out-side . And to tread downe the power of godlinesse . Insomuch as it is come to an ordinary Proverb , that when any thing is spoyled wee use to say , The Bishops foot hath beene in it . And in all this ( and much more which might be said ) fulfilling Bishop Bonners Prophesie , who when hee saw that in King Edwards reformation , there was a reservation of ceremonies and Hierarchy , is credibly reported to have used these words ; Since they have begun to tast of our Broath , it will not be long ere they will eat of our Beefe . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A52036-e170 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pag. 23. Pag. 1. Pag. 2. Pag. 3. Pag. 6. Pag. 2. Pag 7. Vntruths . R●mo●● pag 8. Malmesbury lib. 4. Hist. Concil . Trid. Pag. 9. Liturgie . Pag. 10. a Ad hoc malarum dev●lutae est Ecclesia Dei & spon●a Christi ut haereticorum exempla Sectentu● & ad celebranda Sacramenta coelestia , disciplinam . Lux mu●uetur de teneb●●● & ●d faciant christiani quod Antichristi faciunt . Cypr. Ep. 74. Page 13. Iust. Mar. Apost . 2. Tert. Ap. ad Gen. c. 39. Iust. Mar. Apost . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . La. Can. 18. Conc. Carth. 3. Can. 23. Anno 397. Conc. Milev . 2. Can. 12. An. 416. Pag. 10. Pag. 12. Pag. 18. Pag. 11. Euseb. de vit . Con. li 4. cap. 18. Pag. 11. Pag. 12. Pag. 12. Pag. 13. D. Corbet . M. Novel . Pag. 13. Pag. 13. Pag. 13 , 14. Abbot against Church ●o●sakers . Ob. Answ. Pag. 17. Pag. 17. Pag. 17. * Pag. 2. a One of these Sonnes of the Church of England whose messenger this Remonstrance is , was he who swore by the Eternall God , he would be the death of those that did appeare to move against the grievances of Episcopacy , and if the rest of these Millions mentioned pag. 2. whos 's thousands are so punctually calculated p. 41 be of his spirit : they are an army of very peaceable & right-affected men . Pag. 7. Evaristus . 100. Dionysius . 260. Some say 267. as Pol. Virg. Ioh. Maior l. 2. Hist. de gest . Scot. Cap. 2. Heylins Geog. p. 55. Gener. Hist. of Spain l. 22 Pag. 9. Pag. 18. Pag. 18. Pag. 18. a Frustra consuetudinē nobis opponunt , quasi consuetudo major sit v●ri●tate , aut non id sit in spiritualibus s●quendu● , quod in melius ●uerit à Spiritu Sancto R●velatum , Cypr Ep. 73. b It is well observed by Gerha●d , that a Bishop ●hrasi Apostolicâ , that is , a Bishop that is the same with a Presbyter , is of fifteene hundred yeares standing ; but a Bishop , ●hrosi Pon● si●iâ , that is , a distinct order superiour to a Presbyter invested with sole power of Ordination and Iurisdiction , is but a Novell Invention● Pag. 19. Pag. 19. a What the establishment of Episcopacy by the Lawes i● , and upon what grounded , the learned Sir Edward Cooke informes us , who reports , That in an Act of Parliament holden at Carlile in the 25. yeare of Edw. 1. it is de●lared that the holy Church of England was founded in the state of Prelacy within the Realme of England , by the King and h●s Progenitours , &c. for them to info●me the people in the Law of God , and to keep ●ospitality , and give alme● , and do other workes of charity . And the said Kings in times past were wont to have their advise and counsell for the safe-guard of the Realme , when they had need of such Prelates and Clarkes so advanced . Cooke de jure Regis Ecclesiast●co . But whether Bishops have observed the Orders of their first foundation , &c. Pag. 19 , 20. Pag. 21. Pag. 8. Pag. 24. Hierony . Ep. ad Euag. & ad Ocea . Iren. adver . haer . l. 4. cap. 43.44 . Hist. Lib. 5. Cap. 23. Bellarm. de Cleric . Lib. 1. cap. 15. a Presbyte 〈◊〉 secut Ep●s●●pis 〈…〉 D●icommissa est : Presunt eum Ecclesiae Christi : in Consecrat●one Domi●ici 〈…〉 cons●r●es 〈…〉 E●i●copis : & 〈◊〉 in Doctrina Populorum & in 〈…〉 propt●r autorit●tem , summo Sacerdott Clericorum Ordina●io reserv●●a ●st : Co●●● . 1 〈◊〉 . pri● . m , Can. 8. E●●ngeli●m ●●but his qui prae●unt Ecclesie Ma●●atum docendi Evang●lii , rem●tt●●di pec●●●● , adm●●●stra●di Sa●ramenta : prae●erea jurisdictionem ; videlicet Ma●datum Excomm●n●andi cos q●●rum 〈◊〉 sunt crimina , & Resipiscen es rursum absolvendi : Ac Oma●● 〈◊〉 , etiam advers●rioru● 〈◊〉 , hinc potesta●em Jare Divino comm●● 〈…〉 qui presant Ecclesiae , sive Pastores vo●●atur , sive Presbyteri , Sive E●is●opi . S●rip●●● Philip. Melanch . in Conventu Smalcald . Anno. 1540. a precipuis illar●m Ecclesiarum Dictoribus commani Consensu comprobatum de potestate & jurisdictione Episc●porum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ierom. Isa. 3. Igna. Epis. ad Magnes . Conc. Ancyr . Can. 18. Pag. 20. Tertull. a At ubi omnia ●oca Circumplexa est Ecclesia , ●Conventicula con●itula sunt : & caeperunt R●ctores : & Caetera Ossi●●a in Ecclesia sunt ordinata . Caepit aliot ordine & Providentia g●bernari Ecclesia . Ideo non per omnia conveniunt Sc●ipta Apostoli ordinationi quae nunc in Ecclesia est , quia haec inter i●sa primordia scripta sunt . Na● & Timothe●m à se Presbyterum Creatum Episcopam v●ca● , &c. Sed quia cae●erunt sequentes Presbyteri indigns inventri ad pruratus t●nendos , immu●ata est 〈◊〉 , &c. Hierom ad Evag. Ambros. ubi prius . Grego . Naz. Orat. 28. Pag. 21.22 . Greg. Nazi . vbi prius . Pag. 22. Pag. 23. Pag. 23. a Plebs ipsa Maximè habet potestatem vel Eligendi . Dignos Sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi , quod & ipsum Videmus de Divina Authoritate descendere : ut sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatur , & dignus atque Idoneus publico Iudicio ac testimonio comprobetur . By Priests the Author here understands Bishopps , as the whole Series of the Epistle shewes . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. Epist. ad Othodoxos . Idem ubi supra . Cyprian , Cornelius , Athanasius , and others . Cypr. Epist. 33. Epist. 58. apud Cypr. Epist. 75. Cumjure divino non sint diversi gradus Episcopi et Pastores : Manifestum est ordinationem in suâ Ecclesiâ factam IVRE DIVINO RATAM esse . Itaque cum Episcopi ordinarii fiant hostes Ecclesiae aut nolunt ordinationē impert●re , Ecclesia retinet jus suum . Melanch . ubi supra , pag. Concil . Antioc . Can. 10. & Aneyr. Can. 13. Concil 4. Carthag . Can. 2● . Ibid. C●n 3. Hicronym . in Epist. ad Evag. Chrysost. Hom. 1● . in 1 ad Tim Chrysost. upon the 1 Tim. Libro d● settem Ordinabus . Concil . Aquisgra . 1. Can 8. Solum propter author●tatem Clericorum ordinatio et consecratio reservata est summo Sacerdoti . Bilson . Spalat . Franc. à Sancta Clara. Cyp. Epist. 6. & 28. Concil . 4. Carthag . Can. 23. Vid Russ Hist. lib. 10. cap 9. Soz● . li. 2. c 23. Possidon . de vita● Aug. c. 4. Orig. Hom. 11. in Exo. pag 97. Decret . part . 2. Can. 15 quae . 7. Per totum & parte ● Dis. 93. cap. 5.6 . Clem. Alex. Stroma● . lib. ● . Tertull. Apol. advers . Gent. Ambros. Epist. ad Syagrium . Aug. de verb. Apost . Ser. 19. a Constat , Iurisdictionem illam excommunicandi reos manifestorum criminum pertinere ad omnes Pastores , hanc ad se solos tyrannicé transtulerunt , & ad quaestum contulerunt Episcopi , Melanc . ubi sup . b Hieron . Epist. ad Heliodor . Ep. ad Demet. Ambros. lib 10 Epist. 80. Cypr. Epist. 12. Ana this was the custome saith Cyprian in minoribus delictis . Cypr. Epist 46 vide etiam Cypr Epist. 6. Tertul. Apol. adver Gent. cap. 39. Origen . Hom. 7. in J●sh . Cypr. Epist 55. Cypr. Epist. 11. ad plebem . a Indecarum est Laicum vicarium esse Episcopi , & seculares in Eccl●sia judicare : in uno ●●nim eod●mque o●er● non decet d●sp●r prosessio quod etiam in lege Divina prohibetur dicen●● Mose , Non ●rabis in ●ove & asino simul , Concil . Hispal . 2. Cyp. Epist. 28. Downam in the defence of his Sermon . lib. 1. cap. 8. Cod. li. 4. Tit. 20. L. 7. Athan. Aso. 2. Apud Zonaram . Greg. Decret . lib. 3. Tit. 2. cap. 8 q●● vos . Decret . Greg. ●ib . 5. Tit. 4. cap. 24. Chrysost. Hom. 40● in 2 in Ti. Recording this among those things that hee did Dolo malo ducere . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sozom. 1.9 . Niceph. 18.5 . Socra . 7.7 . Lib. 14. c. 14. Soc. Li. 7. c. 19. Niceph. ● . 14. cap. 14. Possidon . in vita August . a Let the Reader plea●e to consult Euseb. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 33 according to some , after others . cap. 37. and view the description , he there makes of an Evangelist , and then judge of what wee speake . Anno. Aera Christi receptae , 47. Anno 48. Anno 51. Anno. 53. Anno 53. Paraeus . Capellus . Heb. 13.23 . Wee finde not only that Timothy was with Paul at Rome , but a Prisoner with him there . a Anno 43. b Anno. 45. c Anno 46. d Anno 51. e Anno 51. f Anno 52. g Anno 53. h Anno 64. Raynolds contra Hart. Ca. 6. Pag. 23. a Hoc erant utique & cateri Apostoli quod fuerat Pe●rus , par● consort●o pr●di●i & honoris & potestatis , sed exordium ab 〈◊〉 pro●icistitur , ut Ecclesia una menstretur . Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. Pag. 24. Pag. 23. Pag. 22. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 17. a The Remonstrant here acknowledges the same of the King , that Frier Simon , a Florentine , did of the Pope , who affirmed the degree of a Bishop was de jure divino , but every particular Bishop de jure Pontificio . Hist. con . Trid. Pag. 28 , 29. Pag. 29. Originum Ecclesi●st . car●m 〈◊〉 prioris pars posterior 463 , 464 Pag. 32. a 1 〈◊〉 . ● . 17 1 Cor. 12.28 . Rom. 12.8 . b Vnde & Syn●goga , & postea Ecclesia seniores habuit , quorum sine Con●il●o n●hil agebatur in ●●c . ●lisi●i . Quod qua negligent●i obso verit nescio , nisi forte Doctorum desid â , aut magis superbia , dumsoli volunt aliq●id videri . Origen . Lib. 3. contra Ceisum . Ep. 137. Lib. 3. cap. August . Ser. 19. de Verb. Dom. August . in Psal. 38. Conc. 2. Pag. 32. Pag. 33. Pag. 33. D. Ducke . Pag. 34. Pag. 35. a Wee may ●ather thinke that they would have done ●o●e . Remembring what Marti●us was wont to say to his friend Su●●itius , N●quaqaum sib●m Epis●op●tu c●m ●●tulum Gra●i●m suppe●●sse , quam p●●● se 〈…〉 . Sulpitius Severus Dial 2 Pag. 35. Pag. 35. Pag. 36. Pag. 36. Pag. 36. Pag. 37. Pag. 37. Pag. 39. a In his Preface to his Booke called The way to the True Church . Solinus . Pag. 39. Tertull. adverb . Gent. Pag. 2. Pag. 41. Pag. ●1 . Pag. 41. Pag. 42. Hunc populus fecit . Epiphanius saith he did Arrium ip●um dogmatum novitate superare . Austin saith in Ar●anorum haeresin lapsum . Epiphall . accused him because he said that super●●●●m preces did not opitulari eis q●i ex hac vita discesserint . And Austin accused Aerius because he said , Non lic●t orare , vel offerre pro mortuis oblationem . Whitaker respons . ad Campian rat . 10. hath these words : A●●●um Esi 〈◊〉 & Augustinus in ●aere 〈…〉 , & praeter eo an qui pa●●● 〈…〉 E●iscopo aequa●e ●it ●ae ●ticum , nihil Catholicum essi potest . Cum Aerio Hieronymus de Presbyteris omnino s●nsit . Illos enim jure divino Epis 〈◊〉 aequales esse ●lat●●t . Sozomen . hist. lib. 6. c●p . 10. Quest. 16. Notes for div A52036-e29630 Bed. Holinsh. Speed. Holinsh. out of Capgrave . Osborn , Higden . Edw. Conf. Holinsh. 191 Will. Conq. Speed. pag. 442. Will. Ruf. Henry 1 Holinsh. 3● Holinsh. 3● Holinsh. 42. 43. K. Stephen . Holinsh. 57. 58. 59. Henry 2. Speed 467. out of Nubrigens . Yet this mans life is lately printed in English as a thing to be imitate●● Holinsh. 70. Speed. 469. Hol. pag. 98. Richard 1. Pag. 129. 130. 132. 144. K. Iohn . Speed. 503 Speed. 509 Hen. 3. Stow 188. Hol. 247. Speed 529.530 . Edward 1. Hol. 280. Hol. 301. Hol. 315. Edward 2. Speed 574. Edward 3. Speed 586. Hol. 409. Richard 2. Hol. 478. Pag. 506. Henry 4. Pag. 514. Speed 631. Hol. 529. Henry 5. Speed 638. Henry 6. Hol. 596. Pag. 620. Edward 4. Speed 699. Edward 5. Richard 3. Henry 8. Hol. 845. 462. Speed 784. Hol. 992. Speed 792. Speed. Statut. Hen. 8. Anno. 35. cap 5. Edward 6. 
A52055	----	Smectymnuus redivivus Being an answer to a book, entituled, An humble remonstrance. In which, the original of liturgy episcopacy is discussed, and quæries propounded concerning both. The parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated. The occasion of the imparity in antiquity discovered. The disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested. The antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated. The prelaticall church bounded. Smectymnuus. 1654 Approx. 248 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 44 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A52055 Wing M784 ESTC R223740 99834025 99834025 38504 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52055) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 38504) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1836:12) Smectymnuus redivivus Being an answer to a book, entituled, An humble remonstrance. In which, the original of liturgy episcopacy is discussed, and quæries propounded concerning both. The parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated. The occasion of the imparity in antiquity discovered. The disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested. The antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated. The prelaticall church bounded. Smectymnuus. Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655. Calamy, Edmund, 1600-1666. Young, Thomas, 1587-1655. Newcomen, Matthew, 1610?-1669. Spurstowe, William, 1605?-1666. [8], 78 p. , Printed by T. C. for John Rothwell, a the Fountaine and Beare in Goldsmiths-row in Cheapside, London : 1654. Errors in paging: pages misnumbered and bound out of order. Wing attributes authorship to Stephen Marshall, who, with Edmund Calamy, Thomas Young, Matthew Newcomen and William Spurstowe, written under the acronym, Smectymnuus. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. -- Humble remonstrance to the high court of Parliament. Church of England -- Controversial literature. Episcopacy -- Controversial literature. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2004-01 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SMECTYMNUUS REDIVIVUS . BEING An Answer to a Book , entituled , AN HUMBLE REMONSTRANCE . In which , The Originall of LITURGY EPISCOPACY is discussed . And Quaeres propounded concerning both . The PARITY of Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture Demonstrated . The occasion of their IMPARITY in Antiquity discovered . The DISPARITY of the Ancient and our Moderne Bishops manifested . The ANTIQUITY of ruling Elders in the Church vindicated . The PRELATICALL Church Bounded . JEREMY 6.16 . Thus saith the Lord , stand in the wayes , and behold , and aske for the Old way , which is the way , and walk therein . Tertul. de praescr . adv . haeres . Id Dominicum & verum , quod prius traditum : id autem extraneum & falsum quod sit posterius . LONDON , Printed by T. C. for Iohn Rothwell , at the Fountaine and Beare in Goldsmiths-row in Cheapside . 1654. TO THE READER . Good Reader , SOlomon told us long since , that there is no end of many books , Eccles. 12.12 . Scripturiency ( it seemeth ) is no novell humour , but abounded then , even when the means of transmitting knowledge was more difficult ; if there were cause for the complaint then , there is much more now ; since the Presse hath helped the Penne , every one will be scribling , and so better bookes are neglected , and lie like a few grains of Corn under an heap of Chaffe and dust : usually books are received as fashions ; the newest , not the best and most profitable , are most in esteem ; in so much that really learned and sober men have been afraid to publish their labours , lest they should divert the world from reading the usefull works of others that wrote before them . * I remember Dr. Altingius a terse and neat spirit , stood out the battery of twenty years importunity , and would not yield to divulge any thing upon this fear . Certainly ( Reader ) 't is for thy profit sometimes to look back and consult with them that first laboured in the mines of knowledge , and not alwaies to take up with what commeth next to hand . In this controversie of Discipline many have written , but not all with a like judgement and strength , which I believe hath been no small rock of offence , and stone of stumbling to the adversaries , who are hardned with nothing so much as a weak defence of the truth , as * Austin complaineth , that when he was a Manichee he had had too too often the victory put into his hands by the defences of weak and unskilfull Christians . This work which the Stationer hath now revived ( that it may not be forgotten , and like a Jewel after once shewing shut up in the Cabinet of private studies only ) was penned by * severall worthy Divines of great note and fame in the Churches of Christ , under the borrowed and covert name of SMECTYMNUUS , which was some matter of scorn and exception to the adversaries , as the Papists objected to Calvin his printing his Institutions under the name of Alcuinus , and to Bucer his naming himself Aretius Felinus , though all this without ground and reason , the affixion of the name to any work being a thing indifferent ; for there we should not consider so much the Author , as the matter , and not who said it , but what ; and the assumption of another name not being infamous but where : it is done out of deceit , and to anothers prejudice , or out of shame because of guilt , or feare to own the truths which they should establish : I suppose the reverend Authours were willing to lie hid under this ONOMASTICK , partly that their work might not be received with prejudice , the faction against which they dealt , arrogating to themselves a Monopoly of Learning , and condemning all others as ignorants and novices not worthy to be heard ; and partly that they might not burden their Frontispiece with a voluminous nomenclature , it not being usuall to affix so many names at length to one Treatise . For the work it self , it speaketh its own praise , and is now once more subjected to thy censure and judgement : This second publication of it was occasioned by another book for vindication of the Ministery by the Provinciall Assembly of London , wherein there are frequent appeals to Smectymnuus ; though otherwise I should have judged the reprinting seasonable ; for the Lord hath now returned us to such a juncture of time , wherein there is greater freedom of debate without noyse and vulgar prejudice ; and certainly if the quarrell of Episcopacy were once cleared , and brought to an issue , we should not be so much in the dark in other parts of Discipline , the conviction of an errour by solid grounds being the best way to finde out the truth ; reformations carried on with popular tumult , rather then rationall conviction , seldom end well ; though the judgement of God be to be observed in powring contempt upon those which are partiall in his law , yet the improvident leapes which a people are wont to make upon such occasions , lay the foundation of a lasting mischiefe . I hope that by the review of these matters we shall come to know more of the Lords counsell for the ordering of his house , or at least that by weighing what may be said on all sides , we shall learn more to * truth it in love , which is the unfeined desire of him who is Thine in the Lord , THO. MANTON . Newington , June 23. 1653. Most Honourable Lords , And ye the Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses of the Honourable House of COMMONS . ALthough we doubt not , but that book which was lately directed to your Honours , bearing the name of an Humble Remonstrance , hath had accesse unto your presence : and is in the first approaches of it , discovered by your discerning spirits , to be neither Humble , nor a Remonstrance ; but a heap of confident and ungrounded assertions ; so that to your Honours a Reply may seem superfluous : Yet left the Authour should glory in our silence , as a granting of the cause ; we humbly crave your Honours leave to present , not so much to your selves , as to the world by your hands , a view of this Remonstrance ; in which the Authour after too large a Preface , undertakes the support of two things , which seem to him to be threatned with danger of a present precipice , the Liturgie , and the Hierarchy . It was a constitution of those admired sons of Justice the Areopagi ; that such as pleaded before them should plead without prefacing and without passion : had your Honours made such a constitution , this Remonstrance must have been banished from the face of your Assembly ; for the Preface fils almost a fourth part of the book , and the rest swels with so many passionate Rhetorications , as it is harder for us in the multitude of his words to finde what his argument is that we have to answer , then to answer it when it is found . We would not trace him in his words , but close immediately with his arguments , did we not finde in him a sad exemplification of that divine Axiome , in Multitudine verb●rum non deest peccatum , in the multitude of words , there wants not sin : for though the Author is bold to call upon your Honours to heare the words of truth and confidence , yet how little truth there is in his great confidence , the ensuing discourse shall discover . His very words are confident enough , and yet as false as confident ; wherein he Impropriates all honesty unto these his Papers , and brands all others with the name of Libellers , and yet himselfe sinnes deeply against the rule of honesty , and lies naked to the scourge of his own censure . First , in setting a brand upon all writings that have lately issued from the presse , as if they had forgotten to speak any other language then Libellous : it seems himselfe had forgotten that some things had issued by authority of the King and Parliament . Secondly , in taxing ( implicitely ) all such as wil not own this Remonstrance for theirs , as none of the peaceable and wel-affected Sons of the Church of England . Thirdly , in censuring the way of petitioning your Honours , the ancient and ordinary free way of seeking redresse of our evils , for a Tumultuary under-hand way . Fourthly , in condemning all such as are not fautors of this Episcopal Cause , as none of his Majesties good Subjects , engrossing that praise onely to his own party , saying , The eyes of us the good Subjects of this whole Realme are fixed upon your Successe , &c. Fifthly , in Impropriating to the same party the praise of Orthodox , pag. 6. as if to speak a word , or think a thought against Episcopacy , were no lesse Heresie , then it was in former time to speak against the Popes supremacy , or the monkes fat belly ; whereas whether the Episcopall part be the Orthodox , peaceable , wel-affected part , and his Majesties only good Subjects , we leave to your Honours to Judge , upon the numerous informations that flow in unto you from the several parts of this Kingdome . Nor can they decline your Judgement , seeing now you are ( through Gods blessing ) happily met in a much longed for Parliament : but whither so much longed for by him and his accomplices , as by those against whom he whets his Style , the prayers that have obtained this happy meeting , and the praises that doe attend it , will decide in that great day . The Helena , whose Champion this Remonstrant chiefely is , is that Government which he calls Sacred , viz. that Government by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deanes , Archdeacons , &c. which , saith he , through the sides of some misliked persons some have endeavoured to wound . Misliked Persons ? and why not offending persons ? why not guilty persons ? when this Honourable house hath found just cause to charge some of them with crimes of the highest nature , Our zeale for your Honours makes us feare , lest your assembly should suffer in this word ; as if your proceedings against such persons should be grounded upon compliance with such as doe mislike them , rather then upon their own demerits or the Justice of this Court. But whatever those Persons be , the Government it self is Sacred ; which by the joynt confession of all reformed Divines , derives it self from the times of the blessed Apostles , without any interruption , without contradiction of any one congregation in the world unto this present age . This is but an Episcopall Bravado ; therefore we let it passe , till we come to close and contend with him in the point ; where we shall demonstrate , that in the compasse of three lines he hath packt up as many untruths , as could be smoothly couched in so few words , as any man of common understanding , that lookes upon the face of the Government of almost all reformed Churches in the Christian world may at first view discover . But before we come to this , there are yet two things in this Preface which we count not unworthy observation . The First is , the comparison which he makes between the two Governments , the Civil which with us is Monarchy : and the sacred which with him is Episcopaey . Of the first he saith , if Antiquity may be the Rule ( as he pleades it for Episcopacy ) or if Scripture ( as he interprets Scripture ) it is VARIABLE , and ARBITRARY : but the other DIVINE and VNALTERABLE : so that had men petitioned for the altering of Monarchicall Government , they had ( in his Judgement ) been lesse culpable , both by Scripture and Antiquity , then in petitioning the alteration of the Hierarchicall : Had he found but any such passage in any of his Lewd Libellers ( as his modesty is alwayes pleased to terme them ) certainly if we may borrow his own phrase , the eares of the three Interessed Kingdomes , yea all the neigbbour Churches , and if we may say , the whole Christian world , and no small part beyond it , had run with the loud cryes of no lesse then Treason , Treason . Truth is , in his Antiquity we finde that this his uninterrupted sacred Government hath so farre invaded the Civil , and so yoked Monarchy , even in this Kingdome , as Malmesbury reports : That William Rufus oppressed by Bishops , perswaded the Jewes to confute them ; promising thereupon to turne England to their Religion , that he might be free of Bishops . And this is so natural an effect of unalterable Episcopacy , that Pius the fourth to the Spanish Embassador , importuning him to permit Bishops to be declared by the Councel of Trent to be Iure Divino , gave this answer : That his King knew not what he did desire ; for if Bishops should be so declared , they would be all exempted from his Power , and as independent as the Pope himself . The second thing observable is the comparison he makes between the late Alterations attempted in our Neighbour Church by his Episcopal faction , and that Alteration that is now justly desired by the humble Petitioners to this Honourable House . The one being attempted by strangers , endeavoring violently to obtrude Innovations upon a setled Church and State , The other humbly petitioned to the Heads and Princes of our State by Multitudes therein almost ruined by an Innovating Faction : yet doth not this Remonstrant blush to say ; if these be branded , ( so he calls the just censures of this Honourable House ) for Incendiaries , how shall these Boutefeux escape , &c. thus cunningly indeavouring either to justifie the former by the practise of the latter , or to render the latter more odious then the former . The attempts of these men whom he would thus render odious , he craves leave to present to your Honours in two things , which are the subjects of this quarrel : The Liturgy and Episcopacy ; and we humbly crave your Honours leave in both to answer . SECT . II. FIrst , the Liturgy of the Church of England ( saith he ) hath been hitherto esteemed sacred , reverently used by holy Martyrs , daily frequented by devout Protestants , as that which more then once hath been confirmed by the Edicts of religious Princes , and your own Parliamentary Acts , &c. And hath it so ? whence then proceed these many Additions and Alterations ? that have so changed the face and fabrick of the Liturgy , that as Dr. Hall spake once of the pride of England : if our fore-fathers should revive and see their daughters walking in Cheapside with their fannes and farthingales , &c. they would wonder what kinde of creatures they were ; and say Nature had forgot her self and brought forth a monster : so if these holy Martyrs that once so reverently used the Liturgy should revive and look for their Letany stampt by Authority of Parliament , they would be amazed , and wondering say ; England had forgotten her self and brought forth , &c. Martyrs ? what doe we speak of Martyrs , when we know Sir , that one of your own a Bishops said it in the hearing of many not so long since , but you may well remember it , That the Service of the Church of England was now so drest , that if the Pope should come and see it , he would claime it as his own , but that it is in English ? It is little then to the advantage of your cause , that you tell us , it is translated into other languages ; and as little service have they done to the Church of England , who have taught our Prayers to speak Latine again : For if it be their Language chiefly that overthrows the Popes claime , take away that , and what hinders then , but the Pope may say , these are mine ? As for other Translations and the great applause it hath obtained from forraigne Divines , which are the fumes this Remonstrant venditates ; what late dayes have produced we know not ; but the great lights of Former ages have been farre from this applauding : we are sure judicious Calvin saith , that in the Liturgy there are sundry Tolerabiles Ineptiae , which we think is no very great applause . To vindicate this Liturgy from scorne ( as he calls it ) at home or by your Honours aide to reinforce it upon the Nation , is the work of his Remonstrance , for the effecting whereof he falls into an unparallell'd discourse about the Antiquity of Liturgies ; we call it unparalleld , because no man that we have seen ever drew the line of Liturgy so high as he hath done . Concerning which , if by Liturgy this Remonstrant understand an Order observed in Church assemblies of Praying , reading , and expounding the Scriptures , Administring Sacraments , &c : Such a Liturgy we know and doe acknowledge both Iews and Christians have used . But if by Liturgy he understand prescribed and stinted formes of Administration Composed by some particular men in the Church , and imposed upon all the rest ( as this he must understand , or else all he saith is nothing ) we desire and expect that those formes , which he saith are yet extant , and ready to be produced , might once appeare . Liturgy of this former sort we finde in Iustine Martyr and Tertullian . But that there were not such stinted Liturgies as this Remonstrant disputes for , appeares by Tertullian , in his Apol. Cap. 30. where he saith the Christians of those times did in their publike assemblies pray sin● monitore quia de pectore , without any Prompter but their own hearts . And that so it should be , the same Father proves in his Treatise de Oratione : Sunt quae petantar , &c. There are some things to be asked according to the occasions of every man : the lawfull and ordinary prayer ( that is the Lords prayer ) being laid as a foundation ; It is lawfull to build upon that foundation other prayers according to every ones occasions . And to the same purpose St. Austin in his 121. Ep. liberum est ; &c. it is free to aske the same things that are desired in the Lords Prayer , aliis atque aliis verbis , sometimes one way and sometimes another : And before this , in that famous place of Iust. Mar. Apo. 2. He , who instructed the peeple , prayed according to his ability . Nor was this liberty in prayer taken away , and set and imposed formes introduced , untill the time that the Arian and Pelagian Heresies did invade the Church , and then because those Hereticks did convey and spread their poyson in their formes of Prayer and Hymnes , the Church thought it convenient to restraine the liberty of making and using publique forms : And first it ordained that none should pray pro Arbitrio , sed semper eaedem preces , that none should use liberty to vary in prayer , but use alwaies the same forme , Conc. Laod. Can. 18. yet this was a forme of his own composing , as appears by another Canon , wherein it was ordered thus : None should use any forme , unlesse he had first conferred Cum fratribus instructioribus : with the more learned of his brethren . Conc. Carth. 3● Can. 23. and lastly that none should use set prayers , but such as were approved of in a Synode , which was not determined till the yeare 416. Conc. Milev . 2. Can. 12. And had there been any Liturgies of Times of the first and most venerable antiquity producible , the great admirers of them , and enquirers after them would have presented them to the world ere this . We know that Bishop Andrewes in his zeale for Liturgies pursued the enquiry after the Iewish Liturgy so far , that he thought he had found it ; and one there was which he sent to Cambridge to be translated : but there it was soon discovered to have been made long after the Jewes ceased to be the Church of God ; and so himself supprest it , that it never saw the light under a translation . We wonder therefore what this Remonstrant meant to affirm so confidently , that part of the forme of prayer which was composed by our blessed Saviour , was borrowed from the formes of prayer formerly used by Gods people . An opinion we never met before ; indeed , we have read that the Rabbines since the dayes of our Saviour have borrowed some expressions from that Prayer , and from other Evangelical passages : But we never read till now , that the Lord Christ the wisdome of the Father borrowed from the Wisdome of the Rabines expressions to use in Prayer . And as much we wonder by what Revelation or Tradition ( Scripture being silent in the thing ) he knew , that Peter and Iohn , when they went up to the Temple to pray , their Prayer was not of a sudden and extemporary conception , but of a Regular prescription . Sure we are , some as well read in Iewish antiquity , as this Remonstrant shewes himself to be , have told us that the houre of Prayer was the time when the Priest burnt Incense ; and the people were at their private prayers without , as appeares Luke 1.9 . where we read , that while Zachary the Priest went in to offer Incense , all the people stood with out praying in the time of the Oblation . Which Prayers were so far from being Prescript Formes or Liturgies that they were not vocal but mental Prayers , as Master Meade tells us in his exposition upon the eighth of the Revelations . And whatever Peter and Iohn did , this we know , that when the Publican and the Pharisee went up to the Temple to pray ( as the Apostle did at the houre of prayer ) their prayer was not of Regular prescription , but of a present Conception . But if this Remonstrant be in the right , concerning the Jewish Liturgies , then the Evangelical Church might better have improved her peace and happinesse , then in composing Models of Invocation and Thanksgiving , when there is one extant and ready to be produced , that was constantly used by Gods people ever since Moses dayes , and put over to the times of the Gospel , and confirmed by Apostolical practise : or else great is our losse , who are so unhappily deprived of the best improvement , the Church made of her peace and happinesse in the first 300. years : for rejecting those Liturgies that are confessed by the Learned to bee Spurious : we challenge this Remonstrant to produce any one Liturgie that was the issue of those times . And blessed Constantine was herein as unhappy as wee , who needed not have composed forms of prayer for his Guard to use upon the Lords day , but might and would have taken them out of former Liturgies , if there had been any ; And can ye with patience think that any ingenuous Christian should be so transported , as upon such weak and unproved premises to build such a Confident conclusi●n , as this Remonstrant doth ? and in that Conclusion forget the state of the controversie , sliding from the question of a prescribed and imposed Liturgy to an arbitrary book of prayer . In his Rhetorical Encomium of conceived prayer we shall more willingly bear a part with him , then they whose cause he pleads ; for had that been in their hearts , which is in this book : to hate , to be guilty of powring water upon the Spirit , and gladly to adde oyle rather : so many learned , able , Conscientious Preachers had not been molested and suspended , for letting the constant flames of their fixed conceptions mount up from the altar of their zealous heart unto the throne of grace : nor had there been so many advantages watched from some stops and seeming soloecismes in some mens prayers , to blaspheme the spirit of Prayer , which though now confest to be so far from being offensive , that they are as pleasing Musick in the eares of the Almighty : yet time hath been , when they have sounded as meer Battologies ; nay no better then meer Blasphemies in the eares of some Bishops . And if this conceived prayer be not to be opposed in another , by any man that hath found the true operation of this grace in himself : with that spirit then are those possest , that have not onely thus raged with their tongues against this way of prayer , but by sealing up the mouthes of Ministers for praying thus in publike , and imposing penances upon private Christians for praying thus in their families : and compelling them to abjure this practise , have endeavoured with raging violence to banish this divine ordinance from our Churches and dwellings , and profest in open Court , it was fitter for Amsterdam then for our Churches . But howsoever this applause of conceived prayer may seem to be Cordial , yet he makes it but a vantage ground to lift up publike formes of sacred Church Liturgy ( as he calls it ) the higher , that they may have the greater honour , that by the power of your authority they be reinforced , which work there would have been no need to call your Honours to , had not Episcopal zeal broke forth into such flames of indignation against conceived prayers , that we have more just cause to implore the propitious aide of the same Authority to re-establish the Liberty of this , then they to re-inforce the necessity of that . Yet there are two specious Arguments which this Remonstrant brings to perswade this desired re-inforcement , the Original and Confirmation of our Liturgy . For the first , he tels your Honours , it was selected out of ancient . Models not Roman but Christian , contrived by the holy Martyrs and Confessors of the blessed reformation of Religion ; where we beseech your Honours to consider how we may trust these men , who sometimes speaking and writing of the Roman Church , proclaime it a true Church of Christ , and yet here Roman and Christian stand in opposition : sometimes they tell men , their Liturgy is wholly taken out of the Romane Missal , onely with some little alteration : and here they would perswade your Honours there is nothing Romane in it . But it is wholly selected out of pure Ancient Models , as the Quintessence of them all . Whereas alas the original of it , is published to the world , in that Proclamation of Edward the sixt . And though here they please to stile the Composers of it , holy Martyrs and contrivers of the blessed Reformation : yet there are of the Tribe for whom he pleads , not a few that have called them Traitors rather then Martyrs , and Deformers rather then Reformers of our Religion . His other Argument for the Liturgy is taken from that supply of strength it hath received from the recommendation of foure most Religious Princes , and your own Parliamentary establishments : and more especially from the Proclamation of King James of famous memory : the validity of which plea , your Honours are best able to judge , and therefore we leave it at your Bar ; yet these two things we know : first , that this forme was never established to be so punctually observed , so rigorously pressed , to the casting out of all that scruple it , or any thing in it ( as many of his Majesties Subjects now doe ) to the ( almost ) justling out of the preaching of the Word and Conceived Prayer altogether . And secondly , as sure we are , that your Honours think neither your own Lawes , nor the Proclamation of that most famous and ever admired Prince , to be as unalterable as the Lawes of the Medes and Persians . And now having briefly shewed , that Liturgies are not of that antiquity that this Remonstrant pretends , but that conceived prayer was in use in the Church of God before Liturgies , and is justified from their own mouthes , and not to be found fault with by any but a gracelesse man : and having likewise shewed that our Liturgy was taken out of Models , not onely Christian but Romane , and had since the first compiling of it suffered alteration to the worse ; and though established by Law , and confirmed by Proclamation , was never intended to the justling out , either of preaching or conceived prayer ; these things declared , we humbly crave your Honours leave to propound these two Queries . QUERE . I. Whether it be not fit to consider of the alteration of the present Liturgy . First , because it symbolizeth so much with the Popish Masse , as that the Pope himself was willing to have it used , if he might but confirme it . It was made and composed into this frame , on purpose to bring the Papists to our Churches , which we finde to be with so little successe , as that it hath rather brought many of us to them , then any of them to us , and hath lost many of ours from us . Because many things therein contained are stumbling blocks before the feet of many : such as these , the clogging it with Ceremonies , and the often and impertinent reiterating of the Lords Prayer , the ill translation of the Psalmes , and other Scriptures , the many phrases in the very prayers , which are liable to just exception . And whereas the Minister by the Scripture is the peoples mouth to God , this book prescribes Responsories to be said by the people , some of which are unsutable to what the Minister pronounceth , some of them seem to savour of Tautology , some are made to be so essential to the prayer , as that all which the Minister saith , is no prayer without them ; as in the Letany . Because it is so much Idolized , as that it is accounted the only worship of God in England , and is now made the upholder of a non-preaching Ministry , and is cryed up to that height , as that some are not ashamed to say ; that the wit of men and Angels cannot mend it : and that it is a sufficient discharge of the Ministers duty to read this Book . There are such multitudes of people , that distaste this book , that unlesse it be altered , there is no hope of any mutual agreement between Gods Ministers and their people . There is such a vast difference between it , and the Liturgies of all other reformed Churches , as that it keepes them at a distance from us , and us from full Communion with them . QUERE II. Whether the first reformers of Religion did ever intend the use of a Liturgy further , then to be an help , in the want , or to the weaknesse of a Minister . All other reformed Churches , though they use Liturgies , yet doe no binde their Ministers to the use of them . A Rubrick in King Edwards book left it unto the discretion of the Minister , what and how much to read , when there was a Sermon . The Homilies which are appointed to be read , are left free either to be read or not , by preaching Ministers ; and why not then theLiturgy ? especially considering that the ability to offer up the peoples wants to God in prayer is part of the Ministerial office , as well as preaching . And if it can be thought no lesse then sacriledge to rob the people of the Ministers gift in preaching , and to tye them to Homilies , it can be no lesse , to deprive them of their gift in prayer . The ground of the first binding of it upon all to use , was not to tye godly men from exercising their gift in prayer ; but the old Popish Priests , that by a seeming returne to our Religion did through indulgence retaine their places , from returning to the old Masse . That which makes many refuse to be present at our Church service , is not onely the Liturgy it self , but the imposing of it upon Ministers . And we finde no way to recover our people to a stinted prayer , but by leaving it free to use or not to use . If it be objected , that this will breed divisions and disturbances in Churches , unlesse there be a uniformity , and that there are many unable . It hath not bred any disturbance in other reformed Churches . Why should the free liberty of using or not using a Liturgy , breed more confusion then the free liberty of reading or not reading Homilies ? especially when Ministers shall teach people , not to condemne one another in things indifferent . If there be a care taken in those that have the power to make Ministers , to choose men gifted as well for prayer as preaching , there cannot be conceived how any inconvenience should follow . Or if afterwards it should appeare , that any Minister should prove insufficient to discharge the duty of prayer in a conceived way , it may be imposed on him as a punishment , to use set forms and no other . But why any Minister that hath the gift of prayer , in an abundant measure , as well as of preaching , should be hindered from exercising his gift well , because another useth it ill , is a new Divinity never heard of in Gods Church , till Bishop Wrens dayes , who forbad all use of conceived prayer in the Church . SECT . III. WE come now with your Honours favour , to the second point disputed in this Remonstrance , Episcopacy it selfe , against which , whatsoever hath been either spoken or written by any , either learned Divines , or well-reformed Churches ( as his conscience knows , there are of both that have writ against it ) is Taxed by him as no other then the unjust Clamors either of weak or factious persons . Sure the man thinkes he hath obtained a Monopoly of learning , and all Knowledge is lockt up in his bosome ; and not onely Knowledge but piety and peaceablenesse too ; for all that are not of his opinion , must suffer either as weak or factious , if he may be their Judge . We know not what this Arrogancy might attempt to fasten upon your Honours , should the bowels of your compassion be enlarged , to weigh in the Ballance of your wisedomes , the multitude of Humble petitions , presented to you from several parts of this Kingdome , that hath long groaned under the Iron and Insupportable yoake of this Episcopal Government , which yet we doubt not , but your Honours will please to take into your prudent and pious consideration : Especially knowing it is their continual practise to loade with the odious names of Faction all that justly complaine of their unjust oppression . In his addresse to his defence of Episcopacy , he makes an unhappy confession that he is confounded in himselfe . Your Honours may in this believe him ; for he that reades this remonstrance , may easily observe so many falsities and contradictions , ( though presented to publike view , with a face of confident boldnesse , ) as could not fall from the Pen of any , but self-confounded man ▪ which though we doubt not but your Honours have descryed ; yet because they are hid from an errant and unobserving eye , under the Embroyderies of a silken Language , we Humbly crave your Honours leave to put them one by one upon the file , that the world may see what credit is to be given to the bold assertions of this confident Remonstrant . First , in his second page , he dubs his book * the faithful messenger of all a the peaceable and right affected sons of the Church of England : which words ( besides that unchristian Theta , which as we already observed , they set upon all that are not of his party , ) carry in the bowels of them a notorious falsity and contradiction to the phrase of the book ; for how could this book be the m●ss●nger of all his own party in England , when it is not to be imagined , that all could know of the coming forth of this book before it was published ? and how can that book crave admittance in all their names , that speakes in the singular number , and as in the person of one man almost tht whole book thorow . But it may be some will say , this is but a small slip ; well be it so : but in the seventh page he layes it on in four lines , asserting these four things : First , that Episcopall Government , ( that very same Episcopal Government , which some he saith seeke to wound , that is Government by Diocesan Bishops ) derives it self from the Apostles times ; which though we shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more fully confute anon , yet we cannot here but rank it among his notorious — : for how could there be such Government of a Diocesse by a Bishop derived from the Apostles times , when in the Apostles times there were no Bishops distinct from Presbyters , as we shall shew ? and if there had been Bishops , yet they were no Diocesans ; for it was a hundred yeares after Christ , or as most agree 260. before Parishes were distinguished , and there must be a distinction of Parishes before there could be an union of them into Diocesses . Secondly , it is by the joynt confession of all reformed Divines granted , that this sacred Government is derived from the Apostles : What all reformed Divines ? was Calvin , Beza , Iunius , &c. of that minde ? Are the reformed Churches of France , Scotland , Netherlands , of that Judgement ? we shall shew anon that there is no more truth in this Assertion then if he had said with Anaxagoras , snow is black , or with Copernicus , tho Earth moves , and the Heavens stand stil. Thirdly , he saith this Government hath continued without any interruption : What doth he meane , at Rome ? for we reade in some places of the world this Government was never known for many yeares together : as in Scotland , we read that in Ancient times the Scots were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monkes , and were without Bishops 290. yeares : yea to come to England , we would desire to know of this Remonstrant whether God had a Church in England in Q. Maries dayes or no ? and if so , who were then the Bishops of this Church , for some there must be , if it be true that this man saith , this Government hath continued without any interruption unto this day , and Bishops then we know not where to finde but in the line of Popish succession . Fourthly , he saith it hath thus continued without the contradiction of any one Congregation in the Christian world . It seemes he hath forgotten , what their own darling Heylin hath written of the people of Biscay in Spaine , that they admit of no Bishops to come among them ; for when Ferdinand the Catholike came in progresse accompanied among others with the Bishop of Pampelone , the people rose up in Armes , drove back the Bishop , and gathering up all the dust which they thought he had trode on , flung it into the Sea. Which story had it been recorded onely by him , would have been of lighter Credit . But we reade the same in the Spanish Chronicle , who saith more then the Doctor : for he tels us that the People threw that dust that the Bishop or his Mule had trode on , into the Sea with Curses and Imprecations : which certainly saith he was not done without some Mystery , those people not being voide of Religion , but superstitiously devout as the rest of the Spaniards are : so that there is one Congregation in the Christian world in which this Government hath met with contradiction . And are not the French , Scottish , and Belgick Churches worthy to be counted Christian Congregations ? and who knowes not that amongst these this Government hath met not onely with verbal but reall contradiction ? Yet he cannot leave his — : But within two pages is at it againe ; and tels us of an unquestionable clearenesse wherein it hath been from the Apostles derived to us : how unquestionable ? when the many volumes written about it , witnesse to the world , and to his conscience , it hath been as much questioned as any point ( almost ) in our Religion . And that assertion of his that tels us that the people of God had a forme of prayer as ancient as Moses , which was constantly practised to the Apostles dayes , and by the Apostles , &c. though we have shewed how bold and false this assertion is , yet we mention it here as deserving to be put into the Catalogue . And that he may not seem Contra mentem ire , but to be of the same minde still , p. 18. he saith , Episcopal Government hath continued in this Island ever since the first plantation of the Gospel without contradiction . Had he taken a lesse space of time , and said but since the resuscitation of the Gospel : we can prove it to him and shall , that since the reformation , Episcopacy hath been more contradicted , then ever the Papacy was before the extirpation of it . Yet still the man runs on , thinking to get credit to his untruths by their multiplications ; for pag. 21. he saith ; Certainly , except all Histories , all Authors faile us , nothing can be more certaine then this truth : Os Durum ! Nothing more certaine ! what is it not more certain that there is a God ? is it not more certain that Christ is God and man ? is it not more certain that Christ is the only Saviour of the world ? Nothing more certain ! must this th●n be an Article of our Creed , the corner stone of our Religion ? must this be of necessity to Salvation ? Nothing more certain ! O that men should not onely forget themselves , but God also : and in their zeale for their own Honour utter words bordering upon Blasphemy . Indignation will not suffer us to prosecute these falsities of his any further ; we will leave this displeasing service , onely retorting the words of this Remonstrant upon himself , Surely could he look with our eyes ( or any eyes that were not partial ) he would see cause to be throughly ashamed of these his grosse injurious miscarriages , and should be forced to confesse , that never good cause ( if cause be good ) had more reason to complaine of a sinful prosecution . SECT . IV. WE will now come with your Honours patience , to weigh whether there be any more strength in his arguments , then there is truth in his assertions . His Plea for Episcopacy consists of two parts . In the first he brings arguments for the supporting of it . In the second he undertakes to answer the objections that may be made against it . His first argument for it , is couched in these words ; Were this Ordinance meerly Humane or Ecclesiastical , if there c●uld no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding Ancient , of more then 15. hundred years , &c. The strength of which argument lies in this , that they have been in peaceable possession of this government fifteen hundered years and upwards ; and in this Island ever since the Gospel , without contradiction . In which words he speaks two things which deserve just c●nsure . First , that the Hierarchical Government hath continued for fifteen hundred years ; therefore should not now be altered ; which may well be called , as Hierom in another Case , Argumentum Galeatum , an Argument calculated for the Meridian of Episcopacy , and may indifferently serve for all Religions in the World : For thus the Jews might have pleaded against Christ the Antiquity of more then so many hundred years ; and thus the Heathens did plead against the Christian Religion , which Iustin Martyr in his Apology answers . And by this Argument the Pope sits as fast rivetted in his chayre at Rome , as ours in theirs : whose Plea for Antiquity runs parallel with theirs . It is a good observation of Cyprian , that Christ said , Ego sum via , veritas & vita ; not Ego sum consuetudo ; and * that Consuetudo sine veritate est vetustas erroris , Christ is Truth , and not Custome ; and Custome withou Truth , is a mouldy error : and as Sir Francis Bacon saith , Antiquity without Truth , is a Cypher without a Figure . Yet had this b Remonstrant been as well versed in Antiquity , as he would bear the world in hand he hath , he might have found Learned Ancients affirming , there was a Time when the Church was not governed by Bishops , but by Presbyters . And when by Bishops , he might further have seen more affinity between our Bishops and the Pope of Rome , then between the Primitive Bishops and them . And that as King Iames of famous memory , said of the Religion of England , that it differed no more from Rome , then Rome did from what it was at first ; may as truly be said of Bishops , that we differ no more from them then they do from what Bishops were , when first they were raised unto this eminency : which difference we shall shew in our ensuing Discourse , to be so great , that as he said of Rome , he did Roman in Roma quaerere , he sought Rome in Rome ; so wee Episcopatum in Episcopatu , may go seek for a Bishop among all our Bishops . And whereas in his application of this Argument to the Bishops of this Nation , he saith , It hath continued in this Island ever since the first plantation of the Gospel , without contradiction ; which is his Second in this Argument : How false this is , we have declared already ; and we all know , and himselfe cannot but know , that there is no one thing since the r●formation , that hath met with so much Contradiction as Episcopacy hath done ; witness the several Books written in the Reigns of our several Princes , and the many Petitions exhibited to our several Parliaments , and the many speeches made therein againg Episcopal Government : many of which are yet extant . As for that supply of Accessory strength , which he begs to this Argument , from the light of nature , and the rules of just policy , which ( saith he ) teacheth us not easily to give way to the change of those things which long use and many * Laws have firmly established , as Necessary and Beneficial ; it is evident , that those things which to former Ages have seemed Necessary and Beneficial , may to succeeding Generations , prove not Necessary but Noxious , not Beneficial , but Burthensome ; And then the same light of nature , and the same just policy , that did at the first command the establishment of them , may and will perswade their Abolishment ; if not , either our Parliaments must never Repeale any of their former Acts ( which yet they have justly and wisely done ) or else in so doing must run Counter to the light of nature , and the Rules of just policy ; which to think were an impiety to be punished by the Judge . SECT . V. THe Second Argument for the defence of Episcopal Government , is from the Pedigree of this holy Calling , which he derives from no less then an Apostolical , and in that right divine institution ; and assayes to prove it from the practice of the Apostles and as he saith , the clear practice of their Successors , continued i' Christs Church to this very day : And to this Argument he so much confides , that he concludes it with this Triumphant Epiphonema , What scruple can remain in any ingenuous heart ? And determins , if any continue yet unsatisfied , it is in despight of reason , and all evidence of History , and because he wilfully shuts his eyes with a purpose not to see the light . Bona verba . By your favour Sir , we will tell you notwithstanding the supposed strength of your argumentation , there is one scruple yet remaining ; and if you would know upon what ground , it is this ; because we find in Scripture ( which by your own confession is O●iginal Authority ) that Bishops and Presbyters were Originally the same , though afterwards they came to be distinguished : and in process of time , Episcopacy did swallow up all the honor and power of the Presbytery , as Pharaoh's lean Kine did the fat . Their Identity is discernable : first , from the same names given unto both : secondly , from the same office designed unto both in Scripture . As for the names , are not the same names given unto both in Sacred Writ ? Let the fifth , sixth , and seventh verses of the first Chapter to Titus testifie : in the fifth verse , the Apostle shews that he left Titus in Creet to ordain Elders in every City ; in the sixth verse , he gives a delineation of the persons that are capable of such Ordination : and in the seventh , the Reason , why the person to be ordained , must be so qualified : for a Bishop , &c. Now if the Bishop and Elder be not here the same , but names of distinct office and order , the Apostles reason rendred in the seventh verse of his direction in the fifth and sixth verses , is ( with reverence be it spoken ) inconsequential , and his demand unjust . If a Chancellor in one of the Universities should give order to his Vice-Chancellor to admit none to the degree of Batchelour in Arts , but such as were able to preach , or keep a Divinity Act : For Batchelours in Divinity must be so : what reason or equity were in this ? So if Paul leaving Titus as his Lecum tenens , as it were in Creet for a season , should give order to him not to admit any to be an Elder but one thus and thus qualified , because a Bishop must be so : had a Bishop been an Order or Calling distinct from , or superior to a Presbyte● , and not the same , this had been no more rational or equal then the former : therefore under the name of Bishop in the seventh verse the Apostle intends the Elder mentioned in the fifth verse . Consonant to this is the Language of the same Apostle , Acts. 20. v. 17.18 . where such as in 17. verse he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders , in the 18. he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ordinary English , Bishops , though our Translation there , ( we know not for what reason ) reads it Overseers : not so rendring the word in any other Text. And though this Remonstrant undertakes to shew a clear and received distinction of Bishops , Presbyters , & Deacons , as three distinct subordinate Callings in Gods Church , with an evident specification of the duty & charge belonging to each of them , or else let this claimed Hierarchy be for ever hooted out of the Church : Yet let us tell him , that we never find in Scripture these three Orders , Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , mentioned together : but onely Bishops and Deacons , as Phil. 1. and 1. Tim. Nor do we find in Scripture any Ordination to the office of a Bishop , differing from the Ordination of an Elder : Nor do we find in Scripture , the specification of any Duty charged upon a Bishop , that Elders are secluded from : Nor any qualification required in a Bishop , that is not requisite in every Presbyter ; some of wh●ch , if not all , would be found , were they not the same . But if this Remonstrant think to help himselfe by taking Sanctuary in Antiquity ( though we would gladly rest in Scripture , the Sanctuary of the Lord ) yet we will follow him thither , and there shew him that Hierome from the Scriptures proves more then once , Presbyters and Bishops to be the same . And Chrysostome in Philip. 1. Homil. 2. with his admirer Theophilact in Philip. 1. affirms that while the Apostles lived , the names of Bishops and Presbyters were not distinguished : and not onely while the Apostles lived , but in after ages . Doth not Irenaeus use the name of Bishops and Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a promiscuous sense ? Are not Anicetus , Pius , Hyginus , Telesphorus , Sixtus , whom the Papists call Bishops , and the Popes predecessors , termed by Eusebius Presbyters ? Nor was it strange in the Primitive times to hear Bishops called Presbyters , when Presbyters writing to their Bishop have called him Frater . So Cyprian ( Epist. 26. in the beginning ) is stiled by his Presbyters , Deacons and Confessors ; nor was that holy Martyr offended with that title , nor they condemned of insolency that used it . But what should we burthen your patience with more testimonies , when the evidence of this truth hath shined with so strong a beam that even our Adversaries have stooped to it , and confessed that their Names were the same in the Apostles time ? But yet say they , the Offices were distinct . Now here we would gladly know , what these men make the distinct Office of a Bishop . Is it to edifie the Church by Word and Sacrament ? is it to ordain others to that work ? is it to rule , to govern , by admonition and other censures ? if any of these , if all these make up the proper worke of a Bishop ; we can prove from Scripture that all these belong unto the Presbytery , a which is no more then was granted by a Councel . For the first , Edifying of the Church by word and Sacraments , though we feare they will some of them at least scarce own this as their proper worke ( for some have been cited into the High Commissision for saying , it belongs to them ) yet Sir we are sure , Scripture makes it a part , a chiefe of the Episcopal office ; for so in the 1 Pet. 5.2 . they are said to doe the work of a Bishop , when they do feed the flock of God. And this is such a work as we hope their Lordships will give the poor Presbyters leave to share with them in : or if not , we will tell them that the Apostle Peter in that forecited place , and the Apostle Paul , Acts. 20. binds this work upon our hands , and Woe unto us if we preach not the Gospel . But this branch of Episcopal and Presbyterial office we passe with brevity , because in this there lies not so much controversie as in the next , which they doe more wholly Impropriate to themselves : the power of Ordination . Which power , that it was in former times in the hands of Presbyters , appeares 1 Tim. 4.14 . Neglect not the gift which was given thee by Prophesie , and by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . The gift here spoken of is the Ministerial gift , the exercise whereof , the Apostle exhorts Timothy not to neglect , which saith he , he had received , not by the laying on of the hands of one single man , whether Apostle , or Bishop , or Presbyter , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Presbytery , that is , the whole company of Presbyters , for in that sense onely we finde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in Scripture , as in Luke 22. vers . 66. Act. 22. vers . 5. which the Christian Church called the Ecclesiastical Senate as Ierom in Isay 3. Nos habemus in Ecclesia Senatum nostrum , Coetum Presbyterorum , & an Apostolical Senate : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ignatius Epis . ad Magnes . and some times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concil . Ancyr . Can. 18. And though the Apostle in his second Epistle to Tim. 1.6 . makes mention of the laying on of his hands : yet to maintaine the Harmony of Scripture , it must not be denied but there was imposition of hands by the Presbytery as wel as by himself , and so it was a joynt act ; So that in this there is no more difference then in the former . And if there be no difference between Presbyters in feeding or ordaining , let us see if there be any in the third part of their office of Ruling , which though our Bishops assume wholly to themselves , yet we shall discover , that it hath been committed to and exercised by Presbyteriall hands . For who are they of whom the Scripture speakes , Heb. 13.17 . Obey them that have the Rule over you ? for they watch for your soules , as they that must give an account , &c. Here all such as watch over the souls of Gods people , are intituled to rule over them . So that unlesse Bishops will say , that they on●ly watch over the souls of Gods people , and are only to give an account for them , they cannot challenge to themselves the sole rule over them . And if the Bishop● can give us good security , that they will acquit us from giving up our account to God for the souls of his people , we will quit our plea , and resigne to them the sole rule over th●m . So againe in the 1 Thessa. 5.12 . Know them which labour amongst you , and are over you in the Lord , and admonish you . In which words are contained these truthes ; First that in one Church ( for the Thessalonions were but one Church , 1 , Ca. ) there was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not one chiefe Bishop or President , but the Presidency was in many . Secondly , that this Presidency was of such as laboured in the word and Doctrine . Thirdly , that the Censures of the Church were managed not by one , but by them all in Communi . Them that admonish you . Fourthly , that there was among them a Parity : for the Apostle bids know them in an indifferency , not discriminating one from another : yea such was the rule that Elders had , that S. Peter thought it needful to make an exhortation to them to use their power with Moderation , not Lording it over Gods Heritage , 1 Pet. 5.3 . By this time we have sufficiently proved from Scripture , that Bishops and Presbyters are the same in name , in Office , in Edifying the Church , in power of Ordination and Jurisdiction : we sum up all that hath been spoken in one argument : They which have the same Name , the same Ordination to their Office , the same qualification for their Office , the same worke to feed the flock of God , to ordaine pastors and Elders , to Rule and Governe ; they are one and the same Office : but such are Bishops and Presbyters : Ergo. SECT . VI. BUt the dint of all this Scripture , the Remonstrant would elude , by obtruding upon his reader a commentary ( as he calls it ) of the Apostles own practise ( which he would force to contradict their own rules ) to which he superadds the unquestionable glosse of the cleare practise of their immediate successors in this administration . For the Apostles practice , we have already discovered it , from the Apostles own writings ; and for his Glosse he superadds , if it corrupts not the Text , we shall admit it ; but if it doe , we must answer with Tertullian ; Id verum quodcunque primum : id adulterum quod posterius , whatsoever is first is true ; but that which is latter is adulterous . In the examination of this Glosse , to avoyd needlesse Controversie , First , we take for granted by both sides , that the first and best Antiquity , used the names of Bishops and Presbyters promiscuously . Secondly , that in processe of time , some one was honoured with the name of Bishop , and the rest were called Presbyters or Cleri . Thirdly , that this was not Nomen inane , but there was some kinde of Imparity between him and the rest of the Presbyters . Yet in this we differ ; that they say , this Impropriation of name , and Imparity of place , is of Divine Right and Apostolical Institution : we affirme both to be occasional , and of humane Invention ; and undertake to shew out of Antiquity , both the occasion upon which , and ●he Persons by whom this Imparity was brought into the Church . On our parts stands Ierome and Ambrose , and others , whom we doubt not but our Remonstrant will grant a place among his Glossators : Saint Ierome tells us in 1 Tit. Idem est ergo Presbyt●r qui Episcopus : & antequam Diaboli instinctu , studia in Religione fierent , & diceretur in populis , eco sum Pauli , ego Apollo , ego Cephae , Communi Presbyterorū Consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur . Postquam vero unusquisque eos quos bap●izaverat suos putabat esse , non Christi ; in toto Orbe decretum est , ut unus de Presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis Ecclesiae Cura pertineret , & schismatum semina tollerentur . Putat aliquis non Scripturarum , sed nostram esse sententiam , Episcopum & Presbyterum unum esse , & aliud aetatis , aliud esse nomen of●ic●i , relegat Apostoli ad Philippenses verba , dicentis , Paulus & Timothaeus servi Iesu Christi qui sunt Philippis , cum Episcopis & Diaconis , &c. Philippi una est urbs Macedoniae , & certè in una Civitate non poterant plures esse ( ut nuncupantur ) Episcopi , &c. sicut ergo Presbyteri sciant se ex Ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fuerit esse subjectos ; Ita Episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis Dominicae veritate Presbyteris esse majores , & in Communi debere Ecclesiam regere . A Presbyter and a Bishop is the same : and before there were through the Devils instinct , divisions in Religion , and the people began to say , I am of Paul , and I of Apollo , and I o● Cephas , the Churches were governed by the Common-councell of the Presbyters . But after that each man began to account those whom he had baptized his own , and not Christs ; it was decreed thorow the whole world , that one of the Presbyters should be set over the rest ; to whom the care of all the Church should belong , that the seeds of schisme might be taken away . Thinks any , that this is my opinion , and not the opinion of the Scripture , that a Bishop and an Elder is the same ? let him read the words of the Apostle to the Philippians , saying , Paul and Timothy , the servants of Jesus Christ , to them that are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons , Philippi is one city of Macedonia , and certainly in one city there could not be many Bishops ( as they are now called &c. ) and after the allegations of many other Scriptures , he concludes thus ; as the Elders therefore may know , that they are to be subject to him that is set over them by the custome of the Church ; so let the Bishops know , that it is more from custome , then from any true dispensation from the Lord , that they are above the Presbyters , & that they ought to rule the Church in common . In which words of Ierome , these five things present themselves to the Readers view ; First , that Bishops and Presbyters are originally the same ; Idem . ergo est Presbyter qui Episcopus . Secondly , that that Imparity that was in his time between Bishops and Elders , was grounded upon Ecclesiastical custome , and not upon devine Institution ; Episcopi noverint , &c. Thirdly , that this was not his private judgement , but the judgement of Scripture ; Putat aliquis , &c. Fourthly , that before this Priority was upon this occasion started , the Church was governed Communi Presbyterorum Consilio , by the Counsel of the Presbyters in common , and that even after this imparity , it ought to be so governed ; Sciant Episcopi se Ecclesiam debere in communi regere . Fifthly , that the occasion of this Imparity and Superiority of Bishops above Elders , was the divisions which through the Devils instinct fell among the Churches ; Postquam verò Diaboli instinctu . Saravia would take advantage of this place , to deduce this Imparity as high as from the Apostles times , because even then they began to say , I am of Paul , and I of Apollos : but sure S. Ierome was not so weake as this man would make him , to speak Inconsistencies ; and when he propounds it to himself , to prove that Bishops and Presbyters are in Scripture the same , to let fall words that should confute his own proposition : whereas therefore S. Ierome saith , that after men began to say , I am of Paul , and I of Apollos , &c. it was decreed that one of the Presbyters should be set over the rest , &c. This is spoken indeed in the Apostles phrase , but not of the Apostles times , else to what purpose , is that coacervation of texts that followes ? But suppose it should be granted to be of Apostolical antiquity ( which yet we grant not , having proved the contrary ) yet it appeares , it was not of Apostolical intention , but of Diabolical occasion : And though the Devil by kindling Divisions in the Church , did minister Occasion to the invention of the primacy or prelacy or one for the suppressing of Schisme ; yet there is just cause to think , that the Spirit of God in his Apostles was never the author of this invention . First , because we read in the Apostles dayes there were Divisions , Rom. 16.7 . and Schismes , 1 Cor. 3.3 . and 11.18 . yet the Apostle was not directed by the holy Ghost to ordaine Bishops for the taking away of those Divisions . Neither in the rules he prescribes for the healing of those breaches , doth he mention Bishops for that end : Nor in the Directions given to Timothy and Titus for the Ordination of Bishops or Elders , doth he mention this as one end of their Ordination , or one peculiar duty of their office . And though the Apostle saith , Oportet haereses inter vos esse , ut qui probati sunt manifesti fiant inter vos ; yet the Apostle no where saith , Oportet Episcopos esse , ut tollantur haereses , quae manifestae fiunt . Secondly , because as Doctor Whitaker saith , the remedy devised hath proved worse then the disease , which doth never happen to that remedy whereof the holy Ghost is the author . Thirdly , because the holy Ghost , who could foresee what would ensue thereupon , would never ordaine that for a remedy , which would not onely be ineffectual to the cutting off of evil , but become a stirrup for Antichrist to get into his saddle . For if there be a necessity of setting up one Bishop over many Presbyters for preventing schismes , there is as great a necessity of setting up one Archbishop over many Bishops , and one Patriarch over many Archbishops , and one Pope over all , unlesse men will imagine , that there is a danger of schisme onely among Presbyters , and not among Bishops and Archbishops , which is contrary to reason , truth , History , and our own Experience . And lest our adversaries should appeale from Hierome as an incompetent Judge in this case , because a Presbyter , and so a party , we will therefore subjoyne the judgments of other ancient Fathers who were themselves Bishops . The Commentaries that go under the name of Saint Ambrose upon Ephes. 4. mention another occasion of this Discrimination or priority ; and that was * the increase and dilatation of the Church upon occasion whereof they did ordaine Rectors or Governours , and other officers in the Church ; yet this he grants , that this did differ from the former orders of the Church , and from apostolical Writ . And this Rectorship or Priority was devolved at first from one Elder to another by Succession , when he who was in the place was removed , the next in order among the Elders Succeeded . But this was afterwards changed , and that unworthy men might not be preferred , it was made a matter of Election , and not a matter of Succession . Thus much we finde concerning the occasion of this imparity , enough to shew , it is not of Divine Authority . For the second thing , the persons who brought in this Imparity : the same Authors tells us , the Presbyters themselves brought it in ; witnesse Hierome ad Evag. Alexandriae Presbyteri unum ex se electum in Excelsiori gradu collacatum , Episcopum nominabant , quomodo si exercitus Imperatorem faceret , aut Diaconi de se Archidiaconum . The Presbyters of Alexandria did call him their Bishop , whom they had chosen from among themselves , & placed in a higher degree ; as if an army should make an Emperour , or the Deacons an Archdeacon . Ambrose upon the fourth of the Ephesians tells us , it was done by a Councell , and although he neither name the time nor place of the Councel , yet ascribing it to a Councell he grants it not to be Apostolical : this gave occasion to others to sixe it upon Custome as Hieronym , in Tit. and August . Epist. 19. secundùm honorum vocabula quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit Episcopatus Presbyterio major est , And had that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Prelacy had the Seal and confirmation of Divine or Apostolical Authority , Gregory Nazianzene would never in such a Pathetick manner have wished the Abolition of it , as he doth in his 28. Oration . And now where is that acknowledgement , and conveyance of Imparity and Iurisdiction which saith this Remonstrant was derived from the Apostles hands , and deduced in an uninterupted l●ne , unto this day : where is it ? we finde no such Imparity delivered from Apostolical hands , nor acknowledged in Apostolical writings ; yet had there been such an acknowledgement and conveyance of imparity : how this should have been deduced to us in an uninterrupted Line , we know not , unlesse our Bishops will draw the Line of their Pedigree through the ●oynes of Antichrist , and joyne issue , and mingle blood with Rome : which it seemes they will rather doe then lose this plea for their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their tyrannical prerogative , as Nazianzen calls it , Suffer us therefore humbly to appeale to your Honours , whether this Remonstrant hath not given sentence against himself , who is so confident of the Evidence of his cause , that he doth not feare to say , if there can be better Evidence under Heaven for any matter of fact then there is for his Episcopacy : Let EPISCOPACY BE FOR EVER ABANDONED OUT OF THE CHURCH OF GOD. SECT . VII . YEt it seems himselfe in the height of his confidence was not without Jelousies , of some thing might be spoken against his cause , therefore he seems to heare , what is spoken against it . That the Apostles Bishops and ours are two : there was no other then a Parochial Pastor , a Preaching Presbyter without inequallity , without any Rule over his brethren . Ours claime an eminent Superiority , and a power of Ordination and Iurisdiction unknowne to the Primitive times . That this which he supposeth he heares us say is Scripture Truth we have shewed already , &c. that there was a parity between Presbyters and Bishops : and that eminent superiority and power of Ordination and Iurisdiction which our Bishops claime , was unknown to Scripture : and are now prepared by Gods assistance to prove , it was unknown to primitive times . But how doth this Remonstrant meete with this Reply : ALAS , ALAS , HOW GOOD PEOPLE may be abused by misinformation ! It seemes the man Judged this Reply so poor as in his thoughts it was more worthy of his pitty , then of his paines to answer , or rather knew there was more in this Reply , then he knew how to answer , and therefore waves it with his Rhetoricke . And this we rather think , because he knowes but little in Antiquity , that knowes not , that there is so vast a difference between our Bishops , and those that were not onely in the Apostles dayes ( whom we have proved to be undistinguished from Presbyters ) But those Bishops that were in the Church 400. yeares after , when there began to be some discrimination , that Episcopacy may well be likened to the Ship Argo , that was so often repaired , as there was nothing left of the First Materials ; yet still it challenged the first Name . Which difference we spread before your Honours in three particulars : first in point of Election to their office ; secondly , in point of Execution of their office ; thirdly , in point of State-Imployment . First ( having discovered already upon what occasion this priority began to have existence in the Church , and from whom it first received its being , not from God but from Consent and Custome of the Churches , according to Ambrose , Ierome , Augustine , &c. ) We come now to Declare what was the manner of Election unto this Priority in these times , and to shew first , how therein these Bishops did differ from ours : for all their Elections were ordered by the privity , consent , and approbation of the people , where the Bishops was to serve . Were there no other Authors to make this good , Cyprian alone would doe it , among other places let his 68. Epistle witn●sse , where he saith * plebs Maxime habet potestatem , &c. The people specially have power either of chusing worthy Priests , or rejecting the unworthy : for this is derived from Divine Authority , that the Priests should be chosen in the presence of the people , before all their eyes and approved as fit and worthy by their publike vote and Testimony . This he proves by the Testimony of Sacred writ both Old and New. Where we observe first , that the special power of Judging of the worthinesse or unworthinesse of a man for the Prelacy was in the breast of the Peogle . Secondly , the special power of choosing or rejecting eo his place according as they Judged him worthy or unworthy resided in the People , Plebs maximè Habet potestatem , &c. Thirdly , that this power did descend upon the People De Divina Authoritate . Nor was this the Judgement of one Sole man , but of an Affrican Synod consulted by the Spanish Churches in point of Election , as the inscription of the Epistle shewes . a The Obtrusion of a Bishop upon the Church of Alexandria without the Presence , desire and vote of the Clergy or People is condemned by Athanasius not onely as a breach of Canon , but as a Transgression of Apostolical prescript , and that it did compel or necessitate the heathen to blaspheme . Nor did onely Christian Bishops , but Christian Princes acknowledge the Right and power of Election of Bishops to be in the People , so that admired Constantine the great Promover and Patron of the peace of the Christian Church writing to the Church of Nicomedia against Eusebius , and Theognius , tells them the ready way to lay asleep the Tumults that did then disturbe the Church about the Election of a Bishop was , si modo Episcopum fidelem & integrum nacti fuerint , quod quidem in praesentia in vestrâ situm est potestate , quodque etiam dudùm penes vestrum Iudicium fuerat , nisi Eusebius de quo dixi pravo corum , qui cum juverunt Consilio hac praeceps ruisset & rectum Eligendi Ordinem impudenter conturbasset . Gelas in Act , Concil . Nicen. part . 3. if they would get a faithful and upright Bishop which saith he , is in your power presently to doe ; and was long agoe , if Eusebius with the aide of his faction , had not rushed in upon you , and impudently disturbed the right Order of Election . That which this sacred Emperour calls the right order of Election , what is it but the Election by the people ? in whose power , he saith it then was and long had been to choose a Bishop ; and by whose power the next Bishop was chosen . So the same Author tells us , that after Eusebius and Theognius were cast out of their several seats for Arianisme , by the Councel of Nice , others were appointed in their roomes by the Clergy and people of each Diocesse . To this Election in Nicomedia , we could ( if it were needful in so cleare a Truth ) adde many the like Presidents of popular Elections ; which for brevities sake , we passe over . Not questioning , but that which hath been spoken , is sufficient to informe the intelligent Reader , that our Bishops and the Bishops of former times , are TWO in point of Election . SECT . VIII . A Second thing wherein we have undertaken to shew , that our Bishops and the Bishops of former times are TWO , is in the Execution of their Office : and here there are three things , wherein he that will not wilfully shut his eyes against all light , may see a Latitude of difference between ours and former Bishops . First , in that Sole Iurisdiction which our Bishops assume to themselves . Secondly , in the Delagation they make of the power of exercising this Jurisdiction unto others . Thirdly , in the way of the exercise of that power . For the first of these , Their sole Iurisdiction ; That our Bishops assume this to themselves , it is known and felt , and that this Sole Iurisdiction was a stranger , a Monster to former times , we shall now prove , and make cleare ; that the power of Ordination , Admonition , Excommunication , Absolution , was not in the hands of any sole man. First , for Ordination , Cyprian in his exile writing to his Charge , certifies them , that Aurelius was ordained by him and his Colleagues , who were present with him ; ( who were these Colleagues , but his Presbyters ; as he himself expounds it , writing to Lucius in his own name , and the name of his Clergy and people , Ego & Collegae & fraternitas omnis , &c. I and my Colleagues and my whole people send these Letters to you , &c. So that it is cleare in Cyprians time , Presbyters had a hand in Ordination , and Bishops did not Ordaine alone . Firmilianus saith of them that rule in the Church , Quod baptizandi , MANVM IMPONENDI ET ORDINANDI , poffident potestatem . And who those he , he expresseth a little before , SENIORES & Prapositi : by whom the Presbyters as well as the Bishops are understood . And as these places prove , that Bishops in the Primitive time , could not ordain alone without the Presbyters ; so there are that give us light to understand , that the Presbyters might ordain without the Bishop . The Author of the Comment upon the Ephesians , that goes under the name of of Ambrose , saith , Apud Egyptum Presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit Episcopus , In Egypt the Presbyters ordain , if the Bishop be not present ; so saith Augustine in the same words ; and the Corepiscopus , who was but a Presbyter , had power to impose hands , and to ordaine within his precincts , with the Bishops Licence . Now Licences confer not a power to him that hath it not , but onely a faculty to exercise that power he hath . The iniquity of our times hath been such , that a Minister may not Preach to his own flock , without a Licence : doth this Licence make a man a Minister , and give him power to preach , or only a faculty and liberty to exercise that power ? Should a Bishop give a Laike a Licence to preach , or to ordain , doth that Licence make him a Minister , or a Bishop ? Sure all will say , no : why ? because in the Laike there is not Actus primus , the root and principle of that power , which Licence onely opens a way to the exercise of ; and therefore that must be concluded to be in those Chorepiscopi ; or Presbyters , by vertue of their place and calling , and not by vertue of a Licence . So that the power of Ordination was so farre from residing in the Bishop alone , as that the Presbyters and Corepiscopi had power to ordain as well as he . Neither was this onely a matter of Ecclesiastical custome , but of Ecclesiastical constitution , which bids the Bishop ; First , in all his Ordinations to consult with his Clergy ; Vt Episcopus sine Concilio Clericorum suorum Clericos non ordinet : That the Bishop shall not ordain a Clergy man without the counsel of the Clergy : this was Cyprians practice , Epist. 33. Secondly , in his Ordinations to take the ●oncurrent assistance of his Presbyters ; Cum ordinatur Presbyter , Episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt , manus suas juxta manum Episcopi sut er caput illius teneant . When a Presbyter is ordained , the Bishop blessing him , and holding his hand upon his head , all the Presbyters that are present , shall likewise lay their hands upon his head , with the hands of the Bishop . In which Canon , we have the unanimous vote of two hundred and fourteen Bishops , declaring that the power of Ordination is in the hands of Presbyters as well as Bishops . And whereas it may be objected , that Hierome and Chrysostome , affirming Bishops to differ from Presbyters in the power of Ordination , seem to imply , that that power is soly theirs : Here wee desire it may be observed . First , that these Fathers put all the difference that lies betweene Bishops and Presbyters , to be in point of Ordination . Quid facit Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter exceptá Ordinatione . And therefore Chrysostome himselfe confesseth , that in his days there was litle or no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter . Inter Episcopum & presbyterum interest fermè nihil , &c. Secondly , That this difference is not so to he understood , as if these Fathers did hold it to be by divine right ( as Bellarmin and our Episcopal men would make us beleeve ) but by a humane constitution . And therefore they do not speak De jure but de facto , Quid facit , &c. not quid debet facere . And this Hierom confesseth . So Leo prim . ep . 88. upon complaints of unlawful Ordinations , writing to the Germane and French Bishops , reckons up what things are reserved to the Bishops , among which he set down Presbyterorum & Diaconorum consecratio , and then addes , Quae omnia solis deberi summis Pontificibus Authoritate Canonam praecipitur : So that for this power of Ordination , they are more beholden to the Canon of the Church , then to the Canon of Gods Word . Thirdly , we answer that this very humane difference was not in the Primitive Antiquity . It was not so in Cyprians time , as we even now shewed . And when it did prevaile , it was but a particular custome ( and sometimes usurpation ) of some Churches . For it was otherwise appointed in the Councel of Carthage , and in Egypt , and other places , as is declared in the former part of this Section ; and even in Chrysostomes time , it was so little approved of , that it was one great accusation against Chrysostome himselfe , That he made Ordinations without the Presbytery , and without the consent of his Clergy , this is quoted by Bishop Downam , lib. 1. cap. 8. pag. 176. SECT . IX . NO● had the Bishops of former times more right to the power of sole Iurisdiction , then of sole Ordination : And here we have Confitentem reum , our very Adversaries confess the Votes of Antiquity are with us . Cyprian professeth , that he would do nothing without the Clergy ; nay , he could do nothing without them ; nay , he durst not take upon him alone to determine that which of right did belong to all ; and had he or any other done so , the fourth Councel of Carthage condemns the Sentence of the Bishop , as Irritanisi Clericorum sententiâ confirmetur . Would ye know the particulars , wherein the Bishops had no power of Judicature without their Presbyters . First , in judging and censuring Presbyters themselves , and their Doctrine ; For this the Canon Law in Gratian is full and cleare : Episcopus non potest Iudicare Presbyterum vel Diaconum sine Synodo & Senioribus : Thus Basill counselled and practised , epist. 75. So Ambr. lib. 10. epist. 80. Cyril in epist. ad Iohannem Antiochen . Thus Gregory ad Iohan. Panor mitan . lib. 11. epist. 49. Secondly , in judging of the conversation or crimes of any of the members of the Church : Penes Presbyteros est Disciplina quae facit homines meliores ; That Discipline that workes emendation in men , is in the power of the Elders . And therefore when any was questioned in point of conversation , he was brought , saith Tertullian , into the Congregation where were Exhortations , Castigations , and Divine censures : And who had the chiefe stroke in these Censures , he tells us after : President probati quique seniores : All the approved Elders sit as Presidents . And those censures that passed by the whole Presbytery were more approved by the Church in ancient times , then such as were passed by one man ; for we finde that when Syagrius and Ambrose passed Sentence in the same case , the Church was unsatisfied in the Sentence of Syagrius , because he past it sine alicujus fratris consilio , without the counsel or consent of any of his Brethren . But were pacified with the sentence of Saint Ambrose : because , saith he , Hoc Iudicium Nostrum cum fratribus & consacerdotibus participatum processerit . Nor was there any kinde of censures that the Bishops did administer alone : Admonitions were given by the Elders ; Augustine tells us the Elders did admonish such as were offenders ▪ to the same purpose speakes . Origen . contra Celsum . Lib. 3. * So excommunication , though that being the dreadfullest thunder of the Church , and as Tertullian calls it , sumntum praejudicium futuri Iudicij , the great fore-runner of the Judgement of God , was never vibrated but by the hand of those that laboured in the Word and Doctrine : yet was no one man in the Church invested with this power more then another . Therefore saith b Hierom ; Presbytero si peccavero licet me tradere satanae in interitum carnis . If I sinne , a Presbyter ( not a Bishop only ) may deliver me to Satan , to the destruction , &c. where the Reader may please to take notice that Saint Hierom speakes not of one particular Presbyter , but of the Order of Presbyters . The same S. Hierom saith againe , Sunt quos Ecclesia reprehendit , quos interdum abijcit , in quos non nunquam Episcoporum & Clericorum censura desaevit . There be some whom the Church reproves , and some which she casts out ; against whom the censures of Bishops and Presbyters sharply proceed ; where we see , the Censures whereby wicked men were cast out of the Church , were not in the sole hands of the Bishops , but likewise in the hands of Presbyters . Syricius Bishop of Rome signifies to the Church of Millaine , that Iovinianus , Auxentius , &c. were cast out of the Church for ever , and he sets down how they did it , Omnium Nostrum tam Presbyterorum quam Diacon●rum , quam totius etiam cleri sciscitata fuit sententia . There was a concurrence of all Presbyters , Deacons , and the whole Clergy in that sentence of Excommunication . The truth herein may be further evidenced by this , because the whole Clergy as well as the Bishops imposed hands upon such , as repenting were absolved : Nec ad communicationem ( saith Cyprian ) venire quis possit , nisi prius ab Episcopo & Clero Manus illi fuerit imposita : No man that hath been excommunicated might returne to Church-Communion , before hands had been laid upon him by the Bishop and Clergy . Also writing to his Clergy concerning lapsed Christians , he tells them , Exomologesi facta & manu eis à vobis in poenitentiam impositâ , &c. that after confession and the laying on their hands , they might be commended unto God : so when certaine returning from their heresie were to be received into the Church at Rome in the time of Cornelius , they came before the Presbytery , and therefore confessed their sinnes , and so were admitted . But though the sentence of Excommunication was managed onely by the hand of those that laboured in the Word and Doctrine , yet we will not conceale from you , that neither Excommunication not absolution did passe without the knowledge and approbation of the body of the Church , to which the Delinquent did belong . So we have learned out of Tertullian , that their censures were ordered in their publike assemblies ; and good reason , because the people were to forbeare communion with such . 2 Thes. 3.6 , 14 , 15. and publike censures of the Church were inflict●d not onely for the Emendation of delinquents , but for the admonition of others , and therefore ought to be admistr●d in publike that others might feare , 1 Tim. 5.20 . Origen speaking of the Duty and Power of the Church in cutting off a scandalous Person though a Presbyter , making the case his own , he saith thus : In uno consensu Ecclesia universa conspirans excidat me d●xtram suam & projiciat a se , He would have the consent of the whole Church in that Act. And when the lapsed Christians were received againe into the Church , the Peoples consent was required therein ; else why should Cyprian say , Vix plebi per suadeo imò extorqueo ut tales patiantur admitti : I can scarce perswade the people to suffer such to be admitted : and in another Epistle written to his people in his Banishment , he promiseth to examine all things , they being present and judging . Examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . But of this power of the People we shall have a further occasion to speak afterwards , when we come to discourse of Governing Elders . Onely may it please your Honours from hence to take notice , how unjustly our Bishops have invaded this right and power of Presbyters and people in Church censures , and devesting both of it , have girt it wholly upon themselves , and how herein they and the Bishops of former times are TWO . SECT . X. ANd as our Bishops , and the Bishops of former times are TWO in point of Sole Iurisdiction , so also in the Delegation of this power of Iurisdiction unto others : to their Chancellours , Commissaries , Officers , &c. Was ever such a thing as this heard of in the best primitive Times ? that men that never received imposition of hands , should not only be received into assistance , but be wholly intrusted with the power of Spiritual Iurisdiction : Even then when it is to be exercised over such persons as have had hands laid upon them . We may observe in Cyprian , whilst persecution separated him from his Church , when questions did arise among his people , he doth not send them to his Chancellour or Commissary ; No , he was so far from substituting any man ( much lesse a lay man ) to determene or give Judgement in such cases , that he would not assume that power wholly to himself , but suspends his Judgement , till the hand of God should restore him to his Church againe , that with the advice and Counsel of the Presbyters , he might give sentence : as may appeare to any that shall peruse his Epistles . Sure if God had ever led his Church to such a way of deputation , it would have been in such a case of Necessity as this was : or had any footsteps of such a course as this been visible by this holy Martyr in the goings of former ages , he needed not have deferred the determination of the question about the receiving of some penitent lapsed ones into the bosome of the Church again , till his returne and the returne of his Clergy , as he doth . We will instance in his 28 Epistle , wherein giving direction for the excommunicating of such as would rashly communicate with lapsed Christians , he gives this charge not to his Chancellor or Commissary , or any other man upon whom he had devolved his power , and set him as his Deputy or Viccar generall in his absence , but ad clerum , to the whole Presbytery . This Truth is so cleare , that Bishop Downam the great Advocate of Episcopacy confesseth , that in Ambrose his time , and a good while after ( which was about 400 years ) till the Presbyters were in a manner 〈…〉 SECT . XI . A Third branch wherein the difference between our Bishops , and the Bishops of former times , in point of Exercising their Jurisdiction , is visible , is the way or manner of exercising that power . For brevities sake we will onely instance in their proceedings in causes criminal ; where let them tell us , whether any good Antiquity can yeild them one President for THEIR OATH EX OFFICIO , which hath been to their COURTS , as Purgatory fire to the Popes Kitchin : they have forgotten that old Maxime in the Civil Law , Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum , which as it is grounded upon natural equity , so it is confirmed by a Law enacted by Dioclesian and Maximilian , Nimis grave est quod petitis , &c. It is too grievous that the adverse part should be required to the exhibition of such things as should create trouble to themselves . Vnderstand therefore that you ought to bring proofes of your intentions , and not to extort them from your adversaries against themselves . Shall the Lamp of Nature in the night of Ethnicisme enable Heathen Princes , ( yea Persecutors ) to see and enact thus much , and shall not the glorious Sunne of the Gospel convince these of their iniquities in transgressing this Law , that call themselves the Fathers of the Church ? If neither the light of Nature , nor Gospel light can , yet the custome of the Church , to which they so oft appeal , may both convince them of this iniquity , and discov●r to all the world the contrariety of their proceedings , to the proceedings of former times , in this particular . For of Old , both the Plantiffe and Defendant were brought face to face , before the parties , in whose power it was to judge : which way of proceeding , Athanasius affirmes to be according to Scripture , the Law of God. And because those that condemned Macarius , did not thus proceed , he condemnes their Sentence as malicious and unjust . Of old , no Sentence passed against any man , but upon the Testimony of other witnesses besides the Accusers : after complaint exhibited , the first thing they applyed themselves to , was to consider the person and quality of the Accuser , Concil . prim . Constant. Can. 6 Then they heard the witnesses , who were two at least , Can. Apost . Can. 75. And these witnesses must be such , as might not be imagined to be partiall , nor to beare enmity nor malice against the party accused . Ambros. Epist. 64. so Gratian , Caus. 3. quae . 5. cap. Quod suspecti . Of old , None might be party , witnesse , and Iudge , which Gratian proves at large . Caus. 4. qu. 4. cap. Nullus unquam praesumat accusator simul esse , & Iudex & testis , We grant indeed the Canon Law permits in some cases Tryal without witnesses ; Si crimen ita publicum est , ut meritò debeat appellari notorium ; If the crime be so publike , that it may deservedly be called Notorious . Which Law further determines what is notorious , saying , Offensam illam nos intelligimus manifestam , quae vel per confessionem vel probationem legitime nota fuerit , aut evidentiâ Rei , quae nulla possit tergiversatione celari ; We count that offence manifest , which eith●r by confession , or by lawful proofe comes to be known , or by evidence of fact , so as it can be hid by no tergiversations . So that all was done in former times with mature deliberation , upon examination and evidence produced , and proved by such witnesses , as against whom the Defendant could lay in no just exception . And not as now an Accusation whispered against a man , he knowes not by whom , to which he must take his oath to answer , before he knows what his Accusation is . Which Oath , if he takes , without further witnesse , he is censured upon the witnesse of his own Oath . If he takes it not , he is sent presently to prison , there to lye without Bayle or Mainprize , till the insupportable miseries of his long durance , compel him to take on Oath against Nature , Scripture , Conscience , and the just Defence of his own innocency . That our Bishops therefore and former Bishops are Two , in the point of executing their Judicatory power , we need spend no more time to prove . But come to the third thing , in which the difference betweene ours and former Bishops is to be evidenced . SECT . XII . ANd that is State Imployment , or attendance upon Civil and Secular affaires , &c. which both Christ and Saint Paul prohibits , which prohibition reacheth every Bishop ( to speake in Chrysostomes words ) as well as Timothy , to whom it is directed ; Nullus ergo Episcopatu praeditus haec audire detrectet , sed agere ea omnia detrectet , Let no man that is a Bishop , refuse to hear what the Apostle saith , but to doe what the Apostle forbids . We deny not but that Bishops were in the Primitive times often incumbred with secular business : but these were put upon them , sometimes by Emperors , who sought the ruine of the Church , as Iulian , of whom Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 13. doth report , that in Clerum coaptatos Senatorum munere & ministerio perverse fungi jussit . Sometimes the gracious disposition of Princes toward Christian Religion , made them thus to honour Bishops , thinking thereby to advance Religion : as Constantine the Great enacted , that such as were to be tryed before Civil Magistrates , might have leave to appeale ad Iudicium Episcoporum , atque eorum sententiam ratam esse tanquam ab ipso Imperatore prolatum , And this the Historian reckoneth as one argument of his reverend respect to Religion . Sometimes the excellency of their singular parts cast civil dignities upon them . Tiberius granted a Questors dignity unto a Bishop for his eloquence : Chrysostome for his notable stoutness and freedome of speech , was sent as the fittest man to Gainas , with the Emperors command . Sometimes the people observing the Bishops to be much honoured by the Emperour , would sollicit them to present their greivances to the Emperour . And sometimes the aspiring humour of the Bishops raised them to such places , as appears by Cyrill , who was the first Bishop in Alexandria , who had civil dignities conferred upon him , as Socrates relates it , from whom civil authority did descend upon succeeding Bishops . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : of whom Nicephorus therefore recorded , Episcopatum majoricum fastu , prophanorum Magistratuum more , quam praedecessores ejus Episcopi , ingressus est , unde adeo initium sumptum est in Ecclesia Alexandrina ut Episcopi etiam , profana negotia curarent : He entred upon his Episcopacy with more pomp then his predecessors , with a pomp conformable to the Heathen Magistrates . Both these Historians relate the sad consequence that followed upon this , that Orestes the Roman Governour seeing his power much weakened by the Bishops interposing in secular affairs , hated the Bishop : and this ( as the Historian calls it ) his usurped power . This president of the Alexandrian Bishop , the Bishop of Rome did soon follow ; Et Romanus Episcopatus non aliter quam Alexandrinus , quasi EXTRA SACERDOTII FINES egressus ad secularem principatum erat jam delapsus ; The Bishop of Rome as well as the Bishop of Alexandria breaking the limits of the Priestly function , did degenerate into a secular Principality : which purchased no lesse envie to him then that to the other . And though these two Bishops went at first abreast in this point , yet in a short time the Roman had out stripped the Alexandrian in that power , till the Church degenerating more and more , that Roman Priest advanced his power not onely above all the Bishops , but all the Monarchs in the Christian Orbe . Yet notwithstanding , he that shall look into the Ancients , shall finde ; first , that the best of them held , that they were not to be molested with the handling of worldly affaires , Cyprian Epist. 66.1 . Singuli divino Sacerdotio honorati non nisi altari & sacrificiis deservire & precibus atque orationibus vacare debent , Molestiis secularibus non sunt obligandi , qui divinis rebus & spiritualibus occupantur . Secondly , that they complained of them as of heavy burthens , Aug. calls it Angaria , yea Austin himselfe in his 81. Epistle complaines , that worldly business hindered his praying and so pressed him , that vix respirare potuit : and Gregory the great , non sine dolore in secularibus versabatur , praefat . in Dial. Thirdly , Cyprian construed it as one great cause of persecutions raised against the Church , de lapsis , Sect. 4. Fourthly , it was much cryed down as unlawful by the holy Fathers , many Canons forbidding it , and that under pain of being removed from their places . Can. Apost . Can. 6. Can. 81. hee that did presume to administer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Roman command or Administration of Military affaires or civil place ( as Zonaras there ) he should be desposed , Can. Apo. Can. 83. hiring of ground , medling with worldly affaires is to be laid aside by them . Otherwise they are threatned to be liable to Ecclesiastical censures , Conc. Cal. Can. 3. Conc. Carth. Can. 16. We will adde this for a conclusion in this point , it is observed by Athanasius , Sulpitius , Severus , and other Ecclesiastical Historians , that the Arians were very expedite in worldly affaires , which experience they gained by their constant following and attendance upon the Emperours Court ; and what troubles they occasioned to the Church thereby , is notoriously known to any that have seen the Histories of their times . And in this our Bishops have approved themselves more like to the Arian Bishops then the purer Bishops of purer times : but how ever cleare it is , that our Bishops and the Bishops of former times are Two ▪ Two in election to their office ; Two in the discharge of their office ; Two in their Ordination , Iurisdiction , Processes , Censures , Administrations ; and the difference between our Bishops and those of former times , is greater then between the great Bishop of Rome and them . SECT . XIII . But it seemes our Remonstrant soared above these times even as high as the Apostles dayes , for so he saith , If our Bishops challenge any other spiritual power , then was by Apostolike Authority delegated to , and required of Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the seven Asian Churches , let them be DISCLAIMED as VSVRPERS . And the truth is , so they deserve to be , if they doe but challenge the same power that the Apostle did delegate to Timothy and Titus ; for Timothy and Titus were Evangelists , and so moved in a Sphere above Bishops or Presbyters . For Timothy , it is cleare from the letter of the Text , 2 Tim. 4.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Doe the work of an Evangelist : if Timothy had been but a Presbyter or Bishop , Paul had here put him upon imployment , Vltra Sphaeram Activitatis . And to any man , that will but understand and consider what the Office of an a Evangelist was ; and wherein it differed from the Office of a Presbyter or Bishop , it will be manifest that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists , and no Bishops : for the title of Evangelist is taken but two wayes ; either for such as wrote the Gospel , and so we doe not affirme Timothy and Titus , to be Evangelists : or else for such as taught the Gospel ; and those were of two sorts , either such as had ordinary places and ordinary gifts , or such whose places and gifts were extraordinary ; and such Evangelists were Timothy and Titus , and not Bishops , as will appeare if we consider , what was the Difference between the Evangelists and Bishops . Bishops or Presbyters were tyed to the particular care and tuition of that flock over which God had made them Overseers , Acts 20.28 . But Evangelists were not tyed to reside in one particular place , but did attend upon the Apostles by whose appointment they are sent from place to place , as the necessity of the Churches did require . As appeares first in Timothy whom Saint Paul besought to abide at Ephesus , 1. Tim. 1.3 . which had beene needlesse importunity , if Timothy had the Episcopall ( that is the Pastorall ) charge of Ephesus committed to him by the Apostles , for then he might have laid as dreadful a Charge upon him to abide at Ephesus , as he doth to . Preach the Gospel . But so far was Paul from setling Timothy in Cathedrâ in Ephesus , that he rather continually sends him up and down upon all Church-services , for we finde Acts. 17.14 . that when Paul fled from the tumults of Berea to Athens , he left Silas and Timothy behinde him , who afterwards comming to Paul to Athens , Paul sends Timothy from Athens to Thessalonica , to confirm the Thessalonians in the faith , as appears 1 Thes. 3.1.2 . from whence returning to Paul to Athens again , the Apostle Paul before he left Athens and went to Corinth , sent him and Silas into Macedonia , who returned to him again to Corinth , Act. 18.5 . afterwards they travelled to Ephesus , from whence we read Paul sent Timothy and Erastus into Macedonia , Act. 19.22 . wither Paul went after them , and from whence they and divers other Breathren journied into Asia , Acts 20.4 . All which Breathren Paul calls , as it is probable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the messengers of the Churches , 2. Cor. 8.23 . And being thus accompanied with Timothy , and the rest of the Bretheren he comes to Miletum , and calls the Elders of the Church of Ephesus thither to him , of which Church had Timothy been Bishop , the Apostle in stead of giving the Elders a charge to feed the flock of Christ , would have given that charge to Timothy , and not to them . And secondly , the Apostle would not so have forgotten himself , as to call the Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before their Bishops face . Thirdly , It is to be conceived , the Apostles would have given them some directions , how to carry themselves towards their Bishop ; but not a word of this though Timothy were then in Pauls presence , and in the presence of the Elders . The cleare evidence of which Text demonstrates , that Paul did not leave Timothy at this time as Bishop of Ephesus . But it is rather evident that he took him along with him in his journey to Hierusalem , and so to Rome ; for we find that those Epistles Paul wrote while he a prisoner , bear either in their inscription or some other passage of them , the name of Timothy as Pauls companion , viz. The Epistle to the Philippians , C●lossians , Hebrewes , Philemon , which Epistles he wrote in bonds as the contexture , which those two learned professors ; the one at Heydelburg , the other at Saulmur , make of Saint Pauls Epistles , doth declare . So that it appears that Timothy was no Bishop , but a Minister , an Evangelist , a fellow labourer of the Apostles , 1 Thes. 3.1 . an Apostle , a Messenger of the Church , 2 Cor. 8.3 . a Minister of God , 1 Thes. 3.2 . these titles the Holy Ghost gives him , but never the title of a Bishop . The like we finde in Scripture concerning Titus , whom Paul as it is conceived by learned men , did first assume into the fellowship of his Labors in the place of Iohn , and made him his companion in his journy through Antioch a to Hierusalem , b so we find Gal. 2.1 . from thence returning to Antioch againe ; from thence he passed through Syria and Cilicia , confirming the Churches ; and from Cilicia , he passed to Creet , where having Preached the Gospel , and plainted Churches , he left Titus * there for a while , to set in order things that remaine , Yet it was but for a while he left him there , for in his Epistle which he wrote to him not many yeares after , he injoynes him to come to him to Nicopolis * where he did intend to winter , but changing that purpose sends for him to Ephesus , where it seemes his Hyemal station was , and from thence sends him before him to Corinth , to enquire the state of the Corinthians * . His returne from thence Paul expects at Troas * , and because comming thither he found not his expectation there , he was so grieved in his spirit , 2 Cor. 2.12 . that he passed presently from thence into Macedonia , where Titus met him ; and in the midst of his afflictions joyed his spirits with the glad tydings of the powerful and gracious effects , his first Epistle had among the Corinthians , 2 Cor. 7 , 5 , 6 , 7. Paul having there collected the Liberalities of the Saints , sends Titus againe to the * Corinthians , to prepare them for the same service of Ministring to the necessities of the Saints , 2 Cor. 8.6 . And makes him with some others the Conveyers of that second Epistle to the Corinthians . All these journey es to and fro did Titus make at the designment of the Apostle , even after he was left in Creet . Nor doe we finde , that after his first removal from Creet * ; he did ever returne thither . We read indeed , 2 Tim. 4.10 . he was with Paul at Rome , and from thence returned not to Creet , but into Dalmatia . All which doth more then probably shew , it never was the Intendment of the Apostle to fix Titus in Creet as a Bishop , but onely to leave him there for a season for the good of that Church , and to call him from thence , and send him abroad to other Churches for their good , as their necessities might require . Now who that will acknowledge a Distinction between the Offices of Bishops and Evangelists , and knows wherein that Distinction lyes , will not upon these premisses conclude that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists and NOT Bishops . I but some of the Fathers have called Timothy and Titus Bishops . We grant it true ; and it is as true , that some of the Fathers have called them Archbishops and Patriarks ; yet it doth not follow , they were so . We adde , secondly , that when the Fathers did call them so , it was not in a proper but in an improper sense ; which we expresse in the words of our Learned Orthodox Raynolds ; You may learne by the Fathers themselves , saith he , that when they termed any Apostle a Bishop of this or that City ( as namely S. Peter of Antioch or Rome ) they meant it in a general sort and signification , because they did attend that Church for a time , and supply that roome in preaching the Gospel , which Bishops did after ; but as the name of Bishop is commonly taken for the Overseer of a particular Church , and Pastor of a several flock ; so Peter was not Bishop of any one place ; therefore not of Rome . And this is true by Analogy of all extraordinary Bishops , and the same may be said of Timothy and Titus , that he saith of Peter . But were it true that Timothy and Titus were Bishops : will this Remonstrant undertake , that all his party shall stand to his Conditions ▪ If our Bishops challenge any other power then was by Apostolick Authority delegated to , and required of Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the seaven Asian Churches , let them be disclaimed as usurpers . Will our Bishops indeed stand to this ? then actum est . Did ever Apostolick Authority delegate power to Timothy or Titus , to ordain alone ? to governe alone ? and do not our Bishops challenge that power ? Did ever Apostolique Authority delegate power to Timothy and Titus , to rebuke an Elder ? no ; but to entreat him as a Father : and do not our Bishops challenge themselves and permit to their Chancellors , Commissaries , and Officials power not only to Rebuke an Elder ▪ but to rayle upon an Elder ? to reproach him with the most opprobrious termes of foole , knave , jack-sauce , &c. which our paper blushes to present to your Honors view ? Did ever Apostolick Authority delegate to Timothy and Titus power to receive an accusation against an Elder , but before two or three witnesses ? and do not our Bishops challenge power to proceed Ex Officio , and make Elders their own Accusers ? Did ever Apostolick Authority delegate power to Timothy or Titus , to reject any after twice admonition , but an Heretick ? and do not our Bishops challenge power to reject and eject the most sound and Orthodox of our Ministers , for refusing the use of a Ceremony ? as if Non-conformity were Heresie . So that either our Bishops must disclaime this Remonstrance , or else themselves must be disclaimed as usurpers . But if Timothy and Titus were no Bishops , or had not this power , it may be the Angels of the seven Asian Churches had ; and our Remonstrant is so subtile as to twist these two together , that if one faile , the other may hold . To which we answer ; first , that Angel in those Epistles is put Collectively , not Individually ; as appears by the Epistle to Thyatira , cap. 2. vers . 25. where we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. But I say unto you ( in the plural number , not unto thee in the singular ) and unto the rest in Thyatira , &c. Here is a plain distinction between the members of that Church . By you , is signified those to whom he spake under the name of the Angel. By the rest , the residue of the people . The people governed , and the Governours in the plural number . What can be more evident to prove , that by Angel is meant not one singular person , but the whole company of Presbyters that were in Thyatira . This also further appears , because it is usual with the holy Ghost , not only in other Books of the Scripture , but also in this very Book of the Revelation , to express a company under one singular person . Thus the Civil State of Rome , as opposite to Christ , is called A beast with ten horns : and the Ecclesiastical State Antichristian is called the whore of Babylon , and , the false Prophet ; and the Devil and all his family is called An old red Dragon . Thus also the seven Angels that blew the seven trumpets , Revel . 8.2 . and the seven Angels that poured out the seven Vials , are not literally to be taken , but Synecdochically , as all know . And why not then the seven Angels in those Epistles ? Mr. Mede in his Commentaries upon the Revelation , pag. 265 , hath these words ; Denique ( ut jam femel iterumquemonuimus ) quoniam Deus adhibet angelos providentiae suae in rerū humanarū motibus & conversionibus ciendis , gubernandisque administris : idcirco , quae multorum manibus peraguntur , Angelo tamen tanquam rei gerendae praesidi & Duci pro communi loquendi modo tribuuntur . Adde , thirdly , that the very name Angel is sufficient to prove , that it is not meant of one person alone , because the word Angel doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction or preheminence , but is a common name to all Ministers , and is so used in Scripture . For all Ministers are Gods Messengers and Embassadours , sent for the good of the Elect. And therefore the name being common to all Ministers , why should wee think that there should be any thing spoken to one Minister , that doth not belong to all ? The like argument we draw from the word Stars used Revel , 1.20 . The seven Stars are the Angels of the seven Churches . Now it is evident , that all faithful Ministers are called Stars in Scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the Churches , in all purity of doctrine and holiness of conversation . And in this sense , the word is used , when it is said , that the third part of the stars were darkned , Revel . 8.12 . and that the Dragons taile drew the third part of the stars of Heaven , and cast them to the Earth , Revel . 12.4 . Which is meant not only of Bishops , but of other Ministers , unlesse the Bishops will appropriate all corruption and Apostacy unto themselves . Adde , fourthly , out of the Text it selfe , it is very observable , that our Saviour in opening the mystery of the Vision , Revel . 1.20 . saith ; The seven Candlesticks which thou sawest , are the seven Churches , but he doth not say , The seven Stars are the seven Angels of the same Churches , But the Angels of the seven Churches ; wherein not without some mystery the number of the Angels is omitted , least we should understand by Angel , one Minister alone , and not a company . And yet the Septenary number of Churches is twice set down . Lastly , though but one Angel be mentioned in the fore-front , yet it is evident , that the Epistles themselves are dedicated to all the Angels and Ministers in every Church , and to the Churches themselves : And if to the whole Church , much more to the Presbyters of that Church . This is proved Revel . 1.11 . What thou seest , write in a Book , and send it to the seven Churches which are in Asia . And also by the Epiphonema of every Epistle ; He that hath an care to hear , let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the Churches . Upon which words , Ambrosius Ausbertus in his second book upon the Revelation , saith thus ; Vnâ eademque locutione & Angelos & Ecclesias unum esse designat . Nam cum in principio locutionum quae ad septem fiunt Angelos dicat , & Angelo illius Ecclesiae scribe ; in fine tamen earundem non dicit , Qui habet aurem audiat quod spiritus dicat Angelo , sed quid Ecclesiae dicat . By one and the same phrase of speech he sheweth , the Angels and the Churches to be one and the same . For whereas in the beginning of his speech , which he makes to the seven Churches , he saith , And write to the Angel of the Churches ; yet in the close of the same , he doth not say , He that hath an Eare , let him heare what the Spirit saith to the Angel , but what he saith to the Church . And this is further proved by the whole argument of those Epistles , wherein the admonitions , threatnings , commendations , and reproofes , are directed to all the Ministers of all the Churches . Revel . 2.10 . The Devil shall cast some of you into prison , &c. Revel . 2.16 . I will fight against them with the sword of my mouth , Revel . 2.24 . I will put upon you no other burthen , &c. I say unto you and the rest of Thyatira , as many as have not this Doctrine , and which have not known the depths of Satan , &c. And when it is said in the singular Number ( as it is often ) I know thy works and labour , &c. vers . 2. and vers . 4. Repent and do thy first works ; and vers . 13. Thou hast not denyed my Faith , &c. and cap. 3.26 . Because thou art neither hot nor cold , &c. All these and the like places , are not to be understood as meant of one individual person , but of the whole company of Ministers , and also of the whole Church , because that the punishment threatned , is to the whole Church ; Revel . 2.5 . Repent and do thy first works , or else I will come unto thee quickly and remove thy Candlestick out of his place ; Rev. 2.16 . Repent , or else I will come unto thee quickly , and will fight against thee with the sword of my mouth ; Revel . 2.24 . I will not put upon you any other burthen . Now we have no warrant in the Word to think that Christ would remove his Gospel from a Church for the sin of one Bishop , when all the other Ministers , and the Churches themselves are free from those sins . And if God should take this course , in what woeful & miserable condition should the Church of England be , which groaneth under so many corrupt Prelates ? By all this it appears , that the word Angel , is not to be taken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not properly , but figuratively . And this is the judgment of Master Perkins upon the second Chapter of the Revelation : and of Master Brightman : and of Doctor Fulke , who in answer to the Rhemists in Apoc. 1.20 . hath these words : S. Iohn by the Angels of the Churches meaneth not all that should wear on their heads Myters , and hold crosier staves in their hands , like dead Idols , but them that are the faithful messengers of Gods word , and utter and declare the same . Again , they are called the Angels of the Churches , because they be Gods messengers . Master Fox likewise in his Meditation upon the Revelation ( pag. 7.9.17 . ) is of this opinion , and hath gathered to our hands the opinions of all Interpreters he could meet , and saith that they all consent in this that under the person of an Angel , the Pastors & Ministers of the Churches were understood . S. Austin in his 132. Epistle , saith thus , Sic enim in Apocalypsi legitur Angelus , &c. Quod si de Angelo superiorum colorum , & non de Praepositis Ecclesiarum vellet intelligi , non consequenter diceret , Habeo adversum te , &c. And so in his second Homily upon the Revelation ( if that book be his ) Quod autem dicit Angelo Thyatirae . Habeo adversum te panca , dicit Praepositis Ecclesiarum , &c , This also Gregory the Great , lib. 34. Moral . in Iob. cap. 4. Saepe sacram scripturam praedicatores Ecclesiae pro eo quod patris gloriam annunciant , angelorum nomine solere designare : & hinc esse , quod Iohannes in Apocalypsi septem Ecclesiis scribens , angelis Ecclesiarum loquitur , id est , Praedicatoribus populorum . Master Box citeth Primasius , Haymo , Beda , Richard , Thomas , and others , to whom we refer you . If it be here demanded ( as it is much by the Hierarchical side ) that if by Angel be meant the whole company of Presbyters , why Christ did not say , to the Angels in the plural number , but to the Angel in the singular ? We answer , that though this question may savor of a litle too much curiosity , yet we will make bold to subjoyn three conjectural reasons of this phrase of speech . First , it is so used in this place , because it is the common language of other Scriptures in types and visions to set down a certain number for an uncertain , & the singular number for the plural . Thus the Ram , Dan. 8.3 . is interpred vers . 20. to be the Kings of Media , and Persia. And the enemies of Gods Church are set out by four horns . And the deliverers by four Carpenters , Zach. 1.18.20 . And the wise and foolish Virgins are said to be five wise and five foolish . And many such like . And therefore as we answer the Papists , when they demand why Christ if he meant figuratively when he saith , this is my body , did not speak in plain language , this is the sign of my body ? We say , that this phrase of speech is proper to all Sacraments : So we also answer here , this phrase of speech , Angel for Angels , is common to all types and visions . Secondly Angel is put , though more be meant , that so it may hold proportion with the vision which Iohn saw , Chap. 1.12.20 . He saw seven golden Candlesticks , and seven Stars . And therefore to hold proportion , the Epistles are directed to seven Angels , and to seven Churches . And this is called a mystery , Revel . 1.20 . The Mystery of the seven Stars . &c. Now a mystery is a secret which comprehends more th●n is expressed ; and therefore though but one Angel be expressed , yet the mystery implyes all the Angels of that Church . Thirdly , to signifie their unity in the Ministerial function , and joynt commission to attend upon the feeding and governing of one Church , with one common care , as it were with one hand and heart . And this i● more fitly declared by the name of one Angel , then of many . We often finde the name of ( one ) Prophet or Priest to be put for the general body of the Ministery , or whole multitude or Prophets or Priests , in the Church of Israel or Iudah , when the Spirit of God intendeth to reprove , threaten , or admonish them . Thus it is Iere. 6.13.18.19 . Isa. 3.2 . Hos. 9.8 . Ezek. 7.26 . Hos. 4 , 6. Mal. 2.7 . Neither should it seem strange , that a multitude or company of Ministers should be understood under the name of one Angel , seeing a multitude of Heavenly Angels ( imployed in one service for the good of Gods Saints ) is sometimes in the Scripture shut up under one Angel in the singular number , as may be gathered from Gen. 14.7 . 2 Kings 19.35 . Psal 34.7 . compared with Psal. 91.11 . Gen. 32.1 . 2. Kings 6.16 , 17. And also a multitude of Devils or evil Angels , jointly labouring in any one work , is set forth under the name of one evil or unclean spirit , 1 Kings 22.21 , 22. Mark 1.23 , 24. Mark 5.2.9 . Luke 4.33.34 . Luk. 8.27.30 . 1 Pet. 5.8 . Heb. 2.14 . Ephes. 6.11.12 . But now let us suppose ( which yet notwithstanding we will not grant ) that the word Angel is taken individually for one particular person , as Doctor Reynolds seems to interpret it , together with Master Beza , yet nevertheless● , there will nothing follow out of this acception ▪ that will any ways make for the upholding of a Diocesan Bishop , with sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , as a distinct Superior to Presbyters . And this appears , First , because it never was yet proved nor ever will ( as we conceive ) that these Angels were Diocesan Bishops , considering that Parishes were not divided into Diocesses in S. Iohns days . And the seven Stars are said to be fixed in their seven Candlesticks or Churches , not one Star over divers Candlesticks . Neither can those Churches be thought to be Diocesan , when not onely Tindal and the old translation , calls them seven Congregations , but we read also Acts 20. that at Ephesus which was one of those Candlesticks , there was but one flock . And secondly , we further finde that in Ephesus one of those seven Churches , there were many Presbyters , which are all called Bishops , Acts 20.28 . and we finde no colour of any superintendency or superiority of one Bishop over another . To them in general the Church is committed to be fed by them without any respect had to Timothy , who stood at his Elbow , and had been with him in Macedonia , and was now waiting upon him to Jerusalem . This is also confirmed by Epiphanius who writing of the Heresies of the Miletians , saith , that in ancient times this was peculiar to Alexandria , that it had but one Bishop , whereas other Cities had two . And he being Bishop of Cypres , might well be acquainted with the condition of the Churches of Asia , which were so nigh unto him . Thirdly , there is nothing said in the seven Epistles that implyeth any superiority or majority of rule or power that these Angels had over the other Angels that were joyned with them in their Churches . It is written indeed , in commendation of the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , that he could not beare them that were evil , and that he had tryed them which say they were Apostles and are not , and had found them lyers . And it is spoken in dispraise of the Angel of Pergamus , that he suffered them which h●ld the Doctrine of Balaam , &c. But these things are common duties requirable at the hands of all Ministers , who have the charge of souls . But suppose that there were some superiority and prehemenency insinuated by this individual Angel , yet who knoweth not that there are diverse kinds of superiority ? to wit , of Order , of Dignity , of Gifts and Parts , or in degree of Ministery , or in charge of power and jurisdiction . And how will it be proved that this Angel if he had a superiority , had any more then a superiority of Order , or of Gifts and Parts ? Where it is said , that this Angel was a superior degree or order of Ministery above Presbyters ? In which Epistle is it said that this Angel had sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction ? And therefore as our learned Protestants prove against the Papists , that where Christ directed his speech to Peter in particular and said , I will give unto thee the Keys of the kingdom of Heaven ; &c. That this particularization of Peter did not import any singular preheminence or majority of power to Peter more then to the other Apostles ; But that though the promise was made to Peter , yet it was made to him in the name of all the rest , and given to all as well as one . And that therefore it was spoken to one person , and not to all ; that so Christ might fore-signifie the unity of his Church , as Cyprian , Austin , Hierome , Optatus , and others say . So when Christ directs an Epistle to one Angel , it doth not imply a superior power over his fellow-Angels , but at most only a presidency for order sake . And that which is written to him , is written to the rest as well as to him . And therefore written to one , not to exclude the rest , but to denote the unity that ought to be between the Ministers of the same Church in their common care and diligence to their flock . And this is all that Doctor Reynolds saith , as you may read in his conference with Hart , cap. 4. divis . 3. ad finem . For it is evident that Doctor Reynolds was an utter enemy to the Ius Divinum of the Episcopal preheminency over Presbyters , by his Letter to Sir Francis Knolls . And learned Master Beza also saith something to the same purpose in his Annotations upon Revel . 2.1 . Angelo . i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem nimirum oporuit imprimis de his rebus admoneri , ac per eum caeteros collegas totamque adeo Ecclesiam . Sed hinc statui Episcopalis ille gradus postea humanitus in Ecclesiam Dei invectus certe nec potest nec debet , imo ne perpetuum quidem istud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 munus esse necessario oportuisse , sicut exorta inde Tyrannis Oligarchica ( cujus apex est Antichristiana bestia ) certissima cum totius non Ecclesiae modo , sed etiam orbis pernicie , nunc tandem declarat . If therefore our Remonstrant can produce no better evidence for his Hierarchy then Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the Asian Churches , Let not this Remonstrant and his party , cry out of wrong , if this claimed Hierarchy be for ever booted out of the church , seeing it is his owne Option . And yet we cannot conceale one refuge more out of Scripture , to which the Hierarchy betake themselves for shelter . And that is the two Postscripts in the end of Pauls second Epistle to Timothy , and of that to Titus ; where in the one , Timothy is said to be the first Bishop of Ephesus , and in the other , Titus is said to be the first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians : to both which places wee answer . That these two Postscrips ( and so all the rest ) are no part of Canonical Scripture . And therefore our former and ancienter English translations , though they have these Postscripts , yet they are put in a small character different from that of the Text. Although our Episcopal men of late in newer impressions have inlarged their Phylacteries , in putting those Postscripts in the same full character with that of the Text , that the simple might beleeve they are Canonical Scripture . The Papists themselves ( Baronius , Serrarius , and the Rhemists ) confesse that there is much falsity in them . The first Epistle to Timothy , is thus subscribed : the first to Timothy was written from Laodicea , whoch is the chiefest City of Phrygia Pacatiana . Here wee demand , whether Paul when hee writ the first Epistle to Timothy , was assured he should live to write a second , which was written long after ? And if not ; How comes it to bee subscribed , the first to Timothy , which hath relation to a second ? Besides , the Epistle is said to bee writ from Laodicea , whereas Beza in his Annotations proves apparently , that it was written from Macedonia ; to which Opinion Baronius and Serrarius subscribe . It is added , Which is the chiefest City of Phrygia Pacatiana . But this Epithet is nowhere read in the Writers of those ages , saith Beza , Sed apud recentiores illo● , qui Romani imperii jam inclinantis provincias descripserunt . So that by this place it is evident , that the subscription was added a long while after the writing of the Epistles by some men , for the most part vel indoctis , saith Beza , vel certe non satis attentis , Either by a Learned , or negligent man. The second Epistle is thus subscribed ; The second Epistle unto Timothy , ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephesians , was written from Rome , when Paul was brought before Nero the second time . Now these words Ordained the first Bishop , is wanting , saith Beza , in quibusdam vetustis codicibus , in veteri vulgatâ editione , & apud Syrum interpre●●m . If Saint Paul had written this Postscript , he would not have said , To Timothy the first Bishop , &c. whereas it was not yet certain whether ever there should bee a second . Neither would it bee said when Paul was brought , &c. But when I was the second time brought before Nero. The Syriack Interpreter reads it , Here ends the second Epistle to Timothy written from Rome . The Epistle to Titus is thus subscribed : Written to Titus , Ordained first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians , from Nicopolis of Macedonia . Here it is said that this Epistle was written from Nicopolis , whereas it is cleare that Paul was not at Nicopolis when he wrote it . Tit. 3.12 . Be diligent to come to me at Nicopolis , for I have determined there to winter . Hee doth not say , Here to winter , but There ; Where note , for the present he was not there . And besides it is said , that Titus was Ordained the first Bishop , &c. And who was the second ? or was there ever a second ? And also He is said to be Bishop , not onely of a Diocess , but of all Creet . Was there ever such a second Bishop ? Adde , lastly , that it is said , Bishop of the Church of the Cretians ; Whereas it would bee said of the Churches of the Cretians . For the Christian Churches of any Nation are called Churches by Luke and Paul , not Church . Therefore Codex Claremontanus subscribes ; Here ends the Epistle to Titus , and no more . So the Syriack ; Finitur Epistola ad Titum quae scripta fuit è Nicopoli . The old Vulgar Edition hath nothing of the Episcopacy of Titus . By all this it appears , that if the Bishops had no more authority to urge us to subscribe to their Ceremonies , then they have authority for their Episcopal Dignity by these Subscriptions , there would be no more subscription to Ceremonies in the Churches of England . But some will say , that there is one objection out of Scripture yet unanswered , and that is from the inequality that was betweene the twelve Apostles , and the seventy Disciples . To which we answer ; First , that it cannot be proved that the twelve Apostles had any superiority over the seventy , either of Ordination , or Jurisdiction , or that there was any subordination of the seventy unto the twelve : but suppose it was , yet we answer Secondly , that a superiority and inferiority betweene Officers of different kindes , will not prove that there should be a superiority and inferiority between Officers of the same kinde . No man will deny but that in Christs time , there were Apostles , Evangelists , Prophets , Pastors , and Teachers , and that the Apostles were superior to Evangelists and Pastors But it cannot be proved , that one Apostle had any superiority over another Apostle , or one Evangelist over an other . And why then should one Presbyter be over another ? Hence it followeth , that though we should grant a superiority between the twelve and the seventy , yet this will not prove the question in hand . Because the question is concerning Officers of the same kind , and the instance is of Officers of different kinds , amongst whom no man will deny but there may be a superiority and inferiority , as there is amongst us between Presbyters and Deacons . And now let your Honours judge ( considering the premisses ) how far this Episcopal government is from any Divine right , or Apostolical Institution : And how true that speech of Hierome is , that a Bishop as it is a superiour Order to a Presbyter , is an Humane presumption , not a Divine Ordinance . But though Scripture fails them , yet the indulgence and Munificence of Religious Princes may support them , and to this the Remonstrant makes his next recourse , yet so as he acknowledgeth here , Ingagements to Princes onely for their accessory dignities , titles , and Maintenance ; not at all for their stations and functions , ( wherein yet the author plainly acknowledgeth a difference between our Bishops and the Bishops of old by such accessions . ) For our parts , we are so farre from envying the gracious Munificence of pious Princes , in collating honourable maintenance upon the Ministers of Christ , that we beleeve , that even by Gods own Ordinance , double Honour is due unto them . And that by how much the Ministery of the Gospell is more honourable then that of the Law , by so much the more ought all that embrace the Gospell , to be carefull to provide , that the Ministers of the Gospell might not onely live , but maintain Hospitalitie , according to the Rule of the Gospell . And that worthy Gentleman spake as an Oracle , that said , That scandalous Maintenance is a great caues of a scandelous Ministery . Yet we are not ignorant , that when the Ministery came to have Agros , d●mos , lecationes , vehicula ●ques , la●if●ndia , as Chrysost . Hom. 86 in Matth. That then Religio peperit divitias , & filia devoravit Matrem , Religion brought forth riches , and the Daughter devoured the Mother ; and then there was a voice of Angels heard from Heaven ; Hodie venenum in Ecclesiam Christi cecidit . This day is poison shed into the Church of Christ. And then it was that Ierom complained , Christi Ecclesia post quam ad Christianos principes venit , potentiâ quidem & divitiis major , sed virtutibus minor facta est . Then also was that Conjunction found true ; That when they had wooden Chalices , they had golden Priests ; but when their Chalices were golden , their Priests were wooden . And though we do not think , there is any such incompossibility , but that large Revenues may be happily managed with an humble sociablnesse , yet is very rare to finde History tells us , that the superfluous revenues of the Bishops not onely made them neglect their Ministery , but further ushered in their stately and pompous attendance ; which did so elevate their spirits , that they insulted over their brethren , both Clergy and People , and gave occasion to others to hate and abhorre the Christian Faith , Which Eusebius sets forth fully in the pride of Paulus Samosatenus , vvho notwithstanding the meannesse and obscurity of his birth , aftervvards grew to that height of insolency and pride in all his carriage , especially in that numerous traine that attended him in the streets , and in his stately throne raised after the manner of Kings and Princes , that Fides nostra invidiae , & odio , propter fastam & superbiam cordis illius , facta fuerit obnoxia ; The Christian Faith vvas exposed to envy and hatred through his pride . And as their ambition ( fed vvith the largenesse of their revenues ) discovered it self in great attendance , stately dvvellings , and all Lordly pomp , so Hierom complaines of their pride in their stately seates , qui velut in aliqua sublimi specula constituti , vix dignantur videre mortales & alloqui conservos su●s : who fitting aloft as it were in a vvatch-tovver , vvill scarce deigne to looke upon poore mortalls , or speake to their fellovv-servants . Here vve might be large in multipying several testimonies against the pride of Ecclesiasticall persons , that the largenesse of their revenues raysed them to : but we will conclude with that grave complaint of Sulpitius Severus . Ille qui antè p●dibus aut as●lloire consueverat , spumante equ● superbus inv●hitur ; parvâ priùs ac vili cellula contentus habitare , erigit celsa Laquearia , construit multa conclavia , sculpit p●stes , pingit a●maria , vestem respuit g●ossiorem , indumentum molle desiderat , &c. Which because the practice of our times hath already turned into English , we spare the labour to translate . Onely suffer us ( being now to give a Vale to our Remonstrants arguments ) to recollect some few things . First , whereas this Remonstrant saith ; If we do not shew out of the true & genuine writings of those holy men , that lived in the Apostles dayes a clear & received distinction of Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings , with an evident specification of the duty belonging to each of them : Let this claimed Hierarchy be for ever routed out of the Church : We beseech you , let it be remembred how we have proved out of the genuine and undeniable writings of the Apostles themselves , that these are not three distinct callings : Bishops are Presbyters , being with them all one , Name and Office , and that the distinction of Bishops and Presbyters was not of Divine Institution , but Humane : and that these Bishops , in their first Institution did not differ so much from Presbyters , as our present Bishops differ from them . Secondly , Whereas this Remonstant saith , If our Bishops challenge any other power then was by Apostolike authority delegated to , and required of Timothy and Titus , and the Ang●ls of the Asian Churches : L●t them be disclaimed as usurpers . Wee desire it may be remembred , how we have proved first ; that Timothy and Titus and the Angels who are Diocesan Bishops ; and secondly , that our Bishops challenge ( if not in their Polemickes , yet in their Practicks ) a power that Timothy and Titus , and those Angels never did . Thirdly , Whereas this Remonstrant saith , If there can be better evidence under Heaven for any matter of fact , let Episcopacy be for ever abandoned out of Gods Church : We beseech you remember how weake we have discovered his Evidence to be ; and then the Inference upon all these we humbly leave to your Honours Wisdom and Iustice. SECT . XIV . HAving thus considered the validity of those arguments , whereby this Remonstrant would suffult Episc●pacy , we descend now to inquire , what satisfaction he gives to those objections , which himself frames as the main , if not the ●ole arguments , that Episcopacy is assaultable by , and they are two ▪ First , that pleading the Divine right of Episcopacy is to the prejudi●e of Sovereignty . Secondly , that it casts a dangerous imputation upon all those Reformed Churches that want this Government . To the first , the prejudice of Sovereignty ; he answers there is a compatibleness in this case of Gods Act , and the Kings : it is God that makes the Bishop , the King that gives the Bishoprick . But we have proved already , that God never made a Bishop , as he stands in his Superiority over al other Presbyters , he never had Gods Fiat : and if they disclaim the influence of sovereignty unto their creation to a Priority , and assert that the King doth not make them Bishops , they must have no being at all . Sure we are , the Laws of the Land proclaim , that not only Bishopricks , but Bish●ps and all the Iurisdiction they have , is from the King : whereas the Remonstrant acknowledgeth no more , but the bare * place and excercise to be from Regall donation , which cannot be affirmed without apparent prejudice of that Sovereigntie which the Lawes of the Land have invested our Princes with . And for his unworthy comparison of Kings in order to Bishops , and Patrons in order to their Clerkes , when he shall prove that the Patron gives ministerial power to his Clerke , as the King according to our Laws gives Episcopall power to the Bishop , it may be of some conducement to his cause ; but till then , we leave the unfitnesse of this comparison , and the unthankfulnesse of those men to the indulgence of their Sovereigne , to their deserved recompence . His learned answer to such men as borrowing Saint Ieroms phrase , speake Saint Pauls truth , is in summe this : That he knowes not how to prescribe to mens thoughts , but for all his Rhetoricke , they will think what they list ; but if they will grant him the question , they shall soon be at an end of the quarrell : which one answer if satisfactory , would silence all controversies to as good purpose as he did Bellarmine , who said , Bellarmine saith it is thus , and I say it is not , and where is Bellarmine now ? To the second objection , that Episcopacie thus asserted casts an imputation upon all the reformed Churches , that want that Government , he saith , that the objection is intended to raise envie against them , who ( if they may be beleeved ) love and honour those sister-Churches , and 〈◊〉 God for them . But do they out pluck all this envie upon themselves , who in their Conferences , Writings Pulpits , Vniversities , Disputes , High Commissi●n , Declamations , have disclaimed them as no Churches , that 〈◊〉 disclaimed the Prelates and have honoured the most glorious Lights of those Reformed Churches , Calvin , Beza , and others with no better titles then of Rascals , Blasphemers ? &c. But the pith of his answer after a few good words is this , that no such consequent can be drawn from their opinion ; for their Ius divinum pleads only for a Iustifiablenesse of this holy calling : not for an absolute necessity of it , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; but not fixing upon the Church that wants it , the defect of any thing of the Essence of a Church , but only of the glory and perfection of it ; neither is it their sin , but their misery . And is it so , doth not this Ius divinum argue a Necessitie , but only a Iustifiablenesse of this calling ? nor is the want of it a want of any thing of Essence , but onely of perfection ? we had thought , that page the 20th , where this Remonstrant strives to fetch the pedegree of Episcopacie from no lesse than Apostolicall , and in that right Divine institution he had reckoned it among those things , which the Apostles ordained for the succeeding administration of the Church in essentiall matters : but here it seemes he is willing to retract what there fell from him : there it was to his advantage to say , this Government was a thing essentiall to the Church , and here it is no lesse advantage to say , it is not essentiall . But if it be not Essentiall , then what is the reason that when a Priest who hath received Orders at Rome , turnes to us , they urge not him to receive ordination among us again : but when some of our brethren , who flying in Queene Maries dayes , had received Imposition of hands in the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas , returned again in the dayes of Queene Elizabeth , they were urged to receive Imposition of hands againe from our Bishops , and some did receiv● it . If those Churches that want Bishops , want nothing essentiall to a Church ; then what Essentiall want was there in the Ordination of those Ministers that received Imposition of hands in those Churches , that might deserve a Re-ordination , more than if they had first received their Ordination at Rome ? And what is the reason that Bishop Mountague so confidently affirmes , that Ordination by Episcopall hands is so necessary , as that the Church is no true Church without it , and the Ministery no true Ministery , and ordinarily no salvation to be obtain●d without it ? And if this Remonstrant should leave Bishop Mountague to answer for himself , yet notwithstanding he stands bound to give us satisfaction to these two questions , which arise from his own Book . First , whether that Office , which by divine right hath the sole power of Ordaining , and Ruling all other Officers in the Church , ( as he saith Episcopacie hath ) belong not to the being , but onely to the glory and perfection of a Church ? Secondly , there being ( in this mans thoughts ) the same Ius divinum for Bishops , that there is for Pastors and Elders , whether if those Reformed Churches wanted Pastors and Elders too , they should want nothing of the Essence of a Church , but of the perfection and glory of it ? But this Remonstrant seemes to know so much of the minde of those Churches , that if they might have their option , they would most gladly embrace Episcopall Government , as little differing from their own Moderatorship , save onely in the perpetuitie of it , and the new Invention ( as he odiously calls it ) of lay-Elders . But no question those learned Worthies that were intrusted by the Churches to compile their Confessions , did comprise their Iudgements better than the Composer of this Remonstrance . And to his presumtion , we oppose their Confession . We will begin with the French Church , who in their Confession speake thus : Credimus veram Ecclesiam gubernari debere eâ politiâ , quam Dominus noster Iesus Christus sancivit , ità videlicet , ut fint in ea Pastores , Presbyteri , sive Seniores , & Diaconi , ut doctrinae puritas retineatur , &c. Art. 29. Credimus omnes Pastores ubicunque collocati sunt , eâdem & aequali potestate inter se esse praeditos sub uno illo capite summóque & solo universali Episcopo Iesu Christo. Art. 30. Gallicae Confessionis Credimus veram hanc Ecclesiam aebere regi , ac gubernari , spirituali illâ politiâ , quàm nos Deus ipse in verbo suo edocuit ; ità ut sint in ea Pastores ac Ministri , qui purè & concionentur , & Sacramenta administrent ; sint quoque Seniores & Diaconi , qui Ecclesiae Senatum constituant , ut his veluti mediis vera Religio conservari , Hominésque vitiis dediti spiritualiter corripi & emendari possint . Tunc enim ritè & ordinatè omniae fiunt in Ecclesiâ , cùm viri fideles , & pii ad ejus gubernationem deliguntur juxta Divi Pauli praescriptum , 1 Tim. 3. Confes. Belgic . Art. 30. Caeterùm ubicuuque locorum sunt verbi Dei Ministri , candem atque aequalem Omnes habent tum Potestatem tum Authoritatem , ut qui sunt aequè Omnes Christi unici illius universalis Episcopi & capit is Ecclesiae Ministri . We believe that the true Church ought to be governed by that policy which Christ Jesus our Lord established , viz. that there be Pastors , Presbyters , or Elders , and Deacons . And again , We believe that all true Pastors whereever they be , are endued with equal and the same power , under one chief Head and Bishop Christ Jesus . Consonant to this the Dutch Churches : We believe ( say they ) the true Church ought to be ruled with that spiritual policy which God hath taught us in his Word , to wit , that there be in it Pastors to preach the Word purely , Elders and Deacons to constitute the Ecclesiastical Senate , that by these means Religion may be preserved , and manners corrected . And so again , We believe where-ever the Ministers of God are placed , they All have the same equal Power and Authority , as being All equally the Ministers of Christ. In which Harmony of these Confessions , see how both Churches agree in these five points : First , That there is in the Word of God , an exact form of Government set down ; Deus in verbo suo edocuit . Secondly , That this form of Government Christ established in his Church ; Iesus Christus in Ecclesiâ sancivit . Thirdly , That this form of Government is by Pastors , Elders , and Deacons . Fourthly , That the true Church of Christ ought to be thus governed ; Veram Ecclesiam debere regi . Fifthly , That all true Ministers of the Gospel are of equal power and authority . For the reason he assigns , why those Churches should make this Option , we cannot enough admire that such a passage should fall from his pen , as to say , There is little difference between their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and our Episcopacy , save onely in perpetuity and lay-Elders ; for who knows not that between these two there is a vast a difference as between the Duke of Venice and an absolute Monarch . For , 1 , the Moderator in Geneva is not of a superiour order to his Brethren ; nor 2 , hath an Ordination differing from them ; nor 3 , assumes power of sole Ordination or Jurisdiction ; nor hath he 4 , maintenance for that Office above his Brethren ; nor 5 , a Negative voice in what is agreed by the rest ; nor 6 , any further power then any of his Brethren . So that the difference between our Bishops and their Moderators is more then Little : But if it be so little as this Remonstrant here pretends ; then the Alteration and Abrogation of Episcopacy will be with the lesse difficulty , and occasion the less disturbance . SECT . XV. BUt there is another thing , wherein our Episcopacy differs from the Geneva Moderatorship , besides the perpetuity ; and that is the exclusion of the Lay-Presbytery , which ( if we may believe this Remonstrant ) never till this age had footing in the Christian Church . In which assertion , this Remonstrant concludes so fully , with Bishop Halls Irrefragable Propositions , and his other Book of Episcopacie by Divine right , as if he had conspired to swear to what the Bishop had said . Now , though we will not enter the Lists with a man of that learning and fame , that Bishop Hall is , yet we dare tell this Remonstrant , that this his assertion hath no more truth in it , then the rest that we have already noted . We will ( to avoid prolixity ) not urge those * three known Texts of Scripture , produced by some for the establishing of Governing Elders in the Church , not yet vindicated by the Adversaries , Nor will we urge that famous Text of * Ambrose in 1 Tim. 5. But if there were no Lay-Elders in the Church till this present age , we would be glad to learn , who they were of whom Origen speaks , when he tells us , it was the Custome of Christian Teachers , first to examine such as desired to heare them , of whom there were two orders ; the first were Catechumeni , or beginners ; the other was of such as were more perfect : among whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Nonnulli praepositi sunt qui in vitam & mores eorum qui admittuntur inquirant , ut qui turpia committant eos communi Caetu interdicant qui verò ab istis abhorrent , ex anima complexi , meliores quotidie reddant : There are some ordained to inquire into the life and manners of such as are admitted into the Church , that they may banish such from the publique Assembly , that perpetrate scandalous Acts ; which place tells us plainly : First , that there were some in the higher forme of hearers ( not Teachers ) who were Censores morum over the rest . Secondly , that they were designed or constituted to this work , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thirdly , that they had such Authority intrusted into their hands , as that they might interdict such as were scandalous from the publique Assemblies . We would gladly know , whether these were not , as it were , Lay-Eelders ? That there were such in the Church ( distinguished from others that were called to teach ) appeares . Augustine writing to his Charge , directs his Epistle , Dilectissimis fratribus , Clero , Senioribus , & universae Plebi Ecclesiae Hipponensis : where first there is the general compellation , Fratribus , Brethren ; Then there is a distribution of these Brethren into the Clergie , the Elders , and the whole People ; so that there were in that Church Elders distinguished both from the Clergie , and the rest of the People . So again , Contra Cresconium Grammaticum : Omnes vos Episcopi , Presbyteri , Diaconi , and Seniores scitis ; All you Bishops , Elders , Deacons , and Elders do know . What were those two sorts of Elders there mentioned in one comma , and ibidem cap. 56. Peregrinus Presbyter & Seniores Ecclesiae Musticanae Regionis tale desiderium prosequuntur ; where again we read of Elder and Elders , Presbyter , and Seniors in one Church . Both those passages are upon record in the publick acts , which are more fully set down by Baronius , Anno 303. Num. 15 , 16 , 17. As also by Albaspineus , in his Edition of Optatus : in which Acts the Seniors are often mentioned . In that famous relation of the purging of Caecilianus and Felix , there is a copie of a Letter ; Fratribus & filiis : Clero & Senioribus , Fratribus in Domino aeternam salutem : Another Letter is mentioned a little before , Clericis & Senioribus Cirthensium in Domino aeternam Salutem . These Seniors were interessed in affaires concerning the Church as being the men , by whose advice they were managed . The Letter of Purpurius to Silvanus saith , Adhibete conclericos , & seniores plebis , Ecclesiasticos Viros , & inquirant quae sint iste Dissensiones : ut ea quae sunt secundum fid●i Praecepta fiant , Where we see the joynt power of these Seniors , with the Clergie in ordering Ecclesiasticall affairs ; that by their wisdom and care peace might be setled in the Church ; for which cause , these Seniors are called Ecclesiastical men ; and yet they are distinguished from Clergie men . They are mentioned again afterwards by Maximus , saying , Loquor nomine SENIORUM Populi Christiani . Greg. Mag. distinguisheth them also from the Clergie : Tabellarium cum consensu SENIORUM & Cleri memineris Ordinandum . These Seniors had power to reprove offenders , otherwise why should Augustine say , Cùm ob errorem aliquem à Senioribus arguuntur , & imputatur alicui cur aebrius fuerit , cur res alienas pervaserit , &c. when they were by the Elders reproved for their errours , and drunkenness is laid to a mans charge , &c. So that it was proper to the Seniors to have the cognizance of Delinqents , and to reprove them . The same Augustine in Psal. 36. Necesse nos fuerat Primiani causam , quem , &c. Seniorum literis ejusdem Ecclesiae po●tulantibus audire . Being requested by Letters from the Seniors of that Church , it was needful for me to hear the cause of Primian , &c. So again , Optatus , who mentioning a persecution that did for a while scatter the Church , saith , Erant Ecclesiae ex auro & argento quàm plurima Ornamenta , quae nec defodere terrae , nec secum portare poterat , quare fidelibus Senioribus commendavit Albaspineus , that learned Antiquary , on that place acknowledges , that Besides the Clergie there were certain of the Elders of the people , men of approved life , that did tend the affairs of the Church , of whom this place is to be understood . By all these testimonies it is apparent ; first , that in the ancient Church there were some called Seniors , Secondly , that these Seniors were not Clergie men . Thirdly , that they had a stroke in governing the Church , and managing the affairs thereof Fourthly , that Seniors were distinguished from the rest of the people . Neither would we desire to chuse any other Iudges in this whole controversie ; then whom himself constituted ; Forreign Divines , taking the general Suffrage and practice of the Churches , and not of particular men . As for the learned Spanhemius whom he produceth , though we give him the deserved honour of a worthy man : yet we think it too much to speak of him , as if the judgment of the whole Church ●f Geneva were incorporated into him , as this Remonstrant doth . And for Spanhemius himselfe , we may truly say , in the place cited , he dilivered a complement , rather then his judgement , which in Dedicatorie Epistles is not unusuall . We know that reverend Calvins and learned Beza have said as much upon occasion in their Epistles , and yet the Christian world knowes their Judgement was to the contrary Little reason therefore hath this Remonstrant , to declaime against all such as speake against this Government as unlawfull , with the termes of Ignorance and spitefull Sectaries , because they call the Government unlawfull : had they proceeded further to call it Antichristian , ( which he charges upon them ) they had said no more , then what our eares have heard some of their principall Agents , their L●gat● à Latere speake publikely in their visitations : That howeve● th● Chu●ch of ●ngland be as sound , and Orthodox in her Doctrine as any Church in the World yet in our Discipline and Government we are the same with the Church of Rome , which amounts to as much as to say the Government is Antichristian , unless they will say , the Government of Rome is not so , nor the Pope Antichrist . SECT . XVI . NOw our Remonstrant begins to leave his dispute for the Office , and flowes into the large praises of the Persons , and what is wanting in his Arguments for the Place , thinks to make up in his Encomiasticks of the Persons , that have possest that place in the Church of God : and tells us , that the Religious Bishops of all times are and have been they that have strongly upheld the truth of God against Satan and his Antichrist . It is well he sets this crown only upon the heads of Religious Bishops , as knowing that there are and have been some Irreligious ones , that have as strongly uph●ld Satan and his Antichrist against the truth of God. But the Religious Bishops are they that have all times upheld the truth . What ? they ? and onely they ? did never any uphold the truth , but a Religious Bishop ? did never any Religious Minister or Professour preach , or write , or die , to uphold the truth , but a Religious Bishop ? if so , then there is some perswasive strength in that he saith ; and a credulous man might be induced to think , If Bishops go down , truth will go down to● : But if we can produce for one Bishop many others that have been valiant for the truth , this Rhethoricall insinuation will contribute no great help to their establishment . Nor indeed any at all ; unlesse he were able to make this good of our times , as well as of all others , which he assaies ; for saith he , Even amongst our own how many of the reverend & learned Fathers of the Church now living , have spent their spirits , & worne out their lives in the powerfull opposition of that man of sin ? how many ? I Sir , we would fain know how many : that there are some that have stood up to beare witnesse against that Man of sin , we acknowledge with all due respect , to the Learning and worth of their Persons . But that their Episcopall dignity hath added either any flame to their zeal , or any Nerves to their ability , we cannot believe , nor can we think they would have done lesse in that cause , though they had beene no Bishops . But what if this be true of some Bishops in the Kingdome , is it true of all ? are there not some that have spent their spirits in the opposition of Christ , as others have in the opposition of Antichrist ? and are there none bu Zealous , Religious Prelates in the Kingdom ? are there none upon whom the guilt of that may meritoriously be charged , which others have convincingly and meritoriously opposed ? And are there not some Bishops in the Kingdome , that are so far from opposing the Man of sin , that even this Remonstrant is in danger of suffering under the name of Puritan for daring to call him by that name ? we doubt not but this Remonstrant knowes there are . But if he will against the light of his own Conscience , beare up a known errour out of private respects , ( we will not say these papers ) but his own Conscience , shall one day be an evidence against him before the dreadfull Tribunall of the Almighty . But there is yet a second thing that should endeare Episcopacie , and that is the careful , peaceable , painfull , conscionable mannaging of their Charges ; to the great glory of God , and the comfort of his faithfull people . Which ( in not seeming to urge ) he urgeth to the full and beyond . This care , conscience , paines of our Bishops , is exercised and evidenced , either in their Preaching , or in their Ruling ; for their Preaching , it is true , some few there are that Labour in the Word and Doctrine ; whose persons in that respect we Honour : but the most are so far from Preaching , that they rather discountenance , discourage , oppose , blaspheme Preaching . It was a Non-preaching Bishop , that said of a Preaching Bishop , He was a Preaching Coxcomb . As for the discharge of their office of ruling , their entrusting their Chancellors , and other Officers with their visitations , and Courts ( as ordinarily they do , whiles themselves attend the Court ) doth abundantly witnesse their care in it . The many and loud cries of the intolerable oppressions and tyrannies of their Court-proceedings ; witnesse their peaceablenesse , their unjust fees , exactions , commutations ; witnesse their conscionablenesse in managing their Charges , to the great glory of God , and the comfort of his faithfull people . And hence it is that so many at this day hear ill ; ( how deservedly , saith this Remonstrant , God knows ; ) and do not your Honours know , and doth not this Remonstrant know ? and doth not all the Nation ( that will know any thing ) know how deservedly Some , nay , Most , nay , All the Bishops of this Nation hear ill , were it but onely for the late Canons and Oath ? But why should the faults of some , diffuse the blame to all ? Why ? by your owne argument , that would extend the deserts of some , to the patronage of All ; and if it be a fault in the impetuous and undistinguishing Vulgar , so to involve all , as to make Innocency it self a sin ; what is it in a Man able to distinguish , by the same implication , to shrowd sinne under Innocencie , the sin of many under the Innocency of a few ? But have our Bishops indeed beene so carefull , painfull , conscionable , in managing their Charges ? how is it then that there are such manifold scandalls of the inferiour Clergy presented to your Honours view , which he cannot mention without a bleeding heart ; and yet could finde in his heart ( if he knew how ) to excuse them ? and though he confesse them to be the shame and misery of our Church , yet is he not ashamed to plead their cause at your Honours BARRE , Onuphrius-like , that was the Advocate of every bad cause ; and to excite you by Constantines example ( in a differ●nt Cause alledged ) if not to suffer those Crimes , which himselfe calls hatefull , to passe unpunished , yet not to bring them to tha● open and publique punishment they have deserved . But what , if pious Constantine ( in his tender care to prevent the Divisions that the emulation of the Bishops of that age , enraged with a spirit of envie and faction , were kindling in the Church , le●t by that meanes the Christian Faith should be derided among the Heathens ) did suppresse their mutuall accusations , many of whi●h might be but upon surmises ; and that ●ot in a Court of Iustice , b●t in an Ecclesiasticall Synode ; shall this be urged before the highest Court of Iustice upon earth , to the patronizing of N●toriou● scandall● , and hatefull en●rmities , that are already proved by evidence of cle●●e witnesse ? But ●o forbid it to tell it in Ga●h , &c. What the sin ▪ ●as , that is done already ; Do we not know , the drukennesse , profanenesse superstition , Popishnesse of the English Clergie rings at Rome already ? yes undoubtedly ; and there is no way to vindicate the Honour of our Nation , Ministery , Parliaments , Sovereigne , Religion , God ; but by causing the punishment to ring as farre as the sin hath done ; that our adversaries that have triumphed in their sin , may be confounded at their punishments . Do not your Honours know , that the plaistring or palliating of these rotten members , will be a greater dishonour to the Nation and Church , then their cutting off ; and that the personall acts of these sonnes of Belial , being connived at , become Nationall sins ? But for this one fact of Constantine , we humbly crave your Honours leave to present to your wisdome three Texts of Scripture , Ezek 44.12.13 . Because they ministred unto them before their ●dol● , and caused the house of Israel to fall into iniquity , therefore have I lift up my hand unto them , saith the Lord , and they shall beare their iniquity . And they shall not come neere unto me , to do the Office of a Priest unto me , nor to come neere unto any of mine holy things in the most holy place , &c. The second is Ier●m . 48.10 . Cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord negligently : and the third is , Iudges 6.31 . He that will plead for Baal , let him be put to death while it is yet morning . We have no more to say in this ; whether it be best to walk after the President of Man , or the Prescript of God , your Hunours can easily judge . SECT . XVII . BUt stay , saith this Remonstrant ; and indeed he might well have stayed and spared the labour of his ensuing discourse , about the Church of England , the Prelaticall and the Antiprelaticall Church : but these Episcopall Men deale as the Papists that dazle the eyes , and astonish the senses of poor people , with the glorious name of the Church , the Church ; The holy Mother the Church . This is the Gorgons head , as Doctor * White saith , that hath inchanted them , & held them in bondage to the●r Errors : All their speech is of the Church , the Church ; no mention of the Scriptures , of God the Father ; but all of the Mother the Church . Much like as they write of certain Aethiopians , that by reason they use no marriage , but promiscuously company together , the children only follow the Mother ; the Father and his name is in no request , but the mother hath all the reputation . So is it with the Author of this Remonstrance , he stiles himself , a Dutifull son of the Church . And it hath beene a Custome of late times to cry up the holy Mother the Church of England , to call for absolute obedience to holy Church ; full conformity to the orders of holy Church ; Neglecting in the meane time God the Father , and the holy Scripture . But if we should now demand of them , what they meane by the Church of England ? this Author seemes to be thunder-stricken at this Question ; and calls the very Question , a new Divinity ; where he deales like such as holding great revenues by unjust Titles , will not suffer their Titles to be called in Question . For it is apparent , Ac si solaribus radiis descriptum esset ( to use Tertullians phrase ) that the word Church is an Equivocall word , and hath as many severall acceptions as letters ; and that Dolus latet in universalibus . And that by the Church of England ; first by some of these men is meant onely the Bishops ; or rather the two Archbishops ; or more properly the Archbishop of Canterbury : Just as the Iesuited Papists resolve the Church and all the glorious Titles of it into the Pope ; so do these into the Archbishop , or at fullest , they understand it of the Bishops and their party met in Convocation ; as the more ingenuous of the Papists make the Pope and his Cardinals to be their Church : thus excluding all the Christian people and Presbyters of the Kingdome ; as not worthy to be reckoned in the number of the Church . And which is more strange , this Author in his Simplicity ( as he truly saith ) never heard , nor thought of any more Churches of England then one ; and what then shall become of his Diocesan Churches , and Diocesan Bishops ? And what shall we think of England , when it was an Heptarchy ? had it not then seven Churches , when seven Kings ? Or if the Bounds of a Kingdome must constitute the Limits and Bounds of a Church , why are not ●ngland , Scotland , and Ireland , all one Church ? when they are happily united under one gracious Monarch , into one Kingdom ? We read in Scripture , of the Churches of Iudea , and the Churches of Galatia : and why not the Churches of England ? not that we denie the Cons●ciati●n or Combination of Churches into a Provinciall or Nationall Synod for the right ordering of them . But that there should be no Church in England , but a Nationall Church : this is that which th●s ●mb●r ●o his simplicity affirmes , of which the very rehearsall is a 〈◊〉 SECT . XVIII . THere are yet two things with which this Remonstrance shuts up it self , which must not be past without our Obelisks . First , he scoffs at the Antiprelatical Church , and the Antiprelatical Divisions ; for our parts , we acknowledge no Antiprelatical Church . But there are a company of men in the Kingdom , of no mean rank or quality , for Piety , Nobility , Learning , that stand up to bear witness against the Hierarchie ( as it now stands : ) their usurpations over Gods Church and Ministers , their cruel using of Gods people by their tyrannical government : this we acknowledge ; and if he call these the Antiprelatical Church , we doubt not but your Honours will consider , that there are many thousands in this Kingdom , and those pious and worthy persons , that thus do , and upon most just cause . It was a speech of Erasmus of Luther , Vt quisque vir est optimus , it is illius Scriptis minimè offendi ; The better any man was , the less offence he took at Luthers Writings : but we may say the contrary of the Prelates , Ut quisque vir est optimus , it à illorum factis magis offendi ; The better any man is , the more he is offended at their dealings . And all that can be objected against this party , will be like that in Tertullian . Bonus vir Cajus Sejus , sed malus tantùm , quia Antiprelaticus . But he upbraids us with our Divisions & Subdivisions , so do the Papists upbraid the Protestants with their Lutheranisme , Calvinisme , and Zuinglianisme . And this is that the Heathens objected to the Christians , their Fractures were so many , they knew not which Religion to chuse if they should turn Christians : And can it be expected that the Church in any age should be free from Divisions , when the times of the Apostles were not free ? and the Apostle tells us , It must needs be that there be divisions : in Greg. Naz. dayes there were 600 Errours in the Church ; do these any wayes derogate from the truth and worth of Christian Religion ? But as for the Divisions of the Antiprelatical party , so odiously exaggerated by this Remonstrant : Let us assure your Honours , they have been much fomented by the Prelates , whose practice hath been according to that rule of Machiavil : Divide & Impera , and they have made these divisions , & afterwards complain'd of that which their Tyranny and Policy hath made . It is no wonder , considering the paths our Prelates have trod , that there are Divisions in the Nation . The wonder is our divisions are no more , no greater ; and we doubt not but if they were of that gracious ▪ spirit , and so intirely affected to the peace of the Church as Greg , Naz. was , they would say as he did in the tumults of the people , Mitte nos in mare , & non erit tempest as ; rather then they would hinder that sweet Concordance , and conspiration of minde unto a Government that shall be every way agreeable to the rule of Gods Word , and profitable for the edification and flourishing of the Church , A second thing we cannot but take notice of , is the pains this Author takes to advance his Prelaticall Church : and forgetting what he had said in the beginning : that this party was so numerous , it could not be summed ; tells us now , these severall thousands are punctually calculated . But we doubt not but your Honours will consider that there may be multi homines , & pauci viri ; and that there are more against them then for them . And whereas they pretend , that they differ from us onely in a Ceremony or an Organ-pipe , ( which however is no contemptible difference ) yet it will appeare that our differences are in point of a superiour Alloy . Though this Remonstrant braves it in his multiplied Queries What are the bounds of this Church ? what the distinction of the prefessours and Religion ? what grounds of faith ? what new Creed do they hold differenc from their Neighbours ? what Scriptures ? what Baptisme ? what meanes of Salvation other then the rest ? yet if he pleased he might have silenced his owne Queries : but if he will needs put us to the answer , we will resolve them one by one . First , if he ask what are the bounds of this Church ? we answer him out of the sixt of their late founded Canons : where we finde the limits of this Prelatical Church extend as farre as from the high & lofty Promontory of Archbishops , to the ●erra incognita of an , &c. If what Distinction of professors and Religion ; we answer , their worshipping towards the East , and bowing towards the Altar prostrating themselves in their approches into Churches , placing all Religion in outward formalities , are visible differences of these professours and their Religion If what new Creed they have , or what grounds of Faith differing from their Neighbours ? we answer , Episcopacy by divine right is the first Article of their Creed , Absolute and blinde obedience to all the Commandements of the Church ( that is , the Bishop and his Emissaries ) election upon faith foreseen , the influence of works into Iustification , ●alling from grace , &c. If what Scripture ? we answer , the Apocrypha and unwritten Traditions . If what Baptism ? a Baptism of absolute Necessity unto salvation ; and yet unsufficient unto salvation : as not sealing grace to the taking away of sinne after Baptisme . If what ●u●harist ? an Eucharist that must be administred upon an Altar or a Table set Altar-wise , railed in an Eucharist , in which there is such a presence of ●hrist , ( though Modum nesciunt ) as makes the place of its Administration the throne of God , the place of the Residence ●f the Almighty ; and impresseth such a holinesse upon it as makes it not only capable , but worthy of Adoration . If what Christ ? a Christ who hath given the same power of absolution to a Priest that himselfe hath . If what Heaven ? a Heaven that hath a broad way leading thither , and is receptive of Drunkards , Swearers , Adulterers , &c. such a heaven as we may say of it , as the Indians said of the heaven of the Spaniards : Unto that heaven which some of the Prelaticall Church living and dying in their scandalous sinnes , and hatefull enormities go to , let our soules never enter . If what meanes of Salvation ? we answer , confession of sinnes to a Priest , as the most absolute , undoubted , necessary , infallible meanes of Salvation . Farre be it from us to say with this Remonstrant , We do fully agree in all these and all other Doctrinall , and practicall points of Religion , and preach one and the same saving truths . Nay , we must rather say as that holy Martyr did , We thank God we are none of you . Nor do we because of this dissension feare the censure of uncharitableness from any but uncharitable men . But it is no unusuall thing with the Prelates and their party , to charge such as protest against their corrupt opinions and wayes , with uncharitablenesse and Schisme , as the Papists do the Protestants : and as the protestants do justly recriminate , and charge that Schisme upon the Papists , which they object to us ; So may we upon the Prelates : And if Austin may be judge , the Prelates are more Schismaticks then we . Quicunque ( saith he ) invident bonis , ut quaerant occasiones excludendi eos , aut degradandi , vel crimina sua sic defendere parati sunt ( si objecta vel prodita fuerint ) ut etiam conventiculorum congregationes vel Ecclesiae perturbationes cogitent excitare , jam schismatici sunt . Whosoever envie those that are good , and seeke occasions to exclude and degrade them , and are so ready to defend their faults , that rather then they will leave them , they will devise how to raise up troubles in the Church , and drive men into conventicles and corners , they are the Schismaticks . And that all the world may take notice what just cause we have to complain of Episcopacie , as it now stands , we humbly crave leave to propound these Queries . Queries about Episcopacie , WHether it be tolerable in a Christian Church , that Lord Bishops should be held to be Iure Divino ; And yet the Lords day by the some men to be but Iure Humano ? And that the same persons should cry up Altars in stead of Communion-Tables , and Priests in stead of Ministers , and yet not Iudaize , when they will not suffer the Lords Day to be called the Sabbath-day , for feare of Iudaizing ? Whereas the word Sabbath is a generall word , signifying a day of rest , which is common as well to the Christian Sabbath , as to the Jewish Sabbath , and was also used by the Ancients , Ruffinus in Psal. 47. Orig●n . Hom. 23. in Num. Gregory Nazian . Whether that assertion , No Bishop , No King ; and no Ceremonie , no Bishop ; be not very prejudiciall to Kingly Authority ? For it seemes to imply , that the Civill power depends upon the Spiritual , and is supported by Ceremonies and Bishops . Whether seeing it hath been proved , that Bishops ( as they are novv asserted ) are a meere humane Ordinance , it may not by the same Authority be abrogated , by vvhich it vvas first established ; especially , considering the long experience of the hurt they have done to Church and State ? Whether the advancing of Episcopacie into Ius Divinum , doth not make it a thing simply unlavvfull to submit to that Government ? Because that many consciencious men that have hitherto conformed to Ceremonies and Episcopacy , have done it upon this ground , as supposing that Authority did not make them matters of vvorship , but of Order and Decencie , &c. And thus they satisfied their consciences in ansvvering those Texts , Colos. 2.20 , 21 , 22. Matth. 15.9 . But novv since Episcopacy comes to be challenged as a Divine Ordinance , hovv shall vve be responsible to those Texts ? And is it not , as it is novv asserted , become an Idoll , and like the Brazen Serpent to be ground to povvder ? Whether there be any difference in the point of Episcopacy betweene Ius Divinum and Ius Apostolicum ? Because we finde some claiming their standing by Ius Divinum ; others by Ius Apostolicum . But we conceive that Ius Apostolicum properly taken , is all one with Ius Divinum . For Ius Apostolicum is such a Ius , which is founded upon the Acts and Epistles of the Apostles , written by them so as to be a perpetuall Rule for the succeeding Administration of the Church , as this Author saith , Pag. 20. And this Ius is Ius Divinum , as well as Apostolicum . But if by Ius Apostolicum they mean improperly ( as some do ) such things which are not recorded in the Writings of the Apostles , but introduced , the Apostles being living , 〈…〉 be rightly said to be Iure Apostolico , nor such things which the Apostles did intend the Churches should be bound unto . Neither is Episcopacie as it imports a superioritie of power over a Pre●byter , no not in this sense Iure Apostolico , as hath beene already proved , and might further be manifested by divers Testimonies , if need did require . We will only instance in Cassander a man famous for his immoderate moderation in controverted Points of Religion , who in his Consultat . Articul . 14. hath this saying , An Epis●opatus inter ordines Ecclesiastic●s ponendus sit , inter Theologos & Canonistas non convenit ? Convenit autem inter omnes , Apostolorum aetate inter Presbyterum & Episcopum nullum discrimen fuisse , &c. Wether the distinction of Beza , between Episcopus Divinus Hum●nu● , & Diabolicus , be not worthy your Honours consideration ? By the Divine Bishop , he meanes the Bishop as he is taken in Scripture , which is one and the same with a Presbyter . By the humane Bishop he meanes the Bishop chosen by the Presbyters to be President over them , and to rule with them by fixed Lawes and Canons . By the Diabolical Bishop , he means a Bishop with sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , Lording it over Gods heritage , and governing by his owne will and authority . Which puts us in minde of the Painter that Limned two pictures to the same proportion and figure ; The one he reserved in secret , the other he exposed to common view . And as the phansie of beholders led them to censure any line or proportion , as not done to the life , he mends it after direction : If any fault be found with the eye , hand , foot , &c. He corrects it , till at last the addition of every mans fancy had defaced the first figure , and made that which was the Picture of a man , swell into a monster : Then bringing forth this and his other Picture which hee had reserved , he presented both to the people . And they abhorring the former , and applauding the latter , he cried , Hunc populus fecit : This deformed one the People made : This lovely one I made . As the Painter of his Painting , so ( in Beza's sense ) it may be said of Bishops , God at first instituted Bishops , such as are all one with Presbyters ; and such are amiable , honourable in all the Churches of God. But when men would be adding to Gods institution , what power , preheminence , Jurisdiction , Lordliness their phansie suggested unto them , this divine Bishop lost his Original beauty , and became to be Humanus . And in conclusion ( by these and other aditions swelling into a Pope ) Diabolicus . Whether the Ancient Fathers , when they call Peter Marke , Iames , Timothy , and Titus Bishops , did not speak according to the Language of the times wherein they lived , rather then according to the true acception of the word Bishop ? and whether it be not true which is here said i● this Book , that they are called Bishops of Alexand●iae , Ephes●s , Hierus●lem , &c in a very improper sense , because they abode at those p●ac●s a longer time then at other places ? For su●e it is , if 〈…〉 and and I●mes Apostles ( which are Bishops ; over the whol● 〈◊〉 ) and the Apostles made Mark● , ●imothy and Titus 〈…〉 , &c. it seemes to us that it would have been a great sin in them to limit themselves to one particular Diocesse , and to ●eave that calling in which Christ had placed them . Whether Presbyters in Scripture are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that it is an office , required at their hands , to rule and to govern , as hath bin proved in this Book ; The Bishops can without sin arrogate the exercise of this power to themselves alone , and why they may not with the same lawfulness , impropriate to themselves alone the Key of Doctrine ( which yet notwithstanding al would condemn ) as well as the Key of Discipline , seeing that the whole power of the Keys is given to Presbyters in Scripture as well as to Bishops ; as appears , Mat. 16.19 . where the power of the Keys is promised to Peter , in the name of the rest of the Apostles , and their successors ; & given to all the Apostles , and their successors , Mat. 18.19 . Iohn . 20.23 . And that Presbyters succeed the Apostles , appears not onely , Mat. 28.20 . but also , Acts. 20.28 . where the Apostle ready to leave the Church of Ephesus commends the care of ruling and feeding it to the Elders of that Church ▪ To this Irenaeus witnesseth , lib 4 cap. 43.44 . This Bishop Iewell against Harding , Artic. 4. Sect. 5 , 6. saith , that all Pastors have equall power of binding and loosing with ●eter . Whether since that Bishops assume to themselves power temporall ( to be Barons , and to sit in Parliament , as Judges , and in Court of Star-Chamber , High Commission , and other Courts of Justice ) and also power spirituall over Ministers and People , to ordain , silence , suspend , deprive , excommunicate , &c. their spiritual power be not as dangerous ( though both be dangerous ) and as much to be opposed as their temporal ? 1 Because the spiritual is over our consciences , the temporal , but over our purses . 2 Because the spiritual have more influence into Gods Ordinances to defile them , then the temporal . 3 Because spiritual judgements and evils are greater than other . 4 Because the Pope was Antichrist , before he did assume any temporal power . 5 Because the Spiritual is more inward and lesse discerned : and therefore it concerns all those that have Spiritual eyes , and desire to worsh●y God in spirit and truth , to consider , and endeavour to 〈…〉 Spiritual usurpations as well as their Temporal . Whether A●rius be justly branded by Epiphanius and Austin for a Here●●cke ( as some report ) sor affirming Bishops , and Presbyters to be of an equal power ? Wee say , as some report , for the truth is , he is charged with heresie meerly and onely because he was an Arrian . As for his opinian of the parity of a Presbyter with a Bishop ; this indeed is called by Austin , proprium dogma Aerii , the proper opinion of Aerius . And by Epiphanius it is called Dogma suriosum & stolidum , a mad and foolish opinion , but not an heresie neither by the one nor the other . But let us suppose ( as is commonly thought ) that he was accounted an Heretick for this opinion : yet notwithstanding , that this was but the private opinion of Epiphanius , and borrowed out of him by Austin and an opinion not to be allowed , appeares : First , because the same Authors condemne Aerius , as much for reprehending and censuring the mentioning of the dead in the publ●que prayers , and the performing of good works for the benefit of the dead . And also for the reprehending stata jejunia , and the keeping of the week before Easter as a solemne Fast , which if worthy of condemnation , would bring in most of the reformed Churches into the censure of Heresie . Secondly , because not onely Saint Hierome , but Austin himself , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , O●cumenius , Theophilact ▪ were of the same opinion with Aerius ( as Michael Medina observes in the Council of Trent , and hath writen , Lib. 1. de sacr . hom . origine . ) and yet none of these deserving the name of Fools , much lesse to be branded for Hereticks . Thirdly , because no Councell did ever condemne this for Heresie ; but on the contrary , Concilium Aquisgranens . sub Ludovico ●io Imp. 1. anno 816. hath approved it for true Divinity out of the Scriture , That Bishops and Presbyters are equal , bringing the same texts that Aerius doth , and which Epiphanius indeed undertakes to answer ; but how slightly let any indifferent Reader judge . Whether the great Apostasie of the Church of Rome hath not been , in swerving from the Discipline of Christ , as well as from the doctrine ? For so it seems by that text , 2. Thess. 2.4 . And also , Revel . 18.7 and divers others . And if so , then it much concernes all those that desire the purity of the Church , to consider , how neere the Discipline of the Church of England borders upon Antichrist ; lest , while they endeavour to keep out Antichrist from entring by the door of doctrine , they should suffer him secretly to creep in by the door of Discipline , especially considering , what is here said in this Booke , That by their own confession the Discipline of the Church of England is the same with the Church of Rome . Whether Episcopacie be not made a place of Dignity , rather then Duty , and desired onely for the great revenues of the place ? And whether , if the largenesse of their revenues were taken away , Bishops would not decline the great burthen and charge of soules necessarily annexed to their places , as much as the ancient Bishops did , who hid themselves , that they might not be made Bishops and cut off their cares , rather then they would be made Bishops : whereas now Bishops cut off the eares of those that speak against their Bishopricks ? How it comes to pass , that in England there is such increase of Popery , Superstition , Arminianism , and prophaneness , more then in other Reformed Churches ? Doth not the root of these Disorders proceed from the Bishops and their adherents , being forced to hold correspondencie with Rome , to uphold their greatness , and their Courts and Canons , wherein they symbolize with Rome ? And whether it be not to be feared , that they will rather consent to the bringing in of Popery , for the upholding of their dignities , then part with their dignities for the upholding of Religion ? Why should England that is one of the chiefest Kingdomes in Europe , that separates from Antichrist , maintain and defend a Discipline different from all other Reformed Churches , which stand in the like Separation ? And whether the continuance in this Discipline will not at last bring us to communion with Rome , from which we are separated , and to separation from the other Reformed Churches , unto which we are united ? Whether it be fit that the name Bishop , which in Scripture is common to the Presbyters with the Bishops ( and not only in Scripture , but also in Antiquity for some hundreds of yeers ) should still be appropriated to Bishops , and ingrossed by them , and not rather to be made common to all Presbyters ; and the rather because ? First , we finde by woful experience , that the great Equivocatithat lieth in the name Bishop , hath been , and is at this day a great prop and pillar to uphold Lordly Prelacy ; for this is the great Goliah , the master-piece , and indeed the onely argument with which they think to silence all opposers ; to wit , the Antiquity of Episcopacie , that it hath continued in the Church of Christ for 1500 yeers , &c. which argument is cited by this Remonstrant ad nauseam usque & usque . Now it is evident tha● this ●r●ument is a Paralogism , depending upon the Equivocation of the 〈◊〉 ●●shop . For Bishops in the Apostles time were the s●me with Pre●byters in name and office , and so for a good wh●le after . An● when afterwards they came to be disting●●shed , the ●i●hops of th●●rimitive times differed as much from o●●s now , as Rome anci●nt ●rom Rome at this day , as hath been su●fi●ie●●ly decl●●ed in this Book . And the best way to confute this ●rgumen● i●●y h●nging in a Community of the name Bishop to a Presby●er a● w●ll 〈…〉 a ●●shop . Secondly , becau●● we ●in●e 〈…〉 late Innovators which have so much disturbed 〈…〉 p●r●ty of our Church , did first begin w●●h the al●●ratio● 〈…〉 ; and by changing the word Table into the word Altar , and the word Minister into the word Priest , and the wo●d Sacr●ment into the word ●acrifice , have endeavoured to bring in the Popish Mass. And the Apost●e exhorts us , 2 Tim. 1.13 . T● hold fast the form of sound words : and 1 Tim. 6.20 . To avoid the prophane novelties of words . Upon which text we will only mention what the Rhemists have commented , which we conceive to be worthy consideration . ( Nam instruunt nos non solùm docentes , s●d eti●m errantes . ) The Church of God hath alwayes been as diligent to resist novelties of words , as her adversaries are busie to invent them , for which cause she will not have us communicate with them ▪ no● follow their fashions and phrase newl● invented , though in the nature of the words ●ometimes there be no harm . Le● us keep our forefathers words , and we shall easily keep our old and true saith , that we had of the first Christians ; let them say , Amendment , A●sti●ence , the Lords Supper , the Communion-Table , Elders , Ministers , ●uper-inten●●nt , Congregation , So be it , Praise ye the Lord , Morning Prayer , Evening Prayer , and the rest as they will ; Let us avoid those novelties of words , according to the Apostles prescript , and keep the old terms , ●enance , ●ast , Priests , Church , ●ishop , Mas● , Ma●●in , ●ven-Song , the B. Sacrament , Altar , Oblation , Host , Sacifice . Hal●elujah , Amen ; Lent , Palm-●unday , Christmass , and the words will br●ng us to the faith of our first ●postles , and condemn th●●● new Apostates , new faith and phrase . Whether having proved that God never set such a Government in hi● Church as our Episcopal Government is , we may law●ul●● any l●●ger be subject unto it , be present at their Courts , obe● th●ir Inju●ctio●s , and especia●ly be instruments in publishing , and ex●c●ting their Excommunications and Abs●ustions ? ●nd ●hus we have given ( as we hope ) a sufficient answ●r , an● brief as the matter world permit , to t●e Remon●●rant . With 〈◊〉 though we agree not in opinion touching Episcopacie and Liturgie ; yet we fully consent with him , to pray unto Almighty God , Who is great in power , and infinite in wisdom , to poure down upon the whole Honourable Assembly , the spirit of wisdom , and understanding , the spirit of Counsel & might , the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the Lord : That you may be able to discern betwixt things that differ , seperate between the precious and the vile , purely purge away our dross , and take away all our tin , root out every plant that is not of our heavenly Fathers planting : That so you may raise up the foundations of many generations , and be called the Repairers of breaches , and Restorers of paths to dwell in . Even so , Amen . A POSCRIPT . THough we might have added much light and beauty to our Discourse , by inserting variety of Histories upon several occasions given us in the Remonstrance , the answer whereof we have undertaken ; especially where it speaks of the bounty and gracious Munificence of Religious Princes toward the Bishops , yet unwilling to break the threed of our discourse , and its connexion with the Remonstrance by so large a digression , as the whole series of Historie producible to our purpose , would extend unto : We have chosen rather to subjoyn by way of Appendix , an historical Narration of those bitter fruits , Pride , Rebellion , Treason , Unthankfulness , &c. which have issued from Episcopacy , while it hath stood under the continued influences of Sovereigne goodness . Which Narration would fill a Volume , but we will bound our selves unto the Stories of this Kingdom , and that revolution of time which hath passed over us since the erection of the See of Canterbury . And because in most things the beginning is observed to be a presage of that which follows , let their Founder Austin the Monk come first to be considered . Whom we may justly account to have been such to the English , as the Arrian Bishops were of old to the Goths , and the Jesuits now among the Indians , who of Pagans have made but Arrians and Papists . His ignorance in the Gospel which he preached is seen in his idle & Judaical consultations with the Pope , about things clean and unclean ; his proud demeanour toward the British Clergy , appears in his Council called about no solid point of faith , but celebration of Easter , where having troubled and threatened the Churches of Wales , and afterwards of Scotland , about Romish Ceremonies , he is said in fine to have been the stirrer up of Ethelbers , by means of the Northumbrian King , to the slaughter of twelve hundred of those poor laborious Monks of Bangor . His Successors busied in nothing but urging and instituting Ceremonies , and maintaining Precedency we pass over . Till Dunst●n , the Sa●nted Prelate , who of a frantick Necromaacer , and suspected fornicatour , was shorn a Monk , and afterwards made a Bishop . His worthy deeds are noted by Speed , to have been the cheating King Eldred of the treasure committed to his keeping ; the prohibiting of marriage , to the increasing of all filthiness in the Clergy o● those times ; as the long Oration of King Edgar in Stow well testifies . In Edward the Confessors dayes , Robert the Norman no sooner Archbishop of Canterbury , but setting the King and Earl Godwine at variance for private revenge , broach't a Civil War , till the Archbishop was banisht . Now William the Conquerour had set up Lankefrank Bishop of Canterbury , who to requite him , spent his faithful service to the Pope Gregory , in perswading the King to subject himself and his State to the Papacy , as himself writes to the Pope , Suasi , sed non persuasi . The treason of Anselm to Rufus was notorious , who not content to withstand the King , obstinately in money-matters , made suit to fetch his Pall or Investiture of Archiepiscopacy from Rome , which the King denying as flat against his Regal Sovereignty , he went without his leave , and for his Romish good service received great honour from the Pope , by being seated at his right foot in a Synod , with these words , Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam . Whence perhaps it is that the See of Canterbury hath affected a Patriarchy in our dayes . This Anselm also condemned the married Clergy . Henry the First reigning , the same Anselm deprived those Prelates that had been Invested by the King , and all the Kingdom is vext with one Prelate , who the second time betakes himself to his old fortress at Rome , till the King was fain to yield . Which done , and the Archbishop returned , spends the rest of his dayes in a long contention and unchristian jangling with York about Primacie . Which ended not so , but grew hot between York and London , as Dean to Canterbury , striving for the upper seat at Dinner , till the King seeing their odious pride , put them both out of doors . To speak of Ralph and Thurstan , the next Archbishops , pursuing the same quarrel , were tedious , as it was no small molestation to the King and Kingdom , Thurstan refusing to stand to the Kings doom , and wins the day , or else the King must be accurs'd by the Pope ; which further animates him to try the mastery with William next Archbishop of Canterbury , and no man can end it but their Father the Pope , for which they travel to Rome . In the mean vvhile , marriage is sharply decreed against , Speed 448. and the Legate Cremonensis , the Declamour against Matrimony taken with a Strumpet the same night . In King Stephens Reign , the haughty Bishops of Canterbury and Winchester bandy about Precedency ; and to Rome to end the Duel . Theobald goes to Rome against the Kings will ; interdicts the Realm , and the King forc't to suffer it ; till refusing to Crown Eustace , the Kings Son , because the Pope had so commanded , he flies again . Becket's pride and out-ragious treasons are too manifest ; resigning the Kings gift of his Archbishoprick to receive it of the Pope ; requiring the Custody of Rochester-castle , and the Tower of London , as belonging to his Seignorie . Protects murthering Priests from Temporal Sword ; standing stifly for the Liberties and Dignities of Clerks , but little to chastise their vices , vvhich besides other erying sins , vvere above a hundred murthers since Henry the Seconds crowning , till that time : to maintain vvhich , most of the Bishops conspire , till the terrour of the King made them shrink ; but Becket obdures , denies that the King of Englands Courts have authority to judge him ▪ And thus was this noble King disquieted by an insolent Traitour , in habit of a Bishop , a great part of his Reigne ; the Land in uproar ; many Excommunicate , and accursed ; France and England set to War , and the King himself curbed , and controlled ; and lastly , disciplin'd by the Bishops and Monks : first , vvith a bare-foot penance , that drevv blood from his feet , and lastly , with fourscore lashes on his anointed body vvith Rods. In the same Kings time it vvas that the Archbishop of York striving to sit above Canterbury , squats him down on his lap , vvhence vvith many a cuff he vvas throvvn dovvn . Next the pride of W. Longchamp , Bishop of Elie , was notorious , vvho vvould ride vvith a thousand horse ; and of a Governour in the Kings absence , became a Tyrant ; for vvhich flying in Womans apparel he vvas taken . To this succeeds contention betvveen Canterbury and York , about carriage of their Crosses , and Rome appeal'd to : the Bishop of Durham buyes an Earldom . No sooner another King , but Hubert another Archbishop to vex him , and lest that were not enough , made Chancellour of England . And besides him , Ieffery of York , who refusing to pay a Subsidy within his Precincts , and therefore all his temporalities seaz'd ; excommunicates the Sheriff , beats the Kings Officers , and interdicts his whole Province . Hubert outbraves the King in Christmass hous-keeping : hinders King Iohn by his Legantine power from recovering Normandy After him Stephen Langton , set up by the Pope in spite of the King , who opposing such an affront , falls under an interdict , with his whole Land ; and at the suit of his Archbishop to the Pope , is depos'd by Papal Sentence ; his Kingdom given to Philip the French King , Langtons friend ; and lastly , resignes and enfeuds his Crown to the Pope . After this tragical Stephen , the fray which Boniface the next Archbishop but one had with the Canons of Saint Bartholmews , is as pleasant ; the tearing of Hoods and Cowles , the miring of Copes , the flying about of Wax Candles , and Censors in the scuffle , cannot be imagined without mirth ; as his oathswere loud in this bickering , so his curses were as vehement in the contention with the Bishop of Winchester for a slight occasion . But now the Bishops had turned their contesting into base and servile flatteries , to advance themselves on the ruine of the subjects . For Peter de Rupibus Bishop of Winchester persvvading the King to displace English Officers , and substitute Poictivines , and telling the Lords to their faces , that there vvere no Peeres in England , as in France , but that the King might do what he would , and by whom he would , became a firebrand to the civill wars that followed . In this time Peckam Archbishop of Can. in a Synod was tampering vvith the Kings liberties , but being threatened desisted . But his successor Winchelsey on occasion of Subsidies demanded of the Clergie , made ansvver , That having tvvo Lords , one Spirituall , the other Temporall , he ought rather to obey the Spirituall governour the Pope , but that he vvould send to the Pope to knovv his pleasure , and so persisted even to beggerie . The Bishop of Durham also cited by the King flies to Rome . In the deposing of this King vvho more forvvard , then the Bishop of Hereford ? vvitnesse his Sermon at Oxford , My head , my head aketh , concluding that an aking and sick head of a King vvas to be taken off vvithout further Physick . Iohn the Archbishop of Canterbury , suspected to hinder the Kings glorious victories in Flanders , and France , by stopping the conveyance of monies committed to his charge , conspiring therein vvith vvish ●he Pope . But not long after vvas constituted that fatall praemunire , vvhich vvas the first nipping of their courage , to seek aide at Rome . And next to that , the wide wounds that Wickleffe made in their sides . From which time they have been falling , and thenceforth all the smoak that they could vomit , was turned against the rising light of pure doctrine . Yet could not their Pride misse occasion to set other mischief on foot . For the Citizens of London rising to apprehend a riotous fervant of the Bishop of Salisbury then Lord Treasurer , who with his fellowes stood on his guard in the Bishops house , were by the Bishop who maintained the riot of his servant , so complained of , that the King therewith seized on their liberties , and set a Governour over the Citie . And who knowes not , that Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Canterbury was a chief instrument and agent in deposing King Richard , as his actions and Sermon well declares . The like intended the Abbot of Westminster to Henry the fourth , who for no other reason , but because he suspected that the King did not favour the wealth of the Church , drew into a most horrible conspiracie the Earles of Kent , Rutland , and Salisbury , to kill the King in a turnament at Oxford , who yet notwithstanding was a man that professed to leave the Church in better state then he found it . For all this , soone after is Richard Scroop Archbishop of York in the field against him , the chiefe attractor of the rebellious party . In these times Thomas Arundell a great persecutor of the Gospel preached ▪ by Wikclefs followers , dies a fearfull death , his tongue so swelling vvithin his mouth , that he must of necessity starve . His successor Chickeley nothing milder diverts the King , that vvas looking too neerly into the superfluous revenues of the Church , to a bloody warre . All the famous conquests vvhich Henry the fifth had made in France , vvere lost by a civil dissension in England , vvhich sprung first from the haughty pride of Beaufort Bishop and Cardinall of Winchester , and the Archbishop of York against the Protector , Speed 674. In the civill warres the Archbishop sides with the Earle of Warwick , and March in Kent , Speed 682. Edward the Fourth , Mountacute Archbishop of York , one of the chiefe conspirators with Warwick against Edward the fourth , and afterwards his Jaylor , being by Warwicks treason committed to this Bishop . In Edward the Fifths time , the Archbishop of York was , though perhaps unwittingly ( yet by a certain fate of Prelacie ) the unhappy instrument of pulling the young Duke of York out of Sanctuary , into his cruel Uncles hands . Things being setled in such a peace , as after the bloody brawls was to the afflicted Realm howsoever acceptable , though not such as might be wished : Morton Bishop of Ely , enticing the Duke of Buckingham to take the Crown , which ruin'd him , opened the veins of the poor subjects to bleed afresh . The intolerable pride , extortion , bribery , luxury of Wolsey Archbishop of York who can be ignorant of ? selling Dispensatitions by his power Legantine for all offences , insulting over the Dukes and Peers , of whom some he brought to destruction by bloody policie , playing with State-affairs according to his humour , or benefit : causing Tournay , got with the blood of many a good Souldier , to be rendred at the French Kings secret request to him , not without bribes ; with whom one while siding , another while with the Emperour , he sold the honour and peace of England , at what rates he pleased ; and other crimes to be seen in the Articles against him , Holinshed . 912. and against all the Bishops in general , 911 , which when the Parliament sought to remedie , being most exc●ssive extortion in the Ecclesiastical Courts , the Bishops cry out ; Sacriledge , the Church goes to ruine , as it did in Bohemia , with the Schisme of the Hussites , Ibid. After this , though the Bishops ceased to be Papists ; for they preached against the Popes Supremacie , to please the King , yet they ceased not to oppugne the Gospel , causing Tindals Translation to be burnt , yea , they agreed to the suppressing of Monasteries , leaving their revenues to the King , to make vvay for the six bloudy Articles , which proceedings with all cruelty of inquisition are set down , Holinsh. pag. 946. till they were repealed the second of Edward the Sixth , stopping in the mean while the cause of Reformation well begun by the Lord Cromwel . And this mischief was wrought by Steven Gardiner , Bishop of Winchester . The six Articles are set down in Speed , pag. 792. The Archbishop of Saint Andrews , his hindring of England , and Scotlands Union , for fear of Reformation , Speed 794. As for the dayes of King Edward the Sixth , we cannot but acknowledge to the glory of the rich mercy of God , that there was a great Reformation of Religion made even to admiration . And yet notwithstanding we do much dislike the humour of those , that cry up those dayes as a compleat pattern of Reformation , and that endevour to reduce our Religion to the first times of King Edward , which we conceive were comparatively very imperfect , there being foure impediments which did much hinder that blessed work . The three Rebellions . One in Henry the Eighths time , by the Priests of Lincoln and Yorkeshire , for that Reformation which Cromwel had made . The other two in King Edwards dayes . One in Cornwal , the other in York●shire . The strife that arose suddenly amongst the Peers , emulating one anothers honour , Speed , pag. 837. The violent opposition of the Popish Bishops , which made Martin Bucer write to King Edward in his Book de Regno Christi , lib. 2 cap. 1. and say , Your Majesty doth see , that this restoring again the Kingdom of Christ , which we require , yea , which the salvation of us all requireth , may in no wise be expected to come from the Bishops , seeing there be so few among them which do understand the power and proper Offices of this Kingdom ; and very many of them by all means ( which possibly they can and dare ) either oppose themselves against it , or defer and hinder . The deficiency of zeal and courage even in those Bishops who afterwards proved Martyrs , witness the sharp contention of Ridley against Hooper for the ceremonies . And the importunate suit of Cranmer and Ridley for toleration of the Mass for the Kings sister , which was rejected by the Kings not only reasons , but tears ; whereby the young King shewed more zeal then his best Bishops , 839. The inhumane butcheries , blood-sheddings , and cruelties of Gardiner , Bonner , and the rest of the Bishops in Queen Maries dayes , are so fresh in every mans memory , as that we conceive it a thing altogether unnecessary to make mention of them . On●ly we fear lest the guilt of the blood then shed , should yet remain to be required at the hands of this Nation , because it hath not publickly endeavoured to appease the wrath of God by a general and solemn humiliation for it . What the pract●ces of the Prelates have been ever since , from the begininning of Queene Elizabeth to this present day , would fill a volume ( like Ezekiels Roll ) with lamentation , mourning , and wo to record . For it hath been their great designe to hinder all further Reformation ; to bring in doctrines of Popery , Arminianisme , and Libertinisme , to maintain , propagate and much encrease the burden of h●mane ceremonies : to keep out , and beat down the Preaching of the Word , to silence the faithfull Preachers of it , to oppose and persecute the most zealous professours , and to turn all Relig●on into a pompous out-side ; and to tread down the power of godliness . Insomuch as it is come to an ordinary Proverb , tha● when any thing is spoiled , we use to say , The Bishop's foot hath been in it . And in this ( and much more which might be said ) fulfilling Bishop 〈◊〉 Prophecie , who when he saw that in King Edwards reformation , there was a reservation of Ceremonies and Hierarchy , is credibly reported to have used these words : Since they have begun to taste of our Broath , it will not be long ere they will eat of our Beef . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A52055-e240 * Videbat enin● passim laborari mole & copiâ variorum in hoc genere commen●●tiorum ; novis editionibus ancipitem reddi corum delectū ; sed meliores etiam , id est veteres illos et probatos Authores è studiosorum manibus excuti &c ▪ Praefat. Scriptorum Theolog. Henric . Alting . * Quaedam noxia victoria paenè mihi semper in disputationibus proveniebat cum Christianis imperitis : August . contra Manich. cap. 19. * Mr. Stephen Marshall . Mr. Edm. Calamy . Dr. Th. Young. Mr. Matthew Newcomen . Dr. William Spurstowe . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Eph. 4.15 . Notes for div A52055-e1000 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pag. 23. Pag. ● Pag. 2. Pag. 3. Pag. 6. Pag. 2. Pag. 7. Untruths . Remon . pag. 8. Malmsbury lib. 4. Hist. Concil . Trid. Pag. 9. Liturgie . Pag. 10. a Ad hoc ma●orum devoluta est Ecclesia Dei & sponsa Christi , ut haereticorum exempla Sectentur , & ad celebranda Sacramenta coelestia , disciplinam , Lux mutuetur de tenebris , & id faciant christiani quod Antichristi faciunt . Cypr. Ep. 74. Pag. 13. Just. Mar. Apost . 2. Tert. Ap. ad . Gen. c. 39. Just. Mar. Apost . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . Laod. Can. 18. Conc. Carth. 3. Can. 23. Anno 397. Conc. Milev . 2. Can. 12. An. 416. Pag. 10. Pag. 11. Pag. 18. Pag. 11. Euseb. de vit . Con. li. 4. Cap. 18. Pag. 11. Pag. 12. Pag. 12. Pag. 13. D. Corbet . M. Nevel . Pag. 13. Pag. 13. Abbot against Church-forsakers . Ob● Ans. Pag. 17. Pag. 17. Pag. 17. * Pag. 2. a One of these Sonnes of the Church of England whose messenger this Remonstrant is , was he who swore by the Eternal God , he would be the death of those that did appeare to move against the grievances of Episcopacy ; and if the rest of these Millions mentioned pag , 2. whose thousands are so punctually calculated p. 41. be of his spirit , they are an army of very peaceable & right-affected men . Pag. 7. Evaristus . 100. Dionysius . 260. Some say 267. as P●l . Virg. Pag. 13 , 14. Iohn Maior l. 2. Hist. de gest : Scot. Cap. 2. Heylins Geog. p. 55. Gener. Hist. of Spain l. 22 Pag. 9. Pag. 18. Pag. 18. * Frustra co●saetudinem nobis opponunt , quasi consuetudo major sit veritate , aut nonid sit in spiritualibus sequendum , quod in melius fuerit à Spiritu Sancto Revelation : Cy●r ▪ Ep. 73. b It is wel observed by Gerhard , that a Bishop Phrasi Apostolicâ , that is , the Bishop that is the same with a Presbyter , is of fifteen hundred years standing ; but a Bishop Phrasi Pontificiâ , that is , a distinct order superiour to a Presbyter , invested with sole power of Ordination and Iurisdiction , is but a Novell Invention . Pag. 19. Pag. 19. * What the establishment of Episcopacy by the Lawes is , and upon what grounded , the learned Sir Edward 〈◊〉 informes us , who reports , That in an Act of Parliament holden at C●●●ile in the 25. year of Edw. 1. it is declared that the holy Church of England was founded in the state of Prelacy within the Realm of England , by the King and his Pregenitors , &c. for them to inform the people in the Law of God , and to keep hospitality , and give almes , and do other works of charity . And the said Kings in times past were wo●t to have their advice and counsel for the safe-guard of the Realme , when they had need of such Prelates and Clerks so advanced . Cook de jure Regis Ecclesiastico . But whether Bishops have observed the Orders of their first foundation , &c. Pag. 19.20 . Pag. 21. Pag. 8. Hierony . Ep. ad Evag. & ad Ocea . Iren. a●ver . ●aer . l. 4. c●p . 43.44 . Hist. Lib. 5. Cap. 23. Bellarm. de Cleric . Lib. 1. cap. 15. a Presbyterie sicut Episcopis , Dispensatio Mysteriorum Dei commissa est : Praesunt enim Ecclesiae Christi : in Consecratione Dominici corporis & sanguinis ▪ consortes sunt cum Episcopis : & similiter in Doctrina Populorum & in officio praedicandi : ac solum propter auteritatem , summo Sacerdoti Clericorum Ordinatio reservata est : Concil . Aquisgran . primum , Can. 8. Euangelium tribuit his qui praesunt Ecclesiae Mandatum docendi Evangeli , remittendi peccata , administrandi Sacramenta : praeterea jurisdictionem ; videlicet Mandatum Excommunicandi eos quorum notae sunt crimina , & Resipiscentes rursum absolvendi : Ac Omnium Consessione , etiam adversariorum liquet , hanc potestatem Jure Divino communem esse Omnibus qui praesunt Ecclesiae , sive Pastores vocentur , sive Presbyteri , Sive Episcopi . Scriptum Philip. Melanch . in conventu Smalcald . Anno. 1540. a praecipuis illarum Ecclesiarum Doctoribus communi Consensu comprobatū de potestate & jurisdictione Episcoporum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ierom. Isa. 3. Igna. Epis. ad Magnes . Conc. Ancyr . Can. 18. Pag. 20. Tertul. * At ubi omnia Loca Circumplexa est Ecclesia , Conventicula constituta sunt : & caeperunt Rectores : & Caetera Officia in Ecclesiis sunt ordinata . Caepit ali●t ordine & Providentia gubernari Ecclesia . Ideo non per omnia conveniunt Scripta Apostoli ordinationi quae nune in Ecclesia est , quia haec inter ipsa primordia scripta sunt . Nam & Timotheum à se Presbytorium Creatum Episcopum vocat , &c. Sed quia experuli● sequentes Presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos , immutata est ratis , &c. Hierom ad Evag. Ambros , ubi prius . Grego , Naz. Orat. 28. Pag. 21 , 22. Greg. Nazi . ubi priu● . Pag. 22. Pag. 23. Pag. 23. * Plebs ipsa Maximè babet potesiatem vel Eligend● . Dignos Sacerdotes , vel indignos vecusandi , qu●d & ipsum Videmus de Divina Authoritate de scendere : ut sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatu● , & dignus atque Idoneus publico Iudicio ac testimonio comprobetur . By Priests the Authour here understands Bishops , as the whole Series of the Epistle shews . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. Epist. ad Orthodoxos . Idem ubi supra . Cyprian , Cornelius , Athanasius and others . Cypr. Epist. 33. Epist. 58. Apud Cypr. Epist. 75. Cum jure Divino non sint diversi gradus Episcopi & Pastores : Manifestum est ordinationem in suâ Ecclesiâ factam IVRE DIVINO RATAM esse . Itaque cum Episcopi ordinarii fiant hostes Ecclesiae aut nolunt ordinationem impertire , Ecclesia retinet jus suum . Melanch . ubi supra , pag. Concil . Antios . Can. 10. & Aneyr. Can. 13. Concil . 4. Cathag . Can. 22. Ibid. Can. 3. Hieronym . in Epist. ad Evag. Chrysost. Hom. II. in I. ad Tim. Chrysost. upon the 1. Tim , Libro de septem Ordinibus . Concil . Aquisgra . 1. Can. 8. Solum propter authoritatem Clericorum ordinatio & consecratio reservata est summo Sacerdoti ▪ Bilson . Spalat . Franc. à Sancta Clara. Cyp. Epist. 6. & 28. Concil . 4. Carth●g . Can. 23. Vid Ruff. Hist. lib. 10. cap. 9. Sozo . l. 2. c. 23. Possiden . de vita . Aug. c. 4. Orig. Ham. 11. in Exo. pag. 97. Decret . part . 2. Can. 15. quae . 7. Per totum & partes Dist. 93. cap. 5 , 6. Clem. Alex. Stromat . lib. 7. Tertul. Apol. advers . Gent. Ambros. Epist. ad Syagrium . Aug. de verb. Apost . Ser. 19. * Constat . Iurisdictionem illam excommunicandi reos manifestorum criminum pertinere ad onnes Pastores , hanc ad se solos tyrannicè transtulerunt , & ad questum contulerunt Episcopi , Melanc . ubi sup . b Hieron . Epist. ad Heliodor . Ep. ad Demet. Ambros. lib. 10. Epist. 80. Cypr. Epist. 12. And this was the custome , saith Cyprian in minoribus delictis . Cypr. Epist. 46. vide etiam Cypr Epist. 6. Tertul. Apol . adver . Gent. cap. 59. Origen . Ham. 7. in Iosh. Cypr. Epist. 55. Cypr. Epist 11. ad plebem . Indecorū est Laicum vicarium esse Episcopi , & seculares in Ecclesiâ judicare : in uno enim eodemque opere non decetdispar professio quod etiam in lege Divina probibetur dicente Mose , Non arabis in bove & asino simul , Concil . Hispal . 2. Cypr. Epist 28. Downham in the defence of his Son Cod. li. 4. Tit. 20. l. 7. Athan. Apol. 2. Apud ●naram . Greg. Deceet . lib. 3. Tit. 2. cap. 8. quâ vos . Decret . Greg. lib. 5 Tit. 4. cap. 24. Chrysost : Hom. 40. in . 8 ▪ Tim Recording ▪ this among those things that he did Dolo modo ducere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sozo . 1.9 . Nicep . 18. ●1 Socra . 7.7 . Lib. 14. c. 14 , Soc. l. 7. c. 19. Niceph. l. Possidou● in vini August . a Let the Reader please to consult Euseb. Hist lib. 3 : cap. 33. according to some , after others cap. 37. and view the description , he there makes of an Evangelist , and then judg of what we speak ▪ Anno , Aerae . Christi receptae , 47. Anno 48 Anno 51 Anno 53 Anno 53 Paraeus . Capellus . Heb. 13.23 . We finde not onely that Timothy was with Paul at Rome , but a prisoner with him there . a Anno 43 b Anno 45 * Anno 46 * Anno 51 * Anno 51 * Anno 52 * Anno 53 * Anno 64 Raynolds contra Ha●t ●a : 6 : Hoc erant tique & eteri Astoli quod erat Peus , pari usortio editi & noris & estatis , exordiab unie profi●itur , ut clesia umontur . Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. Pag. 22. Pag. 23. Pag. 2● . 37. H●n . S. cap. 1● . * The Remonstrant here acknowledges the same of the K●ng , that Frier Simon a Floren●ine did of the Pope , who affirmed the degree of a Bishop was de jure divino , but every particular Bishop de jure Pontificio . Hist. con Trid. Pag. 28 , 29. Pag. 29. ●spara● * 1 Tim. 5.17 . 1 Cor. 12.28 . Rom. 12.8 . * Vnde & Synagoga , & pastea Ecclesia seniores habuit , quorum sine Consilio nihit agebatur in Ecclesiâ . Quod quâ negligentiâ obso●verit nescio , nisi forte Doctorum desidi● , aut magis superbia , dum soli ●olunt aliquid videri . Origen . Lib. 3. contra Celsum . Epist. 137. Lib. 3. cap. 1. Aug. Serm. 19. de Verb. Dom. August . in Psal 38. Conc. 2. Pag. 32. Pag. 33 Pag. 33 Doct. Duck. Pag. 34 Pag. 35. We may rather think that they would have done more . Remembring what Martinus was wont to say to his friend Sulpitius , Nequaquam sibi in Episcopatu eam virtutum Gratiam suppetisse , quàm priùs se habuisse mominisset . Sulpitius Severus Dial. 2. Pag. 35. Pag. 35. Pag. 35. Pag. 36. Pag. 36. Pag. ●7 . Pag. ●● Pag. 39. * In his Preface to his Book called , The way to the True Church . S●linus . Pag. 39. Tertull. advers . Gent. Pag. 2. Pag. 4● . Pag. 41 Pag. 41. Pag. 42. H●nc populus ●ecit . E●i●han●●s saith he did , 〈…〉 sa●th in 〈…〉 accus●d 〈◊〉 , ●ecause he s●id tha● 〈…〉 d●d n●● 〈…〉 . And Aust●n accused Arrius , because he said , Non licet orare , vel offc●re pro mortu●s oblationem . Whitaker . Respons . ad Campian . rat . 10. hath these words : Aerium Epiphanius & Augu●tinus in haereticis numerant , & praeter cos antiqui panci . E● si Presbyterum E●iscapo aequare sit haereticum , nihil Catholicum esse pot●st . Cun. AErio Hicronymus de Pres●y●● is 〈◊〉 sensit Illos enim jure divino Episcopis aequales esse statuit . Sozomen . hist. lib. 6. cap. 10. Qu●st● 6. Notes for div A52055-e29010 Beda . Holins● . Speed. Helinsh . out of Capgrave-Osborn , Hig●en . Edw Cons. Holsh . 191. Will. Conq. Speed p. 442. Will. Ruf. Hen. 1. Holshim . 37. Holinsh. 38. Holinsh. 42 , 43. K. Stephen . Holinsh. 57 , 58 , 59. Henry 3. Speed 462. out of Nubrigens . Yet this mans life is lately Printed in English , as a thing to be imitated . Holinsh. 70. Speed 469. Holinsh 98. Richard 1. Page 129 , 130 , 132. 144. King Iohn . Speed 503. Speed 509. Hen. 3. Stow 188. Hol. 247. Speed 529.530 . Edward 1. Holsh 280. Holsh . 301 , Holsh . 315 , Edward 2. Speed 574. Edward 3. Speed 586. Holsh . 409 Richardpunc ; Holsh , 478. Page 506. Henry 4. Page 514. Speed 631. Holsh . 529. Henry 5. Speed 638. Henry 6. Holsh . 596. Page 620. Edward 4. Speed ●99 . Edward 5. Richard 3. Henry 8. Hol. 845.462 . Speed 784. Hol. 992 , Speed 792. Speed. Statut. Hen. 8. Anno 35. cap. 5. Edward 6. 
A67350	----	A speech made by Master Waller esquire in the honourable House of Commons concerning episcopacie whether it should be committed or rejected. Waller, Edmund, 1606-1687. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A67350 of text R14491 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing W524). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A67350 Wing W524 ESTC R14491 13025004 ocm 13025004 96678 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67350) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96678) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 259:E198, no 30) A speech made by Master Waller esquire in the honourable House of Commons concerning episcopacie whether it should be committed or rejected. Waller, Edmund, 1606-1687. [2], 6 p. s.n.] [London? : Iuly 3, 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A67350 R14491 (Wing W524). civilwar no A speech made by Master Waller Esquire, in the Honorable House of Commons, concerning episcopacie, whether it should be committed or rejecte Waller, Edmund 1641 911 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 C The rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SPEECH Made By Master WALLER Esquire , IN THE HONORABLE HOUSE OF COMMONS , Concerning EPISCOPACIE , Whether it should be committed or rejected . 〈…〉 A Speech made by Mr Waller Esquire , in the Honourable of House of Commons , concerning Episcopacy , whether it should be committed or rejected . Mr Speaker , THere is no doubt but the sense of what this Nation hath suffered from the present Bishops , hath produced these complaints , and the apprehension Men have of suffering the like in time to come , make so many desire the taking away of Episcopacy . But I conceive it is possible that we may now not take a right measure of the mindes of the people by these petitions , for when they subscribed them , the Bishops were armed with a dangerous Commission , of making new Canons , imposing new oathes , and the like , but now we have disarmed them of that power : these Petitioners lately ; did look upon Episcopacy , as a Beast armed with Hornes and Clawes , but now that we have cut and pared them , ( and may if we see cause , yet reduce it into narrower bounds ) it may perhaps be more agreeable ; Howsoever if they be still in passion , it becomes us soberly to consider the right use and antiquity thereof , and not to comply further with a generall desire , then may stand with a generall good , We have already showed , that Episcopacy , and the evils thereof , are mingled like water and oyle ; We have also in part severed them . But I beleeve you will finde that our Lawes and the present Government of the Church are mingled like Wine and Water , so inseparable , that the Abrogation of at least a hundred of our Lawes is desired in this Petition . I have often heard a Noble answer of the Lords commended in this House , to a proposition of like nature , but of lesse consequence , they gave no other reason of their refusall but this , Nolumus mutare leges Angliae : It was the Bishops , was so answered then , and it would become the dignitie and wisedome of this House , to answer the people now with a Nolumus mutare . I see some are moved with a number of hands against the Bishops , which I confesse , rather inclines Me to their defence , for I look upon Episcopacy , as a Counter-scarf , or outwork , which if it be taken by this assault of the people , and withall this Mysterie once revealed , that we must deny them nothing when they aske it thus in troopes , we may in the next place , have as hard a taske to defend our propriety , as we have lately had to recover it from the prerogative . If by multiplying hands , and petitions , they prevail for an equality in things Ecclesiasticall , this next demand perhaps may be Leaegraria , the like equality in things Temporall . The Roman Story tels us , that when the people began to flock about the Senate , and were more curious to direct and know what was done , then to obey , that Common-wealth soon came to ruine . Their Legem rogare grew quickly to be a Legem ferre , and after , when their Legions had found that they could make a Dictator , they never suffered the Senate to have a voyce any more in such Election . If this great Innovation proceed , I shall expect a flat and levell in learing too , as well as in Church preferments . Horos alit artes , for though it be true , that grave and pious Men do study for learning sake , and imbrace vertue for it self , yet it is as true , that youth ( which is the season when learning is gotten ) is not without ambition , nor will ever take paines to excell in any thing , when there is not some hope of excelling others in reward and dignity . There are two reasons chiefly alleadged against our Church Government . First Scripture , which ( as some Men thinks ) points out another form . Secondly , the Abuses of the present Superiors . For Scripture I will not dispute it in this place , but am confident that when ever an equ all division of Lands and Goods shall be desired , there will be as many places in Scripture found out , which seem to favour that , as there are now alleadged against the Prelacy or preferment in the Church , And as for abuses where you are now in the Remonstrance told , what this and that poore man hath suffered by the Bishops , you may be presented with a thousand Instances of poor Men , that have received hard measure from their Land-Lords , and of worldly Goods abused , to the injury of others , and disadvantage of the Owners , And therefore Mr Speaker my humble Motion is , that we may settle Mens ' mindes herein , and by a question declare our Resolution to reform , that is , not to abolish Episcopacy . FINIS . 
A51420	----	Episkopos apostolikos, or, The episcopacy of the Church of England justified to be apostolical from the authority of the antient primitive church, and from the confessions of the most famous divines of the reformed churches beyond the seas : being a full satisfaction in this cause, as well for the necessity, as for the just right thereof, as consonant to the word of God / by ... Thomas Morton ... ; before which is prefixed a preface to the reader concerning this subject, by Sir Henry Yelverton, Baronet. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. 1670 Approx. 299 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 120 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51420 Wing M2838 ESTC R16296 13033059 ocm 13033059 96777 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51420) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96777) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 745:29) Episkopos apostolikos, or, The episcopacy of the Church of England justified to be apostolical from the authority of the antient primitive church, and from the confessions of the most famous divines of the reformed churches beyond the seas : being a full satisfaction in this cause, as well for the necessity, as for the just right thereof, as consonant to the word of God / by ... Thomas Morton ... ; before which is prefixed a preface to the reader concerning this subject, by Sir Henry Yelverton, Baronet. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. [8], li, [1], 162, [16] p. 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Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2005-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ἘΠΙΣΚΟΠΟΣ ἈΠΟΣΤΟΛΙΚΟΣ , OR THE EPISCOPACY OF THE Church of England Justified to be APOSTOLICAL , From the Authority of the Antient Primitive Church : And from the Confessions of the most Famous Divines of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas . Being a Full Satisfaction in this Cause , as well for the Necessity , as for the Just Right thereof , as consonant to the Word of God. By the Right Reverend Father in God THOMAS MORTON Late Lord Bishop of Duresme . Before which is Prefixed A PREFACE to the READER concerning this Subject : By Sir Henry Yelverton Baronét . Thus saith the Lord , Stand ye in the ways , and see and ask for the Old Paths , where is the good way , and walk there●n ; and ye shall find rest to your souls . Jerem. 6.16 . Quod universa tenet Ecclesia , nec conciliis institutum sed semper retentum est , non nisi Authoritate Apostolica traditum rectissime creditur . St. Augustin de Baptismo contra Donat. Can. 24. London , Printed for J. Collins in Westminster-hall . 1670 To the Most Reverend Father in God GILBERT By Divine Providence , Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , Primate of All ENGLAND , and Metropolitane ; and one of his Majesties most Honourable Privie Council . My LORD , I Have often wonder'd how it comes to pass , that the Sacred Order of Bishops should in this Island meet with so many unreasonable Adversaries ; when in all the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas , we are counted the only happy Nation , who enjoy the Purity of Doctrine , with the Primitive Government . And I confess my wonder is the more increased , when I consider that the Romanists look on our Church as their most dangerous Enemy , because we have not only the External Glory of a Church , but a continued Succession of Bishops ( which some amongst them are so ingenuous as not to deny ) and yet these men amongst us , who so vehemently cry down Popery , and so highly admire even the misfortunes of the Reformed Church , do by a strange Antiperistasis , assist their Enemies , and despise their Friends . It was a good Observation of that great man Archbishop Land , That Caiaphas the High Priest , advised the crucifying of our Saviour , that the Romans might not take away their Name and Nation : and yet that Counsel so Magisterially given , so deeply laid , and so wickedly contrived , brought on them that suddain destruction they hoped to avoid . And have not we , My Lord , found by sad Experience , the inference that Great Prelate made , fully true ? Since the Papists have not only had a great harvest amongst us , but all sort of damnable Heresies have , like a flood , broke in upon us , and Atheism hath so prevailed , that if God , out of his Infinite Mercy put no stop to it , that Prediction of our Saviour will in our dayes be true , That Faith shall scarce be found upon Earth ! But since the times are now come , which St. Clement more than 1600 years ago foretold , That there should be contention about the name of Episcopacy . And since Reformation and Purity are the Pretenses ( though Interest or Sacriledge are the true Reasons ) of Separation amongst us : I have , in obedience to Your Graces commands , put out a Book written some years since by the late Learned Bishop of Durham , that all men may see , the great Lights of the Reformed Church beyond the Seas are so far from approving the Practices of our Dissenters , that they commend and admire our Episcopal Government ; and therefore I cannot but hope , that either these men will return again to the bosome of their forsaken Mother the Church , or have so much Ingenuity to desist from deceiving ignorant People with the great Authority of the Reformed Church . And now , my Lord , I must humbly beg Your Pardon , that I prefix Your Great Name before this Discourse : But since 't is the work of a famous Bishop , and in defense of that Order of which in our Church Your Grace is the worthy Primate , I cannot but hope acceptance ; and am very much pleased I have an occasion offered me to let the World know how much I am My LORD , Your most humble and very obedient Servant Hen. Yelverton . From my house at Easton Manduit in Northamptonshire , March 26. 1669. TO THE READER . READER , THere present thee with a Book written some years since by that great and Reverend Bishop Tho. Morton , Lord Bishop of Duresme , in the defence of that Order he bore , and for which he suffered so great indignities . And as it was his Honour to suffer in so good a Cause , so it was his great Contentment and satisfaction when he came to the end of his long race , that he kept a good Conscience , though he lost all this world afforded him for it . It would be very superfluous in this place to write an Encomium of this Great Prelate , who is farr beyond what I can do ; and is already well performed by that excellent person Dr. Berwick late Dean of St. Pauls , who was well acquainted with him many years , and had the happiness once to be his Domestick Chaplain : I only think fit to say this of him , that he was an Antient Bishop , and had all the qualifications fit for his Order , either to Adorn or Govern a Church : but above all , he was eminent for his invincible Patience under so many violent Persecutions , and almost necessities ; alwayes rejoycing in his Losses , and protesting he thought himself richer with nothing and a good conscience , than those were who had devoured his goodly Bishoprick . And certainly he that considers the excellency of this Prelate , with the rest of his Brethren , who with him underwent the fiery Trial , will conclude as Tertullian doth of the first Persecution of the Christians , Non nisi aliquod grande bonum a Nerone damnatum ; Nothing but some great good could be condemned by such men . I must not omit , among the various Qualities of this great Man , to tell thee , he was 44 years a Bishop , a thing so extraordinary , that since the first Plantation of Christianity , and consequently of Bishops in this Island , which if we believe Baronius was the 58 of our Saviour , but one exceeded him ; and he came not to these Dignities per Saltum , but passed through all other inferiour Charges before he arrived at the height . And one thing is considerable in his Translation to Coventry and Lichfield , that King James was pleased to do it at the particular motion of that great Prelate Bishop Andrews , who never was known to move the King for the Preferment of any before . How excellent he was in Controversies , his manifold Writings against the Papists have given the World sufficient testimony ; and in this he went so high , that if he believed not the Pope to be Antichrist , he thought him very like him . And yet there was never any who more approved of the antient Customs of the Catholique Church , than himself : And of this I shall give you this particular instance . For that Ceremony of Bowing to the Lords Table at the first entrance into the Church , he did not only commend by his Practice , but publickly declared in a Letter he wrote to St. John's Colledge , where he had been Fellow , in behalf of a Kinsman of his , Mr. Low , for whom he desired a Fellowship ; that he was an adversary to his Kinsman , if he refused it : His words are these : (a) But if this young man be averse to that posture of Bowing himself towards the Lords Table , he shall have me much his Elder altogether his Enemy . And although our Church in her (b) Canons doth but commend this , and leaves the practice of it perfectly indifferent ; yet nothing of this nature claims a greater Antiquity : For (c) Clemens Alexandrinus tells us , That by the Christians Prayers were made towards the East . And (d) Tertullian sayes , That the Heathens suspected the Christians worshipped the Sun , and that their suspicion arose , because Christians prayed towards the East . And (e) St. Augustin , who lived at the end of the 4 th . Century , is very express in this custom , and withall gives this reason of it : When ( saith he ) we stand to Prayer , we are turned to the East , whence the Sun ariseth , not as if that was God's proper place , and that he hath deserted the other parts of the World , who is every-where present , not by extension of places , but Majesty of power ; but that our mind might be admonished to convert it self to the more excellent nature , that is , to the Lord. And in that discourse which goes under the name of Justin Martyr , ( though not so antient as St. Justin , yet as old as Theodoret , if we believe (f) Rivet ) we are told That (g) this custom ( speaking before of Praying towards the East ) the Church received from the holy Apostles : For the Church received the place where to Pray , from whom they received the command to Pray . And a few lines before he tells us , (h) That ●o Pray to the East doth not contradict either the Prophets or , Apostles : As if he should argue , We have no command in the Scripture to the contrary , this hath been the custom and practice of the Church , of which we have no beginning , therefore 't is Apostolical . But , whether this custom be from the Apostles or no , this we are sure on ; Bodily adoration is that we owe to God , and if that be his due and our duty , certainly the custom of the Church is of more than sufficient authority to determine to what place that Act of Worship is most decent to be directed unto . I must not omit another Information I ha●● of this good Bishop , before I come to speak of this Work I now publish ; and that is : He was in his younger dayes , nay when he came to be a Bishop , earnest in those Controversies which commonly go under Calvin's name ; insomuch that when he was Bishop of Lichfield , he set upon to Answer Arminius ; and mor● particularly that Tract of his , Intituled Examen Praedestinationis Perkinsianae : and after a moneths consideration , an● making several Observations on tha● Discourse , he laid it aside , saying thes● words , If thou wilt not be Answered ▪ lie thee there : And after that he gre● very moderate , if he did not incline t● the contrary opinion ; though he did not love to discourse of that Subject , or to hear Ministers in their Pulpits , to meddle with that which is most proper for the Scholes . Now though this Controversie about the time of the Synod of Dort was by many good men looked on under a severe character : yet now we find the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas incline much to it . As in the French Church Amiraldus and Mr. Daillee ( who hath a particular tract de Gratia Universali ) do sufficiently assure us ; and for the Dutch Churches the Remonstrant party is so much increased in power , that they possess most of the great places both in Church and State. But some men are strangely mistaken , when they would father the Calvinian Doctrin on the Church of England in her Articles , who hath most wisely left it undetermined ; knowing that both learned and good men may differ in these Sublime Points , and that the Churches peace ought not to he disturbed with such unnecessary determinations . 'T is true , I have read , that in the Parliament of 1 Caroli , Mr. Pym moved in the House of Commons , That Arminianisme might be condemned by a Vote of that House , as if the Infallibility pretended to attend St. Peter's Chair at Rome was removed to the Speaker's at Westminster . But yet I find not that grave Assembly did any thing in it . As for those Articles composed at Lambeth by (a) Archbishop Whitgift , and those Assistants he called to him , they were so far from being received as a Doctrin of our Church , that if we believe a (b) very diligent Historian , Queen Elizabeth totally disliked them , and the manner of making of them , and had like to have questioned the Archbishop about them . And when , by Dr. John Reynolds at the Conference at Hampton Court , they were desired to be inserted into the Articles of the Church of England , the motion was rejected by King James , who told them , That the quietest determinations of such Questions were fit for the University , and not to stuff our Articles with all Theological conclusions . But this by the way . I have before told you how great service this worthy Prelate did in his Controversies against the Papists : This was not all the work that lay on his shoulders : for he no sooner came to the Office of a Bishop , but he met with another sort of Adversary , who began then to question the Authority of the Church in her ordaining decent Ceremonies in her service . And when he found that a private Conference with these sort of men did little prevail , he then published his Defence of the Three Innocent Ceremonies ; a discourse so solid , that it must satisfie any person that is governed by reason , and not by phansie and affection . But as these men began then to undermine the Out-works ( as I may so call them ) of Episcopal Jurisdiction : so this great man lived to see the whole Hierarchy by them destroyed , voted down , Root and Branch , and that as Popish and Antichristian ; to the amazement of all Mankind , the Wonder of the Reformed Church , and the publique Triumph of the Roman Conclave , And were it not that those years so late past were perfectly a time of Paradoxes , what wise man could imagine that they and their Order should be counted Popish , who were the greatest opposers of it , who had writ so many unanswerable Volumns against it ; and who had by divers of their Martyrdom in Queen Mary's days asserted the Reformed Catholick Doctrine , against the Corruptions and Novelties of the Roman Church . This was the occasion which put this Learned Bishop to write this ensuing Tract , which when he had first done , he communicated it to the Most Reverend Father in God James Usher Lord Archbishop of Armagh ; and it did so satisfie that Learned Primate , that he put it forth with some Discourses of his own , without our Bishops Name or Knowledge , though in the Codicel annexed to our Bishops Will , 't is owned by him for his . But afterwards when the Covenant was hotly pressed , and a compliance to forein Reformed Churches pretended , our Bishop renewed his former Discourse , made several additions to it ; and where he found it necessary , took occasion to answer both Salmasius and Blondel , and so it swelled to the Volume it now is . This was by his Lordship committed to my charge , either to publish , or not , as I thought fit . And truly I had once determined still to have kept it by me , hoping that the wonderful Restauration both of our King and Church would have made all Disourses of this Nature unnecessary : but since it hath pleased Almighty God to suffer these Troublers of Israel still to continue amongst us their disturbances and separations , I thought it a du●● I owed to the Memory of this Blessed Bishop to publish this Discourse ; which I did not doubt , but might do God and his Church some service . But before I would attempt so great a Work , I communicated both my Design and Book to the Most Reverend Father in God Gilbert Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , who was pleased not only to approve the Work , but command the speedy publishing of it . This immediately put me upon the Examination of the several Quotations I found in it , having most of the Authors by me , fearing that either through the mistake of his Lordships hand , which was not very easie to be read , or the negligence of the Transcribers , some Errours might creep in the places cited ; and I dare assure the Reader , that for all the Works which I have by me , and I want but few , they are exactly true . The Method used in this Discourse is a way our Bishop had been very successful against the Papists , and I hope may prove so against our Adversaries of another kind ; which is the Testimony of Reformed Divines in the Churches beyond the Seas to our Episcopal Government , which they do not only commend , but admire and wish for . Nay , divers ef them expound those very Texts of Scripture , which are urged for Bishops , as we do ; so that if our Dissenters will believe any sort of men but themselves , they must be convinced with this kind of Argument . It seems to me , I confess , extreamly strange , that in these last and worst times some men should so applaud themselves , and their own phansies , as to condemn what went before them even in the most pure Primitive Church . I find not in all my little reading any that set himself against that Sacred Order till Aerius , who lived about the middle of the fourth Century : And Epiphanius says , who gives us the most ample Relation of him , this his Errour arose out of Emulation that Eustathius was preferred to a Bishoprick before him who most of all desired it . And truly I could wish secular Interest , such as , want of a Bishoprick , Applause with a Party , self-justification in former mistakes , and an unwillingness to let the world know they were formerly deceived , did not with-hold many amongst us from doing that , which , I doubt not , they are more than sufficiently convinced they ought to do . And I do heartily wish , since Conscience is the thing pretended , that they gave some assurance 't was Conscience and not Interest prevailed with them by their peaceable Passive Obedience to our Laws , and not to fill our streets with their unreasonable complaints against our Government and Governours , and still to seduce a sort of empty people of great Faith and little Sense , who are in the right only because they are sure they are in the right . And although 1600 years possession is more than a sufficient lawful Title for any to plead ( A thing so unquestionable , that no man hath yet produced any sufficient Authority to the contrary . ) Yet there are two learned Pens , Salmasius and Blondel , who have attempted rather to shew their Wits and Reading , than their Reason in this Controvesie . The first of these , when he undertook the task , wrote not under his own Name , as if it was what he was commanded to write , ( a thing frequent to the Professors of Leyden ) than what he himself either believed , or would perswade others to do : And in all his Discourse , he is in that violent heat , that he hardly gives Dionysius Petavius , that learned Jesuite , any other Name than , Inepte & Fatue . He answers the Greek Fathers , who affirm that in the Apostles time , a Bishop was superiour to a Presbyter , that it is a ly , and upon no other account , but because he expounds the Apostles words after a different manner , than what Antiquity did . And in any Controversie that concerns the Church , he continues this temper ; For to the Learned Doctor Hammond , who calmly defended the Churches Power of the Keys against some of his Objections , he gives no other Title but Nebulo in Anglia , shewing neither respect to the Learning , nor to the quality of the Doctor , who as he confessed , was Chaplain to his late Majesty . And yet this great Magisterial man with the same confidence as he denied the Divine Right of Episcopacy , so he doth the Authority of the 2d . Epistle of St. Peter , affirming the first only for genuine : and truly I wonder not much at it , for certainly he who shakes the Authority of the Tradition of the universal Church , takes away the only Argument to prove any Book to be Canonical , when any Sect or Heresie shall question it . But I the more willingly pass this over , since in his own Name in his Defensio Regia he seems to alter his Opinion . For D. Blondel . He who shall look into his Discourse , will find it to be a great Collection of Various Readings , and if Fame be true , collected at first to be the Materials of a Discourse he intended for Episcopacy ; But the misfortune of our Church turned his weapon another way . But after all , he only affirms , that Bishops and Presbyters were equal in degree , till the 136. of Christ ; which , if you consider , is a very small time after the Apostles . For St. John died , as both Eusebius and St. Hierome tells us , in the 102. of Christ ; so then , according to him , their was but 34 years distance . But to me , truly , he proves not that . For he who will consider the Epistle before his Book , will find all he affirms , is , that in that short time , the Senior Presbyter in the Colledge , was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their Praesident , and that , when he died , the next in Age succeeded him . What then I pray doth this make to his purpose ? If he had given us any Testimony that , though this Office fell to him by his Age , he immediately entred upon it without any Consecration by the Imposition of Episcopal hands , he had done something : but of this not one word . He only tells us this course was altered over the whole world ( velut Conspiratione factâ ) as if done by a Conspiracy . And what was this Alteration ? This he tells us out of Hilary's Comments on St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians ; which commonly goes under the Name of St. Ambrose , and was as he confesseth , an Author of the middle of the fifth Century , and it was this . Because , saith he , the following Presbyters began to be found unworthy to govern , the reason of Succession was chang●● 〈◊〉 by the care of a Council , that 〈◊〉 ●rder of Succession , but De●e●● 〈◊〉 ●●ld create a Bishop , thereunto elected by the judgment of many Priests . This Authority may be good to prove , that the Church upon good reason altered the Method of succession , but tends nothing to prove , that those who succeeded by Age were not Bishops . But here , I would ask any impartial Reader , whether from this place , he hath colour of Reason to imagin D. Blondells Proposition ? Was it possible that all the world could in a moment alter the Government established by the Apostles , and that without the contradiction or repining of any in the Church to the Contrary ? Was it possible for a Council to do this , and no footsteps remain of this decree ? Nay , were all those Holy Martyrs the Apostles Successors , unto whose mission God gave daily Testimony by the wonderful miracles they did , seduced by a lying Spirit , to impose upon all Christians a Yoke , as some call , Antichristian ? Certainly he who will allow such an Extravagant Fancy hath a Faith to believe Impossibilities . I might say a great deal more upon this subject , but that was to forestal the ensuing Discourse , which will more abundantly satisfie any Intelligent Reader . But our Episcopal Government hath another sort of Enemies , than those we have hitherto mentioned , which are divers in the Church of Rome , who designing to draw all divine Right to the Papal Chair , will allow nothing to Bishops but as derived from that . And therefore if you will look into that excellent History of the Council of Trent , when the Spanish Bishops pressed the determination of the Divine Right of Episcopacy , the Italian Bishops opposed it , and were so cautions in it as if the whole Papal Fabrick was to fall by that assertion . Nay we are told that the Legates had this in command from the Colledg of Cardinals inviolably to observe , that Episcopacy should not be determined of Divine right . And therefore he who looks into the Canons of the Council of Trent , that treat of Episcopacy , shall find them penned in such ambiguous Phrases , that all the Divinity allowed that Order may be interpreted not to be so originally but derivatively as proceeding from their great Divine Right the Papal Chair . And upon this dispute the Infallible Pope , in Letters sent to his Legats in that Council , tells them that the Opinion by which the Institution of Bishops was said to be of divine Right was false and erroneous , because the alone power of Order was from Christ. And Jacobus Lanez the General of the Jesuits Order tells us , that Bishops are of divine Ordination not Right : This in that Council . And in the Decretals collected by Gregory the 9th . we find this Decree . We call Deacon-ship and Presbyter-ship sacred Orders . For those alone the Primitive Church is read to have had . And it were very easie to find out Testimonies in abundance to this purpose , were not these cited more than enough ; which I have collected out of the Council of Trent , which is the Rule by which the Church of Rome is guided . And though it may be objected that divers Learned Papists are of another Opinion , Yet it is evident the Interest of the Papacy runs that way : for certainly no interest could be carried on with greater subtlety and dexterity than the Papal was in that Council : and this we see was one thing principally to be taken care of . From this we may gather how fond ● thing it is in some zealous men among●● us , who call the Order of Bishops Popish and Antichristian ; since the Papists as well as Presbyterians conspir● against this Order , and the Parity ● Presbyters and Bishops is perfect Popery . But besides these two Adversaries which seem to be so diametrically opposite in themselves , and yet both conspire against the Divine Right of Episcopacy ( as in many other points might were it proper , be made appear ) ; W● have a third sort of a much later dat● than the younger of these ; and that is sort of pleasant men , who tell us : The● are for Church Government , but the● believe that neither Christ nor his Apostles left any at all , but with a dependence on the Civill Magistrates will that whatever Government was established in the Apostles time 't was only setled for the present condition of th● Church , and not upon any lasting Re●son ; but that the Magistrate may , if 〈◊〉 think fit , institute a new Ecclesiastic● Government . And this Opinion ha● been so advanced by a learned man , that he saith the Magistrate is the only Judg of what Religion his Subjects must be on , that he is the only infallible Judg of Controversie and Scripture ; and that he that is a Subject to the Great Turk , and follows the Religion of Mahomet and dies for that Faith , is as much nay more a Martyr than the Primitive Christians were in the first ten Persecutions . And it is to me no wonder at all that this Opinion hath after it many Followers : For besides that this increaseth the Civil Magistrates Jurisdiction ; ( Dominion is a thing all mankind contend for ) and so cannot much offend the best Supreme Governour , since 't is an errour of a good meaning to teach Subjects obedience : Yet it carries along with it this advantage , that it enables the Embracers of it to swim with every stream , and so finds them a Religious Expedient to consult their secular interest and Advantage , let the world turn upside down . But certainly this Opinion as it savours much of Atheism , so it hath in it little of Reason and nothing of Religion . For to suppose that Christ Jesus , the Supreme Head of the Church , should take upon him humane nature , and purchase to himself ● Church with no less a price than the blood of God ; and that after this great work done he should take no further car● of her , but leave her to the direction of the changeable inclination of every humane Fansy , to the Extravagancy of every ambitious humour : If this be n●● a fond and an unreasonable opinion , know not what may merit that name . But this to me seems abundantly satisfactory , and to it I have not yet hear● the least colour of an Answer . And tha● is , since it doth most evidently appea●● from all Antiquity , the consent of a● antient writers , and the confession 〈◊〉 all that have searched into it , that th● Apostles setled in all Churches one an● the same Government ; ( For thoug● men dispute what Government was setled , and every party fansie 't is theirs , y●● all agree , there was but one ) how th●● could one Ecclesiastical Order confor● and agree with the Various Forms 〈◊〉 Temporal Policies ? The World had the● Monarchies , absolute , mixed , Arist●cracies , Oligarchies Democracies , a● they as different as we can imagine ; a●● yet the Apostles , who were guided by an Infallible Spirit , setled Episcopacy in them all : There was not in a Monarchy Episcopacy and in a Republick Presbytery , but one and the same in both . And this is matter of Fact and hath greater Authority to attest it , than any humane story of that Antiquity , which all mankind admits for Truth . And for to affirm , that , though this be true this Government is alterable , if the Magistrate judg it not so conducing to Piety as another he sets up : What is it but to say , that God did not foresee what contingencies would fall out in succeeding Ages ; and that the Apostles did not know what would advance true Religion and Piety in succeeding Ages , so well as Magistrates that follow , who are easily blinded and deceived , when it conduceth to their Temporal Interest ? But if we must fansy nothing to have a lasting Reason , but what we judg to have so ; I doubt this Atheistical Age will quickly lay aside all Institutions of Christ , by judging them ( as some openly do of all Religion ) not to be of a lasting necessity . Besides , he that shall affirm that nothing can be a Medium to bind the Consciences of men as of Divine right unalterably , but what is founded on Divine Testimony in some sense speaks true ; but if this be included in the assertion , that this must be obvious to every capacity , that is obliged to obey this divine Right , 't is false . For upon that account the Scripture it self should not bind those , who have not understanding enough to know how they are admitted as such . For to say the Scripture is the word of God , because my Conscience , which in plain English is nothing but my Opinion , tells me so , is no better an Argument than every Turc hath for his Alcoran . But if there is a necessity to prove the Scripture to be Divine , ( viz. the Reception of these books by the Catholick Church ) ▪ then he who hath not sense nor Learning enough to find out the truth of this , must either admit the Scripture of divine Authority , when the reason why it is so is not obvious to his understanding , or else all illiterate people are not obliged to believe the truth of its Doctrine , and obey it . Now let us apply this to Church-Government . If the same Authority which tells us , these books are Canonical Scripture , tells us withall that the very Apostles the Penmen of the New Testament did settle such a Government , and if we find the following Age practiced it ; allow it to be dubious in Scripture , ( which certainly it is not ) yet is not there as sufficient assurance , that that Government was settled by the Apostles , and so in some sense of Divine Right , and so unalterable , as we have to admit for Scripture the Revelation or any other book that ever was questioned ? Now for to affirm , that Antiquity is not a sufficient ground for our assent , unless we have a full assurance that the succeeding Ages did not vary from what the Apostles delivered , or that they could not mistake in the delivery : What is it but to say we must have greater Authority for matter of Fact than what a fact can have ? and doth not this Opinion destroy the Authority of Scripture totally ? For if the Churches delivery of such books as the writings of the Apostles be not sufficient for a rational man to ground his assent , that these books were their writings , and so Divine , unless we have assurance that she could not mistake in the delivery of those books ; we must either believe the Church incapable of Errour in the delivery of Scripture , or else we have no assurance to ground our Assent . Now to believe a Church incapable of Errour savours little of Reason , and to believe her only incapable in the delivery of Scripture savours much of Partiality . But if we must understand the Church ( for by Church here I mean the Governours of it ) to be a wise , sober body of pious and rational men , and so by consequence that they would receive no books , as the writings of inspired men , but such of whose Authentickness they had rational Grounds ( as perhaps the very authentique Letters under the Apostles own hands , which Tertullian mentions , or some other good Authority ) And if this be sufficient reason to gain our assent : Why is not the same Reason as sufficient for the Apostolical Government , as for the Apostolical writings ? I confess 't is beyond my reach . But if the Apostolical practice be sufficiently attested , then to affirm , 't is not enough to bind continually , unless it be known to be God's mind it should do so , is either to say the Apostles knew not the mind of God , or else would not reveal it . For certainly we have much more reason to say , their practice binds unalterably , than any one can have to say it doth not . For we have much more reason to demand of these men some mind of God , why we should change Apostolical Practice ; than they have of us , why we constantly practice what the inspired Apostles did ? Neither do I understand , how an Argument from Apostolical practice must suppose a different State of things than what they were when the Apostles established Governours over Churches . For why should not we imagine the Apostles did constitute , what they practiced ? And certainly he must be as infallible as the Pope pretends too , that is sure any Exposition of Scripture , that contradicts or concurs not with Apostolical practice , is true , if there can be any rational Exposition of those Scriptures , which concurs with that practice . And he who shall not believe there are such Expositions , and though not infallible yet sober , and I dare say much surer than any to the contrary , must condemn all the Antient Fathers of the Church , as ignorant and irrational men , and believe some new fancies of men of Yesterday and the dotings of some idle Haereticks of greater Authority than those great lights of the Catholick Church . And now to argue from some few practices in the Apostles times , which were laid aside , such as the Holy kiss , &c. that therefore any Constitution may ; is just such an Argument , that if a circumstance , a Ceremony may be changed , the whole Substance may too : unless a man will affirm , there is no more need of a standing succession of Church-Governours , than there is of the most minute practice in those daies . But here I expect it should be said . What necessity is there of a Succession of Ministers ? A ministry is necessary , but to think that every Minister must as some in derision say , draw his Pedegree from the Apostles , that is a narrow principle and fit only for Bigots to believe , and such as are easily deceived with the Great names of Antiquity and Catholique Tradition . I confess I was sorry , when I considered this Opinion , to find that the French Ministers , when they maintained their vocation to be lawful , ( unto which Cardinal Perron made his Reply ) lay this down for their first Argument . That if there was no other reason but this , that they had the true and pure Doctrine entire , it will suffice to prove also that we have a true vocation on which it depends . For he who without partiality considers this Position , will find 't is the Foundation of all Fanaticisme , and may be as well challenged by the most absurdest of Haereticks as themselves . For though the difference here may be , that these may have the doctrine entire , when other Haereticks have not ; yet since with the Adversaries they dispute with , that is the question ; it is no more an Argument to justifie their Vocation , than for any Haereticks , who believes he holds all Doctrine , true and entire for his . But in answer to this sort of ingenious men of larger Souls and looser principles , I demand , What Divine Demonstration have they , that a man may have a lawful call to the Ministry , and not at all derive this power from those unto whom our Saviour first gave the power of constituting Successours ? Certainly he , who goes about to shake a Position that for more than 1500 years all Christians believed , had need be as demonstrable in his proofs , as Principles in Mathematicks are . Nay he had need be infallible in his Expositions of Scripture , since he must give a contrary sense to them , than all Catholique Writers have done before ; considering that if he be mistaken , he destroys the very Being of a Church , and by depriving them of lawful Pastors , robbs Christians of Sacraments and all other Spiritual Ordinances . But if all Vocation to the Ministry must be either Extraordinary such as the Apostles were , or Ordinary such as the Bishops their Successors were , it would do well these generous men would shew us by what Title they claim . If extraordinary , certainly 't is as necessary for them to prove their Mission by miracles as it was for the Apostles , nay as it Was for our Saviour : who expresly tells us . If I had not done amongst them , those works which none other man did , they had not had Sin. If ordinary , they would do well to shew us , that this their call to the Ministry was that ordinary way by which the Church enjoyed her Pastors . For unless they can do that , they must believe , nay they must tell the World , that those Good and Pious men , who succeeded the Apostles , and who for the defence of the Doctrine of the Gospel resisted unto blood , did conspire to cheat Christians of their Liberty , and the Soul of Man of those generous principles , this liberal age is willing to allow her . And it is very frivolous to say that the Successours of the Apostles , in those writings we have amongst us , do differ in many things , and do maintain some things not altogether consonant to truth . 'T is true I acknowledge they are but men , and therefore subject to frailties and errours as all mankind is : but this is so far from weakening their Authority , that ●it strengthens it : That since they are men and so subject to mistakes and differences amongst themselves , it was impossible they should all agree in the Doctrine and practice of Episcopacy , unless they were all convinced it was a principle not to be disputed against . And let not some say that our Bishops now a daies differ from the Apostolical Bishops : 't is possible they may in some external additions , which the Piety and Munificence of Christian Princes have annexed unto that Order , believing they could not honour those too much who were set apart to serve at the Altar of our Lord. Yet I desire any man to shew me whether the Catholick Church did not at all times believe for 1500 years together , that a Bishop was absolutely necessary for Ordination ? And if Imposition of hands , which the Author to the Hebrews reckons as one of the Principles , yea one stone of the Foundation of the Doctrine of Christ , which ( since the words are ; the Doctrine of laying on of hands , and Ordination is ever performed with it ) may amongst others comprehend Ordination ; then he who shall destroy a lawful Ordination , pulls away one of the Foundation Stones of the Christian Aedifice ; and , if he doth not destroy , certainly he endangers the Building . But why the Scripture should be thought deficient in Necessaries , If Episcopal Government being necessary be not determined , I understand not ; for if by not determined by a Law be meant absolutely , 't is begging the Question . For there is no man but knows 't is the Assertion of all who hold Episcopacy Apostolical , that 't is determined there . But if by determining by a Law , is meant , so positive and clear a Determination as is Obvious to every Capacity , and can admit of no Cavil , then 't is a strange conclusion . For , I doubt , some great Articles of our Faith are not so evidently revealed , and so positively determined , but may admit of divers c●vils ; and those too not from unlearned and irrational men , who allow the Scripture , as we do , to be sole Judg in such Controversies . And if this be so , then either those great Truths are not necessaria , or the Scripture is deficient in necessariis , both which are strange Conclusions . And now to suppose , That Episcopal Government is a matter of Christian Liberty , because it is not so clearly determined by a positive Law , is to suppose that every thing , of which we have not positive and clear Determination in Scripture as will admit of no Dispute , is of Christian Liberty : and s● we must bid adieu to some of the great Doctrines of our Faith , because they ar● not so clearly delivered . Now by what is said , we may jud● that that Argument is not cogent , whic● affirms , That nothing can bind as ● Law , but what is expressed in direc● terms , or deduced by evident consequence , as of an Universal bindin● Nature . 'T is true , nothing can bind a● a Divine Law , but what the Scriptur● teacheth ; but 't is not necessary this shoul● be so evident , as to admit of no dispute . For since whosoever affirmeth Episcopa● Apostolical , fixeth the Divine Right o● Scripture : 't is no more an Argument ●● say 't is not in Scripture , because it ●● not so express , as to be without disput●● than for an Anabaptist to say , there ●● no Obligation from Scripture to Baptiz● Children , because there is no place produced to that purpose but we disput●● against ; nay 't is no more than for an Atheist to deny the Divinity of our Saviour , because there is no place which asserts it in Scripture , but the Socinians dispute against . But to expect that this also must be express the binding Nature of the Law , 't is far more unreasonable . For if it be a Law , they who alter it ought to produce more evident Authority that they may lawfully do it , than those who maintain an Apostolical Constitution to be perpetual , to prove express Authority for the continuance . For the Infallibility of the first Authors of it is enough to teach it ought to continue , unless from as great an Authority the contrary be proved . And upon this account those other Arguments must be of as little force , which affirm , That all standing Laws and Rules of Church-Government are appliable to several Forms , and that therefore the Scripture hath determined no Government , but left it arbitrarily . For , first this is begging the question : For , whoever affirms this , must know that divers Laws of Government , as particularly that of Ordination hath by the Catholick Church for more than fifteen Ages been adjudged only to Bishops . And certainly 't is more difficult to prove that these Laws and Rules of Government are appliable to severa● Governments , and of this to give evident demonstration , against which 〈◊〉 Objection can be made ( For such w● are told is the proof in this case only necessary ) than for us to affirm those Law● and Rules are only competible to Episcopacy ; since from all Antiquity , t●● very lately , they were never applied 〈◊〉 any other . Besides , 't is possible , that many principal Laws and Rules may agree with divers Governments , the Governmen● being rather fitted to them than the to the Government ; and yet is not a● Argument that one only Governmen● is not established . ( I add the wor● many principal instead of all ; becau●● I cannot believe any ingenious pers●● will now so lamentably beg the Question , or imagin that every Rule necessar● for Government and for new Eme●gences in it must be expressed . ) A●● the reason of this is , because the end● ▪ Government being the good of the Soci●ty governed , every thing that is , or b● pretends to be a Government , must have some principal Laws and Rules common with the best Government , and yet in as much as that Government wants the perfection of a better , these Principles though they sute with that Government , yet do not conduce so well to the end of Government , as when they are made use of in a better . To illustrate this by an Instance . Divers of the principal Laws of England agree with the Laws of divers Countries , now to affirm that Monarchy is not established in England , because our Laws are or may be used to a Government not Monarchical , is such a way of arguing as will hardly deceive a considering man. And though this may be said as to Government in general , abstracting Divinity from it : Yet if we find these Laws and Rules , that are given in Scripture for Church-Government , are more eminently conducible to the benefit of the Church in Episcopacy than in any other ; and if we have greater Authority than we have of any Fact so antient , that the Church ever understood and practiced these Rules and Laws in Episcopal Government , can any rational man be perswaded that Episcopacy is of Christian Liberty ; because the Rules and Laws of Episcopal Government may be forced and strained to the fond Inventions of an Enthusiastick brain ? And now Reader I must begg thy pardon , I have been so long on this last Argument . I hope the danger as well as the Novelty of the Opinion will be my excuse . I proceed . We have in the last place another sort of Adversaries that are Enemies to Episcopacy ; and the reason is , because they are friends to their Lands ; and unless they destroy their Order , they cannot divide the Spoil . And because this is an Argument not fit to be openly urged , they pretend to annex them to the Crown , and that ( say they ) will both enrich and strengthen the Monarchy . To these two men I shall only lay down these Positions , and if I make them good , this Argument will vanish as smoke . The first is , That these Lands in the Churches hands conduce more to the Interest of the Crown , than if they were annexed to the Crown . And the second is , that the Crown at present receives as much in Revenue over and above what the Church men have , as it doth from any Lands not yet altered from the Crown , Quantity for Quantity . For the first , I take that to conduce to the Interest of the Crown , which obligeth a great number of understanding able men to depend upon the Crown . Now since all Ecclesiastical Preferments depend either immediately or mediately on his Majesties disposal , this must make all who that way seek for advancement to deserve well of the Crown , that that they may obtain their desires . And this doth not only encourage those who are possessed of Ecclesiastical Dignities , but doth also perswade and encline Parochial Ministers to serve his Majesty , that they may be considered and rewarded for it . Of this we have a notable instance in our late ill Times , when , if I mistake not , as I think I do not , there were 8000 forsook all for the Covenant . Of an 129 Parishes within the Bills of Mortality of London , ( I have the list now by me ) an 115 was turned out , besides all the Prebends of St. Paul's and Westminster . And the Great dependence of the Clergy was so great an Eye-sore in the beginning of our unhappy Times , that the Principal Reason , why some seemed so zealous to Vote Bishops out of the Lords House , was that they were a dead weight , and that their Interest did so depend on the Court , that they always Voted as they received Commands : which thing though in it self not true , yet certainly shews , That their Interest is involved with the Crown and that he that will ruin the Monarchy must begin with the Church . Now let any man answer me , Hath not this great Body of Cl●rgy a considerable Interest in the Nation ? Do we not find in many Parishes that the Minister carries as great a sway as the Lord of the Mannour ? Is it then prudence to alienate the Churches Land , to destroy this Body of Men who depend on the Crown ? What will be the consequence of this ? This first will make every Parochial Minister seek what either his Patron or Parish do desire . For he is at his height , he can hope for no more . This will augment the number of Freeholders , who are already increased to such a multitude , that their Lands exceed both Crown Lands , Church Lands , Nobility and Gentry . And if that be true , ( which Mr. Harrington affirms , and is not improbable ) that the Interest of England is in her Lands ; certainly all means ought to be used to continue Lands in the hands of those whose Interest it is to support the Crown , rather than suffer them to be divided amongst a giddy multitude , who judg of nothing but as it conduceth to their present profit . I shall not here enter into the Religious Account of Church Lands , nor add what I have seen in some Papers of Sir Henry Spelman's , that when the Abbies were dissolved , there were but 28 Temporal Lords gave assent to it , and that in his time 22 of their Families were expired : I shall not answer that which is in every Mouth , that the Church had near a Moiety of the Nation , since it was not the Church , but their Tenants had again nine parts of that ten , and in those times a Church Lease was counted better than Capite Land , since the Tenancy was never altered but upon consent or miscarriage , their Children were not subject to Wardships , their Revenues , for all but stock , not liable to Subsidies , and their Lands maintained at the charge of the Church from all vexatious Titles and Law Suits . But this is not my work at present . The second thing I am to prove , is , That the , Crown receives as much from the Dignified Clergy's Lands , as it doth for so much of its own . And this will appear , if we consider that every Bishop at his Entrance in four years pays the full reserved Rent of his Bishoprick , after that a full Tenth yearly ; and 't is not ordinary for any Bishop to continue in one and the same Bishoprick above seven year ; so that if we call the First-fruits a Fine which comes in seven year , and the yearly Tenths , it is a good certain Revenue to the Crown . Whereas in the Crown Lands the reserved Rents are little , and much of that expended in Collection : The Fines seldom come to any thing , and they , or the greatest part of them , are commonly swallowed up by them who gather them . I know , at his Majesties Restauration the Clergies Fines were extraordinary : but though men look on their Profit with an evil Eye , yet they are not willing to consider their vast expense ; the Repairing the almost Ruined Cathedrals , Episcopal Houses , Redemption of Captives , Allowances to Purchasers , and particular Contributions , besides those great Acts of Charity and Munificence , which scarce any who have died but have left a good Example to their Followers . But besides this , if we consider that the Priesthood under the Gospel is more honourable than that under the Law , as being the Dispenser of a better Covenant ; and that it is Christ's own Command , that they who Preach the Gospel should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should live of the reward the Gospel brings , that a Messenger of such good News doth merit ; we will conclude , the Evangelical Clergy deserves at least a proportionable Revenue , to that which God was pleased to command and set apart for the Priests under the Law. And truly if we examine what that was , we shall find our Churches Revenue comes not near it . Then certainly we have no reason to repine at what they have , unless we are of the Opinion of some amongst us , that to serve God is in it self not necessary ; and so their needs neither persons to be dedicated to serve at the Altar , nor maintenance for them . How great the Revenue was , the Priests had under the Law , we may compute , if we consider that they had the Tith of every thing in kind , which as Mr. Selden tells us was rather a Fifth than a Tenth ; that they had a great proportion out of every Sacrifice , that all Free-will Offerings were theirs ; so that to give to God and his Priests was one and the same thing : and besides all this in that little Country , which I think exceeds not our four Northern Counties , they had 48 Cities allotted them with their Suburbs , which was to extend round about their Cities 2000 Cubits , which was something more at the lowest reckoning than half a mile ; so that allow the City a square and half a mile over , there is a square of a mile and half , which makes 3 square miles , and contains in it 1920 Acres ; so that in that little Land they had 92160 Acres , which the soil being then so rich , by the multitude of Inhabitants , and Gods special blessing , was a vast Revenue , and far exceeds what our Clergy ever had . And therefore any sober judicious person may judg at the Intentions of those men , who in their scurrilous and seditious Pamphlets make our Clergy , like Bell , to devour the best of the Land. They are desirous to devour it themselves , and , that they may be fresh Instruments to pull down more judgments upon this Nation , they desire to involve us in New Sacriledges ; as if this Nation had not been sufficiently punished by sins of this kind , unless they fill up the measure by new Additions . But this being not so properly the Subject in hand , I shall leave it at present , and conclude this Preface , when I have added , what I have received from good Authority concerning two great men amongst the Dissenters of the last Age ; that the World may see , that the Dissenters then were neither in Opinion nor Temper like unto those , who now cause great Separations amongst us . The first is of Mr. Tho. Cartwright , the Antesignanus of that Party in his Age. Sir George Paul in the life of Archbishop Whitgift tells us , that the Reason of his first discontent was , that in the Exercises that were done before Queen Elizabeth at Cambridg , Dr. Thomas Preston got all the Applause and a Pension from the Queen , when he , who was the better Scholar was not taken notice of . This beg at in him Great Discontent and Anger first at the Queens Supremacy in Ecclesiasticals , and afterwards at all the Orders of the Church . But though he continued long in this Temper , yet before his death he grew very moderate . And when he came to dy , which he did at Warwick at the Hospital , of which Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester had made him Master , he did seriously lament the unnecessary troubles he had caused in the Church , by the Schism he had been the great Fomenter of ; and wished he was to begin his life again , that he might testifie to the World , the dislike he had of his former ways . And in this Opinion he died . The truth of which Story I have from the third hand : A sober person present at his death told a friend of his a Gentleman of Warwick , who assured a Clergy-man of my Neighbourhood of the Truth of it . The second is Mr. John Dod , a man whose Name is known to all this Nation . What thing he scrupled in the Ceremonies his neerest Relations could but guess . For I am informed by one of them who lived above half a year in his house with him , that in all that time , he never spake one word of them to him . He advised a Grandchild of his to go for Ordination to the Bishop of Lincoln , because he was the Bishop , Students in Cambridg received Ordination from : And when he asked his advise about Subscription , he answered , If you scruple nothing , why do you question it ? When one of his own Children seemed to doubt kneeling at the Sacrament , and asked his advice , whether she should leave the Church , and get some Minister to give her the Sacrament in the house , in the Posture she inclined to take it in ? the good old man man rejected the motion with some eagerness , and bid her go to her Parish Church , and receive kneeling : When for refusal of Subscription in the third year of King James he was deprived , he refused to Preach ; And when by Mr. Fox , I think I mistake not his Name , a Minister in Teukesbury he was pressed to it by that Argument , that he was a Minister not of Man , but of Jesus Christ. He replied , 't is true , he was a Minister of Jesus Christ but by Man , and not from Christ as the Apostles only were ; and therefore if by the Laws of Men he was prohibited Preaching , he ought to obey : and never did Preach , till Mr. Knightly his Patron procured him a Licence from Archbishop Abbot . Where by Ordinance of Parliament the Common Prayer Book was laid aside , he never forsook the use of it , but read always as much , as his very old Age would suffer him . When he was desired to Baptize a Child after the Mode of those Times , without the Common-Prayer-Book , he refused , but administred both Sacraments according to that Order , ( the Cross only excepted , which practice made some imagine 't was the only thing he scrupled ) . And when by Accident a great Commander in the Parliaments Army ( who formerly had been his Auditor ) came with Forces that way , he asked Mr. Dod , why he did not Pray and Preach up the Parliament . He Replied , He Preached Jesus Christ , which was the work of a Minister . And after that asked that Commander , Who he fought for ? He answered , For the King and Parliament . The good old man replied , But what if the King be in a fight , and you should kill him ? The Commander replied , He must take his fortune . Mr. Dod returned , 'T is a strange fighting for the King , to kill him ; and this answer did so trouble and concern this good man , that after this discourse ended , he mentioned it with great horror to some of his Relations . A little before Naseby fight , King Charles of blessed memory sent the late Earl of Lyndsey to Mr. Dod to know his Opinion of the War. His Lordship found him ill , however he sate up and dictated his sense of it . But the Earl was on a sudden , by reason of the Fight hurried away , that whether the King had the paper or no , I cannot learn ; but the Original , or a Copy of it , was by some zealous men suppressed . And their lived near him a Justice of Peace in those ill times , ( who , though he pretended to much Piety , had little honesty , as appeared at his death ) that was thought the man who suppressed it . And when by some of Mr. Dod's Relations he was asked about it , he made this answer , That in his old Age he began to dote . I have done my utmost to retrive it , and am not yet out of hopes to do it ; which if I can compass , the World shall see , this man was none of those who disliked the Liturgy , despised our Ecclesiastical Government , none of those who gathered Proselytes by broaching Opinions contrary to the Established Laws , none of those who Preached in Corners , and so applaud themselves and their fancies , that they fill our streets with their unreasonable Argumentations , none of those who study to deceive , because either they have deceived or been deceived themselves . I have now done , I only desire the Reader to lay aside all interest and partiality , and as an indifferent and unconcern'd person , to read this Discourse I here offer thee . And since all Truth is great , and will prevail , I cannot but hope this truth will have a good success . If the constant practice of the Primitive Church , if the Authority of all the great Reformers in the Protestant Church , if the universal consent of Antient holy Fathers , if the concurrent Testimony of Modern Divines , if the confessions of so many great Divines in our late ill times , the blood of Archbishop Laud , or the Martyrdom of our late blessed Sovereign , have any Rhetorique at all , let these compel thee to forsake these Separations , and to return to the bosome of that Church , whose Orders are Apostolical , whose Ceremonies are Primitive , and whose Doctrin is most Orthodox . Hen. Yelverton . From my house at Easton Manduit in Northamptonshire , this 12 of March 1668 / ● . Episcopacy Asserted . CAP. I. SECT . I. That the Church of Geneva hath both justified , and praised our Episcopal Government in England , and prayed for the prosperous continuance thereof . FRom the Church of Geneva , we have that Pole-starr thereof Mr. Calvin himself peremptorily asserting the Right of Episcopal Government , in what Church soever , (1) That professeth the truth of Doctrine , and denieth dependence on the Roman Antichrist . And the Case so standing , he denounceth them Anathema and accursed who shall not reverently obey such Episcopal Hierarchy : so Mr. Calvin : which is the more remarkable , because the Tractate , wherein these words are , is written professedly concerning the Reformation of Churches , and therefore so much more appliable to the impugners of our English Church , none more professedly maintaining the same Religion , and somewhat more Reformed than it was in the dayes of Calvin . Yea , and even in her last Canons opposite to Papists and Popery as ever . Again , his Approbation of our English Episcopal Government then in being was expressed sufficiently in dignifying Archbishop Cranmer (2) Even for his Archi-episcopal care which he had ( saith he ) not only of England , but also of the whole World. Meaning , by endeavouring to his power to propagate the truth of Christ's Gospel every where . In which sense of Publick Universal care , good Bishops were antiently called Bishops of the Catholick Church . Yea , and in a more vehement and emphatical expression , he exhorteth him ( with others the Governors of the Church , (3) To labour to discharge their Function , as that which is enjoined them of God , who will exact of them a due account thereof . Our second witness ( Mr. Beza ) testifieth , (4) That the Church of England , after the Reformation , was supported by the Authority of Archbishops and Bishops , excellent Pastors of the Church ; wishing furthermore , blessing upon their Function , that it might be perpetual to this Nation . And in another place (5) Judging them worthy of punishment , that should not willingly obey their Authority . So he . Next , both Mr. Beza and Sadeel jointly inveigh against those (6) As impudent slanderers who should report them to have detracted any thing from the dignity of Episcopacy in this Church . What shall we say to that mirrour of Learning Mr. Isaac Causabon ? who having taken due survey of our Episcopal Government in England , doubted not to publish to the World , (7) That no Church in the World doth come nearer to the form of the Primitive Church than it doth ; so far ( saith he ) that they that envied her happiness , are notwithstanding constrained to extol it : judging furthermore , That what either belongeth to the Doctrine of Salvation , or to the decency of a Church , is found in her , as well as in any other Church , upon Earth . And in a Brotherly and Christian close concludeth saying , Praised and magnified be God therefore : Even as he did at the sight of the Consecration of Bishops in Paul's Church , with this pathetical ejaculation , (8) Good God ( saith he ) how great was my joy ? do thou Lord Jesus preserve this Church , and restore such to their wits who do deride these things . So he . After these Doctor Diodati , now a famous Preacher in Geneva , at his being in England , did not a little joy to observe our Episcopal Government , who if he had been an Adversary thereunto would not ( as he did ) have noted (9) One of the seven Angels in the Revelations to have been the Bishop of Ephesus . Lastly , Fredericus Spanhemius , Professor of Divinity in the same Church , may well stand for another witness , who after his ample commendations ( and that worthily ) of the late Primate of Ireland , manifestly extolleth (10) The Bishops and Divines of our English Church for their accurate Writings in defence of the Orthodox Religion , and their dexterity in confuting Romish subtilties ; after professeth in the name of the Church of Geneva , Their embracing our Pastors and Prelates with Christian affection , praying for the prosperity of them that sit at the Helm of this Church , that their Prelatical Authority may continue unto them . So they , and somewhat more pertinent to our Question in hand , as now followeth . SECT . II. That the Church of Geneva disclaimed the Opinion of thinking , that their Churches Government should be a pattern for other Churches . THe (1) Smectymnians our Opposites , by instancing in that Church , may seem ( in the same book Dedicated to both Houses of Parliament ) that the same Church of Geneva ( which we acknowledge to be essentially a member of the Church of Christ ) ought to be a Pattern of Ecclesiastical Government to all other Protestant Churches . We have a contrary Certificate from (2) Theodore Beza speaking of Bishops as the Celebrious mouth of that Church , We ( saith he ) do embrace all faithful Bishops with all reverence ; neither do we ( as some falsly object against us ) propose our Example to any other Church to be followed . So he . Hitherto of the justification of our English Episcopacy , by the judgment of our most Judicious Divines of the Church of Geneva . We are not destitute of like Testimonies from other Protestant Churches . SECT . III. That also other Protestant Divines of Reformed Churches have observed the Worthiness of the Episcopal Government in England . MR. Moulin ( whose Name is Venerable among all Orthodox Divines ) acknowledgeth (3) That our English Bishops that suffered Martyrdom in the days of Queen Mary , were for Zeal nothing inferior to the most excellent servants of God , which Germany or France ever had ; which none ( saith he ) will deny if not blinded in day-light . And least that worthy Divine should be thought to approve of such of our English Bishops only as then suffered Martyrdom , we have furthermore his indefinite large Testimony , (4) We affirm ( saith he , speaking as the mouth of the French Church ) That the Bishops of England , after the Reformation , were the faithful servants of God , and ought not to desert their Office , or title of Bishop . (5) Hierome Zanchie ( amongst excellent Divines in his time ) exhorteth Queen Elizabeth with an Imprimis , and especially to extend her care and Authority to have godly and learned Bishops , whereof ( by the blessing of God , saith he ) you have very many , and to cherish them . And again , he congratulateth the Episcopal Dignity of Jewel Bishop of Salisbury , (6) Praying to God for his prosperous success in his Function , and of all others the Pious Bishops of England , and all this in the name of his Colleages , the Pastors of the Church of Heidelburgh . (7) Sarania ( a Belgick Doctor ) though a great favourer of the Order of Episcopacy , yet an earnest inveigher against the Roman Hierarchy , confesseth Himself to wonder often at the Wisdom of the Reformers of the Church of England , as no way deviating from the antient Church of Christ : And he concludeth with this Epiphonema saying , I hold it a part of her happiness that she hath retained with her the Order of Bishops . Mr. Moulin again ( that he may be the Epilogue who was the Prologue ) concludeth for the Church of England , saying , (8) That their agreement is such , that England hath been a Refuge to our persecuted Churches ; and correspondently the excellent servants of God in our Churches ( saith he ) Peter Martyr , Calvin , Beza , and Zanchie , have often written Letters full of respect , and amity to the Prelates of England . So he . To these may be added the late dedicated Books to some of our Bishops of these times , together with others referring their Controversies among themselves to be decided by their judgment , if we thought that such instances could be of easie digestion with some . Hitherto by way of Introduction in behalf of our particular English Church . We are now to prosecute the justification of Episcopacy in general , so farr as to make good the Title of this Treatise inscribed , A FULL SATISFACTION IN THIS CAUSE , as well for the Necessary use , as also for the just Right thereof , as consonant to the Word of God. We begin to consult with gray-headed Antiquity for the manifestation hereof . SECT . IV. That the Episcopal Government in the Church of Christ is for Necessary Use the best , according to the judgment of Primitive Antiquity . GEnerally the bestness of a thing ( that we may so call it ) is best discerned by the Necessary Use , whereof Antiquity hath testified by Hierome , (a) That the original reason of constituting one over the rest of Presbyters , to whom all the care of the Church should belong , was ( saith he ) so decreed through the whole World , that Schisme might be removed . Which from the continual experimental success thereof in the Church , he himself held to be such , (b) As whereupon the safety of the Church did depend . (c) Tertullian ( yet himself no Bishop neither ) will not have Presbyters and Deacons to Baptize without Authority from the Bishop , for the honour of the Church ; which being observed , Peace ( saith he ) will be preserved . (d) Chrysostom illustrateth the Necessity of Episcopal Government , by resembling the Bishop to the Head , in respect of the Body : to a Shepheard , in respect of his Sheep : to a Master , in respect of his Scholars : and to a Captain , in respect of his Soldiers : with whom (e) Ambrose agreeth in the first resemblance ; calling likewise the Bishop , The Head of the rest of the members . (f) Augustine compareth the Bishop to the Father of the Family , as being Head of the House . (g) Nazianzen , (h) Ambrose , (i) Nicetas decipher him as the Eie in that Head , whose Office is to look to the whole Body , whence they have their names , Episcopi or Bishops . (k) Basil ( yet higher ) compares the Church to the Body , and the Bishop to the Soul ; saying , That the Members of the Church by Episcopal Dignity , as by one Soul , are reduced to Concord and Communion . (l) Cyprian Bishop and Martyr , doth more than once complain of the Contempt and Disobedience of the inferior Clergy and People against their Bishops , as the Original Spring of Heresies and Schisms . We have done with the Fathers whom we have found generally asserting the Necessary Use of Episcopal Government ; and whom i● the next place we shall find seconded by the ingenious confession of Judicious Protestants of remo●● Churches . SECT . V. The Protestant Divines of remo●● Churches have generally acknowledged Episcopal Government , to for Necessary Use the best . THe Protestant Witnesses whic● we shall here alleadg , are 〈◊〉 two Classes , the one Lutheram with whom we begin . (m) Luthe● himself indeed will be found to i● veigh against Bishops ; yet not in general against all , but such only 〈◊〉 were Tyrannous and unworthy ( as h● saith ) of the holy name of Bishop ▪ Otherwise not only he , but all th● Churches of the Lutherans have in the publique (n) Augustine Confession ( speaking of Bishops ) testified that , They often protested their earnest desire to preserve the Ecclesiastical Polity , and Degrees then in being in the Church , even in their highest Authority ; which they acknowledge to be of great use for avoiding of Schisms in the Church . To this purpose Melancthon , by the perswasion of Luther ( as * Camerarius writeth in his life ) as much for Episcopacy as any , burst out into this pathetical Expression , (o) I speak my mind freely ( saith he ) I would to God , yea , I would to God I were able to restore the Government of Bishops ; for I see what a Church we are like to have , the Ecclesiastical Polity being dissolved ; I foresee the Tyranny will be more intolerable than ever it was before . So he , citing (p) Bucers like judgment of the Necessity of Episcop●● Government : To the end that refractory and dissolute persons may ●● removed out of the Church . The Illustrious Prince Hainault , one persecuted for Religion , and afterwards en●bled with the calling of Preacher of t●● Gospel , professeth in the name of th● Lutheran Churches , saying (q) With what willingness and joy of heart wou●● we reverence , obey , and yield Bishop their Jurisdiction , and Ordination which thing we have alwayes contest● for , as did also Luther himself both i● Words , Writing , and Preaching . So he ▪ We may add out of the Dani●● Church that learned Hemingius confessing (r) The Episcopal Order to b● most profitable , both for Governing th● Church , and for preservation of sound Doctrine . The other Classis of Protestant Authors are at hand to deliver their own Judgments ; also Calvin in the first place delivereth the Original Reason of Episcopacy to be , ( as he saith ) (s) Left by Equality ( as it usually cometh to pass ) Schismes should arise in the Church . So he . With such a Parenthesis as telleth tales , namely , That Dissention accompanieth Parity : But that which is spoken in a farr lowder tone , is this his Confession , (t) I confess ( saith he ) that as the manner of men is new a days , the Order of Ministers cannot continue , except one be over the rest . So he . From whom we expect much more hereafter : In the interim Beza granteth (u) That because by Experience the Presbyterial Government was found insufficient to keep under Ambitious Pastors , and vain and Fanatical Auditors ; One was constituted over the rest to govern them : which thing ( saith he ) neither can , nor ought to be reprehended . Especially seeing that in th● Church of Alexandria this Custom was observed , even from the dayes of Mat● the Evangelist . And again , (x) G●● forbid that I should reprehend this Order as rashly or proudly brought into th● Church , whereof there was great us● when good and holy Bishops governed the Church . So he . Zanchie is of reverend esteem amongst our Adversaries ; yet he confesseth , (y) Th● Episcopacy was ordained out of Piety to best ends for the Edification of the Elect , and was so received by the consent of Christian Churches : Who th●● am I , ( saith he ) that I should disallo● that which the whole Church of Chri●● hath approved ? To comprise much in a little , we have heard of the Protestation made in the Augustane Confession , in the behalf of Episcopacy , and the Necessity of it ; and it is testified by (z) Conradus Vorstius , that the Protestant Divines , in Conference at Bosnack , subscribed to it per omnia , except that dubious Article concerning the Eucharist . Amongst whom he reckons Calvin , Beza , Zanchie , Viretus , and Melancthon . We may not pass by Bogarmannus , Moderator in the Synod of Dort , who hath been rendred unto us by a credible person ; That upon the mention of Episcopacy by some of our English Divines , the want of which had , in all probability , caused those dissentions in the Netherlands : He made this Answer before them all , as the mouth of the rest , (*) Alas , but we are not so happy : which none that duly considers either the Person that spake it , or yet the Place where it was uttered , can conceive to be a Complement ; but rather a Conscionable acknowledgment of a clear Truth . Neither is this the first or the last time that this Truth hath been asserted by Divines of remote Churches , though perhaps never so solemnly and publickly as here : For before this (1) Saravia hath published his Judgement in Print , wherein he● esteems it , A part of the happiness of our English Church , that she hath conserved in her the Order of Bishops . And since that Synod , the learned Professor of Divinity in Geneva , Videlius , speaking of good Bishops , and such as are instructed by the Holy Ghost : (2) To such ( saith he ) as Ignatius speaketh , We willingly obey , and say they are Necessarily to be obeyed . Nothing now remaineth , but that one whom our Opposites have proclaimed for their chiefest Advocate , Walo Masselinus alias , Salmatius , may give the upshot in this very point , (3) That 〈◊〉 Bishop ( saith he ) was set over Presbyters in the same Church , to take away Schisms , none can deny to have been instituted to a good end , and that with best Reasons . We need not repeat , how the Church of Geneva did not dote so much upon their own Form of Church Government , as to think it worthy to be an Example for other Churches to copy out . We are not ignorant of the flourishing pretense which our Opposites make to others to be enamoured of their Helen ( the Presbyterial Government ) as if it were most commonly used in all Churches abroad , therefore have we been constrained to advertise as followeth . SECT . VI. That the Episcopal Government is farr more practised among Protestants of remote Churches , than is the Presbyterial . THe words of Zanchie (4) are punctual , That Episcopi ( that is , Bishops ) and Superintendentes , are words of the same sense and signification , and therefore where there is an agreement in the thing , we ought not to make any alteration or strife about Words . And for Practice ( he saith ) That in some Reformed Churches , both the Name and Function of Archbishops and Bishops , were retained ; in others the Office was retained , changing only the Title of Archbishops and Bishops , into Superintendents , and general Superintendents : And where neither Name nor Office did remain , as formerly , yet even there almost all Authority was managed by some Chief Pastors . So he . Mr. Dureus ( a Learned Divine ) and in one sort Apostolical , by his great Travail and endeavours for reconciling of Lutherans , and other Protestant Churches , and also some others , published to to the World a multitude of Protestant Churches governed by Prelates , under the name of Bishops , farr exceeding the number of the Presbyterial : which seemed a matter so unquestionable to a Jesuit , that he presumed to affirme of all Protestant Churches excepting Anabaptists , (5) That they admitted three degrees of Ministers ; to wit , Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons . That which we wish may be principally observed by these Premisses , is , That so many so eminently Learned and Judicious Divines , and among them such as are thought to have practised the Presbyterial Discipline , would not so plainly and universally have acknowledged the Necessary Use of Episcopal Prelacy , except ( before all Presbyterial parity ) they had judged it the Best : but yet we are to soar higher , accounting that most truly the Best ; which hath the Best Right . CAP. II. SECT . I. The second general part of this full satisfaction , is concerning the Right of Episcopacy , which is to accord to the Word of God , which is the second reserved Condition in the Common Covenant . THere are but two principal wayes to understand every Accordance to the Word of God ; One from Primitive Antiquity , especially that which bordereth immediately upon the Apostolical Age ; the Other by the light and evidence of Scripture it self . And for our just enquiry into both , we shall take along with us the Consent and acknowledgment of such Protestant Divines , to whom our Opposites cannot justly impute partiality in the behalf of Bishops . Antiquity speaketh unto us both by its profession and practice ; sometimes professing it to be so far according to the Word of God , as it is Apostolical ; sometimes in an higher tone and accent , to attribute unto it a Divine Right . Touching the Apostolical Right , our Opposites will not seem to be so far forlorn of Antient Patronage , but that they will object four Authors against this ; which Objections we are to remove in the first place , as rubs in our way , that our Readers passage may become more even and easie unto him . SECT . II. First , That no Antient Father hath been justly objected as gainsaying the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy , no not Hierome . THe Smectymnians have informed both the Honourable Houses of Parliament , that (1) The best Charter pleaded for Episcopacy , is Ecclesiastical Constitution , and the testimony of Hierome . Which is the main Fort which they and other out Opposites rest upon , (2) The Original of Episcopal Prelacy ( saith he ) is rather from the Custom of the Church , than of the Lords disposing . Whence these Disputants conclude , that he held it to be * Meerly Ecclesiastical ; and the rather because this his Commentary is upon a Text of Scripture . Two kind of Answers are appliable to this Objection ; One in respect of Hieromes person ; the Other in regard of his manifold Confessions to the contrary . First , Hierome ( by nature an angry man ) had been not a little provoked by John Bishop of Hierusalem , and thereupon ( as a learned Doctor even of the Presbyterian Church saith ) (3) Did probably vent this sentence in an humane passion : Especially as another saith , (4) Holding it an indignity to see his Order contemned . And that such passions were sometimes incident to this Father , our next Section will further manifest . But we are rather willing to rest upon the more manifest resolution of Hierome himself . Secondly , Therefore we come to the Construction of his words : which we cannot unfold better , than according to the interpretation of the above-mentioned Scultetus , namely , (5) That Hierome denying Episcopacy to be of Divine disposition ; meant , that it was not immediately ordained by Christ himself , in the time of his Residence here upon earth . And by affirming it to be of the Custome of the Church of Christ understood this in the dayes of the Apostles . And that this is the proper and genuine interpretation of these words , we appeal from ( if so it was ) passionate Hierome , to Hierome dispassionate ; from whom we have manifold acknowledgments of the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy , saying , (6) That all Bishops are the Successors of the Apostles , and do now supply their places . (7) He also terms the Episcopal power of Excommunication , the Apostolical Rod ; and correspondently he calls Damasus ( a Bishop ) his Shepheard , and himself ( a Presbyter ) his Sheep . Thirdly , He resembleth (8) Bishops and Presbyters in the New Testament , to Aaron and his Sons in the Old , calling it an Apostolical Tradition . And Lastly , He recounteth from Antiquity (9) James , our Lords Brother , Bishop of Hierusalem , Mark Bishop of Alexandria , Timothy of Ephesus , Titus of Crete ; whom the Apostles left their Successors in place of their Government . So St. Hierome in as full a distinction of Bishops over Presbyters , as any Prelate can do at this day . Wherefore it will not ( we presume ) fall into the imagination of any discreet Reader , to think , that so many Apostolical Relations had unto Bishops by Hierome , must needs confirm unto us his opinion of an Apostolical Institution , especially those last now mentioned out of his Book of Ecclesiastical Writers , * which Erasmus calls , A learned work , and worthy of such an Author . If we should yield unto our Opposites to choose them an Author out of all Protestant Divines , whom they would make Umpire and Determinator between us and them in this very Case , we are perswaded that Beza must be he , and him shall not we refuse , who directly proveth even out of Hierome (11) That the custom of ●of choosing one among the Presbyters , who should be over the rest , was observed from the time of Mark th● Evangelist . Nay , and further th● same Theodore Beza doth quit the main Objection of Hieromes denying Prelacy to have been of Divine disposition , saying roundly (12) The Hierome is not to be thought to hav● dated so much as to dream that no● of the Presbyters was placed as Pre●●dent ●ver the rest , when he said that at the first the Church was g●verned by the Common Council 〈◊〉 Presbyters . This is as much as an Prelatically minded man could either say , or wish to be said . SECT . III. That Augustine objected against the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy is directly for it . AUgustine ( a Father whose memory hath been Venerable throughout the whole Christian World ) is objected to have written thus to Hierome , (13) Although according to the titles of Honour usual in the Church , Episcopacy be greater than Presbytery , yet is Augustine inferiour to Hierome in many things . Hence the * Smectymnians , If Augustine had known that the Majority of Bishops above Presbyters had been of Divine or Apostolical institution , &c. he would have said as much . So they . Which is much more than they themselves ought to have said , for two Reasons . First , Because St. Hierome ( as they there confess ) had taken distaste at Augustine , and thereupon written two sharp Epistles to him , in both which he doth ( but yet Ironically ) extel● him as a great man , because he was In Pontificali culmine Constitutus . So they . Whereby they do in a manner proclaim Hieromes peevishness , every Ironie proceeding from some Splenetical tumor ; for although Hierome was otherwise a Saint-like man , y●● in respect of Moderation , he was fam● inferior to Augustine , who here by his mild answer ( in the objected Epistle ) endeavoured to allay the heat of Hieromes passion , with the cool breath of Christian condescension , saying , Augustine is in many thing inferior to Hierome . Secondly , ( to speak to the matter i●self ) Because all that Augustine a●tributeth to the Institution of th● Church is only Honorum Vocabula●● namely , the appropriation of the word Bishop , as more significant 〈◊〉 express the Office Episcopal over Presbyters , the general use hereof may well be ascribed to the Church though it had its Original from the Apostles times when the Office was instituted ; for even from thence this Father is found to derive the Pedegree of Episcopacy , when he saith , (14) That the root of Christian Society is diffused through the world by the Apostolical Seats and Successions of Bishops . Which Successions are relative to Episcopal Predecessors , and so upwards till we come to the Apostolical Seats whence they had their foundation . Yet so as deducing Episcopacy from an higher Original , namely , (15) That none can be ignorant , that our Saviour did institute Bishops , who before his ascension into Heaven , laying his hands on the Apostles , ordained them to that function . So he . So farr was he from blemishing Episcopal Order , with an opinion of its Ecclesiastical Ordination , that he acknowledgeth them to be the institution of Christ. Now let us proceed to Nazianzen , who is the third objected Father by our Opposites . SECT . IV. Thirdly , Gregory Nazianzen a Primitive Father , who is verbally objected against Episcopacy , doth really contradict the Objectors . THis Father is alleadged by the * Smectymnians , not so much against the Apostolical Right , as the Necessary Use of Episcopacy . Yet falling in the number of Objected Fathers , we have reserved him for this place . The point Objected out of him is , that he being cast out of his Bishoprick , by the sinister practices of Maximus , wished (16) That there were no principal Seat or Dignity in the Church , nor any Tyrannical preeminence of place . But what of this ? Thus spake he ( say they ) of Episcopacy , holding it a principal part of Wisdom in that age to shun it . So they . Whose scope is to make the Reader believe , That Nazianzen had renounced Episcopacy as a Degree , in his opinion , Unlawful , or at least Unnecessary in the Church . In answer unto this , we have just cause to complain of the want of ingenuity of the Objectors , both in translating the words of Nazianzen , and also for concealing his own explanations . For , First , The word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which signifieth that very time and present occasion , they translate , That Age ; which word hath usually in Authors the latitude of an Hundred years . Secondly , They conceal his precedent and subsequent words , the two Lamps and lights of his meaning herein . For first , he having said , That (17) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Episcopal Dignity , was wont to be had in admiration amongst right wise men ; he added , But now ( as it seemeth to me ) it is a principal part of Wisdom even to shun it . And he gave his reason for it , not to note it to be Unlawful , or yet Unnecessary ; but , Because ( saith he ) whatsoever belongeth to me is hereby tossed and shaken . And not thus only , but most clearly ( in the same Oration ) he expresseth his full inclination to imbrace Episcopacy , saying to his Flock of Nazianzum , (18) I was driven from you by violence , but I return to you again most willingly , the Spirit of God , like the Plummet in a Clock , moving me thereunto ; or rather driving ( as it were ) in the stream of a violent River running down from a steep place . So he . Expressly manifesting his willingness to return to his Episcopal Function , as moved thereunto by the Spirit of God , who will furthermore profess the Divine Right of Episcopacy , when that point shall fall under out perusal . In the interim we are to know , that words of Passion , though of the Saints of God , must not be interpreted to be words of their Profession . For Gregory Nazianzen was , at that time of his Complaint , driven out of his Bishoprick , by the malitious machinations of Maximus , whom he termeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meaning in a simile , a most malitious man , but afterwards was restored unto it ( as hath been said ) to his good contentment ; even as Job in the extremity of his tryal wished himself unborn , but yet ( after the blessings of God were redoubled upon him , his comforts likewise were proportionable . It would be but a wild piece of Sophistry in our Smectymnians to have argued from the words of Job's passion , that therefore life it self was simply undesirable . There remaineth a fourth Father to be examined , although last in place , yet first in order of time , but therefore hitherto reserved , that his Testimony might be more lasting in our Readers memories . SECT . V. That Clemens , one of the most Ant●ent of Fathers objected , proveth to be a Counterwitness against the Objectors . THe Smectymnians call upon us earnestly to hearken unto Clemens , telling us of a Prophesie Concerning a future contention which should happen about the name of Bishop . Next , That there is no piece of Antiquity of greater esteem then this Epistle of Clemens to the Corinthians . Then , That this was brought to light by a learned Gentleman Mr. Patrick Young. And lastly , for the matter it self , That therein is a common and promiscuous use of the words Presbyter and Bishop . So they . In answer whereunto we are first to speak to the Prophesie : Secondly , The Author : Thirdly , The Publisher : and Fourthly , The promiscuous use of the Names which are punctually to be unfolded . The Prophesie was of a future Contention , about the names of Bishop and Presbyter , which if we should ask the Smectymnians , When it befel in Christ's Church after the dayes of Clemens ? they would be loath to tell , lest they should betray their Aerius , whom Antiquity rendreth unto us as one Schismatically opposing Episcopal Function , because he himself could not get to be a Bishop ; so excellently is the choice of this Prophesie here made by these Objectors . The next point concerneth Clemens the Author , of whom we esteem as highly as our Opposites can : but from his not differencing of Appellations of Bishop and Presbyter ; to conclude that therefore the Offices were the same , is so ill framed a Consequence , that both besides antient Fathers , our later worthy Protestant Divines , Mr. Beza , and Dr. Reynalds will disclaim it . In the mean time we must have our matter tryed by the most Reverend Father Clemens himself , concerning whom we have a competent witness even from Geneva , Vedelius by name , Divinity Professor in that University , testifying (21) That after the death of Linus and Cletus , Clement was left alone , and retained the name of Bishop , both because he then survived all those who had been Assistants of the Apostles , and also for that the distinction of Names of Bishop and Presbyter was even then i● force . So he . Which is as full a Confutation of the Smectymnians , as if he had said to their faces , My Masters you do but dream . Our Third and Fourth answers must be unto Clemens his Book , and to the learned ( say they ) no more , even exquisitely learned Publisher thereof , wherein Clement immediately after the Prophesie above-mentioned , addeth concerning the Apostles as followeth : (22) They ( saith he ) having a perfect foreknowledge , constituted the aforesaid persons , and left 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , a description of Officers and Ministers in their course , that so after that they themselves should fall asleep , other Godly men might succeed and exercise their Function . Which what it meaneth , the forenamed worthy and judicious Publisher of this Epistle of Clement , hath delivered in his Commentary thereupon , observing from Clement his word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , Description : that it is no other then the Census in Tertullian , by which it appears ( saith the worthy Publisher ) to have been a Custom in the Apostolical Churches to write a Roll ( for this word he holds not unfit ) of the Order of Bishops in their Successions to bring them from their Originals ( as Tertullian speaketh ) Polycarpus was from John the Apostle in the Church of Smyrna , and Clemens in the Church of Rome from Peter and others , ( speaking often of this Clement ) whom the Apostles constituted Bishops , from whom others might deduce their traductions and off-springs . So this singularly learned Gentleman . Therefore by occasion of this Objection , Bishops have gained the Patronage of Clemens , then whose writings ( to use the Smectymnians , our Opposites own Encomium ) There is no piece of Antiquity of more esteem . May it therefore please our Reader to observe with us , the unluckiness of our Opposites , who have objected against Episcopacy no Testimony of any antient Father who hath not in effect plainly discovered their ignorance , or else their wilful boldness , as of men that in fighting do wound themselves with their own Weapons . We are now to inquire into the Judgment of Antiquity , which is of two Classes of Fathers , some more immediate unto the Apostles , and some more remote . We begin with the latter . SECT . VI. The justification of Episcopal Prelacy by the Universal practice of the Church Christian , in times approaching towards Primitive Antiquity . First , By condemning Aerius the only famous Adversary against Episcopal Prelacy in those times . (1) ( 1 ) EPiphanius , and (2) Augustine declare the Schismatical behaviour of this Aerius , which was because Eustathius was elected Bishop , and he himself received the repulse , therefore he set abroach new Doctrines ; and amongst others ( as Augustine relateth ) That there ought to be no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter . Which word [ Ought ] is that which is derogatory to the Judgment of the two foresaid Fathers , and of the then Church Catholick . The two learned men (*) Walo and Blondellus , being ( as it were ) the late professed Advocates for Presbyters , may give them satisfaction in this point by their confessions . The one acknowledging Hierome to have taught that men should not adhere unto Aerius , because of the use of Episcopal Govornment , for avoiding of Schisme . The other more generally , That Hierome and other Antients were most against the Sacrilegious , and Schismatical practice of Aerius . So he . Another learned Divine at this day censuring the Schisme made in the Church because of Episcopacy , to be Sacrilegious , as some other Protestants have done by their approbation of Episcopacy ; to whom may be joyned ( in a greater speciality ) two other lights of God's Church . Mr. Beza ( in the first place ) plainly discovering the said Opinion of Aerius . (3) If there be any ( saith he ) as I think there be none , who altogether reject Episcopal Order , God forbid that any of sound brain should ever assent to their furies . So he , professing furthermore , his acknowledged observance and reverence to all Bishops Reformed . Accordingly Mr. Moulin roundly attesteth himself (4) To have detested the Opinion of Aerius . So he . And so peradventure would our Opposites have said , if they had not falne into these dayes of contradiction , who whether they look East , West , North , or South , to any Climate Christian , cannot find in the Church Catholick , any other famous Presbyter , who , for the space of Fifteen Hundred years , held an unlawfulness of Episcopal Government . This is not all . SECT . VII . That in the time of the foresaid Fathers the whole Church of Christ held the Derogation from Episcopal Prelacy to be Sacrilegious . WE call that the Judgment of the whole Church of Christ , which is the Decree and Determination of a General and Unquestionable Council representing the whole Church Christian ; such was the Council of Calcedon , concluding by a Canon , (5) That to depress a Bishop down to the degree of a Presbyter , it is Sacriledge . So they . But what say our Antiprelatical Opposites ? We may not conceal it . This ( say they ) was but a Stirrop for Antichrist to mount into the Pontifical Saddle . Wittily we see , but yet scurrilously withal : we do not desire to contend with them , at this Weapon , but give our indifferent Reader to understand , that this was a Council for Antiquity one of the four General Councils , for number of Fathers above six hundred , for Universality of Approbation Representative of all Christendom , for belief of the Doctrine thereof in our Church Authorized by * Act of Parliament , touching at least the Doctrine of Faith ; and for Opposition to Romish Popedom , decreeing on equality of Priviledges of the Bishops of Constantinople , and the Bishops of Rome , upon this especial ground , that the then Primacy of the Romish Pope over others , was but an Humane Ordination : which was indeed to pull both Stirrop and Saddle from under Antichrist ; so that at that time he could not mount up . Somewhat would be heard of the Ages succeeding after the time aforesaid . SECT . VIII . That the immediate Succession of Bishops from the days of the Apostles , is liberally Confirmed unto us by Learned Protestant Divines , albeit sufficiently Presbyterial . IT was laid down as a Rule Infallible by Augustine in the days of Primitive Antiquity : That (a) whatsoever the Universal Church held , and was not instituted by Councils , but always retained , that was most rightly believed to proceed from no other than Apostolical Authority . This P●●●e as it was often repeated , so was it never contradicted by any Judicious Author ; yea , it is plainly asserted , by as Learned a Doctor as any their Presbyterian Church hath afforded of later times . (b) If no instance ( saith Scultetus ) can be given between the days of the Apostles , and the times succeeding of a n●● Episcopal Government , then must Episcopacy be thought to have proceede● from the Apostles . So he . Accordingly Calvin in another case against them that deny the Baptism of Infants , saith , (c) That Irenaeus and Origen being t● write against the Prodig●ous Errors of Anabaptistical Revelations , refute● them very easily from the testimonies of those , who being then alive , had been Disciples of the Apostles , and had i● memory what had been delivered b● them . So he . Applying the same to his purpose as we also do to ours . SECT . IX . That there was an immediate Succession of Bishops from the Apostles times , proved first , because no time can be assigned wherein it was not in use . COncerning the immediate Succession of Bishops from the day● of the Apostles , it is confessedly acknowledged before by that worthy and Learned Scultetus . But we shall not think we have fully satisfied the Reader until we shew sufficient proof , That the Episcopal degree was furthermore actually exercised , even in the days of the Apostles . If therefore our Opposites be willing to consult with Bucer , he will tell them , (e) That the Fathers before Hierome did clearly affirm , That in the days of the Apostles in all the chief Churches one was chosen and placed over the rest of the Presbyters , to have and exercise a charge of Souls , and Episcopal Function over them in chief , as James is described by Luke , Acts 15. to have been Bishop of Hierusalem ; and the like Ordinance was perpetually observed in other Chu●ches . So he . And if we ask their most exact Searcher into Antiquity , (f) Scultetus , he will testifie no less concerning this James , Brother of our Lord , for which he alledgeth not fewer or meaner Authors then ( 1. ) Clemens Alexandrinus , (2) Eusebius , (3) Chrysostome , (4) Ambrose , (5) Epiphanius , yea , and Hierome himself , besides the joynt consent of the Fathers in a Council . But that which makes all questionless is the personal Line of Successors set down by Epiphanius (g) from James , in the same Sea of Hierusalem , by Simeon , Judas , Matthias , &c. unto Hilarion , who was Bishop in Epiphanius his own time . (96) (7) (8) Alexandria was another Episcopal Seat , whereof Beza (h) hath taken especial notice ( as also Calvin doth , J●st . lib. 4. cap. 4. v. 2. ) from the testimony of Hierome , concerning Mark the Evangelist , That even from his time there w●s one of the Presbyters by them elected , as an Army doth their General , who was placed in an higher degree , and was termed Bishop . This is further confirmed unto us by Eutychius ( an Author lately translated and published by Mr. Selden , the Ornament of our Nation for Exotick Learning ) who saith expressly , (i) That Mark constituted Anianus Patriarch of Alexandria : And the said Learned Publisher in his Commentaries thereupon hath deduced the immediate Succession of Bishops from Anianus , for almost 300. years , wherein according to exact Chronology he hath recounted eighteen Bishops ; and telleth us moreover , That this Author Eutychius himself was Patriarch of Alexandria , albeit he lived not till almost 1000 , years after . Antioch was a third , and therein Ignatius will stand for an example irrefragable , of whom Antiquity hath thus largely testified , namely Eusebius , (k) That he was after Peter the second Bishop of Antioch . Theodoret (l) That he received the Grace of Episcopacy by the right hand of Peter . And before him accordingly Athanasius , (m) That after the Apostles he became Bishop of Antioch , and Martyr of Christ. We conclude with the Encornium of Chrysostome , ( g ) Ignatius was familiarly conversant with the Apostles , and enjoyed Spiritual Graces flowing from them , and received his Dignity from the Racred Hands of the Blessed Apostles . So he . (n) The like hath been antiently witnessed concerning the Church of Rome , and though the course of personal Succession therein ( and especially about the beginning ) seem to be somewhat perplexed , yet is there nothing more sure in Ecclesiastical History , than that there was an immediate personal Succession in that Church from the Apostles times , and the doubtfulness of the course is assoyled from (o) Vedelius , a most exquisite Professor at Geneva in that kind , who speaketh unto us in the Margent ; and this Truth was so clear in antient times , that (p) Irenaeus was able to recount those that had been instituted Bishops in the Churches by the Apostles , and their Successors , even until his own time as one that had his reckoning at his fingers ends , saying , But because it would be very long in so small a Volumn to recount the Succession of all Churches , I shall instance in the Church of Rome . Wherein he setteth down an exact Succession of twelve Bishops , the last whereof ( Elutherius by name ) was then alive when he wrote this Book . (q) Mr. Blundel the French Divine , was not ignorant of the series and lines of Succession of those whom he calleth Praepositos , Episcopos , even of the same times . Those Ecclesiastical Testimonies being so manifold , so pertinent , so perspicuous , and so freely confessed , we doubt not but that ingenuous Readers will prefer Antiquity before Novelty , Universality before Paucity , Solemnity of profession before Obscurity ; and this fully testified Apostolical practical Succession , before the refactoriness of any whomsoever : the rather , because they , in the space of 400 years after the Apostles , have not had any famous and absolute Patron of a Presbyterial parity in Ecclesiastical Government , excepting that one Swallow Aerius , whom the Church Christian then rejected as a man Schismatical , branding him with the note of Ambition , as the cause of his Opposition to Episcopacy ; even for that he standing in competition for a Bishoprick , did miss thereof , as hath been shewed . And now left the humor of some in hearing of Popes of Rome to have been Bishops , should boggle and startle at it , to make the Episcopal dignity no better than Popish , according to that which is now held Popedome , we add ( and it is but a footstep out of the way ) the next Section . SECT . X. That the whole Church Christian did profess and practise the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy . IT cannot but be a matter of wonder to any man of judgment to see such an averseness in our Opposites , as not only to object the Testimonies of these Fathers , who have given their common acknowledgement of the lawfulness of Episcopal Prelacy ; but much more that they cannot discern , that they by instancing in some few Fathers in contradiction to Episcopacy , do thereby grant their assent for it in the rest : and that all the rest indeed do accord thereunto , is as clear as a beam of the Sun , long before that time ; whereof their pretended Patron St. Hierome is a plentiful witness , who testifieth of the more Primitive times before him , telling our Opposites plainly and roundly , (1) That it was decreed through the whole Christian World , That one of the Presbyters should be set over the rest ; to whom the whole care of the Church should appertain . So he . Of many who gave their lives for the profession of the Faith of Christ , among whom , as Captains of the innumerable Host of Martyrs of Christ , were many Bishops in the dayes of Heathenish persecutions ; of whom it is recorded by (2) Antiquity , and confessed by one of our Opposites , (3) That above all other Christians , enquiry was made for Bishops ; Bishops were rather apprehended than others ; Bishops were afflicted with tortures ; and , as leaders to all others , constantly indured whatsoever was laid upon them . It had been good therefore our Opposites had made conscience of their sayings , before they had burst out into so contumelious detractions , and had followed the example of the French Divine Mr. Moulin (4) I am not so hard faced ( saith he ) against the Lights of the Primitive Church , Ignatius , Polycarp , &c. Bishops , as to think them Usurpers of an unlawful Function ; Reverend Antiquity shall prevail more with me , than any mans Novel Institution . The like was that * Mr. Beza his Absit , saying , God forbid that I should reprehend that Order as rashly introduced , &c. As also Zanchy his Quis Ego ? Who am I that I should reprehend that which the whole Church hath approved to be for the best ends ? So he . Whereof there hath been a full Section . And that the deduction of Episcopacy cannot be called properly Popish , will be proved hereafter . CAP. III. After these our Evidences from Primitive Antiquity , according to our precedent Method , we are to contemplate of the Coelestial Sphear , the Word of God it self . The Right of Episcopacy discussed by the Word of God. IN this Discussion we are to use both our hands ; the one of Defence in Answering Objections , and ( as it were ) bearing off Assaults made against the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy . The other is the Confirmation thereof by such Arguments which may be held convincent . SECT . I. Against the first Objection from the Identity of Names ( as they call it ) of Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture . OUr Opposites endeavour to perswade us that there ought to be No d●stinction of Degree between Bishop and Presbyter ; because of the Identity of denomination in Scripture , which is ( say they ) of no small consequence . And this they offer to prove from ( as they say ) The Supreme Wisdom of God , the imposer of Names , who could not mistake the proper end of the imposition of Names . And for a further inforcement , they add , That the Texts brought to prove the Identity of Names , prove also as intrinsically the Identity of Offices . So they . Which consequence was taught them by their great Dictator , (a) Walo Messalinus , Who would have it impossible that Bishops and Presbyters should really differ in Function , seeing that their Titles are communicable in Scripture . So he . One would think it had not been possible for any of judgment to have concluded thus , who had but once observed the Texts of Scripture which present themselves often unto any conversant therein ; as the places in the New Testament themselves : The Testimonies of Fathers , together with the consent of some Protestant Divines will evidence unto us . First Scriptures wherein we find Matthias , Peter , John and Paul , all by excellency of Function Apostles , yet Ma●thias entituled to a Bishoprick , Act. 1.20 . Peter styling himself Co-presbyter , 1 Pet. 5.1 . John terming himself a Presbyter twice , 2 Joh. 1. and 3 Joh. 1. And Paul descending a degree lower to name himself thrice a Deacon , Col. 1.23 , 25. & 2 Cor. 3.6 . Yea reciprocally those that were but Assistants of the Apostles , had the name of Apostles attributed unto them . As Barnabas , Act. 14.14 . Andronicus , and Junias , Rom. 16.7 . Titus and others , Graece , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 Cor. 8. In all which communicableness of names of Bishop , Presbyter , Sympresbyter and Deacon attributed to the Apostles themselves , and of the Title of Apostle given to some of inferior ranke , our Opposites ( we dare say ) will not presume to conclude any necessity of Indistinction of Offices , either between the Disciples of the Apostles , and the Apostles themselves ; or between Presbyters and Deacons , and the same Apostles . Therefore , to draw nearer to our mark , we add more particularly . SECT . II. That the former Objection is rejected by the choycest and most acceptable Divines , which our Opposites themselves can name . WE ( besides the current Testimonies of Fathers to be alleadged in the following Section ) seek to satisfie our Opposites , by the Confession of three such Protestant Divines , whose very Names ( and that deservedly ) are of great Authority with them . 1. Calvin upon that very objected Text , Tit. 1.5 . For this cause left I thee at Creet , &c. (a) From hence we learn ( saith he ) that there was not then any equality among the Ministers of the Church , but that one was placed over the rest in Authority and Counsel . 2. Beza ( successor to Calvin ) expressly confesseth (b) That the Presbyters even then ( in the Apostles times ) had a President over them , while the Appellation of Bishop and Presbyter was communicable . Accordingly hereunto is the judgment of Dr. Reynolds , telling us (c) That in the Apostles times the Presbyters did choose one amongst them to be President , &c. Whom afterward ( saith he ) in the Primitive Church the Fathers called Bishops . So that in the judgment of these exquisite judicious Divines , the Office or Function of a Bishop was distinct from that of Presbyters , notwithstanding the Identical communicableness of Titles or Names . SECT . III. The second Objection out of Scripture in that place Phil. 1.1 . With the Bishops and Deacons , &c. is repugnant to the general Expositions of Antient Fathers . IT useth to be objected , That seeing ( as the Fathers held ) there should be no more than one Bishop in any one City , How then cometh it to pass , that the Apostle mentioneth Bishops in the Plural , and immediately subjoyneth Deacons without insinuation of Presbyters ? Either we must suppose that there were no Presbyters at all in that City ; or else that by Bishops here , Presbyters are to be understood . The Testimonies of Antiquity have untwined this thred long since , telling us , That for as much as the words Bishop and Presbyter , were then Communicable ( notwithstanding the difference of their Degrees and Functions ) therefore by the word Bishops in this place are to be understood Presbyters . So (d) Chrysostom , (e) Occumendus , (f) Theophylact , (g) Theodoret. This last ( for further illustration thereof ) sheweth , That St. Paul did in this Epistle attribute likewise this Title of Apostle to Epaphroditus , though he was distinctly a Bishop . Our Opposites we know are in all these Questions most addicted to Hierome : Who notwithstanding , upon the same reason with the rest of the Fathers , inferreth the same Conclusion , saying , (h) Here by Bishops we understand Presbyters , because there could not then have been two Bishops in one City . But if Epaphroditus was Bishop of Philippi ( as Theodoret both here and elsewhere assureth us he was ) why ( will some say ) was not this Epistle inscribed unto him , as well as to the Presbyters and Deacons ? Theophylact gives the answer (i) Because ( saith he ) at this time the Philippians had sent Epaphroditus to carry such things to the Apostle as he had need of ; So he . Which Answer of his hath sufficient ground upon Phil. 2.25 . and 4.18 . To which we refer our Reader . SECT . IV. The third Objection is against the appropriation of the word Bishop unto one , which Appellation is shewn to be most justifiable . BOth Houses of Parliament have been advised concerning Presbyterial Ordination , that the Names of Bishop and Presbyter have been communicable to Presbyters , Therefore the appropriation of the word Bishop to one , hath been ( say they ) by corrupt Custom . Both which we take to have been so unadvisedly spoken concerning Appropriation , as if they had meant to cross the judicious Confessions of the three Worthies , Mr. Calvin , Mr. Beza , and Dr. Reynolds , who have expressly testified and delivered the contrary . But yet our Opposites have given ( as it were ) defiance , not only to the manifold and manifest Testimonies both of Antiquity , together with the most famous Protestant Divines , who have already justified the distinction of Episcopac● as superior to Presbytery ( here by them called a Corruption ) as instituted for the Best . But also against the Universal Church Christian , which held and continued the same Appropriation for Fourteen Hundred years compleat . This is not all , for the time and reason of the same alteration will justifie it to the full . The time is thus acknowledged by the foresaid * Dr. Reynolds , The Presbyters ( saith he ) in the Apostles times chose one among them to be President , &c. And this is he whom afterwards in the Primitive Church the Fathers called Bishop . So he . The reason is plain , for if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( signifying a Superintendent , or President ) was by the Fathers of the Primitive Churches appropriated to him that had indeed the Presidentship over Presbyters : How then should this be called a Corruption ? and not rather a just Congruity and Consideration : namely , that the Title Superintendent should be g●ven to the Person and Function , which is indeed Superintendent . Accordingly Vedelius ( an exquisite searcher into Antiquities ) hath testified , (m) That this different Appropriation of the Word Bishop to one , was common in the dayes of Ignatius , who was so antient , us to be a Disciple of the Apostles themselves ; for ( saith he ) this distinction of Bishop and Presbyter , was used in the Church very early in the Apostles times presently after it began to be said , I am of Paul , I of Apollo , I of Cephas . So he . With whom agreeth the learned Professor of Divinity in the University of Hiedelburgh , Scaltetus , who from the words of Hierome , shewing the occasion (n) Why one of the Presbyters was set over the rest as Bishop , was because of Schism among the People , some saying they were of Paul , some of Apollos , some of Cephas ; From hence ( saith he ) I collect , That Bishops were instituted in the Apostles times ; because that then it was said among the People , I am of Paul , &c. As ( saith he ) besides others of St. Paul ' s Epistles , the former to the Corinthians doth undoubtedly assure us . And that the end of this Institution was Ut Schismatum semina tollerentur ; To take away the seeds of Schisme , are the express words of * Hierome ; so that if either the seasons of the Primitive times be had in consideration , or the wisdom of the Church Universal , or the reason now given of attributing the word of Superiority to any superiour degree of Dignity , one would think they may very well perswade that this objection out of Hierome , ought to have been put to silence before it had been published . We are not ignorant how urgent many of our Opposites have been to prove from Antiquity , That the Primitive Fathers sometimes gave the Title of Presbyters unto Bishops , as did (o) Irenaeus to the Predecessors of Victor Bishop of Rome , and have concluded thereupon an equality of Functions . This is a thrice wandring from the sense of those Fathers , who were Predecessors to Victor . First , By not considering that a Bishop by calling Bishops Presbyters , might understand it either properly as Seniors unto him , because Predecessors before him ; or if in consideration of their inferiour degree ( by way of accommodation ) to the joynt Functions of Bishops and Presbyters . Secondly , By concealing from their Reader that although they have but a few examples of the name Presbyter applyed to Bishops ; yet of calling Presbyters expressly Bishops not one : the reason is plain , by that which goeth under the name of Ambrose , because according to the proper signification of names , every Bishop is a Presbyter , but not every Presbyter a Bishop . Lastly , Those stand confuted by the universally confessed preeminence of Victor , and other his Predecessors Bishops of Rome over Presbyters in those Primitive times , as also of the Episcopacy , and Superiority of Irenaeus over the Presbyters under him . SECT . V. The last Objection , 3 John 9. THat Objection which one hath made , is usual with others , viz. (q) St. John reprehended Diotrephes for his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to desire a Superiority over his Brethren Presbyters , therefore there was not any degree of Superiority over them in those dayes . We say , that the consequent of this Argument is very lavish and loose ; because St. John doth not except against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or degree of Superiority , but against the Usurpation of Superiour degree that was , and his insolent abuse thereof , in contemning his Brethren , and peremptorily casting them out of the Church ; for it is incredible that any one Presbyter could create and assume the degree of a Superintendent or Bishop that had no being at all . Ergo , say we , The degree of Prelacy was in being before it could be ambitiously affected . CAP. IV. Our Propositions grounded upon the Word of God. Our first Evidence out of the Epistles of St. Paul. SECT . I. That the Presbyterial Order was alwayes substitute to an higher Government , as first to the Jurisdiction Apostolical . HOw Commandatory the Apostolical Authority was , is best discernable by the Apostles Mandates unto the Churches upon several occasions , as to the Thessalonians , (a) We command the Brethren . And again , (b) [ As we commanded you . ] Next , by word of Censuring , (c) [ If any obey not our Word , &c. ] The same Apostle commanded the (d) Ephesians to assemble themselves before him at Miletus . But most especially was he occasioned to express his Jurisdiction Apostolical over the Corinthians , regulating and silencing (e) Women in the Congregation , touching the ordering of Wives , (f) So ordain I ( saith he ) in all Churches : and also concerning other matters , ( saying , The rest will I set in order when I come . Thus by his commanding , and as effectually by his censuring in shaking of his Rod of Excommunication over them , saying , (g) Shall I come unto you with a Rod ? Peter likewise did not conceal the Apostolical Authority in general , over the dispersed Members of the Churches of Pontus , Asia , Cappadocia , Galatia , and Bithynia , when he put them in minde of ( as he saith ) (h) The Commandements given by us the Apostles of our Saviour . We should have been larger in this proof , if we could think that any of our Opposites were of a contrary judgment , or had not known that their own Author Walo had by his ingenious confession given them a Supersedeas in this point , (*) For the Apostles ( saith he ) as long as they lived , governed the Church with great Authority , and could more easily continue them in their duties , lest that any divisions might burst out upon the occasions aforesaid to the destruction of unity in the Churches , s●ch as was reprehended by St. Paul in the Church of Corinth . So he . Wherefore to the confutation of Walo himself , I do necessarily inferr , That there being at all times the same , if not more possibilities of Schisms and Rents in the Church , than could be in the Apostles times , there cannot but be the like if not a greater necessity of a Superintendency over Presbyterial parity , the rather if we duly consider our next Proposition . SECT . II. That divers of the Apostolical Disciples were even in their times both in Dignity and Authority Superintendents over Presbyters . HEre again our Opposites authentick Author Walo ( after much discussion of this point ) is ready to teach them being inforced thereunto by Scripture (*) That those who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Assistants unto them in founding the Churches , ordaining of Ministers in every City , and watering the Church ; which they had instructed . These ( he confesseth ) were so in Superiority above Presbyters , as that the Apostles themselves did not forbear to term them Apostles , and so predominant in Authority as , Although absent from the Churches , yet to instruct them by their Epistles , and wheresoever any Schism arose , either in Clergy or People , still to rebuke them , even as if they had been of their own Flock . Upon these premisses thus granted , we are sufficiently warranted to conclude , not only that the Presbytery were continually under subjection both to the Apostolical Government ▪ but likewise to other eminent Disciples of the Apostles . The same Author sticketh not to give a List of such Prelates and Superintendents , as Mark , Clement , Titus , Timothy , Epaphroditus , and ( saith he ) many others . This being so pregnant a truth , how is it that our Opposites should pretend an Eccesiastical Presbyterial Government , no way Subordinate ? That which is objected by them is most vain and frivolous , whereunto we occur , as now followeth . SECT . III. That the aforesaid Apostolical Disciples were as Bishops over the Presbyters . Among whom were Timothy , and Titus by evidence from Scripture . THE Texts of Scripture ( for proof of their Superiority and Authority ) are so plain , that they need no Commentary . And our witnesses are so impartial , as not to admit of any exception ; For in the Text we read of an Apostolical Ordinance to Timothy and Titus respectively , (1) To set in order the things that were wanting . (2) To inhibit Heterodox Preachers . (3) To receive accusations against criminous Elders . (4) To excommunicate Hereticks . (5) To Ordain Elders ; yet so , (6) As to lay hands on no man suddainly . Each of these , and the like Apostolical Injunctions do fully express an Episcopal Function , and Authority in both of these respectively over Presbyters , and the whole Churches under them : And though this hath been stuck at by divers of our Opposites , lest that hereby Timothy and Titus might appear to be Bishops distinct from Presbyters ; yet now at last their chief and greatest Advocate for Presbyterial Government confesseth the Authority which these held and exercised over Presbyters ; yet so that Bishops ( as he thinks ) shall take no advantage thereby , if they who are Pleaders , may also be admitted as our Judges . We proceed , citing the same witness , Walo Messalinus , confessing , (a) That Timothy and Titus had almost equal Authority with the Apostles of Christ , by whom they were ordained to govern whole Churches as Directors and Judges : Of which sort , besides Timothy and Titu● , he there sets down Mark , Clemens , Epap●roditus , and all those who were Assistants and fellow Labourers with the Apostles , whereof we have spoken already . Thus by the premises it sufficiently appeareth , that there was a double Superintendency over Presbyters ; yet we enquire furthermore concerning Timothy and Titus , whether or no they were at this time whereof we now speak ) distinctly Bishops ? In discussing whereof we shall ( according to our usual method ) first remove their Objections which are against their Episcopacy : that done , we shall make good the contrary by due proofs . SECT . IV. That Timothy and Titus were properly , and distinctly Bishops , notwithstanding their Title of Evangelists , as is confessed by Protestant Divines of remote Churches . BUt here their Walo will needs interpose seeking by an Objection ( as with a Spunge ) to wipe out all opinion of Episcopacy either in Timothy or Titus because forsooth (1) Called Evangelists , who had no peculiar Residence in any Church , but general in all Churches ; whereas they who are by the Apostle called Bishops , had a singular charge of the Church wherein they were , and there were they to reside and remain for the governing thereof . So he . And from him our home Opposites chanting , and rechanting , and making it their undersong to say again , and again , That (2) Timothy and Titus were Evangelists , so as not to be held that which we call Bishop : and they name this Assertion , The hinge of the Controversie . But this Objection ( say we ) hath often been taken off the hinge , and laid flat on the floor , by divers solid and satisfactory Answers : We say not of Bishops or their Chaplains , but of other Protestant Divines , even of Presbyterial Churches , cited here in the Margent . First , The Theological Professor of Hiedelberg answers , (3) That when these Epistles we●e written to Timothy and Titus , they were exercised not as Evangelists in assisting the Apostles in the collecting of Churches , but as Bishops in governing them , which had been collected , as ( saith he ) the general Praecepis given to them do prove , which could not refer to the Temporary power of Evangelists , but to them and their Successors as Bishops . From whence we conclude , what that learned Doctor doth there declare , That the name Evangelist did belong unto them in the large sense , as it signifieth a Preacher of the Gospel . (4) Tolossanus agreeth in the same answer , namely , that Timothy , and Titus , who had been Companions with Paul in his travails , was afterward made Bishop of Crete . Dr. Gerard answereth , by way of distinction , (5) That the word Evangelist , 2 Tim. 4.5 . is not there specially taken for a particular degree in the Church , but generally as signifying a Preacher of the Gospel , and so including that Order which Timothy now had being a Bishop of Ephesus , for now he did no more accompany Paul So he , citing Luther also for the like interpretation of that Text. And though he doth acknowledge that both Timothy and Titus had formerly been Evangelists , agreeable to the special and proper signification of the word , and according hath set down their several travails from place to place ; yet after those travails were ended ( which was before these Epistles were written ) he concludeth both of them to have been Bishops , out of several Texts of Scripture , Timothy of Ephesus , and Titus of Creet . (6) ( 6 ) Zwinglius likewise is downright against the Objectors , proving by the example of Timothy out of the 2 Timoth. 4.5 . That the Office of Evangelist and Bishop was h●re one , and the same . However our Opposites ( it may be ) will allow to Bishops the same liberty of going out of their Dioces , which Calvin doth to Presbyters out of their Parishes , who are otherwise bound to be Resident in their Charge : Concerning whom he saith , (7) That they are not strictly tied to their Glebe or Charge , but that they may be helpful unto other Churches , upon necessary occasions . The same admirable Divine will furthermore instruct us in the particular Instance which we have in hand , who ( although he held it uncertain , whether Timothy be here called an Evangelist in the general notion of Preaching the Gospel , or for some peculiar Function ) yet doth he grant , that an Evangelist is a middle degree between Apostle and Pastor ; and upon those words of St. Paul to Timothy , ( Do thy diligence to come speedily unto me ) he Commenteth , telling us , That St. Paul called Timothy from the Church over which he was Governour for the space of almost a whole year . This is a pregnant testimony to teach us , That Timothy had both the Government over Presbyters in the Church of Ephesus , and also that it was his peculiar Charge , whence ( except upon great and weighty Cause ) he was not to depart : which is as much as we contend for . Before we conclude this Point , we make bold to intreat our Opposites to satisfie us in one particular , namely , seeing that * Philip ( being one of the seaven Deacons ) is found Preaching the Word in Samaria , Act. 8.5 . and yet afterwards is called , Philip the Evangelist one of the seven , viz. Deacons , Act. 21.8 . Our Quaere hereupon is , Why Timothy and Titus might not as well be called Evangelist for Preaching the Word of God , being Bishops , as Philip was for the same cause named an Evangelist ▪ being but a Deacon ? It may be our Opposites would wish to be satisfied by Reverend Zanchy upon these points , whom yet they will find to be chief Opposite to themselves : And albeit he will have the Apostles by their Vocation , to have been ( as it were ) Itinerants for their time , (8) For the founding and erecting of Churches . Yet he granteth , That Churches being once erected , the same Apostles set a Pastor or Bishop over them . And what he meaneth hereby , he sheweth , when more distinctly he confesseth , That at first indeed Presbyters were ordained in the Churches , and after them Bishops ( as Hierome affirmeth ) even in the Apostles times . So he . Where ( by the judgment of Zanchy ) First , Bishops were ordained by the Apostles as a degree contradistinct from Presbyters . Secondly , That the Bishops so ordained , although they had been Evangelists , and fellow Labourers with the Apostles , yet when Churches were once erected , some of them were placed Residentiaries in the said Churches . And lastly , That although Presbyters had their Institution void of subjection to Episcopal Authority at the first ( as Deacons likewise had theirs ) yet because of the insufficiency of Presbyterial Government , the Episcopal was erected as more perfect , even in the dayes of the Apostles . The next Obstruction is to be removed . SECT . V. That Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , notwithstanding that objected Scripture Act. 20. THere is one Objection ( for we may not dissemble ) which the (k) Smectymnians press thrice , as being inexpugnable ; and thereupon call it Lethalis Arundo , as that which must strike all opposition quite dead . In summe , thus : Timothy was with Paul at the meeting of Miletum , Act. 20.4 . Therefore ( say they ) if Timothy had been Bishop of Ephesus , Paul would there and then have given him a charge of feeding the Flock , and not the Elders . So they . As though Timothy before this had not been sufficiently instructed in this duty , both by his long and constant attendance on St. Paul , and also by his former Epistle unto him , which was written and received before this time , as some have probably conjectured ; or as though Timothy should need a particular Admonition to discharge that duty which was respectively common to him , with the rest of the Bishops and Presbyters there assembled . For though the (l) Smectymnians tell us , It is a poor evasion to say , that they who were there assembled , were not all of Ephesus , but were call●d also from other parts , because ( say they ) these Elders were all of one Church made by good Bishops over one Flock , and therefore may ( with most probability ) be affirmed to be the Elders of the Church of Ephesus . Yet we must tell them , that (m) Dr. Reynolds ( whom they and we admire for his exquisite learning ) speaking of the same meeting at Milet●m , Act. 20.17 . saith ( notwithstanding all these objected circumstances ) That though the Church of Ephesus had sundry Pastors and Elders to guide it ; yet amongst those sundry was there one Chief ? &c. The same whom afterwards the Fathers in the Primitive Church called Bishop . So he . But yet though he or all Protestants should fail us , there is a Father (n) Irenaeus by name , who was so antient as to be acquainted with the Apostles of the Apostles themselves ; and him we can produce , distinguishing the persons here met at Miletum into (o) Bishops and Presbyters , and affirming , That they came not only from Ephesus , but also from other Cities , near adjoyning to it . Which makes the Smectimnians Arundo but a bruised Reed . Thus have we fully ( as we hope ) satisfied the contrary Objections . We proceed now to our proof . SECT . VI. That Timothy and Titus were both of them properly Bishops , by the judgment of Antiquity . THe greatest Opposite that we can name , even (p) Walo Messalinus ( the very Atlas of Presbyterial Government ) will spare us the labour of citing the Greek Fathers or Scholiasts , for confirmation of this point , who confesseth , That most of their Commentaries upon Titus , record him to have been Bishop of Crete : alleadging by name , Chrysostom , Theophylact , O●cumenius , Theodoret , and others , whose Testimonies we shall not need to repeat ; only we shall add ( which may serve for a transition to Timothy ) the testimony of that antient Ecclesiastical Historian (q) Eusebius ( who speaking of S. Pauls fellow Labourers ) reckons Timothy amongst them , Whom ( saith he ) History recordeth to be the first Bishop of Ephesus ; ( adding with the same breath ) and so was Titus Bishop of Crete . Thus this famous Author concerning the Episcopacy of Timothy also . To whom we may adjoyn as concurring in the same Judgment , (r) Epiphanius , (s) Chysostomus , (t) Theophylact , (u) Oecumenius , (x) Gregory , (y) Ambrose , (z) Primasius , yea , and (1) Hierome himself , who hath positively affirmed , That Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , and Titus of Crete . But the (2) Smectymnians hearing of a Cloud of Witnesses , averring Timothy and Titus to have lived and and died Bishops , answer , That this Cloud will soon blow over ; and the greatest blast that they give , is , That the Fathers who were of this judgment , borrowed their Testimonies from Eusebius . Assuredly this will seem but a poor evasion to any judicious Reader , who shall but observe , that the Testimonies of these Fathers are in their Commentaries and Collections out of Texts themselves . But the best is , other Protestant Divines will appear to be more ingenuous . SECT . VII . That Protestant Divines , of very great esteem , have acknowledged Timothy and Titus to have been properly Bishops . WE begin with Luther , who amongst other Resolutions , setteth down this for one , (3) That Episcopacy is of Divine Right : which he groundeth upon St. Paul's appointing Titus to Ordain Elders in every City ; which Elders ( saith he ) were Bishops , as Hierome , and the subsequent Texts do witness . Adding , That St. Augustine in his Epistle to Hierome , was of the same judgment : upon this ground , That it was a City whereof the Apostle there spake , and therefore it cannot ( saith he ) be understood of meer Presbyters , but of Bishops , who are set over Cities . Thus far Luther concerning the Episcopacy of Titus . And he is seconded by a learned Doctor of the same Classis , (4) Gerard by name , who doth not only confess Titus to have been made Bishop of Crete by the Apostles , but also Timothy of Ephesus , Crescens of Galatia , Linus of Rome , Dionysius of Athens , &c. And (5) Beza himself confesseth the same directly of Timothy , saying that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Presbytery of Ephesus : That is ( saith he ) Antistes , or Prelate , as Justin Martyr useth the word . Mr. Moulin (6) joyneth both Timothy and Titus together , saying , That howsoever we term them Bishops , or Evangelists , it is evident they had Bishops for their Successors , who after them had the like preeminence in the Church . We shall conclude this Section , with the determination of their Learned , & Judicious (7) Scultetus , telling us , That though at first Timothy and Titus were Evangelists ; yet afterwards Timothy was made Bishop of Ephesus , and Titus of Crete : Which thing ( saith he ) the Writings of antient Fathers do abundantly confirm . So these famous Divines ; besides those who have been * formerly alleadged by us in answer to the contrary Objections in three full Sections . After this our first Evidence out of Scripture , there followeth . SECT . VIII . The second Evidence from Scripture , for proof of Episcopal Prela●y , is out of Christ's Epistles , To the Angels of the seven Churches of Asia , [ To the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ] write , &c. Cap. 2.1 . The state of the Question . THe main Question is , Whether the word Angel in every Epistle , do signifie collectively , either The whole Church , or the whole Company or Colledge of Presbyters , or else singularly , an Individual person ? Our Opposites are distracted into the two former Opinions . We shall pursue them in Order , confuting their first Exposition first , and then the other , that their mist being dispelled , we may see more clearly to prove our own , which is , that the word Angel of every Church is to be understood of a singular Person , having preeminence over other Pastors in the same Church . SECT . IX . That the first Exposition of our Opposites , by Angel , understanding the whole Church , is flatly repugnant to the Context . IN the Book of Revelation Cap. 2. Christ by his Angel ( properly so called ) wrote unto the seven Churches of Asia , vers . 2. telling St. John mystically of seven gold●n Candlesticks , vers . 13. signifying the seven Churches ; and of seven Stars , signifying the Angels of the seven Churches , vers . 20. After more particularly and distinctly , Cap. 2. & 3. To the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , To the Angel of the Church of Smyrna . In which Epistles ( to ease our Opposites of a trouble ) we confess , that although the Epistles be directed to the Angel of each Church ; yet the knowledge of them concerned also others , because of the common Epiphonema in every one thus ! [ He that hathan car to hear , let him hear . But to the matter . The first Exposition of our Opposites is set down by (a) Walo Messalinus a destinate Adversary to Episcopacy , as in other points , so in this : For let it be held for a firm and fixed truth ( saith he ) That by the Angels of every City , St. John intended nothing else but the Churches themselves . So he . But if we consult with the Context , Cap. 1.20 . Where first , the Angels are expressly called Stars , and the Churches are named Candlesticks ; we must therefore tell this great Clerk , that he must first turn Stars into Candlesticks , before he can make Angels to signifie the Churches . Secondly , in the Text it self , Cap. 2.1 . It is said , [ Write unto the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ] here again , if the word Angel must betoken the whole Church and Congregation , then must this be the construction of the words , Write to the Church of the Church of Ephesus . But we know that Christ , the author of these speeches , was the Fountain of Divine Wisdom , and could not mean absurdly . Enough of our Opposites first Exposition . SECT . X. That the second Exposition is , in interpreting the word Angel , to signifie the Order of Presbyters in the Church . The state of which Question is set down by our Opposites . THis indeed is with our Opposites their common Exposition , (1) The Epistles ( saith Mr. Brightman ) are not sent to any one , but ( that I may so say ) to the Colledge of Pastors . So he . Who notwithstanding will be found to contradict himself in the next Section . Yea , and after him out * Smectymnians ; By Angel is not meant ( say they ) any singular person , but the whole Company of Presbyters . So they . Wherefore we are to prove . SECT . XI . That the Objections made for this Exposition , are confuted by their own best approved Protestant Authors . The Confutation of their first Reason . OUr first Argument ( say they ) is drawn from the Epistle to Thyatira , Rev. 2.24 . where after he had said to the Angel [ I have something against thee , ] added in the plural [ I say unto you ] and the rest in Thyatira ; Here is a plain distinction ( say they ) between the Governors and Governed ; which apparently proves , that the Angel is collective . So they . Our first Answer must be by a genuine Interpretation , ( to wit ) That after the word [ Thou ] the addition of the words [ you , and the rest ] is a familiar figurative speech , called Apostrophe , which is an aversion of speech from one thing or person to another . As any Lord writing to his Chief Steward of matters concerning him , and any Subordinate Officers , and whole Family , saying , I would have [ Thee ] to look to thy Charge , and that [ You ] forbear to go to the Market , and the [ Rest ] to apply their business at home . But we promised that their own dearest Doctors , and Divines should be their Confuters . First Beza upon the very words objected (c) [ Against thee ] that is ( saith he ) the President , [ and unto you ] that is his Colleagues meaning the Presbyters [ and to the rest ] that is , ●o the whole Flock . So he , in the exposition of this Text. Mr. Brightman (d) albeit the man who but even now interpreted the word [ Angel ] not to signifie any particular person , but a whole multitude of Pastors or Presbyters collectively ; yet here being convinced by the light of the Text , he ( as it were ) sups up his own breath , and of this objected Text Paraphraseth , saying , [ To thee ] that is to the Angel , [ And to you ] meaning Pastors and Colleagues of Thyatira , [ and to the rest ] that is to say , the People ; as Theodore Beza hath excellently expounded it . So he . Such we see is the force of truth , in despight of Opposition , to exact from him a Confutation of himself . Which form of speech may be parallelled with the like example in the Chronicles , where there is [ Him ] the King , and [ They ] signifying the Kings Army , as well as in this Text [ Thou ] and [ They. ] SECT . XII . Their second Reason confuted by their own alleadged Author . OUr second Argument ( say they ) is drawn from the like phrase in this very Book of the Revelation , wherein it is usual to express a Company under one single person , as the Civil State of Rome , a Beast with ten Horns , &c. Whence they conclude , that the word Angel may be taken Collectively ; and that is ( say they ) the likeliest interpretation r Especially considering that Mr. Mede ( who was better skilled in the meaning of the Revelation than the Remonstrant ) said , That the word Angel , is commonly , if not alwayes , taken collectively . So they . Citing no place out of Mr. Meade ; but it may be it is that which they have alleadged in their first * Book , whereunto they often refer their Reader , where Mr. Meade teacheth to this purpose , (3) That God in his Providence worketh by the Ministry of Angels , the motions and Revolutions of things amongst men , with their events , which are attributed to one Angel , as Captain over the rest . So he . That is even as well as we could wish , like as we find it here in the Texts . Wherein the Epistles , though dedicated to the Churches , yet are inscribed to This and That Angel , each one being over others . Thus it became our Opposites , when they thought to oppose us , to be caught in their own snare ; yea even in the same sentence where Mr. Meade informeth his Readers , (4) That this other like speech ought to be understood , namely , by Angel , a singular person , as we have admonished ( saith he ) again and again . Which Caution of his might have been sufficient ( we should think ) to have kept these advers men from wandring , the rather seeing that this manner of speech is none other , than which is most usual ; as when a Defeat or Victory atchieved in War by the strength of the whole Host , is notwithstanding ascribed to the power of one General . Finally , Because they have extolled Mr. Meade his skill in the Book of R●velation , as if he had oppugned the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy thereby ; we crave the Readers attention to this their own Author , declaring his own judgment of the [ Four and twenty Elders that compassed the Throne round about . ] These ( saith he ) resemble the Bishops and Prelates of the Churches , &c. This any one may read in his Book lately Authorized to be translated into English. SECT . XIII . Their third Argument likewise confuted by their own Chiefest Author . Our third Argument ( say they ) is drawn from the word [ Angel ] which is a common name to all Ministers and Messengers , &c. And surely had Christ intended to point out one individual person by the Angel , he would have used some distinguishing name , to set him out by , as Rector , President , Superintendent . So they . As if by their surely , they would assure us it is a Truth , if we shall take their own word for it , contrary to the judgment of all the learned , who have every where taught , that the word Angel ( spoken in the better sense ) hath alwayes been used to express the dignity of their Office , and accordingly of the Ministers of the Gospel , whensoever it is applyed unto them . In which case they are sufficiently instructed by their own Mr. Brightman who taught them to consider by these same Texts (5) How great the dignity is of the true Pastors of Christ , by whom ( saith he ) they are intituled both Stars and Angels , who therefore ought not to regard the reproaches of the wicked , seeing they are in so high estimation with Christ himself . So he . So flatly against those others , as if he had told them , that they did from that Scripture , in a manner vilifie the Pastors of the Church of Christ , under the same name Angel , whereby the Spirit of God hath dignified and honoured them . If our Opposites had spoken as they pretended , then they should have given us but one Example of that kind , yet we for more easie illustration hereof , shall add a parallel in the word Apostle , whereof Mr. Calvin hath given them this Observation , (6) That although the word Apostles , in the propriety thereof , signifie those that are sent ( namely Messengers ) and may be applyed to other Ministers of God as sent by him ; yet was it meet that his twelve Apostles should be so iustiled , as they who should publish and promulgate the first knowledge of the Gospel of Christ. So he . Even for the amplifying of the Dignity of the Twelve under the Title of Apostles ; whereas if the former objected reason may prevail , it might be lawful not only to call every Minister of Christ , and Preacher of the Gospel properly an Apostle ; but also to term every Foot-boy sent on an errand , an Angel. SECT . XIV . Their fourth Argument confuted by the same their own much applauded Author . OUr Fourth Argument ( say the same Opposites ) standeth thus : Cap. 1.20 . Our Saviour saith , That the seven Candlesticks which thou sawest , are the seven Churches ; but he doth not say , that the seven Stars are the seven Angels of the same Churches ; but the Angels of the Churches , omitting not without a Mystery the number of the Angels , lest we should understand by Angel , one Minister alone , and not a company . So they . We are first to unriddle the Mystery , it is indeed so mystical and obscure . Thus then , The number of Seven , which is used in repeating the Churches is in the repetition of the word Angel omitted , and therefore in the omission ( forsooth ) there must be a mystery . Yea , and also the Mystery must be this , to wit , That the omitting of the repetition of Seven , must signifie , that the word Angel , is not to be taken singularly for any one person , but collectively for many . This is their objection . We answer , That this their Mystery , their great friend Mr. Brightman would have called a Mistake , who interpreteth the omission thus , (7) The Stars of the Churches , they signifie seven Angels . So he . As much as if he had said , Although the word Seven were not added in the second place ; yet it could not but be understood by that known figure Ellipsis , which ( according to all Grammar learning in every language ) is when a word omitted doth follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of course , or ( as we use to say ) accordding to the understanding of every intelligent Reader . As for example , If any one of our Opposites had commanded his Servant saying , Make ready for me two Horses , the White Horse and the Bay ; where in repeating the word Bay , is omitted the word Horse : Would it be an excuse in his Servant for not making ready the Bay , to say , that the reason was that the word Horse was Mystical ? Now to the Mystery it self ; which is ( say they ) That therefore by the word Angel is not understood one Minister alone : Which in our scanning is no more consequent , than in the former Example to conclude , from the omission of the word Horse , that therefore the Bay was but a Mare . SECT . XV. The fift Objection ( as a body in a Consumption ) languisheth in it self . OUr last Argument ( say they ) is that although but one Angel be mentioned in the fore-front ; yet it is evident the Epistles themselves are dedicated to all the Angels and Ministers in every Church , and to the Churches themselves ; and if to the Churches , much more to the Presbyters , as to any judicious Reader may appear . So they , to prove that therefore the word Angel did signifie a Multitude , and no one individual person . We answer , That if we our selves had delivered the like judgment , we might have doubted to have forfeited our own : even as it would be to hear of Letters dedicated to a whole Corporation of some City , and more especially inscribed to the Maior of the City , of matters concerning himself and the Body of the City ; to conclude that therefore by Maior in the singular number , are meant the Aldermen , and whole Corporation in the plural . SECT . XVI . Their last Argument standeth confuted by their own selves . THis Argument ( say they ) is taken from Christs denunciation against the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , to remove his Candlestick out of his place , if he did not repent ; where by Candlestick is meant the Church or Congregation . But if there by Angel were signified one individual person , then the Congregation and People should be punished for the offence of that one Pastor . So they . Who would not have thus argued , if they had considered , that by thus oppugning our Exposition , they had utterly undermined and overthrown their own . As for example , their tenet hath been , That by the word Angel , is signified the Order and Coll●dge of Presbyters in the Church of Ephesus . Now then , ( to turn their own Engine upon themselves ) if the Candlestick signifying the Church of Ephesus should be removed out of his place , except those Pastors should repent , then should the People , or Congregation be punished for the faults of their Pastors . All the odds between these two consequences is only this , viz. The punishing the people for the fault of the Pastor , so they object , or for the faults of the Pastors . This is our Retortion . Whereas they should rather have laboured to solve the doubt by some commodious interpretation , whether with Paraeus out of Scripture , thus , (1) That the People following the sins of their Ministers it standeth with the justice of God to punish both . Or else that which he holdeth to be no unfit interpretation , by (2) Candlestick here to understand the Episcopal Office , and Dignity . Or with (3) Ambrose , to mean , To remove the People from their Pastor , so as to pay him no stipend . We have done with the weakness of our Opposites , which can serve for nothing rather than to the betraying of their Cause : And now from the impugning of the Arguments of our Adversaries Objections , we proceed to the demonstrating of our own grounds . SECT . XVII . Our Arguments to prove that the word Angel , in the aforesaid Epistles of Christ , signifyeth an individual person , as a Prelate over Presbyters . AS the Opposites object against us , That in general the word Angel is commonly if not alwayes ( in the book of Revelation ) taken collectively , and not individually , and is therefore so to be understood in this Text. They bring Mr. Meade for their Author , and for one Instance alleadge Apoc. 9.14 . That the word Angel , is put for Nations , whom they are thought to govern . Whence they conclude , That therefore Angel here in the singular number , is taken for the plural , to betoken a multitude of Angels . We shall first give them a brief answer ; and after retort upon them a contradictory opposition . In answer thereunto , We say , that the word objected is Angels in the plural number , whereas our question is wholly of the word Angel in the singular number : And yet take the word Angels as it is , yet can it have no other Extent , than when we use to say , that many Troops of Soldiers are commanded by their several Captains ; that is , every single Captain governeth his own Troop : And therefore now are they to be referred to their Author Mr. * Meade and his common admonition concerning the acception of the word Angel , as hath bin alleadged already , whereby if they had been directed , they had not so far strayed out of the Road-way . Or else * Mr. Brightman ( their dearly beloved ) might have instructed them in the places of the Revelation without the Circle and compass of these , and the places in the second Chapter , as the Marginals shew ; wherein the word Angel is taken as individually as the word Man was , when the Prophet Nathan said unto David [ Thou art the Man. ] Besides let any observe , Whensoever there is any representation of an Angel speaking to another , ( which is very often ) it can be but one Angel that speaketh at once , verily as it was seen in the Angel that said to John , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I am thy fellow Servant , every singular word expressing a singular person . Some other Observations I had , but I chuse rather to load the Margin with them , than to be tedious in the Discourse it self . SECT . XVIII . Arguments in special collected from the Texts . FIrst , Cap. 2. v. 10. it is said to the Angel of the Church of Smyrna . Fear [ Thou ] no● , the Devil shall cast some of [ You ] into prison , be [ Thou ] faithful unto death . Some of [ You ] saith the Text , where the word some cannot ( in the construction of our Opposites themselves ) signifie any more than a part of the Presbyters , and not that all of them were to be cast in prison . Well then the word [ Thou ] if it be taken ( as they pretend ) Collectively for the whole Colledg of Presbyers , then the necessary inference would be , That the whole Colledg of Presbyters should be imprisoned . And what then ? Then should a part and some of all follow to be the whole . Even the sum of all . Another Text we have had confessed already both by Mr. Beza and Mr. Brightman , who grant of those words , Apoc. 2.20 . concerning the Angel of Thyatira saying [ I know thy works ] then v. 24. [ But unto you and the rest ] that by [ Thou ] was meant the singular Angel , by [ you ] his Colleagues the Presbyters and by [ the Rest ] the People and Congregation : Which we rather commend unto our Reader because the very light of this Text hath inforced it , even from a prime Adversary to Episcopacy . A third Argument we find in the first Epistle to the Angel of Ephesus , setting forth the commendation of his Labours and Patience , his Hatred of the wicked , his discerning Spirit in the trial of false Apostles ; together with an heinous fault in the loss of his first love . It were strange that so many different virtues , together with this notable vice here spoken of , should concurr in the persons of all the Ministers in that great Metropolis of Ephesus ; as it would be if the figures and forms of their faces , in beautifulness and blemishes , should be altogether alike . Thus much from the words of Christ himself . Yet lest we may seem either novel inventers of our assertion , or else the only consenters to them being invented , we are willing to be tried , first by the judgment of Antiquity , and after by the Accordance of most Protestant Divines concurring with us in our Conclusion . SECT . XIX . The second kind of Arguments taken out of the Doctrinal Testimonies of Antiquity . ALthough it should not be expected , much less exacted of us to prove , that by Angel in these places , is meant any singular person out of the Commentaries upon the Apocalypse , seeing that Antiquity hath been most sparing in meddling with this so Mystical Scripture above others . Which notwithstanding the most vulgarly learned ( in the itch of their wills and high conceits ) think to be most familiar unto them : Yet we are not altogether destitute of Witnesses herein in a competent number . (1) ( 1 ) Anselm saith , That our Saviour Christ writeth here to the Bishop from whose hands he requireth an accompt of the sins of all those that are committed to his Charge . (2) The antient Author under the name of Ambrose expounding the place 1 Cor. 11.10 . ) telleth us , That the Bishops are here called Angels , as it is also taught in the Revelation of St. John. (3) Augustine ( speaking of the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ) saith , That the Governour of that Church is commended by the Word of God under the title of an Angel. (4) Gregory by Stars and Angels understandeth Bishops , and particularly the Bishop of Laodicea . (5) Epiphanius ( writing against the Haeresie of the Nicolaitans ) saith , That it is sufficiently confuted by St. John in the Apocalypse from the mouth of our Lord in an Epistle written to one of the Churches , namely to the Bishop thereof meaning the Bishop of the Church of Ephesus ; And it could be no other than the same Bishop of Ephesus whom Cyprian meaneth , when citing the Text , Revel . 2.5 . [ Remember from whence thou art fallen , &c. ] he saith (6) This is spoken to him , who ( as is manifest ) was then fallen , and whom the Lord exhorts to rise again . We shall conclude this particular with Tertullian whose words are consonant with these alleadged Fathers . Where he saith , (7) We have the Churches that were founded by John , for although Marcion doth reject this Apocalypse , yet the Order of Bishops reckoned up to their Original will end in John their Founder . Where Tertullian spake of Bishops by succession , which were still singularly one by one . SECT . XX. That Historical Evidence from Antiquity demonstrateth what Bishops some of these Angels personally were by their proper names , and from them some of their Successors . THis we shall prove by way of Induction , for it being manifestly so in the Church of Ephesus , Smyrna , and Sardis , and the contrary not appearing in any others , it must follow that it was so in them also , there being the same reason of these Angels , and of the rest . As for example , First , in the Church of Ephesus whereof Polycrates wrote himself Bishop who was born within forty years after St. John wrote these Epistles . He testifieth , (8) That seven of his kindred had been Bishops he himself being the eighth . Which is yet more clearly manifested by a Declaration made by Leontius Bishop of Magnesia in the general Council of Chalcedon . (9) That from Timothy even to that time , there had been seven and Twenty Bishops successively in the Church of Ephesus . Certainly none can imagine but that even shame it self would have restrained Leontius for making such a publick Declaration in the hearing of above six hundred Fathers , if the matter it self had been liable to any contradiction . And that Timothy was indeed Bishop of Ephesus we have it formerly proved , and is further confirmed by Scultetus ( a learned Doctor ) out of (10) Eusebius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Ambrose , Hierome , Epiphanius , Oecumenius , Primasius , Theophylact , &c. But whether or not he was Bishop thereof when this Epistle was written , is not so easie to determine , though the Affirmative be intimated by Mr. (11) Fox , and not denied by (12) Paraeus . Our next ( and as it were ) authentical Instance , is in the Church of Smyrna , where Polycarpus was Bishop in the daies of the Apostles , and so continued until he suffered Martyrdome in the daies of Aurelius Antoninus ; and therefore must needs be the Angel unto whom the second Epistle of Christ is directed . Our Witnesses deserve the hearing among the Fathers , First , ( for we begin with the least antient ) Hierome telleth us (13) That Polycarpus the Disciple of John the Apostle , was by him ordained Bishop of Smyrna , and that he had to his Masters some of the Apostles that had seen the Lord , and that in the Reign of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus he suffered Martyrdome at Smyrna . (14) Another recordeth , That he was made Bishop of Smyrna by those that had seen the Lord , So Eusebius . (15) A third before him , That by John was Polycarpus made Bishop of Smyrna , So Tertullian . And before him a fourth testifieth , as one who himself had seen this Polycarpus , (16) That after he had been instructed by the Apostles of Christ , with whom he had been a conversant he was made by them Bishop of Smyrna , So Irenaeus . And about the same time a fifth , who was nigh neighbour to Polycarpus , and thirty eight years of age when he suffered Martyrdome witnesseth , (17) That he was Bishop of Smyrna , and Martyr , So Polycrates . We ascend yet higher to a sixt , who wrote an Epistle to this very same Polycarpus wherein he styleth him (18) Bishop of Smyrna , and in another Epistle saluteth him by the title of Bishop , So Ignatius . And both these Epistles and Sayings are allowed by (19) Vedelius Professor in Geneva , and a strict Searcher and Purger of Corruptions crept into the Epistles of Ignatius . Our third and last Instance is in the Church of Sardis , whereof Melito was Bishop either at the time when this Epistle was written ( as saith Paraeus ) (20) Some of the Antients will have it , or very shortly after ; for it is confessed by him , That this Melito was Bishop of Sardis , while Polycarpus was Bishop of Smyrna ; whom we have proved to be the Angel written unto Revel . 2.8 . And both (21) Marlorat , and (22) Sebastian Meir ( two Eminent Protestant Divines ) acknowledged , That he was a very Learned Man , Pious , and Bishop of Sardis : besides , That he died before Polycrates wrote the Epistles concerning Easter . So they . Whereunto they are sufficiently warranted by the said Epistle of (23) Polycrates , which makes mention of the death of this Melito ; whereunto we may add the Testimony of Eusebius , calling him Bishop of Sardis . Thus have we made good our three Instances , for proof of our Induction , and may by the Law of Logick either require of our Opposites to shew the contrary in some of the rest , or to yield us our Conclusion . As for their Successors , it cannot but be very pertinent to know ( for corroboration sake ) the Subscription of some Fathers in the General Council of Nice (24) lineally descended from the Angels of six of those Churches in the Apocalypse , viz. Menophanes , or Menophant Bishop of Ephesus , Eutychius Bishop of Smyrna , Artemid●rus Bishop of Sardis , Soron Bishop of Thyatira , Ethymasius Bishop of Philadelphia , Nunechius Bishop of Laodicea . And that one of seven should be absent upon some occasion , it can be no matter of exception ; else would not these Protestant Divines have been satisfied with the same Evidences , to wit , ( see the Margent ) (25) Marlorat , (26) Aretius , (27) Paraeus , (28) Gaspar Sibellius , (29) Gualter , and (30) Bullinger , respectively , all confessing Polycarp to have been Bishop of Smyrna ; most of them also , that he was the very same to whom the Epistle was then dedicated [ To the Angel of the Church of Smyrna ] and three of them witnessing as much for Melito Bishop of Sardis . SECT . XXI . A Torrent of Protestant Divines of the Reformed Churches consenting to the same Exposition , of an Individual Person having Prelacy over Presbyters , under the Name of Angels . HEre likewise the Church of Geneva alloweth us two Witnesses ; thus , (a) By Angel is meant the President , and so in special was to be admonished , and his Colleagues and whole Church by him . So Beza . The other paraphrasing thus ; (b) [ To the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ] That is to the Pastor , or Bishop , under whose Person ought to be understood the whole Church . So Deodate , the now Pastor in the new Church of Geneva . True , the whole Church is concerned , as far as the matter did appertein unto them ; yet so as to receive it from the Angel , as one Person ( quasi per se una ) according as Beza hath even now shewn , and as the Testimonies following will confirm . (c) [ To the Angel of Smyrna ] that is , To the Bishop , which was Polycarpus , as History evidenceth . So Gualter . (d) To the Angel ; that is , to one singular Angel , as I rather think . So Gaspar Sibellius . (e) Letters are sent to the Bishop of the Church of Ephesus , to the Bishop of the Church of Smyrna , to the Bishop of the Church of Pergamus , &c. So Piscator . (f) The Pastor is therefore named , but the People are not excluded ; The Epistle is therefore to the Angel , that Pastors might be admonished , and in them the whole Church . So Bullinger . (g) Although some things were to be corrected as well in Clergy as Laity , yet the Chief of the Clergy is named , as the Bishop . So Marlorate . (h) To the Angel of Ephesus , thus he calleth the Pastor of the Church . So Paraeus . (i) Angel , that is ; Minister by whom the whole Church was to be informed . So Aretius . (k) To the Angel ; yet not to him only , but to the whole Church . So Zanchie . (l) He was commanded to write to the Angels of the Churches ; that is , unto the Bishops , So Peter Martyr . (m) Yea all the most learned Interpreters , by Angels , understand Bishops ; nor can they do otherwise , without violence to the Text. So Scultetus . One more , but such a one that standeth as a second Proctor for equality of Degree of Presbytery with Episcopacy . (n) Mr. Blundell in his Book published but the last day , naming the Angels of the several Churches of Asia , he calleth them , The Heads of the whole Clergy of the same Churches . We add , SECT . XXII . The second of our English Protestant Divines , in the opinion of our Opposites , as competent Witnesses as any . ONe deserving the first place is Doctor Reynolds ; (o) Although the Church of Ephesus ( saith he ) had sundry Pastors and Elders to guide it , yet among these sundry was there one Chief , whom our Saviour calleth the Angel of the Church . Even as Mr. Brightman of the Angel of Thyatira , (p) To the Angel , together with his Colleagues , as ( saith he ) Theodore Beza hath excellently expounded it . And how adverse this Author was to Episcopacy , who knoweth not ? Mr. Cartwright , he who in his time justled with Bishops , saith , (q) That the Letters written to the Church , were therefore directed to the Angel , because he is the meetest Man by Offi●e , by whom the Church may understand the Tenor of the Letters . Mr. Fox also concludes for us , (r) These Angels ( saith he ) were such as did govern the Church in those Primitive times , as Polycarpus , Timothy , &c. All these Authors , because in the Degree of Presbyters for Ingenuity so impartial , for Learning so judicious , for Consent so unanimous , for Multitude so numerous , by direct and clear Testimonies , avouching the truth of this Episcopal Prelacy from the Divine Epistles of Christ Jesus ; which we think ought to perswade all Religious Consciences of the infallibility thereof . SECT . XXIII . Of two notable Subterfuges of our Opposites , What they are . THey finding themselves sinking for want of Support by Judicious Protestant Divines , are glad to catch at Reed , Rush , or very Shadows ; as for Example , these two : 1. To deny these Apostolical Prelates their due Jurisdiction , as if it were no more than a Moderator hath in the Schools . The other is to abridge them of their just time of Continuance , as no better than a Weekly Office , if yet so much at one time . It were good we heard themselves speak . Although ( say they ) these Angels had a Prelacy over others , yet it was not of Jurisdiction , but only of Order , as of a Moderator in the Assembly , or Speaker in the House of Commons , which is only during Parliament ; and thus we take our leave . Courteously done ; but will you not stay for an Answer , which is from one of your own Friends ? First , to the former Paradox Dr. Bastwick ( whom the Classis of our Opposites do much respect ) rejecteth the Collective sense of the Word Angel , saying , (s) That in each of these Churches there was a Colledge of their constituted Church ; and therefore for Order sake , the Light of Nature teacheth there must have been a President , who by way of excellency , and to distinguish him from others , is called an Angel , 〈◊〉 the Inscription of the Epistle of the Revelation declares , saying , [ Unto the Angel of the Church of Ephesus . ] Than which , what can be more contradictory to your former flat denial and force in oppugning Prelacy , even ( as he saith ) against the Light of Nature ? Nevertheless , he leaneth to the same slender Reed with you , to allow no more Jurisdiction to the Prelate , or President , than ( to use his own words ) To a Speaker in the House of Commons , and to a Proloqunter in an Assembly . We reply , SECT . XXIV . Against the Opposites Exception to Episcopal Jurisdiction from Scripture . AMong them that are adverse unto Episcopacy , is he that pareth Episcopacy to the quick , as if the difference between a Bishop and Presbyter were not (1) Real , but Nominal , and in Name only , as a Moderator in the Assembly , or Speaker in the House of Commons . This derogation hath been sufficiently confuted by St. Paul's Epistles , in the Examples of Timothy and Titus in taking Accusations , imposing Injunctions , and the like , as hath been amply acknowledged . Wherewithal we are to adjoin the aforesaid Epistles of Christ by St. John , unto the Seven Churches of Asia . Wherein yet we need not to bestir our selves much , but may be contented with the Testimonies of our Opposites choice Advocate , and against Bishops as vehement an Adversary as could be . Yet he in his (2) Commentaries upon the Verses concerning the foresaid Bishops , instiled Angels in the two first Chapters of the Apocalypse , from Point to Point sheweth notwithstanding , how those Bishops in these Churches were reprehended by Christ , for not executing Spiritual Discipline upon certain as well Clergy as People . A second , for too much Indulgence to the Wicked . A third , for suffering the Woman Jezabel , and such as had been seduced by her , and not handling her according to her Deserts . (3) Doctor Fulke saith as much in effect . A fourth , For forbearing to use Discipline against a Balaamatical Seducer . Mr. (4) Perkins likewise fetcheth his ground of Excommunication from the foresaid Texts , concerning the Angel of the Church of Pergamus , whom he was inclined to think was a Prelate over Presbyters , as (5) Marlorate also but even now told us , That the same Angel was therefore reprehended by Christ , because , being President there , he did not put in practice his Authority of Correction , which he had over Clergy and People . Let us now proceed to a Rule of Proportion , to try how our Opposites Comparison can stand between an Apocalyptical Prelate , and either Speaker in Parliament , or Proloquutor in an Assembly , or as any other for Time or Place , together with some other circumstances allotted by Ordinance of Parliament . But tell us , have any of these Authority to take an Accusation of any Criminal Offence , which haply may be committed , or of controlling any one Vote , be it never so exorbitant ; much less any Corrective Power of any one Member of the House ? Nor doth this differ from the Confession of Mr. Calvin , first , in his Collection out of the Epistle of St. Paul to Titus , viz. (6) That at that time one was set over the rest of Presbyters to govern them , both in Authority , and Counsel in Authority . Why ? (7) I confess ( saith he ) as the Conditions of Men are now a days , no Order can be kept amongst Ministers , except one be over the rest . And how often have they acknowledged the Prelacy of one over the rest of the Clergy to be a Presidency ? And so their thrice Learned Advocate will resolve them , saying , (8) They dream not of any Presidency void of Authority , seeing that every Child knoweth , that there cannot be any Presidency without Authority . SECT . XXV . That Episcopal Government exercised in the Primitive Church was Authoritative . WE dare and do protest , That hereby we plead not for an irregular Prelacy . No , for according to the State of the Church ( even at this time ) Bishops themselves are under Canons , and are as liable to Censures as others , if they shall transgress . Besides , the Obedience enjoyned upon Presbyters hath ever been constituted by their own Consents , either express or implicit , and accordingly ratified by Parliaments . But we are to inquire into the Judgment of Antiquity , that we may the better continue in their Footsteps . The most Antient Father (1) Ignatius , in those Epistles which are allowed for genuine , by the most exact and industrious Authors , Vedelius , Scultetus , and Rivetus , is most frequent in this Argument for submission of Presbyters to their Bishops , giving them always a Negative Voice , and allowing nothing to be done without them . As did also (2) Clemens , both of them being Disciples of the Apostles ; (3) Cyprian ( not long after a Martyr of Christ ) professed to do nothing without the Consent of his Clergy , yet held it necessary for the Church that all Acts should be managed by Bishops . (4) Tertullian ( though himself a Presbyter ) denied that Presbyters ( we speak of the Exercise ) had the right so much as of Baptizing , without the Consent of the Bishop . (5) Origen ( a Presbyter likewise ) thinketh , That his Accompt to God will be less than if he had been a Bishop ; because ( saith he ) the Bishop possessing the chief place in the Church , is accomptable to God for the whole Church . (6) Ambrose noteth such a Man ( be he Presbyter or Lay ) to be a strayer from the Truth , who doth not obey his Bishop . We pass by Epiphanius , Chrysostome , and other eminent Fathers , to Hierome , (7) whose Patronage our Opposites pretend to have , yet in this Particular he is as much against them as any . The Safety of the Church ( saith he ) doth depend upon the Dignity of the Bishop ; so that unless an extraordinary and eminent Power be given unto him , there will be as many Schisms in the Church as Ministers . And again , ( which we wish the Presbyterial Advocates duely to mark ) he saith not only that (8) Bishops are a Law unto themselves , but unto Presbyters also . Hitherto of the Jurisdiction it self : The next Point concerneth the Continuance of it in the Person of the Bishop . SECT . XXVI . That the personal continuance of Episcopacy was during life , against the most novel Figments to the contrary . FIrst , The Angels or Supreme Ministers in the Revelation , to whom the Epistles according to the Scriptures were written , seeing that they were always chargeable to inform the Presbyters with the Contents , therefore they must be supposed to be in Office before they could discharge any such Function . Because Timothy , Titus , and all the other Apostles continued their functions until their bodily dissolution . Secondly , In the narrative parts of every of the said Epistles Christ giveth every of the Prelates to know [ That he knew their works ] and that he had them in estimation according to their works , namely , works done long before , insomuch that he chargeth one [ To do his former works ] c. 2. v. 3. and commendeth another because [ His last works were better than his former . ] c. 3. v. 19. Noting as well the works of his Function , as of his Conversation , and therefore was far from the conceipt of a Deambulatory , Hebdomatical ( or peradventure * Ephemeral ) Office , either of the foresaid Speaker , Proloquutor , or Moderato , Who by reason of their not continuance in their Office , could not be capable of their Charge , either of doing their former work , nor commended for his better after work in his said Office . Thirdly , Besides some were questioned for not executing their Offices against the Heretical Nicolaitans , and Idolatrous Balaamites , and Jesabel , as well out of the Convocation of Presbyters , as with their consent when they were met : Which proveth that in the interim between Convents , and not Convents , the Prelates office was permanent . Whereas the Deambulatory Actors use to have their Quietus est , and to forgo their Imployments for want of Continuance more or less . Fourthly , If we look forwards to the time to come , Christ is found threatning the Prelates that were obnoxious . One [ to be removed , if he did not repent ] c. 2. v. 3. And denouncing against another , [ To come against him , if he should not repent and do his former works , ] c. 2. v. 14. But useth this to be the process of Deambulatory Officers , if they have offended grievously in one Parliament , and Convocation , to elect them again upon an expected Repentance ? Lastly , to one of these Prelates Christ made a royal Promise , saying [ Be thou faithful unto death , and I will give thee a Crown of life . ] c. 2. v. 9. Wherein is as well implied Faithfulness in his Function , as Constancy in his Christian profession , especially this being written unto him , even as he was President over others . Which is a Faithfulness which the Spirit of God frequently mentioneth commending it in Tychicus , Eph. 2.21 . and in Timothy , 2 Cor. 4. v. 1.2 . Now let us pro●eed to shew you the Novelty . SECT . XXVII . That the Novelty of this Opinion of a Deambulatory Prelacy evinceth the Falsity thereof . HIstory hath delivered unto us the Successions of all the four Celebrious Churches , Hierusalem , Alexandria , Antioch , and Rome , as also from the Asian Churches in the Revelation . An Instance in one will give light to all the rest . As for example , The Church of Alexandria , wherein succeeded next to Mark the Evangelist , Anianus , An. Christ. 51. Sedit An. 22. After him Abilius , An. 77. Sedit An. 13. Then Cerdon Sedit An. 10. and Justus An. 12. Finally , there is not any Monuments more directly manifesting the continuance of the Succession of Emperours and Kings in their Royal Thrones , than there hath been for the Residence of Bishops successively in their Episcopal Seats and Functions , even to their dying day . Sure we are therefore that Antiquity would have exploded that conceit which Tertullian abhorred to think , (1) That one should be a Bishop to day , and none to morrow . The general Council of Calcedon also judging (2) the Depression of a Bishop down to the degree of a Presbyter to be no better than Sacriledg . SECT . XXVIII . That the Foundation of the Deambulatory Opinion was altogether groundless . A Belgick Doctor noted this Opinion as void (3) Of any warrant from the word of God or example of Ecclesiastical History , or yet probable reason , Whereof a Zealot for the Presbyterians hath confessed namely , (4) That the Succession of one after another in the primitive times was after the Predecessor had slept in the Lord. The result of all these premisses discovering the sensless Novelty of this Opinion , sheweth that it serveth for nothing better , than the betraying of a lost Cause . CHAP. V. Our last Consideration is , whether this Apostolical Right of Episcopacy in some sense be called Divine ? ALthough the proof of the Right thereof to be according to the Word of God , be demonstration enough of a Divine Right ; Yet will it not be amiss to know how far either the Judgment of Antiquity , or the Consent of learned Protestant Divines have extended their Suffrages for acknowledgment thereof . But yet first we are to satisfie our Opposites Objections in censuring this to be properly Popish . SECT . I. That the Doctrine of the Divine Right of Episcopacy is repugnant unto Popedome and Papal Usurpation . NOthing hath been more common in the mouths of many adversly affected , than first hearing of the Divine Right of Episcopacy ( not without some horrour of mind ) to impute Popery unto it , but yet not without ignorance of the Popes Usurpation herein , which is here discovered ( in the Margin ) by the earned Professor of Divinity in Geneva grappling with the greatest Champion of the Pope , even that Romish Goliah , Bellarmine who in his defence of Papal Right , saith , (5) That the Pope of Rome is immediately from Christ , and all other Bishops from him , pretending this to be patronized by Antiquity , citing that most antient Father Ignatius for his Opinion ; but he was confuted by our judicious Author Vedelius even out of the express words of Ignatius himself , teaching , (6) That as Presbyters are immediately subject to Bishops , so are likewise Bishops to Christ. So doth he also from Tertullian , (7) who recounteth the like Succession in the Church of Smyrna , where the first Bishop was ordained by the Apostle St. John ; which he doth from St. Peter , in the Church of Rome . But sooner may the Roman Pope unbishop himself , than presume to justifie from Antiquity , that other Bishops , in respect of their first Original , are immediately derived from him , as by the manifold testimonies of the Antients alleadged expresly already , hath appeared , and will furthermore become more undeniable when Antiquity it self shall be heard to speak by and by ; in the interim we may behold the Spanish Divines standing for the Divine Right of Episcopacy as being from Christ himself ; and therefore denied to be present in the Council of (8) Trent except it should be so decided . The Italian Bishops contrarily withstood this in the behalf of the Pope , that it might be known to be derived not immediately from Christ , but mediately by the Pope himself ; Can any doubt what the Pope would determine in this Case ? He in his letters prohibited that Episcopacy should be held to be absolutely from Divine Right . This being the Case , who can justly attribute Popery to them , who in defending a Divine Right , yet renounce and abhor the derivation thereof which is from the Pope ? SECT . II. The Judgment of Antiquity concerning the Divine Right . WE begin with the most antient Ignatius , and for the vindication of the credit of this our Foreman , It is testified by (a) Vedelius ( the Genevan Professor ) concerning Ignatius his Epistles ( alleadging withal the like testimonies of Scultetus and Rivetus ) That seven of them are properly his , and so genuine herein as that they take no exceptions in this Case . Which he furthermore proveth out of Eusebius , Ruffinus , and Hierome : and we shall not wander out of these seven . And though all these be full of Sentences abundantly asserting the Divine Right of Episcopacy , yet we shall content our selves with these few wherein he exhorteth (b) The Presbyters to obey the Bishops as the Vicars of Christ ; And he telleth both Presbyters and People , That he that contemneth his Bishop is Atheistical and Prophane , and doth set at nought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is ) the Ordinance of Christ , and the like , as is more fully testified in the Margin . (c) Cyprian is our next Witness , who tells us , That the constituting of Bishops over the Church with Authority to govern all Acts therein , is done by Divine Law , So he . With many other expressions to the same effect , for which again I refer you to the Margin . We pass to Origen ( our next Witness ) who saith of the publick Governours of the Churches of Christ , (d) That they are in a very eminent place , because the Lord hath set them over his Family . And again ( which we alleadg as making against Romish Popedome ) That Bishops have as much interest in that saying of our Saviour [ Whatsoever thou bindest on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven &c. ] as St Peter himself . Gregory Bishop of Nazianzum telleth his Flock of that City , (e) That the Law of Christ had made them subject to his Episcopal Power and Jurisdiction . (f) Athanasius , That whosoever he be that contemns the Function of a Bishop contemneth Christ who ordained that Office. (g) Epiphanius writing against that grand Antiepiscopal Presbyter Aerius told him , That the Superiority of Bishops above Presbyters was founded in the word of God. (h) An Author ( under the name of Ambrose ) speaking distinctly of Bishops , saith , That they held the person of Christ , and therefore our behaviour before them ought to be as before the Vicars of the Lord. And again , That the Bishop is ordained by the Lord the light of the Church . Another under the name of (i) Augustine ( as hath been said ) judged it a matter that none could be ignorant of , That Bishops were instituted by Christ , who instituted Bishops when he ordained the Apostles , whose Successors the B●shops are . (k) Hierome thus far agreeth with him , to wit , That Bishops in the Catholick Church supply the place of the Apostles . And what else meant that , which hath been before alleadged out of the Canon of six hundred Fathers in the general Council of (l) Calcedon , which judgeth , The Depression of a Bishop down to the degree of a Presbyter to be in it self Sacriledg ? But do any Protestant Divines of remote Churches consent to any Divine Right ? SECT . III. That two eminent Protestant Divines grant this Supposition , which is the ground of the said Truth . THis grant and concession is freely yielded unto us by Beza , who ( speaking of Episcopacy ) saith (1) If it did proceed from the Apostles , then certainly I should not doubt to attribute it wholly ( as all other Apostolical Ordinances ) to divine disposition . Another ( who is also a professed Advocate for the Presbyterians ) granteth as freely as the former , (2) That if Episcopacy be from the Apostles , then doubtless it is of Divine Right . But that Episcopacy had its Apostolical institution , hath been sufficiently ratified unto us through this whole Discourse , both from Testimonies of Antiquity , from general Consent of Protestants of Reformed Churches , and above all , from the clear Evidence of the Scriptures themselves , the Repetition whereof would be superfluous , the rather , because these our foresaid Opposites will ease us of that labour : for Mr. Beza himself confesseth , (3) That it is a Custome not to be reprehended , of setting one of the Presbyters over the rest , which was used ( saith he ) from Mark the Evangelist in the Church of Alexandria . So he . Now then whether we say with Hierome , (4) That this Episcopacy was in Mark because the first Bishop , or in Anianus who was constituted by Mark , as Eutychus relateth ; or with Beza that it was from Mark as a thing irreprehensible ; It must needs be judged to be from the Ordinance of the Apostles , and consequently Divine . We have yet somewhat more . SECT . IV. That Episcopal Prelacy hath been directly acknowledged by Protestants of remote Churches to be of Divine Right . (1) ( 1 ) LUther proves this directly and Categorically saying , That every City ought to have its proper Bishop by Divine Right ; grounding his Argument upon Titus 2.5 . Who was commanded to ordain Elders in every City ; which Elders ( saith he ) were Bishops as Hierome witnesseth , and the subsequent Text doth manifest . Yea and St. Augustine describing a Bishop concurreth with them saying , It was a City , as if he should have said , it was not a mere Presbyter , but a Bishop which is here spoken of , because Bishops were over Cities . Thus far Luther ; his Tractate being a Resolution , his Sentence the Conclusion , and his words plainly distinguishing Bishop from mere Presbyter , and alleadging from Scripture , a divine Right of Episcopal Function , as clearly , as either our Opposites can dislike or we desire . Accordingly (2) Bucer a man of great Learning and Piety ) saith , That these three Orders of Ministers in the Church , Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons were for institution from the Holy Ghost , and for Continuance perpetual , even from the Beginning . The learned Professor in the Palatinate (3) Scultetus , hath Professedly and Positively concluded Episcopacy to be of Divine Right , by ( as he saith ) efficacious Reasons , clear Examples , and excellent Authorities . And he hath been as good as his word , as in divers foregoing Sections hath been made manifest ; upon which Subject likewise a most learned (4) Belgick Doctor wrote a whole book , urging therein very many Arguments , both from Scripture and Antiquity , and assoiling the Objections to the contrary . Aegidius Hunnius ( Divinity Professor in the University of Marpurg ) speaking of Episcopacy in the Apostles times , saith , (5) That Paul did ordain Titus General Superintendent ( that is Archbishop ) of all the Cretian Churches ; and thereupon concludeth , That the Order and Degree of Episcopacy is a thing not lately invented , but received in the Church even from the very times of the Apostles . Wherein he is seconded by (6) Hemingius ( a very Learned Divine ) whose Observation upon Titus 1. v. 5. is That to the end that Anarchy might be avoided , and all things done Decently and in Order , the Apostle would have some one to ordain Ministers , to dispose all things in the Church , and to take care lest Haeresie should arise . The worthily renowned Doctor Gerard speaks no less than the former ; proving (7) Episcopacy ( as distinct from Presbytery ) to be of Divine Right not only in respect of the Original as proceeding from the diversity of Gifts , but also in regard of the End , The avoiding of Dissension and Schism in the Church . Yea , and even the Church of Geneva it self will afford us a Testimony or two from the pen of the Mirrour of Learning Mr. Isaac Causabon who tells us , That three Orders of Ministers in the Church , Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons are founded upon the Testimony of plain Scriptures . And again , That Bishops are the Vicegerents of the Apostles ; Thus these learned Protestants . Nothing now remaineth but that ( nam finis coronat opus ) we have as the Seal of this Truth the Approbation of Christ himself . (8) SECT . V. That Episcopal Prelacy had the Approbation of Christ himself after his Ascension into Heaven . NEver did nor could any deny , but that every of the Angels of the seven Churches of Asia had the Approbation of Christ himself after his Ascension into Heaven , that Book wherein they are mentioned being called the Revelation of Jesus Christ , as the Author , delivered by an Angel to John , as unto Christs Scribe , commanding him to write the seven Epistles , and to direct them to the Angels of the seven Churches , two of which Angels Christ commend●th in the same Epistles for the good discharge of their Function . And is not Commendation Testimonial enough , and an Argument of his Approbation ? The other five Bishops ( being more or less Delinquents ) are reprehended for Neglect of their Cure. And is not Reproof of the Neglect of Duty in the Officers , a Justification , and Approbation of their Offices ? Finally , as those which are faithful in their Offices are continued , so they that were obnoxious are threatned , To be removed except they did repent . So that here is no Displacing of any for a first Offence , nor yet an Eradicating the whole Order , for the particular Abuses of some ; For he that calleth for Repentance and Amendment of Life in the Ministers intendeth a further execution of their Ministration , and Discharge of their Function in these Angels , which was a Prelatical Superintendency or Episcopacy , as hath been testified not only by Protestant Divines of the Reformed Churches fourteen in number ; but also so generally that Doctor Scultetus ( Divinity Professor of Heidelburgh ) concerning this Approbation of Christ , saith , * That all the most learned Interpreters have by Angels understood Bishops , nor can they do otherwise without violence to the Text. So he . All Glory be to God through Jesus Christ , the Bishop of our Souls , the Author and Finisher of our Faith , Amen FINIS . THE CONTENTS . CHAP. I. SECT . I. That the Church of Geneva hath both justified , and praised our Episcopal Government in England , and prayed for the prosperous continuance thereof Page 1 SECT . II. That the Church of Geneva disclaimed the Opinion of thinking that their Churches Government should be a Pattern for other Churches p. 6. SECT . III. That also other Protestant Divines of Reformed Churches have observed the Worthiness of the Episcopal Government in England p. 7. SECT . IV. That the Episcopal Government in the Church of Christ is for Necessary Use the best according to the judgment of Primitive Antiquity p. 11 SECT . V. The Protestant Divines of remote Churches have generally acknowledged Episcopal Government , to be for Necessary Use the best p. 14 SECT . VI. That the Episcopal Government is far more practised among Protestants of Remote Churches , than is the Presbyterial p. 22 CHAP. II. SECT . I. The second General Part of this full Satisfaction is concerning the Right of Episcopacy , which is to accord to the Word of God , which is the second reserved Condition in the Common Covenant . p. 24 SECT II. First , That no Antient Father hath been justly objected as gainsaying the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy , no not Hierome . p. 26 SECT . III. That Augustine objected against the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy is directly for it . p. 31 SECT . IV. Thirdly , Gregory Nazianzen a Primitive Father , who is verbally objected against Episcopacy , doth really contradict the Objectors . p. 34 SECT . V. That Clemens , one of the most Antient of Fathers objected , proveth to be a Counterwitness against the Objectors p. 37 SECT . VI. The justification of Episcopal Prelacy by the Universal Practice of the Church Christian , in times approaching towards Primitive Antiquity . First , By condemning Aerius the only famous Adversary against Episcopal Prelacy in those times p. 42 SECT . VII . That in the time of the foresaid Fathers the whole Church of Christ held the Derogation from Episcopal Prelacy to be Sacrilegious p. 45 SECT . VIII . That the immediate Succession of Bishops from the daies of the Apostles , is liberally confirmed unto us by Learned Protestant Divines , albeit sufficiently Presbyterial p. 47 SECT . IX . That there was an immediate Succession of Bishops from the Apostles times , proved first , because no time can be assigned wherein it was not in use . p. 48 SECT . X. That the whole Church Christian did profess and practise the Apostolical Right of Episcopacy p. 55 CHAP. III. After these our Evidences from Primitive Antiquity , according to our precedent Method , we are to contemplate of the Coelestial Sphear , the Word of God it self p. 59 The Right of Episcopacy discussed by the Word of God. ib. SECT . I. Against the first Objection from the Identity of Names ( as they call it ) of Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture p. 60 SECT . II. That the former Objection is rejected by the choicest and most acceptable Divines , which our Opposites themselves can name p. 62 SECT . III. The second Objection out of Scripture in that place . Phil. 1.1 . With the Bishops and Deacons , &c. is repugnant to the general Expositions of Antient Fathers p. 64 SECT . IV. The third Objection is against the Appropriation of the word Bishop unto one , which Appellation is shewn to be most justifiable . p. 67 SECT . V. The last Objection , 3 John , 9. p. 72 CHAP. IV. Our Prepositions grounded upon the Word of God. Our first Evidence out of the Epistles of St. Paul p. 73 SECT . I. That the Presbyterial Order was alwaies substitute to an higher Government , as first to the Jurisdiction Apostolical ib. SECT . II. That divers of the Apostolical Disciples were even in their times both in Dignity and Authority Superintendents over Presbyters p. 76 SECT . III. That the aforesaid Apostolical Disciples were as Bishops over the Presbyters . Among whom were Timothy , and Titus by Evidence from Scripture p. 78 SECT . IV. That Timothy and Titus were properly , and distinctly Bishops , notwithstanding their Title of Evangelists , as is confessed by Protestant Divines of remote Churches p. 81 SECT . V. That Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , notwithstanding that objected Scripture , Act. 20 p. 88 SECT . VI. That Timothy and Titus were both of them properly Bishops , by the judgment of Antiquity p. 91 SECT . VII . That Protestant Divines of very great esteem have acknowledged Timothy and Titus to have been properly Bishops p. 94 SECT . VIII . The Second Evidence from Scripture , for proof of Episcopal Prelacy , is out of Christs Epistles , To the Angels of the seven Churches of Asia , [ To the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ] write , &c. Chap. 2.1 . p. 97 SECT . IX . That the first Exposition of our Opposites , by Angel understanding the whole Church , is flatly repugnant to the Context . p. 98 SECT . X. That the second Exposition is , in interpreting the word Angel , to signifie the Order of Presbyters in the Church . The state of which Question is set down by our Opposites p. 100 SECT . XI . That the Objections , made for this Exposition , are confuted by their own best approved Protestant Authors p. 101 SECT . XII . Their second Reason confuted by their own alleadged Author p. 103 SECT . XIII . Their third Argument likewise confuted by their own Chiefest Author . p. 106 SECT . IVX. Their fourth Argument confuted by the same their own much applauded Author p. 108 SECT . XV. The fifth Objection ( as a body in a Consumption ) languisheth in it self p. 111 SECT . XVI . Their last Argument standeth confuted by their own selves p. 112 SECT . XVII . Our Arguments to prove that the word Angel , in the aforesaid Epistles of Christ , signifyeth an individual person , as a Prelate over Presbyters p. 114 SECT . XVIII . Arguments in special collected from the Texts p. 116 SECT . XIX . The second kind of Arguments , taken out of the Doctrinal Testimonies of Antiquity p. 119 SECT . XX. That Historical Evidence from Antiquity demonstrateth what Bishops some of these Angels personally were by their proper names , and from them some of their Successors p. 121 SECT . XXI . A Torrent of Protestant Divines of the Reformed Churches consenting to the same Exposition , of an Individual Person having Prelacy over Presbyters , under the name of Angels p. 128 SECT . XXII . The second of our English Protestant Divines , in the Opinion of our Opposites , as competent Witnesses as any p. 131 SECT . XXIII . Of two notable Subterfuges of our Opposites , What they are . p. 132 SECT . XXIV . Against the Opposites Exception to Episcopal Jurisdiction from Scripture p. 134 SECT . XXV . That Episcopal Government exercised in the Primitive Church was Authoritative 138 SECT . XXVI . That the personal continuance of Episcopacy was during life , against the most novel Figments to the contrary p. 141 SECT . XXVII . That the Novelty of this Opinion of a Deambulatory Prelacy evinceth the Falsity thereof . p. 144 SECT . XXVIII . That the Foundation of the Deambulatory Opinion was altogether groundless p. 145 CHAP. V. Our last Consideration is , Whether this Apostolical Right of Episcopacy may in some sense be called Divine ? p. 146 SECT . I. That the Doctrine of the Divine Right of Episcopacy is repugnant unto Popedome and Papal Usurpation p. 147 SECT . II. The Judgment of Antiquity concerning the Divine Right p. 150 SECT . III. That unto eminent Protestant Divines grant this Supposition , which is the ground of the said Truth . p. 154 SECT . IV. That Episcopal Prelacy hath been directly acknowledged by Protestants of remote Churches to be of Divine Right . p 156 SECT . V. That Episcopal Prelacy had the Approbation of Christ himself after his Ascension into Heaven p. 160 FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A51420-e170 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ep ad Corinthios , Pag. 57. Notes for div A51420-e970 Apol. cap. 5. T●● . 1. ad Ana●● 58. (a) Quod si ve●ò gestui illi flectend● se versùs Sacram Domini mensam hic Juvenis adversetur , me multo seniorem habebit sibi utique adversarium . Epistola ad Collegium Sti. Joh. Coll. Cantabrig . (b) Synod 1640 Can. 7. (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stroma . lib. 7. p. 724 Edit . Paris . (d) Et inde suspicio , quòd innotuerit nos ad Orientis Regionem precati . Ap. cap. 6. (e) Cum ad Orationes stamus , ad O●ien●em convertimur unde Coe●um furgit ; non tanquam ibi sit Deus , & quasi caeteras mundi parres deseruerit qui ubique praesens est non loco●um spatiis , sed Majestate potentiae ; sed ut admoneatur animus ad natur●m exc●llentiorem se convertere , i.e. ad Dominum . Lib. 2. de Se●m . in Monte. (f) Critica Sacra lib. 2. cap. 5. (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Quaestiones ad Orthod . 118. (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rom. xii . 1. Psal. xcv . 6. Deodati , when he was with Bishop Moantague at Eaton , p●of●ssed he dissented from diverse conclusions of the Synod of Dort. Appeal . cap. 7. pag. 71. Rushworth Historical Collections , p. 6●● . Apology for Bishops , cap. 3. pag. 16. (a) History of the Lambeth Articles , printed in Latin , 1651. Bishop Mountague's Appeal , ca. 7. p. 71. Necessaria Responsio , printed by the Remanstrants , 1618. (b) Heylyn Historia Quinqu-Articularis , Par. 3. cap. 21. Conference at Hampton Court , p. 4● . Haeres . 57. St. August . ad Quodvult deum . Cap. 2. p. 82. De Subscribendis Testamentis adv . Heraldum . p. 19. Walo Messalinus , Cap. pa. 58. p. 14. Cap. 5. p. 398. Apol. p. 3.11 . so Walo Messalinus . p. 7. Ecclesiast . Hist. lib. 3. cap. 25. Tome 5. Comment . in Danielem . p. 594. Edit . Froben . Quia caperunt sequentes Presbyteri indigni inveniri ad Primatus tenendos , immutata est ratio , prospiciente consilio , ut non Ordo , sed meritum crearet Episcopum , multorum Sacerdotum judicio constitutum . Historia del concilio Trident . lib 7 p. 573. P. 586. p. 629. Historia del Concilio Tridentino . lib. 7. pag. 594. Edit . London 1619. S●eros Ordines e●●cimus Diacona●um & Episcopatu● . Hosc● . Solos Primitiva Ecc●legitur ha●●isse . l 5. Tit. 14. cap ▪ 9. De Praescrip . H●eret . ca. 36. Premierement , quand il n'y auroit autre raison que ceste-cy a scauoir que nous avons la vraye et pure doctrine en son entire , elle suffiroit pour prouver que nous auons aussi la vraye vocation qui en depend . Card. Perron Replique aux Ministres pag. 5. Joh. 15.24 . Review History of Tyths , cap. 2. pag. 456. Omnia Comesta a Belo . Fuller History of Camb. p. 139. Notes for div A51420-e4280 (1) Calvin lib. de necessit . Reform . Eccles. p. 69. Talem si nobis exhibeant Hierarchiam in qua sic emineant Episcopi , ut Christo subesse non recusent , &c. ut ab illo tanquam unico capite pendeant , & ad ipsum referantur , &c. Tum vero nullo non Anathemate dignos fateor , si qui crunt qui non cam reverenter , summaque obedientia observent . (2) Calvin Epist. ad Thom. Archiep. Cant. Te presertim ( ornatissime Praesul ) quo altiore in specula sedes in hanc curam , ut facis , incumbere necesse est : Scio enim non ita unius Angliae haberi abs te rationem , quin Universo Orbi consulas . p. 134. (3) Id Epist. ad Cranm. inter Ep. p. 135. In qu●m rem ita omn●s qui gube●nacula ist●e tenent commanibus studiis incumbere oporte● , ut tamen praecipuae sint tuae p●rtes . Vides quid locus iste postular , vel magis quid pro muneris quod tibi inj●nxit ratione abs te suo jure exig●t Deus . (4) Beza Resp ad Sar. de divers . Minist . grad cap. 18. v. 3. Quod si nunc Anglicanae Ecclesiae instauratae , suorum Episcoporum & Archiepiscoporum autoritate s●ffultae perst●nt , quemadmodum hoc illi nostra memoria contigit , ut ejus ordinis homines , non tantum insignes dei Martyres sed etiam praestantissimos Doctores & Pastores habuerit , fiuatur sane ista singulari Dei beneficentia , quae utinam sit i●li perpetua . (5) Id ad G●i●dal . Ep. 12. & 23. Ut omnibus Praesulibus ex animo obsequantur . Majori poena dign● sunt qui autoritatem tuam aspernabuntur . (6) B●z & Sadeel . cited by the Author of the Survey of the pretended holy Discipline , and by Beza contra Saran . p. 126. (7) Caus. ( regem alloquens ) in p●aefat . ad Ex●rcit . Q●● Ecclesiam habes in ●uis regni● pa●tim jam olim ita iustitatam par tim ma●nis tuis laboribus ita infr●●●●tam ut a● florentis Ecclesiae quondam fo●mam nulla hodie propius accedat quam tua inter vel excessa vel defect● peccantes mediam v●am sequnta , qua moderatione hoc p●imum asseq●uta est Ecclesia Anglicana , ut illi ipsi qui suam ei faelicitatem invident , saepe tamen ex aliarum comparat●one illam cogantur laudare . (8) Id ad Card Peron . Reg. 〈◊〉 caine Cerro & liquido ●ihi constat 〈◊〉 notae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae●antur , aut etiam decorum Ecclesiae , nullam in orbe te●ra●um ( D●o ●n● sit lau● ) in●ventam , quae p●●pius ad fidem aut sp●ciem antiquae Eccl●si●● Cathol●cae ●ccedat . Id. Ephem . An 1610. ●rid . Cal●●d Nov●●● . Teste M●ricio frarte diem sac●um non male posni Dei be●●ficio , sum enim invitatu● ho●ie ut intere●sem sacris quae facta sunt ad consec●●nda E●●sco●●s duos Scoto● , & A●chiepiscopo●●● S●oti● , vidi illo● ri●●s & impositionem ma●●●m & p●●ces in ●am ●em . O Deus , quanta fil●t mih● v●●●●t●●● Tu 〈◊〉 n mine Jesus serva hanc Ecclesiam , & Catharis qui ista 〈…〉 . (9) Dr. Diodati in his Annotat. upon Revel . 2.1 . (10) Spanh . Epist. Dedicat. Ut profitcar quanta Genevae nostrae sit nominis tui claritudo , &c. Quamvis regna vestra praesulibus e●udit●ssimis & Theologis summis abundant q●i omni Scriptionis accuratae genere judicium & acumen suum orbi Christiano probant , &c. Docent id tam eximia vestratium scripta in hoc genere cuae in linguis exoticis cum immortali vestrae ge●tis laude t●●ferun●ur , &c. Nec desunt hedie ex Antissibus & Theologis vestris viri incomparabiles qui tata faelicitate Polemica tractant , & Orthodoxam veritatem , a R●manensium Theologo●um argumentationibus strenue assertum eunt , &c. Amplissimos Praesules & Pastores sidos amp●examur , & pro omnium five in Ecclesia , five in Republica ad Clavum sedentium prosperitate divinam bonitatem assiduè fatigamus , &c. Ecclesiarum vestrarum Praesulibus sua Autoritas . (1) Smectym . Vind , p. 182. (2) Bez Resp. ad Sar. de divers . Minist . grad . c. 21. resp . 2. Sed & fidos Pastores cur non omni reverentia prosequamur ? n●dum ut , quod falsissimè nobis aliqui objiciunt , cuiquam uspiam Ecclesiae sequendum nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus , imperitissimorum illorum similes qui nihil nisi quod ipsi agunt rectum putant . (3) Moul. Epist. ad Episc. Winton . Quorum Martyrum habemus scripta , & meminimus gesta , ac zelum , nulla ex parte inferiorem zelo prae stantissimorum servorum Dei , quos Germania aut Gallia tulit : hoc qui negat oportet ut sit vel im probe vecors , vel gloriae Dei invidus , vel cerebrosa stoliditate stupens caliget in clara luce . (4) Id. in Thess. de not●s Eccles. Episcopos Angliae post conversionem ad fidem , & damn●tionem Papismi , afferimus fuisse fideles Dei servos , nec deferere debere officium suum vel titulum Episcopi . (5) Hierom. Zanch. Ep. ad Reg. Eliz. Cogitet tua Majestas in hoc omnem tuam potentiam , & autoritatem intendere , u● imprim●s Epi●copos habeas vere pio● , & in sacris literis exercitatos sicut Dei beneficio habes complurim●s eosque faveas , & augeas . (6) Id Ep. ad Jewe●l . Sarisb . Episc. Verum est ( Doct●ssime praesul Jewelle ) me nur quam ad te scriptisse & ut debebam , istam ●ibi dignitatem ad quam tua te vir●us evexit gratulatum fuisse , &c. Dominus te & reliquos omnes pios , & sanctos Episcopos Ecclesiae f●●ae servet , & vestra opera promoveat Regnum suum . Hier. Zanch. suo & Colligar . nom . An. 1577. (7) Saran . adv . Bez. Epist. ad Lect. Saepe miratus sum corum sapientiam qi● Anglicanae Ecclesiae restituerunt verum cultum Dei , & ita se attemperârunt ut nusquam decessisse ab antiqua & prisca Ecclesiae consuetudine reprehendi possint , quam si ●●●i suissent secuti minus bello●um Civisium haberemus . (8) Mr. Moul. Buckl . of Faith , p. 345. (a) Hier. in Tit. 1. Antequam Diaboli instinctu studia in religione fierent , & diceretur in populis , Ego Pauli , Ego Apollo , Ego autem Cepha , ●ommuni Presbyterorum Concilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur : postquam vero unusquisque eos quos baptizaverat suos patabat esse , non Christi ; in toto orbe decrerum est , ut unus de Presbyteris el●ctus superponeretur ●aeteris , ad quem omnis Ecclesiae cura pertinent , & Schismatum semi●a tollerentur . (b) Id. advers . Lucis . Ecclesiae salus ex summi Sacerdotis dignitate dependet , cui nisi exors quaedam potestas , & ab omnibus eminens detur , tot in Ecclesia efficientur Schismata , quot Sacerdotes ▪ (c) Dandi ( scilicet Baptismi ) jus habet summus Sacerdos , qui est Episcopus , dehinc Prae●byteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi Author●tate propter Ecclesiae honorem , quo salvo , salva est pax . Tert. de Baptism . cap. 17. (d) Chrysost Hom. 20. ad popul . Antioch . de reditu Flaviani Episc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (e) Ambr. in 1 Cor. cap. 1.17 . In Episcopo omnium Ordinationum dignitas ●st , Caput est enim caetetorum membrerum . (f) August . Unu●quisque in domo sua , si Caput est domir , ●elut Episcopus es● . (g) Nazian . Ep. 22. ad Basil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) Ambr. de diga . sa . cap. 6 Si oculus tuus simplex , id est , Si Epis●●●us , qui ut ●amen prome●e●it praees●e in corpore , simplicitate , & sancta ●nnocentia sit decoratus , omnis Ecc●esia ●ple●dore luminis radiatur . (i) Nicet . Com. in Gregor . Nazian Ora. 44. Neque verò absurdum fuerit sanct●s Antistires oculorum loco positos esse affi●mare , utpote aliis superiores , ac propterea nomen Episcopo●um conseqoutos : per eos enim plehem Christus in se credentem invisi● . (k) Basil Epist. 67. ad Eccl. Anc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (l) Cy●r Epist. 55. N●que enim aliunde Plaereses aborrae sunt , aut nata sunt Schismata quam inde , quod Sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur , nec unus in Ecclesia ad tempus Sacerdos , & ad tempus Judex , vice Christi cogitatur . Id. Epist. 65 Haec sunt enim iniria Haerericorum , & ortus arque conatus . Schismaticorum , &c. Ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant . Id Epist. 69. Inde Hae●●ses & Schismata abortae sun , dum Episc●pus superba quo●undam praesumptione ●●ntemnitur , &c. (m) Luther . Tom. 2. fol. 3●7 Plus illis tribuo quam merentur , qui illos tam sancto & veteri nomine dignor . Id. ibid. fol. 320. Nemo contra statum Ecclesiasticum & veros Episcopes vel bonos Pasto●e● dictum putet , qui●equi● contra hos Tyrannes dicitur . (n) Apolog. Confess . August . cap. de Num. & usu Sacram. Act. 14. Nos saepe protestati sumus summa cum voluntate conservare Politiam Ecclesiasticam , & gradus in Ecclesia facto ; summa cum autoritate . Ead. Confess . Aug. lib. 4. de unit . Eccles. Ut Schismata vitarentur , accessit utilis Ordinario , ut ex multis Praesbyteris eligeretur Episcopus qui regeret Ecclesiam , &c. * Camerar . in vita Melancth . Hoc ille non intermittebat suadere non modo adstipulatore sed etiam Autore ipso Luthero . (o) Melancth . Hist. Confess . August . p. 305. Quanquam ut ego quod sentio dicam , U●inam possim Administrationem , restituere Episcoporum , video enim qualem simus habituti Ecclesiam dissoluta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiastica , video postea multo intolerabiliorem futura●ti Tyrannidem quam antea fuit . (p) Melanct. cit . Bucer . de discipl . Cler. Omnino necesse est ut Clerici suos habeant Curatores atque Custodes instaurandos , ut Episcoporum ita & Archiepiscoporum aliorumque omnium , qubuscunque nominibus censcantur , potestas , & animadversio caveat , ne quis omnino in hoc Ordine sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (q) Greg. Princ. Hain . in praefat . de ordinat . Quam libenter quantaque cordis laetitia Episcopos ipsot habere , revereri , morem gerere , debitu● jurisdictionem , & Ordinationem his favere , eaque sine ulla accusatione frui vellemus ? Id quod nos semper & Dom. Luther●● piae memoriae saepissime tam o●e quam scriptis , imo , & in Conci●● publica in Cathedrali Templo Marpurgii contestati promissimu● . (r) Heming . Com. in Phil. 1.1 . Et fateor utilissimum ad conserva●● dam doctrinae sinceritatem , & ad regendam disciplinam Ecclesi● Unum aliquem in singulis Diaecesibus five Provinciis praeficere , q●● sit inspector rerum gerendorum in Ecclesia , curetque ut omn● j x a Pauli Consilium ordinatè & decenter fiant . Hunc five Episcopum Graeca voce , five inspectorem , five superintendentem voc●● veris , perinde est . (s) Calv. Instit . l. 4. c 4. v. 2. Praesbyteri ex suo numero in singulis Civitatibus unum eligebant ●ui specialiter dabant titulum Episcopi , ne ex aequalitate ( ut fieri solet ) di●sidia nascerentur . (t) Id. Com. in Phil. 11. Fateor quidem ut nunc sunt hominum ingenia & mores , non posse state Ordinem inter verbi Ministros , quin reliquis praesit unus . (u) Beza Resp. ad Saran . de Minist grad c. 23. resp . 11. Dicamus ergo Primatum illum ordinis per Mutuae successionis vices , ipsa tandem experientia compertum fuisse non saris virium habuisse , nec ad ambitiosos Pastores ●ee ad auditores quidem vanos , alios vero adulatorio spiritu praeditos compescendos , &c. Itaque quod singulorum secundum successio●em commune fuit , visum fuit ad unum transferre , &c. Quod certe reprehendi nec potest , nec debet , quum praesertim verustus hic mos in Alexandr●na Ecclesia jam nd● , &c. (x) Id. ibid. Resp. 13. Absit autem ut hunc Ordinem , ut temere aut superbè invectum reprehendam , cujus potius magnum fuisse usum quamdiu boni & sancti Episcopi Ecclesiis praefuerunt quis inficiari potest ? fruantur igitur qui volunt & possunt . (y) Zanch. Observat. in suam ipsius Confess . oper . Tom. 8. Coll. 579. Quid certius ex Historiis ex Conciliis ex omnium Patr●scriptis quam illos Ministorum Ordines de quibus diximus comm●●totius Reipublicae Christianae consensu in Ecclesia constitutos & ●●ceptos fuisse . Quis autem Ego sum qui , quod tora Ecclesia approb●● improbem ? Neque omnes Docti viri nostri temporis improbari a●● sunt : qúippe qui norunt & licuisse haec Ecclesiae , & ex pietate , & i● optimos fines pro edificatione Electorum , ea omnia fuisse pro●e●● & ordinata . (z) Conrad . Vo●st . Apolog. pro Eccl. Orthodox . de Confess . Aug. p. 285. In Colloquio Possianeno Augustanae Confessioni per omnia se subscribere paratos ●sse testati sunt praeterquam Articulo Doctrinae Eucharistiae utpote obscurius posito . (*) Bish. Hall Episcop of Divine Right , Parag. 1.4 . p. 16. Domine , non sumus adeo faelices . (1) Sarav . defens . Tract . e●e divers . Minist grad . Epist. dedicat . ad finem In patre fae●●●e●tatis hujus Regni ( viz. Angliae ) numerandum fit , quod hunc Ordinem ( viz. Episcopalem ) retinuit , ut conservetur , &c. (2) Videl . Exerc. 1. in Ep. Ignat. ad Trall . c. 2. v. 4. Talibus Episcopis & libenter paremus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , h●e na a Spiritu Sancto docti ( ut Ignatius ad Ephesios loquitur ) & parendum esse necessario dicimus . (3) Walo Massel . de Episc. & Presb. p. 413 Episcopus Ecclesiis regendis unicus praepositus estiqui & Praesbyteris plur●bus ●●●us Ecclesiae praec●let ad Schismata tollenda , Bono fine hoc fusse institutum nemo negat , cum optima ratio fuerat ita institu●ndi . (4) Zanch. Observ. in suam ipsius Confess . Oper. Tom. 8. Col. 583. Fuit mihi praeterea habenda ratio illarum etiam Ecclesiarum , quae licet Evangelium complexae sinr , suos tamen & re & nomine Episcopos & Archiepiscopos retinuerunt , quos ●mutatis bonis Graecis nominibus in male Latina , vocant Superintendentes , & generales Superintendentes ; sed etiam ubi vetera illa Graeea bona , neque haec nova male Latina verba obtinent , ibi solent esse aliquot primarii , penes quos fere tota est Autoritas ; sed cam de rebus convenit , quid de nominibus altercamur ? (5) Greg. de Valent. Tom. 4. disp . 9. q. 1. Reliqui omnes Sectarii ( praeter Anabaptistas Enthusiastas ) admittunt tres saltem Ministrorum gradus , nempe Episcoporum , qui habent Curam Ecclesae disciplinae , & Presbyterorum quos vocant Ministros verbi , & Diaconorum qui Pastoribus & Superintendentibus navan● operam in dispensatione Sacramentorum & aliis Officiis . Vide Chemnit . Exam. Conc. Trid. Sess. 23. Notes for div A51420-e7890 (1) Smect . vind . p. 13. (2) Hier. in Tit. 1. Episcopi noverintse magis consuetudine Ecclesiae , quam dispositione Dominicae veritatis Presbyteris esse majores , & in commui debere Ecclesiam regere . * Smect . p. 77. (3) Scultet . observ in Tit. c. 8 Passus est bonus Hieronimus humani quid quando ita scripsit , &c. (4) Saravia desens . Tract . d● divers . Minist . grad . c. 23. ad Bezae Resp. 2. Cum ipse Presbyter suit , indigne tulit suam Conditionem contemni . (5) Scultet . ubi . sup . Nisi forte Consuetudinem Ecclesiae pro Consuetudine Apostolica , & Dominicae dispositionis veritatem pro instituto Christi capiar . (6) Hierom. Ep. ad Evag. Omnes Episcopi Successores sunt Apostolorum . Id. Ep. ad . Marcell advers . Mont. Apud nos Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent . Id. Ep. ad Heliod . Episcopi stant loco Pauli , & gradum Petri. tenent . (7) Id. ad Ripar . advers . Vigilant . Minor Sanctam Episcopum in cujus parochia Presbyter esse dicitur , acquiescere furoci ejus , ac non virga Apostolica , virgaque fe●●ea confringere vas inutile . (8) Id. Ep. 58. ad Evag. Ut sciamus Traditiones Apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento , quod Aaron & filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt , hoc sibi Episcopi Presbyteri & Diaconi vendicent in Ecclesia . (9) Id. Catal. Script . Eccl. Jacobus qui appellatur frater domini , &c. Post passionem Domini statim ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episc●pus Ordinatus . Ibid. Marcus Ecclesiae Alexandrinae primus Episcopus ordinatus , Titus Cietae . * Erasm. Praesat . in ●und lib. Etuditum opus & Hieronymo dignum . (11) Beza Resp. ad Saran . de divers . Min. grad . cap. 23. resp . 11. Verustus hic mos primum Presbyterum eli●endi in Alexandrina Ecclesia , jam inde a Marco Evangelista , est observatus , p. 367. (12) Id. ibid. c. 23. resp . 34. Quod adversus Hieronymum obiicis ex Apocalypsi nempe quod aetate Johannis Apostoli Asiae Ecclesiae habuerint septem Episcopos divina non humana Ordinatione sibi praefectos , &c. Hoc inquam quorsum adversus Hieronymum & 〈◊〉 torques ? Nec enim ille cum diceret Ecclesias imitio comm●● Praesbyterorum Concilio fuisse gubernatas , ira dissipuisse exi●● mandus est , ut fomniaret neminem ex Presbyteris illi Co● praefuisse . (13) Aug. Ep. 19. ad Hier. Quanquam secundum honorum vocabula , quae jam Ecclesiae usus obtinuit , Episcopatus Praesbyterio major sit , tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor est . * Smectym . vind . pag. 87. (14) August . Epist 42 Radix Christianae societaetis per sedes Apostolotum & Episcopo●um successiones , certa per orbem propagatiene diffunditur . (15) Id Qu. 〈◊〉 & Nov. T●st . q. 97. Nem● ig●●rat Episcopos Salvatorem Ecclesiis institu●●se . Ipse enim priusquam in Coelo● ascenderet , imp●●ens manu ; A●●stolis ordinav●● cos Episcopos . * Smect . vind . p. 88. (16) Ex. Nazian . Orat. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (17) Nazian . Orat. 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (18) Id. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Smect . vind . p. 136. (21) Vedel . Exercit. 8. in Ignat. Epist. ad Marium . cap. 3. Constat Linum & Cletum ante Clementem obiisse , quibus defunctis solus Clemens superstes , solus etiam nomen Episcopi retinuit , cum quia inter Adj●tores Apostolorum solus ipse restabat , tum quia jam invaluerat distinctio Episcopi & Presbyteri , ita ut nomen id caeteris Romanae Ecclesiae Presbyteris , qui cum solo Clemente essen● nomen id non fuerit ●r●bu●um . (22) Clem. Ep. ad Corinth . p 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (1) Ep l. 3. Tom. 1. Quia Eustathius electus est in Episcopatum quem Aerius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hinc Calumnias spargit Aerius , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (2) Aug. de Haeres . c. 53. De Aerio : doluisse fertur quod Episcopus non potuit ordinari in Arrianorum haeresin lapsus , propria quoque dogmata addidisse non nulla , &c. Dicebat etiam Presbyterum ab Episcopo nulla differentia debere discerni . (*) Walo Massel . p. 329. Hieronymus autem non temere recedendum ab usu post Apostolorum tempora in Ecclesia recepto putasser , cojus introducendi gravissimam & maximam causam fuisse judicabat , Schismatum nempe evitationem . Blondell . Apolog . praefat . p. 59. Hieronymo aliisque veteribus iniqujores fuisse olim , vel nun c esse quotquot cis Aerianismum , id est , Sacrilegum Schismatis molimen , a quo alienissimi professi fuerunt , impingere non erubescunt . (3) Bez. Resp. ad Sarav . de divers . Minist . grad . apud Saran . p. 9. Siqui sunt ( quod sane mihi non facile persuaseris ) qui om●em Episcopatus ordinem ( ut ru scribis ) rejiciunt , absit ut quisquam sanae mentis , furoribus corum assentiatur . (4) Moulin . ad Episcop . Winton . Epist. 3. Aerium damnavi . (5) Concil . Calced . Can. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Smectym . Answ. to the Remon . p. 30. * 1 Eliz. c. 10. Vide Bin. Annotat . in decret . Concil . (a) August . de Bapt. con Do● . l. 4. c. 24. Quod Universa tenet Ecclesia , nec conciliis institutum sed semper retentum est , non nisi Authoritate Apostolica , traditum rectissime creditur . Id. Epist. 86. ad Cas. & Ep. 118. ad Jan. (b) Scultet observ . in Tit. c. 8. Aut igitur prox●mi Apostolorum Successores acceptam ab Apostolis Gubernationis Ecclesiasticae formam suop●e arbitratu im●utarunt , quod vero non est sin ●●● , aut Episcopale Ecclesiae Regimen a● Apostolis ipsis est pro●ectum . Id in Eund . loc . Nullum aliud tempas da●i potest in quo primum creati sunt Episcopi quam Apostolicum , siquidem omne● Apostolorum Successores primarii fuerunt Episcopi , ut in ●ovissimis Ecclesiis Hieresolymitana , Antiochena , Alexandrina , R●mana , apud Euseb●um . (c) Calvin Tr. Theol. Eccles. Refo●m . p 322. Irenaeo & Origen : Negotium erat cum improbis Nebulonibus , qui dum Predigiosos errores praeferrent in medium , eos sibi Divinitus revelatos esse jactabant . Hujus mendacii facilis erat refutatio , quod adhuc superstites erant multi qui familiares Apostolorum Discīpuli erant qui●us rec●ns erat hujus Doctrinae m●moria , quam Apost●li tradiderunt . (e) Bucer de Cura animarum & Offic. Postorali . Apud Pat●es Hieronymo vetustiores , clara habemus , testimonia in praecipuis E●clessis omnibus a tempore Apostolorum i●a observatum est , ut Presbyteris quidem omnibus Officium Episcopale fuerit impositum ; interim tamen semp●retiam a temporibus Apostolorum , Unus e Presbytetis electus atque ordinatus est in Offi●i hujus duc●m , & quasi Antistitem , qui caete●is omnibus praeibat , & curam animarum Ministeriumque Episcopale praecipue & in summo gradu gessit atque administravit . Ad eund●m modum nobis ordinatio quo Primitivae Ecclesia Hieroso●ymitanae ostenditur , Etenim Lucas Jacobum describit ut Antistitem totius Ecclesiae omniumque Presbyterorum , Act. 15. Talis quoque Ord nat●o in aliis quoq●e Ecclesus perpetuo observata est quantum ex omnibus H●storiis Ecclesiasti 〈◊〉 colligere licet . (f) Scult . obs . in Tit. cap. 8. Nam qu●d ego de Jacobo di cam non illo quidem Apostolo sed servatoris nostri fratre matris Domini privigno ? quem ab Apostolis Hirosolymorum Episcopum fuisse Ordinatum testantur Clem●ns Alexandrinus , Heg●sippus , &c apud Eusibium l. 2. c. 1. ●acobus quem Scr●ptura fr●trem Domini nominat Hierosolymae Ecclesiae sed●m accepit . (2) Eus. Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 1. cap. 22. de Jac. Narrans ait suscepit Ecclesiam Hierosolymi●a●am post Apostolos F●ater D●mini Jacobus cogn●mento Justus . Sic Hi●●●●ymus de sc●ipt Eccles. (3) Chrysostomus Hom. 33. in Act. 15.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubi loquitu● de Jacobo (4) Ambros in Galat. Ab Apostolis Hierosol●mis Constitutus est Epi●copus . (5) Epipha● lib 2. Tom. 2. Haeres . 66. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (g) Epiphan . ubi supra . (96) ( 6. ) August . c●● Crescon● . 2 c. 27. l 3 c 37. Ecclesiam Hierosolymitanam primus Apostolus Jacobus Episcopatu suo rexit (7) Hieron . Catalog Script . Eccles. Jacobus qui appellatur Frater Domini , &c. post passionem Domini statim ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episcopus Ordinatus est (8) Synod S●●ta in Trallo Can 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) Bez. Resp. ad Sarav . de divers . Minist . grad cap. 23. Resp. 2. Audiamus Hieronymum , &c. Nam & Alexandriae a Maco Evangelista ad Heracleam & Dyonisium Episcopos , Presbyteri ●n●m semper ex s●●●●ctum relsiore gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant , qu●modo si exercitus im●eratorem faci● . (i) Eu●●th . ●dit . a Seld. p. 29. Et credidit ab co tempore Anianus in Christum , unde baptizavit cum Marcus , & consticuit e●m Patriarch●m Alexandriae . (k) Euseb lib. 3. c. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (l) Athan. in lib. de Synod . Arim. & Selen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (m) Chrysost. Encom . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (n) Theod. Dial. 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (o) Vedel . Exercit. 8. in Ep. Ignat. ad Mar. c. 3. sect . 6. Patres illi qui Clem●ntem tertium vel quartum a Petro ponunt , vocem Episcopi in primigenia significatione sumunt , &c. Qui autem Clementem immediate post Petrum ponunt Episcopum , &c. Vocem Episcopi in posterior significatione usurpant , atque ad tempus rejiciunt quo solus Clemens Episcopus fuit jam defunctis Lino , & Cleto . (p) Iren. advers . Haeres l. 3. c. 3 Habemus ru●erare e●s qui ab Apostolis institurisunt . Episcopi in Ecclesiis , & eorum Successores usque ad nos . Sed quoniam valde longum est in hoc tali volumine omnium Ecclesiarum enumerare Successores . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Huic Clementi succedit Ev●ristus , Evaristo Al●xander , &c. Sextus ab Apostolis Constitutus est S●x●us , & Post Pius ; post quem Anicetus . Cum aurem successit Aniceto S●ter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Eusebius sere verbatim . lib. 5. c. 6. (q) Blundell . Apolog. praef . p. 15. From Hierusalem Succession of 15. And pag. 20. ibid. Electitiis . Presbyterorum Praepositis Episcopatum tribuente usu Episcopum reliquos Collegas Presbyteros vocavit . (1) Hieron . in Tit. cap. 1. In toto orbe decretum est , unus de P●esbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis Ecclesiae cura pertineret . (2) Ciprian . Epist. 55. Quando Episcopus in locum defuncti substituitur , &c. toties ad Leonem petitur . Gregor . de cura past . p. 1. cap. 8. Tunc laudabile fuit Episcopatum quaerere , quando per hunc quemque dub●um non erat ad supplicia graviora pervenire . (3) Euseb. lib 8. cap. 3. Ex quo fere verbatim Brightmaanus in Apoc. 6.13 . Non ita multo post accessit Edictum de prehendendis praesidibus Ecclesiae , eisdemque c●gendis ut immola●ent Idolis . Hic multi fortiter p●rseve●antes , ●u●lis Cruciatibus succub erunt . (4) Mr. Moulin Epist. 7. ad . Episcop . Winton . Non sum adeo duri otis , ut velim adversus illa ve●eris Ecclesiae lumina , Ignatium , Polycarpum , &c. ferre s●ntentiam , ut adversus homines vitio creatos , & usurpatores muneris illiciti , pl●s semper apud me potuit ve●eranda illa primorum Saeculorum Antiquitas quam Novella cujuspiam Constitutio . * See above Sect. Notes for div A51420-e13420 Smect . vind . p. 62. (a) Wal. Mess. de Episcop . & Presbyt . p. 350. Quaero quomodo hoc fieri potest ut Presbyteri in Sacra Scriptura Episcopi , Episcopi Presbyteri vocati sint , qui nihilominus reipsa invicem differunt , quod Episcopi nimirum majores essent P●esbyteris . (a) Calv. Com. in Tit. 1.5 . Discimus quidem ex hoc loco non eam tunc fuisse aequalitatem in●er Ecclesiae Ministros , quin unus aliquis Authoritate & Concilio praesset . (b) Bez. Resp. ad Sarav . de divers . Minist . grad . c. 25. Resp. 7. Habuit jam tum Presbyterium unum aliquem primum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Presbyterum , ut Presbytererum sic etiam Episcoporum manente communi Appellatione . (c) Dr. Reynolds Consult . with Hart. ca● ▪ 8. divis . 3. (d) Chrysost ▪ Hom. 1. in Pbil. 1.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Et intra ibidem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (e) Oecum . in locum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (f) Theophyl . in locum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (g) ●heod . in locum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) Hieron . in Loc. Episcopos Presbyteros dicit , neque enim plures praeter unum erant Episcopi qui singulis civitatibus praesiderent , quippe cum nondum essent h●jusmodi nomina disparata : & etiam Ep. ad Evagrium . 85. (i) Theophyl . ●n Phil. 1.1 . Smect . vind . See above Sect. 3. * Reynolds ubi sup . (m) Vedel . Exercit. in Ep. Ignat. ad Philadel . c. 14. Nemini enim mirum videri debet Ignatium ad discrimen Presbyteri & Episcopi alludere . Etenim jam tempore Ignatii erat discrimen illud ▪ Presbyterorum & Episcoporum ut ex pluribus harum Epistolarum locis apparet . Etenim discrimen illud valde matu●e ipsorum Apostolo●um t●mporibus in Ecclesiam irreps●t , statim scilicet postquam dici caeptum est , Ego sum Pauli , Ego Apollo , Ego C●phae , Teste Hieron . Com. in Tit. (n) Scult●t Observ. in Tit. c. 8. Unde ( ex Hieronymo ) sic colligo : Q●ando dici caeptum in populis , Ego sum Pauli , Ego Apol●o , Ego Cephae , tum unus de Presbyteris electus praeposi●us est caeteris ; at viventibus Apostolis ita dici caeptum est in populis , de quo praeter alias Pauli Epistolas prior ad Corinthios nos dubitare non sinit , &c. * Hieron . Com. in Tit. 1. (o) Vid Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 24. Ambr. in Ep. ad Tim. 1. c. 3. Episcopus primus est ; ut omnis Episcopus Presbyter sit , ●on omnis Presbyter Episcopus . Iren. ubi sup ▪ (q) Blondel . Apol. Sect. 11. p. 13. Johannes vertit Diot●ephi vitio quod primatum inter fratres affectaret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ergo nulli tum fuerunt in Ecclesiastico Presbyterio gradu superiores . Notes for div A51420-e15980 (a) 2 Thess. 3 6 ▪ (b) 1 Thess 4.11 . (c) 2 Thess. 3.4 . (d) Act. 20.17 . & 26. (e) 1 Cor. 14.37 . (f) 1 Cor. 11.34 . (g) 1 Cor. 4.21 . & 2. Cor. 13.10 . (h) 2 Pet 9.2 . (*) Wal. Mess. de Episcop . & Presbyt . p. 245. Quamdiu vixere Apostoli , qui majore authoritate Ecclesias gubernabant , facile potuerunt in Officio omnes conti●ere , ne dissidia ex iis quas diximus causis orta , unitarem fraternitatis dividerent ; ut illud , ● Corinthi ea de causa excitatum facile a Paulo compressum est ▪ (*) Wal. Mess de Episcopat , & Presbyt . p 247. Discipuli Apostolorum sub finem primi seculi more & jure Apostolico orbem constituendarum Ecclesiarum gratia peragrabant , & lustrabant , &c. Si quibus in locis adesse non poteraut , eorum locorum Ecclesias pet Epistolas instruebant , & si quod in iis natum erat dissidium in Clero aut in populo , objurgabant & increpabant , haud secus quam si propius gre● cu jusque effet . Id. p. 67. Isti veluti Super-Episcopi habebantur , quos & Apostoli Apostolos nominabant . (1) Tit. 1.5 . (2) 1 Tim. 1.3 . (3) 1 Tim. 5.19 . (4) Tit. 3.10 . (5) Tit. 1.5 . (6) 2 Tim. 5.22 . (a) Wal. M●ss . de Episc. & Pre●byt . p 40. Qui Apostoli vocabantur , duorum generum fuere , primi , & secundi . Primi a , Christo missionem suam acceperunt immediate ap ipso missi ; Secundi ab ipsis Ap●stolis quasi Coadjutores & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuere Apostolorum , qui Presbyteros eosdemque Episcop●s instituebant ; tales fuere Paulo , Timo●heus , Titus , Linus , Clemens . Id. ibid. p 52. Q●i parem fere authoritatem ac potestat●m in Ecclesias , & Episcopos a se constitutos h●bebant quam ipsimet Apostoli . ( p. 56 ) Tales quoque Ma●cus , Epaphroditus &c. p 63. Timotheus qu●m Ephesi E●iscopum esse volunt , cum verus fuerit Superepiscop●s , & Aposto●us illius Ecclesiae p. 68. ex 1 Timoth. 5 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Q●o loco lique● h●jusmod● Episcopos Episcoporum d●rectores & judices fuisse . p. 229. Titum Cretae Insulae praefecit Paulus , qui non singularis in aliqua illius Insu●●e Civit●t● praefuit Epis●opus , sed gen●ratim totam illam Provinciam ad tempus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & procurabat . Ille enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erat Tal●s ser●e omne● f●c●e Apostolorum adiotores , & discipuli , juique primi eorum extitere successores . Non simplices certarum Urbium audiebant Episcopi , sed curam agebant generalem Ecclesiarum , ut Evangeli●ae , & Apostoli q●ibus 〈◊〉 nom●●●bus nuncupari s●●●bant . (1) ●al Miss . de Episcop . & Presbyt . p. 67. Sciendum eo● ha●i●s● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiarum gen●ralem , & extraordinariam & in commune hoc es● ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam 〈◊〉 Apostoli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : qui autem Episcopi Presbyterorum etiam nomine dicti , ab his per singulas Civitates ordinabantur , curam & solicitudinem illarum Eccl●●●rum susscipiebant quibus erant ●ddicti , ibi ad finem us● , p●rman●bant . Pl●no etiam jure Presby●eti Ecclesiam suam ●●gebint . (2) Smect . vind . p. 114 , 115 , 117 , 118 , 120. (3) Scultet . Observat. in Titum cap 8. Paulus , Timotheum Ephesi , Titum in Creta manere juher , non utique ut Evangelistas , sed Ecclesiae Gubernatores ; id quod Epistolae ad utrume ; Scriptae evincunt . In his enim non Ecclesiae colligendae , quod erat Evangelistarum , sed collectae gubernandae , quod est Episcoporum , rationem illis praesc●bir , suntque praetepra omnia ita conformata ut non speciatim ad Timotheum , & Titum , fed generatim ad omnes Episcopos refe●●ntur , adcoque ad temporatiam Evangelistatum potestatem minime quadrent . (4) Toloss . Index in S●cr . B●bl . vncab . Ti●us comes perigrinati●num Pauli postea Cre●ensium Episcopus . (5) G●rard . in loc . Com. Tom. 6. de Minist . Ecclesiast . nu . 227. Evangeli●tae nomen accip●tur duplic●er ; pr●mo g●neral te● p●o quovis Ecclesiae Doctore quia ad omnes pertinet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secundo specialiter pro ce●to Doctorum gradu & ordine in primit●va Ecclesia ; priore modo sumitur , 2 Tim 4.5 Quia jam Timotheus constitutus erat Ecclesiae Ephesinae Episcopus , nec ulterius Paulum fuit Comitatus , &c. sicut eti●m Lutherus reddidit — Infra — In illorum Evangelistarum nemero c●nsendi sunt Timotheus quem Lyst●is assumpsit Apostolus Paulus , Act. 19.22 . ac comitem irineris sibi elegit . Postea eum una cum Erasto mifit in Macedoniam , Act. 19 . 2● . ad Corinthum , 1 Cor 4.17 . ad Philippenses , Phil. 2.19 . ad Thessal . 1 Thess. 3.2 Tandum vero Ecclesiae Ephefinae praefecit Episcopum , 1 ad Tim. 1.3 . & 3.15 . T●tus quem Paulus vocat suum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 Cor. 8.23 . Fum misit ad Corin●hum , 2 Cor. 8.6 . & 12.13 . Assumpsit secum Hierosol●m●m , Gal. 2.1 . misit in Dalmatiam , 2 Tim. 4.10 . tandem Cretensium Ecclesiarem constituit Episcopum , Tit. 1.5 . (6) Zuingl . 〈◊〉 five , de 〈◊〉 ● onc uper ●● 4.7 . fol. 45 〈◊〉 im Evangelistam alium quam Episc●pum five pastorem di cor 5. poss●mu● , que●admodum ex P●a●li verbis c●r●o , colligere 〈◊〉 q●ibus , Timotheum ●●●um compellan● ai● ; At tu vigila , & opus Evangelistae , &c 2 Tim 4. Aique Timotheus tunc temporis cum hae●●l●i P●elu● scribebat , Epise pum agebat , un●e constat juxta Pauli fostentiam , i sem esse Episcopi , & Evangelistae O●ficium . (7) Calv●inst . l. 4 c. 3. sect . 7. Et si dum singulis Pastoribus suas assignamus Ecclesias , interim non negamus quin alias Ecclesias adjuvare possit qui uni alligatus , &c. & infra . Non quod veluti Glebae addictos ut Jurisconsulti d●cunt , id est Manciparus , & quasi affixus Glebae pedem move●e n●qu●at , si ita ●u●lica utilitas postularet , modo id ●ite & ordine siat . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Act. 21 8. Act. 6.5 . (8) Zanch oper . Tom. 7 part . 2. c. 9 de Eccles. col . 101. Apostoli vocati erant ut nullas arctas ac firmas sedes haberent , sed in totum terrarum orbem proficiserentur Ecclesiasque ubique crigerent , erectis vero aliqu●m Pastorem ( seu Episcopum ) praeficerent Infra 106 , 117 : Primo tantum erant Presbyteri ( ut ait Hieronymus ) Secundo additi sunt Episcopi , idque tempore Apostolorum . (k) Smect . vind . p. 121 , 133 , 134. Haeret ●ateri lethalis Arundo . (l) Smect viad . p. 122. (m) Dr. Reynolds Confer . w●th Hart , c 8. divis . 3. (n) Iren. advers . Hae es● . l. 3. c. 3. (o) Id. ibid. cap. 14 In Mileto Convocat●s Episcopi , & Presbyteris qui e●ant ab Epheso & reliquis p●oximis Civitatibus . (p) Wal. Mess. de Episc. & Presbyt . p. 188. Nam ita etiam Titus a vete●ibus appellatu● , & a Paulo ordinatus Episcopus Cretae Insulae traditur : & infra . p. 189. Ut Titus videretur esse verus Cretae Episcopus ex eo numero ac genere qui hodie sic vocantur , ita Chrysostomus , Theophylactus , Occumenius , a●ique Graecorum valgo interpretati sunt , ne Theodoretum quidem excipio , &c. (q) Euseb. Hist. l. 3. c 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (r) Epiphan . l 3. Tom 1. Haeres . 75. (s) Ch●sost . Hom 1. in Phil. 1.1 . ( de Timotheo . ) (t) Theophyl in 1 Tim. 4.14 . Id. in 2 Tim. cap. 1. vers . 6 & cap. 4. v 9. (u) Oecumen . in 1 Tim. 1.3 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (x) Greg Mag. de Cur. past pa●t 2. cap. 11. Praelatum greg●●ise pulum ( scil . Timo●heum ) P●ulus a●monet dum venio attende lectioni , &c. (y) Ambros. in 1 Tim. 1. Timotheus dignus judicatus futurus Episcopus , &c. Id. in 1 Tim. 6 Magna vigilantiae & providentiae praecepta dat ( Apostolus ) R●ct●●i Ecclesiae . In hujus enim pers●nâ totius populi salus consistie . Non solicitus de Cura Timothei tam circumspectus erat . sed propter Successores ejus . Ut Exemplo Timothei Ecclesiae ordinationem custodirent . &c (z) Primas● . in 2 Tim. 4.14 . Prophetiae habebat gratiam vel Doctrinae cum Ordinatione Episcopatus . Vide eund in 2 Tim. 2.6 . & 4.5 . (1) Hieron . Catal. Script Eccl. Timotheus Ephesiorum Episcopus Ordinatus a beato Pau●o . Id. ibid. Titus Episcopus Cretae . (2) Smect . vind . p. 13● . (3) Luther . oper . Tom 1. fol. 309. Resolut . Ejus super propositiones Lypsiae disput . Conclus . 13. Probo quamlibet Civitatem habere debere Episcopum proprium jure divino . Quod ex Paulo ad ▪ Titum ostendo dicente . Hujus rei gratia reliqui te Cretae , u● q●ae desunt corrigas , & constituas Presbyteros per Civitates , sicut ego disp●sui tibi . Hos autem Presbyteros suisse Episcopos testatur Hieronymus , & textus s●quens ostendir dicens , oportet Episcopum irreprehensibl●m esse , &c. Sed & beatus Augustinus in Epist. 29. ad Hieron . Epi●copum descripturus rationem reddit , & dicit , erat enim C●vitas : quasi diceret , non erat simplex Presbyter , sed Episcopus , de quo loquo● , quia erat C●vitas cu● praeerat . (4) Gerard. loc . Com Tom. 6. de Minist . Eccl. Num. 225. Episcopi proprie fucre illi , quos certae Provinciae vel Civitati Apostoli praefecerunt , ut Ecclesiarum & Presbyterorum Curam in illis gererent , qualts Episcopi fuere Timotheus in Civitate Ephesi , Titus in Insula Cretae , Crescens in Galatia Linus in u●be Roma , Dionysius , Athenis , &c. (5) Bez. in 1 Tim. 5.19 . Notandum est hoc loco Timotheum in Ephesino Presbyterio tunc fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , Antistirem ut vocat Justinus . (6) Moulin . Epist 3. ad Episcop . Winton . Quomodocunque appellaveris Titum , Timotherm , & Marcum Episcopos , five Evangelistas , constat eos habuisse successores Ep●scopos , haeredes ill●us praeeminentiae . (7) Scult . observ . in Tit. c. 8. Exempla Episcoporum Apostolicorum quis desiderat ? Pleni sunt libri veterum de Timothei & Titi Episcopatu : quorum uterque urut primum Evangelistam egerit , Evangelista tamen esse desiit , postquam Timotheus Ephesinae , Titus Cretensi Ecclesiae fuit P●aefectus . * See above . (a) Wal. Mess. de Episcop . & Presbyt . p. 148. Si● ergo hoc fixum , per Angelos urbium nihil aliud voluisse Joh●nnem designari , quam ipsas Ecclesias . (1) Bright . Apoc. c. 2.1 . Non uni Angelo mittuntur sed toti ( ut ita dicam ) Collegio Pastorum qui omnes hac communi voce comprehenduntur . * See hereafter . Idem post . v. 24. De Angelo Ecclesiae Thya●irensis cum Colleg●tum tuatum Caetu Smect . vind . p. 139. (c) Bez. in Apoc. 2.1 . Angelus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem opor●uit imprimis de his rebus admoneri , & per eum caeteros Collegas totamque adeo Ecclesiam . (d) Brightm . ubi supra Sect. praeced . Datur au●em vobis & reliquis Thyatirensibus ; id est , Tibi Angele cum Collegarum tuarum Caetu , & reliquis ex Ecclesia . Ut Theodorus Beza optime explanavit . 2 Chron. 28.5 . Smect . vind . p. 142. * Smect . Answ. to the Remonstrant , p. 53. alleadging his words out of his Commentary , p. 265. vide etiam Smect . vind . p. , 143. (3) Transl. Eng. in cap. 8. v. 6. vide etiam cap. 14. v. 6. (4) Mr. Meade Clav. Apocalyp . p. 265. apud Smect . Resp. p. 53. Denique ( ut s●mel iterumque monuimus ) quoniam Deus adhibet Angelos providentiae suae in ●erum humanarum motibus & conversionibus sciendis , gubernandisque administ●os , ideircò quae multorum manibus peraguntut Angelo tamen tanquam Praesidi , & Duci scribitur . Revel . 4.10 . Mr. Meade Clav. Apoc. c. 4.6.7 . Smect . vind . p. 143. (5) Brightm . A●●c . c. 1. v 20. Quanta igitur verorum Pastorum dignitas , qui tum stellae sunt in dextra Christi fixae tum Angeli ? Quid retert , quibus probrosis nom●nibus impii eos ludane cum hoc loco talisunt existimatione apud Deum ? (6) Calvin . Instit. l. 4. c 3. Sect 3. Tametsi enim ex ratione & etymo verbi , rite Apostoli possunt vocari omnes Ministri E●clesiae , quia a Domino omnes mittuntur , ejusque sunt nunc●i , qu●a tam a magni referebat , certum habere de eorum missione not●tia● , quia ●em nov●m & inau●itam affertent duodecim illos , &c. Smect . vind . p. 146. (7) Brightm . in Apocal. 1.20 . Stellas autem inte●pretatur Angelos : seprem inquit Stellae Angeli sunt Ecclesiaarum ( i. e. ) significant septem Angel●s , Consonant to this Mr. Perkins upon the Revelation 1.20 . These Seven Stars are said to be Seven Ministers . Smect . vind . p. 146. Smect . vind . ubisupra . (1) Paraus in Apoc. 2 5. Neque ratum neque a justitia alienum est pro●ter uni●s vel paucorum pecca a aliquando totum Caetum malè audite & puniri a deo . Ut docet Apostolus , 1 Cor. 5.6 & 11.30 . cujus rei ratio est quia pl●rumque in vulg●s manant Ex●mp●a Regentium Q●alis R●x tal●s G●ex , qualis Episcopus talis Ecclesia est ; Ergo probabile Ecclesiem nihil fu●sse in charitate m●liorem suo E●iscopo , proinde in ipsum ut corruptionis authorem , & in Caerum corrup●um simul ditigitur Comm●n●t●o . (2) Id ubi supra . Quomodo conveniat propter Episcopi peccat●●●tam Ecclesiam disciplinari ? respondet revera Candelab●um hic n●n notare Ecclesiam . sed Officium Episc●pale , seu dignitatem & lo●um eminentem in quo Episcopus pro lucerna positus erat . &c. Q●●● inte pretatio non quidem est incommoda . (3) Ambros , Ut Ep●scopi puniantur dempta m●rcede ; Quaere locum . Sm●c . vind . p. 143. And also but now used by our Opposites in their first object . * Mr. Meade Engl. Transl. of of the Apocal. 9.14 . * Apoc. Cap. 5.2 . c. 11. v. 1. c. 8. v. 13. c. 14. v. 14 , 15 , 18. c. 18 v. 1. c. 10. v. 10. c. 22. v. 8. Again by numbring the Angels by first , second , third , and after to th● seventh to say another Angel. cap. 8.7 . By singular Adjuncts one having in his hand a little Book , c. 10 v. 1. lifting up his hand , v 8. a loud voice , c. 14. v. 6 , 8 , 9 14. and putting out his Vial. c. 16. v. 1 , 2 , 17. and took up a stone . c. 18 v. 21. and having a Key in his hand , c. 20. (1) Anselm . in Apocal. 2.1 . [ Angelo Ephesinae Ecclesiae ] Episcopo scribit de manu ejus subditorum peccata requirit , &c. Id ibid. v. 8. Episcopus significatur per Angelum . (2) Ambros. in 1 Cor. 11.10 . Angelos Episcopos dicit , sicut docetur in Apocalypsi Johannis . (3) Aug. Ep. 162. Divina voce laudatur sub Angeli nomine praepositus Ecclesiae . (4) Greg mag . lib. 4. Ep. 38. ad Jo●an . Episc. Constant. Quid enim fratres tui omnes universalis Ecclesiae Episcopi nisi Astra coeli sunt ? (5) Ep●ph adversus Haeres . lib. 1. Tom. 2. Haeres 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (6) Cypr. Ep. 52. ad Anton [ Memento unde cecideris ] Quod utique ei dicitur quem constant cecidisse , & quem dominus hortatur ●ur●us ●xur●ere . (7) Tertull. adv . Marcion . l. 4. c. 5. Habemus & Johannis alumnas Ecclesias . Nam ersi Apocalypsin ejus Marcion respuit , ordo tamen Episcoporum ad originem recensus in Johannem stabit . (8) Polycrat . Ep. ad Victor . apud Euseb. Hist. l. 5. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (9) Concil . Calced . Act. 11 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (10) Scultet . Obs. in Tit. c. 8. Quid quod de Timothei & Titi Episcopatu , non solum Eusebius , Chrysostomus , Theodoretus , Ambrosius , Hieronymus , Primasius , Theophylactus , sed etiam vetustissimi quique & c ? (11) Mr. Fox ubi supra . (12) Paraeus in Apocal. 2.1 . In medio igitur hoc esto si fucrit Timotheus quod , &c. (13) Hieron . Catal. Script . Eccles. Polycarpus Johannis Apostoli discipulus , ab eo Smyrnae Episcopus ordinatus , totius Asiae princeps fuit , qui nonnullos Apostolorum qui Dom●num viderant , Magistros habuerit , & viderit , postea vero regnante Marco Antonino quarta post Netonem persecutione , Smyrnae igni traditus est . (14) Euseb. Hist. l. 3. c. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (15) Tertull. de praese . c. 32. Smyrneorum Ecclesiae Polycarpum a Johanne collocatum sicu● R●manorum C●ementem a Petro. (16) Irenaeus adv . Haeres l. 3. c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Habentur haecipsissima verba in Euseb. Hist Eccl. l. 4. c 13. (17) Polycrat . Ep ad Victor . apud Euseb. l. 5. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (18) Ignat in quibusdam Ep. ad Smyraens . &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (19) Vedel . Exercit. in praedict . Epist. c. 5. (20) Paraeus in Apoc. 3 v. 1. Veteres quidam hunc Sardium Episcopum volunt fuisse Melitonem , &c. Ibid. Tamdiu nempe ab Apocalypsi revelara usque ad tempora Antonii Pii , non est verismile Melit●nem Sardibus praefuisse , licet de Polycarpo quod tar●diu praesuerit Smyrnensibus non est improbabile . (21) Marlor . in Apoc 3 v. 1. In●er hujus Ecclesiae Episcopos praeclarus habetur Melito , vir admodum eruditus ja●●ao ; pius . (22) Sebast. Meir in Apoc. 3.1 . Eisdem omnino verbis cum Marlor●to . (23) Polycrat . Epist ad Victo● . apud Euseb. lib 5 cap. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (24) Concil . Nicen. in Subscript . apud ●inn . Tom. 1. p. 349. (25) Marlor . in Apoc. 2.8 . M●j●s Ecclesiae Polycarpus Episcopus fuisse creditur . (26) Areti●s in Apol. 2.8 . Ad hujus Ecclesiae Angelum , i. e. Ministrum praesens subscribitur Epistola forte Polycarpum . (27) Parae . in Apoc. 2.8 . Ad hujus Episcopum dirigitur secunda Epistola , quia Epheso vitinior , Polycarpum hunc fuisse Sancti Johannis Discipulum probabile est . Testatur Irenaeus , quod & Eusebius refert in ea quae est Smyrnis Ecclesia Polycarpum constitutum fuisse Episcopum . Constat autem Apostolos omnes praeter beatum Johannem ante Domitianum vita decessisse . Ergo sub Domitiano ante Apocalypsin revelatam , Polycarpum fuisse Smyrnae Episcopum probabile est . Omnia enim Epistolae Polycarpo conveniunt . (28) Gasp. Sibell . p. 185. Patres autores sunt Polycarpum caetui Smyrnensi praesuisse , neque improbati haec Sententia potest , Nam testimonium Smyrnensium Angelo a Christo datum fidei , vitae , & Martyrio Polycarpi respondet . (29) Quals . Hom. 9. in Apoc. 2.8 . Constat Polycarpum hunc Angeli●●● fuisse , &c. (30) Bulling . Concion . in Apoc. 2. Testantur historiae Angelum illum five Pastorem Smyrnensis Ecclesiae Polycarpum fuisse factum ab ipsis Apostolis , ab ipso inquam Johanne Episcopum , ac vixisse in Ministerio hujus Ecclesiae . Annis 86. totidem enim ipse enumerat coram Praeside Herode dum postuletur ad Supplicium , Anno Dom 170. &c. Paraeus in Apoc. 2.1 . Neque Christus nomina expressit , ut ne tam personis quam ordini haec Scripta existimarentur . (a) Beza in Apoc. 2.1 . Angelus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qu●m oportet admoneri , & per cum Collegas , totamque adco Ecclesiam . (b) Deodat . Anut. in locum . (c) Gualt . in Apoc. 2.8 . Angelo , i. e. Episcopo Smyrnensi , atque adeo toti Ecclesiae : constat ex Histor is Polycarpum fuisse hunc Episcop●m . (d) Gaspar . Sibell . p. 185. De uno singulari Angelo quae Sententia mihi magi● arrider . (e) Piscat . Anal. in Apoc 2. Epistolae mittuntur ad Episcopum Ecclesiae Ephesinae , ad Episcopum Ecclesiae Pergamensis , &c. (f) Bulling . in Apoc. 2.7 . Nomina ur ergo Pasto● , non exclu●untur Oviculae , interim vero Angelo inscribitur , ut admontantur Pastores in ipsis esse permultum situm qualis sit Ecclesia . (g) Ma●lorat . in Apocal 2.1 . Q●amvis quaedum tam in Clero qu●m in Populo corrigenda essent , non tamen Populum , sed Clerum agg●editur , nec qu●mlibet de Cle●o nominatim , sed principem Cleri utique Episcopum . (h) Paraeus in Apoc. 2.1 . Ange●o Ephesinae Ecclesiae , sic vocat Pastorem ejus . E●dem appellatione Christus aliarum Ecclesiarum dignatur Episcopos . (i) Aret. in Apoc. 2 13 Ad Pergamensem M●nistram , per quem ad totam Ecclesiam deferenda fuit . (k) Zanch. de Persever . Sanct. Tom. 7. p. 131. [ Angelo Ephesinae Ecclesiae scribt ] sed ad totam Ecclesiam pertinet haec Epistola : & infra , novi , probo opera bona tua , non tantum Episcopi , sed totius Ecclesiae Ephesinae . (l) Pet. Mart. Com. in 1 Cor. ●1 . Johannes jubetur scribere ad Angelos Ecclesiarum , qui erant illarum Episcopi . (m) Scultet . O●serv . in Tit. ● . Angelos enim ●●prem doct●ssimi quique Interpretes septem Ecclesi●rum Episcopos interpretantu● , neque ve●ô aliter psiuont nisi vim textui facere velint . (n) Blund . P●aesat . ad Ecclesiarum Rectores , p. 6. Ecclesiarum Asiaticarum Angelos ab iisdem seu t●tius C●eri Capitibus , &c. (o) Dr. Reyn. Conf. with Hart , c. 8. divis . 3. (p) B●ightm . in Apoc. 2.24 . i.e. Tibi Angele cum Collegarum tuorum Cae●u , & reliquisex Ecclesia qui perstitistis in s●na Doctrina , ut optimè explicat Theodorus Beza . (q) Mr. Cartwright upon the Revelat. (r) Fox in Apoc. 2. Cujusmodi hos Angelos tum fuiss● non dubitamus , qui primis illis temporibus Praefecturam gerebant Ecclesiarum , ut Polycarpus , Timotheus , &c. Smec . vind . p. ●●9 . Smec . ibid. (s) Bastwick in his Book of Independency . (1) Blundel Apol. p. 13. Nominale tantum fuisse discrimen inter Presbyterum & Episcopum , reale nullum . (2) Brightm . in Apoc. 2.2 . [ Et quod non possis ferre malos . ] Sic erat docendi Cura , disciplinae ratio non minus integra fuit . Quae primum universè proponitur , qualit erat in omnes malos ; deinde speciatim , qualis in ipsum Clerum , ut ita dicam in proximis verbis : exploraveris eos qui se dicunt Apostolos , &c. Generalis disciplina minime toleravit homines quovis m●do fl●gitiose viventes , sed pro ratione sui criminis vel redarguebat clam , vel coram p●uribus , si privara monitio nihil prodesset : tum demum etiam interdicebat sacris , ver . 14 , 15. [ Sed habes eos qui renent Doctrinam Baalami & Nicolaitarum ] peccatum autem erat Pergamensis Angeli , quod nimis indulgenter permittebat homines licenter ex hujus Pseudoprophetae faecibus haurire . Officium erat instituisse docendo , monendo , redarguendo , corripicado , &c. v. 20. [ Angelo Thyatirensi ] reprehensio est quod permittebatur mulier Jesabel , offuciis suis imponere servis Dei. Datur ergo crimini , vel negligentia , v●l pusillus animus , vel utrumque quo fi●bat , ut non agerer cum improbis pro meritis , sed sinebantur securè in flagitiis indormiscere . (3) Dr. Fulke in Apoc. 2.14 . (4) Mr. Perkins in Apoc. 14.20 . (5) Marlor . ubi supra . (6) Calvin in Tit. 1.5 . Discimus ex hoc loco non fuisse tunc aequalitatem inter Ecclesiae Ministros , quin unus reliquis praeesset autoritate , & Consilio . (7) Idem in Phil. 1.1 . Fateor quidem ut nun● sunt hominem mores & ingenia non posse o●dinem servati inter Ministros Ecclesiae quin reliquis praeesset unus . (8) Blundel . Apol. Quis ● Praesidentium● sine Autoritate ? (1) Ignat. Eo . ad Trallens . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Allegat hic Ignatium ad Hebr. 13.17 . &c. Haec & plura hujusmodi occurrunt apud Vedelium , Exercit. 1. in Epist. ad Trall . cap. 2. (2) Clemens Epist. 3. Omnibus Presbyteris & reliquis Clericis cavendum est , ut nihil absque Episcopi permissione agant . (3) Cyprian . Epist. 27. ad Laps . Inde per temporum & successionum vices E●i●coporum O●dinatio & Ecclesiae ratio decurrit , ut Ecclesia super Episcopos constituatur , & omnis actus Ecclesiae per Episcopos gubernetur . (4) Tertull. de Bapt. cap. 17. Dandi ( viz Baptismum ) jus habet summus Sicerdo● , qui est Episcopu● , hi●c Presbyteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi autoritate . (5) Orig. Hom. 7. in Hierom. Plus a me exigitur quam a Diacono , p●us a Diacono , quam a Laico . Qui autem totius Ecclesiae aicem obtinet , pro omni Ecclesia reddat rationem . (6) Ambros. Offic. l. 2. c. 24. Si quis non obediat Episcopo , extollere atque exaltare sese defiderans , obumbrare merita Episcopi simulata affectatione doctrinae aut humilitatis , aut misericordiae , is a vero deviut superbit . (7) Hierom. advers . Lucifer . Ecclesiae salus ex summi Sacerdotis dignitate pendet , cui nisi exors quaedam potestas , & ab omnibus eminens detur , tot in Ecclesiis efficientur Schismata , quot Sacerdotes . (8) Id. Ibid. Sed scito non legem esse ci ( viz. Episcopo ) qui est Lex Presbyteri . * Bez. adv . Sarau . de divers . Min. grad . c. 23. Respons . 8. Sed Hebdomaticam hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suisse probabile est . See M. S●lden in his Eutych . (1) Tertull. Praescript . c. 41. Al●us hodie e●it Episcopus , alius ●ras . (2) Calc . See above . (3) Sarau de div Min●grad . c. 23 ad Bez resp . 8. Sine ulla authoritate verbi Dei , aut patrum testimonio , aut Historiae Ecclesiasticae exempl● , Hebdom●ticam hanc praesidentiam ●●●sse probabile jadicat (4) Blun. praef . ad Eccl. rect . p. 6. Deduci successiones caeperunt cum en●m post beatam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c●jusque in Domino dormitionem ad secundum primatus dev●n● rit , e●que de ●o tuo ad te●●ium , sibi singuli ex ordine successisse dicti sunt . Notes for div A51420-e29530 (5) Bellarm. l 4. de Pont c. 25. Quemadmodum Apostoli primi erant sub Christo , sic Episcopi primi sub Pontificae Romano . (6) Vedelius Exerc. 1. in Ign. Epist. ad Trall . c. 4. Putidum hoc nimis est , etenim Episcopi non sunt primi sub Pontifice , sed sub Christo , nisi Bellarmino Ignatius mentitur , qui Episcopum nullam in Ecclesia habere potestatem supra se dicit hac . ipsa Epistola ad Trall . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (7) Id. ibid. c. 3. Saltem addam Bellarminum cum dicit Papam aliter succedere Petro quam alii Apostolis Tertulliano contradicere , qui eandem caeterorum Apostolorum & Petri successionem verbis exp●essi● statuit . Sic enim de Praese . cap. 32. Evolvant ordinem Episcoporum , &c. Sic Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia habens Polycarpum a Johanne collocatum refert , sicut Romanorum Clementem a Pet●o ordinatum edit , ubi duo Observ. Primo , omnes Cathedras Catholicas habere debere Successionem Apostolorum . Secundo , Eandem esse Successi●nem Romanae & Smyrnensis Ecclesiae . Verba sunt expressa cum dicit sicut , &c. (8) D Blund ' Apol. praef . p. 62. Histor. de Concil . Trident. l. 7. p. 775. & 589. Sept. An. 1562 , 1589 , & 1596. Hispanis se deinceps Concilio non interfuturos minirantibus , nisi Episcopatum de jure divino esse defineretur . Itali die sequente libello porrecto ne quando defineretur petierunt : ipse Pontifex , literis ad Legatos datis , opinionem qua Episcoporum Institutio de jure divino esse absolut● dicitur , quoniam lola ordims potestas a Christo sit , falsam & erroneam censuit ; nec Julii sequentis decima quinta ( qua decrotum ex Papae sententia cond●tum promulgatum est ) repertus est quisquam qui contra hiscere auderet . (a) Vedelius Apol. pro Ignat. c 1. Nemo quod sciam negat Ignatium fuisse sanctissimum virum Ecclesiae Antiochenae Episcopum , & qui Christi veritati saevissimo mortis genere testimonium praebuit - p●ulo supra — sanctus Ignat●us Antiochenus Episcopus , ipsorum dum vivebat Apostolorum discipulus . Id. ib. c. 3. — Dico igitur non omnes illas duodecim Epistolas genuinas fuisse , sed septem ad Trallens●s , Philadelphenses , Magnesios , Smyrnenses , Polycarpum , Ephesios , & Romanos . Patet hoc primum in eo quod veteres in scripta Ignatii , opera data & ex professo recensa non nisi septem enumerant genuinas . Euseb l. 3. c 30. Sal●em has commemorat non plures , nec pauciores , Hieron . Catal. Script . Eccl. & ejus Interpres , Sophronius , & Ruffinus . Id. ib c. 4. Scultetus in M●dulla Patrum , & post cum Rivetus ex duodecim illis Epistolis septem genuinas esse ostenderunt . (b) Ignatius in Epistol . ad Trallens . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Et paulo post , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vide Scultet . Observat. in Titum ubi haec citantur . Id. Epist. ad Smyrnens . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (c) Cyprian . Epist ad Laps . ep . 27. Dominus noster cujus praecepta metuere & observare debemus Episcopi honorem & Ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in Evangelio , &c. Infra — Ut Ecclesia super Episcopos constituatur , & omnis Actus Ecclesiae per ●osdem Praepositos gubernetur . — Id. Epistol . 65. ad Rogat . Quod si nos aliquid facere contra Deum debemus qui Episcopos facit , &c. — Id. Epist. 55. ad Cornel. Ecclesiae gubernandae sublimis & divina potestas . (d) Origen . Tract . 31. in Matth. c. 24. In magno fastigio qui praesunt Ecclesiis Christi , propterea quod constituit eos Dominus super familiam suam . — Id. Tract . 1. in Matth. 16. Qui Episcoporum locum vendicant , utuntur eo dicto sicut Perius , E● Claves Regni Coeloium a Servatore acceperunt , docentque ea quae ab ipsis ligata fuer●nt , hoc est , condemnata , eadem & in coelis ligata — dicend●m eos recto loqui , &c. (e) Gregor . Naz. Orat. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (f) Athan. Ep. ad Dr●cont . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (g) Epiph de Haer. l. 3. Tom. 1. Haer. 75 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) Ambrosia 1 Cor. 11 16. Episcopus personam habet Christi quasi e●go ante J●dicem , sic ante Episcopum , qui Vicarius Domini est , propterea reatus originem subjecta ( scilicet mulier ) debet videre . (i) Aug Quaest vet & nov . Test. vide supra . Id. de verbo Dom. serm . 24. Si solis Apostolis dixit [ Qui vos spernit me spernit ] spernite nos , nam vocavit nos , & in eorum locum constituit nor , videre ne spernatis nos , ne ad illum perveniat injuria quam nobis seceritis . (k) Hier. Ep. ad Marcell . adv . Montan. Apud nos Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent . — Idem Ep. ad Helvid . Episcopi stant loco Pauli , & gradum Petri tenent . (l) Conc. Calced . Can. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (1) Bez. resp . ad Sarau . de div . Min. grad . c. 23. resp . 10. Certe si ab ipsis Apostolis profecta esset haec mutatio , non vererer illam ( ur caerera● Apostolicas Ordinationes ) Divinae in solidum dispositioni tribuere . (2) Wal. M●ss . de Episc. & Presb. p 422. Si ab Apostolis est , juris utique est divini . (3) Bez. ih . Resp. 11. Reprehendi non debet vetus mos in Alexandrina Ecclesia , jam inde a Marco Evangelista observatus , ubi visum est quod singulorum suit ad unum transferre . (4) Hier. de script . Eccles. Marcus erat Alexandrinae Ecclesiae primus Episcopus . Id. in Prooem . in Matth. (1) Luther . Tom. 1. sol 309. Reso●ejus super Proposit. Lyps . disp . concl . 13. Probo quamlibet Civitatem habere debere proprium Episcopum jure D●vino , &c. (2) Bucerus de vi & usu Minist . prout ●●atu● a Sarait . ●ract . ●t . de divers . Minist . grad . cap. 16. ad Bez. Respuns . 7. itaqu ni ordines Ministr●●rum in Ecclesiis perpetui , & a Spiritu Sancto Istarim initio constituti sunt Ep●scoporum , Presbyterorum & Diacenorum . (3) Scultetus Observat. in Titum , cap. 8. Regimen Episcopale este Divinum moveor asseverate efficacibus Rationibus & Exemplis Mustribus & autoritatibus praelaeris . (4) Sarau . Tractat. de divers . Minist . grad . per tatum . (5) Hunnius in Epistol . ad Titum . apud Sarau . cap. 16. Respons . 7. Paulus Titum Generalem Superintendentem Creticarum Ecclesiarum ordinat , &c. & infra , Deus requirit ut inter ipsos Ministros sit ordo & gradus , &c. & infra , Qui Ordo & Gradus non recens introductus est , sed inde ab Apostolorum temporibus in Ecclesia receptus fuit . (6) Hemingius in Tit. 1.5 . Est aurem observandum hoc primum quod Patlus non vult Anarchiam in Ecclesia , sed quo omnia fiant Ordine & Decenter ; vult aliquem vita & doctrina conspic . un praeesse Ministris ordinandis , & recte disponendis omnibus in Ecclesia , qui caveat ne quid Haeresium oriatur . (7) Gerard Loc. Com. Tom. 6. de Minist . Eccles cap. 5. Sect. alt . Num. 205. Retinemus in nostris Ecclesiis , & retinendum esse censemus , O●dinem inter Minist●os , ut alii sint Episcopiali P●esbyteri , alii Diaconi . Primo , Deus ipse donorum varierat ; & differentia Ordinem facit inter Ministros , &c. Secundo , Exemplum Apostolicae & P●●mitivae Ecclesiae est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed in ea fuere distincti Ministiorum Ordines , & quidem Divinitus constituti , &c. Id. Num. 206. Diversiras illa graduum dependet quidem a Iure Divino , cum ratione generis quatenus necessaria est ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & tranquillitatem Ecclesiae ; tum ratione donorum , varietate & diversitate declarat velle se ut distincti inter Ministros gradus constituantur . (8) Causabon . Exercit. 14. An. 32. num . 5. Episcopi , Presbyteri , Diaconi aperris Scripturae testimoniis sunt fundati . Id. ibid. Apostolorum hodie Vicarii sunt , etsi non pari potestate c●m Apostolis omnes Episcopi . See Revel 2.5 . &c. * Angelos s●ptem Ecclesiarum doct●ssim● quique ●nterpieces ●nterpretantur i●●tem Ecclesiarum Episcop●s ●neque vero al●ter possunt , nisi textui vitu facere veiint . Scultet . in Ep. ad ●itum c 8. 
A68712	----	His Majesties proclamation in Scotland: with an explanation of the meaning of the Oath and Covenant. By the Lord Marquesse, his Majesties high commissioner. Set forth by the Kings speciall licence Proclamations. 1638-12-08 Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1639 Approx. 31 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A68712 STC 22001.5 ESTC S100073 99835925 99835925 158 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A68712) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 158) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1025:10, 1291:10) His Majesties proclamation in Scotland: with an explanation of the meaning of the Oath and Covenant. By the Lord Marquesse, his Majesties high commissioner. Set forth by the Kings speciall licence Proclamations. 1638-12-08 Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of, 1606-1649. Explanation of the meaning of the Oath and the Covenant. aut [2], 14; [2], 17, [1] p. printed by Robert Young, His Majesties printer for Scotland. 1639. Are sold at the Starre on Bread-street hill [by R. Young], London : [1639] Against acknowledging the Glasgow Assembly. Dated on b4v: Given .. the eighth day of December .. 1638. "An explanation of the meaning of the Oath and Covenant. .. London, printed by His Majesties printer for Scotland, anno Dom. 1639" by James Hamilton, Duke of Hamilton, has separate title page and pagination; register is continuous. The title page verso has the Duke's arms. Variant: lacking the arms. A variant of the edition with "sold at the Gun in Ivie-lane" in imprint; bookseller's name from STC. Identified as STC 22001 on UMI microfilm reel 1291; the "Explanation" separately identified as STC 12727 on reel 1025. Reproductions of the originals in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery ("Early English books, 1475-1640"), and the British Library ("Early English newspapers"). Appears at reel 1025 (part 2 only) and at reel 1291 (same copy filmed twice). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN EXPLANATION OF THE MEANING OF THE OATH AND COVENANT . PUBLISHED BY THE L. MARQUES , his Majesties High Commissioner in SCOTLAND , By the KINGS speciall command . printer's device of Robert Young R Y יהוה IVSTVS VIVET FIDE DEVS PROVIDERIT LONDON , Printed by His Majesties Printer for Scotland , Anno Dom. 1639. coat of arms of the Duke of Hamilton HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE THROVGHE WHereas some have given out , that by the Act of Councell , which explaineth the Confession of Faith lately commanded to be sworne by his Majesty , to be understood of the Confession of faith , as it was then professed and received , when it was made , and that in that Confession , defence both of the doctrine & discipline then established is sworn , at which time episcopall government being ( as they say ) abolished , it must needs follow , that the same government is by this late oath abjured . And understanding that even amongst those who continue together still at Glasgow , under the name of a generall Assembly , though but a pretended and unlawfull one , this objection is held to be of some moment , and used by them to the great disturbance of the peace of this church and kingdome , and to the great disquieting of the mindes of such his Majesties good subjects as have taken the said oath , and yet never meaned nor do mean to abjure episcopall government ; And to perswade others , that if they shall take the same oath thus explained by the said Act of Councell , by so doing they must likewaies abjure the said government : We James Marquesse of Hamiltoun , his Majesties high Commissioner , wondring that any such scrupulous misconstruction should be made of his Majesties gracious and pious intentions , and being desirous to remove all doubts from the minds of his Majesties good subjects , and to keep them from being poysoned by such as by forced and forged inferences would make them beleeve , that they had actually by taking that oath sworn that which neither virtually nor verely they have sworn , or ever intended to swear , or was required by authority to be sworn by them , either directly or indirectly : Considering that all oathes must be taken according to the minde , intention , and commandement of that authority , which exacteth the oath ; and that we , by speciall commandement from his sacred Maiestie , commanded the said oath to be administred , we do hereby freely and ingenuously professe and declare our mind and meaning herein , as we have constantly heretofore done since our coming into this kingdome about this imployment ; viz. That by any such words or act of councell we never meaned or intended that episcopall government should be abiured , nor any thing else which was established by acts of parliament , or acts of the church of this kingdome , which are now in force , and were so at the time of the taking of the said oath . Nor indeed could we have any other intention or meaning , being clearly warranted and expresly commanded by his Maiesties instructions , to exact the said oath , and take order that it should be sworn throughout the kingdome in that faire and lawfull sense , and none other . Neither in this point did we deliver our own words , or his Maiesties minde ambiguously or doubtfully , so as any other sense , to our thinking , could be picked or wrung out of either the one or the other ; for we do attest the Lords of the Councell , whether we did not to many , or all of them upon severall occasions in conference with them ever since our coming into this kingdom , constantly declare unto them , that his Maiesties resolution was not to suffer episcopall government to be abolished : We attest all the Lords of Session , whether before our tendering of that oath to them , or their Lordships taking of it , we did not fully and freely declare to them , that his Maiesties minde in commanding us to see this oath taken , and our own minde in requiring them to take it , was onely to settle and secure the religion and faith professed in this kingdome , but was not to be extended to the abiuring of episcopall government , or any other thing now in force by the laws of this church and state at the time of administring this oath , which their Lordships , being the reverend and learned Judges of the lawes , knew well could not be abiured ; after which perspicuous predeclaration of our minde , their Lordships undoubtedly in that same sense and none other took the said oath . And now , good Reader , having heard his Maiesties minde and intention , and in pursuance of them , the mind of his Maiesties high Commissioner concerning this oath , though reasons to repell the former obiection seem to be needlesse ( the known minde of the supreme Magistrate who urgeth an oath , being to be taken for the undoubted sense of it ) yet forasmuch as that obiection hath of late bin mainly urged for alienating the mindes of many of his Maiesties good subiects , and well affected to that government , from adhering unto it , be pleased to know , that the former obiection hath neither show nor force of reason in it , and that by the said oath and that explanation set down in the act of councell , episcopall government neither was nor possibly could be abiured , and that for many reasons , but especially these five , which we having seen and approved , have caused to be here inserted , and leave them to thine impartiall consideration . First , God forbid it should be imagined that his Majesty should command his subjects to take an oath which in it self is absolutely unlawfull : But for a man to swear against a thing which is established by the laws of the church and kingdome in which he liveth ( unlesse that thing be repugnant to the law of God ) is absolutely unlawfull , untill such time as that kingdome and church do first repeal these laws : And therefore episcopall government not being repugnant to the law of God , nay being consonant unto it , as being of apostolicall institution ( which shall be demonstrated if any man please to argue it ) and standing fully established , both by acts of parliament , and acts of generall assembly at the time when this oath was administred ; to abjure it before these acts be repealed , is absolutely unlawfull , and against the word of God : and it is to be hoped no man will conceive that his Majestie meaned to command a thing absolutely unlawfull . And if it should be said , as it is said by some , ( who not being able to avoid the force of reason , do betake themselves to pitifull shifts and evasions ) that these acts of parliament and assembly establishing episcopall government , were unlawfully and unduely obtained : certainly if they have any reasons for this their bold assertion , which is of a more dangerous consequence then that it ought to be endured in any well setled church or common-wealth ; these reasons may be presented lawfully to these judicatories to entreat them to reduce the saids acts , if there shall be strength and validity found in them . But to hold , that untill such time as these judicatories shall repeal the saids laws , they either ought to be , or can possibly be abjured , is a wicked position , and destructive of the very foundation of justice both in church and common-wealth . Secondly , it cannot be imagined that this oathshould oblige the now takers of it farther then it did oblige the takers of it at first : for doctrine and points of faith it did oblige them then , and so doth it us now , perpetually , because these points in themselves are perpetuall , immutable and eternall : But for points of discipline and government , and policie of the Church , that oath could binde the first takers of it no longer then that discipline and government should stand in force by the laws of this Church and Kingdome , which our Church in her positive confession of faith printed amongst the acts of Parliament , artic . 20.21 . declareth to be alterable at the will of the Church it self , and so repealable by succeeding acts , if the Church shall see cause . When a king at his coronation taketh an oath to rule according to the laws of his kingdome , or a judge at his admission sweareth to give judgement according to these laws , the meaning of their oaths cannot be that they shall rule or judge according to them longer then they continue to be laws : But if any of them shall come afterwards to be lawfully repealed , both king and judge are free from ruling and judging according to such of them as are thus lawfully repealed , notwithstanding their originall oath . Since therfore if the first takers of that oath were now alive , they could not be said to have abjured episcopall government , which hath been since established by the lawes of this church and kingdome , especially considering that this church in her confession holdeth church government to be alterable at the will of the church : certainly we repeating but their oath , cannot be said to abiure that government now , more then they could be said to do it if they were now alive and repeating the same oath . Thirdly , how can it be thought that the very act of his Maiesties commanding this oath should make episcopall government to be abiured by it , more then the covenanters requiring it of their associats , in both covenants the words and syllables of the confession of faith being the same ? Now it is wel known that many were brought in to subscribe their covenant , by the solemn protestations of the contrivers & urgers of it , that they might subscribe it without abiuring of episcopacie , and other such things as were established by law , since the time that this oath was first invented and made ; and the three Ministers in their first answers to the Aberdene Quaeres have fully and clearly expressed themselves to that sense , holding these things for the present not to be abiured , but only referred to the triall of a free generall Assembly : and likewaies the adherers to the last protestation against his Majesties proclamation , bearing date the 9. of September , in their ninth reason against the subscription urged by his Maiesty , do plainly averre , that this oath urged by his Maiesty doth oblige the takers of it , to maintain Perth articles , and to maintain episcopacy . Why therefore some men swearing the same words & syllables should have their words taken to another sense , & be thought to abiure episcopall government , more then others who have taken the same oath in the same words , must needs passe the capacity of an ordinary understanding . Fourthly , it is a received maxime , and it cannot bedenied , but that oaths ministred unto us must either be refused , or else taken according to the known mind , professed intention , and expresse command of authority urging the same : A proposition , not onely received in all schools , but positively set down by the adherers to the said protestation totidem verbis in the place above cited . But it is notoriously known even unto those who subscribed the confession of faith by his Majesties commandment , that his Majestie not only in his kingdomes of England and Ireland , is a maintainer and upholder of episcopall government according to the laws of the said Churches and Kingdomes , but that likewaies he is a defender , and intends to continue a defender of the same government in his kingdome of Scotland , both before the time , and at the time when he urged this oath , as is evident by that which is in my Lord Commissioner his preface , both concerning his Majesties instructions to his Grace , and his Graces expressing his Majesties mind , both to the Lords of Councell , and to the Lords of Session ; and the same likewaies is plainly expressed and acknowledged by the adherers to the said protestation in the place above cited : their words being these ; And it is most manifest that his Majesties mind , intention , and commandment , is no other but that the confession be sworn , for the maintenance of religion as it is already or presently professed ( these two being co-incident altogether one and the same , not only in our common form of speaking , but in all his Majesties proclamations ) and thus as it includeth , and continueth within the compasse thereof , the foresaids novations and episcopacie , which under that name were also ratified , in the first parliament holden by his Majesty . From whence it is plaine , that episcopacie not being taken away or suspended by any of his Majesties declarations , as these other things were which they call novations , it must needs both in deed , and in the judgment of the said protesters no waies be intended by his Majestie to be abjured by the said oath . Now both the major and that part of the minor which concerneth episcopall government in the Church of Scotland , being cleerly acknowledged by the protesters , and the other part of the minor concerning that government in his other two kingdomes being notoriously known , not only to them , but to all others who know his Majesty , how it can be imagined that his Majesty by that oath should command episcopacy to be abjured , or how any one to whom his Majesties mind concerning episcopall government was known , could honestly or safely abjure it , let it be left to the whole world to judge , especially considering that the protesters themselves in that place above cited , by a dilemma , which we leave to themselves to answer , have averred , that when that act of councell should come out , yet that it could not be inferred from thence that any such thing was abjured . Fifthly and lastly , if the explanation in that act of councell be taken in that not only rigid but unreasonable and senselesse sense which they urge , yet they can never make it appear , that episcopall government at the first time of the administring of that oath was abolished : The very words of that confession of faith , immediately after the beginning of it , being these , Received , beleeved , defended by many and sundry notable kirks and Realms , but chiefly by the kirk of Scotland , the Kings Majestie and three Estates of this realme , as Gods eternall truth & only ground of our salvation , &c. By which it is evident , that the subscription to this confession of faith is to be urged in no other sense then as it was then beleeved and received by the Kings Majestie , and the three Estates of this realme at that time in being ; and it is well known , that at that time Bishops , Abbots and Priors made up a third estate of this realm , which gave approbation to this confession of faith : and therefore it is not to be conceived , that this third estate did then abjure episcopacie , or that episcopacie was at the first swearing of that confession abolished . But say that at that time it was abolished by acts of generall Assembly , yet was it not so by any act of Parliament , nay by many acts of Parliament it was in force , because none of them was repealed ; some whereof are annexed in the sheet immediatly after these reasons , which we pray the reader carefully to peruse and ponder : and at the very time of the taking of this oath and after , bishops , whose names are well known , were in being . Now it is to be hoped that in a Monarchy or any other well constituted republick , that damnable Jesuiticall position shall never take place , That what is once enacted by a Monarch & his three estates in Parliament , shall ever be held repealed or repealable by any ecclesiasticall nationall Synod . By all which it is evident , that the explanation of that act of councell so groundlesly urged , can induce no man to imagine that by the confession of faith lately sworn by his Majesties commandment , episcopall government , which then did , and yet doth stand established by acts of this Church and Kingdome , either was , or possibly could be abjured . And having now ( good Reader ) heard his Majesties minde in his instructions to us , our minde in requiring in his Majesties name this oath to be taken , and these few reasons of many which do evidently evince the inconsequence of that sense which without any show of inference is put upon it by those , who would go on in making men still beleeve , that all which they do or say is grounded upon authority , though they themselvs do well know the contrary ; we suppose that all they who have taken this oath will rest satisfied that they have not abjured episcopal government , and that they who shall take it , will take it in no other sense . Which timely warning of ours , we are the more willing to give , because we are given to understand , that even they who were wont to call the takers of this oath ( notwithstanding of that explanation by act of councell ) perjured and damned persons , and in their pulpits called the urging of it the depth of Sathan , do now mean to take it themselves , and urge others to take it in that sense which they make men beleeve ( though wrongfully ) that act of councell makes advantageous to their ends . But we do in his Majesties name require that none presume to take the said oath , unlesse they be required so to do by such as shall have lawfull authority from his Majestie to administer it unto them : being confident , that none either will or can take the said oath or any other oath in any sense , which may not consist with episcopall government , having his Majesties sense , and so the sense of all lawfull authority fully explained to them . THat episcopall jurisdiction was in force by acts of parliament , and no wayes abolished nor suppressed in the year 1580. nor at the time of reformation of religion within the realm of Scotland , doth evidently appeare by the acts of parliament after mentioned . First by the parliament 1567. cap. 2. whereby at the time of reformation the Popes authority was abolished , it is enacted by the said act , That no bishop , nor other prelate in this realm , use any jurisdiction in time coming by the bishop of Romes authority . And by the third act of the same parliament , whereby it is declared , That all acts not agreeing with Gods word , and contrary to the confession of faith approved by the estates in that parliament , to have no effect nor strength in time to come . Whereby it is evident , that it was not the reformers intention to suppresse episcopacie , but that bishops should not use any jurisdiction by the bishop of Rome his authority ; and seeing they did allow episcopacie to continue in the church , that they did not esteeme the same contrary to Gods word and confession foresaid : as appeares more clearly by the sixth act of the said parliament , which is ratified in the parliament 1579. cap. 68. whereby it is declared , That the ministers of the blessed Evangel of Jesus Christ , whom God of his mercie hath now raised up amongst us , or hereafter shall raise , agreeing with them that now live in doctrine or administration of the sacraments , and the people of this realme that professe Christ as he is now offered in his Evangel , and do communicate with the holy sacraments , as in the reformed kirks of this realme they are publickly administrate , according to the confession of the faith , to be the only true and holy kirk of Jesus Christ within this realme ; without any exception by reason of policy and discipline , declaring only such as either gain-say the word of the Evangel according to the heads of the said confession , or refuse the participation of the holy sacraments as they are now ministrate , to be no members of the said kirk so long as they keep themselves so divided from the society of Christs body . Whereby it is manifest , that it was not the said reformers minde to exclude any from that society by reason of discipline , and that they did not at that time innovate or change any thing in that policy they found in the said kirk before the reformation . This is likewaies evident by the oath to be ministred to the king at his coronation , by the eighth act of the said parliament , wherby he is to swear to maintain the true religion of Jesus Christ , the preaching of his holy word , and due and right ministration of the sacraments now received and preached within this realm , and shall abolish and gain-stand all false religion contrary to the same ; without swearing to any innovation of policie and discipline of the kirk . Secondly , it doth evidently appear by these subsequent acts of parliament , that by the municipall law of this realm archbishops and bishops was not only allowed in the kirk , but also had jurisdiction and authority to govern the same . First , by the 24 act of the said parliament , whereby all civill priviledges granted by our soveraigne Lords predecessors to the spirituall estate of this realm , are ratified in all points after the form and tenor thereof . And by the 35. act of the parliament 1571. whereby all and whatsoever acts and statutes made of before by our soveraigne Lord and his predecessors anent the freedome and liberty of the true kirk of God , are ratified and approved . By the 46. act of the parliament 1572. whereby it is declared , that Archbishops and bishops have the authority , and are ordained to conveen and deprive all inferiour persons being ministers , who shal not subscribe the articles of religion , and give their oath for acknowledging and recognoscing of our soveraigne Lord and his authority , & bring a testimoniall in writing thereupon within a moneth after their admission . By the 48. act of the same parliament , whereby it is declared , that archbishops and bishops have authority at their visitations to designe ministers gleibes . By the 54. act of the said parliament , whereby archbishops and bishops are authorized to nominate and appoint at their visitations , persons in every parochin for making and setting of the taxation , for upholding and repairing of kirks and kirk-yards , and to conveene , try , and censure all persons that shall be found to have applied to their own use the stones , timber , or any thing else pertaining to kirks demolished . By the 55. act of the parliament 1573. whereby archbishops and bishops are authorized to admonish persons married , in case of desertion , to adhere , and in case of disobedience , to direct charges to the minister of the parochin to proceed to the sentence of excommunication . By the 63. act of the parliament 1578. whereby bishops , & where no bishops are provided , the Commissioner of diocesses , have authority to try the rents of hospitals , and call for the foundations thereof . By the 69 act of the parliament 1579. whereby the jurisdiction of the kirk is declared to stand in preaching the word of Jesus Christ , correction of manners , and administration of the holy sacraments ; and yet no other authority nor office-bearer allowed and appointed by act of parliament , nor is allowed by the former acts ; but archbishops and bishops intended to continue in their authority , as is clear by these acts following . First , by the 71. act of the same parliament , whereby persons returning from their travels are ordained , within the space of twenty dayes after their return , to passe to the bishop , superintendent , commissioner of the kirks where they arrive and reside , and there offer to make and give a confession of their faith , or then within fourtie daies to remove themselves forth of the realme . By the 99. act of the parliament 1581. whereby the foresaids acts are ratified and approved . By the 130. act of the parliament 1584. whereby it is ordained , that none of his Maiesties lieges and subiects presume or take upon hand to impugne the dignity and authoritie of the three estates of this kingdome , whereby the honour and authority of the kings Maiesties supreme court of parliament , past all memorie of man , hath been continued , or to seek or procure the innovation or diminution of the power and authoritie of the same three estates , or any of them in time coming under the pain of treason . By the 131. act of the same parliament , whereby all iudgments and iurisdictions as well in spirituall as temporall causes , in practice and custome during these twenty four years by-past not approved by his highnesse and three estates in parliament , are discharged : and whereby it is defended , That none of his highnesse subiects of whatsoever qualitie , estate , or function they be of , spirituall or temporall presume , or take upon hand to convocate , conveen , or assemble themselves together for holding of councels , conventions , or assemblies , to treat , consult , or determinate in any matter of estate , civill or ecclesiasticall ( except in the ordinary iudgements ) without his Maiesties speciall commandement ; or expresse licence had and obtained to that effect . By the 132. act of the said parliament , authorizing bishops to try and iudge ministers guilty of crimes meriting deprivation . By the 133. act of the same parliament , ordaining Ministers exercing any office beside their calling to be tried and adiudged culpable by their ordinaries . By the 23. act of the parliament 1587. whereby all acts made by his highnesse , or his most noble progenitors anent the kirk of God , and religion presently professed , are ratified . By the 231. act of the parliament 1597. bearing , That our soveraigne Lord and his highnesse estates in parliament , having speciall consideration of the great priviledges and immunities granted by his highnesse predecessors to the holy kirk within this realme , and to the speciall persons exercing the offices , titles , and dignities of the prelates within the same : Which persons have ever represented one of the estates of this realm in all conventions of the saids estates ; and that the saids priviledges and freedomes have been from time to time renewed and conserved in the same integritie wherein they were at any time before . So that his Maiestie acknowledging the same to be fallen now under his Maiesties most favourable protection , therefore his Maiesty with consent of the estates declares , that the kirk within this realme , wherein the true religion is professed , is the true and holy kirk : And that such ministers as his Maiestie at any time shall please to provide to the office , place , title , and dignitie of a bishop , &c. shall have vote in parliament , sicklike and al 's freely as any other ecclesiasticall prelate had at any time by-gone . And also declares , that all bishopricks vaicking , or that shall vaick , shall be only disponed to actuall preachers and ministers in the kirk , or such as shall take upon them to exerce the said function . By the second act of the parliament 1606. whereby the ancient and fundamentall policie , consisting in the maintenance of the three estates of parliament , being of late greatly impaired and almost subverted , especially by the indirect abolishing of the estate of bishops by the act of annexation : Albeit it was never meaned by his Maiestie , nor by his estates , that the said estate of bishops , being a necessary estate of the parliament , should any wayes be suppressed ; yet by dismembring and abstracting from them of their livings being brought in contempt and poverty , the said estate of bishops is restored , and redintegrate to their ancient and accustomed honour , dignities , prerogatives , priviledges , lands , teindes , rents , as the same was in the reformed kirk , most amply and free at any time before the act of annexation ; rescinding and annulling all acts of parliament made in preiudice of the saids bishops in the premisses , or any of them , with all that hath followed , or may follow thereupon , to the effect they may peaceably enioy the honours , dignities , priviledges , and prerogatives competent to them or their estate since the reformation of religion . By the 6. act of the 20. parliament , declaring that archbishops and bishops are redintegrate to their former authority , dignity , prerogative , priviledges and iurisdictions lawfully pertaining and shall be known to pertain to them , &c. By the 1. act of the parliament 1617. ordaining archbishops and bishops to be elected by their Chapters , and no other wayes , and consecrate by the rites and order accustomed . FINIS . 
A75748	----	A petition delivered in to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, by Sir Thomas Aston, Baronet, from the county palatine of Chester concerning episcopacy; to the high and honourable Court of Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75748 of text R205596 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.4[8]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A75748 Wing A4077 Thomason 669.f.4[8] ESTC R205596 99864933 99864933 160630 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75748) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160630) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f4[8]) A petition delivered in to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, by Sir Thomas Aston, Baronet, from the county palatine of Chester concerning episcopacy; to the high and honourable Court of Parliament. Aston, Thomas, Sir, 1600-1645. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for John Aston, [London] : 1641. Place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of the originals in the British Library. eng Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A75748 R205596 (Thomason 669.f.4[8]). civilwar no A petition delivered in to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, by Sir Thomas Aston, Baronet, from the county palatine of Chester concerning Aston, Thomas, Sir 1641 1090 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion APETITION DELIVERED IN TO THE LORDS SPIRITVALL AND TEMPORALL , BY SIR THOMAS ASTON , BARONET , FROM THE COVNTY PALATINE OF CHESTER CONCERNING EPISCOPACY ; To the High and Honourable Court of Parliament . The Nobilitie , Knights , Gentry , Ministers , Freeholders , and Inhabitants of the County Palatine of Chester , whose names are subscribed in the severall Schedules hereunto annexed . Humbly shew ; THat whereas divers Petitions have lately beene carryed about this Countie , against the present forme of Church government , ( and the hands of many persons of ordinary quality sollicited to the same , with pretence to be presented to this Honourable Assembly ) which wee conceiving not so much to ayme at reformation as absolute innovation of government , and such as must give a great advantage to the adversaries of our Religion , wee held it our dutie to disavow them all . And humbly pray , that wee incurre no miscensure , if any such clamours have ( without our privitie ) assum'd the name of the County . Wee , as others , are sensible of the common grievances of the Kingdome , and have just cause to rejoyce at , and acknowledge with thankfulnesse , the pious care which is already taken for the suppressing of the growth of Popery , the better supply of able Ministers , and the remooving of all innovation ; and wee doubt not but in your great Wisdomes , you will regulate the rigour of Ecclesiasticall Courts , to suit with the temper of our Lawes , and the nature of free-men . Yet when we consider , that Bishops were instituted in the time of the Apostles ; That they were the great lights of the Church in all the first generall Counsells ; That so many of them sowed the seeds of Religion in their bloods , and rescued Christianitie from utter extirpation in the primitive Heathen persecutions ; That to them we owe the redemption of the puritie of the Gospell wee now professe from Romish corruption ; That many of them for the propagation of the truth , became such glorious Martyrs ; That divers of them ( lately and ) yet living with us , have beene so great assertors of our Religion against its common enemy of Rome ; And that their government hath been so long approved , so oft established by the common and statute-lawes of this Kingdome ; And as yet nothing in their doctrine ( generally taught ) dissonant from the Word of God , or the Articles ratified by Law . In this case to call their gouernment a perpetuall vassalage , an intolerable bondage ; And ( prima facie & inaudita altera parte ) to pray the present removall of them , or ( as in some of their Petitions ) to seeke the utter dissolution and ruine of their offices ( as Antichristian ) wee cannot conceive to relish of justice or charitie , nor can wee joyne with them . But on the contrary , when wee consider the tenor of such writings , as in the name of Petitions , are spread amongst the common people ; the tenents preached publiquely in Pulpits , and the contents of many printed Pamphlets , swarming amongst us ; all of them dangerously exciting a disobedience to the established forme of government , and their severall intimations of the desire of the power of the keyes , and that their Congregations may execute Ecclesiasticall censures within themselves , wee cannot but expresse our just feares , that their desire is to introduce an absolute innovation of Presbyterall Government , whereby wee who are now governed by the Canon and Civill Lawes , dispensed by twenty-six Ordinaries ( easily responsall to Parliaments for any deviation from the rule of Law ) conceive wee should become exposed to the meere arbitrary government of a numerous Presbytery , who together with their ruling Elders , will arise to neere forty thousand Church Governours , and with their adherents , must needs beare so great a sway in the Common-wealth , that if future inconvenience shall be found in that government , wee humbly offer to consideration , how these shall be reducible by Parliaments , how consistent with a Monarchy , and how dangerously conducible to an Anarchy , which wee have just cause to pray against , as fearing the consequences would prove the utter losse of learning and Lawes , which must necessarily produce an extirmination of Nobilitie , Gentry , and order , if not of Religion . With what vehemency of spirit , these things are prosecuted , and how plausibly such popular infusions spread as incline to a paritie , wee held it our dutie to represent to this Honourable Assembly ; And humbly pray , That some such present course be taken , as in your Wisdomes shall be thought fit to suppresse the future dispersing of such dangerous discontents amongst the common people . Wee having great cause to feare , that of all the distempers that at present threaten the wellfare of this State , there is none more worthy the mature and grave consideration of this Honourable Assembly , then to stop the Torrent of such spirits before they swell beyond the bounds of Government : Then wee doubt not but his Majesty persevering in his gracious inclination to heare the complaints , and relieve the grievances of his Subjects in frequent Parliaments , it will so unite the head and the body , so indissolubly cement the affections of his people to our Royall Soveraigne , that without any other change of Government , he can never want revenue nor wee justice . Wee have presumed to annex a Coppy of a Petition ( or Libell ) dispersed , and certaine positions preacht in this County , Which wee conceive imply matter of dangerous consequence to the peace both of Church and State . All which wee humbly submit to your great Judgements , praying they may be read . And shall ever pray , &c. Subscribed to this Petition , Foure Noblemen . Knight Baronets , Knights and Esquires , fourescore and odde . Divines , threescore and ten . Gentlemen , three hundred and odde . Free-holders and other Inhabitants above six thousand . All of the same County . Printed for John Aston . 1641. 
A78955	----	His Maiesties paper containing severall questions propounded to the commissioners Divines touching Episcopacy. With an humble answer returned to his Majesty by Mr. Marshall, Mr. Vines, Mr. Carill, and Mr. Seaman 4. October 1648. Published by authority. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78955 of text R205221 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E466_6). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78955 Wing C2533 Thomason E466_6 ESTC R205221 99864650 99864650 116882 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78955) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116882) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 74:E466[6]) His Maiesties paper containing severall questions propounded to the commissioners Divines touching Episcopacy. With an humble answer returned to his Majesty by Mr. Marshall, Mr. Vines, Mr. Carill, and Mr. Seaman 4. October 1648. Published by authority. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655. Vines, Richard, 1600?-1656. Seaman, Lazarus, d. 1675. Caryl, Joseph, 1602-1673. Westminster Assembly (1643-1652) [2], 10 p. printed by Moses Bell, London : 9 Octob. 1648. Another edition of: His Majesties reason why he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the Episcopall government. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78955 R205221 (Thomason E466_6). civilwar no His Majesties paper containing severall questions propounded to the commissioners divines touching episcopacy. With an humble answer returne England and Wales. Sovereign 1648 4199 4 0 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-04 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-04 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties PAPER Containing severall Questions propounded to the Commissioners Divines Touching Episcopacy . With an humble Answer returned to his Majesty by Mr. Marshall , Mr. Vines , Mr. Carill , and Mr. Seaman 4. October 1648. DIEV ET MON DROIT London printed by Moses Bell , 9 Octob. 1648. SIR : I Have received your Letter of the 28. of September , for which I give you many thankes , and to satisfie you that the Treaty goeth on ; I have sent you what hath passed here of late , which is as followeth : Upon occasion of debate upon the Proposition of the Church , in which his Majesty makes divers scruples of Conscience , there was a concession that our Ministers , ( that is , Mr. Marshall , Mr. Vines , Mr. Carill , and Mr. Seaman ) should attend his Majesty , to remove such objections as he should please to make , and accordingly on Munday morning they waited on his Majesty , to whom the King delivered these inclosed Questions ; whereunto they have returned this Answer now also sent . These Propositions of the Church are still under debate , and will take up this weeke or more in the consideration of them : which being once granted ( as some are of opinion they will be ) we may thereby hope for a very speedy consent to all the rest . Commend me to all my friends , whose names I purposely omit , and rest Newport in the Isle of Wight , 4. of October , 1648. Yours to Command : W. M. Charles R. I Conceive that Episcopall Government is most consonant to the Word of God , and of an Apostolicall institution , as it appeares by the Scripture , to have been practised by Apostles themselves , and by them committed , and derived to particular persons as their Substitutes or Successors therein ( as for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , giving rules concerning Christian Discipline , and exercising Censures over Presbyters and others ) and hath ever since to these last times been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ , and therefore I cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the said Government ; notwithstanding this my perswasion I shall be glad to be informed , if our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty as they might totally alter or change the Church Government at their pleasure : which if you can make appeare to me , then I will confesse that one of my great Scruples is cleane taken away : And then there only remaines ; That being by my Coronation Oath obliged to maintaine Episcopall Government , as I found it setled to my hands : whither I may consent to the abolishing thereof untill the same shall be evidenced to me to be contrary to the Word of God . Newport , 2. Octob. 1648. An humble Answer returned to your Majesties Paper delivered to us , Octob. 2. 1648. May it please Your Majesty : WE do fully agree without haesitation , That thes Scriptures cited in the margent of your Paper , Acts 14. 23. Acts 6. 6. 1 Cor. 16. 1. 1 Cor. 14. 1 Cor. 5. 3. 3 John 9. 10. do prove , That the Apostles did ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , give rules concerning Christian Discipline , and had power of exercising censures over Presbyters and others ; and that these places of Scripture , 1 Tim. 5. 22. Titus 1. 5. 1 Tim. 5. 19. Titus 3. 10. do prove , That Timothy and Titus had power to ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , and to exercise Censures over others ; and that the second and third Chapters of the Revelations do prove , That the Angels of the Churches had power of governing of the Churches , and exercising Censures : But that either the Apostles , or Timothy and Titus , or the Angels of the Churches were Bishops , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters , exercising Episcopall Government in that sense ; or that the Apostles did commit and derive to any particular persons as their Substitutes and Successors , any such Episcopall Government ; or that this is proved in the least measure by the Scriptures alleadged , we do as fully deny ; And therefore do humbly deny also , That Episcopall Government is therefore most consonant to the Word of God , and of Apostolicall institution , or proved so to be by these Scriptures . None of these were Bishops , or practised Episcopall Government , as Bishops are distinct from Presbytery ; neither is such an Officer of the Church as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter , to be found in the new Testament ( by which we humbly conceive , That our faith and conscience touching this point ought to be concluded : The Name , Office , and worke of Bishop and Presbyter being one and the same in all things , and never in the least distinguisht , as is cleerely evident , Tit. 1. 5 , 7. For this cause left I thee in Creete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine Presbyters in every City , as I had appointed thee , for a Bishop must be blamelesse . In which place the Apostles reasoning were altogether invalid and inconsequent , if Presbyter and Bishop were not the same Office , as well as they have the same name . The same is manifest , Acts 20 17 , 28. And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus , and called the Presbyters of the Church , to whom he gave this charge , vers. 28. Take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flocks over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops ; to feed and governe the Church of God : Where we observe , That the Apostle being to leave these Presbyters , and never to see their faces more , vers. 38. doth charge them with the feeding and governing of the Church , as being Bishops of the Holy Ghosts making : But that the Holy Ghost did make any superiour or higher kinde of Bishops than these common Presbyters , is not to be found in that , or any other Text . And that under the mouth of two or three witnesses this assertion of ours may stand ; we adde to what we have already said , That in the first of Peter 5. 1 , 2. The Presbyters which are among you , I exhort , who am also a Presbyter , feed the flock of God which is among you ; Performing the Office of Bishops . Where it appeares plaine to us , That under the words used in this place , is exprest whatsoever worke the Presbyters do , more for the Government or good of the Church , otherwise than is there expresly enjoyned unto Presbyters . By all which that hath been said , The point is rendered most cleare to the judgement of most men , both ancient and of latter times , That there is no such Officer to be found in the Scriptures of the new Testament , as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter : Neither doth the Scripture afford us the least notice of any qualification required in a Bishop , that is not required in a Presbyter ; nor any Ordination to the Office of a Bishop , distinct from a Presbyter ; nor any worke or duty charged upon a Bishop , which Presbyters are not enjoyned to do ; nor any greater honour or dignity put upon them . For that double honour which the Apostles speake of , 1 Tim. 5. 17. As due to Presbyters that rule well , is with a note of especially affixed to that act or worke of labouring in the Word of Doctrine ; which is not that act wherein Bishops have challenged a singularity or peculiar eminency above the Presbyter . To that which your Majesty doth conceive , That Episcopall Government was practised by Apostles themselves ; We humbly answer , That the Apostles , as they were the highest officers of the Church of Christ , so they were Extraordinarie in respect of their Commission and gifts , and office , and distinguished form all other officers , 1 Cor. 12. 28. God hath set some in the Church ; First Apostles , Secondly Prophets , Thirdly Teachers Ephefians . 4. 1. 1. Christ gave some Apostle , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pasters , and some Teachers ; Whereby the Apostles are distinguisht from Pastors , and Teachers who are the ordinary Officers of the Church for Preaching the word , and Government : that they had power and authority to ordaine Church-Officers , and to excercise censures in all Churches we affirme , and withall , that no other Persons or Officers of the Church may challenge or assume to themselves such power in that respect alone , because the Apostles practised it , except such power belong unto them in common , as well as to the Apostles , by warrant of the Scripture , for that Government which they practised was Apostolicall , according to that peculiar Commission and Authority which they had , and no otherwise to be called Episcopall ; then , as their Office was so comprehensive as they had power to doe the worke of any , or all other Church-Officers ; In which respect they call themselves Presbyteri , Deaconi , ( but never Episcopi in distinct sence ) and therefore we humbly crave leave to say , That to argue the Apostles to have practised Episcopall Government , because they ordained other Officers , and exercised censures , is , as if we should argue a Justice of Peace to be a Constable , because he doth that which a Constable doth in some particulars . It s manifest that the Office of Bishops and Presbyters were not distinct in the Apostles , they did not Act as Bishops in some Acts , and as Presbyters in other Acts ; The distinction of Presbyters and Bishops being made by men in after times . And whereas your Majesty doth conceive , That the Episcopall Government , was by the Apostles committed and delivered to particular persons , as their Substitutes or Successors therein ( as for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , giving rules concerning Christian Discipline , and exercising censures over Presbyters and others ) seeming by the alleadged places of Scriptures to instance in Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the Churches . We humbly answer ▪ 1 And first to that of Timothy and Titus , we grant , That Timothy and Titus had authority and power of ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , and of exercising censures over Presbyters and others , though we cannot say they had this power as the Apostles Substitutes or Successors in Episcopall Government , nor that they exercised the power they had , as being Bishops in the sence of your Majestie , but as extraordinary Officers or Evangelists , which Evangelists were an Office in the Church , distinct from Pastors and Teachers , Ephesians 4. 11. And that they were Evangelists , it appeares by their being sent up and downe by the Apostles , or taken along with them in company to severall Churches , as the necessity and occasion of the Church did require ; the one of them being expresly called an Evangelist , 2 Tim. 4. 5. And neither of them being anywhere in Scriptures called Bishop , neither were they fixed to Ephesus and Creet , as Bishops in the Churches committed to them , but removed from thence to other places , and never , for ought appeares in Scriptures , returned to them againe : And it seemes cleare to us , that neither their abode at Ephesus and Creet was for any long time , nor so intended by the Apostle , for he imployes them there upon occasionall businesse , and expresseth himselfe in such manner , ( I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus , when I went into Macedonia , that thou mightest charge some , that they teach no other Doctrine , 1 Timothy 13. For this cause left I thee in Creet , Titus 1. 5. As doth not carry the fixing or constituting of a Bishop in a place as a perpetuall Governour : And it is as manifest , that they were both of them called away from these places , 2 Tim. 4. 9 Do thy diligence to come to me shortly , Titus , 3. 12. Be diligent to come to me to Nicapolis ; so that they may as well be called Bishops of other Citie , or Church where they had any considerable abode , as they are pretended to have beene of Ephesus and Creet , as they are called by the Postscripts of these Apostles , the credit of which Postscripts we cannot build upon in this point . 2 Secondly , to that of the Angels of the Churches , the Ministers of the Churches are called Stars and Angels , which Denominations are Metaphoricall and a Misterie , Rev. el 1. 20. The Mistery of the seaven Starres , Angells in respect of their mission or sending ; St●●●… in respect of their station and shining . And it seemes strange to us , that so many expresse testimonies of Scriptures , and allegoricall denominations or mysteries should be opposed ; These Angels being no where called Bishops in vulgar acceptation ▪ nor the word Bishop vsed in any of Johns writings , who cals himself Presbiter , nor any mention of superiority of one Presbiter to another , but in Diotrophes effecting it . And as to that which may be said that Epistles are directed to one ; We answer that an number of persons are in the mysterious and Prophetique writings exprest in singulars . And we humbly conceive that being written in an Epistolary stile ( for they are as Letters or Epistles to the Churches ) these writings are directed as Letters to collective or representative bodies use to be ; that is to one , but are intended and meant to the body in meeting assembled ▪ which that they were so intended , is cleare to us , both because there were in Ephesus Bishops , and Presbiters one and the same , to whom the Apostle at his farewell commended the Government of the Church , and by divers expressions in these Epistles , as Revel. 2. 24. To you and to the rest in Thyatira , by which distinction of you and the rest , we conceive the Church-governments ( which were more then one ) and the people to be signified , and so cannot consent that any singular person had majority over the rest , or sole power of exercising Church censures and Government spoken of in these Chapters . Having thus ( as we humbly conceive ) proved by pregnant places of Scripture compared together , that the Apostles themselves did not institute or practise Episcopall Government , nor commit and derive it to particular persons as their substitutes or successors therein . We shall in further discharge of our duty to , and for , the more cleere and full satisfaction of your Majesty in this point , briefely declare into what Officers hands , the ordinary and standing offices of the Church were transmitted and derived by , and from the Apostles . The Apostles had no Successors in eundem gradum : The Apostolicall office was not derived by succession , being instituted by Christ , by extraordinary and speciall commission ; but for the ordinary and standing use and service of the Church , there were ordained only two orders of offices , viz. Bishops and Deacons , which the Apostle expresseth , Phil. 1. 1. To all the Saints in Christ Jesus which are at Phillipi , with the Bishops and Deacons ; And only of them doth the Apostle give the due characters of Officers : I Tim. 3. 2. 8 : From both which places of Scripture we conclude with ancient Expositors both Greeke and Latine , that Bishops are the same with Presbiters , and besides Presbiters , there is no mention of any other Order , but that of Deacons ; of both which Orders there were in the Apostles times , in one City more then one , as in Philippi and Ephesus . And we humbly offer to your Majesty as observable ; That though one order might be superiour to another order , yet in the same order of Officers , there was not any one superiour to others of the same order ; No Apostle was above an Apostle , no Evangelist above an Evangelist , no Presbiter above a Presbiter , no Deacon above a Deacon : And so we conclude this part , that since Church Officers are instituted and set in the Church by God , or Christ Jesus ; And that Ordination by or in which the Office is conveyed is of no other Officers but of Presbyters and Deacons ; therefore there are no other orders of ordinary and standing Officers in the Churches of Christ . As for the ages immediately succeeding the Apostles , we answer , First , Our faith reacheth no further then the holy Scriptures ; no humane testimony can beget any more then an humane faith . Secondly , We answer , that it is agreed upon by learned men , as well such as contend for Episcopacy as others ; that the times immediately succeeding the Apostles , are very darke in respect of the History of the Church . Thirdly , That the most unquestionable record of those times , gives cleare testimony to our assertion , viz. The Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians , who reciting the Order of Church Officers , expresly limits them to two Bishops , and Deacons ; And they whom in one place he call'd Bishops , he alwaies afterwards nameth Presbyters . The Epistles of Ignatius pretend indeed to the next Antiquity , but are by some suspected as wholly spurious , and proved by Videlius to be so mixed , that it is hard if not impossible to know what parts of them are genuine . Besides Bishop Vsher in his last observations on them . Cap 18. Page , 238. confesseth that of the twelve of his epistles , six are counterfeit , the other fix mixt , and none of them in every respect accompted sincere and genuine . Fourthly , We grant that not long after the Apostles times , Bishops in some superiority to Presbiters , are by the writers of those times reported to be in the Church , but they were set up not as a Divine Institution , but as an Ecclesiasticall , ( as afterwards both Arch-Bishops and Patriarkes were , ) which is cleare by Doctor Reynolds his Epistle to Sir Francis Knowles , wherein he shewes out of Bishop Jewell , that Ambrose , Chrysostome , Jerome , Augustine , and many more holy Fathers , together with the Apostle Paul , agree that by the word of God there is no difference between a Presbyter and a Bishop ; And that Medina in the Councell of Trent affirmes not only the same Fathers but also another Jerome ; Theodoret , Primatius , Sedulius , and Theophilact , to be of the same judgement : and that with them agreed Occuminius , Anselme Arch-Bishop of Canturbury , and another Anselme ; Gregory and Gratian , and after them many others ; that it was inrol'd in the Canon Law for sound and catholique doctrine , and publiquely taught by learned men , and adds , that all who have laboured in the reformation of the Church for these five hundred yeeres , have taught that all Pastors , be they instituted Bishops or Priests , have equall authority and power by Gods word . The same way goes Lumbard Master of the sentences , and Father of the Schoole-men , who speaking of Presbyters and Deacons , saith the Primitive Churches had those Orders only ; and that we have the Apostles precept for them alone ; with him agree many of the most eminent of that kinde , and generally all the Cannonists ; to these we may adde Sextus Senensis , who testifies for himselfe and many others , and Cassander who was called by one of the Germane Emperours , as one of singular ability and integrity , to informe him and resolve his conscience in questions of that nature , who saits it is agreed among all in the Apostles times , there was no difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbiter . For a conclusion we adde , that the doctrine which we have here in propounded to your Majesty concerning the identity of the Order of Bishops and Presbiters , is no other then the Doctrine published by King Henry the eight , 1543. For all his Subjects to receive , seen and allowed by the Lords both Spirituall and Temporall , with the nether House of Parliament : of these two Orders only ( so saith his Booke ) that is to say , Priests and Deacons , the Scripture maketh expresse mention , and how they were confer'd of by the Apostles by prayer , and imposition of their hands ; by all which it seems evident that the order of Episcopacie , as distinct from Presbiters , is but an Ecclesiasticall Institution , and therefore not unalterable . Lastly we answer , that that Episcopall Government which at first obtained in the Church did really and substantially differ from Episcopall Government , which the Honourable Houses of Parliament desire the abolition of . The Bishop of these times was one presiding in , and joyning with the Presbytry of his Church ruling with them , and not without them , either created and made by the Presbiters chusing out one among themselves , as in Rome and Alexandria , or chosen by the Church , and confirmed by three or more of his neighbours of like dignity within the same precinct . Lesser Townes and Villages had and might have had Bishops in them as well as populous and eminent Cities , untill the Councell of Sardis decreed that Villages and small Cities should have no Bishops , least the name and authority of a Bishop might thereby come into contempt ; but of one claiming as his due and right to himselfe alone , as a Superiour order or degree , all power about Ordination of Presbiters and Deacons , and all jurisdictions either to exercise himselfe , or deligate to whom he will of the Laity or Clergy , as they distinguish according to the judgement and practice of these in our times ; we reade not till the latter and corrupter ages of the Church . By all which it appeares , that the present Hierarchy , ( the abolition whereof is desired by the Honourable Houses may accordingly be abolished ; ) and yet possibly the Bishops of these Primitive times might be , they are so far differing one from another . In answer to that part of your Majesties Paper , wherein you inquire whether our Saviour and his Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church-government at their pleasure ; we humbly conceive , that there are substantials belonging to Church-government , such are appointed by Christ and his Apostles , which are not in the Churches liberty to alter at pleasure : But as for Arch-Bishops &c. we hope it will appeare unto your Majesties conscience , that they are none of the Church Governours appointed by our Saviour and his Apostles ; we beseech your Majesty , rather to looke to the originall of them then Succession . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A78955e-290 Act. 14. 23 Acts 6. 6 1 Cor. 16. 1 1 Cor. 14. 1 Cor 5. 3 3 Joh. 9. 10 1 Tim. 5. 22. Titus 1. 5 Rev. 2. 3 Chap. 1 Tim. 5. 19. Tit. 3. 10 
A59468	----	The principles of the Cyprianic age with regard to episcopal power and jurisdiction asserted and recommended from the genuine writings of St. Cyprian himself and his contemporaries : by which it is made evident that the vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland is obligated by his own concession to acknowledge that he and his associates are schismaticks : in a letter to a friend / by J.S. Sage, John, 1652-1711. 1695 Approx. 280 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59468 Wing S289 ESTC R16579 13620371 ocm 13620371 100833 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59468) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100833) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 801:5) The principles of the Cyprianic age with regard to episcopal power and jurisdiction asserted and recommended from the genuine writings of St. Cyprian himself and his contemporaries : by which it is made evident that the vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland is obligated by his own concession to acknowledge that he and his associates are schismaticks : in a letter to a friend / by J.S. Sage, John, 1652-1711. [4], 94, [1] p. Printed for Walter Kettilby ..., London : 1695. Written by John Sage. Cf. DNB. Advertisement on p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Cyprian, -- Saint, Bishop of Carthage. Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. -- Defence of The vindication of the Church of Scotland. Church of Scotland -- History. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PRINCIPLES OF THE Cyprianic Age , With Regard to Episcopal Power and Iurisdiction : Asserted and Recommended from the Genuine Writings of St. Cyprian himself , and his Contemporaries . By which it is made evident , That the Vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland is obliged by his own Concessions to acknowledge , that he and his Associates are Schismaticks . In a Letter to a FRIEND . BY I. S. LONDON , Printed for Walter Kettilby at the Bishop's Head in St. Paul's Church-yard . MDCXCV . SAnctissimae Matri Ecclesiae SCOTICANAE , Sub pondere pressae , Sed & adhuc malis non cedenti , Fidem Catholicam , Unitatem Apostolicam , Pietatem primaevam Fortiter propugnanti : Adversus Blasphemias , Calumnias , Sacrilegia , & Ruinas , Invicto ( quia verè Christiano ) animo Strenuè decertanti : Cultu , Fide , & Justitiâ , In Deum , Regem , & proximos Conspicuae : Haereses omnes , tam antiquas quam novas , Armis Evangelicis , & perpetuâ Ecclesiae traditione Profliganti : Undique Lachrymis suffusae , Victrice tamen Cruce triumphanti ; ( Tam Archiepiscopis , Episeopis , Presbyteris , & Diaconis , Quam universo Fidelium Coetui , Veris suis Pastoribus vinculo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primigeniae , Adhaerescenti ) Solâ spe Coelestis praemii , inter clades miseras & maximas , Suffultae ; Hanc dissertationem Epistolarem ( raptim & sermone Vernaculo conscriptam ) de Episcoporum aevi Cyprianici Eminentiâ & Praerogativis , Eâ quâ par est animi modestiâ & reverentiâ , Clientelae & Censurae ergò D. D. D. THE PRINCIPLES OF THE Cyprianic Age , &c. SIR , I Acknowledge you have performed your Promise . The Author of the Defence of the Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Answer to an Apology OF ( he should have said FOR ) the Clergy of Scotland , has indeed said so as you affirmed : And I ask your Pardon for putting you to the trouble of sending me his Book and Pointing to Sect. 39. Page 34. where he has said so . But now , after all , what thô he has said so ? And said so , so boldly ? Do you think his bare saying so is enough to determine our Question ? Don't mistake it . That which made me so backward to believe he had said so , was not any dreadful Apprehension I had of either his Reason or Authority ; but a Perswasion that none of his Party would have been so rash , as to have put their being or not being Schismaticks upon such a desperate Issue . And that you may not apprehend my Perswasion was unreasonable , I shall first take to Task what he hath said ; and then , perchance , add something concerning our main Argument . His Words are these . Arg. 5. Cyprian's Notion of Schism is , when one separateth from his own Bishop . This the Presbyterians do : Ergo. A. All the strength of this Argument lieth in the sound of Words . A Bishop , in Cyprian's time , was not a Diocesan , with sole Power of Jurisdiction and Ordination . If he prove that , we shall Give Cyprian and him leave to call us Schismaticks . A Bishop , then , was the Pastor of a Flock , or the Moderator of a Presbytery . If he can prove , that we separate from our Pastors , or from the Presbytery , with their Moderator , under whose Inspection we ought to be , let him call us what he will : But we disown the Bishops in Scotland from being our Bishops ; we can neither own their Episcopal Authority , nor any Pastoral Relation that they have to us . Thus he . Now , Sir , if one had a mind to catch at Words , what a Field might he have here ? For Instance ; Suppose the Word Diocess was not in use in St. Cyprian's time , as applied to a particular Bishop's District ; Doth it follow , that the Thing now signified by it , was not then to be found ? Again ; What could move him to insinuate , that we assign the sole Power of Iurisdiction and Ordination to our Diocesan Bishop ? When did our Bishops claim that sole Power ? When was it ascribed to them by the Constitution ? When did any of our Bishops attempt to Exercise it ? When did a Scotish Bishop offer , e. g. to Ordain or Depose a Presbyter , without the Concurrence of other Presbyters ? When was such a sole Power deem'd Necessary for Raising a Bishop to all the due Elevations of the Episcopal Authority ? How easie is it to distinguish between a Sole and a Chief Power ? Between a Power Superiour to all other Powers , and a Power Exclusive of all other Powers ? Between a Power , without , or against which , no other Powers can Act ; thô they may , in Conjunction with it , or Subordination to it : And a Power , destroying all other Powers , or disabling them from Acting ? Once more , How loose and Ambiguous is that part of his Definition of a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , in which he calls him , The Pastor of a Flock ? May not a Bishop , and his Diocess , be called a Pastor and a Flock , in as great propriety of Speech , as a Presbyterian Minister and his Parish ? Sure I am , St. Cyprian and his Contemporaries thought so , as you may learn hereafter . How easie were it , I say , for one to insist on such Escapes , if he had a mind for it ? But I love not Jangle ; and I must avoid Prolixity : And therefore considering the State of the Controversie between our Author and the Apologist , and supposing he intended ( however he expressed it ) to speak home to the Apologist's Argument ; the Force and Purpose of his Answer , as I take it , must be this . That an Argument drawn from such as were called Bishops in St. Cyprian's time , to such as are now so called in Scotland , is not good . That a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was nothing like one of our modern Scotish Bishops ; i. e. a Church Governour superiour to , and having a Prelatick Power over , all other Church-Governours within such a District as we commonly call a Diocess . That a Bishop then was no more than a Single Presbyter , or Pastor of a single Flock , ( such a Flock as could conveniently meet together in one Assembly , for the Publick Offices of Religion ; such a Flock as the People of one single Parish are , in the modern Presbyterian Notion of a Parish , ) acting in Parity with other single Pastors of other single Flocks or Parishes . Or , at most , That he was but the Moderator of a Presbytery , taking both Terms in the modern current Presbyterian Sense ; i. e. as Moderator signfies One , who , as such , is no Church Governour , nor hath any Iurisdiction over his Brethren : One , whose Power is meerly Ordinative , not Decisive ; To be the Mouth of the Meeting , not to be their Will or Commanding Faculty : To keep Order in the Manner and Managing of what cometh before them ; Not to Determine what is Debated amongst them . And as Presbytery signifies such a Number of Teaching and Ruling Presbyters living and having their Cures within such a District ; meeting together upon Occasion , and acting in Parity in the Administration of the Government , and Discipline of the Church . That therefore our Scotish Presbyterians cannot be called Schismaticks in St. Cyprian's Notion of Schism , unless it can be proved , That they Separate from their Pastor , or Teaching Presbyter , who has such a Parish assigned to him for his Charge : Or , ( not from the Moderator of the Presbytery , who is not ; but ) from the Presbytery ( which is the Principle of Unity ) with their Moderator . This , I say , I take to be the Purpose of our Author's Answer to the Apologist's Argument ; on the Force whereof he ventures his Parties being , or not being , Schismatick● . If I have mistaken his Meaning , I protest I have not done it wilfully . I am pretty sure , I have not , in the Definition of a Moderator ; for I have Transcribed it , Word for Word , from one whom I take to be a dear Friend of his , intirely of the same Principles and Sentiments with him ; and whose Definitions , I am apt to think , he will not readily Reject . I mean , the Author of The Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Answer to the Ten Questions a . And doth not our Author himself , in this same 39th Section , ( part whereof I am now considering , ) affirm , That Fifty Years before the first Council of Nice , ( i. e. some 17 or 18 Years after St. Cyprian's Martyrdom , ) the Hierarchy was not in the Church ? And that however some of the Names might have been , yet the Church-Power and Dominion , signified by them , was not then in Being ? Plainly importing , that the Church then was Governed by Pastors acting in Parity , after the Presbyterian Model . In short , what our Author hath said , when duly considered , will be found to be no Answer at all to the Apologist's Argument , if it is not to be understood in the Sense I have represented . Taking it for granted , therefore , that I have hit his Meaning , I hope you will not deny , that , If I shall prove that a Bishop , in Cyprian's time , was more than a Pastor of a Flock , or the Moderator of a Presbytery , in the Presbyterian Sense of the Terms : If I shall prove , that a Bishop then had really that which cannot be denied to have been true , Genuine Episcopal or Prelaiick Power : If I can prove , that he acted in a Real Superiority over , not in Parity with other Church-Governours , even Pastors : If I shall prove these Things , I say , I hope you 'l grant , our Author is fairly bound by his Word to acknowledge , that he and his Brethren Presbyterians are Schismaticks . Let us try it then : And now , Sir , Before I come to my main Proofs , consider if it may not be deemed a shrewd Presumption against our Author in this matter , That generally the great Champions for Presbytery , such as Cham●er , Blondel , Salmasius , the Provincial Assembly of London , &c. do ingenuously acknowledge , That , long before St. Cyprian's time , Episcopacy was in the Church ; even Spanhemius himself grants , That , in the Third Century , Bishops had a manifest Preheminence above Presbyters and Deaco●s , and a Right of Presiding , Convocati●g , Ordaining b , &c. By the way : I have cited this Writer particularly , because our Author not only builds much on his Authority c , but honours him with the great Character of being That diligent Searcher into Antiqui●y . How deservedly , let others judge ; for my part , I cannot think he has been so very diligent a Searcher : For in that same very Section , in which he acknowledges the Episcopal Preheminence in the Third Century , he says expresly , That , in that Age , there were no Door-Keepers , Acoly●ths , nor Exorc●ss d . And yet I not only find express mention of Exorcism in the Venerable Council of Cartbage , in which St. Cyprian was Praeses e ; But both Cyprian and Firmilian expresly mention Exarcists f . And as for Acolyths , how often do we find them mentioned in Cyprian's Epistles ? E. g. We have Narious an Ac●lyth , Ep. 7. Eavorinus , Ep. 34. Nicephorus , Ep. 45. Saturnus , and Felicianus , Ep. 59. Lucanus , Maximus , and Amantius , Ep. 77. And doth not Corneius Bishop of Rome , in his famous Epistle to Fabius Bishop of Antioch , Recorded by Eusebius g , positively affirm , That there were then in the Church of Rome 42 Acolyths , and 52 Exorcists , Lectors , and Door-keepers ? But this , as I said , only by the way . That which I am concerned about at present , is , That when these great Patrons of Presbytery , these truly Learned Men , whom I named , have all so frankly yielded , that there was real Prelacy in the Church in , and before , St. Cyprian's time ; yet our Author should affirm , so boldly , that there was no such Thing : That there was no Hierarchy in the Church then , nor for many Years after . Has our Author been a more diligent Searcher into Antiquity , than those great Antiquaries were , that he was thus able to contradict their Discoveries ? I am not apt to believe it . However , as I said , let this pass only for a Presumption against him . I proceed to other Arguments . And , 1. I observe , that , in St. Cyprian's time , every Church all the World over , at least , every Church , Constituted and Organized , according to the Principles which then prevailed , had a Bishop , Presbyters , and Deacons , by whom she was Ruled . Thus , for Example , we find express Mention of the Bishop , Presbyters , and Deacons , of the Church of Adrymetum h ; for Cyprian tells Corneius , That when He and Liberalis came to that City , Polycarpus the Bishop was absent , and the Presbyters and Deacons were ignorant of what had been Resolved on by the Body of the African Bishops , about writing to the Church of Rome , till the Controversie between Cornelius and Novatianus should be more fully understood . Thus Cyprian was Bishop of Carthage , and at the same time there were , in that City , 8 Presbyters at sewest : For we read of three , Rogatianus , Britius , and Numidicus , who adhered to him i . And five who took part with Felicissimus against him , when that Deacon made his Schism k . I hope I need not be at pains to prove , that there were Deacons then in that famous Church . Thus Cornelius , in the afore-mentioned Epistle to Fabius , tells him , That while himself was Bishop of Rome , there were in that City no fewer than 46 Pre●byters , and 7 Deacons , &c. A most flourishing Clergy , as St. Cyprian calls it l . Whoso pleases , may see the like Account of the Church of Alexandria , in the same Times , in Eusebius m , Indeed , If we may believe St. Cyprian , there was no Church then without a Bishop : For from this Supposition , as an uncontroverted Matter of Fact , he Reasons against Novatianus n . His Argument is , That there is but One Church , and One Episcopacy , all the World over ; and that Catholick and Orthodox Bishops were regularly planted in every Province and City , and therefore Novatianus could not but be a Schismatick , who , contrary to Divine Institution , and the Fundamental Laws of Unity , laboured to super-induce false Bishops into these Cities , where True and Orthodox Bishops were already planted . And he Reasons again upon the same Supposition , in the beginning of his 63d Epistle directed to Caecilius , concerning the Cup in the Eucharist o . From this Supposition , I say , as from an uncontested Matter of Fact , he Reasons , in both Cases , which is a Demonstration , not only of the Credibility of his Testimony , but that the Matter of Fact was then so Notorious , as to be undeniable . He Reason'd from it , as from an acknowledged Postulate . 2. I observe , that the Presbyters , who , in these Times , were contra-distinguished from the Bishop and Deacons , were Priests , in the Language which was then current ; Pastors , in the present Presbyterian Dialect , i. e. not Ruling Elders , but such as laboured in the Word and Sacraments . They were such as were honoured with the Divine Priesth●od ; such as were Constituted in the Clerical Ministery ; such as whose Work it was to attend the Altar and the Sacrifices , and offer up the Publick Pray●rs , &c. as we find in the Instance of Geminius Faustinus p . Such as God , in his merciful Providence , was pleased to raise to the Glorious Station of the Priesthood ; as in the Case of Numidicus q . Such as in the time of Persecution went to the Prisons , and gave the Holy Eucharist to the Confessors r . Such as at Carthage ( as St. Cyprian complains to Cornelius ) presumed to curtail the Pennances of the Lapsers , and gave them the Holy Sacrament while their Idolatry was so very recent , that , as it were , their Hands and Mouths were still a smoaking with the warm Nidors of the Sacrifices that had been offered upon the Devils Altars s . Such as , contrary to all Rule and Order , absolved the Lapsers , and gave them the Communion , without the Bishops Licence t . Such as were joyned with the Bishop in the Sacerdotal Honour u . In a word , They were such Presbyters as St. Cyprian describes to Stephen Bishop of Rome ; such as sometimes raised Altar against Altar , and ( out of the Communion with the Church ) offered False and Sacrilegious Sacrifices : Such as were to be Deposed when they did so ; such as , thô they should return to the Communion of the Church , were only to be admited to LAY-COMMUNION , and not to be allowed , thereafter , to act as Men in Holy Orders ; seeing it became the PRIESTS and Ministers of God , those who attend the Altar and Sacrifices , to be Men of Integrity , and Blameless v . Such Presbyters they were , I say , who were then , contra-distinguished from the Bishop : For , as for your Lay-Elders , your Ruling , contra-distinct from Teaching , Presbyters , now so much in vogue ; there is as profound a Silence of them in St. Cyprian's Works and Time , as there is of the Solemn League and Covenant , or The Sanquhar Declaration : And yet , considering how much he has left upon Record about the Governours , the Government , and the Discipline of the Church , if there had been such Presbyters , then , it is next to a Miracle that he should not , so much as once , have mentioned them . 3. I observe , that the Bishops Power , his Authority , his Pastoral Relation , ( call it as you will , ) extended to all the Christians within his District . E. g. Cornelius was immediately and directly Superiour to all the Christians in Rome , and they were his Subjects . So it was also with Fabius , and the Christians of Antioch ; Dionysius , and the Christians of Alexandria ; Cyprian , and the Christians of Carthage , &c. The Bishops prelation , whatever it was , related not solely to the Clergy , or solely to the Laity , but to both , equally and formally . How fully might this Point be proved , if it were needful ? Indeed , St. Cyprian defines a Church to be A People united to their Priest , and A Flock adhering to their Pastor . And that by the Terms Priest and Pasto● , he meant the Bishop , is plain from what immediately follows ; for he tells Florentius Pupianus there , That from that common and received Notion of a Church , he ought to have learned , That the Bishop is in the Church , and the Church in the Bishop ; and that whoso is not with the Bishop , is not in the Church vv . And in that same Epistle , chastising the same Florentius for calling his Title to his Bishoprick in question , and speaking bitter Things against him , he Reasons thus : What Swelling of Pride ? What Arrogance of Spirit ? What Haughtiness is this ? That thou shouldest arraign Bishops before thy Tribunal ? And unless we be Purged by thee , and Absolved by thy Sentence , Lo ! these Six Years , The BROTHERHOOD has had no BISHOP ; The PEOPLE no RULER ; The FLOCK no PASTOR ; The CHURCH no GOVERNOUR ; CHRIST no PRELATE ; And GOD no PRIEST x ? In short , He that bore the high Character of Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was called the Ruler of the Church by way of Eminence y . The Church was compared to a Ship , and the Bishop was the Master z . He was the Father , and all the Christians within his District were his Children a . He was the Governour b , the Rector c , the Captain d , the Head e , the Iudge f , of all within his Diocess . He was the chief Pastor ; and thô Presbyters ; were also sometimes called Pastors , yet it was but seldom ; and , at best , they were but such in Subordination , Indeed , the Presbyters of the Church of Rome , during the Vacancy between Fabianus his Death and Cornelius his Promotion , look'd only on themselves as Vice-Pastors , saying , That , in such a juncture , they kept the Flock in STEAD of the Pastor , the Bishop g . I could give you even a Surfeit of Evidence , I say , for the Truth of this Proposition , if it were needful . Whoso reads St. Cyprian's Epistles , may find it in almost every Page . And I shall have occasion hereafter to insist on many Arguments in the Probation of other Things , which may further clear this also . Indeed , there is no more in all this , than Ignatius said frequently , near 150 Years before St. Cyprian h . And now , Sir , thô the Monuments of the Cyprianic Age could afford us no more than these three Things which I have proved from them , they would be of sufficient force to overthrow our Author's Definition of a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time , as to both Parts of it ; and demonstrate to every thinking Man's conviction , That he was neither The Pastor of the Fl●ck , nor The Moderator of a Presbytery , in our Author's sense of the Terms . 1. Not the Pastor of a Flock , i. e. a single Presbyter , having the Charge of a single Parish , after the Presbyterian Model : For , a Bishop , in those Times , had many such Presbyters under him . Cyprian himself : ( whatever he had more ) had no sewer than Eight under him in the City of Carthage , besides the adjacent Villages . Cornelius was over Forty six in the City of Rome . I know not how many Dionysius was over at Alexandria , or Polycarpus at 〈◊〉 but it is certain , they were in the Pl●ral Number . So it was all the Christian World over , as I have proved . A Bishop then , in St. Cyprian's time , was a Pastor indeed , but it was of a Diocess ; i. e : all the Christians within such a District were his Flock ; and he had a direct , formal , and immediate Pastoral Relation to them all , thô at the same time , within the same District , there were many inferior Pastors who were subordinate and subject to him . 2. He was as little a meer Moderator of a Presbytery , in our Author's sense of the Terms . A Presbyterian Moderator , 〈◊〉 such , is no Church Governour at all : A Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , as such , was Chief Pastor , Iudge , Head , Master , Rector , Governour , of all the Christians within his District . A Presbyterian Mod●rator , as such , has no direct , immediate , formal Relation to the People , but only to the Presbytery . He is the Mouth , and keeps Order in the manner and managing of the Affairs of the Presbytery , not of the Church , or rather Churches , within the Bounds of that Presbytery . But a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was quite another thing : His Prelacy , whatever it was , related to the Laity , as well as to the Clergy . St. Cyprian's , e. g. to as many Christians as required the subordinate Labours of , at least , Eight Presbyters : Cornelius's to as many as required the subordinate Labours of Forty Six : To a Body of Christians , in which , besides Forty six Presbyters , Seven Deacons , Seven Sub-Deacons , Forty two Acolyths , Fifty two Exorcists , Lectors and Door-keepers , there were more than Fifteen hundred Widows and poor People who subsisted by Charity : And , besides all these , a mighty and innumerable Laity , as himself words it i . These Things , I say , might be sufficient in all Reason to confute our Author's Notion . But then , this is not all , for let us consider , II. How a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was Promoted to his Chair , to that sublime Top of the Priesthood ( as he calls it ) k . And we shall easily collect another Demonstration against our Author's Notion . For , by the Principles of those Times , it was plains , I. That there could be no Lawful nor Allowable Promotion of One to a Bishoprick which had been Possessed before , unless there was a Clear , Canonical , and Unquestionable Vacancy . It was a received Maxim then , That there could be but one Bishop at once in a Church . When a See was once Canonically filled , whosoever else pretended to be Bishop of that See , was not a second Bishop , but none at all , in St. Cyprian's Judgment l . Nay , he was so far from reckoning of him as another Bishop , that he deemed him not a Christian m . Innumerable are his Testimonies to this purpose n . But I shall Transcribe only One from Ep. 69. because he fully reasons the Case in it . There was a Controversie between Cornelius and Novatianus , whether was Bishop of Rome . Now , consider how St. Cyprian decides it . The Church is one ( says he ) ; and this one Chuch cannot be both within and without : If , therefore , the True Church is with Novatianus , She was not with Cornelius . But if She was with Cornelius , who succeeded to Bishop Fabianus by lawful Ordination , and whom God honoured with Martyrdom , as well as with the Episcopal Dignity , Novatianus is not in the Church ; nor can he be acknowledged as a Bishop , who , contemning the Evangelical and Apostolical Tradition , and succeeding to none , hath sprung from himself , He can by no means either have or hold a Church , who is not Ordained in the Church ; for the Church cannot be without Herself , nor divided against Herself , &c. And a little after , Our Lord recommending to us the Unity which is of Divine Institution , saith , I and my Father are One ; and again , Obliging the Church to keep this Unity , he saith , There shall be One Flock , and One Pastor : But if the Flock is One , How can he be reputed to be of the Flock , who is not numbred with the Flock ? Or how can be he deem'd a Pastor , who ( while the True Pastor lives and rules the Flock by a succedaneous Ordination ) succeeds to none , but begins from himself ? Such an one is an Alien , is Profane , is an Enemy to Christian Peace and Unity . He dwells not in the House of God , i. e. in the Church of God : None can dwell there but the Sons of Concord and Unanimity o . Neither was this Principle peculiar to St. Cyprian : Cornelius , in his so often mentioned Epistle to Fabius , insists on it also , and in a manner Ridicules Novatianus , if not for his Ignorance of it , at least for entertaining the vain Conceit , that it was in his Power to counter-act it p . And when Maximus , Urbanus , Sidonius , Macarius , &c. deserted Novatianus , and returned to Cornelius his Communion , they made a Solemn Confession , That , upon the score of that same common Maxim , they ought to have look'd upon Novatianus as a False and Schismatical Bishop . We know , say they , that Cornelius was chosen Bishop of the most Holy Catholick Church by the Omnipotent God , and our Lord Iesus Christ. We co●fess our Error ; we were imposed upon ; we were circumvented by Perfidy and Ensnaring Sophistry — For we are not ignorant , That there is One God ; One Christ our Lord , whom we have confessed ; One Holy-Ghost ; And that there ought to be but One Bishop in a Catholick Church q . Indeed , two Bishops at once , of one Church or City , were then thought as great an Absurdity as two Fathers of one Child , or two Husbands of one Wife , or two Heads of one Body , or whatever else you can call Monstrous in either Nature or Morality . 2. There was no Canonical Vacancy ; no Place for a new Bishop , but where the One Bishop , whose the Chair had been , was Dead , or had Ceded , or was Canonically Deposed by the rest of the Members of the Episcopal College . Vacancy by Death hath no Difficulties . I don't remember to have observed any Instances of Cession in St. Cyprian's time ; ( thô there were some before , and many after ; ) Unless it was in the Case of Basilides , who , after he had forfeited his Title to that Sacred Dignity by being guilty of the dreadful Crimes of Idolatry and Blasphemy , is said to have Laid it down , and to have confessed , That he should be favourably dealt by , if thereafter he should be admitted to the Communion of Laicks r . We have Instances of Deposition in the same Basilides and Martialis s , in Marcianus t , Privatus Lambesitanus u , Evaristus v , Fortunatianus vv , and perhaps some more . However , these Three , I say , were the only Causes in which there could be a Lawful Vacancy . 3. When a See was thus Canonically vacant , it was filled after this manner : The Bishops of the Province , in which the Vacancy was , met , choosed and ordained One in the presence of the People whom he was to Govern. This St. Cyprian , with other 36 Bishops , tells us , was of Divine Institution , and Apostolical Observation ; And that it was the common Form , not only in Africa , but almost in every Province all the World over x . I know , 't is controverted whether a Bishop , in those Times , was Chosen by the People , or only in the presence of the People ? But my present purpose doth not engage me in that Controversie . 4. But Election was not enough : Thô the Person elected was already a Presbyter , and in Priestly Order ; yet when he was to be Promoted to a Bishoprick , he was to receive a new Imposition of Hands , a new Ordination . His former Orders were not sufficient for that Supreme Office. Thus , e. g. St. Cyprian was first a Presbyter , and then Ordained Bishop of Carthage , if we may believe his Deacon Pontius , Eu●ebius , and St. Ierome y . Thus our Holy Martyr tells us , That Cornelius had made his Advances , gradually , through all the inferior Stations , and so , no doubt , had been a Presbyter , before he was a Bishop z . And yet we find , when he was Promoted to the See of Rome , he was Ordained by 16 Bis●●ps a . Thus we find also , in the Promotion of Sabinus to the Bishoprick from which Basilides had fallen , that he was Ordained by the Imposition of the Hands of the Bishops who were then present at his Election b . Thus Fortunatus , Achimnius , Optatus , Privationus , Donatulus , and F●ix , 6 Bishops , Ordained a Bishop at Capsis c . Thus Heraclus was first a Presbyter under Demetrius , in the Church of Alexandria , and then succeeded to him in the Episcopal Chair d . Dionysius was first a Presbyter under Heraclas , and then succeeded to him e . And Maximus , who had been a Presbyter under him , succeeded , to Dionysius f . And before all these , some 70 Years before St. Cyprian's time , Irenaeus was first a Presbyter under Photinus , and afterwards his Successor in the Bishoprick of Lions g . Nor is it to be doubted , that each of these was Raised to the Episcopal Dignity by a new Ordinatio● . The first of the Canons , commonly called Apostolical , which requires , That a Bishop be Ordained by two or three Bishops , was , doubtless , all along observed h . Nay , this Necessity of a new Ordination for Raising One to the Episcopal Power , was so Notorious and Received then , that the Schismaticks themselves believed it indispensible . And therefore Novatianus , thô formerly a Presbyter , ( as Cornelius tells expresly in that so often cited Epistle to Fabius , ) when he Rival'd it with Cornelius for the Chair of Rome , that he might have the shew , at least , of a Canonical Ordination , he got three simple inconsiderate Bishops to come to the City , upon pretence of Consulting with other Bishops about setling the Commotions of the Church : And having them once in his Clutches , he shut them up under Lock and Key , till they were put in a scandalous Disorder , and then forced them to give him the Episcopal Mission , by an imaginary and vain Imposition of Hands , as Cornelius words it i . Thus also , when Fortunatus , One of the Five Presbyters who joyned with the Schismatical Felicissumus against St. Cyprian , t●●ned bold to set up as an Anti-Bishop at Carthage ; He was Ordained by Five false Bishops k . And now , Sir , by this Accoun● , I think we have our Author's Definition of a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , fairly routed a second time : For , How could the Maxim of but One Bishop , at once , in a Church hold , if that Bishop was nothing but a single Presbyter ? The Church of Rome was but One Church ; so was the Church of Carthage : And yet , in each of these Churches , there were many single Presbyters . Again , If a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was no more than a single Presbyter , in the Presbyterian Sense , what needed so much work about him ? Why , e. g. convene all the Presbyters of a Province , such as Africa or Numidia was , for the Election and Ordination of a single Presbyter in Carthage , where there were Presbyters more than enough to have performed all the Business ? What needed the Church of Rome to make such work about supplying such a Vacancy as was there , before Cornelius was Promoted ? Why a Convention of Sixteen Neighbouring Bishops to give him Holy Orders ? Might not the Forty Six , who lived in Rome , have served the turn ? Might not these Forty Six , I say , have filled Fabianus his Room with far greater Ease and Expedition ? If they made such work , and had such Difficulties , ( as we find they had about a Bishop , ) in setling One single Brother Presbyter , when , according to our Author's Principles , they had the full Power of doing it , what had become of them , if Thirty , nay Twenty , nay Ten of the Forty six , had all died in one Year ? Sure , they had never got so many Vacancies filled . And then , Were not Cornelius and Novatianus Presbyters of Rome , before the former was the Tr●e , and the latter the False Bishop of that City ? If so , what need of a new Election , and a new Ordination for making them Presbyters of a Church , of which they were Presbyters already ? Had it not been pretty pleasant , in such a grave , serious , persecuted State of the Church , to have seen two eminent Men , already Presbyters of Rome , making so much work about being made Presbyters of Rome ? And all the Clergy and Christians of Rome , nay sooner or later , of all the Christian World , engaged in the Quarrel ? What had this been other than the very Mystery of Ridiculousness ? But this is not all . The Premisses will as little allow him to have been a Presbyterian Moderator : For , to what purpose so much ado about the Establishment of a meer Moderator of a Presbytery ? Why , so much stress laid upon only one Moderator in a City ? Why no Canonical Vacancy of his Moderatorial Chair , unless in the case of Death , Cession , or Forfeiture ? Sure , if they had then understood all the Exigencies and Analogies of Parity , they would not have been so much in love with a constant Moderator ; no , they would have judged him highly inconvenient , and by all means to be shunned : If he had been imposed on the Meeting , it had been an Encroachment on their Intrinsick Power ; and so , absolutely unlawful , and Prelacy : And thò Chosen by themselves , fatal ; as having a violent Tendency to Lordly Prelacy : And therefore they could never have yielded to have One with a Good Conscience l . Again , How often did the Presbytery of Rome meet , in the Interval between Fabianus his Death , and Cornelius his Promotion ? How many excellent Epistles did they write to the Neighbouring Bishops and Churches , and these , about the most weighty and important Matters during that Vacancy ? They wrote that which is the Eighth in Number , amongst St. Cyprian's Epistles to the Carthaginian Clergy , and , at the same time , One to St. Cyprian , then in his Retirement , which is lost , They wrote that notable Epistle , which is the Thirtieth in Number , in which they not only mention other of their Epistles which they had wrote to St. Cyprian , and which are not now extant ; but also Epistles , one or more , which they had sent to Sicily . They wrote also that considerable Epistle , which is in Number the Thirty sixth . It is not to be doubted that they wrote many more . How many Meetings and Consultations had they , during these Sixteen Months , about the Affairs of the Church , and particularly , the Case of the Lapsi , which was then so much agitated ? Is it probable , that they wanted a Moderator ; a Mouth of their Meeting ; One to keep Order in the manner and managing of the Affairs were brought before them all that time , and in all those Meetings ? How could they , without one , handle Matters with Order and Decency ? And what was there to hinder them from having one , if they had a mind for him ? Might they not have chosen one as safely as they met ? Might they not have chosen one at every Meeting , according to the Principles of Parity ? Farther : What need of so much Parade about the Election of a Moderator of a Presbytery , as was then about the Election of a Bishop ? Why the People chose him , according to the Principles of those , who think that St. Cyprian was for Popular Elections ? What was the People's Interest ? How was it their Concern , who was Moderator of the Presbytery ? What was his Influence , De jure , at least , in the Government of the Church , more than the Influence of any other Member of the Presbytery ? Nay , is it not confessed , that , as Moderator , he was no Church-Governour at all ? That he had no Iurisdiction over his Brethren ? That his Power was only Ordinative , not Decisive ? To be the Mouth of the Meeting , not to be their Will , or Commanding Faculty ? To keep Order in the Manner and Managing of what came before them , not to determine what was Debated amongst them ? Why then were the People so much concern'd about him ? What Benefits , or what Harm , could redound to them by ones being Moderator of the Presbytery , whatever he was ? Besides , as I have shewed before , as Moderator of the Presbytery , he had relation only to the Presbytery : At least , he had none directly , immediately , and formally to the People . What pretence , then , could the People have to Interest themselves in his Election ? Nay , say , ( as I am apt to think it ought to be said , I am sure the contrary cannot be made appear from St. Cyprian , ) that he was not chosen by the People , but only in their Presence ; and the same Argument will take place , as is obvious to any body . Farther yet . What need of Convocating so many from the Neighbourhood for managing the Election of a Moderator , E. g. for the Presbytery of Rome ? If a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was nothing but a Presbyterian Moderator , then the Bishops convocated for managing the Election of a Moderator , were Moderators too : And so , by consequence , Sixteen Moderators of other Presbyteries met at Rome to constitute a Moderator for the Roman Presbytery . And might not the Presbytery of Rome have chosen their own Moderator without the Trouble or the Inspection of so many Moderators of other Presbyteries ? Once more . What Necessity , nay , what Congruity , of a new Imposition of Hands , of a new Ordination , a new Mission for constituting One a Moderator of a Presbytery ? And this too , to be performed by none but Moderators of other Presbyteries ? Thus , e. g. it behoved Six Moderators to meet at Capsis , to Ordain a Moderator for the Presbytery of Capsis ; and Sixteen at Rome , to Ordain a Moderator for the Presbytery of Rome : And , after he was Ordained , it behoved Novatianus to be at so much pains to get together Three Moderators , to Ordain himself an Anti-Moderator . Who can think on these Things without smiling ? But perhaps you may think , I have insisted on this Argument more than enough ; and therefore I shall leave it , and proceed to other Considerations . To go on , then . A Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , thus Elected , Ordained , and Possessed of his Chair , did bear a double Relation , One to the particular Church over which he was set , and another to the Church ▪ Catholick , an integrant part whereof , the particular Church , was , of which he was Bishop . The consideration of each of these Relations will furnish us with fresh Arguments against our Author's Hypothesis . I shall begin with the Relation he bore to his own particular Church . And , FIRST : The first Thing I observe about him , in that regard , shall be , That he was the Principle of Unity to Her. Whosoever adhered to him , and lived in his Communion , was in the Church a Catholick Christian. Whosoever separated from him , was out of the Church , and a Schismatick . He was the Head of all the Christians living within his District ; and they were One Body , One Society , One Church , by depending upon him , by being subject to him , by keeping to his Communion . He was the Sun , and they were the Beams ; he was the Root , and they were the Branches ; he was the Fountain , and they were the Streams ; As St. Cyprian explains the Matter a . This is a Point of great Consequence , especially considering that it is the Foundation of the Apologist's Argument , our Author's Answer to which I am examining : and therefore , give me leave to handle it somewhat fully . And I proceed by these Steps . I. There was nothing St. Cyprian and the Catholick Bishops , his Contemporaries , valued more , reckoned of higher Importance , or laid greater Stress upon , than the Unity of the Church : And there was no Sin they represented at more Heinous , or more Criminal , than the Sin of Schism . In their reckoning , Unity was the great Badge of Christianity ; God heard the Prayers that were put up in Unity b , but not those that were performed in Schism . Christian Peace , Brotherly Concord , and the Unity of People in the true Faith and Worship of God , was accounted of greater value by them , than all other imaginable Sacrifices c . Nothing afforded greater Pleasure to the Angels in Heaven , than Harmony amongst Christians on Earth d . It were easie to collect a thousand such Testimonies concerning the Excellency of Unity . But as for Schism , and Schismaticks , how may it make Men's Hearts to tremble , when they hear what hard Names , and what horrid Notions , these Primitive Worthies gave them , and had of them ? Schism , to them , was the Devil's Device for subverting the Faith , corrupting the Truth , and cutting Unity e . Christ instituted the Church , and the Devil Heresie f , or Schism ; for both , then , went commonly under one Name . Schism was reckoned a greater Crime than Idolatry it self : And St. Cyprian proves it by several Arguments g . Firmilian affirms it also h . So doth Dionysius of Alexandria , in his notable Epistle to Novatianus . He tells him , He ought to have suffered the greatest Miseries , rather than divide the Church of God : That Martyrdom , for the Preservation of Unity , was as Glorious , as Martyrdom for not Sacrificing to Idols : Nay , more , Because he who Suffers rather than he will Sacrifice , Suffers only for saving his own Soul ; But he that Suffers for Unity , Suffers for the whole Church i . Schismaticks had not the Spirit k ; Were forsaken of the Spirit l ; Held not the Faith m , Had neither Father , Son , nor Holy-Ghost n . They were Renegadoes o ; Apostates p ; Malignants q ; Parricides r ; Anti-Christs s ; False Christs t ; Christ's Enemies u ; Blasphemers v ; The Devil's Priests vv ; Retainers to Corah x ; Retainers to Iudas y ; Villainous and Perfidious z ; Aliens , Profane , Enemies a ; Were without Hope b ; Had no Right to the Promises c ; Could not be saved d ; Were Infidels e ; Worse than Heathens f ; Self-Condemned g ; were no more Christians than the Devil h ; Could but belong to Christ i ; Could not go to Heaven k ; The hottest part of Hell their Portion l ; Their Society , the Synagogue of Satan m ; Their Conventicles , Dens of Thieves n ; They were Destroyers of Souls o ; Their Preaching was poysonous p ; Their Baptism pestiferous q , and profane r ; Their Sacrifices abominable s ; They could not be Martyrs t ; Their Company was to be avoided u : Whoso befriended them , were Persecutors of the Truth v ; Were Betrayers of Christ's Spouse to Adulterers vv ; Were Betrayers of Unity x ; Were involved in the some Guilt with them y . In short , Schismaticks , by being such , were , Ipso facto , Persecutors of the Church z , Enemies of Mercy a , Infatuated Salt b , and Cursed of God c . Such , I say , were the Notions the Holy Fathers , in those early Times of the Church , had of Schismaticks ; and such were the Names they gave them . And certainly whoso seriously considers how much Schism is condemned in Holy Writ ; what an Enemy it is to the Peace , the Power , and the Propagation of Christianity ; and how much it stands in opposition to the Holy , Humble , Peaceable , Patient , Meek , and Charitable Spirit of the Gospel : Whoso considers , that our Blessed Savious's great Errand into the World , was to Unite all his Disciples here into one Body , and one Communion , that they might Eternally be Blessed in the full Enjoyment of one Communion with the Father , Son , and Holy-Ghost , in Heaven hereafter : Whoso , I say , considers these Things , cannot but confess , that Schism and Schismaticks deserve all these hard Names , and answer all these terrible Notions . Now 2. That , for the Preservation of Unity , and the Preventing of Schism , in every particular Church , all were bound by the Principles of St. Cyprian's Age to live in the Bishops Communion ; and to own and look upon him as the Principle of Unity to that Church of which he was Head and Ruler , might be made appear from a vast Train of Testimonies . But I shall content myself with a few . Thus , for Example , when some of the Lapsed presumed to write to St. Cyprian , and design themselves , without a Bishop , by the Name of a Church ; How did the Holy Man resent it ? Consider how he begins his Answer to them . Our Lord , ( says he ) whose Precepts we ought to Honour and Obey , Instituting the Honour of a Bishop , and the Contexture of a Church , saith thus to Peter in the Gospel ; I say unto thee , thou art Peter , and upon this Rock will I build my Church , and the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it : And I will give unto thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , &c. From thence by the Vicissitudes of Times and Successions , the Ordination of Bishops , and the Frame of the Church , are transmitted so , as that the Church is built upon the Bishops , and all her Affairs are ordered by them as the chief Rulers : And therefore , seeing this is God's appointment , I cannot but admire the bold Temerity of some , who , writing to me , call themselves a Church ; when a Church is only to be found in the Bishop , the Clergy , and the faithful Christians . God forbid , that a number of Lapsed should be called a Church , &c. Consider how he Reasons . By Divine Institution , there cannot be a Church without a Bishop : The Church is founded on the Bishop : The Bishop , as Chief Ruler , orders all the Affairs of the Church : Therefore , those Lapsed ought not to have called themselves a Church , seeing they had no Bishop , no Principle of Unity d . We have another notable Reasoning , as well as Testimony of his , in his 43d Epistle , written to his People of Carthage upon the breaking out of Felicissimus his Schism . God is One , ( says he ) and Christ is One , and the Church is One , and the Chair is One , be our Lord 's own Voice , founded on St. Peter . Another Altar cannot be reared , another Priesthood cannot be erected , besides the One Altar , and the One Priesthood . Whoso gathereth elsewhere , scattereth . Whatever Human Fury institutes , against God's Appointment , is Adulterous , is Impious , is Sacrilegious . And a little after : O Brethren ! Let no Man make you wander from the Ways of the Lord : O Christians ! Let no Man rend you from the Gospel of Christ : Let no Man tear the Sons of the Church from the Church : Let them perish alone , who will needs perish : Let them abide alone out of the Church , who have departed from the Church : Let them , alone , not be with the Bishops , who have Rebelled against the Bishops e , &c. And , as I observed before , in his Epistle to Florentinus Pupianus , he defines a Church to be a People united to their Priest , and a Flock adhering to their Pastor , &c. and from thence tells Pupianus , That he ought to consider , that the Bishop is in the Church , and the Church in the Bishop : So that if any are not with the Bishop , they are not in the Church f . And how concernedly doth he Reason the Case in his Book of the Unity of the Church ? Can he seem to himself , says he , to be with Christ , who is against Christ's Priests ? Who separates himself from the Society of Christ's Clergy and People ? That Man bears Arms against the Church : He fights against God's Ordinance : He is an Enemy of the Altar : A Rebel against Christ's Sacrifice . He is Perfidious , and not Faithful ; Sacrilegious , and not Religious . He is an Undutiful Servant , and Impious Son , an Hostile Brother , who can contemn God's Bishops , and forsake his Priests , and dares to set up another Altar , and offer up unlawful Prayers g , &c. Indeed , in that same Book he calls the Bishop , The Glue that cements Christians into the solid Unity of the Church h . And hence it is , 3. That St. Cyprian , every where , makes the Contempt of the one Bishop , or Undutifulness to him , the Origine of Schisms and Heresies . Thus , Epist. 3. he makes this Observation upon the Undutifulness of a certain Deacon to Rogatianus , his Bishop ; That such are the first Efforts of Hereticks , and the Out-breaking and Presumptions of ill●advised Schismaticks : They follow their own Fancies , and , in the Pride of their Hearts , contemn their Superiours . So Men separate from the Church : So they Erect profane Altars without the Church : So they Rebel against Christian Peace , and Divine Order and Unity i . And , Ep. 59. he tells Cornelius , That Heresies and Schisms spring from this only Fountain , That God's Priest ( the Bishop ) is not obeyed ; And Men don't consider , that , at the same time , there ought to be only One Bishop , only One Iudge , as Christ's Vicar , in a Church k . And Ep. 66. to Florentius Pupianus , That from hence Heresies and Schisms have hitherto sprung , and do daily spring ; That the Bishop , who is One , and is set over the Church , is contemned by the proud Presumption of some : And he that is honoured of God , is dishonoured by Men l . And a little after , he tells him , ( alluding clearly to the Monarchical Power of Bishops ) That Bees have a King ; and Beasts have a Captain ; and Robbers , with all humility , obey their Commander : And from thence he concludes , how unreasonable it must be for Christians not to pay suitable Regards to their Bishops m . And in another place , Then is the Bond of our Lord's Peace broken ; then is Brotherly Charity violated ; then is the Truth adulterated , and Unity divided ; then Men leap out into Heresies and Schisms : When ? When the Priests are controlled ; when the Bishops are envied ; when one grudges that himself was not rather preferred ; or disdains to bear with a Superiour n . Indeed , 4. By the Principles of those Times , the Bishop was so much the Principle of Unity to the Church which he Governed ; the whole Society had such a Dependance on him , was so Vircuaily in him , and represented by him ; that what he did , as Bishop , was reputed the Deed of the whole Church which he Ruled . If he was Oxthodox and Catholick , so was the Body united to him reckoned to be . If Heretical or Schismatical , it went under the same Denomination . If he denied the Faith , whoso adhered to him , after that , were reputed to have denied it . If he confessed the Faith , the whole Church was reckoned to have confessed it in him Thus , We find , when Martialis and Basilides , two Spanish Bishops , committed Idolatry , and so forfeited their Bishopricks , and yet some of their People inclined to continue in their Communion ; St. Cyprian , with other 36 Bishops , tells those People , That it behoved them not to flatter themselves , by thinking , that they could continue to Communicate with Polluted Bishops , and withal , themselves continue Pure and Unpolluted : For all that communicated with them , would be Partakers of their Guilt : And therefore , ( as they go on , ) a People obeying and fearing God ought to separate from Criminal Bishops , and be careful not to mix with them in their Sacrilegious Sacrifices o . And again , in that same Synodical Epistle , they say , that it was a neglecting of Divine Discipline , and an Unaccountable Rashness to Communicate with Martialis and Basilides : For whosoever joyne● with them in their Unlawful Communions , were Polluted by the Contagion of their Guilt : And whosoever were Partakers with them in the Crime , would not be separated from them in the Punishment p . Indeed , this is the great Purpose of that 67th Epistle ; as also of the 68th concerning Marcianus , who , by Communicating with Novatianus , had rendred his own Communion Infectious and Abominable q . On the other hand , when Cornelius Bishop of Rome confessed the Faith before the Heathen Persecutors , St. Cyprian says , the whole Roman Church confessed r . And when Cyprian himself , having confessed , received the Sentence of Death ; being then at Utica , he wrote to his Presbyters , Deacons , and People , at Carthage , telling them how earnest he was to Suffer at Carthage ; Because , as he Reasons , it was most Congruous and Becoming , That a Bishop should confess Christ , in that City , in which he Ruled Christ's Church ; That , by confessing in their Presence , they might be all Ennobled : For whatever , says he , in the moment of Confession , the Confessing Bishop speaks , GOD assisting him , he speaks with the MOUTH OF ALL. And he goes on , telling them , How the Honour of their Glorious Church of Carthage should be mutilated , ( as he words it . ) if he should Suffer at Utica ; especially , considering how earnest and frequent he had been in his Prayers and Wishes , that he might , both for HIMSELF and THEM , Confess in their Presence at Carthage s . And upon the same Principle it was , that he so frequently call'd his People , His Bowels , His Body , The Members of his Body : And that he affirm'd , that their Griefs were his Griefs ; Their Wounds , his Wounds ; Their Distresses , his Distresses t , &c. Upon the same Principle it was also , that Pontius his Deacon , having accounted how our Holy Martyr was executed , in presence of the People , falls out into this Rapture : O blessed People of the Church of Carthage , that Suffered together with such a Bishop , with their Eyes and Senses , and , which is more , with open Voice , and was Crowned with him ! For thô all could not Suffer in real Effect , according to their common Wishes , nor really be Partakers of that Glory ; yet whosoever were sincerely willing to Suffer , in the sight of Christ who was looking on , and in the Hearing of their Bishop , did , in a manner , send an Embassy to Heaven , by One who was a competent Witness of their Wishes u . 5. Neither was this of the Bishop's being the Principle of Unity to the Church which he govern'd a Novel Notion , newly Minted in the Cyprianic Age : For , besides that Episcopacy was generally believed , then , to be of Divine Institution ; besides , that St. Cyprian still Argues upon the Supposition of a Divine Institution , as particularly , in the same very Case of the Bishops being the Principle of Unity , as may be seen in his Reasoning against the Lapsed , which I have already cited from Ep. 33. and might be more fully made appear , if it were needful . Besides these Things , I say , we have the same thing frequently insisted on by the Holy Ignatius , who was Contemporary with the Apostles , in his Genuine Epistles . Thus , for Instance , in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna , he tells them , That that is only a firm and solid Communion which is under the Bishop , or allowed by him ; and , That the Multitude ought still to be with the Bishop v . Plainly importing this much at least , That there can be no True Christian Communion , unless it be in the Unity of the Church ; and there can be no Communion in the Unity of the Church , in opposition to the Bishop . And , in his Epistle to the Philadelphians , These who belong to God , and Iesus Christ , are with the Bishops ; and these are God's that they may live by Iesus Christ , who , forsaking their Sins , come into the Unity of the Church vv . And again , in that same Epistle , God doth not dwell where there is Division and Wrath : God only Pardons those , who , Repenting , joyn in the Unity of God , and in Society with the Bishops x . And he has also that same very Notion , of the Bishops being so much the Principle of Unity , that , as it were , the whole Church is represented in him . Thus he tells the Ephesians , that he received their whole Body , in their Bishop Onesimus y . And in his Epistle to the Trallians , he tells them , that in Polybius their Bishop , who came to him at Smyrna , he beheld their whole Society z . 6. Indeed , this Principle , of the Bishop's being the Center of Unity to his Church , was most reasonable and accountable in it self . Every particular Church is an Organiz'd Political Body ; and there can be no Unity in an Organical Body , whether Natural or Political , without a Principle of Unity , on which all the Members must hang , and from which , being separated , they must cease to be Members : And who so fit for being this Principle fo Unity to a Church , as he who was Pastor , Ruler , Governour , Captain , Head , Iudge , Christ's Vicar , &c. in relation to that Church ? This was the True Foundation of that other Maxim which I insisted on before , viz. That there could be but One Bishop , at once , in a Church ? Why so ? Why ? Because it was Monstrous for One Body to have Two Head , for One Society to have Two Principles of Unity . If what I have said does not satisfie you , ( thô , in all conscience , it ought , it being scarcely possible to prove any thing of this Nature more demonstratively , ) then be pleased only to consider the necessary Connexion that is betwixt this Principle , and that which I am next to prove ; and that is , SECONDLY , That by the Principles of those Times , a Bishop , Cononically Promoted , was Supreme in his Church ; immediately subject to Iesus Christ ; independent on any , unaccountable to any Earthly Ecclesiastical Superiour . There was no Universal Bishop , then , under Iesus Christ , who might be the Supreme visible Head of the Catholick visi●le Church . There was , indeed , an Universal Bishoprick ; but it was not holden by any One single Person . There was an Unus Episcopatus ; One Episcopacy , One Episcopal Office , One Bishoprick ; but it was divided into many Parts ; and every Bishop had his sh●re of it assigned him , to Rule and Govern with the Plenitude of the Episcopal Authority a . There was One Church all the World over , divided into many Members ; and there was One Episcopacy d●ffused in proportion to that One Church , by the Harmonious Numer●sity of many Bishops b . Or , if you would have it in other words , the One Catholick Church was divided into many Precincts , Districts , or Diocesses ; call them as you will : Each of those District● had its singular Bishop ; and that Bishop , within that District , had the Supreme Power . He was subordinate to none but the Great Bishop of Souls , Iesus Christ , the only Universal Bishop of the Universal Church . He was independent on , and stood collateral with all other Bishops . There 's nothing more fully , or more plainly , or more frequently insisted on by St. Cyprian , than this Great Principle . I shall only give you a short view of it from him and his Contemporaries . And , I. He lays the Foundation of it in the Parity which our Lord instituted amongst his Apostles . Christ , says he , gave Equal Power to all his Apostles when he said , As my Father hath sent me , even so I send you , Receive ye the Holy-Ghost c , &c. And again , The rest of the Apostles were the same that St. Peter was , endued with an Equality of Power and Honour d . Now St. Cyprian , on all occasions , makes Bishops Successors to the Apostles , as perchance I may prove fully hereafter . Thus , I say , he founds the Equality of Bishops , and , by consequence , every Bishop's Supremacy within his own Diocess . And agreeably , he Reasons most frequently . I shall only give you a few Instances . 2. Then , in that excellent Epistle to Antonianus , discoursing concerning the Case of the Lapsed , and shewing how , upon former Occasions , different Bishops had taken different Measures about restoring Penitents to the Peace of the Church , he concludes with this General Rule , That every Bishop , so long as he maintains the Bond of Concord , and preserves Catholick Unity , has Power to order the Affairs of his own Church , as he shall be accountable to God e . Plainly importing , that no Bishop can give Laws to another , or call him to an Account for his Management . To the same purpose is the conclusion of his Epistle to Iubaianus , about the Baptism of Hereticks and Schismaticks . These Things , most dear Brother , says he , I have written to you , as I was able , neither prescribing to , nor imposing on any Man , seeing every Bishop hath full Power to do as he judges most fitting f , &c. The same way he concludes his Epistle to Magnus , concerning that same Case of Baptism performed by Hereticks g . To the same purpose is the whole Strain of his Epistle to Florentius Pupianus h . And what can be more clear , or full , than his excellent Discourse at the opening of the Council of Carthage , Anno 256 ? More than Eighty Bishops met , to determine concerning that same matter of Baptism administred by Hereticks or Schismaticks . St. Cyprian was Praeses ; and having briefly represented to them the Occasion of their Meeting , he spoke to them thus : it remains now , that each of us speak his sense freely , judging no Man , refusing our Communion to no Man , thô he should dissent from us : For none of us costitutes himself Bishop of Bishops , nor forces his Collegues upon a necessity of Obeying by a Tyrannical Terror ; seeing every Bishop is intirely Master of his own Resolutions , and can no more he judged by others , than he can judge others : But we all expect the Judgment of our Lord Iesus Christ , who alone hath Power of making us Governours of his Church , and calling us to an Account for our Administrations i . 3. Neither did the Principle hold only in respect of this or the other Bishop ; but all without Exception , even the Bishop of Rome , stood upon a Level ▪ And for this , we have as pregnant Proof as possibly can be desired : For when the Schismatical Party at Carthage set up Fortunatus as an Anti-Bishop , and thereupon sent some of their Partisans to Rome toi inform Cornelius of their Proceedings , and justifie them to him ; Cyprian wrote to him also , and thus Reasoned the Case with him . To what Purpose was it for them to go to Rome to tell you , that they had set up a false Bishop against the Bishops ? Either they continue in their Wickedness , and are pleased with what they have done ; or they are Penitent , land willing to return to the Churches Unity : If the latter , they know whither they may return : For seeing it is determined by us all , and withal , 't is just and reasonable in it self , That every one's Cause should be examined where the Crime was committed ; and seeing there is a Portion of Flock ( the Catholick Church ) assigned to every Bishop to be Governed by him , as he shall be accountable to God , our Subjects ought not to run about from Bishop to Bishop , nor break the Harmonious Concord which is amonst Bishops by their subtle and fallacious Temerity ▪ But every Man's Cause ought there to be discussed , where he may have Accusers and Witnesses of his Crime k , &c. In which Reasoning , we have these Things plain : 1. That , by St. Cyprian's Principles , evey Bishop was judge of his own Subjects ; of all the Christians who lived within his District . 2. That no Bishop , no not the Bishop of Rome , was Superior to another Bishop ; nor could receive Appeals from his Sentences . And , 3. That this Independency of Bishops , this Unaccountableness of one Bishop to another , as to his Superiour , was founded on every Bishop's having his Portion of the Flock assigned to him , to be Ruled and Governed by him , as he should answer to God ; i. e. upon his visible Supremacy in his own Church ; his being immediately Subordinate to God only . To the same purpose he writes to Stephen Bishop of Rome also : For having told him his Mind freely concerning those who should return from a State of Schism , to the Unity of the Church ; how they ought to be Treated , and how Recceived , &c. he concludes thus : We know that some are tenacious , and unwilling to alter what they have once determined , and that they will needs retain some Methods peculiar to themselves ; but still with the Safety of Peace , and Concord with their Collegues : In which case , we offer Violence , we proscribe Laws to no Man , seeing every Bishop has full liberty in the Administration of the Affairs of his Church , as he will answwer to God l . And how do both St. Cyprian and Firmilian resent Stephen's Extravagance , in threatning to refuse his Communion to those who had not the same Sentiments with himself about the Baptism of Hereticks ? Let any Man read St. Cyprian's Epistle to Pompeius , and Firmilian's to St. Cyprian m , and he may have enough to this purpsoe . Would you have yet more ? Then take a most memorable Acknowledgment from the Presbyters and Deacons of Rome . St. Cyprian had written to them , while the Bishop's Chair was vacant , and given them an account of his Resolutions about the Lapsed ; those who had Sacrificed to the Heathen Idols in time of Persecution . Now , consider how they begin their answer to him . Altho , say they , a Mind that 's without Checks of Conscience , that 's supported by the Vigour of Evangelical Discipline , and bears witness to it self , that it has squared its Actions by the Divine Commandments , useth to content it self with God , as its only Iudge ; and neither seeks other Men's Approbations , nor fears their Accusations ; yet they are worthy of doubled Praises , who , while they know their Conscience is subject to God only as its Iudge , do yet desire that their Administrations should have their Brethrens Comprobations n . So clearly acknowledging St. Cyprian's ( and by consequence , every Bishop's ) Supremacy within his own District ; and his Independency , or Non-Subordination , to any other Bishop ; that even Rigaltius himself , in his Annotations on St. Cyprian , thô a Papist , confesses it . And no wonder ; For , 4. By the Principles of those Times , every Bishop was Christ's Vicar within his own District o ; Had a Primacy in his own Church p ; Managed the Ballance of her Government q ; Was , by his being Bishop , elevated to the sublime Top of the Priesthood r ; Had the Episcopal Authority in its Vigour s ; the Prelatick Power in its Plenitude t ; A Sublime and Divine Power of Governing the Church u . And none could be called Bishop of Bishops v . Every Bishop was Head of his own Church vv ; and she was built upon him in her Politick Capacity x . He , and he only , was her visible Iudge y ; and he did not stand Subordinate to any visible Superiour . In short , The Constitution of every particular Church , in those Times , was a Well-tempered Monarchy : The Bishop was the Monarch , and the Presbytery was in Senate ; all the Christians within his District depended on him for Government and Discipline , and he depended on no Man : So that I may fairly conclude this Point with that famous Testimony of St. Ierom's in his Epistle to Evagrius : Wherever a Bishop is , whether at Rome or Eugubium , Constantinople or Rhegium , Alexandria or Tani , he is of the same Merit , and the same Priesthood . Neither the Power of Riches , nor the Humility of Poverty , maketh a Bishop higher or lower ; but they are all Successors of the Apostles z . 'T is true indeed , St. Ierom lived after the Cyprianic Age : But , I suppose , our Author will pretend to own his Authority as soon as any Father 's in the point of Church-Government . Let me represent to you only one Principle more , which prevailed in the Days of St. Cyprian : And that is , THIRDLY , That whatever the High-Priest , among the Jews , was to the other Priests and Levites , &c. The Christian Bishop was the same to the Presbyters and Deacons , &c. and the same Honour and Obedience was due to him . This was a Principle which St. Cyprian frequently insisted on , and Reasoned from . Thus in his Third Epistle , directed to Rogatianu , he tells him , That he had Divine Law and Warrant for Punishing his Rebellious and Undutiful Deacon . And then cites that Text , Deut. 17. 12. And the man that will do presumptuously , and will not hearken unto the Priest , or unto the Iudge , even that man shall die : And all the people shall bear and fear , and do no more presumptuously . And confirms it farther , by shewing how God punished Gorah , Datham , and Abiram , for Rebelling against Aaro● , Numb . 16. 1. And when the Israelites , weary of Samuel's Government , asked a King to judge them , The Lord said to Samuel , Hearken unto the voice of the People in all that they say unto thee ; for they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me that I should not reign over them : 1. Sam. 8. 7. Therefore , he gave them Saul for a Punishment , &c. And when St. Paul was challenged for reviling God's High Priest , he excused himself , saying , He wist not that he was the High Priest : Had he known him to have been so , he would not have Treated him so , for it is written , Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of they People : Act. 23. 4 , 5. And. ( as he goes further on ) Our Lord Iesus Christ , Our God , King , and Iudge , to the very hour of his Passion paid suitable Honour to the Priests , thô they neither feared God , nor acknowledged Christ : For when he had cleansed the L●per , he bade him go shew himself to the Priest , and offer his Gift : Matth. 8. 4. And at the very instant of his Passion , when he was beaten , as if he had answered irreverently to the High Priest , he uttered no Reproachful Thing against the Person of the Priest , but rather defended his own Innocence , saying , If I have spoken Evil , bear witness of the Evil ; but if well , why smitest thou me ? John 18. 22 , 23. All which Things were done humbly and patiently lby him , that we might have a Patern of Patience and Humility proposed to us ; for he taught us to give all dutiful Honour to true Priests , by behaving so towards false Priests a . Thus St. Cyprian Reason'd , and these were his Arguments for obliging all Men , Clergy as well as Laity , to Honour and Obey their Bishops . To the same purpose he wrote in his Fourth Epistle to Pomponius , concerning some Virgins and Deacons that lived Scandalously . Let them not think they can be saved , says he , if they will not obey the Bishops , seeing God says in Deuteronomy , and then he cites Deut. 17. 12 b . He insists on the same Arguments in his 59th Epistle directed to Cornelius , when he is giving him an account of the Rebellion , and Schismatical Practices of Fortunatus and Felicissimus , the one a Presbyter , and the other a Deacon c . He insists on them over again , in his 66th Epistle to Florentius Papianus d . He insists largely on the Argument drawn from the Punishment inflicted on Corah and his Complices for Rebelling against Aaron ; and makes it the same very Sin in Schismaticks , who separate from their lawful Bishop , in his 69th Epistle directed to Magnus e ; and in his 73d Epistle , directed to Iubaianus f . And Firmilian also , St. Cyprian's Contemporary , insists on the same Argument g . Indeed , the Names , Priest , Priesthood , Altar , Sacrifice , &c. so much used those Times , are a pregnant Argument of the Notions Christians had then , of the Christian Hierarchy's being Copied from the Iewish . Neither was it a Notion newly started up in St. Cyprian's time , for we find it in express Terms in that notable Epistle written to the Corinthians by St. Clement Bishop of Rome , who was not only contemporary with the Apostles , but is by Name mentioned by St. Paul , as one of his Fellow-Labourers , whose Names are in the Book of LIfe , Philip. 4. 3. For he perswading those Corinthians to lay aside all Animosities and Schismatical Dispositions , and to pursue and maintain Unity and Peace , above all things ; proposes to them as a proper Expedient for this , that every Man should keep his Order and Station ; and then enumerates the several Subordinations under the Old Testament , which sufficiently proves , That the Hierarchy was still preserved in the New. His Method of Reasoning , and the Design he had in hand to compose the Schisms that arose amongst the Corinthians , make this evident beyond all Contradiction , That a Bishop in the Christian Church was no less than the High Priest among the Iews , else he had not argued from the Precedents of the Temple to perswade them to Unity in the Church . The High Priest ( saith he ) has his proper Office , and the Priests have their proper Place or Station ; and the Levites are tied to their proper Ministeries ; and the Layman is bound to his Laick Performances h . Having thus demonstrated , that these were three current and received Principles in St. Cyprian's time , viz. That a Bishop was the Principle of Unity to his Church , to all the Christians within his District ; That he was Supreme in his Church , and had no Earthly Ecclesiastical Superiour ; and , That he was the same amongst Christians , which the High Priest was amongst the Iews : Let me try a little , if our Author's Definition of a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , can consist with them . I am afraid , it can consist with none of them singly , much less with all these together . I. Not with the first ; for , if a Bishop , then , was the Principle of Unity to a Church , in which there were many Presbyters ; as Cyprian , e. g. was to the Church of Carthage , and Cornelius to the Church of Rome , and Fabius to the Church of Antioch , and Dionysius to the Church of Alexandria , &c. If thus it was , I say , then , to be sure , a Bishop was another thing than a meer single Presbyter of a single Parish in the Presbyterian sense : For , if a single Presbyter could have been the Principle of Unity to a Church in which there were , e. g. 46 single Presbyters , he must have been it as a single Presbyter , or as something else : Not as a single Presbyter , for then there should have been as many Principles of Unity in a Church , as there were single Presbyters ; for Instance , There should have been 46 Principles of Unity in the Church of Rome : Which , besides that 't is plainly Contradictory to the Notion of One Bishop , at once , in a Church ; what is it else , than to make a Church such a Monster as may have 46 Heads ? Than by so multiplying the Principles of Unity , to leave no Unity at all ? Than , in stead of One Principle of Unity to an Organized Body , to set up 46 Principles of Division ? Indeed , what is it else than the very Extract of Nonsense , and Cream of Contradiction ? A single Presbyter then , if he could have been the Principle of Unity to such a Church , mut have been it , as something else than a meer single Presbyter . But what could that Something else have been ? A Presbyterian Moderator ? Not so neither ; for by what Propriety of Speech can a Moderator of a Presbytery , as such , be called the Principle of Unity to a Church ? How can he be called the Principle of Unity to a Church , who , as such , is neither Pastor , Head , nor Governour of a Church ? Who , as such , has no direct , immediate , or formal Relation to a Church ? Who , as such , is only the Chair-man , the Master-Speaker , not of the Church , but of the Presbytery ? Nay , who may be such , and yet no Christian ? For however inexpedient or indecent it may be , that an Heathen should , on occasion , be the Moderator , i. e. the Master-Speaker of a Presbytery ; yet it implies no Repugnancy to any Principle of Christianity . But however this is , 't is certain , that , according to the Presbyterian Principles , ( not the Moderator , but ) the Presbytery is the Principle of Unity to the Church , or rather Churches , within the Bounds of that Presbytery . And , to do our Author Justice , he seems to have been sensible of this , as a I observed already : And therefore , he said not , If he ( the Apologist ) can prove , that we separate from our Pastors , or from the Moderator of the Presbytery ; but , from our Pastors , or from the Presbytery with their Moderator . Neither , 2. Can our Author's Definition consist with the second Principle , viz. That every Bishop was Supreme in his Church , Independent , and not Subordinate , to any Ecclesiastical Superiour on Earth . To have such a Supremacy , such an Independency , such an Unaccountableness , is notoriously inconsistent with the Idea of either a single Presbyter , or a Presbyterian Moderator . How can it be consistent with the Idea of a single Presbyter acting in Parity with his Brethren Presbyters , that of 46 , for Example , One should have a Primacy , a Supremacy , a Plenitude of Power , the Sublime and Divine Power of Governing the Church , an Unaccountable and Eminent Power , as St. Ierom himself calls it i . And all the rest should be Accountable , and Subordinate to him ? What is this but reconciling Contradictions ? Besides , the Independency of single Presbyters is notoriously inconsistent with the Presbyterian Scheme . 'T is Independency , not Presbytery . And as for the Presbyterian Moderator , In what sense can he be called Supreme , or Independent , or Unaccountable ? In what sense can he be said to be raised to the Sublime Top of the Priesthood ? Or to have an Exors Potestas , an Unaccountable Power ? Or to be Accountable to God only ? Or to have the Sublime and Divine Power of Governing the Church ? Is he , as such , raised to the Sublime Top of the Preisthood , who , as such , may be no Priest at all ? For why may not a Ruling Elder be a Moderator ? How can he be said to have 〈◊〉 Unaccountable Power , who can be Voted out of his Chair with the same Breath with which he was Voted into it ? How can he be said to be Accountable to God only , who is Accountable to the Presbytery ? How can he be said to have the Sublime and Divine Power of Governing the Church , who , as such , is no Church Governour ? Has he a Supreme Power in a Society , who , as such , has no imaginable Iurisdiction over any one Member of that Society ? 3. But what shall I say to the Consistency of our Author's Definition with the third Principle I named ? Even no more than that I have proved it to have been one of St. Cyprian's , and one that was generally received in his time ; and that I can refer it to our Author himself to Determine , Whether the High Priest of the Iews bore no higher Character than that of a single Presbyter , or a Presbyterian Moderator ? And so I proceed to another Head of Arguments , which shall be , FOURTHLY , To give you , in a more particular Detail , some of the Branches of the Episcopal Prerogative in St. Cyprian's time . And I think I shall do enough for my purpose , if I shall prove these three Things : I. That there were several considerable Acts of Power relating to the Government and Discipline of the Church , which belonged solely to the Bishop's several Powers lodged in his Person , which he could manage by himself , and without the Concurrence of any other Church-Governour . II. That in every Thing relating to the Government and Discipline of the Church , he had a Negative over all the other Church-Governours within his District . And , III. That all the other Clergy-men within his District , Presbyters as well as others , were subject to his Authority , and obnoxious to his Discipline and Jurisdiction . I. I say , there were several considerable Acts of Power relating to the Government and Discipline of the Church , which belonged solely to the Bishop ; several Powers lodged in his Person , which he could manage by himself , and without the Concurrence of any other Church-Governour . Take these for a Sample . And , First , He had the sole Power of Confirmation ; of imposing Hands on Christians , for the Reception of the Holy-Ghost , after Baptism . For this , we have St. Cyprian's most express Testimony in his Epistle to Iubaianus , where he tells , It was the Custom to offer such as were Baptized to the Bishops , that , by their Prayers , and the laying on of their Hands , they might receive the Holy-Ghost , and be Consummated by the Sign of our Lord , i. e. by the Sign of the Cross , as I take it : And he expresly founds this Practice on the Paterm of St. Pater and St. Iohn , mentiond Acts 8. 14. &c. k Firmilian is as express in his Epistle to Cyprian , saying in plain Lanugage , That the Bishops , who Govern the Church , possess the Power of Baptism , Confirmation , and Ordination l . 'T is true , he calls them Majores Natu , Elder : But that he meant Bishops , as distinguished from Presbyters , cannot be called into Question by any Man , who reads the whole Epistle , and considers his Stile all along ; and withal , considers what a peculiar Interest , by the Principles of these Times , the Bishop had in these three Acts he names . But whatever groundless Altercations there may be about his Testimony , as there can be none about St. Cprian's , so neither can there by any shadow of Pretext for any about Cornelius's , who , in his Epistle to Fabius , ( so often mentioned before , ) makes it an Argument of Novatianus his Incapacity of being a Bishop ; that thô he was Baptized , yet he was not Confirmed by the Bishop m . Secondly , He had the sole Power of Ordination , and that of whatsoever Clergy-men within his District . Ordinations could not be performed without him ; but he could perform them Regularly , without the Concurrence of any other Church-Officer . This has been so frequently and so fully proved by Learned Men , that I need not insist much on it . Forbearing therefore to adduce the Testimonies of such as lived after St. Cyprian's time , such as Ambrose , Ierom , Chrysostom , &c. I shall confine my self to St. Cyprian , and his Contemporaries . Toi begin with St. Cyprian . 'T is true , so humble and condescending he was , That when he was made Bishop , he resolved with himself to do nothing by himself , concerning the Publick Affairs of the Church , without consulting not only his Clergy , but his People n . I call this his own free and voluntary Condescention : It wa a thing he was not bound to do by any Divine Prescript , or any Apostolical Tradition , or any Ecclesiastical Constitution . His very Words import so much , which you may see on the Margin . And yet , for all that , we find him not only in extraordinary Junctures , Ordaining without asking the Consent of his Clergy or People ; but still insisting on it as the Right of all Bishops , and particularly his own , to Promote and Ordain Clergy-men , of whatsoever Rank , by himself , and without any Concurrence . Thus , In his 38th Epistle , having Ordained Aurelius a Lector , he acquaints his Presbyters and Deacons with it , from the Place of his Retirement : Now consider how he begins his Letter . In all Clerical Ordinations , most dear Brethren , says he , I used to Consult you beforehand , and to examine the Manners and Merits of every one with common Advice o . And then he proceeds to tell them , How , that notwithstanding that was his ordinary Method , a Rule he had observed for the most part ; yet , for good Reasons he had not observed it in that Instance . In which Testimony , we have these Things evident : 1. That his Power was the same , as to all Ordinations , whether of Presbyters or others : For he speaks of them all indefinitely ; In Clericis Ordinationibus . 2. That he used only to ask the Counsel and Advice of his Clergy , about the Manners and Merits of the Person he was to Ordain , but not their Concurrence in the Act of Ordination ; not one word of that : On the contrary , That they used not to Concurr , fairly imported in the very Instance of Aurelius . 3. That it was intirely of his own Easiness and Condescension , that he Consulted them in the Matter : He USED to do it , but needed not have done it : He did it not in that very same Case . Which is a demonstration of the Truth of what I said before , viz. That his Resolutio● , which he had made when he entred to his Bishoprick , was from his own Choice , and absolutely Free and Voluntary . We have another remarkable Testimony to the same purpose in his 41st Epistle , where he tells , that , Because of his Absence from Carthage , he had given a Deputation to ●aldnius and Herculanus , two Bishops ; and to R●gatian●s and Numidicus , two of his Presbyters , to examine the Ages , Qualifications , and M●its , of some in Carthage , that he , whose Province it was to promote Men to Ecclesiastical Offices , might be well informed about them , and Promote none but such as were Meek , Humble , and Worthy p This , I say , is a most remarkable Testimony for our present Purpose ; for he not only speaks indefinitely of all Ranks or Orders , without making Exceptions ; but he speaks of himself in the Singular Number , as having the Power of Promoting them ; and he founds that Power , and appropriates it to himself , upon his having the Care of the Church and her Government committed to him . We have a third Testimony as pregnant as any of the former , in his 72d Epistle written to Stephen Bishop of Rome . For , representing to him what the Resolution of the African Bishops were concerning such Presbyters and Deacons as should return from a State of Schism , to the Communion of the Church , he discourses thus . By common Consent and A●thority , Dear Brother , we tell you further , That if any Presbyters or Deacons , who have either been Ordained before in the Catholick Church , and have afterwards turned Perfsidious and Rebellious against the Church ; or , have been Promoted by a Profane Ordination , in a State of Schism , by FALSE BISHOPS and Anti-Christs , against our Lord's Institution — that such , if they shall return , shall only be admitted to Lay-Communion , &c. q By which Testimony , you may clearly see , 1. That all Ordinations of Presbyters , as well as Deacons , were performed by Bishops ; by True Bisho●● in the Catholick Church ; and by False Bishops in a State of Schism . 2. That to Ordain Presbyters and Deacons , was so much , and so acknowledged by , the Bishop's Work , and peculiar to him , that , herein , even Schismaticks themselves oberved the Common Rule . They found their Ordinations were indispensibly to be performed by Bishops , that they might not be Obnoxious to the Charge of Invalidity . So clear and full is St. Cyprian on this Head : And not only he , but Firmilian , as I have cited him already . Nay , further yet , Our Martyr's Practice was always suitable and correspondent to these Principles . He not only Ordained Aurelius a Lector , as I have shewed , without either the Consent or Concurrence of his Clergy ; but also Saturus a Lector , and Optatus a Sub-Deacon , Epst. 29. and Celerinus a Lector , Ep. 39. In which we have also a most considerable Evidence of the Bishops Power in Ordinations , in St. Cyprian's Discourse concerning Aurelius and Celerinus : For there he tells his Presbyters , Deacons , and all his People , and tell them in an Authoritative Stile , in the Stile , by which Superiours used to signifie their Will and Pleasure to their Subjects , with a Be it known to you ; He tells them , I say , That tho he had only Ordained these two , Lectors , for the time , because they were but young ; yet he had designed them for the Presbyterate , and to sit with him , as soon as their Years would allow of it r . And what can be more pat to this purpose , than that uncontrolable Account we have of Novatianus his Promotion to the Presbyterate , which we have in that so often mentioned Epistle written by Cornelius to Fabius of A●tioch ? There he tells , how Novatianus was Ordained a Presbyter , meerly by the Favour of the then Bishop of Rome . That all the Clergy , and many of the People , opposed it , as being Unlawful , considering that he had been Baptized while on the Bed of Sickness . And that , after much work , the Bishop prevailed , and Ordained him , promising that he would not make a Precedent of it . I refer you to the Testimony which I have transcribed faithfully on the Margin . Consider it , and tell me if any thing can be more clear , than that the Bishop , then , had the sole Power of Ordination s . Neither do we read in all St. Cyprian's Works , or in any Monuments of those Times , of any Concurrence of Presbyters with Bishops , in any Ordinations , and far less , that ever Presbyters Ordain'd without a Bishop . 'T is true , we read in St. Cyprian's 52d Epistle , that Novatus made Felicissimus a Deacon : And I read , that several Learned Men understand it so , as if he had Ordained him t . And Blo●del particularly , because Novatus was nothing but a Presbyter , con●ludes , that this was a notable Instance of the Power of Presbyters in Ordinations . But when one reads the whole Passage , as St. Cyprian hath it , and ponders all Things duly , he cannot but think it strange , that ever that Fancy should have been entertained : For all that St. Cyprian says , amounts to no more than this , That Novatus turn'd a Schismatick in the time of Persecution , and thereby became another P●rsecution to the Church ; and that having thus given himself up to the Spirit of Schism , he , by his Faction and Ambition , got Felicissimus made a Deacon , without either St. Cyprian ' s knowledge or Allowance u . St Cyprian's Words , I say , do not import , that Novatus Ordain'd Felicissimus : They import no more , than that Novatus his Ambition and Faction prevailed to get Felicissimus Ordain'd a Deacon , thô himself did not Ordain him . ( 'T is probable he was Ordained by some Neighbouring Bishop , St. Cyprian being then in his Secession . ) And 't is as evident as any thing can be made , from what immediately follows , that St. Cyprian designed them for no more . For he goes on , and tells , in that same Breath , That Novatus having done so and so at Carthage , went next to Rome , and attempted just the like things there ; only with this difference , That as Rome , by it●s Greatness , had the Pre●edency of Carthage , so he attempted greater Wickedness , at Rome than at Carthage : For he ( says Cyprian ) who had made a Deacon at Carthage against the Church , made a Bishop at Rome , meaning Novatianus v . Now 't is certain that not Novatus , but Three Bishops , Ordained Novatianus ; and , by consequence , that St. Cyprian never meant that Novatus Ordain'd Felicissi●us . This is irre●ragable . But then , suppose the worst ; Suppose Novatus had really Ordained Felicissimus , what stress is to be laid on the Example of a Schismatick ? Especially when what he did was done Schismatically ? Antonianus asked of St. Cyprian , what was Novatianus his Heresie ? And Cyprian answered , It was no matter what he taught , seeing he taught in Schism vv And may we not say with the same Reason , That it matters not what Novatus did , seeing what he did was done in Schism ? One Thing indeed we learn from this Matter , and that is another Argument of the Bishop's peculiar Interest in the matter of Ordination ; For St. Cyprian most plainly imputes it to Schism , that , without his Allowance , Novatus should have presumed to have got Felicissimus Ordained a Deacon . One Word more : The Bishops being thus possessed of the sole Power of Ordination in St. Cyprian's time , and his Practising suitably , was exactly agreeable to the Second of the Canons commonly called of the Apostles ; which is , Let a Presbyter be Ordained by One Bishop , as likewise a Deacon and the rest of the Clergy x . A Canon , without doubt , universally received then , as Beveregius has fully proved ; and a Canon highly agreeable with the then current Principles , which I have insisted on already , viz. That a Bishop was the Principle of Unity , and Supreme Ecclesiastical Magistrate within his District . For what can be more suitable to , or rather , more necessary by all the Fundamental Rules of Society , than that it should belong to the Supreme Power , wherever it is lodged , to promote and give Commissions to all Inferiour Officers ? 'T is one of the Rights of Majesty , and one as intrinsick and unal●enable , or incommunicable , as any . 'T is true , a good many Years after St. Cyprian's time , it was appointed by the 〈◊〉 , That Presbyters should concurr with the Bishop in the Ordination of Presbyters : But then , I say , it was many Years after St. Cyprian's time ; and it was for new emergent Reasons ; That Ordinations might be performed more deliberately , or with the greater Solemnity , or so ; but 't is evident , that nothing of the substantial Validity of the Orders were to depend upon it . And so much , at present , for the Bishop's Power of Ordination . But this is not all . For , Thirdly , He had full Power , without asking the Consent or Concurrence of either Clergy or People , to settle Presbyters within his District . Of this , we have a most remarkable Instance of St. Cyprian's planting Namidicus a Presbyter of the City of Carthage : Our Martyr wrote to his Presbyters , Deacons , and People , to receive him as such , ( probably he had been Ordained before , ) and there was no more of it : It was instantly done y . As we learn from the very next Epistle z , where we find the same Namidicus , as a Presbyter of Carthage , receiving a Commission for a Deputation to oversee such and such Things in St. Cyprian's absence . So negligent , shall I say ? Or so ignorant was St. Cyprian of Christ's Testament , at least of his Leaving , in it , to his People , by way of Legacy , a Right , a Grant , a Priviledge , of Cho●sing their own Ministers ! What a Stranger has he been to all the Analogies and Principles of Presbyterian Government ! But I proceed . Fourthly , In St. Cyprian's time , the Bishop had the disposal of all the Revenues of the Church . All the Churches Incomes , then , were Oblations , and Charitable Contributions . The Civil Magistrate was Heathen , and treated her commonly with Persecutions , never with Encouragements . Now , the Bishop , I say , had the full Power of disposing of these Contributions and Oblations . In the first place , he had his own Quantitas Propria , His proper Portion ; and t was , no doubt , a considerable One. 'T is commonly reckoned to have been the Third . The other Two belonged to the Clergy and the Poor ; but so , as to be dispensed by the Bishop . That he had his own Portion , and that a Liberal One , is evident from his 7th Epistle ; For there he tells how , before he retired , he gave the Trust of it to Rogatianus , one of his Presbyters , ordering that if there were any necessitous Strangers at Carthage , they should have Maintenance out of it . a . And it is observable , that when St. Cyprian gives an account of Fortunatianus , who had been Bishop of Assurae , but had forfeited by Sacrificing in time of Persecu●ion , and yet was earnest for all that to retain his Bishoprick ; he says expresly , that it was upon the account of the Perquisites , and not from any Love to Religion b . And it is not to be doubted , that the same Reason moved Basilides to be so much concerned for the recovery of his Bishoprick , after he had forfeited it also c Indeed , the Bishop's proper Portion was setled on him by the 40th of the Apostolic Canons . And that he had the disposal of the rest , particularly that which belonged to the Clergy , is as plain . For , in his 41st Epistle , he makes it an aggravation of Felicissimus's Guilt , that , contrary to the Duty which he owed to his Bishop , he should have made such a Clutter , about the Division of the Contributions . And on the other hand he praises the Dutifulness of others , who would not follow F●licissimus his bad Example , but continued in the Unity of the Church , and were satisfied to take their Shares , as the Bishop should please to dispense them d . And it is a most remarkable Instance of this his Power , which we have in the aforementioned Case of Aurelius and Celerinus ; for thô he promoted them only to the Degree of Lectors , yet he Entituled them to the Maintenance of Presbyters . e . And as for that part that belonged to the Poor , his Power in the Distribution of it is so evident from his Fifth and Forty first Epistles , that I need not insist upon it . Indeed , this Power was expresly asserted to them by the Thirty eighth and Forty fi●st of the Apostolick Canons f . And we find Bishops in Possession of it long before St. Cyprian's time ; as is evident from Iustin Martyr's second Apology , not far from the end . Not now to mention that it seems fairly to be founded on express Scripture g . Indeed , Fifthly , He seems to have had a Power of imposing Charitable Contributions on all the Christians within his District , for the Relief of Distressed Strangers , whether Captives , Prisoners , or condemn'd to the Mines or Galleys , &c. Of this Power , we have famous Instances in his 62d and 78th Epistles . You may Consult them at your Leasure . And long before St. Cyprian's time , Soter Bishop of Rome , as the Venerable Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , ( cited for it by Eusebius , ) tells us , Managed this Power to excellent purpose , as his Predecessors , from the Apostles times had done before him . Take his own Words , for he was a very ancient Father , having flourished about an Hundred Years before St. Cyprian . They are in an Epistle of his to the Church of Rome , in which he thus bespeaks them . This has been your Custom from the beginning , ( i. e. ever since the Church of Rome was planted , ) to do manifold good Offices to the Brethren , and send Supplies to most Churches in most Cities , for sweetning their Poverty , and refreshing those that are Condemned to the Mines . You , Romans , observe the Custom of the Romans handed down to you by your Fathers ; which Custom , your blessed Bishop Soter has not only observed , but improved , &c. h What can be more clear than it is from these Words , That Soter , as Bishop of Rome , had the chief Management of the Charitable Contributions , imposing them , and disposing of them for the Relief of the Afflicted Christians of whatsoever Church ? And now that I have gone higher than St. Cyprian's time , ( thô it was not necessary for my main Argument ; and to make use of it , might swell this Letter to too great a Bulk ; ) Let me mention another Power , which Tertu●lian ( who lived before St. Cyprian also ) in plain Terms appropriates to the Bish●p . A considerable Power , a Power that is a considerable Argument of the Episcopal Sovereignty . And it is , Sixthly , The Power of Indicting Solemn Fasts , as occasion required , to all the Christians within his District . You have his Words , plain and home , upon the Margin i Sev●nthly , A Bishop in St. Cyprian's time , ( for now I return to it , ) as such , had the sole Power of Convocating his Presbyters and Deacons ; all those of his Clergy and People , who either sat with him , or standing gave their Suffrages , as they were ask'd , about any thing relating to the Church . All Learned Men ( even Spanhemius himself , our Author 's diligent Searcher into Antiquity , ) confesses this . Indeed , this was a Point on which the Unity of the Church did so much depend , that it could not but be a necessary Branch of his Prerogative , who was the Principle of Unity to , and was intrusted with , the Supreme Government of the Church . And , agreeably , we find Cornelius accounting about it in an Epistle to Cyprian . For there he tells , how the Presbyter and Confessors , who had sided with Novatianus , turning sensible of their Error , came ( not streight to himself , for it seems they had not the confidence to do that , or rather , they would not have been allowed that freedom so suddenly ; but ) to his Presbyters , acknowledging their Offences , and humbly supplicating that they might be Pardoned , and their Escapes forgotten : How , when all this was narrated to him , He was pleased to Convocate the Presbytery : How Maximus , Urbanus , Sidonius , and Macarius , being allowed to appear , made their Acknowledgments and humble Addresses ; and then , how after they were received in the Presbytery , the whole matter was Communicated to the People ; and they again renewed their Acknowledgments before the People , confessing as I shewed before , viz. That they were convinced , that Cornelius was chosen by the Omnipotent God , and our Lord Iesus Christ to be Bishop of the most Holy Catholick Church ; and that they were not ignorant , that , as there was but One God , One Christ our Saviour , and One Holy-●host ; so there ought to be only One Bishop in a Catholick Church k . Here , I say , was a Noble Instance of a Bishop's Power in Convocating his Presbyters at pleasure , and managing the Affairs of the Church like a Chief Governour . The whole Epistle is well worth perusing . But I shall only desire you to take notice of one Thing by the way , it is , That Cornalius sought not the People's Consent for their Reception ; no , he first received them again into the Communion of the Church , and then acquainted the People with it . I observe this , because it is another Demonstration , That what St. Cyprian determined from the beginning of his Episcopacy , was meerly the effect of his own Choice , and Arbitrary Condescension , viz. To do nothing without his Peoples Consent : This , I say , was not a Thing he was bound to do by the Rules of his Episcopacy , for then Cornelius had been as much bound as he . After these Persons were so solemnly Reconciled to the Church , they themselves , by a Letter , gave an Account of it to St. Cyprian ; an Account , I say , which might bring more Light to the whole Matter , if it needed any . We are certain , say they , most dear Brother , that you will rejoyce with us , when you know , that all Mistakes are forgotten , and we are Reconciled to Cornelius OUR BISHOP , and to all the Clergy ; to the Great Contentment and Good Liking of the whole Church l . But you may say , Did not the Roman Presbytery Conveen , during the Vac●●cy , after the Death of Fabianus ? And did not the Presbytery of Carthage meet frequently , during the time of St. Cyprian's Secession ? How then can it be said , That the Bishop had the sole Power of Convocating Presbyters ? I answer , 'T is true , it was so in both Cases : But how ? To begin with the latter ; There was no Meeting of the Clergy at Carthage , during St. Cyprian's Secession , without his Authority : And therefore we find , when he retired , he left a Delegated Power with his Presbyters and Deacons , or an Allowance , call it as you will , to meet and manage the Affairs of the Church , as occasion should require ; but still , so as that they could do nothing of Moment without first Consulting him ; and nothing , but what was of ordinary Incidence , is Regulated by the Canons . This we learn from many of his Epistles : Thus , in his Fifth Epistle directed to his Presbyters and Deacons , Because he could not be present himself , he required them Faithfully and Religiously to discharge both his Office and their own m . Which not only imports , that they had distinct Offices from his , but also , in express Terms , settles a Delegation on them . He bespeaks them after the same manner in his 12th Epistle n . And more Authoritatively yet , Ep. 14. where he not only Exhorts , but Commands them to perform the Office of Vicars to him o . But then , how warmly he re●ented it , when some of them ventured beyond the Limits of the Allowance he had given them ; when they began to encroach on his Prerogatives ; when they presumed to meddle in Matters for which they had no Allowance , and which were not in the common Road , nor Regulated by the Canons , you shall hear to purpose by and by . And from what I have already said , the other Case , That of the Presbytery's Meeting in the time of a Vacancy , may be easily cleared also ; for thô they might meet , yet all they could do , was to provide all they could for the Peace and Safety of the Church , by determining in Ruled Cases ; just as may be done by inferiour Magistrates in all other Corporations , or Societies , in the time of an Inter-Reign ; but they could make no new Rules : And there were several other Things they could not do ; as I shall also shew fully within a little . In the mean time , having mentioned how St. Cyprian , in his Absence , gave a Delegation to his Clergy , and Constituted them his Vicars ; let me give you one Example of it , which may well deserve to pass for another Instance of Acts that were peculiar to himself : And that is , Eighthly , His Delegating , not his Presbyters in common , but two of them only , viz. Rogatianus and N●midicus , with two Bishops , Caldonius and Herculanus , not only to consider the State of the Poor , and of the Clergy at Carthage ; but to pronounce his Sentence of Excommunication against Felicissimus and Augendus , and all that should joyn themselves to that Faction and Conspiracy p . Which Delegation was accordingly accepted of , and the Sentence put in Execution , as we learn by the Return , which these four Delegates , together with another Bishop called Victor , made to our Holy Martyr q . I might have easily collected more Instances of Powers and Faculties which were peculiar to a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time , and which could not be pretended to by Presbyters : But these may be sufficient for a Sample , especially considering that more , perhaps , may be discovered in the Prosecution of the next Thing I promised to make appear , which was , II. That in every thing relating to the Government and Discipline of the Church , the Bishop had a Negative over all the other Church-Governours within his District . He had the Supreme Power of the Keys . No Man could be admitted into the Church ; no Man could be thrust out of the Church ; none Excommunicated could be admitted to Penance , nor Absolved nor Restored to the Communion of the Church ; no Ecclesiastical Law could be made , nor Rescinded , nor Dispensed with , without him . In short , all Ecclesiastical Discipline depends upon the Sacraments , and neither Sacrament could be Administrated without his Allowance . If this Point , well proved , does not evince , That a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was a real Prelate , and stood in a real Superiority above all other Church Officers , I must despair of ever proving any thing . And I must despair of ever proving any thing , if I prove not this Point . 1. To begin with Baptism , the Sacrament by which Persons are admitted into the Church : That no Man could be Baptized without the Bishop's Consent , has as much Evidence as can be well required for any Matter of Fact. For , First , St. Cyprian could not have expressed any thing more fully , or more plainly , than he has done this . To omit that Testimony which he gives in his Exhortation to Mar●yrdom , where he says , Bishops , by our Lord's Allowance , give the first Baptism to Believers r . Let us turn over to Ep. 73. in which he insists directly to this purpose . The Question was , Whether Baptism performed by Hereticks , or Schismaticks , was Valid ? St. Cyprian affirmed it was not . His Conclusion was such , as required some other Argument to support it , than his own Authority . It was therefore needful , that he should attempt to prove it ; and that from received and acknowledged Principles . Now consider his Argument , I shall give it in his own Words as near as I can Translate them . 'T is manifest , says he , where , and by whom , the Remission of Sins can be given , which is given in Baptism . For , our Lord gave , first , to Peter ( on whom he built his Church , thereby instituting and demonstrating the Original of Unity , ) that Power , That whatsoever he should loose on Earth , should be loosed in Heaven : And then , after his Resurrection , he gave it to all his Apostles , when he said , As my Father hath sent me , &c. ( Joh. 20. v. 21 , 22 , 23. ) Whence we learn , that none can Baptize Authoritatively , and give Remission of Sins , but the BISHOPS , and those who are FOUNDED in the Evangelical Law , and our Lord's Institution : And , that nothing can be Bound or Loosed out of the Church , seeing there 's none , there , who has the Power of Binding or Loosing . Further ; Dearest Brother , we want not Divine Warrant for it , when we say , That God hath disposed all Things by a certain Law , and a proper Ordinance ; and that none can USURP any thing against the BISHOPS , all being subject to them : For Corah , Dathan , and Abiram , attempted to assume to themselves a Priviledge of Sacrificing against Moses and Aaron the Priest , and they were Punished for it , because it was unla●ful s . Thus St. Cyprian argued ; and the force of his Argument lies visibly in this , That Baptism performed by Hereticks or Schismaticks cannot be Valid , because not performed by the Bishop , nor with his Allowance . Now whatever comes of his Inference , sure , it had been Ridiculous in him to have so Reasoned , if his Antecedent had not been a received Principle . Neither was St. Cyprian singular in this , for Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia is as plain , saying , ( as I have cited him before ) That the Bishops , who Govern the Church , possess the Power of Baptism , Confirmation , and Ordination . And Fortunatus Bishop of Thuraboris , another of St. Cyprian's Contemporaries , in his Suffrage at the Council of Carthage , is as plain as either Cyprian or Firmilian . Iesus Christ , says he , our Lord and God , the Son of God the Father and Creator , built his Church upon a Rock , and not upon Heresie , and gave the Power of Baptizing to Bishops , and not to Hereticks , &c. t Indeed , before St. Cyprian's time , we have Tertullian , who spent most of his Days in the Second Century , and who , in his Book about Baptism , against Quintilla , to the Question , Who may Baptize ? answers positively , The High-Priest , who is the Bishop , hath the Power of Baptizing ; and after him , or in Subordination to him , Presbyters and Deacons , but not without the BISHOP's AUTHORITY u . And before him , we have the Apostolical Ignatius , who spent almost all his Days in the First Century , and who says in express Terms , That it is not lawful to Baptize without the Bishop v . 2. A Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , had as much Power about the Holy Eucharist : No Presbyter within his District could Administer it without his Leave , or against his Interdict . St. Cyprian's Testimonies to this purpose are innumerable . Let me give you only One or Two , for Instance ; Thus in his 16th Epistle written to his Presbyters and Deacons , he resents it highly , that some of his Presbyters should have dared to admit the Lapsed to the Sacrament without his Allowance . Such , says he , deny me the Honour of which by Divine Right I am possessed , &c. Indeed , the 15th , 16th , and 17th Epistles , are to this purpose vv . And in his 59th Epistle , having cited Mal. 2. v. 1 , 2. he Reasons thus against all such Presbyters as presumed to Celebrate the Eucharist without the Bishop's allowance . Is Glory given to God , when his Majesty and Discipline is so contemned , that , when He says , He is Angry and full of Wrath against such as Sacrifice to Idols , and when He threatens them with everlasting Pains and Punishments , Sacrilegious Persons should presume to say , Think not on the Wrath of God : Fear not the Divine Iudgments : Knock not at the Church of Christ : That they should cut off Repentance , and the Confession of Sins ; and PRESBYTERS CONTEMNING and TRAMPLING ON THEIR BISHOPS , should preach Peace with Deceiving Words , and give the Communion , &c. x And , 't is a Passage very remarkable to this purpose , which we read in an Epistle of Dionysi●s of Alexandria to Fabius of Antioch , ( both St. Cyprian's Contemporaries ) in which he tells , how one Serapion , an aged Man , after a long Per●everance in the Christian Faith , had first fallen from it in time of Persecution , and then into a deadly Sickness : How , after he had been dumb and senseless for some Days , recovering some use of his Tongue , he called quickly for one of the Presbyters of Alexandria , ( for he lived in that City ) that he might be Absolved , and have the Sacrament , being perswaded he should not die till he should be Reconciled to the Church : And how the Presbyter being sick also , sent the Sacrament to him : But by what Right or Authority ? By Dionysius the Bishop . For , says he , I had COMMAND that any Lapsed , if in danger of Death , especially if he was an humble Supplicant for it , should be Absolved , that he might go out of this World full of good Hopes , &c. y He being Bishop of that City , had given a COMMAND for it , otherwise it could not have been done . And all this was nothing more than Ignatius had told the World long before , viz. That that is only to be deemed a firm and valid Eucharist , which is Celebrated by the Bishop , or by his Authority . Let me only add one Testimony more from St. Cyprian concerning both Sacraments ; but such an one as ought not to be neglected . It is in his 69th Epistle written to Magnus . The great Purpose he pursues in it , is to represent the Atrocious Guilt of Schism , and the forlorn Condition of Schismaticks ; that they cannot have Valid Sacraments , and that all their Acts are Nullities , &c. Amongst many Arguments to this effect , he insists on that famous one ; Corah , Dathan , and Abiram , were of that same Religion that Moses and Aaron were of , and served the same God whom Moses and Aaron served : But because they transgressed the Limits of their own Stations , and Usurp'd a Power of Sacrificing to themselves , in opposition to Aaron the Priest , who was only legally Invested with the Priesthood by God's Vouchsafement and Appointment : They were forthwith punished in a miraculous manner ; neither could their Sacrifices be Valid or Profitable , being offered Unlawfully and Irreligiously , and against the Divine Ordinance . — And yet these Men had made no Schism : They had not departed from the Tabernacle , nor raised another Altar , &c. which now the Schismaticks do , ( meaning the Novatians , ) who dividing the Church , and rebelling against Christ's Peace and Unity , are bold to Constitute an [ Episcopal ] Chair , and assume to themselves a Primacy , an Episcopal Authority , and a POWER OF BAPTIZING and OFFERING , that is , Celebrating the Holy Eucharist . What can be more plain than 't is here , That no Sacraments could be Administred but in dependance on the Bishop a ? Indeed , 3. Considering that , as I have fully proved , a Bishop was , then , the Principle of Unity to the Church ; that he was Chief Governour of the Church ; and that , by consequence , the Supreme Power of the Keys could not but belong to him : Considering that the Church was a Visible Society ; that he was the Visible Head of that Visible Society ; and , by consequence , that it belonged to him as such , to take care that Society might suffer no Detriment : Considering these Things , I say , it was highly reasonable , that he should have the Chief Power of Dispensing the Sacraments : Such a Power , as that neither might be dispensed without him . What can be more Detrimental to a Society , especially such a Society as a Christian Church , than admitting Unworthy Persons to the Priviledges of it ? Or allowing them to continue in it ? Or restoring them to their Membership in the Society , after they have been justly thrust from it , without considering whether they have given any Evidences of a serious Reformation ? And who so proper to judge of these Matters , as the Chief Governour of the Society ? And now , Having thus made it evident , that a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , had a Negative over all other Church-Officers within his District , in the grand Concern of Dispensing both Sacraments ; and that neither could be Administred without him , or against his Authority , I might fairly supersede the trouble of making either a Minute or a laborious Demonstration of his Sovereign Interest in the Acts of Excommunication , or injoyning Penances , or reconciling Penitents , or making , or rescinding , or dispensing with Ecclesiastical Laws or Canons ; in a word , in every thing relating to the Government or Discipline of the Church . All these Acts depend upon the Sacraments . His Negative therefore , about the Dispensation of the Sacraments , had been in vain , and to no purpose , if he had not had a Negative likewise about all these Acts. Besides , you will not readily say , I think , that he could have had a Greater Trust by having a Negative , in any other Matter than in the Dispensing of the Sacraments . Having that , therefore , he might well be intrusted with a Negative in all other Things , either of equal ( if any such can be imagined ) or lesser Importance on which , the Order , the Subsistence , the Unity , the Peace , the Purity , the Prosperity , or whatsoever Interest of the Church could any way depend . Yet that I may give you all possible satisfaction , I shall proceed a little further , and give you , by way of Historical Deduction , such an account of Powers lodged , e. g. in St. Cyprian's Person , as you may fairly judge thereby , concerning the Preheminences of Bishops in his Time. The most current Account we have about him , is , that he was not Converted to Christianity , at least , not Baptized , till the Year 246. That he was Ordain'd a Presbyter , Anno 247 ; and Bishop of Carthage , Anno 248. Chronologists do generally agree in this last Step of his Preferment . Now , as we learn both from himself , and from Pontius his Deacon , some of the Carthaginian Clergy were mighty Enemies to his Promotion a . Belike , they took it ill , that he , so lately converted to the Faith , so lately made a Presbyter , should have been preferred to themselves . However it was , certain it is , as I said , that they appeared against him with all their might and main . But the People were so Generally and so Zealously for him , to have him their Bishop , that these his Enemies were overpowered . Made Bishop he was ; and he was a Person so well Qualified , so Eminent in every Virtue , and withal so Strict and Cautious in his Life and Government , after he was made Bishop , that it was not easie for the Mutineers to wreck their Malice on him : But this was so far from softening them , and bringing them to a better temper , that , on the contrary , it imbittered them the more , and made them the more watchful of all Opportunities to breed him Troubles , and disturb his Government . At last , they catch'd hold of one , and that a very dangerous one , in the time of the Decian Persecution . This Persecution beginning towards the end of the Year 249 , and lasting for a full Year ; coming on the Church , after a lo●g Peace , with a surprizing Violence , had very sad Effects . Vast numbers turned Apostates , Renouncing the Holy Faith , and Sacrificing to the Heathen Idols : And Cyprian himself , commanded by God , had retired from Carthage till there should be some Relentment of the Fury of the Persecution . Here , I say , his subtle Enemies found their so long wished Opportunity : For , the Lapsed , so soon as the Hazard was over , resumed their Christian Profession , and turned mighty forward , if not furious , to be restored to the Communion of the Church . ' Thô they knew full well , that they were bound by the Canons to have continued , for a long time , in the state of Penitents ; yet they thought their Numbers , and perhaps their Qualities , might overpower the Canons , and claim Indulgences and Dispensations . With them struck in those Clergy-men , who had still retained the old Grudges against St. Cyprian's Promotion , encouraging their Presumptions . They knew , he was a Man of Principles , and had a mighty Zeal for the real Interests of Christianity ; and , by consequence , that he would stand Resolutely by the Canons of the Church , and be clear , that the Lapsed should perfect their Terms of Penance : They saw the Eagerness of the Lapsed to be sooner reconciled , than the Canons allowed : They resolved therefore to fall in with them , thinking that thereby they should effectually put a Thorn in his Foot ; they should enflame the Lapsed , and their Relations , perchance , the great Body of the People against him . But this was not all . It was not enough for them themselves to encourage the Lapsed in their Petulancies : The Bishops Prelation over Presbyters was then so Notorious , that , as malicious as they were , they had not Impudence enough to set up theirs in opposition to his Authority , and Reconcile the Lapsed to the Church , meerly upon the score of their own Credit , against his Will and Orders ; and therefore , they fell upon another Project . If it was possible for any other to stand up against the Bishops Authority , it was that of the Martyrs and Confessors . These , for their Faith and Patience ; their fervent Zeal , and fragrant Graces ; their glorious Courage , and good Example ; that they might Persevere themselves , and others might be encouraged to follow their Patern ; were held in mighty Reputation . They were reputed as dearer to God , and in a closer Communion with him , and nearer Approximation to him , than Christians of the common size : And their Intercessions had been in use of being much regarded in former Persecutions . These , therefore , as the only Persons whose Credit could be feasibly put in the Ballance with the Bishops Authority , the Holy Man's Supplanters instigated to espouse the Quarrel of the Lapsed ; to become their Patrons , for having themselves Absolved against the Bishop's Resolutions . And truly , some of them were so far wrought upon , as to turn Zealous for it : And , armed with their Authority , these discontented Presbyters adventured to Absolve and Lapsed , and receive them to the Sacrament , without the Bishop's Allowance . Now consider what followed , and speak your Conscience , and tell me , if St. Cyprian was not more than either Single Presbyter , or Presbyterian Moderator . Thô he was one of the mildest and most humble Men that ever lived ; yet , so soon as this was told him , where he was , in his Retirement , he was not a little alarm'd : The Practice was surprizing , and the Presumption , new , as well as bold : The like had never been done before in any Christian Church : And such preposterous Methods clearly tended to shake all the Foundations of Order and good Discipline : And therefore he thought it high time for him , if he could , to give the Check to such irregular and unexampled Methods . In short , he drew his Pen , and wrote Three notable Epistles ; one to the Martyrs and Confessors ; Another to his Clergy ; and a third to his Peopl● : Insisting , in each of them , upon the Novelty and Unwarrantableness of the Course was taken ; the Dishonours and Indignities were done himself by it ; and the great Mischiefs and fatal Consequences might , nay would , unavoidably follow upon it , if it were not forborn . More particularly , In that to the Martyrs and Confessors , he told them , That his Episcopal Care , and the Fear of God , compelled him to Admonish them , That , as they had devoutly and couragiously kept the Faith , so they ought , suitably , to be observant of Christ's Holy Laws and Discipline : That , as it became all Christ's Soldiers to obey their General 's Commands ; so it was their Duty , in a special manner , to be Examples to others : That he had thought , the Presbyters and Deacons , who were with them , might have taught them so much : But that now , to his extream Grief , he understood , they had been so far from doing that ; that , on the contrary , some of them , especially some Presbyters , neither minding the Fear of God , nor the Honour of their Bishop , had industriously misled them . He complain'd mightily of the Presumption of such Presbyters , that against all Law and Reason , they should have dared to Reconcile the Lapsed without his Consent . That herein they were more Criminal than the Lapsers themselves : That it was somewhat Excusable in the Lapsed to be earnest for an Absolution ; considering the uncomfortable State they were in , so long as they were denied the Communion of the Church : But it was the Duty of Office-bearers in the Church to do nothing rashly , lest , in stead of Pastors , they should prove Worriers of the Flock , &c. And then he told these Martyrs and Confessors , how far their Priviledges reached : All they could do , was , by way of humble Supplication , to Petition the Bishop for a Relaxation of the Rules of Discipline : But they had neither Power to Command him , nor Grant Indulgences without him b . Indeed , this he told them frequently , and that they went beyond their Line if they ventured any further c . In that to his Presbyters and Deacons , he wrote in a yet more resenting Strain . He told them , He had long kept his Patience , and held his Peace ; but their immoderate Presumption and Temerity would suffer him no longer to be silent . For what a dreadful Prospect , says he , must we have of the Divine Veng●●nce , when some Presbyters , neither mindful of the Gospel , nor their own Stations , nor regarding the future Iudgments of God , nor the Bishop , who , for the time , is set over them ; dare attempt what was never attempted before , under any of my Predecessors , namely , so to Affront and Contem●● their Bishop , as to assume all to themselves ? And then he proceeds to tell them , how he could overlook and bear with the Indignity done to his Episcopal Authority , if there were no more in it : But the course they followed was so wicked ; they were so injurious to the Lapsed whom they presumed to Reconcile so Uncaononically ; their Pride and Popularity were so apparent in their Method ; it was such a Crime , so to Expose the Martyrs to Envy , and set them at Variance with their Bishop , &c. that he could ●tifle it no longer . In short , all over the Epistle he wrote like a Bishop , and concluded it with a Peremptory Threatning of a present Suspension from the Exercise of their Office , and then an Infliction of further Censures when he should return from his Retirement , if they should Persevere in such a Lawless Course d . In that to his People , he proceeded on the ●ame Principles ; condemned these Presbyters , who had acted so disorderly , not reserving to the Bishop the Honour of his Chair and Priesthood : Told them , That those Presbyters ought to have taught the People otherwise ; Laid to their Charge the Affectation of Popularity ; and required such of the People as had not fallen , to take Pains upon the Lapsed ; to try to bring them to a better Temper ; to perswade them to hearken to his Counsel , and wait his Return , &c. e Here were three Epistles written , I think , in plain Prelatick Stile ; sure , neither in the Stile of Single Presbyter , nor Presbyterian Moderator : Especially if we consider the very next , written to his Presbyters and Deacons upon the same Principles , still . He had written to them several times before from the Place of his Retirement , but had received no Answer from them . Now consider how he Resents this , and , Resenting it , asserts his own Episcopal Authority ; his own Sovereign Power in Ecclesiastick Matters : For thus he begins ; I wonder , dear Brethren , that you have returned no Answers to the many Letters I have sent you ; especially considering , that now , in my Retirement , you ought to inform me of every thing that happens ; that so I may , advisedly and deliberately , give Orders concerning the Affairs of the Church f . Let any Man lay these four Letters together , and weigh them impartially , and then let him judge if St. Cyprian wrote in the Stile of Parity , if he claim'd not a Sovereign Power , a Negative , to himself , over all the Christians , Presbyters as well as others , living within his District . But did not Cyprian shew too much Zeal in this Cause ? Possibly , he attempted to stretch his Power a little too far ; as afterwards many did : He was a Holy and Meek Man , but such may be a little too High. So I read , indeed , in a late Book g . But it seems , the Author has found himself very sore put to it when he said so : For how can one not be fore put to it , when he cannot escape but by seeking for Refuge in a Reconciliation between Pride and Patience , Superciliousness and Self-denial , Huffyness and Humility , Carnal Height and Christian Holiness ? But to let this pass , Had that Author any solid Ground for saying so ? Or rather , had it been possible for him to have said so , had he had but an ordinary Acquaintance with St. Cyprian , or his Epistles ? Charge Pride on the Humble Cyprian ! Cyprian , who was so very Humble , that from the Conscience of his own Nothingness , he has still been looked upon as a Patern of Humility ! Cyprian , whose Humility would not allow him almost to speak in the Stile of Authority , even to Female Laicks h ! Cyprian , who was perswaded , that God would hear none but the Humble and Quiet i ! Cyprian , who believed , that none could be a Christian , and withal , be Proud and Haughty k ! Who insisted on his own Humility in that very Epistle , for which that Author charges him with Pride l ! Who , if in any thing , Gloried most in his Humble and Bashful Modesty m ! Who , when accused of Pride , could Appeal not only to all Christians , but even to the Heathen Infidels , as Witnesses of his Innocence n ! Cyprian , who had this Great Testimony from some of his Contemporaries , That he was the Greatest Preacher , the Most Eloquent Orator , the Wisest in Counsel , the Simplest in Patience , the Most Charitable in Alms , the Holiest in Abstinence , the Humblest in Obligingness , and the Most Innocent in every Good Action o ! And from others , That he had a Candid and a Blessed Breast ! &c. P In a word , Cyprian , whose Humility was such , that , if we may believe his Deacon Pontius , He fled and lurk'd when they were going to make him a Bishop q ! Such , that when St. Augustine , many years after , was pressed with his Authority , he came off with this , The Authority of Cyprian doth not fright me , because the Humility of Cyprian encourages me r ! Such a Person was Cyprian ; And yet to Proud was he , forsooth , for doing his Duty ; for asserting his Episcopal Authority , when most undutifully trampled on by his presuming Presbyters . What I have said , methinks , might be enough in all conscience , for defeating for ever that Uncharitable , shall I say , or Ignorant Suggestion , That it was Pride , perhaps , that prompted Cyprian to write so Magisterially to the Carthaginian Presbyters ; yet , because a farther Discussion of it may contribute not a little for clearing up the Bishop's Negative , in St. Cyprian's time , I shall not grudge to give it you . St. Cyprian had three sorts of People to deal with in that Controversie , which bred him so much Trouble . He had the Lapsed themselves ; the Martyrs and Confessors ; and these Presbyters and Deacons , who had encroached so much on his Episcopal Authority . I am apt to think , the Author himself , with whom I have now to do , will not be shy to grant , That St. Cyprian , without incurring the Reputation of either Proud or Presumptuous , might have chided the Lapsed , as we find he did : They had Cowardly renounced their Christianity , to save their Lives and Fortunes ; and the Canons subjected them to a strict and a long Penance for it : And I think , without the imputation of either Height or Humour , one in St. Cyprian's Station might have put them in mind of the Respect they owed to the Canons of the Church , and the Governours of it . Indeed , all the Lapsed were not engaged in the disorderly Course . There were some of them who were sensible of their Duty , and subjected themselves to their Bishop , resolving to wait his time , and intirely to depend upon him for their Absolution , as we learn from his 33d Epistle . His Difficulty was greater with the Martyrs and Confessors , who appeared as Patrons to the Prejudicating Lapsed ; but neither need I insist on that , nor how he conquered them in point of Right and Argument : For , this Author told Dr. Stilling fleet , He was wholly out of the way in medling with that Matter , seeing none ever imagined that every Martyr had Church Power . Thô I must tell you , Sir , That whoso reads St. Cyprian's Works , and particularly observes the State and Management of this whole Controversie about the Lapsed , cannot but be convinced , that the Reputation and Authority of Martyrs and Confessors , made a far greater Figure in it , than the Reputation or Authority of Presbyters . To come therefore to that which is the main Point with this Author , Let us try , if St. Cyprian stretch'd his Power too far in his Treatment of the Presbyters , who appeared against him in this Controversie . Consider the following Steps , and then judge . I. Consider that St. Cyprian doth not fall a buffing or hectoring , or running them down by Noise or Clamour . No , He Reasons the Case with them , and Reasons all along from known and received Principles . He tells them plainly indeed . That in Presuming as they had done , they had forgotten both the Gospel , and their own Station : That he was their Superiour : That they did not pay him the Honour that was due to his Chair and Character : That the like had never been attempted before by Presbyters , under any of his Predecessor-Bishops : That it was a Factious , Selfish Temper , and too great Love of Popularity that prompted them to Measures so in no wise Presidented : That he knew the Secret of the Matter , and that it was the old Grudge against his being preferred to the Bishoprick that byass'd them to their Insolencies : That is belonged to him as having the Chief Power of the Keys , as being Bishop , i. e. as having the visible Sovereignty in Church Matters , to straiten or slacken the Sinews of Discipline ; to prolong or shorten the Courses of Penance ; to grant Absolutions , and reconcile Penitents , &c. That such Presumptions were Encroachments upon the very Foundations of the Church , to the Subversion whereof , their pretending to any Power , in opposition to the Bishops , tended : In short , That such Practices were against Christ's Institution , and the Analogies of Government , and all the Laws of Order , Peace and Unity : And they deserved the sharpest Censures for them . These , I say , are a Sample of the Arguments St. Cyprian insisted on against those Presbyters ; and most of them were founded on Matter of Fact : And now , suppose St. Cyprian had had considerable Doses of Pride , yet if you will but allow him , withall , to have had some Grains of Common Sense or Honesty , can you so much as imagine he could have used such Arguments , if they had wanted Foundation ? Would he not have been ashamed to have used them , if he , and not his Presbyters , had been guilty of the Usurpations he was Condemning ? But what needs more ? Have I not fully proved already , That a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was the Principle of Unity to all the Christians , Presbyters as well as others , within his District ? And that he was a Sovereign and Peerless Governour of the Church which he Ruled . And were not all his Reas●nings founded on these Principles ? But this is not all ; for , 2. Consider that they were not all the Presbyters of Carthage , who were engaged in the Quarrel . No : R●gatianus , Britius , Numidicus , and , perhaps , many more , whose Names are not trasmited to us , would never joyn with those of the Faction ; but still continued in their Duty to St. Cyprian . And can we think , they would not have joyned with their Brethren for the Maintenance of their own Rights and Priviledges , if Cyprian had been the Usurper ? If he had been Claiming a Sovereign Power , without any Pretence of Right to it ? If he had been driving at a Prelacy , when the Government of the Church belonged to Presbyters acting in Parity ? We learn from St. Cyprian ▪ himself , That , in those Times , it was a mighty Wickedness for Men to part tamely with their Rights and Powers in Divine Matters . s And can we think , that Rogatianus , B●itius , and Numidicus , were ignorant of this ? Or , supposing that should have had small Weight with them , is Power such a gustless Thing , that Men will easily part with it without any Reason ? But to go on . 3. Even those very Presbyters and Deacons of the Faction came once to something like a Dutiful Submission in the Matter . They lower'd their Sails , and began to wave Apologies , and knit Excuses for what they had done . They endeavoured to put a fair Face upon the foul Steps they had made : They wrote to Cyprian , That they had done what they could to bridle the Heats of the Lapsed , and oblige them to continue in their Penances , till his Return from his Retirement ; but that they were so Ungovernable and Stiff , and urged a present Absolution so eagerly and irresistibly , that they were forced , in a manner , to comply with their Humours : But now seeing they found , that he , their Bishop , was so much displeased with what they had done , they asked a FORM from him , i. e. his Will and Pleasure in the Matter . t And now , let any Man consider , whether St. Cyprian or these Presbyters had been in the Wrong before ? Whether He or They had acted beyond their Lines ? But I have more to tell you : For , 4. These Presbyters , who had thus transgressed the Bounds of their Station , were generally Condemn'd for it , by their Brethren Presbyters , all the World over : At least , we have a most remarkable Instance in the Presbyters of Rom● . Take it thus . St. Cyprian being a Wise and Watchful , as well as an Holy and Humble Prelate ; one , who had still before his Eyes th● Conservation of the Order , the Peace , and the Unity of the Church Catholick ; and perceiving that the Controversie concerning the Restitution of the Lapsed , might be of bad Influence on those great Interests , if not prudently determined ; thought fit to acquaint his Brethren of the Episcopal Colledge with it , and ask their Sentiments about it : And because there was no Bishop then at Rome , he wrote to the Presbyters and Deacons , the Roman Presbytery . The Epistle is the 20th in Number . In which he deduced the whole Matter to them , and told them particularly , how he had Exerted his Episcopal Authority , in its Vigour , against such of his Presbyters as , without his Leave , had boldly and presumptuously Absolved the Lapsed , and given them the Sacrament . u Now consider their Return to him : You have it in the 30th Epistle . They begin with the Acknowledgment of his Supream and Unaccountable Power within his own District , which I observed before v : They impute it to his Modesty and Caution , ( not to his Pride and Fetulancy , ) that he had been pleased to communicate his Measures to them : They approve the Course he had taken with the Lapsed : They compare him to the Master of a Ship , sitting at the Helm , who , if he steers not right , and keeps not a steddy Course , especially in a Storm , endangers the Ship , and runs her upon Rocks or Shelves : And I think , the Master of a Ship doth not act in Parity with the rest of the Mariners . And further , They compare those who , at that time , endeavoured to interrupt the Course of his Discipline , Presbyters as well as others , to the Tumbling Waves , striving to shake the Master from the Helm , and expose all to the Hazards of Shipwrack . In plain Terms , they condemn the Course of Reconciling the Lapsed , so Undutifully and Rebelliously . As for themselves , they tell him , ( and pray take notice of it , ) That , wanting a Bishop , they could define nothing in the Matter : They tell him , I say , That since the Death of Fabianus of most Noble Memory , through the Difficulties of the Times , and the Encumbrances of their Affairs , they had not got a Bishop Constituted ; who only could define in these Matters , and determine in the Case of the Lapsed with AUTHORITY and Counsel vv But withal , they tell him , That , for their parts , they were extreamly well pleased with the Course he had taken ; namely , That he had resolved to do nothing rashly , to take no sudden Resolutions in a Matter of such Consequence ; but to wait till God should grant him opportunity of Treating about it with others , and determining with common Advice in such a ticklish Case x : Where observe by the way , That they do not found the Wisdom of this his Resolution on any thing like the Incompetency of his Power , for having determined by himself concerning the Lapsed , within his own District : No , the Reason they give for it , supposes his Power to have been fully Adequate and Competent for that Effect ; and , that if he had given the final Stroke , no body could have Quarrel'd it : For they insist only on the Rules of Prudence , which , if I mistake not , are quite , different from the Rules of Power . They tell him , it might prove Invidious and Burdensom for one Bishop to Determine by himself , in a Case in which all Bishops were concerned ; and that it was Providently done of him to d●●ire the Confent of his Colleagues , that his Decrees might be Approved and Confirmed ; That they might not be made void through the want of the Brotherly Ratification . These are the Reasons , I say , for which they justifie his Caution ; and these Reasons suppose he had Power to have done otherwise thô not so wisely , nor so warily . And then they tell him over again , That they had met frequently , and canvassed the Matter seriously ; They had tossed it , not only amongst themselves , but with sev●ral Bishops , far and near , as they had occasion to be in the City ; and that still the Conclusion was , That they should attempt no Innovations till a Bishop should be settled : All they had Resolved was , That th●se of the Lapsed , whose Health might allow , should continue in the State of the Penitents , till God should grant them a Bishop y Neither was this a meer Complement to our Holy Martyr : Indeed , in all this , they gave him a true Account of their Real Sentiments and Principles , as we learn from another Epistle of theirs , wherein they had neither Occasion nor Temptation to Complement Bishops . The Epistle is that which is the Eigh●h , amongst St. Cyprian's . An Epistle written by them to the Presbyters and Deacons of Carthage ; to Persons of their own Rank and Quality : By consequence , an Epistle , in which , had they understood it , had the Principles of those Times allowed it , they might have spoken their Minds very freely concerning the Power of Presbyters . Never had Presbyters , I am sure , more Freedom , or better Opportunity , to have asserted their own Power , and Vindicated Parity , and Condem'd Prelatical Usurpations , in an Epistle , than they had on that Occasion ; for Fabianus Bishop of Rome was dead , and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage was retired ; and so it was written by Presbyters who had no Bishop , to Presbyters in the absence of their Bishop : And yet , in that Epistle , they were so far from having any such Notions , that they said expresly , That both Themselves who wanted One , and those of Carthage who wanted the Presence of One , were only seemingly the Governours of those respective Churches ; and only kept the Flocks , in stead of the respective Pastors , the Bishops z . And ●urther , telling what Pains they had been at to keep People from Apostatizing in the Day of Trial , they account how they Treated those who had fallen , particularly , that they did separate them from the Flock indeed , but so , as not to be wanting in their Duty and Assistance to them : They did what was proper for their Station : They exhorted them to continue patiently in their Penances , as being the most plausible Method for obtaining Indulgences from him who could give them a That is , without Controversie , from the Bishop when he should be settled . For so I read in an Epistle , written at that same time by Celerin●s a Roman , to Lucianus a Carthaginian , and the 2Ist in Number among St. Cyprian's , that when the Cause of Numeria and Candida , two Female Lapsers , was brought before the Presbytery of Rome , the Presbytery commanded them to continue as they were , i. e. in the State of Penitents , till a Bishop should be Inthroned b And now , let any Man judge , whether , according to the Principles and Sentiments of the Presbyters of Rome , St. Cyprian or his presuming Presbyters had taken too much upon them at Carthage . But neither is this all yet ; for , ● . These Carthaginian Presbyters were also Condemned by the Roman Martyrs and Confessors , who , th● they were in Prison , had learned the State of the Controversie , from the Accounts St. Cyprian had sent to Rome , two of them , Moyses and Maximus , being also Presbyters . These Martyrs and Confessors wrote also to St. Cyprian , and to the same purpose the Roman Clergy had done : Their Epistle is the 3Ist in number : In which , they not only beg with a peculiar Earnestness , That he , being so Glorious a Bishop , would pray for them ; They not only lay a singular stress upon his Prayers beyond the Prayers of others , by reason of the Opinion they had of his Holy Virtues , which , I am apt to think , such Men as they would not probably have done , had they believed him to have been a Proud aspiring Pr●late , that is , indeed , a Limb of Antichrist , as this Author would ●ain give him out to have been : But also they heartily Congratulate his discharging , so Laudibly , his Episcopal Office ; and that even in his Retirement , he had made it so much his Care to acquit himself , that he had halted in no part of his Duty ; and particularly , That he had suitably Censured and R●buked , not only the Lapsed , who , little regarding the Greatness of their Guilt , had , in his Absence , extorted the Churches Peace from his Presbyters ; but even these Presbyters for their profane Facility , in giving that which was Holy to Dogs , and casting Pearls before Swine , without any Regard to the Gospel . In short , They Approve his whole Proceeding , as having done nothing Unsuitable to his Character , nothing Unbecoming either an Holy or an Humble Bishop c . Further yet . 6. These same Carthaginian Presbyters resuming their former Boldness , and Topping it over again with their Bishop , were Excommunicated by him , and his Sentence was Approved and Ratified by all Catholick Bish●ps in all Catholick Churches all the World over , as shall be shewn you fully by and by . And then , 7. And lasty , That in all this Matter St. Cyprian did nothing either Proudly or Presumptuously , is evident from this , That in his Time , and long before his Time , even from the Apostles Times , it was not Lawful for Presbyters to Attempt any thing relating to the Church without the Bishop . 〈◊〉 Presbyters and Deacons attempt nothing without the Bishop's Allowance ; for 't is he to whom the Lord's People are committed , and 't is he that must Account for their Souls d , is the 39th of the Canons called Apostolical . And no doubt it was in force in St. Cyprian's time . And this was no greater Power than was assigned him by the Apostolical Ignatius , I cannot tell how many times . Take these Testimonies for a Sample . Let no Man do any thing that belongs to the Church without the Bishop e . He that h●noureth the Bishop , is honoured of God ; but he that doth any thing in opposition to the Bishop , serveth the Devil f . If any Man pretend to be wiser than the Bishop , ( i. e. will have Things done against the Bishop's Will , ) he is Corrupted g . Let us be careful not to resist the Bishop , as we would be subject to God h . The Spirit hath spoken , Do ye nothing without the Bishop hh . 'T is necessary that you continue to do nothing without the Bishop i . And now , let any of Common Sense determine , Whether there was Ground , or shadow of Ground , for insinuating that St. Cyprian shewed too much Zeal in this Cause , or attempted to stretch his Power a little too far , ( indeed , it had not been a little , but very much , nay monstrously too far , had those of Parity been then the current Principles , ) or was a little too high in this Matter ? But if there was no Ground to say so , if it was contrary to all the then current Principles , and to the common Sentiments of all Catholick Christians , nay , even to the Convictions of all Honest , Orderly , Dutiful , and Conscientious Presbyters , who then lived , to say so : If thus it was , I say , and 't is hard to prove any Matter of Fact more evidently than I have proved that it was thus ; then , I think , it follows by good Consequence , not only that this Author was a little in the wrong to St. Cyprian , when he said so ; but also , that , in St. Cyprian's time , a Bishop had fairly a Negative over his Presbyters , which was the Thing to be demonstrated . And so I proceed to the next Thing proposed , namely , III. That all the other Church-Governours within his District , Presbyters as well as others , were , in St. Cyprian's time , subject to the Bishop's Authority , and obnoxious to his Discipline ; I do'nt think you very sharp sighted , if you have not seen this already . Yet that I may give you all reasonable Satisfaction , I shall insist a little further on it . And , I. This might appear sufficiently from this one Consideration , ( th● no more could be produced for it , ) That , still in the Stile and Language of those Times , the Bishop was called the Praepositus , the Ruler , the Governour , the Superiour , of all the Christians within his District , Clergy as well as Laity : And they , without Distinction or Exception , were called His People , his Flock , his Subjects , &c. This may be seen almost in every one of his Epistles . Thus , Ep. 3. he says , That Deacons ought to remember that our Lord chose his Apostles , that is , Bishops and Governours : But the Apostles chose Deacons to be the Bishop's and the Churches Ministers : And therefore a Deacon ought with all Humility to give Satisfaction to the Bishop , his Superiour k And Ep. 9. He praises the Roman Clergy for having the Memory of Fabianus , who had been their Superiour , in so great Honour l . And Ep. 13. writing to Rogatianus his Presbyter , and the rest of the Confessors , and praising God for their Faith and Patience , he says , That , as all Christians were bound to Rejoyce when Christ's Flock was illuminated by the Examples of Confessors ; so he hims●lf , in a special manner , as being the Bishop , seeing the Churches Glory was the Ruler's Glory m . And in that famous Passage which I have cited already from Ep. 16. he complains of it as an unexampled Petulancy , that Presbyters should so contemn the Bishop , their S●periour n . And in another place , We Bishops , who have the Chief Power in the Church o . And Ep. 62. I , who , by the Divine Mercy , Govern the Church , have sent to you [ Januarius , Maximus , Proculus , ] &c. 100000 Sesterc●s , as the Charitable Contribution of my Clergy and People . p And Ep. 66. Hence spring Heresies and Schisms , &c. That the Bishop who is one , and is set over the Church , is Contemned , &c. q Such was the Dialect of those Times , I say , and thus Bishops were called Rulers , Governours , Superiours , &c. and that in regard of all within their Districts , making no Discrimination betwixt Clergy-men and Laicks ; and not only so , but more particularly , 2. It was as comon in that Dialect , to call the Clergy The BISHOP'S CLERGY . Thus for Example , Ep. 14. It was my Wish , that I might have saluted all my Cl●●gy safe and sound , &c. r My Presbyters and Deacons ought to have taught you , &c. s Because I cannot send Letters but by Clergy-men , and I know that many of mine are absent . t Numidicus was preserved alive by God , that he might joyn him my Clergy — u Urbanus and Sidonius came to my Presbyters — v If any of my Presbyters or Deacons shall turn precipitant — vv I have sent you Copies of the Letters which I wrote to my Clergy and People concerning Felicissimus and his Presbytery — x And , as I observed before , when Maxim●s a Presbyter , and Urbanus , &c. returned from the Novatian Schism to Cornelius's Communion , We are Reconciled ( say they to Cyprian ) to Cornelius OUR BISHOP , and to all the Clergy . y Such was the Language of those Times . Now , I say , by what Propriety of Speech could a Bishop have been called Praepositus , Superiour to his Clergy ? Could they have been called HIS Clergy ? Could he have been said to have been Their Bishop ? Their Ruler ? Their Governour ? By what Rule of either Grammar or Rhetorick , Logick or Politick , could he have been said to have been set over them , or they to have been his Subjects or Inferiours , if he had no Power nor Iurisdiction over them ? If they were not Subjected to his Authority , nor Obnoxious to his Discipline ? But let all this pass for meer Prolusion if you will. I am not pinch'd for want of Arguments . For , 3. The three great Principles which I proved so fully before , viz. That a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was the Principle of Unity to the Church which he Govern'd ; that he had a Supreme Power in it ; and that by the Principles which then prevailed , he was the same in the Christian Church , which the High Priest was in the Iewish ; and the last Thing I proved also , viz. That he had a Negative over his Presbyters ; Each of these is demonstration for the present Conclusion , and you need not Artificial ; Natural Logick is enough to let you see the Consequences . Indeed , 4. We find Cyprian all along both Reasoning and Practising to this purpose . Thus , he told Bishop Rogatianus , Ep. 3. That the Case was plain between him and his Deacon : H● might punish him , forthwith , by his Episcopal Power , and his C●thedral Authority : z He might make him sensible of his Episcop● Honour : a He might Exert the Power of his Honour against him either by Deposing , or by Excommunicating him : b Nay , He migh● Excommunicate all such as should Rebel against him : c For all these Censures , his Sovereign Authority was competent . d Thus he praises Pomponius , another Bishop , for Excommunicating another Scandalous Deacon , Ep. 4. p. 9. And did not he himself Suspend Philumenus and Fortunatus , two Subdeacons , and Favorinus an Acolyth , from their Livings ? As we learn from his 34th Epistle . But you may say , These Instances extend no further than to Deacons , or more inferiour Clergy-men ; but , What is this to Presbyters ? Why ? Sir , indeed , the Instances are pat and home ; and you must acknowledge so much , if you consider , that , by the Principles of those Times , there was no Disparity between Prebyters and Inferiour Orders in this respect : But the Bishop's Power extended equally to all ; just as a King can censure his Chancellor , as well as a Sub-Collector of his Customs ; a Justice-General , as well as a Justice of Peace : Nothing clearer from the above-mentioned Principles . But that I may leave you no imaginable Scruple , I shall even account to you about Prebyters also . 5. Then , I have told you already , how some of the Carthaginian Presbyters conspired against St. Cyprian , and used their utmost Arts to hinder his Pre●erment to the Bishoprick . Now , if we may believe either himself , or Pontius in his Life , whatever it was they did on that Occasion , he might have punish'd them for it ; punish'd them not only with Deposition , but with Excommunication , had he pleased . Take first his own Account in Ep. 43. there he tells his People , That through the Malignity and Perfidiousness of some of his Presbyters , he durst not adventure to return to Carthage so soon as he would : And he describes those Presbyters thus ; That being mindful of their Conspiracy , and retaining their old Grudges against his Promotion , they reinforced their ancient Machinations , and renewed their Attempts for Undermining him , by siding with Feliciss●mus in his Schism : And then he proceeds thus ; I neither willed nor wished their Punishment for their Opposition to my Promotion ; yea , I Pardon'd them , and kept my Peace : And yet , now , they have suffered Condign Punishment : Thô I did not Excommunicate them then , their own Guilty Consciences have done it now : They have Excommunicated themselves , &c. e Take it next from Pontius his Deacon , Thô I am unwilling , says he , yet I must speak it out : Some resisted his Promotion , but how Gently , how Patiently , how Generously , how Mercifully , did he forgive them ? Did he not thereafter admit them to his most intimate Friendship and Familiarity , to the Astonishment of many ? Indeed , he therein shewed a Miracle of Clemency f . Lay these two Accounts together , and then tell me , if these Presbyters were not Obnoxious to his Discipline ? If his Power over them might not have extended to their very Excommunication , for their old Tricks against him , had he been willing to have put it in Execution ? But this is not all . For , Have I not accounted already , How , when they first Engaged in the Controversie concerning the Lapsed , he threaten'd them , that if they should continue to Absolve and Reconcile any more of them without his Allowance , he would Suspend them from their Office , and inflict severer Censures on them when he should return to Carthage ? And have I not justified him in this , and made it manifest to a Demonstration , that herein he did not stretch his Power too far ? That he took not too much on him ? Further yet . When they resumed their Impudence , and , after a little Interruption , would needs be Absolving the Lapsed , thô he was then in his Retirement , and by consequence , had few or none of his Clergy to Consult with ; yet he gave out this plain and peremptory Order , That if any of his Presbyters or Deacons ●●ould prove ●o Lawless , or Precipitant , as to Communicate with the Lapsed before his Determination in the Matter , and , by consequence , without his Leave , that they should be forthwith Suspended from the Communion , and should be more fully ●ried and Censured when he should return . g And then , Lastly , When they proceeded so far as to Commence the Schism with Felicissimus ; mark it well , He not only gave a Delegation to Caldonius and Herculanus , two Bishops ; and Rogatianus and Numidicus , two of his own Presbyters , to Judge and Excommunicate Fe●icissim●s and his Partisans , as I have shewed already ; but he likewise Excommunicated the five Presbyters who joyned with him , and all who should adhere to them . h And he gave an Account of his Proceedings to all Catholick Bishops , particularly to Cornelius Bishop of Rome ; i and his Sentence was not only ratified by Cornelius and Felicissimus , and all his Party refused his Communion , but they met with the same Treatment ; St. Cyprian's Sentence was Approved , and Confirmed by all Catholick Churches all the World over k . I might easily have proved this more fully , but , I think , I have said enough . And now , Sir , lay these three Things together , viz. That there were several considerable Acts of Church Power peculiar to a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , and which those in the Order of Single Presbyters could not meddle with : That a Bishop , as such , had a Negative over all the Presbyters within his District : And , That they were all Subordinate to him , and Obnoxious to his Dis●ipline : And then I can refer it to your self to determine , Whether a Bishop , then , was not quite another thing than either Single Presbyter , or Presbyterian Moderator . Thus , I think , I have sufficiently defeated our Author's Definition of a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , by giving a fair and just Account of him ▪ as he stood related to his own particular Church which he Govern'd . I come now to consider him as he stood related to the Church Catholick . And here also I am very much mistaken , if I shall not find Matter enough for another Demonstration against him . I shall endeavour to dispatch this Point with all possible Brevity . I. Then , by the Principles of the Cyprianic Age , all Bishops were Collegues , and made up One College . St. Cyprian calls them so , and speaks of the Episcopal or Sacerdotal College so frequently , ( no fewer than 6 or 7 times in one Epistle , and 4 or 5 times in another l ) that I need not adduce Testimonies . Indeed , being all Men of the same Character , the same Order , the same Dignity ; being all of them equally Supreme , and First in their own Churches ; and all standing Collateral to one another ; they were most properly called Collegues , and their Society , a College , if we may rely on A. Gellius his Skill in the Latin Tongue , or rather Messala's cited by him m . And it is observable to this purpose , That St. Cyprian no where calls Presbyters his Collegues . He calls none so , but Bishops . And the Notion of the Episcopal College had such an Impression on him , it was so Common and Received in those Times , that speaking even of Schismatical Bishops , who run one course , he calls them a College a●so , 〈◊〉 quite different from the True College of Catholick and Orthodox Bishops n . Now , 2. As the One Bishop was the Principle of Unity to a particular Church , so this College of Bishops was the Principle of Unity to the Catholick Church : And Iesus Christ was the Principle of Unity to the College of Bishops . I hope , not being a Romanist , you will not require that I should prove the Highest Step of this Gradation . All that remains then , is to Explain how the College of Bishops , by the Principles of those Times , was the Principle of Unity to the Church Catholick ; or , the One great Aggregated Body , consisting of all the particular Churches all the World over , whereof , their particular Bishops were the particular Principles of Unity . Neither needs this be a Laborious Task . For all that 's necessary for it , is , To shew how they were so United into One College , as to make them capable of being justly denominated One Principle of Unity . Now , they were thus United by the Great and Fundamental Laws of One Faith , and One Communion . That the One Holy Catholick Faith is Essential in the Constitution of the One Holy Catholick Church , is , even to this day , a received Principle , I think , amongst all sober Christians . But then , I say , That the Christians , in St. Cyprian's time , reckoned of the Laws of One Communion as every whit as forcible and indispensible to the Being of One Church , as the Laws of One Faith. It was a prime , a fundamental Article of their Faith , That there was but One Church ; and they could not understand how there could be but One Church , if there was more than One Communion . By their Principles and Reasonings , a Multiplication of Communions made , unavoidably , a Multiplication of Churches : And by consequence , seeing there could be but One True Catholick Church , there could be likewise but One True Catholick Communion . All other Churches or Communions were False , i. e. not at all Christian Churches or Communions . These Principles , and suitable Reasonings from them , are so frequently and so fully insisted on in St. Cyprian's Writings , that to Transcribe his Testimonies to this purpose , were almost to Transcribe his Works . Now from these Principles , it follows clearly , 3. That the Grand Concern of the Episcopal College was , to Preserve and Maintain this One Communion : To Guard against all such Doctrines as destroyed , or tended to destroy , the the One Holy Catholick Faith ; and all Schisms and Schismati●al Methods which destroyed , or tended to destroy , the Unity of the One Church . These being the Great and Fundamental Interests of the One Church ; and they being her Supreme Governours , they could not but be chiefly bound by the most Fundamental Laws of their Office to be Conscientious Conservators of these Great and Fundamental Interests . And indeed , so they believed themselves to be , as will evidently appear from the following Considerations . And , I. They look'd upon themselves as bound indispensibly to maintain the Peace , the Unity , the Concord , the Unanimity , the Honour , ( they are all St. Cyprian's Words ) of the College it self . Every Error , every Defect , every Thing Disjoy●ted , or out of Tune in it , tended naturally to endanger the great Interests , for the Conservation and Procuration of which it was instituted . For this End , 2. Because every Man , by being Promoted to the Episcopal Dignity , was , Eo ipso , a Principle of Unity to a particular Church , and so a Member of the Episcopal College ; all possible Care was taken , that a fit Person should be promoted , and that the Promotion should be Unquestionable . Therefore , he was not to be Promoted , as I have proved , but where there was an Unquestionable ▪ Vacancy . Therefore , he was not to be Promoted , if there was any thing Uncanonical or Challengeable in his Baptism , or his Confirmation , or his Pr●motion to any former Order , as I have ●hewn also in the Case of Novationus . Therefore he was Solemnly Elected in the Presence of the People , That either his Crimes might be detected , or his Merits published ; because the People was best acquainted with every Man's Life and Conversation . o Therefore he was to be Solemnly Ordained in the Presence of the People also . p And that by two or three Bishops at fewest ; ( thô an Ordination perform'd by One Bishop was truly Valid : ) Commonly there were more ; all the Bishops of the Province . 3. Being thus Canonically Promoted , his first ▪ Work ▪ was to send his Communicatory Letters to all other Bishops , to give them thereby an Account of his Canonical Promotion , his Orthodoxy in the Faith , his Fraternal Disposition , &c. Thus , Cornelius was no sooner Ordained Bishop of Rome , than he instantly dispatched his Communicatory Letters to St. Cyprian q And no doubt , as the Custom was , to all other Bishops ; at least , to all Metropolitans , by them to be Communicated to the Bishops within their Provinces : I say , to Metropolitans , for nothing can be clearer than that there were Metropolitans in St. Cyprian's time . He was undoubtedly One himself r and Agrippi●●s , his Predecessor Bishop of Carthage , was One long before him . Spanhemius himself , our Author's Diligem Searcher into Antiquity , acknowledges it s . But to return from this Digression . Novatianus also , thô Illegally and Schismatically Ordained , found it necessary to send his Communicatory Letters to St. Cyptian ; as if he had been Ordain'd Canonically , and in the Unity of the Church t . So also Fortunatus , when made a Schismatical Bishop at Carthage , sent his Communicatory Letters to Cornelius Bishop of Rome u . Indeed , this was never omitted . 4. If there was no Competition , no Controversie in the Ca●e ; the Matter was at an end . The Promoted Bishop's Communicatory Letters were sufficient , and he was forthwith faithfully joyned with all his Collegues , as St. Cyprian words it v . But if there was any Competitor , any Debate , then the rest of the College , before they received him as a Collegue , made further Enquiries . Sometimes they sent some from the Neighbourhood to examine the Matter : Sometimes the Ordainers were obliged to Account for the Person Ordained , and the whole Procedure of the Ordination : Sometimes both Methods were practised . We have a famous Instance of both Methods in one Case ; the Case of Cornelius and Novationus . Cornelius , as I have said , upon his Promotion wrote to St. Cyprian : So did Novatianus . Here was a Competition . Cyprian therefore , with his African Collegues , sent Caldonius and Fortunatus , two Bishops , to Rome , that upon the Place it self , where they might have the surest Information , they might enqu●re into the Merits of the Cause , and try the Competition w . And on the other hand , the Sixteen Bishops , who Ordain'd Cornelius , wrote to St. Cyprian , and the rest of the Bishops of Africa , and satisfied them upon the whole Qvestion , demonstrating Cornelius's Title , and Condemning Novatianus x Such Care was taken , that none should be admitted Unworthily or Uncanonically into the Episcopal College . But then , 5. There was equal Care taken to purge him out of the College again , if he turned either Heretical or Schismatical : If he kept not close to the Laws of One Faith , and One Communion . If he swerv'd from these , he was forthwith refused the Communion of the whole College . Therefore , ( says St. Cyprian to Stephen Bishop of Rome , in the Case of Marcianus Bishop of Arles , who had joyned with Novatianus , ) The Corporation of Priests , ( the Episcopal College ) is Copious , being cemented by the Glue of Mutual Concord , and the Bond of Unity , that if any of the College shall turn Heretick , or attempt to divide or waste the Flock of Christ , the rest may interpose , and , as profitable and merciful Shepherds , collect our Lord's Sheep , and restore them to the Flock y . And this they were bound to do by the Fundamental Laws of One Church , and one Communion ; for , as our Martyr subjoyns , Thô they were many Pastors , yet they all fed but one Flock . z . And therefore all the Bishops in the World were bound to give the desolate Christians of Churches , whereof the Bishops had turned Heretical or Schismatical , the Comfort of their Aid and Assistance a 'T is true , no Bishop was Superiour to another Bishop in point of Power or Iurisdiction , but all stood Collateral , as I have proved , and so no Bishop as Superiour to another , in a streight Lin● , could pass Sentence on him , as they might have done to Presbyters . Yet all being United into One College , which College was the Principle of Unity to the Church Catholick , it was necessary , as well as natural , that that College should be impower'd to take care of its own Preservation , and by consequence , they could do the Equivalent of a formal and authoritative Deposition ; they could refuse the Heretical or Schismatical Bishop their Communion , and thereby exclude him from the Episcopal College : And they could oblige all the Christians within his District to abandon his Communion , and choose another Bishop , as they valued the invaluable Priviledges of the One Church , and the One Communion . But then , 6. So long as a Bishop , worthily , and legally Promoted , kept the Faith and the Unity of the Church , he was Treated , he was Encouraged , he was Consulted , he was Corresponded with ; in a word , Every way used as became the Head of a particular Church , and a Fellow-Member of the College . All the rest of the Members were bound , by the Fundamental Laws of the College , to Ratifie all his Canonical , nay , Equitable Acts of Priesthood , Government , and Discipline . Whosoever was Baptized by himself , or by his Clergy , with his Allowance was to be owned as a Baptized Christian , a True Denison of the Church , and to have the Priviledges of such all the World over . Every Bishop of the Christian Church , living at how great a distance soever , was bound to Communicate his Dutiful Subjects , duly attested by him ; and to Excommunicate his Excommunicates . Thus , for Instance , Cornelius Bishop of Rome rejected Felicissimus , and all his Retainers ; and Fortunatus , and all his ; and would not grant them his Communion , because Excommunicated by St. Cyprian . b And Cyprian rejected Novatianus and all his Party , because not in Communion with Cornelius . c In short , By the Laws of the College , he that was Injurious , Undutiful , or Disobedient to his Bishop , was such to all the Bishops on Earth : He that set up an Altar against his Bishop's Altar , set up his Altar against all the Altars of the whole College : If a Bishop Deposed or Excommunicated any of his Presbyters or Deacons , it was not lawful for any other Bishop to Receive him , nor to Absolve him : He was still to be reserved for that , to his own Bishop , so long as he lived . He that was Reconciled to his Bishop , ( whether he was of the Clergy or Laity , ) and Restored by him to the Peace of the Church , was thereby Restored to the Peace of all other Churches , and by consequence , of the Church Catholick . And of this we have a remarkable Instance in St. Cyprian's time . Therapius Bishop of Bulla , in the Proconsular Province of Africa , Absolved Victor , who had been a Presbyter , but had fallen , in time of Persecution , Prematurely and Uncanonically : And yet , by a Synod of Sixty six Bishops , whereof Cyprian was One , the Absolution was Ratified , and Victor was allowed their Communion ; as we learn from their Synodical Epistle . d . So Eminent and Considerable was a Bishop then , as he stood related to the Catholick Church . Let me only add one Thing more in pursuance of his Dignity , as to this Relation ; and that is , 7. That so long as Bishop continued a sound Member of the College , all Informatory , Consultatory , Recommendatory , Communicatory , Congratulatory , Apologetick , Testimonial ; in a word , all Letters concerning the Peace , the Unity , the Government , the Discipline of the Church ; or the Concord , the Correspondence , the Harmony , the Honour , the Hazards , or any other considerable Interest of the College , were directed to him , or received from him , as having the Supreme Power of the Church which he Gov●rn'd . All the great Concerns of both the Catholick Church , and the Episcopal College , were , in th●se Times , transacted by Letters . There was no possibility of General Councils then : All that could be done , was either to meet in Provincial Synods , upon great Emergencies ; or , if that could not be neither , to transact Matters , and bring them to a General Determination , by particular Letters from Bishop to Bishop . Provincial Synods were ordinarily kept twice a Year ; and by them , in the ordinary Course , all Matters of Moment were Determined ; and so by the Reciprocation of Synodical Letters , Matters came sometimes to such a General Agreement and Determination , as , in the Result , was fully Equivalent to the Definition of a General Council . We have several Instances of such Transactions by Provincial Synods . Thus in the Grand Case of the Lapsed , in the time of the Decian Persecusion , the Matter was so managed by Provincial Synods in Africa , Rome , Alexandria , Anti●ch , &c. that at last , as St. Cyprian tells us , it was brought to this General Conclusion , That the Lapsed should complete their Terms of Penance , and should not be restored to the Peace of the Church before the Time appointed by the Canons , unless it was in the case of Deadly Sickness . e Thus , without doubt , also that considerable Canon mentioned by St. Cyprian in the Synodical Epistle , which is the 67th in Number , amongst his Epistles , viz. That the Lapsed , however they might be restor'd to the Communion of the Church , should never be received into Holy Orders . f And that other Canon mentioned by him also , That no Clergy-man should be Tutor to Minors . g Thus also , long before St. Cyprian , the great Controversie concerning the Observation of Easter , was managed in many Synods , as Eusebius tells us . h And a few Years after his Martyrdom , the Case of Paulus Samosatenus . i These Instances are only for a Sample . When Provincial Synods could not be kept , or emergent Matters of Consequence could not be conveniently determin'd in them , then Recourse was had to the only remaining Method , viz. particular Letters from Bishop to Bishop . And to make this Method both sure and effectual , all possible Pains was taken . It was necessary that each Bishop should sign his Letter , and send it , not by every common Carrier , but by a Clergy-man . k In short , They had such Marks , that it was not easie , if possible , to Counterfeit them . And the Bishop who received it was bound by the Laws of the College to transmit it , for his Share , to the rest of the Members . And so it went through , and the whole College was acquainted with the Accident , the Case , the Controversie , whatever it was that had Emerged , we have many Instances and Evidences of this Method and Diligence in St. Cyprian's Writings . Thus , e. g. When Caldonius writes to Cyprian concerning some Lapsed within his District , Cyprian returns him an Answer , telling him , He had written his Mind to that purpose already , and so sends him Copies of five Epistles concerning the Case , requiring him to transmit them to as many Bishops as he could ; adding this as the Reason , That One Course , One Resolution , might be kept by all the College . i And so we find , that the Letters written by him about that Controversie were trasmitted from hand to hand , till they were dispersed all the World over m Thus , I say , sometimes the greatest Affairs of the Church were managed : And , 't is plain , this Method ▪ was every was Equivalent , if not Preferable , to a General Council : So that the Christian Church might have still subsisted , and its Unity been provided for , and preserved in all Ages , without such Councils , as it was , effectually , during the First Three Centuries . Now , that which I am principally concern'd for in all this Matter , is , That all these Circular Letters , of whatsoever Nature , relating either , to the great Interests of the Catholick Church , or of the Episcopal College , were regularly directed only to the Bishops , as being the Heads , and Principles of Unity to their respective Churches , as well as written and sent by those of the same Order . And we have a notable Account of this in St. Cyprian's 48th Epistle directed to Cornelius ; for there we learn , That the Presbyters and Deacons of the Church of Adrumetum , having received Cornelius's Communicatory Letters , directed to Polycarpus their Bishop ; and , seeing their Bishop was absent , finding it necessary that they should return an Answer , in his Name , as having his presumed Allowance for it , they wrote to Cornelius in the common Form , acknowledging him as Bishop of Rome , and subjoyning Polycarpus his Name to the Letter : A clear Evidence , That where there was a Bishop , it behoved all the Letters that concerned the publick State of the Church to be subscribed by him , no other Name but his could give them Force , and make them Current . Well! but there was one Thing amiss : St. Cyprian , and the rest of the African Bishops having Intelligence of the Competition that was at Rome between Cornelius and Novatianus , and being unwilling to do any thing rashly , had determined to continue to write only to the Roman Presbyters and Deacons , as before , during the Vacancy ; till Cornelius his Title should be fully cleared to them . This the Clergy of Adrum●tum were ignorant of when they wrote the above-mentioned Letter . And being afterwards told it by Cyprian and Liberalis , they directed their next Letter not for Cornelius , but for the Roman Presbyters and Deacons . Hereat Cornelius was not a little stumbled , and , according to the then current Principles , interpreting it to be a disowning of him as Bishop of Rome , he wrote a Letter of Complaint to Cyprian about it , who was then Metropolitan of that Province . In Answer to which , our Holy Martyr wrote a full Apology to him , shewing him what was true Matter of Fact : Upon what Reasons the Bishops of Africa had taken the aforesaid Resolution : How it was in consequence of that Resolution , that the Clergy of Adrumetum had changed their Direction : And how , by the whole Method , no●●●ng was less intended than to disown him as Bishop of Rome , or Invalidate his Title . And was there not here as clear an Evidence , that Regularly , and in the current Form , all Letters were directed to the Bishop ? Shall I give you another History to clear this Matter further ? When Maximus and Nicostratus retaining to Novatianus , and so separating from Cornelius , did thereby cut themselves off from the Communion of the Church ; Cyprian wrote to them , as well he might , considering that his Design was to Reconcile them to their True Bishop Cornelius . But how did he write ? Why ? so , as that his Letter should not be delivered till Cornelius should see it , and judge whether it was proper to deliver it n Such a special regard was then paid to the Bishop of a Church , as being Supreme in it , and the Principle of Unity to it . If all this doth not satisfie you , then listen a little further , and resist this Evidence if ye can : Because , by the Fundamental Principles of One Faith , and One Communion , every Heretical and Schismatical Bishop was , ipso facto , out of the Church ; and all who retain'd or adhered to him , whether Bishops , Clergy , or Laicks , did run the same Risque with him : Therefore , so soon as any Bishop turned Heretick or Schismatick , the Catholick Bishops of the Province , especially the Metropolitans , formed Lists of all the True , Orthodox , and Catholick Bishops , within their respective Provinces , and sent them to other Metropolitans : And so they were transmitted all the World over . That their Communicatory Letters , and theirs only ▪ might be received , and their Communion , and theirs only , might be allowed ; and that all Heretical or Schismatical , or Retainers to Heretical or Schismatical Bishops , might be rejected , and their Communion refused . And for this we have two notable Testimonies from St. Cyprian , the one is in his 59th Epistle directed to Cornelius , where he tells him , That upon Fortunatus his starting out of the Church , and pretending to be Bishop of Carthage , He had sent him the Names of all the Bishops in Africa , who Govern'd their Churches in Soundness and Integrity , and that it was done by common Advice : But to what purpose ? That you and all my Collegues may readily know to whom you may send , and from whom you may receive Communicatory Lett●s . o The other Testimony is in Ep. 68. where Cyprian having given his Senti●ents fully concerning Marcianus ; that he had forfeited his Dignity ; and that it was necessary , that another should be substituted in his room , & c. requires Stephen Bishop of Rome to give himself , and the rest of the Bishops of Africa , a distinct Account of the Person that should be Surrogated in Marcianus his Place , That we may know , says he , to whom we may direct our Brethren , and write our Letters . p I have only given you a Taste of the Methods and Expedients which were put in Practice in those Times , for preserving the Unity , the One Communion of the One Catholick Church ; and how nicely and accurately it was provided for , by the Incorporation of all Bishops into Ou● College ; of all particular Principles of Unity of particular Churches , into one Aggregated Principle of Unity , proportioned to the Extent of all those Churches in their Aggregation : And by the mutual Support of all Bishops one towards another . It had been easie to have collected more Particulars , as well as to have insisted more largely on these I have collected : But from the small Collection I have made , I think I have laid Foundation enough for another Demonstration against our Author's Notion of a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time . For , How could either Single Presbyter , or Presbyterian Moderator , taking the Terms in the Presbyterian Sense , have born such a Part , in relation to the Unity of the Catholick Church , and the Preservation of One Communion ? Besides , that the College of Bishops , in those Times , is still considered and insisted on , as consisting of Church Governours notoriously distinguished from Presbyters : Besides , that in all St. Cyprian's Writings , or in any Monument of those Times , you shall never , so much as once , find a Bishop calling a Presbyter his Collegue : Besides , that we have not the least Vestige of any such stated , ordinary current Office , in any Record of those Times , as that of a meer Presbyterian Moderator : Besides these Things , I say , How had it been consistent with the Principles or Analogies , the Scheme or Plot of Presbyterian Parity , to have committed to any Single Presbyter , Moderator , or other , the bearing of such a Part , as that He , and He alone , of God knows how many , should have been Constituted a Member of a College , which College , and which alone , had the Supreme Power of Preserving the Faith , and the Unity , and managing all the Affairs of the Church Catholick ? As that all his Admissions into the Church ; his Exclusions from the Church ; his Extrusions out of the Church ; his Suspensions , his Abstentions , his Excommunications , his Injunctions of Penances , his Absolutions , his Ordinations , his Degradations , his Depositio●● ; in a word , all his Acts of Government and Discipline , within his own District , and his alone , should have had Authority , and been deemed Valid , and merited a Ratification all the World over ? As that whosoever , Presbyter or other , within such a District , in which there might have been many Decads of Presbyters , was Disobedient to him , or Top't it with him , or Rebelled against him , should have been reputed Disobedient to , and Rebellious against , the whole College of the Supreme Governours of the Church Catholick ? As that raising an Altar against his Altar , and his only , should have been deem'd Raising an Altar against all Catholick Christian Altars ? As that from him , and from him only , in the regular Course , all Communicatory , Informatory , Con●olatory ; in short , all Letters concerning the Publick Affairs of the Catholick Church , or the Sacred College that Ruled the Catholick Church , should have been R●ceived ? As that to him , and to him alone , all such Letters have been directed ? As that by the Circulation and Reciprocation of Letters betwixt him and his Collegues , and their General Agreement upon any Thing , by that Circulation and R●ciprocation , Laws should have been given to the whole Catholick Church , Canons , as Binding and Obligatory as the Supreme Ecclesiastical Power on Earth could make them ? How could one raised to such a Post , I say , have been no other than a Single Presbyter , or a Presbyterian Moderator ? Doth not his very bearing such a Part , his having such a Trust , his being Cloath'd with such an Eminence , argue him Demonstratively to have been something other , something Greater , something Higher and more Honourable than either ? Thus I have considered a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time , as he stood related to his own Particular , and to the Church Catholick ; and , in both respects , have discovered a vast Discrepance betwixt him , as he was really , and our Author's Notion or Definition of him . Let me only add one Consideration more ; and that is , What Character he bore , what Figure he made , in the Eye of those who were without ; of the Heathen World , especially the Roman Emperours and Magistrates . And here I need not be at much Pains ; the Thing is Obvious : The Christian Bishops , as being the Chief Rulers , the Supreme Governours , the Heads of their respective Churches , were the Chief Butts of all the Heathen Rage and Malice . Take these few of many Evidences . After St. Cyprian had retired from Carthage , in the time of the Decian Persecution , he wrote to his Presbyters and Deacons , and told them how earnest he was to return to the City , but Prudence would not let him . When he considered the Publick Peace of the Church , and how much he , as Bishop , was concerned to Provide for it , and for the Quiet and Safety of the Brethren , he found it necessary for him , thô with mighty Grief , to forbear returning for a time , lest HIS PRESENCE should provoke the Rage and Fury of the Gentiles . So he wrote , I say , in his 7th Epistle . q And in the 12th , directed also to his Presbyters and Deacons , I wish , says he , that my Station and Character , would allow me to be present with you . r In his 20th Epistle directed for the Roman Presbyters and Deacons , he Apologizes for his Retirement after this manner . In compliance with our Lord's Commands , ( pointing , no doubt , at Matth. 10. 23. ) so soon as the Persecution began , and the Rabble , with mighty Clamour , pursued me , I retired for a time , not so much to save my self , as for the publick Quiet of the Church ; and that the Tumult which was already kindled , might not be the more inflam'd by MY OBSTINATE PRESENCE . s And to the same purpose , he Apologizes to his own People for his so long Absence , Ep. 43. Thô he had been long away , yet he durst not return , because of the Threats and Snares of these perfidious Men , ( Felicissimus , and his Fellow-Schismaticks , ) Lest , says he , upon MY COMING , there should be a greater Uproar , and , while as a Bishop ought , in all Things , to provide for Peace and Tranquillity , I should seem to have added Fewel to the Sedition , and to have imbittered the Persecution . t Here , I think , is clear Demonstration of the Episcopal Eminence in the Eye of the Heathen Persecutors : It was a Grief , a Burden , a Torment , a very Crucifixion to St. Cyprian's Soul , to be separated from his Flock , as himself words it . u But he was bound by the Laws of his EPSICOPAL PROVIDENCE , by all means , to study the Peace , the Quiet , the Tranquillity of the Church , and his LOCUS and GRADUS , his Station and Dignity , were so Conspicuous and Eminent , that HIS PRESENCE would have provoked the Gentiles , and increased the Persecution , and therefore he durst not return . And yet this is not all . Consider if what follows is not yet clearer . In his 14th Epistle written to his Presbyters and Deacons , he tells them , That tho he had strong and pressing Reasons to hasten his return , yet he found it more expedient and useful for the publick Peace to continue longer in his Lurking Places ; and Tertullus , one whom they knew , and could not but value , had seriously advised him to be Calm and Cautious , and not to commit himself rashly to the publick View , especially of that Place where he had been so often lain in wait , and made search for ; and therefore he Exhorts and Commands them , ( his Presbyters and Deacons , ) That THEY , whose PRESENCE was n●ither so INVIDIOUS , nor by far so DANGEROUS , might perform the part of Vicars to him . v Here , I think , we have a full Evidence of a fair Discrimination was made betwixt him and his Presbyters by the Heathen Persecutors . And not only so ; but. He tells Cornelius Bishop of Rome , Ep. 59. That he was Proscribed in the Days of the Decian Persecution , and that by Name , as Bishop of the Christians in Carthage , and that he was destin'd for the Lions , & c w And again , Ep. 66. he tells Florentius Pupianus , That his Proscription ran in this Form : If any Man holds or possesses any of the Goods of CAECILIUS CYPRIANUS BISHOP OF THE CHRISTIANS , &c. And thereby makes an Argument , that it was Unaccountable in Florentius not to own him as a Bishop . x And Pontiu● his Deacon tells us , That , when he at last commenced Martyr in t●e Valerian Persecution , in the very Sentence that was given out against him , he was called SECTAE SIGNIFER , the Ring-leader , the Head , the Chiftain of the Sect of the Christians in Carthage . y Would you have yet more ? Then , Take it , not about St. Cyprian's Person , for I think we have enough of him already , but in St. Cyprian's Words : You have them Ep. 55. there he tells Antonianus , That the Emperous Dec●us ( from a Sense , no doubt , that , as Heads of their respective Churches , they were , under God , the great Supporters and Promoters of our Most Holy Faith , ) had such a Spite , such a Pique , at the Christian Bishops , that for Example , He could have heard with greater Patience and Composure , 〈◊〉 another ●mulous Prince should have Rival'd it with him for the Roman Empire , than that a Bishop should have been settled in the City of Rome . z And doth not Eusebius tell us , That the Emperour Maximinus , in that Persecution of which he was the Author , some 22 or 23 Years before St. Cyprian's Martyrdom , Ordered , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief Governours of the Christian Churches , should only be put to Death , as being the Authors of the Propagation of the Gospel ? a So Eminent , in those Times , was the Episcopal Character ; such a Sense had the very Heathens of their being Bishops indeed ; so much , as Bishops , were they Obnoxious to the Fury and Malice of Persecutors ; and so much Reason had St. Cyprian to say , That it mattered not , whence ( whether from Heathens without , or Schismaticks within , if they may be called any way within , ) Terrors or Perils threatned a Bishop , seeing , as such , he was still obnoxious to Terrors or Perils . b Meaning , that , in those Times , Bishops , as Bishops , were still exposed to the first burnt of all Persecutions . As , on the other hand , when the Human Galien●s , who succeeded to Valerianus , stop'd the Persecution which his Predecessor had begun , he began his Imperial R●script , thus , The Emperour Publius Lic●nius Galie●●s , &c. To Dionysius , Pinnas , Demetrius , and the rest of the BISHOPS , &c. and so went on , telling them , How he had ordered his Edict of Grace and Clemency to be Published all the World over ; allowing them to rely upon it , as full Security against all Molestation for the future . c Thus , I say , that Heathen Emperour stopping the Current of a fierce Persecution , and designing Favour and Security to Christians , directed his Letters to the Christian Bishops , as the Persons who were Heads of the Christian Churches , and in all Persecutions had wont to be exposed to the greatest Hazards . Thus , Sir , I have examined our Author's Definition of a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time ; and , if I mistake not , have demonstrated by many solid Arguments , that he was neither Single Presbyter , nor Presbyterian Moderator , in the Presbyterian Sense of the Terms ; but a True Prelate in the strictest propriety of Speech . Consider my Arguments thoroughly , and weigh them only in the Ballance of Iustice , without Prejudice , and without Partiality , and try whether Each of them singly , and much more , all together do not Conclude irrefragably against him . And if they shall be found to be Concludent , I leave it next to you to Determine , whether our Author is not both fairly and formally bound by his Word to confess himself a Schismatick . When I first put Pen to Paper , I had in my Project to have proceeded further , and made it appear as evidently , as what I have now dispatched , That the Episcopal Preheminence which was so notoriously and unquestionably Prelatical in St. Cyprian's time , was no Novel Usurpation , no Late Invention , not at all the Production of the Cyprianic Age , nor any Age later than the Apostles : That St. Cyprian , and all his Contemporaries , firmly believed it to be of Divine Institution ; That they had not Entertained it , having so little Temporal Encouragement , nay , so great and many Temporal Discouragements to Entertain it , if they had not so believed : That they had great Reason for this their Belief ; as fairly founded on our Saviour's own Ordinance ; and fully handed down to them in the constant Practice of the Universal Church from the First Plantation of Christian Churches : That it pass'd amongst them as a common Principle , That Bishops , as I have represented them , Bishops , as they were then , that is , clearly contradistinct from Presbyters and Superiour to them , Bishops as the Heads of , and Principles of Unity to , their respective Churches , were the Rightful , True , and Genuine Successors of the Apostles , in the Supreme visible Ecclesiastical Power of Governing the Churches , whereof they were Bishops . These Things , I say , I had once in my Prospect ; but this Letter has swell'd to such a Bulk already , as , perhaps , may fright you from Reading it : And you may Command me to Prosecute what is lest undone , when you will : And what I have written , as I said , seems to me sufficient , in Point of Argument , for bringing your Author to a Sense of his State , as well as a Candid Confession of it , when 't is thus plainly represented to him : And therefore I Conclude with my Best Christian Wishes to you and him , and all Men. March 28. 1695. FINISH . Advertisement . THere is now in the Press , and will be Published by Michaelmas next , [ An Enquiry into the New Opinions ( chiefly ) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland . By A. M. D. D. ] Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A59468-e630 a Ad Quest. 1. Sect. 5. b Episcoporum manifesta ubique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se● jure praesidendi , Convocandi , Ordinandi &c. Epit. Isag. ad Hist , Eccles. Nov. Test. Saec. 3. Sect. 6. pag. mi●i , 117. c Sect. 32. p. 28. d Sed nec hujus aevi Ordines Minores , quales Ostiariorum , Copiatarum , Acolythorum , Exorcistarum . p. 119. e Suffrag . 1 , 8 , 31 , 37. f Ep. 23. p. 49. Ep. 69. p. 187. Ep. 75. p. 223. g Hist. Ecd. lib. 6. cap. 43. h Presbyteri & Diaconi in Adrum●tina Consistentes , Polycarpo Co-●piscopo nostro absente , ignorabant quid nobis in Commune placuissit , &c. Ep. 49. p. 91. i Ep. 43. k Ep. 59. l Ep. 59. p. 139. m H. E. lib. 7. cap. 11. n Cum sit , a Christo , una Ecclesia , per totum Mundum , in multa Membra divisa , item Episcopatus unus Episcoporum multorum Concordi Numerositate Diff●sus ; ille , post Dei traditionem , post connexam & ubique conjunctam Catholicae Eccl●siae Unitatu●m , humanam conetur Ecclesiam facere , & per plurimas Civitates , noves Apo●tolos suos mittat , ut quaedam r●c●ntia institutionis suae fundam●nta constituat ; cumque jampridem per OMNES PROVINCIAS & per URBES SINGULAS , Ordinati s●nt Episcopi , in aetate ; antiqui , in ●ide integri , in pr●ssura probati , in persecutione proscripti , ille super eos 〈◊〉 : alios pseudo-episcopos aud●at . Ep. 55. p. 112. o Quanquam sciam , Frater Charissime , Episcopos plurimos Ecclestis Dominicis in TOTO MUNDO divina dignatione praep●sitos , &c. Ep. 63. ab init . - p Divino Sacerdotio honorati , & in Claricis Ministeriis constituti non nist Altari & Sa●rificii● de fervir● , & precibus atque Orationibus vacare debeant . Ep. 1. P. 1. q Ut eum Clero nostro Dominus adjungeret , & desolatam per lapsum quorundam , Presbyterii nostri copiâ Gloriosis Sacerdotibus adornar●t . Ep. 40. p. 79. r Ep. 5. p. 11. s Ep. 59. p. 134. & De Lapsis , p. 128. t Ep. 15 , 16 , 17. sus● , u Ep. 61. p. 144 v 〈◊〉 plane & ad 〈◊〉 , Frater cariss●me , 〈◊〉 & Autho●itate communi , ●t etiam s● qui Presbyteri — Contr● Altare unum atque divi●um , Sacrifici● , foris , falsa & Sacril●g● offerre conati sin● , cos quoque ●ac conditione suscipi , cum revertunt●● , at COMMUNICENT LAICI — Nec debere cos r●vertentes , e● , apud nos , Ordinationis & Honoris arma retinere , quibus contra nos Rebellaverunt : Oport●t enim SACERDOTES — qui Altari & Sacrificiis deserviunt , int●gros atque immaculat●s ess● , &c. Ep. 72. p. 197. vv Christo sunt Ecclesia , plebs Sac●rdoti adunata , & pastori suo Grex adhaerens . Unde scire d●bes Episcopum in Ecclesi●m esse , & Ecclesia in Episcopo , & si qui cum Episcopo non sint , in Ecclesia non esse . Ep. 66. p. 168. x Quis namqu● hic est superbiae tumor ? Quae arrogantia animi ? Quae mentis inflatio ? Ad cognitionem suam , praep●sitos & Sacerdotes vocare ? Ac nis● apud te purgati fucrimus & sententia tua absoluti , ecce jam , sex annis , nec fraternitas habuit Episcopum , nec pl●bs praepositum , nec Grex pastorem , nec Ecclesia Gubernator●m , nec Christus Antistitem , nec Deus Sacerdotem ? Ibid. p. 167. y Praepositus , passim . z Christi adversarius , & Ecclesiae ejus immicus . ad hoc Ecclesiae praep●situm sua infestatione prosequitur , ut Gubernat●r● sublato , atrocius atque violentius circa Ecclesiae Naufragia Grassetur . Ep. 59. p. 130. Vide etiam Ep. 30. p. 56. a Ep. 41. p. 79. b Gubernator , passim , c Rector . Ep. 59. p. 133. d Dux . Ep. 60. p. 141. e Caput . Ep. 45. p. 86. f Iudex . Ep. 59. p. 129. g Et cum incumbat n●bis qui videmur praepositi esse , & VICE PASTORIS custodire Gregem , &c. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. ad Smyrn . Edit . Lon● . 1680. p. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Episcopo , nempe , Presbyteris & Diaconis , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad Trall . p. 48. & passon . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apud Eusib. H. E. Lib. 6. cap. 43. k Sacerdotii sublime fastigium . Ep. 55. p. 103. l Et cum post primum secundus esse non possit , quisquis post unum , qui solus esse debeat , factus est , non 〈◊〉 ille secundus , sed nullus est . Ep. 55. p. 104. m Quisquis ille est & qualiscunque est , Christianus non est . Ep. 55. p. 112. fuse . n Ep. 44. p. 86. Ep. 45. p. 86. Ep. 46. p. 89. Ep. 59. p. 130. Ep. 61. p. 144. Ep. 68. p. 177. Ep. 69. p. 184. Un. Eccl. p. 110. o Ecclesia enim una est , quae una & intus esse & foris , non potest . Si e●xim apud Novatianum est , apud Cornelium non suit . Si vera apud Cornelium suit , qui Fabiano Episcopo , Legitima Ordinatione successit , & qu●m , praete● Sacerdotii honorem , Martyrio quoque Dominus Glorificavit , Novatianus in Ecclesia non est , nec Episcopus computari potest , qui , Evangelica & Apostolica Traditione contempta , nemini succedens , a seip●o Ortus est : Habere namque aut tenere Ecclesiam nullo modo potest qui Ordinatus in Ecclesia non est : Foris enim non esse Ecclesiam , nec scindi adversum se , &c. Et paulo post , Idcirco Dominus insinuans nobis Unitatem de Divina Auctorstate veni●ntem , ponit & Dicit . Ego & Pater unum sumus : Ad quam unitatem redigens Ecclesiam suam , denuo dicit , Et erit Unus Grex , & Unus Pastor : Si autem Grex unus est , quomodo potest Gregi annumerari qui in numero Gregis non ●st ? Aut Pastor quomodo haberi potest qui ( manente vero pastore , & in Ecclesia D●i Ordinatione succidanea praesidente ) nomini succedens , & a seipso incipi●ns , Alienus sit & profaxus , Dominicae pacis at Divine Unitatis inimicus ; non habitans in do●● Dei , i. e. in Ecclesia Dei , in qua non nist Concordes & Unanimes habitant ? Ep. 69. p. 181 , 182. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eus ▪ b. H. E. Lib. 6. cap. 43. q Nos Cornelium Episcopum Sancti●●i●ae Catholice Ecclesiae Eleclum a Deo Omn●potente , & Christo Domino nostro sci●us . Nos error●m nostsrum 〈◊〉 ; nos imposturam pass● sumus ; circumventi sumus perfidia & Loquacitate captiosa : Non enim ignoramus Unum D●um 〈◊〉 ; Unum Christ●●●●sse Dominum , quem Confess● sumus ; 〈◊〉 Spiritum Sanctum ; Unum Epi●●opum in Catholica Eccl●sia esse d●bere . Ep. 49. p. 93. r Ep. 67. s Ibid. t Ep. 68. u Ep. 36. v Ep. 50 , & 52. vv Ep. 65. x Propter quo●diligenter de Traditiove Divina & Apostolica Observatione s●r●andum & tenendum est , quod apud nos quoque & fere per Provincias Un●versas tenetur , ut ad Ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad ●am Plebem cut praepositus ordinatur , Episcopi ●jusdem Provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & Episcopus deligatur , Plebe praesente , &c : Ep. 67. p. 172. Praecter illud quod in hac eadem Epistola , De Sabino , Legere est , h●jus ritus , tanquam jam tum triti , in Succ●ssore , Narcisso Hierosolymitani . , Substituendo exemplum luculentum habes apud Euseb. l. 6. c. 10. y Pontius in vita Cypr. Euseb. Chron. Hieron . C●tal . z Per omnia Ecclesiastica Offici● promotus — Ad Sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis gradibus ascendit . Ep. 55. p. 103. a Ep. 55. p. 112. b Ep. 67. p. 172. c Ep. 56. p. 115. d Euseb. H. E. lib. 6. c. 19 , 20. e Ibid. f Lib. 7. c. 11 , 22 , 28. g Euseb. H. E. l. 5. c. 4 , 5. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Canon . Apost . 1. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 E●seb . l. 6. c. 43. k Ep. 59. p. 113. l Vide , True Representation of Presb. Gov. Prop. 15. a Unit. Eccl. p. 108. b Unit. Eccl. p. 112. c Sacrificium Deo majus est Pax nostra , & fraterna concordia , & de unitate Patris & Spiritus Sancti plebs adunata . Cyp. de Orat. Dom. p. 149. d Firmil . Ep. inter Cyprianicas 75. p. 217. e Cyp. Un. Eccl. p. 105. f Conc Carth. Suff. 60. g Un. Eccl. p. 117. h Firmil . Ep. inter● Cypr. 75. p. 227. i Euseb. H. E. l. 6. c. 45. k Cyp. Ep. 69. p. 185. l Ibid. Ep. 59. p. 138. m Un. Eccl. p. 108 , 109. n Conc. Carth. Suff. 10. o Cyp. Ep. 51. p. 95. p Ep. 55. p. 103. q Ibid. p. 105. r Ep. 57. p. 117. s Conc. Carth Suff. 1 , 11 , 64 , 87. Ep. 69. p. 180. t Conc. Carth. Suff. 5. u Ib. Suff. 7 , & 21. v Suff. 1 , 31. vv Suff. 1. x Un. Eccl. p. 116. y Cyp. de Orat. Dom. p. 150. z Un. Eccl. p. 116. a Ibid. p. 109. b Cyp. Ep. 69. p. 182. c Un. Eccl. p. 109. d Cyp. Ep. 4. p. 9. e Conc. Carth. Suff. 1. f Suff. 37. g Ep 59. p. 140. h Un. Eccl. p. 114. Con. Carth. Suff. 24. Ep. 55. p. 112. i Un. Eccl. p. 114. k Ibid. l Ep. 69. p. 18● . m Con. Carth. Suff. 60. n Ep. 73. p. 207. o Ep. 72. p. 197. p Un. Eccl. p. 111. Con. Carth. Suff. 29. Ep. 43. p. 83. q Un. Eccl. p. 112. r Ep. 69. p. 180. s Un. Eccl. p. 113. t P. 114 , 117. in Ep. passim . u Un. Eccl. p. 115. Ep. 59. p. 140. v Con. Carth. Suff. 38. vv Ibid. Suff. 49 , 58 , 61. x Ep. 73. p. 203. y Ep. 69. p. 184. z Ep. 43. p. 82 , 85. a Ep. 60. p. 142. b Con. Carth. Suff. 7. c Ibid. Suff. 1. d Dominus noster , cujus praecepta metuere & observare deb●mus , Episcopi honorem , & Ecclesiae suae Rationem disponens in Evangelio , Loquitur & dicit Petro ; Ego dico tibi , quia tu es Petrus , & super istam Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam , & portae inferorum non vincent eam ; Et tibi dabo claves regni Caelorum , &c. — Inde per temporum & successionum vices . Episcoporum Ordinatio , & Ecclesi● ratio decurrit , ut Ecclesia super Episcopos constituatur : Et omnes actus Ecclesiae p●r eosdem praepositos Gubernetur . Cum hoc itaque Divina lege fund imeutum sit , miror quosdam audaci ●emeritate sic mihi scribere voluisse , ut Ecclesiae ●omine literas facerent : Quando Ecclesia in Ep●scopo & Clero , & in omn●bu● stantibus sit constituta : Absit enim , ne Domini misericordia & potestas ejus invidiam patiatur , ut Ecclesia esse dicatur Lapsorum numerus . Ep. 33. p. 66. e Deus unus est , & Christus unus , & una Ecclesia , & Cathedra una super Petrum Domini voce fundata . Aliud Altare constitui , aut Sacerdotium novum fieri , praeter unum Altare , & unum Sacerdotium , non potest . Quisquis alibi collegerit , spargit . Adulterum est , impium est , sacrilegum est , quod●unque humano furore instituitur , ut dispositio Divina violetur — Nemo vos , fratres , errare a Domini viis faciat : Nemo vos Christianos ab Evangelio Christi rapiat : Nemo filios Ecclesiae de Ecclesia tollat : Pereant sibi soli , qui perire voluerunt . Extra Ecclesiam soli remaneant , qui de Ecclesia recesserunt . Soli cum Episcopis non sint , qui contra Episcopos Rebellarunt . Ep. 43. p. 83 , 84. f Vide supra , pag. 8. g An ess sibi cum Christo videtur , qui adversus Sacerdotes Christi facit ? Qui s●● Cleri ejus & plebis Societate sec●rnit ? Arma ille contra Ecclesiam portat . Contra Dei dispositionem pugnat . Hostis Altaris ; adversus Sacrificium Christi Rebellis ; pro Fide , Perfidus ; pro Religione , Sacrilegus ; inobsequens servus ; Filius impius ; Frater inimicus ; contemptis Episcopis & Dei Sacerdot●bus derelictis . Constituere audet aliud Altare , precem alteram , illicitis vocibus facere , &c. De Unit. Eccl. p. 116. h Deus unus est , & Christus unus , & una Ecclesia ejus , & Fldes una , & Plebs in solidam Corporis unitatem , Concordiae glutino copulata . Ibid. p. 119. i Haec sunt enim initia Haereticorum , & Ortus atque Conatus Schismaticorum male cogitantium , ut sibi placeant , & Praepositum superbo tumore contemnant . Sic de Ecclesia receditur ; sic Altare profanum , foris , collocatur ; sic contra pac●m Christi , & Ordinationem atque Unitat●m Dei Rebellatur . Ep. 3. p. 6. k Neque enim aliunde Haereses obortae sunt , aut nata sunt Schismata quam inde , quod Sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur : Nec unus in Ecclesia , ad tempus Sacerdos , & ad t●mpus Iudex , vice Christi cogitatur . Ep. 59. p. 129. l Inde enim Schismata & Haereses Obortae sunt & Oriuntur , dum Episcopus qui unus est , & Ecclesiae praeest . superba quorundam Praesumptione contemnitur ; & homo Dignitate Dei honoratus , indignus ab hominibus judicatur . Ep. 66. p. 167. m Apes habent Regem , & ducem Pecudes , & fidem servant Latrones ; Mancipi obsequio pleno humilitatis ob●emperant . Quanto simpliciores & meliores vobis sunt brutae pecudes , & muta animalia , & cru●nti licet ac furentes inter Gladios , a●que inter arma praedones ? Praepositus illic agnoscitur & cru●nt licet ac furentes inter Gladios , a●que inter arma praedones ? Praepositus illic agnosciture & timetur , quem non S●ntentia Divina constituit , sed in qu●m factio perdita , & noc●ns Caterva consentit . Ibid. n Hinc Dominicae pacis vinculum rumpitur ; hinc Charitatis fraterna violatur ; hinc adulteratur veritas ; unitas scinditur ; ad Haereses & Schismata Prosilitur : Dum obtrectatur Sac●rdotibus ; dum Episcopis invidetur ; cum quis aut quaeritur non s● potius Ordinatum , aut dedignatur alterum ferre praepositum . De Zelo & Livore , p. 223. o Ne● sibi Plebs blandiatur , quasi immunis esse a Contagio delict● possit , ●um Sacerdo●e peccatore Communicans , & ad injustum & illicitum praepositi sui Episcopat um , consensum suum commoda●s ; qu●●do per O●ee Prophetm ( Hos. 9. 4. ) comminetur & dicat Cens●ra Divina — Docens Scil. & Ostende●s , omnes omnino ad peccatum constringi , qui fuerint profani & injusti S●cerdotis Sacrificio contaminati — Propter quod plebs obsequens praceptis Dominicis , & Deum met●ens a 〈◊〉 praeposit● se debet , nec se ●d Sacrilegi Sacerdotis sacrificia miscere . Ep. 67. p. 171. p Quare et●● aliq●i de Collegis nostris — Deificam Disciplinam negligend●m putant , & cum Basilide & Martiale ●emere communicant — Tamen , qui malis & peccatoribus — 〈◊〉 Communione 〈◊〉 , nocenti●● lactibus 〈◊〉 ; & 〈◊〉 junguntur in culp● , sic nec in p●na separantur . Ibid. p. 175. q Ep. 68. r Virtus ill●c Episcopi praec●de●tis , public● comprobata ●st ; ad●natio sequen●is fraternitatis Oste●s● nitatis Ostensa est ; dum apud vos , unus animus & 〈◊〉 vox est , Eccl●sia omnis Romana Confessa est . Ep. 61. p. 141. s Eo quod congruat Episcopum in ea Civitate in qua Ecclesiae Dominicae prae●st , illic Dominum confiteri , & Plebem universam , praepositi praes●ntis Confessione clarificari . Qu●dcunque enim sub illo conf● ssionis momento , Co●f●ssor Episcopus l●quitur , aspirante D●o , ORE OMNINM loquitur , caeterum mutabilitur Honor Ecclesiae nostrae tam Gloriosae , s● ego Episcopus alterius Ecclesiae praepositus , acceptâ , apud Uticam , super confession● 〈◊〉 , exinde Martyr ad Dominum proficiscar ; quandoquidem Ego & pro ME & pro VOBIS apud VOS confiteri , & exinde ad Dominum proficisci , Orationibus continuis D●precer , &c. Ep. 81. p. 238 , 239. t Vide Ep. 17. p. 39. & De Lapsis , p. 122 , 123. fuse . u O beatum Ecclesiae populum , qui Episcopo suo tali , & Oculis pariter & sensibus , & quod amplius est , publicata voce compassus est , & sicut ipso tractante s●mper audierat , Deo jud ●e Coronatus est ▪ Quamvis enim non potuerit evenire , quod optabant vota communia , ut consortio pacis Gloriae simul pl●bs tota pat●retur ; quicunque sub Christi spectantis Oculis , & sub auribus Sac●rdotis ex animo pa●i voluit , p●r idoneum voti sui testem , Legationis quodam modo literas ad Deum misit . Pontius in vita Cyp. p. 10. v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Edit . Lond. 1680. p. 6. vv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 40. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 43. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 17. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 47. a Ep●scopatus unus est , cujus a singul●s in solidum pars tenetur . Cyp. de Un. Eccl. p. 108. b Et cum sit a Christo una Ecclesia , per to●u● Mundum in multa Membra 〈◊〉 ; item , Episcopa●us unus Episcoporum multorum Concordi numerositate diffusus , &c. Ep. 55. p. 112. c Et quamvi● Apostolis omnibus PAREM potestatem tribuat & dicat , &c. Un. Eccl. p. 107. d Hoc ●rant utique caet●ri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus ; PARI CONSORTIO praediti & honoris & potestatis . Ibid. e Man●nte concordiae vinculo , & p●rseverante catholicae Ecclesiae individuo Sacramento , actum suum disponit & dirigit unusquisque Episcopus , rationem prop●siti sui Domino redditurus . Ep. 55. p. 110. f Haec tibi breviter , pro nostra Mediocritate , rescripsimus , Frater carissime , nemini praescribentes aut praejudicantes quo minus unusquisque Episcoporum , quod putant , faciat , hab●ns arbitrii sui liberam potestatem . Ep. 73. P. 210. g Ep. 62. p. 188. h Ep. 66. i Superest ut de hac ipsa re , singuli , quid sentiamu , proferamus ; neminem judicantes , aut a jure Communionis , aliquem , si diversum senserit , ameventes . Neque enim quisquam nostrum Episcopum se Episcoporum constituit , aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem Collegas suos adigit ; quando habeat omnis Episcopus , pro licentia libertatis & potestatis suae , arbitrium proprium ; tamque ab alio judicari non possit , quam nec ipse poterit judicare : Sed expectemus universi judicium Domini nostri Iesus Christi , qui unus & solus habet potestatem & praeponendi nos in Ecclesiae suae Gubernatione & de act● 〈◊〉 nostro judicandi . Opp. Cyp. Tom. 1. p. 229. k Quae autem causa veniendi & Pseudo-Episcopum contra Episcopos factumnuntiandi ? Aut ●●im placet illis quod fecerunt & in s●to scelere perseverant ; aut si displicet & recedunt , sciunt quo revertant●r . Nam cum st●tutum sit omnibus nobis , & aequum sit pariter ac justum , at uniuscujusque causa illic audiatur , ubi est Crimen admissum , & portio Gregis singulis pastoribus sit adscripta , quam regat U●usquisque & Gubernet , rationem sui actus Domino redditurus , oportet utique eos quibus praesumus , no● circumcurfare , nec Episcoporum concordiam cohaerentem sua subdola & fallaci temeritate collidere , sed agere illic causam saum ubi & accusatores habere , & testes sui Criminis possint . Ep. 59. P. 36. l Caeterum scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint , nolle deponere ; nec propositum suum facile mutate ; sed salvo , inter Collegas , pacis ac Concordiae vinculo , quaedam propria , quae apud se semel sint usurpata retinere . Qua in re , nec nos vim cuiquam facimus aut legem damus ; cum habeat , in Ecclesiae administratione , voluntatis liberum , unusquisque praepositus , rationem sui actus Domino redditurus . Ep. 72. p. 198. m Vide Ep. 74 , & 75. n Quanquam bene sibi conscius animus ; & Evangelicae Disciplinae vigore subnixus ; & verus sibi , in Decretis Caelestibus , testis effectus , soleat , solo Deo judice , esse contentus ; nec alterius aut Laudes petere , aut Accusationes pertimescere ; Tam●n geminata sunt laude Condigni , qui , cum Conscientiam sciant Deo soli deb●re se judici , actus tamen suos desiderant etiam ab ipsis suis fratribus comprobari , &c. Ep. inter Cyprianicas 30. p. 56. o — Iudex vice Christi cogitatur . Ep. 59. p. 129. p Cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum ass●mere , &c. Ep. 69. p. 184. q Gubernandae Ecclesiae Libram tenentes — Ep. 68. p. 177. r Sacerdotii sublime fastigium , 55. p. 103. s Cum pro Episcopatus vigore , & Cathedrae authoritate , haberes potestatem ; &c. Ep. 3. p. 5. — Si it● res est , — Actum est de Episcopatus vigore . Ep. 59. p. 126. t In Solidum . Un. Eccl. p. 108. u — Actum est de Ecclesiae gubernam●ae sublimi ac Divina potestate . Cyp. ad Cornel. Ep. 59. p. 126. v Neque enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se Episcoporum constituit . Cyp. in Conc. Carth. p. 129. Nam nec Petrus quem primum Dominus elegit , & super quem aedificavit Ecclesiam suam , cum secum Paulus de circumcisione post modum Disc●ptaret , vindicavit sibi aliquid insolenter , aut arroganter assumpsit , ut diceret se Primatum tenere — Ep. 71. p. 194 , 195. vv Vide supra . x Passim . y Vide supra . z Ubicunque fuerit Episcopus , sive Romae , sive Eugubii , sive Constantinopoli , sive Rhegii , sive Alexandriae , sive Tanis , ejusdem Meriti est , & ejusdem Sacerdotii , potetia divitiarum & Paupertatis humilitas , vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem Episcopum non facit . Caeterum omnes Apostolorum Successores sunt . Hieron . ad Evagrium . a Ep. 3. p. 5. b Ep. 4. p. 9. c Ep. 59. p. 128. d Ep. 66. p. 166. e Ep. 69. p. 183. f Ep. 73. p. 201. g Ep. 75. p. 225. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Epist. ad cor . p. mihi , 53. i Ex●rs quaedam & ab omnibus emi●●●●● potestas . k — Et. iccirco quia legitimum & Ecclesiasticum Baptisma consecuti fuerant ( quos Philippus tinxerat ) Baptizari cos ultra non oportebat ; sed tantummodo quod deerat id a Petro & Joanne factum est ; ut Oratione pro iis habita , & manu imposita , invocaretur & infundaretur super eos Spiritus Sanctus : Quod nunc quoque apud nos Geritur , ut qui in Ecclesia Baptizan ur , Praepositis Ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram Orationem ac manus impositionem , Spiritum Sanctum consequantur , & signaculo Dominico Consummentur . Ep. 73. p. 202. l Omnis potestas & Gratia in Ecclesia est , ubi Praesident Majores Natu , qui & Baptizandi & Manum imponendi & Ordinandi possident potestatem . Ep. 75. p. 221. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Apud Euseb. H. E. lib. 6. cap. 43. n — Solus rescribere nihil potui , quand● a primordio Episcopatus m●i , STATUERIM nihil sine consilio v●siro , & sine consensu plebis , mea privatim sententia gerere . Ep. 14. p. 33. o In Ordinationibus Clericis SOLEMUS vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita singulorum Communi Consilio ponderare . Ep. 38 p. 74. p — Cumque 〈◊〉 vos pro 〈◊〉 Vicaris miserim , — Ut aetates c●rum , & Conditiones , & Merit a discerneret●s ; ut jam EGO CUI CURA INCUMBIT , omnes ●ptime nossem , & dignos atque humiles & mites , ad Ecclesiasticae Administrationis ●fficia promoverem , Ep. 41. P. 79. q Addimus plane & conjungimus , fracer c●rissime , ●onsensu & Auctoritate communi , ut etiam si qui Presbyteri ●ut Diaconi ; qui vel in Ecclesia Catholica prius Ordinati fu●int , & postmod●m perfidi & R●bell●s coontra Ecclesiam ●teterins ; vel apud Hereticos a PSEUDO-EPISCOPIS & Anti-Christ●s contra Christi disposition●m , profan● Ordinatione promoti sint , & contra Altare unum atque Divinum , Sacrificia foris falsa ac Sa●ilega ●fferre conati sint ; cos quoque l●●c Conditione suscipi , cum revertuntur , ut Communic●nt Laici , &c. Ep. 72. P. 197. r Caeterum Presbytcrii henorem designasse nos illis jam SCIATIS — S●●●uris nobiscum , provectis & corr●boratis annis suis. Ep. 39. P. 78. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eus●b . Hi●t . Eccl l. 6. c. 43. t Vide Annal. Cyp. ad Ann. 250. Sect. 21. u Id●m est Novatus qui quosdam istic ex fratribus ab Episcopo Segregavit , qui in ipsa persecutione ad evertendas fratrum ●eu●es , alia quaedam persecutio nostris ●uit . Ipse est qui Felicissi●um satelli●●●● suum , Dia●●nu● , nec permittente me , nec scient● , sua factione & ambitione constituit . Ep. 52. P. 97. v Et cum su● tempestate Romam quoque Navigans ad evertendam Ecclesiam ; similia illic & paria molitus est , a Clero porti●nem Pl●bis avellens , Fraternitatis bene sibi cohaerent is & se invicem diligentis Concordiam scindens , plane , quoniam pro magnitudine sua debeat Carthaginem Roma praeced●re , illic major●● & gra●ior● commisit : Qui istic adversus Ecclesiam , Diaconum secerat , illic Episcopum fecit , &c. Ep. 52. P. 97. vv Qu●d vero ad N●vatiani personam pertinet : F. C. de quo desiderasti tibi seribi , quam haeresin introd●xisset , scias nos prim● in l●co , nce curiosos ●sse debere quid ille doceat , cum f●ris doceat . Ep. 55. P. 112. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 y Ep. 40. z Ep. 41 , & 43. a Sed & Per●●grinis , si qui indigentes fuerint , suggeratis , de Quantitate mea propria , quam apud Rogatianum Compresbyterum nostrum dimisi — Ep. 7. P. 14. b Stipes & Oblationes & Lucra desiderant , quibu● prius insatiabiles in●ubabant , & coenis atque ●pulis etiam nunc inhiant , quarum crapulam ●●per sup●rstite indics Cruditate r●ctabant ; nunc manif●stissime Comprobantes , 〈◊〉 ●●te se Religioni , sed ventri potius , & quaestai , profan●● Cupiditate serviss● . Ep. 65. P. 163. c Vide Ep 67. P. 173. d Cumque post haec ●mnia , nec Loci mei honore motus — In quo quid●m gratulor pluri●●●s Fratres ab hac audacia r●cessisse , & vobis acqu●escere maluiss● , ●t cum Ecclesia matre reman●rent , & stipendia ●jus , EPISCOPO DISPENSANTE perciperent . Ep. 41. P 80. e Caeterum Presbyteri● honorem designasse nos illis jam sciatis ut & sportu●is iisd m cum Presbyteris hon●r●ntur , & divisiones mensur●as equatis quantitatibus particu●ur . Ep. 38. P. 78. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g Vid● Clariss . Dodwel . Differt . Cyp. 1. Sect. 9. h Eus●b . H. E. I. 4. c. 23. i Bene autem & quod Episcopi Universae Plebi j●junia mandare ●ssolent : Non dice de industria stipium Conferend 〈◊〉 at vestra captura est , s●d interdum ex aliqua solicitudinis Eccle●iasticae causa . Te●t De Jejun . cap. p 3. k — Omni igitur actu ad M E perlato , placuit contrahi Pr●sbyt●rium — His it● 〈◊〉 in Pr●sbyteri●m venerant — Summis precibus desiderantes ut ea quae ante fu●rant Gesta in Oblivion●m cederent — Quod erat c●ns qu●ns , ●mnis his actus populo fuer at insinu●ndus , ut & ipsos vid●rent , in Eccl●sia constitutos — Magn●s frat●rnitatis concursus factus est . — Una ●r at v●x 〈◊〉 grati●s 〈◊〉 ●gentium — Et ut ips●rum propria verba design● , nos inqui●nt Cornelium Episcop●● sanctissimae Ecclesiae , &c. Ep. 49. P. 92 , 93. l Certi famus , Frater carissime , t● quoque nobiscum pari v●to conga●dere , nos habito C●nfili● , utilitati●us Ecclesiae & paci magis Cons●●l●●tes , ●mnibus rebus pratermissis , & j●dicio Dei reservatis , cum Corneli● EPISCOPO NOSTRO Parit●r & cum Universo cl●ro pac●n fecisse cum Gaudio 〈◊〉 Universae Ecclesiae , pr●na etiam omnium Caritate . Ep. 53. P. 98. m Et quoniam mihi inter●sse nunc non permittit Loci conditio , Peto vos pro fide & Religione vestra , fungamini illic & vestris partibus & mcis. Ep. 5. p. 10. n Atque utinam Loci & Gradus mei conditio permitteret ut IPSE nunc praesons esse possem — Sed Officium MEUM vestr● diligentia Representet . Ep. 12. p. 27. o Hort●r & Mando — Vice mea fungamini . Ep 14 P. 31. p Cum ego vos pro me Vicarios miserim . — Felicissimus — accipiat senteatiam quam prior d●xit , ut Abstentum se a nobis sciat : — Sed & Augendus s●nt●ntiam ferat — Et quisquis se conspirationi & factioni ejus adjunxerit , sciat se in Ecclesia nobiscum non esse Communicaturum . Ep. 41. P. 79. q Caldonius cum Herculano & Victore Collegis ( i. e. Episcopis ) item cum Rogatiano & Numidico Presbyteris , Cypriano salutem . Abstinuimus communicatione Felicissimum & Augendum , &c. Ep. 42. P. 81. r Nos tantum qui D●mino permittente primum Baptisma credentibus damus . P. 168. s Manif●stum est , aut ubi & per quos Remissa peccatorum da●i potest , quae in Baptismo scilicet dat●r ; nam Petro primum Dominus , ●●per quem ●dificavit Ecclesiam , & unde unitatis Originem instituit & ostendit , potestatem ●●tem dedit ut id solveritur in Caelis quod ille solvisset in Terris . Et post R●surrectionem quoque ●d Apostolos loquitur , dicens , Sicut misit me Pater , &c. — Unde intelligimus non ni●i in Ecclesia praepositis , & in Evangelica lege ac Dominica Ordinatione fundatis , licere Baptizare , & Remissum peccat●rum dare : Foris autem nec lig●ri aliquid posse nec solvi , ubi non sit q●i aut ligari possit , aut solvere . Nec hoc F. C. sine Scripturae divine Auctoritate proponimus , ut dicamus certa lege cuncta esse disposita nec posse quenquam contra Episcopos & Sacerd●tes Usurp●re sibi aliquid , quod non sit sui juris & potestatis ; nam & Chore , & Dathan & Abyron , contra Moysen & Aaron Sacerdotem sacrifi●andi sibi Licentiam Usurpare conati sunt : N●c 〈◊〉 quod illicite ausi sunt , impune s●cerunt . Ep. 73. P. 201. t Iesus Christus Dominus noster & Deus , Dei Patris & Creatoris Filius , super Petram aedificavit Ecclesiam suam , non super Haeresin ; & Potestatem Baptizandi Episcopis dedit , non Haereticis : Quare qui extra Ecclesiam sunt , & contra Christum stantes , oves ●jus & Gregem spargunt , Baptizari non possunt . Conc. Carth. Suff. 17. u Dandi quidem jus habet summus Sacerdos qui est Episcopus ; dehinc Presbyter● & Diaconi , won tamen sine Episcopi Auctoritate . Cap. 17. v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ad Smyrn . p. 6. vv Hi sublat● honore qu●m n●bis beati Martyres — Servant , contempt●● Domini lege — quam iidem Martyres — tenendam manda●t — ante reditum nostrum Commumunicent cum lapsis , & offerant , & Eucharistiam trad●nt . Ep. 16. P. 38. x Honor ergo datur Deo , quando sic Dei Maj●stas & Censura contemnitur ut cum se ille indignari & irasci Sacrificantibus dicat , & ne ira cogitetur Dei ; ne timeatur judicium Domini ; ne puls●tur ad Ecclesiam Christi : Sed sublata paenitentia , nec ulla e● homologesi Criminis facta , Despectis Episcopis atque Calcatis , Pax a Presbyteris verbis fallacibus praedicetur & Communicatio a non Communicantibus offeratur . Ep. 59. P. 135. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb. H. E. lib. 6. c●p . 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ign. ad Smyrn p. 6. a Nam &c Core , & Dathan , & Abyron , cum Sacerdote Aaron & Moyse , eundem Deum noverant , pari leg● & Religio●● viventes , ●um & verum Deum qui 〈◊〉 atque invoc●ndus fuer●s , inv●●abant . Taman qu●● Loci sui Ministerium transgressi contra Aaron Sacerdotem , qui Sacerdotlum legitim●m Dignatione Dei atque Ordinatione percep●rat , Sacrificandi sibi Licentiam vindicar●nt , Divinitus percussi — Nec 〈◊〉 rata ess● & proficere Sacrificia , irreligiose & illicite contra jus Divinae dispositionis oblata . — Et tamen illi Schisma non fecerant ; n●c for as egressi — Quod nunc hi Ecclesiam scindentes , & contra pa●em & unitatem Christi rebelles , Cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum assumere , & Baptizandi atque Offerendi licentiam vindi●are conantur . Ep. 69. P. 184. a Vi●e ●p . 43. & vit . 〈◊〉 po●●ea 〈◊〉 . b Sollicitudo Loci nostri , & timor Domini compellit , fortissimi & ●eatissimi Martyres , admonere vos literis ●ostris , ut a quibus tam devote & fortiter servatur fides Domino , ab iisdem Lex quoque & Disciplina Domini reservetur . Nam cum omnes milites Christi custodire oporteat praecepta imperatoris sui , tum vos magis praeceptis ejus obtemperare plus convenit , qui exemplum caeteris facti estis & virtutis & tim●ris Dei. Et credideram quidem Presbyteros & Diaconos qui illic praesentes sunt , monere vos & instruere plenissime circa Evangelii legem , sicut in praeteritum s●mper sub Antecessoribus nosiris factum est — Sed ●unc cum maximo a●●imi dolore cognosco , non tantum illic vo●is non suggeri Divina Praecept●● , sed adhuc potius impediri , ut ea — a quibusdam Presbyteris r●solvantur , qui nec timorem Dei , nec Episcopi honorem cogitantes — Contra Evangelii legem — ante actam paenitentiam , ante exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti factam , ante manum ab Episcopo & clero in paenitentiam impositam , offerre pro illis , & Eucharistiam dare , i. e. sanctum Domini Corpus profanare audeant . — Et Lapsis quidem potest in hoc venia concedi : Quis enim no●● mortuus vivificari properet ? Quis non ad salutem suam venire festinet ? Sed praeposit●●rum est praecept●●m tenere , & vel properantes , vel ignorantes instrucre , ne qui ovium Pastores esse debe●●● . Lanii fiant . — Petitiones & desideria vestra Episcopo servent , &c. Ep. 15. P. 33 , 34. c Vide De Lapsis , P. 129 , 131 , 138. Ep. 16. P. 37. EP. 17. P. 39. Ep. 36. P. 70. d Di● patientiam m●am tenui . F. C. quasi verccundum silentium n●strum pr●ficeret ad quiet●m . S●d cum qu●r●ndam immeder●ta & abrupta praesumptio , temeritate sua , & honorem Martyrum , & Confessorum pudorem , & Pl●bi● 〈◊〉 tranqui●●ia●em turbare conetur , tacere ultra non oportet . — Quid enim non periculum metuere deb●●us de offensa Domini ; quando aliqui de Presbyteris , nec Evangelii , n●c Loci sui memores ; sed n●que futurum Dom●ni judicium , neque n●nc sibi Praepositum Episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam ●mnin● sub antecessoribus factum est , cum Contumeli● & C●ntemptu Praepositi totum sibi vindicnt ? Cont●●umeliam Episcopatus nostri dissimulare & ferre possem , sicut dissimulavi semper & pertuli , sed dissimulandi nunc L●cus non est , quand● decipia●ur fratcrnitas nostra , a quibusdam vestrum ; qui du● si●e rati●ne restituendae salutis plausibil●s esse cupiunt , magis Lapsis obsunt — Exponunt deinde invidiae Beatos Martyres , & Glorios●s s●rvos Dei cum Dei Sacerdot● committunt . — Interim Temerarii & Incauti & Tumid● quidam inter vos , qui hominem non cogitent , vel Deum timeant ; scientes quoniam si ●ltra in iisdi● pers●veraverint , utar ea admonitione , qua me uti Dominus jubet , ut interim prohibeantu● offerre ; Acturi & apud nos & apud Conf●ssores ipsos , & apud Plebem universam , causam suam , cum , D●m●na permittence , in 〈◊〉 matris Ecclesiae Colligi caeperimus . Ep. 16. P. 36 , 37 , 38. imo l●ge totam Epist. e Audio tamen quosdam de Presbyteris ne● Evangelii memores — Nec Episcopo honorem Sacerdotii sui & Cathedrae r●servantes , jans cum Lapsis communicare caepisse — Vos quid●m Nostri Presbyteri & Diaconi 〈…〉 as sibi Oves fov●rent . — Eg● Plebis nostrae & quietem 〈◊〉 pariter & tim●rem , qui in satisfactione Dei & deprecatione vigilar●nt , nisi illos quidem de Presbyteris GRATIFICANTES dec●pissent . Vel vos itaque ' singulos regite , & Consilio ac M●deratione v●stra , & secundum divina praec●pta Lapsorum anim●s temperate , &c. Ep. 17. P. 39. f Miror v●s , F. C. ad multas Epistolas meas qua● ad vos frequenter , misi , nunqua●t mihi rescripsisse , cum fraternitatis n●strae vel utilitas vel necessitas sic utique guber●●tur , s●● vobis instructi , rerum gerendarum Consilium limare po●●mus . Ep. 18. P. 40. g Rational Defence of Non-Conformity , P. 179. h Ad has l●quimur , has ad hortamur ●ffectione potius quam potestate : Non quod extremi & minimi & humilitatis nostrae admodum conscii , aliquid adCensuram licentiae vindicemus , &c. De Hab. Virg. p. 94. i Si nos Dominus humiles & quietos — Conspexerit , tutos ab inimici infestationibus exhibebit . Ep. 11. P. 26. k Et quisquam per ipsum ( Christum ) nunc , atque in ipso vivens ext●llere se audet & superbire ? Ep. 13. P. 30. l Vide Superius Citata , ex Ep. 16. m Nec nos putes , F. C. nostra & human●● conscribere , at ultronea voluntate hoc nobis audacter assumere , cum Mediocritatem nostram semper humili & verecunda m●deratione ten●amus . Ep. 63. P. 148. n Humilitatem meam & Fratres omnes , & Gentiles quoque optime norunt & diligunt . Ep. 66. P. 166. o Et enim omnibus in Tractatu major , in Sermone facundior , in Consilio sapientior , in patientia simplicior , in Operibus largior , in Abstinentia sanctio● , in Obsequio humilior , & in actu bon● innocentior . Ep. 77. P. 234. P Pectus illud tuum Candidum ac Beatum — Ep. 78. P. 235. — De Animi 〈◊〉 — Ep. 79. P. 236. q Pontius in vi● a Cyp. P. 3. r Non me terret Auctoritas Cypriani , quiae reficit humilitas Cypriani . August . l. 2. De Baptism● . s Quam periculosum sit ●ut●m in Divinis rebus ut quis cedat jure 〈◊〉 & po●estate , &c. Ep. 73. p. 209. t L●gi literas vestras , F. C. quibus scripsist is salubre Consilium vestrum non deesse fratribus nostris , ut temeraria festi●atione deposita● , Religios●m patientiam Deo praebeant , ut cum in unum per ejus mis●ricordiam venerimus , de omnibus speciebus secundu●m Ecclesiasticam Disciplinam tractare possimus . — Quoniam tamen significastis quosdam immoderatos ●sse & Communicationem accipiendam festinanter urgere ; Et. desiderastis in hac re FORMAM ● me vabis dari , &c. Ep. 19. p. 41. u Item Presbyteris & Diaconibus non defui● Sacerdotii vigor , ut quidam D●sciplinae minus m●mores , & t●meraria festinatione praecipites qui tam lapsis communicare jam caeperant compri●mer●●tur . Ep. 20. p. 43. v Page vv Quanqua● nobi● diff●r●ndae h●jus rei necess●tas major incumbat , quibus , post excessum nobilissimae memoriae viri Fabiani , nendum est Episcopus propter re●●●n & te●porum difficultates constitutus , qui ●mnia ist●● mod●r●tur , & eorum qui Lapsi sunt possi● cum AUCTORITATE & Consilio habere Rationem . Ep. 30. p. 59. x Q●anquam nobis in tam ingenti negotio place at quod & tu ipse tractasti , prius Ecclesiae pa●●m sustinendum , deinde , sic collatione Cons●lior●m cum Episcopis , Presbyteris , Diaconis , Confessor●bus p●●riter ac st●ntibus lai●is facta , Laps●ram tractar● rationem . Perquam ●nim nobis & invidiosum & On●rosum vid●●●r , non per mult●s Examinare , quod per ●ultos Comm●ssum videatur fuisse ; & 〈◊〉 sententiam dicere cum tam grande Crimen per mul●os diffusum not●tur exisse ; quoniam nec●firmum d●cr●●●um pot●●● esse●quod non plurimorum v●debitur habuisse consensum . Ibid. y Cujus temperam●nti Moderamen nos hic tenere quaerentes , diu , & quide● m●lti , & quidem cum quibusdam Episc●pi● 〈◊〉 nobis & appropinquantibus & quos ex aliis provinciis longe p●sit is Persecutionis i●tius ardor ej●●●rat , antc Constitu●ionem Episcopi nih●l i●●ovandum put avimus , sed L●psorum curam Medi●criter temperandam esse Credidimus , ut , in●erim , dum Episcopus dari a Deo nobis sustinetur , in suspenso ●orum qui Moras possunt dilationis sustin●r● , caus●● t●neatur . Ibid. p. 60. z Et cum incumbit nobis qui VIDEMUR praep●siti esse , & VICE PASTORIS custod●re Gregem . Ep. 8. p. 16. a Sed ipsos cohortati s●●us & hortamur ager● p●●nitentiam 〈◊〉 qu●m●do indulgentiam p●terunt recipere ab ●O QUI POTEST PRAESTARE . Ibid. p. 17. b Quarum jam ●ausa audita , praeceperunt 〈◊〉 Praep●siti tantisper sic esse , donec Episcopus Constituatur . Ep. 2● p. 46. c Pete ergo Cypriane carissim● ut nos gr●tia su● Dominus — armet & illustret — Cui ●nim magis haec ut pro nobis p●tat , mandare debemus , quam tam Glorioso Episcopo ? — Ecce aliud gaudium nostrum quod in Officio Episcopatus tui , licet interim , a fratribus pro temporis conditione distractus es , tamen non defu●sti — Animadvertimus enim te congruente censura & eos digne ●bj●rgass● , qui immemores ●elictorum su●rum , pac●m a Presbyteris , p●r absentiam tuam , f●stinata & praecipiti cupiditate extorsissent , & ILLOS qui ●ine respectu Evangelii , Sanctum Dom●ni Ganibus , & Margari●●● por●is , profan● facilitate donassent . Ep. 31. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Can. Ap. 39. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ignat. Epist. p. 6. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 7. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 13. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 20. hh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 43. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 47 k Meminisse autem Diaconi debent , quoniam Apostolos , i. e. Episcop●s & Praepositos Dominus elegit : Diaconos autem post ascensum Domini in Caelos Apostoli sibi constituerunt Episcopatus 〈◊〉 & Ecclesiae Ministros — Et ideo op●rtet Diaconum de quo scribis ag●re ●udaciae suae paenit●ntiam & honorem Sac●rdotis agnoscere , & Episcopo PRAEPOSITO su● pl●na humilitate satisfacere . Ep. 3. p. 6. l In quo vobis quoque plurimum gratulor quod ●jus m●moriam tam celebri & illustri testimonio pros●quamini , ut per vos innotescat nobis quod & vobis ess●t ●●rca PRAEPOSITI memoriam Gloriosum , & nobis qu●que fidei a● virtutis praeberet Exemplum . Ep. 9. p. 19. m Nam cum gaudere in hoc omnes fratres opor●et , tum in gaudio communi major est Episcopi portio : Eccle●iae enim Gloria , PRAEPOSITI Gloria ●st . Ep. 13. n Vide supra , 〈◊〉 o Quam unitatem firmiter ten●re & vindicare d●bemus , maxime Episcopi qui in Ecclesia PRAESIDEMUS . De Unit. Eccl. p. 108. p Misimus aut●m ●sest●rtium c●nt●m millia nummum , quae istic in Ecclesia cui Domini indulgentia PRAESUMUS , Cleri & Plebis apud nos consistentis collatione collecta sunt . Ep. 62. p. 147. q Inde enim Schismata & Haereses obortae sunt & Oriuntur , d●●m Episcopus qui unus est & Ecclesiae PRAEEST , superba quorundam praesumptione cont●mnitar — Ep. 66. p. 167. r Optaveram quidem F. C. ut Universum clerum NOSTRUM integrum & incolumem meis literis salu●arem . Ep. 14. p. 31. s Vos quidem n●stri Presbyteri & Diaconi , monere debuerant — Ep. 17. p. 39. t Et quoniam oportuit me per Cler●cos scribere , sci● autem NOSTROS plurimos abesse — Ep. 29. P. 55. u Ut ●um cler● NOSTRO Dominus adjunger●t , & desolatam per Lapsum quorundam PRESBYTERII NOSTRI copiam Gloriosis Sacordotibus adornaret . Ep. 40. p. 79. v Urbanus & Sidonius Confessores ad Presbyters NOSTROS venerunt . Ep. 49. p. 92. vv Interea●●●●si quis imm●deratus & praeceps , ●ive de NOSTRIS Presbyteris vel Diaconis — Ep. 34. p. 68. x Ad te , Exempl●● literarum — miseram , quae de ●odem Felicissimo & de Presbyterio 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 istic NOSTRUM — scripseram . Ep. 45. p. 8● . y — Cum Cornelio Episc●p● NOSTRO pariter & cum universo cler● pacem fecisse — Ep. 53. p. 98. z Et tu quid●m ●●●orifice circa nos , & pro soli●a tua humili●at● facisti , ut malles de co Conqueri cum pro Episcopatus vigore & Cathedrae Auctorita●● haberes potestatem , qua posses de illo statim vindicari . Ep. 3. p. 5. a Oportet Diaconum , agere audaciae suae paenitentiam , & honorem Sucerdotis agnoscere — b Qu●d si ultr● te Contumeliis suis exacerbav●rit & pr●vocaveri● , fungeris ciroa cum 〈◊〉 state honoris 〈◊〉 ut ●um vel DEPONAS vel ABSTINEAS . c Et si qui alii tales extiterint , & contra Sacerdotem Dei fecerint , vel COERCERE poteris , v●l ABSTINERE . d — SACERDOTALI LICENTIA — Ibid. p. 6 , 7. e Hoc enim quorundam Presbyterorum malignitas & perfidia perfecit , ne ad vos ante diem Paschae venire licuisset : Dum Conjurationis suae memores , & antiqua illa contra Episcopatum meum — ven●na retin●ntes , instaurant veterem contra nos impugnationem suam , & Sacrilegas Machinationes insidiis solitis denuo revocant . Et quidem de Dei providentia nobis hoc nec volentibus , nec optantibus , imo & ignoscentibus , & tacentibus , p●●nas quas meruerant rependerunt , ut a nobis non ●jecti , ultro se ej●cerent ; ipsi in se , pro Conscientia sua , s●ntentiam darent ; — Conjurati & Scelesti de Ecclesia sponte se pell●rent . Ep. 43. p. 81 , 82. f Invitus dico , s●d dicam necesse est : Quidam illi restiterunt , etiam ut vinceret . Quibus tamen quanta l●nitate , quam patienter , quam b●nevolenter indulsit , quam Clementer ignovit , amicissimos cos postmodum & inter nec●ssarios computans , mirantibus multis ? Cui enim possit non esse Miraculo , tam memoriosae mentis oblivio ? P●nt . in Vita Cyp. p. 3 , 4. g Int●rea si quis immoderatus 〈◊〉 praeceps sive de nostris Presbyteris v●l Diaconibus , ●ive de P●regrinis , ausus fuerit ante SENTENTIAM NOSTRAM Communicare cum Lapsis , a Communicatione nostra acceatur ; apud omines 〈◊〉 n●s c●us●m 〈…〉 Permittente Domino , conve●●●●●nus . Ep. 34. p. 68. h Si quis autem paenitentiam agere , & D●o satisfacere detrectans , ad Felicissimi & satellitum ejus partes concesserit , & se haereticae factioni c●●junx●rit ; sciat se postea ad Ecclestam redire & 〈◊〉 Episcopis & Plebe Christi C●mmunicare non posse . Ep. 43. p. 85. i Vide Ep. 45. p. 98. k Legi literas tuas , F. C. — quibus significasti , Felicissimum host●m Christi — abstentum & non tantum me● , sed plurimor●m Co-episcoporum sententia condemnat●m 〈…〉 illic ●sse rejectum , &c. Ep. 59. P. 126. l Ep. 55 , & 68 m Lib. 13. c. 14. n Privatus Lambesitanus — Fortunatum sibi Pseudo-Episcopum dignum COLLEGIO SUO fe●it . Ep. 59. P. 132. o — Ut Plebe pr●●sente vel detegantur malorum Crimina vel bonorum merita praedicentur — Episcopus deligatur Plebe praesente quae singulorum vit●m plenissime 〈◊〉 vit , &c. Ep. 67. P. 172. p Ibid. q Ep. 45. P. 87. r De Cypri●no Metropolitano , Vide Ep. 43. p. 82. Ep. 44. p. 85. Ep. 45. p. 87. Ep. 48. p. 91. Ep. 55. p. 110. Ep. 56. p. 116. Vide etiam Conc. Carthag , De Agrippino , Ep. 71. p. 196. Ep. 73. p. 199. s Metropolitanor●m , seu Episcoporum in Urbe Matrice , vel prima sede , sua fuerunt , hac ●tate , supra reliquos ejusdem Provinciae jura . Spanhem . Epit. I say . ad H. E. N. T. Saec. 3. Sect. 6. p. 117. t Ep. 44. p. 83. u Ep. 59. p. 135. v Collegis omnibus fidelit●r junctu . Ep. 59. p. 130. w Ep. 45. x Et factus est Episcopus a plurimis Collegis nostris qui tun● in Urbe Roma aderant , qui ad n●s lit●ras h●m●rificas & laudabiles , & testimonio su● praedicationis illustres , de ejus Ordinatione miserunt , Ep. 55. p. 104. y Iccirco enim , F. C. copiosum corpu● est Saccrdotum concordiae mutuae glutino , atque unitatis vinculo copulatum , ut si quis ex Collegio nostro baer●sin facere , & Gregem Christi lacerare & vastare t●ntavr●t , subveniant caet●ri , & quasi Pastores utiles & m●sericord●s , oves Dominic●s in Gregem colligant . Ep. 68. p. 178. z Nam etsi Pastores multi sumus , unum tam●n Gr●g●m pascimus . Ibid. a — S●latium nostrae ●pitul●tionis — Ibid. p. 177. b Ep. 59. p. 126. c Ep. 44 d — Librato apud nos , diu , Consilio , satis fuit Objurgare Therapium Collegam nostrum , quod tem●re h●c fecerit — pacem t●men quomodocunqu● a Sacerdote Dei s●mel d●tam , non p●tavimus aufere●dam , ac per hoc Victori communicatione● sibi concessam usurpare permisimus . Ep. 64. p. 158. e Ep 55. p. 102 , 103. f Ep. 67. P. 174. g Ep. I. p. I. h Vide Euseb. H. E. l. 5. a c. 23. ad c. 28. i Euseb. l. 7. c. 30. k Et quoniam oportuit me per Clericos scribere — Ep. 29. p. 55. i Librum tibi cum Epistolis numero quinque mist — Quae Epist●l● jam plurimis Collegis nostris missae placu●runt , & rescripserunt se quoque nobiscum in ●●dem Consili● secundum Catholicam fidem stare ; quod ipsum et●am-tu ad Coll●gas nostros , quos p●tueris transmitte ; ut apud omnes unus Actus , & una Consentio secundum Domini praecepta t●neatur . Ep. 25. p. 50. m Ep. 55. p. 102. n Ep. 47. o — Et miserim tibi proxime nomina Episcoporum istic constitutorum qui integri & sani in Ecclesia Catholica fratribus praesunt . Quod utique ideo de omnium nostrorum C●nf●lio placuit scribere ; ●t ●rroris diluendi — c●mpendium fieret , & sciru ●u & College n●strl , quibus scribere , & literas mutuo a quibus vos accipere op●rteret . Ep. 59. p. 132. p Significa plane nobis quis in locum Marciani Arelate fuerit substitutus , ut sciam●s 〈◊〉 quem fratres nostros dirigere , & cui scribere debeamus . Ep. 68. p. 179. q Oportet n●s t●men pac● c●mmuni consu●re , & in●erdum deesse vobis , ne PRAESENTIA NOSTRI INVIDIAM ET VIOLENTIAM GENTILIUM PROVOCET . Ep. 7. p. 14. r Atque utinam LOCI & GRADUS mei cond●●●o permitt●r●t , ut IPSE PRAESENS esse possem , Ep. 12. p. 27. s Nam sic●t Domini mandata instruunt , ort● statim turbationis impetu primo , cum ME cl●more violento frequenter popul●s flagitasset , non tam mean salutem quam quietem fratrum p●blicam cogi●ans , interim s●cessi ne per INVERECUNDAM PRAESENTIAM NOSTRAM , seditio quae caeperat , plus pr●vocaretur . Ep. 20. p. 42. t Acc●ssi●●uic tabescenti animo nostro Dolor major , qu●d in tanta sollicitud●ne , ac necessitat● , excurrere ad vos IPSE non possum ; dum per minas & per insidias perfid●rum Cavemus , ●e . ADVENIENTIBUS NOBIS Tumultus illic major oriatur ; & cum paci & tranquillitati EPISCOPUS Providere in omnibus debeat , IPSE materiam Seditioni dedisse , & Persecutionem exacerbasse videatur . Ep. 43. p. 83. u Ep. 43. p. 83. v — a. Tertullo — qui etiam ●uj●s C●●silii auctor suit , ut cautus & m●leratus ●x●ster●m , ne me in conspectum publicum , & maxime ejus loci ubi toties flagitat●● & quasitus fuissem , temere commiiterem . Fretns ergo Dilectione & Religion● vestra , quam satis novi , his literis & Hor●●r & Mondo ut VOS quor●m minime illic INVIDIOSA , & non ●deo ▪ PERICULOSA PRAESENTIA est , VIGEMEA 〈◊〉 , &c. Ep. 14. p. 31. w — in tempestate pros●riptus , applicito & adjuncto EPISCOPATUS SUI NOMINE , tot●es ad Leonem petitus , &c. Ep. 59. p. 130. x Si quis tenet vel possidet de bouis Caecil● i Cypriani Episcopi Christianorum : Ut ●●iam qui non credebant Deo Episcopum constitu●nti , vel Diabol● crede●●nt Episcopum pr●scribenti . Ep. 66. p. 166. y Vide Pont. in vita Cyp. p. 9 , 10. z Cum mult● patientius atque tolerabilius audiret levari adversus se aemulum principem , quam constitui Romae Dei Sacerdotem . Ep. 55. p. 104. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb. H. E. l. 6. c. 24. b Nec interest unde Episcopo aut terror aut periculum veniat , qui terroribus & periculis vivit obnoxius . Ep. 59. p. 126. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Euseb , l. 7. c. 13. 
A79056	----	His Maiesties reason vvhy he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the Episcopall government. Delivered by him in writing to the Divines that attend the Honorable Commissioners of Parliament at the Treaty at Newport Octob. 2. 1648. With the answer of the said Divines delivered to His Majestie in writing. October 3. 1648. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79056 of text R205219 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E466_5). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79056 Wing C2738 Thomason E466_5 ESTC R205219 99864649 99864649 116881 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79056) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116881) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 74:E466[5]) His Maiesties reason vvhy he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the Episcopall government. Delivered by him in writing to the Divines that attend the Honorable Commissioners of Parliament at the Treaty at Newport Octob. 2. 1648. With the answer of the said Divines delivered to His Majestie in writing. October 3. 1648. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655. Vines, Richard, 1600?-1656. Seaman, Lazarus, d. 1675. Caryl, Joseph, 1602-1673. Westminster Assembly (1643-1652) [2], 14 p. Printed by William Wilson, London : 1648. The Divines are Stephen Marshall, Richard Vines, Joseph Caryl and Lazarus Seaman. Cf. Thomason Catalogue. Annotation on Thomason copy: "8ber [i.e. October] ye 9th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79056 R205219 (Thomason E466_5). civilwar no His Maiesties reason vvhy he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the Episcopall government. Delivered by him in writing to the Divines t England and Wales. Sovereign 1648 4117 1 20 0 0 0 0 51 D The rate of 51 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES REASON VVhy He cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the Episcopall Government . Delivered by Him in writing to the Divines that attend the Honorable Commissioners of Parliament at the Treaty at Newport Octob. 2. 1648. With the Answer of the said Divines delivered to His Majestie in writing . October 3. 1648. LONDON Printed by William Wilson , 1648. His Majesties Reason why He cannot in conscience consent to abolish the Episcopall Government . Charles R. I Conceive that Episcopall Government is most consonant to the word of God , and of an Apostolicall institution , as it appears by the Scripture to have bin practised by Apostles themselves , And by them committed , and derived , to perticular Persons , as their Substitutes , or Successors therein ( as for ordeyning Presbyters , & Deacons , giving rules concerning Christian Discipline , and exercising censurs over Presbyters and others ) And hath ever since till these last times been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ ; And therefore I cannot in conscience consent to abolish the sayd Government . Notwithstanding this my perswasion , I shall be glad to be informed , if our Saviour , and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church Government at their pleasure , which if you can make appeare to me , then I will confesse that one of my great scruples is cleane taken away , and then there only remaines ; That being by my Coronation Oath obleiged to maintaine Episcopall Government , as I found it setled to my hands , whether I may consent to the abolishing thereof , untill the same shall be evidenced to Me to be contrary to the Word of God . Newport 2. Octob. 1648. The Answer of the Divines to His Majesties Reason , why He cannot in Conscience consenr to the abolishment of Episcopall Government . May it please Your Majesty , WE do fully agree without hesitation , that these Scriptures cited in the margin of your paper , Act. 14. 23. Acts 6. 6. 1 Cor. 16. 1. 1 Cor. 14. 1 Cor. 5. 3. 3 Iohn 9 & 10 do prove that the Apostles did ordeine Presbyters and Deacons , give rules concerning Christian Discipline , and had power of exercising censures over Presbyters , and others . And that these places of Scripture , 1 Tim. 5. 22. Tit. 1. 5. 1 Tim. 5. 19. Titus 3. 10. do prove that Timothy and Titus had power to ordeine Presbyters and Deacons , and to exercise censures over Presbyters and others . And that the second , and third Chapters of the Revelation do prove ; That the Angels of the Churches had power of governing of the Churches , and exercising censures . But that either the Apostles , or Timothy and Titus , or the Angels of the Churches were Bishops , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters , exercising Episcopall Government in that sense . Or that the Apostles did commit and derive to any particular persons as their substitutes , and successors , any such Episcopall Government : or that this is proved in the least measure by the Scriptures alleaged , we do as fully deny . And therefore do humbly deny also , That Episcopall Government is therefore most consonant to the word of God , and of Apostolicall institution , or proved so to be by these Scriptures . None of these were Bishops , or practised Episcopall Government , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters . Neither is such an Officer of the Church as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter to be found in the New Testament ( by which wee humbly conceive , that our Faith , and Conscience touching this poynt ought to be concluded . ) The name Office , and Worke of Bishop and Presbyter being one and the same in all things , and never in the least distinguisht , as is clearly evident , Titus 1. 5. 7. For this cause left I thee in Creete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine Presbyters in every City ; as I had appointed thee . For a Bishop must be blamelesse , In which place the Apostle his reasoning were altogether invalid , and inconsequent ; if Presbyter and Bishop were not the same Office , as well as they have the same Name . The same is manifest , Acts 20 17. 28. And from Miletus hee sent to Ephesus , and called the Presbyters of the Church , to whom hee gave this charge , verse 28. Take heede therefore unto your selves , and to all the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to feede and governe the Church of God . Where wee observe , That the Apostle being to leave these Presbyters , and never to see their faces more verse 28. doth charge them with the feeding and governing of the Church ; as being Bishops of the Holy Ghosts making . But that the Holy Ghost did make any superiour , or higher kinde of Bishops , than these common Presbyters is not to bee found in that , or any other Text . And that under the mouth of two or three witnesses this assertion of ours may stand ; we adde to what we have already said , that in the 1 Pet. 5. 1. 2. The Presbyters which are among you , I exhort , who am also a Presbyter . Feed the flock of God Which is among you , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} performing the office of Bishops , where it appears plaine to us , that under the words {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} & {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} used in this place , is expressed whatsoever work the Presbyters are to do . Neither can Bishops , so called , as above Presbyters , do more for the government and good of the Church otherwise , then is there expressely injoyned unto Presbyters . By all which that hath been said the point is rendered to be most cleare to the judgement of most men , both ancient , and of later times . That there is no such Officer to be found in the Scriptures of the New Testament , as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter : neither doth the Scripture afford us the least notice of any qualification required in a Bishop , that is not required in a Presbyter , nor any Ordination to the Office of a Bishop , distinct from a Presbyter : nor any work or duty charged upon a Bishop , which Presbyters are not enjoyned to do : nor any greater honour or dignity put upon them . For that double honour which the Apostle speaks of 1 Tim. 5. 17. as due to Presbyters that rule well , is with a note of ( especially ) affixed to that Act or work of labouring in the word and doctrine , which is not that Act wherein Bishops have challenged a singularity , or peculiar eminency above the Presbyters . To that which Your Majesty doth conceive , That Episcopall government was practised by Apostles themselves . We humbly answer , That the Apostles as they were the highest Officers of the Church of Christ : so they were extraordinary in respect of their commission , gifts , and office , and distinguisht from all other Officers , 1 Cor. 12. 28. God hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , secondarily Prophets , thirdly , Teachers , Ephes. 4. 11. Christ gave some Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers . Where the Apostles are distinguished from Pastors and Teachers , who are the ordinary Officers of the Church for preaching the word , and government . That they had power and authority to ordaine Church Officers , and to exercise censures in all Churches , we affirm , and withall , that no other Persons , or Officers of the Church may challenge or assume to themselves such power in that respect alone , because the Apostles practised it . Except such power belong unto them in common , as well as to the Apostles , by warrant of the Scripture . For that government which they practised was Apostolicall , according to the peculiar commission , and authority which they had , and no otherwise to be called Episcopal , than as their Office was so comprehensive , as they had power to do the work of any , or all other Church Officers , in which respect they call themselves Presbyteri , Diaconi , ( but never Episcopi in distinct sense ) and therefore we humbly crave leave to say , that to argue the Apostles to have practised Episcopall Government , because they ordeined other Officers , and exercised censures , is , as if we should argue a Justice of Peace to be a Constable , because he doth that which a Constable doth in some particulars . It s manifest that the Office of Bishops and Presbyters were not distinct in the Apostles . They did not act as Bishops in some Acts , and as Presbyters in other Acts. The distinction of Presbyters and Bishops being made by men in after times . And whereas your Majesty doth conceive that the Episcopall Government was by the Apostles committed and derived to particular persons , as their Substitutes , or Successors therein , as for ordeining Presbyters and Deacons , giving rules concerning Christian discipline , and exercising censures over Presbyters and others . Seeming by the alledged places of Scripture , to instance in Timothy , and Titus , and the Angels of the Churches . We humbly answer , and first , to that of Timothy and Titus . We grant that Timothy and Titus had Authority , and power of ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , and of exercising censures over Presbyters , and others : though we cannot say they had this power as the Apostles Substitutes , or Successors in Episcopal Government ; nor that they exercised the power they had , as being Bishops in the sense of your Majesty , but as extraordinary Officers , or Evangelists , which Evangelists were an office in the Church distinct from Pastors , and Teachers , Eph. 4. 11. and that they were Evangelists , it appears by their being sent up and downe by the Apostles , or taken along with them in company to severall Churches , as the necessity , and occasion of the Churches did require ; The One of them being expressely called an Evangelist , 2 Tim. 4. 5. And neither of them being anywhere in Scripture called Bishop . Neither were they fixed to Ephesus , and Creet , as Bishops in the Churches committed to them : but removed from thence to other places , and never , for ought appears in Scripture , returned to them againe . And it seems cleare to us , that neither their abode at Ephesus and Creet , was for any long time , nor so intended by the Apostle . For he imploys them there upon occasionall businesse , and expresses himselfe in such manner , ( I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus when I went into Macedonia , that thou mightst charge some , that they teach no other doctrine , 1 Tim. 1. 3. For this cause left I thee in Greete , Tit. 1. 5. ) as doth not carry the fixing , or constituting of a Bishop in a place as a perpetuall Governour . And it is as manifest , that they were both of them called away from these places , 2 Tim. 4. 9. Do thy diligence to come to me shortly , Tit. 3. 12. Be diligent to come to me to Nicopolis . So that they may as well be called Bishops of other Cities , or Churches , where they had any considerable abode , as they are pretended to have beene of Ephesus and Greete . As they are called by the Poscripts of those Epistles , the credit of which Postscripts we cannot build upon in this point . Secondly , To that of the Angels of the Churches . The ministers of the Churches are called Starres , and Angels , which denominations are metaphoricall , and in a mystery , Rev. 1. 20. the mystery of the seven Starres , Angels , in respect of their mission , or sending . Starres in respect of their Station , and shining . And it seems strange to us , that to so many expresse Testimonyes of Scripture , an Allegoricall denomination , or mystery should be opposed . These Angels being no where called Bishops in vulgar acceptation , nor the word Bishop used in any of Johns writings , who cals himselfe Presbyter . Nor any mention of superiority of one Presbyter to another , but in Diotrephes affecting it . And as to that which may be said , that the Epistles are directed to one , we answer , that a number of persons , are in the mysterious , and Prophetick writings expressed in singulars , and we humbly conceive , that being written in an Apostolary Style , ( for they are as letters or Epistles to the Churches , ) these writings are directed as letters to collective Representative bodies use to be . That is , to one , but intended & meant to that body in meeting assembled ; which that they were so intended is cleare to us , both because there were in Ephesus Bishops and Presbyters , one and the same , to whom the Apostle at his farewell commendeth the Government of the Church : And by divers expressions in these Epistles , as Rev. 2. 24. To you and to the rest in Thyatyra ▪ by which distinction of you and the rest , we conceive the particular Governours , ( which were more then one ) and the people to be signified . And so cannot consent that any singular person had majority over the rest , or sole power of exercising Church Censures , and Government spoken of in these Chapters . Having thus ( as we humbly conceive ) proved by pregnant places of Scripture compared together , that the Apostles themselves did not institute , or practise Episcopall Government , nor commit and derive it to particular persons , as their substitutes , or successors therein . Wee shall in farther discharge of our duty to , and for the more cleare , and full satisfaction of your Majesty in this point , briefely declare into what Officers hands the ordinary and standing Offices of the Church were transmitted , and derived by & from the Apostles . The Apostles had no successors in eundem gradum : the Apostolicall Office was not derived by succession , being instituted by Christ by extraordinary & special Commission . But for the ordinary and standing use and service of the Church , there were ordained only two Orders of Officers , viz. Bishops and Deacons , which the Apostle expresseth , Phil. 1. 1. To all the Saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons ; And onely of them doth the Apostle give the due Characters of Officers , 1 Tim. 3. 2. 8. From both which places of Scripture we conclude with ancient Expositors both Greek and Latin , that Bishops are the same with Presbyters , and besides Presbyters , there is no mention of any other order but that of Deacons . Of both which Orders in the Apostles times , there were in one City more then one , as in Philippi and Ephesus . And we humbly offer to your Majesty as observable ; That though one Order might be superiour to another Order , yet in the same Order of Officers , there was not any one superiour to others of the same Order : No Apostle was above an Apostle ; No Evangelist above an Evangelist ; No Presbyter above a Presbyter ; No Deacon above a Deacon . And so we conclude this part , That since Church Officers are instituted , and set in the Church by God , or Christ Jesus , and that Ordination by , or in which the Office is conveyed , is of no other Officers , but of Presbyters and Deacons . Therefore there are no other Orders of ordinary and standing Officers in the Churches of Christ . As for the ages immediatly succeeding the Apostles , we answer . First , Our Faith reaches no farther than the holy Scriptures . No humane testimony can beget any more than a humane faith . Secondly , we answer , That it is agreed upon by learned men , as well such as contend for Episcopacy , as others , that the times immediately succeeding the Apostles are very dark in respect of the Hystory of the Church . Thirdly , That the most unquestionable Record of those times gives cleare testimony to our assertion , viz. The Epistle of Clements to the Corinthians , who reciting the Orders of Church Officers , expresely limits them to two , Bishops and Deacons , and them , whom in one place he calls Bishops ; he alwayes afterwards nameth Presbyters . The Epistles of Ignatius pretend to the next antiquity , but are by some suspected as wholly spurious , and proved by Vedelius to be so mixed , that it is hard , it not impossible , to know what part of them are genuine : Besides , Bishop Vsher in his late observations on them Chap. 18. page 138. confesses , that of the twelve of his Epistles , six are counterfeit , the other sixe mixt , and none of them in every respect to be accounted sincere and genuine . Fourthly , We grant , That not long after the Apostles times , Bishops in some superiority to Presbyters are by the writers of those times reported to be in the Church ; But they were set up not as a Divine Institution , but as an Ecclefiasticall , as afterwards both Arch Bishops , and Patriarchs were ; which is cleare by Doctor Reinolds his Epistle to Sir Francis Knowles , wherein he shewes out of Bishop Jewel , That Ambrose , Chrysostome , Jerome , Augustine , and many more holy Fathers , together with the Apostle Paul agree , that by the word of God there is no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter . And that Medina in the Councell of Trent affirmes not onely the same Fathers , but also another Jerome , Theodoret , Primasius , Sedulius , and Theophytact , to be of the same judgement . And that with them agree Oecumenius ; Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury , and another Anselme , Gregory and Gratian , and after them many others ; That it was inrolled in the Canon-Law for sound and Catholick Doctrine ; and publikely taught by learned men . And addes , that all who have laboured in the Reformation of the Church for these 500. years have taught that all Pastors , be they entituled Bishops , or Priests , have equal authority and power by Gods word . The same way goes Lumbard Master of the Sentences , and Father of the Schoolmen , who speaking of Presbyters , and Deacons , saith , The Primitive Church had those Orders onely , and that we have the Apostles precept for them alone . With him agree many of the most eminent in that kind , and generally all the Canonists . To these we may adde Sextus Senensis , who testifies for himself , and many others . And Cassander , who was called by one of the Germame Emperours as one of singular ability , and integrity , to inform him , and resolve his conscience in questions of that nature ; who said , It is agreed among all , that in the Apostles times , there was no difference betweene a Bishop , and a Presbyter . For a conclusion , we adde , that the Doctrine which we have herein propounded to your Majesty concerning the Identity of the Order of Bishops and Presbyters , is no other then the Doctrine published by King Henry the 8. 1543. for all his subjects to receive , seen and allowed by the Lords both spiritual and temporal , with the nether House of Parl. Of these two Orders onely ( so saith the Book ) That is to say , Preists and Deacons , Scripture maketh expresse mention , and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer , and Imposition of hands . By all which it seems evident , that the Order of Episcopacie , as distinct from Presbytery , is but an Ecclesiasticall Institution , and therefore not unalterable . Lastly ; we answer . That Episcopall Government which at first obteined in the Church , did really and substancially differ from the Episcopall Government , which the Honorable Houses of Parliament , desire the abolition of . The Bishop of those times was one presiding , & joyning with the Presbytery of his Church , ruling with them , and not without them . Either created , and made by the Presbyters choosing out one amongst themselves , as in Rome & Alexandria , or chosen by the Church , and confirmed by three , or more of his neighbours of like dignity within the same precinct ; lesser towns , and villages had , and might have Bishops in them , as well as populous and eminent Cities , untill the Councel of Sardis decreed , that villages , and small Cities should have no Bishops , least the name , and authority of a Bishop might thereby come into contempt . But of one claming as his due , and right to himselfe alone , as a superior order , or degree , all power about ordination of Presbyters , and Deacons , and all jurisdiction , either to exercise himselfe , or delegate to whom he will of the Laity or Clergy , ( as they distinguish ) according to the Judgement and Practice of those in our times , wee read not till in the latter and corrupter ages of the Church . By all which it appears , that the present Hierarchy , the abolition whereof is desired by the Honourable Houses , may accordingly be abolished , and yet possibly the Bishop of those Primitive times be . They are so farre differing one from another . In answer to that part of your Majesties Paper , wherein you require whether our Saviour and his Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church Government at their pleasure . We humbly conceive that there are substantials belonging to Church Government , such as are appointed by Christ and his Apostles , which are not in the Churches liberty to alter at pleasure . But as for Arch-bishops , &c. We hope it will appear unto your Majesties conscience , that they are none of the Church Governours appointed by our Saviour and his Apostles . And we beseech your Majesty to look rather to the Originall of them , then Succession . Octob , 3. 1648. Imprimatur , JA: CRANFORD . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A79056e-130 Acts 14. 23. Acts 6. 6. 1 Cor. 16. 1. 1 Cor 14. 1 Cor. 5. 3. 3 John 9. 10. 1 Tim. 5. 22. Titus 1. 5. Revel. 2. 3. c. 1 Tim. 5. 19. Titus 3. 10. 
A80351	----	Bp Carletons testimonie concerning the Presbyterian discipline in the Low-Countries, and Episcopall government here in England. VVherein is briefly discovered the novelty of the one, and antiquity of the other; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new plat-forme, where that is set up in the roome of the old primitive government. Published for the common good. Carleton, George, 1559-1628. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80351 of text R2006 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E107_18). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80351 Wing C585 Thomason E107_18 ESTC R2006 99861308 99861308 113440 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80351) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 113440) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 19:E107[18]) Bp Carletons testimonie concerning the Presbyterian discipline in the Low-Countries, and Episcopall government here in England. VVherein is briefly discovered the novelty of the one, and antiquity of the other; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new plat-forme, where that is set up in the roome of the old primitive government. Published for the common good. Carleton, George, 1559-1628. [4], 4 p. Printed for Nath: Butter, London : 1642. Annotation on Thomason copy: "July 5th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Episcopacy -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Presbyterianism -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Protestantism -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A80351 R2006 (Thomason E107_18). civilwar no Bp Carletons testimonie concerning the Presbyterian discipline in the Low-Countries, and Episcopall government here in England.: VVherein i Carleton, George 1642 1210 1 0 0 0 0 0 8 B The rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BP CARLETONS TESTIMONIE Concerning the Presbyterian Discipline IN THE LOW-COVNTRIES , AND Episcopall Government Here in ENGLAND . VVherein is briefly discovered the Novelty of the one , and Antiquity of the other ; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new Plat-forme , where that is set up in the roome of the old Primitive Government . Published for the common good . Tolle Episcopos , & tot erunt schismata , quot homines . LONDON , Printed for Nath : Butter . 1642. TO THE READERS . IF you are of those that are disaffected to the Church-government by Law established amongst us , I wish this small Tract into your hands to choose , to be read and considered of by you with your most serious thoughts , that so it may help on your conversion . Doe not cast it away ere you have perused it , because here a Bishop speaks in his own cause . With the same reason a conformable man may cast away Smectymnuus , because there so many Presbyterians speak their own cause . Reade it . The Author ( however some of your perswasion beare the world in hand most injuriously , and most cunningly , that a Rotchet must necessarily cover a Papists heart ) was all his life , at flat defiance with Rome ; and had he been called to the fiery tryall , doubtlesse he would have followed Cranmer , Ridley , Latimer , Hooper , those famous Protestant Bishops even to the stake , and sealed that doctrine with his bloud , which his tongue and pen published to the world . Among other Tracts of his now extant , he hath a book forth against Pelagianisme and Arminianisme . The book styled Thankfull Remembrances speaks likewise this Bishop Author ; a book which no friend to Rome would certainly ever have written . Let him be then your Remembrancer , and unprejudiced by you , ( notwithstanding his Lawne sleeves ) prevail so far with you to move you , if you finde he delivers truth to change your mindes in case you be now Schismaticall in the point of Church-government . This learned man was one of those sent by that blessed Peace-maker , our late famous Soveraigne King JAMES to the Synod of Dort upon a friendly errand : I would to God this solid and honest piece of his might helpe to make faire accord at home in his own Countrey , which so much needs pacification now in the Church as well as the State . I shall not despaire , but that it may conduce somewhat toward the one , so parciali●y and all prejudicate opinions be laid aside . It was a good saying of a great scholar , Amicus Plato , &c. Plato is our very good friend , so is Socrates , and so Aristotle , but Truth is a much dearer friend . Somewhat like this would you would say once and hold to it , Amicus Calvinus , &c. Calvin is our very good friend , so is Beza , and so Cartwright , but Truth is by much our dearer friend . Were these your mindes and resolutions , you would no longer wish that yoake of discipline on your necks , which this honest Bishop will tell you in the next leafe , the Netherlanders groane under and would faine cast off . So I refer you to the Bishop , I for my part have done with you , when I have assured you this is a true draught of learned Carlton ; and onely farther ( which civility requires ) bid you Farewell . BP Carletons testimony concerning the Presbyterian Discipline in the Low-Countries , and Episcopal Government here in England . TOuching the point of their Discipline in the Low-Countries , I can witnesse that they are weary of it , & would gladly be freed if they could . VVhen we were to yeeld our consent to the Belgick Confession at Dort , I made open protestation in the Synode , That whereas in the Confession there was inserted a strange conceit of the parity of Ministers , to be instituted by Christ ; I declared our discent utterly in that point ; I shewed , that by Christ a Parity was never instituted in the Church ; That he ordained 12. Apostles , and also 70. Disciples ; That the authority of the 12. was above the other ; That the Church preserved this order left by our Saviour . And therfore when the extraordinary authority of the Apostles ceased , yet their ordinary authority continued in Bishops who succeeded them , who were by the Apostles themselves left in the government of the Church to ordaine Ministers , and to see that they who were so ordained , should preach no other doctrine ; That in an inferiour degree the Ministers that were governed by Bishops , who succeeded the 70. Disciples ; That this order hath been maintained in the Church , from the time of the Apostles ; and herein I appealed to the judgement of Antiquity , and to the judgement of any learned man now living , and craved herein to be satisfied , if any man of learning could speak to the contrary . a My Lord of Salisbury is my witnesse , and so are all the rest of our b company , who spake also in the cause . To this there was no answer made by any ; whereupon we conceived that they yeelded to the truth of the Protestation . And somewhat I can say of mine owne knowledge , for I had conference with divers of the best learned in that Synode , I told them that the cause of all their troubles was this , that they had no Bishops amongst them , who by their authority might represse turbulent spirits , that broached novelties . Every man had liberty to speak or write what he list , and as long as there were no Ecclesiasticall men in authority to represse and censure such contentious spirits , their Church could never be without trouble : Their answer was , that they did much honour and reverence the good order and discipline of the Church of England , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established amongst them ; but that could not be hoped for in their State . Their hope was , that seeing they could not do what they desired , God would be mercifull to them if they did what they could . This was their answer , which I thinke is enough to excuse them , that they doe not openly aime at an Anarchie , and popular confusion . The truth is , they groane under that burden , and would be eased if they could . This is well knowne to the rest of my Associates there . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A80351e-420 a B. Davenant . B. Hall . b D. Ward . D. Goad . D. Balcanquall . 
A83753	----	The order and form for church government by bishops and the clergie of this kingdome. Voted in the House of Commons on Friday, July 16, 1641. : Whereunto is added Mr. Grimstons and Mr. Seldens arguments concerning Episcopacie. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1641 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A83753 Wing E2631A ESTC R223388 43077488 ocm 43077488 151548 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83753) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 151548) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2264:12) The order and form for church government by bishops and the clergie of this kingdome. Voted in the House of Commons on Friday, July 16, 1641. : Whereunto is added Mr. Grimstons and Mr. Seldens arguments concerning Episcopacie. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. Grimston, Harbottle, Sir, 1603-1685. Selden, John, 1584-1654. [2], 8 [i.e. 6] p. s.n.], [London : Printed Anno, 1641. Place of publication suggested by Wing. Imperfect: p. 2-3 are numbered 4-5. Reproduction of original in: Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Government. Episcopacy. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ORDER AND FORME FOR CHURCH GOVERNMENT By Bishops and the Clergie of this Kingdome . Voted in the House of Commons on Friday , JULY 16 , 1641. Whereunto is added MR. GRIMSTONS and Mr. SELDENS Arguments concerning EPISCOPACIE . Printed Anno , 1641. THE ORDER For Church-Government in the House of COMMONS , Saturday 17 , July , 1641. Imprimis . Every severall Shire of England and Wal●● to be a severall Circuite or Diocesse , f●● the Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction except in Yorkeshire which is to be divided into three . II. A Constant Presbyterie of Twelve choise Divines to be selected in every Shire or Diocesse . III. A Constant President to be established as Bishop over this Presbyterie . IV. This Bishop in each Diocesse to ordaine s●●… spend , deprive , degrade , Excommunicate by : a●● with the consent and assistance of seaven Divines 〈◊〉 his Presybyterie then present and not otherwise . V. The times or Ordination throughout the land to be foure times every yeere , viz. 1 May , and 1 August , 1 Novemb. & 1 February . VI. 6 Every Bishop constantly to reside within his Diocesse , in some one prime , or chiefe City or Towne within his Diocesse , as in particular . VII . Every Bishop to have one speciall particular Congregation , to be chosen out of the most convenient for distance of place , from his chiefe residence , and the richest in value that may be had : when he shall duely preach , ulesse he be lawfully hindred , and then shall take care that his Cure be well suppplyed by another . VIII . No Bishop shall remove or bee translated from the Bishopricke which he shall first undertake . IX . Upon every death , or other avoidance of a Bishop , the King to grant a Conge d'elire to the whole Cergie of that Diocesse , and they to present three of the Presbyters aforesaid , and the King to choose and nominate whom he please of them . X. The first resbyters of every shire to bee named by the Parliament , and afterwards upon the death , or other avoidance of any Presbyter , the remaining Presbyters to choose another out of the Parish Ministers of that shire , and this to bee done within one month next after such death or avoidance . XI . No Bishop or Clergie-man to exercise or have any Temporall Office , or secular employment , but onely , for the present , to hold and keepe the probate of wills , untill the Parliament shall otherwise resolve . XII . The Bishop once a yeare ( at Midsummer ) to summon a Diocesan Synod , there to heare , and by generall vote , to determine all such matter of scandall in Life and Doctrine among the Clergie-men , as shall be presented unto them . XIII . Every three yeares , a Nationall Synod to be , which for persons shall consist of all the Bishops in the Land , and of two Presbyters to be chosen by the rest out of each Presbytery , and of two Clarkes to be chosen out of every Diocesse , by the Clergie thereof . XIV . This Nationall Synod to make and ordaine Canons of the Government of the Church , but they not to bind untill they be confirmed by Parliament . XV. Every Bishop to have over and above the Benefice aforesaid , a certaine constant Rent allowed and allotted proportionall to the Diocesse wherein he is to Officiate , that is to say , every Presbyter to have a constant yearely profit above his Benefice . XVI . As for the Revenue of the Bishops , Deanes , and Chapters , &c. a strict Survey to be taken of all their rents and profits , and the same to be represented at the beginning of our next Convention , and in the meane time no Lease to be renewed , nor Timber to be felled . Mr. GRIMSTONS Argument concerning Bishops . I. THat Bishops Jure Divino , is of question . II. That Arch-bishops are not Jure Divino , is out of question . III. That Ministers are Jure Divino , there is no question . Now if Bishops which are questioned , whether Jure Divino , and Arch-bishops which out of question are not Jure Divino ; suspend Ministers that are Jure Divino , I leave it to you Mr. Speaker . Mr. SELDENS Answer . THat the Convocation is Jure Divino , is a question . II. That Parliament are not Jure Divino , is out of question . 3. That Religion is Jure Divino , there is no question . Now Mr. Speaker , that the Convocation , which is questioned , whether Jure Divino , and Parliaments , which out of question are not Jure Divino , should meddle with Religion , which questionlesse , is Jure Divino , I leave to you , Mr. Speaker . Mr. GRIMSTONS Reply . But Arch-Bishops are no Bishops . Mr. SELDENS Answer , That 's no otherwise true , then that Judges are not Lawyers , and Aldermen not Citizens . FINIS . 
A86348	----	A strange prophecie, against bishops, prelates, and all other priests, which have not kept the faithfull order of priesthood; and also against the transgressors of righteousnesse in these times. Together with the downe-fall and destruction of poperie, and the ruine of Romes monarchall and tyrannicall government. Prophetically declared, that in the yeares 1641, 1642, and 1643. the reformed churches in these westerne islands, should (both King and people) joyne with a religious consent to abolish them out of the Church. Written by Hilgard a nunne, 1558. and since preserved by an antiquary in this kingdome, and now published for the instruction of the Church of England. Hilgard, a nun. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A86348 of text R212753 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E134_2). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A86348 Wing H1983 Thomason E134_2 ESTC R212753 99871329 99871329 156396 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86348) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 156396) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 24:E134[2]) A strange prophecie, against bishops, prelates, and all other priests, which have not kept the faithfull order of priesthood; and also against the transgressors of righteousnesse in these times. Together with the downe-fall and destruction of poperie, and the ruine of Romes monarchall and tyrannicall government. Prophetically declared, that in the yeares 1641, 1642, and 1643. the reformed churches in these westerne islands, should (both King and people) joyne with a religious consent to abolish them out of the Church. Written by Hilgard a nunne, 1558. and since preserved by an antiquary in this kingdome, and now published for the instruction of the Church of England. Hilgard, a nun. [8] p. Printed for John Thomas, London : 1641. Signatures: A⁴. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Episcopacy -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Prophecies -- Early works to 1800. A86348 R212753 (Thomason E134_2). civilwar no A strange prophecie, against bishops, prelates, and all other priests, which have not kept the faithfull order of priesthood;: and also aga Hilgard, a nun 1641 2038 4 0 0 0 0 0 20 C The rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Scott Lepisto Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Scott Lepisto Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A strange Prophecie , AGAINST BISHOPS PRELATES , AND ALL other Priests , which have not kept the faithfull Order of Priesthood ; And also against the Transgressors of Righteousnesse in these Times . Together with the Downe-fall and destruction of Poperie , and the Ruine of Romes Monarchall and Tyrannicall Government . Prophetically declared , that in the yeares 1641 , 1642 , and 1643. The reformed Churches in these Westerne Islands , should ( both King and People ) joyne with a religious consent to abolish them out of the Church . Written by HILGARD a Nunne , 1558. and since preserved by an Antiquary in this Kingdome , and now published for the instruction of the Church of England . LONDON , Printed for John Thomas . 1641. The Preface to the Reader . VVHether these or such like Prophecies be of God , and proceed from the Holy Ghost or no , let the godly judge . But surely it is commonly seene , when God will shew his displeasure and indignation , and intendeth to bring to passe some great act , that all creatures doe Prophecy before , and give warning , although it helpe but little . Eve● so ●ouching the subversion of Jerusalem , his Prophets , and ●●ophecy it before but it availed not . Christ himselfe had breathed it unto them . The Apostles had warned them thereof . They heard voyces in the Temple . They saw signes in the Element . They heard battels in the clouds . Mad men , and such as were out of their wits , did prophecy it unto them , but all these signes prevailed not , they saw it in act and yet it preuailed not . They might have remedied it , if they would have suffered the Emperour to rule over them , but all prevailed nothing , for they were destroyed because they dispised Gods word . Even so shall it happen unto the Papists also . It is prophecied unto them by Daniel in the 7. and 8. chap. Jt is prophecied unto them by Zachariah in the 11. chap. It is prophecied by St. John in the Revel. It is prophecied unto them by Christ himselfe , Matth. 24. It is prophecied unto them by St. Paul . 2 Thes. 2. and 1. Tim. 4. It is prophecied unto them by St. Pet. 2. It prevaileth not Their owne Bishops , Abbots , Monkes and Nunnes prophecy unto them , but it prevaileth not . Jt is prophecied unto them by Astronomers . It is prophecied unto them by the common rumour with certaine Proverbes . It is prophecied vnto them by visions and signes in the Element , but all prevaileth not , they might turne it , if they would not presume to be aboue Gods Word and mens consciences , but would suffer God and his trueth to raigne over them and all mens consciences , but all prevaileth nothing , Therefore must they be destroyed , there is no remedie , & that which they will not now , they must not see to their griefe at last , when all helpe is past . Wherefore let no good Christian grieue himselfe with them , but rather suffer and take patience , and pray to God that it would please him to revenge the blood of his Saints , and speedily to deliver us from these cruell Tyrants , & all their mischievous or rather hellish enchantments . Thereby shall a man get a greater conquest over them , then by Sword and Armour . God knoweth well where such a Titus is , as shall be the finall destruction of these arrogant Rabbies , or contemptuous Iewes also . To whom be all honour , praise , and glory , for euer and euer . Amen . The Prophecie of HILGARD . ALl worldly Princes and the common people also , shall fiercely fall upon you Priests , which hitherto haue abused me . They will turne you away from them , and put you to flight . They shall take away your substance and riches , because that in your time , you have not kept the order of your Priesthood well . These words will they speake by you . Let us cast these Oath-breakers , robbers , and people replenished with all kind of iniquity , forth of the holy Catholique Church : for the holy Church is contaminated and polluted by them . And therefore will God suffer also such things to come over you . Yea , the Kings of the world , shall assist them with their earthly power and might that shall withstand you . Your Priestly dignity and annointing , they will esteeme as nothing worth , and to that purpose will they gather together in Councell , that they may drive you out of their Dominions , because you have driven away the most holy and innocent Lambe from you , with your vngodly and abhominable workes . Then shall the Heavens raine downe divers Plagues , which shall be as a revenge of God upon men . The miste shall cover the whole Earth , so that all your grasse shall dry up , and your ornaments become pale . The deepe shall suffer Earthquakes , and then shall appeare the very anger of God , and the rage both of Heaven and Earth . God will send a righteous and straight judgement against the transgressors of Righteousnesse . And then shall we say altogether . How long shall we forbeare and suffer these ravening Wolves ? they ought to have bin feeders of the soules , but they be destroyers of them . They bind and vnbind at their owne pleasure ( yet such power belongeth not unto them ) and as most fearefull beasts they utterly cast us away . And thus remaine we still in our misery and they in their sins , insomuch that all Christendome perisheth through them . And whatsoever is right that write they not , but wrest , and onely doe that which is contrary to the Law of God . They devoure us , as the Wolfe devoureth the sheepe , they live continually in lust and gluttony , they bee very robbers of the Church , and whatsoever they can catch or come by , they take and devoure it . They make us also with their occupation poore and beggerly . They damne themselves & desire to destroy us also . Therefore will we judge them righteously , anb seperate them from vs , for they be rather seducers then teachers , &c. Yet care they not for it , but remaine so still , seeking to make all Kingdomes subject unto them . Neverthelesse , for all this they must away , and leaue behind them all that they have , neyther shall they afterward rule any more ouer the people againe , with Lands , Possessions , Vineyards , and other temporall goods , which worldly Princes be appointed for . A Pope should be a Pope , a Knight a Knight , a Gentleman a Gentleman , wherefore all such things as they possesse vnrighteously , shall be taken away from them . &c. But against the same will the spiritualtie as heads of this world repine and rebell : to wit , the Popes , Cardinals , Bishops , Abbats , and other Prelates . First with their curse , and with shutting up of the Heavens , but the same will not serve , neither shall men feare it any whit . After that , they will get them to their Armour and weapons , thinking therewith to defend themselves , but against the judgement of God they can doe nothing , for their time is come , &c. Thus much prophecied the Nunne Hillgard . So ●o● must the bloody whore drinke of her owne Challice , and the beast with the false Prophets be cast down into the bottomlesse pit , where as is no rest night nor day , there to suffer paines eternally . And then will Christ raise up faithfull shepheards to feed his flock . What these shall be , we find in the Scriptures plainly enough declared , as they that came from him , and how may it faile , or what defect can be in such as God sendeth ? God is Righteous , and also sendeth good shepheards when he seeth his time . They doe righteously , and as they teach , euen so they liue . These be the true seruants which Christ speaketh of , which in due time set forth the gifts and glory or the Father of the houshold , and not their owne traditions , whereof as yet the whole world is full . But the Lord ( at his good pleasure ) for his sonne Iesus Christs sake , will scomme away all filthinesse and make his glory appeare . So be it The Conclusion . DIvers other like Prophecies there are no whit necessary to be written , because I hope there will amendment follow after this , except the Readers be found to want the chiefe effects of their eies and eares : for whom would not this ancient , true , and faithfull declaration of the Romish and Babilonish strumpet , bring to conversion and knowledge ? Shee is here so clerely set forth and painted with all her falsehood and colours , that it cannot be done more liuely . Hath she not with her Challice made drunke , and with her subtilty and deceit overcome Emperors , Kings , Princes , Lords ? and with her snares overthrowne all Christendome ? Let euery man marke it well . When did they any other thing but Pole and shave , lye and deceiue , burne , and banne , continually increasing warres and murder ? untill such time as they were become heads of all Kingdomes . &c. The same ( as aboue mentioned ) hath endured many yeares , but now will take an end . For the time of the Whore is come about , and he commeth that speaketh in the Apocalips , saying : I am Alpha and Omega , the beginning & the ending , the first & the last . Blessed be they that follow his Commandements , to the end that they may come to the tree of life , and and enter in at those straight gates of the celestiall Ierusalem , out of which shall be secluded all Vnbeleeuers , Enchaunters , Whores , murderers , Idolators , and all such as loue and follow after lyes , whose portion is in the unquenchable Lake that burneth with fire and Brimstone . Now hath Jesus Christ sent his Angell againe , to shew the people that he is the very roote of David , and the cleere morning Starre , and in none other is there any saluation , but in him onely , for it is written . There is no other name vnder heauen whereby we may be saved , but this onely . &c. Now he that is faithfull still , he that is holy , let him become more holy , and continue to the end . and let him not long for the time approcheth . And thus let every man be warned , for when he knocketh , happy are they that open , but to those that doe not so , the danger is apparent : for unto such , both Baptisme and all holy Rites are ministred in vaine . Wherefore let us beware of beeing Christians onely in name , and let us pray God to blesse us , and to grant us his grace , and that he would vouchsafe to guide us aright by his holy Spirit . Amen . FINIS . 
A91146	----	Unitie, truth and reason. Presented in all humility petition-wise to the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses for the Commons House of Parliament. / By some moderate and peace-desiring ministers, for the more happy and certaine reconciling of the church differences. H. P. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91146 of text R9441 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E170_1). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 21 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91146 Wing P39 Thomason E170_1 ESTC R9441 99873550 99873550 157029 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91146) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 157029) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 30:E170[1]) Unitie, truth and reason. Presented in all humility petition-wise to the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses for the Commons House of Parliament. / By some moderate and peace-desiring ministers, for the more happy and certaine reconciling of the church differences. H. P. [2], 13, [1] p. Printed for Thomas Vnderhill, London : in the yeare, 1641. Wing attributes work to H. P. Thomason copy imperfect: staining on title page with loss of text. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A91146 R9441 (Thomason E170_1). civilwar no Unitie, truth and reason.: Presented in all humility petition-wise to the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses for the Commons H H. P. 1641 3485 6 0 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion UNITIE , TRVTH and REASON . Presented in all Humility Petition-wise to the Honourable , the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses for the Commons House of PARLIAMENT . By some moderate ●nd Peace-desiring Ministers , for the mo 〈…〉 and certaine reconciling of the C●●●ch d 〈…〉 s. LONDON . Printed for Thomas Vnderhill , in the yeare , 1641. To the READER . IT was not at first intended that this following Discourse presented Petition-wise should fly so pub likely : but such modesty and truth withall are both so evenly expressed , that the eyes of envie , malice , and uncharitablenesse ( which usually are most quicke upon actions of this nature ) cannot take just advantage , as farre as we can apprehend . We therfore on the behalfe of our selves and others , doe humbly crave , that what is here presented with a dexterous intention may not have a sinister acception . TO THE HONOVRABLE the Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses for the Commons House of Parliament . Humbly representeth , THAT Episcopacie is a frame anciently raised out of the Pastorall place , built up with Chancellors , Deanes , Arch-Deacons , Commissaries , Surrogates , Officialls , Apparitors , &c. And further finished with their Consistories , High-Commission , Oath Ex Officio , Books of Canons , old and new , Books of Recreation and Liberty , Ceremonies , and manifold Innovations enlarged , especially in latter times by violent and intemperate Spirits , which have pursued many of the best lived of the Ministry and People , with too much heate , insomuch that many choice Men have bin wormed out , the most scandalous cherished , Doctrine adulterated ; the fire of zeale quenched , Tyrannie exercised , especially over the Consciences of their Brethren ; Primitive Discipline defaced , the judgements of many engaged for Episcopacie Jure divino ; Civil Warres incouraged ( the most dangerous and hazardous undertaking of a State . ) In the mean time the Prelates not sufficiently sencible of the dishonour of our gracious Soveraigne , and securitie of these happy and Illustrious Kingdomes . Nay , besides all this , many of the late Church-Governours have also complyed too much with the Popish Faction , and drawn ( quantum in illis ) the odium of the late disturbances upon his Majestie ( let them pretend what they please ) and dishonour upon the Protestant Religion , in the eyes of the Romish party , and the whole world by their tongues , pennes and indeavours . May it therfore please this Honourable House to take Episcopall Government into your grave and serious Consideration . And if it may stand with the wayes and customes of this Honourable House , That our Petition may be presented to the House of the Lords , and finally to his most excellent Majestie . 1. First , that a speedy survey may be taken of this old-ruinous and decayed building by a Commission ad inquirendum , concerning the truth of the numerous Complaints from all parts of this Kingdome . When God visited Sodom in Judgement , he first sent his Angels to inquire of the truth of the crimes thereof . 2. If upon just and exact triall the whole building from the foundation to the highest part of the superstructure , prove sound , God forbid any moderate spirit should desire the alteration of a Government so long established : but if ( in toto composito ) there be an universall dissolution and weaknesse of all parts , that then the old decayed frame may be taken down ; and such a new modell propounded as may most nearely agree with the Word , the Apostles , and Primitive times : with the Assistance of a select Company of grave pious-learned and Orthodox Divines , in nature of a Nationall Synod , which may be chosen by your singular care and wisdome , gathered out of all parts of the Kingdome , and authorised for that purpose . And in case it may stand with the pleasure of his Majesty , and this High and Honourable Court of Parliament , that some Scots and Irish Divines may be also admitted to such Assembly , which may happily tend , not only to mutuall information of themselves , but to a more firme obligation of all members in these Churches in Civill or Ecclesiasticall affaires under our most gracious Soveraigne as Supreme Governor unto a more firm union and obedience . Notwithstanding all this , it is not the desire of your Petitioners , with the Sonnes of Zebedee , that fire should come down from heaven and destroy this frame of Government ; neither any illegall or precipitant violence should demolish it ; such reverence doe we owe to the memory of those industrious-pious-learned Bishops , which have somtimes sealed the testimony of the Gospel with their blood . And to our happie Princes ( whose Names are ever blessed with us ) who have yielded all Princely indulgence unto Episcopall dignities . Only thus farre do your Petitioners humbly sue , for asmuch as there is such a considerable number of grievances and complainants , through the whole Kingdome , ( as may appeare by the numerous Petitions and Remonstrances to this Honourable House , ) That in the meane time whilest a Commission issues out for a more full discovery of Corruptions in Ecclesiasticall Government and Ministers , notoriously scandalous , the above-named Ecclesiasticall Assembly be called , and Episcopall Governours allow'd a faire and legall tryall by Ministers , men of their own Order ( as Lords are tryed by their Peers ) but impartiall , and not ingaged by the dignities and preferments of the times . And if it may not savor of sawcines , or too high presumption , May it please this Honourable House , to require the Episcopall party to assigne some of their own choice to answer in such a well constituted Assembly , and to give liberty to the Presbyteriall Disciplinaries , as in Scotland , or them of the Pastorall and more Independent way , as in New England , to come in and oppose , only give leave we beseech you that the Word may be the moderator in this Nationall Synod . And if we may not be thought to presume upon this intelligent and Religious House , we humbly sue , First , that in such a well dispos'd Assembly , the Doctrine of the Church may be cleared and explaine . Secondly , the Discipline questioned . First by what tenure Episcopacie holds , whether Jure Divino , vel Ecclesiastico ? If Divino , it must necessarily stand for ever . Secondly , if Ecclesiastico whether it be not alterable according to Corruptions attending it , or the varying Constitutions of particular Churches , or the like considerable Circumstances ? 3. If alterable , whether this Government may safely be altered in this Church of England ? 4. If it may be altered , what Government can be propounded more nearely agreeing to the Word , and more fit for these times ? 5. Whether Christ left any certaine and necessary Discipline to be observed in his Church for ever ? 6. Whether Examples , which have not grounds on expresse Rules , or necessary Consequences out of those Commands doe bind the Conscience to subjection , as to an Ordinance of Christs ? 7. Whether it be not fit for Christians rather to follow the Examples of Christ , his Apostles , or the purer times for Presidents , then the more degenerate and corrupt times of the world ? When these or the like Questions are well discussed and decided , The confirmation of such Acts of Assembly as shall be then determined , we submit unto the wisdome of this Honourable House . In the meane time most noble Patriots , suffer not the glory of our Church to set under a cloud . We have betrusted you with our selves , and all ours , faile us not in the maine , ( viz ) in the matters of Religion , neither Doctrine not Discipline . Begin we beseech you where your forefathers left , in the dayes of King Edward the 6th . Let the noble bloud of your Ancestors which runs in your veynes induce you to perfect the glorious beginnings of your renowned Predecessors . Never think the Common-wealth can be well healed , unlesse the Church be also Cured . Did not our sufferings in the Church lead the way to yours in the Civill State ? If you conceive your worke is fully ended , when the Common-wealths grievances are removed : God himselfe will not take it well at your hands to leave Sion weeping , and none comforting her . You have come on nobly and like religious Patriots , in giving faire hopes of easing the distressed part of the Church : Go on like your selves , and the God of Heaven prosper you . Let not golden Balls turn you out of the way : Neither Syrenian musicke , nor Crocodile teares of the degenerate part of the Tribe of Levi captivate your judgements . You have the whole Nation ingaged to be Servants unto the King for ever in a stricter bond , if you his great Councell of State , according to his trust in you , see Religion freed from the complaints and grievances of it . It is true , Episcopal Governors , with their nearest friends , think it scorn to come to tryall of their title . We are not ignorant of many of their choysest Arguments : but if you please with patience to survey them , you shall find they have studied fallacies more then demonstrations . It is true , they pretend 1. the Word : 2. Antiquity . 3. Reference to our Laws . 4. Order . 5. Suppression of Errors , Schismes , and Heresies . 6. Incouragement to Learning . 7. Conformity of Episcopall Government unto Monarchie . All specious pretences we confesse , like the Grapes and fruits of Sodom : but if you touch them they fall to Ashes . First , the Word , no better plea in the world , nor stronger Argument , if the pontificiall side would shew but one expresse Command or necessary inference for Episcopacie over the Clergie ( it is our meaning ) to be a constant and standing office in the Church : we should think our selves deserved to lose our Eares , liberty , life and all , for speaking against a Law of Gods own making . But whilst the great Clerks of the Kingdome in this multa dicunt , nihil probant . We must desire this Government ( but in an Ecclesiasticall assembly ) may goe to the question . Secondly , Antiquity , a plea which would well have served in the dayes of Hezekiah and Josiah for keeping up the High Places , because they had continued from the dayes of Solomon or afore . If this Argument were sufficient , the Reformers in the dayes of Edward the 6. and Queen Elizabeth of famous memory should have staid their hands from taking away such ancient Ceremonies as had continued many hundred years . Upon this ground an old ruinous House which is rotten from the foundation , to the highest part of the superstructure should not be pulled down ; upon the like ground old Vines , where the humidum radicale is quite gone , and fruit ceases , should not be plucked up , nor others planted in their room . The brazen Serpent was at the first erected upon better warrant then ever Episcopacie , yet when it grew worm-eaten with corruption of Antiquity , Hezekiah made bold to take it down , and the fact is fronted with the name of Zeale unto Immortality . Thirdly , Reference to our Laws , It is true , Episcopacie is too truly and too much Inter-woven with the Statutes of this Kingdome ; Not that Episcopacie strengthens the Laws , but the Laws Episcopacie . So that it seems no necessary Argument for this dignity standing Statu quo nunc , but rather serves for a good caution that in the taking down of this old frame , the Statutes of the Land suffer no violence , which we doubt not but by the wisdome of this Honourable House , may be well contrived . Fourthly , Order , a great deale of reason for it , if Order doe not violate that eternall and indispensible Rule of charity , unto which the Episcopall Government hath done much violence , by their Pride and Tyranny over the Consciences of their Brethren . In such case we desire the Word , Christian Liberty and Charity may be preferred afore any pretended Order in the the world . Fiftly , Suppressing of Schismes , Errors , and Heresies ; we deny not but when Episcopacie was first raysed and instituted in the Church , there was such a politicke intention , but Where is the Successe ? Have not Corruptions , Schismes , Errors , if not Heresies , more grown under the shadow of Episcopacie , then under any other Reformed Protestant Church in the world ? Let the Remonstrance of the Ministers speak unto this , together with the Numerous Complaints from all parts of the Kingdome . It is not to be denyed , but as these Weeds , so much pretious Corne hath grown within the bounds of Episcopall Government , not that we must thank the smiles and indulgence of the Pontificiall party , but their frowns , brow-beatings , and manifold oppressions , or rather God himselfe , who multiplyed the Israelites under Pharaohs Tyranny and Cruelty . Sixtly , Encouragement to Learning , Give loosers leave to speak , let the inferiour Clergie of the Kingdome ( as they are usually called ) come in , and speake what they usually feel in their own experience ; Doth not the burthen and heat of the day lye upon poore Parsons , Vicars , Lecturers , and Curates ? What encouragement to Learning , whilst a few Bishops , Deanes , Arch-Deacons , &c. swallow up the best and riches● part of Ecclesiasticall maintenance , taking little or no paines , in feeding the soules of the people , studying only Law-suits ; how to rise higher in the world , and to sowe dissention betwixt Kingdomes , Princes , and their Subjects , when the inferiour Clergie in the meane time must sit below the salt , gather up the Crums from under Episcopall Tables , and account it favour enough to have a nod from a Bishop ; nay happily lesse then that , an hollow-hearted leave or Licence to use a Pulpit in his Diocesse . Seaventhly , A Conformity of Episcopall Government unto Monarchie . We confesse the Conformitie is too much and too neare . For Kings send out Writs in their own Names ( as it is fit they should ) so doe Bishops . Kings Rule and Command , so doe Bishops : yet this Conformity in Government unto Monarchie , cannot induce our Charity to think they ( at least many of them ) can cordially affect Supreme Government whilst so many in latter times have complyed so much with the Pope in all Papall usages , the great enemie to all Kingly Government . How can we judge , but if oppertunity served , they would fall in with the Pope in matter of Supremacie , as in other his Traditions ; Besides our Bishops in late dayes have cast the odium of all unacceptable Commands upon the King , a point of Bishopcraft we confesse , but never used by faithfull Statesmen to their Princes , since the beginning of the world , till these our dayes . Whereas , we ( though the lowest of the Tribe of Levi ) dare protest unto this Honourable Assembly , we could be contented to wipe off with our blood the least aspersion upon the honour of our most gracious Soveraigne , whom we sincerely value above all Princes of the world . But now most noble Senators , mistake not , we beseech you , the candor and ingenuity of our intentions , we doe account it an inexpiable fault to prescribe unto you that must prescribe Laws to us ; only we prostrate what we have propounded in all hvmility at your feet , wherein we have both expressed our grievances and Petitions . Notwithstanding all abovesaid , we are not so faln out with Episcopall Government : but if it seems good to his Majesty , and this High and Honourable Court of Parliament to continue it , we can ( as formerly ) sit down under the shadow of it ▪ if the Authority of it be sufficiently cleared by a well constituted Church Assembly , whereunto we should willingly subject , as a way of the Church ( anciently used ) in such difficulties ; only , in case it be thought meet upon advise by your singular wisdomes to continue Episcopall Government in the Church ; be pleased that the sting therof be taken away : we meane the High-Commission burthensome and superfluous Officers , the unnecessary Ceremonies and subscriptions , according to their Canons , which they have only used as snares and nets to catch the Innocent and faithfull in the Land ; And the scandalous Ministers removed , the spots and blemishes of the Ecclesiasticall State . But in case such a Church Synod , or Assembly , doe finde a Presbyteriall , or Pastorall , and independent Jurisdiction to be more nearely agreeing unto the Word , and more fit for the present Constitution of our Churches , May it then please you to incourage that way which comes next to the mind and will of God , and suits best with the present state of times . So that finally , the sum of all we sue for , is , that Justice may be eminently done unto all sides , and truth ( with leave of his Majestie , as Supreme ) may by the best Reason hew out its way in a Church Assembly or Synod , unto peace and unity ; not that we any way suspect your Candor or Integritie , with whom we have trusted both our selves and all ours : But because the premised Considerations doe chiefly fall under Ecclesiasticall cognizance , it would be most satisfactorie ( under correction of more sublime judgements ) to the minds of all men , and no way derogatory to the honour of his Majestie , or this High and Honourable Court of Parliament . If such of the Ministery as have not violated their Consciences , nor staind their garments , but men of good temper , Piety , Learning , and consulting heads should be authoriz'd to advise in the matters of the Church both Doctrine and Discipline . Pardon we beseech you , our rudenesse , and brokennesse of our expressions , Truth is never so amiable as when she goes in her playnest garb . Honour us so farre as not to take us for the giddy Sons of Apollo who would set the whole world on fire . We abhorre the intemperance of such spirits . And doe humbly desire that all Pamphlets may be staid from the Presse , which take upon them ( afore their time ) to propound modells and new formes of Government till a well Constituted Church Assembly have fully discussed the maine questions now in Controversie . So shall you honour God Almighty , bring out the Truth more fully , which is now overclouded and obscured ; perform the Trust which his Majestie hath put in you ; happily unite more firmly these Churches of England , Scotland and Ireland . Make our State admired in the eyes of forraigne Churches , pull down the proud and mighty from their Seats , and exalt the humble and meek . And by such happy satisfaction in all Ecclesiasticall wayes , you shall ingage the Church to pray more fervently for the happinesse of our Illustrious King , and this flourishing Common wealth . Which God grant , Amen . FINIS . 
A27058	----	The true history of councils enlarged and defended against the deceits of a pretended vindicator of the primitive church, but indeed of the tympanite & tyranny of some prelates many hundred years after Christ, with a detection of the false history of Edward Lord Bishop of Corke and Rosse in Ireland ... and a preface abbreviating much of Ludolphus's History of Habassta : written to shew their dangerous errour, who think that a general council, or colledge of bishops, is a supream governour of all the Christian world ... / by Richard Baxter ... ; to which is added by another hand, a defence of a book, entituled, No evidence for diocesan churches ... Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. 1682 Approx. 698 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 139 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A27058 Wing B1438 ESTC R39511 18425234 ocm 18425234 107592 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A27058) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107592) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1627:3) The true history of councils enlarged and defended against the deceits of a pretended vindicator of the primitive church, but indeed of the tympanite & tyranny of some prelates many hundred years after Christ, with a detection of the false history of Edward Lord Bishop of Corke and Rosse in Ireland ... and a preface abbreviating much of Ludolphus's History of Habassta : written to shew their dangerous errour, who think that a general council, or colledge of bishops, is a supream governour of all the Christian world ... / by Richard Baxter ... ; to which is added by another hand, a defence of a book, entituled, No evidence for diocesan churches ... Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. [28], 8, 240 p. Printed for Tho. Parkhurst ..., London : 1682. Imperfect: stained, with print show-through. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Maurice, Henry, 1648-1691. -- Vindication of the primitive church. Wettenhall, Edward, 1636-1713. Clarkson, David, 1622-1686. -- No evidence for diocesan churches. Church of England -- Government -- Controversial literature. Episcopacy -- Controversial literature. 2005-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE TRUE HISTORY OF COUNCILS Enlarged and Defended , Against the Deceits of a pretended Vindicator of the Primitive-Church , but indeed of the Tympanite & Tyranny of some Prelates many hundred years after Christ . With a Detection of the false History of Edward Lord Bishop of Corke and Rosse in Ireland . And a Specimen of the way by which this Generation confuteth their Adversaries in several Instances . And a Preface abbreviating much of Ludolphus's History of Habassia . Written to shew their dangerous Errour , who think that a general Council , or Colledge of Bishops , is a supream Governour of all the Christian World , with power of Universal Legislation , Judgment and Execution , and that Christs Laws without their Universal Laws , are not sufficient for the Churches Unity and Concord . By RICHARD BAXTER , a Lover of Truth , Love , and Peace , and a Hater of Lying , Malignity , and Persecution . To which is added by another Hand , a Defence of a Book , Entituled , No Evidence for Diocesan Churches . Wherein what is further produced out of Scripture , and ancient Authors , for Diocesan Churches , is discussed . London , Printed for Tho. Parkhurst , at the Bible and Three Crowns , at the lower end of Cheapside , near Mercers Chappel . 1682. To the Pious and Peaceable Protestant-Conforming Ministers , who are against our Subjection to a Foreign Jurisdiction . The notice of the Reason of this Book , with a Breviate of Ludolphus's Habassian History . Reverend Brethren , WHen after the effects of our calamitous divisions , the rejoycing Nation supposed they had been united , in our King newly restored ( by a General and Army which had been fighting against him , invited & strengthned by the City , & many others ) & an Act of Oblivion seemed to have prepared for future amity ; some little thought that men were about going further from each other than they were before : But the Malady was evident to such of us as were called to attempt a Cure , and neither the Causes nor the Prognosticks hard to be known . A certain and cheap Remedy was obvious ; but no Pleas , no Petitions , could get men to accept it . The Symptomes then threatned far worse than yet hath come to pass , God being more merciful to us than mistaken men . We were then judged criminal for foreseeing and foretelling what Fruit the Seed then sown would bring forth : And since then the Sowers say the Foretellers are the cause of all . We quickly saw , that instead of hoping for any Concord , and healing of the Bones which then were broken , it would become our Care and too hard work , to endeavour to prevent a greater breach . Though we thought Two Thousand such Ministers as were silenced would be mist , when others thought it a blessing to be rid of them , we then feared , and some hoped , that no small number more would follow them . It was not you that cast such out ; nor is it you that wish the continuance and increase of the Causes . We agree with you in all points of the Christian Reformed Religion : and concerning the evil of all the sins which we fear by Conforming to commit , though we agree not of the meaning of those Oaths , Promises , Professions , and Practices , which are the matter feared . We live in unfeigned Love and Communion with those that love Truth , Holiness and Peace , notwithstanding such differences as these . God hath not laid our Salvation or Communion upon our agreeing about the meaning of every word or Sentence in the Bible , much less on our agreeing of the sense of every word in all the Laws and Canons of men . Two things we earnestly request of you , for the sake of the Christian Religion , this trembling Nation , and your own and others Souls . 1. That you will in your Parish Relations seriously use your best endeavours to promote true Godliness and Brotherly Love , and to heal the sad Divisions of the Churches : We believe that it must be much by the Parochial Ministers and Assemblies , that Piety and Protestant Verity must be kept up : And what we may not do , we pray that you may do it who are allowed . 2. That you will join with us against all Foreign Jurisdiction , Ecclesiastical or Civil . The Party which we dread I have given you some account of in my Reply to Mr. Dodwell . By their Fruits you may know them . 1. They are such as labour to make our Breaches wider , by rendring those that they dissent from odious , which commonly is by false accusations ▪ They call out for Execution by the Sword against those that dare not do as they do , and cry , Go on , abate nothing ; they are factious Schismaticks , rebellious : They might easily have learnt this Language , without staying long in the Universities , and without all the Brimstone Books that teach it them . An invisible Tutor can soon teach it them without Book . He that hateth his Brother is a murtherer , and hath not eternal Life abiding in him . 2. They are for an universal humane Government , with power of Legislation and Judgment over the whole Christian World. How to call it they are not yet agreed , whether Aristocratical , or Monarchical , or mixt . Some of them say that it is in the Collegium Episcoporum , governing per Literas formatas , for fear lest if they say , It is in Councils , they should presently be confuted by the copious Evidence which we produce against them . And yet they may well think that men will ask them [ When did all the Bishops on Earth make Laws for all the Christian World , or pass Sentences on Offenders without ever meeting together ? And how came they to know each others minds ? and which way the major Vote went ? And what , and where are those Laws which we must all be governed by , which neither God nor Councils made ? The Canons were all made by Councils . If you say that I describe men so mad , as that I must be thought to wrong them , I now only ask you , whether our Case be not dismal when such men as you call mad , have power to bring us and keep us in our ` Divisions ; or to do much towards it without much contradiction ? But others who know that such palpable darkness will not serve their cause , do openly say , that it is General Councils which are the Legislative and judging Governours to the whole Church on Earth , as one Political Body . For they know that we have no other Laws besides Gods and theirs , pretended to be made for all the World. But when the Cases opened by me in the Second part of my Key for Catholicks , and else where , do silence them , this Fort also is deserted by them . Even Albert. Pighius hath rendred it ridiculous . 1. If this be the specifying or unifying Head , or summa Potestas of the Universal Church , then it is not monarchical but Aristocratical . 2. Then the Church is no Church , when for hundreds of Years there are no General Councils , an essential part being wanting . And they that own but the 4 or 6 first General Councils , make the Church no Church , or to have been without its essentiating Government these Thousand Years . And by what proof , besides their incredible Word , can they tell the Church , that they are subject to the six first General Councils , and yet not to the seventh , eighth , ninth , or any since ? 3. I have oft ( against Johnson , and elsewhere , ) proved that there never was an universal Council of all the Churches , but only of part of those in the Roman Empire ; Were there no proof but from the recorded Names of the Callers of Councils ▪ and all the Subscribers , it is unanswerable . 4. Who knows not that the Church is now divided into about Twelve Sects , all condemning one another ? And that they are under the Power of various Princes , and many Enemies to Christianity , who will never agree to give them leave to travel to General Councils ? And who shall call them , or how long time will you give the Bishops of Antioch , Alexandria , the Jacobites , Abassines , Nestorians , Armenians , Muscovites , and all the rest , to learn so much of each others Languages , as to debate intelligibly matters of such moment , as Laws for all the World must be . Twenty more such absurdities , make this Aristocracy over all the World , as mad a conceit as that forementioned : And when we know already what the Christian Parties hold , and that the said Jacobites , Nestorians , Armenians , Circassians , Mengrelians , Greeks , Muscovites , &c. are far more than either Protestants or Papists , do we not know that in Councils if they have free Votes they will judge accordingly against both . But this sort of men are well aware , that the Church is always , but Councils are rare , and it 's , at least , uncertain whether ever there will be more ; and the Articles of the Church of England say , They may not be called without the Will of Princes ; and the Church is now under so many contrary Princes as are never like to agree hereto . And they know that some body must call them , and some body must preside , &c. Therefore they are forced to speak out , and say , that the Pope is St. Peters Successor , the prime Patriarch , and principium Unitatis , and must call Councils , and as President moderate and difference the lawful from the unlawful : And that in the Intervals of Councils he as Patriarch is to govern at least the West , and that every Diocesane being ex Officio , the Representer of his Diocess , and every Metropolitane of his Province , and every Patriarch of his Patriarchate , what these do all the Bishops on Earth do . And so the Riddle of a Collegium Pastorum is opened , and all cometh but to this , that the Italians are Papists , who would have the Pope rule Arbitrarily , as above Councils ; but the French are no Papists , who would have the Pope rule only by the Canons or Church Parliaments , and to be singulis Major , at universis Minor. This is the true Reformation of Church-Government , in which the English should ( by them ) agree . And now you know what I am warning you to beware of . We are for a twist & conjunction of the civil Power and the Ecclesiastical , and for Christian Kingdoms , and Churches , so far national as to be ruled and protected by Christian Kings , in the greatest Love and Concord that can be well obtained : And for Councils necessary to such ends : But we are not for setting up a Foreign Jurisdiction over King and Kingdom , Church and Souls , upon the false claim of uncapable Usurpers . One of your selves in a small Book called , The whole Duty of Nations , and another , Dr. Isaac Barrow against Papal and all Foreign Jurisdiction , ( published by Dr. Tillotson ) have spoken our thoughts so fully , as that we only intreat you to take those for our sense , and concurr with us therein for our common Peace and Safety . We reverence all Councils so far as they have done good ; we are even for the Advice and Concord of Foreigners ; but not their Jurisdiction . If you know the difference between an Assembly of Princes consulting for Peace and Concord , and a Senate to govern all those Princes as their Subjects , you will know the difference between our Reverence to Foreign Councils , and the Obedience to them now challenged as the only way to avoid Schism . I hope you will join with us in being called Schismaticks both to Italian and French Papists . The great Instrument of such mens Design being to over-extol Councils called General , and to hide their Miscarriages , and so by false History to deceive their credulous party who cannot have while to search after the truth , I took it to be my Duty to tell such men the truth out of the most credible Historians , especially out of the Councils themselves as written by our greatest Adversaries ; that they may truly know what such Bishops and Councils have done . Among others this exasperated a Writer , ( by same called Mr. Morrice , ) who would make men believe that I have wronged Councils and Bishops , and falsified History : and divers other accusations he brings , to which I have tendered you mine Answer . I have heard men reverence the English Synods , who yet thought that the 5th , 6th , 7th , 8th Excommunicating Canons and the late Engines to cast out 2000 Ministers , proved them such to England as I will not denominate . I have heard men reverence the present Ministry and Universities , who yet have said , that they fear more hurt from the worser part of them to England , than they should do from an Army of Foreign Enemies whom we might resist . I write much , and in great weakness and haste , and have not time for due perusal : And my judgment is rather to do it when I think it necessary , as I can , than not at all . And Mr. M. would make his Readers believe , when he hath found a word of Theodorets hastily mistaken , and Calami translated Quils , and such matter for a few trifling cavils , that he hath vindicated the Councils and Bishops , and proved me a false Historian . And can we have a harder censure of General Councils than his own Reverend Lords and Patrons pass upon them , who tell us that there is but six of all the multitude to be owned . If all the rest are to be rejected , I think the faults of those six may be made known , against their Designs who would bring us under a Foreign Jurisdiction , by the art of over-magnifying General Conncils . I confess these men have great advantage against all that such as I can say ; for they have got a sort of Followers who will take their words , and are far from having will or wit impartially themselves to read the Hiflories and try the case ; but will swear that we are all Rogues and Schismaticks , and unfit to be suffered : And they have got young Reverend Priests , who can cry , away with them , execute the Laws ; being conscious how much less able they are to confute us , than the Gaoler is : But this is but a Dream : The morning is near , when we shall all awake . Perhaps you remember the jeasting story with which Sag●tar●us begins the Preface to his Metaphysicks : Indeed the hysterical suffocating Vapours do ordinarily so work , that in a place of Perfumes or sweetness the Women faint and swoun away as dead ; and Castory or Assa Foe●●da , called Stercus Diaboli , or such like stink , reviveth them like a Cordial . And worse vapours affect the men we speak of : Motions of Love they cannot bear ; but reviling and false accusing Books and Speeches are Food and Medicine to them . One of my chief Controversies with Mr. M. is about the Acts and Effects of the Councils of Ephesus and Calcedon , about the Nestorian and Eutychian and Monothelite Controversies . That the issue was most doleful Divisions of the Christian World , unhealed to this day , is past the denial of sober men . Whether this was long of the Bishops and Councils is the question . I have fully proved that Nestorius , Cyril , and Dioscorus were all of the same Faith and differed but in wording the same sense : And if so , judge how much the World is beholden to these Councils of Bishops : But this Mr. M. taketh for a false Report . Because it is our most important difference , I will here give the Reader an account of the Effect of these Councils even to our times , in the great Empire of Habassia , out of the much praised History of Job Ludolphus . Lib. 3. c. 8. In order to declare the Religion of the Habassines he first declareth the Success of the Council of Calcedon , thus , — [ Damnatus Dioscorus Patriarcha Alexandrinus tanquam Eutychis Defensor & Haeresiarcha , verberibus quoque mulctatus & in exilium ejectus fuit , alio Patriarcha Catholico in locum ejus suffecto — Atrox exinde in Ecclesia Alexandrina Schisma , caede & sanguine continuatum , in causa fuit , ut non solum multo maxima pars Ecclesiae Alexand. à reliqua Ecclesia Catholica avelleretur , sed & Aegyptus ipsa , attritis incolarum viribus , in Saracenorum potestatem veniret ; qui discordiâ Christianorum , utrosque oppresserunt ; ut exiguum , proh dolor ! vestigium Christianae Religionis nunc in Aegypto supersit . Haec atque alia talia Scriptores nostri . And the loss of Egypt and the South , so strengthened the Enemies of Christianity , that this breach let in Destruction to the whole Christian Empire : But the loss of the whole Empire and Introduction of Mahometanism , in the Eyes of our fiery Canoneers , is no dishonour to these Councils : It is but saying , It was all long of Dioscorus , and the Hereticks : And were not these Hereticks also Prelates and Prelatical ? But he procedeth , [ But the Aethiopians thus report it , that Dioscorus and his Successors , and their followers did greatly complain of the Injury done them ; for he neither followed Eutyches , nor ever denied or confounded the Divinity or Humanity really existing in Christ , but only was unwilling to acknowledg the word [ Nature ] to be common to the Divinfty and Humanity of Christ ; and only avoided this , lest contrary to the mind of the Catholick Church , and the Decrees of the General Council at Ephesus , two persons of Christ should be asserted : For that would sollow , if we admit Two Natures , and two Wills in Christ . And the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] [ Nature ] signifying somwhat born or created , no way fitteth the Divinity : Nor can the mind conceive of two Wills , in two Natures united in one person , without Division , Separation , or Distance : And the Humane Nature exalted into the state of Glory , doth not will , do , or suffer the same which it willed , did and suffered in the state of Exinanition ; and so in the present state of Glory , the humanity doth neither will nor judge any thing but what the Divinity at once willeth and judgeth . And this being our known Judgment , the question seemeth idle , and a meer strife of Words , for which Christians should not have hated one another . At Calcedon they proceeded from Words to Blows , and fought more than they dispured : And Dioscorus was condemned absent , neither heard nor well understood , as obstinate and guilty of Heresie in Hatred and Envy srather than by right . ] This is the Habassines Opinion of the Council and Controversie , false no doubt in our Canoneers Judgment , ( for alas they are unlearned men ; ) but indeed much truer and wiser than their Adversaries . He proceedeth , Primo reperi omni dubio carere , quod Habessini rejiciunt consilium Chalcedonense — 2. Observavi eos in hoc errore esse , quasi Patres Concilii Calced . Hypostasin Christi dividere , & contra praecedens Concilium Ephesinum ex una duas personas facere voluerint — Hanc ob causam damnant Leonem Papam , & in coelum extollunt suum Dioscorum tanquam Orthodoxae fidei hyperaspisten qui justo zelo diploma Leonis ad se datum di●aceravit ; eumque Martyri assimilant , ob accepta verbera , excussos dentes & evulsam barbam . ] ( But it eased the Spleen of the Bps. at present , and then all the following loss seems tolerable . ) He addeth , [ 4. Constat ex multis locis , quod utrumque abstractum , Divinitatem & Humanitatem , conjunctim in Christo aperte confiteantur . Quid autem hoc aliud est , quam agnoscere duas simul naturas in Christo . 5. Tellezius ex Relatione Patrum societatis testatur [ utramque naturam ] reperiri in eorum libris . 6. He shews that the Habassines words have various signification , and by two natures , they mean two Persons — Which ( saith Ludolphus ) when I read and consider , I find all to be confused and perplexed : There is no certain state of the question , and the words are out of measure equivocal . Perhaps Eutyches himself could not tell what sort of Nature was made of two , and what was its name , and what was its qualities : But that he was such a fool as to think that the Natures in Christ were so confused as Water is with Wine , and that in so absurd an Opinion he had most wise men agreeing with him ; this almost exceedeth all belief : Certainly the Ethiopians are not guilty of so gross a Heresie . Wherefore I confess I cannot understand what those frequent Disputations were , which the Jesuits had with the Habassiines , of two Natures in Christ , in which they say they had still the worse , being convicted by their own Books , which I easily believe , seeing they most willingly confess Christs Divinity and Humanity . To me it seemeth likely only that they could not agree in words . Do but explain to them that by Natures in Christ we mean his Divinity and Humanity , & then ask them which Nature is it that faileth in Christ . Most certainly they will answer that neither the Divivinity nor Humanity failed , but both continue eternally . And so it 's plain , that they take the word Nature in a far other sense than we , and that the true state of the question with them is , whether and by what common Name the two abstracts are to be denominated , which they undoubtedly confess . Now good Mr. Morrice , ( with your Lords ) you must pardon me , ( or choose ) for thinking that it is not necessary to Salvation , or to keep the Church from utter ▪ confusion , to be such Criticks in Grammar or Metaphysicks , as to resolve the questions about the sence of Nature , and Unity , or Duality , which you no better resolve your selves ; I say , it is not necessary by Gods Law , but by the Councils : And if I be a Schismatick for holding that Christs Universal Law is so sufficient for his Church , as that a Legislative Power in Councils to make such Laws as shall tear all to pieces the Churches for 1300 Years , and teach our Holy Fathers to damn Millions of the Innocent , is not either necessary or desireable ; a Schismatick I will continue . Ludolphus proceeding to open the ambiguity of the words , addeth , [ A famous Country-man of ours , who anno 1634 dwelling in Egypt , read the Books of the Cophties ( Pet. Heylin of Lubeck . ) judged that [ the Dissent of the Parties was more in their fear of the Sequele , than in the matter itself : For the Greeks would obviate the Hereticks who confound Christs Divinity and Humanity : And the Cophties those who feign two Persons in Christ . ] And if indeed this be the case , that the Fight either of old was , or still is only about the sense of words ; verily no kind of Tears can be so sharp , as to suffice to weep for this unhappy Word-War ; No Breast can be so hard which would not mourn for the unhappy Contentions of them , to whom Christ by his own example solicitously commended the strictest Bond of Charity : No mind can be so cruel , which for the name of [ Nature ] would loose the knot of Concord between those whose Nature the eternal Word assumeth into his most sacred Hypostasis . ] Fie , Mr. Ludolphus , can you so well describe Ethiopia , and no better know your Neighbours ? Come into England and you may soon know the Reverend and Right Reverend , who will not only defend this Councils Acts , and condemn those that be not of their mind , but are ready to do the like themselves , and triumph over the thousands silenced , as they judge , for lesser things ; yea , and make that Councils Canons such a Law to the Universal Church , as that all are Schismaticks that obey it not . But Ludolphus yet considering , addeth ▪ [ But such is the Infirmity of our most corrupt Nature , that where once Ambition hath begun , and from Ambition Emulation , and from Emulation Envy , and from Envy Hatred , the mind possessed with ( such ) affections , no more perceiveth Truth , but as with Ears and Eyes shut up , neither heareth nor seeth , how or with what mind any thing is spoken or written by the other side . O Sir , now I perceive you understand more than you seemed to do . But yet the History is behind . The Pope hath long had a great desire to be the Church Governour of Habassia , but could never come to know it , much less to bear Rule over it . At last the Portugals getting possession of some Maritime parts , whence with much difficulty it was possible to come to them , the Pope got them to help the Habassines in a dangerous War which they had against their Neighbour Mahometanes and Heathens , on condition that the Habassines would receive a Patriarch and Jesuites from Rome : The Portugals Guns , ( which that Country had not ) and their own necessity , made the Habassines consent : The Roman Patriarch and Jesuits came over . The custom of Habassia had long been to receive a Metropolitan called their Abuna , from the Patriarch of Alexandria , who being a poor unlearned Subject , and almost Slave to the Turk , made Abunas and Priests as unlearned as himself : when the Jesuits came furnished with Arts and Sciences , the matter came to long Disputes ; for the People , especially the Monks and the Rulers , were loth to change their old accustomed Religion , called the Alexandrian , for that called the Romane : The King would needs have it done by hearing both parties speak : But the learned Jesuites were still too hard for the unlearned Habassines : One King seemed to like the Romanes , but his Son ( Claudius ) stiffly resisted them : Others afterward again needed help , and received them , and by their Disputes seemed really to be for them , seeing how much the Jesuites excelled their Priests ; specially K. Zadengelus , being taken with the Jesuits Preaching , when all his own Clergy only read Liturgies & Homilies , & never preacht : He set up the Romane Patriarch & power , & K. Susneus after him sware Obedience to the Pope , and resolutely established Popery : Disputes brought him to it : And the Jesuites knowing that it must be somthing which seemed to be of Weight , which must make the Empire submit to a Change of their Religion , accuse the Abassines as erring with the Eutychians , in rejecting the Council of Galcedon , and denying two Natures and Wills in Christ . This was chosen as the main Subject of the great Disputes : The Emperour was convinced of their Heresie , and became a resolute Proselite to Rome : And Popery Eight Years had the upper ruling hand . But all this while the Empire was in discontent : The Royal Family and the Sub-Governours oft broke out into Rebellion . To be short , many bloody battels were fought . The Emperour usually had the Victory : But when one field of blood was dried up , a new Rebellion still Sprung up . The Papists still told the K. that God gave him the Victory for owning his Church and Cause . His Rulers , Priests , and Monks told him he killed his Subjects , and in the end would lose his Empire for nothing but bare words . After many fights in the last about Eight Thousand of his Subjects called his Enemies , were killed : The Kings own adherents being no friends to the Roman Change , desired the King to view the dead , and made to him presently this Speech : These were not Heathens nor Mahometanes ▪ in whose death we might justly rejoice : They were Christians ; they were formerly your Subjects our Countrymen ▪ and near in Body some of them to you , and some to us : How much better might so many valiant Breasts have been set against the deadly Enemies of your Kingdom . It 's no victory which is got upon Citizens ; with the Sword by which you kill them , you stab your self . Those whom we persecute with so terrible a War do not hate us , but only are against that Worship which we force them to : How many have we already killed for the changing of Religion ( Sacrorum ? ) How many more are there yet to be killed ? What end will there be of Fighting ? Give over we beseech you ▪ to drive them to your new Religious things ( nova sacra , ) lest they give over to obey you , else there will never be a safe peace . ] Yea , the Kings eldest Son and his Brother got the Gallans ( Heathens , ) that had been Souldiers for the King , to tell him they would fight against his Dissenting Christians no more . The K. growing weary of War ▪ and seeing and hearing all this , changed his mind , and called a Council ▪ in which it was agreed , [ That the Alexandrian Religion should be restored : And to effect this they declared , that indeed the Roman Religion was the very same : Both said that Christ is true God and true Man : And to say , There is one Nature , or there are two , are words of small moment , and not worthy the ruining of the Empire . ] And thus the King was brought to give Liberty of Religion to the Dissenters . The Romane Patriarch understanding all this , goeth with the Bishop and Jesuits to the King , and made this Speech to him , [ I thought we had been lately Conquetours but behold we are conquered : The Rebels that were conquered have obtained that which they desired : Before the Fight was the time of Vowing and Promising , but now is the time of Performing : The Catholick and Portugal Soldiers got the Victory , God prospering the Catholick Religion : But now what thanks is given him ? When it is decreed the other day , that the Alexandrian Religion shall be freely permitted . And here you consult not with the Bps. and Religious men , but the dull Vulgar , and Gallanes and Mahometanes , yea and Women pass Sentence of Religion : Bethink you how many Victories you have won against the Rebels since you followed the Romane Religion . Remember that it was not as constrained by Arms or Fear , but induced by free Will , that you embraced it as the truer . Nor did we come to you of our own accord , but were sent by the Pope of Rome , the highest Prelate , and the King of Portugal , and this at your Request . Nor did they ever intend any thing ( against you ) but only to join your Kingdom to the Church of Rome . Take heed therefore lest you provoke them to just Indignation : They are far off you , but God is near you , and will demand the satisfaction which is due to them , you will inure an indelible Blot on the Lyon of the tribe of Judah , with whom your Ensigns shine ; and will imprint a stain on your Glory and your Nation : In a word you will cause so many sins by your Apostafie , as , that I may not see them , nor the Vengeance of God , which hangeth over you , I desire you to command that my Head may be presently cut off . ] Thus lay the Parriarch , Bp. and Jesuits at the Kings feet in tears . Readers , Lest you think that I have mistranslated , to fit the matter to our times , I intreat the learned to try it by the Original : You see that the things that are , have been , and that sin so blindeth and hardeneth sinners , that one Age and Country will take no warning by many others . You see here that the Name and Interest of God and Religion ▪ and the Church may be pleaded by a blind ambitious Clergy ▪ for the murdering of Thousands for a bare difference of Names and Words , and Gods Judgments threatned against those that will not go on in killing and destroying , and making Kingdoms desolate by Cruelty : And that the hurt Satan doth by Witches and Highway Robbers , is a Flea ▪ biting in comparison of what he doth by ambitious Prelates and valiant Soldiers . The dismallest Story of the success of Witches is that of the Swedes Witches , by Mr. Hornick translated ; But what is the killing of now and then one , to the Murder of so many Thousands , the Ruine of so many Kingdoms , the Silencing of so many Thousand faithful Preachers , the Persecuting of so many Thousand godly Christians ▪ and the engaging the Christian World in Hatred and War , as the Popish Prelates have been guilty of ? But you 'l expect the Answer of King Susneus to the Patriarch . Ludolphus thus proceedeth , ( li. 3. c. 12. ) [ The King unmoved briefly answereth , that he had done as much as he was able , but could do no more . And that the business was not about the total change of Religion , but only about the grant or ( Liberty ) of certain Rites ( or Ceremonies . ) ( O Sir , you had been happier if you had known that sooner ! ) The Patriarch answered , that he himself had indulged some things ▪ and was about to indulge more , which concern not the substance of Faith , ( you are for Toleration till the Fires are kindled , ) so be it another Edict might be proclaimed , that there might be no other change . The King gave him no other Answer , but that the next day he would send some to treat with the Fathers . They that were for the Alexandrian Religion go to the Emperour , and by Abba Athanasius request , that by a publick Edict he would allow his Subjects to embrace the Religion of their Ancestors , else the Kingdom would be ruined . The King consented , and sent some to the Patriarch , to acquaint him with it . These upbraid him with the many defections of the People . Aelius , Caabrael , Tecla-George , Sertzax , with many Myriades slain : And that the Lastenses yet fought for the old Religion , and all ran to them . But the King was deserted , all the Habassines desiring their old Religion . But that they that would might follow the Roman Religion , &c. The Papists seeing that they could get no better but a Toleration , sent to the King this Answer by Emanuel d'Almeyda , That [ the Patriarch understood , that both Religions were tolerated in his Kingdom , and now he loved Ethiopia equally with his own Country Portugal , and would presently grant as much as might stand with the purity of Doctrine , ( viz , of the two Natures ) But there must be difference made between those who had not yet received the Roman Religion , and with them they might agree ; but those that had given up themselves to it , and had used the sacred Confession and Communion , might not be suffered to return to the Alexandrian Religion without grievous Sin. ] By this temperament the Patriarch would have kept the King and all his Court ; for these had professed the Roman Religion . But the King weakened with Age and Sickness gave them no other Answer but. [ But how can that be done , for I have not now the Power of the Kingdom ? ] Home went the Prelates and Jesuits : And presently the Trumpets and Drums sounded , and the Crier proclaimed , [ Oyes , Oyes , ( Hear ye ) We first proposed to you the Romane Religion , taking it for good ; but an innumerable multitude of men perished , with Aelius , Cabrall , Tecla-George , Sertzaxo , and with the Country Lastenses ; Wherefore we now grant you the Religion of your Ancestors : It shall be lawful hereafter for the Alexandrian Clergy to frequent their Churches , and to have their Arculae for the Eucharist , and to read their Liturgy in the old manner : So farewel , and Rejoice ▪ ] It is incredible with what joy this Edict was received by the People , and how the whole Camps applauded and rejoiced , as if they had been delivered from an invading Enemy , specially the Monks and Clergy having felt the Fathers greatest hatred , did lift up to Heaven their joyful voices : The Vulgar Men and Women danced , the Soldiers prayed all Prosperity to the Emperour : They broke their own Rosaries , and other mens as they met them , and burned some , saying , That it was enough for them that they BELIEVE CHRIST TO BE TRUE GOD and TRUE MAN , and THERE IS NO NEED OF DISPUTING ABOUT TWO NATURES , and so they returned to the old way . It 's worth the noting here , that the Papists way was cast out as Novelty , and the other kept on the account of Antiquity : For Habassia never had received the Pope till the Portugals came to help them . Tet are they not ashamed here to call theirs the old Religion , because when they had banished the old , [ which was simple Christianity ] we returned to it by Reformation . Besides the Dectrine of Two Natures , about which they saw they agreed in sense , while the Jesuites Hereticated them , three things much alienated the Habassines : 1. Denying them the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds . 2. Rebaptising their Children . 3. Reordaining their Priests . This much being done , the Papists were by degrees soon overcome . 1. The Patriarch is accused for preaching Sedition . 2. Then the Temples are taken from them , and they break their own Images lest the Habassines should do it in seorn . 3. On Sept. 16. 1632. the King died , and his Son Basilides was against them . 4. Ras-Seelaxus their most powerful friend is banished , and others after him . 5. Upon more Accusations their Farmes , Goods , and Guns are seised on . 6. They are confined to Fremona : Thence they petition again for new Disputations : The King Basilides answereth them thus by writing : [ What I did heretofore was done by my Fathers command , whom I must needs obey , so that by his conduct I made War against my Kindred and Subjects . But after the last Battle in Wainadega , both learned and unlearned , Clergy and Laity , Civil and Military men , great and small , fearlesly said to my Father the King , How long shall we be vexed & tired with unprofitable things ? How long shall we fight against our Brethren and near Friends , cutting off our Right Hand with our Left ? How long shall we turn our Swords against our own Bowels , when yet by the Roman Belief we know nothing but what we knew before ? For what the Romanes call two Natures in Christ , the Divinity and Humanity , we knew it long ago , from the beginning even unto this day : For we all believe that the same Christ our Lord is perfect God and perfect Man ; perfect God in his Divinity , and perfect Man in his Humanity : But whereas those Natures are not separated , nor divided , ( for each of them subsisteth , not by itself , but conjunct with the other ) therefore we say not that they are two things , for one is made of two , yet so as that the Natures are not confounded or mixed in his Being . This Controversie therefore is of small moment among us : Nor did we fight much for this ; but specially for this cause , that the Blood was denied the Laity in the Lucharist , whenas Christ himself said in the Gospel , except ye eat the Flesh of the Son of Man , and drink his Blood ye shall not have eternal Life . — But they detested nothing more than the Reiteration of Baptisms , as if before the Fathers rebaptized us we had been Heathens or Publicanes : And that they Reordained our Priests and Deacons . — You too late offer us now that which might have been yielded at the first ; for there is now no returning to that which all look at with the greatest horrour and detestation , and therefore all further Conferences will be in vain . ] In short the Patriarch and all the rest were utterly banished out of the Empire . Ludolph . l. 3. c. 13. I add one but thing ( ex cap. 14. ) to end the story . As the new Alexandrian Abuna was coming out of Egypt , the foresaid Dr. Peter Heyling of Lubeck being then in Egypt , took that opportunity to see Habassia , and went with him : On the Borders at Suagena they met the departing Roman Patriarch ; where Peter Heyling enters the List with him , & so handled him as made it appear , that it was only the poor Habassine Priests unlearnedness , which had given the Jesuits their Success : And the Patriarch at the parting , sighing said to his Company , If this Doctor come into Habassia , he will precipitate them into the extreamest Heresie . But what became of him is yet unknown . And so much for this History of the Roman Conquest in Habassia , by the Calcedon Council , and the Hereticating the Habassines , about the one or two Natures , and the Eight years possession Popery got by it , and the many bloody Battles fought for it , the Prelates powerful Oratory for it , and the Peoples more powerful against it ; the Kings mind changed by sad experience , and the Papists finally Extirpated . And it is exceeding observable , that their very Victories were their Ruine , and the last and greatest which killed 8000 , was it that overcame them , when they thought they had done their work . And those that conquered for them drove them out , when they considered what they had done : But had it not been better known at a cheaper rate ? This Tragedy is but the fruit of the Council which Mr. Morrice justifieth : The fruit of a Church determination above 1200 years ago . If you had seen the Fields of blood in Habassia , would it not have inclined you to my Opinion against Mr. M. Or if he had seen it , would it not have changed his mind ? I doubt it would not , because the Silencings and Calamities in England no more move such men ; and because they still call for Execution against those that obey not all their Oaths and Ceremonies ▪ and will abate nothing , what ever it may ost the Land by the strengthening of them that are for our Division : And because the 1200 years experience hath not yet been enough to make them see the faultiness of such Bishops & Councils , ●ay , because they yet take not all Gods Laws in Nature and Scripture for sufficient to Rule the Catholick Church in Religion , without the Laws of these same Councils , which have had such effects : But some Bishops and Cle●●g● Men yet stand to it ▪ that All must be taken as Schismaticks who obey no● these same Councils Decrees , as the Laws of the Universal Church . And if Lud●lp●●s and the Abassines can say so much against Here 〈…〉 g those called Eutychians , much more may be said for the Nestorians , to prove that the Contro v●●s● was but verbal . There is in Biblioth . Pat. To. 6. p. 131. the Missa quâ utuntur antiqui Christiani Episcopatus Angamallensis in Montanis Mallabarici Regni apud Indos Orientales , emendata & ab erroribus blasphemiisque Nestorianorum expurgata per Alexium Menesium Archiepiscopum Goanum an . 1599. I had rather have had it with all its Errours , that we might have truly known how much is genuine . But it being one of the most Scriptural , rational , and well composed Liturgies of all there published ; It would make one think , 1. That these Nestorians were not so bad a people as their Anathematisers would have made the world believe them . 2. That the Banishment of the Nestorians and Eutychians accidentally proved a great means of the Churches enlargement beyond the bounds of the Romane Empire , whither they were banished : And this is plain in current History . I have given you this account of my Design in both the Books , ( The History of Councils , with its Vindication , and the following Treatise . ) I add an Answer to a Lord Bishop of Corke and Rosse , who hath written many Historical Untruths by his credulity , believing false Reporters . As to his and others Reprehension of my sharp unpeaceable words , my Case is hard ; My own Conscience at once forbids me to justifie my Stile or Passion ; and also tells me that if making odious Gods servants , silencing and persecuting faithful Ministers , and Perjury , should prove as great a guilt and danger of Destruction to the Land , as is feared , I cannot justifie my long Silence , nor that I use no more plainness and fervency in calling the guilty to Repent . The CONTENTS . I. A Specimen of the Way by which this Generation confuteth their Adversaries in several Instances . II. In the General Part : § 1. Hard for young men to know what Teachers or History to believe . § 7. Tempting Reasons for Papacy . § 8. Evident against it . § 9. The Steps by which Bishops ascended to Papacy . § 15. The different Opinions of Popery in the English . § 18. The Case of Fact discerned , what Judgment I settled in about Church-Power . § 20. For what Mr. M. hath wrote with so much displeasure against me . § 22. Instances of above an Hundred Councils , besides particular Bishops , all before An. 1050. of whom I appeal to the Consciences of all sober Men , whether they have not been the Tearers of the Church . General Instances of the greater Schisms since then by popish Bps. Some Questions put to Mr. M. and some Reasons to abate his displeasure . § 22. Of a late Book of the History of my Life , to prove me the worst of men . § 24. Whether I be guilty of falsifying History . III. The particular Answer to Mr. M's Vindication . Ch. 1. The Reason and Design of my History of the Schisms of Bishops and Councils . Ch. 2. Whether we ought to tell of the Bishops and Councils Church-corrupting Ways . Ch. 3. Of Mr. M's Industry to shew me to be unlearned . Ch. 4. Whether I vainly name Historians which I never read . Ch. 5. Of my use of Translations , and following Binnius . Ch. 6. His charge of my own mistranslations and mistakes . Ch. 7. His false Supposition that I am only for a Church of one Congregation . Ch. 8. His false Supposition that I am against Diocesanes , when it 's only the ill species . Ch. 9. And that I am a Independent , and yet plead for Presbyterians . Ch. 10. His false Accusation that I make the Bishops the cause of all Heresies and Schisms . Ch. 11. And that I mention all the Bishops Faults and none of their Goodness . Ch. 12. His Accusation of Spite , Malice , and Railing examined , Dr. Burnet satisfied . Ch. 13. His Supposition that I speak against all Bishops Councils . Ch. 14. Some mens Credit about ancient History , tried by their History of this Age. Twenty Instances of the History of our times . My own experience of it . Whether I hate compliance with Superiours , or to preach by Licence . Ch. 15. Mr. M. Magisterial authorising or rejecting what Historians he pleases . His Accusation of Socrates and Sozomene , and valuing Valesius , Simond , &c. Ch. 16. His Observation on my Notes of credible and incredible History . His Instances of my Railing particularly considered . Whether the word [ Hereticating ] be railing or causeless . An Instance of Fifty five of Bp. St. Philastrius's accused Heresses , by which I desire any sober man to judge . Other Instances . Whether St. Theophilus , or Socrates and Sozomene were the Criminals . Even Pope Honorius and Vigilius hereticated for being wiser than other Popes . Ch. 17. Of his Censure of my Design and Church Principles : Whether I be guilty of exposing Christianity more than Julian & Lucian . Ch. 18. Of his 2d Chap. Who is most against Discipline . Of Anathematising . Whether Novatus was a Bishop or an ordaining Presbyter . Councils for rebaptising . His Self-contradictions . Some Questions to him . Whether the Diocesane Party ( as Mr. Dodwel ) who nullifie our Sacraments , are Hereticks , if the Re-baptisers were such . The old qu. was not of Rebaptising Hereticks , but of such as Hereticks had baptised . Of the Donatists and many Councils . Of our Liturgy's Rule to find Easter-day . What the Novatians held . Petavius and Albaspineus Testimony of them . His quarrels about Epiphanius , the Arians , the Audians divers Synods . Antioch . Of the Circumcellians . Optatus of the Donatists as Brethren . His Excuse of the Bishops . Ch. 19. Of the 1st General Council at C. P. Whether Bishops followed Emperours . Their usage of Greg. Nazianz. Of the Priscillianists , the Bishops , and Martin . Of my Letter to Dr. Hill. Of the Council at Capua ▪ Jovinian , Easter , African Bps. Donatists . Theophilus . Aliars . Ch. 20. His 5 Chap. Of the 1st Ephes . Council . His reviling Socrates and Sozomene , as against Cyril . Cyrils Story . Of the Presbyterians Cruelty . Nestorius ; Case . His cavils against my Translations . The effects of that Council at this day considered . Ch. 21. Of the 2d Ephes . Council . Of Cyril , the Eutychians , and Dioscorus . Ch. 22. Of the Calcedon Council : Pulcheria and Eudocia . What one sound man can do in a Council . Whether our late Conciliatory Endeavours about Arminianism , have been as vain as these Councils . Of Theodos . 2. and the Eutychians . The whole story of that Council . Luther as well as I , makes the Controversie verbal . Of the Bishops Peccavimus : Many Accusations refelled : More of the Councils Successes , and late Conciliators . The Westminster Synod . Mr. M's way of Concord . Of the old Conformity and ours . Mr. Edwards Gangrena , and the late Sects and Heresies . Ch. 24. Of his 7th Chapter . Of the old Heresies . Whether Projects for Moderation have been the chief distracters of the Church . He ost falsly saith , that I charge the Bishops with all the heresies in the world . What it is that I say of them . The true cause of Schism confessed . His misreports of the cause and Bishops . His false saying of me that I compared Oliver and his son to David and Solomon My profest Repentance which he seigneth me an Enemy to . What Nonconformity is , and what his misreports of it . An explitatory profession of the meaning of this Book against Misinterpreters . THE Ready Way OF Confuting Mr. Baxter . A SPECIMEN OF THE PRESENT MODE OF Controversie in England . Joh. 8. 44. 1 King. 22. 22. Prov. 29. 12. & 19. 5 , 9. Rev. 21. 8. & 22. 15. IN 1662. Dr. Boreman of Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge , Published a Book against me , as having written to Dr. Hill against Physical-Predetermination to Sin ; and in it saith , That it is reported , That I kill'd a Man with my own Hand in cold Blood ; and if it be not true , I am not the first that have been wronged . The Man , though promoted to the Charge of this Parish , St. Giles in the Fields , was accounted so weak , ( forbearing his Ministry , and saying he was suspended some Years before he died ) that I thought it vain to take publick Notice of his Words ▪ neither imagining whence he had them , nor ever hearing of them before . But a few Weeks before the late Plot was reported , one Mr. P. came to me , and told me , That at the Coffee-House in Fullers-Rents , where Papists and Protectants used familiarly to meet ; he provoking the Papists to Answer my Books , or to Dispute with me , was answered by a Gentleman of this Parish , said to be of the Church of England , That [ Mr. Baxter had kill'd a Man in cold Blood with his own Hand . ] Mr. P. provoked him by a Wager to make it good . He refusing the Wager , was told , He should hear of it publickly , unless he would ask me Forgiveness . After some time , the Gentleman came to me with Mr. Tasborough , ( since imprisoned , as is known ) and with great Civility , ask't me Forgiveness . He was the Son of a Knight , and Judge , of my Acquaintance ; and had an Aunt , that had been my very dear Friend . I told him , That Slandering is so common , and asking Forgiveness so rare , that I took it for a note of great Ingenuity in him ; and , as I must forgive all Men as a Christian , so I could easily forgive any wrong to one related to such a Friend of mine . He told me , He was resolved openly to confess his Fault , and to vindicate me on all Occasions . Accordingly , at the same Coffee House , he openly declared his Repentance . Upon which , Mr. P. tells me , That Mr. G. an Aged Lawyer , Brother to the Lady Ab. was displeased , and said , He would prove the thing true by many Witnesses : ( And , saith Mr. P. the Story among some of them was , That a Tinker did beat his Kettle at my Door , and being disturbed by him , I pistoll'd him , and was tryed for my Life at Worcester . ) Mr. P. said , He provoked Mr. G. to lay a Wager on it : And he refusing , was told , [ Then he should hear of it in Westminster-Hall . ] Upon this , saith Mr. P. his Fellow - Catholicks ingenuously resolved to disown him , unless he would ask Forgiveness ; which he being unwilling to come to me to do , Mr. P. saith , He at last performed before Him , and Capt. Edmund Hampden . All this being done without my Knowledge ( till after , ) I was relating it to Mr. John Humfrey : Why ( saith he ) I did twelve Years ago hear Dr. Allestry , now Regius-Professor in Oxford , say the like , That he could not think well of that Man , that had kill'd a Man in cold Blood with his own Hand . I little regarded all the rest : But Dr. Allestry had many Years been my old School-Fellow ; many a time I had taught ●●im ; and he was the best at Learning , and of the honestest Disposition ▪ of any Boy that ever I knew ; and I thought , if Parties could draw such as he into such Guilt , there was little Account to be made of the Reports or History of Men , if once they fell into different Factions , Wherefore I wrote to him what Mr. Humfrey told me , and received from him this honest ingenuous Letter , which I here annex . And as to all this Story , I do here solemnly profess , That I never killed , wounded , or hurt any Man in my Life , ( save one Man , whose Leg I hurt with playful Wrestling , when I was a Boy , and once or twice boxing with School-Boys , and correcting ●ads when I was one Year a School-Master . ) Nor in all the Wars , or in my life did I ever see any other kill any Man , save one ; and that was at the same Bickering , ( about Forty of a Side ) when Jennings was wounded : While they were Fighting with him in one great Field , I being in another near the House , saw the Souldiers offering Quarter to a Foot-Souldier , and promising him Safety , if he would lay down his Musket ; which he did not , but struck at them ; and Captain Holdich shot him dead ▪ And it proved after to be a Wolsh man , that understood not English ; which grieved them when they knew it . I have gone the next day where Fights have been , and seen many dead , when I had nothing to do with the Armies of either Part. But I never saw any , to my Knowledge , kill or hurt any Man , but this one . Dr. Allestry's Letter : ( Which I should not Publish , but that even in Oxford , and elsewhere among the Clergy , the Report yet goeth on . ) SIR , I Must profess sincerely , That I cannot recollect I ever said such Words of you to Mr. Humfrey , as it seems he does affirm I did : But yet I cannot but acknowledge ; it is very possible , that I related , ( and may be , to Him ) That I had heard , you kill●d a Man in cold Blood : Since I very well remember , that above Thirty Years since , at the End of the War , I heard that publickly spoken before Company ; and with this farther Circumstance , that it was a Souldier , who had been a Prisoner some Hours . Now this Report relating to the Wars , in which ( I fear ) such Things were no great Rarities , and from my very tender Youth , I having not had the least Converse with you , nor likely-of any for the future , did not therefore apprehend , at present , any Concern or Occasion of inquiring , whether it were true ; of which , upon that confident Asseveration , I did make no doubt . And I took so little thought of laying up the Relation , that I protest to you , as in the Presence of Almighty God , it is impossible for me to recover , who made up that Company in which I heard it , or from whom I heard it : And I wonder , how it came into my Mind , to say that I had heard it , so long after . But however , though it be some Ease to me , to believe the late Discourses of it , do not come from my relating so long since that I heard it , neither are likely to receive any Confirmation from it , unless it be made more Publick than I have made it ; yet I do profess , it is a great Affliction to me , to have spoken that , though but as a Report , which ( it seems ) was a Slander , ( for so I believe it , upon your Asseveration ) and not having endeavoured to know whether it were true . And , as I have beg'd God's Forgiveness of it ; so I heartily desire , You will forgive me . And if I could direct my self to any other way of Satisfaction , I would give it . This is the whole Account I can give of this Matter ; to which I shall only add , That I am , Eaton-Coll . Dec. 13. 1679. SIR , Your very Affectionate Servant , Richard Allestry . II. In the Preface to the Life of Dr. Heylin are these Words . Mr. Barter may be , pleased to call to mind , what was done to one Major ●ennings , the last War in that Fight that was between , Lyndsel and Longford , in the County of Salop ; where the Kings Party , having unfortunately the worst of the Day , the poor Man was stript almost naked and left for dead in the Field : But Mr. Baxter , and ou● Lieutenant Hurdinat , taking their Walk among the wounded and dead Bodies , perceived some Lif● left in the Major , and Hurdman run him through the Body in cold Blood ; Mr. Baxter all the while looking on , and taking off with his own Hand , the Kings Picture from about his Neck ; telling him , as he was swiming in his Godr , That he was a Popish Rogue , and that was his Crucifix : Which Picture was kept by Mr. Baxter for many Years , till it was got from him ( but not without much difficulty ) by one Mr. Somerfield , who then lived with Sir Thomas Rous , and generously restored it to the poor man , now alive at Wick near Pershore in Worcestershire , although at the Fight supposed to be dead : being , after the Wounds given him , drag'd up and down the Field by the merciless Souldiers ; Mr. Baxter approving of the inhumanity , by feeding his Eyes with so bloody , and so barbarous a Spectacle . I Thomas Jennings , Subscribe to the truth of this Narrative abovementioned ; and have hereunto put my Hand and Seal this second Day of March 1682. Thomas Jennings . Signed and Sealed , March 2. 1682. in the Presence of John Clark , Minister of Wick , Thomas Dacke . Published by George Vernon , Minister . The like was before Published by Roger L'Strange . Answ . I do not think Major Jennings knowingly made this Lye , but was directed by some bodies Report , and my sending him the Medal . I do solemnly protest , 1. That , to my Knowledge , I never saw Major Jennings : 2. That I never saw Man wound , hurt , strip , or touch him : 3. That I never spake a word to him , much loss any word here affirmed : 4. That I neither took the Picture from about his Neck , nor saw who did it : 5. That I was not in the Field , when it was done : 6. That I walked not among any wounded or dead ; nor heard of any kild , but the one Man before mentioned . 7. That the Picture was never got from me with difficulty . But that this is the Truth : The Parliament had a few Men in Longford . House , and the King a● Lyndsel , about a Mile and a half a-sunder ; who used oft to skirmish , and dare each other in the Fields between ▪ My Innocent Father being Prisoner at Lyndset , and I being at Longford , resolved not to go thence till he was delivered . I saw the Souldiers go out , as they oft did , and in another Field discerned them to meet and Fight : I know not , that they had seen Jennings ; But , being in the House , a Souldier shewed a small Medal of Guilt Silver , bigger than a Shilling ; a●d told us , That he wounded ▪ Jennings , and took his Coat , and took that Medal from about his Neck ▪ I bought it of him for ●●●● no one offering him more . And some Years after ( the first ●●● that I heard where he was , freely desired Mr. Somerfield to give it him from me , that had never seen him ; supposing it was a mark of Honour , which might be useful to him . And now all these Lies , are all the Thanks that ever I had . III. The Observator , N. 96. saith , [ Tor. Who saith , they ( the Presbyterians ) brought in the King , besides your self ? Wh. Mr. Hunt , the Author of the Conformists Plea , Mr. Baxter and who not ? Tor ▪ Prethee ask Mr. Baxter , If he knows who it was , that went with five or six more of his own Cloth and Character , to General Monk , upon his coming up to London , in 1659 ; and finding a great deal of Company with him , told his Excellency , That he found his time was precious , and so would not trouble him with many Words : But as they were of great weight , so he hoped , they would make an answerable Impression on him : I hear a Report , Sir , ( saith he ) that you have some thoughts of calling back the King ; but it is my Sense , and the Sense of these Gentlemen here with me , that it is a thing you ought not to do on any termes : For Prophanness is so inseparable from the Royal Party , that if ever you bring the King back the Power of Godliness will most certainly depart from this Land. Answ . Dr. Manton ( and whether any other , I remember not ) went once with me to General Monk , and it was to congratulate him ; but with this request , That he would take care , that Debauchery and Contempt of Religion might not be let loose , upon any mens pretence of being for the King , as it already began with some to be . But there was not one word by me spoken , ( or by any one , to my remembrance ) against his calling back the King , nor any of the rest here adjoyned ; but as to me , it is a meer Fiction . And the King was so sensible of the same that I said , that he sent over a Proclamation against such Men , as while they called themselves the Kings Party , did live in Debauchery and Prophanness ; which Proclamation so rejoyced them that were after Nonconformists , that they read it publickly in the Churches . Such gross Falshoods as these , are part of the Evil deprecated . As to his Question , Whether the Presbyterians brought in the King ? Who can affirm or deny any thing of equivocal Words ? A Presbyterian is , who these Men will call such . They that in the Face of the World deny the Publick Acts of Three Kingdoms , in the Age they were done in , no wonder if they multiply the grossest Lies of such as I. The Parties that restored the King , were these ; 1. The Excluded Members of the Long Parliament , the Ministers that were since silenced ; and the frustrated endeavours of the Scotch Ar●nies , and Sir George Booth , Sir Thomas Middleton ▪ joyning with some of the Kings Souldiers , prepared Mens minds to it . 2. General Monke , and his Army , who were Fighting against the King a little before , ●●pre●t Cromwels Army . 3. The Long-Parliament Members restored , agreed to dissolve themselves , and set up a Council to call home the King. 4. Sir Thomas Allen , Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen ; invited General Monk into the City , who joyning with him , turned the Scales . 5. The City Ministers ( called Presbyterians ) perswaded the Lord Mayor to this , and wrote to Monks Colonels ( called Presbyterians ) to be for the King ▪ ( specially Mr. Ash , by Mr. Calamy's Counsel . ) 6. The Lord Mazarine , Lord Broghil , and others of the same Party in Ireland , contributed their help ; and Colonel Bridges , with others , surprized Dublin Castle . 7. Many of the Old Parliament Men openly provoked Gen ' Monk , and secretly perswaded and treated with him , to bring in the King ( whom the Earl of Anglesey , the Earl of Shaftsbury , and others yet living , can Name to you . ) 8. The Parliament called by General Monk , ( by agreement with the Long-Parliament , ) accounted mostly of the same Party , Voted the Kings Return : Which no doubt also , the Old Royalists most earnestly desired , and endeavoured . This is the Historical Truth ; which if in this Age , Men will deny , I will bear any lies that they shall say or swear of me . Now , either the foresaid Armies , Parliament men , Ministers , &c. were Presbyterians , or not . If they were not ; then , 1. Say no more , that it was Presbyterians that raised War against the King ; but that it was the Episcopal Men , if these were such . 2. Why then have you called them Presbyterians so long , and do so still ? But if they were Presbyterians , then it was such that Restored the King. But alas , how contemptible , yea , how odious is Truth grown to this Generation ! IV. There is yet a more Famous Historian , than any of these , though unnamed ; who pretending to militate after Dr. Stilling fleet , as in a 2d . Part against Separation , takes on him to give you the History of my Life . Partly making it my Reproach , that when I grew to Understanding , I remembred how many Drunken or Ignorant Readers had been my Teachers : Partly raking up retracted and obliterated Passages of Old Writings ; while at once they perswade me to Reviews and Retractions : Partly heaping up abundance of down right Falshoods ▪ Partly clipping Sentences , and leaving out the part that should make them understood , and turning true Words , by perversion , into Falshoods : And partly by mixing this known Truth , [ That I was on the Parliaments side , and openly declared it . ] But when at the new Model , I saw that they changed their Cause , I changed my Practice , & was from the Day that I went into the Army , a resolved Opposer of all that they did , to the Changing of the Government , & their Usurpation ; & was sent among them to that end ; which was immediately after Naseby Fight : And continued openly disowning the Usurpation , and the Means that set it up . And though I was Preaching and Writing against the said Usurpers , when an Army was Fighting for them , against the King , and the King knew how to forgive and Honour them , that did so much to his Restoration ; yet are the Accusers so far from forgiving those that never personally hurt a Man , that they forbear not multiplying false Accusations ; yea , and accusing those Ministers , and private Men that never had to do with Wars : Yea , the same Men that then wrote against me for the Changers and Usurpers , have since been the fierce Accusers of us , that opposed them . And if these Men be unsatisfyed of my present Judgment , I have no hope of giving them Satisfaction , if all will not do it , which I have largely written in my Second Plea for Peace , for Loyalty , and against Rebellion ; and all my Confutation of Hooker's Politicks , in the Last Part of my Christian Directory ; with much more . But this Book must have ( if any ) a Peculiar Answer . V. Lately , when I taught my Hearers , That we must not make the World believe , that we are under greater Sufferings , than we are , nor be unthankful for our Peace , and that we must when any hurt us , love and forgive them , and see that we fail not of our Duty to them ; but not forsake the owning , and just defending by Scripture-Evidence the Truth opposed . They Printed , that I Bid the People Resist , and not stand still , and dye like Dogs . And I was put the next Day to appeal to many Hundred Hearers , who all knew , that the Accusation was most impudent Lies . This is our present Case . VI. The Players , I hope , expect no Answer to their Part. London , Printed for R. Janeway , in Queens-Head-Alley , in Pater-Noster-Row , 1682. The General Part containing the Design and Sum of this and the former Book , that it may be understood what it is that Mr. Morrice defendeth , and opposeth ; and what it is that I maintain or blame , and by what Evidence . § 1. I Have been these forty years much troubled with the temptation to wonder , why God suffers most of the World to lie drown'd in Ignorance , Infidelity and Sensuality , and the Church of Professed Christians to live in so great Scandal , Contention , Division , and for the greater number , in a Militant Enmity against the Word , Will , Way , and Servants of Christ , while in Baptism they are Listed under him . But of late since Experience tells me of the marvelous Diversity of Humane Interests and Apprehensions , and the deep Enmity of the Fleshly Mind to Spiritual things , I admire the Wisdom and Providence of God , that there is so much Order , and Peace , and Love in the World of Mankind as there is : And that all men live not as in a continual War. And I perceive that if God had not preserved by Common Grace some remnants of Moral Honesty in the World , and had not also sanctified a peculiar People , whose New Nature is LOVE , the Sons of Men would have been far worse than Bears and Wolves to one another ; and a man would have fled with greater fear from the sight of another man , than from a Snake or Tyger . But God hath not left himself without witness , in his Works , and daily Providences , and in the Consciences of those who have not sinned themselves into Brutes or Devils . And hence it is that there is some Government and Order in the World , and that sin is ashamed of its proper name , and even they that live in Pride , Covetousness , Ambition , Lying , Persecution , &c. cannot endure to hear the name of that which they can endure to keep and practise , and cannot endure to forsake . § 2. And indeed it is a great Credit to Honesty and Piety , to Truth , and Love , and Peace , and Justice , that the deadliest Enemies of them are ambitious of their Names ; and though they , will damn their Souls rather than be such , they will challenge and draw upon any man that denieth them to be such . And I must profess , that I fetch hence a great confirmation of the Immortality of Souls , and a Future Life of Retribution . For if there were not a very great difference between Moral Good and Evil , what should make all the world , even the worst of men , be so desirous to be accounted Good , and so impatient of being thought and called naught , and as they deserve . And if the difference be so vast here , must there not needs be a Governour of the World that hath made such a difference by his Laws and Providence , and who will make a greater difference hereafter , when the End and Judgment cometh . § 3. Among other Causes of Humane Pravity and Confusion , one is the exceeding difficulty that young men meet with , in the communication of so much Knowledge as they must necessarily receive from others . Knowledge is not born with them : It is but the power and capacity of it , and not the act in which an Infant excels a Dog. And how shall they have it but by Objects and Communication ? And Objects tell them not things past , the Knowledge of which is necessary to make them understand things present , and to come ; and without which it is not possible to be wise . And God teacheth not Men now by Angels sent from Heaven , but by Men that were taught themselves before ; and by his Spirit blessing mens endeavours . And when I have said [ by Man ] how bad , how sad a creature have I named ? Alas ! David's haste Psal . 116. was not erroneous passion ; nor Paul's words , Rom. 3. a slander , when they called all men Lyers , that is untrusty ; and so little do men know that must teach others , and so much doth all corruption incline them to love flattering Lies , and to take fleshly Interest , the World , and the Devil for their Teachers , and to hate the Light , because it disgraceth their hearts and deeds , and so much goeth to make a man wise , that it must be a wonder of merciful Providence that shall help young men to Teachers that shall not be their Deceivers . There were ever comparatively few that were truly wise and trusty , and these usually despised in the World. § 4. And how should young men know who these are ? This is the grand difficulty that maketh the Errour of the World so uncurable . It requireth much wisdom to know who is wise , and to be trusted ; who can well discern and value that Knowledge in another , which he is a stranger to himself ? Experience tells us , that young unexperienced men do commonly receive that man's Opinions , 1. Who hath by nearness , or some accident the greatest advantage in their esteem and love : 2. Or his that speaks most for their fleshly Interest , and for that which they would have to be true : 3. Or his that hath the last word . It cannot be expected that they judge of any thing , beyond the advantage of their senses , and the Notitiae communes , according to Evidence of Truth , which must be received by long and serious study , and by willing honest minds , and by the help of antecedent Verities . § 5. In this therefore Divine free Election is very manifest ; As in giving the Gospel to some Nations in the World , when most others never have it , so in giving some young persons the blessing of good Education , and Teachers , and chusing for them that were unable to chuse well for themselves ; as also in blessing the same helps to one , which are despised by another . And verily when I have been long stalled with the difficulties about Election and Differencing Grace , undeniable Experience hath been my chief Conviction . If the Gospel be true , the common worldly fleshly sort , that are for Christ but by Tradition , Law and Custom , and are religious for worldly ends , and no farther than the Interest of the Flesh and World will give them leave , have no true Saving Grace at all . And the rest that seriously believe and seek a better Life , and live above fleshly worldly Interests , are in most places few , and made the scorn and hatred of the rest . And if de facto , God do sanctifie only a peculiar People , who can deny his differencing Will and Grace ? § 6. I was my self in my Childhood ignorant what Teachers among such diversity I should prefer . And first God had such a witness in my Conscience , that Virtue and Holiness were better than Vice and Sin , that it made me think that the sort of Teachers who Traded meerly for the World , and never spake a serious , word of Heaven , nor differed from sober Heathens , but in Opinion ; yea , that endeavoured to make serious Godliness to seem but Hypocrisie , were not like to be the wisest and most trusty men . And yet how to judge among the serious , which were right , was long too hard for me . § 7. When I came to consider of the Divisions of the Christian World , and ●eard the Papists pretend to Catholicism , and call all others Schismaricks or Hereticks , it sometime seemed a plausible Opinion , that the greatest Power and Dignity of the Clergy , was the Interest of Christianity : By Riches , Honour and Power , they may protect the Godly , and keep Religion from Contempt among the worldly sort of men , or from oppression at the least . 2. And I saw that in all Ages and Countries of the World , Historians tell us how rare a thing , a wise and holy Prince hath been , and how commonly by Wealth and Greatness they have been bred up in that Sensuality and Pride , which hath made them the Capital Enemies to serious Piety ; if not the Persecutors of it . 3. I thought with myself if such godly Christians , as much value the Interest of Religion had lived in such times and places , where Rulers were Persecutors of the Truth , how glad would they have been to have had the Power of Church-matters put into the hands of their Chosen Pastors , what would they have desired more ? 4. And I read that till Riches and honours were annexed to the Office , the People had still the Choice of their own Pastors , and therefore could not chuse but wish their Estates and Lives , and all , as well as their Religion , to be as much as might be in their hands . And so no doubt when the Bishops were advanced to great Diocesses , and Power , it was by the desire of the most Religious Christians , who valued most the Interest of the Church . 5. And I could not but observe , that though Christ gave his Apostles no Power of the Sword , he set them above other Ministers , not only in Miraculous Gifts , and Infallible testifying and recording his Commands and works , but in some sort of oversight , which seemeth a thing appointed for Continuance as well as preaching . 6. And I thought that if Church-Grandure were the Interest of Religion and Unity the strength of the Church , it lookt very plausibly to reason , that as Bishops were over Presbyters , so there should be some over Bishops ; and that National Churches should by such Government be hindered from Schism and Heresie as well as Parochial . And that Diocesans and Metropolitans Power should be derived from a Superiour as well as Presbyters . And that when poor Subjects dare not reprove a Prince , some that are above fearing his Power may . 7. And when I read the Popes Claim , I thought it seemed not improbable , that Petrus primus , and pasce oves meas , and super hanc Petram were not spoken in vain And these thoughts pleaded thus for Church-Grandeur in Prelates and Popes . § . 8. On the other side , I saw 1. That Christ said , His Kingdom was not of this world , and comes not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with observable Pomp. And that when they strove who should be greatest , he reproved them , and Concluded [ with you it shall not be so ] and that the most serviceable is to be accounted the greatest ; that Peter himself accordingly describeth their office , 1 Pet. 5. 2. I find that Christ appointed them another sort of work to do , even to Preach the Gospel to all Nations through all streights , difficulties and sufferings , and to baptize , and teach Christians to observe the Laws of Christ . And that as he never put the Sword into their hand , so an official declaring and applying his Word to voluntary Disciples was all their Office , as ordinary Pastors to be continued . 3. I find that Christ sent them out by two and two , as if it had been done on foresight , that men would erect a Church-Monarchy : And that no Scripture tells us of any division of the Church into Diocesses , where ore Apostle was a Monarch , or had Power above the rest , or was his Peculiar Province : Nor that the twelve settled twelve such , or any as the seats of their Successors . 4. I find not that ever any one Apostle exercised Government over the rest : Nor that ever Christ gave the rest any Command or Direction to obey any one ; Nor that ever the Contending or Schismatical sort of Christians were directed to end their strise , by taking any one for the Head who must determine all their Controversies : And that they that said [ I am of Cephas ] are reproved with the rest . And that all are called Members of the Body , and only Christ the Head. And if it had been his will that One Universal Head or Power should have been set up as the Principium , or Center of Unity , it is a matter of so great consequence , that it is not to be believed that Christ would not have plainly commanded it . 5. I find that Christ hath himself done the work , for which the necessity of Universal Humane Government ( by Pope or Councils ) is pretended ; viz. He hath made and caused his Apostles ( peculiarly qualified for it ) to record Universal Church-Laws , even as many as are Universally necessary : And if so , I cannot but think , 1. That he hath done it better than Man can do ; 2. And that to add more unnecessarily must needs be a snare and burden to the Church ; 3. And that it must be an usurping the Power of Christ : For if there be no other Universal Governour , there is no other that hath Authority to make Universal Laws . Therefore this is Treason against Christ , and a making Man a Vice-Christ . 6. I found that there is not so much as a Natural Capacity in any one , or many , for an Universal Government : Church-Government being of such a nature as maketh it far more impossible , than for one Monarch or Aristocracy to Govern all the Earth : And to do it by a truly General Council , or by the Diffused Bishops of all the World is further from possibility than to do it by a Pope . 7. I searcht the Councils pretended to be General , to see whether they had made any better Laws than Christ's , or made any desirable addition . And I found 1. That while they were not wholly Papists , they never pretended to make Canons for any Christians , but only those in the Roman Empire . 2. And that it had been much happier for the Churches if they had made no more Laws than Christ had made them , for holy Doctrine , Worship , and Church-Discipline , and had only as Teachers expounded and applied the Laws of Christ . 8. I considered the Present State of the Church Universal , and I find it such as no Party of Christians in the World doth own . The Pope pleadeth for an Universal Soveraignty , and all his Clergy do the same ; some saying it is in Councils , some in the Pope , and most in both together , or Councils approved by the Pope : And Protestants , Greeks , Nestorians , Jacobites , and almost all other Christians in the World , accuse this Roman Church and Claim . The Papists condemn the rest : The Greeks , Arminians , and almost all the rest accuse each other . 9. I considered what Popery is , that is , Clergy-Power in its height , and what it hath done in the World. And I found 1. A woful description of the lives of multitudes of Popes , recorded by their own most credited Historians . And 2. I found multitudes of vicious Canons obtruded by them as Laws on the Universal Church . 3. I found most doleful Histories of the Wars and Rebellions that they have caused from Age to Age. 4. I found that they have corrupted the Doctrine of Christ in abundance of particulars . 5. And that they have lockt up the Sacred Scriptures from the Vulgar , as they have not done their Canons . 6. And that they have turned God's Spiritual Worship into a multitude of Superstitious Rites , and scenical Ceremonies and Shews . 7. And that they have turned Spiritual Church-Discipline into a secular sort of Tyranny . 8. And that they have most schismatically unchurched the rest of the Churches , because they are not Subjects of the Pope . 9. And that they have branded the soundest Churches with the name of Hereticks , while they are the grand Heresie of the World. 10. And that they have been and are the greatest Silencers of sound Preachers , and hinderers of true Piety and Reformation in the Church . 11. And that they have wofully vitiated the People that are their Subjects , so that odious wickedness fed by Ignorance , abounds among them ; and it is their Votaries that are called Religious , and a few Canonized persons Saints ; as if Religion and Sanctity were rarities , or any could be saved without them . 12. Lastly , I find that they have lived upon Blood , like Leeches , and have been the cruellest Persecutors of holy men , on pretence of killing Hereticks : And that it is this to which they trust . 10. I took not this notice of them upon meer prejudice , but have read , I think , as many Papists Books , as Protestants , or any other against them . Nor have I taken it upon dark Scripture Prophecies , suspecting my understanding of them : But 1. The matter of fact from themselves : 2. Against their Papal Supremacy from such Arguments as are fully collected by Dr. Barrow . 3. Against their heinous Church-corruptions , from such Moral Evidence as Dr. H. Moore hath fully gathered in his Mystery of Iniquity . 4. Against their pretences of Tradition and Antiquity , I fetcht my Arguments from the Histories and Authors which they themselves alledge , and especially their Councils , with the Fathers Writings . § 9. Seeing the Church in this sad Condition , and the Papal part so greatly vitiated , I considered how long it had so been . And I found that the Pope and his Bishops grew not up like a Mushroom in a day ; but had been long in thriving to maturity : And I met with no man that could just tell what Year or what Age the disease or tumor did begin . Bishop Bromhall thinks if they will abate their last 400 years Innovations , we may have hope of agreeing with them . Bishop Gunning will own no General Councils , but the first six ; some will receive eight ; some but four . Mr. Morrice here goeth no further in his defence of them , whatever he think . Some begin Popery with Leo the great , some with Gregory's Successour . But it is most certain , that it was first an Embrio , and next an Infant and so grew up from Childhood to maturity by degrees . And the first Church-corruption was not that which we now call Popery . And it is as certain that the tumor did neither begin nor grow up in the Bishop of Rome alone , but in other Bishops , who grew up with him , & were his strength and Councils , and he their Head. § 10. It is known when the Greeks and Romans began most notably to strive which should be greatest , and how the division increased , and when and how it came to an anathematizing or excommunicating each other . § 11. It 's notorious that it was from the Councils of Calcedon , and Ephesus , that the great separated bodies of Nestorians and Eutychians ( now called Jacobites ) that possess the East and South , were broken off with Nestorius and Dioscorus , and so continue to this day . § 12. I considered who were the Chief Authors of all these lamentable Schisms , and Church-corruptions in the several Ages when they rose , and who continue them to this day : And I found that many Princes were much to be blamed , and the People not Innocent , no not the Religious Monks . But the Bishops that had the main Church-power , by abusing it , were with their Clergy the principal Causes , and so are to this day : The breaches might yet be healed in East , West , and South , were it not for them . § 13. Finding this in History of undoubted Truth , I next considered what was the Cause that the Bishops and their Clergy should become such Church-corrupters and Dividers , and still continue the Churches miseries . And I found as followeth , 1. That none are able to do so much hurt as those that have the greatest Parts , Power , Interest and Trust . None kill so many ( except Souldiers ) as those Physicians who are entrusted to heal and save them . If five hundred neighbours mistake a man's Disease , whom he never trusted , it hurts him not : But an unskilful Nurse or Parent may kill a sick Child ; and an unskilful or unfaithful Physician may kill multitudes . 2. And there goeth so much to make a man a skilful , faithful Pastor , as that such are rare . As a Physician is like to kill his Patient , if he mistake but some one thing in his Disease , or some Ingredient in his Medicine , though he were right in all the rest : So if a Guide of Souls were excellent in all other things , what work one Opinion , yea or unskilful word may make , not only the case of the Nestorians , Eutychians , Monothelites , &c. tell us , but even the strife that arose in the Church about Hypostasis and Persona , which had almost hereticated Jerom himself , for all his skill in the Languages : And the case of the Greeks and Latines about [ Filioque ] and abundance such . 3. And Pride is the Heart of the Old Man ; first living , and last dying . And great Power , great Parts , and great Esteem do feed it , if true Grace do not mortifie it . Knowledge puffeth up ; and especially when men live among the ignorant and unlearned , and are but half Learned themselves , and are thought by the people and themselves , to be much wiser than they are : Inter coecos luscus Rex . 4. And Selfishness is the very sum of all positive iniquity : And Pride and Selfishness make men desirous to be the Idols of the World , and to seem as Gods knowing good and evil , and to have their will of all that they have to do with . 5. And the strongest temptations use to cause the greatest sins , § 14. These Generals presupposed , it is most clear , 1. That the remnant of these sins , even in Christ's Apostles , set them on striving who should be greatest , and made James and John desire preheminence , and also to have called for Fire from Heaven ; and made them after Christ's Resurrection , hope that he would have restored the Earthly Kingdom unto Israel . And it put Paul to vindicate his Apostleship against many that disparaged him ; As it made Diotrephes , who loved to have the preheminence , to cast out the Brethren , and speak evil of John : It gave Peter occasion to warn the Bishops not to Lord it over God's Heritage , but to be Examples to the Flock , overseeing them not by constraint , but willingly . 2. Even in good men this fault , though not in a reigning degree , did live more in others afterwards , that had not that measure of the Spirit as the Apostles had to overcome it . And if even in Paul's daies he had none like-minded to Timothy , who naturally cared for the good of all ; for all ( too much ) sought their own , and not the things that are Jesus Christ's , as Demas forsook him for some worldly Interest ; what wonder is it if afterward Pride and Worldliness grew greater , and Heresies and Strifes increased . 3. Yet while Christianity was a suffering and laborious State , the Pastors of the Churches were commonly the best men , that had more Knowledge , Holiness and Love than others , and the Churches prospered under the Cross : They that spared not their labours , but imitated the pattern set by Paul , Acts 20. did not strive who should have the largest Diocess , and undertake that which they could not do , but they strove to do as much as they were able , and to increase and edifie the Flock . 4. But when extraordinary Gifts abated , and acquired Ones became more necessary , and few Philosophers turned Christians , able Taking Preachers or Orators grew fewer , and those few that were eminent in Knowledge and Speech were justly preferred before the rest . And usually some one man had the chief hand in converting men , and gathering a Church in each particular Town , and then he rightfully was taken for their Pastor : And it being found that the publick and private care of Souls required in each Church , where were fit men , more than one Pastor ; It was not meet that more should be brought to ●im that was there before , without his approbation and consent ; but that he were to the Juniors as a Father ; And because the rest were usualiy below him in Gifts and Worth , it was thought but meet that they should do what they did by his consent : And also to avoid Divisions , to which they were over-prone , it was judged fit that one should have the preheminence , and a negative , and partly ruling Vote . 5. The Churches , which in the beginning had these Bishops and Fellow-Presbyters , were single Congregations : And shortly they grew to be more than could meet together in some few great Cities ; Persecution hindering them from very large Assemblies , besides their want of large capacious Temples . Dr. Hammond thinks that there is no evidence , that in Scripture-time there were any other Presbyters than Bishops , and consequently a Bishop had but one Congregation , unless he went one hour to one , and another to another , which was not their use . But doubtless in this he is mistaken , as the many Speakers as Corinth shew . 6. The Greatness of the Roman Empire was prepared by God to be then an exceeding great fortherance of the Gospel : For under the same Civil Laws and Powers , where one or two Languages were understood by most , Christians had the far greater advantage for Communication . Want of forreign Languages is now our great hinderance from Preaching the Gospel to other Nations of the World : And the Confusion at Babel was an unspeakable Judgment . But as Ships , yea Navies , can sail on the Ocean , when small Barks or Boats only can pass on Rivers ; so the vastness of the Roman Empire was a great help to the Church , by Communication , Language and Accesses : But especially when the Emperour became Christian , the advantage was exceeding great : Whereas now the Greatness of the Turkish , Tartarian & Indostan Empire , are great Impediments to the Gospel ; because the Barbarians are more cruel Enemies than the Civil Romans ( notwithstanding the ten Persecutions ) were ; and their opposition is the more extensive by the extent of their Dominions ; and the Christian Churches having now more scandalized the Infidels by their corruptions . While they were not corrupted by worldly power and wealth , the great holiness of the Churches convinced the sober part of the Empire . Albaspineus shews us clearly that their strictness was so great , that they endured no notable scandalous sin among them ; yea and came very near to the Novatians in their Discipline : And that it was not for greater strictness that the Novatians were condemned , but for denying the Power of the Church to absolve men penitent that sinned after Baptism . And their Canons shew it . And it is certain , that Christians obeying Paul , avoided the Heathen Judicatures as much as might be , and censured those that did not , and ended their Differences by the way of Arbitration , and took the Bishop with the Consent of his Clergy to be an Authorized Arbitrator ; and thus the affairs of all the Christians being cast upon him , and he having no power to force any but only to govern Volunteers , the Bishops were constrained to make their Rules of Discipline so much the stricter , that all that would not renounce Christianity , and Church-Communion , might be brought to Obedience to escape Excommunication . 7. God having made the Great Power and Extent of the Roman Empire , so great a means for the propagation of Christianity , the Christians thought that the Greater they grew themselves , the more it would tend to the Churches deliverance , from contempt and persecution : And their advancement lay in that advancement of the Bishops , which private men could not expect , save only by subsequent participation . Hereupon the Bishops , by the Peoples consent , endeavoured to form the Government of the Church within the Empire , into a conformity to the Government of the Empire : And they contrived that those Cities whose Governours had the chief Civil Power , their Bishops should have answerable Church-Power ; the Glory of the Empire drawing them for seeming Interest , into imitation . 8. From the like Principles they desired greatly the enlargement of the Churches of which they were Overseers : And whereas Christ had made single Churches like Schools , and every stated Worshipping Church , was also a Governed Church , as every School hath its School-Masters , one , or mo●● by degrees these Churches were by degeneration quite altered 〈…〉 o other things : First , They were like a Parochial Church , 〈◊〉 addeth Chappels : They thought not so contemptibly of the P●●●●ral work as we do , but found enough , as is said , for many me 〈…〉 a Church of a few hundred or thousand souls : And when by Persecution , or Numbers , or Distance , they could not all meet ordinarily in one place , they appointed them to meet under several Presbyters , in several places , but without appropriating a particular Presbyter to each Assembly . 2. After they appropriated them to their distinct charges , and distinguished a stated Worshipping company from a Governed Church , the Bishop and his Consistory ruling all in common ; and the People tyed to communicate only at the Bishops Altar , and elsewhere to be but Hearers and Worshippers . 3. After that they set up Altars up and down for Monuments and Memorials of Martyrs , and then in the Presbyters Chappels ; yet so that the People were at Easter , Whitsuntide , and the Nativity , to communicate with the Bishop in the Mother Church or Cathedral . 4. Then when Country-Villages distant had a great increase of Christians , they allowed Country-Bishops , Chorepiscopos , ( proved by Petavius to be true Bishops ; if they were not , Presbyters ordained . ) But they must be subject to the City Bishop . 5. After this they decreed that very little Cities should have no Bishops , ne vilescat nomen Episcopi ; whenas before that every City had a Bishop and Elders , that had Christians enow : And every Town , like our Corporations , or Market-Towns , were called Cities : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did not signifie only such as we now call Cities distinct from such Towns ; were they no bigger than Cenchrea , Majuma , and such others close to greater Cities , they had Bishops . Yea every Church was to have their Elders , ( and consequently Bishops , saith Dr. Hammond ) where ever it was , by the Rule of the Holy Ghost , Acts 14. 23. And God never said , Let there be no Churches but in Cities : Else when an Emperour would put down all the Cities , or many , he should put down as many Churches . 6. After this they set up Patriarks as before they had done Metropolitans : And it was three that they first set up ( but no where out of the Empire : ) And the Papists find in the Institution the mystery of Trinity in Unity : For they could not find any where Twelve Seats Successors to the Twelve Apostles ; and so they feigned , that Peter being the Center of Unity , The Trinity flowed from him . 1. He as Bishop erected the Antiochian Patriarchate . 2. By St. Mark his Disciple , the Alexandriau . And 3. By his final Episcopacy the Roman , saith Joh. Dartis , de statu Eccles . tempore Apostoli , pag. 23 , 24. [ Imitatur Ecclesia Deum ut trinum in Personis & unum in essentia , quatenus scilicet una & eadem Ecclesia est multiplex ratione locorum ; nam distributio prima & generalis omnium Ecclesiarum fuit in tres Patriarchatus , Romanum , Alexandrinum , & Antiochenum , ut unum esset per tres Antistites Sacerdotium ad Trinitatis instar cui una est atque individua potestas ut recte interpretatur Symmachus Pap. ad Eonium — Dicendum est quod sicut in Trinitate una existente essentia , tamen personae differentes existunt , it a Ecclesia una est essentia , licet plures particulares existant : Et sicut omnes Trinitatis personae originem sumunt à Patre , qui est origo Filii , & uterque Sp. Sancti , ita Ecclesia origo est Romana aliarum . ] 7. At the same time they began to describe Churches or Bishops Provinces by the Measures of Land , which before were described by the Persons of Volunteers , inhabiting near each other , saith the aforesaid Dartis p. 128. Et sane diu duravit ille mos tanquam Apostolicus in Ecclesiis , ut non essent alii termini Episcopatus quam multitudo eorum quos ad fidem convertissent & baptizassent , which he proveth out of the Canons . 8. Rome being the imperial Seat , the Bishop of Rome was nearest the Emperour and subordinate Rulers , and so most capable to make Friends for Christians under any Accusations and Persecutions ; by which advantage all Christians through the Empire needing and being glad of such help , did willingly give the Primacy to the Romane Patriark . 9. The Emperor Constantine turning Christian , and taking them for his surest Souldiers , resolved to raise them as high as he well could , for the interest of Christianity and his own , and thereby to work down the Heathens by degrees , and accordingly gave them chief Countenance , and chief Power ; and their Bishops being their chief men , it must be done by exalting them . He made them the authorized Judges of all Christians that desired it , even in criminal cases . He yet gave not the Bishops the power of the Sword ; but if any Christians had committed Fornication , Adultery , Perjury , yea Murder , the Bishop was to punish them by Pennance and Suspension from the Sacrament : Besides which , Christians had the chief Preferments as they were capable of in the Armies and Civil Government : So that they triumphed over their late Persecutors , And now Honour , Power and Wealth , were most on the Christians side , but especially the Bishops . 10. Worldly Interest being now on the Churches side , much of the World by such Motives crowded into the Church , and no man can imagine that it could be otherwise , who considers which way the Vulgar go , and how apt to be of the Prince's mind , and how much nature inclineth to fleshly Interest : Who had not rather be kept from the Sacrament and Communion for a crime , till he profess Repentance , than to be hanged or banished , or ruined for it ? But especially the Temptation was strongest to the Bishops , whose baits were the most alluring : And ever since then they that most loved Wealth , Power and Honour ( that is , the worst , most worldly men ) have been the most eager desirers and seekers of Bishopricks : And while humble holy men must rather be sought to , such earnest seekers are like to be the ordinary finders and possessors . 11. But yet three things kept up for some time a considerable number of godly Bishops in the Churches , which with the humble Presbyters , kept up the Interest of sound and practical Religion . 1. Those that had been tryed worthy men before Constantines conversion , and the Bishop's exaltation , kept their Integrity in the main ; though in the Nicene Council their contentious Libels shewed that we are more beholden to Constantine than to them , that they fell not into such strife as their Successors did . Good men may be carryed too far in Pride and Strife , but they will not be mastered by them , and turn against the Power of Godliness . 2. The People and Inferiour Clergy had the choice of their Bishops : And so ( though they oft had tumults , as in popular Elections it will be ) yet the worst ambitious men were long kept out , and the best oft chosen , till the People and Presbyters themselves were corrupted . 3. And divers good Emperours arose that took some care to promote the best : But alas ! this had sad and frequent interruptions . 12. For the Arians possest Constantine himself with hard thoughts of Athanasius and his Adherents : And it could not be expected that Julian should countenance the best , when Constantius and Valeus had done so much against them , and got most of all the Churches headed by Arian Bishops ; to say nothing yet of after times . 13. But now two things became matter of Contention among the Bishops and their Clergy , and increased the strife from time to time . The first and chief was the Old Cause greatly strengthened , viz. Who should be greatest ? Who should have the largest , fattest , and most Ruling Diocess and Seat ? The other was , Who should be taken for the most Orthodox , and whose Explications of the Faith should be taken for the soundest ; especially about the description of the Person and immanent acts of Christ ? Or briefly , 1. Jurisdiction and Greatness : 2. Wisdom and hard words . 14. Now also Constantinople contended with Rome , and being the Seat of the Empire which they judged to be the true Reason of Church-preheminence , they at first modestly took the second place : And now the Trinity of Patriarchs was turned to five , Jerusalem being made the fifth . At all this Rome grudged . 15. All this while the old Discipline of the Church was tolerably kept up ; 1. Because though much of the world had got into the Church , yet a very great part were tenacious of their Heathenish Customs , and prejudiced against Christians by their Contentions , ( odiously described by Am. Marcellinus , and many others , and prejudiced against Constantine for his Son Crispus and Sopaters death , &c. and against Constantius for the Murder of Julian's Relations ; and being taken with the plausible parts of Julian , and with the great Learning and highly extolled Lives of Plotinus , Porphyrius , Jamblichus , Aedesius , Maximus , Proeresius , Libanius , Chrysanthius , and such others , described by Eunapius , &c. so that except Rome and Alexandria , for 200 years , and some few of the very great Churches for 400 , the Churches were no greater than one Bishop and his Consessus , might tolerably govern by the Keys . 2. And all this while all the Presbyters were Church-Governours as well as the Bishop , though he was their Chief , and all Excommunications were to be done by joint consent ; And so many Church-Governours may do more than one . 16. Then Councils called General , having by the Emperours Grant , and the Clergies Desire and Consent , the Supreme Church-Power , it was in these Councils that the Pride , Ambition and Domination of all the worldly Prelates that were too soon got in , did exercise it self as the valour and wit of Souldiers in a field of War : And as 1. The good men yet among them ; 2. And the Articles of Faith yet retained by them , did cause them to do much good against some Heresies and Disorders , so the Pride and Turbulency , yea ignorance of the rest , caused them to become the occasions of the doleful Schisms , and Heresies ; and Enmity of Christians against each other , which continue to this day unhealed . 17. These hurtful Contentions in Councils at first prevailed but little , and that at Nice did much more good ( I think ) than harm : And after at Constant : a little more hurt was done , and much good : And those that followed did worse and worse , till the proud worldly Spirit contracted Malignity , and so much prevailed , that for a thousand years at least the Bishops with their Prelatical Clergy and their Councils have been the grand Corruption and Plague of the Church ; which many of the most Learned Expositors of the Revelation , take to be the Image of the Beast ; and Dr. H. Moore calls it a Heathenish Christianity , which they have made their Religion . 18. In their progress to all this , as the Diocesses first grew up from our Parochial Magnitude towards that of the present Diocesan , so the very Pastoral Power of all the rest of the Presbyters , was by degrees taken away , so far as that they had no consenting power in Ordinations or Excommunications , unless the Bishop would chuse a few for his Council : so that the proper power of the King 's was confined to one Bishop over many hundred Parishes ; and so Discipline became an impossible thing , save as it served the Bishops against some that they disliked : And so the Church which was as the Garden of Christ , became like the Commons , and good and bad were little differenced in Communion . 19. Yet because the Power must still be useful to the Bishops ends , as he sees cause , some shadow of the old exercise must be kept up : But the Bishop having not leisure for the tenth part of the labour which this very shadow required , Lay-men are made his Chancellours to decree Excommunications and Absolutions , and to Govern by the Church Keys ; like a secular Court : And Commissaries , Officials , Surrogates , and other hard names and things , are set up instead of the Presbyters and their Antient Office. 20. By this time the Antient Species of the Churches was altered ; and whereas it was long held , that a Church and Bishop were Correlates , and there were no more Churches than Bishops , now many hundred or a thousand Parishes are become no Churches , but parts of one Diocesan Church , which is the lowest , and many score or hundred of the old sort of Bishops , all cast out and swallowed up by one . Just as if a thousand , or some hundred Schools should have but one Governing Schoolmaster , and be but one School , but each part have an Usher to read to the Boyes , and tell the one Schoolmaster as a Monitor what they did amiss ; but might correct none , nor put them out . 21. By this time they began to live on blood ; and even as they swelled in the beginning , cruelty grew up equally with Pride : For Reason and Scripture were not on their side , nor would justifie their Cause and them , and therefore violence must do it : They desired not the bare title of Power , but the exercise of it , to promote the Issues of their Wit and Will. They began with rash silencing , ejecting and deposing Dissenters , and thence to anathematizing them , and thence to banishing , till at last it grew up to tormenting in the Inquisition , and burning them . 22. And whereas ( notwithstanding the petty Heresies among Christians too early ) the glory of the Antient persecuted Christians was their entire Love and Concord , and the shame of the Philosophers was their discord ; it came to that pass , that whereas a Heresie of old did start up among a few for a small time , like our Ranters and Quakers , who shame Religion no more than Bedlams shame Reason : Now the great Continents of the Earth have been the Seats of the millions of those called Hereticks and Schismaticks by each other , about 1400 or 1300 years . Eusebius in Praepar . & Demonstr . copiously sheweth that the Philosophers were all confounded in dissention ( and yet did not persecute each other ) but that the Christians were all of one Religion , cleaving to one Sacred Word of God : Of which also see Raym. Breganium in Theol. Gent. de Cogn . Dei , Enar. 5. cap. 8. To be Lovers of good men , was the character of the old Bishops : To be dividers , and haters , and slanderers , and silencers , and persecutors , and murderers of them , grew up with corrupters Pride . 23. And with these did gradually grow up corruptions of Doctrine , even while they pretended a burning Zeal against Heresie ; and corruption of God's publick Worship , till it grew up to all the Mass and Roman Impurities . 24. And to secure all this against Reformation , ridiculous Legends , and falsification of Church-History , made it hard for posterity what to believe , or whom . § 15. Being thus far sure of the matter of fact , by what degrees Prelacy grew up to the height , that it hath now attained in the World abroad , I considered what men thought of it now at home ( I am speaking yet but of matter of fact ; ) and I found great diversity in mens thoughts of it . 1. As to the Roman height , I found that the Church of England since the Reformation till A. B. Laud's time took the Pope to be the Antichrist ; It was in their Church-books : Many other Bishops , as well as Bishop Downam , have written for it : What Bishop Morton , and Hall , and Abbot , and abundance such have written against Popery I need not name . 2. I found that then the stream began to turn , and the name of Antichrist was put out , and our Reconciliation with Rome was taken to be a hopeful work , and actually endeavoured ( which by their conversion all good men desire . ) 3. I found that many among us of greatest reverence and name had laid down such tearms as these , [ That the Catholick Church is one Visible Society under one humane Governing Soveraignty : That this Universal Soveraign hath power of Universal Legislation and Judgment : That the Colledge of Bishops through all the World , are this one Supreme Universal Soveraign : That they exercise it in General Councils when they sit : That every Bishop is by Office the Representative of his Diocesan Church ; and these Bishops may , or must have Metropolitans and Patriarchs ; and by these Patriarchs and Metropolitans per literas formatas , and their Nuntii the Universal Supreme Colledge may exercise their Power over all the World : And what they do thus , the Church or Colledge doth , in the intervals of General Councils : That the Pope of Rome is to be acknowledged the Principium Unitatis to this Universal Church and Colledge of Bishops , and the Ordinary President of General Councils ex Officio . That Councils called without the President who hath the sole power , are unlawful Assemblies , and punishable Routs . That the approbation of the President , ( if not of the most of the Patriarchs ) is the note by which an authoriz'd obliging Council is to be known from others . That the Pope is to be obeyed accordingly as Prime Patriarch , Principium Unitatis , President of General Councils , and Patriarch of the West . That all that will not unite with the Church of Rome on these tearms , are Schismaticks , and so to be accounted and used . That those that thus unite with the Church of Rome , are no Papists : But a Papist is only one that holdeth all to be just and good that is done by Popes , or at least one that is for the Pope's Absolute Power of Governing above Canon-Laws and Church-Parliaments or Councils . And that if they will but abate their last 400 years Innovations , or at least not impose them on others , we may unite with the Church of Rome , though they claim as Peter's Successors , the Universal Supremacy at least to be exercised according to the Canons of Councils . And that it is not the Church of Rome , but the Court of Rome , which at present we may not unite with . That the Church of Rome is a true Church , and hath had an uninterrupted Succession , and its Sacraments true Sacraments : But none of those Protestant Churches are true Churches , that have not Diocesan Bishops ; nor any of their Pastors true Ministers of Christ , who have not Diocesan Episcopal Ordination ; nor any that have such , unless it hath as such been conveyed down from the Apostles by uninterrupted Succession by such Diocesans . That such men have no true Sacraments , God not owning what is done by any not so ordained : That therefore they have no Covenant-promise of , or right to Pardon and Salvation , because such right is given only by the Sacrament : That therefore all such Protestants Sacraments are but nullities , and a prophanation of holy things : And that the Holy Ghost being the Instituter of these sacred things , it is the sin against the Holy Ghost to undertake and exercise the Ministry , & celebrate Sacraments without such uninterrupted successive Ordination . That an Ordained Minister , hath no more power than was intended him by his Ordainers : That in such Presbyterians , or Episcopal Churches , which have their power from the Ordainers , and so far for want of Succession , are nullities ; it is safe for men ( as e. g. in France ) to be rather of the Roman Church than theirs . § 16. And as I found this Doctrine in the ascendent in England , so I met with such as were for using Protestants accordingly , even for the silencing of them by thousands , if they would not swear , profess , promise , and do all that — And for using the People accordingly . And abating neither big nor little , an Oath or a Ceremony to unite or save them . And I lived in an Age where these things were no idle speculations . § 17. Being thus far sure of the Matter of Fact , I studied as well as I was able to know which of these waies was right : And I saw that either Popery that is , the Popes universal Headship or Government is of Divine Institution , or elss it is a heinous Usurpation , and formeth a sort of Church which is not on any pretence of Concord to be owned . And as to the first I have said before and in many Books what I have to say against it ; which is all summed up in Doctor Iz. Barrow , and Doctor H. Moore , and largely told the world by Chamier , Sadeel , Whitaker , Jewel , Usher , Morton , White , Chillingworth , Crakenthorne , and abundance more . And I thought it strange if either Papacy , or that Tympanite of the Clergy which tended to it , were of God , that the Persons should be ordinarily so bad , and it should introduce so great mischief in doctrine , worship and practice over the Christian world , and bring the Church into such a divided and polluted state , and that as the Clergy swelled the Body should pine away , and the Spirit of holiness and Love be turned into the Skelleton of Ceremony and Formality , and into hatred , cruelty , and tearing and tormenting pains . § 18. Upon all such thoughts I concluded in these resolutions ; 1. That I must not accuse any Office made by God , for mens abuse of it . 2. Nor must I accuse the good for the faults of the bad . 3. Nor Confound the Office it self , with its disease , and the accidental Tympanite . 4. Nor aggravate humane infirmities in good men , as if they were the crimes of malignant Enemies . 5. Much less lay any of the blame on Christianity or Piety , when nothing in the world is so much against all these Evils , nor would they have been so far limited , restrained or resisted , had it not been for that Christianity and Piety that was kept up against it ; nor is there any other cure of it . It is not by Religion , but for want of more true and serious Religion , that all these mischiefs have so lamentably prevailed . § 19. I therefore resolving to avoid extreams , concluded thus ; 1. That it is most certain that Christ is the only Head of the Church . 2. And that as such he himself did make universal Laws , and will be the final universal Judge , and there is no other that hath universal Legislative and Judicial Power but he . 3. As such he instituted necessary Church-Officers ; first , extraordinary ones to be his Instruments in Legislation , as Moses was to the Jews , giving them his Spirit extraordinarily for that use , to bring all that he taught them to their remembrance , and guide them to deliver and record all his Commands : And ordinary Ministers ( as the Priests and Levites to the Jews ) to teach and apply these Commands , or universal Laws , to the end of the World , but not to add , diminish or alter them . 4. That the formal Essence of this continued Sacred Ministry consisteth in a derived Power and Obligation in subordination to Christ as Prophet , Priest and King , to Teach , to Guide the Churches in holy Worship , and to Rule them by the Pastoral Power , which maketh them Ministerial Judges of mens capacity for Church-Communion ; but they have as such no forcing power of the Sword. 5. That there are two sorts of these Ministers accidentally distinguished : 1. Such as are only ordained to the Ministry in general , and not specially related to any one particular Church more than other ; whose work is to do their best to Teach Infidels , and baptize them , and gather Churches , and occasionally to Officiate orderly in such Churches where they come as need their help . 2. Those that have moreover an additional call to be the stated Pastors , Overseers or Guides of particular Churches as fixed Officers of Christ . All which have the three foresaid Essentials of the Office , to Teach , Worship and Rule . 6. That the Office of these men is to be performed by themselves , and no Lay-man may do any Essential part of them by their deligation , and therefore ( as in Physicians , Tutors , &c. ) necessary Personal abilities are as essential as the necessary dispositio materiae is ad receptionem alicujus formae . And ex quovis ligno non fit mercurius . 7. That it is very much , and great , and most important work , which these Ministers have to do . To Preach God's Word understandingly , faithfully , constantly , fervently ; to resolve the doubtful , to reprove the scandalous , to persuade the obstinate , to confute gainsayers , to comfort the sad , and strengthen the weak , particularly as there is occasion . To visit the sick , Catechize , Baptize , besides all acts of publick Government . Therefore one man cannot possibly do all this for too great a number of souls , but great Congregations must have many Ministers : And so they had in the Primitive Church , where the most able Speakers preacht usually in publick , and the rest did more of the personal and more private work . 8. And whereas it was very early that most single Churches had one that had a preheminence amongst the rest ( not as of another Office , but as a President in a Colledge of Philosophers , Physicians or Divine Students , to be a Governour over those of his own profession , by moderate Guidance , ) and it is not unmeet , that when one worthy Teacher hath gathered a Church , and brought up younger Christians to Ministerial abilities , that they when they are ordained should take him for their Father , I will never gainsay such an Episcopacy in single Churches ( that is , societies of Christians combined for personal Communion in Doctrine , Worship and Holy living under such Pastors as aforesaid . ) 9. And because I find that the Apostles and Evangelists had a Ministerial care of many Churches to teach , reprove , exhort the Pastors and People ; And though the Apostles extraordinary power and work ceased , yet Church-Oversight as well as Preaching being an ordinary continued work ; and when I find Christ hath instituted some Teachers over many Churches , I dare not say that he hath repealed this till I can prove it . And the nature of the thing tells us , that if some grave holy men have the care of counselling and warning and reproving the Ministers of many Churches who are below them in parts and worth ; It may do much good and can do no harm to the Churches , while they have no power of force or tyranny , Therefore I resolved never to speak or do any thing against such Bishops of Bishops , though Diocesan . § 20. Thus far I have oft declared my self for Episcopacy : But finding in all the aforesaid History , how the Church came to the woful State that it hath been in these 1200 years , and what it suffereth by the Bishops and their Clergy in almost all parts of the Christian World ; and that even the English Diocesans can endure no more Parochial Pastoral Discipline than they do ▪ ( I mean such as Bucer in Script . Anglic. prest so vehemently on King Edw. and the Bishops ) and that they cannot contentedly hold their Lordships , Wealth and Honours , without silencing and ruining Two thousand such as I , or better ; and using many thousands of godly Christians as they do ; and finding that I and such others are accused as being disobedient to them — and for not swearing and covenanting never to endeavour any alteration of their present Church-Government , and all excommunicate by the Canon that say there is any thing in it ( even from the Archdeacon downward to [ the rest in Office ] repugnant to the Word of God ) I took it at last to be my duty to give the Reasons of my dissent in a full Treatise of Episcopacy . And because I perceived young men and strangers to former times , deceived by the general noise , How Antient and Universal Episcopacy hath been ; as if all that is called Episcopacy were but one and the same thing ; or as if we were against the Primitive Episcopacy ; therefore I suddenly ( and too hastily for want of time , ) bestowed a few weeks in summing up the Heads of the History of Bishops and Councils , out of a few Historians which were most common , next at hand , and of most credit with those whose faults I opened : That it might be truly known How much the tumified degenerate sort of Prelacy had caused the Divisions and Calamities of the Church . § 21. For this Mr. Morrice ( as fame saith ) and many more are so greatly offended with me , and say of me herein what they do . And on pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church which untruly implyeth that I who vindicated it against corrupters did oppose it ) he defendeth the corruptions and sinful miscarriages and diseases of the Prelates : And this he doth , 1. By striving to make me contemptible as unlearned , as if that would excuse the sins which I rehearse and lament : He findeth in one place through my haste and heedlesness , a word of Theodoret misplaced , and the word [ Calami ] translated Quills , which he thinks should be Reeds ; and one or two more such ; as if he prevaricated , and had a design to extol the Book , which he finds no more and greater fault in , than he really hath done . And he proveth it likely that I never saw the Histories that stood by me near twenty years , because the Printer put a Comma between [ Marquardus ] and [ Freherus ] ( I think there are a dozen Comma's misplaced in my whole Book ; ) when he himself saith of his own Book [ The faults that have escaped are almost infinite . ] But of these things more anon . 2. He loudly and frequently chargeth me with malicious falsifying History ; and when he cometh to the proof , I have shewed you who the falsifier is . 3. The great thing I am accused of , is making the Bishops more the causes of Heresie , Schism and Violence , than they were : And of that I have said nothing , but what I think I have fully proved : And let the Reader judge by this following Catalogue . Dominee●ing Pride hath been the chief cause of Heresies and Schisms , especially working in the Clergy to tumid Prelacy and Tyranny . I. I before noted how the Apostles began to strive who should be greatest , till the effusion of the Spirit after Christs rebukes had cured them . And what tiranny Diotrephes used through love of Preheminence . II. If the doubtful stories of Simon Magus be true , his tumor was more than Papal ; And Epiphanius makes Menander , Saturnilus , Basilides , to be but his Off-spring . The Original of the Nicolaitans and Gnosticks ( who Epiphanius saith , had ensnared himself once ) is utterly uncertain ; Carpocras , Cerinthus , Ebion , Valentinus , Secundus , Ptolomaeus , were all but Birds of the same Gnosticks Nest , a crazed sort of men that mingled Christianity , Platonism , and Magical Imaginations ; and what they were themselves , is not known : Such was Marcus , Colarbasus , Heracleon , the Ophitae , the Cainites , the Sethians , Cerdo ; Marcion was a Bishop's Son cast out for vice ; and Lucian , Apelles and Severus his Off-spring , the Heads of their little Sects ; whether Bishops or not , is unknown . What kind of Hereticks Tertullian , Tatianus , and Origen were , and how many faults as soul Lactantius , and many not numbered with Hereticks have , is well known : And among all these in those early daies , till there were Popes and Diocesans ( such as now ) in the world , none such could be Hereticks . III. Many Councils contended about the time of Easter , and Victor with one part of Bishops , excommunicated Polycrates and the Arian Bishops ; while , as Socrates and Sozomen tell us , the Churches that left it indifferent had peace . IV. A Council of the best Bishops at Carthage decreed Rebaptizing . V. A Council of the Bishops of Cappadocia , Cilicia , Galatia , &c , at Iconium , for Rebaptizing those Baptized by Hereticks : And Stephen Bishop of Rome excommunicated them all . VI. A Council at Synadis , and divers others decreed the same Rebaptizing . VII . Divers more African Councils of good Bishops with Cyprian , decree the same , whom Stephen Bishop of Rome condemneth . VIII . Divers Bishops are said to be Sabellian Hereticks . IX . Paulus Samosatenus Bishop of Antioch was a Heretick . X. The Council of Bishops at Cirta in Numidia under Secundus Mr. M. calls worse than I do . XI . A Carthage Council of 70 Bishops An. 306. set up the Donatists Schism , striving for the preheminence , who should be Bishop of Carthage . XII . An. 308. Another Donatists Council had 270 Bishops . Many more Councils they had . XIII . The first General Council at Nice we honour , and assent to its Creed : But thank Constantine for burning all their Libels , and keeping peace by his presence and speech . XIV . The Schism made by Meletius and Peter , Bishops , is well known . XV. The Heresie of Arius ( a Presbyter that would have been a Prelate ) quickly infected Eusebius Nicomed . If not Eusebius Caesariensis , and divers other Bishops . XVI . Epiphanius saith , that Audius was driven to his Heresie by being long abused , beaten , and at last excommunicated for reproving the Bishops and Priests for their Covetousness , Luxury , and other sins : And so he became a Bishop himself . XVII . Eusebius Nicom . made Bishop of Constantinople ( whom you tell us Valesius thinks was no Heretick ) hired a Whore at Antioch , to father her Child on Eustathius the Bishop there , and got more Bishops to depose him , and the Emperour to banish him . XVIII . A Council of Bishops at Tyre unjustly condemn and persecute Athanasius . XIX . Three Bishops ( saith Mr. M. overcome with too much Wine and persuasion ) ordained Novatian falsly Bishop of Rome ( before this aforementioned . ) XX. A Council at Jerusalem An. 335. tryed and approved Arius Faith , and restored him . XXI . A Council at Constantinople condemned Marcellus Ancyranus , and Athanasius , and justified Arius . XXII . A Council of near 100 Bishops at Antioch , 36 being Arians , deposed Athanasius . XXIII . Another Council at Antioch make a new Creed without [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] XXIV . A Council of 376 Bishops at Sardica , decree Appeals to Rome , which Augustin and the African Bishops were against . XXV . The Semi-Arian Bishops went to Philippopolis , and condemned such as the other at Sardica had absolved , but cast out [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as not scriptural , and cast dreadful accusations on Athanasius , Paulus C. P. and Marcellus . XXVI . An. 350. A Council at Milan received Ursacius and Valens , Arians . XXVII . Stephen an Arian Bishop hired a Whore to go in to Bishop Euphratas ; and this Euphratas after turned Photinian . XXVIII . An. 353. A Council at Arles condemn Athanasius . XXIX . An. 355. A General Council at Milan of above 300 Western Bishops ( though the Eastern that were most Arian could not come ) where Athanasius was condemned , and communion with the Arians subscribed . XXX . An. 356. A Council at Byterris condemned and banished Hilary , and condemned them as Separatists or Schismaticks that renounced the Arian Communion . XXXI . A General Council at Sirmium of 300 Western Bishops besides the Eastern , made three different Creeds , condemned Athanasius , left out the word [ Substance ] made P. Liberius , and old Osius subscribe against Athanasius . XXXII . The Oriental Bishops at Ancyra were only for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and with Macedonius against the Godhead of the Holy Ghost . XXXIII . A General Council 400 Bishops met at Ariminum ; of whom most at first were Orthodox ; but after when the Emperour interposed , subscribed to the Arian Party . XXXIV . The rest sate at Seleucia , and were more Orthodox , but divided into Acacians , who were for leaving out [ Substance ] and Semi-Arians , who were for [ Like Substance . ] Sulp. Severus tells us , that many Bishops quieted their Consciences by [ subscribing in their own sense ] and so deceived the Arians that thought they had won them . XXXV . A Council at C. P. made a Ninth Creed , leaving out [ Substance and Hypostasit , The Semi-Arians for this banished the Authors . XXXVI . A Council at Antioch cast out Miletius , and made a Tenth Creed , worse than the rest . XXXVII . Julian Reigning , Athanasius calls a Council at Alexandria , which had almost divided East and West about the names [ Hypostasit and Persona ; ] but that some wise men persuaded them that the words were both of the same signification ; which yet was hardly entertained afterward . XXXVIII . A Council at Antioch of Semi-Arians Petitioned Jovianus to cast out the Acacians ; till they knew his mind , and then the Arian Bishops turned Orthodox . XXXIX . At a Synod in Tyana Eustath . Sebast . denied [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and the Godhead of the Holy Ghost . XL. An Arian Council of Bishops in Caria under Valens : And another at Singeduni in Misia . XLI . Damasus in a Roman Council condemneth Sisinnius for Conventicles : For at the Election in the Church they fought for these two : And Damasus his Party one day left 137 dead bodies behind them , and got the better . XLII . Valens by cruelty set up Arian Bishops in a great part of the Eas● . XLIII . The first General Council at C. P. is commonly called the Second General , when yet that at Sardica , Ariminum , Sirmium , Milan , were General also : They were many good men , and did good : But how they used Nazianzen to the great grief of the Church of C. P. and how Nazianzen describeth them , I desire the Reader to take from his own words , and not from mine , or Mr. M. XLIV . The Council at Caesar Augusta did that which made Martin separate from them and all their Councils after to his death . XLV . A Council at C. P. set up Flavian at Antioch , and a Council at Rome were for Paulinus : The former advance C. P. and Jerusalem . XLVI . Many Schismatical Councils of Donatist Bishops followed . XLVII . For Theophilus case I refer you to Socrates and Sozemene . XLVIII . Epiphanius his Schismatical usage of Chrysostom is unexcusable . XLIX . And so is Theophilus prosecution of him , and a Synod of Bishops casting him out , and Cyril's resisting the restoring of his name when dead , and reviling the Joannites that kept separated Meetings for his sake . L. The Diospolitan Council absolved Pelagius . Divers Carthage Councils condemned him . P. Innocent condemned him . Zosimus once absolved him , and condemned his accusers . The Bishops cast out for Simony , I will not number here . LI. The Contentions between Bonisace and Eulalius , and others after them to get the Bishoprick of Rome , are so many as I will not number them . And the striving of three Bishops successively against the African Fathers for the Roman super-eminence and Appeals to Rome , are commonly known . LII . One of Bishop Boniface's Decrees is , That [ No Bishop shall be brought before any Judge , Civil or Military , either for any Civil or Criminal Cause . ] LIII . What the first General Council at Ephesus did in the Cause of Nestorius I have fully opened : Derodons Evidence is undeniable , that Nestorius was Orthodox as to the Matter , though he mistook as to words , in thinking that Mary should not be called The Mother of God , but of Christ who is God. ( which Luther also shews . ) Yet since that Councils anathematizing him , a great body of Christians in many Eastern Kingdoms , to this day are a party hereticated by the rest . Is not such an effect of 1200 years continuance , a witness of the failing of that Council ? LIV. The Bishops of C. P. and Alexandria striving which should be greatest , a Council at C. P. decided it for C. P. where Theodoret was for Alexandria , and fell under displeasure . LV. Leo M. Bishop of Rome , claims the title of Head of the Catholick Church . LVI . Two Councils at C. P. one against Eutyches the other for him . LVII . The second Council at Ephesus is so heavily accused by Mr. M. and such others , that I need not accuse it more . Flavianus of C. P. was there hurt to death . Yet Bellarmin confesseth it wanted nothing of a true General Council but the Pope's approbation . LVIII . A Council at Alexandria under Dioscorus excommucateth Leo. LIX . What the Council of Calcedon hath done I have shewed : Instead of reconciling the Nestorian and Eutychian Controversies by a skillful explication of their ambiguous unfit words , they Anathematized both and banished Dioscorus , And ever since to this day , the Eutychians and Nestorians are separated Dissenters . LX. At Alexand. the Bishops party that the Council was for ( Proterius ) and Timothy whom Dioscorus party were for , so reged , that they murdered Proterius , and dragg'd his carkass in the streets , and bit his flesh : And each party still accused the other . LXI . Pulcheria ( Theodosius's Sister and Martian's Wife ) being for the Council , and Eudocia Theodosius's Widdow for Dioscarus , they animated the several Parties of Bishops and Monks : And in Palestine Juvenal Bishop of Jerusalem was expelled , Severianus Bishop of Schythopolis killed , &c. LXII . Leo the Emperour commanding obedience to the Calcedon Council , at Alexandria and Antioch the Armies of contending Bishops were in continual war , calling each other Nestorians and Eutychians ; one Bishop banished by the Emperour , the contrary Bishop murdered by the people , and cast into the River ; the next getting the better again , &c. LXIII . In Martian's and Leo's daies most Bishops subscribed to the Council . When Basiliscus usurped , and was against the Council , saith Niceph. three Patriarchs , and five hundred Bishops renounced it , most before having damned its adversaries . Basiliscus recanteth his Commands , and commandeth all to be for the Council , and the Bishops obey him , save those of Asia . Zeno recovereth the Empire , and is for the Council , and the Asian Bishops turn for it , and say they subscribed to Basiliscus at first for fear . Zeno seeing it impossible otherwise to make Peace , leaveth all indifferent whether they will subscribe the Council or not . Then the War grew hotter between the Bishops and their Armies against each other , specially the Patriarchs ; all being in Confusion , at Alexand. Antioch and C. P. and no Emperour wise enough to quiet them . LXIV . Anastasius a peaceable man , made Emperour , leaveth all to think of the Council as they will : Then the Bishops fall into three Parties ; some for every word in the Council ; some anathematizing it , and some for the indifferency : The East one way , the West another , and Lybia another ; yea each Country divided among themselves : Saith Niceph. So great confusion and blindness of mind befell the whole World. The Emperour falls upon the impeaceable of both sides : At his own place C. P. the Sedition of the People overcame him , for their Council Bishop , which turned the Emperour more against the Council , and that Bishop and the rest . LXV . At Antioch the Armies of two Bishops fought it out , and the Council Party getting the better , killed so many Monks , as to save the labour of burying them , they cast their bodies into the River : And after another Party of them made as great a slaughter . For this blood the Emperour banish'd Flavianus the Council Bishop : This was called Persecution . Pet. Alex. being dead , the Bishops of Alex. Egypt and Lybia , fell all into pieces among themselves , and had separate Meetings : The rest of the East separated from the West , because the West refused Communion with them unless they would anathematize Nestorius , Eutyches , Dioscorus , Moggus , and Acacius : And yet saith Niceph. Qui germani Dioscori & Eutychetis sectatores fuere , ad maximam paucitatem redacti sunt . Note that Flavian the Council Bishop for fear with his Fellow Bishops ( threatned by Bishop Xenaias ) subscribed an Anathema against Theodore , Theodorite , Ibas , as Nestorians : The Isaurian Bishops yield to anathematize the Council . Severus a fierce Enemy of the Nestorians made Patriarch at Antioch , forced many Bishops to renounce the Council ; and many to fly . The Isaurian Bishops repent and condemn Severus : The Emperour commanded out two Bishops for condemning their Patriarch : The People defend them , and force the Emperour to desist , because he would shed no blood for Bishops . Helias Bishop of Jerusalem , saw all the Bishops in such confusion , that he would communicate with none of them , but the Bishop of C. P. The Monks at Jerusalem proclaim Anathema to all that equal not the four Councils to the four Evangelists , and write to the Emperour that they would make good the conflict to blood , and went about to engage men to the Council : The Emperour commanded the Bishop to reform this : He refuseth . The Emperour sendeth Souldiers to compel them , and the Bishops and Monks forcibly cast them out of the Church . He sent Olympius with a stronger band , who cast out the Bishop : The next Bishops and more Souldiers had yet more conflicts after this , and the Souldiers driven away by force . LXVI . Faelix of Rome , with 77 Bishops , excommunicate Acacius of C. P. ( with a [ Nunquam Anathematis vinculis exuendus ) and their own two Bishops that obeyed the Emperour in communicating . The Schism between Laurentius and Symmachus , came to blood-shed , when five or six Councils laboured to heal it . Symmachus excommunicateth the Emperour and Bishop of C. P. as communicating with Hereticks ; but not an Arian King then at Rome . LXVII . A Council of 80 Bishops at Sidon anathematize the Council of Calcedon . The striving Parties keep up still in great Bodies , and the Melchites ( as they call those that obeyed Kings and the Council ) have one Patriarch at Damascus , the Eutychian Jacobites one at Mesopotamia , the Maronites one at M. Libanus , all called Patriarchs of Antioch , ( and the Romans make a fourth of the same title ) and the Nestorians have their Patriarch at Muzal . Of the many Heresies or Sects that rose up from the intemperate opposition to Nestorius , and the woful ruines they made in the East after the Calcedon Councils , and all caused by Pride and Prosperity , and wantonness of Wit , and stopt only by the Conquest of the Sarazens and Arabians , and how orthodox now in their Captivity and Poverty they all are , even the Jacobites , the Nestorians , the Armenians , the Cophti , the Abassines , the Indians , and the Maronites , see the notable words of Brierwrod Enquir . p. 180 , 181 , 182 , 183. As also how the Persian King was a great cause of the spreading of the Nestorians through his Dominions . LXVIII . The East and West were divided in Justin's Reign , on the Question , whether the names of two Orthodox dead Bishops should be restored into the Dypticks , even Euphemius and Macedonius , whom the Pope had damned as communicating with Hereticks ; the Bishops of the East being for it , and the West against it . LXIX . Justin turning the stream for the Calced . Council , the Bishops in a Council at Jerusalem , and another at Tyre are for it , and condemn Severus . And a Roman Council condemneth the three dead Bishops of C. P. Acacius , Euphemius and Macedonius . LXX . So far were the Bishops yet from Peace , that Justinian being Emperour , headed the Council Party , and his Wife the adverse Party . About 30000 they say were then killed in C. P. at an Insurrection . LXXI . A mischievous Schism for the Bishoprick at Rome , between Boniface 2. and Dioscorus and Agapetus after Boniface . LXXII . In Justinian's time a Controversie arose , whether we may say [ One of the Trinity was crucified ? ] Hormisda Bishop of Rome said No. The Nestorians took hold of this and said , [ Then we may not say Mary was Mother to one of the Trinity . ] Justinian sent for a Council about it to Pope John : He and his Bishops concluded contrary to Hormisda , that we may say [ One of the Trinity was crucified . ] And say Baronius and Binius [ Ita mutatis hostibus arma mutari necesse suit . ] Faith changeth as occasions change . Reader , if thou seest not here how Bishops have broken the Church in pieces , I must not tell thee , lest Mr. M. be angry . I intreat the Reader to see what I said , Hist . p. 132. of the Conference of Hypatius and the Eutychians . LXXIII . A Council at C. P. calls their Bishop Patriarcha Oecumenicus , and condemn divers Bishops , as doth a Council at Jerusalem . LXXIV . At Rome the Arian King made Silverius Bishop , and others chose Vigilius that murdered him . Vigilius excommunicated Menna of C. P. which Justinian revenged . LXXV . A new Controversie is stated whether Christs body was corruptible : The denyers had Gainas A. Bishop ; The affirmers had Theodosius ; The first were called Phantasiastae , the other Corrupticolae . Most were for Gainas , but the Soldiers for Theodosius : They fought many daies , and the Soldiers killed many , and many of them were killed , and the Women with stones from the top of the houses , and the Soldiers with fire , continued the war : And the division continued in Liberatus's daies : Justinian was so zealous for the Council of Calcedon , that he murdered thousands ( as they say ) in Egypt , and yet dyed a reputed Heretick himself , being for the Corrupticolae , and Evagrius saith , when he had set the whole world in tumult , he was damned himself . But God best knoweth that . LXXVI . A Council at Barcelona Decree that Priests must cut their beards , but not shave them . LXXVII . By the Cheat of an Eutychian Bishop Justinian was persuaded that the condemning of some Writings of Theodoré Mopsuest , Theodorite and Ibas , would reconcile the Bishops : He calls a General Council at C. P. to that end ( usually called the 5th ) His Letters are read opening the doleful divisions , that the Churches had no Communion with one another , &c. The three Bishops writings are read : Theodorite charged by this General Council with that salt Epistle against dead Cyril , and a like Speech at Antioch , and none vindicated him : Binius and Mr. Morice and others say the Letter is forged : I know not ; But the Tria Capitula are condemned . And now this General Council hath made a new dividing snare . Many that were for the Calcedon Council feared this was a condemning of what they did in receiving Theodorite , &c. The Adversaries were never the more satisfyed ; but saith Binius himself [ The end was not obtained , but a most grievous mischief added to the Church — The whole Catholick Church was torn by Schism , and worse , the Emperour stir'dup Persecution , deposed or banished P. Vigilius : But lest the East should all forsake the West , he recanted and consented to the Council . Doth either the work or the effect commend this General Council ? LXXVIII . A Council of Jerusalem save one Bishop , presently received this Decree . LXXIX . A Western Council at Aquileia condemn this 5th General Council at C. P. and ( saith Binius ) separated from the whole Catholick Church ( even from Rome ) for an hundred years till Sergius reconciled them . Q. Were the Western Bishops or the Pope then the Western Church ? So many separated , that Vigilius being dead , there could but two Bishops ( and a Presbyter ) be got to ordain Pelagius his Successor . But the Emperour and his Pope persecute the Bishops , and the Schism seemed desperate . LXXX . Another Council at C. P. An. 587. decree that John Bishop of C. P. be called The Universal Bishop ; which greatly increased the Churches divisions . LXXXI . King Gunthram called a Council at Mascon An. 589. finding all things grow worse and worse , & all long of the Bishops only , saith Binius . LXXXII . Even Great Gregory called a Synod against the dissenting Bishops , and they not obeying his summons , the Bishop of Aquileia was ruined ( the Western Head ) Sabinian that succeeded Gregory would have had his Books burnt . Boniface the third got Phocas the Murderer to declare Rome the Chief Bishops Seat ( He to whom Greg. had sung Laetentur coeli , & exult et terra , &c. ) LXXXIII . Next rose up the Monothelite Controversie , Cyrus Bishop of Alexand. to end the Controversies aforementioned , was told that to use the word [ Dei virilis operatio & voluntas ] would unite them all , which past as satisfaction in a Council at Alexand . P. Honorius persuaded them to silence [ One ] and [ Two. ] But this Counsel was rejected , and now whether Christ had [ One or Two Wills and Operations , became as de fide , the new War of the Bishops through the world . Some were for [ One ] and some for [ Two ] as if [ Will and Operation , and One or Two ] were words that had but one signification ; When every Novice in Philosophy must grant that Christ's Will and Operation in some sense , was but One , and in other senses Two , as I have proved . But Sergius Bishop of Const . set it on foot , Heraclius being for it , and Pyrrhus his Successor followed it on . And Sergius by a Council of Bishops at C. P. decreed for [ One Will. ] The Opinion and the Emperour Constans his silencing both , are condemned at Rome . The Pope , Emperours and Bishops , are all condemned , and persecuting each other about it . LXXXIV . Const . Pogonat . called a General Council at C. P. called the 6th , which condemned Macarius Bishop of Ant. and the pacificatory Epistles of P. Honorius and Sergius as Heretical , and all that were for One Will , and One Operation of Christ ; 1. As denominated a naturis & earum principiis seu facultatibus , the Divine and Humane Will and Operations were and are Two : 2. As denominated ab unitate persona ; they are the Will and Operations of One person , and so far may be called One. 3. As denominated ab unitate objectiva they are One : The Divine and Humane Nature will the same thing , so far as the Humane willeth , and do so far the same work : But if any will make a new Heresie by disputing whether the Divine Nature alone do not will and act somewhat without the volition and action of the Humane ( since the Incarnation ) they shall have no company of mine in it . 4. In the sense as the Operation of the principal and instrumental Cause are One , producing One Effect ; so Christ's Divine and Humane Operations are One. 5. As Consent denominateth Unity , and the Old Christians are said to be of One heart and soul , One mind and mouth ; and Christ prayeth that we may be One in him , so his Will and Operation are One. 6. Yea if there be a sort of Union between Christ & his Members , and between the Blessed in Heaven , which is quite beyond our present comprehension , it is much much more so between Christ's Divine and Humane Will and Operations . And now Reader , whether it was well done to pass over these and many other needful distinctions , and to put men barely to say that Christ's Will and Operations were not One , but Two , when really they were both One and Two ; and to make the Pope himself a Heretick , for one of the wisest Epistles that ever Pope wrote ( I am no such enemy to a Pope as to be partial ; ) and to divide the very Western Church from Rome , and make Aquileia its Head for an hundred years , and to set all the Roman Empire in a flame , anathematizing and separating from one another , because they had not skill or sobriety enough to ask each other by such distinctions what they meant , I say , if this be wisely and well done , and be a praise to Prelacy , and I be to blame for blaming it , then good and evil is but what every diseased soul will make it . Mr. Morrice and his Masters , that honour their Leviathan for such works as these , do tell us , that they would do it themselves were it to be done again . And let it be their work , and the reward be theirs : For my part I abhor and renounce it . LXXXV . Faith and Salvation now depended so much on Arithmetick , that the Bishops of Spain raised another Arithmetical Controversie , asserting Three Substances in Christ , his Divinity , his Soul , and his Body , and say , [ A Will begat a Will , that is , the Divine , the Humane . ] These things are true . But the wise Pope was so affrighted with Arithmetical Controversies by experience of the mischievous Effects , that he cautioned them much about it , and for that some judged him erroneous . LXXXVI . The Council at Trull was one of the best that ever they had , yet shewed the Core of the Churches Plague , by decreeing , That whatever alteration the Imperial Power maketh on any City , the Ecclesiastical Order shall follow it . This Clergy ambition nurst up Anti-Christ . LXXXVII . A Council at Aquileia condemned the 5th General Council for condemning the Tria capitula . LXXXVIII . Pope Sergius condemning the Trullane Council , the Emperour commanded him to be a Prisoner , and the Souldiers bribed rescued him . LXXXIX . Bardanes Philippicus being made Emperor , he calleth a General Council at C. P. where , saith Binius , out of the East there were innumerable Bishops , ( which is not said of any other Council ) who all condemned the 6th General Council , and their Decrees of Two Wills and Operations . Here ( not I , but ) Baronius and Binius say [ Thus at the Beck of an Emperour , and the Will of a Monothelite Patriarch , the holy 6th Synod is condemned , and what they said of Two Wills with Christ , and two Operations , and all retracted by the Decree and Subscription of very many Oriental Bishops , that were in one moment turned from being Catholick to be Monothelites . ] But do they forget the 100 Year , that even the West made a head against the 5th Council and the Pope . XC . Next all the World is set together by the Ears about Images , for which the Pope rebelled against and rejected the Emperour for Charles Martel of France . And Pope Zachary bid Bonisace call a Council to eject the Astors of Antipodes CXI . In a General Council at C. P. 338 Bishops condemned the worshipping of Images , and swear men not to adore them , and destroyed reliques , &c. and decreed , that Christ's Body is not flesh in Heaven : But the Pope and Western Bishops of his Party , condemn this Council . XCII . The Greek Bishops condemn the Roman Bishops for adding [ Filioque ] to the Creed , and so another occasion of Schism is raised . XCIII . The Schisms in Italy and Rome itself now grew so great and the Effects in Blood and Confusions so dismal , that I must not number them one by one . XCIV . Constantine and Leo Isaur . Emperours , being dead , a Woman Irene , and her Infant Son are for Images , and call a General Council for them at Nice , where Tharasius Bishop of C. P. got the Bishops to carry it for Images and Reliques , and the Chief Bishops that had condemned them before , now cryed peccavimus , and condemned those that were against adoration of Images , &c. If Mr. Morrice call me an Enemy to Repentance for reciting this , I cannot help it . XCV . Yet more Schism : Two Bishops , Foelix and Elipandus , say , That Christ as the eternal Word was Gods natural Son , but as Man he was but his adopted Son : ( thinking that duo fundamenta , viz. Generatio aeterna , & temporalis , duas-faciunt Relationes , filiationis in una persona . ] But Councils condemned them as making two Sons . And the great Council at Frankford condemning the second Council of Nice , and Image-worship , condemn also these two Bishops , 1. For saying Christ was God's Adopted Son ; 2. And that by Grace ; 3. And that he was a Servant . Is any of this false , not excluding a higher title ? The Council concludeth that Christ was not a Servant subjected to God by penal servitude : Sure it was part of his suffering for our sins , to be in the form of a Servant , Phil. 2. 7. XCVI . Binius saith the Filioque was added to the Creed by the Spanish and French Bishops without the Pope . XCVII . One Council at C. P. restored him that married the Emperour adulterously to another wife : And another condemned Theod. Studita and Plato , for being against it . XCVIII . The most excellent Emperour Ludov. Pius was so zealous to reform the Bishops , that they hated him , and in a Council at Compendium ( Compeigne ) most perfidiously deposed him , and after basely abused him , even without the Pope . XCIX . As to please his Son Lotharius , they deposed the Father ; so when he was beaten by his Brethren , they after in a Council at Aquisgrane ( Aken ) deposed Lotharius , accusing him as they did his Father . C. At C. P. a Council was called by the power of another Woman Theodora and the Bishops that had under divers Emperours condemned Image-worship , now turn to it again , and anathematize on a sudden the opposers . CI. The Bishops own Lotharius Adulterous marriage with Waldrada . CII . The Councils that set up and pull'd down Ignatius and Photius at C. P. and the woful stir that they made as Emperours changed , were lamentable . CIII . Many contrary Councils were between the French Bishops that were for Lotharius divorce and the Pope . CIV . Basil the Emperour writes to the Pope to pardon all his Bishops , or else they should be without , because all had miscarried , and turned with the times . CV . A General Council at Const . called by the Papists , The Eighth General Council , condemned Photius again , and set up Ignatius , and the Changers cryed , peccavimus , and make extreme Decrees for Images ( But they well condemn subscribing to be true to their Patriarchs and Bishops ; ) but decree that all Princes and Subjects worship the Bishops , who must not fall down to them . Other horrid Elevations of Prelates above Princes they decreed — saying , A Bishop , though it be manifest that he is destitute of all Virtue of Religion , yet is a Pastor ; and the Sheep must not resist the Shepherd . CVI. A dangerous Rent between Rome and C. P. what Bishop should have the Bulgarians . CVII . A Council at Metz called Praedaetorium , gave the Kingdom to Car. Calv. unjustly . CVIII . A Council at Pavia falsly make Charles Emperour . CIX . Another ( Pontigonense ) confirmed it ; ( the Pope claiming the Power . ) CX . A Roman Council unjustly made Ludov. 3. Emperour . CXI . A General Council at C. P. again set up Photius , and cast out [ Filioque . ] CXII . The Roman actions for and against P. Formosus , are odious to all sober Christians Ears . CXIII . A Council at Soysons confirm the A. Bishoprick of Rhemes to a Child of five years old , Son to the E. of Aquitane . Divers other Councils do and undo about the same Cause . CXIV . The History of the Bishops of Rome and their Councils from hence forward is so lamentable that even the most flattering Papist Historians mention them with detestation . So that I must not stay to name many particulars . CXV . An. 1049. A Roman Council was fain to pardon Simoniacal Bishops and Priests , because the Cry was , that else none would be left to officiate . CXVI . Being come into the Roman sink , I will pass above an hundred more of the Councils of this woful sort of Bishops , lest Mr. Morrice think that I suppose him to vindicate them , or not to abhor them . Only remembering my Reader of a few General or notable things : viz. I. The multitude of Schisms , and long vacancies at Rome ; and the horrid incapacity of very many Popes , which prove an interrupted succession . II. The horrid wars that long infested Italy by the Popes means . III. The dismal wars with many Emperours , and the Bishops and Councils half on one side and half on the other . IV. The Council that called the Emperours and others Princes power of investing Bishops , the Henrician Heresie , and judg'd the Bishops that had been for it to be dig'd out of their graves and burnt . V. The Subjecting and debasing of all Christian Princes , making them but as the Body , and the Moon , and the Bishops , to be as the soul and the sun . Especially the General Lateran Council which decreed Transubstantiation , and all to be Hereticks that denied it ; And oblige all temporal Lords to exterminate all such Hereticks on pain of Excommunication , deposition & damnation . VI. The Councils of Constance and Basils that were for Reformation how falsly and cruelly they dealt with Hus and Jerome and rejected the four great requests of the Bohemians , and fixed their pollutions . VII . The Councils of Florence , and that of Trent , which had more Learned men , who yet more obstinately managed the Enmity to Reformation . VIII . The present State of the Universal Church throughout the World as it is divided into Papists , Protestants , Greeks , Moscovites , Georgians , with the Circassians and Mengrelians , Armenians , Nestorians , Jacobites , Cophtis , Abasines , Maronites , Melchites : And what thoughts these have of one another . And I would desire Mr. Morrice to tell us , 1. Whether he believes not verily that all these Instances prove that the Bishops have been the chief cause , and that by Ambition , Pride and Worldliness ? 2. Whether it be not the Bishops that in the Roman and other Parties now , are the greatest hinderers of Reformation , and of Concord ? and it would not be soon done were it not through them ? 3. Where it is that he will stop in his Vindication of the Bishops and their Councils , and go no further ? and by what cogent reason ? 4. Whether he thought he had well defended the Church-Tyranny which I accused ? 1. By vindicating the first Ages , and others whom I praised , and accused not ; 2. And by letting fall his Vindication ( save a few consequent quibbles ) at the fourth General Council ; which was in 451. And so seems to vindicate the Bishops and Councils but for the space of 150 years of the time that I mentioned their degeneration ? 5. Whether if the Bishops had been willing when they had the King's Commission to make necessary alteration , or were but to this day willing to prefer things necessary before things hurtful or indifferent , we might not live in happy and holy Love and Peace in England ? 6. Whether he can blame a man that believes in Christ , for lamenting the doleful corruption and division of the Christian world , and for enquiring of , and lamenting the sinful causes . 7. If that Church Prelacy which they justly call the best in all the world can endure no more Parish Discipline than we have , nor can endure such a Ministry as are silenced by hundreds or thousands ( than whom no Nation on Earth abroad that I can hear of hath better ) can you blame us for suspecting that somewhat is amiss with them , and more with others ? 8. I hope you will yet remember that I did not appear as an accuser of Prelacy or Conformity , but as importuned by your selves to give the reasons why I dare not take your Covenant and Oath never to endeavour any alteration of your Church Government : and that after seventeen years silence . My prayers to God shall be my endeavour for these following Alterations . 1. That the Primitive Discipline may be exercised in the Parish Churches , as Bucer importuned the King and Bishops de Regno Dei , &c. 2. That to that end we may either have so many Bishops under the Diocesan as be capable to do it , or the Presbyters enabled , allowed and obliged to do it . 3. And that we may not instead of it have only a distant Court of men that know not the Parishioners , where a Lay Chancellour decreeth Excommunication , and Absolution , which the Parish Priest must publish , though his conscience be against it . 4. And that Diocesans may not silence faithful Ministers without such cause as Christ will allow , nor set up ignorant bad ones and bind the Parishioners to hear and communicate with no other . I am so far from precise expectations from Diocesans , or from reviling them , that I do constantly praise them as very good Bishops who do no harm , or but a little , and if they should never preach themselves , so they will not hinder others . 9. And as for my calling Things and Persons as they are , I hope you will not say that it was out of Malice that Anastasius Platina , Massonius , Stella , Sigibert , Baronius , Genebrard , Binnius , &c. have recorded such horrid crimes of Popes , and others also of Prelates . And is it malice in me to transcribe their History ? I am of Dr. Henry Moore 's mind , who saith , [ Mystery of Iniq. p. 388. Hence it is plain that they are the truest friends to Christendom , even to Rome it self , that do not sooth them up in their sins , by mitigating and hiding their soul miscarriages , but deal apertly and plainly with them for their own safety ; that neither admit , nor invent subterfuges to countenance or palliate their Idolatrous and superstitious practices , but tell them plainly how much they are apostatized from the true Worship of God and Christ into Paganism and Idolatry . Better are the rebukes of a faithful friend , than the hired flatteries of a glozing mercenary . ] I pray mark this well . 10. I take two things to be the degenerating and corruption of Episcopacy . 1. When they became so bad that they were not willing to do good according to their undertaken Office. Bad men will do ill in any place . 2. When they had put themselves into a state of incapacity , that they could not do the Good undertaken , were they never so willing . 1. Since great Baits of Wealth and Domination have tempted the worst men to be the Seekers , Bishops have rarely been good , except under a Saint-like Prince or People that had the Choice ; nor are ever like to be . And what work the Enemies of Holiness will make by abusing Christ's Name against himself , is easie to know ; such will take the best men for the worst , and call them all that 's naught , that they may quiet their Consciences in destroying them . 2. And since a Diocess of many hundred or score Parishes hath had but one Bishop for Discipline , the work is become impossible to the best . But when a few Bad men will mercinarily undertake Impossibilities , and so Badness and Impossibility go together , alas , what hope , but of a better world above ? Saith Luther de Concil . & Eccles . p. 300. Sed quam sunt intenti hanc crassam & asininam ●atuitatem ? Unus Episcopus nonnunquam habet tres Episcopatus vel Dioceses , & tamen vocatur Unius Uxoris maritus , & cum habet tantum unum Episcopatum , tamen interdum habet centum , ducentas , quingentas Parochias , aut etiam plures , & vocatur tamen Sponsus unius Ecclesiae — Hi non sunt digami — Tam insulsas & ineptissimas naenias recipit mens humana ; it a permittente Deo cum a verbo discedimus , & omnia limatius & subtilius scrutamur quam ipse vult nos scrutari . ] Whether you reverence Luther any more than Calvin I know not . 11. To conclude this matter , two things I desire you , or at least the Reader to consider , 1. Whether it be not a dreadful thing for a man to make the Church corrupting , dividing and confounding sin● , to be all his own by defending or excusing them , on a false pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church Government , which was contrary to them ? 2. Whether you trust to Truth and Evidence , or to Interest and depraved Judgments , if you think men shall believe that you have confuted all this undoubted History , and the present experience of all the woful Christian World , by a general Cry that I write falsly and maliciously , or by saying that I am unlearned , or that I trusted to a Translation , or Binnius , or that Binnius mistook the year , ( things that I will not turn over my Books to try , ) or that I misplaced or misunderstood a word of Theodorite , or mistranslated Calami , or such like . Such Believers of you are guilty of their own deceit . § 22. There is lately published by a nameless Prelatist , to shew the World what Spirit he is of , a Book pretending by the description of my Life from 1640. till 1681. to prove me one of the worst men alive . To that I will now say but these few words . 1. That let them take me to be as bad as they will , so they would have some mercy on their own and others Souls , and the Church of God. 2. That it 's no wonder that we differ about Antient Times and History , and present Impositions , when the main difference in our Times is , who are godly , yea tolerable Christians , and who are intollerable Rogues ; and those that ( as before God ) by long and intimate acquaintance , I judge to be the most serious , conscionable , humble , holy Ministers and People that were ever known to me , are the Persons that the Prelatists prosecute , silence , and cry out against as the most intollerable wicked Enemies of Piety , Truth and Peace . What is it that is the root of this ? 3. That this foresaid Book is one continued Calumny , unworthy of an Answer , partly making my duty my sin ( as that I disliked the many drunken Readers that were the Teachers of my Youth , &c. ) and partly perverting scraps of sentences ; and partly reciting one revoked Book , and a few retracted sentences of another , when Augustin is commended for retracting far more , and filling it with a multitude of most gross untruths , of his own fiction . 4. That as to his and Mr. Morrice and others talk of the Wars I say . 1. That I never thought the Parliament blameles● . 2. That yet on Bilson's grounds I was in my Judgment , and Speech , and Action , comparatively for them while they made their Commissions to Essex for King and Parliament . 3. That from Naseby Fight I wholly laboured to have drawn off their Souldiers from Errour , and Rebellion , and Usurpation ; in which I did and suffered more than multitudes of my Accusers . 4. That I never went so far against the Power of the King as R. Hooker whom I have long ago confuted . 5. That I never struck or hurt man in the wars . 6. That I will consent to be silenced and imprisoned if they will but give those Ministers leave to preach Christs Gospel that never had to do with wars ( unless for the King. ) 7. That when our beginning Concord had restored the King , the Scots , though unsuccessfully fought for him , Monk & his Army , that had bloodily ( at Dundee , &c. ) fought against him , had with the Concurrence of Sir Tho. Allen , the Londoners and Presbyterians restored him , when the King by them came in Triumph , Honoured Monk and others of them , confest them the Cause of his Restoration , past an Act of Oblivion that we might all live in future Peace , I say , If after all this it be Prelacy and Clergy Interest and Spirit , that will rub over all the healed wounds , and strive again what ever it cost us to ulcerate the peoples minds , and resolve that the Land and Church shall have no Peace , but by the destruction of such as restored the King ; I shall think never the better of Prelacy for this . But ask them , why did you not Speak it out in 1660 to Monk and his Army , or till now . § 23. And whereas that Advocate ( described Job . 8. ) and you are still deceiving the ignorant by facing men down with Confidence that I lie in saying that [ Two Episcopal Parties began the War in England and the Papists and Presbyterians came in but as Auxiliaries . ] I again say , 1. Allow me but reasonable leave , and I will prove it to the shame of you if you deny it . 2. At present I will but recite one clause in Whitlocks Memorials , pag. 45. even after they thought themselves under a necessity to please the Scots as far as they could . [ Anno 1640. The Commons had debate about a new Form of Ecclesiastical Government , and July 17. agreed , That every Shire shall be a several Diocess ; a Presbytery of Twelve Divines in each Shire , and a President as a Bishop over them ; and he with the assistance of some of the Presbytery to ordain , suspend , deprive , degrade and excommunicate . To have a Diocesan Synod once a year , and every third year a National Synod , and they to make Canons , but none to be binding till confirmed by Parliament . The Primate of Armagh offered an expedient for conjunction in point of Discipline , that Episcopal and Presbyterian Government might not be at a far distance , but reducing Episcopacy to the Form of Synodical Government in the Primitive Church Were not these men Episcopal ? It 's much like Mr. Thorndike's own motions saving his Opinion for Forein Jurisdiction . § 24. As to your first and last Chapters , and about the Antient Extent of Churches , while my Treatise of Episcopacy , which fully confuteth you , is unanswered ; if I repeat it again , it will not be read by weary men . And another hath answered those parts of your Book , which is ready for the Press . I after tell you where Chrysostom even in his time numbers the Christians in that great Imperial City to be an hundred thousand , that is as many as in Martins and Stepney Parishes , and perhaps in Giles Cripplegate too . § 25. To conclude , whereas Mr. M. in general chargeth me as falsifying History , I still call my self a HATER of FALSE HISTORY , and loath Mr. Morrice's History , because it is false : But if he will instead of falsifying and trifling , shew me any false History that I have owned , I will thank him unfeignedly , and retract it . But factious reproaching of good men , and painting the deformed face of Vice , go not with me for convincing proof . If I am not near of kin to Erasmus , I am a stranger to my self , even as Merula , and M. Adamus describe him , [ Ingenio erat simplex ; adeo abhorrens a mendacio , ut puellus etiam odisset pueros mentientes ; & senex ad illorum adspectum etiam corpore commoveretur . Dignitatum & magnarum divitiarum contumax contemptor ; neque quicquam prius otio habuit ac libertate . ] And I think , as it is said of Cuspinian ; [ Ratus se satisfacturum ingenuo Lectori , siquae verissima esse comperisset simplicissima oratione mandaret posteritati : satis enim est historico ( ut praeclare dixit apud Ciceronem Catullus ) non esse Mendacem . ] And as to my ends and expectations , I am not so vain as to write with any great hope of persuading many , if any who are possest of large Diocess , Wealth and Power , to forsake them , much less to cure the common Thirst that corrupted Nature is possest with , and to be the means of a Publick Reformation : If I may satisfie my Conscience , and save some from being deceived by false History about the Causes of the Antient Schisms , it 's all that I can hope for : Had I lived in Alb. Crantzius daies , I might perhaps have said as he of Luther [ Frater , Frater , abi in cellam tuam , & dic Miserere mei Deus : ] Et de Canonicis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictis , Nunquam posse eos reduci ad meliorem srugem nisi prius a viris doctis expugnata arce ( i. e. Papatu . ) And for my self , none of the Interested mens reproaches are unexpected to me : Anger will speak . I know what the Papists say of the Reformers , and all the Protestants : And yet I expect that all at last will turn to the disgrace of falshood , by putting men to search Church-History for the Truth . The case of Capnio is worth a brief recital . A covetous Jew pretending Conversion , contrived with the Fryers and Inquisitors , to get a great deal of money from the Jews , by procuring an Edict from the Emperour to burn all the Jews Books , that so they might purchase them of the Fryers . The Emperour will first hear what Capnio a great Hebrician saith : Capnio adviseth to spare all that only promoted the Hebrew Literature , and burn only those that were written against Christ . Hockstrate and the Fryers were vext thus to lose the prey , and accused Capnio of Heresie : The cause is oft tryed , especially at Rome : All the Learned Hebricians were for Capnio : The Fryers raged the more : This awakened many Learned men to search into the Cause , and armed them against the Fryers . Galatinus , Hutten , Erasmus , &c. are for Capnio . The Fryers accuse them also of Heresie : But by this they stirred up such a Party of the most Learned men against them , that when Tezelius came to vend his Indulgencies , Luther had so many ready to joyn against the Inquisitors and Mercenary cheating Fryers , as greatly furthered the Reformation . And two or three ingenuous Conformists who have lately written against the violent battering Canoneers , do tell us that some are like to be excited by the Overdoing of the Accusing silencing Party , to search better into the matter of Fact and Right , till they can distinguish between an Eucrasie and a Tympanite . Or if this world be incurable , they cannot keep us out of the heavenly Jerusalem , where there is no Errour , Schism , nor Persecution , because no Ignorance , Malignity or Pride , but the General Assembly of perfect Spirits , are united in one perfect Head , in perfect Life , and Light , and Love. The particular Defence of the History of Councils and Schisms . An Account to Mr. Morrice why my mentioning the Church-distracting sins of the Clergy , when worldly grandeur corrupted them , is not a Dishonouring , but a Honouring of the Primitive Church . And to vindicate those sins is no Vindicat ion of the Primitive Church . CHAP. I. The Reason and Design of my History of Bishops and Councils . § 1. THEY that know the men with whom I have to do , and the Cause which I have in Controversie with them , will easily understand my purpose . The Persons with whom I am to deal , are such as hold , 1. That a General Council of Bishops or the Colledge of Bishops Governing per Literas formatas out of Council , are the Supreme Governing Power over the Universal Church on Earth , having the Power of Universal Legislation and Judgment . 2. That among these the Pope is justly the Patriarch of the West , and the Principium unitatis to the whole , and the ordinary President in such Councils . And say some , It belongs only to the President to call them , and they are but rebellious Routs that assemble without a just call . 3. That there is no concord to be had but in the Obedience to this Universal Governing Church . But all Persons and all National Churches are Schismaticks who live not in such Subjection and obedience . 4. That such as the Diocesan Episcopacy which is over one lowest Church containing hundreds or multitudes of Parishes and Altars without any other Bishop but the said Diocesan is that Episcopacy which all must be subject to , while it is subject to the Universal supreme . 5. That every Christian must hold subjective Communion with the Bishop of the place where he liveth : And say some must not practise contrary to his Commands , nor appeal for such practice to Scripture or to God. 6. That if this supreme Power silence the Diocesans , or these Diocesans silence all the Ministers in City or Country , they must Cease their Ministry and forsake the Flocks . 7. And say divers of them , They are no true Churches , or Ministers , that have not ordination from such Diocesans , yea by an uninterrupted succession from the Apostles : And for want of this the Forein reformed Churches are no true Churches , but the Church of Rome is . Much more of this Nature I have already transcribed ( and confuted ) out of A. Bishop Bromhall , Dr. Heylins Life of A. Bishop Laud , Mr Thorndike , Mr Dodwell and divers others . § 2. The first thing then in my intention is to shew that the Roman Grandeur which is thought to be the Glory of the Church on Earth , and the necessary means of its Unity , safety and true prosperity , hath proved clean contrary , even the means of Church corruption in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline & Conversation , the Soil of the most odious crimes , the means of tyranny , suppression of true piety , and persecution of Gods faithful Servants , and of rebellious , War and cruel bloodshed . § 3. To this end I described the steps by which the Clergy ascended to the Papal height : For as all Protestants justly maintain that their Corruption of Doctrine & Worship came not in at once but by slow degrees , so do they also of the Papal Government and discipline . And they commonly shew the vanity of the Papists demand , who ask us who was the man , and which was the year , as if the world had gone to bed in simple Christianity , and awaked Papists the next morning . Whereas it is most evident in all Church history that the Clergy leaving the Christian Purity , Simplicity and Love , did climb the ladder step by step till they ascended to the Papal height . And it 's a meer dream of them that think it was the Bp. of Rome alone that thus ascended , and not the Army that made him their General : As the boat riseth with the waters , so did the Pope with the ascending Clergy : Others strove for superiority as he strove for Supremacy : The strife began among Christs Apostles who should be greatest , and who should , sit next him in his Kingdom ; And though Christ then supprest it by his Word and Spirit , and the sufferings of the Church took down those aspiring thoughts , as soon as Constantine had set them the Ladder , what scrambling was there who should climb highest . Yea Constantinople strove for the Supremacy it self . § 3. And I the rather mentioned this because I found some late learned Expositors of the Revelations , taking this inordinate ascent , for the promised glory and felicity of the Church on Earth ; and taking it for the fulfilling of many of those prophecies and promises which some applyed to the Millennium , and some to the heavenly state . And doubtless Hildebrand and his adherents had such thoughts , and did believe that their rule over Emperours , Kings and Kingdoms , by the Power of the Keys of the Kingdom of heaven , was the true Glory of the Church , and the Reign of Christ , and that all the honour was indeed given to Christ as King of the Church , which was thus given to the Pope and the Church-Parliaments of Bishops . Campanella de Regno Dei doth but speak the thoughts of greater Clergy men when he applyeth the foresaid Texts to prove that the Popes Universal Monarchy is the true Kingdom of Christ on Earth , to which all Monarchs and Men must stoop . And Nature is so apt to entertain such thoughts , especially in the Clergy , who think of it as their own prosperity and glory , that it is no wonder , if as Venner , and his Fifth Monarchy men , did itch to be getting up under the name of the Reign of Christ , and so did John of Leyden and his Company at Munster ; so the Fifth Monarchy Clergy men , who can aspire more plausibly , do long to be climbing , and are very reconcilable to Papal Greatness ; and where Popery is become a distasted name , they nevertheless desire their share in the Power , Honour and Wealth , and under pretence of Peace and Concord among all Christians , and restoring the Church to its Unity and Strength , they strive for much of the same thing , and think it enough to avoid the name : And the Pope shall be but Principium Unitatis , and the President of the Clergy or Councils . Get but the poor trick of calling nothing Popery but the Pope's Arbitrary absolute Power , and do but tie him to Rule by the Consent and Laws of Church-Parliaments , that is , set up the French Church-Government , and then they are no Papi●ts . Do not the French Protestants deserve all their sufferings then for calling the Church o● Bishops there Papists , and separating from so Excellent a Government ? § 5. And it was not the least of my Motives to try , were it possible to cure their Love-killing Errour , who think that all are Enemies to Unity and Peace , who are not for Obedience to this Universal or Superlative Prelacy , and to save us all from that confusion and calamity , which this Opinion is carrying on , while the Patrons of it think that all are to be prosecuted , silenced , ruined as Rebellious Enemies to the Ruling Church , who do not subject themselves to such a Prelacy ; and that we must or can have no Christian Church-Concord , but by Obedience to the Universal Church , as Bishop Gunning hath over and over told me , that is , to the Universal Colledge of their sort of Bishops : Yea not only the Papists , but these Bishops among us , to this purpose repeat and apply Psal . 72. 11. Yea all Kings shall fall down before him : All Nations shall serve him . Or Isa . 60. 12. For the Nation and Kingdom that will not serve the● shall perish : Yea those Nations shall be utterly wasted , ] which Bishop Gunning applyeth to the Episcopal Universal-Governing Colledge . These are terrible threatnings , as they shew the principles and purposes of men , however they mistake the mind of God. Few parts of Europe have had more long and cruel Wars , than Italy it self , where these Principles have obtained : But the blood of thousands of sincere Christians hath been a Sacrifice to these Principles in the Clergy . When we read in Jesuites , Fryers and Prelates , sound Christians called Hereticks , and all such Hereticks called , mortal , odious , wicked , pernicious , intollerable Enemies to the Church , whom all good men are bound to endeavour to root out and destroy ; when we hear our neighbour Papists say , It is no more sin to kill an Heretick than a Dog : And when we hear and read our Clergy calling out to Magistrates for yet more Execution upon us , for not obeying them against that which we undoubtedly take for the Law of God ; and the nearer any man is to the Papists , usually the more he is for our destruction , and for their way of cruelty , I thought it time to try if it were possible , if not to save the Land from this consuming fire , yet at least to save some Souls who else were like to be tempted to malignant Enmity to the best and truest Christians , and to perish for ever by this deceit . How many honest passages are in Mr. Thorndike which shew that it was n●●●●y worldly interest of his own that moved him ; but yet the Power of this Errour [ Of a Church that was Universally One by One Ruling Colledge or Council of Prelates , of which the Pope was the rightful President , &c. ] which must be acknowledged by all Nations and Persons , that will have Christian Communion and not be condemned Schismaticks , prevailed with him to the exclusion of all Dissenters , and confining his Communion to those only who owned and obeyed This Universal Governing Church . § 6. And as long as this Opinion prevaileth , especially in men of Power and Reverence who take other mens belief and obedience for their unquestionable right , where can we think hatred and Persecution will stop . Will not they still think that they that kill or silence or imprison or banish us , do God service , and that the Magistrate that doth not punish us deserveth punishment from God , if not also from the Church . And they that are most for Seldom preaching , and can dispense with our Ministerial labour therein , will not be indifferent as to the silencing , imprisoning or destroying us . § 7. Whether we have any reason to refuse swearing or subscribing to them , and never to endeavour any alteration of their Government as it is in England , I have sincerely endeavoured to shew in my Treatise of Episcopacy . And if Christian Concord and Communion be so hard and narrow a thing , as that no men are Capable of it who are not of a higher form than I , as to understanding , impartiality and willingness to know the Truth , the Church and Christianity are things beyond my capacity and reach : But I doubt not but it is humane errour that would dwindle it into so small a Sect. § 8. Alas what Persons for Knowledge and Life can they bear with in their Communion , who cannot bear with such as they silence and ruine in this Land ! And the Papists can receive even those that know not Christ if they do but profess obedience to the Clergy-Church . Luthers words are harsh , but I will recite them de Concil●●s P●●t 3. Pag 291. Si monstrav●rint mihi unum aliquem ex tota illa multitudine qui possit aequare unum alphabetarium in aliqua erudita Schola , aut in summa doctrinae Christianae , vel in Scriptura Sacra tantum profecerint , quantum u●a aliqua puella septem a●norum ; tunc illis concedam palam — nisi quod plus callent traditionum humanarum , & Sycophantiarum : Quod valde credo , & firmius quam in Deum cred● , cum me convinc●nt facto ipso ut credam . To this pass did the Clergies aspiring then bring the Church , when worthy men were silenced and persecuted . And we are unwilling of any thing that looketh towards a differencing men so contrary to that which Christ will make at last . CHAP. II. Whether we have any reason to report the Faults of some Bishops and Councils , from the beginning of their Depravation till the last ? § 1. THat I had great reason for it , I think what is before said will evince ; when we see men destroying Christian Love , themselves , and us , and the Land , could they prevail , by their erroneous endeavour to grant no Concord , Communion nor Peace , to no Christians how conscionable otherwise soever , who cannot unite in a species of Prelacy which they believe ( by such evidence as I have given ) to be contrary to the Law of Christ . To the saving men from Heresie and Schism now , our opposers ( and we ) do judge it useful , to know how Hereticks and Dividers miscarried heretofore , that others may beware . And is it not as true if Bishops be the Dividers ? And also when the Clergies Ambition and Usurpation have brought that upon the Christian World which it languisheth and groaneth under in East and West , is it not needful to open the beginning and progress of the disease , by such as had rather it were cured , than the Church destroyed by it ? § 2. Among the multitude of Protestant Church Historians and Chronologers , how few are there that do not do the same , though in various degrees ? He that will read the Magdeburgense● , or Lucas Osiander , Illyrici Test . Verit. Melancthon himself , and Carion Func●ius , yea peaceable holy Bucholtzer , Micrelius , Meander , Phil. Pareus , Hen. Gut●erleth , &c. yea or Julius or Jos . Scaliger , Salmasius , H●ttoman , Hottinger , Morney , shall see the faults of Bishops opened before this day . § 3. The pious and moderate Papists themselves report and lament them : Such as Clemangis , Pelagius Alvarus , Mirandula , Fer●● , Jos . Acosta , Lud. Vives , Gerson , Erasmus , and many other such . § 4. The antient Godly Bishops are they who for the most part have been freest in reprehending the vices of the rest ; especially Greg. Nazianzen , and Chrysostom , and many antient godly Presbyters have been as free , as Gildas , Isidore Pelusiota , Salvian , Sulp. Severus , Bernard . § 5. And if I have wronged the Bishops or Popes in this Abridgment , their own Historians , yea their chief flatterers have wronged them . One Pope angered Platina by imprisoning him : Yet if he be partial , it is for the Clergy , and not against them . But who will believe that Binnius , Baronius , Crab , Genebrard , Bellarmine , Petavius , and such others have spoken too hardly of them . There is no one man that I took so much from as Binnius : And what should move him to name so many of the miscarriages of the Councils , but the necessity of reciting the Acts of the Councils historically as he found them ? § 6. The Sacred Scriptures record the Crimes of the best men in all the Ages of which they write , even Adams , Noes , Lots , Aarons , Davids , Solomons , Hezekiahs , Josiahs , Peters , all the Apostles , &c. And it was not done out of spite or malice ; but as a necessary warning to us all . § 7. The falshood of History is an intollerable abuse of mankind : To know nothing done before our times , is to shut up mankind in a dungeon ; and false History is worse than none . And it may be false and deceitful in defect as well as excess . He that should record all that was good in the Popes , and omit all the rest , would be a dangerous deceiver of the world , and do more than hath been done to make all Christians Papists . You tell us your selves , that he that should write the History of Cromwell , c. g. or of any Sect that you are against , and should leave out all their faults , would be taken for a false Historian . § 8. They that write the History of mens Lives , do use to record their Parentage , Birth and Education : And so must he that will truly write the History of Church-Tyranny , Persecution and Schism . The end is not well understood without the beginning . Who is it that heareth how many Ages the Christian world hath been divided into Papists , Greeks , Jacobites , Nestorians , Melchites , &c. and that seeth what work the Papacy hath made , but will ask how all this came to pass ? Did the man that died of Gluttony , swallow all at one morsel ? or rather one bit after another ? And when the Clergy have ventured on one merry Cup , or one pleasant morsel in excesa , it 's easie to make them believe that one , and one , and one Cup more ; one , and one , and one bit more , is no more unlawful than the first . Princip●is obsta , is the Rule of Safety . If Papists intending the recovery of England to the Pope should say [ Let us but first get them under the Oaths , Covenants and Practices which we will call Conformity , and so cast out most that dare not sin , and by this engage them as two Armies in contrary Interest to fight against each other , and it will be an easie matter to bring the swallowing Party to go further by degrees , and to believe that as a Parish Church must not be independent as to the Diocesan , nor the Diocesan to the Metropolitical or National , so neither must a National be independent as to the Universal : And that the Universal therefore must have it s known stated Government as well as the National , ] Were it not necessary here for him that would save the Land from Popery to sh●w the danger of the first degrees . The usual Method is not to use Boccalines Roman Engine , which will help a man to swallow a Pompion that he may get down a Pill , but to swallow a lesser Pill first and a bigger next , till the Pompion will go down . Infancy is before manhood . § 9. But the great necessity was as aforesaid , from the revived or rather Continued attempts , of imitating the fatal ambitious and Contentious malady . If Priscillians , or Gnosticks should rise now among us , were it not our duty to set before them the history of the miscarriage of their predecessours . And when men are so much set on restoring an Universal Supremacy , is it not meet to shew them where , and when , and with what success the aspiring humour did begin . If we have small visible probability of escaping , we must yet before we come to Smithfield , satisfy our Consciences that we betrayed not the Church . CHAP. III. Of Mr. M's notice that I am Unlearned . § 1. MR. M's Preface Contracteth the Chief things which he hath to say against me in his book , that the Reader may find them there all together . And of these [ that I am unlearned ] is not the least . And if that be any of his question I assure him it shall be none of mine . I am not yet so vain as to plead for my Learning : Yea , I will gratify him ( though he accuse me of being against repentance ) with an unfeigned confession that my ignorance is far greater than his accusation of unlearnedness doth import . Alas I want the knowledge of far more excellent things than languages . I do but imperfectly know my self , my own soul , my own thoughts and understanding : I scarce well know what knowing is . Verily if no knowledge be properly true that is not adequate to the object I know nothing : And subscribe to Zanchez , quod nihil Scitur , ( by such as I. ) Alas Sir I groan in darkness from day to day , & I know not how to be delivered ! How little do I know of that God whom the whole Creation preacheth , and of that Society which I hope to be joyned with for ever , and that world which must be my hope and portion , or I am undone . Many whom I am Constrained to dissent from upbraid me with my ignorance , and I suppose it is that for which they silence me , reproach , hate and prosecute me ; even because I have not knowledge enough to discern that all their impositions are lawful ( or else I know not what it is for ) But none of them all can ( and will ) tell me , how I should be delivered from this ignorance : If they say , [ It must be by hard study ] I can study no harder than I have done . If they say [ I must be willing to know the truth ] I take my self for sure that I am so : If in that also I am ignorant , in thinking that I know my own mind when I do not , what else then can I hope to know ? If they say [ You must be impartial ] I think I am so , saving that I must not deny or cast away the truths already received . If they say [ You should read the same books which have convinced us ] I read far more of the Papists and Prelatists and other sects that write against me , than of those that are for me . And the more I read the more I am confirmed . And when these men preach and write against the Calvinists , they render them odious as holding that men are necessitated to sin and to be damned , and that it is long of Gods Decree which cannot be resisted : Therefore I suppose they will not lay the Cause on God. I do then confess my Ignorance , of matters a thousandfold greater and more needful than those which they mention in their accusations . I confess my self unlearned : But I intreat them that tell me of my disease ( which I know to my daily grief much better than they ) to tell me also how I may be cured . If they say that it must be by Fines and Imprisonment it hath been tryed & I am yet uncured : I hope they will not pronounce me remediless and not tell me why , who use themselves to speak against those that preach men into desperation ; would they but tell me the secret how so many thousands of them came to be so much wiser than I , in far shorter time , and with far less study , it would be ( if true ) an acceptable deed of Charity ; rather than to tell me of the Ignorance which I cannot help . Could I but know needful truth in English , I would joyfully allow them to glory of being more skilful in all the Oriental Tongues , and also in French , Irish , Spanish and Italian , than I am . CHAP. IV. Of his Accusation , that I vainly name Historians which I never saw or read . § 1. I Must profess that it never was my purpose to tell the world how many Historians I have read ; nor to abridge all that I have read : And those that I have most read I have there made no mention of , as not being for my intended end : And multitudes that stood by me , I never opened to the writing of this history , my design being chiefly against the Papists and those Protestants who most esteem their writings , and had rather unite with the French Papist Church , than with us Nonconformists : Therefore when I was past the first 400 or 500 years , it was the greatest and most flattering Popish historians that I abriged , as ad hominem being likest not to be denyed . I told the reader that I made not use of Luther the Magdeburgenses , nor the Collections of Goldastus , Marquardus Freherus , Reuberus , Pistorius , &c. ] And the Printer having put a Comma between Marquardus and Freherus , he Conjectures that I took him for two men , because I added not the Christian names of the rest : And he concludes that [ whoever this mistake belongs to , it 's plain that M. B. had but little acquaintance with those Collections . ] For I name some of the Authors therein . Ans . Seeing these things are thought just matter for our accusers turn , I will crave the Readers patience with such little things while I tell him the truth . It is about 25 years since I read the Germa : History in the Collections of Freherus , Reuberus and Pist●rius , and about 30 years since I read the Collections of Goldastus : The Magdeburgenses , Osiander , Sleidan , or any such Protestants I thought vain to alledge to Papists . About seven or eight years ago as I remember , I was accused for Preaching , and Fined by Sir Thomas Davis ; and the Warrant was sent by him to Sir Edm. Bury Godfrey to levy it on me by Distress : I had no way to avoid it but bona fide , to make away all that I had : Among the rest I made away my Library , only borrowing part of it for my use . I purposed to have given it almost all to Cambridge in New-England : But Mr. Knowles ( yet living ) who knew their Library , told me that Sir Kenelme Digby had already given them the Fathers , Councils and Schoolmen , but it was History and Commentators which they wanted . Whereupon I sent them some of my Commentators , and some Historians among which were Freherus , Reuberus and Pistorius Collections , and Nauclerus , Sabellicus , Thuanus , Jos . Scaliger de Emendat . Temp. But Goldastus I kept by me ( as borrowed ) and many more which I could not spare ; and the Fathers and Councils and Schoolmen I was stopt from sending . Now whether I was unacquainted with those that partly stand yet at my Elbow , and which I had read so long ago , must depend on the Credit of my Memory ; and I confess my Memory is of late grown weak , but not so weak as to think that Marquardus Freherus was not one man , and a Palatinate Councillor , though it be names that I most forget ; why I gave not the Christen names of Reuberus and Pistorius , whether because I forgat them , or because I minded not so small a thing , not dreaming what would be inferred from it , I remember not . But when I wrote that abridgment , I made use of none that I thought the Papists would except against : For the first ages I gathered what I remembred out of the Fathers , and out of Eusebius , Socrates , Sozomen , Evagrius , Theodoret , the Tripartite , Nicephorus , Liberatus , Brev. Victor Utic . Beda , and such others as are by them received : Besides which I principally followed and Epi●omized Binnius , and Crab , and partly Baronius , with Platina , Onuphrius Panunius , Stella , Petavius , and others of their own . And I resolved I would not so much as open Goldastus , or any Protestant Collector , that they might not except against their Credit , and reject them as malicious cursed Hereticks , as Labbe doth Melchior Goldastus and almost all such others as he mentions ; and as Gretser , Sanders , and other Papists commonly do . Therefore even those Histories which be in Goldastus , I would not take as out of him , but some of them from the books published by others , and some as cited by Binnius , Petavius , or other such . And this is now the proof of my Vanity . § 2. It is a mistake if he think that I intended ( as he speaks ) to be a Compiler of General Church History ; When I professed but to acquaint the English Reader with the true matter of fact out of the Papists themselves , what the ambitious part of Bishops and Councils have done , and by what degrees the Papacy sprang up , and whether subjection to the ascendent exort Prelacy be absolutely necessary to Concord and Salvation . § 3. As to his saying [ I am the first that ever reckoned Nazianzen among Historians , ] I take the writings of the Fathers , especially Justin , Clemens Alex. Tertullian , Cyprian , Eusebius , Basil , Nazianzen , Hierom , Chrysostom , Augustin , to be the best part of Church History , especially their Epistles . And of this opinion I am not the first . CHAP. V. Of his Accusation of my citing Hanmer and other Translators , and being deceived by Binnius and such others . § 1. 1. HE accuseth me for not using Valesius his Edition of Eusebius and those Editions of the Councils which he accounteth the best : To which I say , 1. I am not Rich Enough to buy them , nor can keep them if I had them . Must none write but Rich men ? The French Councils would cost more than many of us are worth : We have had no Ecclesiastical maintenance these 19 years ; and we cannot keep the books we have . Luther wrote his book de Conciliis when it seems he had never read many of the Councils Acts , but as related by Eusebius Socrates , Sozomen , and the Tripartite History . 2. Dr. James hath long ago warned all Scholars to make much of Crab and other old ones , ( and the Fathers as Printed at Basil by Erasmus , Amerbachius , &c. ) and not to trust much to new Editions , as coming through untrusty hands . 3. Is Valesius a man of so much credit with you ? Do you believe what he saith of Grotius as being in judgment for the Papal Church , and only in prudence delaying his visible Communion with them , that he might draw in many with him ? ( Vales . in Orat. de Petavio : ) If he lye in this , and the success of Petavius on Grotius , why should he be more trusted than others ? If not , I need not tell you what to think of those Bishops and Drs. who profess to be of the same mind and Church as Grotius ; nor again to tell you who they be . 4. My design led me not to make use of Criticks , but only to tell the world , what the Papists themselves confess , such as I have throughout cited . § 2. As for my using Hanmers Translation of Eusebius and Socrates , my case was ●s before described : Valesius I had not : Grineus I made use of heretofore . But since I was by constraint deprived both of my books and money to buy more , when I wrote that Abridgment , I had only Hanmers Translation left me . And if that sort of men that forced me to give away my books , to keep them from being distreined on , will make use of this to prove me ignorant of them , the matter is very small to me . If you say , I should not then have written , I answer , could they so have silenced us in the Pulpit , they had more answered their own judgment than mine . I had no use for Criticks , nor for any thing in Eusebius and Socrates that depends on the credit of the Translator . § 3. As to his oft noting that in Translations , and sometime in Chronology I err by following Binnius , I answer , had I written a full Church History , I should better have examined him and others . But I lay no stress of my cause of any of Binnius his Translations , nor will I undertake for any Historian that I cite : My business was but to tell those that believe Binnius and Baronius , and such other , what they say . Nor do I yet intend to bestow any time , in examining whether he wrong Binnius or not , it being nothing to my cause nor me , whether he mistook a year , or the meaning of a word of the Authors whom he citeth . § 4. He saith I use an old uncorrect Edition of Binnius 1606. Ans . It is that which is in most common use , entituled , Recognita , Aucta , notis Illustrata , dedicated to the Pope , and to C. Baronius , ejus monitu scripta , qui veterem illam , mendosam , mutilam & confusam compilationem mille locis illustravit , &c. commonly Preferred before Crab , Surius , Nicolinus , &c. But any quarrel serveth some men . CHAP. VI. Of his Accusations of my own Mistranslations and Mistakes . § 1. OF these are two real Oversights which he nameth , committed by too much hast and heedlesness : The one is , that I misplaced [ Vere ] in the Translation of a Speech of Theodorets ; a gross oversight I confess : The other , that I put [ Episcopi ] as if it had been the 〈…〉 tive case , when it was the Nominative plural ; which also was a heedless oversight . And about the death of Stephanus , he noteth my mistranslating Calami ; and I imagine yet he is scarce certain what it signified himself . As for his note of my use of [ Scripture ] about the Ephesine Council , I purposely kept to the literal Translation , that none might say I did mistranslate it ; but I never said that by the Scriptures was meant the Bible . § 2. This Accuser puts too great an honour on such a History as mine , which goeth through so many Ages and Acts , in noting so few , and such little things . I never pretended to be as good an Historian as he is ; yet I do not think that it was any thing but a slip of memory that made him put Eustathius instead of Flavian , as kickt to death at Ephesus . And me thinks he that thus begins his Errata of his own Book [ The faults that have escaped are almost infinite : ] should not for one false Comma of the Printers , have passed the foresaid censure of me . But doth not this Learned Historian know , how ordinarily the greatest of them do charge one another with manifold Errours , and of far greater moment than these forementioned . How few Historians do not this ? Yea what bitter censures doth he pass himself on no lower Historians than Socrates and Sozomen ? It would be tedious to give you the Instances that every such Book affordeth . I see he valueth Labbe the Jesuite . How oft doth he accuse Historians of Errour , Ignorance , Malice , &c. e. g. de Anastasio Biblioth . so eminent a Writer of the Popes Lives , yet [ Errat Vossius & siqui alii cum Anastasio Presbytero , &c. ] And even of that famous History of the Popes , [ Onuphria● Panuinius , Gerb. Vossius , & plerique alii 〈◊〉 consent esse ab Anastasio scriptam , Nicolai 1. Papae Vitam , & a Gulielm● S. R. E. Bibliothecario additas fuisse Ha●r . 2. & Steph. 6. P. Vitas : Verum Cardinalis Baronius iis refragatur eidemque auctori omnes illas ascribit ; sunt quoque qui a Damaso Papa , &c. ] Here the greatest Historians differ about one of the most noted Histories . Of Augustin's Works ( To. 1. p. 129. ) he tells you that Bellarmine tells us not what Edition he used : But it 's certain he used not the Antwerp , or Plantinian Edition , which was the best , and the Original of all the rest . ] P. 132. Rivet and Perkins are derided for disowning some Epistles . P. 135. Erasmi , Riveti similiumque ridetur a doctis censura ( viz. de lib. Continent . ) And I profess my self less skilful in such matters than Erasmus . Et ibid. Erasmus & H●sius Juliano opus illud tribuere videntur , Pamelius tanquam incerti Authoris allegat : Nos cum Lovaniensibus Bellarmino , aliisque Catholicis Augustini esse censemus , nec tricae Riveti deterrent . P. 136. Quaest. Vet. & Novi Test . non sunt Augustini ut facile omnes consentiunt : Quamvis sub ejus nomine citatae reperiantur ab Episcopis Lutetiae Paris . An. 824. Congregatis & quibusdam aliis . Of Ausonius the Poet , p. 171. he saith , [ Quam falsa sint quae de eo scripsit Jo. Trithemius quivis vel ex ipsa lectione intelliget . Of Mantuan , p. 173. [ Ex Trithemii encomio haec dubio pro●ul omni obliteranda : [ Q● metro Virgilium , Ciceronem prosa aequat , ne dicam superat : ] Sunt enim falsissima iis qui gustum aliquem latinitatis habent . Of Beda , p. 184. See what he saith of Will. Malmsbury , Mat. Westminst . Vessius and Baronius . Of B●ethius , p. 204. Henorius Augustod . — ubi falso narrat Mediolani interfectum fuisse — P. 217. Plura adversus Leunclavium , primum eorum editorem declamavit Jac. Billius ( de Caesario . ) De Claudio Scoto , p. 228. Tho. Dempsterus multa pro more suo indigesta effudit — De Gersone , p. 565. Errat post Possevinum Maraccius qui Joan. hunc Monachum ordinis coelesti — asserit — Idem quoque ex Patrologo eradendum . See what he saith de Julio Asricano , that the Annotationes eruditiss . in Euseb . Eccles . Hist . — Opinioni nostrae in plerisque adversantur . ] I suppose he means that Valesius which I wanted . And de Justino Mart. Scaligerum errasse , &c. ] Et p. 833. ( insigne mendum ex Trithemio , Gesnero , Simlero , Sexto , Possevino , Bellarmino , Miraeo , aliisque propagatum — ) To. 2. p. 361. Smaragdos duos in unum confuderunt , Trithemius , Sixtus Senensis , Possevinus , Bellarminus , Miraeus aliique passim — ] Abundance such charges tell us how much greater Errours are charged on the greatest Historians , than Mr. Morrice chargeth on me , with the least shew of probability . How many score of Historians doth Blondell cite , who he thinks have falsly told us of a Pope Joan ? What abundance of faults would Causabon have found in Baronius , if he had lived to go through him as he began ? And I profess my self much more ignorant in History than Baronius . It would be tedious to number all the gross Errours that Vossius citeth de scriptor . Graecis & Latinis ; e. g. in the Later . p. 230. Hos duos confudit Trithemius — vid. quae habet de Fla● . Alcuino , p. 290 , 291 , 292. De Usuardo , p. 295. cont . Gualterium & Baronium , Wicelium , p. 296. & cap. 32. de Turpino contra Trithemium & alios . Et cap. 33. de Walafr . Strab. Tritthenius vehementer errat — Et Laur. Surium Bellarmin . in Catal. & alios nonnullos in errorem induxit . Vid. & quae de Aimoino , p. 308 , 309. habet , & contra Possevinum , p. 310. & contra alios , 311. Et contra Baronium , Breulium , &c. 312. Et de Haimone cap. 35. contra Tritthenium , & de Rabano Mauro , p. 315. Et de Landulph . Sagace contra Caes . Orlandium . De Anastas . c. 35. p. 319. De Hin●maro contra Tritthenium , c. 36. p. 320. But I must not tire the Reader : Multitudes of such Instances this one Author gives us : And how few Historians charge not others with Errours so much greater , and more than Mr. M. with any Truth accuseth me of . § 3. As to his notes on my Titles of some Councils , it 's past my memory , whether it was my carelesness , or ( as I think ) the Printer's Errour , to put [ a Council at Aransican , Toletan , Regiense , for Concilium Aransicanum , Toletanum , Rhegiense . ] If it was my act , I forgot that I had first put the Substantive in English . But he may oft find the same names used to his mind : And sure it is no falsification of the History . § 4. But he hath a far greater charge against me , that I did not apprehend the mind of the Council at Tours ; why so ? The words are [ Nos vero siquos Lex perimi jubet , si cupiunt audire praeconem , volumus ut convertantur ad vitam : Nam perimendi sunt oris gladio & communione privandi si relicta sibi seniorum decreta observare noluerint , &c. Here he saith the meaning is , [ The Ecclesiastical Laws do punish such with perpetual Excommunications , yet this Council thought fit to mitigate it , &c. ] The Question is , Whether [ Quos Lex perimi jubet , signifie Death , or Excommunication ? ] I take it to be Death , and that the Council saith [ Though by the Law such are to Die , if they will hear the Preacher , we will have them converted to Life : But so that if they will not be separated , the Church Sword of Excommunication shall cut them off instead of Death . ] My Reasons why [ Lex perimi jubet ] signifieth Death , are from the express foregoing words , [ Quia etiam Lex Romana constituit , ut quicunque sacratam Deo Virginem vel Viduam fortasse rapuerit , si postea eis de conjunctione convenerit , capitis sententia feriantur . Item siquis , non dicam rapere , sed attent are matrimonii conjungendi causa , sacram Virginem ausus fuerit , capitis sententia feriatur . Cum etiam in Chronicis habeatur de Virginibus Gentilium tempore , quae se deae Vestae sacraverant , postmisso proposito & corrupta virginali gratia , Legali sententia vivas in terra fuisse desossas . If none of this signifie Death , I confess I understand not Latine . I thought the Council meant Death by [ Lex perimi jubet , ] but they would be more merciful ; which I blamed them not for , but noted here what many other Canons instance , where they also punish murder but with keeping men from Communion , that this agreeth with some Sectaries Opinion . I leave Mr. M's . great skill in expounding Councils here to any equal Judge . But if I ignorantly mistake in all this , and neither [ Capitis sententia feriantur ] nor [ Vivas in terra desossas ] signifie Death , but Excommunication , yet many other Canons after cited fully tell us of the Bishops Clemency . CHAP. VII . Mr M's . Exposition of Church History tryed by his Exposition of my own words : And 1. Of his false supposition that I am only for a Church of one Congregation meeting in one place . § 1. IF so many repetitions of my Opinion cannot save Mr M. from so untrue a supposition of my self , I must not too far trust him , of the sence of those that he is as distant from as I. Yet this supposition running through all his book , shews that he wrote it against he knew not whom nor what . His foundation is because I define a single Church by Personal present Communion . § 2. I do so : And 1. Doth he think there is no such thing as Christians conjoyned for assembling in Gods ordinary worship , under the Conduct of their Proper Pastors . I will not censure him so hardly as to think he will deny it . 2. Are these Churches or not . I suppose he will say , Yea. 3. But is there no Personal Pres●nt Communion but in publick worship . Yes sure Neighbours who worship God in divers places , may yet live in the Knowledge and conversation of each other ; and may meet for Election of Officers , and other Church businesses , and may frequently exhort , reprove and admonish each other , and relieve each other in daily wants ; and many meet sometimes by turns in the same place , where they all cannot meet at once : We have great Towns , ( like Ipswich , Plymouth Shrewsbury , &c. ) which have many Parishes , and yet Neighbourhood maketh them capable of [ Personal Communion in Presence ] as distinct from [ Communion by Letters or Delegats with those that we neither see nor know . ] And we have many great Parishes which have several Chappels , where the People ordinarily meet yet per vices some one time and some another come to the Parish Churches . Have these no Parochial Personal Communion ? To the well-being of a Church , I confess I would not have a single Church of the lowest species have too many , nor too few : No more than whose Personal Communion should be frequent in Gods publick worship . Nor so few as should not fully employ more Ministers of Christ than one . But to the Being of a Church , I only require that the End of their Association be Personal Communion as distinct from distant Communion by Letters and delegates . And by [ Communion ] I mean not only the Sacrament . § 2. It is in vain therefore to answer a book that goeth on such false suppositions , and a man that will face down the world that I plead for that which I never owned , and so frequently disclaim . CHAP. VIII . Of his false supposition that I am against Diocesan Bishops , because I am against that species of them which puts down all the Bishops of single Churches , and those Churches themselves . § 1. THis supposition goeth through almost all the book : In his preface he saith [ The superiority of Bishops over Presbyters is acknowledged by Catholicks , and Schismaticks & Hereticks , &c. and yet this Church history would have us believe the Contrary . ] And so throughout . § 2. And yet to shew that he knew the Contrary in one place he confesseth it , and described part of my judgment , and saith that none will be of my mind in it , but it is singular to my self : Yea I had in my Disput . of Church Government , which he taketh on him in part to answer , and in my Treat . of Episcopacy which he also pretends to answer in part , told them of more sorts of Bishops than one that I oppose not , no not A. Bishops themselves : And one of them hereupon notes it as if I differed but about the name , submitting to Diocesans so they may but be called A. Bishops . To whom ▪ I answered that A. Bishops have Bishops under them , so that though I over and over even to tediousness tell them it is the d●posing of all the first or lowest Species of Bishops and Churches , and Consequently all Possibility of true Dis●ipline that I oppos● , and submit to any that oversee many such Churches without destroying them and their priviledges instituted by Christ ] I speak ●ill in vain to them : These true Historians face down the world that I write whole books to the clean contrary . CHAP. IX . Of his supposition that I am an Independent , and yet that I plead for the cause of the Presbyterians . § 1. THis is also a supposition that is part of the Stamina of his Book ; and how far he is to be believed herein judge by the evidence following . 1. He knew what I said before for three sorts of Bishops , 1. Episcopi Gregis , Overseers of single lowest Churches , as of Divine Institution : 2. For Episcopi Episcoporum , or Presidents-Bishops ejusdem Ordinis , non ejusdem Gradus , in the same Churches , as of early Humane Institution , which I resist not . 3. Episcopi Episcoporum , Overseers of many Churches , which I suspect to be Successors of the Apostles , and of such as Timothy , Titus , &c. in the continued ordinary part of their work , ( exercising no other Power than they did : ) Insomuch that Dr. Sherlock would be thought so much less Episcopal than I , as that he saith , It is Antichristian to assert Episcopos Episcoporum . § 2. And Dr. Parker hath newly written a Book for Episcopacy , which I hear many despise ; but for my part I take to be the strongest that I have seen written for it these twenty years ; but to no purpose against me ; for it is but for Episcopacy in general , which I oppose not . It excellent well improveth the Arguments of the K. and Bishops at the Isle of Wight ; even that one Argument that a Superiority of some over others being settled by Christ and his Apostles , that Form must be supposed to continue , unless we have clear proof of the Repeal or Cessation . I have ost said the same ; I could never answer that Argument : But this will not justifie the deposing of thousands of Bishops and Churches , and of their Discipline , to turn them all into two or three Diocesans . § 3. Also he knoweth that I have written these 35 years against Lay. Elders ; believing that the Colledge of Elders which of old assisted the Bishops , were none of them Lay-men , nor unordained , but of the same Order , though not Degree , with the Bishop himself . § 4. And I have also written that Synods of Bishops or Presbyters are but for Concord , and have not as such by a major Vote a proper Government of the minor part or absent : Much less that Classes , and other Assemblies , are the stated Church-Government which all must obey : And are the Presbyterians of any of the three forementioned Opinions ? § 5. I ever held a necessity of manifold dependance of all Christians and Churches . As all depend on Christ as their Head , so do all the People on the Pastors , as their authorized Guides , whom they must not Rule , but be Ruled by , 1 Thes . 5. 12 , 13. Heb. 13. 17 , 24. And all these Churches depend on each other for Communion and Mutual Help , as many Corporations in one Kingdom . And frequent Synods well used , are greatly helpful to these ends : And the Command of doing as much as we can in Love and Concord , doth bind all the particular persons to concur with the Synods in all things that tend to the Peace and Edification of the Church , or are not against it . And more than so , if the general Visitors or Bishops that take care of many Churches , do by God's Word direct , instruct , reprove , admonish the particular Bishops and Churches , they ought with reverence to hear them and obey them . And if Independents really are for all this , why do these Accusers represent them odiously , as if it were no such matter , but they were meerly for Church-Democracy ? Either you are not to believed in what you say of them , or of me . § 6. I know we have men that say , that on pretence of acknowledging all this Episcopacy , I put down all , because I take from them the power of the Sword , and leave all to despise them if they please . Ans . This indeed is the power that under the name of Episcopacy now too many mean. Bishop Bilson knew no Power but Magistrates by the Sword , and Ministers by the Word . But why name I one man ? It is the common Opinion of Protestants , and most sober Papists , that Bishops as such have no power of force on Body or Purse . But we deny not the forcing Power of the Magistrate . 3. But we heartily wish that they would keep it in their own hands , and never use it to force unwilling men into the Church , or to Church-Communion ; high Priviledges which no unwilling person hath any right to . This is my Independency . CHAP. X. Of his Accusation , That I make the Bishops the Authors of all Heresies and Schisms , as distinct from Presbyters , Monks and People . § 1. THis also runs throughout his Book ; and must such Books be answered or believed ? I never denyed the guilt and concurrence of others with them . I only say , That as Bishops were the Chief , so they had the chief hand , as far as I can yet learn , in Heresies and Schisms , since they came to their height of Power , and specially in those grand Heresies and Schisms , which have broken , and keep the Churches in those great Sects and Parties , which in East and West it consisteth of to this day . I never doubted or denyed but that 1. The Heresies that were raised before the Church had any Patriarchs , or the turgent sort of Bishops , were certainly raised without them . 2. And afterward sometime a Presbyter began a Heresie . 3. And the Bishops were but as the Generals of the Army in all the Church Civil Wars . But I never denyed but the Prelatical Priests , Monks , and multitude were their obsequi●us Army . § 2. Mr. M. saith , That those Bishops that were Hereticks , were mostly such , or inclined to it before . Answ . 1. Was there then a good Succession of Ordination , when the World groaned to find it self Arian ? Were all these Arians before their Consecration ? Answ . 2. Were they not all Prelatical Presbyters that aspired to be Bishops , and so as they say had a Pope or Bishop in their bellies . I never thought that Prelatical Priests that studied Preserment , and longed to be Bishops , had no hand in Heresies nor Schisms , no more than that the Roman Clergy are innocent herein , and the fault is in the Pope alone . What a deal then of this man's Book is lost and worse , on such suppositions ? CHAP. XI . Of his confident Accusation , that I mention all the faults of the Bishops , and none of their Goodness , or Good Deeds . § 1. THis also is a chief part of the Warp or Stamen of his Book . In his Preface he saith , [ This History of Bishops is nothing else but an Account of all the faults that Bishops have committed in the several Ages of the Church , without Any Mention of their Good Actions , of their Piety and Severity of their Lives ; of their Zeal for the Faith , &c. ] Answ . 1. Whether this Fundamental Accusation be true or false , let the Reader who loveth Truth see 1. In the very first Chapt. from § 41. to the end . 2. Through all the Book where I oft praise good Bishops , good Councels , and good Canons , and good Books and Deeds . 3. In the two last Chapters of the Book , written purposely to hinder an ill use of the Bishops faults . In the first Chapter [ Very many of the Bishops themselves were humble , hol● , faithful men , that grieved for the miscarriages of the rest : Though such excellent persons as Gregory of Neocaesarea , Greg. Nazianz. Greg. Nyssen , Basil , Chrysostom , Augustine , Hillary , Prosper , Fulgentius , &c. were not very common , no doubt but there were many that wrote not Books , nor came so much into the notice of the World , but avoided contentions and factious stirs , that quietly and honestly conducted the Flocks in the waies of Piety , Love , and Justice . And some of them ( as St. Martin ) separated from the Councils and Communion of the prevailing turbulent sort of the Prelates ; to signifie the disowning of their sins . ] Of the Antients before the world crowded into the Church , I never made question : Such as Clemens , Polycarp , Ignatius , Irenaeus , and the rest . How oft I have praised holy Cyprian , and the African Bishops and Councils , he sometime confesseth . What I say of Atticus , Proclus , and other peaceable Bishops , you may see p. 17. and very oft . Yea of the Bishops of many Sects , much of the Albigenses , &c. p. 17 , 18. Yea of the good that was done by the very worldly sort p. 18 , 19 , 20. Yea of the Papists Bishops that were pious p. 20. § 46. And § 47. I vindicate the excellency of the Sacred Office. And § 53 , 58 , 59 , 60. I plead for Episcopacy it self in the justifiable species of it . § 2. But perhaps he will say , that at least I say more of their faults than their 〈◊〉 : I answer , of such good Bishops as Cyprian , Basil , Greg. Nazianzen , Chrysostom , Augustin , Hillary , Martin , &c. I speak of their virtues and nothing at all ( that I remember ) of their faults . Of such as Theophilus , and Cyril Alexandri . and Epiphanius , &c. I speak of their virtues and some of their faults ( as the scripture doth of many good mens . ) Of the more ambitious , turbulent sort , I speak only or mostly of their faults : For I profess not to write a History of their lives , but to inform the ignorant what Spirit it is that brought in Church tyranny and divisions . I denyed none of their virtues , though it was not my work to record them . While I am confuting the Errours of your book , do I wrong you unless I write a Catalogue of your good works . Morney , Illyricus , and many others have gathered a Catalogue of old witnesses for Protestant Verities . And Bishop Morton hath cited multitudes of Papists against their party : Have they wronged them because they have not also cited all that the same said for the Roman cause ? I have mentioned the virtues of some of the Popes , even of Greg. 7. but of many others I have only mentioned their vices : This is not to deny any good that is in them : Nor do you accuse your selves of any injustice when you tell the world how bad men the Parliaments have bin , and how bad Cromwell and the Armies , and how bad the Nonconformists are , and I in particular , without naming any of their good deeds or virtues : Because it is not your business . CHAP. XII . Of his Accusation that I do all in spite and malice against Bishops , and as using ill language of them . § 1. ANsw . 1. Spite and Malice are heart sins : If the same effect may come from other Causes , how know you that these are the Cause ? Ans . 2. Is it from Spight and Malice that Protestants commonly describe the vices of the Popes , such as Greg. 7. Sergius , Alexandr . 3. Boniface 8. Joh. 12. and 13. & 22 , & 23. & Eugen. 4. &c. And also that they so hardly speak of the Jesuites , Yea and Papists commonly ? Sure it may come from some other cause . Ans . 3. Is it from Spight and Malice that you recite the tumults of the German Anabaptists , the faults of those at Munster , the Errours of David George , the many Enthusiastick Sects described by Beckman Exercit. ( of whom many as Thaulerus , Kempis , Behmen had much very commendable ; and Grotius praised Job . Ar●dt . ) Is it from Malice that the Familists , Seekers , Quakers , Anabaptists , &c. are usually by your party described by their faults , without any mention of their goodness ? Ans . 4. Is it from Spight and Malice that your Party have written what they have done of the great faultiness of the Nonconformists , both former and latter ; and that Calvinists are so odiously represented , that the Reformation by them is described by Heylin and others as Rebellious ? That such books are written as Heylins Aerius Redivivus , H. Fowlis , the Evangel . Armatum , The Eccles . Polit. the Friendly Debate , the Counterminer , the Vindica● . of Dr. Stillingfleet , the pretended second part , ( which is a continued Calumny against my self , so full of particular falshoods as are not to be without a tedious Volume answered : And a multitude such written to render the Nonconformists odious and unsufferable . If all these be not written in Malice , how know you that mine were ? Ans . 5. And whereas some pretending moderation accuse me of too bad provoking language , 1. Is there any Comparison between the language of any of these books , or yours and Dr. Sherlock's and mine ? Read but Learned Godly moderate Bishop Downam his Defence of his Visit . sermon , his frequent charges [ of shameless , impudent Lying , and much more ] against a Nonconformist that gave him no such language . Read but the ordinary Writings of such as Bishop Bancroft , Dr. Sutcliff , and most others against the Old Nonconformists ; and of the Lutherans against the Calvinists , even men that I am persuaded meant honestly , but by Faction were exasperated , as Hunnius , Brentius , Morlinus , M●rbackius , Snepfius , Wigandus , Heshusius , Andreas , Se●necerus , Heerbrand , Calovi●s , and many such . Read but our Grammarians , such as you may find in the many Volumes of the Collections of Janus Gruter●s , even those of Cramer , and Phil. Paraeus , and others against himself ; where Fools , Knaves , Lyars , Sots , and worse , make up much of the style . Read but our Old Grammarian Reformers against the Popish Priests , and Schoolmen , I mean Erasmus , Hutten , Faber , and the rest , what Scorns their Writings do abound with . I will not refer you to the Queen of Navarr● , and Stephanus his World of Wonders , against the Priests , lest you think I approve of the excess . Yea read but the Writings of our famous Learned Criticks , Jul. and Joseph Scaliger , Heinsius , Salmasius , &c. from whom the railing Jesuite Labbe took advantage to say , Tom. 1. p. 820. [ Riv●●o prae●v●●at Josephus Scaliger , homo utique modestissimus , qui Editores S. Irae●ae● vocat , clamosos , maledicentissimos . C●rcop●s , Tartareos , Pyriphleget●o●tas , vir●lentiae & probrorum co●c●●n●tores , & editionem coloniensem , cloacam Sycophantiarum , l●●●in●m conv●ti●●●m , & sta●●l●m inscitiae . ] Through God's great mercy , while Malignity is the Complexion of the Serpent's Seed , and Lying is their Breath , and Murder is their Work , the names of all these sins are odious in the world , and guilt is impatient , and cannot endure its own name . Should I but mention the Language of Papists , how they represent the holiest Protestants as Lyars , Deceivers , Devils , intollerable , whom it is as lawful to kill as Dogs , Foxes or Toads , it would concern none but those of you that use to say , I had rather be a Papist than a Puritane , or Presbyterian ; o● those that renounce Communion with us , and own it with the Church of Rome ; who are , alas , too many . Such Language as ●a●●●'s , Vol. 1 p. 819. is of the sweeter sort , viz. Quisquis es s●lutis t●● amans , Omnes illic● Calvinistas , Lutheranos , Socinianos Anabaptistas , similesque generis humani pestes , Cacodamon●m instar execrabere . This is but what we daily hear : But while we hear it in a Language so very like from the Papists , and the Pulpits and Press , and Roger Le Strange is become the Church's Advocate and Mouth , it will harden them that did ill joyn together Popery and Prelacy in their rejections . Honest Thuanus is amiable and honourable for Speaking well of all that deserved it , without partiality : But Gerb. Vossius is put to defend his Father-in-law Junius against his unjust censure . Indeed Junius was a man of Eminent peaceableness and moderation , ( I would Arminius and he had been the utmost prosecutors of that Controversie , notwithstanding Dr. Twisses undervaluing his skill in School Divinity ) And few men were more unlike Thuanus his ill Character than Junius : But Dr Manton hath told me that he hath been fully informed that it was not Junius that Thuanus meant but another that dyed that year ( which Junius did not ) and that by some ill chance a wrong name was put in Contrary to Thuanus intent . § 2. Dr. Burnet is a man whom I much value and honour , and pleadeth much for peace and moderation , and therefore much the more amiable to me : I thank him for his reproof of me to my face ; but because he goeth on to vend it as just behind my back , where I cannot answer him , I must do it here . He saith that [ I began and that with unchristian , provoking language against the Conformists in my first Plea for peace , which caused all the succeeding heats . ] Ans . 1. I have to him and oft in print appealed to humanity and common sence whether one that was seventeen years silent , & communicated in the Parish Churches , and under scorns , and ejection , imprisonment & mulcts did peaceably continue Communion with them without reply or self defence , and never wrote against them , till they had long called out to him to give them an account of the reasons of his Nonconformity , and then durst not provoke them by a dispute , but barely named the matters which we judge unlawful , professing not to be the Accuser of Conformists , but only to answer the Call of Parliament-men , Bishops , and others that urged us , and threatned us if we would not tell them what we stuck at ; and made this the Justification of their prosecution of many hundred men : I say , whether such a man had a Call to speak ? When the King Licensed us , I had before briefly defended our Preaching as Licensed : But being thus summoned by our Prosecutors and Superiours , I told them what we judged unlawful ; and was this a beginning of the Flame ? Was Seventeen years Poverty , Prohibition and Prosecution , and all this Importunity , no provocation or call to speak ? Did this begin ? If he were in the House of Correction , and were beaten but Seventeen years , or Seven years , to confess the Cause for which he suffered , and at last con●essed it , and one should say , This was the beginning of the strife , Would he take this for a good Historian ? And if he had written History , would this report advance the credit of it ? § 3. But the second thing accused , is the unchristian Language of that Book . Answ . Doth a general Accusation signifie more ill of the accuser , or of the accused , if it be not proved by particular Instances ? I urged him to name the unchristian words , and I remember but two Instances he gave me . The first is , that I use the word [ untruths ] against my Accusers . And 1. I think the Reader will very rarely find that word in that Book . 2. Is this so harsh as the common charge of Lying , used even by the most Learned sober Conformists ? 3. I thought it had been a modest word : What shall a man say when such Volumes of Slander are published against him and others , as tends to preach all their Neighbours into hatred and persecution of them ? Alas ! Doth it increase our crime to say , It is untrue ? How shall we then answer for our selves at any Bar ? Is it tollerable voluminously to tell the World down-right falshoods of us ? and is it railing for us to say , [ They are untrue ? ] What 's this but like him that run a man thorow in wrath with his Sword , and indicted him for crying , oh ? This is the Church Justice even of our moderate Historians . § 4. But he saith , I should not call it [ a falshood , or untruth ] but a mistake . Answ . This is a sharper word ; for it signifieth the fault of the mistaker usually ; whereas by speaking de objecto , that it is false , I leave it to others how far the reporter is to be blamed . But sure most Logical Disputations are Railings , if the words [ ●alsum ] and [ fallacia ] be such . § 5. About a month or six weeks ago the Observator , the Churches Advocate published , That [ a Captain of Horse of the King 's , had the fortune to be dismounted , wounded and stript , and a Chaplain ( naming me before ) cut from about his neck a Medal , which the King had given him , and the Souldiers spared in the heat of blood ] I sent him word how false this was : I never saw the man in my life that I know of ; much less ever medled with him : But was in a House where a Souldier brought a small silver-guilt Medal , about the bigness of a big Shilling , and said , he took it from about the neck of one Captain Jennings , whose Life he spared : He offered it to sale , and no one offering him more , I gave him eighteen pence for it in 1643. as I remember : And about 1648. hearing where Captain Jennings was , supposing it might be of great use to him , I sent it him as a gift by one Mr. Sommerfield . ] And this slander is all the thanks I had . The Church-Advocate wrote me back , that he had it formally attested . I craved as a favour of him to tell me if Captain Jennings be living , how I might write to him . He answers me , that one was out of the way that he must first speak with , and I should shortly hear from him . The next I heard was as a second part of Dr. Stillingfleet , the foresaid Book full of cruel falshood , taken from my having been for the Parliament , and from many distorted words of mine : Now when this Book renders me worse than a Jew , or Heathen , and unfit to live , some I fear will tell abroad that I am a Traitor , for saying , that [ It is slanderous or untrue . ] § 6. His second Instance was these words of mine [ Pardon me for saying , I think that Mr. Tombs hath said more like truth for Anabaptistry , the late Hungarian for Polygamy , many for Drunkenness , Stealing , and Lying , in cases of Necessity , than ever I yet read for the Lawfulness of all that I have here described . ] Answ . 1. Is there any Railing or unchristian Language in these words ? which be they ? Answ . 2. Do I here speak of any but my self and the Nonconformists ? Do I not protest against accusing others , and only say , what it would be to me , should I conform ? And must I not , when importuned by Bishops , Priests and Rulers , say what I fear , le●t others should think it intimateth their guiltiness ? Can I help that ? Answ . 3. Did that man ever understandingly consider the matter , who can doubt of the truth of what I say ? I. On the one side how heinous and many the sins that we fear are , if we should conform , I must not again name , for that 's it that provoketh . 11. Now as to the Comparison ; 1. I 'le appeal to Learned Bishop Barlow whether Mr. Tombs hath not made the Case of Anabaptistry more difficult ? Let them that deny it confute him better than I have done . 2. And why doth none answer the Hungarians book for Polygamy if it be easier done than the task in question . I have known the man that maintained , that if a King had a barren wife , and his Kingdom like to be undone by a destructive successor , he might as lawfully take another wife , as Adams Children might marry incestuously . And indeed the many unreproved instances of Polygamy in Abraham , Jacob , Moses , David , Solomon , &c. will allow men more pretence for it , than ever I saw brought for all ( I say , but For all ) that I have named in that book . 3. And many Physicians have said so much ( though amiss ) for the lawfulness of a Drunken Cup instead of a Vomit & a Cordial in some diseases , as have made it a harder case than ours seems to me : And I say not what it seems to others . 4. And de necessario concubitu legantur quae a medicis dicuntur de furore ut erino . 5. And for stealing nothing but present food to save life , he that Considers what God allowed a man to take that went through an Orchard , Vineyard or Corn-field , and what the Law of nature is , and whether the Kings Army on whose strength the Safety of King & Kingdom depends , may not violently take food without the owners consent rather than perish , will find it harder to justifie the denying Christendom and Communion to godly Persons that scruple our sort of God Fathers , Crossing and Kneeling , &c. than to confute the aforesaid stealing , or that which is meerly to save life . 6. And as for Lying in cases of necessity , No less men of their own party than Grotius de Jure Belli and Bishop Jer. Taylor in Duct . Dubit . have written for it . And though I be against it , and many Conformists for it , yet I will not deny but if the Life of the King might be saved among Enemies by a Lie ; or the Life of a Patient by his Physicians deceiving him by a Lie , much more may be pretended for it , than for all the heinous sin which I fear . § 7. And if these words be uncharitable Railing , what means have we lest to give them that demand it , the Reasons of our Nonconformity ? What if we had gone further , and taken it for a crying Church Crime , and called all the Clergy to Repentance ? If that which we judge sinful be not so , let them confute us : If it be so , and as great as we fear , is it not our duty to bewail it , and mourn for it ? Ezek. 9. 4. Zeph. 3. 17 , &c. And is not mincing and extenuating great sin , an implicit hardening men against Repentance ? Should one Preach against Adultery , Fornication , Perjury , Murder , as about a doubtful Controversie , or a small thing , and say but [ Good men are on both sides ; I dare not say it is a sin , though I dare not do it my self : Or if it be one , it is but such as good men are ordinarily guilty of : We must not judge one another . ] What were this but ( worse than Eli to his Sons ) to cherish Sin , and Preach Impenitence , and serve Satan against the Evangelical Preaching of Repentance ? § 8. For my Judgment , I profess it to be the duty of me , and all men , to use no Language of Good mens faults , no , though they turn Persecutors upon some particular Errour , but what is consistent with true Love to the men , and to cover their faults that are private , and meerly personal , as far as lawfully we may ; but not to make light of publick , aggravated Crimes , such as those of Hophni and Phinehas ; nor to shew indifferency towards Buyers and Sellers in the Temple ; nor to strengthen the Sin which threatneth a Land. If I thought that hundreds or thousands of Christ's faithful Ministers in any Country were unjustly hunted and forbidden to Preach the Gospel to a People that truly need it , and this to the unavoidable dividing of the People , and the plain making way for a Forreign Jurisdiction , I should take my self as a guilty hinderer of Repentance , and Enemy to the Publick Safety , if I should say only [ This is a doubtful Controversie between Good , Wise , and Learned men . ] Labbe ends his To. 1. as justifying his bitterest Reproaches , with the Authority of Christ , Peter , Paul , John , Jude , Ignatius . And if he had only given great and publick sins , the true names necessary to mens knowledge of them , for Repentance or Preservation , those Texts , and many more would have justified him . CHAP. XIII . Of his Supposition that I speak against all Bishops Councils . § 1. THis is not so . 1. I write oft for the great usefulness of Councils . 2. I justly praise no small number of them , especially before the great Rising of the Bishops , for the first 300 or 400 years : He once acknowledgeth it of the African Councils : And he might have seen the like of many Spanish , and some French and Germane Councils : The English I little medled with . 3. The First General Council at Nice I justly honour ; yea and the Three following , and many more than three , for the soundness of their Faith , and as having many very laudable persons in them ; though I shew the ill effects of their contention and ambition . I have heard some Conformists confess the great Learning and piety of the Westminister Synod in 1642. and of the Synod of Dort , where we had Delegates : and yet sharplier speak against the Acts of both by far , than I have done by any such pious Persons . Even they that have honoured Bishop Carlton , Bishop Hall , Bishop Davenant , Dr. Ward , &c. that were there , have yet bitterly reproached the Decrees which they subscribed . And how many as well as Dr Heylin have written and spoken ill of A. Bishop Usher , of A. Bishop Abbot , A. Bishop Grindai , A. Bishop Parker ( yea of A. Bishop Whitguif● for the Lambeth-Articles which I justifie not ) who yet have a great honour both for Bishops and their Councils . § 2. But I confess I am much of Nazianzen's mind , and I think I am no more against them in the general than he was . And I am against our subjection to the Jurisdiction of Forreign Councils , and the use that the Pope and ambitious Clergy have made of them , to become Masters of Princes and of the world : I am not for Ebbo's French Council which deposed Ludov. Pius , nor for making them either the Popes Army , or the Army of Patriacks against each other or of such Princes as Constantius , Valens , Theodosius junior , Anastasius Philippicus , Justinian , Irene , &c. to fulfill their own mistaken wills , how honest soever the men might be . Much less am I for such work as the Council at Later an sub Innoc. 3 made , no nor that at Florence . § 3 And I take it for an Act of great Prudence in this my accuser , while he is vindicating Bishops Councils , to go no further than the four first General , when it is many hundred that I have mentioned . And is it not really an intimated accusation of them to vindicate so few of above 400. And those such as for their faith we all own . And yet a man would think by the strein of his style and language that it were at least the greater part of Conncils that he were pleading for . I say still as Bishop Bilson and other Protestants : Well ordered sound Councils we owe great respect and honour to , for Counsel ; strength and Concord , but subjection and Obedience , saith he , We owe Them none , ( save as we are bid , be all subject one to another , and serve one another in Love. ) § 4. And now I leave any impartial man to judge what answer such a book deserved , which goeth upon all these forementioned untrue suppositions . CHAP. XIV . Some mens Credit about ancient Church History , may be conjectured at by their Reports of the History of the time and place that we live in . § 1. BY their History of late and present things we may conjecture at the Credit of not Mr. M's . but others of the Clergy-accusers and Prosecutors of their Brethren . Almost all that I remember that write against me , agree in such misreporting matters of fact , yea the most publick , of the persons , place and time , which our senses have given us notice of , that we must believe them with as great difficulty as we must believe Transubstantiation , even in opposition to all our senses and experience . And whether those men be fit Vindicaters of the Bishops and Councils above a Thousand years ago ( which are blamed by the Historians of their own Age , and by their own Confessions , and by their most servent Defenders ) who notoriously misreport the persons , and actions of their own Place and Age , I think it is not hard to judge . I will instance in Twenty particulars of publick notice ; for those against particular persons , even my self , are not to be numbred . I. It is now commonly taken for true , that the present Nonconformists , who gave in their Desires for Concord 1660. are of the same Judgment as those called Nonconformists heretofore , and whatever can be raked up out of Christ . Goodman , Knox , Kilby , or is reported by Bancroft , is partly chargeable on them , when as their proposed Desires yet shew the world that they never made any motion against many things by those aforesaid scrupled , in Doctrine , Worship , and Ceremony . And it is commonly supposed by them , that the present Conformity is but the same as the Old , and the Case no harder to us : And this notwithstanding all the still visible Acts and Alterations , and Additions , which attest the contrary to all the world . II. In most of their Invectives the present Nonconformists are argued against , as if they had been in the Civil War against the King ; or had been guilty of it more than the Conformists . And that War is made a Reason of their Silencing ; whereas so few of them had any hand in it , that I have many times told them , that if they will Silence none but those that they can prove guilty of any War , or Rebellion , or Sedition , the rest of us will give them a thousand Thanks , though we suffer our selves . Few of the present Nonconformists were then in the Ministry , and of those few that were , few now living meddled with War. III. They are so confident that the Parliament and Army that began the War in England , were Nonconformists , yea Presbyterians , and not of the Church of England , that Mr. Hinkley , & here Mr. Morrice , make a renouncing of their Senses or Understandings necessary to the believing of it . And yet they might as well tell us , that they were all Turks or Papists . Are not a Parliament and an Army things publick enough to be known in the same Age ? When we name to them the Chief Lords and Commons , and Chief Commanders , yet ( and lately ) living , who are known still to live in their own Communion ; and when we challenge them to name Three Presbyterians that were then in the House of Lords , or the House of Commons ; or many that were at first Commanders in the Army ; and we name them the Men that then Commanded , who were commonly known to be Conformists of the Church of England . And if they will not believe their present practice and profession they may yet go to them and be satisfied from their own mouths what were their former Principles . I have told them of a most credible Member of that Parliament yet living , who hath ost profest to me that he knew but one Presbyterian in the House of Commons when the war began , and I have named that one man to them , to try if they can name another . I expect not that they should believe me , or such other concerning those whom we knew : But they may believe the men themselves yet living , & their most familiar Friends . Yea the Records of many foregoing Parliaments , with Laua's Life written by Dr. Heylin fully sheweth them that the difference arose 1. About the fear of Popery , ( and Arminianism as they thought tending towards it ) 2. About Property , Loan-mony , Knight-mony and after Ship-mony , &c. 3. About Imprisonment of members and other Gentlemen . And these were still the quarrel . But saith Mr. M. How then shall we believe our senses . Ans . See Reader , whether his most confident Errours about past things be any wonder . He is not so sure of what he saith of the old Prelates , or the Nestorians , Eutychians , &c. as he is that he must believe his Senses : And his very senses tell him that a Parliament , even Lords , Commons , and an Army , many of whom are yet living , were of another opinion in Religion than ever they were then acquainted with , and which was known to very few in England till afterward . And this contrary to their Profession and practice and the senses of their acquaintance . Lords are Persons of so publick notice that they may easily yet be informed of the living and the dead : In the Army the Chief Commanders were the E. of Essex , the E. of Bedford ( yet living ) Sir John Merrick , the E. of Peterborough , Dolbiere , the E. of Stamford , the Lord Hastings ( E. of Huntington ) the Lord Rochford ( E. of Dover ) the Lord Fielding ( E. of Denbigh ) the Lord Mandevile ( E. of Manchester ) the Lord Roberts ( now Earl of Radnor and President of his Majesties Council ) the Lord St. Johns , ( killed at Keim●n Fight . ) Only the Lord Say , and Lord Brook were known Independents ; and whether the Lord Wharton ( yet living ) was then for Bishops or against them I know not ; but all the rest were of the Church of England . And so were the other Collonels , Sir Henry Cholmley , the late Lord Hollis , Col. Will. Bampfield , Col. Tho. Grantham , Col. Tho. Ballard , C. Sir William Fair fax , Col. Charles Essex , Col. Lord Willoughby of Parham , Col. Sir Will. Waller , Col. Edwin Sandys , Cap. Lord Grey of Grooby ; and I think then Sir Will. Constable and Col. Hampden . What mind Sir Will. Balfoore was of I know not : But I know his Country man Col. Brown was too far from a Puritane . But saith Mr. M. [ 1. It 's well the Bishops had no share in it ] Ans . Let Heylin tell you what hand the difference between A. Bishop Abbats Church of England and Laud's then little Party had in the preparations . 2. And was the A. Bishop of York no Bishop , who afterward was a Commander for the Parliament . But saith he , [ I pray where were the Presbyterians when the Parliament took up Arms : Were they not then in being ? ] Ans . An excellent Historian ! that maintaineth Parliament and Army were such , as he knows not whether they were then in being . Yes Sir , they were in Holland , and France and Geneva , and Scotland ▪ and in England there was one John Ball , and one Mr. Langley , and a few more such old Nonconformists that never were in Arms , and old John Dod , and one Mr. Geree that was against the war and dyed for grief of the Kings death : But among those called Puritans , few knew what Presbytery was , till the Scots afterward brought it in . Much less did Lords , Commons , and Army know it . In your sense Sir they were not then in being , and therefore could not fight . It appears by Bancroft and others that there had been once Presbyterians in England : But they were dead , and few even of the few Nonconforming Ministers succeeded them in the Study of that point . But saith he , [ Were they none of them in the house ] Ans . Yes , one [ or did they protest against the proceedings of the Episcopal and Erastians ? Ans . That one went with them . And Non entis non sunt accidentia . ] But saith he [ Can Mr. B. believe ( or think any one else so weak as to be imposed on in a matter so notorious ) that it was a Parliament of Episcopals , and Erastians and not Presbyterians that began the war ? ] Ans . Thus youngmen that know not whom they talk of can controle the most publick matter of fact by their conjectures . Go ask the worthy Master of the Rolls Sir Harbottle Grimston , whose Speeches were then printed : Ask Sir Joh. Maynard His Majesties Sergeant at Law who was one of them ; or any other of them yet living . Ask them whether they knew themselves and their companions better than you , who it seems knew them not . But saith he [ Were they Episcopals that voted down Episcopacy Root and Branch before the war begun ] Ans . 1. Have you proved that they did so ? 2. Do you think that acontradiction ? 1. They had got a belief that Bishop Laud had got such men into the Seats as were for a Syncretism with the Papists ( described by Heylin ) and against the Subjects Property and Liberty . And it was the Men and not the Office that offended them . 2. But because they were willing of the favour of the Scots , and those Londoners who were against the Bishops , they pleased them by voting down the present frame , intending to set up a moderate Episcopacy in its stead ; Yea long after this when many Learned Divines in the Assembly declared themselves for Episcopacy , but not for Deans , Chancellors , &c. They altered the Covenant so as to describe the present frame only : And when the House of Lords took the Covenant , Mr. Coleman ( an Erastian ) gave it them openly , declaring , that it was not meer Episcopacy that this Covenant renounced , but only the English described Complicate form . And could they have had such Bishops as Abbot and the old Church of England , they had never gone thus far . 3. And they thought not Episcopacy itself so necessary , ( though if moderate the best sort of Governments ) as to hazard all for it , which they thought had been in danger . Even in 1640 July 17. They Voted a Diocesan in every County , with Twelve Divines to Govern. But , saith he , [ Were they Episcopals that Petitioned the King at York for Reformation in Discipline and Worship then ? i. e. for abolishing Episcopacy and Common-Prayer ? ] Answ . 1. Reforming is not Abolishing . 2. I answered that as to the last . When they feared that the Old House would fall on their heads , they were for pulling of it down , and building a New one , after such a Model as Bishop Usher after gave , and the Germane , Swedish , and Danish Churches have ; which they called the Primitive Episcopacy : But before they could do it , they needed the Scots help , who brought in the Covenant , which they chose rather than to fall into the hands of those of whom they had such thoughts and fears , as I need not now describe , Prin's History of Laud's Tryal describeth them . I would ask this confident Historian ( whose senses tell him what Religion men were of contrary to their daily practice of communicating in the Parish-Churches conformably ) whether the Longest Parliament of all , which made the Acts of Uniformity , the Corporation and Vestry Acts , the Two Act● against Conventicles , the Militia Act , &c. were Presbyterian or Episcopal ? Verily , if these were Presbyterians , I am none , nor ever will be : We shall then have a strange definition of a Presbyterian , such as will take in Bishop Sheldon , Bishop Morley , Bishop Gunning , and such others . If not , did not the fear of Popery make that very Parliament begin to look so sowrely on the Clergy , as produced that which I need not tell you of ? And did not most of the same men meet in the next Parliament after , and look yet more suspiciously on the Clergy ? And the next yet more ? And doth it follow that they were not Episcopal but Presbyterian ? But some men are confident against the Sun-light , and the most notorious Publick Evidence . But I must confess that such have shaken my belief of the meer Moral Evidence of most History , and left me only certain of that which hath Evidence , which is truly Natural , in the Natural Impossibility of Conspiracy in a Lie. There were men heretofore that would swear that man was a Puritane , who would not swear and drink with them , and would pray in their Families , and read the Scriptures on the Lord's Day , while others were dancing . And the word [ Puritane ] is now vulgarly changed into [ Presbyterian ] ( by the Clergies Conduct . ) And there are some Clergy-men that will say , a man is a Presbyterian , who reproves them for Drunkenness and Swearing , and other Crimes , specially if he would not have Nonconformists ruined and laid in Gaol with Rogues . In this sense I deny not but Lords , Commons and Army , had many Puritanes or Presbyterians among them , who yet never knew what Presbytery was . But , saith Mr. M. [ Were they Episcopal who pray the King at Oxford to abolish A. Bishops and Bishops , &c. that entred into a Solemn League and Covenant against Episcopacy , and for Reforming the Church after the Presbyterian Platform , and set up Presbytery by so many Ordinances ? ] Answ . Distingue tempora is none of this Historians Principles . How long after the War begun was this Petition at Oxford , this Covenant , and these Ordinances ? He proveth them Presbyterians at first when they knew not what it was , because they were for Presbytery a year or two after : Negatur Sequela . The Scots taught afterwards the Assembly , and them that which they never knew before , 2. And all these Petitions & Ordinances shewed not what they preferred as best , but what they preferred before expected ruine . The Issue proved this , and Heylin confesseth it , and saith , They never set up Presbytery in any one place ( which yet is not true , though they did not force it . ) 3. Do you not know now living , those Episcopal Conformists , who refuse no part of your Conformity , and are much against Presbytery , who since the Discovery of the Papists Plot , are so much afraid of Popery , and so confident that too many of the Clergy are prepared for it , that a little more would turn them from you , though they love Presbytery as little as they love your selves . In a word , The Old Clergy and the Parliament Men agreed . The New Clergy in Bishop Laud's time distasted them ; & the Scots Presbyterians helping them in their straits , partly turned some of them , and partly imposed on them unpleasing conditions . But saith he , [ The Erastians and Independents were at first inconsiderable , and acted joyntly with the Presbyterians , &c. ] Answ . Thus is History delivered to the deluded World ! Neither Independency nor Presbytery were understood by many till the War was begun . The Scots Commissioners by degrees acquainted them with Presbytery , and Mr. Burton's Protestation Protested , and the five Dissenters with Independency : Two or three Independents were in the House of Lords , and some few in the House of Commons : It was Episcopal-men that made up the main Body : These were of two sorts : The one sort thought Episcopacy of Divine Institution , but not Chancellors , Deans and Chapters , Arch-Deacons , Officials , &c. The other sort thought that Episcopacy , not rampant , was the best Government Jure humano ; But that the Magistrate being Chief , might set it up , or take it down , as he see most for the common good . These were called by some Erastians : And that these at first were inconsiderable , is History written in despight of Evidence . Let any man 1. Read what Parliaments formerly said ; 2. And what many English Divines wrote for the Jus humanum against the Jus Divinum ; and what Testimony Prin hath given of it ; 3. And what Dr. Stillingfleet hath produced for it in his Irenicon ; 4. And how commonly it was owned by Conformists then in Conserence ; 5. And how commonly the Lawyers were for the Humane Right ; 6. Yea and the Civilians themselves ; and then let him take this Historian's word , if he tell Posterity that the Parliament and Army were not English men . IV. These Historians candidly tell the world , that the Nonconformists , who offered their Desires for Concord 1660. were Presbyterians , and so are most of the Nonconformists now . Whereas they never made one motion for Presbytery , for Lay-Elders , for Ruling Classes or Assemblies , nor against Episcopacy ; but only offered the Paper called A. Bishop Usher's Reduction of Episcopacy to the Primitive Form ; wherein neither A. Bishops , nor Bishops , nor Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , were taken down , or any of their Revenues , Lordships , or Parliament-Power . This is Presbytery with these Historians . V. They make the world believe that the main Body of the Conformists , are such as suffered for the King , or complied not with the Directory and Times of Usurpation : Whereas it 's publickly notorious , that there are about 9000 Parish-Churches in England , besides many hundred Chappels , & many Churches that had more than one Minister . And almost all these complied with the Times or Directory , as the Nonconformists did : And of all these , it was but about 2000 that Conformed not ; so that 7000 or 8000 of them that had kept in , did on a sudden turn Conformists . And divers that had been in Arms for the Parliament : Yea , some that had written for the Engagement when I wrote against it ; yea some that had spoken or written tantum non a Justification of the Killing of the King. And of those that joyned with us in our Proposals for Concord , Dr. Worth , and Dr. Reignolds were made Bishops , and divers others did Conform . VI. These Historians would make the world believe that the Present Church , and such as they , did more than the Parliamentarians , and Presbyterians , and Nonconformists , to restore the King ; when it is notoriously known , how oft their Attempts were defeated , and what the Scots Army under Hamilton underwent , to say nothing of the next ; and of the Lord Delamore's Attempt , and what the Restored Parliament did : But sure I am , that the Old Parliament Souldiers , and Presbyterian Commanders and Souldiers in General Monk's Army , with those in England and Ireland that joyned with him , and Sir Thomas Allen Lord Mayor , with the Londoners , at the persuasion of the Presbyterian Ministers , drawing General Monk to joyn with them , did the main work , which the Council and Parliament after finished . When most of these men that will not endure the oblivion of Discords , nor the Reconciling and Union of the King's Subjects , do but start up to revile others , and blow the Coals again , and reap the fruit of other mens labours , that desire but to live in Peace . VII . That there are able worthy men that Conform , we are far from denying ; and we earnestly desire their Concord , and the success of their Labour , and I hope love them as our selves . But whereas the History of this Party doth proclaim how much better and abler Ministers than the Nonconformists are generally put into their Places , that are no Novices or Ignorant Youths , no Drunkards , nor scandalous , but more laborious , skilful Labourers , I will say nothing , but let the Countries judge . VIII . And whether it be true that there is no need of the Nonconformists Ministry , but the Churches are sufficiently supplied without them , both as to the number and quality of their Teachers , I have in my Apology enquired ; and with godly men it 's easily judged . IX . And whether it be true , that it was only for the Kings or Bishops cause that the Parliament put out all , or most of them that were heretofore removed , I leave to the Witnesses and Articles against them . I am sure I and my neighbour Ministers petitioned that none that were tolerable pious Ministers , might be put out for being for the King or Bishops . X. It is commonly now recorded and reported that the Presbyterians and those that now conform not put down Catechizing , and turned the Creed , Lords prayer and Decalogue out of the Church Service . Whereas ( if some few Independents did any of this , it is more than I know , but ) in all our Countrey , and where I came , I remember no Churches that did not use the Creed openly at their baptizing any , and the Decalogue frequently read out of Exod. 20. or Deut. 5. and the Lords prayer frequently ; as we did constantly . But some thought that we were not bound to use it every time they prayed . And the Directory commendeth all these to them . And all our Countrey agreed not only to Catechize publickly , but to take larger time on the week daies to Catechize every family . XI . These Historians say that I and such others take the things which we conform not to , to be but inconveniences and not sins ; And that we keep the Nation in Schisme while we confess the things to be but Indifferent And our writings are visible in which we profest the contrary , and laboured by many arguments to prove it and protested that we would conform if we took them not to be sins . And we gave in a Catalogue of what we judged to be sins : And this before the New Conformity was imposed : And since the fiercest displeasure is against us for telling them what we account Sin , and how great : When many years together our Rulers and the People were told that we confessed them indifferent and refused them but to avoid offending our followers . XII . We frequently hear from them that we oppose Episcopacy because we cannot be Bishops our selves : When it s known that nothing could more put men out of all such hopes than the Presbyterians Endeavours that both their power and wealth should be taken down : And he that hath any desires of a Bishoprick should sure be for the keeping of them up . And the same men reprove us for refusing Bishopricks and Deanries , and say we did it to please the People . XIV . The new Historians would make us believe that the Reformed Church of England before Bishop Lauds time were of their mind that now call themselves Bishops and Doctors of the Church of England , in holding as they do , that there is an Universal humane Soveraignty with Legislative and Judicial power over all the Churches on earth : and that this is in Councils , or an Universal Colledge of Bishops ; of which the Pope may be allowed to be president , and Principium Unitatis &c. and that he must be obeyed as Patriarch of the West ; and so we must be under a forreign Jurisdiction . Whereas it is notoriousy known that before Bishop Lauds time the doctrine of this Church was quite Contrary , as may be seen at large in the Apology , the Articles of Religion , the writings of the Bishops and Doctors ; Yea they writ copiously to prove that the Pope is Antichrist , and put it into their Liturgy . And Dr. Heylin tells us that the Reason why Bishop Laud got it out was , that it might not offend the Papists and hinder our reconciliation with them ; And the Oath of Supremacy sweareth us against all forreign Jurisdiction . XV. The same Historians would make us believe that these mens doctrine is now the doctrine of the Church of England or agreeable to it . Whereas the Oath of Allegiance is still in force , and so are the Homilies , and the Articles of Religion and the Laws and Canons for the Kings Supremacy against all forreign Jurisdiction . And there is no change made which alloweth of their doctrine : And the Church doctrine must be known by its publick writings , and not by the opinions of new risen men . XVI . The new Historians make the Nonconforming Ministers to be men grosly ignorant , preachingfalse doctrine , of wicked principles and lives , and not fit to be suffered out of Gaols . And yet these 19. or 20. years how few of them have been convict of any false doctrine ? And I have not heard of four in England that have ever been convict since they were cast out , of being once drunk , or fornicating , cheating , swearing , or any immorality , unless preaching and not swearing , Subscribing , &c. be such , nor for false doctrine . XVII . The new Historians have made thousands believe that the doctrine or opinions of the Nonconformists is for sedition and rebellion ; And that it is for this that they refuse to renounce the obligation of the Covenant as to all men besides themselves and that they refuse to subscribe that it is not lawful on any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against any Commissioned by the King. Whereas we have at large in a second Plea for peace opened our judgments about Loyalty and obedience , and none of them will tell us what they would have more , nor where our profession is too short or faulty . Nor have they convict any of my acquaintance of preaching any disloyal doctrine . XVIII . Yea they have by writing , preaching and talking made multitudes believe that the Nonconformists or Presbyterians have been long hatching a rebellion against the King , and have a Plot to take down Monarchy under pretence of opposing Poperty . And how far these Historians are to be believed , true Protestants by this time partly understand . XIX . Yea these Historians have made multitudes believe that the Parliaments that have been disolved here of late years have been designing to change the Government of Church and state , under pretence of opposing Popery . As if that Parliament that did that for them and against us which is done , and made all the Acts which are for the Renunciation of the Covenant , and for all the Declarations , Subscriptions and Practices Imposed , and for Fining us 20 l. and 40 l. a Sermon , and laying us in Gaols , had been for Nonconformists , and against Episcopacy ; and they that made the Militia Act , and such other had been against the King or his Prerogative : Or the other following had not been of the same Religion . XX. But the boldest part of their History , is their description of the two sorts of the People in England , those that are for the present Nonconformists , and those that are against them . Those that are against them , they account the most Religious , Temperate , Chast , Loyal , Credible , and in a word , the best people through the Land ( for of our Rulers I am not speaking . ) And those that are for the Nonconforming Ministers , they defame as the most proud , hypocritical , treacherous , disloyal , covetous , false , and in a word , the worst people in the Land ; or as Fowlis saith , the worst of all mankind , and unfit to live in humane Society . How long will it be ere the sober people of this Land believe this Character ? One would think that the quality of the common Inhabitants of the Land should not be a Controversie , or unknown thing . All that I will say to this History , is , to tell the Reader the utmost of my observation and experience from my Youth up , concerning these two sorts of men . Where I was bred before 1640. ( which was in divers places ) I knew not one Presbyterian Clergy man , nor Lay , and but three or four Nonconforming Ministers . Nay till Mr. Ball wrote for the Liturgy and against Can , and Allen , &c. and till Mr. Burton Published his Protestation protested , I never thought what Presbytery or Independency were , nor ever spake with a man that seemed to know it : And that was in 1641. when the War was brewing . In the place where I first lived , and the Country about , the People were of two sorts : The generality seemed to mind nothing seriously but the body and the world : They went to Church and would answer the Parson in Responds and thence go to dinner , and then to play : They never prayed in their families , but some of them going to bed , would say over the Creed , and the Lord's Prayer , & some of them the Hail Mary : All the year long , not a serious word of holy things , or the Life to come , that I could hear of , proceeded from them . They read not the Scripture , nor any good Book or Catechism . Few of them could read , or had a Bible : They were of two ranks ; the greater part were good Husbands as they called them , and savoured of nothing but their business or Interest in the World ; the rest were Drunkards : Most were Swearers , but not equally : Both sorts seemed utter strangers to any more of Religion than I have named ; and loved not to hear any serious talk of God , or Duty , or Sin , or the Gospel , or Judgment , or the Life to come : But some more hated it than others : The other sort were such as had their Consciences awakened to some regard of God and their Everlasting State ; and according to the various measures of their understanding , did speak and live as serious in the Christian Faith , and would much enquire what was Duty , and what was Sin , and how to please God , and to make sure of Salvation ; and made this their Business and Interest , as the rest did the world . They read the Scripture , and such Books as The Practice of Piety ; and Deut ' s Plain Man's Path Way ; and Dod on the Commandments , &c. They used to pray in their Families , and alone ; some on the Book , and some without : They would not Swear , nor Curse , nor take God's Name lightly : They feared all known sin : They would go to the next Parish-Church to hear a Sermon when they had none at their own ; would read the Scripture on the Lord's Day , when others were playing : ▪ These were , where I lived , about the number of two or three Families in twenty ; and these by the rest were called Puritanes , and derided as Hypocrites and Precisians , that would take on them to be Holy : And especially if they told any one of his Swearing , Drunkenness , or Ungodliness , they were made the common scorn . Yet not one of many of them ever scrupled Conformity to Bishops Liturgy or Ceremonies , and it was godly Conformable Ministers that they went from home to hear : And these Ministers being the ablest Preachers , and of more serious Piety , were also the Objects of the Vulgar Obloquy as Puritanes and Precisians themselves ; and accordingly spoke against by many of their Tribe , and envyed for being preferred by godly men . This being the Condition of the Vulgar where I was , when I came into the acquaintance of many Persons of Honour and Power , and reputed Learning , I found the same seriousness in Religion in some few before described , and the same daily scorn of that sort of men in others , but differently cloathed : For these would talk more bitterly , but yet with a greater shew of reason against the other , than the ignorant Country People did : And they would sometime talk of some Opinions in Religion , and some of them would use some of the Common-Prayer in their Houses , and some of them would swear , but seldom , and small Oaths , and lived soberly and civilly ; but serious talk of God or Godliness , or that which tended to search and reform the Heart and Life , and seriously prepare for the Life to come , or to awaken Souls to a care of their State and Salvation , they would at least be very weary to hear , if not deride as Puritanical . Mr. Robert Bolton a Conformist , hath fully opened all this of both sorts in his Discourse of True Happiness , and Directions for walking with God : And how the name Puritane was then used . This being the Fundamental Division where I came , some of these that were called Puritanes and Hypocrites , for not being Hypocrites , but serious in the Religion they professed , would sometimes get together , and as Drunkards and Sporters would meet to drink and play , they would ( in some very few places , where there were many of them ) meet after Sermon on the Lord's Daies to Repeat the Conforming Ministers Sermon , and sing a Psalm , and Pray . For this , and for going from their own Parish-Churches , they were first envied by the Readers , and dry Teachers , whom they sometime went from , and next prosecuted by Apparitors , Officials , Archdeacons , Commissaries , Chancellors , and other Episcopal Instruments : For in former times there had been divers Presbyterian Nonconformists , who earnestly pleaded for Parish-Discipline ( as Bucer also did in Oper. Anglic. ) And to subdue these , divers Canons were made ; which served the turn against these Meetings of the Conformable Puritanes , and going from their own Parish-Churches ; though the Old Presbyterians were dead , and very few succeeded them . About as many Nonconformists as Counties were left ; and those few most stuck at Subscription and Ceremonies , which were the hinderance of their Ministry ; and but few of them studied or understood the Presbyterian or Independent Disciplinary Causes . But when these Conformable Puritanes were thus prosecuted , it bred in them hard thoughts of the Bishops and their Courts , as Enemies to serious Piety , and Persecutors of that which they should promote : Suffering bred this Opinion and Aversation . And the ungodly Rabble rejoyced at their troubles , and applauded the Bishops for it , and were every where ready to set the Apparitors on them , or to ask them , Are you holier or wiser th●● 〈…〉 Bishops ? And their Accusations were readily entertained : This much inclined them to hearken to them that were averse to Conformity , when such rose up , and to such as were more against the Bishops , than there was cause ; so that by this time , the Puritanes took the Bishops to be Captains and the Chancellors , Archdeacons , Commissaries , Officials and Paritors , their Officers , and the Enemies of serious Godliness , and the vicious Rabble to be as their Army , to suppress true consciencious Obedience to God , and care of mens Salvation . And the censured Clergy and Officers took the Censurers to be Schismaticks , and Enemies to the Church , unfit to be endured , and fit to be prosecuted with reproach and punishment ; so that the said Puritanes took it to be but the common Enmity that since Cain's daies hath been in the world , between the Serpent's and the Woman's Seed : And when the persons of Bishops , Chancellors , Officials , Apparitors , &c. were come under such a repute , it was easie to believe what should be sail against their Office. And the more the Bishops thought to cure this by punishment , the more they increased the Opinion , that they were persecuting Enemies of Godliness , and the Captains of the Prophane . And when such sinful Beginnings had prepared men , the Civil Contentions arising , those called Puritanes , mostly were against that side which they saw the Bishops and their Neighbour Enemies for : And they were for the Parliament the rather , because they seemed desirous to Reform the Bishops , and Restore the Liberty of those whom they prosecuted for the manner of their serving God. Yet they desired , where-ever I was , to have lived peaceably at home : But the Drunkards and Rabble that formerly hated them , when they saw the War beginning , grew inraged ; and if a man did but Pray , and Sing a Psalm in his house , they would cry [ Down with the Roundheads ] ( a word then new made for them , ) and put them in fear of sudden violence , and afterwards brought the King's Souldiers to plunder them of their goods , and they were fain to run into holes to hide their persons ( Martin Crusius in his Turco-Gracia describeth much the like Case of his Father . ) And when their Goods were gone , and their Lives in continual danger , they were forced to fly for Food and Shelter : To go among those that hated them , they durst not , when they could not dwell among such at home . And thus thousands run into the Parliaments Garrisons , and having nothing there to live upon , became Souldiers . We had an honest very Old Arminian ( Mr. Nayler ) in Coventry , that was against the Parliaments Cause ; and he would say , [ The King hath the best Cause , and the Parliament the best Men. ] And that he wondred how it came to pass , that the generality of sober Religious men , should be all in the wrong , and the most Irreligious and Prophane , and Debauched be in the right . ] But he knew but the Vulgar , and not the Grandees , who no doubt were many of them men of very laudable accomplishments . And as the feud of the Bishops and their Officers and Curates against the aforesaid exercises of Religion occasioned this sad Division , so did the sense of this in the minds of those called Puritanes continue too long . Many a time have I seen abundance in great Perplexity , saying [ We believed them that professed that they took not Arms against the King , but to execute the Law on Delinquents and defend themselves and the Kingdom from them : We abhor the Regicides and Usurpers : We would restore the King , if we were stronger than the Army . And yet we are in doubt how far we should actively contribute to our own calamity : For though the King deserve more than we can do , we doubt not but the Bishops will increase our Burdens and make greater havock in the Church than heretofore ] And many sate still on this account , and as far as ever I could discern , next the Power of the Army , the fear of the Bishops was the chief delay of the Kings return . I knew not all England ; but according to the Extent of my acquaintance , I have truly told you the quality of those then called Puritans and of their Common adversaries . And on which side now proportionably are most of the most understanding , sober , charitable , conscionable , and seriously religious Persons , and on which most of the contrary ( not speaking of any Magistrates ) I think it neither my work , nor our New Historians to tell : For people that live among their neighbours , will believe their senses and experience , what ever either he or I shall say . And I am well assured that this argument ( which I think was not found ) [ We cannot believe that God will suffer the Generality of the Religious to be deceived in so great a case , and the most of the debauched ignorant haters of serious Godliness to be in the right , ] did prevail with very many that could not try the Cause by the Laws and constitution of the Kingdom . § 2. If I should recite the particular unjust reports of multitudes of these Writers it would be tiresome and loathsome : Yea all the mistakes of this Eminent Historian are too many to be named : But I will here name one which seems at once to smite and smile . Pag. 2●7 . [ There is a temper which Mr. B. is acquainted with that , is not to be prevailed on , either by threats or promises from the Magistrate ; and seems to hate nothing so much as compliance with Superiors : There are some that scorn to preach by the Licence of the Government , and place the Kingdom of Christ purely in opposition to Law and Magistrates . ] Answ. Note the credibility of this Historian . 1. Doth their accusation of my flattering the Usurpers ( whom I more openly disowned than most of his Fraternity ) agree with this ? 2. Did my long and earnest Petitioning to be accepted but in a poor Curates place , though I Preacht for nothing , yea if it were but in some ignorant obscure Village , and only to preach over the Catechism , agree with this ? 3. Doth my large profession of Subjection in my Second Plea for Peace not yet blamed by them herein agree with this ? 4. I willingly took the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , and an Oath to be true to the King as his Chaplain in ordinary , and had this any such signification ? 5. Did my begging in vain a License from Bishop Morley , and craving and obtaining one of Bishop Sheldon , signifie this ? 6. But the smile is that one would think by these words , I might have preached by the Governours License and would not . And is that true ? Did I not preach by the Kings License , and the Clergy blame me for it ? And as for the Bishops License I do profess that it 's yet in force , and I do preach by it . If I mistake it is not my refusing it . If he intimate as he seems , that by the Bishops License I might have had leave to preach in the Parish Churches , it 's now too late : But I would I had known how to get it . I confess one Summer in the Countrey about 25 miles off , I did venture upon the Credit of my License ( at Amersham , Chesham , Rickmersworth , &c. ) But it was too pleasing work to me to be continued : One Church in Southwark I was once let into , but no more in or near London . I once craved leave of the moderate Bishop that now is , that without putting down the meeting where I was in that great Parish of St. Martin's , I might preach sometime there and once a day at the Chappel which I built , which the Parish Incumbent useth , and that he would quiet the Justices to that end , and thought I had had his consent : But the Constables and other Officers stood from that day about a quarter of a year together every Lord's Day at the door of the former place of Assembly , to have apprehended me by the Justices warrant if I had gone . And never could I hear of a man in London that was willing I should come into his Pulpit ; but the best have refused it . Nor did I much desire it here : For it is not to preach to them that have no need that is my request ; but to such as cannot come into the Parish Church or otherwise truely need our help . Once I did try to have got leave two miles out of the City to have preacht a Kinswomans Funerall Sermon on the right of my License : But the Minister said , He must first ask the Bishop , and then denyed me . Reader , these are the Historians that Charge me with misreport of ancient History , visible in the most partial Authors on the other side : Judge of them by their Report of the History of our Place and Age. CHAP. XV. Mr. M's . way of getting belief , by a Magisterial condemning the most credible Historians , and authorizing whom he please . § 1. IF we had not Eusebius , Socrates and Sozomen , how naked should we be left , and much unacquainted with the case of the Church from the Apostles ; ( Besides Theodorets History ) till 440. And what a shake is given to the Credit of all these by Mr. M. and others of greater name ? Though Eusebius himself be by Petavius and many other Papists accounted an Arian , yea and seemingly proved such , and by Bellarmine de Script . Eccles . it s said that Athanasius so calls him , and Jerom calls him the Arian Signifer and Prince , and the 7th General Council so judgeth him , yet Socrates vindicateth him , and thinks he is wronged : And indeed though his own Epistle written to his Flock be not justifyable , incautelous and unjustifyable words were too Common before his daies ( as Petavius hath too fully proved ) with those that we must not yet call Arians . But while Bellarmine and Mr. M. charge Socrates and Sozomen as Novatians that is Hereticks themselves , they deprive Eusebius of much of their defence ; and render his History the more suspicious . § 2. And though I know Mr. M. hath more partners herein , I never saw yet any credible proof that either of them were Novatians : Good Christians are not ashamed nor afraid to make profession of their Religion . And they are so far from professing it , that they oft speak of the Novatians in disowning words . But they praised them for the good that is in them ! And would not any impartial Historian do the like ? Must a man rail at any party , or hide their Virtues or else be taken to be one of them ? I confess that such as Mr. M. do fully acquit themselves from the suspicion of being Presbyterians or Nonconformists . But so did not A. Bishop Grindall , Bishop Jewel , A. Bishop Abbot A. Bishop Usher , and many more such . Sure Candor and Impartiality is Laudable in Historians ; And Thuanus is most honoured for that . And notwithstanding Mr. M's assertions of the contrary , I profess my self a lover & honourer of the worth of many of the aspiring Bishops that corrupted the Church , and of many Popes , and of many that continue Church corruptions in the height ; even many of the Papists Cardinals , Schoolmen and Jesuites . Who will not love and praise the excellent Learning of such as Suarez , Vasquez , Victoria , Petavius and abundance such ? Who will not praise the piety of such as Gerson , Borromaeus , Sales , and many others , though we nevertheless disown their Popery ? For my part I highly value the Cleareness , of multitudes of the Schoolmen , and that they have not in whole loads of their volumes so much malicious railing as the Jesuits and many of our late Conformists have in a few sheets . Doth it follow that I am a Papist because I praise them , or that Socrates or Sozomen were Novatians because they speak well of their faith and piety . There are abundance of Malignants , that acknowledge the Good Lives of those they call Puritanes ( and if he had not had the late Wars between King and Parliament to fill all Mouths and Books against them , the Devil by this time might have been at a loss with what Accusations to reproach them . For he was put to use the Voices ( no names ) of [ Roundheads , Whigs , &c. when their Revilers were called Drunkards . Swearers , Dam-me's , &c. ] But they that confess the Good , reproach them as Hypocrites that do but counterfeit it . Doth this acknowledgment prove them Puritanes . I suppose Mr. M. knoweth that no small number of Historians and Fathers confess the strictness of the Novatians Lives , and yet were no Novatians . And Constantine's words to Acesius imply that he thought him singularly strict . And Mr. M. saith Pref. [ The Novatians , saith the Author , did not suffer much by this Edict , being besriended by the Emperour , who had an esteem for their Bishop of C. P. upon the account of his Holiness . ] And may not an Orthodox man confess the Piety of others ? § 3. But Mr. M. is so Magisterial as to say , Pag. 322. The story of Theophilus , and the Monks of Nitria , no reasonable man can believe , as it is related by Socrates and Sozomen , without loving a malicious Lie. ] So that Socrates and Sozomen either believed not themselves , or else Love● a malicious Lie. And Page 319. he saith , [ The story of Theophilus his charging Isidore with double Letters , that whoever was Conquerour , he might apply himself to him in his name , is of the same piece with the rest of Socrates his story concerning that Bishop ; and in all probability an invention of one of the Monk● of Nitria . ] It seems this Historian believeth Old Historians , as the matters seem probable or improbable to himself . And so we may take him for the Universal Expositor of History : It is not the Old Historians that we must believe , but his Conjectures . And thus he deals with divers others . § 4. For my part I profess , that before I had any Engagement in these Controversies , since I first read them , I took Socrates and Sozomen to be two of the most credible Historians that the Church had till their Times , and of many an Age after them . I said of them , as I use to do of Thuanus , A man may trace the footsteps of Knowledge , and impartial honesty , and so of Veracity in their very style . And there are few of the judicious Censurers of Historians , but do tell us of far more uncertainties in Eusebius , and after in Nicephorus , and most that followed , ( as far as I am acquainted with such Censurers ) than in these two . And if their History be shaken , our loss will not be small . And I doubt not but the Anathematizing and Condemning Spirit hath done hurt , which hath made Eusebius an undoubted Arian , and Theodoret , first a Nestorian , and after at the fifth General Council condemned some of his Writings , and imposed it on the whole Christian World to condemn them , though many never heard of them , and that made Ruffinus ( and Chrysostom ) Originists , and Origen a Heretick , condemned also by a General Council , and Socrates , and Sozomen , Novatians , Epiphanius an ignorant credulous Fabler , Sulpitius Severus , and Beda , two pious credulous Reporters of many feigned Miracles , and one a Millenary , Nicephorus a Fabler , Anastasius Bibl. full of Falshoods , Philastrius an ignorant Erroneous Hereticator , Cassianus a Semi-Pelagian , Cassiodori Chronic. est farrago temulentiae inquit Onuphrius Pan. Pene nunquam cum Eusebio convenit inquit Vossius , &c. I say , Though it be no wrong to the Church to take them for fallible , and such as have mistakes ( which the English Articles say even of General Councils ) yet it wrongfully shaketh all our belief of Church History to call their Credit in matters of fact into question for their Errours or opinions sake , without good Evidence that either they were ignorant , mis-informed or wilfully lied . But if the Novatians were more strict & precise than others , it 's rather like that they were more and not less credible than others , and made more or not less conscience of a lye . Certainly that which the rest named are charged with is somewhat more as to Historical Credit than to be Novatians : So that if these men had been Novatians , I should yet say by the Complexion of their History that They are two of our most useful and credible Church Historians . § 5. But when it serveth his turn he can gather out of Sozomen that even in Constantine's time , Constantinople was [ Altogether a Christian City ] Because he mentioneth the great Enlargement of it ; and great encrease of Christianity : When as no man that lived could be a sitter judge of the number of Christians in his time than Chrysostom : And he that considered that there and every where Constantine left all the Jews and Heathens uncompelled to be Christians , yea and used them commonly in places of dignity and Government in City , Provinces and Armies , and that they continued in such power under many Emperours after him , will hardly believe that in Constantine's time C. P. had half or a quarter so many Christians as were in the time of Arcadius and Chrysostom ; And yet then Chrysostom conjectureth the Christians to be an hundred thousand , and all the City poor half as many , but the Jews and Heathens not to be numbred . See him one Act 4. Hom. 11. When he is making the most of their estate and numbers , saith he [ I pray you tell me : How great a number of all sorts of men hath our City ? How many Christians will you that there be ( That is will you grant , or do you think there be ? ) Will you that there be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an hundred thousand ? But how great is the Number of Jews and Ethnicks ? How many pounds of Gold have been gathered ? ( or Myriads ? ) And how great is the Number of the Poor ? ( that is , of the whole City ? ) I do not think they are above fifty thousand ( Commelin . hath put an hundred thousand , as Erasmus Translation , I suppose by the Errour of the Press . ) Now if there was in Chrysostom's daies but an hundred thousand ( which many say is not near so many as there be in two Parishes here , Martins and Stepney ) it is not like that in Constantine's Time they were half so many at most . And yet I am far from thinking that there was then no more than usually met in an Assembly , or could so meet . § 6. The Jesuites , Valesius and Sirmondus , I am no fit person to censure . But I am not satisfied why their Credit should go as far with me as it doth with him : I have before spoke of Valesius's Recording Grotius as one that designed to bring many with him into the Roman Church . And Grotius himself saith , That many of the English Bishops were of his mind , as Bishop Bromhall , and many Doctors by defending him seem to be : And yet when I wrote my Christian Concord , and The Grotian Religion , how many censured me as a Slanderer , for saying less than Valesius doth . Yet I am false with this Historian , and Valesius is a credible Jesuite . And he vouchsafeth to tell us the Judgment of Valesius , that Eusebius Nicomed . was no Arian , pag. 332. where he saith [ Eusebius of Nicomedia was no Heretick in the Judgment of Valesius : But if he were , he was not an Heretick , because he did not begin the Arch-Heresie , but followed Arius . ] What the meaning is of the latter words I know not [ If he were ( an Heretick ) he was not an Heretick ] I conjecture it is one of the almost Infinite Errata's of the Printer : ( But he supposeth my Printer's to be mine own : ) But that Eusebius Nicomed . should be no Heretick , whom all the stream of credible Historians make to be that Arch-Heretick ( I say not the first ) who corrupted Constantine his Court and Son , which introduced the prevalency of Arianism to the almost Ruine of the Orthodox Church , is a thing which he that believeth Valesius in , must prefer the Credit of one Jesuite that lived above a thousand years after , before the whole current of the best Historians of the same , and many following Ages . And did I ever so discredit the whole stream of Church-Historians , as on the word of one Jesuite , to bring them under the suspicion of such a Lie ? But I confess I am more inclined to believe a Jesuite , and a Prelatist , when they excuse any man of Heresie , than when they accuse him . § 7. In the Preface he tells us that [ Had I consulted Sirmond's , Edition of the French Councils I must have wanted several Allegations for the Congregational way , which are nothing else but corrupt readings of the ancient Canons of the Gallican Church . Nor can we suspect Sirmond as too great a favourer of Diocesan Bishops , since it is well known how he is charged by the Abbot of S. Cyran under the name of Petrus Aurelius , for having falsified a Canon in the Council of Orange to the prejudice of the Episcopal Order ] Jesuites care as little for Bishops as our Protestant Dissenters can do . ] Answ . I doubt not but Sirmond was a very Learned man , and had not the Conformists divested me of all Church-maintenance , I had been like to have bought his French Councils . In the mean time , that notice which others before him gave of the Acts and Canons of Councils , sufficed to my furniture , fully to prove the Cause I maintained : But I confess his pretended reason no whit induceth me to give more credit to a Jesuite than to another man. Though Albaspineus was a Bishop , there is so much Judgment and Honesty appears in his Observations , that I would sooner believe him about Episcopacy , than a Jesuite that you say is against it . But it 's as incredible to me , as the rest of his spurious History , that the Jesuites care as little for Bishops as our Protestant Dissenters can do . Sure many of those called Presbyterians and Independents , would have none at all . If this be true , then 1. The Jesuites would have no Bishops of Rome , though they be his sworn Servants . 2. Then they would have no Bishops to be subject to the Pope . 3. Then they would have all particular Churches to be without Bishops , or to be unchurcht . 4. Then they would have Ordination without Bishops . 5. Then they think not that an uninterrupted Succession of Episcopal Ordination is necessary to Church or Ministry . 6. Then they think that Bishops should not confirm . 7. Then they are against the Councils of Bishops , General or Provincial . 8. And against Diocesans Government of the Parish Priests . And yet is a Jesuite a Papist ? Wonderful ! that they will venture their Lives in endeavours for the Church of Rome , and that they write so much of and for Bishops Councils , and yet are quite against them . But if really this be so , you that take me for incredible , who am against but the Corruption of Episcopacy , do allow me to take Sirmondus and Valesius , and the rest of the Jesuites for incredible , who are as much against the very Office as our Dissenters can be ? But what will not some Historians confidently say ? CHAP. XVI . Mr. M's . Observations on my Notes of credible and incredible History , Examined . § 1. I. BEcause I suppose that common sound Senses are to be trusted : He 1. Infers that I was asleep , & thought that I saw all that I relate ; that is , He that saith he must believe sense , implies that he seeth all that he reporteth : I am one of the unlearned , and this Logick is too hard for me : Let it be his own . 2. He concludes , That we must not believe our senses , if they were not Presbyterians but Episcopal that begun the late War ( in England : ) As if he had seen not only the Parliament ( Lords and Commons ) then , and the Army then ( forty years ago almost ) but had seen their Religion , or heard or read them then so profess it : Whereas I cannot learn yet whether he was then born , or of capable understanding , and hath neither sense nor reason for what he saith . The Case that we are in is very sad , when both sides say they have the Evidence of Sense it self against each other ; what hope then of Reconciliation ? They that are yet living , that were Lords , Commons , and Commanders , say their internal Sense and Self-knowledge told them that they were no Presbyterians , but Episcopal ; and their daily converse told them , that their Companions were mostly of the same Religion and Mind . But Young Men that never conversed with them , know them all better , and that infallibly by sense it self . § 2. II. Because I say , the History of the Gospel is certainly credible ; it is ground enough to say , That All is not Gospel that I write ; as if I had said it is . § 3. III. Because I say , Prophets were sure of their Revelation , he saith . It may be Mr. B. heard a Bene scripsisti : As if I had pretended to be a Prophet . § 4. IV. I said that History is certain even by Natural Evidence , when it is the common Agreement of all men of most contrary Interests , &c. in a matter of fact and sense to all that knew it . To which he saith [ The Superiority of Bishops over Presbyters is acknowledged by Catholicks , and Schismaticks and Hereticks , men of very contrary minds , dispositions and interests ; and yet this Church-History would have us believe the contrary . Answ . This is our credible Historian . 1. He doth not tell us in what Ages it was so acknowledged ; when those who doubt of the matter of fact , doubt but some of 100 , some of 150 , or 200 years : Doth any doubt whether it be so now ? 2. He tells us not either what Species of Bishops the question is of , nor what Species of Presbyters , nor what the Superiority was . 3. He speaks without distinction or Exception , and so must be understood to say that this Church history would have us to believe that even President Bishops Ejusdem Ordinis had de facto no Superiority at all over Presbyters in the same Churches and of the same order with them , which is an untruth so gross as is no Credit to our Historian . I have named both more than one ranck of Bishops whose Superiority de Jure I deny not : & Popes , Patriarchs , Primates , Diocesans who deposed the Bishops of single Churches , whose Superiority de facto I fully enough affirm , in the ages and degrees in which they did ascend . If he say that he meant it [ Even from the Apostles time , and that of such Diocesans as have scores or hundreds of true Churches and Altars without their particular Bishops , or any Presbyters that were Ejusdem Ordinis with the Bishops , and were Episcopi Gregis , and that had such Power of the Keys over their flocks , as ours have not : or that had so many such Assemblies that were no true Churches ; ] if he will be proved a Historian worthy Credit , Let him give us any proof that all men described by him agreed de facto that there was so long , such a superiority of such Bishops . But these men deride distinguishing , and banish Logick , that is Reason , from their History . § 5. V. The next Evidence of certainty which I mentioned , was from [ continued Existent visible Effects which prove their Causes . ] And here this undistinguishing Historian is at it again . The Superiority of Bishops over Presbyters is proved by the Laws and Customs of all Churches . This hath the same answer , which I will not repeat . Either it falsly reporteth my denyal , or it falsly affirmeth that all Churches in all ages have left us visible Effects of the foresaid species . And I would he would help us that are ignorant therein with such History and Evidence from the begining of the Churches in Scotland , and in the Southern and Eastern Countries that were without the Empire . § 6. VI. I said , that History is credible which speaketh consentingly against the known interest of the authors : and therefore I named few testimonies of the sins of Popes and Councils but of those that are their most Zealous Friends . To this he saith that my Characters of ancient Bishops are taken from their professed Enemies , [ as my account of Athanasius ; Theophylus , Cyril , and divers others . ] Ans . 1. My account of Athanasius is almost all , if not all , in his praise , and is not an enemies testimony there valid . If I mention the displeasure of Constantine against him it is not any Character of him , but of Constantine the Agent : Nor do I think Constantine , or Eusebius Caesar : meet to be numbred with his Enemies ; why did he not instance in some words of mine ? As to Theophylus and Cyril , I do not believe that he can prove that Socrates and Sozomen , and the Historians that Concur with them , were their Enemies . And if in reciting the Acts of the Councils I recite their Enemies words , so doth Surius , Nicholinus , Binnius , Baronius and all just writers of those acts . And I do not find that Chrysostom himself , or Isidore Pelusiota had any Enmity to them , nor Pope Innocent neither . Of the rest before . § 7. VII . The next degree of credibility that I mentioned is that which dependeth on the Veracity and fitness of the reporter . Of which I named nine things requisite . Here he supposeth me one that is unfit ; and particularly saith [ Whether any hath ●ailed with greater intemperance , and less provocation ] Ans . 1. I am not the Author of the History of the mentioned Councils or Popes or Bishops , but the Transcriber . Let me be as bad as you , or any of your tribe have made me , that proveth not that Socrates , Sozomen , Theodorite , Nitephorus , &c. or Binnius , Baronius , &c. have misreported what they write . If I have misreported these authors in any material point , prove it and I will soon retract it . As for my railing , I expect that title from all such whose faults I name , and call them to repentance : He that calls men to Repent , calleth them sinners , and that is Railing he it never so great . His first instanced railing is Pag. 19. [ A few turbulent Prelates Persecute good men ] He saith thus I call the present Bishops of the Church of England ; Doth he mean All or some ? If All he is an untrue Historian : He may see many named before my Apology whom I except : And if I have named two I have annexed the proof . The next is Pag. 46. [ silencing destroying Prelates ] Ans . Are there none such ? Were not about 2000 here silenced ? Do we not continue so and impoverished almost 20 years ? Have none perished in prisons or with want ? Do men call out for the execution of the Law , and plead for our Silencing as a good work , and take it for railing to have it named ? Doth not Conscience recoil in these men when in Pulpits , press and Conference they maintain it to be a good work , and tell the world how sinful a thing it is for rulers to suffer us out of Gaols ? What , are you now ashamed of your meritorious works ? Sure they are s●ant good if it be railing to name them . You will not say I rail , if I call you Preachers . And why do you say so , if I call you Silencers , if that be as good ? The next railing is Pag. 73 [ If all the proud , Contentious , ambitious , Hereticating part of the Bishops , had been of this Christian mind ( to endure each other in small tollerable Differences ) What sins , Scandal and shame , what Crimes , confusion and miseries had the Christian world escaped ? ] And is this railing ? Hath the Christian world had no such Bishops these 1000 years ? Have not whole Kingdoms been forbidden all Gods Publick worship by such , even France and England among the rest ? Is it railing to tell for what little things they not only Silenced men , but burned and murdered many thousands ? Were they not proud ambitious Prelates that deposed and abused Lud. Pius , and those that in Council decreed the digging all the dead Bishops out of their graves to be bur●t as Hereticks , who were for the Emperours power of Investitures ? Do I rail if I say that Greg. 7. was Proud and ambitious when he threatened the Prince of Calaris with the loss of his dominions , unless he made his Bishop shave his beard ? Do not Jewel , and all Protestant writers say worse than this of Papist Bishops ? Is there any such thing as pride silencing , burning , &c. If yea , must it never be known , reproved , repented of and so forgiven to the penitent ? And if yea , than how shall it be known without proper names ? By what name should I have called Silencing but its own and so of the rest ? Gods power over Conscience is marvellous that sin cannot endure its own name . The next railing is the word [ Hereticating . ] And how could I have known if he had not told me that this word is railing ? Did not the Bishops take it for a great service of God , and is it railing to name it ? It 's true I used one word instead of a Sentence for brevity , to signifie the Bishops culpable over doing in proclaiming men Hereticks . He that doth not believe that they did not well , nor do not to this day in Cutting off from the Church of Christ all those whole Countreys of Christians called Nestorians , Jacobites , Melchites and the Monothelites and many such I cannot save him from himself who will own all such sin and contract the guilt of it . Hath not Bishop Epiphanius made us more Hereticks than he needed ? Hath not Bishop Philastrius made many more than the Devil himself made ? Lest this pass for railing once more I will name some of them . 1. His 11th sort of Hereticks are those that kept Easter-day at a wrong time ( as our Brittains and Scots did . 2. The Millenaries are the 12th ( such as many of the antient fathers , and our Mr. Mede , Dr. Twiss , &c. ) 3. The 27th Offered Bread and Cheese at the oblation . 4. The 28th put New Wine in New Vessels in the Church . 5. The 29th Put their fingers on their mouths for Silence . 6. The 30th thought that all Prophets ended not with Christ . 7. The 33d went without shooes . 8. The Novatians are the 34th . 9. The 41th thought the Epistle to the Hebrews was not written by Paul , but by Barnabas or Clemens ? and the Epistle to Laodicea by Luke . 10. The 42th are the Orthodox Miletians that Communicated with the Orthodox and some Arians too . 11. The 46th doubted of the diversity of Heavens . 12. The 47th being ignorant that there is another Common Earth invisible , which is the Matrix of all things , do think that there is no Earth but this one . 13. The 48th thought that water was the common matter , and was alwaies , and not made with the Earth . 14. The 49th Heresie denyed that the soul was made before the body , and the body after joyned to it : and believed that Gods making them Male and Female first was to be understood of the bodily Sexes : Whereas ( saith he ) it was the Soul that was made Male and Female , And the Soul was made the Sixth day and the body the 7th . 15. The 50th Heresie thought that not only Grace , but also the Soul itself , was by God breathed into man. 6. The 51st is Origens ( that thought our Souls were first celestical Intellects , before incorporate ( as Mr. Glanvile and many now . ) 17. The 52d thought that brutes had some reason ( as Mr. Chambre . ) 18. The 54th thought that Earthquakes have a natural Cause . 19. The 55th Heresie learned of Trismegistus to call the Stars by the names of Living Creatures ( as all Astronomers do . ) 20. The 56th thought that there were not many languages before the confusion of Babel . 21. The 57th Heresie thought that the name of a [ Tongue ] proceeded first of the Jews or of the Pagans . 22. The 58th Heresie doubted of the years and time of Christ . 23. The 59th thought ( as many Fathers ) that Angels begat Giants of women before the flood . 24. The 61st was that Christians were after Jews and Pagans . 25. The 62d Heresie saith that Pagans are born naturally , but not Christians , that is , that the Soul and body of men are not daily , Created by Christ , but by Nature . 26. The 63d saith that the number of years from the Creation was uncertain and unknown . 27. The 64 thought that the names of the daies of the week ( Sunday , Monday , &c. ) were made by God first and not by Pagans , and were named from the Planets . 28. The 66th was that Adam and Eve were blind till God opened their Eyes to see their nakedness . 29. The 67th Heresie imputeth the Sins of Parents to their Children . 30. The 68 Heresie was of some troubled about the Book called Deuteronomy . 31. The 69 thought that those sanctified in the Womb wore yet conceived in sin . 32. The 70th Heresie thought that the World had been first divided by the Greeks , Egyptians , and Persians . 33. The 71 thought there was a former Flood under Deucalion and Pyrrha . 34. The 72 saith that men are according to ( or under ) the 12 signs of the Zodiack , not knowing that those 12 signs are divers Climates , and habitable Regions of the Earth . 35 The 74 Heresie is that Christ descended into Hell to offer Repentance there to sinners . 36. The 75 doubted of the nature of the Soul , thinking it was made of Fire , &c. ( as many Greek Fathers did . ) 37. The 77 is of Gods hardening Pharaoh , ( &c. where he describeth the Dominicans . ) 38. The 79 is that the Psalms were not ( all ) made by David : and it denieth the equality of the Psalms , as if they were not all written and placed in the order that the things were done . 39. The 80 Heresie thought that Gods words to Cain [ Thou shalt rule over him ] were properly to be understood , whereas the meaning was [ Thou shalt rule over thy own evil Thoughts that are in thy own free Will. ] 40. The 81 Heresie did not well understand the reason of Gods Words to Cain , giving him Life . 41. The 82 Heresie thought that the Stars had their fixed place in Heaven , and their course , not understanding that the Stars are every night brought out of some secret place , and set up for use , and at morning return to their secret place again , Angels being Presidents and Disposers of them , ) ( that is , as servants bring Candles into the room at night and take them out again . ) 42. The 83 doubted ( as some Episcopal Commentators ) of the Book of Ca●ticles , lest it had a carnal Sense . 43. The 85 Heresie thought , that the Soul of man was naturally G●ds Image ●efore Grace . 44. The 87 Heresie thought , that really four living Creatures mentioned in the P●●phe●s praised God. 45. The 88 Heresie thought that the Levitical Feasts were litterally to be understood , not knowing that it was the 8 Feasts of the Church that were meant . 46. The 90 Heresie preferred Aquila's Translation before the Septuagint . 47. The 91 preferred a Translation of thirty men before the Septuagint . 48. The 92 preferred another Translation of six men before it . 49. Another Heresie preferred the Translation of Theodotion and Symmachus before it . 50. The 94 Heresie preferred the Scriptures found in a Vessel after the Captiv●●y before it . 51. The 96th ought that Melchizedeck had no Father or Mother , not knowing that it 's spoken of him as learning that which his Father and Mother never taught him . 52. The 97 hold that the Prophet Zachariah of Fasts , is to be properly understood ; when as it is but for the four Fasts of the Church , viz. for Christmas , Easter , Epiphany , and Pentecost . 53. The 98 H●r●sie holdeth , that Solomon ' s great number of Wives and Concubines , is literally to be understood ; whereas it is meant but of diversity of Gifts in the Church . 54. The 100 Heresie thought that the Measuring Cord in Zachary , was to be understood of measuring Jerusalem literally whereas it meant the choice of Believers . 55. The 101 Heresie not understanding the Mystical Sense of the Cherubim and Seraphim , in Isaiah , are troubled about it , and in doubt ( And here he Mystically tells you the Mystical Sense . ) 56. The last Heresie thought that one of the Cherubims came to Isaiah , and with a Coal touched his Lips , and that it was an Angel or Animal with Fire ; whereas it is the Two Testaments , and the Fire of God's Grace . To these you may add if you please the Heresie of holding Antipodes , determined by Pope Zachary , by the Mediation of the holy Bishop Boniface , I think an English man. And of what peril it is for Christians to eat Jayes , and Rooks , and Badgers , and Hares , and Wood horses : And Lard must not be eaten before it is dryed in the Smoak , or boiled on the Fire : Or if it be eaten unboiled , it must not be till after Easter : And there must be three great Lamps set in a secret place of the Church , after the similitude of the Tabernacle , which must be kept burning ; and at Baptism others lighted by them . Reader , remember 1. That Philastrius as well as Epiphanius , was a Bishop ; 2. Yea and a Saint ; whereas very few Bishops of all the Councils had the honour to be Sainted . Therefore if you say that all these were not Anathematized by Councils ; I answer , 1. All these are Registred as Hereticks . 2. And they held ( as Mr. Dodwell and his Company here do ) that he that communicateth with Hereticks , is to be judged a Heretick . 3. And that Hereticks are no parts of the Church . And forget not above all the Hen●ician Heresie , which determineth not only our King , but many Papist Princes to be Hereticks , for claiming Invest●tures . And now Reader , I un●eignedly hate uncharitableness , and therefore deny no good that was in such Bishops : But I must no more be indifferent between Good and Evil , than between Heaven and Hell ; not may I judge Christ a Railer , for saying to his prime Apostle , [ Get thee behind me Satan , thou art an offence unto me , &c. ] If the name of [ Hereticators ] that is , too rash pronouncing men Hereticks be railing , I will give thee no Character , censure or name of the aforesaid practice , for I can devise no name which may not be called Railing . But judge of it and call it what you see cause . And again , if you say , These are not the Decrees of Councils , I answer , These are but Flea-bitings to the wounds that the Church hath received from Councils , by Anathematizing . The next Instance of Railing in these words , which he half repeateth [ Either credible Socrates and others were gross Lyars , or this Patriarch and St was a dow●right Knave . ] Ans . He himself is so far from denying this , that he makes Socrates and Sozomen not only Lyars , but Lovers of a Lie ; for what they say of St. Theophilus : And who is it then that is the Railer ? Read the Story . The next Instance is , p. 95. that I call Bishops the [ Firebrands of the World ▪ ] Ans . The words are these [ I take them to be the Firebrands of the World , and unworthy the regard of sober men , who pretend to know mens Judgments better than themselves , and allow not mens own a●liberate professions to be the notice of their Faith. ] If they will say , that you are Hereticks in heart , though your Tongue and Life pr●fess sound Doctrine , what means hath any man to clear himself against such , and keep from their Inquisition Racks or Flames ? Is this Railing ? The next Instance is the Word [ Self-conceited Bishops ] P. 98. Having mentioned the many Logical Niceties necessary to decide the Question between the Nostorians , Eutychians , and the Orthodox , I said [ Is it not p●ty that such Questions should be raised about the Person of Christ , by self conceited Bishops , and made necessary to Salvation , and the World set on fi●e and divided by them ? ] Reader , remember the Division made by it con●inueth to this day , to the Separation and Condemnation of a great part of the Christian World ! And is the name [ self-conceited ] in describing the cause of this a railing ? How much worse r●●ers are they that will call a Drunkard a Drunkard , or a For●●cator a Fornicator ? Read the sadder words of Ludolphus . The next railing is [ merciless , fur●●us Bishop● , pag. 196 ] Ans . There is no such word : When I find where it is I shall see the occasion of it . Italy , Piedmont , Ireland , &c. have tried that there have been such . The last is pag. 183. [ The Confounders of Churches . ] Ans . I thought I had merited of them by my impartiality and lenity : As after I commend the Wisdom & peaceableness of Pope H●norius , ( though a General Council even for that made him an H●retick , ) so I here justly commend the Wisdom and Peaceableness of Pope Vigilius , who advised the Council to leave dead men to God ( Theod. M●ps . Theodorite and Ibis ] and not dam● them when God hath judged them already , and yet not to admit any of their wrong opinions ] I ●●y T●is was the right way : If they had all dealt as visely and Christianlike , Councils ●ad not been the Consounders of the C●u●ch●● ] Is this railing ? At last they forced Pope Vig●lius to subscribe to them , and it so consounded the Churches , that a great part of Italy itself forsook the Church of Rome for it , and set up another head against the Pope a● 100 Years . Was not this confusio● ? And must it not be known ? Reader , as far as I understand them , the Paraphrase of these mens words , is [ If we kindle a fire in the Church , name it nor , much less call any to quench it : or else we 'll say it 's you that kindle it : say not you are excommunicate or silenced when you are , though it be by Thousands : else we will prove that you are railer● : If we lay you in Gaols and take all you have , do not say , you h●rt us , much less you wrong us : take not on you to know or feel when you are hurt : else we will have an Action of railing against you . § 8. That w●i●h followeth I answered before : But after he finds a notable piece of my ignorance . The Pope inviting the King of Denmark to conquer a Province of Hereticks , I know not who they were unless they were the Waldenses : Well guest , saith Mr. M. Waldo was in 1160 , 80 Years after . Ans . This will serve for men willing to be deceived . It was the Persons and Religion , and not the name that I spoke of . Doth not he know that Rainerius himself saith , that those Persons ( called Albigenses , Waldenses , and other such names ) professed that their way of Religion was Apostolical , and they derived it down from Silvesters , that is Constantines time ? If I did not guess well I wrong no Bishops by i● : and I confessed my Ignorance that I knew not whom the Pope meant : And why did not this callent Historian tell us who they were ? § 9. Next he hath met with my Ignorance for saying Vienna near France ] which is in the Borders of France . A●s 1. Is that any slander of Bishops or Councils ? 2 Truly I had many a time read in Councils , that Vienna was in France , and had not forgot it , if Ferrarius and Chenu had not also told it me ; And whether it was the fault of the Printer , or of my Hand , or my Memory , that put near for in , I leave it freely to his Judgment , for I remember it not . And if the manner of Binnius naming it made me call Ordo Prophetarum in Gelasius a Book , it 's no wrong to Episcopacy . CHAP. XVII . His Censure of my Design , and Church-Principles , considered . § 1. AS to this his first Chapter I have before shewed how falsly he reporteth my design . He saith he never saw any thing which more reflecteth on Religion : Lucian and Julian have left nothing ha●f so scandalous in all their Libels against Christians , as this Church-History has raked up : Here is nothing to be seen in his Book but the Avarice , Ignorance , Mistakes and furious Contentions of the Governours of the Church . Ans . How false that is the Reader may see in all the beginning , the two Chapters in the end , and much in the midst , which are written contrarily to obviate such false thoughts 2. Is the ascendent sort of Prelates that were growing up to maturity till Gregory the Seventh's daies , the whole Church of God ? Are there no other Christians ? Is all that is written against the Pope and such Ascendents , written against Christianity ? Did Christ speak against Christianity , when he reproved them for striving who should be greatest ? or Peter , when he counselled them , as 1 Pet. 5. And Paul when he said , I have no man like minded ; for they all seek their own things , and not the things that are Jesus Christ's ? Or when he said , Demas hath forsaken me , & c ? Or John , when he said , Diotrephes loved to have the preheminence ? Or all those Councils of Bishops which condemned each other , far deeplier than I judge any of them ? What have I said of Fact or Canons , which Binnius and their other Flatterers say not ? Was it not there extant to the sight of all ? And that I Recorded not all their Virtues , 1. The History of Councils saith little of them . 2. Must no man shew the hurt of Drunkenness , Gluttony , &c. and so of Ambition and Church-corruption , unless he will write so Voluminous a History , as to contain also all the good done by all the persons whom he blameth ? I have oft said , that I wondered that instead of so greedy gathering up all the scraps of Councils , the Papists did not burn them all , as they have done many better Books which made against them . § 2. I was about to answer all his first Chapter , but I find it so useless a work , that I shall ease my self and the Reader of that labour . 1. He takes on him to answer a Piece of a Disputation written about 23 years ago , whereas I have lately written a Treatise of Episcopacy , with fuller proof of the same things , which he nameth , and takes on him to answer some part of it , and answers not : Till he , or some other , shew me the mistakes of that , let them talk on for me in their little Velitations . 2. Most that is considerable which he saith , is answered already in that Book : As his fiction that Unum Alt are in Ignatius , signifieth not an ordinary Communion Table , &c. And much more out of Ignatius , and many more is added , which he saith nothing to . 3. I have before shewed that he goeth on false Suppositions , that I am only for a Bishop of a single Congregation , or against all , and many such ; when yet he himself confesseth the contrary , yea derideth me for making Twelve sorts of Bishops , and being for such as no Party is like to be pleased with . 4 The contradictions and mistakes are so many as would tire the Reader to peruse an answer to them . And when he hath all done with the numbring of Churches , ( over-passing the full proof of the Primitive Form of them which I gave as before ) he confesseth that even his great esteemed Jesuite Valesius , [ believes that the City Church was but One even in Alexandria , and in Dionysius ' s time , p. 64. And while p. 65. he makes Petavius and Valesius so much to differ , as to gather their contrary Opinions from the same words , and consequently one of them at least understood them not , I that profess my self not comparable to either of them , specially Petavius , in such things , am taken for a falsifier , if I misunderstand a word that concerneth not the matter of the History . This therefore being not about Church-History so much as against my Opinion of the Antient Government , when he hath answered the foresaid Treatise of Episcopacy , if I live not , some one may reply , if he deal no better than in this . CHAP. XVIII . Of his Second Chapter . § 1. PAg. 78. He would have men believe that it is Discipline against real Heresie , that I find so much fault with , and ascribe all mischief to — Answ . Utterly contrary to my most open Profession : It is only making those things to seem Heresie that are none ( either Truth , or meer difference of words , or small mistakes , ) or curing Heresies by rash Anathema's , without necessary precedent means of Conviction , or by Banishment or Blood. § 2. Is this it that you defend the Church for , and we oppose it for ? When we would have none in our Churches whom we know not , and that have not personally , if at Age , profest understandingly their Faith. And what is the Discipline that you exercise on Hereticks ? It 's enough that you know them not , and so never trouble them . Your Talk and Pamphlets truly complain what swarms of Hobbists , Sadduces , Infidels , Atheists , are among us : Do they not all live in the Parishes and Diocesses ? Doth the Bishop know them ? Are any of them Excommunicated ? I could never learn yet how to know who are Members of your Churches : Is it all that dwell in the Parishes ? Then all these aforesaid , with Jews and Papists , are in it : And then why are ten parts of some Parishes suffered without Discipline to shun the Parish Church-Communion ? Is it all that hear you ? Then 1. Ten parts in some Parishes , and two or three , or half in others are not of your Church , and hear you not , and many Nonconformists hear you . 2. And any Infidel may hear . Bare hearing was never made a sufficient note of a Church-Member . 3. And how can you tell who all be that hear you in an uncertain crowd ? 4. And why doth not your Discipline meddle with constant Non-Communicants ? 3. Is it only all that Communicate with you ? 1. These are yet fewer , and so the far greatest part of many or most Parishes here are let alone to be no Church members at all , when they have been long Baptized , and no censure by discipline past on them . 2. How know you your stated Communicants , when any stranger may come unquestioned ? The truth is , it is Parish discipline which you will not endure . No wonder if you named it Issachars burden . Bucer in scrip . Anglic. and all the Nonconformists after him long strove for it in vain . It is the hated thing . Were it possible to prevail with you for this , we should have little disagreement about Church Government . But the Popes that have been the greatest enemies of it , have yet gloried in a Discipline to set up their power over Princes and Peoples , and to have their own wills , and tread down all that are against them . § 2. To extenuate Anathematizing ( so very Common with Councils ) he tells us P. 81. that [ Let him be Anathema imports no more than that we declare our abhorrence of such doctrines , and will have nothing Common with those that profess them . ] Ans . 1. We may declare our abhorrence of every known sin and Errour , in such as must not be anathematized . 2. By ( nothing ) I suppose you mean not [ not the same King , Countrey , Earth , Air , &c. ] but [ not the same Church , the same Christian Communion , familiarity , love , &c ] Whether you mean [ not the same God , Christ , &c. ] I know not But do you think the Anathematizing Bishops so unreasonable , as to renounce all Christian Communion with men and not tell why ? Or to give no better Reason than [ We abhor their doctrine : ] How few Churches or men have nothing worthy to be abhorred , that is , No Errour or sin ? And must we renounce Communion with all the Christian world ? No , they were not so bad : You use them hardlier than I. They took them to be no true Christians , as wanting somewhat of that faith which is necessary to Salvation , and Essential to a Christian , and so to have made themselves no Church-Members , and therefore are to be sentenced & avoided accordingly . And how ordinarily do they expound [ Let him be Anathema ] that is [ Cut off from Christ ? ] Not only Hildebrand so expounds it often , but many before him : Whereupon they commonly agree that an Anathematized Heretick is none of the Church , nor can be saved without repentance . And indeed to renounce all Communion with Christs true members not Cut off from the Church , is a greater sin than I charge on them . Though familiarity and specially Communion may be suspended , while delay of repentance makes the Case of a sinner doubtful . § 3. Pag. 82 He begins himself with blaming Bishop Victor , for Endangering the Peace of the whole Church upon so light occasion . Valesius is of opinion , that it was but by letters of accusation . Answ . I think it could be but by Letters of Accusation , Renunciation , and persuading others to renounce them . For Bishops were not then come up to their Commanding Power over one another . But doth not Mr. M's . here rail upon a Bishop , in saying the same of him that I did , if my words were Railing ? Thus you shall have him all along confessing much of that faultiness by them , which he takes the mention of by me to be so bad . § 4. He nameth many Councils , which he saith I pass lightly over ; then sure I say no harm of them . He thinks it is because I could not , as if he knew it were my will. And so I am never blameless . § 5. But he hath a notable Controversie against Baronius , who thought Novatus had been a Bishop ( such Errours as Baronius was guilty of by Ignorance , are excusable in one so far below him in History as I am . ) But I congratulate Mr. M's , discovery , that he was but a Presbyter : But all confess that he Ordained Felicissimus Deacon : And here is a Presbyter Ordaining : But it was irregularly ! Let it be so : He saith , that he ought not to have Ordained , but with Cyprian , or by his permission . I grant it . But 1. If Cyprian's permission would serve , then it was not a work alien to a Presbyter : If a permitted Presbyter may Ordain , a Bishop's Ordination is not necessary ad esse Officii ; and so that which is a disorder is no Nullity . 2. And it seems by Novatus's Act , that the Necessity of Episcopal Ordination was not universally received . And I have not yet met with any that make it more necessary ad esse Presbyteratus quam Diaconatus . § 6. Next he mentions another Carthage Council , where one Victor dead , is condemned for making a Priest Guardian of his Child , and so entangling him in worldly Affairs . And he tells you , that all that I can say against this , is the rigour of the Sentence ; but he dissembleth , and takes no notice that I mention it in praise of the Bishops of those Times , who were so much against Clergy-mens medling with Secular Affairs : What odious Puritanism would this have been with us ? What I cite in praise , our Historian cannot understand . § 7. And that you may need no Confuter of much of his Accusation of me but himself , who so oft saith , I say nothing of Bishops and Councils , but of their faults , &c. he here saith as followeth . [ After this he gives a short Account of Councils called on the Subject of Rebaptization of Hereticks : And here , to do him right , he is just enough in his Remarks : The generality of the World was for Rebaptizing Hereticks : And considering what manner of men the first Hereticks were , it is probable they had Tradition as well as Reason on their side . However , Mr. Baxter endeavours fairly to excuse these Differences , and speaks of the Bishops with honour and respect , allowing them to be men of eminent Piety and Worth. Had he used the same Candour towards others , &c. Answ . 1. If this be true , a great deal contradictory is untrue . 2. He greatly misreporteth the Controversie : It was not whether Hereticks should be Rebaptized , but those that were Baptized by Hereticks , and taken into their Churches . If a Heretick had been Baptized when found by a sound Minister , and after turned to Heresie , he was to be restored by Repentance without Rebaptizing ; and I think they all agreed in this . But I imagine this was but a lapse of his memory in Writing . 3. But the Question is , Whether the Bishops , whose faults I mention , were of equal Worth and Innocency with those whom I honour and praise ? Let the proof shew . I would he would freely tell us , Q. 1. Whether he think at this day the generality of Bishops ( in Italy , Spain , France , Germany , Poland , the Greek Church , Moscovy , Armenia , Syria , &c. ) are so commendable , as not to be notably blamed ? Q. 2. If not , When was it that he thinks they ceased to be generally so commendable ? Was it in Hildebrand's Time , or any time before ? Q. 3. Can you believe that the generality turn from good to bad just in one Age ? Or rather that they degenerated by degrees ? If they were mostly bad in a thousand , or nine hundred , or eight hundred , can you think that they were not drawing towards it and near as bad a little before ; Q. 4. What was it think you in which the Corruption of the Clergy did consist ? Was it not most in a proud , domineering worldly Spirit ? Is it not that that you blame the Popes for ? Was not their Ascent their Corruption ? Sure you all agree of that . Q. 5. And did the Papacy Spring up in a year ? Did not Leo begin to arrogate , and others after him ( to say nothing now of those before him ) rise higher and higher by degrees as Children grow up to manhood , till in Greg. 7. it came to Maturity ? I know no Protestant that denyeth this ? Q. 6. And can you or any sober man think that in so many hundred years it was only the Bishop of Rome that was sick of this disease , and that all or most of the other Bishops were Free ? Were they not commonly for ascending with them : Did not they in the East strive to be greatest ? And the Bishops of the West strive to rise with , and by the Pope ? Were they not , and are they not as his Army ? And did he prevail against the Primitive Purity and Simplicity without them ? Did not his Councils , and Prelates , as his Armies , do his greatest works ? Yea , have they not oft out-done him , and over-topt him in Mischief ( as in the deposing of Ludov. Pius against his will ? say good Historians . ) Tell us then at what Age just we may begin to dispraise the Bishops . And from that time forward , will you not be as great a Railer as I , and scandalize Christianity more than Lucian or Julian ? § 8. But I somewhat marvel that he is again at it ( reciting Dionysius's words which he thinks I mistook for Eusebius's ) That he does not condemn the rebaptizing of Hereticks which was a Tradition of so great antiquity : I judge more Candidly of him than he doth of me : Though he so oft repeat it , I will not believe that he knew not , that it was not the baptizing of Hereticks as such , that was the question : but only of those that were baptized by Hereticks . Yet I confess Eusebius phrasing it , might tempt one to think so that had not read Cyprian and others upon the questions . But when Eusebius and Dionysius mention [ rebaptizing Hereticks ] they mean only those that were by Hereticks baptism entered into the Societies and Profession of Hereticks . If the worst Heretick , yea or Apostate , had been baptized , by the orthodox , Cyprian and all the rest were agreed against Rebaptizing such when they repented . This Dionysius telling Xystus Rom. of an ancient Minister that was greatly troubled in Conscience that he had been falsly Baptized by an Heretick ( being himself no Heretick ) and doubted whether he should not be Rebaptized , yet saith , He told him he durst not Rebaptize him that had so long been in the Church and Communicated , but bid him go on Comfortably in Communion ( Much like a forementioned case put to me , by some that never were Baptized , but in our undisciplined Parish Churches had been without knowledge or question admitted long to Communion , whether yet they should be Baptized at all : And Dionysius's Reasons against it I cannot answer . § 9. And here I may take notice how our new Church-men , ( such as Thorndike , Mr. Dodwell and all their partners ) who nullifie sacraments delivered by one that hath not Canonical Ordination by a Bishop of uninterrupted Succession from the Apostles , do make themselves Hereticks in the sense of the Roman Church which they allow : For 1. Baptism is the first and most necessary Sacrament in their own opinion . Yea Austin and too many of old , but specially too many now , take it to be necessary to Salvation ; 2. If therefore Baptism be a nullity all that are Baptized in England , Scotland and all the Protestant Churches by such as had no such Ordainers , must be Baptized again or be damned . 3. If they say , They may be saved without it , then 1. they confess Mr. Dodwells Doctrine to be false , that saith none have a Covenant right to Salvation , who have it not by a Sacrament from such hands . 2. And they renounce the Doctrine of the Necessity of Baptism to Salvation . But if they are for Rebaptizing all such Protestant Countries , as necessary to Salvation , they are uncharitable that do not speak it out . § 10. He passeth by Bishop Stephens Excommunicating all the Oriental Bishops of Cappadocia , Cilicia , Galatia , and Reprobating their Synods , for Rebaptization : Doth he think that even then some Bishops did not rise too fast ? § 11. The man that is so angry with me for telling of the faults of Bishops and Councils , is pag. 87. angry with me for not saying worse against Secundus his Council of Bishops at Cirta ; and saith , I have not done right to the Catholick Church : I perceive the question is not , whether I may Rail at Bishops , but what Bishops they be that I must Rail at . As for the Council at Sinuessa , I believed the being of it no more than he doth : And when I am but naming the common Catalogue , he might pardon my modesty for saying that the being of it is a Controversie . § 12. Of the Council of Illiberis he saith but contractedly the same that I do , that It hath many good Canons , and some that need a favourable Interpretation , and is very severe in some cases . This measure of just praise and dispraise , is practised by him that is condemning it in me . § 13. As to his Controversie , whether Bishops , or such as strove to be Bishops , were the very first movers of the Donatists Controversie , who should be Bishop , it 's not worth the turning over one Book to search , as to my business . § 14. Next he that accuseth me of Railing at Bishops , accuseth me for saying ( from some good Authors ) that a Bishop of Carthage , Donatus , was a good man , who he saith was bad . It 's little to me whether he were good or bad . § 15. Next he noteth that I Err with Binnius and Baronius as to the year of a Carthage Council . I undertook not to justifie all the Chronology or History that I transcribe : Whether Optatus , or Binnius and Baronius hit on the just year , little care I. § 16. I praised a Donatist's Council of 270 Bishops at Carthage for Moderation , agreeing to communicate with penitent Traditors , without Rebaptizing them , and so doing for 40 years . Q. What was these mens Heresie ? He saith , This looks liker a piece of Policy than Moderation , for it had no tendency to peace , but to strengthen the Schism . ] Ans . Who knows how to please men ? When they exclaim against Separation if men Communicate with them , they judge it but Policy , that hath no tendency to peace . 2. And who is it now that most raileth at Bishops ? I am confuted for praising the moderation of 270 of them , and he is their censurer even when they do well , and their moderation with him is but Policy . Even as they say , of me , that I constantly Communicate with their Parish Churches to undermine them : Near or far off , all 's one with this sort of men , if you stick at any thing that they bid you say or do . But he will not believe that this Council of Orthodox moderate Donatists were so many as 270. Because 1. we have only the Authority for it of Tychonius a Donatist . 2. It 's improbable after Constantine's suppression of them that Schism should so suddenly spread . 3. Lest it should prove the Churches to be too Small : Yet he saith , These Schismaticks set up Churches in every City and Village . ] Ans . 1. It 's said Tychonius confesseth this Council , because the later Donatists would fain have buryed the memory of it : But that it depends only on the Credit of Tychonius , I think depends only on your Credit : 2. Augustine that reports it , honoureth this Tychonius , and reciteth an Exposition of his of the Angels of the Churches , Rev. 2. and 3. which I suppose displeaseth you more than his Donatism . 3. It seems you would have believed some stranger that knew it not , rather than a Donatist that speaketh against the will and interest of his party . 4. It rather seems that the Donatists were the greater number of Christians there before Constantine's time , and like the Papists therefore counted themselves the Catholicks and the others the Schismaticks . Constantines Prohibition did not suppress them . 5. Therefore the numerousness of their Bishops and smallness of Churches , rather sheweth what was the state of the Churches before worldly greatness swelled them to that disease , which was the Embrio or infancy of Popery . § 17. Whether the Donatists be like the Papists or the Separatists ( much less to the Nonconformists ) if the Reader will but peruse what I have said and what Mr. M. hath said , I am content that he judge without more words . § 18. He passeth by divers Councils because he could not say that I blame them : And he passeth by Constantine's Epistle to Alexander and Arius , which raileth at them more than I do ( in his sence . ) As to the Council of Laodicea , it is not two or three such words as his that will make an impartial man believe that the Churches were like our Diocesses , when every Convert before baptism was to say his Catechism to the Bishops or his Presbyters : Or that the Command that Presbyters go still with the Bishop into the Church , and not before him , do not both imply that they were both together in every Church . But he will have it confined to the Cathedral ; And when I say , There were long no Churches but Cathedrals , he saith he will not differ with me whether they shall be called Churches or Chappels . But the difference is de re : They say themselves that A Bishop and a Church were then Relatives : And when they have put down many hundred Churches under the Diocesan , forsooth they will gratifie us by giving us leave to call them Churches . As if they put down an hundred to one of the Cities and Corporations , and then give us leave , to call them Corporations when they are none . Yet blush they not to make the world believe that they are that Episcopal party ( who put down a thousand Churches and Bishops in some one Diocess ) and I am against Bishops . Yea when they have not the front to deny but that every City then had a Bishop ( that had Christians , ) and that our Corporations are such as they called Cities , Yet when we plead but at least , if they will have no Chorepiscopi , they will restore a Church and Bishop with his Presbyters to every such City with its adjacent Villages , hatred , scorn and derision goeth for a Confutation of us ; Though we do it but to make true discipline a possible thing ; Which they call Issachar's burden , and abhor it , and then say , It is possible and practised . § 19. As to the Roman Council which he believeth not , he might perceive that I believed at least their antiquity as little as he : But the Canons are so like those of following Councils that such it 's like were sometime made . And whereas I noted that their condemning them that wrong timed Easter , would fall on the Subscribers to our English Liturgy , where 2000 are Silenced for not Subscribing , the man had no better answers to give , than these 1. That I should have said the Almanack-Makers . As if he would have had men believe that Falshood , that it was the Almanack Makers and not our Liturgy changers that were deceived . 2. [ Alas ! one year they mistook . ] As if he would Perswade men that their rule faileth but one year , which faileth oft . 3. The Silenced Ministers have little Reason to thank him or any body else , that giveth this Reason of their Separation . It 's strange this should trouble their Consciences that Care no more for Easter than for Christmas , but only that it Falls upon a Sunday . Here see his Historical Credibility . 1. Would he perswade men that we give this Reason alone ? Or why may it not be one with twenty more ? 2. He intimateth that I give them as reasons of Separation : As if to be Silenced , were to separate , and to be passive were to be active . 3. He intimateth that as Nonsubscribers I and such other are Separatists , which is false ; While we live in their Communion . 4. He taketh on him to know our judgment as against Easter ( but for Sunday ) when we never told him any such thing . 5. He intimateth that it 's no credit to us that we make Conscience of deliberate professing Assent to a known untruth in open matter of fact : And if the Contrary be their Credit , I wish they may never be Witnesses against us . 6. He intimateth that a man that is not for keeping Easter , is the less excusable , if he will not Profess a known Falshood about the time of Easter . If Conscience stood a man in no stead for greater Ends than worldly wealth and ease and honour , who would not be a Latitudinarian Conformist ? § 20. Next when I deny belief to these Councils , he blames me for making advantage of the History of them . As if he saw not that I do it , but ad hominem to the Papists who record them as if they were really true . For it is principally the Papists ( from Infancy to Hildebrands Maturity ) against whom I write . § 21. He next comes to the Novatians as my Favourite sect , And [ Favourite ] may signifie to the Reader a truth or a Falshood . 1. Doth not every Christian Favour them that have lesser Errours more than them that have greater ? 2. Do I not as oft as he profess my great dislike of every sect , as a sect ? 3. Do I not disclaim this Novatian sect and their opinion , and own the Contrary ? 4. It seems he taketh me to be too Favourable to some Bishops and their followers : The question is but who they be that must be favoured ? I may come to be taken for a Novatian by such men as well as Socrates and Sozomen . § 22. Here ( wi●hout railing ) he bedawbs Novatus and Novatian to the purpose with horrid Crimes , a Pharisaical Saint , Perjured , and what not ? But what ! Were they not Episcopal ? Yes , he doubts it not : It was for to be a Bishop that Novatian wrought his Villanies ; ( what if I had thus bedawbed the Episcopal ? ) But yet the very word [ Puritan ] is of use to him . This , saith he of Novatus , was the tender Conscience of the author of the Ancient sect of the Puritanes ? Can you tell who the man aimeth at ? Is it Nonconformists ? Novatus & Novatian were Prelatists , and never scrupled more Ceremonies than our Prelates impose . Who then can it be but men that in general , though Episcopal , do profess Tenderness of Conscience ? And there I leave them , without the application . § 23. But this Defender of Surgent Prelacy , sticks not to disgrace those whom he seemeth to defend . It was three of the Catholick Bishops that Consecrated Novatian , and ( without railing ) he calls them Three plain ignorant Bishops . These good men suspecting no trick , and overcome with his good entertainment , with too much Wine and perswasions , were forced at last to lay their hands on him and Consecrate him Bishop . ] 1. Ignorant Bishops ; 2. Overcome with too much Wine , and entertainment : 3. And with perswasion : 4. To do such an Act as to Consecrate so bad a Bishop , & that in such a city as Rome , and that without the Churches choice or Consent . How much worse have I said of Bishops ? But , yet [ they were good men . ] But if they had been Nonconformists , what names had been bad enough for them ? No doubt if they had been sequestred and cast out ( for their too much wine and such ordination ) how odiously might the agents have been described as enemies to the Church and Persecutors of good men . § 24. Yet further this New Bishop engageth men to him by Oaths , enough to strike a horror in the minds of the Reader , saith he . See what a man may do for a Bishoprick ? It reminds me of many good Canons that forbid Bishops swearing their Clergy to them ; And of our Et Caetera Oath in 1640 never to Consent to any alteration , ( to say nothing of our times ) and the old Oath of Canonical obedience . It strikes horror into mens minds now that we scruple these . § 25. He maketh the Novatian doctrine blasphemous ( without railing ) and me too Favourable in representing it . As to that I suppose he is not ignorant how great a Controversie it is what they held , even among the greatest Antiquaries , and Enemies of Schism and Heresie . And I use in accusations to meet with most truth in the most Favourable interpretations . And here I will tell our Historian , that while I take leave to dissent from his accusation , it shall be but by the authority of those whom I judge as well acquainted with Church Writers and Customes as any that ever Mr. M. or any of his Masters read , not excepting more knowing men than Valesius . The first is D. Petavius in Epiphan . de Cath. Where first he tells us , that no less nor later men than most of the ancient Fathers , and Specially the Greeks , mistook Novatus and Novatian for one , or thought the sect had a single Author ; naming Euseb . Theodoret , Epiphan . Nazian . Ambrose , Austin , Philastrius , yea and Socrates . Yet half as great a mistake in me would have been scorned . 2. Against Epiph. and Theodoret he saith [ Non ea Novatiani Opinio fuit , eos qui gravioris peccati noxam contraherent , ab omni spe consequendae salutis excludi : Nam & illos ad capessendam poenitentiam hortari solebant : Et ut Divinam clementiam lach●ymis ac sordibus elicerent identidem admonebant : Sed hoc unum negabant ; ad Ecclesiae fidelium Communionem recipi amplius oportere : Neque penes Ecclesiam reconciliandi jus ullum ac potestatem esse : Quippe unicam illam peccatorum indulgentiam in illius arbitrio versari , quae per Baptismum obtinetur ; which he proveth out of Socrates , Ambrose . And he saith , that they were not counted Hereticks for wronging the lapsed , by denying them Communion , but for wronging the Church Power , by denying the Power of the Keyes for their Restitution . ( Like enough . ) The other shall be that excellent Bishop Albaspineus Observ . lib. 2. Observ . 20 , 21. p. ( mihi ) 130 , 131. [ Advertant Novatianorum errorem non in eo positum , quod dicerent neque lapsum , neque excommunicatum in morte à peccatis liberandum ; sed haereticos ideo habitos , quod opinarentur Deum ipsum Ecclesiae neque remittendorum neque retinendorum peccatorum capitalium potestatem copiamque fecisse : Atque haec in eo fuit viguitque eorum haeresis , qui quanquam illud consequeretur ex-eorum falsa Opinione , ut absolutionem non largirentur , tamen hoc eorum factum non haeresis nomine afficiendum erat , neque ad haeresin accedebat ob aliam causam quam quod à fonte illo & quasi capite haresin olente dimanârat , eo maxime quod Novatiani crederent id Ecclesiae a Deo non fuisse praestitum & concessum ; quae causa sola fuit cur praxis illa ce● disciplinae Novatianorum ratio haeresis nomen notionemque non effugeret . ] The Clergy felt their own Interest , and the Novatians denied their Power to retain , as well as forgive capital Crimes , and thought their Keyes extended not so far . And that the Case of the lapsed was it that they began with , Epiphanius himself and others agree . And Observ . 19. he shews that Novatianus did this against his former Judgment , in Envy and Faction against the Bishop , because he mist of being Bishop himself . A Bishoprick was it that provoked him to deny this Pardoning Power in Bishops . And Albaspineus hath in many antecedent Observations shewed , how little , if any thing at all , the Novatians differed else from the Antient Church in the strictness of their Communion , and avoiding sinners : So that he thus begins his fifth Observation [ Incredibilia prope sunt , quae his capitibus dicturi sumus : sed tamen ita vera & certa , & quae cujusque animam summam in admirationem rapiant , Ecclesiam primis temporibus nulla vel levissima labe inquinatam fuisse ; quin ita illibatam intactamque ut omni ratione , curâ & solicitudine prospexerit , filii ut sui quam à Baptismo hauserant puritatem eam nulla aspersam vitii alicujus macula & soeditate conservarent . Imo ca se veritate adhibita ut fugiendum sibi detestandumque peccatum , quovis terrore proposito putarent . Non solum autem multa crimina peccataque numerabantur , quorum Authores artificesque absolutionem omnem desperabant , sed & ea quoque quibus ignoscet poenitentiam concedi opertere censuerat , peccata ita ulciscebatur , ●ut non nisi semel eis qui ea commisissent , unius poenitentiae copiam faceret Ecclesia , hoc est si post Baptismum lethaliter peccassent . Quod si cum Ecclesia reconciliatus in idem aut aliud mortale peccatum iterum prolaberetur , ita in perpetuum tribus primis saeculis ab Ecclesia repulsam ferebat , ut non nisi poenitentiae & in morte precum quae reliqua erant subsidia expectanda sibi duceret , nulla absolutione data quae in spem veniae illum erigeret . ] And he adds , that many that cannot deny his proofs , yet will not believe that ever such a Discipline was used . But this was in the three First Ages : After , when Prosperity and Wealth ticed the ungodly into Bishops Seats , and into the Church , the Case was altered , and as he shews , Observ . 6. the Case was so altered to the loose extreme , that Criminals were admitted toties quoties . And in his Notes on Tertullian he sheweth , that this was a difference between the Orthodox and the Hereticks , that the Orthodox did di● multumque deliberare quos in societatem ejusdem Ecclesiae , & corporis recipere debeant ; but the Hereticks were ready to take all that came . Yet I suppose not near so loose as those Diocesan and Parochial Churches that know not who comes , but without question take all that will but come to the Rails and kneel : And when by the magnitude of Diocess and other means , they have secured themselves against the trouble and possibility of Pastoral Discipline , the Priest wipes off all guilt with a word , and faith , If they were Atheists , Hobbists , Sadduces , Whoremongers , common Blasphemers , Drunkards , it 's no fault of mine , I know it not ; and no wonder , when he knoweth not who in the Parish are his Flock . That Eusebius himself and others named by Petavius mistook the Novatians is no wonder to those who read the volumes of palpable Falshood written against the Nonconformists in this present age , and hear witnesses at the bar swear those Plots and Conspiracies & Treasons against men , from which grave and conscionable Juries quit them . But me thinks when Mr. M. had said that Socrates is an Historian of good Credit and acquainted with them ] he much forgot his own ends when he recited these words as his [ Some took part with Novatian , and others with Cornelius ; according to their several inclinations and Course of life : The looser and more licentious sort Favouring the most indulgent discipline , the other of more austere lives inclining most to the Novatian severity . ] Good still , I now see that the Novatians indeed were Puritanes , though Episcopal , and I accuse not our accusers of any such Heresie . But I confess that I shall believe a Novatian Historian , who being so strict against sin must be strict against a Lie , rather than those that Scorn such Puritanism , and deride the Person that cannot swallow a bigger Pill . And when Mr. M. labours to shew out of Socrates that it was not only Idolatry that they censured , he labours in vain : It was the beginning of their Schism that I mentioned , and not Socrates his Age. As to the judgment of the Council of Eliberis and all the three First Ages , I have told you what Albaspine saith before . If you can consute him , do ; I am not engaged to defend him ; but I believe him . § 26. I conclude this and the former Chapter with this Counsel to the Scorners of Puritanes : Never trust to your Titles and Order , how good soever , without a careful holy obedience to the Supreme Law-giver , either for Concord on Earth , or Salvation in Heaven . True Parish-Reformation is the way to satisfie godly persons better than either Violence or Separation . But if you still obstinately resist Parish . Discipline and Reformation , you must have Toleration of such as will not consent to your Corruption , or else persecute the best to your own ruine . Theophilus Parochialis hath said more for Parish Order against the Regulars , and Priviledged , than you have done against the Separatists . And yet the Confraternity of the Oratorians set up in every Parish , was the best way he could devise to recover the state of lapsed Parishes : As the priviledging of Fryars was the Pope's last Remedy instead of Reforming his corrupted Church . CHAP. XIX . Of the Council of Nice and some following . § 1. THis Historian having put himself into a military posture seemeth to conceit that every word proceeds from an Enemy . And first he feigneth me to make Constantine judge that [ the Bishops and Councils were of little use ] when I had no such word or thought , but the contrary . § 2. Next he himself confesseth that which I blame those Bishops for ; Even those Libels which they Contentiously offered against one another ; to have raised Quarrels instead of Peace , and which Constantine cast altogether into the fire without reading them . And when he confesseth what I say , is he not a Railer at the Bishops as much as I in that ? As to his excuse that [ It is no wonder considering their great dissentions in Religion , &c. ] I easily grant it : But in this excuse he saith yet more against them . § 3. Because I said that Athanasius differing from Constantine about the reception of Arius his repentance [ Caused much Calamity ] he feigneth me heinously to accuse Athanasius which I intended not : Even a just action may [ Cause Calamity ] as Christ saith his Gospel would bring division . All his labour in justifying Athanasius fighteth but with a spectre of his own imagination . And yet I am inclined to think that if an Hypocrite Arius had been connived at to please such an Emperor , the death of Arius would have left the Church quieter than it did ; though he here thinks greater rigour had been safer : And I think multitudes of Sadduces , Infidels and debaucht Persons in one of our Diocesses , yea or Parishes , is worse than one Arius while Hypocrisie restrained him from Venting his opinion . § 4. And here he that dreamed I accused Athanasius , really accuseth Constantine as imposed on by a Counterfeit Repentance and restoring the incendiary to opportunities of doing mischief , and being against the means that might have ended that fatal mischief . But I confess Constantine was no Bishop , and therefore this is not an accusation of Bishops or a railing at them . § 5. Next when I had fully opened the Case of the Mel●tians out of Epiphanius on pretence of abbreviating , he leaves out that which he likes not , and tells us how the Nonconformists have advantaged the Papists : If I thought the man believed himself I would try to undeceive him ▪ In the mean time I desire him to think again which party most befriends the Papists ; They that are for a reconciliation with them on these terms , that there may be acknowledged an Universal supreme human Power over all the Church on Earth , and the Pope to be Principium Unitatis and Patriarch of the West , and he shall abate us the last 400 years Impositions , and all be accounted Schismaticks that unite not into this Church ; and that all the Preachers in England shall be silenced that will not swear , promise , profess , and practise all that which is here imposed on them , though they think it heinons sin , and others think it but matter indifferent , and all the people shall be prosecuted that hear them ; and that this Division shall rather weaken the Kingdom , and advantage the Papists , than the Consciences of men , as wise and faithful as themselves shall be eased of such Impositions , or they suffered to Preach the Gospel of Christ : Or those that being condemned to such Silence , Prisons and Ruine , had rather be delivered , though a Papist be delivered with them , than be destroyed . ] Methinks we are used by these Church-Fathers , as if they should determine that a great part of the Protestants who are most against Popery , shall be hanged , unless the Papists will beg their pardon , or cut the Rope ; which if these Protestants accept , they shall be said to be the Promoters of the Papists . § 6. As for all his Exceptions against Epiphanius , they are nothing to me , who did not undertake to justifie his words , but transcribe them ; nor think it worth my labour now to examine the Case of so small concernment . § 7. When some have blamed me for condemning the Arians too much , he saith , that I say some what very much to the disadvantage of the Doctrine of the Trinity , but he was so gentle as not to tell what it was , unless it be telling what Petavius the Jesuite saith : About that I am wholly of his own mind . But the express words which Petavius de Trinit . citeth out of all those Old Fathers , cannot be denied : And verily they are so many , and so gross , that unless his Argument satisfied me , viz. [ The Votes of the Council of Nice shewed what was the Common sence of the Church , better than the words of all those Fathers ] I should think as Philostorgius in point of History , that there were no sufficient confuting of the Arians from those Fathers , though sometimes they have better words . Visible words cannot be denied , even where they must be lamented . That 's the difference between Mr. M's . Opinion of History and mine . § 8. As to the Audians , I recite but Epiphanius's words , who in other cases is greatly valued by these Accusers : They will believe what he saith of Aerius . And as to what he saith to the contrary out of Theodoret , he may see that he saith all by hearsay , and saith , that They hid that which he accuseth them of , and were Hypocrites , professing too much strictness , l. 4. c. 9. which is still the common way of accusing the best , against whom instead of proveable faults , they turn their strictness into a crime . Epiphanius is much more particular than Theodoret in the story . § 9. The rest which he noteth of my words of the Council of Nice , have nothing needing a reply . Petavius hath fully proved that the Chorepiscopi were true Bishops . But now we are odious Presbyterians if we would but have a Bishop in every City , that is , Corporation , Desiring only that Discipline might become possible . And for this we are proclaimed to be against Bishops ; that is , saith this sort of men ; They that would have but One Bishop over a thousand , or many hundred , or score Churches , are for Episcopacy ; and they that would have every Church have a Bishop , as of old , or at least every great Town , and so would have twenty , or forty , or a hundred for one , are against Episcopacy : And that which is strange is , These men are believed . § 10. I praised the Council of Gangra for condemning some Superstitions , and he saith , I have nothing against it : Whether it be a Common Mistake that Arius was here received to Communion , I 'le not stay to examine . § 11. When he hath weighed all he can for the Synod at Antioch , he is forced to confess that they were a packt company of Bishops , that complied with Constantius and Eusebius's Contrivance . And what do I say worse of them than he ? As to the Canon against Priests or Deacons not gathering Assemblies against the Bishops will , I am for it as much as he , if the Bishops and Churches be such as they were then ; but not in France nor Italy . He saith , I leave my sting behind me , and end very angrily ; for these only words [ This is their strength ] mentioning the Councils ( that was against Athanasius ) suppressing Dissenters as seditious by force . I see angry men think others angry when they are , and are stung if we do but name their stinging us : As if Prisons and Ruine were not so sharp a sting as these four words . If it be not their strength , why do they so trust to it , as to confess that their Arguments and Keyes would do little to uphold their Prelacy without it . In the daies of the Usurpers I moved for a Petition , that when they granted Liberty of Conscience for so many others , they would grant Liberty for the full exercise of the Episcopal Government to all that desired it . But the Episcopal Party that I spake to , would not endure it , as knowing what bare Liberty would be to their Cause , unless they could have the Sword to suppress those that yield not to their Reasons . § 12. Next he saith , I spare my Gall for about a dozentimes , not regarding how it contradicts his former Accusations . But whereas I recite the horrid Accusations of the Council at Philippopolis against Athanasius , Paulus and Marcellus , of open Matters of Fact , as Murder , Persecutions , Burning of Churches , Wars , Flames , Dragging Priests to the Market-place with Christs Body tyed about their necks , stripping Consecrated Virgins naked before a concourse of People [ and offering to send messengers on both sides to Try the Fact , and to be themselves condemned if it prove not true ] he is offended that I seem staggered at this , Athanasius having detected before so many Subornations , &c. Answ . I did not say that I was staggered , much less doubted which of them did the wrong : But that a Reader may by such a Temptation be astonished , and confounded whom to believe . But d d I ever rail more at Bishops than he here doth ? What 1. So great a number of Bishops , 2. Deliberately in Council , 3. To affirm so vehemently , 4 Such matters of open Fact , 5. And offer it to the Trial of Witnesses of both sides ; and all this to be false , 6. And to be but the consequent of former Subornations and Perjury ; can you name greater wickedness ? Obj. But they were Arians . Answ . But they were Bishops . The worse for being Arians . 2. Yet called but Semi-Arians , and renounced Arius , and pretended Reconciliation . 3. And they were the Oriental part of the Council at Sardica , called General by the Papists . 4. And they were believed against Marcellus by Basil and Chrysostom : But all that I cite it for , is to tell the Reader what a doleful case the Church was faln into , by the depravation of the Bishops . Did none of these profess before to be Orthodox ? I do not say that it was quatenus Bishops that they did all this , but that multitudes of Bishops were then become the shame and calamity of the Church . § 13. Next he scorningly accuseth me for giving too soft a Character of the Circumcellians ; and saith , My Moderation and Charity may extend to John of Leyden . And he calls them The Most barbarous and desperate Villains that ever defamed Christianity by assuming the Title . ] Ans . 1. This is the man that saith I rail . I named so many and great sins of theirs , that I little thought any Reader would have thought that I spared them too much . 2. Yet they were Donatists , and of them Optatus himself saith , lib. 5. [ Apud vos & apud nos Una est Ecclesiastica conversatio ; Communes Lectiones : Eadem Fides ; ipsa Fidei Sacramenta , eadem mysteria ] that is , saith Albaspine [ Una Ecclesiastica disciplina : Eodem modo Scripturas Explicamus : Ipsa Regula Fidei : Idem Mysterium quod confertur & significatur , & eadem res visibilis per quam res spiritualis datur ] in lib. 5. p. 153. And saith Optatus , lib. 1. [ Nequis dicat me inconsiderate eos fratres appellare , qui tales sunt . Quamvis & illi non negent & omnibus notum sit , quod nos odio habeant , & execrentur , & nolunt se dioi fratres nostros ; tamen nos recedere à timore Dei non possumus — sunt igitur sine dubio fratres quamvis non boni : Quare nemo miretur eos me appellare fratres , qui non possant non esse fratres . Obj. But the Circumcellians were worse than the rest . Answ . They were of the same Religion , but the unruly furious part in their practice : And Optatus saith , Though they would rail in words [ sed unum quidem vix inveuimus cum quo p●r literas , vel hoc modo loquatur : ] And so goes on to call Parmenian his Brother . And it 's worth the consideration how much Albaspine includeth in Fraternity ; note first , & in Observat . 3. And they were Orthodox fierce Prelatists , doing all this for the preheminence of their Bishops . And what if some Prelatists now should hurt their Brethren more than the Circumcellians did , must I call them therefore the most barbarous Villains that ever defamed Christianity . Angustine saith , They made a Water of some Salt or sharp thing , and cast in mens Eyes in the night in the streets : No man can think that this barbarous action was done by the most , or any but some furious fools : They say that they would wound themselves to bring hatred on the Catholicks , as if they had done it , or drove them to it : He that knoweth what Self-love is , will believe that this was the case but of a few ; and an easier wrong than some that abhor them do to their Brethren . And must we needs Rail indeed against such numbers of hurtful Prelatists ? What if any rude persons of your Church should be Whoremongers , Drunkards , Blasphemers , and seek the Imprisonment of their Brethren , yea their Defamation and Blood by Perjury , should the Church be for their sakes so called , as you call them ? I speak them no fairer than Optatus did . § 14. When p. 57. I commend the many good Canons of the African Councils , and the faithfulness of the Bishops , he noteth none of this , because it proveth the untruth of his former Accusations . And when I name twenty five or twenty six more Councils of Bishops , some General , and some less , which were for Arianism , or a compliance with them , he defendeth none of them , but excuseth them , and saith , that [ they were not much to the honour of the Church : Yet the evil Edicts and Consequences of them are rather to be charged on the Arian Emperour , than the Bishops . ] Answ . 1. This is the same man that elsewhere so overdoes me in accusing the Arians . 2. The Emperour was Erroneous , but said to be otherwise very commendable . And is it not more culpable for Bishops to Err in the Mysteries of Divinity , than a Lay-man ? And for many hundred to Err , than for One Man ? And do you think that the Bishops Erring did not more to seduce the Flocks , than the Emperour's ? But he saith , that [ If many fell in the Day of Tryal , they are rather to be pitied , than insulted over , for we have all the same infirmities , &c. Answ . I wrote in pity of them and the Church , without any insulting purpose . If any now to avoid lying in Prison , and starving their Families , by Famine , should surrender their Consciences to sinful Subscriptions after a Siege of Nineteen years , I shall pity them , and not insult over them . Nay , if I speak of those that lay the Siege , and call out for more Execution , I do it not insultingly , but with a grieved heart for the Church and them . But when I largely recited Hillary's words of them , he saith , [ The Account is very sad ] ( and what said I more ? ) But , saith he , yet such as shews rather the Calamity , than the Fault of the Bishops . ] Answ . Nay then , no doubt , it 's no fault to Conform . Hillary then , and all that kept their ground , were in a great fault for so heavily accusing them . And so the World turned Arians in shew ( as Hierom and Hillary speak ) is much acquit , and the Nonconformists are the faulty Railers for accusing them . It had been enough to say , It was no Crime ; but to say , no Fault , is too gentle for the same man that so talkt of Perjured Arians before . § 15. Yet because he is forced to confess that it was most by far of all the Bishops , even in Councils ( he of Rome not excepted ) that thus fell , he must shew how it offended him to be forced to it , by telling the world how contentious I have been against all sorts and Sects ( the first is false , and he knows it I think , and the latter is true formally of a Sect as such ; even his own Sect. ) And some judge me such a stranger to Peace , as to need a Moderator to stand between me and the Contradictions of my own Books . ] Answ . Yes , the Bishops Advocate Roger L'Estrange , where nothing but gross ignorance , or malice , or negligence , could have found Contradictions , were the whole places perused . And where I am sure my self , that there is none ; I have somewhat else to do than to write more , to shew the Calumnies of such Readers . Who most seeks Peace , you , or those that you prosecute ? One would think it should not be hard to know if men be willing . CHAP. XX. Of the first General Council at Constantinople . His Cap. 4. § 1. HE begins with accusing me of imitating the Devil ; Doth Job serve God for nought ? because I say that [ the reason why the West was freer from the Arian Heresie , than the East , was not as the Papists say , that Christ prayed for Peter , that his Faith might not fail , but because the Emperours in the West were Orthodox , and those in the East Arians : And the Bishops much followed the Emperour's will. ] What , saith he , can be more unchristian ? Answ . 1. I never said that this was the Only Cause . 2. I proved that this Priviledge of Rome was not the meaning of Christ's Prayer . 3. Is not this the same man that even now ●●id the fall of far more Bishops , even most in the World , on the Emperour , as overcoming them by force and fraud ? 4. Doth not God himself keep men usually from strong temptations , when he will deliver them from sin ? 5. Were not the Eastern Bishops , and the Western , of the same mold and temper ? And if the Eastern followed the Emperours , had not the Western been in danger if they had the like temptation ? 6. Doth not Basil that sent to them for help , complain of them as proud , and no better than their Brethren ? 7. Did not Marcellinus fall to Idolatry , and Liberius to subscribe against Athanasius with the Arians ? 8. Did not the West actually fall to Arianism when tempted for the most part ? Judge by the great Council at Milane , and by Hillary's complaints . 9. Hath Rome and the West stood faster to the Truth since then ? What! all the Popes who are by Councils charged with Heresie or Infidelity , and all wickedness , and those many whose Lives even by Baronius and Genebrard , are so odiously described ? Is the West at this day free from Popery and its fruits ? 10. Do you think in your conscience that if we had not here a Protestant King , but a Papist , many of the Clergy would not be Papists ? Why then are they so in France , Spain , Italy , Poland , & c ? And why did the most of them turn in Qu. Mary's daies ? I do not insult , but lament the Churches Case , which ever since Wealth and Honour , and too much Power corrupted it , have had Bishops far more worldly , and less faithful than they were the first three hundred years . Though I still say that ever since , God hath in all times raised some serious Believers that have kept up serious Piety in the Church : And as I doubt not but there are so many such among the Conformists , as is our great Joy , so I hope that , though foully blotted with Superstition and Errour , there are many such among the Papists themselves . § 2. Yet he saith , I do the Bishops Right again , without thinking of doing them Justice , while I tell how many were murdered . Answ . 1. Doth he know my thoughts ? 2. It 's true I intended not to do any other Justice , than to praise Christ's Martyrs and Confessors , while I lament the Case of Persecutors and Revolters ? Is the praise of Confessors any honour to the Hereticks ? But perhaps he means , I right the Order of Bishops . Answ . Did I ever say or think that there were no Bishops that kept the Faith ? Do I say All fell , when I say Most fell ? The Man speaks as his imagined Interest leads him , and so interpreteth my words to his own sense , not as written . And if that be the right way , I think he will grant that there were more Martyrs and Sufferers under Valens , Constantius , Hunnericus , and Gensericus , in the East , and in Africk , by far , than were when their Tryal came in all the West that is now subject to the Pope . And what moved the man to dream that when I so describe and praise their constancy in Suffering , I did it as at unawares ? That the greater part of the Bishops of the Empire were Arians , I will not offer by Testimony to prove , when it is so commonly by Fathers , Historians , by Papists and Protestants agreed on . How many of them were Bishops before , and how many but Presbyters or Deacons , I 'le not pretend to number . The turning of multitudes all agree on . The Constancy of many he falsly intimateth that I deny , and saith , I injuriously represent them , and cannot tell a word wherein that Crime is found . § 3. Naming the things that were done by the Council at Constantinople , I mention both the setting up , and after the putting down of Gregory ; & lest any Caviller should carp at the word [ putting down ] I presently open particularly what it was that they did toward it ; that resolving on his deposition , they caused him , though unwilling , rather to give it up , than stay till they cast him out . This great Historian had no more manlike an Exception here , than to say , that against all History , and against my own Explication , I say that [ They Deposed him . ] I said [ They put him down ] in the manner , and as far as I explained . § 4. While he here himself accuseth the Times then of General Corruption , and the Church of Divisions , adding , [ What Age hath been so happy as not to labour under those Evils ? ] he accuseth me of making misuse of Gregory's words , to represent the Council in an odious manner . Answ . It is to represent the worser part in a lamentable manner , as far as Gregory did , and no further . And as to his quarrel at my citation , I shall say no more ; but if the Reader will but read Gregory's own words , I willingly leave all that Cause to his Judgment : If he will not , my words cannot inform him . Yet he himself saith [ He doth indeed in several places find fault with this Council ] And can you forgive him ? I think I find no more than he did . But for this you find fault with him [ He did resent the Injury ( And was it an Injury ? ) and did not bear the deprivation of his Bishoprick with the same generosity he proposed , which made him a little more sharp than was decent in his representation of the Bishops — What wonder if sharpened with discontent , he exclaim with somewhat too great a passion against the administration of the Church which he had been forced to quit ] Ans . All will be confest anon , when I have been accused for saying it before him : That 's his way . But it was not for leaving a high and fat Bishoprick that he was grieved , but for being separated from the People that he had partly served in their lower state , and partly won from Heresie , and who came about him with tears intreating him not to forsake them . And though it were morethan generosity to set light by the Honour and Wealth , it is treachery to set light by Souls : And they changed to their great loss . He resigned much to quiet the People lest they should do as they did for Chrysostom after him . It is no new thing for the Major vote of the Clergy to Envy those few that are better and more esteemed than themselves , nor yet for the Godly People to be loth to leave such pastors . § 5. He saith [ His censure of Councils that he knew none of them that have any happy End , was not the fault of the expedient , but of the men ] Ans . And what did I ever say more . It is his custom when he hath stormed at me , to say in Effect the same that he stormed at . Some Papists would persuade men , that it was only Arian Councils that he meant , but most Protestants that Write about Councils against them , do cite & vindicate these words of Gregory : And the impartial Papists confess that it was the Councils also of the Catholicks that there and else where he spake of . § 6. In the Case of Meletius , and Paulinus , two Bishops in a City , and the Case of Lucifer Calaritanus made a Heretick for separating from lapsed Arians , he saith over the same that I do ; that good men cannot rightly understand one another , and so it ever hath been , and it 's the Effect of humane frailty and not Episcopacy . In all this I agree . But 1. If humane frailty make Bishops swell in pride and ambition , and domineering , it hath far worse Effects than in other men : 2. And Bishops are bound to excell their flocks in Piety , humility , Selfdenyal , peaceableness , as well as in knowledge . If the Physicians of this city should prove unskilful , and yet confident where they err , it is not quatenus Physicians that they are such : But if it be qui Physicians that are such , they may kill thousands , while the same faults in all their neighbours may kill few or none . If your Interest made you not smart and angry without cause , you would not cavil against such plain truth . § 7. About the Priscillianists he saith [ I all along observe this Rule , to be very favourable to all Hereticks and Schismaticks be they never so much in the wrong , and to fall on the Orthodox party and improve every miscarriage of theirs into a mighty crime . ] Ans . If all along this accusation be false , then all a long your History serveth such a use . But in France , Spain , Italy , he is favourable to Hereticks that takes not the orthodox for such , or that is not for racking and burning them . And in England he is favourable to Schismaticks that taketh not the greatest lovers of Piety and peace for such , and the Church Tearers for Church-Healers : As Mr. Dodwell phraseth it , they are Schismaticks that suffer themselves to be excommunicate ( for unsinful things in the Bishops account , and heinous sin in theirs ; and so that are not so ripe in Knowledge , as to know all the unsinful things to be such which may be imposed . § 8. What would this enemy of railing have had me said more than I did of the Priscillianists ? viz. that they were Gnosticks and Manichees ? Was not that bad Enough . No , I favour them still ? And what say I more of the Bishops and the whole cause , than Sulpitius Severus the fullest and most knowing Describer saith ? Why doth he not accuse him for the same description ? Yea and their Mr. Ri. Hooker who in the Preface to his Eccl. Pol. saith of Ithacius the like ? Yea Baronius himself consenteth ? Where I say that to the death Martin separated from the synods of these Bishops ( I said not from all Bishops in the world ) he saith , he renounced only the Communion of Ithacius his Party , and that others did as well as he . Reader , it will be thy folly to take either his word or mine , what an Author saith , when we differ , without looking into the Book it self . Read Sulpitius Severus ; I will transcribe some words , lest he say , I mistranslate them . Priscillianus , familia nobilis , praedives opibus , acer , inquies , facundus , multa lectione eruditus , disserendi & disputandi promptissimus — vigilare multum , famem & sitim ferre poterat , habendi minime cupidus , utendi parcissimus ( Was it a crime to say so much good of him ? ) But proud of his Learning , set up a Heresie , and two Bishops Instantius and Salvianus ioyned with him , and made him a Bishop — At Caesar Augusta one Synod was gathered against him . The Story I before recited . Next a Synod at Burdeaux tryeth them . Saith Sulpitius [ Ac mea quidem sententia est , mihi tam reos quam accusatores displicere . Certe Ithacium nihil pensi , nihil sancti habuisse definio : suit enim audax , loquax , impudens , sumptuosus , ventri & gulae plurimum impertiens . Hic stultitiae eo usque processerat ut omnes etiam sanctos viros , quibus aut studium erat lectionis , aut propositum erat certare jejuniis , tanquam Priscilliani socios aut discipulos in crimen arcesseret . Ausus etiam miser est ea tempestate Martino Episcopo — palam objectare haeresis infamiam . Imperator per Magnum & Ru●um Episcopos depravatus à mitioribus consiliis deflexus ▪ — So he tells how many were put to death — Caeterum Priscilliano occiso , non solum non repressa est haeresis — sed confirmata , latius propagata est : Namque sectatores ejus qui eum prius ut sanctum honoraverant , postea ut Martyrem colere c●p●runt . Ac inter nostros perpetuum discordiarum bellum exarserat , quod jam per quind●●im annos ●oedis dissensionibus agitatum , nullo modo sopiri poterat . Et nunc cum maxime discordiis Episcoporum turbari aut misceri omnia ce●nerentur , cunctaque per eos odio aut gratia , metu , inconstantia , invidia , factione , libidine , avaritia , arrogantia , somno , desidia , essent depravata : Postremo plures adversus paucos bene consulentes , insan●s consiliis & pertinacibus studiis certarent : Inter haec Plebs Dei , & Optimus quisque probro atque ludibrio habebatur . ] So ends Sulpitius History . Do you not see , Mr. Morrice , that there have been Prelates and Puritanes , even Episcopal Puritanes before our Times ? Doth not your stomach rise against Sulpitius as too Puritanical and severe ? Is not my Language of most of the Bishops soft in comparison of his ? Yet he was so early as to live in that which you now call the most flourishing Time of the Church . Sir , I hate Discord , and love Peace ; but I never look that the Enmity between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed , or Cain and Abel , should be ended ▪ or that the holy Title of Bishops and Priests should reconcile ungodly men to Saints . Sir , England knoweth , that though some factious persons have done otherwise , the main Body of those that your Law doth Silence , Ruine and Revile , have a high esteem of such Bishops as have been seriously godly ; such as were many in Antient and late Times : And deride it as long as you will , the seriously religious People in England are they that are most against Church-Tyranny , and which Party most of the debauched and prophane are of , hath long been known . § 9. But the Reader shall further hear how little you are to be trusted . Saith Sul. in Vita Mart. [ Apud Nemausium Episcoporum Synodus habebatur ad quam quidem ire noluerat — ( There 's another Synod . ) Et pag. 584. In Mon. Pat. [ Maximus Imperator aliâs vir bonus , depravatus consiliis Sacerdotum , post Priscilliani necem Ithacium Episcopum Priscilliani accusatorem caeterosque illius socios , quos nominare non est necesse vi regia tuebatur . — Congregati apud Treveros Episcopi ( there 's another Synod ) tenebantur , qui quotidie communicantes Ithacio communem sibi causam secerant : His ubi nunciatum est ●●opinantibus , adesse Martinum , totis animis labesacti , mussitare & trepidare coeperunt . — Nec dubium erat quin Sanctorum etiam maximam turbam tempestas ista depopulatura esset . Et enim tunc solis oculis discernunt inter hominum genera , cum quis Pallore potius aut Veste , quam fide , haereticus aestimaretur . Haec nequaquam placitura Martino Episcopi faciebant . — Ineunt cum Imperatore Consilium ut m●ssis obviam Magistri officialibus , urbem istam ( Martinus ) vetaretur propius accedere . ( But it was not five Miles from all Cities and Corporations . ) — Interea Episcopi quorum communionem Martinus non in ibat trepidi ad Regem concurrunt , per damnatos se conquerentes actum esse de suo omnium statu , si Theognisti pertinaciam , qui eos SOLUS palam lata sententia condemnaverat , Martini armaret authoritas : Non oportuisse hominem capimoenibus illis : Non jam desensorem haereticorum esse , sed vindicem ( Methinks I read Mr. Morrice ) Nihil actum morte Priscilliani si Martinus exerceat illius ultionem . ( These men have done nothing till they have destroy'd all that are against their Tyranny . ) Postremo prostrati cum fletu ( they could weep too ) & lamentatione Potestatem Regiam implorant , ut ut atur adversus UNUM hominem vi sua : Nec multum aberat quin cogeretur Imperator Martinum cum haereticorum sorte miscere . ] But the Emperour knowing his eminent Holiness and Reputation , tryeth persuasion ; [ & blande appellat , haereticos jure damnatos , more judiciorum publicorum , potius quam in sectationibus Sacerdotum : Non esse causam qua Ithacii caet erorumque partis ejus communionem , putaret esse damnandam , Theognistum odio potius quam causa , fecisse dissidium ; Eundemque tamen SOLUM esse qui se à communione interim separavit ; a reliquis nihil novatum . ] You see here that M. M. saith truly , that Martin separated but from the Bishops of Ithacius's Party : That is , All save one Theognistus ( and Iginus is elsewhere named . ) Is not here a great accord of the Bishops ? ) [ Quinetiam paucos ante dies habita Synodus ( Synods still ) Ithacium pronunciaverat culpa non teneri ] no wonder : Synods have justified the forbidding of two thousand to Preach the Gospel . ) At last when no other Remedy could save the Lives of men from the Leeches , Martin yielded once to communicate with the Bishops on condition the mens Lives should be saved : The Bishops would have had him Subscribe this Communion : But that he would never do . [ Posterodie inde se proripiens , cum revertens in viam moestus ingemisceret , se vel ad horam noxiae communioni esse permixtum — subsedit , causam doloris & facti accusante & defendente cogitatione pervolvens , astitit ei repente Angelus ; Merito inquit Martine compungeris , sed aliter exire nequisti : Repara virtutem : resume Constantiam ; ne jam non periculum gloriae , sed salutis incurreris . Itaque ab illo tempore satis cavit , cum illa Ithacianae partis communione misceri . Caeterum cum quosdam ex inergumenis , tardius quam solebat , & gratia minore curabat , subinde nobis cum lachrymis fatebatur , se propter communionis illius malum cui se vel puncto temporis necessitate , nonspiritu miscuisset , detrimentum sentire virtutis . Sedecim postea vixit annos : Nullam Synodum adiit ; ab omnibus Conventibus se removit . ] Now Reader , judge how great Ithacius's Party was , that boasted but one or two men were against them : And whether Martin separated not from their common Synods . Methinks I see Mr. M. here in the strait of the Pharisees , when put to answer whether John's Baptism was from Heaven , or of men . Fain he would make Martin and Sulpitius Puritanes and Fanaticks ; but the Church hath made a Holy day for Martin , and dedicated multitudes of Temples to his Honour ; and all men reverence Sulpitius and him . Yet he ventures to go as far as he durst p. 142. against them . § 10. But here Mr. M. smarteth , and saith [ This Instance could become none worse than Mr. B. who in a Letter to Dr. Hill confesses himself to have been a Man of Blood — ] Answ . A Man of Blood is your Libertine Phrase . If you would have published that secret Letter , you should 1. Have told the whole , and worded it truly ; 2. And have professed your self a derider of Repentance , while you call for it . I lived in an Age of War , and I was on the Parliaments side , and that was enough to prove that I had a hand in blood while I was on one side , though I never drew blood of any man my self ( save once a Boy at School with boxing . ) But he thinks I should have imitated Martin in renouncing Communion with men of blood . Answ . Martin renounced Communion with those that were for destroying even downright Hereticks . Alas Sir , I dare not renounce Communion with these that Silence thousands of faithful Ministers , and continue still to Plead , Preach , and Write for their Prosecution by Imprisonment and Ruine . I hope many do it in Ignorance , and if I do it , it may increase the distance that I would heal . Nonconformists are no Priscillianists . And if I renounce Communion with all that were in Wars , it must be with some present Bishops , and a great part of the Land. But I understand you ; it must be with all that were in Arms for the Parliament , &c. Answ . The King then will condemn me by his Act of Oblivion , and by his own practice : Hath he not one of them for the Lord President of his Council ? and many more in Trust and Honour ? Did he renounce Communion with General Monk and his whole Army , who were long in Arms for the Parliament ? Or with the Citizens , and multitudes of Commanders through the Land , who drew in ▪ & encouraged General Monk ? Or the Ministers that persuaded Sir Tho. Allen , Lord Mayor , to draw him in ? To be plain with you Sir ( though you call it Railing ) Men of your Faculty kindled the Fire , and set the Nation together by the Ears , and when sad experience brought them to repentance and to desire unity and peace , and those that had fought for the Parliament had restored the King , this evil Spirit envyeth the Kingdom the benefit of this concord , and would fain break us again into contending Parties , and will not let King and Kingdom have peace , while God giveth us peace from all foreign enemies . Do we need any other notice what a Contentious Clergy have still been , than the woful experience of what they are . If you would have had G. Monk and his Army , and all such that joyned with him destroyed or excommunicate for what they had done , why did you not speak out at first , but when we would all fain have peace and concord thus twenty years after cast your Wild-fire you warn the Present Duke of Albemarle to expect to be at last called to account for his original sin . § 11. But his passion makes him say he knows not what , P. 142 [ I need not call Mr. B. to rememberance who compared Cromwel to David and his Son to Solomon ; But this has transported me a little too far . ] Ans . He saith this plainly of me afterward , to shew the credibility of his History ? Did he know it to be false ? If so , there 's no disputing with him . If not , why did he not cite my words . Yea he after transcribes the Epistle meant , where he saw there were no such words : But others had told that tale before him , and that was Enough : Even as one of his tribe hath written that I have written in my Holy Common-wealth , that any one Peer may judge the King. If these Episcopal Historians tell forreigners that we have all Cloven Feet and Horns , and go on four legs , yea and if some swear it , we have no remedy : They can prove our noses horns , and our hands Feet . I again tell them , If Martins Angel and Miracles be credible , woe to those Prelatists that are for ruining violence , and silences against men better than the Gnosticks . If they be not true , let them not trust too much to the best Historians . § 12. Of the Council at Capua I said that they decreed that the two Bishops and their People should live in loving Communion , Mr. M. finds me mistaken here . The words in Binnius are [ Ut tam Flaviani quam Evagrii fautores in Communionem Catholicam admittantur , modo Catholicae fidei assertores inveniantur ] I thought Catholick Communion had been Loving Communion : And I thought if their fautors were to be received , so were they : And I thought Antioch had been a part of the Catholick Church , and Catholick Communion had extended to Antioch : But if Mr. M. deny these , I will not contend with him . § 13. He tells us , that [ No man with his Eyes open ever saw the Condemnation of Bonosus by the Council of Capua ] ( for denying the Virgin Mary's perpetual Virginity . Answ . It is Criticism and not History that the man is best at . They did it mediately , while they referred it to them that did it . Saith Binnius [ Causa Bonosi cujusdam in Macedonia Episcopi haeretici , negantis delibatam Dei genitricis Mariae Virginitatem , post partum in judicium deducta est . Synodus cognitionem causae Anysio Thessaloniensi cum Episcopis ipsi subjectis aelegavit . Ab Anysio Bonosum damnatum , eorumque quos ordinasset communione privatum esse testatur Innoc. P. And he knows it's a Heresie now . Yet this Council condemned Reordinations . § 14. That Jovinian a Monk was called a Heretick , for Doctrines judged sound by Protestants , is no strange thing . That one not a Bishop was the Head of a Heresie , was somewhat strange then , but not before they got too high . As to the Question , Whether Bishops were the Chief Heads and Fomenters of Heresie , I crave his impartial Answer to these Questions . 1. Do not your selves maintain that all Churches in the world had Bishops ; and that the Bishops were the Rulers , and of Chief Power ? If so , can you imagine that after they had such Power , Churches could be usually made Hereticks without them ? Q. 2. Do not Councils , and all Church-History tell us how many Councils of Hereticks there have been that were Bishops ? Q. 3. If any Presbyter broke from his Bishop to set up a Heresie , was it not one that sought to be a Bishop ? Or did they not make presently him or some other their Bishop and Head ? Heresie or Popery had made but small progress , had it not been for Bishops . § 15. When I commend the Novatians Canon , which allowed all men Liberty for the Time of Easter , as better than burning men as Hereticks , he takes it for an Immoderate Transport that I say ▪ [ as loud as I can speak , If all the Proud , Ambitious , Hereticating part of the Bishops had been of this mind , O what sin , what scandal , and what shame , what cruelties , confusions and miseries had the Christian world escaped ? ] That is , had they left such Indifferent things as Indifferent . And is this against Moderation ? I would such Zeal of God's House had more eaten me up : Dare you deny but that this course would have saved the Lives of all those thousands of Albigenses , Waldenses , and Bohemians that the Papists killed : And the death and torment of multitudes by the Inquisition ? And the burning of our Smithfield Martyrs : And it 's like most of the Wars between the Old Popes and Emperours about Investitures ? And the blood of many thousand more . And it would have saved more Nations than ours from the Tearing and Division of Churches by the Ejecting and Silencing of hundreds or thousands of their Pastors , as the case of the Germane Interim , and other such actions prove . And is it Immoderate Transport to wish all this Blood , Schism , Hatred and Confusion , and weakning and shaming of the Church had been prevented at the rate of Tolerating Indifferent things : No wonder if you had rather England still suffered what it doth , and is in danger of by Schism , than such things Indifferent shall be tolerated : It is not for nothing that Christ and Paul repeat , that some have Eyes and see not , Ears and hear not , &c. § 16. And here he again would make his Reader think it's true , that the Nonconformists pretend that their Silencing is for not keeping Easter Day at the due Time ; as if this man that liveth among us did not know , that it is the avoiding of deliberate Lying by subscribing to a known untruth , which is the thing that they refuse ; and they mention it only as an appurtenance of the Imposition ad homines , that it would bind them to two different times . Whether , as he saith , our disease be a wantonness sed by concession , and we are most violent when we know not what we would have , those men are no credible Judges that for seventeen years would not endure us to speak out our Case ; and when before we debated part of it , would not vouchsafe to answer us ; and at last when we tell it them , do but accuse us with a sharper storm , instead of giving any thing that a man can call an Answer that ever knew the Case , e. g. to our Pleas for Peace , and my Treatise of Episcopacy . § 17. He confesseth that I praise the African Bishops as the best in the world , though it contradict his former charge . As to the Magnitude of Diocesses , when he hath answered my Treat . of Episcopacy , some body may be edified by him . I agree with him that Good men will do much Good in a great Diocess . But 1. Worldly Bishops are so far bad : And worldly Wealth and Honour will ever be most sought by the most worldly men : And usually he that seeks shall find — Ergo — And 2. A good man cannot do Impossibilities : The best cannot do the work of many hundred . Forty two years ago some wisht for the Restoring of Confession . Theophilus Parochialis brings copious Reasons and Orders of Princes , Popes and Prelates , that all should confess to the Parish-Priest . If you had set this up here , how many men must have gone to it in the Parishes of St. Martin , Giles Cripplegate , Stepney , &c ▪ But how much greater work hath Dr. Hammond , and Old Councils , cut out for him that will be the sole Bishop of many hundred Parishes ? I have named it elsewhere . And , if any man of consideration think I have not proved against Mr. Dodwell , that Bishops Government is not like a King 's , who may make what Officers under him he please , but depends more as a Physician 's or School-master's on Personal Ability , I will now add but this Question to him [ Why is it that Monarchy may be hereditary , and a Child or Infant may be King ] but an Infant may not be Bishop , nor any one not qualified with Essential Ability ? I have at large told you how sharply Baronius and Binnius condemn that odious Nullity of making a Child ( by his Father's Power ) A. Bishop of Rhemes . If I heard twenty men say and swear that one man is sufficient to be the only Master of many hundred Schools , or Physician to many hundred Hospitals , or that one Carpenter or Mason may alone build and rear all the Houses in the City after the Fire , or one man be the sole Master of an hundred thousand Families ; what can I say to him , but that he never tryed or knows the work ? § 18. When I note that the Donatists took themselves for the Catholicks , and the Adversaries for Schismaticks , because they were the greater number , he very honestly saith , that Multitude may render a Sect formidable , but it 's no Argument of Right . Very true ; nor Secular Power neither . But what better Argument have the Papists , and many others that talk against Schism ? § 19. He thinks the Donatists Bishops Churches were not so small as our Parishes . Answ . Not as some : But if , as I said before , Constantinople in the height of all it's Glory in Chrysostom's daies , had but 100000 Christians , as many as three London ▪ Parishes have , judge then what the Donatists had . § 20. His double quarrel with Binnius and Baronius , let who will mind . What I gathered out of those and other Canons of the smalness of Churches then , I have elsewhere made good . His Reviling Accusations of Envy to their Wealth , deserveth no Answer . § 21. He comes to St. Theophilus's Case , of which we spake before . The Monks that reported evil of him , were , it may be , saith he , downright Knaves , The Reviling is blameless when applied to such . Doubtless they were ignorant rash Zealots : But one that reads what the Egyptian Monks were in Anthony's daies , and after , and what Miracles and Holiness , Sulpitius Severus reporteth of them , and why Basil retired into his Monastery , &c. may conjecture that they had much less worldliness than the Bishops , and not greater faults . § 22. I think it not desirable or pleasant work to vindicate the credit of Socrates and Sozomen accusing Theophilus : But if his Conjectures in this case may serve against express History of such men , and so near , let him leave other Histories as loose to our Conjectures . Post●umianus Narrative in Sulpitius , is but of one piece of the Tragedy . He thinks it improbable that Origen should be accused for making God Incorporeal ; and such Conjectures are his Consutation of History : But Origen had two sort of Accusers ; the Bishops , such as Theophilus and Epiphanius had worse charges against him : But the Anthropomorphite Monks were they that brought that Charge against him ( that God had no face , hands , eyes . ) And Theophilus before them cryed down Origen in general , to save his life , by deceiving them , that they might think he did it on the same account as they did . This is Socrates his Report of the Case . He saith , that the Impudent Mutinous Monks were not ashamed to tell all the world , that all that were against them were Anthropophites . Answ . It was other Monks that I here talk not of , that he means : It was these Monks that were Anthropomorphites themselves , and would have killed Theophilus for not being so , till he said to them , Methinks I see your faces as the Face of God : And the name of the Face of God did quiet them . Hierom was a Party against Chrysostom ; it was for not passing that Sentence on Origen , that Epiphanius would by masterly Usurpation have imposed on him , that Chrysostom was by him accused . § 23. Could any Sobriety excuse that man Epiphanius , that would come to the Imperial City , and there purposely intrude into the Cathedral of one of the best Bishops in the world , for Parts and Piety , and there play the Bishop over an A. Bishop in his own Church , and seek to set all the Auditory in a flame at the time of Publick Worship , and require him to say that of Origen , which he there without any Authority imposed on him ? I know not what is Pride , Usurpation , Turbulency , if not Malignity , if this be not . But at last he saith , [ I do not intend to excuso Theophilus in this particular : ( Thank Pope Innocent ) He did certainly prosecute his Resentment too far : But he was not the only man : Epiphanius , a person of great Holiness ; Hierom , and several other persons renowned for their Piety , were concerned in the persecution of this Great man , as well as he : And to say the truth , this is their weakness ; for that Severity which gives men generally a Reputation of Holiness , though it mortifie some irregular heats , yet is apt to dispose men to p●evishness . ] But true Holiness ever sincerely loveth holy men , and specially such as are publick Blessings to the Church : And though I censure not their main State , your Holy Persecutors of the best of Christ's Servants , will never by Christ be judged small Offenders . Alas ! it's too true that Theophilus was not alone : A Council of Bishops were the Persecutors . And it 's hard to think that they loved Chrysostom as themselves . When the forementioned Council at Constantinople had turned out Nazianzen , even the great magnifiers of General Councils , Baronius and Binnius , thus reproach them , that they drove away a holy excellent man , that a man was set up in his stead that was no Christian ; that it was the Episcopi Nundinarii that did it , the Oriental Bishops first leaving them , and going away with Gregory . And if the Major Vote of that General Council were Episcopi Nundinarii , what Ch●ysostom's Persecutors were may be conjectured . Do not these Papists here say worse of them than I do ? § 24. Yet though he confess as much as is aforesaid , and bring but his Conjectures mixt with palpable omissions against the express words of Socrates and Sozomen , he hath the face to make up his failing with this Calumny [ I have dwelt so long on this , not only to vindicate Theophilus , but to shew once for all the manner of our Author's dealing with his Reader in his Church-History . Any scandalous Story , though it be as false and improbable as any in the Anni Mirabiles , or Whites Centuries of Scandalous Ministers , any Fiction that reflects with disgrace on Bishops and Councils is set down for aut●●ntick , no matter who delivers it , friend or foe . ] Answ . Are not Baronius and Binnius friends to the highest Prelacy ? Doth not he himself say that Socrates is a credible Historian ? Is his Authority weighty enough to discredit them whom he contradicts ? Hath he proved one word false that I have said of Theophilus ? Is not Chrysostom as credible as he ? Doth he not know how ill he is spoken of by a great number of Chrysostom's Defenders ? And how smartly Isidore Pelusiota reflects on him ? But who could have disgraced him more , than he that will imply that the things mentioned of him are as true as what is said in White 's Centuries of Scandalous Ministers , or the Anni Mirabiles . I know not all or most things in either of them . But he was a stranger in England that had not credible Testimony of divers of the things in the Anni Mirabiles . And Mr. White , the Chairman of that Parliament-Committee , was commonly reputed a grave and godly credible man ; and if he lied , the whole Committee must concur in the Lie ; and the Witnesses must all be false . I will not further meddle in so unpleasant a business , than to tell you , that all that I knew accused of Scandal , had Witnesses of it , that in the places where they lived were thought to make as much conscience of a Lie , as the best of their Neighbours : And whether such a mans scorn that was then in the shell , is in History a sufficient proof that Committees of Parliament , and Witnesses , were all Lyars , I leave to consideration , I well know what School-masters and Curates I was bred under , and what the two Ministers were that were sequestred in the place where I after came : And all the Country can tell you . They constrained me to name them , and the Case in my Apology for our Preaching , and my Answer to Mr. Hinkley : It 's yet the same Age : Any may enquire of them . § 25. As to his Note of Altars , I doubt not but there were at the Memorials of Martyrs Commemoratory Altars erected in the third or fourth Centuries : But what 's that to Communicatory Altars ? and those in the first and second Century ? § 26. I suppose he wrote against my Book upon some others Reading . I did in a Parenthesis say ( Innocent Excommunicated Theophilus , Arcadius and the Empress . ) And of another matter added ; yet did this pass without contradiction : And he confounds them , and saith , [ Any thing passeth with him for History : This Epistle of Innocent is all forged . ] Answ . I see not his proof : But I had rather it were proved false than true : But when I speak against Papal Usurpation ( be the men never so good ) I think to such Binnius and Baronius are meet Witnesses . § 27. Boniface's Decree of exempting Bishops from Civil Judicatures , he thinks not so Antient , and saith , We have only the Authority of Gratian for it : But his Conjecture and a flirt at me is all the Confutation : And he cannot doubt but that Exemption hath sufficiently priviledged Bishops since then : As is after proved . CHAP. XXI . Of the first Council of Ephesus , &c. His Cap. 5. § 1. OUR Accuser in his Fifth Chapter passeth by the just Praises which I give to Peaceable Bishops , as crossing his Slander that I dispraise all , or such as well as the unpeaceable , whose Justification it is that he undertaketh . § 2. He begins with an Accusation , that [ to prejudice the Reader against Cyril ' s Council , I give the worst account of him that I could patch up out of all the Libels and Accusations of his Enemies . ] Answ . If by Prejudice be meant Informing him of H●story ; and by Worst is meant Impartial Recitation of what History saith ; and by Patching up be meant such Reciting ; and by Enemies be meant the best and most credible Historians that have written of it , then this is true : Else it is the work of that Undertaker that is engaged to call Evil Good , and Darkness Light , and preserreth speaking good of bad actions , before speaking truly . § 3. And that you may know by what Spirit men that will not reproach the best that differ from the Prelates , are themselves reproached by this Sect , and also what sort of History this man giveth the Lie to , on pretence of giving it me , and how far he is from Railing , he thus proceedeth . [ The first thing he is charged with is the Oppression of the Novatians . This was enough with Socrates or Sozomen to paint him as ugly as men do the Devil or Antichrist ; and therefore there is no great credit to be given them in these Relations , as manifestly espousing the Cause and Quarrel of the Novatians . ] Answ . 1. Just as Thuanus or Erasmus espoused the Cause of the Protestants by Truth and Peace , when others hated and belied them . 2. Methinks the man revileth me very gently in comparison of Socrates and Sozomen , the two most impartial and credible of all our Antient Church-Historians ( with Theodorot . ) But who can wonder that he imitateth that which he defendeth . § 4. But he saith , [ It may be the Novatians deserved it — and it 's not unlikely that they were very troublesom and seditious . ] Answ . It 's not unlikely now that others will say it was so . But mark Reader which of these Historians is most credible [ Socrates and Sozomen lived with those that knew the things and persons : They have told us Truth in the rest of their Histories : If they had been Novatians , Mr. M. saith , They believed sinning after Baptism had no pardon or absolution : And were they not like then to fear such Lying and false Accusing as paints a Saint like the Devil or Antichrist . ] On the other side [ Mr. M. liveth above a thousand years after them : He is one of the Party that take it to be not only lawful , but a duty to say and swear all that is imposed now , which I will not here describe : How truly he writes the History of his own Age , even of Parliament and Wars , and living persons , I have told you . He saith no more against the Historians credit here , but [ it may be ] and [ it's not unlikely ] and [ they were Novatians , Schismaticks , Alexandrians . ] Even so their Counterminer , and many Conformists , that have many years reported us to be Raising a War against the King , had their [ May-be'● ] and [ It 's not unlikely ] and [ they are Schismaticks ] to prove it : And others soon rose up and swore it . And when some lament their Perjury , it stops not the rest . But some have such Free-will , that they can believe whom they list . § 5. Socrates , saith he , makes it part of his charge that he took on him the Government of temporal Affairs . This was not the Usurpation of the Bishop , but the Indulgence of the Emperour : And he shews the Churches need of it . Answ . That which he is charged with is , that he was the first Bishop that himself used the Sword. And 1. Do you think that so great a Patriarchate & Diocess would not find a conscionable Pastor work enough , without joyning with it the Magistrates Office ? 2. Was not the Church greatly changed even so early from what it was a little before in the daies of Martin and Sulpitius , when even Ithacius durst not own being so much as a seeker to the Magistrate to draw the Sword against gross Hereticks ; and the best Bishops denied Communion with them that sought it : And now a Bishop himself becomes the striker not of gross Hereticks , but such as peaceable Bishops bore with . I remember not to have read that Cyril had any Commission for the Sword from the Emperour : Others then had not : But I deny it not . § 6. He saith , that elsewhere I say [ I shall not dishonour such , nor disobey them . ] Answ . I say and do so : If a Bishop will take another Calling from the King's Grant , when he hath undertaken already 40 times more work as a Diocesan than he can do , I le honour and obey him as a Magistrate : But I would be loth to stand before God under the guilt of his undertaking and omissions . § 7. As to all the rest of the History about Cyril's Executions , and the wounding of Orestes the Governour , I leave it between the Credit of Mr. M. and Socrates . : And he very much suspects the Story of Cyril ' s making a Martyr of him that was executed for it : I leave all to the Reader 's Judgment . I think I may transcribe Socrates without slandering Cyril . Here his spleen rising , saith [ There are men in the world that honour such as Martyrs for murdering a King. ] Answ . You may smell what he insinuates : I think he will not say , that he ever did more against them than those that they call Presbyterians have done . We Wrote and Preacht against them when he did not . I know not the Presbyterian living to my remembrance , that was not against the Murder of the King , and Prin. whom the Bishops had cropt and stigmatized for being against them , as an Erastian , was the hottest in the Parliament , for the Execution of the King's Judges : But I knew divers Conformists that have written or spoken to justifie or excuse that Fact. § 8. As for the Murder of Hypatia , I leave him to his scuffle with Socrates and Damascius , in which I interess not my self . § 9. I thank Pope Innocent Mr. M. durst not deny Cyril's faults , in his Enmity to the memory of Chrysostom ; and yet he calls my reciting the matter of Fact a reproach . He is constrained to confess [ That the Quarrel was it seems hereditary to him ( so is Original Sin ) and he did prosecute it beyond all equity or decency against the memory of a dead man : This was a fault , and and he that is without any , or without any particular animosity , specially if he be in any eminent place , let him ●ast the first stone . ] Answ . Thanks to Conscience : We feel your Animosities : But is not this man a Railing Accuser of Cyril , if I am such ? What saith he less in the main ? Yea he now renews his Accusation of his Predecessor , saying , It was hereditary . To prosecute malice against the very name of a holy extraordinary Bishop , beyond all equity and decency — what will Christianity or Humanity call it ? But Faction saith , it was a fault , and he that is without any , &c. Thus talkt Eli to his Sons : So one may say , To Silence 2000 Ministers , or to hate the best men , and seek their ruine , is a fault , a Prelatical peccadillo ; and so was Bonner's usage of the Martyrs ; and let him that is without any cast the first stone . And St. John saith , He that hateth his Brother is a murderer , and none such hath Eternal Life abiding in him ; and that as Cain , he is of the Evil One , the Devil . And I believe him . § 10. But he saith , I injuriously charge him with calling Alexander a bold faced man , when Atticus was the first Author of that word . Answ . Atticus mentioned Alexander's confident , true and necessary Counsel ; Cyril contradicting it , calls the man , A man of a confident face or mouth . If another Bishop said the first words before him , do I wrong him in saying he said the second ? O tender men ! His urging the keeping up the names of such as Nectarius and Arsacius , and casting out Chrysostomus , is so like our Canons about Readers and Nonconformists , and our Canoneers descriptions of their Country Parsons , and the Puritanes ▪ that I wonder not that you defend him . § 11. But he saith , that It 's a little unchristian to blast his memory with the faults which he corrected in his life-time . ] Answ . 1. It 's necessary to tell that truth which blasteth the Reputation of such sin as was growing up towards Papacy ▪ Ans . 2. Then Christ was unchristian to tell the Jews of their very Fathers murders of the Prophets , while they disclaimed it , and built their Sepulchres , Mat. 23. And then it was unchristian in the Holy Ghost , to blast the memory of Adam , Noe , Lot , David Solomon , Peter , yea or Manasseh , with sins repented of . 3. History must speak truth about things repented of ; or else it will but deceive the world . 4. The Honour of God , and Goodness , and Truth , must be preferred before our own Honour . Repentance , if true , will most freely confess a mans own sin , and most fully shame it . § 12. Whether all his far-fetcht Conjectures that Cyril repented , be true or no , is nothing to me . I will hope he did , though I never saw it proved : The very last Sentence of Death might do it . His retortion is , [ I know no man deeper engaged in the Contentions of the Church ( than I ) The writing of his Eighty Books being but like so many pitcht Battels he has fought , and most commonly in the dark , when he was hardly able to discover friend from foe . ] Answ . It 's too true , that being all written for Peace , the Enemies of Peace have fought against them . Nimis diu habitavit , anima mea inter osores pacis . But pro captu Lectoris , &c. All men take not the words of such as he for Oracles . How much I have written and done for Peace , let others read and judge . I long laboured and begg'd for Peace in vain with such as he defendeth . And it 's admirable if this pittiless Enemy of Sects and Errours can be for all the Sects and Errours that I have written against . Have I in the dark taken for foes by Errour the Atheists , the Infidels , the Sadduces , the Hobbists , the Quakers , the Ranters , the Papists , the Socinians , the Libertines called Antinomians , the Anabaptists , the Separatists , and Sects as Sects ? Be of good comfort all : These Prelatists that accuse us for too dark and sharp Writings against you , seem to tell you that they will more hate persecuting or distressing you ; Yes when they agree with themselves . His Prayer that I may have a more honorable opinion of Repentance he calls me to speak to in the End. § 13. Whether good Isidore Pelusiota were a man [ very easy to take any impressions , and upon false information chargeth Cyril with prosecuting his private quarrells with Nestorius under pretence of zeal for the faith ] I leave all men to believe our Accuser as they see cause . And the same I say of that which is so great a Controversie among the Critical Historians , whether Theodorets Epistle to Job . Aut. against Cyril be Counterfeit , or were written on a false rumour of Cyrils death . Their 5th General Council hath it . Baronius and Binnius say , some Eutychian knave hath corrupted the Acts of that Council . Must Councils be the Laws of all the world , and hath the Church and Tradition kept them no better , that we know not when we have them truly ? Leave us then to the universal Laws of God. § 14. He saith truly that [ the Council of Ephesus was chiefly directed by the authority of Cyril ] Ans . And so was that at Trent by the authority of the Pope And when he hath confuted the credible History wich tells us of the womens and Courtiers hatred of Nestorius , and proved that the Emperour and Pulcheria the Empress were but one , I will grant that the authority of the Court directed not Cyril ; and that then and now Bishops neither were nor are directed by the Civil powers . § 15. When I spake against Nestorius his cruelty to Sectaries he asketh [ What Hereticaters were hotter than the Presbyterians in 1646. The inquisition is not more severe than their ordinance against Heresies , which they desired should be made felony and punished by death &c. ] Ans . Reader Judge of the mans Credit as to ancient History still by his truth about the Present age . 1. The Inquisition he saith , is not more severe . Do I need to answer this to any man of 50 years of age ? It 's Capable of no answer but what he will call by some name deserved by his own . 2. I can find no such ordinance : He saith It was offered ? Is that all ? And by whom ? Was it the body of the Presbterians , or who ? 3. What were the Heresies named by them ? Were they not down right Blasphemy ? 4. Who and how many were ever either tormented or put to death for Heresie , from 1641 till 1660 : I remember not one , save that James Nayler was imprisoned and whipt , and had his Tongue bored for blasphemous Personating Christ , and that not by the Presbyterians . 5. Why are they so ordinarily reproached by the Prelatists for tolerating all Sects here in England ? 6. What if all this had been true ? What is it to me or any of my mind ? I never had a hand in persecuting one man , to my remembrance . How few can you name of all the Nonconformists now in England , that had any hand in the Severities you mention ? I know not four in England , that I remember . And what 's this to us any more than to you ? 7. And was it well done , or ill ? If well ▪ why do you liken them to the Inquisition ? Are you for it ? If ill , why do you plead for it in others ? Imitate it not if you dislike it . For my part , as I am against all Sects as such , I am much more against the cruelty of any . I stick no more at the disgracing the Presbyterians sins , than yours : And I am readier to disgrace my own than either , if I can know them . I would cherish Errours no more than you ; but I would not ruine or imprison even such of your selves as have too many . Heresie must have its proper cure . I thank God I had once an Orthodox agreeing Flock . But again I say , the Presbyterians were too impatient with Dissenters ; and it 's better have variety of Fish in the Pond , than by the Pikes to reduce them to special unity . § 16. He saith that Nestorius consequentially denyed the God-Head of Christ . p. 192. Next he hath found a contradiction in my words , that the Emperor was weary of this stir : And yet that [ Cyril did it to please the Court ] These critical men can make their two hands enemies to each other . How came he waking to dream that this was a contradiction , when Historians tell us that the Women and Courtiers hated both Chrysostome and Nestorius ? He implyeth that the Emperor and the Court were all one , or of one mind . But I am not bound to believe him , no more than of many other Emperours whose Wives kept up one party and they another . And I pray you why should we be confident that Theodosius 2. himself called an Eutychian by the hereticating Bishops , was not against Nestorius when he called that Council , & at first Condemned both him and Cyril , and after him alone ? I did but recite the Historians words , and was that forgetfulness ? § 17. His many words about this controversie with Nestorius are the most unworthy of any answer of all his Books : sometime he saith as I , as p. 193. [ It had been happy for the Church if the mysteries of our Religion had never been curiously disputed : sometime he confesseth that Nestorius spake the same thing with Cyril , that Christ had two natures in one Person : ibid. And that he expresseth himself one would think very orthodoxly . p. 202. But the Heretick dissembled and hid his sence . And so this man after above 1000 years knew the mans mind to be contrary to his words : whereas it's palpable to him that readeth the Histories , that the man was so far from hiding and dissembling , that he was sowrly and morosely addicted to stick to the words and Notions he had espoused , and too little to regard a peaceable complyance to mollifie his accusers ▪ His fault lay on the clean contrary side , But he proveth him a Heretick that meant Christ was two Persons , though he said the contrary , 1. Because he saith that the Humane Nature was united in dignity and honour to the Divine . Ans . As if either the hypostatical union were denyed by those words , or he knew that Nestorius meant not to include it in those terms : But he saith he useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ans . As if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 never signifyed more than a Relative or official Person , when besides the many places cited by Derodon , Nestorius oft explaineth himself in the common orthodox sence . But the foulest charge is , that he seems once or twice to distinguish Christ from the Divine Nature . Ans . By [ Christ ] he expresseth himself to mean the humane nature anointed to his Office : And the man thought that the Divine Nature was not so anointed : and distinguishing is not dividing . It is not his Nay and my Yea that can inform any Reader what Nestorius said and meant without reading his own words ( rather than Cyrils of him . ) And if such as Mr. M. will pretend Charity , and contrary to plain evidence face down the world that a Man denyeth consequentially Christs God-Head , and the Unity of his Person , while he profest the contrary , no mans innocency is sufficient to escape the fangs of such hereticaters : And let him call me what his list inclineth him to call me , I again profess that on the reading of Cyril , Nestorius , and the Council , and Derodon's Citations , I am quite past doubt that the controversy was Verbal , which of them spake orthodoxly while they both meant the same thing ; and when one said Mary was the Mother of God , and the other said , no ; She was but the Mother of that Person who is God ; the fitness of the phrase was the matter of their quarrel . And consider 1. Many think that when a high point is in controversy to the danger of the Church , we must use the exactest phrases , and not say all that may be justified . 2. And as forma dat nomen , so locutio formalis , or denominating forma is more exact and proper than à materia : And therefore though idioms may be Communicated , he that in controversie denominateth the Divine Nature from its own properties , speaks more exactly . 3. If one should in our Pulpits say ordinarily ▪ [ The World was Created by Man : ] The eternal proceeding of the Holy Ghost was from a Man : Flesh and Blood was from Eternity ; ] many sound Christians would not like it . And yet it 's true in the Communicative sense , viz. [ He that is now man made the world as God : The Holy Ghost eternally proceeded from the 2d Person in the Trinity who is now God and Man : Christ who was flesh and blood on Earth , was Eternal as God. ] So if one now say [ God was confined to the Virgins Womb , and to the Manger : God could not speak in the Infancy of Christ : God was but about 30 year old when Christ was Baptized : God knew not the day nor the hour of Christs second coming : God was asleep , hungry , sorrowful , in an agony , crucified , dead , buried , &c. ] All this is thus far true , viz. Of Christ who was God , not as God but as man : And yet if I should deny but the fitness of this speaking , I were just such an Heretick as Nestorius was : And many that are no Hereticks for all that would not rellish it . Either ▪ my Eyes could not find that in Nestorius which he affirms of him or else he is a meer slanderer of him , when he ●aith Pag. 193 that he denyed Yea obstinately ] that Mary was the Mother of that Person who was God. ] He hath produced no such word . That which he stood to was , that instead● of saying Mary was the Mother of God , we should say she was the Mother of Christ who is God and Man. And of the unity of Person I have cited already his own words so fully , as moved Derodon to say [ I dare boldly say , no Christian hath hitherto spoken trulyer and plainer of the unity of Christs Person in two natures than Nestorius ▪ ] And that it 's false that he confest but an union of dignity the same cited words shew : Nexu adeo sublimi ( saith he ) Divinoque & admirabili ( mentioning the conjunction of the Divinity and humanity ) ut Divina natura ea sibi vendicet quae Corporis alioquin sint propria ] Epist . ad Cyril . And as to all his justifications of Cyril , he knoweth that I justify his Doctrine as well as he , but not the work that he made , which is not undone among Nations of Nestorians to this day . But if the man were able to be impartial , and so happy as not to draw on himself the guilt of such sins by justifying them , he might easily see in his own confession that Cyril the Hereticator spake as bad at least as Nestorius . He oft confesseth ( for he cannot deny it ) [ that he doth frequently own but one nature ] p. 197. and 198. [ that there is but one nature of the word incarnate ] so p. 201. &c. But Cyril meant well , that is , by Nature he meant Person . And was not this Eutychian Speech as improper as Nestoriu's is ? Is the nature and Person to be confounded ? Did the Fathers speak thus ? If Nature put for Person be pardonable , why is it not pardonable to prefer a denomination a proprietate vel forma , to another ? And thus you make Cyril to differ from the Eutychians , in their different meanings while they used the same words . If I had said that Christ had but one Nature I should have had a censure otherwise measured . And though this man seem to deny it , I have cited many of his words in which he saith [ Duas naturas unitas asserimus : past unionem vero tanquam adempta jam in duas distinctione , unam esse credimus filii naturam , tanquam unius sed inhumati & incarnati & ad succes . Nihil injusti facimus dicentes , ex duabus naturis factum esse concursum in unit atem : Past unionem vero non distinguimus naturas ab invicem . But I have cited enough before . The sum and truth is , to judge no one but my self , I must be blind by ignorance or partiality if I be not past doubt , 1. That unskilful explication was their difference . 2. That Cyrils words were Eutychian . 3. That Nestorius words were orthodox in the main , but not sufficiently yielding to a tolerable phrase . 4. That they both meant the same thing . 5. That all their war was managed , 1. For want of distinguishing fully the Abstract [ Deitatem ] and the Concrete [ Deum ] 2. For want of distinguishing [ Qui Deus ] from [ Qua Deus ] and a strict formal expression from a more laxe that 's tolerable . And 3. For want of distinguishing [ division ] from [ distinction ] of natures . 4. For want of explaining the various sorts and senses of [ Unity ] and [ Plurality . ] I cannot but know this to be true , though Mr. M. scorn me for it . What [ I that understand not the language they wrote in to pretend to know better than the Council ? ] Ans . 1. So say the Papists : what ? will you pretend to know more than the Church and Councils ? If it be implicite faith that they are bringing us to , let them tell us which Councils we must so believe when they condemn each other ? 2. I thought I could make shift to understand their language , though I be no critick in it : But if he know me better , I strive not for the reputation of Learning ; not only Baronius and Binnius , and all the rest that he nameth that had no skill in Greek , but most of the Schoolmen , seem to me without it , far more Learned than he . I can tell him of Lads whose Learning I admire not , that shall vie with him in Languages Oriental and Occidental , and give him odds ; And when he scorns Derodons distinctions , telling us it's making two bad Groats by slitting a Sixpence , &c. I leave him to glory in his Confusion : But I suspect the Fox that speaks against Tails is like enough to want one himself . But when he hath shewed in all this History of Nestorius , Cyril , and the Council , little but that partiality which can talk confidently to the ignorant for any cause , without any shew of confuting Derodons justification of Nestorius , or my Conciliation , his crast or passion attempts to divert the Reader by the art of the times , and as if it must stop our Mouths from lamenting the sin of Hereticators , and misery of the Church thereby , he tells us how men in these times call them Papists that are none . Ans . If it be ill done , why condemn you your self by defending those that did the like ? If it was well done in Bishops Councils , why not in them ? 2. But what 's this to me , if it be not me that he means ? If it be , 1. If you will read but the last part of my Cathol . Theolog. judge of the mans front . 2. It is none but those that are for a humane Soveraignty over all the Church on Earth that we judge Papists : And if you judge them not such , we will thank you to tell us what a Papist is in your own sense . § 18. His saying p. 225. that [ John Comes that gives a sad account of the Council is much to be suspected , &c. doth but tell us that he would have your belief of History guided by the Interest of his Cause . § 19. As to his scorn against my translating the words [ the Scripture and Sacred ] which mean that imperial Scripture , I did think a litteral Translation could not have been judged a misunderstanding or mistranslation : Why may they not be called in English what they are called in Greek ? And he had a strong imagination if he thought that Haumers Translation of Eusebius , &c. afforded me such materials as these . § 20. His conclusion of some that scorn to preach by the Licence of the Government I before mentioned . The Truth and ministerial Honesty of it , is much like as if Thousands should petition the Bishop , that their sick families may have licensed Physicians , and he rejecteth all their Petitions , and prevaileth with the Parliament to do the like : At last the King pittieth them , and licenseth the Physicians , and the Bishop and his Clergy are offended , and get it revoked , and the Physicians practise at their peril without license : And our credible Historian should record it , that they scorned to practise as licensed by the Government , even while still they make all the Friends they can to the Clergy to be licensed , and are not able to prevail . But the ages that knew not them and us , that are to come , may possibly believe these men as they believe their Predecessors . § 21. To conclude , Reader , if now thou have any sense of Christian Interest , Unity and Love , judge of the whole case impartially , and begin with notorious matter of fact . 1. We find at this day a great Body of Christians , called Nestorians , inhabiting the Countries of Babylon , Assyria , Mesopotamia , Partbia , and Media , yea , spread Northerly to Cataya , and Southerly to India ; abundance of them even in Tartary , saith Paulus Venet. See Brierwood p. 139. And we find that they are by the Western Churches , if not the Greeks , called Hereticks , and at the easiest Schismaticks . And yet as those very Friars that have lived among them say , they are commonly free from any such Opinions as are charged on them , but only honour the name of Nestoriaus , and condemned the Councils that condemned him . This Mr. M. nor no Prelate will deny that retaineth humanity . 2. We find that this woful fraction hath continued about one Thousand two Hundred and thirty Years . 3. We are put to enquire what was and is the cause ; and we find that on both sides it is the Bishops and their Clergy that now continue it , and it was Patriarchs and their Bishops that at first caused it . 4. We enquire how they did it : And Mr. Morrice confesseth that it began in a dispute between the two Patriarchs ( whether the Virgin Mary was to be called The Mother of God , or rather The Mother of Jesus Christ who is God and Man : and that on this occasion Cyril charged Nestorius , as making Christ to be two Persons , and he himself said Christ incarnate had but one Nature , but had no more skill in speaking , than by one Nature to mean one Person , ( though Derodon labour to prove that he meant worse , ) that Nestorius professed two Natures in one Person . And Mr. M. saith , Nestorius when he spake well meant ill , and Cyril when he spake ill meant well . And upon this a General Council itself is first divided about them , even to blows : and after by the importunity of Cyril's party , Nestorius is banished , and the Bishops divided , some for one , and some for another to this day . Another Council is called at Calcedon , and confirmeth the Condemnation , and the Nestorian Bishops condemn that Council , and for many Ages the Bishops were divided also about that , one part condemning it , and the other subscribing to it , and honouring it . Judge now what these Bishops have done to Christian Religion and the Church of Christ , and continue to do : And if you dare join with our Canoneers in making the guilt your own , by justifying such dismal work ; the further you go , the more of it you have to justifie , till your Souls have guilt and load enough . Honest Dr. Moore charged with Nestorianism , is fain to accuse Nestorius out of his Enemies words to clear himself . That he owned not a [ Physical Union of Natures ] is an ambiguous , unsafe word : A Physical Union seems to signifie one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is not to be said . He never denied a personal or Hypostatical Union . And if he had ( as he did not ) opposed the word Hypostasis , so did Hierom that was no Heretick , and many more for a long time . I suppose Mr. M. is not more zealous against Nestorianism than the Hereticating Church of Rome is : And how great they really thought the Nestorian Heresie , the story which I mention of P. Hormisda tells you , which I will repeat . [ There arose a controversie whether it might be said that [ One of the Trinity was crucified , ] Pope Hormisda said [ No ] because they that were for it were suspected to be Eutychians : The Nestorians laid hold on this , and said , [ Then we may not say that Mary was the Parent of one of the Trinity . ] This was a hard case : Justinian sent to Pope John about it . His infallibility and Hormisda's were contrary : he and his Council say that we may say , that [ One of the Trinity was crucified . ] Hereupon Baronius and Binnius give us a useful note , [ Ita mutatis hostibus arma mutari necesse suit . ] What should the World do if we had not had such a Judge of Controversies . I hope Mr. M. will not be so heretical , or schismatical , as to say that either of these Popes erred against an Article of Faith : But will rather recant his Accusation of Nestorius , and number this with Things Indifferent , which the Church hath power to change at her pleasure . CHAP. XXII . Of the Council of Ephesus 2d . § 1. THat our Historian may justifie the Dividers he makes himself a Party , and by downright mistake against both saith , 1. That Nestorius fell into Blasphemy , denying Christ to be true God. 2. And that Eutyches denied Christ to be true Man. ] This is our Reformer of History ; when both of them professed Christ to be true God , and true man. I doubt not but the Man can write another Book to justifie this ; for what is it that some cannot talk for ? Yea , he is at if again , p. 230. that Eutyches held Christ not to be true Man. § 2. He confesseth again that Cyril affirmeth but one Nature , and meant but one Person , and that Eutyches used the same words , but saith , sure they cannot be so mad as to fall out so violently when they say the same thing & words . Flavian could not be so foolish or so wicked , &c. Ans . I justifie not the words of Eutyches or Cyril ; but if I have great reason to believe , that as he confesseth Cyril so gross as to use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Eutyches who had far less Learning than Cyril , did word amiss the conceptions , which were the same with Cyrils , I leave it to this mild Censurer to call them Fools , and mad , and wicked . It 's taken for railing in me to blame them . § 3. He saith [ Cyril never said there were two Natures in Christ before the Union . Ans . I have twice cited his words : Find a true difference between them and those of Eutyches if you can . I believe they both meant better than they spake . § 4. But the Spirit of detraction useth to fetch Accusations from Hearts , & Thoughts , and secret Actions , and so doth he against Eutyches ; and he saith this hath been done of late times , To deliver that in select Meetings , which they will not in publick promiscuous Assemblies : as evil Spirits are under restraint in consecrated places . Ans . Therefore it is that the Nonconformists have 20 or 19 years so earnestly beg'd for leave to preach in publick consecrated places to promiscuous Assemblies , that they might be out of suspicion , but could never obtain it of this sort of Masters . Ex ore tuo — Thus they that cast the stone at others oft find it hit themselves . Mr. Edwards Gangrena is here commended to those that are for Toleration . As if all differences were equally intolerable or tolerable : And he that saith [ Tolerate not those that preach Blasphemy or intolerable errour , ] said no worse than he that saith [ Silence Two Thousand Preachers , unless they will Profess , Promise , and Swear , and do all that is ( oft described ) imposed on them . § 5. In his Narrative he is no more tender of the honour of Bishops it seems than I am , nor so much of Emperours ; for when he had said the Emperour [ was too much addicted to this kind of Vermine ( Eunuchs ) and shews his bitterness against Flavian , he saith that the Letters which called this Council suggested sufficiently what it was to do , and that their business was to condemn a Bishop the Emperour did not care for , though without any just ground , nay , for his honesty . I deny none of this : But were the Bishops of the Catholick Church in a good case then , that , when they knew before that they were called to such a work as this , would meet in a General Council and do it ? No ; he accuseth them himself , I need not do it . The Emperour , he saith , knew how to choose Bishops , ( and yet his Summons was general to all to come , ) and the President , if half be true that is said of him , ( and if that be a doubt , how credible are your Historians ? ) was one of the most wicked , profligate Wretches in the World , ] yet he was one of the Patriarchs , and all the Council Bishops , and till they met , were not thus accused . You see the man is a far greater railer than I even against Bishops : But it is but against those that are against his Interest and side . § 6. He describes those Bishops as using violence , forgetting that it is it his Party trusteth to continually : just with the front as Baronius and Binnius , and many other Papists , justifie Martin for being against putting Hereticks to death , and condemn Ithacius , while their Kingdom is upheld by that which they condemn , and worse , even the burning of true Christians as Hereticks , and it 's Heretical with them to imitate Martin , just as those Matth. 23. Your Fathers killed the Prophets , and you build their Sepulchers , and say if we had lived in the days of our Fathers , we would not , &c. § 7. But in the passage I find our Historian in a more charitable mood to this Ephesine Council of Bishops than his Brethren , [ How bad soever Dioscorus and this Council were , yet they are in my judgment to be looked on rather as favourers of Heresie than Hereticks , they followed the meaning I believe as well as the Words of Cyril . ] Ans . And now I may hope I am Orthodox and Charitable when I have no less than his Judgment to justifie mine . And Anatolius justifieth us both . § 8. But Sir , now you are in a good Mood , will you consider , 1. Whether those Bishops and Councils that set the Christian World in that Flame that burneth dreadfully to this day , after above 1200 Years , were not guilty at least of a peccadillo or venial sin . 2. Whether they are imitable . 3. Whether this General Council had a supream Legislative and Judicial power over all the Church on Earth , which all must obey and none must appeal from . No : saith Bishop Gunning , It was a meeting of violent Robbers . Ans . But it was a General Council : which it seems then may be such . CHAP. XXIII . Of the 4th General Council at Calcedon . § 1. HE begins his Chapter comically , and notably derideth me for saying Pulcheria was the same that before at Ephesus had set the Bishops against Nestorius . Is this so ridiculous ? It 's well known that Historians make her very powerful with her Brother : she chose his Wife Eudocia , ( They were long of two minds . ) It 's no wonder that she that got him condemned at Ephesus , got the same further done at Calcedon , when she was Empress her self , having made Martian Emperour , and her nominal Husband , ( for they were not conjugally to know each other . ) Is there any thing in this that deserveth the stage ? Though Theodosius be reproached by Popish Historians as an Eutychian , or a favourer of them , if credible honest Socrates may be believed , there have been few such Princes in the World , ( for Piety , his House was a Church ; for Patience , never seen angry ; for Compassion , would never let a man die for Treason-against himself . ) But his Sister ( a Woman eminent for Wit and Piety ) was thought to govern him very much , & specially in the severities against Nestorius . Evagrius who bitterly reproacheth Nestorius , tells us of some writings of his that fell into his hand , in which he saith , that the Emperour was his friend , and would not sign his banishment , and laies the cruelties that he underwent on his Officer : and considering the case of a suffering man , I see nothing unseemly in the Letter to him , which Evagrius chargeth with contempt . § 2. My wish for the Churches Peace , that the unskilful words of Nestorius and Eutyches had been silenced by neglect , rather than the flame blown up by honouring them with two General Councils disputation , doth with this Gentleman deserve this Replication , [ He cannot be more violent and outragious , more bitter and malicious under all the provocations imaginable , than he is under that neglect which himself prescribeth for the cure . ] Ans . If this be a true accuser , he can prove what he saith : It 's easie to say this of any man : But if a man that hath a cholerick Stomack shall swear that there was Aloes in his Physick , his word is no proof . These are the men into whose hands we are by Gods permission falln , while we are cast out , judged to silence , prisons , & beggary , if we do but repeat the words of the Laws and Canons , and in 17 Years time when most that they turned out are dead , if the rest at their own urgent demand do but tell them what they judge unlawful , and answer those that accuse them , they are outragious , violent , bitter , and malicious . As if one that wounds me should sue me for saying , You hurt me . It 's violence and an unpeaceableness to feel , but none at all in them to strike or to destroy . We will give you many thanks if you will hurt us no more than we do you . § 3. I said that one skilful healing man that could explicate ambiguous words , and persuade men to Love and Peace , till they understood each other , had more befriended Truth , Piety , and the Church , than the hereticating Councils did . ] And why , saith he , may not that skilful man shew his skill in Councils , as well as else where ? Ans . Who denieth it ? But the question is , how he shall be heard and prevail ? I told you that here One man in one sentence did so , by differencing between mental distinguishing and dividing ; even Basil of Seleucia , saying , [ Cognoscimus duas naturas , non dividimus ; neque divisas , neque confusas dicimus . ] This was true and plain enough , to have ended all the quarrel : But who laid hold on it , or did improve it ? What the better was Nazianzen for speaking well in the Council at Constantinople ? Or Chrysostome for any thing he could say to the Bishops for himself ? I hope few of all that great number of Councils that were Arian , Semiarian , Eutychian , Monothelites , for Images , &c. were so bad as to have never a Bishop among them that could or would speak right : But did they prevail ? In the very Council at Trent were more good Speeches than did prevail ; and if Luther , Melanchthon , Zuinglius , and such others , had not done more good singly by Writing and Preaching , than Dudithius could do at Trent , or any of them at Wormes , or Ratisbone , &c. there had been little done . What good did Philpot do in the Convocation ? Some say one Paphnutius turned the Inclination of the first Nicene Council for good ; But that hearing temper was too short or rare . § 4. Next he tells us , that [ in many late Disputes of Justification , &c. we find not that any of these healing men were able to reconcile Parties any more than the Councils of old . ] Answ . 1. If that were true , it 's also true , that they have not made so great and many Parties as Councils did . We have not cast the world into so many Nations of Jacobites , Nestorians , and other Sects . Answ . 2. Through God's mercy it is much better than such Historians would make men believe . Dr. Heylin tells us what work the Arminian Controversie made between Bishop Laud's Party , and the Parliaments and Abbots Party , as if it had set us all by the Ears . It is not so now : One of your Brethren lately tells us , how that Controversie is quieted : What Contention do you hear of among the Nonconformists about it ? No man hath so much as writ a line , that I know of , against my Conciliation in my Cathol . Theology . How little stir doth the Antinomian Controversie make ? If one or two men do vent their displeasure about any of these , we neglect it , and it is presently forgotten . I hear sometime that called Arminianism hotly preached in the Parish Churches : It provoketh not me , and I take no notice of it . I ( rarely ) hear some preach against the Arminians : I take no notice of it , and there it dies : Whereas if one should write Challenges and Accusations to the Preachers , we might make work enough for all the Country . I never yet met with many such , but if you make not a War of it , and engage them by opposition , they grow weary themselves , and grow into unobserv'd neglect or contempt . Most of the spreading Errours and Contentions among us have come by the Bellows of too strong or imprudent Opposition or Disputes . I hear of no considerable Doctrinal Strivings among all the Nonconformists now in England . One Ignorant Uncalled Fellow is lately crept into London , and wrote proud Challenges for Antinomianism , and none answered him , and he is contemned , and hath no Second that I hear of . § 5. Though he say [ he is weary , yet he must not pass by , that when I mention Socrates his most high praise of Theodosius ( living under him ) and the miracles which he saith God wrought for him ; I say , if this be true , God owned his Moderation by Miracles , notwithstanding his favouring the Eutychians , more than he did any ways of violence . ] And here the man hath found me in Contradiction , and saith , [ Those miracles could not countenance the Eutychian cause that was after . 2. That the Eutychians were the most violent men . Such Contradictions he and L'Estrange find in my Writings . Ans . But , 1. Is it true that I said those miracles countenanced the Eutychian Cause ? I said only that God owned the Moderation ( not the Eutychian Opinion ) of a man called an Eutychian by the Hereticators , notwithstanding his favouring the Eutychians . He was a man that studied the reconciliation of the contending Bishops , and was moderate towards all , but persuaded that the major Vote of the Bishops being against Nestorius , and for Cyril , and Dioscorus , it tended to peace to take that side . His Moderation was the same before the stir with Eutyches as after . I only said that God by miracles owned that mans moderation , who is charged with after favouring the Eutychians . 2. And what I spake of Moderation opposite to violence , in way of suppressing Hereticks , he feigneth me to speak it as opposite to violence in the Persons suppressed : I spake of Violence in the Prince as agent , and he feigneth me to speak of Violence in the parties that he dealt with . He may find matter at this rate to write greater Volums against any man. I read of none of the Heresies then contended about , Nestorian or Eutychian , but the accused Bishops were violent for them : But though they were all violent , yet if the question were , whether the Emperour should use violence or Moderation against them , I may say , that God owneth more the way of Moderation . § 6. P. 246. he saith [ At Ephesus Eustathius was kikt to death , and all those that durst desend him were threatned to be served in like manner . ] Ans . Of this before : His memory failed him : It was not Eustathius but Flavianus . 2. Yet he after excuseth Dioscorus from Heresie ; more Bishops than were Hereticks were violent . § 7. As to his Reflection , [ It may be he thinks the Emperour took a particular Delight in that kind of cruelty , and that he had rather one should be kickt to death , than that he should be hanged or beheaded ; which would not be much to the credit of his Moderation : And to say the truth , his Letter to Valentinian discovers a strange kind of Spirit ; for there he justifies the proceedings of the Eutychians at Ephesus , and saies that all things were carried on with much freedom and perfect Truth , and Flavian found guilty of Innovating in Religion . This is but an ill sign that Mr. B. is a hater of false History , when he lets this pass unreproved . Ans . 1. Had I reproved such an Emperour , I might have expected that some of you would have published me an Enemy to Kings . Ans . 2. Rather Sir , you and I should hence gather , that all men must have pardon and forbearance , and that for want of that , the names of Nestorians , Jacobites , Melchites , Greeks , Papists , Protestants , Lutheranes , Calvinists , Prelatists , and Presbyterians , &c. have almost swallowed up the Name , much more the Love of Christians . Ans . 3. May it not consist with modesty and the hatred of false History , to believe the high praises of this Emperour , published by one that knew him in so pious and credible words as Socrates speaks , as I before told you , giving him ( to me ) a more credible Canonization than the Pope could have done , as a man of eminent holiness , wonderful Clemency , that would not let a Traitor go out of the Gates towards the place of Execution ; and when he was moved to any Execution , answered , he had rather , were he able , restore the Dead to Life : excelling all the Clergy in meekness , and never seen angry . May not I who am branded for a railer by meek Prelatists , be tolerated to think charitably of such an Emperour , and to wish that the world had many more such . Ans . 4. Judges are taken for unjust if they will not hear both sides speak . And why should not I regard the words of such an Emperour , as well as of one half the Bishops against the other ? Ans . 5. Surely Modesty requireth me to think that the Emperour was much more capable of knowing the truth of the acts of his own Subjects , when his Servants present gave him an account of them , than I am 1200 Years after : And so good a man would not willingly lye . Ans . 6. Therefore my own Conclusion is , God is true and all men are Lyars , that is , untrusty : and that Eudocia and his Courtiers had much power with him for Dioscorus against Flavian , as Pulcheria had against Nestorius ; but that it was the Peace and Concord of the Bishops which he most studied , and thought that it lay in going with the major part . And I believe things were bad on both sides , and worse than the Emperour thought with the Eutychian Bishops , and worse than others say with their Adversaries ; and that the Emperour , though fallible , was as Socrates saith , beyond all the Clergie . But here I see that I am blamed for not railing against a meek and pious Emperour , and as a Railer for lamenting the sins of the Clergie . § 8. About the Council of Calcedon he accuseth me in general , as [ disingeniously mincing the Acts , and using all the soul play possible . Easily said : And what 's the proof ? Why , 1. Leave out that they were violently beaten to it . Ans . The Reader may see that this is false : I mention it oft , pag. 101. [ The Bishops answered , that they did it against their Wills , being under fear : Condemnation and banishment was threatned , Souldiers were there with Clubs and Swords . ] Shall I believe this man against such as Socrates , of things done 1200 Years ago , that will face me down with such untruths about my own yet visible Writings ? 2. But is it falshood to omit what is said in such and so many Volumns ? May not the Reader there see it ? Do I contradict it ? Must I write many Folio's or nothing ? I refer all Readers to the Acts. § 9. But he saith , [ It would go near to excuse their Compliance with a merciful man. ] Ans . I confess such are not so bad as the Clergy-men , that will sin for meer Preferment , and will write against , and revile , and call for Execution on those that will not do as they . But if Nonconformists after 19 Years Ejection and Reproach , and Sufferings by more than Threats , should at last surrender to heinous sin , can he think it would excuse their Compliance , when Christ saith , Luk. 14 33. He that forsaketh not all that he hath cannot be my Disciple ? If he think Martyrdom a work of Supererogation , he is dangerously mistaken . And he that to day thinks Threatning and Danger an Excuse for his sin , may to morrow think Poverty , and the next day the desire of Preferment an excuse . § 10. Dioscorus and the Eutychians holding close to the Council of Nice , as sufficient , as a Test of the Orthodox , to which nothing was to be added , in reciting this he hath found my Ignorance in translating [ retractat ] by [ retract . ] Is not the English word of the same sence with the Latine ? If not , and I be ignorant in English too , what wrong is that to any Bishop ? § 11. When he had charged Nonsence and Confusion on that which he understood not , and mentioned Eusib . Doril. giving the Lye to Eutyches , he confesseth that the thing was true . § 12. P. 253. He saith , When the giddy rabble of Monks with Swords and staves , like Bedlams broke loose , run upon them — I should rather pity them than insult . Ans . If the History be an insulting , his own credited Historians insult by recording it . If noting it as a fault be insulting , then a motion to Repentance is insulting , and if he would have us pity them for their sin , and not only for their suffering , that is insulting too : But to own their sin , and draw men to imitate them , shall be none of my Compassion . He minds me of Peters Denial , and the Disciples forsaking Christ . Alas ! he is not a man that is not sensible of Humane frailty ? But is it not therefore to be blamed ? Why doth Scripture mention it , but that we may avoid the like ? Is it to tempt others to the like ? Did Christ insult when he said to Peter , Get thee behind me Satan , &c. § 13. He next falls into his familiar strain , to carry that ex Cathedra , by sentence , which he cannot do by proof , and saith , [ When I venture on Observations it 's an even lay that I am out . ] Ans . That is , I am out of the way of his Magistry , Preconceipt and Interest . It is my Conciliatory words that the peaceable man is angry at , viz. [ That this doleful , Contentious , Anathematizing , and ruining of each other , was about the sense of ambiguous words , and they were both of one mind in the matter and knew it not . ] He cannot but confess , that my judgment of them is softer than theirs that hereticate each other . And Derodon hath fully proved that this Council when they condemned Nestorius , were of his Judgment in the whole matter , and said but the same as he . § 14. As to his telling me , that Eutyches denied Christ to be truly and properly man , I will no more believe him , than if he had said Cyril did so . § 15. But he saith , the Monothelites were the genuine Disciples of Eutyches . They were of his mind in that Consequence : And such another Controversie it was . And how much greater errour against our Belief of the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , have I proved e. g. to be , in your Dr. Sherloks Book ; And yet I hope he meant better than he spake . § 16. P. 255. He confesseth of one Party what I said , viz. [ Of Dioscorus and Flavian , I am apt to believe they were much of the same Opinion as to the point in controversie , and knew it well enough ; which was the only cause why Dioscorus with his party of Bishops and Monks , would not endure to come to any Debate of the matter , for fear it would appear that they all agreed , and then there would have been no pretence to condemn Flavian , which was the Design , if not of the Emperour , yet at least of those that governed him . ] Ans . Fie Dr. will you thus abuse so many Orthodox Bishops ? And almost condemn your vindicating Book ? And harden me in my Errour ? But I am much of your mind , and if one of us err , so doth the other . § 17. And I like his Ingenuity , saying Anatolius confesseth in Council , that Dioscorus was not condemned for Heresie but Tyranny , and no man contradicted him . Ans . Not in answer to those words , but the Accusations of many contradicted him before . § 18. That they mean one thing by their various expressions I have fully proved , and he no whit confuteth : That the Eutychians acknowledged no distinct Properties , and Nestorius owned an Unity but in Dignity and Title only , are his flat slanders , to be no way proved but by their Adversaries accusations . The very words I named even now , [ Divino , mirabili , sublimi nexu . ] and many clearer , shew it of Nestorius . And I wish him to take heed himself how he defineth the Hypostatical Union , lest the next General Council ( if ever there be one ) make him an Heretick . Can he believe that the great number of Eutychian Bishops were so mad , as not to know that Christs Mortality , possibility , material Quantity , Shape , &c. were the properties of Christs Humanity and not his Deity ? But some Men can believe any thing well or ill , reasonable or unreasonable , as Interest and affection lead them . § 19. He saith , that [ If it were a faction that denied this , it was a strong one , and never was opposed by any Person before Mr. Baxter . Ans . I heard you were a young man ; but if you be not above one Hundred Years old , your reading cannot be great enough to excuse this confidence from such temerity as rendereth you the less credible . How many Thousand Books be they which you or I never read ? How know you that none of them all oppose it ? But would you persuade the Reader that I call it a Faction , to believe your sence of these Councils ? Factious men are forwardest to judge others Hereticks without cause ; and all that I say is , that Though such deny my Assertion it is true : Doth it follow that I take all for factious that deny it ? If I had said , [ Though Papists deny it , ] that had not been all one as to say , [ All are Papists that deny it . ] 2. But did never any person oppose it ? 1. I named you David Derodon before , who though he largely labour to prove Cyril an Eutychian in words and sence , and that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he did mean Natura , and not Persona , yet as to Nestorius he copiously proveth , that the Council of Calcedon was just of his Mind , and condemned him for want of Understanding him . Though you have not seen that Book of Derodons , I have , and you should not judge of what you never saw . 2. Luther de Conciliis first accuseth Nestorius as a Heretick , denying Christ's Godhead , or holding two Persons ; And presently retracts it , and confesseth he was seduced by believing the Papists , but ( though he had not read much of the Councils , but what he had gathered out of the Tripartite and such Historians ) yet he gathered from the Passages of the History , that the difference lay only in words , which he openeth at large , and yet turns it sharply against Nestorius , for thinking that we may not speak of Christs Godhead or Manhood by communicated names or Attributes , and greatly rejoiceth that this serveth his turn in his Opinion about Consubstantiation and Sacramental words . Because I will leave nothing in doubt with you , but whether Luther was before my days , and lest you say again that I cite Books which I see not , I will give you some of his words , beginning earlier , ( not translating lest I have not skill enough ) but they are so like mine , that I doubt you will be no Lutherane . De Concil . pag. 175. Ecclesiae Romana & C. P. ambitiose rixatae sunt de re nihili , vanissimis & nugasissimis naeniis donec tandem utraque horribiliter vastata & deleta est . — Illa omnia libentius recito , ut videat prudens Lector quomodo ex tam celebri Synodo Constant inopolitana , seu ex sonte manaverint semina maximarum Confusionum propterea quod ibi Episcopus Ecclesiae ut Patriarcha fuerat Praefectus . — p. 178. Quam horribilia certamina & contentiones moverunt hi duo Episcopi de primatu : ut facile judicari posset Spiritum sanctum non esse authorem hujus Instituti : Alia habet Episcopus longe potiora quae agat , quam sunt hi pueriles & inepti ludi — Praemonemur quod Concilia prorsus nihil novi debent comminisci vel tradere . De Concil . Ephes . p. 180 , 181. Excesserant jam è vivis sancti Patres , & illi optimi Episcopi , S. Ambrosius , S. Martinus , S. Hieronymus , S. Augustinus ( qui eo ipso anno quo Synodus coacta est mortuus est ) S. Hilarius , S. Eusebius & similes ; eorumque loco prorsus dissimiles patres suborti fuerant . Ita ut Imperator Theodosius amplius eligi Episcopum C. P. ex Sacerdotibus vel Clericis Civitatis C. P. nollet : hanc ob causam quod plerumque essent superbi , ambitiosi , morosi , qui movere certamina , & tumultus in Ecclesiis plerumque tolerent . — p. 182. Cumjam videret Nestorius tantas turbas ortas ex corruptela multiplici , gemens prorupit in haec verba , Tollamus è medio omnes ambiguitates quae primum praebuerunt occasiones istis certaminibus , & fateamur palam Mariam recte vocari Matrem Dei. Sed nihil profecit Nestorius , ne tunc quidem eum revocaret suum errorem ; sed voce publica conde m●atus , ex orbe Imperii universo ejectus & explosus est : Quanquam illi duo Episcopi Antiochenus & Alexandrinus , etiam post Concilium cum rediissent in suas Ecclesias , se ipsi mutuis convitiis lacerabant , & omnibus diris devovebant : Etsi postea res ad placidum exitum deducta est : Quanquam tamen dolendum hoc , & effusis lachrymis deplorandum in Ecclesia est , tam praestantes viros adeo indulsisse suis affectibus , ut instar mulierum aut puerorum ineptissime inter se rixarentur . Omnino suisset eis opus aliquo Constantino , qui ipsorum jurgia & contentiosa scripta etiam conjecisset in ignem . — p. 184. Mentioning the false accusations of Nestorius , making two Persons , &c. [ Atque adeo intricata & confusa sunt quae scribunt , ut existimem ne quidem ipsos scire in hunc usque diem , quid & propter quas causas damnaverint Nestorium . Hoc inde conjicito . Fatentur credidisse Nestorium quod Christus sit Deus & Homo — exhis certum est quod Nestorius non crediderit Christum esse purum hominem . — Constat Nestorium non duos sed unum Christum credidisse , id quod ipsorum verba testantur — ideoque non potuit credere esse duas personas . Nec ullibi reperitur in historiis quod Nestorius unum Christum crediderit habere duas personas , nisi quod Pontifices & corum historiae it a argutantur . Apparet Papam & scriptores Pontificios haec verba contra Nestorium calumniose & veteratorie finxisse , quod Christum pro puro homine & non pro Deo , & quod unum Christum pro duabus personis vel gemino Christo habuerit . — Nestorius fuit homo inflatus tumens Pharisaico fastu , & indoctus ; Et cum subito esset evectus ad supremum fastigium Ecclesiae , adeo ut haberetur pro summo Pontifice , Patriarcha , somniabat se unum antecellere doctrina & eruditione omnes homines in toto genere humano , nec sibi opus esse lectione librorum qui erant scripti à Majoribus aut aliis , nec in explicatione magnaram rerum retinendos esse modos loquendi antiquitus receptos in Ecclesia puriore ; sed quia & voce valebat , & ex temporali sacundia volebat esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Doctor vel Magister , & sormas loquendi quibus ipse uteretur tantum recipiendas esse in Ecclesia , non alias . Et tali sastu armatus adoriebatur illum articulum . Maria est mater Dei , aut genetrix Dei ; Ibi vicissim Episcopos in adversa parte invenit perinde inflatos , quibus vehementer displicebat . Nestorii sastus , in primis Cyrillum Alexandrinum : quia tunc nullus erat Augustinus aut Ambresius . — p. 189. Hinc manifestum est , quod Nestorius ut homo imprudens & vanissima persu●sione adductus , loquatur quidem bono zelo de Christo : sed ex mera inscitia non intelligat quid & quomodo loquatur . — p. 192. Non est Nestorii error quod Christum credit tantum esse purum hominem , nec in duas personas eum dirimi ; sed duas naturas Deum & hominem in una persona uniri satetur : sed communicationem idiomatum non vult concedere . Objiciat autem hic aliquis , Nestorium insidiose confessum esse , quod Christus Deus sit & una persona . Resp . Quod non : Tam ingeniosus enim & industrius non suit , sed serio ita judicavit . — Ad haec accessit aliorum Episcoporum insolentia , qui non cogitaverunt quomodo sananda essent talia vulnera , sed multo magis irritandis & refricandis causam dederunt . Vide caetera . P. 202. De Concil . Calcedon . Adeo indulgebant sancti Patres mutuis odiis & dissensionibus ut alter non facile vellet alteri cedere — shewing the uncertainty of the Histories of this Council , and the Lies of the Papists not to be trusted . Iam divina qua ratione ego ero salvandus , qui nec ipsum Concilium assequor , nec causam Concilii satis perspicio . p. 205. Quod Eutyches non tantum unam in Christo naturam esse statuat , ostendunt Papistarum Verba , qui dicunt Eutychen concessisse in Christo duas naturas , viz. Divinitatem & Humanitatem , quae à Divinitate est assumpta — Sed quid Eutyches voluerit quod postea in Christo tantum Divina natura manserit , deserta humana , ibi prorsus sunt muti ; & re nondum certo cognitd dicunt , statuisse Eutychen quod in Christo duae naturae , & tamen non duae sed una natura sit : Ita postea historiae fiunt incertae & obscurae , ut nemo possit intelligere quid Eutyches senserit , aut quid Pontificiae historiae sentiant . Amittimus hisce ambagibus concilium una cum causis propter quas convocatum est . — Ego meas conjecturas recitabo : si rem assequor , bene ; si non , non propterea labesactabitur fides Christiana . Eutychis opinio ( sicut & Nestorii ) errat circa idiomata , quamvis alio modo . Nestorius non vult idiomata humanitatis tribuere Divinitati in Christo : — Contra Eutyches non vult idiomata divinitatis tribuere humanitati , etiamsi & ipse firmiter & mordicus retineat Christum esse verum Deum & hominem . Ut si dicerem in Concione publica , Verbum filium Dei esse conditorem Coeli & Terrae aequalem Patri ab aeterno — Et hoc Verbum , illum filium Dei esse verum hominem : Hoc concedit mihi Eutyches nihil dubitans . Iam si porro dicam , Quod ille homo Christus sit conditor coeli & terra , hoc offendit Eutychen , qui putat prorsus esse absurdum dicere , Homo creat coelum & terram . — P. 210. Ibi vides quod idiomata facili occasione homines non praemonitos offendant & perturbent . Hic erat subveniendum teneris Conscientiis ●raterna , amica & salutari admonitione , nec superbissimi errantes abjiciendi essent . Utinam meo judicio non respondeat eventus : sed vereor profecto aliquos haereticos in novissimo die fieri judices ; & illos ipsos Episcopos penes quos suit judicandi potestas , in aeternum damnatos , ni Deus est mirabilis & incomprehensibilis in suis judiciis ; nisi quod scimus eum esse propitium humilibus & infensissimum superbis . Et praesertim in Conciliis & Ecclesiis nihil erat agendum zelo vel invidia , vel superbia , quia Deus non potest ferre . § 20. Readers , you see what tedious work some men can make us : Many are scandalized , as if we gave them false History , if we do not thus confute them ; and if we do , we tire our selves and you . If I should cite you many more thus to confute his falshood , that never person before me opposed that Faction , you would be weary of it . § 21. Yet now my hand is in , you shall see further how much Luther was for the same that I have written . [ Qui volet poterit ulterius legere acta Concilii , privata opera . Ego ad taedium & nauseam usque legi ista ; ejusmodi Chaos ceremoniarum & confusionum est ibi , ut videatur recte judicasse Greg. Naz. qui Synodis eruditioribas & sedatioribus interfuit , — & scribit [ Sic affectus sum si dicenda est veritas . ut malim omnes Episcoporum conventus vitare , quia nullius Synodi finem vidi bonum , aut qui magis tolleret mala quam augeret . Nam cupiditas contentionis & principatus , & aemulatio vincunt rationem . Ut profecto miror quod propter haec verba non dudum eum excommunicaverunt ut atrocissimum haereticum . Sed quid sit quod dicit in Synodis Episcopos certasse ambitione , superbia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , habes in hac Synodo clarissimum exempium . Quod autem certum sit quod hic dicit se nullius Synodi vidisse finem bonum , docent nos historiae : Nam Ariana haeresis jocus fuit ante Nicaenum Concilium prae illa confusione quam ipsi post Concilium excitaverunt , ( that was not long of the Synod . ) Talis etiam suit Macedonici & Nestoriani Concilii . Nam illa pars quae est condemnat a eo suit conjunctior , ut tali specie concordiae . & unitatis suas praestigias pingerent quasi nulli justa ratione damnari possent . Subinde excitarunt major a certamina contra Concilia quae ipsi non recte intelligebant . — P. 247. Illud possum facillime probare quod miser ille Pastor in Hippone S. Augustinus plus docuit quam omnia Concilia — Dicam & quiddam amplius : Majus Lumen accedit Doctrinae Christianae ex Catechismo puerili quam ex omnibus Conciliis , & oratio Dominica & decem praecepta plus continent doctrinae & eruditionis quam omnia Concilia . § 2. Because I recite the words of the Bishops crying Peccavimus , he exclaimeth against me , as making Repentance and Reoantation a derision , and this by the Spirit of Schism which is nice in point of honour , no Conviction shall be able to reclaim it , though in the most indefensible thing in the World. ] Ans . Add but with the Inquisitors , [ Therefore burn them as hopeless . ] and you are come to the end of your Lesson . The penetrating Wits of some men are admirable . This man whose face I never saw , knoweth my heart so much better than my self and my acquaintance , that he can tell that it is to avoid dishonour that I avoid Repentance , when I offer him my Oath , that if I have any knowledge of my own desire , I would thank him as my dearest Friend , who will by Evidence shew me any necessary truth that I deny , or Falshood that I hold , and will joyfully publish my recantation . 2. And he can see Schism in my forbearing known and heinous sin in the satisfaction of my Conscience , while I write , and preach , and practise Communion with their Church , and can see none in silencing Thousands , and ipso facto excommunicating many more Thousands of godly Christians , and denying Baptism and the Lords Supper to such as think it is sinful to do — he knows what . 3. And he can see those things to be most indefensible , which after our best study we take to be clear , and can get no rational Reply to our defence . 4. And ( for want of memory or tenderness of his partners veracity ) when their Advocates have so oft and scornfully charged me with Retractations , and also told the World how much my own party ( as they call them ) speak against me , and my many large and free oppositions to the faults of Nonconformists that run into any extream , do all proclaim how little I have set by such honour ; yea , when himself saith that I have fiercely contended against all Sects and Parties , and they call me Ishmael , whose hand is against every man : After all this to proclaim as aforesaid , such obstinate Impenitence for the love of Honour , I confess doth no more further my conviction than the Oath of an Irish Witness would have done : For if he had sworn it , I would have shewed my Books and their contrary testimony , and have askt him , whose honouring of me is it that I buy so dearly ? It is not the Rulers , nor the Prelates , nor their Clergy , nor their adherents , noble or ignoble : And if I have willingly and laboriously displeased and lost the Sectaries too , whose honour is it that I sell my Soul for ? § 23. But did the man think that Unconstancy and compliance with powerful Heresie , is the same thing with Repentance for it ? Or is it well done to persuade the Reader that it is Repentance or Retractation of Heresie I write against , when I recite the words of the Council and their own ? Do I say that peccavimus was their sin ? § 24. And I would humbly desire him in time to consider , 1. Whether it was a venial sin not to be named by me , when the most zealous Papists and Historians name it , for so great a number of Bishops to turn and turn again so often , and that with Anathematizing one year of what they voted for before with Anathema to the contrary . I crave your impartial consideration but of two Instances : How oft did they with Anathema's vote for and against the Council of Calcedon as the Emperours changed ? Yea in the same Usurpers time , Basiliscus , when he changed himself . 2. In the case of Images : How oft did they change in Councils , for them and against them , as the Princes changed ? Sir , we mind this with lamentation and not insultingly : But if you take these for venial little sins , and our not swearing and covenanting all that you bid us for a mortal sin , are you not partial ? 2. And I would wish you to think on it again , before you make this guilt your own , by mincing and excusing it ; and lest you make all other mens sin your own , whom hereby you encourage in the imitation of them . These are not things indifferent . 3. And do not so dishonour Prelacy , and your Church and Discipline , as to tell the World that these in Bishops are little things ; what then is left for you to stick at ? No man should make light of such Beams in the Eyes of those that should be the most pure , while they are pulling the mote of scrupling a Ceremony , yea an Oath . &c. from their Brothers Eye , and that by such Iron Instruments as they use . § 25. Next comes his Logical terms , [ throwing dirt , outragious , bitter , malicious , &c. ] And what 's the matter ? [ I give not one loose at Emperours and Courts : scorning to change the game ; charging the Bishops with the faults of the Magistrate , and laying all the blame on them . ] In what words ? I say , [ so far could fierce , and factious Prelates prevail with a pious and peaceable Prince , by the pretences of opposing Heresie and Schism . Ans . 1. Was he not a most pious and peaceable Prince ? Then Socrates that knew him , and protesteth against flattery , and many others , are not to be believed ? yea , if he excelled not the Bishops ? 2. Do I say that none but the Bishops persuaded him ? Where do I lay all the fault on them ? Do I not after name the Emperess Eudocia , as the Agent to persuade him for the Eutychians , and Pulcheria to persuade him against Nestorius : My words are visible . 3. What Bishops were they that persuaded him to make a Law to confirm the Ephesine , Eutychian Council ? Was it not Dioscorus and the Eutychians ? Were they not Bishops ? Did they not do it ? Yea , doth not this man oft revile them far more bitterly than ever I did , and revile me for speaking so charitably of them ? Would you ever have expected that the same man should have so reviled me , for saying that these Eutychian Bishops prevailed with a good Emperour to confirm that Council of Eutychians ? 4. Is it a sin not to speak hardlier of so good a Prince , who after repented and punished his Wife and Eunuch for persuading him ? It was a blaming him to tell to what he was persuaded . Truly the mans anger here for my blaming the Eutychian Bishops , in condemnation of whom he hath poured out so much more than I , doth make me think that there is somewhat in the sound of some words , that turns his wrath this way or that : When he hears the name of an Eutychian , away with them , speak not easily of them . When the same men are called Bishops , it 's malice , outragious bitterness to blame them for getting a Law to confirm that called an Heretical , Murdering , Latroci●ian Council . His words are , p. 146. [ Were there ever greater violences committed than in that infamous Conventicle at Ephesus ? ] § 26. P. 263. He confesseth that the Debate between the Council and the Egyptian Bishops was something too warm : but saith that heat was not altogether without reason . Ans . This is his way to confess their faults , and then rail at me for bare reciting the words of the Debate or History . But it was not without reason : He confesseth not so much as this of the silencing and ruining Ministers now . It shall not be the use of my reason to make Fig-leaves to cloath and cover the sins which God abhorreth . Men will be men he saith , wherever they are placed , whether in a Council or in the Church , or even at the Altar . Ans . By Men I suppose he meaneth Sinners : and it 's true . But of all Sinners Oh that God would save his Church from those who hate reproof , and cherish the worst that will be for them , and excommunicate and prosecute the most conscionable that will not obey them in things which they call indifferent , for fear of sinning against God. § 27. His trifling words about Leo and Rome are not worthy of an Answer . § 28. He hath , P. 268. hit again on the oversight which I before confessed , even the effect of my necessitated haste , that in translating Theodoret's words I put ( truly ) in the wrong place : I ask him forgiveness , and the Bishops , if that be any slander against them ; which is nothing to them . § 29. He saith , P. 269. [ There is no truth in what our Author saith , that Ibas Epistle was acquit . ] Ans . There is no truth in saying that I said it was , when my words were disjunctive , [ The Epistle was acquit , or at least the Bishop upon the reading of it . ] He saith , Ibas was not acquit on the reading the Epistle , but on the defence he made , that he communicated with Cyril . Ans . His Accusations of Falshood are commonly Boyish Quibbles . His Defence and the Reading of his Letter go together , and in Binnius the Letter , and the Letters of the Clergy of Edessa are the last things done before he is discharged . § 30. P. 270. He saith , [ The truth is , the Eastern Bishops were not so ingenuous and fair after their reconciliation with Cyril , &c. ] Thus he becomes himself still an accuser of the Bishops . § 31. Because I say that the Judges past sentence to cast out both Stephen and Bassian from Ephesus , and all consented , he saith , [ One would think here the Judges passed sentence against the consent or Inclination of the Bishops . ] Ans . There is no end of answering your thinkings . I did not say that the Judges passed the Councils Sentence but their own : And whether it were against the Fore-inclination of the Council let any Reader judge , when the Judges asking the Council their sence , [ Res . Episcopi clamaverunt , justi●ia Bassianum vocat : Regulae valeant . The Judges answered them that their judgment was that both were to be cast out , and a third chosen , and the Council suddenly consented . If he would be believed contradicting this he must deny the Acts. § 32. He hath found matter for a quibble against tasting Poterius Flesh with their Teeth . Teeth taste not : Dangerous false History , or want of Learning is learnedly here discovered . When he cannot deny the most woeful , calamitous dissentions which followed the Calcedon Council , he saith , [ Was it the misfortune or the fault of these only not to be able to heal the differences of the Church ? Or was the defect in the Councils , or the blame to be imputed to those obstinate men that opposed the Rule established by them ? ] Ans . No : They were neither the first nor the last that have miscarried . Nor are we the first that suffer under such miscarriage . It was the misfortune of the Churches to have such Physicians : But as it is the honour of some Physicians to shew how many Patients they have cured , so is it of some others , when most die under their hands , to be able to say , that it was long of the Patients that would not be ruled , or that they killed them secundum artem . It was a Proverb in Sutton-Coldfield , [ Who begun ? ] A poor man had but one Ass and he loaded him too hard , and the Ass being in pain bit his Master a little on the Buttock ; and his Master knockt him down , and killed him ; and when he saw him dying , , [ Well , ( saith he ) But who begun ? ] But who had the loss ? There be Clergy-Men that can impenitently see the Strages , the divisions , the swarms of sin that are the consequents of their needless masterly Impositions , and wipe their mouths and say . It was the obstinacy of those that would not be ruled by us ! They kill a Flea on a mans Forehead with a Beetle , and say they meant not to kill the man. But if that Councils Acts were a fit means to cure the Churches Divisions , how came they to be presently and through many Ages , yea , ever since to this day , thereby increased so many fold ? Though the Assembly at Jerusalem cured not all the Jewish Teachers of their blind Zeal for Moses Law , it was so far from increasing the Dissentions and number of Dissenters , that it satisfied the Gentile Christians for the most part , and many of the Jewish , and greatly diminished the Discord . It 's one thing not wholly to cure , and another to make far worse . § 33. He instanceth also in the Dort Synod that made things worse . Ans . 1. The Synod of Dort made things the worse in their own Country , not by their Doctrinal Decisions , but by too much of the Masterly Spirit , engaging the Magistrates against the Arminians in the use of the Sword. Whether it be true that they say , that they were necessitated to do what they did against Barnevolt and Grotius for the safety of their State , I am no Judge : But I am sure it is of an ill sound to those that read it : And so is it to read in Episcopius and others , what violence the People have used against the Arminians , and they were fain to tolerate them when all was done . And it 's no wonder that the Dissention increased in England , when the Clergy would not long stand to the decrees that by our own six Delegates were moderated : Dr. Heylin tells you how Bishop Laua's Zeal was the cause of our following Contentions : And how ? By bearing down all that were against him . 2. But the meer Doctrinal Decrees of the Synod of Dort are so moderate and healing , that where Violence hath been forborn , and Reason used , many have been pacified by them . And 3. What that Synod did not , a few private Peace-makers have much done : The Writings of Camero Amyraldus , Capellus , Placeus , Testardus , Lud. Crocius , Mat. Martinius , Conr. Bergius , Joh. Bergius , Blondel , Daile , and above all , Le Blank 's have for ought I hear , half ended the controversie . And having my self written one Book ( Cathol . Theologie ) for Reconciliation , I have not to this day had a word of Contradiction , but the Consent of very many . And as I before noted , Is not even in London where other differences might exasperate , yet this Controversie almost laid to sleep ? But if our Arminians will but get as severe Laws and Canons made against them that are not of their Opinions , as be against them that dare not conform to the Diocesane Model and the rest , they shall quickly see this quarrel revived . The Articles of the Church of England determine not these Controversies , and that is our Peace . Put in but one determining Article against either side , and it will break us more in pieces . Doth not our own Case and Experience then confute those over-doing Councils ? § 34. His next Instance is that of the Westminster Assembly , — So far from reconciling the People , that after this they were distracted into innumerable Schisms : Never was there so lamentable a face of things , never such variety of Heresie , and such Wantonness , and Extravagancy , in blaspheming God under pretence of Religion and Conscience : And this is the State whither the same manner of men are driving again . Ans . 1. I say again I knew so many of that Assembly , as that I do not think that the Christian World had ever an Assembly of more able and truly pious Clergy-Men , these 1300 Years at least . But these Upstarts that knew them not can tell us any thing that Faction hath taught them to believe concerning them and others . The Parliament was by seeming necessity drawn to gratifie the Scots : The Assembly , though Conformists , all , save Eight or Nine , were as sensible as the Nonconformists of the mischiefs of silencing worthy Ministers , and forbidding Afternoon Sermons , and such like ; and they were as much against Arminianism and Popery as the Church of England was in A. Bp. Abbat's days , and as much as he against the Doctrine of Mainwaring and Sibthorp : And the Parliament absolutely restrained them from debating any thing but what they proposed to them ; so that they that were for the Primitive Episcopacy had no liberty to debate it , or speak for it , but on the by . But when the Covenant was offered them against Prelacy , they were about to enter a Protestation against it , and were stopt only by limiting the renunciation to the English frame described in an explicatory Parenthesis . But for my part I think them much to be blamed , that they did not , though against that prohibition , resolve to propose such moderate healing terms to the Parliament as were agreeable to their judgments , or at least have testified against the limiting of Church Concord to such narrow termes , as must exclude such men as were for the English Episcopacy : They might easily have known , that the number of such in England was so great , as that an excluding Law must needs be an Engine of great Division ; and that Conquest will not change mens Judgments . And as I doubt not but the five Dissenting Independents were greatly to blame , for making such a stir for leave to gather their Churches , when nothing was imposed on them which they could accuse ; So I doubt not but the Assembly were to be blamed for making a greater noise against errours than they had cause for . Their desire of Concord , which was good itself , did raise them to too great Expectations of it , and too great impatience of little differences . They published their Testimony against the errours of the times , in which they took in Dr. Hammond , and made many differences worse than they were , too like the old Hereticators . And they wanted that skill to compose their differences with the Independents , as was needful to that end , and might have been attained . And will the faults of that Assembly justifie the far greater faults of others ? But 2. This sort of Historians do much more differ from us about the matters of Fact , which our Eyes have dayly-seen , yea , about our own Thoughts and Minds , than about the History of the ancient Church . The case was very far different from that which he describeth . Mr. Lawson , a Conformist , saith , [ There was never better Preaching , Piety encouraged and encreased , &c. than at that time . In all the Counties where I was acquainted , there were many young Orthodox faithful Preachers , that gave themselves wholly to do good , for one that was ten Years before , and not any considerable number noted for any immorality : We were in the County where I lived almost all of one mind ; for Episcopal , Presbyterians and Independents uniting in that which they agreed in , and leaving all to Liberty in the rest , we lived in constant Brotherly Love and Peace without Dissention . I never knew of any of a divers Religion in all the County , save at the end , in one or two corners about Twenty Quakers : And near me were about Twenty otherwise . Orthodox , that denied Infant-Baptism , ( and perhaps as many more in the whole County , ) and Two or Three ignorant Socinians . In the next County I heard not of so many Heterodox : Never did I see , before or since , so much Love and Concord among Ministers , and all religious People , nor read of any Age that had so much for 1300 Years . And whereas the common cry is , Oh , but they were all Rebels against the King ! I have named abundance of the Ministers in mine Apology to Dr. Good , ( who being Episcopal was a Guide in our Meetings , and after so accused the Nonconformists ) and challenged him to name one of them that ever meddled with Wars . I knew none in all the County that was in any Army save the King 's , save Mr. Hopkins of Evesham ( dead ) and my self , and one that is a Conformist , and one Independent ( dead . ) But it 's true , that they were then so set upon Parish Reformation and Concord , that they were more troubled at any one that did turn Quaker , or against Infant Baptism , than some indifferent Persons are at Multitudes . And I was one that disputed most against them , and wrote against some distant Antinomians , mostly Souldiers ; But our Disputes satisfied and confirmed all our Neighbours more than Prisons would have done . We punished none of them , and none of our People there turned to them . But I confess we were commonly too little sensible , how much hurtful Violence hindereth Concord , more than loving forbearance of tolerable differences . As too many were how much for Peace they should have abated of the Zeal for their private Opinions , which they thought to be better than they were . We were much like the days that followed the Apostles , which had some troublesome Sectaries , but the main Body of Christians did cleave together in Love , till success had puft up a rebellious Army to make themselves Rulers , to the Confusion of themselves and others . § 35. At last mentioning the common Dissentions of the Churches , he seems to resolve the Question , What then must be done ? But he puts us off only with the Negative Answer , that [ the Rule , i. e. of our Uniformity is not to be altered . And why ? [ We have no assurance that we shall find any Conformity to it more than we have now . ] Ans . I must not call this Answer as it deserveth . 1. You were about dealing otherwise with the Papists : Dr. Heylin tells us how much they were to have altered for Concord : Mr. Thorndike threatens the Land , if you alter not the Oath of Supremacy for them : The name of the Pope and Anti-Christ hath been expunged for them ; yet you said not , We know not that they will come any nearer us . 2. By these measures a Rag or a Ceremony should never be abated for the Peace and Concord of any Church or Kingdom : You may still say we are not sure that this will serve them . The Pope may say so , where he refuseth to abate the shaving of the Priests Beards , or the least of his Impositions ; yea he knows that would not serve . They said so to the Bohemians four Demands : They concluded so at first against Luther . This very Argument hath kept them from all Reformation . 3. Can you find nothing in your Impositions that in the nature of the thing is worthy to be altered ? If not , you have more or less Wisdom than Bishop Morton , and the rest of the Church Doctors who at Westminster motioned so many Alterations . ●● one should but then move you to correct your known false Rule for finding Easterday , or to give Parents leave to be the first Promisers for their own Children , and Godfathers but their seconds , or not to deny Christendom and Communion for that or a Ceremony : No , come on it what will , nothing must be altered , lest men ask more . And yet you preach against Clergy Infallibility , ( or subscribe at least . ) 4 But if you are so much against altering , why did you alter to our greater suffering , and add as much more ( yea five times more ) to the former Task and Burden ? You can no doubt say somewhat for all this . 5. And when it is the same things that the old Nonconformists still asked , and we since 1660 askt yet less , what reason had you to raise that suspicion that we will not be satisfied with what we ask ? Have we given you any cause ? If you mean that perhaps there be some still that may be unsatisfied , will you deny Peace to so many that beg it of you , because others will not accept it on their Terms ? Or will you never agree with any lest some disagreement should arise hereafter . Some Travellers were assaulted by the high way by a Captain of Souldiers , who took all their Money , Swords and Horses , and swore he would kill them if they would not take an Oath to conceal him : One took the Oath to save his Life , another scrupled it : They begg'd his Mercy to restore so much as would bring them home : He askt them what would satisfie them : One would have his Horse , another his Sword , another part of his Money . He told them , You are a Company of Rogues , that can neither agree what to ask , nor give me assurance if I give you this you will ask no more . I compare not the Authority but the Reasons of the Denial . § 36. But seeing no abatement of their Canons , &c. must be granted , what is it that must cause our Concord ? He would not tell you ; but it 's discernible what 's left : It must be no Concord but what Punishment can procure : And what punishment ? Sharper than is yet tried ; for that hath not done it : Such Concord as Tertullian nameth , Solitudinem faciunt & pacem vocant : The Concord in Spain is worse than the Amsterdam toleration . Again I remember the great Fish-Pond mentioned by Judge Hale , that had multitudes of Fish and frie ; and at last two small Pikes put in ; when the Pond was drawn there was never a Fish but the two Tyrants ( as he calls them ) grown to a huge bigness . The fear least Popery and Prelacy should be the two Pikes , tempted men irregularly to covenant against them . To have such variety as Roch , Dace , Pierch , Tench , Carp , made it a Schismatical Pond ; The two Pikes were against Schism and Toleration , and for ending the Division by reducing all to unity of Species . § 37. As to his Question of Qu. Elizabeths days , the Intimation may seduce the ignorant , but none else . 1. If he know not that it was the Subscription required in the Canons , ( that nothing in the Books is contrary to the Word of God , scrupled , which broke the Peace and Concord of England , he is unfit by his Ignorance to be an Informer of others . I have known many that would have yielded to come into the Conforming Church , if that one word had been but forborn : For when any practice against their Consciences about baptizing , Communion , or Burials had faln in their way , they would have silently shifted it off , or been from home , and have ventured to answer it , so they could but conscionably have got in . But our Canoneers are for all or nothing . 2. He is sure no English Clergy-man , if he know not how much is laid on us , that was not known in the days of Qu. Elizabeth . Is it to inform men , or deceive them , that he makes the difference to be between 36 and 39 Articles , and saith nothing of all the new Covenants , Declaration● , Oaths , Subscriptions , Doctrine and Practises ? § 38. Many make use of Mr. Edwards Gangrena , and the London Ministers Testimony against errours , to prove the Heresies and Confusions of the late times . No doubt all sin is odious : But few men living are more competent Witnesses of those things than I. The Errours that sprung up were much more tenderly resented then than now . You now have many called Wits and Persons of Quality , who at a Club dispute against the Providence of God , the immortality of the Soul , and a future Life ; and there is neither Church-Admonition , Excommunication , nor any great matter made of it , but they are Members of the Church of England , the purest Church in all the World : Whereas in those licentious times , if one Souldier had spoken such a Word , it would have rung out through the Land , and perhaps his Tongue would have been bored with an hot Iron . It was the errours of the proud rebellious Soldiers that made most of the noise , that had no considerable number of Ministers left with them . I had a hand in Mr. Edwards Book thus : An Assembly of Ministers after Naseby Fight sent me into the Army to try if I could reduce them . Dayly disputing with them , a few proud selfconceited Fellows vented some gross words . At Amersham a few Country Sectaries had set up a Meeting in Dr. Crooks Church , to dispute and deceive the People : A few of Major Bethel's Troop ( that afterwards turned Levellers and were ruined ) joined with them : I met them , and almost all day disputed against them , and shamed them , and they met there no more . I gathered up all the gross words which they uttered and wrote them in a Letter to Francis Tyton , and after I found them cited in Mr. Edwards Gangrena . And what 's the absurd Speeches of a few ignorant Souldiers , that are dead with them , to the Heresies and Schisms that these 1000 or 1200 Years continue in all the Roman Communion , and they say in all the rest of the Christian World. One cheating Papist as a converted Jew got into an Anabaptists Meeting , one Maxwell a Scot , and all England rung of it . But when Bishops have made and keep France , Spain , Italy , &c. in the same Errours , Dr. Heylin , and Bp. Bromhall , and such others , took them for such , with whom a Coalition on the terms by them described was very desirable . CHAP. XXIV . His 7th Chapter considered . § 1. THE Man had not the courage to defend the surgent Prelacy in its Manhood and Maturity , but only in its Infant and Juvenile State ; nor to defend the many hundred Councils which I mentioned after the Council of Calcedon , in which either his Modesty or Cautelousness comes short of his Rd. Fathers , who some of them own the six first General Councils , and some of them eight , and some would unite with the Church of Rome , if they will abate but the last 400 Years additions . § 2. In his Gleanings in this 7th Chap. he over , and over , and over persuadeth his Reader , that I make or affirm that [ the Bps. were the cause of all the Heresies in the world , and of all the Heresies , Schisms , and Evils that have afflicted the Church . And hath this Historian any proof of this ? Or is it the melancholy fiction of his Brain ? Yes , this is his proof contrary to my manifold Instances , because I say in one age , [ We have a strange thing , a Heresie raised by one that was no Bishop : which I have answered before . To be then strange , and never to be at all ; are not words of the same sense ? But his Answers throughout do mind me of Seneca's Words , that a man that is sore complains ( or cries Oh ) when he doth but think you touch him . § 3. He thus himself accuseth the Bishops , p. 276 [ There have been wicked men and wicked Bishops in all times . ] And p. 277. [ That some Bishops have abused their Authority and Office , and been the cause of Heresie and Schism cannot be denied . ] But yet [ He hath shewed sufficiently , that most of my particular Accusations are void of all truth and Ingenuity . ] Ans . Or else those words are so . § 4. He saith All Ecclesiastical Writers agree , that Simon Magus was Author of the first Heresie in Christian Religion . ] Ans . All confess that Judas was before him : And if it be a Heresie to buy the Spirit for Money , it is a Heresie to sell Christ for Money . But I confess some tell us of his after pranks at Rome , and imitating Icarus , at Peters Prayers : If you would see why Dr. More takes this for a toyish Legend , see his Mystery of Iniquity , Lib. 2. C. 19. § 6 , 7. p. 447 , 448. § 5. P. 286 , 287. Baronius first , and Philastrius after , are made guilty of Forgery and disregardable History , so that I may well bear some of his Censures . § 6. P. 290. To confute me effectually he saith much what the same which is much of the sum of all my Book : And yet it 's false and malicious in me , and true and charitable in him : viz. [ Praising the first 300 years , ( when the Bishops were such as we offer to submit to : ) he adds [ The following Ages were not so happy ; but as Christians generally degenerated so did the Bishops too . ] Ans . What! Before the Council of Nice ! That 's a sad Confession . I was ready to say as a Roman Emperour said to a flatterer , that still said all that he said , [ Dic aliud aliquid ut duo simus , ] But his next words allay it , [ But yet not so much as our Author would make it appear . ] As the Dominicans and Oratorians must say some falshood of Calvine , lest they be thought Calvinists . And yet he addeth , [ The beginning of the 4th Century was very unhappy to the Church , for Persecution without , and Heresie and Schism within . Meletius an Egyytian began a Schism , forsook the Communion of the Church , &c. Next the Donatists , Arians , &c. ] Ans . It seems that the Emperours Constantius and Valens were without the Church , and yet the Arian Priests and Bishops were within it . When he defineth the Church we may understand this . But is it not this 4th Century that is made the Churches more flourishing state by others ? § 7. Even the great Historian of Heresies , Epiphanius , is said p. 292. to be [ unaccountably mistaken in several things relating to that History . ] And 293. hath [ a strange unaccountable mistake in diverse other things relating to that matter . ] If I had at any time erred with such a Bishop and Father , I might have been excusable for reciting his History . § 8. Pag. 295. He opens the very Heart of his Parties Principles , and saith , [ The Church is never distracted more by any thing than Projects of Moderation . ] Ans . Experience proveth that you speak your Heart . The words are no wilful Lye which agree with a mans Mind , be they never so false as disagreeable to the matter . No man was more of that Opinion than Hildebrand , that would not yield the Emperours the Investiture , nor as I before said , abate the Prince of Calaris the shaving of his Bishops Beard to save his Kingdom . Victor began with that Opinion too soon , but his Successors have these Thousand Years been as much for it as you can wish . 2. But to whom is it that you intend this ? Sure not to all : Was Bishop Laud of that mind toward the Papists if Dr. Heylin say true ? Was Grotius of that mind toward them ? Was Arch-Bishop Bromhall , Forbes , Beziar , Thorndike ( and many more such ) of that mind ? No : I 'le excuse you , that you meant not them and their Projects of Moderation : Nor I believe neither Cassander's , Erasmus's , Wicelius's , Sancta Clara's , Leander's , &c. But towards such as I am , you have been as firm to that Principle as any one of our Enemies could wish . In 1660 , 1661. it was most effectually improved ; and you have attained much of the fruits then foretold : and ever since have been unmoveably and prevailingly true to it . 3. But this maketh some men the Distracters of the Church , if not the greatest , which truly I have better thoughts of : Such as Junius , Paraeus , Amyraldus , Le Blanke , Davenant , Ward , Usher , Holdsworth , Morton , Hall , &c. And lately when we were preparing for the Kings Return , Bp. Brownrig , and after his death Dr. Gawden , Dr. Gulston , Dr. Allen , Dr. Bernard , and diverse such did offer themselves to a Treaty for Moderation : And since then Dr. Wilkins , Dr. Burton , Dr. Tillotson , and in diebus illis Dr. Stilling fleet have been guilty of this crime , of distracting the Church by projects of Moderation : But I can name the Bps. that were not guilty of it . To abate or forsake the necessary points of Faith and Practice on pretence of Moderation , is to destroy Christianity on pretence of Humanity or Peace . But to make Laws that men shall preach with Horns on their Heads , to signifie the Victory of Truth , and to ruine all that will not keep these Laws ( much more if men should command worse ) and to say a Project for Moderation would distract the Church , would be as far from Wisdom as it is from Moderation : And some Prelates have done as bad as this . § 9. He confesseth p. 296. that by force and Fraud [ the whole World in a manner was turned Arian . ] And did I ever say worse of the Bishops than this ? § 10. He maketh Aerius to speak against Bishops because he could not be a Bishop , so that he was of a Prelatical Judgment and Spirit , and calleth him [ The Cartwright of the times , ] by which if he mean that Cartwright would have been a Bishop , it doth but tell us that he deserveth little belief in his History . § 11. He is a most singular Historian , p. 303. in telling us , that after the Monothelites in following Ages of the Church the Devil started up but few Heresies till these Ages , — Swenk feldians , Anabaptists , &c. By this I perceive he believeth neither Papists nor Protestants : For the Papists name many Heresies since , and the Protestants say that Popery is but a Composition of many Heresies , and name us many that concur'd thereto . § 12. He there giveth me this serious Admonition , [ It is a much greater wonder that any man that makes Conscience of what he saith , should against all truth of History , and against his own knowledge , charge the Bishops with all the Heresies in the World : that a person that seems so sensible of approaching Judgment , as frequently to put himself in mind of it — should yet advance so malicious and groundless an Accusation . There is no dallying with the all-seeing God — What Plea shall be made for whole Books full of Calumny and Detraction , &c. ] Ans . This is not the least acceptable passage to me in his Book ; I love the man the better for seeming serious in the belief of Judgment ; and I hope his Warning shall make me search my Heart with some more jealousie and care . He seems here to believe himself ; but being my self far more concerned than he is to know how far I am guilty of what I am accused , as far as I can know my Heart and Writings , I 'le tell the Reader what to judge of his words and me . 1. That I charge the Bishops with all the Heresies in the World , never was in my mind , nor can I find it in any of my Writings : Yet this he very oft repeateth : And should a man so often write a falshood about a thing visible , and never cite the place where I say it , and this while he is thus seriously mentioning Calumny and Judgment . 2. Can he make men believe at once that I do persuade men that Bishops or Diocesanes came not up till about 150 years after Christ , and yet that I make them the Authors of the Heresies that were in those times ? Non entis non est actio : Could Bishops be Hereticks when there were no Bishops ? 3. If I had charged the Bishops with all the Heresies , it followeth not that I had charged no one else with them , and made the Bishops the sole Authors , and acquit People , Priests , and Princes ; why then doth he name many Monks and Priests that were Hereticks ? Or Emperours that promoted them , as if this crossed what I say ? Did he think that I excluded the Army if I blame the General , or the Prelatical Priests when I blame the Prelates ? If I took the Bishops of England to be the chief cause of our Church-Schisms , and Calamities , doth it follow that I acquit such as you , and all the Clergy like you ? 4. That I have done this [ against all Truth of History ] which I transcribed out of the Councils and Historians most partial for the highest Prelacie , is either a great untruth , and unproved by him , or I know not what I read or write . 5. That I do this against my own Knowledge I am certain is an untruth . 6. That my Accusations are malicious I am certain is untruth , as being able to say that I speak in pitty to the Church , and to save Souls from deceit , and malice no man ; but pray with the Liturgy , that God will forgive our Enemies , Persecutors , and Slanderers , and turn their Hearts . 7. That I have brought any Groundless Accusation I must take for an untruth , till my Grounds produced are better confuted . 8. Much more that I write whole Books full of Calumny and Detraction . All these and more untruths being heapt up with the mention of Death and Judgment , tells us whither Faction and Prepossession may carry men . 2. But what is the truth I shall again briefly tell the Reader : 1. About 2000 of such Ministers as I confidently take for the most spiritual , and conscionable and devoted to God and the good of Souls are silenced , and in Law imprisoned and ruined ; and all the People of their mind are ipso facto ( if they confess it ) excommunicated , besides their other penalties . I accuse not the Law but mention only the matter of Fact , which the K. once commissioned Bps. to have prevented . 2. The Kingdom is dolefully divided , and alas , the sad consequents are not to be named . 3. Besides all our Penalties the Bishops accuse us as the causes of all , and as wilful Schismaticks , and call for the Execution of the Laws against us . 4. We say , we dare not do that , which when ever they will give us leave , we are ready to give our reasons why we take it for heinous sin against God , and tending to the ruine of the Church : nor dare we forsake our Ministry while the Churches necessities are to us past doubt . 5. We beg of them but to abate us some needless Oaths , and Covenants , and Professions , and a few things called indifferent by the Imposers , that we may all live in Christian Love and Peace , and we offer them as unquestionable security for our Peaceableness , Loyalty , and Orthodoxness , as the said Oaths , Promises , or Professions can be . 6. They tell us , Nothing is to be abated us , and we must cease preaching , the Rule must not be altered ; we will do more harm in the Church than out ; Projects for Moderation most distract the Church ; There is no Concord or Liberty to be expected , but by our total obedience to the Bishops ; It is obeying the Church , yea the Universal Church of Bishops , that is the only way to Concord . 7. To confute this Supposition , which is the root of our Calamities , I transcribe out of History and the Acts of Councils , how great a hand in the Schisms , and Heresies , and Confusions of Christians , those Bishops have had , who have swelled up above the primitive species , by vast Diocesses , Wealth , and claim of Government over other Churches and Bishops ; and that it is notorious that this Grandeur and exorbitant power of Bishops , singly or in Councils , hath been so far from keeping the Church from Schisms , that it hath been one of the greatest causes of the Schisms of most Ages , since such a sort of Prelacy sprung up , and that Popery came not up in a day , but rose from that Juniority to its present Maturity . This was my work . § 13. He truly tells you , that the Original of all mischiefs is the Lusts that war in our Members , and not this or that Order of Men. ] When the World had a good Pope , if God would bless that Order of men , some think he might do more good than any other man. But he hath toucht the Core of the Churches Malady . Verily , the grand Strife is between the Flesh and Spirit , the seed of the Serpent and of the Woman : And if Patriarchs and Diocesans were but as much set on the promoting of a holy and heavenly Life , as those Ministers are whom they silence and imprison , they might do much good , though the largeness of their Diocess render them uncapable of performing the 40th part of a true Bishops Work. No doubt but Bishop Hall , and Potter , and Usher , &c. did much good , by such preaching , writing , and good living , as others use that are no Bishops . But will fire burn without fewel ? And will it not burn if combustible fewel be contiguous ? Do not the Lusts that war in our Members live upon that food which we are forbidden to provide ? Do you think that the Lust of the Flesh doth not more desire Riches than Poverty , Honour than a low Estate , Domination over others , to have our Will on all , than humble Subjection ? Where the Carkass is there will the Eagles be gathered . Do not you your self say , that the Bishops and Church grew more corrupt after the third Century ? Do you believe that when a Bishops Power was made equal to a great Lords , or more , and all his Pomp and Riches answerable , that the Lust of the Flesh would not more greedily desire it , than it would desire a meer mediocrity ? Or that a worldly proud man would not seek more for Lordship and Greatness , than a Synesius , and such others as you say fled from it ? If the poor retired Monks were as bad as you make them , what wonder if great Lordly Bishops were much worse ? Will not the fire of Lust grow greater as the fewel is greater ? I am satisfied that Riches and Power well used , may greatly serve the Interest of Religion : But two things must be considered . 1. That the greatest Power and Wealth being far more desired by carnal Worldlings , ( that is , by bad men ) than by mortified heavenly minded men , the more men desire them , the more eagerly they will seek them by Friends , Flattery , or any means : and therefore the liker they are to attain them , except when the choosers are some resolved godly men . And so which way can a Succession of the worst men be avoided ? But a mediocrity that doth not to the Flesh overweigh the labours and difficulties of the sacred Office , will encourage the good , and not much tempt the bad : Or if good men will be never so bountiful to pious uses , their bounty and Church-Lands may better maintain Labourers enough for the work , than be made a snare to one . 2. And that Power which depopulateth and destroys its end , is unlawful in its very state , as well as in its use . The Power of one man to be sole Physician to the City , and to have none but Apothecaries under him ; or of one man to be the only School-Master in the County , and have none but Ushers under him , is rather to be called Destruction than Power . It is Bishops casting out Power that I am against , that is , the necessary Power of the Keys in the Parish Ministers , or putting down necessary Bishops ; and also a Power to silence Christs faithful Ministers , and deprive Souls of the necessary means , by imposing things needless in themselves , and sinful in the receiver , that after his best search believes them such . Seeing then that we are agreed , that it is the Lust that warreth in men , that is the corrupter of the Church , let but the face of the whole Romane Clergy these 1000 Years at least tell us , whether it be not the swelling of the Power and Wealth of Bishops , that hath caused so long a Succession of a worldly , lustful , tyranical Clergy . § 14. And he truly saith , [ p. 306. that the generality of men when they have gained Wealth and Honour , are commonly willing to secure the enjoyment of those Possessions , by letting things run in their ordinary course . ( The Spanish Proverb is , The World is a Carryon , and they are Dogs that love it , and they will snarle at any that would take it from them , and if it lie in the Ditch , Dogs rather than Men will gather about it : and its pitty such men should by such a Bait be tempted into the sacred Chair . ) And he truly adds , that Repulse and Disappointment will end such mens Patience . For really as the man is , such are his desires : It is not only turgent Prelacy but a Prelatical Spirit that troublerh the Church : And If Novatianus or Arius would fain be a Prelate , it is in his heart ; and no wonder if he be a Schismatick ; Trahit sua quemque voluptas . Appetite is the Spring of Action . All the Popes Clergy are much of his mind ; for they participate of his worldly Interest , and depend on him , and therefore participate of the Papal Spirit . The Interest of the General and Army are conjunct . § 15. And its true that he saith , that the Bishops Interest obligeth him to maintain Peace and Unity . And so no doubt from that sense of Interest it is endeavoured , in Italy , Spain , France , Germany , &c. when a strong man armed keeps his house , the things which he possesseth are in Peace . But whether therefore the People did ill that forsook the Bishops and followed Luther , or are all bound to cleave to the Bishops Unity , is the doubt . § 16. Whether it be true , p. 310 that very few if any one were Bishops when they turned Hereticks , I have enquired in the Preface ; though if they ascended from Heresie to Prelacy it 's all one to me . But by this I conjecture that he taketh fewer for Hereticks than others do , and that he pretends acquaintance with their minds , in that antecedent part of their Lives which no History mentioneth . I confess I think that for the most part men are Papists before they are Popes or Papist Bishops : And yet I think that it is first the desire of Papal and Prelatical Grandeur , and next the Exercise of it , which is the cause of Schism and Persecution . § 17. I verily believe as he doth , that Platonick Philosophy , and a willingness to win the Heathens by compliance , had a great hand in corrupting many Doctrines ; and not only Monks but others of the most religious Christians , had a great hand in many of the ancient Superstitions , especially those that tended to the over-honouring of their Martyrs , and too much advancement of their Bishops , when they came newly from under the Persecution of the Heathens . But it came not to be universal , nor the Engine of great Corruption and cruelty , till the Bishops turned all into a Law. Who could make any of all this necessary , but Pope , Prelates , or Princes , who pretended a Legislative Power hereto ? Even Luther and Melancthon were indifferent to diverse Ceremonies , so they were made to be indifferently used . But when they are made necessary by a Law ( specially more necessary to a Minister than his Ministry , and to a private Christian , than his Church Communion , who doth more vehemently condemn them than they ? § 18. That Paschasius Radbertus was the first that broached the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , is a doubtful expression . Either he meaneth the Name or only the Thing under another Name . If the latter , he will do more than Edm. Albertinus , or Bp. Consius have done , if he prove it : If it be the name that he meaneth , I think ( by my Memory , for I will not for that go read him all over ) that he will not find the name in Radbertus , nor any where before Stephanus Eduensis , about 130 years after him : and that all that he can truly say , is but as Bellarmine doth , [ Hic Author primus suit qui seriò & copiosè scripsit de veritate Corporis & Sanguinis Domini in Eucharistia contra Bertramum Presbyterum . § 19. That the Bishops charged by me with these Corruptions , were the only Opposers of them that we find in antiquity , as we may see in the Canons of Africk and Spain , ] is a saying very near kin to much of his History : I confess that so few Presbyters in comparison of Bishops were publick Actors , whose Judgments were notified to the World , that it 's no wonder ( after Constantine's time ) if there be more proofs of their words and deeds than of other mens : But there are a great number of excellent men here slandered against the credit of all Church-History , and their own Writings yet in our hands . Would it be worth the Readers Price and Labour , I could swell my Book with the proof that what he speaketh is untrue . Did he think that I could not prove that Justin Martyr , Athenagoras , Tatianus , Tertullian , Clemens Alexandrinus , Origene , Arnobius , Lactantius , Macarius , Maternus Firmicus , Ephrem Syrus , Faustinus , Hierome , Ruffinus , Prudentius , Sulpitius Severus , Sedulius , Mammertus , Cassianus , Vincent . Lirinensis , Socrates , Sozomen , Isodore Pelusiota , &c. did something in opposition to some Church-Corruptions ? Though some of them promoted some others : Yea , Antonie and abundance of Monks that furthered some , opposed others no less dangerous : Though many of them may be accused as Bellarmine doth Sulpit. Severus , for saying , Ecclesiam auro non strui sed destrui . Judge of time past by what we see ; Is it only the Bishops that are against the Popes Church-Corrupting Usurpation in Italy , Spain , France , &c. Is it only the Bishops that are against the Mass Corruptions , and against all their corrupt Doctrines of Indulgences , Purgatory , Images , &c. and against all their Ceremonies , and prophane abuse of holy things ? Was it only the Bishops at Constance and Basil , that were against suppressing the Bohemian and Moravian Reformation ? In the end of Lydius upon Prateolus you may read a Letter subscribed by so great a number of Lords and great men , for John Hus , and Hierome , and the Reformation , which yet prevailed not with the Bishops , as will tell you who was then the greatest Opposers of Church-Corruption . And I think Princes and Drs. opposed it more than Bps. in Luther's time . Is it only the Bishops that have opposed warping towards Rome for Church-Unity ? Have none but Bishops been against corrupting the Churches , by silencing good Ministers and ordaining bad ones ? The things that are , have been . I confess our difference is great on the case , what is to be accounted Church-Corruption . For that which in one Country goeth for Corruption , in another ( yea the same ) goeth for Church-Glory , Strength , and Beauty ; Our main difference is about what 's good , and what 's bad ; what 's Virtue , and what 's Vice. § 20. He next comes to Sedition , and asketh [ What Reign have they disturbed here with their Sedition ? ] And because he knoweth that I can refer him to the large Volume of their Treasons written by Prin , and abroad to the many Volumes in Goldastus , and the many Histories of the Wars of Popes and Councils against Emperours , ] he prevents all my Proof with a downright Untruth , that [ If a man be not blind he may see that my History is only designed against Protestant Bishops under a general name . Ans . Was it not enough so grosly to write this Untruth of me , but he must also reproach all the Readers as blind that will not judge falsly of what they read ? Doth he know my meaning better than my self ? He knoweth that I plead for the Primitive Episcopacy , and that I profess to intend this History most to discover the Rise , Growth , and Maturity of the Popish destructive sort of Prelacy . Readers , can you believe this man , that I wrote the case of the Bishops before and under Popery , and of the Popes , and of above Five hundred Councils , and all these before the name of a Protestant Bishop was known in the World , and as he saith , gathered their faults , and all this only against the Protestant Bishops , and not against Popes or Prelates , or any of the Councils that I named ? Perhaps he would tempt me to refer him to the History of Bishop Laua's Trial , or to what Bishop Abbot , George and Robert , Bishop Hall and others said against him : Or to tell him of A. Bp. Williams Arms for the Parliament . But these are not Subjects fit for our Debates . § 21. P. 318. When I say , that where Prelacy with the Papists is at the highest , Princes are at the lowest . He asketh , Is it the Bishop or the Papist that is here to blame ? Is this the effect of their Order ? Ans . 1. I thought the Pope of Rome and the Bishop of Rome had been the same . 2. But this Corrector of History taking Untruths not only ▪ into the Completion , but the Stamina and Scope of his Book , among all the rest supposeth me to speak against a Bishop as a Bishop , when I have troubled him with my repeating so often that I am for Bishops , and that it is not the Office but the tumor , and that tumor that maketh another species which I oppose . Doth he not think that the Popes Bishoprick is faulty ( yea , as a corrupt species ? ) And as it is more tumid than the Patriarchs , is not the Patriarchs more tumid than the Metropolitanes , and that than the Diocesanes ? And if Dr. Hammond were not deceived , who thought that there were no stated worshipping Assemblies in Scripture times without a present Bishop , is not the sole Bishop of a Thousand or a Hundred such Assemblies different from a Bishop of One only ? And if many Canons speak truly , that say a Bishop should be in every City that hath a Church , and every great Town like our Corporations and Market Towns was called a City , doth not a Bishop of one City , and a Bishop of 50 , or 40 , or 10 , differ so far , that a man may be against one without being against the other ? Doth he speak against Patriarchs that speaks against the Pope ? Or against Diocesanes that speaks against Patriarchs ? Or against the Primitive Bishops that speaks only against such Diocesanes as put them all down , and all their Churches , and almost all true Discipline of such Churches , like Erastians . § 22. P. 319. 322. His Charge on Socrates and Sozomene ( shaking the credit of Church History ) as writing that [ which no reasonable man can believe as it is related by them , without loving a malicious Lye. ] I spake to before : If such Historians believed not what they write or loved a malicious Lye ; alas , whom shall we believe ? Is he better than they ? And his note that Valesius judged Eusebius Nicomed no Heretick , I before noted . But I will follow that case no further , lest he should draw me to seem to charge the ancient Bishops with sedition , whom I never intended so to charge ; but only to desire those that can excuse the Language e. g. of Gregory the great to Ph●cas , of Ambrose to Eugenius , of the Bishops to Maximus , and many such like , not implacably to reproach and hunt those that did no more or not so much . § 23. His full Stomach dischargeth itself against me three times over with one charge , P. 314 , 320 , 352. [ Oliver Cromwell and his Son , the David and Absalom of Mr. B. ] And [ He compares the most barbarous villain in the World to King David , in his Epistle to his Son. Ans . Reader if there be no such word in any of my Writings , after all these Accusations of this man and many such other , I must leave it to thy self how thou wilt name these men , their History , and their dealings ; for if I name them they will say I rail . Yea , what if this very man ( it 's easie to know why and whence ) doth even here , p. 352. &c. reprint the very Epistle which he thus accuseth , and cite no such word , to tell us that he knew there was no such word there , and yet thus affirmeth it , what will you call this ? The words cited by himself are these , [ Many observe that you have been strangly kept from participating in any of our late bloody Contentions , that God might make you a Healer of our Breaches , and employ you in that Temple Work , which David himself might not be honoured with , though it was in his mind , because he had shed blood abundantly , and made great Wars . 1 Chr. 22. 7 , 8. ] Is here ever a word of Oliver ? Is he here called David ? Did I not purposely say , [ David himself ] and cite the Text , lest any should feign the same that he doth ? Any man may see that he hath nothing to say , but to accuse my Thoughts , and suspect that I had such a meaning . And who made him acquainted with Thoughts that were never uttered ? Or made him a Judge of them ? If his and other mens thoughts may be thus by conjecture accused , no Enemy need to want matter of Accusation . It 's like he will appeal to my Conscience whether it were not my thought ? And 1. By what authority will he so do ? 2. But I will shrive my self to him this once . It is so long since , that truly I remember not what was in my Thoughts , any further than my words express : But I well remember my former Actions , and what was then my judgment of Oliver and his Actions , and I use not to speak against my judgment . Many knew that he being acquainted the first day that I went into the Army , ( which was after Naseby Fight ) that I was sent by an Assembly of Divines , to try whether I could turn the Soldiers against his subverting Designs , ( then first discovered to me , ) he would never once speak to me while I was in the Army ; and that ever after I was driven away , I openly in Pulpit , Press and Conference disowned , and warned men to disown his Actions against King and Parliament , and his Usurpation ; and that I wrote against the Engagement : And therefore I do not think that ever I meant to call him David , and I am sure I never did it . But they say old Men can see better afar off than near at hand ; and so all these notorious Untruths about visible present things , may yet consist with such mens credibility about things said and done 1300 Years ago . § 24. And now I am here , I must not pass by his friendly Admonition , p. 357. after his reciting my Epistles , [ If I were as worthy to advise Mr. B. as he was to advise Cromwell , I would say , It were much more adviseable for a Christian , specially for one that thinks he is so near his eternal State , to repent and cry peccavimas , than to stand on Justification of the fact , &c. ] Ans . 1. Is was usual for men to choose their own Confessours : But it being the Custom of the times for Pastors and Confessors to be forced on Dissenters , I will submit now to your way , though my former Confessions and my Communion with you have been turned to Reproach and Scorn . 1. I do daily beg earnestly of God , to let none of my sins be unknown to me , and taken for no sin , and be unrepented of ; and that he would forgive that which I would fain know , and do not . 2. I do not repent of owning Oliver's Actions against King and Parliament , or his Usurpation ; for I never owned them , nor the Actions of them that set up his Son. 3. I do not repent that I loved the Peace of the Church , and that I desired the Governour , though a Usurper , should do good and not evil . 4. I do not repent that seeing the Armies Rebellions and Confusions , I stirred up Rulers and People to take heed of favouring so great Sin. 5. But I do now by experience of other ways perceive that I was sometimes too eager in aggravating mens Errours , and repent that I used not more forbearance of some of my Accusations of some of them . 6. I did think that Richard Cromwell was an Usurper : But when we had been twelve Years at least without a rightful Governour , I then thought as Thomas White , alias Blacklow , the moderate Papist , wrote , that the Land could not subsist in Society without some Government , and that No-Government is worse to the People than a Usurped one : And that it is somtime lawful to submit and use an Usurper , when it is not lawful to approve his Entrance . And wherein I was deceived I am willing to be better informed . 7. But I do unfeignedly repent that I wrote those two Epistles , though it was to put a man on to do good , whom I never saw , ●or ●●●● had the least to do with . 8. And I do more repent of the cause of all , viz. that I appointed God a time , and limited his Providence ; and thought that because so many Armies and Endeavours had failed Twelve or Fourteen Years , that had attempted the restoring of the King , therefore there was no probability of accomplishing it : I do not repent that I was not a Prophet , to know before what God would do ; for it was not in my power ; nor do I repent that I preached Christs Gospel under Usurpers ; but I repent that I waited not Gods time , and did not better consider that want of humane Power is no hinderance to Omnipotency , and nothing is difficult to him . 9. I was drawn too far by Mr. Harringtons Scorn , and the dislike of Sir Henry Vane's Attempts for a Common-Wealth , to meddle with matters of Government , and to write my Political Aphorisms , called , A Holy Common-Wealth : And I do unfeignedly repent that ever I wrote and published it , and had not more confined my self to the matters proper to my Calling , and let those meddle with forms of Government who were fitter for it . All these , besides what 's formerly said to Mr. Bagshaw , I declare my unfeigned Repentance of . And though it pleaseth you to feign me a Schismatick , and hater of Repentance , ( for speaking against the fault● that needed it ) I shall thank you to be a real helper of me in so necessary a work as Repentance is . And that I may do the like by you , I shall now only requite you with this Advice , that before you write next , you will set before your Eyes the Ninth Commandment , Thou shalt not bear false Witness against thy Neighbour : And that when you say your Prayers , you would be serious when you say , Lord have Mercy upon us , and encline our hearts to keep this Law. § 25. A Roman Zeal tells us , that Faction and Schism , when animated by worldly Interest , and grown up to a malignant hatred of the things and persons that are averse to it , is hardly bounded , but is thriving up towards destructive Persecution , as swelling Prelacy did towards the Papacy and the Inquisition . It is not one or two Fishes that will satisfie the stomach of a Pike : Nor is it the slandering or ruining of one or two men , or silencing of one or two of the Ministers of Christ , that will satisfie a malignant Spirit . One Meal will not make a lean Man fat . Whether there be a Legion in those that would destroy a Legion of Christs Servants , or one have so much Power I know not ; but the effects tell us what manner of Spirit they are of . But let the Papists pass . § 26. When I read p. 337 , and 358 , 359. and such passages , it makes me think of them that cried , [ His Blood be on us , and our Children , ] together with our Judge's words , [ In as much as you did it or did it not to one of the least of these my Brethren , you did it or did it not to me . ] P. 337. he saith , [ There is great reason to value the peaceable Resignation of the Nonconformists , when we consider by what Usurpation and Violence they were brought in , and what a number of worthy learned Ministers were turned out to make vacancies for these men , who were to instruct the People in new Mysteries of Religion , which their old Pastors had not the Conscience or Ability to teach them , that is , of the lawfulness of Rebellion . — And p. 358 , &c. There were many of those Ministers Usurpers , and had intruded into the Churches of other men , who had been silenced and cast out . — There were many others that were intruders into the Ministry , and such not a few of them as Mr. B. himself would not have thought fit to have continued . All the rest were such as would not submit to the Rule that was then established in the Church , but chose rather to leave their Livings , and the Bishops could not help it , any otherwise than as they were Members of Parliament ; for it was the Law that tied them to their choice , and not the Bishops . If Mr. B. means what happened before the last Civil Wars , as it 's likely he may , then these ancient Teachers were the instruments of an Antimonarchical , Antiepiscopal Faction : They would preach but they would not conform to the Established Religion : Nay many of them would preach against it , and against their Governours too . These were such Incend●●ries as no Government would endure , &c. ] Ans . When you have noted this part of his History , it will not be hard to judge of his credibility . I. The things that he defendeth is the silencing and prosecuting of three sorts of Ministers . 1. Many Hundreds of Nonconformists in the days of Qu. Eliz. K. James , and some few in the time of K. Charles 1. 2. Many Conformists in the time of K. Charles 1. under Bishop Laud. 3. About 2000 that conform not to the New Laws of Uniformity in the time of K. Ch. 2. What these Ministers were or are , and what the fruits of their silencing have been , and what it hath done to the Church of England , and to many Thousands of Godly Christians , I will not be ●udge : Nor will I dispute that which all England sees or feels . But it seems so well done to our Historian , as that he is willing deliberately to justifie or defend it , which as I understand is to make it his own , and to undertake to be one of those that shall answer for it . What if another had done as much against him , as he hath done against himself ? And for how small a prize ? II. As he before would insinuate , that what is said of the great number of Drunkards , and ignorant men turned out , was false , though so judged upon the Oaths of men accounted the greatest lovers of Religion in their Parishes ; so he seemeth here to intimate that it was only or chiefly into the places of learned worthy men , that the silenced Ministers succeeded ; whereas it was not one of many that came into any such mens places of them that were silenced at the fatal Bartholomew day . III. He seemeth to intimate , that when the Parliament ( suppose by wrong ) put out either such as he or I describe , the Land must be under an Interdict till the Bishops and King were restored , and that Christs Gospel was no more to be preached in England , till Diocesanes returned , but all Souls be given up to Damnation , unless Christ would save them without the preaching of his Gospel , and the Land was to be left to the Devil and Paganism . And who can deny now but the Diocesane Species is essential to the Church ? IV. When I spake only of the silencing and ejecting Act , of Aug. 24. 1662. he would make the Reader believe , that this Change was to restore the Churches to their ejected Pastors , or cast out Usurpers ; whereas unless Ignorance or worse hinder him , he knoweth that all that were cast out and were alive , laid claim to their Benefices , and were restored before that , and their Livings resigned quietly to them , to say nothing of the rest that were supposed to be at the Lord Chancellors disposal . Those that were put out that the sequestred might re-enter , were none of them silenced , nor made uncapable of other Livings till August 24. 1662. V. He would insinuate that it was only the Nonconformists that were cast out of such sequestrations : Whereas in the Countries that I either lived in or heard of , it was as many or more of the Conformists , that had sequestred Livings and were cast out , and took new presentations . VI. And this is evident by his Intimation , as if it were a very great number of the Church Livings that were so possest : Whereas of Nine Thousand or Ten Thousand Ministers then in Possession , Seven or Eight Thousand Conformed : Therefore it 's likely that the Conformists had most of the Sequestrations . VII . He tells you that the Ejected Ministers were brought in to instruct the People in the Lawfulness of Rebellion : Doth not this intimate that this was the case only or chiefly of the silenced Nonconformists ? But I have oft cited Jewel defending the French Protestants ; Was not he a Bishop ? I have oft cited Bilson , affirming it no Rebellion if the Nobles and People defend their Legal Constitution against one that will — ( I will not recite the rest . ) — I have oft cited Ri. Hooker whose popular Principles I have con●ured , and goeth higher against absolute Monarchy , than I or any of my Correspendency did in all the Wars . Heylin is for Conciliation with the Papists : He knoweth not their Writings who knoweth not that the Papists are more for popular Election , and Power towards Princes , far than ever such as I were . And had he not put his Head and Eyes into a Bag , he could hardly have denied but that they were Episcopal Conformists on both sides that began the War : But being got into the dark he loudly denieth it . VIII . He saith , There were many others that himself would not have thought fit to have continued . Ans . I thought I was more likely to know them than he . I remember not one such of an hundred that did not conform . I confess that when the Prelatical party intreated me no longer to refuse the Westminster Commissioners Letters , deputing me with others to try and judge of some Episcopal Conformists that stood then for Livings , to avoid all seeming opposition to that way I did stretch as far as I durst , to approve and keep in some Conformists , of very low parts who knew not a quarter so much as some Lay People did : But none of these were Nonconformists . IX . He saith , [ All the rest were such as would not submit to the Rule then established in the Church . This is true : And what was that Rule ? Did Peter or Paul make it , or submit to it ? Did they refuse any thing that God commanded in Nature or Scripture ? Or any Circumstantials necessary in genere left in specie to the Magistrates determination ? They were guilty of believing that God is above man , and that there is no Power but of God , and none against him ; and that we must please him whoever be displeased . They were guilty of so much Self-love as to be unwilling to be damned for a Benefice , or for a Bishops Will. They did not consent to profess Assent and Consent to all things contained in and prescribed by three Books , written by such as declare themselves to be fallible ; and such as not one of Fourty ever saw before they declared the said Assent and Consent to them . They did not consent to cast out all Infants from Christendom , whose Parents durst not offer them to Baptism , under the Sacramental Symbol of the Cross ; nor unless they might have themselves been Covenanters , Undertakers , or Promisers for them , as well as the Godfathers : Or that scrupled getting Strangers to undertake that perfidiously for their Children which they never intended to perform . They durst not read Excommunications against Christs true Servants , nor repel those from Christian Communion , who scruple kneeling in the reception of the Sacrament : They durst not swear that many Thousands whom they never knew are not obliged by the Covenant , when they know not in what sence they took it : For they are not willing to believe that the compounding Lords and Knights did not put a good sence on it before they took it . They durst not say that all is so well in our Church Government by Diocesanes , Lay-Chancellours Power of the Keys , Archdeacons , Officials , Commissaries , &c. that we may swear against all endeavours to amend it by any alteration ; They do believe that the Law of Nature is Gods Law , and that as it alloweth a single Person only private desence , so it alloweth every Nation publick defence against Enemies notorious destroying assaults : And they dare not swear or covenant , that if any should from the Lord Chancellour , &c. get a Commission to seize on the Kings Navy , Treasures , Forts , Guards , Person , and to seize on the Lives and Estates of all his Innocent Subjects , that it is unlawful to resist any that execute such a Commission . They find it so hard a Controversie , what God doth with the dying Infants of Atheists , Infidels , Mahometanes , and Persecutors , that they dare not declare , that if any of their Children be baptized and die , it is certain by the word of God that they are undoubtedly saved . We say not that the Law binds us to any of the evil which we fear : But we dare not take Oaths and Promises which we understand not . Abundance I pre●erm●t . He is extreamly censorious if he think that Mr. R. Hooker ▪ Bp. Bilson , Bp. Grindal , A. Bp. Abbot , Bp. Rob. Abbot , Bp. Jewel , &c. would have been Conformists had they been now alive . X. He saith , [ They chose rather to leave their Livings . ] Ans . They chose not to conform , but submitted only to leave their Livings ; Eligere est agere . They were passive in this , they refused to conform as supposed by them a heinous Sin , but they chose not to be silenced or cast out ; but they chose to endure it when the Bishops chose it for them . XI . He saith , that [ the Bishops could not help it any otherwise than as they were Members of Parliament . Ans . 1. I confess Scripture useth the like Phrase , Can the Leopard change his Spots , &c. or they that are accustomed to do evil learn to do well ? And Rom. 8. 6 , 7. The carnal mind is enmity against God , for it is not subject to his Law , nor can be . ] I will not here too much contradict him , 2. But is it nothing that they could have done in Parliament , had they been willing ? 3. Is it unlawful for us to know if he know it not , or deny it , how much the Bishops and Clergy did with the Parliament-Men ? 4. He should at least have stayed till Dr. Bates , Dr. Jacomb , and I are dead , who wrote and disputed with the Bishops by the Kings Commission , before he had talkt at this rate to the World. Did not the King make his Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs ? And did he not under the broad Seal commission those Bishops and Doctors to treat with us for the making such alterations as were necessary to tender Consciences ? Did they not maintain that no alterations were thereto necessary , and so end the treaty . 5. Did they not in their next Convocation lay aside the Kings Indulgent Declaration , and make the Additions to the Liturgy ? And yet could they not help it ? Nor was it none of their doings ? 6. Doth not England know that Parliaments since have by experience perceived their Mistake , and would have suspended our Prosecution , and restored us to Unity , and the Bishops and Clergy will not consent but rage against it , and preach and write to have us executed according to the Laws , and no abatement to be made , and as this man , think that the Churches Distraction is from Projects of Moderation . What name should one give to such Histories as these ? The guilty cannot bear their names . XII . He saith , [ It was the Law that tied them to their choice and not the Bishops . Ans . 1. Suppose the word choice were proper here , [ Is it any justification of the Executioners ? ] It was the Emperour Charles the 5th's Edict that tied all the Protestant Ministers to conform to the Interim , or be gone : It was the Law that tied the Martyrs in Qu. Maries days to profess what they believed not , or to be burnt . Alas ! How could Bonner and Gardiner help it ? 2. But how many Bishops were against the passing of that Bill ? And who persuaded the Lay-Men to it ? Must we not know when it 's night if you deny it ? XIII . He tells you , that [ the ancient silenced Teachers before the Civil Wars , were the Instruments of Antimonarchical and Antiepiscopal Faction . Ans . 1. Which of them all said so much as Mr. Hooker , Bp. Bilson , Bp. Jewel , &c. have done ? 2. If you make any Conscience of the 9th Commandment , prove the Truth of what you say of those that were suspended and driven out of the Kingdom in the times of A. Bp. Laud , Bp. Wren , Bp. Piercy , &c. for not reading the Book for Lords-days Dancing and Sports , and that were prosecuted for Preaching twice on the Lords-day , and for not turning the Table Altar-wise , and railing it in , which even Bp. Montague as well as Williams was against . Was Bishop Miles Smyth of Gloucester , were A. Bp. Abbot or Grindall Antimonarchical or Antiepifcopal ? 3. Prove if you are able any Antimonarchical Principles , Words , or Deeds by Mr. Hildersham , Mr. Brinsley , Mr. Paul Baine , Mr. Dod , Mr. Knewstubs , and hundreds of such I might name . The most malicious are fain to talk of one Knox , or one Goodman , or one Junius Brutus , ( that is , Hubertus Languetus Melancthous friend ) or somewhat in Buchanan , not the tenth part so much as is commonly said by the Papists , with whom our A. Bp. Bromhall and his Companions so much plead for Concord . 4. Doth not Al. Cope , and Sanders , and Pateson in the Image of both Churches , and lately the nominal Bellamy in his Philanax Anglicus , and many more such , say all the same of the Bishops and Church of England , and all that they deride as [ Protestants of Sincerity ] as guilty of far more rebellious Principles and Practices , th●n ever you can prove by the meer Nonconformists old or new ? And is it enough to accuse ? XIV . He saith , They would preach but they would not conform to the established Religion . Ans . 1. But why should they be forbidden to preach ( which was good and they were devoted to ? ) If a man will not do all that you would have him to do , shall he do nothing ? 2. What was that which he calleth the Established Religion ? It was the Ceremonies and Subscription , that there is nothing in the Liturgy contrary to the Word of God. ] And was this a Crime worthy the forbidding men to preach the Gospel ? Or why should the Souls of Thousands of the Innocent People be so heavily punished for another mans omission , even because the Teachers fear Conformity . 3. But still we see what these mens Religion is : Had their Religion been the Scripture , or any Doctrine or Worship common to the Christian or Protestant Churches , the old Nonconformists willingly consented to it . But here they shew that their Ceremonies and proper Liturgy forms are their Religion . But then 1. Why do Dr. Burges and all that plead for your Ceremonies and Invention , build all on this , that you make them not any parts of Worship or Religion , ( which they confess man may not invent ) but meer accidents ? 2. How old then is your Religion ? Your Liturgy was made since Luther began his Reformation . 3. It seems then that you are not of the same Religion with the Protestants that have none of your Ceremonies , Liturgy or Subscriptions . 4. Is not then your Church of a singular Religion from all the World , and consequently a singular Church ? And is it the whole Catholick Church then , or a Schismatical Church ? I confess that you shew more evidently than by such words , that your self made Rules and Circumstances are your Religion : For 1. You make Conformity to them to be de facto more necessary than our Preaching the Gospel , or our Church Communion , or any publick Church Worship of God. 2. And you excommunicate by your Rule or Canon every Member of Christ in England , that doth but think and say , that any thing of your Imposition , Liturgy , Ceremonies , or Government are sinful . 3. And yet when you have done you call all your Impositions things indifferent . 4. And thereby you declare that your Religion in part is a thing indifferent . 5. And no Man or Woman shall be of your Church that cannot know all the indifferent things in the World which may be imposed on them , to be Indifferent and not Unlawful ; when you know ( or you know not whom you dwell among ) that we have much adoe to get one half your Church to know things necessary . 6. The Papists that put a greater necessity on their Inventions will deride you for an Indifferent Religion . There was a poor Puritane Nonconformist that feared Lying , that went about the Streets with Ink to fell , and was wont truly to cry , [ Very good Ink , very good Ink ; ] but once his Ink a little miscarried , and he durst not call it [ Very good , ] but cried , Pretty good Ink , Pretty good Ink , ] and no body would buy of him , and he lost his Ink. And if you cry up [ An indifferent Religion , ] whatever you have for numbers , you will have for quality but an Indifferent Church , ( save our Rulers . ) XV. But he adds , [ Many of them would preach against it and their Governours too . ] Ans . 1. You tempt them towards it . If I ask the Butcher [ Is your Meat sweet ? ] and he say it is indifferent , I am excusable if I think it stinks . 2. They judge by the effects : They thought that when an indifferent thing casteth out a necessary thing , it becomes naught . 3. But yet your Accusation is unfaithful : Why did you not say then , that it was not for Non-conformity that men were cast out , but for preaching against your Religion ? Who were those ? Was it proved ? If so , what was that to the rest ? Do you punish many learned moderate men for the fault of a few others that they were not concerned with ? You now alledge Mr. Hildersham , Ball , Bradshaw , Baine , Knewstubs , and abundance such , for being against Separation , and persuading men to come to the Common Prayer , ( and many of them to kneel at the Sacrament , ) and yet when you plead for their Silencing , even other mens words may serve against them . XVI . To conclude , in all he layeth the cause of their silence on themselves for not conforming , and yet will not tell us what we should do to help it . Would they have us Conform while we judge it as sinful as I have mentioned in my first Plea for Peace ? No ; they profess the contrary . Would they have us believe all to be lawful ? We cannot : Our Judgments are not at our Command : What would they have us do to change ? Worldly Interest maks us too willing ! We study as hard as they ! We earnestly beg Gods Illumination to save us from Er rour We read all that they write to convince us : And the more we read , study , and pray , the more heinous the Sin of Conformity seems to some . I askt Bp. Morley the same question when he forbad my preaching , before the ejecting Act ; and he bid me read Bilson and Hooker : I told him that was not now to do : and in both of them I found the Principles which are made the cause of my Silencing , my greatest Crimes , and in one of them worse . He then told me , If God would not give me his Grace he could not help it : And yet most of these men are against fatal , reprobating , necessitating Decrees . The imposing Papists use men worse : Of whom will you pardon a Fable . A Bee and a Flie were catcht together in a Spiders Web : The Spider when they were tired with striving , claimed them both for her Food , as a punishment for breaking into and troubling her Web : And against the Bee she pleaded that she was a hurtful Militant Animal , that had a Sting ; and against the Flie that she was noisome and good for nothing . The Bee answered that her mellifying Nature and work was profitable , and Nature had armed her with a Sting to defend it . And the Flie said , as she did little good so she did little harm , and could make her self no better than Nature had made her . And as to the Crime alledged against them , they both said , that the Net was made by a venomous Animal , spun out of the Air and the Venom of her own Bowels , made for no use but to catch and destroy the Innocent , and they came not into it by malice , but by ignorance and mistake , and that it was more against their Will than against the Spiders , for they contrived not to fall into it ; but she contrived to catch them ; and that it was not to break the Net that they strove , but to save their Lives . The Master of the House overheard the Debate , but resolved to see how the Spider would judge , which was quickly done without more words ; the took them for Malefactors , and killed them both . The Master of the House so disliked the Judgment , that he ordered that for the time to come , 1. The Bees should be safely hived and cherished . 2. And the Flies , if not very noisome , should be tolerated . 3. And all Spiders Webs swept down . I need to give you no more of the Exposition of it , than by the Spider I mean the Papal noxious Canon-makers , and that by the Net I mean their unnecessary and ensnaring Laws and Canons , which are made to catch and destroy good men , and are the way to the Inquisition , or Bonner's Coal-house , or Smithfield Bonefires . But I must desire you not to imagine that I speak against the Laws of the Land. § 27. As to the Conclusion of his last Chapter , I shall now add no more but this : If what I said before and to Mr. Hinkley satisfie him not , of what Religion and Party both sides were that began the War , and Mr. Rushworths Collections , and other Histories of former Parliaments be not herein useful to him , let him but secure me from burning my Fingers with Subjects so red hot , by mens misinterpreting and impatience , and I will ( God willing ) give him so full proof , that ( to say nothing of latent Instigators and consequent auxiliaries on either side , nor of the King himself , whose Religion is beyond dispute , ) the parties else that begun the War in England did differ in Religion ; but as A. Bps. Laud , and Neal , and Bromhal , and such others , and A. Bps. Abbot and Williams , and Bp. Bilson , on the other side ; and as Dr. Mainwaring , Sibthorp , &c. on one side , and Mr. Ri. Hooker and such on the other side differed . And if my proof be confutable I will not hereafter undertake to prove that English is the language of England . But my Bargain must be thus limited . 1. I will not undertake that from the beginning there was no one Papist on the Kings side , or no one Presbyterian on the Parliaments : I could never yet learn of more than one in the House of Commons , and a very few Independents , but I cannot prove that there was no more . 2. You must not put me upon searching mens hearts : I undertake not to prove what any mans heart in England was ; but what their Profession was , and what Church they joined with in Communion . 3. And you must not equivocate in the use of the name [ Presbyterian , ] or [ Nonconformist , ] and tell me that you take some A. Bps. and Bps. and such Divines as Ri. Hooker , and Bilson , and Bp. Downame , the Pillars of Episcopacy and Conformity , for Presbyterians . And if it may be I would beg that of you , that you will not take the long Parliament for Presbyterians and Nonconformists , who made the Acts of Uniformity , the Corporation Act , the Militia Act , and those against conventicles , and for banishment from Corporations , &c. Notwithstanding their high Votes about the Succession and Jealousies of Popery , and that which they said and did hereupon : For I confess if it be such Nonconformists or Presbyterians as those that you mean , I 'le give you the better . And I must also desire that you call not the next Parliament , which consisted most of the same Men , Presbyterians or Nonconformists ; nor the other since them ? Or at least that hereafter before we dispute we may better agree of the meaning of our terms . And I declare to the Reader , that nothing in all this Book is intended against the Primitive Church-Government or Episcopacy , nor against the good Bishops , Clergy , Councils , or Canons , which were many ; nor against King , Parliament , Magistracy , the Laws , or Liturgy , or Church Communion ; nor against our peaceable and patient submission where we dare not practically obey : But only against the diseases and degeneracy of Bishops , Clergy , Councils , and Canons , and those dividing practices , by which they have for 1200 Years and more been tearing the Christian World into the Sects of which it now consisteth ; and against the whole ascendent Change from the Primitive Episcopacy to Papal maturity : and against our swearing . Subscribing , declaring , covenanting , professing , and practising , where we understand not the Imposers sense , and are unwilling by our private Interpretations to deceive them , and where we are persuaded that it would be heinous sin to us , not meddling with the case of Lawmakers or Conformists , who have no such fears , but think all good . Chrysostome ( before cited ) in Act. 1. Hom. 3. p. ( mihi ) 472. speaketh harder than I ever did : [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. which Erasmus translateth , Non temere a●co , sed ut affectus sum & sentio ; Non arbitrer inter Sac●rdotes multos esse qui salvi fiant , sed multo ●l●●es qui p●reant . His reason is the same which some give why they think most Physicians kill more than they cure , because there is so much Wisdom , Goodness , Watchfulness , and Diligence required to their Calling , which few of them have . Luther is much sharper than I ever was , when he saith , [ Hieronymus & alii Patres vixerant in temporali Successione Ecclesiae , expertes Cr●●●s & persecutionis . Episcopi enim jam tum coeperant cr●s●●re & 〈◊〉 ●pib●s , existimatione & gloria in mundo : Et plerique etiam tyrannidem exercebant in populum cui praeerant , ut testatur historia Ecclesiastica : Pauci faciebant sua Officia , &c. Loc. Com. 4. Class . p. 79 , 80. Et Cap. 27. p. 48. de Synodis . In posterioribus Conciliis nunquam de fide , sed semper de opinionibus & quaestionibus disputatum ( after the first ) ut mihi Conciliorum nomen pene tam suspectum & invisum sit , quam nomen Liberi arbitrii . What Melancthon thought of the Papal design of magnifying Councils , and pleading the necessity of uninterrupted Succession of Episcopal Ordination , see in his Epistles , especially of the Conference at Ratisbone . Dr. Henry Moore in his Mystery of Iniquity saith , p. 1●2 . [ That Principle tends to the ruining of Faith , which supposeth that without right Succession of Bishops and Priests , there is no true Church , and therefore no true Faith : and that this Succession may be interrupted by the Misordination or Misconsecration of a Priest or Bishop , the Persons thus ordained being Atheists or Jews , or ordained by them that are so — As if a man could not feel in his own Conscience whether he believed or not the truths of holy Scripture , without he were first assured that he was a Member of that Church , that had an uninterrupted lawful Succession of the Priesthood from the Apostles times till now . Perhaps Episcopius and Curcellaeus will be more regarded . Read that notable Preface of Curcellaeus to Episcopius Works , p. 12 , 13. [ Resp . Experientiam docere nullas unquam Controversias de Religione inter Christianos exortas auctoritate synodali faeliciter terminatas fuisse — & certiorem multo pacis viam esse — Next he shews how little good even the Nicene Council did , and how much worse things were after : Hierome saying , that the whole World was Arian , And Constantius reproaching Liberius for being with one man against all the World : The Vulgar Dicterium being , Omne Concilium parit Bellum . Whence he gathers that Councils , such as the World hath hitherto had , non esse idoneum componendis Religionis dissidiis Remedium : Et quamdiu illud usur pabitur perpetuas in Ecclesia & Republica turbas fore . Episcopii & praecipuorum emiouit fides & animi magnitudo , quod ne promisso quidem solutionis ejusdem quo antea fruebantur stipendii , induci potuerint ut se ad silentium quod imperabatur servandum obstringerent , etiamsi nonnulli in magna rei familiaris augusti● versarentur . So copious and sharp is Episcopius , Qu. 52. p. 56. b. in maintaining that the Magistrate hath no Authority to forbid sacred Assemblies to tolerable Dissenters , and that Ministers and People forbidden them must hold on to the death , that I will not recite the words , but desire his Admirers to read them . An Account to Edward Lord Bishop of Cork and Rosse in Ireland , of the success of his Censure of Richard Baxter in England : Detecting his manifold Untruths in matter of Fact. § 1. TO give my Character of you whom I know not , as you do of me , is none of my work : But 1. Your Stile alloweth me to say , that by it you seem to me to be a man of Conscience , fearing God. 2. And yet your Matter assureth me , that you speak abundance of Untruths confidently ; I suppose , partly by not knowing the persons and things of which you speak , and partly by thinking that you ought to believe the false Reporters , with whom you are better acquainted . § 2. The strait which you cast us into is unavoidable : Either we must seem to own all the false Accusations brought against us , which will hurt others far more than us ; or else we must deny and contradict them , and that will pass for an intolerable addition to our guilt , and we shall be supposed such intemperate , fierce abusive Persons as you describe me , while you think we give you the Lye , or make you Slanderers . But we cannot cure your Misresentments , but must be content to bear your Censures , while we call you not Lyars , but only acquaint you with the truth . § 3. For my own part my final Judgment is so near , and I am conscious of so much evil in my self , that I have no reason to be hasty in my own Vindication , but much reason to take all hints and helps for deeper search , and will not justifie my Stile . And God knows I am afraid lest selfishness or partiality should hinder me from finding out my sin : and I dayly and earnestly beg of God to make it known to me , that I may not be impenitent : But either Prejudice , Converse , or somwhat else , maketh a very great difference between your Judgment and mine , of Good and Evil : And I cannot help it : If I err it is not for want of willingness to see my Errour , and openly retract it ; nor for want of an ordinary Diligence to know the Truth . The Sum of our difference , as far as I can understand you , is in these particulars . I. Whether there be no sin imposed by the Laws or Canons on Ministers and People here ? II. Whether it was well done by the Bishops and other Clergy-Men to do what they did to cause those Laws , which silenced the whole Ministry of England , unless they would conform to all things so imposed in the Act of Uniformity ; and actually silenced about 2000 , and made those other Laws against their Preaching to more than Four , and against coming within Five Miles of Corporations , and such others , as adjudge Nonconformists to Gaols and Ruine ; and whether the Clergy do well still to urge the Execution of those Laws , and are guiltless of the doleful Divisions of this Land , and danger of its Relapse to Popery ? III. Whether it be unpeaceable for a Nonconformist after 17 years silent suffering , to tell his Superiors why he dare not conform , when he is by them importuned to it ? And to write a Confutation of a multitude of Volumns of false Accusations brought to justifie the Executions ? § 4. If you think you have proved all those Impositions sinless which I have mentioned in my first Plea for Peace , I think you might as well have shortly said , [ We Bishops are of so much Wisdom and Authority , that you must hold them lawful , because we say so . ] And must all be ruined that would not be so convinced ? But if any of those Impositions prove to be sin , and so great sin as we cannot chuse but think they are , is it a greater fault to name them ( when importuned ) than to impose them ? And a greater fault to feel , and say we feel , than to strike or wound men ? If we had taken it to be our Duty to have called those Clergy-Men to Repentance , which we think are ignorantly undoing themselves and the Land , how should we do it without naming their Sin ? Yea , and the greatness of it ? And if we think it our Duty to deprecate our Destruction , and beg of you to spare our Lives or Consciences , how can we do it without telling what we suffer ? If it be well done of you , and be no persecution , but your Duty for the Churches good , ( as no doubt the Executioners think ) the History is your praise , and you need not extenuate the Fact : Valiant Souldiers glory in the multitudes they kill : Had you silenced the other 7000 that conformed , when you silenced but 2000 , your Victory had been the more famous . Some think those that are here against your ways , are not half the Land ; were it murdering of one man , that another is judged for , it were not unpeaceableness to say , that he deserveth to be hanged : But the judge deserveth praise if he condemn an hundred such . But when those men who should be the tenderest Peace-makers , and skilfullest therein , shall be the men that bring such a Land as this into the Case that we are in , and will not be intreated , nor by any Experience be persuaded to consent to its Relief , I know not how to shew mercy to the Land or them , but by persuading them to repent . And if all sin were made a matter of Controversie , and many learned men were for it , this would not alter the Case with me . If I may compare great things with small , who sinned more ? The Irish for murdering 200000 , or Sir John Temple , Dr. Henry Jones , the E. of Orery , for recording and reporting what they did ? Was it the sin of the Savoyards and others to kill and ruine the Protestants in Piedmont ? Or of Perrin , and Sir Sam. Mooreland to write the story ? Did Thuanus , Davilah , &c. sin in recording the French Massacre ? Or the French in doing it ? Is it the French Protestants now that are criminal for describing and complaining of their Sufferings ? Was John Foxe the Malefactor for writing the Sufferings of the Protestants under a lawful Queen ? This day came out ( Mar. 10. ) a Narrative from Bristol how they are crowded in the Gaol on the cold ground , &c. Is the Report the Crime ? Do you find a Justification in humane nature of such terms as these , [ You shall suffer whatever we will inflict on you , but shall not tell any that you are hurt , or who did it , or why ? ] § 5. I have told the World so often over and over , that it is not all the Conformists , no nor all the Bishops that I impute our Sufferings to , that I must suppose you to understand it , specially when the Prefatory Epistle of the Book which you fall upon tells it you of many Bishops by name . Therefore when p. 68. you say , [ I apply to you more than once , 1 Thes . 2. 15. They please not God , &c. ] and add , [ I believe in my Conscience he is mistaken . ] Either by [ to us ] you mean , all the Conformists or Bishops , and that is not true , as the words tell you : Or you mean , [ Us that procured or own , and execute the aforesaid silencing , afflicting Acts : ] which your words seem to mean. And then I do but say , Oh! What may temptation bring even good mens Judgment to ? Is the silencing of 2000 , the afflicting of many times more of the Laity , the Jealousies , Distractions , and Dangers of this Land , so small a matter , or so good , that God is not displeased with it ? And can you in your Conscience own what the Bishops did towards it ? No wonder then if Ceremonies be called things Indifferent . Certainly this cannot be Indifferent ? It is a most meritorious or excellent work , or else a heinous Crime : It is either such a Cure as the cutting off a Cancerous Breast , or else if it be a sin , it must be as great as contributing to the endangering of as many score Thousand Souls as 2000 Ministers were likely to have helpt to save , and to the corrupting of the Church , and the Introduction of Popery . And few Christians think that Nathan sinned by unpeaceableness more than David by Murder and Adultery , though but once ; or Samuel more than Saul ; or the Prophet that reproved him more than Jeroboam ; or Christ Matth. 23. more than the Pharisees ; yea , or than Peter , Mat. 16. when he said , Get behind me Satan , thou savourest not the things that be of God ; or Paul more than Peter , Gal 2. or than the Jewish Teachers , whom he called the Concision & Dogs ; or John than Diotrephes , &c. Guilt is tender , and they that think God is of their Mind when he is silent , Psal . 50. 21. will think men should be so too . And man dare not bid defiance to God , and openly proclaim a War against him , and therefore hath no way to sin in peace , but by a conceited bringing the Mind and Law of God to his . What sin is there that Learned Men father not on God : And then they must be praised and not reproved , and then it 's worse than unpeaceable to aggravate that which they say God owneth ; such men as I , would think it scarce credible that the Spanish Inquisition , the French Massacre , the Powder-Plot , the Murder of 200000 in Ireland , the Perjuring of a Nation , the silencing of Thousands of faithful Ministers , should have one word of Justification ever spoken for it . But we are mistaken : No doubt men can write learned Volumes to defend any of these ; and if one do but say , They please not God , men may be found that can say , [ I believe in my Conscience that you are mistaken , and speak unpeaceably : God is pleased with it all . ] Sure the day of Judgment will be much to justifie God himself , who is thus slandered as the Friend of every mans Sin. What wonder is it if there be numerous Religions in the World , when every selfish man maketh a God and a Religion of his own , fitted to his Interest and Mind ? But when all men center onely in one God , and bring their Minds to his , and not conceitedly his to theirs , we may yet be One. And if we could make men know , that God is not for them , and accepteth not of a Sacrifice of Innocent Blood , however men think that they do him good Service , yet they would not have this known : It 's long since unhumbled Sinners turned Church-Confession into Auricular ; If Saul do say at last , I have sinned , he would yet be honoured before the People . But the time is near when those that honour God he will honour , and those that despise him shall be lightly esteemed . Few men living can easier bear with others for different forms and Ceremonies than I ; but I take not the silencing and ruining of 2000 Ministers for Ceremonies ( were that the worst of it ) to be a Ceremony . § 6. Pag. 69. You say , We are not all of one mind yet : A sad word from a Bishop . Do you think that any two Men on Earth are of one mind in all things ? Were those agreed whom Paul persuadeth , Rom. 14. to receive each other , but not to doubtful Disputations , and not to judge or despise each other , ( much less to silence , imprison , and destroy . ) We are agreed in all that is constitutive of Christianity , and agreed that all Christians should love others as themselves , and do as they would be done by . I confess if you have such eminent Self-denial , as to be willing , if ever you differ from the publick Impositions , about the lawfulness of any one thing , to be not only cast out of your Lordship and Bishoprick , but to be silenced , imprisoned and destroyed , I cannot accuse you of Partiality but of Errour . I have known too many Conformists who needed no Bishop to silence them , ( they never preached . ) But that will not justifie their desires that others be silenced . I have oft enough told you in how many things the Conformists are disagreed : I now say the Bishops themselves are not agreed of the very Species of the Church of England : To say nothing of their disagreement of the Constitutive , national Head or Governour ; they are not agreed , whether it be only a part of an universal , humane , political Church , subject to an universal humane supream Power , who hath the right of Legislation and judgment over them , or whether it be a compleat national Church of it self , a part only of the universal as Headed by Christ , but not as by Man , or as humane Politie , having no foreign Governour , Monarchical or Aristocratical , ( Pope or Council . ) Overdoing is illdoing and undoing . He that would make such a Law of Concord , as that none shall live out of Prison who are not of the same Age , Complexion , Appetite , and Opinion , would depose the King , by leaving him no Subjects . The Inquisition is set up in Love of Unity : But we know that we shall differ while we know but in part : Only the perfect World hath perfect Concord . I greatly rejoice in that Concord which is among all that truly love God. They love one another , and agree in all that is necessary to Salvation : The Church of the Conformists is all agreed for Crossing and the Surplice , and for the Imposed Oaths , Professions and Covenants : Oh that all our Parishioners who plead for the Church were agreed that the Gospel is true , and that Christ is not a Deceiver , and that Man dyeth not as Dogs , but hath a Life of future Retribution . § 7. P. 69. Asking , [ Were not almost all the Westminster Assembly Episcopal Conformable men when they came thither ? ] He can say , [ No , not in their hearts , as appeared by their fruits . ] And he cites some words of the sense of the Parliament , Jun. 12. 1643. Ans . 1. See here a Bishop that knew the hearts of hundreds of men , whom he never saw , to be contrary to their Profession and constant Practice . 2. And he can prove by their reporting the Parliaments words what was these Ministers own Judgment . 3. And he can prove by those words in Jun. 1643. what was their Judgment a Year or two before , and is sure that the Scots Arguments did not change them . 4. And he can prove that those are no Episcopal Conformists who are for the ancient Episcopacy only ( described by Bishop Usher , ) and take the English frame to be only lawful , but not unalterable , or best . And if really he do take him to be no Episcopal Conformist , who is for enduring any way but their own , it is he and not I that gave them so bad a Character : It is he and not I that intimateth , that those moderate Conformists who had rather Church-Government were reformed , than such Confusion made by silencing and hunting Christians , are at the Heart no Episcopal Conformists : Their Hearts I confess much differ from the Silencers and Hunters . § 8. He maketh me a false Historian for fixing the War on the Erastian Party in Parliament . Ans . Did I lay it only on the Erastians ? Have I not undeniably proved that the War here began between two Episcopal Parties ? Of which one part were of A. Bp. Abbots , Mr. Hookers , and the generality of the Bishops and Parliaments mind , and the other of Bp. Lauds , Sibthorps , Maynwarings , Heylins , A. Bp. Bromhalls , &c. mind : And the first sort some of them thought Episcopacy Jure Divino ; but the English Frame not unreformable : And the other sort thought it was but Jure humano , and these were called by some Erastians . Let him give me leave to produce my Historical proofs , even to single men by name , that the English War began between these two Parties , and I defie all his false Contradiction : Only supposing , 1. That I speak not of the King , nor of the War in Ireland or Scotland . 2. That I grant that the Nonconformists were most for the Parliament , and the Papists most against them . But when I have said so much to Mr. Hinkley already to prove this , did this Lord Bishop think to be believed without confuting it ? § 9. But it transcendeth all bounds of Historical credibility , that he answereth this by saying , [ He and all his Abettors must know the Catalogues of that Parliament , and that Assembly are still in our hands , the Copies of their Speeches , and Journals of their Votes , &c. ] Ans . They are so to the Shame of such Historians . You have many of them in Whitlocks Memorials ; I knew so great a number my self of the Parliament , Assembly , and Army , as makes me pitty the Ignorant World , which is abused by such Historians as you and yours . § 10. As for your assuring me that you look one day to answer for all you say , it minds me of the words of your Dr. Ash●ton , Chaplain to the Duke of Ormond , who ( as going to the Bar of God ) undertakes to prove , that it is through Pride and Covetousness that we conform not . The Inquisitors also believe a day of Judgment . And what is it that some men do not confidently ascribe to the most holy God ? § 11. Your praises of me are above my desert : I am worse than you are aware of : But mens sins against Christs Church and Servants in England , Scotland , and Ireland are never the less for that . § 12. You shew us that you are deceived before you deceive : You do but lead others into the way of falshood which you were led into your self , when you say , I am [ said to have asserted , that a man might live without any actual Sin. ] A Lord Bishop ( Morley p. 13. ) told it you , and you a Lord Bishop tell it others , and thus the poor World hath been long used ; so that of such Historians men at last may grow to take it for a valid Consequence , [ It is written by them : Ergo it is incredible . ] I tell you first in general , that I have seen few Books in all my Life , which in so few Sheets have so many Falshoods in matters of Fact done before many , as that Letter of Bishop Morley's ; which upon your Provocation I would manifest , by Printing my Answer to him , were it not for the charges of the Press . 2. And as to your Instance , the case was this : Dr. Lany impertinently talkt of our being justified only by the Act of Faith , and not the Habit : I askt him whether we are unjustified in our sleep ? which led us further , and occasioned me to say to some Objection of his , that men were not always doing moral Acts good or evil : and thence , [ that a man is not always actually sinning , viz. In a mans sleep , he may live sometimes and not actually sin ; as also in an Apoplexy and other loss of Reason . ] Hence the credible Bishop Morley printed that I said , A man may live without any actual Sin : Yea , and such other Reasons are given for his forbidding me to preach the Gospel . And now another pious L. Bp. going to answer it at Judgment , publisheth it as from him . O what a World is this , and by what hands are we cast down ? Is my Assertion false or doubtful ? Dr. Bates and Dr. Jacombe who were present are yet both living . By such men and means is the Church as it is : Arise O Lord and save it from them . § 13. You tell me , as Bp. Morley , of being the top of a faction of my own making , neither Episcopal , Presbyterian , Independent , or Erastian . Ans . So , to be against all Faction is to be the top of a Faction : I am neither an Arian , nor a Sabellian , nor an Apollinarian , nor a Macedonian , nor a Nestorian , or Eutychian , or Monothelite , or a Papist , &c. Conclude ergo I am the top of a new Heresie , and silence and imprison me for it , and your Diocesane Conformity will be past all suspicion ( even at the heart . ) But you will one day know , that to be against all Faction , and yet to bear with the Infirmities of the weak , and love all Christians as such , is a way that had a better Author . § 14. P. 73 , 74. As to your extolled Friend a Nonconformist , who you say , told you that [ I am not able to bear being gainsaid in any thing , for want of Academick Disputes , &c. Ans . 1. Was your great Friend so excellent a man , and was it a good work to silence him , with which in your Conscience you think God is pleased ? 2. Now you name him not , he cannot contradict you : Mr. Bagshaw said somthing like it of Mr. Herle , Prolocutor of the Assemblie , which his Acquaintance contradict . 3. I justifie not my Patience ; it is too little : But verily if you had silenced me alone , and Gods Church and Thousands of Souls had been spared , I think you had never heard me twice complain . Judge you whether I can endure to be gainsaid , when I think there are Forty Books written against me by Infidels , Socinians , Papists , Prelatists , Quakers , Seekers , Antinomians , Anabaptists , Sabbatarians , Separatists , and some Presbyterians , Independents , Erastians , Politicians , &c. which for the far greatest part I never answered , though some of them written by Prelatists and Papists have spoken fire and Sword : Nor to my Remembrance did any or all these Books by troubling me ever break one hour of my sleep , nor ever grieve me so much as my own sin and pain ( which yet was never extream ) have grieved me one day . Alas Sir ! How light a thing is the contradiction or reproach of man who is speaking and dying almost at once ? § 15. P. 75. As to my Political Aphorisms I have oft told you I wish they had never been written : But all in them is not wrong which Bishops are against . The first passage challenged by your Bishop Morley is , My calling a pretence to unlimited Monarchy by the name of Tyranny , adding my reason , because they are limited by God who is over all . Ministers were never under Turks thought worthy of punishment for such an Assertion : But Bishop Morley is no Turk . If Monarchs be not limited by God , they may command all their Subjects to deny God , or blaspheme him , to take Perjury , Murder , and Adultery , for Duties : and they are unwise if ever they will be sick , die , or come to Judgment . § 16. You say , [ I was told by a Reverend Prelate , that at the Conference at the Savoy , Mr. Baxter being demanded what would satisfie him , replied , All or Nothing : On this I reflected on what that gave Divine told me . ] Ans . Alas good man ! if for all other your historical notices you are faln into such hands , what a mass of Untruths is in your Brain ? But why will you dishonour Reverend Prelates so much as to father them on such ? I never heard the question put [ What will satisfie you ? ] nor any such answer as All or Nothing : When the King commissioned us to treat of such Alterations as were necessary to tender Consciences , the Bishops , 1. Would not treat till we would give them in writing all that we blamed in the Liturgy , and all the Alterations we would have , and all the additional Forms we desired . 2. When thus constrained , we offered these on supposition , that on Debate much of it would be denied us , or altered ; but they would not vouchsafe us any Debate on what we offered , nor a word against our additional Forms , Reply , or Petition for Peace . 3. To the last hour they maintained , that No alteration at all was necessary to tender Consciences . ] And so they ended , and the Convocation doubled and trebled our Burden , and the Bishops in Parliament together . Once Bishop Cousins desired us to lay by Inconveniences , and name only what we took for downright Sin. I gave him a Paper describing Eight such : We did but begin to debate one of them , ( Casting such from the Communion of Christs Church that dare not take the Sacrament kneeling , though they be mistaken ) and our time ended . Dr. Pierce undertook to prove it a Mercy to them to deny them the Sacrament ; and he made a motion to me , that he and I might go about the Land to preach men into satisfaction and Conformity : I asked him how I could do that when they intended to silence me ? For though I scrupled not kneeling at the Sacrament , if they made any one Sin the condition of my Ministry , I should be silenced , though they abated all the rest . It may be this went for [ All or Nothing . ] And I am sorry that the Bishops be not of the same mind : St. James was , that said ; He that breaketh one is guilty of all : And Christ was , who said , He that breaketh one of the least of these commands , and teacheth men so , shall be called least in the Kingdom of God. So that it was not All Inconveniences , but All flat Sins that we craved in vain to have been exempted from : Much less was it the Establishment of all that we proposed to have been treated of , openly professing our selves ready to alter any thing amiss or needless upon treaty , and supposing there would be many such words : But they would not touch our offered additions , nor entertain any treaty about them . And now pitty your self who have been drawn to believe such Reverend Prelates as you say , and pitty such as your Writings will deceive . § 17. That you take it to be contrary to a Christian temper to be sensible of the Sufferings of the Church , and to name and describe the sin that causeth them , and that but in a necessitated Apology for the Sufferers , is no wonder , the Reasons and your Answer I gave you before § 4. and 5. I think it no breach of Peace with Persecutors or Silencers , to tell them what they do , especially when the Sufferers are feigned to deserve it all ; and not to sin and that deliberately , is made a sin deserving all that we suffer and the Nation by it . § 18. But p. 77. tells us yet more whence your Errours come , even by believing false Reports , and then reporting what you believe . You say , [ Some People have talked of a Combination or Pact amongst themselves , that except they might have their own Will throughout , they would make the World know what a breach they could make , and how considerable they were . ] Ans . 1. Do you not think that Rogers , Bradford , Philpot , and the rest , did so in Qu. Maries days , and that it was they that made the Breach by being burnt ? What is it that such Historians may not say ? So Luther was taught by the Devil , Bucer was killed by the Devil , so was Oeclampadius , Calvin was a stigmatized Sodomite , and what not : And even the most publick things are yet : uncertain before our Eyes : Godfrey killed himself : The Papists had no Plot : The Presbyterians have a Plot against the King : The Nonconformists silenced themselves : And did not the Citizens of London burn their own Houses ? When you that are a Bishop cite other great Bishops for such things as you do , may it not come in time to be the Faith of the Church , and thence to be necessary to all . 2. But how do you think all these that were scattered all over England , and knew not one another by name or Dwelling , should so confederate ? 3. Do but think of it as a man. There were Nine or Ten Thousand Ministers that had conformed to the Parliaments way in possession : They were all to conform or be cast out . The Book and Act of Uniformity came not out of the Press till about that very day Aug. 24 Neither Conformists , nor ( after ) Nonconformists could see it , but those in or near London : What time was there to tell them all over England in one day ? How knew we who would conform and who would not , when Nine Thousand were equally in Possession ? If we had written to them all , would not One Thousand of our Letters have detected it ? Or at least some of those that conformed , with whom we prevailed not ? 4. What was it that moved them all to this Confederacy ? To suffer Ruine in the World ? To make themselves considerable you say , and shew what a Breach they could make ? And for what ? Unless they might have all their own Wills ? And what was their Will ? Was it to be Lord Bishops ? Or domineer over any ? Or to get great Benefices ? I think no high-way Robbers do any Villanies meerly to shew what mischief they can do , much less ruine themselves to shew that they can do Mischief by Suffering . Some such thing is said of some odd Circumcellians that they killed themselves to make others thought their Persecutors : But Persecution was more hated then than now . Did the former Life and Doctrine of these Two Thousand men signifie a Spirit so much worse than the rest ? 5. And do you think that the other Seven Thousand or Eight Thousand that conformed did confederate beforehand to conform ? How could they do it who declared Assent and Consent to every thing contained and prescribed in and by the Book which they never saw , unless they confederated at a venture , to do whatever was imposed ? And if Seven Thousand could agree without confederating , why not Two Thousand ? I could not then have my Post Letters pass without Interception : And it 's a wonder that no Letter of this Confederacy was taken . And I 'le tell ( not you , but those that believe me ) how far we were from it . When we were all cast out and some new motion was made for our service , one weak man moved here , that we might draw up a consenting Judgment to how much we could yield , that we might not differ . I answered that it was not our business to make a Faction , or to strengthen a Party ; nor were we all of one judgment about every Ceremony , and therefore no man must go against his judgment for a Combination with the rest : If they would abate but so much as any one mans Conscience would be satisfied in , that one man must serve the Church accordingly . And if any were taken in , the rest would rejoyce . ] This Answer silenced that motion , and I never heard any move it more : And I am fully assured there was never such a Combination . But with this exception : How far any thought the Covenant bound them against our Prelacy I cannot tell . Those that I convers'd with said , it bound them to no more than they were bound to before . But I confess we did all confederate in our Baptism , against willful sin : And I know of no other Confederacies but these : which indeed was enough to make all men forbear what they judged to be sinful . § 19. You add , [ But yet it is not fair to over-reckon knowingly , and in ordinary course Two Hundred in the sum , as Mr. Baxter and others do , p. 155 , 210. thereby to swell the account to the greater odium , by complaining roundly Two Thousand : This I must conclude to be done knowingly , for somtimes he only mentions One Thousand Eight Hundred , p. 151 , &c. ] Ans . I am persuaded that it is not knowingly that you speak so much besides the truth ; but for want of knowing what and whom you talk of . I never medled with gathering the number , Mr. Calamy did , and shewed us a List of 1800 , upon which I long mentioned no more , and seldom saw him afterward : But Mr. Ennis who was more with him , assuring me that they had after an account of at least 200 more , who were omitted ; I sometime to speak the least mention the 1800 , and sometime say about 2000 , and by his last account that was the least . Yet with a Lord Bishop that knoweth nothing of all this , I knowingly over reckon : But if God be pleased with their silencing , why do you take this ill ? § 20. The next and great Accusation is my extenuating the Bishops Clemency , and aggravating our Sufferings , and that against my Conscience I impute to the Bishops that bloodiness which they never intended but abhor . And he will not believe what I say of the death of any by Imprisonment or want . Ans . The good Lady that pittied the Beggars when she came in out of the Frost and Snow , when she had warmed her self , chid them away , and said , it was warm enough . I could name you those in London , that travelled out of the North in great want , and took up with such cold Lodgings here in great want of all things , that they were past cure before their misery was known . How many poor Quakers have dyed in Prison many know : It 's like you never heard of the death of Mr. Field , a worthy Minister , in the Gate-house ; nor of Mr. Thompson in the noisome Prison at Bristol , nor of Reverend Mr. Hughes of Plimouth's Death , caused by his Prison sickness ; perhaps you never read the Life , Sufferings , and Death of excellent Joseph Allen of Taunton : I will not be the gatherer of a larger Catalogue , But I believe some others will. But these you know not of . § 21. The words in my Book which I speak argumentatively , shewing clearly whither their cause will lead them , if they trust to bring us to Unity by force , you unworthily feign that I speak as accusing the Bishops Inclinations . My Argument was , If you think by violence to effect your ends , it must be either by changing mens judgments , or by forcing them as Hypocrites to go against their judgments , or else by utter destroying them till there are no Dissenters : But none of these three ways will do it : Ergo Violence will not do it . 1. I prove that force will not change their Judgments . 2. I prove they are such men as will rather suffer death than sin against their Consciences ; and so less Sufferings which cure not do but exasperate the Disease . 3. I prove that if , when less doth no good , you would destroy them , that would not do your work but cross it . And doth this signifie that I charge the Bishops with bloody purposes ? They openly tell us that it 's punishing us that must bring us to Concord . I tell them , Lesser will not do it , and greater will but hurt themselves . A man would think that I hereby rather infer that Bishops will not be bloody , than that they will , when I argue ab incommodo . Truly Sir , I see nothing in your Book which tempted me to lament , that I mist the happiness of your Academical Education or Disputes : Nor do I envy those that now enjoy it . God save his Church from the worser part of them . § 21. You say , P. 79. You must needs look on my aggravating my own and the Dissenters Sufferings beyond Truth , you are sure beyond Probability , to have proceeded from want of temper . As for saying that some have lived on brown Bread and Water . Ans . I find still that our difference lieth in matter of Fact , done in the open sight of the World : And if it were whether we are English-men , I have no hope of ending it ! O what is History ! My own Sufferings by them are very small , save the hindering of my Labour : Leave to work is all the Preferment that ever I desired of them : What I have had hath been against their Wills , who have called out for my greater restraint . God hath enabled me by the Charity of others to send some small relief to a few of those whose Case he will not believe . Some of them have Seven or Eight Children , and nothing at all of their own to maintain them , and live in Countries where scarce two Gentlemen of Estates within their reach do befriend them ; and the People are generally poor ; and many of these have none to preach to , being not permitted , And when they attempted to meet with some few secretly , to fast and pray in some case of need , have had their few Goods carryed away by Distress . Good Alderman Ashhurst , now with Christ , took care of many , and hath shewed me Letters and Certificates of undoubted credit , in the very words which I named . One is now near us , that was put to get his Living by Spinning . Mr. Chadwick was the last of whom I read those words in a just certificate , that he and his Children had long lived on meer brown Rye Bread and Water . It is now above a dozen Years since Dr. Vermuxden told me that Mr. Matthew Hill was his Patient , with Hydropical swell'd Legs , with drinking Water and using answerable Food through meer Poverty : But God turned it to good ; for necessity drove him ( when a little strengthened ) to Mary-Land , where he hath been almost the only able Minister they have . We that know them our selves , and beg Money to relieve them , are supposed to be Lyars : for telling that which all their Neighbours know . Through Gods Mercy few in London suffer so much , ( though divers are in great streights . ) But great numbers in the Countrys who live among the poor , had not some of them now and then a little Relief from London , were like to beg for Bread , or fall into mortal Diseases by Food unfit for Nature . Even in London they that knew Mr. Farnworth , Mr. Spinage , and some others , and how they lived and dyed , understand me , I 'le name Mr. Martin formerly of Weedon , * very poor in London , to tell you of your impartiality ; though he lost one Arm in the Kings Army , he had not a day abated him in Warwick Gaol for preaching . § 22. As to his repeating all my mention of their dealings , and my blaming the Bishops at the Savoy for our present divisions , and my aggravating the evils which Violence will produce if they trust to that way , I judge it all necessary to be spoken : Unknown sin will not be repented of nor forborn ; nor unknown danger prevented ; nor the unknown needs of the Peoples Souls relieved . He asketh , Is this the way to be at Peace with us ? I answer , There is no other way : What Peace can we have with them that think they are bound to silence us , and keep us six Months in Gaol for every Sermon , and so on for the next , and for the next ? Or to pay 40 l. a Sermon , and to banish us five Miles from Corporations , and must not be told of any such thing ? He was not unpeaceable that said , He that seeth his Brother have need and shutteth up the Bowels of Compassion from him , how dwelleth the Love of God in him ? Nor for saying , He that hateth his Brother is a Murtherer : Nor Christ for telling us how he will judge them that did not relieve and visit him in his little ones ; and how he will use him that beat his Fellow-Servants . It is with you and not with your sins that we would have peace . Not only Massonius and Platina , but even Genebrard , and Baronius speak far sharplier of the faults of many Popes themselves , and all Historians of their Prelates , and yet are taken to be peaceable men . Either those that I mentioned will repent here or hereafter , and then will say far worse of themselves than I do ▪ And may I not foretel it them , when it is but in necessitated deprecation of the miseries of the Land ? § 23. One of their Champions wrote that he was not bound to deny his own Liberty , because others would pievishly take scandal at it . I shewed the sinfulness of that Conclusion , and that a mans Liberty often lay in as small a matter as a game at Chess , a Pipe of Tobacco , or a Cup of Sack : and most scandal is taken by pievish persons : and yet even a pievish mans Soul is not to be set as light by as such things . Christ and Paul made more of Scandal : And this very arguing of mine is numbred with my unpeaceable distempered words . § 24. As to his talk about our Controversies of passages in Conformity , he confesseth that he hath not read my Plea for Peace , in which I have partly opened them : And much less what I have said since of them to divers others ; and I consess I have neither mind or leisure to say all over again in Print , upon the occasions of such words as his , which have been oft answered . § 25. I named the Martyr-Bishops Hooper , Ridley , &c. as Nonconformists to the Laws of their Persecutors , to shew that such Sufferers leave a sweeter name than their Persecutors ; and he feigneth me to have made them Nonconformists to our Laws , and saith , [ Ingenuity and Christian Veracity would blush to own this Art. ] Thus still false History is that which assaulteth us . But I humbly ask his Lordship , 1. Whether he think that Cranmer , Ridley , and Latimer , were more for Conformity than Jewel , Bilson , and Hooker , and Abbot ? And 2. Whether he will so far reproach these men as to say , that Jewel , Bilson , and Hooker would have conformed by approving that which they most expresly wrote against ? I have oft enough transcribed their words . § 26. To shew that since my explusion I drew not the People of Kiderminster from the Bishops , I said that I [ never since came near them , nor except very rarely sent them one Line ; which he pretends I contradict , by saying , I sent them all the Books I wrote . One might have found historical errours enough in his words without a Rack or Quibble . 1. Sure Books are somwhat rarelier written than Letters . 2. An ordinary Wit would have understood that I spoke of one Line of Manuscript , or one Letter , and not of Printed Books , I delivered them to Mr Simmons , or their Neighbours to send them without Letters . And few of those Books were written before this Apology . § 27. As a Self-contradicter he saith of me , somtime I am against all Subscribing , as p. 60 , 113. &c. and sometimes not . Ans . Still untruth ! p. 60. The words are [ If men were not driven so much to subscribe and swear as they are at this day . ] Reader , is it true that this is against All Subscribing ? Pag. 113. The words are , [ If we had learned the trick of speaking , writing , and swearing in universal terms , and meaning not universally but particularly , as many do , we could say , or subscribe , orswear as far as you desire us . ] And [ Take off the penalty of subscribing , declaring , crossing , &c. what good doth subscribing a Sentence which he believeth not ? ] Is this against All Subscribing ? § 28. Whether to profess our tenderness of other mens Reputation , and yet to name the nature and aggravations of the sin which we fear our selves , when we are importuned to it , be contradictory , let the impartial judge . § 29. P. 92. He saith , as my judgment , [ To subscribe and declare , that it is not lawful on any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King , or that an unlawful Oath cannot bind men to unlawful Actions , is Perjury , some of the greatest that Hell suggesteth . ] Ans . Not one true word ? I believe all this to be as he saith : Both in my first and second Plea for Peace , I have largly told him what it is , and what it is not which I own ; but he hath seen neither . and yet feigneth me to say or hold what I have so oft renounced . § 30. P. 94. He might have known how oft in Print I have retracted the Book called , The Holy Common-Wealth , wishing the Reader to take it as Non-scriptum : Yet he saith , [ as far as is generally known I have not done it . ] And how should I make it generally known more than by oft Printing it ? § 31. P. 95. He pittieth me for calling the Author of the friendly Debate , the Debate maker : And I pitty England for such pittiers . § 32. P. 96. Whereas the Convocation hath imposed on all Ministers a Profession of undoubted certainty of the Salvation of dying baptized Infants , without excepting those of Atheists or Infidels , I ask whether all the young , unstudied sort of Ministers have arrived at this certainty any more than I , and how they came by it ? and crave their Communication of the ascertaining Evidence . And what doth his Lordship but pretend that I call the Convocation these young , unstudied men , as if they had made this Rubrick for none but themselves ? § 33. And he hath found another fault which exceedeth all , and that is , the Title and Dedication of my Methodus Theologiae , where I say , that I dedicate it not to the slothful , hasty , tired Sectaries , &c. but to studious , ingenious , humble , &c. young men , as being the persons that are above all others born , disposed , consecrated to Truth , Holiness , and the Churches Peace , &c. ] Exceeding bad ! Will you hear the proof that this is excessive Pride ? 1. The Book in the frront indirectly and slily calls the Reader , slothful , rash , foolish , &c. Ans . Is this true ? 1. It is only those that I would not have to be the Readers . Yea , 2. Only those that I say it is not dedicated to . And do you think there are none such in the world ? Will not his foresaid Debater , and Dr. Parker , and Dr. Sherlock , and abundance more , tell you that the Nonconformists are many of them such , and will you now deny it ? If not , am I bound to dedicate my Book to such ? By what Obligation ? But he saith so voluminous and embost a Title will deter the Readers . But do you not know the Dedication from the Title , only because it is printed on the Title Page ? Is that unusual ? But the odious Arrogance followeth , [ Could any thing easily be said with more ( appearance of ) Arrogance ; in the very Title Page too , than that his Book is above all others of the same Subject , ( I know not how otherwise to interpret his supra omnes , viz. Methodus Theologiae Christianae , ] &c. framed , disposed and hallowed to the propagation and growth of Holiness , to the Peace and Honour of the Church . ] I will now for ever acquit him of hypocritical Modesty . Ans . I desire Mr. Morrice to compare this Ld. Bp's Translation with that oversight of Theodoret's words which he fasteneth on in me . What if I had said that this Bishop knoweth not how to interpret a plain Latine Sentence , as he saith it of himself ? That which I most expresly say of pious , ingenious Youth , he feigneth me to say of my Book . Reader , look on the Book and judge whether Methodus , the Nominative Case singular , agree with natae , dispositae , consecratae , the Dative Case , when Juventutis Parti studiosae , sedulae , with many other Datives , went before it : There are no less than Twelve Adjectives joined to Parti in the Dative Case , and yet he construeth the three last a agreeing with the very first Title-name in the Nominative Case . And is this the way to make me lament my want of his Academical Education ? Is it any wonder if these men prove us Liars and proud , and if they sentence us for lesser Crimes ? Yea , here he concludeth that I write [ so pievishly , so variously and unconstantly to my self , so blindly , as if willfully blind and not penitent of my own guilt , and so arrogantly , and disdainfully , &c. ] You have heard the proof . § 34. Pag. 99. He proveth my unpeaceableness from the Petition for Peace , and Additions to the Liturgy : The Crime here is , [ There 's not one Office , no not one Prayer of the old Liturgy , and is stiled A Reformation of the Liturgy , and little more than a Directory . Ans . O miserable World ! What cure is there for thy Deceits ? This good man talks as he hath heard , and so all goes on . But 1. he knoweth not it seems what Title our Copy had , but judgeth by that which some body printed . 2. It seems he knoweth not that this Draught was only offered to debate , expecting abundance of Alterations : We openly declared that it was done on supposition of obliterating and altering all that they had any just exception against , were it but as needless . And for the clauses , [ These or the like words ] we profest , that we expected an Obliteration of them , but had rather the Bishops did the imposing part , if it must be done , than we . 3. He knew not it seems that ours were offered but as additional Forms , that such of them as both sides agreed on , might be mixt as Alias's with the old Liturgy . And doth his Lordship then exclaim with reason , that [ Not one Office , not one Prayer of the old was in , when all ( after correction ) was to be in , and none left out . Oh what is History ! and what men are its corrupters ? And ( that his work may be homogeneal ) p. 100 , 101. having recited my Commendation of their Liturgy as better than any in the Biblioth . Patrum , he addeth as an Accusation , [ Yet p. 219. he complains of such failings in it , that IT IS A WORSHIP which we cannot in faith be assured God accepteth . ] Reader , This is one of the lesser sort of deceiving Accusations . I said that ( among greater sins which we fear in our Conformity ) we fear least by Assent and Consent to all things contained and prescribed . &c. we should be guilty of justifying all the failings in that worship , and also of offering to God a Worship that we cannot in faith be assured that he accepteth . This Lord so wordeth it , that the Reader who peruseth not my words would verily think that I had said this of the Liturgy in the substance of Worship there prescribed , which I said only as to the things which we dare not conform to : And I explained it by saying , [ We dare not justifie the best Prayer we put up to God in all things . ] E. g. To dedicate Infants to God without their Parents exprest Dedication , or consent , or their promise to educate them as Christians , and this upon the false covenanting of Godfathers that never owned them , nor ever mean to educate them as promised , ( as is known by constant experience , neither they nor the Parents intending any such trust in the undertakers ) and to dedicate them by the sacramental Sign of the Cross , or a badge of Christianity , and to refuse all that will not be thus baptised . This we fear is a worship that God will not accept . But is this therefore said of the substance of the Liturgy ? And if the Lord Bp. be wiser or bolder than we , and be beyond all such fears , should he not suffer Fools gladly , seeing he himself is wise ? And if he like not our fearing an Oath , Subscription , Declaration , Covenant , or Practice , which he thinks to be true and good , and we think to be false and evil , why may he not endure our timorousness while he may rush on himself and venture ; should he not rather pitty us , while St. Paul saith , He that doubteth is damned if he eat , because he eateth not in Faith. § 35. P. 108. He questions whether their communion be my practice : and p. 110. giveth me two friendly Councils . 1. To peruse my Books , and retract what 's amiss . 2. To tell the World now my sober Thoughts , what I could and would do were I to begin the World again . I heartily thank him for his Counsel , for it is good and honest . But alas , what a thing is it to write of things which men know not ! 1. He knoweth not that I have retracted much already ; partly by disowning , and partly by large Obliterations : Of the first sort are my Aphor. of Justification , and my Polit. Aphorisms ( though not all that 's in them . ) Of the 2d he may see many and large Obliterations in my Saints Rest , my Key for Catholicks , &c. 2. He seemeth not to know what bloody Books , to prove me one of the worst men living , their Church Advocates have written against me , fetcht mainly from these retracted Books and Words . Nor how they that commend Augustine , reproach me as mutable for those Retractations . 3. It seemeth he knoweth not that I have already performed his second Advice , in my Cure for Church-Divisions , my Second Plea for Peace , ( about Government ) Yea , Bishop Morley before the King , Lords , and Bishops at Worcester-house , speaking of Ceremonies and Forms , caused my Disputations of Church-Government , produced and said , No man hath written better than Mr. Baxter , ( as if it were against my self . ) And in Doctrinals , my Cathol . Theol. and Methodus Theol. and Christian Directory have expressed my maturest , calmest thoughts . But he that counsels me to it knows not that it is already done . And more for Revising and Retractation I would do , if necessity did not divert me , even the want of time and strength . § 36. P. 115. You say . [ That Reverend and great man Bp. Morley tells us [ The generality of Nonconforming Divines shewed themselves unwilling to enter on Dispute , and seemed to like much better another way , tending to an amicable and fair compliance , which was wholly frustrated by — a certain persons furious eagerness to engage in a Disputation . ] This was it seems the sense of both sides at that time . ] Ans . How far from Truth ? It was the sense and Resolution of the reconciling Party , called by them Presbyterians : We all desired nothing but an amicable Treaty — We were promised by — they should meet us half way . When we met , Bishop Sheldon declared the Agreement of his Party , that till we had brought in all our Exceptions against the Liturgies , and our additional Forms , they would not treat with us . Mr. Calamy , Mr. Clark , and others , would have taken that as a final Refusal , and meddled no more , lest Dispute should do more harm than good : I was against such an untimely end , and said , They will report that we had nothing to say : It 's better let the case be seen in writing , than so break off . The rest wrote the Exceptions about the Liturgies : some Agent of the Bishops answered them without the least concession for alteration at all . I wrote a Reply , and the Additional Forms , and a Petition to the Bishops , and they would treat of never a one of them : But at the end , put us to dispute to prove any Alteration necessary , they maintaining that none at all was necessary to the ease of tender Consciences . ( Of which before . ) § 37. I had thought to have proceeded , but truly the work which the Bishop maketh me is so unpleasant , almost all about the truth or Falshood of notorious matter of Fact , that I have more Patience to bear his Accusations ( whatever his learned Friend said of my impatience ) than to follow him any further at this rate . But whereas he saith , that [ some will think that many things in his Book want truth . ] I am one of those , and leave it to the Readers Judgment whether they judge not truly : And whereas he lays so much stress on Bp. Morley's words , if any Printer shall be at the charge of Printing it , I purpose while he and the Witneesss are yet alive , to publish the Answer to his Letter , which I cast by to avoid Displeasure . And if they will still be deceived , let them be deceived . I cannot help it . It is no wonder that he that is described , Joh. 8. 44. should carry on his Kingdom accordingly in the World : But must his Dial be set on the Steeple of Christs Church , and have a consecrated Finger for its Index ? O lamentable Case ! FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A27058-e16990 Had I said what is this Week published , as one of their chief Dr's Elegy upon Oliver Cromwell , ( with two others ) what should I have heard ? What abundance of Conformists flattered Oliver , while I openly disow●nd him as a Usurper ; but now their malice hath got the handle . Notes for div A27058-e55400 * Diad since the writing of this . 
A70588	----	An apology against a pamphlet call'd A modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against Smectymnuus Milton, John, 1608-1674. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A70588 of text R12880 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing M2090). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 156 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A70588 Wing M2090 ESTC R12880 12254695 ocm 12254695 57327 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70588) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57327) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 155:5 or 251:E147, no 22) An apology against a pamphlet call'd A modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against Smectymnuus Milton, John, 1608-1674. [2], 59 p. Printed by E.G. for Iohn Rothwell ..., London : 1642. A reply to Bishop Hall. The fifth of Milton's pamphlets written in support of the five Protestant ministers in the Smectymnuus controversy. Cf. Wise, T.J. Ashley lib., 1922-1936, v.3, p. 149. First ed. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Errata on p. 59. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library and Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. -- Modest confutation of a slanderous and scurrilous libell. Smectymnuus. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century. A70588 R12880 (Wing M2090). civilwar no An apology against a pamphlet call'd A modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against Smectymnuus. Milton, John 1642 28733 214 5 0 0 0 0 76 D The rate of 76 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-03 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-03 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN APOLOGY Against a Pamphlet CALL'D A Modest Confutation of the Animadversions upon the Remonstrant against SMECTYMNUUS . LONDON , Printed by E. G. for Iohn Rothwell , and are to be sold at the signe of the Sunne in Pauls Church-yard . 1642. An Apology , &c. IF , Readers , to that same great difficulty of well doing what we certainly know , were not added in most men as great a carelessenes of knowing what they , and others ought to do , we had bin long ere this , no doubt but all of us much farther on our way to some degree of peace and happinesse in this kingdome . But since our sinfull neglect of pract●sing that which we know to be undoubtedly true and good , hath brought forth among us , through Gods just anger so great a difficulty now to know that which otherwise might be soone learnt , and hath divided us by a controversie of great importance indeed , but of no hard solution , which is the more our punishment , I resolv'd ( of what small moment soever I might be thought ) to stand on that side where I saw both the plain autority of Scripture leading , and the reason of justice and equity perswading ; with this opinion which esteemes it more unlike a Christian to be a cold neuter in the cause of the Church , then the law of Solon made it punishable after a sedition in the State . And because I observe that feare and dull disposition , lukewarmenesse & sloth are not seldomer wont to cloak themselves under the affected name of moderation , then true and lively zeale is customably dispareg'd with the terme of indiscretion , bitternesse , and choler , I could not to my thinking honor a good cause more from the heart , then by defending it earnestly , as oft as I could judge it to behoove me , notwithstanding any false name that could be invented to wrong , or undervalue an honest meaning . Wherein although I have not doubted to single forth more then once , such of them as were thought the chiefe and most nominated opposers on the other side , whom no man else undertooke : if I have done well either to be confident of the truth , whose force is best seene against the ablest resistance , or to be jealous and tender of the hurt that might be done among the weaker by the intrapping autority of great names titl'd to false opinions , or that it be lawfull to attribute somewhat to guifts of Gods imparting , which I boast not , but thankfully acknowledge , and feare also left at my certaine account they be reckon'd to me many rather then few , or if lastly it be but justice not to defraud of due esteeme the wearisome labours and studious watchings , wherein I have spent and tir'd out almost a whole youth , I shall not distrust to be acquitted of presumption . Knowing that if heretofore all ages have receav'd with favour and good acceptance the earliest industry of him that hath beene hopefull , it were but hard measure now , if the freedome of any timely spirit should be opprest meerely by the big and blunted fame of his elder adversary ; and that his sufficiency must be now sentenc't , not by pondering the reason he shewes , but by calculating the yeares he brings . However , as my purpose is not , nor hath beene formerly , to looke on my adversary abroad , through the deceaving glasse of other mens great opinion of him , but at home , where I may finde him in the proper light of his owne worth , so now against the rancor of an evill tongue , from which I never thought so absurdly , as that I of all men should be exempt , I must be forc't to proceed from the unfained and diligent inquity of mine owne conscience at home ( for better way I know not , Readers ) to give a more true account of my selfe abroad then this modest Confuter , as he calls himselfe , hath given of me . Albeit that in doing this I shall be sensible of two things which to me will be nothing pleasant ; the one is , that not unlikely I shall be thought too much a party in mine owne cause , and therein to see least ; the other , that I shall be put unwillingly to molest the publick view with the vindication of a private name ; as if it were worth the while that the people should care whether such a one were thus , or thus . Yet those I intreat who have found the leasure to reade that name , however of small repute , unworthily defam'd , would be so good and so patient as to heare the same person not unneedfully defended . I will not deny but that the best apology against false accusers is silence and sufferance , and honest deeds set against dishonest words . And that I could at this time most easily , and securely , with the least losse of reputation use no other defence , I need not despaire to win beliefe . Whether I consider both the foolish contriving , and ridiculous aiming of these his slanderous bolts , shot so wide of any suspicion to be fastn'd on me , that I have oft with inward contentment perceav'd my friends congratulating themselves in my innocence , and my enemies asham'd of their partners folly . Or whether I look at these present times wherein most men now scarce permitted the liberty to think over their owne concernments have remov'd the seat of their thoughts more outward to the expectation of publick events . Or whether the examples of men , either noble or religious , who have sat downe lately with a meeke silence and sufferance under many libellous endorsements , may be a rule to others , I might well appease my self to put up any reproaches in such an honourable society of fellow-sufferers using no other defence . And were it that slander would be content to make an end where it first fixes , and not seek to cast out the like infamy upon each thing that hath but any relation to the person traduc't , I should have pleaded against this Confuter by no other advocates , then those which I first commended , Silence , and Sufferance , and speaking deeds against faltering words . But when I discern'd his intent was not so much to smite at me , as through me to render odious the truth which I had written , and to staine with ignominy that Evangelick doctrine which opposes the tradition of Prelaty , I conceav'd my selfe to be now not as mine own person , but as a member incorporate into that truth whereof I was perswaded , and whereof I had declar'd openly to be a partaker . Whereupon I thought it my duty , if not to my selfe , yet to the religious cause I had in hand , not to leave on my garment the least spot , or blemish in good name so long as God should give me to say that which might wipe it off . Lest those disgraces which I ought to suffer , if it so befall me , for my religion , through my default religion be made liable to suffer for me . And , whether it might not something reflect upon those reverent men whose friend I may be thought in writing the Animadversions , was not my last care to consider , if I should rest under these reproaches having the same common adversary with them , it might be counted small credit for their cause to have found such an assistant , as this babler hath devis'd me . What other thing in his book there is of dispute , or question , in answering thereto I doubt not to be justifi'd ; except there be who will condemne me to have wasted time in throwing downe that which could not keepe it selfe up . As for others who notwithstanding what I can allege have yet decreed to mis-interpret the intents of my reply . I suppose they would have found as many causes to have misconceav'd the reasons of my silence . TO beginne therefore an Apology for those animadversions which I writ against the Remonstrant in defence of Smectymnus , since the Preface , which was purposely set before them , is not thought apologeticall anough ; it will be best to acquaint ye , Readers , before other things , what the meaning was to write them in that manner which I did . For I do not look to be askt wherefore I writ the book , it being no difficulty to answer that I did it to those ends which the best men propose to themselves when they write . But wherfore in that manner neglecting the maine bulk of all that specious antiquity , which might stunne children , but not men , I chose rather to observe some kinde of military advantages to await him at his forragings , at his watrings , and when ever he felt himselfe secure to solace his veine in derision of his more serious opponents . And here let me have pardon , Readers ; if the remembrance of that which he hath licenc't himselfe to utter contemptuously of those reverend men provoke me to doe that over againe which some expect I should excuse as too freely done ; since I have two provocations , his latest insulting in his short answer , and their finall patience . I had no fear but that the authors of Smectymnus to all the shew of solidity which the Remonstrant could bring , were prepar'd both with skill and purpose to returne a suffizing answer , and were able anough to lay the dust and pudder in antiquity , which he and his , out of stratagem , are wont to raise ; but when I saw his weake arguments headed with sharpe taunts , and that his designe was , if he could not refute them , yet at least with quips and snapping adagies to vapour them out , which they bent only upon the businesse were minded to let passe , by how much I saw them taking little thought for their own injuries , I must confesse I took it as my part the lesse to endure that my respected friends through their own unnecessary patience should thus lye at the mercy of a coy flurting stile ; to be girded with frumps and curtall gibes , by one who makes sentences by the Statute , as if all above three inches long were confiscat . To me it seem'd an indignity , that whom his whole wisdome could not move from their place , them his impetuous folly should presume to ride over . And if I were more warme then was meet in any passage of that booke , which yet I do not yeild , I might use therein the patronage of no worse an author then Gregory Nyssen , who mentioning his sharpnesse against Eunomius in the defence of his brother Basil , holds himselfe irreprovable in that it was not for himselfe , but in the cause of his brother ; and in such cases , saith he , perhaps it is worthier pardon to be angry , then to be cooler . And whereas this Confuter taxes the whole discourse of levity , I shall shew ye , Readers , wheresoever it shall be objected in particular that I have answer'd with as little lightnesse as the Remoustrant hath given example . I have not beene so light as the palme of a Bishop which is the lightest thing in the world when he brings out his book of Ordination : For then contrary to that which is wont in releasing out of prison , any one that will pay his fees is layd hands on . Another reason , it would not be amisse though the Remonstrant were told , wherefore he was in that unusuall manner beleaguer'd ; and this was it , to pluck out of the heads of his admirers the conceit that all who are not Prelaticall , are grosse-headed , thick witted , illiterat , shallow . Can nothing then but Episcopacy teach men to speak good English , to pick & order a set of words judiciously ? Must we learne from Canons and quaint Sermonings interlin'd with barbarous Latin to illumin a period , to wreath an Enthymema wth maistrous dexterity ? I rather encline , as I have heard it observ'd , that a Jesuits Italian when he writes , is ever naught , though he be borne and bred a Florentine , so to thinke that from like causes we may go neere to observe the same in the stile of a Prelat . For doubtlesse that indeed according to art is most eloquent , which returnes and approaches neerest to nature from whence it came ; and they expresse nature best , who in their lives least wander from her safe leading , which may be call'd regenerate reason . So that how he should be truly eloquent who is not withall a good man , I see not . Never the lesse as oft as is to be dealt with men who pride themselves in their supposed art , to leave thē unexcusable wherin they will not be better'd there be of those that esteeme Prelaty a figment , who yet can pipe , if they can dance , nor will be unfurnisht to shew that what the Prelats admire and have not , others have and admire not . The knowledge whereof , and not of that only , but of what the Scripture teacheth us how we ought to withstand the perverters of the Gospell were those other motives which gave the animadversions no leave to remit a continuall vehemence throughout the book . For as in teaching , doubtlesse the Spirit of meeknesse is most powerfull , so are the meeke only fit persons to be taught : as for the proud , the obstinate , and false Doctors of mens devices , be taught they will not ; but discover'd and laid open they must be . For how can they admit of teaching who have the condemnation of God already upon them for refusing divine instruction ; that is , to be fill'd with their own devices , as in the Proverbs we may reade ; therefore we may safely imitate the method that God uses ; with the froward to be froward , and to throw scorne upon the scorner , whom if any thing , nothing else will heale . And if the righteous shall laugh at the destruction of the ungodly , they may also laugh at their pertinacious and incurable obstinacy , and at the same time be mov'd with detestation of their seducing malice , who imploy all their wits to defend a Prelaty usurp● , and to deprave that just government , which pride and ambition partly by fine fetches and pretences , partly by force , hath shoulder'd out of the Church . And against such kind of deceavers openly and earnestly to protest , lest any one should be inquisitive wherefore this or that man is forwarder then others , let him know that this office goes not by age , or youth , but to whomsoever God shall give apparently the will , the Spirit , and the utterance . Ye have heard the reasons for which I thought not my selfe exempted from associating with good men in their labours toward the Churches wellfare : to which if any one brought opposition , I brought my best resistance . If in requitall of this and for that I have not been negligent toward the reputation of my friends , I have gain'd a name bestuck , or as I may say , bedeckt with the reproaches and reviles of this modest Confuter , it shall be to me neither strange , nor unwelcome ; as that which could not come in a better time . Having render'd an account , what induc't me to write those animadversions in that manner as I writ them , I come now to see what the confutatiō hath to say against thē ; but so as the confuter shall hear first what I have to say against his confutation . And because he pretends to be a great conjector at other men by their writings , I will not faile to give ye , Readers , a present taste of him from his own title ; hung out like a toling signe-post to call passengers , not simply a confutation but a modest confutation with a laudatory of it selfe obtruded in the very first word . Whereas a modest title should only informe the buyer what the book containes without furder insinuation , this officious epithet so hastily assuming the modesty wch others are to judge of by reading , not the author to anticipate to himself by forestalling , is a strong presumption that his modesty set there to sale in the frontispice , is not much addicted to blush . A surer signe of his lost shame he could not have given , then seeking thus unseasonably to prepossesse men of his modesty . And seeing he hath neither kept his word in the sequel , not omitted any kinde of boldnesse in slandering , t is manifest his purpose was only to rub the forehead of his title with this word modest , that he might not want colour to be the more impudent throughout his whole confutation . Next what can equally savour of injustice , and plaine arrogance , as to prejudice and forecondemne his adversary in the title for slanderous and scurrilous , and as the Remonstrants fashion is , for frivolous , tedious , and false , not staying till the Reader can hear him prov'd so in the following discourse ; which is one cause of a suspicion that in setting forth this pamplet the Remonstrant was not unconsulted with ; thus his first addresse was an humble Remonstrance by a dutifull son of the Church , almost as if he had said her white-boy . His next was a defence ( a wonder how it scapt some praising adjunct ) against the frivolous and false exceptions of Smectymnus , sitting in the chaire of his Title page upon his poore cast adversaries both as a Judge and Party , and that before the jury of Readers can be impannell'd . His last was A short answer to a tedious vindication ; so little can he suffer a man to measure either with his eye or judgement , what is short or what tedious without his preoccupying direction : and from hence is begotten this modest confutation against a slanderous and scurrilous libell . I conceave , Readers , much may be guest at the man and his book , what depth there is , by the framing of his title , which being in this Remonstrant so rash , and unadvised as ye see , I conceit him to be neere a kin to him who set forth a Passion Sermon with a formall Dedicatory in great letters to our Saviour . Although I know that all we do ought to begin and end to his praise and glory , yet to inscribe him in a void place with flourishes , as a man in complement uses to trick up the name of some Esquire , Gentleman , or Lord Paramont at Common Law , to be his book-patron with the appendan● form of a ce●emonious presentment , wil ever appeare among the judicious to be but a● an insuls and frigid affectation . As no lesse was that before his book against the Brownists to write a Letter to a prosopopoea a certain rhetoriz'd woman whom he calls mother , and complains of some that laid whoredome to her charge ; and certainly had he folde● his Epistle with a superscription to be deliver'd to that female figure by any Post or Carrier who were not a Ubiquitary , it had beene a most miraculous greeting . We finde the Primitive Doctors as oft as they writ to Churches , speaking to them as to a number of faithfull brethren and sons , and not to make a cloudy transmigration of sexes in such a familiar way of writing as an Epistle ought to be , leaving the track of common adresse , to runne up , and tread the aire in metaphoricall compellations , and many fond utterances better let alone . But I step againe to this emblazoner of his Title page ( whether it be the same man or no I leave it in the midst ) and here I finde him pronouncing without reprieve those animadversions to be a slanderous and scurrilous libell . To which I , Readers , that they are neither sl●nderous , nor scurrilous , will answer in what place of his book he shall be found with reason , and not inke only in his mouth . Nor can it be a libell more then his owne , which is both namelesse , and full of slanders , and if in this that it freely speaks of things amisse in religion , but establisht by act of State , I see not how Wickleffe and Luther , with all the first Martyrs , and reformers , could avoid the imputation of libelling . I never thought the humane frailty of erring in cases of religion infamy to a State , no more then to a Councell ; it had therefore beene neither civill , nor Christianly , to derogate the honour of the State for that cause , especially when I saw the Parlament it selfe piously and magnanimously bent to supply and reforme the defects and oversights of their forefathers , which to the godly and repentant ages of the Jewes were often matter of humble confessing and bewailing , not of confident asserting and maintaining . Of the State therefore I found good reason to speak all honourable things , and to joyne in petition with good men that petition'd : but against the Prelats who were the only seducers and mis-leaders of the State to constitute the government of the Church not rightly , me thought I had not vehemence anough . And thus , Readers , by the example which hee hath set mee I have given yee two or three notes of him out of his Title page ; by which his firstlings feare not to guesse boldly at his whole lumpe , for that guesse will not faile ye ; and although I tell him keen truth , yet he may beare with me , since I am like to chafe him into some good knowledge , and others , I trust , shall not mis-spend their leasure . For this my aime is , if I am forc't to be unpleasing to him whose fault it is , I shall not forget at the same time to be usefull in some thing to the stander by . As therefore he began in the Title , so in the next leafe he makes it his first businesse to tamper with his Reader by sycophanting and misnaming the worke of his adversary . He calls it a mime thrust forth upon the stage to make up the breaches of those solemne Scenes betweene the Prelats and the Smectymnuans . Wherein while he is so overgreedy to fix a name of ill sound upon another , note how stupid he is to expose himselfe , or his own friends to the same ignominy ; likening those grave controversies to a piece of S●●gery , or Scene-worke where his owne Remonstrant whether in Buskin or Sock must of all right be counted the chiefe Player , be it boasting Thraso , or Davus that troubles all things , or one who can shift into any shape , I meddle not ; let him explicate who hath resembl'd the whole argument to a Comedy , for Tragicall , he sayes , were too ominous . Nor yet doth he tell us what a Mime is , whereof we have no pattern from ancient writers except some fragments , which containe many acute and wise sentences . And this we know in Laertius , that the Mimes of Sophron were of such reckning with Plato , as to take them nightly to read on and after make them his pillow . Scaliger describes a Mime to be a Poem imitating any action to stirre up laughter . But this being neither Poem , nor yet ridiculous , how is it but abusively taxt to be a Mime . For if every book which may by chance excite to laugh here and there , must be term'd thus , then may the Dialogues of Plato , who for those his writings hath obtain'd the surname of Divine , be esteem'd as they are by that detractor in Athenaeus , no better then Mimes . Because there is scarce one of them , especially wherein some notable Sophister lies sweating and turmoyling under the inevitable , and mercilesse dilemma's of Socrates , but that hee who reads , were it Saturne himselfe , would be often rob'd of more then a smile . And whereas he tels us that Scurrilous Mime was a personated grim lowring foole , his foolish language unwittingly writes foole upon his owne friend , for he who was there personated , was only the Remonstrant ; the author is ever distinguisht from the person he introduces . But in an ill houre hath his unfortunate rashnesse stumbl'd upon the mention of miming . That hee might at length cease , which he hath not yet since he stept in , to gall and hurt him whom hee would aide . Could he not beware , could he not be think him , was he so uncircumspect , as not to foresee , that no sooner would that word Mime be set eye on in the paper , but it would bring to minde that wretched pilgrimage over Minshews Dictionary call'd Mundus alter & idem , the idlest and the paltriest Mime that ever mounted upon banke . Let him ask the Author of those toothlesse Satyrs who was the maker , or rather the anticreator of that u●iversall foolery , who he was , who like that other principle of the Maniches the Arch evill one , when he had look't upon all that he had made and mapt out , could say no other but contrary to the Divine Mouth , that it was all very foolish . That grave and noble invention which the greatest and sublimest wits in sundry ages , Plato in Critias , and our two famous countreymen , the one in his Vtopia , the other in his new Atlantis chose , I may not say as a feild , but as a mighty Continent wherein to display the largenesse of their spirits by teaching this our world better and exacter things , then were yet known , or us'd , this petty prevanicator of America , the zanie of Columbus , ( for so he must be till his worlds end ) having rambl'd over the huge topography of his own vain thoughts , no marvell , if he brought us home nothing but a meer tankard drollery , a venereous parjetory for a stewes . Certainly he that could indure with a sober pen to sit and devise laws for drunkards to carouse by , I doubt me whether the very sobernesse of such a one , like an unlicour'd Silenus , were not stark drunk . Let him go now and brand another man injuriously with the name of Mime , being himselfe the loosest and most extravagant Mime , that hath been heard of ; whom no lesse then almost halfe the world could serve for stage roome to play the Mime in . And let him advise againe with Sir Francis Bacon whom he cites to confute others , what it is to turn the sinnes of Christendome into a mimicall mockery , to rip up the saddest vices with a laughing countenance , especially where neither reproofe nor better teaching is adjoynd . Nor is my meaning , Readers , to shift off a blame from my selfe , by charging the li●e upon my accuser , but shall only desire , that sentence may be respited , till I can come to some instance , whe●eto I may give answer . Thus having spent his first onset not in confuting , but in a reasonlesse defaming of the book , the method of his malice hurries him to attempt the like against the Author : not by proofes and testimonies , but having no certaine notice of me , as he professes , furder then what he gathers from the animadversions , blunders at me for the rest , and flings out stray crimes at a venture , which he could never , though he be a Serpent , suck from any thing that I have written ; but from his own stuff magazin , and hoard of sl●nderous inventions , over and above that which he converted to venome in the drawing . To me Readers , it happens as a singular contentment , and let it be to good men no slight satisfaction , that the sl●nderer here confesses , he has no furder notice of mee then his owne conj●cture . Although it had been honest to have inquir'd , before he utter'd such infamous words , and I am credibly inform'd he did inquire , but finding small comfort from the intelligence which he receav'd , whereon to ground the fals●ties which he had provided , thought it his likeliest course under a pretended ignorance to let drive at randome , lest he should lose his odde ends which from some penurious Book of Characters he had been culling out and would faine apply . Not caring to burden me with those vices , whereof , among whom my conversation hath been , I have been ever least suspected ; perhaps not without some suttlety to cast me into envie , by bringing on me a necessity to enter into mine own praises . In which argument I know every wise man is more unwillingly drawne to speak , then the most repining eare can be averse to heare . Neverthelesse since I dare not wish to passe this life unpersecuted of slanderous tongues ; for God hath told us that to be generally prais'd is wofull , I shall relye on his promise to free the innocent from causelesse aspersions : whereof nothing sooner can assure me , then if I shall feele him now assisting me in the just vindication of my selfe which yet I could deferre , it being more meet that to those other matters of publick debatement in this book I should give attendance first , but that I feare it would but harme the truth , for me to reason in her behalfe , so long as I should suffer my honest estimation to lye unpurg'd from these insolent suspicions . And if I shall be large , or unwonted in justifying my selfe to those who know me not , for else it would be needlesse , let them consider that a short slander will oft times reach farder then a long apology : and that he who will do justly to all men , must begin from knowing how , if it so happen , to be not unjust to himselfe . I must be thought , if this libeller ( for now he shewes himselfe to be so ) can finde beliefe , after an inordinat and riotous youth spent at the Vniversity , to have bin at length vomited out thence . For which commodious lye , that he may be incourag'd in the trade another time , I thank him ; for it hath given me an apt occasion to acknowledge publickly with all gratefull minde , that more then ordinary favour and respect which I found above any of my equals at the hands of those curteous and learned men , the Fellowes of that Colledge wherein I spent some yeares : who at my parting , after I had taken two degrees , as the manner is , signifi'd many wayes , how much better it would content them that I would stay ; as by many Letters full of kindnesse and loving respect both before that time , and long after I was assur'd of their singular good affection towards me . Which being likewise propense to all such as were for their studious and civill life worthy of esteeme , I could not wrong their judgements , and upright intentions ; so much as to think I had that regard from them for other cause then that I might be still encourag'd to proceed in the honest and laudable courses , of which they apprehended I had given good proofe . And to those ingenuous and friendly men who were ever the countnancers of vertuous and hopefull wits , I wish the best , and happiest things , that friends in absence wish one to another . As for the common approbation or dislike of that place , as now it is , that I should esteeme or disesteeme my selfe or any other the more for that , too simple and too credulous is the Confuter , if he thinke to obtaine with me , or any right discerner . Of small practize were that Physitian who could not judge by what both she or her sister , hath of long time vomited , that the worser stuffe she strongly keeps in her stomack , but the better she is ever kecking at , and is queasie . She vomits now out of sicknesse , but ere it be well with her , she must vomit by strong physick . In the meane while that Suburb sinke , as this rude Scavinger calls it , and more then scurrilously taunts it with the plague , having a worse plague , in his middle entraile , that suburb wherein I dwell , shall be in my account a more honourable place then his University . Which as in the time of her better health , and mine owne younger judgement I never greatly admir'd , so now much lesse . But he followes me to the City , still usurping and forging beyond his book notice , which only he affirmes to have had ; and where my morning haunts are he wisses not . T is wonder , that being so rare an Alchymist of slander , he could not extract that , as well as the University vomit , and the Suburb sinke which his art could distill so cunningly , but because his Limbeck failes him , to give him and envie the more vexation , I le tell him . Those morning haunts are where they should be , at home , not sleeping , or concocting the surfets of an irregular feast , but up , and stirring , in winter often ere the sound of any bell awake men to labour , or to devotion ; in Summer as oft with the Bird that first rouses , or not much tardier , to reade good Authors , or cause them to be read , till the attention bee weary , or memory have his full fraught . Then with usefull and generous labours preserving the bodies health , and hardinesse ; to render lightsome , cleare , and not lumpish obedience to the minde , to the cause of religion , and our Countries liberty , when it shall require firme hearts in sound bodies to stand and cover their stations , rather then to see the ruine of our Protestation , and the inforcement of a slavish life . These are the morning practises ; proceed now to the afternoone ; in Playhouses , he sayes , and the Bordelloes . Your intelligence , unfaithfull Spie of Canaan ? he gives in his evidence , that there he hath trac't me . Take him at his word Readers , but let him bring good sureties , ere ye dismisse him , that while he pretended to dogge others , he did not t●rne in for his owne pleasure ; for so much in effect he concludes against himselfe , not contented to be caught in every other gin , but he must be such a novice , as to be still hamper'd in his owne hempe . In the Animadversions , saith he , I finde the mention of old clokes , falsbeards , night-walkers , and salt lotion ; therefore the Animadverter haunts Playhouses and Bordelloes ; for if hee did not , how could hee speake of such gear ? Now that he may know what it is to be a childe , and yet to meddle with edg'd tooles , I turne his Antistrophon upon his owne head ; the Confuter knowes that these things are the furniture of Playhouses and Bordelloes , therefore by the same reason the Confuter himselfe hath beene trac't in those places . Was it such a dissolute speech telling of some Politicians who were wont to eavesdroppe in disguises , to say they were often lyable to a night-walking ●●dgeller , or the emptying of a Urinall ? What if I had writ as your friend the author of the aforesaid Mime , Mu●dus alter & idem , to have bin ravisht like some young Cephalus or Hylas , by a troope of camping Huswives in Viraginia , and that he was there forc't to sweare himselfe an uxorious varlet , then after a long servitude to have come into Aphrodisia that pleasant Count●ey that gave such a sweet smell to his nostrils among the shamelesse Courtezans of Desvergonia ? surely he would have then concluded me as constant at the Bordello , as the gally-slave at his Oare . But since there is such necessity to the hear-say of a Tire , a Periwig , or a Vizard , that Playes must have bin seene , what difficulty was there in that ? when in the Colleges so many of the young Divines , and those in next aptitude to Divinity have bin seene so oft upon the Stage writhing and unboning their Clergie limmes to all the antick and dishonest gestures of Trinculo's , Buffons , and Bawds ; prostituting the shame of that ministery which either they had , or were nigh having , to the eyes of Courtiers and Court-Ladies , with their Groomes and Madamoisellaes . There while they acted , and overacted , among other young scholars , I was a spectator ; they thought themselves gallant men , and I thought them fools , they made sport , and I laught , they mispronounc't and I mislik't , and to make up the at●icisme , they were out , and I hist. Judge now whether so many good text men were not sufficient to instruct me of false beard● and vizards without more expositors ; and how can thi● Confuter take the face to object to me the seeing of that which his neve●ent Prelats allow , and incite their young disciples to act . For if it be unlawfull to sit and behold a mercenary Comedian personating that which is least unseemely for a hireling to doe , how much more blamefull is it to indure the sight of as vile things acted by persons either enter'd , or presently to enter into the ministery , and how much more foule and ignominious for them to be the actors . But because a● well by this upraiding to me the Bordello's , as by other suspicious glancings in his book he would seem privily to point me out to his Readers , as one whose custome of life were not honest , but licentious ; I shall intreat to be born with though I digresse ; & in a way not often trod acquaint ye with the summe of my thoughts in this matter through the course of my yeares and studies . Although I am not ignorant how hazardous it will be to do this under the nose of the envious , as it were in skirmish to change the compact order , and instead of outward actions to bring inmost thoughts into front . And I must tell ye Readers , that by this sort of men I have bin already bitten at ; yet shall they not for me know how slightly they are esteem'd , unlesse they have so much learning as to reade what in Greek {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is , which together with envie is the common disease of those who censure books that are not for their reading . With me it fare● now , as with him whose outward garment hath bin injur'd and ill be●ighted ; for having no other shift , what helpe but to turn the inside outwards , especially if the lining be of the same , or , as it is sometimes , much better . So if my name and outward demeanour be not evident anough to defend me , I must make try all , if the discovery of my inmost thoughts can . Wherein of two purposes both honest , and both sincere , the one perhaps I shall not misse ; although I faile to gaine beliefe with others of being such as my perpetuall thoughts shall heere disclose me , I may yet not faile of successe in perswading some , to be such really themselves , as they cannot believe me to be more then what I fain . I had my time Readers , as others have , who have good learning bestow'd upon them , to be sent to those places , where the opinion was it might be soonest attain'd : and as the manner is , was not unstudied in those authors which are most commended ; whereof some were grave Orators & Historians , whose matter me thought I lov'd indeed , but as my age then was , so I understood them ; others were the smooth Elegiack Poets , whereof the Schooles are not scarce . Whom both for the pleasing sound of their numerous writing , which in imitation I found most easie ; and most agreeable to natures part in me , and for their matter which what it is , there be few who know not , I was so allur'd to read , that no recreation came to me better welcome . For that it was then those years with me which are excus'd though they be least severe , I may be sav'd the labour to remember ye . Whence having observ'd them to account it the chiefe glory of their wit , in that they were ablest to judge , to praise , and by that could esteeme themselves worthiest to love those high perfections which under one or other name they took to celebrate , I thought with my selfe by every instinct and presage of nature which is not wont to be false , that what imboldn'd them to this task might with such diligence as they us'd imbolden me , and that what judgement , wit , or elegance was my share , would herein best appeare , and best value it selfe , by how much more wisely , and with more love of vertue I should choose ( let rude eares be absent ) the object of not unlike praises . For albeit these thoughts to some will seeme vertuous and commendable , to others only pardonable , to a third sort perhaps idle , yet the mentioning of them now will end in serious . Nor blame it Readers , in those yeares to propose to themselves such a reward , as the noblest ●ispositions above other things in this life have sometimes preferr'd . Whereof not to be sensible , when good and faire in one person meet , argues both a grosse and shallow judgement , and withall an ungentle , and swainish brest . For by the firme setling of these perswasions I became , to my best memory , so much a proficient , that if I found those authors anywhere speaking unworthy things of themselves ; or unchaste of those names which before they had extoll'd , this effect it wrought with me , from that time forward their art I still applauded , but the men I deplor'd ; and above them all preferr'd the two famous renowners of Beatrice and Laura who never write but honour of them to whom they devote their verse , displaying sublime and pure thoughts , without transgression . And long it was not after , when I was confirm'd in this opinion , that he who would not be frustrate of his hope to write well hereafter in laudable things , ought him selfe to bee a true Poem , that is , a composition , and patterne of the best and honourablest things ; not presuming to sing high praises o● heroick men , or famous Cities , unlesse he have in himselfe the experience and the practice of all that which is praise-worthy . These reasonings , together with a certaine nicenesse of nature , an honest haughtinesse , and self-esteem either of what I was , or what I might be , ( which let envie call pride ) and lastly that modesty , whereof though not in the Title page yet here I may be excus'd to make some beseeming profession , all these uniting the supply of their naturall aide together , kept me still above those low descents of minde , beneath which he must deject and plunge himself , that can agree to salable and unlawfull prostitutions . Next , ( for heare me out now Readers ) that I may tell ye whether my younger feet wander'd ; I betook me among those lofty Fables and Romances , which recount in solemne canto's the deeds of Knigh●hood founded by our victorious Kings ; & from hence had in renowne over all Christendome . There I read it in the oath of every Knight , that he should defend to the expence of his best blood , or of his life , if it so befell him , the honour and chastity of Virgin or Matron . From whence even then I learnt what a noble ve●tue chastity sure must be , to the defence of which so many worthies by such a deare adventure of themselves had sworne . And if I found in the story afterward any of them by word or deed breaking that oath , I judg'd it the same fault of the Poet , as that which is attributed to Homer ; to have written undecent things of the gods . Only this my minde gave me that every free ●nd gentle spirit without that oath ought to be borne a Knight , nor needed to expect the guilt spurre , or the laying of a sword upon his shoulder to stirre him up both by his counsell , and his arme to secure and protect the weaknesse of any attempted chastity . So that even those books which to many others have bin the fuell of wantonnesse and loose living , I cannot thinke how unlesse by divine indulgence prov'd to me so many incitements as you have heard , to the love and stedfast observation of that vertue which abhorres the society of Bordello's . Thus from the Laureat fraternity of Poets , riper yeares , and the ceaselesse round of study and reading led me to the shady spaces of philosophy , but chiefly to the divine volumes of Plato , and his equall Xenophon . Where if I should tell ye what I learnt , of chastity and love , I meane that which is truly so , whose charming cup is only vertue which she bears in her hand to those who are worthy . The rest are cheated with a thick intoxicating potion which a certaine Sorceresse the abuser of loves name carries about ; and how the first and chiefest office of love , begins and ends in the soule , producing those happy twins of her divine generation knowledge and vertue , with such abstracted sublimities as these , it might be worth your listning , Readers , as I may one day hope to have ye in a still time , when there shall be no chiding ; not in these noises , the adversary as ye know , barking at the doore ; or searching for me at the Burdello's where it may be he has lost himselfe , and raps up without pitty the sage and rheumatick old Prelatesse with all her young Corinthian Laity to inquire for such a one . Last of all not in time , but as perfection is last , that care was ever had of me , with my earliest capacity not to be negligently train'd in the precepts of Christian Religion : This that I have hitherto related , hath bin to shew , that though Christianity had bin but slightly taught me , yet a certain reserv'dnesse of naturall disposition , and morall discipline learn● out of the noblest Philosophy was anough to keep me in disdain of farre lesse incontinences then this of the Burdello . But having had the doctrine of holy Scripture unfolding those chaste and high mysteries with timeliest care infus'd , that the body is for the Lord and the Lord for the body , thus also I argu'd to my selfe ; that if unchastity in a woman whom Saint Paul termes the glory of man , be such a scandall and dishonour , then certainly in a man who is both the image and glory of God , it must , though commonly not so thought , be much more deflouring and dishonourable . In that he sins both against his owne body which is the perfeter sex , and his own glory which is in the woman , and that which is worst , against the image and glory of God which is in himselfe . Nor did I slumber over that place expressing such high rewards of ever accompanying the Lambe , with those celestiall songs to others inapprehensible , but not to those who were not defil'd with women , which doubtlesse meanes fornication : For mariage must not be call'd a defilement . Thus large I have purposely bin , that if I have bin justly taxt with this crime , it may come upon me after all this my confession , with a tenne-fold shame . But if I have hitherto deserv'd no such opprobrious word , or suspicion , I may hereby ingage my selfe now openly to the faithfull observation of what I have profest . I go on to shew you the unbridl'd impudence of this loose rayler , who having once begun his race regards not how farre he flyes out beyond all truth & shame ; who from the single notice of the animadversions , as he protests , will undertake to tell ye the very cloaths I weare , though he be much mistaken in my wardrobe . And like a son of Belial without the hire of I●sabel charges me of blaspheming God and the King , as ordnarily as he imagines me to drink Sack and sweare , meerely because this was a shred in his common place-book , and seem'd to come off roundly , as if he were some Empirick of false accusations to try his poysons upon me whether they would work or no . Whom what should I endeavour to refute more , whenas that book which is his only testimony returnes the lye upon him ; not giving him the least hint of the author to be either a swearer , or a Sack drinker . And for the readers if they can believe me , principally for those reasons which I have alleg'd , to be of life & purpose neither dishonest , nor unchaste , they will be easily induc't to thinke me sober both of wine , and of word ; but if I have bin already successelesse in perswading them , all that I can furder say will be but vaine ; and it will be better thrift to save two tedious labours , mine of excusing , and theirs of needlesse hearing . Proceeding furder I am met with a whole ging of words and phrases not mine , for he hath maim'd them , and like a slye depraver mangl'd them in this his wicked Limbo , worse then the ghost of Deiphobus appear'd to his friend Aenaeas . Here I scarce know them , and he that would , let him repaire to the place in that booke where I set them . For certainly this tormenter of semicolons is as good at dismembring and slitting sentences , as his grave Fathers the Prelates have bin at stigmatizing & flitting noses . By such handy craft as this what might he not traduce ? Only that odour which being his own must needs offend his sense of smelling , since he will needs bestow his foot among us , and not allow us to think he weares a Sock , I shall endeavour it may be offencelesse to other mens eares . The Remonstrant having to do with grave and reverend men his adversaries , thought it became him to tell them in scorne , that the Bishops foot had beene in their book and confuted it , which when I saw him arrogate , to have done that with his heeles that surpast the best consideration of his head , to spurn a confutation among respected men , I question'd not the lawfulnesse of moving his jollity to bethink him , what odor a Sock would have in such a painfull businesse . And this may have chanc't to touch him more neerly then I was aware ; for indeed a Bishops foot that hath all his toes maugre the gout , and a linnen Sock over it , is the aptest embleme of the Prelate himselfe . Who being a pluralist , may under one Surplice which is also linnen , hide foure benefices besides the metropolitan toe , and sends a fouler stench to heaven , then that which this young queasinesse reches at . And this is the immediate reason here why our inrag'd Confuter , that he may be as perfet an hypocrite as Caiaphas , ere he be a High Priest , cries out , horrid blasphemy ! and like a recreant Jew calls for stones . I beseech ye friends , ere the brick-bats flye , resolve me and your selves , is it blasphemy , or any whit disagreeing from Christian meeknesse , when as Christ himselfe speaking of unsavory traditions , scruples not to name the Dunghill and the Jakes , for me to answer a slovenly wincer of a confutation , that , if he would needs put his foot to such a sweaty service , the odour of his Sock was like to be neither musk , nor benjamin ? Thus did that foolish Monk in a barbarous Declamation accuse Petrarch of blasphemy for dispraising the French wines . But this which followes is plaine bedlam stuffe , this is the Demoniack legion indeed , which the Remonstrant feard had been against him , and now he may see is for him . You that love Christ , saith he , and know this miscreant wretch , stone him to death , lest you smart for his impunity . What thinks the Remonstrant ? does he like that such words as these should come out of his shop , out of his Trojan horse ? to give the watch word like a Guisian of Paris to a mutiny or massacre ; to proclame a Crusada against his fellow Christian now in this troublous and divided time of the Kingdome ? if he do , I shall say that to be the Remonstrant is no better then to be a Jesuit . And that if he and his accomplices could do as the rebels have done in Ireland to the Protestants , they would do in England the same to them that would no Prelats . For a more seditious and Butcherly Speech no Cell of Loyola could have belch't against one who in all his writing spake not , that any mans skin should be rais'd . And yet this cursing Shimei a hurler of stones , as well as a rayler , wants not the face instantly to make as though he despair'd of victory unlesse a modest defence would get it him . Did I erre at all , Readers , to foretell ye , when first I met with his title , that the epithet of modest there , was a certaine red portending signe , that he meant ere long to be most tempestuously bold , , and shamelesse ? Neverthelesse he dares not say but there may be hid in his nature as much venemous Atheisme and profanation , as he thinks , hath broke out at his adversaries lips , but he hath not the soarerunning upon him , as he would intimate I have . Now trust me not , Readers , if I be not already weary of pluming and footing this Seagull , so open he lies to strokes ; and never offers at another , but brings home the dorre upon himselfe . For if the sore be running upon me , in all judgement I have scapt the disease , but he who hath as much infection hid in him , as he hath voluntarily confest , and cannot expell it , because hee is dull , for venomous Atheisme were no treasure to be kept within him else , let him take the part hee hath chosen , which must needs follow , to swell and burst with his owne inward venome . Sect. 1. But marke , Readers , there is a kind of justice observ'd among them that do evill , but this man loves injustice in the very order of his malice . For having all this while abus'd the good name of his adversary with all manner of licence in revenge of his Remonstrant , if they be not both one person , or as I am told , Father and Son , yet after all this he calls for satisfaction , when as he himselfe hath already taken the utmost fa●ding . Violence hath been done , sayes he , to the person of a holy , and religious Prelat ▪ To which , something in effect to what S. Paul answer'd of Ananias , I answer , I wist not brethren that he was a holy and religious Prelat ; for evill is written of those who would be Prelats . And finding him thus in disguise without his superscription or Phylactery either of holy or Prelat , it were no sinne to serve him as Longchamp Bishop of Elie was serv'd in his disguise at Dover ▪ He hath begun the measure namelesse , and when he pleases we may all appeare as we are . And let him be then what he will , he shall be to me so as I finde him principl'd . For neither must Prelat or Arch-Prelat hope to exempt himselfe from being reckon'd as one of the vulgar ; which is for him only to hope whom true wisdome and the contempt of vulgar opinions exempts , it being taught us in the Psalmes that he who is in honour and understandeth not is as the beasts that perish . And now first the manner of handling that cause which I undertook , he thinks is suspicious , as if the wisest , and the best words were not ever to some or other suspicious . But where is the offence , the disagreement from Christian meeknesse , or the precept of Solomon in answering folly ? when the Remonstrant talks of froth and scum , I tell him there is none , and bid him spare his Ladle : when he brings in the messe with Keale , Beef , and Brewesse , what stomack in England could forbeare to call for flanks and briskets ? Capon and whitebroth having beene likely sometimes in the same roome with Christ and his Apostles , why does it trouble him that it should be now in the same leafe , especially , where the discourse is not continu'd but interrupt ? And let him tell me , is he wont to say grace , doth he not then name holiest names over the steame of costliest superfluities ? Does he judge it foolish or dishonest to write that among religious things , which when he talks of religious things he can devoutly chew ? is he afraid to name Christ where those things are written in the same leafe whom he fears not to name while the same things are in his mouth ? Doth not Christ himselfe teach the highest things by the similitude of old bottles and patcht cloaths ? Doth he not illustrate best things by things most evill ? his own comming to be as a thiefe in the night , and the righteous mans wisdome to that of a● unjust Steward ? He might therefore have done better to have kept in his canting beggars and ●eathen Altar to sacrifice his thredbare criticisme of Bomolochus to an unseasonable Goddesse fit for him call'd Importunity , and have reserv'd his Greek derivation till he lecture to his fresh men , for here his itching pedantry is but flouted . But to the end that nothing may be omitted which may furder satisfie any conscionable man , who notwithstanding what I could explaine before the animadversions , remains yet unsatisfi'd concerning that way of writing which I there defended , but this confuter whom it pinches , utterly disapproves , I shall assay once againe , and perhaps with more successe . If therefore the question were in oratory , whether a vehement vein throwing out indignation , or scorn upon an object that merits it , were among the aptest Ideas of speech to be allow'd , it were my work , and that an easie one to make it cleare both by the rules of best rhetoricians , and the famousest examples of the Greek and Roman Orations . But since the Religion of it is disputed , and not the art , I shall make use only of such reasons and autorities , as religion cannot except against . It will be harder to gainsay , then for me to evince that in the teaching of men diversly temper'd different wayes are to be try'd . The Baptist we know was a strict man remarkable for austerity and set order of life . Our Saviour who had all gifts in him was Lord to expresse his indoctrinating power in what sort him best seem'd ; sometimes by a milde and familiar converse , sometimes with plaine and impartiall home-speaking regardlesse of those whom the auditors might think he should have had in more respect ; otherwhiles with bitter and irefull rebukes if not teaching yet leaving excuselesse those his wilfull impugners . What was all in him , was divided among many others the teachers of his Church ; some to be severe and ever of a sad gravity that they may win such , & check sometimes those who be of nature over-confident and jocond ; others were sent more cheerefull , free , and still as it were at large , in the midst of an untrespassing honesty ; that they who are so temper'd may have by whom they might be drawne to salvation , and they who are too scrupulous , and dejected of spirit might be often strength●'d with wise consolations and revivings : no man being forc't wholly to dissolve that groundwork of nature which God created in him , the sanguine to empty out all his sociable livelinesse , the cholerick to expell quite the unsinning predominance of his anger ; but that each radicall humour and passion wrought upon and corrected as it ought , might be made the proper mould and foundation of every mans peculiar guifts , and vertues . Some also were indu'd with a staid moderation , and soundnesse of argument to teach and convince the rationall and sober-minded ; yet not therefore that to be thought the only expedient course of teaching , for in times of opposition when either against new heresies arising , or old corruptions to be reform'd this coole unpassionate mildnesse of positive wisdome is not enough to damp and astonish the proud resistance of carnall , and false Doctors , then ( that I may have leave to soare a while as the Poets us● ) then Zeale whose substance is ethereal , arming in compleat diamond ascends his fiery Chariot drawn with two blazing Meteors figur'd like beasts , but of a higher breed then any the Zodiack yeilds , resembling two of those four which Ezechiel and S. John saw , the one visag'd like a Lion to expresse power , high autority and indignation , the other of count'nance like a man to cast derision and scorne upon perverse and fraudulent seducers ; with these the invincible warriour Zeale shaking loosely the slack reins drives over the heads of Scarlet Prelats , and such as are insolent to maintaine traditions , brusing their stiffe necks under his flaming wheels . Thus did the true Prophets of old combat with the false ; thus Christ himselfe the fountaine of meeknesse found acrimony anough to be still galling and vexing the Prel●ticall Pharisees . But ye will say these had immediat warrant from God to be thus bitter , and I say , so much the plainlier is it prov'd , that there may be a sanctifi'd bitternesse against the enemies of truth . Yet that ye may not think inspiration only the warrant thereof , but that it is as any other vertue , of morall and generall observation , the example of Luther may stand for all : whom God made choice of before others to be of highest eminence and power in reforming the Church ; who not of revelation , but of judgement writ so vehemently against the chiefe defenders of old untruths in the Romish Church , that his own friends and favourers were many times offended with the fiercenesse of his spirit ; yet he being cited before Charles the fifth to answer for his books , and having divided them into three sorts , whereof one was of those which he had sharply written , refus'd though upon deliberation giv'n him to retract or unsay any word therein ; as we may reade in Sleiden . Yea he defends his eagernesse , as being of an ardent spirit , and one who could not write a dull stile : and affirm'd hee thought it Gods will to have the inventions of men thus laid open , seeing that matters quietly handled , were quickly forgot . And herewithall how usefull and available God had made this tart rhetorick in the Churches cause , he often found by his owne experience . For when he betook himselfe to lenity and moderation , as they call it , he reapt nothing but contempt both from Cajetan and Erasmus , from Cocleus , from Ecchius and others , insomuch that blaming his friends who had so counsel'd him , he resolv'd never to runne into the like error ; if at other times he seeme to excuse his vehemence , as more then what was meet , I have not examin'd through his works to know how farre he gave way to his owne fervent minde ; it shall suffice me to looke to mine own . And this I shall easily averre though it may seeme a hard saying , that the Spirit of God who is purity it selfe , when he would reprove any fault severely , or but relate things done or said with indignation by others , abstains not from some words not civill at other times to be spok'n . Omitting that place in Numbers at the killing of Zimri and Cosbi done by Phineas in the heigth of zeal , related as the Rabbines expound , not without an obscene word , we may finde in Deuteronomy and three of the Prophets , where God denouncing bitterly the punishments of Idolaters , tels them in a terme immodest to be utter'd in coole blood , that their wives shall be defil'd openly . But these , they will say were honest words in that age when they were spok'n . Which is more then any Rabbin can prove , and certainly had God been so minded , he could have pickt such words , as should never have come into abuse . What will they say to this . David going against Nabal , in the very same breath when he had but just before nam'd the name of God , he vowes not to leave any alive of Nabals house that pisseth against the wall . But this was unadvisedly spoke , you will answer , and set downe to aggravate his infirmity . Turne then to the first of Kings where God himselfe uses the phrase ; I will cut off from Ieroboam him that pisseth against the wall . Which had it beene an unseemely speech in the heat of an earnest expression , then we must conclude that Ionathan , or Onk●los the Targumists were of cleaner language then he that made the tongue ; for they render it as briefly , I will cut off all who are at yeares of discretion , that is to say so much discretion as to hide nakednesse . Whereas God who is the author both of purity and eloquence , chose this phrase as fittest in that vehement character wherein he spake . Otherwise that plaine word might have easily bin forborne . Which the Mas●reths and Rabbinicall Scholiasts not well attending , have often us'd to blurre the margent with Keri , instead of Ketiv , and gave us this ins●l● rule out of their Talmud , That all words which in the Law are writ ob●cenely , must be chang'd to more civill words . Fools who would teach men to speak more decently then God thought good to write . And thus I take it to be manifest , that indignation against men and their actions notoriously bad , hath leave and autority oft times to utter such words and phrases as in common talke were not so mannerly to use . That ye may know , not only as the Historian speaks , that all those things for which men plough , build , or saile , obey vertue , but that all words and whatsoever may be spoken shall at some time in an unwonted manner wait upon her purposes . Now that the confutant may also know as he desires , what force of teaching there is sometimes in laughter , I shall returne him in short , that laughter being one way of answering A Foole according to his folly , teaches two sorts of persons , first the Foole himselfe not to be wise in his own conceit ; as Salomon affirms , which is certainely a great document , to make an unwise man know himselfe . Next , it teaches the hearers , in as much as scorne is one of those , punishments which belong to men carnally wise , which is oft in Scripture declar'd ; for when such are punisht the simple are thereby made wise , if Salomons rule be true . And I would ask , to what end Eliah mockt the false Prophets ? was it to shew his wit , or to fulfill his humour ? doubtlesse we cannot imagine that great servant of God had any other end in all which he there did , but to teach and instruct the poore misledde people . And we may frequently reade , that many of the Martyrs in the midst of their troubles , were not sparing to deride and scoffe their superstitious persecutors . Now may the confutant advise againe with Sir Francis Bacon whether Eliah and the Ma●tyrs did well to turne religion into a Comedy , or Satir ; to rip up the wounds of Idolatry and Superstition with a laughing count●nance . So that for pious gravity his author here is matcht and overmatcht , and for wit and morality in one that followes . — laughing to teach the truth What hinders ? as some teachers give to Boyes lunkets and knacks , that they may learne apace . Thus Fl●ccus in his first Satir , and in his tenth — Jesting decides great things Stronglier , and better oft then earnest can . I could urge the same out of Cicero , and Seneca , but he may content him with this . And hence forward , if he can learn , may know as well what are the bounds , and objects of laughter and vehement reproofe , as he hath knowne hitherto how to deserve them both . But lest some may haply think , or thus expostulat with me after all this debatement , who made you the busie Almoner to deale about this dole of laughter and reprehension which no man thanks your bounty for ? To the urbanity of that man I shold answer much after this sort ? That I , friend objecter , having read of heathen Philosophers , some to have taught , that whosoever would but use his eare to listen , might heare the voice of his guiding Genius ever before him , calling and as it were pointing to that way which is his part to follow ; others , as the Stoicks , to account reason , which they call the Hegemonicon , to be the common Mercury conducting without error those that give themselves obediently to be led accordingly , having read this , I could not esteeme so poorly of the faith which I professe , that God had left nothing to those who had forsaken all other doctrines for his , to be an inward witnesse , and warrant of what they have to do , as that they should need to measure themselves by other mens measures how to give scope , or limit to their proper actions ; for that were to make us the most at a stand , the most unce●taine and accidentall wanderers in our doings , of all religions in the world . So that the question ere while mov'd who he is that spends thus the benevolence of laughter and reproofe so liberally upon such men as the Prelats , may returne with a more just demand , who he is not of place and knowledge never so mean , under whose contempt and jerk these men are not deservedly falne ? neither can religion receive any wound by disgrace thrown upon the Prelats , since religion and they surely were never in such amity . They rather are the men who have wounded religion , and their stripes must heale her . I might also tell them , what Electra in Sophocles , a wise Virgin answer'd her wicked Mother who thought her selfe too violently reprov'd by her the daughter . T is you that say it , not I , you do the deeds , And your ungodly deeds finde me the words . If therefore the Remonstrant complaine of libels , it is because he feels them to be right aim'd . For I ask againe as before in the animadversions , how long is it since he hath dis-relisht libe●s ? we never heard the least mutter of his voice against them while they flew abroad without controul or check defaming the Scots and Puritans . And yet he can remember of none but Lysimachus Nicanor , and that he mislikt and censur'd . No more but of one can the Remonstrant remember ? What if I put him in minde of one more ? What if of one more whereof the Remonstrant in many likelyhoods may be thought the author ? Did he never see a Pamphlet intitl'd after his own fashion , A survey of that foolish , seditious , scandalous , profane libell the Protestation protested ? The child doth not more expresly refigure the visage of his Father , then that book resembles the stile of the Remonstrant , in those idioms of speech , wherein he seemes most to delight : and in the seventeenth Page three lines together taken out of the Remonstrance word for word , not as a citation , but as an author borrowes from himselfe . Who ever it be , he may as justly be said to have libell'd , as he against whom he writes : there ye shall finde another man then here is made shew of , there he bites as fast as this whines . Vinegar in the inke is there the antidote of Vipers . Laughing in a religious controversie is there a thrifty physick to expell his melancholy . In the meane time the testimony of Sir Francis Bacon was not misalledg'd , complaining that libels on the Bishops part were utter'd openly ; and if he hop't the Prelats had no intell●gence with the libellours , he delivers it but as his favourable opinion . But had he contradicted himselfe , how could I assoil him here , more then a little before , where I know not how by entangling himselfe , he leaves an aspersion upon Iob , which by any else I never heard laid to his charge . For having affirm'd that there is no greater confusion then the confounding of jest and earnest , presently he brings the example of Iob glancing at conceits of mirth , when he sate among the people with the gravity of a Iudge upon him . If jest and earnest be such a confusion , then were the people much wiser then Iob , for he smil'd , and they believ'd him not . To defend Libels , which is that whereof I am next accus'd , was farre from my purpose . I had not so lit●le share in good name , as to give another that advantage against my selfe . The summe of what I said , was that a more free permission of writing at some times might be profitable , in such a question especially wherein the Magistrates are not fully resolv'd ; and both sides have equall liberty to write , as now they have . Not as when the Prelats bore sway , in whose time the bookes of some men were confuted , when they who should have answer'd were in close prison , deny'd the use of pen or paper . And the Divine right of Episcopacy was then valiantly asserted , when he who would have bin respondent , must have bethought himselfe withall how he could refute the Clink or the Gate-house . If now therefore they be persn'd with bad words , who persecuted others with bad deeds , it is a way to lessen tumult rather then to encrea●e it ; when as anger thus freely vented spends it selfe , ere it break out into action , though Machiavell whom he cites , or any Machiavillian Priest think the contrary . Sect. 3. Now Readers I bring ye to his third Section ; wherein very cautiously , and no more then needs , lest I should take him for some Chaplaine at hand , some Squire of the body to his Prelat , one that serves not at the Altar only , but at the Court cup board , he will bestow on us a pretty modell of himselfe ; and sobs me out halfe a dozen tizicall mottoes where ever he had them , hopping short in the measure of convulsion fi●● ; in which labour the agony of his wit , having scapt narrowly , instead of well siz'd periods , he greets us with a quantity of thum-ring posies . He has a fortune therefore good , because he is content with it . This is a piece of sapience not worth the brain of a fruit-trencher ; as if content were the measure of what is good or bad in the guift of fortune . For by this rule a bad man may have a good fortune , because he may be oft times content with it for many reasons which have no affinity with vertue , as love of ease , want of spirit to use more , and the like . And therefore content , he sayes , because it neither goes before , nor comes behinde his merit . Belike then if his fortune should go before his mer●t , he would not be content , but resigne , if we believe him , which I do the lesse , because he implyes that if it came behinde his merit , he would be content as little . Wheras if a wise mans content should depend upon such a Therefore , because his fortune came not behinde his merit , how many wise men could have content in this world ? In his next pithy symbol I dare not board him , for he passes all the seven wise Masters of Greece attributing to himselfe that which on my life Salomon durst not ; to have affections so equally temper'd , that they neither too hastily adhere to the truth , before it be fully examin'd , nor too lazily afterward . Which unlesse he only were exempted out of the corrupt masse of Adam , borne without sinne originall , and living without actuall , is impossible . Had Salomon ( for it be●hoves me to i●stance in the wisest , dealing with such a transcendent Sage as this ) had Salomon affections so equally temper'd , as not adhering too lazily to the truth , when God warn'd him of his halting in idolatry ? do we reade that he repented hastily ? did not his affections lead him hastily from an examin'd truth , how much more would they lead him slowly to it ? Yet this man beyond a Stoick apathy sees truth as in a rapture , and cleaves to it . Not as through the dim glasse of his affections which in this frail mansion of flesh are ever unequally temper'd , pushing forward to error , and keeping back from truth oft times the best of men . But how farre this boaster is from knowing himselfe , let his Preface speake . Something I thought it was that made him so quick-sighted to gather such strange things out of the Animadversions , whereof the least conception could not be drawne from thence , of Suburb si●ks , sometimes out of wit and cloaths , sometimes in new Serge , drinking Sack , and swearing , now I know it was this equall temper of his affections that gave him to see clearer then any fenell rub'd Serpent . Lastly , he has resolv'd that neither person , nor cause shall improper him . I may mistake his meaning , for the word ye heare is improper . But whether if not a person , yet a good Personage , or Impropriation bought out for him would not improper him , because there may be a quirk in the word , I leave it for a Canonist ●o resolve . Sect. 4. And thus ends this Section , or rather dissection of himselfe , short ye will say both in breath , and extent , as in our own praises it ought to be , unlesse wherein a good name hath bin wrongfully attainted . Right , but if ye looke at what he ascribes to himselfe , that temper of his affections which cannot anywhere be but in Paradise , all the judicious Panegyricks in any language extant are not halfe so prolixe . And that well appears in his next removall . For what with putting his fancy to the tiptoe in this description of himselfe , and what with adventuring presently to stand upon his own legs without the crutches of his margent , which is the sluce most commonly , that feeds the drouth of his text , he comes so lazily on in a Similie , with his arme full of weeds , and demeanes himselfe in the dull expression so like a dough kneaded thing , that he has not spirit anough left him so farre to look to his Syntaxis , as to avoide nonsense . For it must be understood there that the stranger , and not he who brings the bundle would be deceav'd in censuring the field , which this hip-shot Grammarian cannot set into ●ight frame of construction , neither here in the similitude , nor in the following reddition thereof , which being to this purpose , that the faults of the best pickt out , and presented in grosse , seeme monstrous , this saith he , you have done , in pinning on his sleeve the faults of others ; as if to pick out his owne faults , and to pin the faults of others upon him , were to do the same thing . To answer therefore how I have cull'd out the evill actions of the Remonstrant from his vertues , I am acquitted by the dexterity and conveiance of his non-sense , loosing that for which he brought his parable . But what of other mens faults I have pinn'd upon his sleeve , let him shew . For whether he were the man who term'd the Martyrs Foxian confessors , it matters not ; he that shall step up before others to defend a Church-government , which wants almost no circumstance , but only a name to be a plaine Popedome , a government which changes the fatherly and everteaching discipline of Christ into that Lordly and uninstructing jurisdiction which properly makes the Pope Antichrist , makes himselfe an accessory to all the evill committed by those , who are arm'd to do mischiefe by that undue government ; which they by their wicked deeds , do with a kinde of passive and unwitting obedience to God , destroy . But he by plausible words and traditions against the Scripture obstinately seeks to maintaine . They by their owne wickednesse ruining their owne unjust autority make roome for good to succeed . But he by a shew of good upholding the evill which in them undoes it selfe , hinders the good which they by accident let in . Their manifest crimes serve to bring forth an ensuing good and hasten a remedy against themselves , and his seeming good tends to reinforce their selfe-punishing crimes and his owne , by doing his best to delay all redresse . Shall not all the mischiefe which other men do , be layd to his charge , if they doe it by that unchurchlike power which he defends ? Christ saith , he that is not with me is against me , and he that gathers not with me scatters . In what degree of enmity to Christ shall wee place that man then , who so is with him , as that it makes more against him , and so gathers with him , that it scatters more from him ? shall it availe that man to say he honours the Martyrs memory and treads in their steps ? No ; the Pharisees confest as much of the holy Prophets . Let him and such as he when they are in their best actions even at their prayers looke to heare that which the Pharisees heard from Iohn the Baptist when they least expected , when they rather lookt for praise from him . Generation of Vipers who hath warn'd ye to flee from the wrath to come ? Now that ye have sta●ted back from the purity of Scripture which is the only rule of reformation , to the old vomit of your traditions , now that ye have e●ther troubl'd or leven'd the people of God , and the doctrine of the Gospell with scandalous ceremonies and masse borrow'd Liturgies , doe ye turne the use of that truth which ye professe , to countenance that falshood which ye gaine by ? We also reverence the Martyrs but relye only upon the Scriptures . And why we ought not to relye upon the Martyrs I shall be content with such reasons as my confuter himselfe affords me ; who is I must needs say for him in that point as officious an adversary as I would wish to any man . For first , saith he , there may be a Martyr in a wrong cause , and as couragious in suffering as the best : sometimes in a good cause with a forward ambition displeasing to God . Otherwhiles they that story of them out of blind zeale , or malice may write many things of them untruly . If this be so , as ye heare his own confession , with what safety can the Remonstant rely upon the Martyrs as Patrons of his cause , when as any of those who are alleg'd for the approvers of our Liturgy or Prelaty might have bin though not in a wrong cause Martyrs , yet whether not vainly ambitious of that honour , or whether not misreported , or misunderstood , in those their opions God only knowes . The testimony of what we believe in religion must be such as the conscience may rest on to be infallible , and incorruptible , which is only the word of God . Sect. 5. His fifth Section finds it selfe agriev'd that the Remonstrant should be taxt with the illegall proceedings of the high Commission , and oath Ex officio ; And first whether they were illegall or no , t is more then he knowes . See this malevolent Fox ? that tyranny which the whole Kingdome cry'd out against as stung with Adders , and Scorpions , that tyranny which the Parlament in compassion of the Church and Commonwealth hath dissolv'd , and fetch 't up by the roots , for which it hath receav'd the publick thanks and blessings of thousands , this obscure thorn-eater of malice and detraction , as well as of Quodlibets and Sophisms knowes not whether it were illegall or not . Evill , evill , would be your reward ye worthies of the Parlament , if this Sophister and his accomplices had the censuring , or the sounding forth of your labours . And that the Remonstrant cannot wash his hands of all the cruelties exercis'd by the Prelats , is past doubting . They scourg'd the confessors of the Gospell , and he held the scourgers garments . They excuted their rage , and he , if he did nothing else , defended the government with the oath that did it , and the ceremonies which were the cause of it : does he think to be counted guiltlesse ? Sect. 6. In the following Section I must foretell ye , Readers , the doings will be rough and dangerous , the bating of a Satir . And if the work seeme more triviall or boistrous then for this discourse , let the Remonstrant thank the folly of this confuter , who could not let a private word passe , but he must make all this blaze of it . I had said that because the Remonstrant was so much offended with those who were tart against the Prelats , sure he lov'd toothlesse Satirs , which I took were as improper as a toothed Sleekstone . This Champion from behind the Arras cries out that those toothlesse Satyrs were of the Remonstrants making ; and armes himselfe heretooth and naile and horne to boot , to supply the want of teeth , or rather of gumms in the Satirs . And for an onset tels me that the simily of a Sleekstone shewes I can be as bold with a Prelat as familiar with a Laundresse . But does it not argue rather the lascivious promptnesse of his own fancy , who from the harmelesse mention of a Sleekstone could neigh out the remembrance of his old conversation among the Viraginian trollops ? For me , if he move me , I shall claime his owne oath , the oath Ex officio against any Priest or Prelat in the kingdome to have ever as much hated such pranks as the best and chast●st of them all . That exception which I made against toothlesse Satirs the Confuter hopes I had from the Satirist , but is farre deceav'd : neither had I ever read the hobbling distick which he me●●● . For this good hap I had from a carefull education to be inur'● and season'd betimes with the best and elegantest authors of the learned tongues , and thereto brought an eare that could measure a just cadence , and scan without articulating ; rather nice and humorous in what was tolerable , then patient to read every drawling versifier . Whence lighting upon this title of toothlesse Satirs , I will not conceale ye what I thought . Readers , that sure this must be some sucking Satir , who might have done better to have us'd his corall , and made an end of breeding , ere he took upon him to weild a Satirs whip . But when I heard him talk of scouring the rusted swords of elvish Knights , doe not blame me , if I chang'd my thought , and concluded him some desperate Cu●ler . But why his scornefull muse could never abide with tragick shoos her ankles for to hide , the pace of the verse told me that her maukin knuckles were never shapen to that royall buskin . And turning by chance to the sixth Satyr of his Second book I was confirm'd ; where having begun loftily in heavens universall Alphab●t he fals downe to that wretched poorenesse and frigidity as to talke of Bridge street in heav'n , and the Ostler of heav'n , and there wanting other matter to catch him a heat , ( for certaine he was in the frozen Zone miserably benumm'd ) with thoughts lower then any Beadle betakes him to whip the signe posts of Cambridge Alehouses , the ordinary subject of freshmens tales , and in a straine as pittifull . Which for him who would be counted the first English Satyr , to abase himselfe to , who might have learnt better among the Latin , and Italian Satyrists , and in our own tongue from the vision and Creed of Pierce plowman , besides others before him , manifested a presumptuous undertaking with weak , and unexamin'd shoulders . For a Satyr as it was borne out of a Tragedy , so ought to resemble his parentage , to strike high , and adventure dangerously at the most eminent vices among the greatest persons , and not to creepe into 〈◊〉 blinde Taphouse that fears a Constable more then a Satyr . But that such a Poem should be toothlesse I still affirme it to be a bull , taking away the essence of that which it calls it selfe . For if it bite neither the persons nor the vices , how is it a Satyr , and if it bite either , how is it toothlesse , so that toothlesse Satyrs are as much as if he had said toothlesse teeth . What we should do therefore with this learned Comment upon teeth and horns which hath brought this confutant into his Pedantick kingdome of Cornucopia , to reward him for glossing upon hor●●● even to the Hebrew root , I know not unlesse we should commend him to be Lecturer in East-cheap upon ● . Luk●s day , when they send their tribute to that famous hav'n by Detfo●● . But we are not like to scape him so . For now the worme of Criticisme works in him , he will tell us the de●ivation of German rutters , of meat , and of ink , which doubtlesse rightly apply'd with some gall in it may prove good to heale this tetter of Pedagoguism● that bespreads him , with such a tenasmus of originating , that if he be an Arminian and deny originall sinne , all the etymologies of his book shall witnesse that his brain is not meanly tainted with that infection . Sect. 7. His seventh section labours to cavill out the flawes which were found in the Remonstrants logick ; who having layd downe for a generall proposition , that civill polity is variable and arbitrary , from whence was inferr'd logically upon him that he had concluded the polity of England to be arbitrary , for generall includes particular , here his defendant is not asham'd to confesse that the Remonstrants proposition was sophisticall by a fallacy call'd ad plures interrogationes which sounds to me somewhat strange that a Remonstrant of that pretended sincerity should bring deceitfull and double dealing propositions to the Parlament . The truth is he had let slip a shrewd passage ere he was aware , not thinking the conclusion would turne upon him with such a terrible edge , and not knowing how to winde out of the briars , he or his substitute seems more willing to lay the integrity of his Logick to pawn , and grant a fallacy in his owne Major where none is , then be forc't to uphold the inference . For that distinction of possible and lawfull is ridiculous to be sought for in that proposition ; no man doubting that it is possible to change the forme of civill polity ; and that it is held lawfull by that Major , the word arbitrary implyes . Nor will this helpe him , to deny that it is arbitrary at any time or by any undertakers ( which are two limitations invented by him since ) for when it stands as he will have it now by his second edition civill polity is variable but not at any time or by any undertakers , it will result upon him , belike then at some time , and by some undertakers it may . And so he goes on mincing the matter , till he meets with something in Sir Francis Bacon , then he takes heart againe and holds his Major at large . But by and by as soon as the shadow of Sir Francis hath left him , he fals off again warping and warping till he come to contradict himselfe in diameter : and denies flatly that it is either variable or arbitrary , being once settl'd . Which third shift is no lesse a piece of laughter . For before the polity was settl'd how could it be vari●ble when as it was no polity at all , but either an Anarchy or a Tyranny . That limitation therefore of after setling is a meere tautology . So that in fine his former assertion is now recanted and civill polity is neither variable nor arbitrary . Sect. 8. What ever else may perswade me that this confutation was not made without some assistance or advice of the Remonstrant , yet in this eighth Section that his hand was not greatly intermixt , I can easily believe . For it begins with this surmise , that not having to accuse the Remonstrant to the King , I do it to the Parlament , which conceit of the man cleanly shoves the King out of the Parlament , and makes two bodies of one . Whereas the Remonstrant in the Epistle to his last short answer , gives his supposall that they cannot be sever'd in the rights of their severall concernments . Mark , Readers , if they cannot be sever'd in what is severall ( which casts a Buls eye to go yoke with the toothlesse Satyrs ) how should they be sever'd in their common concernments , the wellfare of the land , by due accusation of such as are the common grievances , among which I took the Remonstrant to be one . And therefore if I accus'd him to the Parlament , it was the same as to accuse him to the King . Next he casts it into the dish of I know not whom that they flatter some of the House and libell others whose consciences made them vote contrary to some proceedings . Those some proceedings can be understood of nothing else but the Deputies execution . And can this private concocter of malecontent , at the very instant when he pretends to extoll the Parlament , afford thus to blurre over , rather then to mention that publick triumph of their justice and constancy so high , so glorious , so reviving to the fainted Common-wealth with such a suspicious and murmuring expression as to call it some proceedings ? and yet immediately hee falls to glozing , as if hee were the only man that rejoyc't at these times . But I shall discover to ye Readers , that this his praising of them is as full of non-sense and Scolastick foppery , as his meaning he himselfe discovers to be full of close malignity . His first Encomium is that the Sun looks not upon a braver nobler convocation then is that of King , Peers , and Commons . One thing I beg of ye Readers , as ye beare any zeale to learning , to elegance , and that which is call'd Decorum in the writing of praise , especially on such a noble argument , ye would not be offended , though I rate this cloister'd Lubber according to his deserts . Where didst thou learne to be so agueish , so pusillanimous , thou lozel Bachelour of Art , as against all custome and use of speech to terme the high and sovran Court of Parlament , a Convocation ? was this the flower of all thy Syn●nyma's and voluminous Papers whose best f●lios are pred●stin'd to no better end then to make winding sh●etes in Lent for Pilchers ? Coul●'● thou presume thu● wi●h one words speaking to clap as it were under hatches the King with all his Peeres and Ge●try i●to square Caps , an● Morkish hoods ? How well dost thou now appeare to be a Chip of the old block that c●uld finde Bridg● st●e●t and Al● houses in h●av●● ; why didst th●u no●t be his per●●ct mi●●tor , liken the King to the Vice-chancellour & he Lords to the Doctors . N●ith●r is this an indignity only ou● a re●ro●ch t● call the inviolable residence of just●ce and liberty by such an ●dious name as now a Convocation is beco●e ; which would be nothi●g inju●'d , though it were stil'd the house o● bondage , whereout so many c●uell tasks , so many ●●j●st bur●ens , have been ●aden upon the b●used con●ciences of to ma●y Ch●●stian through●ut the land . But which of th●se worthy deeds , whereof we and our poste●ity must confesse this Parlament to have done so many and so noble , which of those memor●ble acts come● first into his praises ? none of all , not one . What will he then praise them for ? not for any thing doing , but for deferring to do , for deferring to chastise his leud and insolent compriests . Not that they have deferr'd all , but that he hopes they will r●mit what is yet behind . For the rest of his oratory that followes , so just is it in the language of stall epistle non sense , that if he who made it can understand it , I deny not but that he may deserve for his pains a cast Doublet . When a man would looke he should vent something of his owne , as ever in a set speech the manner is with him that knowes any thing , he , lest we sh●uld not take notice anough of his barren stupidity , declares it by Alphabet , and referres us to odde remnants in his topicks . Nor yet content with the wonted room of his margent , but he must cut out large docks and creeks , into his text to unlade the foolish frigate of his unseasonable autorities , not wherewith to praise the Parlament , but to tell them what he would h●ve them do . What else there is , he j●mbles together in such a lost construction , as no man either lette●'d , or unletter'd will be able to piece up . I shall spare to transcribe him , but if I do him wrong , let me be so dealt with . Now although it be a digression from the ensuing matter , yet because it shall not be said I am apter to blame others then to make triall my selfe , and that I may after this harsh discord touch upon a smo●ther string , awhile to ente●t●ine my selfe and him that list , with some more pleasing fit , and not the lest to testifie the grati●ude which I owe to those publick benefact●rs of their country , for the sh●re I enjoy in the common peace and good by their incessant labours , I sh●ll be so troublesome to this declamer for once , as to shew him what he might have better said in their praise . Wherein I must mention only some few things of many , for more then that to a digression may not be granted . Although certainly their actions are worthy not thus to be spoken of by the way , yet if hereafter it befall me to attempt something more answerable to their great merits , I perceave how hopelesse it will be to reach the heigth of their prayses at the accomplisment of that expectation that weights upon their nob●e deeds , the unfinishing whereof already surpasses what others before them have left enacted with their utmost performance through many ages . And to the end we may be confident that what they do , proceeds neither from uncertaine opinion , nor su●den counsels , but from mature wisdome , deliberat vertue , and deere affection to the publick good , I shall begin at that which made them likeliest in the eyes of good men to effect those things for the recovery of decay'd religion and the Common-wealth , which they who were best minded had long wisht for , but few , as the times then were desperat , had the courage to hope for . First therefore the most of them being either of ancient and high Nobility , or at least of knowne and well reputed ancestry , which is a great advantage towards vertue one way , but in respect of welth , ease , and flattery , which accompanies a nice and tender education , is as much a hindrance another way , the good which lay before them they took , in imitating the worthiest of their progenitors , and the evill which assaulted their younger yeares by the temptation of riches , high birth , and that usuall bringing up , perhaps too favourable and too remisse , through the strength of an inbred goodnesse , and with the helpe of divine grace , that had markt them out for no meane purposes , they nobly overcame . Yet had they a greater danger to cope with ; for being train'd up in the knowledge of learning , and sent to those places , which were intended to be the seed plots of piety and the Liberall Arts , but were become the nurseries of superstition , and empty speculation , as they were prosperous against those vices which grow upon youth out of idlenesse and superfluity , so were they happy in working off the harmes of their abused studies and labours ; correcting by the clearnesse of their owne judgement the errors of their mis-instruction , and were as David was , wiser then their teachers . And although their lot fell into such times , and to be bred in such places , where if they chanc't to be taught any thing good , or of their own accord had learn't it , they might see that presently untaught them by the custome and ill example of their elders , so farre in all probability was their youth from being , misl●d by the single power of example , as their riper years were knowne to be unmov'd with the baits of preferment , and undaunted for any discouragement and terror which appear'd often to those that lov'd religion , and their native liberty . Which two things God hath inseparably knit together , and hath disclos'd to us that they who seek to corrupt our religion are the same that would inthrall our civill liberty . Thus in the midst of all disdvantages and disrespects ( some also at last not without imprisonment and open disgraces in the cause of their countrey ) having given proofe of themselves to be better made and fram'd by nature to the love and practise of vertue , then others under the holiest precepts and best examples have been headstrong and prone to vice , and having in all the trialls of a firme ingrafted honesty not oftner buckl'd in the conflict , then giv'n every opposition the foile , this moreover was added by favour from heav'n , as an ornament and happinesse to their vertue , that it should be neither obscure in the opinion of men , nor eclipst for want of matter equall to illustrat it selfe ; God and man consenting in joynt approbation to choose them out as worthiest above others to be both the great reformers of the Church , and the restorers of the Common-wealth . Nor did they deceave that expectation which with the eyes and desires of their countrey was fixt upon them ; for no sooner did the force of so much united excellence meet in one globe of brightnesse and efficacy , but encountring the dazl'd resistance of tyranny , they gave not over , though their enemies were strong and suttle , till they had laid her groveling upon the fatall block . With one stroke winning againe our lost liberties and Charters , which our forefathers after so many battels could scarce maintaine . And meeting next , as I may so resemble , with the second life of tyranny ( for she was growne an ambiguous monster , and to be slaine in two shapes ) guarded with supe●stition which hath no small power to captivate the minds of men otherwise most wise , they neither were taken with her mite●'d hypocrisie , nor te●rifi'd with the push of her bestiall hornes , but breaking them immediately forc't her to unbend the pontificall brow , and recoile . Which repulse only , given to the Prelats ( that we may imagine how happy their removall would be ) was the producement of such glorious effects and consequences in the Church , that if I should compare them with those exployts of highest fame in Poems and Panegyricks of old , I am certaine it would but diminish and impaire their worth , who a●e now my argument . For those ancient worthies deliver'd men from such tyrants as were content to inforce only an outward obedience , letting the minde be as free as it could . But these have freed us from a doctrine of tyranny that offe●'d violence and corruption even to the inward persuasion . They set at liberty Nations and Cities of men good and bad mixt together : but these opening the prisons and dungeons cal'd out of darknesse and bonds , the elect Martyrs and witnesses of their Redeemer . They restor'd the body to ease and wealth ; but these the opprest conscience to that freedome which is the chiefe prerogative of the Gospell ; taking off those cruell burdens impos'd not by necessity , as other tyrants are wont for the safeguard of their lives , but laid upon our necks by the strange wilfulnesse and wantonnesse of a needlesse and jolly persecuter call'd Indifference . Lastly , some of those ancient deliverers have had immortall praises for preserving their citizens from a famine of corne . But these by this only repulse of an unholy hierarchy almost in a moment replenisht with saving knowledge their countrey nigh famisht for want of that which should feed their souls . All this being done while two armies in the field stood gazing on , the one in reverence of such noblenesse quietly gave back , and dislodg'd ; the other spight of the unrulinesse , and doubted fidelity in some regiments , was either perswaded or compell'd to disband and retire home . With such a majesty had their wisdome begi●t it selfe , that whereas others had levied warre to subdue a nation that sought for peace , they sitting here in peace could so many miles extend the force of their single words as to overawe the dissolute stoutnesse of an armed power secretly stir●'d up and almost hir'd against them . And having by a solemne protestation vow'd themselves and the kingdome anew to God and his service , and by a prudent foresight above what their Fathers thought on prevented the dissolution and frustrating of their designes by an untimely breaking up , notwithstanding all the treason●us plots against them , all the rumours either of rebellion , or invasion , they have not bin yet brought to change their constant resolution , ever to think fearlesly of their owne safeties , and hopefully of the Common-wealth . Which hath gain'd them such an admiration from all good men , that now they heare it as their ord'nary surname , to be saluted the Fathers of their countrey ; and sit as gods among daily Petitions and publick thanks flowin● in upon them . Which doth so little yet exalt them in their own thoughts , that with all gentle affability and curteous acceptance they both receave and returne that tribute of thanks which is tende●'d them ; testifying their zeale and desire to spend themselves as it were peice-meale upon the grievances and wrongs of their distressed Nation . Insomuch that the meanest artizans and labourers , at other times also women , and of●en the younger sort of servants assembling with their complaints , and that sometimes in a lesse humble guise then for petitioners , have gone with confidence , that neither their meannesse would be rejected , nor their simplicity contemn'd , nor yet their urgency distasted either by the dignity , wisdome , or moderation of that supreme Senate ; nor did they depart unsatisfi'd . And indeed , if we consider the generall concourse of suppliants , the free and ready admittance , the willing and speedy redresse in what is possible , it will not seeme much otherwise , then as if some divine commission from heav'n were descended to take into hearing and commiseration the long remedilesse afflictions of this kingdome ; were it not that none more then themselves labour to remove and divert such thoughts , lest men should place too much confidence in their persons , still referring us and our prayers to him that can grant all and appointing the monthly return of publick fasts and supplications . Therefore the more they seeke to humble themselves , the more does God by manifest signes and testimonies visibly honour their proceedings ; and sets them as the mediators of this his cov'nant which he offers us to renew . Wicked men daily conspire their hurt , and it comes to nothing , rebellion rages in our Irish Province , but with miraculous and losselesse victories of few against many is daily discomfired and broken ; if we neglect not this early pledge of Gods inclining towards us , by the slacknesse of our needfull aids . And whereas at other times we count it ample honour when God voutsafes to make man the instrument and subordinate worker of his gracious will , such acceptation have their prayers found with him , that to them he hath bin pleas'd to make himselfe the agent , and immediat performer of their desires ; dissolving their difficulties when they are thought inexplicable , cutting out wayes for them where no passage could be seene ; as who is there so regardlesse of Divine providence , that from late occurences will not confesse . If therefore it be so high a grace when men are preferr'd to be but the inferior officer● of good things from God , what is it when God himselfe condescends , and workes with his owne hands to fulfill the requests of men ; which I leave with them as the greatest praise that can belong to humane nature . Not that we should think they are at the end of their glorious progresse , but that they will go on to follow his Almighty leading , who seems to have thus cov'nanted with them , that if the will and the endeavour shall be theirs , the performance and the perfeting shall be his . Whence only it is that I have not fear'd , though many wise men have miscarried in praising great designes before the utmost event , because I see who is their assistant , who their confederat , who hath ingag'd his omnipotent arme , to support and crowne with successe their faith , their fortitude , their just and magnanimous actions , till he have brought to passe all that expected good which his servants trust is in his thoughts to bring upon this land in the full and per●et reformation of his Church . Thus farre I have digrest , Readers , from my former subject ; but into such a path , as I doubt not ye will agree with me , to be much fairer and more delightfull then the rode way I was in . And how to break off suddenly into those jarring notes , which this Confuter hath set me , I must be wary , unlesse I can provide against offending the eare , as some Musicians are wont skilfully to fall out of one key into another without breach of harmony . By good luck therefore his ninth Section is spent in mournfull elegy , certaine passionat soliloquies , and two whole pages of intergatories that praise the Remonstrant even to the sonetting of his fresh cheeks , quick eyes , round tongue , agil hand , and nimble invention . In his tenth Section he will needs erect figures , and tell fortunes . I am no Bishop , he sayes , I was never borne to it ; let me tell therefore this wizzard since he calculats so right , that he may know there be in the world , and I among those who nothing admire his Idol a Bishoprick , and hold that it wants so much to be a blessing , as that I rather deeme it the meerest , the falsest , the most unfortunate guift of fortune . And were the punishment and misery of being a Prelat Bishop terminated only in the person , and did not extend to the affliction of the whole Diocesse , if I would wish any thing in bitternesse of soule to mine enemy , I would wish him the biggest and the fattest Bishoprick . But hee proceeds ; and the familiar belike informs him , that a rich Widow , or a Lecture , or both , would content me ; whereby I perceave him to be more ignorant in his art of divining then any Gipsy . For this I cannot omit without ingratitude to that providence above , who hath ever bred me up in plenty , although my life hath not bin unexpensive in learning , and voyaging about , so long as it shall please him to lend mee what he hath hitherto thought good , which is anough to serve me in all honest and liberall occasions , and something over besides , I were unthankfull to that highest bounty , if I should make my selfe so poore , as to sollicite needily any such kinde of rich hopes as this Fortune-teller dreams of . And that he may furder learne how his Astrology is wide all the houses of heav'n in spelling mariages , I care not if I tell him thus much profestly , though it be to the losing of my rich hopes , as he calls them , that I think with them who both in prudence and elegance of spirit would choose a virgin of mean fortunes honestly bred , before the wealthiest widow . The feind therefore that told our Chaldean the contrary was a lying feind . His next venome he utters against a prayer which he found in the animadversions , angry it seemss to finde any prayers but in the Service Book . He dislikes it , and I therefore like it the better . It was theatricall , he sayes . And yet it consisted most of Scripture language : it had no Rubrick to be sung in an antick Coape upon the Stage of a High Altar . It was big-mouth'd he sayes ; no m●rvell ; if it were fram'd as the voice of three Kingdomes : neither was it a prayer so much as a hymne in prose frequent both in the Prophets , and in humane authors ; therefore the stile was greater then for an ordinary prayer : It was an astounding prayer . I thank him for that confession , so it was intended to astound and to astonish the guilty Prelats ; and this Confuter confesses that with him it wrought that effect . But in that which followes , he does not play the Soothsayer but the diabolick slanderer of prayers . It was made , he sayes , not so much to please God , or to benefit the weale publick ( how dares the Viper judge that ) but to intimate , saith he , your good abilities , to her that is your rich hopes , your Maronilla . How hard it is when a man meets with a Foole to keepe his tongue from folly . That were miserable indeed to be a Courter of Maronilla , and withall of such a haplesse invention , as that no way should be left me to present my meaning but to make my selfe a canting Probationer of orisons , The Remonstrant when he was as young as I could ▪ Toothlesse Teach each hollow Grove to sound his love Satyrs , Wearying eccho with one changelesse word . And so he well might , and all his auditory besides with his teach each . Toothlesse Whether so me list my lovely thoughts to sing , Satyrs , Come dance ye nimble dryads by my side , Whiles I report my fortunes or my loves . Delicious ! he had that whole bevie at command whether in morrice or at May pole . Whilest I , by this figure-caster must be imagin'd in such distresse as to sue to Maronilla , and yet left so impoverisht of what to say , as to turne my Liturgy into my Ladies Psalter . Believe it graduat , I am not altogether so rustick , and nothing so irreligious , but as farre distant from a Lecturer , as the meerest Laick , for any consecrating hand of a Prelat that shall ever touch me . Yet , I shall not decline the more for that , to speak my opinion in the controversie next mov'd . Whether the people may be allow'd , for competent judges of a ministers ability . For how else can be fulfill'd that which God hath promis'd , to power out such abundance of knowledge upon all sorts of men in the times of the Gospell ? how should the people examine the doctrine which is taught them , as Christ and his Apostles continually bid them do ? how should they discerne and beware of false Prophets , and try every spirit , if they must be thought unfit to judge of the ministers abilities : the Apostles ever labour'd to perswade the Christian flock that they were call'd in Christ to all perfectnesse of spirituall knowledge , and full assurance of understanding in the mystery of God . But the non-resident and plurality-gaping Prelats the gulphs and whirle pools of benefices , but the dry pits of all sound doctrine , that they may the better preach what they list to their sheep , are still possessing them that they are sheepe indeed , without judgement , without understanding , the very beasts of Mount Sinai as this Confuter calls them ; which words of theirs may serve to condemne them out of their own● mouths ; and to shew the grosse contrarieties that are in their opinions . For while none thinke the people so void of knowledge as the Prelats think them , none are so backward and malignant as they to bestow knowledge upon them ; both by suppressing 〈◊〉 frequency of Sermons , and the printed explanations of the E●glish Bible . No marvell if the people turne beasts , when their Teachers themselves as Isaiah calls them , Are dumbe and greedy dogs that can never have anough , ignorant , blind , and cannot understand , who while they all look their own way every one for his gaine from his quarter , how many parts of the land are fed with windy ceremonies instead of sincere milke ; and while one Prelat enjoyes the nourishment and ●ight of twenty Ministers , how many waste places are left as darke as Galile of the Gentiles , sitting in the region and shadow of death ; without preaching Minister , without light . So little care they of beasts to make them men , that by their sorcerous doctrine of formalities they take the way to transforme them out of Christian men into Iudaizing beasts . Had they but taught the land , or suffer'd it to be taught , as Christ would it should have bin , in all plenteous dispensation of the word , then the poore mechanick might have so accustom'd his eare to good teaching , as to have discern'd betweene faithfull teachers and false . But now with a most inhumane cruelty they who have put out the peoples eyes reproach them of their blindnesse . Just as the Pharisees their true Fa●hers were wont ; who could not indure that the people should be thought competent judges of Christs d●ctrine , although we know they judg●d farre better then those great Rabbies . Yet this people , said they , that knowes not the law is accurst . We need not the autority of Pliny brought to tell us , the people cannot judge of a minister . Yet ●ha● hurts no● . For as none can judge of a Painter , or Stain●ry but he who is ●n Artist , that is , either in the Practick or the Theory which is often separated from the practick , and judges learnedly without it , so none can judge o● a Christian teacher , but he who hath , either he pract●ze , o● the knowledge of Christian religion , though not so art●●l●y dige●e● in him . And who almost of the meanest Christians hath not heard the Scriptures often read from his childhood , besides so many Sermons and Lectures mo●e in number then any stu●ent heard in Philosohy , whereby he may easily attaine to know when he is wisely taught and when weakly . Whereof three wayes I remember are set downe in Scripture . The one is to reade often that best of books written to this purpose , that not the wise only but the simple and ignorant may learne by them ; the other way to know of a minister , is by the life he leads , whereof the meanest understanding may be appprehensive . The last way to judge a right in this point is when he who judges , lives a Christian life himselfe . Which of these three will the Confuter affirme to exceed the capacity of a plaine artizan ? And what reason then is the●e left wherefore he should be deny'd his voice in the election of his minister , as not thought a competent discerner ? It is but arrogance therefore , and the pride of a metaphysicall fume , to thinke that the mutinous rabbl● ( for so he calls the Christian congregation ) would be so mistaken in a Clerk of the Vniversity that were to be their minister . I doubt me those Clerks that think so , are more mistaken in themselves , and what with tru●nting and debaushery , what with false grounds and the weaknesse of naturall faculties in many of them ( it being a maxim in some men to send the simplest of their sonnes thither ) perhaps there would be found among them as many unsolid and corrupted judgements both in doctri●e and life , as in any other two Corporations of like bignesse . This is undoubted that if any Carpenter Smith , or Weaver , were such a bungler in his trade , as the greater number of them are in their profession , he would starve for any custome . And should he exer●ise his manifacture , as little as they do their talents , he would forget his art : and should he mistake his tools as they do theirs , he would marre all the worke he took in hand . How few among them that know to write , or speak in a pu●e stile , much lesse to distinguish the idea's , and various kinds of stile : in Latine barbarous , and oft not without solecisms , declaming in rugged and miscellaneous geare blown together by the foure winds , and in their choice preferring the gay rankness : of A●uleius , Arn●bius or any moderne fustianist , be●ore the native Latinisms of Cicero . In the Greek tongue m●st of them unletter'd , or unenter'd to any sound proficiency in those Attick maisters of morall wisdome and eloquence . In the Hebrew text , which is so necessary to be understood except it be some few of them , their lips are utterly uncircumcis'd . No lesse are they out of the way in philosophy ; pestring their heads with the saplesse dotages of old Paris and Salamanca . And that which is the main point , in their Sermons affecting the comments and postils of Friers and Jesuits , but scorning and slighting the reformed writers . In so much that the better sort among them will confesse it a rare matter to heare a true edifying Sermon in either of their great Churches ; and that such as are most humm'd and applauded there , would scarce be suffer'd the second hearing in a grave congregation of pious Christians . Is there cause why these men should overween , and be so queasie of the rude multitude , lest their deepe worth should be undervalu'd for want of fit umpires ? No my matriculated confutant there will not want in any congregation of this Island , that hath not beene altogether famisht , or wholly perverted with Prelatish leven , there will not want divers plaine and solid men , that have learnt by the experience of a good conscience , what it is to be well taught , who will soone look through and through both the lofty nakednesse of your Latinizing Barbarian , and the finicall goosery of your neat Sermon-actor . And so I leave you and your fellow starres , as you terme them , of either horizon , meaning I suppose either hemisphere , unlesse you will be ridiculous in your astronomy . For the rationall horizon in heav'n is but one , and the sensible horizons in earth are innumerable ; so that your allusion was as erroneous as your starres . But that you did well to prognosticat them all at lowest in the horizon , that is either seeming bigger then they are through the mist and vapour which they raise , or else sinking , and wasted to the snuffe in their westerne socket . Sect. 11. His eleventh Section intends I know not what unlesse to clog us with the residue of his phlegmatick sloth , discussing with a heavie pulse the expedience of set formes : which no question but to some , and for some time may be permitted , and perhaps there may be usefully set forth by the Church a common directory of publick prayer , especially in the administration of the Sacraments . But that it should therefore be inforc't where both minister and people professe to have no need , but to be scandaliz'd by it , that , I hope , every sensible Christian will deny . And the reasons of such deniall the confuter himselfe , as his bounty still is to his adversary , will give us out of his affirmation . First saith he , God in his providence hath chosen s●me to teach others and pray for others , as ministers and Pastors . Whence I gather , that however the faculty of others may be , yet that th●y whom God hath set apart to his ministery , are by him endu'd with an ability of prayer ; because their office is to pray for others . And not to be the lip-working deacons of other mens appointed words . Nor is it easily credible that he who can preach well should be unable to pray well ; when as it is indeed the same ability to speak affirmatively , or doctrinally , and only by changing the mood to speak prayingly . In vaine therefore do they pretend to want utterance in prayer , who can finde utterance to preach . And if prayer be the guift of the Spirit , why do they admit those to the Ministery , who want a maine guift of their function , and prescribe guifted men to use that which is the remedy of another mans want ; setting them their tasks to read , whom the Spirit of God stands ready to assist in his ordinance with the guift of free conceptions . What if it be granted to the infirmity of some Ministers ( though such seeme rather to be halfe ministers ) to help themselves with a set forme , shall it therefore be urg'd upon the plenteous graces of others ? and let it be granted to some people while they are babes in Christian guifts , were it not better to take it away soone after , as we do loitering books , and interlineary translations from children ; to stirre up and exercise that portion of the spirit which is in them , & not impose it upon congregations who not only deny to need it , but as a thing troublesome and offensive refuse it . Another reason which he brings for liturgie , is the preserving of order , unity , and piety , and the same shall be my reason against Liturgy . For I Readers , shall alwayes be of this opinion , that obedience to the Spirit of God , rather then to the faire seeming pretences of men , is the best and most dutifull order that a Christian can observe . If the Spirit of God manifest the guift of prayer in his Minister , what more seemely order in the congregation , then to go along with that man in our devoutest affections ? for him to abridge himselfe by reading , and to forestall himselfe in those petitions , which he must either omit , or vainly repeat , when he comes into the Pulpit under a shew of order , is the greatest disorder . Nor is unity lesse broken , especially by our Liturgy , though this author would almost bring the Communion of Saints to a Communion of Liturgicall words . For what other reformed Church holds communion with us by our liturgy , and does not rather disl●ke it ? and among our selves who knowes it not to have bin a perpetuall cause o● d●●nion . Lastly , it hinders piety rather then sets it forward , be●ng more apt to weaken the ●pirituall faculties , if the people be not wean'd from it in due time ; as the daily powring in of hot waters quenches natur●ll heat . For not only the body , & the mind , but also the imp●ovement of Gods Spi●it is quickn'd by usin● . Wheras they who will ever adh●re to liturgy , bring thēselves in the end to such a passe by overmuch leaning as to loose even the legs of their devotion . These inconveniencies and dangers follow the compelling of set formes : but that the toleration of the English Liturgy now in use , is more dangerous then the compelling of any other which the reformed Churches use , these reasons following may evince . To contend that it is fantasticall , if not senselesse in some places , were a copious argument , especially in the Responsori●s . For such alternations as are there us'd must be by severall persons ; but the Minister and the people cannot so sever their interests , as to sustaine severall persons ; he being the only mouth of the whole body which he presents . And if the people pray he being silent , or they ask one thing & he another , it either changes the property , making the Priest the people , and the people the Priest by turnes , or else makes two persons and two bodi●s representative where the●e should be but one . Which if it be nought else , must needs be a strange quaintnesse in ordinary prayer . The like , or worse may be said of the Litany , wherein neither P●iest nor people speak any intire sense of themselves throughout the whole I know not what to name it ; only by the timely contribution of their parted stakes , closing up as it were the schisme of a slic't prayer , they pray not in vaine , for by this means they keep life betweene them in a piece of gasping sense , and keep downe the sawcinesse of a continuall rebounding nonsense . And hence it is that as it hath been farre from the imitation of any warranted prayer , so we all know it hath bin obvious to be the pattern of many a Jig . And he who hath but read in good books of devotion and no more , cannot be so either of eare or judgement unpractiz'd to distinguish what is grave , patheticall , devout , and what not , but will presently perceave this Liturgy all over in conception leane and dry , of affections empty and unmoving , of passion , or any heigth whereto the soule might soar upon the wings of zeale , destitute and barren : besides errors , tautologies , impertinences , as those thanks in the womans Churching for her delivery from Sunburning and Moonblasting , as if she had bin travailing not in her bed , but in the deserts of Arabia . So that while some men cease not to admire the incomparable frame of our Liturgy , I cannot but admire as fast what they think is become of judgement , and tast in other men , that they can hope to be heard without laughter . And if this were all , perhaps it were a complyable matter . But when we remember this our liturgy where we found it , whence we had it , and yet were we left it , still serving to all the abominations of the Antichristian temple , it may be wonder'd how we can demurre whether it should be done away or no , and not rather feare we have highly offended in using it so long . It hath indeed bin pretended to be more ancient then the Masse , but so little prov'd , that whereas other corrupt Liturgies have had withall such a seeming antiquity , as that their publishers have ventur'd to ascribe them with their worst corruptions either to S. Peter , S. James , S. Mark , or at least to Chrysostome , or Basil , ours hath bin never able to find either age , or author allowable , on whom to father those things therein which are least offensive , except the two Creeds , for Te Deum has a smach in it of Limbus Patrum . As if Christ had not open'd the kingdome of heaven before he had overcome the sharpnesse of death . So that having receav'd it from the Papall Church as an originall creature , for ought can be shewn to the contrary , form'd and fashion'd by work maisters ill to be trusted , we may be assur'd that if God loathe the best of an Idolaters prayer , much more the conceited fangle of his prayer . This Confuter himselfe confesses that a community of the same set forme in prayers , is that which makes Church and Church truly one ; we then using a Liturgy farre more like to the Masse-book then to any Protestant set forme , by his owne words must have more communion with the Romish Church , then with any of the reformed . How can we then not partake with them the curse and vengeance of their superstition ▪ to whom we come so neere in the same set forme and dresse of our devotion ? do we thinke to sift the matter finer then we are sure God in his jealousie will ? who detested both the gold , and the spoile of Idolatrous Cities , and forbid the eating of things offer'd to Idols . Are we stronger then he to brook that which his heart cannot brook ? It is not surely because we think that praiers are no where to be had but at Rome ; that were a foule scorne and indignity cast upon all the reformed Churches , and our own ; if we imagine that all the godly Ministers of England are not able to new mould a better and more pious Liturgy then this which was conceav'd and infanted by an idolatrous Mother : how base●y were that to esteeme of Gods Spirit , and all the holy blessings and priviledges of a true Church above a false ? Heark ye Prelats , is this your glorious Mother of England , who when as Christ hath taught her to pray , thinks it not anough unlesse she adde thereto the teaching of Antichri●t ? How can we believe ye would refuse to take the stipend of Rome , when ye shame not to live upon the almes-basket of he● pr●yers ? will ye perswade us that ye ea● curse Rome from you● hearts when none bu● Rome must teach ye to pray ? Abraham disdain'd to take so much as a th●ed or a shoolatchet from the King of Sod●me , though no foe of his , but a w●cked King , and shall we receave our prayers at the bounty of our more wicked enemies ? whose guifts are no guifts , but the instruments of our ban● ? Alas that the Spirit of God should blow as an uncertaine wind , should so mistake his inspiring , to misbestow his guifts promis'd only to the elect , that the idolatrous should finde words acceptable to present God with and abound to their neighbours , while the true profess●rs of the Gospell can find nothing of their own worth the constituting , wherewith to worship God in publick . Consider if this be to magnifie the Church of England , and not rather to display her nakednesse to all the world . Like therefore as the retaining of this Romish Liturgy is a provocation to God , and a dishonour to our Church , so is it by those ceremonies , those purifyings and off●ings at the Altar , a pollution and disturbance to the Gospell it selfe ; and a kinde of driving us with the foolish Galatians to another gospell . For that which the Apostles taught hath freed us in religion from the ordinances of men , and commands that burdens be not laid upon the redeemed of Christ , though the formalist will say , what no decency in Gods worship ? Certainly Readers , the worship of God singly in it selfe , the very act of prayer and thanksgiving with those free and unimpos'd expressions which from a sincere heart unbidden come into the outward gesture , is the greatest decency that can be imagin'd . Which to dresse up and garnish with a devis'd bravery abolishe in the law , and disclam'd by the Gospell addes nothing but a deformed uglinesse . And hath ever afforded a colourable pretense to bring in all those traditions and carnalities that are so killing to the power and vertue of the Gospell . What was that which made the Jewes figur'd under the names of Aholah and Aholibah go a whooring after all the heathens inventions , but that they saw a religion gorgeously attir'd and desirable to the eye ? What was all , that the false Doctors of the Primitive Church , and ever since have done , but to make a faire sh●w in the flesh , as S. Pauls words are ? If we have indeed given a bill of divorce to Popery and superstition , why do we not say as to a divors't wife ; those things which are yours take them all with you , and they shall sweepe after you ? Why were not we thus wise at our parting from Rome ? Ah like a crafty adultresse she forgot not all her smooth looks and inticing words at her pa●ting ; yet keep these letters , these tokens , and these few ornaments ; I am not all so greedy of what is mine , let them preserve with you the memory of what I am ? No , but of what I was , once faire and lovely in your eyes . Thus did those tender hearted reformers dotingly suffer themselves to be overcome with harlots language . And she like a witch , but with a contrary policy did not take something of theirs that she might still have power to bewitch them , but for the same intent left something of her own behind her . And that her whoorish cunning should prevaile to work upon us her deceitfull ends , though it be sad to speak , yet such is our blindnesse , that we deserve . For we are deepe in dotage . We cry out Sacriledge and misdevotion against those who in zeale have demolish't the dens and cages of her uncleane wallowings . We stand for a Popish Liturgy as for the ark of our Cov'nant . And so little does it appeare our prayers are from the heart , that multitudes of us declare , they know not how to pray but by rote . Yet they can learnedly invent a prayer of their own to the Parlament , that they may still ignorantly read the prayers of other men to God . They obj●ct that if wee must forsake all that is Rome's , we must bid adieu to our Creed ; and I had thought our Creed had bin of the Apostles ; for so it beares title . But if it be hers let her take it . We can want no Creed , so long as we want not the Scriptures . We magnifie those who in reforming our Church have inconsideratly and blamefully permitted the old leven to remaine and soure our whole lumpe : But they were Martyrs ; True and he that looks well into the book of Gods providence , if he read there that God for this their negligence and halting , brought all that following persecution upon this Church , and on themselves , perhaps will be found at the last day not to have read amisse . Sect. 12. But now , Readers , we have the Port within sight ; his last Section which is no deepe one , remains only to be foarded , and then the wisht shoare . And here first it pleases him much , that he hath discri'd me , as he conceaves , to be unread in the Counsels . Concerning which matter it will not be unnecessary to shape him this answer ; That some years I had spent in the stories of those Greek and Roman exploits , wherein I found many things both nobly done , add worthily spoken : when comming in the method of time to that age wherein the Church had obtain'd a Christian Emperor , I so prepar'd my selfe , as being now to read examples of wisdome and goodnesse among those who were formost in the Church , not else where to be parallell'd : But to the amazement of what I ex●ected , Readers , I found it all quite contrary ; excepting in some very few , nothing but ambition , corruption , contention , combustion : in so much that I could not but love the Historian Socrates , who in the proem to his fifth book professes , He was faire to intermixe affaires of State , for that it would be else an extreame annoyance to heare in a continu'd discourse the endless brabbles & counterplottings of the Bishops . Finding therefore the most of their actions in single to be weak , and yet turbulent , full of strife and yet flat of spirit , and the summe of their best councels there collected , to be most commonly in questions either triviall and vaine , or else of short , and easie dec●sion without that great bustle which they made , I concluded that if their single ambition and ignorance was such , then certainly united in a Councell it would be much more ; and if the compendious recitall of what they there did was so tedious and unprofitable , then surely to sit out the whole extent of their tattle in a dozen volumes , would be a losse of time irrecoverable . Besides that which I had read of S. Martin , who for his last sixteene yeares could never be perswaded to be at any Councell of the Bishops . And Gregory Nazianzen betook him to the same resolution affirming to Procopius , that of any Councell , or meeting of Bishops he never saw good end ; nor any remedy thereby of evill in the Church , but rather an increase . For , saith he , their contentions and desire of Lording no tongue is able to expresse . I have not therefore I confesse read more of the Councels save here and there , I should be sorry to have bin such a prodigall of my time : but that which is better , I can assure this Confuter ; I have read into them all . And if I want any thing yet , I shall reply something toward that which in the defence of Muraena was answer'd by Cicero to Sulpitius the Lawyer . If ye provoke me ( for at no hand else will I undertake such a frivolous labour ) I will in three months be an expert councelist . For be not deceav'd , Readers , by men that would overawe your eares with big names and huge Tomes that contradict and repeal one another , because they can cramme a margent with citations . Do but winnow their chaffe from their whe●t , ye shall see their great heape shrink and wax thin past belief● . From hence he passes to enqui●e wherefore I should blame the vices of the Prelats only , seeing the inferiour Clergy is known to be as faulty . To which let him heare in briefe ; that those Priests whose vices have been notorious , are all Prelaticall , which argues both the impiety of that opinion , and the wicked remisnesse of that government . We hear not of any which are call'd Nonconformists that have been accus'd for scandalous living ; but are known to be pious , or at least sober men . Which is a great good argument , that they are in the truth and Prelats in the error . He would be resolv'd next What the corruptions of the Vniversities concerne the Prelats ? and to that let him take this , That the Remonstrant having spok'n as if learning would decay with the removall of Prelats , I shew'd him that while books were extant , and in print , learning could not readily be at a worse passe in the Universities then it was now under their government . Then he seeks to justifie the pernicious Sermons of the Clergy , as if they upheld soveranty , when as all Christian soveranty is by law , and to no other end but to the maintenance of the common good . But their doctrine was plainly the dissolution of law which only sets up sov'ranty , and the erecting of an arbitrary sway according to privat will , to which they would enjoyne a slavish obedience without law ; which is the known definition of a tyrant , and a tyranniz'd people . A little beneath he denies that great riches in the Church are the baits of pride & ambition of which error to undeceave him , I shall allege a reputed divine autority , as ancient as Constantine , which his love to antiquity must not except against ; and to adde the more waight , he shall learne it rather in the words of our old Poet Gower then in mine , that he may see it is no new opinion , but a truth deliver'd of old by a voice from heav'n , and ratify'd by long experience , This Constantine which heal hath found Within Rome anon let found Two Churches which he did make For Peter and for Pauls sake : Of whom he had a vision , And yafe therto possession Of Lordship and of worlds good ; But how so that his will was good Toward the Pope and his Franchise Yet hath it proved otherwise To see the working of the deed , For in Cronick thus I read Anon as he hath made the yeft A voice was heard on high the left Of which all Rome was adrad And said this day venim is shad In holy Church , of temporall That medleth with the spirituall And how it stant in that degree Yet may a man the sooth see . God amend it whan he will I can thereto none other skill . But there were beasts of prey , saith he , before wealth was bestow'd on the Church . What though ? because the Vulturs had then but small pickings ; shall we therefore go and fling them a full gorge ? if they for lucre use to creepe into the Church undiscernably , the more wisdome will it be so to provide that no revennu there may exceed the golden mean . For so , good Pastors will be content , as having need of no more , and knowing withall the precept and example of Christ and his Apostles , and also will be lesse tempted to ambition . The bad will have but small matter whereon to set their mischiefe a work . And the worst and sutlest heads will not come at all , when they shall see the crop nothing answerable to their capacious greedinesse . For small temptations allure but dribling offendors ; but a great purchase will call such as both are most able of themselves , and will be most inabl'd hereby to compasse dangerous projects . But saith he , A widows house will t●mpt as well as a Bishops Palace . Acutely spok'n . Because neither we , nor the Prelats can abolish widows houses which are but an occasion taken of evill without the Church , therefore we shall set up within the Church a Lottery of such prizes as are the direct inviting causes of avarice and ambition , both unnecessary and harmefull to be propos'd , and most easie , most convenient , and needfull to be remov'd . Yea but they are in a wise dispencers hand . Let them be in whose hand they will , they are most apt to blind , to puffe up and pervert the most seeming good . And how they have bin kept from Vultures , what ever the dispencers care hath bin , we have learnt by our miseries . But this which comes next in view , I know not what good vein , or humor took him , when he let drop into his paper . I that was ere while the ignorant , the loyterer , on the sudden by his permission am now granted to know something . And that such a volley of expression● he hath met withall , as he would never desire to have them better cloth'd . For me , Readers , although I cannot say that I am utterly untrain'd in those rules which best Rhetoricians have giv'n , or unacquainted with those examples which the primeauthors of eloquence have written in any learned tongu , yet true eloquence I find to be none , but the serious and hearty love of truth : And that whose mind so ever is fully possest with a fervent desire to know good things , and with the dearest charity to infuse the knowledge of them into others , when such a man would speak , his words ( by what I can expresse ) like so many nimble and airy servitors trip about him at command , and in well order'd files , as he would wish , fall aptly into their own places . But now to the remainder of our discours . Christ refus'd great riches , and large honours at the Devils hand . But why , saith he , as they were tender'd by him from whom it was a sin to receave them . Timely remember'd : why is it not therefore as much a sin to receave a Liturgy of the masses giving , were it for nothing else but for the giver ? But he could make no use of such a high estate , quoth the Confuter ; opportunely . For why then should the servant take upon him to use those things which his master had unfitted himselfe to use , that hee might teach his ministers to follow his steps in the same ministery . But they were offer'd him to a bad end . So they prove to the Prelats ; who after their preferment most usually change the teaching labour of the word , into the unteaching ease of Lordship over consciences , and purses . But hee proceeds , God entic't the Israelites with the promise of Canaan . Did not the Prelats bring as slavish mindes with them , as the Jewes brought out of Egypt , they had left out that instance . Besides that it was then the time , when as the best of them , as Saint Paul saith , was shut up unto the faith under the Law their School-maister , who was forc't to intice them as children with childish enticements . But the Gospell is our manhood , and the ministery should bee the manhood of the Gospell , not to looke after , much lesse so basely to plead for earthly rewards . But God incited the wisest man Salomon with these means . Ah Confuter of thy selfe , this example hath undone thee , Salomon askt an understanding heart , which the Prelats have little care to ask . He askt no riches which is their chiefe care : therefore was the prayer of Salomon pleasing to God : hee gave him wisdome at his request , and riches without asking : as now hee gives the Prelats riches at their seeking , and no wisdome because of their perverse asking . But hee gives not over yet , Moses had an eye to the reward . To what reward , thou man that looks't with Balaams eyes , to what reward had the faith of Moses an eye to ? He that had forsaken all the greatnesse of Egypt , and chose a troublesome journey in his old age through the Wildernesse , and yet arriv'd not at his journies end : His faithfull eyes were fixt upon that incorruptible reward , promis'd to Abraham and his seed in the Messiah , hee sought a heav'nly reward which could make him happy , and never hurt him , and to such a reward every good man may have a respect . But the Prelats are eager of such rewards as cannot make them happy , but can only make them worse . Iacob a Prince borne , vow'd , that if God would but give him bread to eat and raiment to put on , then the Lord should be his God . But the Prelats of meane birth , and oft times of lowest , making shew as if they were call'd to the spirituall and humble ministery of the Gospell , yet murmur , and thinke it a hard service , unlesse contrary to the tenour of their profession , they may eat the bread and weare the honours of Princes . So much more covetous and base they are then Simon Magus , for he proffer'd a reward to be admitted to that work , which they will not be mea●ly hir'd to . But saith he , Are not the Clergy members of Christ , why should not each member thrive alike ? Carnall textman ! As if worldly thriving were one of the priviledges wee have by being in Christ , and were not a providence oft times extended more liberally to the Infidell then to the Christian . Therefore must the Ministers of Christ not be over rich or great in the world , because their calling is spirituall , not secular ; becuase they have a speciall warfare , which is not to be intangl'd with many impediments : because their Maister Christ gave them this precept , and set them this example , told them this was the mystery of his comming , by meane things and persons to subdue mighty ones : and lastly because a middle estate is most proper to the office of teaching . Whereas higher dignity teaches farre lesse , and blindes the teacher . Nay , saith the Confuter , fetching his last indeavour , The Prelats will be very loath to let go their Baronies , and votes in Parlament , and calls it Gods cause , with an unsufferable impudence . Not that they love the honours and the means , good men and generous , but that they would not have their countrey made guilty of such a sacrilege and injustice . A worthy Patriot for his owne corrupt ends ! That which hee imputes as sacrilege to his countrey , is the only way left them to purge that abominable sacrilege out of the land , which none but the Prelats are guilty of . Who for the discharge of one single duty receave and keepe that which might bee anough to satisfie the labours of many painefull Ministers better deserving then themselves . Who possesse huge Benefices for lazie performances , great promotions , only for the execution of a cruell disgospelling jurisdiction . Who ingrosse many pluralities under a non-resident and slubbring dispatch of soules . Who let hundreds of parishes famish in one Diocesse , while they the Prelats are mute , and yet injoy that wealth that would furnish all those darke places with able supply , and yet they eat , and yet they live at the rate of Earles , and yet hoard up . They who chase away all the faithfull Shepheards of the flocke , and bring in a dearth of spirituall food , robbing thereby the Church of her dearest treasure , and sending heards of souls starvling to Hell , while they feast and riot upon the labours of hireling Curats , consuming and purloyning even that which by their foundation is allow'd , and left to the poore , and to reparations of the Church . These are they who have bound the land with the sinne of Sacrilege , from which mortall ingagement wee shall never be free , till wee have totally remov'd with one labour as one individuall thing Prelaty and Sacrilege . And herein will the King be a true defender of the Faith , not by paring or lessning , but by distributing in due proportion the maintenance of the Church , that all parts of the Land may equally partake the plentifull and diligent preaching of the faith , the scandall of Ceremonies thrown out , that delude and circumvent the faith . And the usurpation of Prelats laid levell , who are in words the Fathers , but in their deeds the oppugners of the faith . This is that which will best confirme him in that glorious title . Thus yee have heard , Readers , how many shifts and wiles the Prelats have invented to save their ill got booty . And if it be true , as in Scripture it is foretold , that pride and covetousnesse are the sure ma●kes of those false Prophets whicst are to come , then boldly conclude these to bee as great seducers , as any of the latter times . For betweene this and the judgement day , doe not looke for any arch deceavers who in spight of reformation will use more craft , or lesse shame to defend their love of the world , and their ambition , then these Prelats have done . And if yee thinke that soundnesse of reason , or what force of argument soever , will bring them to an ingenuous silence , yee think that which will never be . But if ye take that course which Erasmus was wont to say Luther tooke against the Pope and Monks , if yee denounce warre against their Miters and their bellies , ye shall soon discerne that Turbant of pride which they weare upon their heads to be no helmet of salvation , but the meere mettle and horn-work of Papall jurisdiction ; and that they have also this guift , like a certaine kinde of some that are possest , to have their voice in their bellies , which being well drain'd and taken downe , their great Oracle , which is only there , will soone be dumbe , and the Divine right of Episcopacy forthwith expiring , will put us no more to trouble with tedious antiquities and disputes . The End . Pag. 25. lin. 9. for speak correct it read 
A94441	----	To the high and honourable court of Parliament. The humble petition of sundry of the nobles, knights, gentry, ministers, freeholders, and divers thousands of the inhabitants of the county palatine of Chester, whose names are subscribed to the several schedules hereunto annexed. In answer to a petition delivered on to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, by Sir Thomas Aston, Baronet, from the county palatine of Chester, concerning episcopacie. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A94441 of text R205594 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing T1396D). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 17 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A94441 Wing T1396D ESTC R205594 45578469 ocm 45578469 172383 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A94441) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172383) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2628:5) To the high and honourable court of Parliament. The humble petition of sundry of the nobles, knights, gentry, ministers, freeholders, and divers thousands of the inhabitants of the county palatine of Chester, whose names are subscribed to the several schedules hereunto annexed. In answer to a petition delivered on to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, by Sir Thomas Aston, Baronet, from the county palatine of Chester, concerning episcopacie. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London? : 1641] Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Jesus College (University of Cambridge) Library. eng Aston, Thomas, -- Sir, 1600-1645. Episcopacy. Cheshire (England) -- Religion -- 17th century. Great Britain -- Religion -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. A94441 R205594 (Wing T1396D). civilwar no To the high and honourable court of Parliament, the humble petition of sundry of the nobles, knights, gentry, ministers, freeholders, and di [no entry] 1641 2789 7 0 0 0 0 0 25 C The rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the High and Honourable Court of Parliament . The humble Petition of sundry of the Nobles , Knights , Gentry , Ministers , Freeholders , and divers thousands of the Inhabitants of the County Palatine of Chester , whose names are subscribed to the several Schedules hereunto annexed . In Answer to a Petition delivered in to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall , by Sir Thomas Aston , Baronet , from the County Palatine of CHESTER , concerning Episcopacie . Humbly shew ; THAT whereas divers Petitions , by the practise of the Prelates and our present Diocesan , have been lately posted about this County for the continuance of our present exorbitant Hierarchie and Church-Government , under which the whole Kingdome hath long time groaned , and the hands of many persons of sundry qualities ( sollicited to the same by the Prelates agents ) with intent to be preferred to this Honourable House , which we conceiving , not so much to ayme at our Church and Prelates Reformation , as at the maintenance of their absolute Jurisdiction and Innovations both in Religion and Government , which will give the greatest advantage to the adversaries of ou● Religion : We hold it our duties to disavow them all , especially that lately tendred to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall , by Sir Thomas Aston Baronet . And hu●bly pray , that we incurre no mis-Censure , if any such scattered Papers have ( without our privitie ) surreptitiously assumed the name of our County . We , ( as all other Counties of this Realme ) are deeply sensible of the many common and heavie Grievances ( under which the whole three Kingdomes suffer ) occasioned by the Prelates , and have just cause to rejoyce at , and acknowledge with thankfullnesse , the pious care already taken by your Honours for the suppressing of the growth of Popery ; the better supply of able Ministers in all places to instruct the People ; removing of all Innovations , and for your indeavours to suppresse and remove our Lordly Prelates , the sole Authors of all our present miseries , Innovations , and most professed enemies of the Gospell : and we doubt not but in your great Wisdomes you will not only regulate the rigour of their exorbitant Ecclesiasticall Courts , but likewise wholly extirpate them , as neither suiting with the Temper of our Laws , nor the nature of Free-men . And when we consider , that Diocesan Lordly Bishops , superiour to Presbyters , were neither Instituted , nor heard of , in the time of the Apostles , who alwayes ordayned a sundry Bishops in every particulor Congregation , and those all equall in Authority ; not one Bishop over many hundred Churches , and he paramount his fellow Presbyters : That our b Church of England ( with that of Scotland ) from the first plantation of the Gospell here , in the Apostles dayes , for some hundred of yeares after had no Bishops at all to governe it . That c all ancient Authors and Historians unanimously record , that our Archbishops and Bishops , succeeded the Heathenish Arch-Flammines and Flammines here planted in times of Paganisme , both in their Institution , Jurisdiction and Seas ; and so are onely of Ethnicall or Diabolicall , not Apostolicall Institution . That they were the greatest fire-brands of contention , and Authors of d all the Schismes in the first generall Councels , and Primitive-Church . That so many of them have sowed the tares of Heresie , Popery , Schisme , Rebellion , Sedition , e opposed , excommunicated , dethroned , yea murthered Christian Kings , Emperours , and raysed up many bloody warres to the effusion of much Christian blood , in all Kingdomes , where they have swayed ; preserved and rescued Popery and Heresie from utter extirpation in this and former ages ; exceeded the Primitive persecuters in Martyring and shedding the blood of Gods deare Saints . That to them we owe the corruption of the purity of the Gospell we now professe , with Romish Errors and Superstitions , as your Honou●s have already unanimously voted . That many of them for the propagation of Popery , and suppressing of the Truth ( especially the Arch-prelate of Canterbury , William Laud , accused by your Honours , and committed to the Tower of London for * High Treason against his Majesty , our Laws , and established Religion ; Bishop Wren , Bishop Mountague , Bishop Pierce , Bishop Goodman , and others now in question before this Honourable Assembly ) are like to become glorious Martyrs in the Roman Calendar . That ( not divers , but ) most of them lately , and yet living with us , have been very great Oppugners of our Religion , indeavouring to reduce or captivate it to the common enemie of Rome . And that their tyrannicall , Papall , Lordly government hath been so long oppugned by f infinite godly Martyrs and writers both at home and abroad ; established ( through their own over-swaying power , and undermining subtiltie ) by the Common and Statute Laws of the Kingdome made onely in times of Popery , but oft exploded or restrained by sundry Laws and Statutes since the time of Reformation , though with little good successe : And as yet there is nothing in their Doctrine ( generally taught , when they rarely preach ) but what is dissonant from the word of God , or the Articles ratified by Law . In this case , not to call their government , a perpetuall vassalage , an intollerable bondage . And ( prima facie , though not , inaudita altera parte , of whom your Honours have heard so much evill already in the Committees for Religion ; for the High Commission , Bishop Wren , Bishop Peirce , the Ministers Londoners , and other Counties Petitions against Prelacie ) not to pray the removall of them , and not to seek the utter desolation and ruine of their Offices as ●●●hristian ( as divers Counties else have done in their Petitions to your Honours , ) we cannot conceive but to relish of injustice , and uncharitablenesse , both to the So●●●● Bodies and Estates of us and our Posteritie ; nor can we joyne with them who petition for their continuance . But on the contrary , when we consider the Tenor of such writings and Books as by the Prelates and their agents have been lately spread among the people with their publike allowance ( as the Prelates New Canons , Oath , and act for a malevolent Benevolence , for non payment whereof every Minister shall at first bout be ipso facto deprived , without the benefit of any Appeale , Bishop Mountagues , Dr. Heylins , Dr. Pocklingtons , Shelfords , Doves , Reeves , Francis Salis , Franciscus de Sancta Clara , their late Books , with others : and our Prelates Letters in nature of Commissions , for the collecting of the late Lone for the maintenance of the Warres against the Scots , which Bishop Peirce affirmed in sundry speeches to the Clergie of his Diocese , to be Bellum Episcopale , the Bishops Warre , using it as the chiefe motive why they should liberally contribute towards it . When we againe ponder the Tenents preached publiquely in Pulpits , and the Contents of many Printed Pamphlets swarming every where amongst us , * against the frequencie power and use of Parliaments ; the Right and Liberties of the Subjects , the propriety of their goods ; in advancing the exorbitant Jurisdiction of Prelates , their Inj●nctions and Courts under the name of the Church ; their asserting of his Majesties absolute power both over the Laws , Goods , Lives and Liberties of the Subject , and the like ; all of them dangerously tending to the introduction of a lawlesse tyrannie , and arbitrarie form of Government both in Church and State ; to rob his Majestie of the hearts and loyall affections of his people : And then further consider , not onely the Bishops severall usurpations of the sole power of the Keyes , and Ordination , but likewise their intimations of their desire of the full power of the Sword , that they in their severall Courts ( as they doe in all their High-Commissions ) may execute both Ecclesiasticall and Civill Censu●es within themselves . We cannot but expresse our just feares , that their intention is to introduce an absolute Innovation of tyrannicall and Papall Government : Whereby we who are now governed only by the Common and Statute Laws of this Realme made in Parliament , shall be governed ( as our Anti-petitioners confesse we are ) only by the Canon and Civill Laws ( which the now g Archbishop of Canterbury professed he would introduce and governe us by ) made and dispensed only by twenty-six Ordinaries and their under-Officers ( or rather only by one over-potent Arch-Prelate ) not easily responsible to Parliaments , for their deviations from the Rules of Law , so long as they enjoy such ample Lordly Revenues , continue Lords in Parliament , Lords of the Privie Counsell , and greatest swaying Officers in the Realme , h able to dissolve even Parliaments themselves in case they attempt to question them ( as we know by many late experiments ; ) whereas if we were governed ( as was the i Primitive Church ) by a numerous Presbytery and ruling Elders , ( farre lesse in power , though more in number ) according to the Laws of God , and those this Honourable Assembly ( not the Convocation , or every Bishop in his Diocese at his meere pleasure ) shall prescribe ; we dare assure our selves , no such inconveniences shal be found in that Government , equivalent to those of Episcopacie ; which how corrigible they have been by Parliaments and Councels , how ill consistent with a Monarchie ; and how dangerously conducible to an Anarchie ; their incorrigiblenesse , Treasons , Rebellions , Conspiracies , with the Warres and tumults occasioned by them in all former ages , and now , abundantly manifest . And therfore we have just cause to pray against their continuance , as fearing their consequences would prove the utter losse of pietie , Libertie , unitie , peace , Laws , and divine learning , and necessarily produce an extermination , if not of Nobilitie , Gentrie , and Order , yet certainly of Religion , and all true pietie . With what vehemencie and arrogancie of Spirit the Prelates and their Instruments have prosecuted all good Ministers and people of all sorts , even to the losse of Members , Blood , Libertie , Life , Goods , Fortunes : and how many thousands of his Majesties good Subjects they have driven out of the Realme into Forraigne parts ; and how plausible your Honourable proceedings in this present Session of Parliament against their Innovations , Canons , Exorbitances , ( yea , and their very Callings too ) have been to the whole Kingdome ( who daily blesse God for them ) we need not represent to your honours . And therfore humbly pray , that some present speedie course may be taken , as in your Wisdomes shall be thought fit , to suppresse all Lordly Prelates ; together with the importing , Printing and dispersing of all Popish and Arminian Bookes , and the calling in and burning of those forenamed , ( especially of the late Canons , Oarh , and Act for the Benevolence ) which have produced dangerous discontents both in the Clergie and common people , We having great cause to feare , that of all the distempers which at present threaten the welfare of this State , there is none more worthy the mature and grave consideration of this Honourable Assembly , then to stop the Torrent of such ambitious Spirits , as lye masked under our Lordly Prelates white Rochets , before they swell beyond the bounds of Government , and drown his Majesties three whole Kingdomes in a deluge of blood , and utter desolation . Then we doubt not but his Majestie , persevering in his gracious inclination to heare the Complaints , and relieve the grievances of his Subjects in frequent Parliaments , it will so unite the Head and the Bodie ( severed principally by the practises and continuance of the Prelates ) and so indissolublie cement the affections of the people to our Royall Soveraigne ; that without any future government at all by Bishops , he shal be a more absolute and happy Prince then any of his Predecessors , and shall never want revenue , and honour , nor his people justice . We have presumed to annex a Copy of severall Petitions exhibited to your Honours against the Prelates this Parliament , and of sundry Positions preached by their instruments in this and other Counties , which we conceive imply matter of dangerous consequence to the peace both of Church and State : together with a briefe Remonstrance of sundry Grievances , Innovations and Persecutions , under which we of this County ( especially those of the City of Chester ) have miserably suffered , by meanes of our now Bishop , and the High-Commissioners at Yorke . All which we humbly submit to your grave judgements , praying that they may be read , and redressed . Subscribed to this Petition , Eight Noblemen . Knight Baronets , Knights and Esquires , ninescore and nineteen . Divines , one hundred and forty ; not one of them a maker , taker , or approver of the new &c. Oath and Canons . Gentlemen , seven hundred fifty seven . Freeholders and other Inhabitants , above twelve thousand . All of the same mind , and County , and not one of them a Popish Recusant . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A94441e-30 a Acts 11. 30. c. 14. 23. c , 15. 2. 4 , 6. 22 , 23. c. 16. 4. c. 20. 17. 28. c. 21. 17 , 18. c. 22. 5. phil. 1. 1. 1 Tim. 5. 17. c. 3. 1. to 9. c. 4. 14. Tit. 1. 5 , 6 , 7. Iam. 5. 14. 1 pet. 5. 1 , 2 , Rev. 4. 10. c. 5. 11. 14. c. 7. 11. 13. c. 11. 16. c. 19. 4. If than it be of Divine and Apostolicall institution , that there should be many Bishops and presbyters in every particular Church ; Then it is point blank against it , to erect one Bishop over many Churches , and one Archbishop over many Bishops , one patriarch over them and one pope superiour to them all : And if one mans possessing of a plurality of Churches hath been ever held infamous and unlawfull in all ages , because he cannot discharge their cure , much more must one Bishops Superintendencie over many hundreds or thousands of Churches , which he cannot duly governe and instruct , be more unlawfull . b See Bishop Vsher Do Brit. Eccles. primordiu c. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 6 , 7 , 8. c. 16. pag. 800. Fordon Scotchton l. 3. c. 8. Major de Gest. Scoter . l. 2. c. 2. c Bishop Vsher De Brit. Eccles. primordiu c. 5. p. 56 , 57 , 58 , 59. d Cent. Magd. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. cap. 8. e See Baleus de vitis pontificum . The Imperiall History . Morney his mystery of Iniquity . The English and French Book of Martyrs , Holingshead , Speed , and Goodmans Catalogue of Bishops . * See his Articles . f See Catalogus Testium veritatu : Flagellum pontificu the last Edition , and a Catalogue of Testimonies in all ages , &c. lately Printed . * See the Archbishops Articles , n. 2. g See the Archbishops Articles Art . 1. h Archbishops Articles , Ar. 13. i See the Answer to an Humble Remonstrance . Gersonius Encerus de Gobernat . Ecclesiae . ( k ) Archbishops Charges Art. 14. Mr. Nathanael Fines Speech in parliamett , Febr. 9. p. 
A89568	----	The humble answer of the Divines attending the Honorable Commissioners of Parliament, at the treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight. To the second paper delivered to them by his Majesty, Octob. 6. 1648. about episcopall government. Delivered to his Majesty, October 17. I appoint Abel Roper to print this copie, entituled The humble answer of the Divines, &c. Richard Vines, Westminster Assembly This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A89568 of text R204007 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E468_21). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 80 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A89568 Wing M757 Thomason E468_21 ESTC R204007 99863746 99863746 115960 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A89568) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115960) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 75:E468[21]) The humble answer of the Divines attending the Honorable Commissioners of Parliament, at the treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight. To the second paper delivered to them by his Majesty, Octob. 6. 1648. about episcopall government. Delivered to his Majesty, October 17. I appoint Abel Roper to print this copie, entituled The humble answer of the Divines, &c. Richard Vines, Westminster Assembly Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655, attributed name. 40 p. Printed for Abel Roper, at the signe of the Sunne over against S. Dunstans Church in Fleet-street, London : 1648. Sometimes attributed to Stephen Marshall, who was one of the Newport divines. Annotation on Thomason copy: "8ber [i.e. October] ye 20th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Puritan Revolution, 1642-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A89568 R204007 (Thomason E468_21). civilwar no The humble answer of the Divines attending the Honorable Commissioners of Parliament, at the treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight. To the Westminster Assembly 1648 12944 80 15 0 0 0 0 73 D The rate of 73 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Humble ANSWER Of the DIVINES Attending the Honorable COMMISSIONERS OF Parliament , At the TREATY at Newport in the Isle of WIGHT . To the second Paper delivered to them by his MAJESTY , Octob. 6. 1648. About Episcopall Government . Delivered to his Majesty , October 17. I appoint Abel Roper to Print this Copie , entituled The Humble Answer of the Divines , &c. Richard Vines , London , Printed for Abel Roper , at the Signe of the Sunne over against S. Dunstans Church in Fleet-street . 1648. The humble ANSWER of the Divines attending the Honorable Commissioners of PARLIAMENT at the Treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight , To the second Paper delivered to them by his MAIESTY , Octob. 6. 1648. Delivered to his MAIESTY , Octob. 17. May it please your Mahesty , AS in our Paper of October the third , in Answer to your Majesties of October the second We did , so now againe we do acknowledge , that the Scriptures cited in the Margin of your Majesties Paper do prove , that the Apostles in their own persons ; That Timothy , and Titus , and the Angels of the Churches , had power respectively , to do those things , which are in those places of Scripture specified ; But as then , so now also we humbly do deny , that any of the persons or Officers fore-mentioned were Bishops , as district from Presbyters , or did exercise Episcopall Government in that sence ; Or that this was in the least measure proved by the alleadged Scriptures , and therefore our Negative not being to the same point , or state of the Question which was affirmed ; We humby conceive that we should not be interpreted , to have in effect , denyed the very same thing , which we had before granted , or to have acknowledged that the severall Scriptures do prove the thing , for which they are cited by your Majesty ; And , if that , which we granted were all , that , by the Scriptures cited in your Margin , your Majesty intended to prove ; It will follow , That nothing hath yet beene proved on your Majesties part , to make up that conclusion which is pretended . As then we stood upon the Negative to that assertion , so we now crave leave to represent to your Majesty , that your reply doth not infirme the Evidence given in maintenance thereof . The Reason given by your Majesty in this Paper , to support your assertion : That the persons that exercised the power aforesaid were Bishops in distinct sence , is taken from a description of Episcopall Government ; which is ( as your Majesty saith ) nothing else , but the Government of the Churches within a certaine Precinct ( commonly called a Diocesse ) committed to one single person , with sufficient authority over the Presbyters , and people of those Churches for that end ; which Government so described , being for substance of the thing it selfe in all the three forementioned particulars , ( Ordaining , giving rules of Discipline , and Censures ) found in Scriptures , except we will contend about names & words , must be acknowledged in the sense aforesaid to be sufficiently proved from Scriptures : and your Majesty saith further , that the Bishops do not challeng more , or other power to belong to them , in respect of their Episcopal office , as it is distinct from that of Presbyters , then what properly fals under one of those three . We desire to speak both to the Bishops challenge , and to your Majesties description of Episcopal government . And first to their Challenge ; because it is first exprest in your Majesties reply . The Challenge we undertake in two respects : 1. In respect of the Power challenged , 2. In respect of that ground , or Tenure upon which the claim is laid . The Power challenged consists of three particulars ; Ordaining , giving Rules of Discipline , and Censures . No more , no other , in respect of their Episcopal office . We see not , by what warrant this Writ of partition is taken forth , by which the Apostolical office is thus sha●ed or divided ; The Governing part into the Bishops hands ; the Teaching , and administring Sacraments , into the Pr●●byters . For besides that the Scripture makes no such inclosure , or partition wall ; it appeares , the challenge is grown to more then was pretended unto in the times of growne Episcopacie . Jerome , and Chrysostome do both acknowledge for their time , that the Bishop and Presbyter differed only in the matter of Ordination : and learned Doctor Bilson makes some abatement in the claim of three , saying , the things proper to Bishops , which might not be common to Presbyters , are singularly of Succeeding , and superiority in Ordaining . The tenure or ground upon which the claim is made is Apostolical , which with us is all one with Divine Institution . And this , as far as we have learned , hath not been anciently , openly , or generally avowed in this Church of England , either in time of Popery , or of the first Reformation ; and whensoever the pretension hath been made , it was not without the contradiction of learned , and godly men . The abettors of the challenge , that they might resolve it at last into the Scripture , did chuse the most plausible way of ascending by the scale of Succession ; going up the River to find the Head : but when they came to Scriptures , & found it like the head of Nile ( which cannot be found ) they shrowded it under the name and countenance of the Angels of the Churches , and of Timothy and Titus . Those that would carry it higher , endeavoured to impe it into the Apostolical office , and so at last called it a Divine Institution , not in force of any expresse precept , but implicite practise of the Apostles ; and so the Apostolical office ( excepting the gifts , or enablements confest only extraordinary ) is brought down to be Episcopal , and the Episcopal raised up to be Apostolical . Whereupon it follows , that the highest Officers in the Church are put into a lower orb ; an extraordinary office turn'd into an ordinary distinct office , confounded with that which in the Scripture is not found ; a temporary , and an extinct office revived . And indeed if the definitions of both be rightly made , they are so incompatible to the same subject , that he that will take both must lose the one : aut Apostolus Episcopatum , aut Apostolatum Episcopus . For the Apostles , though they did not in many things ut aliud , yet they acted alio nomine & alio munere , then Presbyters , or Bishops can do : and if they were indeed Bishops , and their government properly Episcopal in distinct sense , then it is not needfull to go so far about to prove Episcopal government of Divine institution , because they practised it ; but to assert expressely , that Christ instituted it immediately in them . For your Majesties definition of Episcopal government , it is extracted out of the Bishops of later date , then Scripture times , and doth not sute to that Meridian , under which there were more Bishops then one in a Precinct , or Church ; and it is as fully competent to Archiepiscopal , and Patriarchal government , as Episcopal . The parts of this definition , materially , and abstractly considered , may be found in Scripture . The Apostles , Timothy and Titus , were single persons , but not limited to a Precinct : The government of the Angels was limited to a Precinct , but not in single persons . In several offices , not to be confounded , the parts of this definition may be ●ound ; but the aggregation of them altogether into one ordinary Officer cannot be ●ound . And if that word , ordinary , and standing Government , had been made the genus in your Majesties definition ( as it ought to be ) We should crave leave to say it would be gratis dictum , if not petitio principii : for the Scripture doth not put all these parts together in a Bishop , who never borrowed of Apostles , Evangelists and Angels , the matter of Governing and Ordaining , and left the other of Teaching , dispensing Sacraments and dealing onely in foro interno , to Presbyters , untill after times . By this that hath been said , it is manifest enough , that we contend not first de nomine : about the name of Episcopall Government : which yet ( though names serve for distinction ) is not called or distinguished by that name in Scripture . Nor secondly de opere about the worke , whether the worke of Governing , ordering , preaching &c. be of continuance in the Church , Which we cleerely acknowledge ; But thirdly de munere , about the Office , it being a greatfallacy to argue , That the Apostles did the same work which Bishops or Presbyters are to do in ordinary . Therefore they were of the same Office : for as it is said of the liberall , and learned Arts one and the same thing may be handled in divers of them , and yet these Arts are distinguisht by the formalis ratio of handling of them , so we say of Offices , they are distinguisht by their callings and Commissions , though not by the worke , as all those that are named , ( Eph. 4. 11. ) Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors and Teachers , are designed to one and the same generall and common worke : The worke of the Ministry , ver. 12. And yet they are not therefore all one , for ●ts said , some Apostles , some Prophets , some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers ; A Dictator in Rome and an ordinary Tribune . Moses and the subordinate governours of Israel . The Court of Parliament and of the Kings-Bench , an Apostle and a Presbyter or Deacon may agree in some common worke , and yet no confusion of Offices followes thereupon . To that which your Majesty conceives , that the most that can be proved from all , or any of those places , by us alleadged ( to prove that the Name , Office , and work of Bishops and Presbyters is one and the same in all things , and not in the least distinguisht ) Is that the word Bishop is used in them to signifie a Presbyter , and that consequently the Offi●… , and work mentioned in these places as the Office and worke of a Bishop are the Office of a Presbyter , which is confessed on all sides . We make this humble returne , that though there be no supposition , so much as implyed , that the Office of a Bishop and a Presbyter , are distinct in any thing ( for the names are mutually reciprocall , ) yet we take your Majesties concession , that in these times of the Church , and places of Scripture , there was no distinct Office of Bishops and Presbyters ; and consequently that the identity of the Office must stand , untill there can be found a cleere distinction or division in the Scriptures ; And if we had argued the identity of Functions from the Community of names , and some part of the work , the Argument might have been justly termed a fallacy , but we proved them the same Office from the fame worke , per omnia , being allowed so to do by the fulnesse of those two words used in the Acts and St. Peter his Epistle {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} under the force of which words the Bishops claime their whole power of Government and Jurisdiction , and we found no little weight added to our Argument from that in the Acts , where the Apostle departing from the Ephesian Presbyters or Bishops , as never to see their faces more , commits ( as by a finall charge ) the Government of that Church , both over particular Presbyters and people ; not to Timothy who then stood at his elbow , but to the Presbyters under the name of Bishops , made by the Holy Ghost , whom we read to have set many Bishops over one Church , not one over either one or many , and the Apostles arguing from the same qualification of a Presbyter and of a Bishop in order to ordination or putting him into Office , fully proves them to be two names of the same order or function : the diverse Orders of Presbyter and Deacon , being diversly characterised , upon these grounds ( we hope without fallacie ) we conceive it justly proved , that a Bishop and a Presbyter are wholly the same . That Timothy and Titus were single persons , having authority of Government , we acknowledge ; but deny , that from thence any argument can be made unto either single Bishop or Presbyter : for though a single Presbyter by the power of his Order ( as they call it ) may preach the Word and dispense the Sacraments ; yet by that example of the Presbyterie , their Laying on of hands , and that Rule of Telling the Church in matter of scandal , it seems manifest , that Ordination and Censures are not to be exercised by a single Presbyter ; neither hath your Majesty hitherto proved , either the names of Bishops and Presbyters , or the function , to be in other places of Scripture at all distinguished ; You having wholly waved the notice or answer of that we did assert ( and do yet desire some demonstration of the contrary ) viz. That the Scripture doth not afford us the least notice of any qualification , any ordination , any work or duty , any honour peculiarly belonging to a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter ; the assignment of which , or any of them unto a Bishop , by the Scripture , would put this question neer to an issue . That GOD should intend a distinct and highest kind of Officer for Government in the Church , and yet not expresse any qualification , work , or way of constituting and ordaining of him , seemes unto us improbable . Concerning the signification of the word Episcopus , importing an Overseer , or one that hath a charge committed to him , for instance of watching a Beacon , or keeping sheep , and the application of the name to such persons as have inspection of the Churches of Christ committed to them in spiritualibus : We also give our suffrage , but not to that distinction of Episcopus gregis , and Episcopus pastorum & gregis ; both because it is the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} or point in question ; and also because your Majesty having signified that Episcopus imports a keeper of sheep , yet you have not said that it signifies also a keeper of shepheards . As to that which is affirmed by your Majesty , that the peculiar of the function of Bishops is Church-government ; and that the reason why the word Episcopus is usually applied to Presbyterie , was because Church Governours had then another title of greater eminencie , to wit , that of Apostle ; until the Government of the Church came into the hands of their successors ; & then the names were by common usage very soon appropriated ; That of Episcopus to Ecclesiastical Governours , That of Presbyter to the ordinary Ministers . This asser●ion your Majesty is pleased to make without any demonstration ; for whom the Scripture cals Presbyters , Rulers , and Pastors and Teachers , it calls Governors ; and commits to them the charge of feeding and inspection as we have proved , and that without any mention of Church Government peculiar to a Bishop ; we deny not , but some of the Fathers have conceived the notion that Bishops were called Apostles , till the names of Presbyter and Episcopus became appropriate , which is either an allusion or conceipt , without Evidence of Scripture ; for , while the Function was one , the names were not divided ; when the Function was divided , the name was divided also , and indeed impropriate ; but we that look for the same warrant , for the division of an Office , as for the Constitution , cannot find that this appropriation of names , was made till afterwards , or in processe of time , as Theodoret ( one of the Fathers of this conceit ) affirms , whose saying , when it is run out of the pale of Scripture time , we can no further follow ; from which premises laid altogether , we did conclude the cleernes of our assertion , that in the Scriptures of the New Testament , a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter in Qualification , Ordination , Office or dignity is not found , the contrary wherof , though your Majesty saith , that you have seene confirmed by great variety of credible Testimony , yet we believe those testimonies are rather strong in asserting , then in demonstrating the Scriptures Originall of a Bishop , which is declared against by a cloud of witnesses , named in the latter end of our former Answer , unto which we should refer if matter of right were not properly tryable by Scripture , as matter of Fact is by Testimony . Wee said that the Apostles were the highest order of Officers of the Church , that they were extraordinary , that they were distinguisht from all other Officers , and that their Government was not Episcopall , but Apostolicall ; to which Answer , your Majesty being not satisfyed , doth oppose certaine assertions , That Christ himselfe and the Apostles received their Authority by Mission , their Ability by Unction ; That the Mission of the Apostles was ordinary , and to continue to the end of the world ; but the Unction , wherby they were enabled to both Offices & Functions , Teaching and Governing was indeed extraordiry , That in their Unction they were not necessarily to have successours , but necessarily in their Mission or Office of Teaching and Governing , That in these two ordinary Offices , their ordinary successours are Presbyters & Bishops , That Presbyters qua Presbyters do immediately succeed them in the Office of Teaching , and Bishops qua Bishops immediately in the Office of Governing ; The demonstration of which last alone , would have carryed in it more conviction then all these Assertions put together ; Officers are distinguished by that whereby they are constituted , their Commission , which being produced , Signed by one place of Scripture , gives surer evidence , then a Pedigree drawne forth by such a series of distinctions as do not distinguish him into another Officer from a Presbyter ; whether this chaine of distinction be strong , and the links of it sufficiciently tackt together , we crave leave to examine , Christ saith , your Majesty , was the Apostle and Bishop of our soules , and he made the Apostles both Apostles and Bishops ; we do not conceive that your Majesty meanes that the Apostles succeeded Christ as the chief Apostle , and that as Bishops , they succeed Christ as a Bishop , least thereby Christ his Mission as an Apostle and Bishop might be conceived as ordinary as their Mission is said to be ; But we apprehend your Majesty to mean , that the Office of Apostle and Bishop , was eminently contained in Christs office , as the office of a Bishop was eminently contained in that of Apostleship ; but thence it will not follow that inferior offices being contained in the superior eminently , are therefore existent in it formally ; For because all honours and dignities are eminently contained in your Majesty , would it therefore follow that your Majesty is formally and distinctly a Baron of the Realm , as it is asserted the Apostles to have been Bishops in distinct sense ; That Mission refers to Office and authority , and Vnction only to Ability , we cannot consent : for besides that the breathing of Christ upon his Disciples , saying , Receive ye the Holy Ghost , doth refer to mission as well as unction ; we conceive that in the proper anointing of Kings , or other Officers , the naturall use and effect of the oyle upon the body , was not so much intended , as the solemn and ceremonious use of it in the inauguration of them ; so there is relation to Office in unction , as well as to conferring of abilities ; else how are Kings or Priests or Prophets said to be anointed ? And what good sense could be made of that expression in Scripture , of anointing one in anothers room : to omit , that Christ by this construction should be called the Messias in respect of abilities only . And although we should grant your Majesties explication of Mission and Vnction , yet it will not follow that the mission of the Apostles was ordinary , and their unction only extraordinary : That into which there is succession , was ordinary ; That into which there is no succession , ( for succession is not unto abilities or gifts ) extraordinary ; and so the Apostles were ordinary officers in all whereunto there is properly any succession , and that is office . They differed from Bishops in that wherein one Apostle or Officer of the same order might differ from another , to wit , in abilities and measure of Spirit , but not in that wherein one order of officers is above another by their office ; To which we cannot give consent , for since no man is denominated an officer from his meer abilities or gifts , so neither can the Apostles be called extraordinary officers , because of extraordinary gifts , but that the Apostles mission and office ( as well as their abilities ) was extraordinary and temporay , doth appeare in that it was by immediate Commission from Christ without any intervention , of men , either in Election or Ordination , for planting an authoritative governing of all Churches through the World , comprehending in it all other Officers of the Church whatsoever , and therefore it seemes to us very unreasonable that the Office and authority of the Apostles should be drawn down to an ordinary , thereby to make it , as it were , a fit stock , into which the ordinary Office of a Bishop may be ingrafted , nor doth the continuance of Teaching and Governing in the Church more render the office of teaching and governing in the Apostles an ordinary office , then the office of teaching , and governing in Christ himselfe , render his Office therefore Ordinary . The reason given , That the Office of Teaching and Governing , was ordinary in the Apostles , because of the continuance of them in the Church ( wee crave leave to say ) is that great mistake which runnes through the whole file of your Majesties discourse , for though there be a Succession in the worke of Teaching and Governing , yet there is no Succession in the Commission or Office by which the Apostles performed them ; for the Office of Christ , of Apostles , of Evangelists , of Prophets , is thence also concluded Ordinary , as to Teaching and Governing , and the distinction of Offices Extraordinary and Ordinary eatenus destroyed ; The Succession may be into the same worke , not into the same Commission and Office , the Ordinary Officers , which are to manage the work of Teaching and Governement , are constituted , setled and limited by warrant of Scripture , as by another Commission then that which the Apostles had ; And if your Majesty had shewn us some Record out of Scripture , warranting the division of the office of teaching and governing into two hands , and the appropriation of teaching to Presbyters , of governing to Bishops , the question had been determined , otherwise we must look upon the dissolving of the Apostolicall Office , and distribution of it into these two hands , as the dictate of men who have a minde , by such a precarious Argument , to challenge to themselves the Keyes of Authority , and leave the Word to the Presbyters . In our answer to the instances of Timothy and Titus ( which Doctor Bilson acknowledgeth to be the maine erection of Episcopall power , if the proofes of their being Bishops , doe stand , or subversion , if the answer that they were Evangelists be good ) Your Majesty finds very little satisfaction though all that is said therein could be proved . First , because the Scriptures no where implyeth any such things at all , that Titus was an Evangelist , neither doth the text cleerly prove , that Timothy was so . 1. The name of Bishop , the Scripture neither expresly nor by implication gives to either , the work which they are injoyned to do is common to Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors & Teachers , and cannot of it self make a character of one distinct and proper office ; But that there was such an order of Officers in the Church as Evangelists reckoned amongst the extraordinary and temporary Offices and that Timothy was one of that Order , and that both Timethy and Titus were not ordained to one particular Church , but were companions and fellow Labourers with the Apostles , sent abroad to severall Churches as occasion did require , it is as we ( humbly conceive ) clear enough in Scripture , and not denyed by the learned defenders of Episcopall Government nor ( as we remember ) by Scultetus himselfe during the time of their travailes . 2. To that which Your Majesty secondly saith , That we cannot make it appeare by any Text of Scripture that the Office of Evangelist is such as we have discribed , his worke seeming , 2 Tim. 2. 4 , 5. to be nothing else but diligence in preaching the word , notwithstanding all impediments and oppositions , We humbly Answer , That exact definitions of these or other Church Officers are hard to bee found in any Text of Scripture , but by comparing one place of Scripture with another , it may bee proved aswell that they were , as what the Apostles and Presbyters were , the description by us given being a Character made up by collation of Scriptures , from which Mr. Hooker doth not much vary , saying that Evangelists were Presbyters of Principall sufficiency whom the Apostles sent abroad & used as Agents in Ecclesiasticall Affaires , wheresoever they saw need . And that Pastors & Teachers , were settled in some certain charge and therby differed from Evangelists , whose work that it should be nothing but diligence in preaching , &c , which is common to Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors and Teachers , and so not distinctive of this particular Office , argueth to us , that as the Apostles Office was divided into Episcopall and Apostolicall , so this also is to be divided in Episcopall and Evangelistical , Ordination and Censures belonging to Timothy as a Bishop , and diligence in Preaching only being left to the Evangelists , which division ( as we humbly conceive ) is not warranted by the Scripture . Thirdly , Your Majesty saith that that which we so confidently affirme of Timothy and Titus , their acting as Evangelists is by some denyed and refuted , yea even with scorne rejected by some rigid Presbyterians , and that which we so confidently deny , that they were Bishops , is consirmed by the consentient testimony of all antiquity , recorded by Ierome himselfe that they were Bishops of Pauls ordination , acknowledged by very many late Divines , and that a Catalogue of 27 Bishops of Ephesus lineally succeeding from Timothy out of good Record is vouched by Dr. Reynolds and other Writers . Our confidence ( as Your Majesty is pleased to call it ) was in our Answer exprest in these words , wee cannot say that Timothy and Titus were Bishops in the sense of Your Majesty , but extraordinary officers or Evangelists , in which opinion we were then clear , not out of a totall ignorance of those Testimonies which might be alledged against it , but from intrinsick arguments out of Scripture , from which Your Majesty hath not produced any one to the contrary , nor is our confidence weakned by such replys as these , the Scripture never cals them Bishops , but the Fathers do , the Scripture calls Timothy an Evangelist , some of late have refuted it , and rejected it with scorn , the Scripture relates their motions from Church to Church , but some affirme them to be fixed at Ephesus and in Creet , the Scripture makes distinction of Evangelists and Pastors , but some say that Timothy and Titus were both , we cannot give Your Majesty a present account of Scultetus and Gherards Arguments , but do believe that M. Gillespi and Rutherford are able with greater strength to refute that opinion of Timothy and Titus their being Bishops , then they do ( if they do ) with scorne reject this of their being Evangelists ; As for testimonies and catalogues though we undervalue them not , yet Your Majesty will be pleased to allow us the use of our Reason , so far as not to erect an office in the Church , which is not found in Scripture , upon generall appellations or titles and allusions frequently found in the Fathers , especially when they speake vulgarly , and not as to a point in debate , for even Ierome who as Your Majesty saith doth Record that Timothy and Titus were made Bishops , and that of St. Pauls Ordination , doth when he speaks to the poynt between Your Majesty and us , give the Bishops to understand that they are superior to Presbyters consueitudine magis quam Dominicae veritatis dispositione ; for catalogues their creditrests upon the first witnesses from whom they are reported by tradition from hand to hand , whose writings are many times suppositions , dubius or not extant , besides that these catalogues do resolve themselves into some Apostle or Evangelist as the first Bishop , as the catalogue of Ierusalem into the Apostle Iames , that of Antioch into Peter , that of Rome into Peter and Paul , that of Alexandria into Marke , that of Ephesus into Timothy , which Apostles and Evangelists can neither themselves be degraded by being made Bishops , nor be succeeded in their proper calling or office , and it is easy for us to proceed the same way and to finde many antient rites and customs generally received in the Church ( counted by the antients Apostolicall traditions ) as neer the Apostles times as Bishops , which yet are , confessedly , not of Divine institution ; and further , if Timothy and the rest that are first in the catalogue were Bishops with such sole Power of Ordination and Censures , as is asserted , how came their pretended successors , who were but Primi Presbyterorum ( as the Fathers themselves call them ) to lose so much Episcopall power as was in their Predecessors , and as was not recovered in 300 years ? and therefore we cannot upon any thing yet said , recide from that of our Saviour , ab initio non fuit sic , from the begining is was not so . Your Majesty saith , that wee affirme but upon very weak proofes , that they were from Ephesus and Crete removed to other places , the contrary whereunto hath been demonstrated by some , who have exactly out of Scripture , compared the times , and order of the severall journeyes , and stations of Paul and Timothy . It is confessed that our assertion , that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists , lies with some stresse upon this , that they removed from place to place , as they were sent by or accompanied the Apostles , the proofe whereof appeares to us , to bee of greaten strength then can bee taken off by the comparison which your Majesty makes of the Divines of the Assembly at Westminster . Wee begin with the Travailes of Timothy , as we finde them in order recorded in the Scripture-places cited in the Margin , and we set forth from a Berea , where we finde Timothy , then next at b Athens , fromwhence Paul sends him to c Thessalonica , afteward having been in Macedonia , he came to Paul at d Corinth , and after that , he is with Paul at Ephesus , and thence sent by him into e Macedonia , whether Paul went after him , and was by Timothy accompanied into f Asia , who was with him at g Troas and h Miletus , to which place Saint Paul sent for the Presbyters of the Church in Ephesus , and gave them that solemne charge to take heede unto themselves , and to all the flock , over which the holy Ghost hath made them Bishops , not speaking a word of recommendation of that Church to Timothy , or of him to the Elders . And if Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , he must bee so when the first Epistle was sent to him , in which he is pretended to receive the charge of exercising his Episcopall power in Ordination and government ; but it is manifest that after this Epistle sent to him , he was in continuall journeyes , or absent from Ephesus . For Paul left him at Ephesus when he went into i Macedonia , and he left him there to exercise his Office , in regulating and ordering that Church and in ordaining ; but it was after this time that Timothy is found with Paul at Miletus , for aftur Paul had been at Miletus , he went to Jerusalem , whence he was sent prisoner to Rome , and never came more into Macedonia , and at k Rome we find Timothy a prisoner with him , and these Epistles which Paul wrote while he was prisoner at Rome , namely the Epistle to the Philippians , to Philemon , to the Colossians , to the Hebrewes , doe make mention of Timothy as his companion at these times , nor doe we ever finde him againe at Ephesus , for we finde that after all this , towards the end of Saint Pauls life , after his first answering before Nero , and when he said his departing was at hand , hee sent for Timothy to Rome , not from Ephesus ; for it seemes that Timothy was not there , because Paul giving Timothy an account of the absence of most of his companions sent into divers parts , he saith , Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus . Now if your Majesty shall bee pleased , to cast up into one totall that which is said ; the severall journeyes and stations of Timothy , the order of them , the time spent in them , the nature of his imployment , to negotiate the affaires of Christ in severall Churches and places , the silence of the Scriptures , as touching his being Bishop of any one Church , you will acknowledge that such a man was not a Bishop fixed to one Church or precinct , and then by assuming that Timothy was such a man , you wil conclude that he was not Bishop of Ephesus . The like conclusion may be inforced from the like premisses , from the instance of Titus , whom we finde at a Jerusalem before he came to Crete , from whence hee is sent for to b Nicopolis , & after that he is sent to Corinth , from whence he is expected at c Troas , and met with Paul in d Macedonia , whence he is sent againe to e Corinth , and after all this is neere the time of Pauls death at Rome , from whence he went not into Crete , but unto f Dalmatia , and after this is not heard on in the Scripture ; and so we hope your Majesty doth conceive , that we affirme not upon very weak proofes , that Tymothy and Titus were from Ephesus & Crete removed to other places . In the fifth exception your Majesty takes notice of two places of Scripture cited by us , to prove that they were called away from those places of Ephesus & Crete , which if they doe not conclude much of themselves , yet being accompanied by two other places which your Majesty takes no notice of , may seeme to conclude more , and these are 1 Tim. v. 1. 3. Titus 1. 5. As I be sought thee to abide still at Ephesus , for this cause left I thee in Creete , in both which is specifed the occasionall imployment , for which they made stay in those places : and the expressions used , I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus , I left thee in Crete , doe not sound like words of installment of a man into a Bishoprick , but of an intendment to call them away again , and if the first and last be put together , his actuall revocation of them both , the intimation of his intention , that they should not stay there for continuance , and the reason of his beseeching the one to stay , & of his leaving the other behind him , which was some present defects and distempers in those Churches , they will put faire to prove that the Apostle intended not to establish them Bishops of those places , and therefore did not ; For the Postscripts , because your Majesty layes no great weight upon them , We shall not be solicitous in producing evidence against them , though they doe bear witnesse in a matter of fact , which in our opinion never was , and in your Majesties Judgement was long before they were borne , and so we conclude this discourse about Timothy and Titus with this observation , that in the same very Epistle of Paul to Timothy , out of which your Majesty hath endeavoured to prove that he was a Bishop , and did exercise Episcopall Government , there is cleare evidence both for Presbyters imposing hands , in ordination , and for their Ruling . In the next point concerning the Angels of the Churches , though your Majesty saith , that you lay no weight upon the Allegory or Mystery of the denomination , yet you assert , that the persons bearing that name were personae singulares , & in a word Bishops , who yet are never so called in Scripture , & the allegorical denomination of Angels or Stars , which in the Judgement of ancient and moderne Writers doth belong to the faithfull Ministers and Preachers of the word in generall , is appropriate ( as we may so say ) to the Myter and Crosierstaffe , and so opposed to many expresse testimonies of Scripture ; And if your Majesty had been particular in that , wherein you say the strength of your instance lies , viz. the Judgement of all ancient , & of the best moderne Writers , and many probabilities in the text it selfe , we hope to have made it apparent , that many ancient & eminent Writers , many probabilities out of the text it self do give evidence to the contrary . To that which is asserted , That these singular persons were Bishops in distinct sence , whether we brought any thing of moment to infirm this we humbly submit to Your Majesties judgement , and shall only represent to you that in Your Reply you have not taken notice of that which in our answer seems to us of moment , which is this , that in Mysterious & prophetick writings or visionall representations ( such as this of the stars and golden Candlesticks is ) a number of things or persons is usually exprest in singulars , and this in visions is the usuall way of Representation of things , a thousand persons making up one Church , is represented by one Candlestick ; Many Ministers making up one Presbytery by one Angell . And because Your Majesty seemes to call upon us to be particular , though we cannot name the Angels , nor are satisfied in our judgement , that those whom some do undertake to name were intended by the name of Angells in those Epistles ; yet we say , First , that these Epistles were sent unto the Churches , and that under the expression of this thou dost , or this thou hast , and the like , the Churches are respectively intended , for the sin reproved , the Repentance commanded , the punishments threatned , are to be referred to the Churches and not to the singular Angells onely , and yet wee do not thinke that Salmatius did intend , nor doe wee , that in formall denomination the Angells and Candlesticks are the same ; Secondly ; The Angels of these Churches or Rulers were a Collective body , which wee endeavoured to prove by such Probabilities as your Majesty takes no notice of , namely the instance of the Church of Ephesus , where there were many Bishops , to whom the charg of that Church was by Saint Paul at his finall departure from them committed ; as also by that expression Revel. 2. 24. To you , and to the rest in Thiatyra ; Which distinction makes it very probable , that the Angel is explained under that Plurality to you ; the like to which many expressions may be found in these Epistles , which to interpret according to the Consentient Evidence of other Scriptures of the New Testament , is not Safe only , but Solid and Evidentiall . Thirdly , these Writings are directed as Epistolary , Letters , to Collective Bodyes , usually are ( that is ) to One , but intended to the Body ; which your Majesty illustrateth by your sending a Message to your . Two Houses , and directing it to the Speaker of the House of Peers ; which as it doth not hinder ( we confesse ) but that the Speaker is one single Person ; so it doth not prove at all , that the Speaker is alwayes the same Person ; or if he were , that therefore because your Message is directed to him he is the Governour or Ruler of the Two Houses in the least , and so your Majesty hath given cleare instance , that though these Letters be directed to the Angels , yet that notwithstanding they might neither be Bishops , not yet perpetuall Moderators . For the severall opinions specified in your Majesties Paper , three of them , by easie and faire accommodati●n ( as wee declared before ) are soon reduced and united amongst themselves , and may be holden wi●hout ecesse from the received Iudgement of the Christian Church ▪ by such as are far from m●●iting that Aspersion , which is cast upon the Reformed Divines , by Popish Writers , that they have divided themselves from the Common and received Iudgment of the Christian Church ; which Imputation , wee hope , was not in your Majesties intention to lay upon us , untill it bee made cleare that it is the common and received Iudgement of the Christian Church that now is , or of that in former Ages , that the Angels of the Churches were Bishops having Prelacy as well over Pastors as People within their Churches . In the following Discourse we did deny , that the Apostles were to have any Successors in their Office , and affirmed onely 〈◊〉 Orders of Ordinary and Standing Officers in the Church , vizt. Presbiters and Deacons . Concerning the former of which your Majesty refers to what you had in part already declared : That in those things which were extraordinary in the Apostles , as namely , the Measure of their Gifts , &c. They had no Sucessors in cundem graedum ; but in those things which were not extraordinary , as the Office of Teaching and Power of Governing ( which are necessary for the Service of the Church in all times ) they were to have and had no Successours : Where your Majesty deli●●●s a Doctrine new to us . Namely , that the Apopost●es had Successors into their Offices , not into their 〈◊〉 : For ( besides that , Succession is not 〈◊〉 into Abiliti●s ▪ but into Offic● ▪ We cannot say , that one 〈◊〉 another in his 〈◊〉 ▪ o● 〈◊〉 , or Patts , but into his Roome and Function , 〈◊〉 ●●nceive , that the Office Apostolicall was 〈…〉 in whole , because their Mission and 〈◊〉 was ●o , and the service or work of ▪ Teaching and Governing being to continue in all times doth not render their Office Ordinary ; as the Office of Moses was not rendred Ordinary , because many workes of Government exercised by him , were re-committed to the standing Elders of Israel : And if they have Successors , it must be , either into their whole Office , or into some parts : Their Successors into the whole ( however differing from them in measure of Gifts and peculiar Qualifications ) must be called Apostles , the same Office gives the 〈◊〉 Denomination , and then we shal confesse that Bishops , if they be their Successors in Office , 〈◊〉 of Divine Institution , because the Apostolicall Office him so ; if their Successors come into part of their Office only , the Presbiters may as well bee called their 〈◊〉 ▪ ●● the Bishops , and so indeed they are called by 〈◊〉 of the ancient Fathers , 〈◊〉 , Origen , 〈◊〉 , and others : Whereas in much the Apostle● 〈◊〉 not properly Successors into Office , but the ordin●ry Power of Teaching and Governing ( which 〈…〉 the Church for 〈◊〉 ) is 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 in the hands of ordinary Officers by a 〈…〉 and Commission according to the rules of 〈◊〉 and calling in the word , 〈◊〉 the Bishop hath 〈◊〉 yet produced for himselfe , and without which he cannot challenge it upon the 〈…〉 by the 〈◊〉 without 〈◊〉 . And whereas your 〈…〉 of their work 〈…〉 in the Apostles , we could wish that you had declared whether it belong to their Mission or Unction ; for we humbly conceive , that their Authorative Power to do their Work in all places of the world did properly belong to their Mission , and consequently that their Office , as wel as their Abilities was extraordinary and so by your Majesties own concession not to be succeded into by the Bishops . As to the Orders of standing Officers of the Church your Majesty doth reply , That although in the places cited , Phil. 1. 1. 1 Tim. 3. 8. there be no mention but of the two Orders only of Bishops or Presbiters , and Deacons , Yet it is not thereby proved that there is no other standing Office in the Church besides , which we humbly conceive is justly proved , not only because there are no other named , but because there is no rule of Ordeyning any third , no Warrant or way of Mission , and so the Argument is as good , as can be made , a non cause ad non effectum ; for we do not yet apprehend that the Bishops pretending to the Apostolick Office do also pretend to the same manner of Mission , nor do we know hat those very many Divines that have afferted two orders onely , have concluded it from any other grounds then the Scriptures cited . There appears ( as your Majesty saith ) two other manifest reasons why the Office of Bishops might not bee so proper to be mentioned in those places . And wee humbly conceive there is a third more manifest then those two , vizt , because , It was not . The one reasun given by your Majesty , is because in the Churches which the Appostles themselves planted ; they placed Presbiters under them for the Office of Teaching , but reserved in their own hands the Power of Governing those Churches for a longer , or shorter time before they set Bishops over them . Which under your Majesties favour is not so much a reason why Bishops are not mentiioned to bee in those places as that they indeed were not ; the variety of reasons ( may we say or conjectures ) rendred why Bishops were not set up at first , as namely because fit men could not be so soon found out , which is Epiphanius his reason , or for remedy of Schisme , which is Jeromes reason , or because the Apostles saw it not expedient , which is your Majesties reason doth shew that this cause labours under a manifest weaknesse ; for the Apostles reserving in their own hands the power of Governing , we grant it , they could no more devest themselves of power of Governing , then ( as Dr. Bilson saith ) they could loose their Apostleship : had they set up Bishops in all Churches , they had no more pa●ted with their power of Governing , then they did in seting up the Presbyters , for we have proved that Presbyters , being called Rulers , Governours , Bishops , had the power of Governing in Ordinary , committed to them , as well as the Office of Teaching , and that both the Keys ( as they are called ) being by our Saviour comitted into one hand , were not by the Apostles divided into two : Nor do we see , how the Apostles could , reasonably commit the Government of the Church to the Presbyters of Ephesus , Act. 20 , and yet reserve the power of Governing ( viz. in Ordinary ) in his own hands , who took his solemn leave of them , as never to see their faces more . As that part of the power of Government , which for distinction sa●e may be called Legis-Lative , and which is one of the three fore-mentioned things challenged by the Bishops , viz giving Rules , the reserving of it in the Apostles hands hindred not , but that in your Majesties Iudgment Timothy and Titus were Bishops of 〈◊〉 and Creete , to whom the Apostles gives Rules for ●●●ring and Governing of the Church : Nor is there ●●y more reason , that the Apostles reserving that part of the Power of Governing which is called E●●cuti●● in such cases , and upon such occasions as they thought 〈◊〉 should hinder the setting up of Bishops , if they had intended it ; and therefore the reserving of Power in their hands can be no greater reason why they did not set up Bishops at the first , then that they never did . And since ( by your Majesties Concession ) the Presbiters were placed by the Apostles first , in the Churches by them planted , and that with Power of Governi●● , as wee prove by Scripture , you must prove the 〈…〉 of a Bishop over the Presbyters by the Apostles in some after times , or else we must conclude that the Bishop got both his Name and Power of Government out of the Presbyters hand , as the Tree in the ●●ll m●ns out the stones by little and little as i● 〈◊〉 grows ▪ As touching Phillippi , where you Majesty saith , it may be probable there was yet 〈◊〉 Bishop , it is certaine there were many , like them , 〈…〉 at Epheful , to whom if only the Office of Teaching did belong they had the most labori●us and honorable part that which was less honorable being reserved in the Apostles hands and the Churches left in the mean time without ordinary Government . The other reason given why two Orders only a●● mentioned in those places is , because he wrot in the 〈◊〉 to Timothy and Titus to them that were Bishops , ●● there was no need to writ any thing concerning the 〈…〉 Qualification of any other sort of 〈◊〉 then such , as belonged to their Ordination , or inspection , which were Presbyters and Deacons only , and no Bishops . The former reason why two only Orders are mentioned in the Epistle to the Philip●●ans , was , because there was yet ●● Bishop ▪ this latter reason why the same two onely are mentioned in these Epistles , is because there was no Bishop i●●● Ordained we might own the reason for good , if there may bee found any rule for the Ordination of the other order of Bishops in some other place of Scripture , but if the Ordination cannot be found , how should we find the Order ? and it is reasonable to think , that the Apostle in the Chapter formerly alleadged , 1 Tim. 3. where he passes immediatly from the Bish to the De●●on , would have 〈◊〉 exprest , or at least hinted what sort of Bishop he meant whither the Bishop ●ver Presbyters , or the Presbiter Bishop , to have avoyded the confusion of the name , and to have set as it were some mark of difference in the 〈◊〉 of the Presbiter-Bish . if there had bin some other Bishop of 〈…〉 . And wheras your Ma● . saith there was no need to writ to them about 〈…〉 in a distinct sence , who belonged not to their Ordination and inspection ▪ We conceive that in your Majesties judgment , Bishops might then have Ordeined Bishops like themselves ; for there was then no Ca●●● forbiding one single Bish to ordain another of his own rank , and ther being many Cities in Creete , Titus might have found it expedient ( as those ancient Fathers that call him Arch-Bishop think he did ) to have set up Bishops in some of those Cities ▪ So that this reasoning his against the principles , of those 〈…〉 to have been Bishops , for our part we beleeve that ●Word-● belonged unto 〈◊〉 and Titus with 〈…〉 Churches where they might 〈…〉 any time have the Office of Ordeyning and Governing , as it is written in the same Chapter , 1 Tim. 3. 14 , 15. Those things I have written unto th●● , &c. that thou mayest know how to be have thy selfe in the House of God , which is the Church ; and therefore if there had been any proper Character or Qualification of a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter , if any Ordination or Office , we think the Apostle would have signified it , but because he did not , we conclude ( and the more strongly from the insufficiency of your Majesties two reasons ) that there are onely two Orders of Officers , and consequently that a Bishop is not superiour to a Presbyter , for we find not ( as we said in our Answer ) that one Officer is superiour to another , who is of the same Order . Concerning the Ages succeeding the Apostles . Your Majesty having in your first Paper said , that you could not in Conscience consent to Abolish Episcopall Government , because you did conceive it to be of Apostolicall Institution , Practised by the Apostles themselves , and by them comitted and derived to particular persons as their Successors , and have ever since til these last times bin exercised by Bishops in al the Churchs of Christ : We thought it necessary in our Answer , to subjoyne to that we had said out of the Scriptures , the Iudgment of divers ancient ●riters and Fathers , by whom Bishops were not acknowledged as a Divine , but as an Ecclesias●ticall Institution , as that which might very much conduce both to the easing of your Majesties scruple , to consider that howsoever Episcopal Government was generally currant , yet the superscription was not jugded Divine , by some of those that either were themselves Bishops , or lived under that Government , & to the vindication of the opinion which we hold , from the prejudice of Novellisme , or of recesse from the Iudgement of all Antiquity . We doe as firmely beleeve ( as to matter of fact ) that Chrysostome and Austin were Bishops , as that Aristotle was a Philosopher , Cicer● an Orator ; though wee should rather call out Faith and beliefe thereof ●●rtaine in matter of fact , upon humane Testimonies uncontrouled , then infallible , in respect of the Testimonies themselves . But where is your Majestie saith , That the darknesse of the Historie of the Church , in the time succeeding the Apostles , is a strong Argument for Episcopacie , which notwithstanding that darknesse hath found so full proofe by unquestioned Catalogues , as scarce any other matter of fact hath found the like : Wee humbly conceive , that those fore-mentioned times were darke to the Catalogue-makers , who must derive the series of Succession from , and through those Historicall darknesses , and so make up their Catalogues very much from Tradition and Reports , which can give no great Evidence , because they agree not amongst themselves : and that which is the great blemish of their Evidence is , that the neerer they come to the Apostles times ( wherein they should be most of all clear , to establish the succession firm and cleare at first ) the more doubtfull , uncertaine , and indeed contradictorie to one another ; are the Testimonies . Some say , that Clemens was first Bishop of Rome , after Peter ; some say , the third : and the intricacies about the Order of Succession , in Lin●s , Anacletus , Clemens , and another called Cletus ( as some affirme ) are inextricable . Some say , that Titus was Bishop of Crate ; some say , Arch-bishop ; and some , Bishop of Dalmatia . Some say , that Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus ; and some say , that Iohn was Bishop of Ephesus at the same time . Some say , that Polycarpus was first Bishop of Smyrna : another saith , that he succeeded one B●colus ; and another , that Arist● was first . Some say , that Alexandria had but one Bishop , and other Cities two ; and others , that there was but one Bishop of one Citie at the same time . And how should those Catalogues be unquestionable , which must be made up out of Testimonies that fight one with another ? Wee confesse , that the Ancient Fathers , Tertulltan , Irenaus , &c. made use of Succession , as an Argument against Heretikes , or Innovators , to prove that they had the traduces Apostoliei seminis , and that the Godly and Orthodox Fathers were on their side . But that which we now have in hand , is Succession in Office ; which , according to the Catalogues , resolves it selfe into some Apostle , or Evangelist , as the first Bishop of such a Citie , or Place , who ( as we conceive ) could not be Bishops of those places , being of an higher Office ; though , according to the language of after-times , they might by them that drew up the Catalogues , be so called , because they planted and founded , or watered those Churches to which they are entituled , and had their greatest residence in them ; or else the Catalogues are drawne from some eminent men that were of great veneration and reverence in the times and places where they lived , and Presidents or Moderators of the Presbyteries , whereof themselves were Members : from whom , to pretend the Succession of after-Bishops , is as if it should be said , that Caesar was Successor to the Roman Consuls . And we humbly conceive , that there are some Rites and Ceremonies used continually in the Church of old , which are asserted to be found in the Apostolicall and Primitive times , and yet have no colour of Divine Institution ; and , which is Argument above all other , the Fathers , whose Names wee exhibited to your Majestie in our Answer , were doubtlesse acquainted with the Catalogues of Bishops who had beene before them , and yet did hold them to be of Ecclesiasticall Institution . And lest your Majestie might reply , That however the Testimonies and Catalogues may varie , or be mistaken , in the order , or times , or names of those persons that succeeded the Apostles , yet all agree , that there was a Succession of some persons ; and so , though the credit of the Catalogues be infirmed , yet the thing intended is confirmed thereby : We grant , that Succession of men to feed and governe those Churches , while they continued Churches , cannot be denyed , and that the Apostles and Evangelists , that planted and watered those Churches ( though extraordinarie and temporarie Officers ) were by Ecclesiasticall Writers , in complyance with the Language and usage of their owne times , called Bishops ; and so were other eminent men , of chiefe note , presiding in the Presbyteries of the Cities or Churches , called by such Writers as wrote after the division or distinction of the names of Presbyters , and Bishops : But that those first and ancientest Presbyters were Bishops in proper sence , according to your Majesties description , invested with power over Presbyters and people , to whom ( as distinct from Presbyters ) did belong the power of Ordaining , giving Rules and Censures ; wee humbly conceive can never be proved by authentike or competent Testimonies . And granting , that your Majestie should prove the Succession of Bishops from the Primitive times seriatim ; yet if these from whom you draw , and through whom you derive it , be found either more then Bishops , as Apostles , and extraordinarie persons , or lesse then Bishops , as meerly first Presbyters , having not one of the three essentials to Episcopall Government ( mentioned by your Majestie ) in their owne hand ; it will follow , that all that your Majestie hath proved by this Succession , is the Homonymy and equivocall acceptation of the word Episcopus . For Clemens his Testimonie , which your Majestie conceiveth to be made use of , as our old fallacie , from the promiscuous use of the words to inferre the indistinction of the things ; wee referre our selves to himselfe in his Epistle , now in all mens hands , whose Testimonie wee thinke cannot be eluded , but by the old Artifice , of hiding the Bishop under the Presbyters name : for they that have read his whole Epistle , and have considered , that himselfe is called a Bishop , may doubt of Clemens opinion , concerning the distinct offices of Bishops and Presbyters , or rather not doubt of it , if onely his one Epistle , may be impaneld upon the Inquest . Concerning Ignatius his Epistles , your Majesty is pleased to use some earnestnesse of expression , charging some of late , without any regard of ingenuity or truth , out of their partiall disaffection to Bishops , to have endeavoured to discredit his writings . One of those cited by us , cannot ( as we conceive ) be suspected of disaffection to Bishops ; and there are great Arguments drawn out of those Epistles themselves , betraying their insincerity , adulterate mixtures , and interpolations ; So that Ignatius cannot be distinctly known in Ignatius . And if we take him in grosse , we make him the Patron ( as Baronious , and the rest of the Popish writers do ) of such rites and observations , as the Church in his time cannot be thought to have owned . He doth indeed give te●timonie to the Prelacy of a Bishop above a Presbyter , that which may justly render him suspected , is that he gives too much . Honour ( saith he ) the Bishop as Gods high Priest , and after him you must honour the King . He was indeed a holy Martyr , and his writings have suffered Martyrdom , aswell as he ; Corruptions could not go currant , but under the credit of worthy Names . That which your Majesty saith in Your fourth Paragraph , That we might have added , ( if we had pleased ) That Iames , Timothy , Titus , &c. were constituted and ordained Bishops , of the forementioned places respectively , and that all the Bishops of those times , were reputed successors to the Apos●les in their Episcopall office : We could not have added it without prejudice ( as we humbly conceive ) to the truth ; for the Apostles did not ordein any of themselves Bishops , nor could they do it , for even by your Majesties concession , they were Bishops before , viz. as they were Apostles , nor could any Apostle his choyce of a certain Region or Place to exercise his function in , whilest he pleased , render him a Bishop , any more then Paul was Bishop of the Gentiles , Peter of the Circumcision . Neither did the Apostles ordein the Evangelists Bishops of those Places unto which they sent them ; Nor were the Bishops of those times any more then as your Majesty saith , reputed successours to the Apostles in their Episcopall office , they came after the Apostles in the Churches by them planted , so might Presbyters do ; but that 's not properly succession , at least not succession into office ; and this we say with a Salv● to our assertion , that in those times there were no such Bishops distinct from Presbyters : Neither do we understand , whether the words Episcopall office , in this Section , refer to the Bishops or Apostles ; for in referrence to Apostles , it insinuates a distinction of the Apostles office , into Apostolicall and Episcopall , or that the office Apostolicall , was wholly Episcopall , unto neither of which we can give our consent for reasons forementioned . To the testimonies by us recited in proof of two onely Orders , Your Majesty answers first , that the promiscuous use of the names of Bishops and Presbyters , is imported ; That which your Majesty not long ago called our old fallacy , is now Your answer , onely with this difference , We under promiscuous names hold the same office : Your Majesty under promiscuous names supposes two , which if as it is often asserted , was but once proved ▪ We should take it for a determination of this controversie . Secondly , that they relate to a School-point , or a nicety , utrum Episcopat●● sit ordo vel gradus , both sides of the questionists or disputants in the mean time acknowledging the right of Church-government in the Bishops alone ; It is confest by us , that that question as it is stated by Popish Authors , is a curious nicety , to which we have no eye or reference ; for though the same officers may differ fromand excell others of the same order in gifts or qualifications , Yet the office it self , is one and the same , without difference or degrees , as one Apostle or Presbyter , is not superiour to another in degree of office ; they that are of the same order are of the same degree , in respect of office , as having Power and Authority to the same Acts. Nor doth the Scripture warrant or allow , any superiority of one over another of the same order ; and therefore the proving of two orders onely in the Church , is a demonstration , that Presbyters and Bishops are the same . In which point , the Scripture will counter-ballance the testimonies of those that assert three degrees or orders , though ten for one . But for easing of your Majesty of the trouble of producing testimonies against those cited by us , We make this humble motion , that the Regiments on both sides may be discharged out of the field , and the point disputed by Dint of holy Scripture , id verum quod primum . Having passed through the Argumentative parts of your Majesties Reply , wherein we should account it a great happinesse , to have given your Majesty any satisfaction , in order whereunto You pleased to honour us with this imployment , We shall contract our selves in the remainder , craving your Majesties pardon , if You shall conceive us to have been too much in the former , and too little in that which follows . We honour the Pious intentions and munificence of Your Royall Progenitors , and do acknowledge that ornamentall accessions granted to the Person , do not make any substantiall change in the office ; the reall difference between that Episcopall Government , which first obtained in the Church , and the present Hierarchy , consists in ipso regimine & modo regiminis , which cannot be clearly demonstrated in particulars , untill it be agreed on both sides , what that Episcopacy was then , and what the Hierarchy is now , and then it would appear , whether these three forementioned essentialls of Episcopall Government , were the same in both : For the power under Christian Princes , and under Pagan , is one and the same , though the exercise be not . And we humbly receive your Majesties Pious advertisement , ( not unlike that of Constantines ) stirring us up as men unbyassed with private interests , to study the neerest accommodation and best resemblance to the Apostolicall and Primitive times . But for your Majesties Salve to the Bishops sole Power , of Ordination and Iurisdiction , and that distinction of Ordination , Authoritative in the Bishop , and Concomitant in the Presbytery , which You seem to found upon these two Texts , 2 Tim. 1. 6. 1 Tim. 4. 14. and which is used by D. Bilson , and other defenders of Episcopacy , in explication of that Cannon of the fourth Councell of Carthage , which enjoyns the joyns imposition of the Bishops and Presbyters hands , We shall give your Majesty an accompt , when we shall be called to the disquisition thereof ; Albeit that we do not for the present see , but that this Proviso of your Majesty , renders our accommodation to the Apostolicall and Primitive times ( where unto You did exhort us ) unseasonable . We not withstanding , do fully professe our acknowledgement of subordination of the outward exercise of Iurisdiction , to the Soveraign Power , and our accomptablenesse to the Laws of the Land . As for your Majesties three questions of great importance , Whether there be a certain form of Government left by Christ or his Apostles , to be observed by all Christian Churches ; Whether it binde perpetually , or be upon occasion alterable in whole , or in part ; Whether that certain form of Government , be the Episcopall , Presbyterian , or some other , differing from them both : The whole volume of Ecclesiasticall Policy , is contained in them ; and we hope that neither your Majesty expected of us a particular answer to them at this time , nor will take offence at us , if we hold onely to that which is the question , in order to the Bill of Abolition ; for we humbly professe our readinesse to serve your Majesty , answering these or any other questions , within our proper Cognizance , according to the proportion of our mean abilities . For your Majesties condescension , in vouchsafing us the liberty and honour of examining Your learned Reply , clothed in such excellency of stile , and for Your exceeding candour , shewed to such men as we are ; and for the acceptation of our humble duty , we render to your Majesty most humble thanks , and shall pray , That such a pen in the hand of such abilities , may ever be imployed in a subject worthy of it . That your Majesty would please to consider , that in this point under debate , succession is not the best clew , and most certain , and ready way to finde out the Originall ; for to go that way , is to go the furthest way about , yea , to go backward ; and when You are at the spring , viz. the Scripture it self ▪ You go to the rivers end , that You may seek the spring . And that the Lord would guide your Majesty , and the two Houses of Parliament , by the right hand of his Councell , and shew You a happy way of healing our unhappy differences , and of settling the Common-wealth of Jesus Christ , which is the Church ; so as all the members thereof , may live under You in all Godlinesse , Peace , and Honesty . Imprimatur Ia. Cranford . Octob. 19. 1648. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A89568e-190 Eccle. Pol l. b. 5 a Acts 17. 14. b 15. c 1 Thess. 3. 1 , 2. d Acts 18. 5. e Acts 19. 22. f Acts ●0 . 4 g 5. 6. h 17. i 1 Tim. 1. 3. k Heb. 13. 23. Phil. 1. 1. Philem. ver. 1. Col. 1. 1. Heb. 13. 23. 2 Tim. 4. 6. 10. 11. 12. 16. a Galat. 1. 2. b Titus 3. 12. c 2 Cor. 2. 12. d 2 Cor. 5. 6. e 2 Cor. ● . 6. f 2 Tim 4. 10. 
A40795	----	A discourse of infallibility with Mr. Thomas White's answer to it, and a reply to him / by Sir Lucius Cary late Lord Viscount of Falkland ; also Mr. Walter Mountague (Abbot of Nanteul) his letter against Protestantism and his Lordship's answer thereunto, with Mr. John Pearson's preface. Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 1610?-1643. 1660 Approx. 543 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 182 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A40795 Wing F318 ESTC R7179 12144053 ocm 12144053 54903 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40795) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54903) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 761:23) A discourse of infallibility with Mr. Thomas White's answer to it, and a reply to him / by Sir Lucius Cary late Lord Viscount of Falkland ; also Mr. Walter Mountague (Abbot of Nanteul) his letter against Protestantism and his Lordship's answer thereunto, with Mr. John Pearson's preface. Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 1610?-1643. Pearson, John, 1613-1686. Chillingworth, William, 1602-1644. Montagu, Walter, 1603?-1677. Triplett, Thomas, 1602 or 3-1670. White, Thomas, 1593-1676. Answer to the Lord Faulklands discourse of infallibility. The second edition, to which are now added two discourses of Episcopacy / [2], 14, [44], 296, [2] p. Printed for William Nealand ..., London : 1660. Edited by Thomas Triplet. cf. BM. Includes bibliographical references. 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Episcopacy. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOURSE OF INFALLIBILITY , With Mr. Thomas White 's Answer to it , and a Reply to him ; By Sr. Lucius Cary , late Lord Viscount of Falkland . Also Mr. Walter Mountague ( Abbot of Nanteul ) his Letter against Protestantism ; and his Lordship's answer thereunto , with Mr John Pearson's Preface . The Second Edition . To which are now added two discourses of Episcopacy by the said Viscount Falkland , and his Friend Mr. William Chillingworth Published according to the Original Copies . LONDON , Printed for William Nealand , Bookseller in Cambridge and are to be sold there , and at the Crown in Duck-lane 1660. A SPEECH CONCERNING EPISCOPACY . Mr. Speaker , WHosoever desires this totall change of our present Government , desires it either out of a conceit that is unlawfull , or inconvenient . To both these , I shall say something . To the first , being able to make no such arguments to prove it so my self , as I conceive likely to be made within the walls of so wise a House , I can make no answer to them , till I hear them from some other ; which then ( if they perswade me not ) by the liberty of a Committee , I shall do . But this in generall . In the mean time , I shall say , that the ground of this government of Episcopacy , being so ancient , and so generall , so uncontradicted in the first and best times , that our most laborious Antiquaries can find no Nation , no City , no Church , nor Houses under any other ; that our first Ecclesiasticall Authors tell us , that the Apostles not onely allow'd but founded Bishops ( so that the tradition for some Books of Scripture , which we receive as Canonicall , is both lesse ancient , lesse generall , and lesse uncontradicted , ) I must ask leave to say , that though the Mysterie of iniquity began suddenly to work , yet it did not instantly prevail ; it could not ayme at the end of the race , as soon as it was started ; nor could Antichristianism in so short a time have become so Catholique . To the second , this I say , that in this Government there is no inconvenience which might not be sufficiently remedied without destroying the whole ; and though we had not par'd their Nails , or rather their Tongues , ( I mean the High-Commission , ) though we should neither give them the direction of strict rules , nor the addition of choyce Assisters ( both which we may do , and suddenly I hope we shall ; ) yet the fear sunk into them of this Parliament , and the expectation of a Trienniall one , would be such banks to these rivers , that we need fear their inundations no more . Next I say , that if some inconvenience did appear in this , yet since it may also appear , that the change will breed greater , I desire those who are led to change by inconveniences onely , that they will suspend their opinions , till they see what is to be laid in the other ballance , which I will endeavour . The inconveniences of the change are double , some that it should be yet done , others , that it should be at all done . The first again , double , 1. Because we have not done what we should do first ; and 2. Because others have not done what they should do first ; That which we should do first , is , to agree of a succeeding Form of Government , that every man , when he gives his Vote to the destruction of this , may be sure that he destroys not that , which he likes better than that which shall succeed it . I conceive no man will at this time give this Vote , who doth not believe this Government to be the worst that can possibly be devised ; and for mypart , if this be thus proposterously done , and we left in this blind uncertainty ( what shall become of us ! ) I shall not onely doubt all the inconveniences , which any Government ment hath , but which any Government may have . This I insist on the rather , because if we should find cause to wish for this back again , we could not have it , the means being disperst . To restore it again would be a miracle in State , like that of the resurrection to Nature . That which others should do first , is , to be gone . For if you will do this , yet things standing as they do , no great cause appearing for so great a change , I fear a great Army may be thought to be the cause . And I therefore desire ( to be sure that Newcastle may not be suspected to have any influence upon London , ) that this may not be done , till our Brethren be returned to their Patrimony . We are now past the inconveniences in poynt of Time ; I now proceed . And my first inconvenience of this change , is , the inconvenience of change it self , which is so great an inconvenience , when the Change is great and suddain , that in such cases , when it is not necessary to change , it is necessary not to change . To a person formerly intemperate , I have known the first prescription of an excellent Physitian , to forbear too good a diet for a good while . We have lived long happily , and gloriously , under this Form of Government ; Episcopacy hath very well agreed with the constitution of our Laws , with the disposition of our People : how any other will do , I the lesse know , because I know not of any other , of which so much as any other Monarchy hath had any experience ; they all having ( as I conceive ) at least Superintendents for life : and the meer word Bishop , I suppose , is no man's aime to destroy , nor no man's aim to defend . Next , Sir , I am of opinion , that most men desire * not this change , or else I am certain there hath been very suddenly a great change in men . Severall Petitions indeed desire it , but knowing how concern'd and how united that party is , how few would be wanting to so good a work , even those hands which value their number to others , are an argument of their paucity to me . The numberlesse number of those of a different sense , appear not so publiquekly and cry not so loud , being persons more quiet , as secure in the goodnesse of their Lawes , and the wisdom of their Law-makers ; And because men petition for what they have not , and not for what they have , perhaps that the Bishops may not know how many friends their Order hath , lest they be incouraged to abuse their authority , if they knew it to be so generally approved . Now , Sir , though we are trusted by those that sent us , in cases wherein their opinions were unknown ; yet truly if I knew the opinion of the major part of my Town , I doubt whether it were the intention of those that trusted me , that I should follow my own opinion against theirs . At least , let us stay till the next Session , and consult more particularly with them about it . Next , Sir , it will be the destruction of many estates , in which many , who may be very innocent persons , are legally vested , and of many persons who undoubtedly are innocent , whose dependances are upon those estates . The Apostle faith , he that provides not for his family , is worse then an Infidel , This belongs in some analogy to us ; and truly , Sir , we provide ill for our Family ( the Common-wealth ) if we suffer a considerable part of it to be turned out of doors . So that , for any care is taken by this Bill for new dwelling , ( and I will never consent they shall play an after-game , for all they have ) either we must see them starve in the streets before us , or ( to avoid that ) we must ship them some-whither away , like the Moors out of Spain . From the hurt of the Learned I come to that of Learning ; and desire you to consider , whether , when all considerable maintenance shall be reduced to cure of Souls , all studies , will not be reduced to those which are in order to Preaching ; the Arts and Languages , and even eminent skill in Controversies ( to which great leasure and great means is required ) much neglected , and ( to the joy and gain of our common Adversary , ) Syntagms , Postills , Catechisms , Commentators , and Concordances , almost onely bought , and the rest of Libraries remain rather as of ornament , then as of use . I do not deny but for all this want , the wit of some hath attempted both , and the parts of some few have served to discharge both , as those of Calvin , to advise about , and dispatch more Temporall businesse into the bargain , than all our Privy-Councell ; yet such abilities are extreamly rare , and very few will ever p each mice a Sunday , and be any match for Bellarmine . Nay I fear , Sir , that this will make us to have fewer able even in Preaching it self , as it is separated from generall Learning , for I fear many whose parts , friends , and means , might make them hope for better advancements in other courses , when these shall be taken away from this , will be less ready to imbrace it ; and though it were to be wisht , that all men should onely undertake those Embassages , with reference to His Honour Whose Embassadors they are ; yet I doubt not but many , who have entred into the Church by the Door , ( or rather by the Window , ) have done it ( after ) great and sincere service ; and better reasons have made them labour in the vineyard , than brought them thither at first : and though the meer love of God ought to make us good , though there were no reward or punishment , yet it would be very inconvenient to piety , that hope of Heaven and fear of Hell were taken away . The next inconvenience , I fear , is this ; that if we should take away a Government which hath as much testimony of the first antiquity to have been founded by the Apostles , as can be brought for some parts of Scripture to have been written by them , lest this may avert some of our Church from us , and rivet some of the Roman Church to her ; and ( as I remember ) the Apostle commands us to be carefull , not to give scandall even to those that are without . Sir , It hath been said , that we have a better way to know Scripture than by Tradition ; I dispute not this , Sir , but I know that Tradition is the onely argument to prove Scripture to another , and the first to every mans self , being compared to the Samaritan Woman's report , which made many first believe in Christ , though they after believed him for himself . And I therefore would not have this so far weakned to us , as to take away Episcopacy as unlawfull , which is so far by Tradition proved to be lawfull . The next inconvenience that I fear , is this : having observed those generally who are against Bishops ( I will not now speak of such as are among us , who by being selected from the rest , are to be hoped to be freer then ordinary , from vulgar passions ) to have somewhat more animosity against those who are for them , then vice versâ ; lest when they shall have prevaild against the Bishops , they be so far encouraged against their partakers , and will so have discouraged their adversaries , as in time to induce a necessity upon others , at least of the Clergy , to believe them as unlawfull as they themselves do , and to assent to other of their opinions yet left at large . Which will be a way to deprive us , I think , of not our worst , I am sure of our most learned Ministers ; and to send a greater Colonie to New England , then it hath been said this Bill will recall from thence . I come now from the incoveniences of taking away this Government , to the inconveniences of that which shall succeed it : and to this I can speak but by guesse , and groping , because I have no light given me what that shall be ; onely I hope I shall be excused for shooting at random , since you will set me up no Butt to shoot at . The first , I fear the Scotch Government will either presently be taken ; or if any other succeed for a while , yet the unity and industry of those of that opinion in this Nation , assisted by the cōnsell and friendship of that , will shortly bring it in , if any lesse opposite Government to it be here placed than that of Episcopacy . And indeed Sir , since any other Government than theirs will by no means give any satisfaction to their desire of uniformity ; since all they who see not the dishonour and ill consequences of it , will be unwilling to deny their Brethren what they esteem indifferent ; since our own Government being destroyed , we shall in all I kelyhood be aptest to receive that which is both next at hand and ready made : For these reasons I look upon it as probable ; and for the following ones , as inconvenient . When some Bishops pretended to Jure divino ( though nothing so likely to be believed by the People , as those would be , nor consequently to hurt us by that pretence ) this was cry'd out upon as destructive to His Majestie 's Supremacy , who was to be confessed to be the Fountain of Jurisdiction in this Kingdom . Yet to Jure divino the Scotch Ecclesiasticall government pretends , To meet when they please , to treat of what they please , to excommunicate whom they please , even Parliaments themselves ; so far are they from receiving either rules or punishments from them . And for us to bring in any unlimited , any Independent authority , the first is against the Liberty of the Subject , the second against the Right and Priviledge of Parliament ; and both against the Protestation . If it be said , that this unlimitednesse and independence is onely in Spirituall things ; I answer first , that arbitrary Government being the worst of Governments , and our Bodies being worse than our Souls , it will be strange to set up that over the second , of which we were so impatient over the first . Secondly , that M. Sollicitor speaking about the Power of the Clergy , to make Canons to bind , did excellently inform us , what a mighty influence Spiritual power hath upon Temporal affairs . So that if our Clergy had the one , they had inclusively almost all the other . And to this I may adde , ( what all men may see , ) the vast Temporall power of the Pope allow'd him by such who allow it him onely in ordine ad Spiritualia : for the Fable will tell you , if you make the Lyon ( and the Clergy , assisted by the people , is Lyon enough ) it was a wise fear of the Foxe's , lest he might call a knubb a horn . And sure , Sir , they will in this case be Judges , not onely of that which is Spiritual , but of what it is that is so : and the people receiving instruction from no other , will take the most Temporal matter to be Spiritual , if they tell them it is so . The Apostolical Institution of Episcopacy ; demonstrated by Mr. William Chillingworth . SECT . 1. IF we abstract from Episcopal Government all accidentals , and consider onely what is essential and necessary to it ; we shall find in it no more but this . An appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the Churches , within a certain Precinct or Diocesse ; and furnishing him with authority ( not absolute or arbitrary , but regulated and bounded by Laws , and moderated by joyning to him a convenient number of assistants ) to the intent that all the Churches under him may be provided of good and able Pastors : and that both of Pastours and people , conformity to Laws , and performance of their duties may be required , under penalties , not left to discretion , but by Law appointed . SECT . 2. To this kind of Government I am not by any particular interest so devoted , as to think it ought to be maintained , either in opposition to Apostolick Institution ; or to the much desired reformation of mens lives , and restauration of Primitive discipline ; or to any Law or Precept of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end ; for obedience to our Saviour , is the end for which Church-Government is appointed . But if it may be demonstrated ( or made much more probable than the contrary ) as I verily think it may : I. That it is not repugnant to the government setled in and for the Church by the Apostles . II. That it is as complyable with the reformation of any evill which we desire to reform either in Church or State , or the introduction of any good . which we desire to introduce , as any other kind of Government : And III. That there is no Law , no Record of our Saviour against it : then I hope it will not be thought an unreasonable motion , if we humbly desire those that are in authority , especially the High Court of Parliament , that in may not be sacrificed to clamour , or over-borne by violence : and though ( which God forbid ) the greater part of the multitude should cry , Crucifie , Crucifie ; yet our Governours would be so full of Justice and courage , as not to give it up , untill they perfectly understand concerning Episcopacy it self , Quid mali fecit . SECT . 3. I shall speak at this time onely of the first of these three points : That Episcopacy is not repugnant to the government setled in the Church for perpetuity by the Apostles . Whereof I conceive this which follows is as clear a demonstration , as any thing of this nature is capable of . That this Government was received universally in the Church , either in the Apostles time , or presently after , is so evident and unquestionable , that the most learned adversaries of this Government do themselves confesse it . SECT . 4. Petrus Molinaeus in his Book De munere pastorali , purposely written in defence of the Presbyterial-government , acknowledgeth : That presently after the Apostles times , or even in their time ( as Ecclesiastical story witnesseth ) it was ordained , That in every City one of the presbytery should be called a Bishop , who should have per-eminence over his Colleagues ; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality . And truely , this form of Government all Chuches every where received . SECT . 5. Theodorus Beza in his Tract , De triplici Episcopatus genere , confesseth in effect the same thing . For having distinguished Episcopacy into three kinds , Divine , Humane , and Satanical , and attributing to the second ( which he calls Humane , but we maintain and conceive to be Apostolical ) not onely a priority of order , but a superiority of power , and authority over other Presbyters , bounded yet by Laws and Canons provided against Tyranny : he clearely professeth that of this kind of Episcopacy , is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of Bishops ( or Presidents , as Justin Martyr callsthem ) in Ignatius , and other more ancient Writers . SECT . 6. Certainly from * these two great defenders of the Presbytery , we should never have had this free acknowledgement , ( so prejudicial to their own pretence , and so advantagious to their adversaries purpose ) had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth enforced them to it . It will not therefore be necessary , to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the anonymous Author of the Catalogue of Testimonies , for the equality of Bishops and Presbyters , who affirms , That their disparity began long after the Apostles times : But we may safely take for granted that which these two learned Adversaries have confessed ; and see , whether upon this foundation layd by them , we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstructure ; That seeing Episcopal Government is confessedly so Ancient and so Catholique , it cannot with reason be denyed to be Apostolique . SECT . 7. For so great a change , as between Presbyterial Government and Episcopal , could not possibly have prevailed all the world over in a little time . Had Episcopal Government been an aberration from ( or a corruption of ) the Government left in the Churches by the Apostles , it had been very strange , that it should have been received in any one Church so suddainly , or that it should have prevailed in all for many Ages after . Variâsse debuer at error Ecclesiarum : quod autem apud omnes unum est , non est erratum , sed traditum . Had the Churches err'd , they would have varied : What therefore is one and the same amongst all , came not sure by error , but tradition . Thus Tertullian argues very probably , from the consent of the Churches of his time , not long after the Apostles , and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserv'd alteration . But that in the frame and substance of the necessary Government of the Church , a thing alwayes in use and practice , there should be so suddain a change as presently after the Apostles times ; and so universal , as received in all the Churches ; this is clearly impossible . SECT . 8. For what universal cause can be assigned or faigned of this universal Apostasie ? you will not imagine that the Apostles , all or any of them , made any decree for this change , when they were living ; or left order for it in any Will or Testament , when they were dying . This were to grant the question ; To wit , that the Apostles , being to leave the Government of the Churches themselves , and either seeing by experience , or fore-seeing by the Spirit of God , the distractions and disorders , which would arise from a multitude of equals , substituted Episcopal Government instead of their own . General Councells to make a Law for a generall change , for many ages there was none . There was no Christian Emperour , no coercive power over the Church to enforce it . Or if there had been any , we know no force was equal to the courage of the Christians of those times . Their lives were then at command ( for they had not then learnt to fight for Christ ) but their obedience to any thing against his Law was not to be commanded ( for they had perfectly learn't to dye for him . ) Therefore there was no power then to command this change ; or if there had been any , it had been in vain . SECT . 9. What device then shall we study , or to what fountain shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration ? Can it enter into our hearts to think , that all the Presbyters and other Christians then , being the Apostles Schollers , could be generally ignorant of the Will of Christ , touching the necessity of a Presbyterial Government ? Or , dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the World over , as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it ? Imagine the spirit of Diotrephes had entered into some , or a great many of the Presbyters , and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbiddden superiority , was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it once without any opposition or contradiction ? and besides that , the contagion of this ambition , should spread it self and prevail without stop or controul , nay , without any noyse or notice taken of it , through all the Churches in the World ; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep , and all the dogs so dumb , that not so much as one should open his mouth against it ? SECT . 10. But let us suppose ( though it be a horrible untruth ) that the Presbyters and people then , were not so good Christians as the Presbyterians are now ; that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of Christ's Church commanded by Christ , which we now are so zealous to restore : yet certainly we must not forget nor deny that they were men as we are . And if we look upon them but as meer naturall men , yet knowing by experience how hard a thing it is , even for policy arm'd with power by many attempts and contrivances , and in a long time , to gain upon the liberty of any one people ; undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination , as that among all the Christian Presbyteries in the World , neither conscience of duty , nor love of liberty , nor aversenesse from pride and usurpation of others over them , should prevail so much with any one , as to oppose this pretended universal invasion of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the liberty of Christians . SECT . 11. When I shall see therefore all the Fables in the Metamorphosis acted and prove stories ; when I shall see all the Democracies and Aristocracies in the World lye down and sleep , and awake into Monarchies : then will I begin to believe that Presbyterial Government , having continued in the Church during the Apostles times , should presently after ( against the Apostles doctrine and the will of Christ ) be whirl'dabout like a scene in a masque , and transformed into Episcopacy . In the mean time , while these things remain thus incredible , and in humane reason impossible ; I hope I shall have leave to conclude thus : Episcopal Government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the Church , presently after the Apostles times . Between the Apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . And therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended . And therefore Episcopacy , being confessed to be so Ancient and Catholique , must be granted also to be Apostolique , Quod erat demonstrandum . FINIS . The Preface to the READER . THe eminent abilities in the most noble Author of the ensuing learned Discourse , and learneder Reply , can scarcely be imagined unknown to any whom this language can reach : But if any such there be , I shall desire them to learne the perfections of that most excellent Person , rather from the Dedication , then this Preface ; the designe of which , is onely to give the Reader some satisfaction concerning the nature of this Controversie in it selfe , and of these Dissertations in particular . The Romish Doctrine of their owne Infallibility , as it is the most generall Controversie betweene them , and all other Churches excluded by them from their Communion : So it is of such a comprehensive nature , that being proved and clearely demonstrated , it would without question draw all other Churches so excluded , to a most humble submission and acknowledgement , nay , to an earnest desire of a suddaine Reconciliation upon any Termes whatsoever . For howsoever they please to speak and write of our Hereticall and obstinate persistance in manifest Errors , yet I hope they cannot seriously thinke we would be so irrationall , as to contradict him whom we our selves think beyond a possibillity of erring , and to dispute perpetually with them , whom onely to heare were to be satisfied . But when they have propounded their Decisions to be beleeved , and imbraced by us as Infallibly true , and that because they propound them , who in their own opinion are Infallible ; if notwithstanding some of those Decisions seeme to us to be evidently false , because clearely contradictory to that which they themselves propound as infallibly true , that is the Word of God : surely we cannot be blamed , if we have desired their Infallibility to be most clearly demonstrated , at least to a higher degree of evidence then we have of the contradiction of their Decisions to the infallible Rule . Wherefore , The great Defenders of the Doctrine of the Church of England , have with more then ordinary diligence endeavoured to view the grounds of this Controversie , and have written by the advantage either of their learning accurately , or of their parts most strongly , or of the cause it selfe most convincingly , against that darling Infallibility . How clearely this Controversie hath been managed , with what evidence of truth discussed , what successe so much of reason hath had , cannot more plainly appeare then in this , that the very name of Infallibility before so much exalted , begins now to be very burthensome , even to the maintainers of it : Insomuch as one of their latest and ablest Proselytes , Hugh Paulin de Cressy , lately Dean of Laghlin , &c. in Ireland , and Prebendary of Windsor in England , in his Exomologesis , or faithfull Narration of the occasion and motives of his Conversion , hath dealt very clearly with the World , and told us , that this Infallibilitie is an unfortunate Word . That Mr. Chillingworth hath cumbated against it with too too great successe , so great , that he could wish the Word were forgotten , or at least layd by . That not onely Mr. Chillingworth , whom he still worthily admires ; but we the rest of the poore Protestants have in very deed , very much to say for our selves , when we are pressed unnecessarily with it . And therefore Mr. Cressy's advise to all the Romanists is this , that we may never be invited to combat the authority of the Church under that notion . Oh the strength of Reason rightly managed ! O the power of Truth clearly declared ! that it should force an emnient member of the Church of Rome ( whose great Principle is non = retractation ) to retract so necessary , so fundamentall a Doctrine , to desert all their Schooles , and contradict all their Controvertists . But indeed not without very good cause : For he professes withall , that no such word as Infallibility is to be found in any Councel : Neither did ever the Church enlarge her Authority to so vaste a widenesse : But doth rather deliver the victory into our hands when we urge her Decisions . In all which Confessions , although he may seeme onely to speak of the Word , yet that cannot be it which he is so wearie of , because we except not against the word at all , but confesse it rightly to signifie that which we impugne , neither do we ever bring any nominall Argument against it . But as when Cardinall Bellarmine sets downe the Doctrine of the Church in their positive tearmes . Summus Pontifex , cum totam Ecclesiam docet , in his , quae ad Fidem pertinent , nullo casu errare potest . We conceive he hath sufficiently expressed the sence of the word Infallibility , so that , Infallibilis est , & nullo casu errare potest , are to us the same thing . It cannot therefore be the Word alone , but the whole importance and sence of that word Infallibility , which Mr. Cressy so earnestly desires all his Catholicks ever hereafter to forsake , because the former Church did never acknowledge it , and the present Church will never be able to maintaine it . This is the great successe which the Reason , Parts , and Learning of the late Defendors of our Church have had in this maine Architectonicall Controversie . And yet though the Church never maintained it , though the Protestants have had such advantage against it , though Mr. Cressy confessing both , hath wished all Catholicks to forsake it , yet will he not wholly forsake it himself , but undertakes most irrationally to answer for it . If the Church never asserted it , if the Catholicks be not at all concerned in it , to what end will Mr. Cressy the great mitigator of the rigor , and defendor of the latitude of the Churches Decisions , maintaine it ? If Mr. Chillingworth have had such good successe against it , why will his old Friend Mr. Cressy endeavour to answer his arguments ? especially , considering when he hath answered them all , he can onely from thence conclude that , Mr. Chillingworth was a very bad Disputant , who could bring no argument able to confute that , which in it selfe is not to be maintained . So unreasonable it is and inconsistent with his Concessions , that he should give an answer at all , but the manner of his answer , which he gives , is farr more irrationall . For deserting the Infallibility , he answers onely the authority of the Church , and so makes this authority answer for that Infallibility : from whence these three manifest absurdities must necessarily follow . First , When he hath answered all M. Chillingworth's arguments , in the same manner as he pretends to answer them , he must still acknowledge them unanswerable , as they were intended by him that made them . And no argument need to be thought good for any thing else , if he which made it knew what he said , as Mr. Chillingworth certainely did . Secondly , He onely pretends to answer those arguments , as against the authority of the Church , simply considered without relation to such an Infallibility , which were never made against an authority so quallified . And therefore whether the argument of his deare friend were to any purpose or no , his answer manifestly must be to none . Thirdly , If hee intend to refute all opposition made to their Infallibility by an assertion of their bare authority , then must he assert that authority to be as great and convincing , which is fallible , as that which is infallible : that Guide to be as good , which may lead me out of my way , as that which cannot . That Iudge to be as fit to determine any doubt , who is capable of a mistake , as he which is not . And then I make no question , but some of his own Church amongst the rest of their dislikes , will put him in mind of that handsome sentence of Cardinall Belarmine , Iniquissimum esset cogere Christianos , ut non appellent ab eo Judicio , quod erroneum esse potuit . I once thought to have replied to those answers , which he hath given to Mr. Chillingworth's arguments : but his antecedent Concession hath made them so inconsiderable to me , that upon a second thought , I feare I should be as guilty in replying after my Objections , as he hath been in answering after his Confessions . Wherefore I shall conclude with an asseveration of mine own , which shall be therefore short because mine : That the Reply of this most excellent Person , Sola operarum summa praesertim in Graecis incuria excepta , is the most accurate Refutation of all , which can be said in this Controversie , that ever yet appeared , and if what hath already been delivered have had such successe upon so eminent an adversary , then may we very rationally expect at least the same effect upon all , who shall be so happy as to read these Discourses . Which is the earnest desire of I. P. To the Right Honourable , Henry Lord Viscount of Falkland , my Honourable Lord. My Lord , NOt long before the death of that incomparable person , your Lordships Mother , that great example of piety and humility , the Lady Viscountesse of Falkland , she was pleased to commit to my hand that , which she beleeved , next her Children , the dearest pledge of her dead Lord ; some excellent Monuments of his Reason , Wit , and Industry , in the search of that , which he would have as gladly found , as he hath rationally rejected , an Infallible Iudge here on Earth in all our Controversies in point of Religion , of which the labouring world seemeth at present to stand in so much need . I have considered often of that singular trust and friendship , in making me the depositarie of so rich a Jewell : And since she , from whose hands I received it , is gone thither , where she stands in no need of these discourses , I know no person living that hath more right to it then your Lordship , or indeed to whom I would more willingly offer it . For though your Lordship be now out of my immediate charge and Tuition , yet as long as it shall please God to make me able to do , or point at any thing that may , though never so little , helpe forward to perfect a good work in you , I shall never account my selfe disobliged . I must professe to all the World , that there is no Family now in being , to which I owe more true service , then to your Lordships : And shall to the utmost of my power , upon all occasions make it good . I have nothing left me but a poor thankfull heart , which hath been my onely sure Companion , when all things else have forsaken me : That still remaines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being neither in the power of time nor persons to spoile me of that , which like a good Conscience to my self , must to my friends be the best feast I can make them . My Lord , my design is not by this to ingage your Lordship in this Polemicall discourse , nor my self neither , having neither ability nor leasure for a business of that concern , and by reason of my busie imployment , I had not been able to have presented it thus to your Lordship , without the assistance of Judicious Friends , that honour the work for the Authors sake , and the Author for his owne . But , My Lord , I hope I shall have my end in it however , an end which no good man will envy me , namely , an occasion hereby to reminde your Lordship of the Gallant Author , your Noble Father , that by proposing Him to you as your constant Coppy , you may do Him an honour beyond all his Friends : For while they praise , you may imitate him . Indeed , it is one of the greatest comforts I have in this calamitous life , to remember , that I had the honour to be so neare Him : And a reproach , which I cannot clear my self of , to have been at the same time so neare , and so farr off ; so neare in Conversation , and yet so farr removed from him in those Excellencies , whereby he was the envy of this Age , and will be the wonder of the next . His Religion , ( for that I should begin with ) was the more Eminent , because the more Early , at that age , when yong Gallants think least on it : When they , yong Candidates of Atheisme begin to dispute themselves out of a beleefe of a Deity , urging hard against that , which indeed is best for them that it should never be , a Iudgement to come ; then , I say , that salvation which these mention with a scoff or a Jeere , he began to work out with fear and trembling , and effectually to remember , that is , to honour and serve his Creator in the daies of his youth . In the next place , I may not forget his vast naturall parts : Dixit ex tempore saith Pliny of Isoeus , sed tanquam diu scripserit , and I may truely apply it to him , his Answers were quick and suddain , but such , as might very well seem to have been meditated . In short , his abilities were such , as though he needed no supplies of industry , yet his industry such as though he had had no parts at all . How often have I heard him pitty those Hawking and Hunting Gentlemen , who if unseasonable weather for their sports had betrayed them to keep home , without a worse excercise within doores , could not have told how to have spent their time : And all because they were such strangers to such good Companions , with whom he was so familiar , such as neither cloy nor weary any , with whom they converse , such company as Erasmus , a person much esteemed by my Lord your Father , so much extolls in his 31 , and 35 , Epistle of his fourth Book : Not friends of the Cellar , or the Kitchin ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed their owne friends rather then his who entertaineth them : But such , as being bidden , are ready , uninvited intrude not , that bite no mans meat or reputation , silent , not spoken to , spoken to , speak as we please , what we please , how long and how much we please : Candidly communicating themselves to us without betraying our secrets committed to them ; that still tell us somewhat that may delight us for its Antiquitie , please us for its Novelty , or some way or other enrich our knowledge . While others studied the Heraldry of Horses , of Doggs , or at the best their owne : He , though not inferior to his Neighbours in Descent , and Honour , knowing well how much more glorious it is to be the first then the last of a Noble Family , ( Blood without Vertue making Vice but more conspicuous ) was so farr from relying upon that empty Title , that He seemed Ipse suos genuisse Parentes , to have begotten his Ancestors , and to have given them a more Illustrious life , then he recieved from them . Though there were as much true worth closely treasured up in him , as well divided , had been able to have set up a hundred Pretenders , yet so much Modesty withall , that the hearing of any thing was more pleasing to him then one tittle of his owne praise . This Vertue was indeed in a high degree in him , and shewed it selfe upon all occasions . If any thing , though never so little unhandsomely , had been spoken or done where he was , he was the greatest sufferer in the company , and much more out of countenance then he that made the offence . And surely he that was so tender of another mans Civility , may very justly be presumed to have had a great regard to his owne . And so he had indeed . For though his Courage were as great as his Wit and his Learning , ( and that is expression high enough ) his Valour so undaunted and dreadlesse , as his great fall witnest , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In that fatall Haile that made more Orphans then his Children : Yet to do an ill or an uncivill thing , he was an arrant Coward : Though he was of Davids Stature , of his Courage too , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in this most like him , afraid of nothing but to ofsend . But what needs any body plead for his Civility more then this present Discourse , where he excels his Antagonist in that , as well as in reason , and shewes that a Gentleman . writ with a Scholars Pen. Before I shut up all , my Lord , one Vertue there is yet to be mentioned , which of all that ever had relation to his Lordship , I may not , I must not ever forget , and that was his Friendship . That is a Vertue , which by the unintermitted affliction of my life , I have had more then ordinary occasion to make use of . And that must needs say was it , which made all his other Graces and Excellencies relish to me , He being the dearest and the truest Friend , that through the whole course of my unhappy life I ever had the happinesse to meet with . If it be a kind of pleasure to reade discourses of Friends and Friendship , What is it to enjoy such a Friend in whom really was , what Excellencie either History can record , or almost Poetry faine ? Nothing so hard in Lucians Toxaris , that he durst not do , and nothing so handsome in all Seneca's Lawes of Benefits , that he knew not how to do , and to out-do for his Friend . Let your Vertuous and dear Grandmother , my Lord , and all your Kindred yet alive , speak to this : And your blessed Mother were she now alive , would say , she had the best of Friends before the best of Husbands . This was it that made Tew so valued a Mansion to us : For as when we went from Oxford thither , we found our selves never out of the Universitie : So we thought our selves never absent from our own beloved home . But I dare say no more of this , it being now a mellancholy thing , I am sure to me , to call back into my memory happinesse never to be recalled , and to afflict my self anew with the consideration of what felicity I have out-lived . Your Lordship is now the onely surviving pledge of that admired Father , of whom-when we his poor servants have said all we can , the Character will be farr too short . It is in you , and onely you , my Lord to set him out truely , and to resemble him to the life , and that will be by taking that Evangelicall Counsell , Tu autem fac similiter : Do like him , live like him , and pardon me if I add one thing more , like him , Love My Lord , Your Lordships most humble and affectionately devoted Servant , TRIPLET . OF THE INFALLIBILITY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME . A discourse written by the Lord Viscount FALKLAND . TO him that doubteth whether the Church of Rome hath any errors , they answer , that she hath none , for she never can have any ; this being so much harder to beleeve then the first , had need be proved by some certainer Arguments , if they expect that the beleefe of this one should draw on whatsoever they please to propose ; yet this , if offered to be proved by no better wayes , then we offer to prove by , that she hath erred ; which are arguments from Scripture , and ancient Writers , all which they say are fallible , for nothing is not so but the Church : Which if it be the onely infallible determination , and that can never be believed upon its owne authority , we can never infallibly know that the Church is infallible , for these other waies of proofe may deceive both them and us , and so neither side is bound to beleeve them ; If they say that an argument out of Scripture is sufficient ground of Divine Faith , why are they offended with the Protestants for beleeving every part of their Religion upon that ground , upon which they build all theirs at once . And if following the same Rule , with equall desire of finding the Truth by it , ( having neither of those qualities which Isid. Pelus , saith are the cause of all Heresie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pride and Prejudication ) why should God be more offended with the one , then with the other , though they chance to erre . They say , the Church is therefore made infallible by God , that all men may have some certain Guide ; yet , though it be infallible , unlesse it both plainly appeare to be so , ( for it is not certaine to whom it doth not appeare certaine ) and unlesse it be manifest which is the Church , God hath not attained his end ; and it were to set a ladder to Heaven , and seem to have a great care of my going up , whereas unlesse there be care taken that I may know this ladder is here to that purpose , it were as good for me it never had been set . If they say we may know , for that generall Tradition instructs us in it . I answer , that ignorant people cannot know this , and so it can be no Rule for them ; and if learned people mistake in this , there can be no condemnation for them . For suppose , to know whether the Church of Rome may erre , ( as a way which will conclude against her , but not for her ) I seek whether she have erred ; and conceiving she hath contradicted her self , conclude necessarily she hath erred , I suppose it not damnable , ( though false ) because I try the Church by one of the touch-stones which herself appoints me ( Conformity with the Ancients . ) For to say , I am to beleeve the present Church , that it differs not from the former , though it seem to me to do so , is to send me to a witnesse , and bid me not beleeve it ; now to say the Church is provided for a guide of Faith , but must be known by such markes as the ignorant cannot seek it by , and the learned may chance not find it by , can no way satisfie me . If they say God will reveale the Truth to whomsoever seeks it these waies sincerely , this saying both sides will ( without meanes of being confuted ) make use of , therefore it would be as good that neither did . When they have proved the Church to be Infallible , yet to my understanding they have proceeded nothing farther , unlesse we can be sure which is it . For it signifies onely that God will have a Church alwaies which shall not erre , but not that such , or such a succession shall be in the right , so that if they say , the Greek Church is not the Church , because by its own confession it is not Infallible : I answer , That it may be now the Church , and may hereafter erre , ( and so not be now infallible ) and yet the Church never erre , because before their fall from Truth , others may arise to maintaine it , who then will be the Church , and so the Church may still be infallible , though not in respect of any set persons , whom we may know at all times for our Guide . Then if they prove the Church of Rome to be the true Church , and not the Greek Church , because their opinions are consonant either to Scripture or Antiquitie , they run into a Circle , proving their Tenets to be true . First , because the Church holds them : And then theirs to be the Church , because the Church holds the Truth : Which last , though it appears to me the onely way , yet it takes away its being a Guide , which we may follow without examination , without which all they say besides , is nothing . Nay , suppose that they had evinced , that some succession were Infallible , and so had proved to a learned man , that the Roman Chruch must be this , because none else pretends to it , yet this can be no sufficient ground to the ignorant , who cannot have any infallible foundation for their beleefe , that the Church of Greece pretends not to the same ; and even to the Learned it is but an accidentall Argument , because if any other Company had likewise claimed to be Infallible , it had overthrown all . The chiefest reason why they disallow of Scripture for Judge , is , because when differences arise about the interpretation , there is no way to end them : And that it will not stand with the goodnesse of God , to damne men for not following his Will , if he had assigned no infallible way to find it . I confesse this to be wonderfull true , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and let them excuse themselves that think otherwise ; yet this will be no Argument against him that beleeves , that to them who follow their reason in the interpretation of the Scriptures , God will either give his Grace for assistance to find the Truth , or his pardon if they misse it : And then this supposed necessitie of an infallible Guide , ( with the supposed damnation for want of it ) fall together to the ground . If they command us to beleeve infallibly the contrary to this , they are to prove it false by some infallible way ( for the conclusion must be of the same nature , and not conclude more then the premisses set down . ) Now such a way Scripture , and Reason , and infused Faith cannot be , ( for they use to object the fallibility of these , to those that build their Religion upon them ) nor the authority of the Church , ( for this is part of the Question , and must it self be first proved , and that by none of the former waies , for the former reasons . ) The Popes Infallibility can be no infallible ground of Faith , being it self no necessary part of Faith , and we can be no surer of any thing proved , then we are of that which proves it : ) and if he be fallible , no part is the more infallible for his siding with them ; So if the Church be divided , I have no way to know the true Church , but by searching which agrees with Scripture and Antiquitie , and so judging accordingly : ( but this is not to submit my self to her opinions , as my Guide , which they tell us is necessarie ) which course , if they approve not of as fit for a learned man , they are in a worse case for the ignorant , who can take no course at all , nor is he the better at all for his Guide the Church , whilst two parts dispute which is it , and that by arguments he understands not . If I grant the Pope , or a Councell by him called , to be infallible , yet I conceive their decrees can be no sufficient grounds , ( by their own axioms ) of divine Faith. For first of all , no Councell is valid , not approved by the Pope , ( for thus they overthrow that held at Ariminum ) and a Pope chosen by Simony , is ( ipso facto ) no Pope . I can have then no certainer grounds for the infallibility of those decrees , and consequently for my beleefe of them , then I have , that the choice of him is neither directly , nor indirectly Simoniacall . Secondly , suppose him Pope , and to have confirmed their decrees ; yet , that these are the decrees of a Councell , or that he hath confirmed them , I can have but an uncontradicted confession of many men ; ( for if another Councell should declare these to have been the Acts of another former Councell , I should need againe some certain way of knowing how this declaration is a Councell ) which is no ground , say they , of Faith , I am sure not so good and generall a one , as we have that the Scripture is Scripture , which yet they will not allow any to be certaine of , but from them . Thirdly , For the sence of their decrees , I can have no better expounder then reason ; which if ( though I mistake ) I shall not be damned for following , why shall I for mistaking the sence of the Scripture ? or why am I a lesse fit Interpreter of the one , then of the other ? and when both seeme equally cleare , and yet contradictory , shall not I affoon beleeve Scripture which is without doubt of as great authority ? But I doubt whether Councells are fit deciders of Questions ; for such they cannot be if they beget more , and men are in greater doubts afterwards ( none of the former being diminished ) then they were at ffrst . Now I conceive there arise so many out of this way , that the learned cannot end all , nor the ignorant know all . As ( besides the fore-named considerations ) who is to call them ? the Pope or Kings ? who are to have voices in them , Bishops onely , or Priests also ? whether the Pope , or Councell be superiour : and the last need the approbation of the first ( debated amongst themselves ? ) Whether any Countries , not being called , or not being there , ( as the Abissines , so great a part of Christianitie , and not resolvedly condemned by them for Hereticks , were absent at the Councell of Trent ) make it not generall ? Whether if it be one not every where received , ( as when the Bishops sent from some places have exceeded their Commission , as in the Councell of Florence ) it be yet of necessitie to be subscribed unto ? Whether there were any surreption or force used , and whether those disanull the Acts ? Whether the most voices are to be held the Act of the Councell , or those of all required ( which never yet agreed ? ) Or whether two parts will serve , as in the Tridentine Synod ? A considerable doubt ; because Nicephorus Callistus , relalating the resolution of a Councell at Rome , against that of Ariminum , makes him give three reasons . One , That the Pope of Rome was not present . The Second , That most did not agree to it . The third , That others thither gathered , were displeased at their resolutions . Which proves , that ( in their opinions ) if either most not present , agree not to it , or all present be not pleased with it , a Councell hath no power to bind . All these doubts I say perswade me , that whatsoever brings with it so many new Questions , can be no fit end of the old . Then , if before a generall Councell have defined a Question , it be lawfull to hold either way , and damnable to do so after ; I desire to know why it is so . Scripture and Tradition seem to me not to say so ? but if they did so , I suppose you will grant they do this Doctrine , That the Soules of the blessed shall see God before the day of Judgement : ( and not be kept in secret Receptacles ) for without this , the Doctrine of Prayers to Saints , cannot stand ; and yet , for denying this , Bellarmine excuseth Pope John the 22 th because the Church ( he meanes , I doubt not , a generall Councell ) had not then condemned it . I desire to know , why he should not be condemned as well without one , as many Hereticks , that are held so by their Church , yet condemned by none : ( which if he make to be the Rule of Heresie , it had been happy to have lived before the Councell of Nice , when no opinion had been damnable , but some against the Apostles Councell at Hierusalem , because there had yet been no other generall Councell ; ) at least , why should not I be excused by the same reason , though I beleeve not a Councell to be infallible ? since I never heard that any Councell hath decreed that they are so , neither if it hath , can we be bound by that decree , unlesse first made certaine some other way , that it selfe is so . If you say , we must beleeve it because of Tradition , I answer , Sometimes you will have the not beleeving any thing not declared by a Councell , to have power enough to damne ( that is when against any of us : ) at other times the Church hath not decreed unlesse a Councell have , and their error is pardonable , and they good Catholicks . Next , ( as I have asked before ) how shall an ignorant man know it ? For he in likelihood can speak but with a few , from whom he cannot know , that all of the Church of Romes part do now , and in past ages have beleeved it to be Tradition , so certaine as to make it a ground of Faith , ( unlesse he have some revelation that those deceived him not ) neither indeed can those that should inform him of the opinions of former times be certainely informed themselves : For truely , if the relation of Pappias could cozen so far all the prime Doctors of the Christian Church into a beleefe of the celebration of a thousand yeeres after the resurrection , so as that no one of those two first ages oppose it , ( which appeares plainly enough , because those that after rise up against this , never quoated any thing for themselves before Dionysius Alexandrinus , who lived at least two hundred and fifty yeares after Christ ; ) nay , if those first men did not onely beleeve it as probable , but Justine Martir saith , he holds it , and so do all that are in all parts Orthodox Christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Irenaeus sets it down directly for a Tradition , and relates the very words that Christ used , when he taught this , which is plainner then any other Tradition , is proved or said to be out of antiquity by them ) if I say these could be so deceived , why might not other of the ancients as well be deceived in other points , and then what certaintie shall the learned have ( when after much labour , they think they can make it appeare , that the ancients thought any thing Tradition ) that indeed it was so , and that either the folly or the knavery of some pappias deceived them not ? I confesse it makes me think of some that Tully speakes of , who arcem amittunt , dum propugnacula defendunt , loose the Fort , whilst they defend the out-works ; For whilst they answer this way the Arguments of Tradition for the opinions of the Chiliasts , they make unusefull to themselves the force of Tradition , to prove any else by . For which cause it was rather wisely then honestly done of them , who ( before Fevardentius set him forth ) left out that part of Irenaeus which we alleadge , ( though we need it not much ; for many of the Fathers take notice of this beleef of his ) yet he justifies himself for doing it , by saying , that if they leave out all errors in the books they publish , ( that is , I suppose , all opinions contrary to the Church of Rome ) bona pars scriptorum , Patrum Orthodoxorum evanesceret , a great part of the writings of the Orthodox Fathers must vanish away . But the Tradition that can be found out of Ancients ( since their witnessing may dceeive us ) hath much lesse strength , when they argue onely thus , sure so many would not say this is true , if there were no Tradition for them , I would have you remember , they can deliver their opinions possibly , but either before the controversie arise in the Church , ( upon some chance ) or after ; If before , it is confessed that they writ not often cautiously enough , and so they answer all they seem to say for Arrius , and Pelagius his Faith , before themselves , and so consequently , their controversie ( though it may be not their opinion ) arose . If after , Then they answer often , ( if any thing be by them at that time spoken against them ) that the heat of disputation brought it from them , and their resolution to oppose hereticks enough ; I desire , it may be lawfull for us to answer so too , ( either one of these former waies , or that it was ( as often they say too ) some Hyperbole ) when they presse us with the opinions of Fathers . At least I am sure , if they may deceive us with saying a thing is Tradition , when it is not , we may be sooner deceived if we will conclude it for a Tradition , when they speak it onely as a Truth , and ( for ought appeares ) their particular opinion . Befides , If Salvian comparing the Arrians with evill livers , ( and that after they were condemned by a Councell ) extenuates ( by reason of their beleeving themselves in the right ) with much instance , the fault of the Arrians , and saith , how they shall be punished in the day of Judgement , none can know but the Judge . If I say , They confesse it to be his opinion , they must also confesse the Doctrine of the Church to differ from that of Salvians time , because he was allowed a member of that , for all this saying , whereas he of the Church of Rome , that should now say so of us , would be counted sesqui-haereticus , ̄ Heretick and halfe , or else they must say ( which they can onely say , and not prove ) that he was so earnest against ill men , that for the aggravation of their crime , he lessened that of the Hereticks , and said , what at another time he would not have said ; which if they do , will it not overthrow wholly the authority of the Fathers ? Since we can never infallibly know , what they thought at all times , from what they were moved to say at some one time , by some Collatericall considerations . Next , To this certaine and undoubted damning of all out of the Church of Rome , which averteth me from it , comes their putting all to death that are so , where they have power ( which is an effect , though not a necessary one of the first opinion ) and that averteth me yet more , for I do not beleeve all to be damned that they damne , but I conceive all to be killed that they kill ; I am sure if you look upon Constantines Epistle ; written to perswade concord upon their first disagreement between Alexander , and Arrius , you will find , that he thought , and if the Bishops about him had then thought otherwise , he would have been sure better informed ) that neither side deserved either death , or damnation , ( and yet sure you will say , this Question was as great as ever rose since ) for having spoken of the opinions , as things so indifferent , that the Reader might almost think that they had been fallen out at spurn-point , or kittlepins , he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that which is necessary is one thing , that all agree , and keep the same Faith , about divine Providence . I am sure , in the same Author , Moses ( a man praised by him ) refusing to be made Bishop by Lucius , because he was an Arrian , and he answering that he did ill to refuse it , because he knew not what his Faith was , answered , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The banishing of Bishops shew enough thy Faith. So that it is plaine , that he thought punishing for opinions to be a mark , which might serve to know false opinions by . And I beleeve throughout Antiquitie , you will find no putting any to death , unlesse it be such as begin to kill first , as the Circumcellians , or such like : I am sure Christian Religions chiefest glory being , that it encreaseth by being persecuted ; and having that advantage of the Mahumetan , which came in by force , me thinks ( especially since Synesius had told us , and Reason told men so before Synesius , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Every thing is destroyed by the contrary to what setled and composed it ; ) It should be to take ill care of Christianity , to hold it up by Turkish meanes , at least it must breed doubts , that if the Religion had alwaies remained the same , it would not be now defended by waies so contrary to those , by which at first it was propagated . I desire recrimination may not be used ; for though it be true , that Calvin had done it , and the Church of England , a little ( which is a little too much ) for negare manifesta non audeo , & excusare immodica non possum , yet she ( confessing she may erre ) is not so chargeable with any fault , as those which pretend they cannot , and so will be sure never to mend it ; and besides I will be bound to defend no more then I have undertaken , which is to give reason why the Church of Rome is infallible . I confess this opinion of damning so many , and this custome of burning so many , this breeding up those , who knew nothing else in any point of Religion , yet to be in a readinesse to cry , To the fire with him , to Hell with him , ( as Polybius saith in a certaine furious faction of an army of severall nations , and consequently of severall languages , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They all joyned onely in understanding this word , [ throw at him . ] These I say , in my opinion were chiefly the causes which made so many , so suddenly leave the Church of Rome , that indeed to borrow the same Authors Phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They needed no perswasion to do it , but onely newes that others had done it : For as this alone if beleeved , makes all the rest to be so too , so one thing alone disliked , ( where infallibility is claimed ) overthrowes all the rest . If it were granted , that it agreeth not with the goodnesse of God , to let men want an infallible Guide , and therefore there must be one , and that the Church of Rome were it , yet if that teach any thing to my understanding contrary to Gods goodnesse , I am not to receive her Doctrine , for the same cause for which they would have me receive it , ( it being as good an argument this guide teacheth things contrary to Gods goodnesse , therefore this is not appointed by God , as to say , it is agreeable to his goodnesse there should be one , therefore there is one ) and sure it is lawfull to examine particular Doctrines , whether they agree with that Principle , which is their foundation ; and for that ( me thinks ) to damn him , that neither with negligence , nor prejudication , searches what is Gods will , ( though he misse of it ) is as contrary , as the first can be supposed . Next , I would know , whether he , that hath never heard of the Church of Rome , shall yet be damned for not beleeving her infallible ? I have so good an opinion of them , as to assure my self , they will answer he shall not . I will then ask , whether he that hath searched what Religions there are , and finds hers to be one , and her infallibility to be a part of it , ( if his reason will not assent to that ) shall be damned for being inquisitive after Truth , ( for he hath committed no other fault , greater then the other ) and whether such an ignorance , ( I mean after impartiall search ) be not of all other the most invincible ? Nay , grant the Church to be infallible , yet me thinks , he that denies it , and imploies his reason to seek , if it be true , should be in as good case , as he that beleeveth it , and searcheth not at all the truth of the Proposition he receives ; For I cannot see why he should be saved , because by reason of his parents beleef , or the Religion of the Country , or some such accident , the Truth was offered to his understanding , when , had the contrary been offered , he would have received that . And the other damned , that beleeves falshood upon as good ground , as the other doth truth , unlesse the Church be like a Conjurers Circle , that will keep a man from the Divell , though he came unto it by chance . They grant no man is an Heretick , that beleeves not his Heresie obstinately , and if he be no Heretick , he may sure be saved ; It is not then certain damnation for any man to deny the Infallibility of the Church of Rome , but for him onely that denies it obstinately ; And then I am safe , for I am sure I do not ; Neither can they say , I shall be damned for Schisme , though not for Heresie , for he is as well no Shcismatick , though in Schisme , that is willing to joyne in Communion with the true Church , when it appears to be so to him , as he is no Heretick , though he holds Hereticall opinions , who holds them not obstinately , that is ( as I suppose ) with a desire to be informed if he be in the wrong . Next , Why if it be not necessary alwaies to beleeve the Truth , so one beleeve in generall what the Church would have beleeved , ( for so they excuse great men that have held contrary opinions to theirs now , before they were defined , or knew them to be so ) why I say , shall not the same implicite assent serve to whatsoever God would have assented unto ? ( though I mistake what that is : ) when indeed to beleeve implicitely what God would have beleeved , is to beleeve implicitely likewise what the Church teacheth , if this Doctrine be within the number of those , which God commands to be beleeved . I have the lesse doubt of this opinion , that I shall have no harme for not beleeving the Infallibility of the Church of Rome , because of my being so farr from leaning to the contrary , and so suffering my will to have power over my understanding , that if God would leave it to me , which Tenet should be true , I would rather chuse , that that should , then the contrary . For they may well beleeve me , that I take no pleasure in tumbling hard and unpleasant Books , and making my self giddy with disputing obscure Questions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If I should beleeve , there should alwaies be , whom I might alwaies know , a society of men , whose opinions must be certainely true , and who would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 labour to discusse and define all arising doubts , so that I might be excusably at ease , and have no part left for me but that of obedience , which must needs be a lesse difficult , and so a more agreeable way , then to endure endlesse Volumes of Commenters , the harsh Greek of Epiphanius , and the harder Latin of Irenaeus , and be pained by distinguishing between different sences , and various Lections , and he would deserve not the lowest place in Bedlem , that would preferr these studies before so many , so more pleasant ; that would rather imploy his understanding then submit it , and if he could think God imposed upon him onely the resisting temptations , would by way of addition require from himself , the resolving of doubts ; yet I say not , that all these Books are to be read by those that understand not the languages , ( for them I conceive their seeking into the Scripture may suffice ) but he who hath by Gods grace skill to look into them , cannot better use it then in the searching of his will , where they say it is to be found , that he may assent to them , if there he find reason for it , or if not , they may have no excuse for not excusing him . For whereas they say it is pride makes us doubt of their Infallibilitie . I answer , That their too much lazinesse and impatience of examining is the cause , that many of them do not doubt . Next , what pride is it never to assent , before I find reason ( since they , when they follow their Church as infallible , pretend reason for it , and will not say they would , if they thought they found none ) and if they say , we do find reason , but will not eonfesse it , then pride hinders not our assent , but our declaration of it , which if it do in any one , he is without question 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 con demned by himself , and it must be a very partiall Advocate , that would strive to acquit him . One much prevailing argument , which they make , is this , That whosoever leaves them , sall into dissention between themselves , whereas they in the mean while are allwaies at Unity . I answer , First , In this whereof the Question is now , they all assent . Secondly , When there is fire for them that disagree , they need not bragg of their Uniformity who consent . Thirdly , they have many differences among them , as whether the Pope be Infallible ? whether God predeterminate every action ? whether Election and Reprobation depend upon fore-sight ? Which seemes to me as great as any between their Adversaries , and in the latter , the Jesuites have ancienter , and generaller Tradition on their side , then the Church of Rome hath in any other Question , and as much ground from Reason for the defence of Gods goodnesse , as they can think they have for the necessity of an infallible guide . Yet these arguments must not make the Dominicans Hereticks , and must us : If they say the Church hath not resolved it , ( which signifies onely that they are not agreed about it , which is that we object ) I answer , It ought to have done so , if uniformity to the Ancient Church be required , in which all that ever I could heare of , before Saint Austine ( who is ever various I confesse in it ) delivered the contrary to the Dominicans as not doubtfull ; and to say it is lawfull for them to disagree , wheresoever they do not agree , is ridiculous , ( for they cannot do both at once about the same point ) and if they say they mean by the Churches not having concluded it , that a Councell hath not : I Answer , First , That they condemne some without any Councell , and why not these ? Next , I say the opinion of the diffused Church is of more force , then the conclusion of the representative ( which hath its authority from the other ) and therefore if all extant for the first four hundered yeares taught any Cannon it is more Heresie to deny that , then any Cannon of a Councell ; But may not howsoever any other Company of People ( that would maintaine themselves to be infallible ) say as much , that all other Sects differ from one another , and therefore should all agree with them , would not those ( think they ) ascribe all other mens dissentions , and learned mens falling into diverse heresies to their not allowing their Infallibility , to their not assenting to their Decrees , and not suffering them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sit as teachers of those things that come in Question , and to have all others in the place of Disciples obedient to them , which is that which Nilus a Greek Bishop professed , that ( because the Greeks would not allow the Romans ) was the chief cause of separation between them . Next , They use much to object , how could errors come into the Church without opposition , and mention both of them , and the opposition to them in History . I answer , They might come not at once , but by degrees , as in the growth of a Child , or motion of a Clock , we see neither in the present , but know there was a present when we find it past . Next , I say there are two sorts of errors ; To hold a thing necessary that is unlawfull , and false ; or that is but profitable , and probable . Of the second sort , that errors should come in , it appears not hard to me , ( especially in those ages where want of Printing , made Books , and consequently Learning , not so common as now it is , where the few that did study , busied themselves in Schoole speculations onely , when the authority of a man of chief note , had a more generall influence then now it hath , and so as Thucidides saith the Plague did in his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the disease that first settled in the head EASILY passed through all the body , considering how apt men are to desire that all men should think as they do , and consequently to lay a necessity upon the receiving that opinion , if they conceive that a way to have it received . And then if it were beleeved generally , profitable ( as confession ) who would be apt to oppose their calling it necessary , for the same cause for which they called it so . Besides , If this error were delivered by some Father in the hot opposition of some Heretick , it may be none would oppose it , least the adversaries might take advantage by their dissention , and he that disputed for the Orthodox side , might lose by it much of his authority . The word necessary it self , is also often used for very convenient , and then from necessary in that sence , to absolutely necessary is no difficult change , though it be a great one . Then the Fathers use the word Hereticks , sometimes in a larger sence , and sometimes in a stricter , and so differ in the reckoning them up , some leaving out those that others put in , ( though they had seen the precedent Catalogue ) and so the doubtfullnesse of the sence of these words might bring in error : Names also , as Altar , Sacrifice , Masse , may have been used . First , in one sence , and the name retained though the thing signified received change ; as it was once of an Emperour of Rome , cui proprium fuit nuper reperta , ( I leave out scelera ) priscis verbis obtegere , whose property it was to cover things newly found with ancient tearmes , And the same Author tells us , that the same state , was as it were , cheated out of her liberty , because there did remaine eadem Magistratuum vocabula , the same titles of Magistrates : And I beleeve , that if the Protestants beyond the Seas would have thought Bishops as good a word as Super-intendents , ( and so in other such things ) many , who understand nothing but names , would have missed the scandale they have now taken . These waies I think these things may have come , without much opposition from being thought profitable to be done , and probable to be beleeved , to be thought necessary to be both ; and how things may have been by little and little received under old names , which would not have been so at once under new ones , it is not hard to conceive . The first of these being no such small fault , but that part of the Montanists Heresies was , thinking uncommanded fasting daies necessary to be observed , which without doubt might lawfully have been kept , so that no necessitie had been imposed . But my maine answer is , that if to be in the Church without known precedent opposition , be a certaine note of being derived from the begining , let them answer how came in the opinion of the Chiliasts , not contradicted till two hundred yeares after it came in . To conclude , If they can prove that the Scripture may be a certainer teacher of truth to them , then to us , so that they may conclude the Infallibility of the Church out of it , and we nothing ; If they can prove the Churches Infallibility to be a sufficient Guide for him , that doubts which is the Church , and cannot examine that ( for want of learning ) by her chiefe marke , which is conformity with the Ancients : If they can prove , that the consent of Fathers long together , is a stronger Argument against us , then against the Dominicans ; If they can prove ( though it be affirmed by the first of them , that such a thing is Tradition , and beleeved by all Christians , and this assertion till a great while after , uncontradicted ) yet they are not bound to receive it , and upon lesse grounds we are ; If indeed any can prove by any infallible way , the Infallibility of the Church of Rome , and the necessity under paine of damnation for all men to beleeve it , ( which were the more strange , because Justin Martyr , and Clements Alexandrinus among the Ancients , and Erasmus , and Ludovicus Vives among the Modernes , beleeve some Pagans to be saved ) I will subscribe to it , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If any man vouchsafe to think , either this , or the Authour of it , of value enough to confute the one , and informe the other , I shall desire him to do it with proceeding to the businesse , and not standing upon any small slip of mine , ( of which this may be full ) and with that temper , which is fit to be used by men that are not so passionate , as to have the definition of reasonable Creatures in vaine , remembring that Truth in likelyhood is , where her Author God was , in the still voice , and not the loud wind ; and that Epiphanius excuseth himself , if he have called any Hereticks in his anger , Deceivers , or Wretches , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and I request him also ; to help to bring me to the Truth , ( if I be out of it ) not onely by his arguments , but also by his Prayers ; which way if he use , and I still continue on the part I am of , and yet doe neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neither am willfully blind , nor deny impudently , what I see , then I am confident , that he will neither have reason to be offended with me in this world , nor God ( for that ) to punish me in the next . AN ANSWER TO THE Lord FAULKLANDS DISCOURSE OF INFALLIBILITY . CHAP. I. NAture being not able to perfect the work of humane kind , which shee had begun , and bursting at those throwes and springings , which her timely child gave , to see the light of eternall life , ( whereof the distaste of all things experienced in this world , and certain sparklings sowed in our soule had given it a dim notice ) expected from her mercifull Creator , the aid ( whereof how much greater the wonder was to bee , and the necessity , now divers thousand yeers by lamentable experience was more deer , so much the readier was he ) and it was to send from his eternall brest , his only wisedome to recount us wonders , and averre them under the seal of his immutable truth . He knew all secrets , and could not be touched with suspition of ignorance ; he was all goodness , and free from all calumnie of jealousie or envie : who knew him , could not mistrust him , for beside those great Verdicts alreadie expressed in his favour , his works gave assurance of his words , he fulfilling in deeds , whatsoever he perswaded in words , and working to himself , what he wished unto others . Lo here , the high , and sage Master of our faith , whose Oracles we cannot mis-doubt , so we be assured they are his ; and who hath in vain spent so much sweat , and pains , if after he passed from hence , he hath left no meanes to assure mankind , what it was hee taught and practised , and for the teaching and practising of it , eschewed not the stormie passage betwixt Bethlehem and Mount Calvarie : but as in Bethlehem he multiplied the three drops of his Circumcision into the thousands of innocent Brooks ; so upon the Mount Calvarie he opened the great Source , which hath now through 16. Ages irrigated the world with an infinitie of streames of proportionall examples of Blood and sufferance . Now was his Legacie performed , and hee from Mount Olivet triumphantly returned , from whence he was come , and the world left to be saved by faith , that is , by a constant perswasion of those things which he had taught . The Conditions of this Faith were three . First , That it should be a means fitting for humane kind , that is , for learned , and unlearned , for yong , and old , for wise , and fooles , for Princes and peasants , Rabbies , and Ideots . Secondly , That it should be a tenent , constant , undoubted , undisputable , uncontroulable . Thirdly , That it should be a rule of our life and actions , making but a passage of this present life , to the following , and teaching us to contemn the present and seen substance , in hope of an unseen and absent fortune . Certes , a hard taske , and which needeth to be well grounded and founded by God himself . For who well considereth it , cannot doubt it , to be as great a miracle ( to make the whole Masse of mankinde , to forsake what it seeth , and take to obscure hopes or things , it does not so much apprehend what they are ) as to force the strongest works of nature , to hang the sea in the aire , to alter the course of Moon , and Starres , and whatsoever else is strange and incredible in nature . Besides that , to make a way of knowledge common , and indifferent to learned , and unlearned , to make the ignorant understand , what the learned cannot reach unto , and the learned die in defence of the truth he hath no other warrant for ; then because he hath learned it from an ignorant person , was the work of him alone who framed them both , and understood in what veins so different blouds doe run . But done it was to be , and how ? Those to whom during his life , he had most fully declared his mind , went , and told it to others , and all was done . We cannot denie the way to have been fitting , and expedient , so it be found efficacious and powerfull to effect , what the Author intended . For if Faith must beleeve what Christ hath taught , what better instrument to breed faith , then who heard him speak ? If Faith must be common to learned , and unlearned , what better meanes , then by hearing ? From which no unlearnednesse can excuse , nor learnednesse be exempt . Every man may have from whom to hear and learn , if not a wiser then himselfe , yet one who may have properties to be a better witnesse . Children naturally beleeve what their parents tell them , unlearned men what Doctors teach them , absent men , what those who were present doe report . All this goeth very well , so that this Expedient prove efficacious to the end intended . But it hath the prejudice of humane fallibilitie , for who , for weaknesse that he doth not carry away what he hath heard , who , for vanity to seem to know more then his fellowes , who , to make some lucre of it , or for some emulation to some other ; but seldome it hapneth that a multitude can carry away a thing all in the same manner ; and 1600 yeers are passed since , so that it is not credible , a Doctrine so delivered can persever incorrupted untill this day . Yet if we look into the immediate progresse and joints of the descent , we cannot finde where it can misse , for the doctrine being supernaturall , and not delivered by mans skill or wit , the first and main principle of it can be no other , then to know what was delivered them by their Teachers , a thing not surpassing the understanding of any sensible wise man ; so that put but twenty wise understanding men to agree , that the Preacher , to their certaine knowledge , said such a thing , there remaineth no probable nor possible doubt , but that it was so . Now then suppose , that one of those ( who having been taught by Christs own mouth , had received by the confirmation of the Holy Ghost , that he could neither forget nor forgoe this received doctrine ) should have preached over and over again the same doctrine not long , nor hard to be carryed away in all the Cities , Towns , and Boroughs of some great Country , so that whilst he stayd there , they were throughly understanding and endoctrinated in that way . Now let him be gone , and after him all dead , who had heard him speake ; and then some question arise concerning this doctrine ( as we may say in the second age ) let us see whether error can creep in or no , if the Christians keepe unto their hold . Their hold is what they were taught by Christs Apostles . Let therefore the wisest and best men of those Cities and Towns meet together about the controversie , and discusse it out of this principle ( what was delivered unto them as taught by the Apostles ) will not there be a quick end of their dispute ? For every man can say , My father heard the Apostle speak , he understood him to have said this , so he himselfe beleeved , so he taught me , that this was that which the Apostle taught us . And when out of divers Cities and Towns , shall come a multitude of witnesses , all agreeing in one point , how can it be doubted , but that this is Christs doctrine , and that which his Apostle taught ? And to disagree how is it possible ? Since all their fathers heard the same things , and things not above their capacity , and often told them , and well apprehended by them when they were taught , and by consequence could not tell their children otherwise then what they had heard and understood , in a matter of such moment , and of which they apprehended no lesse , then that it concerned their own , and their childrens salvation , happinesse , or misery for all eternity . And what here is most evidently certaine , in the children of those who heard the Apostles , may be derived with as much evidence again in the grand-children , and so in every age even to our present ; for if in any age any question beginne , and it be reduced unto this principle ; what did our forefathers teach us ? neither can there be any pretended ignorance ( for who can be ignorant of what was taught him when he was a childe , and in what he was bred , as in the grounds and substance of his hopes , for all eternity ? ) True it is , that if men leave this principle , and seek to judge the controversie by learned discourse , then may the Church be divided , one part following the authority of their Ancestors ; the other the subtle Arguments , and the great opinion they conceive , of the learning of their present Teachers : so that one side will claimesuccession , and to have received it from hand to hand ; the other the glory of great learning , and to have come by great industry to discover the errors of their forefathers . But it is evident , that if what the Apostles preached be the touchstone of what is true , and what they preached to be seen in what those beleeve who have heard them , and they who received it from them that heard them ; It is most evident , I say , that the one part , who seek for Christian truth in learned discourse , must needs forgoe the most certain and easie way , of attaining unto what they aime at : And likewise evident , that who keep themselves duly and carefully unto this principle cannot possibly in any continuance of time , swerve from the truth which Christ hath left unto his Church . So that the whole difficulty is reduced unto this , whether the Church for so many ages be perpetually preserved in this principle , that what she received from her forefathers is , that she must beleive , and deliver unto her posterity ; A thing so grafted in nature ; which maketh us receive our being , our breeding , our learning , our goods , our estates , our arts , and all things we have , from our fathers , that it is a wonder of our mutability , that without forcible Engines we can be drawn from it . CHAP. II. NOw let us turn our discourse , and as we have seen , that if our Saviour ordred his Apostles in the manner explicated , there was no way for his Church to swerve from his truth , but by swerving from the most plain , the most naturall , and most evident , and concluding rule of his doctrine , and that but one , and most easie ; so let us see whether from the present Church we can draw the like forcible train , which may lead us up to Christ and his Apostles . Be therefore supposed or imagined , what no judicious man can deny to see with his eyes , if he hath never so little cast them upon this present religion of Christendome , to wit ; that there is one Congregation or Church which layeth claime to Christ his doctrine , as upon this title , that she hath received it from his Apostles without in erruption , delivered ever from Father to Sonne , from Master to Scholler , from time to time , from hand to hand , even unto this day ; and that she does not admit any other doctrine for good and legitimate , which she does not receive in this manner . Againe , that whosoever pretendeth Christ his truth against her , saith , that true it is , that once she had the true way , but that by length of time she is fallen into grosse errours which they will reforme , not by any truth they have received from hand to hand , from those who by both parts are acknowledged to have received their lesson from Christ and his Apostles , but by study and learned Arguments , either out of ancient Writers , or out of the secrets of nature and reason . This being supposed , either this principle hath remained unto her since the beginning , or she took it up in some one age of the 16 she hath endured ; if she took it up in some latter age , she then thought she had nothing in her what she had not received from her fore fathers in this sort : And if she thought so , she knew it . For as it is impossible now any country should think it was generally taught , such a thing if it were not so ; so also was there the like necessity , and impossibility to be otherwise , if all men were not runne mad . Therefore clear it is , she took it not up first then , but was in former possession , and so clear it is , that she could not have it now , if she had it not from the very beginning . Now if she had it , and hath conserved it from the beginning , no new opinion could take root in her , unlesse it came unto her under this Maxime , as received from hand , to hand ; and to say , that any opinion which was not truly received from hand to hand , should by such a community be accepted , as received from hand to hand , is to make it beleeve , what it seeth clearly to be false , to lye unto it's own soule , against it's own soule , and the soule of it's posterity . Let us adde to this , that the multitude of this Church is so dispersed through so many Countries and languages of so divers governments , that it is totally impossible they should agree together , or meet upon a false determination , to affirme with one consent a falsity for truth , no interest being able to be common unto them all to produce such an effect . Wherefore as an understanding man cannot chuse but laugh at the self-weening Hampshire Clown , who thinks in his heart there was no such Country as France , and that all that was told of it were but Travellers tales , because himselfe being upon the Sea shore , had seen nothing but water beyond England ; so I think no wise man will accompt him lesse then phrentick , that understandeth so little in humane wayes , as to think whole Nations by designe , or by hazard , can agree together to professe , and protest a thing , which they know of their own knowledge to be a meer lye , and a well known falshood to themselves , and all their neighbours . CHAP. III. THe force of the declared linke of succession , is so manifest to a capable understanding , that being compared with any objection made against it , it will of it selfe maintain it's evidence , and bear down the greatest oppositors and opposition , if the understanding be left unto it selfe , and not wrested by the prejudice of a some wayes interessed will. Neverthelesse , there is a deeper root , which greatly strengthens and reduceth into action , the former efficacity of the tradition . And this is , that Christian doctrine is not a speculative knowledge , instituted for delight of man to entertain his un derstanding , and hath no further end then the delectation which ariseth out of contemplation ; but it is an art of living , a rule of attaining unto eternall blisse , a practicall doctrine whose end is to informe our action , that our life and actions squared by her directions , may lead us to that great good , the which God Almighty esteemed so highly of ; that he thought it reason enough for him to shade his Divinity under the misery of man , to make us partakers of so great a blisse . Hence it followeth , that no error can fall , even in a point which seemeth wholly speculative in Christian faith , but soone it breedeth a practicall effect , or rather defection in Christian behaviour . What could seem more speculative , then whether the second , or third Persons of the Trinity were truly or participately God ? Yet no sooner was an error broached in these questions , but there followed a great alteration in Christian action ; in their Baptismes , in their manner of Prayer , in the motives of Love and Charity toward Almighty God , the very ground-work and foundation of all Christian life . Whether man hath free-will or no , seemeth a question , belonging to the nature of man , fit for a curious Phylosopher ; but upon the preaching of the negative part , presently followed an unknowen Libertinage , men yeilding themselves over to all concupiscence , since they were perswaded they had no power to resist , free-will being denyed . I need not instance in prayer to Saints , worshiping Images , prayer for the dead , and the like ; which is evident , could not be changed without an apparent change in Christian Churches . So that a doctrine contrary to faith , is like a disease , which although the cause be internall , yet cannot the effects and symptomes be kept from the outward parts and view of the world . The consequence which this note draweth , is , that it is not possible , that any materiall point of Christian faith can be changed , as it were by obreption , whilst men are on sleepe , but it must needs raise a great scandall and tumult in the Christian Common-weale . For suppose the Apostles had taught the world it were Idolatry to pray to Saints , or use reverence towards their Pictures : How can we imagine this honour brought in , without a vehement conflict and tumult , in a people which did so greatly abhor Idolatry , as the Apostles , Disciples did ? I might make the like instance in other points , if the whole History of the Church did not consist of the invasions made by Heretiques , and the great and most violent waving of the Church to and fro upon those occasions . We remember in a manner as yet , how change came into Germany , France , Scotland , and our own Country : Let those be a signe to us , what we may thinke can be the creeping in of false doctrine ; specially , that there is no point of doctrine , contrary to the Catholique Church , rooted in any Christian Nation , that the Ecclesiasticall History does not mention the times and combats by which it entred , and tore the Church in peices . Let it therefore remaine for most evidently constant , that into the Christian Church can come no error , but it must be seen and noted , and raise scandall and opposition to shew it selfe ( as truly it is ) contrary to the nature of Piety and Religion . And when it does come , it cannot draw after it any others , then such as first desert the root of Faith , and Anchor of Salvation , that is to be judged by what their fore-fathers taught them , and affirmed to have received from their Ancestors , as the Faith which Christ and his Apostles delivered to the whole world of their time , and to such as ever claime and maintaine the right of succession , as rule of what they beleeve . Yet may this also be worthy of consideration , that as in our naturall body , the principall parts are defended by Bones , Flesh , Skinnes , and such like defences , in such sort , that no outward Agent can come to offend them , before having annoyed some of these ; so in the Catholique faith , there are in speculation those we call Theologicall conclusions , and other pious opinions ; and in practise many Rites and Ceremonies , which stop the passage unto the maine principall parts of Christian beleife and action . And about these we see daily such great motions in the Catholique Church , that he must be very ignorant of the Spirit of God , which quickneth his Church , that can imagine any vitall part of his faith can be wounded while it lyes asleep , and is insensible of the harm befalleth it ; for as in any Science a principle cannot be mistaken , but it must needs draw a great shoale of false consequence upon it , and lame the whole Science , so never so little an error in faith can be admitted , but in other Tenets and Ceremonies it must needs make a great change , and innovation . CHAP. IV. NOw let any discreet man consider , what further evidence he can desire , or peradventure , what greater assurance nature can afford , and not be of an awkward wilfulnesse to aske , that which is not conformable to the lawes of nature ? Much like unto him , who being sate in a chaire far from the chimney , could not think of applying himselfe to the fire , but was angry the fire and chimney were made so far from him . The Phylosophers say , it is indisciplinati ingenii to expect in any Art or Science more exactnesse then the nature of it affordeth . As if a man would bind a Seaman , to goe so far every day , whether wind and weather served or no : So in morall matters , and such as are subject to humane action , we must expect such assurance as humane actions beare . If for the government of your spirituall life , you have as much as for the managing of your naturall and civill life , what can you expect more ? Two or three witnesses of men , beyond exception , will cast a man out of , not onely his lands , but life and all . He that amongst Merchants will not adventure , when there is a hundred to one of gaining well , will be accompted a silly Factor . And amongst Souldiers , he that will feare danger where but one of a hundred is slaine , shall not escape the stain of Cowardise . What then shall we expect in Religion , but to see a maine advantage on the one side , we may cast our selves on ? and for the rest remem ber we are men , creatures subject to chance and mutability , and thank God he hath given us that assurance in a supernaturall way , which we are content withall , in our naturall and civill ventures and possessions , which neverthelesse God knoweth we often love better , and would lesse hazard then the unknowne good of the life to come . Yet peradventure , God hath provided better for his Church then for Nature , since he loved her more , and in his own Person did more for her . Let us therefore examine the assurance he hath left her particularly . It was found in the second Chapter , upon this principle , that so great a multitude of men as cleave to this ground ( to have received their faith by tradition ) could not conspire by lying , to deceive their posterity . And if I be not deceived , this principle being granted , the conclusion ( that this present Church is the true ) followeth in as severe a way of discourse , as in Aristotles Organ is taught , and exemplified in Mathematicall Writers ; whose use and art it is to put the like suppositions , whence to enduce something out against their principle . As in the said Chapter you are bidden , to put what yeare , or age such an error entred , and it is evidently true , that if it be true , then that yeare or age conspired to tell alye to deceive their posterity . And as for the strength of their principle it selfe ( although no morall man can be so absurd as to doubt of it ) yet may we consider , that the understanding being the part , which maketh man to be a man , and truth being the perfection of our understanding , and true speech the effect , naturall to true knowledge , or understanding : It is cleare , that to speak truth is as naturall a fruit of mans nature , as Peares of a Peare tree , Grapes of a Vine , Hony of the Bee : and that it can be no lesse grafted in nature , for men to speak truly , then it is in any other naturall cause to yeeld the fruit , for whose sake nature bred the cause . Wherefore as the constancy of the effect sheweth , that it holdeth upon eternall principles , that no one species of perfect creatures can perish , although we are not so skilfull of nature , as hansomely to weave the demonstration ; so cannot it be doubted , but that if one had all the principles of mans nature well digested , he might demonstratively deduce the impossibility , of ( that such multitudes of men should conspire to a lye ) the variety of particulars , ever holding their being from a constancy and uniformity in the universall . Adde to this the notoriousnesse of the lye , such as he is rarely found , that is , so wicked as to venture upon ; besides the greatnesse of the subject , and of the danger ensuing upon himselfe , and his dearest pledges . The ground therefore assumed , is a demonstrative principle , and peradventure in a higher degree then most physicall principles be : For who knoweth not the nature of the soule , to be the highest thing Physicks can reach unto ? Who knoweth not , that immateriall things are lesse subject to mutability then those which are grounded in matter ? Then as more noble , and as more immateriall , it hath greater exemption from mutability , then any other naturall cause whatsoever . One addition more , may chance to cleare the whole businesse more fully . Nothing more cleare then that , no naturall cause faileth of his effect , without there be some impediment from a stronger . Now the impediments which hinder a man from speaking truth , experience teacheth us , to be no other then hopes and feares . The same experience giveth us to know , that it is a rare thing , that hopes and feares should comprehend so great multitudes , as are in the union of the Catholique Church , specially during an age , which is the least time necessary for the effect we speak of , that what peradventure might at one time be ill admitted , should not be rejected at another . But if there were ; can any man be so mad as to think , it could be a secret hope or feare , which should not break out amongst the posterity , and be knowen , that what was done was not true , but counterfeited upon feare or interest , which if it were , a whole ages counterfeiting would not be sufficient to make the posterity beleeve , they had received such a point of doctrine by tradition . Wherefore I doe not see , how this principle of tradition , and the doctrine received by it , can be accompted of lesse certainty , then any Physicall demonstration whatsoever ; or Faith upon this ground not as sure as any naturall cause , as the course of Sunne and Moon , as the flowing and ebbing of the Sea , as the Summer and Winter , Sowing and Harvest , and whatsoever we undoubtedly presume upon the like nature , and kind . The principle which is taken in the following Chapter , is of no lesse force ( if not of far better ) to who rightly understandeth the nature of God his workes , whose course it is deeplier to root and strengthen those things which he would have most to flourish , or whereof he hath most care . Now Christians well know , that God Almighty hath made mankind for his elect , as the world which is about us for mankind . And therefore he hath rooted those things which more immediately belong to the Elect ( as is his Church , his Faith , and Holy Spirit in it ) more strongly then the principles either of mans nature , or of the world which was made for it : himselfe assuring us of it , when he told us , One title should not misse of the holy Writ , though Heaven and Earth should be dissolved . And so seeing the latter principle , relyed upon the not failing of Gods Holy Spirit to his Church , which should ever watch upon their actions , that nothing should creep into Christian life , which persently the zeale of his faithfull should not startle at . I think it needlesse to seek to further qualifie the strength of that part , which receiveth it from the quality of so good a workman as was the Holy Ghost . CHAP. V. I Doubt not but whosoever shall have received satisfaction in the discourse passed , will also have received in that point we seeke after ; that is in being assured both that Christ hath left a Director in the world , and where to find him , there being left no doubt , but it is his holy Church upon earth . Nor can there be any question , which is this Church , sithence there is but one that doth and can lay claime , to have received from hand to hand his holy doctrine in writings and hearts . Others may cry loud , they have found it , but they must first confesse it was lost : and so if they have , it was not received by hands , I meane , as far as it disagreeth with Catholique doctrine ; so that where there is not so much as claime , there can be no dispute . And that this Church is a lawfull directresse , that is , hath the conditions requisite , I think can no wayes be doubted . Let us consider in her , presence , or visibility , authority , power . As for the first , her multitude and succession , makes the Church if she is ever accessible , ever knowen . The Arrians seemed to chase her out of the world in their flourish , but the persecution moved against her , made her even then well known and admired . In our owne Countrey we have seen no Bishop , no forme of Church for many yeares ; yet never so , but that the course of justice did proclaime her through England , and who was curious could never want meanes to come to know her confession of faith what it is , and upon what it is grounded . Wheresoever she is , if in peace , her Majesty and Ceremonies in all her actions , make her spectable and admired . If in war , she never wanteth Champions to maintain her , and the very heat of her adversaries , makes her known to such as are desirous to understand the truth of a matter so important , as is the eternall welfare of our soule . For Authority : her very claime of antiquity and succession ( to have been that Church which received her beginning from Christ and his Apostles , and never forewent it , but hath ever maintained it ) giveth a great reverence unto her amongst those , who beleeve her , and amongst those , who with indifferency and love of truth , seek to inform themselves ; a great prejudice above others : For it draweth a greater likelyhood of truth , then others have . And if it be true , it carrieth an infinite authority with it , of Bishops , Doctors , Martyrs , Saints , miracles , learning , wisedome , venerable antiquity , and the like : that if a prudent man should sit with himselfe and consider , that if he were to chuse what kind of one he would have it , to carry away the hearts of men towards the admiration and love of God Almighty , he could find nothing wanting in this , that could be maintained with the fluxibility of nature . For to say , he would have no wicked men in it , were to say , he would have it made of Angels and not of Men. There remaineth Power : the which no man can doubt but Christ hath given it most ample , who considereth his words so often repeated to his Apostles . But ( abstracting from that ) who doth not see , that the Church hath the nature and proportion of ones Country , unto every one ? As in a mans Country , he hath Father , and Mother , Brothers , Sisters , Kinsfolkes , Allyes , Neighbours , and Country-men , which anciently were called Cives , or Concives , and of these are made his Country ; so in the Church findeth he in way of spirituall instruction and education , all these degrees neerer and farther off , untill he come unto that furthermost of being , of all united under the universall Government of Christ his Vicar : And as he in his Countrey findeth bearing , breeding , settling in estates and fortunes , and lastly protection and security ; so likewise in the way of Christianity doth he find this more fully in the Church : so that if it be true , that a man oweth more unto his Master then unto his Father , because bene esse is better then esse : certainly a man also ( as far as Church and Country can be separated ) must owe more to the Church then to his very Country ; wherefore likewise the power which the Church hath to command and instruct , is greater then the power of the temporall Country , and community , whereof he is part ; Againe , this Church can satisfie learned and unlearned . For in matters above the reach of reason , whose source and spring is from what Christ and his Apostles taught , what learned man , that understands the nature of science and method , can refuse in his inmost soule to bow to that which is testified by so great a multitude , to have come from Christ ? And what unlearned man can require more for his faith , then to be taught by a Mistresse of so many prerogatives and advantages above all others ? Or how can he think to be quieted in conscience , if he be not content to fare as she doth , who hath this prerogative , evident that none is so likely by thousands of degrees . CHAP. VI. THe stemme and body of our position thus raised , will of it selfe shoot out the branches of divers Questions , or rather the solution thereof . And first , How it hapned that diverse Heretiques have pretended tradition ( the Millenarians , Carpocratians , Gnostiaks , and divers others ) yet they with their traditions have been rejected , and the holy Church left onely in claime of tradition ? For if we look into , what Catholique tradition is , and what the said Heretiques pretended , under the name of Tradition , the question will remain voided . For the Catholique Church calleth Tradition , that doctrine which was publikely preached in the Churches , ordred and planted in the manners and customes of the Church . The Heretiques called Tradition a kind of secret doctrine , either gathered out of private conversation with the Apostles , or rather they pretended that the Apostles , besides what they publikely taught the world , had another private or mysticall way proper to Schollers , more endeared then the rest , which came not to publike view , but was in huggermugger delivered from those secret Disciples unto others , and so unto them ; where it is easily seen , what difference there is betwixt this Catholique Tradition and this pretended . For ( the force and energie of tradition residing in the multitudes of hearers , and being planted in the perpetuall action , and life of Christians , so that it must have such a publicity that it cannot be unknown amongst them . ) Those the Heretiques pretend both manifestly , want the life and being of tradi tions , and by the very great report of them lose all authority and name . For , suppose some private doctrine of an Apostle to some Disciple , should be published and recorded by that Disciple , and some others , this might well be a truth , but would never obtain the force of a Catholique position , that is , such as it should be damnation to reject , because the descent from the Apostle is not notorious , and fitting to sway the body of the whole Church . The Second Question may be , How it commeth to passe , that something which at first bindeth not the Churches beleef , afterward commeth to bind it ? For if it were ever a Tradition it must ever be publique , and bind the Church : And if once it were not , it appeareth not how ever it could come to be ; for if this age , ( for example ) hath it not , how can it deliver it over to the next age that followeth ? But if we consider , that the hope of Christian doctrine being great , and the Apostles preaching in so great varietie of Countries , it might happen some point in one Countrie to have been lesse understood , or peradventure not preached at all , which in another was often preached , and well both understood and retained ; we may easily free our selves from these brambles . For the Spirit of Tradition residing in this , that the testimony of that , the Apostles delivered this Doctrine be exceptione majus , and beyond all danger of deceit ; It is not necessary to the efficaciousness of Tradition , that the whole universall Church be witnesse to such a truth , but so great a part as could be a Warrant against mistaking and deceit ; so that if all the Churches of Asia , or Greece , or Aphrique , or Egypt , should constantly affirm such a Doctrine to have been delivered unto them by the Apostles , it were enough to make a Doctrine exceptione majorem : Whence it insueth that if in a meeting of the Universall Church it were found that such a part had such a Tradition , concerning some matter , whereof the rest either had no knowledge or no certainty , such a Doctrine would passe into a necessary bond in the whole Church , which before was either unknown or doubted of in some part thereof . A likely example thereof might be in the Canonicall bookes , the which being written some to one Church , and some to another , by little and little were spread from those Churches unto others , and so some sooner , some later , received into the constant beleife of the Catholique world . The Third question may be , How ( Christian religion , consisting in so many points ) it is possible to be kept incorrupted by tradition , the which depending on memory , and our memory being so fraile , and subject to variation , it seemeth , cannot without manifest miracle , conserve so great diversity of points unchanged , for so many ages ? But if we consider , that Faith is a Science , and Science a thing whose parts are so connexed , that if one be false , all must needs be false , we shall easily see that contrarily ; the multitude of divers points is a conservation the one to the other . For , if one be certaine , it of it selfe is able to bring us to the right in another , whereof we doubt . And as in a mans body , if he wanteth one member , or the operation of it , he must needs find the want of it in another : And as a Common-wealth that is well ordained , cannot misse any office or part , without the redounding of the dessect upon the whole , or some other part ; so a Christian , being an essence instituted by God , as specially as any naturall creature , hath not the parts of his faith and action by accident and chance knitted together , but all parts by a naturall order , and will of the Maker , ordred for the conservation of the most inward essence , which is the charity we owe to God , and our Neighbour . Wherefore Christian life and action consisteth but upon one main tradition , whose parts be those particulars , which men specifie , either in matter of Beleefe or Action : So that this connextion of its parts amongst themselves , added to the Spirit of God , ever conserving zeale in the heart of his Church , with those helpes also of nature ( wherewith we see wonders in this kind done ) will shew this conservation to be so far from impossibility , that it will appeare a most con-naturall and fitting thing . Let us but consider , in constant nations , their language , their habits , their manners of sacrificing , eating , generally living ; how long it doth continne amongst them . See that forlorne nation of Jewes , how constantly it maintaineth the Scripture ? how obstinately their errors ? The Arabians of the desert , from Ismael his time unto this day , live in families , wandring about the desert . Where Christians labour to convert Idolaters , they find the maine and onely argument for their errors , that they received them from their fore-fathers , and will not quit them . The King of Socotora , thinking to please the Portugals by reducing a nation , that had the name of Christians , to true Christianity , he found them obstinately protest unto him , that they would sooner lose their lives , then part with the religion their Ancestors had left them . The Maronites , a small handfull of people , amongst Turks and Heretiques , to this day have maintained their religion in Siria . And certainly thousands of examples of this kind may be collected in all Nations and Countries ; especially , if they be either rude , and such as mingle not with others , or such as be wise , and out of wisedome seek to maintaine their ancient beleefe . And Catholiques are of both natures : For they have strict commands , not to come to the Ceremonies and Rites of other religions , and in their own , they have all meanes imaginable to affect them to it , and conserve a reverence and zeale towards it . CHAP. VII . TO come at length to the principall aime of this Treatise , that is , to give an answer to him that demandeth a guide at my hands . I remit him to the moderne present visible Church of Rome , that is , her , who is in an externe sensible communion with the externe sensible Clergy of Rome , and the externe sensible Head and Pastour of the Church . If he aske me now , how he shall know her ? ( I suppose he meaneth , how he should know her to be the true ) I must contreinterrogate him , who he is ? that is , in whose name he speaketh ? Is he an ignorant man ? Is he unlearned ? yet of good understanding in the world ? Is he a Scholler ? and what Scholler ? A Gramarian , whose understanding hath no other helpe then of languages ? Is he a Phylosopher ? Is he a Divine ? ( I meane an Academicall one , for a true Divine is to teach , not to aske this question : ) Is he a Statesman ? For he who can think one answer , can or ought be made to all these ; may likewise expect , that a round bowle may stop a square hole , or one cause produce all effects , and hang lead at his heels to fly withall . Yet I deny not , but all these must have the same guide , though they are to be assured of , that in divers sorts and manners . If therefore the ignorant man speaketh , I will shew him in the Church of God an excellencie in decencie , Majestie of Ceremonies above all other Sects and Religions , whereby dull capacities are sweetly ensnared , to beleeve the truth they hear , from whom they see to have the outward Signs of vertue and devotion . If the unlearned ask ; I shew him the claim of Antiquitie , the multitude , the advantages of sanctity and learning , the justifiableness of the cause , how the world was once in this accord , and those who opposed , when they first parted , first began the Schism ; how the points of difference be such as on the Catholike side help devotion , and on the contrary diminish the same , and such like sensible differences which will clearly shew a main advantage on the Catholike side , which is the proportionall motive to his understanding : To the Grammarian I will give two Memorandums . First , that seeing Catholiques were first in possession both of the Scriptures and the interpretations , the adverse part is bound to bring such places as can receive no probable Exposition by the Catholikes . It is not sufficient that their Expositions seem good or better ; that is , more conformable unto the Text , but they must be evincent , to which no so sound answer , even with some impropriety can be given . For who knoweth not , that is conversant in Criticks , how many obscure , and difficult places occurre in most plain Authors : and the Scripture of all Books ( the greater part of the men who wrote them , specially the new Testament , being not eloquent , and writing not in their native tongue ) for the most part are subject to many Improprieties . The other Memorandum is , That to prove a Catholike point by Scripture , it is sufficient that the place brought , do bear the Explication the Catholike beareth , and if it be more probable by the very letter , it is an evincent place . The reason is , Because the Question being about a Christian Law , the Axioms of the Jurists taketh place that Consuetudo optima interpres Legis . So that if it be manifest that Christian practise ( which was before the controversie ) be for the one sense , and the words be tolerable , no force of Grammar can prevail to equalize this advantage . The Grammarian therefore who will observe these rules , I turn him loose to the Scriptures , and Fathers to seek in them what is the faith of Christ , and properties of his Church to know her by . Of the the Philosopher I exact to go like a Philosopher , and to search out the specificall differences of every Sect , and when he hath found them , if any one but the Catholike hath any rule of Faith and good life : which I remit to him to enquire ? But at least when he hath found the Catholiques to be this claim of Tradition before declared , then , if this doe not bring him as demonstratively , as he knoweth any conclusion in Philosophie , and Mathematicks , to the notice that this is the only true Church of Christ , for my part I shall quit him before , God and man. The Divine if he hath truly understood the principles of his Faith in the nature of a Divine ( I mean , Trinity , Incarnation , Redemption , Eucharist , Beatitude , the Creation and Dissolution of the World ) and hath seen the exact conformitie with the deepest principles of nature , with an unspeakable wisedome of the contriver : If he does not plainly confesse it was above the nature of man to frame the Catholike Religion , and seeth not that onely , that is conformable to nature and it selfe ; I say , he hath no ground sufficient to be of it . At last , the Statesman who is truly informed of the Church , ( how far it is really of Christs Institution , and what either pious men have added , or peradventure , ambitious men encroached , ) If he does not find a government of so high and Exotick strain , that neither mans wit would dare to have attempted it , neither mans power could possibly have effected it . If he findeth not eminent helpes , and no disadvantage to the temporall government , I shall think there wanteth one Star in the Heaven of the Church , to direct these Sages to Bethlehem . But if God Almighty hath in all sorts and manners provided his Church , that she may enlighten every man in his way , which goeth the way of a man ; then let every man consider , which is the fit way for himselfe , and what in other matters of that way he accomptech evidence . And , if there be no interest in his soule , to make him loath to beleeve , what in another matter of the like nature he would not stick at , or heavy to practise what he seeth clearly enough , I feare not his choice ; but if God send him time and meanes to prosecute his search any indifferent while , it is long ago known of what religion he is to be of After this followeth no order of Chapters , because it is applied to the discourse which was occasion of it . Although if what is already be not satisfaction unto the writing , and the Author thereof , ( for whose sake and contentment , all that hath been discoursed hitherto , hath been set down : ) I confesse , that I have not ability to give him satisfaction : yet least it should be interpreted neglect , If I did not make an application of it unto the writing , I shall as breifly as I can , for avoiding tediousnesse , runne over the discourse . And true it is , speaking of the Church of Rome , as this day it is the true Church of God : I answer the doubter , she neither hath , nor can have any error , which he need to feare , and be shye of . The which two limitations I adde , for avoiding questions , impertinent to our discourse . The first , for those which are concerning the connection of the Sea of Rome to the universall Church . The latter , to avoid such questions as touch that point , whether the Church may erre , in any Phylosophicall or other such like matter ? which questi on s are not so pertinent to our matter . Neither doe I remit the Questioner unto Scripture for his satisfaction , although I hold Scripture a very sufficient meanes , to satisfie the man , who goeth to it with that preparation of understanding and will , which is meet and required . Howsoever this I may answer , for them who prove it out of Scripture , that because they dispute against them who admit of Scripture , and deny the authority of the Church , if they can convince it , they doe well ; though they will not themselves admit generally of a proofe out of Scripture , as not able to prove every thing in foro contentioso . That they say , the Church is made infallible , that we may have some guide , I think it very rationall . For nature hath given ever some strong and uncontroulable principle in all natures to guide the rest . The Common-wealth hath a Governour not questionable , our understanding hath some principles , which she cannot judge , but by them judgeth of all other verities . If there should not be some such principle in the Church , it were the onely maimed thing God had created ; and maimed in its principall part , in the very head . And if there be such a principle , the whole Church is infallible by that , as the whole man seeth by his eyes , toucheth by his hands . Neither can I deny , but that the Author well excepteth , or assumeth , that there is no lesse necessity , the Church should be known to be infallible , or which is this Church , then that there is one . For if I should admit absolutely , that it is necessary for every man to know the Church is Infallible , precedently to the knowledge of which is the true Church , I should forget what I had before said , that satisfaction is to be given to every one , according to his capacity . It is sufficient for a Childe to beleeve his Parents , for a Clown to beleeve his Preacher , about the Churches Infallibility . For Faith is given to mankind , to be a meanes to him of beleeving , and living like a Christian : and so he hath this second , it is not much matter in what termes he be with the first . The good women and Clownes in Italy , and Spaine , trouble not themselves to seek the grounds of their faith , but with a Christian simplicity , seek to live according unto that their Preachers tell them ; and without question , by perseverance , come to the happinesse , great Clearks by too much speculation may faile of . Such therefore know no otherwise the Infallibility of the Church , then because she telleth it them , to whom they give credit , as innocently as any child to his Mother . The Church therfore was made infallible , because so it was fitting for her Maker , so it was fitting for her selfe , so it was fit for that part of mankind , that had more refined wits ; not because it was necessary for every one which was to come to her , or live in her , whereof the greatest part first commeth to her , drawn by some of the meanes before delivered , and beleeveth her about her infallibility . Neither doe I remit him to a generall and constant tradition , as if himselfe should climbe up every age by learned Writers , and find it in every one . I take it to be impossible . Testimonies one may find in many ages , but such as will demonstrate and convince , a full tradition , I much doubt . Neither doe I find by experience , that who will draw a man by a rope or chain , giveth him the whole rope or chaine into his hands , but onely one end of it , unto which if he cleave hard , he shall be drawn which way the rope is carried . Tradition is a long chaine , every generation or delivery from father to sonne , being a link in it . I send him therefore no further then to this present age , where he shall ( beyond all doubtfulnesse ) find that this doctrine was delivered unto this age , by the care of their Ancestors . And if we seek upon what termes , we find , that upon a fixed opinion of damnation in failing ; and so , that they had received it so from their fore-fathers upon the same termes , with opinion that it had continued ever since Christ his time by this meanes . And he who is able to look into the meanes , how this can remaine constantly so many ages , may find it not onely the far securer , but an evidently infallible succession of doctrine , inviolable as long as there is a Church . And this doth not onely shew that there is one , but which she is , and that there can be no other . For I suppose , no man will be so senselesse as to say , the Apostles preached one thing in one part , and the contrary in another : wherefore it will be agreed , that once the Church agreed in her faith . This supposed , let us set the time when one part changed , and will it not be evident , that the changing Church being challenged cannot plead , she received it from her Ancestors , because it is manifestly false to both parties ? Then must needs one onely Church remain with that claime . And although we did not know what the Greek Church doth by her History , yet the force of consequence would tell us , they cannot doe this which the Westerne Church doth , because the doing of one is incompatible with the doing of the same by the other . As for the two places concerning the Popes and Councels infallibility , it is not to my purpose to medle of them , because on the one side , the way I have begun , there is no need of those discourses ; and on the other , I should engage my selfe in quarrels betwixt Catholique , and Catholique , obscure the matter I have taken in hand , and profit nothing in my hearers , more then to be judged , peradventure to have more learning then wisedome to governe it withall Wherefore I shall omit those Paragraphes , if I onely note concerning the tradition imposed upon Papius , that the very narration of it , sheweth that it is no tradition , in the sence we speak of tradition , but in the sence some Heretiques have pretended tradition ; as it were a doctrine secretly delivered , and gathered out of private conference with the Apostles , and not their publique preaching delivered to the Churches , which is the way we exalt tradition in . The witnesses also of ancient Fathers are no parts of tradition , but signes and markes where it hath passed , whereas the body of tradition is in the life and beleife of the whole Church . For the Church ( as I have said ) is an essence composed , as it were , of interne and externe parts ; the interne being faith , the externe , the outward action , which must needs be conformable to the internall faith , nor can there be a materiall change in the action , but it must argue the internall change of faith , nor internall change in faith , but it must draw with it an Iliad of altered actions . As for the place of Fevardentius , which alloweth many Fathers to have fallen into errors , I thinke it will not trouble him , who is acquainted with the course of the present Church , wherein divers , who be thought great Divines , fall into errors , for which their bookes sometimes are hindred from the print , sometimes recalled , or some leaves commanded to be pasted up . The reason is , the multiplicity of Catholique doctrine , which doth not oblige a man to the knowledge of every part , but to the prompt subjection , to the instruction of the Church , wherefore many men may hold false doctrine inculpably , not knowing it to be such , even now after the learned labours of so many , that have strived to open and facilitate by method , what is true and what is false ; much more in the Fathers times , when there was great want of so many compilers , as theso latter ages have produced . As for the two points , he saith , avert him from Catholique doctrine , I am mistaken , if he be not mistaken in both . The first is , that Catholique doctrine damnes all , who are not in the union of their Church . He thinketh the sentence hard , yet , I thinke he will not deny me this , that if any Church does not say so , it cannot be the true Church : For call the Church what you will , the Congregation of the Elect , the Congregation of the Faithfull , the Congregation of Saints , or Just ; call it , I say , or define it what you will , doth it not clearly follow , that whosoever is out of that Church cannot be saved ; for he shall not be Elect , Just , Faithfull , &c. without which there is no Salvation . How then can any Church maintaine these two propositions ? I am the true Church , and yet one may be saved , without being in me . But peradventure he is scandalized , that the Catholique Church requireth actuall communion , externall with her , which he thinketh in some case may be wanting , without detriment of Salvation . But how would he have the Church speake , which speaketh in common , but abstracting from such particular cases , as may change wholly the nature of the question . For example sake ; hath not the Church reason to say , he that denyeth the blessed Trinity is an Heretique ? It hapneth , one who hath conversed among the Tritheites , hearing them use the word Trinity for three Gods , meaning to speak against them , denyeth there is any Trinity ; shall this man be comprehended in the foresaid condemnation ? Or was the sentence ill pronounced ? Neither , as I think . For bo h was it well done by the Church , to condemne denyers of the Trinity , because per se loquendo ( as the Phylosophers speak ) that is , according to the ordinary course , and nature of things , who denyeth a thing in words , denyeth it in heart ; yet the man forespoken , did not so , and was not condemned in that sentence . In like manner , when the Church condemneth all such as are not in actuall union , and communion with her , she doth well : because according to the ordinary course , this doth not fall out , without either presumption , and damnable pride , or else culpable , eitherignorance , or feare , and love of private interest , before God and his Church . But it followeth not thence , that by accident no man may sometime be excused . The words of our Saviour concerning Baptisme and Eucharist their necessity , are very precise , yet the Church doubteth not to excuse those who have it in voto . But to proceed unto the point . The corrent of Catholique Doctors holdeth , that no man shall be damned for infidelity , but he who wilfully doth mis-beleeve , and that to doe so , it is required that faith be sufficiently proposed unto him . And what is to be sufficiently proposed , is not determined amongst them . There wanteth not Divines , that teach , that even ignorantia affectata , doth excuse from Herisie . On the other side it is most certaine , that no man is damned for not professing , what he is not damned for not beleeving . Wherefore profession being that which engrafteth a man exteriorly in the Church of God , according unto the ordinary opinions of Catholiques ; it followeth , that no man is condemned for not being of the Church , who is not for infidelity , for which it is a very uncertaine case , who be damned and who not . So that the Catholique position is not so crude , as peradventure the Author understood it to be , though the words be rough , and ought to be so , as being of what is according to the course of nature , not what chance and accideuts may invent . The other point was of puting Heretiques to death , which I think he understandeth to be done Vindicatively ; not Medicinally . I meane imposed as a punishment , and not in way to prevent mischeife , or oppresse it in the head . If the Circumcellians were the first , that is ancient enough for the justification of the fact , although for banishment ( which also he seemeth to reprehend ) we know the first that could suffer it , did suffer it . Arrius , I meane , by the hand of Constantine , whom he praiseth for a speech he uttered , before he knew the consequence of the danger , and seemeth to reprehend for his after and better wits . Saint Augustine justifieth such proceeding against Here tiques . Saint Gregory advised the like against Pagans , ( if I remember ) and the Church laterly , hath rather increased then decreased in the practise of it . Mores's speech , I beleeve is mistaken , the force of it being , that the banishment of Bishops shewed his faith , because the banished were Catholiques , which shewed Lucius to be none . But what can be said , if the Church useth that for the prevention of a greater , and more dangerous evill , which all politique Estates use for the remedies of lesse , and lesse dangerous evils , and are commended for it ? For if Faith be the way of Salvation and hereby the bane of Faith ; if Salvation be the greatest good , then the danger of a Countries being over runne with Heresie , is the greatest of dangers , greater then the multiplying of Theeves , greater then the unsurety of the wayes , greater then a Plague , or Invasion . Why then doth not reason force us to use the meanes to prevent it , which the same reason and experience , teacheth us to be most efficacious in this , and all other contagious and gangrening maladies of the Common-wealth . I hope reason it selfe , and the zeale of the Author to his own and Countries Salvation , will supply my shortnesse in this point . For supposing a Church be assured she is in the right , and that the doctrine preached by another , leadeth to damnation , I know not why Caipha's words should not be propheticall in this case , and that truly it doth not expedire , that unus moriatur pro populo , & non tota gens pereat . He urgeth afterwards against the unity of the Church , that it is none such as we brag off . And I confesse we brag of it , and thinke we have reason too . And if it please him to look into the difference of our Country of England , and some Land of Barbarians , as Brasile , or such other , where they live without Law or Government . I thinke he will find , that our bragging is not without ground . For wherein is the difference betwixt a civill Government , and a barbarous Anarchie ? Is it either , that in a civill Estate there be no quarrels , or amongst Barbarians there is no quiet . The former would prejudice our Courts and Justice , the latter is impossible , even in nature . What is then the goodnesse of Government , but that in a well govern'd Country , there is a meanes to end quarrels , and in an Anarchy there can be no assured peace ? This therefore is that we brag of , that amongst us , if any controversie rise , there is a way to end it , which is not amongst them who part from us . And secondly , that there is no assured agreement amongst those who are parted from us ; for although to day they agree , there is no bond , nor tye , why to morrow they may not disagree . These two things we brag of , and I think the Author will not deny it . For he confesseth we all agree , in that the Church is an infallible Mistresse . Then it is evident , that if in any controversie she interposeth her judgement , the controversie is ended . He likewise confesseth , that who part from us , have no such definitive authority amongst them , and that Scripture whereon they relie , hath not this vertue , to take up controversies clearly . Againe , I doe confesse , most English men confesse a Trinity , the Incarnation , and Passion of our Saviour , but if to morrow , any one or more of them , light upon some book of an Arrian , Trinitarian , or other Sect , so wittily written , that he putteth probable solutions for the places of Scriptures , sheweth slight wayes , how our well-meaning fore-fathers may have slipped into such an error ; what is there to retaine these men , from disagreeing with the rest of their brethern , and betake themselves to the Arrians : And when the heat is passed , light upon some Rabbi , who shall cunningly exaggerate the absurdities ( as he shall terme them ) of the Trinity , Incarnation , Passion ; say our Saviour did strange things in vertue of some constellation , and delivering these things so oratorically , that for a new heat these things shall seem more conformable , then his Arrianisme ; what then shall hinder this to become a Jew , and at last to prove himselfe so great a Clerk , as to write De Tribus Impostoribus . Take away the power of the Church ( which every man doth , who taketh away the Infallibility ) what can retaine any man , why he should not yeeld to that discourse , which seemeth fairest , seeing nothing is certaine ? But peradventure , some may attribute power unto the Church without Infallibility , whom I would have consider , but what himselfe saith . For his Church , by the power it hath , must either say , I command you to beleeve me , or I command you to professe this , whether you beleeve me or no. The second I think , no enemy of equivocation will admit , as the former is as much , as if it should say , I know not whether I say true or no , yet you must think I say true . So that if I understand any thing , where there is no Infallibility , there is no Power , where no Power , no Unity , where no Unity , no Entity , no Church . Now for the controversies mentioned ( besides that , there is a meanes to terminate them ) they be such , as bring no breach of the ancient life , and action of Christians , which all those Opinions doe , which for the most part are reputed to make Heretiques ; That some controversies amongst us are not resolved , is a thing necessary amongst humane affaires , where things must have a time to be borne , to encrease , to fall ; and the greater things are , the greater is their period . Wherefore I doe not see , why this may hurt the Church , more then the Suits which hang in our Courts , prejudice the Government of the Land. Neither can any other Church assume Infallibility to it selfe ; because it cannot lay hold of this principle , that it receiveth its doctrine by hands ; and so must first professe the Church of Christ to be fallible , or else it cannot part from it . The last point of the Authors discourse , is , to shew how errors might have crept in . Wherein I shall have no opposition with him , for I doe not thinke the question is , how they should creep in , but how they should be kept out ? For the fluxibility of humane nature is so great , that it is no wonder if errors should have crept in , the wayes being so many , but it is a great wonder of God , that none should have crept in . This neverthelesse I may say , ( if the Author will confesse , ( as I think ) he will not deny , but that it is disputable , whether any error in sixteen ages hath crept in ) this very thing is above nature . For if there were not an excellency beyond the nature of corruptible things , it would be undeniably evident , that not one or two , but hundreds of errors had quite changed the shape of the Church in so many yeares , tempests , divisions , want of commerce in the body of the Church . But this one maxime , that she receiveth her Faith by Tradition , and not from Doctors , hath ever kept her entire . And he that will shew the contrary , must shew how it could come to passe , that those who lived in such an age , could say unto their children , this we received from our fore-fathers , as taught them by their fore-fathers , to have been received from Christ and his Apostles , from hand to hand ; which if it could not be , the question is resolved , that no error is in the Church of God , which holdeth her faith upon that tenure . And truly , if the Author desire to examine many Religions , let him look their main ground wherein they relye , and see whether that be good or no. And I thinke amongst Christians he shall find but two , Tradition , and Scripture . And the Catholique onely to relye upon Tradition , and all the rest upon Scripture . And also shall he see , that relying upon Scripture cannot draw to an unity , those who relye upon it ; and that more then one cannot relye upon Tradition , which when I have considered , I have no further to seeke , for if I will be a Christian , I must belong to one side . By falling on the one side , I see my fortune in thousands who have gone before me , to wit , that I shall be to seek all my life time , as I see they are , and how greatly they magnifie very weak peices . On the other side , I see every man who followeth it , as far as he follow it , is at quiet ; and therefore cannot chuse , but think there to be the stone to rest my head upon , against which Jacob his Ladder is reared unto Heaven . The Author hath through his whole discourse , inserted divers things , which seem particularly to the justification of himselfe , in the way of his search . The which , as I think , on one side I should be too blame to exaimine ( for who am I , to judge the Servant of another man ) so , because I cannot think , but that they were inserted for love of truth , and to heare what might be said against them ( craving pardon , if on presumption of that , it is his will , I any way offend ) I shall touch the matter , wholly abstracting from the personall disposition of any man. And to begin a far of , it is confessed amongst Catholiques , that all sinne must be wilfull , and so as far as any mans doubt in Religion is not by will , but by force and necessity , so far it is not culpable , but may be laudable before God and man. As was without doubt the anxious search of Saint Augustine for the truth , which he relateth in his confessions , for who is assured of being out of the truth , must have time to seek it , and so long this doubt is rationall , and laudable . That which must justifie this search , is in common , that which justifieth all actions , that a man be sure in the aime he aimeth at , and in the meanes he taketh , not to be governed by any passion , interest , or wilfulnesse , but that he sincerely aimeth , and carefully pursueth in the search of the truth it selfe , for the love of it ; and of those goods which depend of the knowledge of it . This is a thing , in which a rationall man can have no other judge then himselfe ; for no man knoweth what is within a man , but the Spirit , or conscience of man. But he himselfe must be a rigorous Judge unto himselfe , for it is very hard to know the truth : when I say rigorous , I mean exact , and fearfull mis-deeming : As holy Job was , who said , He was fearfull of all his actions . Holy David , but amongst all , Saint Augustine doth more sweetly complaine of the misery of man , not knowing his own dispositions , and yet he was then forty yeares of age , when passions and heates of youth which make this discussion harder , are generally settled . Besides this , he must have this care , that he seek what the nature of the subject can yeeld , and not as those Physitians , who when they have promised no lesse then immortality , can at last onely reach to some conservation of health , or youth , in some small degree . So I could wish the Author , to well assure himselfe first , that there is possible , an Infallibility , before he be too earnest , to be contented with nothing lesse . For what if humane nature should not be capable of so great a good , would he therefore think fitting to live without any Religion , because he could not get such a one as himselfe desired , though with more then a mans wish . Were it not rationall to see , whether amongst Religions , some one hath not such notable advantages over the rest , as in reason it might seeme , humane nature might be contented withall Let him cast his accompts with the dearest things he hath , his own , or freinds lives , his estate , his hope of posterity , and see upon what termes of advantage he is ready to venture all these , and then return to Religion , and see whether , if he doe not venture his soule upon the like , it be truly reason , or some other not confessed motive , which withdraweth him . For my own part , as I doubt not of an Infallibity , so I doubt not , but setting that aside , there be those excellencies found on the Catholique party , which may force a man to preferre it , and venture all he hath upon it , before all other Religions , and Sects in the world : Why then may not one , who after long searching findeth no Infallibility , rest himselfe on the like , supposing mans nature affordeth no better ? Another thing may make a mans search faulty , and is carefully to be looked-unto , I meane , that it is easie for a man to mistake himselfe , by too much confidence in himselfe or others . He that will make a judgement in an Art he is not Master in , if he be deceived , is to impute it unto himselfe . The Phrase commandeth us to beleeve every man in his Art ; he who knoweth and understandeth himselfe , beleeveth not . Therefore when we see Masters in an Art , we are not skilled in , oppose us , we may beleeve we are in the wrong : which will bred this resolution in the Author of the discourse , that if himselfe be not skilled all those wayes in which he pursueth his search , he must find himselfe obliged to seek Masters , who be both well skilled , and ( the matter being subject to faction ) also very honest and upright men , or else he doth not quit himselfe before God and man. I cannot part without one note more , which is , that it is not all one to incurre damnation for insidelity and to be in state of Salvation . For the man to whom infidelity is not imputed , may be in state of damnation , for other faults , as those were who having known God by his works , did not glorifie him as they ought : nay , they may be damned through want of Faith , and yet not be condemned for incredulity . As for example sake , if when they have sinned , they know not what meanes to take to have them forgiven , though they be without fault in not beleeving , neverthelesse dying without remission of sinne , they are not in state to come to life everlasting . As the man , who should venture into a Wood without a guide , although he did his best to have a guide , nothing lesse might fall out of his way , as well as he , who neglected the taking of one ; so if God sent his Sonne to shew us the way of Salvation , and that be but one ; as well is he like not to be saved , who never heard of such a way , as he that heard of it , and neglected it ; for neither of the two goeth that way ; and who goes not on the way , is not like to come to the end . I know God is good and mercifull ; but I know his workes , as far as we know , are dispensed by the order of second causes ; and where we see no second causes , we cannot presume of the effects . God is good and mercifull I know , and feedeth the Birds of the aire , and much more men ; yet we see in dearths and hard winters , both men and Birds to perish , doe they what they could to get victuals . And how am I assured he will send Angels to illuminate such men as doe their endeavours , that their soules may not perish ? But far more doe I doubt , whether ever man , who had not the way of Christ , or even of those , who walked in it , did ever doe his best ( except some few , and very few , perhaps not two of Christ his greatest favourites ) and was not so culpable , that his perdition would not have been imputed unto himselse . God of his mercy put us in the score of those , of whom he saith , He will take pitty upon whom he pleaseth , and compassion of them he pleaseth . FINIS . THE LORD OF FAULKLANDS REPLY . SIR , I Receive your intention to instruct me for a great Obligation , but I should have esteemed it a greater ; if you would have pleased to let me know to whom I owe the Favour , and should pay my thanks ; and if you had not translated the command of secresie from proper to metaphoricall Almes . I am also to thank you ( for in this Age we are beholding to them who doe what is fit ) for not mixing Gall with your Inke ; since I have ever thought that there should bee as little bitterness in a Treatise of Controversie , as in a Love-letter , and that the contrary way was both void of Christian charitie , and humane wisedome , as serving onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to fright away the game , and make their Adversarie unwilling to receive Instruction from him , from whom they have received Injuries ; and making themselves unabler to discover Truth ( which Saint Austine sayes is hard for him to find who is calme , but impossible for him that is angry : ) raising besides a great suspition of ignorance in him that useth it ; since it is a very true Rule which we have received from Hierocles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Confidence of knowledge conduceth much to meeknesse : Now in this I intend to take you for my pattern , and the same Author for my Counsellour ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and being able to overthrow what is false ( for so must I thinke I can , and such I must take your reasons to be , as long as they perswade me not ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 resisting Errors without Anger , and pursuing Truth with mildnesse . Now this I must professe for my selfe , that since I considered any thing in Religion , and knew that there were severall of them in the world , I never avoided to hear ( at least ) any man that was willing to perswade me by reason , that any of them was the true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nay rather I have laid wait to meet with such of all sorts , as were most likely to say most on their side ( as S. Chrysostome sayes of Abraham , that he did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lay nets for Guests ) and though almost all that undertake the search of so important a Truth , doe it better , provided , with sharpness of wit , and soliditie of judgement , yet I verily beleeve that few doe with that indifference and equalitie which is fit for a Judge , and with which I both began and continue it . Yet ( least there might some un-mark't prejudice lye lurking in me , and least I might harbour some secret inclination to those Tenets which I had first been raught ) I have ever lean'd , and set my Byas to the other side , and have both more discoursed of matters of Religion with those of the Church of Rome then with their Adversaries , and read more of their writings ; though none either so often or so carefully , as this which I am now answering , both because it was intended for my Instruction and confutation ; as also because the beauty of the stile and language , in which you have apparrelled your conceptions ( although — Non haec Auxilio tibi sunt Decor est quaesitus ab istis , yet ) showes the Author a considerable Person , and I may say of the splendour and outside of what you have said ( for my opinion ( that it wants soliditie , and that the Logick of it is inferiour to the Rhetorick ) is seen by my writing against it ) what Tacitus sayes of Vitellius his Armie , Phalerae torquesque splendebant , & non Vitellio principe dignus exercitus ; for as he would have had that glorious Army been imployed in the defence of a better and braver Prince , so I wish your eloquence had guilded the better cause ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And ( having learn't moreover from the Pagan Divinitie of Hierocles ( which in this is conformable to that of most Christians ) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that all our search is but the stretching forth of our hands , and that our finding proceeds from Gods delivering the Truth unto us , and that prayer is the best meanes to joyn the latter to the former : ) I have not only with my utmost endeavours done my part ; but also besought God with my most earnest fervency to doe his ; and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joyning Prayer to search , like form to Matter ; I doubt not but God who hath given me a will , to seek his Will , also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and if I have not the truth already , I shall be taught the truth by him , and by you as his Instrument , or shall be excused , if I find it not ; assuring you that I was never more ready to part with my clothes when they were torn , then with my opinions when they were confuted , and appeared to me to be so . To begin then with your Treatise , you can say nothing for Tradition , which I will not willingly allow , Scripture it self being a Traditum , and by that way comming to our knowledge , ( for I am confident that those who would know it by the Spirit , run themselves into the same Circle between Scripture and Spirit , out of which some of your side have but unsuccessefully laboured to get out between Scripture and Church ) but that this way which you propound should be convenient to know what was Tradition at first , I can by no means agree . Which to consider the better , I will comprehend all the strength of what you have said in a little room , and shut up your Oration into the compasse of some 3. Sillogismes ; thus you argue , What company soever of Christians alone pretend to teach nothing but what they have received from their Fathers , as received from theirs , as so come down from the Apostles , that company alone must hold the truth . But that company of Christians which are in communion with the Church of Rome only pretend this , Therefore they alone hold the truth , and the Church . The Major you prove thus : If such a company of Christians could teach falshoods , then ( since it is granted that what was at first delivered was true ) some age must either have erred in understanding their Ancestors , or have joyned to deceive their posterity . But neither of these are beleevable , Therefore neither is it beleevable , that such a company of Christians should teach falshoods : The Minor you prove thus ; ( I mean that they alone pretend it , for that they , I mean all they , pretend it , you take for granted . ) If it be incompatible with the Church of Romes doing it , that any else should doe it , then she does it alone . But it is incompatible , ( which is denied , and not yet proved . ) Therefore she doth it alone . The severall parts of this Argument , I mean first to Answer ; and secondly , Whatsoever lyes scatter'd in your discourse any thing to this purpose , or any other unanswer'd in the first part : and thirdly , I will reply to those Answers which you have been pleased to make , to part of that Nothing which I writ , wishing that this last work might have bin longer , I mean that by answering it all , and in order , you had given me occasion to have dwelt more upon my Reply . Now if I doe not shew that all of the Church of Rome do not , nor cannot pretend this , that for two to pretend it is not incompatible ( as having been so heretofore ) that those who alone pretend this may pretend it falsely , that some men , and in time all may mistake their Ancestors , and have a mind in some cases to deceive their posterity , and that it is not necessary for a whole age at once to joyn in doing it , though it be done ( if I say ) I shew not this , then let me not bee beleeved , and if you can shew me that I have not shewed it , I will promise to beleeve you . First , That the Church of Rome doth not , nor cannot pretend , that all their doctrine was received by them from their fathers as come down from the Apostles , it appeares , because when questions have risen about such things , whereof there was before no speech , yet if a Councell have determined them , they are received with the same assent , as if they had come from the Apostles ; and they professe now the same readinesse to receive alwayes any such definition , though about a question now unknown ; and it is likely , they have done what they professe they are ready to doe ; at least , they shew , that yours is not the ground upon which they build . And I pray aske your selfe , whether those that teach the common people ( who are the greatest part of your Church ) use to be askt about it by them , or use to tell them , that this they received from their Fathers , as descended from the Apostles , by a continuall verball Tradition . For suppose they told them , that [ this Tradition tels us ] yet they are not able to distinguish between such as is but Ecclesiasticall , and Apostolicall , or whether this be known to them onely by deductions , or from ancient bookes , and no such uncontinued line of teaching , and not rather perswade them in generall to beleeve it , what by Arguments drawne from Scripture , what from reason , what from Fathers , Councels , or Decretals ? I am not certaine what is their course , but I am sure , the most ordinary amongst the Ancients ( whom they pretend to follow ) was , that when they had told the people , that such a proposition was true , they added [ neither is it I that say so , but the Apostle , the Prophet , or the Evangelist ] and mentioned the place , where they thought such a doctrine was included , seldome speak of any verball Tradition ( lesse of such a one , upon which you wholly rely ) except urg'd to it , when that was impudently claim'd by some Heretique ; and when they did ( as the Asian Bishops about Easter , Justin Martir about the age of Christ , Saint Austine about communicating Infants , Papius and Iraeneus about the doctrine of the Chiliasts ) then ( as Lucian tels us , that when that Jugler Alexander sent to a City a Verse to be set upon their doores to keepe away the Plague , those houses which used the remedy , were more visited then those that did not so ) those doctrines which the Fathers did grace by writing verball Tradition in their foreheads , were not lesse ( perhaps more ) apt to be after disbeleeved , then the other which were not in that kind taught . Now if the Ignorant be not expresly instructed , that upon this ground they are to think that true , which they are bid to beleeve ( especially where their religion is easily enough received , onely for being that of their Country ) you must allow , that the greatest part of your Church cannot , nor does not pretend , to have received all they beleeve under that Notion ; and to know they did , you must have spoke with them all , or have heard them all instructed ; for what is in some places so taught , may be delivered upon other grounds in the very next Parishes . From the Ignorant let us come to the learned , and see whether they doe not both beleeve more , and require more to be beleeved , then hath had any such pedigree as you imagine . First , then the great , eloquent , and judicious Cardinall Perron , ( whom I preferre so much before all those of his side that have been Authors , that [ if a Pigmy may be allowed to measure Giants ] I should think that the vast learning and industry of Bellarmine , and Baronius , might with most advantage to their party , and no disgrace to them , have been employ'd in seeking quotations for his large and monstrous understanding to have employ'd them ) he , I say , tels us , ( and not from himselfe , but from Saint Austine ) that the Trinity , Pennance , Free-will , and the Church , were never exactly disputed of , before the Arrians , the Novatians , the Pelagians , and the Donatists . Now ( since without doubt the former ages disputed as well as they could , and so could not instruct their Proselites , better then they confuted their Adversaries ) I think it evident , that more hath since been concluded , then came from Tradition , and that the way you speak of , appeared not sufficient , either to Cardinall Perron , or Saint Austin . But because Bellarmine ( being written in a more generall language ) is more generally ( though , I thinke unjustly ) esteemed then Perron , I will aske you a question of him , when he excuseth Pope John the 22 th for denying , that Saints enjoy the beatificall vision before the day of judgement ( in which he was lead by a Troop of Fathers ) because the Church had not then defined the contrary ; did Bellarmine beleeve , that then Christians had received from their Fathers , as from the Apostles , a direct contrary Tradition to his doctrine ? If he did , how could he think the Pope , either possibly to be ignorant of it , or excuseable , if he stood against it ? If not , then he thought our Age beholding to our Fathers , for finding out some truths , which had no such line to come down by ; nay , which the Apostles either taught not , or but obscurely , and so as needs Arguments to deduce it out of their writings ; at least , not so generally , but that a Pope , and many more chiefe Doctors of the Church , knew not they had done so , ( although you often put us in minde , that Tertullian tels us , how in that Church which he governed , the Apostles poured out all their doctrines with their blood ) and in his time , Fathers taught not their children so : And this objectionlyes against you , as often as any of your side confesse any of the Ancients ( accompted Orthodox ) to have delivered any doctrine , contrary to that of the now Church of Rome , which many of them often confesse , and your selfe doe not deny : for that they could not have done , if an uninterrupted verball Tradition had been then the onely rule of true doctrine , and they had known it to be so ( for then they had a way of information , which you must confesse easie , since they might soon have known , whether generally , Christians had been taught the contrary , under such a Notion , and in such a degree , as you speak of ) or the Church of Rome had not since , either deviated from the tradition of one part , or introduced on the other . But because you knew , that the claime of Tradition could not serve your Churches turne , if any other different from yours made the same ; you therefore affirme , that none doth , and prove it , because two cannot doe it ; and in this you must give me leave to say , that you imitate the Philosopher , who made Arguments against Motion , though one walked before him ; for though we see that the Greek Church does it as much as the Romane , ( though apt to be deceived in the doing it , by the same wayes ) yet you hope to perswade us beyond our eyes , by a reason , which indeed ends in an assertion : for , I pray , why may not two companies of Christians , both pretend to such a Tradition , ( though opposing each other ) as well as the Asian Churches and the Roman did long together , about the celebration of Easter ? But not onely that it may be so , but that it is so , you may find by Hieremy , Nilus , and Barlaam ( who professe to stand to the Scriptures , the ancient Tradition of their Fathers , and the seven first generall Councels , and they can be disprov'd no way , but by the same you may be so too ) over and above the confessions of your own men . But suppose you did pretend , and alone pretend to such a Tradition , yet you might falsely doe it : for I desire you to remember , that the Apostles delivered , as well Writings as verball Doctrine ; and whatsoever the first ages thought to be contained there , that they might as well deliver to their posterity , as taught them by the Apostles , as what they received by word of mouth ; since we use to say , I learnt this of such a man , when we mean from his book , and though you strive to joyne verball Tradition in commission with Scripture , yet sure none of you can desire to thrust Scripture out quite from being at least a part of the Rule . Now that they might erre in interpreting their writings ( and an error in the cheifest then , might easily cause a generall one since ) I think you will not deny , especially since to say , that they left by Tradition every place of Scripture interpreted , would be an evidently false assertion : for how could the Fathers then have written upon it such differently-expounding Comments . Secondly , How shall it appeare , that there were not once two contrary Traditions claimed by two Parts ( as the Asian Church , and the Roman , whereof , both it seemes claim'd a direct verball Tradition , because one pretended to have received theirs from Saint John , and the other , from Saint Peter , whereof there is no word in their workes ) and that the erring Part did not prevaile ? We know , out of the fifth of Eusebius History , that the fore-runners laid claime to Tradition , and nam'd the very Pope , that had chang'd the doctrine at Rome ; which claime ( how impudently soever ) yet shewes , that men might joyne to deceive their Posterity , as pretending to a Tradition , when there was no such ; for , if you say those were but few , I answer , both that you are not certaine of their number , and since so many may joyn , I pray , what number is it cannot ? Thirdly , Since you must and doe confesse , that some Doctrines , which were not once generally witnessed to have been delivered by the Apostles , are now Doctrines of Faith ( as the Epistle to the Hebrewes was rejected by the Roman Church in Saint Hierom's time , though to her yee use to say , that Iraeneus would have every Church agree , and though Saint Hierom , whom you would prove to have thought Damafus infallible , when it is known , that he thought Libertius a Heretick , received it for all that ) because you say , that these doctrines had so much Tradition as was exceptione major , beyond exception , ( though the Church of Rome thought not so then ; ) doth not this rest upon the Logick of those Ages , to conclude what Testimony is so ? which might easily deceive them , especially since you confesse also , that particular Traditions may be false ( as you instance in the Chiliasts ) and yet the same reason , which perswaded some to receive them , may perswade more and more in severall times ( and so no age need to joyne , as you suppose ) and so a false Tradition may grow a generall one ; as it seemes that of the Chiliasts ( if it be one ) did , so generall , that Justin Martyr sayes , in his time all Orthodox Christians held it . Besides , in those things which were beleeved very convenient , and which yet it was fear'd , that unlesse men thought them necessary , they would be backward to practise , in respect of the contrariety of them to their dispositions , ( as confession ) how easie was it for them to be after taught , under paine of more danger , then at first they were delivered with ? as Physitians often tell their Patients , unlesse they take such a Potion , from which they are very averse , they must unavoidably die , though the not taking of it ( even in their own opinions ) would but make them lesse likely to recover . Some of great authority ( moved by a good meaning ) might thus deceive others ; these , thus deceived , might deceive others ; till , being generally spread , other good men , being loath to oppose them for the same reason , for which others desir'd to spread them , ( as we saw Erasmus , who beleeved your confession , not to have been instituted by the Apostles , yet would not reprehend them that said so , thinking it an error , that would increase Piety ) they be at last taken to have been commanded by the Apostles , without contradiction . Indeed all the waies , by which I shewd in that paper , which you vouchsafed to answer ( which I desire not to repeat , to avoid both your being wearied , and my own , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that errors might come to be generall ; all those are waies , by which the same errors might come to be thought to have proceeded from Tradition . Saint Austin , and Tertullian , agreeing in the sence of the sentence , which we read in the latter , * Si legem nusquam reperio , sequitur ut Traditio consuetudini morem hunc dederit , habiturum quandoque apostoli authoritatem ex interpretatione rationis ; and it is the more strange , that Tertullian should allow any custome the authority of comming from the Apostles , since in the same place , he gives any man leave to beginne a custome , so it be good ( which depends upon his reason , as the reception of it does upon theirs that follow him ) and so make it a custome , in these words . Annon putas licere omni fideli concipere , & constituere , duntaxat , quod Deo congruat , quod disciplinae conducat , quod saluti proficiat , dicente Domino cur non & vobis ipsis quod justum est judicatis ? By which it seemes , he was willing , more should be beleev'd then was first taught , and when that way had brought in any thing ( for there is the same reason of opinion , as of actions ) and made it common , then the former Rule serves to rivet it in , under the false Notion of comming from the Apostles , or having at least equall authority ; neither can you except against this , as said by him when he was a Montanist , since your side useth to brag of this , and the like places , as making for them . To explaine my meaning the fuller , give me leave to consider one question , which shall be , the immaculate conception of the Blessed Virgin : In the first ages it is a thing granted , that many Fathers beleeved her , not onely not free from Originall sinne , but not even from Actuall ; after this second question came to be more considered , and this first to be defin'd ; but yet those of the Affirmative opinion , cannot but grant to those of the Negative , that many Fathers sided with them ( or else they were impudent Quoters , who claim three hundred ) nay , even in Saint Thomas his time , they confesse , that the Negative opinion was the more common doctrine ; and yet see I pray , how things are altered ? We have now a History of some Treaties , of two Kings of Spaine with two Popes , by two Embassadours to perswade them to define the Affirmative . The History is written by one Wadding an Irish-man , his Secretary , there I find , that the Bishop of Carthage , ( having Order from the Embassadour his Master to desire to presse , nay almost to tear a Definition from his Holinesse about it ) tells him ( and not falsely ) that those who hold the Negative are , Inter Catholicos soli & pauci unius instituti viri , & unus & alter ab illis edocti , but a few of one onely Order , and one or two of their Disciples . His Master bids him urge for the contrary : The opinion and subscription of so many Prelates Orders , and Universities , the universall acclamation of the People , the weighty necessity of cutting off scandals ; nay , saith he , many Universities suffer none to take Degrees without making a Vow for the Defence of the Immaculate conception ; and for the Oppugners , Constat eos sentire aliter , quàm universa docet Ecclesia , they differ from the Doctrine of the Universall Church : If then an opinion for which nothing is to be said out of Antiquitie , and much against it , which was even lately , the lesse common opinion , could grow to be held by so great a multitude in so high a degree , in so short a time , that the much greater part of the Church should now presse to have it defin'd , and that so earnestly , that to remove the opposing Fathers out of the way , they make a confession very advantagious to us Hereticks , that many things have been defin'd by their Church against many Fathers , you may easily see that Opinions may grow very generall , nay grow to claim Tradition in one Age that were unknown in another ; for that they claim and prove only because of the the general reception in all Apostolicall Churches , not of any such uninterrupted testimony of Fathers to their Children , that so it hath been taught in all Ages . You may see then that all your Church goes not upon your grounds , since if they did so , many of it that stand for the Affirmative must pretend to them , and if they doe , then sure the Pope must have confessed them to be witnesses beyond exception , and would accordingly have defin'd , if they doe not , then this certain way of yours , cannot keep false opinions out of a Church , which makes not that their Rule . You may also see that opinions first unknown , after but particular , may come not onely to be generall , and to have Tradition claim'd for them , but even to be defin'd ; since if a Generall Councell should now meet about this point , it is plain ( without Gods immediate working to the contrary , of which you speak not ) which would be defined , nay , I am confident , that as it is observed of the Romans that they were twice as long in first conquering Italy , as ( after ) all the world ; and as my Lord Bacon tels us of one , who was wont to say , That he had first with much paines gotten a little estate , and after with little a great one ; so it is a much more short , and easie work to bring this to a Definition , then it was before to bring it thus far on the way towards one . Which if it were brought ( it being already almost defined , and ready to topple into a Doctrine necessary to salvation , the contrary being forbidden to be either printed or publikely taught ) then ( if you forsake not your Religion ) you must forsake the Principle , and joyn with Turnball , who tells us , That the Churches supreme definition of matters of Faith is the infallible word of God , and together . with the ancient Revelation made to the Prophets and Apostles makes up one Object , which is to be held by the Catholike Faith : By which it is plain , he thinks more may be reveal'd ( and then must be held ) then was to the Apostles and ( by consequence ) could be delivered by them , which is contrary to what you now say . And indeed the current of Writers of your own side either knew not this opinion and Argument of yours , or consideringly balk it ; else they might save themselves and their Readers the labour of writing , and reading such infinite Quotations : for though they speak often of Tradition , yet they thinke themselves bound to prove it better then by the pretence of your present Church ; they pretend to receive it from the Ancient Writers ( not , say they , that Verball Tradition hath in all Ages been taught to all men , to teach it their children , and that it never slept , ) and you are the first whom I have met with , who build upon this ; Indeed they know the Greeks have as much claim to such a one ( in truth to any ) as they , and if they should say with you , that it is incompatible for two to have it , the Greeks may as well argue upon those grounds , that the Romans claim it not , because they doe , as the Romans can , that the Greeks lay no claim to it , because their Church does . And indeed direct experience shewes that this is not , nor hath alwayes been the ground of Christians , that it is not ( even amongst you ) we see by those multitudes who cry out to have a Doctrine defined ; which is so far from having any Tradition , ( much lesse your kind of one for it , ) that they labour with little successe to shew that there is none against them , and make it plainly appear , that upon your grounds they build not , but prove out of Metaphoricall places of Scripture , some at most but probable reasons , and the Revelations of S. Bridget , which are contradicted by those of Saint Katharine , ( so ill do your Saints agree in heaven , that me thinks , we may bee forgiven , if we have some differences upon earth : ) That this hath not been alwaies the way , we see by the exam-of Origen , who having been esteemed by all Christians , as almost a Prophet , no man in his time discovering that he taught contrary to what their Fathers had taught them , was yet condemned many yeers after his decease , and his followers counted Hereticks , by the name of Originistae , which had been impossible , if the following Ages had thought Tradition the onely fit Rule to judge by , and accompted nothing Tradition , but what they received from their Fathers in expresse termes : But if the opinions of Doctors , counted the Gnomons and Canons of Truth ( for to that purpose speakes Nazianzene of Athanasius , and Saint Austine of Nazianzene , and Pope Pius the fifth of Saint Thomas , calling his do ctrine , the certainest rule of Christian religion , a title deny'd to Scripture ) the definitions of Councels counted the highest Tribunals upon earth , assisted by the power of Emperours , which might doe much , when almost all were under one ( as may be seen by the multitude which followed Constantine , to Christianity , and Julian from it , and by Constantius ( as is complain'd ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the twinckling of an eye , transforming an Orthodox world into an Arrian ) if these waies , I say , might make a Tenet generall , though no Tradition had come down at all concerning it ; and after it please to claim by a Tenure , by which it came not in at first , encouraged by some Rule of some Fathers to that purpose ( as some Frenchmen say of Cardinall Richelieu , that since he had that title , he claimes to have come from better Ancestours then he aimed at , being an ordinary Person ; and Harry the seventh , though he came to the Crown by his Wives right , yet would hold it by his own ) and none after oppose that claime , some not doing it , because they thinke the opinion true , and then care not though it be beleev'd upon false inducements , some as being ignorant that ever it was lesse generall ( which before the late and happy resurrection of learning , the best read Persons of their time might . often be ) how deceiving a way is yours , to discover what all ages have thought , by what now a part of the present teacheth , upon what pretence soever , which when you have considered , and not onelie that , what I have said may be , but by severall examples ( whereof I will touch some ) that so it is , and hath been , then I hope you will be so farre from expecting that I should be moved by your Arguments , that your selfe will wonder that ever you were . First then , that the Chiliasts are Hereticks , or your Church not infallible , which counts them so , is most certaine , and most plaine ; and if you be in the right , and that she teacheth nothing , but what she hath received uninterruptedly downe from the Apostles , then they must alwaies have been esteemed so by Christians ; whereas their doctrine is so farre from having any Tradition against it , that if anie opinion , whether controverted , or uncontroverted ( except that Scripture which never was doubted ) may without blushing pretend to have that for it , it must be this of theirs . My Reasons are these : The Fathers of the purest Ages ( who were the Apostles Disciples but once remov'd ) did teach this , as receiv'd from them , who professed to have receiv'd it from the Apostles , and who seem'd to them witnesses beyond exception , that they had done so , they being better Judges what credit they deserv'd , then after commers could possibly be . All other opinions , witnessed by any other Ancients to have Tradition , may have been by them mistaken to have been , so , out of Saint Austin's and Tertullian's rules : whereas for this , and for this alone , are delivered the very words , which Christ us'd when he taught it . Of the most glorious and least infirme building , which ever in my opinion was erected to the honour of the Church of Rome , Cardinall Perron was the Architect ( I mean his book against King James ) and that relies upon these two pillars , that whatsoever all the Fathers ( he meanes , sure , that are extant ) witnesse to be Tradition , and the doctrine of the Church , that must be receiv'd for the doctrine of those ages , and so rested upon : If these rules be not concluding , then the whole book being built upon them , necessarily becomes as unconsiderable for what he intended it , as Bevis or Tom Thumb : If they be , then this doctrine , which is now hereticall in your Churches beleife was the opinion of the Ancient Church . For if being taught by the Fathers of anie Age , none contradicting it , be sufficient , this all for above two Ages ( and those the first ) teach , not anie Father opposing it before Dionysius Alexandrinus ( 250. yeares after Christ at least ) that we know , or Saint Hierome , or Saint Austine knew and quoted : wherein I note , besides , that both these Fathers , either thought that no signe of the opinion of the Church , or cared not though it were . And if Fathers speaking as witnesses will serve , let Pappias and Irenaeus be heard , and believ'd , who tels us it came to them from Christ by Verball Tradition , and Justine Martir , who witnesseth that in his time all Orthodoxe Christians held it , and joynes the opposers with them who denied the Resurrection , and esteemes them among the Christians like the Sadduces among the Jewes : which proves that you have the same reason expallescere audito Ecclesiae nomine , to grow pale at the mention of the Ancient Church , ( the nearest to the Apostles ) as we have to start at that of two hundred years agoe , and to be asham'd of your Dionysius Alexandrinus , as wee of Luther : Thus that great Atlas of your Church hath helpt us to pull it down the samewaies , by which he intended to support it , and though he have best of any undergone the burden of proving that to be infallible , which is false , yet he must have confest , that either these are not proofes , or they prove against himself . And this advantage we have , that unlesse you prove your own infallibility ( which you will never be able to do ) in what point soever you confute us , that falls like a Pinacle without carrying all after it ; whereas if we disprove any one of your Religion , we disprove consequently that infallibility , which is the foundation of it all : so that ( like them who vse poison'd weapons ) wheresoever we wound , we kill , but we are like those creatures , which must be killed all over , or else their other parts will remaine alive . Neither must you think that you have answer'd the Chillasts by tying them to the Carpocratians and the Gnosticks , ( which is but like Mezentius his joyning Mortua corpora vivis , dead bodies to the living ) since the opinions of the two latter , assoon as they were taught , made the teachers accounted Hereticks and were oppos'd by allmost all , whereas that of the first , found in above two ages , no resistance by any one known and esteemed Person , and the teachers of it were not onely parts , but principall ones of the Catholique Church , and such as ever have been , and are reputed Saints ; though , by I know not what subtlety you dispence with your selves for departing from what doctrine was received from them as come down from the Apostles , and yet threaten us with damnation if we will not believe more improbable Tenets to be Tradition upon lesse Certificate . For as Aristotle saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wine measures to buy with are great , and to sell by are small ; so when you are to put a doctrine to us , how small a measure of Tradition would you have us take ? one place of one Father , speaking but as a Doctor , seemes enough : but when you are to receive any from us , how large and mighty a measure will yet give you no satisfaction ? Neither can I find out what it is by which you conclude , that their Tradition was gathered the Hereticall way from private discourse with the Apostles : Irenaeus indeed tells us , that Presbyteri meminerunt , one of which Pappias was , but not a word that it was deliver'd in secret , or the auditors but few , nor that others had not heard other disciples teaching the same doctrine ; and me thinkes that if you had evinced what you desire ( as you seem to me not to do , unlesse to affirm be to prove ) it would make more against you ; sure if from so small a ground as the word of one onely disciple , that he in private discourse was taught this by the Apostles , a false doctrine could so generally be received by all the first Doctors of the Christian Church , and that so long after Dionysius Alexandrinus had used his great Authority to destroy it : Saint Hierome was yet halfe afraid to write against it , as seeing how many Catholiques he should enrage against himselfe by it , as he testifies in his Proem to the eighteenth Book of his Comment upon Ifaiah ; what suspitions must this raife in the mindes of those of your own party , least what they esteemed Tradition , had at first no greater a beginning , and no firmer foundation , but onely better fortune ; for why might not the same disciple have cozn'd them from whom their beliefe is descended in twenty other things , as well as in this ? and why not twenty as well as he ? especially since you confesse some of your doctrine not to have had Vniversall Tradition , but onely Tradition enough ; which if those Fathers did not think they had had , for this , they would never have receiv'd it , but have excepted against the Hereticall way of their delivery , if they had known that to be a private one , and a private one to be such , and if they were so deceived in this way , might not they , and more have been so too in other points , and in time all ? If you say ( as it hath been said to me by one whose judgment I value , as much as any one of your Party ) that if this opinion had indeed had Tradition , it could never have been so totally extinguish'd . I answer , that I affirm not , that it had , but onely that if the rules of your part be good and valid , then it had ; I am sure it hath better colour to plead upon , then any of those other doctrines , which you impose upon us : Besides although it had , yet when Doctors of great authority with the people , had won upon many , first not to think it Tradition , and then not true , and lastly their courage encreasing with their multitude , ( for Saint Hierome durst not call it ) had made it accounted an Heresie , it is not strange that none should rise to oppose it ; for by that time burning was come in fashion , which was a ready way to answer all objections , and end all controversies , especiall Piety being grown more cold , and so men lesse apt to suffer for opinions , and the times more ignorant , and so men lesse able to examine what had beleeved before them . But you who affirm , that your Church receives nothing , but what hath come to her by Verball Tradition down from the Apostles , must not onely destroy the Arguments , which prove this to have had Tradition , ( which you , or any else will be never able to do ) but must affirm , that the contrary hath such , which yet their most ancient opposers never pretended too , but scoft at the opinion as rediculous and savouring of Judaisme , which as wise men , and as good Christians , as they , before them beleeved to be Orthodox . Let us next consider that controversie which more afflicted the Church , and for a longer time then any other , that between the Arrians and their Adversaries , and let us see , whether even against those there were any such Tradition as you speak of . First then I pray mark what Cardinal Perron confesseth , that an Arrian will be desirous to have his cause tried by those Authors we now have , which lived before the Question arose ; for there , saith he , will be found the Son is the instrument of his Father , The Father commanded the Son , when things were to be made ; the Father and the Son are aliud & aliud , which who should at this day say , now the language of the Church is better examin'd , would be accompted an Arrian . Now though there be no reason for you to disbelieve so learned a Prelate in a matter of Fact ( especially since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) yet if you please to reconsider those Authors seriously , if you have not mark't it before ( as Praejudication blinds extreamly ) you will then confesse it ; Sure then if Fathers in the first ages taught their Children , that so they had receiv'd from theirs , as the doctrine of the Apostles , how could the chiefe Pillars of Christianity have been ignorant of it ? or if they knew it , how would they ever have written so directly against their knowledge . For that answer which Saint Hierome gives ( as Saint Austine to the Pelagians gians ) that before Arrius arose , the Ecclesiasticall Writers spoke minus caute , with lesse circumspection , though it brings some salve to the present objection , yet it is a weapon against Tradition in generall , for if through want of care the best and wisest men vs'd to contradict Tradition , ( as you must grant they did ) then sure much more likely , when they taught by word of mouth , when lesse care is alwaies us'd , then in Bookes , and how then can any age be sure , that by this reason ( of minus caute loquuti sunt ) their Ancestors have not mistaken their Fathers , and mislead their Posterity . Look but into Athanasius , and see but what he answers to what is brought against him out of Dionysius Alexandrinus , truly in my opinion when he strives to make it Catholique Doctrine , he doth it with no lesse pulling , and halling , then Sancta Clara useth to agree the articles of the English Church with the Tenets of the Roman . Consider what eighty Bishops , and those Orthodoxe , decreed against Paulus Samosatenus , and if you make it consent with Athanasius his Creed , I shall believe that you have discouer'd a way how to reconcile both Parts of a Contradiction : This I say , not as intending by it to prove the Arrian opinion to be true , but that the contrary Party insisted not upon your grounds , but drew their beliefe out of Scripture , for if there had been such a common and constant Verball Tradition , the chiefe Christians would not through want of Caution have contradicted it , neither could Constantine , if it had been then as known a Part of the Christian Religion , as Christ's Resurrection , have ever so slightly esteemed the Question , when it first arose , neither would Alexander the Bishop of Alexandria have remain'd any while in suspence , as Zozomen saith he did , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but this being then a Question newly started and spoken of before but by Accidents , and so peradventure minus caute , ( for the same Author saies , that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) they were therefore faine to try it by Scripture , ( esteeming Written Tradition , as sufficient a Rule , as Verball ) as you may see by Constantine's own words at the Councel of Nice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Bookes of the Evangelists , and the Apostles , and the Oracles of the Ancient Prophets teach us clearly what we are to think of the Divinity . Let us therefore out of these Divinity-inspir'd discourses , seek the solutions of our Questions , which being the Emperours Proposition , and passing uncontradicted ( which the Bishops would not have suffr'd it to do , if they had known yours to be so much the best , and most certaine way , and this so hazardous as you suppose ) we have reason to believe that they for want of your direction made the Scripture their Rule , and sought out for Truth by the same way , that we damnable Hereticks do , and by that condemn'd the Arrians , as not having such a Tradition as you speak of , ( or if they had , which is very unlikely ) counting it so insufficient , as that they were not to conclude by that . Neither did onely that ancient , ( and not yours ) Councell , but even your own Modern ones shew , that they went upon other grounds , since to have had every Bishop askt what he receiv'd from his Teachers , as receiv'd from theirs , as come downe from the Apostles , would sure have been the shortest way to find Truth , and if they had thought it the best too , it would have sav'd the Friers at Trent many a long dispute out of Scripture , Fathers , and Reason , and the Bishops many a weary sessron before any thing could be determined , or the Parties brought to agree . Besides there is another reason ( if I may be pardon'd a little insisting upon my digression ) which perswades me that your own Councels define not upon your grounds ( that is ) because suppose a thousand Catholique Bishops meet and define any thing , yet wee know it is not among you believ'd de Fide , without it be confirmed by the Pope ; which shewes plainly enough , that you think not they went by such a Tradition , since of that eighty , so many persons from so many several Parts are witnesses beyond exception , according to your own grounds , and that their Infallibility is not thought to depend upon an Impossibility ; that ( in the matter of Fact what hath been taught under that Notion ) they should either deceive , or be deceiv'd , but upon an infallible assistance of the Holy Ghost , which may be wanting to any company , whereof the Pope is no part , or of whose decrees he is no confirmer . Now to return to my proofes , that against the Arrians there was no such Tradition as you speak of , ( at least , that was the ground upon which they were condemned ) consider , if you please , that in that Epistle which Eusebius of Caesarea writ to some Arrians after the Councell of Nice , he saith , First , that they assented to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Consubstantiall , because also they knew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some eloquent and illustrious Bishops and Writers had us'd the Terme : In which I note , thatneither claim'dhe any such Verbal Tradition for this as you speak of , and of that sort which he claim'd , he names onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some , as knowing too many had writ otherwise to give such a Tradition leave to be generall . Secondly , He saith , they consented to Anathematize the Contradictors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hinder men from using unwritten words , by which he saith ( and that truely ) that all confusion hath come upon the Church . And if it be askt why the same reason made them not keep out the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I answer , That I believe ( or else he is not constant to his own reason ) that he meant onely those words to be unwritten , which were in Scripture , neither themselves , nor equivalently , whereas he took 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be in the Scripture in the latter sence : And that by written , he meant in the Scripture onely , appeares by what followes , that no divinely-inspired writing ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) using the Arrians Phrase , it was neither fitting to say nor teach them : Neither can you say that Eusebius being himself a secret Arrian prevaricated herein , for Theodoret makes this Epistle an Argument against them , which he would not have done , if either it had seem'd to him to say any thing contrary to the Catholique doctrine , or not to have oppos'd the contrary by a Catholique way , at least without giving his leader some Caution concerning it . All which reasons move me to think , that the generality of Christians had not been alwaies taught the contrary to Arrius's doctrine , but some one way , others the other , most neither , as having been onely spoken of upon occasions , and therefore me thinks you had better either say with the Protestants , that the Truth was concluded ( as Constantine said it should be ) by Arguments from Scripture , or ( as some of your own say of other points ) that before the Councell it lay in Archivis Ecclesiae , in the Deskes of the Church , then claime such a Tradition for it , as appeares it can never be defended that it had . Let us consider but two opinions more : That Infants are not to receive the Eucharist , is now both the doctrine and practise of the Roman Church , but six hundred yeeres the Church us'd it ; Saint Austine accounted it necessary at least in some sence of the word , if not absolutely ( which last is most likely , because from the necessity of that , which could not be receiv'd but by them who had received Baptisme , he , and Innocentius a Pope , prove the necessity of Baptisme ) and an Apostolicall Tradition . If therefore both these Ages had gone by your Rule , how comes this difference between their opinions , the Sacrament being the same it was , and the Children the same they were ? This I may consider , and see if the same way that this Doctrine hath been altered , whether any other might not have received change ? Next , that Saints are invocable , you must say , is Tradition taught from Father to Sonne , as deriv'd from the Apostles , if you will be constant to your own principle , now though I might disprove this , first by the many Fathers that beleeved , the Just not to be admitted to the Beatificall vision before the day of judgement ( for upon this your side now grounds that ) but to be kept in secretreceptacles , and by the long time which pass'd before this doctrine was condemn'd : Secondly , by the beginning of it , which was particular Doctors Hipotheticall prayers , with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and such conditionall clauses : And thirdly , by Nicephorus Calistus his Relation ( who in this is a believable witnesse , because he allowes of your opinion ) that prayers to the Virgin Mary were first brought into the publick Liturgie by one Petrus Gnapheus a Heretick , about five hundred yeares after Christ , yet I will rather chuse to confute this by the confession of Sancta Clara out of Horantius , who to this objection , that sub Evangelio ( which must mean when the Gospel was preacht ) no such precept is extant , not onely denies it not , but gives this reason for it , least the Pagans should-think themselves brought againe to the worshipping of Men instead of Gods : If upon this or any other reason this were not then taught , then have not all your Doctrines such a Pedigree as you suppose , but allow it were , yet , howsoever it followes , that , some , at least , of the learned of your Church have not been taught that they have , or consequently that it is necessary they should have : Though it seemes to me little less then Montanisme to believe that any since ( as it were a Paraclet ) should perfect the doctrine which then was delivered by the Apostles : Neither can you answer that they speake onely of such a Precept , and of being extant , whereas they might teach it lawfull without giving any Precept , and they might have given such a Precept although not extant ; for I should readily reply , that the reason they give why there is none such extant , shewes , that they mean there was none at all , neither Precept , nor allowance , since the Pagans would have been scandaliz'd at its being accounted lawfull to worship men instead of Gods , although it were not commanded , and not a whit the lesse , whether that in after times were extant or not , which they could not foresee . The onelie answer which I am able to invent in your behalfe , is this , that though some of your particular doctrines have not such a Tradition , yet there being a Tradition that the Churches definitions are infallible , whatsoever she at any time defines , is then to be believed upon the strength of such a Tradition , and before did latere in causis as Flowers do in Winter . Yet to this I may reply by desiring you to enter with me into some few considerations . First , If this were so , and that so much of Christian Religion depends upon the definitions of the Church , and our Reception of them , upon knowing alwaies which is she , and that such is her authority , can you perswade your selfe , that Christ sending his Apostles and Disciples to Preach the Gospel , and after four of them writing his Gospel , ( which shewes if the Books be true to the title , that they writ all they preacht , at least that was necessarie ; for else they were not Gospels , but Parts of it ) that they should not rather leave out any thing else , how important soever , then not have imploied themselves about teaching us , that the Churches Definitions are a Rule of our Faith , and instructing us in Markes so proper to her , that we might never need to doubt , whether it be she that defines or no , and whether their not having done this , evince not in Reason that this your Doctrine is false ? Secondly , I pray consider whether if there were any such continu'd Tradition about the Definitions of the Church , whether that must not also have taught , ( or else have been to small purpose ) when it is that the Church hath defin'd : but yet that is a case not fully judged among you , For some hold , that the Church hath defin'd when a Councel hath , although unapproved by the Pope , which is denied by others . Thirdly , Consider whether ( supposing as was before suppos'd ) it must not also have taught certaine Notes to know the Church by : but yet about those you are not agreed , Salmeron putting Miracles among the false Signes of the Church , and Bellarmine and many more among the True ones . Fourthly , Consider whether the Church have an eternall spring of Doctrines within her , or but a finite number , and onely those which the Apostles preacht : and I believe you will pitch upon the latter . Not then to ask how they come to know them , nor , if you answer by Tradition , to ask you againe how come men then not to know ( before a Definition ) what it is they Preacht ? for if the Bishops ( of which a Councell is compounded ) know it not now , how will they know it when they meet ? I will desire to know why the Church will not at once teach us all she knowes , and not keep us in doubts , which she may resolve ? and did the , Apostles teach their Doctrines to be lockt up , or taught to us ? And then having considered this , you will find I believe , that the Church do with Doctrines , as Fathers with Estates , never give their Children all , that they may still have something to keep them in awe with ; because if she should , she could never have after pretended a Power to end any new emergent controversie , keeping in secret what she knowes , any that ariseth , she may still pretend is endable by her . Fiftly , Consider that it will appear but a shift , if you say that there is a Tradition that all the Churches Definitions be true , and so excuse the particular Doctrines , for otherwise having none , and yet avoid giving us any Rules to know the Church by at all times , and answering those Questions , which must be ended before we can know at any time when she hath defin'd . Now I confesse if you had said Tradition teacheth , that the particular Church of Rome is so the Admiral ship , that we may know any other if it be of God's Fleet , because then it must follow her , that is , be subject to her decrees , & theirs which joyn with her , this would have bin plainly to let me know your mind , and we might quickly have examin'd , whether there were any Tradition for the Church in this sence to be alwaies obeyed when she Teaches , and without you say this , you say nothing , and will never be able to give any such Note of the Church , as the ignorant may without blushing pretend to know it by : Because therefore I guesse , that when not I , but your Adversaries reasons ( for I am but one of the worst transcribers of them ) have driven you from your own Fort , you must retire to that of your friends , or like them which are drowning , you will rather catch at a Twigg , then sink : I will consider this Assertion , which I suppose you must lay hold of so far forth as to shew it to be indeed but an Assertion . That there hath no such Verbal Tradition ( nor indeed any ) come downe , seems to me for these reasons . Saint Cyprian by opposing the Church of Rome , and that with many Bishops about the Rebaptization , shewes sufficiently , that he and they knew of no such Tradition ; and then in what Cave must it have lain hid , if the chiefe Doctor of that age was ignorant of it , and even his Adversaries claim'd it not ? And that he knew no such , appears not onely by his Actions , but also by his words ; for to them who claim'd Tradition for the particular point propos'd , ( though none for the Authority of the Church proposing ) he answers , if it be contain'd in the Gospels , Epistles , or Acts , let it be observed , at one blow cutting off not onely that ( for sure this authority of the Church of Rome is no way taught in the Scriptures ) but all other unwritten Traditions , which Cardinal Perron , thought most skilfull in that kind of Fence , was not able to ward , but Du Plesis objecting it receiv'd no other answer , then that the opinion of Cyprian was condemn'd , and that Tradition , although unwritten , maintain'd . Which answer though it be as far from befitting the Cardinall , as from answering the objection ( since it is plaine , that this opinion was once held by such as were of chiefe estimation among the Orthodox , and consequently the contrary was not then the generall and necessary doctrine of Christians , and the prevailing of the one since proves not the other false , but rather unfortunate , or the spreaders faulty ) yet I confesse I excuse him , for as I have learnt from Aristotle , that it is ridiculous to expect a Demonstration where the matter will beare but a probability , so would it be in me to expect even a probable solution of an Argument , the evidence of which will suffer none at all . Neither was he ( I mean Cyprian ) the first , that without blot of Heresie oppos'd the Tradition of the Church of Rome , but that courage which he left to others after him , when they saw the Christian World joyne in counting him a Saint , and a Martyr , whom the Bishop of Rome had stiled a false Christ , and a false Apostle , the same had he received by seeing that the Asian Bishop had also rejected , and oppos'd her Tradition ; and yet Policrates ever had in great honour , and the rest never branded with the crime of Heresie ; nay , even the more neighbouring Bishops , and who joyn'd with the Pope in the time of celebrating Easter ( as Iraeneus ) yet thought the difference not worth excommunication , and for want of skill in the Canon Law , transgrest so farre as to reprehend for it , whereas if to that Church all else had been to conform themselves , then Iraeneus ought therefore to have thought the matter of weight enough , because she thought it so , who were to small purpose made a Judge , if she were not as well enabled to distinguish between slight and materiall , as between False and Truth , though that it seemes she was not : for the Church of Rome never refus'd their Communion before , though she knew them to hold the same opinion , and so ( as plainly appeares ) counted that materiall in one Age , which she had not so esteemed in others , and therefore ( in the degree at least of holding what she held ) contradicted herself , and followed Traditions . And as Cyprian imitated them , so did the Affrican Bishop him , for a Question hapning between them and the Bishops of Rome about Appeales , though they absolutely oppos'd him , and ( in vaine I confesse ) desired him that he would not bring into the Church Typhum hujus Saeculi , the swelling pride of this World , and though he laboured infinitely in the businesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he might bring it to passe , yet he , and two of his successors were either so unready , or so unskil'd in the present Roman Doctrine , that Feed my sheeep , and thou art Peter , were either out of their knowledge , or out of their memory , and they alleadged , not any power jure divino , but onely pretended to a Cannon of the Councel of Nice , which when the Affricans found not in their coppies , ( for they would not believe the Church of Rome so farre as to trust to hers , though now you generally think the Scripture it selfe to have its authority quoad nos , onely for her definitions ) they sent to the East to enquire there , and finding their coppies agreeing with theirs , they then more resolutely withstood the Pretence , which brought at that time nothing to the Popes , but repulse and shame . And indeed , not to object that it is not numbered among any of the ancient Herisies , that they differ'd from the particular Roman Church , nor is this Rule , of being sure at all times to joyne with her , ever given by those Fathers who set us waies and Antidotes how to secure our selves against Heresie , ( which could not have been left undone if they had known any such Tradition ) nor to speak of the Cannon of the Councell of Chalcedon , which attributes the power of the Popes to the gift of their Fathers , and that againe to Romes being the head City ; setting all this aside , I will aske your selfe if it be not plain that those Fathers , who ( upon the impudent pretence of some Hereticks ) send men to severall places to enquire after Tradition , either send them to all the Apostolicall churches , or ( to save their labour ) to that to which they were nearest , as esteeming them all of equall authority ( though not jurisdiction ) for I may say of Rome , and them , as Tacitus doth of Caelius and the other Commanders ( Mutato nomine ) the name onely chang'd ) Pares jure , Roma audendo potentior , for what by watching all occasions to greaten herself , whereof Cardinal D' Ossat is my witnesse , what by abusing the respect all men had ever given her , in respect of the chiefe Apostles which founded her , of the Empire which was long seated in her , and of her ancient Bishops , whereof about thirtie together were martyr'd there , what by interpreting what was given to her Authority , as given to her Power , and taking civilities aud complements ( of which no Court is now so full as the ancient Bishops were ) made to Popes for alleagiance sworn to them , what by forging false decretall Epistles ( which the Tearmed Authors of them would not forgive them for , if they knew it , if it were onely for the barbarous language ) what by these , and such other waies , she is come at length to that passe , that what Auitus a Roman Generall said to the Ansibarians , who gave him reasons why he ought not in justice to disturbe their possessions , Id Diis placitum , ut Arbitrium penes Romanos maneret quid darent , quidve adimerent , neque alios Judices quam seipsos paterentur . It is the will of Heaven , that it be left to the Romans what they will please to give or take away , and suffer not any Judges but themselves , appeares now not so much a History of the Pride of the Roman Empire , as a Prophecy of the generall doctrine of the Roman Church . Having ever marked Error and Confidence to keep so much company , that I seldome find the first , but I mistrust the second , makes me loath to affirme any thing over-dogmatically out of these objections , or say that they cannot be answered ; Onely ( because I must not offend against Truth , for feare of offending against Modesty ) I will take leave to say , that if I could have answered them my selfe , I would not have put you to the trouble of doing it , which you might also have sav'd , if by letting me know your name , you would have enabled me to have found you out , and so in a short discourse have tried whether I could have obtain'd that satisfaction from your words , which I must now expect from your Pen. But supposing I had none of these objections , yet two things besides would have kept me from assenting to what you say : The first is , that your men , when they aske us how we know Scripture to be Scripture , and this to be the sence of it , tell us withall , that unlesse we know it by some more infallible way then our owne Reason ( they mean their Church ) it will not serve for a beliefe of those things which are to be believ'd by a divine Faith ; Now this Argument of yours upon which you build all , ( allowing that it appear'd good reason ) yet at most it is but reason , and liable to the same exceptions , unlesse the same thing be a wall when you leane upon it , and a bulrush when we doe . The second is , that all you say ( for as yet you speak not of the Authority of the Particnlar Church of Rome , though you must at length come to it , though by that too little is to be gotten ) if it were granted , would but prove those who adhere now to the Church of Rome to be now in the right , but I asked for a guide , which might without new search serve me the next yeer , as well as this ; For ( for all that you have prov'd ) she may leave the way you say she now pretends to walk in , and attempt to reform too , ( which I wish were as probable as it is possible ) or there may arise a schisme between two parts of those Churches which now adhere to the Roman , and both may claime Tradition , ( for what hath been may be againe ) and how shall I know then which side to take , since both will seem equally good by that Touchstone which you appoint me to try with . And if I be then sent to try by Ancient Writers , it is certaine , that ( besides the fallibility of that way for the learned ) this cannot be done at all by the ignorant , and it is probable that both Parties will fall into that absurdity , into which the Church of Rome daily runs , which is , that although the evidence which she claimes by cannot well be exactlie read over in thirty yeares time , yet she requires us under paine of Damnation to give our Verdicts for her by twenty yeeres old . The Second Part. THe high and Sage Master of our Faith hath in vaine spent so much sweat , and paines , if after he passed from hence , he hath left no meanes to assure mankind , what it was he taught and practised . I suppose this speech is directed at me who ( as you conceive ) take away all meanes , because I have no Judge ; but I would faine know of you , whether Plato , and Aristotle have not left us meanes to know what they taught , although they have not left us any living infallible Judge to deliver us their doctrine verbally , or to expound their works : Or if you intended your Accent upon the word Asture , and if you mean by that some in fallible knowledge , I desire you ( out of your own words ) to consider whether humane nature be capable of it . For my part supposing as I doe , that his Faith is in a sufficient degree , which brings forth obedience , I require not any motives more , assuring ( except form them who claime , that they cannot erre ) then such as any man unpraepossest with passion or prejudice will beleeve sufficiently to obey ; and such in my opinion are mine : For though I know , you count any way without a guide but groping in the dark , yet if God had not given us so much light as we desired , we must not therefore set up false lights , and because we would be sure to have a guide , make one our selves : But he seemes to me , to have dealt with us in Religon not very un-analogically , to what he hath in the world , giving us two lights , Scripture , and Universall Tradition , whereof one gives light to the other , and both to us : Universall Tradition is our Guide to Scripture ( as whatsoever else that guided us to we would receive , if there were any such thing ) and Scripture is our way to God ; By Universall Tradition we know much better , that these Books were written by Christs Disciples ( who are sufficient witnesses of what he taught ) then the Aristotelians know that these were Aristotles works , or the Academicks knew Plato's , since Christians have both kept them with more care , and in the acceptance of them used more caution , as thinking them so much more important : In the Scripture I conceive , that ( according to that rule , which I am sure I have either read in Chrysostome , or very often quoted out of him ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all that is necessary is clear , or if any man that strives to square both his actions and opinions by that Rule , chance to fall into any error ( for which his understanding is onely in fault and not his will ) it shall not hinder his rising to heaven : Such an infallible way excludes , if not all use , at least all necessity of an infallible guide , and is as good as a Judge to keep Unity in Charitie ( which is onely needfull ) though not in opinions ; and indeed since you must grant , that if any man mis-interpret the Councell of Trent , it shall not damne him , so he doubt not of its truth , desire to discover what it meant , and be in a Propension of beleeving , that when he knowes it , me thinkes ( as Cineas told Pirrhus ) you had as good doe that at first , which you must doe at last , that is , say the same with us at first concerning Scripture , which after much trouble , you are forced to say concerning Councels , and in hard matters let the same implicite Faith in God serve , which serves in them , who can claime no authority but from , and under him : And ( which is more then I affirme ) that no man , but by his own , being wicked , can come into any error by false interpretation of Scripture , see I pray , what Saint Austine saies in his forty ninth Sermon de Verbis Domini , that God hath so hedg'd in all-his own sayings , that whosoever would interpret any place of Scripture false , he that hath a : circumcised heart by reading what is before and after , may find that sence which the other would pervert . Yet if you can shew me reason to beleeve that there is any standing guide upon earth ( and without reason it were unreasonable to hope to perswade me to beleeve it ) I will never be proud so much to my own cost , as rather to venture loosing my way by chusing it my selfe , then be beholding to him for directing me in it . Those to whom during his life , he had most fully declared his mind , went and told it to others , and all was done ; But this way hath the prejudice of humane Fallibility , for seldome it hapneth , that a multitude can carry away all in the same manner , and one thousand six hundred yeares are passed since , ȳt if we looke into the immediate joynts of the descent , we cannot finde where it can misse : for the doctrine being supernaturall , and not delivered by any mans skill , or wit , the maine principle of it can be no other , then to know what was delivered them by their Teachers : when therefore an Apostle had preached over and over again the same Doctrine , not long , nor hard to be carryed away in all the Townes of a Countrey , and let him be gone , and all dead who heard him speake , and some questions arise concerning his doctrine , let us see whether error can creep in if Christians keep to their hold , that is , what they were taught by Christs Apostles . Let therefore the wisest and best of those Townes meet and discusse the controversie out of this principle , will not there be a quick end of their dispute ? For every man can say , Thus my Father heard the Apostle speak , and what is here certaine of the Children of those who heard them , may with as much evidence be deriv'd againe in the Grand-children , and so in every age . Those writings , whose businesse is to prove , should be like the houses in the Low Countries , for as there they take such care of their foundations , that what is under ground costs them more then all above it , so in these , the greatest labour ought to be in setling surely the Principles , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one absurditie granted , how fertile error is after , what a heard or swarme of strange conclusions follow , not onely your selfe have observ'd , but Aristotle also hath told all that have read him , and experience daily tels mankind ; since therefore a small mistake encreaseth as much , and as speedily as a graine of mustard-seed , I must the earnestlier contradict this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this first error of yours , as being the Parent of so many more already , and being likely in time ( if by being confuted it be not us'd as Saturne us'd his Father ) to have yet a more large and numerous Issue . 1 Then you leave out one thing out of your History of the Gospell , which alone consider'd , would have much weaken'd what you say , For you speak of the Apostles , but forget utterly their Writings , a mis-interpretation of which might soon spread an error . And certainlie out of them , if Christians had been to receive no Instructions , but onely to remember what was tanght them by word of mouth , both they would have sav'd themselves the labour of writing them , and Traditors , who deliver'd them to be burnt , would have been thought to have committed no greater fault , then if they had done the same to any ordinary writing : But if the first Christians , and generally their successours since , have even carefully and assiduously stucked ( what by comparing places , what by all other waies ) to understand them , and thought themselves bound to beleeve , and obey whatsoever they found , or thought they found there contain'd , and esteem'd that they were taught by themselves , what they learnt from their writings ( as they must have thought it the same thing , unlesse the Apostles authority had vanisht , by having their instructions put into paper , which were as if the Kings verball Commands bound us , but not his Proclamations . ) Then here appeares a gate at which errors might enter , which you ( at least I am sure this part of your Treatise ) did not consider . 2 But even their verball might either bee mis-interpreted , or knowinglie mis-alledged , even by those who are counted Archi-Catholicks for I pray , must not one of those two have been done , or by the Church of Rome , or by those of Asia ( which example I would not so often speake of , but that I hope 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as good an excuse , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) For fince it is impossible , that Saint John and Sain Peter both inspir'd by the Holy Ghost , which is the Spirit of Truth , should teach contradictorie doctrines , whereof one must necessarily be false , what else can follow , but that one part ( if not both ) intended to deceive , or were themselves deceiv'd in it ( and what makes it impossible , that such a mistake by men of authoritie may not generallie spread ) and after a plaine example your reason will be no more able to overthrow experience , then the earthen Pitcher , in the Fable , was to break the Brasen one , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3 One of the Arguments you make for the infallibility of the way which you propound , is , That the Doctrine , which the Apostles taught was neither long nor hard to be carried away , Out of which me thinkes I can evidently deduce that the Church of Rome is not that , since both it appears how long that is , and since you tell us your selfe , That the cause of many errors among you is the multiplicity of Catholique Doctrines , which doth not oblige a man o the knowledge of every Part , but to a prompt subjection to the Church . Truely if there be no contradiction between these two Propositions , I will confesse that I have hitherto mistaken what the word signifies , unlesse you mean , that the Apostle by teaching subjection to the Church indusively , taught all that she teaches , and so what they delivered was short , but what implicitely , much ; If this were so , certainely the Apostles , when they included almost all their doctrine in the subjection enjoyn'd to the Church , taught some certaine markes by which men might at all times know her , though you pretend to none but such as the Greeke Church as much claime ( which is enough to scruple the ignorant ) and rightly too , as the Roman ( as Antiquity , Succession , Miracles , &c. ) excepting onely communion with the Pope , and splendor , whereof neither are proper markes of the true Church , that is such as can never be absent from her , since the Heresie of a Pope ( which hath been , and is not by your owne whole Church held impossible ) may take away the one way , and a generall Persecution the other . 4 It appeares also by what you speake of the immediate joines es of the descent , that you suppose if any errour come in , some one Age must joyn to teach it , which by no meanes followes , no more then one Age of them at Rome joyn'd to teach their Posterity Italian instead of Latine , but some may have taught a Doctrine to be probable in one Age , more then in the second , and all in the third , according to Seneca's observation . The error of few ( especially when Notable Persons ) begetting the error of a multitude ; and againe the authority of a multitude deceiving Particular men , and so by degrees it may be thought from Probable , True , from true fere de Fide , from that absolutely a part of Faith , and consequently to have come from Tradition , whilst the contrary opinion being first believ'd the more improbable , next false , from false Temerary , from temerary , Haeresi proximum , and from that absolutely Hereticall , hath by almost insensible degrees met with a mighty change , and is arriv'd at Hell before it almost misdoubted it . And that these progresse-Doctrines have travel'd , it is casie for any man to see who hath been but a little conversant in your own Books , and whosoever denies it , may as well deny that their is any green in Summer , when there is hardly any thing else . 5 And for the Case you put , that the wisest , and best of the Townes where Doctrines were delivered should have met &c. I both suppose , that the controversie of who were best and wisest , would not it felf have been easily ended , but allowing that it might have been easily done , and would have been most usefully done , yet it never was ; and so suppose the way never so good , it was yet like a Medicine , which be it never so Soveraigne , can never cure if it be never taken ; Councells there have been call'd Ancient , because lesse Modern , and generall , because lesse particular ( for the first was not till more then three hundred yeeres after Christ , nor to the largest appeares it , that ever any were summon'd from beyond the bounds of the Ancient Roman Empire , though Christianity were much farther extended : Some lesse meetings or Conciliabula there were indeed before , but none of these accounted infallible by your selves ( though me thinks they should by your grounds ) and in deed it would go ill with your own infallibility if you should , for of the two most notable , the one defended Rebaptization , and the other condemned Samosatenus , and in doing so taught as plain Arrianisme , ( if we might know mens meaning by their words , which if we cannot , all arguing , especially from what any Authors say , is ended ) as even Arrius himself was condemned for at Nice ; If these intended to discusse the Comroversie out of the Principle you speak of , and yet miss'd Tradition when they meant to have followed it , then so might your best and wisest men have done too ; if they did not intend it , then it seemes it hath not been held needfull alwaies by Catholikes to try Doctrines by that Criterium , which you now prescribe . Who can be ignorant what he was taught when he was a child , as the ground and substance of his hopes for all Eternity ? Truely the ordinary fort more then most easily : For because either their mind wanders , or their Teachers descend not to their capacities , they commonly goe away both from publique Sermons and private Catcchismes , as if they had receiv'd instructions in a language as strange to them , as that wherein they say their prayers : Besides their own Fathers teach them little or nothing , because that is as much as they have learnt themselves , ( especially in ignorant places and times ) their Ghostly Fathers teach them most , but that much more concerning life then opinions ; so that though they were not ignorant of all they were taught , yet they are absolute strangers to the greatest part of what your Church teaches ; And if now no more of their Religion be delivered by Verball Tradition , what was then , when many points , which are now often taught ( though not constantly and in all places but upon occasions ) were not thought of in many yeeres ? Suppose that about the Question of what makes a Priest ; a convocation of men had met ( I mean of such who knew not what was taught in Bookes ) before Luthers time ( and what I say would be true in somewhat a lesse degree of this more instructed Age ) what account could they have given what they had been taught when they were Children ? Truely they could have said , we know it to be the custome for our Bishops to make Priests , and some of us have heard he onely is to make them , what is done and taught in other places we know not : Very far would they have been from all agreeing that they were taught when they were Children ( as part of the ground of their hopes for all Eternity ) by their Fathers , as receiv'd from their so as come down from the Apostles ; that he is no Priest , to whom in expresse tearmes Commission is not given to offer for the living and the dead , which now being objected to the Clergy of England , perswades me , that your Church teacheih more then generally men are taught when Children , or indeed at any time by any Verball Tradition ; For not onely the Ordinary sort , but even your most learned men knew not what is Tradition , if that be still your Rule of Faith ; for they disagree among themselves , whether some things be of Faith or no ; as for Example , Whether the Pope can erre in the Cannonization of a Saint , for if all Questions were that way to be ended , and such Traditions were evident , ( as if they were such as you speak of they must be ) all your side must be soone resolv'd both in this , and all other such Questions ; And if you say that indeed all Particular Doctrines are not taught by such a Tradition , but that by so much as all are taught , they know their Judge and Director concerning them , and so are taught them implicitely , I answer , that the Vulgar , although they are generally told that the Church is infallible , yet I doubt whether they be either taught that this Doctrine hath had any such generall and uninterrupted a delivery , or have heard much concerning those meanes , by which she her-selfe is to be known , or those Circumstances , by which we are to know when she expresseth her opinion : That the Pope is the Head of the Church they know , but whether Tradition teach him to be so of Divine , or humane Right , from God , of Councels , or tacite consent , and what Power is included in that Headship , a Mahumetan is as much instructed as most of them , and even his head-ship is ordinarily prov'd to them but out of some place of Scripture , out of which they hear his Infallibility concluded too , without being told the different degree in which those two Doctrines are to be held . Secondly , For the learned , neither are they taught so well some of these things , but that they differ concerning them , and your self fly wholly speaking of them , leaving them to agree among themselves , and ( as Cardinall Perron saies in one place , he will do us Protestants when we differ ) suffering the dead to bury the dead ; If then neither are you all agreed by what to know your Church , nor when she hath defin'd , so that even what is of faith is undermined among you , I find cause to beleeve , that Tradition is no excellent Director of you , even in your grounds , no not to teach you to know that which should teach you all the rest ; And if you were , yet at the same wicket , and by the same degrees , by which I have shewd that other errors both may , and have not onely entered into your Church , but ascended also to high places there ; this doctrine concerning your Director might have done the same . True it is , that very little is generally and constantlie taught in all ages to the people , and that which is seldome , is told them to have been so receiv'd from hand to hand by the verball Tradition you speak of ; and if they be at any time taught so , and remember it , yet they know not whether the next Curate teach the same , at least , if under the same notion and degree of Necessitie : Indeed it would not be so intricate a worke ( as now adaies it is ) to be a Christian , if your way had been onely followed : but it is not this Tradition , but the writings of past Ages , which transmit to posteritie the opinions of the Doctors of past times , many of them being erroneous , and more unnecessarie ; out of these works the learned learne , and teach againe in their workes , what the greater part ( the unlearned ) scarce ever heare of ; out of these they settle the degrees your Doctrines are to be held in , some as probable , some true , some almost necessarie , some altogether , and teach concerning others , that some are false , some dangerous , some damnable , whereas the vulgar have seldome their meat so curiouslie joynted to them , but are told in generall for the most part ( unlesse some publick opposition , or other occasion perswade them at some time to descend to teach them more particularlie ) that this is so good , and this is not so : And indeed the degree in which the last Age held such an opnion , is both most hard to know ( not onely because the ignorant are seldom taught it by word of mouth , and the learned have seldome occasion , without some opposition , to explaine themselves so farre in their writings ) but because also as many , and as considerable Persons not writing , as doe write , we cannot know by the Authors , what the whole Age thought true ( except the acceptation of that Doctrine were a condition of the Communoin ) and most necessarie to be known , because most of our controversies with your Church are as much , if not more , about the necessitie of her opinions , as about the truth of them : For we seeing plainlie , that in the purest ages many of the chiefest Doctors have contradicted some of her Tenets , without suspicion of Heresie , are not able to conceive how a doctrine should , from being indifferent in one age , become necessarie in another , and the contrarie from onely false Heriticall , — As time makes Botches Pox , And plodding on will make a Calfe an Oxe . especially if that way had allwaies been walkt in , which you now speak of . No judicious man can deny to see with his eyes , ( if he have cast them never so little upon the present state of Christendome ) that there is one Congregation of men which layeth claime to Christ his Doctrine , as upon this title , that she hath received it from his Apostles without interruption , delivered from Father to Son untill this day , and admits not any Doctrine for good and legitimate which he doth not receive in this manner . What the Judicious ( of whom I am no member ) can do , I know not , but I not onely can , but do deny it , you meaning by that Congregation the Church of Rome , for by seeing , that not upon this , but other kind of claim certaine Doctrines have arrived to the very brink of being defined ; I have cause to think , that if they received none in upon other grounds , these would not be suffered to stand so neer the doore . And indeed there being between your selfe such differences , that Erasmus tels us , that he who is a Heretick among the Dominicans , is Orthodox to the Scotists , sure one side hath admitted of a Doctrine for Legitimate , which hath not been so received , and then me thinks this being easily endable , which it is , by seeing which claimes such a delivery , ( for if both do it , then two Parts may , which you deny , if neither do , then your whole Church goes by some other Rule ) that which doth , upon that which you call the Catholique Grounds , me thinks should have obtained a definition for her , and the other , which resists that Principle , upon which they ought onely to build , should have been suddenly and absolutely condemned . This will appeare plainer , if we consider the opinions of your Church by the Actions of her Head , in a notable and late Example . A great controversie being risen between the Dominicans and the Jesuites , it was heard before Pope Clement , let us see then what course he took to find which Part held the Truth , since he was not likely ( especially in a time wherein , by being more opposed then usually , he had reasons to be consequently more cautious ) to chuse a new way , by which truth was not wont to be found out by your side upon like occasions ; Did he send for the wisest and best men from all , nay from adjoyning Parts , to enquire of them what they had been taught by their Fathers , to have been received by them uninterruptedly from the Apostles ? did he examine with which of them the first and purest ages sided ? did he consider which opinion would make us have the more excellent conceit of God , and work most towards the expelling of Vice ? None of all these were his course , but he appointed both sides , to prove which of them followed Saint Austine , and according to them , he intended to give sentence , if the advice of Cardinall Perron had not prevailed to the contrary : But many days they spent in examining what he thought , who thought so variously concerning it , that he scarce knew himself which , whereas before him all the Ancients that I could ever meet with , were with the Iesuites with an Vnanimous consent , and by them ( if they must be tried by men as fallible as themselves ) it would have better agreed with their own Principles to have had both Parts judged . After the Pope , let us hear Bishop , and allmost Cardinall Fisher , who being one of your own Authors and Martyrs , cannot be thought to praevaricate against that Church , for whose defence he imployed not onely his Inke , but his Blood. His words are these , There are many things of which was no enquirie in the Primitive Church , which yet upon doubts arising , are now become perspicuous , by the diligence of after-times . And that you may see , that he speakes of points of Faith , He addes , No Orthodox man now doubts , whether there be a Purgatory , of which yet among the Ancients there is no mention , or exceeding rarely : It is not believed by the Greeks to this day — Neither did the Latines conceive this Truth at once , but by little and little . And for an Epiphonema he closeth it thus , Considering that Purg atory was a good while unknown ; after , partly by Revelations , partly by Scripture came little by little to be believed by some , and so at last the beliefe of it was generally received by the Catholique Churches — Who can wonder concerning Indulgencies , that in the Priinitive Church there was no use of them ? Indulgences therefore began , after men had trembled a while at the Torments of Purgatory . See I pray how will you two agree ? You say the Church of Rome receives , but what she claimes to be come down to her from the Apostles without interruption : He saith some of her Doctrines were long unknown , and came in by Revelations and Scripture ; you say new Doctrines cannot come into a Church that , holds this Principle : He saith , Doctrines have come in by little and little : So either she held not allwaies this Principle , or for all that they might come in : To be short , all , which he hath said , seemes to me , as if he had purposely intended to frame a Ram to batter down that fortification , which you have built about the Roman Church . Now though he be of so great an Authority that he needs no backing , yet I will desire you to look into Alphonsus de Castro , where he speakes of Indulgences , and see if he mend the matter . He confesseth , that the use of them seemes to be late received into the Church , yet would not have them contemned , because many things are known to after-commers , of which those ancient Writers were wholly ignorant . Amongst whom there is rarely mention of Transubst antiation , more rarely of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son , of Purgatory almost none ; For though he speaks after as if he meant onely that the names of these were unmentioned , and not the things , yet it is plaine , that if he brought them in to any purpose , it was to prove , that some Doctrines are after of necessity to be believed , which once were not , and Doctrines consist in the Things , not in the Name . I could next tell you of Erasmus his saying , Res deducta est ad Sophisticas contentiones , & Articulorum Miriades proruperunt . Religion is come down to Sophistry , and a Miriad of Articles are broken out . But knowing that his words will not find so much respect , ( because he himself finds lesse favour ) as those of others more allowed among you , let us mark these words of Sancta Clara , The Church , when it is said to define any thing , she rests not upon any new Revelations , but upon the ancient , lying hid in writings and words of the Apostles , which he sayes not as his private opinion , but the constant beliefe of Doctors : By which it appeares plainly , that there are at least interpretations of what the Apostles taught , drawn forth by Reason , not received by Tradition , which makes now a part of the present Roman Religion a sufficient Gappe for Errors to enter at , when either mistakings , or ends may become new opinions , and stile them but interpretations of the old . Salmeron a Voluminous Jesuite , one , neither by his order , nor his inclination an enemy at all to the Roman Church , being press'd by the opinions of the Ancients , affirmes , Doctores quò Juniores , eò perspicaciores esse , That the more modern Doctors are , the more prespicatious , that per incrementa Temporum nota facta sunt Divina mysteria , quae . tamen antea multos latuerunt : In processe of time Divine Mysteries have been made known , which before lay hid from many ; That it is infirm arguing from Authority , and answers to the multitude of them , who in times past had opposed him , with these words of Exodus , That the opinion of many is not to be followed , leading us out of the way , with some other very Anabaptisticall answers , and very contrary to your Tenets , ( for sure it were a strange Tradition , which had so many Orthodox Opposers ) and nothing inferiour to that saying of Zuinglius , so much exaggerated , Quid mihi cum Patribus , potius quam cum Matribus ? The same Author in same place saies , that Saint Hierome durst not affirm the Assumption , but Saint Austine durst ; and by that meanes , the Church perswaded by his reason believes it : Such a notable Tradition have all her opinions ; for even this affirmation , which he confesseth , brought in this beliefe , is it self not now believed to be Saint Austines , for I take it , he must mean his tract of the Assumption , counted not his , by your own Divinity-Criticks , the Lovaine Doctors , which have set it forth at Cullen . And because I am willing to spend no more time in the proofe of so apparent a Truth , I will not urge Posa , who , to perswade the defining of an opinion , which hath a great current of the Ancients against it , ( so farr it is from having any Tradition for it ) reckons many other opinions condemned by your Church , and defended by the Ancients , unlesse you will believe his impudent Assertion , that they are all corrupted , and will passe to the Conclusion of this , which shall have for a Corollary , the Confession of a Spanish Arch-Bishop , who is to be thought to speak with more authority then his own , because being imployed to bring that to passe , which was desired by so great a Part of your Church , he can scarce be supposed not to have had the advice and consent of many of them in what he sayes . He then tell us , First , every Age either brings forth , or opens her Truth : Things are done in their times , and severall Doctrines are unlockt in severall Ages . Secondly , To shew that though his opinion had no such Tradition as you say your Church claimes for all her Doctrines , yet it may , and ought to be defined ; he desires to know who ever taught the Assumption of the Virgin , before Saint Austines and Hieromes time , and by whom was that opinion deduct from the Apostles : Nay , he absolutely affirmes , that before Nazianzene , no man ever taught any thing of her delivery without paine , yet many thought the contrary . Thirdly and lastly , For your absolute confutation , he confesseth , that we believe and hold in this Age many things for Mysteries of Faith , which in former Ages did waver under small or no Probability , and many Things are now defined for Articles of Faith , which have endured a hard repulse among the most and the weightiest of the Ancient Doctors , and no light contradiction among the Ancient Fathers ; and having reckoned up five Particulars , The Validity of Hereticks Baptisme , The Beatificall Vision before the day of Judgment , The Spirituallity of Angels , The Soules being immediately created , and not ex traduce , And , The Virgines being free from all actuall Sinne : He shuts it thus , Many of these kinds of Opinions there are , which sometimes declined to one Part , sometimes to the other , and had contrary Favourers , according to severall times , untill a diligent and long disquisition being praemitted , the Truth was manifested either by Pope , or Provinciall , or generall Councels , nay , and saies that the disquisition is made by conferring of Places of Scripture and Reason , which is the way which you mislike . These things considered , whosoever shall after say , that your Church claimes all her Doctrines to have come by a Verball and constant Tradition to her from the Apostles , I will not say that he is very impudent , but I cannot think that a small matter-will put him out of countenance , for your part , I esteeme you so much , that I am confident you have not so little Nose as not to find the contrary , nor so little Forehead as not to confesse it , having received the Affidavit of such a cloud of Witnesses . Whosoever pretend Christ his Truth against her , saith , that true it is , she had once had the true way , but by length of times she is fallen into grosse Errors , which they will reform , not by any Truth which they have received from hand to hand from those , who by both Parts are acknowledged to have received their lesson from Christ , and his Apostles , but by Arguments , either out of Ancient Writers , or the secrets of Reason . This is no farther true then as it concernes the Protestants , for the Greek Church will not suffer your proposition to be generall , but forbid the Banes. They pretend not to have made any Reformation , but to have kept ever since the Apostles , what from them was received : Barlaam saies , they do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keep safe and whole the Tradition of the Catholique Church , nay , he proves his to be the sound Part , because by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nothing was ever more esteemed then her Tradition : And he objects it to your Church that she doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 difanull the Tradition of the Catholique Church , and setting them at naught , bring in strange and undenizon'd opinions : And that Greeke , who is joyned to Nilus , and Barlaam in Salmatius his Edition disputing against a Cardinall , chargeth you , that you do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sow Tares among the Tradition of the Apostles and Fathers : if when they make this claime they either say so , and think not so , or think so , and erre , then this proves , that though the Roman Church did make that claime which you say she doth , yet she too might either claime it against her Conscience , or against Truth : For this claime of the last cannot be denyed but by him , who will imitate that Hamshire Clown , of whom you give me warning , and believe no more then he sees himself , especially since your own Authors , when they dispute for Traditions , prove their authority from this profession of the Greekes : but I cannot blame you to forget them , ( if we would suffer you ) since they cannot be remembred but by your Religions disadvantage ; For I verily believe , that if they had but one Addition which they want , ( I mean Riches ) not onely most of them who leave the Protestants , would sooner go to them then to you , ( unlesse they would take their Religion as we take Boates , for being the Next ) but money among you , who ( though they dislike your pretended Infallibility , that the Popes usurpations upon the rights of other Bishops , his ( not ancient ) claime of power to deliver Soules out of Purgatory , &c , And yet are frighted from joyning with the Protestants , by want of Succession , Vocation , and such like Bull-beggers ) would goe over to them ( as I have heard Spalato meant to doe ) if they were not kept , by an unwillingnesse to change the spirituall tyrannie of the Pope , for the temporall of the Turke . But ( although there were no such Churches , or they made no such claime , yet having shew'd out of your own Authors , that some opinions have not been constantly delivered by Tradition , but have entered into the Church upon the grounds ( which might at least possiblie deceive them ) of Scripture , Reason , and Revelation , and others knockt apace to be let in ) I hope we may be excused for making a reveiw of all , and examining what doctrines have been brought in , if not by Scripture ( which we think reasonable ) at least by comparing what this age teacheth and requires , with what the first Ages did ; to which we are encourag'd by your selves , who make agreement with Antiquitie , the chief mark of the Church , unlesse you meane your selves to be onelie Judges , even of those things by which you bid us to judge you : For our examinations by reason , I cannot tell why you mislike it , since those who trust their own reason least , trust it yet to chuse for them one whom they may trust , against which , all Arguments drawn from her fallibilitie without question lie . Your Religion is built upon your Church , her authoritie upon reasons , which we think slight and fallacious , and your selves think but prudentiall and probable ; ought we not then , nay , must we not examine them by Reason , or receive them upon your word : And allowing them probable reason , yet I have still cause to examine further , whether your superstructions be not more unreasonable then your foundations are reasonable , for then I cannot receive a more unprobable doctrine , then that is probable , which it is prov'd by : Yet ( in respect of things appearing divers , at divers times ) I doe not like my own way so well , as to esteem it absolutelie infallible , but though I keep it , because I account it the best , yet I will promise to leave it , when you can shew me a better , which will be hard to doe , because you cannot prove it to be better but by reason , against which proofe ( and consequentlie against whatsoever it proves ) your own Objections remaine ; For to be perswaded by reason , that to such an authoritie I ought to submit it , is still to follow reason , and not to quit her . And by what else is it , that you examine what the Apostles taught , when you examine that by ancient Tradition , and ancient Tradition by a present Testimonie ? Yet when I speake thus of finding the Truth by Reason , I intend not to exclude the Grace of God , which I doubt not ( for as much as is necessarie to Salvation ) is readie to concurre to our Instruction ; as the Sunne is to our sight , if we by a wilfull winking chuse not to make , not it , but our selves guilty of our blindnesse : Indeed if we love darknesse better then light , and instead of esteeming it , shut it out , it were but just in God , if we so continue long hardened , not to suffer it to see after when we would , since so obstinatelie we would not when we might , like to that which happened to those Englishmen , of whom Froissard speakes , who having long bound up an eye , and made a foolish vow , never to see with that till they could see their Mistresses , when they returned , and unbound them , they saw nothing , but that they could not see . Yet when I speake of Gods grace , I mean not , that it infuseth a knowledge without reason , but workes by it , as by its Minister , and dispels those Mists of Passions , which doe wrap up Truth from our Understandings . For if you speake of its instructing any other way , though I confesse it is possible ( as God may give us a sixth sence ) yet it is not ordinarie , and ought not to be brought to dispute , because so we leave visible Arguments to flie to invisible , and your Adversarie , when he hath found your play , will be soon at the same locke , and I beleeve in this sence , infus'd Faith is but the same thing , otherwise apparell'd , which you have so often laught at in the Puritans , under the title of private Spirit . This being supposed , either this Principle hath remain'd unto her ever since her beginning , or she took it up in some one Age of the sixteen , if she took it up , she then thought , she bad nothing in her , but what she had receiv'd from her fore-fathers , and if she thought so she knew it . This Principle is not yet taken up by her , and suppose it were , yet since some other opinions are confess'd to have been receiv'd by her , not from a constant Tradition , but Scripture , and Revelations , and not at once , but by little and little , this very Principle of receiving nothing but from Tradition , might it selfe have been receiv'd not from Tradition : nor need it have been in any one Age of the sixteen , but some might have taught it in one Age , more in another , and all at last , and this so farre from being an impossibilitie , that it were no wonder . Let us adde , that the multitude of this Church is so dispersed through so many Countries , and Languages , that it is impossible they should agree together upon a false Determination , to affirme with one consent a Falsity for Truth , no Interest being able to be common to them all , to produce such an effect . Although so many Countries could not so well agree upon it at once , yet some might so perswade others , that in time and by degrees the disease may be grown epidemicall : And trulie , considering in everie Countrie how few there are , who thinke of Religion at all , or of them againe , who walke in it by the directions of their owne eyes , even of them who take upon them to shew that way to others , but for the most part ( which they did much more in more ignorant times , when Scriptura sacra cum vetustis authoribus frigebat ) are lead by some few , whom they reverence for their Piety and learning , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whose words are accounted lawes , and they againe by a Thomas , or a Scot , or at best by Austine , or Hierome , and thinke it Tradition enough to have it from them ( for else why thinke they to beare us downe with the Authoritie of one or two Fathers , if they thinke that not ground enough to goe upon themselves ) it seemes little stranger to me , that whole Countries should let in not ancient opinions , then that a few should , since a few in all places have ever govern'd all the rest ; of this I will bring two very known examples out of the Ecclesiasticall Historie . The first is of Valens the Emperour , who , being himselfe an Arrian , and making peace with a Nation which was not so , and supposing that they would never have firme concord with him , to whom in Faith he was so opposite , was advised to perswade their Bishop to change his beleife , for which end having employ'd both words and money , and effected it , the Bishop , directlie contrarie to Saint Peter , being himselfe weakened , weakened his brethren , who yeelded to communicate with the Arrians ( which before they abhorr'd from ) and to esteeme the Father greater then the Sonne . The second , is of that Macedonian Bishop , who , being persecuted by the Catholique Bishop of the same place ( who was then gone to Constantinople to fetch Souldiers , by whose assistance he might afflict the Hereticks the more ) resolved to turne Catholicke , and perswaded all his followers to joyne with him in that Act , and this in so short a time , that when the other returned , he found him chosen Bishop unanimouslie by both Parties , and himselfe ( for his crulelty , not undeservedlie ) excluded . There is besides another thing which helpes to lett in great errors , which is , that men naturally neglect small things , and small things in time naturally beget great ; for which cause Aristotle shewing to us severall causes of the Changes of Government , one of them is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adding , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 often a great chang comes stealingly in , whenwhat is little is not considered . Yet besides the generall carelessnesse ; The Authority of the Teachers , the Flexibility of the Taught , and the smallnesse of the Things themselves at the beginning , even Interest it selfe ( which consists of two Parts , Feares , and Hopes ) is able to produce great effects : Of this me thinkes your selves may be witnesses , who use to call ours , a Parliamentary Religion , as thinking , that the Will of the Prince , and both Houses , onely made it to be received : Whereas in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths Raigne , of many thousaud Livings which were in England , the Incumbents of not a hundred , chose rather to lose their Benefices for your opinions , then to keepe them by subscribing to ours ; all who ( for the greatest Part ) of necessity must be supposed for private interest , to have dissembled their Religion , either then or immediately before . Secondly , In the Third Booke of Evagrius we find , that above five hundred Bishops subscribed against the Councell of Calcedon , which we have reason to think most did unwillingly , ( especially if the Infallibility of a generall Councell were so famous a Doctrine for Catholiques as now it is ) because we know it was upon Basiliscus his commands , and that a considerable Part of them ( the Bishops of Asia ) profess'd after they were forct to it , though before they had been very angry in another Epistle with those , who said that they had done by force , rather then Free-will . And over , and above all this we may see by Erasmus his words , that many might not oppose a Doctrine brought in by great Power , in hope of a time to do it in , when there might be more likelyhood of prevailing : For he saith in one place of his Epistles , that those who resist opinions , when there is no probable meanes of doing good by it , are like those , who out of season attempt to break Prison , who gaines nothing by it , but to have their Irons doubled upon them : And the same cause which he thinks should move them to stay ( outwardly ) contentedly in Prison , may have made many others not resist , when they were first by violence and crowd carried thither , who might feare least their opposall might not help their cause , but beget a definition against it . And there being thus many severall motives which may work upon so many severall kindes of men , it is no wonder , if an error may soon over-runne all men , or seem to do so . Next , Whereas you speak of severall Countries , and Languages , I must desire you to remember , that the Clergy of your Church are as it were all of one Language , ( Latine either being , or being supposed to be , as much theirs , as that of their own People ) and being under the Dominion of one , that is the Pope , which makes them as it were one Country , and from them the Laity receive all their opinions : Nay in ancient times almost all considerable men spoke the Language of the governing Nation , ( as all of the better sort of the Irish do English ) and the greatest part of Christians were governed by one man , the Emperour , and so a new opinion may easily have been received generally , no such barres being set up to hinder it , as you alleadge . Christian Doctrine is not a speculative knowledge instituted for delight , but it is an Art of living , a Rule of attaining to eternall blisse ; hence it followeth , that no error can fall , even in a point which secmeth wholly speculative in Christian Faith , but soon it breedeth a Practicall effect ; or rather defection in Christian behaviour . I wonder much to heare you say this , who certainely have a Religion consisting of many points , which are no wayes reduced into Practice : Especially from the degrees in which they are held , ( which I conceive introduced ) could arise no change in Christian behaviour ; I confesse that Christian Religion being a Covenant between God , and Man by the entermise of Christ , we Christians are properly concerned , but in the knowledge of what are the Conditions and Reward proposed and promised , what wee are to observe , and what to hope for ; and in so farre forth understanding the Nature and Attributes of the Covenant-maker and bringer , as we may be made sure , that whatsoever God hath promised or threatened , that indeed he hath : But though this principally concernes us , yet the necessity of beleeving the veracity of God , obligeth us moreover to give our Assents to any thing , how little soever it have to doe with practise ( as Saint Pauls having Parchments ) if it be once made to appeare to us either by Scripture-reason , Tradition , or any way to have been said by God either immediately , or mediately by Christ and his Apostles : And do not your selves count the Greekes Heretickes for denying the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son , ( though many Fathers deny it too ) though , I pray , what hath that to do with Practice or Christian behaviour , and if you should now change your opinion in this point , what outward change would it breed , except onely the blotting out of one clause in a Creed in your Liturgy , wherein it was not at first ? And not so much outward change would there be , if you should turne to believe Enoch and Elias , not bo be still alive , the contrary to which Belarmini saies all Catholiques hold now with a certaine Faith : And many more are of this kind . Whether man have Free-will or no , seemeth a Question belonging to some curious philosopher ; but upon the Preaching of the Negative part , presently followed an unknown Libertinage , men yeelding themselves over to all kind of Concupiscence , since they were perswaded they had no power to resist , Free-will being taken away . At this time it is not my own cause which I plead , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since in this point I confesse , I should rather be a Pelagian , then a Calvinist , since the first doth not wholly overthrow Gods grace , ( for whatever we have by Nature , His grace gives us ) but the second wholly overthrowes His justice , besides the direct contrariety of their Doctrine to Scripture , they saying in effect , that the Kingdome of Heaven is to take us by violence , whereas that teaches us , that we are to take it so : But yet give me leave to say thus much for them , that though it be true , that ill life followes very consequently from that Principle , and those who hold it , must be ill Logicians , if they be good men , yet it is plaine , that very many of them live as good lives , as any who believe the contrary . Besides , this in my opinion concernes as neerely your Dominicans , as our Calvinists , since they use Free-will , as Tully saith Epicurus did the Gods , verbis asserunt , re negant , assert it in words , but deny it in deed ; yet I think you will not say that they are the more licentious , for ( by direct consequence ) denying Liberty ; If therefore an opinion , which is so neerely tyed to action , produce no more effects , how much fewer would those other so much more unconcerning . Tenets bring forth ? I need not instance in Prayer to Saints , worshipping Images , Prayer for the Dead &c. which it is evident could not be changed without an apparent change in Christian Churches . Without change ( which though it must be then apparent , yet need it not be so to us ) I confesse they could not come in , but with little opposition they might : The doubtfull estate of the dead after this life , before the day of Judgment-audit , being much better that they should have our Prayers , though they want them not , then misse of them if they want them , may not unlikely ( and peradventure not unreasonably ) have brought in that Custome without either giving scandale , or being received by Tradition ; Though if it had , you would have gotten little by it , for unlesse such a Purgatory , out of which Indulgences may deliver , will follow out of it , the Pope will not care for the other , as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nothing to profit : And though he did establish a Purgatory , yet it might be one after the Resurrection , for such a one , more then one Father speakes off : But it need establish none , ( no not any third place , which is lesse ) for the Prayers might be first intended for the encrease of the happinesse of the Blessed , and relaxation of the torment of the Cursed , which latter effect , that the Prayers for the dead have , is said by Prudentius , and confess'd to have been said , both by him , and others , by your own Heroe , Cardinall Perron . Of the worship of Images I shall speake hereafter . Praying to Saints may have come in upon consequences drawne out of mistaken places of Scriptures , or others , which inducing the opinion , that they enjoy'd the beatificall vision before the day of judgement , some might conclude , that then they saw all in it , and at first pray to them but conditionallie , till their number increased , and with it the degree in which they held the opinion , till now to deny it is accounted Heresie , though I know no Father which justifies our invocating of them ( although they speake of their interceding for us ) before Nazianzene , whose example alone being of so great authoritie might spread it much : though , I pray , remember , who ( as saies Nicephorus Calistus ) it was that brought it first into the publick Liturgie . It is not possible , that any materiall point of Christian Faith can be changed , as it were , by obreption , whilst men are on sleep , but it must needs raise a great scandall , and tumult : For suppose the Apostles had taught the world it were Idolatry to pray to Saints , or use reverence to their Pictures , how can we imagine this honour brought in but by a vehement conflict , and tumult in a people , which did so greatly abhorre Idolatry , as the Apostles and Disciples did . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I spoke cheiflie , not of changing a point of Faith , but of creating one , not of contradicting a doctrine delivered from the Apostles , but of introducing one , of which they were wholly silent , either as theirs at first ( as yee must say Pappias did ) or onely as True , till being rooted and spread , it be beleeved Apostolicall upon Tertullian's Argument , that else how could so many Churches , errare in unam fidem , erre into the same beleife , which ( because lesse time had then been allowed error to disperse it selfe in ) was then , though no concluding proofe , yet a better then it was the next Age , and so still grew the worse for the wearing , till now it is worth just nothing . But as Himerius saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I say , t is most easie to answer that which is not imputed , for I am so farre from saying that the Apostles taught these two things to be Idolatrie ( since on my Conscience they spake not of them directlie at all ) that I my selfe will not say they are . For Prayer to Saints ( set aside your Idolatrie-like Expressions , seeming to beg that of them , which you professe , you meane onely to have them beg for you ) I suppose the Question to be but this , whether they heare us or no ( which Martyrs might possiblie doe , and yet no other , how holy and canoniz'd soever , because many Fathers held that none else see God yet ) If they doe , I beleeve you may as well ( or better , because you are more sure of their being in favour with God ) desire them to intercede for you , as you may desire the Prayers of any living Friend , but if they doe not , then I will not say in Chrysostomes phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what Thunder-bolts doth it not deserve , but how unreasonable is it to cast men out of the Church , and send them out of the world , for not assenting to an opinion , which you cannot prove . For reverence to the Pictures of Saints , if you meane onely some outward civill respect , to testifie the great honour and love which you beare the Prototypes , It is , I beleeve , no more Idolatrie , then keeping off our hats in the Presence-Chamber to the Cloth of Estate . Yet this I am so farre from esteeming necessarie , that I thinke they had better never come in , then have occasion'd so much un-christian turmoile about so indifferent a thing . The first and purest Ages did well enough without these Pictures ( we heare onely of a Parabolicall one of Christ in a Chalice ) after they came to be made , after to be set in Churches , afterto be prayed before , nay , at last they are come to so great an excesse , that not onely against Scripture , but all Antiquitie , they are now come to picture God the Father himselfe : Upon a Popes Letter to an Emperour , wherein he defends the picturing of Saints and Christ , and speakes improbablie of the Antiquitie of their Pictures , and addes the reason why they pictured not God the Father , Baronius saies in the Margent . Yet it hath after happened , that they pictured him as he hath appeared ; a way which the Church of that time could easily have found out , had they thought it lawfull , as it is plaine Saint Austine did not , unlesse Nefas est be an Approbation : This alone may serve to shew that beleifes may come in , even contrarie to that of former time ( and yet we not know when they entered ) unlesse you will oppose a superficiall reason , that a thing cannot be to a plaine example that it is , and force me to answer with Barlaam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you tell me , it is impossible for him to die , whose Corse I look upon . We remember in a manner as yet , how change came into Germanie , France , Scotland , and our own Country , let these be a signe to us , what we may think can be the creeping in of false doctrine . This is but a continuance of the same Paralogisme : For at this time , in these places , a setled Religion being contradicted , the case is very different from an Opinions prevailing in the mindes of men , when they were yet white Paper , and not filled with any doctrine to the contrarie , either because though once the contrarie had been taught , yet it had slept a good while , or because nothing had before been spoken concerning it : We know , that nothing makes Noise but Opposition and Resistance , and if that be not much , it will not last long , and the memorie of it as little : Besides most of these points making for the power and wealth of the Clergie , you must not expect , that there should have been as great an out-crie and hubbub when they were introduced at first , as when expelled after long prevailing , it being a worke , both more short , easie , and secret to plant an Acorne , then to cut down or remove an Oake ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) although those men which governe the rest , were not in this case so much interessed . There is no point of doctrine contrary to the Catholicke Church rooted in any Christian Nation , that the Ecclesiasticall History doth not mention , the times and combats , by which it entered , and tore the Church in peices . The combats wherein it tore the Church , peradventure it doth , but of the times wherein many entered , they are altogether silent . All take notice of Arrius his words , when by reason of Alexander's hot opposition there grew divisions , but of what the Orthodox-counted Authors ( which we have ) before the Councell of Nice said ( though aske Perron , and he will tell you , how like Arrianisme they look ) no Ecclesiasticall Historie makes any mention , because they made no bounce like the other , and so in likeliehood tooke no more notice of other opinions , which made none neither . And what is said of this point , may be said of Eutychianisme ( see the same place of Perron ) for we know how Dioscorus called upon the Fathers of the Pelagians , and others , whose opinions were certainlie in the Church before them , who are now counted the Authors of them . Nay , even of opinions rooted ( as you call it ) are not the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the the Father onely , the communicating Infants , the admitting none to the Beatificall Vision but Martyrs , and other such rooted in the Greeke Church ? or can yon tell when they entered ? at least was it not long before any combat concerning them ? But suppose this weretrue , it is but accidentally so , for some of those writings which deliver this to us , might as well have been lost , as many others which were , so that no man can conclud that , of whatsoever , no beginning can be shewed in Ecclesiasticall story , that hath not been introduced , ( especially since I speak not so much of opinions opposing the Ancient Tradition , as of Superfaetations , not onely of pointes indeed Materiall , but of such as in continuance of time , have grown to be thought so ) for how can I tell , many of them having been lost , but some of those would have given me notice of it , if I now had them . Let it therefore remaine for evidently constant , that into the Christian Church can come no Errors , but it must be seen and noted , and raise scandale and opposition . Here Sir not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you resolve upon a Truth of a conclusion before you have proved the Premisses ; but even that is such a one as followes not out of them , although they were granted : For how followes it , that because all heretofore have been noted , therefore all at all times must be so , nay , that though at the comming in they found scandale and opposition , we necessarily ( many centuries after ) must know they did so . For the knowledge , which we have of these things , is but Reliquiae Danaum , what was overseen by the zeale and negligence , and how much we want of what we might have known , had the rest scap'd , no man can tell who pretends not to Revelation , and to the ability of knowing what was in Books , whereof he never saw any , and never heard of most : But though it followes not , such a thing hath been done , therefore it must ever be , yet it followes ( in spite of the most severe exception ) such a thing hath been done , therefore it may be ; As for example , since Valentinian the Emperour bringing in so contrary to Christian Religion , as you will confesse Polygamy to be , and establishing it with a law which allowed it , and yet those who tels us both of his actions and his Edict , speaking no tittle of any opposition which was made to it , but he ever accounted a very good and pious Emperour , and his Son by his second wife ( his first still living , and undivorced from him ) being esteemed Legitimate , and succeeding him in a part of his Empire ; think you whether his authority could not have drawn the Principall men , ( and inclusively the rest to subscribe almost any opinion , who could keep them from opposing such an Act , or such a Law : And if though this be now counted unlawfull , yet we find not , that either any Bishop advised him against it , or excommunicated him for it , or indeed any man disliked it : If any false opinion backt by great Power , have been not onely ( like this ) introduced , but spread and setled , how unlikely is it that we should now know what scandals it raised , supposing it raised any . As in our Naturall Body , the Principall parts are defended by bones , flesh , skins , and other defences , that no outward Agent can come to offend there , before having annoyed some of these ; so in the Catholique Faith , there are in speculations , those which we call Theologicall Conclusions , and other pious opinions , and in practice , many rights and ceremonies , which stoppe the Passage unto the maine Principall Parts of Christian beliefe , and Actions . Either these Theologicall conclusions , and pious opinions are derived from the same Tradition , or they are not ; if they be , then sure they are equally matters of Faith , and so need some other course to defend them , and you must find Quis custodiet ipsos custodes : If they be not , but were onely Deductions either of the first Ages Logick , ( which was not alwaies excellent ) or of that of more Modern times , then may they so easily be false themselves , that I know not how they can serve to preserve the rest certainly from all corruption indeed to secure any Truth : But I believe many may be miscounted Hereticks , for onely opposing some of these , what through the over-caution , and too much ardor of some Primum mobile , and of the greater part lead by a few such , what through their being come ( having been long ) from pious opinions , to be matters of Faith , as in great Families Servants , who haue waited long in meaner places , are rewarded with higher : Besides I verily believe , that many Doctrines , which you account necessary , have no such redoubts about them , or at least have not alwaies had , and indeed you onely affirming it by Tullies Rule , ( who was no small Master of Reason ) Sat erit verbo negare , It will be enough for me barelie to deny it . And for Rites and Ceremonies which you suppose guard your Doctrines , ( many used among the Ancients being not now in use amonst you ) either some Tenets , which those did guard , and they did hold , yee hold not ; or if you do still , at least they are now unguarded . But still , I speaking most of the easinesse , that false and new Doctrines not contradicting the old , may be brought into the Church , what answer is it to tell me , how the Principall of Christian Religion are sure guarded , since so they may be , and yet such other may be brought in : As Christs Promises , and chiefe injunctions may be retained , and yet praying to Saints , and Purgatory , and such like , be superinduct . Let any discreete man consider , what further evidence he can desire , or peradventure what greater assurance Nature can afford . Sir , I wish you so well that I cannot but give you warning , that this saying of yours doth Sapere Haeresin , since it seemes as if you disclaimed any absolute Infallibility , and pretend onely to grounds of most possibility , which the Protestants doing too , use yet to be accused for making nothing certaine , and having no firm foundation to build any thing upon : But as you claime lesse , then by your own Rules you should , so you claim still more , then either you are able to prove , or we likely to grant . The Philosophers say , it is indisciplinati ingenii , to expect in any Science more exactnesse then the Nature of it affords . I confesse this to be true , but I desire you also to remember , that as it is absurd to expect as exact a proof in the Politicks , as in Geometry , so it is absurd to expect as high a degree of Assent to the first , as to the second of my objections , being intended against those , who will be infalliblly believed to be infallible upon probable grounds , for they themselves give them no higher a Title , and indeed that it self in my opinion , is more then they deserve . What shall we expect then in Religion , to see a main advantage on the one Party we cast our selves upon . Truely such Advantage on your part I cannot see : Neither if I did , could I in reason joyn with you . A maine advantage it is to have more Truth then any other Society of Christians , but supposing you had so ( which is but a supposition , for I verily believe , if the Question were but , who had most Title to so much , yee would appear to a dispassionate man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neither third nor fourth , according to the answer of the Ancient Oracle ) yet you withall require , not onely that I should believe you erre in nothing , but that you never can , and then I had rather remaine in their communion , I say not , who themselves erred not , but whose conditions of Communion were lesse rigorous , and exacted not of me to professe they could not erre , when I believe they do . And if you answer , that it would necessarily follow , that if they had fewest errors , they must have none , because some society of Christians must be allwaies free from all this ; I shall absolutely deny , and the more earnestly , because I know this is a trappe , wherein many have been caught , who taking this for granted , have examined the Doctrines of the most known Churches of Protestants , and finding ( as they thought , and peradventure truely ) some errors in them , some Doctrines no way to be proved but upon Popish grounds , and by that justifying those , and some imputations imposed upon their Adversaries , wherein their Tenets , or the consequences from them were mistaken , they then by the Doggs Logick have run over , without smelling to the Church of Rome , as knowing no other Society but these , and being praepossest , that one of necessity must be free from all error : Whereas for my part , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those who bound not themselves to believe absolutely the whole Doctrines of any Sect , but pickt out what they thought accorded with reason out of them all , were a wise sort of Philosophers , so they seem to me reasonable Divines , who speak Gods will as they did Truth , ( for it is not to chuse by reason , and Scripture or Tradition received by Reason , which makes a Hereticke , but to chuse an opinion which will make most either for the chusers Lust , or Power and Fame , and then seeking waies how to entitle God to it ) For since it would be a Miracle , if the Errors of the Roman Church being long gathering could have been all discovered in a Day , or if it had been possible for the first Reformers , ( who having their eyes but newly open , it is not strange if ( like the man in the Gospel ) they saw at first men walking like Trees , and had but an imperfect apprehension of Truth , especially being in Tullies state Quem fugio habeo , Quem sequar non habeo . I see whom to fly , but not whom to follow , not to have left some opinions untaxt , which yet were errors , nor to have expurged others , which yet were none ; I cannot see why we may not in some points joyn with the one , and with others in other , and besides find some Truths which ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 well in the mid-way betweene the Parties , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nay in some points differ wholly from both : Which Liberty , if it were generally allowed , and generally practised , if particular interests were trod wholly under foot , especially by the greatest , and if such spirits as those of Cassander and Melancton were more common , no considerable things would in a short time be left , but all would flow againe in the same Chanell , whereas this opinion , that allwaies one part erres not , is both prejudiciall to Truth , and the best Unity , which is , that of Charity , for it perswades them who have fewest errors , to believe those to be none , and to hate all opposers as Hereticks ; and of this your Church is most guilty , which not onely affirmes that there is such a one , but that she is it , and prophesies as much of her selfe allwaies for the future , as she promiseth for the present , and upon this ground ( like him who having won nineteene games at Tables , threw the Dice in the fire for not winning him the twentieth ) though we should yeeld to her in all points but one , and that the least considerable , she would yet throw us into the fire as Hereticks , for dissenting from her in that . You are bidden to put what yeare , or age , such an error entered , and it is evidently true , that then that yeare , or age , the Church conspired to tell a lie , and deceive their Posterity . You would never be loved , if you were a Poser , and used to aske such hard questions , for either you must mean by [ an opinion entering ] when first any man pofessed it , or when first by all in communion with your Church it was assented unto : If you mean the first , it is impossiible to be answered , for if one should ask , who taught first that Christ was not begotten by God , before he was conceived by the Virgin Mary , ( through his power and the over-shadowing of the Holy Ghost ) one who knew little of Antiquity , would answer Socinus , a more learned Person would say Photinus , another Paulus Samosatenus , another might find before him , Artemon and another yet before him , Theodorus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( with whom curious Logicians , and great Readers of Euclid , Aristotle , Galen , and Theophrastus were joyned ) and yet that he was the first we have no certainty , for if a little of Eusebius had been lost , Theodorus , and Artemon had not been now heard of , which may as well have happened to others before them , either by want of being taken notice of by an Historian , or by the losse of the History , and not onely is this so in this , but in all other points . If you mean the second , ( for so you must by your Inference , though the words of the Question will bear both sences ) it is as impossible for you to receive an answer . For how shall I know when all it is granted ? For suppose no Author to have been lost , and me to have read and remembred them all , yet ( as in England when the Calvinists opinion prevailed most , as wise and learned men , as those who writ , though differing in opinion from the Authors , yet opposed them not so publiquely , but that many might believe the more generall Tenet to be received by all ) how should I know that the opinions of the Authors of severall Ages , did agree with that of all equally wise and learned in the same times , for if there be no greater certaintie of the opinions of all of one Kingdome in our owne Age , think what Infallibilitie can we have concerning an absolute generall consent a thousand years agoe . And of this , France may as well be an example as England , wherein many called Cassandrians , dissent from the publiquely received Doctrines , though with so little stirr , that our Posterity will not know that there now are such ; So that all which any man can answer to this Question , is , that such a one was the first that he knowes of , who taught such a Doctrine , and such a time the first , wherein he knowes not that any contradicted it , or that your Church defines it for a necessary opinion , and exacted assent to it , as a condition of their Communion ; which answer will be nearer to Truth or Falshood , according to the measure of the answerers learning ; And indeed if you please to remember , that when learning rose againe , and the Reformation began , most Manuferipts of considerable Books , had long layn unreguarded by the generallity in Popish Libraries , and out of them onely had some few been Printed , you must confesse , that it was in the power of your Church , what answer we should be able to make to that Question which you propose , which then it is no wonder if it were not answered , for your willingnesse to keep men in darknesse concerning this , even in times of most light , is to be seen by your expurgatory Indexes : For there , though you professe to meddle with none but Moderne Authors , ( whereas it is plaine you go as high as Bertram ) yet both that will serve to deceive our posterity concerning the generall opinions of these times , and if your Church in former Ages used any course somewhat Analogicall to this , upon those Authors who then were moderne too , ( as likely enough they did , or you have cause to hope they did for your more justification ) then how can I know when any opinion entered , that is , either first was at all , or first by all taught : since in all times ( how little mention soever be made of it ) there may have been some Doctors of that opinion , though either no Authors , or allthough Authors , yet by this Stratageme may be kept from us . Neither indeed can you answer this Question your self , for you know not in what Year , or Age , did either the giving the Eucharist to Infants begin , or end , at least Saint Austine knew not the first , who believed it an Apostolical Tradition : Neither was this a bare Custome , but implyed an opinion of good which Children received , which the change shewes plainely to have altered , and certainely either the first opinion was a Superstition , or the latter a Sacriledge . But howsoever your Consequence followes not , for though your Church conspired , and deceived their Posterity , yet it might not conspire to deceive their Posterity , but to instruct it , being themselves deceived . And therefore when you reckon up the Motives which men have to speak false , I wonder to see Hopes , and Feares put in , and error left out . It is Gods course deeplier to root and strengthen those things which he would have most flourish . Now Christians know , that he made mankind for his Elect , the world for mankind , and therefore he hath rooted those things , which more immediately belong to his Elect ( as his Church , Faith , and Holy Spirit in it ) then the principles either of mans nature or of the world , which was made for it , himselfe assuring us of it , when he told us , That one tittle should not perish of the holy Writ , though Heaven and Earth should be dissolved , and so seeing the latter principle relyeth upon the not failing of God to his Church , which should ever watch upon their actions , that nothing should creepe into Christian life , which presently the Zeale of the faithfull should not startle at . I thinke it needlesse , to seeke further to qualifie the strength of that part , which receiveth it from the quality of so good a workman as the Holy Ghost . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I must therefore observe , that this word [ Church ] hath so many significations even among your selves , that it seldome comes into the mouth of a Romane Arguer , but there comes withall , foure Termes into his Sillogisme , I could wish therefore , that you would still set downe your Definition of it , and put that ( instead of the word Church ) into what you say , least what your late Graecian Defender Cariophilus saies of Hereticks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they delight in doubtfull expressions , may seem more properly to belong to you : Certainlie in some sence the Elect are Gods Church , and in that sence , the Church belongs not to his Elect , but is it , neither indeed know I ( define it as you please ) how it doth , since you confesse , that men may oppose any companie of men , whomsoever you will call the Church , without being obstinate , or consequentlie by heresie excluded from Heaven , and so may , for all that , be elected . Neither indeed know I , how God hath made mankinde for his Elect : It is true , that having elected those who shall persevere in Faith and Obedience , and given man Free-will , which ( joyned with Grace universallie offered ) might bring him to the condition , and in that to election , and by that to Heaven ; God may be said , to have made mankinde for his elect , that is , to be his elect , if they shut not themselves out of the way to be so ; And all men ( especiallie Christians ) I beleeve have , and alwaies shall have meanes enough to performe these conditions , in such a measure ( all things considered , I meane , either naturall defects , as in Ideots , never having heard of Christ , as in many Pagans , not having Christs will sufficientlie proposed , as in many Christians , and whosoever is not by some fault in his will hindered from assenting , to him it is not proposed sufficientlie ) as shall by God be from them required . But this hinders not , but that all Christians may see what they should , if they stand not in their own light , or wilfullie winke , and if they neglect Christs Instructions or Commands , and make themselves deafe against his voice , charme he never so wiselie , they then may fall from necessarie Truths ( much more from others ) unto error , as well as from good life into wickednesse , from which , without question , Gods Spirit is as readie to keep men that will be kept , as from the other , and which is no lesse ( if not more ) part of the conditions required ( for in that epitomie , which Christ hath given us of the day of judgement , men are onely mentioned to be punished for want of Charitie , and not mis-interpretations of doctrine ) though I grieve to see so many of all parts ( whereof I am too much one ) live , as if God were so obliged to them for their Faith , that he were bound to winke upon their workes , and not to be an Idolater , or not a Heretick , were enough not to be damned . And certainlie to say , That one tittle of Gods Word shall not passe away , is not to say , that God will keepe here alwaies a knowne companie of men to teach us all Divine Truths , which from them , because of their authoritie , we may without more adoe accept ( for unlesse you meane the Church in this sence , it concernes not our differences ) till you can prove that this word makes some such promise . For this seemes to me onelie to shew the veracitie of Gods Word , without speaking at all of any Churches continuall obedience to it , or true interpretation of it , or the impossibilitie of her receiving the Traditions of men for the will of God. Besides in this Paragraph I observe three things : The first , That you now draw your Arguments from the stedfast Truth of Holie Writ , whereas you neither quote out of it any thing to prove your maine Assertion , and in that way , which you laid before to finde out Truth by , you tooke no notice at all of Scripture , but would have all differences decided , by onely comparing what men had by verball Tradition , like that Dominican , of whom Erasmus tels us in his Epistles , that when in the Schooles any man refuted his conclusion , by shewing it contrarie to the words of Scripture , he would crie out , Ista est Argumentatio Lutherana , protestor me non responsurum ; This is a Lutheran way of Arguing , I protest I will not answer to it . Secondlie , You now bring the proofe of your certaintie from Gods Spirit never failing his Church ( though you neither define what is there meant by Church , nor doe you bring any proofe , or ever can , that Gods Spirit will stay with any unlesse they please it , or that this will not consist with the least error in divine matters ) whereas before you made it a Physicall , or rather superphysicall certaintie , that Traditions must be delivered from Age to Age uncorrupted , and this , not because of any other assistance , but ex necessitate Rei . Thirdlie , You seeme to thinke , that aptnesse to startle in the faithfull , will serve to secure them from all error , whereas I must professe my selfe , of opinion , that in some times , and some cases , that may serve to induce it ; for ( it being trulie said , that there is as much follie beyond wisedome , as on this side of it , and Nazianzene telling us trulie , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the marke is equallie missed by over shooting , as by shooting short ) I doubt whether over much caution may not have made some doctrines , and their Abetters condemned ( especiallie when they appeared somewhat new ) some Truths rejcted for feare , least they did by consequence contradict some point of Faith , when indeed they did , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Dogs often barke at a friend for an enemie , upon the first noise he makes , before having considered which he is : This made the Ancients so earnest against the now-certaintie of the Antipodes , this in after times , for the same opinion , cost a Bishop his Bishopricke , and truth in all probabilitie , would have then beene defined a heresie , if a generall Councell had been called about it : Since then this aptnesse to startle hath inclined Orthodox Christians to condemn , not onely those who had affirmed in termes the contrarie to Tradition , but even those , from whose opinions they thought it would result , and consequentlie to exact an Assent , not onely to direct Tradition , but also to whatsoever else seemed to them reasonable deductions from it ; This seemes to me a way by which Errors may have entered by shoales , the first Ages ( I mean then , Cum Augustinus habebatur inexpugnabilis Dialecticus , quod legisset Categorias Aristotelis ) not having been so carefull and subtile in their Logick , as these more learned times both Arminians and Calvinists , Dominicans and Jesuites , Papists and Protestants , seeming to me to argue much more consequently to their owne Principles , more close to their present businesse , and every way more rationally then the ancient Doctors used to do I mean those which I haveseen : And I am confident that if two or three Fathers should rise againe unknown , and should return to their old Argument against the Arrians , from Cor meum eructavit verbum bonum , both Parties would be so farr from receiving them for Judges , that neither would accept of them for Advocates , nor trust their Cause to their arguing , who opposed their common enemy no better . Now that this way of making Deductions out of Tradition , and those both very hasty , and false ones is very ancient , appeares even by an example in the end of the Gospell of John , for there out of Christs words falsly interpreted , a conclusion was drawn and spread among the Bretheren , that Saint John should not dye , and what they did out of these words of Christ , other in other times may have done out of other words of his , and their Collection passe for his Doctrine ; which shewes the great advantage which we have by Gods Word being written since , if it had not , we could not alwaies have gone to a new examination of the very words , which Christ or his Apostles taught , and consequently a consequence of them spread in the place of them , would have been more incurable then now it is . I will also desire you to look in the five hundered eighty fourth Page of the Florentine Councell , set out by Binius , and there you will find , that the Latines confesse , that they added the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son , to the Creed , because the contrary opinion seemed to them by consequence , contrary to a confessed Tradition of Christs eternall Divinity , to which , yet it will appear out of what Cardinall Perron hath excellently showne , ( though upon another occasion ) that it doth not contradict , but that this consequence was ill drawne , which may have been in other points too , and have brought in no small multitude of Errors since , neither was their Logick certaine to conclude better , nor were they lesse apt to add to their Creeds accordingly , at any other times then they were at that . I doubt not but whosoever shall have received satisfaction in the discourse past , will also have received in the point we seek after , that is , in being assured both that Christ hath left a Directory in the World , and where to find him , there being no doubt but it is his holy Church upon Earth : Nor can there be any doubt which is his Church , since there is but one that doth , and can lay claime to have received from hand to hand his holy Doctrine . That which makes you expect that your Reader should have received satisfaction by what you have said , is , that since Christ hath a great care of his Elect , he must consequently ( most strongly of any thing ) have rooted his Church . Now I having shewed , that by your own confession , men may be of his Elect , that are out of your Church , I seemed to my selfe to have likewise proved , that there is no necessity of any Churches being their Director . I know you generally think this the more convenient way , to have left such a guide , that because otherwise Dominus non fuisset Discretus , or in Epicttus his Phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you conclude that he hath : but we ( though indeed in such cases where our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the common Notions concerning God , teach us that such a Thing were contrary to Gods maine Attributes to do , some of us conclude upon that ground , that this he hath not done ) in these cases which onely concerne convenience , of which we have much lesse certaintie , begin at the other end , and considering first what he hath done , conclude that to be sufficiently convenient , and so finding no infallible guide by him instituted , suppose it convenient that there should be none : Truely if convenience were the measure , and our Understandings the measurers , we should resolve that God hath made every Particular man , at least every Pious man Infallible , and so to need no outward guide , which yet it is plain that he hath not done . Though in my opinion , in some sence , he hath made every man ( who pleaseth ) Infallible , in respect of his journys end , though not of all Innes by the way , certaine to find Heaven though he may misse many Truthes in Divine matters : For the beliefe which God requires of being to be thought true of his word , and that man be ready to believe and obey what he saies , as soon as it shall appear to him that he hath said it , and every man being able ( according to his meanes ) to examine what he hath said ; It followes , unlesse God should damne a man for weaknesse of understanding , ( which were as strange , as if he should damne him for a weak sight , or afeeble arme ) that every man is Infallible in his way to Heaven , so he lay no blocks in it himself , ( at least is undoubtedly secur'd of any danger of Hell ) For if they neither desire to avoide the trouble of enquiry through unwillingness to find that to be true , which is contrary to what he now thinks , and so to hazard either the affection of deare Friends , or the favour of great Friends , or the feare of some other humane Inconvenience , as want of present meanes , Improbability to get more , or of that disparagement so terrible to flesh and blood , of descending to confesse that they have so long erred , ( like Frobenius , qui potuisset vivere , nisi puduisset aegrotare , who might have lived , but that he was ashamed to confesse himself sick ) If I say none of these or the like things , either keep him from seeking what is Gods will , or from daring to professe it when he hath found it , then such an Error having no reference to the will , which is the onely fountaine of sin , cannot by a just God be punished as a sin , and the proofe of the necessity of an Infallible Director drawn from Gods care of his Church , for his Elects sake , is easily avoided . But say you , if there be a director , it must be the Church , and againe , because you know that all congregations of Christians , pretend to that Title in some sence , ( as even the worst men call themselves by better Names then they deserve , as Aristotle saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and I may mistake our enemies Camp for our friends , and serve against Christ , whilst I think I fight under his Banner ( though even then , I beleeve , I should have a share in that prayer of his , to whom none is denied , Father forgive them , for they know not what they doe ) unlesse you gave me some certaine marks to know the Church by ; you therefore say , what you have before said , that yours is it , because that alone pretends to Tradition , to which I answer , what I before answered , that the Greeks serve me to disprove the sufficiency of this Mark , who professe , that they hold the constant Tradition , and that under that Notion , they have both received what you deny , and not received what you propose . Let us consider in her Presence or Visibility , Authority , Power ; As for the first , her multitude and succession make the one , that she is ever accessible , ever knowne . What you now say , is not to prove your Church a Directresse , but having ( as you think , and I think not ) proved that already , you now mean to shew , that she hath the Conditions requisite in a Directresse : But this I deny , for neither is her presence or Visibility , ( for all her multitude and succession ) such as were in a Directresse required : For she ( besides that she must bring notice and proofes with her , to prove that she is instituted by God to direct men , and those plain and evident , if she require meerly but our assent , but if she require us to assent Infallibly , then those Infallible , which yours cannot do ) must also be so visible , as to be known to all men , if not as a Directresse , at least as a Company of men , which yours sure was not to those Nations , which were lately discovered by Columbus : But if you except and say , she need onely be visible to all Christians , ( though this exception need a proofe ) yet even this Condition your Church hath not allwaies had , for I believe , to those Christians whom Xaverius found in the East-Indies , your Church had been as little visible , as to those Pagans whom Columbus discovered in the West : Besides beyond the Abissins , how farre Christian Religion may be propagated , and yet your Church unknown , who can tell ? Besides , even to most of them ( for any credible Testimony that appeares ) she may not be very visible . But above all , that reason being answered , upon which you conclude , that there is some Director , and that ground being taken away upon which you build , that yours is that , me thinks it will be unnecessary to dispute long upon the Conditions required to that , which hath no entity at all . For Authority , her very claime of Antiquity and Succession , to have been that Church which received her beginning from Christ and his Apostles , and never being all united under the universall government of ver fore-went it , giveth à great reverence to her among those who believe her , and amongst those who with indifferency seek to inform themselves , a great Prejudice above others . And if it be true , it carrieth an infinite Authority with it , of Bishops , Doctors , Martyrs , Saints , Miracles , Learning , Wisedome , Venerable Antiquity , and such like . There is no Question , but any Church , true or false , which claimes to have ever kept the Apostles Doctrines uncorrupted , and is infallibly believed to have done so , must among those Christians who thus beleeve , have even equall Authority with the Apostles . But me thinks that this claime before proofe , should to others be any prejudice for her , ( especially to those who have great Arguments against her ) is unreasonable , and if after consideration it appears otherwise , she hath then onely helpt to weaken her Testimony , and hath destroyed her Infallible Authority in any thing else . There remaineth Power , which no man can doubt but he hath given it most ample , who considereth his words so often repeated to his Apostles : But abstracting from that , who doth not see that the Church hath the nature and proportion of ones Country to everyone . As in a mans Country he hath Father and Mother , Brothers , Sisters , Kinsfolkes , and Allies , Neighbours and Country-men , ( anciently called Cives and Concives ) and of these are made his Country ; So in the Church finds he in way to spirituall Instruction , and Education , all these digrees nearer and further off , till he come unto that furthermost of Christ his Vicar : and as he in his Country finds Bearing , Breeding , Settling in Estates and Fortunes , and lastly , Protection and Security ; So likewise in the way of Christianity , doth he find this much more fully in the Church , So that if it be true , that a man oweth more to his Master then to his Father , Bene esse is better then esse ; certainly a man also ( as farr as Church and Country can be separated ) must owe more to the Church , then to his very Country ; Wherefore the Power which the Church hath to Command and instruct , is greater then the Power of the Temporall Community , of which he is part . I wish you would have set down these words of Christ , so often repeated to his Apostles , in which Power to the Church ( I mean such a one as yours pretends ) is undoubtedly given ; For my Part , Truely I remember none ; For I suppose not that the Power given to the Apostles can reasonably be claimed by any Society of men now , no not though you should extend the Definition as largely as Erasmus , ( who saies Ecclesiam voco totius Populi Christiani concensum , I call the Church , the Consent of the whole Christian People ) unlesse that be meant too in all Ages , and so the Aposiles would come in ; They were so signed , and sealed to ( as I may say ) from Heaven , by having most conversed with Christ , and been most beloved by him , and chosen especially to teach the World his Will , that it is impossible any men could be indeed Christians , and not receive their Doctrine , as that of Christ , without any other Proofe , but there is no other Church that hath such a Priviledge , The Power of proposing she hath , and so have you , and without Question , if you can convince any Christian that what you said , Christ said first , he is bound both to believe and obey it , and againe let all Churches joyne in proposall , yet till he be so convinced , ( unlesse his own fault hinder it ) it binds him not , neither is it sufficiently proposed , allowing it true , which it is not alwaies necessary that it should be , although so attested . For as a Naturall Foole is not bound to obey any Doctrine or Precept , taught or imposed by God himself , because his understanding cannot discover it to be so : so in my opinion , whose understanding soever is not convinc'd of the same , ( how plain soever to others the thing be ) he is for as much as concernes this point , in the state of a Naturall Foole , and no more to be condemned . Neither see I what you prove out of the Proportion between the Church , and every mans Country , ( for if any Church be intended by God to be so our Director , that her propositions are to be received , because they are hers , then indeed we owe her much more obedience then to our Country , which if it should require of us to believe an opinion true , because that hath defined it , I believe no man would obey , and he who should press us to it , would be accounted so mad , that we should send him , not to a Doctor of Divinity , but to a Doctor of Physick , to be confuted . And that any Church is so intended , appeares not at all by this proposition , since the same is even amongst the Church of the Turkes , which is Ecclesia malignantium , for there they find their Metaphoricall Fathers , Mothers , Brothers , Sisters , Kinsfolks , Allies , Neighbours , ( which all Hereticks do too among themselves ) all these degrees neerer and further of , till at last they come to that furthermost , of being united under the Universall Government of Mahomets Vicar , the Mufty . But to them you would say , that this proves not Truth , but at most Concord , and that is Factio inter Malos , which is Amicitia inter Bonos , therefore the same we answer you , since Pyrats , and Theeves , have as strict bonds among themselves , as the honestest persons , and often gerater conspiracies , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to destroy these , then they make to defend themselves . And whereas you say , that we owe more gratitude and obedience to the Church , then to our Country , I have told you , that this may be true without owing obedience to all she teaches ; But yet even this in some sence is True ; To the generall Tradition of Christians of the first Ages who lived with the Apostles , and could not in any likelyhood but know their writings ; I owe the knowledge of the Scripture , and to that , the knowledge of Gods will , and to that , Heaven , if I conforme carefully to it both my Life and my Beliefe ; and to the Church in this sence , I owe both as much gratitude as you please , and believe whatsoever this , as generally , witnesseth to have received from the Apostles : But this concerning any present Church , doth as little concerne your present purpose : For let us mean by the Church , that company of men which hath kept Tradition wholly uncorrupted , ( and suppose there is such a one ) yet to know that she hath done so , I must examine her Doctrine ; and compare it either with Scripture , or the first Antiquity , and so rather receive her for it , then it for her : Besides , that the whole Church teaches nothing , and if she did , yet by the same waies from any single learned Orthodox man , I may receive the same instruction , to whose commands neverthelesse ( except when he delivers Gods ) I owe no obedience . Thustoo , when the Orthodox company commands as they are Orthodox , that is something of the will of God , then they are to be obeyed , and so am I , and so againe , when the chosen governours for that purpose , command indifferent Things , but if they exceed their Commission in commanding , no man is longer bound to obey , no more then if a Mayor of a Town should command the People to make his Hay , they were bound to obedience , since commanding more then his Magistracy authorizeth him , he in that case is no Magisttate . This Church can satisfie both learned and unlearned . For in matters of Faith , above the reach of learning , whose spring is from what Christ and his Apostles taught , what learned man can refuse in his inmost soule , to bow to that which is testified by so great a multitude to have come from Christ ? and what unlearned man can require more for his faith , then to be taught by a Mistresse of so many prerogaives and advantages above all others . The learned cannot reasonablie be satisfied with this ( especiallie so farre forth as to beleeve it infalliblie true . ) First , because they see great multitudes have and doe testifie contrarie things . Secondlie , because they must have observed with Salmeron , that a multitude of some opinion may proceed from some one Doctor , especiallie , if he be Illustrious ; and some againe , taken with a pious and an humble feare , chuse rather against their mind , to approve what hath come from others , then to bring forth any new thing out of their own understanding , least they may seem to bring some thing unwonted into the Church . This they must needs see , may bring an undelivered opinion to be generall , and then the generallitie may bring it to be thought to come from Tradition , according to Tertullians rule , Quod apud multas ecclesias unum invenitur , non est erratum sed Traditum , and that of Saint Austine , that of whatsoever no beginning is known , and yet is generall , is to be beleeved to have its originall from the Apostles . By this way ( supposing that all your Church did witnesse , all their doctrines to have had such a lineall succession , which they know to be false ) they see , that opinions falslie and illogicallie deduct from true Traditions , may be equallie beleeved to be such themselves , Vincentius Lirinensis allowing the following Church to give light to the former , which they might mistake in doing , at least , the certaintie of her Illustrations cannot have their force from Tradition : By this way they see , that in time , such doctrines may come to have such a generall attestation , which had their first spring from Scripture mis-interpreted , either by publicke mistakes , or by Councels mislead , either by feare , error , or partialitie , and what proceeded either from consent , or definition , may seem to have been deduct from Tradition : In this they will be confirmed , by seeing plainlie , that more is now required to be beleeved by the Church of Rome , then in all times hath been , that now among you contrarie parties urge for or , expect a generall Councell to end questions , concerning which , neither side claimes any continued verball Tradition , and that the greatest part are ready to receive such a definition , in as high a degree , as any Tradition whatsoever ; They will be also confirmed by your denying Infallibilitie to a Councell , how generall soever , unapproved by the Pope , by seeing , that if ( as you say ) no man can be ignorant what he was taught when he was a childe , as the ground and substance of his hopes for all eternitie , and if in this , all your Religion were comprised ( or else to what purpose say you this ) then no man bred in the Orthodox Church could erre , or ever have erred in matter of Faith , without knowing that he had departed from the very Basis of Christianitie , and for Instructions in these points , not onely all Authors , as Commenters upon Scripture , and the like , were wholly uselesse , but it were also a vaine thing , to goe for instruction even to Christs Vicar , and S. Hierome might have resolved his own question , about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every whit as well as Damasus , or Saint Peter himselfe : And for the same reason , it were wholly impossible , that at the same time the Popes , and most notable , and most pious , and most learned Papists living , should have justified , and applauded Erasmus for the same workes ( the one by his printed Diplomas , and the rest by their Letters ) for which , at the same instant , the greatest part of the Monkes counted and proclaimed him a more pestilent Heretick then Luther , if they had all weighed heresie in the same ballance , and more impossible if in yours ; which the learned will yet lesse approve of , when they see how soon the worse opinion , and lesser authoritie may prevaile , as how that of the Monkes hath done against that of the Popes , and Bishops , and that so much , that Erasmus is now generallie disavowed as no Catholicke , and given to us ( whom wee accept as a great present ) that Bellarmine will allow him to be but halfe a Christian , and Cardinall Perron ( which I am sorry for ) gives a censure upon him , which would better have become the pen of a Latomus , a Bedda , a Stunica , or an Egmundane , then of so learned and judicious a Prelate . Now for the Ignorant , I am sure you will never be able to prove infalliblie to them , that your Church hath any prerogatives above others ; the ordinarie way cannot be taken with them , because they not understanding the languages , in which the Fathers and Councels are written , cannot be press'd by what they cannot construe , and your way as little , because they are not more ( though totallie ) ignorant of the Authors of past Ages , then they are of the state , opinions , and claimes of the present time ; so that I know not how you can attempt them , if they have but a moderate understanding to their no knowledge . The body of our Position shoots forth the branches of divers Questions , or rather the Solutions of them : And first , how it happened , that divers Heretickes pretended to Tradition , as the Chiliasts , Gnosticks , Carpocratians , and divers others , yet they with their Traditions have been rejected , and the Church onely leftin claime of Tradition ; For if we looke into what Catholicke Tradition is ; and what the Herelicks pretended , the question will remaine voided . For the Catholicke Church cals Tradition , that Doctrine , which was publiquely delivered , and the Hereticks called Tradition , a kinde of secret Doctrine , either gathered out of private conversation with the Apostles , or rather pretended , that the Apostles , besides what they publiquely taught the world , had another mysticall way , proper to Schollers , more endeared , which came not to publique view , whereas the force and energie of a Tradition , residing in the multitude of hearers , and being planted in the perpetuall life and actions of Christians , it must have such a publicity , that it cannot be unknown amongst them . Of the Carpocratians and Gnosticks , I have spoke before , but sure for the Chiliasts this is onely said and not proved : Howsoever this undeniablie appeares , that either Pappias and Irenaeus thought not this Tradition to have come such a way as you speake of , or else they thought it no hereticall way , but such a one , as was ( at least reasonablie ) to be assented to ; and both what was the way by which Traditions ought to come , and by which this came they were more likely to know , then those of following ages ; which proves , that this Objection ( as much as concernes them especiallie ) remaines still so strong , that ( in spite of Fevardentius ) it will be better to answer it , Scalpello quam Calamo , with a Pen-knife then with a Pen , and no Confuter will serve for it , but an Expurgatory Index , no non si tuus afforet Hector , if Cardinally Perron were alive . I must by the way take notice of what yon say here , that Tradition must have such a Publicity as cannot be unknown among Christians , and desire you to agree this with what you say in the next Paragraph , that the Apostles may not have preached in some Countries some Doctrines , which we now are bound to receive as Traditions , for sure those Doctrines were then unknown among many Christians ; and if they had been necess ry , sure the Apostles would no where have forgot ( wich so good a Prompter as the Holy Ghost ) to have taught them ; If they were not then necessary , how have they grown to be so since ? Besides , I appeal to your Conscience , whether it appeart that the doctrine of the Exchequer of Superabundant merits , of which the Pope is Lord Treasurer , and by vertue of which he dispenseth his pardons to all the Soules in Purgatory , appear to have been known evern to any of the best Christians , and whether if it had been known to them as a Tradition , ( being a Doctrine which necessitates at least Wisdome and Charity , a continuall practice of sueing for them , and of giving them ) it were possible , that of what they knew , such infinite Volumes of Authors should make no mention . Suppose some private Doctrine of an Apostle to some Disciple should be published , and recorded by that Disciple , and some others , this might well be a Truth , but never obtain the force of a Catholique Position , that is , such as it would be a damnation to reject , because the descent from the Apostle is not notorious , and fit to sway the body of the whole Church . I confesse , that to have been no more generally delivered , will prove that the Apostles thought not such a Doctrine necessary , else their Charity would not have suffered them to have so much concealed it , but yet to any such Doctrine , it is impossible that any Christian , who believes the testimony , that it came from the Apostles , should deny his assent , because it were to deny the Authority , upon which all the rest is grounded ; for the Church pretends to her Authority from them , and not they from her , and howsoever , such a Doctrine ( although not necessary ) could not be damnable as you make this : Besides here will first arise a Question not easie to be decided , how great a multitude of Witnesses will serve to be notorious , and fit to sway the body of the Church , especially so many having not for a long while been thought fit even by Catholiques , though attesting doctrines since received by you all , and considering that multitude of your Church , which believe the immaculate Conception in as high a degree , as it is possible without excommunicating the deniers , who either walk not by that which you count the onely Catholique Rule , or else claime such a Tradition , who yet are not thought fit to sway the rest . Secondly , I pray observe how easie it was for the two first Ages , at least the chiefe of them , and all that are extant , to have given assent to Traditions so unsufficiently testified , or to have mistaken Doctrines under that notion , ( for so they did to this of the Chiliasts ) and then after for it to spread till it were generall , land last as long as men last upon their authority , and when once it is so spread , how shall we then discover how small an Originall it had , when peradventure the head and spring of it will be as hard to find , as that of Nilus , so that the greatest part of what you receive , might possibly appear to be no certainer , nor better built , if we could digg to the foundation : Wherefore , since the delivery of a Tradition by subsequent Ages hath its validity onely from the authority of the first , me thinks you should either think that they received none but upon better grounds , or else think these grounds good . Thirdly , I know not why you resolve this opinion of the Chiliasts , to have had onely such a private Tradition , for though they name John the Disciple , and mention certaine Priests who heard it from him , yet they deny not a moregeneraldelivery of it , but peradventure least men might think that the generall opinion ( that it came from the Apostles ) might arise from places of Scripture , ( which fallacie , their testimony when not so fully expressed , was still in danger of concerning any point , but that these books were written by these men ) they therefore thought it fit to name to us their witnesses , that it came from Christs owne mouth , and in what words : And if they had done so much on your side , for the differences between us , I believe you would now have few Protestant adversaries left , for you would have converted the greater part , and by that have been enabled to burn the smaller . The second Question may be , How it cometh to passe , that some things , which at first bindes not the Churches beliefe , afterwards commeth to bind it ? For if it were ever a Tradition , it ever must needs be publique , and ever bind the Church , and if once it were not , it appears not how ever it could come to be , for if this age for example have it not , how can it deliver it to the next that followeth ? But if we consider that the scope of Christian Doctrine being great , and the Apostles preaching in so great varieties of Countries , it might happen some point in one Country might be lesse understood , or peradventure not preacht , which in another was often preacht , and well both understood and retained , we may easily free our selves from these brambles : For the Spirit of Tradition residing in this , that the testimony be exceptione majus , and beyond all danger of deceit . It is not necessary to the efficaciousnesse of Tradition , that the whole universall Church should be witnesse to such a truth , but so great a part as could be a warrant against mistaking ; so that if all the Churches of Asia , Greece , or Affrick , or AEgypt , should constantly affirm such a Tradition to have been delivered them from the Apostles , it were enough to make a Doctrine exceptione majorem : Whence it ensueth , that if in a meeting of the universall Church it were found , that such a part hath such a Tradition concerning some matter , whereof the rest had either no understanding , or no certainty , such a Doctrine would passe into a necessary bond of Faith in the whole Church . Your sword is so sharp , and your shield so weak , that I can hardly believe they came out of the same forge , but when I observe how much you have a better right hand then a left , and that not onely you have raised an objection which you cannot lay , but your answer to it multiplies more , I cannot but compare you to him in Lucian , who travelling with a Magician that had no servant , and instead of one was daily wont to say to a Pestle , Pestle be thou a man , and it would be so , and when his occasions were served , would bid it return to be a Pestle , and was obeyed , thought one time to imitate the Magitian , he being abroad , and made indeed the Pestle a man , and draw water , but could not make it return to the former state , but it continued still to draw , wherefore angry and afraid , he took up an axe and clove the Pestle-man in two , whereupon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in stead of one water-drawer there lept up two : For first I pray consider , what could you have found more certaine to destroy all , which you had before laboured to settle , about the Infallibilitie of your Tradition , then this distincton of Exceptione Major , since , if not a generall one , but one which seemed such , were required , how easie was it for false opinions to get in , under that colour , testified but by a few reputed honest men , and so received by , and transmitted from others of great and generall authoritie . Secondlie , how could you have found a better way to answer your owne Objection against the Chiliasts Tradition , for want of being sufficientlie publique , since if that had not seemed to them to have had this condition ( I mean , if they had thought they should for this cause have excepted against it ) it had been impossible these Saints should have received it , and concerning the publicitie of it , and the number and authoritie of the deliverers , they must of necessitie have been the best Judges who then lived , and who were the more considerable Doctors of the most considerable Ages : so that you must either confesse , that a Tradition bindes not unlesse indeed generall , or confesse that this doth , supposing this not to have been generall , which you cannot prove . A likely example of this may be drawn from the Canonicall Bookes . I deny it to be now necessarie to Salvation , to admit of any Bookes for Canonicall , which it was lawfull for Christians in past ages to doubt of , and which had no generall Tradition ; and againe , this answer helpes against your selfe : for it is plaine by Saint Hieromes Testimonie , that the Roman Church received not the Epistle to the Hebrewes , which the Easterne Churches received ( whose Testimonie , according to your grounds , she then should have beleeved to be beyond exception ) and it is plaine by Perrons Testimonie , that the Easterne Churches received not the Macchabees , when he saies , the Church of Rome did . Now it is plaine , that the Receivers pretended to Tradition , because nothing else could make a booke thought Canonicall , whereas other opinions might be brought in by a false Interpretation of Scriptures , and after being spread , might be thought to come from Tradition : So that according to your grounds and these testimonies , not onely the Westerne Church ought to have beleeved the Easterne about the Epistle to the Hebrewes , and the Easterne the Westerne about the Macchabees , but also they ought to have required this assent from each other , which they not doing ( as they would have done , if they had thought their testimonie so valid as you doe ) it followes , that you doe differ from the Churches of the fifth and sixth age , about what is exceptione majus , you thinking that to be so , which they thought not , and againe , from all the extant Doctors of the two first ages , you thinking that not so , which they thought was , as also those two times agreed about it , as little with each other , as you with them both . The third question may be , how Christian Religion ( consisting of so many points ) is possible to be kept uncorrupted by Tradition , which depending upon Memory , and our memory being so fraile , it seemeth , cannot without manifest miracle conserve so great a diversity of points unchanged for so many ages . But if we consider , that Faith is a Science , a thing , whose parts are so connexed that if one be false , all must needs be false , we shall easily see , that contrarily , the multitude of divers points is a conservation , the one to the right , the other wherein we doubt . As in Judges , when a battell was to be fought between the children of Israel and the Midianites , the Midianites destroyed each other , and left nothing to doe for Israel , but onely to pursue them : so truly , your Objections worke so strongly upon your own Party , that I have nothing left me to presse , and much to applaud : For for this very reason , I beleeve , that all necessarie points were given in writing , and onely the witnessing , that these were the Apostles writings , was left to Tradition , which was both much lesse subject to error ( as being but one point , and that a matter of fact ) and could no other way be done , because no writing could have witnessed for it selfe so sufficientlie , that we should have had reason to have beleeved it upon no other certificates , and to this your answer seemes to me no way satisfactorie , since , first , I deny Faith to be a Science , it being nothing but an assent to Gods Revelations , neither are those so connexed as you liberallic affirme , and sparinglie prove , Nay , suppose they were , yet though errors would be the lesse likely to enter , yet when any one , by any meanes were got in ' then this connexion would be a ready way to helpe it to let in all its fellowes . Besides , those opinions which may be superinduct as Traditions , which such a connexion could not hinder , if they were not contrarie to the true ones ; and of this sort is chiefly our question . That therefore you are no better able to wind your selfe out of this inextricable Labyrinth , is no wonder to me , and no disgrace to you , since a man may as well be a good Logician , though he cannot solve an unsolvable question , as he may be exceedinglie skilled in Physick , and yet not able to cure an incurable disease ; Besides , that these Objections arose so at the first sight , out of what was to be considered , that it was as impossible for to avoid them , as to answer them . Let us consider in constant Nations , their language , their habits , &c. how long they continue among them . Truly there is no Nation that I know , whose language hath not , and doth not daily palpablie suffer change . Consider , that of these English hourely denizoning words of all kinde of languages , these of the Spaniards , Italians , and French , almost made up out of Latine , and that of the ancient Greekes , unknown to those of this Age , unlesse they learn it at Schoole : Habits indeed some Nations alter lesse , but some daily , and none change not sometimes : But this is little to the purpose , since those Nations which have remained very constant in things , which no considerable cause appeared to them why they should alter , may yet have received new opinions ( especially if not contradicting the old ) taught them by such , in whom they wholly relied , ( as most go more hood-winkt in these matters , then in those which are indifferent , out of a Vitious humility ) or proved by Arguments which perswaded . For when the reasons are probable ( as they may be for a falshood ) the Persons pressing them , in themselves of authority ( as they may be and yet erre ) and the people to whom they are prest , full of esteeme of their Teachers , then meet the three waies of working perswasion which Aristotle mentions , whereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Especially when besides all these , the rewards of beliefe danger are more then extraordinary , as also the danger of disbeliefe . Wherefore I count it by no meanes reasonable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like sheep ( without more examination ) to walk in the steps of those , who have gone before us . See that forlorn Nation of the Jews , how constantly it maintaineth the Scripture , and how obsti nately their Errors . Truely I thank you Sir for this example , since it puts me in mind of an Objection , which else I had utterly forgot : Many of those errors which they hold , ( as the Cabala and others ) I pray , upon what other ground hold they them then this , that they have been taught . Mases delivered them to their Fathers , as unwritten Traditions , and that under that Notion they have descended : Now may not they defend themselves in them , by the very same Arguments which you use in this Treatise for the Church of Rome : May not they say that they have received them from their Fathers , who received them from theirs , who must either have joyned in mistaking their Ancestors , or in intending to deceive their Posterity , whereof neither is credible : May not they say , what is said of these last Ages , may be said upwards and upwards , till they come to that , wherein their Fathers received these Doctrines from Moses , who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as worthy of credit in the delivery of these , as in that of the ten Commandements , and their Fathers witnesses beyond exception , that these Doctrines be delivered : May they not ask you in what year or age , these errors entered among them , and say it is evidently true , that then their whole Church conspired to tell a lie . May they not bid you besides consider the Notoriousnesse of the lie ? such as he is very rarely found , who is so wicked as to venture upon , besides the greatness of the subject , and the damage ensuing to himself and his dearest Pledges : May they not adde , that the multitude of their Church is so dispersed through so many Countries and Languages , that it is impossible they should agree together upon a false determination , to affirm a falshood for a truth , no Interest being able to be common to them all to produce such an effect : This they may say , and if they do , and retort your own words upon your self , I know not truely what new ones you will find to answer them in , unlesse you change the whole course you now steere , and come about the same way which I now use to you , that is , shewing by what waies such an opinion may have spread among them , although not at first received , and proving out of their owne Authors , that this hath not been alwaies held a Tradition among them , though now so accounted , which is sometimes ( as I remember ) your owne Galatinus his way , and the best that is : But if to that they should againe reply out of your own words ( the Names onely changed ) that if what Moses delivered were certainely true , and what he delivered be to be seen in what they beleeved who heard him , and so till now , it is evident , that they who seek for truth in learned discourses , must needs forego the most certaine and easie way of attaining what they aime at : That Jew , who should retort this , and much more of this kind upon you , and keep you to Tradition , and make their present Tradition ( upon your grounds ) the Judge of that , I am of opinion , would make you as silent , as if ( according to the Proverb ) you had seen a Wolf first , or were a Pithagoricall-Freshman , and you would wish you had never put into an enemies hand such a weapon against your self , as this present discourse : So that in Anna Comnenas Phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you have digged a ditch on either side of your selfe : For either you must grant these Arguments not to be sufficient for your Party , or you must allow them to be sufficient for a Jew . Wheresocver Christians labour to convert Idolaters , they find the onely Argument for their errors that they received them from their forefathers : The King of Socotora thinking to please the Portugalls by reducing a Nation that had the Names of Christians to true Christianity , he found them obstinately protest to him , that they would sooner loose their lives , then part with the Religion their Ancestors had left them . This is no newes to me who lived seven yeares in Ireland , where , this is all the reason the Vulgar either have or give for their Religion , and it is the lesse strange , when I remember Aristotle's Ethicks , where he tells us of one , who defended the beating of his Father , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it had been the lineall custome of his Familie to do so . Yet for all this , that those who earnestly desire to keep the Religion of their Forefathers , and think they have done it , may yet be deceived , may appear to a Christian by the example of the Jews , and to any Romanist , by the example of the Grecians . To your example of the answer to the King of Socotora , I answer , That either those hererodox Christians had been at first converted by Hereticks , or by Catholiques ; If by Catholiques , ( and your Church be that , and your grounds be hers ) then it is plaine , that men may grow into great error , who hold fast , as they think upon Tradition , and may swerve from that Rule , whilst they think they walk by it : If by Hereticks , then it seemes Catholiques ( as you call them ) are not the onely Religion that have converted Nations , and that note of the Church which isso daily and so eagerly prest , appeares common to more then it : And so you may take which horne of my Dilemma you please . To come at length to give an answer to him that demands a guide at my hands , I remit him to the moderne Visibe Church of Rome , that is , her who is in an externe sensible communion with the externe sensible Clergie of Rome , and the externe sensible Head , and Pastor of that Church . If he ask me , how he shall know her , I must counter interrogate him , who he is . Is he an ignorant man ? is he unlearned , yet of good understanding in the World ? Is he a Scholer , and what Scholer ? A Grammarian , whose undrstanding hath no other help then that of Languages ? Is he a Philosopher ? Is he a Divine ? ( I mean an Academicall one , for a true Divine is to teach not to ask this Question ) Is he a Statesman ? For he that can think one answer can , or ought to be made to all these , may likewise expect , that one cause may produce all effects : Yet I deny not but all must have the same guide , though they are to be assured of that guide in divers manners . I confesse Sir , you come to the Demander but at length , for till I had read further , I had not known that your Treatise was intended for an answer to mine , if I had not been told so when it was given me . For hitherto , as Baash a King of Israel , in the Chronicles , when he came against Judah , assail'd not their Cities , but built Ramoth against them , so you have not attempted to destroy what I had said , but raised another consideration , a City , a Ramoth of your own ; against which I have brought such battery , as seemes to me sufficient to demollish it . Now for your directions to a guide , I answer , supposing that there is one , and that this you speak of be now it , ( for you will not say she alwaies is ) and not to quarrell with you for giving me an accidentall and mutable guide , that being a thing which you suppose so necessary to be alwaies known , I will joyn issue upon this with you , whether she be to be known to be a guide by any Infallible Notes , for such are required by reason to beget such an assent , as is required by you , all other being tearmed by your selves , not Faith , but Opinion . To your Contra-interrogation therefore who I am , that is , in whose Name I speak , I answer and professe my self one of the notably ignorant , but though I act my own part onely , when I speak in his person , yet for once I will adventure to answer you , in the name of the severall persons you speak of , and will shew , that none of them have sufficient cause to receive the guide which you propose upon the reasons which you alleadge . If the ignorant man speaketh , I will shew him in the Church of God decencie , and Majestie of ceremonies , above all other Sects and Religions , whereby dull capacities are sweetly ensnared to beleeve the truth they heare , from those whom they see to have the outward signes of Vertue and Devotion . To this I answer , in the ignorant mans person ( that is in my own ) thus , I for my part , neither see what you say you shew me , ( for in all decency and Majestie of ceremonies , the Kings Chappell seems to me to equall the Queens , and our Cathedrall Churches , much to surpasse your cock-lofts ) and if I did , yet the decency of them would not prove your Church to be a good guide , so well as a good mistresse of ceremonies , and if by their majestie you mean their Magnificence , then that would onely prove her rich and not orthodox , since this is such a note , that ( her doctrine remaining as true as it is ) one persecution would serve to destroy it ; and with it , all that meanes which you allow the Ignorant to find his guide by ; And whereas you say , that dull capacities are by this sweetly ensnared to beleeve the Truth ; I answer , that by the same meanes they may be as sweetly , and as easily ensnared to beleeve falshoods , unlesse you could shew that Majestie and Truth are inseparable Companions . If the unlearned ask , I shew him the claime of Antiquity , the multitude , the advantages of Sanctity , and Learning , how the World was once of this accord , and those who opposed , when they first parted , first began the contrary Sects , how the points of difference be such , as on the Catholique side help devotion , and on the contrary side diminish the same , and such like sensible differences , which will clearly shew an advantage on the Catholiques side , which is the proportionall motive to his understanding . I see indeed you claime Antiquitie , but do you think it reasonable that I should take your word . Our Divines ( whom because I know more , I have more cause to trust then you , in a case of which I my self can take no cognizance ) absolutely deny it , and to me you cannot disprove them , unlesse I had at least some learning to enable me to judge , who quotes that trulie which now I cannot construe : For multitude , I find not what that proves , it may work upon my feare rather then upon my assent , yet I am told , that many more Christians disagree from your Church in this maine Question of her being a guide , then she consists of ; that the Turks are more then both , and the Pagans more then all three , so that if they relate the state of the world aright , multitude must rather seem an argument against truth then for it : And forasmuch as I can see my self , your Religion is the least in this Kingdome , and I know no other : For the advantages of sanctitie and learning , to the first I answer , that since in a Countrie where the State is their adversarie , and where for feare of scandale , and hope of gaining numbers to their Church , ( to help both to the suretie and ornament of it ) by commending their Doctrine by their lives , in likelyhood they are more vigilant against vice , then where they have no such thornes against their brests to keep them awak , even here I can find no such advantage as you pretend , I have no cause to guesse that I should find it where the incitement of emulation and such like , are absent , and the charmes of greatnesse , wealth , power , and by consequence likelyhood of impunity are present : For the advantage of learning , I answer , that speaking to me with the fore-knowledge of my being unlearned , I wonder you should make use of such a motive , which ( how true soever it were in it self ) I am not capable of discerning to be so , any more then a blind man is likely to assent to an argument drawn from Colours , of which he could have no possible notion . Now whereas you say that the world was once of this accord , it is more then I know : we are told that wholeChurches in the East , had long denied this , when Luther first left you , and howsoever that it could not be brought in time by arts , propt by power to accord in an error , is more then you have proved . Whereas you say , that those , who opposed this , when they first parted , first began the contrary Sects : I answer , that our men pretend that they began no new Doctrine , but onely scoured off the rust which time and worldly ends in some , and negligence in others , had suffered to grow on . Which Question againe remaines to be tried , ( if you refuse Scripture , as your side useth to do ) by a Jury of such who are for the most part untranslated , or those which are by Parties ) and whose language I cannot spell , nor consequently determine by their evidence : Now whereas you say , that the points in controversie on your side help Devotion , and on ours diminish it , I wish you had instanced which , and wherein , for I for the most part see nothing towards it , they being meere speculative opinions , and not reduceable to life , as especially this whereof we most differ , which is your Churches being a generall guide : Those , which most may seem such , are either Confession , ( which yet we denie onely to be necessary , not profitable , if well used , which is practised by some of us , and recommended to all , and which as you have tempered it , making contrition sufficient for his salvation , who hath till his hour of death lived in all sin , and making attrition with absolution of the same force as contrition , and requiring to attrition , ( as I am told you do ) onely sorrow for sin , though arising from the feare of Hell , so some love of God being joyned to it , which none can want but an Infidell ) will not help Devotion much , but rather diminish it ) or Monastick life , ( which was grown into great excesse and disorder , which yet many wise and moderne Protestants think might as well have been reformed as the other parts of the Church , without totall obolition , and so upon this is left no Question ) or Fasting , ( which if you think Protestants are against , I pray read Bishop Andrews his Lent Sermons , and which if it be not so much used among us as it should , is not so much the fault of the Religion , as of the Men ) and all these things considered , I find none of your motives to shew a maine advantage on your side , and therefore I have yet no cause to leave my owne : And if in some of these things you should seeme to have more Truth then we , yet that would not free you from having more error in other points then this comes to , much lesse from having any at all , without the beliefe of which , I should not be received among you , though I were willing to come : And this lieth upon you to prove , and that not by probable , but by infallible arguments , if you require ( as they say your side useth to do ) an assent of that Nature . To the Grammarian I will give two Memorandums ; first , that seeing the Catholicks were first in possession both of the Scriptures , and the Interpretations : The adverse part is bound to bring such places as can receive no probable Exposition by the Catholickes . For who knoweth not , that is conversant in Criticks , how many obscure and difficult places occurre in most plaine Authors , and the Scripture of all Bookes ( the greater part of the men that wrote them , especially the New Testament , being not eloquent , and writing not in their native Tongue ) for the most part , are subject to much impropriety : The other Memorandum is , that , to prove a Catholique point by Scripture , it is sufficient , that the place brought , beare the Exposition the Catholique giveth , and if it be the more probable by the very letter , it is an evincent place . The reason is , because the question being of a Christian law , the Axiome of the Jurists taketh place , that Consuetudo optima Interpres Legis , so that if it be manifest , that Christian practise ( which was before the controversie ) bee for the one sence , and the words be tolerable , no force of Grammer can prevaile to equalize this advantage : The Grammarian therefore , who will observe these Rules , I turne him loose to the Scriptures and Fathers , to seeke there what is the Faith of Christ and proprieties of her Church to know her by . To your first Memorandum , I answer , that you have grounded it wholly upon begging the question : for if those of your Religion had first been in possession of the Scriptures , then the Christians had been of it in the Apostles times , which if you could prove , you would need to prove no more , but all would easilie follow : and then for your consequence , that is equallie false , for though I confesse , to make any Doctrine a point of Faith , it is required , that the place be as plaine as you please , yet to the making it the more probable opinion ( and consequentlie excluding the contrarie from being necessarie ) so much is not required . The greatest cause of the obscuritie of those bookes , in which Criticks are conversant , is the negligence and ignorance of Transcribers , so that some Authors would scarce know their own Bookes , if they were revived , whereas the great care of Christians about so deare a pledge , hath much , if not wholly hindered , the same cause from perverting , and so obscuring Scripture : At least , if it have not , it seemes your Church is not so faithfull a Guardian of her deposit , as her deare friends ( moved by partiallitie or ends ) would make us beleeve : Besides , till now I ever thought , that Eloquence rather lead men to speake improperlie , then the want of it , since ignorant persons keepe themselves within the bounds of what preciselie they meane , whereas the eloquent wander into figures , which are so many , and have gotten such footing in language ( whilst in the search of significancie proprietie is lost ) that those , who use them , are obliged to those who will please to understand , because all they say may beare two sences , the one proper , the other improper : And though it be true , that they have over-flowne , even into the language of the ignorant , yet it is as true , that both they are much lesse used among these , and that they had not hence their beginning , but from Eloquence : And though the Apostles write not in their native Tongues , yet they write in an inspired language , so that they were not likely to commit , at least , any such soloecismes as should destroy the end of the Inspirer , which was , that they should be understood by it . To your second Memorandum I answer , that since every man is free till some thing binds him , you ( who pretend , that we are bound to receive more doctrine as necessarie , then appeares to us to be so ) are in all reason to give us plainlie evincent proofe , that what you thus require , God requires too , for till then ( to returne you to another Axiome , for yours ) praesumitur pro libertate whereas wee ( the burden of the Negative proofe not lying upon us ) if we bring probable Arguments , we doe it ex abundanti , and bring more then we need to bring ; And whereas you stand upon Customes , having power in Law matters , I answer , that in all cases that is not of force , for we hold , that it must not prevaile against a Statute , which shewes , that they may be contradictorie , and as Nullum tempus occurrit Regi , is thought to be a good civill topicall Law , so me thinkes , Nullum tempus occurrit veritati , is a good publique divinitie Law , your owne Scripture too telling us , that Truth is stronger then the King ; Besides , where it is of force , it is in such cases as the law hath appointed that it should be so , and if you can prove out of Christs Law , that there it is so appointed to be in matters of Divinity , wee shall willinglie yeild , but seeing that our law , which allowes this force to custome , sets downe also in how long time it is , before it become of force , and I have cause to thinke , that Christ would have been as carefull as our law , and have set down this too , if he had had any such meaning , and if it were setled to be a custome of such a standing ( as by Saint Austine sometimes is spoken of ) as that in no time it be known that ever it was otherwise ; in most of your affaires this would stead you a little , though one side have burnt the evidences of the other , to which in likeliehood you owe it , if this stead you in any ; of questions , whereof Scripture and Antiquitie are wholly silent , or meerly speculative , and unreducible unto act ( of which sort are the greatest between us ) or not concerning the lawfulnesse , but the necessity of an Action , to the first kind no ancient custome can belong , nor other to the others then a custome of Interpretation of some text concerning it , not enough to conclude upon ( besides , that it is not that which you speake of ) since daily your men differ , and defend their differing from all that went before them , about more then many texts , as Cajetane , Salmeron , and Maldonate shall beare me witnesse , unlesse , like Sampson , you may breake those Ropes by which others must be bound : And adding to all this , that our custome may serve to shew the meaning of the law , when our selves were Authors of it , though not when God is , and that our generall custome arguing our united consent ( which onely gives force to our lawes ) may be as fit to bind , as a law in civill cases , and yet not in divine , where the lawes proceed from a higher fountaine , that such a rule may be good in civill resolutions , which require but probable proofes , and yet not in divine ones , where ( according to the grounds of your Party , which requires an undoubting assent to her doctrines as infallible ) infallible proofes are necessary , especially this , like other Topycall arguments , having onely force caeteris paribus , and againe good where it is not so necessary , that the will of the Legislator be followed , as that peace and quiet be preserved , to which , all alterations , even to the better , are enemies , and yet not in these cases , where we are to prefer the will of our Law-maker before any humane convenience , or good , if the custome past unquestioned , when the Law was first promulgated , but not , if crept in after by negligence , or plainely appearing to have been brought in by power , all this perswading me not to be so farr swaied by your Rules as you would have me , I suppose you have small hope , that not being so , I should find either in Scripture , or the first Antiquitie , either that Faith which your Church proposeth , or these properties of Christs Church , by which your Church proves , or rather strives to prove , that she it is : Give me leave besides to aske you one Question , and that is , What we shall conclude when the Christian practice of severall places have ever differed , as that of Greece from that of Rome , which it may also do in more places then we are acquainted with , the extent of Christianitie being unknown to us , as are the customes of some remote Christian Countries which we know . Of the Philosopher , I exact to goe like a Philosopher , and to search out the specificall differences of every Sect , and when he hath found them ( if any one but the Catholique hath any rule of faith and good life , which I remit to him to enquire ) but at least , when he hath found the Catholicks to be this claime of Tradition before declared , then if this doe not bring him as demonstratively as he knoweth any Conclusion in Philosophy , and Mathematicks , to the notice of this , is the onely true Church of Christ , for my part I shall quit him before God and Man. I have examined the differences between all parts as you bid me , and find the Protestants to have a sufficient rule of Faith , and good life , yea such a one as by Master Knotts confession , ( Quem honoris causa nomino ) is as perfect as a writing can be : And since a writing may containe all Doctrines , and onely cannot give testimonie to it self , nor be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have no reason to think it inferior to that of their adversaries : Your claime of Tradition I see plainely enough , and as plainely , that it is but a claime , many of your side overthrowing it , and others not of your owne , pretending to it : Bishop Fisher confesseth , that Scripture and Miracles brought in the Doctrine of Purgatory , and that againe the doctrine of Indulgences . Erasmus , who though himself no Martyr , yet one who may passe for a Confessor , having suffered , and long by the Bigotts of both Parties , and a dear Friend both to Fisher , and his Colleague in Martyrdome , Sir Thomas Moore , ( who were the Deucalions of learning in this our Country ) makes yet a larger confession . Non obscurum est quot opiniones invectae sunt in orbem per homines , ad suum Quaestum callidos , conflictorum Miraculorum praesidio : These reasons alone ( allowing for brevities sake that I had no more ) would make me believe , not onely that what you say concludes not geometrically , but perswades not probably , and consequently , you by your promise have quitted me , which without it I doubt not but God would have done . The Divine , if he hath truly understood the Principles of Faith in the nature of a Divine , I mean Trinity , Incarnation , Redemption , Eucharist , Beatitude , the Creation and Dissolution of the World , and hath seen the exact conformity of the deepest Principles of Nature , with an unspeakable wisdome of the Contriver : If he doth not plainely confesse it was above the naure of man to frame the Catholique Religion , and seeth not that onely that is conformable to Nature , and it self , I say , he hath no ground sufficient to be of it . Supposing the greatest part of what you say to be true , ( for I see not how a bare consideration even of these Doctrines will serve to prove them to come from Gods Revelation ) it might prove the Christian Religion against Pagans , but for yours against Protestants , I can draw out of it no Argument , which if upon your explanation , it appeares not to be through the default of the Lymbeck ( which I expect ) then the better I think of you , the worse I shall think of your cause , which would have ministred to so sharp an inquirer , better proofes , but that the old Axiom hindered it of , Nihil dat quod non habet : These Principles of Faith you speak of , are agreed on by both Parts , so out of their Truth , and the impossibility of their being forged , all the other points cannot be proved , which have upon them no necessarie dependance : and that your Religion is conformable to the deepest Principles of Nature , I am so farr from seeing , that I conceive your own opinion of Transubstantiation contradicts them almost all : Neither see I any such unspeakablenesse in the contriving , but that ordinary understandings by severall degrees , in a long tract of many ignorant negligent ages , egged on by ambition , cloakt over by hipocrisie , assisted by false miracles , and maintained by tyrannie , might easily both induce and establish them , so that though we have hitherto differed in our premisses , yet we meet in the Conclusion , which is , that I have no sufficient ground to be of your Religion . The Statesman , who is truely informed of the Church , how farr is really of Christs institution , and what either pious men have added , or peradventure ambitious men encroacht , if he doth not find a government of so high and exotick straine , that neither mans wit dare to have attempted it , neither mans power would possibly have effected it ; If he find no eminent helpes , and no disadvantage to the temporall government , I shall think there wants one starr in the heaven of the Church to direct these Sages to Bethlehem . I answer now in the person of a Statesman , ( a part which but for this occasion , I am sure never to have acted ) Thus , I find so much policie in your Church , for most part really , and alwaies in voto , aimed at , although miss'd , that of no body of men did ever Aristotl's saying appear to me truer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Among some men it is the end of the Lawes of their Common-wealth to be masters of their neighbours , but I find nothing in the government that should prove it , to proceed from a divine fountaine : In Ecclesiasticall Monarchie you have , so have also the Tunks , the Pope pretends to a power of ending all controversies , so doth also their Musty , and since mans wit attempted that , and mans power effected it , why it might not do the same in the West it did in the East , ( having the aide of some Tinsell-reasons , and some not wholly averse places of Scripture ) I cannot conceive : And what help is by your Church given to temporall government , I see not , unlesse giving the Pope power in temporalls , even to depose Kings be the helpes you mean : I know that some of your side are not concerned in this , but it is grown so generall , that though it be as yet no necessary part of your Religion , it is like to be shortly ; And truely throughout I find somethings which pious men have added , many , whic hambitious men have encroacht , ( though of your Church I could not be informed in this , who hath not decided the Question ) but nothing that you alone hold instituted by Christ , and so to your Bethlehem , for want of a starr I am not likely to travell . Let every man consider which is the fit way for himself , and what in other matter of that way he accounteth evidence , and if there be no interest in his soule to make him loath to believe , what in another matter of the like nature he would not stick at , or heavie to practise what he seeth clearly enough ; I feare not his choice ; but if God send him time and meanes to prosecute his search any indifferent while , it is long agoe known of what Religion he is to be of . I see yet no cause to think that your Religion is that which will be chosen , though we agree about the state , in which every enquirers soule ought to be , and in which those of few are ; I see all parents labour to fix opinions into their Children before they cometo an age fit to judge of any greater doubts , then what may happen at span-counter , or cherry pit , and they againe seldome labour to set right what Education hath swared : Neither are they wrought upon onely by prejudice , but some because of gaine like Demetrius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because by this craft they have their Gods , some because of temporall honour , like the Pharisees , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 least they be cast out of the Synagogue loving the praise of men more then the praise of God ; some for feare like the High Priests , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Romans will come and take away both our Place and Nation ; Some because of the contradiction in the true Doctrine to their vaine or wicked desires , and so as some Disciples said , though somewhat upon another occasion , they account it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a hard saying , ( which made Epictetus say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed most Christians , who oppose any of Christs Commands , either for some of these reasons , dare not enquire whether Christ hath commanded them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or enquiring find , but confesse it not , like those I spoke of before , who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As Epictetus therefore saith , that we should enquire of God , who is our guide , as Travelers do of them they meet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having no desire to turne rather to the right hand then to the left , or againe , as we enquire of our eyes concerning what is to be seen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not perswading them to shew us one thing rather then another , so say I , ought we to goe to reason to find Gods will indifferent , which is Truth , or else we are likely very lazilie to seek what we are unwilling to find , and a probable argument for what we desire , will seem a Demonstration , and a Demonstration against it scarce a probable Argument . This I insist upon the more , because I think we have more cause to put you in mind of this , then you us , being too little practised on both parts , but not most by yours , whereof the greatest part commonly arrives not so farr , as at the fault of not seeking as they should , because commonly they have not leave given them to seek at all : for besides those who neglect to seek and may , no Bible being allowed by you to most , as no Smith was suffered by the Philistines in Israel , they fearing least the Hebrews should make them swords and speares , and you least they should make out of it , Arguments to perswade them to revolt from you . It is no wonder if your Church , be like the Congregation in the Acts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most part know not why they are come together . And truely if thus it were not , if all had liberty to seek Truth , and if all who sought it were indifferent in their seeking , and their judgments were absolutely unbridled by their affections , and unswaied by prejudice , I cannot perswade my self that so many could meet in thinking it fit to receive ( for so they seem to me ) such impossible Doctrines upon such improbable grounds , or to require a more then probable assent to but probable Doctrines , ( allowing them to be such ) and should not see what is grounded upon them , ( if not impossible ) is at least much more improbable , then the Motives are probable , which kind of Assent cannot be expected by God , who as he requires onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a reasonable service , so also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a reasonable Faith. Here followeth the Third Part of this Discourse , which is a Reply to such Answers as you have been pleased to make to a little of that little , which I at first opposed . SPeaking of the Church Rome , as this day it is the true Church of God. I answer the doubter , she neither hath , nor can have any error which he need to feare , and be shie of . The which two limitations I adde , for avoiding Questions impertinent unto our businesse . The first , for those which concerneth the connexion of the Sca of Rome to the Universall . The latter , to avoide such Questions as touch that point , whether the Church may erre in any Philosophicall or other such matter , which Questions are not so pertinent to our Matter . Meaning by the true Church a companie of men , which hold all ( and no more ) that Christ taught ( for other interpretation , I beleeve , you will not give it ) then there is no question , but that not onely it hath no dangerous error , but none at all ; but that yours is such remaines unproved , and I beleeve , manet aeternumque manebit . For upon examination , I doubt not , it will appeare , that as I have read of a Cohort of Persians , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Immortall Cohort , which all died in one battell ; so your infallibe Church will be found to abound in errors , and to belie equallie hertitle , being troubled her selfe , with what she undertakes to secure others from , like the Apothecary in Lucian , who undertaking to cure all men of the Cough , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 could himselfe scarce prescribe his Medicine for coughing the while . Besides , of what sort soever the error be , yet since the Condition of her Communion is to professe a beleife that she hath none , such a one as to them , who indeed beleeve so , would not be dangerous , yet to me , who cannot professe this but against my Conscience , how slight a one soever , may be an occasion of damnation : Againe , as to me your answer appeares false , so to those of your own side it will appeare hereticall ; to me it would give no satisfaction ( though you had proved what you but affirme ) because I desire to know an eternall , not a temporarie Guide , whereas if in your Church there should happen any Schisme , your answer then would give me no meanes to resolve my selfe which part were the guide ( that is the true Church ) without a new , and peradventure ( by the way ) an endlesse search . To them it will give scandall , because , first , you presuppose that we must know the Church by the Doctrine , and the Doctrine by the Church ; and secondlie , you imply a possibilitie , that the Church of Rome is now but by accident ( and may come not to be ) the true Church , and so all their confidence built upon her , as the Directresse of all Churches , and the eternall Admirall of Gods Fleet will appeare to have a very fallible foundation : Besides , in the cause of your Limitation I find more reason to commend your Discretion , then your Ingenuitie : for , for the first , if you had said , that the Universall Church of Christ must alwaies be connected to the particular one of Rome , which were to allow her Infallibilitie , you knew Antiquitie to have said much against you ; and besides , that this being not yet de fide among your selves ( nor evident in it selfe ) could not serve for a foundation to the whole bodie of our faith ; if you had absolutelie denied it , you knew , that you should incurre the displeasure of the most prevailing part of your own men , and that then the maine ( and to the Ignorant the onely , visible ) signe would bee taken away . For the second , if you had affirmed , that the Church could erre in nothing , how slight soever , you would both have contradicted many of your own side , as Stapleton by name , and have asserted more then there were any coloun of proofe for , and would have wanted this distinction to retire to : if you were confuted in any particular , if you had restrained her Infallibilitie to things necessarie , or weightie , or the like , then the question would again have risen , which are those ( for many errors , which we lay to her charge , concerne not things indeed necessarie , though she adde to the error , that other of thinking , that whatsoever she holds becomes necessarie by her holding it ) and then for all you have said , the doctrine of Purgatorie might be false , and yet she the Church , and that infallible , as farre as by your Doctrine her Infallibilitie had need to be extended . Neither doe I remit the questioner to Scripture for his satisfaction , although I hold Scripture a very sufficient meanes to satisfie the man , who goeth to it with that preparation of understanding and will which is meet and required . Howsoever this I may answer for them who prove it out of Scripture , that because they dispute against them who admit of Scripture , and deny the authority of the Church , if they can convince it , they doe well , though they will not themselves admit generally of a proofe out of Scripture , as not able to prove every thing in foro contentioso . If you hold Scripture to be so sufficient a mean , I wonder , Sir , why you thinke not fit to remit me to it , unlesse you thinke , that you have severall sufficient waies to prove so evidenta Truth by , or thinke me not to come with meet preparation : Indeed if that be ( as among you it is counted ) to come resolved , not to judge of what the Roman Church holds , by what the Scriptures say , but to beleeve , that they say whatsoever she holds , then I confesse , I come not with the Conditions required ; but if it be to come desirous to finde the Truth , and to follow and professe it when I have found it , in spite of all temporall respects , which might either fright or allure me from so doing , then I suppose , that Charitie ( which hopeth all things ) will encline you to beleeve , that I come as I ought to come , untill some evident reason perswade you to the contrarie : That the Scripture cannot prove every thing in foro contentioso I beleeve , but all necessarie Truths , I beleeve it can ; for onely those , which it can , are such : I denie not , but that a contentious person may denie a thing to be proved , when his own Conscience contradicts his words , but so he may Arguments drawn from any other ground as well as Scripture , so that if for that cause you refuse to admit of proofes from thence , you might as well for the same , refuse to admit of any by any other kinde of Arguments : And certainlie , if the Scriptures ( I meane the plaine places of it ) cannot be a sufficient ground for such and such a point , surelie it cannot be a sufficient ground to build a ground upon , as the Churches Infallibilitie , and therefore , though it it seemes you desire so much that this be beleeved , that so it be , you care not upon what proofe , yet a considering Protestant , who is not as hot to receive your Religion , as you are that he should , may presentlie say , when he is press'd by you with Scripture to this , since this is a way of proofe which your selves admit not of , an Argument from hence may bring me from my own Religion , but never to yours , because it is a beame which that relies much upon , that by any other way , then the authoritie of the Church , no man can be sufficientlie sure of the meaning of Scripture . That they say , the Church is made infallible that we may have some guide , I thinke it very rationall ; for Nature hath given ever some strong , and uncontroulable Principle in all Natures to guide the rest . The Common-wealth hath a Governour not questionable , our Understanding hath Principles which she cannot judge , but by them judgeth of all other verities . If there should not be some Principle in the Church , it were the onely maimed thing God had created , and maimed in its Principall part , in the very head . Andif there be such a Principle , the whole Church is Infallible by that , as the whole man seeth by his eyes , toucheth by his hands . Christ is our unquestionable , and infallible Governour , and his Will the Principle by which we are guided , and the Scripture the place where this Will is contained , which if we endeavour to find there , we shall be excused , though we chance to misse , and therefore want not your guide , ( who either is not , or as hard to find as the way : and againe , when he hath defined , the certaine meaning of that definition , as hard to find as herfelf . ) Neither is a company of men thus beleeving , maimed in the head , though having no other more uncontroulable Principle : If your guide were evident of her self , as those Principles are by which we judge all things else , then your Similitude would hold a little , whereas being neither knowable in her self , nor proveable by ought else , what you have said onely shewes , what an ill match is made , when Witt is set against Truth . It is sufficient for a Child to believe his Parents , for a Clown to believe his Preacher about the Churches Infallibility : For Faith is given to mankind , to be a meanes of believing , and living like a Christian , and so he hath this second , it is not much matter in what tearmes he be with the first . To what you say , I answer , that I confesse that it is not possible that without particular Revelations , or Inspirations , the ignorant , even of the Orthodox party , should receive their Religion upon very strong grounds , ( which makes me wonder , that even from them you should exact an assent of a higher nature , and a much greater certaintie , then can be ministred to them by any arguments which they are capable of ) yet if they believe what they receive , with an intention of obedience to God , and supposall that their opinions are his Revelations , and use those meanes which they in their Conscience think best to examine whether they be or no , ( though it be when they find themselves unable to search , by trusting others whom they count fittest to be trusted ) I beleeve they are in a very saveable estate , though they be farr from having of the truth of their Tenets any Infallible certaintie ; and the same I think of those which are in error , for since you cannot deny , but that a Child , or a Clown , with the same aptnesse to follow Gods will , may be taught by his Parents , or his Preacher , that what God forbids , he commands , that Christ's Vicar , is Antichrist , or the Church , Babylon , and scarce teacheth any truth , though it could not teach the least error ; why should such a one be damned for the misfortune of having had Hereticall Parents , or a deceiving Preacher : For no more it seemes is required of such , then to give his beliefe to those ; ( And indeed the same reason extended , will excuse him , who though learned , impartially aimeth at Gods will and misseth it ) for though you seeme to insinuate , by the cause you give of what you say , that so men believe and do what they heare God command , he careth not upon what grounds , yet I , who know that God hath no other gaine by our so doing , then that in it we sacrifice to him our soules and affections , cannot believe , but that they shall be accepted who give him that which he most cares for , and obey him formally , though they disobey him materially , God more considering and valuing the Heart then the Head , the end then the actions , and the fountaine then the streames ; And truely else he who through stupidity or impotence abstained from any vice , or through negligence or prejudice miss'd some error , would be as well accepted of by God , as he that by a care of his waies and of obedience to him who should rule them , did avoide the first , and by a studious search , the second . I cannot part from this Theame without one consideration more , and that is , that if so Fallible a Director as you speak of , may be cause enough of assent to one Truth , why may they not be so to another , and why shall not the beleefe of our ignorants , upon their testimonie , that the Scripture is the Word of God , be as well founded , as that of yours to the Infallibility of the Church upon the same ? And yet it is daily objected to us , that this beleefe of ours is not surely enough founded , since not received from their Church , although the unlearned among us receive it from their Parents and Preachers , and the learned from Tradition ; as from the first of those your unlearned do , and from the second of which your learned pretend they do receive the authority , and infallibility of the Church it self : Although we be so much more reasonable then you , that we require them not to be so sure upon it , as they are of what they know by sence , but onely to give them so much credit , that they may give up their hearts to obedience . Neither do I remit him to a generall and constant Tradition , as if himself should climbe up every age by learned Writers , and find it in every one I take it to be impossible testimonies one may find in many ages , but such as will demonstrate and convince a full Tradition I much doubt : Neither do I find by experience , that who will draw a man by a rope or chaine , giveth him the whole rope or chaine into his hands , but onely one end of it , unto which if he cleave hard , he shall be drawn which way the rope is carried . Tradition is a long chaine , every generation or delivery from Father to Son being a link in it , &c. Of this opinion I was wholly before , First upon my own small observation , ( which also perswaded me , that no controverted opinions had so much colour for such a Tradition out of antiquity , as some which now are by both parts condemned . And after , by consideration of what hath been so temperately learned , and judiciously writen by our Protestant , Perron D'Aille ; But though I think that nothing is wholly provable by sufficient testimonies of the first ages , to have had Primary and generall Tradition , ( except the undoubted books of Scripture , or what is so plainly there , that it is not controverted between you and us ) yet I think the Negative is easie to be proved , because any one known person dessenting , and yet then accounted a learned and pious Catholique , shews the Tradition not to have been generall , and that the Church of this Age differs from that of those times , if it Anathematize now , for what then was either approved of , or at least thought not so horrid but it might be borne with . And again , though we agree upon what will not serve to convince a full Tradition , yet we disagree about what will serve ; for allowing there were any controverted opinions delivered , with equall Tradition to the Scripture ( which I deny to have beene , but would receive if it so appeared ) yet sure you beginne at the wrong end , in the examination of what those are , which ought to be done , by considering the testimonies of the first ages , and not of the last , for in your own similitude of a rope , though to helpe me to climbe by if , you put but one end into my hands , yet you must shew me , that the other end is somewhere fastened , or else , for ought I know , instead of getting up by it , I may onelie get a fall , and this fastening appeares not to me , till I be shewed some more certaine connexion between the Opinions of this Age , and those of the Apostolicke times , then yet you have done , or till you have answered those Arguments , by which , as I perswade my selfe , I have made it appeare , that it cannot be done , As for the two places concerning the Popes and Councels Infallibillity , it is not to my purpose to meddle of them , because of one side the way I have begun , beareth no need of those discourses , and on the other , I should engage my selfe in Quarrels betweene Catholique and Catholique , obscure the matter I have taken in hand , and profit nothing in my hearers , more then to be judged , peradventure to have more learning , then wisedome to governe it withall . With your favour Sir , these places concerne , not onely questions between your selves , but between you and us ; for I thought you had all agreed ( though I knew you had not alwaies done so , and though it seemes by your declining to speak about it , that you doe not yet ) that generall Councels , confirmed by the Pope , are infallible , and the Doctrines defined by them , are to be beleeved de fide , which if you be not , then the Glew , which it is so bragged , you have to keepe you still at Unitie , is dissolved and if you be , then you should both have answered upon what grounds you are so , and have destroyed my Objections against the possibilitie of certaintie , knowing when it is , that these ( which used to be called the Church ) have defined : finding therefore Altum Silentium , where there was so much cause of speaking , makes me beleeve , that the cause why you have not answered is , onely because you could not , and then you have a readie Apologie , that Nemo tenetur ad impossibilia , which I beleeve the rather , because I know , that to so cleare a judgement as yours that place of Scripture , When two or three are gathered together , &c. which is so often press'd for the Infallibilitie of Councels , must appeare to make as much for the Synod of Dort , as for the Councell of Trent , and to so great a learning as yours , it cannot be unknown how few ( if any ) of the Ancients have asserted their Infallibilitie , and how many , both of the Ancients , and your Modernes , have denied it ; I am confirmed in this beleife too , because you , I know , would never have accepted that as a sufficient excuse from me , if I had avoided to answer an Argument so , because Protestants are not agreed upon the point , if you had thought it such , as that they ought to have been agreed upon it , and truelie this is as great and considerable a question , as any among us . As for the two places of Fevardentius , which alloweth many Fathers to have fallen into errors , I thinke it will not trouble him who is accquainted with the course of this present Church , wherein divers , who be thought great Divines , fall into errors , for which their Bookes are sometimes hindered from the print , sometimes recalled , or some leaves commanded to be pasted up , the reason is , the multiplicity of Catholike Doctrine which doth not oblige a man to the knowledge of every part , but to the prompt subjection of the instruction of the Church , wherefore many men may hold false doctrine inculpably , not knowing it to be such , even now after the learned labours of so many that have strived to open and facilitate by Method , what is true , and what is false , much more in the Fathers times , when there was great want of so many Compilers as these latter ages have produced . First , What Fevardentius confesseth , proves plainlie that , for which I intended it , which was , the ridiculousnesse of proving their Doctrine to be true , by being conformable to that of the Fathers , and yet making themselves Judges of those Judges they appeale too , and confessing , that many of them erred in many points , which if they did , they might as well doe the same in those about which we differ , although they agreed with you , and dissented from us . Secondlie , What both he confesseth , and you confesse with him , disproves that way of knowing divine Truths which you propose , for neither the Doctors of the ancient Church ( who were sure more likelie to know what was then taken for Tradition , then any late Compilers ) nor of the Modern , who had a mind to deliver truth , and trac'd and followed your way of finding it , could erre in points of faith , if Qui docet ut didicit , he that teacheth as he hath been taught , must still be in the right , for publique Tradition , no learned man , at least can be ignorant , not any man ( say you ) of what he was taught when a Childe , as the substance of his hopes for all eternitie , and so cannot in reason have his books either forbidden or pasted up , for delivering any thing contrary to it . Secondly , Who are these Censors who forbid and paste up books , certainly not the Universall Church , nor yet the Representative , the latter is not alwaies in being , nor when it is , at leasure to consider and judge all authors , and of the first these Authors are a part , if then they be fallible , ( as they must be if they be not the Church ) why may not they erre , and the Martyr-books speake truth , which yet will easily by this meanes be kept from Posteritie , if those in the Dictatory Office dissent from it as they will be sure to do , if the opinion contradict never so little the power or greatnesse of the Pope , upon whose favour these Oecumenicall Correctors must depend , or they not longremaine in their places : and yet you expect that your adversary should produce succession of their opinions in all ages , though nothing be let passe but what a few please , and though when in time all of you are agreed ( as you will soon be or appear to be , if one side appear to be gag'd ) then this consent , though thus brought about , becomes the consent of the Church , and a very notable Motive . And since you say , that what all are bound to , is onely a prompt subjection to the Church , why leave you it so in doubt , what is the Church , as if men were tyed to be subject , but must not know to what ; you say indeed , that the adherers to the Church of Rome are now the Church , but what they may be , you will not plainely declare ; So that if a Schisme among them should happen , we are all as farr to seek as if you had been wholly silent , for since the infallibility lies not in the particular Church of Rome , and consequently the adhering to her is not ever a sufficient note of the Church , ( as you will not say ) nor is it among your selves de fide , since the Universall Church ( whatsoever she be ) can never define any thing , and of the authority of the definitions of the Representative , and of what constitutes both her and her decrees , you refuse to speak , what remaines there , to which this prompt subjection is to be the onely everlasting Note of the true Church , but onely the Truth whensoever she appeares ; Thus as the Priests of Apollo ( therefore peradventure called Loxias ) used to spread lies , and secure his reputation , the first by the antiquity , and the second by the darknesse of his Oracles , so doth your Religion gaine upon many men , and secure her seflf rom many objections , by the manyfold acceptions , and consequently difficulty of this tearme Church ; For whatsoever is said in Scripture concerning her being free from all spot , or prevailing against the gates of Hell , or their danger who resist her , the first meant ( as I believe , and the place denies not by any circumstance ) of the Church Triumphant , the second of the Church of the Elect , and the third , of the Professors of Christianity in generall , or at most of those who are in all necessary points Orthodox among them ; That they without sufficient proofe resolve to be spoken of the Church in their sence they have fancied ; That is , some ever known body of Christians which must be still guide to the rest , and then claime to be that , because no other ( all else being more ingenious ) claimes it besides themselves , whereas , if ( considering that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Oraculous truth of my great Lord Bacon's observation , that unlesse men in the beginning of their disputes agree about the meaning of their tearmes , they must end about words , where they ought to have begun ) they had marked what other sence these words were capable of , ( for if it will here beare another , then this cannot hence be concluded but by leave ) they would then soon have seen the weaknesse of their building , by the slightnesse of their foundation . Againe , they prevaile much by working upon mens assents , by the meanes of their modesties , and presse it to be an intollerable pride to oppose their opinions to the consent of the Catholick Church ; whereas , if it be weighed how small a part of it they mean by that word , and yet of them how many follow blindly the decrees of one , and how soon those prevaile against that few not backed by any power who do not , it will then appeare , that not onely other Churches , but even a John or a Thomas have as much reason to be lead by their own understandings , as by the opinions and decrees of and Vrban or a Gregory , upon which that consent is so often founded ; And as they make their advantage of this word in their offensive warres , so do they in their defensive , for when they are press'd unto the absurdity of their Tenets , then ( though indeed they be generall ) yet they pretend , that they are the opinions but of private , though many men , and not of the Church ; and againe , when any Fathers ( who yet sometimes they say are wholly theirs ) are shewed to contradict some of their Doctrines so plainely , that none of those subterfuges , which in one of their expurgatory Indexes , they consesse they often use , will serve to palliate it ; then they strive to scape by answering , that the Church had not then defined it , whereas if it be examined , how farre they consent about what is the Church , and what are her Definitions ( whereof they are not yet agreed , for some say , she hath defined what , others say , she hath not ) this onely will be certainlie found , that it never can be certainlie found , what are her opinions of any point , or when she hath declared her selfe : As ( besides manie other Arguments , some press'd by my selfe , and others , by other Pens more fit to treat of so weightie a matter ) appeares by your refusing to leave your Latibula ; and declare plainlie your opinion concerning it , which if you saw defensible , and you were all agreed about it , you would quicklie have done , and not incurred the reprehension of that Axiome , which teacheth , that Dolosus versatur in generalibus , which makes me thinke , that if this were generallie enough mark'd , you would no longer be able to dazle any mans eyes with the splendid title of Somes to the Catholique Church , as Alexander hoped to doe those of the Barbarians , with stiling himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sonne of Jupiter , although indeed he was so much the more moderate then the second , as never to denie , that any other could be Sonne to the same Father , whereas you will not allow , that any may have interest in your Mother besides your selves . To conclude this Paragraph , give me leave to aske one question , and that is , how your saying , that Truth is more easie to finde now then in the Fathers times , will agree , either with the way which you say , is the onely Catholique one to finde Truth by ( for sure such a Tradition was alwaies equallie easie to finde , and if the first ages had erred in it , we must of necessitie , following your advice , have followed their error too ) or with the saying of so many of your side , that if I should reckon them up , I should make a Catalogue of Authors , equall to those of Photius , or Gesner , or Possevine , who all joyne , that Truth was most likelie to be most certainlie known that time , which was , in Campians words , Christo propior , ab hac lite remotior , neerer to Christ , and consequentlie to Tradition , and to which , for that cause , all thinke fit to appeale against us , or with that custome of your Church , which suffers none to take Orders before they have vowed to interpret Scriptures according to the Fathers , which if men now adaies be more likelie to find the Truth , then at that time they were ( as they must be , if truth in this age be more easie to be found , whether through greater abundance of Compilers , or what else soever ) then this Vow is as much , as if they had vowed to leave the best way of Interpretation and teaching , to follow the worst . As for the two points , he saith , avert him from Catholique doctrine , I am mistaken , if he be not mistaken in both . The first is , that the Catholiques doe damne all who are not in the Union of their Church . He thinkes the sentence hard , yet I thinke he will not deny me this , that if any Church does not say so , it cannot be the true Church . For call the Church what you will ; the Congregation of the Elect , the Congregation of the Faithfull , the Congregation of Saints , or Just ; call it , I say , or define it what you will , doth it not clearly follow , that whosoever is out of the Church cannot be saved , for he shall not be the Elect , Just , Faithfull , &c. without which there is no salvation . How then can any Church maintain these two Propositious , I am the true Church , and yet one may be saved without being in me : This is , by your favour , a meere Paralogisme ; for though those who define the Church by qualities , which both Parts agree , to be the conditionall Keyes to the Kingdome of Heaven , must needs affirme , that none out of the Church can be saved , yet what is this to them , who meane by the Church , the Companie of the Orthodox in all points , and by them your selves , out of which ( allowing that there be such a one , which I doubt of , and that to be yours ) I shall beleeve , that some may be saved , till I see some more cause to thinke all error in Religion alwaies damnable , which it is plaine , by what after you say , that you thinke not your selfe , and the Church taken in this sence , which is your sence , may maintaine both Propositions ; or to shew you , how much , what you say , would make against your selfe , thus I argue ; The true Church must hold that none can be saved out of her , but your Church denies not , but that some out of her may be saved , therefore yours is not the Church : My Major is included in your own saying , that those two Propositions are not maintainable together : My Minor , though false , yet is also your confession ( where you say , that the Churches Proposition is not so cruell as it seemes , though the words be rough ) and therefore so ought you to make my conclusion too : Besides , those who exclude all from Salvation , who are out of the Church in the other sence , meaning by it the Elect , as they are not like them in the wrong , so they are not occasion of much harme , like them , who stiling the Church , a companie of men of such a beleife , and under such a government , affirme an impossibilitie of being saved out of it ; for they giving no visible signe of who is in the Church ( for who can know the Elect , but the Electer ) cause no want of Charitie , nor frequencie of Warre , and persecutions by it , as the others doe , who having made first a visible partition , least those who are out of it may draw others out too , they send them out of the world by way of prevention . But per adventure he is scandalized , that the Catholick Church requireth actuall Communion externall with her , which he thinketh may in some case be wanting without detriment of Salvation . But how would he have the Church speake , which speak eth in common , but abstracting from such particular eases as may change wholly the Nature of the Question . I am scandalized , not because you require to Salvation joining with you in Communion , but because also you require joyning with you in opinions , and if it were onely this , yet am not I any whit satisfied with what you say for it , for with the true Church , that is the Commpany of true believers , in points any way materiall ( or rather the truest ) I conceive it not damnation sometimes not to communicate : For if they have any never so slight errors , and which appeares so to me , which yet they will force me to subscribe to , if I Communicate with them , my assent would be damnable , or if they require the same subscription to some truths , which yet after my reall indeavours in inquiry , appear errors to me , I doubt not but my refusall is no way damnable : Neither can I absolve your Church concerning this her saying for your reason , because she speakes in generall , wholly abstracting from particulars , which change the nature of the Question , for why doth she so , why doth she not expresse her exceptions , or at least tell us , that the rule is not so generall , but that it will beare some , and not make men ( who know not that she intends to restraine at all , what she so absolutely pronounceth , and who will find no cause to take your bare word for her intentions ) many times , at least to hate them as Gods enemies , whom he loves as his friends , and beleeve them to fry in Hell , who shine in Heaven ? Howsoever if she use to expresse herself in rougher words then her meaning is , how apt may she be to be mistaken in severall of her resolutions , and consequently how easie is it for some age to have misunderstood the past , and deceive the following : Neither do I like your example , because that is not to differ from the Church , but to mistake her meaning , though even he , who should denie that there were three Gods , if he thought that by the Trinitie your Church so meant , must consequently think her not infallible , and so by your grounds be consequently a Heretick . The current of Catholick Doctors , that no man shall be damned for infidelity , but he who doth wilfully misbeleeve , and that to do so it is required that Faith be sufficiently proposed unto him , and what is to be sufficiently proposed , is not determined amongst them . There wanteth not Divines who teach , that even ignorantia affectata , doth excuse from Heresie . On the other side it is most certaine , that no man is damned for not professing , what he is not damned for not believing . Wherefore , profession being that which engrafteth a man exteriorly in the Church , according unto the ordinary opinions of the Catholicks , it followeth , that no man is condemned for not being of the Church , who is not for infidelity , for which it is a very uncertaine Case who be damned , and who be not . As the King of Spaine , after long calling the Hollanders Rebels , at last for his own sake descended to treat with them as free States , so those of your Religion , when they hope to gaine a Proselite , thunder out to him crudelity , and without any of these Mollifications which you now use , that extra Ecclesiam Romanam nulla est salus , there is no salvation out of the Roman Church . And Master Knot peremptorily avers , that no Catholick of an entire fame ever taught , that a Protestant so dying could be saved , yet when they are press'd with the consequences , they can ( as it seems ) vouchsafe to give us better words , and find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enough to soften this opinion , though such as bring them more disadvantage in other considerations , then help in this . For first , as before it seemed that you are not fully agreed either about the authority of the councels , or what constitutes the Church , ( by your avoiding to speak concerning it ) so now it seemes , that neither are you resolved of what constitutes an Heretick , and then what remaines there for you to know , if what you account infallible and what damnable , be yet both uncertaine to you . Secondly , Since you confesse none to be a Heretique , but he to whom the truth is sufficiently proposed , and when that is , you are not resolved : what a more then Sythian Barbarousnesse is it to make a coale of a Christian , onely upon suspicion of Heresie ? especially since the Pagans themselves had Christian Charity enough to perswade them , that it was much better that a guilty person should escape , then an innocent be punished : much more should you rather suffer the tares to grow , then venture to pluck up the corne with it , and beleeve the best , when the truth lies hid in a place so hard to search into , as is the heart of man , into which ( as none entered the Sanctum Sanctorum but the High Priest ) God onelie can have admittance . The other point was of putting Hereticks to death , which I think he understandeth to be done vindicatively , not medicinally , I mean , imposed as a punishment , and not in way to prevent mischiefe , and oppresse it in the head . I suppose it small satisfaction to a poor man , carried to the stake for his Conscience , to know by which member of a distinction he is put to death , and that this as little excuseth you , as it satisfies them , I hope to shew before we have ended the consideration of this present Paragraph . If the Circumcelians were the first , that is , ancient enough for the justification of the fact ; although for Banishment , which also he seemeth to reprehend , we know the first that could suffer it did suffer it , Arrius I mean , by the hand of Constantine , whom he praiseth for a speech he uttered before he knew the consequence of the danger , and seemeth to reprehend for his after and better witts . I wish to you what Erasmus wisht to Augustinus Steuckius , which is , that you were but equall in probando diligens , as you are in asseverando fortis : For how unlikely is it that we should give you credit without proofe onely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the antiquity of a thing , which began so long after Christs Apostles , were all dead , is enough to prove it lawfull : Howsoever it would at most but prove it lawfull , to put such Hereticks to death , as force men to do so in their owne defence , for such were they : Besides I object not onely against this custome the not being ancient , ( for I conconfesse there might have been before a power to do so too , though not used to the uttermost , though in likelihood what perswaded you to use it , would have perswaded them to the same , if they had thought they had it ) but as being also condemned by Hillary , and Athanasius , and other Orthodox : For though some punishment of a lesse degree were inflicted upon others too by their own side , ( as you trulie instance ) when their power prevailed ; yet Constantine saies , not onely in an Edict for libertie of opinions , ( which he , who was then Pope never appeared to stomack , as his successor , undoubtedly would now doe the like ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let no man trouble another , but let every one do as his own soule will : but also gives this concluding reason against you for it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For it is one thing willingly to take upon them this combate for immortality , and another to force them to it with punishment ; and so in whatsoever he did contrary to this in any case , wherein this reason held his words , condemne his action : And whereas you say , that when Constantine made so slight of the question between Arrius and Alexander , it was , because he knew not the consequence of the danger : I shall desire to know of you whether you must not confesse , that there is now no King of your Religion so ill instructed in it , ( though none of them be never so learned or curious as Constantine was , who , if any man in his dominion should arise , denying Transubstantiation , would not presently know the danger of the consequence , and resolve him for an Heretick , and to the stake instantly , and not speak against his opinion onelie as impertinent , and de lana caprina , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and if this had been as resolved a thing then among Christians , to have come from Tradition , as Transubstantiation is now amongst Papists , he would necessarilie as soon have discovered it too : Howsoever I believe his after-witts to have been his worser witts , in punishing , though not in condemning of Arrius , and to me it yet seemes ( for to be sure , not to speak Heretically , I will not speak obstinately ) that to have laboured in stopping of disputes on both parts , and tying them to Scripture Phrases , and to speak of God onelie in the Word of God , had been at least in respect of Unity , not a worse way , then to have given an example to what after followed , I mean , the frequent explication ( with Anathema to boote ) of inexplicable misteries ; Neither would then so many questions have so long troubled the Church , which for their slightnesse were unworthy ever to exercise the Schooles ; But for that or any other meer error , as it may be for ought any one knowes , unlawfull in any to punish at all , I by no meanes like not to put to death , for the same seemes to me it self 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sin above measure sinfull , though even the act of it proceeded from an opinion of doing God some service , and that opinion from a meer error too , then I conceive but a materiall no formall sin for the same cause , and so , neither this materiall Murtherer , nor that materiall Heretick , be guilty before God , who onely can distinguish , and to whom it is fit to be left . Howsoever the long doubt of some , and opposall of other Orthodox to this course , and that arising not from their Policie or Compassion , but their Conscience , not as thinking it unprofitable or unfit , but unlawfull , shews , that there was then no Tradition that the Apostles taught it to be lawfull so to use Hereticks , upon which onelie , all the Infallibilitie , which you claime for any beliefe or custome of your Church , is founded , Saint Austine justifieth such proceedings against Hereticks . Truely for putting them to death ( unlesse when they first assaulted ) which makes a wide difference , for then it was not done as to Hereticks , but as to Assassines , from whom Nature teaches us to defend our selves , and consequentlie to re-offend them whensoever Religion barres it not , experience shewing us the danger of meerly defending , to be neer to that too , of not doing it at all ) I know not that ever he did , nor do I beleeve it : That some degree of punishment should be inflicted upon them , I confesse he at last consented , but chiefly to force them to come and see what the Church did , ( whose actions the Hereticks impudently belied ; as if they set pictures upon the altar , and did what you both doe and defend , and they did not ) i. e. denied it . Howsoever we have Saint Austine against Saint Austine , and not onely his authority , but his reasons more valid by much , then that when he saith , that such oppressions would make them think themselves vi victos , non veritate convictos , overcome by force , not convicted by Truth , and consequently dislikes it , ne fictos Catholicos habeamus , quos apertos Hereticos novimus , least they become from open Hereticks , but fained Catholicks : Reasons , which ( though these be not all we have ) in my opinion it was as impossible for him reasonably to answer when he was living , as it would be now for him to do it when he was dead . Besides , as he useth these strong arguments against it , so he is himself a strong example against it , for the Church had lost this her so notable Champion , if they then had been as severe to the Manichees as you are to us . Saint Gregory vseth the like against Pagans , ( if I remember ) and the Church laterly hath rather encreased , then decreased in the practice of it . I believe your memory deceives you in this , which you have cause to hope it doth , for else the Church of Rome differs from that of Saint Gregories times , it being now with her a judged case , that Infidels may not be compelled to the Faith , as I am told is shewed by Vaelentia , Saint Thomas , Hartado , and others , the Church having no power over those who are out of it , and therefore they please to say , that ( like them who among the Romans were onely Cives ad onera , liable to the taxes of Citizens , without Interest in their Priviledges ) Baptisme hath made us of the Church enough to be liable to her Punishments , though not to be benefitted by her Communion : Though indeed the same cause why you would have Hereticks put to death , for feare of harming others with their opinions , me thinks should extend to their punishment too , unlesse you believe us to be as bad as Malefactors , and not them , or that their opinions are so irrationall as not likely to spread , and ours so reasonable , that against them the sword is the best shield , and therefore ( as Brennus did his ) you put that into the scales for want of weight , it being of giving Reasons as the Poet saith it is of giving Requitalls , Irasci quam donari vilius constat . Another reason which perswades me that you are mistaken in what you say of Gregory , ( as this mistake facilitates my beliefe , that you are so about Austines too ) is that Bede tells , that some Romanists , having converted the King of Kent , that King did not yet force any to become Christians , for ( saith he ) he had learned of these his Masters , that the service of Christ ( WHICH REASON EXTENDS FARTHER THEN TO PAGANS ) must be voluntary , and not forced ; Now if these received what they taught from Gregory , ( as you often tell us ) then either he did not as you often say , or thought that unlawfull which himself did ; And howsoever this Custome hath encreased since is very unconsiderable , for unlesse it have its authority explicitely or implicitely from the Apostles , it can give none since , and unlesse it be proved to be well done at first , no continuance can give this , or any other action more justification then at first it had . Moses speech I believe is mistaken , the force of it being , that the banishment of Bishops shewed his faith , because the banished were Catholickes , which shewed Lucius to be none . If Moses had meant as you would have him , he should not have said , onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not indefinitelie the banishing of Bishops , but the banishing of Orthodox Bishops , the leaving therefore of that out , wherein , according to you , the whole sence of his Argument lay , seemes to me plainlie enough to shew , that he meant what they and you denie : especiallie he adding ( as you may see in Zozomon ) their being punish'd by labour , as well as punishment , and then saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which things are whollie abhorring from Christ , and all right Beleevers concerning God , and in Socrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Gods servant ought not to fight , for so he counted to punish . But what can be said , if the Church useth that for the prevention of a greater and more dangerous evill , which all politique Estates use for the remedies of lesse , and lesse dangerous evils , and are commended for it . For if Faith he the way to Salvation , and Heresie be the bane of Faith ; if Salvation the greatest good , then the danger of a Countries being over-runne with Heresie , is the greatest of dangers , greater then the multiplicity of Theeves , greater then the unsurety of the wayes , greater then a Plague , or Invasion ; why then doth not reason force us to use meanes to prevent it , which the same reason-and experience teacheth us to be most efficacious in this , and all other contagious and gangrening maladies of the Common-wealth . I hope reason it selfe , and the Zeale of the Author to his own , and Countries salvation , will supply my shortnesse in this point , for supposing a Church be assured she is in the right , and that the doctrine preach'd , as then leadeth to damnation ; I know not why Caiphas his words should not be propheticall in this case , and that truly it doth expedire , that Unus moriatur pro populo , & non tota gens pereat . I wish heartilie , you were as good a Caterer as a Cooke , I meane , that you brought as good reasons as you dresse artificiallie what you bring ; For I finde there is in your words a verie notable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 able to steale a man into your opinion , before he hath askt himselfe why ; but if he stay to doe so , then all your excellent embroiderie will not keepe him from discerning manie bracks in your stuffe : To prove which , I will bring many reasons ( besides what I have taught alreadie ) by which it shall , I hope , appeare , why those , whom you call Hereticks , should not be put to death , although Malefactors may , although even the lawfulnesse of that ( since other punishments , which would not shorten their time of repentance , might peradventure serve to represse them ) is not absolutelie certaine . First , Malefactors plainlie offend against their Consciences , at least , thinke not themselves bound by them to commit their villanies ( neither pretend they otherwise ) which they , whom you call Hereticks , either bona fide follow , or doe for ought at least you can know . Secondlie , What are Malefices , must be known before Malefactors , and Heresies before Hereticks ; now of the first Mankinde agrees , but of the second but you onely , a small part of Christians , and yet you differ too about the waies of knowing-them , and consequentlie , whether some things be Heresies or no ( as for example , whether the Oath of Alleagiance containe any ) wherein since some of you are deceived , me thinkes it should incline you to thinke it not impossible for you all to doe so , in what you all agree to be such . Thirdlie , Malefactors are not , or should not be punished for such , without a plaine knowledge that such they are ; but although there were an impossibilitie of mistaking what is Heresie , yet there is no possibilitie of knowing who are Hereticks , the forme of which is obstinacie , a secret , and ( to man ) an undiscoverable qualitie , whom he onelie should punish who onelie knowes . Fourthlie , Malefactors are certaine to hurt others , whereas neither are Heretickes sure to perswade any , and if they doe , yet they may hurt none , since who receives their beleife bona fide , and through meer error , is unharmed by it . Fifthlie , Whom they doe harme , it must be through their own fault , and by their own consent , whereas without either , the Malefactors are cause of much mischiefe , even to the most guiltlesse . Sixthlie , Malefactors passing whollie unpunish'd , peradventure not put to death , would bring a certaine destruction to the state , which temporall Magistrates are appointed to watch over , which yet in speculative opinions is not concerned . Seventhly , The punishment even by death , of Malefactors brings not any temptation of sinning , upon them , the same to others is in all probabilitie a cause to keep many from a carefull search of Gods Truth , ( least they might find the punishable beleefe to be the true one ) and from professing it , when they think they have found it ; both which are sinns of the first magnitude . Eigthly , This course with Malefactors was not , for ought appears , ever thought unlawfull in the purest times of Christianity , and was then in use , whereas towards errors in beleefe , it was disallowed of them by the chiefe , and long before death was at all inflicted upon them , though then understood as well the danger of Heresie , and were as carefull to preserve their flocks from all danger by all lawfull waies , as any since . Ninthly , It no way redounds to Christs Glory , that Malefactors be unpunisht , but it makes much for it that his Army appears to consist of Volunteers , and not of Press'd men , that his Truth should prevaile by no humane force , but onely by the power of the first teacher , and the light of the Doctrine , which for us unbidden so to assist , is to think the Arke must fall , if we hold not forth our hands to hold it up , and takes from it the honour of subsisting by the way , by which it took roote , when ( to borrow Saint Chysostomes words ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The weak were to hard for the strong , and twelve for the World , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They being naked , and their adversaries armed . Tenthly , That death is the most effectuall way to suppresse Malefactors , you say reason and experience shewes , and it is generally agreed of ; but in this case it seems even to your best men the worst course , as appears by Iburranes resolution concerning the Hyper-Ephanians , by the 267 Page of grave and judicious Cardinall D' Ossat his Letters , by the Epistle of Cardinall Richelieu to his King before a Book of Controversie , and by Erasmus his Testimonie , who tells us , that a Carmelite having then this power in his hands , Ubicunque saevitiam exercuit Carmelita , ibi diceres fuisse factum Haerese●● sementum , wheresoever he exercised his crueltie , he seemed to have sowed Heresie . All which reasons make me beleeve , that there is much difference between the striving to destroy these two sorts of men , and if there were not , yet for fore-touched reasons , and others which I will touch at , I should as soone think it unlawfull to put Malefactors to death , as lawfully to kill Hereticks . For indeed since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it disadvantageth what you would aide ; to seem to beleeve that truth , without other assistance , would not sooner roote out falshood , then that it , that the Orthodox are not more likely to cure the seduced , then to be infected by them ; and that there is no way to end the Heresies , but by ending the Hereticks : And thus you runne into three inconveniencies . First , You put reasonable scruples into considering mens minds , least as a Greek Orator saith against Ulysses for striking Thersites , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It was a signe he could not confute him , that he struck him ; so that it be want of arguments , which makes you fall to blowes , and cause them to suspect , that if you were not ( peradventure for some better reasons then appear to them ) diffident of your cause , you would give your adversaries leave to speak as loud as them pleased , and not seek so suspiciously to stop their mouthes , whilst they dispute with you at as much odds , and upon tearmes of as much disadvantage as Saint Paul did with the Grecian Jewes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he disputed against them , but they went about to stay him . Secondly , It destroies those plausible Arguments so often used of Unity , and Tradition , and Multitude , for , first Uniformitie may be induced by power , but Unitie and Impunitie can never be parted ; all other agreement being but as a theefe and a robbed person agreed , the one to take his purse , and the other to give it againe . Againe Tradition it lames as much , for how can any man tell , but that two parts claiming contraty Traditions , or one part claiming it upon false grounds , and the other denying it , the truth may not by this force have been over-born , when we receive not what men would have delivered Posteritie , but what Power would suffer them . Againe , how shall we know but that the greater part of your multitude beleeves not as they professe ; no man knowing his Neighbour to be of his mind ; when it is so probable , that many may not think as they speak , when it is not lawfull for all to speak as they think . Thirdly , By this way you are causes , that you suffer often where you have not the State on your side , as much as you inflict when you have ; for though you will say that none should punish but the Church , yet every divided companie of Christians , thinking themselves to be that , ( that is to be the orthodox ) will use your own custome to your harme , and you will be short like the Eagle in Esope , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with your own feathers ; and so Truth weresoever she be ( if all follow this way ) will by force by many parties be opposed , and but by one propagated and defended ; so that not onely in consideration of Christianity , but even of Policy I mislike this course , as being alwaies wicked , and often hurtfull , and more often uneffectuall : And for my part , I desire so much that good be done for evill , that ( though you be most fit of any to be so used , who use us so where your power extends , and whose cruelty will extend with your acquisition , if you make any , and you hold your selves , that impendens periculum is cause enough for a warr ) yet I heartily wish all lawes against you repealed , and trust , that disarmed Truth would serve to expell Falshood , whereas now they being in force against you , give you the honour of a persecution , and not being executed , give you not the feare of one : It is truely said , Militia Christiana est Haereses expellere , but it needs this limitation , sed armis Christianis , that Christian warfare employ onely Christian armes , which are good arguments , and good life ; else if they use such a course , as is more properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and go to force that part of man , which is liable to no power but that of perswasion , ( which if it do not beget a true and pious assent , in likelyhood it will a damnable dissimulation , and which , if Christ had meant for a prop for his Doctrine , he would as soon have at first made it a part of the foundation , and have charged his Apostles not to shake the dust off their feet , but to draw their swords out of the scabbard at those , who rejected what they taught ) then it often ( though sometimes by reason of the different dispositions which reigne at severall times among men , and may happen otherwise ) misseth of the intended end , and works not often so much as upon mens tongues , and never upon their Heads and Hearts : A great example of which happened not long since , Calvin with all his works since the time they were written , having scarce made so many Protestants in France , as I have credibly heard it reported , that the Massacre made in a Night , which act though I impute not to all those of your Religion , for many of them I know did , and do mislike it , yet it both had its fountaine from the Popes Legate , ( and consequently in all likelyhood from the Pope , who gave God publick thanks for it ) as one of his successors confess'd to Cardinall D' Ossat , Page 432 , and it may be justified as well as any judiciall proceeding , upon that reason which you give , why Heresie may be stopped with the sword , least they who are wrought upon by it , may work upon others . To conclude , I should be better contented with this course , if the opinions were infallibly errors , and infallibly damnable , and this were alwaies an effectuall way , ( and no other could be found more mercifull ) to stop their spreading , but since you have no infallible way of knowing the Church to be infallible in her definitions , and consequently , that the contrary opinions are false , since you know not infallibly which is she , ( for you pretend but prudentiall Motives ) since your knowledge having defined , is likewise fallible , as depending upon many uncertaine circumstances , since not onely the matter of Heresie is thus uncertaine , but the form too : for you confesse you doubt whether Ignorantia affectata be it or no , and since though the form were certaine , yet in whom , it is by no meanes plaine , but rather impossible to be known , ( as who is obstinate , and consequently to whom it is damnable ) since this course often gives growth , and strength to that , from which it would take even Being and Subsistance : I cannot but think you have cause to change your proceedings , least not onely you expell not , but least you encrease Heresie , and againe least you oppose it not , but mistake the Truth for it , and applaud your self for cutting off a Gangren'd member , when you destroy a sound one , and instead of ending a Heretick make a Martyr , and againe least ( allowing this to be the Truth ) yet you put to death innocent persons instead of guilty ; especially since if the opinions were damnable in whomsoever they were , yet some better way might be found , ( as close imprisonment or the like ) to keep them from harming with them , rather then ( as you do by putting them to death , when else they might live to be converted ) to damne them certainly , least they may possibly damne some others ; Againe for Protestants , who joyne with me in beleeving that there is no way to know the true Church , but by true Doctrine , nor to know that but by the Scripture , ( for Universall Tradition seemes to us to deliver nothing but what is so plainly contained there , that it is agreed upon ) in them I beleeve it must be intollerable Pride , and rashnesse , ( and the same in Papists concerning those places out of which they would prove the Churches infallibility ) To conclude , this seemes to me the sence of this place of Scripture , therefore this infallibility it is , and no man can denie it , who either gainsaies not his Conscience , or hath it not mislead by some sinfull passion or affection , and therefore the deniers must be damned , and therefore least they damne others , we will send them through one fire to another . And this , though it be an equall fault in both Protestants and Papists to say and do , yet it is more Illogicall in the former , as contradicting at first sight all their Principles , and destroying the whole Platforme upon which the Reformation was built . He urgeth afterwards against the Unity of the Church , that it is none such as we brag of , And I confesse we brag of it , and think we have Reason . And if it please him to look into the difference of our Country of England , and some land of Barbarians , as Brasile , or such other , where they live without Law or Government , I think he will find our bragging is not without ground . For wherein is the difference betwixt a Civill Government and a Barbarous Anarchie ? Is it either that in a Civill Estate there be no Quarrells , or amongst Barbarians there is no Quiet ? The former would prejudice our Courts and Justice ; the latter is impossible even in Nature . What is then the goodnesse of a government , but in a well Governed Country there is a means to end Quarels , and in Anarchie there can be no assured peace ? This therefore is it we brag of , that amongst us if any controversie arise , there is a way to end it , which is not amongst them who parted from us . And Secondly , That there is no assured agreement amongst those who parted from us , for although to day they agree , there is no bond or tie why to morrow they may not disagree . These two things we brag of , and I think the Author will not denie it . For he confesseth that we all agree , in that the Church is an infallible Mistresse . Then it is evident , that if in any controversie she interposeth her judegment , the controversie is ended . He likewise confesseth , that who part from us have no such definitive authority amongst them , and that Scripture , whereon they rely , hath no such vertue to take up Controversies clearely . Supposing that we agreed much lesse then you , yet a little , all in earnest , that is unforced , is more considerable , then much constrained , and so peradventure much of that much but in appearance ; Besides , that you all agree in those points , wherein if any disagree , he becomes none of you , is no more then is so common to all Religions , that even the very Anabaptists may say as much for themselves ; For either all the Parts of them remaine of assent , insomuch that they are all still of the same Religion , and so agree as well as your , Dominicans and Jesuites , or else their differences are such , as to make them of severall Religions , and then , why is want of Unity objected to them any more then it is to Christians in generall , among whom are so many divisions , and yet not the whole , but the faulty party taxed ? And truely in my opinion some Questions among your selves are as great , not onely as any among your adversaries , but as any between you and them . I but you answer , we have a way of being agreed , we reply , is it a way sure to lead to Truth as well as to Unity , or else so might we have by going to most at three throwes , and resolving to stand to that . Besides , if you have , and make no more use of it , it seemes there is no such need that Questions be ended , as for that purpose to introduce a necessitie of an Ender . But say you , neither are all suits in the Common-wealth ended ; We reply , that yet truely those Judges , who should make no more haste to end them , then your Judge doth these , would deserve to loose his place , but this they do as fast as the nature of the thing will permit ; which being or depending upon matter of Fact , cannot be known erough to be judged before examination of witnesses , and the like , be ended , and if they willingly deferre the ending , they are confess'd to be in fault by all men , but those who hold Perjury to be none . But you seem to conceive our grounds faulty , as not leading even to a possible Unity , whereas to a possible one I am sure they do , ( since what is concluded out of them by many , may be by all ) nay indeed am confident , that all who receive the Scripture for the onely rule , and believe what is there plain to be onely necessarie , would if they truely beleeved what they professe , and were not lead aside either by prejudice , or private ends , or some Popish relicks of holding what they have long been taught , or following the authority of some by them much esteemed , persons either alive or dead ) soon agree in as much as is necessarie , and in concluding no necessity of agreeing in more , there being no doubt , but it would soone appear plainly what is plaine . Besides if no grounds be sufficient for Unitie , which produce not the effect , then it seemes , the grounds of your grounds , those Arguments , by which you prove , that there is a Judge , and a generall Councell is it , are insufficient , since they are not able to make all Christians about this question : Again , although a Judge , and this Judge be received , yet this is still an insufficient ground for Unitie , since the Greek Church agree thus farre with you ( which is as farre as you agree with one another ) and yet are not so bound by it to any universall Unitie with them , but that they esteem you Hereticks , and are esteemed so by you : and if you say , that it is not , because the grounds , upon which the Infallibilitie of the Church are built , lead not sufficientlie to Unitie , that we joyne not with you in beleeving them to be infallible , not because the determination of generall Councels is not a sufficient meanes of Unitie , that the Greek Church admitting their authoritie , admits not of your opinions , but it is the fault of us ( and of them ) hardening our hearts against the truth ; then we may as well say , that some of those , who agree in our grounds , yet disagree from our doctrine , not that the grounds lead not to Unitie , but that our Adversaries will not be lead ; or if ( as you doe , and some others of you sometimes ) you confesse , that they through an innocent error dissent from you , and doe this without any imputation in this respect to your grounds , I hope it will be lawfull for us to allow the same possibilitie , without any disadvantage or prejudice to ours : Besides , say you , though we agree to day , yet we may not to morrow , which to prove , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paines whollie lost , we confesse : For though Tully make it an expression of his contempt to Piso , in an Epistle to Atticus , Ita nihil est , ut plane quid erit , nesciat , yet I take it to be a true saying of man in generall , who knowes little of present things , and nothing of future ; but this is common to us both , for if we change not our opinions , we shall agree as we doe , and if you change yours you shall not , which is possible , for not onelie that opinion of the Infallibilitie of your judges decrees may it self be altered , which holdeth together all the rest , but some of you may holding that ground ( like the Greek , either change their opinions concerning the authority of such or such a Councell , as beleeving it unduelie called , factiouslie carried , or not generall as is pretended , or not so consenting as is requisite ) or differ from the rest , concerning the sence of the decrees : for whereas , you say , you agree that the Church is an infallible Mistresse , and when she interposeth her judgement , the controversie is ended . I answer , that , first , some of you , with whom I have spoken my selfe , hold , that the Churches authoritie in defining , extends no further then to such points , whereof Tradition is of one part ( as in many controverted there is , I beleeve , no such ) and that this rule she may transgresse , and so erre . Secondlie , Neither the Dominicans nor their Adversaries , are very readie to remain in suspence to await her decision , but define all readie concerning her definitions , Cum utraque pars tenax contendat suam non aliam posse definiri sententiam , either part tenaciouslie urging , that the contrarie opinion cannot be defined , which if they did to fright the Pope from defining , least the condemned partie being even before , should after make a Schisme , they obtained their end . Thirdlie , What are you the nearer to Unitie for your Infallible Mistresse the Church , when you neither agree of any certaine and proper markes to know her by , nor when it is that she interposeth her judgement ; some take it to be the particular Church of Rome , others ( of which number you are ) all which communicate with her , supposing the first to be true , yet not being de fide , it will serve but ill by your rules to build our faith upon , and even when she delivers her opinion is not certainlie agreed , whether the people of Rome be to have Votes , or onelie the Clergie , or of them , onelie the Pope with the Cardinals , or the Pope onelie without them , if the Pope , whether onelie in his Chaire , and what circumstances are required to his decreeing in Cathedra , would beget more questions : If all that communicate with her ( as you say , it is as things now stand . ) First , I would know whether they be sure to be at all times the Church , to that you refuse to determine , and so inclusivelie denie . Secondlie , It is not possible , that such a multitude should ever give any sentence explicitelie , nor can we ever know , that it hath even tacitelic done so , if they be to decree onelie by representation , then how large a companie represents them with all their power , of whom that companie is to consist , how many of them are to agree to make it a binding sentence , &c. are things yet undefined , and like to be , and if any goe about to determine them , their power being it selfe still a question , could not end these : Therefore , whereas you say , that we have no definitive sentence ( besides that truly to have one , and not to know when we have one , is much alike ; ) I answer , that whensoever the Scripture shall seeme to us to have defined , we are according to our doctrine readie to yeeld , and so the controversie is ended ( and sure the Scripture may be said to be a definitive sentence , as well as the written Councell of Trent ) and till then , though we differ about interpretations of not plaine places , we have as much Unitie as you , who are not resolved upon the sence of manie decrees of that and other Councels : and if a desire and diligence to finde the true meaning of them , and an aptnesse to assent when it is found , be thought to secure among you , those who mistake the true sence of these Councels , why should not the same disposition in us towards the Scripture , be thought every whit as sufficient , not onely to keepe us in unitie , but to secure us from danger . To conclude , though unitie be a thing much spoken of by you , yet I finde it chieflie onely in your discourse ; your differences are many and great , onelie you say , you agree in what is necessarie , and make the measure of things necessarie what you agree in , so the summe is , you agree in what you doe agree ( which it is impossible you should not , though you had carried away the bayes from Bibrias his Tombe ) eager against us , and yet divided among your selves , like the state of an Armie in Tacitus , Manente Legionum auxiliorumque , ubi adversus Paganos certandum foret , consensu , and if your Church brag of such an Unity , I perceive a small matter will make her brag . Againe , I do confesse most English - men confesse a Trinity , the Incarnation and Passion of our Saviour , but if to morrow , any one or more of them light upon some Book of an Arrian , Trinitarian , or other Sect , so wittily written that he putteth probable solutions for the places of Scriptures , shewes slight waies how our well meaning fore-fathers may have slipped into such an Error , what is there to retaine those men from disagreeing with the rest of their Bretheren , and betake themselves to the Arrians ? And when the heat is past light upon some Rabbi , who shall cunningly exaggerate the absurdities , ( as he shall tearm them ) of the Trinitie , Incarnation ; Say our Saviour did strange things in vertue of some Constellation , and delivering these things so Oratorically , that for a new heat , some of these things shall seem more conformable then his Arrianisine , what then shall hinder this man to become a Jew , and at last to prove himself so great a Clerk as to write de tribus Impostoribus : Take away the power of the Church , which every man doth who taketh away the Infallibility , what can retaine any man why he should not yeeld to that discourse which seemeth fairest , seeing nothing is certaine ? And if you should meet with a book which should give probable solutions to the places of Scripture , and reasons which you now think prove the authority of the Church , and bring other ( though suppose but slight , yet such as may seem strong ) Arguments to prove it not infallible , and shew waies of the same kind , how your ancestors may have slipt in that , and by that into other errors , what is there to retaine you with the rest of your Bretheren , and betaking your selfe to us ? If you say this is impossible to be done , so think the Protestants , that the Arrians can give them no probable answer to their places of Scripture , and such as will seem so to some , is no imputation to their grounds , since so may , and do our Answers and Objections to some of you , who thereupon leave you , and yet you count not your grounds disparaged . For my part , I professe my self not onely to be an Anti-Trinitarian , but a Turk , whensoever more reason appeares to me for that , then for the Contrary , and so sure would you be too ; for the pretended infallibility of your Church could no longer hold you , if you thought you saw reason to beleeve it fallible , as you must do , if all weighed , more reason appeared of her adversaries side , either your proofes of her authority not to be probable , or else your Doctrinestaught by her , more contrary to reason , then her authority ( though probably founded , yet not upon demonstrations ) is sufficient to caution , and answer for ; It is true , so long as you stick to this hold upon the Roman Church , you are sure to receive no error , but which she offers you , ( and indeed you need not , for those are enough ) but that destroied ( which is apter to be destroied then most of the Protestants , as weaklier supported by reason ) then no error that a Protestant may fall into , but so may you too , and the other is but such a Priviledge , as I may have by sticking to the English Church , as well as you to the Roman ; And though this following your guide , may be able , as long as she keep her self , to keep you from some Ditches , into which you might otherwise fall , yet it may lead you unto others , and indeed there is no error but by this way you are liable too , yea , even of those which she now condemnes , since though she changed her opinion , which is neither impossible , nor unlawfull , yet you are by your blind obedience to believe that she had not , and to submit your understanding in this Question to some distinction , though without a difference . These things then I dislike in what you say . First , Your saying , as though there is nothing to retain a Protestant from being of any error , when it shall appeare more probable to him then Truth , therefore there were nothing to keep him from those errors , whereas you should have considered , that the greater probabilities may serve reasonably to hold him without a demonstration , and the evidence of the thing , without a guide , and that if those be not ground enough for a man to fix upon , in how ill estate are those of your Church , in the Question concerning the Church , in which they follow no guide , nor have any demonstration , but professe they yeeld to her authority , but upon prudentiall motives , which kind of arguments sure may as well , and as fixedly preserve a Protestant in `n Orthodox opinion against a Heretick , as the authoritie of the Church no surelier founded , can you against us : That every man should yeeld to that discourse which seemeeth fairest to him , I confesse , it is alwaies , not onelie safe and fit , but also necessarie , even for them who receive the Infallibilitie of the Church , since those who beleeve that , beleeve it , because that appeares fairest to them , and as you object to us , the possibilitie of being perswaded from the truth by some wittie Author , why thinke you not the same Author may possiblie too , appeare to you to destroy your prudentiall Motives , and so consequentlie your whole Faith , which is built upon the Church , which is built upon them . Secondlie , I diflike your seeming to beleeve , that any grounds , which are not demonstrative , are too slipperie to rest upon , as not onelie being contrarie to reason , but to your selfe , who told me before , that no more was required , then a maine advantage on one side , and that we had reason to be satisfied with Probabilities to guide our Actions in Religion , or since by them we were content to regulate all the other Actions of our life . Thirdlie , I dislike in your own parties behalfe your saying , that a Protestant is in good likelihood to turne Arrian ( for if you meane onelie that it is possible , it concernes you as much as them ) since this seemes to inferre , that the Scriptures doe make more probablie for them ( which if they did , it is not Heresie ) and to contradict all those , whom both parts call Fathers , who thinke enough plaine in Scripture , not onely to keepe , but also to convert men from Arrianisme , as it appeares , by their employing so solelie those Armes against them , that they needed the admonition of a Heretique , to counsell them to the use of another . Fourthlie , I dislike your saying , that after being made an Arrian , he is not unlikelie to turne Jew , especiallie , that he is likelie to be perswaded by any exaggeration of the Absurdities in the Trinitie , since both Grotius and other Authors , seeme to say , that the Jewes have their Trinitie too in the same Notion , and howsoever the Arrian is so fullie perswaded alreadie , that those are absurdities ( that perswasion being almost the forme of that opinion which constitutes him an Arrian ) yet the exaggeration of them can never worke upon him ; And for the Constellation you speak of , it were so irrationall , and so unprovable a Crotchet , that no Oratorie could ever make it seeme to a reasonable man , to have any inclination to sence ( and a foole may be made beleeve any thing , how contrarie soever to his grounds ) unlesse he be of those , who are given over to vaine imaginations , because they love darknesse better then the light , and the fault of no particular mens understanding or will , is to lead any man to condemne his grounds , for they are to be accused , not of whatsoever he concludes who holds ( or rather in this case hath held ) them , but onelie of what he concludes reasonablie according to them . Besides , for this cause it appeares strange to me , that trusting to Scripture alone , and without , meaning the Church , for my certaine guide , should bring a man into danger of parting with his Christianitie , since nothing can hold a man longer then he beleeves it , and as long as our ground , the Scripture , is by him beleeved , no man can possiblie turne either Atheist , or Jew ; and he who leaves to beleeve your ground , the Church , cannot by that be any more with-held from either : Besides that , I thinke it is impossible ( I am sure it is irrationall ) that any of you should beleeve in Christ , upon the authoritie of Christs Church , since beleeving the latter ( which claimes no authoritie but from Christ ) praesupposeth the beleife of him , and so Christianitie is not the apter to be overthrown through the absence of that , upon which it is not built : I feare rather , least your doctrine known to be grounded it selfe upon Tradition by such a way , according to which , a Jew would have much advantage of a Christian , may incline a man to Judaisme , and your sides generall slighting all waies of knowing Gods will , but onely by the Church , and then neither proving her power stronglier , nor teaching how to know her plainer , may make men sinke into Atheisme , by being perswaded by you , in letting goe other strong holds upon Truth , and receiving such weake ones from you . Not to speake of your loading Christianitie with such impossibilities as the Pillars of it , which are not absolute Demonstrations ( of which it may be scarce any thing is in nature capable but lines and numbers ) are able to beare , and using all your Wits and Industries to perswade men , that it is equallie unsafe to refuse any part of your Religion , as to receive none ; and so instead of making these your beleefs admitted for the sake of Christianitie , causing Christianitie to be rejected because of them . But peradventure some may attribute Power to the Church without infallibilitie , whom I would have consider but what himself saith . For his Church by the Power it hath must either say I command you to believe , or I command you to professe this , whether you believe me or no. The second , I think no enemy of equivocation will admit , and the former it is as much as if it should say , I know not whether I say true or no , yet you must think I say true . We having received a command , that all things be done decently , and in order , and this being to be appointed by them , whom either the Law of the Land , ( if that consist of faithfull ) or the consent or custome of Christians hath appointed , for Ecclesiasticall Rulers in this matter , in every place the Church ( thus restrained to the Governours of the Church ) may have in some cases ( though not to your purpose ) power without the least Infallibilitie . And for instruction ( which you aime at ) no Church can give it , yours especially being too large a body ever to meet or joyn in doing it , and if you restraine the Church to the Cleargie , ( whereof yet many teach not , and they too are too many for any man to be sure what they all agree in teaching , and when they differ , how shall I know which to follow , otherwise then by your Rule which I have answered ) their duty indeed , but not theirs onely , ( though Principally ) is to instruct us in the way to Heaven , which they doing in the Persons of Embassadors between God and us , and having no absolute Letters of Credence to bid us to beleeve that God saies , whatsoever they say , he saies , ( as much as can be wrested out of Scriptures for any present Church , being said of the Scribes and Pharisees , who yet proved themselves not infallible ) our best way is in my mind to examine their Commission , and if they can shew that they treat according to that , to submit to them , ( as in the same case we must to any of the Layetie ) or rather to God , of whose commands they are but Organs , and if not , to beware of their Leaven . Yet it may be that some man may hold that such an opinion is to be beleeved onelie , because such a Church proposeth it , and yet not believe her Infallible , since he may think her authoritie ( by reason of her Learning , Multitude , Sanctitie , Unitie and Libertie ) to be more probable then any contradicting argument , and that men are to assent to what is most probable , and truelie if he could prove to me his Major , I am alreadie so much of the opinion of his Minor , that I should joyne with him in his Conclusion . So that if I understand any thing , where there is no Infallibility , there is no Power ; where no Power , no Unity ; where no Unity , no Entity ; where no Entity , no Church . How you tie Power to Infallibilitie I guesse , but cannot how you tie Unitie to Power : For how many things are all men even at Unitie about , though one have no Power over another in them , onelie cemented together by their clear evidence : And how many more do whole Bodies , and Sects of men agree about without any such power , though they differ in other points , as so do you too ; Do not Protestants agree with you about manie , and the chiefest credenda , and about almost all the meerely facienda ? Though not perswaded to this agreement by the Power of any Judge which they do acknowledge ; Nay if men could be at Unitie about no thing , which were not proposed by some Guide , or defined by some Judge endued with such a power , how came all you to agree , that there is some such Guide and Judge required , since sure you receive not that upon its own authoritie , and if men may find the necessitie of a Guide and Judge , without any Guide or Judge , and remain in Unitie about that , why may they not also about whatsoever is clearly taught by God , which reason assures us to be all that is necessarie , and if you say that all things necessarie are not clearlie taught , because we do not ( though it proves not that we might not ) agree upon them , then I replie , that I may as well say , that neither is it cleare that there is a Guide , because we dissent from you in it , although receiving the authoritie of the Scripture ( out of which Cardinall Perron confesseth , that Saint Austine saith , that both the necessitie of your guide , the Church , and she her self , are to be known ) and reason , which as they may be plain in this point for you , and yet perswade us not , so may they be in all necessarie points , and yet we who make theirs our ground , not perswade one another . As little see I why there can be no Entitie nor Church , where there is no Unitie . For the first , though there be small Unitie among Christians , yet certainly Christians and their Religion have some Entitie , indeed if what you say were true , there were no Entitie in yours . For the second , I know not why two parties over-valuing their differences may not conceive each other to be none of the Church , and so declare even by excommunications , and yet remain both Parts of it , ( for if a Husband misse-suspecting his Wife of Adulterie , declare her to be no longer his Wife , this cannot make her give over being so , if the bond be indeed not broken ) as well as chrysostome and Epiphanius , both excommunicated by each other , and yet both Saints , or as particular men may by your own confession be interiorly in the Church , although seeming out of it , even to the Church her self , and so those be both of the Church between whom there is no Unity : For not onely in your own Cariophilus his words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but also though the persons have power , yet if the cause have not sufficiencie , I take you to agree , that an excommunication is but a brutum fulmen , as Victors of the Asian Bishops : The best therefore and strictest definition ( and which I think you will not refute ) which I can give for the Church , is ( especially in that sence , as out of it there can be no salvation ) those who are desirous to know Gods Will , ( or Christs at the strictest , for I am not certaine , nor I beleeve is it defined among you , whether an explicite knowledge of Christ be absolutely necessarie to Salvation , though I know no guiltlesse ignorance of him , can bring unavoidably upon any man eternall torments ) and ready , when known , to beleeve and follow it ; and sure many of these may eternally disagree even in points which are necessarie , abstracting from particular cases , and yet their differences not exclude them from the Church , and consequentlie a Church may be without Unitie , Quod erat demonstrandum . Now for the Controversies mentioned , besides that there is a meanes to terminate them , they be such as bring no breach of the ancient life and action of Christians , which all those opinions do , which for the most part are reputed to make Hereticks . You saw verie well , that if [ no Unitie , no Church ] were a true Proposition , yours hath in it differencies enough to destroy its being a Church , and therefore are faine to applie what salves you can , but all in vaine : For your meanes to terminate them , doth not make them not to be before they are terminated , and consequently by your Rule yours is no Church till then . Besides , their bringing to breach of the ancient life and action of Christians proves not but one of them may be a Heresie , since you say not your selfe , that all Heresies are such ; but onelie for the most part ; and indeed to prove that , you must be able to set down what those opinions are , which before a definition may make a Heretick , which I beleeve you will not venture to doe in haste , though we much desire it at your hands , that we may know if none of them be such . That some controversies amongst us are not resolved , is a thing necessarie amongst humane affaires , where things must have a time to be born , to encrease , to fall , and the greater things are , the greater is their Period . It is true , that some time to be taken notice of must passe between an opinions rising , and being condemned ; but that so long they should run on , and many of your Councels having since been held , is sure not necessarie , and shewes , that you esteem not Unitie so necessarie as you pretend : some opinions I am sure you can soon enough quash , as that not long since risen in Spaine concerning Fornication being but a Veniall Sin : And whereas you say , the greater things are , the greater their period , though this be ture in some things , yet not in this , for sure the greater a difference is , the greater necessitie is there that it be soon decided , and so if your decision have power to effect it , as you pretend among you it hath , it must fall as soon as it is born , like the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Creatures that live but a day . Wherefore I do not see why this may hurt the Church , more then the suits , which hang in our Courts , prejudice the government of the Land. If any of these opinions be of that importance , as that though uncondemn'd the Holders are Hereticks , as some may be , and my definition being concluded of such among you , some of these may be some of them , then sure they hurt the Church much , and more then the Suites hurt the Government , which their hanging hurts not at all , though it hurts ( sometimes unavoidablie ) the Parties . But if where there is no Unitie , there were no Common-wealth , as you say , where there is no Uuitie , there can be no Church , then the Government were much prejudic'd by the Suits , as your Church by this rule , is made no Church by the differences ; And indeed if men were not agreed about the power of the Governours ( as you are not about some of your questions ) it must be a maime to the government of any Common-wealth , as consequentlie these are to the goverment of your Church . The last point of the Authors discourse is , to shew how errors might have crept in , wherein I shall have no opposition with him , for I doe not thinke the question is , how they should creep in , but how they should be kept out . Here Sir , I cannot but beleeve , that you intended to refresh your selfe with some Mirth , as with Musicke between the Acts ; for though both our ends be , that errors should not creep in , yet the question was , whether it were possible that they might creepe in , and to my affirmative part it conduced to shew those waies , by which either they have entred , or easilie might doe so , this shewing how they may steale in , teacheth how to keep them out , as it is an aide to the saving of a Town , to discover the breaches , which cannot be guarded without they be first known . For the Fluxibility of humane Nature is so great , that it is no wonder if errors should have crept in , the wayes being so many ; but it is a great wonder of God that none should have crept in . This neverthelesse I may say , if the Author will confesse , as I thinke he will not deny , but that it is disputable , whether any error in sixteen Ages hath crept in , this very thing is above Nature . For if there were not an excellency beyond the nature of corruptible things , it would be undeniably evident , that not one or two , but thousands of errors had quite changed the shape of the Church in so many yeares , tempests , dis-unions , want of Commerce in the body of the Church . The greater wonder it were , if your Church had no error , the greater it is to me , that upon one , at most but probable , Reason , you should require all men to beleeve she hath none ; Neither doth it appeare to me disputable , whether she have or no , but evident , that she hath , not by Demonstrations , yet by Probabilities of that multitude , and weight upon which you say ( and say trulie ) that in all other cases we relie , and venture that we most esteem : whereas indeed you , as you are of the imposing Partie , ought to bring at least such proofes , that you are fallen into none , and as you are of the Infallibilitie-pretending-partie , your proofes are likewise to rise from probable to Infallible : Neither doe I conceive it to be probablie argued , it is disputable , whether this bodie of men have ever let in any error , therefore it can never let in any , since it is at least as disputable , whether the Grecians have let in any , yet you will not allow , that upon this we should adjudge to her Infallibilitie : Nay if it were demonstrative , that your Church had yet never erred , yet it would but unwillinglie follow , that she never could , since all things necessarie are so plaine ( without the confession of which you seeme to tax God ) and it is naturallie so plaine what is plaine , that I cannot but thinke it a miracle , that some one bodie of Christians among so many , should be free from any such dogmaticallie-defended error , especiallic if Truth were so indifferentlie sought after as it ought to be , and Passion were not often called to counsell , and Reason shut out of doores . But this one Maxime , that she receiveth her Faith by Tradition , and not from Doctors hath ever kept her entire : And he that will shew the contrary , must shew how it should come to passe , that those , who lived in such an Age , would say unto our Children , this we received from our fore-fathers , as taught them by our fore-fathers , to have been received from Christ and his Apostles from hand to hand , which if it could not be , the question is resolved , that no error is in the Church of God , which holdeth her faith upon that Tenure . Not to repeat , usque ad nauseam , what I have heretofore answered , as that others differing from you , hold upon the same Tenure that your selves have not alwaies held , nor hold not upon it , &c. I will onelie tell you what Cardinall Perron tels me of the Jewes out of Isidore , and that is , that they seeing in the book of Wisedome so cleare proofes of Christ , plotted together to put it out of the Canon , which serves not so much his turne , if it were so , as it makes against yours , and shews how that might come to passe , which you judge impossible , the Posteritie of the Jewes having been deceived by this Complot ; although pretending at least , and for ought appeares , beleeving that the Tradition of their Church is still uncorrupted . And truely if the Author desires to examine divers Religions , let him look their maine ground wherein they relie , and see whether that be good or no : And I think amongst Christians he shall find but two , Tradition , and Scripture , First , I allow not of your division , for not to say now that you relie not onely upon Tradition , these Protestants , whose part in this I take , depend not onelie upon Scripture , but upon Universall Tradition too , from which they receive that , and would more , if more seemed as clearly to them so to be delivered . Secondly , I think it reasonable not onely to examine what their Principles are , but whether they do constantly follow them , for a man may write awrie , that hath a streight Ruler , if he observe it not carefully . And the Catholiques onely to relie upon Tradition , and all the rest upon Scripture ; and he shall see , that relying upon Scripture cannot draw to an Unitie those who relie upon it , and more then one cannot relie upon Tradition . If all that relie upon Tradition be Catholicks , you must admit the Eastern Churches into your Communion , although you now account them both Scismaticks and Hereticks : If all Catholicks do relie upon Tradition as their onelie grounds , and Tradition be so sure and infallible , and unmistakable a deliverer , as you would perswade us , how come so manie differences between you , some ever counting those things matter of Faith which others do not ; which differences shew , if they all relie on these Questions , upon the ground you say they do , that more then one may relie upon Tradition , and neither can Tradition , any more then Scripture , draw to an Unitie , those who relie upon it ; if either neither part do , or either do not , then Tradition is not the Common Tenure of Catholicks , ( not onelie in different opinions , but even in such as are most de fide , and as both parts think nothing but a definition ( and some scarce that ) to make the Holders of the contrary to them Hereticks ) since if it were , neither could one part of Catholicks relie upon any other then the Catholick ground , neither is it to be doubted , but that side which builds their opinion upon an Hereticall foundation against another , beleeved upon a Catholick ground , would long agone have been among you exploded , and the Pope have been not onelie with so much paines perswaded , but even of himselfe readie to have past his censure upon them ; if not for their superstructions , yet for their foundation . If I will be a Christian , I must be of one side . If you mean I must be of one side , that is take one of these grounds , I answer , That I take both one from the other , Scripture from Tradition , though not from the present Tradition of a Part , but from the Universall one of the first Christians opposed by none , but by them , who were instantlie counted by the generallitie heterodox , and as soon opposed as known . If you mean that I must be of one side in points , I whollie denie any such necessitie . By falling on the one side , I see my fortune in thousands who have gone before me , to wit , that I shall be to seek all my life time , as I see they are , and how greatlie they magnifie verie weak pieces . On the other side , I see everie man who followeth , as farr as he followeth it , is at quiet . I see not but the greatest part of those who take the ground which you mislike , are yet setled and confident enough in their opinion , and if they continued alwaies seeking Truth for the love of it , I know not why they should be the lesse likely to find Heaven : Neither think I that you will say ( nay it is plaine by your own words , that you will not say ) that Saint Austine had been damned if he had died in his search , nor consequently any other in his case . And whereas you say , that all who follow the other , are at quiet as farr as they follow it , I answer , So are all who fixedly beleeve themselves to follow an infallible ( although indeed a false ) Guide , as the Mahumetans , being led by their Mufty , : Which proves Quiet , no sufficient caution for Truth , nor Securitie for Safetie , and that , supposing yours the more easie and satisfying way , it followes not that it is the more reasonable : And for what you say of a mans duty to judge himself rigorously , whether he seek as he ought , I subscribe to that opinion , and approve of your Councell . Besides this , he must have this care , that he seek what the Nature of the subject can yeeld , and not as these Physitians , who when they have promised no lesse then immortality , can at last onely reach to some conservation of health , or youth in some small degree ; So I could wish the Author well to assure himself , First , that there is possible an infallibilitie , before he be to earnest to be contented with nothing lesse . For , what if humane nature should not be capable of so great a good , would he therefore think fitting to live without any Religion , because he could not get such a one as himself desired , though with more then a mans wish . What you now say , I confesse is very rationall , ( as indeed all you say , is as much as your cause will suffer ) and I require you not therefore to prove your opinions to be infallible by infallible arguments , as necessarie to be done in it self , but as necessarie to be done by them , of whose opinions their Churches infallibilitie is not onelie a part , but a ground , and that the chief , if not the onelie one , and of which an infallible certaintie is the first and main condition of their Communion , and our want of it , one of their maine Objections against us . He that will make a judgement in an Art he is not Master in , if he be deceived , it is to be imputed to himself . The Phrase commandeth us to believe every man in his Art , he who knoweth and understandeth himselfe beleeveth not . Therefore when wee see Masters in an Art , we are not skild in , oppose us , we may beleeve we are in the wrong , which will breed this Resolution in the Author of the discourse , that if himself be not skild in all those waies in which he pursues his search , he must find himself obleiged to seek Masters , who be both well skilled , and the matter being subject to faction also , very honest , and upright men , or else he doth not quitt himself before God. Truelie I am farr from being Master either in this or any other Art , but if for this cause I ought to doubt , and because much learneder persons oppose me , I ought to beleeve my self in the wrong , then so ought those of your part to do ; who are as Ignorant as I , we having many much more learned then they who oppose them , and take our part , though therefore I think not of my self ( what Tully in a Complement would perswade one of his Friends , that Nemo est qui sapientius mihi possit suadere meipso , yet I dare not chuse ( as you would have me ) some Master to search for me , and beleeve him blind-fold , ( though if I would , I see no cause why to chuse any from among you , who have so many able Teachers at home ( for you confessing that the matters are subject to Faction , and it being certaine , that not onelie who are honest is impossible to be known , but that eagernesse and desire to have , what they think Truth , prevaile , makes even the honest men sometimes deviate from the line of exact honestie , and lie for God , which he not onelie needs not , but forbids , ( as is to be seen too frequentlie in the Quotations of both sides ) I conceive it the best way to follow my own Reason , since I know I have no will to cozen my self , as they may have to cozen me : Especially since neither could I build upon such a way , an assent of such a degree , as your Church requires , since such Masters , although learned , which I being unlearned may be deceived in , and honest , which all men might be deceived in , yet not infallible , could not in reason make me infallibly certaine of the Orthodoxnesse of that side , which they should chuse for me : So that what was said by the Pagan Solomon Socrates , ( who yet was no confident man of his knowledge ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is my resolution too , and indeed in effect if not whollie , yet almost every mans , for those who trust their Reason least , yet trust it in this , that some other instead of it is to be trusted , and so chuse who they are to trust , against which the Arguments either from the fallibilitie of Reason in generall , or in this particular remaine equally , an ignorant man being as likely to be deceived in the choice of his Guide , as in that of his Way , and that course being rather the shorter then the better , as venturing in the same , and no stronger a Bark , onelie venturing all his wealth at once . It is not all one not to incurre damnation for infidelitie , and to be in state of damnation ; for the man to whom infidelitie is not imputed , may be in state of damnation for other faults ; as those were , who having known God by his works , did not glorifie him as they ought . That men may be damned for other faults concernes not our Question , nor indeed is any . Nay , they may be damned for want of Faith , and yet not be damned for incredulitie , As for example sake , if when they have sinned , they know not what meanes to have them forgiven , though they be without fault in not beleeving , neverthelesse dying without Remission of sin , they are not in state to come to life everlasting . This concernes no Christians , none of which that I know differs from you in the necessarie meanes of obtaining forgivenesse for sinnes , for though you require Confession , yet you allow that Contrition will save without it : Neither do I believe , but an imperfect Repentance caused through faultlesse Ignorance , of what it is for it to be perfect , will still be accepted by him who reguards the Heart more then the Action ; indeed onelie the Action , because of the Heart , and knowes , that if he use not the appointed meanes , it is onelie because he knowes it not , else considering the manie impositions from above the great frailtie within , and the great and manie temptations without , so that to fall into no sin , were morally impossible , he who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 generally observed what he counted himself bound to observe , if for some faults which he was after heartilie sorry for , and had sincerelie reformed , he should be damned for want of knowing more , how to purge himself from them then he could possiblie know , God would not be desirous of the Salvation of all men , and it would seem agreeable to no Mercy , nor to any Justice , except that Summum jus , which ever hath been thought condemnable in man , and consequentlie incompatible in God. As the man who should venture into a wood without a Guide , although he did his best to have a guide , nothing lesse might fall out of his way as well as he who neglected the taking of one ; so if God sent us his Son to shew us the way of Salvation , as well is he like not to be saved who never heard of such a way , as he that heard of it and neglected it , for neither of the two goeth that way : And who goeth not on the way , is not like to come to the end . The way is beleeving and obeying Christ , for them to whom He and his Commands are sufficientlie proposed , I mean so , that it is their fault if they know them not : In generall then , it is seeking the Truth impartially , and obeying diligently what is found sincerely , and who treads this way , though he misse of Truth , shall not misse of his favour who is the Father of it , and if he be excluded Heaven , sure God meant that he should never come thither , and desires not that he and all else should , else he would not have proposed onelie such a way , which if it were possible for any to misse without his own fault , and which he knew that many would . Truely , that no opinion , that no error is a sin without the cause of it be one ; and that God is not displeased with any man for not seeing what it is not his fault that he doth not see , is agreeable to the common Notions of Justice , and God , and it is a verie good Negative way to trie superstructions by , to see whether they agree with these grounds of all Religion , whereof , rather then beleeve such men should be damned , I would beleeve they should be annihilated , or keep your Children companie , and have poenam damni , though not sensus . I know God is good and mercifull : But I know his decrees as farr as we know are dispenced by the order of second Causes , and where we see no second Causes , we cannot presume of the effects ; and how am I assured he will send Angels to illuminate such men as do their endeavonrs , that their Soules may not perish . A carefull search of Gods , and inclusively Christs will , and readinesse to obey it , is second Cause enough ; For , for want of that second cause , we must not suppose any thing to the dishonour of of the First . As to beleeve , that they should be so punisht who do their endeavours , is to lay their damnation to Gods charge : One of the chiefe waies with which the Ancients opposed the Pagans , was shewing them that their Religion taught such things of their Gods , as no Reason would allow not to be dishonourable to the Diety . Now truely , if when by this Argument we have rooted out the Pagan Gods , we lay as strange imputations upon the God of the Christians , what effect is it likely to produce , but onely to make men call for their old Gods againe , and think that we had as good kept those , who delighted in the Sacrifices of men , who deposed their Fathers , and eat their Children , as have changed hardly for the better . It is reported in the Ecclesiastical Historythat a Painter for drawing Christ in the likenesse of Jupiter , had his hand dried up , and certainlie they who figure him to themselves , and others with Attributes so contrary to his , and more fit for a Jupiter , do him much more wrong , then if they had drawn him Tela trisulca tenentem , with a thunder bolt in his hand . What Master , Father , or King , would not be esteemed a Tyrant , who should inflict not onelie an infinite , and an eternall , but a slight and a short punishment upon a Servant , Child , or Subject , for not doing when commanded , what the Commanders saw with all his endeavours , which he had diligently applied , he could not do ; and shall we lay such an aspersion upon that God , ( who though he be Justice it self , is more Mercifull then Just , who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Father of Mercies ) as that like a Pharaoh , he should exact Brick , when there is no possibilitie of getting Straw . You may beleeve what you think fit , but rather then I will beleeve that any mans Soule that hath done his endeavours , not onelie shall , but that it is possible it should perish , ( although not illuminated by Angels , which yet , if Illumination were necessarie , I know some way or other he should have ) rather then I will beleeve , either that any be damned for what is no sin , or that sin is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 somewhat out of our power , ( which if we thought , it would be soon out of our care ) rather then when God hath so often told us , That he desires not the death of a sinner , I will give him the lie ; and say , that he desires his damnation , even as a Creature without any reference to his sin , by chalking out onelie such a way from Hell , which it-was impossible for his search to lead him into , and so make him as much a worse Father then Satan , as to damne is worse then to devoure ; rather I say then this , I will make yours , or the Pagan Legend , Ovids Metamorphosis , my Creed ; nor would I be a member of the Christian Church , if this beliefe were a necessarie part of Christian Religion , but should crie out with Averroes , ( whom Transubstantiation kept a Pagan ) Sit anima mea cum Philosophis , for the excellencie , and puritie of the doctrine in all other points tending wholly to the honour of God , and the common happinesse of man , the sanctified life , constant sufferings , and wonderfull Miracles of the Divulgers of it , the wonderfull progress of it , ( not a much lesse Miracle then they ) the weak things of the World confounding the strong , and Fishermen confuting Philosothers , that a Doctrine so strict and contrarie to humane desires , and not onelie barring from so much pleasure and glory , but also makeing the Sectators liable to such crueltie and contempt , should perswade so manie , and so wise persons to leave present things in hope of future , all this and whatsoever else , any Raimond , Seband , Vives , Plesiis , Charron , or Grotius , could either more sharply designe , or more eloquentlie expresse , would not reasonablie prevaile , if such a block as such a Doctrine were laid in the way , ( of which sort your Religion hath yet more ) and that one dead flie would corrupt the whole ointment ; the excellencie of the rest of the Doctrine of Christianitie would be thought the Art , and the great and and manie miracles would be thought the Act of some evill Genius , such as befriended Apollonius , to ensnare men by those meanes into the beleef of that opinion , which so much derogates from the Maker of things , and the prevailing of it , though a very probable argument , would not serve for a Passe-Port to such an impossibilitie . But farr more do I doubt , whether ever man , who had not the way of Christ , or even of those who walked in it , did ever do his best ( except some few , and very few , perhaps not two of Christ his greatest Favourites ) and was not so culpable , that his Perdition would not have been imputed unto himself . God of his mercie put us in the score of those of whom he saith , He will take pittie upon whom he pleaseth , and Compassion of them he pittieth . How few their number is we will not dispute , since Gods justice is in them vindicated , and they , not He , the Author of their damnation . But neither beleeve I , that God is so rigorously just , as to stand readie to catch at a slip , ( like an Usurer for the forfeiture of a bond ) but is of long suffering and Patience , and will as well accept our Repentance , ( joyned with amendment for this neglect in our search , as for other sinns : Howsoever I am so farre from thinking your prayer needlesse , that I both thank you for it humbly , and joyne with you in it heartilie ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To conclude , I am to make two very contrary excuses ; The one that my Paper hath left some things in yours unanswered : The other , that I have answered others too often . Of the first , I protest ( which the Reader will beleeve me in ) nothing is left out , in which I conceived any weight of Argument lay , but onelie such things , as though they were superfluous for the Logick , yet conduced to the Rhetorick of your work , an eloquent Treatise , being alwaies like a hopefull young Man , in quo aliquid amputandum . Of the Second , My Method , or rather my no Method was one , and your own Repetitions another Reason , so that you may the better pardon me that fault , of which your self are a partie-cause . But to seale up all , I desire you , that how little assent soever you give to my Arguments , you will be pleased to give credit to my Assertions , when I seriously professe my selfe , Your very much obliged and thankfull Servant . Mr. Walter Montague his Letter to the Lord of Faulkland . My Lord , AFter much debate concerning the fittest expression of my duty to your Lordship , whether I ought by silence , seek to suspend your beleife of the declaration of my selfe , I have made here , or by a clear profession of it , assure you of what I may onely feare to present you with , as apprehensive of a mis-interpreted affection ; I conclude , what was most satisfactory to my first , and immediate duty to God , was most justifiable to my second , and derivative to Nature . Therefore I resolved so soone , to give you this ingenious accompt of my selfe : The greatest part of my life capable of distinction of Religions , hath been imployed in places , and conversant with persons , opposite to the Faith I was bred in , therefore it had been strange , if Naturall curiosity , without any spirituall provocation , had not invited to the desire of looking with mine own eyes upon the foundation I stood upon , rather there holding fast blindfold by my education , to agree to be carried away alwayes after it , insensible of all shocks I met to unfasten me , and besides , I was solicited with the reproaches Protestants presse upon Catholicks , that they blindly beleeve all the Impostures of the Church , without any illumination of the Judgements , this my thoughts injoyned , the clearest information of my selfe of the differences between us I could propose to my capacity . So at my last journey into Italy , I did imploy all my leasure to a more justifiable settlement of my beleife , as I then imagined , by a confirmation of my judgement , in what had been introduced by my birth and education . I began with this consideration , that there were two sorts of questions between the Catholicks and Protestants , the one of Right or Doctrine , the other of Fact or Story ; As this , whether Luther were the first Erector of the Protestants Faith , whether it had a visible appearance of Pastors and Teachers before his time , I resolved to begin my enquiry with the Question of Fact , for these Reasons . First , Because they were so few , and so comprehensible by all capacities , and the controversies of doctrine so intricate , and so many , as they required much time and learning for their disquisition , onely I found my selfe unprovided for both those requisitions for this undertaking , and for the decision of the other , I needed not much presumption to beleeve my selfe a competent Judge , when it consisteth onely in the perusall of authentique Testimonies . Secondly , I considered , that there was no one point of controverted doctrine whereon all the rest depended , but that this one Question of Fact was such , as the dicision of it determined all the rest , for if Luther could be proved to be the Innovatour of the Protestants faith , it was necessary evicted , of not being the true ancient Apostolicall Religion . Therefore I began with this enquiry , which Protestants are bound to make to answer to this Objection , to find out an existence of some Professors of the reformed Doctrines before Luthers time : for finding the Catholicks were not obligedto prove the Negative , it was my part , to prove to my selfe the Affirmative , that our Religion was no innovation by some pre-existence before that , but in the perusall of all the Stories or Records , Eccesiasticall , or Civill , as I could choose , I could finde no ancienter a dissention from the Roman Church then Waldo , Wickliffe , or Husse , whose cause had relation to the now-professed Protestancy , so as I found an intervall of about eight hundred yeares from the time , that all the Protestants confesse a Unity with the Church of Rome down to those persons , without any apparent profession of different Faith. To answer my selfe in this point , I read many of our Protestant Authors who treated of it , and I found most of them reply to this sence , in which I cite here one of the most authentique , Doctor Whitaker in his Controversie 2. 3. pag. 479. where they aske of us , where our Church was heretofore for so many Ages ? We answer , that it was in secret solitude , that is to say , it was concealed , and lay hid from the sight of men , and further , the same Doctor , Chap. 4. pag. 502. our Church alwayes was ; but you say it was not visible , doth that prove that it was not ? No , for it lay hid in a solitary concealment ; to this direct sence , were all the answers that ever I could meet to this Objection ; I repeat no more , these places being so positive to our point . This confession of Invisibilitie in our Church for so many ages did much perplex me , it seemed to me , even to offend Naturall reason , such a derogation from Gods power or providence , as the sufferance of so great an Ecclipse of the light of this true Church , and such a Church as this is described to be , seeming to me repugnant to the maine reason , why God hath a Church on Earth , which is to be conserver of the Doctrine , Christs precepts , and to conveigh it from age to age , untill the end of the world . Therefore I applyed my study , to peruse such arguments as the Catholicks brought for the proofe of a continuall visibility of the true Church down from the Apostles time in all Ages , and apparance of Doctors teaching and administring the Sacrament , in proofe of this I found they brought many provisoes of the Scripture , but this text most literall , of the fourth of the Ephesians , Christ hath placed in his Church , Pastors and Doctors , to the consummation of the saints , till we meet in the Unity of the Faith , and next the discourse , upon which they inferre this necessary visible succession of the Church , seemed to me , to be a most rationall and convincing one , which is to this effect , Naturall Reason not being able to proportion to a man a cause that might certainly bring him to a state of supernaturall happinesse , and that such a cause being necessary to mankinde , which otherwise would totally faile of the end it was created for , there remained no other way , but that it must be proposed unto us by one , whose authority we could not of , and that in so plaine a manner , as the simplest may be capable of it as well as the learned . This work was performed by our Saviour , from whose mouth all our Faith is originally derived , but this suceeding age not being able to receive it immediate from thence , it was necessary it should be conveyed unto them that lived in it , by those that did receive it from Christs own Mouth , and so from Age to Age untill the end of the world ; and in what Age soever this thred of doctrine should be broken it must needs be acknowledged for the reason above mentioned , that the light , which should convey mankind through the darknesse of this world , was extinguished , and mankind is left without a Guide to infallible ruine , which cannot stand with Gods providence and goodnesse , which Saint Austine affirmes for his opinion , directly in his book de Util. Cred. Cap. 16. saying , If divine providence doe preside over humane affaires , it is not to be doubted , but that there is some authoritie constituted by the same God , upon which going , as upon certaine steps , we are carried to God ; nor can it be said he meant the Scriptures onely by these steps , sinoe experience shewes us the continuall alteration about the right sence of severall of the most important places of it , that what is contained there , cannot be a competent rule to mankind , which consisteth more of simple then leanned men ; and besides , the Scriptures must have been supposed to have been kept in some hands , whose authority must beget our acceptance of it , which being no other thing then the Church in all Ages , we have no more reason to beleeve , that it hath preserved the Scriptures free from all corruption , then that it hath maintained it selfe in a continuall visibility , which Saint Augustine concludeth to be a marke of the true Church , in these words , in his book Cont. Cecill . 104. The true Church hath this certaine signe , that it cannot be hid , therefore it must be known to all Nations ; but that part of the Protestants is unknown to many , therefore cannot be the true ; no inference can be stronger then from hence , that the concealement of a Church disproves the truth of it . Lastly , not to insist upon the allegation of the sence of all the Fathers of the Church in every severall Age , which seemed to me most cleare ; that which in this cause weighed much with me , was the confession and testimony of the approved Doctors themselves of the Protestant Church , as Hooker in his Book of Eccles. Pol. pag. 126. God alwaies had , and must have some visible Church upon Earth : and Doctor Field , the first of Eccles. cap. 10. It cannot be , but those that are the true Church must be known by the profession of truth ; and further , the same Doctor sayes , How should the Church be in the world , and nobody professe openly the saving truth of God ; and Doctor White in his defence of the Way , chap. 4. pag. 790. The providence of God hath left Monuments and Stories for the confirmation of our faith ; and I confesse truly , that our Religion is false , if a continuall descent of it cannot be demonstrated by these monuments down from Christs time ; this appeareth unto me a direct submission of themselves , to produce these apparent testimonies of the publique profession of their faith , as the Catholiques demand ; but this I could never read , nor know of any that performed ; for Doctor White himselfe , for want of proofe of this , is faine to say in another place in his Way to the Church , pag. 510. The Doctors of our faith , hath had a continuall succession , though not visible to the world , so that he flies from his undertaking of a conspicuous demonstration of the monuments of his faith , to an invisible subterfuge , or a beleife without apparance ; for he saith , in the same book in another place , pag. 84. All the eternall government of the Church may faile , so as a locall and personall succession of Pastors may be interrupted ; and pag. 403. We doe not contest for an externall succession , it sufficeth that they succeed in the doctrine of the Apostles and Faithfull , which in all ages did imbrace the same Faith ; so as here he removeth absolutely all externall proofe of succession , which before he consented to be guided by . I cannot say , I have verbally cited these Authors , because I have translated these places , though the Originall be in English , yet I am sure , their sence is no way injured ; and I have chosen to alledge Doctor Whites authority , because he is an Orthodox Professor of the Protestant Church ; the reflection of the state of this question , where I found the Protestants defend themselves , onely by flying out of sight , by confessing a long invisibility in their Church in apparance of Pastors and Doctors ; the same interpretation left me much loosened from the fastnesse of my professed Religion , but had not yet transported me to the Catholique Church , for I had an opinion , that our Divines might yet fill up this vacancy with some more substantiall then I could meet with , so I came back into England , with a purpose of seeking nothing so intentively as this satisfaction , and to this purpose I did covertly ( under another mans name ) send this my scruple to one , whose learning and sufficiency I had much affiance in , in these termes , whether there was no visible succession to be provedin the Protestant Church , since the Apostles time down to Luther , and what was to be answered to that Objection , besides the Confession of invisibility for so many ages , to this I could get no other answer , but that the point had been largely and learnedly handled by Doctor White , and many other of our Church : upon this I resolved to informe my selfe in some other points , which seemed to me unwarrantable and suspitious in the Ceremonies of the Romane Church , since I had such aninducement as so little satisfaction in a point that seemed to me so essentiall ; andin all these scruples , I found mine own mistake in the beleife of the Tenents of the Romane Church , gave me the onely occasion of scandall , not the practise of their doctrines , and to confirme me in the satisfaction of all them , I found the practise and authority of most of the ancient Fathers , and in the Protestant refutations of these doctrines , the recasations of their authorities , as men that might erre , so that the question seemed then to me , whether I would rather hazard the erring with them , then with the latter Reformers , which consequently might erre also in dissenting from them : I will not undertake to dispute the severall Tenents controverted , nor doubt that your Lordship will suspect , that I omitted any satisfaction in any of them , since my resolution , of reconciling my selfe to the Romane Church , is not liable to any suspition of too forward or precipitate resignation of my selfe , my judgement perchance may be censured of seducement , my affection cannot be of corruption . Upon these reasons I did , soone after my returne last into England , reconcile my selfe to the Romane Catholique Church , in the beleife and convincement of it , to be the true ancient and Apostolicall by her externall markes , and her internall objects of faith and doctrine ; and in her I resolve to live and dye , as the best way to Salvation : When I was in England I did not study dissimulation so dexterously , as if my fortune had read it to me , nor doe I now Legacie , for I doe not beleeve it so dangerous , but it may recover , for I know the Kings wisedome is rightly informed , that the Catholique Faith doth not tend to the alienation of the Subject , it rather super-infuseth a Reverence and Obedience to Monarchie , and strengthens the bands of our obedience to our Naturall Prince , and his Grace and vertion of them from the naturall usuall exercise of themselves , upon those that have the honour to have beene bred with approbation of fidelity in his service , nor can I feare , that your Lordship should apprehend any change in my duty , even your displeasure ( which I may apprehend upon the mis-interpreted occasion ) shall never give me any of the least recession from my duty , in which profession I humbly aske your blessing ; as Your Lordships obedient Sonne Paris 21. Novemb. 1635. The Lord of Faulklands Answer to a Letter of Mr. Mountague , justifying his change of Religion , being dispersed in many Copies . I was desired to give my opinions of the Reasons , and my Reason if I misliked them ; having read and considered it , I was brought to be perswaded . First , because having been sometimes in some degrees movedwith the same Inducements , I thought that what satisfied me , might possibly have the same effect upon him . Secondly , because I being a Lay man , a young man , and an Ignorant man , I thought a little Reason might in liklyhood work more from my Pen , then more from theirs , whose Profession , Age , and Studies might make him suspect , that it is they are too hard for him , and not their Cause for his . Thirdly , Because I was very desirous to do him service , not onelie as a man , and a Christian , but as one , whom all that know him inwardly , esteeme of great parts , ( and I am desirous somewhat to make up my great want of them , by my respect to those that have them ) and as an impartiall secker of Truth , which I trust he is , and I professe my self to be , and so much for the cause of this paper : I come now to that which it opposeth . FIrst then , whereas he defends his search , I suppose he is rather for that to receive praise , then to make Apologies , all men having cause to suspect that gold which were given with this condition , that the Receiver should not trie it by any Touchstone . Secondly , He saith , that there being two sorts of Questions , the one of Right , or Doctrine , the other of Fact , or Story ; As whether the Protestants Faith had a visible appearance before Luther , he resolved to begin his enquiry with the matter of Fact , as being sooner to be found , ( because but one ) and easier to be comprehended : To this I answer , by saying , that if they would not appeale from the Right Tribunall , or rather Rule , which is the Scripture , those many might casier be ended then this one , ( we building our Faith onely upon plaine places , and all reasonable men , being sufficient of what is plain ) but if they appeal to a consent of Fathers , and Councells , where of many are lost , many not lost not to be gotten , many uncertaine whether Fathers or no Fathers , and these , which we have , and know , being too many for almost any industrie to read over , and absolutely for any memory to remember , ( which yet is necessarie , because anyone clause of any one Father , destroies a consent ) and being besides liable to all the exceptions which can be brought against the Scriptures , being the Rule , as difficulty , want of an infallible Interpreter , and such like , and being denied to have any infallibility , ( especially when they speak not as witnesses , which a consent of them never doth against us ) by one partie , which the Scripture is allowed to have by both , then I wonder not if he think such a way so uncertaine , and so long , that he was willing to chuse any shorter cut , rather then travell it : Neither do I beleeve this other to be so short , or so concluding as he imagines , for if he consider the large extent of Christian Religion , so that we know little from any indifferent Relator of the opinions of the Abissins , so great a part of Christendome , if he consider the great industry of his Church in extinguishing those whom they have called Hereticks , and also their Books , so that we know scarce any thing of them , but from themselves , ( who are too partiall to make good Historians ) if he consider how carefully they stop mens mouthes , ( even those of their own ) with their Indices expurgatorii , it will then appear to him both a long work to seek , and a hard one to find , whether any thought like Luther in all Ages , and that he concludes very rashly , who resolves that there was none , because he cannot find any , since they might have been visible in their times , and yet not so to us , ( for men are not the lesse visible when they are so , for not being after remembered ) as a man may be a Gentleman , though he know not his pedigree : So that as I will not affirm that there were alwaies such , because I cannot prove it , so neither ought they to make themselves sure there were none , without they could prove that which is impossible , and therefore no Argument can be drawn from thence ; and if it could be proved , that such a no-waies-erring Church must at all times be , I had rather beleeve that there were still such , though we know them not , which may be true , then that theirs is it , which in my opinion cannot . Thirdly , He saies that he could find no one point of controverted Doctrine , whereupon all the rest depended , but that this one Question of Fact was such , as the decision of it determined all the rest . To this I answer , That the Question of the Infallibilitie of the Pope , at least of those who adhere to him , which they call the Church , is such a one , as if determined , must determine all the rest , and not onely to us , but to all men , whereas this ( though granted necessarie , and determined to his wish ) would indeed conclude against us , but not for them , since the Greek Church would put in as good a Plea upon the Title of Visibility , as that of Rome , and he would be to begin anew with them when he had ended with us . Fourthly , He gives his reason , If Luther could be evicted to be the Innovator , his Religio is then evicted of not being the true ancient an and Apostolicall . To this I answer , by confessing the consequence ; but he might be the Renovator , and not the Innovator , and then no such consequence followes . Fifthly , He saies we are bound to find an existence of some Professors of the reformed Religion before Luther , which requirie is bound upon his supposition of the necessitie of a continuall succession of a visible , and no-waies erronious Church . Now I will first examine the sence of his tearms . By the first , I conceive [ by a place he cites out of Saint Austine , that he meanes visible to all Nations , but I pray , hath his been alwaies so , I mean at least ( for many Centuries ) to those Nations , which Columbus hath not long since discovered . By the second tearm Church , I suppose he meanes a Company of Christians holding neither more , or lesse then Christ taught , ( for in a more large sence , no man denies the Church to have been alwaies in some degrees visible ) and in this sence , I not onely deny it necessarie , that it should be alwaies visible , but that it should alwaies be , for I doubt whether there be , or for a long while , have been any such . Next , That such a one he meanes , appeares , because when Catalogues have been brought of some , who in all Ages have differed from them in things which we hold , his side would not accept of them , because they agreed not with us in all things , and yet when Campian intends to prove all the Fathers to be his , he useth onely this course of instancing , in some things wherein they agree with him , ( though sometimes not so much , but rather the contrary ought to be inferred , as in the instance of Polycarpus , for comparing his words with the Historie , it will appear , that he concluded him a Papist for not being perswaded by the Pope ) though they differed from them in many other , as indeed all the notable Fathers did in more then one point . I will therefore say , that if this be required to shewing that a Church hath been ever visible , it is more then either part can do , and therefore I hope they will come upon better consideration to confesse that not necessarie for us to do , which is impossible for themselves . For let any man look into Antiquitie , I will not say without all prejudice , but without an absolute Resolution of seeing nothing in it that contradicts his present beleefe , and if he find not some opinions of the Church of Rome as unknown unto Antiquity , as either he , or I ; as the Popes Indulgences having power to deliver out of Purgatorie , confest by Bishop Fisher , and Alphonsus de Castro , where they treat of Indulgences , if he find not others at first unknown , after known , but not held de fide , which are so at Rome , as Prayer to Saints , their enjoying the Beatificall Vision before the day of Judgement , the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin , and her being free from all actuall sin , if he find not some wholly unknown , and absolutely condemned , which we condemne , as the lawfullnesse of Picturing God the Father , whereof the first is confest by Barronius in the Margent to an Epistle of a Pope , which saies the same , and the latter to be found in many places of Saint Austine , Lactantius , and others , nay if he find not that all the Doctors , Saints , Martyrs of the two first Ages ( I mean as many as are now extant , and speak of it ) held something , which both parts condemne , as the opinions of the Chiliasts ; If I say , he find not this , or I shew him not that he might have found it , I professe I will be ready to spend my life for that Church , against which I now employ my Pen : So that this will be the end , neither of your Churches have been alwaies visible , onely the difference is this , that we are most troubled to shew our Church in the Latter , and more corrupt Ages , and they theirs in the first and purest , that we can least find ours at night , and they theirs at Noone . And whereas he expects that Doctor White should stand to this , to confesse his Religion false , if a continuall descent of it cannot be demonstrated , if he himself will please to grant as much as he exacts , if he but continue in this resolution , and in this search , I doubt no more but that he will soone leave to be a Papist , then I should doubt if I saw him now receiving the Communion in the Kings Chappell , that he had done it already . Sixtly , His Reasons for the necessitie of the Visibility follow , because the contrary were a derogation from Gods Power or Providence . I answer , To say he could not keep the Truth exactly in mens beleefe , were to derogate from Gods Power , to say he had not given sufficient meanes to find the Truth , and yet damned men for error , the first would be a derogation from his Providence , the second from his Justice , but to say he suffers men to erre , who neglect the meanes of not erring , and that he damnes none for a meer error , in which the will hath no part , and consequently the man no fault , derogates from none of the three , but saies he , this is repugnant to the maine reason why God hath a Church upon Earth , to be the conserver of the Doctrine of Christ , and to conveigh it from Age to Age. I answer , To conserve it is every mans duty , but such as they may all faile in , and indeed is rather the the form of the Church , then the end of the Church , an exact conservation making an exact Church , and a lesse perfect conserving , a lesse perfect Church . As for conveighance of Doctrine , the whole Church conveighs none , whereof many ( if his be it ) have had but little conveighed to them . Particular Christians ( especially Pastors ) teach others , which it is every mans duty to do when he meets with them who want instruction , which he can give , and they are likely to receive , yet is not the instruction of others every mans maine end . But Mr. Mountague I know perswades him , that some body of men are appointed to conveigh this Doctrine which men are to receive , onely because they deliver it , and this I absolutely deny , for we receive no Doctrine from the Church upon the Churches authority , because we know her not to be the Church , till we have examined her Doctrine , and so rather receive her for it , then it for her . Neither for the conveighance of the Truth , is it necessarie that any company of men in all times hold it all , because some may conveigh some Truthes , and others another , out of which , by comparing their Doctrine with the Scripture , men may draw forth a whole and perfect body of Truth , and though they deliver few other Truthes , yet in delivering Scripture ( wherein all necessarie Truth is conteined ) they deliver all , and by that Rule , whosoever regulates his life and Doctrine , I am confident , that though he may mistake Error for Truth in the way , he shall never mistake Hell for Heaven in the end . Seventhly , His next reason is their common Achilles , the fourth of the Ephesians , which he chuseth onely to employ like his Triarios , his main Battle , leaving his Velites , his light-armed Souldiers , some places too allegoricall , even in his own opinion to stand examination . The words are these , He hath given some Prophets , some Apostles , some Evangelists , some Pastors , and some Doctors . For the instauration of the Saints , for the work of the Ministery , for the Edification of the body of Christ , till we all meet in the Unity of Faith , and the knowledge of the Son of God , unto a perfect man , and unto the measure of the Age of the fullnesse of Christ. That we may be no more Children tost and carried about with every wind of Doctrine , &c. Now out of this place I see not how a Succession may be evinced , rather I think it may , if that Apostle meant none . For first , He saith not I will give , but he hath given , and who could suppose that the Apostles could say , that Christ had given , then the present Pope and the Doctors who now adhere to him . Secondly , Allow that by what he hath given , were meant he hath promised , ( which would be a glosse not much unlike to that which one of the most wittie , and most eloquent of our Modern Divines , Doctor Donne , notes of Statuimus ( i ) abrogamus ) yet since these severall Nounes are governed by the same Verb , and no distinction put , it would prove as well a necessitie of a continuall Succession of Apostles , Prophets , and Evangelists , as of Pastors , and Doctors , which is more then either they can shew , or pretend they can , so that it seemes to me to follow , that these were then given to do this till then , and not a Succession of them promised , till then to do this , and so we receiving and retaining the Scriptures , wherein what they taught is contained , ( as we would any thing else that had as generall and ancient a Tradition , if there were any such ) need no more , for if he say that men are tost for all the Scripture , I answer , so are they for all their Doctors , nay , if these keep any from being tost , it is the Scripture which does it , upon which their authoritie is by them founded upon their own Interpretation and Reason , who yet will not give us leave to build any thing upon ours out of plainer places , and though they tell us , that we cannot know the Scriptures but from the Church , they are yet faine ( as appeares ) to prove the authoritie of the Church out of Scripture , which makes me ask them in the words of their own Campian , and with much more cause Nihilne pudet Labyrinthi ? Eighthly , There followes another reason to this sence , that reason not being able to shew man a way to eternall happinesse , and without such a one man would faile of the end to which he was ordained , it must be proposed by an infallible authority in so plaine a manner , as even the simple might be capable of it , which being performed by our Saviour , it must be conveighed to succeeding Ages by those , who heard it from him , and whensoever this thread failed , mankind was left without a Guide to inevitable ruine . I answer , That though all this granted , it proves not against us , for we have the Scripture come down to us , relating Christs Doctrine , and written by those that heard it , which the simple are capable of understanding , ( I mean as much as is plaine , and more is not necessarie , since other Questions may as well be suffered without harme , as those between the Jesuites and the Dominicans about Praedetermination , and between the Dominicans and allmost all the rest about the Immaculate Conception ) and those who are not , neither are they capable out of Scripture to discerne the true Church , much lesse by any of those Noteswhich require much understanding and learning , as Conformity with the Ancients , and such like . Ninethly , The same answer I give to this , serves also to the following words of Saint Austine , for whereas Mr. Mountague concludeth , that he could not meane the Scriptures as a competent Rule to mankind , which consisteth most of simple Persons , because there hath been continuall alterations about the sence of important places . I answer , That I may as well conclude by the same Logick , that neither is the Church a competent Guide , because in all Ages there have also been disputes , not onely about her authority , but even which was she , and to whatsoever reason he imputes this , to the same may we the other , as to Negligence , Pride , Praejudication , and the like , and if he please to search , I verily beleeve he will find , that the Scriptures are both easier to be known then the Church , and that it is as easie to know what these teach , as when that hath defined ; since they hold no decrees of hers binding de Fide , without a confirmation of the Popes , who cannot never be known infalliblly to be a Pope , because a secret Simony makes him none ; no not to be a Christian , because want of due intention in the Baptizer makes him none , whereof the latter is alwaies possible , and the first in some ages likely ; and in hard Questions a readinesse to yeeld when they shall be explained , me thinks should serve as well as a readinesse to assent to the decrees of the Church , when those shall be pronounced . Tenthly , He saith that the Scripture must be kept safe in some hands , whose authority must beget our acceptance of it , which being no other then the Church of all ages , we have no more reason to beleeve that it hath preserved that free from Corruption , then it self in a continuall visibilitie . I answer , That neither to giving authority to Scriptures , nor to the keeping of them , is required a continuall visibility of a no-waies erring body of Christians ; the Writers of them give them their authority among Christians , nor can the Church move any other , and that they were the Writers , we receive from the generall Tradition and Testimony of the first Christians , not from any following Church , who could know nothing of it but from them , ( for for those parts , which were then doubted of by such as were not condemned for it by the rest , why may not we remain in the same suspence of them that they did ) and for their being kept and conveighed , this was not done onely by their Church , but by others , as by the Greeks , and there is no reason to say , that to the keeping and transmitting of records safely , it is required to understand them perfectly , since the old Testament was kept and transmitted by the Jewes , who yet were so capable of erring , that out of it they looked for a Temporall King , when it spoke of a Spirituall ; and me thinks the Testimony is greater of a Church which contradicts the Scripture , then of one which doth not , since no mans witnessing is so soon to be taken , as when against himself , and so their Testimonie is more receiveable , which is given to the Scriptures by which themselves are condemned . Besides the generall reverence which ever hath been given to these Books , and the continuall use of them ( together with severall parties , having alwaies their eyes upon each other each desirous to have somewhat to accuse in their adversaries ) give us a greater certaintie , that these are the same writings then we have , that any other ancient book is any other ancient Author , and we need not to have any erring Company preserved to make us surer of it : Yet the Church of Rome , as infallible a Depositarie as she is , hath suffered some variety to creep into the Coppies in some lesse materiall things , nay , and some whole Books ( as they themselves say ) to be lost , and if they say , how then can that be rule whereof part is lost ? I reply , That wee are excused if we walk by all the Rule that we have , and that this maketh as much against Traditions being the Rule , since the Church hath not looked better to Gods unwritten Word , then to his written , and if she pretend she hath , let her tell us the cause why Antichrists comming was deferred , which was a Tradition of Saint Paul to the Thessalonians , and which without impudence she cannot pretend to have lost ? And if againe they say , God hath preserved all necessary Tradition . I reply , so hath he all necessarie Scripture , for by not being preserved , it became to us not necessarie , since we cannot be bound to beleeve and follow that we cannot find . But besides , I beleeve that which was ever necessary is contained in what remaines , for Pappias saith of Saint Mark , that he writ all that Saint Peter preacht , as Irenaeus doth , that Luke writ all that Saint Paul preacht , nay , Vincentius Lirinensis , though he would have the Scripture expounded by ancient Tradition , yet confesseth that all is there which is necessary , ( and yet then there was no more Scripture then we now have ) as indeed by such a Tradition as he speakes of , no more can be proved then is plainly there , and almost all Christians consent in ; and truely I wonder , that they should brag so much of that Author , since both in this and other things , he makes much against them , as especially in not sending men to the present Roman Church for a Guide , a much readier way , ( if he had known it ) then such a long and doubtfull Rule , as he prescribes , which indeed it is impossible that almost any Question should be ended by . Eleventhly , He brings Saint Austines authority to prove , that the true Church must be alwaies visible ; but if he understood Church in Mr Mountagues sence , I think he was deceived , neither is this impudent for me to say , since I have cause to think it but his particular opinion , by his saying ( which Cardinall Perron quoted ) that before the Donatists , the Question of the Church had never been exactly disputed of , and by this , being one of his maine grounds against them , and yet claiming no Tradition , but onely places of Scripture , most of them allegoricall , and if it were no more , I may better dissent from it , then he from all the first Fathers , ( for Dionysius Areopagita was not then hatcht ) in the point of the Chiliasts , though some of them ( Pappias and Irenaeus ) claimed a direct Tradition , and Christs owne words . Secondly , As useth this kind of libertie , so he professeth it in his nineteenth Epistle , where he saith , that to Canonicall Scriptures he had learnt to give the reverence , as not to doubt of what they said , because they said it , from all others he expected proofe from Scripture or Reason . Thirdly , The Church of Rome condemnes severall opinions of his , and therefore she ought not to find fault with them who imitate her example . Twelfthly , He addes two reasons more , The consent of the Fathers of all ages , And the confession of Protestants . To the Frst I answer , That I know not of any such , and am the more unapt to beleeve it , because Mr. Mountague vouchsafes not to insist upon it , nor to quote any , which I guesse he would have done , but that he misdoubted their strength . Secondly , Suppose that all the Fathers which speake of this , did say so , yet if they say it but as private Doctors , and claime no Tradition , I know not why they should weigh more then so many of the now learned , who having more helpes from Arts , and no fewer from Nature , are not worse searchers into what is Truth , though lesse capable of being Witnesses to what was Tradition . Thirdly , They themselves often professe they expect not to be read as Judges , but as to be judged by their and our Rule , the Canonicall Scriptures . Fourthly , Let him please to read about the Immaculate Conception Rosa Salmeron , and Wadding , and he will find me as submissive to Antiquity , even whilst I reject it , as those of their own Party ; for they to prefer new opinions before old , are faine to prefer new Doctors before old , and to confesse the latter more perspicatious , and to differ from those of former times , with as little scruple as he would from Calvin , ( whom Maldonat , on purpose to oppose , confesseth he chuseth a new Interpretation , before that of all the Ancients , which no witnesse but my eyes could have made me beleeve ) nay , and produce other points wherein their Church hath decreed against the Fathers , to perswade her to do so againe , althoug Campian with an eloquent brag , would perswade us , that they are all as much for him , as Gregory the thirteenth who was then Pope . To the Second I answer , That Infallibility is not by us denied to the Church of Rome , with an intention of allowing it to particular Protestants , how wise and learned soever . Thirteenthly , He saies next , that he after resolved to inform himself in other points which seemed to him unwarrantable , and superstitious , and found onely his own mistakes gave him occasion of Scandall . To this I answer , That I cannot well answer any thing , unlesse he had specified the points , but I can say that there are many , as picturing God the Father , ( which is generally thought lawfull , and as generally practised ) their offerings to the Virgin Mary , ( which onely differs from the Heresie of the Colltridians , in that a Candle is not a Cake ) their praying to Saints , and beleeving de fide that they heare us , though no way made certaine that they do so , and many more , which without any mistake of his might have given him occasion to be still scandalized : For whereas he saith that those points were grounded upon the authority of the ancient Fathers , which was refused as insufficient by Protestants . I answer , That none of these I name have any ground in the Ancientest , nay , the first is by them disallowed , and if any other superstition of theirs have from them any ground , yet they who depart from so many of the Ancients in severall opinions , cannot by any reason be excused for retaining any error , because therein they consent , nor have the Protestants cause to receive it from them as a sufficient Apologie , neither hath he to follow the Fathers rather then Protestants , in a cause , in which not the Persons , but the Reasons , were to have been considered . For when Saint Hierome was by this way both brought into , and held in a strange error , though he speakes something like Mr. Mountague , Patiaris me errare cum talibus , Suffer me to erre with such men , yet he could not obtaine Saint Austines leave , who would not suffer him , but answered their Reasons , and neglected their Authorities . Fourteenthly , He speakes of his Religion super-infusing Loyalty , and if he had onely said it destroied or weakned it not , I ( who wish that no doubt of his alleagiance may once enter his mind , to whom we all owe it , but professe my self his humble Servant , and no waies his enemy , though his adversarie ) would then made no answer , but since he speakes as if Popery were the way to obedience , I cannot but say , that though no Tenet of their whole Church ( which I know ) make at all against it , yet there are prevailing opinions on that side , which are not fit to make good subjects , when their King and they are of different perswasions . For besides that Cardinall D' Ossat ( an Author which Mr. Mountague , I know , hath read , because whosoeuer hath but considered State matters , must be as well skilled in him , as any Priest in his Breviary ) tell us , that it is the Spaniards Maxime , That Faith is not to be kept amongst Hereticks , and more , that the Pope intimated as much in a discourse , intended to perswade the King of France to forsake the Queen of England ; he saith moreover , speaking in another place , speaking about the Marquizat of Saluces , that they hold at Rome , that the Pope , to avoid a probable danger of the encreasing of Heresie , may take a Territory from the true Owner , and dispose of it to another , and many also defend , that he hath power to depose an Hereticall Prince , and of Heresie he makes himself the Judge ; So that though I had rather my tongue should cleave to the roofe of my mouth , then that I should deny that a Papist may be a good Subject , even to a King whom he accounts an Heretick , since I veriy beleeve , that I my self know very many , very good : yet Popely is like to an ill aire , wherein though many keep their healthes , yet many are infected , ( so that at most they are good Subjects but during the Popes pleasure ) and the rest are in more danger , then if they were out of it . To conclude , I beleeve that what I have said may at least serve ( if he will descend to consider it ) to move Mr. Mountague to a further search , and for Memorandums in it , which if it do , he will be soone able to give as much better Reasons for my conclusion , ( that such a Visible Church neither need , nor can be shewed ) as his understanding is degrees above mine . I hope also by comparing the body of their beleefe , and the ground of their authority , the little that can be drawn out of the fourth of the Ephesians , with the Miriads of contradiction in Transubstantiation , he will come to see , that their Pillars are too weak to hold up any building , be it never so light , and their building is too heavie to be held up by any Pillars , be they never so strong , and trust he will return to us , whom he will find that he hath causelessely left , if he be ( which I doubt not ) so ingenuous , as not to hold an opinion , because he hath turned to it , nor to stay , onely because he went. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A40795-e240 * See the Collection of Petitions for Episcopacy ; printed for Will. Shears . Notes for div A40795-e1270 * To whom two others also from Geneva may be added : Daniel Chamierus ( in Panstratia , tom . 2. lib. 10. cap. 6. §. 24. ) and Nicol. Vedelius ( Exercitat . 3. in epist. Ignatii ad Philadelph . cap. 14. & Exercit. 8. in epist. ad Mariam , cap. 3. ) which is fully also demonstated in D. Hammonds dissertations against Blondel ( which never were answerd , & never will ) by the testimonies of those who wrote in the very next Age after the Apo stles . Notes for div A40795-e3230 Tacitus . Notes for div A40795-e5180 Object . Answ. Notes for div A40795-e6790 Synesius . Ovid. Metamorph . Xenophon Hist. 3. Euseb. Orat. de Laud. Const. * De Coroná . Wadd . Pag. 271. Wadding p. 124. Page 97. Page 90. Page 400. Page 57. Page 127. Page 275. Wadding p. 334. Vincent Lir. Wadd . Pag. 282 Camp. Ethicks . Lib. Con. R. Jac. Pag. 633. Theodoret. Lib. 15. C. 28 Pag. 271. Tom. 13. Pag. 193. Pag. 208. and 687. Tacitus . Object . Resp. Object . Resp. 〈◊〉 Socrat. lib. 5. , Object . Resp. Wadd . Pag. 30. His Opusc. Dr. D. Object . Resp. Praefat. in Hillar . Pag. 496. Pag. 497. Epist. Pag. 1164. Pag. 296. 1 Edict . Tom. 13. Pag. 467 In Elucidar Deiparae Pag. 1113. Wadd . Pag. 125. Pag. 270 Pag. 202. Pag. 203. Pag. 204. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Theodoret lib 4. Object . Resp. Cap. 6 Lib. 3 de Romano Pontifice . Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Lib. Con. Reg. Iac. Pag. 892. Object . Resp. Tertul. De fide & Symb. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Arist. Ethick . Con. Reg. Iac. Pag. 708. Object . Resp. Arrian . Eras. Ep. Rhetor. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Salust . Object . Resp. Tom. 13. Pag. 468. Object . Resp Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Philos. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Object . Resp. Resp. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Resp. Repl. Notes for div A40795-e22680 Tom. 9. An. 726. de fide & Simbol . 2 Lib. C. 2. Vers. 11. 12 13 6 Cap. St. Johan . 
A52063	----	A vindication of the answer to the humble remonstrance from the unjust imputation of frivolousnesse and falshood Wherein, the cause of liturgy and episcopacy is further debated. By the same Smectymnuus. Smectymnuus. 1654 Approx. 417 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 116 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A52063 Wing M799 ESTC R217369 99829040 99829040 33475 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52063) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 33475) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1973:01) A vindication of the answer to the humble remonstrance from the unjust imputation of frivolousnesse and falshood Wherein, the cause of liturgy and episcopacy is further debated. By the same Smectymnuus. Smectymnuus. Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655. aut Calamy, Edmund, 1600-1666. aut Young, Thomas, 1587-1655. aut Newcomen, Matthew, 1610?-1669. aut Spurstowe, William, 1605?-1666. aut [14], 168, 173-219, [3] p. printed for John Rothwell at the Fountaine and Beare in Cheapside, London : [1654] Smectymnuus: a word composed of the initials of the authors, viz. Stephen Marshall, Edmund Calamy, Thomas Young, Matthew Newcomen, and William Spurstowe. Date of publication from Wing. The words "liturgy and episcopacy" are enclosed in brackets in the title. Text is continuous despite pagination. With a final errata leaf. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Tonya Howe Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Tonya Howe Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VINDICATION OF THE ANSWER TO THE HUMBLE REMONSTRANCE FROM THE UNJUST IMPUTATION OF FRIVOLOUSNESSE AND FALSHOOD . Wherein , The cause of LITURGY and EPISCOPACY is further debated . By the same SMECTYMNUUS . LONDON , Printed for Iohn Rothwell at the Fountaine and Beare in Cheapside . TO THE MOST HONORABLE LORDS AND THE KNIGHTS , CITIZENS , AND BVRGESSES OF THE HONORABLE HOVSE OF COMMONS . IT was the expectation that the whole Kingdome had of your high worth , and faithfull resolutions , to reforme what was amisse both in Church and State , which gave us the confidence to present unto you our former treatise . And now your reall performance , and noble Actions tending to the publicke peace and good , have added much more chearefulnesse in our second addresse towards you ; the rather , for that the cause in question betweene us and the Remonstrant , about Episcopacy and Liturgie , is a great part of that worke to which God hath directed your present consultations . Seeing therefore it belongs to you next under God and his Majestie , to dispose and order these things : Wee leave our endeavours at your feete , beseeching you to consider , not onely how we have vindicated our selves from the accusations of our adversarie , but more especially what may bee gathered out of it for the advancement of the reformation now happily begunne among us . The Lord of life and glory bee a Sunne and shield unto you . TO THE READER . Good Reader , THE Booke which we here undertake to answer , is so full fraught with bitter invectives , false aspertions , hyperbolicall confidence , selfe contradictions , and such like extravagancies , as that we have thought fit to lay them all before thee in one full view by way of preface , rather then to interrupt our following discourse by observing them as they lie scattered in the booke it selfe . Suffer us therefore to give thee notice of these few particulars . First , wee are deepely charged and accused not onely to the ordinarie Reader but even to the Kings Majestie himself , of misallegations , misinterpretations , mistranslations , and false quotations , and that in such an high nature as that the Authour calles God to witnesse , before whom he is shortly to give an account that hee never saw any Author that would dare to professe Christian sincerity so fowle to overlash . And this is not once or twice but often repeated with great asseveration & exclamations . Which when we first reade ( being conscious of our innocency and fidelity ) we could not but stand amazed and wonder to see our selves so unexpectedly and wee hope undeservedly transformed into men ( or rather monsters of men ) so transcedently perfidious , and so supersuperlatively unfaithfull and wicked . And indeede , if to be accused to a fault bee a sufficient argument to make us guilty , wee must needes bee for ever branded with such an high measure of ignominy , as that it is not a whole sea of water that will serve to wash off the filth of such accusations . But wee doubt not but that the ingenuous peruser of this booke will finde that as it was the glory of one of the Cato's that hee was thirty times accused and yet never sound guiltie : so it will be our honour and credit when hee shall see that all this clamour and noyse is but a bearing of false witnesse against his brethren . Si accusasse sat est quis erit innocens . It was the the wicked counsell of Matchiavell Calumniare fortiter & aliquid adhoerebit . This counsell the Papists have made use of in answering of Protestant writers , and the Bishops themselves in their answers to some of the unconforming Ministers bookes . And we have good reason to thinke that the Authour of this Defence hath trod in the same steps . For after all his generall exclamations and accusations , there are but foure places in which hee undertakes to prove us false . The first is for halfe citing of Hieroms testimonie . The second is for abusing Nazianzene . The third is for misinterpreting Origen about Lay Elders . The fourth is for foysting in Cyprian . True it is , hee tells us of want of fidelity in citing the Counsell of Antioch and Ancyra , of misalledging of Whitakers , of misenglishing Tertullian , and of guilty translating of Iustin Martyr . But hee doth not so much as endeavour to make good what he tells us , and therefore we cannot but beleeve that hee used more Machiavelisme then honestly in such aspersions . As for Authors which hee himselfe hath both misalledged and misinterpreted , wee doe not onely say it , but the Reader shall finde it demonstratively proved in the ensuring treatise . Secondly , if to be railed upon , reviled , slighted , and scorned bee sufficient to bring men into discredit , then certainely , we must be esteemed as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the dung , of scouring , and filth of the world . For never man since Mountagues Appeale , wrote with more scorne and contempt . Wee are ca●led Vaine , frivolous , Cavillers , insolent , spightfull , riotous , proud , false , unjust , triflers , factious , Brotherly slanderers , sullen and crabbed peices , Lyars , egregious and palpable calumniators , wilfully shutting our eyes against the truth such as the Readers may be ashamed off , witlesse , malicious , uncharitable , envious , frivolous wasters of unseasonable words , swelling up a windy bulke with groundlesse exceptions against our eyes and conscience , tedious and loose disputers , Patronizers of branded Heretiques , impotent , weake , and absurd men , grossely ignorant , such as fowly over-reach , men of weake judgement , and strong malice ; commonly spightfull , and seldome witty , violent and subtile machinators against , and disturbers of Gods ordinances , some whole sections meere declamations , worthy of nothing but of contempt and silence , ill bred sons of the Church , spitting in the face of our Mother , fomentors of unjust dislikes against lawfull goverment , making wickedly false suggestions , wanting witt and grace to understand the true meaning of the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy , worthy to be punished for their presumption , & disobedience , men that make no conscience by what meanes wee uphold a side and winne a Proselyte . These are the flowers with which his defence is garnished , and the titles with which he honours those whom hee calles his Brethren . Wee will make no other Apologie for our selves , but what Austin did in the same kind , who when hee was told that his railing adversarie was to hard for him , hee said it was and easie thing that way to conquer Austin , but the Reader should perceive it was Clamore not veritate , by loud crying not by truth : And what Hierom saith against Helvidius , Arbitror te veritate convictum a maledicta converti . It is a signe of a man not able to stand before the truth , when hee betakes himselfe to reproachfull language . Thirdly , if multitude of daring protestations and bold asseverations be sufficient proofes of arguments propounded , and if confident slightings , and scornefull denyalls bee sufficient answers to us , and our arguments , never any man hath better defended Episcopacie or more strongly confuted those that oppose it . In his very first page hee begges the question , and affirmes his cause to bee Gods cause , Gods truth , and if his opposers were as many Legions as men , hee would meet them undismayed , and say with holy David ; Though an host should encampe against mee , my heart should not feare , but with just confidence I gladly fly to the barre of this high and Honorable Court , ( And yet by his leave hee thought it his best wisdome to fly from this barre , and to dedicate his book to the Kings Majestie alone , and not to the two houses : ) And in another place hee saith , the Apostles practise is so irrefragable for them , that if wee doe but adde the unquestionable practise of their immediate successors : hee knowes not what more light can bee desired for the manifestation of the truth of his opinion . In his Epistle to the King hee saith , That if hee doth not make it appeare that wee have abused our Reader with false shewes of misalleadged antiquities , and meerely colourable pretences of proofes , let the blemish of his reputation leade way to the sharpest censure upon his person . ( Iust like the Authour of Episcopacie by Divine right , who is so confident against Lay Elders ; That hee offers to forfeit his life to justice , and his reputation to shame , if any man living can shew that ever there was a Ruling Elder in the world till Farel and Viret first created them : ( And yet hee could not but know that Arch-Bishop Whitgift ( as well seene in Antiquitie as himselfe ) confesseth that there were Ruling Elders in the Primitive Church . Thus also doth Bishop King ; Saravia himselfe thinkes the governement of Ruling Elders to be good and profitable . ) In his answer to our arguments , sometimes hee tells us that wee prove nothing but our bold ignorance and absurd inconsequences : Otherwhile hee saith , Poore arguments scarce worthy of a passe . These are trifling cavills not worth the answer . Verball exceptions which will sinke like light froath . Meere declamations worthie of no answer but contempt and scorne . forbeare Reader , if you can to smile at this curious subtilty : What Cabalisme have wee here ? Our quaeries are made up of nothing but spight and slander . His ordinarie answer toour Testimonies out of Antiquity is : This Authour is misalledged . That Father abused . This Councell shuffled up with little fidelitie . Away with your unproving illustrations and unregardable testimonies . And this is all the answer hee gives . Throughout the whole booke he endeavours to render us to the Reader as destitute of all learning , as if our reading had never gone beyond a Polyanthea . Hee calles us boldly ignorant . And that wee would make the Reader beleeve that wee had seene a Father . And that we would seeme to have seene the Canon Law. And that it is enough wee can shew a little reading to no purpose . But in all these and many more such like Sarcasmes and vaine Rhetorications hee doth but act the part of his Hierarchicall predecessors whose chiefe answers have beene scoffes and scornes ; and therefore what learned Rivetus saith of Bishop Mountague may with as much truth bee averred of this namelesse Author . Montacutius vir certedoctus , sed admodum praefidens , & tumidus aliorum contemptor , & suggillator . And in another place . Non potest vir ille sine convitijs quemquam a quo dissentit vel in levissimis nominare . But what strength and weight there is in such kinde of arguments and answers , let the wise Reader judge . And yet not withstanding all this confidence & Thrasonicall boasting we desire thee to observe : Fourthly , That if the whole booke were divided into foure parts , there is one quarter of which he makes no mention , but passeth it over either with scorne or silence . And where our arguments are strongest there hee slides away without answering , which cannot but make the judicious Reader beleeve that hee thought the yron to hot for him , and therefore would not touch it least it should burne his owne fingers ; as himselfe saith pag. 21. And even in those things wherein hee undertakes to answere us we cannot but give notice that wee have confitentem reum , and in effect the cause granted in those things which are most materiall . For when wee prove from Scripture the Identity of Bishops and Presbyters both in name and office , he tells us with a little varying of our words ; Wee idly loose our labour . It neede bee no scruple to us : It is in expresse termes granted , when we prove that there are not three degrees of Ministery in the Scripture ( to wit , Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacous ) hee answers , it is granted ; you speake of the Apostles writings , but I of their successors . Hee granteth also that the Primitive Bishops were elected by the Clergie , and people . That Bishops ought not to have sole power in Ordination , and Iurisdiction . That they ought not to delegate their power to others . That the ordinary managing of secular imployments is improper for them . And hee doth almost grant that there were Lay-Elders in antiquity . For whereas the Author of Episcopacy by Divine right affirmeth , that the name of Elders of the Church in all antiquity comprehendeth none but Preachers , and that therefore they onely may bee called Seniores Ecclesiae , though some others may have the title of Seniores populi , because of their civill authority . This Author acknowledgeth that besides Pastors , and besides the Magistrates and Elders of the City there are to bee found in antiquity Seniores Ecclesiastici . Indeede hee saith , that these were but as our Churchwardens , or Vestry men . But how true this is , the Reader shall see in due place : Lastly , hee grants that all that wee say in the Postscripts about the Popish Prelates is true , Celari non potuit negari non debuit . And for what we say of the Protestant Bishops he denies not the truth of it only he chides for taxing all for the fault of some . And in these things wherein hee doth diametrically oppose us , hee doth frequently contradict himselfe and his best friends . In his Epistle dedicatory hee professeth that he taxeth not our ability , yet in the same Epistle hee calles us impotent assailants , and afterwards . Men of weake judgements and strong malice . And Men that would seeme to have seene a Father . And that all that we say is nothing but bold ignorance . Pag. 94. he saith , That to acknowledge an Ordinary Evangelist is a phancy and a dreame . And yet elsewhere he makes every Preacher of the Gospell to be an Evangelist . In his Remonstrant and in his defence he saith , that Bishops had beene every where throughout all the Regions of the Christian world . And that all Churches throughout the whole Christian world have uniformely and constantly maintained Episcopacy . And yet elsewhere he denies that ever hee said , That Bishops were every where , and confesseth that there are lesse noble Churches that doe not conferre to Episcopall Governement . Pag. 161. hee tells us , that for 1600 yeares the name of Bishops hath bin appropriated ( in a plain contradistinction ) to the governors of the Church : But in other places he often grants that the Name was confounded , and ascribed to Presbyters are well as Bishops . In his 36. pag. he saith , That in his Remonstrance hee made no mention of Diocesan Bishops , whereas all know that he undertooke the defence of such Bishops which were petitioned against in Parliament , whom none will deny to bee Diocesan Bishops . In his 5. pag. ( speaking of the changing of Civill governement mentioned in the Remonstrance ) he professeth that he did not aime at our Civill Governement . Let but the Reader survey the words of the Remonstance pag. 8. and it will appeare plainely ac si solaribus radijs descriptum esset . That the comparison was purposely made betwixt the attempts of them that would have altered our Civill governement , and those that indeavored the alteration of our Church governement . And whereas he bids as pag. 135. to take our soleordination and sole jurisdiction to sole our next paire of shoes withall , yet notwitstanding hee makes it his great worke to answer all our arguments against the sole power of Bishops , and when all is done , allowes the Presbyter onely an assistance , but no power in Ordination nor jurisdiction . Lastly , in the stating of the question he distinguisheth betweene divine and Apostolicall authority , and denyeth that Bishops are of Divine authority as ordained immediately by Christ. And yet he saith , That Christ himselfe hath laid the ground of this imparitie in his first agents . And that by the evidence of Timothy and Titus , and the Asian Angels ( to whom Christ himselfe wrote ) he hath made good that just claime of the sacred Hierarchy . This is the summe of that ( good Reader ) that we thought fit to praemonish thee of . Wee now dismisse thee to the booke it selfe , and commend thee and it , to the blessing of God. A Vindication of the ANSWER to the humble Remonstrance . SECT . I. IF wee thought our silence would onely prejudice our selves , wee could contentedly sit downe and forbeare Replyes , not doubting , but intelligent men , comparing cause with cause , and reason with reason , would easily see with whom the truth rests : but wee fearing that many who have not either ability or leisure to search into the grounds of things themselves , would fearce thinke it possible , that so much confidence as the Remonstrant shewes , should be severed from a good cause , or so much contempt should bee powred upon us that are not the bad defenders of a cause much worse . Wee must discharge our duty in cleering the cause and truth of God , and that will cleer us from all the foule aspersions which the Remonstrant hath been nothing sparing to cast upon us . Whose Defence in every Leafe terms us either ignorant , lyers , witlesse , falsifiers , malicious , spightfull , slanderous , violent , and subtill Machinators against the Church , and disturbers of her peace , &c. and this not onely in a cursory way , but in such a devout and religious form , as we make question whether ever any man before him did so solemnly traduce , speaking it in the presence of God , that he never saw any Writer professing Christian sincerity so fouly to overlash . To the presence of God before whom his protestation is made , our accesse is equall , and at that Tribunall wee doubt not , through the grace of Christ , but to approve both our selves & our cause . And had we the same accesse unto our Sovereigne , wee should lesse regard those bitter invective accusations , wherewith hee hath so profusely charged us in his Sacred eares . But our meanesse forbids us to make immediate addresses to the throne , which he hath made his refuge : yet may it please that Royall Majesty , whom God hath anointed over us , to vouchsafe an eye unto these papers , wee have that trust in the Justice of our Sovereigne , the goodnesse of our Cause , the integrity of our consciences in all our Quotations , as we doubt not but his Majesty will cleerly see , that our Persons , cause , and carriage , have been misrepresented to him . The cause our Remonstrant saith is Gods ; it is true of the cause agitated , though not of the cause by him defended : and we desire ( what ever he hath done ) to manage it in Gods way ; to love in the truth , and speak the truth in love . The charity of our Remonstrant wee will not question , though in the first congresse hee doth as good as call us Devils : because so often in his book he cals us Brethren . But that which hee calls truth , and the truth of God , we must crave leave to doe more , then bring in question , notwithstanding the impregnable confidence of this Irrefragable Doctor . Our Histories record of Harold , Cupbearer to Edward the Confessor , that wayting on the Cup , he stumbled with one foot , and almost fell , but that hee recovered himself with the other ; at which his father smiling said , Now one brother helps another . The Remonstrant calls us Brethren , and supposeth hee sees us stumbling in the very entrance of our answer , and what help doth our Brother lend us ? Onely entertains us Sannis & Cathinnis , and tels us , it is an ill signe to stumble at the threshold . Yet not alwayes an ill signe Sir , wee accept this stumbling for such an Omen , as Caesar had at his Landing in Affrick , and our William the Conquerour at his first landing in England , which they tooke for the first signe of their victory and possession . An what 's this Stumble ? The Answer mentions the Areopagi instead of the Areopagites , Grande nefas ! Of such an impiety as this , did Duraeus once accuse our Learned Whitakers , from whom wee will in part borrow our answer : It is well the good of the Church depends not upon a piece of Latine . But can our Remonstrant perswade himselfe , that his Answerers should have so much Clarklike ignorance , as never to have heard of Areopagita ? If he can , yet we are sure he can never perswade his ingenious Readers , but some one at least of that Legion , which hee fancies conjured up against his Remonstrance , might have heard of Dionysius Areopagita , that by a man that had not studied to cast contempt upon us , it might have beene thought rather a stumble in the Transcribers or Printers , then the Authours . But what if there be no stumble here ? What if the fault be in the Remonstrants eyes , and not in the Answerers words ? What if hee stumble and not they ? and what if it be but a straw he stumbles at ? For though Areopagus be the name of the place , and Areopagitae the name of the persons ; yet it is no such impropriety in speech , to signifie the persons by the place : had wee said the Admired sonnes of Iustice , the two Houses of Parliament , had this been such a Soloecisme ? and will this Remonstrant deny us that liberty , for which we have Natures Patent , and the example of the best Authors in other Tongues , To smooth , or square , to lengthen , or cut off Exoticke words , according as will best suit with our own Dialect ? If we were called to give an account of this Syllabicall Errour before a Deske of Grammarians , wee could with ease produce presidents enough in approved Authors : but we will onely give an instance in the word it self from Ioan. Sarisburi . lib. 5. de Nugis Curialibus , cap. 9. Eum [ Senatum ] vero Athenienses Areopagum dicebant eo quod in illis totius populi virtus consisteret . We hope our Remonstrant hath now recovered his stumble , and next we find him leaping , being as good at leaping over blocks , as hee is at stumbling at straws : it is his practice through his whole booke , what ever objection made by us , he finds too heavy to remove , he over-leaps it . This course hee begins here , for wee having charged him with some words sounding to contempt in his Preface , he falls a quarrellling with our Logick , for calling that a Preface , which hee intended as one of the main pieces of the substance of his book . Which certainly , if Captatio Benevolentiae be the work of a Preface , he that reads the Remonstrance to the ninth page , will find that the preceding pages have been but by way of insinuation ; and there he comes to the proposition and narration of his cause . But if our Logick was bad , hee knew his Ethicks were worse : and therefore these misdemeanours which we justly charged upon him , and he knew not how to excuse or answer , his Politicks taught him to leap over . Counting all to the fourth page , as light froth that will sink alone ; which seems to us a strange piece of Physik ; and if we would cry quit with the Remonstrant , & make our Reader as merry with him , as he would make his Readers with us , wee could tell him a Tale in the margent * . But some thing it seems is of a little more solid substance , it is as scum that will not so easily sink alone ; wherein you appe●l to indifferent eyes to judge whether we do not endevour to cast unjust envy upon you against the cleer evidence of any knowing mans conscience . Content . Onely put the case right : you tell your Judges that you had said , That if Antiquity may be the rule , the Civill policie ( as in generall notion ) hath sometimes varied , the Sacred never ; the Civill came from Arburary Impos●rs , the Sacred from men inspired : now these gracious Interpreters would draw your words to the present and particular government of our own Monarchie , as if you implied that variable and arbitrary ; and are not ashamed to mention that deadly name of Treason . Our charge upon this is , that in the judgement of this Remonstrant , if any had dared to attempt the alteration of Monarchicall Government , they had been lesse culpable then in petitioning the alteration of Episcopall , and conclude , that if he had found such a passage in any of those whom he cals lewd Libellers , all had rung with Treason , Treason . Now let the indifferent Reader , let the most Honourable Parliament , let the Sacred Majesty of our King Judge whether we doe the man wrong . First , this we know , that one of the most confident Advocates of Episcopacie hath said it , that where a Nationall Church is setled in the orderly regiment of certain grave Overseers , to seek to abandon this forme , and to bring in a forreigne Discipline , is as unreasonable as to cast off the yoke of just an● hereditary Monarchy , and to affect many headed Soveraignty : which wee thinke is an assertion insolent enough , that sets the Mitre as high as the Crowne : God blesse our sacred Monarchie from such friends . But this Remonstrant rises higher , and sets the Mitre above the Crown . Telling us , that Civill Government comes from Arbitrarie Imposers , this from men inspired , and is in that respect by the Remonstrant challenged to be of divine right . If Civill Government here include Monarchie , as by the Remonstrants owne explication it doth , certainly this is to advance Episcopacie above Monarchie , and to make it more sinfull and dangerous to alter Episcopacy , which , according to the Remonstrant , challenges God for the founder , then Monarchie , which saith this Remonstrant according to originall Authority had its foundation in the ●●ee Arbitrement of men . Yet did we never say that this was Treason ; knowing such crimes to be above our cognizance ; wee mentioned indeed the name of Treason , but as from your mouth , not our own . We said , If you had found any such in any , &c. the world would have rung with the loud cryes of treason , treason : it was our conjecture which you have now made good in this defence , For you that are so full of charity to impute it to us , as if that wee had vilified the judgement of King Iames , as you do pag. 23. whom we mentioned not , but as a most famous , and ever admired Prince , had any ●ord faln from us ( which through the grace of God we hope never shall ) tending to the disparagement either of the Royall Person or power , What work would you have made with that ? Be sparing , Sir , of charging your poore Neighbours so impetuously with malice and uncharitablenesse , till yee have taught your selfe to be more charitable , and lesse mali●ious . To what wee alleaged in the instance of William Rufus King , and Pope Pius , to shew that Episcopall Government , which he calls sacred , naturally tends not onely not to depend upon , but to subdue the civill authority to it selfe ; His answer is , first , That William Rufus was a Prince noted for grosly irreligious . That those were tyrannicall Popish Bishops . That the Pope was Antichrist . That he answered so because hee was unwilling they should shew as good cards for their standing as hee pretended for his own . And lastly , all this makes nothing against our Bishops , who professe , notwithstanding the divine right of their calling , to hold their places , and the exercise of their jurisdiction wholly from the King. So then here is no Falsification : all that was produced is granted true , onely exception taken against the persons produced . King William hee was irreligious . Daniel observes that former times being unhappy in their compilers of History ( the Scepter which rules over the fames of Princes ) who for the most part were Monks , had all their Princes personated either Religious or irreligious as they humoured or offended the Bishops Rochet , and the Monks belly . No wonder then if so small a friend to Bishops be condemned as irreligious . But then those Bishops were Popish , Tyrannous Bishops . But it was not their Popery , but their Episcopall dignity that made them tyrannize ; and it was their Tyranny and not their Popery that made them odious to their King , who was Popish as well as they . And it hath beene ever usuall to both former and latter Bishops to tyrannize over such as feare them , and to flatter such as they feare . The Pope hee is Antichrist ; wee are glad to heare you call him so ; some thought a yeere agoe you would scarce have given him such a nickname , unlesse you meant to have falne out with the rest of your brethren : and what if the Pope be Antichrist ? may wee not bring the testimony of Antichrist against Antichristian Bishops ? As Paul brought the witnesse of a Cretian Poet , against Cretian Liers . May not we alleage Beelzebub against Beliall without honouring him ? But the Pope so answered because he was unwilling they should shew as good cards for their standing as he pretends for his own ; grant it so , what will follow upon that but this ? That Bishops clayming the same grounds for their standing that the Pope doth , aspire to be as independant from Princes as the Pope is , and that they have no more Divine Right , then the Pope : But what 's this to our Bishops who professe , notwithstanding their Divine Right , to hold their places , and exercise of Iurisdiction wholly from the King ? Surely ours have begun to affect the same Exemption from Secular power , to make large and haughty strides towards an independant Hierarchie . So that it is no envious upbraid to parallell ours with the former Bishops . For it hath well appeared that the Hierarchicall Episcopacie is full of such high and large principles of Pride , Ambition , Tyranny , as can be circumscribed in no moderate bounds : But is always swelling to the affectation of an Absolute Ecclesiasticall Monarchie . And it is worth the enquiring , whether the three last books of Hookers Ecclesiasticall Politie be not suppressed by him that hath them , because they give the Prince too much power in Ecclesiasticall matters , and are not for the Divine Right of Bishops . But we shall be chid anon , and accused of spight for this , as wee are for the observation formerly made upon his comparison between the attempts of Alteration in our Neighbour Church by the Episcopall faction , and that which is now justly desired by the humble Petitioners to this Honourable House . This saith the Remonstrant , is a foule slander to charge the name of Episcopacie with a Faction For a fact imputed to some few . Were they but a few that did attempt and prosecute that alteration ? the more is our misery , that a few Bishops can put both Kingdomes into so dangerous a combustion , what stirre would they all make if they should unite their powers ? And were they but a few that were the Factors for that Attempt ? how then was it that one of the Episcopall Tribe in publike Court called the Scotch designe Bellum Episcopale ? and where were the rest of the peaceable Orthodox Bishops the while ? that might in love to peace & truth have opposed those bold attempts , & not have suffered a few , upon whom you now leave the guilt of faction , to expose the deare and precious name of Episcopacie to that obloquie . Let the Remonstrant never cry fie upon his brethren , that dare challenge Episcopacie of Faction : but fie upon his Fathers the bishops , that have subjected it to that challenge : had bishops done so in Cyprians time , we doubt not but the●e would have bin fonnd Presbyters who would have said as much , and need never have feared Gaoles nor Pillories , nor high Commissions , the holy Discipline wherewith the Fathers of the sacred Hierarchie have of late yeers visited such offences . SECT . II. WEE are in this and the following Sections not to contend for words , but things , things precious to the Remonstrant , Liturgie , and Episcopacie , for which he fights , tanquam pro aris & focis . The subject of this Section is the Liturgie , where first he fals upon us for the Alterations , and Additions , mentioned by us , which hee calls such an envious and groundlesse suggestion as must needs cover our faces with a blush . Truly , Sir , If we were able to produce no fuller evidence of this then you have done of your Iewish Liturgie ever since Mosestime , we should blush indeed ; but if wee can bring forth instances of such Alterations as shall prove this present Liturgie to be none of that , which hath beene confirmed by Parliamentary Acts ; keep your blushes to make Liveries for yourself and friends . The Liturgie confirmed by our Parliamentary Acts is the same which was made and confirmed in the fifth and sixth of Edward the sixth , with one alteration , and additions of certaine Lessons to be used upon every Sunday ; and the forme of the Letany altered and amended , and two sentences onely added in the delivery of the Sacrament : And none other or otherwise . But this booke is so altered from that , that in it is left out , First a clause in the Letany , From the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome , and all his detestable enormities , good Lord deliver us , &c. 32. Chapters of the Old Testament , a Prayer against death , a Rubrick , or declaration of the manner of the presence of Christs body and bloud in the Sacrament . Besides some other things of lesse moment . Secondly , added 26 Apocryphall Chapters , more to be read 47 Proper Lessons , The Prayers for Bishops and Curats , many Collects after the Communion , A Rubrick in the examination of private Baptisme . In the Calendar Fish dayes are now called Fasting days . A Catalogue of Holidays . Thirdly , many things changed ; in the title of Confirmation , the words for imposition of hands are added . In the Epistle for Palm-sunday , in the Name of Jesus , turned into , at the Name of Jesus , besides such smaller alterations , which himselfe acknowledges . These are sufficient to evince that the Liturgie now in use is not that Liturgie that was established by Act of Parliament , and therefore that Act binds not to the use of this Liturgie , as we conceive . Now if to these we should adde the late alterations in the use of the Liturgie , Bringing in loud Musique , uncouth and unedifying Anthems , a pompous , superstitious Altar-service , wee thinke any indifferent eye will say this is not the Liturgie established by Parliament : wee hope that these alterations are so visible , as any , that will not fully shut their eys , will say it is with this misaltered Liturgie as with the disguised Dames mentioned of old by Doctor Hall. And we hope , nay we know wee have some Bishops of our minde in this , as well as you have some of yours ; & how ever you slight the words of one of them , not inferiour to any of them that wee know , with an effut●it labiis : yet it is a subtile shift you have to pervert the Bishops words . For whereas hee said that the Service of the Church of England was now so drest , that if the Pope should come and see it , he would claim it as his own , but that it is in English , The Remonstrant would seeme to understand by this onely such an inoffensivenesse , in the devotion of it , as the Pope himself could find no fault in it : whereas the Bishop meant such a symmetry and correspondency of our present devotion and service with the Popish , as was in his esteem just matter of Humiliation to al the Bishops in the Kingdom , in a day of solemn & national Fasting . Instead of bringing out those great applauses , that forreigne Divines and Churches have given to our Liturgie , hee falls ( though more gently then hee is wont ) upon Master Calvin for his Tolerabiles ineptiae , as if that hee did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It seemes the Remonstrant did not either consider the occasion of that Censure , or else his not Omniscient eyes never saw the Epistle that the Learned Calvin wrote to the dispersed at Frankfort , which would tell him that the occasion of this Censure was the troubles raised up among the English Exiles then at Frankford , about the booke of Liturgie ( which was then as since a spring of unhappy contentions in the Church ) hereupon he writes a Letter to them , wherein hee useth that phrase of tolerable fooleries : and in a Christian way perswades both disagreeing sides to accord : which he puts not upon them by way of authority , but Christian advise : nay , he says more , that these fooleries were tolerable then , yet he doubted not if Religion flourished in England , many of these would be removed , and other things amended : and though they might begin with such weak rudiments , yet it was behovefull for the grave and pious Ministers of Christ to rise to a higher pitch , &c. So that here Master Calvin did not unwarrantably intrude in alienam rempublicam : Nor did any other then would become any of our grave and learned Divines , in the case of the Wafers , or Lords Day Markets of his Charge , if called unto that service , as Master Calvin was to this . The Remonstrant leads us from the English Liturgie , to a Discourse of Liturgies in generall : which wee call unparalleld , because no man that ever wee have seene drew the line of Liturgie so high as hee hath done , even as high as Moses time ; to which his answer is , Perhaps there are some things our not omniscient eyes have not seene , and perhaps this may be one of them : and perhaps there are some things which hee hath confidently avouched that his Lincean eys have not seen , and perhaps this is one of them ; or else we should see it too . But that needs not saith the Remonstrant for wee almost yield the question before wee argue it : the happier man hee to obain that by concession that hee never could by argumentation : but how doe wee yield the question ? in granting an order of divine administrations observed in Church Assemblies , but denying an imposition of set forms . We find in antiquity , that when the Church met together upon the Lords day , first the Scriptures were read of the old and new Testament , after the reading followed an Exhortation to the practice and imitation of what was read , then they all rose and joyned in Prayer : Prayer being ended , they went to the Sacrament , in the beginning whereof the President of the Assembly powred out Prayers and Thanksgiving according to his ability , and the people said Amen ; then followed the distribution of the Sacrament : After that the collection of Almes , &c. this was Iustine Martyrs Liturgie . Will you now see Tertullians ? First , the Congregation meets , and doe as it were besiege God with their prayers , wherein they pray for the Emperors , for their servāts , officers , & c ? then they went to repeating the Scriptures according to the time and occasion , then they edified themselves in faith and hope by holy exhortations . There they had also the exercise of Discipline , there they had their Love-feasts which began and ended with prayers , and were celebrated with singing of Psalmes . This was Tertullians Liturgie . From these two Writers of the purest times , it is evident that it was the custome or order of the Church in their Assemblies to pray , read , and expound the Scriptures , administer the Sacraments ; but that there were set formes of Prayer prescribed and imposed upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they were tyed to read such and such Scriptures , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had words of exhortation put into his mouth , that hee must use without adding , or altering , or diminishing , all which are in a stinted Liturgy , this doth not appear , but rather the contrary , Tertullian saith , Coimus ad sacrarum literarum commemorationem si quid praesentium temporum qualitas aut praemonere cogit aut recognoscere . And now we hope our Remonstrant wil see how we will avoid our own contradiction . To say there was an order of administrations although there were no set and prescribed formes is no contradiction : You see it in the Churches practice . To say there was an order of prophecying given to the Church of Corinth by the Apostle Paul , and yet no stinted forms of prophecying imposed upon them , wee hope the Remonstrant himselfe will say is not contradictory . But these quotations are blasted already ; it is but a silly ostentation of antiquity , that these men bring against the Liturgie ; so is all wee bring if the Remonstrant may be judge : but wee appeale to the learned Reader . And what can our Remonstrant accuse us of : First in our quotation of Tertullian , Wee mis-english it , Sine Monitore quia depectore , without any prompter , but their own heart . Is this a mistranslation ? what then will you say to that approved Glossator Zephirus ? who thus expounds this place ; Our Prayers are not dictated to us as are the Prayers of the Heathens , by their Priests , but proceed from the bottome of our hearts , &c. Is not this to pray without any other prompter but their own hearts ? Nor doth Heraldus contradict this sence . If Zephirus his Glosse like not you , your English likes us , as well as our owne , and proves what wee desire . Sine Monitore : not being urged by any superiour injunction , though wee thinke Monitor may as well be translated prompter as injunction ; but if no injunction , how could it be a Liturgy , a commanded , imposed forme ? and if neither of these , neither Zephirus nor your own please you , then take Nicholas Rigaltius . The Heathens had a Monitor that led them along in their prayers , out of a writing , that they might misse nor mistake no words , &c. yet what is this to a prescribed forme ? yes , if they prayed sine Monitore , it overthrows a prescribed forme , read it as you will ; if you read it without a prompter it overthrowes a forme , if it be as you read it without any Superiour injunction , it overthrows a prescribed forme . But why may not we saith the Remonstrant , as well argue , that because our Ministers doe ordinarily in their pulpits pray for the King in their own expressions , therefore there is no forme of Liturgie enjoyned ? quite from the purpose ; we shew you in Tertullian , where there were prayers that were not stinted and prescribed forms , shew us if you can in Tertullian , any such there were . Our other testimony out of Terullian and Austine , is full to the purpose we intended ; wee brought them to prove that it was free for Christians to pray as their occasions did require , without being limited to prescribed formes : and though we will not say peremptorily there were no publique Liturgies in Augustines time , yet we dare say the place hee brings proves it not , in which there is not one word of prescribed or publike forms . The next place he quarrels with , is Iustin Martyr , the fault there is in the Translation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is guiltily translated the instructer of the people , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , falsly turned according to his ability . We must quit our selves of both these crimes : First , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we render not the word but the person , the instructor of the people , because the same Father but a few lines before told us , that was his proper work , and why should the Remonstrant cal this a guilty translation ? Did he think we were affraid to use the word President or Bishop , for fear of advantaging the adverse cause ? No such matter , take it , translate it you , Bishop if you please , make this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Apocalyps , what will you gain by it ? but this , that such a President or Bishop there was in every Congregation , whether in the City or Country . But besides the supposed guilt , we are charged with false Translation for turning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to his ability , if this be a false Translation , let the crime lie upon Langius , and not contradicted by Sylburgius in his notes , who before us translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quantum pro virili potest , which wee know not how to conster better then according to his ability . And this Remonstrant grants they did pray according to their ability , and so ( saith he ) do ours , and yet we have a publike Liturgie , and so had they . It followeth not , that they had because we have ; we would fain see better proofe of it . The Remonstrant thinks it is proof enough to picke a quarrell with what wee have spoken , and therefore scorns to trouble himself any further then to tell the Reader it is Magisterially said by these men that set and imposed formes were not introduced till the Arrian and Pelagian Heresies did invade the Church , and as Clerkly they confute themselves by their own testimony . So then , if wee cite testimony , it is not Magisterially spoken , and how is it Clerkly confuted ? Besides what wee have done our selves , he vouchsafes us the honour to bestow a marginall confutation upon us out of Conc. Laod. cap. 19. we will doe the Canon and the Cause right , and give you the full view of it . Oportere seorsum primum post Episcoporum Homilias Catechumenorum Orationem peragi , & postquam exierunt Catechumeni eorum qui poenitentiam agunt fieri orationem , & cum i● sub manum accesserint & recesserint fidelium , preces sic ter fieri . Vnam quidem scilicet primam silentio , secundam autem & tertiam per pronuntiationem impleri ; deinde sic pacem dari , & sic sanctam oblationem perfici & solis licere sacratis ad altare accedere & communicare . We desire the Reader to remember that the question is not about a set Order or Rubrick , ( as the Remonstrant calls it ) of administrations , but about set and imposed forms of prayer . Now what doth this Canon require ? that after Sermon , Prayer should be made first for the Catechumeni , Secondly , for the penitents , Thirdly , for the faithfull . But doth it binde to set forms of prayer in all these ? that the Reader sees it doth not , for some of the prayers required in that Canon are mentall prayers , therefore not stinted , nor prescribed praiers , as appears by that clause in the Canon , which the Remonstrant ( shuffling up with much lesse fidelity then we have done the Milevitan Councell ) leaves out in his quotation But Clerklike wee confute our selves . First , in going about to prove that set and imposed formes were not introduced till the Arrian and Pelagian heresie did invade the Church , by the testimony of a Councell that was before Arrianisme . Hee that is so quicke to take others in their self cōfutations , doth as Clerklike confute himselfe , in granting that the Laodicean Councell was between the Neocesarian , and the Nicene , and yet so long before Arrtanisme , as it seemes ridiculous to referre from the one to the other : Now the Neocesarian Councell was as Binius from Baronius computes in the yeer 314 , and the Nicene was 325 , or according to Eusebius , 320. And was the Arrian heresie just born at the period of the Nicene Councell ? if not , why may not the Arrian Heresie invade the Church before the time of the Laodicean Councell , especially considering that the heresie of Arrius did trouble the Church sometime before it borrowed Arrius his name ; and under his name , some yeers doubtles , before the Nicen Councell . Yet our meaning was not , to affix the introducing of set formes into the Church upon that Councell ; the Remonstrant if that he had pleased might have conceived , that speaking of the bringing in such formes , wee shew how it was done by degrees . And first as a step , the Laodicean Councell did forbid mens varying their prayers as they listed , and did enjoyn all men to use the same prayers : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Remonstrant saith , we said , was a forme of mans owne prescribing . No , we said of a mans own composing ; and how wil the Remonstrant disprove it from the words of the Canon ? To prove our assertion we brought the words of the Councel of Carthage , which our Remonstrant derides as a grosse absurdity to explicate the Councel of Laodicea , by that of Carthage , which is yet no more then Z●naras did before us . But as the Remonstrant relates it , the Fathers of Carthage will afford us little help . You shall heare themselves speak Reader , and then judge . Vt nemo in precibus , velpatrem pro filio , vel filium propatre nominet , & cum ●ltari assistitur semper ad patrem dirigatur Oratio , & quicunque sibi preces aliunde describit non iis utatur nisi prius eas cum fratribus instructoribus contulerit . Where it appears first , that this Canon was made for poore ignorant Priests that knew not the difference between the Father and the Sonne . Secondly , that when this Canon was made , there was no set forme in use in the Church , for it cannot come under the possibility of imagination , that a man having a set form lying before him , should so grosly mistake as to name the Father for the Son , or the Son for the Father . Thirdly , that the limiting or circumscribing the liberty in prayer was such as did not tie him to a set Liturgie , but hee might use the help of any other prayer , so he did conferre with the more learned of his Brethren . The Milevitan Councell went something further , wherein hee challenges our fidelitie in shufling up the Councell ; our fidelity in citing of this Councell is nothing inferiour to his in this , and far above his in the former . Let the Reader consider how much difference there is between what we speak , and what the Remonstrant reports from this Councell , and judge of the fidelity of both . If wee have for brevity sake given too short a representation of the Canon , it will appeare upon are view , to redound onely to our own prejudice . The Canon is this , Placuit etiam illud ut preces vel orationes , &c. quae prob●tae fuerint in Concilio sive praefationes &c. ab omnibus celebrētur . Nec altae omnino dicantur in Ecclesia nisi quae à prudentioribus Tractatae , vel à Synodo comprobatae fuerint ne forte , aliquid contra fidem , velper ignorantiam , vel per minus stu●ium ●it compositum . Where wee observe that this is the first mention of prayers to bee approved or ratified in a Synod and the restraining to the use of them . Secondly , that the restriction was not such but there was a toleration of such Prayers as were tractatae à prudentioribus used by the wise and prudent men in the Church as well as of those Prayers that were approved by the Synod . Thirdly , that the occasion of this restriction was the prevention of Errour in the Church , ne aliquid contrae fidem , &c. So that here the Remonstrant may see how that we have made it good , that liberty in Prayer was not taken away , and set formes imposed , till the Arian and Pelagian Heresie invaded the Church : his owne quotations would have told him this . Next to these Testimonies , as a strong inducement to us to think that there were no Liturgies of the first and most venerable antiquity producible , wee added this consideration , that the great admirers of , and searchers after ancient Liturgies either Iewish or Christian could never yet shew any to the World. And now we verely thought that if the Sun did this day behold them , the Remonstrant whose eys are acquainted with those secrets and rarities that wee cannot bee blest with the sight of , would have brought them to publique view for the defence of his owne Cause , but wee feare if there ever were any such , the World hath wholy lost them : he cannot serve you with a whole Liturgie , such fragments as hee found served in , wee shall anon tast off . His miserable mistake in saying that part of the Lords Prayers was taken out of the Iewish formes , we pardon because hee doth halfe acknowledge it . So do wee , his prudent passing by in silence what wee objected against his confident assertion of Peter and Iohns praying by a forme , and that which wee brought of the Publican and Pharise to make good what we objected , because we know he cannot answere it . Three things hee speaks of , The Lords Prayer , the Iewish Liturgies , and Christian Liturgies , for the Lords Prayer hee saith nothing can bee more plain then that our Saviour prescribed to his Disciples , besides the Rules , a direct forme of Prayer , we grant indeed nothing can be more plaine then that both our blessed Saviour and Iohn taught their new Converts to pray , yet the Remonstrant will have a hard task to prove from Scripture that either Iohn or our Saviour gave to their Disciples publique Liturgies or that the Disciples were tied to the use of this forme . But though his proofe fall short in the Lords Prayer , yet it is sure he saith , that Christ was pleased to make use in the Celebration of his last and heavenly Banquet , both of the fashions and words , which were usually in the Iewish Feasts , as Cassander hath shewed in his Liturgica . Yet Cassander who is his sure proof saith but this , observasse videtur seemes to have observed . Secondly , the evidence of all this comes from no better authour then Maymonides who wrote not till above a 1000 yeers after Christ. Thirdly , though it were granted that our Saviour did pro arbitrio or ex occasione , use the fashion or words usually in the Jewish feast , it doth not at all follow that he did assume these words and fashions out of Iewish Liturgies ; an Arbitrary custome is one thing a prescribed Liturgie is an other . Yet to prove such a Liturgie , that he might ( as far as he can ) stand to his assertion , he brings something out of Capellus , the Samaritan Chronicle , and Buxtorfius his Synagoga Iudaica . We begin with what he brings out of a Samaritan Chronicle , sometimes in the hands of the famously learned Ioseph Scaliger , out of which hee tels us of an imbezel'd book , wherein were contained the Songs & Prayers used before the Sacrifices : which although we might let passe without danger to our cause , and answer , that they were onely divine Hymnes wherein there was alwayes some thing of prayer ; because the Remonstrant himselfe in his second mentioning of them names onely Songs : and were there any thing for set prayers , it is like hee would have put down some thing of them in the Authors own words , as well as hee hath burthened his margent with some thing which is nothing to the purpose . But we shall make bold ( under correction ) to examine the authority of his Samaritan Chronicle . Ioseph Scaliger had certainly but two Samaritan Chronicles ( had he had any other he would certainly have mentioned it when hee undertooke to speake of all accounts & Chronicles ) whereof that shorter is printed in his Emendat . Temporum , lib. 7. which is so fond and absurd a thing , that hee calls it ineptissimum : and there gives this censure of the Samaritans in point of antiquity : Gens est totius vetustatis , etiam quae ad ipsos pertinet , ignarissima : They are a people most ignorant of all antiquity , even of that which doth most concerne themselves . And more he would have said against it , if he had lived to know how much it varied from the Samaritans owne Pentateuch , as it is since discovered by that learned Antiquarie Master Selden in his Preface ad Marmora Arundeliana . This wee know is not the Chronicle the Remonstrant means : there is another which Scaliger had , of which himself thus : Habemus eorum magnum Chronicon ex Hebraica lingua in Arabicam conversum , sed charactere Samaritano descriptum : is liber incipit ab excessu Mosis , desinit infra tempora Imperatoris Adriani , &c. Wee have also their great Chronicle translated out of the Hebrew into the Arabick tong●e , but written in a Samaritan character : which Book begins from Moses departure , and ends beneath the times of Adrian the Emperour , &c. Of which Book Scaliger his own censure is , that though it hath many things worthy of knowledge , Yet they are crusted ●ver with Samaritan devices , and judge how much credit wee are to give to this Book for antiquity , as farre as Moses , which makes no mention of their own originall any other ways , then that they came out of Egypt by Moses : doth not so much as speak of any of the ancient Kings of Samaria , nor the defection of the ten Tribes under Rehoboam , and doth onely touch the names of Samson , Samuel , David , &c. as Scaliger speaks in the beginning of his notes ; and so will let your Samaritan Chron●cle passe , and give you leave to make the best of it . But to this testimony , what ever it be , wee oppose the testimony of a learned Iew , who is rather to be heard , then a Samaritan . The famous Rabbi Moses Maymonides , who pleaseth to read part of his first , second , and eleventh Chapters , in his Mishneh of the Law , Halachah Tephillah , shall evidently finde , that from Moses his time to Ezra ( above a 1000 yeeres ) there were no stinted forms of prayers heard of in the Iewish Church , but every man prayed according to his ability . Secondly , that in Ezra his time eighteene short forms of Prayers were composed for the scattered Iews , which had lost the use of the holy language ; because they thought it best to continue their Prayers and Worship of God in that sacred tongue . Thirdly , but not a word of any set forms which the Priests or Levits were to use , but only to helpe the ignorant Iews , to expresse themselves in prayer to God in the holy language ; at the time or houres of prayer , Which the men of the great Synagogue had appointed : Peter and Iohn went up together to the Temple at the houre of prayer , being the ninth houre . Though we alleage not this of Maymonides , as a testimony to command beliefe , yet wee conceive it farre more to be regarded then any Samaritan Chronicle . Secondly , hee hath some scraps of Iewish Liturgies out of Capellus , concerning which a short answer may serve ; first there is not one of the Iewish Liturgies now extant , which was made before the Iews ceased to be the Church of God : for besides the eighteene short formes before mentioned , there were no other made till Rabbi Gamaliel his time , who according to the judgment of learned Criticks is that Gamaliel mentioned in the Acts , ( from whom Paul got such bitter principles against Christian Religion . ) But whensoever they began , Capellus would laugh , should he heare what a strange conceit this Remonstrant had gotten from him , that the Iewish Liturgies were as ancient as the time of Moses , merely , because he parallels some Iewish phrases which hee found in them with certaine phrases in the Gospell , which the Iews retained by Tradition from their Fathers , and put into their Liturgies . But Buxtorfius would fal out with him , that he should so much abuse him , as to say he had affirmed that Maymonides took his Creed out of the Liturgie ; for the man is not guilty of any such grosse mistake : he saith indeed , that the Articles of the Iewish Creed are printed in the Liturgies , but withall hee tels the Remonstrant , that Maymonides was the first composer of them , whence therefore the Iews put them into their Liturgie . Thus wee leave his Iewish Liturgie , which the Reader will easily see to be more Iewish , then hee could justly suppose our instance of William Rufus was , and that it affords him as little furtherance . For Christian Liturgies , which the Remonstrant had affirmed to have been the best improvement of the peace and happinesse of the Evangelicall Church ever since the Apostles times , we challenged the Remonstrant , setting aside those that are confessedly spurious , to produce any Liturgie that was the issue of the first 300 yeers ; in answer to which , he brings us forth the Liturgies which we have under the names of Iames , Basil , and Chrysostome : to which our Reply may be the briefer , because hee himselfe dares not vouch them for the genuine writings of those holy men . Onely , saith hee , we have them under their names : Secondly , he confesseth there are some intersertions spurious in them . Thirdly , all that he affirmes is , that the substance of them cannot be taxed for any other then holy and ancient : what censure the learned Criticks , both Protestants and Papists have p●st upon these Liturgies , we hope the Remonstrant knows ; we will onely mind him of what the le●rned Rivetus speaks of the Liturgies of Iames , Peter , Matthew , Mark , has omnes profectas esse ab inimico homine q●i bonae semenii Domini , nocte super seminavit z●z●nia solidis rationibus probavit Nobilisque & illustris Philip Morneus lib. 1. de Missae & partihus ejus . Which because the Remonstrant so often finds fault with our misenglishing , wee leave to him to see if hee can construe these Zizania to be any other then these Liturgies , and this inimicus homo to be any other then the Devill . Nor will his implication of the ancient ▪ Councell of Ancyra helpe him , which forbade those Priests that had not sacrificed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Will the Restrant say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was to serve in the holy Liturgies , that is , reading set Litnrgies , he may as wel say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the reading of set Homilies . Balsamon , Zonaras , Dionysius , Isidore , and Gentian Harvet doe all translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquod munus sacerdotale subire . And that the Remonstrant may not delude himself nor others with the ambiguitie of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if every mētion of these did by implication prove such a Liturgie , as for which he contends . Let him know that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is variously used in Antiquity sometimes for all the Ministeriall Offices , so Zonaras in Concil . Antioch . Can. 4. and so Concil . 4. Ancyra . Can. 1. quoted by himselfe , if hee would either have observed , or acknowledged it : sometimes only for prayer , so Balsamon in Can. 12. Concil . Sardic . 6. Sometimes singing of our Psalmes is tearmed by Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The same Father expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 13. by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hom. 27. in Act. so that for the proof of such Liturgies as are the Subject of this question , it is not enough to shew us the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in antiquity , let him shew the thing before he so Dictator-like condemne those for giddy heads that will not take his word for proofs , and believe it was the undeniable practice of antiquity to use Liturgies and formes of prayer , because he saith so . His supercillious censure upon our passage about conceived prayer , is not worth the taking notice of , he saith , We are sullen and crabbed pieces , tecchy and quarrelsome men , and why ? because we said his large prayses of conceived prayer , were but a vantage ground to advance publike forms the higher , how truly judg ; what cause we had so to think wee declared from the cruell and ungodly practices of the late times which he will scarce take notice of . Our arguing about the originall and confirmation of our Church Liturgie , he calls wrangling . For the originall , the Remonstrant said it was taken out of the ancient Models , not Roman but Christian : here wee tooke notice of the opposition betweene Roman and Christian , because by the Remonstrant made Termini sese mu●u● removentes : which we perceive now hee is not willing should passe for his meaning , hee will not have it meant of an opposition , but of a different modification . Though his instances brought to exemplifie it are not all ad oppositum . We will not make digressive excursions into new controversies , though wee are not affraid of burning our fingers with his hot Iron . Only wee tell him , that the Suffrages of unquestionable Divines are not so unanimous , but that from some of them wee could fetch sparks to fling in the face of him that desired their suffrages , without burning our-own fingers . Compare what the booke called the Old Religion speaks of the Church of Rome , p. 6. where a speech imputed to Luther is justified as a charitahle and not too indulgent a profession , viz. That under the Papacie is all good , true Christianitie , the very kernel of Christianity , &c. Compare this with what the Bishop of Salisbury saith in his begged suffrage , who thus speaks , That the Church of Rome is no more a true Church than an arrant Whore is a true wife to her husband . To disprove what he affirmed , that the Liturgy was taken out of Models not Roman but Christian , We produced King Edwards Proclamation , to which he answers nothing , onely ownes that , and scornes us : thinking to wipe off all exceptions with the glorious names of Martyrs and Confessors that composed it . For whom ( though wee dare not glory in man ) yet wee blesse God as well as he . But with all if we should say there were some holy Martyrs and Confessors of the same reformed Religion that were Opposers of it , and suffered in opposition even to a persecution , the lives of some of them being pursued from City to City , ( which he knows is most true , and so may any that will read the booke called the troubles of Frankfort ) Would this be a sufficient argument in his judgment for the remo●all of it ? But this is not the strength by which our Liturgie stands , it stands confirmed by Parliamentary Acts , and King Iames his Proclamation ; to which wee answered , that neither the King nor the Parliament intended such a rigorous pressing of the Liturgie as we have felt . Secondly , that neither our own Laws nor the Proclamation of that ever admired Prince are as unalterable as the Lawes of the Medes and Persians ; this he cals a bold flout , of purpose to render us odious to our dread Sovereigne , and the Honorable house ; as likewise in the next page seems to impute that language to us , which is his own : our loyall hearts startle to think of a repetition of the words , they are in pag. 23. of the Defence , and are concerning King Iames , whom in the clause wee had last in hand , wee mentioned with the deserved memory of a famous and ever admired Prince . We confesse in some passages of that booke , wee tooke liberty to use some cheerfull expressions , provoked thereto by the strange confidence , and little strength of our Remonstrant , Remembring that of Tertullian , It wel agrees with truth to laugh , because it is of a pleasant disposition , and to sport with her competitors , because it is secure , and feares not the wals of her bulwarks . But what ever we have done in other places , here ( wee attest the great Searcher of hearts ) it never came into our thoughts to use a light expression , much lesse to flout in so bold a manner as hee accuseth us . Nor doe wee thinke it possible that any charitable Reader could suppose wee aimed at any other then what we expresse more plainly pag. 20. of our answer , of the power of Princes and Parliaments in changing their laws . His next business is with our queres , the first whereof was this , Whether it be not fit to consider of the alteration of the Liturgie , which we hoped had beene presented in such modest termes ( speaking of an alteration , not an utter abrogation , of consideration of an alteration not prescribing the alteration , onely of a fitnes of such an alteration , not of the necessity of such an alteration as should never have occasioned such a sarcasticall Declaration , as he their makes . The thing propounded is so equall that the Remonstrant who makes conscience to agree with us in as little as hee may : here is forced to confesse much against his will ( for which we may thank the Honorable Parliament ) there is some need of alteration , but this cōfession is joined with such a height of sco●n●t seems to threaten those who ever they are that should dare attempt it , & exprest in such away of diminution , as gives just cause to suspect , it is a meer designe to gain upon the Parliament , and by a pretended shadow of an alteration to prevent a reall and totall reformation ; he tels us of wiser heads then our own , that will consider of the alteration : if here hee mean the Parliament , hee meanes the same to whom wee have presented these considerations , concerning whom wee doubt not , but they will make another manner of an alteration then the Remonstrant speaks of , consisting onely of a bare change of a few expressions , and that in the manner of them Onely . But if these wise heads hee here speaks of , are such as his own , that it may be are complotting some kind of a castigation of the Liturgie , then wee feare that although the times will not serve to make such an alteration , as that of the English Liturgie sent into Scotland : yet the alteration is like to be no better than in Queene Elizabeths time , when the Parliament having given order for the alteration and correction of the Letany , all the Alteration that was made in it , was onely the taking out of that one suffrage , from the Pope of Rome , and all his detestable enormities , good Lord deliver us . The Remonstraut tels us of a Martyr ( whom he cals Silly and Ignorant , wee dare not ) Doctor Taylor that magnified the Liturgy to Bishop Gardiner , as compleat ; but where this story is you tell us not ; wee could answer story with story , which would please you much lesse then this doth us : we could tell you of a Martyr that said it was the Mark of the Beast to receive from the Bishop a Licence to preach ; Wee could tell you of that Doctor Tailor , who when hee was degraded , having his corner Cap , and the rest of his Priestly Robes put on , when they were taken off again , said hee , now I am rid of my fools coat . That our proposition of entring into consideration about altering the Liturgie , might not seeme unreasonable , wee set downe our reasons enforcing such alteration ; all which the Remonstrant brings under the severity of his censure . First , ( wee say ) it symbolizeth so much with the Popish Masse , as that the Pope would have approved it : which hee denyes not , if he had , we could have proved it from a man above suspition in this cause , Doctor Morton . Onely hee saith , If the Devill confesse Christ to be the Son of God , shal I disclaim the truth , because it passed through a damned mouth ? but you know Sir , that Christ would not receive such a Confession from the Devils mouth , nor Paul neither , Act. 16. and loth wee would be to go to the Devill to learne a confession . It is true , Gold in the impurest Chanell is not to be contemned , but what need we goe to the Chanell for gold , when wee can have it in the purest stream ? or what need we goe to the Roman Portu●se for a Prayer , when wee can have one more free from jealousies in another place ? Will a wiseman goe to the Stews to seek an honest woman to make his wife ? Our second Reason why wee propounded this quaere was , because this was composed into this forme on purpose to bring the Papist to our Churches , which wee finde to bee with so little successe , &c. In answer to which the Remonstrant first commends the project as charitable and gracious . The nature of the project wee never intended to dispute , onely wee produced this to shew that there was not the same reason for the retaining of this forme , that there was for the first introducing of it , because experience tels us it hath not prevailed to that end to which it was at first designed . Yes it did , saith the Remonstrant ; for Sir Edward Coke tels us , till the eleventh yeere of Queene Elizabeth all came to Church , those times knew no recusant . Pardon us Sir , If we tell you that it was not the converting power of the Liturgie , but the constraining power of the Law that brought them thither ; which afterwards not being pressed with that life and vigour that it had bin , gave incouragemēt to the Popish fact ō , to take heart : adde also , that at the same time the Pope negotiated to have her Liturgie to be allowed by his authority , so as the Queene would acknowledge his Supremacie , which when it grew hopelesse , then the Jesuitish Casuists begun to draw on the Papists to a Recusancie . But might the complying of our Papists be attributed soly to the inoffensivenesse of our Liturgie ; Yet what credit is this to our Church to have such a forme of publike worship , as Papists may without offence joyne with us in , and yet their Popish principles live in their hearts still ? How shall that reclayme an erring soule , that brings their bodies to Church , & leaves their hearts stil in error ? And wheras the Remonstrant would impute the not winning of Papists rather to the want or weaknesse in preaching ; Be it so , in the mean time , let the Bishops see how they will cleere their souls of this sinne , who having the sole power of admitting Ministers into the Church , have admitted so many weak ones , and have rejected so many faithfull , able Preachers , for not conforming to their beggerly rudiments . And when we said that this our Liturgie hath lost us many rather then wonne any , Wee meant not onely of such as are lost to the Popish part . But let the Remonstrant take it so , it is neither paradox nor slander . For let an acute Jesuite have but this argument to weild against a Protestant not well grounded in our Religion ( as too many such there are in England ) It is evident that the Church of Rome is the ancient and true Church , and not yours , for you see your Service is wholly taken out of ours , How would a weake Christian expedite himselfe here ? To the third reason , this quaere was grounded upon the many stumbling blocks the Liturgie lays before the feet of many . He tels us that these stumbling blocks are remov●d by many . We confesse , indeed , endeavours used by many , whether effected or no that we question ; wee know it is no easie thing , when a scruple hath once taken possession of the conscience to cast it out again . Among the many , the Remonstrant is pleased to refer us to Master Fisher ( for himself will not vouchsafe to foule his fingers with the removing of one of those blocks we mentioned ) whose book , among all that have travelled in that way , we think that any int●lligent Reader will judge most unable to give solid satisfaction to a scrupling conscience . Tell us wee beseech you , is it enough for a conscience that scruples the Surplice , to say , That it is as lawfull for you to enjoyn the Surplice , and punish the omitting of it , as it was for Solomon to enjoin Shimei , not to goe out of Jerusalem , and to punish him for the breach of that injunction ? or , That the Surplice is a significative of divine alacritie and integritie , and the expectation of glory ? Is it possible that a man that reads this should stūble at the Surplice after ? The Cross is not onely lawfull in the use of it , but the removall of it would be scandalous and perillous to the State ; Baptisme is necessary to salvation ; Children dying unbaptized are in a forlorne condition , therefore Midwives may baptize , &c. Let the Reader judge whether this be to remove stumbling blocks from before the feet of men , or to lay more . But if this Remonstrant think Master Fisher so able and happy a remover of those occasions of offence , wee wonder how his quick sight could see cause of any alteration , so much as in the manner of the expression , knowing Master Fisher undertakes the defence not onely of the Substance , but of the very Circumstances and Syllables in the whole Book . But his last put off is this , that if there be ought in it that may danger scandall , it is under carefull hands to remove it . The Lord be praysed it is so : it is under carefull hands and hearts , more mercifull then this Remonstrant is , to remit troubled Consciences to No Better Cure then Master Fishers Book , who we hope will do by those as the Helvetians did by some things that were stumbled at among them ; though they were none but Anabaptists that stumbled at them , yet the State did by Authority remove them , and Zwinglius their professed adversary gives them thanks for occasioning the removall . To the fourth , which was that it is Idolized and accounted as the onely worship of God in England , &c. At Amsterdame , saith hee ; but hee knew wee spoke of such as adore it as an Idoll , not such as abhorre it as an Idoll , though it pleaseth him to put it off with a scoffe , retorting upon us , others say , rather too many doe injuriously make an Idoll of preaching , shall wee therefore consider of abandoning it ? We hope , Sir , you are not serious , if you be , & that not a little your self is guilty of Idolizing the Liturgy . Dare you in cool bloodequalize this very individuall Liturgy with Gods Ordinance of preaching , and say there is as little sinne or danger in considering of the utter abandoning of preaching , as there is in the abandoning of this present established Liturgie ? Cave dixeris . The fift Argument was from the great distaste it meets with in many . This hee imputes to nothing but their ill teaching , and betakes himselfe to his old shifts of diversion , and saith , By the same reason , multitudes of people distasting the truth of wholsome doctrine , shall we to humour them abandon both ? It is a griefe to see this distast grow to such a height as tends to a separation ; and it is as strange to us that this Remonstrant should have a heart so void of pity as that the yielding to the altering or removing of a thing indifferent ( which stands as a wall of separation betwixt us and our brethren ) should be presented to publike view under no better notion then the humouring of a company of ill taught men , or as the Remonstrant elsewhere calls them brainsick men , or as another Booke , men that have need of dark roomes and Ellebore . For that ill teaching to which hee imputes this generall distast , if there be any such , wee for our parts are innocent ; our care for our part hath beene to informe our people , that such stumbling blocks as these are not sufficient causes of Separation . But wee thinke , nay , we know , that some few Prelats by their over-rigorous pressing of the Service-book and Ceremonies , have made more Separatists , than all the Preachers disaffected to the Ceremonies in England . Our last reason was from the difference betweene this and all other Churches . To which he answers , that difference in Liturgies will breed no dis-union between Churches . Secondly , if it be requisite to seeke conformity , our is the more ancient Liturgie , and our the more noble Church : Therefore fit for them to conforme to us rather then we to them . It is true , every difference in Liturgies doth not necessitate a dis-union of Churches : but here the difference is too large to be covered with a few fig-leaves . It is too well known , our Ceremonies and other things in our Liturgies will not downe with other reformed Churches : to the second , it is not the precedencie in times that gains the Glory , but the exactnesse of the work . Our first Reformation was onely in doctrine , theirs in doctrine and discipline too . For the third , that ours is the more noble Church . We desire not to ecclipse the glory of this Church , but rather to intreat the Lord to increase it a thousand fold , how great soever it be , and to ennoble it in this particular , in removing what ever is a stumbling block out of the way of his people . But why saith the Remonstrant should we rather conforme to the Liturgies of the Reformed Churches , then those of all other Christians , Grecians , Armenians , Copths , &c. should we set down what wee have read in the Liturgies of those Churches , wee believe the Remonstrant would blush for intimating , there is as much reason to conform to their Liturgies as those of the Reformed Churches . Our second quaere is not so weak as this Remonstrant supposeth ; it is this , whether the first Reformers of Religion did ever intend the use of a Liturgie , further then to be a help in the want , and to the weaknes of the Ministers ? In way of Answer he asketh , Whether we can think that our Reformers had any other intentions then all other the founders of Liturgies . No , indeed , wee thinke no other , and howsoever the Remonstrant according to his confidence tels us that the least part of their eare was the helpe of the Ministers weaknesse , yet their words tell us it was the main drift of those that first brought prescribed forms of prayer into the Church ( and therefore wee conceived it might possibly be the intention of our Reformers also ) witnesse the 23 Canon of the fourth Councell of Carthage , ut nemo patrem nominet profilio , &c. So the Composers of the Liturgie for the French Church in in Frankfort , He formulae serviunt tantum rudioribus , nullius liberiati praescribitur . These formes serve onely for the ignorant , not prescribing to any mans liberty . And were it so that the mayn drift of the Composers of Liturgies were to helpe the d●votion of the people , yet ( what a help to devotion many find it , though we dispute not ) it will be hard f●r this Remonstrant to perswade many thousands who desire with devout hearts to worship God , that the being constantly bound to the same formes , though in themselves neither for matter nor composure subject to just exception , will prove such a great help to their devotion . But this wee are sure , that if the knowing before hand the matter and the words wherewith it should be clothed make people the more intent upon devotion , if this be an infallible argument , it pleads against the use of present conception , either in praying or preaching , or any other administration either publike or private : and how contradictory this is to what the Remonstrant hath professed of his reverent and pious esteem of conceived prayer , let himselfe see . It is neither boldly nor untruly said , that all other reformed Churches , though they use Liturgies , do not bind Ministers to the use of them : If we may trust the Canons and the Rubricks of those Churches we may both boldly and truly say it . In the Canons of the Dutch Churches , agreed upon in their Synod , we find a Canon enjoyning some days in every week to be set apart for preaching and praying , and the very next Canon saith , the Minister shall conceive prayers either by the Dictate of the Spirit , or by a set forme . So in the first Rubricke of the Liturgie of Geneva , the Minister is to exhort the people to pray , quibus ei visum fuerit verbis , in what words he shall think fit ; and though that Liturgie containe formes of prayer for publike use , yet we doe not finde in all that Liturgie where they are tyed to the use of those forms , and no other ; we finde , where they are left free , as in one place , in Dominico die mane haec ut plurimum adhibetur formula , Upon the Lords Day in the morning , for the most part this prayer is used ; for the most part , then not alwayes . So in another , after the Lords Super , this thanksgiving or some other like it is used ; then they are not absolutely tied to the use of that : and by this wee have learned how to construe what he hath quoted out of Master Calvine . And indeed any man that reads that Epistle may easily construe what was Master Calvines judgement about Liturgies , not that men should be so tied to words and forms , as to have no liberty to recede from them . For in the same Epistle hee doth advise to have a summary collection of doctrine which all should follow , and to the observing of which all , both Bishops and Ministers should be bound by Oath ; Yet we hope the Remonstrant will not say that Calvine did advise that Bishops and Ministers should be bound by oath not to vary from that forme of doctrine ? Calvine advises a set form of Catechisme , will the Remonstrant say that Calvine meant the Ministers should never vary from the syllables of that forme , provided they did dictate pro captu populi , in quibus situs sit verus Christianismus ? The very words by himself quoted shew what Calvins end was in advising a set Liturgie , viz. to helpe the simplicity and unskilfulnesse of some , to prevent the innovation of others , & that the consort of all Churches among themselves might more certainly appeare , all which ends may be obtained without limiting all Ministers to the words and syllables of a set forme , provided they pray to that effect . Which is all that is required in the Liturgies of other Churches . Wee could name you many other Liturgies , wherein there are not further bounds laid upon the Minister then thus , Hae sunt formulae , quas tamen sequitur Minister pro suo arbitrio , These are forms which the Minister follows according to his liking . And again , Spiritus sanctus non est alligandus formulis , The Holy Ghost is not to be tyed to forms . Minister concludit Orationem , quam pro suo arbitrio dicit . Haec esto formula nisi quid ille suâ sponie possit melius . The Minister concludes the prayer , which hee sayes according to his own discretion : let this be that forme , except of his own accord hee can doe better . In another , Minister ad precandum hisce aut similibus verbis invitat ad hunc modum orat , in these or the like words . And by this , ( we hope ) the Remonstrant seeth that what wee have said , was more truly then boldly spoken . As for the Lutheran Churches , though we blesse God for that truth , that is among them , for that glorious instrument of their Reformation , yet we think the Remonstrant will not say , that the Lutheran Churches came out so perfectly in the first Edition , but that desiderantur nonnulla ; nor can he be ignorant , that in the ordinary phrase of writing , they are called the Protestant Churches , the other the Reformed Churches : and what if the Reformed Churches be as the Remonstrant calls them , out of his respect hee beares them , but a poore handfull ? yet is this handfull in respect of purity , of truth , and worship among them , to be preferred before all the Christian World besides . The Rubrick in the Liturgie of Edward the sixth , saith he , is misconstrued , Because it intends onely the peoples ease and more willing addiction to hearing . Two of the very ends for which wee desire a liberty ; which if some Ordinaries ( upon his certain knowledge ) have often yielded , many now upon our certaine knowledge have denied it , and ordered Sermons should rather be constantly cut short then any part of the Liturgie omitted , why should it be a fault in us to desire that as a favour from this Honourable House , which the Remonstrant grants an ordinary may without offence yield at his own discretion ? 3 The Homilies we say are left free , reason therefore the Liturgie should : which argument he confesseth might hold force , did they utterly abridge all Ministers of the publike use of any conceived prayers . We know some men have endevoured sacrilegiously , to rob all Ministers of the exercise of the gift of prayer , on what occasion soever : And our argument is as strong against limiting in prayer , as it is against limiting in preaching , either in whole or in part , and he saith nothing against it , onely determines tanquam è Cathedrâ , that it is no lesse sacrilege to rob the people of a set form , by the liberty of a free expr●ssion , Then it is to rob them of the Ministers gift of preaching or praying . But the Remonstrant must prove that set forms and Liturgies stinted and enjoyned , are not onely lawfull , but Ordinances of God , and not only warranted but commanded , as well as preaching or praying , before he doe so peremptorily conclude the taking of set formes away by the liberty of a free expression to be sacrilege ; and his bold closure of this Answer , how true it is let him look in what we have said before of the Liturgies of other Churches . 4 His fourth Answer , That it is a false ground , that the imposing of the book tyes godly men from exercising their gift in prayer , would have been condemned for heresie in some Consistories in England , within these few yeeres , by such as did , from the imposition of the one , forbid the other . Whether the liberty of prayer be infringed wholly , by a set Liturgie , wee dispute not . But it is beyond dispute , that the not binding to a Liturgie would endanger the liberty of prayer lesse . 5 Our fift Reason was , because many deny their presence at our Church-meeting , in regard of those imposed prayers , and we finde no better way to recover them from that distance in which they stand , then by leaving the Liturgie free . The Remonstrant saith , There is no reason of such alienation from our assemblies upon such grounds . The reasonablenesse or unreasonablenesse of this we determine not ; in the mean time wee are sure thus it is . For our parts we professe , that wee are not against a free use of a Liturgie , nor doe we count a Liturgie a sufficient ground of separation from the Church , we say with Augustine , Non putamus scindendas esse Ecclesias , propter ea quae nos ex se , neque digniores , neque indigniores , coram Deo facere possunt . Yet wee feare it is not the Remonstrants Dilemma that will reduce such as upon this ground are upon point of forsaking our Church assemblies . The Liturgie ( saith hee ) is either good or evill , if evill it is not lawfull to be used , if good it is not unlawfull to be imposed . The persons of whom wee speake , and with whom in this argument he hath to deal will deny both , and tell him the Liturgie is neither good , nor yet may lawfully be imposed if it were good , it may be the Remonstram might have work enough to perswade some men of either : and whether it be easier to satisfie the consciences of many thousands in England , that are troubled about this , by argument and disputing , or by loosing the bond of imposition , and taking away the cause of dispute and trouble , or to behold the confusion that will follow , if the Lord do not in mercy direct to some means of prevention , is not hard to determine . The Remonstran● inclines to the third , and making it but a small matter , turns it off with O miserable misled people , whom nothing will reclaim but a perfect confusion ! a perfect deformity , a more profitable nonsence ! And so confident he is that this will be the issue , that though this confusion appeare in no other Churches who perhaps ( hee grants contradicting himselfe ) begun without a Liturgie ; yet with us it could be no lesse then what hee hath prophesied : yea , so resolute he is not to yield to a liberty in what is established , that whereas wee said that liberty in Liturgies could breed no more confusion then liberty in the Homilies , we evidently see by his answer , that had the reading of Homilies beene as strictly enjoyned as the Book of Common-prayer , the ablest Minister in England , were the Law in the Remonstrants hands , must be held as strictly to them , as to this . Yea , lastly , whereas wee had said , that if enjoyned at all , it might be as a punishment upon the insufficient , thereby to quicken them up to more diligence and care : he scoffs at this as a singular project and unheard of mulct ; and yet himselfe comes out with a project about preaching , never a whit better , and doth as good as confirme our saying in the latter end ; Surely where God hath bestowed gifts , it is fit they should be imployed , and improved to the best advantage of his people : But where there is nothing but an empty , over-meening , and proud ignorance , there is great reason for a just restraint . Let the ingenious Reader peruse the words , and consider how much they differ from that which he calls our singular project : and withall judge whether this conclusion of the Remonstrant after all his wrangling against our Queres , be not as like Bellarmines , tutissimum tamen , &c. as if it had beene cast ●n the same Scull ? How this way that the Remonstrant hath chosen would speed , let the Reader judge : In the meane time we blesse God , who hath put it into the hearts of others , into whose hands hee hath concredited the work , to judge more wisely , and consider more mercifully ; and to professe in the hearing of some of us , that they would willingly part with that which was indifferent to themselves , if they were but truly informed , it was offensive to others . According to that of Gregory , Those customes which are knowne to bring any burthens upon the Churches , it becomes us to consider of the removing of them . Thus we have vindicated the first part of our answer concerning Liturgie , Wherein we professe , as in the presence of God , that wee have written nothing out of a spirit of contention and faction , but onely as lovers of the Truth , and the peace of the Church , which is now miserably divided in judgement and affections , and like a young Hart upon the mountains of Bether ; which rents and distractions , wee are so far from fomenting , that wee would willingly goe over divers Seas ( as Calvin once said ) to finde out one uniforme way of worshipping of God , in which all Christians might happily agree . We well know that peace is the Helena , that all are suiters unto ; and wee know as well , that peace without truth is as a painted Iezabell , and to be thrown downe by all those who are on the Lords side . And therefore it hath and alwayes shall be our chiefe care and prayer , that peace and truth may kisse & greet each other : And we hope that the Worthies of that Honourable Assembly , who are the great Patrons of peace and truth , will give a candid interpretation to these our endeavours , and will doe that for which present and succeeding generations may justly record them as the Nehemiah's , Ezrae's , and Zorobabels , of our decayed Ierusalem . SECT . III. THe businesse of the third Section , is to extricate himselfe from those snares , in which his owne words have entangled him : his affection to his cause , had transported him to use some over-reaching expressions , lifting up the Antiquitie , and extending the Universalitie of Episcopall Government beyond truth , vilifying ( as wee know his custome is ) vvhatsoever hath been spoken or vvritten to the contrary . Those things we laid to his charge ; Now see how miserably he excuseth himself : read the Remonstrance , our c●llections from it in this Section , and judge whether he hath sufficiently redeemed his credit , who hath neither made any one ingenious confession of an oversight , nor yet made good what he had spoken ; yet hee enters with his wonted confidence , perswading himself he hath blown away all the arguments of the former Section , and lays on us unmercifully , calling us Cavellers , Leasers , Slanderers , Calumniators , worthy to be spit upon , &c. Such let us be esteemed , if we be found deserving . His first care , and almost his greatest , is , to cleere himself from that which we spake of but by the way ; His condemning all , that either writ or spoke against Episcopacy , as weak , or factious , The God of heaven knows this ( saith hee ) never came within the verge of my thoughts . Sir , wee cannot parly with your thoughts , but certainly if it were not in your thoughts , your words mistake their errand : For this proposition , Episcopacie is cryed downe abroad either by weake or factious persons , We beseech you , let your Logick ( the want whereof you upbraid us vvith ) tell us , quae , quanta , qualis ; if any man should say it grieves his heart to heare , how the pure Protestant Religion is cryed downe abroad , by either weake or factious persons , would this have been interpreted to concerne onely such as cry downe the Protestant Religion here in England ? Certainly , abroad not being limited , as it was not in your Remonstrance , though now you would limit it in your Defence , is a vvord of such vast extent , as reacheth not onely beyond the bounds of the Parliament , but of the Kingdome too . But see how justly you deale with us , where you personate us as saying , Sure the man is not in his right wits , hear how he raves , sure hee is in a deep phrensie : vvho ever spake of the Remonstrant so contumeliously ? It is language more like his , vvho sends men to darke rooms , and to Ellebore . Wee said indeed , the Remonstrant was self-confounded , and vvee know as vvell as you can tell us , there is a self-confusion that is the effect of extream sorrow , such a sorrow as makes men speak they knovv not vvhat ; and so did this Remonstrant : some of vvhich expressions hee yet justifies , some he minces . This he justifies , and saith , hee ever will ; that hee is no peaceable , nor wel-affected sonne of the Church of England , that doth not wish well to Liturgie and Episcopacie . What ? tell us novv once for all , whither the Parliament doe not here come under the verge of your Proposition ? Whom before you vvere so carefull to exempt by one vvord abroad . For this is vvell knowne , if all those of the Nobilitie , Gentrie , and Communaltie , that at this time stand not vvell affected to the present Liturgie , and Hierarchie , are to bee counted factious and ill affected , the Reverend Fathers will have multitudes of disobedient sons to disple . In the next page , he endevours to make good vvhat he had spoken in the Remonstrance , that Episcopall government , by the joynt confession of all Reformed Divines , derived it selfe from the times of the Apostles ( vvithout the contradiction of any one Congregation gregation in the Christian World ) unto this present Age. His Defence is first , he said nothing of Diocesan Bishops ( then as good have said nothing at all ) but spake onely of Episcopall Government : But vvas it not that Sacred Government vvhich some seek to wound ? and vvhat is that but Government by Diocesan Bishops ? vvhich he must prove to derive it selfe from the Apostles times , or else eat his vvords . Nay , more then so , hee must prove that the joynt Confession of all Reformed Divines acknowledge it ; and not think to put the Reader and us off , with telling us , no true Divines ever questioned , whether Bishops were derived from the Apostles or no , but what kind of Bishops they were ; Wee know what kinde of Bishops the Remonstrant pleads for , and of them he said , by the joynt confession of all Reformed Divines , they were derived from the Apostles : prove this , or acknowledge your errour . It is this kind of Bishops you must prove hath continued in the Christian World unto this age , without the contradiction of any one Congregation . We tell you of Scotland without Bishops : you would put us off with China and Brasile , &c. but are they parts of the Christian World , as Scotland is ? You never meant that every place through the whole World hath had a continued line of Bishops ever since the Apostles , we thought you had ; for we are sure it is the assertion of Episcopall men : else what is the meaning of Doctor Halls semper and ubique ? and what is the meaning of that irrefragable proposition ? no man living , no History can shew any well allowed and setled Nationall Church in the whole Christian World , that hath been governed otherwise then by Bishops , in a meet and moderate imparity , ever since the times of Christ and his Apostles , unto this present age . And what means that other expression ? Turne over all Histories , seeke the records of all times and places , if ever it can be shown , that any Orthodox Church in the whole Christian World , since the time of Christ , and his Apostles , was governed otherwise then by a Bishop , Superiour to his Clergie ( unlesse perhaps during the time of some persecution , or short interregnum ) Let me forfeit my part of the cause . The instances brought to prove the falsnesse of that Assertion , that Episcopacie had never met with contradiction in any Christian Congregation , The one hee turns off with the evasion of a personall quarrell ; whereas the Histories tell us it was an ancient custome ; and adds an odious Marginall ill becomming his so deeply protested loyalty to his Sovereigne , as if it were no lesse crime to offer an affront to a Prelate , then to the King. The other instances of the Reformed Churches , he puts off with this shift ; that if wee did not wilfully shut our eyes , we might see he limited his time unto this present age . Good Sir , bethink you , take up your Remonstrance , read your own words , Mark the Parenthesis . Episcopall Government derives it self from the times of the Apostles without any interruption ( without the contradiction of any one Congregation in the Christian World ) to this present age . The limitation of time here , hath reference to the continuance of Episcopacie , not the contradiction of Episcopacie , that 's hedged in with your parenthesis , which excludes your limitation . Just such another is your next , having said , Episcopall Government continued in this Iland ever since the plantation of the Gospel , without contradiction ; and being here taken in the manner , to salve your credit , you would here alter your words and sence , and make it , that it cannot be contradicted , that the forme of this Government hath continued in the Island ever since the first plantation of the Gospel ; pray review your words , and see how well they admit this sense . Were this Ordinance meerly humane , and Ecclesiasticall , if there could no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding ancient , of more then fifteen hundred yeares standing , and that it hath continued in this Island since the first Plantation of the Gospel , to this present day , without contradiction . You would make the sense to goe thus , this proposition is true without contradiction , that Episcopall Government hath continued in this Island : we say the sense must be thus , that this Government hath continued without contradiction , or hath received no contradiction , during all the time it hath continued , untill this present day . If any impartiall Reader would not take the words in that sence we did , rather then in the sence you have drawn them to , let us be counted slanderers . But in excusing the last mistake , he would be a little more serious . The Remonstrant had said ; Except all Histories , all Authors faile us , nothing can be more certain then this truth . Wee cry out here of such a shamelesnesse , as dares equall this opinion of his of Episcopall Government , to an Article of our Creed . This he doth seriously deny , professing he spake it only as an ordinary phrase in hourly discourse ; and did Hee so too , that in Episcopacie by divine Righ , Part. 2. pag. 47. faith , That for his part , hee is so confident of the divine institution of the Majoritie of Bishops above Presbyters , that hee dare boldly say , there are weighty points of Faith , which have not so strong evidence in Scripture . And the same Author in the same place professeth , that men may with much better colour cavill at those blessed Ordinances of God , viz. ( consecration and distribution of the holy Eucharist , and baptizing of Infants ) then quarrell at the divine institution of Bishops . God give the man lesse confidence , or more truth : is not this to equalize this fancie to an Article of the Creed ? Wee would not have cast away so much time and paper upon this worthlesse businesse , but onely to cleer our selves from that uncharitablenesse , falshood , lying , and slandring , wherewith the Remonstrant here bespatters us . It is in his power to save himselfe and us this ungratefull labour , if hee will give lesse scope to his luxuriant pen , speak more cautiously , let his words be more in weight , and lesse in number . SECT . IV. IN the next Section , the Remonstrant according to his Rhetorick , saith , Now I hope , they wil strike ; it is a Trope , sperare pro timere . He had pleaded for the establishment of Episcopacie , the long continuance of it in the world , and in this Island : this we called Argumentum galeatum , quoting Hierom for that Epithite , for which his great learning scoffs us . Well , wee must put it up ; an argument , or if you will an Almanack , ( for it is growing out of date apace ) and calculated for the Meridian of Episcopacie , &c. meaning the argument , though applyed to Episcopacie , might serve for any other Right , Custome , Order , Religion , that might plead antiquity , which hee denies not , but plainly grants , saying , it is calculated for whatsoever Government ; if so long time have given it peaceable possession ; in so much , that could the Presbytery plead so long continuance , hee should never yield his vote to alter it . No , should not ? to bring in that Episcopall Government which ( saith the Remonstrant ) hath such a divine institution , as not only warrants it , where it is , but requires it where it may be had . How can these things consist ? Surely if your grounds for the Divine Right of Episcopacie be Convictive and Irrefragable , you must renounce that Government which is meerly humane , and Ecclesiasticall , be the Antiquity of it never so venerable , if it stand in Competition with that which may plead a jus divinnm . To divert that which he saw would overthrow this plea , intitling the Pope to as much strength in this argument as the Bishops , he will needs add this : That long continuance may challenge an immunity from thoughts of alteration , uulesse where the ground of the change is fully Convictive and Irrefragable . But first , Sir , you must not make a limitation in your conclusion , above what was in your premises ; but since you are at a dead lift , wee will take it in , and yet tell you , that this helps you no more , then the Pope still : if he may judge , hee will say there is no reason for his abolition : may others judge , the ground is fully Convictive and Irrefragable . The Bishops being Judges , and the Remonstrant , they determine ; no reason in the world for the change of Episcopacie ; but what if others that must be Judges in this controversie see grounds Irrefragable , and Convictive : where 's your argument from the long standing of Episcopacie ? The other things which hee refers to their more proper place we shall expect there . Onely for his confident challenge he makes to us , to name any man in this Nation that hath contradicted Episcopacie till this present age : We must put him in remembrance , that in his Remonstrance his words were unto this present day . Which unlesse hee will have recourse to his Trope , is more then this Age , if by this age hee mean this last Century : but let it be this age , we can produce instances of some ( and that long before this Age ) in this Kingdome that have contradicted Episcopacie ; and our instances shall not be mean. That blessed man Wickliffe ages ago did judge there ought onely to be two Orders of Ministers , and who these be hee expresseth in the following words , viz. Presbyters and Deacons , if there be but two Orders of Ministers in the Church Presbyters and Deacons , then where is your Sacred Order of Episcopacie ? And if Wickliffe deny the being of that Order , doth hee not contradict it ? In the following page he saith , Pauli , &c. That in the time of Paul , two distinct Orders of Clergie men were sufficient , Priests and Deacons : Neither was there in the time of the Apostles any distinction of Popes , Patriarchs , Archbishops ; it was enough that there were Presbyters and Deacons . So , there is one in this Nation , who before this age contradicts Episcopacie . Of him also Walsingham saith , That this was one of Wickliffs errours , that every Priest rightly ordained , hath sufficient power to administer all Sacraments ( and consequently Orders and Penance ) for they were then esteemed Sacraments . Consonant to this of Wickliffe , was the judgment of Iohn Lambert , who in his answer to Articles objected against him saith , thus , As touching Priesthood in the Primitive Church ; when vertue bare ( as Ancient Doctors doe deem , and Scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same ) most room , there were no more officers in the Churches of God then Bishops and Deacons , that it Ministers ; as witnesses , besides Scripture , Hierome full apertly in his Commentaries upon the Epistles of Paul. Though these were but single men , yet they were Martyrs , therefore wee hope their words will beare some weight . Wee could tell you further that Richardus de media Valla in 4. Sent. Dist. 24. quaest . 2. Non ordo qui est Sacramentum , sed potius quaedam ordinis dignitas Episcopatus dicendus est : Episcopacie is not to be called order , but a kind of a dignity of an order . Guli . Occam Anno 1330 Quod Sacerdotes omnes cujuscunque gradus existant , sunt aequalis autoritatis , potestatis , & jurisdictionis institutione Christi : sed Caesaris institutione Papam esse Superiorem , qui etiam potest hoc revocare . That all Priests of whatsoever degree they be , are of equall authority , power , and jurisdiction , by the institution of Christ : but by Caesars institution the Pope is the Superiour , who may also recall this . We could tell you further of one Gualter Mapes , a man whom History records famous for Learning , who flourisht in the yeere 1210 , that wrote many books : among the rest , one called A Complaint against Bishops . Another against the Pope and his Court. Another to the wicked Prelats . In which he cals the Pope Plutonem & Asinum , Prelats , Animalia bruta , & stercora : Whether this man did contradict Episcopacie or no ? let themselves judge . But we are sure , if any man a few yeers agoe should have so written or spoken , it had been a crime next L●sae Majestatis : we could tell them of many more , but the Remonstrant desired but to name any one , we hope we shall indifferently well satisfie his desire , by that time we have mentioned one more , Robert Longland , a Scholer of Wickliffs , who put forth a Book in English , called the Ploughmans Dream , which ends thus , God save the King and speed the plough , And send the Prelates care enough , Enough , enough , enough , enough . If single instances will not serve the turn , wee can give instance of a combination of learned and godly men in Oxford ; who being called in question before the King , and the Bishops of the Kingdome , were condemned to be stigmatized and banished the Kingdome ( the fatall punishment of the Adversaries of Episcopacie ) for saying that the Church of Rome was the Whore of Babylon , the barren fig-tree that God had cursed , and for saying , non obediendum esse Papae & Episcopis , that neither Pope nor Bishops are to be obeyed . If this be not enough , wee can produce the combination of the whole Kingdome , Anno 1537 ( somewhat above an age ago ) out of a Book called , The institution of a Christian Man , made by the whole Clergie in their Provinciall Synod , set forth by the authoritie of the Kings Majesty , and approved by the whole Parliament , and commanded to be preach't to the whole Kingdome , wherein speaking of the Sacrament of Orders , it is said expresly , that although the Fathers of the succeeding Church after the Apostles , instituted certain inferiour degrees of Ministery , yet the truth is , that in the New Testament , there is no mention made of any other degrees or distinction in Orders , but onely of Deacons or Ministers , and Presbyters or Bishops , and throughout the whole discourse makes Presbyters & Bishops the same : from whence it is evident , that in that age the whole Clergy knew not any difference made by the Scriptures between Presbyters and Bishops , and by this time ( we hope ) you have more then one in this Kingdome , who have contradicted your Episcopacie before this age . And if we should expatiate beyond the bounds of this Kingdome , wee might with ease produce , not onely testimonies of Schoolmen but of others , who acknowledge but two Orders in the Ministery ; but seeing you required onely home-born witnesses wee ll trouble you with no other : and intreat you to make much of them . Onely we shall intreat the Reader to view , to his abundant satisfaction , Doctor Reinolds his Epistle to Sir Francis Knowls , who shews out of Chrysostome Hierom , Ambrose , Augustine , Theod. Primasius , Sedulius , Theophilact , that Bishops and Presbyters are all one in Scripture , and that Aerius could be no more justly condemned for heresie , for holding Bishops and Presbyters to be all one , then all those Fathers with whom agree ( saith he ) Oecumenius , and Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury , and another Anselme , and Gregory , and Gratian : and affirms , that it was once enrolled in the Canon Law for sound and Catholike doctrine , and thereupon taught by learned men , he adds further that it is unlikely that Anselme should have beene Canonized for a Saint by the Pope of Rome , and the other Anselme and Gregory so esteemed in the Popes Library , that Gratians Works should be allowed so long time by so many Popes for the golden fountain of the Canon law , if they had taught that for sound doctrine , which by the whole Church in her most flourishing time was condemned for heresie , and concludes that they who have laboured about the Reformation of the Church , these five hundred yeeres ( of whom he names abundance ) have taught that all Pastors be they intitulated Bishops or Priests have equall authority and power by the Word of God , and by this the Reader may know Doctor Reinolds his judgment concerning Episcopacie . There is one thing more belongs to this Section , as to the proper seat , and that is the establishment which he seeks to Episcopacie frō the laws of the Kingdom , to which we having answered , that Laws are repealable , the Parliament having a Nomotheticall power , He answers though laws are repealable , yet fundamentall laws are not subject to alteration upon personall abuses : Secondly , that he speaks not against an impossibility , but an easinesse of change , which our guiltinesse would willingly overlook . But consider , we beseech you , how fitly is Episcopal Government made a piece of the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome ? How did the Kingdome then once stand without Bishops , as in the very page , you had now to answer , you might have seen once it did ? For doth not the Marginall tell you from Sir Edward Coke , or rather from an Act reported by him in the 23 yeere of Edward the first , that the holy Church was founded in the state of Prelacie , within the Realme of England , by the King and his progenitors , which your guiltinesse will needs overlooke , for feare you should see that there was a King of this Realme of England , before there was a Prelacie . And how then is Episcopacie one of the fundamentals of the Kingdome ? And whereas you say you spake onely against an easinesse of change , read your words in the eighteenth page of your Remonstrance , A man would thinke it were plea enough to challenge a reverend respect , and an immunitie from all thoughts of alteration : is this to speake against an easinesse , or rather against a possibility of change ? For your conclusion , that things indifferent or good , having by continuance and generall approbation beene well rooted in Church and State , may not upon light grounds be pulled up , Good Sir , never trouble your selfe about such an indifferent thing , as Episcopacie is . Never feare , but if Episcopacie be rooted up , it will be done by such hands as will not doe it upon light grounds . SECT . V. THey that would defend the Divine right of Episcopacie , derive the pedigree of it from no lesse then Apostolicall , and in that right , divine institution ; so did this Remonstrant . This we laboured in this Section to disprove , and shew , that it might be said of our Bishops , as of those men , Ezra 62. These men sought their Register among those that were reckoned by Genealogie , but they were not found : therefore were they as polluted put from the Priestho●d . For the Bishops , whose pedigree is derived from the Apostles , were no others then Presbyters : this we evinced by foure mediums out of Scripture , but insisted onely upon two , the identitie of their name and office . Before wee come to the Remonstrants answer , wee will minde the Reader of what the Remonstrant saith , That we have a better faculty at gathering then at strewing : which if we have , we shall here make good use of our faculty , in gathering the choice flowers which himself hath scattered ; yielding unto us the mayn Scripture grounds whereby the Patrons of Episcopacie have endevoured to uphold their cause . For himselfe confesseth the Bishops cause to be bad , if it stand not by divine Right , and compares the leaving of divine right , and supporting themselves by the indulgence and munificence of religious Princes , unto the evill condition of such men , who when God hath withdrawn himselfe , make flesh their arme . And whether himselfe hath not surrendred up this divine right , judge by that which followeth . Our main argument was , That Bishops and Presbyters in the originall authority of Scripture were the same . Hee answers in the name of himselfe and his Party , This is in expresse terms granted by us . We argue it further , That we never find in Scripture any other orders of Ministery but Bishops and Deacons . He answers , Brethren , you might have spared to tell mee that which I have told you before , And adds , That when wee alleage the Apostles writings , for the identity of Bishops and Presbyt●rs , we oppose not his assertion , because he speaks of the monuments of immediate succession to the Apostolike times , but we of the writing of the Apostles . And for the two other arguments drawn from the identitie of the qualifications of Bishops and Presbyters for their Office , and Ordination to their office , hee answers Ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem . And yet notwithstanding , that the Reader may not perceive how the Remonstrant betrayes his own cause , he deals like the fish Sepia , and casteth out a great deal of black inke before the eyes of the Reader , that so hee may escape without observation . But wee will trace him and finde him out , where hee thinks himselfe most secure . For first , he falsly quotes our answer . Whereas wee say , That in originall authority Bishops & Presbyters are the same , he tels us , we say , That Bishops and Presbyters went originally for the same , That is , saith he , There was at first a plain indentity in their denomination . Which two answers differ , Immane quantum ! And yet howsoever this very identity of denomination in Scripture is of no small consequence , what ever the Remonstrant makes of it . For the proper ends of Names being to distinguish things , according to the difference of their natures , and the supream wisdome of God being the imposer of these names , who could neither be ignorant of the nature of these offices , nor mistake the proper end of the imposition of names , nor want variety to expresse himselfe , the argument taken from the constant identity of denomination , is not so contemptible as the Remonstrant pretends . Especially considering that all the texts brought to prove the identity of names prove as intrinsecally , the identity of Offices , which we did cleerly manifest , by that text , Titus 1. 5 , 6 , 7. Where the Apostle requiring Presbyters to be thus and thus qualified , renders the reason , because Bishops must be so . Which argument would no ways evince what the Apostle intended , if there were onely an idenditie of names , and not also of offices and qualifications When the names are the same , and the Offices distinct , who but one that cares not what hee affirmes , would infer the same offices as a consequent from the identity of their names ? Who would say that the properties of the Constellation called Canis ought to be the same with the bruit creature so called , because they have both one name ? And this we desire the Reader to take the more notice of , because the Remonstrant passeth it over in silence . Secondly , the Remonstrant seemes to recant that which he had before granted , & tels us that though in the Apostolike Epistles there be no nominal distinction of the titles , yet here is a reall distinction and specification of the duties , as we shall see in due place . But this place is in Vtopia , and wee shall finde it paulò post finem , for wee finde it no where in this book ; but we hope in due place faithfully to performe the contrary to what hee hath deludingly promised , and also to shew how these words of his doe contradict what himselfe saith in other places of his book . The testimonies brought out of antiquities , to shew that the names of Bishops and Presbyters were used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee calls trifling , and challengeth us to name any one of his Writers that hath stood up in the cause of Episcopacy that hath not granted and proclaimed this which we contend for . Wee answer first , the better is our cause , when our adversaries are forced to grant us thus much . Secondly , the Authours we alleage , doe as well hold the offices of Bishops and Presbyters , to be used in Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as the names . Thirdly , though we cannot name the man , yet hee who names himselfe the humble Remonstrant , in the 96 page of his Defence , doth impropriate the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 20. to Bishops in an imparity distinct from meere Presbyters , saying , If they were indeed Bishops , and not mere Presbyters as the word it selfe imports , &c. And wee thinke you should know the name of this man. We mentioned Anicetus , Pius , Higinus , Telesphorus , under the denomination of Presbyters . You Answer we could not have brought a stronger argument against our selves . Why ? They are called Presbyters as well as Bishops . Ergo , the names are used indifferently . Doth it not fully prove as much as we intended ? But they are famously known ( say you ) to have been in a height of elevation above Presbyters . It is yet to be proved they were so : yet how ever , no such elevation as did advance them into an order above Presbyterie . For Irenaeus speaking of the Successors to the Apostles saith , Cum Prebyterio ordine sermonem sanum & conversationem sine offensâ praestant , ad informationem & correctionem reliquorum , And our Remonstrant granting an identitie of names , and yet thinking to maintain a distinction of offices out of Irenaeus , comes neerer to the sence of the Popish Commentator Feuardentius , then of the orthodox Father Irenaeus . To Cyprian whom the Presbyters called frater , Hee replyes that though the Presbyters were so familiar with him as to call him brother , yet he did never so condiscend to them as to call them Bishops , but stifly maintains the eminencie of his superiority , and is sometimes honour ●dutth the st●le of Beatissimus Papa . To all which wee answer , first , that as the Presbyters call Cyprian brother , so he cals them Brethren , Colleagues , Fellow-Presbyters , &c. And Augustine a Bishop , writing to Hierom a Presbyter , disdains not to write in this style , Domino dilectissimo , & in Christi vesceribus honorando , sancto fratri & Compresbytero Hieronymo . So to Praesidius , Domino beatissimo & merito venerando fratri Consacerdoti Praesidio : Yet was Praesidius but a Deacon as Hierome saith . For Cyprians maintaining his Superiority stifly , wee are sure he never maintained it so stifly as this Remonstrant and our Bishops doe : for he ( as we fully shewed in our Answer ) never maintained any sole superiour power , but disclaimed it wholly , yet this is the thing our Bishops contend for , as you may read , Episcopacie by Divine Right , part . 2 pag. 16. As for the glorious Title of Beatissimus Papa Cyprianus , we tell you , in that age , it was a title common to Presbyters as well as Bishops , as appeares ex Bibliotheca Patrum , Primum , singulos habent Papas , sic enim vocant Presbyteros vel Curiones , in singulis Parochiis , cum uno Diacono . It is therefore but a meere false supposition of the Remonstrant , that the title Papa was never given to a meer Presbyter . And we hope the name Papa is as great , and Rome will say as incommunicable , as the Remonstrant would make the name Episcopus , out of Cyprian . In the next Paragraph , the Remonstrant leaving the indentity of names , addresseth himself to the great question about the distinction of the Offices of Bishops and Presbyters . And here we demanded , and now demand againe , What these men , that maintaine the office of a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter , make the Bishops proper office ? Is it to edifie the Church by Word and Sacraments , &c. Here saith the Remonstrant , They fall somewhat unhappily upon the very words of the branded Heretike Aerius . Good Reader , compare the expressions , and see whether they be the very words : but had we faln upon the very words , how can that man that hath said so often , the Liturgie is never the worse , because the words of it are taken out of the Roman Portuise , tr●duce either our persons or cause , for falling unhappily upon the words of Aerius ? But it seems he is very willing to take all advantages , to involve us in the crime of Heresie ; For in this , and severall other passages , hee chargeth us with being the Disciples of that frantick Heretike Aerius , which makes us almost suspect , that great deserving Champion of Episcopacy , Franciscus à Sancta Clara , had a hand in this Remonstrance , who hath driven the Divine right of Episcopacie so high , as to charge all with heresie that deny it . But how ever , the Remonstrant should have done well , to have given better satisfaction to our tenth Quere concerning Aerius , and taken away what wee spake , before hee cry out against him as a stigmatized Heretike . But if hee scorn to answer us , we would intreat him to lend Bellarmine a lift in answering the famous Doctor Whitakers , Who sayes , I answer , Aerius was not accounted by all for an heretike : Epiphanius indeed , and Augustine following him , reckon him among the heretikes , but if he held nothing besides those things , he was not an heretike , for the Scriptures and Fathers themselves confirme all these : and Theodoret in his booke of the Fables of the Jews , doth not ranke him among heretikes , nor the Ecclesiastical history , but rather Eustathius that did oppose him , &c. If your greatnesse will not stoop to answer a single Doctor , we will subjoyn a second , Learned Doctour Willet Contr. Gen. 5. Quaest. 3. and a third , Chemnitius in Exam. Concil . Trid. parte 4. de Orig. Iejunii , and a fourth , Springlius de hodiernis haeresibus part . 1. l. 3. c. 2. which have spoken as fully in the justification of Aerius his opinion , as ever your answerers did . But what saith the Remonstrant to this Aerian question ? Brethren , God speed you with your question . Sir , if you speak this cordially , and seriously , wee are glad of your ingenuity , that though you have called us Heretikes , yet our heresie is not so damnable , but you dare bestow an Ave upon us . But if you speak this scoffingly , as we are verify affraid you do , then we beseech you in the feare of God , consider how you will answer this taking of Gods Name in vain , before that great tribunall , to which you make such bold appeals . The office wee distributed into administring , Word and Sacraments , Orders and Discipline . For the first , administring the Word and Sacraments , this the Remonstrant grants in common to Bishops and Presbyters without any difference but what our distance makes : Which exception wee understand not , unlesse your meaning be that Bishops may preach as often , and as seldome as they please : and wee must preach no oftner then they give us leave . The quarrell as he makes it ( we called it controversie ) lies especially in the power of Ordination and Iurisdiction ; which say wee by divine Authoritie is common to all Presbyters , which yet our Bishops have impropriated to themselves . To prove that the power of Ordination was in the hands of Presbyters , wee produced the 1 Tim. 4. 14. to this he answers nothing of his own : onely tels us in an Hyperbole , it hath received answer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he gives but one , and that borrowed too from Calvine , who takes Presbyterium of the office , not of the persons . Wherein saith the Remonstrant he follows the judgment of Hierome , Primasius , Anselme , Haymo , Lyranus , Erasmus , and others , as Bishop Downham hath shewed . Wee doe believe that this is borrowed of Bishop Downham , for had he consulted with those Authours , hee might easily have seen how little they favour that exposition . For what saith Hierome , whom Primasius follows in his very words ? Prophetiae gratiam habebat cum ordinatione Episcopatus . Doth this prove that Presbyterium is there the name of the office ? If so ? You must grant Episcopacie and Presbyterie to be the same office , which is the verie question . But wee would faine know , why cum ordinatione Presbyterii or Episcopatus should bee understood rather of the office , then of the person : when , ( in proprietie of phrase ) if they had meant it of the office they would rather have said ordinatio ad Episcopatum , then Episcopatus . For Anselme , what saith hee ? Impositionem manuum eam dicit , quae in ordinatione ejus facta est , quae manuum impositio fuit presbyterii , quia per hanc impositionem accepit presbyterium , id est , Episcopatum , vel haec impositio manuum fuit presbyterii , qui Latinis dicitur Senior , quia ipse Apostolus , qui juxta hunc sensum presbyter intelligitur , imposuit manus suas cap●● ejus dum illum consecraret Episcopum . The comment is a sufficient confutation of it selfe , for the first exposition wracks the text with a violent and unusuall hyperba●on . And therefore hee recedes from that , and falls upon a second , Presbyterii qui dicitur Senior , quia Apostolus ipse , &c. Now what an unlikely exposition is this ? What Authour can these followers of Anselme produce , wherein Presbyterium is called Senior . For those other , Lira , Haymo , and Erasmus , we will oppose to them the Fathers of the Greek Church , who are likely to know best the genuine sence of the Greek Text. The same Doctor Do●nham ( from whom the defendant hath borrowed these interpretations ) tels him that Chrysostome , Theodoret , and other Greek Fathers understand it of the persons , and not of the office . As for learned Calvin , in his Institutions we grant he understands it of the office , yet in his Comments ( wherein wee may more justly expect the full sense of the Text ) he compares these two interpretations together , and let any Reader judge , which he prefers , Presbyterium qui hic Collect●vum Nomen esse putant pro Collegio Presbyterorum posi●um , RECTE SENTIUNT MEO JUDICIO : Tametsi omnibus expensis , diversum sensum non malè quadrare fateor , ut sit nomen officii , Ceremoniam pro ipso actu ordinationis posuit . Itaque sensus , Timotheum cum prophetarum voce ascitus fuit in Ministerium , & deinde solemni ritu ordinatut , simul gratiâ Spiritus Sancti instructum fuisse ad functionem suam exequendam . Now which sence doth Calvin preferre ? Of that which we give , hee speaks positively , Recte sentiunt . Of the other , he onely saith , Non malè quadrat . And that this Text must needs be understood of the persons ordaining , and not of the office Timothy was ordained too , will appeare by these reasons . For first , it cannot stand with the signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : The office or dignitie ( as le●rned Criticks observe ) is rather called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nor can it well stand with the sence and construction of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What shall it be governed of ? Would not any Grammarian refer it to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immediatly preceding , rather then to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from which it is so farre dis-joyned . The words in the Greek lye thus . Neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by proph●cie and the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . Now according to the sence the Remonstrant strives for , it is thus . Neglect not the gift of the office of the Presbytery , which was given thee by the laying on of hands . Bishop Downham himselfe , without the bold foysting in ( to use the Remonstrants words ) of a Parenthesis into the Text , cannot make this interpretation good . We thought we had sufficiently proved this interpretation in our answer , by producing all the Texts in the new Testament , in which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used , and shewing that in them it signifies the persons , and not the office , and severall Texts out of Hierom , Ignatius , & Concil . Ancyr . to the same purpose . The Fathers and Councels hee is willing to passe by in silence . The Scripture hee pecks at , and tels us wee doe meerly delude the Reader ; For there it is meant of Elders of the people not of the Church Good Sir , do not you delude your self , & your reader too out of a desire to traduce us . Be they Elders of the people or of the Church , it is sufficient to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not the office of Presbyterie , but the persons in that office . And this also may answer that objection , which he makes from the 2 Tim. 1. 6. For though we grant indeed Master Calvin was more skilled in the harmony then our selves , ( the Remonstrant might have let it passe so without putting it among his Errata , turning it to themselves ) yet wee must crave leave herein to dissent from Master Calvin , as well as Beza , Cameron , Chameir , and others since him have done before us . And let not the Remonstrant call it boldnes in us , to say that power of Ordination is communicated to Presbyters , because Hierome and Concil . Aquisgr . still except Ordination , we must rather marvell at his boldnesse in putting that upon us which we spake not : wee say indeed , pag. 24. of our answer , it was in the hands of Presbyters . The Remonstrant would have us say Communicated to Presbyters , that wee might seeme to acknowledge the power of Ordination to be originally in Bishops , and in Presbyters onely by derivation from them , which we never meant ; and if we ever did use the word Communicated , it was onely to note a Community in that power , not a derivation of it : as for his authors which he alleages for sole Ordination , let the Reader please to view our answer , pag. 37. 38. wherein hee may receive full satisfaction , and the rather because the Remonstrant passeth over it . The third part of that office which the Bishops call theirs , is ruling . To prove this to belong to Presbyters as well as Bishops , we cite Heb. 13. 17. Here the Remonstrant cryes out , Oh injurious imputation ! do wee not give you the title of Rectores Ecclesiarum ? And doe we not commit to you regimen Animarum ? So then you grant this place is rightly both interpreted and applied ; but you give us , say you , the title of rectores Animarum , & regimen Animarum . You give us ? No , it is the Scripture gives it us : yet you would assume it to your selves , and perswad , that as the Pope communicates to his Bishops partem solicitudinis , so you to us Presbyters : but if the Scriptures gave us no more then you do , it would prove 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . You make your selves the sole Pastors , us but the Curates ; your selves , Chancellours , Officials , the sole Iudges , us but the executioners of your and their sentences , whether just or unjust . The other Text 1 Thes. 5. 12. and those four things observed from thence for the confirming of this assertion , the Remonstrant passeth over : so hee doth our argument which was this , They which have the same name , the same Ordination to their office , the same qualification for their office , the same work , to feed the flock of God , to ordain Pastors and Elders , to rule and governe , they are one and the same . But such are Bishops and Presbyters , ergo . And thus deals hee also with the two quotations , the one of the Councell of Aquisgra . the other out of the writing of Smalcald ; all which being to hard for the Remonstrant to evade , hee leaps over to a conclusion of such strange things , as hee never went about to prove in his Section . SECT . VI. HAving from Scripture manifested the Identity of Bishops and Presbyters in their originall institution ; we applied our selves in this section to finde out the authors and occasion of this imparity which now appeares between them . To expedite our selves from needlesse controversies , we laid downe three particulars , as consented to by both sides : First , that the first and best antiquity used the names of Bishops and Presbyters promiscuously ; this the Remonstrant subscribes to . Secondly , that in processe of time some one was honoured with the name of Bishop , the rest were called Presbyters : this the Remonstrant quarrels , and desires to know what was this processe of time , chargeth us either with error or fraud , confidently defends this time had no processe at all , but was in the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the living Apostles , and undertakes to make this good in the sequell . And how he doth that , you shall find in this very section page 59. where to that of Hierom , The Presbyters governed the Church by their common Councel , he answers , So they did doubtlesse altogether , till Episcopacy was setled , who dare deny it ? Here the Remonstrant grants a processe of time betweene the planting of the Church by the Apostles , and the setling of Episcopacy in the Churches Shall we say now this is the Remonstrants either errour or fraud , not to set downe how long it was before Episcopacy was setled in the Church ? let him take heed another time how he charge men with error or fraud , for affirming that which himselfe cannot but give his Suffrage to . The third thing agreed upon was , that this was not nomen inane , an idle title , but attended upon with some kind of imparity : the question was digested into these tearmes . Whether the impropriation of the name , and the imparity of the place and power of a Bishop be of divine right ? The Remonstrant for feare of mistaking , desires to explicate the tearmes of the question , and therefore tels , how fetching the pedegree of Episcopacy from Apostolicall ( and therefore in that right divine institution , ) he interprets himselfe to understand by divine right , not any expresse Law of God , requiring it as of absolute necessity to the being of a Church , but an institution of the Apostles inspired by the holy Ghost , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; but , Nihil infelicius Retorico definiente : the Remonstrant if he would avoyd mistaking , or at least would not say that he was mistaken , should have dealt a little more clearely and punctually in the stateing of the Question . For first he tels us , that it is an institution of the Apostles inspired by the Holy ghost : if the Remonstrant be not here mistaken why doth he page 47. in expresse terms grant us , that in originall authority of Scripture , Bishops and Presbyters were originally the same . For so were our words , not as the Remonstrant reports them , went for the same : and why againe , when we tell him we never finde in Scripture these three orders , Bishops , Presbyters & Deacons ( we say not the names , but orders ) why doth he grant that in the same page , and flie from the writings of the Apostles to the monuments of their immediate successers ? can we imagine that the Apostles did by inspiration from the holy Ghost , ordaine any thing in the Church of God as of perpetuall use ; the record where of is not found in sacred Scripture , which was given by the same inspiration to the same men ; if we may imagine it , sure we cannot beleeve it . And if it be an institution of the Apostles inspired by the holy Ghost , why must it be distinguished from the expresse law of God ? doth he make it but an evangelicall counsell ; not requiring it as necessary to the being of a Church ; sure this is some opinion of a newer cut ; for the last defendant of Episcopacy before this Remonstrant saies thus , The power of Ordination hath beene ever held so intrinsecall to Episcopacy , that I would faine see , where it can be shewed that any extremity of necessity was ever acknowledged a warrant sufficient for others to ordaine . So that in his judgement , where there is no Bishop , there can be no lawfull ordination , let it be in the case of extreamest necessity ; and where no ordination , no ministery , and so consequently no Word and Sacraments , and no Church : and how then in the judgement of these men is Episcopacy not required to the being of a Church ? And if not requiring it to the being of a Church , how then ? requiring it onely where it may be had : what a strange limitation is this ? where is it that Episcopacy may not , must not be had , if it be an ordinance of Christ ? where is it that the Churches of Christ may not have Word , Sacraments , Pastors and Bishops too , if they be his ordinance ? It is true indeed , some there are that cannot have Lord Bishops , pompous Bishops , and once a Canon provides that they should not be in little Villages , Ne vilesceret honos Episcopatus : but these himselfe acknowledgeth , are but the accessaries of Episcopacy by the donations of Magnificent Princes . But what is the meaning of this , where it may be had ? what doth he meane , where it may be had with the favour of the Prince ? then the Primitive Church had never had any . Or where it may be had with the willing subjection of the people ? then Episcopacy shall be an ordinance , if the people will have it so . Where it may be had ; what ? with quiet and conveniency ? then you make that which you call an ordinance of God subject to mans convenience . Or what ? with possibility ? requiring that where Episcopacy may be had possibly , it should ? what 's this lesse than a command ? yet saith the Remonstrant , here is no expresse law of God requiring it . Now we pray you review your worke , and see how well you have stated the question . To prove that Episcopacy was not a divine , but a humane institution ; we produced out of antiquity some places , that mention the occasion and authors of Episcopall imparity , which are not ( as the Remonstrant absurdly ) the onely countenance of our cause . Our first was , that knowne text of Hiereme in the 1. Titus , out of which we collected five things , which the Remonstrant summes up thus : First , that a Bishop and a Presbyter are originally one . Secondly , that the imparity was grounded upon Ecclesiasticall custome . That before this priority , the Church was governed by the common Councell of Presbyters , and that Bishops ought still so to governe . And lastly , that the occasion of this imparity was the division , which through the divels instinct fell among Christians : this the Remonstrant cals the summe of our collection . But if his Arithmeticke be no honester then thus , he shall summe no summes for us ; for he leaves out one Collection which is indeed principally considerable , That this was not Hieromes owne opinion , but the opinion of the scriptures . This would have stopt the mouth of his satis imperitè . Wel what saies the Remonstrant ? You look now that I should tell you the booke is of uncertaine credit . No indeed sir , we looked for no such matter ; because we know that booke is approved by men both of as great learning and of as little affection to Hieromes opinion as the Remonstrant is , though his lesser commentaries on the epistles be questioned . Or else you look , that I should tell you Hierome was a Presbyter , and not without some touch of envy to that higher dignity which he missed . Truely sir , this we looked for , and the rather because Doct. Hall in his Episcopacy by Divine right , part 2. page 122. saith , that as he was naturally a waspish , & a hot good man , so being now vexed with some crosse proceedings , as he thought , with Iohn of Ierusalem , he flew out , &c. but what a slender answer is this ; Hierome was a Presbyter , what then ? Hierome saith nothing here , but what he saith from Scripture ; and is Scripture the lesse Scripture because produced by a Presbyter ? Hierome was a Presbyter , and pleads for his owne order ; doth that make his argument the lesse creditable ? the author of Episcopacy by Divine right was a Bishop ; is it sufficient confutation of that booke to say hee was a Bishop that made it , he must plead for his own honour and order ? Or you looke , say you , that I should tell you that wiser men then your selves have censured him in this point of Arrianisme . No indeed , for feare you should thereby comfort us against the same censure past so often upon our selves . If Hierome suffer under the name of Aerian , no wonder we doe : but if wisermen than we have condemned him for Aerianisme , wiser men then the Remonstant have quitted him of that crime . But the Remonstrant thinkes to decline these common waies , and set Hierome to answer Hierome ; which yet is no more then Bellarmine did before him ; and and puts us in mind that the same father passes a satis imperitè upon the same opinion in the Bishop of Hierusalem ; but a satis imperitè doth not condemne the opinion , but the man ; for it may be truth which a man speakes , though he speakes it imperitè : yet to make sure worke the Remonstrant will set Hierome to answer himselfe : what saith Hierome ? at first saith he , Bishops and Presbyters had but one title : No , Hierome said not so , nor did we . Idem est ergo Presbyter qui Episcopus : How doth the Remonstrant construe this ? Is this in English , a Bishop and a Presbyter is the same : or is it , at first Bishops and Presbyters had but one title ? with what face can the Remonstrant charge us with infidelity in quotation and mis-englishing , who useth no more fidelity himselfe ? that which Hierome speakes of the office , he would restraine to the title ; that which Hierome speakes in the present tense , as true in all the moments and fluxes of time , he would remit to the time past ; They had but one title ; This the Remonstrant passeth from , and slips from their Identity to their imparity ; inquiring the time and occasion of that , and will needs force Hierome here to confesse Bishops in the Apostles daies : because then they began to say , I am of Paul , &c. but will take no notice at all of what our answer spake for the removing of this inference , unlesse it be to slight it , as a poore shift : nor will take notice of that which Hierome himselfe speakes . Haec propterea ut oftenderemus apud veteres eosdem fuisse Presbyteros quos & Episcopos : paulatim verò ut dissentionum plantaria evellerentur , ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam : intimating that Episcopacy was not presently invented as a cure of schisme , but paulatim : so that should it be granted , that the schismes spoken of here were those in the Apostles daies , yet it doth not follow , that Episcopacy should be coaetaneous to these schismes , because Hierome saith , Paulatim ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam . Let the Remonstrant now aske Hierome , not us ; why the remedy should be so late after the disease ? and here we desire the reader to observe that the Remonstrant doth meerely abuse him in telling him that Clemens in his Epistle to the Corinthians taxeth the continuance of the distractions raised in the Apostles daies : when it is apparent that Clement speakes of a new schisme different from that Paul speakes of , raised against ther Presbyters , and the former schisme mentioned in the Scripture was onely among the people . As for those Bishops whom Hierome names as made by the Apostles , at present we say no more , but this : Hierome , as a Divine saith , Bishops and Presbyters are the same ; and to prove this produceth Scripture : but Hierome speaking as an Historian , mentions Bishops made by the Apostles , and brings no Scripture for the proofe of that , but onely the testimony of Eusebius his history , who alone had writ before him of that subject : Now let the Christian Reader judge whether more credit be to be given to Hierome as an Historian quoting humane History , or to Hierome as a Divine quoting Scriptures . And yet what can be brought to prove that those Bishops were not the same with Presbyters ? For the diabolicall occasion of bringing in Episcopacy into the Church : if there be any fault in the phrase , it is Hieromes , not ours : therefore the weaknes and absurdity is slung in the face of that waspish , hot good man Hierome , not in ours . The institution of Episcopacy , Hierome saith , was rather by the custome of the Church then by the truth of the Lords disposition ; to avoyd the stroke of which , the Remonstrant would faine perswade Hierome to owne that , which in the judgement of Belarm . Spalato , and almost as many as have writ before the Remonstrant , never entered into his thoughts ; nor can be the proper meaning of his words ; That by the custome of the Church , the father meanes the Church Apostolique , and by the Lords disposition , Christs immediate institution . This were to make Hierome of their mind . How well this may be done , let their sworne friend Spalato give his verdict . Sunt qui Hieronymum in rect am sententiam vel invitum velint trahere ; one of these must this Remonstrant be . As for that passage of Hierome ad Euagrium , where he saies , this superiority of Bishops above Presbyters is by Apostolicall tradition , Hierome in that Epistle sharpens his reproofe against some Deacons , that would equallize themselves to Presbyters ; an opinion which the Remonstrant thinks more reasonable , then that Presbyters should be equall to Bishops : to make this reproofe the stronger he saith , Presbyteris ad est , Episcopis● and a little after , he doth out of the Scripture most manifestly prove eundem esse Presbyterum at que Episcopum : and carries this proofe by Paul , by Peter , and by Iohn the longest surviver of the Apostles : then adde , quod autem postea unus electus qui caeteris praeponeretur , in schismatis remedium factum . The reason why afterwards one was elected , and set over the rest was the cure of schisme . It is hard to conceive how this imparity can be properly called an Apostolicall tradition when Hierome having mentioned Iohn the last of the Apostles , saith it was postea afterwards that one was set over the rest , yet should we grant it an Apostolicall tradition in Hieromes sense , it would be no prejudice to our cause , seeing with him Apostolicall tradition and Ecclesiasticall custome are the same ; witnesse that instance of the observation of Lent , which he writing ad Marcellum saith , is Apostolica traditio ; yet writing adversus Luciferianos , faith it is Ecclesiae consuetudo ; whereby it fully appeares that Hierome by Apostolicall tradition meant not an Apostlicall institution , but an ecclesiasticall custome , and so much we granted Episcopacie to have . Hierome saith toto orbe decretum est , and it was decreed all the world over ( say you ) in the time of the first divisions . Hierome said not so ( say we ) but after these divisions , not in the time of these first divisions . Is this faithfull translating ? By what power , say you , besides Apostolicall could it be decreed so soone and so universally ? But how if it were decreed neither soone nor universally ? If we may believe Hierome , it was neither soone nor at once ; but paulatim by little and little , not by Apostolicall decree , but by the custome of the Church . Hierome saith , the Presbyters governed the Church by their Canon Councell . So they did , saith the Remonstrant , altogether till Episcopacy was setled , who dare deny it ? sure hee dares deny it , who in the 55. page of his defence , chargeth us with errour and fraud , for saying that though at first the name and office of a Bishop and Presbyter was the same , yet in processe of time some one was honoured with the name of Bishop ; and confidently defends that this time had no processe , but was the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the living Apostles : but how his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there without any processe of time , can stand with his donec here● , and with Hieromes paulatim , postquam , postea , let him see to that . Hierome saith they ought so to governe still : so ( saith the Remonstrant ) say we also , and so in some cases they do . Good sir , and why not in all cases ? Church government , you say , is Aristocraticall . True , when it is in the hands of the best men , then it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But when the men in whose hands the government of the Church is , are bad ; then it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Kakistocraticall . But our present Church government is not Aristocraticall , but Monarchicall : because not onely one Bishop Lords it over his Diocesse , but also one Primate appoints to all other Bishops . Besides , if it were Aristocraticall , then ought every Minister to be a member of that Aristocracy ; for certainely no man will account the Minister de plebe : in the judgement not onely of the ancient Fathers , but of reason it selfe , none can be accounted plebs but the Laicks ; seing every Minister is elected optimatim , and is as one of a thousand : Next you tell us there is no Bishop so absolute , as not to be subject to the judgement of a Synod . It is much he should not , when all the fixed members of our Synod are the Bishops meere dependants , & such packing used in the choice of the rest , as perhaps worse was not at the Councell of Trent . Thus all the art the Remonstrant hath cannot perswade Hierome to befriend our Bishops in his judgement ; and is it not strange boldnesse to perswade the Reader that Hierome should against his judgement befriend them in his history ? After the allegation , we produced some reasons to shew , that though it should be granted these were in the times of the Apostles ▪ yet the Invention of Bishops for the taking away of th●se schismes is not Apostolicall : our arguments the Remonstrant , according to his greatnesse cals poore negative arguments , which yet we entreat the Reader to view for his further satisfaction , and remember that in Sacrâ Spripturâ locus tenet ab authori●ate , negativè . And good sir , how doe we in them g●e about to Confute our owne Authors ? what doe these reasons conclude more , but that Bishops were neither of Divine , nor Apostolicall institution , and what doth Hierome say lesse ? Tell not us of striking our own friend , let him suffer as an Hieronymomastix , that when Hierome crosses his opinion , cals him a waspish hot , good man. In the next place you look'd for Ambrose : yet you might have taken notice that we spake but of the Cōmentaries that goe under the name of Ambrose ; which if you call a foyst , all your owne side are as guilty as our selves , that cite him as well as we , and some for Ambrose ; how ever this is much lesse then your selfe did in point of Liturgie . Where we desiring to see some Liturgies not Spurious , you produced the Liturgy of Iames , &c. For the persons that brought in this Imparity , we tell you , they were the Presbyters ; and prove this from Hierome ad Euagrium . The Presbyters of Alexandria did call him their Bishop , whom they had chosen from among themselves , and placed in a higher degree . This you call a faithlesse and a halved citation : Good sir , be not so harty , it s neither false , nor halved : not false , because it fully proves the thing for which wee brought it , which was , that the advancing of one to an eminency and superiority above the rest was not a divine , but a humane act ; it was not God , but man that was the authour of this imparity ; and doth not the place fully prove this ? Presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant , and say we any more ? Nor is it halved , though hee saith this was done a Marco Evangelista , usque ad Heraclam : yet this concerned not the purpose for which the text was quoted , and therefore might warrantably be omitted , especially having proved before that , which the Remonstrant would perswade his reader we are shie of here , that Bishops were not in the Apostles times : and if the leaving out a few words in a quotation , not pertinent to the question , be the halving of it , how will the Remonstrant cleare himselfe of this sinne , who citing the Councell of Laodicea p. 15. makes bold to leave out a great deale more then we did here : where a most materiall passage was omitted , as before we have observed . Neither did we leave out a Marco Evangelista , for feare it should prove that there were Bishops as earlie as the Corinthian schisme . Nor did our hearts tell us that Marke died many yeeres within the Apostles time ; for Irenaeus tels us lib. 3. Contra Haeres . that hee writ his Gospell after Peter and Pauls death . That which wee quoted proves abundantly that the Presbyters both chose and placed one of the Presbytersin a higher degree , by their own authority , giving him both the degree and the name . Doe you ( who brought in A Marco Evangelistâ to trouble your reader and to slander us ) reconcile if you can , Authors about the time of his death . But the last place he bringeth out of Hierom , is a most rare place , and may well make any man wonder with what face we can say , Hiero me ever spake against Bishops : and why so ? because Hierome saith , Episcopacy is Gods owne worke : where is it ? in Isa. 60. 17. what are the words ? Hierome reading that text according to the 72 translation , saies : Ponam inquit , Principes tuos in pacem , & Episcopos tuos in justisiam , in quo , saith Hierome , Scripturae sanctae admir anda Majestas , quod Principes futuros Ecclesiae Episcopos nominavit , quorum omnes visitatio in pace est , &c. herein the majesty of the Scripture is to be admired , which hath named the future Princes of the Church , Bishops ; all whose visitations are in peace . Good reader , consider this mighty mouth-stopping argument . God hath promised the Princes of the Church shall be as Bishops . Ergo , Bishops in imparity are Gods owne worke : good sir , your * Baculus in angulo take to your selfe against you walke to finde texts againe in Hierome to prove Bishops to be of divine institution . The rest of your quotations out of Irenaeus , Tertullian , and Chrysostome , they are places have beene oft alleaged , and as oft answered : wee will be briefe with you . For if you had not lyen hid under the equivocation of the word Episcopi , you might have spared your selfe and us a labour . These Episcopi were Presbyteri , you your selfe grant that their names were common in the daies of Linus , Polycarpe , and Ignatius , which are the men you here cite for Bishops . And therefore unlesse you can shew that they had a superiority of power over Presbyters , such as ours have ; you doe b●t delude the Reader with a grosse Homonymie , whom we referre to a passage in learned Iunius . controv . 3. lib. 2. c 5. not . 18. In which he labours to remove the contradictions of Historians concerning the order of succession of the Romane Bishops , Linus , Clemens , Anacletus &c. And he saith , That these or some of these were Presbyters or Bishops of Rome at the same time , ruling the Church in common . But the following writers , fancying to themselves such Bishops as then had obtained in the Church , fell into these snares of tradition , because they supposed , according to the custome of their owne times , that there could be but one Bishop in one Church at the same time : which is quite crosse to the Apostolicall times . To that of Ambrose calling Iames Bishop of Ierusalem , we gave a sufficient answer in our former Booke page 51. out of Doct. Raynolds ; and shall ( God willing ) adde more in due place . Our slip as you tell us , talkes of a councell ; No more ours then yours , for your party can , when hee speakes for them , vouch him with much more confidence then we doe . But what saith this slip ? he talkes of a councell as false as himselfe . Why ? because the Nicene was the first generall Synod : but yet there were provinciall Councels before . And the Commentaries mentioned before doe not say it was done by a generall Councell , but onely by a Councell ; though you by subtle coupling this Councell and Hieromes toto or be decretum erat , would faine force him to this sence : which toto orbe decretum est implies no Apostolicall act , nor act of a generall Councell neither , as we have shewed before . And yet this we tell you , the Nicene was the first Councell , in which toto orbe decretum erat that there should be but one Bishop in a City . As for Saint Austin his phrase , that the originall of Episcopacy above Presbytery was onely secundum usum Ecclesiae , you say it was but a modest word , and it is a just wonder that we dare cite him . Well , let us put it to the triall ; Hierome having taken distate at Augustine , writes two sharpe Epistles to him , in both which Epistles be doth extoll Augustine ironically as a great man , because hee was in pontificali culmine Constitutus advanced to Episcopall dignity , and speakes of himselfe as a poore , contemptible underling : to which Augustine answering among other things saith thus : Rogo ut me fidenter corrigas , ubi mihi hoc opus esse perspexeris : quanquam enim secundum honorum vocabula quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit , Episcopatus Presbyterio major est : tamen in multis Augustinus Hieronymo minor . This was Augustines modesty say you . Well , and had not Augustine beene as modest , if he had left out that phrase quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit ? his modesty appeares in these words , tamen in multis Augustinus Hieronymo minor ; not in the former . In the diminution of his person , not of his calling . S. Paul knew how to speake humbly of himselfe , yet highly of his office , and so might Austin ; and if he had known that the majority of Bishops above Presbyters had beene of Divine , or Apostolicall institution , he might have said so much ; and not have beene the lesse modest , but the more ; nay hee would have said so much . Quis enim est humilitatis fructus ubi detrimentum est veritatis ? What profit is there in humility with the losse of truth . And he that could tell another non accipiet Deus mendacem humilitatem tuam , God will not accept of your lying humility , could tell himselfe as much . So then though it be in humilitate personae that he saith , Augustinus Hieronymo minor est , yet it is in veritate rei that hee saith Secundum honourm vocabula quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit , Ep. scopatus Presbyterio Major est . Thus much for Augustines modesty . And as for the Herauldry in blazoning Aerius for an heretick falsely objected ad nauseam usque & usque , We referre to former answeres . The Remonstrant will put us and the Readers to more trouble in the next place , because he calles our fidelity into so deepe question about the quotation of Gregory Nazianzen , Orat. 28. Where the father is mustering up the armies of evils that might seeme to threaten him , shewing the invincible magnanimity of his Spirit more then conquering , contemning all : Among those evils he reckons his ejection out of his Episcopacy : which what ever others would esteeme , he counts as nothing , and held it a principall part of wisedome in that age to shunne it , and then wishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 utinam nulla sit princeps dignitas , that there were no principall dignity ( to wit , in the Church ) of which he is speaking . Secondly , he wishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there were no dignity or tyrannicall prerogative of place , that they might be knowne onely by vertue : to which belongs that Dextrum & sinistrum , those challenges of places of which the Remonstrant speaks . All which he speaks upon supposall of the losse of his Episcopacy . And for that Dextrū & sinistrum , Balsamon saith it was the manner of their distinguishing of the place of Bishops , according to their seniority and this occasioned those competitions among Bishops of which he speakes . The Series of this discourse is long , we must not insert it all : but let the learned reader vouchsafe to view it at larg , and if it doe not appeare that wee have alledged the place according to the genuine sence of the Authour , let us in his thoughts lie under all the reproaches , which our virulent Remonstrant labours to cast upon us in his whole book . However the Remonstrant hath little cause to reproach Nazianzen with that scoffe of his Egyptian adversaries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he had out of an ambitious humour changed his seat : when he that peruseth his life shall finde , it would be an easier matter to remove an English Bishop from one Bishopricke to another till hee come to Canturbury , then it was to remove Nazianzen from one place to another . And as little reason with open mouth to fall upon us , and bid us eate our words , for saying that if our Bishops will deduce their pedegree from the Apostles time in an uninterrupted line unto this day , they must draw the line of their pedigree through the loynes of Antichrist : we tell him againe , let him take it never so angerly : What ever Bishops have beene in other places besides Rome , if our Bishops will draw their pedegree from the Apostles , they must draw it through Antichrists loynes . SECT . VII , VIII . IN this seventh Section the Remonstrant hath cut us out little worke : so much of our answer as he is loth to meddle with , he balkes under the tearmes of idle words . The rest concerning the election of former Bishops , hee seemes to consent to in opinion and option : onely that the shortest Section may not be closed without more frumps then one , he tels us we are besides the Cushion . The objection was , that the Apostles Bishops , and ours were two in respect of mannaging their functions . The Remonstrant will give us leave ( we hope ) to forme our owne objection . He makes it indeed of the Apostles Bishops . We having proved no Bishops ( ut nuncupantur as they are now tearmed ) Apostolicall . Bring it downe to the Bishops of inferiour times . He ( as here he tels us ) spake onely of the difference betweene the one and the other in managing of their function . We intending to present the differences betweene ours and former Bishops fully to view ; instance not onely in the managing of their function , but in their election and accessories ; and is this to be beside the Cushion ? This first point of difference our Remonstrant grants , that our Bishops and former differ in their election . And he makes halfe from hence to follow us into the execution of their Episcopall office . We make as much haste to meet him , and make good what we formerly layed downe , that our Bishops and the Bishops of former times are two : First , in the sole jurisdiction they assume to themselves , which former Bishops never did , nor durst ; which jurisdiction ( being taken here in a large sense for the execution of all Episcopall power ) we distributed into the administration of orders and censures , which ( saith the Remonstrant ) * in all wise writers were wont to be contradistinguished . Distinguished they are we grant , and so did we distinguish them , page 24 , 25. of our answer , which the wisedome of the Remonstrant might have taken notice of and forborne this scorne . Yet not so contradistinguished , but that the power of ordination may be reckoned as a part of Episcopall jurisdiction ; taking that word jurisdiction ( which was unknowne to first antiquity ) for the whole execution of Episcopall power , as the Remonstrant here takes it . The first of these , the sole power of ordination ; and the sole exercise of that power , which was a stranger , and a monster to former times . This our Bishops assume to themselves , and herein differ from the former Bishops . The latter of these he grants , That Bishops of former times did not assume to themselves the sole exercise of ordination . Onely he cannot let us passe ; without his usuall curtesie . But the former he denies , the ordination is ( he saith ) the Bishops , but the sole in that sence we use it , is ours . Bishops did never challenge it nor practice it , we will wash off all this ; and shew first that our English Bishops have challenged to themselves this sole power , and have practised this power , and then make good our quotation : and when this is done , let it be tryed not who can blush , but who hath more reason to blush ; the Remonstrant , or his answerers . For the first : that Bishops challenge to themselves sole power of ordination . We did never thinke that in these knowing times we should have beene put to prove the Snow is white , or the Crow blacke . But seeing the Remonstrant will have it so , we will shew first out of Episcopacy by Divine right , part 2. Sect. 15. the title of which Section is this , power of ordination is ONELY in Bishops : and in the beginning of the Section he saith , This was one of the Acts that was APPROPRIATED to Bishops ALONE : and is not this to challenge sole power of ordination ? afterwards in the same Section , he saith , Ordination is one of the things so Intrinsecall to Episcopacy , that in the judgement of the Church , no extremity of Necessity was sufficient warrant to diffuse it into other hands . The same power of ordination doe Bishop Bilson , Andrewes , Davenant , Mountague , &c. challenge to Episcopacy . Now Reader judge , is the sole theirs by challenge or no ? And what they challenge , that they practise : we doubt not but the Remonstrants conscience can tell him , there are many instances in England to be produced of men ordained in England without the hands of any Presbyter . The Remonstrant is as unhappy as peremptory in his challenge he makes . I challenge them to shew any one instance in the Church of England . Sir , the instances are without number . Some of us are ocular witnesses of many scores at severall ordinations ordained by a Bishop in his private Chappell without the presence of any Presbyter , but his owne domesticke Chaplaine , and without any assistance from him save onely in reading prayers . But alasse what should we fall to instances ! Put case an Irish or Welsh Bishop ordaines one at London in his chamber , or some Chappell , and admits him which commends the person to him to joyne for fashion sake in the gesture of imposition of hands , be hee of what place or Diocesse he will : how little doth this differ from sole ordination , and how much from that Regular and ordinate ordination of former times ? Sir , these are poore toyes to mocke the Church withall , if not God himselfe too . Could such a Bishop say , as well as Cyprian , Ego & Collegae ? You tell us our Bishops may say no lesse then Cyprian did . But doth the stile of your Letters of orders speake any such thing ? Let the Reader judge by a copy , Tenore praesentium nos N. N. Providentiâ Divinâ Episc. notum facimus universis quod die mensis Anno in Capella . Nos praefatus Episcopus sacros ordines dei praesidio celebrantes , dilectum nobis &c. E. B. de vitâ sua laudabili , &c. a nobis examinat : & approbat . ad sacro sanct . Presbyt . ordinem ad misimus rite & Canonicè ordinavimus & promovimus . In cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum Episcopale praesentibus apponi fecimus . Construe you this , Ego & Collegae , brethren ? But you tell us , Cyprians phrase , Ego & Collegae , was in the case of Aurelius made a Lector , much to your advantage . If a Reader could not be ordained by a Bishop alone , doe we thinke a Presbyter could ? As for Cyprians 58. Epist. we produced it not as a proofe of ordination in the hands of Presbyters , much lesse for the concurrent act of the people , as the Remonstrant would intimate , but onely for the explication of the word Collegae . But it seemes the Remonstrant was resolved to picke some quarrell , and rather to play at small game then stand out . And if it be the order of the Church of England as well as of the Councell of Carthage , that when a Presbyter is ordained all the Presbyters that are present shall lay hands , &c. if there be such an order , the more blame worthy the Bishops , who being such severe censurers of the breach of Church orders in others , are themselves in the same crime , for though you set a stout face upon the businesse , and tell us that this order is perpetually and infallibly kept by you ; Yet the world knowes it is no such matter unlesse you meane that all the Presbyters present doe infallibly and perpetually lay on hands in ordination , because our ordinations are so carried , that for the most part there is but one , sometimes not one Presbyter there besides the Bishop . But why doe you take notice here of one Canon of the Councell of Carthage , and not of the other ? ut Episcopus sine , &c. that a Bishop should ordaine none of the Clergie without the Counsell of his Clergie , unlesse it be , because here is such a manifest deflexion in the practise of ours from former times , as all the wit and Rhetoricke the Remonstrant hath cannot cover . Your next evasion is a plaine leaving the question ; we are to prove that Bishops in ancient times did not ordaine without Presbyters . You challenge us to prove a Presbyters Regular ordaining without a Bishop ; which is not the point in question . Who doth here most abuse the Reader , let himselfe judge : but wee are accused not onely of abusing our Readers , but our Authours too . And the Remonstrant hopes he hath us here at such a vantage , as shall try what modesty is in us . Three foule scapes are laid to our charge . First , we abuse Firmilianus , in casting upon him an opinion of Presbyters ordaining , which he never held ; let us once againe view the place . Firmilianus speaking of the true Church , saith , ubi Praesident Majores natu , qui & Baptizandi & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem : the controversie is , who these Majores natu be ? Bishops saith he . Bishops and Elders say we . To prove it , we explicate Firmilian by Firmilian , calling a little before those whom here he cals Majores natu , Seniores & praepositi . Which are not so farre from that clause but that they may be brought without wire drawing or foysting ; and are not so remote from that place , as those words which himselfe produceth , which we desire the courteous Reader to consider , because we are charged by him , for foysting in and wyre drawing the words of the Authour : and also because the very words there cited by the Remonstrant speake of a power of remitting sinnes , which we hope he will not ingrosse to Bishops , excluding Presbyters . Pamelius himselfe is with us : who understands by Seniores & prepositi , the Presbyters and Bishops . Our next scape , is but grosse ignorance , in translating Ambroses Presbyteri consignant by Presbyters ordaining . Every Novice knowes consigning signifies confirmation , and not ordaining . Sir , we appeale from your Novices to judicious Readers , and intreat them to peruse the text : and wee doubt not but upon due consideration they will conclude for our sence : let us then plead the case , and tell you first , That your Desiderius Heraldus shewes both the word signare or consignare in the phrase of antiquity to be as much as consecrare , and so doth Cyprian Epist. 2. and therefore it is not incapable of such a sence as we have put upon it . 2. If the Reader please to view the place in Ambrose , he shall finde that Ambrose there is speaking of ordaining men to publique offices in the Church ; and not of confirmation . 3. Though it should be taken for confirmation , yet you gaine nothing ; for the same Canon , that put power of ordination into the hands of Bishops , places the power of confirmation also in their hands . And they among us that challenge the sole power of ordination , challenge also sole power of confirmation . If any man object that confirmation is not so appropriated to Bishops as ordination is , because ( as some of you say ) confirmation is onely reserved to them honoris gratiâ ordination they have necessitatis gratiâ this objection we have satisfied in our answer page 38. wherein we have shewed not onely from Loo , that the power of ordination was reserved to them onely authoritate canonum : but also that it was appropriated to them for their credit and authority . Augustine speakes almost in the same words : Nam & in Alexandria , & per totum Aegyptum , si desit Episcopus , consecrat Presbyter : that which in Ambrose is called consignat , is here called consecrat ; and albeit the authors of both these bookes be questioned , yet both of them are acknowledged ancient , yea Doctor Raynolds affirmes the last of them from the 44. question was written above 300. yeeres after Christ : this is enough to us , that in antiquity consignat is expounded by consecrat ; which cleares us of that imagined guilt of a solaecisme , that hee would fasten upon us : and this may satisfie ( if this man be satisfiable ) that bold challenge of the former page : shew us but one instance of a Presbyters regular and practized ordaining without a Bishop , and carry the cause . Our third charge is double , first of skill not too much : secondly , of lesse fidelity . Our want of skill is , in not distinguishing of Chorepiscopi ( whō we brought as instances of Presbyters ordaining without a Bishop ) some of whom ( saith the Remonstrant ) had the nature and power of Episcopacy to all purposes : and therefore might well , by the Bishops licence in his owne charge impose hands . Now , we may returne it to the Remonstrant , that he discovers not too much skill in saying that some Chorepiscopi had both the nature and power of Episcopacy to all purposes , and yet might not ordaine in his own charge without the Bishops license . For what needs a Bishops licence to inable a Chorepiscopus in his owne charge to doe that , for the doing of which hee had before the nature and power of Episcopacy to all purposes . This is just as our Bishops are wont to do , who give a full power to a Presbyter at his ordination to preach the Gospell , with a charge also to do it , and yet will not suffer him to preach , no not in his own Cure , without a licence . But how doth the Remonstrant make good his distinction of his two sorts of Chorepiscopi from antiquity ? Here we have ipse dixit and no more . The peremptorinesse of Pythagoras the master in affirming , & the silence of his schollars when he comes to prove . Bellarmine indeed tels us that some Chorepiscopi were ordained by more Bishops then one , and these had power to ordaine . Others were ordained by one Bishop , and those were meere Presbyters and might not ordaine . But with how much fidelity Bellarmine , and after him the Remonstrant doth thus distinguish , let the Councell of Antioch determine : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let the Chorepiscopus be ordained by the Bishop of the City , to whom hee is subject . From which Councell wee gather that the Chorepiscopi were meere Presbyters , and that there were but one sort of them . First , because the Chorepiscopus was to be ordained by one Bishop , ab Episcopo , not ab Episcopis : whereas by the Canons a Bishop was to be ordained by many , or two at least . As for Bellarmine , his Chorepiscopus ordained by more Bishops then one ; wee leave it to him to make good : indeed we finde in the same Canon , the Chorepiscopi in the plurall number had the imposition of the hands of Bishops , but when Chorepiscopus in the singular number is mentioned , then onely one Bishop is said to ordaine him . 2. Because the Chorepiscopus was to be subject to the Bishop of the City , ab Episcopo civitatis cui subjicitur : now we read no where of the subjection of one Bishop and his charge to another : Cyprian pleads the freedome of Bishops : telling us that each of them hath a portion of Christs flocke assigned to him , for which he is to give account to God. 3. Because he could not , nay he durst not exercise the power of Ordination without the leave of the Bishop : the Councell of Antioch sayes , non audeat absque urbis Episcopo : Conc. Ancyr . sayes , non licere nisi cum literis ab Episcopo permissum fuerit . None of this would have beene said , if he had beene a Bishop , as we have in part shewed in our answer , page 36. We deny not , but that this power of ordaining was afterward taken away from the Chorepiscopi by the same authority of the Canons , and Ecclesiasticall rules , by which it was first appropriated to Bishops themselves , as Leo. ep . 88. witnesses , which to us is a 4th argument to prove that they once had it , and that they had it as Presbyters : for if they had it as Bishops , the taking of it away would have beene a degradation of them . 5. We might bring an argument ad hominem , to prove the Chorepiscopi to be but Presbyters , because they are sayd Conc. Naeocaesar . Can. 14. to be after the manner , or in imitation of the seventy : now according to the opinion of Hierarchicall men Bishops succeed the Apostles , not the seventy . To all that we have said in this point , we might ad that not onely Damasus in that Epistle which goes under his name , ep . 4. but also Leo ep . 88. proves them to be but meere Presbyters , to whose sentence conc . 2. Hispal . can . 7. subscribes . Now leaving the Chorepiscopi we will give the reader a hint to prove , that not onely the Presbyters of Alexandria , and the Chorepiscopi , but further , the Presbyters of the City with the Bishops leave might ordaine , which we prove from cenc . Ancyr . can . 13. named before : where it is said , It is not lawfull for Chorepiscopi to ordaine Presbyters or Deacons : nor for the Presbyters of the City without the Bishop his letters in an other parish : from which it appeares , that Presbyters of the City had the same power to ordaine which the rurall Bishops had . Because the restraint is layed equally upon both : this is not onely our construction of the Canon , Bishop Bilson , Doctor Downam . def . lib. 1. cap. 8. say the same , and Doctor Downam gathers from thence , that Presbyters in the City might doe more then rurall Presbyters . So doth Spalatensis , who endeavouring to elude the text hath no other way but by foisting in a passage , which is not in the Greeke text . And by this time we hope we have cleared our fidelity in quoting of the Councels of Antioch and Ancyra : both which the Remonstrant thought his bare word enough to blast . Now we appeale to equall judgements whether the labour of this section were meerely cast away or no. The Remonstrant grants sole ordination was in regard of the exercise not challenged by Bishops in the Primitive times , Though he would perswade the reader we cannot but confesse it out of Hierome and Chrysostome . Yet let the reader consult the 37. page of our answer which the Remonstrant leaves unanswered , and judge betweene us , how farre we are from such confession : his onely shift now is to say our Bishops neither challenge nor exercise any such power . We have evidently proved they doe both , manet ergo inconcussum , our Bishops and the Bishops of former times are two . SECT . IX . HEre saith the Remonstrant , we beat the aire . And yet not the aire , but the Remonstrant too into the confession of that which would not be confest heretofore by such of thē especially as have contended for such a Bishop as exercised spirituall jurisdiction out of his owne peculiarly demandated authority . If iurisdiction exercised from an authority peculiarly demandated , how not solely ? Well , now it is granted that this sole is cryed downe by store of antiquity . So then here we doe not falsifie , and it is granted that Presbyters have and ought to have and exercise a jurisdiction within their owne charge . But here the Remonstrant will distinguish againe , it is in foro conscientiae . But consider Reader , whether this be the jurisdiction here under dispute . Whether that store of antiquity which he confesseth to cry downe sole jurisdiction , speake of a jurisdiction in foro conscientiae , as his false Margent saith , Clem Alexan. ( whom we cited ) doth . But indeed this distinction of the Remonstrant of a jurisdiction in foro interno and in foro externo , is like that distinction of Reflexivè and Archipodialiter . For all humane jurisdiction is in foro externo . If preaching the word ( which is especially aim'd at by the Remonstrant , be an exercise of jurisdiction , Then he that hath the Bishops licence to preach in the Diocesse , hath power to exercise jurisdiction through the Diocesse , and an University preacher throughout the whole Kingdome . Away with these toyes . He grants againe , that Presbyters ought to be consulted with in the great affaires of the Church , but doe our quotations prove no more ? Bishops had their Ecclesiasticall Councell of Presbyters , with whom they did consult in the greatest matters : and was it onely in the greatest matters ? Is this all that Cyprian saith ? All that the Councell of Carthage saith when it determines ut Episcopus nullius causam audiat absque praesentia Clericorum ; alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi , nisi Clericorum praesentia confirmetur . Doth this speak onely of great matters ; when it saith Nullius causam audiat ? Is this onely of a jurisdiction the Presbyters had in foro conscientiae ? Were Bishops with their Consistory wont to sit to heare ▪ and judge causes in foro conscientiae ? good Reader judge of this mans truth and ingenuity , who not being able to divert the stroke of that Antiquity we brought to manifest a difference betweene ours and the former Bishops in the exercise of their jurisdiction , would cast a mist before his Readers eyes , and perswade him he grants the whole section , when indeed hee grants nothing , onely seekes to slide away in the darke . But our Bishops have their Deanes and Chapters ( say you ) and the lawes of our Church frequently make that use of them . Yes you have Deanes and Chapters , but who knowes not that they have a jurisdiction distinct from the Bishops , in which the Bishop hath nothing to doe with theirs , nor they with his . And the Bishops also derive the exercise of jurisdiction to others ( we know it too well ) to Chancellours , Commissaries , Officials , and other of their underlings , even to the commanding of Christs Ministers to denounce their censures without any discerning what equity is in the cause . And what advise or assistance of Ministers is required , appeares by the very stile of your excommunications . G. R. Doctor of Law , Commissary , &c. to all Rectors , &c. For as much as we proceeding rightly , &c. have adjudged all and every one whose names are under-written to be excommunicated . We doe therefore commit to you , &c. to denounce openly under paine and perill , &c. Given under our Seale such a day , &c. Let any footsteps of such a power be shewed in antiquity . Presbyters he grants had their votes in Provinciall synods : we from good authority say more , they had their votes in all ordinary Iudicatures . But after all these grants , which are as good as nothing ; now he comes to plead his owne . We justly say that the superiority of jurisdiction is so in the Bishop , as that Presbyters neither may , nor did exercise it without him ? to what purpose is this ? if the Remonstrant speake of Scripture times : We have proved there was no superiority in them : if of latter times , it is not to the question : wee are proving Bishops never exercised jurisdiction without their Presbyters , as ours doe . He puts us to prove Presbyters exercised jurisdiction without Bishops , quam iniquè ? But the exercise of externall jurisdiction is derived from , by , and under the Bishop : No , neither from , by , nor under the Bishop , but from God , who hath made them overseers and rulers , and by the same Ecclesiasticall authority that hath made you Bishops : and under Bishops not in respect of divine power , but ( if at all ) in respect of Ecclesiasticall Canons onely . Your Timothy and Titus we shall meet in due place . Your Ignatius and the rest of your testimonies you could produce would ( as you say truely ) but surfeit the readers eyes , unlesse you could bring them to prove , that Bishops did and might exercise sole jurisdiction . Onely because you so triumph in our supposed scapes ; let us intreat you , or the reader for you to looke upon your cited Councell of Antioch 24 , 25 , Canon ; where you say the Bishop hath power of those things that belong to the Church , and see whether that speakes one word of jurisdiction : or be not wholy to be understood , of the distribution of the goods of the Church , as both the instance given in the Canon , and Zonaras on that place manifest . One shift yet the Remonstrant hath more : and that is to tell us , that this joynt government was but occasionall and temporary in times of persecution . But when a generall peace had blessed them , and they had a concurrence of soveraigne and subordinate authority with them , they began so much to ●emit this care of conjoyning their forces , as they supposed to finde lesse need of it . Doctor Downham to whom hee referres in the page before , assignes other reasons . Namely Presbyters desiring their ease and Scholasticall quietnesse ( which he saith and proves not ) and also the Bishops desiring to rule alone : which we finde to be the true cause by experience . For if the Bishops be of the Remonstrants mind , perswaded that the more frequent communicating of all the important businesse of the Church , whether censures or determinations with those grave assistants , which in the eye of the Law are designed to this purpose , were a thing not onely unprejudiciall to the honour of Episcopacy , but behovefull to the Church . Why should not the Bishops doe it ? save onely , that their ambitious desires of ruling alone swayes them against their owne judgement , and the determinations of the law . But indeed if this communicating of all the important businesse of the Church with those grave assistants you speake of or with the Presbyters of the whole Diocesse , if you will , be onely an assuming them into the fellowship of consulting and deliberating without any decisive suffrage , leaving the Bishop to follow or not to follow their advise ; this is but a meere cosenage of the reader , and doth not hinder the sole power of Episcopall jurisdiction . And this is all that Downam grants lib. 1. c. 7. p. 161. where he saith that Bishops doe assume Presbyters for advise and direction , as a Prince doth his Counsellors , not as a Consull doth his Senators who are cojudges with the Consul . And this we perceive the Remonstrant well likes of , as that which makes much for the honour of their function . And now sir , you see that we have not fished all night , and caught nothing : wee have caught your sole jurisdiction : and might have caught your selfe , were you not such a Proteus , such a Polypus to shift your selfe into all formes and Colours . Having proved that Bishops in all times , succeeding the Apostles , had Presbyters joyned with them in the exercise of their jurisdiction ; and that our Bishops have none , is more evident then that it needs proofe . This is more to you then Baculus in Angulo : it cannot but be Spina in oculis , & Sagittain visceribus , a thorne in your eye , and an arrow in your heart , convincing you to your griefe , that the Bishops you plead for , and the Bishops of former times are two . SECT . X. OUr next Section the Remonstrant saith , runs yet wilder ; it is then because we prosecute a practice of the Bishops more extravagant then the former : And that is the delegation of the power of their jurisdictiō to others ; which the Remonstrant would first excuse , as an accidentall errour of some particular man , not to be fastned upon all . But we desire to know the man , the Bishop in all England who hath not given power to Chancellors , Commissaries , Officials to suspend , excommunicate , absolve , execute all censures , but one : and doth the Remonstrant thinke now to stoppe our mouthes with saying , it is a particular error of some men ? whereas it is evident enough that our English Episcopacy cannot possibly be exercised without delegating of their power to a multitude of inferiour instruments . Can one Bishop having 500. or a 1000. Parishes under him , discharge all businesses belonging to testamentary and decimall causes and suites , to preach Word , and administer the Sacraments , &c. to take a due oversight also of all Ministers and people without the helpe of others . Nor will that other excuse doe it , That it is but an accidentall error , and though granted , concludes not , that our Bishops challenge to themselves any other spirituall power , then was delegated to Timothy and Titus , Sir we abhorre it , as an unworthy thing , to compare our Bishops with Timothy or Titus ; the comparison is betweene our Bishops and Bishops of former times . But to please you this once , we will admit the comparison and shew howeven in this particular that you count so monstrous , our Bishops challenge a power never delegated to Timothy nor Titus . And we prove it thus : Timothy and Titus never had a power delegated to them to devolve that power of governing the Church , which God had intrusted into their hands upon persons incapable of it by Gods ordinance . But our Bishops doe so . Ergo. The Remonstrant thinkes by impleading other reformed Churches , as guilty of the same crime ; to force us either to condemne them , or to acquit him . But the reformed Churches , if they doe practise any such thing , are of age to answer for themselves . Our businesse is with the Remonstrant and the persons and practices which he hath taken the tuition of . Whom we charging as in a generality with wholy intrusting the power of spirituall jurisdiction to their Chancellors , and their Commissaries : their good friend tels us we foulely overreach . The assistance of these creatures they use indeed , but they neither negligently or wilfully devest themselves of that , and wholy put it into Laicke hands . This is a meere slander : that Bishops devest themselves of their power we never said . That they doe either negligently or wilfully decline that office which they call theirs , we need not say , it is so apparent . And as apparent it is , that they doe intrust the power of jurisdiction wholly into Laicke hands : for their Chancellors ; and Commissaries having power of jurisdiction by patent setled upon them , and exercising that jurisdiction in all the parts of it , conventing , admonishing , suspending , excommunicating , absolving without the presence or assistance of a Bishop or recourse to him : we thinke impartiall Judges will say wee are neither slanderers nor over-reachers . In our former answer we fully cleared from Cyprian , how farre hee was from delegating his power to a Chancellour , &c. This he sleights as a negative authority , yet it is sufficient to condemne a practice that never had being in the thoughts of primitive times . And we beleeve it satisfies all others , because the Remonstrant saith it is very like it was so : Though according to his old way of diversion he tels us , as Cyprian did not referre to a Chancellor , so neither to the bench of a Laicke Presbytery : yet he that is but meanly versed in Cyprian , may easily see that it is no unusuall thing in that holy martyr , to referre the determinations of causes ad Clerum & Plebe● . But the Remonstrant thinkes to patronize the practice of our present Bishops by Silvanus the good Bishop of Troas . And what did Silvanus to the countenancing of this practice ? perceiving that some of his Clergie did corruptly make gaine of causes ( civill causes , causes of difference betweene party and party , or as you phrase it , page 91. unkind quarrels of dissenting neighbours ) he would no more appoint any of his Clergy to be Judge , but made choice of some faithfull man of the Laity . Now this is as much to the purpose ( good sir ) as Posthumus his pleading in Martiall . We are confuting the practice of our Bishops in making over their spirituall jurisdiction to Laymen , and he brings in a story of a good Bishop , that having a bad Clergy , intrusted honest men with civill judicature rather then them . As full to the purpose is that of Ecclesiae ecdici , or Episcoporum Ecdici , to prove the Antiquity of Chancellors and Commissaries . For their Ecdici were men appointed to be the advocates of the Church , to plead the Churches cause before the Emperours against the tyranny of their potent adversaries . But we never read that the Bishops did put over the government of the Church to them : we could with all our hearts give this honour to Civilians to be the Churches advocates , but not the Churches Judges , which the Bishops give them leave to be : to defend the Church against the tyranny of others , but not to tyrannize over the Church : Doctor Downeham was more ingenuous in this , then this Remonstrant ; who grants that till about 400 yeeres after Christ , Bishops had no ordinary Vicars that were not Clergy men ; No , say we , nor Clergy men neither : the office was not knowne in those times : neither can they produce any instance of any , either of Laity or Clergy that ever those times saw in that office . This saith the Remonstrant , is a poore brave . But till he can produce such instances , our challenge will stand strong enough notwithstanding his great words . But his put off is poorer ; to fly from officers intrusted with spirituall jurisdiction unto such inferiour instruments , ( Secretaries and Atturneys ) as are of necessary service in all Courts of judicature , whether Civill or Ecclesiasticall . To make all sure , the Remonstrant referres his Reader to Sir Thomas Ridley ( whose Treatise he stumbled upon in an ill houre for the maine of his cause : for he tels us page 116. that Chancellors are equall , or neere equall in time to Bishops ; as both the Law it selfe and stories shew . So that while the Remonstrant is over studious to prove the Antiquity of Chancellors , he overthrowes the Antiquity of Bishops : incidit in Scyllam , &c. As for that he spake of the Ecclesiae Ecdici , that they were the same in former times that our Chancellors are now : If there be more credit to be given to his Papias and Gothofred , then to the originall Canons themselves ( where they are called not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) we yeeld the cause . SECT . XI . HAving entered upon the differences betweene ours and former Bishops in point of jurisdiction : we descended into a discovery of this in three particulars . First , in the sole jurisdiction ours assume . Secondly , In that delegation they make of this power . Thirdly , in their execution of that jurisdiction : and here wee fall upon that unchristian and unnaturall proceeding of theirs , by oathes Ex officio ; which the Remonstrant is very angry at , and that hee may still approve himselfe the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or advocate of the worst causes , engages all his strength and wit for the maintaining of that , which hath beene the ruine of so many persons , the racke of so many consciences , the worst part of the Spanish Inquisition — quo siculi non invenere Tyranni Torm●ntum majus . To defend this , he cares not how he abuseth us , Mr. Calume , the Lawyes , the Scriptures ; So that he may but uphold this oath , that is now sinking under the weight of its owne guilt . First , he abuses Scriptures in producing , Exod. 22. 10 , 11. Num. 5. 19. as presidents for the oath . Truly sir , the onely text that would best have fitted your purpose , is that of Caiphas the High Priest adjudging our Lord in the name of the living God. Which how tyrannous an adjuration it was will easily appeare to any that consults interpreters upon that place . Your alledged texts helpe you not a whit ; that of Exod. 22. 10 , 11. speakes to this purpose : A man commits goods to his neighbour , they miscarry under his hand ; it is knowne he had them , how they miscarried it is not knowne ; in this case the man is to cleare his innocencie upon his oath : what is this to the compelling of a man in cases criminall to betray himselfe by an oath ? The other text Numb . 5. 19. availes you lesse , for if such an oath were now lawfull , then oathes Ex officio might be ministred in causes of death . It is knowne , Adultery was death by Moses his law ; and it is as well knowne that this Law of the water of jelousie was not morall , but judiciall , peculiar to the policie of the Jewes , and that upon particular causes , to wit , the invate jealousie of that Nation which could no otherwise be appeased . As for your instance out of Master Calvins Epistle , wherein you would make your reader beleeve that the Consistory of Geneva did give such an oath to Camperell whereby he and the rest should be tied to discover their purposes and intentions ; No such thing appeares in the Epistle . We finde indeed that two of that company having confes●ed the wickednesse wherewith they were charged , and the rest impudently denying it , Calvin thought it fit to make them confesse the truth upon oath . Corneus , who had confessed all before , pressing them not to forsweare themselves , prevailed so , as that they confessed all ; and the dancing also above what was charged upon them . All that we can collect is , that an oath was thought meet to be given , to make them confesse to Gods glory , what was proved by two witnesses , but that they were bound to confesse their intentions here is no syllable of it in the epistle . And therefore to what purpose you bring in this to warrant your oath Ex officio , unlesse it be for want of better instances , we know not . The Acts of Dioclesian Maxim. ( Let them be blamed that called him Maximilian : poore men cannot have their Presse wayted on , as your greatnesse may : ) You doe as good as passe by , so doe you the practice of the ancient times , and which is a greater jeofailer then our Maximillian ; and think it is enough to tell us , this hinders not but in case of a justly grounded suspition and complaint of a halfe approved offence , a man should manifest his innocency by oath . When as we produced these testimonies to shew that of old no party was put to his oath upon halfe proofe , nor proceeded against , but upon apparent testimonies of more witnesses then one , which might be conceived to be impartiall . Whereby it is manifest that the proceedings in judicature , for which you contend herein , differ from them of old . So hot is the man in the quarrell of his oath , that he strikes his own friends , to reach a blow at us ; charging his good friend Gregory with a plain contradiction ( for the words are his not ours ) in which he saith we contradict our selves . This is the poore all hee hath said in defence of the oath Ex Officio ; and could he have said more , it is like we should have heard it . If the reader desire to see further how abominable this oath is , how cryed downe by learned men , how contrary to the Word of God , the law of nature , to the civill and and Canon lawes , and to the statutes of our kingdome , he may finde it in that proud braying schismatick Master Parker ; * for so he is called in print . For our parts , we shall need to say no more about this oath , God in mercy to his afflicted having put into the hearts of our Worthies to condemne it to hell from whence it came . SECT . XII . OUr next Section the Remonstrant tels us , he is resolved to neglect : we should have as soone beleeved him , if he had said so of all the rest : we beleeve the neglect springs neither from a desire to ease us , nor to anger us ; but because he knowes not what to say against it . If he did intend to anger us he is much mistaken , for it pleaseth us well to heare him give so full a testimony , that secular imployments are unsuitable to the Ministers of the Gospell . Vnlesse in those two excepted cases of the extraordinary occasions and services of a Prince or State. And the composing of unkind quarrels of dissenting neighbours . We take what he grants us here so kindly , that we pardon his unfit comparison betweene S. Pauls Tent-making to supply his owne necessities , that he might not be burthensome to the Church , & the State imployment of our Bishops . And should in this Section fully have joyned hands with him , but that we must needs tell him at the parting , that had our Bishops never ingaged themselves in secular affaires ; but ex officio generali Charitatis and had beene so free from ambition as he would make the world beleeve they are ( neither should wee have beene so large in this Section , nor so aboundant in our processe , nor would the Parliament have made that provision against the secular imployment of Clergy men as they have lately done . SECT . XIII . THe best Charter pleaded for Episcopacy in former times was Ecclesiasticall constitution , and the favour of Princes . But our latter Bishops suspecting this would prove too weake and sandie a foundation to support a building of that transcending loftinesse , that they have studied to advance the Babell of Episcopacy unto , have indeavoured to under-pinne it with some texts of Scripture , that they might plead a Ius divinum for it : that the consciences of all might be tyed up from attempting to pull down their proud Fabricke ; but none of them is more confident in this plea then this Remonstrant , who is content that Bishops should for ever be hooted out of the Church , and be disclaimed as usurpers , if they claime any other power then what the Scripture gives them , especially bearing his cause upon Timothy , and Titus , and the Angels of the 7. Churches . Now because one grain of Scripture is of more efficacy & esteeme to faith , then whole volumes of humane testimonies ; we indeavoured to shew the impertinency of his allegations especially in those two instances . And concerning Timothy and Titus , we undertooke two things : First , that they were not Bishops ( in his sence ) but Evangelists , the companions of the Apostles in founding of Churches , or sent by them from place to place , but never setled in any fixed pastorall charge , and this wee shewed out of the story of the Acts , and the Epistles . The other was , that granting ex abundanti they had beene Bishops , yet they never exercised any such jurisdiction as ours doe . But because the great hinge of the controversie depends upon the instances of Timothy and Titus , before we come to answer our Remonstrant , we will promise these few propositions granted by most of the patrons of Episcopacy . First , Evangelists properly so called , were men extraordinarily imployed in preaching the Gospell without a setled residence upon any one charge . They were Comites , & Vicarii Apostolorum , Vice-Apostles , who had Curam Vicariam omnium Ecclesiarum , as the Apostles had Curam principalem . And did ( as Ambrose speakes ) Evangelizare sine Cathedra . Secondly , It is granted by our Remonstrant , and his appendant Scultetus , and many others . That Timothy was properly an Evangelist , while he travelled up and downe with the Apostles . Thirdly , It is expressely granted , that Timothy and Titus were no Bishops till after Pauls first being at Rome . That is after the end of the Histories of the Acts of the Apostles . Fourthly , The first Epistle to Timothy , and the Epistle to Titus , from whence all their grounds for Episcopacy are fetcht , were written by Paul before his first going to Rome . And this is acknowledged by all interpreters and Chronologers , that we have consulted with upon this point , Baronius himselfe affirming it . And the Remonstrants owne grounds will force him to acknowledge that the second Epistle to Timothy was also written at Pauls first being at Rome . For that second Epistle orders him to bring Marke alone with him , who by the Remonstrants account died five or six yeeres before Paul. Which could not have beene , if this Epistle were written at Pauls second comming to Rome . Estius also following Baronius gives good reason that the second Epistle to Timothy was written at Pauls first being at Rome . Fiftly , If Timothy and Titus were not Bishops when these Epistles were written unto them , then the maine grounds of Episcopacy by divine right sinke by their owne confession . Bishop Hall , in his Episcopacy by divine right , part 2. sect . 4. concludes thus peremptorily . That that if the especiall power of ordination and power of ruling and censuring Presbyters be not cleare in the Apostles charge to these two Bishops , the one of Creete , the other of Ephesus , I shall yeeld the cause , and confesse to want my sences . And it must needs be so ; for if Timothy were not then a Bishop , the Bishops power of charging Presbyters , of proving and examining Deacons , of rebuking Elders , and ruling over them , and his imposition of hands to ordaine Presbyters , &c. doe all faile . And Bishops in these can plead no succession to Timothy and Titus by these Scriptures more then other Presbyters may . For if they were not Bishops , then all these were done by them as extraordinary Officers , to which there were no successors . Sixtly , By the confession of the patrons of Episcopacy . It is not onely incongruous , but sacrilegious for a Minister to descend from a superiour order to an inferiour , according to the great Counsell of Chalcedon . Seventhly , In all that space of time from the end of the Acts of the Apostles untill the middle of Trajans raigne there is nothing certaine to be drawne out of Ecclesiasticall Authours about the affaires of the Church , thus writeth Iosephus Scaliger . Thus Tilenus when he was most Episcopall , and Eusebius long before them both saith , It cannot be easily shewed who were the true followers of the Apostles , no further then it can be gathered out of the Epistles of Paul. If the intelligent Reader weigh and consider these granted propositions , he may with ease see how the life-blood of Episcopacy from Timothy and Titus is drayn'd out : for if they were not Bishops till after Pauls first being at Rome , then not when the Epistles were written to them according to the fourth proposition , and then their cause failes : if any shall say they were Bishops before Pauls first being at Rome , contrary to the third proposition , then they make them Bishops , while by the story its apparent they were Evangelists , and did Evangelizare sine cathedra , and so clash against the second . In a word , the office of an Evangelist being a higher degree of Ministery then that of Bishops , make them Bishops when you please , you degrade them contrary to our sixt proposition : whiles the Remonstrant tryes to reconcile these things , we shall make further use of them in our scanning his allegations in this section , to which we now proceed . Where first the Reader may please to observe that the Remonstrant slideth by our marginall wherein we shewed the delineation that Eusebius makes of an Evangelist , and desired the Reader to judge thereby whether Timothy and Titus were not Evangelists . Onely he chargeth us with boldnesse for calling them so , though himselfe afterward confesseth it , page 98 : p. 100. But why must this be boldnesse ? Forsooth , because though Timothy be expressely called an Evangelist , yet there is no text , no not the least intimation , no not so much as the least ground of a conjecture , that Titus was an Evangelist . And if so , why doe you afterwards grant it ? But whether you doe or no , that it was so we have proved sufficiently in our answer . But let any indifferent man here consider the iniquity of the Remonstrant that challengeth us for calling Titus an Evangelist without a text for his name ; and yet thinks himselfe much wronged if wee grant him not , that Timothy and Titus and the Angels of the Church were Bishops , though he hath no text for the name , nor for the office ? Secondly , To our text , 2. Tim. 4. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe the worke of an Evangelist , saith he , rather intimates he was no Evangelist , then that he was : as if it were no more , then for the Remonstrant to desire his friend to doe the worke of a Secretary or Sollicitor for him , this implies he is neither . A very cleare glosse . Paul doth not here intreat , as we conceive , but charge . He speakes Imperative , not Impetrative . Compare this , not with the phrases of the Remonstrant , but with the phrases of the sam Apostle : and then judge . In the same Epistle 2 Chapt. 3. The same Apostle saith to the same person , endure hardnesse as a good souldier of Christ : doth that imply Timothy was no souldier of Christ , but onely so imployed for the time ? So againe , in the 15. verse of the same Chapter , when the Apostle saith , study to approve thy selfe a workman that needs not to be ashamed : doth this prove that Timothy was not a workeman but onely for the time ? When Paul saith , 1 Cor. 16. 13. quite your selves like men , doth that shew they were not men ? but onely so imployed for the time . How would the Remonstrant have triumphed over such a high peece of ridiculous learning in our answer ? had we turned off all these texts which use to be produced as proofes of Episcopall authority in Timothy and Titus with such a shift as this ? this doth not shew it was their worke , but onely they were so imployed for the time . Wee adde further , That when you acknowledge Timothy was to doe the office of an Evangelist ( for so your comparison of your friends doings the office of a Secretary warrants us to interpret you ) you must necessarily meane the extraordinary Evangelist ( for you scoffe page 94. at an ordinary Evangelist , as a new fiction ) which if so , then consider how absurd a thing it is to bid the inferior doe the worke of a superior . Superiours may be intreated to doe the worke of inferiours , because they come within the spheare of their activity , and comprehend either virtually or formally what the inferiours are to doe . As Apostles have power to doe all that Evangelists , Presbyters and Deacons can doe ; and Evangelists all that Presbyters , &c. but not è converso . Would it not be absurd to bid a Curate doe the office of a Bishop ? Or a Presbyter the office of an Apostle ? From all this we conclude , That when Paul bids Timothy , Doe the worke of an Evangelist : he bids him goe on with speed to execute his Vice-Apostolicall office in watering the severall Churches in Asia , &c. But saith he , if he were an Evangelist , he may be that , and a Bishop too . For wee doe but dreame when we distinguish of Evangelists . Truely sir , this dreame was the fruit of our reading , the fancy of the Authour of Episcopacies divine right , and there we finde our ordinary guifted Evangelist , under which name indeed we comprise all preachers . The other branch of that distinction ; Evangelists of extraordinary guifts and employments we finde in Scripture : and in this defence too , Truth is , their ordinary Evangelists are a new fiction . True , if we speake of the office of the Evangelists , but to give the title of Evangelist , according to the naturall signification of the word to ordinary preachers of the Gospell , is neither new nor fiction . Well , our argument we raise upon this ground is slight . Paul besought Timothy to abide still at Ephesus , 1. Tim. 1. 3. which had beene a needlesse importunity , if he had had the Episcopal charge of Ephesus , for then necessarily he must have resided there . But what 's his answer to this argument ? Nothing , onely saith it is slight . And that other argument brought from Timothies perpetuall moving from place to place , to prove that he was never fixed in an Episcopall station , is of as little force with him . The necessities of those times were such , as made even the most fixed Starres planetary , calling them frequently , from the places of their abode to those Services that were of most use for the successe of that great worke : yet so that after their err●nds fully dome they returned to their owne charge . Let us once professe as much confidence in our cause as the Remonstrant doth in his : We challenge him to shew in all the new Testament , any one that was appointed overseer of a particular Church , whose motion was as planetary as wee have shewed that of Timothy and Titus to have beene . Or if that faile , let him but shew that after Timothy or Titus went abroad upon the Service of the Churches , they did constantly or ordinarily returne either to Ephesus or Creet , and not to the places either of the Apostles present abode or appointment . And let them take Timothy and Titus as theirs , the patrons and presidents of Episcopacy . But till they can shew this , we must beleeve and affirme Timothy and Titus are Evangelists and no Bishops . Our next argument , from Act. 20. is but a Reed . Happy Remonstrant that deales with such impotent adversaries ; our first argument is slight , our second is of no force , our third is but a reed . Yet let us tell you , Haeret Lateri Lethalis Arundo . We affirmed , & upon certaine grounds , Acts 20. 4 : ( though the Remonstrant know it not ) that Timothy was with Paul at the meeting at Miletum , and from thence argued that had Timothy been B. of Ephesus , Paul would have given him a charge of feeding the flocke , and not the Elders , but would have given them direction for their carriage , at least , would not so have forgot himselfe as to call the Elders Bishops , before their Bishops face . In all which the Remonstrant saith , we goe upon a wrong ground : But sure sir , you are not so ignorant of our meaning , as by your questions you would seeme to be . We grant that these assembled persons , were Presbyters or Bishops in a parity , but neither in imparity , neither under Timothy nor any other Bishop . And to this purpose is our argument , from the want of directions to them as inferiour : yet notwithstanding the Remonstrant would be glad to picke what holes he can in our argument ; yet in part he grants what wee conclude : That they were all Bishops , onely with this addition , they were not meere Presbyters : but upon what ground ? The word it selfe imports they were Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And doth not the other word ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 import as strongly they were Presbyters ? And the truth is they were Presbyters , whom the holy Ghost had made Bishops . Foreseeing how his owne words would snarle him , if he should grant them all Bishops , he must grant there were more Bishops then one in Ephesus ; he puts by that blow telling us that though they were sent for from Ephesus , yet they were not said to be all of Ephesus Thither they were called from divers parts , which seems to be implyed in these words ye all amongst whom , &c. This is but a poore evasion : For first the holy Ghost tels us , that Paul did now study expedition , and did decline Ephesus of purpose because he would not spend time in Assia : Now if Paul comming to Miletum had sent from thence to Ephesus , for the Elders of that Church , and they had sent for the rest of the Asian Churches , & Paul had stayed at Miletum till they could assemble to him , this would have beene such an expence of time , as Pauls haste to Ierusalem could not admit . Secondly , these Elders were all of one Church made by God , Bishops over one flocke ; and therefore may with most probability be affirmed to be the Elders of the Church of Ephesus . For the Apostles were alwaies exact in distinguishing Churches ; that of a City , they alwaies called a Church ; those of a Province , Churches ; Churches of Galatia , Churches of Macedonia , Churches of Iudea , &c. And that evasion which you use , page 12● ▪ that they might be all called one Church because united under one government , makes your cause farre worse . Because notwithstanding this union you speake of S. Iohn joyning them all together in one Epistle , 〈◊〉 1. calls them the Churches of Asia , and now here the Church ▪ Besides this , the Syriack translation ( thought by some to be almost as ancient as the Church of Antioch ) reads it , the Elders of the Church of Ephesus , not onely the Elders of the Church . Thirdly , you say they were Bishops or Superintendents of other Churches as well as Ephesus . But your selfe grants in this very page , that Timothy was not yet Bishop of Ephesus , and yet you all say that he was the first Bishop that ever Ephesus had . And that Ephesus was the Metropolis of all Asia . How then came the Daughter Churches to have Bishops before their mother as you call it . Lastly , that we may cut asunder the sinewes ( as your phrase is ) of your far-fetched answer , borrowed from Bishop Barlow and Andrewes . Whereas you lay the weight of it upon those words , Ye all among whom I have gone preaching the Kingdome of God. Collecting from thence , that there must be some Superintendents present from all those places , where he had travelled preaching ; Your selfe would quickly see the weakenesse of it , were you not pleading your owne cause . Should any man speaking with three or foure of the members of the late convocation , say , you all who had your hand in the late oath and Canons are in danger , &c. would it imply a presence of all the members of the Convocation because the speech concerned them all ? you know it would not . But if this doe not suffice , then tell us , Why must his ( All ) be meant as such superintendents as you plead for , except because they were called Bishops , and so you would raise an argument from the name to the thing ; which kind of argument if it may prevaile , you know your cause is lost . But the Acumen of this answer by which he makes account to cut asunder the sinewes of all our proofes , is this ; That it is more then probable , that Timothy and Titus were made Bishops after , Pauls first being at Rome . Truely sir , here you desert your old friend , Episc. by Div. right , ( out of whom you have hitherto borrowed a great part both of your matter and words . He saith , Timothy was at this time a Bishop and present , and Pauls assessor . You it seemes thinke otherwise . Agree as well as you can ; we will not set you at variance . We thinke hee was as much bishop before as after ; onely we desire to learne when , where , and by whom Timothy received his ordination to Episcopacy : The first Epistle to Timothy tels us of an ordination which he had received to another office . And Chronologers tell us , that that Epistle was writ many yeeres before Timothy was made Bishop of Ephesus , according to your computation : and we leave to you to tell us when , and where he received ordination to your Episcopall office : we have perused the Chronologicall tables of Lud●vicus Capellus , whom you call Iacob Cappellus , and have compared him with Ba oniu● , & from thence have learned that the Epistle was writ to him before Pauls going to Rome , but cannot learne from their Chronologie that ever he was made Bishops afterwards . The same answer ( say you ) may serve you for Titus ; and the same reply serves us : onely whereas you accuse us of guilt for our translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( every variation from the ordinary translation must be guilty ) know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will be translated things that remaine , when you and we are dead and rotten ▪ And if our translators did not render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so , yet so they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Revil . 3. 2. Your second quarrell is to these words ( for a while ) to which because our margent allots the space of betweene five or six yeeres , you thinke you have us at a great advantage . If wee had said he tarried there but a little while , you might have had some what whereon to fasten ; but we spake of a while , not in respect of the shortnesse of his residence at Creet , but as it stands in opposition to residence for terme of life . He was left there but for a while . Ergo not fixed there during life . The end why the Apostle left Titus at Creet was to ordaine Elders or Bishops in every City , and not to be Bishop there himselfe . For as Chrysostome saith , Paul would not commit the whole Iland to one man , but would have every man appointed to his charge and Cure. For so he knew his labour would be the lighter , and the people that were under him would be governed with the greater diligence . For the Teacher should not be troubled with the government of many Churches , but onely intend one , and study for to adorne that . Therefore this was Titus his worke , not to be Bishop in Creet himselfe , but to ordaine Elders in every City , which was an office above that of a Bishop . For Creet was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Now you know sir , that i● is above the worke of an ordinary Bishop to plant and erect Churches to their due frame , in an hundred Citties . Bishops are given to particular Churches when they are framed to keepe them in the Apostolicall truth , not to lay foundations , or to exaessifie some imperfect beginnings . This service Titus did in Creet , ( the same worke which the Apostle did when he visited the Churches of Asia , Acts 14. 23. ) which being finished , the same Apostolicall power which sent him thither , removed him thence againe for the service of other Churches , as we have formerly shewed from Scripture . And though the Remonstrant tels us this calling away could no whit have impeached the truth of his Episcopacy ; We must crave leave to tell him , that though it may be one journey upon some extraordinary Church service might consist with such a fixed station as Episcopacy is . Yet an ordinary frequent course of jornying , such as Titus his was cannot ; unlesse he will grant that Timothy might be a Bishop and an Evangelist at the same time . But this is contrary to the Remonstrants one definition of an Evangelist , page 94. And therefore he chus●th rather to say Timothy was first an Evangelist when he travelled abroad , and afterward a Bishop when he setled at home . This is more absurd then the former . For if ever Titus were a Bishop ; it was then when Paul left him in Creet to ordaine Elders in every City : And after that time was the greatest part of his travels , as we have shewed in our answer . All these journeys did Titus make after he was left in Creet , nor doe we finde any where record of his returne thither : Therefore according to this rule , Titus should be first a Bishop , and afterwards an Evangelist . Or if the greatest part of Titus his travels had beene before his delegation to Creet , yet it had beene no lesse absurd to say that afterwards he did descend from the degree of an Evangelist to the station of Episcopacy . We hope the Remonstrant will not deny but an Evangelist was as farre above a Bishop as any Bishop can fancy himselfe to be above a Presbyter . And if for a Bishop to quit his Episcopacy and suffer himselfe to be reduced to the ranke of a meere Presbyter , be a crime so hainous , so odious , that it had beene much better to have beene unborne then to live to give so hainous a scandall to Gods Church , and so deepe a wound to his holy truth and ordinances , a river , an ocean can neither drowne nor wash off the offence . What is it to reduce an Evangelist to the forme of a Bishop ? We had granted that some Fathers call Timothy and Titus Bishops ; the Remonstrant replies , some , nay all , Be it so , as long as himselfe hath granted the Fathers did use the titles of Bishops and Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , But there is a Cloud of witnesses of much antiquity which avers Timothy and Titus to have liv●d and died Bishop of Ephesus & Creet . But this cloud will soone blow over . The Magdeburgenses tell us , That there is nothing expressely or certainely delivered by any approved writer to shew how , or how long Timothy was Doctour or Governour of the Church of Ephesus . Therefore we cannot certainely affirme that he suffered martyrdome at Ephesus , being stoned to death for reproving the idolatry of the Ephesians at the porch of Dian●s Temple , which yet the most have reported . Let the Reader further know that his cloud of witnesses , who averre Timothy and Titus to be Bishops , have borrowed their testimonies from Eusebius , of whom Scaliger saith , and Doctor Raynolds approves of it . That he read ancient Histories parum attente , which they prove by many instances . And all that Eusebius saith , is onely sic scribitur . It is so reported . But from whence had he this History ? even from Clemens fabulous , and Hegesippus not exstant . And therefore that which is answered by our learned Divines concerning Peters being at Rome and dying there ( which is also recorded by Eusebius ) That because Eusebiu● had it from Papias an Author of little esteeme : hence they thinke it a sufficient argument to deny the truth of the History , though asserted by never so many Authours relying upon one of so little credit . The same answer will fully serve to all the authorities produced for Timothies and Titus being Bishops from antiquity . And that which Thucidides saith of the ancient Greeke Historia●s , may as truely be said of Eusebius Irenaeus and others : Quae a majoribus acceperant Posteri , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 securi examinis suis item posteris tradiderunt . We further shewed how the Fathers called Timothy and Titus Bishops viz. in the same sence which learned D. Raynolds saies , they also used to call the Apostles Bishops , even in a generall signification , because they did attend that Chu●ch for a time . &c. This the Remonstrant will not give us leave to doe , but without his leave we shall make it good . We say therefore further : That when the Apostles or Evangelists ( perhaps Iames at Hierusalem , Timothy at Ephesus , Titus at Creet ) did stay longer at one Church , and exercised such a power , as the Bishops in succeeding ages did aspire unto : when the Fathers would set forth this power of an Apostle or Evangelists long residing in one Church , they ( labouring to doe it in a famil●ar way ) did similitudinarily call them Bishops , and sometimes Archbishops or Patriarcks , which all confesse were offices not heard of in the Apostles times ; not meaning they were so formally , but eminently : neither could they call them so properly , for the power they exercised was in them formally Apostolicall or Evangelicall , reaching not only to the Church where then they resided , but to all neighbouring and bordering Churches , as farre as was possible for them to oversee , or the occasions of the Church did require ; they having no bounded Diocesses , but had the care of all the Churches . In this sence they might call them so , but for either an Apostle or Evangelist to be ordained a Bishop or Presbyter had beene both unnecessary and absurd : unnecessary , because the higher degree includes the inferiour eminently , though not formally ; and absurd to descend lower , that after they had been Apostolically or Evangelically employed in taking care of all the Churches , they should be ordained to a worke which should so limit them , as to make them lesse usefull to the Church of God. But , saith he , all this discourse is needlesse , whether Timothy or Titus were Evangelists or no ; sure we are , here they stand for persons charged with those offices and cares which are delivered to the ordinary Church-governours in all succeeding generations : Here first you give us no ground of your surenesse , nor can give us any other then what may be said of the Apostles , for they also stand as persons charged , &c. Secondly , it is true the substance of those cares and offices , which belong to Apostles and Evangelists is transmitted to the ordinary Church-governours , as farre as is necessary for the edification of the Church , else the Lord had not sufficiently provided for his Church : all the question is , whether these Church-governours are by way of Aristocracy the common Councell of Presbyters , or by way of Monarchy Diocesan Bishops ? Now unlesse you prove that Timothy and Titus were ordinary officers ( or as Doctor Hall cals them , Diocesan Bishops ) to whom as to individuall persons such care and offices were individually intrusted , you will never out of Timothy and Titus defend Diocesan Bishops . Thirdly , though the substance of these cares and offices were to be transmitted to ordinary Church-governours , yet they are not transmitted in that eminency or personall height , in which they were in the Apostles and Evangelists : an Apostle where ever he lived might governe and command all Evangelists , all Presbyters &c. an Evangelist might governe all Presbyters , &c. but no Presbyter or Bishop might command others , onely the common Councel of Presbyters may charge any or many Presbyters , as occasion shall require . In a word , these ordinary Church-governours succeed the extraordinary officers , not in the same line and degree , as one brother dying , another succeeds him in the inheritance ; but as men of an other order , and in a different line . Let the Remonstrant therefore take Timothy and Titus as he findes them , that is , Evangelists , men of extraordinary dignity and authority in the Church of Christ : Let him with his first confidence maintaine that our Bishops challenge no other spirituall power then was delegated to them . We shall upon better grounds maintaine with better confidence , that if they chalenge the same , they ought to be disclaimed for usurpers . But much more challenging such a power as was never exercised by Timothy and Titus , as we demonstrated in our former answer in severall instances ; which are so commonly knowne as our Remonstrant is ashamed to deny them : onely plaies them off , partly with his old shift , the abuse of the person , not of the Calling . But we beseech you sir , tell us whether these persons doe not perpetrate these abuses ( though by their owne vice , yet ) by vertue of their place and Callings . Partly by retorting questions upon us ; when , or where did our Bishops challenge to ordaine alone ; or to governe alone ? we have shewed you when and where already , when or where did our Bishops challenge power to passe a rough and unbeseeming rebuke upon an Elder ? Sure your owne conscience can tell that hath taught you to apply that to an Elder in office which we onely spake ( in Scripture phrase ) of an Elder in generall . It was your guilt , not our ignorance that turned it to an Elder in office . Where did , say you , our Bishops give Commission to Chancellors , Commissaries , &c. to rayle upon Presbyters ; to accuse them without just ground , &c. where have not Chancellors done so ? and what power have they but by Bishops Commission to meddle with any thing in Church affaires ? And where is the Bishop that hath forbid it them ? Qui non prohibet facit . Onely there is one practice of our Bishops he is something more laborious to justifie : That is , their casting out unconforming brethren , commonly knowne in their Court language by the name of schismatickes and heretickes , which Timothy and Titus never did , nor had any such power delegated to them ; heretickes indeed the Apostles gave them power to reject : but wee had hoped the refusall of the use of a ceremony should never have beene equalized in the punishment either to heresie or schisme . But the Remonstrant hath found Scripture for it . Loth not the Apostle wish that they were cut off that trouble you ? but sure it is one thing to wish men cut off by God , and another thing to cut them off by the censure of the Church . Besides this was written to the Galatians ; and they that troubled them , were such as maintained doctrines against the foundation , i. Justification by workes of the Law , &c. which we thinke are very neere of kinne to heretickes . I am sure farre above the crime of the Remonstrants unconforming brethren , who are unsetled in points of a meane difference , ( which their usuall language knowes by no better termes then of schismatickes and factious ) yet even such have fallen under the heaviest censures of suspension , excommunication , deprivation , &c. which the Remonstrant unable to deny would justifie , which when he shall be able to doe , he may do something towards the patronizing of Bishops . But in the meane time let him not say they are our owne ill raised suggestions , but their owne ill assumed and worse mannaged authority , that makes them feare to be disclaimed as usurpers . The second Scripture ground which the Remonstrant is ambitious to draw in for the support of his Episcopall cause , is the instance of the Angels of the seven Churches , which because it is locus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cried up as argumentum verè Achilleum , we did on purpose inlarge our selves about it . And for our paines the Remonstrant , as if all learning and acutenesse were lockt up in his breast ( Narcissus like in love with his owne shadow ) professeth that this peece of the taske fell unhappily upon some dull and tedious hand , &c. Which if it be so , it will redound the more to the Remonstrants discredit , when it shall appeare that he is so shamefully foiled and wounded by so dull an adversary . He objects Colemorts oft sod , when he cannot but know that the whole substance of his owne booke is borrowed from Bishop Bilson and Doctor Downham . And that there is nothing in this discourse about the Angels , but either it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But before we come to answer our Remonstrants particulars , we will premise something in generall about these Asian Angels . It may seeme strange that the defenders of Episcopacy lay so much weight of argument upon the word or appellation of Angell ; which themselves know to be a title not impropriated to the chiefe Ministers of the Church , but common to all that bring the glad tidings of the Gospell ; yea to all the messengers of the Lord of Hosts . We conceive there are 2. maine reasons that induce them to insist so much on this : First they finde it the most easie way of avoyding the dint of all the Arguments brought against them out of the History of the Acts and Epistles , by placing one above the rest of the Presbyters in the period of the Apostles times . And so finding in the Revelation ( which was written the last of all the parts of the Scripture , except peradventure the Gospell written by the same penne ) an expression which may seeme to favour their cause , they improve it to the utmost . Partly because hereby they evade all our arguments which we bring out of the Scripture . Doe we prove out of the 20. of Acts , Presbyters and Bishops to be all one ? Doe we prove the Bishops described in Timothy and Titus to be one and the same in name and office with a Presbyter ? Doe we prove that their Churches were all governed Communi Consilio Presbyterorum ? All shall be granted us , and yet the Divine right of Episcopacy be still held up by this sleight , by telling us , that before the Apostles left the earth they made over their authority to some prime men . Demand where this is extant ? The Angels of the seven Churches are pleaded presently . And partly because we have no other Scripture of latter inspiration and edition , whereby to prove the contrary . Another inducement is , because the writers neere the Apostles times make frequent mention of a Bishop , and as they would have us beleeve , some waies distinguished from a Presbyter . Some of them mentioning the very men that were the Angels of these Churches ; as Polycarpus of Smyrna & Ignatius ( who is said to have beene martyred within twelve yeeres after the Revelation was written , ) wrote letters to the severall Churches , wherein he mentioneth their Bishops distinct from their Presbyters . Now ( saith the author of Episcopacy by divine right ) the Apostles immediate successors could best tell what they next before them did . Who can better tell a mans pace then he that followes him close at heeles ? And this hath so plausib●e a shew , that all are condemned as blind , or wilfull , who will either doubt that Episcopacy was of Apostolicall institution , or thinke that the Church of Christ , should in so short a time deviate from the institution of the Apostles . But now how insufficient a ground this is for the raising up of so mighty a Fabricke as Episcopacy by Divine right , or Apostolicall institution wee desire the Reader to judge by that that followes . First , the thing they lay as their foundation is a meere metaphoricall word , and such as is ordinarily applied to Presbyters in common . Secondly , the Penman of those seven Epistles did never in them nor in any of his other writings so much as use the name of Bishop , he names Presbyters frequently ; especially in this booke , yea where he would set out the office of those that are neerest to the throne of Christ in his Church , Revel . 4. And whereas in Saint Iohns daies some new expressions were used in the Christian Church , which were not in Scripture : As the Christian Sabbath began to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Christ himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now both these are found in the writings of S. Iohn ; and it is strange to us that the Apostle should mention a new phrase , and not mention a new office erected in the Church , as you would make us beleeve . Neither thirdly , in any of his writings the least intimation of superiority of one Presbyter over another , save onely where he names Diotrephes as one ambitiously affecting such a Primacy . Nor is there any one word in these Epistles whence an Episcopall authority may be collected . So that did not the testimonies that lived soone after make the argument plausible , it would appeare ridiculous . But alas the suffrage of all the writers in the world is infinitely unable to command an Act of Divine faith without which divine right cannot be apprehended . Suppose we were as verily perswaded that Ignatius wrote the Epistles which goe under his name ( which yet we have just cause to doubt of , as knowing that many learned men reject a great part of them , and some all ) as we can be perswaded that Tully wrote his : All this can perswade no further that the Apostles ordained and appointed Bishops as their successors , but onely by a humane faith : but neither is that so . The most immediate and unquestionable successors of the Apostles give cleare evidence to the contrary . It is granted on all sides that there is no peece of antiquity that deserves more esteeme then the Epistle of Clement , lately brought to light by the industry and labour of that learned Gentleman Master Patricke Young. And in that Epistle Bishops and Presbyters are all one , as appeares by what followes : The occasion of that Epistle seemes to be a new sedition raysed by the Corinthians against their Presbyters , page 57. 58. ( not as Bishop Hall saies , the continuation of the schismes amongst them in the Apostles daies : ) Clemens to remove their present sedition tels them how God hath alwaies appointed severall orders in his Church , which must not be confounded ; first , telling them how it was in the Jewish Church ; then for the times of the Gospell , tels them , that Christ sent his Apostles through Countries and Cities , in which they constituted the first fruits ( or the chiefe of them ) unto Bishops and Deacons , for them who should beleeve afterward , p. 54. 55. Those whom hee calls there Bishops afterwards throughout the Epistle he cals Presbyters , pa. 58 , 62 , 69. All which places doe evidently convince that in Clement his judgement , the Apostle appointed but two officers ( that is Bishops and Deacons ) to bring men to beleeve : Because when he had reckoned up three orders appointed by God among the Jewes , High-priests , Priests , and Levites , comming to recite orders appointed by the Apostles under the Gospell , hee doth mention onely Bishops and Deacons : and those Bishops which at first he opposeth to Deacons , ever after he cals Presbyters . And here we cannot but wonder at the strange boldnesse of the author of Epis. by divine right , who hath endevoured to wire-draw this Author ( so much magnified by him ) to maintaine his Prelaticall Episcopacy : and that both by foysting in the word withall into this translation which is not in the Text , that the Reader might be seduced to beleeve that the offices of Episcopacy and Presbytery were two different offices . And also by willingly misunderstanding Clement his phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for by the word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he would have us understand Episcopacy as distinct from Presbyterie : whereas the whole series of the Epistle evidently proves that the word Episcopus & Presbyter are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : And so also by the word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) hee would have us to understand that the contention then in Corinth was only about the name : whereas it appeares by the Epistle it selfe , that the controversie was not about the name , but dignity of Episcopacy : for it was about the deposition of their godly Presbyters , p. 57 , 58. And the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is thus interpreted by Beza Eph. 1. 21. Phil. 2. 9. & Heb. 1. 4. and Mead in Apoc. 11. p. 156. In which places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . By all this we see that the most genuine and neerest successor of the Apostles knew no such difference . Lastly , it is worth our observation , that the same writers who ( as they say ) testifie that these 7. Angels were in a superiour degree to Presbyters , do likewise affirm that the Apostle Iohn sate many yeeres B. of Ephesus , and was the Metropolitan of all Asia , in which we suppose the Remonstrant will allow his readers a liberty of beleeving him , and allow us a liberty to tell him that D Whitakers saith , Patres cum Iacobum Episcopum vocant aut etiam Petrum , non propriè sumunt Episcopi nomen , sed vocant eos Episcopos illarum Ecclesiarum in quibus aliquamdin commorati sunt . And in the same place , Et si propriè de Episcopo loquatur , absurdum est Apostolos suisse Episcopos . Nam qui propriè Episcopus est , is Apostolous non potest esse ▪ quia Episcopus est unius tantum Ecclesiae . At Apostoli plurium Ecclesiarum fundatores & inspectores erant . And againe , Hoc enim non mul●um distat ab insaniâ , dicere Petrum fuisse propriè Episcopum , out reliquos Apostolos . Now we returne to our Remonstrant . Our answer to his objection from the Angels was : That the word Angell ▪ is to be taken collectively , not individually , which he cals , pro more suo , a shift and a conceit which no wise man can ever beleeve . And yet he could not but take notice that we alleaged Austin , Gregory , Fulke , Perkins , Fox , Brightman , Mede , and divers others for this interpretation : which will make the world to accuse him for want of wisdome , for calling the wisedome of such men into question . Before he addresseth himself to answer our reasons , he propounds two queres . 1. If the interest be common and equally appertaining to all , why should one be singled out above the rest ? A very dull question , which is indeed a very begging of the cause . For the question in agitation is , whether when Christ writes to the 7. Angels , he meant to single out 7. individuall persons above the rest , or else writes to the 7. Angels collectively meaning all the Angels that were in all the Churches . The second question is as dull as the first . If you will yeeld the person to be such as had more then others , a right in the administration of all , it is that weseeke for . But he knew we would not yield it . And therefore we may justly use his owne words , that those questions are tedious and might well have beene spared . And so also the instances of a letter indorsed from the Lords of the Councell to the Bishop of Durham , concerning some affaires of the whole Clergy of his Diocesse : No man will deny but that the Bishop of Durham is an individuall Bishop . This example supposeth the Angell about whom we dispute to be meant individually , which you know is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 betweene you and us . Quid haec ad Rhombum ? We will give you instances more suitable to the purpose . Suppose one in Christs time , or his Apostles had indorsed a letter to the Chiefe-priest concerning the affaires of the Sanhedrim , and another letter to the chiefe Ruler of the Synagogue concerning the affaires of the Synagogue , and another letter to the Captaine of the Temple , concerning the businesse of the Temple ; could any man imagine but that these indorsments must necessarily be understood collectively ? considering there were more Chiefe-priests then one in Ierusalem , Luke 22. 4. and more chiefe Rulers of the Synagogue then one , Math. 19. 18. compared with Acts 18. 8. 17. And more Captaines of the Temple then one , Acts 4 ▪ 1. compared with Luke the ●2 . 4. and so also semblably more Angels and Ministers in the seven Churches then seven . But stay sir , we hope you are not of opinion , that any of your Asian Bishops had as much spirituall and temporall power as the Lord Bishop of Salisbury , and the Lord Bishop and Palatine of Durham , Cave dixeris . At last you come to our proofes , which you scoffingly call invincible . You should have done better to have called them irrefragable , like your good friends irrefragable propositions . Our first argument is drawne from the Epistle to Thyatira , Revel . 2. 24. But I say unto you ( in the plurall number , not unto thee in the singular ) and unto the rest in Thyatira . Here is a plaine distinction betweene the Governours , and the governed . And the Governours in the plurall number ; which apparently proves that the Angell is collective . The Remonstrant hath no way to put this off , but by a pittifull shift to use his owne words . He tels us he hath found a better coppy ; which is a very unhappy and unbecoming expression , apt to make ignorant people doubt of the originall text , and so in time rather to deny the Divinity of the Scriptures , then of Episcopacy . But this better coppy is but lately searcht into , for we finde that Bishop Hall , in his Episcopacy by Divine right , reads it as we doe . But I say unto you , and the rest in Thyatira . But what is this better Coppy ? It is a Manuscript written by the hand of Teela ; which if it be no truer then Itinerarium Pauli & Teclae , it will have little credit among the Learned . But that which makes you to magnifie it the more , is that doughty argument which it helped you to against us , concerning the same Church of ●hyatira , in which the Angell is charged for suffering that woman Iezabel . And now you say , in that memorable copy of Tecla , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which you interpret , thy wife Iczebel . And just as Archimedes , you come with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , And call upon us to blush for shame . What say you in a different character , shall we thinke she was wife to the whole company or to one Bishop alone ? But for our part we doe thinke you have more cause to blush for making such a Translation , and rather then you will not prove the Angell of Thyatira to be an individuall Bishop , you will un-Angell him , and make him an other Ahab , to marry a cursed Iezebel . We wonder that never any protestant writer had the wit to bring this text against the papists to prove the lawfulnesse of Priests marriages ; no not Doctor Hall himselfe in his defence of the married Clergy . Give us leave here to use your owne words , page 108. Forbeare Reader if you can , to smile at this curious subtilty , what Cabalisme have we here ? judge Reader what to expect of so deepe speculations . And also to repeate what you say , page 110. If you please your selfe with this new subtilty it is well from us you have no cause to expect an answer : it can neither draw our assent , nor merit our confutation . We beleeve it to be as true that Iezebel was the wife of the Bishop of Thyatira , as that Tecla was the wife of Paul. But to returne to the former text : Let any judicious reader survey the latter part of the 23. verse ( which is the verse before that out of which we bring our reason ) there he shall finde Christ speaking to the Church of Thyatira , saith : And I will give to every one of you ( in the plurall number . ) And then followes , But I say unto you and the rest in Thyatira . And he will not onely con●esse that though the 24. verse should faile , yet the 23. would prove the same thing , as effectually as the 24. but also will grant that from the co●●erence it is evident that the old copies are better then that which this Remonstrant cals the better coppy of Tecla . But besides this text , let the Reader cast his eye upon what Christ saith to the Angell of the Church of Smyrna , Revel . 2. 10. feare none of those things which thou shalt suffer , behold the divell shall cast some of you into prison , ( of you in the plurall number : ) that yee may be tryed ( yee in the plurall number ) and you ( in the plurall againe ) shall have tribulation ten daies ; be thou faithfull unto the death , and I will give thee a Crowne of life . Observe here how our Saviour Christ changeth the number . Be thou faithfull . And the divell shall cast some of you , &c. to shew unto us , that the Angell is not meant of one singular person , but of all the whole company of Presbyters that were in Smyrna . So also Christ writing to the Angell of the Church of Pergamus saith , verse 13. in the beginning of the verse , I know thy workes , in the singular number ; but in the latter end , who was slaine among you , in the plurall number . We expect that the Remonstrant will when best at leasure bring tidings of another better coppy , to avoyd the dint of these texts that doe as we thinke demonstratively prove the thing in question . Our second argument is drawne from the like phrases even in this very booke of the Revelation , where it is usuall to expresse a company under one singular person ; as the civill state of Rome , as opposite to Christ , is called a beast with ten hornes : and the Ecclesiasticall state Antichristian , is called , the whore of Babylon . To which you answer . 1. That if it be thus in visions and Emblematicall representations , must it needs be so in plaine narrations ? But good sir consider , this very thing we are about was seene by Saint Iohn in a vision : and you your selfe confesse in the next page , that the word Angell is metaphoricall . How then is it a plaine narration ? Secondly , you say because it is so in one phrase of speech , must it be so in all ? We answer , that this argument was not brought to prove that the word Angell must needs be taken collectively , but onely that it might be so taken , and that it was the likeliest interpretation , especially considering what was added out of Master Mede ( who was better skilled in the meaning of the Revelation then your selfe ) that the word Angell is commonly ( if not alwaies ) in the Revelation taken collectively . Thus the seven Angels that blew the seven trumpets , and the seven Angels that poured out the seven vials , are not literally to be taken , but Synecdochically , you reply . Perhaps so , but then the Synecdoche lies in the seven , not in the Angels , and so you grant the word Angell to be metaphoricall , but we are never a whit the neerer to our imagined Synecdoche . But this is but a meere fallacy . Let but the reader expect , till we make good our fourth reason , and then we shall see our imagined Synecdoche made reall . For the present it is sufficient , that it is the ordinary custome of the holy Ghost in the Revelation , by Angell to meane Angels ; by seven Angels , not seven individually , but collectively . But whether the Synecdoche be in the word seven , or in the word Angel , that is nothing to the purpose in hand . Our third argument , is drawne from the word Angell , which is a common name to all the Ministers and messengers , &c. And surely had Christ intended to point out some one individuall person by the Angell , he would have used some distinguishing name to set him out by : he would have called him Rector , or President , or Superintendent ; but calling him by a name common to all Ministers , why should we thinke that there should be any thing spoken to him that doth not asmuch concerne all the rest who are Angels as well as he ? All that you answer is , that Christ knew this well enough , and if he had meant it , had it not beene as easie to have mentioned many as one ? But here wee humbly desire the Reader to consider two things . 1. The unreasonablenesse of this answer : we brought three reasons why Christ when he meant divers Angels , spake in the singular number Angell , not Angels . These reasons the Remonstrant passeth over with a scorne , ( the commonest , safest , surest way of answering , the Remonstrant hath : ) and yet he demands page 104. why should one be singled ou● above all , if the interest be common ? And here , why doth not Christ say to the Angels ? But let ●im first answer our Therefores , and wee will quickly answer his Wherefores . Secondly , how justly we may retort this answer upon the Remonstrant and say , If Christ had meant by the seven Angels seven Bishops , how easie had it beene for him to have written to the Bishop of Ephesus ( as he was lately called at the Spittle by a Bishop ) to the Bish. of Smyrna , instead of the Angell of Ephesus , and the Angell of Smyrna . But this Christ doth not doe , and not onely so , but Saint Iohn also in all his bookes makes not any mention of the name Bishop . And therefore it seemeth strange to us that Episcopacy by divine right should be fetched out of his writings . I but saith the Remonstrant , it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And therefore the denoted person must needs be singular . For surely you cannot say that all the Presbyters at Eph●sus were one Angell . Yes sir , wee can say they were all one Angell collectively , though not individually And we can shew you where Christ speaketh in the singular number , and joyneth the Article with it also , and yet meaneth Synecdochically more , for one , as Iohn 4. 37. Iohn 10. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which must be all meant indefinitely , not individually . You suppose againe , that if that Christ had said , To the Starre of Ephesus , no body would have construed it but of one eminent person . But herein also you are much mistaken , for the word Starre is as common a name to all Ministers as the word Angell , as we have shewed in our answer . The fourth argument you account ridiculous , and in a proud scorne passe it over with a jeere . But you will see in the conclusion you your selfe to be the ridiculum caput , not we . Our argument stands thus : Our Saviour saith , The seven Candlestickes which thou sawest are the seven Churches : but he doth not say , the seven starres are the seven Angels of the same Churches . But the Angels of the seven Churches omitting not without mystery the number of the Angels , least wee should understand by Angell one Minister alone , and not a company . To omit your scoffes , you answer it is plaine that every Church hath his Angell mentioned , and there being seven Chruches , how many Angels ( I beseech you ) are there ? This answer is as easily blowne away , as the wind blowes away chaffe . It is true , every Church hath his Angell mentioned , but whether Angell individually or Angell collectively , that is still the question , and therefore for ought you say , though there were but seven Churches , there might be seven , and seven times seven Angels in those Churches . But you intimate that Christ saith , the 7. starres , though he doth not say the seven Angels . Now here give us leave to put our Remonstrant in mind of the imagined Syneedoche . For we justly conceive that these words , The seven Starres are the Angels , are figurative , and that there are two figures in them , a metaphor in the word Starre and Angell , and a Synecdoche in the word seven . For we doe not thinke that the seven Starres signifie seven individuall Angels , for then indeed the reader might have justly smiled at our curious speculation , but we thinke them to be taken collectively . Thus Revil . 8. 2. Iohn saw seven Angels which stood before God , by which seven Angels Doctor Reynolds doth not understand seven individuall Angels , but by a Synecdoche all the Angels . For there are no seven particular Angels that doe stand before God , but all doe so , Dan. 7. The words of Doctor Reynolds are these , Quare cum commune sit omnibus electis Angelis Dei stare coram throno , videtur nomine septem Angelorum significari universos Angelos Dei Item , Ita numero septenario saepe significari omnes , numeruni saltem infinitum numero finito docent , septem columnae Pro. 9. septem pastores Math. 5. septem oculi Zach. 3. sed imprimis in istis mysteriis Apocalypseos , septem Candelabra , septem lampades , septem phyaelae , septem plagae . And now let the Reader judge whether this argument be so ridiculous as the mocking Remonstrant would make it . But that you may see how dull the answerer himselfe , is whilst he accuseth others of dulnesse let us a little consider what pittifull shifts he useth in his answer to our last reason . Our last argument is ; Though but one Angell be mentioned in the forefront , yet it is evident the Epistles themselves are dedicated to all the Angels and Ministers in every Church , and to the Churches themselves : and if unto the whole Church , much more unto the Presbyters of that Church . To this you answer . 1. By granting the argument which is to grant the cause , as will appeare to any judicious Reader : For the reason doth not onely say that the whole Church is concerned in the Epistles , and spoken unto in them , but that they are dedicated to all the Ministers as well as one , & to all the Churches as well as to the Angels , as appeares Reuel . 1. 11. send it to the seven Churches : and also by the Epiphonema of every Epistle , he that hath an eare to heare , let him heare what the Spirit saith to the Churches , not onely concerning the Churches , but to the Churches . But then you argue secondly , if every Epistle be written to all the Churches , then we must say that every of these seven Angels must be the whole company of all the seven Churches , which were a foule nonsence . But you must understand that though every Epistle be written to all the Churches , yet not eodem modo . As for example ; the Epistle to Ephesus was written primariò , proprie & formaliter to the Church of Ephesus , but to the other Churches onely , reflèxive & per modum exempli . And therefore we returne your nonsence upon your selfe . For we doe not confound the Angels and the Churches ( we know there is a distinction betweene the Starres and the Candlestickes ) but we affirme that the Epistles are written to the Churches as well as to the Angels , and to all the Angels as well as to any one . Thirdly , you say we might have saved the labour both of Ausbertus and the rest of our Authours , and our owne . But surely unlesse you meant to yeeld the cause , you would never say so . For we proved out of Ausbertus , that according to his judgement , by Angell is meant the whole Church . And out of Perkins , Brightman , Fulke , Fox , Austin , Gregory , Primasius , Hamo , Beda , Richard , Thomas , &c. That the word Angell is to be taken not individually , but collectively . And further we shewed that in these seven Epistles where one person is singled out and spoken unto in particular , either by way of praise or dispraise ; that such places are not to be understood of one individuall person , but of the whole company of the Ministers in all things equall with that our Angell : which are proved by such reasons , which because you knew not how to answer , you say we might have saved our labour ; and in that indeed we should have saved your credit , but have done the cause much prejudice . Lastly , you say satis Magisterialiter ( for you prove it not ) That there are such particularities both of commendations and exceptions in the body of the severall Epistles as cannot but have relation to those severall overseers to whom they were indorsed , as you have elsewhere specified . But whom you are , and where this is specified you refuse to tell us . Onely you put us to answer : Had all the Presbyters of Ephesus lost their first love ? Had each of them tried the false Apostles ? Had all those of Sardis a name to live and were dead ? Were all the Laodicean Ministers of one temper ? You say , no doubt it was otherwise . But this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We say , No doubt that not onely the Presbyters of Ephesus , Sardis , Laodicea , but that the whole Church had lost their first love , and were become lukewarme , and had a name to live and were dead , ( wee say all that is genera singulorum , not singula generum ) and this wee prove . Because the punishment threatned by Christ is threatned not onely against that one Angell , but against all the Church , Reuel . 2. 5. I will remove thy Candlesticke . Revel . 2. 16. 24. Now we have no warrant in the word of God to thinke that God would remove his Gospell from a Church , because one Angell in that Church hath lost his first love , when all the other , and the whole Church also are ●ervent and zealous in their love to Christ. Or that God would spue out a whole Church out of his mouth , for the lukewarmenesse of one man , when the Church it selfe and all the other Ministers are zealous . This is the reason that makes us beleeve that though one Angell be sometimes spoken unto in particular , yet it must necessarily be understood in a collective sence , not in an individuall sence , which we hinted in our answer . But the Remonstrant comes with his Index expurgatorius , and answereth us onely with a Deleatur . And thus he serves us also in the following reasons , why Christ did not write To the Angels in the plurall number ; but To the Angell in the singular . And this he doth throughout the whole booke , passing by unanswered those things which are most materiall . Vas vitreum lambens , pultem non attingens . As for that tedious discourse that followeth in foure leaves ( about our overliberall concession , that , suppose the word Angell be meant Individually , yet it made nothing for the upholding of a Dioce san Bishop with sole power of ordination , and jurisdiction , as a distinct order superiour to Presbyters ) we will be very briefe in our answer to it , to prevent surfet , and because it is more then we need have yeelded , and also because so little is said of it to the purpose by this Remonstrant . And here let the Reader observe : 1. That of the foure Authors cited in the upholding of the individuall Angel , Doctor Fulke is falsely alleged , and the other three , Master Beza , Doctor Raynolds and Pareus , though they interpret the word Angell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for one singular person , yet we are sure none of them held Episcopacy by divine right . For D. Raynolds his letters to S. Francis Knowles now in print will witnesse : and for Beza and Pareus , it is well knowne that they were Presbyterians . We expected many of the ancient Fathers to make good this interpretation ; but we see he is beholding to those for it who are none of the lest enemies to the Hierarchall preeminency , and therefore we may be the more secure that no great prejudice can come to our cause by this interpretation , if taken in the sence of these Authors . 2. That the great question is : what makes this interpretation for a Diocesan Bishop , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , as a distinct order above Presbyters ? But the Remonstrant cunningly conceales halfe the question , and answers , much every way . And why so ? Because if there were many Angels in each Church , and yet but one singled out and called The Angel of that Church , it must needs follow that there was a superiority , and inequality . But what is this to the question in hand ? The thing to be proved is , not onely that this Angell had a superiority , but a superiority of jurisdiction over his fellow Angels ; but of this altum silentium . Doctor Reynolds will tell you that this was onely a superiority of order ; and that all jurisdiction was exercised in common . Beza will tell you , that this Angell was onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was Angelus Praeses , not Angelus Princeps . And that he was Praeses mutabilis , and ambulatorius , just as a Moderator in an assembly , or as the Speaker in the House of Commons , which is onely during the Parliament . Both which interpretations may well stand with the superiority and inequality you speake of . Our first argument to prove that though the word Angel be taken individually , that yet nothing will hence follow to uphold a Diocesan Bishop with sole power of jurisdiction as a distinct order Superior to Presbyters was , because it was never yet , nor never will be proved that these Angels were Diocesan Bishops ; considering that parishes were not so numerous as to be divided into Diocesses in Saint Iohns daies . And the seven Starres are sayd to be fixed in their seven Candlestickes , not one Star over divers Candlesticks . And Tindall together with the old translation calls them seven congregations . And because we read that at Ephesus , that was one of those Candlestickes , there was but one flock , for the answer of all which we expected a learned discourse to prove that the seven Churches were Diocesan , and so consequently the Angels Diocesan Angels . But the Remonstrant baulkes his worke as too great for his shoulders , and instead of solid Divinity turnes criticke , and playes upon words and syllables Domitian like , catching at flies , when he should have beene busied about greater matters . First , he tels , us , That if Parishes were not united into Diocesses ( or were not so many as to be divided into Diocesses which we thinke all one notwithstanding your parenthesis ) in Saint Iohns daies , and therefore no Diocesan Bishop ; by the same reason we may as well argue , that there were no parochiall Bishops neither , since that then no parishes were as yet distinguished . Which we grant to be very true . But if there were no Parochiall Bishops in the Apostles daies , much lesse Diocesan . The Apostolicall Bishops were Bishops of one Church , and not of one parish ( as we meane by parish ) till many yeeres after . But not to quarrell at the word parish , or diocesse ; let but the Remonstrant shewe us that these Angels were Bishops over divers setled Churches , or divers fixed congregations , & nobis erit alter Apollo . For our parts we are sure that at first the number of beleevers , even in the greatest Cities , were so few , as that they might well meete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one and the same place ; and these were called the Church of the City , and therefore to ordaine Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one in Scripture . And it cannot be demonstratively proved that they became so numerous in the Apostles daies in any great City , so as that they could not meet in one and the same place . But yet we confesse that it is very probable that it was so in Ierusalem , if you compare Acts 2. 41. 4. 4. 5. 14. And whether it was so also in these severall Asian Churches we know not ; but however , this is agreed upon on all parts . That beleevers in great Cities were not divided into set and fixed congregations or parishes till long after the Apostles daies . And that therefore if when they multiplied , they had divers meeting places , that yet notwithstanding these meeting places were frequented promiscuously , and indistinctly , and were taught and governed by all the Presbyters promiscuously and in common , and were all called but one Church , as is evident in Hierusalem , Act. 8. 1. Act. 15. 6. 22. 16. 4. 21. 18. So also in these seven Churches , where the beleevers of every City are called but one Church , and were governed in common by divers Angels , or Presbyters ; as we see plainely proved in the Church of Ephesus , Acts 20. 28. Hen●e it followeth that there were no sole-ruling Bishops , nor one Bishop over divers Churches , or set Congregations in Saint Iohns daies . Secondly , according to his wonted language , he tels us of making Bulls and Solecismes , because wee say that the seven Starres are said to be fixed in their seven Candlestickes , whereas these Starres are said to be in the right hand of Christ , as if these two were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Know sir , That in regard of their protection they are said to be in Christs right hand , but in regard of their ●unction and Office they may be truely said to be fixed in their seven Candlestickes . But instead of picking quarrels at words , you should have done well ( if you could ) to prove that these Candlestickes were diocesan Churches . We say each Starre had its Candlesticke , not one Starre over divers . And wee thinke that this Candlesticke was but one particular Church , or one set Congregation ( though happily when they multiplyed , they might meete indistinctly in divers , under divers Angels equally governing ▪ ) For this we alledged Obiter Tindals translating the seven Churches seven Congregations . All you answer is , onely to shew that in other places of the Scripture by Congregation in Tindals sence cannot be meant a parishionall meeting . But what if it be not so in other places , how doe you make it appeare that it is not so in this place ? We are sure it is so taken in twenty other places of Tindals translation , and may very properly be taken here also . We alledge also , that in Ephesus which was one of these Candlestickes , there was but one flocke . You demand whether this flocke were Nationall , Provinciall , or Diocesan ? And why doe you not demand whether it were not Oecumenicall also ? that so the Pope may in time come to challenge his flocke universall . But you are sure , you say , that this flocke was not a parochiall flocke , because it cannot be proved , that all the Elders to whom Paul spake , were onely belonging to Ephesus . But can this Remonstant prove that there were more Elders or Bishops then those of Ephesus ? This is to answer Socratically , and in answering not to answer . Howsoever it is not so much materiall . You your selfe confesse that the Elders or Bishops of Ephesus had but one flocke . And if divers Bishops were over one flocke in the Apostles daies , where is your individuall Bishops over divers flockes in the Apostles daies ? Our second argument is also drawne from the Church of Ephesus , which was one of the seven Candlestickes , in which we are sure in Saint Pauls daies there were many Angels , and those called Bishops , Acts 20. 28. And to one of those in all likelyhood was the Epistle to Ephesus directed , if the direction be meant individually . But yet wee read not a word of any superiority , or superintendency of one Bishop over another . To them the Church in generall is committed , without any respect to Timothy who stood at his elbow . But to all this ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quideu● , onely he tels us it is answered in answering the first . But how true this is , let any Reader judge . At the end of this reason , wee produce Epiphanlus affirming that in ancient time it was peculiar to Alexandria , that it had but one Bishop , whereas other Cities had two . Here our Remonstrant takes a great deale of paines not to confute us , but to confute Epiphanius . All that we will reply is this ; to desire the Reader to consider that this Epiphanius was the first that ( out of his owne private opinion ) accused Aerius of madnesse , and ( as this Authour saith ) of heresie , for denying the superiority of Bishops over Presbyters . And if this Remonstrant thinke it no disparagement to himselfe to be a confuter of Epiphanius , why should we be cryed downe so heavily for not agreeing with Epiphanius in his judgement concerning Aerius ? The third argument the Remonstrant cuts off in the midst . For whereas wee say , that there is nothing sayd in the seven Epistles that implyeth any superiority , or majority of rule , or power that those Angels had over the other Angels that were joyned with them in their Churches : the answerer makes it runne thus , That there is nothing said in the seven Epistles that implies a superiority ; which indeed is to spoile the argument . For wee grant there is something said to imply a superiority of the Ministers over the people , but the question is of a superiority of power of one Angell over the other Angels which were joyned with him in his Church . But this he conceales , because hee knew it was unanswerable . Onely he tels us ; First , that the Epistles are superscribed to the Angell , not Angels . This is crambe millies cocta . But what is this to a majority of rule or power ? Secondly , he tels us it will appeare from the matter of the severall Epistles . For hee askes ; Why should an ordinary Presbyter be taxed for that which hee hath no power to redresse ? That the Angell of Pergamus should be blamed for having those which hold the doctrine of Balaam , or the Nicola●tans , when he had no power to proceed against them . Or the Angell of the Church of Thyatira for suffering the woman Iezebel ( if it must be so read ) to teach and seduce when he had no power of publique censure to restraine her ? This discourse is very loose and wild , Vt nihil pejus dicamus . Doth not the Remonstrant plead here for sole power of jurisdiction ( which hee doth so much disclaime in other places of his booke ) when hee would have the singular Angel of Pergamus and Thyatira , to have power to proceed against offendors , either he doth this or nothing . For our parts we answer without lisping ; That it was in the power not of one Angell , but of all the Angels of Pergamus and Thyatira , to proceed against those that held the doctrine of Balaam and the Nicolaitans . To restraine that woman Iezebel , or the Bishop of Thyatira his wife ( if it must needs be so read ) wee doe not thinke that one ordinary Presbyter ( as you call him ) was to exercise censures alone , nor one extraordinary Bishop neither . We find the contrary Matth. 8. 1 Corinth . 5. And therefore we referre it to the Minister or Ministers of each Congregation with the advice , and consent of the Presbyters adjoyning which we are sure , is more consonant to the word then to leave it to the Hierarchicall Bishop , and his Chancellor , Commissary , or Officiall . In the next paragraph , wee challenge you to shew us what kind of superiority this Angell had , if he had any at all ? We require you to prove that he had any more then a superiority in parts and abilities , or of order . Where is it said that the Angell was a superiour degree or order of Ministery above Presbyters ? Or that he had solepower of ordination and jurisdiction ? But you flie from those questions as farre as from a Snake that would sting you , and disdaining all that we say ( which is your accustomed way of answering ) you tell us that you are able to sh●w who were the parties to whom some of these Epistles were directed , and to evince the high degree of their superiority . Parturiunt montes , nascetur ridiculus mus . Alas sir , you tell us but what we told you before , and what others have ingeminated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . You say , That Ignatius and Tertullian tell us that Onesimus was now the Angell or Bishop of Ephesus , and Polycarpus of Smyrna . But marke what we answer . First , we doubt of the truth of the story . For others tell us that Timothy was Bishop ( as they call him of Ephesus when Christ wrote this Epistle : and this opinion Ribera , Lyra , and Pererius follow . Others leave it in medio , and say it is uncertaine . But suppose the story were true , we answer Secondly , it doth not follow because Onesimus was Bishop of Ephesus in Saint Iohns daies , that therefore he was the onely party to whom Christ wrote his Epistle . For Saint Paul tels us that there were many Bishops at Ephesus besides Onesimus , and he may very well write to him , and to all the rest as well as him . That Christ wrote not onely to Polycarpus ( if hee were Angell of Smyrna ) but to all the other Angels that were at Smyrna , appeares by what we said before out of Revelation 2. 10. Thirdly , you know sir , that by your owne confession Bishops and Presbyters had all one name in the Apostles daies , and long after , even in Irenaeus his time . And therfore what though Polycarpus be called the Bishop of Smyrna ; and Onesimus Bishop of Ephesus : still the question remaines , whether they were Bishops phrasi Apostolica ? ( that is Presbyters ) or phrasi Pontificiâ ? Whether Bishops Antonomasticè and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so called , or whether Bishops in a generall sence , as all Presbyters are called Bishops . And suppose they were Bishops properly so called ( which we beleeve not ) yet still it lies upon you to prove that these were Hierarchicall Bishops . That they had such power as our Bishops assume to themselves . That they were a distinct order superior to Presbyters . And that they had sole power of ordination and jurisdiction . We are confident that you are so farre from being able to prove that they had a sole power , as that you cannot prove they had any superiority of power over their fellow Angels . For ought of any thing said by you in this large discourse , This individuall Angell may be nothing else then a Moderator of a company of Presbyters , having onely a superiority of order , and this also mutable and changeable , according as Paraeus and Beza hold , whom you follow in this interpretation . In the shutting up of this discourse concerning the Angels , the Remonstrant as if he were very angry , spits out nothing but scorne and contempt against his adversaries . We bring one example and two testimonies to prove that the Angels of the seven Churches were not superior one to another , and he cries out as one much displeased , Away then with these your unproving illustrations and unregardable testimonies which you as destitute of all antiquity shut up the Scene withall . But though you fling them away in your anger and fury , yet we trust the ingenious Reader will gather them up , and consider also that this Remonstrant ( that like another Champion against Doctor Whitaker bragges that all the Fathers , and all the Councels are of his side and yet he ) brings neither Fathers nor Councels for to prove that these Angels are to be understood vidually : and so wee take our leave of this discourse . In the next place we come to the two postscripts ( which indeed were post-scripta after the booke was made , and inserted to avoyd an hiatus ) which all the defenders of Hierarchy cite for the averring of Episcopacy by divine right . To this you reply : First , That you are no waies ingaged to defend these postscripts : It is true , not as you are a Remonstrant , but as you are juratus in verba Magistri , sworne to maintaine any thing that may uphold Hierarchicall Episcopacy . Secondly , you confesse ingeniously they are not canonicall ; yet you say they are of great antiquity ; but you durst not set downe how ancient . For wee have good reason and authority to thinke that they are not ancienter then Theodoret who lived 435. yeeres after Christ. We brought many arguments to prove not onely the Apocryphalnes , but the falsenesse of these subscriptions . To all which you subscribe by your silence . Onely you would faine ( if you could ) justifie that clause in the subscription to Titus written from Nicopolis ; and the rather because you finde it so in that famous ancient Manuscript of Tecla sent by the late Patriarch of Constantinople . It seemes then you have seene that Manuscript . And if so , why doe you not deale faithfully with your Reader , and discover what you finde in it ; for we are credibly informed in that copy there is no mention of Titus his being Bishop of Creet , or of Timothy his being Bishop of Ephesus . But this is your constant course , to conceale whatsoever makes against you , and to magnifie whatsoever hath but a shadow of appearance for you , that all men may perceive you seeke victory rather then truth . But before we leave the Postscripts we will answer to your two questions . First , you would faine see any pretence of so much age against the matter of these subscriptions , the averred Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus . For reply , we referre you to what is said before at large in answer to this demand . Onely we will put you in minde of a speech of Bishop Barlows : We are not unwilling to be judged by antiquity , so it be such an antiquitie to which Ignatius appeales . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nothing more acceptable to us then Histories , if such as are written by him who stiles himselfe , The ancient of daies . And for the Fathers , none more welcome to us then him whom Iustin Martyr cals Pater Patriae , and that is Saint Paul. Now Saint Paul , when he wrote his first Epistle to Timothy , and purposely undertooke in his third Chapter to set out the Office of a Bishop , mentioneth nothing in that Office which is not competent to a Presbyter ; and therefore omits the Office of a Presbyter , including it in the Office of a Bishop ; which hee would never have done , if hee had at the same time made Timothy an Hierarchicall Bishop , with a power to doe that formally which was unlawfull for a Presbyter to doe . And besides we have proved that this Epistle was written before Pauls first being at Rome , and so before the time that you say Paul made him Bishop . As for his Epistle to Titus , he directly confounds the Offices of Presbyters and Bishops , and makes them one and the same , Chapter 1. Verses 5 , 6 , 7. Which he certainely would not have done if he had made them at that time distinct Orders with distinct Offices . The ancient Fathers indeed some of them call Timothy and Titus Bishops in an improper sense , because they staid longer in Ephesus and Creet then Evangelists ordinarily did . And did preach , and ordaine , and doe those things which Bishops in their time used to doe , which notwithstanding they did not formally doe as Bishops , but virtually and eminently as Officers of an higher degree . Hence Salmeron himselfe saith in his first disputation upon Timothy , Videtur ergo quod fuerit plusquam Episcopus , eti●●si ad tempus in ea civitate ut pastor praedicaverit , & sacros ordines promoverit . Vnde quidam vocant eum Episcopum . Ambrose saith one while he was a Deacon , another while a Prethyter . Others a Primate , and others a Bishop . Lyra proveth him to have beene an Archbishop , and Titus a Priest. Beda calleth him an Apostle . Aquinas thinkes that Titus was Bishop of Dalmatia , because when Paul , wrote his second Epistle to Timothy hee was at Dalmatia , 2 Tim. 4. 10. Thus you see the Fathers agree not amongst themselves , and therefore helpe you little in this point . Your second question is : Whether ever we have beene urged to subscribe to any other cerem●nies then have beene established by the Lawes of this Realme and Church ? And why these Ceremonies are the Bishops more then Ours ? We answer : First , That to our knowledge some have beene urged to subscribe to other ceremonies then have beene established by the Lawes of this Realme , and Church , and to promise obedience editis & ●dendis . Secondly , that this very urging of us to subscribe to the ceremonies established , is more then the Lawes require ; For the Lawes require to subscription onely to the thirty nine Articles . Thirdly , We cannot but justly dislike your distinction of , The Lawes of this Realme and Church . For we know no Lawes of the Church obligatory , but such as are established by the Lawes of the Realme , as both Houses of Parliament have lately determined . And whereas you aske , Why these Ceremonies are the Bishops , more then ours ? We answer : First , because it is ordinarily said , No Ceremony , no Bishop , But it was never said , No Ceremony , no Presbyter . Secondly , because in the Convocation ( which you here terme the Church ) the Bishops , or rather the Archbishop swayes all . And there are five or six which are there , Ex m●ero Officio , and for the most part are the Bishops creatures , and hang their suffrages upon his lippes : and but two Clerkes for the Presbyters , which also for the most part are forced upon them by the Bishop , and his Officers . Thirdly , because they are ours , if ours as a burden . But theirs , as their crowne , and glory , for which they fight as for a second Purgatory , to uphold their Courts and Kitchins . In the next place we propounded an objection framed by Bishop Andrewes and divers others from the inequality in the Ministery appointed by Christ himselfe , betweene the twelve Apostles and the seventy Disciples . To which wee answered : First , that it cannot be proved that the Apostles had any superiority over the seventy , either of ordination , or jurisdiction . S●condly , suppose it could ; yet , That superiority and inferiority betweene Officers of different kindes , will not prove that there should be a superiority and inferiority betweene Officers of the same kinde . To which you reply ; first , That the Apostles ordained the Deacons , that Paul laid hands on Timothy . But this is no solution of the objection , unlesse you can prove the Deacons and Timothy to have beene amongst the number of the seventy Disciples , or Paul to have beene one of the twelve Apostles . Secondly , you answer , That Bishops and Presbyters differ toto genere , and are Offieers of different kind , as much as the Apostles and the seventy Disciples . Which is an assertion not onely contrary to the Fathers ( who accounted the Bishop to be but Primus Presbyter ; and as Hierome saith , Vnum ex se electum celsiori gradu collocatum . ) But also more unsound then most of the Papists who freely acknowledge that Presbyteratus is the highest order in the ministry , and that Episcopacy is but a different degree of the same order , and not a superior order from Presbyters . An order may be reputed higher , either because it hath intrinsecally an higher vertue , or because it hath an higher degree of honour and dignity . Now we deny not but the latter antiquity did by their Canons make Episcopacy an higher Order in regard of dignity and honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as a Councell speakes ) but did never account it an higher power by divine right . This last branch the Remonstrant would faine prove ( if he could ) by an argument drawne from succession ; because ( saith he ) the Bishops succeed the Apostles , and the Presbyters the seventy Disciples . And we are challenged , page 158. to shew whether ever any Father or Doctor of the Church till this present age held that Presbyters were the successors to the Apostles , and not to the seventy Disciples rather . But here is nothing in which the Remonstrant shewes more wilfull ignorance then in this . For the ancient Fathers doe make the Presbyters successors of the Apostles as well as Bishops . Thus Irenaeus liber 4. cap. 43 , 44. Quapropter & eis , qui in Ecclesiâ sunt Presbyteris obedire oportet , his qui successionem habent ab Apostolis , sicut ostendimus qui eum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum patris acceperunt . So also cap 44. and lib. 3. cap. 2. Thus also our Ierome ( as you call him ) in his Epistle ad Heliodorum , Clerici dicuntur Apostolico grad●i successisse . So Origen in Matth. 16. saith , all Presbyters succeeded the Apostles in the power of the keyes . And Ignatius ad Smy●nonses saith the same . Yet still like ( as you say you have heard ) page 125. ) some beaten cocke , you dare erow , and tell your Reader , that all antiquity hath acknowledged 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three severall rankes in the Church Hierarchie . But where will you begin your antiquity ? We say with the Father , i● verum quod antiquissimum . Shew us your three degrees in Scripture . You confesse page 47. that these three orders are not there to be found . We read in Scripture , the Deacon to be a step to a Presbyter , but not a Presbyter to a Bishop . And wee deny that ever it was accounted in antiquity , that a Bishop did ever differ from a Presbyter , as a Presbyter from a Deacon . For these differ Genere proximo ( No ●erint Diaconi se ad ministerium , non ad sacerdotium vocari . ) But a Bishop differs from a Presbyter as from one who hath that power of Priesthood no lesse than himselfe ; and therefore the difference betweene these Priests be circumstantiall , and not so essentiall as betwixt the other . Thus Bishops and Archbishops are divers orders of Bishops according to some Canons of the Church : not that one excelled the other , as a power of higher vertue , but of higher dignity then the other . Indeed of late yeeres Episcopacy hath beene a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to preferment , and a ladder for all pious and conscientious men to be suspended upon , as Mordecai upon Hamans gallowes ; but now is in danger to become ( like Hamans ladder ) their owne ruine and downe-fall . Iam sumus ergo pares . In your transition to your next Paragraph , that you might disparage the opposets of the Hierarchicall Episcopacy by divine right , you endeavour to make them the Disciples of none but Ierome . But here in you cannot but know how injuriously you deale with them , considering the numberlesse number of Authors , both ancient and moderne , that assert that , which you would fasten upon him alone . In the Paragraph it selfe , you confesse what we undertooke to prove ; That the ancient Bishops and others differ in regard of their Accessories , dignities , titles , and maintenance . But onely whereas among other instances we told you of golden Chalices and wooden Priests ; You tell us , That if in time we should see wooden Chalicer , and wooden Priests , we may thanke our selves ; Truely sir , we may thanke you , and not our selves ; for the Lordlinesse and in solent carriages of some Bishops under the great revenues and the multitude of wooden Priests which they have made , who have beene intoxicated with the Golden Chalice of the whore of Babylons abominations , hath so alienated the affections of people from them ; as that what doome so ever they are sentenced unto , it is no other then what they have brought upon themselves . As for our part , we are still of the same mind , that honourable maintenance ought to be given to the Ministers of the Gospell , not onely to live , but to be hospitable . Indeed we instanced in many that did abuse their large revenues . But you are pleased to say , That in this Ablative age the fault is rare and hardly instanceable . We thinke the contrary is more hardly instanceable . And as for your Ablative age , if you meane it of poore Presbyters , who have beene deprived of all their subsistance by the unmercifulnesse of Bishops , whom they with teares have besought to pitty their wives and children , we yeeld it to be too true . Or if you meane , in regard of the purity of the ordinances , the frequency of preaching , the freedome of conceived prayer ; We denie not but in this sence also it may be called the Ablative age . But if you relate it to Episcopacy and their Cathedrals ( with whom it is now the Accusative age ) We hope that the yeere of recompense is come , and that in due time for all their Ablations they may be made a gratefull ablation . We have done with this section , and feare not to appeale to the same judicious eyes the Remonstrant doth , to judge to whose part that Vale of absurd inconsequences and bold ignorance which hee brands us withall doth most properly appertaine . SECT . XIV . IN this Section hee comes to make good his an●wers formerly given to some objections by him propounded , and by us further urged : The first objection was from that prejudice which Episcopacy challenging a divine originall doth to Soveraignty , which was wont to be acknowledged , not onely as the conserving but as the creating cause of it in former times . The Remonstrant thinks this objection is sufficiently removed , by telling us , there is a compatiblenesse in this case of Gods act and the Kings . And what can wee say to this ? Sir , you know what we have said already , and not onely said but proved it , and yet will confidently tell us you have made good by undeniable proofes , that ( besides the ground which our Saviour layd of this imparity ) the blessed Apostles by inspiration from God made this difference , &c. Made good ? when ? where ? by what proofs ? Something you have told us about the Apostles , but not a word in all the defence of any ground laid by our Saviour of this imparitie ; yet the man dreams of undeniable proofs of that whereof he never spake word . Wee must therefore tell you againe , take it as you please , that if the Bishops disclaime the influence of Soveraignty into their creation , and say that the King doth not make them Bishops ; they must have no being at all . Nor can your questions stop our mouthes : Where or when did the King ever create a Bishop ? Name the man and take the cause . Wee grant you Sir , that so much as there is of a Presbyter in a Bishop , so much is Divine : But that imparity and jurisdiction exercised out of his own demandated authority , which are the very formalities of Episcopacie , these had their first derivation from the Consent , Customes , Councell , Constitution of the Church , which did first demandate this Episcopall authority to one particular person ; afterwards the Pope having obtained a Monarchie over the Church , did from himself demandate that authority that formerly the Church did , and since the happy ejection of the Popes tyrannicall usurpations out of these Dominions , our Princes being invested with all that Ecclesiasticall power which that Tyrant had usurped , that same imparity and authority , which was originally demandated from the Church , successively from the Pope , is now from the King. Looke what influence the Church ever had into the creation of Bishops , the same the Pope had after ; and looke what influence the Pope had heretofore , the same our Laws have placed in the King which is so cleere that the Remonstrant dares not touch , or answer . There was a Statute made the first of Edward the sixth , inabling the King to make Bishops by his Letters patents Onely : Hence all the Bishops in King Edwards the sixt time were created Bishops by the Kings Letters patents ONELY ; in which all parts of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction are granted them in precise words , praeter & ultra jus divinum , Besides and beyond divine right , to be executed onely , nomine , vice , & Authoritate nostri Regis , in the Kings royall stead , name , and Authority , as the patents of severall Bishops in the Rolls declare . But besides the Kings Letters , the Bishop is solemnly ordained by the imposition of the hands of the Metropolitan , and other of his brethren , & these as from God invest him in his holy calling . As from God ? Good sir prove that ; prove that the Metropolitan and Bishops in such imposition of hands are the instruments of God , & not the instruments of the King : prove they doe it by Commission received from God , and not by command of the King onely . Produce one warrant from Scripture , one president of a Bishop so ordained by a Metropolitan and fellow Bishops , and without more dispute take all . Shortly , resolve us but this one thing ; what is it that takes a man out of the ordinary ranke of Presbyters , and advanceth him to an imparity and power of jurisdiction ? is it humane authority testified in the Letters of the King , or is it divine authority testified by the significative action of imposition of hands by the Metropolitan and fellow Bishops ? if the former , you grant the cause , if the latter , consider with what good warrant you can make a form of Ordination ( by the hands of a Metropolitan and fellow Bishops ) which is a meer humane invention , to be not onely a signe , but a mean of conveying a peculiar and superiour power from Divine Authority , and of making a Presbyter a Bishop Iuredivino . Finally , Sir , make as much as you can of your Ordination by a Metropolitan , slight as much as you please your unworthy comparison between the King and our Patrons , yet did the Kings Conge d'eslire give you no more humane right to Episcopacie , then the hands of the Metropolitan and fellow Bishops give you of right Divine , you would be Bishops by neither . It is not your confident re-inforcing of your comparison that shal call carry it , till you have first proved it from Scripture , that God never instituted an order of Presbyters or Ministers in his Church , as wee have proved , God never instituted an order of Bishops . Secondly , that by the Laws of the land as much of the Ministeriall power over a particular Congregation is in the patron , as there is of Episcopall power in the King. Till then ( wee beseech you ) let it rest undetermined whether your self , or we may best be sent to Simons Cell . We say no more , lest you should think we flout your modesty with an unbeseeming frumpe , which whither our answer be guilty of , as you here charge us , let the Reader compare the 28 and 29 pages of your Remonstrance , and our Answer to those pages , and determine . The second objection was from that imputation which this truth casts upon all Reformed Churches which want this government ; this the Remonstrant must needs endevour to satisfie , that hee may decline the envie that attends this opinion . But what needs the Remonstrant feare this envy ? Alasse , the Reformed Churches are but a poore handfull ! Rumpantur ilia , need the Remonstrant care ? Yet is it neither his large protestation of his honourable esteeme of those Sister Churches , nor his solicitous cleering himselfe from the scandalous censures and disgracefull termes cast upon them by others ( under whose colours he now militares ) that will divert this envie , unlesse he either desert his opinion , or make a more just defence then he hath yet done . The Defence is , That from the opinion of the Di. right of Episc. no such consequence can be drawn , as that those Churches that want Bishops are no Churches . Episcopacy though reckoned among matters essential to the Church , yet is not of the essence of a Church , and this is no contradiction neither . If you would have avoided the contradiction , you should have expressed your selfe more distinctly ; knowing that things essentiall are of two sorts ; either such as are essentiall constitutivè ; , or such as are essentiall consecutivè , You had done well here , had you declared whether you count Episcopacie essentiall to a Church constitutive , or consecutivé ; if constitutivè , then it is necessary to the being of a Church , and it must follow , where there is no Bishop , there can be no Church : If essentiall onely consecutivè , wee would be glad to learne how those officers which by Divine institution have demandated to them peculiarly a power of ordaining all other officers in the Church ( without which the Church it selfe cannot be constituted ) and such a power as that those officers cannot be ordained without their hands , should not bee essentiall to the Constitution of a Church , or tend onely to the well being , not to the being of it ? Either you must disclaim your own propositions , or owne this inference , and not think to put it off with telling your Reader . It is enough for our friends to hold discipline of the being of a Church , you dare not be so zealous . If heat in an Episcopall cause may be called zeale , you dare be as zealous as any man we know . Your friends wee are sure are as zealous in the cause of their Episcopacie as any of ours have been in the defence of discipline . Did ever any of our friends in their zeale rise higher then to frame an oath , whereby to bind all men to maintaine their discipline ? You know some of yours have done as much : but them wee know you will leave to their owne defence , as you doe your learned Bishop of Norwich , now he is dead . It is work enough for you to defend your selfe , and give satisfaction to the questions propounded . First , we demanded the reason why Popish Priests converted to our Religion are admitted without new ordination , when some of our brethren flying in Queen Maries time , and having received Ordination in the Reformed Churches were urged at their return to receive it again from our Bishops ? This shamelesse and partiall practice of our Prelats hee could not deny , but frames two such answers of which the second confutes the first , and neither second nor first justifies their practice . In the first he denies a capability of admittance by our laws , and yet in his second , he confesseth many to be admitted without any legall exception , which how well they consist , let the Reader judge . The second question was , whether that office which by divine Right hath sole power of Ordination , and ruling of all other officers in the Church , belong not to the being , but onely to the glory and perfection of a Church ? The Remonstrant is so angry at this question , that before hee can finde leisure to answer it , he must needs give a little vent to his choller : Can we tell what these men would have ? ( saith he ) have they a mind to go beyond us in asserting that necessity and essentiall use of Episcopacie , which we dare not avow ? What is that which you dare not avow ? is it that Episcopacy hath sole power of ordaining and ruling all other Officers in the Church ? But this wee are sure you will avow , That imposition of hands in ordination and confirmation have ever been held so intrinsecall to Episcopacie , that I would faine see where it can be shewed that ANY EXTREMITY OF NECESSITY was by the Catholike Church of Christ ever yet acknowledged for a warrant sufficient to diffuse them into other hands . Is not this to say that the sole power of ordaining Officers is in the hands of the Bishop ? And dare not WE avow this now ? Blessed be they that have taken downe your confidence . And where you are witty by the way , you tell us we still talke of sole Ordination and sole Iurisdiction , we may if we please keep that paire of soles for our next shooes . Good Sir , wee thanke you for your liberality , but wee doubt you either part with them out of fear you shall no longer keep them , or they will prove no longer worth the keeping . But consider one thing , we beseech you , if you make this donation not onely in your own name , but in the name of the whole Episcopall order , you and they may turn Fratres Mendicantes , and go bare foot , if you part with these paire of soles , and what will become of your Quid facit Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter exceptâ ordinatione ? You doe not contend ( say you ) for such a height of propriety , &c. that in what case soever of extremity and irresistable necessity , this should be done onely by Episcopall hands . You do not ? It is well you doe not , but did you never meane to affirme it none of you ? Consider ( we beseech ) that forecited place Episcopacie Divine Right , part . 2. pag. 91. weigh the words and then speake , and tell the Authour your judgement . Our third question was , There being in this mans thoughts the same jus divinum for Bishops that there is for Pastors and Elders , whether if those reformed Churches wanted Pastors & Elders too , they should want nothing of the essence of a Church , but onely of the glory and perfection of it ? The answer ( saith he ) is ready , which is indeed no answer , it is in sum but this , that it would be better with them if they had Bishops too . But how it would be if they wanted Bishops and Pastors and Elders too , of that he saith nothing . The Remonstrant had presumed to know so much of the mind of the Reformed Churches as to averre , that if they might have their option , they would gladly imbrace Episcopall government ; a foule imputation saith the Remonstrant : we say so too ; a foul imputation to charge the Reformed Churches of a secret inclination to Apostatize from their owne confessions , which doe not onely maintain a justifiablenesse of their present government , but a necessity of it as the only government appointed by GOD in his Church , as wee shewed in five Corollaries drawn out of those confessions , which the Remonstrant slides over , wherein they doe not onely defend the condition they are in , but tell us by consequence they would not change it for any other forme in the World : Because they tell us Theirs is the form God hath set down in his Word , the forme Christ hath appointed in his Church , the forme by which the Church ought to be governed . Can we think the Churches that thus professe and believe , can ever look for a better form ? Or would accept another though propounded to them as better , when they professe this is that form by which they ought to be governed ? The testimonies of particular Divines must not be put in the ballance against the confessions of whole Churches . God forbid , that all that hath flowed from the pens of Divines of great Learning and place in England should passe for the Doctrine of the English Church abroad . Wee will beleeve you it is possible many eminent Divines of the Churches abroad have wished themselves in your condition , that is in Episcopall Government , not in our condition under Episcopall Government . And as easily we believe , they have magnified our Church as the most famous exemplary glorious Church in the whole Christian World. It better a great deale becomes them then Laodicean like to say ( as you say , pag. 26. ) their own is the most glorious and exemplary Church , the rest are but a poore handfull , and reason they should conforme to it , not it to them . But whether it be the beautie , perfection , and glory of Episcopall government , or the powerfull and lively preaching of the World , the powerfull and lively practice of piety , which through the speciall grace of God are found in this Church ( then which there hath been nothing more hated or persecuted under Episco . government ) that hath made them magnifie the Church of England , there is the question , which is not hard to determine . To induce the Reader to believe the Reformed Churches would change theirs for our government , the Remonstrant hath told us that there is little difference betweene their government and ours , save in perpetuitie of moderatorship and exclusion of Lay-elders . This saith the Remonstrant , You say is a passage of admirable absurdity . Sir , wee said admirable ; the absurdity is your own . To mend it , you would perswade your selfe to feare , wee know not what you speak of : You speake not onely of the next Churches of France and the Netherlands . Sir , you spake if we remember of the Neighbour Churches , and wee conceive , between our Neighbour Churches , & the next Churches of France and the Netherlands , there is not much distance ; sure any common understanding , by Neighbour Churches , would a great deal sooner understand the next Churches of France , and the Netherlands , then the Churches of Germany , Weteraw , Anhault , &c. Especially considering your instance in those Churches , from whose Moderators our Bishops differ onely in perpetuitie of Moderatorship : Which perpetuitie the Lutheran Superintendents have as well as our Bishops . This made us instance in the Geneva forme , as knowing no Churches whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not fixed , but such as follow their patterne , between which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and our episcopacie wee shewed a sixfold difference : all which the Remonstrant wisely passeth ; that hee may not be forced to acknowledge the difference greater then hee pretended . Onely tels us with what authority Master Calvin and the deputati Synodi carried the affairs of the Church ; which if the personall worth of the one or the other did procure , what is that to carrying all the affairs of the Church ex officio , by vertue of their own peculiarly demandated authority , as our Bishops do , and challenge right to doe ? You put us in minde , that you said the difference between them was little , and we need not put you in minde of what our answer was , Manet aliâ mente repostum : nor do we intend to change . You tell us our note is the note of Babylon , down with it , downe with it . Yet as long as neither we are Edomits , nor speak of Sion , but of Sions enemies , the note is not Babylonish . As Babylon had her time to cry against Sion , downe with it , down with it even to the ground , so the time is comming when Sion shall shout with as strong a cry against her enemies , and the God of Heaven , whose promise is to arise for the sighing of the poore , we doubt not will vindicate his Church from those proud adversaries that have so long time tyrannized over her , and Judge betweene the Sheep and the Goats . Even hee Judge , whether wee that plead the truth against Bishops , or the Bishops whose cause the Remonstrant ple●ds , have by violent and subtill Machinations most disturbed Sions peace , and advanced Babylons power . SECT . XV. THe Remonstrant had said that Lay Presbytery never had footing in the Christian Church untill this age . Wherein , said we , hee concludes so fully with Doctor Hals irrefragrable propositions , as if he had conspired to swear to what the Bishop had said . The Remonstrant , that it seems knows both better then wee , will phrase it thus ; how like the man looks to Doctor Hall : And answers , As like him as wee are like our selves , insolent and scornfull . Truly Sir , wee could scarce conceive this likenesse by the Remonstrance , and we can lesse conceive it by this defence . For besides the flat contradictions which this Defence gives to Episcopacie by Divine Right ( for which wee doubt the Doctor will give the Remonstrant little thanks ) the very language of the Defence inclines to the contrary . For though we acknowledge the Defence , for the substance of it wholly , and for the phrase of it in a great part , borrowed from episcopacie by Divine Right , yet the extream disdainfulnesse that breaths in every page and line pleads with us , to thinke that it is not his , especially if he have made that vow of leaving his insolent and scornfull language , which an ancient acquaintance of his hath put the world in hope hee would . Your Errata bids us pag. 33. Read Invectives , truly we may read in every page Invectives : and if to be scornfull and insolent be to be unlike Doctor Hall , you have done the Doctor exceeding wrong to say the Remonstrant looks like him . But be the Remonstrant who hee will , we hope hee will not take it ill , if comming into publique nameless , he receive par pari , remembring especially the saying of Hierom concerning Domitius a Senator to his scornfull Consull , si non vis me habere ut Senatorem , cur ego te habeam ut Consulem ? Why should wee use him as a Father , that doth not use us as Brethren ? Make sport with our poore wit , triumph over it . It is truth , not wit wee contend for ; yet Ridentem dicere verum quis vetat . You might have done as wisely to omit the flourish of your wit in scorne of ours ; as you say wee did to omit those three knowne texts which we omitted , because the question betweene us was not whether ruling Elders are an ordinance of God and founded in the word or no , But whether ever they had existence in the Christian Church before this present age . For the determining of this question , ( being de facto , not de ●ure ) it is more proper to produce the practice of the Churches then texts of Scripture ; this doth not please him . Alpatrons of Layeldership before us would not , after the rakings of all the channells of time , have forborne the utmost urging of those Testimonies , if they had not knowne them so far from being convictive that they are unprooving . Is this the man whose chief plea for his divine right is the monument of succeeding ages and Testimony of Antiquity , and will he now vouchsafe the search after the footsteps of antiquity , no better name Then the raking of the Channell of time ? had we spoken so much in the vilification of Antiquity it would have beene accounted hatefull and intolerable insolencie in us . But our evidences are not proving and convictive . Let us put them to the tryall . Our testimony from Origen cannot ( you say ) but shame us if yet we can blush ; belike you remember you have so often without just cause put us to the blush , you beginne to feare the colour is spent ; you charge us with willing concealing the Chap. on purpose that we might not be discovered . Were this a fault and worthy of blame , yet little reason hath the Remonstrant to quarrell with us , it is but this one place in which the Remonstrant chargeth us , wee are punctuall in our other quotations . How-many quotations are there in this defence in which the Remonstrance hath not cited so much as the Book , onely thinks it enough to name the Authour ? But here we are not so culpable as the Remonstrant makes us . The translation of Origen which we followed did not distinguish the booke into Chapters , No more then the Originall doth , Nor other translations with which we have consulted ; Nor are wee yet so happy as to meete with that edition where the Chapters are distinguished : so here is no just cause of suspicion either of fraud or feare . For the text it selfe , whether your collection or ours be most according to the sence of the Authour , let the learned reader judge from the text it selfe , which wee heere set downe translated faithfully according to the Originall . Videamus an non Christiani magis & melius istis populum ad bonam frugem excitent , nam Philosophi quidem , qui in publico disputant , discrimen auditorum adhibent nullum , sed quisquis volet , adstet licet , atque audiat . Christiani vero , quoad possunt , eorum , qui ipsos audire cupiunt , animos prius explorantes , eosdemque privatimerudientes , cum videbuntur illi qui auditores sunt futuri , priusquam in publicum processerint , usque eò profecisse satis , ut velint benè vivere , tum demum eos introducunt , sive admittunt , separatim quendem ordinem constituentes eorum qui initiati recens , introductique sunt , signumque expiationis nondum acceperunt : alter autem ordo est eorum qui pro virili studium suum repraesentant , non aliud velle se , quam quae Christianis recta videntur . Apud quos ( vel supra quos ) sunt quidam constituti , qui in vitam & mores advenientium inquirant , ut qui flagitiosa perpetrant , illos à communi eorum coetu prohibeant , qui verò istiusmodi non sunt , eos ex animo amplexantes , indies reddant meliores . Cujusmodi quoque institutum habent in eos qui peccant , maximèque si protervè se gerant , quos à suo coetu ejiciunt illi , qui Celso judice , similes sunt iis qui inhonestissimas quasque res in foro ostentant . Et Pythagoreorum quidem schola illa gravissima , illis qui ab ipsorum philosophia desciverant sepulchra inania conficiebat , eosque perinde aestimans ac si demortui planè essent . Hi autem quasi pereuntes & mortuos Deo , qui petulantiae aut gravi cuipiam facinori obstringendos se tradiderunt , tanquam mortuos lugent , & tanquam è mortuis excitatos , si non spernendam modo oftenderint resispicentiam , longiori temporis spatio , quàm qui primo introducti sunt , tandem recipiunt , neque ad ullum gubernandi munus in Ecclesiâ Dei quae dicitur , eligimus eum qui priùs fuerit lapsus , postquam ad verbum accesserit , &c. The sence of this place , saith the Remonstrant , is this , That those which were newly admitted into the Church , who by reason of their late acquaintance with such as were left behind them in Pagan superstition , might be fit Monitors to know and notifie the condition of such Candidates as did offer to come into the Church , were designed to that office of Monitorship . Here we desired the Reader to consider : first that the scope of the place is to vindicate the Christian assemblies from the imputations unjustly cast upon them by Celsus , as if they were a confluence of base and worthlesse people . To cleer this , hee divides all Christians into two Orders : the first were Catechumeni , or beginners ; and first he shews the care they took about them , before they were baptized . The other order comprehends all such as were baptized , whom he describes in these words . There is another order of such who according to their ability expresse their endevours to desire nothing but what seems right to Christians , which two orders are in antiquity distinguished in Catechumenos & Fideles . Now that this same alter ordo might be kept to live acording to there profession ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there were some designed or constituted , who should look to the manners of all such as come to them ; ( that is to their meetings ) that they that lived wickedly might be banished their assemblies , and heartily embracing such as lived well , they might make them better . Those persons here spoken of , the Remonstrant grants to be lay persons ( as we terme them ) and doth not so much as once goe about to affirme them Presbyters . Onely the question is , who those so constituted were ? He saith Novices newly added to the Church . Secondly of whome they had the inspection ? hee saith onely of such as were comming out of paganisme and offered themselves to be added to their Assemblies . Thirdly , what their power was ? hee saith , onely to notifie the lives of such : to be as it were Monitores , and no more . For the two first , we conceive it impossible for him to shew in all antiquity that ever the Church did appoint Novices over Novices to be overseers of their manners , and much more impossible to collect it from this place , since Origen speaks indefinitely of any of this order ( to wit of Fideles ) and punctually of such who had attained such a measure of grace as they were able to expresse endevours to do that which is right , and were fit and able by their acquaintance to better others , and therefore these could not be Novices . For the second , to wit , over whom they had power ? they were not onely such as were lately admitted : for Origen speakes generally of all wicked or scandalous livers among them , who were to be inhibited their assemblies . For the third , the power they had , ( which saith hee was onely to be Monitors ) it appeares from the text , that they had power either to keepe back from their assemblies , or to receive into their assemblies , according as the lives of men were good or bad , and were of that ability , as that they could better them daily with their good counsell . And if any were froward or contumacious , what course was further to be taken with them the following words declare ; and although it is true , the acts of casting such out of the Church is attributed primarily to the teachers ; yet who dare exclude those former 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from all interest in this act ? when Origen himselfe saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the like custome they have about offenders , and chiefely such as are incorrigible . But this great Corrector of Translations cannot let us passe here without a castigation , for translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Praepositi sunt . Vnfaithfully , deceitfully saith he . Sir it would have become you to spare your censure till you considered better ; if you had but looked in your Lexicon you might have found that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not onely constituor , but praeficior , and betweene Praefecti and praep●siti certainly there is no such great difference as might deserve the censure of unfaithfulnesse for using the one instead of the other ; besides Turrianus translated it thus before us , who , we perswade our selves , was as able to understand the language of Origen as our Criticall Remonstran● , if wee may judge of him as hee here discovers himselfe ; would any man so confidently charge unfaithfulnesse upon the translation of others , and himselfe go & translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , They do privatly examine such as are bewitched with Paganisme ? it is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies incant● as well as frequenter admoneo , to inchaunt as well as to instruct or admonish , but heer it must of necessity be rendred in the latter signification , because it is here the participle of the active voice , and the case agrees n●t with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Wch is put in the beginning of that clause : so again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he t●anslates , the rest that are like themselves they may gladly Receive , whereas it should be thus , but receiving those that are not such ( that is ) as those wicked persons last spoke of . These are poore Grammarpec adillio's not worth t●e taking notice of , but that our Remonstrant is so busie with his Ferula , that no sooner can he thinke we trip , but he is presently upon us , Corrig● Magn ficat . The rest of our testimonies produced in this cause , hee thus answers , First , he could double our files , and produce many more . But secondly , in sadierms , we do nothing herein , but abuse our Reader : For all the places are nothing at all to the purpose in hand . For the first , The numbers he could adde to our forces , are no more then our own , except one onely place out of Gregory Turonen , is : all the rest were urged by us , Even that which he saith is more pregnant then any we have brought . Did ever poore man make so great a brag of nothing ? Truly , Sir , you have much enriched us by paying us with our owne colne . Onely here wee are beholding to you for your testimony of the pregnancie of some of them , when as you said before , All of them were nothing to the purpose in hand : it seemes your second thoughts correct your former . For his second answer , hee tels us , all these places are nothing to the purpose . And why ? because those Seniors , are Civill Magistrates , such as wee call Aldermen , whose advice and assistance was used in all great occasions of the Church . To prove this he brings the African Canons , Can. 100. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are mentioned , and expounds it by the 91 Canon of the African , which he cals a Commentary upon this point , Debere unumquemque no strum in civitate sua cōvenire Donatistarum Praepositos , aut adjungere sibi vicinum collegam , ut pariter eos in singulis qnibusque civitatibus per Magistratus vel Seniores locorum conveniant . To which we answer , That this his Commentary corrupts the text ; For in this 91 Canon there is no mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . By the Magistrate , or those that are of chief authority in those places : these wee grant were as it were our Aldermen , men of civill power and authority , but they were not as those Elders mentioned in the 100 Canon . And why should the Remonstrant choose rather to follow Iustellus , in reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seniores locorum , then Balsamon , and Zonaras , who read it , Quiprimas ferant , unlesse it were to deceive his credulous Reader , and induce him to thinke there were no other Elders in the Church , then such as were Civill Magistrates ; whereas his own Iustellus in his exposition of the 100 Canon saith , Erant Seniores , Laici , extra Ecclesiam , de quibus supra ad Can. 91. Erant & Seniores Ecclesiastici ; There were Lay-elders out of the Church , of whom wee spake , Can. 91 , and there are Ecclesiastick or Church-elders : To prove which hee brings forth the very testimonies which wee produced from Baronius , and others . And certainly , he that compares the two Canons quoted by the Remonstrant , will see how absurdly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the one Canon are drawn to expound the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the other . For the former were the Magistrates , who having a coercive power , might compell the Donatists to meet for conference and disputations , if they did refuse it : The other were not Magistrates but Seniores , sent by the Church to accuse their Bishop . Now how well is the one expounded by the other ? But if the Seniors were not Aldermen , yet they were ( say you ) but as our Churchwardens and Vestry-men , onely trusted with the Viensils , Stocks , and outward affaires of the Church ; businesse of seats and rates , &c. This the Remonstrant will , if you will believe him , evince out of our owne testimonies , and yet meddles not with that , which is the most pregnant testimony to prove that the power of these elders did reach to things of a higher nature then seats and rates , and that is the Letter of Pu●purius , which gives to the Seniors a concurrent power with the Clergie , to enquire about the dissentions which troubled the Church , that by their wisdome and care peace might be setled in the same . These dissentions were not about seats or rates , but a contention betweene Silvanus the Bishop , and Nundinarius the Deacon , in a matter of a high nature , too high for our Church Wardens , or Vestrymen to meddle in ; The Bishop being accused , that hee was Traditor & fur rerum pauperum . Did ever Church-wardens , or Vestry men among us , heare , inquire , judge , compose such differences as these are ? What should John a Nokes , and John a Stiles , and Smug the Smith , meddle with a businesse of Bishops ? saith Episcopacie by Divine Right , part . 3. pag. 32. But how doth hee prove they were but as our Churchwardens , or Vestrymen ? First , because Deacons are named before these Seniors where ever they are mentioned . Secondly , because Optatus reckoning up quatuor genera capitum , mentions not Elders . For the first , though the order of reckoning them be not so much to be insisted upon , yet wee can tell you ( if here your confidence had not beene greater then your consideration ) that you might have observed , that in some places they are mentioned not onely before Deacons , but the whole cleargie ; For so Gregories letter cited by us ; Tabellarium cum consensu Seniorum , & Cleri memineris ordinandum : Are not Seniors here mentioned before the cleargie ? His second proofe , that these Elders were no better then meere Churchmardens and Vestry men was , because Optatus mentioning foure sorts of men in the Church mentions not these Elders . But is this the man that hath with such height of scorne vilified poore negative arguments , though drawn from sacred Scripture ? And will he now lay such weight upon a negative argument ? Surely , if all the truth and practice of the primitive times were bound up in one Optatus , ( as all Divine truth is lodged in the sacred Volume of the Scriptures ) the Remonstrant might have made much of his negative argument , yet hee scornes to heare us reasoning , that because we do not read that the holy Ghost did by the Apostles appoint Bishops , in remedium Schismatis , therefore we cannot believe Bishops are of Divine or Apostolicall institution , but of humane . Away ( saith he ) with this poore negative argument . And because the Apostle , Ephesians the fourth , reckoning the Officers whom Christ hath given and gifted for the edification of his Church , reckons up onely Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors , & Teachers , if wee should conclude , Ergo , there were no Bishops , The Remonstrant would cry out again , Away with these negative arguments , yet such an argument frō Scripture may be valid , though from no other authority . As for Optatus , First , though in these places he mentions not Elders , yet that other place which wee brought out of the same Author doth , which the learned Antiquary Albaspinaeus ( though a Papist ) with us acknowledgeth . Secondly , these places produced by the Remonstrant crosse one another as much as they crosse us , for Ministri are left out in one as well as Seniores in both . Thirdly , these Seniores are included in turba fidelium , as the Apostle , Rom. 10. 14. comprehends all the Church under these two , hearers and teachers , and so again , Heb. 13. 24. Rulers and Saints . Yet the Remonstrant is resolved to hold the conclusion . Elders in a ranke above Deacons in a setled power of government with the Pastors , shall be damned by him for a new and unjustifiable opinion . Yet this is the man that would by no meanes be thought to condemne the Reformed Churches , Though hee fall as unhappily neere the very words of their profest enemies , the Netherland Remonstants , as ever we did the words of Aerius . Quod attinet Praxin antiquitatis ex ●â videlicet id demonstrari posse idoneis argumentis ( ut Censor asserit ) audaciae & temeritatis est : and again , Tota antiquitatis Praxis ei repugnat : but oh that our Remonstrant would once learn to take the counsell he gives ! And he that adviseth us to give glory to God in yielding to undoubted and cleere truth , would do so himselfe ! For if it be not more cleere , that there were elders anciently in the Church , then that there were none , and that these elders were not civill Aldermen , but ecclesiasticall Officers , Not meere Churchwardens and Vestry men busied about inferiour things of seats and rates , but employed in matters of higher nature , let the Remonstrant never renounce episcopacy . But if it be , let him take heed he do not renounce his word , which he utters , pag. 147. I doe here solemnely professe that if any one such instance can be brought , I will renounce episcopacy for ever . SECT . XVI . XVII . XVIII . THe rest of our Answer ( you say ) is but a meere declamation . And good Sir , what was your whole Remonstrance but a declamation ? And what is your Defence but a Satyre ? But ours is worthy of no other answer then contempt and silence . You are very dextrous and happy in those kind of Answers , your whole Defence is full of them . It is true you say , The religious Bishops of all times have strongly upheld the truth of God against Satan , and against his Antichrist . And it is as true that we told you , that others have upheld the truth as strongly as Bishops ever did ; Yea , & at sometimes when there was never a Bishop in the world to appeare for the truth . And therefore never impropriate all the glory to Episcopacie . It is also true that wee told you , that some irreligious Bishops have upheld Satan and his Antichrist against the truth of God , and what can you say to this ? What is this to their calling ? Sir , their upholding Antichrist makes as much against their calling , as their upholding the truth makes for their calling . If you fetch an argument from the one for their calling , we may as Logically fetch an argument from the other against their calling with as much concluding strength ; but you can tell us of Presbyters wicked and irreligious , shall the function it self therefore suffer ? Like enough . And we could tell you that they find more co●ntenance from Bishops then the painfullest Ministers . But if Presbyters should be as generally corrupted as Bishops now are , have as much strength to suppresse the Gospell , and promote Popery , as the Bishops by their supreame power have , if they can bring no more evidence of Divine institution then Bishops can , and are of no more necessity to the Church then Bishops are , let the Function suffer . We told you what an unpreaching Bishop said of a preaching Bishop ; this say you is our slander not their just Epithite , and challenge us to shew any unpreaching Bishop in the Church of England this day . Sir , pardon us if we tell you that you put us in minde of a poore Sir Iohn that because he had made one Sermon in 40. yeeres would needs be counted a preaching minister : if you speake of preaching after that rate , then indeed you may call all the Bishops in England preaching Bishops . But the people of England can so well tell who deserves the name of a preaching Bishop , that it is not the preaching of a Sermon once a yeere , or a quarter , or a month , that will bee sufficient to merit and maintain that name . Some indeed have taken some paines heretofore ; But there are so few of them now , that sure the Remonstrant intended this booke for posterity : The present Age will never beleeve that England is so full of preaching Bishops , that there is not an unpreaching Bishop to bee found . But what if we should challenge the Remonstrant to shew any preaching Bishop in England , such a preaching Bishop as Chrysostome , Augustine , and the rest of those ancient worthies were 〈◊〉 who if they had preached no oftner then our Bishops , Chrysostome had never mentioned his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so often , nor his Nudi●tertius , Nor his cras and perendie , Nor Austin his Nudius tertiani & hes●erni Sermones , Nor Cyprian his Quotidiani Tractatus . Indeed of old , one saith , Bishops gloried of their chaire , and teaching , as the flowre of their garland ; preferring it far before government ; but when they were faln from spirituall felicity , and inf●cted with Secular smoake , then they commended the labour of teaching to Presbyters , then the Iurisdiction and Consistory did carry all the credit ; Every Office in the Church being counted a dignity as it had more or lesse jurisdiction annexed to it , & this dignity hath almost crowded out the duty . The scandall of inferiour Ministers hee professeth to bleed for , but saith , we blazon : No Sir , as we told you before , and tell you again , they have beene the trumpets of their own shame , that like Hophne and Phineas made the sacrifices of the Lord to be abhorred . But wee beseech you , what is the English of your desires to have had the faults made lesse publike ? Doe you mean you would not have had them medled withall in open Parliament ? or that you would have had the Parliament doe by all Petitions brought in against such seandalous persons , as Constantine did by those Papers that the proud contentious Bishops gave one against another , commit them to the fire ? if so , then as you are Christian tels us , whether you doe not think this had been the onely way to involve the whole Parliament , and Nation in the guilt of those sins ; and expose them to that wrath and vengeance that would from heaven pursue them ? Bethink your self how you will answer this at that great Tribunall to which you make so many rash and bold appeals , as also your prophaning the glorious title of the God of peace , that you might under the sweet name of peace perswade an impunity for sin . Sir , we nothing feare but wee shall answer our opposing the unerring rule of the Word of God ( which texts you never went about to answer ) against that example of Constantine ( who as a man , though good , was subject to errour ) ten thousand times better then you will doe either of these . In our next Section , saith our Remonstrant , we spit in the face of our Mother . Good Reader please to review our Answer , Section 17. and judge . The Remonstrant will deny presently , that hee and the Bishops are the Church of England , and yet here , that which is spoken against them and their Perseus-like practices is spoken against our Mother the Church . Well , be what you please , Fathers , and Mothers , and Sonnes , and all . Onely we desire the Remonstrant if hee can , to tell us what the Church of England is . For it doth not please him here that we should call the Convocation the Church of England , much lesse the Bishops , or Archbishops . Yet if we be not mistaken , you your self call the Convocation the Church of England , pag. 122. And the Canons and Constitutions made in the Convocation are called the Canons and Constitutions of the Church of England , which the Convocation alone excluding the Parliament cannot be so much as a representative of , unlesse you will count the whole Laity of the Nation represented in Parliament none of the Church of England . Yet this is the Church so cryed up , These Canons are the commands of the Church , so rigorously urged , Who ever breaks a Canon especially in point of Ceremony is no dutifull sonne of the Church ; Indeed , in point of Morality , Drinking , Swearing , Gaming , there is more indulgence . Nay , how many Bishops in England are there that have urged their owne private paper-injunctions as the commands of the Church , and proceeded against such as would not observe them , as disobedient or refractory against their Mother the Church ? That Sir , upon the point there will appeare to be more Churches in England then one . For tell us , we beseech you , when the Church of England at Norwich forbade all prayer before and after Sermon , but onely in the words of the 55 Canon , forbad all preaching in the afternoons , all expounding of Catechisme , or Scriptures , the Church of England in London forbad none of these things ; when the Church of England in London enjoyned rayling in Communion Tables , and all communicants to make their approaches thither , the Church of another Diocesse went further , and enjoyned setting of them Altarwise . And all these were the commands of the church of England . The transgression of any one of these , the omission of any other thing enjoyned , was condemned as disobedience to the church . Now how many churches of England were there at this time ? But you will play off all this as merriment with a Ridiculum caput . To deal with you therefore seriously ; Because you make so strange a thing of hearing of more churches of England then one , and distinguish so deeply between Churches of England , and Churches in England , wee beseech you consider whither the Scripture doe not speak as properly , when it speaks of the Churches of Iudea and of Galatia , as if it had said the churches in Iudea , and in Galatia ? And what difference between Saint Iohn when hoe writes to the Church of Ephesus , of Laodicea , and the church in Sardis , in Thyatira ? Yet , we are not ridiculous enough : therefore the Remonstrant will help the matter , and to make his jeere will corrupt our words . For whereas we had said , if the bounds of a Kingdome must needs be the limits of a Churth , Why are not England , Scotland , and Ireland all one church ? to make it non-sence , hee adds of England ; are not England , Scotland , and Ireland , all one Church of England ? Hee that made it , let him take it . This discourse of Churches of England , cannot end without a descent into the Prelaticall and Anti-prelaticall Church . We said , We acknowledge no Anti-prelaticall Church . The Remonstrant tels us if wee make and condemne the Prelaticall Church , what shall be the other part of the contradistinction . Our reply must be , that not we , but themselves make the Prelaticall Church , wee doe but shew it ; and we shew also the other part of the contradistinction which the Remonstrant pleaseth to call the Antiprelaticall Church . The Remonstrant had upbrayded the Divisions of that part , wee made our just defence , and therein declared that the Prelaticall party were the chiefe Authours and Fomentors of those divisions , which the Remonstrant directly doth not deny , onely bids us lay our hands upon our hearts , and consider whether our fomenting of so unjust and deep dislikes of lawfull government have not been too much guilty of those wofull breaches . Sir , wee have considered it , and can before the great heart-searching God plead not guilty . The dislike of present Church government , which its own exorbitancy hath caused , we have not fomented , but have smothered our thoughts and griefs even untill this present , wherein the gracious hand of God hath inclined the heart of our gracious Soveraigne to call a Parliament , that hee and they might together consult of the pressures and grievances of his people , and conclude their removall . And now we cannot , wee dare not hold our peace , but declare our judgments , that if it shall seem good to our dread Sovereigne , and this Honourable Parliament , upon the many complaints brought in against Bishops and their Hierarchicall government , to remove the Hierarchie , This Act of State may appeare to all to be farre from sinne ; this not being a government appointed by Christ , nor stamped with a Ius Divinum , though some will make that their protection . As One that loves the peace of the Church , which wee ( you say ) are willing to trouble , You aske after the Bounders , &c. Are you one that loves the peace of the Church ? Wee pray of what Church ? Sure that Church that is called Prelaticall , and no other , Where of we give you the boundaries and characters , which it seems please you not . The bounders we shewed from your late Canons , which ( say you ) are too narrow : let them see to that that first made them . It is apparent , that the Canons made by Archbishops , Bishops , Deanes , and Archdeacons , in their Convocation , were never consented to , much lesse confirmed by Parliament , and yet those are called the Canons and Constitutions of the Church of England . And therfore sure , though wee doe not exclude Bishops , Deanes , &c. from being members of the Church , yet They have excluded all the rest of the Nation . For distinction wee brought bowing to the East , to Altars , &c. Now these ( say you ) are not fit distinctions whereon to ground different Churches . Yes Sir , if it be true that some have held , that the outward Formes of worship , and ceremonies attending it are the characters whereby one Church is differenced from another ; but especially when such as will not practise these , shall be disclaimed by such as doe them , as none of the sonnes of the Church . When men shall be forced to subscribe to the practice of these things , or else they shall not bee admitted either into Livings , or Cures , ( as in the instanced particulars wee have knowne it ) then they make a difference of Churches . And who are the authours of such differences , but such as thus urge them ? Next wee brought their Creed and instanced in Episcopacie by divine right : Hee replies , Did ever man make this an Article of Faith ? Judge you by what Bishop Hall saith in his Episcopacie by Divine right part 2. pag. 47. I am so confident of the Divine institution of the Majority of Bishops above Presbyters , that I dare boldly say , there are weighty points of faith that have not so strong ground in Scripture . Is this to make it an article of Faith or no ? And if not an Article of Faith , yet we are sure it is made an Article of the Church . For whereas by the orders of the Church of England , a man upon the admission to his ministry is to be examined upon no other Articles then the Articles of Religion established in the Church of ENGLAND , we have knowne more then one , whose first question hath been , what doe you thinke of Episcopaice ? We added , absolute & blind obedience to all commands of the Bishop & Ordinaries : you bid us blush . But alas Sir we are not such strangers in England , nor your selfe neither , we believe , as not to know but that this hath been the common doctrine , and almost the sole Doctrine preached by prelaticall men these many yeeres together . And the blinder the better . This we have heard , nor is it your limitation of the Oath of canonicall obedience , in Omnibus licitis & honestis , will help you : when some in stead of that have put in , In omnibus editis & edendis ? We added Election upon faith foreseen . The Remonstrant cries What ? nothing but grosse untruthes . Is this the Doctrine of the Bishops of England , have they not strongly confuted it ? Yes sure some few have , we know it . And doth not the Remonstrant know that these few have been had in suspicion , as no true friends of the Church , much lesse sonnes of the Church , more puritanicall then prelaticall , And we would none of them had said , They have beene labouring these twelve yeeres to get off the name of Puritan , and yet tt will not doe , and because of this have beene printed Tantum non in Episcopatu Puritani . And the same Authour in an other booke after that , Dico iterum iterumque dicam , Tantam non in Episcopatu Puritani . As for the Scriptures of Prelaticall men , we mentioned Apocripha and unwritten traditions : meaning that that generation lay as much weight almost upon traditions and Apocrypha , as upon a genuine text , and are more observant many of them of a custome , and tradition , then of the command of God. For Sacraments , we instanced , a Baptisme of absolute necessity , an Eucharist that must be administred upon an Altar . What are these ( say you ) to the Church of England ? Nothing , but to the Prelaticall Church they are . Call them if you will , Popish fooles , and addleheads , that maintaine these opinions yet we know the number of them is not small , that have declined into these popish waies : we acknowledge also that these are men , if not that chiesly support the Prelacy , yet such as have beene chiefely suppoted and countenanced by it . We acknowledge there are many men learned and orthodox , that have in their judgments approved of Episcopall government ; but what little incouragement these have had from the Prelates , especially , if laborious in their ministery , or any way opposing the Prelaticall innovation , in respect of the incouragements of those popish fooles and addle-heads as the Remonstrant cals them , a man may see with halfe an eye . You demanded what Christ the Prelaticall Church had ? Our answer is , a Christ that hath given the same power of obsolution to a Priest that himsefe hath : which answer , you say , is neere to blasphemy : truely an opinion so neere to blasphemy can hardly be delivered in a language much distant from it : but this ( you say ) is a slanderous fiction : no Christian Divine ever held Priests power of absolution was any other then ministeriall . If we know the man bring him forth that hee may be stoned . Truely sir , we knew the man that said the Priests power in absolution was more then Ministeriall , it was judiciary ; but he is past stoning , hee is dead : and we know another said as much ; but he sung Agags song long agoe , surely the bitternesse of death is past . For when he was brought forth to be stoned , hee was rescued by Prelaticall power , and his Sermon for which he was questioned , printed with licence , and in print presented to the Consistory . We know a third that in a Commencement did openly affirme Absolution by a Priest to be absolutely necessary to salvation . Their Heaven we said was a receptacle of drunkards , swearers , adulterers ; and surely justly wee might say so , for when did your Consistories , that pretend to have the keyes that open and shut Heaven , so shut the gates of Heaven against such sinners , as that a silver key could not open them againe ? and though your charity keepe them in Heaven while they live such , yet our charity shuts them not out of Heaven , if they did not die such . But it may be you thinke confession to a Priest , when they lie a dying shall infallibly save them , what ever their lives have beene ; and that 's the reason you slide by that prelaticall opinion and doe not question us who hold it ? We professe still wee had rather goe on in our owne waies , then theirs , and thinke it our duty to separate from these waies and opinions , rather then embrace them : yet farre we are from any thoughts of separating from the Church of England ; nor did we ever intend to affixe those exoticall positions of unsound teachers ( as you call them ) upon her : but on the faction who hath held promoted , countenanced them , and sheltred themselves all the while under the name of the Church . But if the Remonstrant hate these opinions as much as our selves ; we are glad , if he know others doe ( because he speakes in the plurall ) it is well . But wee would be glad to know in what Pallace that Prelate lives , that hath drawne out his assumed sword of discipline against these unsound teachers ? Or if he hath drawne , hath strucke , or if strucke , hath not strucke with the backe ; while the poore Non conformists hath beene slaine with the edge ? or where hee lives that hath opposed these exoticke positions so farre as to hazzard the Archprelates froune in the opposition . Having given sufficient answer to the Remonstrant , wee thought it not unfit to subjoyne some Quaeres about Episcopacy , for the Remonstrant , ( if he pleased ) to answer . Which though he saith are made up of nothing but spite and slaunder : yet surely his owne conscience tels him , there is much truth and strength in them ; else why doth he conclude we put so much trust in them ? ( when we never told him so . ) And why doth he not else apply himselfe to answer ? but like a Socraticall disputant put off the question with question ; knowing it is safer and easier to propound new questions , then to answer ours . 1. Your first Quere is , who ever held the Lordships of Bishops to be jure Divivo ? if no body , whether this be not to falsifie and slander ? you might have considered that we spake not of the Lordships of Bishops in abstracto ; but of Lordbishops in concreto : And who holds them to be jure Divino , is sufficiently knowne . But you aske why it is a greater fault in one of our Doctours to hold the Lords day to stand by humane right ( and is there but one of our Doctors of that opinion ? ) then it is for Master Calvine , ( whom for honours sake no doubt you name here as else where , seldome through your whole defence mentioning that worthy , but in some disgracefull passage . ) But did Master Calvin ever hold Bishops to be jure Divino , or did Master Calvine ever as one of our Lord-bishops , who having received a letter from a Gentleman of his City , against the publication of the Booke of sports , returned no other answer then a sharpe censure of his zeale as giddy and indiscreet ? Or did Master Calvin ever cry up Altars instead of Communion Tables , or Priests instead of Ministers ? yet in these termes our Quere was propounded , and what ever Master Calvin doth in his institution , yet in his Comment upon Deuteronomy hee stands for the strict observation of the Lords day ? 2. Whether it were any other than King Iames himselfe , of blessed memory , that said , No Bishop no King , &c. King Iames of blessed memory , never spake this of Bishops by divine right , which are the Bishops now contended for . And if King Iames of blessed memory said , no Bishop , no King : it was not hee , but others that added , no Ceremony , no Bishop ; nay some have risen higher , and said ; if neither Bishop , nor a King , how a God ? 3. Whether since it is proved that Bishops are of more then meere humane ordinance , and have so long continued in the Christian Church to the great good of Church and State , it be not fit to establish them for ever , and to avoyd a dangerous motion of innovation ? sure if the Remonstrants words may goe for proofe it is proved , else not ; that Bishops are of more then humane ordinance , and so long continuance , and how advantagious to the good of Church and State , Acta probant , and though motions of innovation may be dangerous , yet motions of Renovation are not . Non est pudor ad meliora transire , it s no shame to amend . 4. Whether these Answerers have the wit or grace to understand the true meaning of the Divine right of Episcopacy ? We will not impute it to want of wit , or grace in the Remonstrant ; but sure himselfe doth not clearely understand it , hee is so unconstant to his opinions : but whether the Remonstrant or his answerers understand the right of Episcopacy better , let the Readers to whose censure both in this controversie must stand or fall , determine : for our parts wee hope , wee understand what jus divinum meanes , but doe ingenuously confesse we have neither wit nor grace to understand the jus divinum of Episcopacy . 5. Whether there be any question at all in the fifth question ? yes certainely , if the Remonstrant would not have baulked that which he knew not how to take away ; the distinction of Apostolicall right , which say we , is either such as is founded upon the Acts , or Epistles of the Apostles , and is ( we grant ) divine : or such , as is not recorded in their writings , and is onely of things reported to be introduced into the Church the Apostles yet living . Now if the Remonstrant hold Episcopacy to be of Apostolicall right in the first sence , why doth he then grant us in expresse tearmes that in originall authority of Scripture Bishops and Presbyters are originally the sam● ? and why doth he in the same page make his retreat from the writings of the Apostles , to the monuments of succeeding times ? If he hold it in the latter sence , these two things yet remaine to be done : First , he is to prove that Bishops in a superiority of power over Presbyters , were introduced into the Church the Apostles yet living , and answer his friend Cassander , and our other testimonies produced to the contrary . Secondly , to prove , that such things may be of Divine right , whereof no record is found in Divine writings . 6. Whether Master Beza have not heard soundly of his distinction of the three kinds of Episcopacy in the full and learned answer of Soravia ? Yes , and Soravia , and others that have borrowed from him , have heard as foundly of their defences of Episcopacy , both by domesticke and forreine Divines , who have sufficiently declared how well our story of the Painter suits with your Discipline : but i● that please you not , we can ●it you with an other of the Painter , mentioned in Plutarch ; who having drawne a cocke very unskilfully and rudely , could not indure any cocke to stand within view , for feare of discovering the deformity of his picture : So our Bishops having drawne a forme and line of government , which they propose to the world as divine ; will not indure the true divine government to come in view , for feare of discovering the irregularity of theirs . 7. Whether it were not fit that we also should speake as the ancient Fathers did ? Sir , by your leave it is safe to speake in the language the Scripture speakes , but you should have done well to have spoken to the reason upon which our Quere was grounded , and what further reasons we then had , and still have to make this Quere may appeare by what wee have sayd before in vindicating Timothy and Titus from such like objections . 8. Whether Presbyters can without sinne arrogate unto themselves the exercise of the power of publike Church-government , &c. to say nothing what honour here you give to your deare Sister-Churches : Our answer is , Yes they may take the exercise of that power without sinne , though not without danger , if your High-Commission were standing . For our Saviour Christ when he gave to Peter the promise of the keyes , made in one undistinguishable act , a donation of the power both of preaching and governing ; and therefore if Presbyters may without sin publickly exercise the one by vertue of that donation , they may by the same charter as warrantably exercise the other . The last branch of your quere ; Whether any Father or Doctor till this age held that Presbyters were successors to the Apostles ? &c. We wonder that any man who hath but the repute of learning should● make such a quere . And for the answer , we refer you to what we have said before in this booke . 9. Whether ever any Bishops assumed to themselves power temporall to be Barons ? &c. Our answer is : You shew better writts for your temporalties , then you have done yet for your spiritualties . And our quaere was directed to shew the spirituall power of Bishops to be of more dangerous consequence then their temporall ; to which purpose we produced five reasons , which wee perswade our selves you scarcely read over ( for in the third there is a fault in the printing , which had you seene , your charity would scarce have let passe without an observation ) which remaining unanswered , wee conclude as before ; it concernes all those that have spirituall eyes , to endeavour to abrogate their spirituall usurpations● as well as their temporall . As for the latter part of this Quere , it is a begging of the whole dispute , Et eadem facilitate rejicitur , quâ affirmatur . 10. Whether the answerers have not just cause to be ashamed of patronizing a noted hereticke Aerius , &c. To this we answer : That if Aerius was accounted an heretique for denying Bishops to be all one with Presbyters by divine right , we are not ashamed to patronize him , till you have answered our allegations for his defence which are brought in this quere , and in divers places in this Booke . But you could not be so ignorant but to know how Bellarmine and divers others doe say . That Aerius was accounted an hereticke , not for denying the inequality of Bishops and Presbyters by Scripture , but by the Canons of the Church . But wee wonder how we escaped the brand of the heresie of the Audiani , who by the same Epiphanius are called heretiques ( though men of a blamelesse conversation ) because they did not without just cause ) freely and boldly reprove the vices of the Bishops of their daies . 11. Whether the great apostacy of the Church of Rome doe , or did consist in the maintaining the order of government set by the Apostles themselves , &c. Sure no : wee never sayd , nor thought it . But that a great part of the Apostacy of the Church of Rome consisted in swarving from the discipline of Christ and hi● Apostles , as well as from the doctrine and setting up and maintaining a new Hierarchicall forme , which cannot enter into our hearts to thinke the Apostles did ever set up : and which the most part of the Churches in the Christian World , that are professedly opposite unto the Church of Rome doe oppose , as much as they doe Rome it selfe ; though you beare the Reader in hand , they all maintaine it no lesse constantly then Rome it selfe doth ; which no man but he that hath captivated reason , & modesty to his cause , and will , would have so confidently and untruly spoken . Once againe let us aske you , whether by this bould speech all the reformed Churches of Christ be not now shut out of the number of Churches ? 12. Whether if Episcopacy be ( through the m●nificence of good Princes ) honoured with a title of dignity , &c. it to be ever the more declined ? Since the time that Episcopacy has bin honored with dignity , and revenues , the office hath not bin declined ; but the Bishops themselves haue bin declining . Yet our Quere was not whether this were a ground of declining the place , but rather of desiring the place . As for our crying up the Presbytery , because wee hope to carry some sway in it . We acknowledge our selves unworthy to beare any part in it ; but we heartily desire that Christ may rule , and wee shall most willingly subject our selves to his government . 13. Whether there bee no other apparent causes to be given for the encrease of popery and superstition in the Kingdome , besides Episcopacy ( which hath strongly laboured to oppose it ) &c. We deny not but there may have bin other causes , but none so apparant as Episcopacy . But whereas in a parenthesis which you might well have left out without any detriment either to your sense or the truth , you say that , Episcopacy hath strongly laboured to oppose popery : we answer Quid verba audimus cum facta videmus ? you aske againe whether the multitude of Sects ( you should have added which the tyranny of Bishops hath made , ) And professed ●lovenlinesse in Gods service have not bin guilty of the encrease of prophanenesse . We answer againe , not so much as the forbidding of preaching and Catechising , as the countenancing of sports on the Lords day , as the scandalous lives of too too many episcopall men , and the libertinisme of the Bishops houses and Courts . 14. Your 14. Quere consists of a Paradox , and a Sol●cisme . A Paradox in saying , That all Churches throughout the whole Christian world have ever observed , and doe constantly and uniformely obserue and maintaine Episcopall government . When as you know all your deare sisters of whom you professe a tender care , doe disclaime it . Of a Bull and sol●cisme in saying That all Christian Churches doe constantly and uniformely observe it . And yet confessing , that there are lesse noble Churches that conforme not unto it . 15. In your next Quere you contradict your selfe and the truth as a selfe confounded man. For here you say , That the name of Bishop hath bin for this 1600 yeares appropriated ( in a plaine contradistinction ) to the governours of the Church . But page 48 where we bring Iren●us calling Anicetus , Pius , Hyginus , &c. Bishops of Rome Presbyters , And others also using the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; You cry out with a loud voyce , Is this al ? that your trifling may appeare to all the World. Name but any one of our writers , who have hitherto stood up in the cause of Episcopacy , that have not granted and proclaimed this which you contend for . In the latter end of this quere , you thinke to stop our mouthes with Balaams wages , and demand . Whether if we will allow you to be Bishops , all will not be well ? Wee are scripture Bishops without your allowance . As for to be Hierarchicall Bishops , since God will not allow it , we care not for your allowance . But what Patent or Monopoly have you among all the multitude of late Projectors obtained , that without your allowance a Presbyter may not be admitted into a Bishoprick ? 16. To your last Quere we answer . That if God had set your episcopall government in his Church ; wee know it could not bee lawfull for us to deny subjection unto it . But we have proved the contrary in this discourse . Neither have the Lawes of this land so firmely established it ; but that it may be repealed by the same Lawes , and suffer a just period for its matchlesse pride , and insufferable oppressions . Which for the present we perceive is out of feare a little aba●ed , and that makes you aske ; Whether it were not most lawfull and just to punish our presumption and disobedience , &c. Time was when the High commission and other Episcopall Courts would have made both our eares more then tingle for such a question without enquiring either the lawfulnesse and justice of it . Thus we have answered his 16. Queries , but before we end our booke , we cannot but take notice of what the Remonstrant addes in the conclu●ion . For there he tells us , That he hopes he hath given a sufficient answer to our bold and unjust demands : And yet notwithstanding he doth not vouchsafe to give any answer at all , but only propounds new questions , insteed of answers : which if the Reader will conceive a sufficient way of answering ; we doubt not but we shall quickly give satisfaction to all that ever hath bin written for Episcopall government , either by Bishop Bilson , Bishop Downham , Bishop Hall , or any other whatsoever . To all the Postscripts . Wee will not create trouble to the Reader , by a reiterated justification of our sincerity , though it be againe prodigiously wounded . Here is much cry , and little wooll . Hee cannot deny what in our Postscript we have proved to be the practises of Prelates , ever since Austins erection of the See of Canterbury , onely first hee salsely tells us , that wee have borrowed a great part of it out of Sions plea. But if that Author hath collected any of the same Stories ( which yet wee know not ) out of the Chronicles , why should we be thought to have borrowed them from him , ( whom wee durst not for feare of the Prelates keepe in our studies ) rather then from the Chronicles themselves ? Secondly he answers , That they were popish Bishops , limmes of that body whose head we abjure , &c. But Sr you know that in Henry the eights time , when this head abjured , the Body of popery still remained . This Body of popery ( comprehended in six Articles ) was called a wh●p of six strings , And you with all your Rhetoricke will hardly perswade the people , but that they have bin lashed for these many yeares with a whip of six and twenty strings . Have not most of these denied this Head to be Antichrist ? And that if wise men had the handling of it , we might be reconciled unto it ? Hath not one of their abettors written , that the Religion of the Church of Rome is not onely a possible , but a safe way to Heaven ? What then will it availe to say that our Bishops and they have different heads ? Thirdly , he answers , That a charitable man might have made a longer Catalogue of the good fruites of our Episcopacy , and reckons up a multitude of their good deeds , many whereof , ●hould ●ee wipe our eyes never so much , wee feare wee should not see , and the rest which are in any kind visible , will not , if weighed in a just ballanc● , beare any proportion , to all those unnaturall fruits mentioned in our Postscrips . In his close he tells us , That the Bishops foote hath bin in our booke , which is quite spoiled by his just confutation . We confesse truly the Bishops ●o 〈◊〉 hath left much dirt behinde it ; but could many hundred● of godly Ministers , have as easily got the Greene Wax and Red Wax of the Bishops out of their mouthes with which they have bin a long time stopped , As we have wiped away the dirt that hath bin throwne upon our booke ; The Church of England had never made so many sad complaints , and presented so many dolefull petitions unto the high and supreme Court of Justice . 2. His second Postscript is an advertisement to the Reader , for the vindication of the credit of the person of Doctor Hall , and his Episcopacy by divine right , from the censure which Doctor Voetius is reported to have passed upon them both . True it is , there was tendred to us a justification of what that angry Pamphlet ( as he calls it ) had published to the world . But because wee found that it would deeply reflect upon the credit of Doctor Hall , and that in a language more disgracefull then that was before said , wee refused to insert it . Our businesse is with a namelesse Remonstrant , not with the undervaluation of any mans person in particular . If hee please to call for it , he may have it . His third Postscript brings in the judgement of Scultetus to ●make the World believe that his new opinion of Episcopacy by divine right is not destitute of Patrons in the reformed Churches . But what is one Scultetus to the many hundred learned men amongst them of a contrary judgement ? We might here retort upon our Remonstrant , that he saith concerning the moderator of Geneva page 138. You tell me of the moderator of Geneva as if all the Church of God were included in those strait walls . We could have translated Voetius his Theses for the justification of lay Elders both out of Scripture and antiquity . But for brevity sake wee will content our selves with what that learned Rivet spake ( when these two Treatises of Scultetus were shewed to him by a great Prelate amongst us , and his judgement required ) Haec omnia jamdudum sunt protrita & profligata . This was related to us by Doctor Twisse , who had it from Doctor Rivet himselfe . FINIS . The Printer to the Reader . Courteous Reader , WE cannot but confesse , that the crouding in of many little Pamphlets into the Presse hath for many weeks detained this Book , to the great grief of the Authors : Wee desire thee to correct with thy pen these following Errata , and to cover the lesser faults with thy Charity . PAge 12 line 11 dele more to be read●line 18 read ●r . p 14 l 5 deest Although . l 30 r obtain . p 18 d Zanchy and Cassander out of the marge●t . p 21 l 6 r ●nstruct●oribus . p 26 l 17 next appointed adde , a hint thereof we have Acts 3. 1. p 18 l 17 r Presb●ters for Priests . l 18 for not r once . p 29 l 27 d because . p 38 l 12 d for our part . l 31 r time . p 42 l pen. r Reformed Protestant Churches . p 36 l 18 r Their. p 64 l 24 r Prebyterii . p 74 l 30 At That make a comma . p 81 l ult r Common . p 84 r hasty . p 86 l 15 r Contradiction . p 92 l 25 for are r have been p 93 l 16 r admisimus . p 96 l 14 r Leo● p 111 l 31 r proved . p 112 l 27 r please . p 113 l 18 r proofs for processe . p 114 l ●6 for promise r. prem●se p 115 l 21 for alone r along . p 118 18 r office for worke . p 126 l 24 make a comma at of . p 127 l 21 r of for as● p 129 l 14 r Capp●llus . p 132 l 29 to Dowah●m , adde Epis●opacie by Divine Right . p 135 l 11 next to Thirdly adde is there . p 136 l 26 adde The in the beginning of the line p 159 l 27 r Campian . p 160 l 31 for we r you , and for you r we . p 174 l 11 dele particular . p 176 l 6 dele Call. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A52063-e140 Apol. pro Sancta Manic . pag. 77. 95. Notes for div A52063-e1190 Pag. 1●3 . Bone habet his in●●bus non ve●tuntur fortune Ecclesiae . * A Gentleman student in Philosophy , that was by chance present at the reading of this passage , tooke such a fancy to this rare mystery of light froath , sinking aloan , that he would take no nay , till he had entreated us to obtain so much of the Remonstrant , as to publish his receit of making light froath sinke alone , that it may be added to the Secrets of Alexis , or the rare experiments of Baptista Porta . 〈◊〉 . 25. Iust. Mart. Apolog 2. Tertull. Apol. cap. 39. 1 Cor. 14. Dictatas ●sacrificulo preces non concipimus , sed ex ipsa sede Animi Spiritusque nostri cum suspiriis gemituque , &c. Nicholl . Riga●● . 1. C. in Tertull. Animad . Apud Ethunicos , Monitor praeibat preces , ac de script . quidem ne quid verborum praete●iretur art praeposterum diceretur , rursusque alius cust●s erat , qui attenderet , alius qui linguis favere juberet . The changing of orationes sua● in the text , into orationes nostras in his margin is not over-much faithfulnesse . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●ssander . Vn●m quidem , scilicet primam silentio . Quamvi 〈◊〉 haec precum & aliarū orationum conscribendarum privata ●bido imperitos homines usque adeo invas●rit ut necessum fuerit in Conciliis modum aliquem huic rei constitui ne temere quae●is orationes in usum praesertim Eccl●siasticum admitte●●tur . Castand . p. 30● ubi cit . Conc● Carth. & Mil● Concil . Milevit . cont . Caelest , & Pelag. The Seder Teph●ll●th to which hee now refers being 700 yeers after Christ. Answ. pag. 8. De Emend . Tem● . Commentis Samaritanis incrustat● . Synag . Iudaiea , lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost. Psal. 41 Quis tuler●s Grac●●os . We know the Apostles gro●●d , this 〈◊〉 tolerate the Iewish Ceremonies a while , but wh●● th●y saw the I●ws remayning ha●d●ed still , they quickly purged the Church of them . Among the rest Master Abbot whom we quoted ●n out answer but by a mistake it is referred to the fourth 〈◊〉 instead of this Har. Synod . Belg. cap. 11. Ca● . 21. Minister preces vel dictante spiritu , vel certa sibi propos●●â for●ula concipiet . Peracta coena haec gratiarum aut aliqua ei similis adhibetur . This speech was spoken in the Lords house by a Noble Peere , and had the approbation of many others . Greg. l. 6. epist. 6 ep . 64. Cam. 2. 17. Bether in Heb. is division . Pocem Ecclesie Martyrio praeferim●● . Cypr. Pax sine veritate est execrabile adulterium . Cyp. Pag. 35. Episc. by divine Right , part . 2. p. 6. Pag. 35. Pag 36. Bishop Hall saith expresly in Episcopacie by divine right , p. 29. that Timothy was a Diocesan Bishop , and Ephesus a Diocesan Church ; it seems you dare ●ot say so . Episc. div . Right 2 part . p. 113. Episc. div . Right part . 2. p. 110 , 111. Pag. 39. Pag. 39. Pag. 40. Pag. 41. Pag. 42. Pag. 45. Catolog . Test. verit . Tom. 2. Tantum duos ordines ministrerum esse debere judicavit , viz. Presbyteros & Diaconos . Wals. Hist. Aug. Rich. 2. p. 205. Fox Martyre● . Catal. Test. T. 2. Silvest . Gi●ald . in specim . Eccles. li. 3. c. 1. & 14. Balcent . 3. c. 61. Math. Paris . l. 4. Anno 960. Quod in novo Testamento nulla mentio facta est ullorum graduū , aut dist●ncti onum in Ordinibus , sed tantum Diaconorum vel Ministrorum & Presbyterorū sive Episcoporū . Pag. 46. Pag. 128. Pag. 125. The Author of Episc. by divine Right , affirmes the same part 2. pag. 49. Pag. 47. Pag 47. 48. Pag. 48. Pag. 48. Pag. 49. Irenaeus lib 4. cap. 44. Pag. 49. Ep. 19. Ep. 16. Answ. p 38. Bibl. Pat. T●m . 15● . 170 de Gcrae●o 〈◊〉 rat●r Liturgica . Pag. 49. Pag. 49. So said S●●via of Hierom before . Pag. 24. Fran. Sancta Clara. Apol. Epis. pag. 67. 68. Whit. Contr. a● Quaest. 5. 2 Iohn 10. 11. Pag. 50. Pag. 51. Pag. 51. Pag. 53. This Text is brought by a late Writer for Episcopacy , to prove that as yet there were no bishops over Presbyters in the Church of the Apostles , And for this purpose he brings Hirome upon the same text , affirming the same thing . Page 55. Page 55. Def. p. 56. Episcop . by divine right , part 2. p. 91. Can. Sardic . can . 6. Page 56. Beliar. de Script . Eccles. Page 57. Def. 58. Ierom de Scriptoribus Eccles. Page 59. In his defence , p. 125. Page 59. Iob 33. 23. Page 60. Def. p. 61. Down . def . 3. lib. cap. 4. pa. 80. Page 62. Page 62. Page 63. * Page 77. Page 64. Page 64. Epist. 11. 13. Rom. 11. 13. August . contra Maxim. Arian . Episc. Lib. 3. August . de verbo Ap. sec. 29. Page 65. Suidas tels us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a principall place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aliis studio est princeps locus , & he cals him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui primam tenet sedemet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est sedibus primis vel honoribus primis dignari . Balsam . in Can. 89. Conc. Carthagin : Page 66. Page 68. Page 69. * And yet the wise writer of this Defence did not contradistinguish them in his defence , p. 78. where he expresses ordination under spirituall jurisdiction . Page 70. Page 70. Page 71. Page 71. Page 72. In Arnob. li. 3. Episc. Di. Right , part . 2. p. 91. Quaest. de utroque mixtim . 101. Page 72. De Clericis , l. 1. c. 17. Perpet●gon . c. 14. Lib. 2. c. ● . 52 , 53. Page 73. Episc. Di. Right , part . 2. p. 10. Page 74. In our former booke sententia was by a mistake printed for presentia , the whole Canon not being quoted ▪ Page 74. Page 75. Page 75. Page 76. Down . Defen . 1. lib. c. 8. Page 76. Page 77. Page 77. Page 78. Page 78. Page 79. Page 79. Lisest mihi de tribus capellis : Tu Cannas , Mithridati cumque bellum , Magra voce sonas Iam dic Posthume , de tribus capellis . Mart. l. 6 Page 80. Balsum . in Can. 78 Concil . Carthag . in can . 100. Zonar . in can . Concil . Carth. 81. & can . 108. Page 79. Page 73. Page 81. Matth. 26. 63. Your Bishop of the Church of Thyatira , might have given his wife lezabel ( as you call her ) this oath . Calv. ad Farel . Page 83. Page 84. Page 74. By Bishop Hall , in his Episcopacy by divine right . * Parker on the coss e , part . 2. c. 8. sect . 2. Page 90 , 91. Def. p. 94. Page 100. Page 97. Vide Lud. Capell . hist. Eccles. p. 66. 74. Page 60. Estius in Arg. in secundam ep ad Tim. So Bilson . Vide Episc. by Di. Right , p. 2. Prolegum . in Chron. Euseb. Euseb. lib. 3. c. 4. Ephes. 4. 11. Page 92. Page 93. Part 2. p. 2. An Evangelist in the naturall sence of the words is he that preacheth the glad tidings of the Gospell . Page 94. Page 95. You cannot shake it out so easily . Page 96. Page 97 , 98. Epist. 2. part . p. 39. Page 98. Page 99. Chrys. in Tit. c. 1. Hom. 2. Page 100. Ans. p. 51. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epis. Div. Rig. part 2. Centur. 1. lib. 2. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Page 102. Page 103. Episc. by Di. Right , 1 pt . 35. For the further high commendation of Clement and this his peece , See Epil . by div . right part ●●●ct . 10. p. 59 , 60. Whom yet he hath wronged in his quotations . Whitak . de Pontif . qu. 2. cap 15. Page 104. Page 104. Page 105. Page 106. The memorable copy of Tecla●s may be translated , Thy woman Iezeb●l , or That woman of thine Iezebel . We see no shadow of reason why the Remonstrant should translate it , Thy wise Iezebel . In the Arabick it is , Quod sivisti muli●rem ●ocatam Iezebel , according to our ordinary Greeke copies . Page 106. Page 106. Page 107. Page 107. Page 108. Censura lib. Apooryph . prael . 64. Page 109. Page 109. Page 110. Page 111. Page 111 , 112. Page 112. Page 113 Page 114. Page 114. Page 116. Page 117. Page 117. Page 118. Page 118. Page 121. Page 119. Page 122. Page 123. Page 124. Aquin. Aureol . Capreol . &c. Page 124. Page 125. Page 127. Page 128. Remonst . p. 26. Pag. 129. Pag. 130. Pag. 130. Pag. 132. Pag. 133. Pag. 134. Episc. div . Right part . 2. p. 91. Pag. 135. Pag. 136. Pag. 137. And even in these Churches of Germany , the Superintendents are nothing like our bishops . They are of the same degree with other Ministers , they are onely Presidents while the Synod lasteth ; when it is dissolved , their prerogative ceaseth : They have no prerogative over their fellow Ministers , They are subject to their Presbyteries . The Synod ended , they returne to the care of their particular Churches , Zepper . lib. 2. cap. 10. Ezek. 34. 16 , 17 , 18 Pag. 140. Pag. 140. Pag. 141. Pag. 141. Pag. 142. 143. Austin . Serm. 14 de verb. Apost . Pag. 142. 143. Pag. 142. Pag 143. Pag 144. Pag. 145 Pag. 146. Gest Purgationis 〈◊〉 & Faelicis . To answer your margine in a margine : why may not Presbyteri be as truly translated Elders as Seniors ? Pag. 147. Pag. 147. Pag. 148. Pag. 149. Pag. 149. Pag 149. In the late Canons the Bishops Consistory is called the Church . No●e the sixteenth of the new Canons . Pag. 150. Pag. 151. Pag. 152. Pag. 153. Pag. 153. Page 155. ● Montague . Page 156. Quaere 2. Ambr. Page 157. Def. p. 47. Page 158. Page 160. 
A93888	----	An ansvver to a letter vvritten at Oxford, and superscribed to Dr. Samuel Turner, concerning the Church, and the revenues thereof. Wherein is shewed, how impossible it is for the King with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops, or to the alienating the lands of the Church. Steward, Richard, 1593?-1651. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A93888 of text R201455 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E385_4). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 106 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A93888 Wing S5516 Thomason E385_4 ESTC R201455 99861961 99861961 114107 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A93888) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114107) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 61:E385[4]) An ansvver to a letter vvritten at Oxford, and superscribed to Dr. Samuel Turner, concerning the Church, and the revenues thereof. Wherein is shewed, how impossible it is for the King with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops, or to the alienating the lands of the Church. Steward, Richard, 1593?-1651. J. T. Turner, Samuel, D.D. [2], 53, [1] p. s.n.], [London : Printed in the yeere, M DC XLVII. [1647] Attributed to Richard Steward by Wing. A printing of and reply to: A letter written to D. Samuel Turner, concerning the Church, and the revenues thereof. The letter is signed "J.T." on B1r. Place of publication from Wing. A reissue, with cancel title page, of the edition with "Wherein the point of sacriledge, with some others now in controversie, is handled, and fully stated." in title. In this edition A2r line 11 begins: plus ultra,. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Apr: 26". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- England -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Church polity -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Religious aspects -- Early works to 1800. A93888 R201455 (Thomason E385_4). civilwar no An ansvver to a letter vvritten at Oxford, and superscribed to Dr. Samuel Turner, concerning the Church, and the revenues thereof.: Wherein Steward, Richard 1647 19505 24 30 0 0 0 0 28 C The rate of 28 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ANSVVER TO A LETTER VVritten at OXFORD , And superscribed to Dr. SAMVEL TVRNER , Concerning the CHURCH , and the Revenues thereof . Wherein is shewed , how impossible it is for the King with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of Church-Government by Bishops , or to the alienating the Lands of the Church . Printed in the Yeere , MDCXI . VII . Faults escaped , correct thus . Page 5. line 30. for Lawes read Lands . p. 7. l. 30. r. preserving . p. 9. l. 8. r. this in the Postscript . p. 12. l. 20. r. visum . p. 17. l. 15. r. and elsewhere , part . p. 18. l. 27. for then r. that . p. 19. l. 11. for since , r. sure . p. 19. l. 15. r. aliquid . p. 20. l. 20. for this r. the . p. 21. l. ult. r. that error . ibid. l. ult. r. that consent . p. 24. l. 8. r. Creet . ibid. l. 27. r. Apostolicall . p. 31. l. 14. r. vindicta . p. 35. l. 26. dele not . p. 39. l. 1 r. must not . p. 44. l. 5. for there , r. other . p. 47. l. ult. r. preserve . p. 50. l. 3. r. the Commons . p. 51. l. 22. for 〈◊〉 , r. are . p. 52. l. 19. dele that . A Letter written to D. SAMUEL TURNER , concerning the Church , and the Revenues thereof . Noble Doctor , I Expected when you had seen the Kings last Messages , your reason would have prompted you to have look'd this way , which caused a delay in sending unto you , untill the difficulty of the passage made me suspect whether this may come safe to you , and by the preparations and designes here , I feare I shall not have another oportunity ; take this therefore as a farwell-truth , that the moderate party here , are at their Ne plus ultra , the presbyterians & Independants will agree , and the Scots and we shall not fall out ; and it must now be the wisdome of your selfe , and such as have power and interest with the King , to save him , your selves , and Country from ruine : Your visible strength to hold out , ( much lesse to prevaile ) is too well known here , and your hopes from France and Ireland , will soon vanish , which if successefull by a victorious Army ( which I beleeve you shall never see ) would but make you and us slaves to a forraign Nation , and extirpate that Religion , both sides pretend to maintaine . To be plaine , I know no way left you , but to accept such conditions of peace as may be had ; you are too much a souldier , to thinke a retreate ( upon so many disadvantages ) dishonourable to a Generall , or acceptance of hard conditions by a starved beleagured Garrison to the Governour . In short , of evils choose the least ; and I must tell you , it is expected from you , ( and the more wise and honest party with you ) that they should make use of their reason , and advise the King to save what is left , wherein it is believed you may prevaile ; considering what hath already passed in so many free offers to give satisfaction in the Militia , Ireland , paiment of the publique Debts , choice of Judges , Lord Admirall , Officers of State , and others , with an Act of oblivion and free Pardon , free exercise of Religion , to Presbyterians , and Independants their own way , and a promise to endeavour in all particulars , that none shall have cause to complaine for want of security : things so farre beyond our former hopes , that I cannot doubt , but the same reason which moved the offer of these , will obtaine to concession of such others , as the Parliament shall require in order to peace , which ( as neere as I can guesse ) will be either the removall and punishment of evill Counsellors , and Ministers , who have drawn the King into these troubles , or the busines of the Church , ( all other materiall things to my apprehension being already offered . ) For the first of these , I know not how you can with reason gain-say the bringing offenders to Justice ; and if the Parliament Prerogative streine justice in the tryall and punishment ( beyond example of better times ) it were wisdome for such as may therein be concerned , to withdraw , Dum furer in cursu , for if it must come to suffering , Melius unus quam unitas : for the busines of the Church I wish it could be prevented , ( there are who can witnesse the labour and hazards I have undergone for that end ) conceiving no government equall to a well ordered Episcopall , for the well-being of this Church and State : But when the necessity of times hath proposed this sad question for resolution , whether consent to alter Episcopall government in the Church , or let both Church and State ruine together , my reason assents to the former . I beleeve the doctrine of the place where you are , would perswade the contrary , and it hath been from thence transmitted hither as an orthodox truth , that the altering that government , being as they say jure divino , is sinfull ; and the taking away the Church-lands , sacriledge , at least unlawfull ; which if I could believe , would change my opinion , for I cannot give way for the committing a sin for a good end , ( what ever the Romanist , or Jesuited Puritan pretend in defence of it ) but if I mistake not , ( and if I doe , I pray reforme me ) the opinion that the government by Bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in England , and that but by some few of the more Lordly Clergy ; for we alwayes acknowledge the Protestants of Germany , the Low Countryes , and elsewhere , part of the reformed Protestant Catholique Church though they had no Bishops ; and I am certaine the King would never have given way for the extirpation of Bishops in Scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino ; nor to the Presbyterians , and Independants here to exercise their Religion their own way , ( as by his late Messages ) when such a tolleration in the face of such a divine Law , must needs be sinfull : and for the latter opinion against taking away of Church Lands , I am lesse satisfyed , being so farre from conceiving it sacriledge , that I do not conceive it unlawfull , but may be done without breach of any Law , ( which must be the rule for tryal of the lawfulnes or unlawfulnes of every action ) nay though there be never so many curses or imprecations added to the donation : nor do I herein ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practise of former times , not only by Acts of Parliament , ( in the times of Queen Eliz , and King James , and King Charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of Durham house ) aswell as Henry the eighth ) but even by the Bishops themselves , and Deanes and Chapters , insomuch , that if the wisdome of the State ( after Clergy men were permitted to marry ) had not prohibited their alienations , and restrained their Leases to 21. yeares , or 3. lives , their Revenues at this day would not have been subject to envy . But to deale clearely with you Doctor , I do not yet understand how there can be any Sacriledge , properly so called , which is not a theft and more : viz. a theft of something dedicated to holy use , ( a Communion-Cup for instance , or the like ) & theft you know must be of things moveable , even by the Civil Law , and how theft can be of Lands , or sacriledge committed by aliening Church-Lands , I pray aske your friend Holbourne and his fellow Lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question . As for the main quere , touching the lawfulnes of aliening Church-lands , ( I use the expression for the lands of Bishops , Deanes , and Chapters , ) good Doctor give me your patience to heare my reasons . And first I lay this as a foundation , that there is no divine command that Ministers under the Gospell should have any lands , ( the hire of a labourer at most , a fitting maintenance is all to be challenged ) nor do we read that the Apostles had any Lands , ( which I mention to avoid the groundlesse arguments upon the lands and portions allotted to the Tribe of Levi by Gods appointment , to whom our Ministers have no succession ) and then it will follow , that they enjoy their lands by the same Law of the State as others doe , and must be subject to that Law which alone gives strength to their title ; which being granted , I am sure it will not be denyed , that by the Law of the Nation , he that hath an estate in Lands in Fee-simple , by an implyed power , may lawfully alien , though there be an expression in his Deed of purchase or donation to the contrary : which being so , makes the alienation of Bishops Lands even without any Act of Parliament , to be lawfull , being done by those who have an estate in Fee simple , ( as the Bishop , with the Deane and Chapter hath . ) Then further , I am sure it will be granted , that by the Law of this Nation , whosoever hath Lands or goods , hath them with this inseparable implyed condition or limitation , viz. That the Parliament may dispose of them or any part of them at pleasure . Hence it is they sometimes dispose some part in Subsidies and other Taxes ; enable a Tenant for life , to sell an estate in Fee-simple , and not at all unlawfull , because of that limitation or condition before mentioned ; and who ever will be owner must take them according to this Law : Now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an expresse condition or limitation in the Deed of Donation , ( which would silence all disputes ) whereas it is as cleare a truth , that where any thing is necessarily by Law implied , it is as much as if in plaine words expressed , of which your Lawyers ( if Reason need a helpe from them ) can easily resolve . Besides , it were somewhat strange , that the Donor of the Lawes should preserve them in the hands of the Bishops , from the power of the Parliament ; which he could not doe in his owne , and give them a greater and surer right then he had himselfe : Nor doe I understand their meaning , who terme God the Proprieter of the Bishops Lands , and the Bishop the Usufructuary . For I know not how ( in propriety of speech ) God is more entituled to their Lands then to his whole Creation ; and were Clergie-men but Usufructuaries , how come they to change , dispose or alter the property of any thing , ( which an Usufructuary cannot doe ) and yet is by them done daily ? Aske them by what Divine Law S. Maries Church in Oxford , may not be equally imployed for temporall uses , as for holding the Vice-chancellours Court , the University Convocation , or their yearly acts ? And for the Curses ( those bug-beare words ) I could yet never learne that an unlawfull curse was any prejudice but to the Author , of which sort those curses must needs be , which restraine the Parliament or any other from exercising a lawfull and undenyable power , which in instances would shew very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice anothers lawfull right . I am sure such curses have no warrant from the Law of God or this Nation . If this doth not satisfie the former doubts in your Bishops , ( for I know you to be too great a Master of Reason to be unsatisfied ) aske them whether Church-lands may not lawfully ( the Law of the State not prohibiting ) be transferred from one Church to another upon emergent occasions ? which I think they will not deny . If so , who knowes that the Parliament will transferre them to Lay-hands ? they professe no such thing , and I hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the Ministery , ( which prevents all disputes upon the last question ) but if they shall hereafter do otherwise , you know my opinion : Onely mistake me not in this free discourse , as if I did countenance or commend the Parliaments proceedings in their new Reformation , but as a caution to you in the exigencies of times , what is fittest to be done , when ( I take it ) Mistresse Necessity in all things indifferent , or not unlawfull , must be obeyed , in which cases the most constant men must be contented to change their resolutions with the alteration of time . Your party have been resolute enough to preserve the rights of the Church , and further peradventure then wise men would have done , but at an ultra posse you and we must give over , especially for an imaginary right . And think seriously with your selfe , whether after all other things granted , it will be fit to run the hazard of the very being of this Church and State , the King and his posterity , and Monarchy it selfe , onely upon the point of Church-government by Bishops , or aliening the Church-lands , or rather whether the Kings Councell ( in duty ) ought not to advise him the contrary , who should be wise as well as pious , yet herein may be both , ( for I doe not thinke Conveniencie or Necessity will excuse Conscience in a thing in it selfe unlawfull , what ever States-men maintain to the contrary ) your interest with the King is not small , and your power with the Lords ( who are guided by reason ) very considerable , you cannot doe better then make use of both at this time . If they have a desire to preserve the Church , it were wel their thoughts were fixed upon some course for setling a Superintendencie in the Presbyteriall Government , ( which no way crosseth the Nationall Covenant ) and preserve the Revenues in the Church , which I beleeve at Uxbridge Treaty would have been granted , what ever it will be now . I have given you my sense upon the whole businesse . Si quid novisti rectius , Candidus imperti , si non his utere . J. T. So farewell Doctor . I give you commission to shew this to my Lord Dorset , ( who by + and something else can guesse my name ) and to as many more as owne Reason and Honesty . An Answer to the foregoing Letter , superscribed to D. Samuel Turner , &c. Sir , YOu have put an odde taske upon me , in commanding my judgement on a Letter lately sent to a Doctor in Oxford , with a commission to shew it to the Lord of Dorset , and to as many more as own reason and honesty ; for this is the Postscript , and many the like passages in the Letter , ( as that the more wise and honest party would make use of their reason , and I know you too great a master of reason , to be unsatisfyed ) makes me feare , that if I should perhaps dissent in opinion from this Epistler , I might be thought , ( at least in his conceite ) to incurre a sharpe censure both in point of reason and honesty : Which I confesse at first somewhat troubled me , untill I remembred you were wont to say , that when vessels do once make such noises as these , t is a very shrewd signe they are empty . He who wrote the Letter seemes most desirous of Peace , and truly Sir so am I ; besides we agree in this , that we must not commit sinne for a good end ; so that if Peace it selfe cannot be attained without that guilt , we must be content with a worse estate . But you very well know , with how many severall deceipts our affections can mislead our reason ; you remember who it was that said it unto the very face of a Prophet , I have kept the commandement of the Lord , and yet his sin remained still a great sinne , and much the worse because he excused it : For his guilt is lesse that commits a crime , then his that undertakes to defend it ; because this cuts off all repentance , nay , it makes a sin to grow up into that more wicked heighth of a scandall , and so t is not only a snare to the sinner himselfe , but it warrants many more to be sinfull . Whether this Oxford Londoner , for so I take the Epistler to be , hath not defended or made apologies for sinne , and hath not in that sense , done evil that good may come thereof , I am now to make an enquiry , and I shall follow him in his two generals . 1. The delivering up the Kings friends , whom they above call evil counsellors . And 2. The businesse of the Church . 1. For the Kings friends . He sayes , — I know not how you can with reason gainsay the bringing offenders to justice : indeed nor I neither , but what if they be not offenders ? What if they must be brought to injustice ? I know no man that will refuse to be judged by a Parliament , whose undoubted Head is the King , and the King sitting there , with an unquestioned Negative , nay for his Majesty to referre Delinquents to be judged by the House of Peers , sitting in a free Parliament , and judging according to the known Lawes of the Realme , is that at least which in my opinion would not be stucke at . But the Parliament prerogative , which this Letter speakes of , being now so extended , as we have cause to thinke it is , I doubt in this case , whether not only in point of honour , but in point of justice and conscience , the King for his own Peace , can leave his friends to such men , whom he is clearely bound by so many grand ties to protect . But this Sir I shall commit to you to determine , and if you returne me a negative , I shall not presume to question your reason or honesty ; nor shall I perswade the Kings friends that they would banish themselves , unlesse it were only to do that great favour to the two Houses now at Westminster , as to keep them from some future foule acts of oppression and bloud , because they shall have none left to act upon . 2. For the busines of the Church , which he againe divides into two parts , first that of Episcopacy , & secondly of Sacriledge . And in these Sir I shall speake with lesse hesitation , I shall clearely tell you the Epistler is cleane out ; and though you very well know me a great honourer of your profession , yet I cannot hold it fit to decide cases of conscience , or in humane actions to tell us what is sinne or no sinne : and I am confident , Sir , you will not take this ill at my hands . First for Episcopacy , his words are , if I mistake not , ( and if I do , I pray reforme me ) The opinion that the government by Bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in England , and that by some few of the more Lordly Cleargy . These last words make me suspect some passion in the Writer , as being in scorne heretofore taken up by men , who for a long time were Schismatiques , in their hearts , and are now Rebels in their actions : And since the Lawes of this Land makes some Church men Lords , I do the more marvaile that the Epistler lookes awry upon it : so that though his profession be , that he has undergone labours and hazards for the Episcopall Government , yet truly Sir I must thinke , that t is then only fit for the Church to give him thankes , when she has done all her other busines . But grant that Tenet to be but of late countenanced , it thence followes not , that t is any whit the lesse true . For in respect of the many hundred yeares of abuse , the reformation it selfe was but of late countenanced here , yet I take it for an unquestionable truth that the Laity ought to have the cuppe . And though I was not desired to reforme this Epistlers errour , yet in charity I shall tell him , that he is out , when he affirmes that this opinion was but of late countenanced in this Church , as I could shew him out of Archbishop Whitgift , and Bishop Bilson and others : and since perhaps he may thinke these to be but men of the more Lordly Clergy , I shall name one more who may stand for many , and who wrote forty yeares since , that most excellent man M. Hooker , ( a person of most incomparable learning , and of as much modesty , who I dare be bold to say , did not once dreame of a Rotchet ) he averres in cleare tearmes , There are at this day in the Church of England , no other then the same degrees of Ecclesiasticall order , namely Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , which had their beginning from Christ and his blessed Apostles themselves , or as he expounds himselfe , Bishops and Presbyters , ordained by Christ himselfe in the Apostles and the seventy , and then Deacons by his Apostles ; I may adde Bucer too , no man I am sure of the Lordly Clergy , who though he were not English born , yet he was professor here in King Edwards time , and he wrote and dyed in this Kingdome , Bishops , saith he , are Ex perpetua ecclesiarum ordinatione ab ipsis jam Apostolis , and more , Usum hoc est spiritui sancto : and sure if Bishops be from the Apostles and from the holy Spirit himselfe , they are of divine institution . Nay what thinke you if this Tenet be approved by a plaine act of Parliament ? I hope then it wants no countenance which England can give it , and it needs not fly for shelter under the wings of the Lordly Cleargy ; you have these words in the booke of Consecration of Archbishops and Bishops , which is confirmed by Parliament ; It is evident to all men reading holy Scriptures , and ancient Authors , that from the Apostles times there have been these orders of Ministers in Christs Church , Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons . And againe , the prayer in the forme of consecration of Bishops , Almighty God giver of all good things , which by thy holy Spirit hast appointed divers orders of Ministers in thy Church , mercifully behold this thy servant now called to the worke and ministery of a Bishop ; and in questions to the person to be consecrated a Bishop , Are you perswaded that you be truly called to this Ministration , according to the will of our Lord Jesus ? &c. I beseech you Sir consider , whether these words , or this prayer could fall from any man , not possessed with this Tenet , that Episcopacy was of divine right : For if the three orders may be found by reading the holy Scriptures together with ancient Authors : if men are taught to pray , that God by his Spirit has appointed divers orders in his Church , and this made the ground of praying for the present Bishop , if the person to be consecrated must professe that he conceives he is called according to the will of our Lord Jesus Christ , either all this must be nothing else but pure pagentry , and then the Parliament mocked God by their Confirmation , or else Episcopacy is grounded in Scripture , is appointed by the Spirit of God , is according to the will of our Lord Jesus , and all this hath not been said of late , nor countenanced only by some few of the more Lordly Cleargy . And we have the lesse reason to doubt that this Tenet was countenanced in this Church of ours , because we find it in those parts that have lost Episcopacy , for we are told by Doctor Carlton , after Bishop of Chichester , and that wrote against the Arminians , more then twenty five yeares since , that sitting at Dort , he then protested in open Synod , That Christ instituted no parity , but made twelve Apostles , the chiefe , and under them seventy Disciples : That Bishops succeeded to the twelve , and to the seventy , Presbyters of an inferiour ranke ; he affirmed this order had been still maintained in the Church , and then challenged the judgement of any learnned man , that could speake to the contrary . Their answer was silence , which was approbation enough , but after , ( saith he ) discoursing with diverse of the best learned in the Synod , he told them how necessary Bishops were , to suppresse their then risen Schismes ; their answer was , That they did much honour and reverence the good order and Discipline of the Church of England , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established among them ; but that could not be hoped for in their State : Their hope was , that seeing they could not do what they desired , God would be mercifull unto them , if they did but what they could . If they hoped for mercy that might pardon what they did , sure they must suppose that what they then did , was sinfull : Nay , they thought their necessity it selfe could not totally excuse their sinne ; for then in that particular there had been no need to hope for Gods mercy : nor could they well thinke otherwise ; since being pressed , they denyed not but that Episcopacy was of Christs own institution , and yet they were no Lordly Clergy , nor do I well see how either by charitable or civil men , they can at all be taxed either for want of reason or honesty . 1. Indeed some seem to startle at this Tenet , that Episcopacy is of Divine right : as if , because Divine , it might therefore seem to endanger Monarchal power . But under favour I conceive this fear to be among us very groundlesse , for since the Tenents of our Church are in this particular the very self same with the ancient times : as that the Bishops have no power , but what is meerely directive only ; that all power co-active either in them or in others , is derived meerly from the Royal authority ; that they cannot legally make use , no not so much as of this directive power , but only by the Kings leave : So that if the temporall Lawes should forbid them to preach that , which in point of salvation is necessary to be spoken , yet they cannot preach but upon the forfeiture of their Heads , and those being demanded by the Kings Lawes , they must submit to a Martyrdome , ( though t were sinne in them that demand it ) so that in the execution of all ecclesiastical power , the supremacy is in the King alone ; these I say being so much the Tenets of our Church , that I conceive there is no learned man amongst us , who would not readily subscribe to them , I cannot see at all where in the opinion we defend , any danger lies to this Monarchy . But examine the Presbyterian principles , and you will clearely find , Kings and they cannot stand together , for either you consider that new government in the Scotish sence , which allowes no appeale to any other power , and then t is plaine , that where men admit this , they admit of a supremacy , which doth not reside in the King ; and by consequent , of two severall supremacies within the bounds of the selfe same Kingdome , which can no more stand with Monarchy , then it can with Monogamy to be maried to two severall wives . And though t is said that this Presbyterian government meddles only with spirituall things , which concerne the good of the soule , and so it cannot hurt Regall power , yet this is but onely said , and no more : for it is well known , that in ordine ad spiritualia , ( and all things may by an ordinary wit be drawn into this ranke , as they have been by the Church of Rome ) this government intrudes upon what things it pleaseth ; and indeed where a supremacy is once acknowledged , no wise man can thinke , that it will carry it selfe otherwise . So that King James his maxime was undoubtedly most true , upon this same ground we are on , No Bishop , no King : For that most prudent Prince did soone discerne , that if a power were once set up , which at least in the legall execution of it , did not derive it selfe from the King , there was no doubt to be made , but it would ere long destroy the very King himselfe . Or consider Presbyterian government in the English sense , as it is now set up by the Two Houses at Westminster , which is a government limited by an appeale to the Parliament , for either by Parliament here they meane the Two Houses excluding the King , and then t is as plain as before , they set up two supremacies , his Majesties and their owne : or else by Parliament they meane the King with both Houses , and then it will follow , that either there must be a perpetuall Parliament , ( which sure neither King nor Kingdome can have cause to like ) or else the supremacy will be for the most part in the Presbytery ; because when ever a Parliament sits not , there will be no Judge to appeale to ; or if it be said the Parliament may leave a standing Committee to receive appeales in such ecclesiasticall causes ; then either in this Committee the King hath no negative ; and in that case t is clear that the ecclesiasticall supremacy will be not at all in the King ; or else the King hath a negative , but yet is joyned with persons whom he himself chooses not , and so most probably will be check'd and affronted in any sentence he intends to give ; and this clearely overthrowes that which is already declared by Parliament , to be a right in the King , as inherent in his Crowne , that ecclesiasticall appeales may be made to him alone in Chancery , ( for the Statute names no other ) and that his Majesty alone may appoint what Commissioners he please for their finall decision : I say , consider the Presbyterian government in the English Parliament sense , and in the sense of the English Assembly , for the Presbyterians there are wholly for the Scotish forme , as appeares by their quarrels at what the Houses have already done in their Ordinances ; so that their aime is not only to set up a new Government , but in plain tearmes , a new supremacy : And hence , to say truth , he must see very little who discernes not , that though the Presbyterian party seemes to strike at the Bishops , yet their maine aime is at the King ; whose supremacy they endure not , as being a flower which they intend for their owne Garland ; and so , though they hypocritically cry out ( that they may abuse the People ) against the pride of the Lordly Bishops , yet in the meane time , the wiser sort must needs see , that they intend to make themselves no lesse then indeed Kingly Presbyters . We acknowledge the Protestants of Germany , the Low countryes , and part of the reformed Catholique Protestant Church , though they had no Bishops , &c. Though we maintain Episcopacy to be of divine right , ( i. e. ) of divine institution , yet hence it doth not follow , that Germany are no Protestant Churces ; No , it must be a crime of a most horrid taint , that makes a Church run into non ecclesiam ; For though that of the Jewes was bad , and Idolatrously bad ; yet God seriously protests he had not sent her a bill of divorce . Nay no learned man of judgement durst ever yet affirm that the Roman Church her selfe was become no true part of the Church Catholique ; and yet she breakes a flat Precept of Christ , [ drinke yee all of this ] and shall we be thought to deny the same right to christians without Bishops , when they breake but Christs institution ? No , Churches they are , true parts of the Catholique Church : but in point of ordination and of government Apostolicall they are not . I am certaine the King would never have given way to the extirpation of Bishops in Scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino , &c. Grant it were so , yet of all mankind are Kings onely bound , that they must not change their opinions ; or if perhaps they have done ill , must they for their repentance be more lyable to reproach , then Subjects are for their crimes ? The King would not have given way to the Presbyterians , and Independents , to exercise their Religion here their own way , ( as by his Messages ) ▪ when such a tolleration in the face of such a divine Law must needs be sinfull . There is a great mistake in this Argument ; for to tollerate , doth not at all signifie either to approve or commend their factions , neither of which the King could at all do to those Schismatiques without sinne . But it meerely implies not to punish , which Kings may forbeare upon just reason of State , as David forbore to punish the murtherers of Joab ; and we our selves in our English State , have no punishment for all sorts of Lyars , and yet their sinne is against a flat Law divine . We affirme then Episcopacy to be of divine right , that is , of divine institution , and that must needs tacitly imply a divine Precept too ; for to what end are things instituted by God , but that it is presumed , it is our part to use them ? And to what end should some men be appointed to teach , and to govern , but that its clearely implyed , then there are other men too , that ought both to heare and obey ? He that institutes or erects a Bridge over a broad swelling stream , needs not ( you will think ) adde an expresse command , that men should not walke in the water : Thus when our Lord and Saviour made his institution of that great Sacrament of the Eucharist , he gave command indeed concerning the Bread , Do this in remembrance of me ; and concerning the Cup , Drinke yee all of this , But he gave no expresse command to do both these together , and yet his institution hath been still held to have the nature of a command ; and so for a thousand yeares the whole Church of Christ did ever practise it , save only in some few cases , in which men supposed a kind of necessity : I say then Episcopacy is of divine right , instituted by Christ in his Apostles , who since they took upon them to ordaine and to govern Churches , you need not doubt they received an authority from their Master to do both ; for since men will not thinke they would breake their own rules : No man taketh this upon him , but he that is called of God , as Aaron was . Episcopacy then was instituted in the Apostles , who wer Bishops et aliud amplius ; and distinguished by Christ himself from the Seventy , who were the Presbyters . So the most ancient Fathers generally , or if you will take S. Hierom. opinion , ( who was neither a Bishop , nor in his angry mood any great friend to that Order ) they were instituted by the Apostles , who being themselves Episcopi et amplius , did in their latter dayes formalize and bound out that power which still we do cal Episcopacy . And so their received opinions may stand together for Episcopatus , being in Apostolatu tanquam consulatus in dictatura , as the lesser and subordinate power , is alwayes in the greater : we may truly say it was instituted by Christ in his Apostles who had Episcopall Power and more , and then t was formalized and bounded by the Apostles themselves , in the persons of Timothy and Titus , &c. So that call the Episcopall order either of Divine right , or Apostolicall Institution , and I shall not at all quarrell at it : For Apostolicall will seeme Divine enough , unto Christians ; I am sure Salmatius thinks so , ( a sharpe enemy to the Episcopall Order ) if ( saith he ) it be from the Apostles , t is of Divine right ; thus we find the power of ordination and of jurisdiction to be given to those men alone ; For then that power is properly Episcopall , when one man alone may execute it , so S. Paul to Timothy , Lay hands suddenly on no man , 1 Tim. 5. 22. Lay hands in the singular number , thou , & thou alone , without naming any other : Against an Elder , receive not an accusation , in the singular number too ; thou , receive not , thou alone , but under two or three witnesses ; and then the Text is plaine , He and he alone might do it . So to Titus for this cause , and that thou , and thou alone , shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine Elders in every City , Tit. 1. 5. where plainly those two powers of government and ordination are given unto one man ; So S. Iohn to the Churches of Asia , Rev. 2. 3. when he presumes all the governing power to reside in the Angels of those Churches , and only in them alone , as all Ancients understand it . And hence t is plaine , that though we should yeeld that the Apostles only did institute Bishops , yet in this Revel. Christ himselfe immediately in his own person , and the holy Spirit withall , did both approve and confirme them : And the Learned observe , that the Bishops of those Sees , are therefore called Angels by S. Iohn , who was born a Jew , because in Palestina their chief Priests were then called their Angels ; and so this appellation was taken up by the Apostle in that place , because the Bishops were those Churches Chiefes : this truth appeares not only from those cleare Texts , but from the mutuall consent and pactise for more then 1500. yeares space of all the Christian Church ; So that neither S. Hierome , nor any other Ancient , did ever hold orders to be lawfully given , which were not given by a Bishop , nor any Church jurisdiction to be lawfully administred , which was not either done by their hands , or at least by their deputation . I know there are men lately risen up , especially in this last Century , which have collected and spread abroad far other Conclusions , and that from the authority of the Text it selfe : But as t is a Maxime in Humane Lawes , Consuetudo optima Legum Interpres , Custome and Practice is the best Interpreter : So no rationall man but will easily yeeld , it as well holds in Lawes Divine : For I would gladly aske , What better way can there be for the interpreting of Texts , then that very same meanes whereby I know the Text it selfe to be Text ? Sure the same course whereby I know the Epistles to Timothy and Titus to have been written by S. Paul , must needs be the best course to understand the sense of those Epistles ; and if I therefore beleeve them to be written by that Apostle , because the Universality of the whole Christian Church has brought me to that beliefe , ( and there 's no other rationall way of beleeving it ) why doe I not beleeve the same Christian sense , which the universal consent assures me they were written in ? Shall I beleeve , and yet disbeleeve that selfe-same consent which is the best ground of my beliefe ? This is as it were in cleare terms to say , that I beleeve such a tale for the Authors sake who hath told it , and yet I doe now hold the selfe-same man to be a lyar . Men doe beleeve the testimony of universall consent , in the sense it gives of single termes , and why not in the sense it gives of sentences or Propositions ? without the help of this Consent , ( which is indeed the ground of our Dictionaries ) how shall we know that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} signifies the Resurrection of the body , which the Socinians at this day deny ? And I know no such way to confute your error , as by the authority of your consent . Admit then of that Rule , that consent universall is the best interpretation of Texts ; and then I am sure , it is as cleare as true , that Episcopacy is of Divine or Apostolicall Right ; yea and that proposition , There can be no Ordination , without the hands of a Bishop , will clearely appeare to be as well grounded as this ; There can be no Baptisme without a lawfull Minister , which is good Divinity amongst our new Masters in Scotland : and Antiquity allowed of it , Extra casum necessitatis : For I aske upon what Text doe they ground this Rule ? I suppose they will say upon our Saviours words , to the Eleven , Matth. 28. Go teach all Nations , and baptize them : But in the institution of the Eucharist He spake those words too ; but only to the Twelve , Drinke yee all of this , Matth. 26. I demand then how shall I know that when our Saviour spake those words unto the Eleven , he spake them only as to lawfull Ministers ; but when he spake the other , to the Twelve he spake at large as unto them that did represent all Christian men ? So that though only Ministers may Baptize , yet all Christians may receive the Cup : Perhaps they will say , that the generall practise of receiving the Cup , is manifest from 1 Cor. 11. and I thinke so too , where S. Paul seems to chide the whole Church for their irreverence at that great Sacrament : But if a quarreler should reply , that he there speaks but of the Presbyters alone , whereof many were at that time at Corinth : As when in the 5. Chap. he seemes to chide the whole Church for not excommunicating the incestuous Person : yet t is plain , he meanes none but the men in government ( as sure all Presbyterians will allow me ) I know not what could be said but to make it appeare out of the Fathers , and others , that the whole Christian Church never tooke the words in that sense . And if to stop the mouthes of wranglers , we must at length be constrained to quote the Authority of Universall consent , and the Common practise of Christs Church , then you will easily see that those two named Propositions do stand fast on the same bottome , There can be no Baptisme without a lawfull Minister , extra casum necessitatis , for so the consent and practise of the Universall Church hath still interpreted that Text : And againe t is true , There can be no Ordination without the Hands of a Bishop , for so those Texts both out of Timothy and Titus have been understood , and practised for 1500. yeares together by the consent of the whole Church of Christ . T is true that this precept , Go ye teach , &c. runnes not in exclusive words , yee Apostles , or yee lawfull Ministers , and none but yee ; yet extra casum necessitatis , no man was allowed to baptise but a lawfull Minister : so though these commands , [ Lay hands suddenly on no man ] and [ Do thou ordaine Elders in every City ] runne not in verbis exclusivis , thou and none but thou , or men of thine Order only : yet the Church understanding and practising them in an exclvsive sense , no man for 1500 yeares in any setled Church , was held rightly ordained , without the hands of a Bishop . Nay that there is something Divine in the Episcopall Order , will appeare clearely by this , that immediately from the times of Christ & his Apostles , ( yea within the reach of those times ) t was universally spread throughout the whole face of the Churches : so that no man can name a Nationthat was once wonne unto the Christian Faith , but he shall soon find that there were Bishops : so that there must needs be an Uunversall Cause , for an Effect that was so Universall . Generall Councell there was none about it , at which all Christians might have met , and might have thence obeyed her directions . Nor can any name a Power to which all Christians should submit ( for they were soone fallen into Factions ) but only the authority of Christ or of his Apostles ; from them then must needs flow the Episcopal Order , and at that Fountaine I shall leave it . I say within the reach of the Apostles times , for before S. Iohn dyed , there are upon good Church Records above 20. Bishops appointed to the several Sees ; as at Hierusalem , Alexandria , Antioch , and Rome , & Ephesus , at Creece , at Athens , and Colosse , & divers others , it being easie to draw a Catalogue of them out of several Ecclesiasticall Writers . And here it will be plain , that its a foule corruption ; nay , how flat a sinne is brought into the Church of Christ , where Episcopacy is thrown down ! and so where Ordination is performed by any hands without theirs , t is as grosse , as if Lay-men should be allowed to baptize , when a Presbyter doth stand by : nay more , it is as bad as if the Order of Presbyters should therefore be thrown downe , that Lay-men might Baptize : and what 's this , but willingly to runne into a Necessity it selfe , that wee might thence create an Apology ? T is a corruption farre worse , then if a Church should audaciously attempt to pull down the Lords Day ; since the observation of that Time is neither built on so cleare a Text , nor on the helpe of so Universall a Consent , as is the Order of Episcopacy : So that if men can thinke it sinfull to part with the Lords Day , though the institution of it be meerly Apocryphall , they must needs confesse there is at least so much sinne , ( nay indeed more ) in parting with their Bishops , and then the Oxford Doctrine which the Epistler gybes at , and talkes of , as transmitted for an orthodox truth , will it seemes prove no lesse in earnest . Secondly , for the point of Sacriledge ; the better to cl●●●e this , I must premise these Assertions . 1. That God accepts of things given him , and so holds a Propriety as well in the New , as in the Old Testament . 2. That God gets this Propriety in those things he holds , as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command that such things should be presented to him . 3. That to invade those things , be they moveable , or immoveable , is expresly the sinne of Sacriledge . 4. That this sinne is not only against Gods positive Law , but plainly against his Morall Law . 1. Proposition . God accepts of things given , &c. For proofe of this , first I quote that Text , I hungred and ye gave me meat ; I thirsted and ye gave me drinke , &c. Mat. 25. If Christ do not accept of these things , he may say indeed , yee offered me meat , but he cannot say that yee gave it : for a Present is then only to be called a Gift , when it is accepted as his own that takes it . And do's he thus accept of Meat and Clothing , and do's he not accept of those kind of endowments , that bring both these to perpetuity ? Will He take Meat and refuse Revenues ? Doth He like ( can you imagine ) to be Fed and Clothed to day , and in danger to be Starved to morrow ? The men thus provided for , He calles no lesse then His Brethren : In as much as you have done it unto the least of these my Brethren , yee have done it unto me . Whether these were of those Brethren which he had enjoyned to teach others , or of those which he would have instructed , the Text there doth not decide ; without doubt it must be meant of both ; for it were a strange thing to affirme that Christ liked it extreame well to be Fed and to be Clothed , in all those He called His , but only in His Seventy , and His Apostles ▪ but to put it out of doubt , that what is done to them , is done to Him too , His owne words are very plain , He that receiveth you , teaching Disciples , receiveth me ; in the Tenth of that Gospell , where He sends all forth to preach , and that reception implyes all such kind of provisions , as is apparently plaine throughout the whole Tenour of the Chapter . And againe , I quote that so well known passage of Ananias and Saphyra his wife , Act. 5. his sin was , he kept back part of the price of those Lands he had given to God , for the publique use of the Church , yea , given to God , and t is as plaine that he did accept it ; for S. Peter you know thus reprooves him , Why hast thou lyed , or why hast thou deceived the Holy Ghost ? for so {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} do's properly import , why doest thou cheat him of what is now his own proper right ? And againe , Thou hast not lyed unto men , but unto God : and is this so strange a thing ? Are not all our lyes to be accounted sinnes before God ? yes , all against God , as a Witnesse and a Judge ; but yet not all against God as a Party : and therefore t is a more remarkeable , a more signall lye , Thou hast not lyed unto men ; a negative of comparison , not so much to men , as to God : what 's done to them is scarce worth the naming , but thou hast lyed unto God , as a Witnesse and a Judge ; yea and a party too . Thou hast lyed , & rob'd God by lying , and so runne thy selfe into an eminent sinne : and that shall appeare in Gods judgement , so the Fathers generally expound that place ; both of the Greek and Latine Church , and affirme his crime was a robbing God of that wealth , which by Vow or by promise was now become Gods propriety : So the Modern Interpreters , yea , so Calvin , Sacrum esse Deo profitebatur , He professed that his Land should be a sacred thing unto God , ( sayes he ) on that place ; and there Beza too , Pradium Deo consecrassent ; the the man and his wife , they consecrated this Land to God , And he that will not believe so Universall a consent in the interpreting a place of Scripture , should do well to consider , whether upon the same ground ( as I told you before ) he may not be brought to doubt of his Dictionary , for that is but Universal consent ; he may almost as well doubt whether {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} signifyes God , and altogether as well , whether {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} signifyes the Gospell . The New Testament will afford more places for this purpose ; Thou that abhorrest Idols , committest thou Sacriledge ? Rom. 2. 22. T is true , these words are spoken as to the person of an unconverted Jew , and may be therefore thought to aime only at those sinnes , which were descryed in the Law of Moses : but do but view S. Pauls way of arguing , and you will quickly find they come home to us Christians too : he there tells the Jew that he taught others those things , which yet he would not do himselfe : and he strives to make this good by three severall instances , first , Thou that Preachest a man should not steale , doest thou steale ? Secondly , Thou that sayest a man should not commit adultery , dost thou commit adultery ? In both these , t is plain , that the Jew he dealt with did the same things he reprehended : and straightway the third comes , Thou that abhorrest Idols , dost thou commit Sacriledge ? So that hence 't will follow ( if S. Pauls words have Logique in them ) that these two sinnes are of the selfe same nature too : And that to commit a sacriledge is a breach of the same Law , as to commit an Idolatry : so that crime will appeare without all doubt a plain robbery of God ; for he that steales from men , yea though a whole community of men , though bona universitatis , yet he sinnes but against his Neighbour , t is but an offence against the second Table of the Law , in these words , Thou shalt not steale : but Sacriledge layes hold on those things which the Latine Lawes call Bona nullius , it strikes downright immediately at God , and in that regard no Idolatry can out doe-it : as this is , t is a breach of the first Table of the Law , and both these crimes are equally built upon the self-same contempt of God ; the offenders in both kinds , the Idolater and sacrilegious person both thinke him a dull sluggish thing ; the first thinkes he will patiently looke on , while his honour is shared to an Idol ; the other imagines he 'l be as sottishly tame , though his goods be stoln to his face . This was without doubt the sense of all ancient churches ; for upon what ground could they professe they gave gifts to God , but only upon this , that they presumed God did stil accept them ? So S. Iraeneus , We offer unto our God our Goods in token of thankefullnesse . So Origen , By gifts to God we acknowledge him Lord of all : So the Fathers generally ; so Emperours and Kings ; so Charles the Great , To God we offer what we deliver to the Church , in his well known Capitulars : And our own Kings have still spoken in this good old Christian language ; We have granted to God , for Us and Our Heires for ever , that the Church of England shall be free , and have her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable ; they are all the first words of our Magna Chart. Her whole Rights & Liberties , words of a very large extent , and imply farre more then Her Substance : and yet these , and all these Lands , and Honours , and Jurisdictions ; all these have beene given to God ; yea , and frequently confirmed by the publique Acts of the Kingdome : and yet if Ananias might thus promise , and yet rob God , consider I beseech you , whether England may not do so too . 2. Proposition , God gets this Propriety as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command , that such things should be presented to him . For the second , t is plaine in the Text , that God did as much take the Temple to be his , as he did the Jewes Tithes and Offerings . These last indeed were his by expresse law & command , but the Temple was the voluntary designe of good David , and the voluntary work of King Solomon . Nay God expresly tels David , that he had been so far from commanding that house , that he had not so much as once asked this service . And therefore in his Apologie Saint Paul tels the Jewes , Neither ( sayes he ) against the Law of the Jewes , nor against the Temple , have I offended any thing : For he might in some case offend against the Temple , and yet not against the Law : Notwithstanding all this , God pleads as much for his Temple in the Prophet Haggai , as he doth in Malachi for his tithes , In this his words are , Ye have robbed we in tithes and offerings ; in the other , Is it time for you , O ye , to dwell in sieled houses , and this house lie waste ? therefore ye have sowne much , and bring in little , ye eate , but have not enough , so Hag. 1. 4. And to affirme , that God in the New Testament doth accept of meat , and drink , and cloathing , as it is plaine , Mat. 25. he doth accept of money land was sold for , as in the case of Ananias , and yet that he doth not accept Land it selfe , is so contrary to all reason , so contrary to the practice not onely of the Christian , but humane world , so contrary to what God himselfe has expressed in the Old Testament , and no where ●●called it in the New , that he ▪ that can quiet his conscience with such concepts as these , may I doubt not attaine to the discovery of some Quirkes , which in his conceipt may either palliate murthers or adulteries : For to think that those possessions are indeed Gods which he doth command , but not those which he doth accept , is to use God so as we would neither use our selves nor our neighbours : for no man doubts but that 's as properly mine which I accept as a gift from others , as what I attaine to by mine owne personall acquisition , be it by a just war , by study , by merchandice , or the like . 3. Proposition . That to invade those things consecrated , be they moveable or immoveable , is expresly the sin of Sacriledge . Sacriledge is then committed , say the Schooles and the Casuists , ( and they speak in their owne profession ) quando reverentia rei sacrae debita violatur : When we violate that reverence due to a thing sacred , by turning it into a thing profane : so as the violation may be committed either per furtum , by theft , strictly so taken , by stealing a thing moveable ; or per Plagium , which is the stealing of a man ; or per invasionem , which is a spoiling men of lands , or of things immoveable : for as any one of these done against our neighbour is no doubt in Scripture phrase a theft , a sin against the 8. Commandment , Thou shalt not steale : So done against God , t is no doubt a Sacriledge , and a breach of the first Table , be it either against the first or the second Commandement , I stand not now to dispute : for the word used in the New Test . to expresse this sin , is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Praeda , or spolium : So that Sacriledge is not to be defined onely by theft strictly taken , but t is a depredation , a spoliation of things consecrated , and so the word extends it selfe as properly ( if not more ) to Lands , as it doth to things moveable . And hence Aquinas is plaine , that Sacriledge reaches out its proper sense ad ea quae deputata sunt ad sustentationem ministrorum , sive sint mobilia , sive immobilia : For it would be very strange to affirme , that in the sacking of Jerusalem , Nebuchadnezzar was sacrilegious , when he transported the holy vessels , but not at all when he burnt the Temple . 4. Proposition , That this sinne is not onely against Gods positive Law , but plainly against the Morall Law . For this common reason hath taught all , even Pagan nations to hold Sacriledge a sinne : So that Lactantius observes , ( and he was well read in humane learning , which made him to be chose Tutor to a sonne of Constantine the Great ) Inomni Religione nihil tale sine vindicto : God did still remarkably revenge this sinne , not onely in the true , but amongst men of the most false Religions : And 't were easie to shew , that never any Nation did yet adore a God , but they thought he did accept , and did possesse himselfe of some substance . I omit those proofs that would be thought far too tedious , t is enough to quote the Prophets words , Will a man rob God ? yet ye have robbed me , Mal. 3. 8. A man , any man , though an Ammonite , or a meere Philistine , no Pagan ( that must be the sense ) will doe it to his God , which you Jewes doe to me ; for the Law written in his heart ( and he can goe by no other ) that law controlls this offence , and so plainly tells him , that because his God may be robb'd , he may therefore have a Propriety ; And if Sacriledge be a sin against the Law Morall , it will follow , that what wee read in the Old Testament against that sinne , must be as morall , and that whereby we Christians are as much obliged , as by what we read against theft , or against adultery ; save onely in those passages which are particularly proper unto the policie of the Jews , and we may let them goe for Judiciall . These Assertions being premised , I returne to the Epistler , who conceives it to be no sacriledge to take away the Church Lands ; [ Nor do I ( saith he ) herein ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practise of former times , not onely by acts of Parliament in the times of Queen Elizabeth , King James , and so King Charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of Durham house , as well as H. 8. but even by the Bishops themselves , &c. ] He will not ground his opinion upon the practise ; and indeed he hath little reason for it : For if from a frequent practise of sinne , we might conclude it were no sinne , we might take our leaves of the Decalogue ; and as our new Masters do , put it out of our Directory , because our intent is to sinne it downe : and therefore I shall say no more of such Lawes of Hen. 8. then I would of Davids adultery a that t is no ground at all to make men bold with their neighbours Wives . Queene Elizabeth made a Law ( so you have told me Sir , for I do speake nothing in this kind but from you ) that Bishops might not alienate their Mannors , Castles , &c. but only to the Crowne , but if she sometimes tooke order that Church , men should not be Bishops , untill they had first made such alienations ( as I have heard you say they did ) I know not how to defend it , but must withall tell you , that if Princes or Subjects resolve to sell the Church preferments , t is great odds but that in a Clergy consisting of above 16000. Persons , they shall not want Chapmen for them : For King James , I must highly commend that most Christian Prince , who ( you say ) amongst his first Lawes , tooke away that of Queen Elizabeth : not can I well tell why this Epistler here doth quote that King for his purpose , unlesse it were only for the alienation of York ▪ House ; but I must informe him that that Act was lawfull , because 't was for the advantage of the Archiepiscopall See , there being cleare Text for it , That the Levits themselves might change what was theirs by a Divine Law , so they gained by the permutation ; and this answer will serve for what King Charles did about Durham House . But he thinks it an Argument , That even by Bishops themselves , Deanes , and Chapters , &c. such things were done , Alienations made , and long Leases granted : True Sir , for those Clergymen were but men , and their sinnes can at all no more abrogate Gods Law , then can the sinnes of the Laity : yet I could name you Church-men of great note , who totally refused to be preferred by that Queene to any Bishopricke at all , because they would by no meanes submit their conscience unto the base acts of such Alienations , and one of them was Bishop Andrews : I could tell you too that those long Leases he speakes of , might have one cause more then the Marriage of the Clergy ; for when they saw men so sharply set upon the inheritance of the Church ; when they saw a Stoole of wickednesse set up , of sacrilegious wickednes , that imagined mischiefe by a Law , some , not the worst of men , thought it fit to make those long Leases , that the estate of the Church might appeare the more poore , and so lesse subject unto Harpies , and then their hope was , at the length ▪ at least after many yeares spent , it might returne whole unto their successours . He goes on , But to deale clearely with you Doctor , I do not understand how there can be any sacriledge ( properly so called ) which is not a theft and more , viz. a theft of some thing dedicated to holy use , ( a Co●●munion Cup for instance or the like ) and th●se you know must be of things moveable , 〈…〉 civil Law , and how theft can be of Lands , or 〈…〉 by alienating Church Lands ; I pray aske your friend Holborne , and his fellow Lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question . ) It seemes Sir they are very merry at London , or at least this Epistler thinks so ; for being winners he might perhaps conceive they make themselves pleasant at a Feather . And that this Argument is as light a thing , appeares before from my third Assertion : for can any man thinke in earnest , that t is Sacriledge , and so a sinne , to take a Cup from the Church , and t is none to take away a Mannour ? as if Ahab had been indeed a thiefe , had he rob'd Naboth of his Grapes , but Eliah was too harsh to that good King , because he only tooke away his Vineyard : Indeed there is such a nicety in the Civill Law , that actio furti lyes only against him , who has stolne Rem mobilem : for Justinian it seemes in the composition of his Digests ( which he tooke from the writings of the old Jurisprudentes ) thought it fit to follow Ulpians judgement , and yet Sabinus in his booke De Furtis , a man of note amongst those men , was known to be of another opinion : Non tantum ( sayes he ) rerum moventium , sed fundi quoque , et aedium fieri furtum : a theft properly so call'd may be of things immoveable : I would gladly know of the Epistler whether he thinks all men both Divines and others , bound to frame all the phrases of their speech according to the criticismes of the Civill Law , as it s now put out by Justinian ? If not , why may not some use the word furtum in Sabinus his sense , as well as others may in Ulpians ? and then sacriledge may be properly called a theft , and as properly in immoveables ; or if we will needs speake according to his sense whom Justinian hath approved , I do not well see how men can spoile the Church of her Lands , and at the Civil Law escape an action of theft : for it lyeth against him that takes the trees , & the fruits , and the stones , and I am confident there is no Church-robber , but he intends to make use of these kinds of moveables ; otherwise what good wil the Church-land do him ? And if he does make this use , a thiefe he is in the Civill Law phrase , & then in the very sense of this Epistler himself , he is without doubt a sacrilegious person : but where I wonder did that Londoner learne , that Furtum strictè sumptum , was the genus of sacriledge ? so that where there is no theft in the Civill Law sense there is none of this kind of Sin : I am sure t is neither intimated by the Greek , nor the Latine word : nor I believe delivered by any learned Authors on the Subject : so that I must set down an assertion , ( I conceive well grounded too ) point blanck against this Londoner , and affirme there may be a sacriledge properly so call'd , which is not a theft in the Civill law-sense ( which has been grounded in the third Assertion ) and then we need not trouble Sir Robert Holborne ( that learned Gentleman may have other busines ) nor his fellow Lawyers , for I doubt not there are enough besides , who will here smile at this passage , and will thinke that this Epistler hath met with a Civill Law quirke , which he knew not well how to weild : But to say truth he deales clearely with the Doctor , and tels him that for his particular , he doth not yet understand ; which for my part I believe ; and do not only wonder , he would gibe at another man , in a point he could no better Master . But these Arguments it seemes are but only the forlorne-hope , the main Battell is yet to come . He calls this the main quere , and desires patience from the Doctor , First ( saith he ) I lay this as a foundation , that there is no divine command that Ministers under the Gospell should have any Lands . True , the Clergy under the Gospell hold not their lands by a Divine command , but they do by a Divine acceptation by Christs most gracious acceptance of such goods and possessions which have been given him by good Christians : and this title you now heare will go as farre as a law , and that is we conceive farre enough , for it gives God a propriety in such lands , and so keeps men from a re-assumption . He goes on , The hire of a Labourer at most , as fitting maintenance , is all that can be challenged : I but that maintenance must be honourable , or else we Christians shall use God like no other men ; farre worse I am sure then do Pagans : And when such a maintenance hath been once given in lands , the acceptation of Christ will soone make it irrevocable : so that it signifyes little to say the Apostles had no Lands ; for they who had the money for lands fold , might ( no man can well doubt ) have still kept the lands had they liked it : but the Church was straight to be in hot persecution , the Disciples were to fly , and Lands we know are no moveables , and it were very strange if not ridiculous to affirme that Ananias and his wife sinned in taking back● that money which they promised , but if in specie they had given their Lands , they might have revoked that gift without sacriledge . He proceeds , Which I mention to avoid the groundlesse argument upon the Lands and portions allotted to the tribe of Levi by Gods appointment ▪ to whom our Ministere have no succession . Our Ministers challenge nothing which belongs to that Tribe , by Leviticall right : but where things are once given to God for the use of his Ministers , they there get a morall interest ; and what wee read of this kind in the Old Testament , doth as much obli●ge Christians , as if it were found in the Now . [ And 〈…〉 that they enjoy their 〈◊〉 by the 〈…〉 others do , and must be subject to that Law which alone gives strength to their title . ] Out into 〈◊〉 : Have Church-men no title to those possessions they enjoy , but by the law of this Land alone ? Yes , besides these , they have Christs acceptation , and so they are become theirs by Law evangelicall : their Lands are Gods own propriety , and so they hold from him by the Law morall too ; and therefore though by the lawes of the land they hold estates in Fee-simple , and so may alienate without punishment from the law of England : yet they cannot do it without the guilt of sinne , as being a breach of the law evangelicall and morall : except then only when they better themselves by some gainfull , or at least by some not hurtfull permutation . Besides , were the argument good , it would only follow , that the Clergy by their owne act might alienate their lands , but no man else without their consent . And I conceive it would not now prove so easie a taske to bring Church-men to such an alienation . But the Parliament may do it ▪ for ( sayes he ) I am sure it will be granted , that ( by the Lawes of this Nation ) whosoever hath Lands or Goods , hath them with this inseparable limitation and condition : viz. that the Parliament may dispose of them or any part of them at pleasure . This you have oft told me Sir is strange Doctrine ; for either the Parliament , ( I hope he meanes the King in Parliament ) doth this , as being the supreame power , or as being representative , and so including the consent of the whole People of England . If as being the supreame power , it will follow , that any absolute Prince may as lawfully do the like ▪ and yet this hath been ever held tyrannicall in the Great Turk , as being against the rules of justice and humanity . Indeed Samuel 〈◊〉 the Israelites , that since they would needs change their Theocracy , the immediate government of God himselfe , though it were into Monarchy , the best of all humane Governments , the King should take their sons and their daughters , their fields , and their vineyards , &c. and they should cry , and should find no help : Yet the best Divines think , that this would be most unjust , most sinful in their King , and expresly against the law of Moses , who leaves every man his propriety , onely the Prophet there averres it should be not punishable in him , they should have no remedy , since being the supreame power , 't was in no Subjects hands to judge him : So if the King in Parliament should take away Church-lands , there is ( I confesse ) no resistance to be made , though the act were inhumanely sinfull . Or secondly , the Parliament does this as representing the whole people ▪ and so including their consent ( for they who consent can receive no injury ) and then I understand not which way it can at all touch the Clergy , who are neither to be there by themselves , nor yet ( God knowes ) by representation : Or if againe they were there , I would gladly know what Burgesse , or what Knight of a shire , nay what Clerke , or what Bishop doth represent Christ ( whose Lands these are ) and by vertue of what deputation ? Nor doe I beleeve that any Subject intends to give that power to him that represents him in Parliament , as to destroy his whole estate , except then onely , when the known Laws of the Land make him lyable to so high a censure . But grant that this were true in Mens lands , yet sure it will not hold in God's . For since in Magna Charta ( that hath received by Parliament at least 30. Confirmations ) the Lands we speak of are now given to God , and promise there made , That the Church shall hold her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable . Sure the Kingdome must keep what she hath thus promised to God , and must now think to beginne to tell him of implyed conditions , or limitations : For it were a strange scorne put upon God , if men should make this grand promise to their Maker , and then tell him after so many hundreds of yeares , that their meaning was to take it back at their pleasure : I believe there is no good Pagan that would not blush at this dealing , and conclude , that if Christians may thus use their God , without doubt he is no God at all . He goes on , [ Hence is it they sometimes dispose some part in Subsidies , and other Taxes . ] The Parliament disposeth part of mens estates in Subsidies , and Taxes , and with their consents , ergo , It may dispose of all the Church Lands , though Church-men themselves should in down right termes contradict it : Truly Sir , this Argument is neither worth an answere nor a smile : For I am sure you have often told me that the Parliament in justice can destroy no private mans estate : Or if upon necessity it may need this or that Subjects Land for some publique use , yet that Court is in justice bound to make that private man an amends . Subsidies you said were supposed to be laid on Salvo contenemento , so that a Duke might still live like a Duke , and a Gentleman like a Gentleman : Is it not so with the Clergy too ? By their own consent indeed , and not otherwise ; they are often imposed , and they are paid by them ; but yet they are burthens which they may beare Salvo contenemento : and they are paid not out of Gods propriety , by alienating of his Lands , but out of that usus fructus they receive from God : and so the maine doth still go on to their successors . So that to inferre from any of these usages , that the 〈◊〉 of Bishops , and Deanes , and Chapters , may be wholly alienated from the Church , is an inference that will prevaile with none but those , who being led by strong passions that it should be so , make very little use of their reason to oppose that passion . He proceeds , [ Now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an expresse condition or limitation in the Deeds of Donation , ( which would silence all dispute ) whereas it is as cleare a truth , that where any thing is necessarily by Law implyed , It is as much as in plain termes expressed . ] No marvell if such conditions be not expressed in Benefactors Deeds of Donation , because it would make pious deeds most impiously ridiculous : For who would not blush to tell God , that indeed he gives him such Lands , but with a very clear intent to revoke them ; And what Christian will say that such an intent is tacitely there , which it were impiety to expresse ? Nay t is apparantly cleare , in the curses added by such Donors , upon those who shall attempt to make void their gifts , that their meaning was plaine , such lands should remaine Gods for ever : By Magna Charta these gifts are confirmed unto the Church for ever , ( She shall have her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable ) and yet is there a tacite condition in the selfe-same Law that they may be violated . No marvell if with us men cannot trust men , if God himselfe cannot trust our lawes . And if that Charter , or any else made by succeeding Princes , do indeed confirme such Donations ( as without all doubt they do ) sure they must confirme such Donations in that same sence wherein the Donors made them ; for so do all other confirmations ; nay in this case of a totall dis-inhaerison , there cannot be in law any such tacite conditions or limitations as the Epistler speakes of : For I have shewed such to be unjust ▪ and tyrannicall in a private Subjects estate , and therefore in Gods they are much more unjust ; because they are sure he cannot offend ; and an unjust and tyrannicall meaning must not be called the meaning of the Law . The Letter goes on . [ Besides , it were somewhat strange , that the Donors of the Lands should preserve them in the hands of the Bishops from the power of Parliament , which he could not doe in his owne , and give them a greater and surer right then he had himselfe . ] The Lay-Donee might preserve them thus in his owne hands , suppose him but an honest person : for though a Parliament may Impunè disinherit such an innocent man , yet they cannot doe it Justè ; and so in this regard both the Donor and the Donee are in the same condition . Besides , t is no such strange thing , for the self-same right ( as a right suppose of Fee-simple ) to become more sure in his hands that takes , then it ever was in his hands that gave it . For though the right it self be still the same right , ( for Nemo dat quod non habet ) yet by gift it may now come into a more strong hand , and by this meanes that selfe-same right may become the stronger . And sure with us Gods hand should be more strong then mans : Nay hence , as some think , Lands given to the Church , were said to come in manum mortuam , as it were into a dead hand , which parts with nothing it hath once closed upon . And why the Epistler should call this a strange thing , I doe not yet see the reason , because t is alwayes so , when any one Benefactor doth by vertue of a Mortmaine convey his Lands to any kind of Corporation . Againe , [ Nor doe I understand their meaning , who terme God the Proprietor of the Bishops Lands , and the Bishop the Usufructuary . ] I conceive I have made this plaine , because such Lands were first offered to God , and became his owne Property by his owne divine acceptation : And if the Dominium directum of these things doe once rest in God , the Dominium utile , the usus fructus alone is the onely thing left to be the patrimony of his Clergie . But he addes a reason , [ For I know not how ( in propriety of speech ) God is more entitled to their Lands , then to his whole Creation . ] Here the Epistler speaks out : For truly , Sir , I feare the Lawyer your friend is little better then an Independent . How ? hath God no more Title in propriety of speech to one piece of ground then another ? No more to a place where a Church is built , then where men have now placed a Stable ? Our English Homilies , which are confirmed by Law , cry downe this crosse piece of Anabaptisme . T is true , God made all things , and so the whole world is most justly his by that great right of Creation : But yet the Psalmists words are as true , The earth hath he given to the children of men . So as that great God is now wel content to receive back what men will give him : And this acceptance of his must needs in all reason make those things his more peculiarly . Thus Christ calls the Temple his Fathers house : 'T was God's , and God's more peculiarly , not onely by right of Creation , but by gift . Thus Lands given unto God are his , and his more peculiarly ; His , because he made them , and his againe , because having once given them to the children of men , upon their gift he did accept them : So that his Priests , and his Poore being sustained by them , he calls it in a more peculiar manner , His meat , His drinke , and His cloathing : And then if in point of acceptance with God , there be great difference between feeding his Priests , and feeding them that doe him no such service , there must needs be as much difference between Lands set out unto that sacred use , and Lands of a more common employment . He gives a second reason , [ Were Clergie-men but Usufructuaries , how come they to change , dispose , or alter the property of any thing , ( which an Usufructuary cannot doe ) and yet is done by you daily ? ] How come they to change or dispose any thing ? Yes , they may change , or dispose , or alter many kinds of things , for so without doubt any Usufructuary may doe , so he wrong not his Lord by an abuse done to his Propriety . Thus he may change his Corne into Clothing , or , if he please , his Wool into Books : Nay he may alter the property of his possessions too , if he have expresse leave of his Lord : And God himself did tell Levi , That he was well content that men should alter some things that belonged to him , so it were for the Tribes advantage , Levit. 27. 13 : The Letter goes on . [ Aske them by what Divine Law S. Maries Church in Oxford may not be equally imployed for Temporall uses , as for holding the Vice chancellors Court , the University Convocation , or their yeerly acts ? ] He might as well have asked , Why not as well for temporall uses , as for temporall uses ? For if those he names be not so , his argument is naught ; and if they be so , t is not well put downe . His meaning sure was for other temporall uses , as well as for those . And truly Sir , to put a Church to any such kind of use , is not to be defended ; and therefore I excuse not the University : especially she having had ( at least for a good time ) so many large places for those meetings . Yet something might be said for the Vice-Chancellours Court , because t is partly Episcopal , something for the act at least in Comitiis , because t is partly Divine ; but I had rather it should receive an amendment then an excuse . Though it follow not neither , that because this Church is sometimes for some few houres abused , therefore it may be alwayes so ; as if because sometimes t is made a profane Church , t is therefore fit 't were no Church at all . He proceeds . [ And as for their curses ( those Bug-beare words ) I could never yet learne that an unlawfull curse was any prejudice but to the Author : of which sort those curses must needs be , which restraine the Parliament , or any there from exercising a lawfull and undenyable power , which in instances would shew very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice anothers lawfull right . I am sure such curses have no warrant from the Law of God , or this Nation . ] No warrant from the Word of God ? I conceive there is a very cleare one : & our Mother-Church commends it to the use of her sons in the expresse words of her Commination , Cursed be he that removeth away the mark of his neighbours lands : and all the people shall say , Amen . Deut. 27. 17. If he be accursed that wrongs his neighbour in his Lands , what shall he be that injures God ? If a curse light upon him ( and a publique curse confirmed by an Amen made by all the people ) who removes but the mark whereby his neighbours Lands are distinguisht ; sure a private curse may be annexed by a Benefactor unto his Deed of Donation , in case men should rob the very lands themselves that have been once given to their mother . That such curses restraine the Parliament in its lawfull undenyable Rights , is ( you have told me ) but a great mistake : For though the Parliament may Impunè ( which in some sense is called lawfully ) take away the Church Lands , ( though it may doe it without punishment , because ( the King being there ) it is the highest power ) yet that Court it selfe cannot do it Justè , cannot doe it without sinne , and that a fouler sinne then the removing a Land-marke , and then a fouler curse may follow it . Let the Epistler then take heed of these more then bug-beare words ; For believe it , Sir , in such curses as these there is much more then Showes and Vizards : And if you will give trust to any Stories at all , many great Families and Men have felt it . His last Argument is ( for all the rest is but declamation ) [ Aske your Bishops whether Church Lands may not lawfully ( the Law of the State not prohibiting ) be transferred from one Church to another upon emergent occasions , which I thinke they will not deny : if so , who knowes that the Parliament will transferre them to Layhands ? they-professe no such thing , and I hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the Ministery . ] I conceive the Bishops answer would be , that t is no sacriledge to transferre lands from one Church to another : but yet there may be much rapine and injustice , the Will of the Dead may be violated , and so sinne enough in that Action ; many may be injuriously put from their estates , in which they have as good Title by the lawes of the land , as those same men that put them out . To say then the Church lands may be totally given up , because the Epistler hopes the Parliament will commit no sacriledge , is a pretty way of perswasion , and may equally worke on him to give up his own lands , because he may as well hope to be re-estated again , in that the Parliament will do no injustice . And now Sir , having thus observed your commands , I should have ceased to trouble you ; yet one thing more I shall adventure to crave your patience in : and t is to let you know , that if this Epistler had been right in both his Conclusions , That Episcopacy is not of Divine institution , & that Sacriledge is no sinne ; yet if you cast your Eyes upon His Majesties Coronation Oath , wherein he is so strictly sworne to defend both the Episcopall Order , and the Church-lands and possessions , you would easily acknowledge that the King cannot yeeld to what this Letter aims at , though he were in danger of no other sinne then that of Perjury ▪ And though I must needs guesse that the Epistler knew well of this juratory tye , yet you will the lesse blame him for a concealment of this kind , because he was not retained of the Churches Counsell . His Majesties Oath you may read published by himselfe in an Answer to the Lords and Commons in Parliament . 26. May , 1642. It runnes thus : Episcopus . Sir , Will you grant and keepe , and by your Oath confirme to the People of England , the Lawes and Customes to them granted by the Kings of England , your lawfull and religious Predecessors , and namely the Lawes , Customes , and Franchizes granted to the Clergy by the glorious King S. Edward , your Predecessour , according to the Lawes of God , the true profession of the Gospell established in this Kingdome , and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof , and the ancient Customes of this Realme ? Rex . I grant and promise to keepe them . Episc. Sir , will you keepe Peace and godly agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to God , the holy Church , the Clergy , and the People ? Rex . I will keepe it . Episc. Sir , will you ( to your power ) cause Law , Justice , and Discretion in mercy and truth to be executed in all your judgements ? Rex . I will . Episc. Will you grant to hold and keep the Lawes and rightfull Customes which the Commonalty of this your Kingdome have , and will you defend and uphold them , to the honour of God , so much as in you lyeth ? Rex . I grant and promise so to do . Then one of the Bishops reads this Admonition to the King , before the People , with a loud voice . Our Lord and King , Wee beseech you to pardon and grant , & to preserve unto us , & to the Churches committed to our charge , all Canonicall priviledges , and due Law and Justice : and that you would protect and defend us , as every good King ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and Churches under his government . The King answereth , With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my part , and that I will preserve and maintaine to you and the Churches committed to your charge , all Canonicall priviledges , and due Law and Justice : and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power , by the assistance of God , as every good King in his Kingdome by right ought to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under his government . Then the King ariseth , and is led to the Communion table , where he makes a solemne Oath in sight of all the People to observe the promises , and laying his hand upon the Booke , saith , The Oath . The Things that I have before promised , I shall performe , and keep ; So helpe me God , and the contents of this Booke . In the First Clause t is plaine , he makes a promissory Oath unto the whole People of England , ( a word that includes both Nobility , and Clergy , and Commons ) that he will confirme their Lawes and Customes : And in the second Paragraph thereof he sweares peculiarly to the Clergy , that he will keepe the Lawes , Customes , and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the glorious King S. Edward : And more plainly in the fift clause , he makes like promissory Oath unto the Bishops alone in the behalfe of themselves and their Churches : that he will reserve and maintaine to them all Canonicall Priviledges , and due Law and Justice , and that he will be their Protector and Defender . Where first , since he sweares defence unto the Bishops by name , t is plaine , he sweares to maintain their order : For he that Sweares he will take care the Bishops shall be protected in such and such Rights , must needs sweare to take care that Bishops must first be : For their Rights must needs suppose their Essence . And where a King sweares defence , what can it imply but defence in a Royall Kingly way ? Tu defende me gladio , & ego defendam te calamo , is the well known speech of an old Church-man to a Prince : For sure where Kings sweare defence to Bishops , I do not thinke they sweare to write Bookes in their behalfe , or attempt to make it clear to the People that Episcopacy is jure divino : But a King , whose propriety it is to beare the Sword , sweares to weare it in the defence of Bishops ; for though t is against the very Principles of the Christian Faith , that Religion should be planted or reformed by bloud , yet when Christian Kings have by Law setled Christian Religion , and sworne to defend those persons that should preach it , he ought sure to beare his Sword to defend his Lawes , and to keepe his soule free from perjury . And by Canonicall priviledges that belong to them and their Churches , there must needs be implyed the honour of their severall Orders , as that Bishops should be above Presbyters , &c. together with all their due Rights and Jurisdictions . The words , Due Law and Justice , cannot but import that His Majesty binds himselfe to see that justice be done to them and the Churches , according to the Law then in force when he tooke that Oath . And when the King sweares Protection and Defence , that Clause must needs reach not only to their persons , but to their rights and estates ; for he sweares not onely to men , but to men in such a condition , to Bishops and their Churches ; and those conditions of men grow little lesse then ridiculous , if their estates be brought to ruine ; so that such a protection were neither at all worth the asking , nor the swearing , if the King should protect a Bishop in his life , and yet suffer him to be made a begger , since to see himselfe in scorne and contempt , might more trouble him then to dye . And whereas He sweares to be their Protector and Defender to his power by the assistance of God , these words ( to his power ) may seem to acquit him of all the rest , if he fall into a condition wherein all power seemes taken from him : But that Sir will prove a mistake ; for one of the greatest Powers of the King of England is in the Negative in Parliament ; So that without him no Law can be enacted there , since t is only the power-royall that can make a Law to be a Law ; so that if the King should passe a Statute to take away the Church-lands , he protects it not to his power : since t is plaine , that so long as a man lives and speakes , he hath still power to say , No : For it cannot be said that the Church in this case may be as it were ravished from the King , and that then he may be no more guilty of that sinne then Lucrece was in her rape , for though a chaste body may suffer ravishment , yet the strength of a Tarquin cannot possibly reach unto a mans will or his assent . Now in all promissory Oathes made for the benefit of that Party to whom we sweare ; t is a rule with Divines , that they of all others do more strictly bind , except then alone when remission is made , Consensu illius cui facta est promissio . So although the King sweare unto the People of England , that he will keepe and confirme their Lawes , yet if you their Commons desire these said Lawes , be either abrogated or altered , t is cleare that Oath binds no further , because remission is made by their own consent who desired that promise from him : and upon this very ground t is true , that the King sweares to observe the lawes only in sensu composito , so long as they are Lawes . But should the desire either to alter or abrogate either Law or Priviledges , proceed from any other , but from them alone to whose benefit he was sworne , t is cleerely plaine by the rules of all justice , that by such an act or desire his Oath receives no remission : For the foundation of this promissory Oath is their interest he was sworn to And it cannot therefore be remitted but by them alone for whose sake the Oath was taken . So that when ( in the second Paragraph of the first clause , and more plainly in the fift ) he sweares a benefit to the Bishops alone , in the behalfe of them and their Churches , t is apparent that this Oath must perpetually bind , except a remission can be obtained from the Bishops themselves , and their Churches he was sworne to . This then must be confessed to be the sense of the oath , that when the King hath first sworn in generall to grant , keepe and confirme the Lawes and Customes of the people of England , he farther yet particularly sweares unto the Clergy , to preserve their Lawes and Priviledges , and Customes ; because since they are not able to make a negative in Parliament , so that the Clergy may easily be swallowed up by the People and the Lords : Therefore in a more particular manner they have obtained an oath to be made unto them by the King , which being for their particular benefit , it cannot be remitted without their expresse consent , so that although an Act of Parliament being once passed by the Votes of the King and both Houses , it doth Sir ( as you have told me ) bind the whole People of England : yea the whole People as it includes the Clergy too ; yet it concernes the King by vertue of his Oath to give his Vote unto no such Act as shall prejudice what he hath formerly sworne unto them , except he can first obtain their expresse consent , that he may be thereby freed from his juratory obligation . It may be said perhaps that in the consent given by both Houses of Parliament , the consent of the Clergy is tacitely implyed , and so it is , ( say our Lawyers as you have told me Sir ) in respect of the power obligatory , which an Act so passed obtaines upon them , for they affirme that it shall as strongly bind the Clergy , as if they themselves had in expresse termes consented to it . Although Bishops being men barred from their Votes in Parliament , And neither they nor their inferiour Clergy having made choice of any to represent them in that great Councell , their consents can in no faire sense be said to be involved in such Acts as are done as well without their representative presence , as they once without their personall . But the Question is , whether a tacite consent , ( though it be indeed against their expresse wils ) can have a power remissory to absolve the King from his Oath ; he that affirmes it hath , must resolve to meet with this great absurdity , that although ( besides his Generall Oath unto the whole People of England ) His Majesty be in particular sworne unto the Rights . of the Clergy , yet they obtaine no more benefit by this , then if he had sworn onely in generall ; which is as much as to say , that in this little draught Oathes are multiplyed without necessity , nay without signification at all , and that the greater part of the first , and the whole fourth clause , are nothing else but a meere painfull draught of superfluous tautologies . For his yeelding to the two first lines swears him to keep and confirme the Lawes and customes of the whole people of England ; which word ( People ) includes those of the Clergy too , and therefore in generall their Lawes and Customes are confirmed no doubt in those words , and so confirmed that they cannot be shaken but at least by their tacite consent in a Parliamentary way . But since the King condescends to afford to their Rights , a more particular juratory tye , there is no doubt but it binds in a way too , that is more particular ; so that His Majesty cannot expect a remission of this oath , without their consents clearely expressed : For as when the King sweares to keep the Lawes of the People in general , he cannot be acquitted but by the expresse consent of the people , or by a body that represents the People , quatenus the people ▪ so that when in particular he sweares unto the Lawes and Customes of the Clergy , this Oath must needs bind until it be remitted in an expresse forme , either by the whole Clergy , themselves , or by some Body of men at least , that represents the Clergy , quatenus the Clergy , and not only as they are involved in the great body of the People , so that he that shall presume to perswade His Majesty to passe an Act in prejudice of this ecclesiastical Body ( to whom he is thus sworn ) without their expresse consent first obtained , councels him to that which is both grosly injurious unto his fellow Subjects , nay which is indeed a most damnable wickednesse against the very soule of the King . Sir , as I conceive t is now plaine enough , that if the Parliament should destroy the Episcopall Order , and take away the Lands of the Church ; the Houses in that Act would runne themselves into two sinnes , and His Majesty into three ; and upon this supposition the Epistler and I are agreed : [ I do not thinke ( saith he ) Conveniency or Necessity will excuse Conscience in a thing in it selfe unlawfull ] and before that , he calls the contrary the Tenet of the Romanist , or Jesuited Puritan : Onely I would beseech him for his own soules sake to consider how great a scandall he hath given to mankind , in defence of such sinnes as these . For I conceive that Durand offended more in holding Fornication was no sinne against the Law naturall , then Shechem did ( who was onely under that Law ) in his Lust upon old Jacobs Daughter , Fraudem legi facere , ( saith the Civilian ) is worse then Legem violare , it argues a more un-Subject-like disposition for a man to put tricks and quirks upon his Prince his Lawes , then to runne himselfe into a down-right violation : And God we know is King , I am a great King ( saith the Lord of Hosts ) and a King in whose hand is vengeance , Malach. 1. 14. T is true Sir , we are thus put into a very sad condition , when the only Option that seemes left us now , is either to choose sinne or ruine ; but yet ( if well used ) t is a condition glorious ; a condition wherein all that noble Army of Martyrs stood , before they could come at Martyrdome , and if in preparation of mind we thus lay our lives downe at the feet of Christ , I am undoubtedly perswaded t is our only way to preserve them . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A93888e-940 25. H. 8. c. 19. Epist. Ans. Epist ▪ Ans. Epist. Ans. 2 Sam. 7. Act. 27. 8. Mal. 3. 8. Aquin. 2. 2. qu. 39. Art. 1. Ibid. Art. 3. 〈◊〉 verum de Furto . Gel. l. 11. c. ●lt . L. verum . 
A45476	----	A vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacie from the answers, or exceptions offered against them by the London ministers, in their Jus divinum ministerii evangelici / by H. Hammond. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. 1654 Approx. 549 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45476 Wing H618 ESTC R10929 13011408 ocm 13011408 96486 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45476) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96486) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 741:4) A vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacie from the answers, or exceptions offered against them by the London ministers, in their Jus divinum ministerii evangelici / by H. Hammond. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. [8], 191, [1] p. Printed by J.G. for Richard Royston ..., London : 1654. Errata: p. [1] at end. Includes bibliographical references. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy. 2005-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-11 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VINDICATION OF THE DISSERTATIONS CONCERNING EPISCOPACIE : From the ANSVVERS , or EXCEPTIONS offered against them by the London Ministers , in their Jus Divinum Ministerii Evangelici . By H. HAMMOND , D.D. LONDON , Printed by J. G. for Richard Royston , at the Angel in Ivy-lane , 1654. TO THE READER . IN Erasmus's distribution of his owne writings into Tomes , the 8th . we finde thus inscribed by him , Octavum occupent Apologiae . Me miserum . Et hae justum volumen efficient . It was his great infelicity , that the Apologies and Answers to exceptions and calumnies , which he was constreined to write , made up an intire large Volume in folio . Now though I have that pleasure in the temper of that person , which gives me security , by the Romanists Proverbe , never to be deemed one of their good Catholicks , and so may probably partake of some part of his fate , yet 't were great insolence in me , who have not troubled the World with a tenth proportion to that were with he hath favoured it , to expect the Tithe of that consideration , which is required to make one capable of that degree of infelicity , which lay a full load on him ; Neverthelesse these few last moneths have given me a tast and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what I am to expect . For besides the reproaches of one learned Gentleman ( to which , being barely such , I have no one word to retribute , but that of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Christ directs me to ) I have farther met with some variety ; Many exceptions , though litle of contumely from these Assemblies ; More , and in a very distant Character from a large Preface of Animadversions on the D●ssertations sent me lately from Oxford ; others also there are which I have not yet had leasure to weigh , but soon purpose and hope to do it ; and if either I discerne my selfe , or finde it the opinion of others , that what is already said in the Tracts , which they oppose , be not sufficient to prevent , or remove the scruples proposed by them , I shall willingly dedicate some time of vacancy to that imployment . At the present , the Exceptions of the London Ministers have challenged the precedence , and here are offered to consideration . And because the Praeface from Oxford falls on the same sort of matter , Episcopacy and Ignatius's Epistles , as they are defended in the Dissertations , I purpose , God-willing , that an Answer to that shall now follow , assoone as the Printer can dispatch it . And that is all that I had to say to the Reader by way of Praeface . THE TABLE . CHAP. I. COncerning the Angels of the Churches of Asia , Page 9. Section 1. The grounds of affirming them to be Bishops . Ibid. Sect. 2. Of Timothy , of Onesimus , of Policarpe , p. 15. Sect. 3. Of the negative argument from S. John's not using the word Bishop . Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Revelation , p. 19 Sect. 4. Of S. Johns writings . Againe of Diotrephes , p. 25 Sect. 5. Of S. John's being Bishop of Asia . Of the Apostles being Bishops , p. 29 Sect. 6. Of the word Angel , and Star , pretended to be common to all Ministers . Of Messenger , and Embassadour . The singularity of the word Angel , p. 35 Sect. 7. Of their exception to our arguing from Symbols : Of Bishop and Elder being the same , p. 38 Sect. 8. Of the singularity of each Angel. The objections from the use of the plurall number , p. 41 Sect. 9. Of the Elders at Ephesus Act. 20. p. 45 Sect. 10. Of expressing a number by singulars . A Church by a Candlestick . Of the seven Angels Rev. 8. p. 47 Sect. 11. Of the Epistles being sent to the whole Church , not to the Bishop only . Of Timothy , Onesimus and Polycarp , being Bishops of some of the Asian Churches , without any charge of Apostacy falling on them by this meanes , p. 50 Sect. 12. Of Timothies being an Evangelist , that it hinders not his being a Bishop . p. 55 Sect. 13. Of the Bishops at Ephesus . Of the plural number in the Epistle to the Angel of Smyrna , p. 56 Sect. 14. Of Beza's interpretation , of the Praesident ▪ p. 57. Sect. 15. Of Dr. Reynolds interpretation , of the Bishop in Cyprian . Of Ordination by Bishops not without Presbyters , from the Testimones of Cyprian , and Fermilian , p. 51 Sect. 16. Of the Churches of Asia being Metropoliticall . Of the paucity of believers , p. 54 Sect. 16. Of modelling Churches according to the Government of the Roman state . Of exemplars of Metropolitans among the Jewes . Testimonies of the Apostles instituting Metropolitans , p. 67 Sect. 17. Of the objection against Metropoles from the seven Starres in seven Churches , p. 71 Sect. 18. Of the use of the word Bishop for Archbishop in Tertullian : Of Angel in Christs Epistle . p. 64 Sect. 19. Of division into Parishes , and Vnion into Diocesses . Of Diocesan Bishops in the Apostles dayes . Elders in every Church , Act. 14. Elders of the Church , Act. 20. That place vindicated from exception . p. 75 CHAP. II. OF the equivalence of the words Bishop and Elder in the New Testament . p. 92 Sect. 1. Foure sorts of equivalence of these words proposed , Ibid. Sect. 2 Of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 95 Sect. 3. Of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elder , p. 100 Sect. 4. Of reverence to Antiquity , and the interpretations of the Antients . Of Praelatists disagreement among themselves ; 102. Sect. 5. Inconveniencies objected , and answer'd . Of more Bishops in one City . No Presbyters in the Apostles dayes . The no Divine right of the order of Presbyters , p. 105 Sect 6. A first confession objected and vindicated . Of the Ephesine Presbyters being all the Praelates of Asia , Elders , Aldermanni , p. 108 Sect. 7. A second confession of the Bishops , Phil. 1. 1. being Bishops of that whole Province , Philippi a Metropolis , and a Colony , p. 110 Sect. 8. A third confession , of Timothies being an Archbishop . Of the qualifications , 1 Tim. 3. 2 belonging to Bishops . Of the Bishops being worthy of double-honour , though he never preach . Of the word , and Doctrine . Of the Presbytery , 1 Tim. 4 , Of Rebuking and receiving accusation against an Elder . p. 112 Sect. 9. A fourth confession of Titus being Archbishop of Creet , p. 116 Sect. 10. A fift charge of contrariety to Scripture answered . Of visitation of the sick belonging to Elders , James 5. p. 118 Sect. 11. A last objection from Act. 21. 18. and. 14. 3. and 11. 30. answered . Elders for Rulers or Bishops . p. 122 CHAP. III. COncerning the Opinion of Antiquity in this Question . Page 129. Sect. 1. The Testimonies of Clemens Romanus , Bishops and Deacons the onely offices at the first . Corinth Metropolis of Achaia . What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies . The Apostles care to prevent contentions about Episcopacy . Hegesippus's testimony of the contentions at Corinth . Clement a Bishop , p. 129. Sect. 2. The Testimony of Policarpe . That he was himselfe a Bishop . His mention of Ignatius's Epistles , fit to give authority to them , being so confirmed as it is by a series of the Antients , p. 139 Sect. 3. A vindication of Ignatius's Epistles , Vossius's edition of them , and the Archbishops of Armagh . Some Testimonies out of them , The cause of his so inculcating obedience to Bishops . Mr. Causabones Testimony considered , and the Allegations from the Archbishop of Armagh . Three reasons against these Epistles answered ( No Marriage without the Bishop . ) Of the Reformed Churches . Of the Church of Scotland after the first conversion , p. 143 Sect. 4. Of Salmasius's conceit that these Epistles were written at the time of Episcopacy first entring the Church , p. 163 Sect. 5. Testimonies of Iraeneus , The use of Presbyteri for Bishops , p. 165 Sect. 5. Testimonies of Tertullian . Seniores & Majores nat● for Bishops , so in Firmilian . p. 169 Sect. 6. S. Jerom's Testimony of Bishops , &c. by Apostolicall Tradition . Consuetudo opposed to Dominica dispositio . S. Jerom's meaning evidenced by many other Testimonies to be , that Bishops were instituted by the Apostles . So by Panorm●tan also . The Testimonies of Isidore , &c. the Councell of Aquen , and of Leo vindicated . Of Ischyras's Ordination . The testimony of the Synod ad Zurrium , and of the 4th Councell of Carthage . p. 171 Sect. 7. The Testimonies of Ambrose and Austin . Consignare used for consecrating the Eucharist , and that belonged to the Bishop when present . p. 187 Sect. 8. Of the Ch●repiscopi , p. 189 A VINDICATION OF THE Dissertations concerning Episcopacy , From the Answers or Exceptions offered against them by the London-Ministers in their Jus Divinum Ministerii Evangelici . The INTRODUCTION . Of the occasion of this Worke , The state of the Controversie , The Heads of the Prelatists Plea , from Scripture and Antiquity , with some Observations assistant to them . The considerable concernements of the question . BEing advertised from many hands , that the Booke called Jus Divinum Ministerii Evangelici , which is lately published by some , who intitle themselves the Provinciall Assembly of London , hath undertaken to consider and confute many passages of the Dissertations , three years since published in Latine , in defence of Episcopacy , against D. Blondell and others , I have thought my selfe obliged to examine whether there be any thing objected by them in relation to those Dissertations , which may reasonably move me to retract what was there either with diffidence proposed , or more confidently asserted by me . 2. And having diligently surveyed the whole Booke , that I might omit no passage , wherein my interests might be in the least concern'd & being truly able to affirme from that view , that it hath yielded me no one syllable of usefull Exhortation , no motive to retract any period , or alter any expression in those Dissertations ( but as farre , as I doe perswade my selfe that this Provinciall Synod containes in it Men of judgement and abilities to maintaine the truth and convince gaine-sayers , so farre I am forced to assume , that what I have written is testified to be Truth , and by that priviledge competently secured against all opposers ) I might herein reasonably acquiesce , without farther importuning the Reader or my selfe with impertinent vindications , onely trusting and adventuring the whole matter to the judgement of each intelligent Reader , who is obliged by all Rules of Justice to compare either by his Memory , or by his Eye those passages in this Booke , and the Chapters in the Dissertations to which they are confronted . 3. But I am againe told that many , who have read and are moved by the Arguments and Answers of this Booke , and the Authority of a Provinciall Synod , are yet disabled to be so just as to examine them by comparing them with the latine Dissertations , and that we are fallen upon those times wherein whatsoever is not answered , is cried up as unanswerable ( an humour , of which , if I might be permitted to receive the fruits . I should have no temptation to complaine , there being so much a greater part of those Dissertations , which was never attempted to be answered . ) I continue still under some seeming obligation to give an exact account of the whole matter as it lies in contest betweene this Provinciall Synod and those Dissertations , and I shall hasten to doe it , when I have first by way of ▪ necessary Introduction premised these two things . 4. First , the state of the Controversy , as it generally lies between us , which is this ; whether the Apostles of Christ , when they planted Churches in each City , left them in the hands of many to be governed by the Common Councell of those many , erecting an equality or parity of severall Rulers in every City , to whom all others were subjected , and they to none : or whether they placed the Superiour power and Authority in some one , and subjected all others to him . Other consequent differences there are arising from hence , ( and those of such weight and concernment to those with whom I now dispute , in case the Truth be not on their sides , as will make this returne to their Objections , no lesse than a duty of Charity , as to Brethren , if by the Grace of God they shall judge it reasonable to make that use of it ) but this is the one Basis of all , whether the Apostles planted parity or imparity in the Church , many equall Governours in one City , or but one in each ; The former is the Presbyterians interest to defend , the latter the Prelatists ; And so the controversy stands between them to be debated and evinced by such evidences as a matter of Fact is capable of , ( the Right being by both sides acknowledged to follow that Fact ) i. e. by the Testimonies of those who are fit to be credited in this matter . Secondly , the briefe heads of the Plea , by which I have undertaken to maintaine the Prelatists assertion , 1. By Scripture , 2. By the Records of the first times , the Writings of those who were neerest the Apostles , and either affirme what was done by the Apostles , or how it stood practiced in the Churches , all the World over , which were planted by them . As for the third way of arguing from the universall consent and practice of all Churches for about 1400. yeares together , i. e. from about the yeare 140. till the Reformation , this I doe not insist on , as I might with all evidence , because it is knowne and confest by the Adversaries , and all that is by them pretended , is , that parity and equality being prescribed and practiced by the Apostles soone after their death , and quite contrary to their plat-forme , Prelacy was introduced into all Churches ; It being their desire and demand now ( a little different from what M. Calvin at first proposed to the Churches of Helvetia ) that all may be reformed and reduced to the state wherein the Apostles left it . 6. In the managing the proofes proposed by mee , I have used this method , which seemed to mee most convincing . 1. To insist on some few Testimonies under each head , which are sufficient to conclude the matter on the Prelatists side ; and then to propose some observations , which may accord all other places both of Scripture and antient writers , with those Testimonies and that conclusion . 7. The speciall proofes of Scripture are taken , First , from the power derived ( as from God the Father , to Christ , so ) from Christ to the Apostles ; not as to a Common councell of sociall Rulers , but as so many severall planters and Governours of the Church , each having all power committed to him , and depending on no conjunction of any one or more Apostles for the exercise of it ; And this is largely and clearly deduced Dissert . 3. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. And this power being by them derived to Bishops in each City , in the same manner as they used it themselves ( which is also farther evidenced and vindicated , c. 5. &c. ) this was deemed a first competent proofe of this matter , and as a confirmation of it , it was observable , that the first Bishops made by them , were in the very Scripture called Apostles , James the Bishop of Jerusalem , &c. Diss . 4. c. 3. 8. A second principall proofe of Scripture is taken from the severall mentions of the so many Churches of Asia , and the so many Angels assigned to them , one to each , as a singular Governour or Bishop in the Revelation . And in discourse of these wee have found great evidence of the fact to authorize us to improve the conclusion a little higher , than was necessary to the defence of the maine cause ; viz. to affirme of these Angels , that each of them was an Archbishop or Metropolitan , and having done so to discerne upon undeniable grounds that there were many other such , mentioned in the Scripture ( though not under that title ) as James the brother of the Lord , Metropolitan of all Judea , Titus of all Crete , with an hundred Cities in it , &c. 9. And the wayes of according all other Scriptures with these have been briefly these . 1. By observing this difference betwixt Cities and Metropoles , as the true cause and occasion of the mentions of many Bishops in ( not of ) one City , meaning thereby the Bishops of all the Cities under that Metropolis as Phil. 1. 1. Act. 20. 17. Secondly , by examining the Nature of all the words , which I conceived to be used in Scripture for Bishops , as ( beside Apostle and Angel forementioned ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ruler , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Doctor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pastor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , President , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elder ( and in the Fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Chiefe Priest , and Sacerdos , Priest● ) each denoting Dignity and Authority , and all cleared to be in their own nature applicable , and by the circumstances of the Context to be actually applied to the singular Governours in each City ; most of them constantly so , and that one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if not constantly so , yet very rarely otherwise . And this is done Dissert . 4. c. 7. and so to the end of that Diss . Thirdly , by observing the paucity of believers in many Cities in the first Plantations , which made it unnecessary that there should by the Apostles be ordeined any more than a Bishop and Deacon ( one or more ) in each City , and that this was accordingly done by them at the first , is approved by the most undeniable antient Records . Such as those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the profoundest Histories , out of which * Epiphanius makes this Observation ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Where there wanted Bishops , and there were found persons worthy of the Office , Bishops were constituted ; but where there was no multitude , there none were found among them to be constituted Presbyters , and they satisfied themselves with a Bishop alone in a place ; Onely the Bishop could not possibly be without a Deacon , and accordingly the Apostle tooke care that the Bishop should have his Deacons to minister to him . That which is thus cited by Epiphanius out of those Antient Records , is found clearly affirmed by * Clemens Romanus , an Apostolicall person , and witnesse of the Apostles practice ; that they being sent out by Christ ; as hee by his Father , went out Preaching the Gospell , and proclaiming it through Regions and Cities , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they constituted their first fruits into Bishops and Deacons , of those which should afterward believe . To both which wee shall againe adde what Ephiphanius prefaceth in that place ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that when the preaching was new , the Apostle St. Paul wrote agreeably to the present state of affaires . We have here so cleare an account of the reason of the Apostles immediate subjoyning of Deacons to Bishops , Phil. 1. 1. and 1 Tim. 3. ( viz. because those were the onely two Orders then constituted in every Church ) that these two places ( which are made use of by the adversaries against us ) are most punctuall evidences of the Truth of ours , and of the unseasonablenesse of their pretentions . 10. As for the Testimonies out of the first Antiquity ; The ground-worke I have chosen to lay in Ignatius his Epistles , because the Testimonies thence are so many and so evident , and the Writer so neere the Apostles time ( that holy men being Martyr'd in the 10. of Trajan , to whose Reigne S. John lived ) and most of his Epistles written to the very Churches of Asia planted by St. John , and the Bishops of many of them named by him , and of one Bishop the Presbyters under him , that if that one Authors Testimonies be attended to , there is an absolute decision of the whole matter on the Prelatists side ; To which purpose I have also vindicated these Epistles from all that hath been objected to them in these late yeares , and asserted their Authority by as antient and authentick evidences , as can be vouched for any antient piece , next the Holy Scriptures themselves , and contented my selfe with the most pure and uncorrupted Copies and Editions of it . 11. In accord with these Testimonies I have also produced many others out of Clemens Romanus , Hegesippus , Polycarpe , Papias , Polycrates , Iustin , Jrenaeus , Clemens Alexandrinus , T●rtullian , and as many of the first times as have said any thing to this matter , and found a full consent in all , and in most irrefragable suffrages , which conclude this whole controversie on the Prelatists side . To which I have also added some few observations of unquestionable truth , as 1. That of the continuance of the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elder , to signifie Bishop ( in our Modern sense ) among some of these most antient Church writers ( whereas the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is never used by any , but for a singular Governour . ) Secondly , that of the distinct Congregations of Iewish and Gentile Christians in the same City ( the grounds of which are evident in Scripture ) and consequently of the severall Governours or Bishops over them ( which was usefull for the removing some seeming difficulties in the Catalogues of the first Bishops of Rome , Anti●ch , &c. ) and some other the like , not for the serving the Necessities of our Cause , but as supernumerary , and ex abundanti . And upon these and such like heads of probation we have built our plea , descending also to a particular survey of Saint Hierom's testimonies , which are by the adversaries principally made use of against us . And if what is thus copiously deduced in the Dissertations , together with Answers , and refutations of the principall Objections of Doctor Blondel , and Walo Messalinus , doe really stand in force , and appeare not to be refuted now in whole , or in part , by these men , who have often attempted to refute them , I shall then leave them seriously , and Christianly to consider but this one thing , and to returne their anger not to me , but to themselves , what security of grounds they can build upon in their present practices , particularly in their assuming to themselves that power or authority which doth not belong to them ; For 1. if the Praefecture in each Church were ( as by Christ to the Apostles , so ) by the Apostles given to the singular Governour or Bishop ( by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constituted over all ) and from that time to this , regularly continued in a succession of Bishops in every Church ; and secondly , if those which are now called Presbyters , were by those , who first instituted them , placed in a second rank as of dignity , so of power , and never had all that power committed to them , which to the Bishop was committed , particularly not that of Ordeining the meanest Deacon , much lesse Presbyters with power of Ordeining other Presbyters ; and thirdly if they , on whose authority they most depend ( S. * Hierome the Presbyter , &c. ) doe expresly assure them , that the Presbyters in their times had not power of Ordination , but acknowledge the Bishop superior to the Presbyter in that ( and it is not imaginable how that power should be conveyed to any Presbyter now , which was not vested in any at that time , nor pretended to be so in above a thousand yeares after them . ) And lastly , if no man may take that which is not given him from Heaven ( or give that which he hath not ) which the Scripture yeilds to , as a rule by which both John Baptist , John 3. 27. and Christ himselfe , Luk , 12. 14. was to be judged , and the Apostle , Heb. 5. 4. hath applied that generall rule to this particularity , of Priesthood in the Church , viz. that no man may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assume an honour to himselfe , but who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , called by God , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , advanced by God , saith Theophylact ) either immediately or mediately , either by the Apostles , or by those which received it successively from them ( all others being truly affirmed by the * Antients 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to leap into the honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( and to corrupt the rule or law by which they should be guided ) then I say , upon what solid grounds can they satisfie Conscience , who without all pretence of necessity ( which by some is here made use of as an excuse ) the regular way being open and plaine before them , have run before they were sent , assumed that power to themselves , which belongs not to them , nor was ever by any , which had it , bestowed upon them ? I doe not foresee any more here necessary to be premised to our future debates , and shall therefore hasten to them , as to an unpleasant progresse , that I would willingly be at the end of , and commit all to the grace and unerring judgement of him , whom we all professe to serve and obey in this , as in all other things . CHAP. I. Concerning the Angels of the Churches of Asia . Section I. The grounds of affirming them to be Bishops . FOr the vindicating of the Dissertations from all the exceptions which are offered against them in the Booke , which I have now before me ; It is no whit necessary that I give the Reader any the most cursory view of the whole Booke ; I shall therefore fall in , though abruptly , on the sixt Chapter of the second part of it . For although in some of the former Chapters of that part , some indeavours are used to assert Presbytery against Episcopacy by Arguments so frequently produced by that party , that they were every one foreseen ; and in the Dissertations largely evidenced to have no validity in them , yet it falls out somewhat to mine owne and the Readers ease , that I am not personally called into the lists , till the beginning of the sixt Chapter ; which by the signall of some Latine words in the Margine out of Dissert . 4. c. 4. Sect. 4. have markt me out as the person against whom that Chapter was intirely designed , and I shall readily answer the call , and not refuse the paines to examine every Section of that Chapter . 2. The subject of this Chapter is the pretended ( as they please to stile it ) Episcopacy of the seven Asian Angels , And thus they begin their assault ; The second Scripture ground brought to prove the Divine Right of Praelacy , is from the Angels of the seven Churches of Asia ; These Angels , say they ( the Assertors of Prelacy ) were seven single persons , and ( as one hath lately written ) not onely Bishops , but Metropolitans and Archbishops . This is said with so much confidence that all men are condemned as blind or wilfull that endeavour to oppose it : And it is reckoned as one of the great prodigies of this unhappy Age , that Men should still continue blind , and not see light enough in this Scripture to build the great Fabrick of Episcopacy by Divine Right upon . 3. This is , it seemes , the first crime chargeable on mee as Author of the Dissertations , that I am confident of my Assertion , and condemne all others as blind or wilfull that indeavour to oppose it . And although this be no competent way of disproving what is asserted , for it is no universall maxime or Datum among the Objecters that confident asserting should be lookt on as a character of falsity , yet I , that would much more be ashamed to have beene presumptuous than mistaken , and deeme it not a sinne to have erred modestly , am concerned to avert the envy of this their Prooeme , and to give this essay , how farre any the most moderate speeches may be disguised and deformed by a disadvantageous interpretation . 4. These words [ in tantâ luce — ] lie thus in the Dissertations ; [ Ad tertium accedo — I proceede to the third thing , that which concernes the Angels in the Apocalypse , that by them are noted so many prefects of the chiefe Cities or Churches in Asia , whom you may call not onely Bishops , but Primates , Enarchs , or Metropolitans . Each of these things must be briefly taken notice of . First , that each of these were single and properly called Bishops . So Andreas Caesariensis pronounceth of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The seven Ephori ( inspectors or Bishops , so called from the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Inspectors , directly equivalent to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) parallel to the number of the seven Churches are in that place of the Ap●calypse called Angels . This title of Angel is sufficiently knowne from Malach. 2. 7. to belong to the chiefe Priest of the Jewes , for hee is called the Angel of the Lord of Hosts , as the person from whom the Law was to be derived to the people . Further more these Angels in that vision of Johns are likened to so many Starres , which , seeing Christ is said to beare or carry in his Right-hand Apoc. 1. 16. 20. & 1 , 2. an argument of competent validity may be drawne from thence , that this dignity and power of them in the Church is , if not immediately instituted , yet approved and confirmed by Christ ; especially when in these so many parts of this Epistle , Christ himselfe hath written to every of them under this title of honour and dignity . In the presence of so much light that some Men should still continue blind is to be numbred among the prodigies of this worst and most unhappy age . For as to that which from the one word [ yo● ] in the plural . c. 4. 24. I finde objected by some against so many single mentions of the Angels ( one in every Church ) that will immediately vanish , &c. 5. These words thus intirely set downe have a face very distant from that so much confidence and censoriousnesse that I am here charged with by the Provinciall Synod . For 1. For the conclusion deduced from the mention of these Angels , 't is not the Divine Right of Prelacy ( which phrase might yet have beene reconciled with rules of Sobriety and Modesty , as well as the Jus Divinum of Presbytery ) but Christs approbation and confirmation of this dignity and power of Bishops , which conclusion hath evident grounds in those Texts which mention Christ's holding them in his Hand , and his addressing an Epistle to them , supposing onely , what is undertaken to be evidenced by other mediums , that these Angels were single persons in each Church . 6. Secondly , that which is by me so confidently affirmed , is not , as this learned Assembly is pleased to suggest , that these Angels were Metropolitans or Archbisops . That they were such , is afterwards as a distinct matter in the next Chapter proposed in a much more moderate style , statim credibile fiet , it will straitwayes become credible , and with no more shew of confidence then the premises which are there at large set down , will Authorize . 7. These be two competent essayes to begin with , by which we may proportion our expectations ; But there is yet a third which hath somewhat more of injustice in it , to mention my so much confidence in asserting , but never to take notice of the grounds produced , whereon this confidence ( as farre as it extends ) is built , the want of which is so constantly the one thing , which renders confidence unseasonable or blameable , that it is not in the power of any man to have apprehended grounds as proper to induce a conclusion , and to suspend the beliefe and confidence of the truth of that conclusion , which is so inferred . The injustice , I say , is there not taking notice of the mediums , whereon the confidence is founded , very competent to inferre a conclusion in that stile , wherein it was there inferred , if they had been pleased to advertise their Readers of it . 8. The inference lies thus ; The Angel of each Church of Asia was a single person , therefore not a Colledge or Consistory of Presbyters , and the singularity of the person is there supposed to be evidenced sufficiently by that which is so many times repeated in the Text , the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , the Angel of the Church of Smyrna , and the like , by the testimony of Andreas Caesariensis , the Principall Annotator or Interpreter of the Revelation , transcribed by Aretas in expresse words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the number of the Bishops equall to the number of the Churches ; and by the answer rendred to that one Objection which is brought by the Presbyterians against the singularity of the person of each Angel. 9. Secondly , this singular person was a Bishop in that notion of the word which signifies a precedence of power and dignity over all others in that Church . This againe was made evident , both by the forementioned singularity of his power and person in each Church , and farther by the propriety of the title bestowed on him , an Angel , such as among the Jewes the chiefe Priest was styled ; Malac. 2. to which matter I shall now superadde one Testimony which Photius hath out of Diodorus Siculus concerning the Jewes ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Him they call the High Priest , and deeme him to be to them an Angel or Messenger of the commands of God ▪ ( a Commissioner of Heaven , impowered from thence for the execution of his Office among them . ) 10. This by the way , gives us the reason of the denomination , because as Angels doe not onely carry up our Prayers to God but also bring downe Gods Commands to us , so did the High priest under the Law. This dialect is also said to be derived from the Hebrewes to the Aegyptians , who call their chiefe Priest Angel also . And then how fitly the parallel runs betwixt the High Priest among the Jewes , and the Bishop , in the Christian Church , taken in the Prelatists notion of him ; was a theme which seemed not to need any length of harangue to performe or illustrate it . And yet after a Section spent to cleare that one difficulty of the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you , in the plurall c. 2. 24. ] there are two Sections added more for the farther fortifying of this evidence . 1. From the Councell of Chalcedon ; Act. 2. which * from Timothy till the time of their Session numbers 27. Bishops in one of these Sees , that of Ephesus , all ordeined there ( and Timothy we know being ordeined by the laying on of St. Pauls hands 2 Tim. 1. 6. will divolve it to that Orginall , Apostoliacll institution ) and 2. from Polycrates , † who was borne soone after St. Iohns dayes , and is a witnesse of a competent antiquity , and affirmes himselfe to be the * eight Bishop of that See ; From both which testimonies of the Catologue , and number of Bishops , ascending to St. Timothy , as the first of that ranke ( who certainly was constituted there before the Epistle of Christ to the Angel of that Church ) the conclusion is obvious and irrefragable , that either Timothy or some successor of his was personally the Angel to which the Epistle was addrest , and I professe not to wish for a greater evidence to justifie a Prelatist in his desire to live in obedience to that order so signally confirmed by Christ . 11. The like is in the next Section produced out of Irenaeus l. 3. c. 3. concerning the Angel of the Church of Smyrna . Irenaeus lived in the time of Polycarp that antient Primitive Martyr , and being a youth had the honour to see that venerable old Man , and of him he affirmes , that he was * not onely a Disciple of the Apostles , and converst with many that saw Christ , but that also hee was sent to Asia , and constituted Bishop in the Church of Smyrna ; And if there needed any more light after so cleare and authentick a testimony ( which againe concludes either Polycarpe , or some successor of his to be the Angel of the Church of Smyrna to whom Christ addresseth his Epistle ) there is another added out of Tertullian , a Writer of great Antiquity and reputation for knowledge in the Records of the Church in these words . * As the Church of Smyrna relates Polycarpe to have beene constituted there by John , as the Church of Rome affirmes Clement to have been ordeined by Peter , so in like manner the rest of the Churches exhibite the Records of those whom they have had their Bishops constituted by the Apostles and conveyers of the Apostolicall seed to them . And more particularly of the Churches of Asia , the subject of our present discourse . * We have the Churches fed by John , and the course of Bishops being driven to the Originall , acknowledge John ( the Apostle ) to be the Author of them . Here certainly is light enough to make some confidence excusable in a Prelatist , and to make his wonder seasonable , that any that have eyes , should in so cleare a Sunshine want the use of them , and to thinke it no very auspicious omen that they doe . Yet because I had much rather assist , then upbraid other mens infirmities , I have here given them an instance how easie it had been for them to have informed themselves and their respective charges of the grounds of the Prelatists confidence , that the Epistle of Christ to the Angels of the seven Asian Churches was an evidence of his approbation of the Order of Bishops in our moderne notion of that word for a single overseer in every Church . 12. And if there be any obscurity still remaining in the premises , because the Councell of Chalcedon ( and Policrates ) makes Timothy , who was ordained by Paul the first Bishop or Angel of the Church of Ephesus , but Tertullian divolves the Originall of the course or Catalogue to St John , the answer is easy , that there were two sorts of Christians in Ephesus , and throughout all Asia , the first of Gentile converts , brought into the faith by St. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles , and over them it was that Timothy was by him placed in Ephesu● their Bishop ; the second of Jewish Proselites converted by St. John ( by compact designed to goe to the Jewes , as his Province Gal. 2. 9. and those peculiarly the Asian Jewes , as appeares every where in * Eusebius story , and by the relation of his death in that place , given us by † Polycrates , an early Bishop there ) and the Author of the constiuations out of an antient tradition tells us that another of the same name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) was by that Apostle ordained Bishop of the Iewish Christians there , as Timothy by S. Paul of the other Congregation of Gentile Christians . An observation which is largely educed and exemplified in the * Dissertations , and of which there is no small use for the dilucidating of obscurities in antient story , and the clearing of this controversy betwixt us and the Presbyterians ; but I must not here take liberty to inlarge on it unnecessarily , having beene thus farre forced to expatiate somewhat above proportion to the length of their owne period , wherein my confidence and censoriousnesse were shortly accused , how deservedly , I hope hath now been made manifest . Section II. Of Timothy , of Onesimus , of Polycarpe . The next period in their charge against mee runs thus . It is farther added , that some of the Antient Fathers mention the very men that were the Angels of those Churches . Some say Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , when John wrote his Epistle to it ; Others say Onesimus , others say that Policarpe was Bishop of Smyrna ; And from hence they conclude with a great deale of plansibility , that the Angell of the Churches were seven individuall Bishops . 2. Here is as yet no great charge offered , but a confession rather , that I had some temptation for the confidence , of which I was formerly accused , my conclusion being acknowledged by the adversaries to be inferred with a great deale of plausibility . But I have not so much reason to depend on their civilities , as to omit the inserting here , what may be usefull to prevent mistakes , and shall therefore thinke it necessary to set downe intirely , what it is which I have affirmed in this matter . 3. And 1. I have yet no where said that Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus when John writ this Epistle to that Church ; My words are expresly otherwise , Ex quibus patet vel Timotheum ipsum vel aliquem ei succedaneum hunc ipsum Angelum fuisse , quem c. 2. 1. Christus alloquitur . By which it appeares ( having formerly set down my grounds to induce this conclusion , that either Timothy himself , or some body that succeeded him , was that very Angel to whom Christ addrest his speech , c. 2. 1. But that is not to affirme it of Timothy , but purposely to absteine from affirming any thing that could be denyed or doubted , and onely to affirme it either to Timothy or some successor of his , which evidently and infallibly it must be , if there be truth in the premise from which it was inferred , the words of the Councell , and the Father , that after Timothy , the first , succeeded of continuall series of Bishops there . 4. What my opinion is in this matter , I shall now freely tell them , though before I had not occasion to doe it , together professing it to be onely my opinion , and so still affirming nothing in a matter of some uncertainty , or farther than the grounds , on which my opinon is founded , shall appeare able to support it . My opinion briefly is , that Timothy was then Bishop of Ephesus at the time of addressing that Epistle to the Angel of that Church ; And the grounds are these . 1. That St. Johns banishment and prophesying are by Epiphanius twice expresly affirmed to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the times of Claudius Caesar ; Then secondly , that as it is by Chronologers set downe to be in the 13. of Claudius , that Timothy was left by Paul at Ephesus , when hee went into Macedonia ; 1 Tim. 1. 3. Act. 20. so it is generally resolved that Timothy suffered at Ephesus under Nerva , and that agreeable enough with his age , who appeares to be young when Paul first placed him Bishop of Ephesus . If these grounds have truth in them , then Timothy cannot be doubted to be Bishop of Ephesus , when St Johns vision was received ; And though 't is true , that Ireneus seemes to assigne another date of these visions , at least of some of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the end of Domitians Reigne ( which what it is to be deemed to signifie , is * elsewhere explained ) yet still that is within the compasse of Timothies life , if hee suffered not till Nerva's Reigne . And so much for that of Timothies . 5. Secondly , that Onesimus was Bishop of Ephesus at the date of that Epistle , is no where so much as intimated to be my opinion , much lesse affirmed by me . And therefore I need reply no more to that . Yet because Ignatius in his Epistle to the Ephesians mentions Onesimus their Bishop ( and that Testimony is produced by me Dissert . 2. c. 25. Sect. 9 ) I shall here freely give them my opinion also of that matter . 6. First , that there is little ground of question , but that one of that name , Onesimus , was Bishop of Ephesus in the tenth yeare of Trajan , wherein Ignatius wrote that Epistle . 7. Secondly , that by one indication there is some small reason to guess , that this Onesimus was then lately come to that dignity ; I meane Ignatius his words of gratulation to that Church , that God had given them the favour to obtaine or have such a Bishop ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 8. Thirdly , that according to Epiphanius his setting down the time of John's banishment and visions , in the dayes of Claudius , there must be above 50 yeares distance between the date of this Epistle of Christ , and that of Ignatius , and consequently that it is not so likely that Onesimus , that was their Bishop in the later , should be that very Angel in the former . 9. Fourthly , that as I can have no cause to consent with Ado ( in lib. de Fest . Apost . ad 14. Cal. Mart. ) that this Onesimus in Ignatius was hee that is mentioned by St. Paul to Philemon , so nor to adhere to the Roman Martyrologie , that he whom Paul mentions , was constituted Bishop of Ephesus after Timothy . 10. And therefore fiftly , it must be remembred , that both the Greeke Menologies , and Simeon Metaphrastes ( who celebrate his memory on March 13. ) acknowledge not that Onesimus to have been at all Bishop of Ephesus , and that others also of the antients make him to have been Bishop of Beraea , and martyr'd in Domitian's Reigne : and Dorotheas in Synopsi expresly affirmeth that Gaius succeeded Timothy in Ephesus . 11. From all which it followes , that Onesimus mentioned by Ignatius , was some later Bishop of that City , who bare that very Ordinary Greeke name , and so that his being Bishop of Ephesus no way belongs to that time of the Angel in the Revelation , not interferes with their opinion , who thinke Timothy to have beene that Angel ; The appearing incompetibility whereof was it , I spppose , that brought in here the mention of Onesimus . 12. This was here seasonable enough to be confronted to their words in this place , and will be of use to be remembred in the processe of their Discourse . 13. Thirdly , for Polycarp's being Bishop of Smyrna , as there is left no place for the doubting of that ( if either Irenaeus , that lived in his time and saw him , or if Tertullian , who lived not long after , and was a curious Antiquary , may be believed in their joynt affirmations of a knowne matter of Fact ) so it is againe no where affirmed by me , that hee was the very man , to whom that Epistle to the Angel of Smyrna was sent , and if that were their meaning , they have againe misreported my words . 14. All that I had said , I thinke was proved irrefragably ; that in two of those Churches mentioned in the Apocalyps ; Timothy and Poylcarpe are by Anthentick testimonies affirmed to be constituted Bishops , the one by St. Paul , the other by St. John , and that is a competent argument added to others , to inferre that the Angel of each of those Churches was a single person , and so a Bishop in the Prelatists , not in the Presbyterians notion of the word , an assertion which I need not feare will yeild any advantage to the adversaries , and so I as briefly commit it to them . Section 3. Of the negative Argument from St. John's not using the word Bishop . Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Revelation . IN the next place by way of answer to this plea of the Prelatists , we are referred to three writings of their party , Smectymnuus , the Vindication of Smectymnuus , the Humble Addresses of the Divines at the Isle of Wight , wherein , say they , these things are fully , clearely , and satisfactorily handled . 2. But it being certaine that every one of these three was publisht some yeares before the Dissertations , I should thinke it strange that the particulars there insisted on by me , should by divination be thus answered before their conception , being able truly to professe , that though I am not unwilling to make use of any mans aid for defending truth , yet none of those writings , to which any of those three were given in answer , were by me made use of in those compositions . 3. But we are superseded the trouble of examining any of these three , by the leave that is craved to borrow from them what may be usefull for the turne , and then in like manner I shall more willingly receive from these , what shall appeare to answer , or prejudge our plea , than undertake new troubles in farther unnecessary search of it . 4. First , then they desire it may be considered , that S. John , the Penman of the Revelation doth neither in it , nor in any of his other writings so much as upon the ( by ; I suppose , for the Printer failes me ) name Bishop . Hee names the name Presbyter frequently in the Revelation , yea , when he would set out the office of those who are neerest the throne of Christ in his Church , Rev. 4. he calls himselfe a Presbyter , Ep. 2. And whereas in S. John's dayes some new expressions were used in the Christian Church , which were not in Scripture , as the Christian Sabbath began to be called the Lords day , and Christ himselfe the Word , now both these are found in the writings of St John ; And it is strange to us that the Apostle should mention a new phrase , and not mention a new Office erected by this time ( as our Brethren say ) in the Church , especially if wee consider that Polycarpe ( as it related ) was made Bishop by him ; And no doubt if hee had been made Bishop in a prelaticall sense , we should have found the name Bishop in some of his writings , who lived so long as to see Episcopacy setled in the Church , as our Adversaries would make us believe . 5. We are now to consider what degree of conviction , or Argument , to the prejudice of our pretensions , can be fetcht from this large consideration . And first it is most evident and notorious among all Artists , that an argument from Authority cannot conclude negatively that there were no Bishops in St John's time , because St. John doth not mention Bishops . It is the same way of arguing , as if they should conclude that there was no God in the time of writing the Canonicall Chapters of Hester , because God is not found once mentioned in those Chapters . And yet of this inartificiall kinde is the whole discourse of this Paragraph , the premisses barely negative throughout all the consideration ; And so nothing is conclusible from it to the prejudice of us , or benefit of our adversaries . 6. Secondly , all that this consideration pretends to , is terminated in the bare name of Bishop , that is it which they pretend is not to be found in St. John. But 1. They knew that the word Angel is oft in St John , and by us contested , by the singularity of the person one Angel in each Church ( and other Characters ) to conclude the Office of Bishop as irrefragably , as if the word Bishop were there specified . Nay of this wee have a competent experience , that if the word Bishop had been found there , it would by Presbyterians be as readily expounded to signifie a Presbyter , or colledge of such ( for so certainly they have done in other places ) and truly with as much reason and satisfaction to any impartiall judge , as they have affirmed the word Angel in each Church to denote such . And therefore 7. Thirdly , I shall demand , would the Apostle St. John's using the name Bishop , be at all usefull to the Prelatists interests , to conclude that there was such an Office in the Church in his time , or would it not ? If not , then sure it is not to our prejudice , that hee hath not mentioned that name , and then this whole consideration is perfectly to no purpose . If it would , then sure St. Pauls and St. Lukes frequent mentions of them ( I may adde St. Peter also ) will supply St. John's omissions , and conclude there were Bishops in their time , and that was long before St. Johns death , if it had been considered . 8. Fourthly , when it is said that St. John frequently names the name Presbyter in the Apocalyps , 't is not imaginable that they should thinke the Author of the Dissertations could receive any prejudice from thence , when hee hath avowed to believe that those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , mentioned in those so many places of the Revelation , were the 24. Bishops of Judaea sitting in Councell at Jerusalem their Metropolis , encompassing James the Bishop there together with the foure living creatures , denoting the foure Apostles that were joyned with them in the councell , and the 7. Lamps , the emblemes of the 7. Deacons attending ; Of which matter till they have disproved what is commodiously deduced Dissert . 4. c. 20. Sect. 10. I shall have no need farther to inlarge , it being perfectly uselesse to our present inquiry , that either the word Bishop or Elder should be used by S. John , for a single Prefect in the Christian Church , supposing ( as now we do in the Objection , and t is but a begging of the question in the respondent to suppose the contrary ) that the word Angel is a notation of it . 9. By this it appeares fiftly , how little wee incommodated by the position of these Elders in the Revelation placed neerest to the throne of Christ in his Church , for supposing , as I doe , that Christ is by way of vision represented there under the person of the Bishop of Jerusalem sitting in councell , and encompassed ( on each side ) with a Semicircle of Thrones , on which sat the 24 Bishops of Judea , I can well allow these 24. ( call them Elders , or what you please ) to be neerest to that middle throne , whereon Christ is seated . And truely if it should be otherwise interpreted of Presbyters in the moderne notion of the word , it would be hard to make the other parts of the vision to beare proportion with that phansy ; For I must suppose , according to St. John's words , that in the vision these thrones were set up in Heaven ; And then I shall demand , was that a representation of any councell or Judicature on Earth ▪ or not ? If it were not , then nothing can be inferred thence in favour of Presbyters , more than of Bishops , for of both these we speake , as of Officers on Earth ; But if it were , then applying it to Presbyters , it must follow , that in the midst of them there is some other ( invironed on each side by them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sitting upon that throne of principall dignity , before whom also they on the other thrones must fall downe v. 10 . ( or else the parallel will not hold throughout ) and the least that can be signified hereby , will be superiority of dignity in him that sits on that middle throne above all the 24. Elders , which will be deemed to exceede the case of a Prolocutor or Moderator of an Assembly , which is the ut most that the Presbyterian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality can admit of , but much more commodiously agrees to the Metropolitan of all Iudea , sitting in a Nationall Councell with the Bishops about him , for of these we doubt not to affirme that they were as much inferior to him , as this representation doth pretend them to be . 10. As for the sence affixt to it by the Assemblers , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Presbyters in the moderne notion , and that he that sits in the midst of them is Christ , this is against all analogy , and rules of interpreting , a mining and confounding the Originall with the Copy , the type with the Antitype , interpreting one part of the visi●n , as if it were in Heaven ( for it was there where Christ did sit as Judge ) and the other as if it were on Earth , for sure the Presbyters in this notion are to be considered as there ; And this is a very sufficient prejudice against their interpretation ( if there were not enough besides ) and such as no way presseth our way of setting it , as hath been already manifested . 11. Sixtly , for his calling himselfe a Presbyter Ep. 2. I answer , that as farre as this allegation hath truth , it hath no force in it at all against our pretentions . He doth indeed call himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the Elder , we fitly render it ) noting thereby ( according to analogy with the solemne notion of the word both among sacred and prophane Writers , set downe at large Dissert . 4. c. 19. ) a person of authority in the Church of Christ ; an Apostle first , and then the supreme Governour of the whole Iewish Church in Asia , which is but proportionable to Saint Pauls beginning his Epistles with Paul an Apostle ( or Commissioner ) of Iesus Christ ( placed in that power in the Church by Christ himselfe ) and with the same style in the front of Saint Peters Epistles , onely with this Characteristick note peculiar to Saint Iohn in his Gospell and Epistles , of omitting the expression of his owne name ; And then all that this text is of force to doe , is to prove that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not import a Presbyter ( in our moderne use of the word ) governing in common with other Presbyters , but rather a singular Governor of the Church , such as Bishops are by us contested to be ; And so the Greek Scholiasts have expressed it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , By the word Elder he calls himselfe Bishop . And this , 't is certaine , is for the interest of the Author of the Dissertations , and no way to his prejudice , if it had been adverted by them that produce it . 12. Seventhly , when 't is said that in Saint Iohn's dayes some New expressions were used in the Christian Church , which were not in Scripture , as the Lords day , and the Word , I professe not to comprehend what advantage to their praetensions could be designed or aimed at in this part of the consideration : For 1. how can it truly be said , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Lord's day , which is in the Revelation , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Word , which is in Saint Iohn's Gospell , were not in Scripture ? I must suppose the meaning is , that they were not in any other writings of Scripture , except Saint Iohn's : But then 2. that doth not infer them to be new expressions in Saint Iohn's dayes , as these dayes are distinguisht from the dayes of the other Apostles , whom Iohn survived , but only that they were idiomes or characters of speech that Saint Iohn delighted to make use of . 13. Thus indeed 't is ordinarily observed of his expressing of Christ by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word , which yet is taken from the Ancients of the Jewish Church ( the Chaldes paraphrase being knowne frequently to use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word of the Lord , and Plato seems to have been acquainted with the expression , which caused Amelius to sweare at the reading the beginning of S. John's Gospell , that that Barbarian was of their Plato's mind , that the word of God was in order of a Principle ) and perhaps not peculiarly to him appropriate , for * Budaeus a very learned Critick in Greek affirmes Saint Luke to have used it in this notion , cap. 1. 2. and if he doth not , yet still 't will be but a peculiar part of John's style , which if he had written his Gospell in the same yeare that Saint Matthew did his , he would doubtlesse have made use of , the phrase being certainly in the world before that time ( and so not new , as they would have it ) and the usage of it in the Church being in all reason to be derived from John's use of it ( who was from thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Divine ) not John's use of it from the new admission of it into the Christian Church . 14. And for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Lord's day , as it is not certaine that it is the Christian Sabbath ( I meane the weekly Lord's day , ) which is meant by that title once used in the Revelation , but as probably the feast of Easter , the annual commemoration of Christ's rising from the dead ( and accordingly Andreas Caesariensis sets it indifferently , yet so as it seems rather to incline to the later , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Lord's day bearing the memorial of the resurrection of Christ ) so in what notion soever it be taken , it was against Saint Iohn's use of the word that gave it authority in the following dialect of the Church , not the Churches usage ( that we any where can discerne ) from whence Saint Iohn derived it ; And so this will be an instance as ineffectual as the former , to inferre the conclusion to which it is designed : For indeed bating the unskilfulnesse of the argument , ab authoritate negative , already mentioned , what a strange way of concluding would this be ? S. Iohn useth the words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word ] and [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Lord's day ] ( supposing also , that 't is true which is added ) and no other writer of the Scripture useth them but in stead of them , [ the Sonne of God ] ( Messias , Christ ) and the [ first day of the week ] therefore if there had been any office of Bishops erected in the Church in Saint Iohn's time , it is strange that Saint Iohn should not mention the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop : 'T is at the first hearing cleare enough , that there is no strangenesse in this , both because Saint Iohn undertooke not to set downe a Dictionary of all words or customes which were in his time in the Church , and because there is no proportion held betwixt the members of the comparison , as hath been shewed . And it will yet be lesse strange , because 1. it is easily supposeable and not strange , that he should have no occasion at all to mention that office , or that mentioning it , he should doe it in his owne chosen expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Angel , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elder ( as in other greater matters he is acknowledged and allowed to doe ) by either of those signifying the same thing as expressely as the using of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop would have done : And 2. it is otherwise as manifest by Saint Paul and Saint Luke , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop , and the office belonging to it were before the time of Saint John's writings used in the Church , as it could be , if Saint Iohn had made expresse mention of it . 15. And lastly , for the highest round in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the special part of the consideration , our affirmation that Polycarp was made Bishop by Saint Iohn , that doth not ( any more than all the rest ) inferre it necessary that Saint Iohn should mention the name Bishop : Saint Iude , I hope , is supposed by the Assemblers to have constituted some Presbyters in the Church , and yet he in his Epistle hath made no mention of any such name or office . And so much for that first consideration . Section IV. Of Saint John's writings . Againe of Diotrephes . A Second consideration now followes to be added to this , That there is not any the least intimation in all S. John's writings , of the superiority of one Presbyter over another , save onely where he names and chides Diotrephes , as one ambitiously affecting such a Primacy . 2. A consideration of the same unhappy constitution with the former , 1. a testimonio negativè againe , Saint Iohn had no occasion to mention it , therefore there was in his time no such thing , and 2. in respect of the matter just the same againe , put only in other words , there 't was , [ No mention of Bishop in all Saint John's writings , ] here , [ No superiority of one Presbyter over another in all Saint John's writings . ] And so it can adde no accumulation of weight to the former . 3. But then 2. ( bating againe those two infirmities in discourse ) what if it were granted that at the time of Saint John's writing , there were not in the whole Church of Christ any one Presbyter , superior to another Presbyter , what hath the Author of the Dissert : lost , or they gained by this ? He makes no doubt willingly to yeild to any inforcing reason that is or shall be produced to conclude that at that time , there was above De●cons but one degree in the Church , and yet to be never the lesse qualified to maintaine his praetensions , Nay he is knowne to have expressed it as his opinion probably inferred , and not easily confuted ( and that by which , if it be true , or because there is no evidence to the contrary , all the Presbyterian praetensions , founded in the doubtfulnesse of words in Scripture , are utterly excluded ) that there were not in the space within compasse of which , all the Bookes of the New Testament were written , any Presbyters in our Moderne notion of them , created in the Church , though soon after , certainely in Ignatius's time , there were ; and then if the consideration now before us were of any force at all , this would be the one direct and proper use of it , to adde more confidence to this opinion , and so to confirme , not to invalidate our praetensions . 4. Thirdly for Diotrephes and Saint Iohn's chiding of him for ambitiously affecting a Primacy over other Presbyters , there will appeare to be more than one misadventure in it . For 1. it is apparent in the Text that this Di●trephes ( whom * Walo Messalinus a good friend to the praetensions of the Assemblers , describes so , as will conclude him a me●re Presbyterian , Noluit , saith he , agnoscore superiorem aliqu●m in Presbyteros habentem potestatem , he would not acknowledge any superior having power over Presbyters ) contended for superiority , not onely over his equals , but over Saint Iohn himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , faith that Apostle , he 〈◊〉 not us , yeilds no obedience , gives no heed to our letter of directions ; This certainly belongs not to the superiority or dignity of Bishops , which reserves the Primacy to the Apostles intire , and no way clasheth with it , and onely pretends to that power and office of duty , which for the preserving of unity , and the good of the flock , the Apostles thought fit to intrust and commit to them . 5. Secondly , Diotrophes was not ( as farre as appeares , or we have reason to conjecture ) ordeined to any office of power in the Asian Church , committed to that Apostles care , but of himselfe without any mission , nay expressely against the Apostles consent , was willing to assume and exercise this power , and is but an example of Corah's sedition and presumptuous humour ( and that is inevitably the case of the Presbyterian , unlesse he can shew his commission for the power he pretends to ) all one with that of the Gnosticks censured by Saint Iude under the style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gainesaying of Cora●● , and this no way belongs , or is appliable to the practice of the Bishop , who by Commission from the Apostle , not by any ambition or presumption of his owne , regularly ascends to this degree of office and dignity in the Church , and useth it as regularly also , in subordination to all his superiors . 6. On this Occasion the Dissertations have offered a Dilemma to these Disputants , which I should be willing to heare answered by them , in this forme , Either Diotrephes exercised in the Church the power of the Bishop , in the notion of a singular Praefect , assuming power over the Presbyters , or he did not ; If he did not , then is this consideration presently at an end , Diotrephes is falsly accused , and the innocent Bishop unjustly wounded through his sides , who it seems was no Bishop : But if it be said he did , then I demand , Why is not Diotrophes checkt by S. John for that presumption of affecting a power over his equals ? And why doth the whole charge lye another way , that he received not S. Iohn's Letters , nor paid due obedience to them ? Or why is that very thing charged so heavily on the Bishops in our age , and punisht so severely in them , which the Apostle living and seeing , and upon occasion taking notice of Diotrephes his insolence , doth not so much as reprehend or accuse in him ? 7. For as to the Epithet which he bestowes upon him , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that loved the praeeminence , supposing that were the title of his fault , yet that extends not the Apostles speech to censuring or blaming the use of that power , but onely the ambition and affectation of it , which were otherwise lawfull to be enjoy'd ; as when t is noted in the Pharisees , that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , love or affect the uppermost seats in the Synagogues , which otherwise simply to have sat in , had implyed no crime of theirs , for to this very end , that some body should sit in them , they were certainly erected , and 't is known that there was among them a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 head of the Consistory , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Governor of the Synagogue , to whom that seat belonged by God's appointment . 8. Nay for the very desire , as farre as is exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Tim. 3. 1. desiring and coveting , it is allowed by the Apostle to be terminated in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the office of a Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a good , and consequently a desireable worke , and if Diotrephes be supposed guilty of any other , it may safely be yeilded to have been a fault in him , without praejudice to the good office which he so vitiously and criminously affected , according to that of * Theodoret , that the Apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accuses not the desire simply , but the desire of rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and teacheth to desire , not the honour , but the vertue , not to covet the dignity , but to seeke the worke of the dignity , the taske to which it belongs . By all which , and much more added in the * Dissertations , it is evident , how little advantage hath accrued to the Assemblers from their mention of Diotrephes out of Saint John , and by consequence from their second consideration . Section V. Of St. John's being Bishop of Asia . Of the Apostles being Bishops . NOw succeeds a third consideration . viz. That the same Authors that say that S. John made Polycarpe Bish . of Smyrna , & that S. Peter made Ignatius Bishop of Antioch , do also say that St. John himselfe sat many yeares Bishop of Ephesus , and was the Metropolitan of all Asia , which ( say they ) is an evident demonstration to us , that these Authors did not use the word Bishop in a Prelaticall sense . For it is certaine that the Apostles cannot be properly called Bishops ; For though they doe eminently containe the Episcopall Office , yet they were not formally Bishops . For this were to degrade the Apostle , and to make their Office Ordinary and perpetuall , this were to exalt the Bishop above his degree , and make him an Apostles , and to make the Apostle a Bishop . It doth not much differ from madnesse , to say that Peter or any one of the Apostles were properly Bishops , as learned Whitaker saith , whom wee shall have occasion to cite to this purpose hereafter . 2. Whether this consideration be likely to contribute any thing to their advantage , save onely by amusing the Reader , and keeping him longer in expectation , that somewhat may possibly be produced to the disparagement of our plea , I desire may distinctly be considered by these degrees . 3. First , I acknowledge that stile [ the same Authors — ] to belong truly to antient Writers produced by mee in the Dissertations , who , as they doe affirme St. John to have constituted Policarpe Bishop of Smyrna , Diss . 4. c. 5. Sect. 5. and St. Peter to have placed Ignatius Bishop of Antioch . Diss . 5. c. 1. Sect. 18. so they consent also that St. John sat Bishop of Ephesus and Metropolitane of all Asia : so * Eusebius frequently , that after his returne from his banishment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he administred or governed the Churches there , i.e. in Asia ; and ( as he cites it lib. 3. cap. 31. out of Policrates his Epistle ) died there . So the antient Writer of the Martyrdom of Timothy , † in Photius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Being recalled by Nerva's decree , he sat downe at Ephesus , and himselfe personally , with seven Bishops his adsessors ( those in all probability the Bishops of the seven Churches in the Revelation ) hee governed the Metropolitan City of Ephesus that prime Metropolis of all Asia , to the Bishop whereof , saith † Chrysostome , was intrusted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole Nation of Asia ; These testimonies may suffice for the substance of the affirmation that St. John governed the Church of Ephesus , and under it all Asia , which is the notion wee now have of a Bishop Metropolitane and Primate . 4. As for the word Bishop , how can it be inconvenient to bestow that upon him , when hee discharged the Office , nay when Christ himselfe that great exemplar and originall of this power , is expresly called the Bishop of our Soules , as well as the Apostle ; when the Office from which Judas fell , and to which Matthias is assumed , is by St. Luke out of the Septuagint called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishoprick , Act. 1. 20. When accordingly from the Scripture usage the Fathers of the Church have continued the style , Apostolos i. e. Episcopos & Praepositos Dominus elegit , the Lord chose Apostles , i. e. Bishops and Governours of the Church , saith * Cyprian , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Peter and Paul were the first or chiefe in Rome , the same persons , Apostles and Bishops , saith * Epiphanius , and Apostoli Episcopi sunt , firmante illud Petro Apostol● — the Apostles were Bishops , as is confirmed by Peter in these words . His Bishoprick let another take , saith † Hilarius Sardus , and againe , Areall Apostles ? ●Tis true , saith hee , quia in Ecelesiâ unus Episcopus , because in each Church there is one Bishop . And , Nemo ignorat Episcopos servatorem Ecclesi●s instituisse , Ipse enim priusquam ascenderet , imponens manum Apostolis ordinavit eos Episcopos . No man is ignorant that our Saviour instituted Bishops in the Church , for before he ascended to Heaven hee laid his hands on the Disciples and ordained them Bishops ; saith the * Writer of the questions on the Old and New Testament , and , Sanctus Matth●us Episcopatum sortitus est , St. Matthew was Bishop , saith Gildas . And to shut up all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — It is manifest that the Apostles were Bishops , St John in Asia , St. Andrew in Achaia , St. Thomas in India ; saith * Gabriel Philadelph : And agreeably when St. John of whom we now speake , calls himselfe in the front of two Epistles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Elder , the Greek scholiast , resolves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the word Elder he calls himselfe Bishop . And so there is no newes in thus affirming . 5. But then secondly , when they take this for an evident demonstration , that these Authors did not use the word Bishop in a Prelaticall sense , this is very farre distant from a demonstration , having not arrived to the lowest degree of probability or credibility . For what is a Bishop in the Prelaticall sense , but a single person governing in chiefe in a City or wider circuit ? And such certainly was St. Peter at Rome , S. John at Ephesus , &c. As long as they continued to execute that power of the Keyes ( the donation of which instituted them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Steward 's in Gods House , Governours of the Church ) in this or that City or Region , and ordained other Bishops there . Thirdly , therefore when 't is added , that it is certaine that the Apostles cannot be properly called Bishops , I reply that it is most certaine they may , not onely because these so many antient Writers , through severall ages have called them so , and may not , with any justice from us , be accused of impropriety , but because the donation of the Keyes did as properly make them Bishops , as the Commission to goe preach to all Nations , being added to it , made them Apostles . To which purpose let these few things be considered , 1. That it is here by the Assemblies acknowledged , that the Apostles did eminently conteine the Episcopall Office , which though it be a little hastily expressed , and should be , I suppose , that the Apostolicall Office did eminently containe the Episcopall , yet there is no doubt , but this is the meaning of it , that the Apostles had all the Episcopall power in their hands , and over and above , something more , and if they had Episcopall power , then sure in respect of that , they may as properly be called Bishops , as in respect of their Apostolicall Commission , which they had also , they may be properly called Apostles . Thus we know that they that have first the power of Deacons bestowed on them , and after of Presbyters , are questionlesse Deacons still , though they be also Presbyters , and they which from the Office of Presbyters are advanced to Bishops , are certainly Presbyters still , though they be also Bishops , and doe not lose the former power by being advanced to the latter , are not lessened by this increase of their dignity . 7. Secondly , that when an Apostle is differenced from a Bishop , it is either by his extraordinary power granted him for the planting of the Church , or by the Vniversality of his Diocese , the [ all the World ] to which his Commission extended , whereas the ordinary Bishop's power and Diocese are more limited . But then these differences are of no force in this matter , they onely conclude that the Apostle is more than a Bishop in those two respects , not that in other sufficient respects he is not a Bishop . 8. Thirdly , when the Apostles had each of them ( not onely all together in a consistory ) that unlimited power , in respect of the extent to all the World , given to them by Christ , wee know that after his ascent they parted and distributed this Province among them , assigned every one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his proper place or lot , to which he should betake himselfe for the planting of the faith of Christ ; And then there will be no doubt but that hee , who according to his line ( in St. Paul's phrase ) had planted the faith in such a City or Province , and sat downe , and confirmed , and farther instituted ( which is the meaning of labouring in the Doctrine , as well as in the word ) and govern'd them , and exercised all Episcopall acts among them , might in so doing be stiled a Bishop in that City or province , and that as truely and as properl● as he that could doe all the latter and not the former ( building on another mans foundation ▪ go●erning and instructing , where another had planted the faith might be said to be . 9. Nay fourthly , we know , that although by Canons of the Church there is provision made , upon prudentiall considerations , that no man shall be made a Bishop sine titulo , without a title or particular See , to which hee is assigned , yet before those Canons forbad it , such Bishops there were , and those never doubted to be properly Bishops , though they were not affixt to any Diocese ; And then nothing can hinder but that the Apostle , who had each the whole World for his Title , though hee were never affixed to any particular Diocese or Province , might be most properly styled a Bishop for all that . But this is ex abundanti , more than is needfull to our present praetentions of St. John , who , we know , was after his returne from banishment affixt to Asia , and seated at Ephesus the chiefe Metropolis there , to superintend in the Jewish part of the Asian Church over all the Bishops and Metropolitans there . 10. To this I might adde fiftly , that the Bishops in every City were successors of the Apostles , as is largely deduced Diss . 3. c. 3. Sect. 14. &c. which they could not truly be , if the Apostles , whom they succeeded , were not in vested with that power , wherein they succeeded them , i. e. were not first Bishops before them . But I shall not inlarge of this , having no need of more evidences in this matter . 11. Fourthly therefore , when it is added , that if the Apostles be affirmed to be properly Bishops , this were to degrade the Apostles , and to make their office ordinary and perpetuall . This is but a shortnesse of discourse , of which a very few words will suffice to admonish any , for there is no more strength in that consequence , than there would be in affirming that such an one is a Man , therefore he is not a living Creature , or that he that saith he is a living Creature , degrades him from being a man ; For as to that of [ ordinary and perpetuall ] 't is no way inconvenient , that the Apostles , who had somewhat temporary and extraordinary for the first planting of Churches ( in respect of which especially they were called Apostles ) might also have somewhat , which was of ordinary perpetuall use in the Church , wherein others might and should succeed them , and that is it unquestionably which wee meane by the word Bishops , when we ascribe it to them or any of them , or to Christ himselfe , the source and originall Copy of that power in the Church . 12. Fiftly , when another inconvenience is accumulated on this , ( much to the former purpose , but in more words ) this were to exalt the Bishop above his degree , and make him an Apostle , end to make the Apostle a Bishop . 1. It is evident , that if the forementioned exception were true , viz. That it were the degrading the Apostle , it could not farther be truly said , that it were the exalting the Bishop above his degree , for supposing one to be above the other , the degrading one would make the other e●uall to him without any new act of exalting him ▪ if the Apostle have already descended to the Bishop , sure the Bishop need not , cannot ascend to the Apostle ; I cannot goe up staires to him who hath prevented me by his dignation or misfortune , and is already come or fallen downe● to me . Secondly therefore this makes not the Bishop an Apostle , which is a degree higher than he , ( though in respect of the Episcopall power common to them with the Aposles it is nothing strange in the Antient Writers for the first Bishops of the Churches ; James the Bishop of Jerusalem , Thaddaeus , Luke , Barnabas , Marke Timothy , Titus , Clemens , Ignatius , to be called Apostles , as is evidenced at large in the * Dissertations ) but onely supposes the Apostle to be a Bishop , which he may well be ( as the greater conteineth the lesse ) though the Bishop be no Apostle , as it is confest that the lesse containes not the greater . 13. And lastly for the citation out of Dr. Whitaker , I have no directions to the place , which may inable me to examine it ; And I know circumstances of the context , or the designe of the speech may much alter it , from what it signifies to me at my reading it thus cited ; But if it be distinctly thus , and incapable of a more commodious interpretation , I cannot consent to the truth of it , or comprehend upon what grounds of reason he should so severely censure those Scriptures and Fathers , which have been produced to affirme that the Apostles were Bishops , and particularly St. John and St. Peter . And indeed when it falls out , that each of those two Apostles peculiarly calls himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Elder , or as they render it Presbyter , I shall demand ; Did either of those speake properly or no ? If they did , were either of those little distant from , mad-men ? If so I shall be content to be under any censure in their company . And therefore if they spake not so properly , I shall be content with them to have spoken improperly also : But if Apostles may be called Presbyters without any of these inconveniences of degradation in them , any ins●lence in the Presbyter , or madnesse in the Speaker , my onely remaining Quaere is , why they might not , without all this adoe , be called Bishops also , meaning by Bishops , as I now meane ? For I am sure that is the same thing that I understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elder in those three places , and they , who differ from me herein , do yet understand it of Presbyters ( and so had said in the second consideration expresly , that St. John calls himselfe a Presbyter ) and then all the spice of madnesse consists in this , thinking a Bishop capable of that exaltation , that a Presbyter in perfect sobriety is capable of . And so much for the third consideration . Section VI. Of the word Angel , and Starre , pretended to be common to all Ministers . Of Messenger , and Embassadour . The singularity of the word Angel. THe fourth consideration is , That the word Angel ( which is the title given to those supposed Bishops ) doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction , or praeeminence , but is a common name to all Ministers , and so is used in Scripture . For all Ministers are Gods Messengers and Embassadours sent for the good of the elect , and therefore the name being common to all Ministers , why should we thinke that there should be any thing spoken to one Minister , that doth not belong to all ? The same may be said of the word Starre ( which is also a title given to those supposed Metropolitans ) It is evident that all faithfull Ministers are called Starres in Scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the Churches in all purity of Doctrine , and holinesse of conversation ; There is nothing in these titles that argue these Ministers to be Bishops in our brethrens sense : Insomuch as had they not been called Bishops by some authors that succeeded them , ( who spake of former times in the language of their owne times ) this way of arguing would have been counted ridiculous . 2. ●o this consideration I might , if it were needfull , reply , 1. That the word Angel is no where used for any other Officer or Minister in the Church , save onely the Prophets ( such as Haggai . c. 1. 13. and John Baptist , Mat. 11. 10. ) and the chiefe Priest , Mal. 2. 7. 3. Secondly , that , as to the words Messenger , and Embassador , there is in ordinary speech some considerable difference betweene them , the latter having in it a connotation of dignity , sustaining the person of the King , from whom he is sent immediately , which is not applicable to the former ; And agreeably when it is used of St. Paul and Timothy , in whose name that Epistle is written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wee are Embassadors , 2 Cor. 5. 20. ] there is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , or , in the name , and authority of Christ , and againe wee pray you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we well render , in Christs stead , as his proxies , for to Embassadors are ; which being there applied to S. Paul an Apostle , and to Timothy , one imployed by him immediatly to preach and plant the faith , and after to governe in the Church , may be proportion belong to the Bishops their successors peculiarly . 4. Thirdly , that as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Messenger , or Nuntio , so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Apostle ( according to the origination of it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be sent ) signifies also without any considerable difference , but yet is never thought fit , either in Scripture , or in the style of the Church to be applied to ordinary Ministers , but onely to those sent immediately by Christ , as he by his Father to plant and rule Churches , and to those who first succeeded them , or were imployed by them in that great office . 5. But that which wholly frustrates the designe of the consideration , is this , that the singularity of the person , ( one Angel in each of the seven Churches ) is all that wee argue from , in this matter ; For as to the power and authority in each Church , That is certainly pretended to ( and not declin'd ) by the Presbyterian as well as the Prelatist , the onely Question is , whether it be placed in one over the rest , or in more than one , ruling together in common , and from the style of Christs Epistle to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , and the like in each of the seven , wee thinke we conclude regularly , that it was one , it being certaine that the singular number is not the duall or plurall , and that [ Angel ] is a person , not an aggregate body or multitude . 7. And to the same purpose againe wee conclude not from the mention of the Starres , not from their light or shining , but from their number , but seven in all , no more than there are Churches , i. e. one onely in each Church ; And we know there is difference betweene a Star and an Asterisme or constellation , one single light , and a conjunction of many ; And accordingly Mr. Brightman , that is resolved not to finde this truth in that Text , is forced to deale plainely , and to tell us , that the Epistles are not each of them sent to any one Angel , but to the Colledge of Pastors , nec uni alicui Angelo mittuntur , sed toti , ut ita dicam , collegio Pastorum , in Apoc. c. 2. 1. which being sufficiently contrary to the evidence of the Text , which reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Angel , in the singular , he thinkes fit to adde his reason for it ; Non enim unus erat Angelus Ephesi sed plures , nec inter istos aliquis Princeps , for there was not 〈◊〉 Angel of Ephesus , but many : nor any one among those principall or chiefe , which is the begging of the Question , or proveing his assertion onely by asserting it ; whereas Beza finding himselfe more prest by the force of the place , is forced to render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the Angel , i. e. to the president , quem nimirum oportuit inprimis de his rebus admoneri , who was in the first place to be admonished of these things . 8. What the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the use of the Antient Church properly signifies , is showne at large out of Justin Martyr , Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , Marcellus Ancyranus and the Councell of Ephesus , Dissert . 4. c. 17. directly the same that we meane now by Bishop ; But that I pretend not to thinke Beza meant by it ( his Prolepses and espoused Principles leading him another way ) All that I observe from the citation , is , that by the singularity of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Angel ] not Angels , he was forced to confesse a single person to be understood , which is contrary to Mr. Brightman , and those that comprehend a Colledge of Presbyters under the title , which being yeilded , I doubt not but our other evidences already produced ( which must not be at every turne repeated ) from the Catalogue of Bishops in the Church of Ephesus , &c. and the judgement of the Vniversal Church concerning those single persons , will conclude them indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not in Beza's notion , but in Justin Martyrs ( who was much a more competent judge ) i. e. the very Bishops which we pretend them to be : And truly I cannot discerne any weake part ( which may hazard being counted ridiculous ) in this way of arguing . Section VII . Of their exception to our arguing from Symbols : Of Rishop and Elder being the same . THe last Consideration now remains in these words , These titles of Stars and Angels are mysterious and metaphoricall , It is said Rev. 1. 20. The Mysterie of the seven Stars — And certainly it cannot be safe or solid to build the structure of Episcopacie by Divine Right upon mysterious and metaphoricall denominations , Theologia Symbolica non est argumentativa , Especially if we consider that there are abundance of cleere texts that make Bishops and Presbyters to be one and the same ; and it cannot be praise-worthy for any men ( though never so learned in the esteem of the world ) to oppose certain allegorical and mysterious titles to so many expresse testimonies of Scripture . 2. To this the Answer will be satisfactory , though it should be but briefe , that we doe not found our argument in an allegorie . For 1. though the word Stars applyed to the Governors of Churches be onely figuratively so applyed , yet the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( if the Authors of this consideration may be believed in that which immediately preceded ) signifies ( not an Angel from Heaven , or incorporeal substance , but ) a Messenger or Embassadour , such as , say they , all Ministers are , And agreeably in that which is here annexed to prove the allegorical or mystical phrases ( from Rev. 1. 20. the Mistery of the seven Starres ) it is evident , that onely the word [ Starres ] is Symbolical or Mystical , and as evident that the Angels are not , for it is in the explicating and not in the forming of the figure , that the Angels of the Churches are mentioned , as the things which are signified by the mistery of the Starres , as the Churches themselves by the Lamps ; and therefore as it would be absur'd to say that a symbol is explicated by a symbol , one mystery by another , or proportionably that the Churches , by which the Lamps are exprest , are a mystical allegorical phrase , so it will be as unreasonable to affirme of the Angels , that they are a mistery or allegorie , because of the Starres it is affirmed that they are such , when indeed the word Angel is the interpretation and unfolding of the mysterie , which is as far from being the mistery , as the light is from being darknesse , which it expells out of the horizon , and is purposely sent by God to doe so . 3. But then secondly , 't is yet more manifest , that if the word Angel were here used figuratively ( as it is evident it was not , and was so confest , when it appeared usefull to the Objectors that it should not ) yet it being the singularity of the person , wherein our argument is founded , our argument is not founded on that which is mystical , For certainely this number is a plaine Grammatical notation of a singular person , and that is proofe enough that it was not a collective body , a Presbytery or Consistory , that is meant by it . And in this all the controversie betwixt us and the adversary consists , whether it was in many or in one in each Church , that the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction was vested , and that is sufficiently decided by that which is cleare and un●igurative in this Text , and cannot be imagined otherwise , but by forcing some figure on it , by which one Angel may be set for more Ministers , which if it be done , would not by their rule be argumentative . 4. Thirdly , Whereas it is suggested , that this which we conclude from hence , is opposite to many expresse testimonies of Scripture , I have no more to say in this place , where this is onely affirmed , but not attempted to be proved , but to professe my perswasion and assurance ( the truth of which must be in the processe of this discourse contested ) that there is no such thing , but on the contrary , that the whole Scripture , and practice , and writings of the first ages of the Church , and the succeeding through all the world , agree directly with what I conclude from the singularity of the Angel ; And when in the following words the testimonies are expressed to be those which make Bishops and Presbyters to be one and the same , This also will immediately vanish , when it is remembred , what is largely deduced in the Dissertations , that the word Bishop in the Scripture is never used for a Presbyter in our Moderne notion of the word , but constantly for the one single Governor in a Church or City , and that if there be any truth in that which is here affirmed , Presbyters must be taken in a notion distant from that in which now we use it , and signifie , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath already been said to doe , the singular Bishop in each Church , and 't is certaine such an identity of the names , will never be deemed contrary to what we have concluded from the Angel , but directly confirme it for us . 5. And although here is no occasion in this place to prove and make good this assertion in each part of it , ( the first positivè , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Bishop in Scripture alwayes signifies the singular Bishop ; the second suppositivè , that if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bishop , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elder , be one and the same in Scripture , it must be by interpreting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elder , so as to signifie a Bishop in all place ▪ ) yet 't is certaine , that this is already done at large in Dissert . 4. cap. 6. Sect. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. and shall here againe be repeated and vindicated , when the proper place requires it , which I foresee it will speedily doe . 6. In the meane , I must take leave to expresse my present sense , and hope that others will not thinke it too hasty , that no one of these five Considerations , nor consequently all of them together , have at all praejudged our Conclusion ( now in hand ) inferred from that of the Epistle of Christ to the 7. Angels of the 7. Churches . Section VIII . Of the singularity of each Angel. The objections from the use of the plurall number . THese considerations being thus laid as their foundation ( and I suppose being already removed from superseding or hindring our superstructure ) The next part of their method is , having mentioned our objection from the singularity of each Angel's person , to whom Christ's message or Epistle is sent , and the conclusion of an high Prelatist from hence , that these Angels are not onely Bishops but Archbishops , to apply solid and every way sufficient answers to this Objection . 2. In this proposall of our Objection , I shall not need to inquire who this high Prelatist is ; The former intimations and directions have perswaded me that I am lookt on as this Objector , though it be sufficiently knowne that the most Reverend Archbishop of Armagh , Lord Primate of Ireland , hath many yeares since deduced this conclusion in every part from this Text , and might , if they had pleased , have secured me from the opinion either of novelty , or singularity in the Assertion . 3. But I shall most willingly assume the burthen , and proceed to the view of the solid and every way sufficient answers , which are said to be given to this Objection , which though they be , it seemes to be fetcht out of Smectymnuus , &c. yet it happens well , that we shall ( without need of consulting those larger volumes ) find them here with more ease , reduced to two heads , One , that the word Angel signifies not a singular person , the second , that if it did , it will not at all advantage the Episcopal cause . 4. These two , I confesse , if either of them be solidly proved , will utterly drive us from our hold : The onely question at present is , whether in either part the proofes be solid , and of this we must now inquire , and first of the former of them . 5. This they thus propose , That the word Angel is not to be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not individually , but collectively , for all the Pastors and Ministers of the respective Churches . 6. But before their proofes for such an assertion ( that the Angel of such a Church , which is certainly an individual , as much as the Bishop of such a Diocese , is not yet to be taken individually ) they first adde their confession that this answer is called a poore shift , a vaine conceipt , &c. but promise such reasons for the justification of it , which cannot be answered . 7. To the view of these unanswerable Reasons therefore we shall now hasten ; And the first reason is , because our Saviour speakes to the Angel often in the plural number , Rev. 2. 21. But unto you I say , and the rest of Thyatira , and so Rev. 2. 10. and 13. By which , say they , it is evident , that by the word Angel is not meant one singular person , but the collective body of Rulers . 8. To this first reason I shall answer , by separating that one text of Thyatira from the other two , and all that are of the same nature with them , and speake first of these two , and remind them 1. that in an Epistl● unquestionably addrest to a particular person , others under his care and charge may be , and are occasionally mentioned , so in that to Titus , Paul●s owne Sonne , i. e. under the particular character of the beloved person converted by him ; in the conclusion we finde these words , Grace be with you all , i. e. not with him as he must signifie a whole Presbyterie , but all the sincere lovers of Christ , and Saint Paul , they that love us in the faith , in the former part of the verse . 9. Secondly , that though the one Angel of the Church be the person to whom each part of the Epistle is addrest , yet in it are set downe the sins and fate of the whole Church , , i. e. of all the believers in it ; Thus when the people of Israel or Judah were fallen into foule sins and provocations against God , it was ordinary for God to send a Prophet to the King of either of them , and admonish him what reformations were to be wrought , and what judgements were a comming in case of neglect . In which kind of messages of the Prophet delivered to the King , 't is certaine that the whole people were concerned , and so without question was it here , Rev. 2. 10. the Devill shall cast some of you , i. e. some Members of that Church , into prison , &c. and so ver . 13. among you , i. e. among you of that Church or City . 10. And indeed if each of those Churches had been governed by a Consistory of co-equal Presbyters , and those ( as is pretended by our adversaries ) signified by the Angel , yet there would be as little reason to doubt , but the sins of the people , as well as the Clergy were here reprehended by Christ , and the judgement threatned to one as well as to the other , And to this can be no reason to inferre the Angel to be no singular person , the Church ruled by one , making up a multitude , as well as if it were ruled by a Presbytery . 11. As for the place , cap. 2. 24. concerning Thyatira , that hath a different appearance , For the Greek copie ordinarily reading it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , But I say unto you ( in the plural and to the rest which are in Thyatira ] the [ you ] in the plural , is by the Objectors thought necessarily to belong to the Angel of that City , as [ the rest ] to the community of the people . To this place therefore we have formerly answered , that the reading in the Antient Manuscripts , particularly in that belonging to the Kings Library at Saint James's , leaves out the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ] and reads thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , But to you I say the rest which are in Thyatira ] And this takes away all force from the objection , for the former part of the Epistle belonging to the Angel , who permitted Jezabel , and to them that committed fornication with her , the [ But ] in the front separates the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you the rest ] from the Angel , and those other formerly spoken to , and therefore the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you , cannot possibly be the Angel , wherein all the strength of the Objection consists . 12. But this Answer , though taken notice of , is disliked : For , say they , he that shall view the Antecedent and Consequent , and consider that ver . 23. it is said , I will give to every one of you , &c. and then followes , but I say unto you , and then in the conclusion of the verse , I will put upon you no other burthen , will confesse that the old copies are better than that which is said to be Tecla's Manuscript . 13. And here I shall desire the Reader to beare me company in obeying their directions , and observe what the Antecedents and Consequents can afford to the prejudice of that Antient copy . 'T is most true , that v. 23. we read , I will give to every one of you , and that then it followes v. 24. But I say unto you , and in the conclusion of the verse , I will put upon you — But I demand , what will they conclude from hence ? That by the word [ you ] in all these places the same persons are to be understood , and that those persons are the interpretation of the Angel v. 18 ? These two things they must conclude , or else they will faile in their designe , which is to shew that by the word Angel the collective body of Rulers is meant . But the first of these is evidently false , whatsoever reading be retained , for besides that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , But ] doth clearly separate the second [ you ] from the first , and makes them distinct persons , The very matter of the speeches will convince it : For in the 23. v. the [ you ] are those that were corrupted by Iezabel v. 20. 22. who are now to be exemplarily punisht and destroyed , I will kill her ( i. e. Iezebels ) children with death ( as also those that had committed Fornication with her v. 22. ) and all the Churches shall know that I am the searcher of hearts , and I will give to every of you according to your workes ; But the second [ you ] and so also the third , are the quite contrary to these , As many as have not this Doctrine , and who have not knowne these depths of Satan , and consequently , who are not to be punished , nor so much as admonished , but onely confirmed in their present practice , to hold fast what they have already . 14. So contrary is it to all appearance of truth , that the Antecedent and Consequent should favour their pretension . 15. This matter is so evident ( the contrary conditions and fates of the [ you ] in v. 23 and the [ you ] in v. 14. ) that if the ordinary reading were to be retained [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and that rendred [ to you and the rest in Thyat●ra ] so as to difference [ you ] and [ the rest ] another Antecedent to the Relative [ you ] must necessarily be sought out , and then that can be no other but the Churches incidentally mentioned v. 23. who had not been charged for this crime . For as for the Angel v. 18. if hee were not so remote ( 6. verses off ) and if the singular number could be the Antecedent to the plurall [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you ] ( as it cannot ) yet still he is charged for suffering the Woman Jezabel , and so is numbred among the gulity persons , that are to repent or be punisht , and not to have no other burthen laid on them , save only to hold fast what they have , as is said of the second [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] v. 24. 16. But the truth is , that of making the Churches the Relative is so inconvenient ( and yet no other way imaginable to reconcile the ordinary reading ) and the whole sense is so much more cleare and current in the reading of the King's M S. [ But to you the rest in Thyatira ( those that had not beene guilty of the misbehaviours censured , and threatned in the former Verses ) that I professe I cannot discerne any appearance of reason to quesion the truth of it , much lesse to conceive that the ordinary copies are better , which yet however they read it , must oppose the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] to those before mentioned , and so cannot apply it with any appearance of probability to the Angel , or consequently pre-judge ours , or confirme their pretensions . Section IX . Of the Elders at Ephesus Act. 20. A Second reason to prove the Angel to be a collective body , is this , because it is certaine that the Church of Ephesus was a collective body ▪ and that there were many Presbyters to whom St. Paul , at his finall departure from them , committed the charge of that Church . And these Presbyters are called Bishops , and were all of them Stars of the same magnitude , and Angels of the same order without a difference or distinction . 2. But this is a way of proving a thing which is denyed , by another which they know is equally denyed by him , against whom they dispute , and therefore that argument can be of no force with us . 3. 'T is most true indeed , what they begin with , that the Church of Ephesus was a collective body , for so 't is certaine every Church is , whether governed by one or more Rulers ; But the Church is not the Angel , any more than the candlestickes are the Stars , but punctually distinguished from them Rev. 1. 20. But this I suppose was a mistake hastily fallen from them , and I shall not pursue it any farther . 4. Their argument , I conceive , depends upon the plurality of Elders [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which were at Ephesus Act. 20. when Paul takes his leave of them , and calls them Bishops . But to this they know I have answered clearly , that as in other places of Scripture , so in that , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , being all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bishops , denote ( not the many Presbyters of the one City of Ephesus , but ) the many Bishops of that and other Cities of Asia , which at that time by S. Paul's summons sent to Ephesus , the chiefe Metropolis of Asia , were called and met together at Miletus . 5. To this purpose * Irenaeus is a witnesse beyond exception , who speaking of these Elders or Bishops , addes , ab Epheso & proximis civitatibus convocatos esse , that they were assembled from Ephesus and the next Cities , in which as the faith was planted , as well as in Ephesus ( even in all Asia ) so there is no reason to doubt but there were Bishops in them , as well as in Ephesus ( seven such Churches we know are here mentioned in the Revelation ) and that Paul was as carefull to take his leave of them ( as many as could conveniently come to Miletus in his hasty progresse ) as of the Bishop of Ephesus hee is justly deemed to have been . 6. Other arguments and authorities I need not here accumulate for this notion of Elders Act. 20. because here is no appearance of reason offered to prove their , or impugne our Assertion . This perhaps will be afterward attempted , and then I shall , as occasion requires , farther enlarge : In the meane it sufficeth that it yet no way appeares , that Ephesus was governed by many Presbyters , and not by one Bishop , and therefore this second offer of reason is as deficient as the first , to prove the Angel of that Church to have been a collective body . Section X. Of expressing a number by singulars . A Church by a Candlestick . Of the seven Angels Rev. 8. THeir third reason is , because It is usuall with the Holy Ghost , not onely in other Bookes of Scripture , but in this very Booke of the Revelation , in mysterious and prophetick writings , and visionall representations ( such as this of the Starres and Golden ●Candlestick is ) to expresse a number of things or persons in singulars . And this in visions is the usuall way of Representation of things , a thousand persons making up one Church is represented by one Candlestick , many Ministers making up one Presbytery by one Angel. Thus Rev. 8. 2. It is said that John saw seven Angels which stood before God. By these seven Candlesticks ( I suppose it should be seven Angels ) Dr. Reynolds doth not understand seven individuall Angels but all the Angels ; For there are no seven individuall Angels , but all the Angels ; For there are no seven individuall Angels that stand before God , but all doe , Dan 7. there are many more instances brought in the Bookes forementioned . 2. To this third Reason I have no obligation or notice to give credit , any farther than the evidences perswade , for many of which , though we are referred to Smectymnuus , &c. yet having received promise from these , that they would borrow a few things from those others ; I shall with reason hope that what they have upon choise borrowed , leaving , as they say , much more behind , is the most satisfactory and solid of any thing by them produced ; and consequently if there be no force in these instances to oppugne our conclusion , we shall not expect to finde more convincing ones by travailing farther , and gathering up out of those dispersions , what they have refused to take up and offer to us . 3. The thing they would prove is , that 't is usuall with the Holy Ghost in this ( as in other mysterious prophetick Bookes ) to expresse a number of things or persons by singulars . Their proofes are but three , and the first is of no force , because the word Church denotes a singular thing , as well as Candlestick that represents it ; for though a thousand men make up one Church , yet one Church is but one thing , considered as a Church , and proportionably as one Candlestick in the singular is set to denote each Church , so there are seven Candlesticks to represent the seven Churches . 4. As for the second , that of the Angels , that that signifies many Ministers , that cannot be offered as a proofe , being it selfe the matter of the question . And indeed though Church be a collective body , and so one Church is knowne to consist of many men , yet Angel is not of that nature , one Angel neither signifies many men , nor many Angels . 5. And whereas the parallel is set betwixt the word Candlestick , and the word Angel , that they ( each ) are singular words , by which multitudes are represented , that is a mistake , for the parallel lyes betwixt Church and Angel ( and on the other side betwixt Candlestick and Starre , as appeares Rev. 1. 20. ) and both these are individual things , the Church an individual Church , and there be seven such individual Churches , and the Angel an individual Angel , and there be seven such individual Angels , and there can be no more pretense that one Angel should signifie many Ministers , than that one Church should signifie many Congregations . 6. Lastly , for the third proofe , that of seven Angels , Rev. 8. 2. if that were granted to Doctor Reynold's authority , that the [ seven Angels ] there signifies all the Angels , yet would it not at all contribute to the proofe of the point in hand , which is , that many shall be signified by a singular , for we know that seven are not a singular , but the custome indeed being ordinary to use a certaine definite number , for an uncertaine or indefinite , and the septenary being a perfect number , and so fittest for the turne , 't is more tolerable that the number of seven may represent some greater number , one plural a larger plural , than that a singular one should doe so . 7. And yet secondly , there is no great reason to doubt , but that the seven Angels are indeed very seven Angels , and no more ; This I collect , 1. from the seven Trumpets that were given them , ver . 2. and the specifying them by that Character , the seven Angels , which had the seven Trumpets , ver . 6. Secondly , by the severall employments assigned them in the subsequent parts of the vision which brings them upon the scene one after another , the first Angel , ver . 7. the second Angel , ver . 8. and so to the seventh . Thirdly , by the distinction that is evidently made between those seven Angels and another Angel , ver . 3. And another came and stood at the Altar : which makes it certaine that the former seven did not signifie all the Angels , unlesse after all , there could yet be one more . Fourthly , from the mention of the seven Spirits , cap. 1. 4. which are said to be before Gods throne , that sure is all one with standing before him here , and it being certaine that Angels are Spirits , I have no reason to doubt but that these seven Angels are those seven spirits , and so still a definite number of seven , and no more . Fifthly , from the mention of the seven Eyes , Zach. 4. 10. which seeme to be interpreted to this sence , Rev. 5. 6. seven eyes which are the seven Spirits of God sent into all the Land. 8. And though in some of these places other men have had other notions , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is more to be appr●ved that we understood Angels by that phrase , cap. 1. saith Andreas C●sariensis , And of the whole matter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there are seven which have the greatest power , the first borne Princes of the Angels , saith Clemens Alexandrinus . In which words of his , the first borne Princes are evidently taken from Dan. 10. 13. where the Hebrew reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Principal or first rulers or Princes , of which Michael is the first , and thence called Archangel . 9. And so in Tobit , cap. 12. 15. we find seven holy Angels which present the prayers of the Saints , which description of them and their office , to present the prayers of the Saints , if it be thought unagreeable to their standing here before God or being before his throne , it will soone be reconciled by that speech of Christ , that the Angels of the infant tender Christians alwayes behold the face of God , and by that meanes are qualified to make their wants knowne unto him , which is all one with presenting of prayers . 10. Sixthly , from the mention of the seven Lamps , Rev. 4. 5. ( styled Lamps , in reference to the like number of Lamps on the Candlestick in the Sanctuary ) which burne before the throne , as cap. 1. they are before the throne , For of these it is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the seven ( by way of eminencie , or the seven Principal ) spirits of God. 11. Seventhly , from the no appearance of the least reason produced to the contrary ; For as to that which is introduced with a [ For ] and supplyes the place of a reason , it is evidently a bare assertion of the contrary , [ there are no seven individual Angels that stand before God ] without any offer of proofe , that testimony out of Dan. 7. that all doe , being far from concluding that there are not such seven principal Angels which these so many evidences assure us there are . 12. In that of Dan. 7. 10. upon that solemne occas●on of God's judgements exprest by a fiery streame , thousand thousands are said to Minister to him , and ten thousand times ten thousand to stand before him . But how doth that hinder but at another time , seven principal Angels may be employed by him , and in order to that stand before him too , and when we so oft reade of such seven , what question but they were individual Angels ? And so much for the third reason . Section XI . Of the Epistles being sent to the whole Church , not to the Bishop onely . Of Timothy , Onesimus and Polycarp , being Bishops of some of the Asian Churches , without any charge of Apostacy falling on them by this meanes . THere is a fourth behinds still , that though but one Angel ●e mentioned in the fore-front ▪ yet it is evident that the Epistles themselves ( though we are farre from thinking that in formal denomination , the Angels and the Candlesticks are the same ) are dedicated to all the Angels and Ministers in the Church , and to the Churches themselves , as appeares , R●v . 1. 10. Rev. 2. 7. 11. 17. And therefore when it is said in the singular number , I know thy workes , This thou hast , Repent and doe thy first workes , &c. All these and the like places are not to be understood as meant of one individual person , but of the whole company of Ministers , and also of the whole Church , because the punishment threatned is to the whole Church , Rev. 2. 5. 16. 2. Now we have no warrant in the word to thinke that Christ would remove his Gospell from a Church for the sin of one Bishop , when all the other ministers and Churches are farre from those sins . 2. To this I shall need make no reply , having done it sufficiently already , by concession that the Angel being the Ruler of a Church , the whole Epistle belongs to him and the Church promiscuously , and agreeably those expressions , which are used in the singular number , doe not all belong to the Bishop , but to the Church wherein he praesides : But certainly this is farre from inferring that the Bishop and Church are all one , or that the word Angel signifies the collective body of the Church , for , besides that the Text is expresse in making a signall difference between the Starres and the Candlesticks , the Angels and the Churches ( and the Assemblers are here forced to confesse that the Angels and Candlesticks are not the same ) the confounding them will be as disadvantageous to them as to us , and I shall as regularly be able to conclude that the word Angel signifies not the Presbytery , but the whole diffusive body of the Church , as they can pretend to doe upon their owne postulatum , that the Angel denotes not the Bishop but the whole Church , it being as certaine that they make a difference between the Church or multitude of believers , and the Presbytery that is set over them to rule , as we doe between the same Church and the Bishop . 3. Thus have we viewed all the reasons produced by them to assert or confirme their first answer , and shewed divers wayes how no manner of validity there is in any one or all of them , to evidence it to be a solid and every way sufficient answer . And therefore there was some use of the next part of the Method , to call in the authority of other men to countenance this interpretation , Master Brightman , Master Perkins , Master Foxe , ( who citeth Primasius Haymo , Beda , Richardus , Thomas , &c. ) Doctor Fulke , Master Meade , Gregory and Saint Austin ; But although they have thought fit to set downe these names , yet having omitted to adde their Testimonies , and indeed having resolved to forbear , because Smectymnuus hath done it already , I shall confesse my selfe willing to leave this chase , and in stead of leading the Reader so wearisome a walke , to examine the severall comments here named ( and but named ) give him more shortly my conjecture what truth may be in them . 4. Master Brightman , I know ( and some others 't is possible ) may have interpreted the Angel to signifie the whole College of Pastors , and truly I should much sooner take up an Interpretation upon the bare word of these Assemblers , than I would upon no better evidence from M. Brightman ; He was one learned man , long knowne to be unkinde to our Pralates , and here are many , for ought I know , as learned , though under the same praejudices . 5. Some others here cited , I cannot believe are brought to testifie this , but onely that what is said to the Angel in each part of the Epistle , was said to the whole Church , and not onely to the Bishop ; and if that be all they say , it is that which we cannot doubt to affirme with them , and have oft confest to understand Christ's Epistle so , without any incommodity to our praetensions . 6. If I mistake in these conjectures , I desire pardon , and shall hope to give a better account , when I reade the testimonies in the Authors from whence they are cited . For in these derivations of testimonies , the Assemblers citing them from Smectymnuus , Smectymnuus from Master Foxe , Master Foxe from Primasius , &c. there is great possibility of mistake , and therefore I shall follow the example before me , forbeare adding any more of this matter . 7. In the next place they are pleased to take notice as of an objection against their interpretation , that some Authors say , Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus when our Saviour wrote this Epistle , others that Onesimus was Bishop , others that Polycarp was Bishop of Smyrna at that time , and therefore these Angels must needs be taken individually for so many single persons . 8. Of this Objection , which they have thus formed for us , there is onely thus much of truth , that out of authentique Records we bring undeniable evidences for Timothies being constituted by St. Paul Bishop of Ephesus , for Onesimus being placed in that See at the time of Ignatius's writing to the Ephesians , that Polycarpe was constituted Bishop of Smyrna by S. John , of all which we have spoken enough already . 9. But of all or any of these being Bishops in those Cities at the very time of Christ's addressing this Epistle to the Angels of each , this had no where been our affirmation , nor would it have beene usefull to us in any considerable degree , if we had grounds positively to affirme it . All that is needfull to us is this , that by the Antient Records , which evidence them to have been so early Bishops in two of those Churches , to which Christ's Epistle was sent , and Bishops in the notion wherein we now use the word , we are secured of the truth of ou● collections , when from the mention of the seven Angels of the 7. Churches , we assert the Ecclesiasticall power in the hands of a single Bishop in each Church to be owned and confirmed by Christ ; And supposing some other persons , and none of these three to have beene those very numericall Angels to whom those Epistles were written , this conclusion of ours stands yet as firme , as if we could demonstrate it of those very numericall persons , there being no reason to doubt but the same manner of Government continued all the Scripture times ; and to Timothies successour and Onesimus's predecessor , being as certainly Bishops , as either Onesimus or Timothy himselfe ; when withall we have already produced mentions from the Antients of the Catalogues of those Bishops which succe dede Timothy in that See. 10. Having thus set right the Objection for them , so as it is owned by us to be an Objection against them , it will now soone appeare what force there is in their answers to it , and those are three . 11. First , that they that say that Timothy was then Bishop , offer no little injury to him , for they thereby charge him to be guilty of Apostacy , and of losing his first love , and so out of a blind zeale to Episcopacy they make that glorious Saint to stand charged as an Apostate . The like injury is offered by Objections to Onesim●s . 12. But first you see whatever our opinion is exprest to be we have not affirmed either of these , as to the person either of Timothy or Onesimus , but left it uncertaine who the Angel of the Church of Ephesus was , whether either or neither of these , but some successor of the one , and predecessor of the other , and so what charge soever falls on that Angel , it falls not necessarily on either of these . 13. Secondly it is already agreed betwixt the parties , affirmed by them , and acknowledged by me , that the Epistle being addrest to the Angel of Ephesus , the Church or diffusive body , the Christians in it , were concerned in the contents of it ; And then whatsoever charge be found in the Epistle , of how heavy a nature soever , even of Apostacy it selfe , yet there is no necessity the Angel or Bishop should be personally guilty of it , and so whosoever the Bishop was , though Timothy himselfe , our zeale to Episcopacy hath not beene so blind or transporting , as to put us on any uncharitable censure , to affix any unhandsome character upon so glorious a Saint . 14. Lastly , to remove this answer yet one degree farther from being satisfactory , it no where appeares that apostacy is in that Epistle laid to the charge , whether of the Church or Angel ; The first part is all in commendati●n of their former zeal , and the later , wherein their charge consists , v. 4. is only this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which is not ( as is suggested ) losing their first love , but remitting it ; Their love to Christ had formerly been strong as death , pure and vehement , such as had cast out all feare of dangers , and evidenced it selfe in couragious confession , but now , though it were not quite lost , yet it was remitted , lessened in the degree , not so intense as formerly , and therefore when they are bid remember from whence they are fallen , that fall doth not necessarily signifie Apostacy or renouncing of Christianity , for then it had been an impertinent threatning to remove their Chandlestick v. 5. ) but a falling from the former degree , a cooling of the intense heat , which had been so laudable in them . And so still there is more invalidity in this first answer . Section XII . Of Timothies being an Evangelist , that it hinders not his being a Bishop . THe second is , that they have already proved that Timothy was an Evangelist in a proper sense , and therefore cannot be called Bishop of Ephesus in their sense . 2. To this I reply , 1. That Timothies being an Evangelist no way prejudgeth his being a Bishop in our ●ense , An Evangelist is one commissionated by any of the Apostles ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to preach the Gospell to any City or People ; And a Bishop is one commissionated by the like Apostle to praeside in , and governe a Church already planted . And what hinders but that he that hath beene employed in the former capacity to plant , may elsewhere or in the same place be appointed to Governe , and so the Evangelist be a Bishop ? 3. Whatsoever Objections can be brought against this , I shall not doubt will be easily answered , but there is no offer of any here , and therefore it will not be pertinent farther to treat it in this place . 4. Secondly , it must againe be remembred , that what is here said of Timothy is proper to his person , both from Onesimus and Polycarpe , and all other Angels , whether succeeding Timothy in Ephesus , or praesiding in the other 7. Asian Churches , and therefore though Timothy by being an Evangelist were rendred uncapable ( which yet he was not ) of being the Bishop of Ephesus in our sense , yet those other seven Angels at the very time of the writing this Epistle of which none have been proved to be Evangelists , may still be Bishops in our sense . 5. Thirdly , I shall demand upon the Assemblers principles , who allow a Primus Presbyter , a Prolocutor in their consistory or Councell of Presbyters , might Timothy be that first Presbyter in the Church of Ephesus , or did his being an Evangelist hinder him from being so , when he was by St. Paul exhorted or appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to abide in that City ? I cannot imagine they will say he could not , who give both St. Peter and St. John leave to call themselves Presbyters ; But if he could in their opinion , then why might he not be a Bishop in our sense ( notwithstanding that he was an Evangelist ) as well as a Presbyter in theirs ? I foresee not what answer can be adapted to this Dilemma . Section XIII . Of the Bishops at Ephesus . Of the plurall number in the Epistle to the Angel of Smyrna . THere remaines a third branch of the Answer , that it will not follow because Onesimus was Bishop of Ephesus in St. John's dayes , that therefore he was the onely person to whom Christ wrote his Epistle ; For St. Paul tells us there were many Bishops at Ephesus ( besides the supposed Onesimus ) and Christ may very well write to him , and to all the rest as well as him . The like may be said concerning Polycarpe , for our Saviour speakes to the Angel of the Church of Smyrna in the plurall number , Rev. 2. 10. And therefore hee may truly be said to write to all the other Angels that were at Smyrna , as well as to one . 2. Here is nothing in this branch but what hath beene distinctly forestall'd , and spoken to largely already , it will suffice that we repeat the heads , and leave the Reader to view the places , where they are more explicitly handled . And 1. though St. Paul should tell us that there were many Bishops at Ephesus , as there might be from other Cities occasionally met there , yet it would not follow that there were more than one Bishop of that City , or consequently that Christ in a peculiar addresse to the Angel of that City could write to more Bishops there . 3. But then secondly , the whole truth is this , that S. Luke ( and not St Paul ) tells , that upon St. Pauls summons sent to Ephesus , many Bishops met him at Miletus ; Ephesus being the chiefe Metropolis was the fittest meanes to convey the summons to the Cities neer it , and from them and not onely from them , and not onely from Ephesus came the Bishops to him , as hath been declared out of Irenaeus . 4. Thirdly , for our Saviour's speaking to the Angel of the Church of Smyrna in the plurall number , that is not punctually true , for though the letter be written and inscribed to the Angel , yet , as hath oft been said , the whole Church is concerned in the contents of it , and so speaking to the Angel in the singular , he may yet speake to the Church or any members thereof , in the plurall number . And so much againe to demonstrate the ineffectualnesse of the first Head of Answers . Section XIV . Of Beza's Interpretation , of the Praesident . THe second followes upon a supposition ( but not grant ) that these Angels were personae singulares , and that the word Angel is to be taken individually , yet they conceive this will not at all advantage the Episcopall cause . For 1. Mr. Beza ( no great friend to Episcopacy ) acknowledgeth that by these words to the Angel is meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Praesident , as whom it behooved specially to be admonished touching those matters , and by him both the rest of his Collegues , and the whole Church likewise ; but then he addeth , But that Episcopal degree which was afterward by humane invention brought into the Church of God , certainly neither can nor ought to be from hence concluded . Nay , not so much as the Office of a perpetuall President should be of necessity as the thence arising Oligarchical tyranny ( whose head is the Antichristian beast ) now at length with the most certaine ruine , not of the Church onely , but of the word also , maketh manifest ; By which quotation it is evident , that though Beza held the Angel to be a singular person , yet he held him to be Angelus Praeses , not Angelus Princeps ; and that he was Praeses pro tempore , just as a Moderator in an Assembly , or as a Speaker in Parliament . 2. To this I reply , 1. that Mr. Beza's interpretation , as it was foreknown and formerly mentioned by us , so was it not in reason to be of any force or authority with us , if it be but upon the score intimated here , that he was not onely no great friend , but a knowne profest enemy of Episcopacy , and so was obliged to be , by the course wherein he was engaged at Geneva . All that his authority concludes , is , that to avoid a plaine testimony , which is not for his turne , a man may be induced to affirme that confidently , for which he hath no ground of proofe , nay , wherein all wayes of evidence , that th● matter is capable of , are absolutely against him . 3. Thus 't is certainly in this matter , for when Beza hath here acknowledged that the Angel was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 President , who will be the most competent Judge or Witnesse , to determine what was meant by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Praesident ] in the Primitive Church , what kind of Praesidency he had , whether onely of place or order , and that onely for a time , or of superiority of power and office , and that perpetuall ? In all reason this is to be fetcht from those first Writers which speake of it , and either use the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 President , for such a Bishop , as we now assert ( a singular person in every Church , having a power for life over all the Officers and Members of the Church , and succeeding some Apostle , or Apostolicall person in that power ) or else in other words affirme the same thing . 4. Of this , store of evidences are * elsewhere produced , in the explication of the severall titles , by which this singular prefect was antiently knowne , whether of Apostle , in a secondary use of that word , of Angel , of Bishop , of Elder , of Ruler , of Pastor , of Doctor , of Steward , of President , of Priest ; Against which the bare authority of Mr. Beza's name , who hath fancied a temporary President or Prolecutor , and brought no manner of reason to confirme it , will have very little validity in it . 5. What is proved by the bare testimony of Beza , is farther confirmed by a like citation out of the Reverend Divines at the Isle of Wight , who by the example of the King sending a message to both Houses , and directing it To the Speaker of the House of Peeres , which inferres not that 〈◊〉 the Speaker is alwayes the same person , or the Governour , or Ruler of the two Houses in the least , conclude , that notwithstanding this direction of Christ's Epistle to the Angels , yet they might be neither Bishops , nor yet perpetuall Moderators . 6. But the authority of those Divines , which had this answer from Beza , addes nothing of weight , because nothing of proofe to it ; As for their similitude , it concludes nothing but this , that these Divines thought fit to make use of this instance of a Speaker in Parliament , to shew the thing possible to have been , not to prove that so it was , And the matter of our present inquiry , is not , what a kinde of president Christ and his Apostles might , if they would , have left in each Church , but what really they did ; And that must be contested by the best Records of those times , not by a similitude of a Speaker in our Parliaments . And that is all I neede to say to that Section . Section XV. Of Dr. Reynolds interpretation , of the Bishop in Cyprian . Of Ordination by Bishops not without Presbyters , from the Testimonies of Cyprian , and Fermilian . AFter the authority of Mr. Beza , backt with that of the Divines at the Isle of Wight , is added , in the second place , the authority of Dr. Reynolds , who as he hath a Letter in print against the Divine Right of Episcopacy , so he acknowledgeth also in his conference with Hart , Dial. 3. That this Angel was persona singularis : For he saith , 2. The whole place of Dr. Reynolds is set down at large by the Archbishop of Armagh in the front of his learned Dissertation of the Originall of Bishops and Metropolitanes , and I shall not neede here to recite it , being of some length , and indeed nothing in it defined or exprest of his opinion , that the President , when he was made such , either continued to be equall with the rest of the Presbyters , or lasted but for a time , so as the Prolocutor of an Assembly doth ; I am sure he affirms him to have had the Presidentship ( not among , but ) over Elders ( which I suppose must imply some power ) and that this was he that in the Primitive Church the Fathers called Bishop , and applies to him the mentions of Bishops made by St. Cyprian ( and Cornelius ) of whose notion of Bishops , that it 〈◊〉 not to a bare Prolocutor of an Assembly , nay , that in nothing it differeth from ours , I am sufficiently assured , and so will the Reader by what is cited from him Dissert . 3. c. 3. § . 13. And because from some other intimations in this Book I see there is neede of it , I shall here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of many , mention this one evidence more . 3. In the 60 Epistle to Rogation a Bishop , who had beene wronged and contumeliously used by a Deacon of his Church , and had written an account of it to Cyprian and the * annuall Councell of Bishops with him , Cyprian returnes this Answer , that it was his humility to make this complaint to the councell , Cum pro Episcopatus vigore , & Cathedrae authoritate haberes potestatem , quâ possis de illo statim vindicari , when by force of his Episcopall power , and by authority of his chaire , hee had power himselfe to inflict punishment on him immediatly , and that punishment afterward specified , ut eum deponas vel abstineas , either to depose him or suspend him . 4. Here it was a part of Rogatian's Episcopall power , without any joyning with him , to judge and censure the inferiour Officers of the Church , and they were bound honorem sacerdotis agnoscere & Episcopo praeposito suo — as it followes in that Epistle , to acknowledge the honour of their Priest , and with full humility make satisfaction to the Bishop which is set over them . All power in the hands of one set over all , call'd promiscuous●ly Priest and Bishop in Cyprian's style . 5. And therefore when in the Appendix to this Book , these men to prove that Ordination by Bishops without the assistance of Presbyters was alwayes forbidden and opposed , tell us of Aureliu's being ordained by Cyprian , and his Collegues ▪ Ep. 33. and then assure us from 8p . 58. that by his collegues he meanes his Presbyters ( where yet there is no other proofe of it ▪ but the using of these words in the Inscription of the Epistle , Cyprianus ▪ cum Collegis , and Ego & collegae , Cyprian with his collegues , and I and my collegues ) This is a great , but discernible fallacy put upon the Reader , as will soone appeare 1. If we but observe that the 33 Epistle , where he tells of Aurelius , was written by Cyprian to his Presbyters , and so they are the persons whom he advertiseth , what he and his Collegues had done , and so sure were not those Collegues that did it with him . Or secondly , if for the understanding Cyprian's notion of Collegues , Ep. 58. we shall but looke forward to the next Epistle 59. for that will fully discover it , being this , Cyprianus & caeteri Collegae qui in Concilio affuerunt numero LXVI . where Cyprians Collegues are evidently the 66. Bishops that were in Councel with him . 6. The like might be also observed of the Testimony out of Firmilian , which they there subjoyne , of the Seniores and Praepositi that have power of ordeining , by whom , say they , the Presbyters as well as the Bishops are understood ; But againe 't is cleare by the expresse words of the Epistle , that by them are meant the Bishops in their annual Councel , Necessari● apud nos fit ut per singulos annos Seniores & Praepositi in unu● conveniamus — 'T is necessary that every yeare we the Elders and Governors should meet together to dispose and order those things which are committed to our care , adding concerning the Church ( in opposition to Hereticks ) that all power and grace is placed in it , ubi praesident majores natu , qui & Baptizandi & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem , wherein the Elders praeside , and have power of Baptizing , absolving and ordeining , an evident description of the Bishops . But this by the way , as an essay , what their testimonies out of the Fathers , scattered sometimes in this Book , would be found to be , if this were a place to examine them . 7. Lastly Dr. Reinolds acknowledges another Praesident even among Bishops , the Bishop of the chiefest City in the Province , and so a Metropolitan . All which are contrary enough to the praetensions of the Presbyterians ( what amends he hath made them in his Printed letter I know not ▪ ) 8. Yet after all this , there lyes no obligation upon us to regulate our Doctrine by Doctor Reinolds's scheme in this matter , being sufficiently instructed by the Primitive records and practice , what kind of power and dignity belonged to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Praesident among them , the very same that we now pretend to be the Bishops due , And if Christ's letter were addrest to the Angel , as to such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Praesident , 't is all that we desire , to erect our fabrick of Spiscopacy on this one place , if there were not ( as there are ) others able to support the weight of it . 9. And so we see what reasons have been brought to make good their second head of Answers , of which we had promise that they were solid and every way sufficient answers , and yet in the issue there is nothing so much as offered toward it , save onely the testimony of Master Beza , the Divines at the Isle of Wight ( which is by interpretation themselve● ) and Doctor Reynolds , who yet is not perfectly of their party neither . Section XVI . Of the Churches of Asia being Metropolitical . Of the paueity of believers . HAving thus done , they say It is objected by some men that the seven Cities , in which these seven Asian Churches had their seat were all of them Metropolitical , and so had relation to the rest of the Towns and Cities of Asia , as unto daughters rising under them , and that therefore these Churches were Metropolitical Churches , and their Angels Metropolitical Bishops . 2. How this comes to be styled an objection I cannot well guesse , or what it is , against which it is thought to be objected . The truth of it , as farre as any Episcopal person I know , is interessed in it , is this , It is not onely evident of the Angels of the seven Asian Churches , that they were Bishops , which is sufficient for us against the Assemblers , but there is over and above that , all reason to deem them Starres of a first magnitude , i. e. Bishops of Mother-Cities , Metropolitanes and that very pertinent to be urged in this matter of the Asian Angels , not to secure the proofes of Episcopacy taken from thence , but to render a reason why in all Asia but seven Churches and their Bishops are named there . To this purpose the discourse is inlarged ( above what it needed to have been ) Dissert . 4. 5. to set downe the nature of Metropolitanes , the exemplars of them among the Jewes , the expresses of the Institution in the Apostles writings , and the signal evidences of it in the Primitive Church , and the Antient Canons in the Councel of Nice and Antioch , and Ephesus , all owning them as Primitive and Apostolical Institutions , and all this exemplified in Jerusalem , in Antioch , in Rome , in Alexandria , in Gortyna of Creet , and at length in all the seven Churches of Asia . 3. What is there thus set down , if it have not perfect truth in it , I shall be very glad to see the weake parts of that discourse discovered , and therefore though I never proposed or meant it as an Objection of ours against the Presbyterians , having no need of such auxiliaries , and the whole matter being sufficiently proved without , and this onely added ex abundanti , yet I shall most willingly attend their motions , and see what answers they will adapt to this Objection , as they call it . 4. And 1. they answer , that it will hardly be proved that these seven . Cities were all of them Metropolitical Cities in S. John's dayes , And the scituation of most them lying neerer together on the Sea side makes it very improbable . 5. To this I reply , that for five of them , Ephesus , Smyrna , Sardis , Pergamus , and Laodicaea , Pliny , that lived and wrote in the beginning of Vespatian's reigne , is a competent witnesse , that they were Cities wherein the Roman Proconsuls sixt their Courts or Seats of Judicature , and administred justice there to all the Cities about them , and that is the interpretation of a chiefe City or Metropolis , in the secular account , and agreeably Vlpian mentions Ephesus as the chief of these Metropoles . And for the other two , Philadelphia and Thyatira , the latter of these by * Ptolomee , the former by the Councel of Constantinople sub Menâ is punctually affirmed to be a Metropolis . To these are added other evidences and reasons , and the Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh hath written ( besides his Original of Metropolitanes ) a very learned Dissertation of the Lydian Asia , on purpose to cleare this matter . 6. And when a thing is so largely proved already , and when a satisfactory proofe of it in any one of the seven Cities is abundantly sufficient to the asserting of Metropolitanes , ( for then the Angel of that one was a Metropolitan ) 't is then certainly a very incompetent confutation barely to say , that it will hardly be proved , that these seven Cities were all of them Metropolitical Cities in Saint John's dayes , for if it be proved , it matters now how hardly , and if any one were so in S. John's dayes , it matters not , if possibly some other were not , that one was a Metropolitical Angel , which is all we need insist on . 7. And for the Argument to make it improbable , drawn from the situation of the Cities , that is as infirme ; for this , as all other controversies of matters of fact , must be waged by authorities of those which were likely to know the truth , and to testifie aright , and to those we have all reason to adhere , and not to be moved by arguments that seeme probable to those that live 1600. yeares after , and are not perhaps so perfect Masters of the Geographie of the place as duly to be able to judge even what is in that respect most probable . 8. Nay for the distances of these Cities , though I have not now Mr. Brightman by me , yet my notes out of him tell me , that in his scale of furlongs , Pergamus was distant from Smyrna 540. furlongs , i. e. about 68. English miles , and Ephesus from Smyrna 320. i. e. about 40. miles , and Thyatira from Pergamus 80. English miles , which is a distance very reconcileable with their being Metropoles . 9. But they are content to suppose this was true , and then have answers ready another way , 1. That it is no good argument from the greatnesse of the Cities to inferre the greatnesse of the Churches , for though the Cities were great , yet the Churches were but small , and the number of believers very few in comparison of the rest of the people . 10. To this I reply , 1. by concession , that in all places and times the greatnesse of the Church cannot absolutely be concluded from the greatnesse of the City , because it is possible that a great City may have utterly resisted the faith , and a lesser City received it ; or againe a greater City , that hath received the Faith in some of the Members , may yet have fewer believers in it , than another City , which is not so great . This therefore is not our way of concluding , from the bare greatnesse of the Cities , to infer the great number of believers in them . 11. Our way of concluding is this ; Paul had spent three yeares , Act. 20. 31. in this Lydian or Proconsular Asia , ver . 18. In this time he had pursued his worke very diligently and zealously , not ceasing to warne every one night and day with teares , and herein his harvest was proportionable to his labour ; After two years space and upwards spent at Ephesus , it is said , ver . 19. that by the continuance of his preaching and gathering Disciples , all they that dwelt in Asia , heard the word of the Lord both Jews and Greeks , and though many were hardned and believed not , and spake evil of that way , ver . 9. yet ver . 17. by some extraordinary workes of his , which were made knowne to all the Jews and Greeks dwelling at Ephesus , feare fell on them all , and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified , a conversion in a manner general , and therefore it followes , and many that believed — ver . 18. and so mightily grew the word of God and prevailed , ver . 20. Whereupon Saint Paul himselfe speaking of these successes , calls it a great dore and an effectual , 1 Cor. 16. 9. which at Ephesus , v. 8. was opened unto him . 12. From hence we conclude , and sure safely may , 1. that in Asia generally , and especially in Ephesus there was a great number of Christians , before this time of Christs Epistle , ( which is not a concluding it barely from the greatnesse of that or any other Cities of Asia ) Secondly from hence , together with Ephesus's being in the secular account ( the Notitiae Imperiales ) a Metropolis , where the Assizes were kept , we conclude that Ephesus was in the Christian account also a Metropolis , and the chiefe of all Asia ; and this I hope is not so improbable infirme a way of concluding , as the other imposed on us seemed to be . 13. Thirdly , from hence , and from other exemplifications of it ( as that Trallis and Magnesia , which appeare to be under the Metropolis of Ephesus , are by Ignatius written to as all Episcopal Sees , in our present notion of the word Bishop ) we conclude that other Cities of Asia beside these seven , had received the Christian faith , and were certainely taken care for by Paul , which had planted it among them , and agreeably had Rulers setled in them , i. e. Bishops subordinate to the Metropolitans . And all these inferences I doubt not will appeare regular enough , and I should farther enlarge on them , if there were any thing in the answer , which could render it needful or seasonable . 14. As for the paucity of Christians in those times in comparison of the rest of the people , that cannot be pertinently opposed to our pretensions , because still the number of Christians in a great City might beare the same proportion to the number of the Christians in the smaller Cities , that the people in the one did to the people in the other , one thousand bearing the same proportion to one hundred , that an hundred thousand doth to ten thousand . 15. And it being the affirmation of Clemens , that the Apostles in each City , where they received any proselytes , though never so few , before their parting constituted a Bishop ( with his Deacon ) who was to be governor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of those that should after believe , it followes unquestionably from thence , that in the Cities which had but few Christians , Bishops might be and were constituted , and those very regularly depending on the greater ( their Metropolitical ) Cities , from whence the faith was derived to them , ( as from Ephesus , where Paul chiefly resided , to the Cities about it ) and all this without any need of ballancing the parties , or considering what comparison the number of the Christians in one , or the other , bore to the number of the unbelievers in either City . And let this serve by way of Reply to the first branch of the second answer . Section XVI . Of modelling Churches according to the Government of the Roman state . Of exemplars of Metropolitans among the Jewes . Testimonies of the Apostles instituting Metropolitans . THeir second answer is , we doe not believe that ever it can be proved that the Apostles did modell the Government of the Church , according to the Government of the Roman state . This was the after policy of Christian Emperours and Bishops , but no part of Apostolicall policy ; And therefore it doth not follow , that because there were divers Cities under the jurisdiction of those 7. Cities , that therefore there should be divers Churches subordinate to the 7. Asian Churches . 2. That the Apostles , which designed to plant a Church in the Heathen World , should doe it in that manner as would be most advantagious to their end , will not I hope be accounted strange . This generally was by betaking themselves to the Cities , rather than the villages , and first to the greater Cities , unto which was the most frequent resort , that by that meanes the faith might be most compendiously and successefully propagated . If a greater City resisted their preaching , or fewer Saints were gathered there , I do not then pretend to prove , or to believe that that was constituted a Metropolitan Church with superiority over others of greater antiquity , or larger growth in the faith whatsoever the dignity of it were in the secular account ; But when a whole Nation is converted , and the greatest and most populous Cities first , and from thence the sound gone out into all the Region , and lesser Cities in it , that then the Apostles , which certainly constituted Bishops in every believing City ( and therefore what is reported to have been done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every Church , Acts 14. 23. is appointed to be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every City , Tit. 1. 5 ) should set up the principall Sees in those most Christian Cities , which had formerly the priority in the Romane state , as it is the wisest method , and fittest for the wisest planters to take , so we have all reason to believe it was done particularly in the Lydian or Proconsular Asia , in which there being many more Christian Cities , than those seven , to whom Christ's Epistle is addrest , those are in all reason to be accounted the chiefe of that Region , and those which are not named , lesse princi●all than they : which concurring with what we finde recorded in Pliny and Ptolomy of the account of them in the imperiall noticiae , if it demonstrate not , is yet matter of exceeding great probability , and may perswade with any reasonable man , as long as there is nothing in any degree such , which is offered to be confronted against it . 3. If that which scandalizeth the Assemblers ( for we are left to Divine what it is ) be the unfitnesse that the Apostles should modell the Church according to the Roman state . I shall first demand how it is possible to imagine a plantation of a Church in any , whether Jewish or Heathen state , without doing somewhat equivalent to this ? For suppose Joseph of Arimathea to have ( as * Gildas saith ) converted the Britannick church in Tiberius's time , is it to be imagined that he should meddle with the civill power of this Nation , as it stood in respect of it's separation from other Nations , toto divisa Orbe , or with the divisions or distributions of this Nation within it selfe , into Cities , and Provinces , &c. or goe about to innovate any thing in that matter ? Is it not certaine that it was no part of the Christian faith to be such a judge or divider ; but on the other side that all should remaine as it did ( in that respect ) before the coming of Christianity ? And therefore supposing 1. That this Nation were governed by a King of its own ; is it not certain that this nationall Church should follow the boundaries of the Nation , and so be modeld according to the government of the ( formerly Heathen ) Britannick state ? And supposing againe ( what hath already been proved by the testimony of Clemens , and by comparing Act. 14. 23. with Tit. 1. 5. ) that a Bishop were constituted in every Church , in each City , will there be any reason of doubting but that those Cities being subordinate one to another , according to the customes of the Nation , the Churches in those Cities , and the Bishops in those Churches shall be so also ? This I hope will not be deemed an impious compliance with heathenisme , or conformity with the World , nay , though the Emperour of Rome ( by his conquests here ) were the author of these distributions . 4. But then secondly , it is already cleared in the Dissertations , that this Ecclesiastick division of Cities into Mothers and Daughters , Metropoles and inferiour Cities , was by the Apostle copied out from the Jewes , as when God commands by Moses , that Judges and Officers should be ordained in every City , Deut. 16. 18. and that in matters of weight and doubt they should resort to Jerusalem ; to the Judge and Sanhedrim there , according to which it appeares that Jerusalem was the Metropolis of those other Cities , and so is evident , Act. 9. by the story of Saul carrying Letters of Commission from the Sanhedrim there to the consistories in Damascus , and by many other evidences . So likewise Numb . 3. when three Families of the Levits , the sonnes of Aaron , were separated for the service of the Tabernacle , and an head or Prince or President of every of these , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 24. 30. 35. Eleazar Aaron's Sonne is constituted over all these , and styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of the heads of the Levites , This is clearly a patterne of the Metropolitanes in the Christian Church , which may therefore owne it's derivation from thence , and not from the Heathen models of Government , which yet it was not reasonably to disturbe , being found so concordant to , and commodious for it . 5. And that what was done in this kind , was done by the Apostles themselves and Apostolicall persons , the first founders of Churches , and not onely by the after policy ( as is suggested ) of Christian Emperours and Bishops , might have appeared abundantly by these few testimonies , of they had been worthy to be taken notice of . First , of the councell of Nice An. Domini 325. not many yeares after the conversion of Constantine , the first Christian Emperour , Can. 6. which takes care for the preserving the priviledges of the Metropolitanes ( by name that the Bishop of Alexandria should have power over the Churches in Aegypt , Lybia and Pentapolis , that in Antioch and the rest of the Provinces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priveleges should be preserved to the Churches ) begins with this rule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let the antient customes continue in force , which certainly referres to that which was long before the Christian Emperours , and ( without any reason of doubting ) to the first constitutions of those Churches by St. Marke , and St. Peter , and then the Canon goes on to exact this by way of conformity with other places , with Rome it selfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for this is the custome of force with the Bishop of Rome , and upon these grounds the Canon requires 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 universally , that if any man be made a Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the judgement of the Metropolitan , he ought not to be Bishop — 6. So in the 9. Canon of the Councell of Antioch , in the yeare 341. which begins thus , that the Bishop , which presides in the Metropolis , ought to know the Bishops in every Province , and to take care of the whole Province , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because all that have businesse , resort from all sides to the Metropolis ( which is the very thing we now contend , to be the reason of conforming the Ecclesiastick to the civill models ) and then proceeds to forbid other Bishops acting any thing of such a nature without him , this is backt with these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the antient Canon of our Fathers , which hath been in force , referring againe to the immemoriall custome of all Churches since the first plantation , and not the after-policie of Christian Emperours and Bishops , as is here suggested . 7. Lastly , in the last canon of the Great councell of Ephesus , in the yeare 431. ( which is the defining a speciall matter of Metropoliticall right ) where the occasion of the controversie is rehearsed , how the Bishop of Antioch invaded the priviledges of the Cypriots , contrary to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the antient custome , and the decree is made that the Bishops of Cyprus shall retaine them inviolate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the Canons of the Holy Fathers , and the antient custome ; The Canon extends it selfe to all other Dioceses and Provinces , that no Bishop shall meddle with another Province 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was not upward and from the beginning under his , i. e. his praedecessors power , where it is most evident that the Metropolitical power , and primacy Ecclesiasticall is derived from the beginning of the plantation of each Church , and consequently that this was a part of Apostolicall policy , and not onely an after policy of Christian Emperours , &c. 8. And upon these grounds of probation , I shall be competently secured that this is proved , which they doe not believe ever can be , and have no other argument to prove their negative , but their not believing the affirmative . Section XVII . Of the objection against Metropoles from the seven Starres in seven Churches . OF the same temper is their third answer , that they are fully assured that it can never be made out , that any of these Asian Angels were Archbishops or Bishops over other Bishops , or Bishops over divers settled Churches . The seven Starres are said in Scripture to be fixed in their seven Candle-stickes or Churches , not one Starre over divers Candle-stickes or Churches . 2. What they are already fully assured of , that it can never be made out , I shall have little confidence to perswade them was formerly done to their hands ; Otherwise I should hope that by what had long since been said , and hath now been more largely deduced in Reply to their last answer , they might find cause to alter their judgements , and retract their so definitive sentence of full assurance . 3. As for the onely appearance of reason , which is here superadded , viz. that the seven Stars are found fixed in seven , not one over divers Churches , this I conceive not to be of any force . For it being by us granted and presumed that each of the seven Asian Angels was Bishop of his particular Church , one of Ephesus , another of Smyrna , &c. It is perfectly reconcileable herewith , that in case these seven were not the onely Cities and Churches in Asia ( as it is certaine they were not , all Asia , consisting of many more Cities , being before this converted to the Faith ) all the other might have dependance on these seven . 4. For this we know , that two Bishops in England , that were each of them , first in one City , for example in Canterbury or Yorke , had yet each of them a superiority or Metropoliticall power over divers other Cities , and when any Record styles one of them Bishop of Canterbury , as the Scripture doth Angel of Ephesus , we should sure acknowledge it a very infirme inference from the words of that Record , to conclude that being Bishop of Canterbury he could not be Metropolitan of London , Rochester , &c. 5. And this is the very parallel to the present instance , and if it were not invalid enough , by being a bare negative argument [ they are not said in Scripture to be one Starre over divers Churches ] ( all things that are , are not said in Scripture , those Angels have not therefore no names , because they are not there recorded ) this parallel instance , which supposes the contrary to their pretensions , would be sufficient to invalidate it . Section XVIII . Of the use of the word Bishop for Archbishop in Tertullian : Of Angel in Christs Epistle . A Fourth answer , or rather confutation , is added , That if this opinion were true , then Tertullian did not doe well in saying that St. John made Polycarpe Bishop of Smyrna , but he should rather have said that he made him Archbishop . And our Saviour Christ had not given to these seven Angels their due Titles , for he must have written to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , together with all those Churches in the Cities subordinate to Ephesus . And so likewise of the other six . 2. To this I reply , that the affirming the seven Angels to have been Metropolitanes , no way obligeth us to find fault either with Tertullians or our Saviour's style . Not with Tertullian's , for 1. an Arch-Bishop is a Bishop , though dignified above some others of that order . Secondly , supposing Smyrna to be a Metropolis ( as no doubt , if it were , Tertullian knew and supposed it to be ) then his styling Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna , is aequivalent to his calling him a Metropolita● or Archbishop , As acknowledging Canterbury to be a Metropolitical See in England , the affirming William Laud to be constituted Bishop of Canterbury , is all one , as to affirme him Archbishop . 3. Thus when * Chrysostome saith of Titus , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an intire Island and the judgement of so many . Bishops was committed to him , what is this but to affirme Titus Arch-bishop of Crete ? And yet * Eusebius , who believed this , and adverted to it , as much as Chrysostome , uses this phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was Bishop of the Churches of Creet , calling him Bishop distinctly , though by the mention of the Churches in the plural , 't is evident he meant the same that we doe by Arch-Bishop . 4. So againe * Eusebius of Irenaeus , that he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was Bishop of the Provinces of France , which must needs signifie Archbishop of Lyons , for so he was . And 't is certaine that other of the Antients use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arch-Bishop , of those which were no otherwise qualified for that title , as when Saint Cyprian the Bishop of Carthage , under which the whole Province of Africk is comprehended , is by the * Councel of Constantinople called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Arch-Bishop of the region of Africk . 5. The same answer will competently suffice , for the reconciling Christ's style and ours , for supposing Ephesus to have been a Metropolis , the writing to the Angel of that Church , implyes writing to those other Churches in the Cities subordinate to Ephesus , and need not be more fully exprest , as when the Apostle wrote to the Church of Corinth , and not onely so , but to all the Saints ( and so all the Churches ) in all Achaia . 2 Cor. 1. 1. 't is certaine that the former Epistle was written to those very same Churches ( viz. all under the Metropolis of Corinth ) and yet it is inscribed to the Church of God which is at Corinth , 1 Cor. 1. 1. without mentioning of Achaia , save onely in a general indefinite phrase , with all that in every place call on the name of Jesus . 6. Secondly , the word in Christ's Epistle being not Bishop but Angel , is not at all lyable to this exception , For why may not an Arch-Bishop be as fitly called an Angel , as a Bishop would be ? nay if it be remembred what was formerly cited out of Clemens Alexandrinus , Strom. 6. that there are seven Angels which have the greatest power , by him styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first-borne rulers of the Angels ; parallel to the phrase in Dan. 7. 10. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head , Lords or chiefe Princes , or , as we ordinarily stile them , the Archangels , of which number Michael is there named to be one , There will then be more than a tolerable propriety of speech in Christ's style , a most exact critical notation of their being Arch-Bishops , and withall a farther account of Tertullian's calling Polycarp a Bishop of Smyrna , though he were Arch-Bishop , just as the Archangels in Daniel are more than once called Angels in the Revelation . 7. For a close of this mater they are pleased to adde their Character , not over-benigne of those by whom this device , as they style it , was found out for the honour of Archpiscopacy , [ that they did aspire unto that dignity . ] 8. If hereby be meant the Lord Primate of Ireland in his discourse of the Original of Bishops , this character can have no propriety in it , he having quietly enjoyed that dignity many yeares before the writing hereof . If it be designed for a reproach to me , I shall elude the blow by not thinking it such . For as at a time when Episcopacy it selfe was by the Parliament abolisht , ( and that Act of severity actually put in execution ) it had been a great folly in any to hope that he should ever attaine to that Office of Dignity in the Church , ( and what ever other follies I have been guilty of , truly that was none of them ) so I thinke there could not a point of time more commodiously have been chosen in the space of above 1600 year●s , wherein a man might have better secured a Discourse for Bishops and Metropolitanes , from the Censure of aspiring to either of those Dignities , that was that , wherein that Book was published . 9. To this if I adde by way of retortion , that it is evident that they which write this Jus Divinum Ministerii Evangeliei , doe aspire every one of them to their part of a Ruling Presbytery , which their brethren that have not those Ambitions are farre from thinking to have any Divine Stamp upon it , I shall have given an account of the unskilfulnesse of their Reproaches , as well as of the invalidity of their Answers . 10. As for the feare which their Discourse on this matter suggests to their more moderate brethren , that if a Jus Divinum be stampt on Archbishops and Primates , and Patriarchs , they may be forced by the same proportion to put a Divine stamp upon the Pope himselfe , I perswade my selfe that I have given the ingenious reader a satisfactory account of the inconsequence hereof , in a Discourse of Schisme , to which I shall refer him , if he need , or desire farther trouble or direction in this businesse . Section XIX . Of Division into Parishes , and Vnion into Diocesses . Of Diocesan Bishops in the Apostles dayes . Elders in every Church , Act. 14. Elders of the Church , Act. 20. That place vindicated from exception . AFter all this , they adde a fourth ( whether Answer or suppletory Consideration ) for the conclusion of this Discourse concerning the Asian Angels , and I shall follow them to that more cheerfully , because it lookes like a conclusion . 2. It is this , That it can never be provid that these Asian Angels were Bishops in a Praelaticall sense , much lesse Arch-Bishops and Metropolitanes . For it is believed upon all parts , that believers in great Cities , were not divided into set and fixt Congregations and parishes , till long after the Apostles dayes , and that Parishes were not united into Dioceses till 260. years after Christ . And therefore sure we are that there could not be Diocesane Churches and Diocesane Bishops formerly so called in the Apostles dayes ; These Angels were Congregationall , not Diocesan . In the beginning of Christianity the number of Believers , even in the greatest Cities were so few , that they might well meet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same place . And these were called the Chu●ch of the City , and therefore to ordaine Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one in Scripture . 3. To the praeface of this conclusion , that it cannot be proved ] it is againe very sufficient to answer , that when a proposition hath already been proved so farre , that no answer hath been rendred , which at all satisfies , or invalidates the force of the proofes , it is very unlike Artists to say , that it cannot be proved . Nay , although some inconvenience were producible , which would presse our assertion yet the old rule would require it's place , incommodum non solvit argumentum , the mention of an inconvenience insuing , doth not take off the force of an argument . 4. But we need not that warinesse here ; the reason which is here annext to prove that it cannot be proved , is of no force against us , For 1. as Congregations and Parishes are synonimous in their style , so I yeild that Believers in great Cities were not at first divided into Parishes , while the number of the Christians in a City was so small , that they might well assemble in the same place , and so needed no partitions or divisions . 5. But what disadvantage is this to us , who affirme that one Bishop , not a College of Presbyters , presided in this one Congregation , and that the Believers in the Region and Villages about , did belong to the care of that single-Bishop of the City-church ? May not these be ruled by a Bishop as well before , as after the division into Parishes ? Or is this division more necessary to the Government by one Bishop in each City , than to the Government of more Presbyters in every City ? In all reason the division of this one into severall Parishes should make Presbyters more necessary after than before such division , that each Parish might have one Presbyter , to officiate among them in things of daily use ; and upon that account I suppose it was , that when the number of Believers was so farre increased , that all the Christians of a City could not meet commodiously in one place , and when the Regions and Villages so abounded with Proselytes that in respect of them also it was necessary , then the Bishop of each City thought fit to const tute Presbyters , in our moderne notion of them , many in every City , and many in every Region , one in every Village , though as yet the word Parish , in our moderne sense , was not come into the World. 6. And so this is farre from being Argumentative against us , it is rather usefull to confirme what is asserted by us , that it is against the whole Scheme which the Scriptures or first writers give us of Churches , to imagine that in every City there was by the Apostles a College of Presbyters constituted , when as they agree to assure us a Bishop and his Deacon were sufficient at the first ( so thin ) Plantations . 7. So againe when they take it for granted that Parishes were not united into Dioceses till 260. yeares after Christ ; I shall aske 1. whether they were sooner divided into Classes , &c. and if not , what they have gained to their Jus Divinum by this observation ? 8. But then secondly , 't is cleare that there might be Dioceses before this division into Parishes , in our moderne notion ; For what is a Dioces● but a Church in a City with the Suburbs and Territorie or Region belonging to it ? And this certainly might be , and ●emaine under the Government of a single Bishop , as well before , as after any more minute distributions into such , as we now call Parishes . 9. For it is one thing for the Church of this City to be divided from the Church of every other City , another thing for the same Church to be divided into many Assembles ; The first is it which is required for the setting up of Government ; and of any such Church so bounded there may be a Bishop , and that whole Church shall be his Diocese , and so he a Diocesa● Bishop , though as yet this Church be not subdivided into more severall Assemblies . 10. And therefore when they adde , that there could not be Diocesan Churches and Bishops formerly so called in the Apostles dayes , unlesse they have some little aequivocation in the word Diocesan , It is most certaine they have no reason on which to found their confidence , For that there was a Church in each City , and it's territory ( howsoever governed by one or more ) is most certaine , and equally affirmed by them and us , and equally their interest and ours , that it be affirmed . As for the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that hath oft varied , and hath sometimes been of a larger , sometimes of a narrower signification , and so hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the originall of our Parish also , but I hope our contentions must not be alwayes about words , when the matter is sufficiently agreed on among us , and the words sufficiently explained to expresse that matter . 11. And therefore when they adde these Angels were congregationall , not Diocesan , the reply is obvious , they were every of them Angels of a Church in a City , having authority over the Region adjacent , and pertaining to that City , and so as Church and Congregation are all one ( as in ordinary use in all languages they are ) they were Congregationall and Diocesan also . 12. What followes of the paucity of believers in the greatest Cities , and their meeting in one place , as also of a Church and City being all one , is willingly granted by us , and hath not the least appearance of being usefull to their pretentions , or hurtfull to ours , and therefore I have no temptation to make any the lest Reply to it . 13. That which next followes , though it concerne us not to examine it , our interest being equally secured , be it true or false , yet I cannot but take some notice of it in passing , because it is a little extraordinary . 14. Afterwards , say they , we conceive that believers became so numerous in these great Cities , as that they could not conveniently meet in one place ; Thus it was in the Church of Jerusalem , Act. 2. 41. and 4. 4. and 5. 14. and thus possibly it might be in most of these Asian Churches in St. John's time . 15. Here certainly the word [ Afterwards ] is relative , and referrs to the Antecedent in the former Paragraph , and that is , [ In the beginning of Christianity ] Hereupon I demand , what time is that which they call [ the beginning of Christianity ? ] Is it that wherein Christ continued on the Earth ? If so , they will easily believe us , that we doe not think , that Diocesan Bishops were placed in the Church , within that period If it be the time immediately following the Resurrection of Christ , when the Apostles began to preach and propagate the Faith , then how come they to divide that time , which is spoken of Act. 2. 41. from that time of the beginning of Christianity , by this word [ Afterward ] for t is certain what is there storied of the 3000. Converts , is the effect of the first Sermon preached by any of the Apostles immediately upon the descent of the Holy Ghost upon them , and the gift of Tongues , the wonderment whereof brought those so many Auditors together . 16. So secondly when they say of this point of time , Act. 2. 41. The believers were so numerous that they could not conveniently me●t in one place , This is contrary to the evidence of the Text , which saith expresly v 44. That all the believers were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the last paragraph , they interpreted , meeting in ●ne and the same place . The like might be said of the other places . Act : 4. ●4 . and 5 14. for certainly , as yet though the number of Believers increased , yet they were not distributed into severall Congregations . But this by the way , being assured that this disquisition is perfectly extrinsecall to the matter in debate betweene us , because as at Jerusalem the antients are cleare in affirming , that soone after Christ's Ascension , * Peter and James and John chose James the just , the Brother of the Lord , and constituted him Bishop or Jerusalem , which is all that we need pretend to from the story of that Church , so it matters not much at what point of time that was done , whether at the very beginning or afterwards , much lesse how soone it was that that Church was distributed into severall divided Assemblies , the Creation of the Bishop not at all depending on that , as hath formerly been shewed . 17. Hence will it appeare to how very little purpose are those cautions added , and observations made in the remaining part of this sixt Chapter . 18. Thus , say they , possibly it might be ( i.e. the believers be so numerous in great Cities , that they could not conveniently meet in one place ) in most of these Asian Churches in St. John's time . But yet notwithstanding all this , there are three things diligently to be observed ; First , that these meeting places were frequented promiscuously and indistinctly , and that believers were not divided into set and fixed Churches or Congregations in the Apostles dayes . 19. But first I demand , Is there any truth in this observation ? was not the Church of Jerusalem in the Apostles dayes a set and fixed Church , so as to be perfectly severed from the Church of Alexandria and Ephesus ? Was not James the Brother of the Lord Bishop of the one , and not of the other ? 20. Secondly , why was this for the Presbyterians interest to be so diligently observed ? If one of these Churches were not thus divided and severed from others , how could it be governed by a Presbytery , as they pretend it was ? Must it not be a determinate fixed body that is governed by any , whether Bishop or Presbyters ? I professe not to be able to discerne by my most diligent observation , why this was so necessary to be so diligently observed . 21. Secondly , ( say they , it must be as diligently observed ) that notwithstanding these different meeting places , yet the Believers of one City made but one Church in the Apostles dayes , as is evident in the Church of Jerusalem , which is called a Church not Churches , Act. 8. 1. & 15. 6. & 22. 16. And so likewise it is called the Church of Ephesus , and the Church of Thyatira , &c. not Churches , &c. 22. This Observation I acknowledge to have perfect truth in it , and not to be confutable in any part ( save onely that the two latter Texts are certainly misquoted , and not rectified in the Errata ) and therefore instead of rejecting , I shall imbrace it , and from thence conclude , that there is no manner of incongruity in assigning of one Bishop to one Church , and so one Bishop in the Church of Jerusalem , because it is a Church not Churches , being forced to acknowledge that where there were more Churches there were more Bishops , and so likewise one Angel of Ephesus , and of Thyatira , &c. This I suppose was not the thing they meant to inferre from hence , nor indeed doe I conceive it necessarily inferred from ( onely very agreeable to ) the onenesse of each Church , without other arguments to joyne with it . But I am still to seek , and emand what advantage accrues to their cause , or disadvantage to ours by this observation ? 23. But then thirdly they adde , that this Church in the City was governed in the Apostles dayes by the common councell of Presbyters or Bishops . 24. This indeed were worth their diligent observing , if it could be descried , and would abundantly recompence them for the no-profit their two former observations brought them in , if it could be obtained by all their diligence . But this being the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the onely thing in question betwixt us , whether the Church in each City was in the Apostles dayes governed by the common councell of Presbyters or Bishops , or by one single Bishop , called sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elder ( as that signifies simply a Governour , not with restriction , a member of a College of Governours ) this I say being the onely question in debate betweene us , it must not be any farther yeilded to them , than their proofes and evidences will enforce it ; And these of what virtue they are , must now appeare by the view of them . And the first they produce is this . 25. The Apostles went about ordeining Presbyters in every Church , Act. 14. 23. 26. But surely this is an infirme argument . Every Church signifies without question more Churches than one , viz. Derbe , Lystra , Iconium , Antioch , v. 20. 21. And if in each of those one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be supposed to be ordeined , that certainly will satisfie the importunity of that Text , and the mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders in the plurall , viz. foure Elders in those so many Churches . And if because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the singular number , they therefore thinke that those plurall Elders must be ordeined in each of those Churches . This is too grosse a mistake for Scholers to be guilty of , it being certaine that that is not the importance of the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any more than of the English [ Church by Church ] or [ in every Church ] i.e. more Elders in more Churches , one in every one . 27. Their next proofe is from Act. 20. 17. Paul called for the Elders of the Church of Ephesus ( one of these seven Churches ) and calls them Bishops , and commits the whole government of the Church to them ; The like may be said of the other six Churches . 28. What may be said of Ephesus , I grant may be said of the other six Churches , but the Text no where affirmes it of Ephesus , and so the analogy will no way prove it of the rest . All that the Text saith , is this , And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus and called the Elders of the Church . This is not to say the Elders ( as that signifies Presbyters in our moderne notion ) of the one City , and so Church of Ephesus , but the Elders , i.e. Bishops either of the Asian Church of that whole Region , or at least of the Ephesine Province , the neighbouring ▪ Bishops of the Churches or Cities that were under that Metropolis of Ephesus , who by St. Paul's sending his summons to Ephesus , the chiefe City of the one , and chiefe Metropolis of the other ( which consequently had daily meanes of communicating intelligence to those other Cities ) might thus most commodiously be advertised of St. Paul's comming , and provide to meet him at Miletus . 29. That this is no strain'd interpretation or answer , is elsewhere evidenced , and may summarily appeare by these two testimonies , one of Irenaeus here formerly mentioned , l. 3. c. 14. ab Epheso & reliquis proximis civitatibus convocatos esse , that they were called from Ephesus and the rest of the neerest Cities adjoyning to it , This is an expresse evidence , which being allowed puts the whole matter out of question . And although in a matter of fact , a testimony of so credible a person that lived so neere the times , being an auditour of Polycarpe the first Bishop of Smyrna , and is not contradicted by any contemporary , is of a competent authority , and need not any other Topickes to assist it , yet for the removing all possible prejudices from it , and rendring it yet more indubitable , I shall a little farther enlarge for the confirming of it . 30. And 1. the Apostle at his meeting with them , v. 18. begins in this style , yee know from the first day that I came into Asia , after what manner I have been with you at all seasons ; An addresse to them , either as to the Elders of Asia indefinitely , as many as could conveniently come to Miletus at that time , or at least as to more than to the Elder ( or Elders , if that could be truly pretended ) of one City of Asia , peculiarly , or exclusively to all others . 31. So againe v. 25. And now behold I know that yee all , among whom I have gone preaching the Kingdome of God , shall see my face no more ; This evidently addresses the speech not onely to the inhabitants of one City , but to all those ( as many as were then present ) among whom hee had gone preaching the Faith of Christ , and that we know was done by him to the other Cities , and not onely to that of Ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in passage ( though not so solemnly as at Ephesus ) going through all the Region and preaching the Gospell to all , saith Oecumenius on 2 Joh. And so t is expresly said Act. 19. 21. that after the two yeares and three moneths spent at Ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he staid and spent some time in Asia , And accordingly v. 26. Demetrius truely saith , that not onely at Ephesus but almost throughout all Asia , Paul had perswaded and turned away the people . 32. Secondly , then the Faith being before this time successefully propagated through all Asia , and not onely in this one City of Ephesus , there were without question Churches accordingly gathered and compacted in many other Cities , as well as in Ephesus , before this time of Paul's parting never to see them againe . And not onely in the other Metropolis , ( six more of which are owned by the Objectors , Smyrna and the rest Rev. 1. ) but also in the lesser Cities , which were not Metropoliticall , and yet more especially in those Cities which were neerest Ephesus , and which as belonging to that Metropolis , had frequent resort thither to the Assises which were there kept Act. 19. 38. and so must be supposed to have received speciall influences from the Apostle's residing there for the space of two yeares and three moneths , Act. 19. 8. 10. 33. To which purpose it must againe be remembred , that as Tim●thy is by Eusebius styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bishop of the Province that belongs to Ephesus , l. 3. c. 4. which is all one as to make that a Metropolis over other Cities , and accordingly in the order of Metropoliticall Sees at the end of Codinus , the Bishop of Ephesus is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Primate of all Asia , so Ignatius in Tra●an's time is by joynt consent of the antients affirmed to have written Epistles to two Churches , Magnesia and Trallis , which are known to be Cities under this Metropolis of Ephesus , and to have named the Bishops of each , Damas of the one , and ●olybius of the other . 34. And as there is no question among any but that Ignatius wrote such Epistles to those Churches ( Salmasius cites that to the * Trallians expresly as the Epistle of Ignatius , which certainly he would never have done , if he had doubted whether ever Ignatius wrote to them ; and indeed all that is questioned by him and D. Blondell is but this , whether the Epistles now extant under his name be genuine or no , not whether Ignatius , as all writers accord , wrote seven Epistles , of which these which we now speake of , are two ) so there is no ground of imagining that they were of a later plantation , than that which is here recorded to be wrought by St. Paul , Act. 19. All Asia having then heard the Faith , v. 10. and received it in a remarkable manner v. 20. and a great dore , saith St. Paul being opened to him at Ephesus peculiarly , which must needs have influence on the Cities next adjoyning to it in a speciall manner . 35. To this I shall adde thirdly , that as * Aristides saith of Ephesus , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the common magazine or store-house of Asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their refuge for all wants , so it must needs be the fittest way of conveying intelligence speedily to all the Cities of Asia , especially the proximae civitates , as Irenaeus said , the Cities next adjoyning , and so most commodious to assemble those other Bishops to Paul at Miletus and not only him , or those that are supposed to have resided at Ephesus . 36. And accordingly we finde in Eusebius , that the Epistle of Antonius ●ius concerning the Christians , which was to be communicated to all Asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was proclaimed or divulged at Ephesus , in the common meeting of Asia , as the readiest way to make it universally knowne . 37. All which being premised , and withall that there is no reason to imagine , that St. Paul at the time of his fimall parting , ( taking his solemne last leave ) of them v. 38. should not so much consider , as to call for , or desire to see any of the rest of his Sonnes , the Governours of the Inferiour Churches , to whom he had committed that numerous flock ( which was now so universally in such danger of Wolves ) save onely those of the one Church , of that one City of Ephesus ( supposing there had been more than one there . ) This will be a very competent confirmation of Irenaeus his testimony , that indeed thus it was , as he hath delivered , that the Bishops of the Cities neerest adjoyning to Ephesus ( as many as by summons from thence could speedily be called together , in all reason the Bishops of the Cities which were under that Metropolis ) were sent to meet the Apostle at Miletus , and accordingly met him there . 38. The second testimony is that maxime of the Greeke Scholiast on 1 Pet. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Booke of the Acts calls the Bishops Elders , which being avow'd by me in the Dissertations , and cleared through all the places in the Acts , they ought , by all Lawes of disputing , either to have endeavoured the refuting of what is there said , or the proving that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders must needs there signifie Presbyters in the moderne notion , which having not here attempted to doe , there is no kinde of force in what is here dictated , nothing said but what had beene long since largely and clearely answered ▪ 39. Yet because in the next Chapter , where this place of the Acts is viewed againe , one argument I see produced in favour of their pretensions , which they found in an observation of mine , I shall thinke my selfe concern'd to give an account of it . 40. It is this , Pag. 85. If the Apostle by the Elders of the Church had meant the Bishops of the Church of all Asia , he would have said , not the Elders of the Church , but of the Churches . It is an observation made use of by one of those that makes use of this answer we are now confuting , That when the Scripture speakes of Churches in Cities it alwayes useth the singular number , as the Church of Jerusalem , the Church of Corinth , &c. but when it speakes of provinces where there are many Cities , then it uses the plurall number , as the Churches of Judaea , and the Churches of Asia , Rev. 1. 11. According to this observation , if the Apostle had meant of the Bishops of all Asia , he would have said the Elders of the Churches , whereas he calls them Elders of the Church , v. 17. and so must meane the Elders of the Church of Ephesus , and so meere Presbyters , not Bishops . 41. But herein is a manifest mistake ; For the observation is not made as is here suggested , of Churches in Cities and Provinces , that the former of them are constantly to be understood where there is mention of a Church in the singular number ( without any name of particular City added to it ) and that when a Province is mention'd , 't is alwayes done by Churches in the plurall number ; This is the sense on which their argument is founded . But if the Reader consult the Dissertations p. 190. He shall finde there is no such thing , 't is onely this , That in the New Testament there is mention made of Churches in the plurall number , the Churches of Judaea , of Samaria , of Galilee , of Syria , of Cilicia , of Galatia , of Asia , of Macedonia , whereas in other places there was as frequent mention of a Church in the singular , the Church in Jerusalem , in Antioch , in Cenchrea , in Corinth , of the Thessalonians , of Ephesus , of Smyrna , of Pergamus , of Thyatira , of Sardis , of Laodicaeā . 42. The cause of that difference is there said to be this , that Judaea , &c , was the name of a Province , in which there being many Cities , there were consequently many Churches and Bishops in them , whereas one City with the territory adjoyning to it being ruled by one single Bishop , was to be called a singular Church , and therefore that which is said to be done in every Church , Acts 14. 13. is said to be done in every City . Tit. 1. 5. The sum of which observation is onely this , that one City , with the territory adjoyning to it never makes above one Church in the Scripture style , whereas a Province or Country , or Nation consists of many Cities , and so of many Episcopall Sees or Churches . 43. This was all that was said in that place , or that was usefull to be said in order to the end ( to shew the Originall of Metropolitanes ) there . And what a wresting of a plaine obvious observation is it , to conclude it from hence to be my assertion , that when ( that must be , whensoever , or else the conclusion cannot be deducible from it ) the Scripture speakes of a Province , it is in the plurall number ? It doth sometimes do so , and that was all that was usefull to me . If it had done so but once , though twenty times it had done the contrary , it had been sufficient ( for some reasonable account there must be for the doing it once , and what could that be , but the number of the Cities and so of Churches in each Province or Nation ) much more when there were so many examples of it . 44. But this is not to affirme that it alwayes doth so , especially when being left at large without any restraint , not the Church of Ephesus , or the like , but indofini●ely the Church , it is very capable of another interpretation . For sure when I wrote that , I had not forgotten my Creede , or in it the name Church in the singular number , which by the adjunct of Catholike must needs be more than the Church of one City . And having read Mat. 16. where the whole Church of Christ is called my Church in the singular , a like phrase to that of the Church of God , which the Bishops here are commanded to feed , and in the one Epistle to the Ephesia●s having six examples of the word Church in the singular , each signifying evidently the universall Church , I might very well be allowed to discerne the word Church in the singular , without any addition of Ephesus or the like , which restraines it in all the examples there produced , to be appliable to a farre larger body , than the Church of one City , and consequently be quit from all obligation of making the Elders of the Church , Act. 20. 17. the Elders of the one City of Ephesus . 45. There is little doubt I suppose but the Church of the whole World , consisting of many Churches , as the parts thereof , may be , and is in Scripture called the Church in the singular , and so certainly may the Church of a Nation or a Province , especially if it be united together under one Primate or Metropolitane , as it is certaine the Churches and Cities neer Ephesus , nay over all Asia were , according to the plaine words of St. Chrysostome , who when * others affirme of Timothy that he was by Paul ordained Bishop of the Metropolis of Ephe●us , expresseth the same thing thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It is manifest that Timothy had a Church committed to him , or indeed an intire Nation , that of Asia . The like is ordinarily observable of Crete , a whole Island with an hundred Cities in it ( in each of which Titus was appointed to ordeine a Bishop or Elder ) which yet is styled in the subscription of the Epistle to Titus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church of Crete , and the subscription never questioned upon that score by any , that it spake improperly herein . 46. And consequently there can be no harshnesse in this interpretation , Paul sent to Ephesus and call'd the Elders of the Church to come to him to Miletus , and in his Oration addrest to them called them Bishop of the flock and of the Church of God , meaning them singular praefects of severall Cities of the Church of Asia , especially of those which were neerest Ephesus , the chiefe Metropolis of the whole Nation . 47. And so much in answer to that Objection , in defence of their argument from the Elders of Ephesus , as they call them . 48. Another proofe of the same is there added Pag. 85. Thus , The Syriack translation reads it , he sent to Ephesus , and called the Elders of the Church of Ephesus , so Hierome , Presbyteros Ecclesiae Ephesinae , so concilium Aquisgranense . 49. What authority St Hierome's testimony is to carry with us in this matter , hath been elsewhere largely shewed , and we may hereafter have farther occasion to declare it , and our reasons of it . At the present it is willingly confest that St. Hierome on Tit. 1. doth indeavour to prove that in Scripture , Bishop and Presbyter is the same , and from him Isidore Hispalensis de officiis Eccl. l. 2. hath the same , and both have according to that prolepsis changed the words of the Text in the Acts , and instead of what there we reade , sent to Ephesus and called the Elders of the Church , they read , sent to Ephesus and called the Elders of the same Church , expressing themselves to meane of the Church of Ephesus . And the councell of Aken ( Aquisgranense ) having transcribed nine Chapters from Isidore verbatim , consequently doe the like . So that the authority of Isidore and that councell being as great as St. Hierome can make it , from whom evidently it proceeds , may yet be allowed to yeild to the farre greater authority of Polycarp's auditor Irenaeus , who hath sufficiently cleared it to the contrary . 50. As for the Syriack tanslation , it is not here recited exactly accordingly to the truth , For in that , thus the words lie : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And from Miletus he sent and called for the Elders of the Church of Ephesus , where is but one mention of Ephesus , not two , as is here suggested from the translation , that it reades , he sent to Ephesus and called the Elders of the Church of Ephesus . The short of it is , Ephesus being but once named in that verse , the Greeke placeth it in the begining 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from Miletus he sent to Ephesus , and this being the Originall must certainly over-rule all translations , and accordingly all translations but one to read it , onely the Syriack hath mis-placed the word Ephesus , put it in the later part of the period , quite against all Syntaxis , and for doing so , are here cited , and their testimony made use of to assist Presbytery , when the manifest truth in the Originall , and by all other translations acknowledged , would not allow them any the least advantage . 51. After they had produced these two arguments , to prove that the Church in the City was governed in the Apostles days by a Common-councell of Presbyters , the Reader would hardly expect that which now next followes in these words . From all this we gather , that the Asian Angels were not Di●cesan Bishops , but congregationall Presbyters , seated each of them in one Church , not any of them in more than one . 52. This conclusion , as the words lie , consists of two parts , 1. That each of these Asian Angels , under the title of Congregationall Presbyters , was seated in one Church ▪ This , if it were meant , as the words sound , were the granting to us all that we contend , and would hardly be reconciled with the third observation , that the Church in the City was governed by the common councell of Presbyters ; For sure each of those Presbyters is not a common councell ; But I rather believe they have not so soone disclaimed their praemisses , and therefore that it is more reasonable to interpret their words by their principles , than their meaning by their words , and so that by congregationall Presbyters they meant so many Colleges of such Presbyters , seated each of them , i. e. each of those Colleges in one Church ; And if that be their conclusion , I must acknowledge it to accord perfectly with their praemisses , which being already answered , there remaines no force in the conclusion . 53. And for the second part , that not any of them was seated in more than one , understanding it againe as the words sound , it is no way contrary to our pretensions , for we doe not thinke that the Angel of Ephesus was seated in Smyrna , or in any Church but that of Ephesios , and the territory thereof ; and although as that was a Metropolis , other Cities were under it , and so other Bishops subordinate to the Bishop of Ephesus , yet was not any other City the Seat of that Metropolitane , but onely Ephesus , whereof he takes his denomination , as although Rochester be under the Metropolis of Canterbury , yet the Archbishop of Canterbury is not seated at Rochester , but some other Bishop affixt to that City and Diocese . As for any other meaning of it , proportionable to that which we were faine to affixe to the former , I confesse my selfe ignorant what it can tend to , For it is as if they should say , not any councell of Presbyters was seated in more Churches than one . Which is as if they should say , no one body is in severall places . And I know no Prelatist that either directly or by consequence hath affirmed it is . 54. What remaines in the last Paragraph of this Chapter , is onely to state the Question betwixt us , which is all the while no more but this , whether Tertullian and Irenaeus that call Polycarpe and Onesymus Bishop of Smyrna and Ephesus , meane Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a peculiar sense , or in a generall phrase , as all Presbyters are called Bishops . And this I acknowledge to be the onely question between us , and if Bishops doe signifie Bishops , I cannot doubt but the cause is by them adjudged on our side ; And why it should not , they have , to conclude , onely this offer of argument , that Bishops and Presbyters had all one name in the Apostles dayes , and long after in Irenaeus's time . 55. I am truly weary of the length of this Chapter , and cannot but by consent have some compassion on the Reader , and therefore I shall bring the matter to this short issue . This reason of theirs is no reason , unlesse the word Bishop , both in the Apostles dayes and long after Irenaeus's time , signified a Presbyter in our moderne notion ; For if both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop and Elder signified Bishop in our notion , this againe gives the cause to us from them . And upon these termes I am content to leave it , if ever they finde in Irenaeus that Episcopus signifies a Presbyter in our moderne notion , I will confesse them Conquerours , but this they have not offered here to doe , and I have some moderate assurance they never will. And so much for that Chapter . CHAP. II. Of the equivalence of the words Bishop and Elder in the New Testament . Section I. Foure sorts of equivalence of these words proposed . THe next place where I find my selfe call'd forth , is about the midst of their seventh Chapter , toward the bottom of pag. 92. Onely for the conclusion of this Discourse , &c. For although in the former part of that Chapter they undertake to vindicate their chiefe proofes of Scripture , Act. 20. 17 , 28. Phil. 1. 1. 1 Tim. 3. 1 Pet. 5. and to make replies to the Answers given to them , and although it is most certaine that in the Dissertations every of those places are answered , and shew'd to be fully reconcileable with our praetensions for Praelacy , yet they have not pleased to take any notice of what is there said , which if they had done , I might , without insolence , undertake to shew , that it had prevented all appearance of force in any of their Replies ; And therefore being by this meanes perfectly freed from all obligation to view any Paragraph of that former part of the Chapter , and having already said somewhat to the chiefe of their places , Act. 20. and fore-seeing a fit opportunity for the rest , I shall for mine own , and the Readers ease , punctually expect and obey the summons , appeare when I am call'd before them , but no sooner , avert their charge , and not multiply debates above what is necessary . Thus then they begin , that there is a Doctor , a high Praelatist , &c. That in a late Booke of his hath undertaken to make out these two great Paradoxes , 1. That wheresoever the word Bishop is used in the New Testament , it is to be taken in a praelaticall sense . 2. That wheresoever the word Presbyter is used in the New Testament , it is to be understood , not of a mere Presbyter , but of a Bishop properly so called . And whereas we say that the Scripture-Bishop is nothing else but a Presbyter , and that there was no Bishops distinct from Presbyters in the Apostles dayes , this Author on the contrary saith , that the Scripture-Presbyter is a true Bishop , and that there were no single and meere Presbyters in the Apostles dayes . For our parts we do not thinke it necessary to take a particular survey of all that is said in justification of these Paradoxes , onely we desire it may be considered . There is so much of the sense of some passages in the Dissertations set downe in these words , that I am forced to believe , that I am the Author here charged for these two Paradoxes . That they are so styled by those who are contrary minded , and who have assumed a power , which , if either of these propositions be true , they must be obliged to part with , I cannot thinke strange ; And if I should style their assertions as perfectly Paradox ( i.e. as contrary to all the antients sense or Doctrine in this matter ) when they say that the Scripture-Bishop is nothing else but a Presbyter , &c. this were certainly an introduction fit to be confronted to theirs , as being equally argumentative . But because this verball eloquence hath little of efficacy in it , and will never be a meanes of evincing the truth of our pretensions , by affirming the contrary to be errours or Paradoxes , and because what is affixt to me , is not intirely my sense , though it recite it in some part , and approach neere to it , I shall here begin with a briefe relation of what is affirmed by the Dissertations in this matter , and then inquire what is here produced to invalidate it . Dissert . 4. c. 6. the method leading to the consideration of the word [ Bishop ] and [ Elder ] in the Scripture , the first thing taken notice of was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equivalence of these words in the opinion of many . To which purpose Theodoret , Chrysostome , Oecumenius , and St Hierome are cited , as favourers of this opinion , but this with some difference of the one from the other . And for the distinct stating of the Question , foure senses were set downe , wherein it was possible that this equivalence of the words might be understood . 1. That both Bishop and Elder should signifie one and the same , viz. a Bishop in our moderne notion . 2. That both should signifie the same thing , viz. a Presbyter . 3. That both of them should signifie promiscuously , sometimes a Bishop , sometimes a Presbyter , i. e. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should sometime signifie a Bishop , sometime a Presbyter , and in like manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie sometime a Bishop , sometime a Presbyter . 4. That the word Bishop should alwayes signifie a singular Bishop , and the word Elder sometimes a Bishop , and sometimes a Presbyter . Of these foure senses of the equivalence of these words , it was sure no error to conclude , that they were not all of them true , each being exclusive of the other three ; and although some of the antients might be brought in favour to one , more than to the other , yet this was eminently observable , that those that favoured that species , which is most for the Presbyterians interest to be accepted , doe yet assert the cause of the Prelatists as confidently as any . So Theodoret , who seemes most to assert the second species , doth yet propugne the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the superiour dignity of Bishops above Presbyters , and affirmes * Those who were in his time called Bishops ( the Singular praefects of Cities ) to have been styled Apostles in the Scripture-times , and that Epaphroditus was called so by St. Paul , as being Bishop of the Philippians , and so saith he , Titus was Apostle of the Cretanes , and Timothy of the Asiaticks . So when Chrysostome , and Theophylact , and Oecumenius approve of the third species , and affirmes Bishops to be called Presbyters ( and Deacons also ) and on the contrary Presbyters to be called Bishops , yet of each of them it is notorious , that they asserted the superiority of Bishops over Presbyters , not onely in their owne , but in the Apostles time . And to that purpose the concession and testimony of Peter Moulin was produced , that the most famous Bishops of the antient Church , Chrysostome , &c. did not thinke it any diminution to their dignity that the words Bishop and Elder were at first conceived to be used in the same sense , which observation being premised , and thereby the Prelatists pretensions competently secured , which soever of those senses should be accepted , so long as they that were authors of the assertions be permitted to give their owne interpretation of them ; It was then , I thought , perfectly seasonable and safe to discusse the question freely , and to set downe what to me appeared most probable , without prejudice to any other dissenter , and upon those termes , and not otherwise , these two propositions were offered to farther consideration of learned men . 1. That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture constantly signifie a singular Bishop . 2. That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either constantly signifies a Bishop also , or else commonly a Bishop , and sometime , but rarely , a Presbyter . These are somewhat different from the two paradoxes affixt to me , And in these termes I shall now resume them againe , and cleare them to be no paradoxes . And begin first with the former of them , concerning the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop . And this is already done , 1. By considering the originall notation , and use in the Old Testament , of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then by going over every place in the New Testament , where the word Bishop is used . Section II. Of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . THe word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 naturally signifying an overseer , and used by Aristides for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Governour , the same that Justinian calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Ruler of Provinces and Metropoles , and by Cicero ad Articum rendred speculator & custos , one that lookes to , and guards a Province ( and so fitly styled Angel , who 's generally deemed to have those two Offices , and is in the Scripture called an eye , and vulgarly a guardian ) doth in the Greeke of the Old Testament sometime render the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is common to God , Lord , Angel , and generally denotes Dominion ; sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Praefect or Commissary , intrusted with the administration of some affaire , whether in army , as a Commander , Numb . 31. 14. in Mechanicall working , as a Master-workeman , 2 Chron. 34. 12. 17. in a City , a Ruler or Prince , Nehem. 11. 9. peculiarly the chiefe of the Priests v. 10 in the Ministery of the Temple as Eleazar ( the Ruler of the Levites ) Num. 4. 16. and lastly in the House of the Lord , the Ruler set over that , 2 Kin. 11. 18. And the result of all this is , that it generally signifies an office of charge and dignity and power and superiority over others , all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are all used to render the same word that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth , and so is most fitly qualified to signifie the like , viz. a praefecture in the Christian Church under the New Testament . Accordingly there we finde it applied , 1. to Christ himselfe , the Bishop of our soules , who though he ministred to his Disciples , yet owned the title of Lord and Master , as that which from them belonged to him , Joh. 13. 13. Secondly , to the Apostles Act. 1. 20. And for all other places where it is used , it is evidently capable of a sense very agreeable to these premisses , being never once used in the New Testament , but where it will be very commodious to render it Bishop in our moderne notion of the word for a singular prefect in each Church , not a collegue in a Presbytery . This is at large shew'd by a survey of every of those places ; First , that of Act. 20. 28. where the Apostle takes leave , and exhorts the Bishops set over the flock by the Holy Ghost : They are there bid to feed the Church of God , i.e. the Christians of the severall Cities of Asia , or neer about Ephesus , as was in the last Chapter evidenced out of Irenaeus , auditor to Polycarpe made Bishop of Smyrna by St. John , and therefore may well be resolved to be the singular Bishops of those Cities , and not onely of the one City of Ephesus , as was largely shewed in the last Chapter . The second place is that of Phil. 1. 1. where after the mention of all the Saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi , is added , with the Bishops and Deacons ; where although some of the Greeke Commentators , which at the same time assert Episcopacy , do for that very reason , because there could not be many Bishops in one City , understand that place of Presbyters in our moderne notion , and adde that the words * Bishop and Presbyter , yea and Deacon too , were not as yet distinct , but promiscuously used , the one for the other ; here the word Bishops for Presbyters , as elsewhere the Presbytery is used for Bishops , 1 Tim. 4. 4. adding this reason * , because Presbyters ordeined not a Bishop ; And although many expedients were ready at hand to keepe the Text from being usefull to the Presbyterians , in case it were granted that by Bishops the Presbyters were meant , as that Epaphroditus their present Bishop ( as is acknowledged by Theodoret , Chrysostome and Theophylact , who are most favourable to that interpretation ) was with St. Paul at the writing that Epistle , c. 4. 18. yet I have the authority of Epiphanius to affirme , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there signifies peculiarly Bishops , and I doubt not but it may doe so , referring it to all the Bishops of the severall Cities belonging to that Metropolis . For such was Philippi , both as the first-fruits of all Macedonia , first converted to the Faith , 2 Act. 16. 9. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a prime City of that Province of Macedon , v. 12. of it selfe , before it's conversion , and so saith * Photius distinctly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and accordingly Polycarps Epistle to them is inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the whole province that belongs to Philippi ; In which there being diverse Cities , and Bishops in them , the Epistle to St. Paul is to be conceived written to them all , ( as the Epistle to the Corinthians appeares to have been written to the Saints of all Achaia ) and being inscribed to Philippi , was to be communicated to those others , as the Epistle to the Colossians was to be communicated to the Laodicaeans , Col. 4. 16. and that which the Laodicaeans had received ( whether , as Tertullian seemes to believe , that to the Ephesians , or any other ) in like manner to be communicated to the Colossians , and the Epistle of the Church of Jerusalem to the Church of Antioch did belong and was communicated to all the Churches of Syria and Cilicia . Act. 16. 4. And then all that the immediate subjoyning of the Deacons in that place , will conclude , is onely this ( which is farre from yeilding the Presbyterians any profit ) that as * Epiphanius saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Churches being but newly planted , there were not Presbyters as yet constituted among them , onely a Bishop with one Deacon or more in each City , in like manner as it was at Jerusalem Act. 6. where after James's assumption to the Bishoprick , which the Ecclesiasticall writers tell us of , the seven Deacons are soone instituted , no Presbyters being created in the middle , betwixt the Bishop and them , that either Scripture or antient Record informe us of . And † Clemens , St. Pauls fellow Labourer , mentions it as the generall practice , that the Apostles preaching through Regions and Cities constituted their first fruits into Bishops and Deacons of those which should come in to the faith . Thus farre is this from being a forced interpretation being perfectly regular , and conformable to what we read of those times , out of the best and antientest Records of them ; And if in any circumstance we should be lyable to mistake , yet for the maine , the Reader will hardly thinke it possible , when he remembers this very Church of the Philippians to be one of those expressely named by Tertullian , among whom in his time , Apostolorum Cathedrae suis adhuc locis praesidebantur , The Chaires of the Apostles were yet extant praesiding in their due places , which concludes some Bishop or singular praefect to have succeeded the Apostles in this Church ( as in those other , Thessalonica , &c. ) and by Theodoret , whose authority is most used against us in this matter , to prove that the Bishops were Presbyters here , Epaphroditus is expresly affirmed to be that Bishop . The next place is that of 1 Tim. 3. 1 , 2. If any man desire the Office of a Bishop he coveteth a good worke : A Bishop therefore must be blamelesse — where there is no reason of doubting , but the Bishop is the singular praefect or Governour of the Church ; For the onely appearance of the contrary being againe ( as in that to the Philippians ) the immediate subjoyning of Deacons and their qualifications , v. 8. that presently vanisheth , if againe we remember the observation of Epiphanius , which he had out of the most antient Records , and was found exactly conformable to the expresse words of Clemens Romanus , the contemporary of the Apostles , that at the beginning of the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before the government was compleate in all the Offices , the Apostles and Apostolicall persons placed in the Church by them , such as Timothy to whom here he gives the directions , created no more but a Bishop and Deacon ( one or more ) in each Church , the present state of things neither requiring nor being well capable of any more , in respect of the paucity of the Christians to be governed or instructed , and of those which were fit to be made Presbyters . And although Theodoret againe ( with some few others ) interpret the place of Presbyters , yet 't is as evident , he doth it not to the disadvantage of Bishops , adding in the same place , that the Bishops especially should observe these Lawes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as those which had atteined to a greater honour . Meanewhile S. Chrysostome interprets it distinctly of * Bishops , as I have done , and in that notion of Bishops which severs them from Presbyters , such as governe in each City , and addeth the qualifications to be such , as being spoken of Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe agree to Presbyters also . And accordingly Theophylact interprets it of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the President and Ruler , without any mention of Presbyters . There remaines but one place , and that of the very same nature with this last , and must certainly be regulated by it , Tit. 1. 7. For a Bishop must be blamelesse , as the steward of God ( answerable to that notion of the word Bishop in the Old Testament for the Ruler set over the House of the Lord , 2 Kin. 11. 18. i. e. the Steward , to whom the Keyes of the House were committed , Isa . 22. 22. ) That this is the singular Bishop in every City , signified before v. 5. by the Elders , which Titus was left in Crete to constitute , is the joynt affirmation of St. Chrysostome , Theophylact and Oecumenius on those words of v. 5. Elders in every City , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. By Elders he there meanes Bishops , as in the Epistle to Timothy , appointing them to be constituted in every ●ity , for he would not have the whole Island administred by one , but that every ●ity should have it's proper Pastor ( or Bishop ) that so the labour might be the lighter , and the care more exact . In Crete there were certainly many Cities , Eusebius mentions an hundred , of all which , * saith he , Titus was made Bishop by St. Paul , that under him , saith † Theodoret , he might ordeine Bishops : to which * Chrysostome and Theophylact adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he might have power to judge or censure those Bishops , as a Metropolitan and Prima●e over them . There is now no other place wherein the word Bishop is used , and by this briefe view of these , I hope the first proposition is competently rescued from meriting the censure of Paradox , whether that signifie novell or strange ; this being so conformable both to the nature and use of the word , to the tradition of the antient Church , and the importance of each Scripture , where it is used , that Bishop should signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the singular Pastor or Governour in each City or Church . Section III. Of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elder . NOw to the second proposition , which pretended not to so much positivenesse , but is set down in a greater latitude of defining , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either constantly signifies a Bishop also , or else commonly a Bishop , though sometimes , but most rarely a Presbyter . Of this I shall now need to praemise but these few things . First , that the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commonly rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elder in the Old Testament , doth denote most properly , and signifie most constantly ( as in all Languages the word is found vulgarly to doe ) a Ruler or Governour . This is so largely deduced and demonstrated in the Annotation on Act. 11. 30. that I shall not indeavour farther to manifest it . Secondly , that as in some places of the New Testament the word is necessarily to be understood of Bishops , so in every other place it is very fitly capable of that interpretation ; This is againe so particularly evidenced to the Latine Reader , Diss . 4. c. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. and to the English Reader Annot. on Act. 11. b. and 14. a. that I cannot deeme it reasonable to tire my selfe farther with transcribing it . Thirdly , that if any one or more places shall be thought by any man to belong to Presbyters in our moderne sense , as that of Jam 5. 14. or the like , I shall onely desire , that he will bring any convincing proofe or authentick Testimony , that in that or those places it so signifies , and I shall most willingly grant it to him , and be so farre from thinking it , in the least degree , disadvantagious to our pretensions , that I shall not doubt to evidence it a demonstrative argument to confirm them , but shall not need to insist on that , till such proofe be offered . Fourthly , that by this it is already most evident , that my assertion was not truely cited p. 92. in these words , that wheresoever the word Presbyter is used in the New Testament , it is to be understood not of a meere Presbyter , but of a Bishop properly so called ; Certainly neither my words nor sense extended to the wheresoever — and , it is to be — being onely in a disjunctive forme , either constantly so , or sometimes but rarely otherwise . Fifthly , that if I were not misreported , and the Paradox were as high and as positive , as it is represented , yet I conceive not the reason why they that have with great confidence affirmed that both Bishops and Elders do alway signifie in Scripture their Presbyters and no more , ( for if either of those words do but once signifie a Bishop , their Jus Divinum , and whole cause falls to the ground irrecoverably ) should be so much at leisure from excusing themselves , to accuse that for a Paradox in others , which is not imaginable to be more an extreme on one side , then theirs is on the other ▪ Lastly , that if they doe not thinke it necessary to take a particular survey of all that is said in justification of these ( which they thus please to style ) Paradoxes , which is in effect , as if they should professe to deny and declaime against the conclusion , without attempting to satisfie any reason , by which it is inferr'd ; It might be as just in me to tender them answers of the same making , and so to supersede any farther dispute in this matter . But I shall not imitate their method , but rather prepare to attend them in it , and having thus farre served them , by undertaking the taske which was due to them , in giving the Reader a briefe view of the grounds of my Assertions , which were too long for them to take notice of , I shall now trace their steps , and follow them which way soever they lead . Section IV. Of Reverence to Antiquity , and the Interpretations of the Antients . Of Praelatists disagreement among themselves . FIrst then , say they , we desire it may be considered , that these assertions are contrary to antiquity , which yet notwithstanding our Brethren doe so highly magnifie and boast of it in this controversy , and for receding from which , as they say we do , they doe most deeply charge us . That these Assertions , as farre as they are owned by me , and are Assertions , are so distant from being contrary to antiquity , that they are founded in the Records of the most antient reverend authority , hath appeared most plainly by what hath now been said , and had before been laid , as the ground of the interpretations , in the fourth Dissert . if they , which gathered the conclusion from thence , would have vouchsafed to take notice of the praemisses . The utmost that can be with truth pretended , is , that some of the Texts , which we have insisted on here , and so likewise some of those where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders are mentioned , are not by all the antients interpreted just in that manner , as I thinke they may safely and most probably be interpreted , and so as they will best accord with the opinions which those very antients appeared to have concerning the Originall of Episcopacy . In this I hope I have not offended against the antient Church , or if I had , as I should have expected other accusers , than those I have , so should I waite for no other judge but my selfe , and immediately submit to any penance for it . But they which truely reverence antiquity , discerne also wherein this Reverence is terminated , not in adhering to every interpretation of each Text of Scripture given by any antient Commentator or Interpreter , for truely that is absolutely impossible , severall of them being known in interpreting of Texts very frequently to differ one from the other ; This can be no newes to any man , who hath but lightly viewed them , or but occasionally consulted Tirinus , or such like later Commentators , who have collected the Interpretations of the Antients , and marshalled their names , and told us how many have been for one , how many for another sense of such a Text. And in affaires of this nature , wherein they have neither taught Doctrines , nor testified Traditions , but onely exprest their single opinions , or conjectures of an Apostles meaning in words capable of more senses than one , I know no Praelatist that ever denyed later Writers liberty to recede from one , and adhere to some other of the antients , or if more convincing reasons appeared for any fresh interpretation , never given before , the like liberty hath been allowed ; And indeed if it were not so , our studying of the Originalls , inquiry into the nature of words and phrases , observation of customes among the antients , and all wherein learned men differ from unlearned , consideration of the context and argument , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of each difficult place , and all the other skills and advantages of a good Interpreter would all be unusefull first , and then dangerous , would tempt one oit to recede from some former Writers , to forsake the roade and method ( so ordinary ) of transcribing other mens labours , and by inciting him to say any thing which had not oft been said before , ( which if it have , why doth he againe trouble himself and others to repeat it ) would infallibly involve him under the burthen and guilt that is here laid on me , of being contrary to Antiquity . But I am unwilling to discourage them from any sort or degree of reverence to antiquity , and on condition they will be fairely tried by it in any notion by which they can imagine to define that Reverence , or the word Antiquity , I will forgoe all my novell interpretations , and say no one word which the Antients have not distinctly said before me , and refer the whole fate of the cause to this judicature . Their second consideration is , that they are contrary to all that have ever written in defence of Episcopacy , from whence they conclude that till their brethren ( i. e. we Praelatists ) agree among themselves , they need not spend time to answer the private Opinions of one Doctor . To this I answer , that it hath alwayes been deemed lawfull to any man , which hath undertaken the defence of a Christian cause , asserted constantly by the Church , to choose his arguments ( as combatants do their weapons ) such as he thinkes are fittest for his managery , and will most probably ( in his opinion ) convince the gainsayers ; No obligation lying upon him by the Lawes of these agones , to use those arguments ( and no other , nor otherwise improved ) which all other writers of that side have done before him ; For if this were the manner of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the legail combate , to what end should any second writing on the same subject ever appeare to the World ? That which had been formerly said , needed not to be transcribed and said againe , but either the booke might be Re-printed or translated into a language more intelligible ( as I have here been fame oft to doe ) And though I might truly say , that for those more minute considerations or conjectures , wherein this Doctor differs from some others , who have written before him ( as to the manner of interpreting some few Texts ) he hath the suffrages of many the learnedst men of this Church at this day ( and as farre as he knowes , of all that imbrace the same cause with him ) yet I doe not thinke it necessary to prove my agreement with others of my brethren by this onely medium ; It being certaine that they who believe the same conclusion upon severall mediums or wayes of inferring it , are in that , and may be in all other conclusions at perfect accord and unity among themselves . All that I can conclude from this and the former consideration ( the double charge laid on me of contrariety to antiquity , and other asserters of Episcopacy ) is onely this , that the authors of them are ill pleased , that I use any other arguments , or answers but what they were willing to assigne me : otherwise if there had been lesse , not more truth , or evidence in my way of defending the cause , they would have had the greater advantage against me , and I doubt not , have been , in the space of three yeares , at leisure to have observed it . Section V. Inconveniencies objected , and answer'd . Of more Bishops in one City , No Presbyters in the Apostles dayes . The no Divine right of the Order of Presbyters . BUt they are , in the third place , pleased to object some inconveniences which the defending of these paradoxes must necessarily bring upon me ; And to these I shall more diligently attend . First , say they , he that will defend these Paradoxes must of necessity be forced to grant that there were more Bishops than one in a City in the Apostles dayes , which is to betray the cause of Episcopacy , and to bring downe a Bishop to the ranke of a Presbyter . To this I reply by absolute denying of this consequence ( for supposing the Scripture-Bishop to be alwayes a Bishop , and so the Scripture Elder also , how can it follow from thence that there are more such Bishops in any one City ? ) T is most evident that this is no way inferr'd upon either , or both of my assertions , nor is here one word added to prove it is , to which I might accommodate any answer . T is on the contrary most manifest , that whensoever I find mention of Bishops or Elders in the plurall , as Act. 20. Phil. 1. &c. I interpret them of the Bishops of Asia , and the Bishops of Macedonia , Bishops of Judaea , &c. ( and render my reasons of doing so ) and consequently affirme them to be the Bishops of divers ( sure that is not of one ) Cities . The second inconvenience is , that I must be forced to grant that there were no Bishops over Presbyters in the Apostles days , for if there were no Presbyters , there could be no Bishops over Presbyters . Here is an evident mistake , for I no where say , that there were no Presbyters in the Apostles dayes , but onely that in the Apostles writings the word [ Bishops ] alwayes signifies Bishops , and the word [ Elders ] either never , or but rarely , Presbyters ; Now besides that it is possible for those to be in the time of the Apostles writing , which yet for want of occasion are not mentioned in those writings ( and I that love not negative arguments à testimonio , should never have thought fit to conclude there were no Presbyters within the time wherein the severall Bookes of Scripture were written , upon that one argument , because I could not find them mentioned there ) besides this , I say , T is certaine that the Apostles times are somewhat a larger period than the time of the Apostles writings , and therefore that what is spoken onely of the later , was not meant to be extended to the former . For 1. the Apostles continued alive some time after writing their Epistles , and secondly , some of the Apostles survived others ; John , of whom Christs will was intimated , that he should tarry , and not die till after the comming of Christ , and that Kingdom of his , commenced in the destruction of the Jews , did accordingly live till Trajanes time , and by that time I thinke it probable that the number of believers daily increasing , there were , as the wants of the Church required , Presbyters ordained in many Churches : And accordingly in the Dissert . p. 229. when I speak of this matter , I expresly except S. John , and p. 211. I make use of a testimony of Clemens Alexandrinus , on purpose to conclude that this Apostle ordein'd Presbyters in Asia , after his returne from the Island , to which he was banished , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and to the same matter I * elsewhere apply that of Ephiphanius , out of the profoundest , i.e. antientest Records , that as Moses and Aaron tooke to them first the Princes of the people , and at length the Sanhedrim of the seventy Elders , so the Apostles first constituted Bishops , and in processe of time Presbyters also , when occasion required , as the Bishops assistants , and Councell , and that upon account of this Analogy with the Sanhedrim , they were styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders And Ignatius making mention of Presbyters , as of a middle degree in the Church betwixt Bishops and Deacons in his , i. e. in Trajan's time , and that in his Epistles to severall of those Asian Churches , Smyrna , Ephesus , Magnesia , Philadelphia , Trallis , I thinke the argument of great validity to conclude , that in that Province that Apostle had in his life time instituted this middle order . And therefore I that had so carefully prevented , was not to be charged with this crime of affirming there were no Presbyters , or Bishops over Presbyters ( which certainly there were , if there were Presbyters under them ) in the Apostles dayes . And third inconvenience they adde , that by consequence I must affirme that Ordo Presbyteratus is not Jure Divino . But that is no more consequent to my assertion , than it was my assertion , that there were no Presbyters in the Apostles dayes , and therefore I that am guiltlesse of the assertion , cannot be charged with the consequents of it ; John I know was an Apostle , and John , I believe , ordained Presbyters , and thence I doubt not to conclude the Apostolicall institution , i.e. in effect , the Divine right of the order of Presbyters , though not of the government of the Church by Presbytery ; and so I am still cleare from the guilt of that crime which the worst of Papists would abhominate , which they are resolved I must have layen under , if I had questioned the Divine Right of Presbyters , though they can more than question the Divine Right of Bishops , and never have remorse or compunction , or dread any charge or ●entence for it . Sect. VI. A first confession objected and vindicated . Of the Ephesine Presbyters being all the Praelates of Asia , Elders , Aldermanni . AFter these inconveniences briefly touched ( and almost as briefly by me averted ) they proceede to take notice in the fourth place , of some confessions of mine , which the justification of my opinion have forced from me . By this method thinking ( as at length they say ) to render Episcopacy , that is thus maintained , or else my way of maintaining it , odious and contemptible to all sober , and godly , and moderate Christians , i.e. to all those , who for the attaining of those titles , good opinion , and good words from them , shall be invited to contemne , or hate those , whom they are yet pleased to call their brethren . And this I confesse is the most compendious way of confuting that which would not otherwise be confuted . What those confessions of mine are , which are like to render my assertions so odious , I must next take a view , and consider with what justice this is said by them . The first is , that the Ephesine . Presbyters , whom Paul sent for to Miletus , were all the Praelates of Asia . To say that the Ephesine Presbyters , in their sense of the phrase , are Praelates of Asia , were , I confesse , a ridiculous , and so , if they please , a contemptible confession , but I have yet been under no such torture from their arguments , as should constrain such confession from mee . What I say is sufficiently known to be my free opinion , ( and no forced confession , such as the necessity of a desperate enterprise might extort from me ) that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders of the Church , who by summons sent to Ephesus , the chiefe Metropolis of all Asia ( and by that convenient way communicated to other Cities ) were assembled to Paul at Miletus , Act. 20. 17. were , as Irenaeus assures mee , the Bishops of the other Cities in those parts , and not only of the one City of Ephesus . What harshnesse there can be in this assertion , to be rejected as odious at the first hearing , I confesse I divine not , That those Cities had Bishops , as well as Ephesus , cannot be strange , or that Paul desired to speake with them before his finall parting . And that the Bishops may be called Elders , will be as little strange , if it be but remembred , what is at large shewed in the Dissertations , that the word Elder had in the Old Testament denoted dignity and Praefecture in single persons , as when Abraham's Oeconomus , who was set over his servants , is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Elder of his house , and Ruler of all that was his ( by Elder and Ruler signifying the same thing ) and so the Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Moabites , Num. 22. 7. are the Princes of Moab , v. 8. and the Elders of Israel are the heads , or Praefects of the principall Families of Israel , Exod 6. 14. the Rulers of the people c. 16. 22. the Elders of the Tribes , Deut. 31. 28. and all this , and much more , before they were called into a Councell , or Senate , to assist Moses , as appeares Num 11. 16. And proportionable to this hath been the use of the word among all Nations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Elder alwayes hath the Rule , and all obey him , saith * Diodorus Siculus , and so Seniors ] in all languages is a title of honour and dignity . And peculiarly among us , as when Aethelstane the halfe King ( as he was called ) of the East Angles , was saluted by the title of * Aldermannus , i.e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elder of all England , and so Aethelwod and Aelwin , so in King Aelfred's Lawes c. 34. there is mention Regis Aldermanni and Presbyteri Regis ; And accordingly Mat. 20. 25. those words of the Princes of the Nations exercising dominion over them , are by the Saxons interpreted Ealdo●men wealdaqthat ; hisa ðeodo , Elders have dominion over their Nations , and Luke 9. 22. the Elders and chief of the Priosts are by them rendred Ealdrum and Ealdormaannum . All taking the word Elder for a title of Dignity and praefecture ( and from that notion of it the Pre●bytorians are not observed to decline . ) And then finally that the addition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Church , though in the singular , cannot make it unfit for these Elders to denote the Bish●ps of Asia , or neere Ephesus under that Metroplis , hath been already accounted for at large . And so still I hope they , and all godly and moderate brethren need neither hate , nor contemne Episcopacy , nor the defenders of it , upon pretense of this ( so farre from incommodious or inconvenient ) confession . Section VII . A second confession of the Bishops , Phil. 1. 1. being Bishops of that whole Province , Philippi a Metropolis , and a Colony . LIke unto this first , is the second which they take notice of , That the Bishops of Philippi , whom S. Paul salutes Ch. 1. were not the Bishops of that City onely , but of the whole Province , whereas Theophylact saith that Philippi was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a little City subject to the Metropolis of Thessalonica . That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops , Phil. 1. 1. denotes the Bishops of the Cities of Macedonia , which were under this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chiefe City , or Metropolis , as S. Luke calls it , Acts 16. 12. is already evidenced to be no strange or violent ( I hope as little odious ) confession . I neede not farther repeat , or inlarge on that , but beare in good part , whatsoever fate is decreed by them to attend that Confession . As for the Objection which is here subjoyned , and to which they were directed by Dissert . 4. c. 10. Sect. 12. they might , if they had been so pleased , have taken the antidote with the poyson , observed , and tendred to the Reader the answer , which in the five following Sections is solemnely rendred to it , and confuted that answer , if they had discernd any infirme part in it . First then , the answer is , that that description of Philippi in the argument prefixt to Theophylact's notes on that Epistle , was taken out of an antient Geographer , and belonged to that City , as it was built by Philip , having been formerly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : not to the later times , under the Romane Empire , and that it is no new , or strange thing , that under the Romans those Cities should become Metropoles , which formerly had not been such , to which agrees that of the Councell of Chalcedon , Can. 12. which mentions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cities honoured by the imperiall Letters with the name and dignity of Metropoles . And indeed the saying of * Strabo is of evident truth , ordinarily experimented , that Provinces were often confounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by cause of the Romans distributing them not according to the distributions of Regions or Nations ( such as the Geographers antiently had made use of ) but after another manner , according to the Cities , in which they kept their Courts or Assises , as before was said of the Cities of Asia . Accordingly when S. Paul first comes to Philippi , St. Luke mentions it under the title of the prime City of the Province of Macedonia , and is not that more to be heeded , speaking so expresly of that City at that time , then that Geographers description , which no way discovers to what time it belongs , and cannot belong to this time of the planting the faith at Philippi , if S. Luke may be believed ? Secondly , the same St. Luke saith of it at that time , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a colony of , i.e. a City replenished by the Inhabitation of the Romanes ; And of those Colonies in chiefe Cities , there is no question but they were especially chosen to be places of their Assises , whither the Neighbouring Cities resorted for Justice , and so were Metropoles in the civill accounts . Thirdly , of this City of Philippi 't is as evident , that it was the first converted of all Macedonia , and that from thence he went after to Thessalonica ; And so the right of Primogeniture , which ordinarily gave claime to the Metropoliticall dignity in the Ecclesiasticall account ( as in the case of Antioch and Jerusalem appeares ) belonging to Philippi , over and above the forementioned praecedence thereof in civill account , there is no reason to doubt , but this was a Metropoliticall Church , an Elder Sister to Thessalonica , and each a Mother to the Churches of lesser Cities of Macedonia that belonged to them . According to which it is , that Polycarpe in his Epistle , mentions St. Pauls Epistles in the plurall , written to these Philippians , which learned men interpret of the Epistles to the Thessalonians , and it cannot commodiously be understood any other way . Sect. VIII . A third Confession , of Timothies being an Archbishop . Of the qualifications , 1 Tim. 3 2. belonging to Bishops . Of the Bishops being worthy of double honour , though he never preach . Of the word , and Doctrine . Of the Presbytery , 1 Tim. 4. Of Rebuking and receiving accusation against an Elder . THe third Confession is , that Timothy was Archbishop of Ephesus , that when Paul sets downe the qualifications of Bishops , though he mention none but such as are common to a Presbyter with a Bishop , yet he is to be understood to speake of Bishops in a Praelaticall sense , and not at all of Presbyters ; And when he saith the Elders that Rule well are worthy of double honour — , this is , saith this Author , the Bishops that Rule well — thereby holding out this great errour , that a Bishop that Ruleth well is worthy of double honour , though he never preacheth ; And when St. Paul bids Timothy not neglect the gift that was given him by the laying on the hands of the Presbytery , that is , saith he , of Episcopacy ; And when the Apostle chargeth him not to rebuke an Elder , — and not to receive an accusation against an Elder , — this is to be understood of Bishops , saith he , and not of meere Presbyters . To this accumulative crime affirmed to be confest by me in so many particulars , I answer by avowing my Confession thus farre , 1. that I take Timothy to have been Bishop of Ephesus , and conclude it from 1 Tim. 1. 3. then that Ephesus was a prime Metropolis of Asia , from the testimonies of Pliny and Vlpian , and generally the Church-writers : And from those two put together , I hope I may gaine liberty to confesse , that Timothy was Archbishop of Ephesus . Secondly , That Paul 1 Tim. 3. 1 , 2. speaking of Episcopacy , as of a good worke or office , and the qualifications required in the person to be promoted to it speakes of a Bishop in the Praelaticall sense ; so I am sure Chrysostome doth understand him , and the testimony was lately cited out of him , and Theodoret that understands it otherwise , yet applies it first to Bishops , and saith on that occasion , that their degree in the Church is superior to that of Presbyters . And if no higher qualifications be required of a Bishop , than are fit to be required of a Presbyter ( which yet I no where say , and the argument taken from the no-other qualifications here specified , than onely for the Bishop and the Deacon , are of no force to induce it , both because it is a negative argument , and there is another reason for the omitting Presbyters , because in this infancie of the Church there was not any such need of them , the Bishop with his Deacon , one or more , were sufficient in every City , and besides the qualifications assigned the Deacon , may be common to him with the Presbyter , as well as those assign'd the Bishop ) yet that is no prejudice to the superiority of the office , or to my interpreting that Text of the Bishop ; For sure I may as conveniently say , that the Bishop is named without the Presbyter , at a time when there were Bishops , but as yet no Presbyters in the Church , and that when there were Presbyters instituted , their qualifications were to be regulated by the rules given of Bishops , as it can be imagined to be fitly said by them , that the place is meant of Presbyters ( when the Apostle names Bishops expresly , and when by many other evidences we know , that then there were Bishops , but by no footsteps can discerne that then there were Presbyters ) upon no other reason , but that the qualifications are common to Presbyters . Thirdly , For the mention of the Elders that rule well , 1 Tim. 5. 17. I doubt not but it may very commedicuoly be interpreted of the Bishops through all his Province , for as there the style is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praeside or rule , so 't is certaine , that in the use of the Church this was the title of the Bishops , as hath formerly been shewed out of Justin Martyr and others , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 double honor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the priviledge of Primogeniture , being assigned as his portion , is an evidence thereof . And the inconvenience that is here urged against that interpretation , is perfectly of no force . For 1. if from hence it might be concluded that a Bishop is worthy of double honour , though he never preacheth , then from their interpreting it of the Presbyter , it will as much follow to be their o●inion , that the Presbyter is worthy of double honour though he never preach . But then secondly the truth is , that neither of these conclusions follow either the one or the other interpration , for the first phrase of labouring in the word , and the other of labouring in the doctrine ( which by these are confounded , and so exprest undistinctly by preaching ) denote two severall things ; the former the planting of the faith where it is not yet received , which is constantly exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preaching the Gospell , and the word ; the latter signifies taking paines in a Church already gathered , for the confirming and farther instructing of believers . And then as he that doth one of these , may yet possibly not doe both , occasion not requiring , and so not be so eminently worthy of the double honour , as he that actually doth both ; so certainly , he that rules well in any Church , and beside the care belonging to rule , undergoes that other double hard travell ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ) of preaching the faith to Infidels , and confirming , and instructing believers , doth very highly deserve the double honour and alimonie ; And this as it is the exact meaning of that Text , so it utterly supersedes all force of this objection or exception against our understanding it of the Presidents or Bishops in the Praelaticall sense . Fourthly , For the word Presbytery , 1 Tim. 4. 14. by which they say , I understand Episcopacy , I answer , that I interpret it of some combination either of Apostles or Apostolical persons and Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Theodoret's phrase , such as were vouchsafed the Apostolicall grace , i. e. of Paul assuredly , 1 Tim. 2. 6. and perhaps of Barnabas , perhaps of some other Apostolical person with him , in like manner as both Peter and John style themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , and * Ignatius styles the Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Presbytery or Eldership of the Church , and as of Ignatius himselfe S. Chrysostome affirmes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the hands of more Apostles than one were laid on him , in his ordination to the Bishoprick of Antioch . To which matter the Scholion of Chrysostome is expresse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he speakes not here of Presbyters but Bishops , adding the reason , because Presbyters did not ordaine Bishops , and so Theophylact and Oecumenius . Lastly for the other two places of not-rebuking and receiving an accusation against an Elder , though in those places it were clearely for my interest to interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Presbyter in our moderne sense , for then as * Epiphanius saith , there is an evidence of proofe that the Bishop hath power over the Presbyter ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Timothy over the Elder , saith he , but never the Elder over Timothy : Yet I confesse my selfe inclined by other considerations to foregoe that advantageous sense of the place . Because Timothy being placed in the prime Metropolis had power over the Bishops of lesser Cities , and that , as hath oft been shewed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power of ●udging as well as of ordeining Bishops , which is * elsewhere evidenced to be the opinion of S. Chrysostome , in order to the understanding of this place . And so still the crime is not very great or reproachfull , which I am said to have confest , it amounts no higher than the former confession had done , that Timothy was Archbishop of Ephesus ; and yet this you see without any necessity to extort it from thee , save that of speaking freely what I conceived most probable ; For otherwise nothing could be more for the advantage of the maine cause I defen● , than that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders should signifie Presbyters in these two places . Sect. IX . A fourth confession of Titus being Archbishop of Creet . THeir fourth charge is , that I am forced to confesse that Titus was Archbishop of Creet , and that he received no commission from S. Paul to ordaine single Elders , but onely for ordeining Bishops in every City . It seems , say they , this Author slights the Postscript , where Titus is called the first Bishop of Creet , and slights all those antient Fathers that are cited by his owne party , to prove that he was Bishop of Creet : But he must be an Arch-Bishop , and so must Timothy also , or else these assertions of his will fall to the ground . Now that they were neither Bishops nor Arch-Bishops hath beene sufficiently proved ( as we conceive ) in the former discourse . That Titus was Arch-Bishop of Creet , I confesse again that I cannot but believe , till I am shewed how the contrary were possible , i. e. how he that was fastned in ( and , as * Eusebius saith , had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Episcopacy of ) a whole Island , which had an hundred Cities in it , and was there placed , that he might ordeine Bishops under him in each of those Cities , Tit. 1. 5. 7. and , as the antients adde , exercise jurisdiction over them , should be other than an Arch-Bishop . That this was his condition , hath been shewed already , And for the inconveniences that it is prest with , they will prove very supportable . For I shall not at all be obliged thereby to slight either Postscript or Fathers , but give the disputers example to pay them all reverence , being very well able to discerne the Bishop through the Archbishop , & having never imagined that the styling Michael an Archangel was denying him to be an Angel . He certainly was an Angel , and that of an higher degree , or else could never have been justly called an Archangell ; and 't is just so with Titus , if I had not thought him a Bishop , I could never have affirmed him an Archbishop , and they that in common speech give him the title of Bishop , doe no way intimate their thoughts to be contrary to mine , for every Archbishop is certainly a Bishop , though every Bishop be not an Archbishop . And therefore if all the danger of my assertions falling to the ground be consequent to this of Titus or Timothies proving to be no Archbishop , I shall deeme them competently safe , for each of them were unavoidably such , Timothy Archbishop of Ephesus , the prime Metropolis of all Asia , and Titus of the whole Island of Creet , and accordingly to those two , peculiarly as such , directions are given for the ordeining Bishops and Deacons in every City . And the proofes which were offered to the contrary , have I suppose already been answered , and being not here thought fit to be recited , the replyes shall not be so impertinent , as to appeare without their antagonists . Onely because it is here inserted as part of my inconvenient confession , that Titus received no Commission from Saint Paul to ordaine single Elders ( which I believe I no where say , any otherwise than that the Commission , cap. 1. 5. was to create Bishops in every City ) I shal freely tell them my opinion of that , viz. that a greater power may very fitly be said to comprehend under it the lesser of the same kinde , and consequently that both Timothy and he which had Commissions to ordaine Bishops in every City , had also by the same commission power to ordaine single Presbyters , where those were usefull to be ordained , as is evident by the qualification of Deacons and Widows after-mentioned in one certainly , and , as I conceive , in both Epistles , for that supposeth their Commission to extend to the ordeining of those , who yet had not been named in them , if we may guesse by that of Titus , cap. 1. 5. And so much also of that part of my confession , which is as free and unforced , as the former had been , and I believe as fafe to the affirmer . Sect. X. A fift charge of contrariety to Scripture answered . Of visitation of the sick , belonging to Elders , James 5. BUt the fift and last charge is more severe than any of the former , that these paradoxes , as they stile them , are contrary to the very letter of the Scripture , as we have made it evident in our arguments against the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy , and would farther manifest it , if we thought it necessary . This I confesse of contrariety to the very letter of the Scripture ( rightly understood ) I , lookt upon as so high a charge , that I verily expected somewhat extraordinary to binde it on me , and I suddenly resolved ( as I read the first words of that Section ) to examine those Scriptures that should now be produced , ponderingly and exactly , and either confesse my owne conviction , or give competent reasons why I was not convinced by them . But I soon found my expectations frustrated , for as here is no one such Scripture mentioned , so for their arguments against the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy , I know not where to seek them , and never heard ( and verily believe there is no such thing ) that they had formerly written any such Book against Bishops , wherein the Dissertations or any assertions of mine therein , were so much as arraign'd by them , much lesse evidenced to be contrary to the very letter of Scripture : If I had , I assure them I should then have been as ready to have made my reply , as now I have been to attend them thus farre . And for their evidencing this in any tract publisht by them before the Dissertations were written , by which notwithstanding the Dissertations were to be concluded , I have no reason to thinke that to be their meaning , because these assertions of mine are by them affirmed to be Paradoxes , contrary to all that have ever written in defence of Episcopacy , and therefore could not , unlesse it were by divination , be taken notice of , and prevented by them . After they had exprest their opinion that it was not necessary for them farther to manifest the contrariety of my Paradoxes to the very letter of the Scripture , they yet farther proceed in these words , For when the Apostle saith , James 5. 14. Is any man sick among you ? let him call for the Elders of the Church — who is there that can be perswaded to believe that all these Elders were B●shops ( in the sense that Bishops are taken in in our dayes ) Is this the p●oper Worke of Bishops to visit the sick ? And besides , if the Apostle by Elders had meant Bishops in that sense , he would have said , let him call for the Elders of the Churches , not of the Church , unlesse our brethren will say that there were divers Bishops in every Church in the Apostles dayes , in which there were many sick persons . What the [ For ] in the front here signifies , I shall not goe about to conjecture , The antecedents would incline me to believe that it pretends to introduce a reason , which might make it evident that my assertions are contrary to the very letter of Scripture : But that sure it doth not any way attempt or appeare to doe , unlesse the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders of the Church be supposed here to signifie Presbyters in our moderne notion of the word : But then that is so farre from being granted , that it is knowne to be the onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the matter of question betwixt us all this while , and so was to be proved not supposed or presumed in this matter . But bating them this begging of the Question , I shall proceed to satisfie their wonderment , that I should goe about to perswade any , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , in this place of Saint James , were Bishops in that sense that we now understand and use the word . And 1. I shall not doubt to avow , that for all that space , that in any Church there were no other officers ordained , but onely the Bishop and Deacon , it must of necessity be resolved the proper worke of Bishops to visit the sicke . That there was at the first , when the Faith was but thin planted , such a time hath already been evidenced out of Clemens Romanus , and the profoundest antequities that Epiphanius could meet with , And that then this office must either be neglected , or performed by either Bishop or Deacon , will not need any farther proofe . As for the the Deacons in their institution , we finde not that to be any part of their office , and indeed the suitablenesse of absolution to that state of dangerous sicknesse , and the mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his having committed sins , and the command of giving it ( in case he be qualified for it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , absolvetur ei , absolution shall be given him , doth render the Deacon incompetent for that worke , and so , where there are no Presbyters , must needs divolve it on the Bishop . And this account hath more than probability , no lesse than perfect evidence in it , if we onely suppose what hath been so oft cleared from the Antients to be matter of fact , that where the number of believers was small , and none qualified for the office of Presbyters , there the Apostles constituted no more but a Bishop and a Deacon in each City . For whilst this was the state of that City , I shall suppose a man sick , and by the force of S. James's exhortation , desirous of absolution , &c. Who is there supposeable in that City to give it him but the Bishop ? And whom else can he call to him for this purpose ? And then who can doubt but this is the worke , in it selfe very agreeable , and in this supposed case peculiar and proper to the Bishop ? so that unlesse this supposition be false , nay impossible to be true , I may safely say , this was or might be the Bishops worke , to visit the sick , &c. And indeed , if it were not , how could it be by the Bishop , when other parts of his office became his fuller employment , committed to the Presbyter ? For 1. he could not commit this to others , if he first had it not in himselfe ; and Secondly , this was the onely reason of ordaining inferiour officers in the Church , that part of the Bishop's taske might be performed by them ( as when the whole burthen , which was too heavy for Moses , was distributed among other men ) which in this particular could not be , if before this assignation of assistents , it were not originally the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worke or proper taske of the Bishop . To this may be farther added the reall dignity , because necessary charity of this performance of visiting the sick , &c. and this arising both from the intimation of Gods owne finger , pointing out this a most agreeable season for all spirituall admonition and comfort , a molle tempus fandi , wherein a word seasonably spoken , may most probably find the due reception , and wherein the prayers and blessing of the most Apostolical person , or the most highly and justly dignified in the Church , & in the favour of God , may come in most opportunely , & in this respect we see in that place , that the prayers of the great Prophet Elias are made use of by S. James , to exemplifie the practice , which in this particular he recommended to the Church . And I must needs tell the Objectors , that as meane an opinion as they seem to have of this work of visiting the sick , I cannot but affirme on the contrary , that if it were duely and advantagiously managed , it were extreamely usefull and beneficiall to the good of Soules , and as proper for a Bishop personally to performe , when his other publick necessarie taskes ( wherein many more are concern'd , and wherein he hath no proxies to supply his place ) permit , as any one part of his divine office , differing from the rest only in this , ( and in that respect yeilding the precedence to them ) that other parts of his office are , or may be at the same time extensive to many , whilst each act of this is terminated in some one , whose soul yet ought to be more pretious in his eyes , than all other acquisitions in the world . Accordingly it is in the * Dissertations evidenced out of Polycarp's Epistle ( who was somewhat after the time of James the author of this Epistle ) that part of the Bishop's office it was then esteemed to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to visit all the sick , in like manner as in Justin Martyr he is made the Curator of all that are in want , the grand distributer of all the liberalities of the Church . As for the onely objection that is here tendered against this interpretation of the place , from the singalar [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Church ] not of the Churches , the answer is obvious , that this Epistle of James being written to all the Jewes in dispersion , Jam. 1. 1. these could not make up any one particular Church of any single denomination , but yet all conjoyne very fitly in that one Vniversal style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church . In this respect we know 't is called the Catholick Epistle of James , because written to the whole Church of the Jewes , all the believers of that nation , wheresoever disperst out of their Countrey . Now these inhabiting in divers Cities , it is as certaine there were divers Bishops in this circuit , and so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Elders of the Church , are most commodiously set to expresse these severall Bishops , belonging to this complexe body , the Church of the dispersion . Not that there were more of these in one City , for that consideration would never have caused the plural expression , because were there never so many , the sick person needed not have called more at once ( and upon that score 〈◊〉 shall demand of them that argue from the number , was every sick man in their opinion , to call for the whole Presbytery ? ) ●or againe because there were not as many Churches as Elders , but onely because these many particular Churches , of which there was an equal number of Elders , were very fitly comprehended under the one general 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church in the singular number . Sect. XI . A last objection from Act. 21. 18. and 14. 3. and 11. 30. answered . Elders for Rulers or Bishops . THere yet remaines one sort of Objections more against these Paradoxes , in these words . Besides , when it to said , Act 21. 18. Paul went in with us unto James , and all the Elders were present , It is supposed by our Episcopall men , that James was at this time Bishop of Jerusalem . Now we demand , who were these Elders ? were these also Bishops of Jerusalem ? will this answer consist with our brethrens judgement ? so likewise when it is said , Act. 15 4. And when they were com● to Jerusalem , they were received of the Church , and of the Apostles and Elders , we demand , what is meant by the Church ? Is it not meant the Church of Jerusalem , to which place they are said to come ? And if so , then we ask● farther , what is mean● by the Elders ? Must it not be answered , that by Elders are meant the Elders of Jerusalem ? And then let any man 〈◊〉 us , how these Elders can be said to be Bishops in a Prelatical sense , especially according to the sense of our brethren , who make James to be at this time the onely Bishop of Jerusalem . Adde farther , It is said , Act. 14. 3. Wh●n Paul and Barnabas had ordained them Elders in every Church , Act. 11. 30. They sent reliefe to the Elders , &c. Can any imagine that this reliefe was sent onely to Bishops , and that Paul and Barnabas ordeined no Presbyters in any Church , but only Bishops ? Is not this to offer manifest violence to the Scriptures ? and instead of upholding of Episcopacie , is not this sufficient to render it odious and contemptible to all sober , and godly , and moderate Christians ? But we forbeare . It seems we have still remaining another heape of inconvenient Confessions that we labour under ; And upon them , more socratico , they make their demands ; And although I might justly wonder why they which have reade the Dissertations , and know what answer I give to every of their demands , should be at the trouble to aske them againe , yet because I am resolved not to be weary of attending them , I shall answer them as punctually as they could wish , and patiently support all the odium that will result from thence , among all sober , and godly , and moderate Christians . Here onely I desire two things may be remembred , which have already been evidenced , 1. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elder● in the style of the Old Testament , in the continued use of all languages , being an expression of power and dignity , is in the New Testament upon all reasonable accounts as properly applicable to the Rulers and Governours Ecclesiastical , as the word Apostles , or Bishops , or Presidents , or Rulers , or any the like would be thought to be , and withall very fit to expresse single Rulers in each particular Church ( in case any such may otherwise appeare to be mentioned in Scripture ) there being no propriety in the word , or peculiarity in the usage of it , to incline it to joynt power of Collegues ruling in common . Accordingly evidences have been produced in the Dissertations to shew the continuance of this usage among Authors after the Scripture-time , that it long remained in the language of the Antients , Policarpe , Papias , Irenaeus , Clemens Alexandrinus , and Tertullian , many of which are knowne and by the adversaries acknowledged to assert Episcopacy in our moderne sense , and yet use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , to denote sometimes the Apostles , sometimes the singular Bishops in each Church . And therefore the affirming this one thing , so attested and confirmed , viz. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may very conveniently be interpreted Bishops , as oft as the circumstances of the Text will beare it , will not , I hope , still be so unfo●tu●ate as to fall under the censure of Paradoxe and odious , being indeed a plaine obvious observation , which hath nothing of difficulty or harshnesse in it . Having praemised this , I shall onely adde , that the Apostles being by all Praelatists ( I hope convincingly ) affirmed and proved to have ordeined Bishops in every City of Converts and proselites to the Faith , and there being many such Cities in Judaea , besides Jerusalem , and consequently many Bishops in those Cities , one in each , it can be no new thing to conclude , that when we read of Bishops in the plural within that pale of Iudaea , these are the Bishops of Iudaea , and so in like manner when we finde the Bishop of Ierusalem mentioned separately , and then those others with him , ( exprest by any title which signifies Bishops , be it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it matters not ) and with all , these never exprest to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders of the Church of Ierusalem , but either Elders simply , or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in or at Ierusalem , denoting onely the place , where , at that time , they were present , it will be as little harsh to inferre , that at such time there were assembled or met together at Ierusalem , Iames the Bishop of that Metropolis , and the other Bishops of the whole region , the Bishops of Iudaea with him . From hence there will now be no difficulty to make a briefe answer to each of their demands , 1. that Act. 21. 18. the Elders which were present with Iames the Bishop of Ierusalem , were the Bishops of Iudaea which were then , upon the emergent affaires of the Church , present at Ierusalem , whether all of them assembled in Councel , to receive an account of Saint Pauls transactions and successes among the Gentiles v. 19. or many of them on any other Ecclisiasticall concernment . But that which puts it out of question , that it was all of them in Councell , is , what followes v. 25. where they referre to the decrees which had been conciliarly delivered v. 15. by them , who are now there present , we have written and concluded . And what Paradox can there be in this , that all the Bishops of Judaea should be in Councell at Hierusalem , and St Peter and St. Iohn with them , and that St. Paul should come and give an account of his travailes and actions in their presence . The same answer certainly belongs to the place next mentioned c. 15. 4. where after mention of their Reception by the Church followes [ and of the Apostles and Elders ] by the Church is meant the Believers that were at Jerusalem , whether inhabiting there continually , or now occasionally present there . By the Apostles , James the Brother of the Lord , the then Bish●p of the Metro●olis , together with Peter and John the known Apostles of Christ , this James by them set over that Church , saith * Clemens and † Hegesippus , and by S. Paul himself reckoned among the Apostles , Gal. 1. 19. and so in the title of his Epistle , and named before Peter and John the two prime Apostles , as being in this his See , Gal. 2. 9. and exprest to pronounce the decree in the Councell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I judge , Act. 15. 19. and this confirm'd by the testimonies of those Antients that the Presbyterians make the most frequent use of , Theodoret and * St. Hierome ; the former expresly affirming of those times , that they which were after styled Bishops , were then called Apostles , and the latter styling this James particularly , Apostolum decimum tertium , the thirteenth Apostle . And then what can be more agreeable to the Context ( to make the Councell complete , a Councell for the Churches of Syria , &c , to appeale to ) then to render the Elders the Bishops of all Judaea , which were certainly fitter for the turne to joyne in the Councell , and give Law to other Cities , then the bare Presbyters of the one City of Jerusalem could have been esteemed , if any such there had been in the Church so early . For though of the Apostles , who had an universall jurisdiction , and of the Bishop of Jerusalem ( as that was the prime Metropolis not only of Judaea , but Syria also ) with the Bishops of the whole Province in Councell with him , some reasonable account may be given , why they should be consulted by the Church , of Antioch , and give binding decrees in that matter , to all that were subject to that Metropolis , yet supposing the Church of Jerusalem to be governed by Presbyters , and that ( as these say ) the Elders mentioned in the Councell were none but the Presbyters of that particular Church , there could no reasonable account be given , why they should joyn with the Apostles in this worke , wherein not Jerusalem , of which alone they were Presbyters , but Antioch and other Cities of Syria and Cilicia were immediately concerned , and concluded by the sentence of James , that must be , ( according to their opinion ) of one of the Presbyters of Jerusalem . In the next place what is said of Act. 14. 23. and Act. 11. 30. is somewhat unhappily put together , and yet not rectified in the Errata . For 1. the ordeining Elders in every Church to which Act. 11. 30. is affixt , is not mentioned there , but Act. 14. 23. and the sending reliefe , which in the Syntaxes must be affixt to Act. 14. 23. is not to be met with there , but ●●ct . 11. 30. But this were imputable to some haste either of Scribe or Compositor , were there not a second incongruity interweaved in it , viz. that when Paul and Barnabas had ordeined them Elders , &c. ( which was not done till Act. 14. 23. ) They sent reliefe to the Elders , ( which was done Act. 11. 30. ) which is an evident 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I cannot discerne how it was usefull for them to be guilty of . As for their Quaeres raised on these two Texts , the Answers are obvious , and here to be translated out of the Dissertations as formerly , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders Act 11. 30. are the Bishops of the severall Cities of Judaea , not the Pre●byters of that one City Jerusalem . For 1 the famine that occasioned this charity of the Antiochians , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not upon Jerusalem alone , but all the World , i.e. in the Scripture-stile , Lu. 21. 26. Rom. 10. 18. over the whole Land of Judea , according to the manner of the septuagint , who oft render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the earth or the Land , when it signifies the Land of Judaea , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the World , As Isa . 10. 23. and 13. 5. 9. and 24. 1. and accordingly Josephus saith of this time of Claudius's Reigne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there was a great famine over Judaea . Secondly , the charity is distinctly said to be designed by the Donors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the brethren that dwelt in Judaea , in no wise confined to Jerusalem , nor consequently can the Elders to whom it was sent , and in whose hands it was put , be any others than the Elders , i.e. say we , Bishops of all Judaea . Thirdly , it is very agreeable to the office of Bishops , as we find the practice in the Primitive Church , to be the receivers and stewards and dispensers of the wealth of any sect , which was brought in to the Church , whether by the offertory of the faithfull in the Sacrament , or by the liberality of other Churches , inlarged to those that were in want . It being Justin Martyr's affirmation of the first times , that all the offerings were brought to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or President , and that he was thereby made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Curator of all that were in want . And when what is sent to the Bishop is supposed to be sent to him , as the Oeconomus or steward of the Church , not for the inriching himself , but to provide for those that wanted , I cannot imagine why this may not be as conveniently supposed , as that it should be sent to the Pre●byters onely . So in like manner the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 14. 23. are Bishops againe , and such and only such ( as farre as we have any footsteps of it ) were at that time ordained in the Churches , one in every City where the Gospell was received with one or more Deacons to attend him . And to this as the words so often mentioned out of Clemens Romanus are most evident , that the Apostles of Christ preaching through Cities and Regions , constituted their first fruits 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Bishops and Deacons , so the context in this place of the Acts is very agreeable : For here when Paul and Barnabas had preacht and converted a competent number at Derbe , v. 12. and returned to the Cities of Lystra , Iconium and Antioch v. 22. co●firming the soules of the brethren i.e. the faithfull , there it followes , before their parting , that they ordained Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every Church , that sure is in every of the Churches here named , not many in each , but Elders in all , one Bishop in every Church , which again is no news for me or any Praelatist to affirm , when in the Epistle to Titus , St. Paul's direction is conformable to his practice , appointing him to ordaine Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , City by City , or in every City , c. 1. 5. and presently calling the Elder so to be ordained Bishop , as in the Epistle to Timothy he is also called . Thus much paines I shall not grudge to have taken , if it be but to rescue a small booke , very innocently meant , from the charge of two su●h Paradoxes , as they are called by those , who have not thought fit to believe them , and are as unwiling that others should , and therefore conclude their discourse against them with tragicall expressions of offering manifest violence to the Scriptures , of being sufficient , instead of upholding Episcopacy , to render it odious and contemptible , &c. And when they have said so much with so little weight of reason to justifie it , they will then part with all meeknesse and perfect temper [ but we forbeare ] i.e. abstaine to adde more , when they had said as much ill as could be . I am sorry there was still any more bitternesse within , to be supprest , when there was so much vented . However it is , we are now at end of a second post , and to have time to breath a while after some lassitude . CHAP. III. Concerning the Opinion of Antiquity in this Question . Sect. 1. The Testimonies of Clemens Romanus , Bishops and Deacons the onely offices at the first . Corinth Metropolis of Achaia . What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifie . The Apostles care to prevent contentions about Episcopacy . Hegesippus's testimony of the contentions at Corinth . Clement a Bishop . SOme things there are yet behind in their Appendix , wherein I discerne my selfe to be concern'd , in some directly and immediately , in others by remoter obligation , as when some of those testimonies of Antiquity , which are in the Dissertations manifested to be perfectly reconcileable with our pretensions , and some of them evident confirmations of them , are yet by these Writers crudely taken up , and made use of , as Testimonies on their side , without ever taking notice of that which is said in the Dissertations to cleare the contrary . Of the former sort , wherein I am more immediately pointed at , there are foure things . First , Concerning one testimony of St. Hierome . Secondly , concerning Ignatius his Epistles in generall , and the appeales that I make to h●s authori●● , which they will not allow to have force with them . Thirdly , concerning one testimony cited by them out of St. Ambrose on Ephes . 4. and answered by me ▪ but that answer disliked and rejected by them . Fourthly ▪ concerning the Chorepiscopi . Of the second sort , are the testimonies out of Clemens Romanus , Polycarpe , Irenaeus , and Tertullian , especially the two former of them . I shall therefore briefly survey every one of these , and I suppose I have pitcht on the most convenient Method ( and that which will give the Reader the clearest view both of the judgement of Antiquity concerning Episcopacy in generall ( to which their Appendix professeth wholly to be designed ) and more particularly of the truth of those two propositions which have been accused as Paradoxes in me , but will now appeare not to be such ) by taking these testimonies , as they lie in the order of time , wherein the Authors lived , and then that of St. Hierome , which happens to be first mentioned by them , p. 102. will fall to be one of the last to which we shall make reply . First then for Clemens , they thus begin , sure we are that Clemens , who lived in the first century , in his famous Epistle to the Corinthians ( an undoubted piece of antiquity ) makes but two Orders of Ministery , Bishops and Deacons . And having set downe the place which testifies this , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and rendered it thus , Christ Iesus sent his Apostles through Countries and Cities , in which they preached and constituted the first fruits ( approving them by the spirit ) for Bishops and Deacons to those who should afterwards believe . From hence they observe , p. 105. That Bishops and Deacons were the onely orders of Minist●ry in the first Primitive Church . And that the Apostles appointed but two Officers ( that is Bishops and Deacons ) to bring men to believe , because when he had reckon'd up three Orders appointed by God amongst , the Jewes , High-Priest , Priests , and Levites : coming to recite Orders appointed by the Apostles under the Gospell , ●e doth mention onely Bishops and Deacons . And here one would think were little for the Presbyterians advantage , even no more than one of my Paradoxes would have afforded them , which , from this very testimony and some other , concluded that which was then so strange for them to heare ( yet now can be confest by them ) that the Apostles at their first plantations contented themselves with Bishops and Deacons , one of each , or perhaps more of the latter in every City . But when these men thus grant the conclusion from this place , which I inferr'd , I have yet no reason to boast of their liberality , because I suppose it their meaning , that by Bishops Clemen●● meant Pre●byters , though this they do not so much as say in twice repeating of their conclusion . And yet certainly it needed more than saying , proving by some evidence or argument , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops in that place signifies any thing else but Bishops . All that they offer toward a reason for this , must be contained in these words of theirs that follow in the former place . The occasion of that Epistle seemes to be a new sedition raised by the Corinthians against their Presbyters , p. 57. 58. Clemens to remove their present sedition tells them how God hath alwayes appointed severall orders in his Church , which must not be confounded ; in the Jewish Church he appointed High-Priest , Priests and Levites , And then tells them for the time of the Gospell that Christ Jesus sent his Apostles as before , citing the words of Clement already set down . But certainly this doth not prove Bishops in that Epistle to be no more than Presbyters , but may as fitly be argumentative for me , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders in that Epistle signifie Bishops . The onely imaginable medium of proofe , which can be usefull for their turne , I shall suppose to be this , that Corinth was but one City , and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders at , and of Corinth , must needs be Presb●ters , because according to our opinion there were not more Bishops in one City . But to this I answer , 1. That what Clemens saith in the testimony now produced , he speakes not of Corinth peculiarly , but of the Cities , and Regions in generall , which the Apostles converted , and of them in the plurall number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through Regions and Cities , and then in those many Cities , there may well be many Bishops , and yet certainly no more than one in one City . Secondly , that this Epistle of Clemens to the Corinthians was not to the Christians of that one City , but to the whole Province of Achaia , of which Corinth was the Metropolis , and wherein the Proconsull of Achaia resided , and kept his Courts , Act. 18. 12. 15. So the Title of the Epistle inclines , being inscribed to the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which denotes the whole Province , then called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as when in Polycarps Epistle , the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is not onely that of the City Philippi , but of the Province belonging to it , and in the other part of the title of this Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church of God dwelling about Rome , ] in the Church of Rome , and all that belonged to that Metropolis , called by Ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place of the Region of the Romans , i. e. the City , and the whole Region about it ; * And so when Eusebius mentions Dionysius the famous Bishop of Corinth , he calls him Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Province of , or about Corinth . And that this is the truth of it , and no conjecture of mine may appeare by one character in the Epistle ; He tells them that they had formerly received Epistles from St. Paul. This directs to resolve that these to whom this Epistle was addrest , were the same to whom St. Paul's were formerly sent , And it is evident that those were the Saints or Christians in all Achaia , 2 Cor. 1. 1. And the same is doubtlesse implied by the phrase in every place , 1 Cor. 1. 2. not in every place simply of the World ( for it was no Catholick Epistle , but a particular admonition for particular faults , incest , &c. ) but in that whole Porvince or Region of Achaia . So that which Apollos is said to have done among them ( Apollos hath watered ) 1 Cor. 3. 6. appeares by the story Act. 18. 27. to have belonged to all Achaia . And so what the Apostle writes to them of sending their offertory to Judaea , 1 Cor. 6. 1. 2 Cor. 8. and 9. doth appeare by Rom. 15. 26. to appertaine to all Achaia , Macedonia , saith he , and Achaia have pleased to make a contribution , and 2 Cor. 9. 2. I know your forwardnesse , that Achaia hath been ready above a yeare agoe . Where the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] and [ Achaia ] must needs be of the same latitude , and so againe it is c. 11. 9. compared with v. 18. And so those of St. Paul , and consequently this of Clement was not to the City of Corinth alone , but to all the Churches of Achaia , and if among them there were more Bishops than one , there will certainly be no newes in that , and if those Bishops ( according both to the nature of the word , and the use of it in those dayes before and after Clement ) were styled sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also , then all is very agreeable to all that we contend for , that there was one Bishop , not a College of Presbyters in Clements dayes in every City . And this is directly the importance of Clements words , as they lie in the Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Christ was sent out from God , and the Apostles from Christ ( As my Father sent me , so send I you ] And then to shew that the Bishops were in the same manner sent , i. e. commissionated by them , he addes , that they , i. e. the Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 went out Preaching , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Therefore Preaching through Regions and Cities , they constituted their first fruits — for Bishops and Deacons , Cities and Regions in the Plurall , and Bishops and Deacons proportionable thereto . And when he addes that they were thus made of their first fruits , i. e. of those that were first converted by them , and to this end , that they might be officers of those which should after believe ( supposing that there were not many now that did so ) this is directly a description of those times , of which Epiphanius speakes , saying , that when the Gospell began to be Preacht , there was yet no neede of Presbyters , but Bishops and Deacons served the turne . And accordingly Deacons in those dayes were immediately made Bishops , as is sufficiently knowne of Clement the Writer of this Epistle , who was St. Peters Deacon and Bishop after him , as is cleared in Dissert 5. c. 1. Sect. 11. And so much for that first testimony . One thing onely more from hence they are desirous to conclude , that in the first and purest times the custome was to choose Bishops in Villages , as well as in great Cities , grounded upon this , that here the Apostles are said to have appointed Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But there is no ground of this conclusion in this testimony , For 1. here is no mention of villages , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not Greek for them , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 't is the former , not the latter which here we finde . It is evident what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when it is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cities , viz. Provinces , which have each of them many Cities in them , and when it is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Villages , it sitly denotes Regions , in which there are many Villages . So saith * Strabo of Asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Romans made that Region a Province , and so in the Ecclesiastical writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Province made up of many Cities , each of which had a Bishop over them , as when in the * Councel in Trullo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Cyprian is said to be Archbishop of the Region of the Africanes , Region there signifying the whole Province under that Metropolitane , and so * Cyprian himselfe makes it his observation , Jampridem per omnes provincias & singulas urbes instituti sunt Episcopi . Antiently through all the Provinces and each of the Cities , Bishops were instituted . Where the Bishops in the several Provinces , as those differ from the Bishops in each City , are undoubtedly Archbishops . And if that place so very agreeable to this of Clemens may be allowed , to give us the meaning of it , we see what it will be , and how distant from these mens conclusion that the Apostles instituted Bishops in every City , and in each Region or Province , and in the Metropolis or chiefe City of it , a Metropolitane or Archbishop . But then 2. if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should signifie , as they would have it , a company of villages or little townes lying neer together , so as to be here used in opposition to the Cities , yet could it not be from hence concluded , that the Apostles constituted Bishops in those villages . The words are , they preached through regions and Cities , and constituted their first fruits ( earlyest converts ) into Bishops and Deacons , which will be perfectly true , though all the Bishops and Deacons constituted by them , had their fixt seats of residence in the Cities ; For that they constituted Bishops in the Regions , is not here affirmed . Much more might be said in this matter , to shew that the utmost concessions that the adversaries could demand from hence , would no way hinder or disadvantage our pretensions , but onely give the Chorepiscopi a greater Antiquitie in the Church , than either they or we have reason to thinke they had , of which whole matter the reader may see a full discourse , Dissert . 3. c. 8. Sect. 25. &c. and of it somewhat we shall anon have occasion to repete from thence . The second Testimony of Clemens is set down by them in these words , That the Apostles knowing by Jesus Christ , that there would a contention arise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the name of Bishop , & being indued with perfect foreknowledg they appointed the aforesaid ( that is , the aforesaid orders of Bishops and Deacons ) &c. Here they require two things to be noted 1. that by name is not meant the bare name of Bishop , but the honour and dignity , as it is taken , Phil. 2. 9. Ephes . 1. 21. Heb. 1. 4. Rev. 11. so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The controversie among the Corinthians was not about the name , but dignity of Episcopacy ; for it was about the deposition of their godly Presbyters , pag. 57. 58. 2. That the onely remedy appointed by the Apostles for the cure of all contentions arising about Episcopacy , is , by committing the care of the Church to Bishops and Deacons : Afterwards the Church found out another way , by setting up one Bishop over another ; But Clemens tells us , that the Apostles indued with perfect foreknowledge of things ordained only Bishops and Deacons for a remedy of Schismes . To this they adde ( to supersede farther citations our of this Epistle ) It would be too long to recite all that is said in this Epistle for the justification of our proposition , let the Reader peruse pag. 57. 62. 69. 72. and take notice that those which are called Bishops in one place are called Presbyters in another , and that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throughout the whole Epistle . What this whole Epistle will yeild toward the proof of their proposition , which is , [ That after Christs Ascension the Church of God for a certaine space of time , was governed by a Common Councel of Presbyters without Bishops ] I thinke it reasonable for any that hath not read it , to conjecture by these two testimonies , which these , who assert the proposition , and here undertake to prove it , have thought fit to cull out of it , having withall nothing more to collect for their turne from the rest of the Epistle , particularly from the comparing those foure pages , 57. 62. 72. but only this , that they which are called Bishops in one place , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders in another . Now this last they know is the very thing that I contend ( as from the Scripture , so ) from this and other antient writings , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ Bishop and Elder ] are words of the same importance , all the question is , whether at the first both imported Bishops or both Presbyters in our moderne notion . That there is no one circumstance so much as offered by them to consideration , which may incline it their way , is evident by their owne words , neither of their two notes pretending to it , only their conclusion affirming , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , words of the same importance . The whole matter therefore will still divolve to this one Quaere , whether , when Clement saith of the Apostles that they constituted none but Bishops and Deacons , by Bishops a College of Presbyters in every City be to be understood , or rather one Bishop , with his Deacon or Deacons in every City . For the clearing of this one difficulty ( for this being evinced , all that their two notes affirme , is directly on our side against them ) I shall here intirely set downe the whole place last produced , of which they have left out one halfe . It is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Our Apostles knew by our Lord Jesus Christ ( that must be by revelation from him ) that there would contention arise upon the name or dignity of Episcopacie ( i. e. about the authority of Bishops in the Church , some opposing it , and casting them out of their Offices , as here in the Church of the Corinthians , and through all Achaia was actually come to passe at this time , and occasioned this Epistle to them ) For which cause therefore the Apostles having received perfect foreknwoledge ( that there would be such contentions on this occasion ) did ( for the preventing of them ) constitute the forementioned ( Bishops and Deacons of those which should come in to the Faith in their new plantations ) and after them ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in Barnabas's Epistle , Sect. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people that should be after , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Act. 13. 42. that which should follow the next after ) gave a Series or Catalogue , or manner of succession ( i. e. set downe a note of them which in each Church should succeed the present Incumbent ) that when they dyed , other approved men might succeede to their office or ministery . What can be more manifest , than that the dignity , which the Apostles conferred on the Bishops in each City and Province , which in the former Testimony hath been cleared to belong to single Bishops , not to any College of Presbyters , was by them foreseen , that it would be matter of Contention , occasion of Sedition in the Church : for the prevention of which , they used the probablest meanes imaginable , named successors to the present Bishops in every Church , who should supply the vacant places , as soon as they fell , and so prevent suing and contending for them , and were by the speciall spirit of God directed , who those successors should be ; so that the opposing their succession , or casting them out afterwards , must be a great sin , even of resisting the spirit of God , who had designed them to this inheritance . Which , next to Christ's bearing them in his right hand , Rev. 1. 20. is the greatest character of dignity , and evidence of Christ's approving of the Order , and care of continuing it , as the originall of union ( not division ) in the Church . There is not by these men one word of objection offered against this conclusion , thus formerly deduced in the Dissertations , and therefore I need adde no more for the vindicating this testimony , yet will it not be amisse here to interpose the words of Hegesippus , one that was present at the time of that sedition , and gives an account of it in * Eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Church of the Corinthians continued in the right , untill Primus was Bishop of Corinth . Which is a testimonie as antient as that of Clement , and tells us what Bishops they were which Clement speakes of , such as Primus was at Corinth , i. e. one singular Governour in a City . The same will be yet more manifest , if we consider what by all Authors is affirmed of Clemens himselfe , the writer , at the time of writing this Epistle , that having been Saint Paul's Peter's Deacon ( Ignat. in Ep. ad Trall . ) he was no Bishop of Rome , by the joynt suffrage of Irenaeus and all the Antients , even of Saint Jerome himselfe in his Catalogue , and by him styled an Apostolical person on Isa . 52. a companion of the Apostles ( in Interp. Com. Orig. in Rom. ) and by Clemens Alexandrinus , Strom. lib. 4. an Apostle in the sense that Theodoret saith , those whom in his time they called Bishops , had been at first called Apostles . Accordingly of him , saith Irenaeus in his Catalogue of the successive Governors of the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the third place from the Apostles Clemens came to the Bishoprick , Which how it is easily to be accorded with those who truly make him Peters immediate successor , see Dissert . 5. c. 1. Sect. 6. &c. Other testimonies there are producible from this Epistle of Clement , which are all to the same purpose with the former ; As when he findes an image of the Ecclesiasticall state under Bishops and Deacons , in the prophecie of Isaiah , cap. 60. 17. where in the Greek translation , then in use , he had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I will constitute their Bishops in righteousnesse , and their Deacons in faithfulnesse , speaking of the Judges and their Ministers and officers in every City . And so againe when he exhorts them to give due honour to the Elders among them , talkes of their sedition against their Elders , and casting them out of their Episcopacy , in one place ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and removing them from that honoured office ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in another , and the like ; All of the same importance , and to be interpreted by the former . Sect. II. The Testimony of Polycarpe . That he was himselfe a Bishop . His mention of Ignatius's Epistles , fit to give authority to them , being so confirmed as it is by a series of the Antients . IN the next place followes their testimonie out of Polycarpe , introduced in this manner , The like Record we have of Polycarpe that famous Disciple of John the Apostle , who lived also within the first century , and wrote an Epistle to the Philippians , in which he makes also but two Orders of Ministery , Bishops and Deacons , and perswades the Philippians to be subject to their Presbyters and Deacons , as to God and Christ . To this Testimony from Polycarp there is no reason I should deny any part of my assent , being so perfectly such , as the cause which I defend requires ; If there be with him but two orders of Ministery , Bishops and Deacons , and he perswades the Philippians ( i.e. that whole Province , the same to which Saint Paul had written , consisting of many Churches , all under that Metropolis of Philippi ) to be subject to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders and Deacons , and sets the former of them , in the comparison , to answer God the Father the supream Monarch of Heaven ; and the latter to be the parallel to Christ who came out from Heaven upon his Fathers messages , then what reason have I to doubt , but that these Elders and Deacons are the very same which Saint Paul had called Bishops and Deacons , Phil. 1. 1. which that it belonged to the severall Bishops of that Province of Macedonia , hath before been sufficiently vindicated . And therefore without farther debating this Testimony , I shall adde some few things concerning this Polycarp , which will helpe conveniently to cleere the whole matter . First , That as it is most true , that is here said of him , that he was a famous Disciple of Iohn the Apostle , so this is added to his titles by the authonti●k Epistle of the Church of Smyrna , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This was the most wonderfull person in our times , being an Apostolicall and Prophetical Doctor , and that he was a most glorious Martyr , is the designed matter of that whole Epistle . Secondly , That this famous , most admirable Apostolical Doctor and Martyr , was the Bishop of Smyrna , and so constituted by the Apostles , as will appeare by three Testimonies , each of them irrefragable . 1. By the Epistle of that Church of Smyrna , written on purpose concerning his Martyrdome , a reverend piece of Antiquity , fit to compare with any that remaines in the Church . And there we finde in the close of his titles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was Bishop of the Catholike Church , which is in Smyrna , i. e. both of Iewish and Gentile Christians there . So Polycrates ( the eight Bishop of Ephesus , borne within a while after Saint Iohn's death ) in his Epistle to Victor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Polycarp the Bishop of Smyrna and Martyr . So Irenaeus , lib. 3. cap. 3. speaking of him , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was constituted by the Apostles Bishop of the Church of Smyrna in Asia . And then what possibility can there be , that he being thus a Bishop , nay Metropolitane himselfe , ( as hath formerly been shewed ) writing to another Metropolis , and commanding to obey the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Deacons , should meane any thing else but Bishops by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thirdly , That this Polycarp , as in this Epistle he acknowledgeth to have received an Epistle from Ignatius ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , You wrote to me , and to Ignatius also ) so he tells them that he had sent them a collection of the same Ignatius's Epistles . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — The Epistles of Ignatius sent to us by him , and as many others as we had by us , we have sent to you , as you required , which are subjoyned to this Epistle , by which you may receive great benefit . By this passage it is cleare , that as Ignatius wrote one Epistle to Polycarpe , another to the Church of Smyrna , whereof Polycarpe was Bishop , both contein'd under the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sent to us , ( as it is explain'd by Eusebius in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ignatius wrote to the Church of Smyrna , and severally to Polycarpe the Ruler thereof ) so he wrote divers others also , which at that time , before Ignatius's death were by the Philippians desired from Polycarpe , and by Polycarpe transmitted to them , and so cannot with any sense be affirmed to be forged , and affixt to his name after his death . How these Epistles were from Polycarpe brought down to the hands of Irenaeus , who lived in Polycarp's time , and saw him an old man , and so testifies in his Epistle to Florinus ; and cites a notable passage out of Ignatius , which we now have in his Epistle to the Romans : How , soone after Irenaeus , * Origen cites them again , calling him Martyr and Bishop of Antioch , the second after Peter , and setting down the very words which we now have in the Epistle to the Ephesians ; How , after Origen , † Eusebius sets down the whole story of writing them , together with a distinct Catalogue of seven , to Ephesus , to Magnesia , to the Trallians , to the Romans , to the Philadelphians , to the Smyranaeans , and to Polycarpe : And in like manner Athanasius , citing from Ignatius words which we now finde in his Epistle to the Ephesians , and Theodoret in many passages out of that to the Ephesians , to the Trallians , to the Smyrnaeans ; And at last St. Hierome ( on whose authority the Presbyterians so much depend ) according exactly with Eusebius , to give these seven Ep●stles of Ignatius a full authority with all ; All this I say hath been at large deduced and evidenced in the Dissertations ; And this , one would thinke , might have been sufficient to have given Ignatius some place among their Testimonies for the opinion of antiquity in this matter , especially when that very Epistle of Polycarpe , which for the bare name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders used by him , they cite , and give him his just honour , doth give testimony to the Epistles of Ignatius , as cleare , and as universally , and fully confirmed by others , as any , by which that Epistle of ●olycarpe or Clemens , or any other antient writing stands in the Church . But all this , it seemes , is of no weight with them , and therefore after the two testimonies of Clemens , and one of Polycarpe , backt with the like number of three more , a saying of Bishop Bilson ( very unlikely to be to the praejudice of Bishop● , if it were here seasonable to examine it ) and the like of Gratian , and the third of the Lord Digby , They are then at leisure to remember what out of Ignatius is objected against them ; Had he by any possible colour of any passage in him , been capable of doing them any service , he might then , as his Epistles were written before Polycarps , have also been called out and cited before him ; But all those Epistles being so diametrally contrary to their pretensions , as every man knowes they are , he is now to be lookt on and answered , as temptations are wont to be , to be mentioned only , that he may be rejected by them . Section III. A vindication of Ignatius's Epistles , Vossius's edition of them , and the Archbishops of Armagh . Some Testimonies out of them . The cause of his so inculcating obedience to Bishops . Mr. Causabones Testimony considered , and the Allegations from the Archbishop of Armagh . Three Reasons against these Epistles answered . ( No Marriage without the Bishop . ) Of the Reformed Churches . Of the Church of Scotland after the first conversion . THus therefore they proceede , p. 107. Against all that hath been said in this proposition , it is objected , that the blessed St. Ignatius , who lived in the first century , hath in his Epistles clearely and fully asserted Episcopall Government , as it is distinct from Presbyteriall , and that therefore there was no space of time , wherein the Church of Christ was governed by the common councell of Presbyters without Bishops properly so called . I doe not conceive that they have said any thing of any availe , for the proving their Proposition , and presume that neither from Clement nor Polycarpe it hath appeared that they have gained any thing ; And therefore against all that they have said there is no need that I should make any Objection . But in a farre larger style I think it were no insolence to say , that against all that was ever imagined by any to be producible out of Antiquity in behalfe of Presbytery , the bare testimonies of this one Apostolicall Martyr , Ignatius , will be abundantly sufficient , being put in the other Scale , to weigh them all downe and decide the controversie on the Prelatists side . It were here unreasonable at large to recite all these testimonies , being already set downe particularly Dissert . 2. c. 25. and the notoriety of the fact being such that a speciall Objection against the Epistles is , that he every where asserts Episcopacy . And therefore the onely way that could be invented for the supporting the Presbyterians interest against such direct Testimonies , so ( every where ) inculcated , and so impossible to be reconciled with their assertions , is this which they give us , p. 108. in these words . In answer to this we must intreat the Reader to take notice that in the Primitive Times there were abundance of spacious and supposititious workes put forth under the Names of the Apostles and blessed Martyrs , which were none of theirs , &c. The like fraud hath been used in Ignatius's workes , &c. Here first 't is a little strange that the spurious and supposititious workes of the Apostles and Martyrs should be said to be put forth in the Primitive Times , unlesse that phrase Primitive , be taken in a very great Latitude , I had thought that it had been in after times , when errors were gotten in , and sought patronage and covert from the Primitive Fathers , that these spurious brats were borne , and affixt to great Names ; And by this meanes indeed they are generally descryed , by their impudent mentioning of some matters of fact , which fell out in those latter times , and so discovered the imposture . But this mistake importeth not much to our present controversy ; If what is here confidently affirmed , [ The like fraud was used in Ignatius's workes ] can be any way proved to have truth in it , either in respect of the Primitive or after-times , I shall not quarrell upon such niceties . I shall therefore examine their proofes which follow . And first , say they , it is certaine the Epistle of the blessed Virgin Mary to Ignatius , and of Ignatius to the blessed Virgin , and two other Epistles of Ignatius to John the Apostle are spurious and counterfeit . To this I most willingly yeild , that the Epistles under Ignatius's name to the blessed Virgin and St. John may very probably be deemed none of his , and so they are generally rejected by those who mainteine ours , as well as their interests . I shall onely adde that there is no one word in them concerning Bishops , nor were they ever produced by any Prelatist in defence of them . Next then , say they , As for his other twelve Epistles , five of them are by invincible arguments , as we conceive , proved by Vedelius to be written by a Pseudo-Ignatius . Eusebius and Hierome make mention but of seven . Here also will easily be granted by us whatsoever is demanded ; For though Vedelius a Divine of Geneva since the casting out of their Bishop and setting up of the new Government , might well be lookt on as a partiall arguer or Judge concerning Ignatius's writings , yet it being true , and by me formerly acknowleged that Eusebius and St. Hierome mention but seven Epistles of his , I shall also be ready to yeild to the utmost that Vedelius contended , that there be no more then seven Genuine Epistles of Ignatius , not that every of the other five can be proved to be suppositious , but because the antient testifications of the Church doe not make it so evident , that those other five are all his , as of the other seven they doe . According to this concession it is , that in the Dissertations all the Testimonies which are produced in defence of Episcopacy , are taken out of those seven Epistles which St. Hierome , the Presbyter , and onely trusted friend of the Presbyterians , doth acknowledge to be his . But of these seven also they have somewhat to say , in these words : And for those seven , though with Scultetus , Vedelius and Rivetus we doe not renounce them as none of his , yet sure we are , they are so much adulterated and corrupted , that no man can ground any solid Assertion about Episcopacy from Ignatius's workes . I hope I shall not now be lookt on , as an intemperate asserter of Episcopacy , if in this third step also I goe so farre with the Presbyterians as to yeld that I shall rest contented even , with those parcells of those seven Epistles , which these most rigid censors , even Vedelius himselfe , which published him at Geneva , is content to acknowledge for his . If this be allowed me I shall need demand no more ; The matter is evident , any man may consult Vedelius's edition , and finde testimonies as cleare for our turne , as could be wisht , in those parts of those Epistles which he allowes of . But for the purging of Ignatius , as of all other Antients , I suppose the Method , which Vedelius used , proceeding for the most part , by his owne conjecture and phansie , is not likely to be the best ; The one course which any Judicious Man would require or depend on , hath been used in this matter , since Vedelius had done his best ; I meane the most antient copies in Europe have been consulted , and God's Providence hath been eminently discernable in the result of that inquiry . Isaac Vossius , a knowne learned Man of that part of the Reforme● Church , which is governed by Presbyters , hath met with an Antient Manuscript in the Medicaean library , which hath none of the suspected Epistles , and is perfectly free from those passages , which were formerly among sober Men made matter of suspicion against the Epistles ; And as in them we finde those very passages intire , which the Antients have cited out of them , so from them againe all the Testimonies are fetcht , which we desire to make use of in this matter . So that if ever Ignatius wrote those Epistles which from Polycarpe downward the Antients generally agree that he wrote , I have no reason to feare or doubt but his authority , and the Testimonies I have brought from him , will be of full value and force in this matter . When this Copy out of the Medicaean Library was first transcribed by Vossius , the greatest enemies of Episcopacy were much taken with it ; D. Blondel confesses that he presently got a Transcript of it , compared it with the Testimonies , which the Fathers ( Polycarpe , Irenaeus , Origen , Eusebius , Athanasius , Ierome , Chrysostome , &c. ) had cited out of Ignatius , and finding them all to agree with this copy , confesseth of himselfe that he was glad for this age of ours , that we had now gotten that very copy that 1300. yeares ago , Eusebius had used , and expected great light from thence . But at length this proved not for his turne , the Author spake so much of Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in season and out of season , that he set himselfe to form arguments against it , which are answer'd at large in the Dissertations . But beside this Greeke copy of Vossius's Edition , it fell out very opportunely , that the most Reverend Archbishop of Armagh about the same time met with some antient Latine copies in England , which he thought fit to publish , although the Translation were rude and barbarous , and that Latine Edition of his was found every where agreeable to that Greeke of Vossius , freed , as that , from all interpolations , and by this concurrence of these Providences , there is all reason to think that we have at last the Epistles of Ignatius , as purely set out as either that of Clemens , or Polycarpe , or any other antient writing . And in this purity it is that we now appeale to it , and have the three orders in the Church , Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , and the Obedience and respects due to them , as evidently and irrefragably asserted in very many places , as any truth of Scripture can be expected to be . After all this , most distinctly deduced in the Dissertations , they yet proceed , we will not , say they , for our parts trouble the Reader with a large discourse about this subject . If he please he may read what the Archbishop of Armagh , what Rivet , Vedelius , and Cooke in his Censura Patrum , and what Salmasius and D. Blondel say about it , who all of them bring divers arguments to evince the invalidity of these Epistles . There is a — Doctor that hath undertaken to answer the Objections of the two last , But this Doctor should doe well to answer also what the Archbishop of Armagh , hath written about these Epistles , who proves at large that six of them are nothae , the other six mixtae , and none of them to be accounted omni ex parte sincerae & genuinae , who also tells us out of Casaubone , that among all the Ecclesiasticall Monuments there are none in which the Papists put more confidence , than in Ignatius's Epistles . This being the summe of their charge on me in this place , that having answer'd all the Arguments of Blondell and Salmasius ( I hope satisfactorily , or else they were very unkinde not to expresse their dislikes of some one answer ) I have not yet answer'd the Arguments of the Archbishop of Armagh against these Epistles , I shall hope , that when either I have done that , or given competent reason , why I need not do it , I shall not need to travaile any farther in this Argument ; yet to omit no paines which they can but thinke of prescribing me , I shall take the whole matter of this their last Section before me , and consider every part of it . And 1. For Rivet , Vedelius and Cooke in Censura Patrum 't is evident , that their exceptions and censures belong to the former Printed Copies of Ignatius , that especially which had beene set out by Mastraeus a Papist , against whom Vedelius his Edition and Exercitations were chiefly designed . But then Vedelius having called this volume to a very strict examination , 't is evident that that Copy , which he had thus purged , cannot be still lyable to his and the like exceptions , which before were made against the former Copies . As for Salmasius and Blondell , their exceptions have , as is here confest , been already examined , and I need say no more of them till those answers be some way attempted to be invalidated , which here they are not , but instead of it , I am called to answer the Archbishop of Armagh his Arguments . Lastly , therefore for the Archbishop of Armagh ; It is first somewhat unexpected , that what he had said , as the ground and occasion of making a new Edition , setting out this very antient Copy , and by it purging Ignatius , who had before been so corrupted in his opinion , should now be proposed to me to be answered , who use that very Copy , which that Archbishop set out , and acknowledge it was formerly as corruptly set forth , as he conceived it to be . Is it not visible that the Archbishop's whole designe in two impressions of those Epistles , was to set them out free from all corruptions and mixtures , and interpolations , which they had before been under : And that all his discourses in his Prolegomena , were to prove the former editions to have been corrupt , and so that the●e was great need of seeking out better Copies , and that he verily thought he had now found such ? And then what can be required of me to answer in his writings , who am directly of his opinion in all the substantiall parts of the whole matter ? As for lesser doubts , as whether that one to Polycarpe be among the genuine or no , though with Eusebius and St. Hierome I believe it is , and have given the reasons of my opinion , yet I need not controvert this with any , because the other six will still serve my turne abundantly , and the Testimonies out of the most purged Geneva , or Amstelodam-editions of those six , will sufficiently vindicate Episcopacy in our present notion of it to be then received , and of the Apostles erecting in the Church . A few of these Testimonies I shall here set downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Reader may know the unquestionable opinion of Ignatius , and how farre I am from necessity of using any corrupted copy of those Epistles . First , then in his Epistle to the Smyrnaans , we have the three Orders set down distinctly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and againe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the like in 3. places to the Ephesians , in 3. to the Magnesians , in 4. to the Philadelphians , in 4. to the Trallians . So secondly we have their particular Bishops mentioned , as such , Polycarpe of Smyrna , in the Epistle to the Magnesians , Onesimus of Ephesus in his congratulation to the Ephesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they had such a Bishop , adding ▪ Burrhus his Deacon : Damas of the Magnesians , together with the names of two of their Presbyters , Bassus and Apollonius , and Sotion the Deacon , all in the Epistle to the Magnesians . Polybius of the Trallians , in the Epistle to them . Thirdly we have his affirmation concerning Bishops through the whole World , that they are constituted as , or by the minde of Christ , i. e. sent by him , as he by his Father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Jesus Christ is the mind or by , or according to the mind of the Father ( sent and Commissionated by him to reveale his will to us ) and so the Bishops constituted through the World are the minde , or by the minde of Christ . Fourthly , he tells us that all in the ●hurch , particularly Presbyters , must yeild obedience to the Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all follow the Bishop , in the Epistle to the Smyrnaeans , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that being subject to the Bishop yee may be sanctified in all things , in Ep. ad . Eph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yee ought to pay all reverence to the Bishop , adding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he had observed their pious Presbyters to doe , though their Bishop were yong in Ep. ad Magnes : and againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be subject to the Bishop , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 give heed to the Bishop , in Ep. ad Philad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be subject , and it is necessary to be subject to the Bishop , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Farewell yee that obey the Bishop , in Ep. ad Trall . Fifthly , he oft addes , that nothing ought to be done in the Church without licence of the Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let none without the Bishop doe any of the things that belong to the Church , instancing in Baptisme and the other Sacrament , in Ep. ad Smyr . and so in the Epistles to the Philadel●hians and Trallians . Sixthly , that a convenient reverence and respect is also due to the Presbyters , and to the Deacons , as is every where taken notice of by him , almost in every Epistle . And all this and much more we have in the Copies , which are now come , most uncorrupt , unto us , And there is no imaginable way to avoid the force of these Testimonies , and the authority of that holy Martyr for Episcopacie , but the una litura , expunging or casting away the whole volume of Epistles . For the truth is , his whole designe , before his departure from the world , being this one of divine Charity , to fortifie the severall stocks , to which he wrote , against the poyson of Hereticks , the Gnosticks , so early creeping in , and despising the Governors of the Church , ( as they had done the Apostles themselves ) and the Doctrine of the Apostles being by him knowne to be deposited with the Bishops in each Church , and having particular assurance of the sanctity , and foun● faith of the present Governors of these Churches , to which he writes , He thinkes fit to make use of this one most compendious course , most immediately tending to his end , to keep them all in obedience to their Bishops and officers under them , and to make the contrary ( as it was indeed ) the sure marke of Haereticks , whom they were to avoid . And so this is it which hath so fill'd all the Epistles ( except that one to the Romanes ) with continuall discourse of the Bishops , &c. And it is evident that in that present conjuncture of affaires , nothing could with more reason and ●tnesse have been insisted on . Meane while that I may returne to the place from which I have a while diverted , It is so certaine and evident of the learned Archbishop of Armagh , that he never disputed against the validity and authority of these Epistles thus purged , that it cannot be unknowne to them that thus dispute , what arguments he hath urged for the authority of them , and in like manner what and how satisfactory answers he hath given to the speciall exceptions of others , which very thing occasioned a particular letter of reply to him from D. Blondell , which by that Archbishops favour I received , and made my rejoinder to it in the * Dissertations . This I hope may be sufficient to have said in this matter , instead of undertaking so unreasonable a taske of answering any thing asserted by that Archbishop . As for that which followes out of him and M. Casaubone of Baronius and the Papists making such use , and placing such confidence in these Epistles above all other Ecclesiasticall Monuments , it is speedily answered also out of what is already said , that they were the former corrupt editions , which were abroad in Baronius's time , with all those supposititious additions & interpolations , which the Papists are either by Mr. Casaubone , or that Archbishop said to have made use of ; there being no one word or period in this volume , to which my appeale is made , which yeildeth any advantage to the Papists in any point , nor is it , nor can it be pretended by any that it doth , unlesse by those in whose opinion the mainteining of Bishops is reputed for such . And therefore that very learned man , M. Casaubone , is so far from rejecting all these Epistles , that he distinctly promiseth nonnullaru●n ex illis antiquitatem se novis rationibus tuiturum , that he will , if God permit , defend the antiquity of some of them , by reasons which others had not taken notice of : Exerc. 16. Cont. Baron . Sect. 10. And this promise of his is cited by the Archbishop , Dissert . de Epist Ign. pag. 136. so farre is it from all appearance of truth , which is cited as the opinion of these two learned men . After all this ▪ three Reasons they will briefly off●r , why they cannot build their judg●ment concerning the Doctrine of the Primitive Church , about Episcopacy upon Ignatius's Epistles . 1. Because there are divers things quoted out of his Epistles by Athanasius , Gelasiu● , and Theodoret , which are either not to be found in these Epistles or to be found altered and changed , and not acco●ding as they are quoted ▪ This is R●vets argument , and pursued at large by the Archbishop , to whom we referre the Reader . Being among their other Readers referr'd to the Archbishop of Armagh for the validity and pursuit of this first reason , I shall to him very securely make my appeale , what force there is in it , against the volume of Epistles now twice in severall formes published by him . And in the ●rolegomena to the former of them , pag. 15 , 16 &c. this is most evident that the passages cited by Athanasius , Gelasius , and Theodoret , which were not indeed to be found in the former printed Greek copies , are exactly discerned and evidenced by him to be in the old latine Interpreter , which he therefore thought fit to publish both out of Caius College and Bishop Montacutes Library . The same hath he farther shewn , cap 4. pag. 19. &c. out of the same and other of the Antients , Eusebius , Hierome , &c. and set downe the places in columnes , by way of parallel , to demonstrate the agreement of this Copy with the genuine Ignatius . And is it not a little strange , that I should be now referred to that Archbishop for the pursuit of this argument , which he hath so distinctly proved to be of no force against the Copy which now I use , but to concurre in demonstrating the purity of it ? Their second Reason they draw from his over-much extolling himselfe in his Epistle to the Trallians , where he saith that he had attained to such a measure of knowledge , that he understood heavenly things , the orders of Angels , the differences of Archangels , and of the heavenly host , the differences between powers and dominations , the distances of thrones and powers , the Magnificencies or Magnitudes of Aeones or Principalities , the sublimity of the Spirit , the excellencies of Cherubims and Seraphims , the Kingdome of the Lord , and the incomparable Divinity of the Lord God almighty . All these things I know , and yet am not perfect , &c. Now who is there that can believe that such arrogant boasting can proceed from such an holy man , and humble Saint , as Ignatius was ? And who would believe that the writer of this Appendix , which had cited the Archbishop of Armagh in his Prologomena to his first Edition of Ignatius , and so could not but be able to have consulted that Edition , should thus thinke to defame , and blast the whole volume of Epistles , for one such periods sake , which is not to be discerned in this , or that Archbishops latter , or in Vossius's edition of them , to which onely he must know we make our appeale for Episcopacy ? In these Copies the words are quite distant from what is here cited , and in effect , directly contrary to them , evidences of the greatest humility , now when he was so neer the honor of Martyrdome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , For I am not , because ( or in that ) I am in bonds able also to understand heavenly things , the Positions of Angells , their assemblies of Principalities ( or of the Rulers of them ) both things visible and invisible . Besides this , I am yet also a Disciple , &c. What arrogance , I pray , or boasting is there in this ? and yet he addes no more in that place but onely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , For many things are wanting to us that we may not be left behinde by God , thinking himselfe utterly unworthy of the honour ( and fearing he may yet misse of it ) to suffer Martyrdome for him . And so much for the second Reason . The third ( which , say they , is most for our purpose ) is from his over eager and over-anxious defence of the Episcopal Hierarchy , which he doth with such strange and Hyperbolical expressions ( as if all Christianity were lost , if Prelacie were not upheld ) and with such multiplyed repetitions , ad naus●am usque , that we may confidently say as one doth , Certo certius est has Epistolas vel supp●sitias esse , vell ●oede corruptas , and that they doe neither agree with those times wherein he wrote , nor with such an holy and humble Martyr as he was . We will instance in some few of them . What reasons and designe Ignatius had to exhort the Christians , to whom he writes to o●edience to their Governors , in the Church , hath already been said at large , this being the onely expedient , that , at that time , could be thought on , to keep out most dangerous heresies out of the Church . And therefore what that holy Mart●r did in that kind , when he was carryed from his owne Church , never to returne to it againe , cannot be lookt on , as the seeking any great things for himselfe , and so contrary to either his piety or humility , but as a desire full of both those , that the Church of God might enjoy truth and peace , after the beasts had devoured him . As for the strange and hyperbolicall expressions , mentioned in the objection , and exemplified in the two following pages , the Reader must againe be told , that what they had done most unreasonably before , is here practised againe at large , severall places brought out of the former corrupt editions of Ignatius , of which no one word is to be found in the new editions out of the most antient Copies Greek and Latine , from which alone it is evident that we produce all our testimonies for Episcopacy , and so have produced very few of those , which they are thus pleased to finde fault with . The places which they urge , are eight , I shall not need to set them down , but give the leader a much shorter , and yet as satisfactory an account of them . Two are cited from the Epistle to the Trallians , and neither of them are in any part to be found in our Editions . Two are cited from the Epistle to the Magnesians , and the first is not at all in our Editions , nor the second any farther than thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As Christ being one with his Father did nothing without him , either by himselfe or by his Apostles , so neither do ye act any thing without the Bishop and the Presbyters , nor endeavour that any thing should appeare reasonable to you which is private , or of your owne devising A speech in every sillable of it , very well becomming that Holy Martyr , written by him at a time , when the truth being by the Apostles deposited with the Bishops , all private devises of their owne were most justly to be suspected . The fift is in the Epistle to Polycarpe , and is in our Copies thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It becomes the men that marry , and the women that are married , to consummate their union with the consent of the Bishop . And I wonder what age of the Church there hath been from that time to this , which hath not been of the same opinion . For what is by Bishops committed to Presbyters , that is not done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the mind of the Bishop ( as elsewhere in those Epistles appeares of Baptisme and the Lords Supper , neither of which , saith he , are to be meddled with without the consent of the Bishop , and many testimonies out of Antiquity are * elsewhere produced in perfect conformity therewith . ) And consequently , if in the Christian Church , marriage hath alwayes been consummated by the Priest or Presbyter , then cannot this speech of Ignatius have any blame in it . And that thus it hath been through all ages , there is little matter of question ( and no word here produced by the Objectors to the contrary ) * Tertullian will be a good competent tostimonie for the next Centurie , speaking of the felicity of the Christian Marriage , quod Ecclesia conciliat , & confirmat oblatio , & obsignat benedictio , Angeli renuntiant , &c. Which the Church makes , the Sacrament of the Lords Supper confirmes , the benediction of the Priest Seales , and the Angels pronounce valid . And in * another place , Penes nos occultae co●junctiones , i. e. non prius apud Ecclesiam professa , juxta moechiam & fornicationem judicari periclitantur , Marriages that are not done publickly before the Church , are in danger with us , to goe for adultery and fornication . The same is every where to be found in the Decretal Epistles of Euaristus , about Ignatius's time ( which makes it a tradition from the Apostles and their successors ) of Soter not above 50. yeares after , of Callistus neer fifty yeares after him , of Silvester an 100 yeares after him , of Siricius 70. yeares after Silvester , of Hormisdas 130. yeares after Siricius : And though some of these be by D. Blondel thought to be of later dates than the titles of them would pretend , yet the authority of most of them is unquestioned , as to this matter . And the antient piece lately publisht by Sirmund concerning the Heresie of the Predestinati , written , saith he , 1200. yeares since , speakes of it , as a knowne custome and Canon of the Church , over all the world , For , saith that antient author , If marriage be unlawfull , Emendate ergo Ecclesia regul●m , damnate qui in toto orbe sunt , sacerdotes , Nuptiarum initia benedicentes , consecrantes , & in Dei mysteriis sociantes , Amend then the rule the of Church , and condemne the Priests which are in all the world , who blesse the beginnings of Marriage , consecrate , and joyne the parties together with the Holy Sacrament . And the fourth Councel of Carthage , before the yeare 400. hath these words , Sponsus & sponsa cum benedicendi sunt à sacerdote — When the Bridegroom and the Bride are to be blest by the Priest , Can. 13. And for latter ages the matter is out of Question . And so it will be much more reasonable , from this passage in Ignatius , being found so perfectly concordant with other passages of the times so neer him , to resolve the rule of the Church concerning sacerdotal benediction in marriage to be received from the Apostles and their successors , than from finding this speech in one of Ignatius's Epistles , to cast away the whole volume . As for that which is added at the end of this testimony from the Epistle to Polycarpe , My soule for theirs , that obey the Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons , there can be no fault in that , supposing as hath been said , that the Bishops at that time , & the Presbyters & Deacons living regularly and in union with them , had the true safe way among them , wherein any man might walke confidently , all danger being from the Heresies that crept in , and brake men off from that unity of the faith . The sixth place from the Epistle to the Philadelphians , of the Princes and Emperors obeying the Bishop , is certainly inserted by forgery in the former , for not one word of it , or like it , is to be found in our editions . So likewise for both parts of the seventh place out of the Epist●e to the Smyrnaeans , they are not to be found in our Editions . The last onely is to be met with there , but that in a much more moderate straine , than the former , in words and sense very agreeable to wholsome doctrine , and the exigencies of those times , wherein there was no visible way to keep out the tares of false teachers , but by requiring all to be kept to the managery of the true husbandman . And accordingly I have cited this very speech out of Ignatius for the asserting of Prelacie ( and if there were no such , the Epistles might passe well enough with these , as with all other men , they would have needed no vindication , having no adversary ) The words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — All of you follow the Bishop as Christ Jesus did his Father ( i. e. as elsewhere appears by the like expression , with [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] added to it , be at perfect unity of doctrine , &c. with the Bishop , as Christ was with God the Father ) and the Presbytery as the Apostles , and reverence the Deacons as those that are appointed by God , ( viz. mediately by the Apostles . Where it may be observable , that the obiectors which find such fault with this speech of Ignatius in their quarrelling with it , leave out this latter part of Presbytery and Deacons ; they cannot finde in their hearts to quarrell , or accuse him for bidding them follow the Presbytery as the Apostle , the onely crime was to bid them follow the Bishop ( not , as Christ in the dative , i. e. as they follow Christ , but ) as Christ followes his Father , the onely p●acular offence , to recommend unity with , and obedience to the Bishop . But that by the way . It followes in the place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let no Man without the Bishop doe ought which belongs to the Church , Let that be accounted a firme Eucharist , which is done by the Bishop , or him whom the Bishop shall permit . Where the Bishop appeares there let the multitude be , as where Christ is , there is the Catholick Church , It is not lawfull without the Bishop ( i. e. as before , without commission from him ) either to Baptize or Administer the Eucharist , but what he approves of ( thus in these publick Ministrations ) that is well pleasing to God , that it may be sa●e and firme whatsoever is done ; It doth well that men know God and the Bishop . ( as their Ruler under God , with whom his truth is by the Apostles deposited ) he that honours the Bishop , is honoured by God , he that doth any thing clancularly without him , serves the Devill ( performes a very acceptable service to him ; For so in a very eminent manner the Hereticks of that age , the Gnosticks did , which secretly infused their devilish Leaven , and deadly poyson into mens hearts , by which they took them quite from Christ , but could not have done so successefully , if this Holy Martyr's counsell here had been taken . ) What inconvenience can be imagined consequent to our affirming that Ignatius was the author of these words , I confesse not to comprehend ; Of this there is no question , but that it is the ordinary Language of the antient Church , and accounted necessary in an eminent degree , to preserve unity and truth in the Church , and to hold up the authority of Governours among all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Presbyters and Deacons must doe nothing without the minde of the Bishop , Can. Apost . 40. and the reason is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he is intrusted with the people of the Lord , So in the 56. Canon of Laodicaea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Presbyters must do nothing without the minde of the Bishop , and so in the Councell of Arles , Can. 19. The Presbyters must doe nothing in any Diocesse sine Episcopi sententia , without the Bishops minde , and sine authoritate literarum ejus , without authority of his Letter● . All that is here offer'd by them to make the like words in Ignatius a competent charge , upon which to throw away the whole volume of Epistles , is onely this , If this be true Doctrine , what shall become of all the Reformed Churches , especially the Church of Scotland , which ( as John Major saith lib. 2. Histor . de Gestis Scotorum , c 2. ) was after it's first conversion to the Christian faith above 230 yeares without Episcopall Government . To this double question I might well be allowed to render no answer , It being certainly very extrinsecall to the Question in hand , ( which is onely this , whether Ignatius wrote or wrote not those Epistles ) to examine what shall become of the Reformed Churches , &c. It were much more reasonable for mee to demand of the Objectors , who suppose their Presbyteriall platforme , as that is opposed to Episcopall , to be setled in the Church by Divine Right , If this Doctrine be true , what did become of all those Primitive Churches all the World over , which they confesse departed from this modell , and set up the contrary , and so of all the succeeding ages of the Church for so many 100 yeares , till the Reformation , and since that also , of all the other Churches , which doe not thus farre imitate Mr. Calvin , casting out the Government by Bishops ? Is it not as reasonable that they should be required to give a faire and justifiable account of their dealing with ( and judging , post factum , of ) all these , as I should be obliged to reconcile Ignatius his speech concerning his present age , with the conveniencies of the Reformed Churches , which he could neither see , nor be deemed to speak of , nor consequently to passe judgement on them by divination . What they were guilty of which secretly infused their poyson into Men and Women in his age , and would not let the Bishop the Governour of the Church , be the Judge of their Doctrines and ●ractices , he here tells us , viz. That they performed service to the Devill , in stealing Mens hearts from Christ ; But what crime it was in those of Corinth , and through all Achaia , to turne their Bishops out of their places , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cast them out of their Episcopacy their Office and Ministration , this he tells them not in that place , Clemens Romanus had done it competently in his Epistle . As for the particular case of those Reformed Churches , which have done more then so , not onely cast out their present Governours , but over and above utterly cast off the Government it selfe , there had been I confesse , a great deale said , both in this and other places of Ignatius , and many other Antient Writers , who yet never foretold these dayes , abundantly sufficient to have restreined them from so disorderly proceedings , if they would have pleased to have hearkned to such moderate counsells . But having not done so , Ignatius hath gone no farther , he is only a witnesse against them , he undertooke not the Office of a ●udge so farre beyond his Province , hath pronounced no sentence upon them . And to proceed one degree farther , to the successors of those in the Reformed Churches ( as many as are justly blameable for treading in their Leaders steps ) though I may truely say , they have as little taken that Hol● Martyrs advise , and more than so , that they have retaind a considerable corruption in their Churches , and that they should doe well , if now they know how , to restore themselves to that medell , which they find every where exemplified in Ignatius , yet till they shall have done so , I know that they are exactly capable of being concer●d in any part of these words , last cited from Ignatius . For they that have no Bishop at all , cannot be required to doe nothing without consulting with the Bishop ; They are justly to be blamed , as farre as they are guilty , that they have no Bishop ; but then that is their crime ( and they are to reforme it as soone as they please ) but that being supposed , this of not consulting the Bishop , while they have none , is no new crime , nor liable of it selfe to the censure of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , which was affixt to those that had Bishops , and would not have their Doctrines examined by that standard , of which they were the Depositaries . And this is as much as is needfull to be said in this place for that first inconvenience affixt to Ignatius's words . As for the other , the Church of Scotland in it's first conversion , the matter againe is so remote from the taske we have now in hand , for the vindicating the Authority of Ignatius's volumne of Epistles , and withall so uncertainly set downe by Authors , that it would be unseasonable to engage farre in so darke a part of History so impertinently . In briefe therefore , though I have not John Major by me to consult , yet I conceive I shall not guesse amisse at the grounds , and consequently at the truth and weight of his assertion . Joannes Jordanus was of opinion that * Paschasius a Sicilian prima Christianae pietatis rudimenta mandante P. Victore in Scotia nuntiavit , first preacht the Christian Faith in Scotland by the command of Pope Victor . And this was about the year 203. And † Bede saith that in the eight yeare of Theodosius Junior , that is about the yeare 431 , Palladius ad Scotos in Christum credentes a Pontifice Romanae Ecclesiae Coelestino primus mittitur Episcopus , Palladius was by Celestine Bishop of Rome sent first Bishop to the Scots that believed . And the distance betwixt these two termes being 228. yeares , this I conceive the ground - work of John Major's affirmation here cited , of the 230. yeares , wherein that Church after it●s first conversion remained without Episcopall Government . But first it is to be noted here , that the saying of Jordanus of Paschasius in Victor's dayes , is no more than this , that he preached the Gospell there , prima rudimenta nuntiavit , declared the first rudiments there , and , as it followes in Demster , tyrocinia fidei fecit , laid the grounds of Christianity among them ; And that might be done , and soone moulder away againe , and never come to so much maturity , as either to have Bishops or Presbyters constituted among them . And secondly , though Bede say that Palladius was sent to them Episcopus primus , their first Bishop , yet neither he , nor any other affirmes that they were formerly ruled by a Presbytery , or so much as that they had any Presbyter among them . Nay thirdly , Demster reports it from Jordanus but slightly , Joh. Jordanus putavit , it was the conceit or opinion of that author . And that which * Bozius tells us will take off much from the creditablenesse of that Opinion , Traditur in Scotiâ , quae tunc erat Hibernia , Christi cultum disseminatum eodem tempore quo in Britanniâ , sub annum Christi 203. Victore sedente . They say that the faith of Christ was disseminated in Scotland , which was then Ireland , at the same time that it was in Britanny , about the yeare 203. in the time of Victors Papacy . By this it appeares that the conceit of Jordanus belonged to Ireland , not to Scotland , Ireland being antiently called Scotia ( as in † Bede we finde , Scotorum qui Hiberniam insulam Britanniae proximam incolunt , the Scots which inhabit Ireland , and * Gentes Scotorum quae Australibus Hiberniae partibus morabantur , the Scots which inhabited the Southerne parts of Ireland ) and that which is now Scotland , was then styled Nova Scotia , to distinguish it from the other . And it is worth remembring that Marianus the Scotch Antiquary had no knowledge of this conversion of Scotland under Victor , nor is there any shew of it in Bede , who tells us of the latter . Nay it is yet more evident * by Prosper , that 't was a conversion from barbarous to Christian , which is spokon of in Coelestines time , and that the Faith was planted , and the Bishop constituted there together , Venerabilis memoriae Pontifex ab hoc codem morbo Britannias liberavit , & ordinato Scotis Episcopo , dum Romanam insulam studet servare , Catholicam fecit etiam barbaram Christianam , Pop● Coelestine freed Britaine from Pelagianisme , and ordained a Bishop for the Scots , and so while he indeavoured to keepe a Romane Island within the bounds of the Catholick Faith , he also made a barbarous Island Christian . Which as it differs somewhat from Bedes expression of Palladius's being sent ad credentes , to believers , so it gives us occasion to propose that which may reconcile these seeming differences , viz. 1. That Christanity was planted in Scotland before Caelestine's time , derived to them most probably from their Neighbours the Britaines here , with whom they are * known to have agreed in the keeping of Easter , contrary to the custome of the Romane Church , and so cannot be deemed to have received the first Rudiments of their conversion from Rome : Then secondly , that this Plantation was very imperfect , differing little from Barbarisme , and so reputed by Prosper , till the comming of Bishop Palladius among them . Thirdly , that even after that , they retain'd the usage of Easter , contrary to the Romane custome , which still referres to some rude conversion of theirs before Palladius . By all this it is cleared to us , what is to be thought of Major's affirmation , which hath now very little appearance of truth in it , and if it had , would be little for the Presbyterian interest to insist on it , when after all that time of the supposed government of that Church by Presbyters , it was found directly barbarous , and to be planted with Christianity anew , at Palladius'● coming . Some uncertainty we see there is of the time and meanes of planting Christianity in Scotland , but as to this matter of the 230. yeares under Presbytery , there can be no ground to affirme it ; For if the conversion of it be dated from Victor's time , as that opinion would have it , yet even by that account 't was after the space , wherein the Presbyterians themselves acknowledge Episcopacy to have prevailed over all the World ; and then , upon that account , it must be granted , that whensoever their first conversion was , 't was certainly derived to them by those who had Episcopall Government among them , and then they having sent them Presbyters to instruct and officiate ( as Presbyters not as Bishops ) among them , those Presbyters must be supposed to have continued under those Bishops by whom they were sent , whether from Rome , or neerer home from the British , so farre at least , as that when they failed , their number was supplied from the same Fountaine from which they first sprang , ( in the same manner as our own experience tells us of Virginia , which since the first Plantation continued to receive Presbyters from hence ) and so continued to be , untill they had Bishops ordained and planted among them . And so much for that second supposed inconvenience also . Sect. IV. Of Salmasius's conceit that these Epistles were written at the time of Episcopacy first entring the Church . THat which followes of the Justice of the Reverend Presbyterian Divines censure of these Epistles , & of Salmasius's his beliefe , that they were written by a Pseudo-Ignatius , will not require any answer from me , who cannot be moved by the conclusion made by those Divines , any farther than the Premisses here produced and answered , have appeared to have force in them , and who have more largely examined Salmasius his exceptions heretofore , and was even now by them acknowledged so to have done , and nothing yet replied to my answers , and therefore must not for ever turne the same stone , begin the same task againe . But for the conceit which is here cited from Salmasius , which I confesse I considered not so much before , as to make any reply to it , viz. That these Epistles were written when Episcopacy , properly so called , came into the ●hurch , and that proved from hence , because in all his Epistles he speakes highly in honour of Presbytery as well as of Episcopacy , that so the people , that had been accustomed to the Presbyterian Government , might the more willingly and easily receive this now Government by Episcopacy , and not be offended at the novelty of it . It is evident how easily this may be retorted , and the argument as firmely formed to conclude , that Presbyters were then newly come into the Church , and therefore to make the people inclinable to give them a willing Reception , without being offended at the novelty of them , he still speakes highly in honour of Episcopacy . Such Arguments as these you will guesse from hence , how incompetent they are to conclude matters of fact , done so many hundred yeares agoe , ( such is the question , whether Ignatius wrote these Epistles or no ) It is much more probable that they wanted Arguments of any reall validity , who are faine to fly to such Succors as these . Yet one farther misadventure there is , in forming or making use of this conceit , For what is said in those Epistles concerning the honour due to Presbyters or the Presbytery , is farre from looking favourably on the Presbyterian Government , for certainly as long as there is a Bishop , properly so called , set over the Presbyters , as they know there is in all those Epistles , and as long as the Presbyters are to do nothing without commission from him ( as they knew also ( and even now quarrell'd at it ) that by him they are required to doe ) there is little show of the Presbyterian modell discernible , no whit more , than there was in England long before they covenanted to cast the Bishops out of the Church , It being certaine that no community or equality of Presbyters taken into councell with the Bishop , doth constitute the Government Presbyterian , as long as there be any Bishops to have power over Presbyters ; Else had the Convocation of Deanes , Archdoacons and Clerks , fourteen yeares agoe , been the platform of Presbyterian Government in England . This is , I conceive , a full answer to every the most minute part or appearance of Argument here produced against these Epistles , and is all that was proper here to be said concerning Ignatius , whose Epistles as long as they have any authority with us , let it be in the most Reformed , purified Edition , that ever was , or can be hoped for , there is evidence enough for the Apostolicall Institution of Bishops in the moderne notion of the word , And if after all this they must have no authority , for no other crime , but because they are such punctuall Asserters of this Doctrine ; 'T is to little purpose farther to examine or inquire , what Antiquity hath affirmed or practised in this matter . Sect. V. Testimonies of Irenaeus , The use of Presbyteri for Bishops . YEt because their Method leads us forward to consider some other of the Antient Writers , and I have promised so farre to comply with them , I shall now in the next place attend them to the view of two of those , Irenaeus and Tertullian , p. 114. 115. where having acknowledged of them that they say that Apostles made Bishops in Churches , Polycarpe in Smyrna , Clemens at Rome , &c. all that they require of us to prove , is , that by the word Bishop is meant a Bishop as distinct from Presbyters , and the reason why they thinke this needs proving , is , because both those Authors use the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Presbyteri , Seniores , for the same thing , the one calling Anicetus , Pius , Hyginus , Telesphorus , Xystus , Presbyters of the Church of Rome in his Epistle to Victor ; the other calling the Presidents of the Churches Seniores in his Apologie , and some other places are produced to the same purpose . To this therefore I shall now briefly give answer , i. e , by concession that the same persons , who by these two Authors are called Bishops , are promiscuously called Presbyteri and Seniores also ; And therefore secondly , that this question being thus farre ( as to the Names ) equally balanced betweene us , they saying that Bishops ] signifies Presbyters in the moderne notion , we that Presbyters ] signifies Bishops in the moderne notion , some other Indications , beside this of the Names , must be made use of on either side , toward the decision of it . Of this sort there is no one offered to us by them , and so as they have nothing to incline the balance their way , so we have nothing to make answer to in that particular . I shall therefore ( as the onely thing left for me to doe ) render some few Reasons , why the words Bishop and Elders in these Authors must needs signifie Bishops in our Moderne sense . And the first proofe , as farre as concernes Ironaeus , is , because Irenaeus , who useth these words promiscuously , was himselfe a Bishop in our moderne notion , and yet is by others in his own dayes call'd Elder of the Church of Lyons , at that very time , when he is acknowledged to be Bishop of it , in our moderne sense of the word ; This I thus manifest in each part . And first , That Irenaeus was Bishop of Lyons , in such a sense , as we now use Bishop , appeares by what * Eusebius saith of him , importing that he was Primate of all France , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he ▪ he was Bishop of the Provinces through France : Now this , we know , cannot be affirm'd of a moderne Presbyter , who pretends not to any such wide and singular jurisdiction ; And this needs no farther proofe , it being by D. Blondell in his Apologie for St. Hierome confest , that 140. yeares after Christ , i.e. nigh 40. yeares before this time , the Government of the Church was in the hands of Bishops over all the World , one in every Church set over all the rest of the Church . For the second part then , that at that time , when he is thus an acknowleged Bishop and Archbishop , he is yet called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elder of the Church , I appeale to the Testimony of the Gallicane Church , at that time , as it lies recorded in † Eusebius , where in an Embassy performed by him in the name of the Martyrs of Lyons to Elentherius the Bishop of Rome , we have these words concerning him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We have intreated our Brother and partaker Irenaeus to beare these Letters to you , O Father Eleutherius , and we beseech you to prize him at one very zealous of Christ's Covenant ; If we thought that Justice would purchase a place to any , we had commended him in a principall manner , as Elder of the Church , for so he is . Here nine yeares after he had been Bishop and Archbishop of Lyons , about the yeare of Christ 177. he is styled by those Letters , Elder of the Church ; by which it appeares that in his time Elder was the title of Bishop , in our Moderne sense , and consequently so it may fitly signifie in his own writings , and so must needs do there , when 't is applied to those , who were acknowleged Bishops at that time , when by the Presbyterians acknowledgement Episcopacy was come in , in that notion , wherein we now understand it . A second proofe of this , is , that what in one place out of Papias he saith of all the Seniores or Elders , which in Asia converst with St. John , that Clemens Alexandrinus , who lived in the same time , affirmes of the Bishops or Elders of Asia ; meaning by both of them the Bishops in our notion of the word . Clemens Alexandrinus wrote his Stromata about the yeare 192. which is five yeares before Irenaeus Martyrdome , in the 5. of Severus . Now of this Clemens , it is certaine , 1. That he acknowleged the three Orders in the Church , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the three degrees or promotions in the Church , of Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , and consequently must by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand Bishops in our moderne sense . Secondly , that when he makes the Relation of John's meeting with the Bishops of Asia ( which is the same matter which Irenaeus produceth out of Papias ) he calls them in the same period both Elders and Bishops indifferently , For speaking of St. John he hath this passage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Comming to a City not farre off — and looking on the Bishop , which was constituted over all , seeing a young man , he said , This person I commit to thee — And the Elder took him home , brought him up baptized , and at last gave him confirmation . Here it is evident this Elder of Asia , one of those which , in Irenaeus , conversed with Saint John , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Bishop constituted over all in that City ; and agreeably when Saint John comes back that way againe , he calls to him by that title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , O Bishop , render us the depositum , which both I and Christ delivered to thee in the presence of the Church , over which thou art set . Where againe he that is called Elder both by him and Irenaeus , is also by him called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop set over the Church . And so that is a second evidence of it . Thirdly , In his Epistle to Victor Bishop of Rome , he speakes of his Predecessors thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — The Elders which were set over the Church which thou rulest , Anicetus , Pius , Hyginus , and Telesphorus , and lib. 3. cap. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — The blessed Apostles having founded and built the Church of Rome , put the Episcopal office into the hands of Linus , Anacletus succeeded him , Clemens Anacletus , Evarestus Clemens , Alexander Evarestus , then Xystus the sixt from the Apostles , after him Telesphorus , then Hyginus , then Pius , after him Anicetus , after Anicetus , Soter ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Now in the twelfth place Eleutherus possesses the Bishoprick from the Apostles . Here 1. it is evident that every one first named as Elders , are yet single persons , one succeding another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 set over , or ruling the Church of Rome : Secondly , That for twelve successions together they are by Irenaeus lookt upon all , as of the same ranke , succeeding one another , and the first as well as the last , called Bishop , which must conclude it to be understood by him in such a notion , as is equally competible to all , and so must be in our moderne notion , if the great Asserters of the Presbyterian cause say true , that about the yeare 140. i. e. certainly before Elutherius was Bishop of Rome , there were Bishops over Presbyters all the world over . Lastly , * Irenaeus , speaking of some unworthy voluptuous Elders , expresseth their faults in such a manner , as cannot fitly belong to any but Bishops , Principalis concessionis tumore elati sunt , they are puft up with the ●ride of the principall place , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the principall chair , which as Bishops belonged to them . ●or though it is as possible that Presbyters should be guilty of the pride , the tumour and elation , as that Bishops should be guilty of the same , yet the occasion of it there mentioned , the principalis consessio , the chiefe place of dignity , is peculiar to the one , and not reconcileable with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality of the other . These evidences have readily offered themselves to shew what Irenaeus meanes by Presbyteri , when he useth that and Bishops promiscuously , viz. by both , Bishops in our moderne notion , and he that shall reade over that author diligently , and compare his dialect with Polycarpe and Papias , with whom he accords , the former using 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Bishops ( as hath largely been insisted on ) and the latter for Apostles and Bishops , single Governors of each Church , ( * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and elsewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Andrew , Peter , Aristion , John , Marke , all Elders ) will doubtlesse finde many more proofes that thus he used the word , and ( I shall adventure to undertake ) meet with no one indication to the contrary . Sect. V. Testimonies of Tertullian . Seniores , & Majores natu for Bishops , so in Firmilian . AS for Tertullian I shall need say no more , but that it is the confession of the great Patron of Presbyterians , that he doth aperte tueri communiusu receptam ordinis in Episcopos , Presbyteros & Diaconos , distinctionem . Openly defend the received common distinction of the Ecclesiastick order into Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , and he that can yet doubt of it , let him examine his citations , de Praescript . cap. 41. de Baptisme cap 17. de Monogam . cap. 11. de Fuga c. 11. And that de Baptismo as high & cleare , as that which was most quarrell'd with in Ignatius . Dandi Baptismum jus habit summus sacerdos , qui est Episcopus , dein Presbyteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi authoritate , propter honorem Ecclesiae , quo salvo salva pax est . The Bishop hath the right of giving Baptisme , after him the Presbyters and Deacons , yet not without the authority of the Bishop , for the honour of the Church , which being preserved , peace is preserved . So that of him it is as cleare , as of Irenaeus or Clemens , that he must understand Bishop in our Moderne notion : And yet even by him , these of this uppermost degree are called Seniores , and Majores natu , Elders , Praesident probati quique Seniores , the Elders praeside , Apol. c. 39. and of the Bishops of Rome , the series of whom he had brought downe to Anicetus , lib. 3. contr . Marcion . cap. 9. he expresses them by Majores natu , successors of the Apostles , in his Book , written in verse , against Marcion . And there will be lesse wonder in this , when it is remembred that after this in Saint Cyprian's times ( who hath been sufficiently evidenced to speake of Bishops in our moderne notion of them ) Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia , in vulgar style calls them Seniores , and Praepositi , Elders , and Provosts , in his Epistle to Cyprian , and againe Praesident Majores natu , &c. the Elders praeside , evidently meaning the Bishops by those titles . And so much be spoken in returne to what they have objected from these two Antients , Irenaeus and Tertullian , supposing that I have competently performed the taske by them imposed on the Praelatists , shewed that the Bishops spoken of by them , were Bishops over Presbyters , and by them understood to be so ▪ Sect. VI. Saint Jerom's Testimony of Bishops , &c. by Apostolicall Tradition . Consuetudo opposed to Dominica dispositio . Saint Jerom's meaning evidenced by many other Testimonies to be , that Bishops were instituted by the Apostles . So by Panormitan also . The Testimonies of Isidore , &c. the Councel of Aquen , and of Leo vindicated . Of Ischyras's Ordination . The testimony of the Synod ad Zurrium , and of the 4th Councel of Carthage . IN the next place I am to proceed to that of Saint Hierome in his 85. Epistle ad Euagrium , the unanswerablenesse of which I am affirmed to make matter of Triumph over D. Blondel and Walo Massalinus , seeming to say , that it never can be answered , whereas say they , if I had been pleased to cast an eye upon the vindication — written by Smectymnuus , I should have found this answer — What this answer is , we shall see anon , In the meane it will be necessary to give a briefe account , what it was , which is called a triumphing over these two learned men . And first it is sufficiently knowne , what advantages the defenders of Presbyter● conceive themselves to have from that one Antient writer , the Presbyter Saint Hierome : From him they have the interpretation of those Scriptures , which they thinke to be for their use , as that the word Bishop and Presbyter are all one in several texts of Scripture , and both signifie Presbyters , and that the Apostles at first designed , ut communi Presbyterorū concilio Ecclesiae gubernarentur , that the Churches should be governed by the common Councel of Presbyters , and that it so continued till upon the dissentions , which by this meanes arose in the Church , it was judged more prudent and usefull to the preserving of unity , ut unus superponeretur reliquis , that one should be set over the rest , and all the care of the Church belong to him , And this , saith Hierome , in toto Orbe decretum , decreed and executed over the whole world . By whom this was conceived , by him to be thus decreed , he gives us not to understand in that place , nor in what point of time he thought it was done , but leaves us to collect both from some few circumstances ; as 1. that it was after Schismes entred into the Church , and one said I am Paul , I of Apollos , &c. And if it were immediately after that , then the Presbyterians will gaine but little by this Patron : For his whole meaning will be , that the Apostles first put the Government of each Church into the hands of many , but soon saw the inconvenience of doing so , and the Schisme and ruptures consequent to it , and changed it themselves , and setled one singular Bishop in the whole power of Government in every Church , to which very fitly coheres what Clement had said , that lest new contentions should arise about this singular dignity and authority who should succeed to it , they made a roll or Catalogue of those , which in vacancies should succeed in each Church . That this was not , in Hierome's opinion , done thus early in the Apostles time , the Presbyterians think they may conclude from what he saith on Tit. 1. Episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis Dominicae veritate Presbyteris esse Majores , Let Bishops know that their greatnesse and superiority over Presbyters is held rather by custome , than by Christs having disposed it so . But it is very possible that this may not prove the conclusion , which is thought to be inferred by it , For here Consuetudo , Custome , as opposed to Christs disposition , may well signifie the Practice of the Church in the later part of the Apostles times , and ever since to S. Hierome's days , and that may well be severed from all command , or institution of Christs , & so Jerom's opinion may well be this , that Christ did not ordain this superiority of one above another , but left all in common in the Apostles hands , who within awhile , to avoid Schism , put the power in each Church in the hands of some one singular person . And that this was Hierome's meaning , I thought my selfe , in charity to him , obliged to thinke , both because in this sense his words would better agree with the universal affirmation of all Orthodoxe Christians , that before him ( and after him too , unlesse those few that took it on his credit ) speake of this matter , and also , because if this be not his sense , he must needs be found to contradict himselfe , having elsewhere affirmed that the three degrees of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons in the Church were of Apostolicall tradition , i. e. by the Apostles themselves delivered to the Church . And now before I proceed , I desire the ingenuous Reader , who is contrary minded , to consider , what he can object to this conclusion of mine thus inferr'd concerning S. Hierome's opinion , and consequently what probability there is , that the Presbyterians cause should be superstructed on any Testimony of S. Hierome , supposing what I am next to demonstrate , that the three orders are by him acknowledged to be delivered from the Apostles . And this is evident in his Epistle to Euagrius , where having againe delivered the substance of what hath been now cited from his notes on Tit. 1. he yet concludes , Et ut sciamus-traditiones Apostolicas sumptas de veteritestamento , Quod Aaron & filii ejus atque Levitae in templ● fuerunt , hoc sibi Episcopi & Presbyteri & Diaconi in Ecclesiâ vendicent . That we may know that the Apostles traditions are taken out of the Old Testament , we have this instance , that what Aaron and his Sonnes and the Levites were in the Temple , the same the Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons challenge to themselves in the Church . Where these three degrees ( and so the superiority of Bishops over Presbyters ) are by him affirmed to be traditions of the Apostles . On occasion therefore of inquiring into Hierome's meaning ( and because this place so readily offered it selfe to expedite it ) it was sure very reasonable to examine , and observe , what they which made most advantage of Hierome's authority , should be found to say to this testimony of his , for the Apostolical tradition of three orders . And among these , three principall persons offered themselves to our consideration , D. Blondell , Walo Messalinus , or Salmasius , and Lud. Capellus , every of them having newly written on this subject , and collected especially what Jerome had said of it . Of these three the last was soone discerned to have dealt most prudently , setting downe the other testimonies out of him , but wholly omitting this ; The other two having not been so wary , made use of another dexterity , set downe the words , but deferr'd their observations on them , till some fitter season ; D. Blondell put it off to his sixt Section , whereas upon examination he hath but three in his whole booke , and so is certainly never likely to speake of it , nor can be justly believed to have , in earnest designed any such thing : The other saith , he expects more and better notes on it from Salmasius ( i.e. from himselfe ) in another booke , viz. De Ecclesiastico Ordine , and after a great volume come out of that subject 8. or 9. yeares after , he yet never takes this place , or his own promise into consideration . This was all that my search produced , and the taking notice of these plaine matters of fact , the behaviours of these men in that , which so much concern'd the whole cause to be taken notice of , and laid to heart , is all that was done by me , and which is styled by these a triumphing over those learned Men. And I hope there was little of hard measure , and as little of insolence in this . Now because what these learned Men thus averted the doing , is yet here said to be done by Smectymnuus , and that if I had cast an eye on the vindication — I should there have found that place of Hierome's answered , I am now in the last place to obey their directions , and consider the answer , which from Smectymnuus they have set down for me . And it is twofold , the first is a civill denyall that there is any truth in the words , For , say they , It is hard to conceive how this imparity can be properly called an Apostolicall Tradition , when Jerome , having mentioned John the last of the Apostles , saith it was postea , that one was set over the rest . But is this the way of answering the place , or salving the difficulty ? Hierome saith , Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons in the Church ( that sure is this imparity ) are an Apostolicall Tradition ; and they answer , It is hard to conceive how it can be properly so called . What is this but to make Hierom's words ( as soone as ever he saith any thing which accords not with their interest ) as unreconcileable with truth , as with his own former words , which they had cited from him ? And then how much kinder to Hierome was I than they , who thought it necessary to affix a commodious meaning to his former words , and interpret confuetudo ] the custome of the Church begun in the Apostles dayes , that so in thus saying , he might be reconcileable with himself , when he called Episcopacy a tradition Apostolicall ? As for the reason , which makes this so hard for them to conceive from Hierome's words , I believe it hath no force in it ; For though after the mention of S. John's words in his second and third Epistle , he saith that [ postea , afterwards ] this imparity was introduced , yet this proves not his opnion to be , that it was not Apostolicall tradition ; It might be done after the writing of those Epistles , and yet in St. John's time , i. e. before his death . And though I believe St. Hierome was mistaken , in thinking there were no Bishops till then ( it would have had more truth in it , if he had said there were no Presbyters till then ) yet for all that , I cannot doubt but this was his opnion , because as he no where saith any thing which is contrary to this , so here be saith expresly that it was Apostolicall tradition , which in his opinion it could not be , if it were not in the Church , in his opinion , before St. John's death . And so there is but little appearance of validity in their first Answer . And for their second , that is somewhat like the former , viz. that with Hierome Apostolicall tradition and Ecclesiasticall custome are the same . If this be true , then certainly I did not amisse in thinking that when Hierome used consuetudo custome in opposition to Dominica dispositio , Christ's appointment or institution , I ought to interpret custome in that place , by Apostolicall Tradition in the other . For how Ecclesiasticall custome with him , and Apostolicall Tradition should be the same , and yet Ecclesiasticall custome may not be interpreted by Apostolicall tradition , especially when the same man affirmes them both of the same thing , I confesse I cannot apprehend . But then secondly , because I must suppose , that by making them the same , they must meane to bring downe Apostolicall tradition to signifie Ecclesiasticall custome , not to advance custome to signify Apostolicall tradition ( in the same manner as when they make Bishop and Elder the ●ame , they bring down Bishop to signifie Presbyter , but will not allow Elder to signifie Bishop ) that also will be worth examining a while . And 1. Can there be any reason to imagine , that Hierome or any man should set down that for an instance of Apostolicall tradition , which the same person doth not believe to be delivered by the Apostles , but to be of a latter date ? That which is delivered by the Apostles , and received , and practiced by the Church , may fitly be called a custome of the Church , without adding or specifying , that we meane the Apostolicall Church , because the Apostles , while they lived , were a part of the Church , and the following age was a part of the Church also . But can it be truly said , that that was delivered by the Apostles , which was onely accustomed in the subsequent Church , and not so much as introduced under the Apostles ? This certainly is another strange way of interpreting words or phrases quite contrary to all Lexicons , or to the use of such words or phrases , which unlesse they be changed , it is as much as to say , he that said Tradition Apostolicall , did not meane Tradition Apostolicall ; And this sure will bring little credit to St. Hierome , on whose authority they so much depend in this matter . As for their proofe of what they say , viz. because the observation of Lent , which he saith , ad Marcellum , is Apostolica traditio , is contra Luciferianos , said by him to be Ecclesiae consuetudo , ] that sure is not of force to conclude what they would have it , for it may be ( or by him be deemed to be ) both , an Apostolicall tradition and a custome of the hurch too , it being very ordinary and reasonable , that what the Apostles delivered , the Church should also accustome , and practice . But could both these be said by him of that which he thought were but one of these ? That is againe to make him testifie against his conscience , to say Lent was an Apostolicall tradition , and to believe it was not an Apostolicall tradition . Here I shall not need debate whether the observation of Lent were Apostolical , or no ; All that is necessary to insist on , is , whether Saint Hierome , that said it was such , believed it to be such , And if he be mistaken in his beliefe , then he may be as well mistaken in the meaning of those passages , which he interprets so , as is usefull to , and in favour of the Presbyterians , as that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , Act. 20. were the Presbyters of the Church of Ephesus ; that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops , Phil. 1. are Presbyters of that one Church or City , and the like . For either of those is but his beliefe or perswasion too , and the more fallible they finde him in other things , the lesse weight they ought to lay on his opinion in this , and the lesse blame on us , for departing from his opinion . But having said this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the repelling all force of their objection , I shall now adde some other testimonies out of Saint Hierome , and after them , one argument , ad homines undeniable , to demonstrate , that it was indeed and without question S. Hierome's opinion , that Bishops in our moderne notion were instituted by the Apostles themselves . 1. In his 54. Epistle he sets downe this difference among others , between the Catholikes and the Montanist hereticks , Apud nos Apostolorum locum tenent Episcopi , apud eos Episcopus tertius est , Among the Catholikes the Bishops ( such as were in S. Hierome's time , i. e. certainly such as in ours not mere Presbyters ) hold the place of the Apostles ( i. e. the uppermost place in the Church of Christ , and succeed the Apostles in it ) and among those Hereticks the Bishop is the third , which it seems was one character of their being Hereticks , and so a deviation from an Apostolical truth . ) 2. In this Booke , de script . Eccl●s● he saith of James the brother of the Lord ▪ Jacobus ab Apostolis statim post ascensionem Domini Hierosylimorum Episcopus ordinatus , suscepit ecclesiam Hierosolyma . Timotheus à Paulo Ephesiorum Episcopus ordinatus , Titus Cretae , Polycarpus à Johanne Smyrnae Episcopus Ordinatus , James presently after Christs Ascension , was ordained Bishop of Hierusalem , and undertook ( i. e. ruled , as to receive the Congregation , Psal . 75. is to rule it ) the Church of Hierusalem , Timothy was ordained Bishop of the Ephesians by Paul ▪ Titus of Crete , Polycarpe was by John ordained Bishop of Smyrna . Where , as it is evident , and by the Presbyterians acknowledged , that Timothy and Titus were singular rulers ( which therefore they are wont to excuse by saying they are extraordinary officers or Evangelists ) and yet by him said to be Bishops of Ephesus and Crete , and so constituted by the Apostles , so it is consequent that James and Polycarpe were by him deemed singular rulers also ( and not Collegues in a Presbytery ) and those so constituted by the Apostles also , and accordingly of this James he saith , ad Gal. 2. Jacobus primus ei Ecclesiae praefuit — Eciscopus Hierosolymorum primus fuit , James was the first that was set over that Church — was the first Bishop of Hierusalem . And in consequence thereto in his comments on Isae . lib. 5. cap. 17. he calls this James Decimum tertium Apostolum the thirteenth Apostle 3. In like manner * Epist . ad Euagrium , speaking of Marke ( who dying in the 8th . of Nero ▪ what was done by him , must be resolved to have been in the Apostles times , and agreeable to then practice ] he saith , Alexand●iae à Ma●co Evang●●●stâ ad Heraclam & Dionysium Episcopos Presbyteri semper unum ex se electum in excelsiori super Presbyteros gradu● collocatum , Episcopum nominabant , quomodo si exercitus Imperatorem faceret . At Alexandria from the time of Marke the Evangelist , to the time of Heraclas and Dionysius Bishops , the Presbyters alwayes named one chosen from among themselves , and placed in an higher degree above Presbyters , their Bishop , as if an army should choose their Generall . That what is said of the Presbyters choosing their Bishop , belongs not to Presbyters imposing hands on him , is * elsewhere largely evidenced . And so , by the way , appeareth the falsenesse of the citation out of Jerome , Appen . p. 142. that in Alexandria for a long time the Presbyters ordained ( it should have been said elected ) their Bishop . That which I here inferre from the testimony is manifest , viz. that in Saint Markes time , and from the first planting of the Church at Alexandria , one Bishop or singular Ruler was constituted among them , as that signifies an higher degree than that of Presbyters . 4. More places there are in him , which evidence his opinion , that Bishops , as they differ from Presbyters , are successors of the Apostles : In his Comment on Psal . 45. Nunc quia Apostoli à mundo recesserunt , habes pro his Episcopos filios , sunt & hi patres tui , quia ab ipsis regeris . Now ( in● . Hierome's time ) because the Apostles are parted from the world , you have in their steads Bishops their Sonnes ; They also are thy Fathers , because thou art governed by them . Where the Bishops that then ruled ( those are confest to be single persons , not Presbyteries ) are the successors of the Apostles in his opinion . And Ep. 1. ad Heliodorum , of not undertaking the office of Bishop . Non est facile stare loco Pauli , tenere gradum Petri ; 't is not easie to stand in Pauls place , to hold the degree of Peter . Where Episcopacy is the place and degree of those Apostles . And so Ep. 13. ad Paulinum , Episcopi & Presbyteri habeant in exemplum Apostolos & Apostolicos vires , quorum honorem possidentes habere nitantur & meritum , Bishops and Presbyters must have for their Examples the Apostles and Apostolical men , whose honour they possesse , and therefore ought to endeavour to imitate their merit . 5. I shall adde a Cumulus of other passages much to the same purpose with the former , and fit to be taken in conjunction with them , to give us the full understanding of S. Hierome's opinion in this matter . Ad Nepotian . Ep. 2. Esto subjectus Pontificituo , & quasi anima parentem suscipe , quod Aaro● & filios ejus , hoc Episcopum & Presbyteros esse noverimus . Be subject to the Bishop , and receive him as the parent of thy Soule , what Aaron and his Sonnes were , that we must know the Bishop and Presbyters to be . And on Tit. 1. speaking of S. Paul's directions for the making a Bishop , Apostolus , saith he , Ecclesiae Principem formans , the Apostle forming the Prince or ruler of the Church , and so againe in the same words on Psal . 45. deciphering a single ruler by that Bishop , which the Apostle there meant to forme . So on that 45. Psal . Constituit Christus in omnibus finibus mundi Principes Ecclesiae Episcopos , Christ in all parts of the world constituted Princes of the Church , the Bishops , just the same as hath beene cited from Ignatius , that all the world over , the Bishops were ordained by the Apostles according to the minde of Christ . In his Dial. adv . Luciferian . Ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendit , cui si non exors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in Ecclesiis efficientur Schismata quot sacerdotes ; and , Si quaeris quare in Ecclesiâ baptizatus , nisi per manus Episcopi non accipiat spiritum sanctum — disce hanc observationem ex ●a authoritate descendere , quod spiritus sanctus ad Apostolos descendit . The safety of the Church depends on the dignity of the chiefe Priest ( or Bishop ) to whom ▪ if a peculiar power be not given above all that others have there will be as many Schisms as Priests in the Churches — If you demand why he that hath been baptized in the Church , may not receive the Holy Ghost but by the hands of the Bishop , learne that this observance d●scends from that Authority in that the holy sp●it descended on th● Apostles 〈◊〉 Testimo●y , as it shewes the necessity of a singular Bishop to avoid Schisms in the Church , and so must affixe the institution of them on the Apostles , who made provision against that danger ( and that I suppose is his meaning in * that place which the Presbyterians make most use of ) so it directly derives the authority , by which Bishops stand in the Church , distinct from Presbyters , and above them from the descent of the Holy Ghost on the Apostles . Lastly , adv . Jovinian . 〈◊〉 . Episcop● & Presbyter & Diaconus non sunt meritorum nomina sed offi●ior●m Nec dicitur , si quis Episcopatum desilerat — The Bishop and Presbyt●r and Deacon , are names of offices , neither is it said ▪ If any man d●si●e a Bishoprick — applying those Texts of Saint Paul , concerning the qualifications of Bishops to the Bishop , as in his time he stood , distinct from Presbyters . All this I supose may suffice to give authority to my collection and conclusion from plaine words of Saint Hierome , that his meaning was as plaine and undubitable , that Episcopacy was delivered downe and instituted in the Church by the Apostles themselves . And I cannot conceive what can be invented to avoid the evidence of these testimonies ; yet because I promised it , I shall now adde that one argument ( ex abundanti , and much more than is necessary ) to the same purpose , ( viz. to prove that this was Hierome's meaning , which I pretend it to be . ) And that such , as by these objectors cannot with justice be denyed , to have a full irrefragable force in it , having themselves made use of it against us , which they ought not to have done , if by themselves it shall now be denyed when it is produced by us . In the close of their Appendix , they have set downe several propositions declaring the judgement and practice of the Antient Church about ordination of Ministers , and their first proposition , being this , that in the first and purest times — there was ordination of Presbyters without Bishops over Presbyters , their proofe is this . For these Bishops came in postea and p●ul●tim , afterward , and by little and little as Jerome saith . And Panormitan , lib. 1. Decretal . de Consuetud . cap. 4. saith Olim Presbyteri in communi regebant Ecclesian● & 〈◊〉 sacerdotes , & pariter conferebant omnia sacramenta . Of old the Elders ruled the Church in common , and ordained Priests , and joyntly conferred all the Sacraments . These two testimonies of Hierome and Panormitan , being brought to prove the same proposition concerning ordination by Presbyters , and the time of Bishops coming in to the Church , It must sure be reasonable to resolve that what Panormitan hath defined in this matter , that was Saint Hieromes sense also ; Now what that is , will be discerned by setting downe Panormitane's words at large , as they lye in the place cited by them . The businesse he hath there in hand is to prove that custome is not of force so farre , as to prescribe that an Ordinary Clerk as Presbyter sh●uld performe an Episcopal act , Ea quae sum ordinis Episcopalis non possunt acquiri per ordinem inferiorem ex consuitudine quantamcunque ve●ustissimâ . Those things that are of Episcopal order cannot be any custome ▪ how antient soever , be acquired by any Inferiour order : The reason is , quia consuetudo non facit quem capacem , because custome doth make no man capable — Then he makes this observation , that Ritus Apostol orum circa sacramenta habent impedire characterus impressionem ; The rites , or practice , or Institutions of the Apostles about the Sacraments , have power to h●nd ●the impression of the Character , nam immediate post mortem Christi●om●es Presbyteri in communi regebant ecclesiam , non fuerant inter ipsos Epi●scopi , sed idem Presbyter quod Epi●copus , & pariter conferebant omnia sacramenta , sed postinodum ad Schismata sed●nda fecerunt seu ordinaverunt Apostoli , ut crearentur Episcop● & certa sacramenta iis reservarunt , illa interdicendo simplicibus Presbyteris — For immediately after the death of Christ , all th● Elders in common ruled the Church , and so there were no Bishops among them , but a Presbyter was the same that a Bishop , and they joyntly conferred all the Sacraments . But after a while for the appeasing of Schismes the Apostles caused or ordained that Bishops should be created , and reserved to them some Sacraments ( or holy Rites ) forbidding single Presbyters to meddle with them : and he concludes , Et vides hic quod talis ordinatio habet impedire etiam impressionem Characteris , quia si Presbyteri illa de facto conferunt , nihil conferunt , and here you see , that such an Ordination is able to hinder the impression of the Character , because if Presbyters doe de facto confer them , they confer nothing . Where , as Panormitan cited by them to prove Ordination without Bishops ( and specious words pickt out of him to that purpose ) doth yet distinctly affirme that Presbyters , which confer Orders without a Bishop conferre nothing , all their Ordinations are meere nullities ( and what could have been said more severely against their practice , and their designe in citing him , than this ? ) so he plainly interprets St. Jeromes assertion of the occasion and time of Bishops being set over the Presbyters , that it was done by the appointment of the Apostles themselves , and so that consuetudo , custome in Jerome , opposed to Christ's disposall , is no more than [ postmodum ordinaverunt Apostoli , after a while the Apostles ordeined ] opposed to [ immediatè post mortem Christi , immediately after the death of Christ . ] And then by the way , as the Reader may hence discerne what force there is , in this Testimony of Panormitan to support their first proposition concerning the Ordination of Presbyters without Bishops over Presbyters ( for which besides St. Jeromes postea and paulatim , and part of this testimony of Panormitan , they produce no other ) and as by what was formerly said of the Testimonies of Cyprian and Firmilian , their chiefe supports for their * second proposition , have already been utterly demolished , so also the Testimonies of Isidore Hispalensis and the Councell of Aquen produced for the proofe of their † third Proposition , concerning the Presbyters having an intrinsick power to ordaine Ministers , will immediately vanish in like manner . For as it is evident that that place in that councell of Aquen is for nine Chapters together transcribed out of Isidore , and consequently the Testimonies out of him and that councell are but one and the same thing , twice repeated , to increase the number , so 't is as evident that what is by them said , is taken from St. Hierome , and can no farther be extended either in respect of the authority or the matter of the Testimony , than in St. Hierome it hath appeared to extend . And therefore as the * words cited by these men out of them are no more than these , that solum propter authoritatem Clericorum ordinatio & consecratio reservata est summo sacerdoti , That Presbyters have many things common with Bishops , onely in respect of authority ( or for the preserving it intire , and the unity of each Church ; which depended on that , in St. Hierom's opinion ) the Ordination and consecration of Clerks ( i. e. of all Presbyters and Deacons ) was reserved to the chiefe Priest , i. e. the Bishop ; which how farre it is from concluding what it was brought to prove , the intrinsick power of Presbyters to ordaine Ministers , I leave to any Reader to passe judgement . And yet truly this doth it as well as their one other antient Testimonie , that of Leo , set out in their front , out of his 88. Epistle ▪ concerning the Consecration of Presbyters and Deacons , and some other things , Quae omnia solis deberi Pontificibus authoritate canonum praecipitur , All which that they should be due to the Bishops and to none else , it is commanded by the authority of the ●anons . Who would ever have thought fit from such words as these , which affirme this privilege to be reserved peculiarly to the Bishops , and that the authority of the Canons so requires , to conclude that the Presbyters had this intrinsick power ; As if all that the Canons deny Presbyters , were infallibly their due to enjoy , and the Argument demonstrative , that it was their Originall and intrinsick due , because the Canons deny it . What they adde of Ischyras Prop. 6. that being deposed from being a Presbyter , because made by Colluthus who was but a Presbyter himselfe , and not a Bishop , this was done , not because the act of Colluthus was against the Canon of Scripture , but onely because it was against the Canons of some councels . ] is somewhat of the same nature with the former , and will be best judged of by the relation of the Fact , which in the story of those times is thus made by Socrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He adventured on a thing worthy of many Deaths , for being never admitted to the Priesthood , and assuming to himselfe the name of an Elder , he dared to doe the things belonging to a Priest . A censure which certeinly sets the fault somewhat higher than the transgressing of the Canons of some Councels . Two Testimonies more I shall touch on , before I returne to the pursuit of my proposed Method , and then I shall render the reason of this Excursion . For the confirmation of their second Proposition concerning Ordination , one Testimony they produce from the Synod ad Quercum Ann. 403. where it was brought as an accusation against Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That he made Ordinations without the company and sentence of the Clergy . Another from the councell of Carthage Can. 20. Vt Episcopus sine Concilio Clericorum s●orum non ordinet , That a Bishop ordeine not Clerkes without the Councell of his owne Clerkes , and Can. 2. Cum Ordinatur Presbyter Episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes Presbyteri qui prasentes sunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput illius teneant . When a Presbyter is Ordrined , as the Bishop blesseth him and layes his hand on his head , let all the Presbyters also that are present lay their hands on his Head by the Hand of the Bishop . And the conclusion deduced from these Testimones ( and the forementioned of Cyprian and Fermilian ) is this , that Ordination by Bishops without the assistance of his Presbyters was alwayes forbidden and opposed . How truly this is inferred from the Praem●sses will soone be judged by a view of the Testimonies . For the first , this is the truth of the Story , Theophilus a guilty person , and as such , cited to answer , what was objected against him , making use of the envy , under which Chrysostome then laboured , shifted the Scene , and becamse his judge , nay , as Photius tells us , he and the rest of that Conventicle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that were Chrysostome ' s greatest enemies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were at once Judges , and Accusers , and Witnesses of all that was charged against him . And therefore we already see , what heed is to be given to the accusati●n of those Fathers ad quercum , and how valid an argument can be deduced from it ; And we shall the better guesse at it , if we consider also , what other particulars were , in the same manner that this was , charged against him , set downe by Photius in his Bibliotheca . The 23. charge was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — that the Bath was heated for him alone , and that after he had bathed , Serapion shuts the passage into the Bath , that no body else might bath : The 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — that he ate alone , living like one of the Cyclopes , and betwixt these two new found crimes , comes in this , in the midst , being the 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he ordained many that had no Testimonialls ; which being set down by Photius , as the summe of that charge , referres us indeed to the ground , on which their charge was built , of his ordaining without a Councell , and against the minde of his Clergy , ( those testimonialls , and so the approbation of the person by the Clergy being generally a good preparation to the receiving Orders ) but doth not at all prove that a Bishop might not ordaine without assistance of his Presbyters , or that it was alwayes forbidden , any more than it proves that eating or bathing alone was alwayes forbidden also . As for that of the 4. Councell of Carthage Can. 20. They have set downe but halfe the Canon ; the whole runnes thus , Vt Episcopus sine concilio Clericorum non ordinet● , ita ut civium conniventiam & Testimonium quaerat , That the Bishop ordain not without his councell of Clergy , so that he seeke the liking and testimoniall of the Inhabitants . Which againe onely serves to shew , the use of the assistent Presbyters , to helpe the Bishop to a due knowledge of the person to be ordained ( and this they know we Praelatists assent to and approve of ) but is no argument of the unlawfulnesse of sole ordination , or of any power that the Presbyters have in the conferring of Orders . So likewise that from Can. 2. is onely a Testimony for the fitnesse and usefulnesse of that custome ( still retein'd and used in our Church in all Ordinations of Presbyters and Deacons ) that the Presbyters there present should lay on their hands by the hand of the Bishop , and so joyne in the Prayer or benediction , but no proofe that a Presbyter might not be ordeined by a Bishop without the presence of such Presbyters . I have for a while gone aside from the consideration of S. Hierome's testimony ( the designed matter of this Section ) and allowed my selfe scope to take in all the testimonies of Antiquity , which are made use of by these Assemblers , for the justifying their Ordination of Ministers ; And I have done it on purpose ( though a little contrary to my designed Method and brevity ) because after the publishing of the Dissertations against Blondel . I remember I was once told , that though it was not necessary , yet I might do well to add some Appendix , by way of Answer to that one head of discourse concerning Presbyteriall Ordination , and the Instances which were objected by him . For which reason I have now , as neer as I can , taken in all , in this place , which are in their Appendix produced on that head , and doe not elsewhere in this briefe reply , fall in my way to be answered by me . For some others , mentioned by D. Blondel , I refer the Reader to the learned paines of the Bishop of D●rry , in his vindication of the Church of England from the aspersion of Schisme , p. 270. &c. And so being at last returned into my rode againe , This may , I hope , suffice to have said in the justification of what was done in the Dissertations concerning St. Hierome , both to cleare his sense , and for the setting the ballance aright betwixt his authority on the one side , and the authority of Ignatius on the other , betwixt some doubtfull sayings of the former , which seemed to prejudice the Doctrine of the Apostles instituting imparity , which yet elsewhere he affirmes to be Apostolicall tradition , and the many cleare and uncontradicted , constant sayings of the latter , which are acknowleged to assert it . Which one thing , if it be not in the Dissertations so done , as may satisfie any impartiall Judge , that Ignatius , in full concord with all , is to be heeded on our side , more than St. Hierome , in some few of his many Testimones , can be justly produced against us , I shall then confesse my selfe guilty of over-much confidence ; but if therein I have not erred , it is most evident that I need not undertake any farther travaile in this whole matter . Sect. VII . The Testimonies of Ambrose and Austin . Consignare used for consecrating the Eucharist , and that belonged to the Bishop when present . THere now followes in the next place the passage cited by them p. 133. out of Ambrose on Eph. 4. where to prove that even during the prevalency of Episcopacy 't was not held unlawfull for a Presbyter to ordeine without a Bishop , they urge out of St. Ambrose these words , Apud Aegyptum Presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit Episcopus , In Aegypt the Presbyters consigne , if the Bishop be not present . And the like out of Austine ( or whosoever was the Author ) in Quaest . ex utroque Testam . Qu. 101. In Alexandria & per totam Aegyptum , si desit Episcopus , consecrat Presbyter , In Alexandria and through all Aegypt , if the Bishop be wanting , the Presbyter consecrates . And having done so , they adde , which words cannot be understood ( as a — defender of Prelacy would have them ) of the Consecration of the Eucharist ; For this might be done by the Presbyter praesente Episcopo , the Bishop being present , but it must be understood either of confirmation , or ( which is more likely ) of ordination , because Ambrose in that place is speaking of Ordination . To this I shall briefly reply , 1. That it is sure enough , & granted by the most eminent Presbyterians , that these two Books , whence these Testimonies are cited , were not written either by Ambrose or Austine , but by some other ( Hilarius Sardus , saith Blondel ) and unjustly inserted among their works , and then the authority of such supposititious pieces will not be great to over-rule any practice otherwise acknowledged in the Church of God. Secondly , that the mistakes of Blondel and Salmasius , concerning the meaning of the former of these places , were so evidently discovered by the second of them ( the consignant in the one , interpreted by consecrat in the other ) that I conceived it sufficient , but to name them , For can there be any thing more unquestionable than this , that consecrare in antient writers signifies the Consecration of the Eucharist ? And then if consignare be a more obscure phrase is there any doubt , but it must be interpreted by that which is so much more vulgar and plaine ? and all the circumstances besides being exactly the same in both places , what doubt can there be , but in both , the words are to be understood of the Eucharist ? Yet because some advantage was by this their misunderstanding sought to the Presbyterians cause , they now resolve ; and insist , that it must not be rectified , though they know not which to apply it to , Confirmation or Ordination , and pretend not to produce any Testimony , where consecrare is ever used for the latter , or consignare for either of them . And indeed * Blondel and † Salmasius were yet more uncertaine , for they thought it might also belong to the benediction of Penitents , and that as probable as either of the two former ; And when the truth is rejected , thus it is wont to be . As for the onely reason which inclines them to confine it to Ordination ; because Ambrose in that place is speaking of Ordination , if the place be review'd , it will not be found to have truth in it ; He speakes immediately before of the severall Ministeriall Acts , Preaching and Baptizing , adding indeed that Scripta Apostoli non per omnia conveniunt Ordinationi , quae nunc in Ecclesia est , The writings of the Apostle doe not in all things agree to the Order , which is now in the Church . There is mention of Ordinatio indeed , but that signifies not Ordination , as we now use it for ordaining of Ministers , but manifestly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rule , or order used in the Church , in severall respects , saith he , different from what it was in the writings of the Apostle . And for their objection against my interpretation , that it cannot be understood of consecrating the Eucharist , [ because this the Presbyter might doe when the Bishop was present ] If they would have taken notice of the many evidences brought by me in that place out of the Antients , the Canons of the Apostles , Ignatius ad Magnes . the 56 Canon of the councell of Laodicaea , and Tertullian , that the Presbyter might not administer either Sacrament without the Bishop's appointment , and distinctly of this Sacrament : Non de aliorum quam de Praesidentium manu Eucharistiam sumimus , we receive it not from the hands of any but the Praesidents , i. e. ( in his style ) the Bishops , Tertull : de Cor. Mil. they could never have thought this a reasonable Objection , It being evidently the sense of the Antient Canons , ( to which the description of the practice in Justin Martyr doth perfectly agree , Apol. 2. ) that onely the Bishop had power to consecrate the Eucharist , and in his absence onely , the Presbyter , to whom he gave that power . Had they been pleased to have taken notice of these Canons and antient Records , punctually set downe by mee in that place , it must certainly have prevented this their exception , and utterly robbed them of those two Testimonies to that Proposition . And as to that of the Alexandrian Bishops out of Hierome , that is also largely answered by me , Dissert . 3 c. 10. but that againe they were resolved not to take notice of . Sect. VIII . Of the Chorepiscopi . THere still remaines one mention of me , upon occasion of the Chorepiscopi or Regionary Bishops , Append. p. 138. Of that subject they are somewhat large , and so D. Blondel had been before them , and in answering him , all their pretensions from thence , and that whole argument ( by them pursued . P. 135. 136 , 137. 138. ) is punctually answered , before it was produced , Dissert . 3. c. 8. And yet they go on roundly , as if there were no such thing , onely in the close they adde , There is another whom we forbeare to name , that saith that the Chorepiscopi were Bishops . But hee addes , though they were Bishops , yet they were made but by one Bishop , and Bishops meerly titular and sine Cathedrâ , which is all one as if he should say , they were not properly Bishops . That which is said of the Chorepiscopi in the Dissertations is too long to be here so impertinently repeted , If the Reader please to consult the place , I have no feare that he will returne unsatisfied in any thing that is by these men objected against Praelacy from that head . A Dilemma is there used , which , whether they were Bishops or no , will certainly secure us . As to their present argument against me , I answer , that what I say of those Chorepiscopi , is , not that they were Bishops meerly titular , but that they were Proxies or vicarii of the Bishop of the City , acting by Commission from him in the Region or Countrey , and were under the Bishop of the City and Ordained by him , and so were true Bishops , but not of the Cities , had Ordination as other Bishops had , though three Bishops were not by the Canon required to the ordaining of such , but onely that one Bishop of the City , whose Proxy or Vicarius the Chorepiscopus was : Bishops in cases of necessity , ordeined sine titulo , without a title or City to which they were affixt , and for some time allowed to ordeine Presbyters and Deacons in the Countrey , and to doe some other things in the Bishop's stead . All which is so largely set downe in the Dissertations , and vindicated so absolutely from serving the Presbyterians interest , that I must not for ever doe the same thing againe , transcribe what is there said abundantly , and nothing here objected against it , but that what I affirme of them , makes them to be not poperly Bishops . Where if by properly Bishiops they meane Bishops of Cities , they say very true , for I affirme them to be , as their title assures me they were , Regionary Bishops , Vicarii and Proxies to the City Bishop . But that they were mere Presbyters , and no more , and by their being Presbyters had the Power to Ordeine other Presbyters ( which alone is the Presbyterians taske to make good , if they will have it usefull to the proofe of their conclusion , their * 4. Proposition , That Presbyters , during the Prevalency of Episcopacy , had not onely an inherent power of Ordination , but in some cases did actually ordeine ) this they doe not undertake to make good against the discourse in the Dissertations ; And therefore I have no excuse to make any larger reply to them . The Conclusion . I Have now gone through every part of my designed Method , and not omitted one intimation of theirs , wherein I could thinke my selfe concerned ; And that it may appeare that I should not have chosen this , as a season , to begin any debate concerning a subject so forgotten in men's minds as Episcopacy is , I shall thus conclude the Readers trouble , without examining what else they say on this subject ; having , I hope , competently secured my selfe from the Opinion of having formerly attempted to seduce any , so little either to his or my owne advantage . THE END . The Printer to the Reader . THe absence of the Author , and his inconvenient distance from London , hath occasioned some lesser escapes in the impression of this Vindication , & ● . The Printer thinks it the best instance of pardon if his E●capes be 〈◊〉 laid upon the Author , and he hopes they are no greater than an o●dinary understanding may amend , thus . PAge 5. l. 25. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 6. l. 5. r. which when we . l. 6. r. place , l. 7. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 9. r. affaires , we have then so . l. 19. r. holy man. p. 7. l. 20. r. of David . l. 24. r. their answer . p. 8. marg . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 10. l. 21. r. exarchs . p. 12. l. 1. r. their not . p. 13. l. 4 r to confirme . l. penult . r. some praedecessor . p. 16. l. 14. r. of Timothy . l. 18. r. a continuall . p. 18. l. 4. r. D●rotheus . p. 21. l. 24. r. we are . p. 22. l. 22. r. mixing . l. 33. r. praetensions . p. 23. l. 35. r. Chaldee . p. 24. l. 24. r. was again . p. 25. l. 27. r. 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Ecclesiae . l. 29 r. of the. p. 160. l. 1. r. know not that . p. 162 l. 2. r servare Catholicā . p : 165. l. 25. r. answer 1. by p. 166. l. 17. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 167. l. 3. r : that place would purchase justice . p 169. l. 22. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 23. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 171 l. 8. r : Synod . ad Quercum . p 174. l. 8. r : yeares since , p. 183. l. 14. r : so how far this is . p. 184. l. 15. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 16. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45476-e2920 * L. 1 l. 3. * Ep ad Cor. * Exceptâ Ordinatione , Hier. ep . 85. ad Evagr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost . Hom. in 1 Tom. In Ep. ad Heb. p 913. * Theophylact Ibid. In 〈◊〉 lu●e adhuc ca●c●ire aliquos inter 〈◊〉 in●uspicatissimi saeculi prodigi● numerandum est ▪ * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † De M●●tyr . Timoth. * Ep ad . victor . ap ●u●eb . Eccl Hist . l. 5. c. 25. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Sicut Smyrnaeortem Ecclesi● Poly●●rpum à Johanne collocatum refert , sicut Romano●um Clementem à Petro ordi●atum edit , perinde utique & ●aeterae exhibent , quc● ab Apostolis in Episcopatū constitutos , Apostolici i● semins traduces habent . De Praescrip c : 32. * Habemus Johannis alumuas Ec●lesias — Oedo Episcoporum ad originem rec●●sus in Johanu●m fltabi● authorem . Adv. Ma●c . l. 4. c. 5. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 3. 23. † Ibid. c. 31. * Dissert 4. c. l , & 7. &c. Nun. 1. He● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Annot. p. 906. * In Pandect . pag. 31. * 〈◊〉 Pag. 24. * In 1 Tim. 3. 1 * Disser● 1. cap. 13. * L. 3. c. 23. † Biblioth : Num. 25● . † Hom. 15. in 1 Tim. 5. 19. * Ep. 65. * L. 1. Con● . Carpocr . † In Eph. 4. & 1 Cor. 12. 29. * Quaest . 97. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Diss . 4. c. 3. * L. 3. c. 14. Strom ▪ 6 ▪ * Dissert . 4. Ego & Collegae mei qui praesen ●es ad●rant . * Append. p. 219 Lib. 5. ● . 29. 30. * Greg. l. 5 c. 2. * De excid . & Conqu . Brit. * In Tit. 1. Hom. 1. * Lib. 3. cap 4. * Lib 5. cap. 23. * In Trallo . can . 2. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb . Eccl. Hist . l. 2 c. 1. Ex. Clem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Ana●letum & Cle●●entem Petri M●●istics facit Ignatius in Epistola ad Trollenses . Wal. Me p. 222. * Or. ad Asiat . Civ . de concord . Eccl. Hist l. 4. c. 23. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anon. ap . Phot. num . 254. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Theo. in 1 Tim. 3. 1. In Phil. 1. and Act. 20. and 1 Pet. 5. 1. Epist . 1. ad Epise . Winton * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Theophyl . in Phil. 1. 1. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Epist . 247. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 1. Contr. Aër . † Clem. Rom. Ep. ad Corinth . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * L. 3. c. 4. † Arg. Ep. ad Tit. In tit . 1 Hom 1. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Arg. Ep. * D'ssert 4. c. 4. Sect. 4 , 5. * L. 2. * Vid. Autho● lit . Rames . Sect. 4. and 33. and S. H●n . Spelma●s Glessary . p. 28. 29. * Geogr. l. 13. * Ep. ed Philad . * Cont. Ha. l. 3. t. 1. * Dissert . 4. ● . 19. Sect. 11 , 12. * Lib. 3. c. 4. * Dissert . 4. 21 , 22. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. 6. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Commen . in Isa . P. 104. Clem , ad Corin. p. 54 , * l. 4. c. 23. * Geo. lib. 13. * Can. 2. * Ep. 52. Pag. 57. * L. 4. c. 2● . * In Luc. Hom. 6. † L. 3. c. 35. 36. Catal. Script . & ad H●lvid c. 9. Dissert . 2. c. 24. * Perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in both places . * Diss . 2. c. 9. Sect 6 &c. Ceci censur● . * See N●m . 55. Ad Uxor . l. 2. c. ult . De Pudic. c. 4. * Demster . Appar ad Hist . Scot. l. 1. c. 6. † Eccle. Hist. l. 1. c. 13. * Lib. 8. de signis Eccl. c. 1. † Li. 2. c. 4. * L. 3. c. c. † See Baron . Annal. Tom. 5. Anno. 429. Sect. 2. * Adv. Coll●s . in fine . * See Bede l. 2. c. 4. Scotos nihil discripar● à Britonibus in eorum conversatione didicimus , and c. 19. & l. 3. c. 3. Hoc enim ordine septentrionalis Scotorum Provincia & ●●nis n●tio Pictorū Pascha Dominicum ●●lebrabat . 69 ▪ * L. 5. c. 23. † L. 5. c. 4. Strom. 6. * L. 4. c. 44. * Euseb . l. 3. c. 39. D Blondel Apol. pag. 38. * Pag. 85. * Dissert . 3. cap 10. * In t●to o● be 〈…〉 ut unus de Pre●byteris 〈…〉 ad quem omnis Ecclisiae cura 〈◊〉 , ut schisatum semi●● toilcrentur , and Paulatim ut diss●● sionum semina t●llercutur , ad unum omnis ●oll●itudo d●ela● a est . Com ad Tit. * Append. p 129 † Append. p. 131. Append p. 13● . P. 143. L. ● . c. 10. * Apol. p. 57. † Appar . ad . lib. de Prim. * Append p. 133 
A69545	----	The diocesans tryall wherein all the sinnewes of Doctor Dovvnhams defence are brought into three heads, and orderly dissolved / by M. Paul Baynes ; published by Dr. William Amis ... Baynes, Paul, d. 1617. 1641 Approx. 273 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69545 Wing B1546 ESTC R5486 11893195 ocm 11893195 50465 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69545) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50465) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 53:11 or 260:E207, no 7) The diocesans tryall wherein all the sinnewes of Doctor Dovvnhams defence are brought into three heads, and orderly dissolved / by M. Paul Baynes ; published by Dr. William Amis ... Baynes, Paul, d. 1617. Ames, William, d. 1662. [12], 89 p. s.n.], [S.l. : 1621 [i.e. 1641] "The preface" signed: W. Ames. Date of publication from Wing. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library and Thomason Collection, British Library. 1. Whether Christ did institute, or the Apostles frame any diocesan forme of churches, or parishionall onely, pag. 1 -- 2. Whether Christ ordained by himselfe, or by his Apostles, any ordinary pastours, as our bishops, having both precedency of order, and majority of power over others, pag. 24 -- 3. Whether Christ did immediately commit ordinary power ecclesiasticall, and the exercise of it, to any one singular person, or to an united multitude of presbyters, pag. 78. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Episcopacy -- Controversial literature. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Diocesans Tryall . WHEREIN ALL THE SINNEWES OF DOCTOR Dovvnhams Defence Are brought into three heads , and orderly dissolved . BY M. PAVL BAYNES . Published by Dr. WILLIAM AMIS . The questions discussed in this Diocesans tryall are these : 1. Whether Christ 〈◊〉 ●nstitute , or the Apostles frame any Diocesan forme of Churches , or parishionall onely , pag. 1. 2. Whether Christ ordained by himselfe , or by his Apostles , any ordinary Pastours , as our Bishops , having both precedency of order , and majority of power over others , pag 24. 3. Whether Christ did immediately commit ordinary power Ecclesiasticall , and the exercise of it , to any one singular person , or to an united multitude of Presbyters , pag. 78. Imprinted 1621. THE PREFACE . MAny writings , and sermons also have cause to wish that the men from whom they come were lesse knowen then they are . For then should they be free from much prejudice , and find better acceptance with those that they come to . But I wish nothing more unto this Treatise , which is now cōming into the world , then that the Author of it were throughly known un●o all those that shall encet with it ; for then his work would need no borrowed commendation , the title it self carrying authority with it , even to force respect from every h●nest Reader , if either the sharpnes of wit , variety of reading , depth of judgment , aptnes to teach , holy and pleasant language , heavenly conversation , wise cariage , or any fulnes of grace wil so far prevail with him . I doe not abuse good words , or load one with thhem whom they do not belong to , as many p●inters of Sepulchrs in their funerall Orations use to do : but speak that in short , which M. Baines his person did largly preach unto all such as came neer unto him : & that which his incomparable writings wil sufficiently witnes to sutur generations . Neither is this all that the Authours quality may suggest unto the considerate Reader : but he may arise from this to more important thoughts ; especially if the remembrance of M. Baines his worth do occasion him to think of many others like unto him : ●uch as M. Dee●ing ▪ M. More ● . Greenham , M. Perkins , M. Rogers , M. Cartwright , M. Fenner , M. Brightman , M. Parker , M. Philips , M. Hie●on , and M. Bradshaw &c. to speak nothing of those which yet live , nor of D. R●inolds , D. Fulk , and D. Whitakers with many others . For all these being apprehēded as mē agreeing in one spirit , & having had indeed the spirit of glory resting on them , as their works do shew , together with those letters testimonial which they left written in the hearts of many thousand Christians , it must needs cause at the least an inquiry , what the reason should be what such famous men of God , could never like wel of our Bishoply courses in England , nor ever be favoured of them . The case is plaine to all : and the cause is as evident to those that have eyes to see : but no where more apparant then in the person of M. Baines , and the place where he , and other● like him were made signes of this antipathie . Cambridge is or should be , as an eye to all our land : so that the alterations that fall out there cannot but be felt of all parts . It is th● place of light ; the spirituall oppressions whi●h in other corners are covered with darknesse ( as all the works of darknesse would be ) when past all shame they come to confront the Sunne it selfe , how can they then be hidden ? When M. Perkins had there for many yeares held forth a burning and shining light , the sparks wherof did flie abroad into all corners of the land , and after he had served his time was taken up into heaven , there was none found so meet for to receive , as it were , the torch out of his hand , and succeed him in that great office of bearing it before such a people , as this M. Bains , upon whom also the spirit of that Elias , was by experience found to be doubled . In this station he so demeaned himself for some years , that impietie only had cause to complaine : for all that favoured the waies of God , rejoyced and gloried in him and his Minist●ry , asa spirituall treasure . But at length the hower of darknes came from Lambeth , when Arch. Bancroft sent M. Harsenet to Visite as they call it , that is ( if termes may be interpreted by common practise ) to pick the purses of poore men , and to suppr●sse those that are not f●iends to the B●shops Kingdome . For though in that circuit there were a multitude of unable and notoriously scandalous Ministers , yet none were foūd worthy of censure , but only M. B●in●s , of whom the world was not worthy , and one other Preacher like unto him . Now it is hard to say , whether the silencing of him was more odious , or the manner of it shameles . There must be a Sermon ( ye know ) at such Visitations , for fashion sake , though the Visiter himself can seldom find leasure to make it . This part was therfore appointed to M. Bains by the Visiters ▪ that he might either be insnared in his words , if he did not apply himself to their humours , or else grace their ungratious courses , if he did . But it did not succeed handsomly either way : For he delivered wholesome docttrine appertaining to the present audience , in such warie manner , that no specious occasion could be taken therby of questioning his liberty . Yet fairely or fouly the mischievous intention must not faile . M. Baines having heat his weak body by straining to speak unto a great audience , retired himselfe presently upon his comming down from the Pulpit to provide for his health , which otherwise would have bin indangered . They in the meā time going on with their businesse , as they are wont in the masterly forme of a master , called for M. Baines amongst the rest , and upon his not answering , though he was not cited thither as to a Court , but only intreated to preach , as he did , yet for not appearing , he was immediately silenced . Afterward in deed , the Chancellor being informed of that grosse nullity , which was in the sentence , urged him about subscription and conformity ; and so to make sure work , silenced him over again . In which businesse he was so conscious unto himself of unreasonable and ridiculous dealing , that when M. B●in●s standing to receive the sentence of a corrupt man , did lift up his heart and eies unto God with a heavenly smiling countenance , as he used , he interpreted that gesture to be a skorne of his authority . This being don , M. Baines was perswaded by his friends to try the Archbishops courtesie , unto whom , when he presented himself , at the very first salutation ; the gravity and severity of B. Bancroft led him sharply to rebuke the good man for a little black-worke , which was upon the edges of his cuffes , asking him how he durst come before him with such cuffs , telling him very bishoplike , that it were a good turn to lay him by the heels for so doing . After this he would have no more to do with such absurd unreasonable men : but preached somtime wher he might have liberty , as his weakenesse of body would suffer ; and spent the rest of his time in reading , meditating , praying and writing , saving that upon occasion hee did instruct or comfort those which came to him in private , wherin he had a heavenly gift . He was indeed all his life after , beside the weakenes of his body pressed with want , no having ( as he often complained to his friends ) a place to rest his head in : which me thought was an upbraid●ng of the age and place where he lived with base regardlesnes of piety & learning : yet he never so much as consulted with himselfe of denying his sinceritie by pleasing the Bishops , of whom and their courses he was wont to say , They are a generation of the earth , earthly and savour not the waies of God. Which saying of his , they , and some Doctors of Cambridge have since made good , in that they could not indure , that the place from whence they thrust him , should be supplied by oth●r honest men , though they were cōformable , but with absolute authority at length forbad it , alledging that Puritanes were made by that lecture : wheras the truth is , that one lecture hath done more good to the Church of God in England , then all the doctors of Cambridge : though I doe not deny , but some of them have wrought a good work . By this one instance ( of which kind I would there were not a 100 in our land ) it may easily appeare to the understanding Reader , that here is as much agreement betwixt our Bish●ps in their managing of Religion ( except some 2 or 3 , which went out of their elements , when they ventered on those places ) & those powerful Preachers who have bin the chief means of revealing Gods arme unto salvation , as there is betwixt the light which commeth down from h●aven , & that thick mist which ariseth from the lowest pit . But wee need not seeke for demonstrations of the spirit which worketh in our Hierarchie from this opposition , look but at the fruits of it , wher it hath al● fulnes of consent , as Cathedrall Pallaces , or Parishes of Bishops and Archbishops residence , suc● as Lambeth is , where all their canons are in force , a●d have their full sway without contradiction : nay come neerer unto them , and take a view of their families , even to them that wait in their chambers , and see what godlinesse there is to be found Have there not more of God and his Kingdome appeared in some one Congregation of those Ministers which they have silenced for unconformity then in all the Bishops families that are now in England ? Was there ever any of them that could endure such a Parish as Lambeth is , if they had such power of reforming it as the Archbishops haue ? To returne therfore unto our Authour : whilst he lived a private life , being thus strucken with the Bishops Planet , he had time to apply his able wit and judgement unto the discussing of many questions , which if the Prelates had not forced such leasure upon him , it may be he would have passed by with others . And among the rest , by Gods providence he was directed to these Ecclesiastical Controversies which concerne our Diocesan state in England : wherin , as in all other questions which he dealt in , he hath shewed such distinct and piercing understanding together with evidence of truth , as cannot but give good satisfaction to him that in these things seeketh light . He might indeed have chosen other particular corruptions to have written on , if it had bene his purpose either to have taught men , what they daily see and feel , or to have laboured about the branches , and leave the root untouched : But it was no delight unto him , for to prove that which no man doubted of , as that the common course and practise of our Prelates , their courts , their urging of s●bscriptions , with human superstitious ceremonies , are presumptuous insolencies against God and his Church : or preposterously to beginne at the end of the streame for to cleanse the water . He chose rather to search the fountain of all that foulnes wherwith our Chur●he are soiled : which he judged to be found in the constitu●ions here in this Treatise examined . And if these few questions be wel considered , it will appear that a multitude of pernitious abuses doe depend on those positions which in them are confuted . One fundamentall abuse in our Ecclesiasticall oppression in the disposing of charges , our placing of Ministers over Congregations : it is called usually bestowing of Bēefices or Livings , in an earthy phrase which ●avoureth of the base corruption commonly practised . For Congregations ought not to be bestowed on Ministers , but Ministers on Congregations : the benefit or benefice of the Minister , is not so much to be regarded , as of the Congregation : It is the calling and charge which every Minister should looke at , not his living and benefice . Now these Benefi●es are bestowed ordinarily by the Patrō ( whether Popish , prophane , or religious , all is one ) & the Bishop , without any regard of the peoples call or consent : so as no lawful mariage is made ; no servant placed : against all Scripture , Councels and antient examples . Wherby it commeth ordinarily to passe , that Lawyers must determine of Ministers callings , after long sutes and great charges ; as if Congregations and Farms were held by one title and right . And sometime it is found that the Minister is a continuall plague unto his people , living in contention , spi●e & hatred with them , as many law-suits do too too plainly witnes . What is the reason ? Because Parishes are esteemed as no Churches that ever were ordained by Christ , or received any power and priviledges from him , but as mans creatures , and by man to be ordered as it pleaseth him . Another practice of like nature with the former , is that the minister being called to one Congregation , becommeth a Pluralist by taking another , or more livings , in spite of that Congregation , to which he was first and is still personally tied . And after this he may be a nonresident , abiding or Preaching at none of his many livings . Nay he may chop and change , sell and buy like a marchant , so he do it closely ; which is such an abomination , as Rome and Trent condemneth , and hell it selfe will scarse defend . What is the ground ? Because ( forsooth ) Christ hath not appointed Parishes , their office●s & offices , and therfore no man is bound further in this kinde , then mens Laws , canons , customes , and injunctions do prescribe unto them . For a grave Doctor of Cambridge answered one that questioned him for his grosse non-residencie , viz. that Parishes were divided by a Pope : insinuating as it seemeth , that he accounted it a point of Poperie , for to tie Ministers unto their particular charges . A third grosse corruption is , that the officers in Congregations , Ministers , Church-wardens , &c. are made servants to the Bishops , Chancellours , Archdeacons , &c. being , as it were , their promotors , informers , and executioners , in all matters of jurisdiction and government , for to bring in mony into their purses : for performance also of which service to them , the Church-wardens upon every occasion are enforced to take such corporall oathes as not one of them doth ever keep . What other ground of this , beside the fore-mentioned , that particular Congregations are no spirituall incorporations , and therefore must have no officers for government within themselves ? Now all these confusions with many others of the same kind , how they are condemned in the very foundation of them , M. Bains here sheweth in the first question , by maintaining the divine constitution of a particular Church , in one Congregation . In which question he maintaineth against his adversaries a course not unlike to that which Armachanus , in the daies of King Edward the third , contended for against the begging F●iers in his booke called The defence of Curates : For when those Friers incroach●d upon the priviledges of Parochiall Ministers , he withstood them upon these grounds : Ecclesia Parochialis juxta verba Mosis Deut. 12. est locus electus a Deo , in quo debemus accipere cuncta quae praecipit Dominus ex Sacramentis . Parochus est ordinaritu Parochiani : est persona a Deo praecepta , vel mandato Dei ad illud ministerium explendum electa : which if they be granted , our adversaries cause may goe a begging with the foresaid Friers . Another sort of corruptions there are , which though they depend upon the same ground with the former , yet immediately flow out of the Hierarchie . What is more dissonant from the revealed will of Christ in the Gospell , even also from the state of the Primitive Church , t●en that the Church and Kingdome of Christ should be managed as the Kingdomes of the world , by a Lordly authority , with externall pompe , commanding power , contentious courts of judg●ment , furnished with chancellors , officials , commissaries , advocates , proctors , paritors , and such like humane devices ? Yet all this doth necessarily follow upon the admitting of such Bishops as ours are in England : who not onely are Lords over the flock , but doe professe so much in the highest degree , when they tell us plainly , that their Lawes or Canons doe binde mens consciences . For herein we are like the people of Israel , who would not have God for their immediate King , but would have such Kings as other Nations : Even so the Papists , and we after them , refuse to have Christ●an immediate King in the immediate government of the Church ; but must have Lordly Rulers with state in Ecclesiasticall affaires , such as the world hath in civill . What a miserable pickle are the most of our Ministers in , when they are urged to give an account of their calling ? To a Papist indeed they can give a shifting answer , that they have ordination from Bishops , which Bishops were ordained by other Bishops , and they , or their ordainers by Popish Bishops : this in part may stop the mouth of a Papish : but let a Protestant which doubteth of these matters move the question , and what then will they say ? If they flie to popish Bishops , as they are popish , then let them goe no longer masked under the name of Protestants . If they alledge succession by them from the Apostles , then ( to say nothing of the appropriating of this succession unto the Popes chaire , in whose name , and by whose authority o●r English Bishops did all things in times past ) then I say they must take a great time for the satisfying of a poore man concerning this question , and for the justifying of their station . For untill that out of good records they can shew a perpetuall succession from the Apostles unto their Diocesan which ordained them , and untill they can make the poore man which doubteth , perceive the truth and certainty of those records , ( which I wiss● they will doe at leasure ) they can never make that succession appeare . If they flye to the Kings authority , the King himse●fe will forsake them , and deny that he taketh upon him to make or call Ministers . If to the present Bishops and Archbishops , alas they are as farre to seeke as themselves , and much further . The proper cause of all this misery is the lifting up of a lordly Prelacy , upon the ruines of the Churches liberties . How intollerable a bondage is it , that a Minister being called to a charge ▪ may not preach to his people except he hath a licence from the Bishop or Archbishop : Cannot receive the best of his Congregation to communion if he be censured in the spirituall Courts , though it be but for not paying of six pence which they required of him in any name , be the man otherwise never so innocent : nor keep one from the communion , that is not presented in those Courts , or being presented is for money absolved ▪ though he be never so scandalous : and must often times ( if hee will hold his place ) against his conscience put backe those from communion with Christ , whom Christ doth call unto it ( as good Christians if they will not kneele ) and receive those that Christ putteth backe , at the command of a mortall man. What a burthen are poore Ministers pressed with , in that many hundreds of them depend upon one Bishop and his Officers : they must hurry up to the spirituall Court upon every occasion , there to stand with cap in h●nd , not onely before a Bishop , but before his Chancellour , to bee railed on many times at his pleasure : to be censured , suspended , deprived , for not observing some of those canons which were of purpose framed for snares , when far more ancient and honest canons are every day broken by these Iudges themselves for lucre sake , as in the making of Vtopian Ministers , who have no people to minister unto ; in their holding of commendams , in their taking of money , even to extortion , for orders and institutions : in their symony , as well by giving as by taking : and in all their idle , covetous , and ambitious pompe ? For all these and such like abuses , we are beholding to the Lordlinesse of our Hierarchy : which in the root of it , is here overthrown by M. Bayne , in the conclusions of the second and ●hird Question . About which he hath the very same controversie , that Marsilius Patavinus in part undertooke long since , about the time of Edward the second , against the Pope . For he in his booke called Defensor pacis , layeth the same grounds that here are maintained . Some of his words , though they be large , I will here set downe for the Readers information . Potestas clavium sive solvendi & ligandi , est essentialis & inseparabilis Presbyterio in quantum Presbyter est . In hac authoritate , Episcopus à Sacerdote non differt , teste Hieronymo , imo verius Apostolo , cujus etiam est aperta sententia . Inquit enim Hieronymus super Mat. 16. Habent quidem eandem judiciariam potestatem alsi Apostoli , habet omnes Ecclesia in Presbyteris & Episcopis : praeponens in hoc Presbyteros , quoniam authoritas haec debetur Presbytero , in quantum Presbyter , primo , & secundum quod ipsum &c. Many things are there discoursed to the same purpose , dict . 2. c. 15. It were too long to re●ite all . Yet one thing is worthy to be observed how he interpreteth a phrase of Ierome so much alledged , and built upon by the Patrons of our Hierarchy . Ierome saith ad Evagr. that a Bishop doth nothing , excepting ordinati●n , which a Presbyter may not doe . Of this testimony D. Downan avoucheth , that nothing can be more pregnant then it , to prove that Bishops were superiour to Presbyters in power of ordination . But heare what this ancient Writer saith Ordinatio non significat ibi potestatem conferendi , ceu collationem sacrorum ordinum : sed oeconomicam potestatem regulandi vel dirigendi Ecclesiae ritus , atque personas , quantum ad exercitium divini cultus in templo ; unde ab antiquis legumlatoribus vocantur Oeconomi reverendi . It would be over long to declare all the use which may be made of this Treatise . which being it selfe so short , forbiddeth pr●lixity in the Preface . If the Author had lived to have accomplished his purpose in perfecting of this worke , he would ( it may be ) have added such considerations as these : or at least he would have left all so clear , that any attentive Reader might easily have concluded them from his premisses . For supply of that defect , these practicall observation● are noted : which with the dispute it selfe , I leave to be pondered by the conscionable Reader . W. Ames . THE FIRST QVESTION IS , WHETHER CHRIST DID INSTITUTE OR THE APOSTLES frame any Diocesan forme of Churches , or Parishionall onely . FOR determining this Question , we will first set down the Arguments which affirme it . Secondly , those which deny ▪ Thirdly , lay down some responsive conclusions , and answer the obj●ctions made against that part we take to be the truth . Th●se who affirme the fr●●e of Diocesan Churches , vou●h their Arguments : p●r●ly from Scripture , partly from presidents , or instances sacred and Ecclesiasticall . Fin●lly , from the congruity it h●●h with reason , th●t so th●y should be constitute . The first objection is taken from comparing those two Scriptures , Titus 1.5 Act. 14.23 . Ordaine Elders City by City . They ordained Elders Church by Church . Hence it is thus argued . They who ordained that a City , with the Suburbs and ●egions about it , should make but one Church , they ordained a Diocesan Church . But ●he Apostles , who use these phrases as aequ●pollent , To ordaine Presby●ers in every City , and to ordaine them in every Church , appointed , that a city with the suburbes and region about it , should make but one Church . Ergo , the Apostles constituted a D●ocesan Church . The reason of the proposition is , because Christians converted in a City , with the suburbes , villages , and countries about it ●●uld not be so few , as to make but a Parishionall Church . The Assumption is cleare , for these phrases are used , as ad aequa●e , and being so used , needs it must be that the Apostles framed cities , suburbs , and regions into one church . 2 They argue from examples Sacred and Ecclesiasticall . Sacred are taken out of the old and new Testament . Ecclesiasticall , from the Primitive times , and from Patternes in our owne times : yea , even from such churches , as we hold reformed , as those in Belgia and Geneva . To beginne with the church of the Jewes in the old Testament , whence they reason thus . That which ma●y particular Synagogues were then ( because they were all but one Common-weal●h , and had all but one profe●si●n ) that m●y many christian chur●hes now bee upon the l●ke grounds . But th●y then , though many Synagogues , yet because they were all but one Kingdome , and had all but one profession , were all one nationall church . Ergo , upon like grounds many church●s with us , in a nation or city , may be one nationall or Diocesan church . Secondly , the church of Jerusalem in the New Testament is objected . 1 That which the Apostles intended should be a head church to all Christians in Judea , that was a Diocesan church . But this they did by the church of Jerusalem . Ergo : 2. That which was more numbersome , then could meet Parishion●lly , was no Parishional but Diocesan church . But that church was such . First , by growing to 3000. then 5000 Act. 2.41 . & 4.4 . then to have millions in it , Act. 21.20 . Ergo , the church of Jerusalem was not a Parishionall , but a Dioc●san church . Thirdly , the church of Corinth is objected to have beene a Metropolitan church . He who writing to the church of Corinth , doth write to all the Saints in Achaia with it , doth imply that they were all subordinate to that church . But th●s doth Paul , 1 Cor. 2.1 . Ergo. Secondly He who saluteth jointly the Corinthians and Achaians , and calleth the church of Corinth by the name of Achaia , and names it with pr●heminence before the rest of Ach●ia , doth imply th●t the church of Corinth was the Metropolitan church to which all Acha●a was subject . But the Apostle doth this , 2 Cor. 9.2 . & 11.11.8.9.10 . Ergo. Fourthly , that which was the mother city of all Macedonia , the church in that city must be , if not a Metropolitan , yet a Diocesan church . But Philippi was so . Ergo. The fifth is from the chur●hes of Asia , which are thus proved , at least to have beene Diocesan . 1. Those seven churches which contained all other churches in Asia strictly t●ken , whether in city or count●●y ; those seven were for their circuit , Metropolitan , or Dioc●san churches . But those seven did containe all other in As●● . Ergo. 2. He who writing to all churches in Asia , writeth by name , but to th●se seven , he doth imp●y , that all the rest were cont●ined in these . Bu● Christ writing to the seven , writeth to all churches in Asia , not to name that five of these were Metropolitan cities , viz. Philadelphia , and Pe●g●mus , two Diocesan at least , 3. He who mak●th the singular church he writeth to , to ●e a multitude of churches , not one onely ( as the body is not one member onely ) hee doth make that one church , to which he writeth in singular , to be a Diocesan church . But Christ in his Epiphonematicall conclusion to every church , which he had spoken to in singular , doth speake of the same as of a multitude . Let him that hath eares , beare what the Spirit saith to the Churches . Ergo. Thus leaving sacred examples , we come to Ecclesiasticall . First , in regard of those ancien● churches , Rome , Alexandria . It is impossible they should bee a Parishionall congregation 200. yeares after Christ. For ●f the multitude of christians did in Hierusalem so increase within a little time , that they exceeded the proportion of one congregation , how much more likely is it that christians in Rome and Alexandria did so increase in 200. yeares , that they could not keep in one particular Assembly ? But the first is true . Ergo , also the latter . Which is yet further co●firmed by that which Tertullian and Cornelius testifie of their times . To come from these to our moderne reformed church●s , these prove a Diocesan church . That respect which many congregations distinct may have now assembled in one place , that they may have severed in many places . For the unity of the place is but extrinsicke to the unity of the congreg●tion . But ma●y distinc● congregations gathered in one city , may make , wee say , one church , as they doe in the Netherlands . Ergo , distinct congregations , severed in divers places may make one church . If many churches , which may subject themselves to the government of one Presbytery , may so make one , they may subject themselves to a bishop and cathedrall consistory , and so make one . But the 24. churches of Geneva , and the territories belonging to it , doe subject themselves to the government of one Presbytery , and so make one . For so farre as two meete in a th●rd , they are one in it . Ergo. The third principall Argument is from reason . If city churches onely , and not the churches of Villages , and coun●ry Townes , had bishop● , Presbyters , and Dea●ons placed in them , then were those city church●s Diocesan churches . But city chur●hes onely had th●se . Ergo , city churches were Diocesan , distingu●shed from Pa●●shi●nall churches . The Assumption is proved first by Scrip●ure , T●tus 1.5 . Act. 14.23 . Sec●ndly , this is proved by Ecclesiasticall Sto●y . Th●y who are g●ven to l●bour the convertion of the Regions , ra●her then ten● those alre●●y converted , they were not given to a Parishionall church . But the Presbyters planted by the Apostles were so . Ergo. They who were set in a church before Parishes were , could not be given to a Parishionall church . But such were the Presbyters of the Apostl●s institution , Ergo. For it is plaine in the practice of all ages , from the first division , that no church but the mother church had a Presbytery and a bishop , but Presbyters onely . Nay , it was ever by councels condemned , and by the judgement of the ancient forbidden , that in Townes or Villages , any but a Presbyter should be planted . 3. This is also proved by reason , for it was no more possible to have bishops and Presbyters in every Parish , then to have a Maior and Aldermen ( such as we have in London ) ●n every Towne . 2. If every Parish had a Presbyter , then had they power of ordination , and furnishing themselves with a Minister , when now they were destitute . But they were alwaies in this case dependant on the city . Ergo , there was then a D●ocesan church having government of others . Presbyters could not ordaine , sede vacante , though th●y did at first , as in the church of Alexandria . Let any shew for 400. yeares a Parishionall church with a Presbytery in it . Now we must muster those forces which oppose these Diocesan churches , allowing onely such churches to bee instituted of Christ , which may meet in one congregation ordinarily . The word which without some modification super-added , doth signifie onely such a company as called forth , may assemble Politically , that word being alone , doth signifie such a church as may to holy pu●poses ordinarily meete in one . But the word Church , which Christ and his Apostles did institute , is used indefinit●ly , and signifieth no more , Ergo. Vbi lex non distinguit , non est distinguendum . 2. The Scripture speaketh of the churches in a Kingdome or Province , alwaies in the plurall number , without any note of diff●rence , ●s ●quall one with the other . Ergo , it doth not know Provinciall , N●tion●ll , or Diocesan churches . Let a reason be given , why it should never speake in the singular number , had they beene a singul●r church Sec●ndly , let us come to ex●mples : the churches the Apostles pl●●●ed were su●h 〈◊〉 ni●h● and did congregate . Fi●s● , that of H●●rusalem ▪ though there were in it toward 500. ●●nogogues , yet the christ●●n church was but one , and such as did congre●ate ●n●o one place ordinarily after the accesse of 5000. to it . Act 2.46 . & 5.12 . & 6.1 . & 15.25 . & 21.22 . & 25.22 . For their ordinary meeting as it is , Act. 2.46 . daily , could not be a Panegeric●ll meeting . Againe , if they might meete Synodically , why might they not meete then in daily course ; though the universall meeting of a church is not so fitly called Synodicall : And though they are said to be millions of beleevers , yet that was by accident of a circumstance , happily the Passeover . We must not judge the greatnesse of a water by that it is , when now it is up and swelleth by accident of some inundations . They had not a setled state there , by which they did get the right of being set members . Yea , it is likely , they were and continued but one congregation . For forty yeeres after they were not so great a multitude , but that Pella , like to the Z●har of Lot , a little Towne could receive them . But more of this in the answer to the objection . Secondly , so the Church of Antiochia , was but one Church , Acts 14.27 . they are said to have gathered the Church together . Object . That is , the Ministers , or representative Church . Ans. 1. For Ministers onely , the Church is never used . 2 By analogie , Acts 11. Peter g●ve account before the whole Church , even the Church of the faithfull , Ergo. 3. They made relation to that Church , which had sent them forth with prayer and imposition of hands , and this Church stood of all those who assembled to the publike service and worship of God. 4. The people of the Church of Antioch were gathered together to consider of degrees sent them by the Apostles from Hierusalem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thirdly , the Church of Corinth was one congregation , which did for the service of God , or exercise of Discipline meet together , 1 Cor. 5.4 . 1 Cor. 14.25 . vers . 26. 1 Cor. 11.17 . vers . 23. in uno & eodem loco . That whole Church which was guilty of a sinner uncast forth , could not be a Diocesan Church , neither can the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comming together , ever be shewed to signifie any thing else , besides one particular Assembly . Fourthly , the Church of Ephesus was but one flocke . First , it is likely that it was of no other forme then the other . Secondly , it was but one flocke ; that flocke which Presbyters might jointly feed , was but one . They had no Diocesan B●shop . If Presbyters onely , then none but Parishionall Churches in and about Ephesus . There may be many flocks , but God ordained none , but such as may wholly meet with those , who have the care of feeding and governing of them . Peter indeed , 1 Pet. 5.2 . calleth all those he writeth to , one flocke : but that is in regard either of the mysticall estate of the faithfull , or in respect of the common nature which is in all Churches one and the same : but properly , and in externall adunation , one flocke is but one congregation . Thirdly , Parishes according to the adverse opinion , were not then divided . Neither doth the long and fruitfull labours of the Apostles argue , that there should be Parish Churches in Diocesan wise added ; but a greater number of ●ister Churches . But when it is said that all Asia did heare : the meaning is , that from hand to hand it did runne through Asia , so as Churches were planted every where , even where Paul came not , as at Colosse . There might be many churches in Asia , and many converted by Peter and others fruitfull labour without subordination of churches . Examples Ecclesiasticall . 1. Ignatius exhorteth the church of the Ephesians , though numberlesse , to meete together often in one place , Epist. to the Ephesians , and to the Philippians : where the Bishop is , let the people be gathered to him , as where Christ is , there is the whole host of heaven . He calleth his church of Antioch a Synagogue of God , which cannot agree to a Diocesan church : For these were particular congregations , opposed as to that Nationall church , so to all Provinciall and D●ocesan . Neither doth he call himselfe Bishop of Syria , but as he was , Bishop of the congregation in Syria , as a Minister stileth himselfe a Minister of the church of England . 2 Iustine and Ireneus knew no kinde of church in the world which did not assemble on the Sabboth . But a D●oc●san church cannot . 3 Tertullian Apol. cap , 39. doth shew that all churches in his time did meet , and did worship God , in which prayers , readings , exhortations , and all manner of censures were performed . Hee knew no churches which had not power of censures within themselves . 4 Churches are said at first to have beene Parishes , and Parishes within cities , in Eus●b . lib. 3 44. lib. 4. cap. 21. lib. 2. cap. 6. lib. 4. cap. 25. and S●int Iohn lib 3. cap. 23. ●aith to the Bishop , redde juvenem quem tibi ego & Christus teste Ecclesia tua tradidimus . That church in whose presence Iohn might commit his dep setum , or trust , was but one congregation , lib. 4. cap. 11. H●g nus and Pius are said to have undertaken the M●nistery of the church of Rome : which church was such therefore , as they might minister unto , lib 7.7 . Dionisius Alex. writeth to Xistus , and the church which he governed . A Diocesan church cannot receive letters . Before Iulian and Demetrius his time , there is no mention of churches in a Bishops parish . The church of Alexandria was within the citie , lib. 7. cap. 2. Cornelius is said , officium Episcopi implevisse in civitate Rome ex Cyp. lib. 1. epist . 3 Cornelius Foelicissimum ex Ecclesia pepulit qui cum tamen de provincia pellare ron potuit . Vide Ruffinum , lib. 1. cap. 6. suburbicarariarum Eccl●sirum tantum curam gess●t . Cyprian was Pastor Paroeciae in Carthagiaee , of the Parish in Carthage , Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 3. ex verbis Cypriani , lib. 1. epist. 4. 5 It is the rule of Scripture , that a Bishop should be chosen in sight of his people . Bishops were chosen long after by the people . As of Rome , and others by the people committed to them . Cypr. lib. 4. epist. 1. Neighbour Bishops should come to the people over whom a Bishop was to be set , and chose the Bishop in presence of the people . Schismes were said to be from thence , Quod Episcop● universa fraternitas non obtemperat , Cypr. epist. 55. tota fraternitas i. unius congregationis tota multitudo , ex qua componitur Ecclesia particularis . Sabino ●le universa fraternitatis suffrag●o Episcopatus fuit delatus . Cypr. lib. 1. epist. 47.58.68 . Ecclesiae ●gitur circ●i●us non suit ma●or , quàm ut Episcopu● totam plebem suam in nego●iis bujusmodi c●●vocare potuerit . Soc. lib. 7. cap. 3. de Ag●peto . Convocavit omnem clerum & populum qui erat intra illius jurisdictionem . 6 The Chorepiscopi were Bishops in Villages ; there is no likelihood of the other notation . Their adversaries in opposing them never object that they were as Delegates , or Suffragan Bishops to them . 7 Bishops were wont to goe forth to confirme all the baptized through the Diocesse . 8 They were neighbours , and might meet a dozen , six , three , in the cause of a Bishop . 9 They were united , sometimes in Provinciall Councels , in which many Bishops met twice yearly , Ruffin . lib. 1 , cap. 6. Victor Vticensis reporteth in a time when they were fewest in Africa in persecution Vandalica , 660. fled to save themselves . Austin saith there were innumerable orthodox Bishops in Africa : and the Provinciall Councels doe confirme the same . Now by reason it is cleare that churches were not Metropolitan or Diocesan . 1 That church whose causes are wanting , that church is wanting . But in a Diocesan church causes are not to be found . Ergo. First , the efficient cause , God ordeyning . For none can take on him to be a minister Diocesan : no place to be a place , where the Assembly Diocesan should be held ; no people can worship God in repairing to this place and ministery , without warrant of his word . Ergo. In the Nationall church of the Jewes , Aaron and his sonnes tooke not that honour , it was given them : The place of the Nationall meeting , God chose Hierusalem . The people he precisely bound to practise some ordinances of worship no where but there , and to appeare there before him . Secondly , the matter of a Diocesan church is people within such a circuit , obliged to meet at least on solemne dayes , wheresoever the Diocesan Ministers and Ordinances of worship are exercised ; Pastors who have callings to tend them and minister to them in this Diocesan meeting now assembled . Finally , the actuall meeting of them to such , end , as such more solemne and publike meetings are ordained to , are no where commanded , nor in any fashion were ever by any warrant of the Word practised . If any say , these are not the causes of a Diocesan Church , but an ordinance of God binding persons within such a circuit to subject themselves to such a Church and the ministery thereof , that they may be governed by them . I answer . First , there is no ordinance of God for this , that can be shewed , that Churches within such a circuit should be tyed to a certaine head Church for government . Nay , it is false . For every Church by Christs institution hath power of government ; and the Synagogue had in ordinary matters , the government that the Church of Jerusalem had ; ( being all over ) except onely in some reserved causes . Secondly , I say , that this will not make a Diocesan Church formally so called . As a Nationall Church could not formally be without binding the whole Nation to exercise ordinances of worship in the head Church of it : So by proportion . Yea , government is a thing which doth now ●ccidere to a Church constituted , and doth not essentially concurre as matter or forme to constitute a Church of this or that kinde . Againe , were this true , that the Diocesan Pastors and Ministers have onely government committed to them , then it will follow , that they onely have the governing of particular Churches , who are not any way Pastors of them , ministring Word and Sacraments to them . But this is most absurd , that their proper and ordinary Pastors , who dispence Word and Sacraments to them , should not have potestatem pe●i , nothing to doe in governing those flockes which depend on them . If any say , they were not actu , but they were virtute potentiae : I say , it is also to make the Apostles Churches imperfect : and how can this be knowne but by a presumed intention , which hath nothing to shew it , but that after event of things . From the effect I argue . 2 Those Churches which Christ did ordaine , and the Apostles plant , might ordinarily assemble to the ordinances of worship . But a Diocesan Church cannot ordinarily assemble . Ergo. For when God will have mercy and not sacrifice , and the Sabboth is for man , he will not for ever ordaine a thing so unequall and impossible , as is the ordinary assembling of a Diocesan multitude . If any distinguish the assumption , and consider a Diocesan as she is in her parts , or as she is a torum , standing of her parts now collected together , and say she may , and doth meet and communicate , and edifie her selfe in the first respect . I answer . This is nothing , and doth prove her to be nothing , as she is a Diocesan Church : quia quid quid est , ●git secundum quo●est . If therefore a Diocesan Church were a reall Church , she must have the effect of such a Church ; to wit. assembling , as she is Diocesan . The Synagogues through Israel met Sabboth by Sabboth , but were no Nationall Church in this regard ; that is to say , as it is a Nationall Church , it had her Nationall reall meetings . I reason thirdly , from the subject . 3 That Church which doth per se , essentially require locall bounds of place , that must have locall limits set forth of God. But a Diocesan Church doth so . Ergo. Whence I thus inferre , He who institutes a Diocesan Church , must needs set out the locall bounds of this Church . But God hath not set out any locall bounds of the Church in the New Testament : Ergo. He hath not instituted any Diocesan Church . The proposition is certaine : for this doth enter in the definition of a Diocesan Church , as also of a Nationall . And therefore God instituting the Nationall Church of the Jewes , did as in a map set forth the limits of that Nation . So also if he had instituted Diocesan and Provinciall Churches , he would have appointed locall bounds , if not particularly described , yet knowne and certaine . But God hath not done this . For the Church of the New Testament is not thus tied to places ; it being so with the power of teaching , and the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , that it doth respicere subditos onely perse , not terminos locales . Civill jurisdiction doth respicere solum primarily , the subjects on it in the second place . As for that commandement of appointing Presbyters Citie by Citie , it is too weake a sparre for this building . Againe , that Church which may be said to be in a Citie , is not Diocesan . But the Churches which the Apostles planted , are said to be in Cities . Ergo. If one say to the proposition , they may ; because the head Church is in the Citie . Answer . The Churches the Apostles planted are taken for the multitude of Saints united into such a body Ecclesiasticall . But the multitude of Saints through a Diocesse cannot be said to be in a Citie . Ergo. The soule may be said to be in the head , though it be in other parts ; and God in heaven . God , because of his most infinite and indivisible nature . And so the soule , because it is indivisible , and is as all of it in every part , not as a thing placed in a place containing it , but as a forme in that which is informed by it . But in things which have quantity , and are part out of another , there is not the like reason . 4 From the adjuncts . That Church which hath no time set , wherein to assemble , is no Church . I suppose the ground above , that nothing but union of a Diocesse in worship , can make a Diocesan Church . But this Church hath no time . Ordinary it cannot have : extraordinary solemnities God hath not commanded . Ergo , there is no such Church . For if it be a reall D●ocesan Church , it must have a reall action according to that nature of which it is . The action formall of a Church indefinite is to meet and communicate in worship . Of a Nationall Church , is to meet nationally and communicate in 〈◊〉 . If then it must meet , it must have some time set downe , ordinary or extraordinary . But God hath done neither . The Churche● which the Apostles planted , were in their times most perfect and flourishing . But Diocesan Churches were not : for in those times they were but in seminali infolded , not explicated , as the adversaries confesse . 4 That which maketh Gods dispensation incongruous to his ministers , is absurd . But a Diocesan frame of Church doth so . Ergo. That which maketh God give his extraordinary gifts to ministers of churches in the Apostles times , when now they had but one congregation , and give ordinary gifts onely when now they had 800. churches under them , is absurd . But this doth the Diocesan frame . Ergo. 5 The churches throughout which a Presbyter might doe the office of a teaching Presbyter , and a Deacon the office of a Deacon , were not Diocesan . But every Presbyter might minister in the Word and Sacraments throughout the Church to which he was called ; so might a Deacon tend to the poore of the whole church , whereof he was a Deacon . Ergo , these were not Diocesan . The reason of the proposition is ; No Pesbyter can through many congregations performe ordinary ministery . In which regard the Canon law forbiddeth that Presbyters should have many Churches , cap. 10. quaest . 3. Vna plures Ecclesiae vni n●quaquam committantur Pesbyter● ▪ quia solus per Ecclesias nec officium valet persolvere , nec rebus carum necessariam curam impendere . 6 If God had planted Diocesan churches , that is , ordeined that all within citie , suburbs , and regions , should make but one D●ocesan Church , then may not two Diocesses be united into one Church , or another Church and Bishop be set within the circuit of a D●ocesan Church . But neither of these are so . The judgement of the African fathers shew the one , and the Canon law doth shew the other , pag. 2. cap. 16.41 . Ergo : 7 If God appointed the frame of the church Diocesan standing of one chiefe church , o●hers united in subjection : then can there not be the perfection of a church in one congregation : But where there may be a sufficient multitude deserving a proper Pastor or Bishop , requiring a number of Presbyters and Deacons to minister unto them , there may be the perfection of a church : But in some one congregation may be such a multitude . Ergo : 8 Those churches which may lawfully have Bishops , are such churches as God instituted : But churches in Townes , populous Villages , have had , and may have their Bishops . Ergo. This is proved by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every populous Towne , such as our market townes , and others ; ye● by a synud●cht , villages ; for there they taught as well as in Cities . There were Synogogues in Villages , as well as in Cities . They excepted against them afterward in unconformity to Law. The testimony of Zozomen sheweth what kinde of congregations were they of which Epiphanius testifieth . And the fathers of Africa did not require , that a D●ocesan multitude , but a sufficient multitude , not through eve●y part , for then they should have had to doe in Citie churches , but in that part of the Diocesse where a Presbyter onely had served the turne , should have their Bishop . If Diocesan churches , and Provinciall churches be Gods frame , then we had no Churches in Britaine of Gods frame , before that Austin was sent by Gregorie the great . But here were churches from before Tertullian , after the frame God requireth , at least in their judgements . Ergo. Now to come to open the termes , and lay downe conclusions : whether Diocesan or Parishionall Churches were at the first constitute . First , the word Church we understand here , not figuratively ; taken Metonymically for the place , Syn●ed , for Ministers administring ordinances : but p●operly , for a body politick , standing of people to be taught and governed , and of teachers and governours . Secondly , it may be asked , What is meant by a Diocesan church ? Answ. Such a frame in which many Churches are united with one head Church , as partaking in holy things , or at least in that power of government which is in the chiefe Church , for all the other within such , or such a circuit . These phrases of a Diocesse , a Diocesan B●shop , or Church , are all since the time of Constantine , yea the two last much later . A Diocesse seemeth from the common-wealth to have beene taken up in the Church , from what time Bishops had Territories , ample demaines , and some degree of civill jurisdiction annexed to them . For a Diocesse by the Lawyers , is a circuit of Provinces , such as the Romans Praesidents had : or active , an administration of those Provinces with jurisdiction . L. unica . c. ut omnes sudicet . And in the Canon law , sometimes Provincia and Diocoesis are used promiscuously , Dist. 50. cap. 7. But the ancientest use of this word was to note the Territory , or Countrey circuit , opposed to the Citie . Thus the Countrey churches are called Diocaesanae Ecclesiae , cont . tur . c●p . 8. Thus Baptismales Ecclesiae were contra distinguished to Parishionall . These had every one a Diocesse , and the inhabitants were called Diocoesani : these Churches had a moity of houses dwelling in neighbourhood th●t belonged to them ; but at length by a Synecdoche , the whole Church was called a Diocesse ; though the Canonists dispute whether it may be so called , seeing the Diocesse is the meaner part by much , in comparison of the Citie , and should not give the denomination to the whole . So at length the Bishop was called Diocoesanus , and the Church which had beene called Ecclesia civitatis , matrix , nutrix , Cathedralis , grew to be called Diocesan . But here we take a Diocesan Church for such a head Church , with which all Churches in such a circuit hath reall union , and communion in some sacred things . Now a Diocesan Church may be put objectivè , that is , for a Chur●h in which are ministers and ministery for the good of the whole Diocesse , though they should never assemble , as the worship in the Church of Jerusalem was for all Judea , and profited , though absent . Or it may be put formally for a body politicke , a congregation of beleevers through a Diocesse , with the ministers of the same , having some reall union and communion in sacred things . We deny any such Church . A Parishionall Church may be considered Materially or Formally ; M●●erially , as it is a Church within such locall bounds , the members whereof dwell contiguously one bordering upon the other . This God instituted not , for it is accidentall to the Church , may abesse and adesse , a Church remaining one . If a Parishionall Church in London should dwell , as the Dutch doe , one farre enough from the other , while the same beleevers were united with the same governours , the Church were not changed , though the place were altered . Secondly , it is put formally , for a multitude which doe in manner of a Parish ordinarily congregate ; such Churches , and such onely we say God erected . Now for some Conclusions , what we agree in , then what severs us . Conclus . 1. Churches of Cities , Provinces , Kingdomes , may be called Diocesan , Provinciall , Nationall Churches ; as the Churches of the world are called Oecumenicall , yea haply not without warrant of Scripture : As 1 Pet. 1.1 . writing to all those dispersed Churches , speaking of them singularly , as of one flocke , 1 Pet. 5.2 . The reason is , things may be called not onely as they are really in themselves , but according to some respect of reason , under which we may apprehend them . Conclus . 2. That ●here may be a reall Diocesan , Nationall , or head Church , wherewith others should be bound to communicate more solemnly in Word and Sacraments , and in some more reserved cases concerning their government . This was done in the Church of Judea . Our men are too shie , that feare to come to this proposition , de posse . I am sure our adversaries will grant us , that our Parishionall frame might have beene so constituted . Conclus 3. That there cannot be such a frame of Church , but by Gods institution . No Ministers can take this honour , but they must ( as Aaron ) be called to it . When nothing in nature can have further d●gree of perfection , then the author of nature putteth into it ; how much more must the degree of perfection and eminence in things Ecclesiasticall , depend on God ? We may reason from the Church of Judea , as à pari , to prove , That there cannot be such a Church , but that all subordinates must communicate with the chiefest head Church in some sacred things , which may make them one Chur●h . Thus there would not have beene a Church Nationall of the Jewes , but that all the Nation had union and communion together even in the worship and ordinances of worship . The men onely went up , so the male onely were circumcised : but the female representatively went up in them . Object . It is enough if the communion be in government , which all our opposites grant necessary . Answ. This maketh then rather one in tertio quodam separabili , then one Church : government being a thing that commeth to a Church now constituted , and may be absent , the Church remaining a Churc● . The fi●st Churches of B●shops , when now they were divided , did keep all other , who were the Bishops presbyters strictly so called , and the people also in some communion with the head Church ; for in greater solemnities one and other went up thither . See decret . dist . 3. dist 38. Conclus . 4. We agree in this , th●t Churches were in their first planting , either not actually Diocesan , being one congregation without any other subordinate , or if they had any , yet were they imperfect , wanting many parts or members of particular Churches , which belonged to them . That wherein we contradict one another , is , we affirme that no such head Church was ordained either virtually or actually , but that all Churches were singular congregations , equall , independent each of other , in regard of subjection . Secondly , we say , were there a Diocesan granted , yet will it not follow , that Parish churches should be without their government within themselves , but onely subject in some more common and transcendent cases . As it was with the Synagogues and that Nationall Church of the Jewes , and as it is betwixt Provinciall and Diocesan Churches . If any say there is not the same reason of a Diocesan Church and Parishionall : for that hath in it all the perfection of a Church . I answer , not ; taken in comparison to a Provinciall Church , it is but a part and member , and hath not perfection , no more then a parochiall Church hath , compared with a Diocesan . Now followeth to answer the Arguments first proposed . To the first , I answer to the proposition by distinction . Those who ordained that the Civita● and V●bs people taken in regard of the whole multitude of the one , and locall bounds of the other , should make but one Church , they did institute a Diocesan church . But those who so instituted a Church in Ci●y , Suburbs , Countrey that their number might bee compared fitly to one congregation , they did not therefore ordaine a Diocesan Church . Againe to the assumption . But those who use City by City , and Church by Church as equivalent ( which the Apostles doe ) they ordained that C●●y , Suburbs , and Count●y should make but one Chur●h . I answer by the like distinction . They who use City by City , people being taken for the whole multitude within the extent of these locall bounds , as equivalent with Church by Church , they may be said to have ordained that city , suburbs and territories , should make but one Church . But th●s the Apostles doe not use them , as of equall signification . For the City had a reason of an ample continent , the Church of a thing contained . These phrases are , the one proper , the other metonymicall , and are therefore to bee expounded the one by the other . Hee placed Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lest we should understand it of the multitude and locall bounds , it is said in the Acts of the Apostles that they placed them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Church by Church : because Presbyters were not given but to Disciples and Christians now converted ●ut of the multitude and locall limites wherewith cities were bounded . Secondly , there is an adaequate acception of these phrases per accidens , not because the citie and church was to make but one church , but because the Christians by occasion of their number , not being then too great , were framed into one church ; or because by occasion there was yet but one church , not because there was to be but one . Now hee who thus us●th them promiscuously , doth imply that one church was as yet constituted , not that there was to be but one through the circu●t of city , suburbs , and countrey . Thus likewise it is easi●y answered to the proofe of the proposition : For thus the multitude of citizens converted and unconverted , could not be a church of one congregation yet the number of those who in city , suburbs , and territories , were actually converted , was no more then might be ordered into one church and the Apostles framing these into one on the present occasion , did not exclude the after constituting of any other within the same locall bounds . To the second Argument : and first , the objection from the Nationall church of the Jewes . I answer , denying the assumption . That the Synagogues being many , made one church ; because they were all one Kingdome , one posses●ion . For thus there was one Oecumenicall church , when the world was under one Emperour , and of one profession . It is accidentall to the unity of a Church whether the kingdome be one or no. If Israel , when God had divided the kingdome into two , had gone up to Hierusalem , and kept there communion in the worship of that Church , they had still been one Church , though two Kingdomes . If here were as many Kings and Kingdomes as have beene in England , so many as should belong to one Provinciall Church , should bee one Church , though ma●y Kingdomes . The truth is , they were one Church , because they had union and Nationall communion in the ordinances of worships , which were in that one Church to which they all belonged . The high Priest was their proper Priest , hee made intercession for them , blessed them , they were not to offer any where , but there . If any thinke this cannot bee the cause , why there were one Church , under the governement of one high Priest , for then should Aaron have beene as well as M●lehisedeck , a type of Christs Kingly office . I answer there is Priestly Prelacy and governement , as well as Princely : Th●y were under Aaron in the former regard , in wh●ch h● was a sh●dow of Christ. To the second instance of Hierusalem ; we deny the proposition . It might be intended for a head and mother Church in regard of order , and yet not bee a Nationall Church having power over oth●rs : If it should have beene a head , having power accordingly , as it was a mother Church , it should have beene head to all the world . Secondly , wee deny the Assumption . Th●t the Apostles ever intended , that it should be a head to Christian Churches through Judea : as it had beene before under the High Priest. That constitution was typicall , and may better plead for an universall Christian Church , then for a Nationall . Secondly , there is not the least intimation of Scripture this way . Thirdly , had this D●vinity beene knowne , the Fathers would not have suffered , that it should have beene made a Diocesan church , and subjected to Caesarea . To the Prosillogisme . The Church which was so numbersome , that it could not meete ordinarily , could not bee a Parishionall Church . This was so . Ergo , &c. To the proposition I answer . That which was by inhabitants , who had fixum domicilium , so numbersome that it could not meete , I grant it . But so this was not ; by accident often many others were there in transitu . Secondly , nay wee read that they did meete ordinarily , as is above said , and in that deliberation about which the Church of Antioch did send to them , Irenaeu● affirmeth , l. 3. c. 12. Vniversam cam convenisse . Luke affirmeth the same . As for that of millions of beleevers , it is certaine , they were not fixed members of this Church . For would Luke , who reckoneth the growth of them to five thousand , have concealed so notable accessions , where by they s●y , they grew up to I know not how many thousands ; there is no likelihood . Whether therefore they were such beleevers as are mentioned , Iohn 2● or whether by reason of the Passeover , or Pentecost , or such like feast , they were in tran●tu , onely there for the present . How ever it is , there is no likelihood that they were constant members of that Church , Neverthelesse , say , they were more then could fitly meet , yet might they be tollerated as in one Congreg●tion . The Apostles seeing such times to ensue , wherein many of them should translate themselves , and be dispersed hither and thither . God letting it grow a while more ranke and aboundant then ordinary Churches are to be , because it was Ecclesiae surcularis , many of whose branches were to be transplanted in their time . Yea , had there beene five thousand setled members , we read of some ordinary Auditories , sp●ken to by ordinary Pastors , as great ; as Chrys●stome on Matth. 24. doth signifie , to his esteeme th●y might be five thousand that then heard his voyce . Touching the third instance , As to the first reason , The proposition is denyed : for naming the rest of Achaia with them , doth no more signifie the subjection of all Achaians , ther●in the 1 Corinth . 1.2 . naming all Saints in every place , doth signifie their subjection . The second reason , hath the sequell of the proposition denied : for the contrary is rather true . He who without any note of difference calleth the church of Corinth by the name of Achaia , he doth imply that it is but one particular church equall with the other churches in Achaia . To the third , the proposition is againe denied , That he that speaketh of all the churches as one , doth imply a metropolitan church . For by the first conclusion we may speake of things not onely as they are really , but according to any respect of reason , under which they are apprehended . Againe , the assumption is false : He speaketh not of them as one church , but as divers churches in one Province . But it is named and set before o●hers . Ergo. &c. The sequell is againe denied . For it may be named before other , because it is the most illustrious and conspicuous church ; but not because it hath any power over other . Finally , it is too grosse to thinke , that all in Achaia came to Corinth to be instructed and make their contributions , every church using the first day of the weeke when they assembled to make their collections within themselves . The fourth instance is Crete ; where the many churches in that Iland , so full of cities , are said to be one church of Crete , whereof Titus was Bishop . Those manifold churches which made but one , whereof Titus was Bishop , those were all one Nationall church . But the churches of Crete , as saith the subscription , were so . Ergo. Answ. The proposition might be questioned on the ground above : but the assumption is false : proved by a subscription , which is l●ke his proofe , which was brought out of the booke after the Revelation . For first they are not in the Syria●ke testament . Secondly , th●y are nor thought of Antiquity ancienter then Theodoret. Thirdly , the subscription is false , and most unlikely : For had Paul written from Nicopolis , he would have wished Titus to come to him to Nicopolis , where he was for the present , and meant to winter , rather th●n have spoken of it as a place from wh●ch he was absent , and whether he meant to repaire . The fifth instance . Phillip . 3. That church , which was in the chiefe citie of Macedonia , must needs be at least a Diocesan . But the church of Philippi was so . Ergo. This will prove an argument , when churches must needs be conformed to the civill regency of the Emperour : his foure chiefe Governours called praefecti praetorii , his presidents of Provinces under them , and inferiour Judges , and Magistrates , under these in one citie , and the regions of it . But this is an errour giving ground to a Patriarchall and Oecumenicall church , as well as a Provinciall and Diocesan . This rule of planting churches varieth at mans pleasure : For the Romane Provinces after the people of Rome gave up their right to the Emperour , were brought all into one , under one head and Monarch , and Provinces have beene diversly divided from time to time . From this Monarchie arose the Popes plea against the Greeke churches for his Oecumenicall soveraignty . What forme of churches must we have amongst them who never received any such government , nay any constant government at all . If I were a conformitant I should object otherwise for a Provinciall church in Philippi : viz thus . That church wh●ch had many B●shops in it could not be Parishionall nor Diocesan , but Provinciall . For the Provinciall church h●th ●he Metropolitan and Suffragan B●shops in it , and no other . But Philippi had so . Ergo. But the Proposition is true onely when it is understood of Diocesan Bishops , not of Parishionall B●shops . Paul writeth not to the Bishops in the church , but in the citie : Now ma●y Bishops are not in the Provinciall citie , though many are in a Provinciall church . Now to come to the churches of Asia . I answer to the proposition of the first Syllog . by distinction . One church may conteine others , as an example doth conteine in it a thing exemplified : or as a head Church doth Churches united in subjection to it . Those Churches which conteine all other in the latter sence , it is true , they were at least Diocesan : but in this sense the assumption is denyed . The same answer fitteth the Prosyllog . He that writing to these , writeth to all other by vertue of their subjectionall subordination , he doth imply that all others are conteined in these as member Churches under one head . But he who writing to these , writeth to all other as exemplified onely in them , he doth not imply any such thing . Now this is manifest , because he writeth to seven Churches : whereas this were superfluous , if Christ did intend his letter onely to head Churches conteyning other . For then five Churches should have beene written to onely , seeing in them all others were conteyned , as they say . For by law of this virtuall continency , Philadelphia and Thiatira were included in two of the other , viz. Sardis , and Pergamus , which were their mother cities . What needed he have named Philadelphia and Thyatira , which by law of this virtuall continency did intend to direct his letter onely to head Churches ? Againe , the assumption is false : For he doth write principally to the seven , and to all other Churches in Asia no further then he writeth to all the Churches in the world . There were other Churches in Asia , such as were Colosse , Hierapolis , Troas , the Church at Miletum , and Assos , which the Centuries mention , which depended not on those seven . If Colosse and Hierapolis were not , as L●odicaea , reedified when John did write the Revelation , yet these other Churches were not extant . Not to name Magnesia and Tralles , the independancy whereof is fully cleared whatsoever Doct. Downam objecteth . To the third reason ; from Christs manner of concluding his Epistles , it is answered by denying the assumption . For Christ doth not use the plurall number in respect of that one Church preceding , but in respect of the seven collectively taken , it being his will that the members of each singular Church should lay to heart both severally and joyntly , what ever was spoken to them and to others . Now to come to the Ecclesiasticall examples , as of Rome , and Alexandria , two hundred yeares after Christ. And first to answer the reason brought for their increase , such as could not keepe still in a Parishionall meeting . The proposition is not of necessary consequence ; for there were very extraordinary reasons of that which was effected in the Church of Jerusalem : From Christ himselfe , from the residence of all the Apostles ; from the state of the people there assembled ; from the state of that Church ; from the time in which these were done . Christ had prayed for them particularly , to which some attribute the first miraculous conversion by Peters preaching . Againe , it was fit , that being now ascended into his glory , he should there more aboundantly display his power , and more conspicuously swallow up the scandall of his crosse . Againe , this Church had the labour of all the Apostles for a time in it : whose care and industry we may guesse by their ordination of D●acons , that they might not be distracted . Thirdly , the confluence and concourse to H●erusalem was of much people , who though explicately they did not beleeve in Christ ; yet had in them the faith of the Messiah , and therefore were neerer to the kingdome of God then the common Heathen . The state of this Church was such , that it was to send out light to all other , a common nursery to the world . Finally , the time being now , the beginnings of planting that heavenly Kingdome , seeing beginnings of things are difficult , no wonder if the Lord did reveale his arme more extraordinarily . It doth not therefore follow from this particular , to the so great encreasing of these churches in tract of time , Nay , if these other Churches had enjoyed like increase in their beginnings , it would not follow , as thus . Those Churches which within a few yeares had thus many in them , how numbersome w●re they many yeares after ? Because the growing of things hath a Period set , after which , even those things which a great while encreased , doe decrease and goe downward , as it was in Jerusalem . Not to mention , that we deny the assumption . But though the Argument is but Topicall , and can but breed an opinion onely , yet the testimonies seeme irrefragable . Tertullian testifying that halfe the Citizens in Rome was Christians . And Cornelius , that there was besides himselfe , and 45. Presbyters , a number-some Clergie . I answer , That Tertullians speech seemeth to be somewhat Hyperbolicall : for who can beleeve that more then halfe the Citie , and world , after a sort , were Christians ? But he speaketh this , and truely in some regard , because they were so potent through the world , that if ●hey would have made head they might have troubled happily their per●ecutors . Or else ●he might s●y they were halfe of them Christians , not because there were so many members of the Church : ●ut because there were so many who did beare some favour to their cause , and were it as safe as otherwise , would not sticke to ●urne to them . But Tertullian knew no Churches which did not meet , having prayers , exhortations , and ministering all kindes of censures : If therefore there were more Churches in Rome in his time , it will make little for Diocesan Churches . Touching Cornelius : we answer . It is not unlike but auditories were divided and tended by Presbyteries . Cornelius keeping the Catherall Church , and being sole Bishop of them : but we deny that these made a Diocesan Church . For first , the Cathedrall and Parochiall Churches were all within the Citie , in which regard he is said , Officium Episcopi implevisse in civitate Romae . Neither was his Church as ample as the Province , which that of Foelicissimus sufficiently reacheth . Secondly , we say that these Parochiall churches , were to t●e mother church , as chappels of ease are to these churches in metrocomiis , they had communion with the mo●her church , going to the same for Sacraments and he●ring the Word , and the Bishop did goe out to them and preach amongst them Porsome of them were not su●h as had liberty of Baptizing , and therefore could not be severed from communion with the head Church . Now to answer further , it is beyond 200. yeares for which our defence is taken . For there is reason why people which had beene held toge●her for 200. yeares as a Congregat●on , might now fifty yeares after be exceedingly encreased . The Ecclesiasticall story noteth a most remarkeable increase of the faith , now in the time of Iulian before Cornelius . Nei●her must we thinke that an Emperour , as Philippus , favouring the faith , did not bring on multitudes to the like profession . Secondly , we● say , there is nothing in this of Corn●lius which may not well stand , that the Church of Rome , though now much increased , did not keepe together as one Church . For the whole people are said to have prayed and communicated with the repentant Bishop , who had ordeyned Novaetus : and we see how Cornelius doth amplifie Novae●us his pertinacie : From hence , that none of the numerous Clergie , nor yet of the people , very great and innumerable , could turne him , or recall him , which argueth that the Church was not so abo●ndant , but that all the members of it had union and communion , for the mutuall edifying and restoring one of another . And I would faine know , whether the seven Deacons , seven Subdeacons , two and forty Acolouthes , whether those exorcistes , L●ctors , Porters about two and fifty are so many , as might not be taken up in a Congregation of fifteene or twenty thousand ? Surely the time might well require them , when many were to be sent forth to doe some part of ministery more privately . Not to name the errour of the Church in superfluous multiplications of their Presbyters , to vilifying of them , as they were superfluous in the point of their Deacons . There were six●y in the church of S●phia for the helpe of the Liturgie . True it is , the Congregation could not but be exceeding great , and might well be called in a manner innumerable , though it were but of a twenty thousand people . But because of that which is reported touching division by Evaristus , Hyginus , Dionisius , and Marcellinus , though there is no authenticke authour for it ; neither is it likely in Hospinianus judgement . Let it be yeelded that th●re were some Parochiall divisions , they were not many , and within the Citie , and were but as Chappels of ease to the cathedrall or mother Church . Concerning the objection from the Churches of Belgia , or the low Countries , we deny the proposition : for we cannot reason thus : If many Masters , and distinct forme● of Schollers , in one free● Schoole , be but one Schoole : then many Masters and company of Schollers , severed in many Schooles , are but one Schoole . Secondly , they have communion in the community of their Teachers , though not in the same individuall word tended by them . But it is one thing , when sheepe feed together in one common Pasture , though ●hey bite not on the same individuall grasse : Another thing when now they are tended in diverse sheepe-gates . Not to urge , that in the Sacraments and Discipline , they may communicate as one Congregation . Touching the objection from Geneva : I answer to the proposition by distinction . Those who subject themselves to a Presbyterie , as not having power of governing themselves within themselves , as being under it by subordination , these may in effect , as well be subject to a Consistorie : But thus the twenty foure Churches of Geneva doe not . They or have power of governing themselves , but for greater edification , voluntarily confederate , not to use nor exercise their power , but with mutuall communication , one asking the counsell and consent of the other in that common Presbytery . Secondly , it is one thing , for Churches to subject themselves to a Bishop and Consistory , wherein th●y shall have no power of suffrage : Another thing to communicate with such a Presbytery , wherin themselves are members and Judges with others . Thirdly , say , they had no power , nor were no members in that Presbytery , yet it is one thing to submit themselves to the government of Aristocrasie , another to the Bishops Monarchicall government . For while his Presbyters are but as Counsellours to a King , though he consulteth with them , he alone governeth . Geneva made this consociation , not as if the Prime Churches were imperfect , and to make one Church by this union : but because though they were intire Churches , and had the power of Churches , yet they needed this support in exercising of it , and that by this meanes the Ministers and Seniors of it might have communion . But what are all the foure and twenty Churches of Geneva to one of our Diocesan Churches ? Now to answer the reasons . The first of them hath no part true : the proposition is denyed . For these Churches which had such Presbyters and Deacons as the Apostles instituted were Parishionall , that is , so conjoyned that they might and did meet in one Congregation . The Doctor did consider the slendernesse of some of our Parishes , and the numbersome Clergy of some Cathedrall Churches , but did not consider there may be Presbyteries much lesser , and Congregations ampler and fuller , and yet none so bigge as should require that multitude he imagineth , nor made so little as might not have Presbyters and Deacons . What though such Maior and Aldermen as are in London cannot be had in every Towne , yet such a Towne as Cambridge may have a Maior and Aldermen as Cambridge aff●ords , and the meanest market Towne may have , though not in deg●ee , yet in kinde like Governours . So is it in Presbyters and other Officers : the multitude of Presbyters falling forth per accidens , not that a Bishop is ever to have a l●ke numbe●some Presbyterie , but because the Church is so numbe●some that actions liturgicall require more copious assistance , and so wealthy that it can well maintaine them . And beside , because of that Collegiate reason which was in them rather then Ecclesiasticall , which the fathers had in their Presbyteries ; for the nursing of plants , which might be transplanted for supply of vacant Churches , which was a point that the Apostles in planting Churches no whit intended . To come to the assumption : But city Churches onely had a Bishop with Presbyters and Deacons . Answer , First , not to stand upon this , that Saint Paul set no Bishops with Presbyters , but Presbyters onely , and they say Bishops were given , when the Presbyters had brought the Church to bee more numbersome , the assumption is false , that Citie Churches onely had them . For the Scripture saith , they planted them Church by Church , that is , through every Church . Then every Church had her Governours within her selfe , wee must use as ample interpretations as may be . Contrarily , the sense which arrogateth this to one from the rest wee cannot without evidence receive it , in ambitiosis restricta interpretatio adhibenda est . Eclesia doth not signifie any Church without difference , Parishionall , D●ocesan , or Provinciall ; but onely a company orderly assembling , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Such a company therefore as congregate decently to sacred purposes is a Church by translation . Besides the indefinite is equivalent to the universall , as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now their interpretation beggeth everything without any ground . For when Presbyters may be taken but there wa●es : divisim , conjuct●m , and divisim , and conjunctim : divisim one Presbyter in one , another in another , conjunctim , diverse Presbyters in every Church , neither of these will serve their turne , the latter onely being true : for Scripture making two kinds of Presbyters , without which the Church cannot be governed , it is sure it did give of both kinds to every Church they p●anted , Now they seeing some Churches in our times to have many , and some one conster it both waies Collective , many Presbyters , & Singularly , one here , and one there , and because many Presbyters cannot be thu● placed in our frame of Churches , imagine the Church to containe Parochiall and Diocesan Churches . But they will not seeme to speake without reason ; the Scripture say they placed City by City Presbyters , and therefore in such Churches as occupied Citie , Suburbes , and Countrey , which Parishionall ones doe not . But may not a Church of one Congregation be in a Citie , without occupying limits of Citie , Suburbes , and Countrey ? and if Presbyters be placed in such a Church , may they not bee said to be placed in Cities ? Indeed if the Presbyters placed in Cities were given to all the people within such bounds ; the case were other ; but the citie is not literally thus to be understood , but metonymically for the Church in the Citie . Neither was the Church in the city , all within such bounds ; for the Saints of a place and Church of a place , are all one in the Apostles phrase of speech . As for that which is objected from Ecclesiasticall history , it is true , that in processe of time , the Bishop onely had a company of Presbyters . Before , Churches kept in one Congregation and had all their Presbyters . Churches should so have afterward beene divided , that all should have beene alike for kinde , though in circumstantiall excellency some were before other . What a grosse thing is it to imagine , that the first frame the Apostles did erect was not for posterity to imitate ? A sitter example then to take out of the custome of Metropoles , who sending out there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Colonies , doe use to reserve some cases in civil jurisdiction over them , which the state of later Churches did expresse . THE SECOND QVESTION , WHETHER CHRIST ORDAINED by himselfe , or by his Apostles , any ordinary Pastor , as our Bishops , having both precedency of order , and majority of power above others . WEE will follow the same method : First , setting downe the arguments for it , with answers to them : Secondly , the arguments ag●inst it . Thirdly , lay downe conclusions . The arguments for it are : First , taken from Scripture : secondly , from practise of the Churches : thirdly , from reason evincing the necessity of it . The fi●st Argument . Those whom the holy Ghost instituted , they are of Christs ordaining . But the holy Ghost is said to have placed Bishops , Acts 20. Ergo , B●shops are of Christs ordaining . Answer . We deny the assumption : viz. That those Presbyters of Ephesus were Diocesan Bishops . It is most plaine they were such who did Communi consilio tend the feeding and government of the Church ; such Bishops whereof there might be more then one in one congregation . The common glosse referreth to this place that of Ierom : that at first Presbyters did by common councell governe the Churches . Yea , Doct. Downam doth count Ephesus as yet to have had no Bishop , who was sent unto them after Pauls being at Rome , as he thinketh . And others defending the Hierarchie , who thinke him to have spoken to Bishops , doe judge that these words belong not to the Presbyters of Ephesus , but are spoken in regard of others together then present with them , to wit , of Timothy , Sosipater , Tychicus , who , say they , were three Bishops indeed ; but that he speaketh of these who indeed were in company , is quite besides the text . The second Argument . Such Pastors as the seven Angels , Christ ordained . But such were Diocesan Bishop● . Ergo. The assumption proved . Those who were of singular preheminency amongst other Pastors , and had corrective power over all others in their Churches , they were Diocesan bishops . But the Angels were singular persons in every Church , having Ecclesi●sticall preheminence and superiority of power . E●go , they were Diocesan bishops . The assumption is proved . Those who were shadowed by seven singular Starres , were seven singular persons . But the Angels were so . Ergo. Againe , Those to whom onely Christ did write , who onely bare the praise , dispraise , threatning , in regard of what was in th● Church amisse , or otherwise : they had Majority of power above others . But these Angels are written to onely , they are onely praised , dispraised , threatned . Ergo. &c. Answ. 1. In the two first syllogismes the assumption is denyed . Secondly , in the first Prosyllogisme the consequence of the pr●position is denied , That they must needs be seven singular persons . For seven singular starres may signifie seven Vnites , whether singular or aggregative : seven pluralities of persons who are so united as if they were one . And it is frequent in Scripture to note by a unity , a united multitude . Thirdly , the consequence of the proposition of the last prosyllogisme is denyed . For though we should suppose singular persons written to , yet a preheminency in order and greater authority , without majority of power , is reason enough why they should be written to singularly , and blamed , or praised above other . Thus the Master of a Colledge , though he have no negative voyce , might be written to , and blamed for the misdemeanours of his Colledge , not that he hath a power over-ruling all : but because such is his dignity , that did he doe his endeavour in dealing with , and perswading others , there is no disorder which he might not see redressed . Fourthly , againe the assumption may be denyed : That they are onely written to . For though they are onely named , yet the whole Churches are written to in them ; the supereminent member of the Church by a Synecdoche put for the whole Church . For it was the custome in the Apostles times , and long after , that not any singular persons , but the whole Churches were written unto , as in Pauls Epistles is manifest , and in many examples Ecclesiasticall . And that this was done by Christ here , the Epiphonemaes testifie . Let every one beare what the spirit speaketh to the Churches . The third Argument . Those whom the Apostles ordained , were of Apostolicall institution . But they ordained Bishops . Ergo. The assumption is proved by induction . First , th●y ordained Iames Bishop of Jerusalem presently after Christs ascention . Ergo. they ordained Bishops . This is testified by Eusebius , lib. 2. Histo. cap. 1. out of Cl●ment and Hegesippus : yea , that the Church he sate in was reserved to his time , lib. 7. cap. 19. & 32. This our owne author Ierom testifieth , Catalog . Script . Epiph. ad haer . 66. Chrysost. in Act. 3. & 33. Amb●os . in Galath . 1.9 . Doroth●us in Synopsis . Aug. contra C●es . lib. 2. cap. 37. the generall Councell of Const. in Trull . cap. 32. For though hee could not receive power of order , yet they might g●ve him power of jurisdiction , and assig●e him his Church . So th●t though he were an Apostle , yet having a singular assignation , and staying here till death , he might justly be called the B●shop , as indeed he was . If he were not the Pastor , whom had ●hey fo● the●r Pastor ? Secondly , those ordinary Pastors who were called Apostles of Churches in comparison of other Bishops and Presbyters ; they were in order and majority of power before other . But Epaphroditus was the Apostle of the Philippians , though they had o●her called Bishops . Chap. 1.4 Ergo. The assumption ; that he is so called as their eminent Pastor , is manifest by authorities . Ierom. in Phil. 2. T●erd . and Ch●y●ost . on the same place . Neither is it like this sacred appropriate name should bee given to any in regard of meere sending hither or thi●her . Yea this , that he was sent , did argue him there Bishop : for when th● Churches had to send any where they did usually intreate their Bishops . Thirdly , Archippus they instituted at Colosse . Ergo. Fourthly , Timothy and ●itus were instituted Bishops , the one of Ephesus , the other of Crete . Ergo. The Antecedent is proved thus . That which is presupposed in their Epistles , is true . But it is presupposed that they w●re Bishops in these Churches . Ergo . The assumption proved . Those whom the Epistles presuppose to have had Ep●s●opall authority given them to bee exercised in those Church●s , th●y are presupposed to have beene ordained bishops there . But the Epistles presuppose them to have had Episcopall authority given them to be exercised in those Churches . Ergo. The assumption proved . 1. If the Epistles written to Timothy and Titus , bee patternes of the Episcopall function , informing them , and in them all bishops , then they were bishops . But they are so . Ergo. 2 Againe , whosoever prescribing to Timothy and Titus their duties as governours in these Churches , doth prescribe the very dutie of bishops , hee doth presuppose them bishops . But Paul doth so : For what is the office of a bishop beside teaching , but to ordaine and governe : and govern● with ●ingularity of preheminence , and majority of power in comparison of other . Now these are the things which they have in charge , Tit. 1.5 . 1 Tim. 5.22 . 1 Tim. 1.3.11 . 2 Tim. 2.16 . Ergo. 3. Those things which were written to informe not onely Timothy and Titus , but in them all their successours who were Diocesan Bishops , those were written to Diocesan ▪ bishops . But these were so . Ergo , to Diocesan b●shops . Now that Dioc●san bishops were their successours , is proved . 1. Either they , or Presbyters , or Congregations . Not the latter . 2. Againe , Those who did su●ceed them were their successours . But Diocesan bishops did . Ergo. The assumption is manifest by authorities . In Ephesus from Timothy to Stephanus in the Counsell of Chalcedon . And in Crete , though no one is read to have succeeded , yet there were bishops Diocesan . And we read of Phillip bishop of Gor●i●a the Metropolis . 4. Those who were ordinarily resident , and lived and died at these Chur●hes , were there bishops . But Timothy was bid abide here , Titus to stay to correct all things , and they lived and died here . For Timothy it is testified by H●gisippus , and Clement and Eusebius out of them , whom so refuse to believe , deserve t●emselves no beliefe . Ergo , they were there bishops . Againe , Jerom. in Cat. Isidorus de vita & morre Sanct. Antonius par . 1. Tit. 6. cap. 28. Niceph. lib. 10. Cap. 11. these doe depose , that they lived and died there . Further , to prove them bishops . 5. Their function was Evangelicall and extraordinary , or ordinary ; not the first , ●h●t was to end . For their function as assigned to these Churches , and consisting especially in ordaining and jurisdiction , was not to end . Ergo. Assumption proved . That function which was necess●●y to the being of the Church , was not to end . But the funct●ō●h●y had as being assigned to certaine Ch●rches , is necessary to the be●ng of the Church , Ergo , &c. 6. Finally , that Antiquity testifieth , agreeing with Scripture , is true . But they testifie that they were bishops , which the subscriptions of the Epistles also affirme . Ergo. Eusebius Lib. 5. Cap. 4. D●●nis . Areopag . Doroth. in Synopsi . Amb●ose p●oe●n . in 1. Tim. 1. Jerom. 1. Tim. 1.14 . 2. Tim. 4. in Catalo . Chrysostom . in Philip. 1. Epiph. in Haer. 5 Prïmas . prefat . in 1. Tim , 1.1 . Theod. praefat . in Tit. O●cum . Sedulius . 1. Timoth. 1. as it is said in the booke of histories . Greg. L●b . 2. Cap. 12. Theoph. in Ephes. 4. Niceph. lib. 2. Cap. 34. Answer . We deny the assumption of the first Syllogisme , with all the instances brought to prove it . F●●st , for Iame● , we deny he was ordained bishop , or that it can be proved from antiquity , that he was more then other Apostles . That which Eusebius reporteth , is grounded on Clement , whom wee know to be a forged magni●ier of Romish orders , and in this story he doth seeme to imply , that Christ should have ordeyned Peter , Iohn and Iames the greater Bishops . Seeing he maketh these to have ordeyned Iames after they had got of Christ the supreme degree of dignity , which these forged deceitfull Epistles of Anacletus doe plainely affirme . Secondly , as the ground is suspected ; so the phrase of the Fathers , Calling him the Bishop of that Church , doth not imply that he was a B●shop properly so called . The Fathers use the words of Apostoli and Episcopi amply , not in their strict and formall propriety . Ierom on the first to the Galathians , and in his Epistle to Damasus , affirmeth , that the Prophets and Iohn the Bishop might be called Apostles . So many Fathers call Phillip an Apostle . Clem. 5. Consi . cap. 7. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. ul● . Tertul. de Bapt. cap. 8. and others . In like manner they call the Apostles Bishops ; not in propriety of speech , but because they did such things as Bishops doe , and in remaining here or there made resemblance of them . Thus Peter , Paul , Iohn , Barnabas , and all the rest , are by he Ancients called Bishops . Object . This is granted true , touching others , but not in this instance of Iames : because it is so likely and agreeable to Scripture , a● well as all other Story ; that when all the rest of the Apostles departed out of Jerusalem , Iohn the Baptist did still abide with them even to death . Answer . Though this be but very conjecturall , yet it nothing bettereth the cause here . It followeth not , He did abide with this Church . Ergo , he was the proper Bishop of this Church . For not abiding in one Church doth m●ke a Bishop : but he must so abide in it , that he must from the power of his office , onely be bound to teach that Chu●ch : secondly , to teach it as an ordinary Pastor of it : thirdly , to governe it with a power of jurisdiction , limited onely to that Church . But Iames was bound to the rest of the Circumc●sion by his office , as they should from all the world resort thither . Secondly , he did not teach but as an Embassadour extraordinarily sent from Christ , and infallibly led by his Spirit into all truth . Ergo , not as an ordinary Bishop . Thirdly , as the rest in what Provinces soever they rested , had not their jurisdiction diminished , but had power occasionally , as well where they were not , as where they were ; so it was with Iames. This might happily make the phrase to be more sounded out of Iames , that he did in this circumstance of residing , more neerely expresse an ordinary Pastor then any other . It is plaine , Antiquity did hold them all Bishops , and gather them so to be , a Priari & Post●riori : the Author de quaest . vet . & nov . t●st . cap. 97. Nemo ignorat Episcopus salvatorem Ecclesiis institius●e p●●usquam escenderet : imponens manus Apostolis , ordinavit eos in Episcopus . Neither did they thinke them Bishops because they received a limited jurisdiction of any Church ; but because they were enabled to doe all those things which none but Bishops could regularly doe . Oecum . cap. 22. in Act. It is to bee noted , faith hee , tha● Paul and Barnabas had the dignity of Bishops : for they did not make Bishops onely , but Presbyters also . Now wee must conster the ancient , as taking them onely eminently and virtually to have been Bishops , or else wee must judge them to have been of this minde , That the Apostles had both as extraordinarie Legats , most ample power of teaching and governing suting thereto , as also the ordinary office of Bishops and Pastors , with power of teaching and governing , such as doe essentially and ministerially agree to them : which indeed Doctor Downam himselfe confuteth , as Popish , and not without reason , though while hee doth strive to have Iames both an Apostle and a Bishop properly , himselfe doth confirme it not a little . Wherefore it will not be unprofitable to shew some reasons why the Apostles neither were nor might be in both these callings . First , That which might make us doubt of all their teaching , and writing , is to bee hiffed forth as a most dangerous assertion . But to make Iames , and so any of them , have both these offices in proprietie , might make us doubt . Ergo. The assumption proved thus . That which doth set them in office of teaching liable to errour , when they teach from one office , as well as infallibly directed with a rule of infallible discerning , when they teach from the other , that doth make us subject to doubting in all they teach and write . But this opinion doth so . Ergo. The proposition is , for ought I see , of necessarie truth , the assu●ption no lesse true . For if there bee any rule to direct Iames infallibly , as hee was formally the ordinary bishop of Jerusalem , let us heare it : if there were none , may not I question , whether all his teaching and writing were not subject to errour ? For if hee taught them as an ordinarie bishop , and did write his Epistle so , then certainly it might erre . If he did not teach them so , then did hee not that hee was ordained to , neither was hee properly an ordinary Pastor , but taught as an extraordinarie Embassadour from Christ. Secondly , Those offices which cannot bee exercised by one , but the one must expell the other , were never by God conjoyned in one person . But these doe so . Ergo. The assumption is manifest . Because it is plaine , none can be called to teach as a Legat extraordinarie , with infallible assistance , and unlimited jurisdiction , but he is made uncapable of being bound to one Church , teaching as an ordinary person , with jurisdiction limited to that one Church . Againe , one can no sooner bee called to doe this , but at least the exercise of the other is suspended . Thirdly , that which is to no end , is not to bee thought to bee ordained of God. But to give one an ordinarie authority whereby to doe this or that in a Church , who had a higher and more excellent power of office , whereby to doe those same things in the same Church , is to no end . Ergo. Object . But it will be denied that any other power of order , or to teach and administer sacraments was given , then that he had as an Apostle : but onely jurisdiction or right to this Church as his Church . Answer . To this I reply , first , that if hee had no new power of order , he could not be an ordinary Bishop properly and formally so called . Secondly , I say power of governing ordinary was not needfull for him who had power as an Apostle in any Church where hee should come . Object . But it was not in vaine , that by assignation hee should have right to reside in this Church as his Church . Answer . If by the mutuall agreement in which th●y were guided by the spirit , it was thought meere , that Iames should abide in Jerusalem , there tending bo●h the Church of the Jewes , and the whole circumcision , as they by occasion resorted thither , then by vertue of his Apostleship hee had no lesse right to tend those of the circumcision by residing here , then the other had right to doe the same in the Provinces through which they walked . But they did thinke it meete that hee should there tend that Church , and with that Church all the Circumcision , as they occasionally resorted thereto . Ergo. For though hee was assigned to reside there , y●t his Apostolicke Pastorall care was as Iohns and Peters , towards the whole multitude of the dispersed Jewes , Galath . 2. Now if it were assigned to him for his abode , as hee was an Apostolicke Pastor , what did hee need assignation under any other title . Nay he could not have it otherwise assigned , unlesse wee make him to sustaine another person , viz. of an ordinary Pastor , which hee could not bee who did receive no such power of order as ordinary Pastors h●ve . Fourthly ▪ that calling which hee could not exercise without being much abased , that hee never was ordained unto , as a point of honour for him . But he could not exercise the calling of an ordinary B●shop , but hee must bee abased . Hee must bee bound by office to meddle with authority and jurisdiction but in one Church , hee must teach as an ordinary man liable to errour . Ergo , hee was never ordained to bee a Bish●p properly . If it bee sacriledge to reduce a Bishop to the degree of a Presbyter , what is it to bring an Apostle to the degree of a Bishop ? True it is , hee might have beene assigned to reside constantly in that Church without travelling , and be no whit abased : but then he must keepe there a Pastor of it with Apostolicall authority , caring not for that Church , but the whole number of the Jewes , which hee might doe without travelling . Because who so keeped in that Church , hee did neede to goe for●h as the rest ; for the Jewes from all parts come to him . But he could not make his abide in it as an ordinary teacher and governour , without becomming many degrees lower then hee was . For to live without goi●g for●h , in the mother Church of all the world , as an ordinary Pa●tor , was much lesse honour then to travaile as Peter one while into Assyria , another while through Pontus , Galatia , Bithinia , as an Apostle . Even as to sit at home in worshipfull private place is lesse honourable then to goe abroad as Lord Embassadour ●ither or thither . Honour and ease are seldome bed-fellowes . Neither was Iames his honour in this circumstance of the rest , but in having such an honourable place wherein to exercise his Apostolicke calling . As for that question , who was their ordinary Pastor , it is easily answered . Their Presbyters , such as Linus , or Clemens in Rome , such as Ephesus and other Churches had . Iames was their Pastor also , but with extraordinary authority . What needed they an ordinary Bishop , which grew needfull ( as the favourers of the Hierarchy say ) to supply the absence of Apostles , when now they were to decease ? What needed then here an ordinary Bishop where the Apostles were joyntly to keepe twelve yeares together , and one to reside during his life , according to the current of the story ? Thus much about the first instance . To the second instance of Epaphroditus , and the argument drawen from it . First , we deny the p●oposition . For had some ordinary Pastors beene so stiled , it might imply but a preheminencie of dignity in them above other : wherefore unlesse this be inter●erted , it is unsound , viz. Those ordinary Pastors , who are called Apostles in comparison of others , because the Apostles did give to them power of ordination , jurisdiction , and peerelesse preheminency , which they did not give to others , they are above others . Secondly , the Assumption is false altogether : First , th●t Epaphroditus was an ordinary Pastor : Secondly , that hee was called an Apostle in comparison of inferiour Pastors of that Church . Obi. But the judgement of Ierom , Theodoret , Chrysostome , is that he was . Answ. The common judgement is , that he was an egregious teacher of theirs , but further then this , many of the testimonies doe not depose . Now so he might be : for he was an Evangelist , and one who had visited and laboured among them and therefore might be called their teacher , yea an egregious teacher , or Doctor of them . Nay , Saint Ambrose doth plainely insinuate , that he was an Evangelist : for he saith he was made their Apostle by the Apostle , while he sent him to exhort them , and because he was a good man , he was desired of the people . Where hee mak●th him sent , not for perpetuall residence amongst them , but for the ●ransunt exhorting of them , and maketh him so desired of the Philippians , because hee was a good man , not because hee was their ordinary Pastor . Ieroms testimony on this place doth not evince . For the name of Apostles and Doctors is largely taken , and as appliable to one , who as an Evangelist did instruct them , as to any other . Th●●d . doth plainly take him to have been as their ordinarie bishop , but no otherwise then Timothy and Titus , and other Evangelists are said to have been bishops : which how true it is , in the next argument shall bee discussed . For even Theodoret doth take him to have beene such an Apostolicke person as Timothy and Titus were . Now these were as truly called bishops as the Apostles themselves . Neither is the rule of Theodore● to bee admitted : for it is unlike that the name of Apostle should bee communicated then with ordinarie Pastors , where now there was danger of confounding those eminent Ministers of Christ , with others , and when now the Apostles were deceased , that then it should cease to bee ascribed to them . Againe , how shall wee know that a bishop is to bee placed in a Citie , that hee must bee a person thus and thus ( according to Pauls Canons ) qualified : all is voided , and made not to belong to a bishop . For those who are called bishops , were Presbyters and no bishops , bishops being then to be understood onely u●der the name of Apostles and Angels . Thirdly , antiquity doth testifie , that this was an honour to bishops , when this name was Ecclesiastically appropriated to them . But if they ever had been tea●med by the name of Apostles before , this had been a debasing of them . Neither is there reason why they should bee called Apostles . In jurisdiction Apostolicall the Apostles were not succeeded . Jurisdiction Episcopall they never exercised , nor had , and therefore could not bee succeeded in it . The Apostles gave to Presbyters tha● which Christ gave them out of his power ; even the power of ordinary government . They are bid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feed as well by government as doctrine . They are bid not to play the Lords over the flock . What feare of tyranny where there is no power of government ? But lay authorities aside , consider the thing from the text it selfe . First , Paul seemeth but occasionally to send him , hee having purposed to have sent Timothy , who as yet could not bee imployed . I thought it necessary to send Spa●br●dit us to you . Secondly , hee doth imply , that Epaphraditus had not returned to them , but that hee sent him ; and that therefore hee was not the ordinary bishop of it . It is like , hee was but sent till Timothy might bee dispatched to them . Neither is it anything probable he should bee called an Apostle , as their ordinary and eminent Pastor . In the Scriptures , none are said to be Apostles further then they are in habitude to some sending them . Now this is undoubted , the Philippians had sent him to Paul. It is then most probable when he is ●●lled their Apostle , it is in regard he was sent by them , which the Apostle pointeth at in the next words , who hath ministred to me the things ●e●dfull which you sent by him . Object . But it is unlikely that this word appropriated to the Twelve , should be used of those sent civilie . Not so , for while the persons sending are signified , they are sufficiently contradistinguished ; it being the Priviledge of the Apostles , that they were the Apostles of Christ J●sus , not simply that they were Apostles . Secondly , Iohn 13. It is made common to all that are sent . For though Christ meane it of himselfe , yet he implies it by a discourse , a genere ad speciem . Thirdly , we see the like phrase , 2 Cor. 8 The Apostles of the Churches . For Chrysost●me there understandeth those whom the Churches had sent for that present . That doth not hinder , they were by Paul to the Churches , therefore the churches might not send them with their contributions . Neither is this an argument that he was their bishop , because their church sent him : for they sent Apostles themselves and Evangelists also more ordinarily , it being their office to goe from church to church , for the edification of them . For the instance of Archipus I finde it not urged . Now to come to the last instances of Timotheus and Titus . First , we deny the Antecedent , that they were instituted bishops by Paul. And in the first presillogisme we deny the Assumption : that the Epistles doe presuppose so much . And to the prosillogisme , tending to prove this assertion denyed , we answer : first , to the propo●ition , by distinguishing the Episcopall authority , which is considered both in regard of that which is materiall , and in regard of the formall reason which doth agree to it . The Proposition is true , understanding it of authority in both these regards ; those who are presupposed to have had authority Episcopall given them , both for the substance of it , and the formall reason which doth agree to it in an ordinary bishop , they are presupposed bishops : but this is denyed . For they are presupposed to have and exercise power Episcopall for the materiall of it , as Apostles had also ; but not to have and exercise in that manner and formallity which doth agree to a Bishop , but which doth agree to an Evangelist , and therefore they are bidden to doe the worke of an Evangelist , to exercise all that power ●hey did exercise as Evangelists . There is nothing that Paul writeth 〈◊〉 Timothy to doe in Ephesus , or to Titus Cr●te , which himselfe present in person might not and would not have done . If wee should reason then thus : Hee who did exercise Episcopall power in these churches , he is presupposed to have beene bishop in them . This proposition is not true , but with limitation : Hee who exercised Episcopall power after that formall manner , which doth agree to the office of a Bishop , hee was Bishop ; but not ●ee who exerciseth the power secundum aliam rationem & modum : viz. after such a manner at doth agree to an Apostle . To the second maine proofe , wee deny the proposition . If patternes for Bishops , then written to Bishops . The reason is , Apostles , Evangelists , ordinary Pastors , have many things common in their administration . Hence is it , that the example of the one may be a patterne to another , though they are not identically and formally of one calling . Councells have enjoyned all Presbyters to be well seene in these Epistles , as being patternes for them , Vide Aug. De doctrin . Christ. cap. 16. lib. 4. To the third reason . Who so prescribing them their duties doth propose the very duties of Bishops , bee doth take them to have beene Bishops . The Proposition is not true without a double limitation . If the Apostle should propose such duties of Bishops as they in later times usurped , he doth not therefore presuppose them bishops , because th●se are duties of Evangelists , agreeing to bishops onely by usurpation . Againe , should he propose those duties which , say they , the w●ord doth ascribe and appropriate to bishops , yet if he doe not prescribe them as well in regard of matter as forme exercised by them , it will not follow that he doth take them for bishops : not that Paul doth purpose the very duties of bishops , both in substance and manner of performance . Secondly , we deny him to purpose for substance the duties of bishops . For hee doth not bid him ordaine , as having a further sacramentall power then other Ministers , nor governe with power directive and corrective over others . This exceedeth the bounds of all ministeriall power . Thirdly , Timothy is not bid to lay on hands or doe any other act , when now churches were constituted , but with concurrence of those churches ; salv● uni useuiusque Ecclesiae iure , the Apostles did not otherwise . For thoug● Paul wrote to him alone , that was because he was occupied not onely in churches perfectly framed , but also in the erecting and framin● of oth●rs . Secondly , because they were in degree and dignity abov● all other ordinar● governours of the Church , which their Cons●● like preheminencye was sufficient , why they should be written alone . To the fourth reason : Those things which were written to inform not onely Timothy and Titus , but all their successours , who were Dioces● Bishops , thosewere written to Diocesan Bishops . But these were so , E●● The Proposition is not true , because it presupposeth that noth●●● written to any persons , can informe Diocesan bishops , unlesse 〈◊〉 persons to whom it is , written be formally in that selfe same ord●● For if one Apostle should write to another touching the duty Ap●stolique , it might informe any Doctor or Pastor wh●tsoever . Seco●ly , wee deny Diocesan bishops are ( de jure ) successours . As for equivocall Catalogue which maketh all who are read bishops to have beene Diocesan , we shall speake of them hereafter . The bishops betweene Timothy and Stephanus in the time of the Chalcedon Councell , were not all of one cut : and there are no churches read in Crete which were not Congregations . Ther● is no more to prove Phillip of Gortina a Metropolitan , then to prove Ignatius Metropolitan of Syria . For what doth story relate , but that Phillip was amongst other a bishop of those Churches which were in Crete . There are many Churches in England , a Minister of which Churches is such an one , that is one Minister amongst others of those Churches . To that of their residing there and dying in these Churches . First , the proposition is not necessary . For as Iames might reside exercising an Apostolicall inspection in a particular Church , so might these exerc●se an Evangelicall function how long soever they resided . Secondly , the assumption will not bee found true for ordinary constant residence neither in Scripture nor fathers . For Timothy , though he be exhorted to stay at Ephesus , yet this doth not argue it , that he was enjoyned ordinary residence . For first it was a signe he was not bishop , because Paul did exhort him , for he would well have knowne , he might not , being their ordinary Pastor leave them , further then the more important good of the Church should occasion . 2. He is bid to stay there , not finally , but till the Apostle should come to him , which though he might be delayed , it is plaine he then intended . So Titus is placed in Crete , not to stay there , and set downe his rest , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , further to set , as it were , and exedisie the fabricke , which Paul had begun . God gave Ceremonies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not ever a correcting of any thing amisse , but a setling every thing right , by erecting the substance foreshadowed . But say it were correcting , it were but such a correction as one might performe in transitu , with a little longer stay , though not ordinary residence . By Scripture the contrary is manifest . For first , it is not like that Timothy was placed bishop after Pauls being at Rome ; for when Paul saith he prayed him , when now hee was going to Macedonia , to stay at Ephesus , he doth intimate that when hee left him they were there both together . Secondly , when he wished him to abide there , hee had a meaning to come unto Timothy th●ther where he left him , so as at least to call on him , and see the Church . But Paul after his parting from the Presbyters knew he should never see the Ephesians more . Act. 20. If wee say he doth foretell it for likely , so we may say , that of wolves a●ising was , and call all into question . Neither is it likely , but that teares would have broke his heart , and made h●m yeeld in the p●remptories of his speech , had not his soule beene divinely perswaded . Thirdly , he had no meaning when he left them to constitute Timothy to be their Bishop : for he would not have omitted sue h●a● argument of consolation to hearts so heavy . Not he doth not mention any such purpose when he did write to them his Epistle . Hee telleth Churches usually when himselfe hath meaning to see them , or to send others . Fourthly , Timothy was with Paul while hee was in bonds at Rome , as witnesse those inscriptions of the Epistles to the C●ll●●●ins and Philippians ; yea Timothy was so with him , as to bee imployed by him , sent forth , and returne to him , which is manifest . Philip. 2. If he were after this placed in Ephesus , yet he was not placed to be resident , for in the end of the Epistle , he doth bid Timothy come to him , and bring Mark● , that they might minister to him . Againe when hee did write the 2. Epistle , Timothy was not Ephesus , for he doth bid him salute Aquila and Priscilla and Onesiphor●● . Object . But is like these were at Ephesus , for there Paul left Aquila and Priscilla . They came occasionally , they did not fi●e there , which Chrysostome also judgeth . And the house of Onesiphorus , Bernard taketh it , was at Iconium in Lycaonia , so that it is like he was in his native countrey at this time , even Iconium , Listra , Derbe , which happily is the cause why the Scholasticall story doth make him Bishop of Lystra , because hither he was last sen● . He was so here , as that the Apostle did but send him to see them , for hee biddeth him come b●fore winter . Besides , there are many probalities he was not at Ephesus , for he speaketh of it through the Epistle , as a place now remote from him . Thou knowest what Onesiph●rus did for mee at Ephesus , not where now thou art . I have sent Tychius to Ephesus , not to thee , to supply thy place while thou shalt bee absent . Finally , after Paules death hee did not returne to Ephesus , but by common consent went to Iohn the Apostle , and very little before his death came to Ephesus , if ever . As for the : Fathers therefore in this point , if they testifie ordinary residence , which they doe not , wee have liberty to renounce them ; but they testifie onely that he remained in that Church , because his stay was longer there then Evangelists did use to make , and he is thought to have suffered martyrdome there . So for Titus , when Paul sent him to Crete to doe that worke is uncertaine ; but this is certaine , it was before his writing to the Corinths the second time , and going to Rome . This likewise that Paul was then in travelling , and as it is like being in the parts of Macedonia did mean to winter at Nicopolis . When he did write the Epistle he doth shew it was not his meaning that Titus should stay there , for hee doth bid him to meete him at Nicopolis , where he meant to be as it is likely , but Titus comming did not meete him there , but at length fo●nd him in Macedonia , whence Paul did send him to the Corinthians , thanking God for his promptnesse even of his owne ●●cord to be imployed amongst them , 2 Cor. 8.16 . which doth shew he had not beene made an ordinary bishop any where . We find that he did accompany Paul at Rome , 2 Tim. 4.10 . and when Paul writ his second Epistle to Timothy , he was in Dal●atia . Whence Aquina● doth thinke him to have beene bishop of that place . Wherefore wee thinke him that will bee carried from such presumptions , ( yea manifest arguments ) by Hegesippus , Clemens , and history grounded on them , to be too much affected to so weake authors , and wish not credit with him , who counts him unworthy credit , that will not sweare what such men depose . Touching the proofe that followeth , That either function was Evangelisticall and extraordinary , or ordinary . But their function as assigned to those Church●s was not extraordinary . We deny this assumption , with the proofe of it . That the function that these exercised as assigned to certaine Churches ( these two by name ) was necessary to the being of the Church . The reason is , because they were assigned to doe those things which are to be done for ever in the church after a more transcendent manner ; viz. as Evangelists ; and assignation of them to doe those things in certaine Churches after this manner , was not necessary to perpetuate the being of the Church . Assignation to churches to doe the worke of ordinary Pastors is indeed necessary : no● assignation to doe the worke of Evangelists . To that finall reason , what antiquity doth testifie agreeing with Scriptures is true , and so to be ●aken . What they speake so agreeing , that it is virtually conteined in them , and may rightly be deduced from them , is to bee beleived and received by a divine faith . But what they speake not plainely contradicted , but yet no way included , may be adm●tted side human● , if the first relators be well qualified witnesses . But what they speake from such as Clement and Hegesippus , it is is in effect of light credulity . A corrupt conscience bent to decline is glad of every colour which it may pretend to justifie it selfe in declining . To the assumptiō we answer . What do not some ancient enough cal Timothy ? Ambrose saith he was a Deacon one while , a Presbyter another while , & in like sense others a Primate & a Bishop . Lyra proveth him from many authorities to have been an Arch-bishop , and Titus a Priest. Beda calleth him an Apostle . But to gather on these , that he was in propriety of speech all these , were absurd . Object . I , but they call him bishop on other grounds , because assigned to this Church . Answ. They call him bishop because he was assigned to this Church , not onely to teach , but also to ordaine Deacons , Presbyters . For wheresoever they found this done , and by whomsoever , they did call them bishops , as I noted before from Oecumen . The fathers therfore may be well construed calling these bishops , because they made longer stay in these Churches then Evangelists did usually , & did preach and ordaine , and doe in these Churches all such things which Bishopes in their time used to doe . But that he was not an Evangelist , and more then an ordinary bishop they do not deny . Salmeron himselfe in his first Disputation on 1 ●im . pag. 405. Videcus ergo quod fuerit plusqu●● Episcopus , etiamsi ad ●em●us in ea civitate ut Pastor praedicav●rit & sacr●s ordi●nes promoveris , unde quidem vocant cum Episcopum . Finally , should they in rigour and formall propriety make him an ordinary Pastor from the first time Paul did write to him ordinarily resident to his end ; they should testifie a thing , as I hope I have shewed , contrary to Scripture , y●a contrary to that text which maketh him to have done the worke of an Evangelist . As for the shew from ●he Subscriptions we have spoken sufficiently . Now to shew th●t th●y were not properly b●shops . First , we have shewed that they were but subrogated to doe those supposed Episcopall duties a while , but w●re not there fixed , to make their ordinary abode . Therefore not b●shops properly . Secondly , th●y who did the worke of an Evangelist in all that they did , did not perform formally the worke of a bishop . But these did so . As is vouched of Timothy , Doe the worke of an Ev●ngelist . Ergo. The Proposition is proved . If an Evangelist and b●shop cannot be formally of one office , then the act of an Evangelist , and the act of an ordinary Pastor or bishop cannot be formally one . For when everything doth agere secundum quod actis est ; those things which are not thesame formally , their worke and effect cannot be formally the same . But the Evangelist and the ordinary Pastor or bishops , are not formally the same . Ergo . The assumption the Apostle proveth , by that distinct enumeration of those whom Christ g●ve now ascending by the worke of the Ministery to gather and build his Church . For as an Apostle is distingu●shed from a Prophet , a Prophet from an Evangelist , so an Evangelist from an ordinary Teacher . Object . But it may be said , they were not distinct , but that the superiour contained the inferiour , and Apostles might be Evangelists properly , as Matthew and Iohn were . A●sw . That former point is to be understood with a graine of salt . The superiour contained the inferiour virtually and eminently , in as much as they could doe . alti●ri tamen ra●ione , what the inferiour did . This sense is tollerable . But that formally the power of all ot●er offices suites w●th the Apostles , is false . My Lord chiefe Just●●e of England is not formally a Constable . As for the latter , true , an Apostle might be also a penmen of the Gospell , but this maketh not an Evangelist more then an Apostle , but doth per cecidens , come to them both . And even as a Preacher or Pastor , writing Commentaries , and publishing other Treatises , this commeth per cecidens to his calling , it doth not make him a Pastor , but more illustrious and fruitfull in that regard then another . So Ma●k● and Luke was not therefore Evangelists because they did write the Gospels , for then none should have beene Evangelists that had not written , but in this regard they were more renowned then other . Custome hath so prevailed , saith Maldonate in his Preface on Matthew , that wee call them Evangelists , ( viz. the Writers of the Gospells ) whom the Scriptures never call Evangelists . These Evangelists Paul speaketh of were given at Christs ascension , but the first writer of the Gospell , being an Apostle , was at least eight yeares after . Secondly , they were a distinct order of workemen from the Apostles , but two of the penmen of the Gospels were Apostles . Thirdly , they were such as by labour of ministery ( common for the generall of it to all other ) did gather Saints , and build Christs Body . Now writing the Gospell was not a labour of Ministery common to Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors , but the publishing of it . Those degrees which Christ did distinctly give to othersome , and o●hersome , those he did not give conjoynedly to one and the same persons . But these callings he gave to some one , to others another . Else he must have said , he gave the same men to be Apostles and Evangelists , the same to be Evangelists and Pastors . Ergo. That calling which is not compatible with the calling of an Evangelist , that Paul never annexed to an Evangelist . But the call●ng of a bishop is such . For a bishop is tyed to a particular Church . The calling of an Evangelist is a calling whereby one is called to the worke of the Ministery , to gather Saints , and edifie Christs body , without any limitation to any particular Church . Ergo , Paul never annexed the calling of a bishop to an Evangelist . The calling of an Evangelist is not to write the Gospell , nor to preach it simply : for then every Minister of the Word should be an Evangelist . But this doth difference them , to preach it without limitation or assignation to any particular church . Thus Phillip thus all those who were the Apostles helpers , working the work of the Lord as they did were Evang. of which sort some continued to the time of Commodus the Emperour , as ●usebius reporteth , Euseb. hist. li 5. cap. 9. Now a calling whereby I am thus called to publish the Gospel , without fixing my selfe in any certaine place ; and a calling which bindeth during life to settle my selfe in one Church , are incompatible . Lastly , that which would have debased Timothy and Titus , that Paul did not put upon them . But to have brought them from the honour of serving the Gospell , as Collaterall companions of the Apostles to be ordinary Pastors , had abased them . Ergo , this to be ordinary Pastors Paul did not put upon them . Object . The assumption it denyed , it was no abasement . For before they were but Presbyters , and afterward by imposition of hands were made bishops . why should they receive imposition of hands , and a new ordination , if they did not receive an ordinary calling ? we meane if they were not admitted into ordinary functions by imposition of hands . I answer , This deny all with all whereon it is builded 〈◊〉 grosse : For to bring them from a Superiour order to an Inferiour , is to abase them . But the Evangelists office was superiour to Pastors . Ergo. The assumption proved . First , Every office is so much the greater , by how much the power of it is of ampler extent and lesse restrained . But the Evangelists power of reaching and governing was illimited . Ergo. The assumption proved . Where ever an Apostle did that part of Gods worke which belonged to an Apostle ; there an Evangelist might doe that which belonged to him . But that part of Gods worke which belonged to an Apostle he might doe any where without limitation . Ergo. Secondly , every Minister by how much he doth more approximate to the highest , by so much he is h●gher . But the companions , & coadjutors of the Apostles , were neerer then ordinary Pastors . Ergo. Who are next the King , in his Kingdome , but those who are Regis Comites . The Evangelists were Comites of these Ecclesiasticall Cheiftaines . Chrysostome doth expresly say on Ephes. 4. That the Evangelists in an ambulatory course spreading the Gospell , were above any bishop or Pastor which resteth in a certaine Church . Wherefore to make them Presbyters is a weake conceite . For every Prsbyter ( properly so called ) was constituted in a certaine Church to doe the worke of the Lord in a certaine Church , But Evangelists were not , but to doe the worke of the Lord in any Church as they should be occasioned . Ergo , they were no Presbyters properly so called . Now for their ordination ; Timothy received none as the Doctor conceiveth , but what hee had from the hand of the Apostle and Presbyters , when now he was taken of Paul to be his companion . For no doubt but the Church which gave him a good testimony , did by her Presbyters concurre with Paul in his promoting to that office . Obj. What , could they lay on hands with the Apostles , which Phillip could no● , and could they enter one into an extraordinary office ? Answ. They did lay on hands with the Apostles , as it is expresly read , both of the Apostles and them . It is one thing to use precatory imposition , another to use miraculous imposition , such as the Apostles did , whereby the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost were conferred . In the first , Presbyters have power . Neither is it certaine , that Phillip could not have imposed hands , and given the Holy Ghost . For though he could , he might choose in wisedome for their greater confirmation and edification to let that be done by persons more eminent . Finally , imposition of hands may be used in promoting and setting one forth to an extraordinary office . For every extraordinary office is not attended with immediate vocation from God. As the calling of Evangelists , though extraordinary , was in this unlike the calling of Apostles and Prophets . Secondly , men called immediately may be promoted to the more fruitfull exercise of their immediate and extraordinary callings by imposition of hands from their inferiours , as Paul and Barnabas were . Howsoever , it is plaine , that Timothy by imp●sition of hands , was ordained to no calling , but the calling of an Evangelist . For that calling he was ordained to , which he is called on by Paul to exercise , and fully execute . But he is called on by him to doe the work of an Evangelist . Ergo , that calling he was ordained to . That worke which exceedeth the calling of an ordinary bishop , was not put upon an ordinary bishop . But Titus his worke did so : for it was to plant Presbyters Towne by Towne through a Nation , Ergo. For the ordinary plantation and erecting of Churches to their due frame , exceedeth the calling of an ordinary bishop . But this was Titus his worke . Ergo. Bishops are given to particular Churches when now they are framed , that they may keepe them winde and wether tight , they are not to lay foundations , or to exedifie some imperfect beginnings . But say Titus had beene a bishop : he is no warrant for ordinary bishops , but for Primates whose authority did reach through whole Ilands . Nay , if the Doctors rule out of Theodor●t were good , it would serve for a bishop of the plurality cut . For it is said he placed Presbyters city by city , or Towne by Towne , who are in name onely bishops , but not that he placed Angels or Apostles in any part of it . He therefore was the sole bishop of them , the rest were but Presbyters , such as had the name , not the office and government of Bishops . Finally , were it granted that they were ordinary bishops , and written to doe the things that bishops doe , yet would it not be a ground for their majority of power in matter sacramentall and jurisdiction , as is above excepted . The fifth Argument . The Ministers which the Church h●d generally and perpetually the first 300. yeares after Christ and his Apostles , and was not ordained by any generall Councell , were undoubtedly of Apostolicall institution . But the Church ever had Diocesan bishops in singularity of preheminence during life , and in majority of power of ordination and jurisdiction above others , and these not instituted by generall Councells . Ergo , The proposition is plaine both by Austin de Bapt. contra Donat. lib. 4. & Epist. 118. and by Ter●ul . Constat . id ob Apostolis traditum quod apu● Ecclesias Apostolorum fuit sacrosanctum . For who can thinke that all the Churches generally , would conspire to abolish the order of Christ planted by the Apostles , and set up other Ministers then Christ had ordained . The assumption it plaine : for if the Church had Metropolitans anciently , and from the beginning , as the Councell of Nice test●fieth , much more bishops . For Dioces in bishops must bee before th●m , they rising of combination of Cities and Dioces . And the councell of Ephesus test●fieth , the government of those bishops of Cyprus , to have been ever from the beginning , according to the custome of old received . Yea , that the attempt of the bishop of Antioch , was against the Canons of the Apostles . Againe , Cyprian doth testifie , that long before his time , b●shops w●re placed in all Provinces and Cities , besides the s●cc●ssion of bishops from the Apostles times : for they prove their orig●nall to have beene in th● Apostles times . Neither were they instituted by any generall councell . For long before the first generall councell , we read Metropolitans to have beene ordained in the Churches . Yea , Ierom himselfe is of opinion , that no councell of after times , but the Apostles themselves did ordaine bishops ; for even since those contentions wherein some said , I am Pauls , others , I am Apollos , they were set up by generall decree : wh●ch could not bee made , but by the Apostles themselves . And in Psal. 44. hee maketh David to prophecy of bishops , who should be set up as the Apostles Successors . Answer . First , we deny the proposition . For first , this doth presuppose such an assistance of Gods Spirit with the Church , that she cannot generally take up any custome , or opinion , but what hath Apostolicall warrant , whereas the contrary may be shewed in many instances . Keeping of holy dayes was a generall practise through the Churches , before any councell enacted it , yet was no Apostolicall tradition . Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 22. Evangelium non imposuit hoc , ut dies festi observentur , sed homines ipsi suu quique l●cis ex more quodem introduxerant . Taking the Eucharist fasting , the fasts on Wednesday , and Saturday , fasting ●n some fashion before E●ster , ceremonies in baptising , the government of Metropolitans were generally received before any councell established . 2. It doth presuppose , that the Church cannot generally conspire in taking up any custome , if she be not led into it by some generall proponent , as a generall representative councell , or the Apostles , who wert Oecumenicall Doctors , but I see no reason for such a presumption . 3. Th●● doth presuppose , that something may be which is of Apos●licall auth●●ity , which neither directly nor consequently is included in th● wo●●d written . For when there are some customes which have beene generall , which yet canot be grounded in the word written , it is necessary by this proposition , that some things may be in the Church having authority Apostolicall , as being delivered by word unwritten . For they cannot have warrant from the Apostles but by word written or unwritten . To the proofe we answer : That of Tertullian maketh not to the purpose , for hee speaketh of that which was in Churches Apostolicall , as they were now planted by them , which the sentence at large set downe w●ll make cleare . Si cor stat id bonum quod p●ius , & id prius quod esta● initio , ab initio quod ab Apostolis , pariterutique constabil id ●sse ab Apostolis traditum quod apud Ecclesias Apostolorum funit sacrosanctum . Touching Austins rule we would a●ke what is the meaning of these words , Non nisi Apostolica authoritate traditum rectissime cre●itur . If th●y say his meaning is , that such a thing cannot but in their writings be delivered , they doe pervert his meaning , as is apparent by that , Cont. Don. lib. 2.27 . Confuetudinem ex Apostolo●em traditions ven●entem , si●ut multa non inveniuntur in literis corum , & tamen quia custodiunt● per universam Ecclesiam , non nisi ab ipsit tradita & commendata creduntur . And we wish them to shew from Scripture what ●hey say is contained in it . If th●y yeeld , he doth meane as he doth of nowritten tradition , we hope th●y will not justifie him in this ; we will take that liberty in him , which himselfe doth in all others , and giveth us good leave to use in his owne writings . Now count him in th●s to favour Traditions , as some of the Papists do not causel●sly make this rule the measuring cord ▪ which doth take in the l●titude of all traditions : y●t wee appeale to Austines judgement otherwhere , who though by this rule hee maketh a universall practise not begunne by Councells , an argument of Divine and Apostolicall authority , yet dealing against Donatists , Lib. 1. Don. cap. 7. hee saith , he will not use this argument , because it was but humane and uncertaine , ne vide●r humanis argumentis illud probare , ex Evangelio profero certu document● . Wee answer to the assumption two things : First , it canot bee proved , that un●vers●lly there were such Diocesan bishops as ours . For in the Apostles times it cannot be proved , that Churches which they planted were divided into a mother Church , and some Parochiall Churches . Now while they governed together in common with Presbyters , and that but one congregation , they could not be like our Diocesan b●shops . And though there bee doubtfull relations , that Rome was divided under Evaristus , yet this was not common through the Church . For Tripa●tit● story test●fieth , that till the time of Sozomeh , they did in some parts continue together . Trip. hist. lib. 5. cap. 19. Secondly , those B●shops which had no more but one Deacon ●o helpe them in their ministery toward their Churches , they could not be D●ocesan B●shops . But such in many parts the Apostles planted , as Epiphanius doth testifie . Ergo. Thirdly , such Countries as did use to have bishops in villages and little townes , could not have Diocesan b●shops . But such there were after the Apostles times in Cyprus and Arabia , as S●zom . in his 7. booke , cap. 10. testifieth . Ergo. Diocesan bishops were never so universally received . Secondly , bishops came to be common by a Councell , saith Ambrose , Prospiciente Concilio . Amb. in 4. ad Eph. or by a D●cree p●ssing through the world : toto orbe decretum est , saith Ierom ad Evag. which is to bee considered not of one Oecumeniall Councell , but distributively , in that singular Churches did in their Presbyteries decree , and that so , that one for the most part followed another in it . This interpretative , though not formalitèr , is a generall decree . But to thinke this was a decree of Pauls , is too too absurd . For besides that the Scripture would not have omitted a decree of such importance , as tended to the alteration of and consummation of the frame of Churches begun through all the world . How could Ierom ( if this decree were the Apostles ) conclude that bishops were above Presbyters magii consuetudine Ecclesia , then Dominicae dispositionis veritate . If the Doct. do except , that custome is here put for Apostolicall institution ; let him put in one for the other , and see how well it will become the sense . Let Bishops know they are greater the● Priests rather by the Decree of the Apostle , then by the truth of Christs disposition . Is it not fine , that the Apostles should be brought in as opposites , facing Christ their Lord ? And this conclusion of Ierom doth make me th●nke that decretum est imported no more , then that it was tooke up in time for custome through the world . Which is elegantly said to be a decree , because custome groweth in time to obtaine vim legis , the force of a decree . But Amb●ose his place is plain , Prospiciente Concilio , he meaneth not a councell held by Apostles . For he maketh this provision by councell to have come in when now in Egypt & Alexandria , Presbyters according to the custome of that Church , were not found fit to succeed each other , but they chose out of their presbyteries men of best desert . Now to Heraclas and Donysius , there were a succession of Presbyters in the Church of Alexandria , as Eusebius and Ierom both affirme . Wherefore briefly , seeing no such universall custome can be proved , all the godly ●athers never conspired to abolish Christs institution . Secondly , could a custome have prevailed with all of them , whom we have to Constantines time , yet it might enter and steale upon them through humane frailty , as these errours in doctrine did upon many otherwise godly and fa●thfull Martyrs : the rather because the alteration was so little at the first and Aristocraticall government was still continued . Thirdly , say , they had wittingly and wittingly done it through the world , they had not conspired , because they might have deemed such power in the Church , and themselves to doe nothing but what they might with Christs good liking for the edification of it . How many of the chiefe Patrons of this cause , are at this day of this judgement , that if it were but an Apostolicall institution , as Apostolicall is contradistinguished to divine , they might change it . But if the Apostles did enact this order , as Legats and Embassadours of Christ , then is it not theirs , but Christs owne institution . What an Embassadour speaketh as an Embassadour , it is principally from him that sent him : but if they who were Legates , d●d not , bearing the person of Legats , but of ordinary Ecclesiasticall governours , decree this ; then it is certaine , Church governours may alter it without treasonable conspiring against Ch●ist . As for those proofes , that Bishops have beene throughout all Ch●rches from the beginning they are weake . For first , the Councell of Nice useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not simpliciter , but secundum quid , in order h●pply to th●t time wherein the custome began , which was better knowne to them then to us : the phrase is so used , Act. 15.8 . in respect of some things which had not continued many yeares . They cannot meane the Apostles times , for then Metropolitans should have actually beene from the Apostles time . Secondly , the phrase of the Councell of Ephesus , is likewise aequivocall ; for they have reference to the fathers of Nice , or at least the decrees of the fathers , who went before the Councell of Nice . For those words being added , definitiones Nicenae fidei , seeme to explaine t●e former , Canones Apostolorum . It is plaine the decree of the Councell doth asc●ibe this th●ng onely to ancient custome , no lesse th●n that of Nice , Constantinople and Chalcedon ; and therefore cannot rise to the au●ho●ity of sacred Scriptures . Let him shew in all antiquity where sacred Scriptures are called Canons of the Apostles . Finally , if this phrase note rules given by the Apostles , then the Apostles themselves did set out the bounds of Cyprus and Antioch . As for the auth●rity of Cyprian , he doth testifie what was Communiter in his time , Bishops odained in cities ; not univers●liter , as if th●re were no city but had some . Second●y , hee speaketh of Bish●ps who had their Chu●ches included in Cities , not more then might meet together in one , to any common del●berations . They had no D●ocesan Churches , n●r were bishops who had majority of rule over their Presbyters , nor sole power of ordination . As for the Catalogue of succession , it is pompae ap●ior quam pugnae ; R●me can recite their successors . But because it hath h●d bishops . Er●o , Oecumenicall b●shops is no consequence . All who are named b●shops in the Catalogue , were not of one cut , and in that sense we con●rovert . Touching that which doth improve their being constituted by any Councell , it is very we●ke . For though wee read of no generall Councell , yet there might be , and the report not come to us . Second●y , we have shewed , that the Councell of Nice doth not prove this that bishops were every where from the beginning ; the phrase of from the beginning , being there respectively , not absolutely used . Neither doth Ierom ever contrary this : for hee doth not use those words in propire●y , but by way of allusion ; otherwise if hee did think the Apostle had published this decree , when the first to the Corinths was written , how can he cite testimonies long after written , to prove that Bishops were not instituted in the Apostles time , but that they were ordained by the Church jure Ecclesiastico , when the time served for it . The sixt Argument . Such as even at this day are in the reformed Churches , such Ministers are of Christs institution . But Ministers having singularitie of preheminence and power above others , are amongst them , as the Superintendents in Germany , Ergo. Answ. The assumption is utterly denied . For Superintendents in Germany are nothing like our Bishops : they are of the same degree with other Ministers , they are onely Presi●ents while the Synod lasteth ; when it is diss●lved , their prerogative cease●h : they have no prerogative over their fellow Ministers ; they are subject to the Presbyteries , Zepp . lib. 2 cap. 10. pag. 324. The Synod ended , they returne to the care of their particular Churches . The seventh Argument . If it were necessary that while the Apostles lived , there should bee such Ministers as had preheminence and majority of power above others , much more after their departure . But they thought it necessity , and therefore appointed Timothy and Titus , and other Apostoli●ke men furnished with such power . Ergo , much more after their departure . Answ. The assumption is denyed , and formerly disproved : for they appointed no such Apostolicke men with Episcopall power , in which they should be succeeded . The eighth Argument . Such Ministers as were in the Apostles times not contradicted by them , were lawfull . For they would not have held their peace , had they knowne unlawfull Ministers to have crept into the Churches . But there were before Iohns death in many Churches a succession of Diocesan Bishops , as in Rome , Linus , Clemens , at J●rusalem Iames Simeon , at A●tioch , Evodius , at Alexandria , S. Ma●k , Anianus , Abilius . Ergo , Diocesan Bishops be lawfull . Answer . The assumption is denyed : for these Bishops were but Presbyters , Pastors of one congregation ordinarily meeting , governing with common consent of their Presbyteries . If they were affecting our bishops majority , they were in Diotrophes sufficiently contradicted . The ninth Argument . Those who have beene ever held of a higher order then Presbyters , they are before Presbyters in preheminence , and majority of rule . But bishops have beene held in a higher order by all antiquity . Ergo. The assumption is manifest : In the Councell of Nice , Ancyra , Sardica , Antioch , Ministers are distinguished into three orders . Ignatius , Clemens in his Epistle to Iames , Dionys. Arcop●g . de Coolest . Hierom. cap. 5. Tertull. de fug● in persecutione , & de Baptismo . Ignatius doth often testifie it . No wonder , when the Scripture it selfe doth call one of these a step to another , 1 Timoth. 3.13 . Cyprian . Lib. 4. Ep. 2. Counc . Ephes. Cap. 1.2.6 . Yea the Councell of Chalcedon counteth it sacriledge , to reduce a Bishop to the degree of a Presbyter . This Hierome himselfe confirmeth , saying : That from Marke to Heracl●s and Dionysius , the Presbyters did see a bishop over them in higher degree . Answer . The Proposition is not true in regard of majority of rule . For no Apostle had such power over the meanest Deacon in any of the Churches . But to the Assumption we answer by distinction . An order is reputed higher , either because intrinsecally it hath a higher vertue , or because it hath a higher degree of dignity and honour . Now wee deny that ever antiquity did take the bishop above his Presbyters to be in a higher order then a Presbyter , further then a higher order doth signifie an order of higher dignity and honor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Councell of Sardica speaketh . Which is further proved : because the fathers did not hold a bishop to differ from a Presbyter , as Presbyter from a Deacon . For these differ genere proximo ; Noverint Diaconi se ad ministerium non ad sacerdotum voca●i . But a bishop differeth from a Presbyter , as from one who hath the power of Priesthood no lesse then himselfe , and therefore the difference betwixt th●se , must be circumstantially , not so essentiall as betwixt the other . Thus bishops and Archbishops are divers ord●rs of bishops , not that one exceedeth the other , as a power of higher vertue , but of higher dignity then then the other . More plainely ; There may be a fourefold difference in gradu . 1. in potestate graaus . 2. in Exercito . 3. in Dignitate . 4. in amplitudi●e Iurisdictionis . The first difference is not betweene a bishop and a Presbyter , according to the common tenent of antiquity , or the Schoole , but only is maintained by such as hold the Character of a Priest and Bishop inwardly , diverse one from the other . For as a bishop differeth not in power and degree from an Archbishop , because nothing an Archbishop can doe , as confirming , consecrating B●shops , &c. but a bishop can doe also . So neither doth a Presbyter from a bishop . Object . But the Priest cannot ordaine a Presbyter , and confirme as the b●shop doth , and therefore differeth Potestate gradus . To this I answer , that these authours meane not th●s difference in power ( de fundamentali & rem ta potestate , sed ampliata , immediata , & jam actu hor um effictuam productiva ) as if Presbyters had not a remote and fundamentall power to doe those things : but that they have not , before they be ordained bishops , their power so enlarged , as to produce th●se effects actually . As a boy hath a generative faculty wh●le he is a child , which he hath when he is a man , but yet it is not in a child free from all impediment , that it can actually beget the like . But this is too much to grant . For the power sacramentall in the Priest , is an actuall power which hee is able to performe and execute , nothing defective in regard of them , further then they be with-held from the exercise of it . For that cause which standeth in compleat actuality to greater & more noble effects , hath an inferior & lesser of the same kind under it also , unlesse the application of the matter be intercepted . Thus a Presbyter he hath a sacramentall power standing in full actuality to higher sacramentall actions , & therfore cannot but have these inferior of confirmation and orders in h●s power , further then they are excepted & kept from being applied to him . And therefore power sacramentall cannot be in a Presbyter , as the generative faculty is in a child , for this is inchoate onely , and imperfect , such as cannot produce that effect . The power of the Priest is compleat . Secondly , I say , these are no sacramentall actions . Thirdly , were they , yet as much may be said to prove an Archbishop a distinct order from a bishop , as to prove a Presbyter and bishop differing in order . For it is proper to him out of power to generate a bishop , other bishops laying on hands , no otherwise then Presbyters are said to doe , where they joine with their bishops . If that rule stand not major ad minori , nor yet equalie ab equall , I marvel how bishops can beget bishops equall , yea superior to them , as in consecrating the Lord Archbishop , & yet a Presbyter may not ordaine a Presbyter . It doth not stand with their Episcopall majority , that the rule ( every one may give that which he hath ) should hold here in the exercise of their power . Those who are in one order may differ jure divino or humans . Aaron differed from the Priests not in power sacramentall , for they might all offer incense , and make intercession . But the solemne intercession in the holy of holies God did except and appropriate to the high Priest the type of Christ. Priests would have reached to this power of intercession in the holy place , or any act of like kinde : but that God did not permit that this should come under them , or they intermeddle in it . Thus by humane law the bishop is greater in exercise then the Priest. For ●hough God hath not excepted any thing from the one free to the other , yet commonly confi●mation , ordination , absolution by imposi●g hands in receiving Penitents , consecrating Churches and Virines , have beene referred to the b●shop for the honor of Priesthood , rather then any necessi●y of law , as Ierom speaketh . Finally , in dignity , those may differ many waies , who in degree are equall , which is granted by our adversaries in this cause . Yea , they say in amplitude of jurisdiction , as in which it is apparant an Archbishop exceedeth a●other . But were it manifest that God did give bishops Pastorall power through their Diocesse , and an Archbishop through his Province , though but when hee visiteth , this would make one differ in order from the other ; as in this regard Evangelists deffered from ordinary Pastors . But that jurisdiction is in one more then another , is not established , nor hath apparency in any Scripture . To the proofes thereof I answer briefly : the one may be a step to the other , while they differ in degrees of dignities , though essentially they are but one and the same order . In this regard it may be sacriledge to reduce one , from the greater to the lesser , if he have not deserved it . As for that of Ierom it is most plaine , hee did meane no further order , but onely in respect of some dignities wherewith they invested their bishop , or first Prebyter , as that they did mount him up in a higher seat , the rest sitting lower about him , and gave him this preheminence to sit first as a Consull in the Senate , and moderate the carriage of things amongst them : this Celfiori gradu , being nothing but his honourable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not importing sole authority . For by a Canon of Councell of Laodicea , wee finde that the bishop h●d this priviledge to sit first , though Presbyters did together with him enter , and sit as Judges of equall commission . For though Deacons stood , Presbyters did alwaies sit incircuitu Episcopi . 10. Argument . If bishops be that whi●h Aaron , and the Apostles were , and Presbyters , be that which the Priests , and the 72. Disciples were , then the one are above the other in preheminence and power . But they are so . See Ierom to Nepotian . Ergo. Answer . If bishops , &c. and P●esbyters , be that which the sonnes of Aaron and the 72. were , then there are different orders , &c. To these may be added a third . That which Moses and the 70. Seniors were , that are the bishops and Presbyters . First , for the proposition it is not true , for first of Aaron and his sonnes , they were not orders different essenally in their power , but onely in degree of dignity , wherein the high Priest was above others . For every Priests power would have reached to that act which was reserved to the high Priest one●y . Besides , when the high Priest was deceased or removed , the other Priests did consecrate the successour , as Sadock . Finally , the one had for substance the same consecration that the other , neither had the high Priest any majority of directive or corrective power over others . So the Apostles , and 72. will not be found different in order ; and therefore those who resemble these cannot be concluded to be of divers orders . For the Apostles and 72. differ no more then ordinary messengers who are impolyed in a set course , and extraordinary sent by occasion onely : They were both messengers , the Apostles babitu and abidingly , the other in act onely , and after a transitory manner . Againe , had Aaron and his sonnes beene divers orders , differing essentially in the inward power of them , ye● is not the proposition true , but with addition in this wife . Those who are indentically and formally that which Aaron and the Apostles were , and that which his sonnes , and the 72. were , they differ in degree essentially , not those who were this analogically by reason of some imperfect resemblance . For things may be said to be those things wherewith they have but imperfect similitude . In this sense onely the proposition is true . Now to come to the assumption . First , touching Aaron , wee deny any bishop is as Aaron by divine institution , or by perfect similitude answering to him . But because Aaron was the first and high Priest , others inferiour : so it hath pleased the Church to imitate this pollicy , and make the bishop , as it were Primum Presbyterum or Antistuem in primo ordine , Presbyters in secundo . Whence B●shops may be said to be that which Aaron was through the Churches ordination , which she framed , looking to this patterne of government which God himselfe had set out in the old Testament . The fathers call them Aaron and his sonnes onely for some conmon analogy , which through the ordinance of the Church arose betwixt the bishops and Presbyters , and them ; and conceive them to be so by humane accommodation , not by divine institution . But that they were so properly succeeding them as orders of Ministery typified by them by Gods owne appointment , this the fathers never tho●ght . Christs priesthood , no mans , was properly typified in Aaron . So touching the other part of the assumption , That Bishops and Presbyters are what Apostles , and the 72 were . The fathers many of them insist in this proportion , that as the Apostles and 72 were teachers , the one in a higher , the other in an inferiour order , so bishops and Presbyters , were by the Churches ordinance . This is the fathers phrase , to call them Apostles , who in any manner resemble the Apostles to call them , as Ambrose . Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors , Doctors , who resemble these , and come in some common analogie neerest them , Moses and the 70 Seniors , who in any sort resembled them . Now the assumption granted in this sense maketh not against us . For th●y might be said these , if there were but diverse degrees of dignity amongst them , though for power of order by Gods institution they were all one . But some straine it further , and take it , that Christ instituting those two orders , did in so doing , institute B●shops and Presbyters , the one whereof succeeded the Apostles , the other the 72. and that thus the Fathers take it . To which I answer , First , in generall , this analogy of Apostles and 72 : is not generally affected by them all . Ignatius ad Smyrnenses dicit Apostolis Presbyteros successisse , Diaconos 72. discipulis . Clem. lib. 2. Const. cap. 30. saith , That Bishops answer to God the Father , Presbyters to Christ , Deacons to the Apostles . Ierom doth manifestly make Presbyters ( whom hee also calleth by name of Bishops in that Epistle , where hee maintaineth the Presbyters dignity ) successours to the Apostles . The like hath Cyprian , Apostolus id est Episcopos & preposiros , that is , ordinis ratione prepositos minorum Ecclesiarum , as Austin speaketh , else it should bee all one with the former ; when hee maketh the Presby●er as well as the Bishop to bee ordained in the Apostles . Finally , these Fathers who take the 72. to have beene Apostles , as well as the other , could not imagine this porportion of diverse orders let up in them . Secondly , if Christ in these instituted those other , it must bee one of these waies . First , hee did make these not onely Apostles , but Bishops , and so the 72. not onely his messengers for the time , but Presbyters also . Or , secondly , else hee did ordaine these as he did raine Nanna , noting and prefiguring as by a type , a further thing which hee would worke : viz. that he would institute B●shops and Presbyters for Teachers ordinary in his Church : but both these are gratis spoken without any foundation or reason . For the first , wee have shewed that the Apostles could not bee Bishops ordinarily ; nor yet the calling of these seventy two ( which was to goe through all Cities Evangelizing ) stand with Presbyters , Presbyters being given to Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and there fixed . Neither can the latter be true for then Christ should have given a Sacrament , when he ordained his Apostles , and sent forth his 72. Secondly , the type or the shadow i● lesse then the thing ●ypified , the substance of it . But the giving Apostles was a greater thing then giving ordinary Pastors . Ergo. Thir●ly , I say , that Christ did never ordaine that any should succeed the Apostles , or the 72 in regard of their order . There is a double succession , in g●adum , or in Capat , as the j●rists distinguish . In gradum tundem , as when one brother dying , another brother doth succeed him in the inheritance . In Caput , as when one not of the same degree and line doth come after another , as when a brother dying another doth inherit after him , not a brother , but a cosin to him . Thus the Apostles have no successors succeeding them in gradum , but such onely as follow them , being of other degrees , and in another line , as it were , in which sort every Pastor doth succeed them . But then they are said to succeed them , because they follow them , and after a sort resemble them , not because they hold the places which the Apostles did properly . Apostolo in quantum est Apostolus non succeditur , Legato quitenus est Legatus non succeditur . Fourthly , that the Presbyters doe as persons of a diverse order succeed the Apostles n● less● fully then any other . First , they must needs succeed the● who are spoken to in them , whose duties are laid downe in that which the Apostles received in commandement , But the Presbyters were spoken to both in the Keyes , in the Supper , in the commandement of teaching and baptiz●ng . Ergo , Presbyte●s must needs succeed the Apostles . Secondly , those whom the Apostles did institute in the Chu●ches , which they had planted for the●r fu●ther building th●m up , they were their next successors . But the Apostles did commend the Churches to the care of Presbyters who might build them up , whom they had now converted . Ergo , t●●se were th●ir successors most proper and immediate . Thirdly , t●ese to whom now t●king their farewells they resigned the Churches , these were th●ir succ●ssours . But this they did to Presbyters , Paul now never to s●e Ephesus more , Act. 20. Peter neere death , 1 Pet. 5.2 . Er●o . Fourthly , if one Pastor or Minister doe more prop●rly resemble an Apostle then another , it is because hee hath same pow●r Apostolique more fully conveyed to him then to another . But this was not done . Ergo. The assumption is manifest : for first , their power of teach●●g and ministring the Sacraments doth ●s fully and prop●rly belong to the Presbyter as to any , unlesse we count P●eaching not nec●issarily c●nnex●d to a Presbyters office , but a bishop● ; or at least that a more iudgmentall preaching belongs 〈◊〉 Presbyter , the more full and exact teaching being appropriate to the B●shop , which are both too absurd . Secondly , for governement , the Apostles did no more give the power of governement to one then to another . Object . This is denyed , for the Apostles are said to have kept the power of ordination , and the coercive power in their owne hands , and to have committed these in the end onely to Apostolike men , as Timothy , Titus , who were their successours , succeeding them in it . Answ. A notable fiction : for it is most plaine by Scripture ; that ordination , power of deciding controversies , excommunication , were given to Presbyters , and not kept up from them ; they should otherwise have provided ill for the Churches which they left to their care . Secondly , if the Apostles did commit some ordinary power of government to some men above others , in which regard they should be their successours , then the Apostles did not onely enjoy as Legates power over the Churches , but as ordinary Ministers . For what power they enjoyed as Legates , this they could not aliis Legar● . Power as ordinary Pastors in any Nations or Churches they never reserved , and therefore did never substitute others to themselves in that which they never exercised nor enjoyed . And it is to be noted , that this opinion of Episcopall succession from the Apostles is grounded on this , that the Apostles were not onely Apostles , but Bishops in Provinces and particular Churches . For the Papists themselves urged with this , that the Apostles have none succeeding them , they doe consider a double respect in the Apostles , the one of Legates , so Peter , nor any other could have a successour . The other of bishops , Oecumenicall in Peter , of Bishops Nationall or Diocesan , as in some other . Thus onely considered , they grant them to have other Bishops succeeding them : For the Apostolick power precisely considered , was Privilegium personale simul cum persona extinctum . Now we have proved that this ground is false , and therefore that succeeding the Apostles , more appropriate to Bishops then other Ministers grounded upon it , is false also . Lastly , the Presbyters cannot be said successors of the seventy two . For first , in all that is spoken to the seventy two , the full duty and office of a Presbyter is not laid downe . Secondly , it doth not appeare that they had any ordinary power of preaching or baptizing and ministering the other Sacrament . For they are sent to Evangelize , to preach the Gospell : but whether from power of ordinary office , or from commission and delegation onely for this present occasion it is doubtfull . Thirdly , it is not read that they ever baptized , or had the power of administring the Supper given to them : Yea , that they had neither ministery of Word or Sacraments ex officio ordinario , seemeth hence plaine ; That the Apostles did choose them to the Deacons care , which was so cumbersome that themselves could not tend the ministery of the Word with it , much lesse then could these not having such extraordinary gifts as the Apostles had . Fourthly , if they were set Ministers , then were they Evangelists in destination . For the act enjoyned them , is from City to City , without limitation to Evangel●ze ; and after we read of some , as Philip , that he was an Evangelist ; the same is in ecclesiasticall story testified of some others . Thus w● Presbyters should succeed Evangelists those Apostolique men , whom the Apostles constituted Bishops , and by consequence be the true successours of the Apostles . These Evangelists succeeded them by all grant , we succeed these . Finally , Armathanus doth take these 72. to have been ordinary disciples , in his 7. Book Armenic●r●m quaest . cap. 7. 11 Argument . Those who receive a new ordination are in a higher degree in a new administration , and a new order . But Bishops doe so . Ergo. Answer . The proposition is denyed : for it is sufficient to a new ordination that they are called to exercise the Pastorall function in a new Church , where before they had nothing to doe . Secondly , I answer by distinction , a new order , by reason of new degrees of dignity , this may be granted : but that therefore it is a new order , that is , having further ministeriall power in regard of the Sacraments and jurisdiction given it of God , is not true . Hath not an Archbishop a distinct ordination or consecration from a Bishop ? yet is he not of any order , essentially differing . The truth is , ordination , if it be looked into , is but a canonicall solemnity which doth not collate that power Episcopall to the now chosen , but onely more solemnly and orderly promotes him to the exercise of it . 12 Argument . Those Ministers where of there may be but one onely during life in a Church , they are in singularity of preheminence above others . But there may be but one Bishop , though there may be many other Presbyters , one Timothy , one Titus , one Archippus , one E●aphroditus . Ergo. For proofe of the assumption . See Cornelius , as Eusebius relateth his sentence , lib. 6. cap. 43. Con● . Nice . cap 8. Conc. Calud . cap 4. P●ssidonius in vita Augustine . Ierem● Phil. 1. ver . 1. Chrysost . Amb. T●eo● Orc●umen . And such was Bishops preheminence , that Presbyters , Deacons , and other Clerkes , are said to be the Bishops Clerks . Answer . I answer to the Assumption . That there may be said to be but one Bishop in order to other Coadjutors and Associates within the same Church . It may be said , there must be but one Bishop in order to all the other Churches of the Cities . Secondly , this may be affirmed as standing by Canon , or as div●n● institution . Now the assumpt●on is true , onely by Law Ecclesiasticall . For the Scripture is said to have placed Presbyters who did Superintendere , Act● 20. and that there were Bishops at Philippi . True it is , the Scripture doth not distinguish how many of the one sort , nor how many of the other , because no doubt for the number of the Congregations , a single Presbyter labouring in the Word , or two , the one coadjutor to the other might be placed . Secondly , it is testified by Epiphanius , that ordinar●ly all Cities but Alexandria had two . Thirdly , Ierom on 1 Tim. 3. doth say , that now indeed there may be but one Bishop , meaning Canonically , making a difference twixt the present time and time Apostolique . Fourthly , Austin did not know it was unlawfull ▪ Yea , he did onely in regard of the decree of Nice , account it so . Ep. 110. neither did Church or people ever except against the contra●y , but as a point against Canon , which m●ght in some cases be dispensed with , as the story of Narcissus , and Alexander , and Liberius , and Foelix did more then manifest . For though the people of Rome cried out , one God , one Christ , one Bishop , yet they yeelded at their Emperours suite , whereas had it beene a thing they had all thought to have been against Christs institution , they would not have done . Vide S●z . lib. 4. cap. 14. Fiftly , Ieroms peerelesse power , is nothing but Consul-like presidence above others ; for this he pleaded for , writing against Iovinian , lib. 1. amongst the Apostles themselves , that schisme might be avoided . Wherefore we yeeld the conclusion in this sense , that the Bishop jure humano , hath a singularity of preheminence before others , as by Ecclesiasticall law there might be but one onely Archbishop . 13 Argument . Those who had peerelesse power above others in ordination and jurisdiction , they were such as had preheminence and majority of rule over others . But the former is due to Bishops . Unlesse this singularity of power were yeelded , there would be as many schismes as Priests . Ergo. The assumption proved . Those who have a peculiar power of o●dination above others , they are in preheminence and power before others . But Bishops have , Ergo , they are in , &c. The assumption proved . That which was not in the Presbyters of Ephesus and Crete before Timothy and Titus were sent , but in the Apostles , and after in Timothy and Titus and their successours , that is a peculiar of Bishops . But ordination was not in the Presbyters , &c. Ergo. The assumption proved . That which these were sent to do● , Presbyters had not power to doe . It was therefore in them , and such as succeeded them , the Bishops of Ephesus and Crete ▪ Againe , the Scriptures , Councels , Fathers , speake of the orde● nor as one . Ergo , it was the peculiar right of the Bishop , and the Bishop onely . He onely by Canon was punishable for irregularity in ordination . And Epiphanius maketh this the proper power of a Bishop to beget f●thers by ordination , a● the Presbyters doth sonnes by baptisme . And Ierom doth except ordination as the b●shops peculiar , wherein he is most unequall to them . Answer . I answer the proposition of the first syllog●sme by distinction . Those who have peerelesse power in regard of the simple right to ordeine : viz. in regard of exercising the act , and sole performing the rite of it , those who have a right to these things originally from Christ and his Apostles , which no others have , they are above others in degree . Againe , peerelesse power in a bish●p over Presbyters may be said in comparison to them distributively or collectively considered . He that hath peerelesse power given him , which no one of the other hath , is not presently of a greater degree , nor hath not majority of rule amongst others , as a Consul in the Senate : but if he have a peerel●●●e power , such as they all collectively considered , cannot controule , then the Proposition is true ; but the Assumption will then be found to halt . To the proofe of the assumption . The Proposition is true of power in order to the thing it selfe , not to ministring the rite , and executing the act , which m●y be reserved for honour sake to one , by those who otherwise have equall power with him . Tha● b●shops have this power in order , the thing it selfe agreeing to them , Vt proprii offuii , not by commission from others , we deny . The assumption is wholly denyed . As for the proofe of it . First , we that deny that Evangelists h●d not power to ordeine , as well as Apostles . Secondly , that Presbyters had not this power in a Church planted as well as they . Every one as fellow servants might conspire in the same ordination . The Ev●ngelists power did not derogate from the Apostles , the Pre●byters from neither of them . But power of imposing hands solitarily , whereas 〈◊〉 Churches were not constituted , this may happily be appropriated to the Apostles and Evangelists , whose office it was to labour in erecting the frame of Churches . Secondly , the assumption is false ; in denying that it was in the power of Presbyters to lay on hands , contrary to that in Timothy ; The grace given thee by ●aying 〈◊〉 of the hands of the Presbytery . Thirdly , it is false , in presupposing others then Presbyters to have beene Timothy and Titus their successours . To the proofe of this assumption . The proposition is not true : For it might be convenient that the same th●ng should be done by Evangelists , and by ordinary Pastors , each concurring in their severall orders to the same service of Christ the Lord. Secondly , I answer to the assumption . That Presbyters were to be placed in Churches framed where there were Presbyters , or where there were as yet none . In the first Churcher ' they are bid ordaine , if any need further , but salv● j●re Ecclesiae , not without the concurrence of others . In the latter Churches which were to be constituted , they may be conceived as Evangelists , with sole power of setting Presbyters forth by this rite of imposition of hands . We hold Apostles might doe it , Evangelists might , and the Presbyteries also . Yea , Presbyters in Alexandria when now their first Presbyter was d●ceased , did ordaine the following : For the Canon of three bishops , and Metropolitans , added by the Ni●ene Councell , was not knowne yet . Neverthelesse it grew timely to be restrained to bishops , the performing I meane of the outward rite and signe ; but onely by Canon , as Consignation was also , for which there is as ancient testimonies as this , that it was appropriate to the B●sh . We grant therefore that antiquity doth sometime speake of the ordainer as one . In the Churches of Affrica one did not lay on hands , yet in some other Churches the rite was by one administred . And it is to be noted by the way , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in some Canons is not opposed to the Coordaining of Presbyters , but to the number of Three , or many bishops required in the ordination of a bishop . They might therefore by their Canons be punishable , because regularly and canonically the executing of it was committed to them . This is all that Epiphanius or Ierome excepta ordinatione can prove . But these two conclusions we would see proved out of scriptures and Fathers . First , that ordination is an action of power , of order , a power sacramentall , which a Presbyter hath not . Secondly , that by vertue of this power , the bishop doth ordaine , and not by Ecclesiasticall right or commission from the Church . Certainly , the act of promoting a minister of the Church , is rather an act of jurisdiction then order . As it belongeth to policy and government , to call new Magistrates , where they are wanting . Object . But a new spirituall officer may be instituted by a sacrament . Answ. If God would so have collated the grace of spirituall callings ; but he hath appointed no such thing . The Apostles and 72. were not instituted by a sacrament or imposition of Christs hands . Now the greater the grace was which was given , the more need of a sacrament whereby it should be given . Object . They were extraordinary . Answ. They might have had some ambulatory sacrament for the time . Againe , imposition of hands was used in g●ving extraordinary graces , Acts 8. Secondly , were it a sacrament , it should conferre the grace of office , as well as grace sanctifying the person to use it hol●ly . But we see that this it could not do As for Paul and Barn●bas the Church did separate them at the command of God , and lay hands on them , and pray for them , but they were already before this , immediately chosen by God to the grace of their office . It could be nothing then but a gesture accompanied with prayer , seeking grace in their behalfe . For the sacramentall collating of grace sanctifying all callings , we have in these two sacraments of Christs institution . Thirdly , there are many kindes of imposition of hands in the old and new Testament , yet cannot it be proved , that it is any where a proper sacrament . It is then a rite , a gesture , a ceremony , signifying a thing or person separate , presented to God , prayed for to God. Thus Antiquity did thinke of it , as a gesture of one , by prayer to God , seeking a blessing on every one chosen to this or that place of ministery . So Ecclesiastically it was used in baptising , in consecrating , in reconciling penitents , as well as ordaining : but never granted as a sacrament in those other cases by grant of all . It is then a rite or gesture of one , praying . Tertul. de ●●pt . sheweth this saying , Manus imponitur per benedictionem advocans & invitans spiritum sanctum . Ierom also contra Luciferanos , Non ab●no , hanc esse Ecclesiae consuetudinem ut Episcopus manum impositutus excurrat ad invecationem spiritus sancti . Ambr. de d●gait . sacerdot . ●●●●dos imponit suppicem dexiram . August . Quid aliua est manus impositio quam oratio ? &c. The Greeke Churches have ever given Orders by a forme of prayer conceived , with imposition of hands . Hence it is , that they imposed hands even on Deaconesses , where it could not be otherwise considered then a deprecative gesture . Neither is it like the African Fathers ever thought it a sacrament , which no other had vertue and power to minister , but the Bishop . For then they would never have admitted Presbyters to use the same rite with them . For so they had suffered them to prophane a sacrament , wherein they had no power to intermeddle . Object . If one say they did lay on hands with them , but the Bishops imposition was properly Consecrative and sacramentall , th●i● Dep●●rative onely . Answer . Besides that this is spoken without foundation , how absurd is it , that the very selfe-same sacramentall r●te should be a sacrament in one ministers hand , and no sacrament performed by another : Yea , when the Bishop doth it to a Presbyter , or Deacon , then a sacrament ; when to a Subdeacon , and other inferiour officers , then none , let any judge . Austin did account no other of imposition of hands , then a prayer over a man , accompanied with that gesture . Secondly , they doe not thinke that the B●shop ordaineth by divine right , it being excepted to him as a minister of higher sacramentall power : but that he onely doth ordaine quoad signum & ritu●● extrinsecum , by the Churches commission , though the right of ordaining be in all the Presbytery also . As in a Colledge the society have right to choose a fellow , and to ordaine him also , though the master doth alone lay on hands , and give admission . Thus Ierom speaketh of confirmation , that it was reserved to the Bishop for honour sake , rather then any necessity of Gods law . Whence by analogie and proportion , it followeth they thinke not ordination , or those other Episcopall royalties to have beene reserved to him by divine right . Beside , there are more ancient proofes for C●nonicall appropriating confirmation , then for this imposition of hands . Corn●●tus speaketh thus of Novatus , he wanted th●se things which he should have had after Baptisme , according to the Canon , the sealing of our Lord from a Bishop , Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 25. So Cyprian to ●ul . Neverthelesse , Ier●m judgeth this also to have beene yeelded them for honour sake . And we know that in the Bishops absence , Presbyters through the East did Consignare , through Grecia , through Armenia . Neither would Gregory the great have allowed Presbyters in the Greeke Churches to have confirmed , had he judged it otherwise then Canonically to belong to the bishops . T●●t therefore which is not properly a sacramentall action , and that which is not appropriate to a bishop further then Presbyters h●ve committed it to him , that cannot make him in higher degree of ministery then Presbyters are . Thirdly , in reconciling penitents ; the Presbyters did it in case of the bishops absence : as is to be gathered from the third Councell of Cartiage , 32. And who thinkes blessing so appropriate to a bishop , that Presbyters may not solemnly blesse in the name of the Lord , though antiquity reserved this to him . These therefore were kept to him , not as acts exceeding the Presbyters power of order , but for the supposed honour of him and the Church . For as Am●rosa saith , Vt omnes ea●em possunt irrational● , & vulgaris res . vilisque vider●●●r ; It pleaseth antiquity therefore to set up one who should quo●d ex●●●tiam doe many things alone , not because that Presbyters could not , but it seemed in their eyes more to the honor of the Church , that some one should be interes●ed in them . Fourthly , Amalarius in a certaine booke of sacred orders , doth confu●e the doctrine of an uncertain author , who taught that one bishop onely was to lay hands on a Deacon : because he was consecrated not to Priesthood , but to ministery and service . Nunquid scriptor libell . ●●ctio● & sanctior Apostolis quiposuerunt plures manus super Diaconos quando consecr●bantur , & prop●●●ea solus Episcopus manus ponat super Di●conum , ●c si solus possit precari virtutem gratiarum quam plures Apostoli precabantur . Op imum est b●nos duces sequi , qui certaverunt usque ad plenam victori●● ▪ Whence it is plaine , he did know no further thing in imposition then prayer , which the more imposed , is the more for●ible . The fourteenth Argument . Those who had jurisdiction over Presbyters assisting them , and Presbyters affixed to Cures , they had a superiority of power over other ministers . But bishops had so , Ergo , &c. The Assumption is manifest . Ignatius describeth the Bishop from this , that he should be the governour of the Presbytery and whole Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Ierom and Austin on the 44. Psalme , call them the Pr●nces of the Church , by whom she is governed . The assumption is proved particularly . Those who had directive power above others , and corrective , they had majority of rule . But B●shops had . Ergo. The assumption proved . First , for directive power , the Presbyters were to doe nothing without them . Ig●a ad Mag. ad Smyr . They might not minister the sacrament of the supper but under the B●shop , Clem. Epist. 1. ad Iacob . Tert. lib. de ●●pt . Can. Apost . 38 , Can. Carth●g . 4.38 . Con. C●r . 2. Con. 9. Con. Can. 16. Conc. Ant. Can. 5. Secondly , that they had corrective power , it is proved , Ap●c . 2 & 3. The Angel of Ephesus did not suffer false Apostles , and is commended for it , the Angel of Thiatira is reproved for suffering the like . Therefore they had power over other ministers . Cypr. lib. 3. Epist. 9. telleth Rega●ian he had power to have censured his Deacon . Ierom. adversus Vigilantium , marvelleth that the Bishop where Vigilanti●s was , did not breake the unprofitable vessell . Epiphaniu● saith Bishops , governed the Presbyters themselves , they the people . The Presbyters affixed to places and Churches , were subject to the Bishops , for when they were vacant , the bishop did supply them . Againe , the Presbyters had their power from him , and therefore were under him , and they were subject to the censure of the bishop . Those of his Clergie were under him ; for he might promote them , they might not goe from one Diocesse to another without him , nor travell to the citie , but by his leave . The bishop was their judge , and might excommunicate them , Cypr●li . 1. Epist 3. Concil . Carth. 4. ●ap . 59. Conc. Chal. cap. 9. conc . Nice . cap. 4. conc . Ant. cap. 4. ibid. cap. 6. cap. 12. Cart. 2. cap. 7. conc . Afric . cap. 29. conc . Ephes. cap. 5. conc . Chal. cap. 23. The examples of Alexander and Chrisostome prove this . All Presbyters were counted acepheli , headlesse , that lived not in subjection to a bishop . The Pastors of parishes were either subject to bishops , or they had associates in Parishes joyned with them , or they ruled alone . But they had not associates , neither did they rule alone . Ergo , they were subject to the authority and jurisdiction of the bishop . Answer . The proposition of the first Syllogisme it must be thus framed . Those who had power of jurisdiction in themselves , without the concurrence of other Presbyters , as fellow judges , they were greater in majority of rule . Thus bishops had not jurisdiction . True it is , they were called governours and Princes of their Churches , because they were more eminent ministers , though they had not Monarchiall power in Churches , but Consull-like authority : and therefore when they affected this Monarchy , what said Ierome , Noverint se saterdotes esse non dominos , noverint se non ad Princip●tum vocatos , ad servitium totius Eccl●siae . Sic Origen in Esa. hom . 7. To the proofe of the Assumption . Wee deny that they had this directive power over all Presbyters . Secondly , that th●y had it over any by humane constitution infallible . Presbyters were in great difference . Those who are called propry sacerdotes , Rectores , Seniores . Minor●m Ecclesiarum praepositi , the B●shop had not , not challenged not that directive power over them , which hee did ever those who were numbred amongst his Cleri●kes , who were helpes to him in the Liturgy , in Chapells and parish●s which did depend on him as their proper teacher , though they could not so ordinarily goe out to him . The first had power within their Churches , to teach , administer , excommunicate , were counted brethren to the b●shops , and called Episcopi , or Coepiscopi , even of the Ancient : But the Presbyters which were part of their Clergy , they had ●his directive power over them , the Canons Ecclesiasticall allowing the same . But I take these latter to have beene but a corruption of governing Presbyters , who came to bee made a humane ministery . 1. by having singular acts permitted . 2. by being consecrate to this , and so doing ex officio , what they were imployed in by the bishop . But sure these are but helpes to liturgy , according to the Canons . Preaching did not agree to them further then it could bee delegated or permitted . Finally , wee read , that by law it was permitted them : that it was taken away from them againe by the bishops : that it was stinted and limited sometimes as to the opening of the Lords Praier , the Creed and ten Commandements : as it is plaine to him that is any thing conversant in the ancient . Secondly , let us account them as Ministers of the word given by God to h●s Church : then I say , they could not have any direction , but such as the Apostles had amongst Evangelists : and this p●wer is g●ven to the bishops onely by canon swerving from the first ordinance of Christ : for it maketh a Minister of the word become as a cypher , without power of his consecration , as Ierom speaketh , being so interpreted by Pilson himselfe . These decrees were as justifi●ble as th●t which forbiddeth any to baptise ▪ who hath not gotten chrisme from the bishop Con. Carth. 4. cap. 36. unlesse the phrases doe note onely a precedence of order in the b●shop above Presbyters , requiring presence and assent , as of a fellow and chiefe member , not otherwise . To the proof of the second part of the former assumption , 1. we deny this majority of corrective power to have beene in the Apostles themselves : they had only a ministry executive inflicting that which Christs corrective power imposed . Secondly , we deny that this ministeriall power of censuring was singularly exercised by any Apostle or Evangelist , where Churches were constituted . Neither is the writing to one above others , an argument that he had the power to doe all alone without concurrence of others . To that of Cyprian against R●gatian ; we deny that Cyprian meaneth he would have done it alone , or that he and his Presbytery could have done it without the consent of Bishops neighbouring : but that he might in regular manner have beene bold to have done it , because he might be sure , quod no● co●legae tui ●mnesid ratum haberemus . Cyprian was of judgement , that he h●mselfe might doe nothing without the consent of his Presbyters , unlesse he should violate his duty , by running a course which stood not with the honour of his brethren . It was not modesty in him ; but due observancy , such as he did owe unto his brethren . Neither did Cyprian ever ordinarily any thing alone . He received some , the people and the brethren contradicting , lib. 1. epist. 3. but not till he had perswaded them , and brought them to be willing . Thou seest ( saith he ) what paines I have to perswade the brethren to patience ▪ So againe , I hardly perswade the people , yea even wring it from them , that such should be received . Neither did he take upon him to ordaine Presbyters alone : but propounded , made request for them , confessing , that further then God did extraordinarily prevent both him and them , they had the right of suffrage , no lesse then himselfe , as by these epistles may ●ppeare , lib. 1. ●pist . 20. lib. 2. epist. 5. lib. 4. epist. 10. Ierom ( though grandil● quen● sometimes ) did never thinke a Bishop could lawfully without his Presbyteries concurrence , excommunicate . If he were as Moses , yet he would have these as the seventy . Againe , Ierom doth write expresly of all in generall , Et nos sen●cum habemus , coetum Presbytero●●m , sine quorum consilio nihil agi à quaquam licet , ● ut Romani habuerunt sen●tum cujus confilio cuncta gerebantur . Epiphanius s●ith . Bishops governed Presbyters : but it doth not follow , that therefore they did it alone without concurrence of their com Presbyters . As for the fixed Presbyters , the proofes are more uns●fficient . The Bishop supplyed them , therefore they were under him . For Colleges supply Churches , yet have they no jurisdiction over them . Secondly , the canons did provide ne plebi invitae Presbyter obtruderetur . Thirdly , we ●iStinguish majority of rule from some jurisdiction . We grant the B●shop had such a jurisdiction as concer●ing the Church , so farre as it was in society with others , such as an Arch-bishop hath over a Province : but this did stand with the Rectors power of jurisdiction within his owne Church . Fourthly , though they had power by his ministeriall interposition , yet this doth not prove them dependant on him . For bishops have their power from others ordaining them , to whom notwithstanding they are not subject in their Churches . In case of delinquency they were subject to the bishop with the Presbytery , yet so that they could not be proceeded against till consent of many other bishops did ratifie the sentence . Thus in Cyprians judgement ; bishops themselves delinquent , turning wolves , as Samosatenus , Liberius , &c. are subject to their churches and Presbyteries , to be deposed and relinquished by them . As for those that were part of his clerks , it is true , they were in greater measure subject to him , absolutely in a manner for their direction : but for his corrective power he could not without consent of his Presbyters and fellow bishops , do any thing . The bishop indeed is onely named many times : but it is a common Synecdoche , familiar to the Fathers , who put the primary member of the church for the representative church , as Austine saith , Petrum propter Apostolatus simplicitatem figuram Eccl●siae g●ssisse . See concil . Sardicen . cap. 17. conc . Carth 4. cap. 2.3 . Tol. 4 cap. 4. Socr. lib. 1.3 . Soz. lib. 1. cap 14. As for such examples as Alexanders , it is strange that any will bring it , when he did it not without a Synod of many bishops , yea without his Clergie , as sitting in judgement with him . Ch●ysostomes fact is not to be justified : for it was altogether irregular , savouring of the impetuous nature to which he was inclined , though in regard of his end , and unworthinesse of his Presbyters , it may be excused , yet it is not to be imitated . As for those headlesse Clerkes , it m●ke●h nothing for the B●shops majority of rule over all Churches and Presbyters in them . For first , it seemeth to be spoken of those that lived under the conduct of the Bishop , a colleg●at life together , Eode refectorio & dormitori utehantur , & Canonice viventes ab Episcopo instru●bontur . Now when all such Clerkes did live then as members of a Colledge under a master , it is no wonder if th●y be called headlesse , who did belong to no Bishop . Secondly , say it were alike of all Presbyters , which will never be proved ( for all Presby●ers in the Diocesse were not belonging to the Bishops Cl●rkes ) say it were , yet will it not follow , ●hat those who were under some , were subject to his authority of rule . For there is a head in regard of presidency of order , as well as of power . Bishops were to finde out by Canon the chiefe bishop of their Province , and to associate themselves with him . So bishops doe now live ranged under their Archbish●ps as heads . Priests therefore as well as Clerkes , di● l●ve under some jurisdiction of the bishops ; but such as did permit them coer●ive power in their owne Churches , such as made the bishop a head in regard of dignity , and not of any power , whereby he might sw●y all at his pleasure . Thirdly , if the bishops degenerate to challenge Monarchy or tyranny , it is better to be without such heads then to have them : as we are more happy in being withdrawen from the headship of the bishop of Rome , then if he still were head over us . To the last insinuation proving that bishops had the governement of those Churches which Presbyters had , because neitheir Presbyters alone had it , nor with assistents . I answer , they had as well the power of government , as of teaching : and though they had not such assistants as are the presbyters of a cathedral church , yet they might have some , as a deacon , or other person sufficient in such small Churches . When the Apostles planted a bishop and Deacon onely , how did this bishop excommunicate ? When the fathers of Africa did give a bishop unto those now multiplied , who had enjoyed but a Presbyter , what assistants did they give him ? what assistants had the Chorepiscopi , who yet had government of their Churches ? The fifteenth Argument . That which the orthodoxe churches ever condemned as heresie , the contrary of that is truth . But in Aerius they have condemned the deniall of superiority in one Minister above others . Ergo , the contrary is truth . Answer . To the proposition , we deny that it must needs be presently true , the contrary whereof is generally condemned for heresie . As the representative catholicke Church may propound an error , so she m●y condemne a particular truth , and yet remaine a catholicke church . To the assumption wee deny that the Church condemned in Aerius every denyall of superiority , but that onely which Aerius runne into . Now his opinion I take to have been this . 1. He did with Ierom deny superiority of any kinde as due by Christs ordinance : for this opinion was never counted heresie , it was Ieroms plainely . 2. Hee did not deny the fact , that bishops were superiour in their actuall admistration ; h● could not be so mad . If he had all that a bishop had actually , how could he have affected to be a bishop , as a further honou● ▪ Deniall of superiority , such as consisteth in a further power of ord●r then a P●e●byter hath , and in a kingly monarchicall majority of rule , this denyall is not here condemned : for all the fathers may be ●rought as witnesses against this superiorty of the Church . What then was condemned in him ? A deniall of all superiority in one minister before another , though it were but of honor and dignity : and secondly , the de●ying of this in schismaticall manner , so as to fors●k● communion with the Church wherein it is . For in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it seemeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should bee read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there ought to be none . Howso●ver hee is to bee conceived as apposing practically the difference of honour & dignity which was in the Church by Ecclesiasticall institut●on . What is this to us ? Deniall of superiority in regard of honor & dignity , joyned with schisme , was condemned : Ergo , deniall of superiority in power of order and kingly majority of rule , keeping the bond of love was condemned . The assumption therefore if it assume not of this last deniall , then can it not conclude against us . Ergo , it is a truth that some Ministers may be above othersome , in order , honor , and dignity . But ●h●y understand not by order such an order onely as is distinct , because some degree of dignity is appropriate to it , which is not to other . Though th●s argument therefore touch us not , yet to speake a little further about it , this opinion of Aerius is not to be handled too severely : neither our authors , D. Whitakerus , D. Reynolds , Danaeus , to be blamed , who doe in some sort excuse him . For bishops were growne such that many good persons were offended at them , as the Audiani . Yea , it was so ordinary , that Ierom distinguisheth schisme from heresie , because the one conteined assertions against the faith , the other served from the Church by reason of dissenting from Bishops . See him on Tit. 3.10 . Neither is it plain that he was an Arrian . Epiphanius reporteth it , but no other , though writing of this subject and story of these times . Sure it is , Eustathius was a strong Arian , whom Aerius did oppose . Neither is it strange to bishops to fasten on those which dissent from them in this point of their freehold , any thing whereof there is but ungrounded suspicion . Are not we traduced as Donatists , Anabaptists , Puritanes ? As for this opinion ▪ th●y thought it rather schismaticall , then hereticall : & therfore happily called it heresie , because it included errour in their understanding , which with schismaticall pertinacy was made heresie . Neither is it like that Epiphanius doth otherwise count it heresie , nor Austin following him . For thou●h Austine was aged , yet he was so humble , that hee sai●h , Augustinus senex à puero nondum anniculo paratus sum edoceri . Neither was it prejudice to h●s worth for to follow men more ancient then himselfe , who in likelihood should know this matter also better . As for his calling it heresie , it is certaine he would not have this in rigour streined . F●r he doth protest ( in his preface unto that booke of heresie ) that none to his thought , can in a regular definition comprehend what that is which maketh this or that to be heresie . Though th●refore he doubted not of this , that A●rius was in errour , such as Catholickes should decline : yet it doth not argue that hee thought this errour in rigour and former propriety , to have beene heresie . Thus much for this last Argument . On the contrary side I propound these Arguments following to be serio●sly considered . Argument . 1. Those whom the Apostles placed as ●hiefe , in their first constituting of Churches , and left as their successours in their last farewels which they gave to the Churches , they had none s●periour to them in the Ch●rches . But they first placed Pres●y●e●s , fee●ing with the Word and governing : and to those in their last departings they commended the Churches . Ergo. The assumption is denied : they did not place them , as the chiefe ordinary Pastors in those churches , but placed them to teach and governe , in fore interno ; with a reference of subordination to a more eminent Pastor , which when now they were growen to a just multitude should be given to them . The Apostles had all power of order and jurisdiction : they give to Presbyters power of order , power to teach , minister sacraments , and so gather together a great number of those who were yet to be converted ; but kept the coercive power in their owne hands , meaning , when now by the Presbyters labour , the churches were growne to a greater multitude , meaning ( I say ) then to set over them some more eminent Pastors , Apostolicall men , to whom they would commit the power of government , that so they might rule over both the Presbyters and their Churches ; and to these with their successours , not to the Presbyters , were the churches recommended . All which is an audacious fiction , without any warrant of Scripture , or shew of good reason . For it is confessed that Presbyters were placed at the first constitution , as the Pastors and teachers of the Churches . Now if the Apostles had done this with reference to a further and more eminent Pastor and Governour , they would have intimated somewhere this their intention : but this they doe not ; yea , the contrary purpose is by them declared . For Peter so biddeth his Presbyters feed their flocks , as that he doth insinuate them subject to no other but Christ , the Arch shepheard of them all . Againe , the Apostles could not make the Presbyters Pastors without power of government . There may be governours without pastorall power ; but not a Pastor without power of governing . For the power of the Pedum , or shepheards staffe , doth intrinsecally follow the Pastorall office . What likelihood is there , that those who were set as parents to beget children , should not be trusted with power of the rod wherewith ch●ldren now begotten are to be nurt●red and kep● i● awe beseeming them ? If it be said , every one sit for the office of a Teacher , was not sit for a Governour : I answer , he that is fit to be a Pastor ●eaching and gov●rning in foro interno , is much more fit to be a Governour externally : he who is fit for the greater , is fit for the lesser . It was a greater and more Apostolicall worke to labour conversion , and bring the churches a handfull in t●e planti●g ( as some thinke ) to become numbersome in people , then it is to governe them being converted . And it is absurd to thinke that those who were fit to gather a church , and bring it to fulnesse from small beginnings , should not be fit to governe it , but stand in need to have som● one sent , who ●ight rule them and the churches they had collected . Secondly , these Presbyters were ( as themselves confesse ) qualified with the extraordinary gifts of the holy Ghost , and chosen by speciall designation : so that to impute insufficiency unto them , is harsh , and injurious to God , as well as to man. Finally , by the twenty of the Acts , and the first Epistle of Peter , cha . 5. it is plaine , they doe in their last farewels , commit the Churches unto the Presbyters , not suggesting any thing of a further Pastor to be sent , who would supply their roomes ; which yet they would not have forgotten , being a thing of so great consolation , had it been intended by them . Argument 2. Those who have the name and office of Bishopscommon to them , they have no superiour Pastors over them : but the Presbyters Pastorall have that name and office attributed to them . For first they are said to governe in generall . Secondly , there is nothing found belonging to the power of the keyes in foro externo , but the Scripture doth ascribe it to them , power of suffrage in councell . Acts 15. power of excommunication , which is manifest to have beene in the churches of Corinth when it had no bishop ; power of ordination , 1 Tim. 4. If any say , that this their power was but by commission in them , and that they were subordinate to the Apostles in exercise of it , being to reteine it onely untill such time as more eminent Pastors should be given : I answer ; all this is spoken gratis , without any foundation , and therefore no more easily vouched then rejected . The Presbyters so had this power , that they did commit it to the bishops , as we shall shew after : and therefore it must have beene in them , not by extraordinary commission , but by ordinary office . Secondly , they were subject in exercise to none but Christ and the holy Ghost , who onely had out of authority trusted them with it . If the Apostles and they did concurre in doing one and the same thing , they did it as inferiour to the Apostles , and servants of a lower order , not with any subjection to them , as heads of derivation , serving Christ their onely Lord , no lesse immediately then the Apostles themselves . Argument 3. That which is found in all other orders of Ministers instituted by Christ , may be presumed likewise in the order of Pastors and Doctors : but in all other orders , there were none that had singularity of preheminence and majority of power above other : No Apostle , Prophet , Evangelist had this rule one over another : If the proposition be denied , upon supposall of a different reason , because that though parity in a few extraordinary Ministers might be admitted without disorder , yet in a multitude of ordinary Ministers , it could not but breed schisme and confusion , and therefore as the order of Priesthood was divided into a high Priest , and other secondary ones , so is it fit that the Presbyters of the new Testament should be devided , some being in the first , and some in the second ranke . To this I answer , the parity is the more dangerous , by how much the places are supereminent . Secondly , though Pastors should be equall , y●t this would not bring parity into the Ministers of the Church , some whereof should bee in degree inferiour to other , the governing Elders to the Pastors , and the Deacons to them . Thirdly , if every Church being an Ecclesiasticall body , should have governours every way equall , there were no feare of confusion , seeing Aristocracy , especially where God ordaineth it , is a forme of gouernment sufficient to preserve order . But every Church might then doe what ever it would within it selfe . Not so neither ; for it is subject to the censure of other Churches synodically assembled , and to the civill Magistrate , who in case of delinquency , hath directive and corrective power over it . Parity doth not so much indanger the Church by schisme , as imparity doth by tyranny subject it . As for the distinction of Priests , wee grant it ; but as man could not have made that distiction , had not God ordained it in time of the old Testament , no more can we under the new . Howbeit , that distinction of Priests did bring in no such difference in order and majority of rule , as our Bishops now challenge . Argument 4. If some be inferiour unto othersome in degree of power , it must be in regard of their powe● to teach , or their power to govern , or in the application of this power to their persons , or in regard of the people whom they teach and governe , or finally in regard the exercise of their power is at the direction of another . But no Pastor or Teacher dependeth on an other but Christ for any of these . Ergo. The proposition standeth on a sufficient enumeration : the assumption may be proved in the severall parts of it . The former branch is thus cleared . First , the power we have , is the same essentially with theirs ; yea , every way the same . Secondly , wee have it as imediately from Christ as they . I shew them both thus : The power of order is the power which inableth us to preach and deliver the whole counsell of God , and to minister all Sacraments sealing Gods covenant . Now unlesse we will with the Papists , say that preaching is no necessary annexum to the Presbyters office , or that his power is a rudimentall limited power , as to open the creed , Lords praier , and commandements onely , or that he hath not the full power sacra●entall , there being other sacraments of ordination and ●onfirmation which wee may not minister , all which are gro●●e , we● must yeeld their power of order to be the same . Yea , were these sacraments properly , they are both grounded in the power a Presbyter hath : Ordination in do● this in remembrance of me : confirmation in power to baptize . The power being the same , it is happily in one immediately , and in the other by derivation from him . Nothing lesse . All grant that Christ doth immediately give it , even as the inward grace of every Sacrament commeth principally from him . The Church , did she give this power , might make the sacrament and preaching which one doth in order , no sacrament , no preaching . The Pope doth not ( if we follow the common tenent ) challenge so much as to give the power of order to any bishop or priest whatsoever . If you say , the Presbyter is ordained by the bishop , that is nothing : so is the bishop by other bishops , from whom notwithstanding he receiveth not this power . We will take this as granted of all : though the tru●h is , all doe not maintaine it from right grounds . But it will be said the Presbyter is inferiour in jurisdiction , and can have none but what is derived to him from the bishop , who hath the fulnesse of it within his Diocesan Church . But this is false , and grounded on many false presumptions . As first , that Ministers of the Word are not properly and fully Pastors ; for to make a Pastor , and give him no help against the Wolfe , is to furni●h him forth imperfectly . Secondly , it presupposeth the power of jurisdiction to be given originally and fontally to one person of the Church , and so to others , whereas Christ hath committed it originaliter and exercitative to the representative Church , that they might Aristocratically administer it . Thirdly , this presupposeth the plenitude of regiment to be in the bishop , and from him to be derived to other : which maketh him a head of virtuall influence , that in his Church , which the Pope doth challenge in regard of all bishops . For his headship and spirituall soveraignty standeth according to Bellarmine in this , that the government of all in for● externo , is committed to him . Not to mention , how bishops , while they were bishops , gloried of their chaire and teaching , as the flower of their garland , preferring it farre before government , but when they were fallen from their spirituall felicity , and infected with secular smoke , then they recommended the labour of teaching to the Presbyters , then their jurisdiction and consistory did carry all the credite , every office in the Church being counted a dignity , as it had more or lesse jurisdiction annexed ; as those are more or lesse honourable in the Common-wealth , which have civill authority in lesse or greater measure conjoyned . The truth is , it cannot be shewed that God ever made Pastor without this jurisdiction ; for whether it do agree to men as they are Pastors , or as they are Prelats in the Church , it cannot be avoided but that the Pastor should have it , because though every Praesul or Pralatus , be not a Pastor , yet every Pastor is Pralatus , in order to that Church where he is the proper and ordinary Pastor . Yea , when censure is the most sharp spirituall medicine , it were ill with every Church , if he who is resident alwayes among them as their spirituall Phisition , should not have power in administring it . Thirdly , I say , no Minister hath majority of power in applying the power of order or jurisdiction to this or that person . In the application there is a ministery of the Church interposed : but so that Christ onely is the cause with power , not onely why Presbyters are in the Church , but why Thomas or Iohn is chosen to and bestowed on this or that place . A Master onely doth out of power take every servant into his house : so God in his . God did choose Aarons sonnes with the Levites , and Christ the 70. not mediately leaving it to the arbitrement of any to set out those that should stand before him . God doth ever onely in regard of authority , apply all power Ecclesiasticall to every particular person , his sole authority doth it , though sometime as in ordinary callings , the ministery of others doth concurre . The Church is in setting out , or ordaining this or that man , as the Colledge is in choosing , when she taketh the man whom the statute of her founder doth most manifestly describe , or where the Kings mandate doth strictly injoyne , it would otherwise bring an imperiall power into the Church . For though many Kings cannot hinder but that there shall be such and such officers , and places of government as are in their Kingdome , yet while they are free at their pleasure to depute this or that man to the places vacant , they have a Kingly jurisdiction in them . Briefly , God doth ever apply the power Ecclesiasticall unto the person : sometime alone by himselfe , as in the Apostles , and then he doth it 〈◊〉 imm●dia●i●● suppositi qu●m virtutis : sometime the ministery of man concurring extraordinarily , as when God extraordinarily directeth a person to goe and call one to this or that place , as he did Sa●●el to anoint Saul . Or else ordinarily , when God doth by his Writ and Spirit , guide men to take any to this or that place in his Church , which he doth partly by his written statutes , and partly by his Spirit : and thus he doth make the application onely immediatione virtutis , not suppositi . Object . But yet Bishops have the Churches , and the care of them wholly committed to them ; though therefore Ministers have equall power to them , yet they cannot without their leave have any place within their Chur●hes , and therefore are inferiour , in as much as the people with whom they exercise their power of order and jurisdiction , are assigned to them by the Bishop the proper Pastor of them . This is an error likewise : For God doth make no Minister to whom he doth not assigne a flocke which he m●y at●end . God calleth Ministers , not to a faculty of honour , which doth qualifie them with power to ministerial actions , if any give them persons among whom they may exercise their power received , as the Emperours did make Chartul●rios judices , who had a power to judge causes if any would subject himselfe to them . Or as the Count Palatine hath ordinary Judges , who are habitu tantum judices , having none under them , amongst whom they may exercise jurisdiction . Or as the University giveth the degree of a Doctor in Physicke , without any patients among whom he may practise . But Gods Ministery is the calling of a man to an actuall administration , Goe teach : and the power of order if nothing by the way , but a relative respect , founded in this , that I am called to such an actuall administration . Now there cannot be an act commanded , without the subject about which it is occupied : otherwise , God should give them a faculty of feeding , and leave them depending on others for sheep to feed ; God should make them but remote potentiall Ministers , and the Bishop actuall , Thirdly , the Holy Ghost is said to have set the Presbyters over thei● flocke . A man taking a steward , or other servant into his house , doth give him a power of doing something to his family ; and never thinketh of taking servants , further then the necessity of his houshold doth require : so is it with God in his Church , which is his house : fore the exegency of his people so require , he doth not call any to the function of Ministery . Againe , this is enough to ground the authority which Antichrist assumeth : For some make his soveraignty to stand onely in this , not that he giveth order or power of jurisdiction , but that he giveth to all Pastors and Bishops the moity of sheepe , on whom this their power is exercised , Christ having given him the care of all his sheepe , feed my sheepe : so Vasquez . Thus if a Bishop challenge all the sheepe in a Diocesan flocke to be his , and that he hath power to assigne the severall flockes under him , he doth usurpe an Antichristian authority . Finally , if the Churches be the Bishops through the Diocesse , Ministers then are under them in their Churches , but as a Curate is , whom a Parson giveth leave to helpe within his Church . Yea , they should loose their right in their Churches , when the Bishop dieth , as a Curate doth when the Parson of this or that Church , whom he assisted , is once departed . To conclude , they are not dependant ( one Minister I meane on another ) in the exercise and use of their calling . A servant that hath any place , doth know from his Master what belongeth to it . The Priests and Levites had set downe what belonged to their places , as well as the high Priest what belonged to his . Againe , God hath described the Presbyters office , as amply as any other . A Legate dependeth on none for instructions , but on him that sendeth him ; now every Minister is an Embassadour of Christ. By their reason a Minister should be accountant to man for what he did in his Ministery , if his exercising of it did depend on man. Then also should minister●mediately onely serve God , in as much as they have done this or that , to which the bishop did direct them . Moreover , should the bishop bid him not preach at al , preach rarely , teach onely such and such things , or come and live from his charge , he should not sinne in obeying him . But man cannot limit that power of ministery which he cannot give . It is not with Gods servants in his Church , as with civill servants in the Common-wealth : for here some servants are above others whom they command as they will such as are called Fervi ●rdinarli or praepofiti , some are under others to do this or that commanded by them , commonly called servi vicarii : but in the Church all servants serve their Master Christ , neither having any that they can command , nor being under any but Christ so as to be commanded by them . But it may be objected , that God hath ordained some to be helpes and assistants to othersome . It is said that God hath ordained powers , helps , governours , 1 Cor. 12.8 . and were not the Evangelists assistants to the Apostles , doing that to which they directed them ▪ To this I answer , that the helps God hath put in his Church respect the calling of Deacons , and such as ministred to the infirme ones : As for Evangelists , they were companions and assistan●s to the Apostles , but it was in order to the work of God in their hands , which they were to serve , not in order to their persons , as if they had been subjected to them in any servile inferiority . Observe how Paul speaketh of them , 2 Cor. 8.23 . Vitu● w●s his companion and helper towards them , Phil. 2.25 . Epaphroditus was his brother and helper in his worke , and fellow souldier , 1 Thess. 3.2 . Timothy was his coadjutor in the Gospell of Christ , 2 Tim. 4.11 . Marke was helpefull in the Ministery . The truth is , this was servitus 〈◊〉 porf●●●lis 〈◊〉 re●lis , the Evangelists did serve the worke the Apostles had in hand , with out being servants to their persons . When brick-layers worke , some mixe line , and make mortar , some beare up tile and mortar , some sit on the house and there lay that which is b●ought them . These are all fellow servants , yet the one doth serve to set forward the worke of the other . But were they not left to the direction of the Apostles , wholly in exercise of their calling ? I answer , as Christ gave some to be Evangelists , so he made them know from himselfe what belonged to their office , and what was the administration to which he called them . He did not therefore wholly leave them to the direction of any . There is a double direction , one p●tes●atiue , which is made from majority of rule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other socialis , such as one servant , having fit knowledge of his masters will , and ripe experience , may give to another . The latter kinde of direction it was , not the former , by which the Evangelists were directed . Which though commonly Paul used , yet not so universally but that they went sometime of their owne accords hither and thither , as may be gathered , 2 Cor. 8.16 , 17. and 2.7.14 , 15. The fift Argument . That which the Apostles had not over Prophets , Evangelists , Presbyters , nor Deacons themselves that power wh●ch the Church hath not over any member , the bishop hath not over other ministers . But they had not over any inferior officers any majority of directive or corrective power : neither hath the Church it selfe any such power . Ergo. The assumption is proved : for majority of directive and corrective power is a Lord-like and Regall power : now there is no such power in the Church , or in the Apostles , or in any but onely in that one Lord : all other power being but a declarative and executive ministery to signifie and execute what Christ out of majority of power would have signified and put in execution . The sixth Argument . That which doth breed an Antichristian usurpation , never was of Christs institution . But bishops majority of power in regard of order and jurisdiction , doth so : Ergo. That which maketh the bishop a head as doth in s●uere derive the power of externall government to other his assistants that doth breed an Antichristian usurpation . But to claime the whole power of jurisdiction through a Diocesan Church , doth so : for he must needs substitute helpers to him , because it is more then by himselfe he can performe . But this is it which maketh Antichrist , he doth take upon him to be head of the whole Church , from whom is derived this power of externall government : and the bishop doth no lesse in his Diocesan Church , that which he usurpeth differing in degree onely and extension , not in kind from that which the Pope arrogateth . If it be said that his power is Antichristian , because it is universall : it is not so . For were the power lawfull , the universality could not make it Antichristian . The Apostles had an universality of authority , yet no Antichrists , because it did not make them heads , deriving to others from their fulnesse : it was not prince-like majority of power , but steward like and ministeriall onely . If one doe usurpe a kingly power in Kent onely , he were an Anti-king to our Soveraigne , no lesse for kind , then if he proclaimed himselfe King of England , S●otland , and Ireland . There is but one Lord , and many ministrations . Neither doth this make the Popes power papall , because it is not under a Synod : for the best of the Papists hold , and it is the most common tenent , that he is subject to an Oecumenicall Councell . Secondly , though he be subject , yet that doth not hinder but he may usurpe a kingly government : for a King may have a kingly power , and yet confesse himselfe accountable to all his people collectively considered : neither doth this make the Bishops lawfull in one Church , because one may manage it , and the Popes unlawfull , because none is sufficient to sway such a power through the whole Church : for then all the power the Pope doth challenge , is not per se , but per accidens , unlawfull , by reason of mans unsufficiency , who cannot we●ld so great a matter . The seventh Argument . Those Ministers who are made by one patent in the same words , have equall authority : but all Ministers of the Word are made by the same patent , in the same words , Receive the holy Ghost , whose sta● ye forgive . &c. Ergo. The proposition is denied : because the sence of the words is to be understood according as the persons give leave to whom they are spoken . These words spoken to Apostles , they gave them larger power then to a Bishop : and so spoken to a Presbyter they give him lesse power then to a Bishop . Answ : If the Scripture had distinguished of Presbyters Pastoral feeding with the Word , and made them divers degrees , as it hath made Apostles and Evangelists , then we would grant the excep●ion : but the Scripture doth not know this division of Pastors and Doctors into chiefe and assistent : but speaketh of them as of Apostles and Evangelists , who were among themselves equall in degree . Wherefore as no Apostle received by these words greater power then another : so no Pastor or Teacher , but must receive the same power , as who are among th●mselves of the same degree . Secondly , were they different degrees , yet it should give the Presbyter for kind , though not of so ample extent as the B●shop ha●h , as it giveth the Bishop the same power for kinde , which the Apostles had , though not so universall , but contracted to particular Churches . Now to some unto some conclusions or assertions which may le●d light unto the deciding of this question . Conclus . 1. Let this be the first . No Minister of the Word hath any power but ministeriall in the Church . Power is naturall or morall . Morall is Civill or Ecclesiasticall . Civill is either Lord-like and ruling , or ministeriall and servile . So Ecclesiasticall , taken largely for all power subjectively in , or objectively about the Church , is either Lord-like and Regall , such as is in Christ , or it is ministeriall and servile , such as is in the Church and the principall members of it . The power therefore of the Apostles themselves and Evangelists , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Act. 20. 1. Tim. 4. yea such a service , as doth make the ministers having it , so servants , that they are no way Lords . Many ministers , one Lord : we preach Christ , our selves your servants for Iesus sake . S. Paul maketh his power steward-like , not regall . Now as that is regall power which doth any thing from the authority one hath in himselfe , or from ones pleasure : so that is ministeriall power which doth nothing but eying the will and power of him that is pri●cipall : a power which signifieth or executeth this or that ix mer● al●erium obsequi● . Conclus . 2. This ministeriall power is no supernaturall vertue or quality inherent in the soule : but a relative respect founded on this , that I am called by God to this or that actuall administration in his Church . For it is not a power simply , whereby a man is made able to doe some supernatural act , which he could not before in any manner performe : but it is respectively said a power , in as much as it doth inable him to doe those acts in the Church of God lawfully , and ex officio , with which before he might not intermeddle . The power of a Deacon , Pastor , Evangelist , Apostle , belong to one predicament in regard of that which is the genus or common nature of them : the power of the Church cannot be other . Naturall and civill power doth ▪ with vertue and efficacy reach those effects and ends to which they are designed : because they are proportioned to them , and exceed not their activity : but Ecclesiasticall power cannot thus concur to the end and effects for which it is ordained : because they are such as the omnipotenty of God onely can produce , asthe converting or creating grace in the heart of a sinner , to which no supernaturall vertue in man can by any reall , though instrumentary efficacy , conduce any thing . Conclus . 3. God hath not given ministeriall power to any , which himselfe is not personally to discharge , nor in further plenitude then that by himselfe it may be performed . The reason is , because God cannot give one the charge of doing more then a mans proper industry can atchieve , but he must withall put it in a mans power to take others , and to impart with them power of teaching and governing , so farre as may supply that defect which is in his strength to performe it alone . He that will have the end , will have that without which the end cannot be attained . If God would have any one an universall pastor to all the Churches of the world , he must needs allow him power to substitute Pastors here and there , deriving unto them power both to teach and governe , so far as may supply his absence in the Pastorall cure . If I will have one keepe my flockes which goe in twenty sheepe-gates , if I commit them to one , I must needs together give him leave to assume unto himselfe such as may be under shepheards to him . Thus if God give a Bishop the plenitude of Pastorall care and government over all the Parishionall Churches through a Diocesse , he must needs together allow him this power , of being a head of internall influence , even a head virtually communicating with others part of pastorall power , whether teaching or government . Thus should none but Bishop● be ex officio servants in Pastorall cure to God : all others should be immediately and formally servants to the bishop , and doe every thing in the name of the bishop , being immediately onely and in a remote sense the servants of God : as in the former comparison of one servant receiving from his master the care of all the ●tockes , he is the masters servant to whom the master committeth the trust , from whom he onely looketh to see it performed : but those whom this shepheard taketh to himselfe for his aid , they come under his dominion , and are servants to him . If it be said , that God doth not thus make the bishop Pastor , but that he wil likewise that there be parish Pastors under him , and helps of government . To this I answer , If God will have them , then either after his owne de●ignement , or else leaving it to the bishops arbitrement : if he leave it to the bishops arbitrement , then the objection before is in force , God will looke for the cure from him onely , he shal take according to his judgment , such as may helpe him . If God will have them after his owne designment , then he giveth the bishop no more Pastorall power then he can discharge himselfe , others having their right in all the bishop cannot execute , as well as the bishop , and as immediatly from Christ. Some write , as if the Apostles had the plenitude of all Pastorall power , that from them it might be derived to the Church , it being seene through nature , that inferiour things receive influence from the superiour . But they misconceive the matter ; they had onely a power to serve the Church with the personall service of their Apo●tleship . The Pastorall power of Evangelists , or of ordinary Pa●tours and teachers , they never had . For as Christ gave the one order , so the two other also , for the gathering of the Saints , and exaedifying of the body of Christ : and no person in any ranke had any power to do this or that in the Church further then himselfe might performe in person . The steward in a house hath full power of a steward , but not the power of all other officers , as Clark of the kitchin , B●tler , Chamberlaine , &c. So in these divers orders of servants in Gods house , his Church . If the Apostles had had the fulnesse of Pastorall c●re , they should then have ordained others Evangelists , and Pastors not onely by ministeriall mediation of their persons calling them , but also by mediation of vertue . Conclus . 4. One ministeriall power may be in degree of dignity above another . For the power of one may be about more noble acts then the power of another , or in the same kinde , the power of one may be more extended , and the power of another more contracted . Thus the Deacons had for the object of their power and care , not so excellent a thing as that of Pastors , Evangelist● , and Apostles . Thus the power of ordinary Pastors was not so univer●all as the Apostles , even as in the orders of servants domesticall , some are implied about lesser , some about greater and more honorable subjects . Co●cl . 5. No order of Ministers or servants can have majority of ●●●●ctive and corrective power over those who are in inferior order o● Ministery and service . The reason is , because this exceedeth the ●ounds of ministeriall power , and is a participation of that despoticall power which is appropriate to the master of the family . Concl. 6. Servants in one degree may have power to signifie their masters direction , and to execute ministerially what their master out of his corrective power inflicteth on their fellow servants in other degrees . Thus Pastors signifie Gods will to governing Presbyters and Deacons , what he would have them to doe in their places . Thus the Apostles might informe all orders under them . Concl. 7. This power ministeriall tending to execute the pleasure of Christs corrective power , was committed to some in extraordinary degrees , personally and singularly , and might be so in some cases exercised by them . I meane singularity without concurrence of any others . This without doubt was in the Apostles and Evangelists : and it was needfull it should be so : first , because it might be behovefull there to excommunicate whereas yet Churches were not risen to their perfect frame : secondly , because there might be some persons not setled as fixed dwellers in any Church , whom yet to be cast forth was very behovefull . Againe , some Evangelists might incurre censure , as Demas , in such sort as no ordinary Churches power could reach to them . Concl. 8. That ordinarily this power is not given to any one singularly by himselfe to exercise the same , but with the company of others constituting a representative Church : which is the point next to bee shewed . Yea where Churches were constituted , the Apostles did not offer to exercise their power , without the minsteriall concurrence of the Churches , as in the story of the Corinthians is manifest . THE THIRD QVESTION Whether Christ did immediatly commit ordinary power Ecclesiasticall , and the exercise of it , to any singular person , or to united multitude or Presbyters . THough this question is so coincident with the former , that the grounds hath in a sort been discussed ▪ yet for some new considerations which may be super-added , we will briefly handle it in the Method premised . First , it is argued for the affirmative . Argum. 1. Tha● which is committed to the Church , is committed to the principal member of the Church ▪ But exercise of jurisdiction was committed to the Church , Mat● . 18.17 . Ergo. Either to the whole Church , or to a Church in the Church , or to ●ome one eminent member in the Church . But it was not committed to be exercised by the whole Church , or to any Church in the Church . Ergo , to one who is in effect as the church , having all the authority of it . Secondly , if one person may be representatively a Church , when jurisdiction i● promised ; then one person may be representatively a Church when jurisdiction and power of exercising is committed . But one singular person , Peter signified the Church , when the promise of jurisdiction is made . Ergo. Cyprian to Iubaia saith , that the bishop is in the Church , and the Church so in the bishop , ● that they cannot be severed . Finally , as the kingdome of England may be put for the King in whom is all the power of the Kingdome : So the Church for the chiefe governour in whom is the power of it . The second Argument . Th●t which the Churches had not given them when they were constituted , that was not promised to them as their immediat right . But they had not coercive power given them when they were constituted , Ergo , Christ did not commit it to the Churches or Presbyters . For then the Apostles would not have withhold it from these . But they did . For the Apostles kept it with themselves . As in the incestuous Corinthian is manifest , whom Paul by his judge●ent was faine to excommunicate . And the Thessalonians are bid to note the inordinate , And signifie them , as not having power within themselves to censure them . And so Paul alone excommunica●ed Hymen●us and Alexander . The third Argument . That which Paul committed to some prime men in Churches , and their successours , that was not committed to Presbyteries , but singular persons . But in power of ordination and jurisdiction , he did so . For to Timothy in Ephesus , and to Titu● in Crete , he commended the power and exercise of it . Ergo. The fourth Argument . That order which was most fit for exercising power of jurisdiction , that Christ did ordaine . But the order of one chiefe governour is sitter for execution , then the order of a united multitude . Ergo. The fifth Argument . If all authority and power of exercise be in the Church originally , then the Pastors derive their power from the Church . But this is not true . Ergo , it was not committed to the Church . That authority which the Church never had , shee cannot convey . But the Pastorall authority of word and Sacraments never was in the Church essentially taken . Ergo , it cannot be derived from her . Againe Pastours should discharge their office in the name of the Church , did they receive their power from the Church . The sixth Argument . If the power of jurisdiction and execution be committed from Christ to the Church , then hath the Church supreame power . Then may a particular Church depose her bishop , the sheepe censure the shepheard , children their fathers , wh●ch is absurd . On the other side it is argued , Argum. 1. That which Christ doth presuppose as being in many , and to be exercised by many , that never w●s committed by Christ to one , and the execution of a●y one . But Mat. 18. Christ doth manifestly suppose the power of jurisdiction to be in many ▪ and that exercitative , so as by them being many , it is to be exercised . Ergo. Now this is plaine in the place . Where first m●rke , ●hat Christ doth presuppose the authority of every particul●r Church t●ken in distinctly . For it is such a Church as any brother offended may presently complaine to . Th●refore no univers●ll , or provinciall , or Diocesan Church g●thered in a C●uncell . Secondly , it is not any particular Ch●rch that he doth send ●ll Christi●ns to , for ●h●● all Christ●ans in the world should come to one particular at Church , were it possible . He doth therefore presuppose indistinctly the very particular Church where the brother offending and offended are members . And if they be not both of one church , the plaintife must make his denunt●ation to the Church where the defendant is , quia forum sequitur reum . Thirdly , as Christ doth speake it of any ordinary particular Church indistinctly , so he doth by the name of Church not understand essentially all the congregation . For then Christ should give not some , but all the members of the Church to be governors of it . Fourthly , Christ ▪ speaketh it of such a Church to whom wee may ordinarily and orderly complaine : now this we cannot to the whole multitude . Fiftly , this Church he speaketh of , he doth presuppose it as the ordinary executioner of all discipline and censure . But the multitude have not this execution ordinary , as all but Morelius , and such Democritall spirits doe affirme . And the reason ratifying the sentence of the Church , doth shew that often the number of it is but small : For where two or three are gathered together in my name . Whereas the Church or congregations essentially taken for teachers and people , are incomparably great . Neither doth Christ meane by Church the chiefe Pastor , who is virtually as the whole Church ▪ For first , the word Church doth ever signifie a company , and never is found to note out one person . Secondly , the Bishop may be the person offending or offended , and the Church to which he must bring the matter , must be other then himselfe . Thirdly , the gradation doth shew it . First , by thy selfe , Then shew a witnes or two . Then to the Church , as the sinne increaseth , the number of those by whom it is to be rebuked and censured , increaseth also . If one say , though the Church signifie one governour , yet the gradation holdeth , for to tell it to ●he governour in open Court , is more then to tell it to twenty . Wee grant that this is true , and were the word C●urch taken here to note some eminent governour , it might be brought in as a further degree , though one onely were enforced . But how can Peter be complainaint , if Peter the Praesul onely be the judge to whom the thing must be denounced . Fourthly , the church in the Corinthians which Paul stirreth up to censure the incestuous person , was not any one but many . Their rebuke upon which it is like he repented , was a rebuke of many , 2 Cor. 2.6 . Fiftly , if the church had been one , he would not have subjoyned : for what ye shall ●ind on earth , shall be bound in heaven . Sixtly , if the church did not note an assembly , how could he assure them from hence , that God would do what they agreed on , because he was with the least assemblies gathered in his name . Unlesse the Church meant were an assembly , this argument could not be so correspondent . Where two or two or three are assembled in Gods name , God is in the midst of them to doe that they agree on . But where the Church is binding or loosing , there are some assembled in the name of Christ. Ergo. Lastly , the chur●h in the old Testament never noteth the high Priest virtually , but an assembly of Priests sitting together , as Judges in the causes of God. Wherefore as Christ doth indistinctly presuppose every particular Church : So he doth here onely presuppose the joint authori●y , and joint execution of a representative Church , a Presbytery of Elders who were Pastors and Governours . Argum. 4. Wee argue from the practice of the Churches . That power which is not in one , nor to bee exercised by one , but in many , and to be exercised by many in the Church of the Corin●hians , that power with the exercise of it , was committed by Christ to many , not to one . But the power of Ecclesiasticall censure was in many , and to be performed by many assembled . Ergo. The proposition is plaine . For Paul would not have called for , nor have liked any constitution or exercise of power Ecclesiasticall , other then Christ had ordained . The assertion is denyed by some : but ●t is a plaine truth by many invincible argumen●s . For first , Paul doth rebuke them that they had not set themselves to cast them forth . Now ( as Ambrose saith on the place . Si au●em quis potestalem non h●b●● , quim scit reum abjicere , aut probare non valet ; immunis est . Secondly , Paul doth wish them assembled together , with himselfe in the name and vertue of Christ , that they might deliver him up to Sathan . For hee doth not call on them to restraine him as already excommunicated , but to purge him out as an infectuous leaven yet amongst them . Thirdly , Paul doth tell them that they had power to judge those within , those who were called brethren , and lived otherwise . Fourthly , Paul doth tell them that they did a rebuke or mu●ct o● many , writing to them that they would not proceed , 2 Cor. 2 6. Lastly , Paul doth attrib●te power to them to forgive him , and to rece●ve him to the peace of the church . Which would not have been in them , had they not had the power to excommunicate . Such as h●ve no power to binde , have no power to loose . So it migh● be prov●d by the Church of the Thessalonians , 2 Thess. 3.14 . If any man wa●k in●rdinatly , note him , that others may refraine him Noting , being not a signification by letter , which doth wrest the word against all copies , and the current of all Greek interpreters : but judicially to note him , ●hat all may avoid him ; that is , excommunicate him . Finally , the churches of Asia , as it is plaine , had power of government within themselves . Argum. 5. That power which the Apostles did not exercise in the churches , nor Evangelists , but with concurrence of the churches and Presbyteries , that power is much lesse to be exercised by any ordinary Pastour , but by many . But they did not ordaine , nor lay on hands alone , they did not determine questions by the power of the keyes alone , but with concurrence of the Presbyters of the church . Ergo , much lesse may any ordinary Minister doe it alone . Timothy received grace by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Presbytery . For that Persons must be understood here is apparant by the like place ; when it is said , by the laying on of my hands , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noteth a person , and so here a Presbytery . Secondly , 〈◊〉 take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the order of Priesthood , is against all Lexicons , and the nature of the Greeke termination . Thirdly , Timothy never received that order of a Presbyter , as before we have proved . Fourthly , it cannot signifie as Greeke Expositers ●ake it , a company of bishops . For neither was that Canon of 3. bishops and the Metropolitan , or all the bishops in a Province , in the Apostles time , neither were the●e who are now called bishops , then called Presbyters , as they say , but Apostles , men that had received Apostolick grace , Angels , &c. Finally , it is very absurd to think of companies of other Presbyters in Churches then Paul planted ; but he placed Presbyteries of such Presbyters as are now distinguished from bishops , which is the grant of our adversaries . Not to mention how Armachanus doth censure the other as an interpretation from ones privat sence , besides testimonie of Scripture . Thus the Apostles did not offer alone to determine the question Act. 15. but had the joynt suffrages of the Presbytery with them . Not because they could not alone have infallibly answered , but because it was a thing to be determined by many ; all who had received power of these keyes , doing it ex offici● , and others from discretion and duty of confession the truth . Yea the bishops called Primi Presbyteri , had no ordination at the first which the Prebytery did not give them . Whence have bishops of other Churches power to minister the sacrament to the b●shop of this Church ? But Timothy and Titus are said to have ordained Ministers . As Consuls and D●ctators are said to have created Consuls , because they called Senates , propounded and together with others did it . No otherwise doe Jesuits themselves understand it . Salmeron on the first of Titus , &c. And it is manifest by Ecclesiasticall writings of all sorts , that Presbyters h●d right of su●●rage , not onely in their owne Presbyteries , but in Provinciall Synods , and therefore in O●cumenicall Synods , which doth arise from a combination of the other , to which their mindes went in the instructi●n of bishops received from their Churches . And A●hanasius yet a Deacon , is read to have beene at the Counsell of Nice , and to have had right of suffrage in it . Finally , the Presbyteries did a long time execute jointly all actions of Church government , as is before declared . Other arguments we shall touch in answer of the●e which have beene objected . Now to come to the conclusio●s , let this be first . Conclus . 1. Extraordinary power was committed to some singular persons , so that in some case they might singularly exercise it without concurrence of other . This I speake in regard of Apostles and Evangelists , whose power in many things could not have concurrance of particular Churches , which in the former question is sufficiently declared . Conclus . 2. That ordinary power , and the execution therof was not committed to any singular governors , whereof there was to be one onely in each Church . This is against the Jesuits , who make account ( the most of them ) that as all civill power of government is given to Kings to bee executed by them within their common-wealth , so Ecclesiasticall power ( say they ) is given to the Pope and to bishops in their particular Churches to be executed by them , and derived from them to the whole Church . Conclus . 3. Ordinary power with the execution thereof , was not given to the community of the church , or to the whole multitude of the faithfull , so that they were the immediate and first receptacle , receiving it from Christ , and virtually deriving it to others . This I set downe against the Divines of Constance ; our prime Divines , as Luther and Melan●thon , and the Sorbonists , who doe maintaine it at this day . Yea , this seemeth to have beene Tertullians errour ; for in his book● : de p●dicitia , he maketh Christ to have left all Christians with like power , but the church for her honor , did dispose it as we see . The proposition of a pollitick body , and naturall deceived them , while th●y will apply all that is in these to Christs mysticall body , not remembring that analogon is not in omnisimile , for then should it bee the same with the ●n●loga●um . True it is , all civill power is in the body politicke , the collections of subjects , then in a King from them : And all the power of hearing , seeing , they are in the whole man , which doth produce them effectually , though formally and instrumentally they are in the eare and eye . But the reason of this is , because these powers are naturall , and what ever is naturall , doth first agree to the community or totum , and afterward to a particular person and part , but all that is in this body , cannnot hold in Christs mysticall body . In a politick body power is first in the community , in the King from them , but all Ecclesiasticall power is first in our King before any in the church from him . But to whom should he first commit this power , but to his Queene . Answ. Considering this power is not any Lordly power , but a power of doing service to the church for Christ his sake . Therefore it is fit it should be committed to some persons , and not to the whole community which are the Queene of Christ. For it is not fit a King should commit power to his Queene to serve herselfe properly : but to have persons who in regard of his relation should stand distinguished from her . Secondly , in natu●●ll bodies , the power of seeing is first immediately in the man , from the man in the eye and particular members : In the mysticall body , the faith of a beleever is not first immediatly in all , then in the beleever , but first of all and immediatly in the person all beleever , for whose good it serv●th more properly th●n for the whole , every man being to live by his owne faith . The power of Priesthood was not first in the Church of Israel , so deri●ed to the Priest●s but immedia●ly from Christ feared in Aaron and his sonnes . O●ject . Yea they were given the church intuitu ejusdem tanquam finis & totius . Answ. I but this is not enough , that power may be said to be immediatly received by the church as the first receptacle of it , and from it derived to others , as the power of seeing is not onely given int●itu homin● as the end of it , and the totum to whom it agreeth , but is in homine as the first subject from whom it commeth to the eye . But the power even of ordinary Ministers is not in the church . For as all are said not to have beene Apstoles , so not to h●ve beene Doctors . But if the power of ordinary teachi●g had been given to every beleever , all should have beene made Doctors , though not to continue so in exercising the power . Secondly , were the power in the church , the church should not onely call them , but make them out of vertue and power received into her selfe : then should the church have a true Lordlike power in regard of her Ministers . Besides , there are many in the community of Christians uncapable of this power regularly , as women and children . This conclusion in my judgement Victoria , Soto & others deny with greater strength of reason then the contrary is maintained . Conclus . ● . Fourthly , ordinary power of ministeriall government is committed with the execution of it , to the Senat or Presbytery of the church . If any f●●e in any office , the church hath not power of supplying that , but a ministery of calling one whom Christ hath described , that from Christ he may have power of office given him in the place vacant . Conclus . 5. Lastly , though the community have not power given her , yet such estate by Christ her husband is put on her , that all power is to bee executed in such manner , as standeth with respect to her excellency Hence it is , that the governours are in many things of greater moment to take the consent of the people with them . Not that they have joynt power of the keyes with them , but because they sustaine the person of the spouse of Christ , and therefore cannot bee otherwise : dealt wi●h without open dishonour in such things , which belong in common to the whole congregation . Now to answer the arguments first propounded . The Proposition of the first Syllogisme is denyed . That what was committed to the Chu●ch 〈◊〉 committed to s●me principall member . And are deny the second part of the next . Syllogisme , proving this par● denyed . For the power and execution was committed to a Church in a Church . Which is so farre from absurdity , that he is absurd who doth not see it in Civill and Sacr●d . Doe we not see in Parliament a representative Common-wealth within our Common-wealth , having the greatest authority ? Not to mention that a Church within a Church should not be strange to them who imagine many Parishionall churches within one Diocesan church . To the proofes which prevent as it were an objection , shewing that the church , Mat. 18.17 . may be put for one chiefe Governour . The proposition is denyed . If that Peter one Governour , may be in type and figure the Church to wh●m the jurisdiction is premised , then the Church receiving and execucing it may be one . A most false Proposition whose contrary is true . The reason is , because the church typified by Peter is properly and really a church , not figuratively and improperly : for then Peter should have beene a figure or type , of a type or figurative church . The figure therefore and type being of the church which is properly taken , and the church properly and really taken , being a company assembled , hence it is that ( Matth. 18.17 . ) the church cannot signifie one ; for one is but figuratively and improperly a church . There is not the same reason of the figure and the thing that is figured . Nay hence an Argument may be retorted , proving that by that church whereof Peter was a figure , is not meant one chiefe Governour . Peter as one man or Governour was properly and really a virtuall church and chiefe Governour . But Peter as one man and Governour was in figure onely the church . Matth. 18. Ergo , that church Matth. 18. is not a virtuall church , noting forth one chiefe Governour onely . As for Cyprians speech , it doth nothing but shew the conjunction of Pastour and people by mutuall love , which is so streight that the one cannot be schismatically left out , but the other is forsaken also . Otherwise I thinke it cannot be shewed to the time of Innocent the third , that the Bishop was counted the church ; or this dreame of a virtuall church once imagined . The Clerkes of the church of Placentia did in their oath of canonicall obedience sweare thus : That they would obey the Church of Placentia , and the Lord their Bishop . Where the Chapiter doth carry the name of the church from the Bishop . Yea , even in those times preposed , or set before him , when the Pope was lifted up above generall councels , then it is like was the first nativity of these virtuall churches . As for a Kingdome I doubt not , but it may be put for a King figuratively : but the church typified by Peter , must needs be a church properly . And it will never be proved that any one Governour was set up in a church proportionable to a King in a Common-wealth , in whom is all civill power whereby the whole Kingdome is administred . To the second Argument from the Apostles fact in the Church of Cori●th , who judicially , ( absent ) sentenced his excommunication , I have 〈◊〉 or j●dged , leaving nothing to the Church , but ou● of their obedience to decline him , as in the 2. Epist. 2. he saith , Fo● this 〈◊〉 I have writt●● to you , that I may proove whether you will in all things 〈◊〉 obedient . What Argument● are these ? He that judgeth one to be excommunicated , hee leaveth no place for the Presbyters and Church of Corinth judicially to excommunicate . Thus I might reason , Act. 15.17 . from Iames , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He who doth judicially sentence a thing hee leaveth no place to other Apostles and Presbyters to give sentence . The truth is , the Apostle might have judged him to be excommunicate ; and an Evangelist , if present , might have judged him also to be excommunicate , and yet place left for the Churches judgement also . These are subordinate one to the other . Here it may be objected , that if place be left for the Churches judgement after the Apostles sentence ; then the Church is free not to excommunicate where the Apostles have , and the same man should bee excommunicate and not excommunicate . Ans. Suppose the Apostles could excommunicate Clave errante , Without cause , it is true . But the Apostles sentence being just , shee is not free , in as much as shee cannot lawfully but doe that which lyeth on her ; when now it is especially shewed her , and by example shee is provoked . Yes , where she should see just cause of excommunicating she is not ( though none call on her ) free not to excommunicate . Neverthelesse , though she is not free , so as she can lawfully not excommunicate , yet she is free , speaking of freedome absolutely and simply , and if she should not excommunicate him , hee should remaine not excommunicable but excommunicate , by chiefe judgement , yet it should not be executed , by the sinister favour of a particular Church . As , say Sauls sentence had beene just , and the peoples favour had beene unjust , Ionathan had beene under condemnation , but execution had beene prevented by the peoples he●dstrong affection towards him . Ob. So they who obeyed Paul they did not judicially excommunicate . Ans. As though one may not exercise power of government by manner of obedience to the exhortation of a superior . Touching the place in the Thessaloni●ns , those that read , Note him by an Epistle , doe goe against the consent of all Greeke Interpreters ▪ And the context doth shew , that it is a judiciary noting one , such as caused him to bee avoided by others , and tended to breed shame in him . As for Pauls excommunicating 〈◊〉 and Alexa●der , It will not follow . That which he did alone an ordinary Pastor may doe alone . Secondly , it is not like he did it alone : but a● he cast out the Corinthian , though the whole proceeding be not noted . Though Paul saith , I delivered them ▪ So he saith , grace was given Timothy by imposition of his 〈◊〉 ● Tim. 1.6 . when yet the Presbytery joyned , 1 Tim. 4.14 Thirdly , it may be they were no fixed members in any constituted Church . The third argument of Timothy and Titus hath beene sufficiently discussed . To the fourth , That one is fitter for execution then many . To which we may adde , that though the Bishops be but as Consuls in a Senat , or Vice-chancellors in a University , having when they sit with others , no more power then the rest . Yet these have execution of many things committed to them . The assertion . viz. That many are lesse fit for execution , we deny . That order is fittest which God instituted . But he doth commit the keyes to the Church , to many , that they might exercise the authority of them ; when that mean is most fit , which God will most blesse , and his blessing doth follow his owne order , this is the fittest . Secondly , in the Apostles times , and in the times after , almost foure hundred yeeres expired , Presbyters did continue with Bishops in governing and executing what ever was decreed . Thirdly , this deprivation from the first order , one to execute for a Diocesan , one for a Provinciall , the decrees of a Diocesan and Provinciall , drew on a necessityof one to execute the decrees of the Oecumenicall Church or Pope . Fourthly , Let them shew where God divided the power of making lawes for government of any Church from the power to execute them . Regularly they who have the greater committed , have the lesser also . Fiftly , we see even in civill governments many parts by joynt Councell and action are as happily governed as others are by a singular governour . Truely , that the Affrican Fathers write to Celestive is true : It is unlikely that God will be present , with one , inspiring him with his spirit , and not be present with many who are in his name , and with his warrant assembled . As for those comparisons they hold not in all : they hold in that which the Consull doth in calling the assembly , propounding things , &c. Yet the Consuls never took the power to censure their fellowes without the concurrence of their fellow Senators , nor to withdraw themselves from being subject to the censure of the rest of the Senate . To the fift argument , to the proposition by distinction : if they have all power both of ministeriall application , and instituting others out of vertue and authority , then Pastours derive . But this is denyed . She hath no power but of Ministery , and no plenitude but so farre as they in their owne persons can discharge . It presupposeth therefore we affirme in our question what we doe not . But to let the proposition passe , because of some derivation , it is true . If she have but all power of Ministeriall application , then Bishops 〈◊〉 f●om 〈◊〉 But ●hey doe not . We say they doe . And where●● it i● 〈◊〉 th●● which the Church ne●er had she cannot conve● 〈…〉 , which the Church never had , she cannot virtually convey it ▪ but she may a● ministering to him who hath the power and vertue of deriving i● . Nothing can give that which it hath not , either formally or virtually , unlesse it give it as an instrument to one who hath it . A man not having a penny of his owne , may give a● hundred pounds if the King make him his Almoner . A Steward may give all offices in his masters house , as ministerially ex●cuting his masters pleasure . Thus the Church deriveth , as taking the person whom Christ describeth , and out of power will have placed in this or that office in his Church . This answereth to the last suggestion . For if the Church did virtually , and out of power make an officer , it is true , as we see with those whom the King maketh in the common-wealth . But if she doe it in Steward-like manner , ministring to the sole Lord and master of his house , then is not he so taken in to doe in his name , but in his masters name . As a Butler taken in by a servant , doth execute his office not in master Stewards name , but in his masters , who onely out of power did confer it on him . The last objection I answer . That the particular Church may depose their Bishop . What member soever in the Church is the offending person , may be complained of to the Church . The Church of Philippi , if it had power to see that Archippus doe his dutie , then it had power to reprove and censure him not doing it . If the Church have power by election to choose one their Bishop , and so power of instituting him , then of destituting also . Instituere & destituere ejusdem es●●otestates . But he is given the onely judge in Christs roome , and though they elect him , yet as you have said , and truely , they have not the power of th●t authority in them to which he is elected . No more then the Electors of the Emperour have in them power of the Imperiall dignity . Answer . We say therefore , that as the Church hath onely ministeriall power of application , that is , as they cannot out of power call a Pastour , but onely call one whom Christ pointeth out , and to whom Christ out of power gi●eth the place of Pastour . So she cannot censure or depose , but onely ministerially executing the censure of Christ , who will have such a one turned ou● , or otherwise censured . But the Bishop never was sole judge , though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he may be said so . Christ instituted ● Presbytery , in which all had equall power of judgement . Cyprian Ep. 68. in the case of Bes●●●des and Martialis , doth shew that the Church had power as of choosing worthy , so of refusing unworthy . He speaketh of an ordinary power , as by choosing is manifest , not extraordinary and in case of necessitie . And Mr. Field maintaineth , that L●●erius was lawfully deposed by the Church of Rome . Surely I marvell men of learning will deny it , when no reason evinceth the Pope though a generall Pastor subject to the censure of a Church Oecumenicall , but the same proveth a Diocesan Bishop subject to the censure of the particular Church . Unlesse they will say with some Schoolmen , Sot● , viz. That the Pope is but the vicar of Christ in the generall Church : but the Bishop is both the vicar of Christ , and also representeth the generall Church in his Diocesse , whence he cannot be proceeded against by the Church that is a particular . As if to be a vicar of Christ were a lesser matter then to represent the generall Church , with whom in his calling the Church Oecumenicall hath nothing to doe . To that which is objected touching Fathers , Pastors ; the similitudes hold not in all things . Naturall parents are no wayes children , nor in state of subjection to their children : but spirituall fathers are so fathers , that in some respect they are children to the whole Church . So shepherds are no way sheepe , but ministers are in regard of the whole Church . Secondly , Parents and Shepherds are absolutely parents and shepherds , be they good or evill : but spirituall Parents and Pastors are no longer so then they doe accordingly behave themselves . Besides , are not civill Kings Parents and Pastors of their people ? yet if they be not absolute Monarches , it was never esteemed as absurd , to say that their people had power in some cases to depose them . If their owne Churches have no power over them , it will be hard to shew wherein others have such power of jurisdiction over persons who belong not to their owne churches . But Lord Bishops must take state on them , and not subject themselves unto any triall , but by their Peeres onely , which is by a Councell of Bishop● . FINIS . 
A91392	----	The true grounds of ecclesiasticall regiment set forth in a briefe dissertation. Maintaining the Kings spirituall supremacie against the pretended independencie of the prelates, &c. Together, vvith some passages touching the ecclesiasticall power of parliaments, the use of synods, and the power of excommunication. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91392 of text R212682 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E176_18). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 200 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91392 Wing P428 Thomason E176_18 ESTC R212682 99871272 99871272 157098 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91392) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 157098) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 31:E176[18]) The true grounds of ecclesiasticall regiment set forth in a briefe dissertation. Maintaining the Kings spirituall supremacie against the pretended independencie of the prelates, &c. Together, vvith some passages touching the ecclesiasticall power of parliaments, the use of synods, and the power of excommunication. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. [2], 99, [1] p. Printed for Robert Bostock, London : 1641. Annotation on Thomason copy: "by Mr. Hen: Parker". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Royal supremacy (Church of England) -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. A91392 R212682 (Thomason E176_18). civilwar no The true grounds of ecclesiasticall regiment: set forth in a briefe dissertation. Maintaining the Kings spirituall supremacie against the p Parker, Henry 1641 35227 23 10 0 0 0 0 9 B The rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE TRUE GROUNDS OF Ecclesiasticall Regiment SET FORTH In a breife Dissertation . Maintaining the Kings spirituall supremacie against the Pretended Independencie of the PRELATES , &c. TOGETHER , VVith some passages touching the Ecclesiasticall Power of Parliaments , the use of Synods , and the Power of Excommunication . LONDON , Printed for Robert Bostock . 1641. The Divine Right of Episcopacie refuted . IN this Controversie about Episcopacie by reason of many mistakes of either side much time hath beene spent to little purpose , and the right and truth is yet as farre imbosked , and buried in darknesse as ever it was . Me thinks , the case is , as if two well imbattail'd Armies had marched forth for a mutuall encounter , but both not taking the same way , there never was yet any meeting in any one certain place , where this great strife might bee decided . These mistakes and misadventures on both sides , as I conceive , have happened for want of an exact , and adequate definition of Episcopacie first set downe , and agreed upon by both , and then by both equally pursued . It shall be therefore my care at this time to begin with a definition of Episcopacy , and that such a one , as I shall take out of Bishop Hall , one of the greatest asserters , and in that the noblest , of Episcopacy : and that which hee indevours to maintaine as being of Divine right , I according to my power shall indeavour to disprove . The first definition given by the same Bishop is this ; Episcopacy is an holy Order of Church-government , for the administration of the Church . This definition I hold to be too large , and unadequate for the determining of this doubt , for Calvins discipline may according to this definition be called Episcopacy , and it may be affirmed that Episcopacie has bin in all ages ; since God had never yet any Church , wherein was not some holy Order of Church discipline for better ruling of the same . And by the way , I must here professe to shake off , and neglect the mentioning , or answering of any thing which the Patrons of Episcopacie have alledged , and stuft their volumes withall , in defence of Order , and disparity in the Church ; for let our Adversaries be never so clamorous in this point , yet it is manifest , that no Church was ever yet so barbarous as to plead for anarchy , or a meere equalitie , neither did Calvin ever favour any such parity as was inconsistent with Order and government , neither do we see any such confusion introduced into Geneva it selfe , as our Hierarchists seem to gainsay . To let passe all impertinent vagaries , our dispute must be not whether Church politie be necessary , or no ; but whether that Church policy which is now exercised in England be necessary , & unalterable , or no . And not whether such parity as is the mother of Confusion be politique , or no ; but whether such parity as now is at Geneva amongst presbyters be politique , or no : but my present scope is not to defend the Presbyteriall discipline in all things , it is only to maintain against the necessity of such an immutable Episcopacy , as is now constituted in England , & so far to defend parity , as our Hierarchists take advantage against it , for the upholding of their own side . To this purpose I cānot chuse but say , that in nature that seems to be the best parity which admits of some disparity in Order , and that seems to be the best disparity which prevents confusion with the most parity . And therefore we see that our Saviour recommended as unlordly a disparity as might be , not unlike that of marriage , for there is a great and sweet parity in the tie of Wedlocke between man and wife , and that is not maintained without some disparity , yet that disparity is as little as may be , and that only for parities sake , Non aliter fuerint foemina virque pares . But of this no more ; I come to Bishop Halls next more exact definitions : and they run thus ; Episcopacy is an Eminent Order of sacred function appointed in the Evangelicall Church by the Holy Ghost , for the governing and overseeing thereof , and besides the Word and Sacraments , it is indued with power of Ordination and perpetuity of jurisdiction . Or thus : A Pastor ordained perpetuall moderator in Church affaires with a fixed imparity exercising spirituall jurisdiction out of his owne peculiarly demandated authority is a Bishop . Or thus : Adde majority above Presbyters , and power of jurisdiction by due Ordination for constant continuance , and this makes a Bishop : take away these , and he remaines a meere Presbyter . It is to bee observed now that foure things are here asserted . First , Episcopall power is such as none are capable of , but only men within Sacred Orders . A Bishop must be a Presbyter indued with power of Ordination , and spirituall jurisdiction by due Ordination , and without these hee remaines a meere Pastor . Secondly , Episcopall power is such as is wholly independent upon temporall Rulers , Its institution was from the Holy Ghost in the Evangelicall Church , It must rule out of its owne peculiarly demandated authority . Thirdly , Episcopal power consists in Ordination , and spiritual jurisdiction , and in majority above Presbyters . Fourthly , Episcopal power is unalterable by any temporal authority , it is perpetual by divine right , As it was fixed , and where it was settled by Christ , and his immediate successors , so and there it must continue unchanged til the worlds end . In briefe , the summe of all these definitions is this : Episcopacy is a forme of Ecclesiasticall policy instituted by Christ , whereby a Superiour Order of Presbyters is indued with a perpetual independent power of Ordination , and spiritual jurisdiction , and with majority above Presbyters , and this power as it appertaines to all that Order , so it appertaines only to that Order . And those things which we oppose herein are chiefly two ; First , we see no ground in the word of God , why Bishops should arrogate to themselves such a peculiar , independent , perpetual power of Ordination , spirituall jurisdiction , and such a majority above Presbyters , as now they injoy , excluding from all such power and majoritie , not only all Laymen , and Princes , but also Presbyters themselves . Secondly , if power of Ordination , and spirituall jurisdiction , and preheminence above all the Clergie bee due only to Bishops , yet we complaine that now in England that power and preheminence is abused , and too farre extended , and to such purposes perverted , as the Apostles never practised or intended . Of these two points in this Order : but for my part , I am no favourer of extreames , some defend Episcopacie as it is now constituted in England , as Apostolicall , others withstand it as Antichristian : my opinion is that the government is not so faulty as the Governours have beene , and that it is better then no government at all , nay , and may be better then some other forms which some Sectaries have recommended to the World . And my opinion further is , that it is not alike in all respects , and that it ought to be severally examined and ventilated , and that so it will probably appeare in some things unprofitable , in some things inconvenient , in some things mischievous : in notihng necessary , or unalterable . And it ought to be observed , that evill formes of policie have been sometimes well ordered and rectified by good Commanders : and so the State of Boetia once flourished under Epaminondas and Pelopidas , and yet it owed this prosperitie not to the government of the Citie , for that was ill constituted , and composed : but to the Governours , for they were wise and vertuous . The contrary also happened to Lacedaemon , for that fared ill sometimes and suffered much distemper , because though its fundamentall Laws were good , yet its Kings and Ephorie were many times tyrannous , and unjust . And this should teach Bishops not alwayes to boast of the sanctitie of their Order : because such , & such , in ancient , and modern times were Martyrs , or were humble , and fortunate to the Church , nor always to blame all other formes of government , for the faults of such & such Governors . But in this my ensuing discourse I must undertake almost all Churchmen , at least some , if not all , of all Religions , & opinions . Papists allow somthing to secular Magistrates in the rule of the Church , but Supremacie of rule they do utterly in very terms deny . The Protestants though divided amongst themselvs , some placing supreme power in Episcopacie , others in presbytery , yet both in effect deny it to the King , though in words they pretend otherwise . The grounds of this mistake ( as I conceive ) are these ; when our Saviour first gave commission to his Disciples to preach , and baptise , and to propagate the true faith in the World , Secular authority being then adverse thereunto , Hee was of necessity to commit , not only doctrine but all discipline also to the charge of his Apostles , and their Substitutes only : Wherfore though Secular authority be now come in , & become friendly to Religion , & willing to advance the spirituall prosperity of the Church , aswel as the temporall of the State , yet Clergiemen having obtained possession of power in the Church , and that by Christs own institution , they think they ought not to resigne the same againe at the demand of Princes . And because the certain forme of discipline which our Saviour left , and to whom it was left is doubtfully and obscurely set forth in Scripture , and is yet controverted of all sides , therefore some contend for one thing , some for an other , but all agree in this , that whatsoever forme was appointed for those times , is unalterably necessary for these , and that to whomsoeever rule was designed , to Christian Princes it was not , my drift therefore must now be , to discover the erroneous conceits herein of all sides , and to doe as the Romans once did when they were chosen arbitrators betweene two contesting Cities , I must neither decree for the Plaintiff , nor Defendant , but for the King , who is in this case a third party . I am of opinion that some order and imparitie was necessary in the Primitive Church , in the very House of God , and therefore was so countenanced by our Saviour : but for ought I see , that power which was then necessary was not so large as our Prelates , nor so narrow as our Presbyterians plead for , but whatsoever it was , or wheresoever it rested , questionless , it is now unknown , and not manifest in Scripture : but if it were manifest , and that such as the Prelacie , or such as the Presbytery mayntaines , it is so far from being now unchangeable since Princes are come in to doe their offices in the house of God , that I think it cannot remayne unchanged without great injury to Princes , and damage to the Church , and by consequence great dishonour to our Saviour . And this is that now which I shall endevour to confirme , and demonstrate . In the first place then , I am to impugne those grounds whereby a sole , independent , perpetuall power of Church Government is appropriated to Ecclesiasticall persons only : and whereby Princes , &c. are excluded as incompetent for the same . That there is no such thing as Ordination , and spirituall Jurisdiction due , and necessary in the Church is not now to be questioned , the question is what persons are most capable of the same , whether such as are commonly called Ecclesiasticall , or no . It is agreed by all , that God hath not left Humane nature destitute of such remedies as are necessary to its conservation : and that rule and dominion being necessary to that conservation , where that rule and dominion is granted , there all things necessary for the support of that rule and dominion are granted too . It is further agreed also that Supream power ought to be intire and undivided , and cannot else be sufficient for the protection of all , if it doe not extend overall : without any other equall power to controll , or diminish it : and that therefore the Supreme Temporall Magistrate ought in some cases to command Ecclesiasticall persons , as well as Civill : but here lies the difference , the Papists hold , that though spirituall persons as they are men , and Citizens of the Common-wealth in regard of their worldly habitation are subject to temporall Commanders , yet this subjection is due ob pacem communem , or quoad commune bonum , and that per accidens and indirectè , and that no further neither , but only secundum partem directivam , seu imperativam . Thus , whatsoever they pretend to the contrary , they doe erect regnum in regno , they give temporall Monarchie an imperfect , broken right in some things , but controlable and defeasible by the spirituall Monarchie in other things . And the World ha's had a long sad experience of this , whilst Kings had the Pope for their superiour in any thing , they remayned Supreame in nothing , whil'st their rule was by division diminished in some things , they found it insufficient in all things , so that they did not command joyntly with the Pope , but were commanded wholly by the Pope . And in Popish Countries now Princes do suffer themselves in word to be excluded from all spirituall Dominion , and execute not the same in shew but by subordinate Clerks under them , and that by privilege of the Popes grant , but we know in truth they hold it , and use it as their own , and the Pope is more officious to them , then they are to him . And whereas the Canon Law allows temporall Princes to punish the insolence and oppressions of Bishops within their respective Territories , modò sint verae oppressiones , wee know this comes to nothing , if Princes claime it not by somthing higher then Canon Law . For how shall this be tryde ? how shall it appeare , whether these oppressions be true , and hainous , or no ? if Bishops will not submit themselves in this tryall , and refuse to appeale , Kings are no competent Judges , nor can take no just cognizance hereof : and what redresse then is in the Kings power ? Even Popish Princes now know well enough how ridiculous this favour of the Canonists is , & therfore as the Popes fed thē heretofore with the name and shadow only of painted Sovereignty in temporalibus , so they feed him the like now in spiritualibus . Protestants dissent much from these Tenets , but because many of them , especially Clergimen do not wholly dissent from all the grounds of these Tenets , therefore they also doe partake in some errours , and absurdities of the like nature : One Scotist says , That Mountague , and our learnedest Protestant Divines , nay , even Rainolds himselfe though otherwise a Puritan , yet they all hold , that there is due to the King , no spirituall but only a temporall rule over persons and causes Ecclesiasticall , and that also by accident for the common peace sake . Hee sayes also that in his presence at a Cambridge Commencement , the chiefe Bishop was called Maximus Pater , and that it was maintained that the care of spirituall things did appertain to the chiefe Bishop , and of temporall to the King , and whereas it was at last concluded that all was to be governed by the King , yet he sayes questionless the intent was civilitèr , not spiritualitèr . And if wee look back to the primitives we shal find that in good times before Popery had any considerable growth Kings for penance were enjoyned to kneele to Priests , and were not admitted to have seats in the Chancell neere the Altar , no not amongst the Deacons : but were sometimes subjected to heavie and sharp censures of Bishops , and sometimes strucke with the thunderbolt of Excommunication it self . And we shall find that the Name Church was applyed in common speech to Churchmen only , and the Name Spiritualitie was taken in the same sense , as if all other persons had beene strangers to the Church , and had beene of a meere Temporall and Secular condition : and by the name Clergie it was intimated to the World , that the Sacerdotall function was the only lot and patrimony of God : and these usages were ab antiquo . And wee shall finde that the holiest and learnedest Fathers of the Church did seeme to preferre the Mitre before the Diademe , and to dream of a Spirituall Empire belonging to Priests more worthy and sacred then that of Emperours . And therefore Gregory of Nazianzen in a Sermon before the Emperour says thus to him : The Law of Christ hath committed you to my Charge , and to my Pulpit : for we rule also and ours is a more excellent and perfect regiment . And comparing further the rule of Priests with the rule of Princes , Hee cals the one spirituall the other fleshly , and concludes that the spirit ought not to give place to the flesh , nor heavenly things to earthly . What hee meant here by giving place , whether hee meant it of externall submission , or internall awe I cannot tell : but he left it uncertain . To the same purpose that of Ambrose tends also : Thinke not , O Emperour , that thou hast any right over divine things : for the Palace is for the Emperour , but Churches for Priests . And that also of Athanasius , It s neither lawfull for us to hold a Kingdome upon earth : nor hast thou O Emperour power over sacred things . Wee see they speake of their Ministery and Ecclesiasticall vocation as of a sovereigntie , and rule , and that more sacred , then that of Princes , of which Princes were not worthy , or capable . And to passe by the blinde times of Popery wherein upon these grounds the Roman Bishops inthralled a great part of Christendome with temporall bondage , wee shall finde also that since the abjuration of Romish servitude , yet Protestant Ministers themselves have assumed a sanctitie more then is due . The Kings Supremacie or Headship over the Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall State , Hee being accounted but meerly temporall in comparison of Priests is as ill wished by many Calvinists , as by Papists , their word is of Secular Princes , Istis non competit iste Primatus . And as Sir Thomas More suffered death in testimony of his dislike , so Calvin himselfe condemnes this Realme of Blasphemy for entitling Henry the Eighth Supreme Head of the Church here under Christ . And not only the Name , but the power it selfe which wee give to Civill Magistrates he protesteth against , as that which had wounded him deeply , Princes being made thereby too spirituall , hee complaineth that this fault did raigne throughout Germany , and in some parts of France , to the taking away of Spirituall Regiment , whilst Princes were made chiefe Judges as well in matters of doctrine as discipline . Hence it is that all which follow Calvin , which is almost the generality of Protestants , besides Papists , hold Princes incompetent for spirituall Regencie , accounting the intermedling of Princes therein as an abolition , or prophanation of the same . And hence it is , that our contrary faction of Hierarchists also , deny the Kings Supremacie in Spiritualibus , though not in Ecclesiasticis , and our Prelats Style is providentia divina , not gratiâ Regis , and as they issue Writs in their own Names , so they use their owne armes in their Seales , and not the Kings . And wee know it was my Lord of Canterburies industry of late to procure a Commission about five yeeres since , that all Bishops Courts might proceed without any subordination or dependency to any other of the Kings Courts . So that though they complaine of the Presbyterian Discipline , and the doctrine of Calvin as injurious to Princes , yet they themselves seeme to be of the same confederacie . But that I may not seem to misreport , or misinterpret any , I will cite only two Divines of prime note , both defenders of Supremacie . Hooker speaking of that dutifull subjection which is due from all Christians to the Pastors of their souls in respect of their sacred Order , affirmes that the same is as due from Kings and Princes , as from their meanest vassals . Reverence due to the Word , and Sacraments , and to Gods Ordinances is not here meant , for that is as due from Priests themselves also , as from any other , it is meant of reverence due to the persons of Priests , & this he cals subjection , and challenges as due in respect of their sacred Order . And so Bilson descanting upon the words of Nazianzen , after a comparative manner ( as Hooker did ) inferres thereupon , that Priests have a greater and perfecter regiment then Princes : For ( sayes he ) Priests governe the souls of men , and dispense the mysteries of God , whereas Princes are set to rule the bodies of men , and to dispose the things of this life , &c. Hee does not compare the offices but the Regiments of Priests and Princes , and hee averres as confidently that Priests governe the souls , and exercise dominion over the spirits of Christians , as that Princes have no power at all , but over the bodies and temporalities of their Subjects . And for these causes the Crosier is generally preferred in Honour , and Sanctitie , before the Scepter : to detect therefore the errour of Divines herein , I will now truly produce , and throughly poize those arguments which they most rely upon . The first argument runs thus . Spirituall things are not to be managed , and treated , but only by spirituall persons : but Princes are not spirituall , Ergo . Wee must first understand here what is meant by spirituall things , and spirituall persons . If by spirituall things here , such things are meant as appertain to God and to Religion , and as concerne Gods service in the Church , and the welfare of the souls and spirits of men ; so all men have a spirituall charge in generall : for all men by their generall callings are servants to God , and are not only bound to provide for their owne souls , but to promote also the worship of God , and the salvation of other men . And in this respect that man which is most pious , is most holy , and spirituall , and most acceptable to God , and though his condition be but private here in this World , yet his reward in Heaven may be more glorious , then theirs who have publike Offices and Dignities here , and whose particular callings are farre more sacred . But besides this internall holinesse of persons visible only to God , there is an externall , politicall holinesse also of persons which arises from our particular Functions in this World , and the measure of this holinesse , is the profit and consequence of our professions , and employments . The Regall and Sacerdotall Offices have ever beene held comparatively of all other the most holy , and worshipfull , and the reason is because of all others they are the most advantagious , and of most extensive benefit to the people of God . And therefore the person is alwayes valued according to the function , and the function according to its benefit , and not on the contrary : The man is Honourable because hee is a King , and the King is honourable because He is the Conservator of the people : and of this reason of Honour man is able to Judge . God accepts of such a man to serve him in such an honourable place ; the place is not here honourable ▪ because He serves in it , but he is Honourable because the place is profitable : and though of Gods meere acceptance of the person no reason can be given , yet there is great reason that all men should bee Honourable with men , as they are acceptable with God . God honoured the Israelites before other Nations ; they were a royall Priesthood in comparison of Heathens , because God by his peculiar choice of them to his service did give them that more then regall , or more then Sacerdotall priviledge . The Israelites in condition were more contemptible , and in disposition more incorrible than other Nations , but because God separates them they are holy , and because God separates them to serve him according to his pure will , they are holy as Princes , and Priests . Christians also may now be termed Princes and Priests in comparison of the Iews in as much as God of his free pleasure is now more extensive and diffusive of his graces amongst us , that we may adore him more ingenuously , more intelligently , and more comfortably then the Jews did : and in the like manner amongst Christians , Princes and Priests are yet higher elevated above common lay-men , in as much as they have neerer accesse to God at the Throne and at the Altar , and by their more sublime employments are more highly dignified , & more honorably consecrated . With the Prince and the Priest no man will enter into any cōpetition , but the cōpetition now being between the Prince & the priest , we must search into the nature of this political sanctitie , that we may the better distinguish its de-grees . Calvin wee see complains , that the persons of Princes are made too spirituall , by our appropriating to them spirituall authoritie : because hee holds that authority too spirituall for their persons . The same thing is here the reason of the same thing ; spirituall offices and services belong not to Princes , because their persons are not spirituall : and why are their persons not spirituall ? because their offices , and services are not spirituall . This is unjust and unscholasticall : against the person no exception lies , but such as is drawn from the function ; the person is coruscant only by the rayes of the function : they which wil prove Kings to be not spiritual , must first prove their offices to be meerly temporall , and not on the contrary . Such proofs as infirme the Kings power , and interest in spiritualibus are proper , such proofs let us heare . Ambrose , and Athanasius indeed say directly , that Emperours have no right over divine things , nor power over sacred things : but they are very briefe , and give no reason for their allegations , nor doe they leave us satisfied in their true meanings . The persons and offices of Kings were ever held sacred , and if that which is sacred be not spirituall , it were good that the difference were set forth between them . Palaces are for Princes , and Temples for Priests : but palaces are not the sole interest of Princes , so as that they are excluded thereby from all power in Temples : nor is this a good result , because priests may not move in the Civill Orbe , therefore Princes may not in the Ecclesiasticall . But Nazianzen is more full , and expressive of his reasons , and those reasons also are further pressed by Bishop Bilson , let us bend our forces thither . Nazianzen concludes the regiment of Priests to be more perfect , and excellent then that of Princes , and compares it to that of the soule over the body , because things committed to the priests charge are heavenly and spirituall , whereas Kings ( he sayes ) have in their power things earthly , and bodi●y . He takes three things here for granted , First , that the office of a Priest is as properly and truly a power , and rule , as that of Princes . Secondly , that the rule of Princes extends only to earthly things . Thirdly , whatsoever may be spoken of the whole order of Priesthood , that he applyes to every particular Priest . And thus hee seems to attribute a greater sanctitie not only intensive , but extensive also , to any priest , then to any Prince . The glosse of Bilson also hereupon is : That Priests governe the souls of men , and dispense the mysteries of God , whereas Princes are set to rule the bodies of their Subjects , and to dispose the things of this life . And therefore if the fruits and effects of their callings be compared , the Preachers ( he sayes ) passes that of Princes by many degrees of excellence and perfection : God giving earthly food , and peace by the Prince , but heavenly grace and life by the Word and Sacraments ; which wee receive from the mouthes , and hands of his Messengers . As to externall power , and corporall compulsion : So Preachers are servants to their brethren , Princes are Lords over them . Preachers may reprove & threaten , but Princes must seize the goods , and chastise the bodies of offenders . Preaches may shut the gates of Heaven against non-repentants : Princes must root them from the face of the earth , and inflict the just vengeance of their sins in this world . And whereas the Princes and Preachers functions concurre in ghostly and heavenly things , that the Preacher declareth , and the Prince establisheth the word of truth : yet the Preachers service in these cases excelleth the Princes : for that the word in the Preachers mouth ingendreth faith and winneth the soule unto God to serve him with a willing minde , whereas the Sword in the Princes hand striketh only a terrour into men to refraine the outward act , but reformeth not the secrets of the heart . This is Bilson's sense , and I thinke the sense of almost all our Divines : by this is Nazianzen fully seconded and abetted , for first , the true and proper rule of priests is not only asserted , but also explained , for it gives grace and life by the Word and Sacraments , it reproves and threatens , it shuts the gate of Heaven against Non-repentants . Secondly , the rule of princes is lesned , and that by this instance : for that the preacher winneth soules to a willing service , but the prince by externall terrour restraineth only from the outward act of sin . And thirdly , his comparison is indefinite , betweene Prince , and preacher , that which is implyed of Priest in generall , hee seemeth to apply to every priest in particular . I must frame my answer to every particular . Power and Dominion of it selfe is divine , and adde but infinite , or absolute to it , it is Divinitie it selfe . Nothing is more desirable to man , or more adequate to the aymes of intelligent creatures then power ▪ the Angels in Heaven are known to us by the Names of Thrones , and Principalities , Heaven it self is knowne to us by the name of a Kingdome : and our best devotion to God consists in ascribing to him , honour , worship , subjection , &c. and the first and greatest sin of men and Angels , was an aspiring to undue Power , and excellence . Absolute perfection and blessednesse is the Unitie of the Godhead , and that Unitie must needs subsist in absolute power , absolute wisdome , and absolute goodnesse . Absolute power also in order of Nature ( according to mans understanding ) as a Father gives being to absolute wisdome : as both give being to absolute Goodnesse . Whatsoever is in God must needs be God , and of the same substance indivisible , and so infinite wisdome , and infinite Goodnesse , must needs be coeternall , and consubstantiall with infinite power : yet this excludes not all order of distinction ; and according to order of distinction it is more proportionable to our capacitie , that infinite Wisdome should derive its divine generation from infinite power , then infinite power from infinite Wisdome . Unitie of perfect blessednesse cannot comprehend any thing more then this Trinity , neither can it comprehend any thing lesse : and therfore though this word Trinity cannot have any relation to the essence of God , or to his works ad extra , which flow from the essence , yet to his persons it may , and to his internall operations , wherein one person is more generative then another . And according to these internal operations of the Deitie we ought ( to speak after the manner of men ) to ascribe prioritie of Order to infinite power , the first person of the Godhead , in as much as wee cannot conceive but that God is rather wise , as he is powerfull , and Good as hee is both powerfull , and wise : then that hee is powerfull , as hee is wise , or wise , and powerfull , as he is good . Having premised these things in generall concerning power , and dominion , and the excellence thereof , I am come now to see what that power and Dominion is which Churchmen clayme to themselves . Our Hierarchists use the words Power and regiment to describe all their actions , and employments : the Power of Order , the Power of Jurisdiction , the Power of the Word and Sacraments , and the Power of the Keys , all their spirituall Offices , and Faculties are expressed in commanding , and high terms , that they may seem to owe no subordination , or dependence to any above themselves . And this art they further use , when they would prove the excellence of their spirituall rule , they derive it from preaching , and the subordinate Offices of the Ministery , but when they would exercise their rule , then they alleage that to rule over Preachers is more , & greater then to preach : because the spirits of men are properly subject to no rule ; and because preaching ▪ though it be one of Gods most effectuall Ordinances , yet is no proper rule but a service rather : therefore they lay hold of Ecclesiasticall juridiction for proofe of their holy spirituall rule . And yet because Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction is of it selfe no such divine sublime thing , as the ministration of the Word , and Sacraments , nor so incompetent for Princes , as to the use of it , therefore their proofs are chiefly grounded upon the ordinances of the Word and Sacraments : but this slight imposture cannot so delude us : for either Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction is more sacred and spirituall then the ministration of the Word , and Sacraments , or not ; if it be , then these arguments drawne from the Word and Sacraments are impertinent : The question is whether Princes be capable of such jurisdiction or not , and this proves not the incapacity of Princes , this only proves the honour of such capacitie : but on the other side , if it be not , yet there is the same impertinence , for if priests challenge to themselves power in things more excellent , and holy , this excludes not Princes from things lesse excellent , and holy : but wee shall not need to stick here . The papists themselves doe acknowledge , that to preach , &c. is lesse then to rule , and to prescribe Laws to preachers , &c. and Bilson makes a plaine confession , that the Sacerdotall Office is rather Ministeriall , then Imperiall , and that such reverence and subjection as is due in spirituall affaires from Princes is not due to the persons of priests , but to the Ordinances of God , and to the graces of the Church : For ( says hee ) the word is to be submitted to in the mouths of Prophets , and the Ordinances are to be honoured in the administration of Priests , but the persons of Prophets , and Priests , must not be objects to terminate this submission , and honour . God is to be honoured in the service of his Ministers , not the Ministers in Gods stead : for in these services there is the same honour due to GOD from Ministers themselves , as from Lay-men . And therefore wee see if the greater Priest heare the word , &c. from the lesse , this does not sanctifie the lesse above the greater , as it would , if sanctitie did rest in the person , and not in the Ordinance , or if it did not passe from the actor , or instrument , to the Author and Ordainer himselfe . I thinke wee may therefore proceed now from this , that power , and Government is a thing in it selfe most awfull and honourable , to this : that the truest owners thereof next under God , whom the Church ever look't upon as Gods immediate Vicegerents , and Deputies thereof , are Princes . Saint Peter 1. 2. writing to the Church in the time of a Heathen , and impious Emperour , commands every soul to be subject to the higher powers . He acknowledges power in a very Nero , and that to be the higher power , and to that higher power of that Nero he subjects every soule Christian and Heathen , Priest and Laymen . For the same cause also the primitives in Tertullians mouth make this humble profession : Colimus imperatorem , ut hominem à Deo secundum , & solo Deo minorem : & this profession was made under the Reign of wicked Emperours , to whom in Ecclesiasticall affaires more might be denied , then to ours : for though Reges , in quantum Reges serviunt Deo , as Saint Augustine sayes , yet in quantum pii Reges , they serve God the more gloriously , and have a neerer accesse to God , and in that respect it may bee more truly said of them , that they are à Deo secundi , & solo Deo minores : and if so , how awfull and venerable must this render their persons , and with what submission must we prostrate our selves at their sacred feet ? and that it may not seeme strange that meer power and rule in an unbelieving or wicked Prince should be so sacred and inviolable , wee must take notice that the wickednesse of Princes in ill commands though it discharge us as to those ill commands , yet it does not discharge their power or rule either in those , or in any other : For when Princes rule well , they are to be obeyed , when ill , they are to be endured , and this very indurance is an effect of obedience and subjection . Peter as a Citizen of the Common-wealth is a servant to Nero , and though in the meere consideration of a Christian , Hee has not dependance upon Nero further then is to be testified by suffering under him in ill commands , yet in all civill things , and things indifferent , his dependance remayns undissolved . If Nero forbid Peter to preach , contradicting God herein , whose power is still transcendent , this prohibition binds not Peter , but if Nero use the Sword hereupon against Peter , this sword is irresistible , because though in this it be injurious , in other things it is still sacred . This one violence of Nero is tyrannous , but the authority whereby this is done is not tyranny ; For the same sword which offends one defends many still , and if one here be defended , many must be offended , and the good of many is to be preferred before the good of one . And yet if God had made Peter supreame Judge of such cases , and had given him a power independent , it had been necessary that he had given him withall some remedie , and sufficient means to support the same Supremacy & independent right : for God gives no man an absolute right without some proper remedy appertaining to the same . The use of power is not to intreat , or perswade only , for these may bee done without power , but to command , and commands are vaine without compulsion , and they which may not compell , may not command , and they which cannot command , may not meddle at all except to intreat , or perswade . Power then there must be , and that power must be somewhere supreame that it may command all good , and punish all evill , or else it is insufficient , and if all , then in religious as well as in civill cases , for Supremacie may be severally exercised , but the right of it cannot be severally enjoyed : if Peter may doe more then perswade Nero , the Scepter is Peters not Neroes ; if hee may doe no more , he is as meer a subject as any other Layman : but in whethersoever the power of commanding rests , it cannot rest in both , the Scepter cannot be shared , independence cannot be divided : the people cannot obey both as equall Judges whilst their judgments remain contrary , nor serve both as equal Lords whilst their commands are contrary . To perswade and intreat in Ministers , are the offices of a blessed vocation , but they are not properly Ensigns of Royaltie , and power : and if the spirits of men are somtimes moved , & won by the perswasions of Ministers , as they may by other means , yet captivated , and commanded they cannot be : and therefore if this be called power , it is but imaginary , and improper , and such as ought not to enter into any comparison , or rivalitie with that solid , sensible , coercive , binding power wherewith God has invested his true Lievtenants upon earth . That power which is proper , must include not only a right of commanding , but also an effectuall vertue of forcing obedience to its commands , and of subjecting and reducing such , as shall not render themselves obedient . The supreame civill Magistrate has this power grounded upon the common consent of Mankinde , and as strong as is the politicall consent of humane nature in its supream Law of publike conservation , so vigorous , and invincible is this power . Had Priests any such power or sword , we should soon see it , and feele it , and voluntarily stoop under it : but since they can pretend to none such , the meere noyse of an imaginary spirituall power and sword must not deceive us . The sword must be of sympathy and proportion answerable to those commands for which it was ordained , if the commands be externall and politicall , the sword must not be invisible , and meerly spirituall . If the Pope can impose an oath upō us to stand to his laws , and to obey his awards , our obedience being here politicall , his power of imposing Oaths must be the like ; for if he pretend a right , and have no remedy , that is no power ; & if he have a remedy that is not of the same nature with his command , it will prove no remedy , it will be found vain and uneffectuall . Wee cannot thinke that God has given the Pope any power but for good , and wee cannot think that power good , whereby the Pope may destroy Millions of souls , and yet cannot reclayme , or convince one . The Popes commands seeme to mee unreasonable , unnaturall , impious , the Pope herein ha's no spirituall power to rectifie mee , or to discover my errour to me , or to procure obedience from me , that power which he ha's over my soule is only to exclude it from heaven , and to give it as a prey to Satan , for not attributing more to him then to my own conscience , and naturall light . Can wee think that God gave this new Power , never before knowne , to these latter days out of mercy , that all except one handfull of men should perish by it , and none at all receive benefit by it ? It cannot be said that the same keys which shut heaven to so many , open heaven to any one : for those few which obey the Pope , obey him either voluntarily , or by constraint : and they which are constrained , obey him as a Prince , not as a Priest , and bow under his temporall , not spirituall yoke : howsoever it be otherwise pretended . Voluntary obedience also is such as is rendred without any externall influence from the Pope ; For the will is capable of no compulsion , and if it were , my will would be as lyable to the same as any other mans : and if the Pope may compell my will , and so open Heaven to me ( as it were ) by his spirituall keys , and will not , t is his crueltie , not my contumacie . It s no glory to the Pope , that some few by blinde voluntary obedience acknowledge the power of his keyes , in this hee has no advantage of Mahomet , that sword which was so victorious in the hand of Mahomet , was as spirituall , and as universally prevalent as the Popes . So much of the imaginary rule and spiritual sword of Priests , as also of the reall effectuall dominion of Princes , I shall now prove further , that the sword of Kings if it be not so spirituall , as the Pope pretends , to cut off souls ; yet it is more then temporall , and extends to things most spirituall . The Founders and Patriarchs of the World before the Law of Moses , did not only governe the Church , but also execute all pastorall , spirituall Offices as they were Princes , and Supream Potentates within their own limits : they did not governe men as they were the Priests of God , but they did sacrifice and officiate before God , as they were the Heads , and Governours of men . In those times it was not held usurpation , or intrusion upon priests , for Princes to sacrifice with their own hands , or to teach the will of God with their own mouthes ; it would have been held presumption if any else had attempted the like , and a dishonour to Gods service . Nature then taught that the most excellent person was most fit for Gods service in the Church , and that no person could be more excellent , then hee which served God in the Throne . The word priest now may have divers acceptions . In some sense whole Nations have been called priests , viz. comparatively , and in some sense all Fathers of Children , and Masters of Servants are in the nature of priests , and in more usuall sense all Princes , so farre as they have charge and cure of souls , and are intrusted with Divine Service within their severall commands , are more supereminently taken for priests : but the most usuall sense is this . A Priest is hee which hath cure of Souls , and a trust of Gods worship by a more peculiar kinde of publike and politike consecration and dedication thereunto : of such consecration , or ordination , before Aaron , we read nothing , and for ought I see , we are bound to believe nothing . Melchisideck was a pious man , a devout Father , a religious Master , nay , a zealous Prince and Commander , but in all these respects hee had no priviledge nor right to the denomination of priest more then Adam , Sem , Noah , &c. had . You will say then how is that denomination given him so peculiarly ? This denomination might be given not by reason of any externall , formall , ceremoniall Unction , or imposition of hands , or any other solemne Dedication or separation before men : but in this respect , that he did perhaps publikely officiate in the presence of all his Subjects , and perhaps in behalfe of all his subjects , and this is a higher and blesseder Sacerdotall Office , then any we read of in his predecessors or successors till Aarons dayes . It is probable that God was served in Families before Aaron , and perhaps there were solemne days and Feasts , which all Families by joynt consent did in severall places dedicate to Gods service by strict observance of the same , but that any publike places were appointed for whole Congregations to joyne and meet publikely in under the charge and function of any one publike Priest , till Aaron is not specified . This only we may guesse by the speciall name of priest applied to Melchisedeck , that perhaps being a priest of Salem , he was the first that made the worship of God so publike : and did not only by the generall influence of his power take order for the service and knowledge of God in severall Families , but also gather severall assemblies of united Families , and there publikely sacrifise and officiate in behalf of great , and solemne Congregations : wherein he might far exceed Abraham . Howsoever its sufficient for my purpose , that this he might doe by vertue of his Regall power and dignity without any further consecration or Sacerdotal instalment whatsoever . And in this respect he was without predecessor , and perhaps successor , so that I think hee was the most lively and Honourable type of our Saviour : for Aarons Order was Substitute , and his consecration was performed by the hand of his Prince and Superiour , and being so consecrated , He did sacrifise , not as a Prince but meerly as a Priest . Whereas Melchisedeck received his Order from none but himselfe , and so remayned not only independent , but his service also being both Regall and Sacerdotall , as our Saviours also was , it was yet more Honorable in that it was Regall , then in that it was Sacerdotall . And this certainly sutes best with our Saviours Order , for no Secular authority but his own did concurre in his inauguration , hee was his owne Ancestor in this , in that his owne Royall dignitie gave vertue to his Sacerdotall : and though hee would not assume to himselfe the externall Function of Royalty in meer Secular things , yet in this he would follow holy Melchisedeck . But to passe from Melchisedeck , within some few ages after wee finde the Scepter and Censor severed ; Wee finde no prints of great Empires before Moses , for in small Countries we finde divers petty independant principalities : and it may be imagin'd that neither true policie , nor wicked tyranny was then knowne in such perfection , as now it is . The Israelites at their departure from Egypt were a great and formidable Nation , as appeares by the combinations of many other Potentates against them , yet at that time the weightie charges both of prince and priest were supported by Moses alone . This was exceeding grievous till Jethro in civill affaires , and till God himselfe in matters of Religion , for his further ease , took much of his laborious part from off his shoulders ; Subordinate Magistrates were now appointed in the State , and priests and Levits in the Church , the Nation being growne numerous , and Ceremonies in Religion very various : but wee must not think that Moses was hereby emptied , or lesned of any of his Civill , or Ecclesiasticall authoritie : as he retained still Supremacie of power to himselfe in all things , so that Supremacy became now the more awfull , and Majesticall . The poet says of waters , Maxima per multos tenuantur flumina rivos . And indeed did waters run backwards they would spend and diminish themselves by often divisions in their courses : but we see that in their ordinary naturall Tracts many litle petty streams officiously hasten to discharge themselves into greater , so that the more continued the course is , the greater the streams ever grow . It is so with power both in Church and State : Sovereigntie is as the mayne Ocean , of its vast abundance it feeds all , and is fed by all , as it is the fountain to enrich others , so it is the Cisterne to receive and require back againe all the riches of others . That which Moses parted with all and derived to others was for the better expedition both of pietie and justice , that GOD might be more duly served , that the people might be more quickly relieved , and that his own shoulders might be the freelier disburdened : for as a man hee could not intend universall businesse : yet a Prince he might well superintend it in others . And it is manifest that after the separation of the Priesthood , he did still as superiour to Aaron in the most sacred things approach God in the Mountain to receive the custodie of the Law from Gods hand , and to receive Orders from God for the Tabernacle , and all religious services , and did performe the act of consecration to Priests , and did always consult with God by Priests , and command all men as well Priests , and Levits , as other men . Hooker and Bilson , and I thinke most of our Divines doe confesse not only this , that Moses retained all Ecclesiasticall Supremacie to himselfe , but that hee left the same also to his Successours . Hooker sayes that by the same supreame power David , Asa , Jehosaphat , Josias , &c. made those Lawes and Statutes ( mentioned in sacred History ) touching matters of meer Religion , the affairs of the Temple , and service of God . And by vertue of this power the piety and impietie of the King did alwayes change the publike face of Religion , which the Prophets by themselves never did , nor could hinder from being done . And yet if Priests alone had bin possest of all spirituall power , no alteration in Religion could have beene made without them , it had not beene in the King , but in Priests to change the face of Religion . And the making of Ecclesiasticall Lawes also with other like actions pertayning to the power of dominion had still been recorded for the acts of Priests , and not of Kings : whereas we now find the contrary . Hooker says this and more , and Bilson sayes not one jot lesse . Hee confesses the Jewish Kings were charged with matters of Religion , and the custodie of both Tables , nay , publishing , preserving , executing points of Law concerning the first table hee assignes as the principall charge committed to Kings , as Kings , Religion being the foundation of policy . Hee instances also in the good Kings of Iudah , who as they were bound , so they were commended for their dutie by God himselfe , in removing Idols , purging abominations , reforming Priests , renewing the covenant , and compelling all Priests , Prophets , people , to serve God sincerely . Many of the learnedest papists doe not gainsay this evident truth , and therefore Stapleton being I suppose fully convinced of it , seekes to answer and avoid it another way . But I proceed to the times of thraldome , wherein the Iews were governed by the Persians . How far the Iews were left in Babylon to the free exercise of their own Religion is uncertain , it may be conceived that their condition was not always alike under all Kings , but generally that they found more favour there , then Christians did afterwards under the Roman Emperours : before this time there is no probability of Excommunication , or any spirituall Judicature , wee reade nothing of Maranathaes , or Anathemaes , but now perhaps some such government might take place : for where no peculiar consecrated Ministery is , the Magistrate is fittest to officiate before God , and where no Magistracie is permitted Ministers are fittest to preserve order . Some Papists that wil undertake to prove any thing out of any thing alleage Cain as an instance of Excom. as if Adam were so a Priest , as that hee were no Prince , and had power to excommunicate in case of so horrid a murder , but not to execute any other Law : or as if Moses would proceed against adultery by temporall punishment , when Adam had proceeded against murther by spiritual : but not to insist longer upon these conjecturall passages , I come to our Saviours days , & his government also being Regal , as wel as Sacerdotall , nay , being rather divine then either , I shal not stay there neither . Our mayn strife is how the Apostles & their successors governed after his Ascention during the times of persecution : but little need to be said hereof : For in Scripture wee finde the Apostles themselves very humble , and unlordly , and transacting all things ( according to our Saviours command and example ) rather by perswasion , and evidence of the spirit , then by command and constraint , and if any difference was between a Bishop and a Priest , it was in outward eminence or majoritie very small : and the very termes themselves were promiscuously applyed . In the next ensuing times also wee finde by ancient Testimony , that Omnia communi Clericorum consilio agebantur : and after that Episcopacy had gotten some footing , yet , as another ancient testimony informes us , except â Ordinatione , setting Ordination only aside it challenged no priviledge above Presbyters : but as I have said before , whatsoever authority did reside in the Clergie whilst temporal rule was wanting to the Church , and whilst miraculous power of binding and loosing sinners , and of opening and shutting Heaven was supplyed by the Holy Ghost for the emergent necessity of those times , the reason thereof no longer remayning , it ought now to remayne no longer as it did , but to devolve againe into the Tempor●ll Rulers hands ; from whence it was not taken by Christ , but where it was then abused , and made unprofitable by the owners themselves . If wee doe imagine that Timothy and Titus had Episcopall power , and by that Episcopall power did send out processes , and keep Courts , and holds pleas of all Testamentary , and Matrimoniall Causes , and Tithes , Fasts and all other which our Bishops now clayme ; and did redresse all grievances for the preventing of confusion in the Church , during the malignity of Secular power ; if wee take all this for granted , though it be some thing too large to be granted , yet still wee ought to conceive that this power was conferred upon them not in derogation of Secular authoritie , but for necessities sake , till Secular authority should againe come in , and undertake the same offices , which Timothy and Titus were now to performe : when confusion cannot otherwise bee prevented , Timothy and Titus shall governe , but when it may be prevented by that authoritie which is most competent , and when more perfect order shall bee more naturally and justly induced , what injury is this to Timothy or Titus ? Why rather is it not an ease and comfort to them , that they have now leasure more seriously to attend their own proper function , and ministration ? Hookers owne words are , if from the approbation of Heaven the Kings of GODS own chosen people had in the affaires of the Jewish Religion supreame power , why should not Christian Kings have the like in Christian Religion ? And Bilson having mayntained the supremacie of the Jewish Kings , Hee ascribes the like to the whole function . Hee sayes , it is the essentiall charge of Princes to see the Law of God fully executed , his Son rightly served , his Spouse safely nursed , his house timely filled , his enemies duly punished , and this he sayes , as it was by Moses prescribed , and by David required , so it was by Esay prophesied , by Christ commanded , by Paul witnessed , and by the Primitive Fathers consented too . Hee sayes further , that what the Jewish Kings had , Christian Kings ought to enjoy , and therefore Esay ( says Hee ) prophesying of the Evangelicall times , foretold that the Church should suck the breasts of Kings and Queens , and that milk which those breasts should afford , He interprets to be spirituall milk . Now what can be added to this , what more excellent and perfect Regiment then this had Timothy and Titus committed to them by vertue of their Episcopall Order ? What more sacred , what more spirituall offices could they performe in the Church ? What could Gods children suck from their brests other then milke , then sincere , spirituall milke ? Saint Augustine agrees to this , when hee says that Kings , as Kings , serve God , so as none but Kings can doe , and when he confesses , that Christ came not to the detriment of sovereigntie . And the Church in Tertullians words , ascribing worship to their Heathen Emperours , as being second immediatly to God , and inferiour to none but God , says as much as words can expresse . In regard of internall sanctitie Peter may be more excellent then Caesar , and so may Lazarus perhaps then Peter : but in regard of that civill sanctitie which is visible to mans eye , Caesar is to be worshipped more then Peter . Caesar is to be looked upon as next in place here to God , betwixt whom and God no other can have any superiour place . Wisdome and goodnesse are blessed graces in the sight of GOD , but these are more private , and Power is an excellence more perfect , and publike , and visible to man then either : if Ministers do sometimes in wisdome , and goodnesse excell Princes , yet in Power they doe not : and therefore though wisdome and goodnesse may make them more amiable somtimes to God , yet Power shall make Princes more Honourable amongst men . There is in heaven no need of Power in the glorified creatures , and yet the glorified creatures are there differenced by Power : it is hard to say that one Angell , or Saint differs from another in wisdome , or in holinesse , yet that they differ in power and glory we all know . The twelve Patriarchs and the twelve Apostles sit in heaven upon higher Thrones , then many Saints which perhaps here in this life might be endued with a greater portion of wisdome , and holinesse then they were : and by this it may seeme that there is a species of externall sanctitie of power dispensed according to the free power of God even in Heaven also , and that that sanctity is superiour to the other more private sanctity of other graces , and excellences . And if power in heavenly creatures where it is of no necessity has such a supereminent glory appertaining to it , with what veneration ought wee to entertain it on earth where our common felicitie and safetie does so much depend upon it ? Goodnesse here wee see is a narrow excellence , without wisdome , and power : and wisdome in men that have neither power , nor goodnesse , scarce profits at all : but power in infants , in women , in Ideots hands is of publike use , in as much as the wisdome and goodnesse of other men are ready to be commanded by it , and its more naturall that they should be obsequious and officious in serving power , then that the transcendent , incommunicable , indivisible Royalty of power , should condiscend to bee at their devotion . And for this reason when Princes are said to be solo Deo minores , and Deo secundi , this is spoken in regard of power , and this being spoken in regard of power , we must conceive it spoken of the most perfect excellence , and dignity , and sanctitie that can be imagined amongst men on earth . And for the same reason , when Princes are said to serve God as Princes , and so to serve him as none other can , we must conceive this spoken also with respect to their power , in as much as wisdome and goodnesse in other men cannot promote the glory of God , and the common good of man , so much as power may in them . But Stapleton takes foure exceptions to those times , whereby if it bee granted that the Jewish Kings had supreame Ecclesiasticall authority , yet hee sayes , it does not follow that our Kings now ought to have the same . Hee sayes , first , That the Iewish Religion was of farre lesse dignitie and perfection then ours is : ours being that truth of which theirs was but a shadowish prefigurative resemblance . Our answere here is , that the Religion of the Jews , as to the essence of it , was not different from ours , either in dignitie or perfection . The same God was then worshipped as a Creatour , Redeemer , Sanctifier , and that worship did consist in the same kinde of love , feare , hope , and beliefe , and the same charitie , and justice amongst men . The Law of Ceremonies , and externall Rites in the bodily worship of God , did differ from our discipline , that being more pompous and laborious : but the two great Commandements which were the effects , and contents of all heavenly , spirituall , indispensible worship , and service , whereby a love towards God above that of our selves , and a love towards man equall with that of our selves was enjoyned , these two great Commandements were then as forcible , and honourable , as they are now . Sacrifice was but as the garment of Religion , obedience was the life , the perfection , the dignity of Religion , and the life , perfection , and dignitie of that obedience consisted then in those weighty matters of the Law , Piety , and mercie , as it now does ; but if the Jewish Religion was lesse excellent , and more clogged with shadows , and ceremonies in its outward habit , what argument is this for the Supremacie of Regall , rather then Sacerdotall power ? The more abstruse and dark the forme of that worship was , and the more rigorous sanctity God had stamped upon the places , and instruments , and formalities of his worship , and the more frequent , and intricate questions might arise thereabout , me thinks , the more use there was of Sacerdotall honour , and prerogative , and the lesse of Regall in matters of the Lord : I see not why this should make Princes more spirituall then their Order would beare , but Priests rather . His second reason is . That all parts of the Jewish Religion , Laws , Sacrifices , Rites , Ceremonies , being fully set down in writing , needing nothing but execution , their Kings might well have highest authoritie , to see that done : Whereas with us there are numbers of mysteries even in beliefe which were not so generally for them as for us necessary to be with some expresse acknowledgment understood , many things belonging to externall government , and our service not being set down by particular ordinances , or written , for which cause the State of the Church doth now require that the spirituall authoritie of Ecclesiasticall persons be large , absolute , and independent . This reason is every way faulty : for as to matters of Discipline and externall worship our Church is lesse incumbred with multiplicity of Rites , such as Saint Paul cals carnall and beggerly rudiments , and in this respect there is the lesse use of Ecclesiasticall authoritie amongst us : and if popish Bishops doe purposely increase Ceremonies , that they may inlarge their own power , they ought not to take advantage of their own fraud . And as for matters of faith and doctrinall mysteries , we say according to Gods ancient promise knowledg doth now abound by an extraordinary effusion of Gods Spirit upon these latter dayes ; wee are so farre from being more perplexed with shadows , and mysticall formalities , or with weighty disputes , that we are , and ought to be a great deal lesse , and we doe the rather suspect all popish traditions , and additions in Religion , because wee see they make use of them for the augmenting of the power and regiment of Prelates . And yet if knowledge did not abound , if our Religion were more cloudie , and if the Scriptures , Councils , Fathers , and all learning were now more imperfect to us then they are , I cānot imagin how an uncōfined absolute dominion of Churchmen shold be more necessary thē of Princes . For if absolutenes of power be of necessary use in intricate perplexed mysteries & cōtroversies , yet why must that absolute power be more effectuall in Priests then Princes ? is not the counsel of Prelats the same , and of the same vigor to solve doubts , and determine controversies , whether their power be subordinate , or not ? doth meer power ad to the knowledg of Priests ? or is the power of Priests more virtuous for the promoting of truth , then the power of Magistrates ? how comes this vast irreconcilable difference betwixt the government of the Church and State ? In matters of Law , in matters of policy , in matters of war , unlimited power in such as are most knowing and expert does not conduce to the safety of the Common-wealth : subordinate Counsells are held as available for the discerning of truth , and far more available for the conserving of peace and order . And who can then assigne any particular sufficient reason , why matters of religion should not as well be determined in the consistory by dependent Prelates , as matters of Law are by the Judges and Justices in their tribunals , where they sit as meere servants to the King ? His third exception is : That God having armed the Jewish Religion with a temporall sword , and the Christian with that of spirituall punishment only , the one with power to imprison , scourge , put to death , the other with bare authoritie to censure , and excommunicate , there is no reason why our Church which hath no visible sword should in regiment be subject unto any other power then only to that which bindeth and looseth . This reason taketh it for granted , that amongst the Jewes the Church and State was the same , had the same body , the same head , the same sword , and that head was temporall , and that sword was materiall . This we freely accept of : but in the next place , without any reason at all given , it as freely assumes , that Christians now have only a spirituall sword in the Church , as that Jews had only a temporall one . A diametricall opposition is here put betwizt Jews and Christians in Church Regiment , and yet no cause shewed , or account given of that opposition . We have very good colour to argue , that without some strong reason shewed of opposition , Christians ought not to bee so contrary to that excellent discipline of the Jewes which God himself ordered , and to introduce I know not what spirituall rule in prejudice of temporall rule : but how will Stapleton prove , that amongst Christians the Church and State are two divided bodies , so as they may admit of two severall heads , and severall swords , the one temporall the other spirituall , the one yielding precedence as temporall , the other predominating as spirituall ? This wee desire to see fortified with better proofs . Hooker in his eighth booke not yet publisht has a learned cleere discourse to shew the fallacie , and injustice of this blind presumption . Hee allows that a Church is one way , and a Commonwealth another way defined , and that they are both in nature distinguisht , but not in substance perpetually severed . Since there is no man ( sayes hee ) of the Church of England , but the same is a member of the Common-wealth , nor any of the Common-wealth , but the same is of the Church , therefore as in a figure triangle , the base differs from the sides , and yet one and the self-same line , is both a base and a side : a side simply , a base if it chance to be the bottome , and to underlie the rest . So though properties and actions of one doe cause the name of a Common-wealth , qualities and functions of another sort give the name of a Church to a multitude , yet one and the same multiude may be both . Thus in England there 's none of one Corporation , but hee is of the other also , and so it was amongst the Jews . Two things cause this errour . First , because professours of the true Religion somtimes live in subjection under the false , so the Jews did in Babylon , so the Christians in Rome under Nero , in such cases true professors doe civilly only communicate with the State ; but in matters of their Religion they have a communion amongst themselves . This now is not our case , and therefore these instances are not proper amongst us . Secondly , In all States there is a distinction between spirituall and temporall affaires and persons , but this proveth no perpetuall necessity of personall separation : for the Heathens always had their spiritual Laws and persons and causes severed from their temporall , yet this did not make two independent States among them : much lesse doth God by revealing true Religion to any Nation distract it thereby into severall independent communities , his end is only to institute severall functions of one and the same community . Thus farre Hooker most judiciously , and profoundly . Wee must not here expect any satisfaction from our Adversaries , why there should be lesse division betweene Church and State amongst the Jews , and lesse use of two severall swords , then is amongst us : 't is sufficient that they have said it . There 's no crime so scandalous amongst our Church-men , or wherein they claime so much spirituall interest of jurisdiction as adultery , yet amongst the Iews that crime was carnall , not spirituall ; and its punishment was death inflicted by the Civill Judge , not damnation denounced by the Priest . Now if adultery in these days were better purged away , and lesse countenanced in our Christian Courts then it was amongst the Jews , there might something be alleaged to preferre our moderne inventions before Gods owne Statutes , but when Ecclesiastiall persons shall therefore incroach upon Civill , that by , I know not what , pecuniary corruptions and commutations , vice , and scandall may abound , we doe strangly dote to suffer it . For his last reason he says : That albeit , whilst the Church was restrained into one people , it seemed not incommodious to grant their Kings generall chiefty of power , yet now the Church having spread it self over all Nations great inconvenience must thereby grow if every Christian King in his severall Territorie should have the like power . By this reason it s presumed , that all the Universe ought to have but one head on earth , and that Rome must be its Court , and that it must be indued with Oraculous infallibilitie , and so to remayne till the Worlds end : and this must bee admitted out of some obscure generall Metaphors in Scripture , or else God has not sufficiently provided for the wise government of his Catholike Church . Man can scarce imagine any thing more mischievous , or impossible , then that which these goodly Politicians have invented to be profitable , nay necessary for the universall government of Mankind : for what one man can receive Appeals either in temporall or spirituall affaires , or direct finall , unerring dispatches to all the remote climates of the earth at one time ? or what a cursed vexation were it for all people of all languages and customes to be chained to One City , thither to travell for all finall determinations , and there to attend confused sentences , and in the mean time to endure at home endlesse dissentions , and hopelesse divisions under the insufficient rule of subordinate limited Princes and Bishops ? Surely had Mahomet preached any such grosse doctrine amongst his ragged , barbarous Arabians , hee had never tamed and broken them so easily to his wretched usurpation : T is wonderfull that our Ancestors could drink of such a cup of intoxication in the worst of times , but that the nauseous dregs of its bottome should now be obtruded upon us in these golden , shining dayes , is almost past belief . The Pope never yet had the rule of a third part of the World , but so far as hee ha's had it he ha's given sufficient testimony how insupportable great Monarchies are , both to the Governour , and the governed . And where the yoke of Rome ha's prevailed , what ha's that infallible judgement , and unlimitable power , which the Pope pretends to for our good , what ha's it availed the Church of God ? when the Easterne Churches were in Unitie , this gave them occasion to depart , and revolt , but when the rent was , what vertue had the Pope to reduce them to unite ? The like may bee asked concerning all Protestant Countries now falne from Romish obedience , nay of al Turks & Heathens not yet subdued to the triple crown ; if Christ intended the Popes infallibilitie for the discovery of all errors and heresies , and his supremacie for the subjugation of al such as would maliciously persevere in discord errours and heresies , how comes this intention to be so defeated , and frustrated ? if the Popes keyes be potent enough for both these purposes , why does he not force all men to come in within his sheepfold ? and if not , why does he pretend so much ? Would Christ put into one Bishops hand an universall Scepter , such as the World never before heard of , such as hee himselfe here on earth never exercised , and yet leave it contemptible to the greatest part of the World ? if ignorance prevail and incredulity , let the key of knowledge assist us , and bring us into light ; if stubbornes and perversnesse have hardned our hearts , let the key of power dissolve and bruize us : and if hee can doe neither of these , what vertue is there in the Roman Oracle , what benefit is there in that prophetick chaire ? what priviledge ha's Peter more then Iohn ? Shall the Citie of Rome it selfe be upheld and secured from ever erring and falling away , and shall not England , shall not Scotland , shall not all Nations be the like ? The power of the Pope is the same in all Countries , if it faile in England , it may faile at Rome ; if it faile not at Rome , it would not faile in England , but that the Pope is lesse propitious . O why should his mercy bee more narrow , then his vertue ? O let him once againe graciously ascend his reverent chaire , let him congregate generall Councils , and there poure out the treasures of his inspired breast let him there give judgements as cleere , pure , irrefragable , and as obvious to humane apprehension as Scripture it self , nay , if something more sufficient then Scripture be necessary for the composing of all our strifes , let him give us Solutions in a phrase more powerful then the Apostles ever used , and prescribe rules more convincing then God himselfe , or Christ in his incarnation ever prescribed , and if Kings and Emperours still make resistance , let him put on his robes of Majesty and terrour , let him passe over them as Serpents and Basilisks , whilst the stroke of his foot upon the earth fils all Countries with battalions of armed men : nay if terrestriall forces come not in fast enough , let him shake the Heavens with the thunder of his voice , and call downe Seraphims to his attendance , and let the highest orders of Heaven give testimony to his earthly Deity . I might frame the like expostulations after a sort against our own Prelats also , but I forbeare : for if God ha's given them sole knowledge to determine all controversies , and power to enact all Ecclesiasticall Canons , doubtlesse hee ha's given them some binding coercive force correspondent thereunto : and if so , why doe they not expel all dissention by it ? if their vertue extend no further then to exhortation , why do they urge commands upon us ? if they have a commanding power , why do they not second it with due compulsion ? And as this is sufficient to prove independent power due to Christian Princes in all causes whatsoever , so Historie makes it as plaine that Christian Princes at their first entrance , till Popery beganne to intoxicate them , did clayme , and exercise the same as their due . Constantine had {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} given him for his Title , and wee know hee shewed himselfe no lesse , and wee know his Successours for divers Ages did assume and verifie the same Title as their due . And therefore Bilson proves out of Socrates , and other Historians , That in the Primitive Christian Emperours times all Ecclesiasticall affairs did depend upon Emperours : and that the greatest Synods , and Councels were called at their appointment : and that Appeals from Councels were reserved to them , and sometimes over-ruled by them : and that all Ecclesiasticall Laws were by them enacted , confirmed , and repealed ; and that the greatest Prelates were by them ordered , and commanded : and that whole Provinces and Kingdomes were by them visited , and reformed in all cases whatsoever . And this truth , the learnedst of Papists will nor deny , and those wch do deny the same rely upon some particular exception onely , and have very few instances before the Popes inthronization at Rome , and these of matters of fact , and not rights alledged neither . Valentinian the Elder is one maine Instance , and he when strife was betweene the Arians and the Orthodox Christians would not take upon him to determine the same , his modest Answer was , non est meum judicare inter Episcopos , And Ambrose sayes of him ; Inhabilem se ponderi tanti putabat esse Iudicii . Valentinian here was a pious Emperor and Orthodox , but his blame was ( as Socrates justly taxes him ) that though he honoured those that were of his true faith , and sound opinion , yet he in the meane time let the Arians doe what they list . And this cannot be excused , for if hee was doubtfull of his owne faith , this was ignorance : and if Hee was not , and yet tolerated Arianisme , this was neglect in him : and if he did shunne this decision as burthensome to him , this was impious : and if as intricate , this was inconsiderate . For what if hee could not judge as a Bishop , could not he therefore judge by Bishops ; was not the learning and knowledge of all Bishops , at his command to be imployed , as if it were his owne ? Bishops themselves might erre , and dissent , and in that point many of them did erre , and hold against the truth : and without his ayde this division was irreconcileable ; but by his influence and superintendence ; truth might obtaine a faire tryall , and Bishops themselves might be convinced by Bishops . This case in Divinity might be too intricate for his sole judgment , and too pondrous for his actuall determination : but what he could not doe single , and personally , Hee might well effect by the counsell and advice of his most moderate , and disinteressed Clergie : for in Divinity the Prince is as in juridicall , or Martiall affaires , As he is not alwayes the ablest Divine , so neither is he the ablest Lawyer , nor the ablest Souldier , and yet by the advice of Divines , Lawyers , and Souldiers , He may conclude that wisely which neither He without them nor they without him could ever have concluded . Therefore against this remisse , cold slacknesse , and haesitancy of Valentinian we may oppose the politike , and couragious resolution of Constantine , Theodosius and diverse other pious Emperors , who all did compose debates , and end controversies , and vindicate Truth and Religion from many errors and abuses , wch otherwise had bin endlesse , and remedilesse . After the first 5. or 6. hundred yeares Episcopacy began to invade the rights of Royalty by the Sophistications , and impostures of the See of Rome , and till this last Age , Princes almost every where did blindly and superstitiously too farre abandon their owne right , but by the light of Nature , the wisest Kings in all Countryes were ever the most refractory , and most impatient of the Popes tyranny ▪ and in the most ignorant times , some there were found , that made resistance to the same . Much bloud was shed upon this Theme in diverse other Countries , and even in our own stories we find , that though England was prone otherwise to be the Popes Asse , yet in the quarrell of supremacy it was jealous , and had almost perpetuall conflicts . I will only cite one story . Henry the second was a very puissant Prince , and in all other things except only Ecclesiasticall . He was fortunate and victorious : but his misery was , that He raigned in such an Age as the Pope was in his Zenith , and had to doe with Becket of all the Popes dependents the most seditious . Henry the first his Grandfather out of the greatnesse of his Spirit and wit , had passed these Lawes ; That no Appeal should stand , That no Bishops should go out of the Realme , That no Tenant in Capite should bee excommunicated ; That no officiall of the Kings should be interdicted without the Kings leave , and consent , And that Clergimen should be subject to secular judgement , and that Lay-men under the King , should judge of Tythes , and other causes Ecclesiasticall . At these just and necessary Lawes , the Clergie hitherto rested quiet , if not contented , but now a most rebellious Becket arises to spurne against them , and in his mouth they are dangerous incroachments , and breaches upon the Church . Rather than hee will subscribe to these so long establisht Lawes ; He departs the Kingdome in contempt of the King , and with all violence and bitternesse that may bee incenses the Pope , the King of France , and all the Italian and French Bishops against his naturall Lord . The King at first gallantly relyes upon the edge of his temporall sword , and whets it sharper in behalfe of his legall prerogative ▪ and for some yeares together stands out against the danger of the Popes confounding blow ; but at last when Becket the fierce Traytor was slaine , through the execrations and anathemas of the Pope , and by the threats and exclamations of the King of France , and diverse other Bishops and Potentates ; He is beaten from his ground , swearing fealty to the Pope and his successors , and admitting of Appeales to Rome . Long it was before hee would submit himselfe in this contestation betwixt a subject , and himselfe to the Romish Tribunall , or yeeld to any condemnation being untryed , and unheard ; and it appeares by the Popes forbearance of his last thūderbolt , that the Pope was diffident in his power , and durst not sentence him , if He had not yeelded before the sentence . But I leave Popery , & come now to our reformed times . The dead time of night being now over , Luther began to crow in Germany , and to give notice of light ready to dawn upon the Earth : and no sooner did that light appeare , but that diverse Princes began to awake , and to shake off that blind servitude of Rome which had so long layne upon them , and lock'd up their senses like a deepe sleepe : How be it the light was not alike welcome to all , some fully and wholly gave it entertainement , others opened some Curtaines onely , and so yeelded themselves to a little further slumber . Henry the eighth here in England was well pleased with that Doctrine which discovered his owne independence , and the weakenesse of the Popes Prerogative : but those further monstrous , deformed errors , and superstitions of Rome , which are founded upon its absolute Prerogative , and are as inconsistent with light , as the Prerogative it selfe ; He tooke no delight to looke upon . So farre as his owne interest , and worldly advantage was represented by the beames of the Gospell , so farre his eyes thought it amiable And so farre Bishop Gardiner though a Bishop was ready to assist him : but so farre as his spirituall interest , and the generall advantage of his Subjects was concerned , so farre , Hee and Gardiner both could remaine as blind as Sir Thomas More : T is wonderfull that so sharp-sighted a man , as Sir Thomas More was , should lay downe his life in justification of the Popes supremacie ; but t is more wonderfull that Gardiner should see the weakenesse of that supremacie , and yet still adhere to diverse other Popish superstitions as absurdly resulting from the same principles . The State of Venice also out of meere policy has long been at defiance with the Court of Rome , so farre as meere rules of Government guide , and direct it : but in all other spirituall delusions , and impostures it is as dead , as heavie-eyed , as ever ▪ Spaine , France , and Germany also , though they speake not the same , yet they now doe the same as Venice , they all shut up and impale the Popes Authority within Peters Patrimony , leaving him no command but within his owne Italian territories , and yet besides his authority they cast off nothing else : so much doe we generally esteeme Earth before Heaven , and our temporall advantages before the subsistance of our soules . But let reason of State bee what it will , The Parliament here agrees to annex to the Crowne of Henry the eighth and his successors whatsoever sole , independent power was before challenged in Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall things by the Pope , or any Church-Man whatsoever : And Hooker seemes both to confesse and justifie the same , for sayes H , Our Kings of England when they are to take possession of the Crown , have it painted out before their eyes , even by the very solemnities , and rights of their inauguration , to what affaires by the same Law their supreme power and authority reaches . Crowned we see they are , and Inthronized , and Annoynted , the Crowne a signe of Military dominion , the Throne of sedentary or Iudiciall , The Oyle of Religious , and sacred power . Hee here Attributes as supreme a rule , and as independent in Religious and sacred affaires , as Hee does either in Military , or Iudiciall , and hee accounts that venerable Ceremony of Vnction , as proper to the Kings of England as that of Crowning , or Inthroning . Neverthelesse , it is now a great objection against this chiefly of Dominion , that it may descend to Infants under age , as it did to King Edward the sixth : Or to Women , as to Queene Mary , and Elizabeth , and whatsoever wee may allow to men , such as Henry the eighth , yet it seemes unreasonable , to allow it Women , and Children . The Papists thinke this objection of great moment , and therefore Bellarmine in great disdaine casts it out , that in England they had a certaine Woman for their Bishop : meaning by that woman , Q. Elizabeth : And Q. Elizabeth her selfe knowing what an odium that word would draw upon her , both amongst Papists , and many Protestants also , consults her Bishops about it , and by their advice sets forth a declaration , certifying the world thereby , that shee claymed no other Head-ship in the Church , but such as might exclude all dependency upon forreigne Head-ships , and secure her from all danger of being deposed . How this paper could satisfie all , I cannot see : My thinkes the Bishops in this did as warily provide for their owne clayme , as the Queenes : for whatsoever power Shee had in the Church , it was either absolute , Coordinate , or Subordinate . If it was subordinate , Shee was in danger of deposition , and was to bee ordered , and limited , and commanded by her Superior . If her power was Co-ordinate ; She had no more power over her equall , than her equall had over her : and it being as lawfull for her equall to countermand , as it was for her to command : her power would be as easily disabled and made frustrate by her equalls , as her equalls by hers . In the last place therefore if her power or headship were absolute , why did not her Bishops uphold and declare the same ? Such dallying with indefinite expressions , and dazelling both our selves & others with meere ambiguities does often very great harme , for uncertainty in Law is the Mother of confusion , and injustice , and this is the mother of uncertainty . According to this obscure declaration of supremacy in the Queenes paper many Papists at this day take the Oath penned in the Statute for that purpose : they will abjure the Popes supremacy , as to deposition of Princes : but not in any thing else : and they will hold the King supreme , as to all deposers , but not as to all men else . Those which are not bloudy , and dangerous , but by the light of nature abhorre regicides , rest themselves upon these shallow distinctions : but such as are Iesuitically furious , and murdrous , break through them as meere Cobwebs : and the more secure Princes are from the other , the lesse safe they are from these . These men will still insist upon absolute supremacy somewhere to rest ; and that it cannot rest in Women , or Minors , they will still insist upon this argument , If the Queene be not competent for that lower Order to whom the Word and Sacraments are committed , then shee is not competent for that higher Order which has power over the lower : but the Queene is not competent for the lower , therefore not for the higher . They say , that to prescribe Lawes to Preachers is more than to preach : and to have power over Ordination is something greater , than to enter into Orders , and therefore the Law cannot justly give that which is more , and greater , when God denyes that which is inferior , and lesse . Our Divines make a very short unsatisfying reply to this . Their reply is , that though our Bishops owe some kind of subjection to Kings , yet the authority of preaching , &c. is not from Kings , but from Christ Himselfe , Christ they say , giveth the Commission , Kings give but a permission only . All the power at last of our Kings , which is acknowledged equall with that of the Iewish , and has been so farre all this while magnified , and defended against Papists , inables them now no further , than to a naked permission in religious affaires , their most energeticall influence is permission . T is true , the Commission of the Apostle was from Christ , His Ite & docete , was their authority : And so it remaines still to all their successors ; but is it therefore a reason , that there is now , no other Commission necessary ? Where Christs Commission was particular , it was good without any other humane commmission , nay permission it selfe was not requisite : the Contents of that Commission was not only Ito , Doceto : but Tu Petre , Tu Paule , &c. Ito , doceto : but now there remaines nothing of that Commission , but the generality , Ito , doceto : the particularity requires now particular Commissions , and meere permissions will not serve the turne . And as for succession , we may suppose that our Saviours first Commission was vigorous , as to that purpose , but we must know , That the Apostles being both Governours and Preachers , all that commission which was given them as Governours , was not given them as Preachers . There must still be successors to the Apostles in Governing , and Preaching : but it s not necessary that the same men now should succeed in both offices , and that whatsoever was commanded or granted to the one office , the same should bee granted and commanded to the other The Civill Iudges and Councellors of State under the King are not without Generall Commissions from Heaven to doe justice , and preserve order in their severall subordinate stations , and yet they depend upon particular commissions too from Gods immediate Vice-Gerent . And it seemes to me a weake presumption , that Officers in Religion should have more particular Commissions from GOD , than Officers of State : or that Princes should bee more permissive , and lesse influent by way of power in the Church , than in the Common-Wealth . He that observes not a difference betwixt these times under Christian Princes , and those under unbeleeving Caesars , is very blind , and He is no lesse , that thinks particular Commissions now as necessary when Princes joyne to propagate the Gospell , as they were when supreme power was abused for its subversion : And so makes no difference betwixt a Nero , and a Constantine . Did Constantine gaine the style of Head-Bishop , or Bishop of Bishops meerely by permitting the true worship of God ? And let us lay aside the strangenes of the Name , and apply the thing , I meane the same Episcopall power to Queene Elizabeth , as was to Constantine and what absurdity will follow ? What is intended by the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , which may not bee as properly applyed to Queene Elizabeth , as to Constantine ? If the Patriarchs , and Kings of Iudah and first Christian Emperors had jurisdiction , and a legislative power in the Church , nay had dominion over all those which did exercise judiciall power in the Church , and were so exalted in sanctity , and dignity above meere Priests , shall Queene Elizabeth bee barred and disabled for the same power and honour meerely by the prejudice of her Sex ? The very Papists themselves do grant to some Abbatisses power of jurisdiction over some Ecclesiasticall persons , and this power they hold to be more honourable , than that of suborninate Monkes , and Priests which officiate under them ; and yet to officiate they will not grant to Abbatisses , though they grant more than to officiate . Therefore wee see this rule doth not alwayes hold ; that Hee which may not undertake the lesser charge , shall not undertake the greater ; for the meere sanctity of the person is not alwayes that which gives Law in these cases . Though the person bee not voyd of sanctity , yet some other unfitnesse , and defect may stop and barre in lesse imployments , and yet bee no stop , nor bar at all in matters of a more excellent , and sublime nature . So it is with Infants and VVomen , though the possession of a Crowne be more sacred and honourable , than admission into Orders ; yet they shall bee held more capable of a Crowne , than of Orders ; because personall imbecillity , and naturall inferiority ( as I may so say ) is lesse prejudiciall in civill , than in religious affaires , and in matters of function and service , than in matters of priviledge , and command . God had confined the right and honour of the Priest-hood amongst the Iewes , to one Tribe , and Family onely , and therefore Vzziab might not invade that right , and honour to the infringing of Gods speciall command , and in this respect Vzziah was qualified for a Scepter , yet not qualified for a censer ; He was qualified for that authority which was more sacred , yet not for that service which was lesse . So perhaps it is now under the Gospell , women are expresly barred from the Altar , that very Sex is precisely excluded , and excepted against by God ▪ they may not Minister in the Church : yet this is no exception , but that they may Raigne in the Throne , and yet this seemes not to prove that that ministration is more holy , than this raigning , but rather that it is more difficult , and such as requires more personall ability , and naturall perfection . For let Vzziahs case over-rule us . That wch disabled Vzziah for the service of the Altar was not personall incompetence , or want of sanctity : for then the same had disabled him for all higher , and more excellent offices . But we know that Vzziah was not so disabled : for he was capable of the Scepter , and by vertue of his Scepter , the whole Temple , and all the sacred things therin , all the Order of the Priests and Levites , the whole Law of God , and the state of Religion , and Policy , and the generall welfare of all Gods holy beloved people were within his guard , and protection , And will any man conceive this to be lesse excellent , than to sacrifice ? By vertue of the Scepter Moses did consecrate Priests to serve at the Altar , and governe their service at the Altar : by vertue of the Scepter Salomon did build , and dedicate the very Temple , and Altar it selfe , with his owne mouth , blesse both them , and those Priests which were to attend them : by vertue of the Scepter , Vzziah himselfe did inherit the same power , and holinesse , and dignity which Moses , or Salomon , or any of his Predecessors had , And shal all this seeme lesse worthy and excellent to us , than to serve with a censer ? In this Hooker fully concurres with me . He distinguishes betweene an Ordinary and a supreme Iudge , and He allowes it unfit for Princes to sit as Ordinary Iudges in matters of Faith and Religion : and yet hee denies not their supreme right and influence of judging . For ( sayes H. ) an Ordinary Iudge must be of qualities , which in a supreme Iudge are not necessary , because the person of One is charged with that , which the others meere authority dischargeth , without imploying himselfe personally therein ▪ It is an error to thinke that the Kings authority can have no force in doing that , which himselfe personally may not doe : for it is impossible , that at one and the same time , that the King should order so maine and different affaires , as by His power every where present are ordered in Peace and Warre ; at home , and abroad . And the King in regard of Nonage , &c. may be unable to performe that thing wherein yeares of discretion are requisite for personall action , and yet his authority is still of force : And therefore it is a maxime , that the Kings authoritie never dyes , or ceases from working . Sundry considerations then may be effectuall to hold the Kings person from being a doer of that , which notwithstanding his power must give force unto . In civill affaires nothing doth more concerne the duty , or better beseeme the Majesty of Kings , than personally to administer justice . Yet if it bee in case of Felony , and Treason ; Lawyers affirme ( Stanford l. 2. c. 3. ) that well may the King commit his authority to an other , to judge betweene him , and the offender : but the King being himselfe there a party , cannot personally sit there to pronounce judgement . Here we see sometimes the King cannot be possibly present to act his part , sometimes defect of knowledge may hinder him , sometimes other exceptions , as being a party , and the like , may barre him from doing those things , which notwithstanding by his substitute power must bee done : and yet this preferres not substitutes before him . So in Vzziahs case , the Priest-hood was for very sufficient reasons in policy , severed from the Kingly office , and that by Gods owne approbation , and command , Vzziah shall not now conjoyne , and unite them again out of a fond pragmaticall humor to the dis-inheriting of the Tribe of Levi , to the disservice of the Crowne , to the hinderance of Religion , and to the violation of Gods command . If Vzziah will content himselfe to move in his owne superior Orbe , and leave the Priests of God to their owne regular subordinate motions , his influence shall give vigor to those actions in them , which are with more honour to him done by them under his superintendence than by himselfe in person . For as the Ordinary Iudge deputed by the King , in cases where the King Himselfe either cannot be present , or hath not skill to determine , or may not legally interesse himselfe , does give judgment , not by vertue of his owne , but by vertue of the Kings authority , and does therefore acquire more honour to his Majesty , than to himselfe : So in the Church the Priest ministring in that imployment , which in all places the King cannot minister in , and which is too difficult for some Kings to minister in , and prohibited to others , yet is not hereby greater or holyer than the King , but even in his very actuall administration it selfe , He is so dependent , and derives such vertue from the Kings supreme , spirituall authority , that the King is supreme , and he but the secondary agent therein . But Bishop Bilson will yet say , that the Priest in the worke of conversion winnes the soule to a willing obedience , and that the Princes worke only by externall , politicall terror , which begets not virtutis amorem , but only formidinem panae , and therefore it seemes that the worke of the Minister and the Prince , differ not only in order , but also in kinde , the one being far more spirituall and divine than the other . I answer hereunto , that if power doth only induce a servile feare of punishment , and so cause of forcible forbearance of sin , and if preaching only make a voluntary conquest upon the soule , then by the same reason , the power of Bishops as well as the power of Civill Magistrates is of lesse value than preaching : but this none of our adversaries will agree to . My next answer therefore is , that Preachers in the wonderfull worke of regeneration are not in the nature of Physicall causes , they are rather in the nature of the meanest instrumentall causes under GOD : they are but as Vessels in the hand of Husband men , from whence the seed Corne is throwne into the ground . If the Corne fall into the furrow , and there fructifie , God opens and enlives the wombe of the Earth , God sends showres and influence from Heaven , God blesses the seeds with a generative , multiplying vertue , nay God casts it into the furrow , from the mouth of the Preacher , and as He uses the mou●h of the Preacher , for the effusion of his grain ; so He uses the Princes power as his Plough , to breake and prepare the ground : and in this case , the use and service of the plough is as Noble , as that of the Bushell . Neither is the office of Kings the lesse Glorious , because they can use force ; nor Ministers the more Glorious , because they may use none but ethicall Motives , and allurements : for power it selfe being a Glorious , Divine thing , it cannot bee ignoble to use it in Gods cause . And therefore wee see Iosiah , and other good Kings are commended for using compulsion : and diverse other Kings which used it not for the removing of Idolatry , and suppressing of the high places , did grievously offend God , and draw curses upon themselves , and their subjects . And whereas it is objected that force and compulsion restraineth only from the act of sin , but restraineth not the will from the liking thereof . We see common experience teaches us the contrary . For Scotland , Holland , Denmarke , Sweden , Bohemia , England , &c. Suffered great changes of Religion within a short space , and these changes were wrought by the force of civill Magistrates , and could never else without strange miracles from Heaven have been so soone compassed : but these changes are not the lesse Cordiall , and sincere , because civill authority wrought them . Authority it selfe hath not so rigorous a sway over the soules of men , as to obtrude disliked Religions universally : it must perswade as well as compell , and convince , as well as command● or else g●eat alterations cannot easily , and suddainly bee perfected . And in this respect the Proclamations of Princes become of●entimes the most true , and powerfull preaching that can be : and t is beyond all doubt , that if preaching were as a Physicall cause in the act of regeneration of sinners , or reformation of Nations , yet the edicts and commands of Princes are sometimes more efficacious Sermons than any which wee heare from out our Pulpits . For let us suppose that a considerable number of our Ministers were sent into Mexico , or Perue , to preach the Gospell of Christ , amongst the poore blinde Savages , could wee hope for so great successe thereby without the concurrence of some Princes there , as we might , if some of them would assist , and joyne to advance the same word and doctrine by their wisdome , and power , which our Ministers should publish with their art , and eloquence ? If we cast our eyes back upon former times , also we shall see that before Constantine favoured Religion , the Gospell spread but slowly , and that not without a wonderfull confluence of heavenly signes and miracles , wrought by our Saviour , and his Disciples ; all which we may suppose had never bin in such plentifull measure shewed to the world , had it not bin to countervaile the enemity and opposition of secular authority . And it may be conceived , that had the Caesars joyned in the propagation of CHRISTS Doctrine , more might have beene effected for the advantage of Religion by their co operation , than all Christs Apostles , Bishops , Prophets , Evangelists , and other Elders did effect by their extraordinary gifts and supernaturall endowments . We see also that Constantines conversion was of more moment , and did more conduce to the prosperity , and dilatation of Christianity , than all the labours , and endeavours of thousands of Preachers , and Confessors , and Martyrs which before had attempted the same . And to descend to our late reformations , wee see Edward the sixth , though very young , in a short time dispelled the mists of Popish error and superstition : and when no men were more adverse to the Truth than the Clergy , yet He set up the banner thereof in all his Dominions , and redeemed millions of soules from the thraldome of Hell , and Rome . In the like manner Queene Elizabeth also , though a woman , yet was as admirable an instrument of God in the same designe , and what she did in England diverse other Princes about the same time did the like in many other large dominions : whatsoever was effected by miracles in the hand of Ministers , after our Saviour , the same if not greater matters were sooner expedited by the ordinary power and wisdome of Princes , when Ministers were generally opposite thereunto . And as we see the spirituall power of Princes how strangly prevalent it is for the truth , so sometimes we see most wofull effects of the same against the truth . Religion was not sooner reformed by Edward the sixth , than it was deformed againe by Queene Mary . And though many godly Ministers were here then setled , as appeares by their martyrdoms : yet all those Ministers could not uphold Religion with all their hands so strongly as Queene Mary could subvert it with one finger of her hand onely . One fierce King of Spaine bound himselfe in a cursed oath to maintaine the Romish Religion , and to extirpate all contrary Doctrines out of his confines : if many pious Ministers could have defeated this oath , doubtlesse it had not so farre prevailed , as it doth : but now wee may with teares bewaile in behalfe of that wofull Monarchy that one Kings enmity in Religion , is more pernicious , than a thousand Ministers zeale is advantagious . And by the way let all Princes here take notice what a dreadfull account of soules , God is likely to call them to : Fort is not the Clergy that are so immediately and generally responsible when Religion is oppressed , or not cherished , and when soules are misled , and suffered to goe astray , the abuses of the very Clergy it selfe will be only set upon the Princes account , for according to that vast spirituall power which He hath put into their hands , yea according to that vast spirituall power , so will God certainly require at their hands . Let Princes know that preaching is not the onely meanes of salvation , nor are Ministers the only Preachers , nor that the Sacraments are therefore efficacious because the Clergy only may administer them ; Let them know that though Ministers call themselves only spirituall Persons , and the Lot of God , and the Church of Christ , and put them into the number of Temporall , and Lay-men , and limit them to secular things : yet God will not be so abused ; they must make an answer to him for things most spirituall , and for the improvement of those graces and prerogatives which belong to Gods most beloved inheritance , and honoured servants , and neere Officers in his Church . And let Ministers also on the other side learne to acknowledge that Character of Divinity which is so much more fairely stamped upon Princes , than it is upon them , and let them not rob Princes of that influence in sacred things : which they of themselves can never injoy . For as Princes shall answer for them if they imploy their power to the depression of Ministers ; so shall Ministers also answer for Princes if they cosen Princes out of their supreme power , out of pretense that Gods message is so delivered to them . Let Ministers assist Princes in their religious and spirituall offices , as Aaron , and Hur did Moses . Let them not contend for supremacy in the highest offices of devotion , but like humble servants let them account it their most supreme service , to attend upon that supremacy . Let them in the most glorious services of Religion looke upon Princes , as Ioab did upon his Master in martiall exployts . Let them be jealous of themselves , that no part of honour due to the independent power of Princes , may rest upon the secondary instruments but returne to the first and highest movers . And thus shal more honour and sanctity passe from Ministers to Kings , and more efficacy and vertue from Kings to Ministers , and more grace and happinesse from both to the people . Another occasion of mistake , and error in Nazianzen , and Bilson seemes to be , that in comparing the great fruits of Princes , and Priests , in their severall functions , they both speake of the whole order of Priest hood : as if every Prince were therefore lesse spirituall , or excellent than every Priest , because all Priests in some things excell some Princes . If we speak of a Prince and all the Clergy within his dominion , perhaps we may say he is universis minor , and yet he may be singulis major : perhaps he may not doe so much good in the Church as all his Clergy , yet he may doe more than a great number of them . And yet for my part , I am of opinion , that all the Clergie are so dependent , and borrow such vertue from the Kings supreme spirituality ( as I may so say ) that whatsoever good they doe , they ought not to let the honour thereof terminate in them , but returne to him upon whom they depend . And now I thinke , these things being made cleere , that Princes are sacred in respect of their supreme rule , and spirituall in respect of their spirituall rule , and that Priests have no proper rule at al over mens spirits , or in any Ecclesiasticall cases , but derivative , and subordinate to Princes . I may conclude , that there can be no office , nor action so sacred upon Earth , for which Princes are incompetent in respect of personall sanctity . And therefore , as it is most erroneous to argue , that Princes are not capable of spirituall rule , because their persons are not holy enough : So it is most undenyably true , and we may safely argue , on the contrary , that no mens persons can bee more holy than such as God hath honoured , and intrusted with such supremacy of spirituall rule , as He hath done Princes . THe next argument which raises the Miter above the Diadem is drawne from the power of the Church in Excommunication : and it is framed thus . That supremacy which makes Princes to be above the Church , and free from Ecclesiasticall censures , is absurd ; but such is here maintained , Ergo : by the word Church may be meant the Catholike Church , or some Nationall Church : The Church Triumphant , or the Church Militant : th Church which was from the beginning , and shall be to the end , or the Church which now is . We apply the Title of Head ship to Princes over no Churches but such as are under their present Dominions , and that Head-ship we account subordinate to Christs , and we allow with Saint Ambrose in some sense , that the King is Intra , and not supra Ecclesiam : For he is not such an universall supreme Head as Christ is , but is a member under Christ the Head . Yet this impugnes not , but that the King may in an other sense be both intra , and supra , as to his owne dominions : for take the Church for Ecclesiasticall persons , and so the King may governe all under Christ , but take it for Ecclesiasticall graces , and so the King may be subject ; He may be superior to Priests , yet acknowledge inferiority to Scripture , Sacraments , &c. And therefore with that of Ambrose , that of Nazianzen may well stand ; Thou raignest King together with Christ : Thou rulest together with him ; Thy sword is from him ; Thou art the Image of God : And surely this is something more glorious than can be applyed in so proper and direct a sense to any Clergie-man whatsoever . But let us briefly see what this spirituall sword of Excommunication is , which the Church , that is , Church-men only clayme , and wherewith they thinke they may as freely strike Princes , as Princes may doe them with the temporall . The grounds in Scripture for Excommunication , are severall , not all intending the same thing , yet all are blended and confounded by Clergie-men to the same purpose : wheras we ought to put a great difference betweene Excommunication , and Non-communication , and in Excommunication , betweene that spirituall stroke , and punishment , which was ordinary in case of contempt , and that which was extraordinary in cases of most hainous nature . Non-communication may be supposed to have beene from the beginning ; and by common equity ; for Gemmes were never to be cast to Swines , nor the priviledges and Treasures of the Church to bee imparted to such as were enemies and strangers to the Church . Heathens and Publicans hated the Religion of the Iewes , and therefore it was hatefull to the Iewes to communicate with them , either in matters of Religion , or in offices of friendship . The Iewes did not forbeare all civill conversing with them , but all familiarity they did forbeare , and yet the forbearance of familiarity was no proper punishment to them : Nor was it a thing spiritually inflicted by authority , but by generall , and naturall consent practised . So men of the same nature , as Publicans and Heathens now , viz. such as hold our Religion contemptible , or whose profession is scandalous to Religion , they ought to be to us as they were to the Iewes ; to mingle familiarly with them cannot stand with our owne safety , or the honour of Religion , or the Law of common decency : but those whom we account as Publicans , we doe not make Publicans , whom we shun as infectious , we doe not punish as rebellious : their actions we doe generally detest , but their persons we doe not judicially condemne . Princes under the Law might not eate of the Shew bread , nor approach the Sanctuary being in a polluted condition , nor in case of Leprosie might they be admitted into the Congregation of the Lord , so nor bastards , &c. but these are all instances of Non-communion , not of Excommunication : and the reason of Non-communion is perpetuall , so that if Princes in open contempt of the Sacraments should desire them at the Ministers hands , Ministers ought rather to dye than to administer them . But to deny the Sacrament is not any spirituall obduration , or castigation ; to this denyall , no speciall authority is necessary , neither to that authority is any coercive force internally working upon the soule granted . Cain having committed an unnaturall murther was generally abhorred amongst his brethren and abandoned as unfit for humane society : but this was a crime proper for the temporall sword , and if this was a proper punishment it was temporall . And it is plainly cleered to us , that adultery it selfe by Gods Law was punished by the temporall , not spirituall sword , and that abscissio animae amongst the Iewes was ever spoken of corporall punishment by death , the inffliction whereof was only left to the temporall Magistrate ; and that there was no difference observed betweene Crimes Spirituall , and Crimes Temporall . Non-Communion , then we grant to have bin of ancient use , and perpetuall , but we wish great caution and circumspection to be had therein amongst Christians , for as visibly prophane persons are to be rejected , so no former profanenesse ought to be cause of rejection , where the party with outward professions of repentance , and gestures of reverence craves the mysteries at the Ministers hands , as almost all Christians doe . For in such case if the Sacrament , then the word also may be denyed , and so no manner of salvation shall be left to such as have bin formerly vitious , whatsoever their present demeanour be . To come now to Excommunication , or the Spirituall Sword , and sentence of the Church , as it was used in the Primitive times , yet so wee finde differences of it amongst our Divines . That incestuous Corinthian which was said to be traditus Satanae , as Chrysostome conceives , was not ejected out of the Church by ordinary excommunication , but was miraculously left to Satan , ut percelleretur vulnere malo , aut morbo , and such was the punishment of Ananias , and his Wife , and of Elymas , &c. according to Ierom , Ambrose , Theodoret , Oecumenius , Theophylact , &c. This excommunication , if it may be called so , was a corporall punishment , and there is no appearance of any internall obduration by the binding power of the Minister : and it was miraculous , and therefore though it was of use then , when the Keyes of Church-men could not erre , and when a Temporall Sword was wanting , yet now it is utterly uselesse , and abolisht . For any other excommunication of present and perpetuall necessity in Ecclesiasticall regiment there is little proofe in Scripture , it is the spirituall Scepter of our Hierarchrists , without which their Empire would appeare meerely imaginary : and therefore their zeale is strong for it , though their grounds be weake . It seemes to me a very darke deduction , that the Keyes of Heaven in the Gospell must needs import reall power , and jurisdiction in Church-men , and onely in Church-men ; and that that power and jurisdiction must needs intend such a spirituall sword , as our present form of excommunication is , and that that sword is as miraculous as it was , or as usefull , as if it were miraculous ; and that the stroke of it is meerly spirituall , and not to be supplyed by the temporall sword : and that Princes are as well lyable to it as other Lay-men . Ierome sayes , that with God not the sentence of the Priest , but the life of the sentenced party is look'd upon , and regarded ; and sayes he , Vt Leprosum mundum vel immundum Sacerdos facit , Sic alligat vel solvit Presbyter . It should seeme our Priests now have the same power to try and discerne scandalous persons amongst us , as the Iewish had Leapers in their times : and no man supposes that the Iewish Priests had any vertue , or force in their judgements to purge such as were uncleane , or to infect those which were cleane , they were held the most fit and impartiall judges , but the matter to bee judged of was visible , easie , and sensible . So much as this , no man will deny to our Ministers , for if they binde , and shut Heaven to persons sensibly profan , not altering at all the condition of such as they binde , and shut out , this is no such strange Spirituall Sword , and Celestiall power , and supereminent dominion , as they have hitherto pretended to , neither is it of any such great consequence in the Church of God . But if Ministers can yet by vertue of their Keyes , either search into the reines and hearts of hypocrites , as the Apostles did , or alter the condition of such as are subject to them , either by absolving , or obdurating the guilty , or can effect any remedy in the Church for the taking away of scandall , by their spirituall power , which the temporall ruler doth not effect as the Apostles may be supposed to have done ; This is more than the Iewish Priests ever professed , this is supernaturall , and wee ought to admire it . I doe not beleeve that our Ministers will lay clayme to any such miraculous vertue and infallibility , and if they did , I hope they would give us some signes and demonstrations therof by opening Heaven to thousands , and by confounding all incorrigible opposers of Religion . If Nero had resorted to Peters ministery , desiring to bee made partaker of the Word and Sacraments , out of fraud and dissimulation , Peter doubtlesse would not have refused him , and cast him off , without a certaine insight into his hypocrisie : but if Peter did discerne his hypocrisie , and reject him , yet our Ministers cannot discerne the like , and therefore cannot reject in the like manner . With us take Excommunication , as a spirituall punishment , as it hardens , and drives from Repentance ( for so the shutting of Heaven intimates ) and our Ministers should bee cruell to use it where they are ignorant of the heart : and take it as a wholesome remedy , and fit meanes to draw to repentance , as corporall punishments , sometimes are ( though it bee strange to conceite the like of spirituall ) yet their vertue being ignorantly applyed , is no proper vertue . For in case of utter impenitence , and open perversenesse , Heaven is shut without the Ministers power : and in case of fained penitence , the Ministers Key cannot open effectually , though he discerne not the fraud : and in case of true penitence , if the Minister be mistaken , yet Heaven will not remaine shut . Howsoever if Priests may now Excommunicate as they pretend , yet this concludes not , that they may excommunicate Princes . We know the Primitives did use excommunication , very moderatly , and tenderly , and not without great policy , and respect had to the good of the Church , and therefore Saint Aug. openly avers , that excommunication is a proud , pernicious , and sacrilegious attempt , when it is denounced against any considerable number of people , ubi periculum sit schismatis . We must know that it is of worse example when it is used against Princes than diverse other great bodies and societies : in as much , as one Prince is of more consequence and power than thousands of other Lay-men . We know also that in all judgments there is a necessity of legall tryall to precede conviction : and that great multitudes may be convented , examin'd , sentenced , and punished with lesse disturbance of peace , lesse violation of Majestie , and lesse obstruction to policy , than those which sway the Ball imperiall . And if the condemnation of Princes might bee upon due tryalls without violence , yet the execution of the sentence would produce more grievous and rigorous events in them , than in private men : for how shall the people honour , obey , and worship him in the State as Gods Lievtenan● , whom they see accursed , cut off , and abhorred in the Church as the Devils Vassall ? That which was obtruded upon private men at first as a wholsom Corrosive plaister for their spirits , declined after into corporall penances , and after that into pecuniary mults : but what have beene the sufferings of private men in comparison of that which Princes have lost hereby to the Clergie ? Vpon the Excommunication of Princes , whole Nations have bin interdicted , whole States ruined , the innocent with the obstinate , the Prince with the people all have bin sacrificed to bloud thirsty Priests , under pretence of Obedience to the holy Church . It will be objected , that if Princes be not this way punishable , they are no other way punishable , and that it is very mischievous in the Church , that there should be any scandall given , and no meanes left for its purgation , and expiation . I answer , The Iewish Kings did sinne in the most offencive manner that can be imagined ; yet God assigned no spirituall Rulers for their Castigation , and the Heathen Emperors were also free from any coercive restraint or punishment , and this God suffered , and we must suppose , that if it had bin so extremely and publikely mischievous , God would not have suffered it . Besides , in civill transgressions of the Law Priests doe not usually clayme jurisdiction ( though Saint Ambrose vindicated murder upon Theodosius ) for so their power would be as temporall , and as large as the Princes , and yet there is no reason why God should not have left a judicatory to punish civill violations in all men whatsoever , as well as Ecclesiasticall . In the last place also , if scandal shal not remaine unpunishable in the supreme temporall Magistrate , yet it shall in the spirituall , and that is a mischiefe of the same nature as the other . For if the King shall abide the judgement of this Bishop , or that Consistory , yet what judgment shal that Bishop or Consistory abide ? If this spirituall supremacy rest in any one , that one must be unpunishable : for two supremes are things incompatible : and if this supremacy rest in more than one , this is not consistent with Monarchy : for either the one or the other must be predominant , and transcendent . We reade that lustinian did command the Clergy to be proceeded against by excommunication , suspension , and deprivation , and we cannot deny this to be his right , and all other Princes in the like manner , when misdemeanours are scandalous in the highest Cleargy-men , or Consistores ; and we know that such command and constraint in Iustinian is more than to excommunicate , suspend , or deprive . We may justly therefore inferre , that Iustinian having a power above excommunication , ought not himselfe to be excommunicated , by those which were under his power : for so the excommunication of the inferior would disable the excommunication of the superior . And since excommunication cannot be promiscuously and oppositely used by two , one against the other , without variance , and confusion , but either the one , or the other must be above excommunication , it is more reasonable that the higher bee exempted , and priviledged than the lower . And so it is a stronge argument , that Princes are not liable to excommunication , because even in the power of excommunication it selfe their function is more excellent , and their power more sublime , than theirs is , which excommunicate under them , and at their command , the Prince doing herein the nobler office — quantum qui navem temperat , anteit — Remigis officium — but when it is argued against Princes , that they may be excommunicated by Priests ; because they beare offices lesse sacred , and serve God in places lesse glorious than Priests , the grounds are here utterly false , and repugnant to all right reason , and sound Divinity . Let us not then doubt to submit all things under one supreme on Earth , submitting him to his supreme in Heaven ; For it is no small thing , as we imagine , in such case to be left to the searching judgment of God , for God is not negligent of his office therein , nor need we doubt , or hold our selves utterly remedilesse , whilst we can say truly , Omne sub regno graviore regnum est . And let us not mistake our supreme on earth , for if God had intended to have left us a spirituall sword and miraculous judicatory under the Gospell , never before knowne , or usefull to the world , and that of perpetuall necessity , doubtlesse he would have left us some cleere command in Scripture , and not have involved his meaning in metaphors so intricate , and ambiguous . THe next argument against the Soveraigne Dignity of Kings is this . If servants are to be measured by the degree of their Master whom they serve , they are the greatest servants , which serve Christ : But Ministers serve Christ : Ergo , This can decide nothing for Princes and Priests , serving both the same Master ; The argument hath the same force for Princes , and for Priests , and if it be further said , that Christ as a Priest , is greater than Christ as a Prince , and that Princes therefore serving under him as a Prince , are not so great as Priests serving under him as a Priest , I shall deny that to bee so , for Christ as Mediator was inferior to his Father , and all workes of his regiment over the Church are not done by him as Mediator , but doe belong to his Kingly Office , and as to his Kingly power , He is equall with the Father . THe next Argument therefore of truer force is this : There can be no office more sacred , or dignity more excellent , then such as is signified under these glorious Titles of Gods , Starres , Angels , Embassadors , Rulers , Fathers , Stewards , Pastors , Leaders , Teachers : but these glorious Titles are applyed to Ministers , Ergo . Wee will acknowledge all these Honourable badges given to Ministers , and duely given : and wee will acknowledge these no empty words without truth , and so make words and things contrary : and we will acknowledge the Function of Ministers to bee more venerable than any amongst men , besides that which beares the sword , the Embleme of Gods imperiall Majestie . But to such as are Gods sword-bearers upon Earth , we conceive Ministers ought to give place , and pay subjection , as humbly as any others . The preminence of Kings , we hold to be three ways manifest : in order , in measure , and in kind . In the very sanctity of the Priest-hood it selfe we conceive the ministration of Priests to be subordinate to Princes , inasmuch as to superintend in the most religious affaires is due to Princes , and to officiate only to Priests , and to superintend is more than to officiate . Secondly , In measure we conceive Princes excell also , in asmuch as in religious affaires such Priests have the charge of such flockes , and such Bishops of such Priests ▪ but all both Bishops , Priests , and flockes are under the Kings charge . And not only in religious affaires , but in civill also the authority of Princes is both intensive , and extensive many wayes , where Priests may not at all intermeddle . And though to governe Christians as Christians , be the most transcendent honour of Kings ; yet to governe men , as men : and not only to governe but to governe well , is a thing of divine impression . Thirdly , in kinde the regiment of Princes is far excelling , for the regiment of Kings is a true proper regiment assisted with reall power , decored with externall honour , founded in the generall consent of men , and blessed by the gratious influence of God , but the rule of Priests is but ethicall , or metaphoricall only , its utmost vigor is but perswasive , and is not at all coercive , either inwardly , or outwardly : and that subjection which it challengeth is not to it selfe , but to the Word and Sacraments , whereto it selfe rendreth as much , as it requireth from others . This generall answer might suffice , but to each particular Title we will briefly reply further . Ministers they are GODS , viz. to such as are under their cure : but then as they are GODS to others , so Princes are GODS to them . Thus Moses was a God to Aaron , though Aaron was a God to his inferiors . Ministers are Stars , but not in magnitude equall to the Sun ; neither is their light and influence so independent as the Suns . Ministers are Angels , viz. upon earth , and their internall piety is like a shining rayment to them amongst men , but they serve under Gods on Earth , whose robes of Majesty are every way resplendent , as well externally as internally . Ministers are Embassadors , but all Embassadors persons are not of the like honour , nor all their Embassages of the like moment , nor all their Commissions of the like extent : and in all these respects , Preachers are inferior to Princes , being joyned to them , as Aaron was to Moses for a spokesman , or an Interpreter only . Ministers are Rulers , viz. quoad vim directivam , but not quoad vim coactivam . Ministers are Fathers , viz. such as have been Gods instruments to regenerate us , and so as Saint Ierome sayes , they are the Fathers of our soules , and perhaps , as Chrysostome sayes , in this respect they are more to be honoured than our naturall parents . But Ministers alwayes , and onely are not so our Parents , and they that are so our Parents , are not so physicall , and selfe efficacious causes as our naturall Parents are : but if they may challenge more honour than our fleshly Parents , yet this advances them not above Kings , who are both politicall , and Spirituall Fathers also . Fabius the Consull , though he was to pay Honour and reverence to his naturall Father , yet he was to demand a greater measure of the same from him being his politicall son : and it did not mis-beseeme him to prefer the civill right before the physicall : Yet Fabius here was a meere Magistrate , and in that farre lesse glorious than our Christian Magistrates are ; Ministers are Stewards , but not the highest in the house of God ; for Princes are Stewards also and only accountable to God , but they are accountable to Princes themselves . And as Stewards doe provide food for those , by whom themselves are fed , and manage only but one part of their Lords affaires : so it is with Ministers : under Princess Ministers are Pastors , Leaders , Teachers , their Doctrine is their food wherewith they comfort the people , their perswasion is the light wherewith they secure them from falling , they feede by their exhortations , and guide by their dehortations , but all these are offices of a servant , rather than priviledges of a Master , and even in these offices they are subordinate also . So the Pilot at Sea may have the safety of his Prince committed to his direction , charge , and rule : So the Commander in Warre gives order for all affaires of the battaile , assigning to the King Himselfe a fit station : So the Iudge in matters of Law by his just decree bindes the right of his owne Master : So the Physition limits and prescribes rules of diet , and sets downe Lawes of exercise to his Soveraigne Lord . In all these cases there is a kinde of Obedience due from Kings , and that obedience implyes some kind of inferiority : and yet this obedience of the King , doth not drowne the higher and greater obedience of the Subject , nor doth this inferiority contradict that which is of a farre other quality , and degree . In the selfe same manner also the Priest officiates in the Church , perhaps before the King , perhaps before his owne Metropolitan , at this time , in this place , and in this office , there is honour , reverence , and obedience due to him from the King , and Metropolitan : yet this doth not exempt him from that stronger and holyer tye of subjection , awe ▪ and subordination , by which he is alwayes bound to those which governe him in other things ; when Ambrose therefore sayes Honor & sublimitas Episcopalis nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari : and againe , Nihil potest esse in hoc seculo excellentius Sacerdotibus , nihil sublimius Episcopis reperiri : wee answer , if he here include Princes , as having Episcopall power , and a jurisdiction both over Priests and Bishops , we agree hereunto , but if he exclude Princes , we exclude this from our beliefe . And againe when he sayes : if you compare Episcopall sublimity to the brightnesse of Kings , or Diadems of Princes , that of Kings and Princes will be more inferior than leade , compared with gold : we answer , if he here intend the meere secular authority of Princes in things meerly temporall , we suppose some mild construction may bee allowed : but if he speake of the intire Soveraignty , and Prerogative of Princes , and put that as lead in comparison of the golden Miter , we reject him as erroneous . That which Chrysostome sayes , that more awe is due to Priests , than to Kings and Princes , we admit also in this sense , viz. to the Embassages of God in their mouthes , not to their persons : and those Embassages also and instructions we oppose to the meere civill Ordinances of Kings , not to religious injunctions , wherein Princes are sent with larger Commission than they are . And whereas hee sayes further of the power of Priests , that God Himselfe would not impart it to Angels , or Arch-Angels wee may adde also nor to Princes : yet this concludes nothing to the derogation of Angels , or Arch-Angels or Princes . For the Angels , &c. though they have not the same Ministery in the same kinde , and order , yet they have a more glorious and heavenly , and consequently so may Princes . That which Saint Augustine sayes also that Princes beare the Image of God , Bishops of Christ , We willingly consent to , and yet by Bishops here we do not intend only such Church-Governours as our Bishops now in England are , but all other such as doe the same offices over Gods people , whatsoever their stiles , or externall additions be otherwise . And these things we conceive ought to receive such constructions , because our Saviour Himselfe did alwayes decline all State and pompe , and recommend the same lowly president to his followers ; with strict command not to exercise any Lordly Dominion , nor to assume the Name of Rabbi upon them , ever pressing this ; That he came to serve , and not to be served . And yet in the meere Name of Lord , or Rabbi there could be no offence , if the power and grandour belonging to those names , had not bin displeasing to him : and if it was displeasing in those his immediate followers whom he had made governours as wel as Preachers , and for their better governing had indued with many miraculous gifts , to discerne spirits , and to open and shut Heaven : and inriched with many other weighty graces , we cannot imagine it should now be pleasing in our Ministers , where lesse power is necessary , and lesse vertue granted . However it is farre from our meaning to detract or derogate any thing from that internall reverence which is due to Christs Embassadors , and Stewards , &c. in the Church , we know that he that despises them , despises Christ Himselfe , according to Christs own words , our meaning is only to place them next and in the second seate of Honour after Princes , and Rulers , and Iudges which have Scepters committed to them by God , either mediately , or immediately . Cyp. sayes well , that our Saviour being King and God did Honour the Priests and Bishops of the Iewes , though they were wicked , for our instruction : we grant that our Saviour ought in this to be imitated , and that all Priests whether they have such command or no , as the Iewish had , or whether they bee Religious or no : yet for Christs sake which is our High-Priest , and their Head , we ought to pay all reverence and awe to them . THe last Argument urged is this . That Order which is of the greatest necessitie in Religion , without which no Church can at all subsist , is most Holy and excellent , but such is the sacerdotall order , for Religion had subsistence under the Apostles without Princes , and that it never had nor could have under Princes , without Priests : Ergo , This is no way true , for Religion can have no being without men , and men can have no being without government , and therefore as to this first , and most necessary being , wee may justly say , that the Gospell it selfe was as well protected by Caesar , which hated it , as by Peter which preached it : For Peter did owe his civill being to Caesar , and without this civill being , his Ecclesiasticall being had perished . Besides Peter , &c. was not only a Preacher , but also a Governor , and those offices which he did as a Governour , might be as much conducing to the welfare of Religion , as those which hee did as a Preacher : and yet for want of the civill Magistrates further assistance , both offices were some way defective , and perhaps , had bin wholly unprofitable , had not miraculous gifts and graces superabounded to supply that defect . Howsoever , it is more true , that after the Creation Religion did subsist under Princes onely without Priests , for untill the Priest-hood was severed in Aron , Adam , Melchisedeck , &c. were not so properly Priests , as Princes : for though they performed the offices of Priests , yet they had no other Consecration to inable them therefore , than their Regall Sanctity , and sublimity . If the meere officiating did make a Priest , then the Priest-Hood were open to all : and if some right and warrant be necessary , it must orginally flow from Princes , and they which may derive it to others , have it , till they derive it , in themselves . The essence of Priest-Hood doth no more consist in the rites and Ceremonies of Consecration , than Royalty doth in Coronation : and the due warrant of lawfull authority being that essence , before that warrant granted , we must looke upon authority as including that warrant within its vertue : and after that warrant granted , as not exhausted of its vertue . When the Priest-hood was separated from the greater , and confered upon the inferior , some formall Ceremonious resignation therof was thought necessary : but before that resignation till Moses , wee may well conceive that Princes did officiate in their owne rights , without borrowing any thing therein from Ceremonies , or from any higher power than their own . I have now done with Arguments of the first kinde , which are urged against the sanctity , and competence of Princes , in Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall things . I come now to answer such things as are further objected against other defects of qualification in them , especially in learning , knowledge , and theologicall understanding . THe maine argument here , is thus : Whosoever is fitest to direct to Truth , is also fittest to command for Truth : but Ministers being most skilld in Divinity are most fit to direct , Ergo . In answer hereunto , I must make appeare . 1. That Ministers are not alwayes most learned . 2. That the most learned are not alwayes the most judicious . 3. That learned and judicious men are not alwayes Orthodox , and sound in faith . 4. That there is no necessitie in policy , that the most learned , judicious , and sincere men should be promoted to highest power in the Church . And first , we deny not that the blessing of God doth usually accompany the due act of Ordination , to adde gifts and abilities to the party ordained : we only say , that Gods grace like the winde hath its free arbitrary approaches and recesses , and is not alwayes limited , or necessitated by the act done of consecration . And we say also , that as God usually sanctifies Ministers for their function , so he doth also Kings : and when he did lay his command upon Kings to have a Copy of his Law alwayes by them , to reade and study it for their direction , we conceive it is intimated to us what kinde of knowledge is most fit for Kings , and what kinde of grace God doth most usually supply them withall . King Edward the sixth , Queene Elizabeth , and King Iames of late , and happie memory were so strangly learned and judicious in Divinity , that we may well thinke there was something in them above the ordinary perfection of nature : and had they perhaps relyed lesse upon the greatest of their Clergie in matters concerning the interest and honour of the Clergie , the Church might have been more free from these controversies , and disturbances at this day . Counsellors of State were by a wise King of Spaine compared to Spectacles , and so may Prelates also , but as the same King well observed , those eyes are very wretched which can see nothing at all without them . T is as much wisdome in Princes to look into the particular interests of Counsellors , and not to be too light of beliefe , as t is to do nothing without counsell and to suspect their owne imaginations . If we did attribute to our Iudges a freedome from all fallibility and corruption , and so intrust all Law into their hands , this would be as dangerous , as to allow Iudges no credit at all . The Anabaptists which rely only upon their own private Enthusiasmes are not mislead into greater idolatry , and slavery than the Papists , which renounce their owne light , and reason , to cast themselves wholly upon the directions of their Ghostly Fathers . Our Prelates at this day have not so rigorous an Empire over our beliefe as the Papists grone under , yet they have given us a taste of late , what Canons should be held most religious and fit for us , if we would admit all to bee indisputable : which they thinke fit to bee imposed upon us . And truely when Clergie men were confessed to be the only Oracles and infallible Chaires of Divinity in the world , t was but a modest Law my thinkes , that all Lay-men being on Horse-backe , and meeting Clergy-men on foote , should perpetually dismount , and resigne their horses to Clergie-men : sure those times which thought this reasonable , and just were prety modest times , and Lay-men did not deserve so good . In the second place also admit Clergie-men to be only and alwayes learned , yet the learnedst men are not alwayes the wisest , and fittest for action . Sometimes where great reading meets with shallow capacities , it fumes like strong Wine in their heads , and makes them reele , as it were , under the burthen of it : it causes sometimes greater disquiet both to themselves , and other men . In our Ancestors dayes when all learning was ingrossed by the Clergie , and thrust into Cloysters , and Colledges from the Laity , yet there were many grave and wise States-men that were as an allay to the insolent , and vaine excesses of the Clergie , or else this State had bin often ruined . But admit in the third place , that Clergie-men are alwayes more learned and wise than all Lay-men , yet we see they are not more free from errors , heresies , and jars amongst themselves , than other men , but rather lesse . When Schismes rise amongst Divines , as they doe almost perpetually , Divines being thereby banded , and divided against Divines , what can the poore Laicke doe ? both sides he cannot adhere to , and if he adhere to this , that side condemnes him , and if to that , this condemnes him : if hee make use of his judgment herein , than hee trusts himselfe more than the Priest , and if he use not his judgment at all ; He commits himselfe meerly to fortune , and is as likely to embrace the wrong , as the truth : if he apply himselfe to the Major party , that is hard somtimes to discern ▪ and if it be discernable , yet it is many times , the erroneous party . The Papists are not the major part of Christians , Christians are not the major part of men , The orthodox amongst us are not the major part of Calvinists Calvinists are not the Major part of Protestants . Before the Law the Minor part worshipped the true God , and amongst those which worshipped the true God , the Minor part were heartily his servants , and made a Conscience of their wayes . After Moses also when the Iewes began to mingle with the Canaanites , and other bordering Heathens in the manner of their sacrifices and high places , a very small part sometimes kept it selfe pure from those pollutions , and innovations . And in that great rent under Ieroboam ten tribes of twelve estranged themselves from God , set up a new spurious false worship in Bethel . And we reade long before the Captivity , that Ephraim was divided against Manasseh , and Manasseh against Ephraim , and both against Iudah . Iudah also it selfe was never wholly untainted , for from the Captivity , sundry sects , and factions had distraited it , in so much that when our Saviour came into the world , there was scarce sincerity or truth to be found , and that that was , was not most eminently amongst the greatest Scribes , Pharisees , or Priests . In all those times if there was such an infallibility in the Chayre of Moses ( as the Papists dreame of ) it did but little availe the world , for he that then would have sought for the true way to walke in , disclaiming utterly his owne light and understanding He must not have sought it amongst the multitude : and if he had sought it amongst the Priests , he would have seene divisions there : and if amongst Prophets , Hee would have found the same there also . God did not deliver Oracles , nor inspire Prophets , at all times upon all occasions for the ceasing of differences , and contestations ; He did appeare in love , but not without all Majesty ; He did shew grace , but not according to obligation . After our Saviours Ascension a blessed Spirit of infallibity did rest upon the Church to direct in intricate debates , and to prevent schismes , till a perfect Gospell was establisht : but this Spirit in those very times had not residence in any one mans breast at all times , to give judgment in all things . The greatest of the Apostles might severally vary and dissent in points of great concernment , and therefore they had consultations sometimes , and when consultations would not satisfie , they did assemble in a greater body ; and when those assemblies were , the wisdome of the Spirit did not alwayes manifest it selfe in those which were of highest order , but sometimes the inferior did reprove and convince the superior , and the superior did submit , and yeeld to his inferior . But after one age or two , when the Spirit of God had consummated , the maine establishment of Religion , though it preserved the Church from a totall deviation , it secured not all parts thereof from all grosse prevayling rents , and Apostasies , neither did it affixe it selfe , or chuse any certaine resting place in any one part of the world more than an other . Three ages being now runne out , heresies of a foule nature beginning to spring up and increase with Religion , it pleased God to send Constantine to ayd the truth against error , and impiety : in his power now it was to congregate Bishops of the best abilities , for the discussing and discovering of truth , and for the upholding the same being discovered . When Bishops contended against Bishops , and Presbyters against Presbyters , and when Arianisme was defended by as great a number of Divines as it was opposed , so that from the wisdome of Divines , no decision could be expected , then doth the power and policy of one Emperor , by Divines remedy , that , which a thousand Divines by themselves could never have remedyed . From the Bishop of Rome the Orthodox party could obtaine no succour , till Constantines Scepter proved more vertuous than his Crosiers : and when the Councell was by Constantine called , and ordered , the Bishop of Rome was not the onely Oracle in that Councell , neither had that great trouble of assembling been , if one Bishop had then bin more oraculous than all . The same offices also which Constantine did in his dayes , many other godly Emperors did in their raignes : and had not they done them , no one Bishop could ; for the Catholike Bishops were many times inferior in number , and power to the Heretikes : and if the Pope had then had the power to utter Oracles , yet not having power to inforce , and authorise the same upon all opposites , hee could not have advantaged Religion amongst Heretikes , more than hee doth now amongst Protestants , Iewes , Turkes , or Pagans . If God gave infallibility to one Bishop , for the availe of all the world , why doth not that Bishop availe the whole world ? Why is so great a light put under a Bushell ? Why are not all men illuminated by it ? And if God had no regard therein but to that remnant which worships the Pope , if his only ayme therein was at the salvation of Papists , why is this made a ground of universall authority to the Pope , or of generall priviledge to all Bishops ? But I am to speake now to Protestants which hold no one Bishop infallible , but the whole order of Bishops freer from fallibility , than any other condition of men : therfore to such , I shall instance in Rome it selfe what multitudes of Divines ; of learned , profound Divines ; of politike , Sagacious Divines for many ages together have beene drunke and bewitched with the superstitions , Idolatries , blasphemies , and heresies of that inchanting City ? Can it bee thought safe for Princes and Lay-men wholly to abjure their owne understandings , and yeeld themselves Captives to the dictates of Divines only , when so many Millions of them for so many ages , notwithstanding all their exquisite learning and rare abilities , devote themselves to such sottish impostures , and grosse impieties , nay to some such infernall , diabolicall tenets ? Can men still persist to give up their judgements wholly to other men for their callings sake , or for their learning and wisdome supposed , when we see this is the very same rock , whereupon Rome suffers Ship-wrack , and this blind opinion the very snare wherein so great a part of the world still lies intangled ? But I will avoydeprolixity . And now in the fourth place , I come to shew , that if we will take all these things for granted , and ascribe all learning , knowledge , and freedome from variance to all Clergie-men and to Clergie-men only , yet it doth not follow that they are necessarily to rule , and command in chiefe . Nay I shall make it appeare , that it is not only not necessary , but that it is many wayes mischievous , that the ablest Divine should alwayes be supreme in all causes , and over all persons Ecclesiasticall . Power and wisdome are things of a different nature , for power cannot stand with inferiority , but wisdome may be as efficacious in a man of meane condition as in a man of high quality ; and power if its supremacy be divided , it is diminished : but wisdome the more it is dispersed , the more the vertue of it is increased . Wisedome often is contented to serve , and to accept of a low dwelling , but power ceases to be power if it dwell not in sublimity , and have honour to attend it . To be wise , and to be contemned , dejected , suppressed are things compatible , they are things frequent : but to be potent , is the same thing as to be great , to be sacred , to bee a commander of other mens wisdome : Nay to be potent hath no terme convertible , but to be potent . Power in the State , is preserved as the Arke was in the Iewish Church , it is priviledged from common sight , and touch in all well constituted Common wealths , it is united in some one person only , and to him so lineally intayled , that it may never dye , never cease , never suffer any violent motion , or alteration . Power is as the soule of Policy , of so exquisite , and delicate sense , that nothing but the wings of Cherubims is fit to guard and inclose it , from all rude approaches : vacuity in nature is not a thing more abhorred , or shunned with greater disturbance , and with greater confusion of properties , than the least temeration , and eclipse of power in the State . How absurd then is this axiome , which makes power servile to wisdome , not wisdome to power , wch subjects power to so many translations , & competitions , and ceslations , as often as time shall discover such and such excellencies in such , and such men ? If power shall always be at the devotion of such men , as for the present appear most wise , if she shal be made so cheap , and vulgar , and prostituted daily to so many uncertainties , what quiet can she procure to the world ? Nay what bloud wil she not procure ? I need say no more : this axiome is neither consistent with Monarchicall , nor hereditary rule . For first , if the most knowing Divine shall alwayes be supreme Commander in all Church affaires ( for more than this the Pope never claymed ) then by the same reason the most knowing States-man shall be supreme in the Palace , the most knowing Souldier in the Campe , the most knowing Lawyer in the Tribunall , &c. and so Monarchy shall be changed not into the aristocracy , or democracy , which are formes not utterly corrupt , but into poly-coirany , than which nothing can be more unpoliticke . All Nations have ever rejected this broken confused rule of many severall independent Commanders , which cannot chuse but injoyne impossible things sometimes : for all these commanders may at the same time use the same mans service in severall places , and in this they never can be satisfied : wherefore we may well account this rule as bad as anarchy it selfe . Nay even Religion it selfe by this meanes may be distracted into severall supremacies , for He that is the ablest Divine in polemicall points and in deciding controversies , may not be ablest in positive points , or matters of Discipline , and yet here the one hath as good title to absolute power in his sphere , as the other hath in his . And as Monarchy cannot , so secondly , neither can hereditary right stand with this alwayes uncertaine , variable title of ability , and excellence in knowledge . Nay possession of supremacy is here no good plea : For he that was the greatest , and most knowing man last yeare , is not so this yeare , neither perhaps will he be next yeare , that is so this yeare . A thousand incongruities and inconveniences attend upon this paradox : for the abilities of men are very hardly tryable , and discernable : and if they were not , yet the subjecting of power to the perpetual , giddy changes of new elections would soone confound us into our old Chaos againe , as the Poets word is . The three principall acts of power are , First , to make Lawes . Secondly , to give judgement according to Lawes made . Thirdly , to execute according to the right intent of judgments . In the making of Lawes also according to Tully , there is three things necessary : 1. Invenire . 2. Disceptare . 3. Ferre . The invention of all necessary Lawes is almost perfect alreadie to our hands ; Those Lawes which God ordained for the Iewes , and those which our Ancestors found out for us , are daily before our eyes , and little can now be added of moment , except only for illustration of what was ambiguous before . In the Church also is lesse want of perpetuall alterations , and additions of Canons , than in the State , our misery is , that we succeed Ancestors which were opprest with too vast a Church discipline . Our reformation hath rid us of some part of this burthen , but yet no sensible man can chuse but see , that our Ecclesiasticall Courts are yet of larger jurisdiction , and fuller of trouble , than ever the Iewish were , or those of the Primitive Christians . The reason of this is , because wee still rely too much upon Divines herein , and they for their own profit , and power are still as willing to uphold their own Tribunals as ever they were . Did they thinke it a greater honour to serve at the Altar than in the Consistory , and did they take more delight in Preaching , than attending suites , they would not study New Canons , but discharge themselves of many old ones : and so ease themselves and us too , and restore backe againe to the Civill Magistrate that which Popery first usurped , and their ambition hath since continued . Howsoever if Ministers can adde any Articles to the Doctrine of our Church for the better preventing of Schismes , or frame any orders for the more decent performance of Gods worship in the Church , I would not exclude them from proposing it ; I only desire that since they are men , and may have private interests and respects to the prejudice of other men , they may not ingrosse all power of proposing what they list , and to exclude all others from the like power . And in the second place , if Clergie men only shall propose all Ecclesiasticall Lawes ; yet it is most unjust that Princes , and Lay-men should be held utterly uncapable of ventilating , and debating the same . Id quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet . Nature hath printed this in us , if the Priest propose any thing tending to the disservice of God , that disservice will draw the same guilt upon me , and all others , as upon him , and it shall not excuse me or others , that he pretended his judgment to be unquestionable ; and shal it then here be unlawfull for me and others to use any endeavour for the prevention of this guilt ? If Angels from Heaven should seduce me , I were inexcusable : and when Ministers , whom I know to bee subject to the same naturall blindnesse , and partiality as I am , and to whom I see generall error may be a private advantage , in matters of this private advantage , shal I be allowed no liberty to search , and trye , and to use my best art of discussion ? If this were so , God had made my condition desperate , and remedilesse , and I might safely attribute my error , and destruction to the hand of God alone : but this no man can imagine of God without great impiety . God hath declared himselfe contrary herein , for he hath exempted none from error though never so learned , nor leaves none excusable in error though never so unlearned ▪ if we will blindly trust others , t is at our own perill , He will require it at our hands ; but if we will seeke industriously , we shall finde , if wee will knock at his dore , He hath promised to open to us . And if private men stand accountable for their owne soules , whatsoever the Priests doctrine or commands be , how much more shall Princes , and Courts of Parliament answer for their wilfull blindnesse , if they will depart from their owne right and duty in sifting , and examining al such religious constitutions , as concerne them , and all others under their charge ? Shall they sit to treate of Lether , and Wooll , and neglect doctrine and discipline ? Shall they consult of the beauty and glory of the kingdom , and transfer Religion to others , which is the foundation of all happines ? Shall they be sollicitous for transitory things , and yet trust their soules into other mens hands , who may make a profit of the same ? Let us not so infatuate our selves , let us honour Divines , and reverence their counsels , but let us not superstitiously adore them , or dotingly in-slave our selves to their edicts . THe 3d. thing in making of laws is that which we term ferre Legem : and till this act of carrying , passing or enacting give the binding force of Law to it , how good and wholsome soever it be after all debate , yet it is but as the counsell of a Lawyer , or the prescription of a Physition . And here we maintaine , that if Divines are the most fit , to invent , and discusse Ecclesiasticall Constitutions , yet they have not in themselves that right and power which is to imprint the obliging vertue of Lawes upon them . The forme or essence of Law is that coercive , or penall vertue by which it bindes all to its obedience : and all cannot be bound to such obedience , but by common consent , or else some externall compulsion : take away this binding vertue , and it is no Law : it is , but a Counsell , wherein the inferior hath as much power towards his superior , as the superior hath towards his inferior . If then Divines will vindicate to themselves a Legislative power in the Church , they must deduce the same either from the common consent of the Church , or from some other authority to which all the Church is subject , and to which the whole Church can make no actuall opposition . If they clayme from common consent , they must produce some act of State , and formall record to abet their clayme , and common consent must also still strengthen the same , or else by the same that it was constituted , it may still be dissolved ; and if they clayme from some higher externall authority , stronger than common consent , they must induce that authority to give vigor to their Lawes , and to use means of constraint against all such , as shall not voluntarily yeeld obedience to the same . And it is not sufficient for them to alledge God for their authority , without some speciall , expresse words from Gods owne mouth , for God gave no man a right , but he allowes him some remedy agreeable thereunto , and God is so great a favourer also of common consent , that though hee hath an uncontroleable power above it , yet ( as Hooker observes ) He would not impose his owne profitable Lawes upon his people , by the hands of Moses , without their free , and open consent . And if God , which cannot doe unjustice , nor will impose lawes , but such as are profitable to us , and yet hath an undisputable Empire over us , will so favour common consent ; shall man which may erre , and doe injurie ▪ and is of lesse value then communities , and wants might to inforce and put in execution his owne commands , usurpe that which God relinquishes ? Take it for granted that Priests cannot erre out of ignorance ; or be perverted by private interest , and that they are superior to all Christians under their charge : yea grant them a right to make what Canons they please , and grant them no power to compell obedience to the same , and to punish disobedience to the same , and this would take away peace , and cause much mischiefe and disturbance every where , and this we cannot thinke God would be the Author of . How ridiculous are the Popes anathemaes to those which renounce his allegiance , they seem to us but meere Epigrams sent abroad to provoke laughter ? And yet why doe they not appeare as ridiculous in Italy , as in England ? were it not for common consent , they were not in more force amongst Italians , then Englishmen : and there is no more true naturall vigor in the Popes Bulls , to procure common consent in Italy , then in England : we may gather then from hence , that there is no Ecclesiasticall Supremacie , but founded upon the same basis of common consent , as temporall supremacie is , and being so founded , it cannot be Divine , or unalterable , or above common consent so as to have any efficacie without , much lesse against it . That some Nations are gull'd , and cozen'd out of their consents , is no presedent for us , for as many Nations are addicted to Mahomits commandes , as are to the Popes : and in this the dominion of Mahomet is as spirituall as the Popes : and is as strong a case to over-rule us , as the Popes : for if consent were to be forced , the Pope might as well force Mahometans , as Christians : and if it be free , his Empire depends as much upon it , as Mahomets . They then that have erected a Spirituall supremacie , not depending upon common consent , have been in a great error , and they that slight common consent , as not capable of a spirituall supremacie , seem to have been as much mistaken . Many of our Divines say , that Parliaments are temporall Courts ; and so not of spirituall jurisdiction , and others say , that they may as well frame acts to order the Hierarchie in heaven , as to dispose of Ecclesiasticall things on earth : both these seeme to me verry erroneous . The Argument methinks is equally strong : as God would not give a right to binde up other men by Statutes and Commandements , but he would give some power withall to drive men by constraint to observe , and yeeld obedience to the same : so He would not indue any Prince , or Court with such power , but He would give a right of binding equall , and congeniall to that power . Princes of themselves are sacred , as I have proved , and spiritually sacred ; how much more then are they accounted sitting in Parliament : and if Princes in Parliament , how much more Princes , and Parliaments ; for to Princes on their awfull Tribunalls , is something more due then at other times , but to Princes in Parliament , there is most of all due , in regard that there they are invested with more then their owne naturall power , common consent having not derived all power into the King : at any other time , or in any other place : but reserved much thereof till a full union be in Parliament ; besides , setting aside the sanctity of power in Parliaments : yet in regard that they are assisted with the best counsell of Divines , so they ought not to be accounted meere Temporall Courts : for what better advise can those Divines give out of Parliament : then in Parliaments : Some Parliaments in England have made some Ecclesiasticall acts , excluso clerò ; nay that which was the the most holy act , which ever was established in England , viz. The Reformation of Religion , was passed invito clero : and when these things are not only legall , but honorable , shall we limit Parliaments in any thing wherein the votes of the Clergie are concomitant , and concurrent , with the Laytie ? Hooker sayes , that the most naturall and religious course for the making of Lawes , is , that the matter of them be taken from the judgement of the wisest in those things whom they concerne , and in matters of God ( he saies ) it were unnaturall , not to thinke the Pastors of our soules a great deale more wise than men of secular callings : but when all is done for devising of Lawes , it is the generall consent of all , that gives them the forme , and vigor of Lawes . This we allow of for the most part , but wee conceive this to be understood of such Divines , as in the judgement of Parliaments , are omni exceptione majores ; for it was not unnaturall in the beginning of the Reignes of Edward the Sixth , and Queen Elizabeth , to thinke that the Lords and Commons were better Judges of Religion , than the Bishops and the Convocation house , as matters then stood in England . For the whole body can have no sinister end , or interest to blinde them : but the whole Clergie , which is but a part of the whole body may , and therefore the whole body is to judge of this , and when they see a deviation in the Clergie , and observe the occasion of it , they must not blindly follow blinde guides , but doe according to that light which God hath given them . And certainly , it were contrary to that interest which every man hath in the Truth , that any should be obliged to receive it from other mens mouths , without any further inquiry , or judgement made upon the same . The meanest man is as much interessed and concerned in the truth of Religion , as the greatest Priest , and though his knowledge thereof be not in all respects equally easie : yet in some respects it may be easier , for want of learning doth not so much hinder the light of the Laymen , as worldly advantage , and faction sometimes doth the Priests . Examples of these are infinite : corruption in the Church before our Saviour , and in our Saviours daies , and ever since hath oftner begun amongst the greatest Priests , Rabbers , and Bishops , than amongst the meaner Laitie . And for this cause , God requires at every mans hands an account what doctrine he admits , what Lawes he obeys , holding no man excused for putting blinde confidence in his ghostly Father , and not taking upon him to weigh and try how sure his grounds were . And if every private man stand so responsible for his particular interest in the Truth , being equally great in the Truth ? shall not whole States and Nations , whose interest is farre greater than their Priests or Bishops is , give a sadder account to God , if they leave themselves to be seduced by such men , which are as liable to error as themselves ? If wee consider the meere matter of Lawes , they are either profitable for the Church , or not : if they are profitable , why should wee thinke that Princes and Parliaments want power to impose Lawes upon themselves , for the availe of their owne soules , they standing to God accountable for the same , according to the greatnesse of their owne interest ? and if they are not profitable , there is no obedience due to them , whether Priests , or Princes make them , and that they be not profitable , is equally doubtfull whether Priests , or Princes make them . Take then Lawes to be questionable , as all humane are , and lyable to examination : and being made without common consent , they binde not at all , and being made by common consent , they binde all either to obedience , or to sufferance . It is Gods owne Law , that such as shall except against the validity or obliging vertue of common consent , shall die the death : for no peace can ever be in that State where any inconsiderable partie shall not acquiesce in the common Statutes of the land . Those Lawes which Heathen Emperors made by common consent against Christianity , were not wise Lawes , But they were Lawes , there was no pietie , but there was vigor in them : and doubtlesse the very Apostles , which might not lawfully obey them , yet might not lawfully contemne them . Two things are objected against the Ecclesiasticall power of Parliaments . 1. That it is more due to Princes . 2. To Councells , or Synods . T is true anciently Princes were the only Legislatives : the old rule was , Quicquid placuerit Principii Legis habet vigorem . But we must know , that Princes had this power by common consent , and doubtlesse till policy was now perfect , and exquisite t was safer for Nations to depend upon the arbitrary , unconfined power of Princes , then to have their Princes hands too far bound up , and restrained , but since Lawes have bin invented by common consent , as well to secure Subjects from the tyranny of their owne Lords , as from private injuries amongst themselves : and those Common wealths which have left most scope to Princes in doing of good offices , and the least in doing acts of oppression , are the wisest but ever this golden axiome is to bee of all received : That that is the most politicke prerogative which is the best , but not the most limited . But this objection makes for Parliaments , for whatsoever power was vested before in Princes and their Councells , the same now remaining in Princes and the best , and highest of all Counsells , viz. Parliaments Counsells , also and Synods , are as improperly urged against Parliaments , for Counsells and Synods did not at first clayme any right , or in dependent power , they were only called by the secular Magistrate , as Ecclesiasticall Courtes for the composing of cissention in the Church , and they were as meere assistants , called ad consilium , not ad consensum . In 480 yeares after the establishment of Christians , Religion , from the first to the seventh Constantine there were but fixe generall Counsells called , and those in disputes of a high nature : all other Lawes were establisht without Oecumeniall Counsells , by the private instruction of such Clergie-men as Emperors best liked . The truth is , no universall Counsell ever was at all , because there never yet was any universall Monarch , or Pope , whose power was large enough to call the whole world : but Princes to the utmost of their bounds , did in that space of time congregate Bishops out of all their dominions in those sixe cases ▪ and yet we do not finde that those sixe Counsels , though they have more reverence , yet claymed more power than any other Nationall Synod . Without question no lesse power than the Emperors could have bin sufficient to cite , and draw together so great a body , or to order them being met , or to continue their mee●ing , and no lesse power could animate their decrees with universall binding vertue , then the same , that so convened them . But it is sufficient , that Counsels have erred , and that appeales have been brought against them , and that redresse hath beene made by Emperors in other Counsels called for that purpose : for this takes away from them that they are either supreme , or sole , or infallible judges of Religion : and this being taken away they cannot be pretended to have any over-ruling superiority , or priviledge above Parliaments . The assistance of Counsels , and Synods scarce any opposes , so that they be not indeed with an obliging , Legislative force above Parliaments , or preferred in power above common consent , which is the soule of all policy and power , and that which preserves all Churches and States from utter ruine , and confusion : and this no wise man can agree too . So much of the first act of power in passing , and promulgating of Law ; I now come to the second : In giving judgment according to those Lawes . But little need here be said , for if we did yeeld Clergie-men to be the most skilfull and knowing Iudges in all matter of doctrine and discipline , this is no argument at all , for their supremacy , or independency , neither can any difference be shewed why subordinate power in Ecclesiasticall judgments should not be as effectual , and justifiable , as in temporall , and it is sufficiently cleered that poly coirany is not to bee received in any Church or Kingdome : and therefore I haste to the third act of power which consists in using compulsory meanes for procuring obedience . If Priests had any such spirituall sword , as they pretend , vertuous and efficacious enough to inflict ghostly paines upon such as disobey them , doubtlesse it would reform as well as confound , and procure obedience , as well as chastise disobedience : and then it would as much advance thei● Empire , as the temporall sword doth the Princes . Doubtlesse it would have some sensible efficacy , and worke to good ends , and men would not nor could not chuse but bow , and submit themselves under it , but now a spirituall sword is pretended , whilst the gaining of a temporall sword is intended , and nothing is more plaine to be seene . It s not to be wondered at therefore if the people feare not any binding power , where they see no loosing , nor regard the shutting of those keyes , which cannot open : nor tremble at that thunder , and lightning which is accompanied with no perceiveable vertue of warmth and moysture , to open and refresh , as well as to breake , and burne . But I have touched upon this already , and so I now leave it . THe next Argument is taken from the Iewish policy , for they suppose that the Iewish Priest-Hood was independent in Spiritualibus , and they suppose that the spirituall knowledge and ability of the Priests and Levites was the ground of this independency . Here we say first that there are diverse reasons why more power and preeminence was requisite amongst the Iewish Priests than is now . Bilson gives foure differences , and I shall add two more : for first the Priests , and Levites were then a great body , they were a twelfth part of Israel , and had many Cities and their territories wherein they lived a part from other Tribes , and in those Cities and precincts a civill rule was as necessary as els where and that rule could not be administred without inequality , and power , and in this they much differed from our Ministers . Secondly , Priests , and Levites were then the onely studied Booke-men and Schollers of that Nation , learning was at a low ebbe , the judiciall as well as the Ceremoniall Lawes were scarce knowne , or reade by any but that tribe : and in this the State of our times is farre different . Thirdly , The Priests and Levites had then a naturall command and signiory in their owne families , over their owne descendents wheras now no such superiority can have place amongst our Clergie-men . Fourthly , The Priests and Levites had then offices of a different nature , some of them were more easie , as to superintend , &c. others more toylesome , as to sacrifice , &c. some more holy , as to offer incense , &c. others more meane , as to slaughter beasts , &c. and so different orders were accordingly appointed , but no such difference of service is amongst our Priests in our Churches . I shall adde also fifthly , that there were then many Ceremonies , and Types , and rites of worship , about which many differences might arise hardly to be decided without some appointed Iudges , whereas now the abolition of those externall rudiments , and clogs hath discharged us of all such questions , and scruples in the Church . And sixthly the whole forme of Religious worship was then externally more majesticall , and dreadfull , and it was convenient that some correspondence should bee in pomp , and splendor between the persons which did officiate , and the places wherein they did officiate . As there was a Sanctum more inaccessible than the outer Court , and a propitiatory more reverend than either , and as some Altars , and Sacrifices were more solemne , and venerable than others : so it was fit that persons should bee qualified accordingly with extraordinary honor , and priviledge but this reason now ceases amongst us . There was no inherent holines in that Temple more than is in ours , nor no more internall excellence in those Priests , than in ours : and yet we see an externall splendour was than thought fit for those times , which our Saviour did not seeme to countenance in his Church . The same glittering garments are not now usefull for our Priests , nor the same sanctimonious forbearance , and distance due to our Chancels ; and for ought we know all other grandour , and lustre of riches , power , and honour falls under the same reason , but in the next place our answer is , that notwithstanding all these differences which may much more plead for power and preeminence amongst the Iewes , than amongst us , yet we do allow to our Clergy more power , and preeminence than was knowne amongst the Iewes . There is no colour in Scripture that there were so many Ecclesiasticall Courts in Iudea , so thronged with sutors , so pestred with Officers , so choaked up with causes of all kinds , as matrimoniall , testimentary , and many the like : there is no colour , that in so many severall divisions of the Land , besides , ordinary tithes , and indowments , they had any Ecclesiasticall Lords to injoy so many severall Castles , Palaces , Parkes , Manors , &c. They had one Miter , we have many . They had one Priest richly attired , but with Ornaments that were left for the use of successive generations , we have many , whose bravery is perpetually fresh , and various . Alexander might perhaps wonder at the sumptuous habit of one of Aarons Successors , but if Salomon himselfe should see the Majesticall equipage of diverse of our Arch-Bishops , or Cardinals , as they passe from one tribunall to an other ; He would think his own Religion simple , and naked to ours . Besides though the Iewes had but one High-Priest , in whom was concerned all the State and glory of their Clergie , yet he also was so farre from clayming any independent power , that in the most awfull of Religious affaires , as consulting with God , receiving the Law , building and dedicating the Temple , ordering , and reforming Priests , and their services , making Lawes , and superintending all holy persons , places , and things , in all these things hee was inferior to the Prince , not so much as executing the same by subordination . That Scotch Gentleman therefore , which undertakes to prove the independent , unalterable jurisdiction of Bishops , as it s now injoyd , and accounted divine in England , both from the Law and the Gospell , is as much to be applauded for his confidence , as for his wit . One Argument more is brought by some Papists , to the same purpose , but it is scarce worth repetition . They say , Ieremy was but a meane Prophet , yet it s written of him , that he was appointed over Nations and Kingdomes , to pull up , to beate downe , to despise , &c. and they inferre that what a Prophet might doe , a fortiori a Priest may doe . But this is not literally spoken as true of Ieremies own exployts ; The Prophet was here Gods instrument to foretell , and proclaime them , but God had other instruments to execute them , and those instruments in probability were Princes , not Prophets , nor Priests . Princes , Prophets , and Priests , may all be instruments of God in the same service , yet not all serve alike honourably : for wee must looke further sometimes than into the meere names of things , because some names of service import the nature of command , and some names of command import the nature of service . The word , Nurse , expresses something of service , but more of power , and this is fitly applyed sometimes to Princes , for the office of Princes is to serve those who are subject to their power . On the other side , the word , Guide , expresses somthing of power , but more of service , and this may be fitly applyed to Priests and Prophets , for their skill may make them serviceable in somethings to those which in others are served by them . But I conclude these two first points , that there is no priviledge either of Sanctity or Knowledge which can exalt Priests , above Princes , or intitle them to that spirituall regiment in the Church , which they would faine pretend to . Further at this time I have not leasure to proceed , I must now leave this already spoken , and all that which naturally will result from it , to the Iudicious . FINIS . 
A92075	----	The Cyprianick-Bishop examined, and found not to be a diocesan, nor to have superior power to a parish minister, or Presbyterian moderator being an answer to J.S. his Principles of the Cyprianick-age, with regard to episcopal power & jurisdiction : together with an appendix, in answer to a railing preface to a book, entituled, The fundamental charter of presbytery / by Gilbert Rule ... Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1696 Approx. 299 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A92075 Wing R2218 ESTC R42297 36272713 ocm 36272713 150243 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A92075) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 150243) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2237:16) The Cyprianick-Bishop examined, and found not to be a diocesan, nor to have superior power to a parish minister, or Presbyterian moderator being an answer to J.S. his Principles of the Cyprianick-age, with regard to episcopal power & jurisdiction : together with an appendix, in answer to a railing preface to a book, entituled, The fundamental charter of presbytery / by Gilbert Rule ... Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. [6], 120 p. Printed by the Heirs and Successors of Andrew Anderson ..., Edinburgh, Anno Dom. 1696. Reproduction of original in the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, University of California, Los Angeles. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sage, John, 1652-1711. -- Principles of the Cyprianic age. Sage, John, 1652-1711. -- Fundamental charter of Presbytery. Cyprian, -- Saint, Bishop of Carthage. Episcopacy. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-04 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CYPRIANICK-BISHOP Examined , and Found not to be a DIOCESAN , Nor to have Superior Power to A Parish Minister , or PRESBYTERIAN MODERATOR : Being an ANSWER to J. S. his Principles of the CYPRIANICK-AGE , With Regard to Episcopal Power & Jurisdiction . TOGETHER WITH An APPENDIX , In ANSWER to a Railing Preface to a BOOK , Entituled , The Fundamental Charter of PRESBYTERY . By GILBERT RVLE , one of the Ministers of the City , and Principal of the Colledge , of Edinburgh . EDINBVRGH , Printed by the Heirs and Successors of Andrew Anderson , Printer to His most Excellent Majesty , Anno Dom. 1696. THE PREFACE . OF this Controversie about Episcopacy , the Learned Vitringa , de Synagog . vet . lib. 2. C. 2. P. 474. hath this Observation ; à quo tempore Ecclesia Reformati nominis , secessionem fecit à Pontificia Romana , & diversam recepit regiminis formam , tantopere praeferbuit litibus , de vero typo Regiminis Ecclesiae , ut nulla controversia fere eruditorum calamos tam diu , tam seriò , & pertinaciter , & tanto utrinque studio & contentione , & vincendi tam spe , quam desiderio , exercuerit , atque haec ipsa . It also hath long divided the Church in these Nations , and seemeth , in our days , to be further from Accommodation , than ever : Presbyterians , on the one Hand , growing daily more and more clear , and confident , that Parity is of Divine Institution , and cannot lawfully be changed , tho' mean while , they have Charity to good Men who are otherwise minded : and some of our Episcopal Brethren , on the other side , beginning to talk higher for a Jus Divinum to be for Prelacy , than their Predecessors did : and counting all the Societies of Christians which are without Bishops , to be no Churches of Christ , but a Company of damnable Schismaticks ; among whom there can be no Salvation : if these men be for Peace , let any judge . But it is unaccountable , that in a Matter that Salvation does so much depend upon , in their Opinion , they should lay so much stress ( as they commonly do ) on the Opinions of Men , and the Testimonies of the antient Church : seing , 1. All , except Papi●●s , agree , that Matters of Faith , and which Salvation dependeth on , must be determined only by Scripture : and that God speaking in his Word , is the only Judge in such Controversies . Secondly , The Fathers themselves plead for this , and disown both each himself , and one another as either Judge , or sufficient Witness in such Debates : Optat. Milevit . contra Parmen . lib. 5. de Coelo quaerendus est judex , sed ut quid pulsamus ad Coelum cum habeamus hic in Evangelio Testamentum . Jerom in a Debate with August . had cited seven Fathers for his Opinion , and craved leave to err , ( if he did err ) with so many Learned Doctors , to whom Augustine replyed , ipse mihi pro his omnibus , imò supra hos omnes , Apostolus Paulus occurit , ad ipsum confugio , ad ipsum omnes qui aliud sentiunt provoco , &c. Augustin . Hieron . Ep. 19. the same August . Ep. 3. Fortunatiano . Neque enim ( saith he ) quorumlibet disputationes quamvis Catholicorum , & laudatorum hominum velut Scripturas Canonicas habere debemus , ut nobis non liceat salva honorificentia , quae illis debetur , aliquid contra &c. and Tom. 2. Ep. 112. Paulinae : nunquid ullo modo Evangelio nos comparabis , aut scripta nostra ( he speaketh of himself and Ambrose ) Scripturis Canonicis coaequabis ? Profecto si recte in judicando sapis , longe nos infra vides ab illa authoritate distare . Yea , in particular , this mark of Insufficiency to prove a Divine Truth , is set on Cyprian ' s Authority , by Augustine , l. 2. contra Crescon . cap. 32. Hujus Epistolae authoritate ego non teneor ; quia literas Cypriani non ut Canonicas habeo . Et ibid. c. 31. Nos nullam Cypriano facimus injuriam , cum ejus quaslibet literas à Canononica divinarum literarum authoritate distinguimus . Thirdly , It is observable , that even the Affrican Fathers , after Cyprian , do not speak so high of Episcopal Praelation , as Cyprian doth ; as Augustine , Cited in the Book it self , his secundum honorum vocabula , and usus obtinuit ; are two considerable Diminutives , and derogate the one from the Degree of Episcopal Authority , the other from the Perpetuity and Divine Right of it . And Primasius Uticensis calleth the Presbyterate , secundus , & penè unus Gradus cum Episcopatu ; sicut multis Scripturarum Testimoniis comprobatur . In Tim. 1. C. 3. Now these two Affrican Bishops could not but know Cyprian ' s mind , and therefore they either differed from him in this Matter , or ( which I rather think ) Cyprian used higher , and more keen Expressions , for the same things , and that out of a peculiar Zeal , that he had for the Dignity of the Church ; and to magnifie his Office. Fourthly , It is evident that the Antient Bishops , and other Divines , when they gave Marks of the True Church , brought them always from the Scripture , not from Humane Testimony . August . Ep. 50. Bonifacio Comiti : in Sanctis Libris ubi manifestatur Dominus Christus , ibi & ejus Ecclesia declaratur : Where also he Chargeth them with Wonderful Blindness , who seek Christ in the Scripture , and the Church in Humane Writings . Also Cyprian . Ep. Coecilio ; and in that to Pompeius , proveth that we must follow Christ and his written Word only , as our Rule , and not old Customs and Practices . The same thing Gerson proveth , in a Sermon before the Pope , and asserteth that the Scripture is sufficient for the Government of the Church : and calleth it Blasphemy to say , that it can be better done by mens Inventions . Fifthly , The Antient Bishops ( even such of them as were Holy and Humble , ) might have too high Thoughts of their own Praelation , and too much Inclination to greaten it . That Temper appeared among the Apostles , while Christ was with them . Great Corruptions in the Church have Insensibly had their Beginning from Good and Zealous Men. Sixthly , Many Famous and Learned Bishops , much later than these called Fathers , and yet before the Reformation from Popery , held that Bishops and Presbyters were by Divine Institution every way one , so Anselm Arch-Bishop of Canterbury on Philip. 1. and Tit. 1. Rich. Armachan . in quaest . Armenorum : Aeneas Sylvius , ( afterward Pope Pius secundus ) Ep. 130 ; which is concerning his Conference with the Ministers of the Taborites . Also in the time of the Reformation , the English Bishops and Clergy , who still were Popish , in the Book called the Institution of a Christian Man ; Chap. of the Sacrament of Orders . Cassander in his Consultation Art. 14. saith , non convenit inter Theologos , & Canonistas , an Episcopatus ponendus inter Ordines Ecclesiasticos : convenit autem inter omnes , Apostolorum Aetate inter Episcopos & Presbyteros nullum Discrimen , &c Seventhly , Even Mr. Dodwell ( as high as he is for Episcopal Authority , ) saith , that the first Bishops were made by Presbyters : and that it behoved to be so , otherwise the Succession could not be secured in the first times of Persecution . How this consisteth either with our Author's Book or with his own , against Separation from the Episcopal Chairs , let the Reader judge . It 's true , Mr. Dodwell ( it is 521 , 522. ) pretendeth not to be afraid of the Consequence of this Assertion , with Respect to the Bishop's absolute Power , because Kings also are Invested by their Subjects , ( this Paralell I might , but shall not Debate with him , ) but how can he , on this Supposition , defend their sole Power of Ordination to be of Divine Right ; I cannot see , but shall be glad to be instructed . I insist not on the Suspicion , that Cyprian ' s Epistles are corrupted ; tho' Augustine Ep. 48. Vincentio ; hath these words , neque enim potuit integritas atque notitia literarum unius quantumlibet illustris Episcopi , ( Cyprian scil . ) custodiri quemadmodum Scriptura Canonica , &c. What is said , may derogate much from the Testimonies that my Antagonist bringeth , and warrant our putting a sense on them , different from the sound they have in the Ears of this Author , and some others of his Perswasion . The Reader may know , that our Debate is not about the Jus , but Factum ; not how the Church should be Governed , but how it was done in the Age mentioned . In which , I affirm that tho' it is manifest , that the Bishop was above the Presbyter in Dignity and Order , yet he did not Rule the Church by himself , but the Presbyters had equal Power with him in managing Church-Government . THE Cyprianick-Bishop Examined , &c. SOME of the Episcopal Clergy of Scotland , who have lost their places , wherein they sat silent , without troubling the Presbyterians with their Controversal Writings ( for they then dealt with them by other Weapons ) are now at leasure to maintain the Stickle that way : and some are so irritated by their Losses , that much more of their passionat Resentment , and personal Reflections against such as never did them wrong , appeareth in their Books , than Strength of Arguments for what they hold in our present Debates ; I have with much weariness and Reluctancy considered some of these Pieces : and hoped our Debates had been at an end , after their silence for some time , and that we should no more be that way diverted from our more necessary Work : till I lately met with a Treatise called the Principles of the Cyprianick Age , &c. which I find to be written in a more Schollar like and less unchristian Strain , than what I have hitherto seen from these men . He dealeth fairly by Arguments , tho I am not terrified nor convinced by the Strength of them , and I am resolved to treat him with the same Civility , and for the weight of my reasonings , let the Reader judge . It is not Victory , but the clearing and maintaining of Truth , that I design ; and shall not be ashamed to become his Proselyte , if what I hold be found to be an Error . § . 2. Before I consider his Book in the particular Contents of it , I shall make a few general Remarks about it . 1. Then , if we should grant all that he pleadeth for , it would not ruine the Cause of Presbyterians , nor establish Prelacy : It would amount to no more but this , that one Presbyterian , and he among the meanest of them , did mistake in matter of Fact , as it is related in the Antient History . He might know , that neither the Presbyterians generally , nor that Author in particular , did ever lay the Stress of their Cause on the Practice or Principles of the Church , after the Apostolick Age : Tho' we will not yield the Suffrage of later Antiquity to be for our Adversaries : yet that is the Antiquity that we build upon ; for it is Divine , not humane Authority that we take for the Rule of our Belief and Practice , in the matter of Church-Government , and managing the Affairs of the House of GOD. Timothy was to be guided by it , 1 Tim. 3 14 , 15. and so will we . And even the Defender of the Vindication against the Apologist , or his Friend , ( as our Author calleth him , P. 4. ) hath fully declared his Opinion to this purpose ; Rational Defence of Non-conformity , P. 158. which Book our Author seemeth to be no stranger to ; for he is ( P. 69 ) at pains to cite and try his critical Skill upon a Passage in it . He could not then , think to silence Presbyterians by this his Attempt : we have other Grounds , if we were beaten from this , as I hope we shall not . If his Book was written only to convince the World , that he who wrote the Defence of the Vindication against the Apologist , is not infallible in all that he asserteth ; he might have spared his pains : that should easily have been yielded to him . To write a Book of Twelve Sheets on such a Subject , is such Work as we have no time for . Egregiam verô laudem , & spolia ampla — He had read Cyprian's Epistles ( which are not very voluminous ) and had made a Collection of Citations ; and thus they must have a vent . § . 3. The Passage that he buildeth his whole Fabrick upon , was by the Defender ( which is my second Remark ) set down with that Brevity that was sutable to the purpose in hand ; tho' may be not sufficient to preclude all the critical Notes that a Man of this Author's Skill and Learning could make , when he is so disposed to do ▪ The Apologist had , in a rambling and incoherent way , started a Number of Debates that are between us and the Prelatists , insisting on none of them : And the Defender thought not fit to make a large Treatise on each of these Heads , but answered what he proposed , with a sutable succinctness ; If he had then thought it convenient , or had imagined that so large a Book as our Author 's , would have been built on this Passage , he would have made the Foundation broader , tho' not more commodious for what this Author buildeth on it : He could have told him , that tho' he might be bold to venture his Credit on the Cyprianick Age , being more on our side than on that of our Adversaries ; And tho' our Cause , duely and distinctly stated , should suffer no loss by being tryed at that Barr , yet neither did he venture any bodies Reputation but his own , nor will he quit the more divine Letters Patents that we have for Presbytrey , to rest in this , either as our only ▪ or our chief Strength . Notwithstanding of what I have now remarked concerning this Author snatching at a fancied Advantage against us , I hope to make it evidently appear that he hath wholly missed his Aim , and that these two or three Lines of my Book will stand against the shock of his long Treatise . § . 4. I thirdly observe that this Author , who is so profuse in his Refutation of a few Lines in my Book , hath , in his own , given occasion ▪ to any one who were of as scripturient a Disposition as himself ) for vast Volums : as in his sarcastick denyal of Ruling Elders , P. 8. That Presbyters , in the Cyprianick Age , were seldom called Pastors . P. 9. That there can be no Church without a Bishop . P. 19. That the Bishops Power is Monarchical . p. 22. That the Bishops Deed is the Churches Act. p. 24. That Episcopacy is of Divine Institution . p. 26. That he is subordinate to none . p. 27 , 28 , 35. That the Bishop is a supream Ecclesiastical Magistrat . p. 43. And Majesty is ascribed to him , Ibid. he is called a Soveraign and Peerless Governour . p. 65. Supream and unaccountable Power is ascribed to him . p. 67. These , and many more such Assertions , are the Stars by which his Treatises is bespangled : And each of them might afford matter for a long Discourse , to one who hath nothing else to do . A fourth Remark is , that through the whole course of his Argumentations he useth such confidence , and these Pretences to conclusive and irrefragable evidence , as may fright an unintelligent or unwarrie Reader ; while the Strength of his Ratiocinations is no way proportionable , but apparent to be built on Words rather than Matter . Every one knoweth that the Signification of several Words used about Ecclesiastical Things in Cyprian's time , was far different from what is our modern Dialect . The truth of this will , I hope , be more fully manifest in our considering his particular Arguments . § . 5. My Assertion against which his Book is levelled , he seemeth to wonder at , as strangely rash , and a putting our being , or not being . Schismaticks , on a desperate Issue . The Assertion is , a Bishop in Cyprian's time was not a Diocesan , with sole Power of Jurisdiction and Ordination : If he prove that , we shall give Cyprian , and him , leave to call us Schismaticks . A Bishop , then , was the Pastour of a Flock , or the Moderator of a Presbyterie : If he can prove that we separate from our Pastours , or from the Presbytery , with their Moderator , under whose Inspection we ought to be , let him call us what he will : But we disown the Bishops in Scotland from being our Bishops ; we can neither own their Episcopal Authority , nor any pastoral Relation they have to us . He seemeth p. 1. to divide his Book into two parts : First , to take to Task what I had said ; to wit , the words above set down . 2. to add , perchance , something concerning our main Argument . The first part he hath largely insisted on : with what Strength or Success , I am now to examine . Of the 2 , I find nothing , but that , p. 94. he hath fairly waved it ; But with confidence that he could accomplish it : and leaving to the person to whom he directeth this long Letter , to command him to prosecute what is left undone . The Import of which is , that it is much more his Inclination to write ad hominem , against a particular person ; than ad rem , for that which he taketh to be the truth of God. § . 6. His first work is to expose the above-mentioned Passage in my Book , as yielding a large Field , if one had a mind to catch at Words , and that it were easie to insist on such escapes , if one had a mind for it . His first Remark is , Suppose the word Diocess was not in use in St. Cyprian's time , as applyed to a Bishops District , doth it follow that the thing now signified by it was not then in use . Answ . Pray Sir , who made that Consequence : the Words cited ( catch at them as much as you will ) import no such Consequence , and design no more but that which we call now a Diocesan Bishop , with sole Power of Jurisdiction and Ordination , was not in that Age. His next Remark is in this Question , What could move him ( the Author of the Passage now under Debate ) to insinuate that we assign the sole power of Jurisdiction and Ordination to our Diocesan Bishop . Answ . It is a greater wonder , what should move this Author to except against our thinking that they assign such Power to their Bishop , seing himself ascribeth all that Power to the Cyprianick-Bishop , and affirmeth him to be of Divine Institution ; as hath been already observed : Hath he not said , that the Bishops Power is Monarchial , pag. 23 , 32. and expresly , pag. 38. near the end he saith , the Bishop had the sole Power of Ordination : and saith , it hath been frequently and fully proved by learned men , that he need not insist on it : and pag. 39. telleth us of Cyprian's Ordaining without asking the consent of the Clergy or People : and pleading for this as the Right of all Bishops . If he do not ascribe this sole Power to his Scots-Bishops , then ( ex tuo ore ) they are not the Bishops that Christ instituted : Nor these of the Cyprianick-Age ; nor these for whom the learned men that he speaketh of , hath pleaded : neither can I guess what kind of Animals he will make them : they must be a species of Bishops that never man pleaded for but himself . I suppose his Lords the Bishops will give him small thanks thus for pleading their Cause . What I have now observed , sheweth his Questions to be impertinent , viz. When did our Bishops claim that Power , and when was it ascribed to them by this Constitution ? When did they exercise it ? When was it thought necessary for raising a Bishop to all the due Elevations of the Episcopal Authority ? I give this general Answer to all these Questions : our Scots Bishops look on themselves , and are lookt on by their Underlings , and by this Author , as Scripture-Bishops ; or at least , as Primitive-Bishops , and the Bishops that the learned men of this , and the preceeding Ages have pleaded for : but our Author saith these had the Power we now speak of : and therefore he must say , that that Power was given them by the Institution ; that they do claim it , and ought to claim it , that it is necessary for their due Elevation . If they shun to exercise it , at least openly , by not laying on of Hands without Presbyters ; it is because they know that practice cannot take , nor be born with in a Nation where Parity hath been so much known , and generally liked : I always understood that the main thing debated between us and the Prelatists , was about the sole Power of Jurisdiction and Ordination : and I am not alone in this ; the Synod of London , Vindication of Presbyterial Government ; pag. 24. proposeth the Controversie in the same Words . So doth also Smectymnus , § . 8 , 9. and I think he will not find many ( if any one ) of either side , who handleth this Controversie without respect to this Power . To his Question , When was it ascribed to them by the Constitution : I Answer , it was done , with respect ●o Ordination , anno 1635 , in the Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical , chap. 2. § . 3. where the Examination of the Candidate ( and consequently the Power of determining who shal be ordained ) is laid on the Bishop : and he is allowed to perform this Examination by himself , or his Chaplain . And for Jurisdiction , a person ordained to a Charge may not Preach , unless he be also licensed by the Bishop , ibid. chap. 7. § . 5 Nor may he refute Error preached by another , unless he first ask and obtain leave of the Bishop , ibid. § . 7. Yea , a Presbyter may not go a Journey for some time , without the Bishops leave : nor stay unduly at Edinburgh , but he must be censured by the Bishop ; chap. 4. § . 3 , 5. And in general , in all these Canons , all Church-Discipline is laid on the Ordinary ; that is the Bishop : not a word of Censure inflicted by the Presbyters . Without the Bishop no Minister may appoint a Fast ; not in his own Congregation , chap. 14. and chap. 18. § . 10. The Sentence of Deprivation of a Presbyter is pronounced only by the Bishop : no consent of Presbyters is sought ; only the presence of three or four , whom the Bishop calleth , is required . § . 7. The import of the distinctions he useth for illustrating this Matter must be , that our Scots-Bishops have in Jurisdiction and Ordination , a chief Power , tho' not a sole Power : a Power superior to , but not exclusive of other Powers : a Power without , and against which no Power can act ; but not a Power destroying and disabling all other Powers . We should better have understood him if he had opened the terms of these Distinctions : I confess , qui bene distinguit bene docet , but not qui obscurè distinguit . I observe none of these Distinctions clear to us , whether he thinketh our Bishops can Ordain , Depose , &c. without the concurrence of Presbyters , acting authoritatively with them : as he alledgeth the Cyprianick-Bishops might do : and seing he doth not determine this , I know not what his Distinctions serve for , but to make a noise with Words . His first distinction between chief and sole Power , if easily made ( as he saith ) is not so easily applyed to the case in hand : for our Question is about sole Power , and if he deny that to them , whatever other Power he give them , he maketh them no such Bishops as he after pleadeth for . Beside , the word chief is ambiguous ; it may be taken either for Dignity , that the Bishop's Power tho' the same with the Presbyters , yet is more conspicuous because of the dignity of the Bishops person or office : or that the Bishop can do some acts of Power which the Presbyter cannot do : or that the Presbyter's Power is derived from the Bishop , or that he cannot exercise it unless the Bishop pleaseth : The first Sense , I suppose will not please our Bishops , for it importeth no Imparity of Power . In all the other Senses , the Bishop's Power is sole ; at least as to these things about which he hath that Power . His second Distinction is the same , in different words : the third differeth little ; for if Presbyters cannot act except the Bishop please , and if they must follow his Light , whatever be their own , I see not what Power they have . What Power is given to our Bishops by their Constitution , I shall not farther determine ; but it may be made appear , that they have exercised , and consequently claimed a Power over whole Presbyteries , which maketh void all their Power , while they have commanded them to desist from proceeding to Censure Scandalous Offenders ; of which I can give Instances . His third and last Remark is , that that part of my Definition of a Bishop is loose and ambiguous , wherein I call him the Pastour of a Flock : for saith he , may not a Bishop and his Diocess be called a Pastour and his Flock , as well as a Presbyterian Minister and his Parish ? Answ . He might easily have understood my words in our ordinary Dialect , now in use ; and then all Ambiguity had evanished : but I cannot make him understand my words unless he will : we use not to call a Bishops Diocess the Flock , nor him the Pastour : nor did Scripture so use these terms ; seing the Pastour is to feed the Flock , Act. 20. 28. which he must do , not only by Ruling , but also by Teaching ; which I am sure a Bishop cannot to his Diocess . That a Bishop in our modern sense , was called the Pastour , and such a Diocess as ours , his Flock , in Cyprian's time , we deny : and shall consider his Proofs of this , when he shall propose them . I have run over his large field , and find not what fruit he hath reaped from it : nor the escapes that he thinketh it so easy to insist on , p. 2. at the end . § . 8. In the sense he giveth of what I had asserted , which he enlargeth upon , p. 3. I have little to observe : for I am ready to maintain all that he there maketh to be my Opinion ; except , ●hat he saith , that in the Presbyterian sense , a Moderator , as such , is no Church-Governour ; which I cannot agree to : but because he hath this over again , and improves against us that Notion , ( which is his own , none of ours , ) p. 35 , 36. I shall there consider it , viz. § . 20. It is true , the Vindication of Ch. of S. in Answer to the the ten Questions , Q. 1. § . 5. Saith , that a Moderator as such , is no Church-Governour ; but it is evident to any who impartially considereth what is there said , that no more is meant , but that he is not a Church-Governour of another Species from the rest , or who hath another sort of Authority than they , or a Superior Power to them : not , as our Author would improve it , that it is not needful that he hath the same Church Power with the rest ; but may be a Heathen , as he affirmeth , p. 35 , 36. Also because he inferreth from what I had said , that my Opinion is , that in Cyprian's time , the Church was governed by Presbyters Acting in Parity , after the Presbyterian Model , p. 4. It will be needful , before I examine his Arguments , to give a more full and distinct Account of my thoughts in this Matter , than is done in that short hint which his whole Book is imployed against : and this is the rather needful , because my Antagonist doth not so plainly as were to be wisht , state the Controversie , when he saith ; p. 4. If I shall prove , first , that a Bishop in Cyprian's time , was more than the Pastour of a Flock or Moderator of a Presbytery , in the Presbyterian sense . 2. That he had really Genuine Episcopal or Prelatick Power . 3. That he Acted in a real Superiority over , not in Parity with Pastours ; our Author is bound to acknowledge himself and his Brethren to be Schismaticks . I shall state the Question a little more distinctly ; but not disown any of the Terms in which he hath put the Questions , all which three , are indeed but one Question . § . 9. Let it then be considered first , that we never thought , nor said , that Church-Government was in all it's Modes and Circumstances in the third Century , ( in which Cyprian lived ) the same with what it is now among Scots Presbyterians : the Substance of Government may remain , and yet considerable Alterations be made in the Modes of mannaging it , in the Succession of Years ; much more of Ages : We confess many words relating to Church-Offices , Officers , and Administrations , signified another thing then , than they do in our Modern Dialect : these we call Moderators , and my Antagonist calleth Bishops , were then constant ; among us they serve in that Station but for some small time , and give place to others : in the Affrican Church these they called Primates , ( whom yet we deny to have had either Sole , or Superior Jurisdiction ) were the eldest Minister of every Province ; which afterward was changed ▪ and they chosen according to their Personal Qualifications : and Metropolitans were the Bishops of the chief Cities ; which had no Superior Power ; but only sometimes praesided in Synods . Cyprian disowned that any of them was Episcopus Episcoporum . See no Evidence for Diocesan Churches or Bishops , p. 28. Also L' Arroque adversar . Sacr. Lib. 2. C. 14. maketh this plain . And Leidecker . dissert . de statu Eccles . Affric . § . 7. he sheweth that Primates were above Metropolitans in Dignity , and that they first attained that Degree by their Age , reckoning it from their Ordination : and the other from the City where they had their Charge . Yea there hath been no Age of Old , or in later times , in which there have not been some lesser differences in Management , even among Churches which used the same Species of Church-Government , for Substance : as at this day , in Scotland , Low-Countries , Geneva , among the Switzers ; &c. Some Churches are more and some less pure , and near to the Pattern : and yet all governed by Presbyters Acting in Parity : and among the Prelatists , Prelatick Power is higher in one Church than in another ; as in England now , and in Scotland of late ? Wherefore our Author must not think to triumph , if he can shew some difference between the Cyprianick Age , and our Way . Cypr. Ep. 75. § . 5. Firmilian writing to Cyprian , hath Instances to shew , that in diverse Churches , they had diverse Practices , and yet kept Peace , one with another . 2. We deny not that in Cyprian's time , there was some Advances made towards some sort of Prelacy ; tho' the Parity of Power was not then wholly taken away : as the Mystery of Iniquity , in other things , so in that , did begin early to Work even in the days of the Apostles , when Diotrephes did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , affected to be primus Presbyter , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Moderator , in their Meetings : and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 becoming fixed , and constant after the Apostles times , ( these good Men not fore-seeing the ill Use that others would make of that Handle given them ) it did , by insensible Degrees , degenerate into an undue Usurpation : ( as it is hard to get Power kept within it's due Bounds , even among the best men ) and the Primitive Power of Presbyters , was gradually wrested out of their hands , by the Ambition of some , and by the innocent Simplicity of others . Many other Corruptions had crept into the Church by that time , and this Declension from absolute parity went along with them : the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 began to be appropriat to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that Custom being confirmed by a little time , made even humble men imagine , that some different Power was signified by that name , that they had distinct from others ; which the rest , who were so usurped upon , did too easily yield ; minding more the Work of Feeding , than of Ruling the Flock : and not seeing the fatal Consequents of it , which afterward appeared , and were not discovered , till it was too late to retrieve them . 3. It is evident from the History of the first Ages , that as Episcopacy did not arrive to it's height of a sudden ; so it was not at the same time settled in all the places where it obtained at last : the Ambition of some , or at least their too big Thoughts of the Power that belonged to them , and the Easyness of their Com-Presbyters , made it in one place make quicker Advances , while the Humility , and sound Judgment of others , together with the Vigilancy of these who with them govern'd the Church , retarded it's Progress in other Churches . And it is certain , that , for as much as this Contagion of the Church walked in the dark ; yet it was observed , and opposed by some , as Aerius , Jerom , and others ; as will appear in our Progress . Leidecker . Dissert . de Statu Eccles . Affric . § . 7. Namque ( inquit ) uti ab Origine Episcopatus Ordinis & Praesidentiae in Presbyterio titulus erat , ( quamvis alibi suos terminos egrederetur ) in Affrica vetus Libertas Presbyterii est retenta ; dum Episcopi praesidentium honore non dominatu in Ecclesiam , aut Presbyteros gauderent . This he not only asserteth , but proveth by diverse Testimonies . § . 10. Hence we may conclude , that our Author cannot prove what he pretendeth , unless he make it appear , that Episcopal Power , ( such as he pleadeth for ) was not only acted by some , but generally , in the Churches of the first , second , and third Centuries ; or approved by general Consent . Wherefore , if we can bring Testimonies to prove a Parity of Power among Presbyters , and that Domination over them by one was condemned ; his bringing some Testimonies to the contrary , will not be found concludent . I say not this , as if I were afraid he can prove what he undertaketh , by the Authentick Suffrage of any one of the Fathers of the first three Centuries : but that he may see what Weakness and Fallacy is in his Reasonings on more Accounts than one . I may here add a Conjecture , on which the Reader shall be desired to lay no more Weight than he pleaseth : that , seing it is confessed by the best Antiquaries , that we have but little Historical Certainty of the first Ages of the Church , it is probable that more Opposition might be made to the Tendency toward Church-Domination , than we have account of : for the Topping Party might carry all before them , and others might be suppressed , or what they did , buried in silence : especially considering that meek men are often too apt , rather to suppress their Sentiments , than to make much noise with them , to the hazarding of the Peace of the Church : and to groan under Grievances , rather than cast the Church into a Convulsion by struggling ; when they do not foresee the greatness of the hazard that they fear . This , I conceive , may be one part of that Sleep , that giveth the Enemy advantage to sow his Tares . I ground this Conjecture on the great difference that is between the Scripture-account of Church-Government , and that of after Ages ; and that the further we come down from the Scripture-times , the difference seemeth to be the greater ; and yet we have but often , small account of any sensible Change made at any one time . § . 11. The Learned Author , to his main Proofs ( as he speaketh p. 4. ) premitteth a shrewd Presumption against what I hold : that generally , the great Champions for Presbytery acknowledge that Episcopacy was in the Church long before Cyprian's time : and he nameth Chamier , Blondel , Salmasius , the Synod of London , Spanhemius , &c. What his &c. may contain in it's vast belly , I know not , but I am not afraid of any of them he hath mentioned ; they are all Friends to the Cause I maintain , and say no more than I have already said ; but much against his Sentiments . It had been easier for me to make this appear , if he had thought fit to point at the Books , or Places of them , on which he groundeth his Assertion ; for some of these Authors have written much : however I hope to find out in them what is sufficient to my purpose . I begin with Chamier ; who , Panstrat . Catholic . Tom. 2. Lib. 10. discourseth on this Subject copiously : but I find not one word in him , asserting that in the first three Centuries , Bishops had the Rule of the Church above Presbyters , further than that they were above them in Dignity , and by a Priority of Order ; not of Jurisdiction : far less that they had the sole Jurisdiction , which our Author pretendeth to prove . On the contrary , that Learned Writer proveth , C. 3. that there was no Domination allowed in the Church , C. 5. that the Government of the several Churches was Aristocratical : and he sheweth that all Presbyters at first were equal ; but that afterward , ( as he citeth Ambrose and Jerome ) unus electus est , qui omnium primus esset , & Episcopus diceretur . And on this he maketh two Observes : First , in Ecclesiae Primordiis , nullos tales Episcopos fuisse , qui postea instituti fuere , qui suo jure reliquis è Clero praeessent . And he thence inferreth the absolute Parity of Presbyters , de Jure . His second Observation is , ne tunc quidem , cum hic Episcoporum a Presbyteris distinctorum ordo est constitutus , fuisse Episcopos ut Monarchas , ( see how he agreeth with our Author , p. 23 , 32. ) qui potestatem haberent in Clerum ; sed Principes Electos , qui rebus deliberandis praeessent , ut necesse est in omni Aristocratia . Where he seemeth exactly to describe a Moderator , such as is in our Presbyteries , and other Church Judicatories . After that C. 6. he had proved , that Jure Divino Episcopus non est major Presbytero , ( contrary to our Author , p. 26. C. 7. he proveth that the Government of Provinces was also Aristocratical ; and doth evidently make an Arch-Bishop or Metropolitan , no more than we make the Moderator of a Synod , or of a General Assembly : I mean he alloweth them no more Jurisdiction . Now let any judge , with what Brow my Antagonist could bring Chamier for his Voucher , who so flatly contradicteth the whole of his Book . § . 12. His next Author is Blondel ; who will be found to do him no more Service : For the whole Design and strain of his Apologia pro sententia Hieronomi is , to prove that Episcopus and Presbyter were the same , as both in Name and Power , in the Apostolick Age of the Church ; so in Power in the first , second , third , and much of the fourth Century ; tho' he confesseth that the Name , & some Majority ( not higher Jurisdiction ) was sooner given to the Bishop . This is evident , for S. I. p 4. he saith that Jeromes toto orbe decretum est ut unus de Presbyteris caeteris superponeretur , occasioned by the Divisions among Christans , and saying , Ego sum Pauli , &c. That this , I say , was quarto a Corinthiorum turbis saeculo : and that Jerome said it , de sui temporis hominibus ; and proveth it from Jerome's own words , which are , quando non idipsum omnes loquimur , & alius dicit , ego sum Pauli , ego Appollo , ego Cephae , dividimus spiritus unitatem , & eam in partes & in membra discerpimus . And he saith , that Jerome torquebat verba Paulina de Corinthiis , in eos : Nempe , sui temporis homines , & p. 6 , 7. he fully sheweth , that Jerome believed the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , from his blameing them who made Deacons equal to Presbyters . i. e. to Bishops Also p. 8. that in Alexandria ( of which Jerome saith , that à Marci temporibus ad Heracleam , Dionysiumque Presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum dixerunt ) It was but Jusprimae Cathedrae presbyteri inter collegas fratrem spontanea hac dignatione honorantes , sedentis . and ibid : he saith , ex Hieronomi sententia episcopalia omnia ex aequo competebant : and that every one of them was equal Vrbico papae . S. 2. Blondel proveth all the Fathers of the three or four first Ages , to have been of the same Opinion with Jerome . And p. 8. hath this Transition , prodeant jam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patrum acies , qui sanctum virum ( Hieronymum ) seu solitarium in tecto passerem non relictum , doceant . This he proveth from Clemens of Rome , from Polycarp of Smyrna , from Hermes , from Pius the Pope of Rôme , Justin , Papias , Irenaeus and the Gallican Church in his time , Victor the Pope , Clemens of Alexandria , Tertullian , Origen . Cyprian also : on whose Opinion in this matter , my Antagonist stateth the whole Controversy . Wherefore I shall a little further consider what account Blondel giveth of his Opinion . He saith , p. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 toto administrationis tempore aggressus est , sed partita ( quasi ex concepto voto , cum comministris cura ac potestate , Carthaginensem plebem gubernavit : and citeth Cyprian himself saying to his Clergy ; Sed cum per Dei gratiam venero , tunc De iis quae vel gesta sunt , vel gerenda ( sicut mutuus honor exposcit ) in communi tractabimus : And in another Epistle , quae res cum omnium nostrum Consilium & sententiam spectet , praejudicare ego , & soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo . He sheweth also ; p. 43. that Cyprian doth always speak of the Clergy as divided only in two parts , the Praepositi and the Deacons , and he calleth both the Episcopi and the Praepositi Apostles : If I should cite all that Blondel bringeth out of Cyprian to this purpose , I behoved to transcribe almost four pages of his Book , of which Citations we shall have further occasion given by our Author to Discourse . It is then more evident than what he in most of his Reasonings talketh highly of , that either this Author hath not read Blondel , but cited him at adventure , or hath a confidence to assert what he will , tho' absurd and unaccountable . § . 13. He is full as unhapy in his next witness , Salmasius , who both in his Book de Episcopis & Presbyteris is against this Author , and in Walo Messalinus , that is commonly ascribed to him , doth strongly maintain the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , against Petavius the Jesuit , in the first Ages ; and is far from acknowledging any further Difference between them till Jerome's time , ( which was after Cyprian's , about which we now contend ) than of greater Dignity ; for Chap 3. he sheweth that the Primacy among Presbyters was from their Seniority ; and more fully , Ch. 4. p. 273. credibile est ( saith he ) circa medium secundi saeculi non alias in Ecclesia fuisse cognitos Episcopos quam qui primatum in presbyterio adepti essent , cum primos faceret non electio , ex merito sed ordinationis tempus : quem morem diu in Ecclesia durasse , Testis est ille Author qui Ambrosii nomine , commentarios in Epistolas Pauli scripsit : and a little below , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dabatur ei qui ordinatione antiquior caeteris esset . C. etiam . 6. ostendit jurisdictionem episcopalem ortam partim ex distinctione nominis Episcopi a Presbyteri appellatione ; partim principum Christianorum indulgentia , partim pontificum Romanorum aliorumque ambitione & usurpatione . Who then can imagine that he thought that in Cyprian's time ( which was before the Church had Christian Princes ) the Bishops had sole Jurisdiction . The last of his Authors that he citeth is , the Provincial Assembly of London ; what Book he meaneth , I know not : neither doth he himself , for what appeareth : For the Vindication of Presbyterian Government & Ministry by the Ministers and Elders of the provincial Synod of London , hath not a word on that Head , neither for him nor against him : wherefore I can guess at none but jus Divinum Regiminis Ecclesiastici , written ( as the Title page beareth ) by sundry Ministers of Christ within the City of London : In that Book I find nothing that hinteth the Concession that he alledgeth : But on the contrary , p. 140. ( interpreting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned , 1 Cor. 12. 28. ) they have this passage , not the Prelatical Bishops , pretending to be an Order above preaching Presbyters , and to have the Reins of all Church-Government in their Hands only : For in Scripture Bishop and Presbyter are all one Order , — hereunto also the Judgement of Antiquity evidently subscribeth , accounting a Bishop and a Presbyter to be one and the same Office in the Church ; as appeareth particularly in Ambrose , Theodoret Jerome , and others . I shall not hope to say any that is convincing , if what I have brought do not perswade the unbyassed Reader that our famous Presbyterians have the same Sentiments of the Judgement of the first Antiquity , about the power of Presbyters in the Church , that I expressed in the place that our Author maketh such a pother about : he bringeth also Spanhem against me , which I wonder at ; seing the words himself citeth amount to no more than manifesta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which none of us ever denyed to have crept early into the Church : but he dealeth not fairly with that learned Writer , ( if this Appellation may be used without his offence ) for he curtaileth his words , leaving out what displeaseth him . viz. quanquam de primis ( Episcopis ) controversum , diversine an superioris ordinis haberentur . he dealeth yet less Christianly with the same Author , both in detracting from his knowledge of Antiquity ; and also in mis-representing his words , out of which he would make good his Charge : in that he saith Spanhem denyeth Exorcists to have been in the Church in the third Century : whereas he doth not mention Exorcists in that place , but only Ostiarios , Copiatas , Acolythos : These last our Author will prove to have been in the Church in Cyprian's time , out of Cyprian , Ep. 7. 34 , 45 , 59 and 77. And mentioneth several Names of Men in that Office. I was at the pains to read over all these Epistles on this occasion , and find not a word in any of them , either of Acolyths , or of any of the persons whom he nameth : it is like the Epistles of Cyprian are diversly numbred in diverse Editions : my Edition of Cyprian is 1593 , cum notis Pamelii . I find the Epistle of Cornelius in Eusebius , Lib. 6. C. 42. ( he calleth it 43 ) how genuine that Epistle of Cornelius is , or the Account that Ensebius giveth of it , I shall not now enquire : what I am now concerned in is , that the Learned World beareth Testimony to Spanhemius , so as this Author will not be able to derogate from his Credit : And I doubt not but he can give grounds for what he wrote . I hope I have said enough to shew that I am not so arrogant , nor so rash , as to reced in this matter , from the Sentiments of these great Patrons of Presbytery that he hath brought against me . § . 14. He proceedeth ( pag. 5. ) to his other Arguments . His first Argument ( which he manageth to pag. 11. ) is built on three Foundations , or Pillars ; the first is , that every Church was , in Cyprian ' s time , ruled by a Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons . This I deny not : only I observe a few things : one is , that our Controversie is not about the Name Bishop , being appropriat to one and not given in common to all the Presbyters , as at first ; but about that Bishop , or first Presbyter's Power ; ; which this his Discourse doth not touch . Another thing that I observe is , that it cannot be denyed that the Deacons , in that Age , and may be sooner , had more Hand in the Government of the Church than was allowed by Divine Institution ; by which they were only Servants , not Rulers ; and their work was only about the Poor . I thirdly observe our Author's unwarriness , in here asserting that the Church was ruled by Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons ; and yet he pleadeth for the Bishops sole Jurisdiction , in most of his Book : This I impute to want of a good memory . What he hath p. 6. of Superinducing a Bishop where one already was , and that there could be but one Bishop in a Church , will after fall in to be considered : where he insisteth more directly and fully on it . His second ground that his Argument is built on , is , that the Presbyters in that Age were Preaching-Presbyters , and not Ruling-Elders , such as we have in the Presbyterian Church . That the Bishop in that Age was distinct even from Preaching-Elders , or Ministers , we deny not ; and that there were many such where was but one Bishop , we acknowledge : so it is with us ; there are many Ministers where there is but one Moderator , and many Ruling-Elders , where there is but one Minister or Parochial Bishop . What sort of Officers in the Church the Presbyters , distinguished from the Bishop were , in the Primitive times , is controverted among some : Dr. Hammond held that only Bishops were of Divine Institution , and were in the Apostolick-Church ; the consequent of which is , that Presbyters must be a device of men and brought in afterward : this is solidly refuted by the learned Mr. Durham on Revelation , ch . 3. p. ( mihi ) 230. The Author of the Book Intituled , An Inquiry into the Constitution , &c. of the Primitive-Church in the first 300 years , who pretendeth that this work is done by an impartial Hand , he also hath a like Notion , p. 72. and maintaineth that Presbyters are not necessary to the Constitution of a Church ; that they are equal to a Bishop in Order ; and have all the Power that he hath ; but inferior in Degree ; that they were ordained Preachers ; but had no particular Charge ; but were imployed by the Bishop in any piece of Church-work , as he thought fit , and so were his Curats , or Assistants . But of this afterward . I deny not that there were Presbyters in the third Century , such as our Author contendeth for , that is persons authorized to preach the Gospel and administer the Sacraments , distinct from Bishops . For his Sarcasm against Ruling-Elders , who have no Authority to Preach , affirming pag. 8. that there is as profound silence of them in Cyprian ' s Writings and time , as there is of the Solemn League and Covenant , or the Sanquhar Declaration ; this sheweth more of his Spite against that Church-Office , than of his Skill to refute it . § . 15. It might have been expected from this peremptory Confidence , that he should have attempted a Refutation of what many Learned Men have written on that Subject ; if he lookt into that Controversie : the London Ministers , ( whom he citeth ) could have taught him , at least , to speak more soberly : so Blondel de Jure Plebis , p. 79. &c. Smectym . L'Arroque Conformity of the Discipline of the Church of France with the Primitive Church . Calvin . P. Martyr . and many later Writers : at least he might have had some regard to Arch-Bishop Whitgift , ( a Zealous Pleader for Prelacy ) as he is cited by Synod Lond. Vindication of Presbyterial Government . I know ( saith he , ) that in the Primitive Church , they had in every Church Seniors , to whom the Government of the Church was committed ; but that was before there was any Christian Prince , or Magistrat . I hope then that it was in Cyprian's time will not be denyed . May be , on second thoughts , he will abate a little of this Confidence , when he considereth these few Citations following : which do plainly prove that both before and after Cyprian's time , there were Ruling Elders , who were not Preachers , acknowledged in the Church , Origen . Lib. 3. contra Celsum : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. There are some appointed , who do enquire into the Life and Manners of them who are Admitted ; that they may debar from the Congregation , such as commit vile things ; and receive such as abstain from these ; and make them daily better . Tertul. Apol. C. 3. Praesident probati quique Seniores , honorem istum non praetio , sed testimonio adepti . These were before Cyprian . After him were Jerom , on Isaiah 3. 2. Et nos habemus in Ecclesia Senatum nostrum , &c. August . Ep. 137. Dilectissimis Fratribus , Clero , Senioribus , & Vniversae Plebi Ecclesiae Hipponensis . Where he maketh a plain Distinction between the Clergy , and these other Elders , and also the Body of the People : these Elders then were not Teachers , and they were above the People . The like he hath , contra Crescentium , Lib. 3. C. 1. Omnes vos Episcopi , Presbyteri , Diaconi , & Seniores scitis . Et ibid. C. 56. Peregrinus Presbyter , & Seniores Ecclesiae Musticanae , &c. The same Augustin , in his account of the Purgation of Caecilianus , and Felix , accused by the Donatists , mentioneth several Letters Recorded in the publick Acts , ( which must certainly speak the Language of that Age , ) wherein Ruling Elders distinguished from Preaching Presbyters , are plainly , and often mentioned : as Episcopi , Presbyteri , Diaconi , Seniores : again , Clerici , & Seniores Cirthensium : also a Letter directed Clero & Senioribus : and another , Clericis & Senioribus : Likewise the Epistle of Purpurens to Sylvanus hath these words , Adhibe●e Clericos , & Seniores Plebis , Ecclesiasticos Viros , & inquirant diligenter quae sint istae Dissentiones : where it is clear that the Ecclesiastical Consistory was then made up of these Elders , as one sort of its Constituent Members ; and that they had Authority to take Course with Disorders in the Church , in Conjunction with the Teachers of the Church . Even Gregorius Magnus the Pope , in the end of the sixth Age , sheweth that such Elders were still in the Church ; Tabellarium ( saith he ) cum consensu Seniorum & Cleri memineris ordinandum . Also , Lib. 2. Epist . 19. Si quid de quocunque Clerico ad aures tuas pervenerit , quod te justè possit offendere , facile non credas , sed praesentibus Ecclesiae tuae Senioribus est perscrutanda veritas , & tunc si qualitas rei poscit , Canonica Districtio culpam feriat delinquentis . Is it imaginable that there were no Ruling Elders in Cyprian's time , in the third Century , and yet after three hundred years , they were revived again ; when Episcopal Tyranny , and manifold Corruptions in the Church were come to a greater height ? Isidor . Hispal . Sent. Lib. 3. C. 43 ▪ Prius docendi sunt Seniores Plebis , ut per eos infra positi facilius doceantur . § . 16. It is yet more fully against this Author's bold Assertion , that even in Cyprian's time it self , this Office was in the Church ; as Witness the Writers of that Age , Basil . in Psal . 33. Quatuor gradus Ministrorum constituit , quod sciz . alii sunt in Ecclesia instar Oculorum , ut Seniores ; alii instar Linguae , ut Pastores ; alii tanquam Manus , ut Diaconi ; &c. And Optat. Milevit . Lib. 1. adv . Parmen . telleth us of certain precious Utensils of the Church , which in a time of Persecution , could neither safely be transported , nor hid in the Earth ; and therefore they were committed to the Custody of the faithful Elders of the Church . From all this it is evident , that if express and distinct mention be not made of this sort of Elders by Cyprian , it is either because he had no occasion ; or that he comprehended them under the general name of Presbyters , as the Scripture sometimes doth under the name of Bishops : for it is not to be imagined that Cyprian , in this , was of a different Sentiment from the Church , before , in , and after his time . § . 7. His third Foundation for his Argument is , that the Bishops Power , Authority , Pastoral Relation , extended to all Christians within his District : and a little after , the Bishops Prelation , what ever it was , related not solely to the Clergy , nor solely to the Laity ; but to both equally and formally : this we are no way concerned to oppose ; for we think every Minister hath a Relation to the Universal Church , and Authority with Respect to all the Members of it : and more particularly within the Presbytery whereof he is a Member : and yet more fully toward these of the Congregation he is set in , whether Elders or People . Neither is our Question about the Extent of the Bishop's Power , as to Persons , so much as about the Solitude of this Power ; whether Church Power reside in his Person alone , or be in the Community of Presbyters . I might dismiss this whole Section ; but that his Proofs seem not so much levelled at this Conclusion ; as at some other things which we cannot so easily comply with : he telleth us of Cyprian's defining the Church , to be a People united to the Priest , and a Flock adhering to their Pastour : he bringeth Citations to prove , that where a Bishop is wanting , the People hath no Ruler , the Flock no Pastour , the Church no Governour , Christ no Prelate , and God no Priest : and he will have Presbyters to be but Vice-Pastours . Now how far is all this from his Conclusion ; viz. that the Bishop's Power extendeth to all the People ? All this tendeth to prove the Bishop's sole Jurisdiction , which is afterward to be considered , where he insisteth on that point on purpose : but here here he doth nothing but make a Parade with a parcel of impertinent Citations : I shall only now tell him ; that this may be well understood of a Parish Bishop or Minister . For Presbyters being Vice-Pastours , that is afterward answered . Wherefore I now consider his Application of his three Conclusions to what he would prove ; viz. that a Bishop in Cyprian's time , was neither the Pastour of a Flock , nor the Moderator of a Presbytery ; in my sense of the terms : not the first for Cyprian at Carthage , Cornelius at Rome , &c. had many such Pastours under them : yea , it was so over all the World. Not the second ; because a Presbyterian Moderator as such , is no Church Governour at all : hath no direct , immediat , formal relation to the People , but only to the Presbytry . This is the goodly Argument in which our Author early triumpheth , as sufficient , if there were no more , to ruine our Cause . § . 18. This Triumph will be found to be before the Victory : That I may give a full and direct Answer to his Argument , I must distinguish what our Author confoundeth , viz. the signification of the word Bishop in the Apostles time , it signified any ruling , ordinary Officer in the Church : hence Phil. 1. 1. all Church-Officers are so called , except the Deacons . And 1. Tim. 3. 1 , 2 , &c. The Apostle giveth Directions to all the Ruling-Officers in the Church , and then vers . 8 , &c. telleth what manner of Men the Deacons should be . If the Apostle had known any other ordinary Church-Officers , these Canons had been very lame : and indeed it is no wonder that the Bishops ( not being here comprehended ) do what they will ; for we know no Scripture , rules neither for their Qualifications , nor Work : and Tit. 1. 5 , and 6. the Elders that were to be set up in every City are called Bishops , v. 7. the same Word in after Ages , as it was sometimes given to Pastours of particular Congregations , so it was ordinarily given to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the primus Presbyter or Moderator in the Colledge of Presbyters : and the same that sustained the later of these Relations had also the former , and laboured in the Word and Doctrine , and managed Congregational-Discipline in a particular Parish , taking the Word Parish in our modern sense . Wherefore if the Citations he bringeth for Episcopal Power can rationally be applyed to either of these Notions of a Bishop , our Cause is safe from his Assaults . That the Moderator of the Colledge of Presbyters is called Bishop , not only is evident from Jerom , Vnus è Presbyteris electus est qui caeteris superponeretur — Episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis dominicae veritate , Presbyteris esse majores , & in communi debere Ecclesiam regere : but this Author cannot deny it ; tho' he pleadeth for an extravagant Power to that his Moderator ; about which Power I now debate with him . § . 19. That the Pastour of a particular Flock was also ( in the Primitive Times ) called a Bishop , is certain from this , that the Scriptures dividing the Church-Officers in Bishops and Deacons , are by the Fathers so applyed : as I have shewed elsewhere . Likewise we find Bishops in small Villages , where were no number of Pastors , over whom the Bishop might praeside : as is fully proved by the learned Mr. Clarkson , Primitive Episcopacy stated , &c. c. 2. p. 19 , &c. and that by multitudes of Instances , as also Testimonies of Fathers , asserting it to be then usual , Sozomen Hist. l. 7. c. 19. telleth us that in Arabia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he saith the same of Cyprus , and extendeth his Assertion to other Countries , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Mr. Fuller ( tho' Episcopal , yet a person of more Ingenuity than many others ) History of the Holy War , lib. 2. cap. 2. p. 45 , & 46. speaking of Palestine , at this time ( saith he ) Bishops were set too thick for all to grow , and Palestine fed too many Cathedral-Churches to have them generally fat : Lydda , Jamnia , and Joppa , three Episcopal Towns , were within four Miles one of another : — neither let it stagger the Reader , if in that Catalogue of Tyrius , he light on many Bishops Seats which are not to be found in Mercator , Ortelius , or any other Geographer ; for some were such poor Places as they were ashamed to appear in a Map. — For in that Age , Bishops had their Sees at poor and contemptible Villages . Concil . Antioch . in their Epistle concerning Paulus Samosatenus they mentioned Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I know Dr. Maurice pretendeth to refute Mr Clarkson's Book : neither shall I judge who hath the better in most parts of that Debate ; but I see no sufficient Answer to what I have here quotted . Yet do I not joyn with Mr. Clarkson in the whole design of his Book . These two Notions of a Bishop being familiar in the Primitive Times , it is no wonder if we find the Fathers , sometimes speaking of a Bishop in the one Sense , and sometimes in the other . § . 20. I now Answer his Argument : a Bishop in Cyprian's time was always the Pastor of a particular Flock , and Moderator in the Consistory of Ruling-Elders ; but sometimes he was also the Moderator of a Colledge of Presbyters ; and so might have many Presbyters under him ; that is , he was above them in Dignity ; and we deny not but that by reason of his fixation in that Office , he by custom had crept into some more Power over them than was due : but that in Cyprian's time , he had the sole Power of Jurisdiction , and Ordination , or such Authority as our Diocesans pretend to ; I utterly deny . For the other part of his Argument , that he could not be a Moderator , because a Moderator as such , hath no Church Power , nor is a Church Governour . I Answer first ; the Assertion he here reflecteth on , cited by him pag. 3. that a Moderator , as such , hath no Church Power , was not meant , that there might be a Moderator who hath no Church Power , and so taking As specificative : as he absurdly improveth it , p. 36. affirming that a Heathen may be the Moderator of a Presbytery without repugnancy to any Principle of Christianity , tho' not without indecency and inconvenience . I say this is a most absurd Assertion , both because a Heathen Moderator could not understand the Affairs of the Church ; And because he would embarasse them : and because it is against common sense , and the Sentiments of Mankind , that an Enemy of the true Religion should have the Conduct , and main hand in mannaging the Affairs that do so nearly concern it : Yea , this his Assertion contradicteth it self : for he acknowledgeth that this were Indecent and Inconvenient , and I hope he will not deny , that it is a Principle of the Christian Religion , that all things be done Decently , and in Order : and that both Nature and Religion require , that we should shun what is inconvenient , especially to so high Concernments as are these of Religion . That Assertion then , that he aimeth at , is to be understood reduplicative ; that is , that a Moderator acquireth no Church Power by his being Moderator , above what he had as a Pastor of the Church : and here a Sub-distinction is to be used , he acquireth indeed an Ordinative Power , in that he ordereth the Meeting to avoid Confusion , and many call it pre re natâ ; but he acquireth no Decisive Power : he getteth a Power to be their Mouth , not their Will , or Commanding Faculty : to keep Order in the Management of what cometh before them , not to Determine what is Debated among them , as it is expressed in the place he citeth ; and which might have prevented this Cavil , if he had heeded what was said . To conclude what I have to Reply to this his Argument , it is no Proof of such a Prelacy in Cyprian's time as he pleadeth for , that it related to the Laity , as well as the Clergy : for so doth that of our Moderator : that is , he ordereth the Affairs which concern them , which are managed in the Presbytery : and that Cyprian did more , or , that he managed the Affairs concerning the Laity , without the same Authoritative Concurrence of the Presbyters , is the Question , and is not concluded by this Argument . § . 21. He undertaketh , p. 11. easily to collect another Demonstration against my Notion of a Bishop , from the way , how in Cyprian's time , he was promoted to his Chair ; to that Sublime Top of the Priesthood , as he calleth it . This is to fright us with big , bur empty Words : if he bring a concludent probable Argument , tho' short of a Demonstration , we must stoop . To Cyprian's Words , the Sublime Top of Priesthood , I should not doubt to give a satisfying Answer , if I could find the place , and consider the purpose he is speaking of ; but my Antagonist hath made my Work very difficult ; not by the strength of his Arguments , but by leaving me at uncertainty where to find any one of his Citations , unless I either stumble on them casually , or read all Cyprian's Epistles for every place that is cited : for he knoweth there are several Editions of Cyprian ; and he hath neither told what Edition he useth , ( I have no other at present , but that Printed by Le Preux , 1593. ) nor nameth he to whom the Epistle is Directed : whether this be done de industriâ , or not , I shall not judge : but I am sure it is a great neglect : especially considering that Cyprian's Epistles are quite otherways numbred by Scultetus , than in the Edition mentioned , but I find neither of these can help me to find his Citations . All that I shall say about this Sublimity he talketh of , is , that the Fathers used to speak big words concerning the Gospel Ministry ; which both Papists and Prelatists have abused : also the Bishops Power was elevated to a higher Dignity , tho' not greater Authority , than the Presbyters , and that was their Sublime Fastigium Sacerdotii . This his Argument also , he buildeth on several Propositions . The first is , There could be no lawful Promotion to a Bishoprick , where a Bishop had been setled , unless there were a clear , Canonical , and unquestionable Vacancy : it was a received Maxim then , that there could be but one Bishop at once in a Church . Our present Debate is no way concerned in this Principle , whether it be true or false . For taking a Bishop for Moderator ; we think there should be but one at one time : and that another ought not to be chosen till the place be void , by Death , Deposition from that Office , or Cession . If by Bishop you understand the Pastor of a Flock , whether there be one or more over a Congregation , is nothing to our purpose ; seing the Question is about the Power of the Bishop , whether it be in one , or more Persons . § . 22. Yet I shall observe a few things on his Discourse of this his Principle . 1. If I were willing to be very critical , I would ask him , what did they in those days , when there was a real , and lawful Vacancy ; but not clear , nor unquestionable ; as in the Contest between Cornelius and Novatianus at Rome : and many other Instances that might be given , of most Unchristian , and sometimes Bloody Contentions , between Bishops pretending to the same See : I hope the sound Party might , and did place a Bishop ; tho' the Vacancy was questioned . Next I oppose to his Principle , Dr. Hammond , on Rev. 11. p. 662. who telleth us , there were two Bishops at once in Jerusalem , Antioch , Ephesus , and Rome , he nameth them : and giveth Reasons why distinct Congregations under their respective Bishops in each City were necessary : he saith also it was so in other Cities : and his Reasons do prove that it must be so in all Cities : where there are many People . I insist not on the Bishops at Philippi , Phil. 1. 1. At Ephesus , whom the Holy Ghost had made Bishops , Act. 20. 20. Thirdly , I observe that all the Citations he here bringeth , hath this Tendency , to shew that Novatus in intruding himself in the Bishop's See at Rome , was to be blamed , seing Cornelius was already duly setled in that Place . This was a plain Case , the Presbyters and People of Rome had chosen Cornelius to be Pastor of a Flock , and their constant Moderator , as was the Practice of that Time : Novatianus was not only unsound in other things , but he got a Faction to choose him for Pastor and their Moderator , and he with them , set up another Presbytery , in Opposition to that wherein Cornelius was fixed : I know no Presbyterian who would not condemn this Practice as much as Cyprian did : and it is observable that the Citations here brought by our Author , do not so much concern the Unity of a Bishop ; as the Unity of a Church , which indeed Novatianus had broken : I confess Cyprian here used Expressions a little too vehement , in that he not only denyeth them who make such Rents to be Pastors , being unduly Chosen , and Ordained ; but denyeth them to be Christians : it was a great Sin , , and deserved the highest Censure ; but it is hard to Unchristian all who make a Schism : but I impute this Fervor to the Temper of that Age , rather than of the Holy and Meek Cyprian : and it is like , these Wise Men saw a peculiar Reason at that time , for thus Opposing the Seeds of Ruine to the Church , which often lurk unobserved in Schism . § . 23. His second pillar of this Argument is this Assertion ; there was no canonical vacancy but where the Bishop whose the Chair had been was dead , had ceded , or was canonically deposed . Let this pass . The third is , when a See was thus canonically vacant , the Bishops of that province met , choosed and ordained one in presence of the people whom he was to govern . I object nothing against this , save that the Bishops choosed the Man to be ordained : we say the People had the choice , with the Eldership : but this Controversie he waveth , as not belonging to this Argument ; and so do I. His fourth Proposition is , that the person elected received new Imposition of Hands , and new Ordination ; tho' he had been ordained a Presbyter before : this he prosecuteth p , 14. and citeth many Testimonies to prove what he alledgeth : he saith , no doubt that each of these was raised to the Episcopacy by a new Ordination : and of Sabinus , that he was ordained by Imposition of Hands : I deny not that even an ordained Presbyter behoved to be chosen to the Office of Bishop , before he could exercise it : so it is with our Moderator . That there was more Solemnity in installing a Bishop then , than we use in making a Moderator , cannot be denyed : that was consequential to the Bishops being constantly and for Life in that Office , and to that Prelation , or Dignity above other Presbyters that he then had . Neither shall I contend with him about Imposition of Hands to have been in that case used ; ( tho' after search , I cannot find the place he citeth ) for it is well known , that in the Apostolick Church ( and it is like it continued in after Ages ) Imposition of Hands was used when Men were sent into a special piece of Work , tho' no new Office , or new Power was given ; as Act 13. 3. I hope he will not say , that Saul , by that Imposition of Hands , was promoted unto a higher ; or new Office , being already an Apostle . But our Question is , whether the Bishop had a superior Power over Presbyters , which resided in his person alone : this we deny , and affirm that it is not proved by the Citations he hath brought . The Zeal that even false Bishops used to have all the Formalities in their promotion that were used by any other ( which is one of his Topicks ) is as little probative ; Nor should I wonder if they exceeded : they had need of all the Pomp that could be , to make up the want of Real Right , to strenthen their weak Title . He concludeth , p. 15. that now my Definition of a Bishop is routed a second time . Let the Reader judge . § . 24. He cometh to apply his former propositions , and to conclude his Argument from them . How ( saith he ) can the Maxime of but one Bishop at once consist with the Bishops being a single Presbyter ; seing in Rome and Carthage were many Presbyters , and yet each of these was but one Church . Ans . 1. It consisteth well with the Notion of a Moderator . 2. It consisteth well with the Notion of a Bishop in lesser places , where was no such plurality of Presbyters ; of which before . 3. I have said enough above to discredit this Maxime , in the sense our Author useth it 4. There might be a plurality of Presbyters in a particular Congregation ; not only Presbyters that were only ruleing , but-Preachers also : For it is observed by some , that in the primitive Times , they ordained many more preaching Presbyters in Churhes than they had present Work for : So Mr Clerkson , primitive Episcopacy , Ch. 5. p. 93. and he buildeth on Nazianzens Authority , who Orat. 1. Sheweth that the Officers in Churches were some times as many as these whom they had the Charge of . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is probable , that then the Christians having no Universities , the Churches , especially in great Cities , or where were learned Bishops , were Colledges for Breeding men to the Ministry , and that when they were ripe , they ordained them and imployed them ; that so they might be Seminaries out of which vacant Parishes might he provided : and if any will say , that the Bishop had such Authority over these Presbyters as our Professors of Divinity have over the Students , It may pass for a probable Conjecture : Only these were ordained , ours we do not ordain till we fix them in Churches : and in that time I find no such unordained Licentiats as we have . § . 25. He again asketh , If a Bishop were but a single Presbyter , why such a do , and so many Bishops conveened to elect and ordain him . This is in part answered above . I add , we also have a Meeting of many Ministers to ordain a Presbyter to a single Flock : and also when a Moderator is chosen . As for calling Bishops of a whole province to Elect and instal a Bishop at Rome , and at Carthage , that was needful , because these were the fixed Moderators in these Provinces ; So our Moderator of a provincial Synod is chosen by no fewer than the Ministers of a whole Province : and the Moderator of the General Assembly by Ministers from the whole National Church . What he saith about their New Ordination is already Answered . That which he calleth ridiculous is pretty ridiculously by him proposed : Viz. that so much ado was made about making two men Presbyters of Rome , who were already Presbyters of Rome . He meaneth Cornelius and Novatianus . It was about making them Moderators of the Colledge of Presbyters , not in Rome , but in the whole Province : and indeed it was lamentable , rather than ridiculous : Both that that Promotion began then to be more esteemed than was meet ; and was lookt on as a Prelation above the other Brethren ( tho' it was far short of what our Author contendeth for ) and also that there should be such unchristian Contests made about it Alas some such things have fallen out where a Diocesan Episcopacy was not pretended to . Our Sentiments about a constant Moderator he entertaineth in ridicule , p. 16. rather than refuteth them by Arguments : this I do little regard . Had the excellent men of the Cyprianick Age seen , or known the fatal Consequents of it , as we have ; I judge they would not have allowed it as they did . I. refer the Reader for satisfaction in this Point , to Mr. Baillie , Vnlawfulness and danger of limited Episcopacy : and another peice bearing the same Title , which he defendeth against a Reply made to it . That the Presbyters of Rome did often meet during the Vacancy of the See ; and that they had a Moderator in their Meetings , none will deny : but what he inferreth is in consequential ; that they might as easily have chosen a Bishop , if he had been but Moderator . For not only the Custom of having the Moderator fixed , made it more hard than to choose one to be their Mouth for one Meeting , or two ; but also , ( as I have said ) the whole Province was to be concerned in him . He argueth p. 17. in many words , if he were Moderator , why the people was to choose him , or why was it needful that he should be chosen in their presence . A. Because also he was to be Pastor of that Flock . That he was no Church-Governour as Moderator , is answered above : But it cannot be said he was no Church-Governour under another Relation ; viz. as Pastor of the Congregation of Rome , or a Congregation in it . That he was chosen by 16 Bishops . i. e. saith our Author , sixteen Moderators was not then needless , seing he was to be Moderator over them to ; that is over that Province . If sixteen parochial Bishops met to choose a Moderaror of a Presbytery , or sixteen Moderators from sixteen Presbytries met to Elect him who was to praeside continually in the Synod ; This cannot infer either sole or superior Jurisdiction . Further if we should grant that in these days , a Presbyterie used to take the help of other Presbyteries , or their Moderators , or that help was by Custom imposed on them , this will indeed prove that some of the Priviledges of Presbyters began then to be abridged ; but not that their ruling Power in the Church was transferred on a single person , the Bishop . What he further argueth p. 18. from the Bishops new Ordination , is already answered . § . 26. His next Argument ( and some that follow ) is taken from the Bishops relation to his particular Church ; viz. That he is the principle of Vnity to her : who ever adhered to him was in the Church , a Catholick Christian ; who separated from him , was out of the Church , and a Schismatick . Under this Head , he hath no less than six Considerations , which either are intended as Arguments , or signifie nothing . Before I come to examine these , I shall take some notice of his Argument , as it is here generally proposed . And 1. I observe , that this very Argument is fully with as much strength mannaged by the Papists , for the Pop's universal headship over the Christian Church : they plead that we are not of the Church Catholick , are not to be reputed Christians , are Dividers of Christ's Body , &c. because we do not adhere to the Pope , whom they hold to be the Principle of Vnity to the Christian Church : and the Papists reckon the Protestants as Hereticks , because they do not believe this ; and Schismaticks , because they live not in Communion with the Pope , and that Church whereof he is Head. 2. This Doctrine , as it is by our Author crudely , and indistinctly proposed , will Un-Church some of the best and soundest Christians : for have there not been Bishops , who had as good Title to their Sees ( to speak in his own Dialect , ) as any could have ; who afterwards turned Hereticks ? How many Arian Bishops were there , whose Right to their Places was not contested ? Will he say that all the Orthodox who separated from them , were guilty of Schism , and all the Aggravations that his Citations , p. 19 , 20. load it with ? Are we not commanded to withdraw from them who teach unsound Doctrine , 1 Tim. 6. 3 , 4 , 5. And our Lord warnes his People against Wolves ; and the Apostle gave Warning to the Elders of Ephesus , that of themselves , ( and our Author will say they were Diocesan Bishops , ) should men arise speaking perverse things , and drawing Disciples after them . This Argument will prove , ( if it hath any force ) that these their Followers were the sound Christians , and the rest Schismaticks ; because the one sort adhered to their Bishop , the Principle of Vnity ; and the rest departed from him . I am far from charging my Antagonist with owning these Consequents ; but I see not how he can shun the Consequence , unless he retract this his inconsiderat Opinion . Thirdly , I wish he had explained this Term , the Principle of Vnity : which he ought the rather to have done , because he saith , p. 18. near the end , this is a Point of great Consequence . What he saith for clearing it , is very insufficient : his Metaphors out of Cyprian , de Vnitate Ecclesiae ; prove nothing : viz. that of the Sun and Beams , the Root and Branches , the Fountain and Streams : if they prove any thing , they prove more than , I suppose , our Author will allow : for Cyprian , in the very page where he useth these Similitudes , ( p. mihi 297. ) speaketh of Peter's Primacy , and placeth the Unity of the Christian Church in him : tamen ut Vnitatem manifestaret , unam Cathedram constituit , & Vnitatis ejusdem Originem ab uno incipientem sua authoritate constituit : hoc erant utique & caeteri Apostoli quod Petrus , pari consortio praediti & honoris & potestatis , sed exordium ab Vnitate proficiscitur . And a little below , quam Vnitatem firmiter tenere & vindicare debemus , maxime Episcopi , qui in Ecclesia praesidemus ut Episcopatum quoque ipsum unum atque indivisum probemus . Where it may be observed , 1. That either Cyprian was absolutely for the Pope's Supremacy , or he had no such meaning as our Author designeth . 2. That Cyprian doth not so much speak of the Peoples adhering to their Bishop , ( which in a sound Sense I am for , ) as Bishops cleaving together , and not breaking the Churches Peace , by Divisions among themselves . 3. That he is to be understood of a Principle of Origination , rather than of a Principle of Dependance : that Peter first was in Commission by Christ , ( the truth of which I shall not now enquire into , ) and that all were obliged to adhere to that one Doctrine that he taught : not that he had Authority over the rest ; and they must not Dissent from him in any Case : Cyprian plainly teacheth the contrary , in that very place : that the rest had equal Authority with him . And if we should apply all this to a Bishop , or Minister in a Parish , it amounteth to no more but this ; he receiveth the Word from the Lord , and delivereth it to the People ; and if they depart from this , they are Schismaticks , and break the Unity of the Church : which we all acknowledge . I observe , 4. That this his Principle is indeed of so great Moment , that if it be true , there are neither Churches nor Christians in the World , but such as owne a Diocesan Bishop : few in our days are Christians , but these of the Romish , and Church of England Communion : all the Reformed Churches must be Re-baptized , and their Ministers Re-ordained : ( as Cyprian , and some other thought of the Schismaticks of that time , ) I hope all his Brethren are not of this Opinion . Yea it hath been condemned by the most famous of his Party . When , Anno 1610. some Scots Bishops were to be Consecrated at London , some moved that they might be first Ordained Presbyters ; their Ordination without a Bishop being null : Bancroft Arch-Bishop of Canterbur●y withstood that Motion , and told them , that thereof there was no necessity : seing where Bishops could not be had , the Ordination given by Presbyters must be esteemed lawful : otherwise that it might be doubted , if there were any lawful Vocation in most of the Reformed Churches . This was Applauded by all the other Bishops . Spotswood . Hist. Lib. 7. ad An. 1610. p. 514. Whence I infer that either Cyprian was not of this Author's Opinion , nor can his Words be so understood ; or that the English Bishops were opposite to him and Cyprian too . § . 27. What he saith further for clearing this his Notion about the Principle of Vnity , is both absurd and groundless : viz. that he ( the Bishop ) was the Head of all the Christians living within his District , and they were one Body , one Society , one Church , by depending on him , by being subject to him , by keeping to his Communion . I say this is absurd : because then Separating from the most Heretical Superstitious , yea , Idolatrous Bishop , were unlawful , as above noted . It is also groundless ; for neither Cyprian , nor any other , uses such indistinct , and universal Assertions in this Matter . I come to examine his several Propositions , by which he pretendeth to make out this his Argument . The first is , that the Antients highly Valued Church Vnity , and laid no more Stress on any thing than it ; and no Sin they Represented as more Hainous , or more Criminal than the Sin of Schism : And here he is at the Pains to fill almost two Pages , with the Commendations of Unity , and hard Names given to Schism , out of Cyprian , Firmilian , and Concil . Carthag . I do not find that he is so Copious , and mustereth up so numerous Forces against any Disputable Point , as in this where he hath no Adversary : for who ever spake against Unity in the Church , and took the Defence of Schism . Wherefore all this I pass with a few short Observes . First , Tho' we have Account of seven several Councils at Carthage in the Antient Records , yet this Author always citeth Concil . Carthag . without any discrimination : if he miscite Places , how shall this Error be discovered : for I think few will be at Pains to read over all the Acts of these Councils , for every one of his Citations ; which are not a few . 2. We may from this Discourse gather what Sentiments this Author hath of Presbyterians ; seing the Design of his Book is to prove them Schismaticks ; that is ( according to his Citations ) Renegadoes , Apostats , Antichrists , Malignants , Paricides , false Christs , Christ's Enemies , Blasphemers , the Devils Priests , Retainers to Korah , to Judas , Villains ; and much more of this Stuff . Either he Applaudeth all this , or not : if not , his Citations are impertinent ; if so , he chargeth us with all this Guilt : and I ask him , if he thinketh it just , that we should throw back all this Dirt on himself and his Party , whom we reckon to be the Authors of this Schism that is now in this Church : for my part , I am far from dealing so by them : I think they are in an Error , and that that Error misleadeth them into some Practices that are sinful , and that have bad Consequecens to the Church ; but I hope there are good men among them for all that . 3. The Schisms that occasioned these vehement Discourses among the Fathers , were chiefly these of the Donatists and Novatians ; which were like to ruine Christianity , and to make the World cast at it , while it was not well setled , nor universally received . I hope our Differences tho' they have sadder Effects , than I am willing to mention ; yet go not that far . 4. It is well known that the Holy Zeal of the Fathers , and the excellent Rhetorick they were endowed with , made them overlash sometimes in their Expressions : and it is evident that not a few of the Popish Errors had their Original , and some seeming Patrociny , from their flights of Rhetorick ; their Figurative Expressions , and some Logical Niceties that they used . This is not my Apprehension alone ; the Learned Daille , Right Vse of the Fathers , hath the same Observation , Chap. 5. The Fathers themselves were aware of this , with respect to the Writings of one another : Hieron . Ep. 139. ad Cyprian . Plerumque nimium disertis accidere solet , ut major sit intelligentiae difficultas in eorum explanationibus , quam in iis quae explanare conantur . And in Matters of greater Moment , they spake sometimes unwarily , not foreseeing what ill Use might be made of their Expressions ; as Jerom also giveth us ground to think ; Apolog. contra Ruffin . vel certe ( saith he ) antequam in Alexandria quasi Daemonium meridianum Arius nasceretur , innocenter quaedam & minus cautè locuti , — & quae non possunt perversorum hominum calumniam declinare . Petavius maketh also the same Observation , tho' a Jesuit , in Panar . Epiphan . ad Haer. 6 , 9. Yea , the same Author hath this Passage ; Not. in Epiphan , multa sunt à Sanctissimis Patribus presertim à Chrysostomo in Homiliis aspersa , quae si ad exactae veritatis regulam accommodare volueris , boni sensus manca videbuntur . § . 28. I observe , 5. That tho' our Author would fright us also with what the Scripture saith of Unity , and against Schism , ( which I confess is enough to make us love the one , and hate the other , ) yet I do not find this strain used against all Divisions , in Scripture without Discrimination ; but that another Spirit appeareth in these Inspired Writings , and that more of Christian Forbearance is Recommended , 1 Cor. 1. 11. and 3. Ch. 1. Divisions are reproved , and with strong Reason condemned : so 1 Cor. 11. 18. but that Weight is not laid on them that our Author speaketh of : and Philip. 15. 16. Forbearance , and Joyning in Uncontested Truths and Duties is enjoyned . And I am sure the Differences of these Times , were Things of more Moment , than our Bishops Mitres , or Lordly Domination are : The Church might be in Peace , if they either would shew us Divine Warrant for their Prelation , or not trouble us with their Usurpations . § . 29. His second Proposition is , for the Preservation of Vnity , and preventing of Schism , in every particular Church all were bound , in Cyprian's time , to live in the Bishop's Communion , and to owne and look upon him , as the Principle of Vnion to that Church of which he was Head and Ruler . I see not wherein this differeth from the former Proposition : I am sure it containeth no new Matter : and therefore I should have taken no notice of it ; but that p. 21. he bringeth some Citations that need a little to be examined . Altho' I can by no Diligence find some of the Places that he citeth , yet by chance I have light on these : and the Words he useth afford a plain Answer to his Argument brought from them . For his first Citation out of Ep. 33. ( I find it in Ep. 27. ) it maketh nothing at all for the Bishop's sole Power , nor for his being further the Principle of Vnity , than what I have above granted . The Case was this , some of the Lapsed who had been received to the Peace of the Church , ( as they pretended ) by the means of some Martyrs ; wrote to Cyprian that they were now received by the Church , and desired that they might be more fully restored by Cyprian and the Church with him : Cyprian took it ill that they should write to him as from a Church , whereas they that had received them , nor they themselves , were no Church ; but in this had neglected the Authority of them who were truly the Church . In all this Cyprian saith nothing but what is according to the Principles of Presbyterians : if any should pretend to receive Penitents , even tho' they were Elders in a Congregation , or Ministers in a Presbytery , without the Moderator , without the Elders , or the Presbytery , respectivè ; we should blame them , for Usurpation , and disorderly Walking . And it is very observable , that Cyprian in this very Passage saith , that Ecclesia in Episcopo & Clero , & omnibus stantibus est constituta : then it is not the Bishop who is the Church : what he saith of the Church as being built on the Bishop , is already cleared : he saith indeed , omnis actus Ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubernatur : in which our Author sheweth but little Skill , when he translateth these words , all her ( the Churches ) Affairs are ordered by them as the Chief Rulers : where it should be turned , by the same who are set over her ( the Church : ) and I think that it will not be denyed that Presbyters are Praepositi , and are set over the Church : he saith no more then , but the Church is founded on the Bishop , that is , his sound Doctrine , as was before explained , and her Affairs are ruled by the same Praepositi ; that is , the Bishops , and others having Ecclesiastical Authority with them : For Presbyters are the same with Bishops in this ; and that Cyprian meaneth so , may be gathered from his varying the word Episcopus into Praepositus . Again granting , that all the Acts of the Church are ruled by the Bishop , this will not prove that they are ruled by him alone . His other Testimony out of what he calleth Epistle 43 , is far less to his purpose ; Felicismus , with his Faction ( who formerly had opposed Cyprian's Election to be Bishop ) in his retirement , not only without him , but without the Concurrence of the Presbytery , or Congregational Eldership , ( I shall not determine which of these the Church of Carthage was then governed by ) received some of the lapsed : which I , as well as my Antagonist do reckon a very disorderly Action ; this Cyprian doth justly blame : And that on this Ground , that they set up another Altar in that Church , that is , they threw off the Church Authority that was regularly placed in Carthage ; and set up another beside : we also would blame them who would cast off the Authority of the Presbytery , or Kirk-Session , and set up another . What is Cyprian's meaning is yet clearer from what our Author unwarily citeth out of his Book de unittae Ecclesiae . An esse sibi cum Christo videtur qui adversus Christi Sacerdotes facit ? Qui se à cleri ejus & Plebis societate secernit ? Where he describeth Schisme to be when some depart from the Rulers and Members of the Church ( not from the Bishop alone ) and that is to be understood , while they keep God's way . § . 30. His third Preposition is , that Cyprian maketh the contempt of one Bishop , or undutifulness to him , the original of Schisme . I am so far from opposing him in this , that I think when people begin to quarrel with the meanest of Christs Ministers , ( unless his Life , or Doctrine , or Government , give just cause ) that they sin against God , contemn his Ordinance , and are on the brink of Schisme ; if not Haeresie also : And I am sure all that he citeth out out of Cyprian on this head , amounteth to no more except a word or two , which I shall a little consider . When he speaketh of one Bishop , I understand him of one Praeses , whether in a Congregational , or Classical Presbytrey , and that in conjunction with them : who opposeth such Authority opposeth Christ's Institution . He mentioneth p. 23. as also p. 32. The Bishops Monarchical power in the Church ; and maketh Cyprian prove it by the Bees who have a King , the Beasts who have a Captain , and Robbers who have a Chiftain . It is evident to any who consider Cyprian's other Writings , that he never arrogated to himself a Monarchical Power over the Church ; for he plainly disowneth it as we shall after have occasion to shew : But he is here dealing with one Pupianus , who had reproached Cyprian as proud and arrogant , here Cyprian defendeth himself , and retorteth the same Charge of Arrogance on Pupianus in that he took on him to arraign the Bishops and Rulers of the Church ; and had denyed his power in the Church : and he sheweth what Inconveniency it were to the Church , if all this time the Church of Carthage had been governed by a Man who had no Authority : and in this he bringeth the similitude of the Bees , &c. Will any think that Cyprian was so weak as to take this for a sufficient Argument to prove Monarchical Power in the Church : he only bringeth it as a similitude to illustrate this Truth , that there must be a Government in the Church , and it had been ill with the Church of Carthage , if so long a time they had One over them who was no lawful Ruler : which is no Determination of the Extent of Cyprian's power ; Neither was that the Question between him and Pupianus . § . 31. I proceed to his fourth Proposition , p. 24. The Bishop was so much the principle of Vnity ; the people had such Dependence on him , and was so virtually in him , that what he did as Bishop , was reputed the Deed of the whole Church ; which he ruled . And to confirm this , he bringeth Instances , that Churches were blamed for communicating with criminal Bishops , and that they did not separat from them ; and are commended for the Bishops owning the Truth . Had our Author thought fit to peruse and consider his Papers before he printed them , it is like we should not have been troubled with such crude Notions . For 1. How can this be reconciled to what he had a little before-pleaded , concerning the horrid sinfulness of separating from their Bishop ; and this without any distinction or Limitation . 2. He is so unwise as to add one word that spoileth all his Design , viz. As Bishop , for what a Bishop acteth as Bishop , he acteth in the Consistory , or the Presbytery ; and by the plurality of their Votes : and that is indeed the Fact of the Church Representative , and of the Church diffusive too , if they shew no dislike of it ; But this is no Semblance of Proof of the Power of Bishops that he pleadeth for . Cyprian's Rhetorical flourish in saying , that when Cornelius confessed the Faith before the Persecutors , the whole Roman Church confessed ; Is no more but that Cornelius gave a faithful Testimony to that Doctrine , that he had preached among that People , and that they received , and did still owne ; is this an Argument that Cornelius had the sole Power of Church-Government in Rome . Yea , all this might have been said of any Member of that Church who had so confessed , and the Church did not reclaim , but professed the same Truth ; It is far less probative , that Cyprian desired to suffer at Carthage , rather than else where , that he might in Confession be the Mouth of them all . And least of all is it an Argument , that he calleth them his Bowels , his Body , their Grief was his Grief , &c. We must abandon all Sense and Reason , if these pass for concludent Arguments . Of the same weight is what he bringeth out of Pontius , of the Blessedness of the people of Carthage , who suffered together with such a Bishop . I beg the Readers pardon for troubling him with such silly Arguments , which need no Answer . § . 32. His fifth Proposition , that the Bishops being the principle of Vnion to his Church , was held before the Cyprianick Age : This , I say needeth no further Animadversion : for it bringeth no new thing ; Neither is it to be imagined that Ignatius , whom he citeth , meant that the sole Authority of the Bishop , rather than the Doctrine that he taught from the infallible Word of God , was the Principle of Vnity to the Church : Or , that they who belong to Christ are with the Bishop , whether he teacheth Truth or Error : It is a vast mistake that he saith , that Cyprian , Ep. 33. pleadeth for the divine Right of Episcopacy in that Ep. ( which is ( mihi ) 27 ) he pleadeth for the Divine Authority of the Church , and her Bishops ; that is , Pastours : not for a Divine Warrant for the Praelation of some of them above others : nothing can be more evident than the concurrent Testimonies of Antiquity against this Fancy : Scripture , and the most Antient of the Fathers speak of Bishops and Presbyters indistinctly ; when the Distinction began to be taken notice of , Jerome saith that it was brought in by the Presbyters themselves : Ep. ad Evagr. as also on Tit. and Aug. Ep. 10. referreth to Ecclesiae usus . Yea , Concil . Nic. 1. Can. 6. maketh the Distinction of Bishops , as Metropolitans , &c. To be mos antiquus : All that followeth , § . 37 , 37 , 36. doth also confute this Opinion . But this I insist not on , because our Author hath put off the proof of that Divine Institution of Episcopacy , to his next Essay , p. 94. His sixth and last Proposition is , that the Principle of the Bishops being the Center of Vnity is most reasonable and accountable in it self . We may now expect some Herculean Argument , and the highest Effort of his Skill : And I am willing that the whole Controversie be hanged on this Pin. All that he bringeth for Argument is , every particular Church is an Organical , political Body ; and there can be no Organical Body without a Principle of Vnity , on which all the Members must hang , and from which being separated , they must cease to be Members ; and who so fit for being Principle of Vnity to a Church as he who is Pastour , Ruler , Governour , Captain , Head , Judge , Christs Vicar , &c. Not his Conclusion only , but an Assumption is understood , viz. the Bishop is all this , ergo he is the Center of Vnity ; and his quod erat demonstrandum followeth a little after , it is scarce possible to prove any thing of this nature more demonstratively . One might make sport with this Argument , which is introduced , and backed with such Parade : But I am in earnest in this Debate . There are here no less than three Premisses expressed , and a fourth necessarily understood , before we can reach the Conclusion ; which every Logician will condemn ; and when we are at last , through all these Stages , arived at the Conclusion , it is above distinguished , and his Argument can reach no more than is by us confessed : Besides this , it is hard to shew how these his Premisses hang together , or what Connection they have . Further , that the principle of Vnity in a political Body is one person and cannot be a Society , the Consistory , or the Presbytery in the Church , will hardly be proved : by this Argument there can be no Unity in a Common-wealth , but only in Monarchy , Aristocracy , and Democracy in a Nation are here not only made unlawful , but impossible . that the Bishop is fittest to be the Principle of Unity in the Church is gratis dictum : Yea , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Notwithstanding of the metaphorical Appellations that our Author giveth him , from some of the Antients . Yea , if a Society cannot be the Center of Unity in a particular Church , who shall be the Center of Unity among Bishops ; we must surely have the Pope for this use , which is indeed the native conclusion of our Author's Argument that he braggeth so much of . But this will afterward occurre . § . 33. He cometh now ( p. 27. ) to another Argument : a Bishop in Cyprian's age , was supreme in his Church , immediatly subject to Christ , had no Ecclesiastical Superior on Earth : the Church was one , but divided into many Precincts , each had its Bishop who was their Supreme . I am no further concerned in what he saith on this head ; but what he bringeth for the Bishops Supremacy . Wherefore I insist not on his first Proposition , concerning the Equality of Bishops ; I only observe that he is for Parity in the Church ; and if it be found among Bishops , I know no Scripture nor Reason that condemneth it among Presbyters . To the same purpose is his second Preposition , and his Third , all which are levelled against the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome ; whose cause I do not intend to plead . Wherefore I come to examine his 4th Proposition , p. 31. by the Principles of these times , every Bishop was Christs Vicar , within his own District : So , say I , is every Minister of the Gospel ; understanding by Vicar , one who deriveth his Power from Christ , and to him must give account of it . He saith further , that a Bishop had a Primacy in his own Church . If he mean that he was primus Presbyter ; I denyed it not , if that he had the sole Power in his own person , or that the Presbyters had not a coordinate power with him in the Government of the Church , I deny it . Neither is it proved by Cyprian's words , which he citeth ; Cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum assumere : which I cannot find by what Directions he giveth , and therefore cannot tell what might be further said for vindicating them . The next Expression admiteth of the same Answer , viz. that he managed the Ballance of Government ; it is not said that he did this by himself ; Our Moderator manageth the Ballance of Government , but with the Presbytery . The sublime Sacerdotii fastigum , signifieth no more than primus Presbyter : The Antients use as big words for as low things : neither do I know any higher Degree in those days : If my Antagonist will prove it , he must use other Topicks , than words that may admit various significations . the same I say of the Expressions that follow , the vigor Episcopatus , the sublimis & divina potestas gubernandae Ecclesiae ; This last may agree to the meanest Member of a Presbytery ; Are not Presbyters called by Cyprian such as are divino sacerdotio honorati : and gloriosi sacerdotes as himself citeth . p. 7. To what purpose he citeth Jerome for the Parity of Bishops , and saith that I will not reject his Testimony , I understand not . I shall neither oppose him nor Jerome in that Principle . § . 34. He bringeth another Argument , ( p. 32. ) from the High Priest among the Jews , and saith , that a Bishop was the same to Christians , that he was to the Jews . I see the learned Author is very unhappy in stumbling upon popish Arguments , and he can say litle for his Bishop , but what they say for their Pope : And it is evident , that the Papists from this Medium , argue with much more shew of Reason : For the High Priest had universal supream Authority over the universal Church , that then was ; The Papists infer the Pope's universal Head-ship : tho' I am far from thinking this Argument concludent for them ; yet what shew of Confequence can it have for a Bishops Power in his Diocess ? Or with what Face can this Author say , that a Bishop is the same to Presbyters and Deacons , that he was to the Levites , unless he say that a Bishop was the same to all the Presbyters and Deacons in the World that the High Priest was to all the Levites in the world . Cyprian's Reasons , brought from the High Priest , have much more Sense in them than these of our Author : For he pleadeth no more from that Topick , but that as the High Priest was to be obyed , and not resisted , so is the Bishop . As the High Priest was reverenced , even by Christ , so is the Bishop ; we say the same : that a Bishop acting in his Sphere , with his Consistory , or Presbytery , should be obeyed and respected : and we count it the same sort of Sin in Schismaticks , who rebel against this Church Authority , with Kora's Rebellion against Aaron : but it is utterly inconsequential to infer Church Monarchy from Aaron's Power . I wish he had brought any thing that might look like proof of this consequence . He saith , p. 34. that the Christian Hierarchie was copied from that of the Jews ; and he bringeth Arguments for it , such as they are , one is from the Names , Priest , Priesthood , Altar , Sacrafice , &c. which he calleth a pregnant Argument ; I cannot but still observe how much the Papists owe him ; not only for their Pope , but for their unbloody Sacrifice , what ? must we have all that of the Old Testament whereof we retain the Names ? If so , we must have a new Gospel . This Argument is easily delivered of its Pregnancy , by denying the Consequence . His other Argument is from an Ep. of Clement of Rome , who lived in the Apostles times : wherein he exhorteth to Order , and every ones keeping his Station , and then reckoneth up several Subordinations under the Old Testament . A. Clement useth the Old Testament hierarchy as a simile , to illustrate New Testament Subordination of Officers in the Church ; ergo we must have the same Officers , and they must have the same Power that these had , non sequitur : Neither was such a Consequence intended by Clement : For a second Answer , our Author may know that that , and others of the Epistles that go under Clement's name are rejected , as none of his , by Learned Men , and on solid Grounds . § . 35. He hath a long Discourse , beginning p. 34. at the end , to shew that my Definition of a Bishop , is consistent with none of the three Principles last mentioned , which were current in the Cyprianick Age ; much less with all three together . I have already shewed , how far these Principles were held in that Age ; and how our Notion of a Bishop agreeth with them all . What seemeth to be further Argumentative in this Harangue , I shall consider . He saith the Bishops being the Principle of Vnity , doth not consist with his being a single Presbyter ; where there were fourty six Presbyters ; as at Rome : there would rather be fourty six Principles of Divisions , and make the Church a Monster with fourty six Heads . Answ . 1. I retort this Argument : In the first Council of Nice , ( for Example ) where were three hundred Bishops , what was the Principle of Unity ? or , were they three hundred Principles of Division ? And a Church Meeting , or a Church Representative , that was so Monstrous as to have three hundred Heads ? What he will answer in the one case , I will answer in the other . And indeed this Argument destroyeth the Parity of Bishops , which he pleadeth for , as well as of Presbyters ; and its Native Conclusion is , we must either have the Papacy over the Church , or Anarchy in it . A. 2. Where there are many such Presbyters as our Author pleadeth for , we say the Bishop was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not a single Presbyter . A. 3. In a particular Flock , where are many Ruling , but not Teaching Presbyters , the Bishop or Minister , is such a Principle of Vnity , as I have above owned : and where there are more Bishops in one Church , the Principle of Unity , is their Teaching the same Doctrine : as is above explained . He next alledgeth , that a Moderator cannot be the Principle of Vnity in a Presbytery ; seing as such , he is neither Pastor , Governour , nor Christian ; but may be a Heathen . A. This wild Notion , that a Heathen may be Moderator in a Presbytery , I have fully refuted , § . 8. To the first part of his Argument , I say , that not the Moderator alone , but with the Presbytery , is the Principle of Vnity , while they all Teach the same Truths , and adhere to the one Rule of our Faith , and Practice , the Word of God : any other Bond , or Cement , by which Men can be United , which lyeth in the Authority of a Man , rather than in the true Doctrine , is an Antichristian Fancy ; and tendeth to enslave the Conscience to the Will of Man. We know no such Uniting Head as he telleth of , but Christ , Ephes . 4. 15 , 16. Neither did ever Cyprian dream of such a Head of the Church Next he will make our Notion of a Bishop inconsistent with his other Principls , the Bishop's Supremacy , and Independency . I have already shewed , that the Church in Cyprian's Time , knew no such Supremacy , nor Independency : but held , and Practised a Subordination , not of many to one , but of every one to the Collective Body , and of every lesser Body to the greater , of which it was a part . I see no Reason nor Scripture Ground for Independency , whether of single Pastors and Congregations , or of Presbyteries , or of Bishops ; and their Provincial Synods . His third Principle , the Hierarchy under the Gospel , being the same with that under the Old Testament , I have refuted , as a groundless Fancy ; and therefore am under no Obligation to shew the Consistency of our Parity with it . § . 36. From p. 37. he layeth down Principles that would afford stronger , and more pertinent Arguments , than any we have yet met with , if he can but sufficiently establish these Principles . He mentioneth three , viz. 1. The Bishop's sole Power in many Acts of Government and Discipline . 2. His Negative in all . 3. That all Presbyters were subject to his Authority and Jurisdiction . If all this be true , our Cause is lost : but we are not afraid to try it with him , through his help whose Cause we plead . Before I engage in this Debate with him , I desire the Reader will reflect on what I observed , § . 10. that if we can bring Testimonies to prove a Parity of Power among Presbyters : and that Domination over them by one , was condemned , or disowned in Cyprian's Time ; his bringing Testimonies to the contrary , will not be found Concludent : for Contradictory Assertions derogate from the Authority of the Asserter : or seeming Contradictions must be reconciled by a fair Exposition : or , such Testimonies will prove , that the Practice and Principles of the Churches of that Age , were not Uniform ; any of which would weaken his Cause . I shall not here repeat the Citations that are full to this purpose , which I have on diverse Occasions mentioned . Nor need I confine my self to Cyprian's Age alone : seing our Author pretendeth to no less Antiquity for his Way , than from the Apostles down ward ; yea , all the Ages of the Church ; and all the Churches of every Age : and we acknowledge that after the third Century , Church-Government was much altered to the worse . I shall begin with Ignatius , both because his Testimony is Argumentum ad Hominem , at least , seing my Antagonist , and his Party , lay so much Stress on his Epistles : also , because if he speak for Parity , it may abate the force of all that they bring out of his Writings to the contrary . What I shall alledge from him , I find cited by the famous Arch-Bishop Vsher , in his Original of Bishops and Metropolitans , Ignat. Ep. ad Trallianos . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. be subject to the Bishop as to the Lord ; and after ▪ be subject to the Presbytery as to the Apostles of Jesus Christ our Hope . Also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. he that doth any thing without the Bishop , and the Presbyters , and the Deacons , such an one is defiled in Conscience . And again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. farewel in Christ Jesus , being subject to the Bishop , and also to the Presbyters . Here it is plain that Church Authority , to which the People must be subject , is not given to the Bishop alone , but to the Presbytery also ; and indeed to them both acting conjunctly . I need not transcribe what is , with much plainness , cited to our purpose , by Blondel ; out of both the Clements , Polycarpus , Justin ; and others of the first of the Fathers . I only mention Clem. Alexand. Strom. Lib. 7. Penes Presbyteros est Disciplina quae facit homines meliores . Tertullian Apolog. c. 39. Praesident probati quique Seniores . Viz. In their Meetings for Discipline : where were Admonitiones , Castigationes , & Censurae Divinae . He is speaking of the Discipline of a Congregation ; and ascribeth the Government of it to a Community , not to a single person . The Clergy of Rome in their Epistles to Cyprian , ( which is Ep. 31. ) do plainly declare their Opinion about the receiving the Lapsed ; that it should be done collatione Consiliorum cum Episcopis , Presbyteris , Diaconis , Confessoribus , & stantibus Laicis : this they mean of the general Method that should be laid down for it ; it should be Advised about by as many as can give Counsel : but when they speak of the Authoritative Sentence ; they say , it should not be done ab uno : then not by a Bishop acting by sole Authority . Cypr. Ep. 10. § . 3. Writing to the Clergy of Carthage , and shewing the evil of overturning Church Discipline , as had been done by some of their number ; he telleth them , Erunt rei qui praesunt , & haec fratribus non suggerunt , ut instructi à praepositis faciant omnia cum Dei timore . Where it is evident that they owned them as praepositi ; and charge on them the Duty of giving faithful Warning , according to that their Character : whence it followeth that he did not look on himself as being the only praepositus , or Ruler of that Church . And Ep. 28. he commendeth the Clergy of Carthage , ( while himself was absent from them ) that they had debarred from Communicating with them Gaius Presbyter Diddensis , and his Deacon , who had Communicated with the Lapsed : and he telleth them that they had Acted like Men of Integrity , and according to the Discipline of the Church : integre & cum Disciplina fecistis . If he had the sole Power , this Fact of theirs had been quite contrary to Church Discipline . If any say , that they did this with the Advice of some of Cyprian's Collegues , that is , Bishops . A. Whether these were Bishops or not , we know not : but they only gave Advice , the Authoritative Act was by the Clergy of Carthage . Ep. 55. § . 17. Cyprian compareth the number of Presbyters and Deacons who had concurred in condemning ( affuerunt judicio & cognitioni ) some Schismaticks ; with the number of them that stood for them : which is a clear Argument that the Clergy , with the Bishop , not onely consulted , but judicially determined , in Church Affairs . And in the same Epist . § . 21. speaking to Cornelius Bishop of Rome , he expresly mentioneth the Clergy as ruling the Church with Cornelius : his Words are , Florentissimo clero illic tecum praesidenti . Also Epist . 58. he hath Words of the like importance , § . 2. Qui cum Episcopo Presbyteri sacerdotali honore conjuncti . It is also evident in many of Cyprian's Epistles , that he divideth the Clergy in Praepositos ( which Word doth manifestly signifie Rulers ) and Deacons . So Epist . 62 , 65. and elsewhere . I only add out of Cyprian Epist . 6. § . 4. Doleo enim quando audio — nec à Diaconis aut Presbyteris regi posse . Pamelius's Note on this Passage maketh it yet more plain for us ; tho' he was a Papist , and no Presbyterian . Hinc ( saith he ) non obscurè colligitur , viguisse adhuc Carthagini , aetate auctoris , praerogativam Presbyterorum & Diaconorum primitivae Ecclesiae ; qua communi totius Presbyterii , i. e. Presbyterorum & Diaconorum collegii , consilio , administrabantur omnia ab Episcopis : And he citeth to confirm this , Ignatius , as I have before cited him . If any say Pamelius attributeth to the Presbytery but Consilium ; it is plain that Cyprian speaketh of their Ruling Power . § . 37. Contemporary with Cyprian was Firmilianus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia ; who doth fully declare for Presbyterial Government , in his Epist . to Cyprian , which is the 75. of Ep. Cypr. for § . 3. he hath these Words , Qua ex re necessario apud nos fit ; ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unum conveniamus ; ad disponenda ea quae curae nostrae commissa sunt ; ut si quae graviora sunt , communi consilio dirigantur . And § . 6. Omnis potestas & gratia in Ecclesia est constituta , ubi praesident majores natu ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) qui & baptizandi , & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem . It is to be observed , that frequent mention is made in this Epistle of Episcopi , Bishops , and Pamelius thinketh that this Ep. being turned out of Greek into Latine by Cyprian , to whom it was written , by Praepositus is meant Bishop , and by Senior Presbyter , whence it is evident , that here all Church Power is ascribed to the Presbyter that is given to the Praepositus or Bishop . At the same time was Pontius one of Cyprian's Deacons ▪ and his constant Attendant , and who well knew his Principles ; he wrote Cyprian's Life , and in that History he hath these Words , Nulla mora , nulla dilatio Presbyterium & sacerdotum statum ( that is presently after his Conversion to Christianity ) accepit : quis enim non omnes honorum gradus crederet tali menti : where it is plain that Pontius thought that all Church Degrees were included in Sacerdotium & Presbyterium ; which he taketh for one . And a little below he joineth Sacerdotium & Episcopatus as the same Office that Cyprian was chosen to , while he was Neophytus , and as was thought Novellus . From all this it appeareth that Cyprian was made Priest , Presbyter and Bishop all at once , as being the same thing . Gregor . Nazianz. ( who flourished in the fourth Century ) in his Apology , telleth us of the Apostles making Canons for Bishops and Presbyters , 1 Tim. 3. and Tit. 1. Whether their Office may be called a Ministry , or Rule of Government ; his Words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He saith likewise of them , that they ( by their promotion to be Presbyters ) ascend from being ruled to be Rulers : that they have Authority , not over a Flock ; but over mens Souls : and other very sublime Powers he ascribeth to them . And in his Orations , he is as profuse in extolling the Dignity and Authority of Presbyters , as any other in exalting Bishops . He saith , as many as are ordain'd , are chosen to the high Thrones of Presbytery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That he speaketh not of Bishops as distinct from Presbyters , is plain , for the design of his Discourse , especially in his Apology , is to shew how the Apostle directed Bishops and Presbyters by the same Canons , without distinguishing them , or their work ; and that onely custom had raised the Bishop above them as their Praeses . § . 38. I next bring Ambrose as a Witnes for us ; in his Epistle to Syagrius , he sheweth , that when he and Syagrius had severally passed Sentence on a Delinquent , the Church was unsatisfied with the Sentence of Syagrius , and gave the reason , because he had done it by himself , sine alicujus fratris consensu ; but acquiesced in the Sentence passed by Ambrose , because ( saith he ) hoc Judicium nostrum cum Fratribus & Con-Sacerdotibus participatum processit . Whence it is plain to have been the Principle of those days , that the Bishop had not sole Jurisdiction : however some were then Grasping at it . Chrysostom . Homil. 11. in 1. Tim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. omitting the Order of Presbyters , he ( the Apostle ) passeth to the Deacons . Why so ? Because there is no great Difference : for they are Ordained for Teaching and Governing ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Church ; and what he had said of Bishops , he applyeth to the Presbyters . If then Chrysostom was for the Bishop's sole Jurisdiction , let any judge . August . Ep. 19. quanquam secundum honorum vocabula quae jam Ecclesiae usus obtinuit , Episcopatus Presbyterio major sit , tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor est . Where it may be observed , to our purpose , 1. That Augustine placeth the Praelation of a Bishop above a Presbyter , in the Title of Dignity , but speaketh not a word of Superior Power . 2. He not only insinuateth , that that Difference ( such as it was ) had its Original , not from Divine Institution , but Humane Custom ; but he speaketh of it as lately setled , jam obtinuit : this was after 420 years : it was neither constant , nor universal , till then . Salvianus maketh the Levitae & Sacerdotes to be the Apostles Successors ; not mentioning Bishops as distinct . So Gildas frequently speaketh of Bishops and Presbyters promiscuously . I hope I may also adduce Jerom , a Presbyter , as a Witness , as well as they do other Fathers who were Bishops . He giveth all manner of Church Power to Presbyters , and not to Bishops only . Ep. ad Heliodorum . Presbytero ( saith he ) si peccavero , licet me tradere Satanae in interitum carnis . Et Ep. ad Demetrium ; sunt quos Ecclesia reprehendit , quos interdum abjicit , in quos nonnunquam Episcoporum & Presbyterorum Censura desaevit . Ambrose giveth Account , Ep. 80. of the Excommunication of Jovinianus , and others with him , by Syricius Bishop of Rome ; whose words to Ambrose were , omnium nostrum tam Presbyterorum , quam Diaconorum , quam totius Cleri scissitata fuit Sententia . It is shewed , § . 37. that Penitents were to be received by the Bishop and Clergy ; as Cypr. Ep. 12. it were then strange , if they were cast out by the Bishop alone . I desire the Reader ( who can ) for further satisfaction , would read Paul Baynes Diocesan's Trial : and Mr. Peregrin Letters Patents of Presbytery : they having somewhat that is singular on this Subject . § . 39. Let us now examine what he is pleased to bring for the Bishop's sole Power in the Church ; and against the Parity that we have Asserted . And first , I shall examine his three Principles above-mentioned . The first of which is , there were several considerable Acts of Power , belonging to the Government and Discipline of the Church , which belonged solely to the Bishop ; several Powers Lodged in his Person , which he could manage by himself , and without the Concurrence of any other Church-Governour . Of this sort he reckoneth eight , viz. Confirmation , Ordination , Settling Presbyters , Disposal of Church Revenues , Imposing Charitable Contributions , Convocating the Presbyters and Deacons , Indicting Publick Fasts , Delegating two of his Presbyters . These I shall consider distinctly , with his Proofs for what he Asserteth about them . For the first of these , Confirmation of the Adult , who had in their Infancy been Baptized ; at first it was no more , but after diligent Instructing them in the Grounds of Religion , bringing them to the Pastor of the Church , ( and probably before the Eldership ) that they might be tryed in their Proficiency , and so declared fit to receive the Lord's Supper : in which nothing can be blamed . Afterward it came to be more Theatrically managed , and Imposition of Hands was the Ceremony by which it was set off : till at last it came to be esteemed a Sacrament . Now when it was thus turned from the Simplicity of God's Ordinance , to be a Pompous Device of Man , ( not a few of which were crept into the Church in , yea before Cyprian's Age ) it is not strange , if they committed not the managing of it to all , to whom Christ had committed his Ordinances ; but to one of their own chusing . Our Debate is , whether the Bishop had sole Power of managing any of Christ's Ordinances ; of which number this is not . Yet I find litle strength in our Author's Arguments for this Power in the Bishop . His first Proof is , Cypr. Ep. ad Jubajanum , it was the Custom to offer such as were Baptized to the Bishops , that by their Prayers , and the Laying on of their Hands , they might receive the Holy Ghost , and be Consummated by the Sign of our Lord : which our Author taketh to be the Sign of the Cross . Here Cyprian useth the word Praepositis , which our Author is pleased to translate Bishops ; whereas Presbyters also were called by that Name . For Cyprian , Ep. 3. § . 1. the Roman Clergy , ( when they had no Bishop , ) said of themselves , that it appeared that they were Praepositi ; and thence inferred , that it was incumbent on them to take Care of the Flock : and they speak of idle Shepherds as neglegentes Praepositi , whose Reproof was to be a Warning to them . And Cypr. Ep. and Jubajan . which is 69. § . 4. plainly calleth the Successors of the seventy Disciples , as well as these of the Apostles , Praepositos : for of them that place Luc. 10. 16. which he citeth , is to be understood . And Ep. 62. § . 1. he sheweth how Church Discipline is to be regarded , à Praepositis & Plebe . And Ep. 65. § . 4. he mentioneth Episcopos & Praepositos , as distinct . And Ep. 21. which is Celerini ad Lucium , § . 3. quorum jam causa audita , praeceperunt eos Praepositi sic esse donec Episcopus constituatur . And de Lapsis , § . 4. Praepositos superbo tumore contemnere : it is spoken of all the Rulers of the Church . For a further Refutation of this his Principle , it may be observed , that this Confirmation , of which Cyprian here speaketh , is not that which in our days goeth under that Name ; but that used in the Apostolick Church , the Effect of which , was the giving of the Holy Ghost ; as is clear from his citing Act. 8. 14 , &c ▪ for the Pattern of what they did , and their Warrant for it . Now that Imposition of Hands was not given to all the Baptized ; but only to such as were ad ministerium ordinandi , saith Lightfoot : it was not ad sanctificationem , sed ad dona extraordinaria ; saith the same Author . Piscator , Beza , Grotius , do also so expound this place : wherefore it proveth nothing , except our Author can tell us what Cyprian meant by it : which I can not ; seing the extraordinary Gifts of the Holy Ghost were then ceased , for any thing that we know . His next Citation , out of Firmilian , destroyeth what it is brought for ; for he ascribeth to Bishops the Power of Baptism , Confirmation , Ordination : his Word is , they possess this Power : I hope he will not say that Presbyters had no Power in Baptism : wherefore by Bishops here Firmilian must mean the Pastors of the Church ; all of whom were frequently called Bishops at that time : yea , himself confesseth , that these spoken of , were the majores natu , whom he most absurdly pleadeth to be Bishops , as distinct from preaching Presbyters . Of as little weight is what Cornelius saith of Novatianus ( Eusebius maketh Cornelius say this of Novatus , chap. 42. ) that he was not confirmed by the Bishop ; for in that place Cornelius questioned not only the Confirmation of Novatus , but his Baptism : and that he speaketh not of the ordinary Confirmation , but of that which belonged to Priests , is clear ; for he saith , how then came he by the Holy Ghost ? and he is there pleading his incapacity to be a Bishop , on that account . But of this too much : for it doth not hurt our Cause if it be granted that Bishops then were so far distinguished from other Presbyters , that they usurped a Power which our Lord had not given to them , nor any man else , at that time ; what ever he had before done to them whom he immediatly sent , and extraordinarly endowed . § . 40. The second Act of Power that he ascribeth to the Cyprianick Bishop alone is , He had the sole Power of Ordination ; and that of whatsoever Clergy-men within his District . Ordinations could not be performed without him : but he could perform them regularly without the concurrence of any other Church-Officer : And he saith , this hath so frequently and fully been proved by learned men , that he need insist little on it . All which we deny : neither do I find any Argument here brought by him , nor have I found in the Writings of his learned men ( and I may , without vanity , say , I have seen the strongest of them ) which might be a rational ground of Conviction . Before I examine his Proofs for this Assertion , I shall prove the Antithesis : That Presbyters did , in that age , and before , joyn in the Ordination of Presbyters . And first , it is evident from Jerom's words , so much insisted upon by our Episcopal Brethren , Alexandriae , a Marco evangelista usque ad Heracleam & Dionysium Espiscopos , Presbyteri semperunum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collocatum , Episcopum nominabant . Whence it may fairly be deduced , that till An. Christi 246 , all the Power or Authority that the Bishop had , was given him by the Presbyters ; they elected him , nor had he any other Ordination , or Communication of Power , but what he had from them ; in the Opinion of Jerome . If then the Presbyters made a Bishop ; it could not be he alone , but the Bishop with them , and as one of them who made Presbyters . 2. Hilarius , who lived in the midle of the fourth Century , in Eph. 4. hath these words , apud Aegyptum Presbyteri consignaverunt , si praesens non fuit Episcopus . Whether ye interpret Consignaverunt of Confirmation , as some , or Consecration of Church-Officers , as others , it cometh to the same Conclusion : seing our Author and his Complices , reserve both these Powers to the Bishop ; and it is probable they were not divided . That they did it absente Episcopo , doth imply that they had that Authority ▪ for without it they could not have done it at all . 3. Novatus a Presbyter in Carthage , while Cyprian was Bishop : Ordained Felicissimus : This Ordination ( tho' no doubt it was irregular , being done without the Moderator and the Presbytery ) yet it was not lookt on as null , but Novatus was , after that , owned by Cyprian : and Felicissimus continued to be a Deacon . To this our Author answereth p. 42. that not Novatus , but neighbouring Bishops by the procurement of Novatus , did it . But Cyprian's words are plain ; Felicissimum diaconum sua factione constituit . That this Deacon was ordained by Bishops is gratis dictum . I have also elsewhere proved , that in Scotland there were Presbyters ruling the Church , long before they had Bishops : which could not be if none but Bishops could Ordain them . § . 41. Cyprian Ep. ( mihi ) 33. in ordinationibus clericis , solemus vos ante consulere , ut mores & merita singulorum communi consilio ponderarem , &c. In that Ep. he telleth the Church what was his usual practice ; and we have cause to think that he lookt on it as his Duty not to Ordain without the Presbyters : Commune consilium here can import no less than Deliberation and Authoritative Decision , for it was common to him and them . In the following part of the Epistle , he excuseth his Ordaining Anrelius a Lector , without them , from the evidence of a Divine Call : and the present Distress and Scattering of the Church might excuse this necessary diverting from the common Road : yet he telleth them , he did not this by himself , but hunc igitur fratres dilectissimi , à me & à collegis qui praesentes aderant ordinatum sciatis ; quod vos scio & libenter amplecti , & optare tales in Ecclesia nostra quem plurimos ordinari . He maketh the like Excuse , Ep. 24. for his Ordaining Saturus a Lector and Optatus a Sub-deacon : only here he had before hand the common consent ; but his Circumstances ( being in his Retirement ) did not suffer this to be done in and with the Presbytery ; but that he did it not alone , we may gather from the former instance . This doth sufficiently shew that Ordinations were not performed without the Determination of the Presbytery . But it is also manifest , that in the solemnizing of them , by imposition of Hands , the Presbyters had their Share with the Bishop . Cypr - Ep. 10. § . 2. There is mention of impositio manum Episcopi & cleri , and that two several times . If it be said , that this Imposition of Hands was for absolving Penitents ; the consequence is good from the one to the other , seing our Author joyneth Confirmation in order to Communion ( of which this is a sort ) with Ordination , as two Powers reserved to the Bishop alone . Ep. 67. § . 4. he saith of Cornelius Bishop of Rome , that he was ordained Suffragi● , Cleri & Plebis , Concil . Carthag . 3. Canon . 22. Nullus ordinetur clericus non probatus , vel Episcoporum ( not Episcopi ) examine , vel populi testimonio . Concil . Carthag . 4. Can. 3. Presbyter cum ordinatur ; Episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri qui adsunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput ejus teneant . This is exactly our practice , if ye allow the Moderator to be the Cyprianick Episcopus . Our Author himself seemeth to insinuat , that the Presbyters with Cyprian , used to concur in Ordination ; while he premiseth to his proofs for sole Ordination , that passage out of Ep. 14. ( as he quoteth it ) a primordio Episcopatus mei statueram nihil sine consilio vestro & sine consensu plebis , mea privatim sententia gerere . I say , if this be not meant of Ordination , it is here very impertinently brought in . Nor can his Comment on Cyprian's words help him , viz. That this was his voluntary Condescendence , that he was not bound to : To prove which he putteth Statueram in majusculis as if it were not usual with good men when they enter on an Office , to resolve to keep within the bounds of their power ; to manage it lawfully ; as well as to cede in what is their Right . But that Cyprian's words cannot bear that sense , I prove by the Reason he giveth ; sic mutuus honor exposcit : the mutuus honor must be that due regard that he had to their Authority in the Church , and they ought to have to his : it had been a dishonouring of them , and setting them lower than Christ had set them in his Church , for him to mannage her Affairs without them . And Ep. 18. he maketh this Matter yet clearer ; Quae res , cum omnium nostrum consilium & sententiam spectet , praejudicare ego , & soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo . Where it is manifest , that it was conscience of Duty , and not good Nature onely , that induced him to this Conduct . Also that he attributeth to Presbyters not consilium onely , but sententiam ; not onely a consultative Power , but also definitive , or decisive . The Apostle who had indeed a sole Jurisdiction , spake in another Dialect , 1 Cor. 5. I have judged already . Cyprian durst not do so , because he knew he had not that sole Power . § . 42. Let us now hear his Proofs for the Bishop's sole Power of Ordination . The first is , What is said of the Ordination of Aurelius , which I have already shewed to be against him . Wherefore I shall onely take notice of his Observes on this Passage , by which he would force it to speak for him . 1. That his Power was the same in all Ordinations . I shall not much contend about this : only , if they put the Power of Ordaining Officers of their own devising into the hands of whom they would ; it doth not thence follow that they might , or did so dispose of Ordaining Power with respect to these whom God had appointed , and about whose Ordination he had given Rules in the Word . 2. He used only to ask their Counsel about the manners and Merits of the person to be Ordained ; not their concurrence in the Act of Ordination . This is a Mistake , he asked not their Counsel only , but their joynt Suffrage , as is above shewed . That their Concurrence in the Act of Ordination is not here mentioned , is not to his purpose ; seing it is consequential to their Office , and Church Power . That it is fairly imported in the instance of Aurelius that they used not to concur , is a groundless Imagination ; For this is a single Instance in an extraordinary case , and he spendeth a whole Epistle in making Apologie for it : Yea , he more than insinuateth the contrary , when he telleth what he used to do , and giveth a singular Reason for what he now did . I wonder that common Sense doth not teach him that such an Act doth not import a Custom . 3. That it was intirely of his own easiness and condescendency that he consulted them in the matter : This I have above refuted ; and it is inconsistent with what himself elsewhere saith , that the Bishop was the Monarch , and the Presbyters his Senate : I hope he will not say that it is ex beneplacito that Kings consult their Parliaments : Unless he be for the Turkish Government both in Church and State. § . 43. Another Testimony ( which he calleth Remarkable p. 40. ) is Cyprian Ep. 41. had given a Deputation to Caldonius and some others , to examine the Ages , Qualifications , and Merits of some in Carthage , that he , whose Province it was to promote Men to Ecclesiastical Offices , might be well informed about them , and promote none but such as were meek , and humble , and worthy . His Remark is , he speaks of himself in the singular Number , as having the power of promoting ; and he founds that Power , and appropriats it to himself , upon his having the care of the Church , and the Government of Her committed to him , For A. I observe a few things on this discourse . 1. This Delegation of Caldonius and the rest , was not to Carthage , as our Author dreameth ; which appeareth by the end of the Epistle , in which he bids Caldonius , &c. read this Ep. to the Brethren , and transmit it to Carthage to the Clergy : which had been incongruous if their Errand and Work had been at Carthage . Next , this is in consistent with what Cyprian , and our Author saith was his Practice ; viz. to consult the presbyters about who were fit to be ordained : It is strange that he should send Strangers to Carthage for such Enquiry , and to inform him , with the neglect of the Presbytery . 2. It is also clear from the Epistle , § . 1. That this Negotiation was about some Sufferers who belonged to the Church of Carthage ( may be , banished , or imprisoned , or confined some where ) where they were in necessity ; for he saith he sent them , ut expungeretis necessitates fratrum nostrorum sumptibus , &c. That they might pay their Debts ( as Pamelius expoundeth it ) and that they might furnish them for following their Trades , if they so inclined : And the enquiry about their fitness for Church-Work seemeth to be intended on the by ; for he bringeth it in with simul etiam . 3. That he speaketh of himself in the singular Number , doth no way infer that he alone was to promote any who were qualified among these Sufferers : Neither his having the care of Church Government committed to him : For ego cui cura incumbit promoverem , saith nothing at all of sole care , nor of sole Power . Not only a Moderator , but any Member of a Presbytery , to whom the Ordination of Ministers belongeth , might say as much ; might desire to know worthy persons , and give the Reason , that it is not Curiosity , but it belongeth to my Office to Ordain such as are fit , and therefore I desire to know their qualities . His next Citation hath no more strength : For it saith no more than that some in a State of Schisme have been ordained by false Bishops ; whence he inferreth , that all Ordinations in the true , and in the false Church were performed by Bishops . This is not the Question ; but whether they were ordained by Bishops acting each of them alone . § . 44. He next bringeth Ep. 39. where Cyprian writeth to his Clergy , that he had Ordained Celerinus ; and Ep. 29. Saturus , and Optatus ; and that tho' some of them were but young , and he Ordained them to Inferior Offices ; yet he designed they should sit with him in their Riper Years : that is , ( saith our Author ) he designed them for the Presbyterate . And he very Learnedly observeth , that Cyprian telleth his Presbyters this in a very Authoritative Stile , even in a Stile by which Superiors used to signifie their Will and Pleasure to their Subjects ; with a be it known unto you . Here a little Reflection will serve . 1. Here is still the old Fallacy ; Cyprian Ordain'd these Persons , ergo , he did it alone . 2. It is so far from that , that of Celerinus he saith expresly , it was done by him and his Collegues , Ep. 34. § . 1. As in the former , Ep. 33. he had said of Aurelius . 3. The present Dissipation of the Church , made some things necessary , which were neither usual , nor commendable out of that Case : as that Cyprian , with such as he could then get to concur with him , Ordained some Persons without the Concurrence of the Presbytery ; who then , it seems , through the Persecution that was at Carthage , could not get that Work managed . 4. For Cyprian's Stile in his Epistle to the Presbytery , I think many moe will smile at his Fancy , than will be convinced by the strength of his Reason drawn from it : Cyprian's word is , Sciatis , which our Author putteth in majusculis , to give his Argument some more pith : but who knoweth not that this Expression signifieth barely a notifying of a thing to another ; and is commonly used ( especially in the Latine Tongue ) to Superiors , Inferiors , or Equals . It is a token of a mind deeply impressed with the Majesty of a Bishop , ( as he elsewhere expresseth himself , ) when this word doth so sound in his ears . The Ordination of Novatianus , which he next bringeth as an Argument for him , rather is against him : it was an Act condemned by the Clergy and People , by Cyprian's constant Practice ; and that which he lookt on as Duty , ( as hath been shewed before , ) and was the Practice of an Aspiring Pope : yea which himself promised should not be made a Praecedent . Can any body think this is a good Argument to prove the Custom of that Age ? Neither can it be made appear , that this Ordination was performed by the Bishop alone : especially seing our Author saith , the Bishop prevailed and Ordained him . It is like he prevailed with some , at least , of the Clergy , tho' they did at first much resist it . He saith , p. 42. that any concurrence of Presbyters with the Bishop in Ordination , is not to be found in Cyprian ' s Works , nor in his Age. I hope the Reader is by this time convinced of the contrary . He next , p. 43. bringeth for Proof , the second Canon of the Apostles , commonly so called , which is , let a Presbyter be Ordained by one Bishop , as likewise a Deacon , and the rest of the Clergy . But our Author might know , that the Authority of these Canons , is controverted even among Papists : as Sixtus Senensis , Lib. 2. ad vocem Clemens , p. ( mihi ) 62 , 63. And Caranza . Summa . Concilior : and others shew . The Contentions that are about the number of them , make them to be all suspected . Rivet . Critic . Sacr. Lib. 1. C. 1. p. 93. and P. Martyr . Loc. Com. Class . 4. C. 4. p. ( mihi ) 779. bring sufficient Grounds for rejecting them , as neither done by the Apostles , nor collected by Clement , as is alledged . Again if this Canon were admitted , it proveth not the Conclusion : for one Bishop Ordaineth , when the Moderator with the Presbytery doth it : and that Canon is observed , when no more are called together to the Ordination of a Presbyter . His Comparison of the Bishop's Power in this , with the Rights of Majesty in giving Commissions , is vain Talk : unless he can prove a Monarchy , and that absolute in the Church , which can never be done : for the Canon mentioned , being universally received in Cyprian's time , it is not without Doubt , as he alledgeth , for all Beveregius's Arguments which he boasteth of ; but produceth none of them . One thing I cannot pass , p. 44. he telleth , that after Cyprian's time , it was appointed by the Canons , that Presbyters should concur with the Bishop in Ordinations : which overthroweth all his Discourse of the Bishop's Majesty , Soveraignty , Incontrollable and Vnaccountable Power , &c. And it is evident to any who is Conversant in the History of the Church , that Episcopal Power did rather continually increase , than suffer Diminution , till it arrived at the height of the Papacy , ( which in the best sense , is his Sublime Fastigium Sacerdotii . ) And then indeed the Pope began to clip the Wings of other Bishops , that he might crow over them . § . 45. His third Prerogative of the Bishop in Cyprian's time , is his full Power , without asking the consent or concurrence of either Clergy or People , to setle Presbyters within his District . And on this occasion he ridiculeth our Principle of the peoples Power of choosing their own Ministers . All the Prooff of this confident Assertion , and insolent Contempt of them who are otherwise minded , is , Cyprian Ep. 40. wrote to Carthage , that they should receive Numidicus as a Presbyter among them : and our Author addeth , probably he was ordained before . 1. If our Author had pleased to state and argue the Question about the Power of Election , I should have been willing to joyn Issue with him . Or if he had thought fit to answer what I have elsewhere written on that Head , in a Book that he hath seen , and cited , when he thought he could say something against it , I should have considered the strength of what he would say : but he doth wisely shun that Controversie : neither shall I dip in it , further than is necessary for answering his Book . 2. If Numidicus was ordained before , then was he also placed in Carthage before ; and we have cause to think that he was ordained by the consent and concurrence of the Presbyters of Carthage : at least our Author cannot prove the contrary , which is necessary for establishing his Conclusion . 3. He who animadverteth on Pamelius's Notes on Cyprian , hath these Words , on the beginning of the Epistle , Etsi vocatio Numidici magis erat extraordinaria quam ordinaria , tamen non sine plebe Carthaginense Presbyterio ascribitur : whence he inferreth , that Ordinations without their consent , are profanae & irritae . 4. His work is to prove that it was the Practice and Principle of the Cyprianick-Age , that a Bishop by himself placed Ministers : this cannot be inferred from one single instance ; and that in a time of Persecution and Dissipation ; and where there was so signal appearance of Divine determination , that Cyprian's words are , admonitos nos , & instructor dignatione divina , sciatis , ut Numidicus Presbyter adscribatur Presbyterorum Carthaginiensium numero . Any who desireth to be fully satisfied in this Point of Election of Pastors , let him read Blondel . Apolog. Pro sententia Hieron . from p. 379. to the end , even to p. 548. where it is traced through all the Ages of the Church . § . 46. The Bishop's fourth Priviledge is , he had the Disposal of all the Revenues of the Church . This our Author maintaineth p. 44 , &c. he had the full Power of this , saith he , ibid. I here observe , that if we should yield all that he asserteth , it maketh nothing for the sole Power of the Bishop in Jurisdiction , or Government of the Church : for these distributions were always reckoned a Service , not any Act of Government in the Church : the Object of Church Power are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Further , I observe , that the Authoritative Direction in managing these Matters , did belong to all Church Rulers : The Apostles had the Power ; but they were not at leisure to attend the managing of these things , as our Author's Bishop is ; but committed it to Deacons , who were Officers appointed for that very end , Act. 6. I observe thirdly , that however to be thus imployed , might sute well with the way and temper of the the Bishops of our time ; who generally are more imployed about Secular Affairs , than in Preaching : it was not consistent with the Labour of the Primitive Bishops about the Gaining of Souls . Fourthly , it is evident , that in the Ages after the Apostles , the Deacons had the Charge of the bona Ecclesiastica ; ergo , not the Bishop only . Origen in Matth. 16. Mensis Ecclesiasticarum pecuniarum Diaconi praesunt . Item , Diaconi qui non bene traetant pecuniarum Ecclesiasticarum mensas , & semper de eis fraudant , & ipsas quas dispensant non secundum justitiam dispensant & divites fiunt de rebus pauperum , ipsi sunt numularii pecuniarum , mensas habentes quas evertet Dominus . It is fifthly to be observed , how absurd it is , and what a snare , for any one man to have the sole Disposal of all the Goods of the Church , who may take what he will of them , for his propria portio , ( to use our Author's words ) and give what he will to the other Church-Officers , and to the Poor . This is a Trust might make bad Bishops ( and such there were even in Cyprian's time ) a Scandal , and might expose the best to Obloquie : and lay a Foundation for perpetual Grumblings and Discontents in the Church : to prevent which , the Lord by his Apostles , appointed Deacons to superintend that Affair , Act. 6. Let us now hear what our Author pleadeth for his Opinion : he telleth us that the Bishop not only had his propria portio , which he will have to be the third of all ; and he observeth , that this made Fortunatianus and Basilides so earnest for Restitution to their Sees , after Deposition , ( and in our days maketh many Sell , or Ruine the Church for these Lucrative Promotions ) but he affirmeth the Bishop had also the Disposal of the rest . For which his Proof , first as to the Clergies part ; Felicissimus is blamed for contending about his share , contrary to his Duty to his Bishop : and others are praised who took their shares as the Bishop should please to dispense them . A. 1. That the Bishop here is meant in his sole , or single Capacity ; and not rather in Conjunction with the Presbytery wherein he praesided , is denyed , and can never be proved . Yea , the contrary is evident , Ep. 41. ( which he citeth ) where speaking of them who were so tractable , he useth these words , & vobis acquiescere maluisse ; that is , submitted to their ( the Presbyteries ) Determination about their shares . 2. If a School Boy should make such a Version of Latine into English , as our Author here doth , he would be lasht for it . He turneth , Episcopo Dispensante , as the Bishop should please to Dispense them : whereas the Bishop's Dispensing , was nothing but his giving out Sentence as the Presbytery had Determined ; not as he , by himself , pleased . Likewise , he taketh no notice of these words , & vobis acquiescere maluisse : which is a great Error in Translation . 3. It is evident from Cyprian's own words , that he did not act solely in this Matter , but with the Authoritative Concurrence of the Presbytery ; for a little before the words cited , he saith , cumque post haec omnia , nec loci mei honore motus , nec vestra authoritate & praesentia fractus , &c. where he blameth Felicissimus for despising the Bishops honour , and the Presbyters Authority : clearly insinuating the Difference of the Bishop and Presbyters of his time , that he had more Honour than they ; but not more Authority . The same way are we to understand Cyprian's promoting Aurelius and Celerinus only to the Degree of Lectors ; but entitleing them to the Maintenance of Presbyters : viz. that Cyprian might propose this to the Presbytery , tho' he could not effect it without them : his words are , Presbyterii honorem designasse me illis , & ut sportulis iisdem — he designed it , because they were choice Young-men , but it was the Presbytery concurring with him , that must make this effectual . He saith for the Poors part , the Bishop's Power in Distributing it , is so evident from Ep. 5. and 41. that I need not insist on it . A. In Ep. 41. ( which is that we were just now Debating about ) there is not one word to that purpose ; but that he had sent some to relieve the Necessities of some Sufferers : but out of what Fond , whether his propria portio , or any other , is not said . And if it were out of the Churches Stock , it is not said he did this without the Presbytery : he might very well say he did it , when the Presbytery appointed it , and he put it in Execution . What he saith in the 5. Ep. is as fully against our Author's Design , as any thing can be . He bids them , both in Discipline and Diligence , act both their own parts and his . And he hath these words quantum autem ad sumptus suggerendos , sive illis qui gloriosa voce Deum confessi , in carcere sunt constituti , sive iis qui pauperes & indigentes laborant , & tamen in Domino perseverant , peto ut nihil desit : cum summa omnis quae redacta est , illic sit apud Clericos distributa propter ejusmodi casus , &c. Is it not here evident , that the Clergy are intrusted with the Poors Money , and are to distribute it as need requireth : and that this Distribution in Cyprian's Absence , was a doing of their own Work and his ; so that they Acted not as his Delegats . Further , they Acted their own part and his , when one of them did praeside in their Meetings in his Absence : which was , in these days , his peculiar Work ; neither do we find that he Deputed one to praeside ; but left it to the Presbytery , to choose whom they thought fit . He next bringeth the 38. and 41. Canons of the Apostles , to prove what he designed . I have above shewed what Weight is to be laid on their Authority . Nor do they give this Power to the Bishop alone ; but the Bishop is to be lookt on , with respect to what is there said , as praesiding in the Presbytery . What he citeth out of Justine Martyr , saith no more , but the Bishop hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Care of the Ecclesiastical Goods : which we willingly yield to him , and to every one of the Presbytery : but it is not said , he alone hath this Care. He would have us believe , that this sole Power of the Bishop , is fairly founded on Scripture : but citeth no place . I know no more where to find these places of Scripture , than I know where to find some places of Cyprian that he citeth . I am sure Act. 6. maketh nothing for him ; but on the contrary . Neither 2 Corinth 8. and 9. Chapters . For Paul was a Delegate in carrying that Contribution to Judea : and if he had claimed more Power ; it will be hard to prove the Bishop's Power to extend as far as that of an Apostle . § . 47. The Bishop's fifth Power that he alone possessed is , of imposing charitable Contributions on all the Christians within his District , for the Relief of Strangers , &c. For which he referreth to Ep. 62. and 78. but citeth no words . I can find nothing to that purpose in either of them , as in my Book . For his alledging Soter Bishop of Rome , whom Dionysius of Corinth commendeth for this Practice , cited by Eusebius , Lib. 4. Cap. 23. ( mihi 22. ) there is no more in it , but that Dionysius commendeth that Church for their wonted charitable Distributions to other Churches ; and that Soter had observed , and improved this Custom : this may be fairly expounded of exhorting to Charity without Authoritative Imposing of Contributions ; which any Minister may do . And if he did impose , it is not said he did it by himself , tho' he is only mentioned ; as , perhaps , being singularly active in stirring up both the Presbytery and the People : and he was to publish in the Church , the Presbyteries Determination in this . What is there in all this for a sole Power in this Matter ? His next full Power is , Indicting of Fasts : for which he citeth Tertullian de Jejun . But it is observable that Tertullian speaketh of Bishops in the plural number ; now it is not to be thought that no Fasts were Indicted but by a Meeting of Diocesans : wherefore Episcopi must be the Presbytery . Or if he mean the several Bishops in their several Churches : it may be rationally understood of the Bishop's intimating to the People , what is by common Consent Determined ; not what he enjoyneth by his sole Authority . The seventh Branch of the Bishop's Prerogative is , to Convocate the Presbytery and Deacons . And let him enjoy it , for it is what we grant to our Moderator : and there is a natural necessity , that it be in the Power of some person to call them together , when any emergent doth require it . And seing in Cyprian's time , the Bishop was the constant Moderator , it was consequential that he should be the constant Conveener . But what Prerogative , or sole Power this doth infer , or what Ecclesiastick Authority above the Brethren it importeth , I cannot understand . Let any who hath clear use of reason judge , how this proveth the Bishop's managing the Affairs of the Church like a chief Governour , as our Author dreameth , p. 48. Neither doth it appear , that the Bishop might convocate the Presbyters at pleasure , ( as he fancieth ) but when there was cause : as in the Instance he bringeth there was . He bringeth in , on this Occasion , an Observation , that Cornelius received these persons about whom he called the Presbytery , without asking the Peoples consent ; but acquainted them after it was done . But our Author hath forgot what he had a few Lines before said , that after they were received in the Presbytery , the People were made acquainted with it ; not one word of the Bishop's receiving them by himself . This is nothing contrary to Presbyterian Principles and Practices . Yea ( as if he had design'd to refute himself ) he citeth a Letter of these Persons , shewing that they were reconciled to the Bishop , and to the whole Clergy : where is then the Bishop's sole Power of receiving Penitents ? He propoundeth to himself an Objection ; that the Presbyters at Rome met in a Vacancy , after the Bishop's Death : and at Carthage , in the time of Cyprian ' s Retirement . To the second Instance he Answereth , that Cyprian left a Delegation for their Meeting : which he proveth strangely : he wrote , ( Ep. 5. ) that they should faithfully perform his Office and their own : where , saith he , we have distinct Offices , and an express setling of a Delegation . A. For distinct Offices , his Mistake of the Latine Word hath misled him ; it is fungamini illic & vestris partibus & meis : I see not but one Presbyter may say this to another . For his Delegation , I think few others can perceive it in these words ; may not any Member of a Presbytery , but especially the Moderator , say the same , by a Letter to the Presbytery ? It importeth no more but a Warning to be vigilant in their Work. See § . 46. His next Citations is out of Ep. 14. ( It is Ep. 6. ) Where Cyprian commands them to perform the Office of Vicars to him . Cyprian's words are , hortor & mando ut vice mea fungamini circa gerenda ea quae administratio religiosa deposcit . Here is no more but what any of Christ's Ambassadours may say ; he chargeth them to do their Duty ; and he had Authority from Christ , not as Bishop , but as a Pastor of the Church , and Christ's Ambassadour , to enjoyn this . If Cyprian had our Author's meaning , then all Religious Administration must cease , without the Bishop's presence , or Delegation : which is absurd . For his mea vice , it signifieth no more , but that his Absence might be supplied by their Diligence . Cyprian's warm recenting what some of them did without his allowance ; shall be elsewhere considered : it was , that some Presbyters without both their Moderator , and the Presbytery , received some of the Lapsed : which was wholly irregular , and blame worthy . He next , to the Presbyters Meeting , sede vacante , Answereth ; that they might meet ; but they might only determine in ruled cases . That is gratis dictum : but if they might act in any case , it is an Argument that they had Church Power in their Persons ; and that it was not solely in the Bishop . The last of the Bishop's Prerogatives that he pleadeth for , ( tho' he telleth us , p. 50. that he could collect more , ) is , his Delegating , not his Presbyters in common , but two of them , Rogatianus and Numidicus , with two Bishops , Caldonius and Herculanus , to consider the state of the Poor at Carthage , and to pronounce the Sentence of Excommunication against Felicissimus and Augendus : which they executed against them , and some others . If this Discourse prove such a Power of Delegation , it will also prove such a Power in one Bishop over another ; which our Author will not allow ; seing he asserteth , p. 27 , 28 , 35. that every Bishop is supreme , and hath no Ecclesiastical Superior on Earth . 2. Sending a Messenger to do for us , what we are restrained from doing , is not always an Act of Authority : one Friend may send another , if he yield to it , as well as a Master may send his Servant . 3. That which hath most Weight in our main Cause , ( tho' it be impertinent to the present purpose , ) is , that these Persons were to Excommunicat Felicissimus , &c. To which I Answer , that this Excommunication might be Determined by the Presbytery , and it was Cyprian's part , as Moderator , to intimate it ; for which he substituteth the Persons named . Here is no sole Power of Excommunication . This is Countenanced by Cyprian's own words , in that Ep. § . 2. that Felicissimus had despised both him and the Presbytery . Nec meo honore motus , nec vestra authoritate fractus : It seems he had been tried before them , and Sentenced for Contumacy . Further , he was also suspected of Adultery ; which Cyprian would not judge by himself ; but referred it to their Meeting , ibid. § . 48. Having now examined our Author's first Principle , I proceed to the second , which he advanceth , p. 50 , &c. It is , that in every thing relating to the Government of the Church , and her Discipline , the Bishop had a Negative over all the other Church-Governours , within his District : he had the supreme Power of the Keyes . He setteth about the proving of this Point with a high Degree of Confidence : but let not him that putteth on his Armour boast as he that putteth it off . He pretendeth to shew , that Presbyters could not Baptize , nor Administer the Lord's Supper , nor Excommunicate , nor Absolve , nor Make , nor Rescind Ecclesiastical Laws , without the Bishop's Allowance . For a foundation to our Answer to all his Discourse on this Head , I shall re-mind the Reader of a Distinction of Presbyters above-mentioned . They were in Cyprian's time , of three sorts . 1. The Ruling Elders , who were no Preachers , and who with the Bishop , ( or Parish Minister , ) and other Preaching Presbyters , ( if there were any , ) made up the Consistory , by which the Affairs of the Congregation were managed . These , I confess could Administer no Sacrament , neither without , nor with the Bishop's Licence . And for Acts of Ruling in the Church , it is probable enough , that they could do nothing without him who was Praeses in their Meetings , except , may be , in some extraordinary Cases . 2. There were in some Churches , ( especially in great Cities ) some Presbyters who were Ordained to the Work of the Ministry , but had no particular Charge , and were as our Probationers , or Students in Divinity Schools , ( only with this Difference , that ours are not Ordained , ) these might not Baptize , nor Administer the Eucharist , yea , nor Preach without the Allowance of the Bishop , or Parish Minister . And it is so also among us : if some Ordained Ministers happen to live in a Parish , whereof they are not Pastors , ( as sometimes falleth out in great Cities , ) it is disorderly for them to exercise their Ministery within another man's Charge , without his Call or Allowance . These Presbyters , in Cyprian's time , were in somethings , like Evangelists , whom the Bishops imployed , when themselves could not overtake all their Work : and if these be called the Bishop's Curats , ( as our Author doth all Presbyters , ) I shall not much reclaim . These were , as the Sons of the Prophets , bred by the Bishop for the Ministery : of this sort of Presbyters , see P. Baynes Diocesan's Tryal , p. 63. A third sort of Presbyters , were the Ministers of the several Parishes , among whom the Moderator of the Presbytery , or other Church Judicatory , was in a peculiar manner , called the Bishop : and they also often were called Bishops , with respect to their own Parochial Charge . Now , if our Author mean , that a Bishop in a City had such Power over the Presbyters , or Ministers in the Villages , or Places about , that they might not Baptize , &c. without his Allowance , I utterly deny it ; and maintain that every such Presbyter , Minister , or Parochial Bishop , ( by what ever name ye design him , ) had in Cyprian's time , as full Power in his Parish , as the great Bishop had in his , tho' the one was more in esteem than the other . § . 49. I shall now consider his Proofs for what he affirmeth . He beginneth with Baptism , and pretendeth to prove , that Presbyters could not Baptize without the Bishop's Leave . His first Citation is , Cyprian saith , Bishops give the first Baptism to Believers . Which we deny not , if ye understand it of Parish Ministers . But if he mean Bishops in Cities , who were the Praesidents in Presbyteries , we deny that Cyprian asserteth that . His next Testimony is out of Cyprian , Ep. 73. and Firmil . and Fortunatus Bishop of Thurobaris : But it is evident , and he confesseth it , that the Question by them treated , is , whether Presbyters , who by Heresie , or Schism , had departed from the Communion of the Church , might Baptize , and if they they did , whether that Baptism was valid , or the Person was to be again Baptized , and that Baptism esteemed null : And in this we do so far agree with these Fathers , as to think that all the Administrations of such Hereticks , or Schismaticks are irregular , and to be condemned : and that none ought so to separate from the Church , while she keepeth the Way of Truth , and requireth no unlawful Terms of Communion of her Ministers , or other Members . But none of these Fathers , did ever Assert , that in the Church , a sound Presbyter could not Baptize without the Bishop's Leave , within the Limits of his own Charge . That they mean no more than I say , is evident , for they plead , that none can Baptize out of the Church , nor Bind or Loose out of the Church , and they say expresly , that none can Baptize , but they who are Founded in the Evangelical Law : and I hope it will not be denyed , that Ministers of Congregations are Founded on that Law , as well as these of great Cities , who were then called Bishops , because of their Praecedency in Church Meetings . That Bishops are named ▪ in these Reasonings , as having the Power of Baptizing , maketh nothing against us , because all Parish Ministers were so called ; and none without their Allowance ought to intrude on their Charge , in this , or any other Administration : and because the Authority for Baptizing , and other Church Work was Communicated from the Presbytery , by their Praesident , the Bishop : he indeed gave the Power ; but not by his own sole Authority , but by that of the Presbytery . The testimony of Tertullian cometh next : who saith , de Baptismo , cap. 17. the High Priest , who is the Bishop , hath the Power of Baptizing , and after him , ( or in Subordination to him , saith our Author , ) Presbyters and Deacons . A. 1. Tertullian doth not speak of Bishops , as distinct from the Pastors of particular Flocks ; but from Presbyters who had no Charge : if this Author put another meaning on his words , let him prove it . 2. Tertullian a little above , puto autem licuit & tingere , cui licuit praedicare : I hope he will not say , that Tertullian thought , that no Minister might Preach without the Bishop's Leave ; tho' he might think that the unsetled Presbyters , ought to Preach in no man's Charge without his Leave . 3. Tertullian a little below , alloweth Laicks , yea , Women , to Baptize , in case of necessity , without the Bishop's Leave : as he doth in the place cited , the Deacons to do it with the Bishop's Leave , all which I look on as spoken without Warrant . 4. Tertullian groundeth his Discourse on this ; that the honour of the Church requireth , that the Bishop's Allowance should be had ; and on this occasion , condemneth Emulation , as the Mother of Schism : and citeth that place , all things are lawful , but all things are not expedient . From all which it is easie to gather , that he only condemned them who Baptized without Church Authority , which the Bishop , as Mouth of the Presbytery , did Communicat . 5. It is wholly without Warrant that this Learned Author addeth to Tertullian's Words , and in Subordination to him : dehinc ( which is that Father's Word ) doth neither signifie , nor can import so much : all that can be built on it , is a prior Dignity to the Bishop ; in this , and other parts of the Ministerial Work. His last Citation is Ignatius , it is not lawful to Baptize without the Bishop . A. That is , without the Authority of the Presbytery , which the Bishop as their Praeses , conveyeth . § . 50. He Asserteth next , ( p. 52. ) that no Presbyter could Administer the Eucharist within the the Bishop's District , without his Leave , or against his Interdict . To this , what hath already been said , is a full Answer . No Presbyter might do this within the Charge of a Parish Bishop , without his Leave : nor yet in a Presbyterial District , without the Allowance of the Presbytery , given out by their Episcopus Praeses . His Proofs are exactly like the former ; Cyprian ( severely and justly ) lasheth some Schismatical Presbyters , who by themselves , without Cyprian , and without the Presbytery , did Administer the Lord's Supper to some of the Lapsed , who were not duely Reconciled to the Church : I know no Presbytery that would not condemn this , if it were done within their Bounds ; yea , they would think their Authority contemned ; and their Moderator slighted , who should have been Applyed to , to call the Presbytery for Consulting about this : who , with them , should have Authoritatively Determined in this Matter : and this Neglect of the Bishop was in that time , the more conspicuous , that his Praecedency was constant , and known to all ; which was the cause the Bishop is so often named , in these things that concerned not him alone , but the whole Community . It is to the same purpose , which he next alledgeth of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandrià , giving a Command that any Lapsed , in danger of Death , if Supplicating for it , should have the Eucharist . For that may be understood of Dionysius enjoyning this to the unfixed Presbyters of Alexandria , that it should be done within that Parish , whereof Dionysius was Pastor : or of the Presbytery , by Dionysius their Praeses , to be observed within their District . What Ignatius saith , that that is only to be esteemed a firm , and valid Eucharist , which is Celebrated by the Bishop , or by his Authority : this , I say , admitteth of the same Answer ; that none ought to Celebrate that Holy Ordinance in any Congregation , but the Pastor of it , or whom he doth call to do it for him : I might call in Question the Authority of these Epistles of Ignatius which he citeth ; but I will not digress into that Controversie ; sub judice lis est , Theologi certant . There is nothing of any more Weight in his next Citation ; where Cyprian , against the Novatians , declareth that there could be no true Sacrament among them , because they are out of the Church ; and had assumed to themselves an Episcopal Chair , and a Power of Baptizing ▪ and Offering . It is plain that this is meant of them , who had cast off the Churches Authority , that was exercised by her Pastors , ( who are here called Bishops , ) but it no way proveth , that some Pastors of the Church , must depend on one of them , for this Authority . It is tedious to repeat the same thing so often ; in Answer to so many Arguments , which are materially the same . After all these numerous Testimonies , he cometh p. 55. to an Artificial Argument , in which kind of Arguings , he seemeth not to be very formidable ; he supposeth he hath fully proved the Bishop to be the Principle of Vnity ; the Chief Governour , that by Consequence the supreme Power of the Keyes belongeth to him : that he was the visible Head of the Church ; it is highly reasonable on that account , that he should have the chief Power of Dispensing the Sacraments : and that they might not be Dispensed without him . I have already shewed the Weakness of all these Grounds he buildeth upon : and therefore the Consequence built on them , must fall to the ground : we are no less sensible than he is , of the evil of Receiving , and continuing unworthy Persons in the Church ; and that the Governours of the Church must be Judges in this matter ; but we are not yet convinced , that the Bishop by himself , rather than the Community of Church Rulers , are that Judge : and I must take leave to tell him , that ( however it was in the Primitive Times , ) in our Days , the excluding of unworthy Persons , Ministers and others , hath been much more to be observed , where the Church is ruled by a Parity of Presbyters ; than where it is governed by one Prelate . § . 51. This Learned Author , supposing that he had proved the Bishop's Negative in Administration of the Sacraments , hence inferreth his Soveraign Interest in Excommunication , Absolution , Enjoyning Pennance , &c. Which Consequence I shall not contest with him : but I hope the Reader is now satisfied , that he hath not sufficiently established the Antecedent : nor will we yield that Cyprian , or his Contemporaries had , or laid Claim to such a Prerogative . But our Author , tho' he thinketh he might supersede the Proof of his Negative in these other things , yet , because he will give all possible Satisfaction , he undertaketh a Deduction of further Powers in the Person of Cyprian : of which we have a long History , beginning at p. 56. I have nothing to observe on the account he giveth of Cyprian's Conversion , Promotion , ( save what I have observed out of Pontius , of his Promotion to be Presbyter and Bishop simul & semel : but what ever be in that , it hath no great Influence on our Cause , ) the Opposition he met with , his Eminency for Grace and Gifts , the wicked Courses his Enemies took , while , under the Persecution by Decius , he retired from Carthage ; how they got some of the Confessors and Martyrs to Countenance them ; and they upon this , were emboldened by themselves , to Absolve some of the Lapsed . Nothing of this I contradict , except what I now said . He hath run thus far without a Check ; and therefore ariveth at the Confidence to say , p. 58. now consider what followeth , and speak your Conscience , and tell me , if St. Cyprian was not more than either single Presbyter , or Presbyterian Moderator , I shall yield him yet a little more , in what he saith of Cyprian's Meekness and Humility ; of his being alarmed with this Practice , that this was an unparalelled Practice , and that Cyprian did zealously and vigorously oppose it . And for all this I shall speak my Conscience , and shall give Reason for my Light , that Cyprian was no Diocesan Bishop , in our modern sense ; and that he neither had , nor claimed sole Power , nor a Negative , in the Government of the Church ; and that , bating what I yielded in stating the Question , § . 9 , 10. He was no more but a single Presbyter , that is a Parish Minister , or Presbyterian Moderator . And indeed all that he here bringeth , and looketh on as so strongly Argumentative , is already Answered , he having cited all , or most of the places before , which he here quoteth . He bringeth three Epistles of Cyprian to prove his Assertion . § . 52. The first is that to the Confessors and Martyrs : where I find nothing but a sharp Reproof of them for going without their Line : and he blameth those Presbyters who had absolved the Lapsed so disorderly : only what seemeth here to contain an Argument is , that they should have Petitioned the Bishop for restoring of these Lapsed , and not done it without him . The Answer here is easie ; and often before given , that the fault of these turbulent Presbyters was , that they took this Act of Church Power on themselves , without the Presbytery ; whereas the regular way had been to Petition the Bishop , that he might call the Presbytery , and that he with them might cognosce of that Affair . I have laid down sufficient warrant for thus understanding his words , from his declared purpose , founded on Conscience of Duty , to do nothing without the Concurrence of the Presbytery , see § . 12. And it is like , I may after bring yet further Evidence , that his Principles led him to this Conduct : At present , I take notice of that plain Passage , Ep. 15. ad Clerum , speaking of receiving the Lapsed , quaeres ( saith he ) cum omnium nostrum Concilium , & Sententiam spectet , praejudicare ego , & soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo . And he desireth that that Affair might be put off ; donec pace nobis à Domino redditâ , in unum convenire , & singulorum causas examinare possumus : if Cyprian seem to my Adversary to speak in pure Prelatical Stile , as he saith , p. 6. He seemeth to me here , to speak in the Stile of a Presbyterian Moderator . Of the same Importance is the next Epistle cited , which was to the Clergy of Carthage , ( he doth not call them his Clergy , as our Author wordeth it ; and if he had , there had been no Argument in it , ) he sharply reproveth ( not the Presbyters in common , as our Author fouly representeth the matter ; for he writeth in a loving Stile to them : but ) some of the Presbyters who had received some of the Lapsed most irregularly ; and that because they had not taken the due course for receiving these Lapsed , which should have been done per impositionem manuum Episcopi & Cleri , not by the Bishops sole Authority . He doth indeed here speak like a Bishop ; that is a faithful Pastor ; but not as a Bishop pretending to sole Jurisdiction ; or a Negative in the Government of the Church . His third Epistle is to the People ; where we have the same Complaint of the Irregularity of the Schismatical Presbyters ; and complaineth that the honour of his Priesthood , and of his Chair , was not reserved to him . This can never evince that Cyprian pretended to a Power to manage that Affair by himself : I see nothing here inconsistent with the Power , or the Stile of the Moderator of a Presbytery , or Pastor of a Congregation : save that the Moderator then , being constant , his part in the management of publick Affairs was more obvious , and therefore more taken notice of . He hath yet a further Citation , wherein Cyprian telleth the Clergy , that they ought to inform him of every thing that happens ; that so I may ( saith he ) Advisedly and Deliberatly , give Orders concerning the Affairs of the Church ; let any one compare this Translation with Cyprian's own words , which are faithfully enough set down by our Author in the Margin : Is limare Consilium to give Order ? It is to polish , and amend his Advice ▪ and make it more exact : he then , in his Retirement , wills them to write often and distinctly to him of all Occurrences , that he , as making such a figure in their Society , might give the more accurate Advice about what was to be done : this is no Prelatical , but a plain Presbyterian Stile . § . 53. On this occasion he is pleased p. 61 , 62. ) to take notice of , and tragically aggravate a Passage in rational Defence of Non-conformity , p. 179. where he thinketh Cyprian is reflected on as shewing too much Zeal in that Cause ( viz. of his Episcopal Authority being neglected ) and that possibly he stretched his Power a little too far , as afterward many did : he was a holy , and meek man ; but such may be a little too high : This he stretcheth his Invention to expose , as contradictory to it self ; injurious to Cyprian , and an uncharitable , or ignorant Sugestion : his more sedate Thoughts after all this Huffiness , may inform him better : That Author as he was not so straitned with his learned Adversaries Arguments , as he imagineth ( they being the very same which now I have examined ) so he was far from speaking Contradictions , nor did he seek to reconcile Pride and Patience , Superciliousness and Self-denyal , Huffiness and Humility , carnal hight and Christian Holiness : He was far from thinking on such ill Qualities with respect to that excellent person : Further than that the best of men have sinful Infirmity mixed with their Graces , and best Gifts . He might know and I shall not charge him with Ignorance in this ) that Sin and Grace are consistent in gradu saltem remissiore : And that tho' it were ridiculous to say , that Moses was the meekest Man on Earth , and yet he was Huffie , and Proud , and Passionate : or that Job was most patient , and yet he was impatient - Notwithstanding it may be said , with our Author's leave ; that neither of these holy Men was so perfect in the grace for which he is commended , as to have nothing of the contrary evil : Further I am of Opinion , that what might be imputed to the excellent Cyprian , was rather the Fault of the Age he lived in , than his personal Fault , there was then a Tendency toward Church-Domination , which did shew it self much more afterward : Tho' I still maintain it was not arrived at that Pitch that this Author imputeth to that time . He spendeth a great many words to prove that Cyprian did not stretch his Power too far in this matter : all which is lost labour ; for that was no otherways imputed to him , than with a possibility ; and on Account of his mentioning his own Episcopal Power more than he did the power of the Presbytery ( which power of the Presbytery he doth yet clearly owne , as I have proved ) This had a shew of Usurpation ; and did in time introduce it : It was the Genius of that age , to have too big thoughts of that Praelation of being primus Presbyter : And the best of men in that time were tinctured with this mistake . Wherefore he might have superceded his proving what Figure the Martyrs then made , I know their Interest went far , as to receiving the lapsed ; yet I still think that they neither pretended to , nor was then ascribed to them , formal Church-Authority . What he largely discourseth , p , 64. of Cyprian's dealing with the disorderly Presbyters , not by Huffing , but by reason and Argument , is as little to our purpose ; in that , he did rationally , and Christianly : Yet in these Reasonings , as he in words , taketh more notice of his Episcopal Authority , than of the Presbytries Power , so upon the matter doth not derogate from the one , nor unduely highten the other : as hath been already shewed . I wonder at the Insinuation that my learned Antagonist maketh , p. 65. as if any had imagined it questionable , whether Cyprian , or the Presbyters that he blameth , were guilty of Vsurpation : They did usurp most intollerably in doing that by themselves , which should have been done by Cyprian and the Presbytery : And it was no Usurpation to reprove , and threaten them with Censure for so doing . The power of the Presbytery was not here questioned ; but the power of particular Presbyters who took the Power of the Presbytry upon them : And therefore the Presbytery who were not guilty , had no Right of their own to defend against Cyprian ; but had just cause to joyn with him against these Usurpers . It is as insignificant , that the seditious Presbyters repented , excused themselves , and desired a Form from Cyprian : For it is ordinary for some to go from one Extreme to another . Besides that seeking a Form from him was to ask it from him , and the Presbytery , not from him alone . That these Presbyters were generally condemned for their factious Practices , I think none doubteth , and it is to little purpose to prove it so laboriously as our Author doth . § . 54. Yet because in his Proofs of it some things are interspersed which may look like Arguments against what I plead for , I shall make some Observes on this Discourse . He giveth us account of Cyprian's writing to the Presbytery at Rome , they having then no Bishop . This I hope is a Token that Cyprian thought not that all Church Power at Rome dyed with the Bishop ; but that Presbyters are Church Rulers , and not the Bishop only : In the return that the Presbytery at Rome , made to Cyprian , he fancieth that he findeth some Arguments for Episcopal sole Power : which I shall a little consider : He saith they ascribe to him a supreme and unaccountable Power : I find no words that can be so constructed in either of the two Epistles that they write to him on that Subject ; but on the contrary , they seem to insinuate a Parity with him , while they frequently call him Frater . It would be thought great sauciness , in our days , for Presbyters to write in that Stile to so great a Bishop as Cyprian was esteemed to have been , by our Prelats . Next , they compare him to the Master of a Ship ; who doeth not act in parity with the other Sea-men ; A. omne simile claudicat . a Moderator of a Presbytery may be so compared , as having a main hand in the Conduct of Affairs . Again the words of that Epistle import no more than making Cyprian the Steersman : who tho' he be at the Helm , and the Safety of the Ship dependeth much on his Skill and Management , yet he is not always the Commander of the Ship ; and the Safety of the Ship should yet more depend on the Steersman , if he were fixed , and always so imployed ; as Cyprian was in the Ecclesiastical Ship at Carthage . He saith , that the Roman Clergy tell Cyprian ( and pray take notice of it , saith he ) that they could determine nothing in that matter , wanting a Bishop . This is a Misrepresentation : for they tell their Mind plainly in the first of their two Epistles to Cyprian ; that he did well in repressing that Insolency of some Presbyters ; that the lapsed should not be suddenly received , and give the Reason , recens est hoc lapsorum vulnus , & adhuc in tumorem plaga consurgens ; & idcirco certi sumus , quod spatio productioris temporis , impetu isto consenescente , amabunt hoc ipsum ad fidelem se delatos medicinam . And in the second Epistle they add another Reason why it was fit to delay that Affair of of censuring the lapsed , because they wanted a Bishop , not because the Bishop was to be the sole Judge in that matter ; but because the Bishop was he , qui omnia ista moderetur ( these are their own words ) he was to preside in that Affair . Seing then there was another reason for delaying , even where there was a Bishop , as in Carthage , it was a superadded reason why at Rome it should be delayed , the Presbyterie being incomplete , by the want of a significant Member . If it be said , could they not choose a Moderator ? Answ . That Office through custom being then fixed , and the Honour and Revenue that belonged to it being so considerable , it was not easie to get it done of a sudden ; and the iniquity of that time of Persecution did add to the difficulty , as themselves express it ; Nondum enim Episcopus , propter rerum & temporum difficultates constitutus . Our Author vitiareth their words , when he maketh them say , who onely could define , &c. There is no such words in this Epistle : it is said indeed of the Bishop , eorum qui lapsi sunt possit cum authoritate & consilio habere rationem . But that saith nothing of sole Authority , but such as was to be acted in the Presbytery , and with their concurrence . § . 55. He observeth likewise , that they commend Cyprian , that he did not determine in that matter by himself alone ; but took the advice of many : and this they impute not to the incompetency of his Authority for it ; but to his condescendence . Ans . He doth wholly mistake this Matter , for the Roman Clergy , in their Letter to Cyprian , do not at all take notice of what he did , or might do , with respect to his own District , nor his advising with his own Presbytery ; but that he had taken the advice , in such a weighty case , of general concernment , of other Bishops , and of the Clergy at Rome , And it is certain , that he , with the Presbytery at Carthage , might have determined in this Matter with respect to themselves ; and it was Prudence , and not want of Power , that made him advise with others . He bringeth another Testimony to the plenitude of Episcopal Power , from an Epistle from the Clergy of Rome , while they wanted a Bishop , to the Clergy of Carthage , when their Bishop was in his retirement : in which case , saith he , they had the best occasion of speaking their mind freely , of the power of Presbyters , and the usurpation of Bishops : in this Epistle he fancieth that he findeth Arguments for Episcopal sole Power : as first , they say , of themselves , and these at Carthage , that they were only seemingly the Governours of these respective Churches ; and only keep the Flock instead of the respective Pastors , the Bishops . I had occasion to consider this Passage before , I blame his want of Wisdom , that seing he is pleased to give us this Translation of this Passage , he hath yet set down the Latine in the Margine : out of which one may easily discover his Error , without turning to the Epistle it self : It is a strange Translation , Videmur Praepositi , that is , we only seem to be Governours . I am sure , the Marginal Notes on this Epistle saith , they were Pastores constituti . And Pamelius from this Passage argueth for the Authority of the Church of Rome over other Churches ; and he that animadverteth on Pamelius saith , Clerus Romanus Carthaginensem agnoscit , quemadmodum & alios aliarum Ecclesiarum pastores , esse Christiani gregi praepositos : wherefore videmur must rather signifie certainty than doubting , in this place ; it appeareth not only to our selves , but to all , we are acknowledged for such . And that they did not mean by vice Pastoris , a vicarious Power delegated from the Bishop , is manifest , for the Bishop was dead , and we find no Power he left them ▪ neither could he do it . Yea it is evident that they lookt on a Power residing in themselves , of which they were to give an account : si negligentes inveniamur — quoniam perditum non requisivimus , &c. What is said of the lapsed continuing in their Penitency , that they might obtain Indulgence from them who can give it : the Word being ab eo qui potest praestare . It might be understood of Pardon from Christ , on their sincere Repentance , seing he alone can make Indulgence effectual : but if that seem strained , the Bishop with the Presbytery , not by himself , may fitly here be understood . He doth again , pag. 69. misrepresent the Question , in these Words , Let any man judge whether St. Cyprian or his presuming Presbyters had taken too much on them at Carthage : But this mistake I noted before . Another Argument he bringeth , is from some Martyrs and Confessors , in an Epistle to Cyprian , commending him for his conduct in opposing and censuring these Presbyters . I also commend him for it : Ergo I think he had sole Power to manage that Affair : the consequence is naught . He haleth in another Argument into this Discourse : these Martyrs and Confessors desire , that Cyprian being so glorious a Bishop , would pray for them : which they would not have done had they thought him a proud aspiring Prelat , that is a Limb of Antichrist , as this Author would fain give him out to have been : It is an injurious Calumny : I never said , nor thought so : and no man can Wire-draw my words ( with any sense or reason ) to that meaning . I esteem Cyprian's Grace , Virtues , and Learning as much as he doth : and do judge that his Prayers , while he was on Earth , were worth asking : and that he was a glorious Bishop ; but all this will not infer his sole Power , nor his negative . — Cyprian ' s excommunicating these Presbyters , and that fact being approven by others , is not argumentative , unless he can prove that this Cyprian did by himself , without the Presbytery . He next bringeth the Canons of the Apostles ( the insufficiency of which Authority I have above-shewed . ) And Ignatius , that nothing should be done without the Bishop , nor in opposition to him : And that the Bishop should be honoured . All this is sufficiently Answered above . When a Bishop that is any Minister of the Gospel , acteth in his Sphere , and keepeth to the Rule the Word of God , to oppose him , to depart from him , not to honour him , is highly sinful . But I am sure Cyprian nor Ignatius never meant to enjoin absolute & illimited obedience to a Bishop , nor any man else . As for doing nothing without the Bishop , we grant that they who are under a Ministers charge , Prebyters or others , should act nothing in the Consistory without him ; but this also must suffer a limitation ; if he should prove so perverse as to oppose , and hinder every thing that is good , or what is necessary to be done ; I do not think that Ignatius would blame the Presbyters for acting without him : otherwise there were no remedy but the Church must be ruined . If it be said , in that case they should complain . To whom must this Complaint be made : for a Bishop hath no Superior on Earth ; if we believe this Author . § . 56. The last of his three Principles , which he advanceth p. 72. is , that . all the Church-Governours within his District , Presbyters as well as others , were in St. Cyprian ' s time , subject to the Bishops Authority , and obnoxious to his Discipline . This Principle and all that he saith for establishing of it , we might safely yield , without any hazard to our Cause : for we always maintained , that a Bishop , considered as a Paroch Minister , hath Authority over the Ruling-Elders , and the unfixed Preaching-Presbyters , if any be within his Parish ; also considered as Moderator of the Presbytry , he is still a Minister , and hath Rule over all the Ministers , and People and Elders within the District , over which that Presbytery hath the oversight : but our Question is , whether he , by himself , hath the sole Authority ; or he , as a Member of the Consistory , or Presbytery , hath a share in that Authority which resideth in that Body , or Community . This last we grant : the former we deny . His Proofs can never reach the conclusion that we deny : the first of which is , that Cyprian saith , that our Lord chose Apostles , that is Bishops and Governours ( where by the way Note , that Cyprian owneth other Church-Governours , beside Bishops , and therefore they have not the sole Authority ) and the Apostles chose Deacons to be the Bishops and Churches Ministers . Any body may see that this doth concern all Church-Rulers , not sole Power in the Bishop . Next he telleth us that Cyprian called Fabianus Superior , with respect to the Roman-Clergy : which is a mistake : He calleth him simply Praepositus ( which as I have above-shewed , was a Title given to Bishops & Presbyters ) and if he had not called him their Praepositus , that doth not import sole Power . In an Epistle to Rogatianus , Cyprian insinuateth that he was Ruler of the Church , ergo he had sole Power : it is a ●●lish consequence : this may be said of every Elder of the Church . He is scarce of Arguments when he is forced to falsifie Cyprian's words : qui in Ecclesia Praesidemus : he translateth , who have the chief Power in the Church ; beside that it is easie to distinguish between chief Power , and sole Power ; to which all are subject . Also Praesumus he turneth govern the Church . That the Bishop is said to be one , and set over the Church , may well agree either to a Parish-Minister , or the Moderator of a Presbytery , who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His next Essay is from the Bishop's calling the Clergy his Clergy ; for which he is at pains to cite many places . If this were constantly done ( which was not ) what doth it signifie : that manner of speaking is as common among Presbyterians , as it was in Cyprian's time : and it signifieth no more but Elders of the Church , whereof Cyprian was Pastor ; as the Elders of any Parish are called the Elders of such a Minister : and Elders usually call their Minister our Minister . It is a frivolous Question , by what Rule of Grammer , Rhetorick , Logick or Politick could he be so called if he had no Power or Jurisdiction over them . A. There is no Rule in any of these Faculties against it : tho' he have no sole Power ; If he have a share of the Power that the whole hath over every one , and have the Conduct in managing that Power , by being their Moderator . § . 57. He will let all this pass for a mere Praelusion , not being scant of Arguments . Wherefore we must now expect what is more pungent : that is , the three Principles he had before proved so fully , viz. The Bishop being the principle of Vnity ; having supreme power : being the same with the High-Priest under the Old Testament , do prove this Point . To this formidable Argument I oppone what hath been discoursed on these Heads : I leave the Reader to judge whether he hath fully proved these , or I have fully overturned them : Next he argueth from Cyprian's saying he could by his Episcopal power , Depose or Excommunicate a Deacon who had rebelled against him , and praising another Bishop for so acting , yea I shal allow him what he after faith , that this power extended also to censuring of Elders : Do not our Moderators usually so practise when there is cause : but not by theit sole Power , but with the Consistory , or Presbytery . We Presbyterians may tremble at his next Blow : For he saith , he will leave his Reader no imaginable scruple . But these big words dwindle away into this feeble Argument ; that Cyprian might have censured Felicissimus and some with him , who first opposed his Promotion , and after he had taken them into favour , apted disorderly in receiving some of the lapsed , without the Praeses , and the Presbytery : of this case before : it is wholly insignificant here , unless he can prove , that Cyprian might do this by himself , without the Presbytery : which himself disowneth , as I shewed above : All that followeth ( which is a Repetition of what he hath often alledged having little to say , when he braggeth of Superabundance ) is already plainly answered . He is run a little weak ; but he reinforceth his Arguments with Confidence and Repetitions . § . 58. Hitherto he hath set forth his Cyprianick Bishop in his Majesty , Absolute and sole Power , &c. In his own particular Church ; p. 78. he giveth us account of him , as he stood related to the Catholick Church : and here he expecteth matter enough for another Demonstration : which is a big Word in Disputation . We shall here also , by Divine Assistance , try his Strength ; and tho' we will not brag of Demonstrations ; yet shall endeavour to bring what Light and Strength the subject doth afford . His long Discourse about the Colledge of Bishops , I have read with Attention ; and considered with what Application I am capable of , but cannot find his Demonstrations in it : yea cannot see wherein it is conducive to prove his point : only some Hints he hath interspersed that seem to have somewhat of Argument , which I shall consider , after I have taken a general View of the whole . He observeth that all Bishops were Collegues , and made up one Colledge . Next that this Colledge was the principle of Vnity to the Catholick Church . Thirdly , that the grand Concern of the Episcopal Colledge was to preserve and maintain the one Communion ; which together with one Faith , made them capable to be the principle of Vnity to the Catholick Church : and that this was their work he proveth first , they thought themselves bound to maintain Peace . 2. Every Bishop was a Member of this Colledge ; and therefore great care was taken about their promotion . 3. He being promoted sent communicatory ▪ Letters to other Bishops , giving account of his Promotion . 4. If there was any Debate whether his Promotion was Canonical , the rest of the Bishops enquired into it . 5. If he turned Heretick , or Schismatick , he was turned out . 6. While he kept the Faith and Vnity of the Church , he was encouraged , Consulted , Corresponded with , &c. 7. While he continued a sound Member of the Colledge , all Letters concerning the Peace and Vnity of the Church , were directed to him . Lastly , p. 87. he observeth ( cum nota ) resist this Evidence saith he , if ye can ) that every Heretical , or Schismatical Bishop , with all that retained to him , was ipso facto out of the Church : At last , p. 88. He thinketh he hath another Demonstration against my Notion of a Bishop in Cyprian's time : For how could a single Presbyter , or Presbyterian Moderator , have born such a part in relation to the Catholick Church , and her Vnity and Communion . § . 59. I must Examine the Strength of this long Demonstration ; and what he addeth to fortifie it : and then shall return to take notice of what he intermixeth in the several parts of it , in which our Debate may be concerned : For Answer then to this Argument , as it standeth . I deny the Assumption , viz. That what he hath here asserted cannot agree to a single Presbyter , or presbyterian Moderator . His three Assertions do well agree to every Presbyter ; that is , Pastor of a Congregation : He is a Collegue to all Bishops , that is such Pastors . The meeting of such ( either by their Delegats ; or if they could all come together ) is as capable to be the principle of Unity to a Provincial , or National Church , yea , to the Universal Church , as if so many Diocesans should meet . It is as much the concern of these Presbyters , or Parish Bishops ( and I hope they do as much mind it ) to maintain one Faith and one Communion . Doth he think that our Ministers do not think themselves bound to maintain Peace : Or 2. That there is litle care taken about their promotion or giving them charge of the people , and admitting them to a share of the Government . 3. Tho' it be not our custom to send communicatory Letters of our settlement in a Charge ; yet every Presbytery notifieth to the neighbouring Presbyteries the Name of him who is to be fixed in a Charge : that they may have opportunity to object : and the Names of all who are ordained , are recorded . 4. If a Presbytery ordain any person unduely , or if there be Competition , the superior Judicatories enquire into it . 5. We also turn out , not only Heretical and Schismatical Ministers ; but them also who are scandalous in their Conversation , or supinely negligent in their Ministerial Work. 6. We also encourage and admit to the Government , them that do well . 7. Letters that concern a particular Congregation ; are , with us , directed to the Minister : these concerning the Presbytery , to the Moderator : we also cast out bad Ministers , and such as adhere to them ; if the Cause be weighty : but we use moderation to the people who are led away by Schismatical Ministers , when their Separation is founded on lesser mistake : & if in this we differ from the Cyprianick Age , his Party should not blame us ; having tasted so much of our lenity . Let it then be considered how impertinent this whole Discourse is , and how insufficient to prove the Episcopacy of the Cyprianick-Age that he pleadeth for . § . 60. He useth several enforcements of this Argument , p. 88 , & 89. which I shall briefly consider . 1. The Colledge of Bishops are still considered as Church-Governours notoriously distinguished from Presbyters . Answ . This distinction lay in the dignity that the declensions of that time from Apostolick simplicity gave them : not in any Power that they had which Presbyters had not . 2. A Presbyter was never called a Bishops Collegue . Answ . If this were granted , such a negative Argument , and that drawn from words , and ways of speaking ( which doth often vary ) is not very concludent . I have shewed that the same Power is ascribed to them , see ▪ § . 62. where the contrary of what he asserteth is shewed . 3. We have no Vestige of a Presbyterian Moderator in these times . Answ . There was then a Moderator , who was called the Bishop ; who presided in their Meetings : tho' there was no such changing of the Moderator as is among us : that I have yielded : but the fixedness of the Moderator , and the parity of the Power are consistent : tho' I deny not that the one made way for destroying the other ; as After-ages did shew . 4. Our Author repeateth all the Acts of , and concerning Bishops , that he had insisted on , and affirmeth that they could not consist with a single Presbyter , or Moderator , which I have above-denyed , and made the contrary evident . That he calleth all the Acts of Government and Discipline his ( the Bishops ) and his alone ; is to beg the Question , for we deny it , and he should prove it . § . 61. I must now return to p. 78 , and glean some Passages , which I was obliged to overlook , that I might have this long Argument ( stretching from thence to p. 90. ) intirely in view , and give a general Answer to it . He maketh the Bishop the Principle of Vnity to a particular Church , and the Colledge of Bishops the Principle of Vnity to the Catholick Church ; and Christ the Principle of Vnity to that Colledge . And addeth , I hope not being a Romanist , you will not require that I should prove the highest Step of this Gradation . Here I observe first , the Discourse is about a visible Head , or Principle of Vnity to the Church ; which cannot be ascribed to Christ . Wherefore this is wholly impertinent ; or , if it have any sense , it tendeth to make his Reader a Romanist , whom he supposeth not to be one already . For if the particular and Catholick Church , have a visible Principle of Vnity ; and that which he maketh to be the Vniting Principle , have nothing that is visible to make them one among themselves , they who can receive his Doctrine about a Principle of Vnity , will see a necessity of a Pope to unite the Bishops , as much as of a Bishop to unite the Presbyters . 2. If Christ be the Vniting Principle of the Colledge of Bishops , why doth he not serve for the same use to Presbyters , yea , to all Christians . And indeed he is the real Vniting Principle to all ; they only are in the Union of the Church , who cleave to his Doctrine , and observe his Laws ; even tho' they separate from the Bishop who departeth out of that Way . 3. I desire to know of him , why he thinketh the Romanists will put him to prove the highest Step of this Gradation , more than Protestants will ? Doth any of them deny Christ to be the Principle of Vnity to the Church ? They only make the Pope his Vicar in this , because they think such an one is needful in the Church , who is visibly Conversant among men : and doth not our Author suppose the same necessity of such a visible Uniter till he come to the Colledge of Bishops , and he leaveth them Headless , that is , without a visible Head. Where it may be rationally concluded that this Doctrine is either Popish or palpably absurd . The next thing I notice is , p. 79. he saith all Christians hold one Faith to be necessary to the Vnity of the Church ; but in Cyprian's time one Communion was thought as indispensible : they held there is but one Church , and that this could not be without one Communion . If by one Communion , he mean ( for he walketh in a Cloud in this Matter , whether of Design or not , I know not , ) that Communion of Saints which is an Article of the Creed ; which consisteth in Union of them all with Christ , and Unity in Faith and Love , &c. I acknowledge the necessity of it , but I know not what respect it hath to Episcopacy , more than Presbytery . If he mean Local Communion , it is impossible either in the Catholick Church , or in the Diocess of a modern Bishop . If he mean Communion by having the same Ceremonies and Government in the Church . Tho' I confess that is desireable , and by all good means should be endeavoured : ( for we should have no Ceremonies , but these which are of Divine Institution , and the one Church Government that he hath appointed , should be every where exercised , ) yet there may be one Church , where this Communion is not : and if the Cyprianick Age was somewhat too strick in this Matter , it was their Mistake , ( of which above , ) but it is no Proof of Episcopacy , ( in the sense of our Debate , ) to have been in that Age. And indeed , if our Author maintain this Principle , he will ( consequentially to it ) Unchurch most of the Reformed Churches , as the Papists do them all on the same score : if by this one Communion he mean , that all Christians must be United to some one Bishop or other , which Bishops agree among themselves , and have Communion in the Episcopal Colledge ; he will find hard to prove that Cyprian taught so . Yea , then there is no Communion in the Church , without an oecumenick Council of Bishops , which we have litle hope to see : and many doubt that the World did ever see it : tho' there have been Councils so called ; because in them were represented all the Churches of the Empire . Further , if this was the Opinion of Cyprian's time , how will he prove that these Bishops in whom Churches were to be United , were any more than Parish Ministers , and that the one Communion of that time , was more than that every Christian must be the Member of one Church , where Christ's Ordinances are dispensed by a Bishop , that is , a Minister of the Gospel . § . 62. Tho' I am not concerned to question the Practice of Bishops sending their Communicatory Letters , to signifie that they were promoted . Yet I see no sufficient Proof of it from the two or three Instances that he bringeth . It must be either a Law , or a great Train of Instances , in many several Nations , in greater and lesser Churches , and under diverse Circumstances and Cases of these Churches` that will bear the weight of so universal a Conclusion . But I pass this : for it doth not much concern our main Question . He will find it also hard to prove , that these Letters were sent to all other Bishops , ( as he affirmeth , p. 80. ) that had been a Work of no small Labour : I suppose they did thus correspond with some next adjacent Bishops , or who were of special note ; which we also do , as I shewed before . That there were Metropolitans in Cyprian's time , he asserteth ; and I deny it not . But they were but Moderators of the greater Meetings , ( as the Bishops were of lesser ones , ) of the Parochial Ministers and Elders : as also were the Primats , and in Affrick especially , the eldest Bishop or Minister , had this Dignity : but it was Praecedency , and Dignity , wherein they were above their Brethren , not Power and Authority , but this our Author toucheth but transiently ; and so I shall not insist on it : only I ask him ; how do Metropolitans , in our modern sense , agree with his Opinion that every Bishop was supreme , and had no Ecclesiastical Superior on Earth : See § . 9. p. 82. where he is Discoursing of purging out a Heretical Bishop ; his thoughts seem to run somewhat muddy . He saith the Colledge of Bishops might do ( to him ) the equivalent of a formal Deposition ; they could refuse him their Communion , and thereby exclude him from their Episcopal Colledge : and they could oblige all the Christians within his District to abandon him . And because he saw that his former Assertion of the supreme Power of a Bishop , and his having no Ecclesiastical Superior , would be objected ; he saith no Bishop was superior to another in point of Power and Jurisdiction . How to make all this hang together , is not easie to know . 1. To wreath the yoke of the Bishop's Domination on the Church , he establisheth Independency among Bishops : whereas no Reason can be given , why Parishes should not be Independent on one another , as well as Provinces . I look on both these sorts of Independency , as contrary to the Unity of the Church ; and on Subordination , as of Natural and Divine Right . 2. If the Colledge of Bishops had not formal Power to depose a Heretical Bishop : by what Authority could they oblige the Christians to abandon him , and to choose another : if he say , the Fundamental Law of sound Faith and Unity ; or as he speaketh , of one Faith , and one Communion , obliged the Christians to this . A. That is antecedent to the interposing of the Authority of the Episcopal Colledge , and they were obliged to it , tho' there were no such Colledge . 3. That no Bishop hath Power over another Bishop , is no more than we say of Presbyters . But it is strange that the Community of Bishops , hath not formal and direct Power over every one of their own number ; both with respect to his Communion with them ; and with respect to his particular Charge ; that maketh a wider door both for Heresie and Schism , and for Peoples Beeing , without remedy , under the Plague of bad Ministers , than any thing that Parity can be charged with . 4. The People are here left Judges of the Bishop's Haeresie , and other Incapacitating ill Qualities ; and so to determine whether they will leave him or not : the Colledge of Bishops can do no more but inform them , and tell them what they are obliged by the Laws of one Faith , and one Communion to do . 5. What if the Bishop will not leave his Charge , nor the People abandon him , hath Christ left no Ordinance in his Church , as a Remedy of this Case ? The Colledge of Bishops cannot excommunicat him , nor them : that were to exercise formal Authority over him or them : if they then , will not yield to the Colledges Information or Advice , they may go on in their way without further Controlement . Thus we see that men will venture to ruine the Soundness , Peace , and Purity of the Church , that they may establish a Lordly Prelacy over the People of God. What he insisteth so much on , p. 86 , 87. about directing publick Letters to the Bishops , and their being signed by them : is not worth our notice . We also count it regular for our Moderators to be so treated : but there was some peculiar Reason , why it was so punctually observed in that Age , because the Praeses of their Meeting was fixed , and it was Interpretatively a Degrading of him , or questioning his Title , to do otherwise : but this importeth no superior Jurisdiction . He telleth , p. 87. that every Haeretical , or Schismatical Bishop , and all who adhered to him , were ipso facto , out of the Church . This I do not believe , for how shall a man be known to be Haeretical , till he were tryed and judged ? His Proofs amount to no more , but that such were dealt with as out of the Church ; and may be the manner of Process against them , is not mentioned : but such a negative Argument , will not prove that no more was done to cast them out : if that be the Episcopal course of Censure , wee intend not to follow it : and if that were the way in the Cyprianick Age , it maketh its Example less Venerable and Argumentative , but it saith nothing for the Bishop's sole Power : he saith p. 89. that a Bishop never called a Presbyter his Collegue . A. If it be understood of Presbyters without a Charge , there is Reason for it : he had no joynt Charge of the Congregation , we use the same way of Appellation . But if it be meant of a Moderator , with respect to the other Brethren ; I answer we find Presbyters calling the Bishop Brother ; as was noted before : Yea , Concil . Carthag . 4. Canon . 35. it is Decreed , that tho' a Bishop in consessu Presbyterorum sublimior sedeat , intra domum Collegam se Presbyterorum cognoscat . This , its true , was a litle after Cyprian's time : but it was when Church-Domination was rather growing than decreasing . § . 63. His strength is now far spent , when in the end of his Book , he wasteth so many words to set off an Argument , which is fitter to be smiled at , than laboriously answered . It is that the Christian Bishops in Cypria ' s time , made such a Figure in the Church , that they were the Chief Butt of the Malice of Persecutors : others might live in Peace at Home , when they were forced to Flee . And he is at pains to prove this , which I think was never questioned in any Age of the Church . Their Station made them conspicuous , ( for I deny not they were above Presbyters in Dignity , ) their Parts ( some of them ) made them to be jealoused : their Zeal for God , made them hateful to the Promoters of Satan's Kingdom . But all this can never prove that they had the sole Government of the Church ; nor that they had Jurisdiction over Presbyters , who were fixed in the Church , to oversee any part of it . Many Presbyters , Deacons , yea private Christians , who were eminent for Ability to confound the Adversary : for Zeal and Holiness ; or for their Station in the World , were persecuted as well as their Bishops . That this is neither strange , nor concludent of Episcopal Power , is evident ( not to fetch an Instance from far , ) in the late Episcopal Persecution among our selves : the Ministers were mainly Hunted , Intercommuned , Imprisoned , forced to Hide or Flee : and the more eminent or zealous they were , the harder it went with them : yea , some who were freer than many others , of what was thought Sedition , Disorder , or Rebellion , yet were hardly used , for the Hurt that it was thought they might do to that which was the great Diana of the Ascendent Party . And yet all this will not prove that they had , or pretended to , or were thought to have Jurisdiction over their Brethren . I do therefore deny the Consequence , the Bishops ( some of them for I will not say it was the Lot of them all ) were mainly persecuted ; Ergo , they and not the Presbyters had the Authority in Governing the Church . If Decius had such a dread of a Bishop being setled in Rome , that he would more patiently have endured a Prince to rivall it with him for the Empire : I am sure he had not so much Cause as his Successors had ; from the Successors of that Bishop : Of no more Force is his Argument drawn from Galienus directing his Edict to the Bishops , when he stopt the Persecution : For we deny not that they had an eminent Station in the Church , and had a chief Hand in the Direction of her Affairs , whether ye consider them as Parish-Pastors , as they all were ; or Moderators in greater Church-meetings , as some of them were . I have ( as he willeth his Reader to do ) considered and weighed his Arguments without partiality , and in the Ballance of Justice : But am not yet convinced , that the Schisme that is in the Church is chargeable on us ; but on his Party . Let the Reader judge whether of us have best grounds for our Opinion . § . 64. He concludeth with making excuse , from the bulk of his Book , that he doth not ( as he first intended ) prove Episcopal Praeemenencie to be of divine Right , as being Christ's Ordinance , and handed down to us from the Apostles in the constant Practice of the Vniversal Church . This is the constant Cant of that Party ; but I have met with none who was able to evince this tho' the learnedest among them ; and not a few of them , have essayed it . If this Author shall think fit to make another Effort , as he declareth himself ready to do , if commanded by him to whom he writs this long Epistle ) and if he bring any thing new ; and not fully answered already : I doubt not but his Arguments will be examined to better purpose , than what is , or can be done , by such a mean hand as mine is . APPENDIX . AFter the former Sheets were almost Printed , I met with two Books at the same time , which I had not before seen : the one called the Fundamental Charter of Presbytry , &c. with a Preface of 167 Pages , by a nameless Author : the other an Inquiry into the new Opinions ( chiefly ) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland ; with some Animadversions on the Defence of the Vindications of the Kirk : by A. M. D. D. This latter Book seemeth to have more of Argument than some others which I have seen from some Scots Episcopalians , if not from the same Hand : I have much desired that our Debates might run in that more pure Channel ; and rejoice to see any hopes of it . I am sorry that now I have no time from necessary , urgent , and daily work , to consider this Book so as to Answer it , if I shall not be Proselyted by it . I intend to try it's strength as soon as I shall have leasure , if the LORD give Life and Health ; and if it shall not be sooner Answered by some other Hand ; which I do much wish . § . 2. The former of these two Books is expresly levelled against an Act of the Parliament of this Nation ; and is a direct Refutation of it : and therefore the Examination of it is out of my Road ; and is most fit for such as are conversant in the Affairs of State , and know the Politick which moved the Parliament so to contrive their Act. I do judge that he who shall undertake it will find no hard task . Beside , the Presbyterian Ministers did never look on the Inclinations of the People ( which that Act mentioneth in it's narrative ) as the fundamental Charter of Presbytry ; however the Parliament might wisely consider it in their Consultation and Determining , and mention it rather than what did more sway some of them . We always did , and do , found the Government of the Church by Parity , on Divine Institution ; and look on Prelacy as contrary to Christ's appointment . § . 3. What I now undertake is , a transient view ( such as the Press hastening to an end of the former Discourse , will allow ) of his Preface : which I hope may be lookt on as a due Refutation of it : nor can I imagine that any judicious and unbyassed man will judge , that such a parcel of Stuff , deserveth a laborious ▪ Examination : he hath need of a hardened Nose who can insist long in an exact Anatomatical Scrutiny into such a rotten Carion . The Author hath out-done his Brethren ( yea , and himself too ) in Billingsgate-Rhetorick : he seemeth to be eminently gifted that way ; to the silencing of who ever will oppose him ; as some learned acute men have quickly had their Mouths stopt when the Tongues of some of these good Women have been let loose against them . I had rather own in my self all the dulness that he is pleased to impute to the man whom he designeth to expose , than enter the Lists with him at that Weapon : and I do freely confess I am not qualified for it ; and if I were , I should think it unsutable to my Character ( however mean ) and inconsistent with a good Conscience . Such impotency of Mind , and such injurious Defamation , is not well consistent with Christianity ; nor is sutable to that Learning that is required in them who write Polemick Divinity : for , Scolding is no Scholarship . If his Adversary was weak , he should have knockt him down with strong Arguments ; not bespattered him with dirty Revileings : the one would have ruined his Cause , the other but bedawb'd his Person ; and it may be easily wiped off . If the Cause which my Adversary owneth , need this Conduct , it is weak , and not worth contending for : if not ; they who do so manage it are no credit to it . § . 4. I refer the Reader who would have a view of this Author's Qualities more truly than he Characterizeth other men , to the Bishop of Sarum ' s Vindication : where , if he be not aimed at , he is very plainly chastised in Effigie : for G. B. & G. R. seem to have been stung with the same kind of Serpent ; if not the same individual . He had dealt more wisely , if he had not convinced the Reader , by this management , of the very same ill Qualities in himself , that he so frankly attributeth to another . I am sure he hath shewed litle Wisdom in bringing Instances to prove his confident Assertions : had he contented himself with bold Saying , and quibling Insinuations , of what he thinketh fit to load one with ; some who know neither him , nor the person who is the Butt of his Malice , might have believed some part of what he alledgeth ( they who know that person , however they cannot but see many Infirmities in him , have other thoughts of him ; and indeed better than ever he could deserve : and they who know this Author will judge that his Tongue , nor Pen , is no Slander . ) But now his Proofs are so exceedingly unsuted to what they are brought for , that a litle attention may serve to improve them as Weapons against himself , and as Evidences of these things in himself which he designeth by them to fasten on another . I perceive he hath been at pains to read all that hath been written by G. R. on several occasions ; and what he thinketh fit to ascribe to him ; to see what he could pick up in these Papers wherewith he might reproach the Author : in which also he hath ( innocently and without design ) done him a Kindness : for if so critical an Eye could find no more to try his Skill upon in all these Writings , it is like there are many things in them which he could not Blame : for , exceptio firmat Regulam in non exceptis . It is a wonder if such a person as he exposeth could say so much to any purpose . § . 4. I shall not insist on his civility to the Parliament , and their Act ; nor his modest Reflexion on himself ; nor his great care exprest to sute his Discourse to the English-Nation , even in the Words and Phrases : nor on the account he giveth of the helps he used . Only I take notice how much pains he is at to prove ( through 14 Pages ) that the Book commonly called Knox's History was not written by John Knox : I know none , who is much conversant in our Scots Affairs , who is contrary to him in this : and if G. R. was so absurd as to cite that Book under the Name by which it is commonly called ; if it hence follow that he thought John Knox was the Author , let him pass for as ignorant as our Author will have him to be : if this be no good consequence , I hope it is no great evidence of this Author's Learning so to infer . That John Knox did not compose that Book , ( tho' much of the Materials of it was taken from his Manuscripts ) hath been held by Presbyterian Brethren , before this Author went to School : neither do I know any of them who are earnest to have it believed that he wrote it : yea , this Author himself citeth it always under the Name of John Knox ; as he confesseth : and why might not another do so too , without debating about the true Author of it ; which had been a needless digression from his Purpose . § . 6. After he has disgorged a great deal of Gall against G. R. and declined him for an Antagonist ( who hath the same aversion from entering the Lists with him , unless he deal more like a Christian , and a Disputant ) we might ( but it is in vain ) expect he should be more composed : his Bile overfloweth through all his Sheets . He mentioneth some Passages in my Writings that he will not insist on ; only noteth them with a Nigrum Theta , as proofs of my unquestionable ignorance : they are , that I hold Ruling-Elders , who are no Preachers , to be of Divine Institution ; that the Fathers , and Scripture also , owne them under the Name of Bishops . That Patronages came not in till the seventh or eight Century , or later : ( where his own ignorance , or somewhat else , appeareth ; the word is , they were not setled till then : it is well-known , that many Usages crept into the Church long before they were setled , either by Law , or universal Practice . ) That , most , and the most eminent of the Prelatists acknowledge , that by Christ's appointment , and according to the Practices of the first Ages of the Church , she ought to be , and was govern'd in common by Ministers acting in Parity , ( which is a gross Misrepresentation ; for that is said of Christ's equally intrusting all his Ministers with Power of Preaching and Governing : which is asserted and fully proved by the learned Stillingfleet in his Irenicum : and what followeth is that Author 's own Words , not attributed to Christs appointment as unalterable , nor to the practice of the Church . Yet I shall not decline debating of both these with him ( tho' I say not they are the Opinion of Prelatists ) That Diocesan Episcopacy was not setled in Cyprian ' s time , &c. ( What Ignorance is in this , is to be judged by the foregoing Book , That the Decretal Epistles of Anacletus are genuine , is neither asserted nor supposed , nor is any opinion given about them : only they are used as an antient Writing ; and argumentum ad hominem . If this one Witness be cast , we have enough beside . That it is asserted , Rational Def. of Nonconf . p. 10. that Episcopacy is not in any Protestant Church but in England : is neither truly , nor with Candor said ; the Expression is , as in England : and it is easily demonstrable , that in no Protestant Church , it is in that height , or doth so entirely swallow up the Ruling Power of Presbyters , as it doth in England : If my Exposition of Jerom's toto orbe decretum est , be Ignorant , or Erroneous ; I must so abide , till this Profound Doctor Enlighten mine Eyes ; which he hath not vouchsafed to do . Another of Jerom's Sayings , Quid facit Episcopus , &c. excepta Ordinatione : he saith my Gloss on it , hath been sufficiently exposed , Hist. of the General Assembly 1690 : and I say , it hath been sufficiently Vindicated , in Answer to that , and other four Pamphlets ; and Def. of Vindic. in Answer to the Apology , p. 24 , 25. I shall now add , that very Exposition of that Passage , was given by Marsilius Patavinus , cited in the end of the Preface to Paul Bayn's Diocesan's Tryal : that Author lived about Anno 1324. In his Book called Defensor Pacis , against the Pope ; he hath these Words , ( speaking of that Passage of Jerome , ) Ordinatio non significat ibi Potestatem conferendi , seu Collationem Sacrorum Ordinum ; sed OEconomicam Potestatem Regulandi , vel Dirigendi Ecclesiae Ritus atque Personas , quantum ad Exercitium Divini Cultus in Templo : unde ab Antiquis Legum ▪ latoribus , vocantur OEconomici Reverendi . This we maintain to be competent to every Parish Minister ; tho' not to the Elders of the Congregation , to manage these in the Publick Assembly . I hope no man of sense , will reckon that Author an ignorant Person , of whom Papir . Masson . saith , cujus Libri extant , non cuidem Verborum , sed Rerum aepparatu , prorsus Admirandi . His Instance of my Ignorance , in Citing some Greek Authors , out of the Latine Translations of them , is so ridiculous , as it needeth no Answer . § . 7. He next cometh to some Instances , that he seemeth to lay more Weight on . The first amounteth to no more but this , that I Cited Chrysost . out of Bellarm. and I had not Chrysostome then by me , ( as our Author saith , he had not Bellarmine , when he wrote this Preface , ) and answered Bellarmine and Chrysostom's Words , as he brought them : if he doubt , ( as he seemeth to do , ) whether I did faithfully Transcribe Bellarmin's Words , let him consult the Place : And now , when I have seen and considered Chrysostom's own Words , I am sure that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not the same way ascribed to the Bishop alone , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to him , with the Presbyters : for he deriveth these from Christ's Institution , which he doth not pretend concerning that : nor indeed could he , seing he had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he must then mean , that in his time , the Bishop had an Election , and may be , also Ordination to a superior Degree of Dignity , ( which was without a superior Power , ) or that to him , was committed the Performance of the Ceremonie in Clerical Ordinations , viz. Laying on of Hands : tho' I am sure , and have shewed , this was not the constant Practice . What our Author blameth in my sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is fully Vindicated , Gillesp . Eng. Pop. Cer. P. 3. C. 8. Diggress . 1. P. 164. His next Instance , is out of Ration . Def. &c. p. 199. where I prove the Peoples Power in Electing their Pastors , from Act. 14. 23. and that from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( not barely from the force of the word , as he , by Oversight , or Ignorance , mistaketh ; but ) by the force of the word , and it's Circumstances in that Place . If Scapula be not a good Voucher for the Signification of a Greek Word , both in Profane , and Ecclesiastical Writings , his Lexicon is little worth : if he be , our Author has litle Judgment in declining his Authority ; seing not one of the Instances he giveth of the word , is for Ordination ; but generally , for giving Suffrage . If we Consult Scripture , it is used Act. 10. 41. and 2 Corinth . 8. 19. in both which Places , it is used for Election . And its importing also Ordination , which I alledged , he is pleased to mock at : but thinketh not fit to take notice of the Grounds brought for that Interpretation , from the best Criticks : which I impute to his Unacquaintedness with that sort of Learning ; if we may be so bold , as to Question the Skill of one , who so looketh down on other poor Mortals , as Ignoramus's . § . 8. The next Proof of Ignorance is , I was bold to reprove one of my Adversaries for commending Ministers from their understanding Christian Philosophy : Hence our Auther spendeth about 10 Pages to prove , that that Phrase was used by the Fathers : all which is easily granted , and was never questioned by any that I know . Only I still think ( and if that be to be ignorant , I cannot shun that blame ) that however the Fathers did pertinently use it , and even at this time it may to very good purpose be used in some cases , yet that in a time when Socinianism aboundeth , and when revealed Religion is so much decryed , by not a few , and all Religion is by some resolved into Nature , and Humane Reason , the improvement of which is Philosophy : I say in that case , it is not so very proper a Commendation of a Minister , that is taken from Christian Philosophy , as that which is taken from that knowledge of Divine Things , which is built on Revelation , as superadded to what we have by Nature , and is attained by Ratiocination from scientifick Principles . § . 9. He next thinketh fit to charge his Antagonist with Nonsense , the Instances are first , ( Animadvers . on Stillingf . Jrenic . p. 30. ) I had said that all Ceremonies of God's Worship , are Worship themselves . He should have minded that it is there said that the learned Stillingfleet saith the same , Irenic . p. 65. which I still aver : and if he will not ascribe Non-sense to that unquestionably learned Author , why may not such an one as I take shelter under his shadow . But if this Author had understood the Distinction , that I ( and many more learned than I ) have elsewhere cleared between Circumstances , Rites and Ceremonies , and that this last Sort , is peculiar to Religious Actions , and hath place in no other kinds of Actions , he might have understood , that such Actions are Religious , and Acts of Worship , and that they are true Worship , if instituted by Christ , and false , if divised by men . This cannot be judged Nonsense , by any who hath , with Judgement , lookt into the Controversie about Ceremonies ; but it must be Nonsense to judge so of it . The Fetch , ( as he calleth it ) of Ceremonies that are in the place of Competentes , or Catechumeni ; called in the same place Candidate Ceremonies , is no more Nonsense than other Metaphors are , if the Author be so ignorant , as to understand that Phrase literaly , it is his own Nonsense , and none of mine . The next peice of Nonsense is , that the Affirmative of the second Commandment is , that we should worship God in the way that he has prescribed in his word : Rational Def. p. 125. If this be Nonsense , I have for my Compurgators , the whole Assembly of Divines at Westminster , who in the Shorter Catechism , gave this Answer to the Question , What is required in the second Commandment ? The second Commandment requireth , the Receiving , Observing , keeping pure and entire , all such Religious Worship , and Ordinances as God hath appointed in his Word . It is like this Author will not stick to charge that venerable Assembly with Error , but if he dare charge them with Nonsense , it is no great matter if poor I take a share with them . I am so dull as to understand as litle what Nonsense is in owning the Lutherian Churches , as Sister Churches , and so having Communion with them , and yet refusing to joyn with them on their Instituted Ceremonies . If any thing here look like Nonsense , it is from a Typographical Error , ( which I confese that Book aboundeth with , the Correcting of the Press being commited by that Author to a negligent person , while himself was at the distance of some hundrdes of Miles ) it is in the Manuscript uninstituted Worship : and is meant of parts of Worship not appointed by Christ , but devised by men : We can have Communion with them in owning the same Truths , ( seing they own the same Fundamental Truths with us ) and in these parts of Worship that Christ hath appointed ; but we cannot joyn with them in worshiping God , by their Devices , and if they intermix these with instituted Worship , we must forbear Communion with them in both , rather than pollute our selves with uncommanded Worship : If this be Nonsense , I must bear that Imputation . Another Instance of Nonsense is , Second Vindication , p. 14. That the two Governments ( Presbytery and Monarchie ) of Church and State , have suited one another many Ages , since the Nation was Protestant : The Authors Antagonist had expressed his Wonder , how Presbytery could suit Monarchie in the State. I confess I was not so critical , as to impute to him , that he meant Presbytery in the State , and Monarchy in the State ; ( For I cannot discover Non-sense where it is not , even in an Adversary , as this sensible Man can ; ) And I plainly answered , that these two Governments ; ( viz. Presbytery in the Church , and Monarchy in the State ) did suit one another . Whether the Non-sense is in my Expression , or in my Adversaries apprehension , let the Reader judge : Also whether a Handle is here given for a Cavil ; or Malice , or Ignorance , hath supplyed it . § . 10. Another thing wherein he hath a mind to find Non-sense , is Animadvers . on Stillingfleets Irenicum , p. 5. where the learned Dr. having asserted , that where there are different Opinions ▪ and probable Arguments on both sides ; if it be not a matter necessary to Salvation , it giveth ground to think that that matter in Controversy was never intended for a necessary mean for Peace and Vnity in the Church : On this occasion , G. R. was bold to say , that if things not necessary to Salvation , must needs be thus clearly revealed , much more this clearness is needful in things necessary to Salvation . The Non-sense of this I cannot yet perceive : and I think this Author ( not by his piercing Judgement , but by this tinctured Fancy ) was the first that discovered it . And I cannot shun still to think , that the Fundamental Truths should be , and are revealed with more evidence , than the inferior Truths ; and that the Lord would not have us to venture our Salvation , on that obscurity of Revelation , that we may not venture the Peace of the Church on ; if that were at Stake . But the best is , that the peace of the Church dependeth not so much on Oneness of Opinion , about some inferior Truths , as in honest endeavours after that , and in mutual forbearance where it cannot be attained . I am litle concerned in his not believing a Typographical Error , in a passage about the Decrees of God ; which a Friend of his , ( if not himself ) had observed , and I had solemnly disowned , and do still disowne , as what I never thought , spoke , nor wrote : It seems he measureth the veracity of others by his own . But he will prove what he affirmeth ; That Book was Re-printed in England , without Alteration , or Correction ; Ergo it was the Authors , not the Printers Error . A wise Consequence indeed : if it went abroad with that Error , ( as I deny not it did ) it is no wonder it was Re-printed with it : but that it was ever Re-printed , is more than I know , or ever heard before : if he will not believe me in this , I hope some others will. He next setteth the black Mark of Non-sense , on the Arguments I bring against a stinted Liturgy of mans Composure : Rational Def. p. 226. I can see nothing but tollerable Sense , and some strength of Reason , in these Arguments ; when I review them after many years : And our Author thought not fit to discover it to us , and therefore they must even stand as they were . Only this great Judge of Non-sense , sheweth us that the Lords Prayer is a set Form and disowned by Presbyterians , and therefore that must be here included : Answer , that Prayer ( if a set Form ; that is , if it be enjoined to be rehearsed in publick Worship ) is not a set Form of mans devising , and therefore falleth not under the Arguments that he opposeth . Neither do Presbyterians disown that Prayer , but use it as a Directory for Prayer , and if any will repeat the words in solemn Worship , they do not censure them . He hinteth , ( tho' so confusedly , that I cannot make Sense of his Refutation of Non-sense ) that we are Quakers , because against Liturgies . We find no Liturgies in the Apostolick Church ; and yet they were no Quakers : if all praying without Book were Enthusiasm , ( as he ignorantly insinuateth ) many Episcopal men must be such , for they do not always use the Book . His retorting the Argument on extemporary Prayer , is strangely wide , and hath been often answered : But this Author's business is not to clear Truth , but to run down a certain person whom he hath in chase : Extemporary Prayer imposeth neither Matter , nor Frame , or Composure , on the Hearers , and Joyner , further than Nature it self maketh necessary , where people pray together : but set Forms do . § . 11. Yet more Non-sense : his Antagonist speaketh of the Popish Church of Scotland , and of the Protestant Church , also often of the Episcopal and Presbyterian Church there , whereas the Church is but one : Which this Author is at much pains to expose : but by mishape , exposeth himself in so doing : I list not to contend about words , whether you call a divided Church ( as Scotland was while partly popish , and partly Protestant : and novv is vvhole partly Presbyterian and partly Episcopal ) two Churches , or one Church rent in two peices ; I think is not material , I see no Non-sense in either way of speaking : Both Parties or Churches if permitted must have their Government , and Governours , neither is it fit that they should rule that Church , or part of the Church to which they are opposite , and which they would destroy . It is wholly beside this purpose that he bringeth in , of my blaming Dr. Stillingfleet for making the Vnity of the Church of England , consist , in two Convocations ( which our Author doth so grosly mistake for the Upper and Lower Houses of one Convocation , whereas that Author doth make two Convocations in two distinct Provinces , p. 300 ) for that is one Church united in it's parts , not divided into Parties as the Church we speak of . And it 's less intelligible , how that should have two Heads , than in this case : Why two Parties may not be called two governing Bodies , in a divided Church , I cannot yet understand , for all his Story of the Platonick Monster : That no Head is mentioned , why should he wonder ; unless he think a visible Head of the Church in a single person is necessary ; in such Metaphorick Speeches , there is no matter of moment ; whether ye call the governing Part of a Church a Body , or a Head : but enough of this quibling on this Head. § . 12. Our Author's next Essay , is to set forth his Antagonist's ill Nature : in which Discourse , every one may see , how manifestly and fully he setteth forth that Temper of Mind in himself , which he blameth in another : most of the Passages he insisteth on , were written against some Pamphlets , which contain the most false and injurious Imputations , and that not against a Person only , but against all the Presbyterians without Discrimination : yea , against the whole Nation , in it's Representative , the Parliament ; and many of these Assertions are proved to be false , and if a certain Author , by a Book which gave less occasion , was by every Line , provoked to the Indecency of Passion , what wonder , if just Indignation was warmly expressed against such Abusive Treatment . If I have called any thing Lies , Railing , Sauciness , Impudence , which was not so , I am content to underly the just Sentence of unbyassed men , but this Author and his Complices , take a Boundless Liberty to Reproach , and if they be told of it , they are Clamorous beyond Measure . It is not inconsistent with all that Civility that is due to men , to give things their true Names , especially where the Rank and Behaviour of the Persons we deal with , plead no extraordinary Respect . He mistaketh , when he saith , that I knew , that the Author of the Memorial was dead , before I answered his Book : I do not to this day , know who was the Author of it . What was said about giving up King Charles the first to England , should have been refuted by Reason , not by Quibling : I have no Answer for such Arguments : neither have I time to examine how fairly all the words are cited , which he adduceth , nor to shew on what occasion , or on what necessity they were written : what he representeth as spoken of the Prelatists , is injuriously blamed , it was spoken of a Party of them , ( who are but few , ) who reproached the Presbyterians in general , and in the most universal Terms ; which never was my way against them . § . 13. If any thing hath dropt from my Pen , which may be judged Uncivil , or short of due Respect toward the Learned , and Reverend Dr. Stillingfleet , I am ready to crave him pardon , for I designed the contrary : what this Author chargeth me with that way , is partly false , as what he citeth out of the Preface to Animadv . on Irenic . for both the Prefaces , ( I have seen one at some Copies , and another at other Copies , ) were written by another hand , without the knowledge of the Author : partly they are fouly misrepresented ; to give an Instance : this Author faith , that I said of Dr. Stillingfleet , p. 18. that for the most part he doth nothing , but magno conatu nihil agere . This is misrepresented : I said that he insisteth most on things not controverted , and thence inferred the blame mentioned . It is one thing to charge one directly with an Opinion or Practice : and another , to make an Inference from it : seing many do or say that , the ill Consequence of which they do not observe , but will disowne . His other Citations are but a just Censure one some Passages of that Learned Author's Writings , which I was examining , which cannot be shunned in Polemick Writings : to call that a Contradiction that I make appear to be such , is no Injury nor Breach of that Civility , that is due to a Stated Adversary : many things are fair enough in open War , which were not so in a State of Peace . This Author is yet more injurious , in expounding all that I have said of a few men of imbittered Spirits ; among the Prelatists , who have in their Writings reproacht the Presbyterians , and imputed to them , things that they are innocent of , or abhor , applying all this , ( I say ) to all them who are of the Episcopal Perswasion ; or to the Party in general , as that they are Esaus , Serpents , Spiteful , &c. I challenge him to prove what he saith : I deny it : if I have said any thing of Immorality among the Clergy , it is too evident , tho' I know some of them are innocent , and lament it . What he citeth as spoken against the Church of England , and her Clergy , is either what is in Controversie between us , and them : I have been so bold , as to call their Liturgy and Ceremonies Superstition , and to mention what is the Native Concomitant of Superstition , that men will be wiser than Christ or his Apostles . This is no more a Crime , than it is a Fault to be opposite to their way . What is said of Immoralities , and Insufficiency for the Ministery , and other Corruptions that are among them , is not chargeable on me , yea nor on Presbyterians alone , but it is the Complaint , of the best among themselves , see the five Groans of the Church , and Mr. Bold ' s Serm. These Authors were truly Sons of the Church of England ; thousands among them , complain of these things , who yet adhere to that Communion . I might well disowne that Principle of Sentencing , & Executing Kings by their Subjects , about which some of the Church of England had informed forreign Divines , as the Principle and Doctrine of Presbyterians : because the Generality of Presbyterians in Scotland , ( very few excepted , and these turned Independents after , ) shewed their Abhorrence of that Fact committed on King Charles the first , so they did in England , and some of them suffered Death , for owning his Son. Is it Incivility to the Church of England , that I thought , at the time of the late Revolution , it was fit for Parties to put in their Claim , for what they thought the way of GOD , that it might be judged of by them who had Authority ? if the Church of England think , we ought not to mutter against the Corruptions of their way , nor seek a Remedy in an orderly and legal way , they may know that we pretend to no such Civility , as is inconsistent with Faithfulness to the Truth , and Ordinances of Christ . We are for the Purity of the Church of England , and for her Peace too , so as not to meddle with her without our Sphere : but if speaking , or writing for the good way that we owne , do disquiet her , with respect to her Corruptions , we must be excused . It is a wise Assertion , he exhorteth his Readers to purge the Church of England , &c. I exhorted none to this Attempt , but in their Station , such as many have not : his Expression soundeth , as if I had stirred all up , that should read this Book , to fall on the Church of England , and pull her down . § . 14. Impudence is the next Epithet , that he laboureth to fix on the man of his Wrath. Instances are ; It is abscribed to Cunning , that their Books reproaching the Presbyterians were spread in England , but hard to be found in Scotland : which he imputeth to want of Liberty for Printing such Pieces in Scotland , and hazard in importing them : but it is sufficiently known , that many Books of that strain have been imported , and none seized ( that I hear of ) but one Parcel , which was of another strain . Next it is Impudence to assert the Loyalty of Presbyterians . Answ . It is more Impudence to ascribe to Presbyterians , what was the Practices of some few , with which the far greatest part , neither did , nor would concur . What was said on this Head , was also proved ; and it is Impudence to put such a Mark on any Assertion , and yet not attempt to answer the Arguments brought for it . Another Impudence is to speak of the Harmlesness of Presbyterians , and that they are no Persecutors . And that any one of many of them suffered more Hardships , and Barbarous Cruelty , than all the Espiscopalians have endured : the Impudence of this , he proveth very learnedly : how could one man suffer the deprivation of five or six hundred Livelyhoods . That there were so many Episcopal Ministers turned out , ( I suppose these he meaneth ) I know not ; but it is not a wise comparison , of one man to have so many Families to maintain on nothing , and each to have his own : I affirm that one man who suffered Torture , Intercommunning , was forc'd to lodge in Dens and Woods , and in daily hazard of his Life , who was sold for a Slave in the remote places of the Earth , suffered more ( tho' his loss of Money did not amount to so great a Sum ) than all they did . I find nothing in what followeth to disprove what I had said , and therefore pass to another piece of Impudence , ( which yet is a repetition of what he had said before ) that Presbyterians are no Rebels . To prove this he ( very pertinently ) alledgeth a Contradiction between first Vindic. ad Q. 2. § . 3. where it is said that Episcopacy raised a Tumult , and § . 5. they ( the Episcopal men ) raised no Tumults . ( This last is ad Q. 3. § . 5. ) Answ . The former is spoken ( as plainly appeareth to them who will see ) of the War between the King and Parliament . The other of such Tumults as our Author chargeth the Rable with , and it is expresly said that they did what they could to raise a War. Here then is that horrible Contradiction that he findeth , or fancieth : a War managed by potent Armies and for a long time , is in one place called a Tumult ; and yet Scuffles among a confused Rout , which are soon over , are distinguished from such a War. Here is neither Contradiction nor Impudence : The Impudence that followeth is injuriously imputed to me ( it is vindicating the Presbyterians from being Rebels ) for what himself seemeth to applaud in other more modest persons , he might find frequently said by me . But if it be Impudence to deny Presbyterians to be Rebels , what kind of quality must he be of who chargeth them with it , while his own Party is guilty of Actions of the same nature , and were as universally engaged in them . What hath lately fallen out , might teach him either to justifie what he so freely calleth Rebellion , or to lay the blame of it on Protestants , and not Presbyterians only : and then if no share of it fall on himself , let us know what Party he is of . § . 15. He next challengeth some Insinuations , as if the Presbyterians in Scotland were the only Protestants ; which cannot be inferred from any Words he citeth . Neither can it be inferred that I thought , or said that the Gospel was not preached but by the Presterians . One word he layeth weight on , that if the Presbyterians had not used the Indulgence given to them and Papists ; these would have occasion to mislead People , without any to oppose them . None who had a mind to understand Words as they are plainly meant , would so construct this Passage ; such universal Expressions most frequently suffer a Limitation : also in that case they had done what in them was , that none should oppose Popery : as if a Batallion in an Army flee , they act such a part as tendeth to hinder any opposition to be made to the Enemy . Beside all this , tho' there were some privat Episcopal Ministers appear'd faithful in this Case : it is well known how litle most of the Bishops , and the generality of the Clergy appeared , and how they that did speak any thing that way , were discouraged by some Bishops . I wish he had better cleared to us , how absurd it is to say , that the true Protestants in the Nation were for the late Revolution , than by telling us , that being against it was no Popery : most men think it was too much to favour it , and was a defect in that Zeal that should have , in such a Juncture , been shewed against it . The secret Instructions from Holland that he giveth as the Cause of Presbyterians complying with the Dispensing Power : I never heard of them , but from that Epistler whom he mentioneth : and I could answer nothing to it but by denying it : and now when he calleth for an Answer to it , I say , First , Presbyterians did never comply with the Dispensing Power , but groaned under it as a Grievance : their using the Indulgence could not be so constructed , as I have else-where shewed . Secondly , I solemnly declare that I know nothing to this day of these secret Instructions . Thirdly , What moved such Presbyterians as I was acquainted with to scruple using the Indulgence at first , and to accept it at last , was , that some Conditions and Limitations , that they could not submit to , were left out in the last Edition of it . The Villany that he chargeth the Presbyterians with , in Addressing King James for his Indulgence , while they were on Intrigues to supplant him , must be charged on them who were so guilty : I knew of no such Intrigues , nor any such design then on foot , tho' now I perceive that such Designs were then hatching : neither can I name one person among all that accepted of the Indulgence who knew of such Designs . § . 16. He next bringeth instances of Impudent Shifts used by G. R. when he , or his Cause is put to it . The rabbled Ministers were not deprived of their Possessions ( I mean Stipends ) by an Act of Parliament ( as he alledgeth , ) but thrust from their Places by the Rabble ; and the State judged that they could not relieve them without palpable Inconvenience ; and because of the notoriety of the Scandals of not a few of them which had been so outed ; ( as appeareth from the then Prince of Orange's Declaration , ) on which followed the loss of their Benefices . What the State did , they can best give Reasons for . I never defended what the Rabble did that way . For what is said of Parliaments calling King James's Retirement from England , his Abdicating the Government : that is plain to be meant of the Parliament of England : for tho' it was written by a Scots-man , it was said of English ▪ Affairs : of Retirement from England , not from Scotland : wherefore here is no Impudence , ( unless on his own side , ) tho' the Scots Parliament speak nothing of Abdication . This , and what followeth , is picking a Quarrel without cause given . The long Story he hath of the Viscount of Dundee's Plot , and the Forces that came from the West to defend the Convention , containeth such Matters of Fact , as he contradicteth what is confidently affirmed by them who were on the Place , and had occasion to know these things , as well as he ; and are fully as credible persons as he is . Let the Reader judge who deserveth most Credit . I was Witness to none of these things : but shall give my Vouchers , if duely called to it : if he can do the like , let unbyassed Men judge of the whole History . If I had said the whole Nation knoweth the whole of this Passage to be true , as he affirmeth that the whole Nation knoweth it to be a Figment ; I might have been branded with Impudence , on better ground than any thing that he hath brought to prove his Charge against me . § . 17. What was said against Dr. Strachan's Defence , he spendeth many Words upon it : on which I observe a few things . First , I expresly referred that Objection to be Answered by some seen in State-Affairs ; it being Political rather than Theological . 2ly That I pleaded an Inter-regnum in the time of the Rabbling , and would not allow it in the Dr's Case , is no inconsistency : for in the first case the Exercise of Government was impossible ; in the other there was actual Exercise of it . 3ly When it was said the Representative of the Nation had owned William as their King : it was not meant ( as he hath a mind to understand it ) as complexly such ; but as Exercising the Supreme Regal Power , and designed to be compleatly King. I could give Scripture-Instances of such manner of speaking of Kings : if it were fit to enlarge as much on this Head as he doth . 4ly If it was not a Contempt of the Authority of the Nation , to disobey the Command of it's highest Power for the time , even tho' one should attempt to give Reasons ( unless these Reasons were also sufficient , of which none of us are Judge ) let any give Sentence . 5ly He subtilizeth the Distinction too much between being King , and exercising the Regal Power : but to help out his fine Notion , he behoved to alter the Phrase , putting Right to Exercise for Exercising it self : I hope these two may be distinguished ; and that there may be not only a Physical , but a Moral impediment , for a time , of a Moral Right . His Notion of Exercising the Regal Power before taking the Oath , and that there is no Obligation to take the Oath before the Coronation ; I cannot yield to ; but leave to Statesmen , and Lawers to Debate it with him . I say the same of his Discourse of Hereditary and Elective Kings . § . 18. That I called K. J. our lawful Soveraign , he saith , was a striking at the Root of the present Settlement . Answer , if I had so called him , with respect to the time of the present Government , what he saith were true . But to say that he was so before this Government had it's being , and before the Nation in its Representative had found and declared the contrary , is far from that blame . Next , he unfairly representeth what I had said , that Episcopacy cannot be restored : I hope it never shall , and I am sure it never can , without crossing the Institution of Christ . But whether the restoring of it be consistent with the Civil Rights and Priviledges of the Nation , as things are now stated , I leave it to States-men and Lawers to discuss . His Commendation of the Cameronians , and blaming me for speaking to their Disadvantage , is not out of kindness to them , but in odium tertii ; that he might make the sober Presbyterians ( for I cannot be bantered out of that Distinction ) more hateful , as being worse than they . I should think it lost time , to examine his quibbles about the Presbyterian Ministers not preaching so much as he and his Complices thought was meet against the Rabling : these things were sufficiently declared against by some , and that where such Disorders were most rampant and regnant : but Preaching could not Stem that Tide , many of these men would hear non of us , nor will they to this day ( tho' , through mercy , not a few of them are reclaimed ) and some who listned to other Doctrine , would not hear that . He hath a wise inference , I had said , these courses were preached against both before they were acted , for preventing them : and after for reproving them ; Ergo , saith he , it was a consulted and deliberat Politick ; and the Ministers were privy to it ; and yet did not warn the poor men , that they might have escaped being rabled : I shall not give this its due Name ; as he frequently giveth ill and undue Names to my Words . Ministers knew an inclination to Disorders in some , that they went beyond their Stations , by an ill guided Zeal : and this they warned against , yea , and some Presbyterian Ministers did protest against all these exasperated men , when they beheld it : But that they knew Designs for these Disorders in particular , is false , and doth not follow from what was said ; He saith , he can name more than one or two of the first Rank of sober Presbyterian Ministers , ( such a Blunder and Repugnancy in me would have been called Ignorance , Non-sense , Impudence , and what not ) who advised to these Courses . I solemnly declare I know not any of them , and if I did , I should blame them . § . 19. He cometh next to Contradictions : some of which are fancied ; others are real ; but of his own making , by mis-citing words ; One is I have said , where there are Bishops the Presbyters have no Power , in another Book , we do not say that Bishops take all Power from Presbyters . Any who will be at the pains to consult the places that he citeth , will find that the first speaketh of Governing Power ; the other speaketh of Power in General , which comprehendeth preaching Power , but it is there expresly said , that they take away all Governing Power : Where is then the Contradiction : Next it is said , ( he knoweth not where it seems ; nor do I ) that King James's Indulgence was against Law. And yet 2d Vendic . p. 43. the Parliament had given the King such Power . The first Assertion I find not ; another Assertion that to him will infer it , is , the Law was for publick Meetings , Ergo , privat Meetings were against Law ; It is a pitiful Consequence , Where Liberty is allowed , ( as now in England ) the Law is for both ways . Wherefore the second Assertion maketh no Contradiction . But if both had been said , there are just Laws , and unjust : which may without a Contradiction in the Assertion , be said to contradict one another . This Distinction removeth also the next pretended Contradiction , between a Forefeiture being unjust , that the Authority of the Nation laid on , and Ministers having no legal Right to their Stipends , when the Authority of the Nation have determined otherwise ; Parliaments may both do right , and do wrong . Another Contradiction he fancieth : Animadv . on Stillingf . Jrenic . It is asserted that all Ministers having got equal Power from Christ , they cannot so devolve their Power on one of themselves , as to deprive themselves of it : their Power being not a License only , but a Trust . This he thinketh is contradicted indirectly , by delegating Members to the General Assembly . To this I answer , Delegation to the General Assembly , is a Temporary , transient thing , for the exercise of one or a few Acts : and necessity doth warrant it , seing the Ministers of a whole Nation , cannot meet , without leaving almost the whole Nation destitute of Preaching , and other Ordinances , for a considerable time . This is not to be compared with devolving of the Power of the Ministers of a whole Province on one Bishop , who is perpetually ( ad vitam aut culpam ) to exercise the whole power of the Church , in all the Acts of it ; so as all the rest are deprived of it , and cannot exercise it , nor give account to God for the Management of it . The one is very consistent with that Parity that Christ made in communicating Church Power to his Servants , the other is not . He saith also , that I contradict the former Position directly , in true Representation : & 2d Vindic. by allowing the taking ruling Power from the prelatical Clergy . Beside the Necessity , and unsettled State of the Church in these Places , brought for justifying this Conduct , which he rather mocketh at than solidly answereth , I there at length insisted , to shew that there is no inconsistancy between this , and our principle concerning Parity : I need say no more , till he answer what is already said . § . 20. Another Contradiction he will needs make , between my disowning some Grounds of Separation in England , and owning the same in Scotland . The one in my Rational Defence against Dr. Stillingfleet , the other in my second Vindic. of the Church of Scotland , this he prosecuteth with a great deal of Clamor : what strength is in his Discourse , let us now try . I hope I shall be found semper idem , for all this noise . Three Grounds of Separation he mentioneth , wherein this Contradiction lyeth , first Episcopacy . Answer , I said the setting up Episcopacy in England , was not a sufficient Ground for People to forbear hearing of the Word in their Parish Churches , I say the same with respect to Scotland . I said Episcopacy was a good Ground for Ministers to withdraw from Church Judicatories , where they must ( at least interpretatively ) own that Authority : I say the same of England . If he can find any thing in my words , that doth import any more than this , I shall owne a Contradiction , and the shame that it may infer . The second is Episcopal Ministers were Vsurpers , or Intruders . The third is they had not the Peoples Call. I am sure , I never made these to be two distinct things : but this Author 's subtile Wit , hath divided them . Here I cannot own either Contradiction or Contrariety . I approved the Conduct of many People in England , who by a tacit , and after Consent , owned these men , as their Pastors , and heard them , tho' they did not joyn with their unwarranted Ceremonies : I never condemned the same Practice in Scotland ; but approved it by my Practice , and Doctrine . Only I pleaded , that what ever might be said of their not giving Consent , ( which was also the Case of many in England , ) they could not be Charged with Separation , while these men were obtruded on them , against the Laws of the Gospel , especially when they might hear their own lawfully called Ministers , tho' in a Corner . I find no Contradiction here , neither in what he saith about the Covenant , which I still think never made any new Duties , or sins for the matter ; but was a superadded Tie to former Moral Obligations . I said indeed that the Covenant National , and the Solemn League , made setting up of Episcopacy more sinful than before : but I never said , that either it made Episcopacy sinful , where it was not so before : nor that it made owning of it such : tho' I am sure it aggravated the sin of both . § . 21. His next Effort is to expose my Rejecting the Testimony of some , who were brought to Attest the Rabbling : but in his way , ( I know not what Freak took him , ) he Digresseth to consider the Preface to Animadv . on Stillingf . Irenic . which he will needs have to be written by the Author himself , on which he discanteth after his own manner , that is , not very Learnedly , nor Convincingly ; I assure him , and ( if he will not be assured , he having no great Esteem of my Veracity , ) I can assure the Reader , that the Author neither wrote that Preface , nor what is in the Title Page , nor knew that the Book was Printed , till after it was done ; but was at 300 Miles distance from where it was done . The Metaphorical Death , spoken of in it , taken from the English Phrase , of being Dead in Law , as the Nonconformist Ministers then were , was but a sorry Subject for a Learned Divine to practise upon , but he had a mind to write much , and had little to say , tho' he often pretendeth to have great Plenty of Matter . It is true I did , and do Question the Truths of many Circumstances , whereby the Rabblings were aggravated : and tho' he is pleased to say , that the whole Nation knoweth them , I affirm the Generality of the People , where these things were said to be Acted , know the contrary : let the Reader , who hath not occasion to enquire into the Matters of Fact , believe as he seeth Cause , or suspend his Belief . I did never defend , nor deny the Hardships that some of the Episcopal Clergy met with from the Rabble : only I said , and I insist in it , that they were Represented most Disingenuously in several Parts , and Circumstances of them : his Vouchers I reject , ( I mean some of them , ) ours he rejecteth ; which is ordinary in such Contendings , wherefore unless the thing could come to a Legal Tryal , every one must believe as he seeth Cause . That I rejected by the Bulk all the Matters of Fact , is false , and injurious . I did acknowledge several of them , and condemned them as unaccountable Disorders . It is a foolish Inference , no man can be a fit Witness before a Court , because we are not to believe all the Stories that men tell of themselves , or their Friends . That I had my Informations in these things mostly from Rabblers themselves , is falsly asserted , as may be seen by any who Impartially consider the second Vindication . His exposing that second Vindication , because I had the Accounts of Matters of Fact from other hands , and was not Eye , nor Ear-Witness to them , is odd ; for what Historian is there , who may not be , on the same Account , blamed . The Book he speaketh of , Account of the late Establishment of the Presbyterian Government , by the Parliament , I have not seen , nor heard of it before . I thanked the Parliament , in the Preface to my Sermon before them , for their Act , Establishing Presbyterian Government , can any wise man thence Infer , that I commended whatever was beside Incorporated into that Act ? Therefore all his long Discourse on that head , is impertinent . Another terrible Contradiction is , I say Field Meetings were sometimes necessary : and yet they were Condemned by the Wisest and Soberest Presbyterians . If I had said they were in all Cases so Condemned , he might have Insulted : but may not I always , that is at all times , be of Opinion , that a thing should not be done , as I see it often done , and without Necessity , and yet think that there may be a Case of Necessity , where it may be done ; this is to Cavil , not to Reason . § . 22. The Envenomed Words , in some Pages that follow , wherewith he Concludeth his Preface , and these of the same Sort , wherewith it Interspersed , I disregard : he doth himself more Hurt by them , than me : I resolve not to be Hector'd , nor Banter'd out of my Principles , nor Scarred by Malice , or Reproach from casting in my Mite , for the Defence of Truth , tho' he , and such as he Conspire to Overwhelm me , partly with their Books , and partly with their Calumnious Imputations . It is not usual for Satan so to Rage against a bad Cause . These few Pages I have written raptim ▪ the Press waiting for them : if he , or any other will Examine them fairly , with that Candor that becometh a Christian , and a Disputant ; I shall be willing to be Corrected , if any thing have escaped my Pen ; if he or they write in the same Strain of this Preface , I will Despise them , as also will all Sober and Intelligent Readers . FINIS . 
A46639	----	Nazianzeni querela et votum justum, The fundamentals of the hierarchy examin'd and disprov'd wherein the choicest arguments and defences of ... A.M. ... the author of An enquiry into the new opinions (chiefly) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland, the author of The fundamental charter of presbytry, examin'd & disprov'd, and ... the plea they bring from Ignatius's epistles more narrowly discuss'd.../ by William Jameson. Jameson, William, fl. 1689-1720. 1697 Approx. 708 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 135 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46639 Wing J443 ESTC R11355 12830957 ocm 12830957 94326 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46639) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94326) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 385:24) Nazianzeni querela et votum justum, The fundamentals of the hierarchy examin'd and disprov'd wherein the choicest arguments and defences of ... A.M. ... the author of An enquiry into the new opinions (chiefly) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland, the author of The fundamental charter of presbytry, examin'd & disprov'd, and ... the plea they bring from Ignatius's epistles more narrowly discuss'd.../ by William Jameson. Jameson, William, fl. 1689-1720. [26], 240 p. Printed by Robert Sanders for the author, Glasgow : 1697. Errata & addenda on p. [26]. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? -- Enquiry into the new opinions (chiefly) propagated by the Presbyterians of Scotland. Sage, John, 1652-1711. -- Fundamental charter of presbytery. Ignatius, -- Saint, Bishop of Antioch, d. ca. 110. -- Epistolae. Episcopacy -- History of doctrines -- 17th century. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century. 2003-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-02 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2004-08 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2004-09 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2004-09 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion NAZIANZENI QUERELA ET VOTUM JUSTUM . The Fundamentals of the HIERARCHY examin'd and disprov'd : Wherein the choicest Arguments and Defences of the most applauded and latest Hierarchick or Prelatick Writers , A. M. D. D. the Author of An Enquiry into the New Opinions ( chiefly ) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland , the Author of the Fundamental Charter of Presbytry examin'd & disprov'd , and many others are sincerely expended , the Plea they bring from Ignatius's Epistles more narrowly discuss'd , many things much enlightening this Controversy , either not at all , or not so fully hitherto unfolded , are , from ancient Church-Writers , and other unsuspected Authors , advanc'd . By William Jameson . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Would to God there were no Prelacy , no Prerogative of Place , no Tyrannical Priviledges , that by Vertue alone we might be discerned . Now this Right and Left Hand , and midle Rank , these higher and lower Dignities , and this Statelike Precedence , have caused many fruitless Conflicts and Bruises , have cast many into the Pit , and carri'd away Multitudes to the place of the Goats . Gregorius Nazianzenus Orat. 28. GLASGOW , Printed by Robert Sanders , for the Author . Anno DOM. 1697. The Introduction to all the sincere Lovers of the Christian , truly Catholick , Protestant Principles ; and the Haters of Romish Dross and Innovations , but Chiefly to these of the Church of SCOTLAND . I Can truly say I am so far from loving a Salamandra's Life , the line of Contention , or Controversie for Controversie's sake , as to pray earnestly that all our intestine Heats and Strugglings may resolve into that happy and lawfull Striving , how each of us may best please him that has called us unto Holiness & Peace , and that there be no Provocation , save unto Love and to good Works . My main End is only to Dis-abuse my Protestant Brethren mislead by some who are so uncharitable as to Vn-church and Damn the greater and better part of the Reformed , because they imbrace not as Divine that which , at best , is but of Humane Device , and who thus conspire with the mortal Enemies of all Protestants , against these of 'em whom the common and unsatiable Adversaries most implacably hate : for , above all others , the Presbyterian Puritans ( as they speak ) are acknowledg'd to be most irreconcilable to the Roman Catholick Doctrine , and on this account , the prime Object of their Malice . This is obvious in the Writings of the Romanists ; but chiefly in these of the Jesuites ; witness ( to name no more ) Petavius in his books of the Hierarchy and Appendix thereto , and another Papist the Author of Presbytries Triall , prime Armories whence our present Adversaries fetch most of their weapons . The Papists in this , as in many things else , are followed by the Quakers , as is evident from most of their Pamphlets , but more especially from a pretended Answer to a part of a Book , wherein I gave some further Discoveries than had been already made of the Impieties and Self-contradictions of that Sect. This Answer they ( for I do not think that it belongs all to one Parent ) name The Plow-man rebuking the Priest : of which I can say , with with the Prophet Jeremiah , that I have suffer'd Rebuke for my God's sake ; and , with Job , can take mine Adversaries Book on my shoulder , and bind it as a Crown to me , having receiv'd all along thro't , in stead of a Confutation , a most strong Confirmation of the Truth of the Doctrine I propugn'd , and much more ground to abhorr the Impieties of Quakerism , and to bless God who hath brought to pass that their very Attempts to palliat their Abominations , proved a further Detection thereof . Read , pray , earnestly , and compare it with mine , and you shall find them most frequently yealding the whole Controversy , as also overskipping the marrow of what I had adduc'd , and yet anon triumphing as if they had never , in the least , been guilty of such dealling ; you shall find that the most pardonable pieces of their Book are wild Gibberies , extravagant Roveries , meer Impertinencies , palpable Perversions , loud Lies , Heresies , Blasphemies , and , in a ward , a lump of stuff so Atheisticall , that it proclaims the Authors neither to fear God , nor regard man , never to have consulted Conscience , nor to have remembred of future Judgement , or of the account they must give at the tremenduous Tribunal of God. Yet all this is but what I expected , and is not unworthy of these , who , with Satan's sworn Slaves , renounce their Holy Baptism , and , therewith , whatsoever is constitutive of a Christian. For a further Manifestation whereof , hear the Quakers themselves , who are now split into Factions ; to wit , into Keithians , after George Keith a prime Pillar of Quakerism ; and Foxonians , as they 're called : These reckon the Keithian Quakers for lost , and call G. K. a Brat of Babylon , Apostate , worse than prophane , a Liar , Devil , one that always endeavoured to keep down the Power of Truth , gone into a spirit of Enmity , foaming out his own shame , without the Fear of God before his Eyes , a Preacher of two Christs &c. Again G. K. b who is herein approv'd by his Keithian Quakers , calls them Fools , ignorant Heathens , Infidels , Liars , Hereticks , rotten Ranters , persecuting Quakers c ; And informs us d that no such damnable Heresies &c , are tolerated in any Christian Society as are among many called Quakers . For Example that e they deny the Day of Judgement and any Resurrection , but what they have already attained ; that they make the Light sufficient without any thing else excluding the Man Christ Jesus , and his Obedience , Death and Resurrection , Ascension , and Mediation for us in Heaven . I am grieved ( writes J. Humphrey's f to hear some say they expect to be justifi'd by that Blood which was shed at Jerusalem . Wherein , as G. K. shews , he 's patroniz'd by not a few . Another great Zelot among the Quakers said , and affirmed boldly ( saith G. K. g that he expected not to be saved by that which di'd at Jerusalem , to wit the Man Christ. And again G. K. h calls them Pelagians and Deists . And i To many of the Quakers ( saith G. K. ) all are Christians [ to wit , Jews , Mahumetans , Painims ] in whom any good seed of Religion appeareth , and which they say is from Christ , yea is Christ himself . And k Many , yea the most , or rather almost all the Ministers among the Quakers ( very few excepted ) do affirm , that this inward Light is sufficient to bring forth the new Birth , and to give eternall Salvation , without any thing , without us , that is , without the man Christ that was outwardly born , and crucified and rose again , whom some of their Ministers in my hearing , hath called an outward thing , a shell , a husk , that doth little or nothing profit us , and the Faith of which doth nothing profit us . And William Penn ( continues G. K. ) in that Meeting at Ratcliff , where he falfly called me an Apostate , did publickly proclaim after this manner : Friends , said he , I see no great need of preaching , the Faith of Christ's Death and Sufferings , for all England and all Christendom hath that Faith , and it doth not profit them . But the Faith which profiteth Men is the Faith of Christ within , and that Friends preach . Let now ( saith G. K. ) the Author judge , or any other intelligent Person ( professing Christianity ) whether William Penn hath not sufficiently by these words proved himself an Apostate from the Christian Faith. Thus you have a taste ( for it is no more , compar'd with what I could produce ) of Quakerism from the Quakers themselves . Surely most admirable and adorable is divine Providence in so prodigiously strange , and clear a Detection of these infernal Blasphemies and Abominations , from the very Mouths of the chief Actors themselves ; to the end , doubtless , that all may hear and fear , tremble and quake indeed to meddle , in the least , with these Quakers , least God ( as is the Lot of these Wretches ) by giving them up to so strange Delusions and damnable Lies , make their Plagues wonderfull . May God mercifully grant , ( as the Effect of this Discovery ) that the sound and stable Christians may regard the Operations of his Hand , and give due Praise to him that preserves them from so deadly an Infection ; that the Weak may be confirm'd in their Belief of these Divine Verities which are reveal'd in the Holy Scriptures , and that these who are catch'd in the Gin may yet escape , like a Bird out of the Snare of the Fowler . But of Quakers enough ; only I must repeat that I cannot think my Plow-man to be the sole Author of the Book that bears his Name ; no , I think some good part thereof belongs to some , who own neither Name nor Profession of Quakerism . It 's true , they hate all Protestants , and , chiefly , Presbyterians ; yet , there is in that Book something singular , its Author appears rather to have studi'd the blackning and bespattering of Presbytry , than either the Defence or Palliation of Quakerism : for in lieu hereof , I find , in many places , only Libells larded with such Lies , Calumnies , and Slanders , as the more invective Romanists , and other invective Hierarchicks used to throw at all true Protestants , but mainly at the Puritan Presbyterians . There is , moreover , in some places , more plainly express'd , but all along couch'd , yet obvious enough to the observant , a warmth and kindness for these of the Hierarchick , or Prelatical Principles . In a word , much of the Book breaths forth another Species or sort of Malignancy , than is that of Quakerism , a Malignancy peculiar to the Author of Presbytries Triall , and such professed Romanists ; to Heylen and Le Strange , and such barefac'd Papaturians , much rather than to these more fallacious and spiritual Antichristians . Neither can any sensible Man earnestly read their Book , and not perceive so much . Strange ! Cann't they not uphold their Hierarchy , except they thus study to undermine Christianity , and join with its deadly Enemies , and that too with such Varlets of 'em whose Brutishness and molish despicableness , as was the good fortune of Aesop's Ass , are their only security , and set them too low for any Man to nottice them ? I 'm also inform'd that the pretended Author us'd to have most closs and frequent Converse with an Episcopal Minister of no mean Rank . Moreover , seeing many of the Prelatists oppose the sometimes receiv'd Sentiments , yea and common Articles of the Church of England , for which they pretend such Veneration , by Espousing , with Papists , Quakers , and the like Opposers of Truth , the Tenets of Pelagians , and Arminians , no great wonder tho' they syncretize with such Sectaries against the Presbyterian Calvinians ( as they speak ) and accordingly the Neopelagian Hierarchicks ( for there are Episcopals , surely of a better Mind , and Judgement more Orthodox ) make a third Squadron of this unsanctifi'd Army , and in Railing , Antichristian Sophistry , and such unworthy Methods , labour to come short of neither Quakers nor Papists . Such a black Combination would well nigh move one to say of Presbyterians as Tertullian said of Christians , There must needs ( saith he ) be some good thing among Christians , seeing they were chiefly persecuted by such a Monster as Nero. It 's a sign of your greater Glory ( saith Hierome l to Augustine ) that all the Hereticks abhorr you . And here I cannot but nottice how the Author of The fundamental Charter of Presbytry &c. ( having most untruly insinuated , as if we ascribed to our first Reformers an Impeccability , and espoused every particular Sentiment or Expression of every one of 'em , as infallible ) no less falsly gives out and earnestly studies to perswade the World that all these our first Reformers , and especially Mr. Knox , were nothing but a pack of treacherous bloody Rebels and most odious Men : see , to name no other places , from page 334. to 346. and is not this sufficient Evidence that the Author has a large measure of the Spirit of Ham the curs'd Exposer of his Father's nakedness , but he knows who'll thank him , Hoc Italus velit & magno mercetur Abaddon . The matter is , these Men are much grieved that ever we were fre'd from Rome's Tyranny and Superstition , and so know not how to be even with these precious Instruments of that our most happy and admirable Deliverance . Another of their Arts is that they use boldly to pretend the Doctrine of their Hierarchy to be most Catholick and absolutely necessary , and so Vn-church most of the reformed Churches ; and , which is no less Vn-christian , they strive to support it with such Arguments as equally serve to establish an universal Papacy . Again , they use to English these Romish Sophisms , and yet quite dissemble the Answers and Refutations the Reform'd have giv'n thereto , as , to name no more , is the constant Practice of A. M. D. D. Moreover they now darr to assert , contrary to the acknowledgement of all Men , and the Concessions of the greatest Prelatists , that our first Reformers were of the Prelatical Perswasion . They would possess Men with the same thoughts of the Transmarine Reformers , and therefore , among other Means to effect it , they use to work on the necessituousness or ambition of some forraign Protestants , as the Romanists do on needy Greeks and other Easterns , and bribe them to publish , for the receiv'd Doctrine of the Churches they were bred in , what is quite contrary to their known and common Sentiments and publick Confessions . I only give some Examples of these their Arts ( for who can recount them all ) this is certain that if ye ransack and unfold their Methods , you shall find none of 'em without some noteable Cheat and fallacy at bottom . Their Hierarchy leans on three Props , as its fundamental Supporters : The first is their wretch'd perversion of some Scriptures , the second is their Fancy that it still obtain'd in the primitive Church , the third , that 't was believ'd by all Ages to be of Apostolick Institution . These Conceits are the very Fundamentals of the Hierarchy , which I here examine , and , as I trust , disprove , and accordingly so Intitulat the subsequent Papers . I repeat as little as is possible of what has been said before , and especially meet with the Hierarchys most applauded and latest Asserters , and among these A. M. D. D. and the Author of the Fundamental Charter &c. the far more considerale part , yea the very substance of both which Books I examine and exartuat . I discuss moreover the Plea they bring from Ignatius's Epistles , as also detect most of the foremention'd Artifices together with many such ungenerous Methods not hitherto so fully discovered Hence I hope I cannot be justly accounted an Aggressor or Provocker , nor yet my Papers superfluous : I don't notwithstanding impeach as guilty of these Deallings all Episcopall men , for of these there have been and doubtless now are both good men and stout Protestants , and such , I know , will never be offended if I lay open open the Weakness and unworthy Deallings of such as anathematize whosoever preferr the Model of the prime ptimitive Church-Government , the Apostolick Humility and Simplicity , to their Diocesan Hierarchy , the secular Grandeur of subsequent and more degenerat Times , if I , among many other Demonstrations hereof , bring a Cloud of most competent and unsuspected Witnesses , who depone that during the Apostolick Age and the prime Primitive Church , there was a Bishop for each Congregation , an Identity of Bishop and preaching Presbyter , and , finally , a compleat Parity of ordinary Pastors ; if I make appear that the greatest Enemies to this Truth and Adorers of the Hierarchy are ( maugre all their Cunning ) compell'd to subscribe and seall it . If yet some hesitat and admire , how then so many of the Learn'd can give their Hierarchy a divine Sanction , or set it so high as the times of the Apostles , such wowld remember that to fewer , at least , and these of no less Learning , no less confidently pretend a Divine Origen for many things , the Foundation whereof notwithstanding is undenyably in the dust of humane Corruption . How many Torrents of Wormwood hide their little heads in sources in that Christian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the space of about an hundred years after the Canon of the Scriptures was sealled , whereof so few genuine Monuments now remain , and wherein Christians ( as they were also for a good many yeares after that time ) being astonish'd at these more prodigious Heresies , and wholly imployed in quelling these Hydra's , were kept from watching against more fly and subtile Assaults of the Enemy , the Danger of whose Tares was scarce discernable till they were hardly to be eradicated . Again , 't is to be remembred that there are vast Ods between the Cases of the Contending Parties ; many things tempt and invite men to patronize the Hierarchy , whereto the other side is not obnoxious : for whosoever confides in his own Parts and Abilities may probably promise to himself a graduall Ascent even to the satiety of worldly Ease , Riches , and Honour . Did not these and such Motives byass too many men , together with the Liberty Prelacy gives to Heterodox Principles and to licentious Practices , how few should there be found to agent its Cause ? On the other hand Pre●h●●●erian Discipline they think too rigid against both these Enormites : and as to worldly Encouragements , there 's nothing in Presbytry but a mediocrity of Stipend with a hard and perpetuall Labour without any Hope of Ease , Grandor , or more opulent Fortune . I should now have doon , only I can not but express how desirable 't were that haying aside our own unscripturall Fancies , the Grounds of these most lamentable Contentions , all of us followed after the things which make for Peace , a●d things wherewith one may edifie another . Who would have thought , not many years he●ce when all true Protestants were at the very bri●k of Destruction , but that the admirable Delivera●ce God give us , should have had this most desirable Consequent . How amazing is it that a number call'd Protestants should vent their Spite , Malice and Treason against the most happy Instrument of this our Delivery in Peace , His Majesty King WILLIAM , who is under God , the main Stay of Protestants , whom yet God protects , and I pray may protect , maugre all the malicious Machinations of wicked Men. God yet continues to call us to the same Duty of Christian Concord , to name no others , by terrible Monitors : for at one Quarter we are besieg'd by nominal Theists but real Atheists who ridicule God's Sacred Word as the product of Rogues or Sots , and explode the Doctrine of the Existence of Angels and Spirits , and consequently of the Beeing of God the Father of Spirits , as the Dream of some Brainsick Weaklings , and below a man of sence : and at another Quarter , by a direfull Combination of Infernal Fiends and wretch'd Mortals . It 's pleasant notwithstanding to observe how the latter of these Satanical Machines split and undoe the former : for the well known and confess'd Compacts and Commerce between these wicked Spirits and Miscreants of human Race , and Operations of Demons , and such Effects undenyably proceeding from preternatural and incorporeal Causes are sure Proofs of such immaterial Beeings , and so demonstrat the Falshood of what is broach'd by these abominable Saducees , — aliquisque malo fuit usus in illo . O how clossly ought all of us to joyn in Weeping , Sighing , and Crying , not only for our oun Guilt , but also for these & such horrible Abominations that be doon in the midst of the Land. In the mean while these and a thousand such Mischiefs mostly owe themselves to this Controversy , our Divisions , Ignorance , want of Church-Discipline , and other such its odious Effects . How many , thro' God's Blessing , should that Zeal , Learning and Industry spent for the support of mens unscripturall Conceits , have brought to the Obedience of Christ from both Romanists and open Infidels ? Heu , quantum potuit Terrae , pelagique parari Hoc , quem Civiles hauserunt , sanguine , dextrae ! Bless'd then in this Case should be the Peace-Maker , wherefore , let all of us Pray for our Jerusalem that Peace may be within her Walls , and Prosperity within her Palaces . Let us also with Tertullian m adore the fullness of the Scriptures ; which ( as Augustine n teaches ) contain all things needfull either for Faith or Life . The Books ( saith Constantine the Great o of the Evangelists , Apostles and ancient Prophets , clearly teach us the Mind of God wherefore laying aside hostile Discords , let us seek from these the Determination of our Controversies . Surely this is a Catholick Principle : Good had it been if the Fathers had as clo●ly stuck to 't in Practice as they firmly believ'd it . You assert ( saith Optatus p to the Donatists ) We deny ; between your Assertion and our Denyal the Peoples minds Waver ; let none believe either you or us , we are all contentious Men , Judges must be sought , if these be sought for among Christians , they can be found among neither of the Parties , because the Truth is impeded thro' Partiality ; we must seek for Judges from without , if the Judge be a Pagan , he cannot know the Mysteries of Christians ; if a Jew , he is an Enemy to Christian Baptism ; on Earth therefore there cann't be rou●d a Determination of this Controversie : a Judge must be sought from Heaven ; but why should we knock at Heavens Gates , when , hearing the Gospel we have Christ's Testament . And having elegantly compar'd the Scripture to Man's Testament , which is able to determine every Controversie that may arise among his Children , adds , He who le●t us this Testament is in Heaven ; let his Will therefore be sought for in the Gospel as in a Testament : for the things which you now do , Christ forsaw before they came to pass . The same Justice and no more do we require in the present Case ; we require , with Cyprian q that Custom or Tradition which is without Scripture , tho' otherways never so Old , be thrown away as mouldy Errors . Let not the Hope of Emoluments , secular Grandeur , or Power , make Men rack their Wits to D●prave and Detire the Truth , and despise the Apostolick Humility , and Parity . Then ( saith Chrysostome r speaking of these Apostolick Times , and that by way of Opposition to his own Age ) Church-Government was not Honour or Grandeur , but Watching and Care of the Flock . Seeing it's evident ( saith Isidorus Pelusiota ) how vast a difference there is between the Ancient humble Ministry and the present Tyranny : Why don't ye Crown with Garlands and Celebrate the Lovers of Parity or Equality ? Let not the gay Pageantry of foppish Ceremonies steal away our Hearts from the simplicity of the Gospel . Is such trash worth the patronizing ? Nay rather , Let the Sword of God ( The●'re Jerome's words s cut off every thing that men , without the Authority and Testimony of the Scriptures , have devised and pretend as if they had it by Apostolick Tradition . Let all such things be broken in Pieces called Nehustan , and , finally , sacrific'd to Truth and Peace . Whatsoever thing God commands us let 's observe to do 't , and neither add thereto nor diminish from 't . This I'm sure is the old Path , and the good Way wherein if we Walk we shall find rest to our Souls , our Peace shall be as a River , and our Righteousness as the Waves of the Sea , we shall Dwell together in that Brotherly Vnity , which is a true Antecedent of Life for evermore . And thus I can freely say , is the ultimat Design of Composing and Emitting the ensuing Treatise , and is and still shall be the fervent Prayer of Will. Jameson . Nazianzeni THE CONTENTS . PART I. SECT . I. The Scope of the ensuing Treatise . The ancient Church for no Divine Right of Diocesan Episcopacy . pag. 1. The ablest of its late Patrons of no other mind , where Dr. Sandersone is noted . 2 An examen of the Conveniencies and Inconveniencies of Prelacy undertaken . 5 SECT . II. The Aphorism No Bishop no King discuss'd . Prelacy contributes not a little to introduce Tyranny . ibid. Prelats severall ways most hurtfull to Princes . 6 Presbytry well agrees with Monarchy : where their Charge of Sedition and Disloyalty is largely vouch'd to be most unjust , from the most applauded Writers of our Adversaries themselves . 8 SECT . III. Their Argument taken from Order weigh'd . Their strange Improvement thereof . 17 It equally serves Prelatists and Papists . Ibid. SECT . IV. The Plea for Prelacy drawn from Unity discuss'd . Dissentions most frequent where Bishops bore sway . 18 Unity and Parity harmoniously lodged in one and the same Assembly . 19 SECT . V. The Argument Prelatists bring from antiquity canvass'd . Ibid. SECT , VI. The Instance of Aërius condemn'd by Epiphanius prov'd to be unserviceable to our Antagonists . They joyn with the most disingenous of Papists in using this Argument . 21 The choicest of the Fathers for the Scriptural and Apostolick Identity of Bishop and preaching Presbyter . 22 Epiphanius giveth little Patrociny to our Adversaries . 23 His Injustice to Aerius in this matter . ibid. If Aerius was Arrian largely disputed : the affirmative whereof is rendred improbable by the profound Silence of those who were concern'd to have mention'd it . 24 The Tractate ascribed to ●●siliu● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is judg●d supposititious : wherein there 's nothing to be found concerning Aerius . This report of Aërius his Arrianism leans on Epiphanius's testimony alone , whose great Levity and Credulity is universally noted . 25 It is instanc'd in his dealing with the Donatists whom on no good ground he accuses of the same crime of Arrianism . 26 They 're absolv'd by Augustine and Optatus . Ibid. It 's objected that Aerius his commerce with Eustathius of Schastia may give countenance to the report of Epiphanius . Ibid. Eustathius tho' a Heretick yet was not Arrian but a Macedonian , who seems rather to have been dangerously shaken then intirely wedded to Macedonianism . Ibid. But on supposition of the worst several reasons are brought making probable that nothing can be inferr●d from his commerce to prove Aërius Heretick . 27. The loss of the Writings of the Ancient and traduced witnesses of tru●h is lamentable . Ibid. The Judgement of Philastrius concerning Aërius related ; against whom the Aërians are vindicated from the Crime of Encratitism . 28 They were fiercely persecuted and why . 29 Between Philastrius and Epiphanius no good agreement . The negative testimony of both Philastrius and Rabanus Maurus against what is delivered by Epiphanius . 30 SECT . VII . No Diocesan Bishops in several ancient Churches . This Instanc'd in the Churches of Ireland , of Africk , and of Scotland . 30 The ablest of our Adversaries brought to a sore pinch hereby . 34 Sir George M ckenzie 's Epistolary Defence of Prelacy canvassed : where Bede is vindicated against the Bishop of St. Asaph , and Buchanan and Hector Boethius vindicated against Spotswood , to whom the Advocat referred . Ibid. That we had a constitute Church before the coming of Palladius evinced against both Bishop and Advocat . 38 Our Primitive Doctors why called Monks . The cavills of Spotswood and the Bishop of St. Asaph removed . 39 Smal power of Prelats for a long time after Palladius . 40 The most memorable result of the Combat between the Advocat and the Bishop of St. Asaph . Ibid. D. M.'s exceptions removed . His negative argument no argument . 42 ●●●ndel vindicated . 44 D. M's perversion of Baron's clear testimony detected . Ibid. He in vain attempts to deprave , and then to exauctorate Prosper himself . 46 Other specimens of D. M's unhandsome dealing . 47 SECT VIII . Prelacy opposite to the Principles of our Reformers . The Hierarchy is condemn'd by our Confession . 49 Knox and his fellows are proved to have been most opposite to the Hierarchick Domination . 50 The Author of the Fundamental Charter of Presbytry adventures not on our special Arguments . Ibid. Against whom Knox's great aversness from Prelacy is evinced by vindicating of his Letter to the Assembly . 51 And by vindicating of Knox's words and actions at the Installment of John Douglas . 52 And from clear and unsuspected records : where 't is also evinc'd that the bulk of both Ministers and People were then opposite to Prelacy . 54 This Authors cavills from the meeting at Leith 7½ and from some expressions of the Assemblies canvass'd and annihilated . 56 Knox's antiprelatical judgement demonstrated from Beza's Letter , which is vindicated from this Authors exceptions . 60 Who pretending to make Knox a Prelatist only labours to prove him and our other Reformers self-repugnant Bablers . 61 His ridiculous Sophisms examin'd and expos'd . 62 Knox alloweth no Prelacy to England . 66 He exhorts the English to embrace a Church-government and Discipline altogether Antiprelatical . 67 The Assemblies letter 1566. vindicated from this Author 's pretended allowance of Prelacy . 69 Knox acknowledged by the fiercest Prelatists to be truly Presbyterian . 70 Superintendents in Scotland a temporary expedient . The nullity of this Author's reasons to the contrary detected . 72 The falsness of his Gloss of our first Book of discipline largely demonstrated . 76 Superintendency not really inconsistent with parity . This Authors unchristian rallery , his overthrowing of the great principle of Hierarchicks are discovered , and his bottomless cavills enervated . 77 The stock of Prerogatives he pretends to have belonged to Superintendents evinced to be unserviceable to his design of giving Superintendents a superiority over their Pastors . 81 He at once yields the whole cause , and clasheth with himself . Our first Reformers their opposition to , and hatred of Prelacy's being damnable demonstrated . The Helvetian and other 〈◊〉 Churches opposite to Prelacy as beeing destitute of Scripture-foundation . 86 SECT . IX . The forraign Reformed Churches truly Presbyterian . The Judgement of Luther and Lutherans . 89 The mind of Calvin and those called Calvinists both in their private capacities , and confessions of the most famous Churches . 90 Specimens of the chiefest objections adduced and removed where the uncandide dealing of our Adversaries is unfolded . 91 Who yet are forced to acknowledge the truth of our assertion . 95 The eminent Opposers of Popery before Luther truly Presbyterian . 96 The first Reformers and body of the Church of England at that time for no divine right of Prelacy where some of Saravia's qualities are noted . Ibid. SECT . X. Some of the manifold Inconveniences attending Prelacy briefly mentioned . A Spirit of Persecution still attended it . 98 The Principles of Prelacy and practise of Prelatists most Schismatical . Ibid. It 's native tendency to introduce Popery . 99 And to a Papal Domination and enslaving of the Kingdom . 100 The spite and hatred the Hierarchicks shew against our Reformation from Popery , their impiety , and affection to Popery . Ibid. Dr. Burnets exceptions from the Regulars the●r trampling on the Bishops and the dealing of the Papalines at the Council of Trent enervated . 102 Another exception or retortion of this Author cashier'd . 105 Lousness and Prophanity the constant attendent of Prelacy . 106 PART II. SECT . I. Of Ignatius and his Epistles . Papists and other Hierarchicks make a fairer appearance from humane than from Divine Writings . 109 A short account of Ignatius and of the Epistles bearing his name . 110 Various Editions thereof . Ibid. Our Adversaries now acknowledge to be spurious that they once gave out for genuine : where of the Florentine Copy . 111 Debates among the Learned concerning it . Ibid. The unhandsome arts of our Adversaries to free themselves of further dispute . 112 The great Confidence they place in Ignatius . 113 Three Hypothese laid down , according to each whereof Ignatius becomes unserviceable to the Prelatists . Ibid. SECT . II. The first Hypothesis viz. that Ignatius is , at best , interpolated . Writings pretending to greatest proximity to either Old or New Testament carry most manifest signs of spuriousness , in which Divine Providence is observed . 114 Their Epistolick Ignatius's want of Apostolick Gravity and Humility : his enslaving of the People and flattering , yea deifying of all Church-men . 115 Dr. Pearsons Exceptions removed . 119 Du Pin's self-repugnancy . 121 Dr. Wake 's Error discovered . 122 A brief sum of the Arguments evincing our assertion . 124 Other things very early falsly father'd on Ignatius . Ibid His Journey to Rome uncredible . 125 SECT III The second Hypothesis , viz. That the Antiquity of the true Ignatius could not secure him from all Lapses or Escapes , nor serve to prove that there were no declension in his time . Whole Churches suerving during the life of the Apostles themselves . They grew worse after their death . 126 Papias's mistakes and multitude of Followers . 127 The failings of Justine Martyr and Irenaus . Ibid. The influence they had on the Church . The common mistakes of these times in Practicks no less than in Dogmaticks ; which is instanc'd in their debate about Easter . 128 Both parties went contrare to the Apostolick practice ; which is proved by clear Testimonies of Iranus and Socrates . 129 Their strange conduct in managing this debate , who Metamorphosed some Apostles into Jewish High-Priests . 130 The Credulity and Oseitancy of Hegesippus . 131 We are to hearken to God before the chiefest of Men. Divine providence observable in the mistakes of the Ancients . 132 SECT IV. The third Hypothesis , that there is no real disagreement , but a true concord betwixt the Doctrine of Ignatius and that of the present Presbyterians . They are reconcil'd by sustaining the Hypothesis of ruling Elders , which Office is vouched to be of greatest Antiquity ; and where Ambrose or Hilary is vindicated against Dr. Field . 134 Ignatius most express for the reciprocation of a Bishop and a Pastor of one Congregation 136 Our Adversaries yield the whole Controversy ; where Dr. Maurice's Mist is dispelled . 138 Vindiciae Ignatianae destroy their Authors ultimate design . 140 SECT . V. The Objections they pretend to bring from Scripture against the Doctrine now deduced from Ignatius , removed . D. M's reasonings for the Diocesan Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus , annihilated 140 No power properly Apostolick ordinary and permanent in the Church . 143 Willet's answer to the Iebusites vindicated against their Advocat . D. M. 147 The Office and nature of an Evangelist declared out of the Ancients . 148 D. M●s mutilation and perversion of Eusebius . 149 That Timothy & Titus were Evangelists , and not Diocesan Bishops made out from Scripture . Ibid. Apostles and Evangelists degraded by the Hierarchicks . 150 Their Arguments for Timothy and Titus their Diocesan-ship houghed by the very Authors in whom they most confide , both ancient and modern . Ibid. Their Argument from the Asian Angels several ways overthrown , and D. M's shifts and perversions expunged . 151 Malach. 2. 7. vindicated against Dr. Hammond . 153 His Correction of the receiv'd Greek Coppy of Rev. 2. 24. corrected D. M's strange and wild Gloss. Ibid. Salmasius vindicated against him , and the mind of Presbyterians concerning Apocalyptick Angels fully sustain'd by Scripture and Fathers . 154 The best of our Adversaries really acknowledge Episcopacy destitute of Scripture warrant . Dr. Hammond wholly destroys Episcopacy while he attempts to establish it . 155 SECT . VI. Our meaning of Ignatius confirmed from the writings of the Apostles his immediate Ancestors . Acts 20. v. 17 , 28 vindicated against Dr. Maurice and others who are by the ears among themselves . 157 Philippians 1. 1. vindicated ; where the Diocesanists their Digladiations are exposed . 158 Philippi no Metropolis ; where Dr. Maurice his weakness is detected ; the fiction of the existence of Metropoles in the Apostolick age exploded by the Hierarchy's truest friends ; Dr. Maurice's slippery dealing . 159 The first to Timothy 3. vindicated against Bellarmine , and his Friend D. M. 162 As is also Titus 1. 164 SECT . VII . The grand objection taken from the Commentaries of the Ancients . The primitive Doctors ( as themselves acknowledge ) were subject to many considerable lapses and escapes . 165 The causes thereof . 167 Several reasons demonstrating that if ever the Fathers so glossed these texts as not to hurt Diocesan Episcopacy , they then gave not their genuine sentiments . 168 SECT . VIII . Moe clear testimonies of the Primitive Doctors against the Divine right of Diocesan Episcopacy produced and vindicated . The testimony of Ambrose or Hilary : Bellarmine's perversion discovered . 171 Petavius's vain attempts both to exauctorate and deprave Hilary . 173 The testimonie of Chrysostome 174 He 's vindicated from Bellarmine's depravation . 175 The testimonies of Pelagius , Sedulius , and Primasius . 176 Augustine vindicated against Bellarmine and his Plagiary D. M. 177 Apart of Jerome's testimony on the epistle to Titus vindicated against the dish●nest dealing of Bellarmne and D. M. 178 No ground to think that ever Jerome accounted James Bishop of Jerusalem . 180 All Dispensers of the Word and Sacraments are in Jerome's account the Apostles Successors . 181 The rest of Jerome's testimony on the Epistle to Titus vindicated . 182 His testimony out of the Epistle to Enagrius vindicated against Bellarmine and D. M. 183 This doctrine of Jerome most catholick and universally received . 188 SECT . IX . The testimenies of Ignatius his Contemporaries and Suppars disproving what our Adversaries would force him to speak , and confirming what we have prov'd to be his mind , viz. that he cashiers a Diocesan Prelacy . Negative testimonies . 190 Clemens Romanu●'s positive and clear testimonies . 192 Petaviu●'s exceptions met with . 194 As are these of his Underling D. M. 197 The testimony of Polyca●p : where Dr. Pearson's strange evasion is routed : and D M ● ill gronnded vaporing exploded . 199 The testimonies of Hermas : where the vanity of D. M. ● Romish Cavills is discovered and Blondel vindicated . 200 The testimonie of Justine Martyr where Dr. Maurice's perversions are detected , as is also the unreasonableness of D. M's . reasons against Justine Martyr's plaine meaning . 204 Irenaeus identifies Bishop and preaching Presbyter . 206 D. M's . Popish querie . 207 SECT . X. Other Observations and Arguments eversive of Diocesan Prelacy . A Bishop is a name of labour , a Presbyter a name of honor , Ibid The true notions of the Apostolick and Hierarchick Bishop diametrically opposite one to another . 209 The example of the Apostolick Bishop followed , and the Idea thereof retained by all the true primitive Bishops or Doctors , which is all one with the notion of a laborious Pastor of a Congregation . Ibid. This is confirmed out of the Council of Sardica and others of these times , where Dr. Maurice and Dr. Beverige their sly and perverse dealing is discovered . 2●0 The subjecting of one Pastor or Church to another finally resolved into a Romish slavery . 213 Every Disepnser of the Word and Sacraments is a true Bishop . 214 That in the least Village and meanest Countrie-places , where there was a Congregation , there was a true Bishop largely evinced : where Dr. Maurice his exceptions is obviated . Ibid. All Bishops equal among themselves ; hence their Hierarchy is overthrown . 216 Their Romish argument from the pretendedly uninterupted succession of Diocesan Bishops enervated . 217 The argument drawn from the lists of Bishops in Rome and such great Cities satisfied ; First , From the positions already demonstrated , which are further confirmed : Secondly , From the confessed uncertainty of these lists : Thirdly , From this that in Rome there was at once a plurality of Peter's pretended successors : Fourthly , From this that Peter was never at Rome , which is largely demonstrated : Fifthly , from the evident falsity of the lists of the Bishops of Jerusalem . 218 That the government of the prime primitive Church was truly Presbyterian made out from a cloud of most unsuspected Authors , 225 A prostasy gradually turned into a Papal Tyranny 230 The Ancients kept fast the Foundations of Christianity , but strayed exceedingly in superstitious additions , 231 The Hierarchicks embraceing diverse novell Enormities desert the Primitive Church : where Heylen's preversion of the Ancients is discovered : Matthew 20 , 25 , &c. vindicated . and D. M's Romanism and Judaism detected . 223 The Bishop of Aiace his Christian Discourse unchristianly eluded and slighted by the Trent-Hierarchicks . 239 ERRATA . pag. lin . read 2 7 r. this 4 23 r. thereto is sufficient . 7 1 r. palpably . 8 10 r. Jac. 14 1 r. the feares of the. 26 33 dele comma . 32 penult . r 158. Ibid ibid r 163. Ibid. ult . r 53. 37 25 dele ( y ) 59 10 dele as 69 21 r hope of their . 80 25 r is injoyn'd . 82 32 r life . 84 1 r Act. 85 13 r their . 87 ult . r disaprov'd . 92 15 r liked . 104 33 r from . 125 7 r leanes . 129 6 r Apostles . 137 13 r breaking on bread . 140 30 r whereon . 150 28 r Apostles . 168 21 r expositures : 175 24 r other Pastors . 178 5 r in . 184 12 dele that . 185 18 r Apostolical . 186 28 r were . 188 27 adde it . 197 26 dele it . 202 18 r from . 207 1 r our . 214 6 r or . Ibid. 7 r of . 216 ult . r are . 217 20 adde acknowledged . Ibid. 31 r them . Ibid. pen. r de cornu . 219 20. r breaks . 223 1 Babylon , and is called a Persian i. e. a Parthian City , and the Metropolis . 237 16 r allowable . 239 28 r would ADDENDA pag. 71. lin . 21. But ( saith Heylen , Cosmographie pag. 332. ) beeing once settled in an orderly and constant Hierarchy , they held the same untill the Reformation began by Knox : when he & his Associats approving the Genevian Plat-form , took the advantage of the Minority of King James the sixt , to introduce Presbyterian Discipline and suppress the Bishops . pag. 96. lin . 9. What was the mind of the Waldenses & Hussites ( saith Voetius speaking of the Opposers of Prelacy , Polit. Eccles. part . 2. pag. 833. ) is evident from their most accurat History written by Joh. Paulus Perrinus , which is not extant save in their vulgar Tongues . Nazianzeni Querela et Votum Justum . OR , The Fundamentals of the HIERARCHY examined and disproved . Part I. Which briefly handles the prime Arguments for the Hierarchy , as also some of its Concomitants and Qualities . Section I. The Scope of the ensuing Treatise . THE purpose of our present Discourse is not directly to handle that much tossed Debate ; if an Office in the Church for species or kind superiour to that of dispensing the Word and Sacraments hath any footing or warrant in the Word of God ? Neither will this be judged necessary by any who call to mind that many Treatises disproving the divine right of Episcopacy , as Altare Damascenum , and Rectius Instruendum , have had so good success that , for ought I know , they stand intirely without any shadow of an Answer . Yea the most learned that ever pleaded for the Lawfulness of Episcopacy , will not blame us , though we yeeld no Scripture-ground to it , but only consider it in it self as a thing indifferent ; of which mind , among the Ancients , were , not only those who denyed not the exercise of his Office to be Lawfull , as Hierome ; but also the very Bishops themselves , as Augustine , all of them founding this Office , not upon Jus Dominicum , the Law of God in the Scriptures ; but Ecclesiasticam consuetudinem , the practice of the Church . Add hereto that both Fathers and Councils equally in Opinion and Practice , stuck no less to the lawfulness of Patriarchat , than that of simple Episcopacy ; and yet I believe few among real Protestants will either assert the Divine Right of this Office of Patriarchat , i. e. that it had any Warrant for it in the Word of God ; or yet that those Fathers and Councils so believed . Which present Consideration furnisheth us with another Argument sufficient to evince that the ancient Ch●rch founded this Office only upon Custom ; and , as they thought , Christian Prudence , and not at all upon the Books of the Old and New Testament . § . 2. Neither do the most Learned of the Modern Episcopals in the least swerve from this Opinion ; amongst whom I reckon D. Forbes , who , a having , for a while with the greatest tenderness and fear , handled this Matter , propones at length the Question , If Episcopacy be of Divine Right ? And yet declares himself highly difficultated what to Answer ; for absolutly deny it , he will not : and positively assert it he dares not : he therefore confounds it with a Synodical Moderatourship , and then fairly tells us that it is of Divine : Right ; because of the general Scripture-Precepts of Church-Order and Decency . And indeed he carries himself all along in this Matter with so much nice Caution , Ambiguity and Fear , that he evinces the desperation of the Episcopal Cause , to which so learned a Man could afford no better Defence , than really to destroy what he pretends to vindicat . Neither is the most Learned Bishop Vsser of another mind , who has reduced it to a meer shadow , and nonentity . And b Willet , though he says that a difference is needfull for Church-Policy , yet affirms , that this cannot be proved by the Word of God , and that in the Apostles times a Bishop and Presbyter were neither in Name nor Office distinguished . And he at large answers all Bellarmine's Arguments to the Contrary . See the Appendix to the second part of the forecited Question . Of this same Judgement is their applauded Hooker c viz. that there is no ground for their Hierarchy in the word of God ; while he declares himself against all particular Forms of Church-government , and acknowledges that nothing for Diocesan Prelacy can be brought therefrom . The necessity of Policy ( saith he d ) and regimen in all Churches may be held without holding any one certain Form to be necessary in them all . And the general Principles are such as do not particularly prescribe any one , but sundry Forms of Discipline may be equally consonant unto the general Axioms of Scripture . It hath been told them that Matters of Faith , and in general , Matters necessarie unto Salvation are of a different Nature from Ceremonies , Order , and the kind of Church-Government , that the one are necessar to be expresly contained in the Word of God , or else manifestly collected out of the same ; the other not so , that it is necessarie not to receive the one unless there be something in Scripture for them , the other free if nothing be alledged against them . And the Learned D. Stilling fleet is at no smal pains to cashier and expunge , among the rest of peculiar Forms of Government . This Diocesan Prelacy out of Scriptural-Articles ; and not only acknowledges , but also , e musters not a few Arguments , whereby to Prove that it hath no Ground in Holy Scripture . And , Dr. Morton , f Though a zealous Defender of Episcopacy : Asserts that Hierome made not the Difference between Bishop and Presbiter of Divine Institution ; he ass●nts to Medina the Jesuite , and asserts , that there was no Difference in the matter of Episcopacy betwixt Hierome and Aerius : He averres further that not only the Protestants , but also all the primitive Doctors were of Hierome ' s mind And finally he concludes , that according to the Harmonious Consent of all Men in the Apostolick Age , there was no Difference between Bishop and Pesbyter , but was afterward introduced for the removal of Schism . And Jewel Bishop of Sarisburie ( a Man for Piety , and Ability , Second , I am sure , to few that ever filled an Episcopal Chair ) most expresly asserts the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter Here ( saith h he ) Mr. Harding findeth great fault , for that I have translated these words , ejusdem Sacerdotii , of the same Bishoprick , and not , as he would have it , of one Priesthood . God wott a very simple Quarrel . Let him take , whether he listeth best : if either-other of these words shall serve his turn . Erasmus saith , id temporis idem erat Episcopus , Sacerdos , & Presbyter : these three Names , viz. Bishop , Priest. and Presbyter at that time were all one . And i but what meant Mr. Harding here to come in with the Difference between Priests , or Presbyters and Bishops ? Thinketh he , that Priests , and Bishops hold only by Tradition ? Or is it so horrible an Heresie , as he maketh it , to say , that by the Scriptures of God , a Bishop , and a Priest are all one ? Or knoweth he , how far , and unto whom , he reacheth the Name of an Heretick ? Verily Chrysostom saith , Inter Episcopum , & Presbyterum interest ferme nihil ; between a Bishop , and a Priest , ( which is all one with Presbyter ) in a manner there is no difference . St. Hierome saith , somewhat in a rougher sort , Audio Quendam &c. I hear say there is one become so Peevish , that he setteth Deacons before Priests , that is to say , before Bishops : whereas the Apostle plainly teacheth us that Priests , and Bishops be all one . Thus far Jewel . The Bishops and Priests ( saith the famous Bishop Cranmer k ) were at one time , and were not two things , but both one Office in the beginning of Christ's Religion . And , In the New Testament , he that is appointed to be a Bishop or a Priest , needeth no Consecration by the Scripture ; for Election or Appointing thereto sufficient . In the same MS. ( saith Dr. Stillingfleet l ) it appears , that the Bishop of St. Asaph , Therleby , Redman , and Cox , were all of the same Opinion with the Arch-Bishop , that at first Bishops and Presbyters were the same ; and the two latter expresly cite the Opinion of Jerome with Approbation . Thus we see by the Testimony chiefly of him who was Instrumental in Our Reformation , that he owned not Episcopacy as a distinct Order from Presbytry but only as a prudent Constitution of the Civil Magistrat , for the better governing in the Church . And having proved that Whitgift , and with him the whole Body of the English Episcopal Divines were of the same Judgement , thus concludes ; m By which Principles the Divine Right of Episcopacy as founded upon Apostolical Practice , is quite subverted and destroyed . Now judge if Dr. Sandersone n spoke not without the allowance , ye acontrary to the express Mind of his Brethren , when he says that the Difference among the Advocats for Episcopacy is only Verbal , and that all of them , even those who yeeld that it is not of Divine Right , no less than the rest , assert that it is founded on the Example and Institution of Christ or his Apostles . § . 3. This Discourse therefore shall weigh the Advantages alledged to flow from Episcopacy , that it may appear if it have such Effects as they Promise ; As also inquire if the Hurt and Dammage does not preponderat all the Good they can pretend to be linked to their Hierarchy . Neither shall we neglect to examine , if what the most Learned of that Perswasion bring from Ecclesiastick Antiquity , be subservient to their Cause . Section II. The Aphorism No Bishop No King discuss'd . A Chief Argument whereby they would prove the necessity of Prelacy they bring from the great Support which they say it affords to Monarchy . Hence with them No Bishop No King is an axiomatick Aphorism , which cannot be readily granted , seeing , to name no more , the charges the Hierarchy stood the King and Kingdom made a dear Bargain . Much was spent in their stated Revenues , but more by their clandestine Exactions , and other sinistrous means of draining the Country , and places of their pretended Jurisdictions , throw which there are Incorporations that , even at this day , groan under the Debts they then contracted : And yet more by sustaining Standing-forces to be Janizaries to the Prelates and their Complices , and persecute the sincerer part of Protestants , for else there was then no use of such numbers . Yet their Maxime may be thus far granted , that Prelacy may much contribute to the introduction of a Despotick and Arbitrary Government : And indeed the great Power they usurped , and manifold Influences they had over both Cities and Country , either to wheedle or menace them to elect such Members of Parliament as pleased them ; and to Cajole or awe these Parliament-men to speak in their own Dialect : And the being of a good number of them prime Lords of the Articles , whereby they had either the mediat or immediat Flection of the rest , made them well nigh able to effect no less : Which kind of Government no Wise and Paternal Prince will desire . § 2. Moreover that Princes have no great reason to be fond of them is apparent from their great unfitness to manage Politick and State-Affairs . There are two Ways whereby one may be fitted for being a Statesman ; either when Natural induements are extraordinary , which I doubt if many of our Prelats could affirm of themselves : Or else that of Education and continued Industry whereby to be fitted for State-imployments ; but so far were they from any thing of this , that during their greener years , they had quite other Studies and Imployments , being designed for the Ministry ; and so were obliged to prosecute hard the Study of Divinity , which , I am sure , will give any Man his handsfull of Work , who makes earnest of it . From this they are taken to feed some Flock , which , at least , will give them no less exercise . Now , how these Men can be fit for managing State-affairs , or , how they can be well kept from falling into Solecisms therein , whose skill is so small , is not very discernable . But though they were never so well fore-armed for such high State-imployments , how find they leisure to exercise them ? Is not the Ruling , and Governing so many Ministers and Churches , which they alledge themselves to be entrusted with , a Work heavy enough to exercise , if not to bruise any one Man ? Or , where have they found Warrant to relinquish the Ministry , and turn themselves to Offices of State when offered , or to undertake both together ? Do they not believe that either of them is heavy enough ? Know they not that not only the Apostle , but also the ancient Canons , and , to name no others , these which ( though not truly ) are called the Canons of the Apostles , most clearly condemn this their Practice ? Let neither ( say they ( a ) ) Bishop , Presbyter or Deacon taken upon him any secular Business ; otherways let him be cast out off his Office : Hence we may learn , b if it be out of Conscience that these Men plead for Antiquity , when they palpable contemn and trample what themselves count the most venerable Precepts thereof . Moreover it 's observable how they , so far as their Interest led them , still studied the ruine of those to whom they owed their Being , as Bishops . Thus the Roman Prelats studied the Ruine of both the Eastern and Western Emperours : Thus the Bishops of Scotland brought no small Vexation to both King and Nobility , in the Reign of Alexander the III. And so Becket of Canter●ury , and his Faction handled Henry the II of England . But worse did their Successours treat Richard the II , whom , in his Absence , they deprived of his Kingdom . It 's vain to repone that these were Papists ; seeing the ambition of Prelats is well enough known of whatever Name they be : Yea such also have been the Practices of Prelats who acknowledged no Pope , as divers of the Greek Patriarks , who helped not a little to Dethrone their Emperour . And the English Bishops ( as Sir Francis Knols complains in a Letter to Secretary Cicil ) encroached not a little upon the Priviledges of the Crown , kept Courts in their own Name , and still give out , that the Complex of their Office , i. e. the civil part of it , as well as the other , without any Distinction , was not from the King but from Jesus Christ. Which Encroachments are really Imperium in Imperio . On which account , this their usurped Power , as being dangerous , and of a Romish Original , was abolished in the first Parliament , of Edward the VI. The Substance of what Dr. Sanderson either insinuats or more clearly expresseth in Answer hereto , is , that this was a Corruption in Edward 's Reformation : And that some other Courts in England , as well as these of the Bishops are not kept in the King's Name . But sure , it 's not very credible that this was a Corruption seeing nothing else , since Edward's Days , hath been done , during the succeeding Reigns , for that Church's further Reformation ; but 't is an odd Paradox if we consider the Author , for it was Mary who Abolished this Act of Edward , and restored their Power when she brought back the rest of Popery : And though other Courts , as he says , be not kept in the King's Name , yet reason teacheth , and former experience proves , how dangerous it was to give Ecclesiasticks ought that looks like an Absolute power , and worldly Grandure , whereby , like the Pope , they may , by his Artifices arrive , at length , to a real Independency . And indeed B. Laud made large steps towards it , who , as Roger Coke relates , c copt with the King himself , and maugre both his Will and Authority must visit Colledges not as his Commissioner , but by his own Metropolitan right , and plumed ( thus saith the Author ) in his own Feathers , all black and white , without one borrowed from Caesar whereby the more he assumes to himself the less he leaves to the King , he now soars higher . And notable here is Dr. Sanderson's disingenuity , who always gives out that the Marian Act , which he still compares with , yea prefers to that of Edward , was never repealed by any succeeding Parliament . But we are informed by the same R. Coke ( d ) that by the 1. Tac. 25. the Marian Act was repealed and so that of Edward revived . And now to see him , who pretends to be a Minister of the Gospel ( whose Office is only Ministerial and spiritual , exercised only in spiritual things , without reaching Men's Bodies , inflicting only Rebukes , and such verbal punishments ) to see such I say keeping Courts altogether Civil , and inflicting corporal mulcts and Punishments after the manner of Worldly Potentats , but especially when all this is done in their own Name , would really make the indifferent Beholder averre that such imitated , to the Life , his Romish Holiness , and believed much better his Doctrine of his receiving both spiritual and temporal Sword , than that of our Saviour , whereby he prohited his Apostles and their Successours all such earthly Grandure and despotick Power , as resembles the Lordship and Dominion of worldly Princes . § . 3. But their Maxime not only intimats that Prelacy well accordeth with Mouarchy ; but also , that any other Form of Church-government is destructive thereof . Which how they will evince I know not : How they can shew that Presbytrie , with which I am only here concerned , is destructive of , or in the least inconsistent with Monarchy I cannot perceive . They can , I am sure , neither deduce their Inference from the Practice of Presbyterians , nor the Principles of Presbytrie : Not from the first , for though they load them , as if they had been the Cause , of many Civil Broyls and Calamities , and especially of these ensuing the Year 38. We may justly , yea with the allowance of the Hierarchie's greatest Favourers , reject the Charge , and send it home to the Prelats , who , by their attempting to introduce into the Church a Mass of Romish Superstitions , and their Pride and Tyranny exercised on all sorts , were become unsupportable to both Nobility and People . B. Laud , Montegue and such Papaturients were then earnestly labouring the reintroduction of a Mass of Romish Leaven into England , though there were but too much there already which had never been cast ●ut . Take one Instance or two in the words of R. Coke a high Church-of-England-man , and no Lover of Presbyterians , I 'm sure . The Bishops ( saith he e ) of the Province of Canterbury in their own Names , enjoin the removal of the Communion-table in the Paroch Churches & Vniversities , from the body of the Church or Chancel to the east of the Chancel , & cause Rails to be set about the Table , and refuse to administer the Sacrament to such as shall not come up to the Rails , & receive it Kneeling : that the book of Sports , on Sundays , be read in Churches , and enjoin Adoration . I do not find that Adoration was ever enjoined before , nor any of the forenamed Injunctions in any Canon of the Church . Our Bishops were of the same mettal with these Innovatours in England , and their most docile Schollars : Laud therefore and his Faction apprehending that we would make but a small resistance against them to whom England was likely to yeeld , prepared for us all her Cup with some other additional Drugs more Romish , than what was obtruded on the English. Witness the Form in the Administration of the Sacrament which ( as R. Coke d acknowledges ) was the same in the Mass. But seeing , the knowledge of the state we were in , when the Nation entred into a Covenant , and opposed that Stream of Romish Abominations , contributes not a little to repell their fierce charges of Rebellion and Sedition ; the Reader will pardon me though at some length I transcribe a Passage from one who is beyond suspicion of being partial in favours of Presbytrie , Covenant , or ought of that nature : I mean Dr. Burnet f The Bishops ( saith he ) therefore were cherished by him ( the King viz. ) with all imaginable expressions of kindness and confidence ; but they lost all their Esteem with the People , and that upon divers Accounts . The People of Scotland had drunk in a deep prejudice against every thing that savoured of Popery . This the Bishops judged was too high , and therefore took all means possible to lessen it , both in Sermons and Discourses , mollifying their Opinions and commending their Persons , not without some reflections on the Reformers . But this was so far from gaining their Design , that it abated nothing of the Zeal was against Popery , but very much hightned the rage against themselves , as favouring it too much . There were also subtile Questions started some Years before in Holland about Predestination and Grace ; and Arminius his Opinion , as it was condemned in a Synod at Dort , so was generally ill reported of in all reformed Churches , and no-where worse than in Scotland : but most of the Bishops , and their Adherents , undertook openly and zealously the Defence of these Tenets . Likewise the Scotish Ministers and People had ever a great respect to the Lord's-day , and generally the Morality of it is reckoned an Article of Faith among them : but the Bishops not only undertook to beat down this Opinion , but by their Practices expressed their neglect of that Day ; and after all this they declared themselves avowed Zealots for the Liturgy and Ceremonies of England , which were held by the Zealous of Scotland all one with Popery . Vpon these Accounts it was , that they lost all their Esteem with the People . Neither stood they in better Terms with the Nobility , who at that time were as considerable as ever Scotland saw them ; and so proved both more sensible of Injuries , and more capable of resenting them . They were offended with them , because they seemed to have more interest with the King than themselves had , so that Favours were mainly distributed by their Recommendation ; they were also upon all Affairs , nine of of them were Privy Counsellers , divers of them were of the Exehequer , Spotswood Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews , was made Chancellour , and Maxwell Bishop of Ross was fair for the Treasury , and engaged in a high rivalry with the Earl of Traquair , then Treasourer , which tended not a little to help foreward their Ruine . And besides this , they began to pretend highly to the Titles and Impropriations , and had gotten one Learnmonth a Minister presented Abbot of Lindoris , and seemed confident to get that state of Abbots , with all the Revenue and Power belonging to it , again restored into the hands of Churchmen ; designing also , that according to the first Institution of the Colledge of Justice , the half of them should be Churchmen . This could not but touch many of the Nobility in the quick , who were too large sharers in the Patrimony of the Church , not to be very seusible of it . They were no less hatefull to the Ministry , because of their Pride , which was cried out upon as unsupportable . Great Complaints were also generally made qf Simoniacal Pactions with their Servants , which was imputed to the Masters , as if it had been for their advantage , at least by their allowance . They also exacted a new Oath of Intrants , ( besides what was in the Act of Parliament for obedience to their ordinary ) in which they were obliged to obey the Articles of Perth , and submit to the Liturgy and Canons . They were also dayly making Inroads upon their Jurisdiction , of which the Ministers were very sensible ; and universally their great rigour against any that favoured of Puritanism , together with their medling in all Secular-affairs , and relinquishing their Dioceses to wait on the Court and Council , made them the Object of all Men's fury . But that which heightned all to a Crisis was , their advising the King to introduce some Innovations in the Church by his own Authority ; things had prospered so ill in general Assemblies , that they thought of these no more . And in the Parliament 1633. that small addition to the prerogative , that the King might appoint what habits he pleased to the Clergy , met with vigorous opposition , notwithstanding the King seemed much concerned for it ; those who opposed it being sharply taken up , and much neglected by his Majesty , which stuck deep in their Hearts , the Bishops bearing all the blame of it . At this time a Liturgy was drawn for Scotland , or rather the English reprinted with that Title , save that it had some Alterations which rendred it more invidious and less satisfactory ; and after long consulting about it and another Book of Canons , they were at length agreed to , that the one should be the Form of the Scotish-worship , and the other the model of their Government , which did totally vary from their former Practices and Constitutions : and as if all things had conspired to carry on their Ruine , the Bishops not satisfied with the General High-commission-court , produced Warrants from the King for setting up such Commissions in their several Diocesses , in which with other Assessors , Ministers , and Gentlemen , all of their own Nomination , they might punish Offenders . That was put in practice only by the Bishop of Galloway , who though he was a pious and learned Man , yet was fiery and passionate , and went so roundly to work , that it was cryed out upon as a Yoke and Bondage which the Nation was not able to bear . And after all this the King ( advised by the Bishops ) commanded the Service-book to be received through Scotland , and to be read according to the New Book at Edinburgh on Easter-day in the year 1637. Thus Dr. Burnet , of which kind much more might be taken from his , and the Writings of other Adversaries themselves , and yet far more from these of the Disinterested . And now judge under how wofull a Burden we then groaned , and if it was not high time for the Nation to curb such Tyranny over Bodies and Consciences , and stemm the tide of these hatefull Corruptions , which not softly and by a stelth , but by violence , like a mighty torrent , were bearing all before them , and at once ready to sweep away both Religion and Property : Should they not by sitting still and quietly yeelding both Sacred and Civil Rights , have proved in the highest degree treacherous to their God , Countrey and Posterity ? And seeing the Prelats were either the Authors , or great Promoters of all this Mischief . and the Office it self asserted only upon human-right , and so as a thing indifferent , by its ablest Advocats ; and by the King himself h yeelded to be contrary to the constitution of the Church of Scotland ; And , finally , by the body of the Nation held to be unlawfull , Tyrannical and Antichristian : Were they not then highly obliged , not only , to cashire the Officers , but also to abolish the Office it self ? In the mean while , though their Supplications were both most humble and reasonable , yet so had B. Laud and his Faction mislead and abused the King's Majesty , who otherwise was both Vertuous and Laudable , that the Suppliants were at first answered with terrible Menaces , then with dilatory and ambiguous Speeches , which were seconded with earnest Preparations for a most destructive War , and vengeance on the supposed Delinquents . Nor was ever ought granted but by inches as the urgency of the Courts Affairs compelled them , resolving in the mean while only to gain time , and practise such Artifices untill strength being recovered , the Suppliants , either broken among themselves , or lulled into security , might be overwhelmed at unawars , and with the more ease sacrificed to the fury of the Canterburians . As for the black and criminal Actions imputed , during these Times , to the Covenanters ( i. e. to the body of the Nation , seeing not only the Bulk of the Commonalty , and Gentry , but also the Nobility well nigh to a man , save the Papists , as is acknowledged on all hands , joined in opposing these Enormities ) as I shall ever most frankly condemn them when the charge is proved , and doubt not ( which falls out in the best of Actions ) but that divers who joined them might drive sinistrous Ends ; so I averre that all the impartial will distinguish between Scelus and Error , and ascribe any Escapes or Solecims , any way chargeable on others , not to their want of Conscience and Loyalty , but at worst to their want of fore-sight : to which byass the odd dealings of the Court , and their want of Experience of these with whom they afterward joined , doubtless contributed not a little to incline them . They were not ignorant that King James who ( as Dr. Burnet i intimats ) opposed Presbytry , not out of Conscience , but Policy , rarely minded to keep what he promised ; and , at every innovation he introduc'd , averr'd that it should be the last , while he only designed to make it a preparative for more . And indeed , to name no others , King James his prevaricating , temporizing , promising , and consenting to what he never mean'd to stand longer than untill by force , he should be able to undoe them , is not altogether conceal'd even by his own Spotswood k himself , though rarely , I acknowledge , guilty of so much ingenuity . Neither made he any bones to obtrude on this Kingdom inquisitionlike High-commission-courts , without any Law l or Acts of Parliament . These his steps were troaden by his Successour , who , being Prepossessed by the Canterburians , with all imaginable severity , urged and increased these lawless Innovations , and yet stuck not to averre that he took Arms only to surpress Rebellion , and not to impose Novelties m . And that all Concessions then given were only to gain time , till sufficient strength to overwhelm this Kingdom , might be recovered , is not only colligible from the more impartial Accounts of these Times , but also from Nalson himself . The King ( saith he n ) was prevail'd with , by this reason offered by Traquair to sign the following Instructions . That his Majesty notwithstanding whatever the Parliament could do , might , whenever he was in a better Capacity , introduce Episcopacy , because the Bishops being by all the Laws of Scotland , one of the three Estates of Parliament , no Act that passed without them would be of force , much less an Act for their Abolition , especially they not appearing or consenting to it , but protesting against it . Now , as the same Nalson relates , In these Instructions the King allows his Commissioner to cousent in his Name to the abolishing of Episcopacy when it should be enacted by the General Assembly . And now judge what strange Policy this was , which left the King at Liberty to null all Acts of Parliament wherein Bishops had not a Vote , even tho' himself had ratified the Abolition of Episcopacy , and added never so positive a Sanction to these Acts made without Bishops , which presuppos'd his Ratification of their Exclusion from voting in Parliament . Now I say , such strange dealings as these , and thereupon the dreadfull Effects of the Court's fury , so soon as it could gather strength to exercise them , might promp Men to an extream sheiness of believing any of its Promises , and incline them to a closser Conjunction with these of whose Arts they had less Experience . And doubtless when they made the League with the English Parliament , they were far from believing that some of them drove such Ends as afterwards appeared , and far from foreseeing ( as certainly were many of the then English Parliament ) the dismal Alterations which ensued ; otherwise certainly they had never join'd with the English or done ought of that kind . And indeed , as to their second entry into England , Dr. Burnet i ingenuously demonstrats that it was well nigh impossible for them at that time to do otherways . Moreover that the Crime of Selling his Majesty is falsly imputed to the State or Church of this Nation , and that they abhorr'd and detested so wicked a Parricide as was committed on his Royal Person , may be attested even by the greatest of Royalists themselves ; whereof , their Reception of , and standing for King Charles the II , and that in opposition to Antimonarchicks , untill they together with him were broken by the prevailing Enemy , is a sufficient evidence . And as I shall not defend the separate actings of some call'd the Associats , so I say that every just Estimator of these Affairs will , after serious reflection , be ready , at least , to excuse and pity them ; seeing they not only had fresh memory of the scarce paralell'd dealing of the preceeding Reign , but also perceived evident Specimens of a strange Genius in the Successor ; whence they might collect how sad and terrible things might be feared from him , should he be permitted to give the reins of Affairs to the Popish and other Incendiaries , whom even at that time he was observed most to favour ; and if his subsequent Actions have not given these too much to say for themselves , I leave to the judgement of the unbyass'd . However things be , seeing these were but a handfull never approv'd by the body of the Nation , or the most part of Presbyterians therein , their doings cannot in the least infringe the instance . Another instance is that of the Presbyterians their assisting and preserving of King James the VI in his Minority . But now put case many foul and unjustifiable things might be objected , and these their Actions accompanied with many Circumstances and Concomitants not to be defended ; yet how levels this at the core of the Controversie ? Jam dic Posthume de tribus capellis ? Let them either speak to the purpose , or acknowledge their extravagancies : It 's evident , and we prove , yea even from their own most approved Writers , that then , Liberty , Religion , and all morality was struck at and well nigh overwhelmed ; the Body of the Nation jointly oppos'd themselves , that they might stop the Torrent . Now the Question is , if this was Lawfull and well done ? and with this they rarely dar medle , or if they do , it must be on presupposition of pure passive obedience , without any exception , and of other such Hypotheses as not only equally level at the Reformation of most of the Churches from Popery , but also transform regular Monarchy into an absolute Tyranny , ruine all Subjects , and at length prove really destructive of what they pretend to advance : either I say they must use these or the like Hypotheses , and so give what is well nigh nothing to the purpose , or else adduce what is wholly forraign thereto , and only load our stout and worthy Opposers of that Mass of Romish Superstition , Irreligion , and Prophanity , with most heavy Accusations , as false and perfidious , acting from bad and base Motives , using unworthy Methods , driving sinistrous Ends , and thus only endeavour to bespatre and blacken their Adversaries , not to handle the Controversie : And this minds me of what I have observ'd in some of the Popish Historians , and others of their Declaimers against our first Reformers , for their bad cause permitting them to speak little or nothing directly to the Purpose , and their Malice allowing them as little to be silent ; they spend most of their Harangues in decrying and reproaching all who were active in that Reformation as guilty of many foul personal Blemishes , acting nothing sincerely but out of base Principles , and to as ill Designs : and amongst other things is chiefly objected the Crime of Rebellion , whereon the Romanists most commonly expatiat : and some of them add much about Conspiracies between these Rèformers and the Turk against the Catholicks as if He had been at the bottom of most was then done : just as our Adversaries make Cardinal Richlieu , and the French , the Authors and chief Promoters of our opposing Laud's Popish Innovations : surely the former is less ridiculous and carries more colour of possibility than the latter . In the mean while it will make their Calumnies of less Credit with all true Protestants , that they load Knox and the rest of our first Reformers with no less black detraction and slander , than they do these of the 38 , accusing and condemning them of an anarchick and ungovernable Temper , hatred against all Kings , Faction and Rebellion : and on this false pretence they breath out their malice and bitterness against them , and that no less fiercely than they do against the Opposers of the Canterburian Incendiaries . And thus much of the Practice of Presbyterians . Neither have they any more reason to alledge the second , that the Principles of Presbytry are contrary to Monarchy , none of them yeelding any such Inference . Their peculiar Hypothesis wherein they oppose Prelacy is , that no Pastor ought to usurp a Dominion or Superiority over his Brethren : And how this Principle can induce any to attempt the eversion of Monarchy , is not easily conjectured . They have yet another Principle , that whosoever is call'd to the Ministry ought not to intangle himself in any Civil Affairs , but to lay out himself wholly for the Souls of Men , and to this end be instant in season and out of season : Which is consonant enough to the former , but opposite to the Principles of Prelats ; who assert that Civil and Ecclesiastick Offices are compatible , and may be lodged in the same Subject : and accordingly they grasp and inhance whatsoever Places of State they can come by , both of higher and lower degree . Now , whether that Government which is only Ministerial , not , if they hold to their Principles , concern'd with Politicks , or Civil Government , but only with the Souls of Men , for the Edification of whom all their Studies are directed ; or that which is pompous and despotick , allowing Church-men to climb unto the highest Places of State , be most opposite to Monarchy , let any Man judge . And although the Prelats acknowledge dependance upon their Prince , they but only do what the Popes did , who for a long time acknowledged their dependance upon the Emperour , and sought● their Election or the Confirmation thereof from him , untill by little and little they got to stand upon their own Legs to , almost , the overthrow and ruine of their Soveraign and Benefactor . Now Prelacy and Popery being really one and the same Government , Princes ought to fear no less Mischief from the one than from the other . Section III. Their Argument taken from Order , weighed . ANother Achillean Argument they bring from the Nature of Order , which , they say , is wholly inconsistent with Parity . Hence one of their Coryphaei brandishing it , to the end he might compleat the Demonstration , cited Aristotle himself for the Definition of Order , which ( saith he ) is secundum quem aliquid altero prius aut posterius dicitur . For that unhappy word simul would have spoil'd the whole Business , and therefore must be left out . And certain it is that none of them can improve this Argument any more than he has done , seeing , according to the express Definition of Order , a Parity is no less consistent therewith than Superioty and Inferiority . § . 2. Moreover if this Topick do them any service , it shal , at length , establish a Pope over them all ; seeing a Parity of superior Officers , as Bishops or Arch-bishops , is no less Cyclopick and Monstrous ( for with these names they calumniat Presbytry ) than a Parity of Pastors . Yea by this their Argument it is manifest how they reproach most of the reformed Churches , as if there were nothing there but a Babylonish Confusion ; and the Apostles themselves , none of whom , I think , took the Oath of Canonical Obedience to another . Moreover , whosoever denies a Parity in a plurality of Governours ( tho' the chiefest in a Society ) as if 't were unwarranted by Example , and tending to Confusion , discovers either his Ignorance , or what is worse ; seeing it is well known that at the same time there was a plurality of Kings in Sparta , of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Princes in Athens , and of Consuls in Rome ; during which Governments there was , I am sure , as little Disorder as when they were in the Hands of one single Man. So much is really affirmed by their own learned Sutlivius a who brings store of such Examples , and irrefragably evinces our Purpose : so true it is that none can smartly oppose the Pope's Crown , but must eâdem operâ ( were he , as indeed Sutlivius is , the greatest Friend to Prelats ) ruffle also their Mytres . Section IV. The Plea for Prelacy , drawn from Unity , discuss'd . NO less fiercely do they argue that Episcopacy is altogether necessary on the account of Vnity ; Without which ( say they ) there can be nothing but Schism and Dtvision ; and therefore the Ancient Church sustain'd it . But altho' this might have deceiv'd some of the Ancients , whose ends were good ( though this mean fell out ineffectual , yea unhappy whereby to obtain them ) yet it is strange that any now , if at all they reflect on past times , can place any confidence in such Church-policy , in order to procure Peace and Unity : seeing it is of all things most undeniable , that , notwithstanding hereof , the primitive Church was opprest and rent with innumerable Schisms , hatch'd and sustain'd by Bishops , in opposition to Bishops ; no less , at least , than by Presbyters , in opposition to Presbyters . Yea it is certain that these , whom they contend to be Diocesans , were either the Inventers , or , at least , the main Propagators and Abettors thereof . Were not Victor of Rome , and Polycrates of Ephesus , the Authors of that great Schism and Controversie anent the Celebration of Easter ? Were not Stephen Bishop of Rome , and Cyprian of Carthage Authors of another Schism about Rebaptizing of the lapsed ? Was not Paulus Bishop of Samosata , Author of that non-such Schism and Heresie of the Samosatenians ? Did not the mighty Schism of the Donatists fall out because Sicilianus Competitor with Donatus was preferr'd ? And , when the Heresie of the Bishop of Samosata was varnish'd by a Presbyter Arrius , how was it hugg'd and propagated by the bulk of the Oriental Bishops ? Was not Macedonius , Bishop of Constantinople , the Author of that most damnable Heresie known by his Name ? Again Nestorius , Bishop of that same City , gave both Being and Name to another Schism no less dangerous than the former . Time would fail me to reckon up Berillus , Bostrensis , Nepos an Egytian Bishop , Fidus in Africk , Photinus of Syrmium , with many others . And in short , few Heresies or Schisms sprang up in these Times , but they had either Bishops for their Authors , or else for their great Abettors ; without whose influence , they were likely shortly to have starved : or else they were raised through the Pride and Competition of men aspiring to the Episcopal Dignity ▪ which , to name no others , is clear in the Instance of Donatus . Yea that all the blackest Schisms and most pestilent Heresies had Bishops for their Authors , Sutlivius a expresly affirms . But take one Instance further , in respect of which the rest are but Grasshopers , in the Person of the Romish Bishop , or Bishops ; who have been the great Authors and Fomenters of the most damnable Heresies , and mighty Schisms , that the Christian World hath hitherto seen . Certainly , had the Church contented Herself with the Apostolick Parity we plead for , the Man of Sin could not have mounted the Throne of Iniquity ; on which , for many Ages , he hath continued to the most pestiferous Infection and distracting Division of the Church , that ever Satan did excogitat , or Man behold . § . 2. Moreover , suppose they could with the greatest plausibility conclude the inconsistancy of Unity and Parity , they were yet to be neglected ; it being certain that , in the choisest Assembly the World ever saw , both of 'em were harmoniously lodged ; and that there are Christian Churches enjoying no less Harmony without Diocesans , than those who have ' em . Section V. The Argument Prelatists bring from Antiquity , canvass'd . THeir next Plea is from Antiquity : but for us it may be enough to say from the Beginning it was not so . Thus Christ answer'd the Pharisees : thus the Christians answer'd the Heathens alledging the Antiquity of Gentilism . They can give few or no Proofs for their Proposition from the first , and best part of the second Century : They pretend indeed to the Epistles of Ignatius , which , to say the best , are in divers places spurious , carrying Self-contradictions , vain Boastings and Flattery all along ; but of this more afterward . Other Catalogues and Memorials of the Bishops of the ancientest Times , were written long after , when Prelacy had got a higher ascendant , and the Mystery of Iniquity was more palpably working : therefore these Authors spoke according to , and in the Style of their own times , and not in the Style of the times wherein these Pastors lived . And here I say nothing , but what is vouch'd by Dr. Stilling fleet a . And , amongst many others , these his w●ords are most observable : for having taken notice that Eusebius makes it a most hard Matter to know who succeeded the Apostles in the Churches they planted , adds , say you so ? is it so hard a Matter to find , out who succeeded the Apostles in the Churches planted by them , unless it be mention'd the Writings of Paul ? What becomes then of our unquestionable Line of Succession of the Bishops of several Churches , and the large Diagrams made of the Apostolick Churches with every one's Name set down in his Order , as if the Writer had been Clarenceaulx to the Apostles themselves ? Is it come to this at last that we having nothing certain but what we have in Scriptures ? And must then the Tradition of the Church be our Rule to interpret Scriptures by ? An excellent way to find out the Truth doubtless , to bend the Rule to the croocked stick , &c. Again it 's certain that , for divers Centuries , Bishops were nothing like what they are now , either in exercising Civil Power , or Jurisdiction over other Pastors , or yet in the largeness of Dioceses ; so that the Term Bishop in respect of the two is little better than an equivocal . It 's certain also that the ancient Church wanted not her own Blemishes : which was well perceived by her Doctors , who still look'd on the Word of God only as the Rule of Faith and Manners , on which they never founded the Episcopal Superiority . Hence this their Argument carries nothing of Cogency . Section VI. The Instance of Aërius condemn'd by Epiphanius , prov'd to be unserviceable to our Antagonists . TO Illustrat and Corroborat this their Argument from Antiquity , they adduce the Instance of Aërius ; who was for this his Judgement of Presbytry , as well as for Arrianism , condemn'd and counted Heretick by Epiphanius . But it is certain that Epiphanius censur'd Aërius , not only for his being Anti-episcopal , and , as he believ'd , because Arrian , but also for his rejecting of Lents , set and Anniversary Fasts , and for denial of Prayer and Sacrifice for the Dead . Now either purer Antiquity join'd with Epiphanius in asserting of the necessity of Prayer and Sacrifice for the Dead , and other such Fopperies ; or they did not ; and if they join'd with him therein , then our Prelatists , if they be Protestants , are concern'd to reflect better of how little weight their Argument from the Ancients , pressing their unwarrantable Additions , can be unto them : But if they say that sounder Antiquity consented not to Epiphanius , while he urged Prayer and Sacrifice for the Dead , and such Anti-scriptural Fictions , we return that neither did the choicest of the Ancients agree with him in his Plea for Prelacy . The Judgement of Hierom is so well known herein , that the Bishop of Spalato a acknowledges that Hierom can by no means , yea not byforce be reconcil'd to their Cause . Hierome's Judgement ( saith Saravia b ) was private ; all one with that of Aërius , and contrary to the Word of GOD , wherefore we shall examine his Arguments . And on this account he is much offended with Hierome accusing him of Vanity , c Self-contradiction d , and Prevarication e ; And Alphonsus de Castro f sharply reproveth Thomas Waldensis another Papist , who had intended to pervert the Testimonies , which are commonly alledg'd for Presbytry out of Hierome : There De Castro having prov'd , out of divers places of Hierome , that he was truly for the Scriptural and Apostolick Idenity of Bishop and preaching Presbyter , concludes , against Waldensis , that of necessity there must be another way taken to Answer the Passages alledg'd out of Hierome for Presbytry : And at length flatly opposes himself to Hierome in this Matter , and saith , that we ought rather to believe the Decrees of Popes and Councils , than the Doctrine of Hierome , though both very Holy and Learn'd . And Medina , another Champion of the Hierarchy , cited by Bellarmine , asserts the same of Hierome , saying , He was of the same Judgement with Aërius in this Matter . Bellarmine g is very displeas'd with his Brother for his Ingenuity , and therefore attempts to bring Hierome over to the Episcopal Party ; but instead of performing this Task , he only fruitlesly endeavours to set Hierome at variance with himself . The like success had another of the same Fraternity , who , like Bellarmine , attempted to draw Hierome to his Faction , Bayly the Jesuit : h And yet with these , the most disingenous of the whole fry of Loyolites , some called Protestants stick not warmly to join themselves , and plead for a Patrociny to their Cause from Hierome . § . 3. Yea not only was Hierome of the same Judgement anent Episcopacy with Aërius , but also , as even the Jesuite Medina acknowledges , the most of the Greek and Latine primitive Doctors , and in special Ambrosius , Augustinus , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostomus , Theodoretus , Oecumenius , Theophilactus . This their Opinion ( saith Medina ) was first condemned in Aërius , then in the Waldenses , and lastly in Wicklef , but this Doctrine was either dissembled or tolerated by the Church in them for the Honour that was had to them , while on the other hand it was always condemn'd in these Men as Heretical , because in many other things they swerv'd from the Church . Many Papists and other Prelatists cannot away with this Medina's free dealing , and use many shifts to refute him , and draw these Fathers to their Party . But to use the Words of Rivet i , Whosoever shall consider their Answers collested by Sixtus Senensis Biblioth . lib. 6. annot . 319 , 323 , 324. they shall presently perceive that all their Distinctions are most pitifull Elusions , and that indeed all these Fathers were no less Presbyterian than Aërius , although they accommodat themselves to the Custom then received ; least for a Matter not contrary to the Foundations of Religion they should have broken the Vnity of the Church . What do our Opposits herein , but espouse what the Romanists , in whom any ingenuity remains , have long since disowned ? § . 4. But tho' Epiphanius were the mouth of all Antiquity , and the only fit Judge in this Controversie , the Triumph of our Adversaries should be very small : for Aërius to Prove the Idenity of the two , having adduced a parallel of many particulars , Epiphanius k denieth nothing of these to belong to Presbyters , except only Imposition of Hands ; he yeelds therefore that both of them equally have Power to Baptize , to occupy the Chair , and finally to perform all Divine Worship . Our Antagonists therefore offering to vouch the Prelacy they plead for , by the Authority of Epiphanius , promise much more then they can perform ; for what , pray , is this Power of Imposition of Hands , or Ordination , compared with what they covet , and pretend to support by Epiphanius , his Authority , I mean the , both great and many Differences between Bishop and Presbyter . § . 5. In the mean while Epiphanius his unjust dealing towards Aërius , is most palpable , for he sticks not to give out , that Aërius his Judgement of the Identity of Bishop & Presbyter , was look'd on by the whole Church as an intolerable Heresie condemned by the Word of God , when yet the quite contrary is so plain in the Writings of the Ancients down from the very Apostles , that even Epiphanius himself could not be ignorant thereof . Neither are his Deductions from Scripture more solid than his Allegation of the Suffrages of the Catholick Church , is true : all he brings from Scripture being 1 Tim. 5. 1. and 19. but he so grossy abuses these Scriptures that even Spalatensis l himself , and the ablest Patrons of Prelacy are ashamed of these Inferences . But Epiphanius had less exposed himself , had he , as he did in the Matter of Lents , set Fasts , Prayer and Sacrifice for the Dead , and other such his dear and beloved Doctrines , pretended only to Tradition ; and so the Lettice should have been fitted for the Lips , and also his miserable weakness have been less apparent . § . 6. And though in the last place , to render Presbytry more odious , they still upbraid us with the Arrianism of Aërius ; we need be little concern'd therewith , seeing we have the greatest Opposers of Arrians , intirely Aërians ( to speak in the stile of our Opposits ) in the matter of Presbytry , as we have already shewed . But I must here add , that it is upon no good Ground believed that ever Aërius was Arrian : all the Schisms and Divisions , though but very small , among the Arrians themselves are diligently described by the Historians of these times , as Ruffinus , Socrates , Sozomen , Theodoret , Theodorus Lector , Philost●rgius , and others ; but none of these or any others mention a word of the Schism of Aërius , which if we believe Epiphanius , was a Schism among the Arrians themselves : for he tells us that Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia in Pontus , from whom Aërius made the separation , was a down-right Arrian , and persisted therein till his Death . Add hereto that Augustine and others , who , in their Catalogues of Hereticks mention Aërius , still in their Preambles , intimat that their Author is Epiphanius . I name Augustine on the vulgar supposition that he is the Author of that tract de Heresibus , which yet is very doubtfull , seeing it 's altogether improbable that he ever heard off , & far less read Epiphanius his books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It 's altogether unprobable that they were then translated , and it 's certain that Augustine was utterly unable to understand them in the Original . Moreover , we have in that Tractat Relations of the Nestorian and Eutichian Heresies , not broached till after Augustine's Death . Which Relations , altho' some alledge to have been added by another to the rest , which they think to be really Augustines , yet seeing they are no less then the rest handed down under his Name ( tho' they now stand there as an Appendix , for in the end of the Pelagian Heresie which is the last before the Appendix , he promises more ) make a good proof that it 's not easie to discern the genuine part of that Tractat from the Spurious . However this be from what is said , the matter of Aërius resolves into this Issue , that we have only the report thereof from Basilius , and Epiphanius . § . 7. But that discourse of Basilius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in which Aërius is mention'd , is suspected & well nigh condemn'd by Erasmus m And to confirm what he asserts , Robert Cock , in his Censure of the Fathers , adds divers Reasons , as I am inform'd by Rivet , n for I have not perus'd Cock himself ; neither need I , seeing in all that Tractat there is not the least mention of Aërius . The ground of somes mistake was , that instead of Aëtius , who indeed was a most noted and pernicious Arrian , by the escape of the Printer , or some other accident , the word Aërius had crept into Erasmus his Translation thereof : But in the Original , printed at Paris Anno MDXVIII , there is Aëtius , not Aërius . They have ( saith he o ) a certain old Quibble from Aëtius the head of his Heresie . And indeed Basil could never have term'd Aërius , or any thing said by him , ancient , seeing he was scarcely so old as Basil himself , As for Epiphanius , if we consider the Passion wherewith he manages the Debate with Aërius , and his great credulity of whatever might favour his own Cause , and his many Mistakes in Historical Matters , he deserves little Credit in this Matter . A mighty Tide of Passion , which both blinds Mens eyes , and opens their Ears to false Reports , visibly appears in Epiphanius his whole conduct of the Dispute with Aërius : and that he was most credulous , believing the most light and groundless Reports , and in matters of Fact , of all men most frequently fell into Mistakes , is attested , not only by Melchor Canus , and Baron , in many places of his Annals , among the Papists ; but also by the learnedest of the Protestants , as Casaubon , p whose words are : Epiphanius was a great Man , but , as is very evident , he did most easily believe every most silly and groundless Report . To which also the learned Rivet assenteth . § . 8. One Instance whereof appears in his Relation of the Donatists , whom , either out of misinformation , or some other weakness , he accuses also of Arrianism , and tells us q that they agreed with Arrius in Doctrine , and that one Refutation would serve for both . § . 9. Augustine r indeed speaks as if some of them believed the Son to be less than the Father : But , as appears from the same Author , s they erred rather in expression than reality ; for he presently absolves them from the Charge , and informs us , that between the Church and them , there was no Question concerning this Matter . And elsewhere , t he imputes this dangerous Expression to Donatus their Leader , who had used it in some of his Writings , but tells us with all that his Party follow him not herein . Neither ( saith Augustine ) shall ye readily find one among them all who knows that Donatus had any such Opinion . And Optatus u plainly declares , that in the great Foundations of Christianity , there was no difference between the Orthodox and Donatists . And indeed it is acknowledg'd by all , except Epiphanius , that the Donatists were only guilty of Schism , not of Heresie . § . 10. But Aërius ( they may object ) his Arrianism is sufficiently attested by what is recorded of Eustathius his Friend and Bishop : and indeed Basil x accuses Eustathius of Arrianism , but for ought I remember the Historians of these times differ from Basil. § . 11. They accuse Eustathius of Levity , Deceit , Macedonianism , or the denial of the Holy Ghost's Divinity , a most damnable Heresie , yet different from Arrianism . And herein also they represent him rather variable and unfixed , than intirely wedded to this Heresie . He once subscrib'd to the Orthodox Doctrine , and was approv'd as such by Liberius the Bishop of Rome , then Orthodox , and other Catholick Christians . But they write that he relapsed . In the mean while , when he was most for the Macedonians , he said as he would not call the Holy-Ghost God , so he durst not call him a Creature ; hence , he may rather be counted among these who were most dangerously shaken , than a down-right Macedonian ; and may for all is said of his Opinions plead for some Charity from all that well consider , the most dismal and dangerous Age wherein he lived . § . 12. But let him be an Arrian blacker than Arrius himself , it will be hard thence to draw any Conclusion concerning Aërius . For First , Basil , in the forecited place , tells us , that Eustathius was so cunning , as to perswade the ablest of these times that he was Orthodox ; and why might he not then put a Cheat on his own Presbytry . Secondly , Eustathius , as is related , was much given to Covetousness , and altho' Epiphanius carri'd out with Passion , for his Innovations justifies and praises him , that he may reach a harder Blow to Aërius : yet this his Avarice was one of the Grounds wherefore Aërius , ( as he professeth ) deserted Eustathius : and this I think is no less to be believ'd , than ought else we have from Epiphanius , uncharitably at least , wresting both his Words and Actions . And it is not improbable that he , who had the Conscience to dislike Eustathius for his Vices , might do no less on the account of his Errors . Thirdly , Aërius was priviledg'd by God with , both , eyes to perceive , and courage to oppose the unwarranted Festivals , superstitious Fasts , Prayer and Sacrifice for the Dead , and other such then growing Dottages , notwithstanding that they were so kindly imbrac'd by most Christians . Now I believe that hardly an Instance can be adduc'd , of any who set himself in Opposition to the whole World , by condemning such growing Corruptions , and attempting at least to stop the beginnings of Anti-christianism , and yet fell into this damnable Heresie wherewith they brand Aërius . I hope therefore , that henceforth all true Protestants shall inlarge their Charity , and be more backward to join with Romanists in bespattering the memory of him who did amongst the first declare his Detestation of the leaven of Romanism . § . 13. Had any thing written by Aërius , come unstain'd to our hands , I doubt not but we had got a far other account of his Creed and Doctrine : but the Zeal of these Innovatours prompted them to make all Opposers of their Fopperies grand Hereticks , and fasly stigmatize Truth 's Witnesses with what really deserved that name , and then overwhelm'd them with Calumnies ; and gave their Writings to the Flames for a Repository . This was the Fate of Vigilantius , Claudius Taurinensis , and others , of whose Writings nothing , except some mangl'd and deprav'd scrapes found in the bitter Invectives of their most partial and disingenous Adversaries , remains . § . 13. The Aërians are also remembred by Philastrius y They are so named ( saith he ) from Aërius , they give themselves to abstinences , and live mostly in Pamphilia , they are also call●d Encratites , i. e. Abstinents . They possess nothing ; They abhore Meats which God with his Blessing hath bestow'd on Mankind : They condemn moreover lawfull Marriage , alledging that it 's not of God's Institution . Thus Philastrius . § . 14. But to me it is not probable that any who deni'd , and despis'd all their Lent-seasons , Xerophagies , wherein nothing was eaten but dry Bread , and such rigorous Fasts and restraints , were ever addicted to Encratitick abstinences , whereby all use of Wine , Flesh , and other such Delicacies was probihited . Secondly , Epiphanius makes the Encratits and Aërians quite contrary Sects to one another , who sustained quite contrary Doctrines and Practices : for according to him z the former ate no living Creature — nor drank Wine . Which is also Attested by Eusebius a , and Irenaeus . b The latter Epiphanius , c according to his custom of turning all the Aërians their Practices into Crimes , will have to be excessive Gormandizers , and but to liberal to themselves in both Flesh and Wine : so far was he from joining with Philastrius in ascribing Encratitism to the Aërians . Thirdly , Another of the Heresies of these Encratites , was their rejecting much of the New Testament , and in particular the Epistles of Paul d . But so far were the Aërians therefrom , that they founded e the Doctrine , for which they are so much reproach'd by Epiphanius , viz. that of the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , on these very Epistles of Paul citing 1 T●m . 3. 4. & 14. And the like places of Paul for Proofs of their Doctrine , which afterward was done by Hierome , and after him by the stream of Interpreters of these Places , and others that handled that Subject , and at this day by the Body of the Reformed Churches . From all which is evident the falsehood of what Philastrius alledges , and that the Aërians were far from being guilty of Encratitism or such Crimes , but they must needs first suffer the persecution of tongues as a preamble and preparative to make them a Prey more obnoxious to the violent hands of these who are beginning to dote on the Romish Superstition . § . 15. And so it fell out . For Epiphanius f himself tells us , that the Aërians were banish'd from Churches , Lands , Villages , and Cities , and that often times they lodg'd only in the open Air , all covered with Snow , and were oblig'd to seek shelter in the Woods and Rocks . Now what was the cause of this so violent hatred and hot Persecution ? Was it their being guilty of Arrianism ? sure not : For if we believe Epiphanius they were a branch of the Arrians , and , as he insinuats , liv'd among them . But suppose they did not , we find no such Persecution of the Arrians on the account of their Faith in these times , but only their Exclusion from the publick Churches . They being permitted in the mean while to keep their Conventicles in privat Houses , even at the very Gates of the greatest Cities . Add hereto ( which we trust we have evinc'd ) that Aërius never Arrianiz'd , and so they could not persecute him , and his Followers upon this account . From all that is now said , 't is clear , that we most seek another spring of this violent Hate and Persecution . And this I think may easily be reach'd and perceiv'd to be nothing else but the passionat Zeal , the World , declining more and more after Anti-christian Superstition , had for their set Lent-seasons , their Fasts of their own making , Prayer and Sacrifice for the Dead , their despotick Hierarchy , and other such preparatives of the Man of Sin 's appearance , all which were oppos'd by Aërius , and his Followers with more Zeal than they were by any others in the World at that time , and so had presently War made upon them by such as minded nothing more than worshipping the Rising-Sun of Unrighteousness . And indeed to me the whole strain of Epiphanius his Discourse clearly intimats , that not Arrianism but the opposing of these Dotages was the Ground of all this Hatred and Spight that was pour'd upon Aërius and his Adherents . § . 16. And now I have done with Philastrius : only I must observe , for which I mainly adduc'd him , that in him there 's no mention of Aërius his Arrianism , which , tho' a negative Testimony , yet exceedingly weakens that we have from Epiphanius , Philastrius being a Bishop , a Man of Credit , and of no less Antiquity than the other . In which Sentiment , I am confirmed from Rabanus Maurus g Bishop of Mentz , who only informs us , that the Heresie of Aërius consisted in despising Sacrifices for the Dead . From all which to me it 's more than probable , that there 's no ground to believe that ever Aërius Arrianiz'd . Section VII . No Diocesan Bishops in several Ancient Churches . THo' their Argument brought from Antiquity , be already satisfi'd , we shall yet give some Instances of Churches , which , for several Centuries , were really without Diocesan Bishops . St. Patrick , the Irish Apostle , is commonly said to have ordain'd several hundreds of Bishops in Ireland , who , I 'm sure , could not be Diocesans . Dr. Maurice , a being displeas'd with this Instance , rejects Nennius , the Author from whom we have the account of St. Patrick's ordaining 365 Bishops , as fabulous . But it 's not in their accounts of the numbers of Bishops , but of the Deeds and Miracles wrought by Bishops , and others of their Saints , that the fabulousness of the Writers of these times is commonly to be observ'd . He next quarrels with the common reading of that Author , alledging that He speaks only of the Bishops in France and Britain , in communion with St. Patrick , not of his Irish Bishops . But , I think , we may , in such critical Learning give Bishop Vsher the Preference , who b neither judg'd this Book fabulous , nor its common reading to be suspected . And this account of the great number of Ancient Irish Bishops , is strongly confirm'd by what Clarkson c cites out of Bernard and Baron , shewing that there were well nigh as many Bishops as Churches . This the Doctor passes over in silence , which was scarce fair enough dealling . Neither can the Doctor 's ordinary salvo , viz. that the Practice was not generally approv'd , nor of primitive Constitution , here serve them ; for whatsoever differ'd from the Roman Model , was presently made a Novelty . And tho' Bernard and Lanfranc dislike the Practice of having so many Bishops , yet they adventure not to instance any time wherein the Irish had been rul'd by a few Diocesans . And lastly , the Authors most regardable herein , inform us that this Practice of having so many Bishops had place even in St. Patrick's time , and meer infancy of the Irish Church . § . 2. Most visible footsteps of this also appear in the African Church , during the time of Cyprian ; for in that Council of Carthage , where he presided , there was no smal number of Bishops conveen'd , tho' doubtless there were many moe Bishops in Africk , who could not be all Diocesans , seeing few then were Christians in Africk , save a small part of the Roman Colonies only . Yea the hamlets and villages , these Bishops had for their Jurisdictions , are so obscure , that the learn'd Pamelius is at a stand where to place them . And , long after , in the time of the Vandalick Persecution , as Victor Vticensis relates , d there were in the Zeugitan or proconsular Province alone 164 Bishops : others reckon moe . Now this was but a small part of what the Romans possess'd in Africk , and few , beside the Roman Colonies , were at that time Christian ; for the Moors , or old Africans , who , beside what they had in the Cities , possess'd almost the whole Country , are by the same Victor without exception , call'd Gentiles ; and many of the Romans themselves had not yet imbrac'd Christianity . Now subduce , from that small number of the Zeugitan Province who were Christians , the many Arrians , and other Hereticks , and Schismaticks , whom these Bishops did not reckon as a part of their Flocks , and surely there shall scare be found so many as to make up above 164 Parishes . Dr. Maurice tells us e that all the African Bishops in Cyprian's time , could not have suppli'd the Dioceses of one Province , in the V or VI Century . Which , if true , is a strong Confirmation of what we plead for , viz. that they then were nothing less than Diocesans : seeing as is now evident , there were , even in the fifth Century , but a very small number of Christians in Africk , compar'd with the rest of the Inhabitans . And in Cyprian's time , it may well be judg'd that there were some hundreds of Bishops in the Roman Africk . But in such Cases , not the extent of Bounds , but number of Souls is to be considered . Wherefore he should be a wild Reasoner , that should conclude from Africa's having a dozen , or such a number of Bishops , or Pastors , for surely there were but few at the entry of Christianity , that there needed be no more afterward , and so make that number the Standard to discern how many Bishops , by primitive Right , were to be plac'd in all Africa . And this is a Kin to what he says f elsewhere , that tho' there were Bishops in small Towns , this was not the primitive State of the Church ; it may be indeed ; nor yet , at the first entry of the Gospel , were there Bishops in most part of the great Towns : but was this for fear of Multiplication of Dioceses ? no surely ; but these few were all could be then gotten . The substance of his Answer here is , that Africa was most large , fertile , popolous . The first of which is readily granted , but the second not so easily , much of these Regions being more fertile of sand and Serpents than of Corn and Wine : and this in part discredits the third ; seeing so much as was barren , is not to be suppos'd Popolous ; wherefore it 's surprising to find him making the Old Roman Africk more Popolous than France is now . He g supposes that Africk had but 500 Bishops , and yet might have 40000 villages . But I answer , that if the villages were considerable , and had Christian Inhabitants , for otherways this is nothing to this purpose , then had Africk 40000 Bishops : for H. Thorndick h acknowledges that Bishops in Africk were so plentifull , that every good village must needs be the Seat of an Episcopal Church . Which words of H. Thorndick are cited by Clarkson but dissembl'd by the Doctor . In the mean while , I can find nothing which can shake what I have said above , or overturn , as for example , what I have noted from Victor's words , and oblige me to lessen my substraction . Add to what is said the words of Dr. Burnet . In St. Augustin's time ( saith he i ) it appears from the journals of a Conference he had with the Donatists , that there were about five hundred Bishopricks in a small tract of ground . But we need not cross Seas in pursuit of ancient Churches free of Diocesans , seeing our Country Scotland affords us so luculent a proof of our Assertion . The words of Prosper Aquitanicus , in his Chronicle annex'd to that of Eusebius and Hierome , are most clear and cogent . Palladius ( saith he k ) is ordain'd by Pope Coelestine for the Scots that had already believ'd in Christ , and is sent to them to be their first Bishop . Never was a passage of any Historian more universally believ'd , than this of Prosper , which Beda● l , and a MS. Chronicle of Scotland in the Library of Glasgow , yea the whole stream of Historians repeat and approve : but none more amply and plainly , than Cardinal Baron m , whose words are , All Men agree that this Nation ( viz. Scotland ) had Palladius their first Bishop from Pope Coelestine . And again n thus you are instructed how to refuse these who alledge that Sedulius the Christian Poet , whom Pope Gelasius so much extolls , had for his Master , Hildebert the Arch-bishop of the Scots : for , seeing even Sedulius himself lav'd in the time of Theodosius the Emperor , how could he have had , for his Master , Hildebert the Arch-bishop of the Scots , seeing there was no Arch-bishop yet ordain'd in Scotland , and Palladius is without debate affirm'd to have been the first Bishop of that Nation . This is yet more plainly express'd by the most learn'd Antiquaries of our Country : all of them agree in this , that before Palladius , the Church was rul'd and guided without any Diocesan Bishops . For , as Fordun hath it o before the coming of Palladius the Scots , following the Custom of the primitive Church , had Teachers of the Faith and Dispensers of the Sacraments , who were only Presbyters or Monks . And Iohannes Major p saith , the Scots were instructed in the Faith by Priests and Monks without Bishops . And Hector Boethius q , Palladius was the first of all who exercis'd any Hierarchical Power among the Scots , being ordain'd their Bishop by the Pope , whereas before , their Priests were , by the suffrages of the People , chosen out of the Monks and Culdees . Add hereto the known Testimony of Buchanan ; and of Sir Thomas Craig , To pass over ( saith he r ) that most silly ' Fable of the three Archflamins , and the twenty eight Flamins ; it 's plain that there was no Bishop in Britain before Palladius , who is by the English themselves call'd the Bishop of the Scots ; or if either the Brittons or English have any , let them name them , and at what time they flourish'd . § . 3. Yea so clear is this Truth , that the most learn'd of our Adversaries have found no better way to elude , when they cannot clide it , than , as Torniellus in another case said of Bellarmine , to endeavour the penetrating of a most firm wall , and cast the History about fourty of our ancient Scotish Kings , as a forg'd legend . Among these is Loyd Bishop of St. Asaph : but both he and Dr. Stillingfleet are nervously refuted by the learn'd Sir George M●kenzie Advocat ; and that their main purpose and undertaking was utterly desperat , he makes soon appear . And tho' ( saith he ) this Author could prove , that we were not settl'd here , before the year 503 yet that could not answer the Argument . ( viz. that is brought against Episcopacy from the Scotish primitive Church-government for the Culdees might have been settl'd before that time . And thus , in a few syllables , he demonstrats that the Bishop , as to his ultimat design , had only his labour for his cost . But Sir George being too sagacious not to foresee , that , from the mutual strugglings between himself and the Bishop , any man might easily conclude , that Presbytry was the primitive Government of the Church of Scotland : and having been one of the prime Instruments to put in execution the prelatical Fury , judg'd himself concern'd , in credit , to say somewhat in favours of Episcopacy , and attempt the stoping of such an Inference . Wherefore , to this purpose , in a Letter to the Earl of Perth , prefix'd to the defence of the Antiquity of the Royal Line of Scotland , He makes several assayes : The first whereof is , That this is one of the meanest Arguments , that ever were us'd by a Presbyt●rian : — And that it is a weak Argument , ( saith he ) appears from this , that I have met with very few Laicks in all our Countrey , who had heard of it ; nor with one , even of these few who had valu'd it . But be it so that the Argument seem mean , we gain notwithstanding a most sufficient Argumentum ad hominem , seeing our ablest Adversaries value it so much ; yea , Sir George himself clearly acknowledges this , while he saith , and what can the Presbyterians think of their other Arguments , which they value much ? since this , which they valu'd so little , is thought of such force by a learn'd Bishop , as to deserve a whole book , the cutting off of 44 Kings , and the offending a Nation of Friends . But it 's nothing tho' the Laicks had neither valu'd nor heard it , seeing , as himself grants , Blondel , with whom join the rest of the Presbyterian Writers , urg'd it . Hence appears , that this Argument is , by both Parties , judg'd to be of great force and consequence : for the solution whereof , the Advocat brings nothing save what is altogether unworthy of any ingenous man. As for example , since ( saith he ) it cannot be deni'd , but that these who ordain'd our Presbyters were Bishops ; it necessarly follows , that Episcopacy was settl'd in the Christian Church before we had Presbyters or Culdees . Wherein , as to the solution of our Argument , which was the scope of his Letter , he only begs the Question , and gives us what is impertinent thereto , and contradicts , moreover , these our Historians , whose credit he so excellently vindicats , seeing , as we heard , they plainly tell us , that our ancient Anti-diocesan practice was the very custom of the primitive Church . And , when our Historians say that the Abbots of Icolm-kill had Jurisdiction over all the Bishops of the Province , that is to be understood , as Beda observes , more inusitato ; after an unusual manner . And yet he compares this practice of the Abbot to that of a King who makes one a Bishop , and to the practice of a Mother who makes her Son a Church-man : now if it be any strange or surprising thing for a King , by his Congé d'eslire , to make one a Bishop , or for a Mother to educate her Son in order to be a Church-man , and procure some place for him , let any man judge . And , later Historians ( saith the Advocat ) meeting with these ambigous words in our Annals Designatus , Electus , Ordinatus , were , by a mistake , induc'd to appropriat these words to the formal Ceremony of Ordination and Imposition of hands . As if any man in his wit could take these words to mean any other thing than Ordination , providing they be , as they are in our Annals , spoken of one Church-man in relation to another . Moreover , he knew sufficiently that the best Records of our Country expresly say , that our Church was rul'd by Presbyters without Bishops , and so leave not the least room for tergiversation . Bede is one of these Authors who creat them so much vexation ; for speaking of Icolm-kill , the Isle ( saith he s ) still uses to have for its Rector an Abbot , who is a Presbyter to whose Jurisdiction the whole Province and even the Bishops themselves , after an unusual manner ought to be subject according to the example of their first Teacher , who was no Bishop but a Presbyter . Hence it 's clear , that even in Bede's time , Bishops were but of smal note here , and their power much less than in other Churches . They are therefore much pain'd with Bede's words , and chiefly St. Asaph , who , amongst other odd things he excogitats , tells us , that the Superiority this Presbyter had over the Bishops , was only in respect of the royalty of the Isle which the King gave the Abbot . As if ever Bede , or any man else could have mark'd such a Superiority as strange and unusual , it being nothing but what every Prince or Lord of any place still practises ; who , altho' he subject himself to a Bishop in Spirituals , yet in respect of Temporals and the Royalty , uses to retain the Superiority . But , which ' utterly spoils the Bishop's comment , Bede t tells that all Columbanus got , was the possession of a little Isle , able to sustain about five Families , for building of a Monastry , without the least mention of his being invested with the Royalty thereof , or any other Island : and yet to him were all the Bishops of the whole Province ( all the Bishops of Scotland , saith the Saxon Chronicle , cited by the Bishop himself ) subjected , so that this pretended Royalty of Columban over the Island , becomes a vain dream , & tho' 't were real could do him no kindness , the whole Prouince being certainly a far other thing than any such Island ; wherefore the Superiority this Presbyter had over these Bishops , must needs have been in Ecclesiastick affairs ; and this was really remarkable and unusual . But of this enough ; for , whosoever believes that the errand of this most ancient Preacher and Propagator of Christ's Kingdom , was to win an earthly Kingdom to himself , and that the King shar'd with him his Soveraignity and Realm , may as soon swallow the whole legend of Constantine's Donation to Sylvester . But to return to the Advocat , as , in the things that he touches , he wholly prevaricats , so he never handles our main Argument , which is taken from what is related of our Churches practice , preceeding the coming of Palladius . He only refers to Spotswood who says u Buchanan is of opinion , that before Palladius his coming there was no Bishop in this Church ; — what warrant he had to write so , I know not , except he did build upon that which Joannes Major saith , speaking of the same Palladius ; — The Scots ( he says ) were instructed in the Christian Faith by Priests and Monks , without any Bishops . But from the instruction of the Scots in the Faith to conclude , that the Church after it was gathered had no other form of Government , will not stand with any reason . For be it as they speak , that by the Travels of fome pious Monks the Scots were first converted unto Christ ; it cannot be said that the Church was ruled by Monks , seeing long after these times it was not permitted to Monks to meddle with matters of the Church , nor were they reckon'd among the Clergy . But it 's strange how he can alledge Buchanan to be supported by no Authors , except Major , for Palladius his being Scotland's first Bishop : he could not but know , that not only Major , but also Fordun , Bede , with many others within the Isle ; Prosper , Bergumensis , and , among the later Historians , the Magdeburgenses , Baron , with many other Transmarines , assert it . And this last affirms that none can deny it . § 4. It 's true , Spotswood says x that Boeth out of ancient Annals reports that these Priests were wont for their better Government to elect some one of their number , by common suffrage , to be Chief and Principal among them , without whose knowledge and consent nothing was done in any matter of importance ; and that the person so elected was called Scotorum Episcopus , a Scots Bishop , or a Bishop of Scotland . But they reap little advantage here , for in Boeth's words ( y ) there is no mention , as the Bishop without book affirms , whether these Annals were ancient or modern . But whatever they be Hector gives ground to believe that he had Annals declaring the contrary , as appears by his words above cited , where he homologated that common sentiment of Christians , and told us that Palladius was our first Bishop , and that none before him had any Hierarchical Power in Scotland . To alledge therefore Boethius as espousing their cause here , is ony to set him at variance with all Christians , and by the ears with himself . But grant it were as Spotswood says , yet there should no small dammage accreu to their Cause , seeing , on supposition hereof , it follows , that the Episcopal Ordination was altogether wanting in the primitive Church of Scotland ; it not being supposeable that this one man could Ordain all the Pastors in Scotland , yea , that even this their great Bishop had no other Ordination himself , but what he receiv'd from Presbyters . § . 5. The Bishop's following words , from the instruction of the Scots in the Faith &c. are altogether void of reason . For it 's granted that after the coming of Palladius ( which is the time whereunto he must refer the gathering of the Church ) she then indeed began to have another Government , and never man yet pleaded , that , because the Church of Scotland was not govern'd by Bishops before Palladius , therefore 't was not really govern'd by them after his coming ; which is the Inference the Bishop's words seem to deny . But I believe there is more in them , for they are abstruse : and judge their meaning to be , that tho' we had no Bishops before Palladius , yet this can be no ground to conclude that we ought to have none afterward , our Church being then rude and in her infant state . The Advocat is of the same mind , saying , that before Palladius his time our Church was constituenda or unsettl'd . But who can believe it ? For , first , it 's generally suppos'd that Palladius came to free this Church from Pelagianism , and not to establish Church-government . Secondly , Is 't credible that the Church of Scotland , after so long a continuation and flourishing of Christianity , had been , rather than any other Churches , without any certain form of Government ? This is certainly a thing unparalellable , even according to our Adversaries , who tell us that every Church very soon after its beginning had its Diocesan Bishops , and so a certain form of Government . Thirdly , Yea altho' many other Churches had been without all Government for such a tract of time , there is ground to believe that Scotland could not ; they lying most of this time under the persecuting Sword , whereas we read of no persecution in our Church , even while our Kings were Pagan ; and our King Donald the I , the first crown'd Head in the World that ever subject'd it self to Jesus Christ , very much encourag'd the Christians , and was seconded herein by severals of his Successors . And altho' some of 'em were vitious , and their Reigns short , or vex'd with Wars , yet such trouble never struck directly against Christianity , like the fury of the Pagans throngh the rest of the World : and others were both excellent Men , and had longer and peaceable Reigns , as Findochus , and Cratilinthus , but especially Fincormachus , an excellent man and a great promoter of Religion , and therefore , as is most presumable , was a great Instrument under God , for the settlement of our Church-affairs . Add to all this , Fourthly , That the terrible Storm of Persecution through the Roman World , drove then from the Brittons , and other places , no small number of excellent Men to Scotland , who doubtless did no small service to God therein , and especially in the time of Fincormachus , when , as all observe , a great many fled hither who were famous both for Life and Doctrine , yea long before this even in the time of Tertullian , our Church was well known to much of the Christian World , as appears from his clear Testimony . The places of Britain ( saith he y ) to which the Romans could not yet pass , are notwithstanding subject to Christ. And if any have called Scotland barbarous , or not well reform'd before the coming of Palladius , Sir George learn'dly refutes them ; and names severals , and among them even Stannihurst , otherways an enemy to our Nation , who have done it : and he well observes , that the reason why some speak of us as then not well enough reform'd , was because of our want of agreement with the Church of Rome . § . 6. As to the last part of the Bishop's discourse , saying , that it was not permitted to Monks to meddle with the matters of the Church &c. And wherein he is seconded by St. Asaph , who falls foul on Presbyterians on this account , as if they were darkners of all Church History &c. They should know , that as our Historians call'd these Monks , they also call'd them Priests , sometimes Presbyters , or Bishops , or Doctors , and frequently Culdees . Our people ( saith Boeth z ) also began most seriously at that time to embrace the Doctrine of Christ , by the guidance , and exhortation of some Monks ; who , because they were most diligent in Preaching , and frequent in Prayer , were call'd by the Inhabitants , Worshippers of God : which name took such deep root with the common People , that all the Priests , even to our time , were commonly without difference call'd Culdees , i. e. Worshippers of God : Elsewhere this Author call'd these Teachers and Guides indifferently Priests , Monks , and Culdees . Thus also speaks the best of our Historians , some of whom we have heard calling them Presbyters , and Admistrators of the Sacraments . Hence 't is clear , that when they call them Monks , the word is not to be taken in the later Popish sense , for a Layhermite ; for these our primitive Pastors were only call'd Monks , by reason of their strictness of life , and frequent retirement to Devotion , when the publick work of the Ministry did permit it , and perhaps also divers of them abstain'd from Marriage , that they might keep themselves free from the World , and its care , without urging this on others , as was the practice of the famous Paphnutius in the council of Nice : From all which I conclude , that before the coming of Palladius , we had a settl'd Church without the least umbrage of their Hierarchy . § . 7. I add , that long after that , it had but very slender footing here ; seeing , according to Spotswood , they had no distinct Titles or Dioceses , whose words a are , neither had our Bishops auy other Title ( then that of Scotorum Episcopi , or Scotish Bishops ) whereby they were distinguish'd , before the days of Malcomb the III , who first divided the Country into Dioceses , appointing to every Bishop the limits &c. Yea , after most strict search , b for a long time posterior to Palladius , he can scarce find the least footsteps of Episcopacy . And again , long it was after the distinction of Dioceses , before they were admitted to any civil Places or Votes in Parliament , Hence nothing is more certain than that , for many Ages , the Church of Scotland knew nothing of their Hierarchy : the first Rudiments whereof were bronght from Rome , which was sent packing thither again , when we renounc'd our obedience to Anti-christ . § . 8. Take but one other particular , and I take leave of the Advocat : he 's much displeas'd with St. As●ph terming him a Caresser of Fanaticks , for affirming that in consequence of this our Argument taken from the confess'd Practice of our primitive Church , we might reasonably conclude , that when we covenanted against Episcopacy , we had only us'd our own right ; and thrown out that which was a confess'd Innovation ; in order to the restoring of that , which was our primitive Government . A notable and never to be forgotten Concession of so learn'd an Adversary as is this Bishop . Let 's hear what the Advocat returns him . It will not follow ( saith he ) that because our Church in its infancy and necessity was without Bishops for some years ; therefore it was reasonable for Subjects , to enter into a solemn League and Covenant , without , and against the Consent ef their Monarch ; and to extirpat Episcopacy settl'd then by Law , and by an Old Prescription of 1200 years at least . But this most unfair Representation of our Arguments antecedent is , I trust , now sufficiently discover'd : wherefore , I have nothing to do here with it , not yet am oblig'd to evince the consequence he denies , seeing 't is not to be accounted ours but his own , who made the antecedent . Of the Grounds why the Nation entred into a Covenant , I also discours'd already . In the mean while , I can't but take notice of his settling Episcopacy by Prescription ; a Romish Argument , which , whatever it may do in Law , has no place here . His Prescription , I 'm sure , essentially differs from that of Tertullian against the Heresies of his time , seeing he liv'd in a very early Age , when especially , if ever , Prescription could have place in the Church , and the Doctrines which he defended were generally and uninterruptedly held by the Pastors , even from the Apostles times , and more ancient than the Heresies , against which he prescribes , whereas in the present case all things are clean contrary . For , as the Advocat himself here supposes , the original of Scotish Episcopacy is several Ages posterior to that of the Apostles ; so that if the Argument could militat for either Party , it serv'd well the Church of Scotland against Prelacy , and not at all e contra . But tho' things had been quite otherwise , there had been no fear of harm from their Prescriptions ; seeing , as Vincentius Lerinensis admonishes c In refutation of inveterat Errors , we must recurr to the sole authority of the Scriptures . And Optatus Milevit . plainly asserts that Christ's Testament abundantly suffices to determine all , and every particular Controversie among Christians . Thus we see how pleasant a spectacle these two Champions afford us ; the Bishop forms the Major Proposition , and asserts , on supposition of the Antiquity of our Royal Line , and veracity of our Historians , that our Church acted with reason enough , and was only recovering her own Right , when she cashier'd Prelacy . The Advocat , in attempting to disprove this the Bishop's Proposition , has only giv'n such prevarications and elusions , as most strongly confirm all the dis-interested of the truth thereof . As for the Minor Proposition , that our ancient Royal Line is not forg'd but real , and our historical Monuments most true and credible , the Advocat himself , to the conviction of all the unbyass'd , in both his Books , makes appear . It remains therefore as a conclusion of undoubted verity that our Church was acting most rationally , and only recovering her own Right , when at any time she expell'd Prelacy , together with all its Innovations . § . 9. There is yet another Advocat of the Party , whose look is more stout than his Fellows . We shall try if his reason be answerable to his confidence . I mean A M. D. D. ( I shall design him D. M. ) The Author of a late Book call'd , An Enquiry into the New Opinions ( chiefly ) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland . Who , d in opposition to the Defender of the Vindication of the Church Scotland , handles the same Argument at large , and supposes , as a main Ground of his Discourse , that his Antagonist denies , that there is any force in Argumento negativo . To require ( saith D. M. ) that a matter of Fact be attested by competent Witnesses is , in the language of our Author to raze the Foundation of all History . He spends therefore about 14 pages , to prove that a negative Argument in some Cases may have place . But vainly , seeing the Author of the Vindication does not once insinuat e that a negative Argument can in no Cases be us'd , or that to require competent Witnesses in a matter of Fact , is to raze the Foundation of all History . Yea he believ'd that there were Witnesses so competent for his Assertion , that no Argument , whither negative , or of whatsoever kind else , shall ever be able to darken their Testimony , and that we have as good ground for our ancient Church , her being without Bishops , as for any other part of our Nations Antiquities . And indeed the Argument the Apologist , whom D. M. would vindicat , us'd , levels at all parts of our ancient History , no less then at the thing under debate . The Argument was , There were none that lived near that age that wrote the History of it , and the Monks who wrote any thing were extreamly ignorant . Now this , if it do any thing to the Author's purpose , equally shakes and overthrows all parts of our ancient History , seeing with the like force and success it may be brought against any of ' em . Justly therefore repones the Defender of the Vindication , that this is at one blow to raze the Foundation of the History of our Nation , and that of most others : and to make them all to be Fools , who have enquired into these Antiquities that concern our Nation , and others : such as Fordon , Major , Beda , Usher &c. whereto , all , D. M. rejoins , is , that many collateral proofs may be brought from the Roman Historians , that the Scots inhabited that part of Britain , long before the imaginary period of his Presbyterian Church . — And the manner of reckoning the Scotish Genealogies at their Marriages , their Births , and other remarkable Solemnities , was an infallible conveyance of true , constant and perpetual Traditions . Their Bards whose Science it was to repeat those Genealogies upon solemn Occasions , & to celebrat their greatest Atchievements in verse , could not add one to the number of their Kings , but upon the Death of his Predecessor . But in all his Discourse , there is wrapt up a concession of all the Defender of the Vindication charg'd on the Apologist ; seeing he evidently intimats , that unless it be assertin'd some other way , nothing in any of our Countries Historians merits any credit . And to confirm this , I except , ( saith he ) against all the three , ( viz. Fordon , Major and Boethius ) that none of 'em , could be a competent Witness in Affairs of that nature at so great a distance from their own time , unless they had named the Authors and Records upon whose Testimony their Relation was founded . As to his mentioning of collateral Proofs &c. it is a meer Sham ; seeing , if once we yeeld with him , that no credit is due to any of our Monuments now extant , except what is confirm'd by some exotick Records , how sorry an account have we of any of our Antiquities of whatsoever kind ? which forraign Testimonies notwithstanding may , if compar'd with our Writers , give light to our Histories . I 'm sure moreover , notwithstanding of whatsoever old Traditions , or Bard's verses are mention'd , all or surely most of these now being lost , or , tho' extant , mostly unintelligible , our Royal Line could never be asserted without ascribing to our Writers , both the reach and integrity of able and faithfull Historians . And yet D. M. is not afraid to compare his Apologist negative Argument to another of Eusebius lib. 3. Where ( saith D. M. ) by this very Argument , he overthrows the authority of several Books that some would impose upon the Church , meerly because they were not duely attested , and none ef the Ancients brought any Testimonies from them . But Eusebius saw and perus'd these Ancients , who either directly or occasionally mention'd all the Canonical Books , and so justly their silence overthrew the Authority of the Spurious , and baffl'd the credit of their Imposers : but has D. M. or his Apologist , seen or perus'd all the Monuments from which our Historians took their materials , and which were lost long before either of them were born ? Can they from these Records , tho' they would fain do 't , rub shame upon all the Historians of our Countrey , as a creu of lying Forgers ? seeing then , that this is impo●●ible to be done , and that , as the Advocat has solidly made out , they were men of sufficient Candor and Reputation ; seeing they us'd many ancient Reeords now lost , and were of sufficient Discretion and Knowledge to distinguish genuine from fictitious , seeing they relate what we plead for with no less unanimity and concord than they do any thing else , and either profess , or sufficiently enough intimat , that they brought all their Composours from ancient Records , seeing that their Judgement is confirm'd by unsuspected Forerunners both ancient and modern , yea and suffrages of all mankind , who had ever any occasion to speak of this matter , seeing what they relate is so far from being fabulous , that our ancient Church-government they mention is sufficiently attested and acknowledg'd by the fiercest of our Adversaries to be truly Apostolick , and seeing , lastly , as we have heard , Prelacy , for a long time after Palladius , was of far less bulk and power in Scotland , than in other Churches ; the Apologists negative Argument has just as much consanguinity with that of Eusebius , as is between a down-right Paralogism , and a solid Deduction : yea I averr moreover , that considering Prelacy was then at its Ela in Scotland , and none of our Historians at least before Buchanan were Presbyterian , nor could reap any Advantage by disobliging the Prelats , any one of their Testimonies alone might give sufficient ground to believe that what they said was well founded on good and ancient Records . § . 10. But after a long , and , as himself truly says , needless digression , he comes to examine our Testimonies , and will have Boethius to contradict the rest , alledging that his meaning is not , that Palladius was the first Bishop , but only the first sent from Rome , but of Boethius already . Here D. M. falls foul on Blondel as a corrupter of Boethius , because he said as out of him that the Presbyters elected and ordain'd their Bishop . There is nothing ( saith D. M. ) said by Boethius , but that the Bishops were elected from among both the Priests and Monks . And true it is there is no more said in the words D. M. cites , but 't is as true that elsewhere f Boethius expresly says , that the Pastors , Priests or Culdees themselves by common suffrage elected this Pontificem or Prefect . Add hereto , that , if Boethius have said ought inadvertantly or obscurely , he is to be correct'd or explain'd by the harmonious and most express Testimonies of Fordun , Major , Buchanan , Craig , and other such most learn'd of our Antiquaries , all of whom are , beyond scruple , most positive for what we affirm . § . 11. Next he assaults Prosper's Testimony , alledging that , according to Baron , Palladius was not sent to the Scots in Britain , Baronius ( saith D. M. ) never thought that Palladius was sent by Pope Coelestine to the Scoto-Britanni , but rather to the Irish. And , whatever the Testimony of Prosper be , Spondanus and Baronius leave the Vindicator , for they understood Prosper ' s words of Palladius his mission to Ireland , and not to that part of Britain , which is now call'd Scotland . To prove this his Assertion he adduces , but , which was his wisdom , untranslated , these words of Baron g ; that he ( viz. Palladius ) was brought also into the Isle of Ireland , but was soon taken away by Death , is related by Probus , who wrote the Deeds of St. Patrick . Egregiously reason'd ! Probus saith that Palladius went once into Ireland ; therefore Baron thought the words of Prosper not at all to be understood of his coming into Scotland . Surely this Author may be allow'd a chief place in their next Book of Sports for the Sabbath . Yea these words , that he was brought also &c. seem clearly to hold forth that he was sent to another place beside , out of which he came into Ireland , and what place this was , the immediatly preceeding words evince h the same year and in the time of the same Consuls St. Prosper saith that Palladius was sent to the Scots , being ordain'd the first Bishop . That he ( continues Cardinal Baron ) was brought also into the Isle of Ireland &c. Where 't is most evident that Baron distinguishes the Scots , to whom Prosper saith Palladius was sent , from the Inhabitants of Ireland . But , to cut off all further debate of this matter , the Cardinal clearly demonstrats what we plead for , while he expresly says , i that they highly honour Palladius his Relicts which are buri'd in the Mernes , a Province of Scotland . And the Cardinal continuing his Discourse of the same Scots , whose first Bishop , in his Judgement Prosper makes Palladius to have been k , saith that their late Queen ( viz. Mary ) was the Glory of the Catholick Faith , and a Martyr : but I insist not on a matter so evident , the Advocat hath learn'dly made it out , and prevented all such attempts of D. M. and the like Enemies of our Countrey . § . 12. He having thus abus'd Baron , prepares next for the depravation of Prosper himself , telling us , that all that can be inferr'd is , that Palladius was the first Bishop of the Roman mission . But Prosper's words are clear and without any such limitation . Palladius ( saith he ) is ordain'd by Pope Coelestine for the Scots that had already believed in Christ , and is sent to them to be their first Bishop . Behold our very Assertion , and why we should yeeld it , and in lieu thereof imbrace its contrary , I am yet to learn. He adds , that as soon as the Pope aspired to his unlimited and universal Supremacy , there were several Bishops sent to other Churches , already constituted , not to introduce Episcopacy , which was the Government of the universal Church , but rather a subjection to , and uniformity with the Roman See. But tho' all this were as true as some of it is false , it 's nothing to the purpose , except he find good Authors , wherein a Bishop sent to a People , who not only were Christians , but also govern'd by Bishops before he came , is called without restriction their first Bishop . And Boethius ( continues D. M. ) understood the History of Palladius in this sense , Which tho' 't were yeelded , stands him in little stead , seeing all the Historians & Antiquaries of our Countrey , and , as we have heard from Card. Baron , with whom joins our learn'd Advocat , all men every-where else understand Prosper in the sense we plead for ; believing that there was no Bishop in Scotland before Palladius . But 't will not satisfie D. M. to wrest Prosper's words , except he also at once overthrow his whole Chronicle , telling us , that it is not thought by the learned to be the genuine Work of Prosper . All he brings for this , is a conjecture of Petrus Pithoeus , fancying that the Chronicle ascrib'd to Prosper , & appended to that of Eusebius & Hierome , is of a different stile from that of a confus'd fragment , which he took for a part of the true Prosper's Chronicle , & wherein there is nothing concerning Palladius . But why the meer conjecture of one man should be enough to discredit that Chronicle so universally ascrib'd to Prosper , I leave to the Judgment of the learned . Vossius l indeed mentions this fragment , but if it be preferable to the vulgar Copy , determines not : neither , for ought I know , did ever any save , D. M. embrace this faint Conjecture of Pithoeus , and indeed there must be brought incomparably better Arguments before that confus'd fragment either be preferr'd to , or vye with the universally receiv'd Copy , immemorially , under Prosper's name , affixed to Hierome's Chronicle . Moreover , seeing this Schred is most disordered , and the words now under debate most universally believ'd to have been written by Prosper , 't is highly probable , on supposition that this fragment is a part of the true consular Chronicle , that it once contain'd that passage , tho' , throw mutilation , and either negligent or malicious transcribing , it hath now lost it : however the matter be , we are at no loss ; for never was there a sentence more unanimou●ly ascrib'd to any Author than this concerning Palladius is to Prosper , and is by all , both ancient and modern acknowledg'd m : so that all their endeavours to prove this passage supposititious , and that it belongs not to Prosper , or some else of equall Antiquity , and Authority , are the last efforts of meer desperation , And indeed had they not in defiance of the whole Christian World and Truth it self , resolv'd per fas aut nefas to maintain that there was never a Church without Diocesan Bishops before the time of Calvine and Beza , they had never adventur'd their skulls on what is so hard , firmly bottom'd , and so universally believed . Have we not already heard fully , how the most knowing and zealous for Prelacy while they sustain'd the truth of our Countrey Histories , and yet labour'd to disprove what we now plead for , gave only , in favours of their latter Assertion , triffles so empty , and prevarications so apparent , that 't is most presumable they believ'd nothing of what they said , & how the most learn'd of the Episcopal Perswasion acknowledg'd the truth of our Assertion , on supposition that any credit is to be given to our Historians , with whom also joins the learn'd Dr Stillingfleet n , So ( saith he ) if we may believe the great Antiquaries of the Church of Scotland , that Church was governed by their Culdei as they called their Presbyters without any Bishop over them for a long time . He gives also instances of other ancient Churches without Diocesan Bishops . § . 13. It had been more manly therefore and honest for D. M. to have at least attempted a refutation of Dr. Stillingfleet , than to have dar'd his Adversaries to bring but one example of Churches without Diocesan Bishops , seeing he knew there were store already giv'n even by Episcopals , no less than Presbyterians , which hitherto stand unanswered . Let them also chaw their cude on that famous and well known Distinction of a first and second primitive Church acknowledged by Semeca and others , even Popish Divines , notic'd by Vsher o and embrac'd by Stillingfleet p , in the former whereof Diocesan Episcopacy was not yet come in fashion , nor was any such thing as a Difference , either in Name or Office , between Bishops , and Priests or preaching Presbyters , then in Being . From all which judge with what brow D. M compares the account of our ancient Church-government to a supposed Fiction of the King of China , and his Presbyterian Lady . And by this dealling of D. M. I am put in mind of another piece of his Art , who q averres that all brought by Salmasius and Blondel to prove that Hierome was for the Scriptural and Apostolick Identity of of Bishop & Presbyter , and whatsoever is said by them , for Presbytry is refuted by D. Pearson in his Vindic●ae Ignatianae . I must not ( saith D. M. ) transcribe the acurat and unanswerable Dissertations of several learned Men , who have sufficiently exposed the Writings of Blondel and Salmasius on this head , particularly the incomparable Bishop of Chester ( vind ▪ St. Ignat. ) But no where did ever Dr. Pearson ingage with these Authors on this subject , nor does he any such thing , only he has some few excursions which touch not the marrow of the Controversie , and therefore is nothing to D. M's purpose , whether the advantage be yeelded to Salmasius and Blondel or to Dr. Pearson . He abuses also some passages of Hierome to prove him self-repugnant , but all such depravations had been by Iunius and others against the Papists , and by Stillingfleet in his Irenicum clearly discover'd , & the places unanswerably vindicated , even before he wrote his Vindiciae , which their vindications of Hierome , as also many other defences of the same Author brought by Salmasius and Blondel , he scarce once adventures to handle . But he has vindicated Ignatius , they will say , and this is enough . But suppose that he had as really evinced these Epistles to be the genuine Work of Ignatius , as he 's groundlesly pretended to have don 't , yet so far is their inference from being good , that as we shall hear , the quite contrary follows , viz. that in the Ignatian age , Bishops were all one with the Pastors of single Congregations . Hence it appears that this was one of D. M's pious Frauds to skarr his vulgar Reader ( for others he could not hope to catch thereby ) from the New Doctrine of Presbytry . Section VIII . Prelacy opposite to the Principles of our Reformers . I Said , when we renounc'd our Obedience to Anti-christ , we sent , amongst the rest of the Romish leaven , Prelacy packing thither : which , tho' we had no more Arguments , our Confession of Faith compil'd by our Reformers clearly evinces . We detest ( say they ) Antichrist's worldly Monarchy with his wicked Hierarchy . Of which Hierarchy , as is acknowledg'd by the Council of Trent a , & Bellarmine b , the Bishops make a principal part . And the Episcopal Office with its distinction , belong solely to their Hierarchy , otherwise , they confess , there 's no Difference between Bishop and Presbyter . At them therefore these words of the Confession must especially level . And his subtility , who would save the Prelats from this blow , by seeking the foundation of a distinction where 't is not ; as if by the word Wicked , the Confession pointed at another Hierarchy which is Pious , must be reckon'd , by all the disinterested , to nigh of kin to his pericranium , who , to save another part of Romanism , made a fair distinction between Lawfull and Vnlawfull Idolatry . I say , it can be no otherwise here ; for , to speak truth , their Hierarchy is nothing , save the Corruption of Church-government , and pride of her Governours , rais'd by certain stories , and tending towards the Papacy , as its highest pinacle , whereof both name and notion owe their Original to one , who indeed was not the Father of lies , yet in lying came so near him , as readily any copy to its Original . I mean the false Areopagite , whose whole Book may really be term'd a fardel of Fictions . Moreover , this Confession was compil'd in the year 1581. when Prelacy had been unanimously by the whole Assembly , in the preceeding year cast out of the Church . And for many succeeding Assemblies , their Declaration of their dislike and hatred of Prelacy , and approbation of this Confession , went hand in hand , with whom then in both of these , the King's Majesty join'd . For the Assembly at Glasgow 1581. consisting for the most part , of such as voted , and were present in the Assembly at Dundie , in the preceeding year when Prelacy had in terminis been renounc'd and ejected , declares that they meaned wholly to condemn the whole estate of Bishops , as they are now in Scotland , — and that this was the meaning of the Assembly at that time . The King's Commissioner presented to this Assembly the Confession of Faith , subscribed by the King , and his houshold , not long before , together with a plot of the Presbytries to be erected , which is registrat in the Books of the Assembly , with a Letter to be directed from his Majesty to the Noble-men , and Gentle-men of the Country , for the erection of the Presbytries , consisting of Pastors , and Elders , and dissolution of Prelacies , and with an offer to set forward the Policy untill 't were establish'd by Parliament . The King's Letter subscribed by his hand , to the Noble-men , and Gentle-men , was read in open audience of the whole Assembly . This Assembly ordain'd also that the Confession of Faith be subscribed , as being true , Christian , and faithfull . And in the Assembly 1595. amongst other things of the same tendency , it was cleared that Episcopacy was condemn'd in these words of the Confession His Wicked Hierarchy . See store of irrefragable proofs of this our Assertion in the Acts of the Assembly at Glasgow , 1638. Sess. 16. § . 2. They only bewray their ignorance , if not worse , while they give out , that our Church , in her first Reformation , had Bishops ( as the word is now taken ) under the name of Superintendents . For tho' this were true , all they shall gain hereby , would only be the fastening of a self-contradiction on Mr. Knox , and the rest of these most honourable Instruments of our Freedom from Mystical Babylon : our Adversaries acknowledging that Mr. Knox , and his Fellow-labourers in the Church-policy , did exactly follow the Genevan Model , which these men use to make the Original of Presbytry : It 's confess'd also c that John Knox refus'd a Bishoprick in England on this account , that it had Quid commune cum Antichristo . Whereby , tho' nothing else could be brought , 't is clear as the Sun , that Knox ( I may say the same of most of his Fellow-labourers in the Reformation ) was intirely averse from their Hierarchick Domination . § . 3. Wherefore the Author of a late Book call'd The Fundamental Charter of Presbytry examin'd and disprov'd , quite skips over these Evidences of Knox's being Antiprelatick ; notwithstanding that the only design of the far greater part of his Book , was directly to prove these out Reformers , and Knox in special , to have been of the prelatical Perswasion , However , let 's hear the chief of the Answers he gives to such other Proofs hereof , as he adventures to engage with . d § . 4. The first is a passage of Knox's letter to the Assembly , viz. Vnfaithfull , and Traitors to the Flock , shall ye be before the Lord Jesus if that with your consent , directly or indirectly , ye suffer unworthy men to be thrust in within the Ministry of the Kirk under w●at pretence that ever it be , Remember the Judge before whom ye must make an account , and resist that Tyranny as ye would avoid Hell-fire . To which our Author answers denying that Knox by Tyranny here means Episcopacy , and saith , that 't is impossible to make more of the Letter , than that Knox deem'd it a pernicious and tyrannical thing , for any Person whatsoever to thrust unworthy Men into the Ministry of the Church . Which Answer evanishes , so soon as we shall understand the occasion of Knox's Letter . Some powerfull Courtiers had then sacrilegiously invaded a great part of the Churches Revenues ; and were greedily grasping the remainder , to the great grief of all good Men , and detriment of the Church , which both in her Assemblies , and otherways , vehemently urged that these Revenues should be imploy'd on sustentation of Ministers , many of whom , being unprovided , were ready to starve ; and on maintaining of Schools , relieving the Poor , and other such pious Uses . These Courtiers therefore , to free themselves of such unacceptable Monitors , and secure them of what they had gotten , plot the reduction of a kind of Diocesan Bishops , Abbots , Priors , and other such Popish Orders , with whom they were to make a sacrilegious Compact , and to give these titular Church-men some small pittance of the Revenues , the rest being possessed , in their name , by these Courtiers . Now at the very time of the writing of Knox's Letter , this was in agitation , and a design laid to practise upon some of the Assembly , as shortly thereafter at the Meeting in Leith appear'd , at which , and elsewhere in these times , there were not wanting among the Ministers , who , moved with hope of Domination over their Brethren , and some small augmentation of Rent , made no bones of such simoniacal Pactions or ( to use the express words of the Confessions of their best Friends ) such durt● and vile Bargains . e And now judge what Knox mean'd by his Exhortation to keep out unworthy Men , and resist Tyranny : And 't is most presumable that Spotswood e sufficiently saw , that Knox's Letter goares Prelacy , otherwise he had not mangl'd the same , and wholly omitted all mention of Tyranny . § . 5. And that this Knox's Letter levell'd at the Bishops then about to be introduc'd , is further evident from his refusal to inaugurat John Douglas Bishop of St. Andrews , his denouncing an Anathema to the Giver and Receiver of the Bishoprick , and his open professing his dislike of the whole Order . At this our Author takes exception , saying , The certain Manuscript from which Calderwood says he had this relation , is uncertain . But he should have look'd into Petrie , who f names the Author William Scot , that eminent Minister at Couper . Now , that 't is like enough that Knox , who was then at St. Andrews , said so , and express'd suitable resentments of the durty Bargain between Morton and Douglas , who by a simoniacal Paction , got into the See , is by our Author expresly acknowledg'd . And indeed , if we consider the indignity of the Crime , and the Lyon-like boldness of Mr. Knox against such Vices , 't is altogether incredible , but that he vented his resentments with a Witness , and to the noticing of all thinking Men then present : yet all this is skipp'd over by Spotswood , For he knew well enough , that this Relation should have shew'd how little kindness Knox bore to their Hierarchy . Moreover , which is most noticeable in this matter , these who then favour'd Prelacy , being generally such simoniacal Pedlers , were so far from writing the several Actions and Church-transactions of these times , that they made it their care to suppress and destroy the publick Monuments of the Church . Witness B. Adamsone g : one of the Articles of whose Confession , to which , as is acknowledg'd by Spotswood h , he subscrib'd , was , that not without his special allowance , some leaves of the Books of the Assemblies were rent out , and such things as made against the Bishops their estate , were destroyed in Falkland , before the Books were deliver'd to the King's Majesty . Which considerations , suffice to prove the truth of that historical Relation . He alledges next , that tho' we had reason to believe , that Knox said and did so , yet it follows not that he was for the Divine Right of Parity . Adding , That 't is like enough Knox said so — for dreadfull Invasions were made upon the Patrimony of the Church . But this Invasion was so linked with the introduction of Prelacy , that they had both common Friends and Enemies , so that Knox declaring against either , must be judg'd equally averse from both . And indeed the introduction of Prelacy , was consequentially this very destruction and consumption of the Churches Goods , against which Knox inveigh'd . Or dare he say , that it had satisfi'd him , if they had been consum'd in sustaining the Luxury and Grandour of Bishops , Abbots , and Priors , whom the Court was about then to introduce , providing only these Church Revenues , had been kept from the secular Nobility . Moreover , 't is evident , to whosoever reads Knox's words , that the Invasion of the Church-patrimony , was far from being the sole Ground of the dislike he shew'd to Episcopacy . The Matter in short is , when John Douglas was made Tulchan Bishop of St. Andrews , Mr. Knox refused to Ordain him , denouncing Anathemaes to the Giver , and to the Receiver : and when John Rutherford Provest of the old Colledge had said , that Mr. John Knox ' s repining , had proceeded from male-contentment , the next Lora's-day , John Knox said in Sermon , I have refus'd greater Bishoprick than ever 't was , and might have had it with the favour of greater Men than he hath this , but I did , and do repine for discharge of my Conscience , that the Church of Scotland be not subject to that Order . This last Clause , viz. that the Church of Scotland be not subject to that Order , he adventures not once to mention , which yet is a reason of Knox's repining , and so gives the meaning of his whole Discourse . And seeing 't is of equal credit with his foregoing words , being not only with the rest taken by Petrie , out of that Historical Relation , but related also by Calderwood i fully scatters all his fogg , and clearly determines the present Question , somewhat else he hath here , but of small moment . As , Knox , when Douglas , who was already Rector of the Vniversity , and Provest of the old Colledge was made Bishop , regrated , that so many Offices were laid on an old Man , which scarcely twenty of the best Gifts were able to bear . Thence he Infers , that Knox ' s resentment of Douglas his advance , was not from any Perswasion , he had of the unlawfulness of Prelacy . As if Knox might not assert the unlawfulness of Prelacy , and yet say so much for a a Superpondium to his other Grievances . And to shew , even on Supposition , as they pretended , of the allowableness of Episcopacy , how little sence of Duty or Conscience was in either Givers or Receivers . § . 6. There was at this time ( saith M. D. Hume . k , no small Contest and Debate , betwixt the Court and the Church , about Bishops and Prelats , concerning their Office and Jurisdiction . The Ministers laboured to have them quite abolished and taken away , and the Court thought that form of Government to be agreeable , and compatible with a Monarchical Estate , and more conform to the Rules of Policy , and Civil Government of a Kingdom . Besides , the Courtiers had tasted the sweetness of their Rents and Revenues , putting in titular Bishops , who were only their Receivers , and had a certain Pension or Stipend , for discharging and executing the Ecclesiastical part of their Office , but the main profit was taken up by Courtiers for their own use . Wherefore they laboured to retain at least these shadows of Bishops , for letting of leases , and such other things , which they thought were not good in Law otherways . There was none more forward to keep them up than the Earl of Morton ; for he had gone Ambassadour to England on his own privat Charges , and to recompence his great Expenses in that Journey , the Bishoprick of St. Andrews , being then vacant , was conferr'd upon him . He put in Mr. John Douglass ( who was Provost of the New Colledge in St. Andrews ) to bear the Name of Bishop , and to gather the Rents ( till such time as the Solemnity of Inauguration could be obtain'd ) for which he was countable to him . This he did immediatly after he came home out of England . Now he will have him to sit in Parliament , and to vote there as Arch-bishop . The Superintendent of Fyfe , did inhibit him to sit there , or to Vote under pain of Excommunication ; Morton commanded him to do it , under pain of Treason and Rebellion . The Petition giv'n in to the Parliament , desiring a competent Provision for the maintaince of Preachers , in which they complained of the wrong done unto them by the Courtiers , who intercepted their means , was cast over the Bare , and rejected , and by the most common report , Morton was the first cause thereof . Afterward Morton in a Meeting of some Delegats , and Commissioners of the Church at Leith , by the Superintendent Dune's means , used the matter so , that he obtain'd their Consent to have his Bishop admitted , and install'd . Wherefore , the third of February , he caus'd affix a schedul on the Church door of St Andrews , wherein he charged the Ministers to conveen , and admit him to the Place , which they did accordingly , but not without great Opposition . For Mr. Patrick Adamson ( then a Preacher , but afterward Arch-bishop there himself ) in a Sermon which he preached against the Order and Office of Bishops , said , there were three sorts of Bishops : 1. The Lords Bishop ( to wit Christ's ) and such was every Pastor . 2. My Lord Bishop , that is , such as Bishop as is a Lord , who sits , and Votes in Parliament , and exercises Jurisdiction over his Brethren . 3. And the third sort was , ( my Lord's Bishop ) that is , one whom some Lord or Nobleman at Court did put into the place to be his Receiver , to gather the Rents , and let Leases for his Lordship's behoofe , but had neither the Means nor Power of a Bishop . This last sort he called a Tulchan Bishop , because as the Tulchan ( which is a Calves skin stuff'd with straw ) is set up to make the Cow give down her milk ; so are such Bishops set up , that their Lords by them may milk the Bishopricks . Likewise Mr. Knox preached against it the tenth of February , and in both their hearings ( Morton's , and his Arch-bishop ) to their Faces pronunced , Athathema danti , Anathema accipienti . And l We shewed before , how in matters of Church-government , he ever inclined ( as the most politique Course ) to the state of Bishops . The Name was yet retained by Custom● , the Rents were lifted also by them ( as we have said ) more for other Mens use and profit , than their own . They had also place and vote in Parliament after the old manner , and he would gladly have had them to have keeped their Power and Jurisdiction over their Brethren . Master John Douglass being dead , he fill'd the place by putting in Mr. Patrick Adamson his domestick Chaplain , who then followed that Course , tho before he had preach'd against it . Many were displeas'd herewith , all the Ministers ( especially they of the greatest Authority ) and all Men of Estates that were best affected to Religion . ( And which he cites out of an English Historian Francis Botevill ) m As touching his ( viz. Morton's ) setting up and maintaining the estate of Bishops ( whereof there had ensued great debate and contention betwixt him and the Ministry ) he said , it did not proceed of an ill mind , of any malice , or contempt of them , or their Callings , but meerly out of want of better knowledge , thinking that Form of Government to be most conform to the Rules of Policy , and to be fittest for the times . That if he had then known better , he would have done otherways . And n He ( viz. Morton ) was also calm — this appeared in his carriage toward Mr. Knox , who had used him roughly , and rebuk'd him sharply for divers things , but especially for his labouring to set up and maintain the estate of Bishops . Hence 't is most manifest how , not only Knox , but also the whole body of our Church disliked and hated the very first bud , and likeness of Prelacy : and how by meer force and fraud of the voracious Court-politicians upon the dishonesty of some , but the unwariness and faintness of many moe of the Ministry . These monstrous Tulchans , for all men even our present Prelatists are ashamed of them , got that minot's harbour in Scotland . § . 7. Our Author Answers , for he insists long on this matter , o That the Question is not now , how this was done , but if it was done ? For if it was done , it is an Argument that the Clergy then thought little on the iudispensibility of Parity . Just as if what any man either by Fraud or Force is made seemingly to yeeld to ▪ were to be taken for his true and genuine Sentiments : I thought this kind of reasoning had been peculiar to a Spanish Inquisitor or French Converter . Or that they were bad Men ( continues he ) a hard construction : For then Hierome of Prague who was forc'd , and so many of the choice Fathers of the Council of Arminum , who were trick'd to admit , in appearance , something contrary to their true Sentiments ; shall all be bad men ? That the Ministers at this Convention at Leith dealt most unwarily , and some of 'em also with too little integrity , is beyond scruple : But that all of 'em , or most of 'em were poor covetous Rogues &c. neither Petrie nor any of his Perswasion ever affirmed . He adds that the Courts Arguments for the Leith-establiment were mainly Politick ; for they turn'd not Theologues to perswade Episcopacy's Divine Institution from Scripture &c. Well then , there was little true Piety , no consulting of Conscience or the Word of God in the Matter : And if some of the Ministry , as he says , were taken with these politick and state Reasons , they in so far fell from their own Principle viz. p That in the Books of the Old and New Testament , all things necessary for the instruction of the Church , and to make the Man of God perfect , are contain'd and sufficiently express'd . But the Clergy ( saith he ) had found that the new Scheme of the first Book of Discipline had done much hurt to the Church . As if the old Popish Scheme , under which the Churches goods , by God's Law destinated for the promoval of piety and learning , and sustaining of the poor , were consum'd and debauch'd , in upholding the grandour and luxury of a spurious ecclesiastick Nobility , could have been really more profitable to the Church than that of the Book of Discipline , on of the prime designs whereof was the bestowing of the Church Revenues for these their true uses , to which God's Law had appointed them . Or as if Pastors , Schools , and Poor can in no place be provided for , where the Romish Church-policy is wanting . But , The six Commissioners ( saith he ) that treated with the State at Leith were sensible Men , and far from being Parity-men . Just so far from being Parity-men , that most of 'em , in an Assembly 1580. July 12. deliberately found and declared Episcopacy unlawfull in it self . q He intimats , that the Courts motive for the Leith-establishment could not be their desire to possess the Churches Patrimony . An untruth , as we have now seen , too bare fac'd to need more refutation . His proof hereof is of the same stamp , viz. Had the Clergy fall'n so suddenly from their constant claim to the Churches Revenues ? did that which moved them to be so earnest for this meeting with the State miraculously slip out of their minds . Seeing not the Church , but the Court-politicians , as is evident , with desire to circumveen her , chiefly procur'd that meeting , and if these Delegates were either the only or first men , who by sinistrous Artifices fell into a bad Compact , then let him exclaim with admiration of this matter : what follows is yet odder , viz. Was it not as easy for the Court to have possessed themselves of a Bishoprick , an Abbacy , a Priory &c. when there were no Bishops — as when there were . For he 's to be pitied if he be ignorant that the Courtiers having no Law-title thereto , had no hope save under covert of their own Creatours , these titular Bishops , of any peaceable and secure possession of the Churches Revenues . But an undoubted Assembly [ saith he ] own'd the Leith convention as an Assembly , and its Authority as the Authority of an Assembly — and for several years after that establishment at Leith , beside which there was no other fond for owning them for Bishops , Bishops were present , and as such were obliged to sit and vote in general Assemblies — and many Acts of subsequent Assemblies put this matter beyond all probability of ever being controverted as the Assembly in August 1574. which petitioneth the Regent , that Stipends be granted to Superintendents in all time coming , in all Countries destitute thereof , whether it be where there is no Bishop , or where there are Bishops , who cannot discharge their Office as the Bishop of St. Andrews and Glasgow . And that his Grace would provide qualified Persons for vacant Bishopricks . But this , tho' it be his prime Argument , is soon removed , our Church knew that divers Ministers and others had been allur'd , or aw'd to that agreement : She knew that 't was only made for the Interim r and for the Interim only did she tolerate it , with a full resolution to have a more perfect Order . s And as for the words , In all time coming , there 's not a syllabe of them in the Act he cites t Nor indeed any where else of all the Acts of these Assemblies . She knew also that during that Interim , 't was impossible to get , that which had been the Revenues of Popish Bishops & other Church Rents out of the Regent and other Courtiers their hands . In the mean while the vast number of unplanted Churches , weakness of the Ministry in divers parts , and unsettlement , even unto that time , of the Churches Affairs , allow'd for a space the continuance of Evangelistick Superintendents or Commissioners , who were to be in almost perpetual motion and travels , and therefore needed much larger maintainance then did fixed Pastors ; which large maintainance the Church , being thus strip'd of her Patrimony , could not afford to the number that was needfull . On these and such Grounds , the Church indulged to that Convention the name of an Assembly , tolerated in these Tulchans the name of Bishops : And , seeing they had got more Rent then was giv'n to ordinary Ministers , allowed them to exercise the Labour and Travel of Superintendents or Commissioners : And thus the Church made the best she might of that their unlawfull Bargain . And tho' , u which he also objects , some Assemblies allow Bishops to conveen and proceed against delinquents , command Ministers by their Letters to admonish concerning persons to be excommunicated , it helps him nothing , seeing the very Acts he cites give no less power to Superintendents , yea to Commissioners , whom yet the Church used , even after she had declared Episcopacy unlawfull in it self . So far is our Churches tolerating for a space these Tulchans from being any Argument , that she believ'd not the Divine Right of Parity . But how appears't ( saith he ) that our Church receiv'd the Leith Articles only for an Interim out of a dislike to Episcopacy : — And there were other things in the Articles which required amendment . But sure these Articles were without any exception receiv'd and tolerated only for the Interim , and how well these Court-bishops were liked , is already made manifest , and our Churches subseqnent actings declare , which never rested , but still wrestled against the storms of both Power and Policy , untill they were sent packing . 'T is true , as he says , the Church met with Opposition ; but that this was only from these titular Bishops , and Rent-gatherers to the Courtiers , supported with all the might , Wit and Artifice of an awfull gripping , politick Regent , and no few other potentand subtile Courtiers driving their own ends , as has already appeared , and is most evident from the best accounts now extant of these Affairs , and this is the undoubted Cause , why the six Collocutors at the Assembly in August 1575. think it not expedient presently to answer directly to the Question of the Function of Bishops . But he who stilleth the noise of the Seas & the noise of their waves , having restrain'd these impetuous Tempests , how cordially did our Church proceed to the utter extirpation of Prelacy ? Forsamekle ( they are the words of the Assembly holden at Dundee , Anno 1580. July 12. Sess. 4. x ) as the Office of a Bishop , as it is now used and commonly taken within this Realme , hath no sure warrant , authority , or good ground out of the Book , and Scriptures of God , but brought in by the folly and corruption of mens invention , to the great overthrow of the true Kirk of God , the whole Assembly of the Kirk in one voice , after liberty given to all Men to reason in the matter , none opponing themself in defence of the said pretended Office , findeth and declareth the samine pretended Office , used and termed as is above said , unlawfull in the self , as having neither fundament , ground nor warrant in the word of God &c. And in all this , our Church , as she clearly here expresses , did nothing save what she was oblig'd to do by her own Principle in the first Book of Discipline , which affirms that all thing necessary for the instruction of the Church is contain'd in the Books of the Old and New Testament . And that whatsoever is without express commandment of God's Word , is to be repress'd as damnable to Salvation . Our Reformers therefore , except our Adversaries say , ( which even impudence , it self dare not say ) , that they believ'd the Hierarchy to be founded on the express command of God's Word , were bound by this their Principle to oppose it as a manifest corruption , and according to this Principle , whensoever Prelacy , by force of the secular arm , and fraud of serpentine policy , and , as one well words it , by terrors and allurements , crosses and commodities , banishment and benefices ( for by other means it could never be admitted ) overwhelm'd this Land , and discover'd the Hypocrisie or Gallio-like Disposition of many ; all the true Lovers of our Reformation still then had , in greater or lesser measure , as their love was to this truly Protestant , yea truly Catholick and Christian Principle of our Reformers , their Feasts turned into Mourning , their Songs into Lamentation , their Tears for Meat , and their Harps hang'd on the Willows . And now suppose that our Reformers , in that unstable condition of our Church , and very first rudiments of Protestancy had in some of their Doings or Saying afforded some colour or appearance , either for the scruples of the curious , or the quirks and cavils of the captious , does not , pray , this most unanimous , most clear , and every way most unexceptionable Act of our most full and free Generall Assembly , that consisted for the far greater part of the very same Men , who were the Actors and Promoters of our first Reformation , most fully open our Remormers their minds , shew their ultimat tendency and scope , and finally , for ever determine the present Controversie . § . 8. He hath more to say of John Knox , I return therefore to attend him . His next Plea y is with Calderwood about Beza's Letter to Knox , where he denies that Beza wrote being inform'd by Knox of the Courts intention to bring in Bishops , and adds , that if any thing of Knox ' s Sentiments can be collected from Beza ' s Letter , it seems rather he was for Prelacy than for Presbytry : For Beza ( saith he ) seems clearly to import , that Knox needed to be caution'd against Prelacy . Beza's Words are . z But I would have you , my dear Knox , and the other Brethren , to Remember that which is before your eyes : that as Bishops brought foorth the Papacy : so false Bishops the relicts of Popery , shall bring in Epicurism to the World : They that desire the Churches good and safety , let them take heed of this Pest , and seeing ye have put that Plague to flight timously , I heartily pray you , that Ye never admit it again , albeit it seem plausible , with the pretence or colour of keeping unily , which pretence deceiv'd the ancient Fathers , yea even many of the best of ' em . Where Beza without giving any proof thereof , clearly supposes as a thing believed by Knox no less than by himself , that the Bishops whom some were then labouring to introduce into Scotland were false Bishops , the relicts of Popery , which had already been once driv'n out of Scotland , and on this supposition , as any Orators use to do from Principles common to themselves , and these to whom they are speaking , he admonish'd him and the rest to beware of this Plague . Certain it is then , if we believe Beza , that he knew , if by a Letter from Knox , or otherwise concerns not the matter in hand , that Knox judg'd the Bishops then to be introduc'd to be no others than were the Popish Bishops , whom Knox and his fellow Reformers had lately expuls'd Scotland , and both sorts of Bishops to be equally false and Anti-christian . And now consider this Letter of Beza written near the same time with that of Knox to the Assembly , and the disinterested shall soon perceive that the former explains the latter , and sufficiently shews what Knox meant by the Tyranny mention'd therein . Moreover , whosoever finds so much against Episcopacy in Beza , even tho' it had been spoken by him without any relation or respect to Knox , and remembers how universal and firm Concord was between these excellent Persons , Qui duo corporibus mentibus unus erant , will easily conclude that Knox bore but small kindness to Prelacy . § . 9. He comes next to prove , Knox was not for Parity . Had he been ( saith he ) so perswaded , how seasonable had it been for him to have spoken out so mnch , when he was brought before King Edward ' s Council ? The Question was then put to him , whether he thought that no Christian might serve in the Ecclesiastical Ministration , according to the Rites and Laws of the Realm of England ? — Yet he answer'd nothing , but that no Minister in England had Authority to separate the Lepers from the whole , which was a chief part of his Office. Plainly founding all the unlawfulness of being a Pastor of the Church of England , not only the unlawfulness of the Hierarchy which he spoke not one word about , but on the Kings retaining — the chief Power of Ecclesiastical Discipline . As if Knox had judg'd nothing in the Church of England unlawfull but the King 's retaining the Ecclesiastical Discipline in his own hand ; which all Men , even Episcopals no less than Presbyterians , know to be an arch and palpable untruth . Does not ( as for example ) our Assembly Anno 1566. in a Letter to the English Bishops and Pastors , being moved thereto by John Knox , if Spotswood a speak truth , expresly , among many other things to this purpose , say If Surplice , Corner-cap , and Tippet have been the badges of Idolaters , in the very act of their Idolatry , what have the Preachers of Christian Liberty , and the Rebukers of Superstition , to do with the dregs of that Roman Beast ? yea , what is he that ought not to fear either to take in his hand or fore-head the Print & Mark of that odious Beast ? &c. See store to this purpose in Heylin's History of the Presbyterians : whereby 't is most evident , that this Author endeavour'd nothing more earnestly than to perswade the World that Knox was a self-repugnant Idiot . It sufficed if before that celebrious Assembly he answer'd to the Question , and gave some one reason that shewed he could not comply with them , tho' he declar'd not all the grounds of his dislike of their Practice . As to the matter of Francfort , which this Author mentions , drawing from it the like Consequences , there was no Bishop there , nor any mention of the necessity thereof , but only a bus●e made by some superstitious Bigots for their Popish Ceremonies or Fooleries , as Calvin calls them , and so there was no occasion of venting himself in this matter , and tho' there had , he sufficiently declar'd his mind while publickly in a Sermon , he alledged b that nothing ought to be thrust upon any Congregation without the warrant of the Word of God. Yea , if we may believe Le Strange c Knox and his Associats sufficiently discover'd themselves to be of the Consistorian or Presbyterian Perswasion . § 10. He adds that Knox in his Appellation &c. plainly supposes the lawfulness of the Episcopal Office. I deny 't . But all alongst throw it ( saith he ) Knox appeals to a lawfull general Council , snch a Council as the most ancient Laws and Canons approve , and who knows not that the most ancient Laws and Canons made Bishops the chief , if not the only Members of such Councils . Knox says , if the Popish Clergy his Adversaries are for it , he 's content that matters in Controversie between him and them be determin'd by the Testimony and Authority of Doctors and Councils , three things being granted him , whereof these are two . 1. That the most ancient Councils nearest to the primitive Church in which the learned and godly Fathers examined all Matters by God's Word , may be holden of most Authority . 2. That no Determinations of Councils or Men be admitted against the plain verity of God's Word , nor against the Determinations of the four chief Councils . Would Knox if he had been Presbyterian have agreed so frankly to have stood by the Determination of these four chief Councils ? Could he have expected they would have favoured the Divine Right of Presbyterian Parity ? Will any scotish Presbyterian now adays stand to the Decision of these four chief Councils ? But all our Author here infers is by Knox prevented and cut off , while , in the first place , he requires , that no Determinations of Councils nor Men be admitted against the plain Verity , i. e. d without the expressed commandment of God's Word . We chearfully appeal in the present Controversie , and provoke our Adversaries to this Rule , which most of 'em I have hitherto met with , expresly acknowledge to contain nothing in their favours . Secondly , The Actions of the first four Councils were of two sorts , Creeds viz. and Canons . Now , as John Knox and all the Presbyterians in cordial subscribing to the former , viz. The Symbols of these Councils , are confessedly not behind any part of the Christian World : so part of the latter sort , I mean the Canons , are rejected by Episcopals no less than by Presbyterians . As for example , the Constantinopolitan e Council appoints that reduced Hereticks and Schismaticks must be anointed on the Fore-head , Eyes , Nose , Mouth and Ears . And in the Council of Chalcedon f 't is permitted only of all the Church-men to the Lectors and Cantors to Marry . Yea that none of the Clergy after that manner should Marry , was statuted by the Council of Nice . g And they were also to have separated from their Wives the Church-men , who were in Wedlock already , had they not been restrani'd by the grave admonition and solide reason of Paphnutius . h Now , 't is true indeed Presbyterians admit not of these Decrees . But dare they say that Knox imbrac'd them ? Or , do our present Adversaries themselves receive them ? Knox therefore spoke of the Symbols : Our Author introduces him , and gives out as if he had spoken of their Canons , to the end he may deceive the vulgar Reader ; for none that look into the Councils can be obnoxious to this his Fraud . The same conclusion , viz. That Knox supposes the innocency and lawfulness of the Episcopal Office , he would deduce from Knox's following words . You may in a peaceable manner , without Sedition , withhold the fruits and profits which your false Bishops and Clergy most unjustly receive of you , untill such time as they shall faithfully do their Charge and Duties , which is to preach unto you Christ Jesus truly ; rightly to minister the Sacraments according to his Institution ; and so to watch for your Souls as is commanded by Christ &c. But might not Knox , had he been there , giv'n the like admonition to the Romans concerning their Bishop and Clergy ? should he thereby have suppos'd the Lawfulness and Innocency of the Papacy and Power the Romanists gave to the Pope . Secondly , Does not Knox admonish the People concerning the rest of the Clergy wherein there was comprehended the Abbots , Priors , and all the rest of the Romish rout , no less then concerning the Bishops ? Did therefore Knox suppose the Innocency and Lawfulness of all these Offices ? Thirdly , Knox utterly baffles all our Author's Sophistry , and sufficiently preserves himself from his abuses and depravations , while he places the Office of all true Bishops in truly preaching of Christ Jesus , rightly ministring the Sacraments and watching for Souls : Which I hope is equally the Office and Duty of all Christ's Ministers . So true is it , we observ'd from Beza's Letter , that Knox look'd on all Lordly Diocesan Prelats as false Bishops . And all they pretend to , beside what is common to every Pastor under whatsoever Name or Profession they go , as unwarrantable and unjust . But ( saith our Author ) Knox's great Work in his Admonition to the Professors of England , was to enumerat at the Causes , which in God's righteous Judgement brought Queen Maries Persecution on them : But he quite forgot to name the Sin of Prelacy as one ; Ergo &c. And did he enumerat and reckon up all things he judg'd to be Errors or Sins wherefore God was pleading with the English , and had sent among them that Persecution ? The truth is the main design of that Admonition is not to give an accurat enumeration of the Causes of the Persecution , but to give comfort to the Faithfull under it . But abstracting what Knox thought to be the Causes of that Persecution , and what not , our Author must sustain that Knox reckon'd up whatsoever he judg'd to be Sins and Abuses in that Church , otherwise he does nothing . But dare he say , that Knox there did so ? Spoke he ever a word of the Tippet , Corner-cap , and Surplice , there being Badges of Idolaters , and Marks of the odious Beast ? Hath he one syllable of Christmas , Feasts and such holy Days , i which he also judged superstitious and sinfull ? Or of the Faults of their Service-book about which , as all Men know , fell out the Controversie at Francfort ? or the depriving Ministers of Power to separate the Lepers from the whole ? at which our Author grants Knox to have been offended . But Knox calls Cranmer that reverend Father in God ; Ergo. Bellè . As if forsooth Knox might not use a Phrase of the common stile of the times , but he must be presently concluded a propugner of the Hierarchy . k Was not at the Assembly in Edinburgh March 1570. whereof John Knox was a Member , one of the Heads of Adam Bishop of Orknay ' s Accusation , which by the Assembly he was desir'd to redress , that he stileth himself with Roman Titles , as Reverend Father in God , which pertaineth to no Ministers of Christ Jesus , nor is giv'n them in Scriptures ? John Knox ( continues our Author ) said , the false Religion of Mahomet is more ancient than Papistry , yea Mahomet had established his Alcoran before any Pope of Rome was crown'd with a triple Crown &c. Can any Man think ( subjoins our Author ) John Knox was so very unlearn'd as to imagine Episcopacy was not much Older than Mahomet ? Or knowing it to be Older , that yet he could have been so ridiculous , as to have thought it a relict of Popery , which he himself affirm'd to be Younger than Mahometism ? But , was Knox so very unlearn'd , as not to know , that divers Popish Errors and Dotages had generally obtain'd and got good footing before the time of Mahomet ? Do not these who know any thing , know so much ? Have we not heard how he rejected , as unwarrantable and unlawfull , Christmas , Feasts , and such holy Days ? Will our Author acknowledge they obtain'd not before the rise of Mahomet , or the Pope's triple Mitre ? I think he will not . Have we not seen how , good space before these times , other Innovations as unction of Poenitents , and Caelibacy of Church-men were coming in fashion , and countenanc'd by the most famous Councils . Knox had been unlearn'd indeed , if he had not known so much ; he spoke therefore only of the maturity and more open appearance of the Man of Sin , and as he expresses , of his coming to his triple Crown ; and meant not at all that before Mahomet's time , no Popish Doctrines were generally broach'd and imbrac'd : yet so our Author ( otherwise he 's quite beside his purpose ) makes him to speak ; then which nothing more false and injurious to Mr. Knox , can be express'd . Hitherto , we have been intertain'd with Sophistry so silly , and Paralogisms so palpable , that 't were unjustice done to this Gentle-man's Intellectuals , not to believe that he sufficiently discern'd the Fallacies . But he promiseth to make a mends for the future ; as yet , he has only brought up his Rorarios and Velites , but now the case is quite alter'd . Ecce ferunt Troes ferrumque Ignesque Jovemque ! § 11. He has yet more to say ; yes , more with a Witness ! Knox says , in his Exhoatation to England , Let no man be charg'd in preaching of Jesus Christ above that a man may do ; I mean that your Bishopricks be so divided that of every one as they are now for the most part , may be ten , and so in every City and great Town , there may be plac'd a godly learned Man , with so many join'd with him for Preaching and Instruction as shall be thought sufficient for the bounds committed to their Charge . But the Reader , impartially weighing what we have adduced , must yeeld , that 't is impossible , either from this , or any other place , to make Knox a Prelatist , except we involve him in manifest self-repugnancy , which there is no necessity to do for any thing here said : For tho' Knox , considering how the English were wedded to something of a hierarchick Splendor , had indulged them in a good deal thereof : it had been only a parallel Action to that of his Friend Calvin , who l tho' sufficiently Anti-ceremonial , yeelds , notwithstanding , for a time , and for Peace's sake , to that Nation , some of their Ceremonies which he calls tolerable Fooleries , unprofitable Triffles &c. Yet I have met with none , who on this score has taxed Calvin of Self-contradiction . But this ex abundanti ; for they cannot from these Knox's words conclude , that he favoured so much as the least grain of the substance of Prelacy : of each of their Bishopricks he makes ten , which I think will bring his Lordship comparatively consider'd , to a very narrow compass . But to shew that he put a definit number for an indefinit , he gives not only to every City , but to every great Town a Bishop : Now , of Cities and Mercat-towns in England , which , there , are not inconsiderable , there are odds of 600 , m But that none may justly cavill , let 's make a large abatement of the number where they may be smaller ; and yet , I 'm sure , so many remain as there should be ordinary Presbytries in England , providing it were so divided . Moreover , the great End and Work of this Bishop Knox makes to be the preaching of the Gospel , and instructing of the People ; of his Dominion and Power over the Clergy not a syllable ; yea , he gives not to him alone the Charge of the Flock , 't is their Charge , the Charge of the rest , no less than the Bishop ; they are join'd with him , not his Curats under him : And we have heard him already making the Office of a Bishop nothing else but what is common to all Pastors : And , if his Doctrine and Practice in Scotland may be allow'd as an Explication of his Exhortation to England , this Bishop was subject to the Admonition and Correction of the Presbytry , wherein he was Bishop . Nothing therefore can necessarily be drawn from Knox's words , except that this Bishop was to have ( if Temporary or continued , I dispute not , for it touches not the present Question ) a meer presidency of Order or Moderator-ship ; nothing of Dominion or Power to Knox's Bishop . Nothing therefore of imparity amongst Pastors can from the words in hand with any good consequence be deduced . Lastly , whatever 't was , it appears clear from these words , that he allow'd this only for a time , during the rarity of Preachers . § 12. But hear somewhat more of the same Exhortation . Touching the Reformation of Religion ( saith he n ) ye must at once so purge and expell all dregs of Papistry , Superstition and Idolatry , that thou , O England , must judge and hold execrable and accursed , whatsoever God hath not sanctifi'd to thee by his blessed Word , or by the Action of our Master Jesus Christ. The glistering beauty of vain Ceremonies , the heaps of things pertaining nothing to Edification , by whomsoever they were invented , justifi'd or maintain'd , ought at once to be removed , and so troden under the obedience of God's Word , that continually this sentence should be present in thy Heart , and ready in thy Mouth , not that which appeareth in thine own Eye shalt thou do &c. Deut. 12. — Let not then the King and his proceedings , whatsoever they be , not agreeable to the Lord 's Holy Word , be a snare to thy Conscience . — Let God's blessed Word alone be the Rule and Line to measure his Majestie 's Religion . What it commandeth , let it be obeyed , & what it commandeth not , let that be execrable , because it hath not the sanctification of God's Word , under what Title or Name soever it be published . Halt no longer on both parts . Let not these Voices prevail in your Parliament , This to our Judgement is good and godly , this the People cannot well bear , this repugneth not to God's Word . And , But let his holy and blessed Ordinances by Christ Jesus commanded to his Kirk , be within thy limits and bounds so sure , and established , that if Prince , King , or Emperour would enterprize to change or disannull the same , that he be the reputed Enemy of God. — Which horrible Crimes if ye will avoid in time coming , then must ye ( I mean the Princes , Rulers , and People of the Realm ) by solemn Covenant renew the Oath betwixt God and you . — That benefice upon benefice be heaped upon no Man , but that a suffient Charge with a competent Stipend be assigned to the Work-men ; for O how horrible was that confusion that one Man should be permitted to have two , three , four , five , six , or seven Benefices , who scarcely in the year did so often preach ; yea , that a Man should have the Charge of them , whose faces he never saw . — For the great Dominions and Charge of your proud Prelats ( impossible by one Man to be discharged ) are no part of Christ's true Ministry , but are the maintainance of the Tyranny first invented , and yet retain'd by the Roman Antichrist . That diligent heed be taken , that such to whom the Office of preaching is committed , discharge and do their Duties : for it is not ; nor will not be the chanting nor mummelling over of certain Psalters , the reading of Chapters for matines & evening Song , or of homilies only ( be they never so godly ) that can feed the Souls of hungry Sheep . — What efficacy the living voice hath above the naked letter which is read , the hungry and thirsty do feel to their comfort . But the other maketh for Mr. Parson's purpose , who , retaining in his hand a number of Benefices , and appointed such in his place as are altogether destitute of the Gift of Preaching ; but let all such Belly-gods be whipp'd out of God's Holy Temple . Let none that be appointed to labour in Christ's Vineyard be intangl'd with Civil Affairs — except it be when the Civil Magistratand the Minister of the Word assemble together for Execution of Discipline , which is a thing easie to be done without withdrawing any Person from his Charge , if that which was before express'd be observed : For as touching their yearly coming to Parliament for matters of Religion , it shall be superfluous & vian , if God's true Religion be once so established that after , it never be called in controversie . And as touching Execution of Discipline that must be done in every City and Shire , where the Magistrats and Ministers are join'd together without any respect of Persons . So that the Ministers , albeit they lake the glorious Title of Lords , and the Divelish Pomp which before appear'd in proud Prelats , yet must they be so stout , and so bold in God's Cause , that if the King would usurp any other Authority in God's Religion than becometh a Member in Christ's Body , that first he be admonished according to God's Word &c. Read pray , the rest of this Exhortation , and you shall find that never was light more opposite to darkness , than Knox is to their Ceremonies and Hierarchy , and , in a word , their whole way whatsoever they contend for in opposition to the Church of Scotland . Now suppose , which yet he is far from doing , that Knox allow'd them some umbrage of imparity , should they not , notwithstanding , providing they closed with what he saith here and elsewhere , really relinquish what they call the Church-of - England's way , and come over unto us ? Yea , were they according to Knox's Exhortation stript of the hope their exorbitant Gain , Ease , and Grandour , &c : they should soon also send packing their Plea for Imparity , this being a meer shrowd , and pretext to cover these Enormities from which Knox so warmly dehorts , and whieh with less colour of modesty can be sustain'd . Add hereto , that seeing Knox so zealously requires express and positive Warrant in the Word of God for every thing in the Worship , Government and Discipline of the Church ; and seeing hitherto none hath darred to averr , that he was for the Divine Right of Prelacy , yea even our Author himself adventures not plainly to assert so much , but only labours to make Knox to account it Lawfull and Innocent , and to speak nothing against it , it must undeniably follow , that he was for a Divine Right of Parity . § . 13. Did not Knox ( continues our Author ) write and bear the Letter sent by the Superintendents , Ministers and Commissioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland , to their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors in England , Anno 1566 ? Did not he in that same Title of that same Letter acknowledge , that these Brethren , Bishops and Pastors of England had renounc'd the Roman Antichrist , and professed the Lord Jesus in sincerity ? And doth not the Letter all alongst allow of the Episcopal Power and Authority of these English Bishops ? But , had never a Protestant to do with an Abbot , Prior , or some other such Popish Officers , whose Offices he did not allow ? Might he not therefore speak or write to him in such Terms without which he should either not have been understood , or his Letter , or his Discourse been altogether uneffectual ? Altho' then it could be prov'd , they had given Bishops the distinguishing Titles they assume , by no good Logick could it be inferr'd that they accounted the Office , as it is distinguish'd from any other Pastor , Lawfull : which yet can never be prov'd , nor any thing concluded from the Letter , save that they took Bishop and Pastor for synonymous Terms . Moreover , 't will no more follow , that they count Episcopacy Lawfull , than that they esteem so of the Surplice , Corner-cap and Tippet , which yet in the same Letter , they make the Marks of the odious Beast . They there indeed acknowledge the English to have renounc'd the Roman Antichrist , but so as notwithstanding to have retain'd divers of his Abominations , whereof they name none , but only the most notorious of these which the then present English Controversies gave occasion to mention . The rest of his Discourse on this Head leans on this , that our Superintendents were really Diocesan Bishops , of whom more anon . And well may I deny 't , were there no more than the Doctrine and Practice of John Knox , who , as our Author grants , compil'd the first Book of Discipline , wherein the Appointment and Duties of Superintendents are set down . § . 14. And indeed that Knox was truly Presbyterian , is so manifest , that untill now , when Men have broke the bonds of all modesty , and abandon'd themselves to averr every thing to be as they would have it , was in neither hand call'd in question , but Enemies no less than Friends , either more indirectly or more plainly acknowledg'd it . This was the Policy ( saith o Spotswood ) desired to be ratifi'd . It had been formed by John Knox , partly in imitation of the Reformed Churches of Germany , partly of that which he had seen in Geneva &c. Nothing then from England , which flatly contradicts our Author , who , throw no small part of his Book , pretends to prove that all was taken especially from England . Now , what was the Government of the reformed Churches of Germany and Geneva , I think few are ignorant . And elsewhere , p Many good Men ( saith Spotswood ) have disliked some of Knox ' s Opinions , as touching the Anthority of Princes , and the Form of Government which he laboured to have established in the Church . The Prelat indeed here , as his custom is , delivers the Truth as sparingly , as may be ; yet not so , but both Presbyterians can perceive , and Hierarchicks must confess what is wrapt up in this forced Confession : And while he endeavours yet more to obscure it , by impertinently adding , that Knox was alwayes urging the Obedience of Ministers to their Superintendents , he only hereby shews , that he was loath the World should know , that he had been forc'd to Confess that Knox was really a Presbyterian . But their own dearest Friends and Brethren gave Testimony against them . Knox ( say they q ) was of the Consistorian stamp . These sc. Gilby , Goodman and Whittingham led the dance in England , Knox in Scotland , and at this day our Presbyterians do but write after their Copy , professing the same Principles , pretending the same Scruples , and beyond doubt proposing the same end . r Let me be understood likewise by Presbyterians to intend these of the Scotish Race , to whom we are beholden for our Discipline . That Faction first advanc'd it self by popular Tumult and Rebellion , Knox learned the Trick of it at Geneva , and brought it into Scotland . I forbear to cite others : see in lieu of many Heylin's History of the Presbyterians , who is most ample to this purpose . I only Note how various Methods have been us'd to destroy our Reformed Religion : The Papists , when the Divine Light of the Gospel began to break throw their Babilonish Foggs , to other means for extinguishing thereof , added that of lying , reproaching and bespattering most odiously our first Reformers , endeavouring to ridicul and expose , together with their Doctrine , their Discipline also , and Government , which they saw like to obtain amongst most of the reformed , and which sometimes in scorn they named after Geneva ; but they were open and profess'd Enemies , and so the Net was laid in sight of the Bird : A new Squadron must be added who , under the name of Protestant , may better manage the Romish Design , Tuta frequensque Via est per amici fallere nomen . These in the mean while with open mouth proclaim'd this Truth , that Knox , and the rest of our first Reformers in Scotland , were , no less than Calvin , Beza , and such transmarine Propagators of the Gospel , truly Presbyterian , and , as they scornfully spoke , fiery Zelots of t●e new holy Genevan Discipline : And on this very account threw upon them all the Iniquity , Aspersion and Infamy their black Art could invent , or the spirit of Lies and Malice suggest . Yet with all good Men and true Protestants they effected nothing , save to bring themselves into just suspicion of being masked Romanists : some of 'em therefore of late , find it there interest to alter their Method , & to forbear somewhat to utter their wonted Calumnies , and Malice against the persons of our Reformers ( for as for speaking any good of 'em , we shall most rarely find them do it , or if ever , 't is done with so much coldness and lameness , and with such mixtures of detraction , that they appear content that the Reader believe them not , and resolved to pull back with the one hand , what they were compell'd to give with the other ) and in the mean while , averr with an unparallel'd confidence , that these our Reformers were never for the Genevan way , ( as they call it ) were never for Parity of Pastors or Presbyterian Government ; that so they may the more securely follow the steps of the former , and vent their splene at both Government and Discipline , and yet be less obnoxious to suspicion of driving Rome's interest . But 't is to be hop'd they shall not speed well , seeing herein , they only endeavour to darken the Sun , to contradict what 's known and believ'd all Europe-over : And loudly , finally , to give the lie to their own dearest Friends . § . 15. Now to their second Objection , which is from the Superintendents , which , together with whatever else they advance from this Argument , we , having thus evinc'd that Knox , whose Judgement is confessedly of such moment in the present Case , was truly Anti-prelatick , might without just blame have neglected , it melts quite away , if we remember that this practice was only a temporary expedient , during the unsettl'd condition of the Church . The Objection dwindles also to nothing on this account , that tho' our Reformers had design'd the perpetual use of Superintendents , yet these toto coelo , as they say , differ'd from Diocesan Prelats , so that , notwithstanding hereof , the Government was really Presbyterian , or without ought that can be call'd Imparity . The former of these our Answers is plainly set down in the first Book of Discipline s If the Ministers ( say our Reformers ) whom God hath endowed with his singular Graces amongst us should be appointed to several places there to make their continual residence , that then the greatest part of the Realm should be destitute of all Doctrine : which should not only be the occasion of great murmur , but also be dangerous to the Salvation of many . And therefore we have thought it a thing most expedient at this time , that from the whole number of Godly and learned Men , now presently in this Realme , be Selected ten or twelve ( for in so many Provinces we have divided the whole ) to whom Charge and Commandment should be given to Plant and Erect Kirks , to set , order , and appoint Ministers , as the former Order prescribes , to the Countries that shall be appointed to their care where none are now . This was but too plain , and therefore is much curtail'd by Spotswood ; t as our Author , who dwells long on this Objection from Superintendents u , cannot deny . He therefore takes a new Way , and thus glosses the Passage . If I mistake not ( saith he ) the true gloss of this Period will amount to no more than this , that because there were then so few Men qualifi'd for the Office of Superintendency , tho' ten or twelve were , by far , too small a number for the whole Kingdom , yet , at that time , they thought it expedient to establish no more : and tho' , when the Church should be sufficiently provided with Ministers , it would be highly reasonable , that the Superintendents should have Places appointed them , for their continual residence ; yet , in that juncture , 't was necessary that they should be constantly travelling throw their districts , to Preach , and Plant Churches &c. To establish his gloss he says , the Compilers of the first Book of Discipline , viz. Mr. J. Winrame , John Spotswood , J , Willock , J. Douglas , J. Row and J. Knox , were still of prelatical Principles . But tho' this were as true as 't is false , the quite contrary would rather follow , viz. that they had resolv'd to change afterward the Superintendents for Diocesan Bishops : To prove they were Prelatists , he says , three of them were Superintendents , begging the Question , as if Superintendent and Bishop were one and the same . But Douglas died Arch-bishop of St. Andrews . But is 't strange that he , who , in favours of a Tulchan Bishoprick , had a stomach able to deject Simoniacal Pactions and durty Bargains , made no bones of sacrificing his former Principles to his interest ? But Spotswood was a constant Enemy to Parity , as appears from his Son's account of him . But his Son says not so much : Moreover , which quite spoils our Author's Cause , he makes x without naming any other , John Knox the Author of that Book of Policy , yea he averrs y that in his Father's Judgement , the Old Policy was undoubtedly the better than the New. John Row defended the lawfulness of Episcopacy at the Conference appointed by the General Assembly 1575. But J. Row , no less then the other Collocutors , in their Report to that Assembly , tho' , for the iniquity of the time , not in so many words , yet really condemn'd Prelacy , z and was also a Member of that Assembly , which with one voice — found and declar'd the Office unlawfull in it self . a Judge then of his confidence , who yet adventures hence to conclude that he was a Prelatist . He adds out of Knox , that Superintendents and Overseers were nominated , that all things in the Church might be carried with Order and well , which reason for establishing Superintendents ( saith our Author ) will continue to hold so long as the Church continues . But let him once prove that Knox speaks of the constant and ordinary Church regimen and guidance , and not of the settling and ordering of a Church little more then in fieri , and as yet not all sufficiently constitute , otherwise we have a meer Paralogism . At the Admission of Spotswood ( continues he ) John Knox asserted the necessity of Superintendents and Overseers , as well as Ministers the necessity I say , & not the bare expediency in the juncture . The words are b first was made a Sermon , in the which these Heads were handled : first the necessity of Ministers and Superintendents or Overseers &c. We have indeed here the necessity of Superintendents mention'd , but that it arose above an expediency , we do not hence learn : That Knox asserted the necessity of Superintendents as well as Ministers , or an equal necessity of the one and the other , can by no means be inferr'd : Yea , who can , with our Author , believe that tho' any People had aboundance of sufficient and lawfully ordain'd Ministers , yet , in Knox's Judgement , if Superintendents were wanting , such a People could no more be counted a Church , than if they had no Minister at all ? He brings also some Expressions out of the first Book of Discpiline , as , After the Church shall be established , and three years are past , no Man shall be called to the Office of a Superintendent , who hath not two years given a Proof of his faithfull Labours in the Ministry of some Church . Such passages indeed suppose some continuance of Superintendents tho' no perpetuity . For our Reformers could never think that within three years or thereabout , the Church should be fully established , & few or no Churches to be planted ; unto which full settlement , the forecited passage of the Book of Policy allows the use of Superintendents . This Book of Discipline ( saith our Author ) supposeth that Superintendents and Colledges were to be of equal continuance , for the Superintendent was still to be at the choosing and installment of Principalls and Rectors &c. But this his Argument , he himself overthrows . The Assembly ( saith he ) May 27. 1561. addresseth to the Council , that special and certain Provision might be made for the maintainance of the Superintendents , Ministers , Exhorters and Readers &c. Now , who sees not , that this Address speaks after the same manner concerning all these , so that , using our Author's way of arguing , we should inferr , that our Reformers thought the Exhorter ( which confessedly was a kind of Function purely temporary ) was no less to be perpetual than the Superintendent , yea , or the Minister . And the Assembly at Edinburgh December 25. 1565. c appointed Mr. Knox to pen a comfortable Letter in their Name to encourage Ministers , Exhorters and Readers to continue in their Vocation &c. From these and the like Acts he may as well conclude the equal duration of Exhorters and Ministers , as he inferrs from the Book of Policy , the equal duration of Superintendents and Colledges . He would next prove , from the account of the Election and Admission of Superintendents , prefix'd to the old Psalms , that , according to our Reformers , this was an Office distinct from that of other Pastors , of Divine Institution , and so perpetual . The Order and Form ( saith he ) for admitting a Superintendent and a Minister , was all one , and there was nothing in it importing the one Office to be temporary , more than the other . But therefore , there 's nothing elsewhere importing so much , is a clear non sequitur . In the mean while , from what he grants , 't is plain that the Superintendent wanted the very specific difference of a Diocesan Bishop , wherefore tho' they us'd this Phrase , The Office to which God call'd him , and this Question to the People , Will ye not acknowledge this your Brother for the Minister of Christ Jesus ? your Overseer and Pastor ? Will ye not maintain and comfort him — against all such as wickedly would rebell against God and his Holy Ordinance . And that Petition , Send unto this our Brother , whom , in thy name , we have charged with the chief care of thy Church within the bounds of L. &c. They can thereby mean no other Office , no other Ordinance of God , and , for kind , no other Charge , than what 's giv'n to every particular Pastor . For we find mention'd the chief d of the Apostles in Labour viz and Care , who yet were all equal . Neither is it strange that they thus set apart him who was , for the time , found needfull in these dark times and places , to plant and erect Churches , preach perpetually where there were none , and in a word , in several things compleatly to imitate the ancient Evangelist . Thus Paul and Barnabas were separated with a solemnity of Fasting , Prayer and Imposition of Hands e And yet the Work or Office for which they were separated , was neither new nor perpetual . § . 17. Having overthrown the Reasons of his Gloss , it must yeeld to the Text , expresly telling us , they were erected only for that time , and that for the paucity of Ministers endowed with singular Graces . But this reason ( says he ) is nought . For suppose we 20 , 30 , 40 Men in the Kingdom qualifi'd for the Office of the Ministry ; could not these have divided the Kingdom into a proportionable number of large Parishes ? And , still , as more Men turn'd qualifi'd , could they not have lessen'd these greater Parishes ? But he with whom our Reformers f were all most contemptible Idiots , and more especially in Church-policy , needs not wonder tho' they had fall'n into a much greater Solecism . But he forgets , that many in these most dark times were made Ministers , who yet needed the Assistance and Direction of the better qualifi'd for a while in Church-policy , and matters of such importance , till they should be able to go hand in hand with them , and that the main end of Superintendents was the perpetual Travelling , Preaching and Instructing where there were no Pastors and planting of Churches . As well ( continues he ) as our Presbyterian Brethren now unite Presbytries . A strange mistake , as if , where Presbytries are united , any Minister took for his proper Charge a multitude of Parishes . He here insinuats , that in the Superintendents there was established a Prelacy : But the present Question is only about the sentiments of our Reformers : and that they never thought the use of Superintendents croffed the Doctrine of Parity , is most clear , were there no more , from their using Superintendent-commissioners , even after they had declar'd Episcopacy unlawfull in it self . But all this their jangle is the fruit of meer prejudice or worse , for none near these times look'd on Superintendency as perpetual . Not the Court Party , seeing they endeavour'd to change Superintendents for Tulchan Bishops : not the rest of the Church , who , as the necessity of them decreased , suffer'd them to wear out . And after that , in an unanimous Assembly , they had ordain'd that the whole Church should be divided in a competent number of Presbytries , declar'd that Superintendents were no longer expedient . And good ground had they , even from that very Book of Policy so to do : for , if the whole tenor of that Head of Superintendents , appointing them almost constantly to Travel , to Preach thrice a week at least , and beside that to examine the Life &c. of the Ministers , the Orders of the Kirks , the manners of the People , care how the Poor be provided , how the Youth be instructed , admonish , where it 's needfull , by good Counsel , compose Differences , note and delate to the Kirk hainous Crimes , and all this , because of the paucity of qualifi'd Ministers ; evidently proclaims not , that this Superintendent was a kind of Evangelist , expedient only at that juncture of the re-entry of the Gospel into Scotland , I appeal to the candid Judgement of the impartial . Moreover , if 't were otherwise , why should they not as punctually have described his Duties after the time of his perpetual Travels , his Preaching thrice a week , and other such vast Labours were ended ( for he grants these were to indure but for a time ) after which he insinuats , that the Superintendents were to remain quiet in their chief Towns , but no word in all the account we have of them of such distinctions of times , of such perpetual rest , not a word therefore of their perpetuity . Lastly ; which he wisely , i. e. sutably to his purpose , omitted , for , like the Council ask'd at Abel , it ends the matter ; see this Head of Superintendents . Because ( say they ) we have appointed a larger Stipend to them that shall be Superintendents , than to the rest of the Ministers , we have thought good to signifie to your Honours such Reasons as moved us to make difference betwixt Preachers at this time . Now , pray , may not he that runs , read here that , had it not been for some forcing Circumstances and Exigencies of the then present time , they had made no difference at all between one Minister and another . And then after a few lines they laid down their Reasons in the very words , the sense whereof is now under Debate ; If the Ministers &c. § . 18. In the mean while , we need not be much concern'd whether these Superintendents were to be temporary or perpetual , there being nothing therein that made any real difference between the Church-government which was then , and that which is now . And indeed , these vast Travels and Pains in preaching thrice a week &c. are sure enough Tokens that the Superintendent could not be much distinguish'd from an ordinary Pastor , save in these extraordinary Labours , and was far from the Episcopal Eminency , and Grandour , seeing he was so far from the Episcopal ease and idleness , without which the former but rarely obtains . This , and other such Proofs of the vast difference between the Superintendents and their Diocesans , and of the likeness between the Government under the Reformers and that which is now , our Author slides over with rallry saying , it may be as well told them , that Bishops wore black Hats and silk , Superintendents blew Bonets and tartan ; as if most constant and hard labour in the Gospel , were no more valuable for distinguishing one Minister from another , than highland Plydes and blew Bonnets . He meets you with the like Drollery , if you mind him , that the Superintendents had no Metrapolitan and Episcopal Consecration or Ordination , but it 's risus sardonius . And his Questions , ( What is this to Parity or Imparity amongst the Governours of the Church ? Do these differences distinguish between Bishops and Superintendents as to preheminence of Power ? ) flow from deep dissimulation of the mortal Wound giv'n to his Cause , seeing without Episcopal Ordination , which was never requir'd to a Superintendent ( For Knox , as for example , who with our Author was only a Presbyter , ordain'd or admitted , as they then spoke , Spotswood Superintendent ) there can be no Episcopal Power , no , not so much as the very essentials of a Bishop . These Superintendents were also without any Civil Places , power or emoluments that way , which make up the far greater part of the Episcopal greatness , and still subject and accountable to the General Assemblies . And there was reason for it ( saith our Author ) supposing that General Assemblies as then constituted , were sit to be supream Judicatories of the National Church , For there was no reason that Superintendents should have been Popes . Then surely either were our Prelats , Popes , or most vehemently covetted a papal Power , seeing above all things they fear'd , abhorr'd and studi'd the ruine of these our General Assemblies . And no wonder if they did so , and that our Author intimats his dislike of these our Assemblies . For if this one thing , viz. the subjection of the Superintendents to these Assemblies , as they were then constituted , be duely weigh'd , it 's fair to ●et them on the very same levell with their Brethren . For , give him never so great a Power in the Province where he superintended , and let him use it as he pleased , yet neither can the Imparity be counted considerable , not the harm he could do very hurtfull , for within half a year at most ( for there was a General Assembly twice , at least , every year ) they had a prospect of a General Assembly to right their wrong , wherein every Pastor was to have no less Power than any Superintendent , and no less capable to sit judge and censure the Superintendent , than the Superintendent was on the other hand , to exerce the like Power over him ; yea , any Minister in the Assembly , & such sometimes as were none , was as fair to be chosen Moderator as any Superintendent . By the frequency of these Assemblies , it came to pass , that few or no matters of importance were determin'd in the inferiour Synods , but came thither for their final Decision . Wherefore , if we narrowly look on these times , we shall find that the Superintendents were rather appointed as Observers and Delators of Matters to the Assembly , than any proper Judges thereof , save when a special command was giv'n him to cognosce on such and such particular Matters . He was frequently also charged with execution of the Assemblies Determinations , all which was common to him with other Commissioners to whom the Assembly gave the like Charge , and sent them not rarely to these very Provinces where there were Superintendents with equal Power and Authority to that of the Superintendent . Sometimes they ordain'd Causes to be handled by the Superintendent with the assistance of these Commissioners , sometimes by the Commissioner with the assistance of the Superintendents , which Commissioners were sometimes Ministers of another Province , and sometimes of that Province wherein was the Superintendent , with whom they were join'd with equal Power & Authority . From all which 't is evident , how much they are taken with the humor of cavilling , who dare to ascribe to the Superintendents any real Superiority or Power over other Pastors , or any thing repugnant to a compleat Parity . But there is yet more : even in his own Synod , he could do nothing contrary to the Majority , for he was to act nothing without the Synods Consent , neither could he impede ought done by the Majority , for he had no negative vote . g Yea , he was made subject to the Tryal and Censures of the Synod of the very province where he superintended . And here our Author is compell'd to acknowledge that there was a considerable difference between Superintendents and Bishops : and indeed 't was considerable with a witness , and so considerable that it really sets them on even ground with each Pastor of the word . He adds , that this was a great wrong , and error in the Constitution ; and on this ocasion has a long invective h against our Reformers , & in speciall Knox , counting them Children , Idiots , Ungovernable , and of bad Principles , and spares not to flegg at all Scots men or Scotch mettal , as he speaks . But this is but a kicking against the pricks . He knows all this helps him nothing , nor is to the present Question , which is not de jure but de facto , what our Reformers freely and joyntly did ? Not , on what grounds they did so ? He next retorts , that according to the book of Discipline , the Elders are allow'd to admonish , correct , and , with the consent of the Church and Superintendent , depose their Minister . But , First , tho our Reformers had spoken just alike of the Elders and Ministers as they did of the Synod and Superintendent , their words will not bear the like inference : the power they give to the Elders could certainly be a spurr to the Ministers , and yet they might be sure the few Elders of one parish would never make so bold with their Minister , as the whole Synod might with their Superintendent . Secondly , There is no such allowance giv'n to the Elders concerning their Minister as to the Synod over their Superintendent : the former much act only with the consent of the Kirk and Superintendent , but nothing of this injoyn'd to the latter . Yea our Author himself will have the power of Deposition to be a prerogative of the Superintendent , and no doubt he or the Commissioner did , in the Churches name , execute her sentence . To Depose therefore here , and that with allowance of the whole context of that 8 head of Discipline , which he cites , is nothing else than to delate to the Church , and Superintendent the crimes of the Minister , and in their own sphere assist them in that action . He adds , he hath no where found that de facto the Superintendent was judged by his own Synod . And it may be so : for litle do we find of any thing was then done by provincial synods , every thing of moment being left to the General Assemblies , which were then most frequent . Such a Constitution ( adds he ) inferrs no such thing as Parity among Church-Offices Those who maintain that the King is inferior to his Subjects in their Collection , are not yet so extravagant as to say , he is not Superior to every one of them in their Distribution . But where Superiors or Equalls can be gotten , the Men of this Principle will freely yeeld , that none , who are Inferiours in the Distribution ought to judge the Actions of their Superiours , providing other Judges can be had , who , in this Case cann't , there being but one King only in a Kingdom : Hence they , believing that none may live lawless , think the King's Actions are cognoscible by these who are his Inferiours , but altering their capacity in the Collection . But is it so in the Case of the Superintendent , whereof there were severals , & not one only , as there is one commonly King in a Kingdom ? Seeing then he was to be judged by the Synod , notwithstanding , that there were other Superintendents in the Church ; 't is evident , they counted every Brother in the Ministry his equal . § . 19. But the Superintendents ( saith our Author i ) had a stock of prerogatives above other Pastors . But be it so : yet notwithstanding hereof , if we suppose , which I trust at the narrowest search shall appear , the truth of what we have now adduc'd , and the self consistency of the actings of our Reformers , whom he would fain set at variance with themselves , whatsoever Prerogatives he has really brought , can never prove that the Superintendent had any Dominion over other Pastors , or that they acted not in a true and real Parity ; so that , from what is now said , these his pretended Disparities are prevented and remov'd . For example , he tells us , that Superintendents had a larger district , were nominated by the Council , elected by the Nobility and Gentry ; 't was not so with the Paroch Ministers . But the Commissioners had no less districts , and were appointed by the General Assembly , which I 'm sure is of no less weight in the case than the Councils Nomination , even tho' the Gentlemens Election be added thereto , and yet , who in his Wit will take him for any other Officer than is every Parish-minister , or fall into the rovery of our Author , who k calls these Commissioners temporary Bishops . Paroch-ministers , by the first Book of Discipline head 8 , were deposeable by the Superintendent , and the Elders of their Parishes . The Superintendent was to be Judged by the Ministers and Elders of the whole Province . But the fraud is palpable , the words of the Book of Discipline are , that if a Minister be worthy of Deposition , the Elders of his Parish may , with consent of the Kirk and Superintendent , depose him . Where you see the Kirk or Minister and Elders of the Province are no less interested in the Deposition of a Minister than in the judging of a Superintendent . He suppress'd therefore all mention of the Kirk , which even Spotswood , whom he cites , l expresses : to the end he might make his Reader believe no Minister , save the Superintendent only , had any power in Deposition of Ministers . But privat Ministers ( saith he ) were to be admitted by their Superintendents , but the Superintendents by the Superintendents next adjacent , and the Superintendents had the Power of Ordination . The first Book of Discipline and several Acts of the Assemblies . But , had only the Superintendents the Power of Ordination ? yea , not only was there no plurality of Superintendents present at the Action , but also John Knox , who was no Superintendent , ordain'd or admitted Spotswood Superintendent of L. yea , every particular Minister , when commissionated by the Assembly , had no less Power of Ordination or any other thing whatsoever , than is either in the Book of Discipline or any where else giv'n to the Superintendent . Neither might any one particular Minister while he was a Commissioner , more than the Superintendent , be translated from one district to another without the Counsel of the whole Church or Assembly ; neither were there meaner Qualifications requisite in any Commissioner . And I think Knox , who was never a Superintendent , was in these not inferiour to any of ' em . But he had a living five times so much as another Minister . But then I 'm sure , he had five times as much to do with it , being perpetually to Travell , Preach and Exhort far and wide &c : but , if this Rule had been keep'd , our Bishops had got five times less than any other Minister , for rarely did they any such Duty , either at home or abroad . In the mean while , The Power of Riches , and the baseness of Poverty , maketh not a Bishop either higher or lower . m But Superintendents ( saith he ) were constant Members of General Assemblies , had Power to Visit , and to try the like &c. of the Ministers of all the Churches of the Diocess , and were to try those who stood Candidates for the Ministry , had Power of granting Collations on Presentations . But , whatsoever he had of these , belong'd also to every particular Pastor when commissionated by the General Assembly : but , tho' the Superintendent or Commissioner is only nam'd in such Cases , as in trial of the Candidats , granting Collations , Deposition of Ministers &c. He is to be understood as the Moderator , and mouth of the Synod where he Superintended , for Example , the Assembly in the case of transportation , chargeth the Ministers to obey the Voice and Commandment of their Superintendent , and yet by the very same Act , n none can be translated without the Consent of the most part of the Elders and Ministers of Kirks conveen'd in the Synodal Assembly ; and yet from this very Act , he adventnres to conclude the Canonical Obedience of Pastors to their Superintendents . But , he had Power to nominal Ministers to be Members of the General Assembly . For , Assembly 1562. 't was ordain'd , that no Minister leave his Flock for coming to the Assembly , except he have Complaints to make , or be complain'd off , or at least , be warn'd thereto by the Superintendent . And the L. Glamis in a Letter to Mr. Beza , saith , o that , after the Reformation it fell out by custom , that the Bishops and so many of the Ministers , Pastors and Elders as the Bishops appointed — came to the General Assembly . But touching what he alledges as said by the L. Glamis , I can find it no where , save in the Works of Saravia ; and Beza's Answer to Glamis his second Question , wherein these words are found , neither meets with , nor presupposes any such Clause . But be it that L. Glamis said so , what will they hence infer ? he says indeed , that this came to pass after the Reformation , but how long 't was after the Reformation , before this was practis'd , he says not . ' T was ( saith he ) receiv'd by Custom : by no Decree of the Church then , or Acts of the Assembly . And lastly , he speaks of Bishops , not of Superintendents . And I never find that any about these times gave Superintendents the name of Bishops ; and so this makes nothing for our Author's purpose . Wherefore , if ever L. Glamis had any such Expression , whereof I much doubt , in my mind , he mean'd it of the Tulchans , who , for some space after the Leith-convention made some steps toward such a Superiority ; otherwise , all the accounts we have of these times , and , in special , the Acts of our Assemblies demonstrat , that there was no such Power or Priviledge giv'n to any then in Scotland : yea , so much our Author himself presently proves , and overturns this his own Argument by citing another out of the Assembly July 1563 , ( 1568 , he should have said ) p viz. Anent the Order hereafter to be used in General Assemblies — They all voted and concluded as followeth , viz. that if the Order already received , pleases not , by reason of the plurality of Voices , it be reformed in this manner . First , that none have place to Vote , except Superintendents , Commissioners appointed for visiting the Kirks , and Ministers brought with them , presented as Persons able to reason , and having knowledge to judge : with the aforenamed shall be joined Commissioners of Burghs and Shires , together with Commissioners of Vniversities . Secondly . Ministers and Commissioners shall be Chosen at the Synodal-convention of the Diocess , by the Consent of the rest of the Ministers and Gentlemen , that shall conveen at the said Synodal-convention &c. From this Act 't is clear , that the former in 1562. has only been mention'd , never concluded ; or , at least , cass'd and repeal'd by some intervenient Assembly , otherways , there had been no place or ground for the Act of 1568. which presupposes , that ev'n these , that were not at all thus Chosen at the Synod , were free to come and Vote at the Assembly . So far was this liberty from being put in the Superintendent or Commissioner's Power . And indeed from this Act , 't is most evident , and 't is left on Record also , by the Vindicatour of Philadelphus , that before the time of this Act , all Ministers who pleased , were free to Vote at the Assemblies , & yet , with our Author , Petrie must be a mixer of lies for saying so much . But Calderwood ( saith our Author ) leaves out intirely these words , brought with them , i. e. with the Superintendents and Commissioners of Kirks , presented as Persons able to reason , and having knowledge to judge , whereby the Power of Superintendents and Commissioners for visiting of Kirks is quite stiffled , and the whole sense of the Act perverted . For what sense is it I pray , to say , that the Ministers were Chosen by Consent of the rest of the Ministers , when you tell not who was to choose , or who they were to whose choice or nomination the rest of the Ministers were to give that Consent , But to stiffle the Power he pleads for to Superintendents was a Work impossible , either to Calderwood , or any man else , the very Act it self most irrefragbly shewing , they could have none , save such as is in any meer Moderator of our Synods or Presbytries . For , be it , which yet the Assembly expresses not , that the Superintendents were to nominate Ministers for the Assembly , yet they could do no more , but only as the Synod by their Votes assented or choosed the nominated Persons , whom if the Synod or its major part rejected , these could not go to the Assembly , yet some behov'd to go , and consequently the Superintendent or Commissioner was to make a new Lite , and name again ; and if these did not yet please , another Lite , and so on , untill the Synod was satisfi'd , and choosed some Persons or other according to their pleasure , for the Assembly . This much is undeniably contain'd in the Act , and I 'm sure , no Moderator of any Synod or Presbytry injoyes any less Power , providing it deserve the name . Seeing then Brought with them , cannot possibly mean any peculiar Power , I see not wherein Calderwood by ommitting them can be culpable . Neither , can he be accused of nonsense , seing 't is sufficiently intelligible and plain how these Ministers and Commissioners could be chosen by the consent of the rest of his Brethren , the Ministers and Gentle-men , members of the Synod , who , by joynt and mutual consent , chused them after the Superintendent or Commissioners nominating or liting , which , by a fraud too palpable , he confounds with Election . And here it 's observable in how much torment and perplexity this so clear an Act involves all of ' em . Spotswood , adduc'd it in his latine Pamphlet , but is so soundly chastis'd by the Vindicator of Philadelphus , that our Author finds not a syllable to say in his defence . He pretends also to relate it in his History q , but with an essential Depravation , for he leaves out these words , Ministers and Commissirners of Shires shall be chosen at the Synodal Convention of the Diocy , with consent of the rest of the Ministers and Gentlemen that shall conveen at the said Synodal Convention . For , he saw it quite spoil'd his Cause , and really left the Superintendent no Power , but what was equally in any of the rest , and foists into the Text these such Ministers as the Superintendents should chuse in their Diocesan Synods . Neither can our Author be blameless in suppressing the following words . Commissioners of Burghs shall be appointed by the Council and Kirk of their own Towns , none shall be admitted without sufficient Commission in write . And least this should turn to perpetual Election of a few and certain Persons , it is concluded , Ministers and other Commissioners be changed from Assembly to Assembly . Whereby appears the Churches great care , that neither Superintendent nor any other might have ought like an Episcopal Power , and that all fit Persons might have equal priviledge of Voting at the Assemblies . There yet remain many of his pretended Disparities , but , are no more significative of eminency or superiour Office , no less communicable to the rest of the Ministers when Commissioners than were the former , as will be evident to any , who reads the Acts of the Assemblies , among which , he reckons the Superintendent 's modifying to Ministers their Stipends , as if , because Judas had the Bagg , and bare what was put therein , he had been Bishop over the rest of the Apostles . In the mean while , the Superintendents could do nothing of this , but only as Moderator of the provincial Synod . Another Deduction of no better metall is , r that the Laird of Dun , Superintendent of Angus , not as such , but by vertue of a particular Commission giv'n by the Assembly to him and others join'd with him , deposed a Regent of Aberdeen , a place intirely without the bounds of his Superintendency ; therefore Superintendents as such , had a Power Paramount and Episcopal . And was not such an arguer a man of sense ? I pass the rest of his thirty Disparities not without admiration , that such a fertile brain could not invent one other , for one and thirty used to carry the Game . Add to all this , that tho' some that had been Popish Bishops in Scotland and imbrac'd the Gospel , as Mr. Gordon of Galloway a man of no contemptible Gifts , were by our Reformers allow'd , without any new Admission , to dispence the Word aud Sacraments ; yet , they were never allow'd to exercise what they counted their Episcopal Function , or looked on as Bishops of these Dioceses : yea Mr. Gordon , tho' he earnestly sought for it , could never be admitted to Superintend in Galloway , which is a clear Demonstration , that our Reformers looked on the Episcopal preheminence as a meer Popish Corruption , otherways , why did not Mr. Gordon , verbi causâ , remain in the Power and Character he had enjoyed while Romanist . It 's most clear also from all the accounts we have of the Tulchan Bishops , that all men of all parties look'd on a Bishop , as a thing altogether diverse from a Superintendent . § . 20. And now at length hear him yeelding the whole Plea , s There was ( saith he ) a Principle had , then , got too much footing among some Protestant Divines , viz. That the best way to reform a Church , was , to recede as far from the Papists as they could ; to have nothing in common with them , but the essentials ; the necessary and indispensable Articles and Parts of Christian Religion ; whatever was , in its Nature indifferent , and not positively and expresly commanded in the Scriptures , if it was in fashion in the Popish Churches , was therefore to be laid aside , and avoided as a Corruption ; as having been abused , and made subservient to Superstition and Idolatry . This Principle John Knox was fond of , and maintain'd zealously ; and the rest of our reforming Preachers were much acted by his influences . In pursuance of this Principle , therefore , when they compil'd the first Book of Discipline , they would not Reform the old Polity , and purge it of such Corruptions as had crept into it , keeping still by the main draughts and lineaments of it ; — But they laid it quite aside , and in stead thereof hammer'd out a new Scheme , keeping at as great a distance from the old one , as they could , and as the essentials of Polity would allow them ; establishing no such thing , however , as Parity , as I have fully proven . And no wonder ; for as Imparity has , obviously , more of Order , beauty and usefulness in its aspect , so it had never so much as by dreaming , entred their tboughts , that it was a limb of Antichrist , or a relict of Popery . But was not Episcopacy in fashion in the Popish Churches ? And , dare he , yea or any mortal say , that ever our Reformers believed it to be an indispensible part of the Christian Religion positively and expresly commanded in the Scriptures : Do not therefore his saying establishing however no such thing as Parity &c and the rest of his Discourse mutually give the lie , and flee in the face of one another . And indeed , he here at once overthrows whatsoever he said on this Subject : and now for ever to silence all reasonable men , and stop them from such desperat adventures as this of our Authors , take the following Argument . Whatsoever our Reformers believed to be without the express and positive Testimony of the Scriptures , that they believed to be a damnable Corruption in Religion , and as such to be avoided . This the major is put beyond scruple , by what we have brought from the first Book of Discipline , Knox , and the Confessions of our Author : Now I subjoin . But they believed , that Episcopacy was altogether without any express or positive Testimony , yea , or any Warrant or Ground from the Word of God , the Books of the Old and New Testament ; Ergo &c. The minor is no less evident from what is already adduc'd : and moreover , from the latter Helvetian Confession , which was all ( save the allowance of the remembrance of some Holy Days , which they expresly disprov'd ) approv'd and subscribed by our whole General Assembly at Edinburgh , December 25. 1566. t For , in that Confession ( mark it , pray , carefully , and by no means forget , that our Church and Reformers , who approv'd and subscrib'd this Confession , firmly believ'd that , whatsoever is without the express Commandment of God's Word , is damnable to Man's Salvation . ) they say u There 's giv'n to all Ministers in the Church , one and the same Power or Function : And indeed , in the beginning , Bishops and Presbyters ruled the Church in common , none preferr'd himself to another , or usurped any more honourable Power or Dominion to himself over his fellow Bishops . But according to the words of the Lord , who will be first among you , let him be your Servant , they persevered in Humility , and helped one another by their mutual Duties , in Defending and Governing the Church . In the meantime for preserving Order , some one of the Ministers , did call the Assembly , and proposed these things that were to be consulted in the Meeting ; He did also receive the Opinions of others ; and finally , according to his Power , he took care that no confusion should arise , so S. Peter is said to have done in the Acts of the Apostles , who notwithstanding was never set over the rest , nor indu'd with greater power and honour , but the beginning took its rise from Vnity , that the Church might be declared to be one . And having related Hierome's Doctrine of the Idenity of Bishop & Presbyier thus they conclude . Therefore none may lawfully hinder to return to the ancient Constitution of the Church of God , and embrace it before human Custome . Thus far the Authors of that most famous Confession , who both in the Title page , and after the Preface expresly assert , that our Church of Scotland together with the Churches of Poland , Hungary , Geneve , Neocome , Myllhusium , and Wiend approved and subscribed this their Confession . From all which it 's easie to gather and perceive , with how black a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our first Reformers and whole primitive Church Protestant branded Prelacy or Imparity amongst Pastors . Section IX . The Forraign reform'd Churches truly Presbyerian . BUT let 's hear the Judgement of the rest of the Reformers , and Reform'd transmarine Churches . Gerard , a famous Lutheran divine , a altho' , for Orders sake , he admit of some kind of Episcopacy , which really he makes as good as nothing above a Moderator-ship , yet even for that umbrage allows nothing but humane Institution , and will acknowledge no distinction by Divine Right between Bishop and Presbyter . The Papists ( saith he b ) especially place that superiour Power of Jurisdiction which they make to agree to Bishops in this , that the Bishops can Ordain Ministers but the Presbyters cannot . And all along this Question he strongly proves that , during the Apostolick age there was no such thing as a distinction between a Bishop and a preaching Presbyter : and enervats all the Arguments that both Romanists and other Prelatists commonly bring to the contrary . But , we need not insist on the Testimonies of particular Men : we have the joint suffrages of the body of Lutheran Divines , Luther himself being the mouth to the rest , in the Articles of Smalcald c . It 's clear ( say they ) even from the Confession of our Adversaries , that this Power , to wit of preaching , dispensing the Sacraments , Excommunication and Absolution , is common to all that are set over the Churches , whither they be called Pastors , Presbyters or Bishops : Wherefore Hierome plainly affirms , that there is no difference between Bishop and Presbyter , but that every Pastor was a Bishop . — Here Hierome teaches , that the distinction of degrees between a Bishop and a Presbyter or Pastor , was only appointed by humane Authority . And the matter it self ( continues Luther and his Associats ) declares no less , for , on both Bishop and Presbyter is laid the same Duty and the same Injunction . And only Ordination in after times made the difference between Bishop and Pastor . — And by Divine Right there is no difference between Bishop and Pastor . § 2. As for Calvin , his judgement in this matter was altogether conform to his practice , which by the very Adversaries themselves is made the very Patern of Presbytry , for he d asserts the Idenity of Bishop , Presbyter , Pastor , and Minister : and this Idenity of Bishop and Presbyter , he founds on Titus 1. and 5. compared with the 7 , as Hierome had done long before him , and Presbyterians do now . And when he descends to after times succeeding these of the Apostles , he tells us , e that then the Bishop had no Dominion over his Collegues sc. the Presbyters , but was among them , what the Consul was in the Senat , and his Office was to propone Matters , enquire the Votes , preside in Admonition , and moderat the Action , and put in Execution what was decreed by the whole Consistory : All which exceeded little or nothing the Office of a Moderator . And that even this ( saith he ) was introduced through the necessity of the time by humane consent is acknowledged by the Ancients themselves . But I shall not insist in citing Calvine nor Beza , who , every where is full sufficiently to our purpose , both of 'em being aboundantly vindicated , and evinc'd to be Presbyterian in a singular tractat by the most judicious Author of Rectius Instruendum , from the attempts of one who pretended to be Mathematico-Theologus , but was in reality Sophistico-Micrologus . And were there any doubt concerning these , as indeed there 's none , their Practice and that of the Church wherein they liv'd , our very Adversaries being Judges , sufficiently discuss it , and prove them to be truly Presbyterian : and to them subscribes the stream of transmarine Writers , Systematicks , Controvertists , and Commentators . As for Example , the famous and learn'd Musculus f asserts and proves from Acts 20. Philip. 1. and the like Texts , which we now use , that Bishop , Pastor and Presbyter are all one and the same , and that in one Church there were at one time conjunctly many Bishops . Of the same mind are all the Systematick Divines , yea even Tilen himself while Orthodox . We judge ( saith he g ) not only with Hierome , but also with Lombard , Gratian , Card. Cusan and others , that the preferring one out of the Colledge of Pastors to the rest , and giving him the name of Bishop was a humane Invention . This Author indeed alter'd his mind concerning Church Government when he pelagianiz'd , for then he turns altogether ( tho' to his cost ) a Hectorer of the Zelots of the Genevan Discipline . Time would fail me in collecting Testimonies of this kind , seeing , there were ever few , I may say none , save a small handfull in Britain , who have not asserted that , during the Apostolick age , there was no such thing , as any distinction between Bishop and Pastor or preaching Presbyter : and that among these there was an intire equality . To these we may add the Testimonies of the most and famousest of the reformed Churches in their Confessions , whereof we have seen not a few already , while we related the Testimony of the Helvetian Confession , together with the approbations thereof : no less illustrious and pregnant is the Testimony of the French Consession : We believe ( say they h ) that all true Pastors where ever they be , are endu'd with equal and the same power , under that one Head Christ the Chief and Vniversal Bishop . To the same purpose also speaks the Dutch Confession : We believe ( say they i ) that this true Church ought to be governed by that spiritual Policy , so that there be in it Pastors or Ministers that may purely dispense the Word and Sacraments , that there be also Elders and Deacons &c. § . 3. The harmonius and Catholick Testimony of all the reformed Churches are to some like pricks in their eyes , and thorns in their sides , and therefore , most various and hetrogeneous means are used to render it unserviceable . And amongst other things , we are told , that many forraign Divines and Churches have a great likeing for their Diocesan Way , and Zanchius ( say they k ) counts all its Opposers Schismaticks . But Maresius answers l that Zanchius never allow'd of a Lord Bishop , but only of such a one who is like a Rector of a Colledge , whose Power I 'm sure , is little or nothing above that of a Moderator . Maresius adds m that he can find in no place of Zanchius , the words Prideaux had alledg'd . And lastly , as Maresius tells us n , Zanchius professes that he cannot but love the zeal of such as hate the names of Bishop and Arch-Bishop , fearing least with these Names the ancient Ambition and Tyranny together with the destruction of the Churches should return . Prideaux also alledges that Calvin writing to the King of Poland , advises him to establish Bishops and Arch-bishops . But has the same return from Maresius o , viz. that this is the Bishop's own Dream , and that there is no such thing to be found in Calvin . This dealing is not very laudable . Neither are Means wanting to procure Advocats from Abroad ; one p whereof brings many things either to defend or excuse the Hierarchy , and to shew that it 's not ill link'd abroad , and amongst other things saith , q that notwithstanding of what is in the Helvetian Confession , its Authors condemn not the Liberty of other Churches as they manifest in their Preface , protesting , that in all this Confession they agreed with the Church of England . But this Author cann't be ignorant , that seeing , according to that Confession , Christ gave equal Power to all Pastors , and according to what is alledg'd to be the Judgement of the present Church of England , he did the quite contrary . Their Preface can by no means prove , that they allow of the Sentiments and Practice of the present English Church , except he would have the Preface to contradict the Confession . But all this he says is only to darken an evident Truth ; the meaning of the Preface being , that between the Helvetians and the English there was no such fundamental Difference as prohibited mutual Charity one to another which many have given , and may give to these , who , as they judge , retain'd many Errors , tho' not Fundamental . The same Author , r objects , that many Churches , and amongst others , that of the Helvetians , have either Bishops over their Pastors , or , which is really the same , Superintendents . But to instance in the Helvetians , they in their Confession saying that , Christ gave a like Power to all Pastors &c. and therefrom concluding , that none may hinder to return to Christ's primitive Institution , make most apparent that they intended no continuation of any Superiority amongst Pastors , and consequently of no Bistops , or , their equivalent , Superintendents : but all this work he makes , is dicis gratia for the fashion only : for if in Helvetia or else where , there be any umbrage of Bishops or Superintendents , it 's really an Obtrusion and Erastian Usurpation ; and this we may learn from himself , freely acknowledging , s that the chief legislative Power in the Church matters , is in the hands of the supream Magistrat . Otherways he confesses , that t the choisest of Writers , and amongst others , Hoornbeck , make the Discipline of the Scots , French , Dutch , and Helvetian Churches to be one and the same . Moreover , he sufficiently answers himself while , u he expresly grants , that between the Superintendents or Bishops through Germany , and these of England , there is an infinit difference , and that these in Germany have only a simple prerogative of Order , but not at all of any Jurisdiction , or any thing that can be properly term'd Power . Thus he . And I 'm sure , that any P●aeses of an Assembly hath no less Superiority than he here ascribes to these transmarine Superintendents or Bishops : and indeed , shortly to give an account of this Author , besides , as we have now seen , he is oblig'd to pull back with the one hand , what he had bestow'd on the Hierarchicks with the other ; his whole Discourse leans upon this Supposition , that there is no certain Form of Church Government left by Christ in his Word : on this depend his Glosses upon the passages we produced of the French and Dutch Confessions . Vide inter alia part . spec . a pag. 171 ad pag. 189 , where he all along presupposes and inculcats , that , tho' according to the Authors of the Confessions , Christ gave equal Power , &c. to all Pastors , yet in their Judgement if the Church will , she may alter this kind of Government , and change that Equality which Christ gave , for an Inequality , and give some Pastors a Power over the rest . Which , if it be not a Contradiction to these Confessions , in stead of an Explication , it looks as like it is one Crow can be like another . For , who can believe , but that if the Authors of these Confessions had believ'd an indifferency of Equality or Inequality of Pastors , they had either intimated so much , or been altogether silent thereof , neither of which they did , but gave to the World solemnly as the Confession of their Belief , that Christ gave to to all Pastors equal and the same power : and yet , if we believe this Interpreter , this that Christ gave may , according to the Authors of that Confession be relinquish'd when Men will , and Inequality , it 's quite contrary introduced in the place thereof . Is not this too like the dealing of the Romanists , who , when they are compell'd to acknowledge that the Apostles gave the Cup to the People , yet pretend that they may deprive them of what Christ and his Apostles gave them ? Divers indeed have said , that Church Government was among the Adiaphora , and things indifferent . But these were more wary then to say ( as he would have the Authors of these Confessions to say ) that Christ gave equal , and the same Power to all Pastors , yea , such used not to grant that Christ gave either Equality or Inequality of Power , but left all to the Churches management . Moreover , as he does us no dammage , so , I 'm sure , he does the present Hierarchicks as little service ; for , if this Hypothesis , that no kind of Church Government is juris divini , stand , then the jus divinum of Episcopacy is lost , and therefore I 'm sure , they shall give him as little thanks as we . 'T is also observable , that when ever the Authors of these Confessions , or other Divines of their Perswasion said , that Communion with Churches of a different Government was not to be broken , or any thing of that kind ; he presently inferrs that they judg'd any other form no less agreeable to the word of God than their own . And here I cann't but take nottice of what I have met with somewhere in M. Claude's historical defence of the Reformation ( for , at present , I have not the book ) viz. that Diocesan Episcopacy is no less condemnable than Pilgrimages , Purgatories , or some such Romish dotages which he there names , and how averse he was from Diocesan Episcopacy , is observed by the Prefacer to the English Translation : and yet , if we believe some , he gave large Testimonies of his great affection to the Diocesan cause . And this brings to mind another Artifice ; for when any Protestant Divines , considering the great Power of Popish Bishops , and vehemently desiring Peace for the free Preaching and Propagation of the Gospel , strain'd their Judgement , and seem'd at any time to do or say somewhat that appear'd to comply with Episcopacy , our Prelatists anone Infer , that such Divines were great Lovers of their Hierarchy . Thus , for Example , they abuse the Words and Actions of Melancton ; but they should remember that sometimes , driving the same Design , some of these Divines seem'd no less to comply with the Papacy it self , as appear'd at the pressing of the Interim . The same end drove Melancton , when , in a Conference at Ausburg , as Osiander relates x , he seem'd to yeeld somewhat of Jurisdiction to Bishops ; for be hop'd that , if Jurisdiction were granted them , they would not so much oppose the Gospel . But Philip consider'd not , ( continues Osiander ) that the Fox may change his hair , not his Temper . Melancton y granted also to the Pope , provided he would admit the Gospel , a superiority over other Bishops , founded only on humane right , and yeelded for procuring of the Peace of Christendom . Thus Melancton , through his extream desire of Peace , forc'd his own Judgement , for , with Luther and the rest , he subscribes the Smalkaldick Articles , wherein , as we have heard , the Scriptural Idenity of Bishop and Presbyter is most clearly asserted . But , what ever they say to perswade us , that these or other such Divines favour them , we are little oblig'd to believe it , for they believe it not themselves : and these of our Adversaries that speak out their mind freely , tell us , that all the transmarine reformed Churches are really Presbyterian : It were too much I 'm sure , to transcribe what D. Heylin says of this , for he freely grants it , and then through a whole large Folio , as such bespatters with the blackest of Railings and Calumnies , every one of the reformed Churches in particular . No less positive is Howell , z who makes Calvin the first Broacher of the Presbyterian Religion , And a little after , Thus ( saith he ) Geneva Lake swallowed up the Episcopal See , and Church Lands were made secular , which was the white they levell'd at . This Geneva Bird flew thence io France and hatch'd the Huguenots , which make about the tenth part of that People ; it took wing also to Bohemia and Germany high and loe , as the Palatinate , the land of Hesse , and the confederat Provinces of the States of Holland . Yea Bellarmine a , being to write against Presbytry , lays down in the entry as undeniable that ' t is the common doctrine of both Calvinists and Lutherans . § . 5. To these may be added all such as were valiant for the truths of God , and stoutly oppos'd themselves to Antichrist , before Luther , as the Waldenses and Albigenses , of whom Alphonsus de Castro b relates , that they deny'd any difference between Bishop and Presbyter , and herein differ'd nothing from Aërius . This same may be learn'd from Thuan c , who compares them with the English Non-conformists . So far from truth was D M. when d he says , that these only declaimed against the corrupt Manners of the Church of Rome , but never declaim'd against the subordination of one Priest unto another . This same doctrine held Wicklef and his followers , denying that there is any difference between Bishop and Presbyter e . The Waldenses and Wicklef were in this , as in the rest of their Articles , follow'd by J. Huss and his Adherents , who also asserted , that there ought to be no difference between Bishop and Presbyter or among Priests f . Yea so Catholick and universall hath this doctrine , of the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , still been , that it hath all along , by the Romanists , been justly reck'n'd a prime doctrine of Romes Opposers g . Nor shall yow readily find one before Luther , for of such I now speak , of Truth 's Witnesses who condemn'd not all distinction between Bishop and Presbyter . § . 6. And even in England it self after the Reformation , the famousest Bishops and lights of that Church , as Hooper , Latimer , and others , could not , without great difficulty and reluctancy , admitt the exercing of the Episcopal Office , the using of their Priestly vestments &c : to be in any sense lawfull : so far were they from believing a Divine Right of Diocesan Episcopacy . But , as Voëtius observes h the use of it was excus'd rather than defended . The first , or at least the Standard-bearer among the first , that either in England , or any where else in the reform'd World , had the brow to assert its Divine Right , appear'd in the latter part of Queen Elizabeths Reign : neither was he a Native of Britain , but a Flemming , I mean Hadrian Saravia once a Pastor in the reform'd Netherlands , but , as Maresius witnesses i , reject'd by them , as being an Enemy to both their Church and State. Neither was he better look'd on , as himself acknowledges k , by the rest of the reform'd Churches abroad . And I think every true Protestant will yeeld that they had reason so to do , seeing he dares make l not only Bishops , but also Arch-Bishops , Metropolitans , yea and Patriarchs to be of Divine Right . And over all these he places the Bishop of Rome , as the Supream in Order and Honour . He contends moreover , that one Man may be lawfully enough both a Bishop and a Civil Magistrat , and exerce one of these Offices by himself , and another by his Substitutes . m The vast Rents of Prelates , the external Pomp of Honours , Titles , and train like that of the greatest secular Nobles , agree well enough with the simplicity of a Gospel-Ministry . They may lawfully enough in their Grandor and multitude of Servants imitat the greatest Earls and Dukes . All this is sufficiently warranted by Christ while he chus'd twelve Apostles , and seventy Disciples . If you tell him that Christ riding to Jerusalem had no train of Servants , no Noble-men attending him , adorn'd with golden Chains , and riding on trapped Horses , he answers , that Christ did so throw the necessity of that time , least he had been suspected as affecting an earthly Kingdom , and that his want of such Splendor , was the fault of Herod and such Princes as knew him not . This Argument ( continues Saravia ) that they make against the Popish Prelats and ours , is frivolous , for it 's deduc'd from the Deeds of the Infidels , and hath no place among Christians . Tho' n Bishops have Bands of arm'd Men to guard 'em , and Noble-men adorn'd with golden Chains constantly to Page and attend them ; this ought to offend no Body . And whatsoever he says for covering this Scandal that such superlative Grandour , Pomp and Vanity give to every sober Beholder , his Reader shall find to be nothing else save what 's commonly brought to palliat the Offence which the World so justly takes at the Luciferian Pride and Arrogance of the great Antichrist : yea even long after that time , notwithstanding of all the endeavours of Saravia and his Complices , so great a Stranger was this Doctrine even there , that T. Holland o , the King's Professor at Oxford branded Laud with publick infamy for asserting the divine right of Episcopacy . Section X. Some of the manifold inconveniences and noxious Qualities of Prelacy briefly mention'd . I Might , in the next place , enlarge on its Concomitants and Qualities : a few whereof I shall only name . One of these was a direfull Spirit of Persecution , which still rag'd during the Prelatical Government , the sad effects whereof , through no small part of this Kingdom , on both Bodies and Consciences of the best part of Protestants therein , and that for their refusal of the very things which many of the Urgers acknowledg'd to be altogether indifferent , are but too well known . § . 2. Another of its Qualities , little better than the former , is their Schismatical Practice and Principles ; as for instance , at the last return of Prelats , the Church of Scotland , whatsoever Differences might have been therein , yet was but one , and not Altar against Altar : did they not then become the Authors of a compleat National Schism , while they broke the whole Church into Parties , to the end ( only ) they might establish such things as many of themselves acknowledg'd to be indifferent ? Again , their re-entry into Scotland was so far from being Legal , that it wanted the very colour of all Order & Law : for no General Assembly of whatsoever kind introduc'd them . Seeing then this Church has , ever since her return from Rome , held General and National Assemblies for her supream Judicatory , and Prelats were extruded by full National Assemblies , they ought , for their re-entry without the like Authority , to be accounted , by all true Members of the Church of Scotland , manifest Violators of all her Laws and Authority . And while they upbraid us with the Crime of Separation , are exactly like these , who , having overturn'd all fundamental Laws of a Society , and ruin'd all both Officers and Members cleaving thereto , should moreover reproach them , upon this very account , that they would not subscribe to the overthrow of their fundamental Laws and Constitution . But marvel not tho' they made so wide a Breach here ; for they give but too much ground to judge , that they have separated themselves from the Body of the reform'd Churches ; as appears , amongst other things , in their Doctrine and Practice of Re-ordaining all who come over unto them from these Churches . Some indeed would perswade us , that they hold this but as a small Ceremony ; but yet it 's such an one , as , for ought I can learn , they will never quite with , notwithstanding of all the Scandals giv'n or taken thereby . And the most earnest Asserters of Episcopacy have their Episcopal Ordination in such esteem , that they account none true Ministers without it ; and so look on most of the Reform'd Churches as being without all true Ministers , & consequently without either true Preaching or true Sacraments . And is not this too like a Donatistick Schism ? And is it strange then that our Church did still , with greatest care and vigor , tho' on this account only , oppose Prelacy and Prelatists , they being generally leaven'd with such dangerous Principles ? And here observe that all the Heats and Debates that were in our Church since her Reformation from Popery , owe their Original , either more directly , to Prelacy , while she strove to keep or drive it out of Scotland : or more indirectly , while some ( if on good ground or otherwise , I determine not ) greatly feared that some Persons or Practices would prove introductive thereof ; and therefore , against the mind of others , sought to have them laid aside . And thus Prelacy , whither present or absent , hath still been the bane of this Church . And there 's little doubt , but that they were so wise , in their Generation , as both to kindle and blow at the fire of any Division that happen'd . § . 3. And , as they give but too evident signs of their separating from the Body of the reform'd Churches , so , in too many things they but too nigh approach the Romanists . Their Government and Hierarchick Scale is one and the same , save one roundle , with that of Rome . All their Arguments they bring , either from Scripture or Antiquity , are learn'd from Bellarmine and such Romanists , and admit no less improvement for the evincing a papal Authority , than the Episcopals have made thereof for the establishing of their prelatical Power . The Romanists affirm , that the Apostles and Evangelists were Prelats of particular Diocesses , and that a power properly Apostolick still remains in the Church . In these and other such Positions too many of our Episcopal Men are ready to follow them . But leaving the Apostolick times , descend to the subsequent Ages call'd Antiquity , there , they 're Pylades and Orestes , mutual Supporters of one another , and have , in arguing from this Fountain so great a resemblace , that you shall scarce know with whither of the two ye are dealing . Neither , as we have already touch'd , in the Topicks they pretend to draw from Reason , as that of Order and the like , is there between them any less Consanguinity . § . 4. The Practice also of our Prelats both former and latter bore no small resemblance to that of the Romanists , while they affected so earnestly a secular Grandour , and the sullying the purity and simplicity of the Gospel , with a mass of Superstition and Romish Ceremonies . The affection of too many of that Party to Rome was also visible in their earnestness to get and keep a zealous Papist upon the Throne , and in their melancholick and Pannick-fears at any appearance of our Relief from Slavery and imminent danger of Popery . And lastly , in their excessive Joy when any hope of our Delivery seem to have been crush'd and blasted . All this was most legible in their Practice at the appearance of the Duke of Monmouth and the Earl of Argyle , and the failing of their Designs . They were no less gall'd and vex'd at the most noble and happy Design of his present Majesty , praying , in the chief Churches of this Kingdom , that he , might be sunk as a Stone in the mighty Waters . And after his entry that , as his Army came in one way , it might be scatter'd seven ways . § . 5. Add to all this , their either more indirect , or down-right calumniating and maligning of the reform'd Churches and first Reformers , placing them in the same Category with Papists . Take for instance the frontispicial Lines of Nalson's Collections , Like Bifrons Janus next does court your eye Rome and Geneva in Epitome , They squint two ways in the main Point agree . And indeed this is but their kindest dealing . Neither do they then speak as they think ; for their Love and Charity is by many degrees greater toward the Romanists , than to the reform'd Churches . They will admit none of the latter to a pastoral Office if they refuse Re-Ordination ; but kindly receive a Romish Priest without it . Of the most learn'd and godly Protestant Dissenters from them , they speak most contemptuously a terming them Arch-schismaticks . But the Jesuit Bellarmine , and Baron the Popish grand Legendarie , they with greatest deference call most eminent Cardinals . Yea even in the chief Churches of this Kingdom , they repeated their invectives against our first Reformers and Reformation , and in some Churches thereof , they were not asham'd to say , that our Reformation was Deformation : Knox deserved knocks . On the other hand , not a few of 'em all along shew'd no little warmth of affection to Papists , intitulating them to the same God , and Heaven with themselves , and asserting their neighbourhood and conjunction to be infinitely more eligible than that of these whom they-call'd Phanaticks , as appears , for instance , in a printed Sermon of Mr Mcqueen . And Heylin b says , that the Genevan Discipline was begotten in Rebellion , born in Sedition , and nursed up by Faction . And indeed this Author is an Enemy so open and implacable to all the reform'd Churches , that Strada , Gretser , Becan , Campian , or the like most fiery and venemous Loyolites could scarce , with all their impudent slanders and infernal rage , out-do , yea or equal him . With such stuff most of his Works , and especially his History of the Presbyterians , are wholly cramm'd . Yea , he doubts not c to call both Luther and Calvin Maniches , i. e. such as hold two infinite Beings , or two Gods. Others of the Faction , as Dodwell , are ready to pronounce all , who dislike Diocesan Episcopacy , guilty of the Sin against the Holy Ghost . But the World hath now seen , that the most fiery of such Zelots at length threw off the Mask , and profess'd themselves Romanists : as for instance L' Estrange or else , which their own Dr. Burnet d observes of Heylin , one would think they had been secretly set on by these of the Church of Rome . And so , they were , in their profession of Protestancy , hatefull Hypocrites , that they might the more easily bespatter and gore the protestant Religion through the sides of Presbytry . Others of 'em are yet more down-right Atheists , who , if they hear the wrath of God , and Hells torments denounc'd against impenitent Sinners , will tell you e that such a Doctctrine came from a Winter-Preacher , so that if a Schytian or Groenlander , who are habituated to such extream cold , had heard him , they would have thought he preach'd of Paradice . And some call the Doctrine of Communion with God and Faith in Jesus Christ , fine Fables and Stories . Behold the Men who make it their chief Work to adore the Hierarchy , and inveigh against Presbytry : which brings to mind the saying of Tertullian , f that Christianity must needs be some excellent thing , seeing only Nero and such Monsters were its prime Persecuters . Some there are also ( as their own Edwards g relates ) even of their Reverend Divines , who turn all the Mosaick History concerning Adam and Eve , the Serpent , Paradice , eating the forbidden Fruit , and all the passages relating to them , into Parable , yea into Ridicule ; saying that Moses only so talked in complyance with the blockish , and thick skull'd Israelites , but not a syllable of truth is in all that he saith . This is very strange language ( subjoins Edwards ) from a Reverend Divine , who thereby destroyes the whole system of Theology , and of Christianity it self . And yet , for such black and hainous Crimes we cann't hear that they undergoe the least degree of Censure . In my Judgement , ( saith Edwards ) if there be no publick Censure pass'd upon such a daring Attempt as this , by a Member of our Church , Athiests will have just ground to laugh at our Discipline . And here in Scotland , all along during their Reign , how closely did they connive at such Irreligion , as also , at all the growth and progress then made by the active Spirit of Popery : and in stead of being providers against such Pests , some of our Prelats at Court prov'd Mediators in their behalf , saying , that there was less to be fear'd from Papists than from Phanaticks . And in answer to some imputing gross Enormities to the Church of Rome , said , that such things were only to be ascrib'd to the Court of Rome , not to the Church of Rome . Add hereto the great love of not a few of 'em to the Pelagian , Jesuitick or Arminian Doctrines , Hypotheses clean contrary to the belief of all the reform'd Churches ; and more especially to that of the Church of Scotland . They pretend notwithstanding , as if the establishing of Prelacy were the debarring of Popery . Episcopacy ( say h they ) was so far from being judg'd a step to it , that the ruine of the Episcopal Authority over Presbyters , and the granting them exemptions from the jurisdiction of their Ordinary , was the greatest advance the Roman Bishop ever made in his tyrannical Vsurpation over Churches . I need not here tell so known a matter , as is that of the exemption of the Regulars , who being subject to their own Superiours and Generals , and by them to the Pope , were sent through the World in swarms ; and with great shows of Piety , Devotion , and Poverty , carried away all the esteem , and following from the secular Clergy ; who were indeed become too secular , and these were the Popes Agents and Emissaries , who brought the World to receive the Mark of the Beast , and wonder at her . For before that time , the Popes found more difficulty to carry on their Pretensions , both from secular Princes and Bishops : but these Regulars being warranted to Preach and Administer the Sacraments without the Bishops licence , or being subject and accountable to him ; as they brought the Bishops under great contempt , so they were the Popes chief Confidents in all their treasonable Plots against the Princes of Europe . And when at the Council of Trent , the Bishops of Spain being weary of the insolencies of the Regulars , and of the Papal Yoke , design'd to get free from it . The great Mean they proposed , was to get Episcopacy declared to be of Divine Right , which would have struck out both the one and the other . But the Papal Party fore-saw this well , and opposed it with all the Artifice imaginable : and Lainez the Jesuit , did at large discourse against it ; and they carried it so , that it was not permitted to be declared of Divine Right . And by this , judge if it be likely that the Papacy owes its rise to Episcopacy . The emptiness of which discourse is apparent . For , First , The tendency and nature of Prelacy , and the Topicks whereon they Found it , aiming no less at one Head over all , then at one Prelat over a few Churches , make evident , that he touches not the Argument in hand , only giving out that some time by one accident or other , the humbling , and depression of the Prelats prov'd the Popes exaltation . Secondly , Strange , I 'm sure , and most demonstrative must the Reasons be that make null clear Matters of Fact , or perswade Men that such things have never been ; and 't is undeniable that the Councils and other Caballs , which from time to time rais'd the Pope gradually to his present hight , were all consisting of , or manag'd by Bishops ; and if any hapen'd to spurn at his rising , the Pope got still far more then a plurality to crush them : and indeed 't was impossible the Pope should have risen by any other means , the whole sway of Church Affairs and guidance thereof being then in the hands of Bishops : wherefore if the Pope was rais'd to despotick Soveraignity , whereby he might absolutely dispense of Church Affairs , and trample at pleasure on the fairest mitres , they only are to be blamed , having themselves advanc'd him to this transcendental Preheminency . Thirdly , Neither are the Bishops less guilty of this the Popes exaltation , upon the account of their profound sloth and negligence : the Author well observes , that they were become too secular , and indeed they were so immers'd in Luxury and Ambition , that providing they might wallow in their Lusts , and obtain from the Pope a Domination over other Churches , they little valued any thing else . Fourthly , But 't is yet more admirable how he can alledge , that the Regulars brought the World to receive the Mark of the Beast : as if the Bishops ( for this he must intimat or he says nothing ) had been innocent ; he 's too learn'd not to know that gross Papal Darkness had over-spread the World ere ever any such Exemptions were giv'n , or the Regulars distinguished from Seculars . 'T is true indeed that the swarms of Friers were amongst the most pestiferous Locusts , the World hath been pestered withall , but , to lay all or the greatest share of this Guilt of exalting the Pope , on their shoulders , is a shrewd evidence of partiality ; nothing being more notour , then that as the Bishops were the main Assistants and Supporters in every Innovation he decreed , so they with the greatest care , rigour and fury press'd them on both Clergy and People . Fifthly , That the wicked fraternities in the several Orders of Regulars , were the Popes Agents in contriving , and sometimes effecting the ruine of Kings and Princes , is but too well known and evident enough ; yet that the Prelats were no less guilty , and far more efficacious herein , is no less deniable . Were there no Bishops supporting the Pope in his War against the Emperour Barbarossa ? Did not a crew of the same Cattel join him in Dethroning Henry the IV ? And at a word , where did ever the Pope make his impresses , but he was strengthn'd by their arm and support . Sixthly , But tho' Episcopacy at the Council of Trent had been declar'd of Divine Right , what great relief had this been , either from the Papal Yoak , or insolencies of the Regulars ; it might perhaps for the time have procur'd some more Honour to the Bishops for the Pope's Italians of other Orders : but might not the Pope notwithstanding , by his boundless Authority and Supremacy he pretends over all Bishops , have continued to gall and oppress their Order , and also send , especially where the negligence of Prelats invited him , his Missionaries through the World , yea thus the Pope's power paramount had not once been touch'd at that Council , or hurt by such a Declaration . Was his infallibility ever there question'd by the Bishops ? Did they at all endeavour the removal of the unsupportable Burdens and Slavery the Church groan'd under ? And should it not have been a great benefite to the Church , or diminishing the Pope's power , tho' his Holiness had pleased to declare the Divine Right of their Office ? Seventhly , But whatever it was the Bishops aim'd at in the Council of Trent , I 'm not much concern'd ; only I would gladly know , how from this their Action it follows that Bishops had never been the Men , or Episcopacy one of the means whereby the Papacy had been brought into the World ; which is the Author's Inference , and is just as one should reason thus : some of Alexander's Macedonian Souldiers , vex'd with his tyranny and insolence , and his preferring of Strangers , attempted his down-throw : ( the like may be said of some of the Souldiers of Julius Caesar , Galba , Didius Julianus , Maximinus and others ) therefore they had not contributed to the raising and absolute Supremacy of these Princes . And should not such an one be reckon'd an admirable Logician ? And yet this Inference should be far more pardonable than the former ; in so much as the thing the Bishops aim'd at against the Papacy , if it can be call'd any thing , came infinitely short of what these Conspirators attempted upon the powers they deem'd unsupportable . And by this , judge if the most earnest efforts of their chiefest Authors make it in the least improbable , that the Papacy owes its rise to Episcopacy : and if such pitifull paralogisms proclaim not , that they can really find nothing wherewith to cover Prelacy from the heavy ; but just imputation of being the certain introductive of Popery . § . 6. This odd reasoning of the Doctor minds me of another of his of his Essayes , or Retorsions which is of Kin to this Argumentation . May not one ( saith he i ) that quarrells a standing Ministry , argue on the same Grounds , a Ministers Authority over the People , gave the rise to the Authority Bishops pretend over Ministers , and so the Minister will be concluded the first step of the Beast's Throne ? But this retorsion , being once handl'd , shall hurt us no more , then what we have already removed ; for take a Gospel Ministry unconfounded with a papal Hierarchy , and then there is not the least colour or pretext for any Man 's ascribing to it the first rise of Popery , the parity we plead for among Pastors of Flocks secures a Gospel-Ministry from any force or appearance of reason in any such assault : whereas ( on which I 'm not now to dwell ) the Topicks establishing Prelacy , tend no less to assert a Papacy . But again the belief of a Gospel-Ministry as a thing altogether necessary for the Being of a Church , is so well and so universally rooted in the hearts of all Christians , that they , compar'd with the rest , have scarce amounted to a handfull who had the holdness to deny it ; and so there 's little hazard to be fear'd from these few contemptible Objectors : and tho' there seem'd to be , and the Objection should appear never so pungent , yet it could be really of no weight against so necessary and indispensible an Ordinance . Whereas on the other hand , there 's so little necessity of Prelacy , that the far greatest and best part of its Abettors , and in these the Author himself ( as in due time shall appear ) grants , that 't is no different Order from Presbytry , has no footing in the Word of God , and in a word to the overthrow of his Principles , confounds a Prelat with a parochial Pastor . Another grand , but just prejudice against the Hierarchy , is the looseness and prophanity most frequently cleaving thereto : how prophane and scandalous they and theirs were , during former Prelacy , has already appear'd : of the latter the matter is no less evident ; for at such a height & growth during their Government , yea under their wings did prophanity , abusing of God's blessed Name , and such gross immoralities arrive , that to abstain from such vices and follow piety , was a Crime well nigh able to make a Man pass for a Whig and Phanatick , and what hazard did enshew these Sir-names , none is ignorant . All this and much more was not only evident to the body of this Kingdom , but was also notic'd abroad : and , amongst others , by their Friend R. Coke . Yea his Majesty , whom Divine Mercy sent for our Relief , well knew 't , and accordingly , in his Declaration for Scotland , has , amongst many others , this most memorable Sentence . Although ( saith He ) the Dissenters have just cause of distrust when they call to mind how some hundreds of their Ministers were driven out of their Churches without either Accusation or Citation : the filling of many of whose Places with Ignorant and Scandalous Persons hath been one great occasion of all those Miseries which that Country for a long time hath groaned under . They may pretend that such Enormities were only accidental to Prelacy , which may fall out under any Government : but none versant in Church Story is ignorant how much mischief and scandal this Hierarchy hath cast upon Christianity . Let them read Socrates and other Records of these more ancient times , and they shall find that the Prelats , tho' but beginning to appear , and by far , not so degenerat from the simplicity of the Gospel as afterward by their swelling tympany , and aspiring to Domination , induc'd the People to commit the most lewd and vile Pranks readily imaginable , to the doolfull scandalizing of Jew and Gentile , and their utter abominating of Christianity it self : as is clear from the miserable Havock , Destruction and Slaughter , the contrary Factions of Bishops in the Plea for the Episcopal See between Damasus and Vrsinus prompted the People to commit , from the most scandalous Pranks of Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria , the most unhumane and barbarous concomitants and consequents of the Deposition of Chrysostome with many other such open Impieties , all caus'd and occasion'd by the Prelatick pride and insolency , which publick and most scandalous Enormities , had the Christian World retain'd the truly Primitive and Apostolick Parity we plead for , could never have hapned : for had the Superiority , Riches , and Grandour , the very aples of these most unchristian Contentions , been wanting , and had every Pastor been kept at the earnest labour of Teaching , Exhorting , and Catechising a particular Flock or Congregation , with only such a competent Stipend as suffic'd to secure him from the contempt of Poverty , not to feed Luxury , Grandour and such like Vices , there had been no occasion of such lamentable Broyls . This was observ'd by Nazianzen , who himself was Bishop of Constantinople , and therefore he earnestly wish'd k that there had been no primacy of Place , no Prelacy , no Prerogative , no Superiour or Inferiour Degrees of Pastors . The marrow of Saravia's Answer l to this most cogent place of Nazianzen , is that he finds no fault with the Order of Degrees themselves but with Men , and with the times wherein the ambition of the Arrians troubl'd the Church . The common and blunt shift of the Romanists whereby to palliat the unlawfullness of their Papacy , and a real and clear contradiction of Nazianzen's plain words . And was not afterward the Papal and Prelatical pride , and affectation of secular rule the prime source of the unspeakable Evils that reign'd all along before the Reformation , and yet continue in the Papacy ? Is not that Kingdom where Prelacy is of most account fill'd with the most idle , naughty , and profain Clergy-men that are to be found , at least , in the Protestant World ? And how can it be otherwise , seeing things or Offices retaining litle or nothing of what did primitively constitute them , produce quite contrary effects to these design'd by the Authors thereof ? But nothing is more plain , than that the simplicity of the Gospel-Ministry is alter'd into a secular Grandour , more by far , resembling the Princes of the Gentiles , than the Apostles of our Meek and Lowly Jesus , who came not to be ministred to , but to Minister . Now the best of things once degenerat become most noxious ; what can therefore be expected from such but that they should suit their Government and Policy , change the Spirit of a Gospel-Ministry for that of Pomp and Secularity , grow intirely Carnal , and so become the source of Prophanity in stead of Holiness ? Part II. Wherein the Epistles of Ignatius are more particularly consider'd , and the Plea of the Hierarchicks therefrom , examin'd . Section I. Of the Author and his Work. IT is evident and clear to the more thinking and ingenuous part of the Christian World , how Rome's Advocats , while they Agent her Cause from the truly Canonical Writings of the Apostles and Prophets , after some few struglings , sorry evasions and feeble resistance , are compell'd to give back , and , in reality , abandon their Posts : but were they permitted to use Apocryphal Writings , which , they say are Ancient enough , and written not long after the Holy Scriptures ; were not these also pull'd out of their hands by demonstrating the spuriousness thereof ; they should perhaps make a greater appearance , and keep the fields somewhat longer . The same also is the fate of other Hierarchicks pleading the Cause of Episcopacy : for while they manage it from Scripture-grounds , you may perceive them to make so wide and incoherent Deductions , so slender and pitifull Defences , so wild and unbottom'd Distinctions , as loudly proclaim that , except they procure Auxuliaries from some other where , they must also defert their Cause , and leave the Field to their Adversaries . But let them descend somewhat lower to Ecclesiastick Antiquities , we shall find their confidence stronger : for they then bring a multitude of great Names , as so many arm'd Champions marshell'd in Rank and Order . Among these there be some , wherewith , as with so many Elephants , they threaten to make vast lanes among their Adversaries : but there 's no great cause of terror ; for if they be but boldly confronted we shall then find them either , like these Elephants Ctesias and Diodore fable to have been us'd by their fictitious Semiramis , deceitfull Images and hobgoblings to strike a vain fear in their Enemies : or like the African Elephants in Polybius , which , in stead of destroying the adverse Party , frequently turn'd back , dissipated and overthrew these who brought them to the Battel . The greatest of these , and whom they with most confidence produce , is their Epistolick Ignatius , who is to them as one of the Hee-goats and Rams before the Flock , of whom they boast as if nothing should stand before him . It shall not therefore be amiss if ( as we promis'd ) we look more narrowly into this their bold Assertion , and examine if their Grounds be equal to their Confidence . § . 2. Ignatius , as Eusebius a relates , was a Bishop or Pastor of Antioch , and being brought to Rome in the time of Trajan the Emperour , gloriously laid down his Life for the Cause of Christianity . He is said to have written in his Journey to Rome , several Epistles , viz. To the Smyrneans , to Polycarp , to the Ephesians , to the Magnesians , to the Philadelphians , to the Trallians and Romans , all which are either mention'd or cited by Eusebius . There are other Epistles also by Writers of a much later date , ascribed to Ignatius ; but in the first seven only do our Adversaries place the weight of their Cause ; and therefore with them alone we shall be concerned . § . 3. Of these Epistles in the former Century , first in Latine and then in Greek , appeared at the first but two or three only ; afterward they amounted to fifteen , all which they Father'd upon Ignatius : these were greedily hugg'd by the Romanists ; and reason they had so to do , most of these Epistles being fraughted with stuff that savour'd of the Romish Innovations , and proclaim'd them several Centuries posteriour to Ignatius his Age , and accordingly these Editions were scarce born while they were condemn'd and stigmatiz'd by the most learn'd of the Reform'd viz. Calvin , the Magdeburgick Centuriators , and afterwards by Whittaker , Perkins , Scultet , Rivet , and others , as the issue of a quite other Parent than him of whom they boasted . § . 4. Notwithstanding hereof the Advocats for Prelacy , such as Whitgift , Bilson , Dounam , Heylyn , Taylor and the rest of the Party , lean'd on these Epistles as firm propes of their Caufe , giving severals of 'em the Epithets of Learned and Pious without the least exception . Thus , for a long time , were these Epistles condemn'd by many , yet applauded by a few . § . 5. But at length the most learn'd and famous Dr. Vshher lighted on two Latine Manuscripts , much differing from the former Editions , and containing many passages cited by the Ancients , that were wanting in the former . And soon after Isaacus Vossius produc'd a Greek Coppy out of the Duke of Tuscanie's Library , in many things agreeing with Vsher's Manuscripts . These Coppies bred a wonderfull confidence in the minds of the Episcopal Party : after which every one of them gave his loud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therewith pleas'd themselves , as if the Controversie concerning Prelacy had been already determin'd by a Divine Oracle . But in the mean while , and by this very Action of imbracing and extolling this new Edition , as the only genuine Coppy of Ignatius . They publish'd to the World that they had all along ( while in conjunction with Romanists and in opposition to Protestants they so passionatly propugn'd the former Editions ) either been lamentably shallow in their knowledge of Ecclesiastick Antiquity , notwithstanding their great boast thereof , as if all Men beside were Dwerfs herein : or , which is little better , exceedingly partial in favours of their Cause and Interest . However , maugre all such Impeachments , they alter their Judgements as they see fit , reject what they had but the other day warmly hugg'd , and applaud their new Ignatius . § . 6. Yet also they were their alone herein : for the most learn'd , and these of the reform'd Churches who were most able to give Judgement concerning such Controversies , as Blondel , Salmasius and others continu'd in their former Sentiment , believing that these new Copies did as really ly under just suspicion as the Old. After divers Re-encounters amongst learn'd Men concerning these Epistles , Dallaeus a learn'd French Minister wrote more largely and directly to evince them spurious , but was oppos'd by Dr. Beverige , and D. Pearson who wrote his Vindiciae Ignatianae , a large and laborious Work , to prove that these Epistles were the genuine product of Ignatius , in which his Party triumphed not a little , apprehending that this Matter was decided ; so as there was no more Dispute or Opposition to be feared . But 't was not long till Daill's Defence was undertaken by Monsieur L'arroque another learn'd Pastor of the French Church : and being again oppos'd by Pearson and Beverge , wrote a second time concerning the same Subject . § . 7. But such Arts were us'd as suppress'd and stiffl'd the Work of this learn'd Author : of which Book L'arroque's Son , in his Life , prefix'd to his Adversaria Sacra gives us this account , a He publish'd his Observations on Pearson's vindiciae Ignatianae , and Beverige ' s Annotations , which came to the light by this occasion : John Daille being departed this Life , two great Englishmen who had procur'd to themselves a perpetual Fame , of whom the one lately deceas'd , had the Name of the Bishop of Chester , the other was adorn'd with the Title of Dr. but deserv'd a greater Dignity , exploded what Daille had written concerning Ignatius his Epistles . But L'arroque in favours of his deceas'd Friend , undertook the Patrociny of this Hero ; and except Fame be altogether false , has fortunatly defended his Judgement . These Observations were again assaulted by the famous Beverige , to whom our Author preparing an Answer , which we have by us , almost perfected , thro' the Importunity of some Friends was suddenly turn'd another way . This he did the more willingly , both because he had done enough in favours of his dead Friend , and also that he might make it appear , that seeing while he was yet fresh , he sounded a retreat , he had unwillingly entred the Lists with the English Protestants . Thus he , and who these Friends were , we are inform'd by another Author , a Man of the Episcopal Perswasion , and therefore may the better be believ'd in this Matter , viz. Jos. Walker Translator of L'arroque's History of the Eucharist , who , describing the Life of L'arroque , which he prefixes to his Translation , tells us , that at the request of some Persons favouring Episcopacy , he did not finish this his second Piece . From these Authors it 's sufficiently evident , that the issue of this Debate concerning Ignatius his Epistles , was neither advantagious nor honourable to the Favourers of Episcopacy ; seeing by such doings they acknowledg'd their Adversary so formidable that , except by powerfull Sollicitations and charms the Storm were diverted , nothing less than the utter ruine of their Cause was to be feared . Now , by these their dealings so dishonest both first and last , judge if such Men don't at once bewray extream want of candour and diffidence in their Cause . And this much was meet here to be premis'd in favours of many , who may have been ●●umbled at the great Name of Ignatius , and yet altogether Strangers to the thoughts of the more learn'd , and ingenuous concerning the Epistles that bear his Name . § . 8. In this Ignatius the Patrons of the Hierarchy wonderfully please themselves , and triumph b as if from thence Prelacy receiv'd a most sufficient support and proof , well nigh infallible , of its divine Institution , and that if these Epistles be his , Presbytrie's undone . For , if we believe them , Ignatius is for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or genuinness of these Epistles above the smallest suspicion of Forgery , for Antiquity and Vicinity to the Apostles , above possibility of being mistaken : and finally , for clearness in the Episcopal Cause , above doubt or scruple . Now seeing , so far as I know , little or nothing of this Subject is yet in English , and the ears of many who know no other Tongue , are perpetually beaten & deafned with a mighty noise , as if all the lofty Titles and Honours of Prelacy were adopted by a genuine and Apostolick Ignatius ; it shall neither be improfitable nor unacceptable , if with a convenient brevity we ouerthrow the principal Pillars of so proud a Structure ; and render the Weapons , in the estimat of our Adversaries so keen and weighty , compleatly unserviceable to their Cause . § . 9. I therefore with no less confidence deny what they so boldly affirm . I deny that the Epistles ascribed to Ignatius , whether of the elder or later Editions , are throughly genuine , and so free of Forgeries , that no chaff hath been thrown into , and hudl'd amongst the grains of Wheat that may remain therein . I deny that the Antiquity of the true Ignatius was able to secure him from all Lapses and Mistakes ; or that in his time some Churches might not be itching after several Novelties . I deny finally that he is so clear and positive in the Matter of Episcopacy , as to denude Presbyterians of all rational Defence , should they acquiesce in his Judgement , and herein join with their Adversaries , who still appeal to Ignatius his Bar. But I shall not rest in Denials , but shall turn them to so many contrary Positions , and demonstrat each of 'em in particular . Section II. The first Hypothesis viz that Ignatius is interpolated . MY first Assertion therefore is that the Epistles ascrib'd to Ignatius , whether of the Elder or Later Editions , are not throughly genuine , nor so free of Forgeries , that no Chaff hath been thrown into and hudl'd amongst the grains of Wheat that may remain therein . As the Writings pretended to come nearest in time to the Scriptures of the Old Testament , carry notwithstanding evident Characters of a quite other time and Parent than these whereto they are falsly ascrib'd ; so also the Pieces that pretend greatest proximity to these of these New Testament , afford no less just ground of suspicion . Of this kind are Barnabas , Hermas and others , all which are generally either shroudly suspected as meer Forgeries , or at least as not being without manifest corruption and interpolation . Yea Clemens Romanus , who , doubtless , is by far the most choice and virgin Monument of Antiquity , has nothwithstanding fall'n into the like adulterous hands as the story of the Daughters of Danaus and Dirce there recounted among the Christian Sufferers , makes manifest . And herein Divine Providence is to be ador'd , and extoll'd . For had such Writings as plead for the first place after these of either Old or New Testament , not under-ly'n such impeachments , the great proximity thereof to the Prophetick and Apostolick Writings , had certainly allur'd many to take these for Canonical ; whereas now they serve , in some measure , for a rampier and hedge about the Holy Scriptures : and by the manifest corruption of the Apocryphal Writings , we are taught to distinguish betwixt divine and humane Letters : wherefore it should be a Paradox and a Wonder , had Ignatius escap'd all such infectious Touches . But there 's no ground for such admiration . For , that Ignatius , whither of the Elder or Later Edition , is not throughly genuine , and so free of Forgery and Interpolation , a few Examples shall make evident . § . 2. For in his Epistle to the Smyrneans , he thus discourseth them . a All of you follow after the Bishop as Jesus Christ follows the Father , and the Presbytry as the Apostles . Reverence the Deacons as the Commandment of God. Let no Man without the Bishop do any of these things that ought to be done in the Church . Let that Worship or Thanks be accounted lawfull , which is either perform'd by the Bishop himself or permitted by him . Wheresoever the Bishop appears , let there also the Multitude be present ; even as where Christ is , there is also the Catholick Church . Without the Bishop it 's neither lawfull to Baptize nor Celebrate the Lord's Supper or Love-feasts : but , whatsoever he approves is acceptable to God. And again in his Epistles to Polycarp . b Attend to the Bishop as God doth to you ; my Soul for such as obey the Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons , and with such let me have my Portion in God. And in his Epistle to the Ephesians . c I write not to you as if I were of any account . For altho' I be bound in the Name of Christ , yet I am not perfect in Christ Jesus . For now I begin to learn and speak to you as my Teachers And again in the same Epistle . d If I in so short a time have had such familiarity with your Bishop , not Humane I say , but Spiritual , how much more do I pronounce you blessed being join'd together as the Church to Jesus Christ , as Christ to the Father ; so that all things are in a harmonis Vnity . Let none be deceiv'd , whosoever is not within the Altar , is deprived of the Bread of God. For if the Prayers of one or two be of much weight , how much more these put up by the Bishop and the whole Church . Whosoever therefore cometh not into the same place , he is proud and hath condemn'd himself ; for it 's written God resisteth the Proud. Let us make hast therefore not to resist the Bishop , to the end , that we may obey God. And the more silent any Man perceive the Bishop , let him fear him the more : for whomsoever the Lord of the House sends to Govern it , we ought to receive him as him that sends him . Let us manifest that we ought to receive the Bishop as the Lord. And again in the same Epistle , thus . e I know who I am . and to whom I write , I 'm condemn'd , ye live in Peace , I 'm in danger , ye sure ; ye are a Passage to these who are slain in the Lord : The Condisciples of Paul , sanctifi'd , and made Martyrs , worthy , blessed , under whose footsteps let me be found when I enjoy God. And to the Magnesians f Because I was found worthy to see you in your Bishop Damas , and your worthy Presbyters Bassus and Apollonius , and my Fellow servant the Deacon Sotion whom let me enjoy , because he 's subject to the Bishop as to the Grace of God , and to the Presbyters as to the Law of Christ. And again , g Study to do all things in the Concord of God , the Bishop presiding in the Place of God , the Presbyters in the Place of the Confession of the Apostles , and my most sweet Deacons having committed to their Charge the Service of Christ. And within a few lines . h Therefore as the Lord did nothing without the Father , being one with him , neither by himself nor by his Apostles ; so do ye nothing without the Bishop and Presbyters . And to the Philadelphians . i So many as belong to God in Christ Jesus , these remain with the Bishop . And in the same Epistle . k I cryed in the midst of the Congregration ; I spoke with a loud voice , take heed to the Bishop , the Presbytry , and the Deacons . Some-body thought that I spoke these things foreseeing a Division : but he in whom I am bound bears me witness that I had this knowledge from no Man , bnt the spirit preached , saying , without the Bishop see ye do nothing . And in his Epistle to the Trallesians . l Whom I Salute in fullness , and an Apostolick Character . And again . m For when ye are subject to the Bishop , ye seem not to Walk according to Men , but according to Jesus Christ. And in an other place of the same Epistle , n And in like manner , let all Men reverence the Deacons as the command of Jesus Christ ; and the Bishop as Jesus Christ , who is the Son of the Father , and the Presbytry as the Council of God and Senat of the Apostles , without which there is not a Church , and thus I counsel you to esteem of them , for I have gotten an Example of your Charity , and retain the same with me , in your Bishop , whose very composition is a great deal of Discipline , and his mansuetude Power , whom I believe the very wicked reverence . And afterward in the same Epistle . o Can I not write unto you Heavenly Things ? But I sear that I should thereby endammage you being but Children , and forgive me , least not being able to comprehend them , you be strangl'd . For I am not bound in every respect , but can be able to know things Heavenly , the Orders of Angels , their Constitutions , Principalities , things visible and things invisible . And again , p Thus shall it be unto you if ye be not Proud , and remain unseparable from God , the Bishop and Apostolick Orders . And again in the same Epistle . q Farewell in Christ Jesus , if ye be subject to the Bishop , as to the command of God , and in like manner to the Presbytry . But I 'm weary , and did never translate more of any Author with less delight , or pleasure ; not because I 'm in the least gravell'd by what is here said concerning Bishops , altho' the whole strength , of what the Episcopals deduce from Ignatius , be wrapt up in these Passages , yea I 'm perswaded , that from these very Places the Hierarchy's wounded under the fifth Rib. But because the most part of what we have quoted , as also no small part of what is behind , is altogether insulfe , putide , and more tasteless than the white of an Egg : and the Reader may easily perceive by these Examples that the Spirit and genius of this Author is quite different from what can be looked for in Ignatius a prime Martyr of the primitive Church . In all these Epistles 't is clear as the Noon-sun , that a head-strong Passion , and a furious Zeal of enslaving all Christians under an illimited and blind Obedience to all Church-men , as so many Romish Holinesses did intirely possess , and reign in the Author of these Epistles . The Apostle indeed sometimes admonishes the Churches of the Duties and Esteem , Christians should pay to Church-Officers ; but withall uses but rarely to handle that Subject , and with the brevity and modesty that became him , ascribing to them only the Titles of Watch-men , and Labourers , Bishops or Pastors and the like , which best became the simplicity of the Gospel ; whereas on the other hand , the pretended Ignatius so far swerves from this humble and Apostolick strain , that none , tho' they search the Writings of the most corrupt Ages , shall be able to find any that in exaltation of the Clergy , and depressing and subjecting of the Laity out did him . How secure should Basilides and Martial , two Spanish laps'd Bishops , have been , had their Flocks believed this Ignatian Doctrine , who having consulted Cyprian r If they might not desert these and chuse new Bishops , were by him resolved in the affirmative , and admonish'd to chuse other Pastors : but had they believ'd this pretended Ignatius , it had been with them the blackest impiety to have separated from their Bishop , or attempted so to do on whatsoever account . The Apostles frequently both to Pastors and Churches inculcat the diligent perusal and understanding of the Holy Scriptures as a special Duty , that by them as a sure Rule all Mens Doctrines and Injunctions ( without any exception ) may be tryed : but in liew hereof , this their Ignatius has only Mens Persons in admiration , perpetually deafening his Hearers , or at least wearying his Readers with Injunctions of absolute and blind Obedience , as if all and every one of his Bishops Dictats were to be receiv'd without the least Examination , a Priviledge that even Christ and his Apostles ( tho' they might have done it ) never assumed to themselues ; but still remitted their Hearers to the Scriptures for the tryal thereof : this cann't but in the estimat of all the judicious , be a Fault altogether unworthy of the True Ignatius . I hope that all honest Men shall give more Charity to this choice Martyr , than to believe that he 's guilty of so gross Idolatry ( for I can call it no better ) and fantastick and impious doting on the person of any Man whatsoever : in which unworthy Work this Author ( I will not say Ignatius ) spends no smal part of these Epistles . Therefore , altho' the asserting of all therein to be genuine , be so far from assisting our Adversaries , that their Cause is , by the very Passages they alledge for its confirmation , mortally wounded ; I can never perswade my self , but they have fall'n into the wicked hands of Forgers who , tainted with the common Vice of the Ages subsequent to that of Ignatius , foisted in a great many Passages wherein nothing but the illimited Power of all Church-men is depredicated , and the blind Obedience of the Laity is enjoin'd and commended . I 'm confirmed in my sentiment by Ignatius his Epistle to the Romans , who certainly had as truly a Bishop as the Smyrneans , Magnesians , or any other saluted by Ignatius ; but of the Roman Bishop or of the Honour and Obedience due to him in all this Epistle we find not a syllable . Certainly had this servile Obedience to the Clergy been such a fundamental Article of the Christian Religion , as all along through these other six Epistles he makes it , he had not failed to have inform'd the Romans thereof , seeing nothing ( I believe ) can be alledg'd to exime the Romans , more than other Churches , from paying such Honour to their Clergy . 'T is vain to repone that he was then on his Journey to Rome , and was shortly to see that Church , and might on this account forbear : seeing they may after this manner of arguing prove the whole Epistle spurious , or at least superfluous ; this Duty of Obedience to Church-men , if we believe these six Epistles being so necessary a part of the Christian Religion , that 't is never to be forgotten , but at all times with the greatest zeal and fervency to be inculcated . § . 3. Yet in defence of all these most dangerous Injunctions of his Ignatius , Dr. Pearson saith s That there could be no fitter remedy against Heresies then that the Churches should adhere to the Pastors whom Ignatius knew to be Orthodox . But such an adherence as these Epistles every where command , is so far from being a Remedy against Heresies and Schisms , that , as the sad instance of the Romanists witness , it has been the greatest Augmentation , and the most deadly humour in all the Disease . But why did he not acquaint the Romans with this Remedy ? Did he suspect their Bishop as unsound ? Or thought he that every Roman Christian was above danger and infallible ? And indeed the scarce paralellable extolling of Church-men through all the former six Epistles , & the perpetual silence thereof in that to the Romans , loudly proclaim , that either they were write by different Authors , or else , that they have undergone no few Additions and Corruptions , which his Epistle to the Romans had escaped , seeing , I think they will scarce adventure to say that the Epistle to the Romans sometime had in it such Injunctions of Obedience to the Roman Clergy , which by some chance or other were afterward obliterate . § . 4. Again , what can we make of that proud boasting in his Epistle to the Trallesians , as if he had been the only Muster-Master to the Angels . But Pearson tells us t That it 's not strange tho' Ignatius a Bishop who had long conversed with the Apostles , could write something concerning Heavenly Things which are so often mention'd by the Apostles : and he stiffly denies , in opposition to Daille , That such knowledge is not giv'n to Mortals ; and perhaps ( saith Pearson ) we know not well what Ignatius mean'd , when he wrote these things concerning Angels , and yet who will say but that he knew them himself ? And then he acknowledges that Ignatius discourses of his Know not giv'n to any Mortal , seeing for the proof hereof it 's enough to repone the words of Elephas , to which of the Saints wilt thou turn thee ? Surely not to Paul , seeing it can never be made evident that he either taught others , or ascribed to himself the knowledge of these Ignatian ( or rather Pseudo-Ignatian ) Mysteries . Altho' therefore we know not the meaning of these his words , we shall ( I believe ) incurr little hazard thereby ; and if he knew them himself I shall not debate . Certainly if we judge of the Author by his Work , we shall have little ground to apprehend that his Judgement was of the greatest reach , for , remove a very few flowers , this so much celebrated Garden shall be nothing but a den of weeds : neither can better be expected , where any intrude into the things they have not seen , as the Author of this Passage appears to have done ; boasting of that wherein neither the Pen-men of the Holy Scriptures , nor the primitive Christians profess'd themselves to be skillfull : for altho ' the Ancients acknowledged that there were , or might be such Dignities & Distinctions among Angels , yet who before the Impostour that borrowed the name of the Areopagite , adventured to profess their acquaintance with the particulars thereof ? But most of all I admire that he for his purpose alledges Irenaeus , as if the Mysteries of God were nothing else but a convertible term with the Politicks or Tacticks of Angels . With how much more reason may we understand the Mysteries mention'd by Irenaeus , to be these magnifi'd by the Apostle 1 Tim. 3. 16. which without Controversie are equaly great and proffitable . Lastly , as to Chrysostome , he cites no where , wherfore I cann't so easily make a judgement concerning him ; otherwise ' tseems he may be understood of a greater measure of knowledge of the Mysteries frequently spoken off by the Apostle . And withall I observe that Dr. Pearson still insinuates and intimates as if Ignatius and other primitive Christians receiv'd from the Apostles other mysterious Doctrines not to be committed to writing , different from what is comprehended in the holy Scriptures ; wherein , notwithstanding the whole Counsel of God is delivered , which Opinion is much fitter for a Jewish Cabalist or Romish Traditionary than a Protestant Doctor . § . 4. M. Du Pin u imbraces and only contracts Pearson's Answer saying that the knowledge of the Orders , Offices and Stations of Angels might be affirmed by an ancient Bishop , all Christians knew Heavenly Things : And Ignatius says nothing of Angels but what had been said by St. Paul. But herein he palpably contradicts himself , and affirms what he had before deni'd ; for x to prove the Forgery of these Books that bear the Areopagites name Du Pin gives us this Argument : He ( viz. the Author of these Books ) distinguishes the several Orders of Angels and observes their difference , things that were unknown to the ancient Writers , and concerning which they were not sollicitous to be informed , as S. Irenaeus assures us , in lib. 2. ch . 55. He opposes also Dr. Pearson , who , as we have heard , deduced from this same Irenaeus a quite contrary Doctrine . § . 5. Thus far I had proceeded secure of any other Controversie concerning this Passage , when I was surpris'd to find Dr. Wake y the Englisher of these Epistles make Ignatius , together with his language , change his Doctrine , and speak quite contrary to what he had delivered either in Greek or Latine : for thus he Englishes the now controverted words of Ignatius . For even I my self , altho' I am in bonds , yet am not therefore able to understand Heavenly Things , as the description of the Places of the Angels , and the several Companies of them , under their respective Princes , the things visible and invisible , but in these things I am yet a Learner . But this Version is by no means to be imbrac'd . For first the old Greek Copy commonly said to be spurious , uses indeed to add to , and dilate what is comprehended in the New Edition , yet not so as to contradict it ; and therefore may serve for an Interpreter , were there any thing dubious herein : but this Old Copy is positive in favours of the received sense , and after an enumeration of the Particulars whereof Ignatius professes the knowledge , concludes all with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when , or altho' I know so much ; and thus the Old Copy is understood by all Interpreters , as the Old Latine of Vairlenius which is printed at Antwerp 1566 , and by the Author of another Version , or at least an emendation of the Old , printed amongst the Orthodoxographa Patrum at Basile 1569 , and by Videlius , and for ought I can learn , by whosoever interpreted or revised these Epistles . Secondly , The Cantabrigian or Vsserian Copy , the Authority whereof is little inferiour to the Florentine Original , is no less positive for us against this New Interpreter ; For ( saith he ) I am not bound in every respect , but am able to know Heavenly Things &c. And having enumerated the Particulars , concludes with a praeter hoc beside or notwithstanding of this : importing that some greater measure of that knowledge was , notwithstanding of the vast measure he had receiv'd , yet to be sought for . Thirdly , All Men in their Disputes and other Discourses about Ignatius , have thus understood the Passage now under Debate . If the ascribing of such knowledge to himself could agree to the genuine Ignatius they disputed much ; but that the now disputed Passage really ascribes , and not denies to Ignatius the knowledge of these Heavenly Things , all except this Interpreter unanimously acknowledge . And this certainly was the mind of Isaacus Vossius who , otherways being a zealous Patron of the Florentine Copy , had in his Notes doubtless taken notice of such a common mistake , and observ'd the contrariety between the Cantabrigian and Florentine Editions . And Spanhemius F. z always supposes the sense we plead for of these words of Ignatius , and on this ground , notwithstanding what Dr. Pearson had said , shroudly suspects these Epistles as forg'd . And Daille , yea & even Dr. Pearson , his most learn'd and vigilant Adversary , always supposed as uncontrovertible , the sense we now plead for . Fourthly , And reason they had so to do , seeing otherways both sense and the self consistency of this Passage is lost ; he had but just now arrogat to himself such a knowledge of Heavenly Things , the very declaration whereof should be enough to overwhelm and strangle the Church of the Trallesians , and then as a reason or declaration of his great Knowledge , and to shew how far 't was out of their reach , advances the Passage now in hand , whereas this Clause concerning his Bands is only introduc'd to shew the consistency between outward Troubles and spiritual Furniture . Excellently therefore and most conform to the Greek , is it rendred in the Cantabrigian Copy , non secundum quodcunque ligatus sum , I am not bound in every respect . But were this New Version admitted , Ignatius , while he ascribes so great a knowledge of Heavenly Things to himself , and presently afterward denies that he knew Heavenly Things , should , in esteem of all disinterested , compleat a Contradiction ; whereas , according to the Cantabrigian and our Version of the Passage , the sense runs natively without the least appearance of any roughness . Lastly , I do not remember that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any where is to be rendred altho ' , ( which is the mind of this Interpreter ) I shall not say that foreseeing this Passage if truly translated would prove the dead Flee and make the rest both ill savoured and justly suspected , he willfully perverted it : I should rather charitably think that out of ignorance , a far more pardonable weakness , he fell into such an Error . § . 6. And now to proceed , I impeach not these Epistles , of their frequent mention of Bishops and their Superiority over Presbyters , as if herein they savoured a Diocesan Prelacy ; nay I 'm so far from this , that I 'm perswaded from the self same places , that according to this Author a Bishop and a parochial Pastor are reciprocated ; and therefore the Doctrine of our Adversaries is overthrown by the very places from which they labour to establish it . The Grounds on which I accuse these Epistles are , the Author ( not to mention self Contradictions ) his affected Humility , hatefull deifing of all Church-men , most unworthy and parasitick flattering of whomsoever he salutes , and , which is the end of all , his endeavouring to perswade Christians , that an Autocratorick Power is to be ascrib'd , and blind Obedience to be pay'd to all Church-men , as to so many absolute and unerring Deities . And lastly his audacious boasting of his Knowledge of these things wherewith , for ought we can learn either from Scripture or any Author of Credit , no meer Man hath been hitherto acquainted . And these Grounds , were there no others , may suffice at least to evince the Interpolation of the Epistles . § . 7. And how this came to pass is not hard to conceive if we reflect upon the genius of subsequent Ages ; the uncontrolled Power and superlative Veneration of Church-men , the special Fore-runner and introductive of Antichrist , together with other parts of Superstition , took special rooting in the third and fourth Centuries . Now , as the Church like a choice Garden nourish'd many prime and usefull Plants ; she had also most pestilentious and noisome Weeds , Monsters which you can scarcely name , and not the transported with indignation . These , the better to promote such Impieties , Father'd the brats of their own Brains on some choice Dr , by whose warmth they might be cherish'd and supported . Such Men not only forg'd or ( at best ) polluted these Epistles , but also attributed more of the like stuff to Ignatius , some whereof are mention'd by Daille and Dr. Pearson , and others omitted by them , are remembred by Socrates , a who tells us that the beginning of the Antiphones was reported to have come from Ignatius , which they said he had revealed to him by Queers of Angels that use to descend and sing the Praises of the holy Trinity . Add to all , which shakes the very foundation of their Plea , the incredibleness of Ignatius his Journey to Rome , whether he is said , after his Condemnation at Antioch , to have been sent by Trajan , that he might be thrown to wild Beasts , on the truth of which these Epistles leaned , still insinuating and presupposing it : But why should Trajan be at pains to have sent him guarded thither ? Certainly not for an intertainment to the People as the pretended Acts of Ignatius affirm . They had store of Christians of all sizes at Rome with the spectacle of whose Sufferings they might dayly be cloy'd , neither , as some answer , because he was a famous Christian and Bishop , at whose death the Roman Christians might be terrifi'd , seeing the Emperour might conclude from Ignatius his great resolution and boldness which himself had perceived that he would much animat them . But the perpetual Practice of these times frees us from further debate herein : I can never find that the Romans brought Christians from Asia or such remote places to be executed at Rome , but still to the nearest seats of Justice , as is clear in Polycarp and other most famous Bishops or Pastors . And truly ( saith Dr. Stillingfleet b the story of Ignatius ( as much as it 's defended with his Epistles ) doth not seem to be any of the most probable . For wherefore should Ignatius of all others be brought to Rome to suffer , when the Proconsuls and the Praesides provinciarum did every where in time of Persecution execute their Power in punishing of Christians at their own Tribunals , without sending them so long a Journey to Rome to be martyr'd there ? And how came Ignatius to make so many and such strange Excursions as he did by the Story , if the Souldiers that were his Guard wers so cruel to him , as he complains they were ? Now all these uncertain and fabulous Narrations as to Persons then arising from want of sufficient Records made at those times , make it more evident , how incompetent a Judge Antiquity is to the certainty of things done in Apostolical times . And now from what is said , jude if D. M. c had any good ground to query , whether there 's any good and solid Argument brought by the Presbyterians against the Authority of St. Ignatius his Epistles , that is not already sufficiently answered . Section III. The second Hypothesis , viz. that the Antiquity of the trne Ignatius could not secure him from all Lapses or Escapes in Doctrine or serve to Prove that there was no Declension in his time . MY second Assertion is , that the Antiquity even of the true Ignatius was not able to secure him from all Lapses and Mistakes , and that in his time some Churches not only might ; but actually were itching after several Novelties . Which Assertion , if once demonstrated , renders Ignatius of little or no use to our Antagonists : their Inference is , that , if Ignatius spoke positively in favours of Episcopacy , and lived in a closs vicinity to the Apostles , then there 's no doubt but the Apostles established such a Government : which consequence , like the Aples of Sodom , resolves anon into smoake , our Assertion being prov'd ; which I now come to demonstrate . The Apostles of our Lord had not chang'd their earthly Tabernacle , for that which is not made with hands ; when , to their inexpressible sorrow , they beheld not only particular Persons , but even the greater part of some Churches , they themselves had either planted or watered , in stead of Grapes , to bring forth will Grapes , and in place of being the Repositories of the precious Truths of the Gospel , become nests and cages of the most abominable Errors . Other Churches there were that holding fast the Foundation of the Apostolick Doctrine , but raising thereupon a structure of the stubble and hay of either Judaism or Paganism ( in one of which all of them had been educated ) had well nigh made up an Edifice of most Hetrogeneous Materials . Hence it is that the Apostle is at such pains to Correct them in their Abuses of the Sacrament , in their Superstition concerning Meat and Drink , and their unwarrantable observation of Times , that wanted all Divine Sanction . § . 2. But these infallible Guides being at length possessed of their Master's Joy , Affairs grew yet worse : for then the grand Enemy of the Church did in greater abundance ; and with more security sow his tares . Hence it was that not only those , who are justly branded for Arch-Hereticks , and Schismaticks ; but even those who persisted Orthodox in the main Principles of Christianity were drawn into , neither few nor inconsiderable Mistakes . § . 3. I 'm sure Papias Bishop of Hierapolis was a Man , both in respect of his Antiquity and Authority , among the primitive Christians , little inferiour to Ignatius : 't was he notwithstanding who either greedily imbrac'd , or first of all hatch'd the gross Fancy of the Saints their corporal Kingdom for a thousand years after the Resurrection . Moreover ( saith Eusebius d speaking of Papias ) the same Writer alledges something as from unwritten Tradition , viz. some strange Parables and Doctrines of our Saviour , and some other fabulous things ; and , amongst the rest , he saith that after the Resurrection , there shall be a thousand years , wherein Christ shall reign on Earth bodily . But to me he seems through misunderstanding of the Apostle's Discourse , to have taken what was spoken mysteriously , in a quite other sense from its true meaning . For he was os a very weak Judgement ; as his Writings sufficiently declare . He was notwithstanding the Author of this Opinion to the most part of the following Ecclesiastical Writers , for they look'd only to his Antiquity as Irenaeus , and whosoever else favoured his Opinion . We see here a Man of no little Antiquity and Repute drawing the greatest Lights of the Church , and consequently the rest of the Christians to a Doctrine destitute of all countenance from the Word of God. § . 4. Another Conceit no less Ancient but more wild , was that of the Angels their carnal Knowledge of Women . This was hugg'd by Justin Martyr e who lived in the same Century with , yea , and not many years after Ignatius . The Angels ( saith he ) transgressing their Order , by carnal Copulation with Women , fell from their primitive State , aud begot Children who are now called Devils . He was follow'd notwithstanding by Irenaeus & Athenagoras , the most famous Writers of their Age ; as also the stream of these that flourished in the succeeding Centuries , Irenaeus also with a great many others held , that the beatifick Vision is not enjoy'd untill the day of Judgement . Now beyond peradventure such Leaders as these , had the most part of the Churches at that time for their Fellows and Followers in these Opinions . § . 5. And seeing both such Pillars , and the rest that lean'd on them were ready to swerve in Matters of Speculation , or Opinion , they were no less capable of straying in things belonging to Practice ; for there 's no more security promised to the Church from the one than the other . Neither did the closs Vicinity to the times of the Apostles , preserve the Churches from evident Lapses of this nature . Was not the mixing of the Sacramental Wine with water , a matter of Practice , and altogether destitute of warrand from Scripture , in which we hear of nothing but the Fruit of the Vine drunken by Communicants . And yet Justin Martyr f informs us that the mixing of the Sacramental Wine with water was the Practice of his time . § . 6. Another Instance of the most early Declension of the primitive Church in Matters of the same kind , viz. the external Rites , and Ecclesiastick Ceremonies , was their observation of Easter ; concerning which the Controversies first arose between Polycarp g , and the Churches of the East on the one hand , and Anicetus and the western Churches on the other . Polycarp alledg'd John the Evangelist , whose Disciple he had been , for the Author of his Opinion : but Anicetus and the Romans pretended the Authority of Peter and Paul for the quite contrary Doctrine . I have oftentimes much admir'd how either of these Parties , if we consider either Sincerity , or Vicinity to the Apostles , were liable to any Mistake of this kind ; I believe scarce any Man now living shall be able to give any rational account of the Cause thereof ; yet that one of them was mistaken , and that the Apostles did not keep up a perpetual observation of contrary Practices one to another , is to me , and to as many as truly acknowledge the Scriptures , among the things of highest certainty ; and if either of them strayed , if sufficiently serves our turn , and is an ocular Demonstration that not only the clearest Lights , and nearest to the Apostles might relinguish some part of the Apostolick Purity , and fall into Rites and Customes never countenanced by the Apostles ; but also be accompanied by no small part of the Church therein . § . 7. Yea I dare avouch and sustain , that both Parties equally swerved from the Truth , seeing both of them had equal Means to have inform'd themselves , and were alike nigh to the Apostles ; so that many were certainly alive of both Parties who had been conversant with them : hence there 's no reason to believe either of the Parties , that ever the Apostle enjoined or allowed the observation of Anniversary , weekly or monthly times either in the same time with , or so near to the Judaical , ( and then buried ) Ceremonies ; excepting the Sabbath only , the observation whereof had been expresly enjoin'd in a clear and Moral Precept . Neither , in this Assertion , shall we remain alone , but be supported by the suffrages , of the choicest of the Ancients . No less Irenaeus in Eusebius intimats , while he tells us , h that this Difference did not arise first in his Age but long before in the time of their Fore-fathers , who ( as is probable ) being negligent in their Government , delivered to their Posterity a Custome , which had only crept in thro' Simplicity and ●gnorance . And Socrates , a grave and solid Author , averrs i that , neither more Ancient nor Later who inclined to follow these Jewish Rites , had any cause to raise so great Contention . And that the keeping of Easter and such Holy Days were altogether Legal , the observation whereof is not at all injoin'd in the Gospel : for ( continues Socrates ) they did not consider that , after the Jewish Religion was changed into that of the Chrstians , the strick observation of Moses Law , and the shaddows of future things were wholly abolished , which by a most sure proof may be thus evinced . For by no Law of Christ is it granted to Christians to observe Jewish Customes ; yea the Apostle did expresly forbid it , not only rejecting Circumcision ; but admonishing moreover that about Feast Days there should be no Contention , wherefore in writing to the Galatians he thus speaks , tell me ye who desire to be under the Law , do ye not hear the Law ? And after he had discoursed a little concerning these Matters , he shews the Jews to be under Bondage , but that those who had followed Christ Jesus were called unto Liberty : he Exhorts furthermore that Days , Months or Years , in no ways be observed . Moreover , writing to the Collossians , he clearly asserts that such observations are but a meer Shaddow . Wherefore , saith the Apostle , let no Man judge you in Meat or Drink , or in respect of an Holy Day , of the New Moon , or of the Sabbath days , which are a shaddow of things to come . But in the Epistle to the Hebrews , confirming the same matter he thus speaks . For the Priesthood being changed , there is also a necessity of the change of the Law : surely the Apostles and the Evangelists did never impose a Yoak upon these that became obedient to the Doctrine of Faith , but Easter and other days were left to the choise and equity of those who in such days had received the Benefits : wherefore , seeing Men love Holy Days , because they bring them some respite of their Labours , divers Men in divers places following their particular Inclinations , did , according to certain Custome , celebrate the memory of our Saviour's Passions : for neither our Saviour , nor his Apostles did by any Law ordain that it should be observed ; neither did the Gospels nor the Apostles threaten us with a Mulct , Punishment , or Curse , as the Law of Moses was wont to do to the Jews . This and much more are we taught by Socrates ; from all which it's most clear that in this Dispute concerning the Celebration of Easter , both Parties were equally culpable , as building upon a false Supposition , viz. that Christ and his Apostles had appointed some of these Days anniversarily to be kept , which yet never came into their mind And here 't is most observable how , even in these ost early times they heap'd Falshood upon Falshood and supported one Forgery with another : the Fable of Peter's being at Rome and conjuring of Simon Magus there , was even then beginning to obtain ; whereof the Romans made their Advantage , and began to ascribe to him some Head-ship over the rest ; and then averred that he had appointed them , not only to celebrate Easter , but also had determin'd the particular day of its Celebration , and injoin'd them to keep it on the fifteenth and not on the fourteenth day of the Moneth as did the Eastern Churches : Now that they might be even with the Romans , and meet with them after their own Fashion and arts , the Asians invented the like Legends of the Apostle John , who , as they alledged , died at Ephesus and enjoyn'd them to keep Easter , but by no means on the fifteenth but on the fourteenth day of the Moneth , and the better to set off the Fable , Polycrates of Ephesus , in his Letter to Victor , harangues in the Praises of John , that thereby he might prefer him to Peter , and sticks not to assert that John was a Priest , and wore a High-Priests Golden Crown or Breast-plate k And yet , as is acknowledged , John was not at all of the Priestly Race , far less was he the High-priest , to whom only of all the Priests , such a Crown was peculiar . Therefore Valesius * imagines that the first Christian Priests , as he speaks , wore such a Crown for a Sign of Honour in imitation of the Jews . As if the Christians of these times had ever dream'd of retaining the very marrow of Judaisme which was then abolished by the coming of Christ the substance . But this Antichristian dottage being so gross to be dejested by any real Protestant , the learned Le Moyn l says that Polycrates spoke metaphorically of John ' s supereminent Knowledge and Gifts . But if this be true , with how great caution are these Ancients to be read , without which we shall be led into the belief of the greatest falshhoods . In the mean while I see no ground for this gloss in Polycrates his words , either as they are related by Eusebius or by Hierome and Rufine . And Epiphanius m gives another such golden Crown to James , which is no less true than that he was Diocesan Bishop of Jerusalem . The same saith a Ms. Author , cited by Valesius n of Mark the Evangelist , viz. that Mark was of the Priestly Race , and according to the Custome of the carnal Sacrifice , carried publickly a Golden Crown as the Badge of his Priestly Dignity . There is indeed nothing more certian than that the primitive Doctors who are ordinarly known by the name of Orthodox Fathers , stuck with a due preciseness to the great and capital Doctrines of the Christian Religion , without any swerving therefrom : but it 's no less demonstrable , as we have now made evident , that the same Leaders , and these next the Apostles of greatest Antiquity , in many other things strayed exceedingly from the true Apostolick Simplicity . § . 8. Nothing was more frequent to them than , relying upon their Vicinity to the Apostles , to neglect a more accurate search of the Scriptures , relate things otherways than they were transacted , alledge the Apostles for Practices to which they never gave Patrociny , which , beside what we have said already , may be sufficiently vouch'd from the Relation of Hegesippus in Eusebius o The Administration ( saith he ) was undertaken by James the Lord's Brother ( together with the rest of the Apostles ) who from the time of Christ even unto our Age is sirnamed Just , for there were many others of that Name beside , but as for him he was sanctifi'd from the Womb , neither did he ever drink Wine or strong Drink , and did altogether abstain from the Flesh of any living Creature , neither ever came there a Razour on his Head , nor did he ever use to anoint or wash , and he only of all Men had free liberty to enter into the innermost Sanctuary of the Temple ; for he was not wont to wear a woollen but a linnen Garment : he used to enter alone into the Temple , and with bended knees to pray for the People . And in the sequel of this discourse he tells us , that in the Martyrdome of this James , he was both thrown from the pinacle of the Temple , and also beaten to Death with a Fuller's Club : a certain Priest one of the Sons of Rechab mention'd in Jeremiah , exhorting the People to milder Counsels , and that all this was done in a tumultuous way , without the least appearance of any judicial Process against this Martyr . But this Relation of Hegesippus is not only contrare the Holy Scripture , where we are assured that the High-Priest ( alone ) entred into the Holy of Holies , and that the Rechabites were not of the Priestly Race , and to Josephus who informs us p that James being sisted before the High-Priest's Council , and by a kind of judicial Process condemn'd , was stoned to Death : but also a most insulfe Rapsody , savouring more of a Legendary than a primitive Doctor . Yet the Author thereof lived contemporary with Justin Martyr , a few years only below the Apostles . § . 9. But of this enough , and indeed with me it had been highly Sacrilegious to have said so much , but buried in a perpetual silence the Escapes of these whose memory is otherways to me more precious than the ashes of Mausolus to his Artemisia ; and in fragrancy far surpassing the choicest of Oriental Spices ; did not the injustice and importunity of these who prefer the Escapes , yea and Extravagancies of Men , and the blemishes of these great Lights , yet but terrene Lights , to the unspotted Beams of the Father of all Lights , compell me hereto . And herein I 'm a true Son of the primitive Church , whose Doctors have taught me , that when the Dictats of God and these of Men , whosoever they be , interfer , and thro' humane Corruption are set in Competition , I ought to hold to the first ; and in comparison herewith , despise the latter . § . 10. Add hereto , that seeing Antichristianism the Mystery of Iniquity was working even in the Apostles days , seeing this Defection was mysteriously promoted , and seeing , as experience hath proved , it arrived at its hight , and Antichrist was brought to his Throne by the exorbitant elevation of Clergy-men , it 's much less to be wondred at , if the most frequent Escapes and Lapses of the Primitive , and otherways Orthodox , Fathers chanced to be of this nature , and tend to the establishing an unwarrantable Supremacy and Dignity , which only these , who were of such Repute in the Church were capable to effect . And in all this I have said nothing but what has been asserted by the most approved Divines especially in their Writings against the Romanists . Yea the most judicious & learned Bishop Vsher q is of the same mind : Altho' ( saith he ) it be undeniable that the first Successors of the Apostles excell'd in Piety and Holiness , it 's certain notwithstanding that they neither attained to the Vertue nor simplicity of Doctrine that wee in their Ancestors and Teachers as is well observed by Nicephorus . And now judge if D. M's . Romish Querie , whether the Ecclesiastical Government could be changed from Parity to Prelacy ( as is pretended ) in those early Ages of the Church , especially since some Apostles and several Apostolical Men surviv'd the Period , sixt by some Presbyterians , ( but no Presbyterian did ever yeeld that this Change was made during the Life of any of the Apostles ) for the beginning of this ( pretended ) Change ; and if the Change was in it self impossible , then Prelacy must needs be acknowledged Apostolical . I therefore turn my Assertion into a Conclusion , and from what is said with confidence Inferr , that the Antiquity even of the true Ignatius was not able to secure him from all Lapses and Mistakes , and that in his time some Churches , not only might , but actually were itching after several Novelties . Section IV. The third Hypothesis ; that there is no real Disagreement , but a true Concord betwixt the Doctrine of Ignatius and that of the present Presbyterians . I Now come to the third Hypothesis , and assert that Ignatius is not so clear and positive in the Matter of Episcopacy , as to denude Presbyterians of all rational Defence , should they acquiesce in his Judgement , and therein join with their Antagonists who still appeal to his Determination . For all he speaks of Presbyters as distinguished from Bishops may well be mean'd of these who are call'd Ruling Elders , and that there was such an Office in the primitive Church is made evident by what is commonly brought from Origen , Tertullian , Optatus , the African Code , and Augustine , frequently distinguishing them from preaching Presbyters . And Purpurius expresly terms them Ecclesiasticos Viros , Ecclesiastick Men : In vain therefore object Petavius and others that these were only Church-Wardens not properly Ecclesiasticks . And indeed the Ancients not only tell us there was such an Office , but also plainly assert that , through pride and haughtiness of the Church Doctors , this Custom was abolished , as Ambrose , or rather Hilary sufficiently witnesses . The Synagogue ( saith he a ) and afterward the Church , had Elders , without whose Counsel nothing was to be done in the Church ; which , by what negligence was abolished , I know not , except perchance it were through the sloth , or rather the pride of the Church-Doctors , while they desired to carry all the esteem their alone . § . 2. Doctor Field tells us b That these were not Lay-Elders . Neither , as they themselves well know , do we so term them : but did as the Ancients reckon them among the Ecclesiasticks . And we assert , that these very Lay-Elders ( as he calls them ) are understood by Hilary . For first , this Practice of the Christian Church is by Hilary deduced from the Synagogue , wherein there were Elders distinct from the Doctors or Pastors . Secondly , He attributes to the Elders , as their Office , only the Power of Consulting and Deciding , as being Assessors to the Doctors in the management of Church-Affairs , without intimating ought of their Power to dispense the Word and Sacraments . Thirdly , He expresly distinguishes them from all Doctors or Teachers of the Church , and therefore excludes them from all Power of Preaching , or Administration of the Sacraments . But Doctor Field saith that , Ambrose by the name of Teachers , whose sloth and pride he condemneth in this place , might fitly understand the Bishop , seeing none but Bishops have Power to preach in their own Right , and others but only by Permission from them . But this Answer supposes that the time was when Bishop , Teacher and Doctor , were reciprocal Terms , and that whoever had the Charge of never so small a Flock was the Bishop thereof : for who can believe , that ever any receiv'd the Charge of a Flock , to whom he was only to preach , and dispense the Sacraments as a Journey-man to another ? Lastly , When Hilary speaks in the preterit Tense that the Church had such , tells that their Office consisted in being Assessors to the Teachers , and says that the use of these was laid aside , he clearly intimats that the Elders he speaks of , were well nigh abolished , and then scarce in Being Which by no means can be said of the preaching Presbyters . For let Bishops be not only as proud as Dr. Field would have them , but even as Lucifer himself , yet most certain it is that long after Hilarie's time , the Bishops in all weighty Affairs used , at least , to consult the Presbyters , and that both then and still afterward , preaching Presbyters were existent . But herein I will not inlarge . See their Glosses of both Scriptures & Fathers , whereby we vouch this Matter removed , to name no others , by Didoclavius c , to which I find nothing replyed . This clear Proof that there were in the primitive Church other Elders , distinct from those preaching Presbyters , who in the time of the Apostles , not much distant from that of Ignatius , were dignifi'd with the name of Bishop , furnisheth us with an Answer sufficient alone to solve whatsoever they can deduce from these Epistles . Their only Argument is that Ignatius distinguishes between Bishop and Presbyter , why then by Bishop may we not understand a Pastor of one Congregation , and under the name of Presbyter a Ruling Elder ? They can only repone that Ignatius mentions but one Bishop of any City he wrote to , which yet required more than one Pastor . But one Man may be called the Bishop or Pastor of such a place , altho' he be placed in a Colledge ; where a Plurality equally participats of the pastoral Charge and Honour : and that this Answer may please them the better , I shall give them Ignatius for my Patron herein ; who , writing to the Romans , expresly termeth himself d Bishop of Syria , to whose Charge , even our Adversaries being Judges , Antioch ( only ) one City thereof , was committed . 'T is moreover certain and granted by our Adversaries , that there was even in one City frequently a Plurality of Bishops . But tho' 't were yeelded that neither Scripture nor Antiquity favour these Ruling Elders , and therefore that these Ignatian Presbyters must be something else , we are yet where we were . § . 3. Our inquiry is after a Diocesan Bishop , we 're sent to Ignatius to find him , but all , after the strickest search , we meet with , is only a Bishop or Pastor of one single Congregation as these ensuing Places proclaim . Let none ( saith he e do any of these things that ought to be practised in the Church without the Bishop , let that Worship be counted Lawfull that is performed by him ; or which he ( at least ) has permitted , wheresoever the Bishop is , there let also the Multitude be present , even as where Christ is , there is also the Church : it is not lawfull either to Baptize or Celebrate the Lord's Supper without the Bishop , but whatsoever he alloweth , that is acceptahle to God , that whatsoever is done may be established . From which Passage it 's evident that Ignatius supposes and allowes one of these Bishops to each particular Flock or Congregation ; without whose Presence the Word and Sacraments were not to be dispensed : and altho' he adds that in some Case his Allowance or Approbation did warrant the practising thereof ; yet I 'm sure none can Infer any thing therefrom except that at some rare times , when the Bishop happen'd to be absent from his particular Flock ( which uses to fall out to every particular Pastor ) another approved by him might , untill his return to his Congregation , discharge his Office. And again f Let there be ( saith he ) frequent Gatherings of your selves together or Congregations . Inquire thou ( speaking to Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna ) or seek after every Man by his Name , neglect neither servants nor hand-maids . From whence it 's clear , that this Ignatian B●shop was particularly to be acquainted with , and have particular Inspection of every one who was under his Charge ; which I'm sure cannot be easily performed by a Diocesan Bishop ; but is proper only to a Pastor of a particular Congregation : or who can forbear to conclude as much from another Passage of the same Author , where he saith g Whosoever is not within the Altar is deprived of the Bread of God , for if the Prayers of one or two have so much efficacy , of how much weight must these be that are put up by the Bishop and the whole Church . Sure I am , the genius and ayr of this Passage , proclaims Ignatius speaking of such a Bishop or Pastor , as is under a Tye reciprocal between him and one particular Flock or Congregation . And again h In obedience to the Bishop , break-Bread , which is the Medicine of Immortality . Neither is he a greater Friend to Diocesan Prelacy , while he admonisheth the Church of Philadelphia in these words i Children of the Light and of the Truth , fly Divisions and Corrupt Doctrines , and wherever the Pastor ( viz. the Bishop ) is , thither you as Sheep follow him . And again k One Flesh of our Lord Iesus Christ , and one Cup in the Vnion of his Blood , one Altar and one Bishop . Add to all this , that Ignatius every where in these Epistles , speaks to , and of the Bishop ; as a correlative of , and with respect unto the People or Flock , and not Presbyters or inferiour Pastors , as the proper Object of his Episcopal Office. Seeing then all the Pastors of any Church he writes to , might equally be term'd Bishop or Pastor of such a place ; seeing whatsoever he saith to or of Bishops , hath a particular reference to the Flock or People ; and seeing , finally , so many things spoken by Ignatius of these Bishops , can agree only to Congregational Pastors ; I conclude , that by these Ignatian Bishops , not Diocesan Prelats , but Pastors of particular Flocks , not only may but of necessity must be understood . And it 's further observable that Preaching , Visiting of particular Persons and the rest of the Pastoral Work is either injoin'd unto , or clearly intimated to belong to the Bishop only , but nothing to the Presbyters , save sitting in Council with him . Now if our Opposites insist on their contrary Argument from the largeness of the Cities , and from this that Ignatius still speaks but of one Bishop therein , and hence conclude that he must be Diocesan ; the result of all must be a sharper Conflict between Ignatius and himself , and so a fuller proof of the spuriousness of these Epistles , it being evident from what is adduc'd that this Bishop was only a Pastor of a single Congregation , yea so evident that it hath puzl'd the learn'dest of our Opposites . § . 4. Of this mind is Joseph Mede . l For speaking of these Ignatian Epistles , It should seem ( saith he ) that in these first times before Dioceses were divided into those lesser and subordinate Churches , we now call Parishes , and Presbyters assigned to them ) they had not only one Altar in one Church , or Dominicum , but one Altar to a Church , taking Church for the Company or Corporation of the Faithfull , united under one Bishop or Pastor ; and that was in the City and Place where the Bishop had his See and Residence : like as the Jews had but one Altar and one Temple for the whole Nation united under one High-Priest . And yet , as the Jews had their Synagogues , so perhaps might they have more Oratories than one , tho' their Altar were but one ; there namely where the Bishop was . On Sunday ( saith Justin Martyr ) all that live in Towns or in the Country meet together in one Place ; namely , as he there tells us , to celebrate and participate the Holy Eucharist . Why was this , but because they had not many places to celebrate in ? And unless this were so , whence came it else that a schismatical Bishop was said to set up another Altar ; and that a Bishop and an Altar are made Correlatives ? See St. Cyprian Ep. 40. 72. 73. Et de unitate Ecclesiae . And thus perhaps is Ignatius also to be understood in that forequoted Passage of his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Where 't is clear that Mr. Mede well perceived the thing we now plead for in Ignatius , viz. that this Bishop was only the Pastor of a single Flock . Indeed fear to offend his Friends , or something else , made him say so little as he could , and something that he ought not to have said while he would parallel this Altar with that of the Jews : yet he 's express enough that all subject to the Bishop met in one place for Participation of the Sacraments , and consequently for hearing of the Word ; and moreover really acknowledgeth that Dioceses then were only what Parishes are now , and if so , tho' they had other Oratories 't is nothing to the purpose of our Opposits , which yet his ( perhaps ) proves him afraid to assert . For he knew well enough , that , seeing , as he grants , all under his Charge took their Communion with the Bishop at his Church , which , as every one knows , was then Celebrated ( at least ) every Lord's day , any other Oratories for publick Worship had been altogether unnecessary ; with which superfluities the Church in these early and tempestuous days was not at all acquainted . In vain therefore Dr. Maurice , m that he may at once abuse both Mede and Ignatius , tells us that Altar in the primitive sense signified not only the Communion Table but the whole Place where the Chair of the Bishop and the Seats of the Presbyters were placed : and in this sense there was but one Altar in one Diocess , as there is now but one Consistory , as is clear from Ignatius and Usher . And to be in one Altar , which is Ignatius his Phrase is only to be in Communion with the Bishop . And this Dr. Maurice would have to be Mede's meaning thereof . But the falshood of this is not only evident from Ignatius , who all along ( as we have seen ) reciprocats his Bishop with the Pastor of a particular Flock , but also from Mede's express words , as we have already observed from them . I pass as scarce good sense Dr. Maurice his saying that Altar not only signified the Communion Table , but the whole place of the Bishop's Chair &c. The Dispute not being what place or thing in a Church , Altar signifi'd , but if thereby in Ignatius one or more places for publick Worship be meaned : yea this my sense of Ignatius , Doctor Wake n seems to grant , while he says , speaking of these Ignatian times , that none officiated but either the Bishop himself or he who was appointed or allow'd by him , and that they had in every such Place of their Assembling , one Table , or Altar at which they performed this Service . We have heard already Mede rightly observing out of Ignatius , that the Altar or Communion Table was ( only ) at the Bishop's Residence , and where he officiated . And we see from Dr. Wake that in every place of solemn Worship they had an Altar or Communion Table . The Conclusion then is , which we also already heard Mede acknowledging , that there were then no fewer Bishops than Places of publick Worship , which is the Truth , and what we conclude from Ignatius . And to these add the words of one who is neither unskillfull in these Matters , nor yet Partial in favours of Presbytry . In the beginning ( saith he o ) the Bishops whole Charge was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by the strain of Ignatius his Epistles , especially that to Smyrna , it would appear , that there was but one Church , at least but one Place , where there was one Altar and Communion in each of these Parishes , for he saith , there was one Bishop , one Church and one Altar . And now judge of the symphony of this Assertion , with the Principles of the Author , or how he could averr p that if these Epistles be Genuine the Cause of Presbytry will be undone . But of all things most strange and unaccountable is Dr. Pearson's Conduct in the Dispute , who with indefatigable pains and vast learning wrote his Defence of Ignatius to the end ( as he pretends ) he might well nigh infallibly establish a Diocesan Bishop ; and yet has proved so far from hitting the white at which he ultimately levell'd , that on supposition of the sufficiency of his Vindiciae , he most sufficiently demonstrats the Identity of Bishop and parochial Pastor during the time of Ignatius , and thus inavoidably ruines what he most earnestly intended to repair . And now behold the vast Fabrick and Engine wherewith they threaten the utter Ruine of Presbytry turning upon and shattering to pieces their Dio cesan Hierarchy . — Nec enim Lex justior ulla , Quam necis Artifices arte perire sua . Section V. The Objections they pretend to bring from Scripture against the Doctrine now deduc'd from Ignatius , removed . ANd indeed Ignatius is encompast with so thick a Cloud of Witnesses , who , not only deny all support to , but give most evident Depositions against the Diocesan Prelat , that his Testimony in favours thereof should be a firm demonstration of the Bastardy of these Epistles . The time of the Apostles was not far above that of Ignatius . Now , if we consult these , we shall not only find our Adversaries destitute of their Suffrages , but also overwhelm'd with their plain Testimonies against the Hierarchy . 'T is true they alledge several things out of the Apostolick Writings , for establishing their Cause ; as that Timothy and Titus , as also the Angels of the Asiatick Caeurches were Diocesan Bishops . The grounds wherein t●ey establish the Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus , are , that they are enjoined to Ordain Elders which in after Ages was the peculiar Province of Diocesan Bishops ; and that in the Postscr●pts of these Epistles they are both called Bishops But their later Topick is by the profound silence of the ancient Commentaries and many other tokens of Forgery and Novelty so baffl'd that Prelacy's present Agents , and amongst others D. M , are so wise as to suppress it . And yet D. M. a adventures to conclude Timothy his being made Bishop of Ephesus from Acts 20. 3 , 4 , 5. ( which Inference few , I think , beside the Author can gather ) compared with 1 Tim. 1. 3. I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus — that thou mightest charge some that they teach no other Doctrine . From which even tho' it be compared with the other Scripture , any Man in his Wit would much rather , with Chrysostome , inferr the very contrary , and conclude that Timothy's stay at Ephesus was only temporary , to expede the Business there mention'd but not to fix therein . But , saith he b 1 Tim. 3. 14. 15. These things I write unto thee &c. plainly insinuat his particular Relation to the Church of Ephesus . But the many Scriptures informing us of Timothy's almost perpetual absence from Ephesus ; perswade that there was no such Relation , neither does this place in the least insinuat it , but only that Timothy if not sent for was to stay till Paul's return , wherefore he begs the Question while c he tells us that after he was in a particular manner established Bishop of the Church of Ephesus he might wait upon Paul. Moreover this was an odd Attendance that scarce ever suffer'd Timothy to stay with his Flock , and this shift , too like that of the Romanists , who , in Answer to the Argument from Scripture-silence against Peter's being Bishop of Rome , tell us that he was frequently abroad . But here we have not only Scripture-silence but Scripture Testimony , shewing Timothy's almost perpetual absence from Ephesus . He essays also d to bring Timothy's Episcopal Power and particular Relation to Ephesus from 1 Tim. 5. 9. 1 Tim. 2. 1. and 1 Tim. 5. 21. And that this was not temporary or transient , but successive and perpetual , he would prove e from 1 Tim. 6. 13. 20. and 2 Tim. 2. 2. and adds that his Adversaries grant that the Power he pleads for to Bishops was exercised by Timothy . But as for the particular Relation he speaks of , he should have proved it , seeing he knows it will not be granted , except he bring more than the bare recitall of the places from which his fancy collects it , and without such a particular Relation the Power Timothy exercised , be what it will , makes nothing for his purpose : seeing it might be lodged in him alone as an Evangelist , and thus most of his postulata f prove useless . Yet I will handle them particularly , of which the first two are , that the Power which Timothy exercised was in it self lawfull , and that he practised it in Ephesus . And 't is true none denies it , but what then , untill he first prove Timothy's particular Relation to the Church of Ephesus . The third and fourth are , that it was committed to him alone , and not to a Colledge of Presbyters acting among themselves in Parity . And that there 's no mention of any spiritual Power lodged in a Colledge of Presbyters to which Timothy was accountable . But Willet , an approved Divine of the Church of England , shall answer for us ; Neither ( saith he g ) can it be gathered by these words of the Apostle , lay Hands suddenly upon no Man &c. That Timothy had this sole Power in himself , for the Apostle would not give that to him which he did not take to himself , who associated unto him the rest of the Presbytry in Ordaining of Timothy . I add that there 's no less mention of a spiritual Power in a Colledge of Presbyters &c. than of Timothy's being fixed Bishop of Ephesus . Hence his 5. postulatum ( viz. That the great and most eminent Branches of the Episcopal Power were lodged in Timothy ' s Person , the ordination of such as were admitted unto the sacred Function , the care of Widows , the Censuring of Elders , and his autoritative preventing of Heresies ) becomes unserviceable . His VI is , that this Authority was not in it self of temporary duration , transient , or extraordinary , but such as the constant Necessities of the Church do make necessary in all Ages ; for he was commanded to commit it unto faithfull Men , such as should be able to teach others , and if there be nothing in it extraordinary , why do they say that in the discharging of an ordinary trust , there was need of an extraordinary Officer . But First he corrupts the Apostles words 2 Tim. 2. 2. substituting ( it ) in stead of ( them ) that thereby he may force the Text to speak of a Power equal to that of Timothy , which was to be derived unto succeeding Teachers , when yet it plainly speaks of the Transmission of the Doctrine or things Timothy had heard , and others were to teach ; but nothing of an equality of Timothy's Power to be derived in solidum to every subsequent Bishop or Teacher . Now except this be proved , D. M. saith nothing . Yea Hammond h expresly contradicts him , Appoint them ( saith he ) as Bishops under thee . Moreover , Christ committed the things Paul here speaks of to his Apostles ; yet will D. M. say their Power was equall to Christ's ? Secondly , In this his last postulatum there appears a strange kind of reasoning viz. the Things or Actions wherein Timothy and Titus were employed , are perpetual and ordinary ; therefore they were not extraordinary Officers : just as if one would Reason : It 's ordinary for a skillfull Physitian to relieve a Febricitant ; therefore our Saviour relieving Peter's Wife's Mother , was no extraordinary Physitian . For their Method and Way of performing these Actions was extraordinary and temporary , they having no special Power over , or Relation to , any one particular Congregation ; but such a Power and Relation as equally were extended over all the places whither they were sent . Moreover others of their Actions , and these which were properly Evangelistick , were extraordinary : such as that of Planting the first Christian Churches . Lastly , I appeal to all Protestants , if his ascribing to every Bishop a Power of authorative preventing of Heresies ( i. e. a Power of making Canons that lean only on the Bishop's own Will , and which he 's not oblig'd to prove from Scripture , otherwise every Minister of Christ hath a Power and Authority , by publick preaching and reasoning from the Word of God , to prevent and overthrow Heresies : and so D. M. speaks not to the purpose ) hath not a rank savour of what is no better than the grossest of Popery . The Romanists give such an authoritative Power to one Pope , but from a perswasion of his Infallibility : this Author will have it unto every single Bishop , tho' , as yet , he has not adventured to ascribe to each of 'em such a Priviledge , and to explain , if need were , what he means by this authoritative preventing of Heresies . § . 2. Look but on page 95 et seq . and you shall see him make every Bishop an Apostle in the strickest sense , and priviledg'd with no less Power over the Church-Officers and People in his Diocess than an Apostle ever had or could exercise : viz. a Power to Govern the Churches , to give Rules and Directions , to inflict Censures , to communicat his Authority to others , to hear Complaints , to decide Controversies — to Confer the Holy Ghost — viz. the Gifts of the Holy Ghost , that must needs attend the authoritative Ministry of holy Things ; and therefore that the Office of an Apostle is altogether ordinary and permanent . The Apostolical Office ( saith he ) being essentially no other than this , the ordinary Necessities of the Church require that it should continue till the second coming of our Saviour . But the extraordinary Gifts of the Holy Ghost , the Power of Miracles , of Languages — were only extriasick Advantages , — and not peculiar to the Apostles . And to affirm otherwayes ; and say that the proper Apostolick Office is now ceased , he makes proper to Presbyterians and Socinians . But so far is he from speaking Truth here , that the ceasing of the proper Apostolick Office and Power is asserted by the Body of Protestants , even Episcopal no less than Presbyterian , in opposition to the Jesuites his Masters , who , as he doth to his Diocesan Bishop , arrogate an Apostolick Office and Power to their Pope . Spanhem F. i a fervent Apologist of the Hierarchicks , assigns many Characters of the Apostolate as an extraordinary Calling either immediat or equivalent thereto , Infallibility of Doctrine , transcendent Efficacy and energy in Preaching , admirable success therein , the Gift of Tongues , and of working Miracles : all which things , altho' some of 'em might have been in some measure in others , were ( saith he ) in a more Divine and Eminent manner in the Apostles . And he affirms that every one who was endued with a true and proper Apostolick Power , had , and could give such visible Proofs and ocular Demonstrations thereof : and then concludes against the Pope ; thus , k let the Pope now descend from the Capitol , let him , as did the Apostles , declare that he has the Gift of Tongues Divinely infused , let him bring visibly the Gifts of the Holy Ghost from Heav'n , let him work like the Apostles such illustrious Miracles , and then we shall yeeld that he has Apostolick Authority : and so shall we to the Diocesans when they adduce these Proofs of their Apostleship . He asserts l that they 're much deceiv'd who would bring the Apostles down to the Order of particular Bishops ; and demonstrats against Hammond , that they were not at all call'd Apostles on the account that they were Bishops , & consequently that Apostle and Bishop are quite different things . m In short the very Sum and Substance of Spanhemius his Disputation is nothing save an Approbation and Confirmation of that common Sentiment of Protestants express'd by Beza n The Churches ( saith he ) being once constitute , this Office of the Apostle-ship was of necessity taken away : he is a Tyranne therefore who does now profess himself an Apostle in the Church by Succession . And by this one Observation , viz. that whereever the proper Apostolick Power was , they could give ocular and undeniable Proofs and Demonstrations thereof , the Protestants for ever silence and baffle the Jesuites and their Progeny D. M. and such Companions ascribing a Power properly Apostolick to their Roman Antichrist and their Diocesan Prelats , and fully remove all thier Quibbles on this Theme , as Dr. Scot's Quirk , the Substance whereof is , there 's no mention in Scripture of the taking away of this Apostolick Office ; and therefore it yet remains . But I forgot that for the permanency of a Power properly Apostolick D. M. cites Mat. 28. 20. And lo I am with you alway , even unto the end of the World. As if , not to mention Protestants , o even the more ingenuous Romanists , as Lyra , did not understand this place , of Christ's assistance given to all Doctors of the Church without any Discrimination . Moreover all his Exceptions and pretended Instances to the contrary are impertinent , and severals of 'em false in matter of Fact , as for Example , nor is it necessary ( saith D. M. ) to make up an Apostle that he be immediatly call'd to the Apostolate by our Saviour ; for Matthias — was not immediatly ordain'd by our Saviour , but by the Apostles . But Spanhemius p tells these Jesuites that the Lot that fell upon Matthias was really the voice of God , no less than was that of the Division of Canaan , of the Scape-goat &c. And indeed , as I said , that the Office and Power properly Apostolick is long since ceas'd , is the common Doctine of Protestants ; as Calvine q . None ( saith Sadeel r against Turrian the Jesuite ) but he who is an Ignoramus in Divinity will confound an Apostle with a Bishop — I assert therefore that God's immediat calling and choosing to preach the Gospel is essential to the Office of an Apostle . But these , say you , were Presbyterians . I deny 't not ; however , they were then pleading the common Cause of Protestants , and were never opposed herein by any save down-fight Papists only , till that now we have to do with real Jesuites , who yet mask themselves , and will not acknowledge the name . In the mean while I do not think they 'll say Spanhemius Fil. is a Presbyterian , nor yet Nilus ' Bishop of Thessalonica who saith s the Pope is not an Apostle , the Apostles did not ordain other Apostles , but only Doctors and Teachers . Of this mind is also Willet t . Bellarmine [ saith Whitaker u ) seems to say the Pope succeeds Peter in his Apostle-ship — but none can have Apostolick Power but he who is properly and truly an Apostle ; for the Power and Office of an Apostle constitute an Apostle . But that the Pope is neither truly nor properly an Apostle is prov'd by these Arguments whereby Paul proves his Apostle-ship , as , that he was not call'd by Men &c. Gal. 1. 1 , and 12. and Ephes. 3. 3. and 5. 1 Cor. 9. 1. Altho' ( saith Sutlivius x ) the ancient Bishop of Rome succeeded Peter in Doctrine and the Chair , yet they succeeded him not in his Apostle-ship , but the latter Bishops in neither &c. And Lightfoot y a renown'd Divine of the Church of England , proves that the Apostle-ship was an Order for ever unimitable in the Church . The Apostles ( saith the same Author z ) could not ordain as Apostle by Imposition of Hands , as they could ordain Elders ; but they are forced to use a Divine Lot , which was as the immediate Hand of Christ imposed on him that was to be ordained : that Opinion took little notice of this circumstance , that hath placed Bishops in the Place of the Apostles , by a common and successive Ordination . Dr. Barrow , whose Works are publish'd by Bishop Tillotson , and therefore are to be lookt on as his , is copious on this Subject . Apostles also ( saith he a ) did Govern in an absolute manner , according to Discretion , as being guided by infallible assistance , to the which they might on occasion appeal , and affirm , it hath seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us . — Neither did the Apostles pretend to communicat it . They did indeed appoint standing Pastors and Teachers in each Church ; they did assume fellow Labourers or Assistents in the Work of Preaching and Governance ; but they did not constitute Apostles , equal to themselves in Authority , Priviledges or Gifts , for who knoweth not ( saith St. Austine ) that Principate of Apostle-ship to be preferr'd before any Episcopacy ? And the Bishops ( saith Bellarmine ) have no part of the true Apostolical Authority . And now judge of the Spirit of these Men , who are glad most falsly to brand these famous Bishops , and others the most eminent Doctors of that Perswasion as being guilty of the most abominable Crime of Socinianism , providing they can thereby bespatter and make odious the Presbyterians . Judge also of D. M's Query b whether the Apostolical Power , as to it 's permanent , necessary , and essential Branches , was not in its nature Perpetual and Successive ; and by them transmitted in solidum , as they receiv'd it from our blessed Saviour to single Successors in particular Sees , and not to a Colledge of Presbytsrs in the modern Notion ? As to the last part of his Query and his Presbyters in the modern Notion , I know none such if 't be not these of the Hierarchicks their half Ministers , for which there is no ground in Scripture . And accordingly it's certain that the Apostles left the managing of the Church to neither Bishops nor Presbyters in his sense , both of them being Chimera's but to Colledges of Bishops who are also Presbyters , both being one in Scripture & during the Apostolick age . But tho' we should grant them all the Query seeks , supposing , which all the Ancients affirm , the equality of all Bishops who , at the beginning , were reciprocated with Congregations , he 's yet but where he was , and has really done nothing for the establishing of his Hierarchy . Judge lastly , of that doughty Argument of the Papists c and our Hierarchicks for Prelacy : to wit , that Bishops succeed to the Apostles and Presbyters to the 70 Disciples : which has been generally reckon'd , by Protestants , among Rome's dotages , and as such refuted in their Popish Controversies ; and , to name no others , by Iunius d and Willet e who answers that not only Bishops , but all faithfull Pastors are the Apostles Successors : and that , even according to the Pope's Decrees , not Bishop , but Priests , succeed the Apostles ; and Deacons , not Presbyters , succeed the 70 Disciples . And now , to go on with D. M. and his Fellows , all their cavilling to make Timothy and Titus Hierarchick Bishops , is but the product of a late Popish Dream . For the Fathers , when they so called them , or the Apostles , mean'd not of Bishops in this sense . § . 3. Wherefore Willet f Answers that it is most like Timothy had the Place and Calling of an Evangelist : and that the Calling of Evangelists and Bishops which were Pastors was diverse . This Answer which so approv'd a Divine of the Church of England gave the Papists , D. M. g calls a ridiculous subterfuge . For ( saith he ) the Work of an Evangelist has nothing in it opposite to , or inconsistent with , the Dignity of a Bishop &c. A most disingenuous tergiversation and sliding from the Office of the opponent or probant to that of the defendent , seeing this was one of his special Scripture-Arguments whereby to establish his Hierarchy ; and it 's sure that if Timothy and Titus might do what they did under another Notion and Capacity than that of a Diocesan Prelate , his Argument goes to wrack . As does also his perversion of 2 Tim. 4 5. for he insinuats that from Timothy's being injoined to do the Work of an Evangelist , it will no more follow that he deserved the Name than Daniel's saying Ch. 8. 27. that he did the King's Work , will prove him a King. But had he ever considered the rest of the Epistle , the context of the place , and the Signification and Notation of the Word Evangelist , he had clearly seen that the Apostle so adapts this Work of an Evangelist to Timothy , that the Name and Character properly belongs unto him . He adds h That any who now convert Jews or Pagans are as properly Evangelists as any so called in the primitive Church ; and thus insinuats that Evangelists , such as Timothy and Titus , were no extraordinary Officers , which , except a few Novelists wedded to their Fancies , is condemned by all Men. § . 4. And that there was such a Function by which some in the days of the Apostles were raised far above the rank of ordinar Pastors or Doctors , and placed in the very next degree to the Apostles themselves , whose Office was mostly ambulatory , going from Church to Church in the exercise thereof , is in part intimated by Sedulius and Theodoret and others upon Ephes. 4. 11. but more fully by Eusebius i who informs us that even after the Death of the Apostles divers remained who were in a far higher rank than the rest of their Successors , who being ( saith he ) the admirable and divine Disciples of so great Men built up the Churches the Apostles had founded , promoving the preaching of the Gospel , and sowing Seed of the Kingdom of Heaven far and wide thro' the whole World : for many of these Disciples that were yet living , whose Minds the Divine Word had inflammed with a vehement desire of Wisdom , fullfilling our Saviour's Command and dividing their Goods among the Poor and thus leaving their Country , exercised the Office of Evangelists among these who had not yet heard the Doctrine of Faith by most diligent preaching of the Gospel and furnishing their Hearers with the Holy Scriptures : these , so soon as in any remot and barbarous Country they had laid the Foundations of Faith and ordained Pastors , and had committed to these Pastors the care of this New Plantation , being content therewith and accompanied by the Grace and Power of God hast'ned to other Countries ; for even to that time the Divine Power of God's Spirit wrought Miracles by these Men , so that at the first hearing of the Gospel some whole Peoples readily imbraced the Christian Religion . Behold Reader how plainly and fully Eusebius relates the thing we plead for viz. that those Officers were altogether extraordinary unfixed and temporary . § . 5. Wretch'dly therefore does D. M. k castrat this full and plain discourse , while he only says that an Evangelist , in the Notion of Eusebius , was a Person that preached the Gospel to those that had not heard of it or resisted it ; and thus dissembles the whole matter in question which Eusebius clearly determines . And according to this Relation of Eusebius , 2 Timothy 4. 5. he is enjoined to do the Work of an Evangelist , and never made a long stay at one place for even after the time of his pretended Ordination to the Bishoprick , we find him not rarely with the Apostle Paul as his Attendant or Fellow Labourer : which not only his joint Superscriptions to the second Epistle to the Corinthians and these to the Philippians , Colossians , both his Epistles to the Thessalonians , and to Philemon : but also the long Journeys and Peregrinations wherein we find Timothy still imployed , irrefragably make manifest : for after he is supposed to have been Bishop of Ephesus , he was accompanying Paul in his Voyages Acts 20. 4. and was with him Prisoner at Rome as is probable from Philippians 1. and 1. Heb. 13. 23. as also frequently imployed in long Voyages to several Churches , and that in Businesses which could not be expeded in a day as is evident 1 Cor. 4. 17. 1 Cor. 16. 10. Philip. 2. 19. Heb. 13. 23. 2 Tim. 4. 21. So that if he was Bishop of Ephesus he will prove a sufficient Patern for non-residence . Most of which things may be supposed of Titus , whose frequent long Journeys are mentioned by the same Apostle . Yea they have just as good ground in 2 Tim. 4. 10. to fix Titus his Episcopal Chair in Dalmatia , which was the Fancy of Aquinas l and others as , they can ever shew for their dream of its being among the Cretians . And indeed the very Phrase from which they gather the Prelacy of Titus ( as we have already observed of Timothy ) gives real ground to conclude the contrary : For this Cause ( saith he ) I left thee in Crete that thou shouldest set in Order the things that are wanting and ordain Elders . From which place any ingenuous Man shall be compell'd to inferr , that Titus was only left there to supply some present want , and to return again , much rather than that he was the fixed Arch-Bishop of Crete . § . 6. It 's amazing then that in defiance of so clear Antiquity , yea and so clear and full Scripture evidence , some dare to transform Timothy and Titus unto ordinary and fixed Officers ; why ? they see that among the ordinary and fixed Church-Officers ; they cannot find what they covet , the Scriptures making Bishop , Pastor , and Presbyter one and the same , but yeelding no place to their Diocesan Bishop , a Lord and Ruler over other Bishops or Pastors . They are compell'd therefore , in imitation of the Romanists , who degrade the Apostle to find the Bishop of Rome and Antioch , just so to handle the Evangelists that Peter be not alone , but may find other degraded Companions if he shall by chance , in his Journey from one of his Sees to another , visit Crete or Ephesus . § . 7. But more strange is that most precarious Assertion of D. M. l that Philip the Evangelist had no Power of Ordination . But it 's yet more admirable how , to establish Timothy a Bishop , he can adduce m the eleventh Act of the Council of Chalcedon : surely , had he read the learned Stillingfleet n who hath for ever baffl'd them in this their Allegation , he had blush'd at the very mentioning thereof . And we learn from Hierome o that Titus , after he had given some Instruction to the Churches of Cret● , was to return again to the Apostles , and to be succeeded by Artemas or Tychicus , for comforting of these Churches in the absence of the Apostle . Judge Reader if Hierome thought Titus was fix'd Arch-Bishop of Crete . It 's questionable ( saith Chrysostome p ) if the Apostle had then constituted Timothy Bishop there : for he saith , that thou might'st charge some that they teach no other Doctrine . Thus he , without a word more for solution of this his Doubt . Judge therefore if , from the very Scripture , whereon ( alone ) they would found Timothy's being Bishop of Ephesus , he really concludes not the quite contrary Doctrine . It 's doubtfull ( saith a most earnest Prelatist , Salmeron the Jesuit q ; if Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , for altho' he preach'd and ordain'd some to the Ministry there , it follows not that he was the Bishop of that place , for Paul preach'd also there above two years , and absolv'd the Penitents , and yet he was no Bishop . Add that now and then the Apostle call'd him away unto himself and sent him from Rome to the Hebrews with his Epistle . And in the second Epistle he commands him to come to him shortly . Timothy was also an Evangelist of that Order Eph. 4. He gave some Apostles &c. So that Dorotheus says in his Synopsis , that Timothy preach'd through all Grecee but he stayed at Ephesus not to be Bishop , but that in the constitute Church of Ephesus he might oppose the false Apostles &c. It appears therefore that he was more than a Bishop , altho' for a time he preached in that City as a Pastor and ordain'd some to the Ministry . Hence it is that some call him Bishop of Ephesus . And to conclude this matter , the celebrated Stilling fleet r ingenuously grants that Timothy and Titus were no fixed Bishops or Pastors but Evangelists , notwithstanding [ saith he ] all the opposition made against it , as will appear to any who will take an impartial survey of the Arguments on both sides . § . 8. As for the Apocalyptick Angels , tho' , with Beza , we should affirm that by one of 'em one single Moderator is mean'd , we yeeld them nothing , but , e contra , cut the sinews of their Argument . With this D. M. s ingages not ; only he calls the Alterableness of the Moderator , which Beza holds as defensible , ridiculous , which is said without proof , and tho' it were so , touches not the marrow of our Answer . But they shall find their Foundation yet weaker for such a structure , so soon as they shall with attention read over the contexts of the place now in Controversie . The seven Stars which are the seven Angels are said to be held in God's right hand ; whereby , without peradventure , is signified the great care our Lord had of the Pastors of these Flocks , in order to the promoting of the great Gospel-Design , the gaining of Souls to himself . But Bishops , I mean Diocesans , as such , and distinct from other Pastors , are not at all Dispensers of the Word and Sacraments , by whom mostly this Gospel-design is effected . Moreover , how few should they be , to whom this care was extended , and how small comfort should the bulk of the Labourers in the Word and Doctrine be able to reap from the Scripture ; which otherways is one of the most refreshing Cordials to the weary and fainting Labourers of Christ's Vineyard . And if we consult the Epistles to these Churches , how many things shall we find therein that argue , beyond scruple , that the Spirit is speaking to the collective Bodies of Church-Officers and not to one Man only . Shall we believe that for the sin of one Diocesan Bishop , who , as such , was scarce so much as a Preacher of the Gospel , all the Candlesticks of the Gospel were to be removed from the whole Church , and the Light thereof extinguished : a grievous Punishment , and too universal , providing the Diocesan only were to be charged with Defection . Yea have we not much better reason , to judge that this declining , and deserting of their first Love , imputed to the Ephesian Angel , had crept into , at least , the far greater part of the Church-Officers ; and so the sin charged upon them , and the punishment threatned shall have a far greater correspondency . Moreover the trial of false Teachers , for which the same Ephesian Angel is commended , is not the Work of any one Church-Officer , but of the Ecclesiastical Senat , which therefore must be the Angel , who upon this account is here commended . D. M. yeelds that the Heavenly Admonitions first address'd to these Angels were also communicated to the Churches but by the interposal of their Angels . But , were this as certain as , from what is now said , it appear● precarious , yea and uncredible ; yet this Angel or Bishop might be only a Praeses or Moderator , so his Argument is not at all relieved . Who ( continues he ) cann't be call'd a Colledge of Angels but one single Angel &c. Which is a most flat begging of the Question . And tho' ( saith he ) there be Instructions in these Epistles , in which , besides others , the Angels are particularly admonished , yet they are no less adress'd to single Angels than the Epistle to the Philippians is to that Church , Tho' St. Paul uses particular Compellations Ch. 4. verse 2. 3. Where he perverts the state of the Question which is not , If in any Epistle there may be Instructions that concern some beside these to whom they are chiefly directed ? But if what is here said to the Angel can agree to any one Man ? And beside what is instanced , to what one Man in the World can that agree which is promised to the Philadelphian Angel ? viz. That the Hereticks were to come and Worship before his Feet . Such a promise indeed is made to the Church , Isai. 60. 14. but to one meer Man no where . § . 9 From all which 't is evident that by the Name of Angels , not particular Men , but at least the Ecclesiastick Senats are design'd which is not unfrequent in Scripture , as Mal. 2. 7. where 't is said that the Priests lips should keep knowledge , from whose mouth the Law was to be sought , the reason of which is subjoin'd , that he was the Messenger or Angel &c. as the Seventy have it . I know from the Passage Dr. Hammond , on the Revelation , attempts to conclude the quite contrary , alledging that in this place the High-Priest only is to be understood , but without any ground of his alledgiance : this his Assertion further supposes , that the High-Priest alone was the Cabine of Knowledge , and the Peoples Teacher from whom the Law was to be learned ; quite contrary to 2 Chron. 17. 8 , 9. where we learn that amongst the rest of the Teachers sent through the Kingdom by Jehoshaphat , were Elishamma and Jehoram Priests . Moreover the 4 , 5 , and 6. verses of the same second of Malachy , where under the name of Levi in the singular Number all the Levites are undeniably to be understood , and what 's said of Levi as of one Man is certainly mean'd of a Multitude ; evince that under the name of Priest in the following verse , we must understand a Plurality . § . 10. But the 24. verse of the second Chapter , Vnto you I say and to the rest of Thyatira puts this beyond Debate . But Hammond excepts , that in the Ancient Greek Mss. And particularly that at St. James 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is left out , and the words read To you the rest or To the rest of you in Thyatira . But be it so , yet I think these will not serve to discredit the Vulgar , and universally received Greek Copy in which this particle is found . Yea 't is found in so many Greek Copies , and these of so good Note , that I doubt if any of all these who during eight or nine Score of years , translated or expounded this Place , has ommitted it ; and altho' some Copies of the Vulgar Latine want it ; yet there be no few that retain it ; and amongst other two Mss. in the Library of Glasgow . And Aretas or rather Andreas who lived in the fifth Century ; above , as I believe , the age of most of the Mss. now in the World , I except not that at St. James's notwithstanding of what is fabled to the contrary , retains this Particle as a part of the then uncontroverted Copy . And after him Beda : to which we may yet add the ablest of the Romanists , as Dionysius Carthusians , Lyra the Glossa interlinearis , and a Lapide , no Friends to Presbytry . § . 11. But D. M. t tells us that these words in the 24 v. But unto you I say , &c. cannot be applyed so properly to the Angel of the Church of Thyatira as to these mention'd in the end of the 23 verse , the other Churches of Asia . Which , ( saith he ) because they are mentioned in the Speech directed to the Angel of the Church of Thyatria the immediat transition from him to them is easie . But except we force the place nothing of this kind can be thence collected , there being nothing in this Epistle spoken to or of the other Churches except the meer mentioning thereof , the more to hold forth the greatness and conspicuousness of the Punishment denunced against the Strayers in Thyatira . Yea the latter part of the 24 verse , And to the rest in Thyatira proclaims that the former part of the verse is to be understood of the same People of Thyatira likewise . In a word his gloss is so uncouth and strain'd that you cannot easily tell what to make of it . And 't is , at least , no more odd than his Conduct all along . § . 12. And to instance , in the present Theme , he would fain ridicule Salmasius for affirming that , under the names of the Angels , the Churches themselves or the more pure and Angel-like parts thereof are to be understood . According to Salmasius his Iterpretation ( inferrs D. M. ) the seven Stars must needs be the seven Churches of the seven Churches . As if such Phrases were not frequent enough in Authors , and yet not justly lyable to any such Inference ; or as if the more holy and spiritual part of the Church were the whole visible Church : for except D. M. so affirm , the Author of this Gloss cann't be accus'd of nonsense ; who yet is not Salmasius , for he only learn'd it from Aretas , or Andraeas , and other Fathers , and defended it against the Jesuite Petavius , whom D. M. would patronize against both Protestants and Fathers . The second of the Homilies ascribed to Augustine u in Apocalypsin informs us that under the name of Angel not only Bishops but other Church-Rulers are likewise understood . And again , seeing Angel signifies a Messenger ; whosoever , whether Bishop , Presbyter or Laick frequently speaketh of God , and declares how we may obtain eternal Life , deservedly gets the name of an Angel of God. And Aretas x saith , he calleth the Church it self the Angel. And Primasius y saith by these Angels of the Church are to be understood the Guides and Rectors of the People , who ruling in particular Churches , Preach the Word of Life to all Men : for the name of Angel signifies a Messenger . And z again both Church and Angel is comprehended under the Person of the Angel. And thus their main Scripture-Argument even the Fathers being Judges goes to ruine . § . 13. Yea the more sagacious of our Adversaries well perceive that neither this Scripture , nor any other , supports their Doctrine : Wherefore Petavius never attempts to bring his Proofs from Scripture , but only from Ecclesiastick Traditions . Add hereto the words of Dr. Burnet a As for the Notion ( saith he ) of the distinct Offices of Bishop and Presbyter , I confess , it is not so clear to me : and therefore since I look upon the Sacramental Actions , as the highest of sacred Performances ; I cannot but acknowledge these who are empower'd for them , must be of the highest Office in the Church . So I do not alledge a Bishop to be a distinct Office from a Presbyter ; but a different degree in the same Office , to whom for Order and Vnities sake , the chief inspection and care of Ecclesiastical Matters ought to be referred , and who shall have Authority to curb the Insolencies of some factious and turbulent Spirits . His Work should be to feed the Flock by the Word and Sacraments , as well as other Presbyters ; and especially to try and ordain Entrants , and to Oversee , Direct , and Admonish such as bear Office. And I more willingly incline to believe Bishops and Presbyters , to be the several degrees of the same Office , since the names of Bishop and Presbyter , are used for the same thing in Scripture ; and are also used promiscuously by the Writers of the two first Centuries . Where he plainly contradicts Dr. Pearson , who , in favour of his Ignatius , largely pleads for the accurat distinction of Bishop and Presbyter in the second Century , denies Bishop and Presbyter to be distinct Orders ; and finally acknowledges , that in the chiefest parts of the Ministerial Function they are equal : and so really denudes the Bishop of all the degree he left him . But more clearly elsewhere , I acknowledged ( saith he b ) Bishop and Presbyter , to be one and the same Office ; and so I plead for no New Office-Bearers in the Church . Next , in our second Conference , the Power giv'n to Church-men was proved to be double . The first Branch of it , is their Authority to publish the Gospel , to manage the Worship , and to dispence the Sacraments . And this is all that is of Divine-Right in the Ministry , in which Bishops and Presbyters are equal sharers , both being vested with this Power . But beside this , the Church claims a Power of Jurisdiction , of making Rules for Discipline , and of appointing and executing the same ; all which is indeed suitable to the common Laws of Societies , and to the general Rules of Scripture , but hath no positive Warrant from any Scripture-Precept . And all these Constitutions of Churches into Synods and the Canons of Discipline , taking their rise from the Divisions of the World into the several Provinces , and beginning in the end of the second , and beginning of the third Century , do clearly shew they can be derived from no Divine Original ; and so were , as to their particular Form , but of humane Constitution : therefore as to the management of this Jurisdiction , it is in the Churches Power to cast it in what mould she will. A Presbyter ( acknowledges even Cornelius à Lapide c ) is equal to a Bishop in the chiefest Order , which is the Order of the Priest-hood . § . 14. To which add the Judgement of Dr. Hammond a Man so distemper'd with extreme Passion for the Hierarchy , that he makes d him that sat on the Throne Rev. 4. God the Father , and the four and twenty Elders with their Golden Crowns , an Image and Representation of the Metropolitan Bishop of Hierusalem , and the four and twenty Bishops of Judaea in Council , for Golden Crowns or Mitres he makes the Characters of the Episcopal Dignity . Yet even he asserts ( on Acts 11. 30. & Philip. 1. 1. ) that the Title of Presbyter in Scripture times belonged principally if not only to Bishops : There being ( saith he ) no evidence that any of that second Order were then instituted but Bishops ( only ) and Deacons . This he at large confirms , and so really overthrows Prelacy when he would fainest establish it , joining with the Presbyterians in their grand Antiprelatick Principle ; viz. that simple Presbyter ( as the Hierarchicks phrase it ) without Power of Ordination or Government , or a distinction between Bishop and preaching Presbyter , is a meer stranger , & without all Foundation in the Holy Scriptures . From all which 't is clear that these Bishops or ( which is all one ) preaching Presbyters , in Scriptures , and during the Apostolick age , were nothing save Pastors of particular Congregations . Section VI. Our meaning of Ignatius confirmed from the Writings of the Apostles , his immediat Ancestors MOreover nothing can be more clear for the Idenity of Bishop and preaching Presbyter , than that known Scripture Acts 20. 17 , 28. They Answer , that the Bishops of Asia , not the Pastors of Ephesus , were , by Paul , sent for , which some would support from the 18 ver . From the first day that I came into Asia &c. But since , as is clear ch . 19. verse 10. from his coming into Asia , he had been most in Ephesus , he might truly say so much tho' the Ephesians only had been present ; but suppose he spoke to others beside , we are at no loss ; the Question is , if he gave not , tho' amongst others , the Title of Overseers or Bishops to these he sent for ? verse 17. And if these were not the Elders of Ephesus ? They yet object the words of Irenaeus viz. That Paul called together to Miletum the Bishops and Presbyters of Ephesus and the neighbouring Towns. But as for his seeming here to distinguish Bishops from Presbyters , this Scripture where they get both Names , and which Iraeneus had then in his view , and his frequent promiscuous using of these Names , perswade me that he only respected the 17 and 28 verses , and so took Bishop and Presbyter Synonimically for one and the same . His adding of the neighbour Towns to Ephesus might flow from his inadvertency whereat no attentive Reader of Irenaeus a will marvel , and yet this is as likely to have crept into the Version , for the Original of Iraeneus we have not , because these Elders their belonging to Ephesus alone is not only so clear from the 17 verse , that the repeating of the word Ephesus would really prove a redundancy , wherefore the Syriack omits it in the former part of the verse and expresses it in the latter , and called for the Elders of the Church of Ephesus : but also all the Ancients either affirm , as Hierome , or suppose that these Elders belonged only to Ephesus , which even Dr. Maurice b yeelds against Dr. Hammond and says , that then , properly speaking , there might not be a Bishop amongst them all , for they are Presbyters belonging not to several Congregations ; but to one Church and might have a Bishop . But not only the promiscuous attributing to them the Names Bishop and Presbyter , their being , and that without any insinuation of their Subjection to a superiour Bishop , enjoin'd by the Apostle to Oversee and feed the Flock ; and finally the very Repetition of this Fiction of their Hierarchy in the Apostolick Age sufficiently refute it . Who ( continues he ) the Ancients thought was Timothy . And thus all resolves into the fictitious Episcopacy of Timothy , already overthrown . Now 't is observable how they contradict one another , and by halfs acknowledge to be false all they plead for : for some , as Dr. Maurice , perceiving that the Ancients affirm and the Scriptures proclaim all these Elders to belong to the Church or City of Ephesus , acknowledge these could be no Diocesan Bishops . Others as Dr. Hammond ( in locum & alibi ) and Petavius c seeing that these are not only dignifi'd with the name of Bishop but intrusted with the care of the Flock , and that without Paul ' s mentioning of any superiour Bishop ; when , if ever , there was ground to have mention'd him ; yeeld that , of necessity , these Elders must be Bishops or more than simple Presbyters . Whence is all this Contradiction and Confusion of Tongues ? but from the force of Truth before which Men must either bow or break , and be compell'd , tho' after never so much interpolation and disguise , to express what they would fainest conceal . The matter is , their Diocesan Bishop , their simple Presbyter , their distinction between Bishop and Presbyter are meer Antiscriptural Figments , in the sustaining of which against this and the like Scriptures , they are obliged to confront one another , and in the throng of their blunderings intirely yeeld the Controversie . § . 2. The same line of confusion runs along their Answer to Philip. 1. 1. with the Bishops and Deacons &c. whence 't is clear that there were in one City many Bishops who were no other thing than Presbyters , and that these were no distinct Orders , the Deacons being immediatly subjoin'd , these were the Bishops of the several Cities of Macedonia under Philippi the Metropolis ( saith Dr. Hammond in locum ) 't is denied by Dr. Maurice d I could never find reason ( saith he ) to believe them any other thing than Presbyters . Philippi was a Metropolis because a Colonie ; saith Dr. Hammond : but that this will not follow is acknowledged by Dr. Maurice . Thus they are still by the ears . But saith Dr. Hammond , the Apostle might retain the Episcopal Power in his own hands , and tho' absent might exercise it by Letters : but they can give no ground why the like may not be said of the Apostle in reference to the rest of the Churches , and so Timothy and Titus shall be dethron'd and our Adversaries , endeavouring to Answer one of our Arguments , loss two of their own , yea all of them : for it being no less presumable that John would keep the Episcopal Power over the Churches of Asia in his own hand then that Paul kept that of Philippi , there shall be no ground nor colour to Metamorphose the Apocalyptick Angels into Diocesan Bishops ? Or it 's possible ( continues Dr. H. ) that then the Bishop's Chair was vacant . But if so and a Diocesan so necessary as they pretend , without peradventure the Apostle had not only mention'd it . but also spent some part of his Epistle in directing and giving them Rules in order to their choice of a fit Successour . Or the Bishop ( saith he ) might be absent , and Epaphroditus by the Ancients judged Bishop of Philippi appears to have been then with Paul. But this Dream of Epaphroditus his being Bishop of Philippi , the Doctor in that very place e condemns and overthrows , and so frees us of further trouble about it . § . 3. Yea in none of these Answers does Dr. H. rest , but , as is said , in this pretext that Philippi was a Metropolis over many subject Bishops , leaning mainly on Acts 16. 12. whose Arguments were examined by Dr. Stillingfleet f and Mr. Clerkson . g Dr. Maurice , tho' a grand Enemy to Hammond's grand Principle , undertakes notwithstanding the defence of some of these Arguments against the latter , but medles not with the former , and saith that Beza ' s Manuscript hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as hath also the Syriack and Arabick . But OEcumenius and Theophilact , and even Chrysostome , yea and the received Greek Copy which Translators , generally follow , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But seeing , as the learned Stillingfleet demonstrats , Philippi was not then a Metropolis in the Civil sence which is the Foundation of all their Structure , 't is impossible that it can be call'd by Luke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or first in respect of Dignity ; but only either must be mean'd as Luke may well be understood that it was the first Colony they mett with coming from Samothrace , or in respect of Situation it being scarce within the Bounds of the proper Macedonia , but on the Thracian side of the River Strymon the Boundary between Thrace and Macedonia , yet it might be nearer to the proper Macedonia than was Neapolis , and therefore is rather to be reckon'd a part of that Country than Neapolis could be : wherefore on both , at least , certainly on one of these accounts , appears the nullity of Dr. Maurice his Answer , while he says that not Philippi but Neapolis was the first in Situation . Of the same kidney is his saying that Philippi might be more considerable in Luke ' s time than in the time of P. Aemilius : seeing this is a mean begging of the Question : for he brings nothing from any Records which a Matter of this kind requires , to make in the least probable the growth of Philippi between the time of Aemilius and Luke : and Chrysostome h speaking of Luke's time , tells us that it was no great City . Moreover Dr. Stilling fleet , ex abundanti , clearly shews through the several periods of time that Philippi was of no greater Dignity in the time of Luke than in the time of P. Aemilius . Dr. Maurice adds as a proof of Philippi's Metropolitan-ship , in Luke's time that the Bishop of Philippi is mention'd as Metropolitan in Liberatus , the Council of Ephesus , Sedulius , and in an old Notitia . To which I Answer with Dr. Stillingfleet i in the like Case : But what validity there is in such Subscriptions , or Allegations in the latter end of the fourth , or the time of the fifth Century to prove a Metropolis : in the first , let any-one judge that doth but consider how common a thing it was to alter Metropoles , especially after the new Disposition of the Roman Impire by Constantine . Yea Carolus à sancto Paulo who was most versant in these Matters , and with him Dr. Stillingfleet , believe that for the first six Centuries Philippi was no Metropolis . § . 4. But I will not enlarge in overthrowing a Fancy so wild and gross . But in the end of the second Century , ( saith Dr. Burnet , k ) the Churches were framed in another mould from the Division of the Empire : and the Bishops of the Cities did , according to the several Divisions of the Empire , associat in Synods with the chief Bishop of that Division or Province , who was call'd the Metropolitan , from the Dignity of the City , where he was Bishop . And hence sprang Provincial Synods , and the Superiorities , and Precedencies of Bishopricks . You see how the chiefest of Prelatists disown and disclaim this Metropolitan Fiction : but none more fully than Dr. Stillingfleet who has nervously baffl'd all their Pretences , prevented whatsoever Dr. Maurice advanced ( for I speak not of Mr. Clerkson who has also sufficiently done it ) and finally , more particularly , ruined all their Pretexts for Philippi's Metropolitan-ship , either in a Civil or Ecclesiastick sense , during the first Century or Apostolick age . Judge therefore of Dr. Maurice his Candor , which minds me of another piece of his Legerdemain to evite the force of Philippians 1. 1. For if ( saith he l ) in Mr. Clerkson ' s Opinion , the Bishops mention'd Philip. 1. 1. be no other than Presbyters , then this place is impertinently alledged , since many Presbyters are by all sides acknowledg'd to have belong'd to one Church , but if he speak of Bishops in the common Ecclesiastical sense , and then conclude from this Passage that there were many in the Church of Philippi , his Opinion is as singular as that of Dr. Hammond which he endeavours to refute , for my part I must profess I am not concern'd in this Dispute ; and I could never find reason to believe them any other thing , than Presbyters — m Or were these Bishops only Presbyters ruling the Church of Philippi , with common and equal Authority ? Then our Author must give up the Question , and in stead of making many Bishops , must own that there was none at all there , but Presbyters only , if he thus contend he will abuse his Reader with the ambiguity of a word , which he takes in one sense , and the Church in another . That many Presbyters might belong to one Congregation , none ever deni'd ; that many Bishops in the allowed and Ecclesiastical sense of the word , had the oversight of one City , sounds strange and incredible to the ancient Christians . Where he sleely supposes as granted that Bishops in Philip. 1. 1. must either be understood of their simple Presbyters or of Diocesan Bishops , and then equipps his horn'd Argument no other ways than if he had professedly declined all Dispute , till once his Adversary had , out of kindness , yeelded the Question , which is only about the Scriptural and Apostolick sense of the word and notion of the Office of a Bishop , if that , and the Office of a preaching Presbyter be not in Scripture one and the same , and consequently if these at Philippi were not Scriptural Bishops no less than they were Presbyters ? Now that he concern'd not himself in this Dispute , nor was in earnest in it . I deny not : his slippery dealings make it but too , too apparent : his simple intimation that these were only their simple Presbyters , I pass , having already blown off all their noticeable Depravations of Philip. 1. 1. I have yet mett with ; and observe that he , following the Romanists , insinuats that we cann't understand the Scripture's meaning , untill we have their Churches Commentary . His ambiguous and unhandsome conduct is no less apparent in these his Phrases ( common Ecclesiastical sense — which he takes in one sense , and the Church in another ) For either he may mean that the Church , when she speaks of Bishops who were in after times , understands , by this Name , only Diocesans ; and so touches not in the least ( contrary to what he insinuats ) the Churches received sense of this Text , nor what Notion she had of Scriptural-Bishops : Or his sense may be that , when she speaks of Apostolick and Scriptural Bishops , she then still means Diocesans and Rulers over their simple Presbyters , and this he must mean if he speak to the Purpose . And then I inquire what Church was of this mind ? Surely neither Primitive nor reformed Churches , I except not that of England , whose greatest Lights we have already heard disclaiming all Divine Right of Diocesan Episcopacy , and identifying Bishop and Presbyter . Yea many , even of the Romanists , are forc'd to confess so much ; There are Catholicks ( saith the Jesuite Justinianus n ) who have stuck in the mud of Aërianism . The Church then he means must be only a few factious Novelists , who , in despite of both Divine and Humane Records , and the common Sentiment of Christians , dare to obtrude on the World , as a Fundamental of Religion , their privat and wild Fancies . Neither is it strange that so few imbrace this conceit of denying the Scripture-Identity of Bishop and Presbyter . § . 5. For beside these Scriptures now adduc'd let them but look unto 1 Tim. 1. 3. where they shall find a transition from Bishop to Deacons without any mention of intermediant Presbyters , and consequently the Identity of these Offices . Bellarmine o Answers that the Apostle gives a general Instruction to the Clergy , & that under the name of Bishops & Presbyters all the superior Clergy is comprehended . But seeing they make a Distinction of these Offices so necessary , it was requisite they had been handl'd in particular , and not hudl'd up in a general , seeing no where in Scripture there 's any more particular Distinction of Bishop and preaching Presbyter assigned : but Bellarmine's main Answer to this and all such Scriptures is , that the Names Bishop and Presbyter were then common to both Orders : which Answer all the Hierarchicks and more particularly D. M. borrow from the Jesuite . But I answer and argue with Junius against Bellarmine p that seeing the Names were then common , and a real community of Names imports a community of things which by these names are signifi'd ; it necessarily then follows that , as the Names were then common , so were the Offices design'd by these Names . But to see the Reform'd conquering , and the Jesuites foil'd some are much pain'd : and in special D. M. who spends about 17 pages q for the support of Bellarmine's Answer : the substance whereof , and of his first three Queries r is , that Still in the Pentateuch the High Priest is nam'd by the same Appellative ( without any distinction of Order or Jurisdiction ) that the other Priests were nam'd by : and the title of a Priest was promiscuously apply'd , without any distinction or marks of Eminence to the High Priest as well as to the Subordinat . And , The Apostles retain'd the Phraseology of the Jews who spoke of Priests and Levites as two distinct Orders , without mentioning the High Priest. And , When the Ancients Dichotomiz'd the Clergy , they in other places plainly reckon up three distinct Orders of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon . But is there never in all the Scriptures any Title , Distinction , or Marks of Eminence giv'n to one Priest , which were not communicable to all of ' em ? Got ever all of 'em promiscuously the Title of High Priest , or such distinctive Appellations ? Did the Apostles so retian the Phraseology of the Jews , as that they sometimes make a Bipartite and sometimes a Tripartite Division of ordinary Church-Officers , and give to any one ordinary Pastor , sometimes at least , a distinguishing Title and Marks of Eminence which are at no time communicable to all ordinary Pastors promiscuously ? As to the Ancients their sometimes Dichotomizing , sometimes Trichotomizing the Clergy ; it 's most certain that in their Dichotomies they ey'd the prime primitive Church , and in their Trichotomies their own times . But Christ saith D. M. ) is call'd an Apostle & a Bishop , the Apostles , Presbyters and Deacons . But was Christ so call'd an Apostle that he had no other peculiar titles or marks of Eminence , or that on the other hand the name Christ was giv'n promiscuously to all Apostles or ever giv'n to any of ' em ? Lastly , was the Apellation of Apostle equally communicable to all Presbyters or ordinary Pastors , as to the twelve and some few else extraordinary Officers ? All which he must swallow , else he gives no relief to his Friend Bellarmine . We Argue , that seeing to no ordinary Pastor is giv'n any peculiar Appellation , Character , or Description , but what is equally common to all , there must be an Equality and Parity amongst all of 'em ; and this they can never get over . Moreover among the Evangelists , yea and among the Apostles , Officers superior to ordinary Pastors , the reformed Churches being Judges , there was a compleat Parity as was also among the Deacons their Inferiours : notwithstanding of all which the Hierarchicks must plead for certain Stories of Preheminence among the ordinary Pastors ; in favours ; whereof ne gry quidem they can bring from the Word of God the only Rule of Faith and Doctrine . § . 6. Add hereto Tit. chap. 1. where we not only find the Apostle using indifferently and promiscuously the two words Bishop and Elder , but also he alledgeth the necessity of fit Qualifications in the one , to prove that the same are required in the other ; the Presbyters that were to be Ordain'd must be blameless &c. because a Bishop must be so : wherein either we have an ocular Demonstration of the Identity of these two Officers , or else ( which I abhorr to think ) the Apostles reasoning is more pitifull than the most equivocant Paralogism ; their being not so much as a nominal Connexion betwixt the Antecedent and Consequent ; and no less ridiculous than if one should reason that every Captain of a single Company must be able to guide and manage a whole Army , because such Qualifications are required in a General . Now , seeing these Scriptures already vindicated , to name no others , evidently declare that there was no such thing as a Diocesan Bishop , that there 's a compleat Identity of Bishop and preaching Presbyter , and consequently a Parity of all ordinary Pastors , they of necessity condemn the Hierarchick and Diocesan Imparity : for I 'm perswaded these who alledge that they find in Scripture a Distinction between these Offices , will judge that they may with reason enough conclude the Divine Right of Episcopacy . Hence judge of D. M's fifth Query s where and in what places of Scripture the superiority and jurisdiction of one Priest above another is forbidden ? And if it be not plainly forbidden , then the Fancy of a Jus Divinum in favours of Presbytry ( such as is exclusive of all other Forms of Ecclesiastical Government ) is groundless and Chimerical . From all which I conclude that if the Ignatian Bishop and Presbyter most be understood in the Notion of our Adversaries , he then quite crosses the Apostles , & so his Doctrine is stark nought , or ( which is a far more charitable Sentiment ) his Epistles have suffer'd no small interpolation . Section VII . The grand Objection , taken from the Commentaries of the Ancients , remov'd . BUT the Fathers , as our Adversaries pretend , glossing on these Texts , went quite cross to our Doctrine , To the Bishops and Deacons ( saith Chrysostome a ) What means that ? What ? was there a Plurality of Bishops in one City ? Not at all : for at that time the Name was yet common , so that a Bishop was also nam'd a Deacon , that is a Servant . And adds , that both Timothy and Titus were Bishops . Of the same mind ( say they ) were Hilary , Epiphanius , Theodoret , OEcumenius and others : which harmonius Consent of Ancients cann't but be the true meaning of the places in Controversie . But as these , and such Fathers confess , and their Works proclaim , they were , like others , subject to humane Weakness and Corruption , fell into compliance with the growing Errors , into immoderat heat , prevarication and self-repugnancy , and negligence to search for the Scriptures their meaning . How loudly sounded the debate concerning rebaptizing between Stephen and Cyprian , which ●ore almost the whole body of Christians into a pair of Factions ? With what heat was it prosecuted ? And , which is most lamentable , how pitifully was the truth on both hands deserted ? For altho' it be commonly believ'd that Stephen only held the truth , and Cyprian and his fail'd , yet Stephen and the Romans did no less betray it : On the other extream , while they asserted the sufficiency of Baptism , altho' administred by the grossest Hereticks and capital Enemies of the Fundamentals of Christianity . How great , both before and after that time , were the Contests about Easter ? How scandalous were the Contests between Chrysostome , Epiphanius and Theophilus : and between Hierome and Ruffine . Not to name others , in all which it is apparent how little they believed one another , and how much many of 'em prevaricated in favours of their particular Fancies . § . 2. But their Contradictions to one another are less to be admired when we clearly perceive that one and the self same Author , either out of negligence or some other weakness , hath given us quite contrary Doctrines . Justine Martyr , which Sculte● observes b , in one place ascribes the whole Work of Regeneration to free Grace , and in another destroyes what he had builded ; and places free Will in the room thereof . And Clemens Alexandrinus , as the same Scultet observes c following Justine Martyr delivers the like inconsistencies about the same Theme : he sometimes ascribes our Salvation wholly to Faith , and again tells us that we may purchase it with the Treasure of our Works . § . 3. Of the same kind are their polemick Discourses , wherein their study was much more directed to bespatte their Antagonists , and alure the vulgar Auditor , than solidly to support the Truth . I shall never believe that Optatus d believed himself , when he maintain'd that all the Menaces utter'd in the Old Testament against Tyre and her King had for their Object Parmenianus the schismatical Bishop of the Donatists , who lived at Carthage , that had once been a Tyrian Colony , but in the time of Parmenianus was inhabited by Romans who had either quite extirpated or expelled thence the whole Race of the Tyrians . With no less lightness , but more danger did Justine Martyr e long before Optatus , endeavour to perswade the Gentiles , that all Mankind were Partakers of Christ , because they were Partakers of Reason , and Christ is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which also signifies Reason . Where we see that Justine leans only on a pitifull Equivocation , the deceit of which could not be unknown to him who natively spoke Greek . Neither were Origenes , Methodius , and others , as Hierome witnesseth , more solide in their Writings . Yea Hierome himself distinguisheth between Progymnasticks and Dogmaticks , alledging that in the former of these a Disputant hath liberty to muster up many Arguments in which he hath no confidence . § . 4. To these we may add both their Homilies and Expositions wherein it 's not easily determined when they spoke their own minds , or when they gave us only Transcripts of others , to believe and defend which they held themselves but little obliged . Yea Hierome oftner than once tells us that it was the common Practice of the Writers of these times to give the Expositions of others , and yet conceal the names of the Authors , and so involve the Reader , and make him take for their judgement the things they never believ'd . § . 5. If we search into the causes of so strange dealing , we have heard out of Hierome that one of 'em was meer sloath and neglect . See much more to this purpose in Dallaeus de usu Patrum . Another Cause , why they both spoke , wrote and practised otherways than they knew could be warranted by Scripture , was their unjustifiable Compliance with both Jews and Pagans ; good perhaps intentionally being out of design the better to Proselyte them , but eventually proved as unhappy as its Practice was unwarrantable , and destitute of Scripture ground . Hence their Deacons were named Levites , their Bishops Priests and High-Priests , the Lord's Table the Altar , and the Lord's Supper a Sacrifice , and at length Diocesan Bishops and Arch-Bishops were instituted in imitation of the f Pagan Flamines and Protoflamines . Another Cause thereof , which especially takes place in their Homiles and Expositions , was the multitude of Alterations and Corruptions well grown before any of these Homilies and Commentaries we now enjoy were extant , these were too deeply rooted to be opposed ; and therefore they believed themselves under a kind of necessity to accommodat their Comments and Declamations thereto , at least , so to temper and compose them that they should not thwart therewith . Of this sort of Conduct , we have a clear instance in Augustine , who sometimes commends and praises several unscriptural Ceremonies : But g elsewhere speaking his Mind more freely disapproves them as both unwrantable and burdensome . He indeed there intimats that some things commonly observ'd throw the World tho' they were not written yet might be kept as having come from the Apostles or general Councils ; such as was the Observation of the Lord's Passion , Resurrection and Ascension . But even this , as is most probable , he yeelded out of humane Weakness and Fear to oppose the then prevailing Innovations : for , the needlesness of such preterscriptural Observations he evidently declares elsewhere h saying that all things which belong either to Faith and Manners are plainly contain'd in Scripture . From all which is clear , that we cannot at all be sure if the Fathers , Commenting on the places in hand , either knew their true meaning , or if they did , sincerely gave us what themselves believed . § . 6. And that in their Explications of these Texts , we have not their genuine Sentiments , is to me evident . First , because they gave such Reasons of their Exposition as the greatest Prelatists count stark nought . Thus Bellarmine i rejects and overturns the Grounds of every one of these Expositors in particular , except these of Chrysostome only , who yet hath nothing of any moment above the rest : for Chrysostome exponing Philip. 1. 1. alledges only in defence of his Exposition that the sole Title and Name of Bishop was common to both Orders : but this is refused by Dr. Hammond and others , and , as we shall hear , by Chrysostome himself . But the Jesuite intending to retain that Exposition , thought himself obliged to embrace some of their Defences , whereas in truth they themselves never believ'd them to be solide , but only the growing Corruptions being too strong to be opposed , and some of 'em having got an Episcopacy which was then creeping in , and which they , depending on the Churches Authority , thought they might retain , they believ'd that for the fashion they might so gloss the Scriptures whereby Episcopacy is wounded that the People should not perceive the unwarrantableness thereof . Secondly , The main ground common to all these Expositions why they expone any of these Texts as if they condemn'd not a Diocesan Bishop , is a sufficient evidence that they were far from being in earnest in their Glosses , for they still alledge that there behoved to be a Bishop above these Bishops in Philippi whom Paul salutes , because there might not be Plurality of Bishops in one City . This Practice indeed was for the most part current in this time , tho' not universal , as we learn from k Epiphanius , informing us that even in these times there used to be a Plurality of Bishops in one City . Yet quite contrary to this Text which they either carelesly or timourously shuffl'd . They judged ( saith Dr. Stillingfleet l ) the Practice of the Apostles by that of their own times ; as is evident by Theodoret and the rest of the Greek Commentators , assigning that as the reason why the Presbyters spoken of in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , were not Bishops in the sense of their Age , because their could be but one Bishop in a City . And Petavius m grants that many true Bishops were sometimes at once in one City . And n altho' the Episcopal Order be of Divine Right , yet at 's not of Divine Right that there should be only one Bishop in one City , this was only brought in by the Authority of the Church and Councils , and accordingly Hierome and Ambrose are to be understood . By what Law ( saith o J. Taylor ) speaking of Philippi and that not as a Metropolis ) may there not be more Bishops than one in a proper sense in one Diocess ? Where 't is not unpleasant to hear so great a Prelatist by one Interrogation overthrowing the whole Episcopal Cause , and propugning the main Plea of the Presbyterians viz. that in Philippi alone there were many who had not only the power of dispensing the Word and Sacraments , but also of Ordination and Jurisdiction , and were every way Bishops in a proper sense . Thirdly , Some of these Expositors proclaim what we alledge for p OEcumenius who , like the rest intimats , as if in Philippi there had been a Bishop superior to the plurality of Bishops saluted by the Apostle . Yet on Acts 20. and 17. gives this Paraphrase . Because many are ignorant of the Manner especially of the New Testament , whereby Bishops are call'd Presbyters and Presbyters Bishops . This much may be observed both from this place and from the Epistle to Titus and to the Philippians , and 1. to Timothy . From this place therefore of the Acts we may arrive at the certainty of this Matter . For thus it is written , from Miletus he sent and called the Elders of the Church , it is not said the Bishops . And afterwards he subjoins , over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops to Feed or Rule the Church : and from the Epistle to Titus , that thou mightest appoint Elders in every City , as I ordain'd thee : and from the Epistle to the Philippians , to all that are at Philippi with Bishops and Deacons : and , as I believe , the same may be gather'd from the frist to Timothy : If any Man ( saith he ) desires the Office of a Bishop , he desires a good Work ; a Bishop therefore should be blameless . And shortly after , let not a Widow be taken into the number under threescore years ( which the Transcriber of OEcumenius hath out of negligence inserted from the 5. Chap. and 9. ver . in stead of the 8. verse of the 3. Likewise let the Deacons be grave &c. ) For this is the Church Canon directing what manner of Man such an one viz. the Deacon ought to be . Thus far OEcumenius , and not a word more to this purpose , where , having really proposed the now much tossed Question , mustres up four of the chief Places from which the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter is commonly inferr'd , and directs us to learn the Solution of this Doubt therefrom . Hence 't is certain that OEcumenius , no less than Hierome and Aërius of old , and Presbyterians now , believ'd the Scriptural Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , seeing , he having brought up these Scriptures , which , even in the Judgement of our Adversaries , creat to the Hierarchicks a vexatious Scruple , and pungent Objection , is so far from glossing them , as thereby to leave any room for a Diocesan Bishop , that he plainly informs us , that these Scriptures only suffice to dissolve all our Scruples and period the Dispute . 'T is evident then that OEcumenius , commenting on Philip. 1. 1. or wherever he seems to say nothing against a superiority of Diocesans , spoke only out of compliance with the Custom of his time , or some such weakness . Neither is the matter less clear of Theodoret , who , altho' he ascribes an Episcopal Dispensation over the Philippians to Epaphroditus , yet even then he looks on him as no ordinary or fixed Officer , which is really yeelded by Petavius q and is plain from Theodoret himself r The Apostle ( saith he ) calls a Presbyter a Bishop , as we shewed when we expon'd the Epistle to the Philippians . Which may be also learn'd from this Place . For after the Precepts proper to Bishops , he describes the things that agree to Deacons , omitting the Presbyters . But , as I said , of old they call'd the same Men both Bishops and Presbyters , but these who are now call'd Bishops they then call'd Apostles : But afterward the name of Apostle was left to the real Apostles : And the name Bishop giv'n to these that were of old call'd Apostles . Thus Epaphroditus was the Apostle of the Philippians — Thus was Titus the Apostle of the Cretians , Timothy of the Asians , Thus the Apostles and Presbyters at Hierusalem write to the Antiochians . And on 1 Cor. 12. 28. — first Apostles — The Apostle saith not God hath sent onlie Twelve Apostles but also the Seventy . And these who also received the like Grace . For Paul himself after his Calling was of the same Order , and Barnabas and many others . And again he calls Epaphroditus the Apostle of the Philippians . Where 't is clear as the Sun , that Theodoret , by these his Bishops or Apostles , understands only the real Apostles themselves together with Timothy and Titus and other such Evangelists and extraordinary Officers , who never had any fixed Station . And this was well perceiv'd by the Jesuite Medina , who therefore really yeelds Theodoret with Hierome , Aërius , Augustine &c. to the Presbyterians , and warmly recented by Petavius , who , besides many other places , spends at once near a s whole Chapter to prove Theodoret a self repugnant blunderer . Hence it 's clear that they cann't rent Theodoret from us , untill ( Tullus-like ) they first rent him from himself . Wherever therefore these Ancients so spoke as that they seemed not to oppose the Divine Right of Episcopacy ; 't is clear they did so out of carelesness , or unwarrantable Compliance , but mostly , as may be gather'd from the handling Aërius mett with , out of fear least they had derived on their Heads the hate of much of the then degenerating Church , and secularizing Clergy . Section VIII . Moe clear Testimonies of the primitive Doctors against the Divine Right of Diocesan Episcopacy , and for the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter produc'd and vindicated . THE Bishop ( saith Ambrose a or rather Hilary , the ancientest Commentator save some Fragments of Origen , now extant ) because he opens the hidden sense of the Scriptures , is said to . Prophecy , chiefly because he dispenses the words of future hope . Behold the very Idea the Ancients still retain'd of a Bishop , and yet it 's nothing but the real Notion of every true Pastor or Dispenser of the Word and Sacraments . Which Order may now be that of the Presbyters . For in the Bishop are all Orders ; for he is the first Priest that is the Prince of Priests , and Prophet , and Evangelist . And whatsoever else is for fullfilling the Office of the Church and Service of the Faithfull . And , The Apostle calls Timothy a Presbyter whom he had instituted a Bishop , for the first Presbyters were called Bishops ; so that one Dying the next succeeded . And lastly , in Aegypt the Presbyters ordain in the Bishop's absence ; where we see what he means by the Prince of Priests , and that with him a Bishop was nothing but the first either in Age or in respect of Ordination amongst the Colledge of Presbyters without any other Preheminence or Power over the rest but what these respects gave them . Which , I 'm sure , exceeds not the Dignity of a Moderator of a Synod or Presbyter . But because the following Presbyters were not found worthy of the first place this way was changed by a Council that none by his being first in order , but by his desert might be made a Bishop , and that by the Votes of many Priests , least an unworthy Man should rashly usurp the Office to the offence of many . There were born Priests under the Law of the Race of Aaron the Levite , but now all are Priests according to the Apostle Peter ; and therefore Priests may be chosen out of the People . And on 1 to Timothy 3. But after the Bishop he straight way subjoins the Ordination of a Deacon , and why ? But because of Bishop and Presbyter there 's but one Ordination for both of them are Priests , but the Bishop is first , so that every Bishop is a Presbyter not every Presbyter a Bishop , for he 's the Bishop who is first among the Presbyters . Finally the Apostle shews that Timothy was ordain'd a Presbyter , but because he had no other Presbyter before him he was a Bishop . And from thence he shews how Timothy can Ordain a Bishop for 't was not lawfull for the Inferiour to Ordain a Superiour . § . 2. Hence appears the perverseness of Bellarmine b affirming that Hilary says only there was no need of a new Election , but denies not ( saith he ) the necessity of a Consecration or Episcopal Ordination . A flat Contradiction of Hilary's express saying that there 's but one Ordination of both Bishop and Presbyter , and that even Timothy was of no higher Order than that of a Presbyter , whose whole primacy consisted in his meer being the first Presbyter in respect of age or time of his Ordination as Hilary hath taught us : And so , as he doth also all-along thro' the fore-cited Passages , explains fully his calling the Bishop Prince of Priests , which the Cardinal also objects , and shews that thereby we 're to understand only such a Dignity as either meer priority of Ordination or Seniority yeelds . Thus Hierome also understands this Title , who c calls Peter Prince of the Apostles , and yet asserts d that any Priority Peter had was given to his Age only , which in that very place he makes as good as nothing . Informing us that the Church was equally founded on all the Apostles , and that the rest no less than Peter received the Keys . Take but another place of Hilary , By Angels ( saith he e the Apostle means the Bishops as we learn in the Revelation of John , who being Men are challeng'd for not reproving the people , or commended for their Vertues — And because Sin entred by the Woman she ought to have this token that in the Church , for the reverence to the Bishop , her head ought not to be free but cover'd with a vail ; and she has not power to speak because the Bishop represents Christ's person ; she ought therefore because of the Original of Transgression appear subject before the Bishop as before the Judge because he is the Lord's Vice-gerent . Here we see that , according to Hilary , there was a Bishop over every Congregation , and in every place of publick Worship frequented by Men and Women , and that the Apocalyptick Angels were only such Congregational Pastors . From which we may well gather that when any in these early times had the name Bishop more peculiarly giv'n them , yet the Primacy could be but only of Order , and nominal which is fitly illustrated by the Athenian Archons . Petavius therefore f to shield his Cause from so deadly blows , does his outmost to discredite these Commentaries , and make their Author some obscure fellow : and to prove they belong not to Hilary the Luciferian , he brings two passages thereof that shew their Author to have been of the Roman Communion which Hilary deserted . But might he not have been of that Communion when he wrote the commentaries , and yet deserted it afterward ? This the Jesuit attempts not to disprove . But whosoever this Author was , or by whatsoever name known , neither are we hurt nor the Hierarchicks helped thereby ; his Authority is unquestionably great , being cited by the Councils of Paris and Ayx g no mean Conventicles under the name of Ambrose : afterward the learn'd , as Bellarmine h and the Divines of Lovain i gave these Commentaries to Hilarie a Roman Deacon and stout Opposer of the Arrians ; the Foundation of which Opinion is strong : For Augustine oftner than once attributes these Commentaries to Hilarie . And it 's likely that Petavius knew that the Authority of this Writer was not to be shaken with all his Cavills , but only at that time he had found nothing else to say , wherefore he afterwards k excogitats more Quibbles to darken and deprave this Author ; and chiefly strives to make Hilary speak nothing for the Right of Seniority , and against the Election of a Successor to any deceasing Bishop . He says therefore that when Hilary tells us , that one dying , the next or following succeeded , we must not understand it in respect of Years or Ordination , but any of 'em indefinitly taken , who was notwithstanding afterward to be elected by the Clergy , but all the Presbyters in time becoming unworthie of the Episcopal Honour the Method was altered , and another not out of the Colledge of Presbyters , but out of some other Order according to their desert was admitted unto that Office. To support which Gloss , he brings Hierome's saying that the Presbyters of Alexandria named one elected from among themselves , Bishop , as if Hierome were not speaking of Alexandria alone , and to instance therein , that Prelacy came not soon to any growth ; or as if Hierome and Hilary could not agree in its being of humane Original , and yet differ in the circumstances of its rise . The rest of his prolix Discourse on this Theme is only a train of meer Cavills and Clouds too thin and airy to feed a very Chamaeleon , all which are quite dissolv'd and disappear if we but look into one small parcell of Hilary's words , where he tells us that after the Method was altered then the Bishop whose desert raised him was constitute by the Judgement or Votes of many Priests or Presbyters : For this Clause being of design inserted by Hilarie to shew the Opposition between the latter and the former Method of coming to the Primacy , proclaims that as after the Change , Suffrages and Election were used , so before this Change , there had been no such Custome . With this the Jesuite darrs not ingage nor with Hilary's making the Ordination of both Bishop and Presbyter , the same , his making Timothy only a Presbyter , his placing all the Essence or Constitutive of a Bishop in being the first Presbyter of the Colledge , his giving a Bishop to every Congregation , &c. These I say , he never adventures once in the least to handle ; wherefore surely he was conscious to himself that he spent both Pains and Brains for the sole production of a bulkish nothing . § 3. To Hilary I add Chrysostome ( which Theoplylact his real Epitomator transcribes ) After ( saith he l the Apostle had discoursed concerning the Bishops , and described them , declaring what they ought to have , and from what they ought to abstain ; omitting the order of Presbyters he descends to the Deacons ; and why so ? But because between Bishop and Presbyter in a manner there is no difference , seeing that also to the Presbyters the Care or Government the Church is committed , and whatsoever he said of Bishops agrees also to the Presbyters , in Ordination alone they are Superiour , and they seem to have this onlie more than the others . Where he clearly overthrows all their Distinction between Bishop and Presbyter ; notwithstanding that to some he may seem to give the Power of Ordination to Bishops above Presbyters . For First , The words are most capable of another Translation . Thus only in the Matter of Ordination they have got up or set themselves above them . Secondlie , Of the Power of Ordination , it 's being proper to Bishops , he speaks most doubtfully 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they seem &c. ( saith he ) . Thirdly , Had he believ'd that the Power of Ordination by Divine Right belong'd to Bishops above Presbyters , he had never said that there 's notwithstanding in a manner nothing between them : surely Epiphanius thought the Power of Ordination made a most large and notable Difference . Once again I shall with our Adversaries suppose that Chrysostome allows that Power of Ordination by Divine Appointment was appropriated to Bishops they cann't with reason deny , but that , in all other things to a hair , he asserts the Equality , yea the Identity of Presbyters with Bishops . Now will they stand to Chrysostome herein ? Surely they will not ; for thus they should be oblig'd to let go all the Prerogatives and Priviledges Bishops both claim and exerce over their Pastors , all their Power Paramount of Governing the Church and her Pastors , all their exorbitant Wealth , Grandeur , Pomp , and Splendor , and , in a word , whatsoever renders to them the Hierarchie amiable or desireable , and so should be really reduc'd to the condition of an ordinary Parish-pastor . And were things so , little , I 'm sure , would they care or stickel for upholding of any Distinction between these Officers : hence let them blush any more to pretend to Chrysostome's Patrociny : seeing all they can , with the least colour plead for , being giv'n , not granted , he really subverts their Cause , and levells their Diocesan Prelat with a parochial Pastor . § . 4. Bellarmine m Answers that Chrysostome and others , while they say that onlie in Ordination a Bishop is above a Presbyter , speak onlie of such things which no way agree to Presbyters for Iurisdiction and Confirmation may be performed by Presbyters by vertue of Commission from the Bishop . But thus he really makes Chrysostome contradict himself : Chrysostome said they differ'd nothing save in Ordination ; Bellarmine compells him to say that they have another Difference no less conspicuous than is between the King and his Commissioner , who can do many regall Acts , being warranted by him thereto . Does such a Power lodg'd in the Bishop , which agrees to none of the Presbyters , make no Distinction between him and them ? Or rather , does it not make up the far greater and more conspicuous part of the prelatical Eminency above the rest of the Clergy ? Add hereto Chrysostome's Books of the Priest-hood , wherein , altho' he expresly professes he was to treat of the Office of a Bishop , yet in these Books there 's nothing but what concerns a congregational Pastor , nothing but what concerns publick prayer , dispensing of the Word and Sacraments , and such Duties that terminat on the People alone , but not a word of the Duties of the Bishop or Prelat over inferiour congregational Pastors as their Object which is a sure Demonstration that , with Chrysostome , Bishop , Priest , and Pastor were Synonymous Terms . § . 5. To these add Pelagius a grand Heretick indeed , but never branded as such for ought he said of Church-Government , who n restricts all Church-Officers to Priest and Deacon . And o asserts that Priest without any Discrimination or Restriction are the Successors of the Apostles . And p Here ( saith he ) by Bishops we understand Presbyters for there could not have been more Bishops in one Citie : but we have this Matter also in the Acts of the Apostles Where it 's clear that Pelagius , altho' , in conformity to the introduc'd Custome of distinguishing Bishops from preaching Presbyters , he endeavour'd accordingly to expone this place with as little dammage thereto as is possible , deduceth nothwithstanding the Ground of the Difference between Bishop and Presbyter from the Churches latter Custome of having but one Bishop in one City , and not from any Scripture-Warrant , and indeed when he brings to clear his Comment the 20. of the Acts 17. and 28. he plainly intimats that even when he and others of that Age seem most clearly to hold forth a Difference betwixt Bishop and preaching Presbyter , they then believ'd no such thing to flow from Divine Institution . And q There is a Question ( saith he ) why the Apostle made no mention of Presbyters but comprehended them under the Name of Bishops , because , ( answers he ) this is the second , yea , in a manner , the very same Degree with that of Bishops , as the Apostle writes in the Epistle to the Philippians ; To the Bishops and Deacons : when yet one City cann't have more Bishops than one : and , in the Acts of the Apostles , Paul being to go to Hierusalem and having gathered the Elders of the Church , saith , among other things , take heed to the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops . Hence it 's most evident that he believed both Offices to be , by Scripture-Warrant , one and the same , and not a meer Communication of Names only . But the thing most observable here , is , that to prove the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , he brings Philip. 1. and hereby shews us , that some of the Ancients , from whose accustom'd Phrases he departed not while he exponed it , when they seem to inferr from that place , only a Community of Names , did really believe no such thing , but were perswaded that Philip. 1. 1. quite overthrows all Distinction betwixt Bishop and preaching Presbyter . And Sedulius r asserts and proves the Identity of Bishops and Presbyters , and concludes from the Example of the Ephesian Elders or Bishops , that there were many Bishops in one City , contrary to the Practice of his Age ; and that , among the Ancients , Bishop and Presbyter was one and the same . And Primasius s proposeth the Question , why the Apostle comes to the Deacons without any mention of the Presbyters ? And Answers in the very words of Pelagius . Thus it 's clear , even these whom the Hierarchicks take for the prime Pillars of Prelacy being Judges , that there 's no Divine Warrant for Diocesan Episcopacy , and that a Bishop and Presbyter in Scripture in Apostolick times are one and the same . For ( saith t Augustine , ( with whom I begin , tho' Younger than Hierome , being longer to insist on the other ) tho' according to these Names of Honour which the Custome of the Church hath now brought in fashion the Office of a Bishop be greater than that of a Presbyter , yet in many things Augustine is below Hierome ; where we see that the whole Difference was in Expression rather than reality , and that even that was only by Custome not by Divine Appointment . These words ( hath now brought in fashion ( answers Bellarmine u are not opposed to the ancient time of the Church , but to the time before the Christian Church , so that the sense is , before the times of the Christian Church these Names Bishop and Presbyter were not Titles of Honour but of Office and Age , but now they are Names of Honour and Dignity . D. M. follows his Master Bellarmine in this wretch'd Detortion , x and adds that this was but a mannerly Complement to Augustine . A piece of immodesty proper to D. M. not arriv'd at by the Jesuite ; Augustine then was only some frenchisi'd Spark that intended not to speak as he thought : but I reply with Junius y that this their Answer is clean contrary to Augustine ' s mind and intention ; for he was not so mad as to compare things so hetrogeneous as were the Rites and Customes of the Gentiles , and these of the Church : if it be said that he spoke of the Church of the Jews , where , pray , is there any mention of Bishops in all the Old Testament , and History of the Jewish Church . I add that if this had been Augustine's meaning , he had too much drepress'd , and in too unworthy Terms express'd Christ's Institution to busk a Complement for Hierome . But Augustine , saith D. M. reasons from the Succession of Bishops . This Romish Cavill is a 1000 times baffl'd , and by none more sufficiently than by Dr. Stillingfleet z who shews that from such Reasonings of the Fathers , and their mentioning of Successions of Bishops , it can never be proved that Bishops were of a higher Order , or had any other Power over Presbyters , nor that in all places there was so much as any Difference at all between them , nor that they mean'd ought save a Succession of Doctrine , and that no less is said of Presbyters . Lastly , Bishop Jewel a advanceth this very passage of Augustine , and thereby proves the Identity of Bishop and Priest or Presbyter . And he thus Englishes Augustine's words , The Office of a Bishop is above the Office of a Priest , not by Authority of the Scriptures , but after the Names of Honour , which the Custome of the Church hath now obtain'd . § . 7. Let us ( saith Hierome attend diligently to the words of the Apostle saying that thou should'st Ordain Elders in every City as I appointed thee , and what kind of Presbyter ought to be ordain'd , he declares in the following Discourse ; If any ( saith he ) be blameless , the Husband of one Wife &c. and after , he Inferrs , For a Bishop must be blameless as the Steward of God ; Therefore both Bishop and Presbyter is one and the same . And before that by Sathan's instigation there were Divisions about Religion , and it was said in the Churches , I am of Paul , I of Apollo , and I of Cephas , the Church was govern'd by a common Council of Presbyters : But after that whomsoever any had baptized were by them counted their own , not Christs , it was Decreed thro' the whole World that one , Chosen out of the Presbyters , should be set over the rest to whom all care of the Church should belong , and the Seeds of Division be removed . But you may think that this is our Mind and not the Mind of the Scriptures that a Bishop and a Presbyter is one and the same thing , and that the one is a Name of Age , and the other of Office. Let them read over the words of the Apostle to the Philippians , where , as Hierome professedly asserts the Presbyterian Thesis , so he clearly proves it by the Presbyterian Arguments . And I would fain learn wherein , as touching the Scriptural Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , he differ'd from Aërius . They differ'd as much ( answers Bellarmine c as Heaven and Hell. For Hierome still held that a Bishop was greater than a Presbyter as to the point of Ordination , and that doubtless by Divine Right . Bellarmine is herein follow'd only by some of the more impudent of his Brethren as Bayly the Jesuite and Petavius ; and last of all appears their perpetual shadow D. M. d with whom Hierome is a grand Asserter of the Episcopal Hierarchy , and Aërius a grand Heretick . But Junius e answers to both the Jesuites and their Genuine Issue , that Hierome , when he said , what doth the Bishop except Ordination which a Presbyter does not ? understood it only of his oun time . But Bellarmine ( saith Junius ) confounds the time ( as doth D. M. ) that he more easily may deceive the Simple . We have heard already that many of the greatest Lights of the Church of England , yea , and of the Romanists , have exploded this shamefull and Jesuitical Attempt of making Hierome for the Divine Right of Prelacy , or for any Difference between Bishop and Presbyter . To which add Dr. Stillingfleet . For ( saith he f as to the Matter it self , I believe upon the strickest Enquiry , Medina ' s Judgement will prove true that Hierome , Austine , Ambrose , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophylact , were all of Aërius ' s Judgement as to the Identity of both Name and Order of Bishops and Presbyters in the primitive Church &c. Of what Church then shall we count D. M. and his Brethren who only scrape together these most dishonest and a thousand times baffl'd depravations and perversions of the Jesuites , and being plum'd with the feathers of so unlucky Birds , can appear without any more shame and blushing than as if they were the innocent penns of a Dove ? But Hierome ( subjoins Bellarmine , who is transcrib'd by D. M. ) acknowledges that the Difference between Bishop and Presbyter , as also the Princely Prerogatives of Bishops , was introduc'd by the very Apostles , when 't was said , I am of Paul &c. But it 's answer'd by Junius g that the former of these can never be prov'd from Hierome , and the latter Hierome denies , while he saith , when these whom any baptiz'd were counted their own &c. Where [ saith Junius ] Hierome shews that 't was not when this Evil was at Corinth only , but when 't was spread thro' the whole Churches : And the latter of these [ continues Junius ] Paul denies while he reproves this Evil in the Corinthians , and yet neither in the first nor in the second Epistle makes ever the least mention of setting up a Bishop over them . They who use this Argument ( saith Dr. Stillingfleet h among many other Answers far better than ever such a Cavill deserv'd ) are greater Strangers to St. Hierome ' s Language then they would seem to be , whose Custome it is , upon incidental Occasions to accommodat the Phrase and Language of Scripture to them as when he speaks of Chrysostome ' s Fall , cecidit Babylon , cecidit , of the Bishops of Palestine , multi utroque claudicant pede — All which Instances ( saith the Doctor ) are produc'd by Blondel , but have the good fortune to be pass'd over without being taken nottice of . And now judge whether there was more Ignorance or Impudence in D. M's following Query i Whether the Opinion of St. Hierome be not disingenuously represented by the Presbyterians , since he never acknowledg'd nor affirm'd any intervall after the Death of the Apostles , in which Ecclesiastical Affairs were govern'd communi Presbyterorum consilio ? Bellarmine objects also ( as doth his Epe D. M. ) that Hierome says James was made Bishop of Jerusalem , presently after the Death of our Saviour . But both are repell'd by Iunius k who shews that the common reading of that place of Hierome ' s Catalogue is corrupted . And Answers that James was only left while the Apostles went thro' the World for the Commodity of that Church , and was never absolutely ordain'd a Bishop by the Apostles , for James himself was an Apostle . Of the same Mind is Salmasius , that James resided not at Jerusalem as one of their Hierarchick Bishops , but as an Apostle l And yet D. M. m is not asham'd to tell his Reader , as the Concession of Salmasius , that we have a Diocesan Bishop establish'd in the person of St. James the Just , in the City of Jerusalem . Now that Hierome understood James's Episcopacy in the sense giv'n by Junius and Salmasius against the Jesuites , is most apparent especially if we consider how the Ancients us'd to speak of the Apostles and Apostolick extraordinary Church-Officers in the Stile of their own times , and how positive Hierome was for the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter during the Apostolick age and first primitive Church . Add hereto that Hierome ( as he shews in his Preamble to Dexter ) was altogether uncertain of much of what he wrote in his Catalogue of Writers , which is yet more clear from his account of Paul , for the writes that he was a Native of Gischalis , and during the Wars between the Jews and Romans sted with his Parents to Tarsus when Gischalis was taken . Which , I 'm sure , Hierome , a Man so well acquaint with the Affairs of the Jews , who had no Wars with the Romans for many years after the time wherein the Fabler , whom Hierome transcribes , suppos'd these Wars to have been commens'd , and Gischalis taken , could never believe ; but only , because he could light on no better , transcrib'd things as he found ' em . Which removes , tho' no more could be said , D. M's Objection from Hierome's mentioning of Ignatius his Epistles , whereon D. M. with no small Ostentation insists . He follows also Bellarmine objecting that Hierome makes Bishops the Apostles Successors . But Junius Replies that Hierome denies not this to be also the priviledge of Presbyters . It 's also objected by Dr. Pearson n that Hierome , in his Epistle to Heliodorus , speaks of the Deacons as the third Order . And seeing this , of all the passages of Hierome produc'd by the Papists to involve him in self-repugnancy , is most plausible , take it at full length . If a Man ( saith Hierome o desires the Office of a Bishop , he desires a good Work : These things we know ; but add what follows , A Bishop then must be blameless &c. and having express'd the rest of the things which there follow concerning a Bishop , the Apostle uses no less diligence in setting forth the Duties of the third Degree , saying , Likewise let the Deacons be grave &c. But passing that he was scarce more than a Child when he wrote that Epistle , and wrote clearly for the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter in his riper years , it 's certain he pretends no Divine Warrant for this Tripartition . Yea from the very words they would now detort , it 's most evident that tho' Hierome , following the Custome of his Age , mentions a third Degree , he notwithstanding takes both Paul's Bishop and Presbyter for one and the same thing . Moreover in this same Epistle Hierome makes all who had the Power of Dispensing the Sacraments , Successor , to the Apostles p . which the Jesuites and their Supporters appropriat to Bishops : hence they are baffl'd with the very places of Hierome they endeavour to abuse . § . 7. But I return to Hierome , Philippi , continues he , is a single Town of Macedonia , and truly in one City there could not be ( called are they as ) moe Bishops . But because at that time they called the same Men both Bishops and Presbyters , therefore he spoke indifferently concerning both Bishops and Presbyters . From these words ( saith Petavius q It can be evidently demonstrated that Hierome believed that Bishops and Presbyters were not one and the same Order , yea even in the Age of the Apostles : For had he so believ'd he had never said that there could not be a plurality of Bishops in one City , when surely there was a plurality of Presbyters . As if Jerome's whole discourse , scope , and conclusion , were not directly opposite to what the Jesuite impudently fathers on him , who in the words Petavius abuses , only meets with some Wranglers as he elsewere terms them , who , to elude the proof Jerome brought for the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , from Philippians 1. & 1. absurdly contended that in the City of Philippi alone there were a multitude of Bishops distinguish , d from , and superior to other Pastors . But yet this may seem doubtfull ( continous Jerome ) to some except it be confirmed by another Testimony . It is written in the Acts of the Apostles that when the Apostle was come to Miletum he sent to Ephesus and called for the Elders of that Church , to whom , amongst other things , he said , take heed to your selves and to the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops to feed the Church of Christ. — And observe this diligently how the Apostle calling the Elders of Ephesus , which was but one City afterwards names them Bishops , if any receive the Epistle which under Paul's Name is written to the Hebrews , there also the care of the Church is equally divided amongst a plurality . For he writes to the People , Obey your Governours and be subject to them , for they watch — And Peter , who received his Name from the strength of his Faith , saith in his Epistle , The Elders which are among you I exhort who am also an Elder — We have enlarged on these things that we might shew that among the Ancients Bishops were all one with Presbyters . Hierome then never , as Petavius and his Followers impudently pretend , thought that there had hapned no alteration , or that Bishops bore greater bulk in his time than they had done in the Age of the Apostles ) but by little and little to the end the seeds of Schism might be remov'd , the whole care was devolv'd upon one ; wherefore as the Presbyters know that by the Custome of the Church they are subject to their prefect , so let Bishops know that rather by Custome than by the Truth of Christ's Institution they are greater than Presbyters , and ought to Rule the Church in common with them , imitating Moses who , when he alone had Power to Rule the Israelites , chused other Seventy with whom he might judge the People . Here ( say they ) is a proof of Superiority of Bishops by Divine Right , but they should remember that Hierome here undertook to prove the quite contrary . And it 's most injust to fish and search for self-contradictions in any Author when with ease he may be understood otherways as the Matter is here . Hierome is arguing a majori ad minus , from Moses his Practice who , tho' he had sole Authority by Divine Right , yet shar'd it with others , to that which ought to have been done by the Bishops of his time whom only Church Custome not Christ's Appointment had raised over other Pastors . And indeed they might on equal grounds inferr from John 13. 14. If I then your Lord and Master have washed your Feet , ye onght also to Wash one anothers Feet , that every Apostle yea and every Believer is Lord and Master of the rest . § . 8. And writing to Euagrius I hear ( saith Hierome ) there is one so mad as to preferr the Deacons to the Presbyters that is to the Bishops . For seeing the Apostle clearly teaches that Bishops and Presbyters are one and the same , how can a Server of Tables and Widows , proudly preferr himself to these at whose Prayers the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood is consecrated : you will require a Proof , hear a Testimony , Paul and Timothy to all the Saints in Philippi with the Bishops and Deacons ; would you have another Example in the Acts of of the Apostles , Paul thus speaks to the Presbyters of one Church , Take heed to your Selves and the whole Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops to Rule the Church , &c. And that none may contentiously plead that in one City there were many Bishops , here also another Testimony wherein it 's most evidently proved that both Presbyter and Bishop were one and the same , and then produces the 1 to Titus , and 1 to Timothy 4. 8. 14. neglect not — with the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytry . And 1 Peter 4 and 1. 2 John 1. 3 John 1. And all these to prove that he had undertaken viz that both Bishop and Presbyter were one and the same . Now it 's most observable that that he inferrs this Conclusion not only from Scriptures written long after the first Epistle to the Corinthians , where it 's said , I am of Paul &c. but even from the last Epistle of John the longest Liver of all the Apostles . And therefore no less notticeable is D. M's extream stubborness and aversion from Truth , who would force Hierome to introduce Bishops presently after that Schism mention'd 1 Cor. 1. And accordingly , as his bad Cause oblig'd him to do with this and the rest of Hierome's Testimonies , wholly smuther'd it . And indeed all hitherto who have adventur'd to graple therewith have been conquer'd thereby , yea even Bellarmine himself is compell'd to give up the Cause . Hierome indeavours , ( saith the Jesuite r ) to conclude the equality of Bishops and Presbyters from the Epistle to Titus , to the Philippians , and from the Epistles of Peter and John which were written after the first Epistle to the Corinthians . Neither can the Jesuite find another way to be even with Hierome , but by arraigning him as fraughted with self-repugnancy , levity , and instability in this Matter ; and all the Arguments he brings to prove Hierome a Favourer of Episcopacy are only so many fruitless Attempts to make that appear . But let us go on with Hierome . But ( saith he ) the reason why after this ( viz. the writing of both the Epistles of John ) one was chosen and set over the rest , was that there might be a remedy of Schism , least every one , drawing the Church of Christ to himself , should divide it . For in Alexandria from Mark the Evangelist even to Heraclas and Dionysius the Presbyters still gave to one elected from amongst themselves , and placed in a higher seat , the Name of Bishop , as if an Army should creat a General , or the Deacons should chuse one of themselves whom they know to be industrious and name him Arch-Deacon . On these words D. M. triumphs , The Custome was ( saith he ) even from the days of St. Mark the Evangelist that a Presbyter was chosen who Governed the whole Society : this in the Opinion of St. Hierome cuts off that imaginary Interval , wherein the Chruch is said to have been Governed by a Parity of Presbyters . Where he forgeth a Gloss no way contain'd in the words of Hierome , whose Example of an Army and Deacons are only adduc'd to shew the manner of that Presbyter or nominat'd Bishop's entrance , and not at all the measure of his Power over his Collegues . And that no Power over the rest can be collected from this place is beyond Scruple clear from Hierome's present Scope , who introduces this Ancient Alexandrian Practice to clear and prove the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , which , according to him , remain'd in the Church for a while after the Writings of John , the longest Liver of all the Apostles . Had D. M. perused Dr. Stillingfleet s he had taught him that both Election and Ordination of this Alexandrian Bishop was only performed by his Fellow Presbyters , & that the Original of Hierome ' s exsors potestas , any Power he mentions in Bishops over Presbyters , is by Hierome attributed not to any Episcopal Institution but to the free choice of the Presbyters themselves : for what doth a Bishop ( continues Hierome ) except Ordination , which a Presbyter may not do . Here the Jesuites and their Follower D. M. dream they find a fine Distinction made by Hierome between Bishop and Presbyter : but first they must make an unseasonable Antiptosis , and compell Hierome to speak contrary to the express words of this place which are in the present Tense , contrary to the scope and design of this Epistle , which is professedly to shew the great Dignity of Presbyters , yea even their Identity with Bishops , and thereby to reach a sharper reproof to the petulant Deacon . And contrary , finally , to Hierome's most clear and most frequently repeated Doctrine of the Scriptural Identity of both Offices . Were it not madness then to dream , with the Jesuits , that , in these words , Hierome makes any Distinction between the Scripture - Bishop and Presbyter , who is here only asserting that in all places ( Rome excepted , where the Presbyters were more depressed and the Deacons more raised than in other Churches ) even then in his time , a Presbyter was allow'd by the Canons and Constitutions of the Churches to do ought that a Bishop might do , save Ordination alone . This his Design of holding forth the most great dignity of Presbyters , yea even their equality with Bishops , which Bellarmine acknowledges that he may the better compesce the Insolency of the Deacons , Hierome all along this Epistle prosecutes : and having again cited the Epistles to Timothy and Titus to prove that a Presbyter is contain'd in , i. e. is one and the same with a Bishop , otherwayes a Deacon is also in a Bishop ; and so Hierome had crossed his own Design by the very Argument wherewith he minded to compass it , and , having added some other Topicks to the same purpose , thus concludes his Epistle . And that we may know that the Apostolick Traditions are brought from the Old Testament , that which Aaron and his Sons , and the Levites were in the Temple , the Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons claim in the Church , Nunc animis opus Aenaeae , nunc pectore firmo . All the Jesuites and their Complices will presently be about our Ears , But Solamen nobis Soeios habuisse malorum . Their Attaques are no less on Hierome than us , wherefore this is one of the chief places brought by Bellarmine t to involve Hierome in a maze of self-contradiction , and make him propugn Prelacy , who is followed by others of the Hierarchicks but chiefly the Jesuites : And lastly in the rear comes D. M. concluding that the Hierarchy of the Christian Church is founded upon Apostolick Tradition , and that the Apostles had the Modell of the Temple in their view when they erected this Plat-form . But Junius u Answers that their Conclusion is a non sequitur . For ( saith he ) this comparison is not particular between each of these particular Officers under the Old Testament , and these under the New , but in common shewing , that as they are all obliged to serve the Church of the Jews , so all the Church-Officers under the New Testament ought to serve the Christian Church . Moreover , ( continues Junius ) tho' we should give that the Comparison were particular , yet their Conclusion would not follow , seeing Hierome speaks only of the Church Polity of his own time , and the Question now is about Hierome's Sentiments of the Church Government and Polity in the Apostolick Age and first primitive Church . And that this in Hierome's Mind was not Hierarchick but a meer Parity of Pastors , Junius already evinced : and Dr. Stillingfleet x at more length overthrows this their Jesuitical Doctrine , and Demonstrats that by Apostolical Tradition in Hierome only Ecclesiastick Custome of some Antiquity is mean'd , & asserts that it 's not imaginable that Jerome who had been proving all along the Superiority of a Presbyter above a Deacon , because of his Identity with a Bishop in the Apostles times should at the same time say that a Bishop was above a Presbyter by the Apostles Institution , and so directly overthrow all he had been saying before . The plain meaning ( continues Dr. Stillingfleet ) then of Jerome is no more but this , that as Aaron and his Sons in the Order of Priesthood were above the Levites under the Law : So the Bishops and Presbyters in the Order of the Evangelical Priesthood are above the Deacons under the Gospel . For the Comparison runs not between Aaron and his Sons under the Law , and Bishops and Presbyters under the Gospel ; but between Aaron and his Sons , as one part of the Comparison under the Law , and the Levites under them as the other ; so under the Gospel , Bishops and Presbyters make one part of the Comparison , answering to Aaron and his Sons in that wherein they all agree ; viz. the Order of Priesthood ; and the other part under the Gospel is that of Deacons , answering to the Levites under the Law. The Opposition is not then in the Power of Jurisdiction between Bishops and Priests , but between the same Power of Order , which is alike both in Bishops and Presbyters ( according to the acknowledgement of all ) to the Office of Deacons which stood in Competition with them — Hereby we see how unhappyly those Arguments succeed , which are brought from the Analogy between the Aaronical Priesthood , to endeavour the setting up of a Jus Divinum of a paralell Superiority under the Gospel . All which Arguments are taken off by this one thing we 're now upon , viz , that the Orders and Degrees under the Gospel , were not taken up from Analogy to the Temple . — Other passages of Jerome they also study to abuse , but these now handl'd are the most specious . But of such Allegat●ons out of Jerome , hear the same Dr. y And among all these fifteen Testimonies produced by a learned Writer out of Jerome for the Superiority of Bishops above Presbyters , I cannot find one that doth found it upon any Divine Right , but only upon the conveniency of such an Order for the Peace and Unity of the Church of God : But granting some passages may have a more favourable aspect towards the Superiority of Bishops over Presbyters in his other Writings , I would fain know whether a Man's Judgement must be taken from occasional and accidental Passages , or from designed and set Discourses ; which is as much as to ask , whether the lively Representation of a man by picture , may be best taken , when in hast of other business he passeth by us , giving only a glance of his countenance , or when he purposely and designedly sits in order to that end that his countenance may be truly represented ? He adds that Jerome , in his Commentaries , where he expresly declares not his own mind , transcribes often out of others without setting down their names &c. § . 9. Most dishonest therefore is the conduct of the Loyolites , and of others of the Prelatists their Associats in this Matter , but above all men that of D. M. who , beside all this his foul dealling , following Bayly the Iesuite , has scarce adventur'd to lay before his Reader in ●nglish so much as one scrape or particle of what the Reform'd bring from Jerome against the Romanists and such Hierarchick Advocats ; which in D. M. is the most certain product of both extream Disingenuity & Diffidence But so great is the power of prejudice that they stick not to sacrifice both their Credit , and whatsoever else they should reckon most estimable , to such Dreams , as even most of the Church of England , yea and of the Romanists either acted by the love of the Truth or compell'd by its Power , had condemn'd . We have heard how Bishop Jewel , Dr. Morton , the Bishop of Spalato , and Dr. Stillingfleet , renounce and explode so palpable an untruth . And Dr. Forbes z is of the same Mind , yeelding that Hierome is all one with Aërius in this , that Bishops by Divine Right are not at all Superior to Presbyters . And that these two are intirely of one and the same Mind , we have heard also granted by the most learn'd of the Romanists as Alphonsus de Castro , and Medina , some whereof acknowledge , that none could be of another Opinion concerning them . And Benedictus Justinianus and other Romanists are of the same Mind . How then , were all these Doctors sitting in Council to determine of this very Matter , should they chastise and brand these most partial and disingenuous Dealers , we have now to do with ? Other Hierarchicks who would not confess so much in plain Terms , yet sometimes discover both their disingenuity and true Sentiments so palpably as if they had expresly made the same Confession . Dr. Pearson , tho' he says nothing in his own Name , yet a acknowledges that Hierome hath said so much for the Authority of Presbytry , and endeavoured so much to establish it , that he is judged to make it well nigh equal to the Episcopal Order . And Bellarmine tells us that Hierome was self repugnant , and knew not what he said . And Petavius , tho' the most pertinacious wrangler of all the Society , grants b that Hierome makes Presbyters well nigh all one with Bishops but not the very same ( saith the Jesuite ) or intirely their Equalls being Inferior in so much as they want the Power of Ordination . And c that according to Hierome's Mind meer Custome and not the Lord 's Appointment gave to the Bishops above Presbyters any Power they have either in Ruling the Church , or external Government . And were things brought to this pass , I 'm sure they should make but small account of the sory remainder Petavius makes Hierome leave them , as being altogether useless for support of the Pomp and Splendor of their Hierarchy . To these add the Jesuite Cel●otius who after a thousand Meanders and serpentine windings to elude and deprave these clear Testimonies of Hierome , at length , seeing all would not do , rejects them all as the Forgeries of unlucky Aërian hands never written by Hierome . For which Cellotius is chastised even by Petavius and others of the Loyolites themselves . Into such Discord , Confusion and Torment do Men usually throw themselves , so soon as they obstinatly resolve to wage War with so clear and irradiant Verities . And here it 's observable that in all times , and in all Churches , the Authority of Hierome has been exceeding great , and above most of the primitive Writers which came not to pass without a special Divine Providence that he , and in him the whole primitive Church whose Judgement in these Matters he most clearly delivers , might remain as an unsuspected and an uncontroverted witness against some of latter Ages pretendedly Catholick but really Sectarian Novelists . Among the great Services he did to the Church , two Pieces are more especially notticeable viz. his most clear asserting and acurat distinguishing the Canonical Books from the Apocryphal above all who handled or wrote of that great and most necessary Article : and , which is the Matter in hand , his Antiprelatick Doctrine of the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter : these not only Hieronymian , but also truly Catholick Doctrines are with equall fierceness impugn'd by the Romanists : and I appeal to the impartial Reader if their Exceptions against this latter be a whit more solide than these which are advanced against the former , viz. Hierome's Judgement of the Canonical Scriptures which are to be found collected and learn'dly refuted by Dr. Cosin e . And indeed these Sophisters , endeavouring to subvert these Catholick Doctrines of Hierome , dash only on an Adamantine Rock : for as never any Articles were better founded , so , notwithstanding of whatsoever practical Aberrations therefrom were fall'n into , none were more universally imbrac'd , receiv'd and handed down : for to speak of the Matter of our present concern , this Hieronymian Doctrine all following Church Writers ratifie and approve ; the bulk of subsequent Commentators , Writers of Offices and of other Treatises , as f Salvianus , Isidorus Hispalensis g Amalarius h , Rabanus Maurus i , yea , and intire Councils as that 2 of Sevil k which ascribes the whole Difference and S●periority only to Church-Canons and late Constitutions : and after them Gratian l and Lombard m , who affirm that in the primitive Church there was only Presbyters and Deacons and his Expositors , among whom is Aestius n who very fairly quites the Scriptures , and tells us that this Superiority is not very clear from Scripture , which is nothing but a Confession of the Truth of Hierome's Doctrine forced from this great Prelatist and School-man . Yet adds Aestius , this may be sufficiently proved another way . To which words Dr. Stillingfleet occurrs . Ingenuously said ( saith he o ) however ; but all the difficulty is , how a Jus Divinum should be prov'd , when Men leave the Scriptures . But in the recounting and transcribing of such Confessions or Testimonies , I will not inlarge . And now having rescued the principal Scriptures , our Antagonists detort in favours of their Distinction between Bishop and Presbyters , and vindicated some places commonly adduc'd for the Identity thereof , as also evinced that the most celebrated of the Ancients did no otherways understand these Scriptures , nor derive the Original of Prelacy from Divine Institution , I may with confidence conclude that Ignatius had none before him of the Judgement that he ( if we believe the Hierarchicks ) so passionately favour'd . Section IX . The Testimonies of Ignatius's contemporaries disproving what our Adversaries would force him to speak , and confirming what we have prov'd to be his mind , viz. that he cashiers a Diocesan Prelacy . HAving viewed the Apostolick Writings and dived into their most ancient Commentators and primitive Doctors , and having found that in the time of the Apostles the immediat Ancestors of Ignatius there was in the Church no such thing as a Diocesan Prelate . Let us next look unto what remains of his Contemporaries or these who lived near Ignatius's time , and we shall have ground to deduce the same Inference . And first it's observable that these Writers , such as Clemens Romanus in his Epistle to the Corinthians ( for the rest that bear his Name are undoubtedly spurious ) Polycarp to the Philippians , Hermas or Pastor , Justine Martyr , tho' they , as occasion offers , frequently mention Pastors , Doctors , Bishops , Presbyters , indifferently taking all of 'em for on and the same Office , yet of a Diocesan Prelat , or one set over other Pastors , or over these that had Power of Dispensing the Word and Sacraments , in all their Writings have not a syllable . Which Argument against a Diocesan Prelat , tho' negative , is not to be slighted if we consider these Authors their closs Vicinity to the Apostles the occasion they had to have mention'd him had he been then existent , their more than a Pythagorick silence concerning him . Yea the same kind of negative Argumentation Eusebius uses , while he disproves and explodes some Writings forg'd in the Name of John , Andrew , and other Apostles a because ( saith he ) no ancient Ecclesiastick Writers mention these Books . We shall find moreover that they positively disclaim Diocesan Prelacy . I begin with Clemens Romanus , who , writing to the Corinthians , commends their former carriage in these words , Ye walked in the commands of God , and being obedient to these that had the rule over you , and giving your Elders due honour , ye were wont to admonish the younger with Moderation , to seek after things that are honest b . And again c Wherefore the Apostles , preaching the Word thro' the severall regions , and proving by the Spirit the first fruits thereof , ordain'd Bishops and Deacons for these who should believe : neither was this a new Ordinance , for many ages before , it was written concerning Bishops ; for so in a certain place saith the Scripture , I will appoint their Bishops in Righteousness and their Deacons in Faith. And d Our Apostles by Jesus Christ our Lord knew that there would arise Contention concerning the Name of a Bishop , and therefore , being endew'd with a perfect Fore-knowledge , they ordain'd the fore-said Officers , and left unto us describ'd the particular services of both Ministers and Offices , to the end that approv'd Men might succeed in the place of the defunct , and execute their Office. These therefore who are ordain'd by them or by other famous men with the Consent of the whole Church , who blamelesly serv'd the Sheepfold of Christ with humility and quietness , & without baseness , and who for a long time had a good Testimony from all : These , I say , cann't be justly thrust out of their Office : for we commit no light sin if we cast out these from the Bishops Office who holyly and blamelesly perform'd it . Blessed are these Presbyters or Pastors who have perfited their journey and are dead , and who have obtain'd a profitable departure : for they are not afrai'd least any thrust them out of their places into others : For we see that you have cast some from their Charge which they perform'd with honour . e It 's base Beloved , yea very base and unworthy of a Conversation that is in Christ Jesus , to hear that the most stable and ancient Church of Corinth , for the sake of one or two should raise sedition against the Presbyters . And f If I be the Cause of Contention , schism and sedition , I 'le depart and be gone whithersoever ye will , and do what the People shall command , providing only that the sheepfold of Christ , with the Presbyters appointed over it , may have peace . And g And you therefore , who were the Authors of this Division subject your selves to your Presbyters . Hence Observe First , that he never names , or so much as insinuats that in Corinth there was any Bishop Superintendent over the rest of the Pastors . But as the Apostle to the Hebrews had done before him , honours equally all their Pastors with the Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these that bear Rule over them . Secondly , That , in imitation of the same Apostle Paul , he names only Bishops and Deacons as the only Orders of Divine Institution , by whom the whole Gospel-Service was to be perform'd . Therefore afterward when he names Presbyters in distinction from the Flock and as Rulers over it , he cann't be understood ( as Petavius and Pearson would force him ) to speak of Presbyters with Relation and Respect only of their Age , but to give them this Demonstration as a peculiar Designation of a Church-Office ; and so the word Presbyter most of necessity with Clement coincide in its meaning with the word Bishop , and both of 'em become Synonymous Terms to hold forth but one and the same thing . Thirdly , That the Apostles did not , as we find afterward Decreed by the Synod of Sardica , and admonish'd by Pope Leo , chuse out only the greater Cities , and neglect and forbear to place Bishops in lesser Villages , that the name of Bishop hereby might not fall into Contempt , but indifferently and without distinction of places every where settled them according as there was a probability they might serve the great end of their calling therein . Fourthly , That to found the Distinction and number of these Orders , if we believe Clement , the Apostles had no eye unto the Jewish Church-Polity , so as to make it a Pattern for that of the Christian , but only to what was prophecied and foretold by the Prophets concerning a new frame of the New Testament Church , and thus Clement really contradicts all the Patrons of the Hierarchy , who would still found their triple Orders on that of the High-Priest , Priests and Levites of the Temple . Fifthly , That in Corinth it was attempted to throw out a plurality of real Bishops and cast them from their Charge , and that the Sedition was not moved against one only but divers Bishops in that Church . Many other things might be observed ; but these serve sufficiently to prove that there was a plurality of true Bishops of Corinth , who were in nothing distinguished from Pastors of particular Flocks , or preaching Presbyters . § . 2. Petavius h notwithstanding cann't abide any such Inference from the words of Clement . Wherefore he scrapes together several things whereby to ward off the force of these Passages : and alledges that Clemens his silence of the Bishop of Corinth makes nothing for us . For Pope Siricius ( saith he ) in his Epistle to the Church of Millain maketh no mention of their Bishop , altho' in that mean time Ambrose occupied the Chair . But the vast Difference between the Cases and the Circumstances of the Churches of Corinth and Millain quite nullifies the Jesuites Instance . The People of Millain jointly both Clergy and Laity had thrust out Jovinian , few or none of them ( for ought we hear ) being prosylited to his Doctrine : wherefore Siricius had nothing to do but shew them in General that he had excommunicated Jovinian with two or three others who had fled to Rome for Sanctuary . So there was no special Ground or Cause why particular mention should be made of Ambrose the Bishop , or any other , whether of the Clergy or Laity , the whole Body thereof , for ought now known , being without any Schism earnest enough for the expulsion of Jovinian , and only expecting what the Bishop of Rome which they acknowledged as the first See , and whether Jovinian had fled , would do in this Matter . Whereas , one the other hand , Clemens writes to a Church cut in pieces with a Schism in their own Bowels , infected with Sedition of no small part of the People against their Pastors , broken with ( as appears plain ) a division of the very Pastors themselves ; and this grown to such a hight , that some of the Pastors were thrust from their places , and driv'n out : now in this Case the Bishop had either the best of it ; and so the seditious part merited a severe , and special reprimand on the account of their Opposition to , and Separation from their Bishop , and thus he should certainly have been mentioned : or else he was the Cause of the Division ; or , at least , joined with the injurious , and therefore should have been particularly reproved or admonished . Clement , it 's true , names none : but the influence which the good or evil Carriage the Bishop had , and could not but have in such a Matter , had certainly obliged Clement either to mention his name of give some signification of him , if there had been any Diocesan Bishop existent in Corinth . Clemens speaks of several Pastors of Flocks , which I think none will deny , intimats the diversity of their Carriage in that Business , and gives Directions accordingly . How can it be apprehended that he should pass over the chief Pastor , and go to the rest without so much as the least Direction unto him , the least mention of him , yea or the least insinuation that there was , in Corinth , any such thing . Petavius's next Attempt is on these words of Clement , i where he tells that the Apostles instituted Bishops and Deacons . And the Jesuite contends , that two distinct Orders are not here mean'd , but that the word Deacon is only explicative of the former word Bishop , and cites several places where the word Deacon is taken in a signification of Honour , and applied to the Apostles and Civil Magistrates : And afterward terms Salmasius ridiculous , for saying that Clemens nam'd only Bishops and Deacons without mention of Presbyters . For ( saith the Jesuite ) Presbyters are more frequently mention'd by Clement than either Bishops or Deacons . But certainly these Orders are again and again mention'd by Clement without adding any thereto ordetracting therefrom ; when he appears to reckon up all the Church-Officers that are of Divine Institution . And altho' the word Deacon be sometimes taken for the Designation of a higher Office. Yet , as Petavius himself k else where observes , It is with the addition of such a word or phrase as guides our Judgement , and gives us to learn that by it is not understood this lower Order of Church-Officers as Rom. 13. the Magistrate is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Minister of God. But there is no such explicative word or particle in Clement to alter the common Signification thereof , on which account we 're not lightly to resile therefrom . But that which utterly overthrows the Jesuite's Cause , is Clement's closs Conformity to the Apostle in his account of Church-Orders , who 1 Tim. 1. 3. beyond all Scruple of any Party , takes these words in the sense we plead for to Clement , and makes not at all the word Deacon exegetick and explicative of the word Bishop : but by it designs a distinct Order of Church-Officers from what is signifi'd by the other . For doubtless Clement Paul's Fellow-Labourer took the words in the same signification and meaning , wherein the Apostle had understood them . And accordingly Clement , for Confirmation hereof , adduces the words of Isaiah 60. 17. which place , as he then certainly found it in the Septuagint , contains the words Bishops & Deacons exactly as Paul expresseth & distinguisheth Church-Officers : and on this Ground Clement goes when he intimats that the Apostles in their Institution of Church-Officers had an eye to these words of the Prophet . In vain therefore labours Petavius to disprove the Copy of Isaiah used by Clement , and brings the Hebrew , Hierome and others taking the word in a different signification : for thus he hath not Salmasius or any other modern Defender of Presbytry but Clement himself , whom he pretends to vindicate , for his Adversary : seeing we Dispute not concerning the Greek Copy Clement used , but of the thing he inferr'd from these words of Isaiah according to the Copy he then cited . Neither is it more to the Jesuite's advantage that the word Presbyter is several times found in Clement . For seeing , as is plain , yea and the Jesuite himself not only grants but proves , that it frequently there denotes , not a degree of Age but a Church-Officer , it must of necessity be a Term altogether Synonymous with the word Bishop . For they themselves plead not for the Equipolency thereof with the word Deacon , wherein Petavius himself shall afford us no small assistance , who having , but to no purpose ( seeing never Man denied it ) shewed that with Clement the word Presbyter is sometimes taken appellatively , to denote old Age but no Church-Officer , subjoins these remarkable words ; At other times Clement so uses the word Presbyter as thereby to signifie a certain Function and publick Office in the Ministry , and a certain Dignity in the Church , which he calls an Episcopacy or the Office of a Bishop . From this plain Testimony of a Man in learning , and love to Prelacy , second to none that ever undertook its Defence , it 's clear , as the Light it self , that with Clement the word Bishop and the word Presbyter when he takes it for a Church-Function , are Terms altogether Synonymous . For if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Episcopacy or the Office of a Bishop be competent to Clement's Presbyter , and things as they ought , receive Denominations from Forms wherewith they 're cloathed , then this Presbyter in the Judgement of Clement is really a Bishop , and indeed this is superlatively clear to any , who , but with an open and unprepossess'd Mind reads the places of Clement we have already produced . Howbeit the Testimony of such an Adversary gives no small additional Confirmation to the Truth thereof . Yea the same Adversary in the same place acknowledges , that even then the Title of Bishop was also common , and in after times only appropriated to one . And again , It 's clear ( saith Petavius ) from this place , that there was a Council or Ecclesiastick Senate ordain'd by the Apostles at Corinth ; whose Dignity and Office Clemens calls Episcopacy , and the chiefest of the Clergy he names Presbyters , as also from this which Clement afterward writes . It 's base Beloved , yea most base &c. And he names the same Presbyters Pastors and Church-Governours of the Christian Sheepsold . And now judge how the Jesuite after these Concessions could yet say , that it follows not from hence that in Corinth or at other Cities there was no peculiar Bishop . § . 3. And here again we find D. M. l at his old filching Trade transcribing Petavius his Perversions of Clement , or bringing what is no more serviceable to either Cause or Credit : as that Clement comprehends all the Jewish Clergy under the name of Priests and Levites : Therefore ( Inferrs D. M. ) It follows not from Clement his naming only Bishops and Deacons , that Bishops and Presbyters are not in Clement distinct Offices . But D. M. should remember that Clement not only Dichotomizes but Trichotomizes the Jewish Clergy into three Parts . But does he any where so divide the Christian Clergy ? He not only names the two Kinds of Offices , but so names them as to identifie and take for one and the same Bishop and Presbyter : which Petavius and D. M. and their Brethren by all means labour to make him distinguish . But St. Clement ( saith D. M. ) exhorting the Corinthians to order sets before them the subordination under the Temple-Service , how the High-Priest , Priests , and Levites were distinguish'd by their proper Service , and immediatly recommends to them , that every one of them should continue in his proper Order . Now ( continues D. M. ) when we consider the primitive Method of reasoning from Jewish precedents , St. Clement had never talked at this rate , if the Jurisdiction of one over many Priests had been abolished under the New Testament . But , why does he mutter , for it if he can bring ought for his purpose he must also Inferr from this passage of Clement m that as there was a High-Priest over all the Jewish Church , so there must be another High-Priest over all Christians . And that all Christians must bring Oblations and Sacrifices to the Temple at Hierusalem : for from these Topick does Clement exhort the Corinthians to Harmony . Whether then D. M. be a Romanist or a Jew may be a Question ; for unquestionably his way of reasoning symbolizes with both of them . The Truth is , nothing can be inferr'd from this place of Clement , but that as under the Old Testament every one , whether Church-man or Laick , was to abide in his own Order without raising Schism or Confusion , so it ought to be under the New Testament . St. Clement himself ( continues D. M. ) distinguishes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An express untruth , and I challenge D. M. and his Complices to prove it . Nor can it be ( adds D. M. ) an Objection of any weight , that the first who were their Spiritual Governours are mention'd in the plural number , since this was an Encyclical Epistle addressed to Corinth as the principal City , and from thence transmitted to its dependencies &c. By which words , if he speaks sense , he intimats that there were in the Apostolick age Metropolitan Cities in an Ecclesiastick sense , whose Bishops according to the Civil Dignity of these Cities were Metropolitan , and had their numbers of inferiour and dependent Bishops . A most nauseous and hatefull Hypothesis of some giddy Papaturiants which , as we have heard , even the more candide of the Episcopalls , disclaim and explode . I shall shut up all concerning Clement with the Suffrages of two illustrious Names , neither whereof , I 'm sure , did ever favour Presbytry : I mean Grotius and Stillingfleet . Had Episcopacy ( saith the Doctor n ) been instituted on the occasion of the Schism at Corinth , certainly of all places , we should the soonest have heard of a Bishop at Corinth for the remedying of it ; and yet almost of all places , these Heralds that derive the Succession of Bishops from the Apostles times , are the most plunged whom to six on at Corinth . And they that can find any one single Bishop at Corinth at the time when Clemens writ his Epistle to them ( about another Schism as great as the former , which certainly had not been according to their Opinion , if a Bishop had been there before ) must have better Eyes and Judgement , than the deservedly admired Grotius , who brings this in his Epistle to Bignonius as an Argument of the undoubted Antiquity of that Epistle , quod nusquam meminit exsortis &c. that Clement no where mentions , that singular Authority of Bishops which by Church custome after the Death of Mark at Alexandria , and by its Example in other places began to be introduced , but Clemens clearly shews as did the Apostle Paul , that then by the common Council of the Presbyters who both by Paul , and Clement are called Bishops , the Churches were governed . § . 4. I proceed next to the Vindication of Polycarp . Subject your selves ( saith he o ) to the Presbyters and Deacons as to God and Christ , and , as Virgins , walk with a pure Conscience , let the Presbyters be simple or innocent , mercifull in all things , turning all Men from their Errors , visiting all who are weak , not neglecting Widows , Orphans , and those that are Poor , but alwayes providing such things as are good in the sight of God and Men. Here we learn that the highest Office then in the Church of Philippi was that of a Presbyter , and that there was a Plurality to whom the Philippians were to be subjected without the least mention of a particular Bishop governing those Presbyters . And , which deserves no overly Consideration , we here see that as , when Clement gives an account of Church Orders , he named two only , so we have the same number expressed by Polycarp , but they altered their Denomination of the former Order , and they whom Clement calls sometimes Bishops , sometimes Presbyters , Polycarp calls still Presbyters . It 's most observable also , how both Paul and Polycarp subject the Church of one single City Philippi to a Plurality or Multitude of Pastors , whom Paul calls Bishops , and Polycarp Presbyters . From all which the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter most inevitably results . § . 5. And indeed this Passage of Polycarp so much gravells the Hierarchicks , that Dr. Pearson is driven to his last Leggs , and compelled to present us with a shift unworthy of its Author . Who can prove ( saith he p ) that the Bishop of Philippi was then alive , who can shew us , that the Philippians asked not Counsel at Polycarp , for this cause , that they then enjoyed not a Bishop , for thus Polycarp bespeaks them . These things Brethren , I write not of my self to you concerning righteousness , but you have moved me thereunto . Thus Pearson , and indeed it 's enough here to return the Question inverted , who is able to prove , if there had been a Bishop in Philippi , that he was not alive ? For seeing he affirms it , he or his Advocats are obliged to instruct what they say . That which he pretends to from these words of the Epistle wherein Polycarp saith he was moved thereto by the Philippians themselves , affords him not the least support ; there not being therein one syllable concerning the vacancy of the Bishops Seat or the Church Government during this Defect ; or how to fill the Chair . Of all or any of these nec vol● nec vestigium , but only ( as is evident from Polycarp ) they seem to have desir'd of him some Direction concerning the blameless walk of any Christian. And indeed , the Bishop within a very few lines fairly yeelds the Cause , really acknowledging that he had said nothing to the purpose . But seeing ( saith he ) these things are uncertain , we have no certainty from the Discourse of Polycarp . Well then , it must follow , for ought he knew , that Polycarp knew no Diocesan Bishop in Philippi , that he had never heard of his Death , seeing nothing hereof can be gathered from him . And that he had never heard of his Life or Being , we may well conclude from this , that he devolves the whole Church-Affairs upon a Plurality of Presbyters . But once again ; Is it at all credible , but that if Polycarp had written to the Philippians after the death of their Bishop and during the vacancy of the Chair , he had comforted them after this so considerable a Loss , and giv'n them Directions for chusing of a worthy Successor , especially if [ as Pearson would have ] they had ask'd his counsell concerning this very Matter ? Had ever a Pastor like Polycarp neglected so seasonable an Office ? His profound silence therefore of the Death of any such Bishop in Philippi sufficiently demonstrats that this Dr. Pearson's Invention was only the product of a desperate Cause , and that there was left here no doore of Escape . And here let me observe that Philippi is no less fatal to the Episcopals , than its neighbouring plains were to the Pompeians : for they are stung and confounded with the very first words of Paul to that Church , and , as we have heard , amongst their other wild shifts , they answer that the Bishop was often absent . But there was a good number of years between the writing of Paul and that of Polycarp to the Philippians , and yet we see the Bishop is never come home ; Why taryeth the wheel of his Lordship's Chariot ? Hath he not sped at Court ? And having supplanted some of the Nobility , made a prey of the Office of Chancellour or Treasourer , that after so long absence there is no news of his return ? Nor are we ever like to hear any more of him , for now [ say they ] he 's dead : I had perhaps believ'd them , were 't not impossible for one to die who was never alive . But enough of this ; for such Answers would really tempt one to think that their Authors studi'd nothing more than to ridicule their oun Cause and afford Game to their Reader . § . 6. And here I cann't but nottice the ill-grounded vapouring of D. M. who q from the inscription of the Epistle ( Polycarp and the Presbyters that are with him ) concludes that he was vested with Episcopal jurisdiction and eminency amongst these Presbyters . And so much he pretends to bring out of Blondel as as his forc'd Confession , which is so far from being true , that it 's brought in by Blondel as an Objection and silly Conjecture of the Episcopals , which he r diverse ways overthrows . And indeed never was there a more wretch'd deduction fram'd , seeing , as Blondel at large shews , the phrase natively yealds only this sense viz. Polycarp and the rest of the Presbyters of that Colleage . And thus D. M. may as well inferr Peter's Superiority and Power over the rest of the Apostles from Acts 2. 37. To Peter and to the rest of the Apostles . Moreover Blondel demonstrats how , on diverse accounts , Polycarp without any Eminency and Power over the rest may be particularly nominated rather than others ; as , because he was first in Order and Years . But I insist not herein , but referr to Blondel who hath nervously baffl'd this their pitifull Coujecture . D. M. adventures to ingage with nothing of what he saith , and yet is not asham'd to bring to the Field so blunted a weapon . I pass also D. M.'s two Arguments for Polycarp's Diocesan Episcopacy , drawn from the pretended Succession of Diocesan Bishops in Smyrna , and the Epistles of Ignatius mention'd by Polycarp , having overthrown both of 'em already , and proceed to the Testimony of Hermas who s thus speaks : Thou shalt write two Books , thou shalt send one to Clement and one to Graptes , and Clement shall send it to foraign Cities ; for to him this is permitted : and Graptes shall admonish the Widows and Orphans , but thou shalt read it with , or relate it unto the Presbyters in this City who govern the Church . Where we see that not any one Bishop , but a Colledge of Presbyters ( call'd , doubtless , afterward by the same Author , Bishops ) govern'd the Church of one City . Yet D. M. pretends to find here a palpable Evidence of Episcopacy ; For ( saith he t ) the sending of the Encyclical Epistle to foraign Cities is insinuated to be the peculiar Priviledge of Clement then Bishop of Rome . But if he conclude from this place of Hermas that Clement had any Power over these to whom he was to send that Book or Epistle ( as for Clement's being Bishop of Rome it 's so far from being insinuated here , that the quite contary is from this very place most evident ) he may as well inferr from Col. 4. 16. that they had Power over the Laodiceans whither they were to send , and cause to be read the Apostle's Letter . Secondly , D. M. ascribing to the Bishop of Rome Power over foraign Cities , erects a Pope rather than a Bishop . But I 'll assure him he came not in so early : for seeing there was undoubtedly one Bishop ( at least ) in every particular City so soon as there were any in the World , this place of Hermas ( if it bear D. M's Inference and give a Power to Clement over foraign Cities ) insinuats nothing of a Bishop's Dignity above Presbyters , but of the power of one Bishop over another or rather of a Pope over other Churches . A falshood most unanimously exploded by Cyprian , Jerome , Augustine , and the rest of the Ancients D. M. seeks also for his Prelacy in these words of Hermas viz. u The Earthly Spirit exalts it self and seeks the first seat . x Some contend for Principality and Dignity . But what if Hermas had said that some contended to get an Empire and Popedome over the whole Church ; would D. M. hence conclude that it was lawfull or then practised in the Church , or when the Apostles contended who should be the greatest ? Had Christ before that time assured them of the lawfulness of such an Office , and told them , that they were to have one to be a Prince over the rest ? By no Logick therefore can it be inferred for Hermas his words that a chief Seat or Principality ( for both are one and the same with Hermas ) was then either exercised or held lawfull . Again , tho' both had been then in Custome , no Power of one over the rest can be hence concluded ; seeing the chief Seats are given to the Moderators of Synods and other Presidents of Assemblies , who have no primacy of Power but only of Order . And again y , The polished and white Stones ( saith Hermas ) are the Apostles , and Bishops , and Doctors , and Deacons , who walked in the Clemency of God , a●d exercised the Office of a Bishop , and taught and served . And , z Such are some Bishops , that is Governours of the Churches , and these who have the Char●e of the Services . § . 7. In both places ( saith Blondel ) he makes only two Degrees that of the Bishops who governed the Churches , and that of the Deacons who had the charge of the Services , for it 's acknowledged by all that the Doctors are all one with the Bishops , when they are said to have performed the Office of a Bishop , and that the Apostles as they are opposed to Bishops , were placed above the whole Clergy . This ( repons D. M. ) is Tergiversation with a Witness , and a fraudulent Trick in Blondel , since Presbyters in the primitive Church are frequently distinguished by the Name of Doctors : and Blondel's Commentary is a manifest violence offered to the Text , for Doctors are not said to have performed the Office of a Bishop but to have taught : and this is very agreeable to their Character , being so much imploy'd by their respective Bishops in teaching the Catechumeni ; and the natural position of these words will allow of no other meaning . Which Answer D. M. hath learned from the Practice of our late Bishops , during whose Epocha the Buffund might have hid himself well nigh the whole year from the Bishop's fury in the Bishop's pulpit , seeing he scarce ever came thither to play the Doctor or ought else . As for the Ancient and true primitive Bishops , they perpetually preach'd or taught ( saith Le Moyn a Moreover the Fathers generally take Pastor , Bishop , and Doctor for one and the same as Chrysostome , Theophylact , Theodoret , Sedulius ; and after them , Aquinas , Haymo , Benedictus Justinianus with others on Ephes. 4. 11. Of the same mind are Hierome , Augustine and Anselm b , and the pretended Clemens Romanus cited by Gratian and Benedictus Justinianus , and the Fathers of the Council of Carthage . Of the same Mind are the ablest of our Episcopals , as Field , Hammond and Heylen c So truly did Blondel say that Bishop and Doctor is universally taken for one and the same . Neither was ever the Presbyter either in Cyprian or any other Ancient , called Doctor in opposition to the Bishop but to other Ecclesiastick Presbyters , who taught not , of whose existence , as was before touched , we have most sufficient assurance . But D. M. in contradiction to the Apostle would have a Bishop who is no Teacher or Preacher , like the Droll who said , he mett with Priests who were no Clerks . And seeing with Hermas there are but two Orders of Church-men , and Bishops , and praesides Ecclesiarum Church Governours are reciprocal Terms taken for one and the same : and seeing that his Presbyters are expresly term'd Church-Governours ; it 's most evident that he takes Bishop and Presbyter for one and the same , and that the word Doctor is purely exegetick or explicative of the word Bishop , and that both of them , which I 'm sure is not unfrequent in all sorts of Authors , evidently signifie one and the same thing . § . 8. I now proceed to Justine Martyr who d thus gives an account of the state of the Churches their particular and weekly Assemblies for receiving the Word and Sacraments . After this , Bread and Wine tempered with Water is brought to the Ruler or Governour of the Brethren , which when he hath received , he gives praise and glory to the Parent of all — The Deacons give to all present Bread and Wine tempered with Water after they are Consecrated by Thanks-giving , and carry them to such as are absent . And on Snnday all who live either in Cities or in the Country come together into one place — And when the Reader has ceas'd , the Governour makes an exhortatory Sermon — The voluntary Contribution is laid up with the Governour who distributes it to the Orphans &c. Where it 's not only observable that Justine following not the pretended Ignatius but the Apostle , Clement , Polycarp , Hermas , mentions only two Orders of Church-men , viz. Governours and Deacons , but also that he gives a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Bishop to every Congregation , and that Justine's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is all one with the Bishop who was then in being is yealded by the fiercest Hierarchicks , Heylen e who yeelds his whole Plea and says that Justine's President of the Congregation , or Bishop , ordinarily celebrated the Eucharist and Preach'd God's holy Word ; and Maurice f . Well then , 't is all one how this ancient Church-Ruler be named , whither Presbyter , Governour , or Bishop , seeing there was one for every Congregation that mett for receiving the word and Sacraments , the Controversy between us and the Hierarchicks , which is not about Names but Things , is fully ended if they stand to Justine's Decision . § . 9. Dr. Maurice would have Justine to be understood as speaking only of the Diocesan Bishops Church . For ( saith he ) to carry the Bread and Wine to all absents in their severall Duellings , was not convenient nor easy in numerous Congregations , and they knew not well who were absent . But this Perversion is too wretch'd & palpable to wheedle any in in his right wit out of Justine's plain Meaning . Dr. Maurice knew well enough that in these times of such Fervor and Love among Christians , and such Veneration for the Lord's Supper , they doubtless most exactly observ'd the Ordinances , and absented not without speciall and weighty Causes . And seeing the Custome of receiving the Elements at home , when they could not come to Church was then in vigour , and believed to be their Duty ( if these Elements were given to Absents as their proper Communion , or were only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the last remains of the Custume of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Love Feasts , I now dispute not ) they took special care to signifie their Absence and Causes thereof , by their Relations or Christian Brethren to their Deacons , and such as were concerned to know it . Neither , if we consider the Church-Discipline of these times , is it to be doubted that the Deacons had an exact List of all to whom they were each Lords Day to give the Sacrament , and consequently by no means could be ignorant who were either absent or present . Wherefore , tho' the Deacons had been fewer than they were , they could easily , tho' the whole Congregation had been never so numerous , carry the Elements to these very few whom sickness or other lawfull and weighty Reasons had confined to their Habitations : all which Dr. Maurice well enough perceived ; and therefore he 's here no less feeble in his Actings than a man breathing his last , and advances only such triffles as may make his Friends ashamed and confirm his Adversaries . Neither do I wonder hereat , seeing he undertook the Defence of a palpable untruth : for not only speaks Justine of the Christian Assemblies in common without the least exception , but clearly tells us that he speaks of the meatings of all the Christians for receiving the Word and Sacraments , not only in Cities , but in the Country a place too base for the Cathedral and Diocesan Bishops Chair , and of all such Congregations , as in the first day of the Week , as the Apostle speaks , made Collections or had Deacons for that end , which belongs to every Congregation where the Word and Sacraments are dispensed . Neither is this ought but what we have discover'd to be the Mind of their Ignatius himself , and seconded with the Suffrages of the greatest Friends to Prelacy . § . 10. Wherefore most vain is D. M's g Labour to prove that it follows not from Justine that there were then only two Orders of Church-men . Seeing Justine giving a Governour or Bishop to every Congregation , quite overturns Diocesan Episcopacy . And more vain yet is this , that as , what he undertakes tho' proved is nothing to his purpose , so the Reasons he brings prove nothing of what he undertakes . For his first Reason , viz. That Justine intended only to give a true account of what was ordinarly performed in the Christian Meetings in opposition to the abominable Stories propagated against them by their Enemies , so that he had no occasion to reckon up the several Gradations of the Hterarchy , is equally favourable to Prelatists and Papists , who may as well use it for a Sanctuary to their Pope as they to their Prelats . And indeed had there then either been a Pope over all or a Prelate with Princely Power as D. M. pleads for over a multitude of Churches , the Christians seeing they were frequently reproached with an intended Rebellion , had found themselves obliged in a special manner to apologize for their Princes and absolute Lords , who would have been looked on as little less than the Emperour's Rivalls and Arch-Promoters and Heads of the supposed Insurrection . Moreover , which we have already noted , and fully shews the nullity of D. M's Reason , not only Justine but all the genuine Writings of them that went before him , mention only , like Justine , these two Orders of Church-men . D. M's second Reason , viz. That the Christians were most shy to publish any thing relating either to the Mysteries of their Religion or the Constitution of the Church , more than was absolutely necessary in their own Defence &c. is another lurking place for Romanists when urg'd to shew the Antiquity of their Innovations : and indeed if it do any thing , it tends to prove that no Party can make any Advantage of ought spoken or written by the Fathers ; and if so , have att the Foundation of Diocesan Prelacy , its prime Advocats acknowledging that no Argument for it can be draun from Scripture , but only from the writings of the Fathers . His third Reason is , that as the Offices , so the names of Bishop and Presbyter were not only known to be distinguished in his days among the Christians ( but he brings no genuine Writer of that Age to prove this , and that it is most false is already evinced ) but even the Heathens knew so much : and cites Adrian's Epistle to Servianus : but it 's highly probable that the Emperour if we allow him any knowledge of these Affairs , understands under the name of Presbyters the very same Officers , the very same Men , that he means by the name Bishops , rather than e contra : see Pray the Letter it self apud Flav. Vopis . in Saturnino . § . 11. 'T were easie to shew divers succeeding Fathers to have been of Justine's Mind and Strangers to Diocesan Episcopacy , ignoring all Discrimination between Bishop and preaching Presbyter or Pastor . I shall only here with one Chamier h against Bellarmine and the rest of the Jesuites , assert against their Successors and Defenders under whatever Name they be known , that according to Irenaeus the Churches were committed to the Presbyters , no less than to the Bishops , that these who are now reckoned Popes , High-Priests , universal Bishops , are only Presbyters in the Judgement of Irenaeus : and that in him Presbyters are not so much as once distinguished , and far less separated from Bishops . From what is said , appears the vanity of D. M's Popish Query . i Whether ( all things duly considered ) a more evident and universal Tradition for the Superiority and Jurisdiction of a Bishop above a Presbyter , can be reasonably demanded ; and whether the Argument from universal Tradition , be not in this Case the most proper and most necessary ? And whether the Tradition for the Superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter , be not more universal , unanimous and uncontradicted , in the Primitive Ages , than many other Traditions that are unquestionably received ? What these his other Traditions are , we are not ignorant . The Doctrine certainly of the morality of the Sabbath , of Baptism , and of the Holy Trinity , and the like ; these they * think lean only on Tradition , and that the Institution of their Diocesan Prelats , Metrapolitans , and Arch-Prelats , and other such Effects and Inventions of a degenerating and apostatizing Church , are better founded than these most Scriptural Catholick and necessary Doctrines . Section X. Other Observations and Arguments eversive of Diocesan Prelacy . AND now in the next place , I would gladly learn how they will describe , or whereon they can found their Romish , or , which is all one , their Hierarchick Diocesan Bishop . For as Augustine a well observes , it is a name of Labour and Travel , not of Honour and Dignity : and indeed , it imports only Watchfullness , Labour and Care as its most native and proper Signification ; and on this account , only the King gets the name of Bishop in Hesychius b as he gets the name of Pastor in Homer c . And Hesychius gives it no less to every Watchman . Thus the word Bishop denotes a vigilant Watchman in Suidas d where he tells us that some bearing this Name were sent by the Athenians to observe the Affairs of their subject Cities who were called Watchmen . So is the same word understood to denote only Care and Labour by Jullius Pollux e whereas , on the other hand , the word Presbyter when taken for a Function or Office , natively imports Rule and Honour f . A Presbyter ( acknowledges even Saravia g ) is a Name of Honour , and was given to the more honourable , and to the Magistrats among the Jews in the Old Testament , and was thence transferred to signifie the Governours of the Churches of Christ in the New Testament , but they are called Bishops from their watchfull Care which is a Name of Work and Labour . The name Presbyter ( saith Dr. Stillingfleet h ) , as the Hebrew ZAKEN tho' it originally import Age , yet by way of connotation it hath been looked on as a Name both of Dignity and Power among the Jews , in the times of the Apostles , it is most evident that the Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imported not only Dignity but Power ; the Presbyters among the Jews having Power both of Judging and Teaching given them by their Semicha or Ordination . Now under the Gospel the Apostles retaining the Name , and the manner of Ordination , but not conferring that judiciary Power by it , which was in use among the Jews , to shew the Difference between the Law and the Gospel , it was requisite some other Name should be given to the Governours of the Church , which should qualifie the importance of the word Presbyters to a sense proper to a Gospel state ; which was the Original of giving the Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Governours of the Church under the Gospel ; a Name importing Duty more than Honour , and not a title above Presbyter , but rather used by way of Diminution and Qualification of the Power imply'd in the name of Presbyter &c. The Hierarchicks therefore should act much more rationally if they turn'd the Tables , and gave the name of Presbyter to their Diocesan , and that of the Bishop to their inferiour Curats , who usually do most of the Pastoral Work. In the mean while it 's sure from what we just now learned out of these Authors that during sounder Antiquity , before men equally abused Names and Things , a Bishop could never be either ane Order or Degree or any thing else above ▪ a Prsbyter . But from Names if we pass to things , and look into Scripture and sounder Antiquity , we shall find the ancient Bishop so different from the present Diocesan , that the very Idea's and notions of the two are diametrically opposite one to another . The Apostles themselves Acts 6. 2 , 4. following the Commandment of their Master , found it their Duty so assiduously to labour in Preaching and Prayer that they thought it unreasonable to be diverted even by the Distribution of the Collections , and Care of the Poor , which otherwayes was a Work both lawfull and pious . And to Timothy , who , if we believe the Hierarchicks , was ane Arch-Bishop of a vast Diocess , it 's injoyn'd as his proper Task to Preach the Word , to be instant in season and out of season , to reprove , to rebuke , exhort with all Long-suffering and Doctrine . I need not here multiply Texts ; read and read over again the whole New Testament , and you shall find that the Exercise of Prayer , Dispensing the Word and Sacraments was the main Duty and perpetual Imployment of every Pastor or Minister of Christ. Look , on the other hand , to the bulk of the Hierarchick Lord-Bishops , they haue a quite different Work and Exercice , and if any of 'em happen to spend some time in the Ministerial Duties how are they commonly gaz'd on and depredicated as Men of extraordinary Condescension , superlatively stuping to a piece of Service far below the Episcopal Grandeur and unusual to the Order ? Are they not then quite another thing than the Apostolick and Scripturall Bishops ? This Apostolick Example the Conscientious Primitive Bishops or Pastors clossly follow'd ; not so much as once dreaming that any who was ordain'd a Minister of the Gospell , and intrusted with a Flock , might on whatsoever pretext neglect to exercise himself perpetually in Prayer and Dispensing the Word and Sacraments . This they judg'd his constant Imployment , and this was the Practice of all the sincere Bishops even after the Distinction of Degrees was introduc'd , as appears in the weekly and sometimes the dayly Homilies and Lectures of Chrysostome and Augustine which are yet extant . And it 's already observed how Hilary makes the Bishop a sedulous Dispenser of the Words of suture Life . And indeed all the Hierarchick Grandeur and Domination whereby a Bishop was intirely Metamorphosed into a quite other thing than what he had once been , could never notwithstanding obliterate and blot out of thinking Mens Minds the true Scriptural Notion and Idea thereof . The Episcopal Dignity consists in Teaching ( saith Balsamon i ) . And the fourth Council of Carthage decrees that a Bishop shall not be imployed in caring for his houshold Affairs , but shall wholly occupy himself in Reading and Praying , aud Preaching the Word k . § . 12. 'T were endless to alledge all that may be produc'd to this purpose ; neither could any Man who ever seriously read the Bible have any other Notion of a true Bishop than what is common to every Pastor of a Congregation ; seeing the Apostle's Description of a Bishop 1 Tim. 3. and Tit. 1. agrees equally to all of them . And here it 's observable , that still where Bishops are spoken of in Scripture , not only is the Work and Office which is injoin'd them , that of Teaching and Feeding , but also the Name is correlative to the Flock , and not to a Company of Clergy-men , as Acts 20. 28. Take heed to your selves , and to all the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers or Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Feed the Church of God. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Feed the Flock of God which is among you , taking the oversight thereof or Bishoping it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and accordingly , as we have oftner than once demonstrated , over every particular Congregation there was a Bishop . This Assertion may be strongly confirmed from the undoubted Practice of the Church in the fourth Century , even when she was fall'n into no small Declension from the Primitive Purity . For the Council of Sardica Decrees l that a Bishop may not be placed in a Village or small Town where one Presbyter may suffice . Dr. Maurice m says that this Canon is justified by the Arrians their great multiplication of Bishops to strengthen their Party . But the Council it self assigns a quite different Ground that moved them to make this Decree , viz. that the Name and Authority of a Bishop fall not into Contempt . Where we see the Design of abolishing the Primitive and Apostolick Custome of giving a Bishop indifferently to every Congregation , whether in City or in Countrey , was the Introduction of a secular Pomp and Grandeur into the Church , which finally resolv'd into a Papal Slavery . However , this Sardican Canon had not so good effect , but that , about twenty years after , a new Sanction thereto was found needfull : for the Council of Laodicea n Decrees that it shall not be lawfull to place Bishops in little Villages or Countrey Places , but only Visitors , and that the Bishops who were already placed in these little Villages and Countrey Places , should for the future do nothing without the knowledge of the Bishop of the City . Mark , how a pace the mild and fraternal Church Regimen is turn'd into a Worldly Domination and Dignity to pave the way for a papal Tyranny . These rural Bishops or Countrey-parish Pastors ( for they can be call'd nothing else ) whom Dr. Beverige o acknowledges for real and true Bishops , were also assaulted , and the subjecting and inslaving of them to the Prelates and Clergy in the greater Cities , design'd by other Councils as that of Ancyrum p , and of Neocesaria q , and of Antioch r , there they are called Chorepiscopi i. e. Countrey Bishops . And it has been disputed if these were real & true Bishops . But the same Dr. Beverige not only yeelds , but at large pleads for the Affirmative s . He pretends in the mean while that anciently Bishops were ordained in Cities only , many whereof had according to the model of the Empire , such ample Territories that 't was impossible for the Bishop of the City his alone to visit and sufficiently to guide them , and so it seem'd needfull for such Bishops to have , according to the amplitude of their Bishopricks , one or two Coajutors in some Region without the City , who might disburden them of some parts of the Episcopal Function , which could not be done but by some consecrated Bishops . Hence 't was that some of these great Bishops Ordain'd , in some part of their large Provinces , these Bishops , but with this provision , that these without their leave should do nothing of moment , seeing these Regions also belonged to the Care of the City Bishop , which we learn , ( continues he ) from the tenth Canon of the Council of Antioch , where it 's expresly Decreed , that no Country Bishop Ordain Presbyter or Deacon without the Bishop of the City , to which , he and his Region is subject . But indeed there 's no such thing , to be learn'd from that Canon , it only says t that the Chorepiscopus and his Region was subject to the City ( as they really were in a Civil Sense ) not to the Bishop of the City : and tho they had said so it 's no proof of his Conclusion , seeing they usually pretended Antiquity for the greatest Innovations . How far either in , or nigh to the Time of the Apostles the Church was from giving to the Bishop such a Princely Dignity as he pretends , or from allowing him to do the Work proper to himself by substitute Vassals , none acquainted with what remains of these Ancient times can be ignorant , and is already oftner then once evinc'd . And now I 'm sorry to find a Protestant of sence and Learning lean on that shamefull and most exploded Falshood , viz. that the Apostles took the Government of the Empire for their Pattern of Church-Government ; and darring to publish such gross Falshoods whereof even the more ingenuous Romanists are ashamed . The Ecclesiastical Degrees ( saith Suave u ) were not Originally Instituted as Dignities , Preheminencies , Rewards , or Honours , as now they are , and have been , many hundred years , but with Ministery , and Charges , otherwise called by St. Paul , Works , and those that exercise them , are called by Christ our Lord in the Gospel , Workmen ; and therefore no Man could then enter into cogitation to absent himself from the Execution thereof in his own Person : and if any one ( which seldom happend ) retired from the Work , 't was not thought reasonable , he should have either Title or Profit . And tho' the Ministeries were of two sorts , some Anciently called , as now they are , with care of Souls : others of temporal things , for the sustenance and service of the Poor and Sick , as were the Deaconries , and other inferiour Works , all held themselves equally bound to that Service , in Person ; neither did any think of a substitute , but for a short time , and for great Impediments , much less to take another Charge , which might hinder that . § . 13. Bnd now to go on , these Countrey Bishops or Pastors could not yet by all these Councils be Un-bishoped . And therefore Pope Damasus must next fall on them , and authoratively define x that they were stark nought in the Church , their Institution wicked and contrary to the holy Canons . And thus he acted suitably to his purpose , seeing the enslaving the lesser and Country Churches to the Domination of these of the greater Cities made fair way for subjecting all to Rome , which on many Accounts was greater than any of the rest . He also hereby gratified and much obliged the Bishops of these great Cities who were desirous of nothing , more than of Domination , and accordingly they even at these times were giving him their mutual help for raising of the Papal Throne , yea before the time of Damasus this same Council of Sardica , which thought it too vile and base for a Bishop to Dwell out of a great City , Decreed also y That if any Bishop thought he was injured in any Cause by his Comprovincials and ordinary Judges , it should in this Case be lawfull for him to appeal to the Bishop of Rome . Let us honour ( say they ) the Memory of St. Peter , that either these who examined the Matter or other neighbouring Bishops write to Julius Bishop of Rome , and if he think it fit then let the Matter be tried and judged again , and let him appoint Judges for the Purpose , but if he approve of what 's already done , and think not fit to call it into Question , then the things already done shall be accounted firm and stable . Thus these Fathers , many whereof otherwise were excellent Men , the first , I think , that ever gave such Deference and Authority to the Pope , 't was not therefore incongruous that both of these Decrees should proceed from one and the same Council . Hence it 's to be noted , that the Tympany of these times had not only exerted it self in separating the things God had conjoin'd , and in an holygarchick Confinement of the Power God had given equally to all Pastors , unto a few whom they named Bishops , a Name also equally belonging to all Christ's Ministers ; but also in subjecting of the Presbyters , yea and even the Bishops of the Countrey to the very Presbyters of the City z but much more the Bishops or Pastors of the Countrey to the Bishops of the Cities , and these again to the Bishops of the greater Metropolitan Cities , and so on till at length ( not to name the rest of the higher and lower roundles of this Hierarchick Ladder ) all centred in Rome . Yet in these very times it was notwithstanding firmly rooted in Mens Minds that whosoever dispensed the Word and Sacraments , and had a Flock or Congregation was a true Bishop , as I have made out to be the mind of Hilary , and many others of the fourth and fifth Centuries . Moreover Optatus asserts a that Preaching or Exponing is the proper Province of a Bishop . But , to proceed , these Chorepiscopi , or Countrey Bishops of Parish Pastors were in the third Century called absolutely Bishops at the Countrey Places or Villages ; so speaks the Council of Antioch , He ( say these Fathers ) i. e. Paulus Samosatenus b suborn'd the Bishops of the neighbouring Countrey Villages and Towns , as also Presbyters his Flatterers to praise him in their Homilies . Dr. Maurice c answers that it appears not hence that these were Parish Bishops for Chorepiscopi had many Congregations . As if these who dwelt not only in greater Towns , but also in the very Countrey Villages which were near to Antioch , and near to one another , and that even where the far greater part of the Inhabitants were not of their Flocks , yea were not at all Christians , could be by any in their Wit judged to be any thing else save Parish Bishops or Pastors . But let us hear one of the learn'dest of our Adversaries determining the Controversie . d That ( saith he ) which next occurrs to be considered is , in what places Bishopricks were founded , and Bishops settled . We find in all Cities where the Gospel was planted , and Churches constituted , that Bishops were also Ordain'd . Among the Jews , wherever there were an hundred and twenty of them together , there did they erect a Synagogue , and a lesser Sanhedrin the Court of twenty three Judges . Compare to this Acts 1. 15. where the number of those that constituted the first Christian Church , is the same . So it is like wherever there was a competent number of Christians together , that a Church was there settled . Yet in some Villages there were Churches and Bishops ; so there was a Bishop in Bethany : and St. Paul tells of the Church of Cenchrea , which was the Port of Corinth . It is true , some think that the Church of Corinth mett there . Which Opinion he irrefragably Refutes , and then proceeds , saying , Therefore it 's probable that the Church of Cenchrea was distinct from Corinth : and since they had Phebe for their Deaconness , it 's not to be doubted but they had Both Bishops and Deacons . From the several Cities the Gospel was dilated and propagated to the places round about . But in some Countries we find the Bishopricks very thick sett . They were pretty throng in Asrick , for at a Conference which Augustine and the Bishops of that Province had with the Donatists , there were of Bishops two hundred eighty six present , and one hundred and twenty absent , and sixty Sees were then Vacant , which make in all four hundred sixty and six : there were also two hundred and seventy nine of the Donatists Bishops . Thus he . And now , not to multiply Testimonies in so confessed and plain a Matter , it 's most certain that , at least , for upwards of the three first Centuries , you shall not meet with the meanest Dorp , or countrey place where there was a Church or Congregation to hear the Word , and receive the Sacraments , but it had also its proper Bishop , I averr no Example to the contrary either has yet , no not by Dr. Maurice or any other , been , or can be brought from the gennine Monuments of these times . Yea even from the spurious Writings of Impostures the greatest Adorers of the Hierarchy , good proofs of this Truth may be adduced ; For the thirty eight of the Canons ascribed to the Apostles , gives the care of the Ecclesiastick Goods to the Bishop , as Justine Martyr gives to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who , as we have seen already , was purely a Parish Pastor . And the 39 e Canon saith , Let the Presbyters and Deacons attempt nothing without the Bishop , for to him the Lord's People is committed , and for their Souls he must give an Account . Now I demand of all Men brooking either Conscience or Candor if Souls could be committed to any save him , who was their ordinary Feeder and Instructer . And the Pseudo-Dionysius clearly intimats , that wherever either Baptism or the Lord's Supper was administrat'd , a Bishop was there , and was the Dispenser thereof . The High-Priest ( saith he f ) that is the Bishop , preaches to all Men the true Gospel , every one that desires to Partake of these Heavenly Things , coming to one of the learned in these Mysteries , desires to be led to the High-Priest — and he brings him to the High-Priest , who receiving him with gladness as a Sheep on his shoulders — praises the bountifull prinple , by which all are called who are called at all — The High-Priest dips him thrice . The High-Priest g himself having made a holy Prayer at the Divine Altar and beginning to Offer , goes round about the whole Chore — and the High-Priest praising the Holy Divine Actions , sacrifices the most Divine Thing — and taking and delivering the Divine Communion he ends with a Holy Thanksgiving . Do h nothing ( saith the Pseudo-Ignatius to Hero a Deacon of Antioch ) without the Bishops for they are Priests , thou their Deacon : they Baptize , Sacrifice or Dispense the Lord's Supper , impose Hands : thou serves them as St. Stephen in Jerusalem administred to James and the Elders . From which place it 's most evident , that all Pastors or Priests ( as the Author speaks ) are true Bishops , that on the account of such things as are common to all Pastors , they receive the prime Episcopal Honour and Deference , that there was a Colledge of true Bishops in the single City of Antioch , & accordingly that the rest of the Elders with James at Jerusalem were really true Bishops no less than he . I don't say that Bishops and Congregations were reciprocal every-where in the fourth or fifth Century when these Impostors wrote , only being to personat Apostolick Men , they saw themselves obliged to mix into their Legends some shreds of true Antiquity . The stuff they invented themselves was of a far different and contrary Mettal , and far from being so conform and like to the Apostolick and prime Primitive Church . § . 14 And here it 's to be added , that as every Bishop had once , which continued in very many places for a good space , one Congregation only , so all Bishops whatsoever are of the same Dignity , and Equal with one another . For Cyprian i calls all Bishops Collegues , adding , we force none , we give Laws to none , seeing every Governour in the Administration of the Church , hath Power to do according to his own Will , for which he is to give God an Acconnt . And , k for none of us is a Bishop of Bishops , or by a Tyrannical Power can force his Collegues to Obedience &c. And Hierome l saith , wheresoever Bishops be , at Rome or Eugubium , Constantinople , Rhegium , Alexandria or Tanis , they are all of the same Dignity and Priest-hood , Riches and Poverty make not a Bishop either higher or lower , they are all the Successors of the Apostles . Which is also Augustine's Mind , and must be granted by all who acknowledge the Equality of the Apostles , and that Bishops were their Successors . Now the Truth of these two Things , viz. the allowableness of a Bishop to every Congregation , yea the primitive Reciprocalness of a Bishop and a Congregation , and the Equality of Bishops among themselves being supposed , which indeed is undoubtable to all the Ingenuous , their whole Hierarchy turns to nothing . And now I hope that which some pretend to be a mighty Prejudice , viz. that Episcopacy still de facto has been , and from the earliest times of Christianity we hear of Bishops , is many ways removed , and that by this time it has clearly appeared , that either profound Ignorance , Osscitancy , or the masly beam of Interest in Mens Eyes has been the true Source of this Prejudice . Moreover , suppose that it could not be easily told when this Corruption , which is like the Tares sown during the sleeping of the Husband-man , crept into the Church : Can they tell when all other Corruptions made their first Entry ? As for Example , can they give a distinct account when the use of Oyl in Baptism , whereof Tertullian m speaks as of a thing constantly practised among Christians , came first in Fashion ? The like I may say of Exorcization , and many other things altogether uncertain as to their Beginning , and yet by all Lovers of the Truth of Christianity to be Corruptions , whereof see store in Chamier's Panstratia n . Secondly , I trust also that by the foregoing Discourses , the Weapon the Papists and other Hierarchicks use against the Reformed Churches to prove that they have no Ministers , because of the want of a Succession of Bishops , is sufficiently blunted . And this minds me of an Objection I was assaulted with from a Gentleman of that Perswasion , 't was that these Episcopal Men who ordained our Pastors , gave them the Power of Ordination neither in express Terms , nor yet intentionally ; Ergo not at all . I Repon'd , that tho' they did not give it them intentione Operantis , yet notwithstanding intentione Operis : in so much as they ordain'd the Ministers of the Gospel , all whom we sustain to be true Bishops . I add , this is to a hair like Becan o the Jebusites arguing against Luther's Call to be a Protestant-Minister , Luther ( saith he ) had no lawfull Calling to the Ministry he exercised after his Defection , for then he began to oppugn the Catholick Church , abolish Feasts , Monastick Vows , and Prayers for the Dead , these things he could not do by the Power which he had received in the Catholick Church , for the Bishop who ordained him , gave him no Power for the Destruction of the Church . § . 15. But there yet remains a great Prejudice , and no wonder , for it comes from a great City , Rome ( say they ) and other such vast Cities , which certainly contain'd many Congregations , have been always ruled by their particular Bishops as the Catalogues yet extant evinc● But tho' 't were so , seeing it 's at least , no less certain , that in other places Bishops and Congregations were Reciprocal , we are even with them , and their Argument quite evanishes , and Antiquity allows us to give a Bishop to every Congregation , no less than it warrands their giving a multitude of Parishes to any one Bishop . And Dr. Maurice p acknowledges , he never yet heard of any Man who made it essential to a Bishop to have many Congregations under him . And he 's so far in the right herein that , during prime Antiquity , 't was never so much as dream'd , that 't was either essential or any way requisite for a Bishop to have a plurality of Congregations . It 's not ( saith he q ) the being Pastor of one or many Congregations that makes one a Bishop ; but the Order . There are ( saith Saravia r and have been Bishopricks so small that their Bishops had only one or two Presbyters ; for we measure not a Bishoprick by the number of the Clergy or by the amplitude of the City or Diocess , the magnitude of Riches , but by the Authority of the Episcopal Degree , altho' the Bishoprick be included in one small Parish alone . And some of the most Episcopal amongst them acknowledge that any of our Ministers tho' they have but one Parish , want nothing to make them Bishops but only the Episcopal Consecration , whereby they at once yeeld the whole Plea , destroy their Hierarchy , and withall discover their preterscriptural , and therefore antiscriptural Superstition . And now seeing there is all the warrant and allowance that either can be desir'd or thought on that a Bishop and a Pastor of one single Flock or Congregation is one and the same , and that every Congregation may have its own proper Bishop , their Plea for the Distinction between Bishop and preaching Presbyter , tho' its Ground were no less solide than it 's naught and slippery , becomes really of no subserviency at all to their Hierarchick Cause , and so on this account is truly exhausted ( for providing the Pastor of any Parish or Congregation be constantly imployed in Preaching and Edifying the People , we shall not envy him others , so far as is requisite , to assist him , the People may be instructed the better ) Don't therefore Dr. Maurice s and the Men of that stamp , while they pretend that tho' there be allowed to every Congregation its proper Bishop , yet there 's a most different and momentuous Controversie behind , about the Distinction between Bishop and Presbyter , seek , as the Proverb is , a Knot in the Rush , and triffle with a witness ? Give them moreover out of sole kindness , that the t Apostolick Power and Office is permanent and to be transmitted to all Bishops , yet on Supposition of these Truths , viz. that every Congregation had , yea or may have its proper Bishop , and that all Bishops are equal , they shall be compelled to desert the whole of their Plea , and acknowledge the sure Foundation and Lawfullness of what they call Presbyterian Parity . Secondly , Eusebius u plainly says that it cannot be known who were the Successors of the Apostles to feed the Churches they had planted , save what is to be collected from the words of the Apostles , and so break the Chain at the Top , where it should be strongest , and shews that their best twisted Cords become Ropes of Sand , to which , as we already noticed , the learn'dest of their own Writers subscribe . Thirdly , To come to Rome in particular , altho' 't was the Head of the World , and indeed the Head and Fountain from whence all the Hierarchicks draw their best support , no Man of Reason , whoever look'd into the divers , yea and contrary Accounts given by the Ancients of the first pretended Successors of Peter ; can ever inferr that the Romans had , in these early times of Christianity , one peculiar Diocesan Bishop over the rest of the Pastors : yea indeed Cletus , Clemens , Linus , all whom , if you compare the best Accounts they have , you shall find to have been at one and the same time Bishops of Rome , and Successors of Peter , are a good evidence that he had no singular Successor at all . This was so made out by the Protestant Writers , that for ought I know the Romanists were despairing of any plausible Answer , altho' I doubt not , but they take Heart , since some among the Protestants x have used prodigious Endeavours to gratifie them , and reconcile real Contradictions , and fix the singular Successors of Peter . I can scarce light on any of the Books they cite , and yet I 'm at no great loss . For , 4 ly , It 's certain that Peter was never at Rome , which at once dispatches the grand Plea of all the Hierarchicks . The whole stream of Writers y who record Peter's Voyage thither either relate or suppose that his Errand was to oppose Simon Magus , so that the Truth of both these Relations must stand or fall together . But Simon Magus , ( if we belive Origenes z ) was never there . Simon ( saith he ) the Smaritan and Majician endeavour'd by Sorcery to destroy some , and I belive deceived many with his delusions . But now throw all the World you shall scarce find thirty who follow him , and I perhaps have called them more than they are . Indeed there are some few in Palestine , but in the rest of the Regions of the World his very Name is not heard off , altho' he mainly desired that his Fame might be spread abroad , and if perhaps there be any report of him at all , it 's only to be learned from the Acts of the Apostles . And Time , which often has discovered things commonly taken for Truth to be altoger False , hath verifi'd the words of Origenes : For the Statue which gave the occasion of the fixion is now found to be the Image an old Sabin King or fictitious Deity called by the Romans Semo Sangus , Sancus or Sanctus a which Justine Martyr , throw his unskilfulness of the Latine Tongue , and a Cheat put upon him by some Samaritans , took for Simon Magus as is acknowledged even by the learned Romanist b Valesius . The Inscription of this statue is Semoni Sango Deo Fidio . Now according to the Genius of the Age the fraud prevail'd , and Simon Magus must be brought to Rome , made to effect monstruous Prodigies ; and therefore Simon Peter his old Adversary must also be sent thither to Conjure and Baffle him a second time . And this is the prime Source of Peter's imaginary Journey to Rome , and his fictitious Roman Episcopacy , and the whole Papal Structure . For , as Simon Magus his coming to Rome is mention'd by none before Justine , and by him only on this false Ground , so Peter's Journey thither is before that time mention'd by none , save Papias , if he may be said to mention it , for if at all , he does it very obscurely b . And tho' he had been never so positive in this Matter , it 's of small Consequence , for , as Eusebius already told us , ( tho' elsewhere c he forgets himself ) he was of so little Wit , so fabulous and given to believe everything he heard , that his Testimony merites little or no Credit . Irenaeus indeed says that Papias was a hearer of the Apostles , and himself also intimats so much , but again clearly denyes it while he says d that he used , when he met with any : who had been acquainted with the Elders , to enquire what Andrew , Peter , Philip , Thomas , James , John , Matthew and the rest of Christ's Disciples had been wont to say . And this he intimats had been his Practice only , when he was a young Man , and so gives us clearly to understand that when he wrote , there was not one of the Hearers of the Apostles alive . So far was Papias from being their Disciple . 'T was he also who gives out that Mark wrote not his Gospel by Divine Inspiration , but only by the help of his Memory . 'T was he also who was the Father of the carnal and gross Chiliasts , and the first who abused the Scriptures , turning them all to Allegories , and had not so much as the knowledge to distinguish Philip the Apostle from Philip the Evangelist . The same Papias is the first Author of the report of Peter's Journey to Rome ( providing it may be said that he reportes it at all ) which mistake , as Eusebius intimates e , flow'd from his misunderstanding of 1 Pet. 5. 13. The Church that is at Babylon &c. And seeing that by Babylon in the Apocalyps Room is mean'd , he and many of these times , thro' their want of skill to distinguish between the Prophetick Mystick , and Epistolick plain Phrase and Stile , concluded that in Peter also Room is to be understood . But this Gloss is so forraign and absurd that even the most learn'd of the Romanists , as Petrus de Marca Bishop of Paris f acknowledges that these Words of Peter are not to be understood of Rome , but of the eastern Babylon , where ( saith the Bishop ) Peter was settl'd hereditary Patiark . Some indeed understand them of a City bearing that name in Egypt , and this Spanhemius F. and Dr. Pearson g prefer to the Assyrian Babylon : the former because the old Chaldean Babylon was then desolate , the letter for this that after Anilaeus a chief man among the Jews in these parts had injured the Inhabitans , many of them were cut off and the rest driven from Babylon , who fled to Ctesiphon , the most part whereof notwithstanding in a combination made against them by the Assyrians and Greeks were either cut off or expell'd . Therefore he concludes that tho' Peter was the Apostle of the Circumcision , yet he could expect no harvest of the Jews in these parts . Now , as to the ground Spanhemius goes on , it seems sufficient to prove that it could not be the old Chaldean Babylon : For it 's certain from Scripture , and Plinius witnesses i that 't was then reduced to a solitude . It seems therefore to be mean'd of the Principal City of the Parthian Impire which succeded to Babylon in name no less then in honour as is clear from that in Lucan k , Cumque superba foret Babylon spolianda Trophaeis Ausoniis . — If this their chief City was Ctesiphon or Seleucia , may be a doubt Plinius l calls Ctesiphon the Head of the Parthian Kingdom . But Strabo seems to be more clear in this matter , and to give light to Pliny , Tacitus , Herodianus , Am. Marcellinus , or otherwise to lay open the ground of their mistake . Seleucia ( saith he ) m a City by the bank of Tigris , as Babylon was of old , is now the Metropolis of Assyria , near it there is a great Village Ctesiphon wherein the Parthian Kings used to winter , sparing Seleucia that it might not be spoiled by the warlike Scythians ( by whom I understand their Auxiliary or guard Souldiers who were rude and ready to Mutany , aud therefore were not brought within their Chief and Treasure City ) this Village is now arriv'd at even the power and greatness of a City . Where , as is evident , he so much prefers Seleucia to Ctesiphon that he makes the former the chief City of the Impire . Moreover Crassus when he design'd the conquest of Parthia and the possession of the Kings treasures being asked by the Messengers of Orodes King of Parthia why he broke the peace made with Pompey and Sylla , said he would answer them at Seleucia n proudly insinuating that he would subdue and spoile their chief City . And this City expresly gets the name Babylon by Stephanus o , and he confounds it with the old Babylon . Hence it appears that Seleucia was the chief City of the Parthian Impire , and commonly then got the name of Babylon , and that the very place of old Chaldean Babylon was not then known , for they were certainly in distant places ; therefore , if Josephus seem to mention another Babylon distant from the chief City of the Parthians this is rather to be understood of the Country Babylonia then of the old Chaldean Babylon which then was ruined now tho' the Jews for a time might be compelled to leave that principal City of Parthia they might notwithstanding soon after be permited to return no less then these who were expelled Rome by Claudius , got Liberty shortly to come thither again . This Dr. Pearson allows and therefore cannot deny the probability of the other However this be , nothing is more certain then that by Babylon , which Peter mentions , the literal proper and well known Babylon , which was then the chief City of Parthia Seleucia , must be meaned , otherwayes the dispersion to which he writes had neither known where he was nor what Church saluted them , which is quite contrary to the Apostles Intention there . For at that time the Apocalypse was not written , and yet on this most false Supposition viz. that by Babylon Peter understands Rome , was his Journey thither founded and so must prove no less false in the matter of fact , and with it his Episcopacy and that of the earliest Popes his pretended Successors seeing all lean on his Journey thither . And ' its with no less confidence and concord averred and delivered then is either his , or his pretended Successors their Episcopacy , or ought else Subsequent to this his falsly supposed Voyage . And indeed the evidence of this our Assertion is so strong that it compell'd even the learned Romanists themselves to acknowledge the Truth thereof , as J. Bapt. Mantuanus , Michael Caefenas , Marsilius Patavinus , Joh. Aventinus , Joh. Lelandus , Car. Molinaeus , who are Cited by Spanhemius F. in his Golden Dissertation on that Subject p In the mean while I cannot but wonder how this otherways accurat and learned Antiquary q finds an Aegyptian Babylon in that distick of Martial r . Haec tibi Memphitis Tellus dat munera , victa est Pectine Niliaco jam Babylonis acus . Th' Aegyptian slay gives Tapistry more fine Than ever Babylon could sue or spin . Where the Poet only preferrs the Aegyptain woven Cloath to the finest needle-work of the old Chaldaean Babylon ; But , as it is most apparent , no more here either expesses or insinuats that there is a place named Babylon in Aegypt , then s where he comends a Gown bestow'd on him by Parthenius a gentle-man of Domitius's Chamber in this distick , Non ego praetulerim Babylonica picta superbe Texta , semiramiâ quae variantur acu . It far excells the rich Embroideries Of Babylon built by Semiramis . Moreover Clemens Romanus speaking of the Death of Peter and Paul , intimates that he knew sufficiently where and by whom Paul was kill'd with other such Circumstances of his Death , but insinuats that he had no such knowledge of any such Circumstances of the Death of Peter . And it 's colligible from Jerome t that both Peter and Paul were not kill'd by the Romans but by the Jews , in , or not far from Palaestine . 'T were easie to discover the Forgerie and Falshood of their other Catalogues of Bishops pretended to have been in the like great Cities , as for example that of the Bishops of Jerusalem whereof they fain u that the Apostles made James Bishop , and that on a ground to base and carnal , viz. because he was the Son of Joseph , and so related to Christ whom the Apostle Paul knew not according to the flesh . 2 Cor. 5. 16. and then make him and his pretended successor Simeon to continue Bishops of that See from a little after the death of our Savior to , I know not what year of Trajanus , between which time and Adrian Trajanus's immediat successor his rebulding of Jerusalem , they give to that Church thirteen Bishops , to all of whom little more than twenty years can be assingn'd ; yea some three or four of these are cramm'd into one year x and yet we hear of none of these thirteen who died a violent death , but which yet more fully discovers the Forgery all along from the destruction of the City by Titus , untill 't was rebuilt by Adrian there was no Inhabitant there , no place for my L. Bishop's grace , nothing whereon to exercise the Episcopal power save rubbish and desolation . y In none of the Churches ( saith Dr. Stilling fleet ) most spoken of is the succession so clear as is necessary . For at Jerusalem it seems somewhat strange how fifteen Bishops of the Circumcision should be crouded into so narrow a room as they are , so that many of them could not have above two years time to rule in the Church . And it would bear an inquiry where the seat of the Bishops of Jerusalem was from the time of the destruction of the City by Titus , ( when the walls were laid even with the ground by Musonius ) till the time of Adrian . I shall yet in the last place adduce a few passages , and I intreat my Reader seriously to weigh them and from whom they came , for I am sure they will give great light and satisfaction to all the truly conscientious and disinterested . The sixt Anathematism ( saith a Romanist z ) was much noted in Germany ; in which an Article of Faith was made of HIERARCHY , which word and signification thereof is aliene , not to say contrary to the holy Scrsptures : and tho' 't was somewhat antiently invented , yet the Author is not known , and in case he were , yet he is an Hyperbolicall Writer , not imitated in the use of that Word , nor of others of his Invention , by any of the Ancients : and following the Stile of Christ our Lord , and the Holy Apostles , and primitive Church , it ought to be named , not Hierarchy , but Hierodiaconia , or Hierodoulia . And Dr. Heylen , who a like to Balaam blessing Israel when he would fainest have cursed them , uses to establish a Presbyterian Parity of Pastors while he is most desirous to destroy it , makes the Bishop in Justine Martyr ' s time all one with the President of the Congregation and ordinary Preacher of God's Word and Celebrator of the Eucharist therein . And pleads that in Tertullian's mind Baptism was a work most proper to the Bishop in regard of his Episcopacy or particular Office. And the Doctor contends out of Tertullian that in his time Christians receiv'd the Eucharist only from the Bishop's hands b , and so there were no fewer Bishops than Congregations who mett for hearing of the Word and Celebration of the Sacraments . What shew of reason can be given ( saith Dr. Stilling-fleet c why the Apostles should slight the Constitution of the Jewish Synagogues , which had no dependance on the Jewish Hierarchy , and subsisted not by any Command of the Ceremonial Law ? The Work of the Synagogue not belonging to the Priests as such , but as Persons qualifi'd for instructing others . And d We are to take nottice , that the Rulers of the Church under the Gospell do not properly succeed the Priests and Levites under the Law , whose Office was Ceremonial , and who were not admitted by any solemn Ordination into their Function . — It is then a common Mistake to think that the Ministers of the Gospell succeeded by way of Correspondence and Analogy to the Priests under the Law ; which Mistake hath been the Foundation and Originall of many Errors . For when in the primitive Church , the name of Priests came to be attributed to Gospell-Ministers from a fair Complyance ( as was thought then ) of the Christians only to the name used both among Jews and Gentiles : in process of time , corruptions increasing in the Church , those names that were used by the Christians by way of Analogy and Accommodation , brought in the things themselves primarily intended by these names : so by the metaphoricall names of Priests and Altars , at last came up the Sacrifice of the Mass ; without which , they thought the names of Priests and Altars were insignificant . This M●stake we see run all along thro' the Writers of the Church , as soon as the name Priests was apply'd to the Elders of the Church , that they derived their Succession from the Priests of Aaro●'s Order . In short he still contends that the model of Governing the Christian Church was an exact imitation of that of the Synagogues , which were no other thing than the particular parish Churches among the Jews , and in every one of which there was a a Bishop paralell to him who , in the Apocalypse , is the Angel of the Church . And Dr. Lightfoot is of the same mind ; The Apostle ( saith he ) e calleth the Minister Epis●opus , from the common and known title of the CHAZAN or Overseer in the Synagogue . And f Besides these there was the publick Minister of the Synagogue who pray'd publickly and took care about reading the Law , and sometimes preached if there were not some other to discharge this Office. This person was called SHELIACH TSIBBOR the Angel of the Church , and CHAZAN HAKENESETH the Chazan or Bishop of the Congregation . The Aruch gives the reason of the name : The Chazan ( saith he ) is SHELIACH TSIBBOR the Angel of the Church ( or the publick Minister ) and the Targum renders the word ROVEH by the word HOSE one that oversees . For it 's incumbent on him to oversee how the Reader reads and whom he may call cut to read in the Law. The publick Minister of the Synagogue himself read not the Law publickly but every Sabbath he called out seven of the synagogue ( on other days fewer ) whom he judged fit to read . He stood by him that read , with great care observing that he read nothing either falsly , or improperly and calling him back and correcting him , if he had failed in any thing , and hence he was called CHAZAN that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Bishop or Overseer . Certainly the signification of the word Bishop and Angel of the Church had been determined with less noise if recourse had been made to the proper fountains and men had not vainly disputed about the signification of words taken I know not whence . The service and worship of the Temple being abolished as being Ceremonial , God transplanted the worship and publick adoration of God used in the synagogues , which was moral , into the Christian Church : to wit , the publick Ministry , publick prayers , reading God's Word , and preaching &c. Hence the names of the Ministers of the Gospel were the very same , the Angel of the Church , the Bishop which belonged to the Ministers in the synagogues . There were also three Deacons or Almoners on whom was the care of the poor &c. Among the Jews ( saith Dr. Burnet g he who was the chief of the synagogue was called CHAZAN HAKENSETH the Bishop of the Congregation and SHELIACH TSIBBOR the Angel of the Church . And the Christian Church being modelled as near the form of the synagogue as they could be , as they retained many of the Rites so the form of the government was continued , and the names remained the same , And h In the synagogues there was first one , that was called the Bishop of the Congregation . Next , the three Orderers , and Judges of every thing about the synagogue who were called TSEKENIM , and by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Elders . These ordered and determined every thing that concern'd the synagogues or the persons in it . Next them , were the three PARNASSIN or Deacons , whose charge was to gather the Collections of the rich , and to distribute them to the poor . All the Presbyters ( saith the Learned Le Moyne i ) took not on them the burden of preaching and exponing the scriptures , some were taken up in serving at the administration of the Sacraments searching into scandals , visiting the sick , strengthning the weak , and providing for the Churches profit , but the business of preaching belonged only to the Apostles the Bishops and the first Presbyters . Hence in times of the ancient Church the Bishops perpetually preached which the inferior Presbyters did not except they were admitted thereto by the Bishops and chief Presbyters . Most memorable to this purpose are the words of the learned Jesuite Sirmundus k Anciently ( saith he ) the Bishops only and no others preached the word of God for this was their proper province and work 't was afterwards , tho' not alike soon every where , allowed to the Presbyters to preach : this was soonest begun in the East , as is clear from the practice of Pierius , Chrysostome , and others who preached while they were only Presbyters . And now judge , tho' nothing else had been adduced but what is just now brought from these profoundly learn'd and most unsuspected Arbiters , if the Regimen and Way of the true primitive Church was not according to the Gospell Humility and Simplicity , most opposite to a terrene Domination , Prelaticall Grandor and Power over other Pastors , and the vanity of preterscripturall and superstitious Ceremonies ? if she then enjoy'd not Bishops or Pastors , Ruling Elders and Deacons ? if then , whosoever had power to dispense the Word and Sacraments with the Charge of any particular Flock or Congregation , was not reciprocally one and the same with a Bishop , and finally , if the primitive Way was not entirely one with that of our Church of Scotland , and others of the reformed Churches , which is now known by the name of Presbytry ? Hence it 's carefully to be noted how odd and grievous Alterations were made both as to the use of Terms and in the Offices they had primitively signifi'd in Scripture . In , yea even after the Apostolick Age we find that the word Bishop , whereever it holds forth an ordinary Church-Officer , alwayes signifying a Labourer in the Word and Doctrine , and Dispenser of the Srcraments , Pastor of a Flock or Congregation . We find also the Word Presbyter taken as its equivalent denoting this very thing : elsewhere ( as is now made evident ) the word Presbyter signifies no Pastor of a Flock , but only one who was to assist him in Ruling and Guidance thereof ; some also of this latter kind of Presbyters designing the Ministry , there beeing then few or no Theological Schools , were trained up for the Office under the Inspection of Bishops or Parochial Pastors , and accordingly whiles assisted them therein . But this was only accidental to the Office of a ruling Presbyter . Afterward there was a new kind of Church Office invented whose chief work was not to feed any Flock or Congregation and yet was reputed the Pastor of many Flocks which was a compleat Contradiction . His Province was mainly to rule and domineer over a multitude of both Pastors and Flocks , him they called the Bishop . Another Office epually new and unknown to Scripture and prime Antiquity was a kind of semipastor or half Minister who was to do all the Ministeriall Work , and yet was so far from having any Pastorall Power that on the contrary he was only the subject and substitute of another , and him they called the Presbyter : As for the other sort of Presbyters they came in time to be well nigh intirely abolished and forgotten . The like Chrysostome l observes of the Deacons , saying that in his time such Deacons as the Apostles ordained were not in the Church . Hence it 's not strange if the Ancients , while sometimes they violent the Scriptures to make them favour what in their oun times was obtaining , and at other times while , either out of design and freedome , or casually they light on the true Meaning of the Scriptures , speak most perplexedly of Bishops and Presbyters , and afford no small ground of Wrangling and Disputation to all that are exercised in this Controversy . In the mean while such Immutation was not made in a day , 't was sloe and apparently plausible like the weed which at lenth you may see that it is groun up , yet its act of growing ye shall never perceive . This Alteration , as even Spanhemius F. m no enemy to the Hierarchy , observes , began first in great Cities , and beside the generall occasions or rather pretexts for it , which we already noted , there was this colour more peculiar to great Cities ; in Rome , for example , tho there were Christians sufficient to make up severall ordinary Congregations , yet at some special times all or most of these used to meet at one place , and accordingly were accounted but one Church . This might occasion the making of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or one particular Moderator among the Pastors who got some primacy of Order , and at these more solemn meetings of the People appeared & spake most and in time got the appropriation of the name Bishop : all this was notwithstanding only a meer prostasy : he must nixt have a power over his Collegues in the City : the Bishops , the parochial Pastors of the Country and lesser Cities are next to be invaded . This Fermentation , which had small beginnings and still grew untill all was soured , suelled especially and was most operative in a time of peace , whereof in the third Century they had a good space , even from the Death of Valerian untill Dioclesian's Persecution . The Emperors themselves ( saith Eusebius m then so much favoured them that they not only gave them Liberty of the publick Exercise of their Religion , but also made some of them their Chamberlains and Governours of Provinces . In this time the alteration of both Government and Worship was certainly not a litle promoved . For nothing then reign'd among the Christians but contention & ambition . They were not content ( continous he ) with the former Edifices but builded large Churches from the foundation — But when thro' too much liberty we fell into sloath and negligence , when every one began to envy and backbite another , when we managed as 't were an intestine warr amongst our selves with Words as with Swords , Pastors against Pastors , and People against People , being dashed one on another , exercised flrife and tumult , when deceit and Guile had grown to the highest pitch of wickedness — When being void of all sense we did not so much as once think how to please God ; yea rather on the other hand impiously we imagined that human Affairs are not at all guided by Divine Providence , we dayly added Crimes to Crimes when our Pastors having despised the Rule of Religion strove mutually with one another , studying nothing more then how to outdoe one another in strife , threatning Emulation , Hatred , and mutual Enmity , proudly usurping Principalities or Prelacys as so many places of Tyrannicall Domination . To this time doubtless did the Nicene Fathers look in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ancient Customes that they mention , which will be denyed by none who remember that even things of a very late date n used then to be called ancient , and , which is yet more , they were wont to pretend Apostolick Authority and Tradition for every one of their Innovations . For this their Pride and Superstition and such Vices God sent a long and most grievous Persecution , after which it might have been reasonably thought they would have returned to the Humility and Simplicity of the Gospell , and Apostolick Age. But so far were they from this that the Gangren began faster than ever to consume the Vitals of Chrsitianity , and having got a Christian Emperor to indulge and enrich them they quickened their Pace , and in the gadiness of Pride and giddiness of Superstition , extravaging without bounds in this Declension they piece and piece laid aside the Scripture , and in the model of their Government and Worship eyed and followed three patterns , the Jewish Policy , Ceremonies , and Temple , where there was one High-Priest , the magnificent and splendid Government of the Roman Empire , over which there was one Head , one Emperor . And lastly , the way of the Roman Pagan Priests in which there was also at Rome a Pontifex Maximus or High-Priest over all the many Degrees of Priests in the Empire , and so in process of time it came to pass that he who by his first Institution was design'd to be a Pastor of a Flock or Congregation , and to imitate the Apostolick Simplicity and Humility , turned to be the great Antichrist , the son of Perdition . and grand Emissary and Lieutennant of the red Dragon , and these who were ordain'd to be his Fellow-Pastors and Ministers of the Gospel became his Underlings and Slaves in that Apostacy , and being martial'd into a thousand Ranks and Orders proved so many Squadrons of hellish Locusts , so that scarce in any part of the Creation of God was there ever a more sad and direfull Depravation , if it were not when our first Parents fell into the Cloutches of the old Serpent , or when the Sons of God became his greatest Enemies , and those morning Stars , the beautifull Angels turned into infernal Firebrands , black and abominable Devils . Most observable notwithstanding , yea and adorable is Divine Providence in this , that even in the growth and increase of this black Apostacy , the Church in Opinion and Doctrine , at least , still held fast the great , and capital Articles of Christianity , as the sufficiency of the Canonicall Books of Scripture , the Doctrine of the holy Trinity , of free Grace , of Justification by Faith in Christ's Blood &c. Their great sin lay not in the Defect but in the Excess , by superadding to these golden Foundations a heap of hay and stuble , the wild Fancies of Apostatising Brains ; And in process of time equalizing , yea and preferring them to these Divine and most necessary Truths comprehended in the Books of the Old and New Testament . Then it was when , tho' they still acknowledged the Identity of Bishop and preaching Presbyter , or Pastor of a Congregation , they must , among'st the rest of their novell Foppereis , raise one Bishop , or High-Priest ( as they spoke ) over a number of other Pastors , and Churches , whose Ordination and Consecration must be accompani'd with a dale of Alloy suitable to this their humane and unwarrantable Institution : He must have a Cudgell put in his hand , to signifie his Rule and Authority over the People , and a Ring to signifie his Pontifical Honour , and the hidden Mysiereis wherewithall he is intrusted m The Bishop being consecrated , shaven , and anointed , it was his proper Work and Office to erect and consecrate Churches , to make their Chrism or Holy Oyl ; For the Art of Besmearing was pretty early in the Church , no later at least than their Diocesan , and therewith to anoint the forehead , Eyes , and Ears of the Baptized , to receive the Penitents , and perform such greasy businesses about them . These and the like Actions were reserved as the special Ornament and Badges of the High-Priest's Honour n . And indeed hitherto they acted congruouly , for 't was but meet , that their own Antichristian Inventions , the Institution whereof never came into God's mind , should be appropriated to their own Church-Officer whom God never appointed , Caetera conveniunt sed non levis error in uno est . For they debased and polluted God's Ordinance , I mean the Ordination of Pastors which they threw in among their Trash , and left likewise to their Bishop or High-Priest as a part of his peculiar Province ( Superstitionists sometimes for such Fooleries deprave the Scripture , which Dr. Lightfoot one of the learn'd est of the Church-of - England Divines , observes and baffles , Here ( saith he ) o Episcopacy thinketh it hath an undenyable Argument for Proof of its Hierarchy , and of the strange Rite of Confirmation &c. ) And this is very like another Practice for Antiquity also not a white lower than their Diocesan , they made another fixed Church-Officer whom they called an Exorcist . His Office was to dispossess and cast out Devils p . Now surely such an ordinary Church-Officer was never appointed by God , and therefore , 't is most likely that some of those Exorcists needed some to have casten the Devils out of themselves , or at least , to have giv'n them a a round doze of Hellebore , no less , then did any of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their Patients . But seeing they made such a Church-Officer , and the dispossessing of Devils was among'st the greatest and most miraculous Works that ever was practis'd even by the greatest Apostles . It may be thought that this Exorcist was one of their highest Church-Officers , a Metropolitan certainly , Arch-Bishop or Patriarch , but he was none of these , yea he was no Bishop , no Presbyter , no Deacon , no Sub-Deacon , yea not so much as an Acolyth , that is a Candle-carier , for they us'd in fair-day-light and Sun-shine to light Candles in the Church to obey and fulfill ( as they said ) that Scripture , John 1. 9. That was the true Light , which lighteneth every Man that cometh into the World q . This Exorcist was yet a degree lower than their Candle-Carier , and therefore was plac'd in the very rear and tail of all their Clergy . So dangerous , yea and unaccountable were many of their Actings , but especially in the matter of Church-Office-bearing . Moreover I appeal to all the judicious and conscientious if out of a conscientious desire of conforming to the primitive Church , our Adversareis make such a horride noise , bussle and Schism for their Hierarchy . For , suppose it to be as true as I hope by this time to all the unbyassed it 's manifested to be false , that in all points they could vouch their Hierarchy to be warranted by the true primitive Church and the Government of the one intirely like that of the other , yet do they not desert her in many other things ? Did the primitive Church use Organs in Divine Worship ? Were they not first introduced in the seventh Century by Pope Vitalian r And yet it is doubtfull if they were so soon received : For Aquinas dislikes and condemns them s . Or where , pray , in the true primitive Church shall they find the Surplice , Corner-Cap and Tippet ? Or where , to name no more , shall they find the Bishop allowed to involve himself in secular cares ; Civil and State Offices or Imployments ? Some used indeed , when they pleased , the Christian Emperor allowing it , to make the Bishops Arbiters of their private Debates , but to all the good Bishops , as Augustine t complains , this was a most weighty Grievance . But in more early times even this was not permitted , for Cyprian u condemns as altogether unlawfull that any Church-man should be so much as a testamentary Tutor to any Pupil . And mark the ground he goes on , For ( saith he ) whosoever are honoured with the Divine Priest-Hood or have a place in the Clergy ought only to serve at the Altar , and spend their time in Prayer and Supplication . For , 't is written , no Man that warreth intangleth himself with the Affairs of this Life , that he may please him who hath chosen him to be a souldier . Th●● is such a clear and inevitable Condemnation of the Practice of the Hierarchicks , that the Learned Annotators , Pamelius , and the Bishop of Oxford , finding nothing wherewith to elude it , skipp it over with deep silence . And now judge if Cyprian was of one mind with the Bishop of Five Churches , who will have the meaning of Paul's words cited by Cyprian to be x that every Christian ought to abstain from those things which are repugnant to Christian Profession , which are sins only ; and will not have the Apostle to speak any thing of Church-men in particular , or if Cyprian would have expon'd the sixth of the Canons ascribed to the Apostles as doth Heylyn , who y makes the Canon only to mean that Bishops or inferiour Clergy-Men might not be Consuls , Praetors , Generals , or undergoe such publick Offices in the State of Rome , as were most sought for and esteemed by the Gentiles there . Heylen is here somewhat intricat , and his cause required it . However the sum of his drift is , that the exercising of these or the like Offices is allowed to any Pastor by the Canon . Now , altho' ' tallowed it not when the Empire was Pagan , and he would prove something of this kind from 1 Cor. 6. where he must count all Magistrats thro' the Christian World , Pagans and Unbelievers , for otherways none shall ever prove from this Scripture , so much as the lawfullness of a Bishop or Pastors , judging and determining any difference between any two that referr themselves to his Arbitration . And tho' he should prove it , pray what is this to the exercising the Office of Consul , General , Praetor , Chancellour , Treasurer or the like pieces of such temporal Power and Grandor ? Judge moreover , were there no more but Paul his words to Timothy , 1. 4 , 13 , 14 , 15. And 2 Tim. 4. 2 , 5. If there be Leasure left any Pastor to be either Consul , General , or ought else of this nature : and consequently if all the shifts they use on this head be not sufficiently overthrown by these Scriptures only . But I had almost forgotten to notice how they torment themselves that they may torment and detort Cyprian , For Saravia says , that the Canon Cyprian speaks off was but particular and provincial only for the Church of Carthage . But Heylen refutes Saravia his comment and says Cyprian spoke so , because the Church was then almost destitute and unprovided of Presbyters . As if Cyprian had not spoken of Chruch-men absolutely and without the least intimation of any such restriction , and grounded his saying on a Scripture which , whatsoever it speaks of Church-men , confessedly says it of the mall , be they many or few or in whatsoever time and place they live . Moreover it 's most certain that in Matthew 20. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. The Princes of the Gentiles &c. And Mark 10. 42 , 43 , 44 , 45. And Luke 22. 25 , 26 , 27. All Pastors of Flocks are prohibited to exercise Dominion , secular and state Dignity , and a parity of the Apostles amongst themselves , and in them a parity of all ordinary Pastors or Ministers of the Gospell among themselves is enjoyned . D. M. a pretends to engage with the latter part of this Inference , but first he mis-states the question as if from these Texts we pleaded for a perfect equality of all the Officers of Christs house without distinction between extraordinary and ordinary Ministers , or between Pastors and other Officers , and so his saying that the Apostles exercised Jurisdiction over other Ecclesiasticks , whether true or false , is nothing to the purpose . But saith D. M. Our blessed Saviour supposeth degrees of Subordination amongst his own Disciples as well as other societies , and therefore he directs the Ecclesiasticks who would climb up to the highest places in the Church , to take other methods then these that are most usual amongst the Grandees of the World : He that deserved preferment in the Church was to be the servant of all . Which answer he steals from the Jesuite Bellarmine b who answers that Christ only directs ecclesiastick Princes , & teaches that as such they ought to rule their subjects , not as do Kings and Lords , but as Fathers and Pastors , To whom Junius replyes c that all this is quite contrarie to both Christs words and scope , The sons of Zebedie ( saith he ) desired a Dominion , this Christ rejects and refuses to give them ; again the falshood of this answer is demonstrated positively by Christs following words , who in stead of this Dominion which they desired , enjoyns them a humble Ministry and Service . Wherefore there is a clear opposition between Dominion and Ministry , the former belonging the World , the latter to the Church . Bishops are not ( saith Bellarmine ) here forbidden to exercise a dominion like that of godly Kings , but only like that of Tyrranical Kings who know not God. We deny ( replyes Junius ) that there is any such restriction , neither can it be proved . And accordingly Junius refutes and bafles all the Sophistrie that Bellarmine , and , after him , our Prelatists ordinarly bring to prove that only tyrrany and not all sort of principality or superiority is by our Saviour in these Texts , prohibited . And with Junius joyns the whole stream of Protestant Writers . But our Saviour ( saith D. M. ) did that himself among them , which he now commanded them to do to one another , and therefore the doing of this towards one another in obedience to the command now under consideration , could not inferr a Parity , unless that they blasphemously infer that Christ and his Apostles were equal : For our Saviour recomends what he enjoyns from his own constant and visible practice among them , viz , that he himself who was their Lord and Master , was their sevant , and therefore , it becomes the greatest among them , in imitation of him , to be modest , calm , and humble , towards all their subordinate Brethren . A sturdy argument forsooth , as if our most blessed Master to quell his Disciples their ambition of aspiring to a preheminence over one another , and to render them more content with a humble and brotherly parity , could not adduce and urge his own most holy and meek example of his most wonderful condescending to take upon him the form of a Servant , and do the works of a Servant among his Apostles , and that so humblie , as if he had been only their Companion and nothing above them : but he must anone be concluded to degrade and throw down himself into a meer equality with his Disciples . Can any in the exercise of his wit make such a Collection ? Neither can better befall him : for , as is his constant practice this wretched Paralogism he also borrows from another Jebusite Cornelius a Lapide , who at the same rate depraves this Text of Matthew to save from a mortal blow Peter's fictitious Primacy . But in the next place , which is little better , D. M. turns Jew on our hand : Let it be further considered ( saith he ) that the Hierarchy and Subordination of Priests was established by Divine Authority in the Jewish Church , and if our Saviour had pulled down that ancient Polity , and commanded an equality among the Presbyters of the New Testament , he would not have stated the Opposition between his own Disciples and the Lords of the Gentiles , but rather between the Priests of the Mosaic Oeconomy and the Disciples of the New Testament . And agian , fearing least his J●daism and also his self-repugnancy should not have otherways been apparent enough , We do not ( saith he d ) now plead , as some ignorant People may pretend , that there ought to be a Bishop above Presbyters , because that there was a High-Priest among the Jews , but rather thus , that the Hierarchy that obtained in the Patriarchal and Jewish Oeconomy was never abrogated in the new . Well then , is there on Earth a visible High-Priest over the whole Church the Levitical Orders , Rites , & Temple-service , the very things wherein the Jewish Hierarchy consisted , and shadows of Christ to come , now allowable . But to come to his cavill , and quiet this child of Ignorance , D. M. should know that beside the Disciples ambition to get up over one another , according to the carnal apprehension they then entertained of Christ kingdome ( wherein our Hierarchick Lord Bishops are the Apostles successors indeed , and all Hierarchicks , men of Apostolick principles ) they looked also for a great , worldly , and civil power and dominion , which was not at all comprehended in the Jewish Priesthood , nor was then possessed by any of the Priests ; and so our Lord 's stateing the opposition between his Disciples and the Lords of the Gentiles , is by far more apt for his purpose than if he had stated it between them and the Priests of the old Oeconomy , which had been altogether lame , and doon scarce the half of his bussiness . In a word , the Romishness and Falshood of all these his Cavills is manifest , were there no more , from this only , that if they do any thing , they make for the defence of that new Romish Doctrine of Peter's Supremacy , which both the Fathers , and all sound Protestants , not only Presbyterians , but also Episcopals , yea some that otherwise deserve not the name of Protestants , as Dr. Heylen e , explode , & prove that there was a compleat Equality & Parity amongst the Apostles : And they deduce their Conclusion especially from this text of Matthew's Gospel and its parallels . And indeed if there be , as doubtless there are , any places of Scripture fit to prove it , these texts deservedly hold the first place . The Author of the Opus imperfectum , thought by some to be Chrysostome , saith , on this place of Matthew , Quicunque autem desiderat primatum in terrâ , inveniet confusionem in coelo , Whosoever desires a primacy on Earth , shall find Confusion in Heaven . Now suppose the truth of these words , and compare them with the words of the Apostle 1 Tim. 3. 1. If a man desires the Office of a Bishop , he desires a good work . And it 's clear the Office of a Bishop is quite another thing than a Primacy ; for to desire the former is lawfull and laudable , but to desire the latter is dangerous and damnable : and so much by the way , for I love not to transcribe the labours of others f . And so angry is D. M. at New Opinions , and for their sake at every thing that 's New , that he scarce ever advances any Argument , Vindication , or Defence , but what is so frequently and soundly baffl'd , so bare and worn , as to vy even with the old ancient Garments of the Gibeonites . These Texts , as I said , prohibite also all Pastors of Flocks to exercise Dominion , Secular or State Dignities , which is irrefragably made out by our Writers against Bellarmine de Pontifice , and other Romanists . However 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either the Possession or Hope of such Emoluments and Dignities , as also the glistering gayetie of gorgious and theatrick Ceremonies , close mens mouths , and keep them from acknowledging the Truth , for which even a Pagan g may come in to reprove them , O curvae interris animae , & coelestium inanes ! Quid juvat hoc templis nostros immittere mores ? Et bona Dijs ex hac scelerata ducere pulpa . Dull earthy minds who know no heavenly thing , What profites it into the Church to bring Our own Inventions ? or to dream that we Can with Lust's fewel please the Deity . Dicite Pontifices , in sancto quid facit aurum ? Speak out your minds ye Priests and do not lie , Can gold your holy places sanctifie ? It 's an old saying that the Church brought forth Riches , but the Daugter devoured the Mother , who when she had wooden Cups she had golden Priests , but afterward she got golden Cups and wooden Priests . Even their Pseudo-Clement h is prolix on this subject , exhorting the Bishop to be dis-engaged of all worldly cares and affairs , and perpetually imploy'd in Preaching and Prayer , and the like Ministerial duties . And indeed all Pastors of Flocks would carefully abstain from secular and state Offices , and every thing else that may abstract them from their Charges and Flocks , least their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 procure them Functius's reward . But if our Hierarchicks will not hear our blessed Lord and his Apostles , if they will not hear the genuine writtings of the Ancients , nor yet these spurious pieces whose Authros were otherwayes sufficiently Hierarchick and Ceremonious , I think they might listen to the Bishop af Aiace , for he was a Member of the Council of Trent : John Baptista Bernard ( saith Suave i ) Bishop of Aiace , who , th● he believed that residencie was de jure Divino , yet thought it not fit to speak of that question , delivered a singular speech , saying that , not aiming to establish one Opinion more then another , but only so to inforce residency , as that it may be really executed , he thought it vain to declare from whence the obligation came , or whatsoever else and that it was sufficient only to remove the cause of Absence ; which is , that Bishops do busie themselves in the courts of Princes , and in the affairs of the World , being Judges , Chanchellours Secretaries , Counsellours , Treasurers , and there are but few Offices of state into which some Bishop hath not insinuate himself . This is forbidden by St. Paul , who thought it necessary that a Souldier of the Church should abstain from secular Employments . Let God's command be executed , and them forbidden to take any Charge , Office , or Degree , ordinary or extraordinary , in the affairs of the World ; and then their being no cause for them to remain at Court , they will go to their residencie , of their own accord , without Command or Penalty , and will not have any occasion to depart from thence . In conclusion he desired that the Council could constitute , that it should not be lawfull for Bishops or others , who have care of souls , to exercise any secular Office or Charge . But all this was in vain , for that Synagogue of Sathan was deaf like the Adder , & the Bishop of Five Churches who harang'd to the contrary & eluded or neglected all his reasons telling the Council withall , that if Aiace were follow'd their Church would anon become base & contemptible , was heard with applause of the the whole Conventicle ( tho' not without a self-contradiction as the Historian observes ) so that this ingenuous and Christian Discourse was slighted and contemned . Neither can I find much ground to expect any fairer treatment from men of a Tridentine Spirit , whose strenth lyes mostly in mean sophistry , and unmanly snatching at colours and shaddous , disimulation of the unsoundness of their Cause , banter and Hectoring , noise and ill founded claims to Antiquity . From these I may look for unkind handling indeed ; but withall have some assurance to meet with better dealling from all the Admirers and Students of most true and only unspotted Antiquity , the sacred Scripturers , whom God hath quicken'd by his Precepts , who know that serious and assiduous Meditation in God's Law and keeping his Precepts will make them understand more than even the Ancients , and therefore rejoyce in the Way of his Testimonies as much as in all Riches , and esteem the Words of his Mouth more than their necessary food , to whom these are the Joy and Rejoyceing of their heart . These , I am somewhat confident , will not be much displeased with what I have said . My Antagonist , if any happen , or I 'm exceedingly mistaken , will be of quite different Qualities , I can sincerely affirm that I have not willingly or wittingly injured the Truth , or any man's person , and that the Love of sacred Verity moved me to publish these papers . Others , doubtless , of suitable Abilities may soon advance things of far greater worth than what can come from we whose mite is so mean and inconsiderable , and who , beside the other disadvantages that environ me , according to the good Pleasure of him that doth all things well , from the very womb have laboured under the want of that noble Sence of SEEING , and so am oblig'd to read with the Eyes and write with the Hands of others . Yet tho' I be deprived of the sweet Light and pleasure of beholding the Sun , it little moves me , if so be I may see the infinitely more precious Light of the most glorious and dear SON of Righteousness , and be illuminated and enlyven'd with that all healling Vertue which is in his Wings . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A46639-e210 a Judgement given forth &c. Page 12. b Ibid. c The Trial of Peter Boss &c. Page 6. d Plea for the Innocent . Page 12. e Pag. 11. f More Divisions amongst the Quakers Page 15. g Judgement given forth &c. Page 17. and Append. to the History of the Quakers . Pag. 16. h Ibid. pag. 12. i ibid. pag. 17. k ibid. pag. 20. l Inter Epist , Augustini 25. m Adversus . Herm●o●enem . n De Doctrin● Christiana . Lib. 2. Cap. 9. o Theodoret. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 1. Cap. 7. & Hist. Trip●rtit . Lib. 2. Cap. 5. p Lib. 5. q Epist. ad Pompejum . r In Acta Apost . Homil. 3. s In primum Haggaei . Notes for div A46639-e7380 a Iren. lib. 2. Caput 11. b Synop. pap . conti . 5. Quest. 3. Part 2. c Preface to his Ecclesiastical Policy ▪ p. 2. 19. and 20. d P. 131. e In Iren. f Apologiae Cathol . lib. 1. p. 118. 119. 120. h Defence of the Apology of the Church of England . pag. 121. i page 248. k Stillingfleet Iren. pag. 392. l Iren. pag. 393. m pag. 395. n Episcopacy not prejudicial to regal Power . Page 13 , 14 , 15. b Canon 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Detection of the Court and State of England . Vol. 1. Page 361. e Vol. 1. Pag. 361. d Pag. 368. f Memoires of the D. of Hamiltoun . Pag. 29. 30. h Nalson's Collections Vol. 1. Page 247. i Memoires Page 29. k Hist. Page 447 , 453. l Memoires Page 47. & alibi m Memoires Page 60. n Collections Vol. 1. Page 245. i Memoires Page 235 , 236. a De pontif . Rom , lib. 1. cap. 8. Praeterea exercitus non semper unum habet ducem , &c. a De pontif . Rom. Lib. 2. Cap. 10. Nulla enim in Ecclesia Dei graviora excitata sunt Schismata , nec Hereses exorta sunt ab ullo tetriores quam ab Episcopis . a Iren. Part 2. Chap. 6. a De Repub. Ecclesiasticâ . Lib. 2. Cap. 4. Numb . 46. Sunt qui Hieronymum in rectam sententiam vel invitum velint trahere — neque in hoc aut excusari satis potest , aut &c. b De diversis gradibus ministrorum Evangelii . Cap. 23. Dico privatam fuisse Hieronymi opinionem , consentaneam cum Aërio &c. c Ibid. 27. d Exam. tract . de triplici Episcopatû . Page 25. e Ibid. Page 34. f Contra Hereses fol. 103. B. Sed revera fallitur Thomas Waldensis quoniam in toto illo decursu p●st verba proximè citata nihil aliud conatur Hieronymus quam ut ostendat ex Divina Institutione non esse differentiam inter Presbyterum & Episcopum — Et fol. 104. D. Nec etiam mirari quisquam debet quod Beatus Hieronymus Vir alioqui doctrissimus sic deceptus fuerit , &c. g De Cler. Cap. 15. Michaël Medina — affirmat sanstum Hieronymum idem omnino cum Aërianis sensisse , neque solum Hieronymum in ea Heresi fuisse , sed etiam Ambrofium , Augustinum , Sedulium , Primasium , Chrysostomum , Theodoretum , OEcumenium , & Theophilactum , atque ita ( inquit Medina ) isti Viri ali●qui Sanctissimi & Sacrarum Scripturarum consultissimi , quorum tamen sententiam , prius in Aërio , deinde in Waldensibus , postremo in Johanne Vvicklefo , damnavit Fcclesia . Et infra . Ergo in Hieronymo & Gracis illis Patribus &c. h Catechism . tract . 2. Quest. 23. i Cath. Orth. Tom. 1. Page 286. k Heresi 55. five 75. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l De repub . eccles . Lib. 2. Cap. 5. m Epistola ejus dedicatiora translationi suae praefixa . n Critic . Patrum Page 330. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p Vir maximus Epiphanius , sed , quem res arguit ipsa , levibus auditiunculis , nescio unde acceptis , facilè nimis aliquando fidem habuisse . q Haeresi 39. vel 59. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — r Epistola 50. ad Bonifacium . s Ibidem . t Tom. 6. Haeresi 69. u Lib. 3. Page 101. x Epist. 74. y Haeresi 25. Aërii ab Aërio quodam sic appellati sunt , qui astinentiis vacant &c. z Haeresi 27. sive 47. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Hist. Eccles. Lib. 4. Cap. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. b Lib. 1. Cap 30. c Haeresi 55. sive 75. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d Eusebius Eccles. Hist. Lib. 4. Cap. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. e Epiphanius Haeresi 55. sive 75. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Ibidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g De instit . cler . Lib. 2. Cap. 58. Aëriani ab Aërio quodam nuncupati sunt , hi offerre sacrificium pr● defunctis spernunt . a Defence of Diocesan Episcopacy . Page 153. b Of the Religion of the Irish. Page 59. c Primitive Episcopacy . Page 40. d Lib. 1. Vnde factum est ut post obitum Carthaginis Episcopi Zeugitanae , & procensulari Provinciae , Episcopos interdiceret ordinarios quorum erat numerus 164. e Page 164. f Page 185. g Page 165. h Right of Churches , review Page 153. i Conferences . Page 348. k Ad Scotos in Christum credentes ordinatur à Papa Caelestino , Palladius & primus Episcopus mittitur . l Edit . Lovan . Fol. 15. m Ann. 429. numb . IV. Primum verò eam gentem à Coelestino Papa Episcopum habuisse Palladium omnes consentiunt . n Ibid. Ex his autem habes quibus redarguas asserentes Sedulium Christianum Poëtam quem tantopere Gelasius laudat habuisse praeceptorem Hildebertum Scotorum Archi-episcopum : Etenim cum ipse Sedulius ad Theodosii Imperatoris tempora referatur quo modo usus esse potuit Hildeberto Scotorum Archi-episcopo Paerceptore , si nullus adhuc ordinatus erat in Scotia Archi-episcopus & Palladius absque controversia primus dicatur ejus Gentis Antistes . o Lib. 3. Cap. 8. Ante cujus ( Palladii sc. ) adventum habebant Scoti Fidei Doctores , ac Sacramentorum Ministratores , Presbyteros solummodo vel Monachos , ritum sequentes Ecclesiae primitiva . p De gestis Scotorum . Lib. 2. Per Sacerdotes & Monachos , sine Episcopis Scoti in fide erudiebantur . q Fol. 132. Erat Palladius primus omnium qui apud Scotos sacrum egere Magistratum , à summo Pontifice Episcopus creatus : quum antea Populi suffragiis &c. r Scotland's soveraignty asserted . Page 134. s Lib. 3. Cap. 4. Habere autem solet ipsa Insula Rectorem semper Abba●tem Presbyterum , cujus Juri & omnis Provincia & ipsi etiam Episcopi ordine inusitato debeant esse subjecti , juxta exemplum primi Doctoris illius qui non Episcopus , sed Presbyter extitit . t Ibid. Vnde & praefatam Insulam ab eis in possessimem Monasterii faciendi accepit . Neque enim magna est , sed quasi Familiarum quinque &c. u Hist. Pag. 7. x Hist. Page . 4. y Contra Judaeos . Cap. 7. Loca Britannorum Romanis inaccessa , Christo tamen subdita . z Lib. 6. Fol. 95. v. 40. Coeperi & nostri eo temp●re Christi dogma acuratissimè amplexari Monachorum quorundam ductu & adhortatione qui quia sedulo pr●dicationi vacarent , essentque frequentes in oratione , ab incolis Cultores Dei sunt appellati : invaluit id nomen apud vulgus in tantum ut Sacerdotes omnes ad nostra pene tempora vulg● Culdaei ; i. e. Cultores Dei , sine discrimine vocitarentur . a Hist. Page . 4. b Book 1. c Cap. 39. Caeterum dilatatae & inveteratae Haereses nequaquam &c. d Page 227. Et sequentibus . e Defence of the Vindication of the Church of Scotland . Page 36. f Fol. 95. Pontificem inter se communi suffragio deligebant &c. g Ann. 431. Numb . 191. Perductum quoque fuisse ad Hiberniam Insulam , sed citò morte subduectum ex hac vita migrasse , ex Probo qui res gestas S. Patricii scripsit dictum est superius , Hibernorum quidem conversionem Deus S. Patricio reservavit . h Ibid. Hoc eodem anno sub iisdem Consulibus Sanctus Prosper missum ait Palladium ordinatum primum Episcopum ad Scotos : perductum quoque fuisse ad Hiberniam &c. i Numb . 4. — Magno honore prosequentes ejus Reliquias in Mernia Scotiae Provincia collecatas . k Numb . 5. Porro eandem Ecclesiam nobilissimam hoc nostro saculo Deus tentati permisit , ut Christianae constantiae praeclarissimum specimen ederet , cum inter alios Martyres habere etiam meruit ( quod nulla hactenus Christiana Gens habuit ) ipsam Reginam , Catholica Fidei eximium Decus & ornamentum diutissimâ consessione in carcere ante probatam , nobiliori coronâ Martyrii auctam . l De historicis latinis . Page 229. m Vide Usserii Brit. Eccles. Antiquates . Page 799. n Irenicum Part 2. Ch. 7. o Antiq. Brit. Eccles. Page 809. p Iren. Part 2. Ch. 6. q Page 39 , & 40. a De Sacramento ordinis . Can. 6. b De Clerici● — Cap. 11. c Fuller , lives of the Divines . d Pag. 24. Et sequentibus . e Fund . Charter . Pag 26. Spotswood . Hist. Pag. 316. e Hist. Page 257 , 258. f Century 16. Page 371. g Cald. Hist. Page 261. h Hist. Page 385. i Ms. Hist. Vol. 2 , Page 340. k History of the Houses of Douglass and Angus . Page 320. l Page 333. m Page 354. n Page 358. o Page 192. p 1 Book of disc . head 1. q Calderwood's Ms. Hist. Vol. 2. Page 597. r See Spotswood Hist. Page 260. s Cald. Ms. Hist. Vol. 2. Page 354 t See Page 457. u See our Author Pages 207 , 208. x Cald. Ms. Hist. Vol. 2. Page 597. y Page 28. Et sequentibus . z Epist. 79. Sed & istud mi Knoxe — sicut Episcopi Papatum pepereunt . ita psendespiscopos — ( Papatus reliquias ) Epicureismum terras invecturos &c. a Hist. Pages 198 , 199. b Cald. Page 3. c Holy Cheat. Pages 31 , 32. d First Book of Discipline head first . e Can. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Can. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g Sozomen Lib. 1. Cap. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h Socrates . Lib. 1. Cap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i Spotsw . Hist. 153. 174. k Cald. Ms. Hist. Vol. 2. Page 143. l Vide Epist. 206. Coxo & gregalibus suis. m Heylin's Cosmography . Page 305. n Page 108. Et sequentibus . o Hist. Page 174. p Hist. Pag. 266. q See L'estrange holy Cheat. Page 31. r Pag. 133. s Head 5. t Hist. Page 158. u Pages 143 , & sequentes . x Page 174. y Page 344. z Cald. Ms. Hist. Vol. 2. Page 489. a Ibid. Page 595. Et seq . b Knox Hist. 289. c Cald. Ms. Hist ▪ Vol. 2. Page 5. d 2 Cor. 11. 5. e Acts 13. 3. compared with 14. 26. f See his Pages 242. & sequentes . g See 1. Book of Discipline . Head 5. Of the Election of Superintendents . h pag. 160 , et sequentib . i Page 120. k Page 37. l Pag. 168. m Hieronymus Euagrio . n Cald. Ms. Hist. Vol. 1. Page . 789. o Apud Saraviam exam . tract . de Episcopatuum triplici genere . Quest. 2. Pag. 91. Post reformatam Religionem , consuetudine receptum est , ut Episcopi , & ex Ministris , Pastoribus , & Senioribus , tot , quot iidem Episcopi jusserint , unum in lucum conveniant &c. p Cald. Ms. Hist. Vol. 2. Pag. 87. Spots . Pag. 219. q Page 219. r Pages 138 , 139. s Pages 167 , 168. t Cald. Ms. Hist. Vol. 2. Page 24. u Fol. 52. Data est autem omnibus in Ecclesia Ministris una & aequalis potestas sive functio . Certè ab initio , Episcopi vel Presbyteri Ecclesiam communi opera gubernaverunt : nullus alteri se praetulit — Sic legitur secisse in Actis Apostolorum S. Petrus , qui tamen ideo nec aliis fuit praepositus , nec potestate majore caeteris praeditus . — Ideoque nemo jure prohibuerit ad veterem Ecclesiae Dei constitutionem redire , & illam prae humana consuetudine recipere . a Loc. com . Tom. 6. Col. 260. b Col. 261. Atqui superiorem illam jurisdictionis potestatem jure Divino Episcopis competentem Pontificii in eo vel maximè ponunt , quod Episcopus possit ordinare Ministros , Presbyteri vero minimè , &c. c Apud Osiandrum . Epitom . Hist. Eccles. parte . 1. Page 299. Art. Smalkald . de Episcoporum jurisdictione . Liquet autem confessione omnium , etiam Adversariorum nostrorum , hanc potestatem ( Evangelium docendi viz. peccata remittendi &c. ) communem esse omnibus , — Hic docet Hieronymus , distinctos graedus Episcoporum &c. tantum humana authoritate constitutos esse — quia autem jure Divino uullum est discrimen inter Episcopum &c. d Instit. 4. Cap. 3. Sect. 8. & alibi . e Cap. 4. Neque tamen sic honore & dignitate superior erat E●iscopus ut dominium in collegas haberet sed quas partes habet Consul in Senatu — Atque id ipsum pro temporum necessi●ate fuisse humano consensu inductum fatentur ipsi veteres . f Loc. Com. Page 246. Tertio eosdem esse Presbyteros quosque & Episcopos & Pastores , ex eo patet quod Act. 20. legimus ad hunc modum &c. — unde videas Apostolorum tempore in Ecclesia Christi eosdem fuisse Presbyteros , Pastores & Episcopos . g Syntag. part . alt . Page . 544. Quod ex horum Pastorum seu Presbyter●rum collegio , unus reliquis esset praepositus & Episcopi cognomento ornatus singulariter ab humano ortum instituto , nona divino pracepto , existimamus , non solum cum Hieronymo verum etiam cum Lombardo , Gratiano , Card. Cusano & aliis . h Art. 30. Credimus omnes veros Pastores ubicunque locorum collocati fuerint eadem & aequali inter se potestate essepraeditos . i Credimus veram hanc Ecclesiam debere regi &c. k Prideaux apud Maresium exam . prim . 4. Questionum Theolog. Pag. 63. pro Calvinistis &c. l Page 66. Quamquam non ut dominus &c. m Pag 65. Nullum novi Zanchii tractatum de &c. n Page 66. Profitetur se non posse nostrorum zelum non amare qui ideo illa nomina ( Episcoporum & Archi-episcoporum ) oderunt &c. o Page 67. Nec Calvinus ut somniat doctissimus Episcop . &c. p Spanhemius F. contra Vander Waeyen . q Parte speciali . Page 149. r Pages 129 , 130 , 131. 132 , & alibi . s Nomothesia istic Ecclesiastica penes supremum Magistratum . t Pag. 131 , 132. Haud me equidem fugit &c. u Page 130. Sed ut quod est dicam longissimo inter utrosque discrimine . Priorem siquidem mera est ordinis & honoris , null● jurisdictionis vel potestatis proprie dictae , praerogativa . x Epitom . Hist. Eccles. Part. 1. Cent. 16. Lib. 2. Cap. 15. Videtur autem Melancton in causa fuisse , ut Episcopis aliquid Jurisdictionis concederetur : speravit enim , si &c. y Osiand . Epit. Hist. Eccles. Cent. 16. Part. 1. Lib. 2. Cap. 37. De pontifice autem statuo . Si Evangelium admirteret , posse ei propter Pacem &c. z Fam. Letters . Vol. 3. Page 395. a De Clericis cap. 14. — et nostris temporibus Lutherani & Calvinistae &c. b fol. 102. hunc eundem errorem post multos annos ab Inferis suscit arunt Waldenses , dicentes nullum esse inter Sacerdotes discrimen . c Hist. part . 1. lib. 5. Quibus respondent , qui hodie in Anglia puriorem doctrinam praese ferunt . d pag. 239. e Alphonsus de Castro fol 102. f Aenaeas Sylvius de Bohemorum origine et gestis cap. 53. dogmata sunt — inter Sacerdotes nullum discrimen esse &c. g see the history of the Council of Trent pages 596 , 605 , 606 , 607. h Polit. Eccles. part . 2. pag. 833. i Exam. Theol. Quatuor Quaest. Insignium . Quaest. 1. pag. 68. S●raviam vero suis Belgium orthodoxum non annumerat , utpote &c. k Epist. dedicat . ad Episcopos Anglicanos praefixâ libris de gradibus Ministrorum , et alibi pluries . l De gradib . Ministrorum cap 24. et alibi . m De honore Praesulibus et Presbyteris debito . cap. 19. n Cap. 29. o Spanhem . part . spec . pag. 221. Quisc . Laudum pro gradu disputantem asserentemque Episcoporum ordinem esse divini ac necessarii juris , publica ignominia notavit . a Dr. Pearson . prooem . ad vind . St. Ignat. b Hist. of the Presbyterians . Page 0. c Hist. Quinquart . Pages 5 , 6. d Preface to the second Vol. of his Hist of the Reformation . e Howel . Fam. Lett. Pages 471 , 472. f Apolog. Cap. 5. g Of the stile of the Scriptures . Page 34. et seq . h Burnet's Confer . Page 323. i Page 321. k Orat. 28. l Def. tract . De diversis gradibus Ministrorum Evangelii . C●p. 23. a Hist. Eccles. Lib. 3. Cap. 36. a Typis mandavit Observationes in Ignatianas Pearsonii vindicias nec non in Beverigii Annotationes — cui responsum pa●ins , quodque prae manibus ferme absolutum habemus , Autor noster , instantibus quibusdam Amicis , alio subito divertit . Sed autem &c. b Pearson . Prooem . ad vind . Ignat. Cap. 1. In ea autem tract and a magni ponderis merito habita esse Sancti Ignatii Viri Apostolici , & Martyris Autori●as , &c. Burnet's Conferences . Page 314. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. r Tom. 1. Ep. 68. s Vind. Ignat. Part. 2. Page 220. t Vind. Ignat. Part. 2 Pages 140 , 141. Quasi vero Christiano Viro , & quidem Episcopo , & ab Apostolis edocto nulla superc●elestium scientia competeret &c. u Bibl. Patrum . Vol. 1. Page 42. x Page 33. y His genuine Epistles of Apostolick Fathers Page 149. z Introduct . ad Chron. et Hist. Sac. Pag. 127. a Lib. 6. Cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b Iren. Page 298. c Page 160. d Lib. 3. Cap. 39. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. e Apolog. ad Senatum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. f Apolog. ad Antoninum pium . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. g Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 4. Cap. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. Et Lib. 5. Cap. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. h Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 5. Cap. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. i Socrates Lib. 5. Cap. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. k Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 5. Cap. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * In notis ad Eusebii locum . l Varia sacra . Vol. 2. Page 30. m Haeresi 29. Nazara●rum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. n Ubi supra . Quem quidem B. Marcum juxta ritum carnalis Sacrificii pontificalis apicis petalum &c. o Euseb . Hist. Eccles. Lib. 2. Cap. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p Ant. judaie . Lib. 20. Cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ q De Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione et statu . Page 19. Etsi enim qui proximè Apostolis successerunt , Pietate cum primis & Sanctitate excelluisse negari non potest : certum tamen est , neque eorum qui praecesserunt , virtutem assecutos , neque ita simplicem , ut Magistri eorum , orationem consecutos esse , quemadmodum rectè à Nicephoro notatum est . a Com. In. Ep. prior . ad Tim. Cap. 5. Vnde & Synagoga & postea Ecclesia seniores habuit quorum sine Consilio nihil agebatur in Ecclesia . Quod qua negligentia obsoleverit , nescio , nisi forte Doctorum desidia , aut magis superbia dum soli volunt aliquid videri . b Field on the Church . Book 5. Cap. 26. c Alt ▪ Dam. Page 917. & sequentes . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. e Ep. ad Smyrnaeos . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. f Ad Polycarpum — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g Ad Ephesios . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. h Ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. i Ad Philadelphicos . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. k Ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. l Proof for Churches in the second Century . Pages 28 , 29. m Defence of Diocesan Episcopacy . Pag. 37. and 38. n Genuine Epistles of the Apostolick Fathers . Pages 183 , 184. o Dr. Burnet on the 1. and 2. of the Apost . can . Page 51. p Confer . Page 314. a Pages 106. 107. b Page 108. c Page 107. d Page 108. e Pages 109. f Pages 109 , 110. g Syn. pap . contr . 5. Quest. 3. h In locum . i Dissert . 3. Numb . 25. Etseq . k Numb . 37. Eat nunc de rupe turpeia Pontifex , & cum Apostolis loquatur Linguis Sp. S. exlo visibiliter arcessat , virtutes similes edat , magnalia eadem obsignet , ac venerabimur in eo Apostolatus Apicem ! l Numb . 34. m Numb . 17. n In Epist. ad Ephesios . Cap. 4. ver . 11. Constitutis ergo his hoc quoque munus necessario fuit sublatum : itaque tyrannica hodie vox est in Ecclesia sese Apostolum ex Successione profiteri . o Vide , inter alios , Marloratum in locum . p Numb . 27. De Matthia sorte , id est divina voce , qualiter in distributione terrae , in segregatione Hirci &c. q Vide Instit. Lib. 4. Cap. 3. r Et nemo sane , nisi plane sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Apostolatum confuderit . — dico igitur immediate eligi & vocari a Deo ad praedicandum Evangelium , esse essentiale Ministerio Apostolatus . s De primatu Papae . Lib. 2. Pag. 30 , 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t Page 145. u De pontif . Romano . Page 61. Qua igitur in re — in Apostolatu videtur dicere Bellarminus — At Apostolicam potestatem nemo habere potest , nisi qui verè ac pro●riè Apostolus est &c. x De pontif . Rom. Pages 175 , 176. Quare etiam olim Episcopi R. Petro successerint in Doctrina , & externa Cathedra , non tamen in Apostolatu , etsi successerunt , at posteriores Pontifices nec &c , y Vol. 1. Page 787. z Page 745. a Of the Pope's Supremacy . Page 78. b Page 158. c Alphonsus de Castro adversus haereses . Fol. 102. Bellarm. de Clericis . Cap. 14. d Tom. 2. Col. 1209. e Synops. papism . Page 236. f Ibidem . g Page 111. h Page 112. i Lib. 3. Cap. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. k Page 111. l In locum . Titus etiam missus ab eo abiit in Dalmatiam , ubi finaliter fuisse Episcopus dicitur . l Page 112. m Page 107. n Irem . Pages 302 , 303. o Pro●em . in Tit. Scribit ad Titum &c. p Hom. 1. in 1 Tim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q Disp. 1. in 1 Tim. Dubium est an Episcopus fuerit Ephesinus &c. r Iren. Page 340. s Page 117. t Page 117. u Et Angeli earum ibidem non debent intelligi , nisi aut Episoopi aut praepositi Ecclesiarum . — Nam quia etiam Angelus nuncius interpraetatur , quicunque aut Episcopus aut Presbyter aut etiam Laicus frequenter de Deo loquitur , & quomodo ad Vitam eternam perveniat meritò Angelus Dei dicitur . x Comment . in Apocalyps . Cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y In Cap. 1. Apoc. z In. Cap. 2. a Confer . Page 310. b Confer . Page 331. c In Philip. 1. 1. d On Rev. 4. compared with his Notes on Acts 11. a Lib. 2. Cap. 4. b Pages 31 , 32. c Apud Wal. Mess. Page 96. d Page 27. e Page 636. f Ir. Page 369. Et seq . g Prim. Episc. Page 7. Et seq . h Homil. 35. In Act. Apost . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i Iren. Page 361. k Conferences . Pages 307 , 308. l Page 27. m Page 30. n In Philip. 1. 1. Haeserunt in eodem Luto nonnulli Catholici . o De Clericis . Cap. 15. p Tom. 2. Col. 1211. q Page 22. Et seq . r Pages 157 , 158. s pag. 158. a On Philip. 1. 1. b Medull . Theol. Patrum . Vol. 1. Lib. 1. Cap. 17. c Lib. 5. Cap. 13. d Contra Parmenianum . Lib. 3. e Apologia ad Antonium pium Imp. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Lombard . Lib. 4. Distinctione 24. M. g Epist. 118. h De Doctrina Christiana . Lib. 2. Cap. 9. i De Clericis . C●p. 15. k De heresi Miletiana . l Iren. Page 317. m apud Wal. Mess. pag. 6. & 114. n Apud Salmas . apparat . ad libros de primatu . Page 23. o Episcopacy asserted . Page 132. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — &c. q Apud Wal. Mess. Pag. 80. r In priorem Ep. ad Tim. Cap. 3. s De Hierarchiâ Ecclesiasticâ . Lib. 2. Cap. 1. a In Epist. ad Ephes. Cap. 4. b De Clericis . C●p. 15. c Catal. Scriptor . d Tom. 2. Fol. 12. — Aetati delatum est quia Petrus senior erat . e In 1. ad Cor. 11. 10. f De Hierarchia Eccles. Lib. 1. Cap. 12. g Apud Blondellum . h De scrip . Eccles. i In Scholis ad Cap. 4. Lib. 4. Augustini contra duas Epistolas Pelagiani . k In appendice ad Hierarchiam . Lib. 2. Cap. 1. l In prior . Epist . ad Tim. homilia 11 ma , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. m De Clericis . Cap. 15. 10. n In Rom. 12. o In 1 Cor. 1. p In Philip. 1. 1. q In 1 Tim. 3. r In Tit. 1. s In 1 Tim. 3. t Epist. 19. 2d Hieronymum . u De Clericis . Cap. 15. x Page 81. & seq . y Tom. 2. Col. 1214. z Irenicum . Pag. 300. & seq . a Defens . apolog . Pages 122 , 123. In Epist. ad Titum . c De Clericis . Lib. 1. Cap. 15. d Page 65. & seq . e Col. 1212. f Irenicum . Page 276. g Tom. 2. Col. 1213. h Iren. Page 280. i Page 159. k Col. 1213. l Vide inter alia Wal. Mess. Page 45. Et seq . & Page 193. Et seq . m Page 138. n Vind. St. Ignat. Part 1. Pages 191 , 192. o Epist. ad Heliodorum . p Absit ut de his quicquam sinistrum loquar : qui Apostolico gradui succedentes , Christi corpus sacro ore conficiunt : per quos & nos Christiani sumus &c. q Appendice ad Hierarchiam Lib. 2. Cap. 5. r De Clericis . Cap. 15. s Irenicum . Pages 273 , and 274. t De Clericis . Cap. 15. u Col. 1213. x Irenicum . Pag. 266. & seq . y Irenicum . Page 277. Et seq . z Irenicum . Pag. 130. a Vind. Ignat. Part. 2. Pag. 22. — tam multa de Presbyteratus Autoritate congerit , ut cum eam stabiliat , aeqnalem penè ipsi Episcopali po●esta●i statuere censeatur . b Dog. Theol. Tom. 3. Pag. ( mihi . ) 747. Hieronyn us — Presbyteros suppares Episcopis facit &c. c Pag. 756. — regendae Ecclesae potest ●tem externamque Gubernatianem sola consuetudine , non dispositionis Dominicae Veritate Episcopis tribuit . e Scholast . Hist. Of the Canon of Scripture . Page 74. Et seq . f Timotheus Lib. 3. g De Officiis . Lib. 2. Cap. 8. Et de Originibus . Lib. 7. Cap. 12. h Apud Blandellum . Page 80. i De constit . cler . Lib. 2. Cap. 6. k Can. 7. l Distinct. 60. m Sentent . Lib. 4. Distinct. 24. n Comment . In locum . o Iren. pag. 294. a Hist. Eccles. Lib. 3. Cap. 25. b pag. 4. c pag. 98. d pag. 102. e pag● 119 , 120. f pag. 124. g pag. 132. h Appendice ad Hier. Eccles. Lib. 1. Cap. 12. i Page 98. k Appendice ad Hierar . Eccles. Lib. 2. Cap. 5. Siquidem Diaconus aliàs , idque passim , non propriè , sed appellativè sumitur : & tunc ferè aliud nomen in gignendi casu huic adjungitur &c. l Page 44. Et seq . m Pages 94 , and 96. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. n Iren. page 279. o Epist. ad Philipp . p Vind. Ignat. Part. 2. Page 168. Sed quis dabit Episcopum Philippensium tunc in vivis fuisse ? Quis praestabit Philippenses &c. q pag. 49. & seq . r Apolog. prosent . Hieron . pag. 14. & seq . s Lib. 1. Vis. 2. t pag. 53. & seq . u Lib. 2. Mand. 12. x Lib. 3. Simil. 8. y Lib. 1. Vis. 3. z Lib. 3. Simil. 9. a Varia sacra . Page 34. b Apud Corn. a Lapide in Eph. 4. 11. c History of Episcopacy . Part 2. Page 39. d Apolog. ad Antonium Pium. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. e Hist. of Episcopacy , part 2. pag. 39. f Defence of Diocesan Episcopacy pag. 39. g Page 58. Et seq . h Paustratiae Tom. 2. Lib. 10. Cap. 6. Denique ausim asserere nunquam ab Epis●opis distingui , nedum separari Presbyteros apud Irenaeum . i Pages 158 , 159. * Vide Petavium de Hierarchia Eccl. Lib. 1. and D. Taylor Episcopacy asserted . a De civitate Dei. Lib. 19. Cap. 19. Exponere voluit quid sit Episcōpatus : quia nomen est operis non honoris &c. b Ad vocem . c Iliad . ● . d Ad vocem . e Lib. 3. Cap. 21. f Suidas ad vocem , & Hesychius ad vocem . g Saravia de diversis gradibus . Cap. 9. h Iren. Pages 285 , and 286. i In Can. Apost . 58. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k Caranza summa Con. folio 118. Can. 20. l Can. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m Page 67. n Can. 56. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. o On the 56 or 57 Canon of Laodicea . Ergo ante hoc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etiam revera Episcopi constituti sunt . p Can. 13. q Can. 14. r Can. 10. s On the 13 Canon of the Council of Ancyrum . Quibus etiam conficere non dubit amus veteros Chorepiscopos , — revera Episcopos fuisse — Enimvero cum Episcopi in Civitatibus solum antiquitus ordinati fuerint &c. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u History of the Council of Trent . Page 216. Et seq . x Caranza Fol. 100. &c. y Can. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. z Neocesar . Can. 13. & Ancyrum . Can. 13. a Lib. 3. b Eusebius Lib. 7. Cap. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. c pag. 77. d Dr. Burnet's Observations on the first and second Canons commoaly ascribed to the Apostles , pag. 47 , 48 , & 49. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f De Hierarchia Eccles. Cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. g Cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. i ( Mihi ) Lib. 2. Epist. 1. k In sententiis Episcoporum de Haereticis baptizandis . Page 334. l Epist. 85. m De Baptismo . Cap. 7. Exinde egressi de lavacro perunguimur benedicta unctione de pristina Disciplina , qua ungui oleo decorum in sacerdotium solebant . n Tom. 4. Lib. 5. Cap. 16. o Compen . Manualis Cap. 12. Paragr . 11. p page 449. q page 451. r Exam. Tract . de triplici Episcopatuum Genere pag. 16. s Preface to his Defence of Diocesan Episcopacy . t See Doctor Scot's Christian Life . Vol. 2. Chap. 7. and D. M. Page 98. Et seq . u Hist. Eccles. Lib. 3. Cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. x Pearson suis posthumis & Dodwell . y Arnobius . Lib. 2. Eusebius . Hist. Eccles. Lib. 2. Cap. 14. Epiphanius . Tom. 2. Page 59. Philastrius . Hieronymus Cat Script . Augustinus Tom. 6. Page 6. Sulpitius severus Lib. 2. and others . z Contra Celsum Lib. 1. a Dionys. Halicar . Lib. 4. Ovidius Fast. Lib. 6. Livius Dec. 1. Lib. 8. Augustinus de civitate Dei. Lib. 13. Cap. 19. b Annot , in Euseb. Lib. 2. Cap. 13. b Eusebius lib. 2. cap. 15. c lib. 3. cap. 36. d Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 39. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. e Hist. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 15. f de Concordia Sacerd. & Imp. tom . 2. pag. 174. g Posth●m . de Success . Rom. Pontif , Dissert . 1. cap. 8. i lib. 6. cap. 26. Caetero in solitudinem rediit , exhausta vicinitate Seleuciae . k lib. 1. l ibid. Ctesiphontem — condidere Parthi quod nunc est caput Regni . m lib. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. n Florus lib. 3. cap. 11. — Seleucia se responsurum esse respondit . o ad vocem Babylon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p Page 22. q page 146. r Lib. 14. Epigr. 15. s Lib. 8. Ep. 28. t in 23. Mat. u Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. 2. cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. hist. Eccles. lib. 3. cap. 32. & lib. 4. cap. 5. x Euseb. Chronic. y Iren. pag. 301. z Suavis Hist. of the Council of Trent pag. 743. a Hist. of Episcopacy , part 2. page 39. b part 2 pag. 96 , 97. c Iren. page 257. d pag. 264 , 265. e Vol. 1. pag. 308. f Vol. 2. pag. 133. g Observ. on the 1 Can. page 2. h Obs. on the 2 Can. page 83. i V●ria Sacra tom . 2. pag. 35. Nam non omnes Presbyteri onus concionandi & Verbum Dei enarrandi in se recipiebant &c. k apud Le Moyne pag. 36 , ibid. Verbam Dei , soli olim in Ecclesia praedicabant Episcopi , quarum proprie id Munus erat . Post etiam id Presbyteris , sed non uno apud omnes tempore permissum &c. l On the 6 of the Acts hom . 14. m Introduct . ad Hist. Nov. Test. Pag. 166. m Hist. Eccles. Lib. 8. Cap. 1. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n Vide sis Clementis Epist. Pag. 112. & Iren ● verba ap●d Eusebium hist. Eccles. Lib. 5. Cap. 24. & Optatum Milevitanum Lib. 1. m Isidorus de Officiis lib. 2. cap. 6. n Vide Con. Hispalense 2. Can. 7. apud Carranzam fol. 269. & Isidorum de Originib . lib. 7. cap. 12. & de Officiis Ecclesiasticis lib. 2. cap. 7. & Rabanum Maurum de Institut . Cler. lib. 1. cap. 6 ▪ o on Acts 8. 17. p Vide Isidorum de originib . Lib. 7. Cap. 12. & Rabanum Maurum de Institut . Clericorum Lib. 1. Cap. 10. q Vide Isidorum de originib . Lib. 7. Cap. 12. Rabanum Maurum de Institut . Lib. 1. Cap. 9. r Platina in Vitaliano & Volater . apud Onuphrium in Chronographia . s Secunda secundae Quest. 91. Articul . 2. t In Psalmum 118. u Lib. 1 Ep. 9. — Cum singuli divino sacerdotio honorati & cuncti in clericali Ministerio constituti non nisi altari & sacrificiis deservire , & precibus atque orationibus vacare debeant . Scriptum est enim &c. x Hist. of the Council of Trent . pag. 490. y Histor. of Episcop . part 2. page 25. part . 2. pages 22 , 23. part . 2. pag. 376. 377. a Pag. 16 & seq . b De Pontifice Lib. 5. Cap. 10. c Tom. 2. Col. 875 , 876. d page 27. e Hist. of Episcopacy part 1 pag. 15. & seq . f See if you please for example Rectius Instruendum . g Persius Satyrâ secundâ . h Epist. ad Jacobum fratrem Domini . i hist. of the Council of Trent pag. 489. 
A64057	----	Of the sacred order and offices of episcopacie by divine institution, apostolicall tradition and catholique practice together with their titles of honour, secular employment, manner of election, delegation of their power and other appendant questions asserted against the Aerians and Acephali new and old / by Ier. Taylor ... Taylor, Jeremy, 1613-1667. 1647 Approx. 715 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 202 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64057 Wing T354 ESTC R11769 13574636 ocm 13574636 100408 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OF THE SACRED ORDER AND OFFICES OF EPISCOPACIE , By Divine Institution , Apostolicall Tradition , and Catholique Practice . TOGETHER WITH Their Titles of Honour , Secular Employment , Manner of Election , Delegation of their Power , and other appendant questions , asserted against the Aërians , and Acephali , new and old . By IER : TAYLOR , D. D. Chaplaine in Ordinarie to His MAJESTIE Published by His MAJESTIES Command . ROM . 13. 1. There is no power but of God. The Powers that be , are ordained of God. CONCIL . CHALCED . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . LONDON , Printed for RICHARD ROYSTON , at the Angel in Ivie-lane . 1647. TO THE TRVLY VVORTHY , AND MOST ACCOMPLISHT S t CHRISTOPHER HATTON Knight of the Honourable Order of the BATH . SIR , I AM ingag'd in the defence of a Great Truth , and J would willingly finde a shrowd to cover my selfe from danger , and calumny ; and although the cause both is & ought to be defended by Kings , yet my person must not goe thither to Sanctuary , unlesse it be to pay my devotion , and I have now no other left for my defence , I am robd of that which once did blesse me , and indeed still does , ( but in another manner ) and I hope will doe more ; but those distillations of coelestiall dewes are conveyed in Channels not pervious to an eye of sense , and now adayes we seldome look with other , be the object never so beauteous or alluring . You may then think , Sir , I am forc'd upon You ; may that beg my pardon and excuse , but I should do an injury to Your Noblenesse , if I should onely make You a refuge for my need , ( pardon this truth ) you are also of the fairest choice , not only for Your love of Learning , ( for although that be eminent in You , yet it is not Your eminence ) but for Your duty to H. Church , for Your loyaltie to His sacred Majestie . These did prompt me with the greatest confidence to hope for Your faire incouragement , and assistance in my pleadings for Episcopacy , in which cause Religion , and Majesty , the King , and the Church are 〈…〉 agoe , and registred in the Law to make it authentick , Laici sunt infensi Clericis . Now the Clergy pray , but fight not , and therefore if not specially protected by the King contra Ecclesiam Malignantium , they are made obnoxious to all the contumelies , and injuries , which an envious multitude will inflict upon them . It was observ'd enough in King Edgars time , Quamvis decreta Pontificum , & verba Sacerdotum in convul●is ligaminibus velut fundamenta montium fixa sunt , tamen plerumque tempestatibus , & turbinibus saecularium rerum Religio S. Matris Ecclesiae maculis reproborum dissipatur , acrumpitur . Idcirco Decrevimus Nos &c. There was a sad example of it in K. Iohn's time . For when he threw the Clergy from his Protection , it is incredible what injuries , what affronts , what robberies , yea what murders were committed upon the Bishops , and Priests of H. Church , whom neither the Sacrednesse of their persons , nor the Lawes of God , nor the terrors of Conscience , nor feares of Hell , nor Church-censures , nor the Lawes of Hospitality could protect from Scorne 〈◊〉 neer a tye as the necessity of their own preservation in the midst of so apparent danger , it will tye the Bishops hearts , and hands to the King faster then all the tyes of Lay-Allegiance , ( all the Politicall tyes I mean , ) all that are not precisely religious , and obligations in the Court of Conscience . 2. But the interest of the Bishops is conjunct with the prosperity of the King , besides the interest of their own securitie ; by the obligation of secular advantages . For they who have their livelyhood from the King , and are in expectance of their fortune from him are more likely to pay a tribute of exacter duty , then others , whose fortunes are not in such immediate dependancy on His Majesty . Aeneas Sylvius once gave a merry reason why Clerks advanced the Pope above a Councell , viz. because the Pope gave spirituall promotions , but the Councels gave none . It is but the Common expectation of gratitude , that a Patron Paramount shall be more assisted by his Beneficiaries in cases of necessity , then by those , who receive nothing from him but the common influences of Goverment . 3. But the Bishops duty to the King derives it selfe from a higher fountaine . For it is one of the maine excellencies in Christianity , that it advances the State , and well being of Monarchies , and Bodies Politique . Now then the Fathers of Religion the Reverend Bishops , whose peculiar office it is to promote the interests of Christianity , are by the nature and essentiall requisites of their office bound to promote the Honour and Dignity of Kings , whom Christianity would have so much honour'd , as to establish the just subordination of people to their Prince , upon better principles then ever , no lesse then their precise duty to God , and the hopes of a blissefull immortality . Here then is utile , honestum , and necessarium , to tye Bishops in duty to Kings ; and a threefold Cord is not easily broken . In pursuance of these obligations Episcopacy payes three returnes of tribute to Monarchy . 1. The first is the Duty of their people . For they being by God himselfe set over soules , judges of the most secret recesses of our Consciences , and the venerable Priests under them , have more power to keep men in their duteous subordination to the Prince , then there is in any secular power , by how much more forcible the impressions of the Conscience are , then all the externall violence in the world . And this power they have fairely put into act , for there was never any Protestant Bishop yet in Rebellion , unlesse he turn'd recreant to his Order , and it is the honour of the Church of England , that all her Children , and obedient people are full of indignation against Rebells , be they of any interest , or party whatsoever . For here ( & for it we thanke God and good Princes ) Episcopacy hath been preserv'd in faire priviledges and honour , and God hath blest and honour'd Episcopacy with the conjunction of a loyall people . As if because in the law of Nature the Kingdome and Priesthood were joyned in one person , it were naturall , and consonant to the first justice , that Kings should defend the rights of the Church , and the Church advance the honour of Kings . And when I consider that the first Bishop that was exauctorated was a Prince too , Prince , and Bishop of Geneva , me thinks it was an ill Omen , that the cause of the Prince , and the Bishop should be in Conjunction ever after . 2. A second returne that Episcopacy makes to Royalty is that which is the Duty of all Christians , the paying tributes , and impositions . And though all the Kings Leige people doe it , yet the issues of their duty , and liberality are mightily disproportionate if we consider their unequall Number , and Revenues . And if Clergy-subsidies be estimated according to the smallnesse of their revenue , and paucity of persons , it will not be half so short of the number , and weight of Crownes from Lay Dispensation , as it does farre exceed in the proportion of the Donative . 3. But the assistance that the Kings of England had in their Counsells , and affaires of greatest difficulty , from the great ability of Bishops , and other the Ministers of the Church , I desire to represent in the words of K. Alvred to Walfsigeus the Bishop , in an Epistle where he deplores the misery of his owne age by comparing it with the former times , when the Bishops were learn'd , and exercis'd in publike Counsels . Faelicia tum tempora fuerunt inter omnes Angliae populos ; Reges Deo , & scriptae ejus voluntati obsecundârunt in suâ pace , & bellicis expeditionibus , atque regimine domestico domi se semper tutati fuerint , atque etiam foris nobilitatem suam dilataverint . The reason was , as he insinuates before , Sapi●ntes extiterunt in Anglicâ gente de spirituali gradu &c. The Bishops were able by their great learning , and wisdome to give assistance to the Kings affaires . And they have prosper'd in it , for the most glorious issues of Divine Benison upon this Kingdome were conveyed to us by Bishops hands , I meane the Union of the houses of York & Lancaster , by the Counsells of a Bishop Morton , and of England & Scotland by the treaty of b Bishop Fox , to which if we adde two other in Materia religionis , I meane the conversion of the Kingdom from Paganisme , by S t Augustine Archbishop of Canterbury ; and the reformation , begun and promoted by Bishops , I think we cannot call to mind foure blessings equall to these in any age or Kingdome , in all which God was pleased by the mediation of Bishops , as he useth to doe , to blesse the people . And this may not only be expected in reason , but in good Divinity , for amongst the gifts of the spirit , which God hath given to his Church , are reckon'd Doctors , Teachers , and * helps in government . To which may be added this advantage , that the services of Church-men are rewardable upon the Churches stock ; no need to disimprove the Royall Banks to pay thanks to Bishops . But , Sir , I grow troublesome . Let this discourse have what ends it can ; the use J make of it , is but to pretend reason for my Boldnesse , and to entitle You to my Book : for I am confident you will owne any thing that is but a friends friend to a cause of Loyalty . I have nothing else to plead for your acceptance , but the confidence of your Goodnesse , and that I am a person capeable of your pardon , and of a faire interpretation of my addresse to you , by being SIR Your most affectionate Servant J. TAYLOR . Syllabus Paragraphorum . § , 1. Christ did institute a government in his Church . p. 7 2 This government was first committed to the Apostles by Christ , p. 12 3. With a power of joyning others and appointing Successours in the Apostolate , p. 13 4. This succession into the ordinary office of Apostolate is made by Bishops , p. 15. For the Apostle and the Bishop are all one in name and person , 5. And office , p. 20. 6. Which Christ himselfe hath made distinct from Presbyters , p. 22 7. Giving to Apostles a power to doe some offices perpetually necessary , which to others he gave not , p. 23 As of Ordination , 8. And Confirmation , p. 28 9. And superiority of Iurisdiction . p. 35 10. So that Bishops are successors in the office of Apostleship , according to the generall tenent of antiquitie , p. 49 11. And particularly of S. Peter , p. 54 12 And the institution of Episcopacy as well as of the Apostolate expressed to be Divine by primitive authority . p. 62 13 In pursuance of the Divine institution , the Apostles did ordain Bishops in severall Churches , p. 68 As S t Iames at Ierusalem , S. Simeon to be his successor , 14 S. Timothy at Ephesus , p. 75 15 S. Titus at Creet , p. 85 16 S. Mark at Alexandria , p. 93 17 S. Linus and S. Clement at Rome , p. 96 18 S. Polycarp at Smyrna , and divers others . p. 97 19 So that Episcopacy is at least an Apostolicall Ordinance , of the same authority with many other points generally believed , p. 100 20 And was an office of power and great authority , p. 102 21 Not lessened by the assistance and Councell of Presbyters , p. 104 22 And all this hath been the faith and practice of Christendome , p. 125 23 Who first distinguished names used before in common , p. 128 24 Appropriating the word Episcopus or Bishop to the supream Church-Officer , p. 139 25 Calling the Bishop and him onely the Pastor of the Church , p. 145 26 And Doctor , p. 149 27 And Pontifex , And Sacerdos . p. 150 28 And these were a distinct order from the rest , p. 156 29 To which the Presbyterate was but a degree , p. 160 30 There being a peculiar manner of Ordination to a Bishoprick , p. 161 31 To which Presbyters never did assist by imposing hands . p. 164 32 Bishops had a power distinct , and superiour to that of Presbyters , p. 175 33 Power of Confirmation , p. 198 34 Power of Iurisdiction , p. 209 Which they expressed in attributes of authority and great power . 35 Vniversall obedience given to Bishops by Clergy and Laity . p. 214 36 Bishops were appointed Iudges of the Clergy , and spirituall causes of the Laity . p. 220 37 Presbyters forbidden to officiate without Episcopall license . p. 251 38 Church-goods reserved to Episcopal dispensatiō . 264 39 Presbyters forbidden to leave their own Dioces , or to travell without leave of the Bishop . p. 266 40 The Bishop had power to prefer which of his Clerks he pleased . p. 267 41 Bishops onely did vote in Councels , and neither Presbyters , nor People . p. 282 42 The Bishop had a propriety in the persons of his Clerks . p. 292 43 The Bishops Iurisdiction was over many Congregations , or Parishes . p. 295 44 Their Iurisdiction was ayded by Presbyters , but not impayred . p. 311 45 The government of the Church by Bishops was believed necessary . p. 323 46 They are Schismaticks that separate from their Bishop , p. 327 47 And Hereticks . p. 329 48 Bishops were alwaies in the Church men of great honour , p. 335 49 And trusted with affaires of Secular interest , p. 351 50 And therefore were inforced to delegate their power and put others in substitution , p. 371 51 But they were ever Clergy-men , for there never was any lay-Elders in any Church-office heard of in the Church . p. 375 ERRATA . PAg. 21. line 8. insert , except S. John. Pag. 141. l. 15. Presbyters , read Bishops . Pag. 243. line 14. after Episcopacy , insert &c. & l. 15. after Bishops insert Clerk. Pag. 354. l. 11. read were Farmers . OF THE Sacred Order , and Offices of EPISCOPACY BY DIVINE INSTITUTION , APOSTOLICALL TRADITION , & Catholick practise &c. IN all those accursed machinations , which the device , and artifice of Hell hath invented , for the supplanting of the Church , Inimicus homo , that old superseminator of heresies , and crude mischiefes , hath indeavoured , to be curiously compendious , and with Tarquin's device , putare summa papaverum . And therefore in the three ages of Martyrs , it was a rul'd case in that Burgundian forge , Qui prior erat dignitate prior trahebatur ad Martyrium . The Priests , but to be sure the Bishops must pay for all . Tolleimpios , Polycarpus requiratur . Away with these pedling persecutions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lay the axe at the root of the tree . Insomuch that in Rome from S. Peter , and S. Paul to S. Sylvester , thirty three Bishops of Rome , in immediate succession , suffered an Honourable , and glorious Martyrdome , unlesse * Meltiades be perhaps excepted , whom Eusebius , and Optatus report to have lived till the time of the third Consulship of Constantine and Licinius . Conteret caput ejus , was the glorious promise , Christ should break the Divell's head , and though the Divell 's active part of the Duell was farre lesse , yet he would venture at that too , even to strike at the heads of the Church , capita vicaria , for the head of all was past his striking now ; And this , I say , he offered to doe by Martyrdome , but that insteed of breaking , crown'd them . His next onset was by Iulian , and occidere Presbyterium , that was his Province . To shut up publick Schooles , to force Christians to ignorance , to impoverish , and disgrace the Clergy , to make them vile , and dishonourable , these were his arts ; and he did the Divell more service in this finenesse of undermining , then all the open battery of the ten great Rammes of persecution . But this would not take . For that which is without cannot defile a man , So it is in the Church too . Cedunt in bonum , all violences ab extr● . But therefore besides these he attempted by heresies to rent the Churches bowels all in pieces ; but the good Bishops gathered up the scattered pieces & reunited them at Nice , at Constantinople , at Ephesus , at Chalcedon , at Carthage , at Rome , and in every famous place of Christendome , and by God's goodnesse , and the Bishops industry Catholick religion was conserved in Vnity , and integrity . Well! however it is , Antichrist must come at last , and the great Apostacy foretold must be , and this , not without means proportionable to the production of so great declensions of Christianity . When ye heare of warres , and rumors of warres , be not afraid ( said our B. Saviour , ) the end is not yet . It is not warre that will doe this great work of destruction , for then it might have been done long ' ere now . What then will doe it ? We shall know when we see it . In the meane time when we shall find a new device , of which indeed the platforme was laid , in Aërius , and the Acephali , brought to a good possibility of compleating , a thing that whosoever shall heare , his ●ars shall tingle , an abhomination of desolation standing where it ought not , in sacris , in holy persons , and places , and offices , it is too probable that this is the praeparatory for the Antichrist , and grand Apostacy . For if Antichrist shall exalt himselfe above all that is called God , and in Scripture none but Kings , and Priests are such , Dii vocati , Dii facti , I think we have great reason to be suspitious , that he that devests b●th of their power ( and they are , if the King be Christian , in very neer conjunction , ) does the work of Antichrist for him ; especially if the men , whom it most concernes , will but call to mind , that the discipline , or Government , which Christ hath instituted , is that Kingdome , by which he governes all Christendome ( so themselves have taught us ) so that , in case it be proved , that Episcopacy is that government , then they ( to use their own expressions ) throw Christ out of his Kingdome ; and then , either they leave the Church without a head , or else put Antichrist in substitution . We all wish , that our feares in this , and all things else , may be vaine , that what we feare , may not come upon us ; but yet that the abolition of Episcopacy is the fore-runner , and praparatory to the great Apostacy , I have these reasons to shew , at least the probability . First , Because here is a concurse of times ; for now after that these times have been called the last times , for 1600 years together , our expectation of the Great revelation is very neer accomplishing ; & what a Grand innovation of Ecclesiasticall government , contrary to the faith , & practice of Christendome , may portend now in these times , when we all expect Antichrist to be revealed is worthy of a jealous mans inquiry . Secondly , Episcopacy , if we consider the finall cause , was instituted as an obstructive to the diffusion of Schisme and Heresy . So * S. Hierome . In toto orbe decretum est , ut unus de Presbyteris electus superponeretur coeteris , VT SCHISMATVM SHMINA TOLLE●ENTUR . And therefore if Vnity and division be destructive of each other , then Episcopacy is the best deletery in the world for Schisme : and so much the rather because they are in eâdem materiâ ; for Schisme is a division for things either personall , or accidentall , which are matters , most properly the subject of government , and there to be tryed , there to receive their first , and last breath , except where they are starv'd to death by a desuetude ; and Episcopacy is an Unity of person governing , and ordering persons , and things , accidentall , and substantiall ; and therefore a direct confronting of Schisme , not only in the intention of the author of it , but in the nature of the institution . Now then , although Schismes alwaies will be , and this by divine prediction ( which clearly showes the necessity of perpetuall Episcopacy , and the intention of its perpetuity , either by Christ himselfe ordaining it , who made the prophecy , or by the Apostles and Apostolick men at least , who knew the prophecy : ) yet to be sure , these divisions , and dangers shall be greater about , and at the time of the Great Apostacy ; for then , were not the houres turned into minutes , an universall ruine should seize all Christendome [ No flesh should be saved if those daies were not shortned . ] is it not next to an evidence of fact , that this multiplication of Schismes must be removendo prohibens ? and therefore that must be by invalidating Episcopacy , ordayn'd as the remedy and obex of Schisme , either tying their hands behind them , by taking away their coërcion , or by putting out their eyes , by denying them cognisance of causes spirituall , or by cutting off their heads , and so destroying their order . How farre these will lead us , I leave to be considered . This only ; Percute pastores , atque oves despergentur ; and I believe it will be verified at the comming of that wicked one , I saw all Israel scattered upon the Mountaines as sheep having no sheapheard . I am not new in this conception , I learn't it of S. Cyprian ; Christi adversarius , & Ecclesiae ejus inimicus ad hoc , ECCLESIAE PRAEPOSITVM suâ infestatione persequitur , ut , Gubernatore sublato , atrociùs , atque violentiùs circà Ecclesiae naufragia grassetur . The adversary of Christ and enemy of his Spouse therefore persecutes the Bishop , that having taken him away , he may without check pride himselfe in the ruines of the Church ; and a little after speaking of them , that are enemies to Bishops , he sayes , that , Antichristi jam propinquantis adventum imitantur , their deportment is just after the guise of Antichrist who is shortly to be revealed . But be this conjecture vaine , or not , the thing , of it selfe is of deep consideration , and the Catholick practise of Christendome for 1500 years is so insupportable a prejudice against the enemies of Episcopacy , that they must bring admirable evidence of Scripture , or a cleare revelation proved by Miracles , or a contrary undoubted tradition Apostolicall for themselves , or else hope for no beliefe against the prescribed possession of so many ages . But before I begin , mee thinks in this contestation , ubi potior est conditio possidentis , it is a considerable Question ; what will the Adversaries stake against it ? For if Episcopacy cannot make its title good , they loose the benefit of their prescribed possession . If it can ; I feare they will scarce gain so much , as the obedience of the adverse party by it , which yet already is their due . It is very unequall ; but so it is ever , when Authority is the matter of the Question . Authority never gaines by it ; for although the cause goe on its side , yet it looses costs , and dammages ; for it must either by faire condescention to gain the adversaries ' , loose something of it selfe , or , if it asserts it selfe to the utmost , it is but where it was ; but that seldome or never happens , for the very questioning of any authority , hoc ipso , makes a great intrenchment even to the very skirts of its cloathing . But hûc deventumest . Now we are in , we must goe over . FIrst then , that wee may build upon a Rock . Christ did institute a government to order and rule his Church by his authority , according to his lawes , and by the assistance of the B. Spirit . 1. If this were not true , how shall the Church be governed ? For I hope the adversaries of Episcopacy , that are so punctuall to pitch all upon Scripture ground , will be sure to produce cleare Scripture for so maine a part of Christianity , as is the forme of the Government of Christs Church . And , if for our private actions ; and duties Oeconomicall , they will pretend a text , I suppose , it will not be thought possible , Scripture should make default in assignation of the publick Government , insomuch as all lawes intend the publick , and the generall directly ; the private , and the particular , by consequence only , and comprehension within the generall . 2. If Christ himselfe did not take order for a government , then we must derive it from humane prudence , and emergency of conveniences , and concurse of new circumstances , and then the Government must often be changed , or else time must stand still , and things be ever in the same state and possibility . Both the consequents are extreamely full of inconvenience . For if it be left to humane prudence , then either the government of the Church is not in immediate order to the good , and benison of soules , or if it be , that such an institution , in such immediate order to eternity , should be dependant upon humane prudence , it were to trust such a rich commodity in a cock-boat , that no wise Pilot will be supposed to doe . But if there be often changes in government Ecclesiasticall ( which was the other consequent ) in the publike frame I meane , and constitution of it ; either the certain infinity of Schismes will arise , or the dangerous issues of publick inconsistence , and innovation , which , in matters of religion , is good for nothing , but to make men distrust all ; and , come the best that can come , there will be so many Church-governments , as there are humane Prudences . For so ( if I be not mis-informed ) it is abroad in some townes that have discharged Episcopacy . At S t Galles in Switzerland there the Ministers , and Lay-men rule in Common , but a Lay-man is president . But the Consistories of Zurick and Basil are wholly consistent of Lay-men , and Ministers are joyned as assistants only , and Counsellors , but at Schaffhausen the Ministers are not admitted to so much , but in the Huguenot Churches of France , the Ministers doe all . 3. In such cases , where there is no power of the sword for a compulsory ( and confessedly of all sides there can be none in causes & Courts Ecclesiasticall ) if there be no opinion of Religion , no derivation from a divine authority , there will be sure to be no obedience , and indeed nothing but a certain , publick , calamitous irregularity . For why should they obay ? Not for Conscience , for there is no derivation from divine authority . Not for feare , for they have not the power of the sword . 4. If there be such a thing as the power of the keyes , by Christ concredited to his Church , for the binding and loosing delinquents , and penitents respectively on earth , then there is clearely a Court erected by Christ in his Church , for here is the delegation of Iudges , Tu Petrus , v●s Apostoli , whatsoever ye shall bind . Here is a compulsory , ligaveritis ; Here are the causes of which they take cognisance , Quodcunque viz. in materiâ scandali . For so it is limited Matth. 18. but it is indefinite Matth. 16. and Vniversall , Iohn . 20. which yet is to be understood secundùm materiam subjectam , in causes , which are emergent from Christianity , ut sic , that secular jurisdictions may not be intrenched upon . But of this hereafter . That Christ did in this place erect a Iurisdiction , and establish a government ( besides the evidence of fact ) is generally asserted by primitive exposition of the Fathers , affirming , that to S. Peter the Keys were given , that to the Church of all ages a power of binding and loosing might be communicated . Has igitur claves dedit Ecclesiae , ut quae solveret in terrâ , s●luta essent in coelo ; scil . ut ut quisquis in Ecclesiâ ejus dimitti sibi peccata crederet , seque ab iis correctus averteret in ejusdem Ecclesiae gremio constitutus eâdem side atque correctione sanaretur . So * S. Austin . And againe , Omnibus igitur sanctis ad Christi corpus insepar●bilitèr pertinentibus propter hujus vitae proce●●osissima gubernacu●um ad ligand● & solvenda peccat● claves regni coelorum primu● Apostolorum Petrus accepit ; Quoniam nec ille solus , sed universa Ecclesia ligat , solvitque peccata . S. Peter first received the government in the power of binding and loosing . But not he alone but all the Church , to wit , all succession , and ages of the Church . Vniversa Ecclesia , viz. in Pastoribus solis , as * S. Chrysostom , In Episcopis & Presbyteris as † S. Ierome . The whole Church , as it is represented in the Bishops and Presbyters . The same is affirmed by a Tertullian , b S. Cyprian , c S. Chrysostome , d S. Hilary , e Primasius , and generally by the Fathers of the elder , and Divines of the middle ages . 5. When our blessed Saviour had spoken a parable of the sudden coming of the sonne of Man , & commanded them therefore with diligence to stand upon their watch , the Disciples asked him , speakest thou this parable to us , or even to all ? And the Lord said , who then is that faithfull and wise steward , whom his Lord shall make ruler over his houshold to give them their portion of meat in due season ? As if he had said , I speak to You , for to whom else should I speak and give caution for the looking to the house in the Masters absence ? You are by office and designation my stewards , to feed my servants , to governe my house . 6. In Scripture , and other writers , to Feed , and to Governe , is all one when the office is either Politicall or Oeconomicall , or Ecclesiasticall . So he FED them with a faithfull and true heart , and RULED them prudently with all his power . And S. Peter joynes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So does S. Paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rulers or overseers in a flock . Pastors . It is ordinary . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Homer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euripides calls the Governors and guides of Chariots , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And our blessed Saviour himselfe is called the Great sheapheard of our soules ; and that we may know the intentum of that compellation , it is in conjunction also with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He is therefore our sheapheard , for he is our Bishop , our Ruler , and Overseer . Since then Christ hath left Pastors or Feeders in his Church , it is also as certain he hath left Rulers , they being both one in name , in person , in office . But this is of a known truth to all that understand either lawes or languages : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith * Philo , they that feed have the power of Princes and rulers ; the thing is an undoubted truth to most men , but because all are not of a mind something was necessary for confirmation of it . THis government was by immediate substitution delegated to the Apostles by Christ himselfe , in traditione clavium , in spiratione Spiritûs , in missione in Pentecoste . When Christ promised them the Keyes , he promised them power to bind and loose , when he breathed on them the holy Ghost , he gave them that actually , to which by the former promise they were intitled ; and in the octaves of the Passion , he gave them the same authority , which he had received from his Father , and they were the faithfull and wise stewards whom the Lord made RULERS over his Houshold . * But I shall not labour much upon this . Their founding all the Churches from Eastro West , and so , by being Fathers , derived their authority from the nature of the thing , their appointing rulers in every Church , their Synodall decrees de Suffocato & Sanguine , and letters missive to the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , their excommunications of Hymeneus , Alexander , and the incestuous Corinthian , their commanding , and requiring obedience of their people in all things , as S. Paul did of his subjects of Corinth , and the Hebrews by precept Apostolicall , their threatning the Pastorall rod , their calling Synods and publick assemblies , their ordering rites and ceremonies , composing a Symbole as the tessera of Christianity , their publick reprehension of delinquents , and indeed the whole execution of their Apostolate is one continued argument of their superintendency , and superiority of jurisdiction . THis power so delegated was not to expire with their Persons ; For when the Great sheapheard had reduced his wandring sheep into a fold , he would not leave them without guides to governe them , so long as the wolfe might possibly prey upon them , and that is , till the last separation of the Sheep from the Goats . And this Christ intimates in that promise , Ero vobiscum ( Apostolis ) usque ad consummationem saeculi . Vobiscum ; not with your persons , for they dyed long agoe , but vobiscum & v●stri similibus , with Apostles to the end of the world . And therefore that the Apostolate might be successive and perpetuall , Christ gave them a power of ordination , that by imposing hands on others they might impart that power which they received from Christ. For in the Apostles there was something extraordinary ; something ordinary . Whatsoever was extraordinary , as immediate mission , unlimited jurisdiction , and miraculous operations , that was not necessary to the perpetuall regiment of the Church , for then the Church should faile when these priviledges extraordinary did cease . It was not therefore in extraordinary powers and priviledges that Christ promised his perpetuall assistance ; not in speaking of tongues , not in doing miracles , whether in Materiâ censurae , as delivering to Sathan ; or , in materiâ misericordiae , as healing sick people ; or in re Naturali , as in resisting the venome of Vipers , and quenching the violence of flames ; in these Christ did not promise perpetuall assistance , for then it had been done , and still these signes should have followed them that believe . But we see they doe not . It followes then , that in all the ordinary parts of power and office Christ did promise to be with them to the end of the world , and therefore there must remaine a power of giving faculty , and capacity to persons successively for the execution of that , in which Christ promised perpetuall assistance . For since this perpetuall assistance could not be meant of abiding with their persons , who in few years were to forsake the world , it must needs be understood of their function , which either it must be succeeded to , or else it was as temporary as their persons . But in the extraordinary priviledges of the Apostles they had no successors , therefore of necessity a succession must be constituted in the ordinary office of Apostolate . Now what is this ordinary office ? Most certainly since the extraordinary ( as is evident ) was only a helpe for the founding and beginning , the other are such as are necessary for the perpetuating of a Church . Now in clear evidence of ●ence , these offices and powers are Preaching , Baptizing , Consecrating , Ordaining , and Governing . For these were necessary for the perpetuating of a Church , unlesse men could be Christians that were never Christned , nourished up to life without the Eucharist , become Priests without calling of God and Ordination , have their sinnes pardoned without absolution , be members and parts and sonnes of a Church whereof there is no coadunation , no authority , no Governour . These the Apostles had without all Question , and whatsoever they had , they had from Christ , and these were eternally necessary , these then were the offices of the Apostolate , which Christ promised to assist for ever , and this is that which we now call the Order and Office of Episcopacy . FOR although Deacons and Priests have part of these offices , and therefore ( though in a very limited sence ) they may be called successores Apostolorum , to wit , in the power of Baptizing , consecrating the Eucharist , and Preaching ( an excellent example whereof , though we have none in Scripture , yet if I mistake him not we have in Ignatius , calling the Colledge of Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Combination of Apostles ) yet the Apostolate and Episcopacy which did communicate in all the power , and offices which were ordinary and perpetuall , are in Scripture clearely all one in ordinary ministration , and their names are often used in common to signify exactly the same ordinary function . 1. The name was borrowed from the Prophet David in the prediction of the Apostacy of Iudas , and Surrogation of S. Matthias ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His Bishoprick , that is , his Apostolate let another take . The same word according to the translation of the 70. is used by the Prophet Isaiah , in an Evangelicall prediction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I will give thy Princes in peace , and thy Bishops in righteousnesse . Principes Ecclesiae vocat futuros Episcopos , saith * S. Hierome , herein admiring Gods Majesty in the destination of such Ministers whom himselfe calls Princes . And to this issue it is cited by S. Clement in his famous epistle to the Corinthians . But this is no waies unusuall in Scripture . For , 2. S. Iames the Brother of our Lord is called an Apostle , and yet he was not in the number of the twelve , but he was Bishop of Ierusalem . 1. That S. Iames was called an Apostle appears by the testimony of S. Paul , [ But other Apostles saw I●none , save Iames the Lords Brother . ] 2. That he was none of the twelve , appears also because among the twelve Apostles , there were but two Iames's . The sonne of Alpheus , and Iames the sonne of Zebedee , the Brother of Iohn . But neither of these was the Iames whom S. Paul calls the Lords brother . And this S. Paul intimates in making a distinct enumeration of all the appearances which Christ made after the resurrection . First to Cephas , then to the twelve , then to the 500. Brethren , then to Iames , then to all the Apostles . So that here S. Iames is reckoned distinctly from the twelve , and they from the whole Colledge of the Apostles , for there were ( it seems ) more of that dignity then the twelve . But this will also safely rely upon the concurrent testimony of * Hegesippus , * S. Clement , Eusebius , Epiphanius , S. Ambrose , and S. Hierome . 3. That S. Iames was Bishop of Ierusalem , and therefore called an Apostle , appears by the often commemoration of his presidency , and singular eminency in holy Scripture . Priority of order is mentioned , Galat. 2. even before S. Peter , who yet was primus Apostolorum , naturâ unus homo , Cratiâunus Christianus , abundantiore gratiâ unus idemque primus Apostolus ; ( as S. Austin ) yet in his own diocesse S. Iames had priority of order before him . v. 9. And when 1 Iames , 2 Cephas , and 3 Iohn , &c. First Iames before Cephas i.e. S. Peter . S. Iames also was president of that Synod which the Apostles convocated at Ierusalem about the Question of circumcision ; as is to be seen * Act. 15. to him S. Paul made his addresse , Act. 21. to him the brethren carried him , where he was found sitting in his Colledge of Presbyters , there he was alwaies resident , and his seat fixt , and that he liv'd Bishop of Ierusalem for many years together , is clearly testified by all the faith of the Primitive Fathers and Historians . But of this hereafter . 3. Epaphroditus is called the Apostle of th● Philippians . I have sent unto you Epaphrodit●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , My compeere and your Apostle . Gradum Apostolatus recepit Epaphroditus , saith Primasius , and what that is we are told by Theodoret , dictus Philippensium Apostolus à S. Paulo , quid hoc aliud nisi Episcopus ? Because he also had received the office of being an Apostle among them , saith S. Ierome upon the same place ; and it is very observeable , that those Apostles to whom our blessed Saviour gave immediate substitution are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Apostles of Iesus Christ , but those other men which were Bishops of Churches , and called Apostles by Scripture , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Apostles of Churches , or sometime Apostles , alone , but never are intitled of Iesus Christ. Other of the Apostles saw I none but Iames the Lords Brother , Gal. 1. There S. Iames the Bishop of Ierusalem is called an Apostle indefinitely . But S. Paul calls himselfe often the Apostle of Iesus Christ , not of man , neither by man , but by Iesus Christ. So , Peter an Apostle of Iesus Christ , but S. Iames in his Epistle to the Iewes of the dispersion , writes not himselfe the Apostle of Iesus Christ , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iames the servant of God and of the Lord Iesus Christ. Further yet : S. Paul , although as having an immediate calling from Christ to the office of Apostolate at large , calls himselfe the Apostle of Iesus Christ , yet when he was sent to preach to the Gentiles by the particular direction indeed of the holy Ghost , but by Humane constitution , and imposition of hands ; in relation to that part of his office , and his cure of the uncircumcision , he limits his Apostolate to his Diocesse and calls himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Apostle of the Gentiles ; as S. Peter for the same reason , and in the same modification is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the Apostle of those who were of the Circumcision . And thus Epaphroditus is called the Apostle of the Philippians , who clearely was their Bishop ( as I shall shew in the sequel ) that is , he had an Apostolate limited to the Diocesse of Philippi . Pa●latim verò tempore procedente , & ali● ab his quos Dominus eleger at ordinati sunt Apostoli , sicut ille ad Philippenses sermo declarat , dicens , necessarium autem existimo Epaphroditum , &c. So S. Ierome . In processe of time others besides those whom the Lord had chosen , were ordained Apostles ; and particularly he instances in Epaphroditus from the authority of this instance , adding also that by the Apostles themselves Iudas and Silas were called Apostles . 4. Thus Titus , and some other with him , who came to Ierusalem with the Corinthian benevolence , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Apostles of the Churches . Apostles , I say , in the Episcopall sence . They were none of the twelve , they were not of immediate divine mission , but of Apostolike ordination , they were actually Bishops as I shall shew hereafter . Titus was Bishop of Crete , and Epaphroditus of Philippi , and these were the Apostles , for Titus came with the Corinthian , Epaphroditus with the Colossian liberality . Now these men were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , called , Messengers in respect of these Churches sending them with their contributions . 1. Because they are not called the Apostles of these Churches , to wit , whose almes they carried , but simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Churches , viz. of their own of which they were Bishops . For if the title of [ Apostle ] had related to their mission from these Churches , it is unimaginable that there should be no terme of relation expressed . 2. It is very cleare that although they did indeed carry the benevolence of the severall Churches , yet S. Paul , not those Churches sent them , And we have sent with them our Brother , &c. 3. They are called Apostles of the Churches , not going from Corinth with the mony , but before they came thither from whence they were to be dispatch't in legation to Ierusalem . [ If any enquire of Titus .... or the Brethren , they are the Apostles of the Church , and the glory of Christ. ] So they were Apostles before they went to Corinth , not for their being imployed in the transportation of their charity . So that it is plaine , that their Apostolate being not relative to the Churches whose benevolence they carried , and they having Churches of their own , as Titus had Crete , Epaphroditus had Philippi , their Apostolate was a fixt residence , and superintendency of their severall Churches . BVt in holy Scripture the identity of the ordinary office of Apostleship and Episcopacy , is clearer yet . For when the holy Spirit had sent seaven letters to the seaven Asian Bishops , the Angell of the Church of Ephesus is commended for trying them , which say they are Apostles and are not , and hathfound themlyars . This Angell of the Church of Ephesus , as Antiquity hath taught us , was at that time Timothy , or * Gajus , the first a Disciple , the other had been an entertainer of the Apostles , and either of them knew them well enough ; it could not be that any man should dissemble their persons & counterfeit himselfe S. Paul , or S. Peter . And if they had , yet little trying was needfull to discover their folly in such a case , and whether it was Timothy or Gajus he could deserve but small commendations for the meer believing of his own eyes and memory . Besides the Apostles all were then dead , and he known to live in Patmos , known by the publick attestation of the sentence of relegation ad insulam . These men therefore dissembling themselves to be Apostles , must dissemble an ordinary function , not an extraordinary person . And indeed by the concurse of of story , place , and time , Diotrephes was the Man S. Iohn cheifly pointed at . For he seeing that of Ephesus there had been an Episcopall chayre plac'd , and Timothy a long while posses'd of it , and * perhaps Gajus after him , if we may trust Dorotheus , and the like in some other Churches , and that S. Iohn had not constituted Bishops in all the other Churches of the lesser Asia , but kept the Iurisdiction to be ministred by himselfe , would arrogantly take upon him to be a Bishop without Apostolicall ordination , obtruding himselfe upon the Church of Ephesus , so becoming 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a busy man in anothers Diocesse . This , and such impostors as this the Angell of the Church of Ephesus did try , and discover , and convict , and in it he was assisted by S. Iohn himselfe , as is intimated in S. Iohns third Epistle written to this Gajus [ v. 9. ] I wrote unto the Church ( to wit of Asia ) but Diotrephes who loveth to have the preheminence among them receiveth us not . ] Clearly this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would have been a Bishop . It was a matter of ambition , a quarrell for superintendency and preheminence that troubled him ; and this also appeares further in that he exercised jurisdiction , and excommunication where he had nothing to doe , [ v. 10. ] He forbids them that would receive the Brethren , and casteth them out of the Church . So that here it is cleare , this false Apostolate , was his ambitious seeking of Episcopall preheminence and jurisdiction without lawfull ordination . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that was his designe , He loved to be the first in the Church , esse Apostolum , esse Episcopum , to be an Apostle , or a Bishop . BVt this office of the ordinary Apostleship or Episcopacy , derives its fountain from a Rock ; Christs own distinguishing the Apostolate from the function of Presbyters . For when our blessed Saviour had gathered many Disciples who believed him at his first preaching , Vocavit Discipulos suos , & elegit duodecem ex ipsis quos & Apostolos nominavit , saith S. Luke . He called his Disciples , and out of them chose twelve , and called them Apostles . That was the first election . Post haec autem designavit Dominus & alios septuaginta duos . That was his second election ; the first were called Apostles , the second were not , and yet he sent them by two and two . We heare but of one commission granted them , which when they had performed and returned joyfull at their power over Divells , wee heare no more of them in the Gospell , but that their Names were written in heaven . Wee are likely therefore to heare of them after the passion , if they can but hold their owne . And so we doe . For after the Passion the Apostles gathered them together , and joyn'd them in Clericall commission by vertue of Christs first ordination of them , for a new ordination we find none in holy Scripture recorded , before we find them doing Clericall offices . Ananias we read baptizing of Saul , Philip the Evangelist we find preaching in Samaria , and baptizing his Converts ; Others also we find , Presbyters at Ierusalem , especially at the first Councell , for there was Iudas sirnamed Iustus , and Silas , and S. Marke , and Iohn ( a Presbyter , not an Apostle as Eusebius reports him ) and Simeon Cleophas who tarried there till he was made Bishop of Ierusalem , these and diverse others , are reckoned to be of the number of the 72 , by Eusebius and Dorotheus . Here are plainly two offices of Ecclesiasticall Ministeries . Apostles and Presbyters , so the Scripture calls them . These were distinct , and not temporary , but succeeded to , and if so , then here is clearely a Divine institution of two Orders , and yet Deacons neither of them . Here let us fix a while . 1. THen ; It is cleare in Scripture that the Apostles did some acts of Ministery which were necessary to be done for ever in the Church , and therefore to be committed to their successors , which acts the seventy Disciples or Presbyters could not doe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith S. Denis of the Highest Order of the Hierarchy . The law of God hath reserved the Greater and Diviner Offices to the Highest Order . First , the Apostles impos'd hands in Ordinations , which the 72 did not , the case is knowne , Act. 6. The Apostles called the Disciples , willing them to choose seaven men whom they might constitute in the ministration and over-sight of the poore , They did so , and set them before the twelue Apostles , so they are specified and numbred vers . 2. cum 6. and when they had prayed , they lay'd their hands on them . They , not the Disciples , not the 72 who were there actually present , and seaven of them were then ordayn'd to this Ministery , for they were not now ordayn'd to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the * Councell of Constantinople calls them , and that these were of the number of the 72. Disciples , Epiphanius bears witnesse . He sent other 72. to preach 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which Number were those seaven ordained and set over the widdowes . And the same is intimated by S. Chrysostome , if I understand him right , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . What dignity had these seaven here ordained ? of Deacons ? No ; for this dispensation is made by Priests not Deacons ; and Theophylact more clearely repeating the words of S. Chrysostome , pro more suo , addes this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The name and dignity of these seaven was no lesse , but even the dignity of Presbyters , only for the time they were appointed to dispense the goods of the Church for the good of the faithfull people . Presbyters they were say S. Chrysostome and Theophylact ; of the number of the 72. saith Epiphanius . But however , it is cleare that the 72. were present , for the whole multitude of the Disciples was as yet there resident , they were not yet sent abroad , they were not scattered with persecution till the Martyrdome of S. Stephen , [ but the twelve called the whole multitude of the Disciples ] to them about this affaire . vers . 2. But yet themselves only did ordaine them . 2. An instance paralell to this , is in the imposition of hands upon S. Paul and Barnabas , in the first ordination that was held at Antioch . [ Now there were in the Church that was at Antioch certain Prophets and Teachers , as Barnabas and Simeon , and Lucius , and Manäen , and Saul . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , while these men were Ministring , the holy Ghost said to them , separate me Barnabas and Saul . ] They did so , they [ fasted , they prayed , they laid their hands on them , and sent them away . So they being sent forth by the holy Ghost , departed into Seleucia . ] This is the story , now let us make our best on 't . Here then was the ordination and imposition of hands complete , and that was said to be done by the holy Ghost which was done by the Prophets of Antioch . For they sent them away , and yet the next words are , so they being sent forth by the holy Ghost . So that here was the thing done , and that by the Prophets alone , and that by the command of the Holy Ghost , and said to be his act . Well! but what were these Prophets ? They were Prophets in the Church of Antioch , not such as Agabus , and the daughters of Philip the Evangelist , Prophets of prediction extraordinary , but Prophets of ordinary office and ministration , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Prophets and Teachers and Ministers . More then ordinary Ministers , for they were Doctors or Teachers , and that 's not all , for they were Prophets too . This even at first sight is more then the ordinary office of the Presbytery . We shall see this cleare enough in S. Paul * where the ordinary office of Prophets is reckoned before Pastors , before Evangelists , next to Apostles , that is next to such Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as S. Paul there expresses it , next to those Apostles to whom Christ hath given immediate mission . And these are therefore Apostles too , Apostles secundi or dinis , none of the twelve , but such as S. Iames , and Epaphroditus , and Barnabas and S. Paul himselfe . To be sure they were such Prophets as S. Paul and Barnabas , for they are reckoned in the number by S. Luke , for here it was that S. Paul although he had immediate vocation by Christ , yet he had particular ordination to this Apostolate or Ministery of the Gentiles . It is evident then what Prophets these were , they they were at the least more then ordinary Presbyters , and therefore they impos'd hands , and they only . And yet to make the businesse up compleat , S. Marke was amongst them , but he impos'd no hands , he was there as the Deacon and Minister [ vers . 5. ] but he medled not , S. Luke fixes the whole action upon the Prophets , such as S , Paul himselfe was , and so did the Holy Ghost too , but neither did S. Marke who was an Evangelist , and one of the 72 Disciples ( as he is reckoned in the Primitive Catalogues by Eusebius and Dorotheus ) nor any of the Colledge of the Antiochian Presbyters , that were lesse then Prophets , that is , who were not more then meere Presbyters . The summe is this : Imposition of hands is a duty & office necessary for the perpetuating of a Church , ne Gens sit Vnius aetatis , least it expire in one age : this power of imposition of hands for Ordination was fix't upon the Apostles and Apostolike men , and not communicated to the 72 Disciples or Presbyters ; for the Apostles , and Apostolike men , did so de facto , and were commanded to doe so , and the 72 never did so , therefore this office and Ministery of the Apostolate is distinct , and superiour to that of Presbyters , and this distinction must be so continued to all ages of the Church , for the thing was not temporary but productive of issue and succession , and therefore as perpetuall as the Clergy , as the Church it selfe . 2. THe Apostles did impose hands for confirmation of Baptized people , and this was a perpetuall act of a power to be succeeded to , and yet not communicated , nor executed by the 72 , or any other meere Presbyter . That the Apostles did confirme Baptized people , and others of the inferiour Clergie could not , is beyond all exception cleare in the case of the Samaritan Christians . Acts. 8. For when S. Philip had converted , and Baptized the Men of Samaria , the Apostles sent Peter and Iohn to lay their hands on them that they might receive the Holy Ghost . S. Philip he was an Evangelist , he was one of the 72 Disciples , * a Presbyter , and appointed to the same ministration that S. Stephen was about the poore Widdowes , yet he could not doe this , the Apostles must and did . This giving of the Holy Ghost by imposition of the Apostles hands , was not for a miraculous gift , but an ordinary Grace . For S. Philip could , and did doe miracles enough , but this Grace he could not give , the Grace of consigning or confirmation . The like case is in Acts. 19. where some people having been Baptized at Ephesus , S. Paul confirmed them , giving them the Holy Ghost by imposition of hands . The Apostles did it ; not the twelue only , but Apostolike men , the other Apostles . S. Paul did it . S. Philip could not , nor any of the 72 , or any other meere Presbyters ever did it , that we find in Holy Scripture . Yea ; but this imposition of hands , was for a Miraculous issue , for the Ephesine Christians received the Holy Ghost , and spake with tongues and prophesied , which effect because it is ceased , certainly the thing was temporary and long agoe expired . 1. Not for this reason to be sure . For extraordinary effects may be temporary , when the function which they attest may be eternall , and therefore are no signes of an extraordinary Ministery . The Apostles preaching was attended by Miracles , and extraordinary conversions of people [ ut in exordio , Apostolos divinorum signorum comitabantur effectus & Spiritûs Sancti gratia , ità ut videres unâ alloquutione integros simul populos ad cultum divinae religionis adduci , & praedicantium verbis nonesse tardiorem audientium fidem , ] as * Eusebius tels of the successe of the preaching of some Evangelists ; yet I hope preaching must not now cease because no Miracles are done , or that to convert one man now would be the greatest Miracle . The Apostles when they curs'd and anathematiz'd a delinquent , he dyed suddainly , as in the case of Ananias and Saphira , whom S. Peter slew with the word of his Ministery , and yet now although these extraordinary issues cease , it is not safe venturing upon the curses of the Church . When the Apostles did excommunicate a sinner , he was presently delivered over to Sathan to be buffeted , that is , to be afflicted with corporall punishments , and now although no such exterminating Angels beat the bodyes of persons excommunicate , yet the power of excommunication I hope still remaines in the Church , and the power of the Keyes is not also gone : So also in the power of confirmation , * which however attended by a visible miraculous descent of the Holy Ghost in gifts of languages and healing , yet like other miracles in respect of the whole integrity of Christian faith , these miracles at first did confirme the function , and the faith for ever . Now then that this right of imposing hands for confirming of baptiz'd people , was not to expire with the persons of the Apostles , appeares from these considerations . 1. Because Christ made a promise of sending Vicarium suum Spiritum , the Holy Ghost in his stead ; and this by way of appropriation is called the promise of the Father ; This was pertinent to all Christendome . Effundam de spiritu meo super omnem carnem , so it was in the Prophecy . For the promise is to you and to your Children 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to all them that are a farre off , even to as many as the Lord shall call . So it was in the first accomplishing . To all . And this for ever , for [ I will send the Holy Ghost unto you , and he shall abide with you for ever ] for it was in subsidium , to supply the comforts of his desired presence , and must therefore ex vi intentionis be remanent till Christ's comming againe . Now then this promise being to be communicated to all , and that for ever , must either come to us by 1 extraordinary and miraculous mission , or by 2 an ordinary Ministery . Not the first ; for we might as well expect the gift of Miracles . If the second ( as it is most certaine so ) then the mayne Question is evicted , viz : that something perpetually necessary was in the power of the Apostles , which was not in the power of the inferiour Ministers , nor of any , but themselves and their Colleagues , to wit , Ministerium S. Spiritûs , or the ordinary office of giving the holy Ghost by imposition of hands . For this promise was performed to the Apostles in Pentecost , to the rest of the faithfull after Baptisme , Quod n●nunc in confirmandis Neophyt is manûs impositio tribuit singulis , hoc tunc spiritûs sancti descensio , in credentium populo donavit Vniversis , saith Eusebius Emissenus , Now we find no other way of performing it , nor any ordinary conveyance of the Spirit to all people , but this ; and we find that the H. Ghost actually was given this way . Therefore the effect , to wit , the H. Ghost being to continue forever , and the promise of Universall concernement , this way also of it's communication , to wit , by Apostolicall imposition of hands , is also perpetuum ministerium , to be succeeded to and to abide for ever . 2 This Ministery of imposition of hands for confirmation of baptized people is so farre from being a temporary Grace , and to determine with the persons of the Apostles , that it is a fundamentall point of Christianity , an essentiall ingredient to it's cōposition . S. Paul is my Author . [ Therefore leaving the principles of the doctrine of Christ , let us goe on unto perfection , not laying againe the foundation of Repentance from dead works , faith towards God , the doctrine of baptisme , and of laying on of hands . &c. Here is imposition of hands reckoned as part of the foundation and a principle of Christianity in S. Pauls Catechisme . Now , imposition of hands is used by Name in Scripture but for two Ministrations . 1 For ordination , & 2 for this whatsover it is . Imposition of hands for ordination does indeed give the Holy Ghost , but not as he is that promise which is called the promise of the Father . For the Holy Ghost for ordination was given before the ascension . Iohn . 20. But the promise of the H. Ghost the comforter [ the Paraclete , I say , not the Ordayner or fountaine of Priestly order , that ] was not given till the day of Pentecost ; and besides , it was promis'd to all Christian people , and the other was given onely to the Clergy . * Adde to this , that S. Paul having laid this in the foundation makes his progresse from this to perfection ( as he calls it ) that is to higher mysteries , and then his discourse is immediately of the Priesthood Evangelicall , which is Originally in Christ , ministerially in the Clergy ; so that unlesse we will either confound the termes of his progresse , or imagine him to make the Ministery of the Clergy , the foundation of Christs Priesthood , and not rather contrary , it is cleare that by imposition of hands , S. Paul meanes not ordination , and therefore confirmation , there being no other ordinary Ministery of imposition of hands but these two specifyed in Holy Scripture . For , as for benediction in which Christ used the ceremony , and as for healing in which Ananias and the Apostles us'd it ; the first is clearely no Principle or fundamentall point of Christianity ; and the Second is confessedly extraordinary , therefore the argument is still firme upon it's first principles . 3. Lastly , the Primitive Church did de facto , and beleiv'd themselves to be tyed de jure to use this rite of Confirmation and giving of the Holy Ghost after Baptisme . S. Clemens Alexandrinus in Eusebius tells a story of a young man whom S. Iohn had converted and committed to a Bishop to be brought up in the faith of Christendome , Qui ( saith S. Clement ) eum baptismi Sacramento illuminavit , posteà verò sigillo Domini tanquam perfectâ & tutâ ejus animi custodiâ obsignavit . The Bishop first baptiz'd him , then consign'd him . Iustin Martyr saies ( speaking pro more Ecclesiae , according to the Custome of the Church ) that when the mysteries of baptisme were done , then the faithfull are consign'd , or confirm'd . S. Cyprian relates to this story of S. Philip and the Apostles , and gives this account of the whole affayre , Et idcircò quia legitimum & Ecclesiasticum baptismum consequuti fuerant , baptizarieos ultrà non oportebat ; Sed tantummodò id quod deerat , id à Petro & Iohanne factum erat , ut oratione pro cis habitâ & manu impositâ invocaretur , & infunderetur super eos Spiritus S. Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur , ut qui in Ecclesiâ baptiz antur , Praepositis Ecclesiae offer antur , ut per nostram orationem ac manûs impositionem Spiritum S. consequantur , & signaculo Dominico confirmentur . S. Peter and S. Iohn by imposing their hands on the Converts of Samaria , praying over them , and giving them the Holy Ghost , made supply to them of what was wanting after Baptisme : and this is to this day done in the Church , for new baptized people are brought to the Bishops , and by imposition of their hands obtaine the Holy Ghost . But for this who pleases to be farther satisfied in the Primitive faith of Christendome , may see it in the decretall Epistles of Cornelius the Martyr to Fabianus recorded by Eusebius ; in the * Epistle written to Iulius and Iulianus Bishops , under the name of S. Clement , in the * Epistle of Vrban P. and Martyr , a in Tertullian , in b S. Austen , and in S. Cyrill of Ierusalem whose whole third Mistagogique Catechi●me is concerning Confirmation . This only . The Catholicks , whose Christian prudence it was , in all true respects to disadvantage Hereticks , least their poyson should infect like a Pest , layd it in Novatus dish as a crime , He was baptized in his bed , and was not confirmed , Vnde nec Spiritum sanctum unquam potuerit promereri , therefore he could never receive the gift of the holy Ghost . So Cornelius in the forequoted Epistle . Whence it is evident , that then it was the beliefe of Christendome , that the holy Ghost was by no ordinary ministery given to faithfull people after Baptisme , but only by Apostolicall , or Episcopall consignation and imposition of hands . What also the faith of Christendome was concerning the Minister of confirmation , and that Bishops only could doe it , I shall make evident in the descent of this discourse . Here the Scene lies in Scripture , where it is cleare that S. Philip , one of the 72. Disciples , as antiquity reports him , and an Evangelist and a Disciple , as Scripture also expresses him , could not impose hands for application of the promise of the Father , and ministeriall giving of the holy Ghost , but the Apostles must goe to doe it ; and also there is no example in Scripture of any that ever did it but an Apostle , and yet this is an ordinary Ministery which de jure ought , & de facto alwaies was continued in the Church . Therefore there must alwaies be an ordinary office of Apostleship in the Church to doe it , that is , an office above Presbyters , for in Scripture they could never doe it , and this is it which we call Episcopacy . 3. THe Apostles were rulers of the whole Church , & each Apostle respectively of his severall Diocesse , when he would fixe his chaire ; & had superintendency over the Presbyters , and the people , and this by Christs donation , the Charter is by the Fathers said to be this . Sicut misit me Pater , sic ego mitto vos . As my Father hath sent me , even so send I you . Manifesta enim est sententia Domini nostri Iesu Christi Apostolos suos mittentis , & ipsis solis potestatem à Patre sibi datam permittentis quibus nos successimus eâdem potestate Ecclesiam Domini gubernantes , said Clarus à Musculâ , the Bishop in the Councell of Carthage related by S. Cyprian and S. Austin . But however it is evident in Scripture , that the Apostles had such superintendency over the inferior Clergy ( Presbyters I mean and Deacons ) and a superiority of jurisdiction , and therefore it is certain that Christ gave it them , for none of the Apostles took this honour , but he that was called of God as was Aaron . 1. Our blessed Saviour gave to the Apostles plenitudinem potestatis . It was sicut misit me Pater , &c. As my Father sent , so I send . You , my Apostles whom I have chosen . This was not said to Presbyters , for they had no commission at all given to them by Christ , but at their first mission to preach repentance , I say no commission at all , they were not spoken to , they were not present . Now then consider . Suppose that as Aërius did deny the Divine institution of Bishops over the Presbyters cum grege , another as confident as he should deny the Divine institution of Presbyters , what proof were there in all the holy Scripture to shew the Divine institution of them as a distinct order from Apostles or Bishops . Indeed Christ selected 72. and gave them commission to preach , but that commission was temporary and expired before the crucifixion for ought appeares in Scripture . If it be said the Apostles did ordaine Presbyters in every City , it is true , but not sufficient , for so they ordained Deacons at Ierusalem , and in all established Churches , and yet this will not tant ' amount to an immediate Divine institution for Deacons , and how can it then for Presbyters ? If we say a constant Catholick traditive interpretation of Scripture , does teach us , that Christ did institute the Presbyterate together with Episcopacy , and made the Apostles Presbyters as well as Bishops ; this is true . But then 1. We recede from the plain words of Scripture , and rely upon tradition , which in this question of Episcopacy will be of dangerous consequence to the enimies of it , for the same tradition , if that be admitted for good probation , is for Episcopall preheminence over Presbyters , as will appeare in the sequel . 2. Though no use be made of this advantage , yet to the allegation it will be quickly answered , that it can never bee proved from Scripture , that Christ made the Apostles Priests first , and then Bishops or Apostles , but only that Christ gave them severall commissions , and parts of the office Apostolicall , all which being in one person , cannot by force of Scripture prove two orders . Truth is , if we change the scene of warre , and say that the Presbyterate , as a distinct order from the ordinary office of Apostleship , is not of Divine institution , the proof of it would be harder then for the Divine institution of Episcopacy . Especially if we consider that in all the enumerations of the parts of Cleric●●l offices , there is no enumeration of Presbyters , but of Apostles there is ; and the other members of the induction are of guifts of Christianity , or par●● of the Apostolate , and either must inferre many more orders , then the Church ever yet admitted of , or none , distinct from the Apostolate , insomuch as Apostles were Pastors , and Teachers , and Evangelists , and Rulers , and had the guift of tongues , of healing , and of Miracles . This thing is of great consideration , and this use I will make of it : That either Christ made the 72 to be Presbyters , and in them instituted the distinct order of Presbyterate , as the ancient Church alwaies did believe , or else he gave no distinct commission for any such distinct order . If the second be admitted , then the Presbyterate is not of immediate divine institution , but of Apostolicall only , as is the Order of Deacons , and the whole plenitude of power is in the order Apostolicall alone , and the Apostles did constitute Presbyters with a greater portion of their own power , as they did Deacons with a lesse . But if the first be said , then the commission to the 72 Presbyters being only of preaching that we find in Scripture , all the rest of their power which now they have is by Apostolicall ordinance , and then although the Apostles did admit them in partem sollicitudinis , yet they did not admit them in plenitudinem potestatis , for then they must have made them Apostles , and then there will be no distinction of order neither by Divine nor Apostolicall institution neither . I care not which part be chosen , one is certain ; but if either of them be true , then since to the Apostles only , Christ gave a plenitude of power , it followes , that either the Presbyters have no power of jurisdiction , as affixed to a distinct order , and then the Apostles are to rule them by vertue of the order and ordinary commission Apostolicall ; or if they have jurisdiction they doe derive it à fonte Apostolorum , and then the Apostles have superiority of Iurisdiction over Presbyters , because Presbyters only have it by delegation Apostolicall . And that I say truth ( besides that there is no possibility of shewing the contrary in Scripture , by the producing any other commission given to Presbyters , then what I have specified , ) I will hereafter shew it to have been the faith and practise of Christendome not only that Presbyters were actually subordinate to Bishops ( which I contend to be the ordinary office of Apostleship ) but that Presbyters have no Iurisdiction essentiall to their order , but derivative only from Apostolicall preheminence . 2. Let us now see the matter of fact . They that can inflict censures upon Presbyters have certainly superiority of Iurisdiction over Presbyters , for Aequalis aequalem coercere non potest , saith the Law. Now it is evident in the case of Diotrephes a Presbyter , and a Bishop Would be , that for his peremptory rejection of some faithfull people from the Catholick communion without cause , and without authority , S. Iohn the Apostle threatned him in his Epistle to Gajus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Wherefore when I come I will remember him , and all that would have been to very little purpose , if he had not had coercitive jurisdiction to have punish't his delinquency . 3. Presbyters many of them did succeed the Apostles by a new ordination , as Matthias succeeded Iudas , who before his new ordination was one of the 72. as a Eusebius , b Epiphanius , and c S. Ierome affirme , and in Scripture is expressed to be of the number of them that went in and out with Iesus ; S. Clement succeeded S. Peter at Rome , S. Simeon Cleophae succeeded S. Iames at Ierusalem , S. Philip succeeded S. Paul at Caesarea , & diverse others of the 72 , reckoned by Dorotheus , Eusebius , & others of the Fathers , did governe the severall Churches after the Apostles death which before they did not . Now it is cleare that he that receives no more power after the Apostles , then he had under them , can no way be said to succeed them in their Charge , or Churches . It followes then , since ( as will more fully appeare anon ) Presbyters did succeed the Apostles , that under the Apostles they had not such jurisdiction as afterwards they had . But the Apostles had the same to which the Presbyters succeeded to , therefore greater then the Presbyters had before they did succeed . When I say Presbyters succeeded the Apostles , I meane , not as Presbyters , but by a new ordination to the dignity of Bishops , so they succeeded , and so they prove an evidence of fact , for a superiority of Iurisdiction in the Apostolicall Clergy . *** Now that this superiority of Iurisdiction was not temporary , but to be succeeded in , appeares from Reason , and from ocular demonstration , or of the thing done . 1. If superiority of Iurisdiction was necessary in the ages Apostolicall for the regiment of the Church , there is no imaginable reason why it should not be necessary in succession , since upon the emergency of Schismes and Heresies which were foretold should multiply in descending ages , government and superiority of jurisdiction , unity of supremacy , and coërcion was more necessary then at first , when extraordinary gifts might supply , what now we expect to be performed by an ordinary authority . 2. Whatsoever was the regiment of the Church in the Apostles times that must be perpetuall ( not so as to have * all that which was personall , and temporary , but so as to have no other ) for that , and that only is of Divine institution which Christ committed to the Apostles , and if the Church be not now governed as then , We can shew no Divine Authority for our government , which we must contend to doe , and doe it too , or be call'd usurpers . For either the Apostles did governe the Church as Christ commanded them , or not . If not , then they fayl'd in the founding of the Church , and the Church is not built upon a Rock . If they did ( as most certainly they did ) then either the same disparity of jurisdiction must be retayn'd , or else we must be governned with an Unlawfull and unwarranted equality , because not by that which only is of immediate divine institution ; and then it must needs be a fine government , where there is no authority , and where no man is superiour . 3. We see a disparity in the Regiment of Churches warranted by Christ himselfe , and confirmed by the Holy Ghost in fayrest intimation . I meane the seaven Angel-Presidents of the seaven Asian Churches . If these seaven Angels were seaven Bishops , that is , Prelates or Governours of these seaven Churches , in which it is evident and confessed of all sides , there were many Presbyters , then it is certaine that a Superiority of Iurisdiction was intended by Christ himselfe , and given by him , insomuch as he is the fountaine of all power derived to the Church ; For Christ writes to these seaven Churches , and directs his Epistles to the seaven Governours of these Churches calling them Angels , which it will hardly be suppos'd he would have done , if the function had not been a ray of the Sunne of righteousnesse , they had not else been Angels of light , nor starres held in Christ's owne right hand . This is certaine , that the function of these Angels ( whatsoever it be ) is a Divine institution . Let us then see what is meant by these starres and Angels . [ The seaven starres are the Angells of the seaven Churches , and the seaven Candlesticks are the seaven Churches . ] 1. Then it is evident , that although the Epistles were sent with a finall intention for the edification and confirmation of the whole Churches or people of the Diocesse , with an [ Attendite quid Spiritus dicit Ecclesijs ] yet the personall direction was not to the whole Church , for the whole Church is called the Candlestick , and the superscription of the Epistles is not to the seaven Candlesticks , but to the seaven starres which are the Angels of the seaven Churches , viz. the lights shining in the Candlesticks . By the Angell therefore is not , cannot be mean't the whole Church . 2. It is plaine that by the Angel is mean't the Governour of the Church , 1. Because of the title of eminency , The Angel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the Messenger , the Legate , the Apostle of the Church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For these words , Angel , or Apostle , although they signifie Mission or Legation , yet in Scripture they often relate to the persons to whom they are sent . As in the examples before specified . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Their Angels . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Apostles of the Churches . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Angel of the Church of Ephesus , and diverse others . Their compellation therefore being a word of office in respect of him that sends them , and of Eminence in relation to them to whom they are sent , shewes that the Angel was the Ruler of each Church respectively . 2. Because acts of jurisdiction are concredited to him ; as , not to suffer false Apostles ; So to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , which is clearly a power of cognisance and coërcion in causis Clericorum : to be watchfull and strengthen the things that remaine ; as to the Angel of the Church in Sardis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The first is the office of Rulers , for they Watch for your Soules ; And the second , of Apostles , and Apostolike men . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Iudas and Silas confirm'd the Brethren , for these men , although they were but of the 72 at first , yet by this time were made Apostles and [ cheife men among the Brethren ] S. Paul also was joyned in this worke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He went up and downe confirming the Churches . And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . S. Paul. To confirme the Churches , and to make supply of what is deficient in discipline and government , these were offices of power and jurisdiction , no lesse then Episcopall or Apostolicall ; and besides , the Angel here spoken of had a propriety in the people of the Diocesse [ Thou hast a few names even in Sardis ] they were the Bishops people , the Angel had a right to them . And good reason that the people should be his , for their faults are attributed to him , as to the Angel of Pergamus , and diverse others , and therefore they are deposited in his custody , He is to be their Ruler and Pastor , and this is called his Ministery . To the Angel of the Church of Thyatira 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have knowne thy Ministery . His office therefore was Clericall , it was an Angel-Minister , and this his office must make him the guide and superiour to the Rest , even all the whole Church , since he was charg'd with all . 3. By the Angel is mean't a singular person , for the reprehensions and the commendations respectively imply personall delinquency , or suppose personall excellencyes . Adde to this that the compellation is singular , and of determinate number , so that we may as well multiply Churches as persons , for the seaven Churches had but seaven starres , and these seaven starres were the Angels of the seaven Churches . And if by seaven starres they may meane 70 times seaven starres ( for so they may if they begin to multiply ) then by one starre they must meane many starres , and so they may multiply Churches too , for there were as many Churches as starres , and no more Angels then Churches , and it is as reasonable to multiply these seaven Churches into 7000 , as every starre into a Constellation , or every Angel into a Legion . But besides the Exigency of the thing it selfe , these seaven Angels are by Antiquity called the seaven Governours or Bishops of the seaven Churches , & their very names are commemorated . Vnto these seaven Churches S. Iohn , saith Arethas , reckoneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an equall number of Angel-Governours , and Oecumenius in his scholia upon this place , saith the very same words . Septem igitur Angelos Rectores septem Ecclesiarum debemus intelligere , eò quòd Angelus Nuntius interpretatur , saith S. Ambrose , and againe , Angelos Episcopos dicit sicut docetur in Apocalypsi Iohannis . Let the woman have a covering on her head because of the Angels , that is , in reverence and subjection to the Bishop of the Church , for Bishops are the Angels as is taught in the Revelation of S. Iohn . Divinâ voce sub Angeli Nomine laudatur praepositus Ecclesiae so S. Austin . By the voyce of God the Bishop of the Church is commended under the title of an Angel. Eusebius names some of these Angels who were then Presidents and actually Bishops of these Churches . S. Policarpe was one to be sure , apud Smyrnam & Episcopus & Martyr , saith Eusebius , He was the Angel of the Church of Smyrna ; And he had good authority for it , for he reports it out of Polycrates who a little after , was himselfe an Angell of the Church of Ephesus , and he also quotes S. Irenaeus for it , & out of the Encyclicall Epistle of the Church of Smyrna it selfe , and besides these authorities it is attested by S. † Ignatius , and * Tertullian . S. Timothy was another Angell , to wit , of the Church of Ephesus ; to be sure had beene , and most likely was still surviving . Antipas is reckoned by Name in the Revelation , and he had been the Angel of Pergamus , but before this booke written he was turned from an Angel to a Saint . Melito in all probability was then the Angel of the Church of Sardis . Melito quoque Sardensis Ecclesiae Antistes , & Apollinaris apud Hierapolim Ecclesiam regens celeberrimi inter caeteros habebantur , saith Eusebius . These men were actually living when S. Iohn writ his Revelation , for Melito writ his book de Paschate when Sergius Paulus was Proconsul of Asia , and writ after the Revelation , for he writ a treatise of it , as saith Eusebius . However , at least some of these were then , and all of these about that time were Bishops of these Churches , and the Angels S. Iohn speakes of were such who had Iurisdiction over their whole Diocesse , therefore these , or such as these were the Angels to whom the Spirit of God writ hortatory and commendatory letters , such whom Christ held in his Right hand and fix'd them in the Churches like lights set on a Candlestick that they might give shine to the whole house . The Summe of all is this ; that Christ did institute Apostles and Presbyters or 72 Disciples . To the Apostles he gave a plenitude of power , for the whole commission was given to them in as great and comprehensive clauses as were imaginable , for by vertue of it , they received a power of giving the Holy Ghost in confirmation , and of giving his grace in the collation of holy Orders , a power of jurisdiction and authority to governe the Church : and this power was not temporary , but successive and perpetuall , and was intended as an ordinary office in the Church , so that the successors of the Apostles had the same right and institution that the Apostles themselves had , and though the personall mission was not immediate , as of the Apostles it was , yet the commission and institution of the function was all one . But to the 72 Christ gave no commission but of preaching , which was a very limited commission . There was all the immediate Divine institution of Presbyterate as a distinct order , that can be fairely pretended . But yet farther , these 72 the Apostles did admit in partem sollicitudinis , and by new ordination or delegation Apostolicall , did give them power of administring Sacraments , of absolving sinners , of governing the Church in conjunction and subordination to the Apostles , of which they had a capacity by Christs calling them at first in sortem Ministerii , but the exercise , and the actuating of this capacity they had from the Apostles . So that not by Divine ordination , or immediate commission from Christ , but by derivation from the Apostles ( and therefore in minority and subordination to them ) the Presbyters did exercise acts of order and jurisdiction in the absence of the Apostles or Bishops , or in conjunction consiliary , and by way of advice , or before the consecration of a Bishop to a particular Church . And all this I doubt not , but was done by the direction of the Holy Ghost , as were all other acts of Apostolicall ministration , and particularly the institution of the other order , viz. of Deacons . This is all that can be proved out of Scripture concerning the commission given in the institution of Presbyters , and this I shall afterwards confirme by the practise of the Catholick Church , and so vindicate the practises of the present Church , from the common prejudices that disturbe us , for by this account , Episcopacy is not only a Divine institution , but the only order that derives immediately from Christ. For the present only , I summe up this with that saying of Theodoret speaking of the 72 Disciples . Palmae sunt isti qui nut riuntur ac erudiuntur ab Apostolis . Nam quanquam Christus hos etiam elegit , erant tamen duodecem illis inferiores , & posteà illorum Discipuli & sectatores . The Apostles are the twelve fountaines , and the 72 are the palmes that are nourished by the waters of those fountaines . For though Christ also ordain'd the 72 , yet they were inferior to the Apostles , and afterwards were their followers and Disciples . I know no objection to hinder a conclusion ; only two or three words out of Ignatius , are pretended against the maine question , viz. to prove that he , although a Bishop , yet had no Apostolicall authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I doe not command this as an Apostle , ( for what am I , and what is my Fathers house , that I should compare my selfe with them ) but as your fellow souldier and a Monitor . But this answers it selfe , if we consider to whom he speakes it . Not to his own Church of Antioch , for there he might command as an Apostle , but to the Philadelphians 〈◊〉 might not , they were no part of his Diocesse , he was not their Apostle , and then because he did not equall the Apostles in their commission extraordinary , in their personall priviledges , and in their universall jurisdiction , therefore he might not command the Philadelphians , being another Bishops charge , but admonish them with the freedome of a Christian Bishop , to whom the soules of all faithfull people were deare and precious . So that still Episcopacy and Apostolate may be all one in ordinary office , this hinders not , and I know nothing else pretended , and that Antiquity is clearely on this side , is the next businesse . For , hitherto the discourse hath been of the immediate Divine institution of Episcopacy , by arguments derived from Scripture ; I shall only adde two more from Antiquity , and so passe on to tradition Apostolicall . 1. THE beliefe of the primitive Church is , that Bishops are the ordinary successors of the Apostles , and Presbyters of the 72 , and therefore did believe that Episcopacy is as truly of Divine institution as the Apostolate , for the ordinary office both of one and the other is the same thing . For this there is abundant testimony . Some I shall select , enough to give faire evidence of a Catholick tradition . S. Irenaeus is very frequent and confident in this particular , Habemus annumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis , Er SUCCESSORES EORUM usque ad nos ... Etenim si recondita mysteria scissent Apostoli ... his vel maximè traderent eaquibus etiam ipsas Ecclesias committebant ... quos & SUCCESSORES relinquebant SUUM IPSORUM LOCUM MAGISTERII tradentes . We can name the men the Apostles made Bishops in their severall Churches , appointing them their successors , and most certainly those mysterious secrets of Christianity which themselves knew ; they would deliver to them to whom they committed the Churches , and left to be their successors in the same power and authority themselves had . Tertullian reckons Corinth , Philippi , Thessalonica , Ephesus and others to be Churches Apostolicall , apud quas ipsae adhuc Cathedrae Apostolorum suis locis praesident . Apostolicall they are from their foundation , and by their succession , for Apostles did found them , and Apostles , or men of Apostolick authority still doe governe them . S. Cyprian ; Hoc enim vel maximè Frater , & laboramus & laborare debemus ut Vnitatem à Domino , & per Apostolos NOBIS SUCCESSORIBUS traditam quantùm possumus obtinere curemus . We must preserve the Vnity commanded us by Christ , and delivered by his Apostles to us their Successors . To us Cyprian and Cornelius , for they only were then in view , the one Bishop of Rome , the other of Carthage . And in his Epistle ad Florentium Pupianum ; Nec haec jacto , sed dolens profero , cum te Iudicem Dei constituas & Christi , qui dicit ad Apostolos ac per hoc adomnes praepositos qui Apostolis Vicariâ ordinatione succedunt , qui vos audit , me audit , &c. Christ said to his Apostles , and in them to the Governours or Bishops of his Church who succeeded the Apostles as Vicars in their absence , he that heareth you heareth mee . Famous is that saying of Clarus à Musculâ the Bishop , spoken in the Councell of Carthage and repeated by S. Austin , Manifesta est sententia Domini nostri Iesu Christi Apostolos suos mittentis & ipsis solis potestatem à patre sibi datam permittentis , quibus nos successimus eâdem potestate Ecclesiam Domini gubernantes . Nos successimus . We succeed the Apostles governing the Church by the same power . He spake it in full Councell in an assembly of Bishops , and himselfe was a Bishop . The Councell of Rome under S. Sylvester speaking of the honour due to Bishops expresses it thus , Non oportere quenquam Domini Discipulis , id est , Apostolorum successoribus detrahere . No man must detract from the Disciples of our Lord , that is , from the Apostles successors . S. Hierome speaking against the Montanists for undervalning their Bishops , shewes the difference of the Catholicks honouring , and the Hereticks disadvantaging that sacred order . Apud nos ( saith he ) Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent , apud eos Episcopus tertius est . Bishops with us [ Catholicks ] have the place or authority of Apostles , but with them [ Montanists ] Bishops are not the first but the third state of Men. And upon that of the Psalmist , pro Patribus nati sunt tibi filii , S. Hierome , and diverse others of the Fathers make this glosse , Pro Patribus Apostolis filii Episcopi ut Episcopi Apostolis tanquam filii Patribus succedant ; The Apostles are Fathers , instead of whom Bishops doe succeed , whom God hath appointed to be made Rulers in all lands . So S. Hierome , S. Austin , and Euthymius upon the 44. Psal. aliàs 45. But S. Austin for his own particular makes good use of his succeeding the Apostles , which would doe very well now also to be considered . Si solis Apostolis dixit , qui vos spernit me spernit , spernite nos : si autem sermo ejus pervenit ad nos , & vocavit nos , & in eorum loco constituit nos , videte ne spernatis nos . It was good counsell not to despise Bishops , for they being in the Apostles places and offices are concerned and protected by that saying , he that despiseth you , despiseth mee . I said it was good counsell , especially if besides all these , we will take also S. Chrysostomes testimony , Potestas anathematizandi ab Apostolis ad successores eorum nimirum Episcopos transiit . A power of anathematizing delinquents is derived from the Apostles to their successors , even to Bishops . S. Ambrose upon that of S. Paul Ephes. 4. Quosdam dedit Apostolos , Apostoli Episcopi sunt , He hath given Apostles , that is , he hath given some Bishops . That 's down right , and this came not by chance from him ; he doubles his assertion . Caput itaque in Ecclesiâ Apostolos posuit , qui legati Christi sunt , sicut dicit idem Apostolus [ pro quo legatione fungimur . ] Ipsi sunt Episcopi , firmante istud Petro Apostolo , & dicente inter caetera de Iudâ , & Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter . And a third time . Numquid omnes Apostoli ? verum est ; Quia in Ecclesiâ Vnus est Episcopus . Bishop and Apostle was all one with S. Ambrose , when hee spake of their ordinary offices ; which puts me in mind of the fragment of Polycrates of the Martyrdome of Timothy in Photius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Apostle Timothy was ordained Bishop in the Metropolis of Ephesus by S. Paul , and there enthron'd . To this purpose are those compellations and titles of Bishopricks usually in antiquity . S. Basil calls a Bishoprick , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Theodoret. An Apostolicall presidency . The summe is the same which S. Peter himselfe taught the Church , as S. Clement his Scholler , or some other primitive man in his name reports of him . Episcopos ergo vicem Apostolorum gerere Dominum docuisse dicebat , & reliquorum Discipulorum vicem tenere Presbyteros debere insinuabat . He [ Peter ] said that our Lord taught that Bishops were to succeed in the place of the Apostles , and Presbyters in the place of the Disciples . Who desires to be farther satisfied concerning Catholick consent , for Bishops succession to Apostles in their order and ordinary office , he may see it in a Pacianus the renowned Bishop of Barcinona , in b S. Gregory , c S. Iohn Damascen , in S. Sixtus the first his second decretall Epistle , and most plentifully in d S. Caelestine writing to the Ephesine Councell , in the Epistle of e Anacletus de Patriarchis & Primatibus &c. In f Isidore , and in g Venerable Bede . His words are these , sicut duodecem Apostolos formam Episcoporum exhibere simul & demonstrare nemo est qui dubitet : sic & 72 figuram Presbyterorum gessisse sciendum est , tamet si primis Ecclesiae temporibus , ut Apostolica Scriptura testis est , utrique Presbyteri , & utrique vocabantur Episcopi , quorum unum scientiae maturitatem , aliud industriam curae Pastoralis significat . Sunt ergo jure Divino Episcopi à Presbyteris praelatione distincti . As no man doubts but Apostles were the order of Bishops ; so the 72 of Presbyters , though at first they had names in common . Therefore Bishops by Divine right are distinct from Presbyters , and their Prelates or Superiours . TO the same issue drive all those testimonies of Antiquity that call all Bishops ex aequo successors of S. Peter . So S. Cyprian . Dominus noster cujus praecepta metuere & observare debemus , Episcopi honorem & Ecclesiae suaerationem disponens in Evangelio , loquitur & dicit Petro , ego tibi dico , Quia tu es Petrus , &c. Inde per temporum & successionum vices , Episcoporum ordinatio & Ecclesiae ratio decurrit , ut Ecclesia super Episcopos constituatur , &c. When our B. Saviour was ordering his Church and instituting Episcopall dignity , he said to Peter , thou art Peter , and on this rock will I build my Church . Hence comes the order of Bishops , and the constitution or being of the Church , that the Church be founded upon Bishops . &c. The same also S Ierome intimate's , Non est facilè stare loco Pauli , tenere gradum Petri. It is not a small thing , to stand in the place of Paul , to obtaine the degree of Peter , so he , while he disswades Heliodorus from taking on him the great burden of the Episcopall office . Pasceoves meas , said Christ to Peter , and feed the flock of God which is amongst you said S. Peter to the Bishops of Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , Asia , and Bithynia . Similia enim Successoribus suis Petrus scripsit praecepta , saith Theodoret , S. Peter gave the same precepts to his successors which Christ gave to him ; And S. Ephrem speaking of S. Basil the Bishop of Caesarea Cappadocia , & sicut rursus Petrus Ananiam & Saphiram fraudantes de precio agri enecavit : ita & Basilius , locum Petri obtinens ejasque paritèr authoritatem libertatemque participans , suam ipsius promissionem fraudantem Valentem redarguit ejusque filium morte mulctavit . As S. Peter did to Ananias and Saphira , So Basil did to Valens and his Sonne for the same delinquency , for he had the place , liberty , and authority of S. Peter . Thus Gaudentius of Brixia calls S. Ambrose the Successor of S. Peter , and Gildas sirnamed the wise , saith that all evill Bishops whatsoever doe with unhallowed and uncleane feete usurpe the seate of S. Peter . But this thing is of Catholike beleife , and of this use . If the order and office of the Apostolate be eternall & to be succeeded in , and this office Superior to Presbyters , and not onely of Divine institution , but indeed the onely order which can clearely show an immediate Divine commission for it's power and authority ( as I have proved of the function Apostolicall ) then those which doe succeed the Apostles in the ordinary office of Apostolate , have the same institution and authority the Apostles had , as much as the successors of the Presbyters have with the first Presbyters , and perhaps more . For in the Apostolicall ordinations , they did not proceed as the Church since hath done . Themselves had the whole Priesthood , the whole commission of the Ecclesiasticall power and all the offices . Now they in their ordayning assistant Ministers , did not in every ordination give a distinct order , as the Church hath done since the Apostles . For they ordayned some to distinct offices , some to particular places , some to one part , some to another part of Clericall imployment , as S. Paul who was an Apostle yet was ordain'd by imposition of hands to goe to the Churches of the Uncircumcision , so was Barnabas : S. Iohn , and Iames , and Cephas to the Circumcision , and there was scarce any publike designe or Grand imployment but the Apostolike men had a new ordination to it , a new imposition of hands as is evident in the Acts of the Apostles . So that the Apostolicall ordinations of the inferiour Clergy were onely a giving of partilar commissions to particular men to officiate such parts of the Apostolicall calling as they would please to imploy them in . Nay sometimes their ordinations were onely a delivering of Iurisdiction when the persons ordayned had the order before , as it is evident in the case of Paul and Barnabas . Of the same consideration is the institution of Deacons to spirituall offices , and it is very pertinent to this Question . For there is no Divine institution for these rising higher then Apostolicall ordinance ; and so much there is for Presbyters as they are now authoriz'd ; for such power the Apostles gave to Presbyters as they have now , and sometimes more , as to Iudas and Silas , and diverse others , who therefore were more then meere Presbyters as the word is now us'd . * The result is this . The office and order of a Presbyter is but part of the office and order of an Apostle , so is a Deacon , a lesser part , so is an Evangelist , so is a Prophet , so is a Doctor , so is a helper , or a Surrogate in Government , but these will not be called orders , every one of them will not I am sure , at least not made distinct orders by Christ , for it was in the Apostles power to give any one or all these powers to any one man , or to distinguish them into so many men , as there are offices , or to unite more or fewer of them . All these I say , clearely make not distinct orders , and why are not all of them of the same consideration ? I would be answered from Grounds of Scripture . For there we fix as yet . * Indeed the Apostles did ordaine such men , and scattered their power at first , for there was so much imployment in any one of them , as to require one man for one office ; but a while after they united all the lesser parts of power into two sorts of men whom the Church hath since distinguished by the Names of Presbyters and Deacons , and called them two distinct orders . But yet if we speak properly & according to the Exigence of Divine institution , there is Vnum Sacerdotiam , one Priesthood appointed by Christ , and that was , the commission given by Christ to his Apostles , and to their Successors precisely , and those other offices of Presbyter and Deacon are but members of the Great Priesthood , and although the power of it , is all of Divine institution , as the power to baptize , to preach , to consecrate , to absolve , to Minister , yet that so much of it should be given to one sort of men , so much lesse to another , that is onely of Apostolicall ordinance . For the Apostles might have given to some onely a power to absolve , to some onely to consecrate , to some onely to baptize . We see that to Deacons they did so . They had onely a power to baptize and preach , whether all Evangelists had so much or no , Scripture does not tell us . * But is to some men they had onely given a power to use the Keyes , or made them officers spirituall to restore such as are overtaken in a fault , and not to consecrate the Eucharist , ( for we see these powers are distinct , and not relative and of necessary conjunction , no more then baptizing and consecrating ) whether or no had those men who have only a power of absolving or consecrating respectively , whether ( I say ) have they the order of a Presbyter ? If yea , then now every Preist hath two orders besides the order of Deacon , for by the power of Consecration he hath the power of a Presbyter , and what is he then by his other power ? But if such a man ordayn'd with but one of these powers have not the order of a Presbyter , then let any man shew me where it is ordayned by Christ , or indeed by the Apostles , that an order of Clerks should be constituted with both these powers , and that these were called Presbyters . I only leave this to be considered . * But all the Apostolicall power we find instituted by Christ , and we also find a necessity , that all that power should be succeeded in , and that all that power should be united in one order , for he that hath the highest , viz. a power of ordination , must needs have all the other , else he cannot give them to any else , but a power of ordination I have proved to be necessary and perpetuall . So that , we have cleare evidence of the Divine institution of the perpetuall order of Apostleship , mary for the Presbyterate I have not so much either reason or confidence for it , as now it is in the Church ; but for the Apostolate , it is beyond exception . And to this Bishops doe succeed . For that it is so , I have proved from Scripture , and because [ no Scirpture is of private interpretation ] I have attested it with the Catholike testimony of the Primitive Fathers , calling Episcopacy , the Apostolate , and Bishops successors of S. Peter in particular , and of all the Apostles in general in their ordinary offices in which they were Superior to the 72 , the Antecessors of the Presbyterate . One objection , I must cleare . For sometimes Presbyters are also called Apostles , and Successors of the Apostles , as in Ignatius , in Irenaeus , in S. Hierome . I answer . 1. They are not called Successores Apostolorum by any dogmaticall resolution or interpretation of Scripture , as the Bishops are in the examples above alleaged ; but by allusion , and participation at the most . For true it is that they succeed the Apostles in the offices of baptizing , consecrating , and absolving in privato foro , but this is but part of the Apostolicall power , and no part of their office as Apostles were superiour to Presbyters . 2. It is observeable that Presbyters are never affirmed to succeed in the power and regiment of the Church , but in subordination , and derivation from the Bishop , and therefore they are never said to succeed in Cathedris Apostolorum , in the Apostolick Sees . 3. The places which I have specifyed , and they are all I could ever meete with , are of peculiar answer . For as for Ignatius in his Epistle to the Church of Trallis , * he calls the Presbytery or company of Priests , the Colledge , or combination of Apostles . But here S. Ignatius as he lifts up the Presbyters to a comparison with Apostles , so he also raises the Bishop to the similitude and resemblance with God. Episcopus typum Dei Patris omnium gerit , Presbyteri verò sunt conjunctus Apostolorum caetus . So that although Presbyters grow high yet they doe not overtake the Bishops , or Apostles , who also in the same proportion grow higher then their first station . This then , will doe no hurt . As for S. Irenaeus , he indeed does say that Presbyters succeed the Apostles , but what Presbyters he means , he tells us , even such Presbyters as were also Bishops , such as S. Peter and S. Iohn was , who call themselves Presbyters , his words are these . Proptereà eis qui in Ecclesiâ sunt Presbyteris abandire oportet his qui successionem habent ab Apostolis , qui cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundùm placitum Patris acceperunt . And a little after , Tales Presbyteros nutrit Ecclesia , de quibus & Propheta ait , & dabo Principes tuos in pace , & Episcopos tuos in Iustitiâ . So that he gives testimony for us , not against us . As for S. Hierome , the third man , he in the succession to the honour of the Apostolate joynes Presbyters with Bishops , and that 's right enough , for if the Bishop alone does succeed in plenitudinem potestatis Apostolicae ordinariae , as I have proved he does , then also it is as true of the Bishop together with his consessus Presbyterorum . Episcopi & Presbyteri habeant in exemplum Apostolos & Apostolicos viros , quorum honorem possidentes , habere nitantur & meritum , those are his words , and inforce not so much as may be safely granted , for reddendo singula singulis , Bishops succeed Apostles , and Presbyters Apostolick men , and such were many that had not at first any power Apostolicall , and that 's all that can be inferred from this place of S. Hierome . I know nothing else to stay me , or to hinder our assent to those authorities of Scripture I have alleadged , and the full voyce of traditive interpretation . THE second argument from Antiquity is the direct testimony of the Fathers for a Divine institution . In this S. Cyprian is most plentifull . Dominus noster ** Episcopi honorem & Ecclesiae suo rationem disponens in Evangelio , dicit Petro &c : Inde per tamporum & successionum vices Episcoporum ordinatio & Ecclesi● rati● decurrit , ut Ecclesia super Episcopos canstituatur & omnis actus Ecclesiae per eosdem Praepositos gubernetur . Cum hos itaque Divinâ l●ge fundatum sit &c : Our Lord did institute in the Gospell the honour of a Bishop . Hence comes the ordination of Bishops , and the Church is built upon them , and every action of the Church is to be governed by them , and this is founded upon a Divine law . Meminisse autem Diaconi debent quoniam Apostolos . i.e. Episcopos , & praepositos Dominus elegit . Our Lord hath chosen Apostles , that is , Bishops and Church-governours . And a little after . Quod si nos aliquid auder● contrà Deum possumus qui Episcopos facit , possunt & contra nos audere Diaconi , à quibus fiunt . We must not attempt any thing against God who hath instituted Bishops . The same Father in his Epistle to Magnus disputes against Novatianus his being a Bishop . Novatianus in Ecclesiâ non est , nec Episcopus computari potest , qui Evangelicâ & Apostolicâ traditione contemptâ , nemini succedens à seipso ordinatus est . If there was both an Evangelicall , and an Apostolick tradition , for the successive ordination of Bishops , by other Bishops , ( as S. Cyprian affirmes there is , by saying Novatianus contemned it , ) then certainly the same Evangelicall power did institute that calling , for the modus of whose election , it took such particular order . S. Ignatius long before him , speaking concerning his absent friend S●tion the Deacon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He wishes for the good mans company , because by the grace of God , and according to the law of Iesus Christ , he was obedient to the Bishop and his Clergy . And a little after . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is home enough . Ye ought to obey your Bishop , and to contradict him in nothing . It is a fearefull thing to contradict him : For whosoever does so , does not mock a visible man , but the invisible , undeceiveable God. For this contumely relates not to man but to God. So S. Ignatius , which could not be true , were it a humane constitution and no Divine ordinance . But more full are those words of his in his Epistle to the Ephesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He that obeyes the Bishop and Clergy obeyes Christ , who did constitute and ordaine them . This is plain and dogmaticall , I would be loath to have two men so famous , so Ancient , and so resolute , speake halfe so much against us . But it is a generall resolve , and no private opinion . For S. Austin is confident in the case with a Nemo ignorat Episcopos Salvatorem Ecclesiis instituisse . Ipse enim priusquam in coelos ascenderet , imponens manum Apostolis , ordinavit eos Episcopos . No man is so ignorant but he knowes that our blessed Saviour appointed Bishops over Churches , for before his ascension into Heaven , he ordained the Apostles to be Bishops . But long before him , Hegesippus going to Rome , and by the way calling in at Corinth , and divers other Churches , discoursed with their severall Bishops , and found them Catholick and Holy , and then staid at Rome three successions of Bishops , Anicetus , Soter , and Eleutherius . Sed in omnibus istis ordinationibus , vel in caeteris quas per reliquas urbes videram ita omnia habebantur , sicut lex antiquitùs tradidit , & Prophetae indicaverunt , ET DOMINUS STATUIT . All things in these ordinations or successions were as our Lord had appointed . All things , therefore both of doctrine and discipline , and therefore the ordinations themselves too . Further yet , and it is worth observing , there was never any Bishop of Rome from S. Peter to S. Sylvester , that ever writ decretall Epistle now extant and transmitted to us , but either professedly or accidentally he said or intimated , that the order of Bishops did come from God. S. Irenaeus speaking of Bishops successors to the Apostles , saith that with their order of Bishoprick , they have received charisma veritatis certum , a true , and certaine or indelible character ; secundùm placitum Patris , according to the will of God the Father . And this also is the doctrine of S. Ambrose , Ideò quanquam melior Apostolus aliquando tamen eget Prophetis , & quià ab uno Deo Patre sunt omnia , singulos Episcopos singulis Ecclesiis praeesse decrevit . God from whom all good things doe come , did decree that every Church should be governed by a Bishop . And againe , Honor igitur , Fratres , & sublimitas Episcopalis , nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari ; Si Regum fulgori compares &c : and a little after , Quid jam de plebeiâ dixerim multitudine , cui non solùm praeferri à Domino meruit , sed ut eam quoque jure tueatur patrio , praeceptis imperatum est Evangelicis . The honour and sublimity of the Bishop is an incomparable preheminence and is by God set over the people , and it is commanded by the precept of the holy Gospell that he should guide them by a Fathers right . And in the close of his discourse , Sic certè à Domino ad B. Petrum dicitur , Petre amas me ? .... repetitum est à Domino tertiò , Pasceoves meas . Quas oves , & quem gregem non solùm tunc B. suscepit Petrus , sed & cum illo nos suscepimus omnes . Our blessed Lord committed his sheep to S. Peter to be fed , and in him we ( who have Pastorall or Episcopall authority ) have received the same authority and commission . Thus also divers of the Fathers speaking of the ordination of S. Timothy to be Bishop , and of S. Paul's intimation , that it was by Prophecy , affirme it to be done by order of the Holy Ghost . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith S. Chrysostome , he was ordained by Prophecy , that is by the Holy Ghost . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Thou wert not made Bishop by humane constitution . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so Oecumenius . By Divine revelation , saith Theodoret. By the command of the Holy Ghost , so Theophylact ; and indeed so S. Paul , to the assembly of Elders and Bishops met at Miletus , Spiritus S. posuit vos Episcopos , the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops : & to be sure S. Timothy was amongst them , and he was a Bishop , and so were diverse others there present ; therefore the order it selfe is a ray streaming from the Divine beauty , since a single person was made Bishop by revelation . I might multiply authorities in this particular , which are very frequent and confident for the Divine institution of Episcopacy , in † Origen , in the Councell of Carthage recorded by S. Cyprian , in the collection of the * Orientall Canons by Martinus Bracarensis : in the Councells of a Aquisgrane , and b Toledo , and many more . The summe is that which was taught by c S. Sixtus , Apostolorum dispositione , ordinante Domino Episcopi primitùs sunt constituti . The Lord did at first ordaine , and the Apostles did so order it , and so Bishops at first had their Originall constitution . These and all the former who affirme Bishops to be successors of the Apostles , & by consequence to have the same institution , drive all to the same issue , and are sufficient to make faith , that it was the do-doctrine Primitive , and Catholick that Episcopacy is a divine institution , which Christ Planted in the first founding of Christendome , which the Holy Ghost Watered in his first descent on Pentecost , and to which we are confident that God will give an increase by a never failing succession , unlesse where God removes the Candlestick , or which is all one , takes away the starre , the Angell of light from it , that it may be invelop'd in darknesse , usque ad consummationem sae●uli & aperturam tenebrarum . The conclusion of all , I subjoyne in the words of Venerable Bede before quoted , sunt ergo jure Divino Episcopi à Presbyteris praelatione distincti . Bishops are distinct from Presbyters , and Superiour to them by the law of God. THE second Basis of Episcopacy is Apostolicall tradition . We have seen what Christ did , now wee shall see what was done by his Apostles . And since they knew their Masters mind so well , wee can never better confide in any argument to prove Divine institution of a derivative authority then the practise Apostolicall . Apostoli enim Discipuli veritatis existentes , extra omne mendacium sunt , non enim communicat mendacium veritati , sicut non communicant tenebrae luci , sed praesentia alterius excludit alterum . saith S. Irenaeus . FIrst , then , the Apostles did presently after the ascension fixe an Apostle or a Bishop in the chayre of Ierusalem . For they knew that Ierusalem was shortly to be destroyed , they themselves foretold of miseryes and desolations to insue , ( Petrus & Paulus praedicunt cladem Hierosolymitanam , saith Lactantius l. 4. inst . ) famines and warres , and not a stone left upon another was the fate of that Rebellious City by Christs owne prediction , which themselves recorded in Scripture . And to say they understood not what they writ , is to make them Enthusiasts , and neither good Doctors nor wise seers . But it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the holy Spirit which was promised to lead them into all truth would instruct them in so concerning an issue of publike affaires , as was so Great desolation , and therefore they began betimes to establish that Church , and to fixe it upon it's perpetuall base . 2 ly The Church of Ierusalem was to be the president and platforme for other Churches . [ The word of God went forth into all the world , beginning first at Ierusalem ] , and therefore also it was more necessary a Bishop should be there plac'd betimes , that other Churches might see their governement from whence they receiv'd their doctrine , that they might see from what starres their continuall fluxe of light must streame . 3 ly The Apostles were actually dispers'd by persecution , and this to be sure they look'd for , and therefore ( so implying the necessity of a Bishop to governe in their absence or decession any wayes ) they ordayn'd S. Iames the first Bishop of Ierusalem ; there he fixt his chayre , there he liv'd Bishop for 30 yeares , and finish'd his course with glorious Martyrdome . If this be proov'd we are in a fayre way for practise Apostolicall . First , let us see all that is said of S. Iames in Scripture , that may concerne this affayre . Acts. 15. We find S. Iames in the Synod at Ierusalem , not disputing , but giving finall determination to that Great Qu : about Circumcision . [ And when there had beene much disputing , Peter rose up and said &c : ] He first drave the question to an issue , and told them what he beleiv'd concerning it , with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we trust it will goe as well with us without circumcision , as with our Forefathers who us'd it . But S. Iames when he had summ'd up what had beene said by S. Peter , gave sentence and finall determination . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherefore I judge or give sentence . So he . The Acts of Councell which the Brethren or Presbyters did use were deliberative , they disputed , v. 7. S. Peter's act was declarative , but S. Iames his was decisive ; which proves him clearely ( if by reasonablenesse of the thing and the successive practise of Christendome in imitation of this first Councell Apostolicall we may take our estimate ) that S. Iames was the President of this Synod , which considering that he was none of the twelve ( as I proved formerly ) is unimaginable , were it not for the advantage of the place , it being held in Ierusalem , where he was Hierosolymorum Episcopus ( as S. Clement call's him ) especially in the presence of S. Peter , who was primus Apostolus , and decked with many personall priviledges and prerogatives . * Adde to this , that although the whole Councell did consent to the sending of the Decretall Epistle , and to send Iudas and Silas , yet because they were of the Presbytery , and Colledge of Ierusalem , S. Iames his Clergy , they are said , as by way of appropriation to come from S. Iames. Gal. 2. v. 12. Upon which place S. Austin saith thus , Cùm vidisset quosdam venisse à Iacobo , i. e. à Iudaeâ , nam Ecclesiae Hierosolymitanae Iacobus praefuit . To this purpose that of Ignatius is very pertinent calling S. Stephen the Deacon of S. Iames , and in his Epistle to Hero , saying that he did Minister to S. Iames and the Presbyters of Ierusalem , which if we expound according to the knowne discipline of the Church in Ignatius time ( who was Suppar Apostolorum , onely not a contemporary Bishop ) here is plainely the eminency of an Episcopall chayre , and Ierusalem the seat of S. Iames , and the Clergy his owne , of a Colledge of which he was the praepositus Ordinarius , he was their Ordinary . * The second evidence of Scripture is [ Acts. 21. And when we were come to Ierusalem the Brethren received us gladly , and the day following Paul went in with us unto Iames , and all the Elders were present . ] Why unto Iames ? Why not rather into the Presbytery , or Colledge of Elders , if Iames did not eminere , were not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Praepositus or Bishop of them all ? Now that these conjectures are not vayne and impertinent , see it testified by Antiquity , to which in matter of fact , and Church-story , he that will not give faith upon concurrent testimonies , and uncontradicted by Antiquity is a mad man , and may as well disbeleive every thing that he hath not seene himselfe , and can no way prove that himselfe was Christned , and to be sure , after 1600 yeares there is no possibility to disprove a matter of fact that was never question'd or doubted of before , and therefore can never obtayne the faith of any man to his contradictory , it being impossible to prove it . Eusebius reports out of S. Clement . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . S. Peter and S. Iohn although they were honoured of our Lord , yet they would not themselves be , but made Iames sirnamed the Iust , Bishop of Ierusalem ; And the reason is that which is given by Hegesippus in Eusebius for his successor Simeon Cleophae , for when S. Iames was crown'd with Martyrdome , and immediately the City destroyed , Traditur Apostolos qui supererant in commune consilium habuisse quem oportere dignum SUCCESSIONE IACOBI judicari . It was concluded for Simeon , because he was the Kinsman of our Lord as S. Iames also his Predecessor . The same concerning S. Iames is also repeated by Eusebius . Iudaei ergo cùm Paulus provocasset ad Caesarem ..... In Iacobum fratrem Domini CUI AB APOSTOLIS SEDES HIEROSOLYMITANA DELATA FUIT , omnem suam malevolentiam convertunt . In the Apostolicall constitutions under the name of S. Clement the Apostles are brought in speaking thus . De ordinatis autem à nobis Episcopis in vitâ nostrâ , significamus vobis quòd hi sunt ; Hierosolymis ordinatus est Iacobus Frater Domini . S. Iames the Brother of our Lord was ordayned Bishop of Ierusalem by us [ Apostles . ] The same is witnessed by Anacletus . Porrò & Hierosolymitarum primus Episcopus B. Iacobus qui Iustus dicebatur , & secundùm carnem Domini nuncupatus est frater , à Petro , Iacobo , & Iohanne Apostolis est ordinatus . And the same thing in termes is repeated by Anicetus , with a Scimus enim Beatissimum Iacobum &c : Iust as Anacletus before . S. Iames was Bishop of Ierusalem , and Peter , Iames , and Iohn were his Ordayners . But let us see the testimony of one of S. Iames his Successors in the same Chayre , who certainly was the best witnesse of his owne Church Records . S. Cyrill of Ierusalem is the man. Nam de his non mihi solùm , sed etiam Apostolis , & IACOBO HUIVS ECCLESIae OLIM EPISCOPO curae fuit , speaking of the question of circumcision , and things sacrificed to Idols , and againe , he calls S. Iames , primum hujus parochiae Episcopum , the first Bishop of this Diocesse . S. Austin also attests this story . Cathedra tibi quid fecit Ecclesiae Romanae , in quâ Petrus sedit , & in quâ hodiè Anastasius sedet ? Vel Ecclesiae Hierosolymitanae IN QVA IACOBUS SEDIT , & in quâ hodiè Iohannes sedet ? I must not omitt the testimony of S. Ierome , for it will be of great use in the sequel , Iacobus ( saith he ) post passionem Domini statim ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episcopus ordinatus , and the same also he repeates out of Hegesippus . * There are many more testimonyes to this purpose , as of S. a Chrysostome , b Epiphanius , S. c Ambrose , the Councell of d Constantinople in Trullo . But Gregorius Turonensis rises a little higher , Iacobus Frater Domini vocitatus , ab ipso Domino nostro Iesu Christo Episcopus dicitur ordinatus . S. Iames the Brother of our Lord is said to have beene ordain'd Bishop by our Lord Iesus Christ himselfe . If by [ Ordinatus ] he meanes [ designatus ] he agrees with S. Chrysostome : But either of them both will serve the turne for the present . But either in one sense or the other it is true , and attested also by Epiphanius , & primus hic accepit Cathedram Episcopatûs , cui concredidit Dominus thronum suum in terrâ primò . S. Iames had first the Episcopall chayre , for our Lord first intrusted his earthly throne to him . And thus we are incircled with a cloud of witnesses , to all which if we adde what I before observed , that S. Iames is in Scripture called an Apostle , and yet he was none of the twelve , and that in the sense of Scripture and the Catholike Church , a Bishop and an Apostle is all one , it followes from the premises , ( and of them already there is faith enough made ) that S. Iames was by Christs owne designation , and ordination Apostolicall made Bishop of the Church of Ierusalem , that is , had power Apostolicall concredited to him which Presbyters had not , and this Apostolate was limited and fixed , as his Successors since have beene . But that this also was not a temporary businesse , and to expire with the persons of S. Iames and the first Apostles , but a regiment of ordinary and successive duty in the Church , it appeares by the ordination of S. Simeon the sonne of Cleophas to be his Successor . It is witnessed by Eusebius , Post martyrium Iacobi .... traditur Apostolos &c. habuisse in commune Concilium quem oporteret dignum successione Iacobi judicari ; omnesque uno consilio , atque uno consensu Simeonem Cleophae filium decrevisse ut Episcopatûs sedem susciperet . The same also he transcribes out of Hegesippus , Posteaquam Iacobus Martyr effectus est .... electione divinâ Simeon Cleophae filius Episcopus ordinatur , electus ab omnibus pro eo quòd esset consobrinus Domini . S. Simeon was ordayn'd Bishop by a Divine election ; And Epiphanius in the Catalogue of the Bishops of Ierusalem , reckons first Iames , and next Simeon , qui sub Trajano crucifixus est . THe next Bishop we find ordayn'd by the Apostles was Timothy at Ephesus . That he was ordayn'd by an Apostle appeares in Scripture . For S. Paul impos'd hands on him , that 's certayne , Excita Gratiam quae in te est per impositionem manuum mearum , by the laying on of MY HANDS . That he was there a Bishop is also apparent , from the power and offices concredited to him . 1. He was to be * resident at Ephesus . And although for the publike necessityes of the Church , and for assistance to S. Paul he might be called sometimes from his Charge , yet there he liv'd and dyed as the Church story writes , there was his ordinary residence , and his avocations were but temporary and occasionall , and when it was , his Cure was supplyed by Tychicus , whom S. Paul sent to Ephesus as his Vicar , as I shall shew hereafter . 2. S. Paul in his epistles to him , gave directions to him for Episcopall deportment as is plaine . A Bishop must be blamelesse , the husband of one wife , &c. 3. S. Paul concredits jurisdiction to S. Timothy . Over the people ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of as great extent in S. Timothies commission as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Commanding as teaching . Over Presbyters ; but yet so as to make difference between them and the Neotericks in Christianity , the one as Fathers , the other as Brethren . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is denied to be used towards either of them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Suidas , a dishonourable upbraiding or objurgation . Nay it is more ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is castigo , plagam infero , saith Budaeus : so that , that kind of Rebuking the Bishop is forbidden to use , either toward Priest or Deacon , Clergy or Laity , Old or Young. [ for a Bishop must be no striker . ] but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 's given him in commission both to old and young , Presbyters and Catechumens , that is , Require them ; postula , provoca . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Synesius . To be provoked to a Duel , to be challenged . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysostome . Ad precandum vos provoco . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Eurip. Thou makest me , or compeliest me to shed teares . Suavitèr omnia . That 's the way S. Paul takes . Meekely ; but yet so as to doe his office , to keep all in their severall duties , and that is by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , command these things , for so he summes up the Bishops duty towards Presbyters , Neophytes , and Widdowes . Give all these things in charge . Command all to doe their duty . Command , but not objurgate . Et quid negotii esset Episcopo ut Presbyterum non objurgaret si super Presbyterum non haberet potestatem . So Epiphanius urges this argument to advantage . For indeed it had been to little purpose for S. Paul to have given order to Timothy , how he should exercise his jurisdiction over Presbyters and people , if he had had no jurisdiction and coercitive authority at all . Nay , and howsoever S. Paul forbids to Timothy to use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet S. Paul in his second Epistle bids him use it , intimating , upon great occasion . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To be sure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if it be but an urging , or an exhortation , is not all , for S. Paul gives him coercitive jurisdiction , as well as directive . Over Widdowes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Reject the younger Widdowes , viz. à collegio viduarum , ab eleemosynis Ecclesiae . Over Presbyters . for he commands him to have sufficient probate in the accusation of Presbyters , of which if he was not to take cognisance , it was to no purpose to number witnesses . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Receive not a publick accusation [ in foro externo ] against a Priest , Non vocabis in jus nisi in testimonio duorum , &c. to wit , in causes criminall , That is sufficient intimation of the Bishops power TO TAKE COGNISANCE in causes criminall ; then for his punishing in such causes , it followes in the next words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Reprehend them publikely , that is , disgrace them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ind●corus ..... 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Homer Iliad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Paul , is to call them to publick account ; that 's one part of the jurisdiction . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to examine . Plato Epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to give an account of one's life ▪ idem in Apolog. And then also it implies punishment upon conviction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hom. ● . Iliad . But the words in S. Paul will cleare this businesse . Let them that sinne be publikly sham'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the rest may feare ; A punishment most certainly , something that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Malum in genere poenae . What else should they feare ? to sinne ? Most true . But why upon this reprehension , if not for feare of being punished ? Adde to all this , that here is in this chapter the plaine giving of a jurisdiction , an erection of a judicatory , and is all the way , direction for his proceeding in causes criminall , appears most evidently , v. 21. I charge thee before God and the Lord Iesus Christ and the elect Angells , that thou observe these things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without prejudging the cause of any mā before it comes in open contestatiō under publick test of witnesses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doing nothing for favour or partiality . Nothing in the world is plainer for the erection of a Consistory then these mandates of S. Paul. Lastly , to make up his Episcopall function compleat S. Paul gives him also direction concerning giving of orders . [ Lay hands suddenly on no man. ] sub testatione ergo ea quae ad ordinationem Ecclesiae mandat custodiri .... Ne facilè aliquis accipiat Ecclesiasticam dignitatem .... peccat enim si non probat & si● ordinet . Melior enim caeteris debet probari qui ordinandus est . Haec Episcopus custodiens , castum se exhibebit religioni , cujus rei in futuro praemium consequetur . So S. Ambrose upon the place , who is so farre from exempting Presbyters from being submitted to the Bishops consistory , that he does appropriate all his former cautions concerning the judicature , and coercitive jurisdiction to causes of the Clergy . Adde to this evidence of Scripture the testimony of Catholike and unquestion'd Antiquity affirming S. Timothy to have beene ordain'd Bishop of Ephesus by S. Paul. Eusebius speaking of the successions to S. Paul , sed & Lucas ( saith he ) in actibus Apostolorum plurimos ejus socios memorat , sicut Timothei & Titi , quorum alter in Ephesi Episcopus ... ab eo ordinatus praeficitur . S. Ambrose affirmes that S. Paul having ordained him Bishop writes his first Epistle to him to instruct him in his Episcopall office . Hunc igitur jam creatum Episcopum instruit per Epistol●m quomodo deberet Ecclesiam ordinare . And that this Epistle was written to instruct S. Timothy for his owne person , and all Bishops in him for their deportment in the office of a Bishop is the united , concurrent testimony of S. a Vincentius , b Tertullian , S. c Chrysostome , S. d Ambrose , e Oecumenius , f Epiphanius , g Primasius , and S. h Gregory . As for Epiphanius in the place now quoted he uses it as an argument against the madnesse and stupidity of Aërius contending a Bishop and a Presbyter to be all one ; docet Divinus Apostoli sermo quis sit Episcopus & quis Presbyter quum dicit ad Timotheum qui erat Episcopus , Presbyterum ne objurges , &c. I shall transcribe no more testimonies for this particular but that of the generall Councell of Chalcedon in the case of Bassianus and Stephanus ; Leontius the Bishop of Magnesia spake it in full Councell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . From S. Timothy untill now there have beene 27 Bishops ordayned in Ephesus . Who desires a multitude of testimonies ( though enough already have deposed in the cause , beside the evidence of Scripture ) may to these adde that saying of S. Chrysostome , that to Timothy was committed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; of Theodoret , calling him Episcopum Asianorum ; the subscription to the first Epistle to Timothy , ( which if it were not writ by S. Paul , yet at least , will prove a primitive record , and very Ancient , ) the fragment of the Martyrdome of S. Timothy in Photius , i S. Ierome , k Theophylact , l Isidore ▪ and m Nicephorus . And now all is well if after all this Timothy doe not prove an Evangelist , for this one objection will be sufficient to catch at to support a drowning cause , and though neither pertinent nor true , yet shall be laid in the ballance against all the evidence of Scripture and Catholick antiquity . But [ doe the work of an Evangelist ] ( saith S. Paul ) therefore it is cleare S. Timothy was no Bishop . No , was not ? That 's hard . But let us try however . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those are the next words , fulfill thy Deaconship . And therefore he was no Bishop ? As well this as the other , for if Deaconship doe not exclude Episcopacy , why shall his being an Evangelist exclude it ? Or why may not his being a Deacon exclude his being an Evangelist , as well as his being an Evangelist , exclude his being a Bishop ? Whether is higher , a Bishoprick , or the office of an Evangelist ? If a Bishops office be higher , and therefore cannot consist with an Evangelist , then a Bishop cannot be a Priest , and a Priest cannot be a Deacon , and an Evangelist can be neither , for that also is thought to be higher then them both . But if the office of an Evangelist be higher , then as long as they are not disparate , much lesse destructive of each other , they may have leave to consist in subordination . For as for the pretence that an Evangelist is an office of a moveable imployment , and a Bishoprick of fixt residence , that will be considered by and by . 2. All the former discourse is upon supposition , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , implyes the office of a Deacon , and so it may as well as S. Pauls other phrase implyes S. Timothy to be an Evangelist . For if we marke it well it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe the worke , not the office of an Evangelist . And what 's that ? We may see it in the verses immediatly going before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And if this he the work of an Evangelist which S. Paul would have Timothy performe , viz. to preach , to be instant in season , and out of season , to reprove , to rebuke , to exhort , there is no harme done , a Bishop may , nay he must doe all this . 3. Consider we what an Evangelist is , and thence take our estimate for the present . 1. He that writes the story of the Gospell is an Evangelist , so the Greek Scholiast calls him . And in this sense indeed S. Timothy was not an Evangelist , but yet if he had , he might have been a Bishop , because S. Mark was an Evangelist to be sure , and perhaps as sure that he was a Bishop ; sure enough ; for they are both delivered to us by the Catholick testimony of the Primitive Church , as we shall see hereafter , so farre as concernes our Question . But then again ; an Apostle might be an Evangelist , S. Matthew was , and S. Iohn was , and the Apostolicall dignity is as much inconsistent with the office of an Evangelist , as Episcopall preheminence , for I have proved these two names Apostle , and Bishop to signify all one thing . 2. S. Ambrose gives another exposition of [ Evangelists . ] Evangelistae Diaconi sunt sicut fuit Philippus . S. Philip was one of the leaven , commonly called Deacons , and he was also a Presbyter , and yet an Evangelist , and yet a Presbyter in it's proportion is an office of as necessary residence as a Bishop , or else why are Presbyters cry'd out against so bitterly in all cases , for non-residence , and yet nothing hinders , but that S. Timothy , as well as S. Philip , might have been a Presbyter and an Evangelist together , and then why not a Bishop too , for why should a Deaconship , or a Presbyterate consist with the office of an Evangelist , more then a Bishoprick ? 3. Another acceptation of [ Evangelist ] is also in Eusebius . Sed & alii plurimi per idem tempus Apostolorum Discipuli superstites erant .... Nonnulli ex his ardentiores Divinae Philosophiae ... animas suas verbo Dei consecrabant .... ut si quibus fortè provinciis nomen fidei esset incognitum praedicarent , primaque apud eos Evangelii fundamenta collocantes .... Evangelistarum fungebantur officio . They that planted the Gospell first in any Country , they were Evangelists . S. Timothy might be such a one , and yet be a Bishop afterwards . And so were some of this sort of Evangelists . For so Eusebius , Primaque apud eos fundamenta Evangelii collocantes , atque ELECTIS QUIBUS QUE EX IPSIS officium regendae Ecclesiae quam fundaverant committentes , ipsi rursùm ad alias gentes properabant . So that they first converted the Nation , and then govern'd the Church , first they were Evangelists and afterwards Bishops ; and so was Austin the Monke that converted England in the time of S. Gregory and Ethelbert ▪ he was first our Evangelist , and afterwards Bishop of Dover . Nay why may they not in this sence be both Evangelists and Bishops at the same time , insomuch as many Bishops have first planted Christianity in divers Countries , as S. Chrysostome in Scythia , S. Trophimus , S. Denis , S. Marke , and many more . By the way only , according to all these acceptations of the word [ Evangelist ] this office does not imply a perpetuall motion . Evangelists many of them did travell , but they were never the more Evangelists for that , but only their office was writing or preaching the Gospell , and thence they had their name . 4. The office of an Evangelist was but temporary , and take it in either of the two senses of Eusebius or Oecumenius , which are the only true and genuine , was to expire when Christianity was planted every where , and the office of Episcopacy , if it was at all was to be succeeded in , and therefore in no respect could these be inconsistent , at least , not alwaies . * And how S. Paul should intend that Timothy should keep those rules he gave him , [ to the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ , ] if the office for the execution of which he gave him the rules , was to expire long before , is not so easily imagined . For if S. Paul did direct him in a temporary and expiring office , then in no sense , neither in person , nor in succession could those rules of S. Paul be kept till Christs coming , to wit , to judgement . But if he instructed him in the perpetuall office of Episcopacy , then it is easy to understand that S. Paul gave that caution to Timothy , to intimate that those his directions were not personall , but for his successors in that charge , to which he had ordained him , viz. in the sacred order and office of Episcopacy . 5. Lastly , After all this stirre , there are some of the Fathers , that will by no means admit S. Timothy to have been an Evangelist . So S. Chrysostome , so Theophylact , so the Greek Scholiast , now though we have no need to make any use of it , yet if it be true , it makes all this discourse needlesse , we were safe enough without it ; if it be false , then it selfe we see is needlesse , for the allegation of S. Timothy's being an Evangelist , is absolutely impertinent , though it had been true . But now I proceed . TItus was also made a Bishop by the Apostles . S. Paul also was his ordainer . 1. Reliqui te Cretae . There S. Paul fixt his seat for him , at Crete . 2. His worke was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to set in order things that are wanting , viz. to constitute rites and formes of publike Liturgy , to erect a Consistory for cognisance of causes criminall , to dedicate houses for prayer by publick destination for divine Service , and in a word , by his authority to establish such Discipline and Ritualls , as himselfe did judge to be most for edification and ornament of the Church of God. For he that was appointed by S. Paul , to rectify , and set things in order , was most certainly by him supposed to be the Iudge of all the obliquities which he was to rectify . 2. The next worke is Episcopall too , and it is the ordaining Presbyters in every Citty . Not Presbyters collectively in every Citty , but distributively , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Citty by Citty , that is Elders in severall Citties , one in one Citty , Many in many . For by these Elders are certainly meant Bishops . Of the identity of Names I shall afterwards give an account , but here it is plaine S. Paul expounds himselfe to meane Bishops . 1. In termes and expresse words . [ To ordaine Elders in every Citty ; If any be the husband of one wife , &c. For a Bishop must be blamelesse . ] That is , the elders that you are to ordaine in severall Citties must be blamelesse , for else they must not be Bishops . 2. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot hinder this exposition , for S. Peter calls himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and S. Iohn , Presbyter electae Dominae , and Presbyter dilectissimo Gajo. Such Presbyters as these were Apostolicall , and that 's as much as Episcopall to be sure . 3. S. Paul addes farther [ a Bishop must be blamelesse AS THE STEWARD OF GOD. Who then is that faithfull and wise Steward , whom his Lord shall make ruler ? ] S. Pauls Bishop is Gods steward , and Gods steward is the ruler of his hous-hold , saies our blessed Saviour himselfe , and therefore not a meere Presbyter , amongst whom indeed there is a parity , but no superintendency of Gods making . 4. S. Paul does in the sequell still qualify his Elders or Bishops with more proprieties of rulers . A Bishop must be no striker , not given to wine . They are exactly the requisites which our blessed Saviour exacts in his Stewards or Rulers accounts . [ If the Steward of the house will drinke and be DRUNKE , and BEATE his fellow servants , then the Lord of that servant shall come and divide him his portion with unbelievers . ] The steward of the hous-hold , this Ruler , must not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no more must a Bishop , he must not be given to wine , no striker ; Neque enim pugilem describit sermo Apostolicus , sed Pontificem instituit quid facere non debeat , saith S. Hierome : still then , these are the Rulers of the Church , which S. Titus was to ordaine , and therefore it is required should Rule well his own house , for how else shall hee take charge of the Church of God , implying that this his charge is to Rule the house of God. 5. The reason why S. Paul appointed him to ordaine these Bishops in Citties is in order to coercitive jurisdiction , because [ many unruly and vaine talkers were crept in , vers . 10. ] and they were to be silenced 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Their mouths must be stopped . Therefore they must be such Elders as had superiority of jurisdiction over these impertinent Preachers , which to a single Presbyter , either by Divine or Apostolicall institution no man will grant , and to a Colledge of Presbyters S. Paul does not intend it , for himselfe had given it singly to S. Titus . For I consider , Titus alone had coercitive jurisdiction before he ordayn'd these Elders , be they Bishops , be they Presbyters . The Presbyters which were at Crete before his comming had not Episcopall power , or coercitive jurisdiction , for why then was Titus sent ? As for the Presbyters which Titus ordayn'd , before his ordayning them , to be sure they had no power at all , they were not Presbyters . If they had a coercitive jurisdiction afterwards , to wit , by their ordination , then Titus had it before in his owne person , ( for they that were there before his comming , had not , as I shewed ) and therefore he must also have it still , for he could not loose it by ordaining others , or if he had it not before , how could he give it unto them whom he ordain'd ? For plus juris in alium transferre nemo potest , quàm ipse habet . Howsoever it by then , to be sure , Titus had it in his owne person and then it followes Undeniably , that either this coercitive jurisdiction was not necessary for the Church ( which would be either to suppose men impcccable , or the Church to be exposed to all the inconveniences of Schisme and tumutuary factions without possibility of releife ) or if it was necessary , then because it was in Titus not as a personall prerogative , but a power to be succeded to ; he might ordaine others , he had authority to doe it , with the same power he had himselfe , and therefore since he alone had this coërcion in his owne person , so should his Successors , and then because a single Presbyter , could not have it over his brethren by the confession of all sides , nor the Colledge of Presbyters which were there before his comming had it not , for why then was Titus sent with a new commission , nor those which he was to ordaine if they were but meere Presbyters could not have it , no more then the Presbytes that were there before his comming , it followes that those Elders which S. Paul sent Titus to ordaine being such as were to be constituted in opposition and power over the false Doctors and prating Preachers , and with authority to silence them , ( as is evident in the first chapter of that Epistle ) these Elders ( I say ) are verily , and indeed such as himselfe call's Bishops in the proper sense , and acceptation of the word . 6. The Cretan Presbyters who were there before S. Titus comming , had not power to ordaine others , that is , had not that power which Titus had . For Titus was sent thither for that purpose , therefore to supply the want of that power . And now , because to ordaine others was necessary for the conservation and succession of the Church , that is , because new generations are necessary for the continuing the world , and meere Presbyters could not doe it , and yet this must be done , not onely by Titus himselfe , but after him , it followes undeniably that S. Paul sent Titus to ordaine men with the same power that himselfe had , that is with more then his first Cretan Presbyters , that is Bishops , and he meanes them in the proper sense . 7. That by Elders in severall Cityes he meanes Bishops is also plaine from the place where they were to be ordained , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In populous Cityes , not in village Townes , For no Bishops were ever suffered to be in village Townes , as is to be seene in the Councell of a Sardis , of b Chalcedon , and S. c Leo , the Cityes therefore doe at least highly intimate that the persons to be ordain'd were not meere Presbyters . The issue of this discourse is , that since Titus was sent to Crete to ordaine Bishops , himselfe was a Bishop to be sure , at least . If he had ordain'd only Presbyters , it would have prov'd that . But this inferres him to be a Metropolitan , forasmuch as he was Bishop of Crete , and yet had many suffragans in subordination to him , of his owne constitution , and yet of proper diocesses . However , if this discourse concludes nothing peculiar , it frees the place from popular prejudice and mistakes , upon the confusion of Episcopus , and Presbyter ; and at least inferres his being a Bishop , if not a great deale more . Yea ; but did not S. Titus ordaine no meere Presbyters ? yes most certainely . But , so he did Deacons too , and yet neither one nor the other are otherwise mentioned in this Epistle but by consequence and comprehension within the superior order . For he that ordaines a Bishop , first makes him a Deacon , ( and then he obtaines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good degree ) and then a Presbyter , and then a Bishop . So that these inferior orders are presuppos'd in the authorizing the Supreame , and by giving direction for the qualifications of Bishops , he sufficiently instructs the inferiour orders in their deportment , insomuch as they are probations for advancement to the higher . 2. Adde to this , that he that ordaines Bishops in Cityes sets there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordinem generativum Patrum , as Epiphanius calls Episcopacy , and therefore most certainely with intention , not that it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Manus Mortua , but , to produce others , and therefore Presbyters and Deacons . 3. S. Paul made no expresse provision for villages , and yet most certainely did not intend to leave them destitute , and therefore he tooke order that such ordinations should be made in Cityes which should be provisionary for Villages , and that is , of such men as had power to ordaine and power to send Presbyters to what part of their charge they pleased . For since Presbyters could not ordaine other Presbyters , as appeares by S. Paul's sending Titus to doe it there , where , most certainely , many Presbyters before were actually resident , if Presbyters had gone to Villages they must have left the Cityes destitute , or if they staid in Cityes the Villages would have perished , and at last , when these men had dyed both one and the other , had beene made a prey to the wolfe , for there could be no sheapheard after the decay of the first generation . But let us see further into S. Titus his commission and letters of orders , and institution . [ A man that is an heretick after the first and second admonition reject . ] Cognisance of hereticall pravity , and animadversion against the heretick himselfe is most plainely concredited to S. Titus . For first he is to admonish him , then to reject him upon his pertinacy , from the Catholike communion . Cogere autem illos videtur , qui saepe corripit , saith S. Ambrose , upon the establishing a coactive , or coërcitive jurisdiction over the Clergy and whole Diocesse . But I need not specifie any more particulars , for S. Paul committed to S. Titus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all authority and power . The consequence is that which S. Ambrose prefixes to the Comentary on this Epistle . Titum Apostolus consecravit Episcopum , & ideò commonet eum ut sit sollicitus in Ecclesiasticâ ordinatione ▪ id est , ad quosdam qui simulatione quâdam dìgnos se ostentabant ut sublimem ordinem tenerent , simulque & haereticos ex circumcisione corripiendos . And now after so faire preparatory of Scripture we may heare the testimonies of Antiquity witnessing that Titus was by S. Paul made Bishop of Crete . Sed & Lucas ( saith Eusebius ) in actibus Apostolorum .... Timothei meminit & Titi quorum alter in Epheso Episcopus : alter ordinandis apud Cretam Ecclesiis ab eo ordinatus praeficitur . That is it which S. Ambrose expresses something more plainly , Titum Apostolus consecravit Episcopum , The Apostle consecrated Titus Bishop ; and Theodoret , calling Titus , Cretensium Episcopum . The Bishop of the Cretians . And for this reason saith S. Chrysost. S. Paul did not write to Sylvanus , or Silas , or Clemens , but to Timothy and Titus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because to these he had already committed the government of Churches . But a fuller testimony of S. Titus being a Bishop who please may see in S. a Hierome , in b Dorotheus , in c Isidore , in d Vincentius , in e Theodoret , in f S. Gregory , in g Primatius , h Sedulius , i Theophilact and k Nicephorus . To which if we adde the subscription of the Epistle asserted from all impertinent objections by the clearer testimony of S. l Athanasius , S m Ierome , the Syriack translation , n Oecumenius and o Theophylact , no confident deniall can ever break through , or scape conviction . And now I know not what objection can fairely be made here ; for I hope S. Titus was no Evangelist , he is not called so in Scripture , and all Antiquity calls him a Bishop , and the nature of his offices , the eminence of his dignity , the superiority of jurisdiction , the cognisance of causes criminall , and the whole exigence of the Epistle proclaime him Bishop . But suppose a while Titus had been an Evangelist , I would faine know who succeeded him ? Or did all his office expire with his person ? If so , then who shall reject Hereticks when Titus is dead ? Who shall silence factious Preachers ? If not , then still who succeeded him ? The Presbyters ? How can that be ? For if they had more power after his death then before , and govern'd the Churches which before they did not , then to be sure their government in common , is not an Apostolicall Ordinance , much lesse is it a Divine right , for it is postnate to thē both . But if they had no more power after Titus then they had under him , how then could they succeed him ? There was indeed a dereliction of the authority , but no succession . The succession therefore both in the Metropolis of Crete , and also in the other Cities was made by singular persons , not by a Colledge , for so we find in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recorded by Eusebius that in Gnossus of Crete , Pinytus was a most eminent Bishop , and that Philip was the Metropolitan at Gortyna . Sed & Pinytus nobilissimus apud Cretam in Episcopis fuit , saith Eusebius . But of this , enough . MY next instance shall be of one that was an Evangelist indeed , one that writ the Gospell , and he was a Bishop of Alexandria . In Scripture we find nothing of him but that he was an Evangelist , and a Deacon , for he was Deacon to S. Paul & Barnabas , when they went to the Gentiles , by ordination and speciall designement made at Antioch ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They had Iohn to be their Minister ; viz : Iohn whose sirname was Marke . * But we are not to expect all the ordinations made by the Apostles in their acts written by S. Luke , which end at S. Paul's first going to Rome ; but many other things , their founding of diverse Churches , their ordination of Bishops , their journeyes , their persecutions , their Miracles and Martyrdomes are recorded , & rely upon the faith of the primitive Church . And yet the ordination of S. Marke was within the terme of S. Lukes story , for his successor Anianus was made Bishop of Alexandria in the eight yeare of Nero's reigne , five or six yeares before the death of S. Paul. Igitur Neronis PRIMO Imperij anno post Marcum Evangelistam Ecclesiae apud Alexandriam Anianus Sacerdotium suscepit . So the Latin of Ruffinus reads it , in stead of octavo . Sacerdotium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is the Bishoprick , for else there were many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Priests in Alexandria besides him , and how then he should be S. Markes successor more then the other Presbyters , is not so soone to be contriv'd . But so the Collecta of the Chapter runs . Quòd post Marcum primus Episcopus Alexandrinae Ecclesiae ordinatus sit Anianus , Anianus was consecrated the first Bishop of Alexandria after S. Marke . * And Philo the Iew telling the story of the Christians in Alexandria , called by the inhabitants , Cultores , and Cultrices , The worshippers , Addit autem adhuc his ( saith Eusebius ) quomodò sacerdotes vel Ministri exhibeant officia sua , vel quae sit suprà omnia Episcopalis apicis sedes , intimating that beside the offices of Priests and Ministers , there was an Episcopall dignity which was apex super omnia , a height above all imployments , established at Alexandria ; and how soone that was , is soone computed , for Philo liv'd in our blessed Saviours time , and was Embassador to the Emperour Cajus , and surviv'd S. Marke a little . But S. Ierome will strike up this businesse , A Marco Evangelistâ ad Heraclam usque , & Dionysiam Episcopos , Presbyteri Egypti semper unum ex se electum in celsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant . And againe , Marcus interpres Apostoli Petri , & Alexandrinae Ecclesiae primus Episcopus . The same is witnessed by a S. Gregory , b Nicephorus , and divers others . Now although the ordination of S. Marke is not specified in the Acts , as innumerable multitudes of things more , and scarce any thing at all of any of the twelve but S. Peter , nothing of S. Iames the sonne of Thaddaeus , nor of Alpheus , but the Martyrdome of one of them , nothing of S. Bartholomew , of S. Thomas , or Simon zelotes , of S. Iude the Apostle , scarce any of their names recorded , yet no wise man can distrust the faith of such records , which all Christendome hitherto , so farre as we know , hath acknowledged as authentick , and these ordinations cannot possibly goe lesse then Apostolicall , being done in the Apostles times , to whom the care of all the Churches was concredited , they seeing and beholding severall successions in severall Churches before their death , as here at Alexandria , first Saint Marke , then Anianus , made Bishop five or sixe years before the death of S. Peter and S. Paul. But yet who it was that ordain'd S. Marke Bishop of Alexandria ( for Bishop he was most certainly ) is not obscurely intimated by the most excellent man S. Gelasius in the Romane Councell , Marcus à Petro Apostolo in Aegyptum directus verbum veritatis praedicavit , & gloriosè consummavit Martyrium . S. Peter sent him into Egypt to found a Church , and therefore would furnish him with all things requisite for so great imployment , and that could be no lesse , then the ordinary power Apostolicall . BUt in the Church of Rome , the ordination of Bishops by the Apostles , and their successions during the times of the Apostles , is very manifest by a concurrent testimony of old writers . Fundantes igitur , & instruentes beati Apostoli Ecclesiam Lino Episcopatum administrandae Ecclesiae tradiderunt . Hujus Lini Paulus in his quae sunt ad Timotheum Epistolis meminit . Succedit autem ei Anacletus , post cum tertiò loco ab Apostolis Episcopatum sortitur Clemens , qui & vidit ipsos Apostolos , & contulit cum eis , cùm adhuc insonantem praedicationem Apostolorum , & traditionem ante oculos haberet . So S. Irenaeus . * Memoratur autem ex comitibus Pauli Crescens quidam ad Gallias esse praefectus . Linus vero & Clemens in urbe Româ Ecclesiae praefuisse . Many more testimonies there are of these means being ordained Bishops of Rome by the Apostles , as of a Tertullian , b Optatus , c S. Austin , and d S. Hierome . But I will not cloy my Reader with variety of one dish , and bee tedious in a thing so evident and known . S. Iohn ordain'd S. Polycarpe Bishop at Smyrna .... sicut Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia habens Polycarpum ab Iohanne conlocatum refert ; sicut Romanorum Clementem à Petro ordinatum edit , proinde utique & caeterae exhibent quos ab Apostolis in Episcopatum constitutos Apostolici seminis traduces habeant . So Tertullian . The Church of Smyrna saith that Polycarpe was placed there by S. Iohn , as the Church of Rome saith that Clement was ordain'd there by S. Peter , and other Churches have those whom the Apostles made to be their Bishops . Polycarpus autem non solùm ab Apostolis edoctus .... sed etiam ab Apostolis in Asiâ , in eâ quae est Smyrnis Ecclesiâ constitutus Episcopus .... & testimonium his perhibent quae sunt in Asiâ Ecclesiae omnes , & qui usque adhuc successerunt Polycarpo &c. The same also is witnessed by S. Ierome , and * Eusebius : Quoniam autem valdè longum est in tali volumine omnium Ecclesiarum successiones enumerare , to use S. Irenaeus his expression ; It were an infinite labour to reckon up all those whom the Apostles made Bishops with their own hands , as a S. Dionysius the Areopagite at Athens , b Cajus at Thessalonica , c Archippus at Colosse , d Onesimus at Ephesus , e Antipas at Pergamus , f Epaphroditus at Philippi , g Crescens among the Gaules , h Evodias at Antioch , * Sosipater at Iconium , Erastus in Macedonia , Trophimus at Arles , Iason at Tarsus , Silas at Corinth , Onesiphorus at Colophon , Quartus at Berytus , Paul the Proconsul at Narbona , besides many more whose names are not recorded in Scripture , as these forecited are , so many as * Eusebius counts impossible to enumerate ; it shall therefore suffice to summe up this digest of their acts and ordinations in those generall foldings us'd by the Fathers , saying that the Apostles did ordaine Bishops in all Churches , that the succession of Bishops downe from the Apostles first ordination of them was the only argument to prove their Churches Catholick , and their adversaries who could not doe so , to be Hereticall ; This also is very evident , and of great consideration in the first ages while their tradition was cleare , and evident , and not so bepudled as it since hath been with the mixture of Hereticks , striving to spoile that which did so much mischiefe to their causes . Edant origines Ecclesiarum suarum , evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut primus ille Episcopus aliquem ex Apostolis , aut Apostolicis viris habuerit authorem & antecessorem , hoc modo Ecclesiae Apostolicae census suos deferunt , &c. And when S. Irenaeus had reckoned twelve successions in the Church of Rome from the Apostles , nunc duodecimo loco ab Apostolis Episcopatum habet Eleutherius . Hâc ordinatione ( saith he ) & successione , & ea quae est ab Apostolis in Ecclesiâ traditio & veritatis praeconiatio pervenit usque ad nos ; & est plenissima haec ostensio unam & candem vivatricem fidem esse quae in Ecclesiâ ab Apostolis usque nunc sit conservata , & tradita in veritate . So that this succession of Bishops from the Apostles ordination , must of it selfe be a very certain thing , when the Church made it a maine probation of their faith ; for the books of Scripture were not all gathered together , and generally received as yet . Now then , since this was a main pillar of their Christianity , viz. a constant reception of it from hand to hand , as being delivered by the Bishops in every chaire , till wee come to the very Apostles that did ordain them , this ( I say ) being their proof , although it could not be more certain then the thing to be proved , which in that case was a Divine revelation , yet to them it was more evident as being matter of fact , and known almost by evidence of sense , and as verily believed by all , as it was by any one , that himselfe was baptized , both relying upon the report of others . * Radix Christianae societatis per sedes Apostolorum , & successiones Episcoporum , certâ per orbem propagatione diffunditur , saith S. Austin . The very root and foundation of Christian communion is spread all over the world , by the successions of Apostles and Bishops . And is it not now a madnesse to say there was no such thing , no succession of Bishops in the Churches Apostolicall , no ordination of Bishops by the Apostles , and so ( as S. Paul's phrase is ) overthrow the faith of some , even of the Primitive Christians , that used this argument as a great weapon of offence against the invasion of haereticks and factious people ? It is enough for us that we can truly say with S. Irenaeus , Habemus annumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis usque ad nos . We can reckon those who from the Apostles untill now were made Bishops in the Churches ; and of this we are sure enough , if there be any faith in Christians . THE summe is this . Although we had not prooved the immediate Divine institution of Episcopall power over Presbyters and the whole flock , yet Episcopacy is not lesse then an Apostolicall ordinance , and delivered to us by the same authority that the observation of the Lord's day is . For , for that in the new Testament we have no precept , and nothing but the example of the Primitive Disciples meeting in their Synaxes upon that day , and so also they did on the saturday in the Iewish Synagogues , but yet ( however that at Geneva , they were once in meditation to have chang'd it into a Thursday meeting to have showne their Christian liberty ) we should think strangely of those men that called the Sunday-Festivall lesse then an Apostolicall ordinance , and necessary now to be kept holy with such observances as the Church hath appointed . * Baptisme of infants is most certainly a holy and charitable ordinance , and of ordinary necessity to all that ever cryed , and yet the Church hath founded this rite upon the tradition of the Apostles ; and wise men doe easily observe that the Anabaptists can by the same probability of Scripture inforce a necessity of communicating infants upon us , as we doe of baptizing infants upon them , if we speak of immediate Divine institution , or of practise Apostolicall recorded in Scripture , and therefore a great Master of Geneva in a book he writ against the Anabaptists , was forced to fly to Apostolicall traditive ordination , and therefore the institution of Bishops , must be served first , as having fairer plea , and clearer evidence in Scripture , then the baptizing of infants , and yet they that deny this , are by the just anathema of the Catholick Church , confidently condemn'd for Hereticks . * Of the same consideration are diverse other things in Christianity , as the Presbyters consecrating the Eucharist ; for if the Apostles in the first institution did represent the whole Church , Clergy and Laity , when Christ said [ Hoc facite , Doe this ] then why may not every Christian man there represented , doe that which the Apostles in the name of all were commanded to doe ? If the Apostles did not represent the whole Church , why then doe all communicate ? Or what place , or intimation of Christ's saying is there in all the foure Gospells , limiting [ Hoc facite , id est , benedicite ] to the Clergy , and extending [ Hoc facite , id est , accipite & manducate ] to the Laity ? This also rests upon the practise Apostolicall and traditive interpretation of H. Church , and yet cannot be denied that so it ought to be , by any man that would not have his Christendome suspected . * To these I adde the communion of Women , the distinction of bookes Apocryphall , from Canonicall , that such books were written by such Evangelists , and Apostles , the whole tradition of Scripture it selfe , the Apostles Creed , the feast of Easter ( which amongst all them that cry up the Sunday-Festivall for a Divine institution , must needs prevaile as Caput institutionis , it being that for which the Sunday is commemorated . ) These and divers others of greater consequence ( which I dare not specify for feare of being misunderstood ) rely but upon equall faith with this of Episcopacy ( though I should wave all the arguments for immediate Divine ordinance ) and therefore it is but reasonable it should be ranked amongst the Credenda of Christianity , which the Church hath entertained upon the confidence of that which we call the faith of a Christian , whose Master is truth it selfe . VVHat their power and eminence was , and the appropriates of their office so ordain'd by the Apostles , appears also by the testimonies before alleadged , the expressions whereof runne in these high termes . Episcopatus administrandae Ecclesiae in Lino . Linus his Bishoprick was the administration of the whole Church . Ecclesiae praefuisse was said of him and Clemens , they were both Prefects of the Church , or Prelates , that 's the Church-word . Ordinandis apud Cretam Ecclesiis praeficitur , so Titus , he is set over all the affaires of the new-founded Churches in Crete . In celsiori gradu collocatus , plac'd in a higher order or degree , so the Bishop of Alexandria , chosen ex Presbyteris , from amongst the Presbyters . Supra omnia Episcopalis apicis sedes , so Philo of that Bishoprick , The seat of Episcopall height above all things in Christianity . These are its honours . Its offices these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. To set in order whatsoever he sees wanting , or amisse ; to silence vaine prating Preachers , that will not submit to their superiors , to ordaine elders , to rebuke delinquents , to reject Hereticks , viz. from the communion of the faithfull ( for else why was the Angell of the Church of Pergamus reprov'd for tolerating the Nicolaitan hereticks , but that it was in his power to eject them ? And the same is the case of the Angell of Thyatira in permitting the woman to teach and seduce the people ) but to the Bishop was committed the cognisance of causes criminall and particular of Presbyters , ( so to Timothy in the instance formerly alleadged ) nay , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all authority , so in the case of Titus , and officium regendae Ecclesiae , the office of ruling the Church , so to them all whom the Apostles left in the severall Churches respectively which they had new founded . So Eusebius . For the Bishop was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , set over all , Clergy and Laity , saith S. Clement . This was given to Bishops by the Apostles themselves , and this was not given to Presbyters , as I have already prooved , and for the present , it will sufficiently appeare in this , that Bishops had power over Presbyters , which cannot be supposed they had over themselves , unlesse they could be their own superiours . BUt a Councell , or Colledge of Presbyters might have jurisdiction over any one , and such Colledges there were in the Apostles times , and they did in communi Ecclesiam regere , govern the Church in common with the Bishop , as saith S. Hierom , viz. where there was a Bishop , and where there was none they rul'd without him . * This indeed will call us to a new account , and it relies upon the testimony of S. Hierome which I will set downe here , that wee may leave the sunne without a cloud . S. Ierom's words are these . Idem est enim Presbyter quod Episcopus , & antequam Diaboli instinctu studia in religione fierent , & diceretur in populis , ego sum Pauli ego Apollo , ego autem Cephae , communi Presbyterorum consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur . Postquam verò unusquisque eos quos baptizabat suos putabat esse , non Christi , in toto orbe decretum est , ut unus de Presbyter is electus superponeretur caeteris ut Schismatum semina tollerentur . Then he brings some arguments to confirme his saying , and summes them up thus . Haec diximus ut ostenderemus apud veteres eosdem fuisse Presbyteros quos Episcopos , & ut Episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quàm Dominicae dispositionis veritate Presbyteris esse majores : & in communi debere Ecclesiam regere , &c. The thing S. Hierome aymes to prove , is the identity of Bishop , Presbyter , and their government of the Church in common . * For their identity , It is cleare that S. Hierome does not meane it in respect of order , as if a Bishop and a Presbyter had both one office per omnia , one power ; for else he contradicts himselfe most apertly , for in his Epistle ad Evagrium , Quid facit ( saith he ) Episcopus exceptâ ordinatione quòd Presbyter non faciat ? A Presbyter may not ordayne , a Bishop does , which is a cleare difference of power , and by S. Hierome is not expressed in matter of fact , but of right [ quod Presbyter non FACIAT ] not [ non facit ; ] that a Priest may not , must not doe , that a Bishop does , viz. he gives holy orders . * And for matter of fact S. Hierome knew that in his time a Presbyter did not governe in common , but because he conceived it was fit he should be joyn'd in the common regiment and care of the Diocesse , therefore he asserted it as much as he could ; And therefore if S. Hierome had thought that this difference of the power of ordination , had been only customary , & by actuall indulgence , or incroachment , or positive constitution , and no matter of primitive and originall right , S. Hierome was not so diffident but out it should , come what would have come . And suppose S. Hierome , in this distinct power of ordination had intended it onely to be a difference in fact , not in right ( for so some of late have muttered ) then S. Hierome had not said true according to his owne principles , for [ Quid facit Episcopus exceptâ ordinatione quòd Presbyter non faciat ? ] had beene quickly answered , if the Question had onely beene de facto ; For the Bishop governed the Church alone , and so in Iurisdiction was greater then Presbyters , and this was by custome , and in fact at least , S. Hierome saies it , and the Bishop tooke so much power to himselfe , that de facto Presbyters were not suffered to doe any thing sine literis Episco , palibus , without leave of the Bishop , and this S. Hierome complain'd of ; so that de facto the power of ordination was not the onely difference : That then ( if S. Hierome sayes true ) being the onely difference betweene Presbyter and Bishop , must be meant de jure , in matter of right , not humane positive , for that is coincident with the other power of jurisdiction which de facto , and at least by a humane right the Bishop had over Presbyters , but Divine , and then this identity of Bishop and Presbyter by S. Hierom's owne confession cannot be meant in respect of order , but the Episcopacy is by Divine right a superiour order to the Presbyterate . * Adde to this that the arguments which S. Hierome uses in this discourse are to prove that Bishops are sometimes called Presbyters . To this purpose he urges Act. 20. And Philippians 1. and the Epistles to Timothy , and Titus , and some others , but all driving to the same issue . To what ? Not to prove that Presbyters are sometimes called Presbyters ; For who doubts that ? But that Bishops are so may be of some consideration and needes a proofe , and this he Undertooke . Now that they are so called must needes inferre an identity and a disparity in severall respects . An identity , at least of Names , for else it had beene wholly impertinent . A disparity , or else his arguments were to prove idem affirmari de eodem , which were a businesse next to telling pins . Now then this disparity must be either in order , or jurisdiction . By the former probation it is sure that he meanes the orders to be disparate ; If jurisdiction too , I am content , but the former is most certaine , if he stand to his owne principles . This identity then which S. Hierome expresses of Episcopus and Presbyter , must be either in Name or in Iurisdiction . I know not certainely which he meanes , for his arguments conclude onely for the identity of Names , but his conclusion is for identity of jurisdiction , & in communi debere Ecclesiam regere , is the intent of his discourse . If he meanes the first , viz : that of Names , it is well enough , there is no harme done , it is in confesso apud omnes , but concludes nothing ( as I shall shew hereafter ) but because he intends ( so farre as may be guess'd by his words ) a parity and concurrence of jurisdiction , this must be consider'd distinctly . 1. Then ; in the first founding of Churches the Apostles did appoint Presbyters , and inferiour Ministers with a power of baptizing , preaching , consecrating and reconciling in privato foro , but did not in every Church at the first founding it , constitute a Bishop . This is evident in Crete , in Ephesus , in Corinth , at Rome , at Antioch . 2. Where no Bishops were constituted there the Apostles kept the jurisdiction in their owne hands [ There comes upon me ( saith S. Paul ) daily the care or Supravision of all the Churches ] Not all absolutely , for not all of the Circumcision , but all of his charge , with which he was once charged , and of which he had not exonerated himselfe by constituting Bishops there , for of these there is the same reason . And againe [ If any man obey not our word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifie him to me by an Epistle ] so he charges the Thessalonians , and therefore of this Church , S. Paul as yet , clearely kept the power in his owne hands . So that the Church was ever in all the parts of it , govern'd by Episcopall , or Apostolicall authority . 3. For ought appeares in Scripture , the Apostles never gave any externall , or coercitive jurisdiction in publike , and criminall causes , nor yet power to ordaine Rites or Ceremonies , or to inflict censures , to a Colledge of meere Presbyters . * The contrary may be greedily swallowed , and I know not with how great confidence , and prescribing prejudice ; but there is not in all Scripture any commission from Christ , any ordinance or warrant from the Apostles to any Presbyter , or Colledge of Presbyters without a Bishop , or expresse delegation of Apostolicall authority ( tanquam vi●ario suo , as to his substitute in absense of the Bishop or Apostle ) to inflict any censures , or take cognisance of persons and causes criminall . Presbyters might be surrogati in locum Episcopi absentis , but never had any ordinary jurisdiction given them by vertue of their ordination , or any commission , from Christ or his Apostles . This we may best consider by induction of particulars . 1. There was a Presbytery at Ierusalem , but they had a Bishop alwayes , and the Colledge of the Apostles sometimes , therefore whatsoever act they did , it was in conjunction with , and subordination to the Bishop & Apostles . Now it cannot be denyed both that the Apostles were superiour to all the Presbyters in Ierusalem , and also had power alone to governe the Church . I say they had power to governe alone , for they had the government of the Church alone before they ordayn'd the first Presbyters , that is before there were any of capacity to joyne with them , they must doe it themselves , and then also they must retaine the same power , for they could not loose it by giving Orders . Now if they had a power of sole jurisdiction , then the Presbyters being in some publike acts in conjunction with the Apostles cannot challenge a right of governing as affixed to their Order , they onely assisting in subordination , and by dependency . This onely by the way ; In Ierusalem the Presbyters were some thing more then ordinary , and were not meere Presbyters in the present , and limited sense of the word . For Barnabas , and Iudas , and Silas [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Luke calls them ] were of that Presbytery . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They were Rulers , and Prophets , Chiefe men amongst the Brethren , & yet called Elders , or Presbyters though of Apostolicall power and authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Oe●umenius . For truth is , that diverse of them were ordain'd Apostles with an Vulimited jurisdiction , not fix'd upon any See , that they also might together with the twelve , exire in totum mundum . * So that in this Presbytery either they were more then meere Presbyters , as Barnabas , and Iudas , and Silas , men of Apostolicall power , and they might well be in conjunction with the twelve , and with the Bishop , they were of equall power , not by vertue of their Presbyterate , but by their Apostolate ; or if they were but meere Presbyters , yet because it is certaine , and proov'd , and confess'd that the Apostles had power to governe the Church alone , this their taking meere Presbyters in partem regiminis , was a voluntary act , and from this example was derived to other Churches , and then it is most true , that Presbyteros in communi Ecclesiam regere , was rather , consuetudine Ecclesiae , then dominicae dispositionis veritate , ( to use S. Hierom's owne expression ) for this is more evident then that Bishops , doe eminere caeteris , by custome rather then Divine institution . For if the Apostles might rule the Church alone , then that the Presbyters were taken into the Number was a voluntary act of the Apostles , and although fitting to be retain'd where the same reasons doe remaine , and circumstances concurre , yet not necessary because not affixed to their Order ; not , Dominicae dispositionis veritate , and not laudable when those reasons cease , and there is an emergency of contrary causes . 2. The next Presbytery we read of is at Antioch , but there we find no acts either of concurrent , or single jurisdiction , but of ordination indeed we doe , and that performed by such men as S. Paul was , and Barnabas , for they were two of the Prophets reckoned in the Church of Antioch , but I doe not remember them to be called Presbyters in that place , to be sure they were not meere Presbyters as we now Understand the word , as I proved formerly . 3. But in the Church of Ephesus there was a Colledge of Presbyters and they were by the Spirit of God called Bishops , and were appointed by him to be Pastors of the Church of God. This must doe it or nothing . In quo spiritus S. posuit vos Episcopos , In whom the holy Ghost hath made you Bishops . There must lay the exigence of the argument , and if we can find who is meant by [ Vos ] we shall , I hope , gaine the truth . * S. Paul sent for the Presbyters , or Elders to come from Ephesus to Miletus , and to them he spoke . ** It 's true , but that 's not all the [ vos ] , For there were present at that Sermon , Sopater , and Aristarchus , and Secundus , and Gaius , and Timothy , and Tychicus , and Trophimus ; And although he sent to Ephesus as to the Metropolis , and there many Elders were either accidentally , or by ordinary residence , yet those were not all Elders of that Church , but of all Asia , in the Scripture sense , the lessar Asia . For so in the preface of his Sermon S. Paul intimates [ ye know that from the first day I came into Asia after what manner I have beene with you at all seasons ] His whole conversation in Asia was not confin'd to Ephesus , and yet those Elders who were present were witnesses of it all , and therefore were of dispersed habitation , and so it is more clearely infer'd from vers . 25. And now behold I know that YE ALL AMONG WHOM I HAVE GONE preaching the Kingdome of God &c : It was a travaile to preach to all that were present , and therefore most certainly they were inhabitants of places very considerably distant . Now upon this ground I will raise these considerations . 1. If there be a confusion of Names in Scripture , particularly of Episcopus and Presbyter , as it is contended for , on one side , and granted on all sides , then where both the words are used , what shall determine the signification ? For whether ( to instance in this place ) shall Presbyter limit Episcopus , or Episcopus extend Presbyter ? Why may not Presbyter signify one that is verily a Bishop , as Episcopus signify a meere Presbyter ? For it is but an ignorant conceit , where ever Presbyter is named , to fancy it in the proper and limited sense , and not to doe so with Episcopus , and when they are joyned together , rather to believe it in the limited and present sense of Presbyter , then in the proper and present sense of Episcopus . So that as yet we are indifferent upon the termes . These men sent for from Ephesus , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders or Presbyters of the Church , but at Miletus , Spiritus S. posuit vos Episcopos , there they are called Bishops or overseers . So that I may as well say here were properly so called Bishops , as another may say , here were meere Presbyters . * And least it be objected in prejudice of my affirmative , that they could not be Bishops , because they were of Ephesus , there never being but one Bishop in one Church . I answer , that in the Apostles times this was not true . For at Ierusalem there were many at the same time that had Episcopall , and Apostolicall authority , and so at Antioch ; as at Ierusalem , where Iames , and Iudas , and Silas , and the Apostles , and Paul and Barnabas at Antioch , and at Rome , at the same time Peter and Paul , and Linus , and Clemens , but yet but one of them was fixt , and properly the Bishop of that place . But 2 ly All these were not of Ephesus , but the Elders of all Asia , but some from other countries as appears vers . 4. So that although they were all Bishops , wee might easily find distinct Diocesses for them , without incumbring the Church of Ephesus with a multiplyed incumbency . Thus farre then we are upon even termes , the community of compellations used here , can no more force us to believe them all to be meere Presbyters , then Bishops in the proper sense . 2. It is very certain that they were not all meer Presbyters at his fare-well Sermon , for S. Timothy was there , and I proved him to be a Bishop by abundant testimony , and many of those which are reckoned v. 4. were companions of the Apostle in his journey , and imployed in mission Apostolicall for the founding of Churches , and particularly , Sosipater was there , and he was Bishop of Iconium , and Tychicus of Chalcedon in Bythinia , as Dorotheus and Eusebius witnesse ; and Trophimus of Arles in France , for so is witnessed by the suffragans of that province in their Epistle to S. Leo. But without all doubt here were Bishops present as well as Presbyters , for besides the premises we have a witnesse beyond exception , the ancient S. Irenaeus , In Mileto enim conv●catis Episcopis , & Presbyteris qui erant ab Epheso , & à reliquis proximis civitatibus , quoniam ipse festinavit Hierosolymis Pentecosten agere , &c. S. Paul making hast to keep his Pentecost at Ierusalem , at Miletus , did call together the Bishops and Presbyters , from Ephesus , and the neighbouring Citties . * Now to all these in conjunction S. Paul spoke , and to these indeed the Holy Ghost had concredited his Church to be fed , and taught with Pastorall supravision , but in the mean while here is no commission of power , or jurisdiction to Presbyters distinctly , nor supposition of any such praeexistent power . 3. All that S. Paul said in this narration , was spoken in the presence of them all , but not to them all . For that of v. 18. [ ye know how I have been with you in Asia in all seasons , ] that indeed was spoke to all the Presbyters that came from Ephesus and the voisinage , viz. in a collective sense , not in a distributive , for each of them was not in all the circuit of his Asian travailes ; but this was not spoken to Sopater the Beraean , or to Aristarchus the Thessalonian , but to Tychicus , and Trophimus , who were Asians it might be addressed . And for that of v. 25. [ yee all among whom I have gone preaching shall see my face no more , ] this was directed only to the Asians , for he was never more to come thither ; but Timothy to be sure , saw him afterwards , for S. Paul sent for him , a litle before his death , to Rome , and it will not be supposed he neglected to attend him . So that if there were a conjunction of Bishops , and Presbyters at this meeting , as most certainly there was , and of Evangelists , and Apostolicall men besides , how shall it be known , or indeed with any probability suspected that , that clause of vers . 28. Spiritus S. posuit vos Episcopos pascere Ecclesiam Dei , does belong to the Ephesine Presbyters , and not particularly to Timothy , who was now actually Bishop of Ephesus , and to Gajus , and to the other Apostolicall men who had at least Episcopall authority , that is , power of founding , and ordering Churches without a fixt and limited jurisdiction ? 4. Either in this place is no jurisdiction at all intimated de antiquo , or concredited de novo , or if there be , it is in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 28. Bishops , and Feeders ; and then it belongs either to the Bishops alone , or to the Presbyters in conjunction with , and subordination to the Bishops , for to the meer Presbyters it cannot be proved to appertaine , by any intination of that place . 5. How and if these Presbyters , which came from Ephesus and the other parts of Asia were made Bishops at Miletus ? Then also this way all difficulty will be removed . And that so it was is more then probable ; for to be sure , Timothy was now entring , and fixing upon his See ; and it was consonant to the practise of the Apostles , and the exigence of the thing it selfe , when they were to leave a Church to fixe a Bishop in it ; for why else was a Bishop fixt in Ierusalem , so long before in other Churches , but because the Apostles were to be scattered from thence , and there the first bloudy field of Martyrdome was to be fought . And the case was equall here , for S. Paul was never to see the Churches of Asia any more , and he foresaw that ravening wolves would enter into the folds , and he had actually plac'd a Bishop in Ephesus , and it is unimaginable , that he would not make equall provision for other Churches , there being the same necessity from the same danger , in them all , and either S. Paul did it now , or never ; and that about this time the other sixe Asian Churches had Angels , or Bishops set in their candlesticks , is plain , for there had been a succession in the Church of Pergamus , Antipas was dead , and S. Timothy had sate in Ephesus , and S. Polycarpe at Smyrna many years before S. Iohn writ his Revelation . 6. Lastly , that no jurisdiction was in the Ephesine Presbyters , except a delegate , and subordinate , appeares beyond all exception , by S. Pauls first epistle to Timothy , establishing in the person of Timothy power of coercitive jurisdiction over Presbyters , and ordination in him alone , without the conjunction of any in commission with him , for ought appeares either there , or else-where . * 4. The same also in the case of the Cretan Presbyters is cleare . For what power had they of Iurisdiction ? For that is it , we now speak of . If they had none before S. Titus came , we are well enough at Crete . If they had , why did S. Paul take it from them to invest Titus with it ? Or if he did not , to what purpose did he send Titus with all those powers before mentioned ? For either the Presbyters of Crete had jurisdiction in causes criminall equall to Titus after his coming , or they had not . If they had , then what did Titus doe there ? If they had not , then either they had no jurisdiction at all , or whatsoever it was , it was in subordination to him , they were his inferiours , and he their ordinary Iudge and Governour . 5. One thing more before this be left , must be considered concerning the Church of Corinth , for there was power of excommunication in the Presbytery when they had no Bishop , for they had none of diverse yeares after the founding of the Church , and yet S. Paul reprooves them for not ejecting the incestuous person out of the Church . * This is it that I said before , that the Apostles kept the jurisdiction in their hands where they had founded a Church , and placed no Bishop . For in this case of the Corinthian incest the Apostle did make himselfe the sole Iudge . [ For I verily as absent in body but present in spirit have judged already ] and then secondly , S. Paul gives the Church of Corinth commission and substitution to proceed in this cause [ In the name of our Lord Iesus Christ , when ye are gathered together , and MY SPIRIT , that is , My power , My authority , for so he explaines himselfe , MY SPIRIT , WITH THE POWER OF OUR LORD IESVS CHRIST , to deliver him over to Satan . And 3. As all this power is delegate , so it is but declarative in the Corinthians , for S. Paul had given sentence before , and they of Corinth were to publish it . 4. This was a commission given to the whole assembly , and no more concernes the Presbyters , then the people , and so some have contended ; but so it is , but will serve neither of their turnes , neither for an independant Presbytery , nor a conjunctive popularity . As for S. Paul's reprooving them for not inflicting censures on the peccant , I have often heard it confidently averred , but never could see ground for it . The suspicion of it is v. 2. [ And ye are puffed up , and have not rather mourned , that he that hath done this deed might be TAKEN AWAY FROM AMONG YOU ] Taken away . But by whom ? That 's the Question . Not by them , to be sure . For TAKEN AWAY FROM YOU , implies that it is by the power of another , not by their act , for no man can take away any thing from himselfe . He may put it away , not take it , the expression had been very imperfect if this had been his meaning . * Well then : In all these instances , viz. of Ierusalem , Antioch , Ephesus , Crete , and Corinth ( and these are all I can find in Scripture of any consideration in the present Question ) all the jurisdiction was originally in the Apostles while there was no Bishop , or in the Bishop when there was any ; And yet that the Presbyters were joyned in the ordering Church affaires I will not deny , to wit , by voluntary assuming them , in partem sollicitudinis , and by delegation of power Apostolicall , or Episcopall , and by way of assistance in acts deliberative , and consiliary , though I find this no where specified but in the Church of Ierusalem , where I prooved that the Elders were men of more power then meere Presbyters , men of Apostolicall authority . But here lies the issue , and straine of the Question . Presbyters had no jurisdiction in causes criminall , and pertaining to the publick regiment of the Church , by vertue of their order , or without particular substitution , and delegation . For there is not in all Scripture any commission given by Christ to meere Presbyters , no divine institution of any power of regiment in the Presbytery ; no constitution Apostolicall , that meere Presbyters should either alone , or in conjunction with the Bishop governe the Church ; no example in all Scripture of any censure inflicted by any meere Presbyters , either upon Clergy or Laity ; no specification of any power that they had so to doe ; but to Churches where Colledges of Presbyters were resident , Bishops were sent by Apostolicall ordination ; not only with power of imposition of hands , but of excommunication , of taking cognisance even of causes , and actions of Presbyters themselves , as to Titus , and Timothy , the Angell of the Church of Ephesus ; and there is also example of delegation of power of censures from the Apostle to a Church where many Presbyters were fix't , as in the case of the Corinthian delinquent before specified , which delegation was needlesse , if coercitive jurisdiction by censures had been by divine right in a Presbyter , or a whole Colledge of them . Now then , returne we to the consideration of S. Hieromes saying : The Church was governed ( saith he ) communi Presbyterorum consilio , by the common Counsell of the Presbyters . But , 1. Quo jure was this ? That the Bishops were Superiour to those which were then called Presbyters , by custome rather then Divine disposition S. Hierome affirmes ; but that Presbyters were joyned with the Apostles and Bishops at first , by what right was that ? Was not that also by custome and condescension rather then by Divine disposition ? S. Hierome does not say but it was . For he speakes onely of matter of fact , not of right , It might have beene otherwise , though de facto it was so in some places . * 2. [ Communi Presbyterorum consilio ] is true in the Church of Ierusalem , where the Elders were Apostolicall men , and had Episcopall authority and something superadded , as Barnabas , and Iudas and Silas , for they had the authority and power of Bishops , and an unlimited Diocesse besides , though afterwards Silas was fixt upon the See of Corinth . But yet even at Ierusalem they actually had a Bishop , who was in that place superiour to them in Iurisdiction , and therefore does clearely evince , that the common-counsell of Presbyters is no argument against the superiority of a Bishop over them . * 3. [ Communi Presbyterorum consilio ] is also true , because the Apostles call'd themselves Presbyters , as S. Peter , and S. Iohn , in their Epistles . Now at the first , many Prophets , many Elders ( for the words are sometimes us'd in common ) were for a while resident in particular Churches , and did governe in common ; As at Antioch were Barnabas , and Simeon , and Lucius , and Manaën , and Paul. Communi horum Presbyterorum consilio the Church of Antioch for a time was governed ; for all these were Presbyters , in the sense that S. Peter and S. Iohn were , and the Elders of the Church of Ierusalem . * 4. Suppose this had beene true in the sense that any body please to imagine , yet this not being by any divine ordinance , that Presbyters should by their Counsell assist in externall regiment of the Church , neither by any intimation of Scripture , nor by affirmation of S. Hierome , it is sufficient to stifle this by that saying of S. Ambrose , Postquàm omnibus locis Ecclesiae sunt constitutae , & officia ordinata , alitèr composita res est quàm caperat . It might be so at first de facto , and yet no need to be so neither then , nor after . For at first Ephesus had no Bishop of it 's owne , nor Crete , and there was no need , for S. Paul had the supra-vision of them , and S. Iohn , and other of the Apostles , but yet afterwards S. Paul did send Bishops thither ; for when themselves were to goe away , the power must be concredited to another ; And if they in their absence before the constituting of a Bishop had intrusted the care of the Church with Presbyters , yet it was but in dependance on the Apostles , and by substitution , not by any ordinary power , and it ceased at the presence or command of the Apostle , or the sending of a Bishop to reside . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So S. Ignatius being absent from his Church upon a businesse of being persecuted , he writ to his Presbyters , Doe you feed the flock amongst you , till God shall shew you who shall be your Ruler , viz. My Successor . No longer . Your commission expires when a Bishop comes . * 5. To the conclusion of S. Hieromes discourse , viz. That Bishops are not greater then Presbyters by the truth of divine disposition ; I answer , that this is true in this sense , Bishops are not by Divine disposition greater then all those which in Scripture are called Presbyters , such as were the Elders in the Councell at Ierusalem , such as were they of Antioch , such as S. Peter and S. Iohn , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all , and yet all of them were not Bishops in the present sense , that is of a fixt and particular Diocesse , and Iurisdiction . * 2 ly S. Hieromes meaning is also true in this sense , [ Bishops by the truth of the Lords disposition are not greater then Presbyters , ] viz. quoad exercitium actûs , that is , they are not tyed to exercise jurisdiction solely in their owne persons , but may asciscere sibi Presbyteros in commune consilium , they may delegate jurisdiction to the Presbyters ; and that they did not so , but kept the exercise of it only in their owne hands in S. Hieromes time , this is it , which he saith is rather by custome , then by Divine dispensation , for it was otherwise at first , viz. de facto , and might be so still , there being no law of God against the delegation of power Episcopall . * As for the last words in the objection , [ Et in communi debere Ecclesiam regere , ] it is an assumentum of S. Hieromes owne ; for all his former discourse was of the identity of Names , and common regiment de facto , not de jure , and from a fact to conclude with a Debere , is a Non sequitur , unlesse this Debere be understood according to the exigence of the former arguments , that is , THEY OUGHT , not by Gods law , but in imitation of the practise Apostolicall ; to wit , when things are as they were then , when the Presbyters are such as then they were ; THEY OUGHT , for many considerations , and in Great cases , not by the necessity of a Divine precept . * And indeed to doe him right he so explaines himselfe , [ Et in communi debere Ecclesiam regere , imitantes Moysen qui cùm haberet in potestate solus praeesse populo Israel , septuaginta elegit , cum quibus populum judicaret . ] The Presbyters ought to Iudge in common with the Bishop , for the Bishops ought to imitate Moses , who might have rul'd alone , yet was content to take others to him , and himselfe only to rule in chiefe . Thus S. Hierome would have the Bishops doe , but then he acknowledges the right of sole jurisdiction to be in them , and therefore though his Councell perhaps might be good then , yet it is necessary at no time , and was not followed then , and to be sure is needlesse now . * For the arguments which S. Hierome uses to prove this his intention what ever it is , I have and shall else where produce , for they yeeld many other considerations then this collection of S. Hierome , and prove nothing lesse then the equality of the offices of Episcocy and Presbyterate . The same thing is per omnia respondent to the paralell place of a S. Chrysostome , It is needlesse to repeat either the objection , or answer . * But however this saying of S. Hierome , and the paralell of S. Chrysostome is but like an argument against an Evident truth , which comes forth upon a desperate service , and they are sure to be kill'd by the adverse party , or to runne upon their owne Swords ; For either they are to be understood in the senses above explicated , and then they are impertinent , or else they contradict evidence of Scripture and Catholike antiquity , and so are false , and dye within their owne trenches . I end this argument of tradition Apostolicall with that saying of S. Hierome in the same place . Postquam Vnusquisque eos quos baptiz abat suos put abat esse , non Christi , & diceretur in populis , Ego sum Pauli , Ego Apollo , Ego autem Cepha , in toto orbe decretum est ut Vnus de Presbyteris electus superponeretur caeter is , ut schismatum semina tollerentur . That is , a publike decree issued out in the Apostles times , that in all Churches one should be chosen out of the Clergy , and set over them , viz. to rule and governe the flock commited to his charge . This I say was in the Apostles times , even upon the occasion of the Corinthian schisme , for then they said I am of Paul , and I of Apollo , and then it was , that he that baptized any Catechumens , tooke them for his owne not as Christs disciples . So that it was , tempore Apostolorum , that this decree was made , for in the time of the Apostles S. Iames , and S. Marke , and S. Timothy , and S. Titus were made Bishops by S. Hieromes expresse attestation ; It was also [ toto orbe decretum ] so that if it had not beene proved to have beene an immediate Divine institution , yet it could not have gone much lesse , it being , as I have proved , and as S. Hierome acknowledges CATHOLIKE , and APOSTOLICK . * BEe ye followers of me as I am of Christ , is an Apostolicall precept . We have seene how the Apostles have followed Christ , how their tradition is consequent of Divine institution ; Next let us see , how the Church hath followed the Apostles , as the Apostles have followed Christ. CATHOLIKE PRACTISE is the next Basis of the power and order of Episcopacy . And this shall be in subsidium to them also that call for reduction of the state Episcopall to a primitive consistence , and for the confirmation of all those pious sonnes of Holy Church , who have a venerable estimate of the publike and authoriz'd facts of Catholike Christendome . * For Consider we , Is it imaginable , that all the world should immediately after the death of the Apostles conspire together to seek themselves , and not , caquae sunt Iesu Christi ; to erect a government of their owne devising , not ordayn'd by Christ , not delivered by his Apostles , and to relinquish a Divine foundation , and the Apostolicall superstructure , which if it was at all , was a part of our Masters will , which whosoever knew , and observed not , was to be beaten with many stripes ? Is it imaginable , that those gallant men who could not be brought off from the prescriptions of Gentilisme to the seeming impossibilities of Christianity , without evidence of Miracle , and clarity of Demonstration upon agreed principles , should all upon their first adhesion to Christianity , make an Universall dereliction of so considerable a part of their Masters will , and leave Gentilisme to destroy Christianity , for he that erects another Oeconomy then what the Master of the family hath ordayn'd , destroyes all those relations of mutuall dependance which Christ hath made for the coadunation of all the parts of it , and so destroyes it in the formality of a Christian congregation or family ? * Is it imaginable , that all those glorious Martyrs , that were so curious observers of Divine Sanctions , and Canons Apostolicall , that so long as that ordinance of the Apostles concerning abstinence from bloud was of force , they would rather dye then eat a strangled hen , or a pudding , ( for so Eusebius relates of the Christians in the particular instance of Biblis and Blandina ) that they would be so sedulous in the contemning the government that Christ left for his family , and erect another ? * To what purpose were all their watchings , their banishments , their fears , their fastings , their penances and formidable austerities , and finally their so frequent Martyrdomes , of what excellency or availe , if after all , they should be hurried out of this world and all their fortunes and possessions , by untimely , by disgracefull , by dolourous deaths , to be set before a tribunall to give account of their universall neglect , and contemning of Christs last testament , in so great an affaire , as the whole government of his Church ? * If all Christendome should be guilty of so open , so united a defiance against their Master , by what argument , or confidence can any misbeliever be perswaded to Christianity , which in all its members for so many ages together is so unlike its first institution , as in its most publike affaire , and for matter of order of the most generall concernement , is so contrary to the first birth ? * Where are the promises of Christ's perpetuall assistance , of the impregnable permanence of the 〈◊〉 ●●ch against the gates of Hell , of the Spirit of truth to lead it into all truth , if she be guilty of so grand an errour , as to erect a throne where Christ had made all levell , or appointed others to sit in it , then whom he suffers . * Either Christ hath left no government , or most certainly the Church hath retain'd that Government whatsoever it is , for the contradictory to these would either make Christ improvident , or the Catholick Church extreamely negligent ( to say no worse ) and incurious of her depositum . * But upon the confidence of all * Christendome ( if there were no more in it ) I * suppose we may fairely venture . Sit anima mea * cum Christianis . THE first thing done in Christendome , upon the death of the Apostles in this matter of Episcopacy , is the distinguishing of Names , which before were common . For in holy Scripture all the names of Clericall offices were given to the superiour order , and particularly all offices , and parts , and persons design'd in any imployment of the sacred Preisthood , were signified by Presbyter and Presbyterium . And therefore least the confusion of Names might perswade an identity and indistinction of office , the wisdome of H. Church found it necessary to distinguish and separate orders , and offices by distinct and proper appellations . [ For the Apostles did know by our Lord Iesus Christ that contentions would arise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the name of Episcopacy , ] saith S. Clement , and so it did in the Church of Corinth , as soon as their Apostle had expired his last breath . But so it was . 1. The Apostles , which I have proved to be the supreame ordinary office in the Church , and to be succeeded in , we called in Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders or Presbyters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith S. Peter the Apostle , the Elders , or Presbyters that are among you , I also who am an Elder , or Presbyter doe intreat . Such elders S. Peter spoke to , as he was himselfe , to wit , those to whom the regiment of the Church was committed , the Bishops of Asia , Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , and Bithynia , that is to Timothy , to Titus , to Tycbicus , to Sosipater , to the Angells of the Asian Churches , and all others whom himselfe in the next words points out by the description of their office , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Feed the flock of God as Bishops , or being Bishops and overseers over it ; And that to rulers he then spake is evident by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for it was impertinent to have warned them of tyranny , that had no rule at all . * The meere Presbyters , I deny not , but are included in this admonition ; for as their office is involved in the Bishops office , the Bishop being Bishop and Presbyter too , so is his duty also in the Bishops ; so that , pro ratâ the Presbyter knowes what lies on him by proportion and intuition to the Bishops admonition . But againe . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith S. Iohn the Apostle ; and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Presbyter to Gajus ; the Presbyter to the elect Lady . 2. * If Apostles be called Presbyters , no harme though Bishops be called so too , for Apostles , and Bishops are all one in ordinary office as I have proved formerly . Thus are those Apostolicall men in the Colledge at Ierusalem called Presbyters , whom yet the Holy Ghost calleth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , principall men , ruling men , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Presbyters that rule well . By Presbyters are meant Bishops , to whom only according to the intention , and exigence of Divine institution the Apostle had concredited the Church of Ephesus , and the neighbouring Citties , ut solus quisque Episcopus praesit omnibus , as appears in the former discourse . The same also is Acts 20. The Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops , and yet the same men are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The one place expounds the other , for they are both ad idem , and speake of Elders of the same Church . * 3. Although Bishops be called Presbyters , yet even in Scripture names are so distinguished , that meer Presbyters are never called Bishops , unlesse it be in conjunction with Bishops , and then in the Generall addresse , which , in all faire deportments , is made to the more eminent , sometimes Presbyters are , or may be comprehended . This observation if it prove true , will clearely show , that the confusion of names of Episcopus , and Presbyter , such as it is in Scripture , is of no pretence by any intimation of Scripture , for the indistinction of offices , for even the names in Scripture it selfe are so distinguished , that a meere Presbyter alone is never called a Bishop , but a Bishop an Apostle is often called a Presbyter , as in the instances above . But we will consider those places of Scripture , which use to be pretended in those impertinent arguings from the identity of Name , to confusion of things , and shew that they neither enterfere upon the maine Question , nor this observation . * Paul and Timotheus to all the saints which are in Christ Iesus which are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons . I am willinger to choose this instance , because the place is of much consideration in the whole Question , and I shall take this occasion to cleare it from prejudice and disadvantage . * By Bishops are here meant Presbyters , because * many Bishops in a Church could not be , and yet * S. Paul speaks plurally of the Bishops of the * Church of Philippi , and therefore must meane * meere Presbyters * so it is pretended . 1. Then ; By [ Bishops ] are , or may be meant the whole superior order of the clergy , Bishops and Priests , and that he speaks plurally , he , may besides the Bishops in the Church , comprehend under their name the Presbyters too ; for why may not the name be comprehended as well as the office , and order , the inferiour under the superiour , the lesser within the greater ; for since the order of Presbyters is involved in the Bishops order , and is not only inclusively in it , but derivative from it ; the same name may comprehend both persons , because it does comprehend the distinct offices and orders of them both . And in this sense it is ( if it be at all ) that Presbyters are sometimes in Scripture called Bishops . * 2. Why may not [ Bishops ] be understood properly ; For there is no necessity of admiitting that there were any meere Presbyters at all at the first founding of this Church , It can neither be proved from Scripture , not antiquity , if it were denyed : For indeed a Bishop or a company of Episcopall men as there were at Antioch , might doe all that Presbyters could , and much more . And considering that there are some necessities of a Church which a Presbyter cannot supply , and a Bishop can , it is more imaginable that there was no Presbyter , then that there was no Bishop . And certainely it is most unlikely , that what is not expressed , to wit , Presbyters should be onely meant , and that which is expressed should not be at all intended . * 3. [ With the Bishops ] may be understood in the proper sense , and yet no more Bishops in one Diocesse then one , of a fixt residence ; for in that sense is S. Chrysostome and the fathers to be understood in their commentaries on this place , affirming that one Church could have but one Bishop ; but then take this along , that it was not then unusuall in such great Churches , to have many men who were temporary residentiaries , but of an Apostolicall and Episcopall authority , as in the Churches of Ierusalem , Rome , Antioch , there was as I have proved in the premises . Nay in Philippi it selfe , If I mistake not , as instance may be given , full , and home to this purpose . Salutant te Episcopi Onesimus , Bitus , Demas , Polybius , & omnes qui sunt Philippis in Christo , unde & haec vobis Scripsi , saith Ignatius in his Epistle to Hero his Deacon . So that many Bishops ( we see ) might be at Philippi , and many were actually there long after S. Paul's dictate of the Epistle . * 4. Why may not [ Bishops ] be meant in the proper sense ? Because there could not be more Bishops then one , in a Diocesse . No ? By what law ? If by a constitution of the Church after the Apostles times , that hinders not , but it might be otherwise in the Apostles times . If by a Law in the Apostles times , then we have obtained the main question by the shift , and the Apostles did ordain that there should be one , and but one Bishop in a Church , although it is evident they appointed many Presbyters . And then let this objection be admitted how it will , and doe its worst , we are safe enough . * 5. [ With the Bishops ] may be taken distributively , for Philippi was a Metropolis , and had diverse Bishopricks under it , and S. Paul writing to the Church of Philippi , wrote also to all the daughter Churches within its circuit , and therefore might well salute many Bishops , though writing to one Metropolis , and this is the more probable , if the reading of this place be accepted according to Oecumenius , for he reads it not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Coepiscopi● , & Diaconis , Paul and Timothy to the Saints at Philippi , and to our fellow Bishops . * 6. S. Ambrose referres this clause of [ Cum Episcopis , & Diaconis , ] to S. Paul and S. Timothy , intimating that the benediction , and salutation was sent to the Saints at Philippi from S. Paul and S. Timothy with the Bishops and Deacons , so that the reading must be thus ; Paul , and Timothy with the Bishops and Deacons , to all the Saints at Philippi &c. Cum Episcopis & Diaconis , hoc est , cum Paulo , & Timotheo , qui utique Episcopi erant , simul & significavit Diaconos qui ministrabant ei . Ad plebem enim scribit . Nam si Episcopis scriberet , & Diaconi , ad personas eorum scriberet , & loci ipsius Episcopo scribendum erat , non duobus , vel tribus , sicut & ad Titum & Timotheum . * 7. The like expression to this is in the Epistle of S. Clement to the Corinthians , which may give another light to this ; speaking of the Apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They delivered their first fruits to the Bishops and Deacons . Bishops here indeed may be taken distributively , and so will not inferre that many Bishops were collectively in any one Church , but yet this gives intimation for another exposition of this clause to the Philippians . For here either Presbyters are meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ministers , or else Presbyters are not taken care of in the Ecclesiasticall provision , which no man imagines , of what interest soever he be ; it followes then that [ Bishops and Deacons ] are no more but Majores , and Minores Sacerdotes in both places ; for as Presbyter , and Episcop●s were confounded , so also Presbyter and Diaconus ; And I thinke it will easily be shewen in Scripture , that the word [ Diaconus , ] is given oftner to Apostles , and Bishops , and Presbyters , then to those ministers which now by way of appropriation we call Deacons . But of this anon . Now againe to the main observation . * Thus also it was in the Church of Ephesus , for S. Paul writing to their Bishop , and giving order for the constitution and deportment of the Church orders and officers , gives directions first for Bishops , then for Deacons . Where are the Presbyters in the interim ? Either they must be comprehended in Bishops or in Deacons . They may as well be in one as the other ; for [ Diaconus ] is not in Scripture any more appropriated to the inferiour Clergy , then Episcopus to the Superiour , nor so much neither . For Episcopus was never us'd in the new Testament for any , but such , as had the care , regiment , and supra-vision of a Church , but Diaconus was used generally for all Ministeries . But yet supposing that Presbyters were included under the word Episcopus , yet it is not because the offices and orders are one , but because that the order of a Presbyter is comprehended within the dignity of a Bishop . And then indeed the compellation is of the more principall , and the Presbyter is also comprehended , for his conjunction , and involution in the Superiour , which was the principall observation here intended . Nam in Episcopo omnes ordines sunt , quia primus Sacerdos est , hoc est , Princeps est Sacerdotum , & Propheta & Evangelista , & caetera adimplenda officia Ecclesiae in Ministerio Fidelium . saith S. Ambrose . * So that if in the description of the qualifications of a Bishop , he intends to qualifie Presbyters also , then it is Principally intended for a Bishop , and of the Presbyters only by way of subordination and comprehension . This only by the way , because this place is also abused to other issues ; To be sure it is but a vaine dreame that because Presbyter is not nam'd , that therefore it is all one with a Bishop , when as it may be comprehended under Bishop as a part in the whole , or the inferiour , within the superiour , ( the office of a Bishop having in it the office of a Presbyter and something more ) or else it may be as well intended in the word [ Deacons , ] and rather then the word , [ Bishop ] 1. Because [ Bishop ] is spoken of in the singular number , [ Deacons ] in the Plurall , and so liker to comprehend the multitude of Presbyters . 2. Presbyters , or else Bishops , and therefore much more Presbyters , are called by S. Paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ministers , Deacons is the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Deacons by whose Ministration yee beleived ; and 3. By the same argument Deacons may be as well one with the Bishop too , for in the Epistle to Titu● , S. Paul describes the office of a Bishop , and sayes not a word more either of Presbyter or Deacons office ; and why I pray , may not the office of Presbyters in the Epistle to Timothy be omitted , as well as Presbyters , and Deacons too in that to Titus ? or else why may not Deacons be confounded , and be all one with Bishop , as well as Presbyter ? It will , it must be so , if this argument were any thing else but an aëry and impertinent nothing . After all this yet , it cannot be showne in Scripture that any one single , and meere Presbyter is called a Bishop , but may be often found that a Bishop , nay an Apostle is called a Presbyter , as in the instances above , and therefore since this communication of Names is onely in descension , by reason of the involution , or comprehension of Presbyter within ( Episcopus ) , but never in ascension , that is , an Apostle , or a Bishop , is often called Presbyter , and Deacon , and Prophet , and Pastor , and Doctor , but never retrò , that a meere Deacon or a meere Presbyter , should be called either Bishop , or Apostle , it can never be brought either to depresse the order of Bishops below their throne , or erect meere Presbyters above their stalls in the Quire. For we may as well confound Apostle , and Deacon , and with clearer probability , then Episcopus , and Presbyter . For Apostles , and Bishops , are in Scripture often called Deacons . I gave one instance of this before , but there are very many . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was said of S. Matthias when he succeded Iudas in the Apostolate . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , said S. Paul to Timothy Bishop of Ephesus . S. Paul is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Deacon of the New Testament , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is said of the first founders of the Corinthian Church ; Deacons by whom ye beleived . Paul and Apollos were the men . It is the observation of S. Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And a Bishop was called a Deacon , wherefore writing to Timothy he saith to him being a Bishop , Fulfill thy Deaconship . * Adde to this , that there is no word , or designation of any Clericall office , but is given to Bishops , and Apostles . The Apostles are called [ Prophets ] Acts 13. The Prophets at Antioch , were Lucius and Manaën , and Paul and Barnabas ; and then they are called [ Pastors ] too ; and indeed , hoc ipso that they are Bishops , they are Pastors . Spiritus S. posuit vos Episcopos PASCERE ECCLESIAM DEI. Whereupon trhe Geeke Scholiast expounds the word [ Pastors ] to signifie Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And ever since that S. Peter set us a copie in the compellation of the Prototype calling him the Great Sheapherd , and Bishop of our soules , it hath obtayned in all antiquity , that Pastors and Bishops are coincident , and we shall very hardly meet with an instance to the contrary . * If Bishops be Pastors , then they are Doctors also , for these are conjunct , when other offices which may in person be united , yet in themselves are made disparate ; For [ God hath given some Apostles , some Prophets , some Evangelists , some PASTORS AND TEACHERS . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If Pastors , then also Doctors , and Teachers . And this is observed by S. Austin . Pastors , & Doctors whom you would have me to distinguish , I think are one and the same . For Paul doth not say ; some Pastors , some Doctors , but to Pastors he joyneth Doctors , that Pastors might understand it belongeth to their office to teach . The same also is affirmed by Sedulius upon this place . Thus it was in Scripture ; But after the Churches were setled & Bishops fix't upon their severall Sees , then the Names also were made distinct , only those names which did designe temporary offices did expire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith S. Chrysostome , Thus farre the names were common , viz. in the sense above explicated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But immediately the names were made proper and distinct , and to every order it 's owne Name is left , of a Bishop to a Bishop , of a Presbyter to a Presbyter . * This could not be suppos'd at first , for when they were to borrow words from the titles of secular honour , or offices , and to transplant them to an artificiall , and imposed sense ; USE , which is the Master of language , must rule us in this affaire , and USE is not contracted but in some processe , and descent of time . * For at first , Christendome it selfe wanted a Name , and the Disciples of the Glorious Nazarene were Christ'ned first in Antioch , for they had their baptisme some yeares before they had their Name . It had been no wonder then , if per omnia it had so happened in the compellation of all the offices and orders of the Church . BVt immediately after the Apostles , and still more in descending 〈◊〉 Episcopus signified only the Superintendent of the ●●rch , the Bishop in the present , & vulgar concept●●●ome few examples I shal give insteed of Myriads 〈◊〉 Canons of the Apostles the word ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●●shop is us'd 36 times in appropriation to him that 〈◊〉 Ordinary Ruler & president of the Church above the Clergie and the Laity , being 24 times expressely distinguish'd from Presbyter , and in the other 14 having particular care for government , jurisdiction , censures and Ordinations committed to him as I shall shew hereafter , and all this is within the verge of the first 50 which are received as Authentick , by the Councell of a Nice ; of b Antioch , 25 Canons whereof are taken out of the Canons of the Apostles : the Councell of Gangra calling them Canones Ecclesiasticos , and Apostolicas traditiones ; by the Epistle of the first Councell of Constantinople to Damasus , which Theodoret hath inserted into his story ; by the c Councell of Ephesus ; by d Tertullian ; by e Constantine the Great ; and are sometimes by way of eminency called THE CANONS , sometimes , THE ECCLESIASTICALL CANONS , sometimes , the ancient and received Canons , of our Fathers , sometimes the Apostolicall Canons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , said the Fathers of the Councell in Trullo : and Damascen puts them in order next to the Canon of Holy Scripture : so in effect does Isidore in his preface to the worke of the Councells , for he sets these Canons in front , because Sancti Patres eorum sententias authoritate Synodali roborarunt , & inter Canonicas posuerunt Constitutiones . The H. Fathers have established these Canons by the authority of Councells , and have put them amongst the Canonicall Constitutions . And great reason , for in Pope Stephens time , they were translated into Latine by one Dionysius at the intreaty of Laurentius , because then the old Latine copies were rude and barbarous . Now then this second translation of them being made in Pope Stephens time , who was contemporary with S. Irenaeus and S. Cyprian , the old copie , elder then this , and yet after the Originall to be sure , shewes them to be of prime antiquity , and they are mention'd by S. Stephen in an Epistle of his to Bishop Hilarius , where he is severe in censure of them who doe prevaricate these Canons . * But for farther satisfaction I referre the Reader to the Epistle of Gregory Holloander to the Moderators of the Citie of Norimberg . I deny not but they are called Apocryphall by Gratian , and some others , viz. in the sense of the Church , just as the wisdome of Solomon , or Ecclesiasticus , but yet by most , beleived to be written by S. Clement , from the dictate of the Apostles , and without all Question , are so farre Canonicall , as to be of undoubted Ecclesiasticall authority , and of the first Antiquity . Ignatius his testimony is next in time and in authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Bishop bears the image and representment of the Father of all . And a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. What is the Bishop , but he that hath all authority and rule ? What is the Presbytery , but a sacred Colledge , Counsellors and helpers or assessors to the Bishop ? what are Deacons &c : So that here is the reall , and exact distinction of dignity , the appropriation of Name , and intimation of office . The Bishop is above all , the Presbyters his helpers , the Deacons his Ministers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , imitators of the Angells who are Ministring Spirits . But this is of so known , so evident a truth , that it were but impertinent to insist longer upon it . Himselfe in three of his Epistles uses it nine times in distinct enumeration , viz. to the Trallians , to the Philadelphians , to the Philippians . * And now I shall insert these considerations . 1. Although it was so that Episcopus , and Presbyter were distinct in the beginning after the Apostles death , yet sometimes the names are used promiscuously , which is an evidence , that confusion of names is no intimation , much lesse an argument for the parity of offices , since themselves , who sometimes though indeed very seldome , confound the names , yet distinguish the offices frequently , and dogmatically . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he means the Presbyters of the Church of Antioch , so indeed some say , and though there be no necessity of admitting this meaning , because by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he may mean the suffragan Bishops of Syria , yet the other may be fairely admitted , for himselfe their Bishop was absent from his Church , and had delegated to the Presbytery Episcopall jurisdiction to rule the Church till hee being dead another Bishop should be chosen , so that they were Episcopi Vicarii , and by representment of the person of the Bishop and execution of the Bishops power by delegation were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and this was done least the Church should not be only without a Father , but without a Guardian too ; & yet what a Bishop was , and of what authority no man more confident and frequent then Ignatius . * Another example of this is in Eusebius , speaking of the youth whom S. Iohn had converted and commended to a Bishop . Clemens , whose story this was , proceeding in the relation saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. But the Presbyter ; unlesse by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here S. Clement means not the Order , but age of the Man , as it is like enough he did , for a little after , he calls him [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] The old man , Tum verò PRESBYTER in domum suam suscipit adolescentem . Redde depositum , O EPISCOPE , saith S. Iohn to him . Tunc graviter suspirans SENIOR &c. So S. Clement . * But this , as it is very unusuall , so it is just as in Scripture , viz. in descent and comprehension , for this Bishop also was a Presbyter , as well as Bishop , or else in the delegation of Episcopall power , for so it is in the allegation of Ignatius . 2. That this name Episcopus or Bishop was chosen to be appropriate to the supreame order of the Clergy , was done with faire reason and designe . For this is no fastuous , or pompous title , the word is of no dignity , and implies none but what is consequent to the just and faire execution of its offices . But Presbyter is a name of dignity and vene●ation , Rise up to the gray head , and it transplants the honour and Reverence of age to the office of the Presbyterate . And yet this the Bishops left , and took that which signifies a meere supra-vision , and overlooking of his charge , so that if we take estimate from the names , Presbyter is a name of dignity , and Episcopus , of office and burden . * [ He that desires the office of a Bishop , desires a good work . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Saith S. Chrysostome . Nec dicit si quis Episcopatum desiderat , bonum desiderat gradum , sedbonum ●pus desiderat , quod in majore ordine constitutus possit si velit occasionem habere exercendarum virtutum . So S. Hierome . It is not an honourable title , but a good office , and a great opportunity of the exercise of excellent vertues . But for this we need no better testimony then of S. Isidore . Episcopatus autem vocabulum inde dictum , quòd ille qui superefficitur superintendat , curam scil . gerens subditorum . But , Presbyter Grecè , latinè senior interpretatur , non pro atate , vel decrepitâ senectute , sed propter honorem & dignitatem quam acceperunt . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith ; Iulius Pollux . 3. Supposing that Episcopus and Presbyter had been often confounded in Scripture , and Antiquity , and that , both in ascension and descension , yet as Priests may be called Angells , and yet the Bishop be THE ANGEL of the Church , [ THE ANGEL , ] for his excellency , [ OF THE CHURCH , ] for his appropriate preheminence , and singularity , so though Presbyters had been called Bishops in Scripture ( of which there is not one example but in the senses above explicated , to wit , in conjunction and comprehension ; ) yet the Bishop is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of eminence , THE BISHOP : and in descent of time , it came to passe , that the compellation , which was alwaies his , by way of eminence was made his by appropriation . And a faire precedent of it wee have from the compellation given to our blessed Saviour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The great sheapheard , and Bishop of our soules . The name [ Bishop ] was made sacred by being the appellative of his person , and by faire intimation it does more immediatly descend upon them , who had from Christ more immediate mission , and more ample power , and therefore [ Episcopus ] and [ Pastor ] by way of eminence are the most fit appellatives for them who in the Church have the greatest power , office and dignity , as participating of the fulnesse of that power and authority for which Christ was called the Bishop of our soules . * And besides this so faire a Copy ; besides the useing of the word in the prophecy of the Apostolate of Matthias , and in the prophet Isaiah , and often in Scripture , as I have showne before ; any one whereof is abundantly enough , for the fixing an appellative upon a Church officer ; this name may also be intimated as a distinctive compellation of a Bishop over a Priest , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is indeed often used for the office of Bishops , as in the instances above , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used for the office of the inferiours , for S. Paul writing to the Romans , who then had no Bishop fixed in the chaire of Rome , does command them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this for the Bishop , that for the subordinate Clergy . So then , the word [ Episcopus ] is fixt at first , and that by derivation , and example of Scripture , and faire congruity of reason . BVt the Church used other appellatives for Bishops , which it is very requisite to specifie , that we may understand diverse authorities of the Fathers useing those words in appropriation to Bishops , which of late have bin given to Presbyters , ever since they have begun to set Presbyters in the roome of Bishops . And first , Bishops were called [ Pastors ] in antiquity , in imitation of their being called so in Scripture . Eusebius writing the story of S. Ignatius , Denique cùm Smyrnam venisset , ubi Polycarpus erat , scribit inde unam epistolam ad Ephesios , eorumque Pastorem , that is , Onesimus , for so followes , in quâ meminit Onesimi . Now that Onesimus was their Bishop , himselfe witnesses in the Epistle here mentioned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Onesimus was their Bishop , and therefore their Pastor , and in his Epistle ad Antiochenos himselfe makes mention of Evodius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 your most Blessed and worthy PASTOR . * When Paulus Samosatenus first broached his heresie against the divinity of our blessed Saviour , presently a Councell was called where S. Denis Bishop of Alexandria could not be present , Caeteri verò Ecclesiarum PASTORES diversis è locis & urbibus .... convenerunt Antiochiam . In quibus insignes & caeteris praecellentes erant Firmilianus à Caesareâ Cappadociae , Gregorius , & Athenodorus Fratres .... & Helenus Sardensis Ecclesiae Episcopus .... Sed & Maximus Bostrensis Episcopus dignus eorum consortio cohaerehat . These Bishops , Firmilianus , and Helenus , and Maximus were the PASTORS ; and not only so , but Presbyters were not called PASTORS , for he proceedes , sed & Prebyteri quamplurimi , & Diaconi ad supradictam Vrbem .... convenerunt . So that these were not under the generall appellative of Pastors . * And the Councell of Sardis making provision for the manner of election of a Bishop to a Widdow-Church , when the people is urgent for the speedy institution of a Bishop , if any of the Comprovincialls be wanting he must be certifi'd by the Primate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the multitude require a Pastor to be given vnto them . * The same expression is also in the Epistle of Iulius Bishop of Rome to the Presbyters , Deacons , and People of Alexandria in behalfe of their Bishop Athanasius , Suscipite itaque Fratres charissimi cum omni divinâ gratiâ PASTOREM VESTRUM AC PRAESULEM tanquam verè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And a litle after , & gaudere fruentes orationibus qui PASTOREM VESTRUM esuritis & sititis &c : The same is often us'd in S. Hilary and S. Gregory Nazianzen , where Bishops are called PASTORES MAGNI , Great sheapheards , or PASTORS ; * When Eusebius the Bishop of Samosata was banished , Vniversi lachrymis prosequuti sunt ereptionem PASTORIS sui , saith Theodoret , they wept for the losse of their PASTOR . And Eulogius a Presbyter of Edessa when he was arguing with the Prefect in behalfe of Christianity , & PASTOREM ( inquit ) habemus , & nutus illius sequimur , we have a PASTOR ( a Bishop certainely , for himselfe was a Priest ) and his commands we follow . But , I need not specifie any more particular instances ; I touch'd upon it before . * He that shall consider , that to Bishops the regiment of the whole Church was concredited at the first , and the Presbyters were but his assistants in Cities and Villages , and were admitted in partem sollicitudinis , first casually and cursorily , & then by station and fixt residency when Parishes were divided , and endowed , will easily see , that this word [ Pastor ] must needes be appropriated to Bishops to whom according to the conjunctive expression of S. Peter , and the practise of infant Christendome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was intrusted , first solely , then in communication with others , but alwaies principally . * But now of late , especially in those places where Bishops are exauctorated , and no where else , that I know , but amongst those men that have complying designes , the word [ Pastor ] is given to Parish Priests against the manner and usage of Ancient Christendome ; and though Priests may be called Pastors in a limited , subordinate sense , and by way of participation ( just as they may be called Angels , when the Bishop is the Angell , and so Pastors when the Bishop is the Pastor , and so they are called Pastores ovium in S. Cyprian ) but never are they called Pastores simply , or Pastores Ecclesiae for above 600 yeares in the Church , and I think 800 more . And therefore it was good counsell which S. Paul gave , to avoid vocum Novitates , because there is never any affectation of New words contrary to the Ancient voice of Christendome , but there is some designe in the thing too , to make an innovation : and of this we have had long warning , in the New use of the word [ Pastor ] . IF Bishops were the Pastors , then Doctors also ; it was the observation which S. Austin made out of Ephes. 4. as I quoted him even now , [ For God hath given some Apostles , some Prophets .... some Pastors and Doctors ] . So the Church hath learn'd to speak . In the Greeks Councell of Carthage it was decreed , that places which never had a Bishop of their owne should not now have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a DOCTOR of their owne , that is a Bishop , but still be subject to the Bishop of the Diocesse to whom formerly they gave obedience ; and the title of the chapter is , that the parts of the Diocesse without the Bishops consent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must not have another Bishop . He who in the title is called Bishop , in the chapter is called the DOCTOR . And thus also , Epiphanius speaking of Bishops calleth them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fathers and DOCTORS , Gratia enim Ecclesiae laus DOCTORIS est , saith S. Ambrose , speaking of the eminence of the Bishop , over the Presbyters and subordinate Clergy . The same also is to be seen in S. * Austin , Sedulius , and diverse others . I deny not but it is in this appellative , as in diverse of the rest , that the Presbyters may in subordination be also called DOCTORS , for every Presbyter must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apt to teach ( but yet this is expressed as a requisite in the particular office of a Bishop ) and no where expressely of a Presbyter that I can find in Scripture , but yet because in all Churches , it was by license of the Bishop , that Presbyters did Preach , if at all , and in some Churches the Bishop only did it , particularly of Alexandria ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Sozomen ) therefore it was that the Presbyter , in the language of the Church was not , but the Bishop , was often called , DOCTOR of the Church . THe next word which the Primitive Church did use as proper to expresse the offices and eminence of Bishops , is PONTIFEX , and PONTIFICATUS for Episcopacy . Sed à Domino edocti consequentiam rerum , Episcopis PONTIFICATUS munera assignavimus , said the Apostles , as 1 S. Clement reports . PONTIFICALE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Iohn the Apostle wore in his forehead , as an Ensigne of his Apostleship , a gold plate or medall , when he was IN PONTIFICALIBUS , in his pontificall or Apostolicall habit , saith Eusebius . 2 * De dispensationibus Ecclesiarum Antiqua sanctio tenuit & definitio SS . Patrum in Nicaeâ convenientium .... & si PONTIFICES voluerint , ut cum cis vicini propter utilitatem celebrent ordinationes . Said the Fathers of the Councell of Constantinople . 3 * Quâ tempestate in urbe Româ Clemens quoque tertius post Paulum & Petrum , PONTIFICATUM tenebat , saith 4 Eusebius according to the translation of Ruffinus . * Apud Antiochiam verò Theophilus per idem tempus sextus ab Apostolis Ecclesiae PONTIFICATUM tenebat , saith the same Eusebius . 5 * And there is a famous story of Alexander Bishop of Cappadocia , that when Narcissus Bishop of Ierusalem , was invalid and unfit for government by reason of his extreame age , he was designed by a particular Revelation and a voice from Heaven , Suscipite Episcopum qui vobis à Deo destinatus est ; Receive your Bishop whom God hath appointed for you , but it was when Narcissus jam senio fessus PONTIFICATUS Ministerio sufficere non posset , saith the story . 6 * Eulogius the confessor discoursing with the Prefect , that wish'd him to comply with the Emperour , ask'd him ; Numquid ille unà cum Imperio etiam PONTIFICATUM est consequutus ? He hath an Empire , but hath he also a Bishoprick ? PONTIFICATUS is the word . * But 7 S. Dionysius is very exact in the distinction of clericall offices , and particularly gives this account of the present . Est igitur PONTIFICATUS ordo qui praeditus vi perficiente munera hierarchiae quae perficiunt &c. And a little after , Sacerdotum autem ordo subjectus PONTIFICUM ordini &c. To which agrees 8 S. Isidore in his etymologies , Ideo autem & Presbyteri Sacerdotes vocantur , quia sacrum dant sicut & Episcopi , qui licet Sacerdotes sint , tamen PONTIFICATUS apicem non habent , quia nec Chrismate frontem signant , nec Paracletum spiritum dant , quod solis deberi Episcopis lectio actuum Apostolicorum demonstrat ; and in the same chapter , PONTIFEX Princeps Sacerdotumest . One word more there is often used in antiquity for Bishops , and that 's SACERDOS . Sacerdotum autem ●ipartitu● est ordo , say S. Clement and Anacletus , for they are Majores and Minores . The Majores , Bishops , the Min●res , Presbyters , for so it is in the Apostolicall Constitutions attributed to a S. Clement , Episcopis quidem assignavimus , & attribuimus quae ad PRINCIPATUM SACERDOTII pertinent , Presbyteris verò quae ad Sacerdotium . And in b S. Cyprian , Presbyteri cum Episcopis Sacerdotali honore conjuncti . But although in such distinction and subordination & in concretion a Presbyter is sometimes called Sacerdos , yet in Antiquity Sacerdotium Ecclesiae does evermore signify Episcopacy , and Sacerdos Ecclesiae the Bishop . Theotecnus SACERDOTIUM Ecclesiae tenens in Episcopatu , saith c Eusebius , and summus Sacerdos , the Bishop alwaies , Dandi baptismum jus habet summus SACERDOS , qui est Episcopus , saith d Tertullian : and indeed Sacerdos alone is very seldome used in any respect but for the Bishop , unlesse when there is some distinctive terme , and of higher report given to the Bishop at the same time . Ecclesia est plebs SACERDOTI adunata , & Grex pastori suo adhaerens , saith S. e Cyprian . And that we may know by [ Sacerdos ] he means the Bishop , his next words are , Vnde scire debes Episcopum in Ecclesiâ esse , & Ecclesiam in Episcopo . And in the same Epistle , qui ad Cyprianum Episcopum in carcere literas direxerunt , SAC●RDOTEM Dei agnoscentes , & contestantes . * f Eusebius reckoning some of the chief Bishops assembled in the Councell of Antioch , In quihus erant Helenus Sardensis Ecclesiae Episcopus , & Nicomas ab Iconio , & Hierosolymorum PRAECIPUUS SACERDOS Hymenaeus , & vicinae huic urbis Caesareae Theotecnus ; and in the same place the Bishops of Pontus are called Ponti provinciae SACERDOTES . Abilius apud Alexandriam tredecem annis SACERDOTIO , ministrato diem obiit , for so long he was Bishop , cui succedit Cerdon tertius in SACERDOTIUM . Et Papias similiter apud Hierapolim SACERDOTIUM gerens , for he was Bishops of Hierapolis saith g Eusebius , and the h Bishops of the Province of Arles , speaking of their first Bishop Trophimus , ordained Bishop by S. Peter , say , quod prima inter Gallias Arelatensis civitas missum à Beatissimo Petro Apostolo sanctum Trophimum habere meruit SACERDOTEM . *** The Bishop also was ever design'd when ANTISTES Ecclesiae was the word . Melito quoque Sardensis Ecclesiae ANTISTES , saith Eusebius out of Irenaeus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the name in Greeke , and used for the Bishop by Iustin Martyr ( and is of the same authority and use with PRAELATUS and praepositus Ecclesiae . ) ANTISTES autem SACERDOS dictus , ab eo quod antestat . Primus est enim in ordine Ecclesiae ; & suprase nullum habet , saith S. Isidore . *** But in those things which are of no Question , I need not insist . One title more I must specify to prevent misprision upon a mistake of theirs of a place in S. Ambrose . The Bishop is sometimes called PRIMUS PRESBYTER . Nam & Timotheum Episcopum à secreatum Presbyterum vocat : quia PRIMI PRESBYTERI Episcopi appellabantur , ut recedente eo sequens ei succederet . Elections were made of Bishops out of the Colledge of Presbyters ( Presbyteri unum ex se electum Episcopum nominabant , saith S. Hierome ) but at first this election was made not according to merit , but according to seniority , and therefore Bishops were called PRIMI PRESBYTERI , that 's S. Ambrose his sense . But S. Austin gives another , PRIMI PRESBYTERI , that is chiefe above the Presbyters . Quid est Episcopus nisi PRIMUS PRESBYTER , h.e. summus Sacerdos ( saith he ) And S. Ambrose himselfe gives a better exposition of his words , then is intimated in that clause before , Episcopi , & Presbyteri una ordinatio est ? Vterque enim Sacer dos est , sed Episcopus PRIMUS est , ut omnis Episcopus Presbyter sit , non omnis Presbyter Episcopus . Hic enim Episcopus est , qui inter Presbyteros PRIMUS est . The bishop is PRIMUS PRESBYTER , that is , PRIMUS SAC●RDOS , h. e. PRINCEPS EST SACERDOTUM , so he expounds it , not Princeps , or Primus INTER PRESBYTEROS , himselfe remaining a meere Presbyter , but PRINCEPS PRESBYTERORUM ; for PRIMUS PRESBYTER could not be Episcopus in another sense , he is the chiefe , not the senior of the Presbyters . Nay Princeps Presbyterorum is used in a sense lower then Episcopus , for Theodoret speaking of S. Iohn Chrysostome , saith , that having been the first Presbyter at Antioch , yet refused to be made Bishop , for a long time . Iohannes enim qui diutissimè Princeps fuit Presbyterorum Antiochiae , ac saepe electus praesul perpetuus vitator dignitatis illius de hoc admirabili solo pullulavit . *** The Church also in her first language when she spake of Praepositus Ecclesiae , meant the Bishop of the Diocesse . Of this there are innumerable examples , but most plentifully in S. Cyprian in his 3 , 4 , 7 , 11 , 13 , 15 , 23 , 27 Epistles ; and in Tertullian his book ad Martyres ; and infinite places more . Of which this advantage is to be made , that the Primitive Church did generally understand those places of Scripture which speak of Prelates , or Praepositi , to be meant of Bishops ; Obedite praepositis , Heb. 13. saith S. Paul , Obey your Prelates , or them that are set over you . Praepositi autem Pastores sunt , saith S. Austin , Prelates are they that are Pastors . But S. Cyprian summes up many of them together , and insinuates the severall relations , expressed in the severall compellations of Bishops . For writing against Florentius Pupianus , ac nisi ( saith he ) apud te purgati fuerimus .... ecce jam sex annis nec fraternitas habuerit Episcopum , nec plebs praepositum , nec grex Pastorem , nec Ecclesia gubernatorem , nec Christus antistitem , nec Deus Sacerdotes ; and all this he means of himselfe , who had then been sixe years Bishop of Carthage , a Prelate of the people , a governour to the Church , a Pastor to the flock , a Priest of the most high God , a Minister of Christ. The summe is this ; When we find in antiquity any thing asserted of any order of the hierarchy , under the names of Episcopus , or Princeps Sacerdotum , or Presbyterorum primus , or Pastor , or Doctor , or Pontifex , or Major , or Primus Sacerdos , or Sacerdotium Ecclesiae habens , or Antistes Ecclesiae , or Ecclesiae sacerdos ; ( unlesse there be a specification , and limiting of it to a parochiall , and inferior Minister ) it must be understood of Bishops in its present acceptation . For these words are all by way of eminency , and most of them by absolute appropriation , and singularity the appellations , and distinctive names of Bishops . BUT , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith the Philosopher ) and this their distinction of Names did amongst the Fathers of the Primitive Church denote a distinction of calling , and office , supereminent to the rest . For first Bishops are by all Antiquity reckoned as a distinct office of Clergy . Si quis Presbyter , aut Diaconus , aut quilibet de Numero Clericorum .... pergat ad alienam parochiam praeter Episcopi sui conscientiam , &c. So it is in the fifteenth Canon of the Apostles , and so it is there plainly distinguished as an office different from Presbyter , and Deacon , above thirty times in those Canons , and distinct powers given to the Bishop , which are not given to the other , and to the Bishop above the other . * The Councell of Ancyra inflicting censures upon Presbyters first , then Deacons which had faln in time of persecution , gives leave to the Bishop to mitigate the paines as he sees cause . Sed si ex Episcopis aliqui in iis vel afflictionem aliquam .... viderint , in eorum potestate id esse . The Canon would not suppose any Bishops to fall , for indeed they seldome did , but for the rest , provision was made both for their penances , and indulgence at the discretion of the Bishop . And yet sometimes they did fall , Optatus bewailes it , but withall gives evidence of their distinction of order . Quid commemorem Laicos qui tunc in Ecclesiâ nullâ fuerant dignitate suffulti ? Quid Ministros plurimos , quid Diaconos in tertio , quid Presbyteros in secundo Sacerdotio constitutos ? Ipsi apices , & Principes omnium aliqui Episcopi aliqua instrumenta Divinae Legis impiè tradiderunt . The Laity , the Ministers , the Deacons , the Presbyters , nay the Bishops themselves , the Princes and chiefe of all prov'd traditors . The diversity of order is here fairely intimated , but dogmatically affirmed by him in his 2 d book adv . Parmen . Quatuor genera capitum sunt in Ecclesiâ , Episcoporum , Presbyterorum , Diaconorum , & fidelium . There are foure sorts of heads in the Church , Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , and the faithfull Laity . And it was remarkable that when the people of Hippo had as it were by violence carried S. Austin to be made Priest by their Bishop Valerius , some seeing the good man weep in consideration of the great hazard and difficulty accruing to him in his ordination to such an office , thought he had wept because he was not Bishop , they pretending comfort told him , quia locus Presbyterii licet ipse majore dignus esset appropinquaret tamen Episcopatui . The office of a Presbyter though indeed he deserv'd a greater , yet was the next step in order to a Bishoprick . So Possidonius tells the story . It was the next step , the next in descent , in subordination , the next under it . So the Councell of Chalcedon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is sacriledge to bring downe a Bishop to the degree and order of a Presbyter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so the Councell permits in case of great delinquency , to suspend him from the execution of his Episcopall order , but still the character remaines , and the degree of it selfe is higher . * Nos autem idcirco haec scribimus ( Fratres chariss . ) quia novimus quàm Sacrosanctum debeat esse Episcopale Sacerdotium , quod & clero , & plebi debet esse exemplo , said the Fathers of the Councell of Antioch , in Eusebius , The office of a Bishop is sacred , and exemplary both to the Clergy , and the People . Interdixit per omnia , Magna Synodus , non Episcopo , non Presbytero , non Diacono licere , &c. And it was a remarkable story that Arius troubled the Church for missing of a Prelation to the order and dignity of a Bishop . Post Achillam enim Alexander .... ordinatur Episcopus . Hoc autem tempore Arius in ordine Presbyterorum fuit , Alexander was ordain'd a Bishop , and Arius still left in the order of meer Presbyters . * Of the same exigence are all those clauses of commemoration of a Bishop and Presbyters of the same Church . Iulius autem Romanus Episcopus propter senectutem defuit , erantque pro●o praesentes Vitus , & Vincentius Presbyteri ejusdem Ecclesiae . They were his Vicars , and deputies for their Bishop in the Nicene Councell , faith Sozomen . But most pertinent is that of the Indian persecution related by the same man. Many of them were put to death . Erant autem horum alii quidem Episcòpi , alii Presbyteri , alii diversorum ordinum Clerici . * And this difference of Order is cleare in the Epistle of the Bishops of Illyri●um to the Bishops of the Levant , De Episcopis autem constituendis , vel comministris jam constitutis si permanserint usque ad finem sani , bene .... Similitèr Presbyteros atque Diaconos in Sacerdotali ordine definivimus , &c. And of Sabbatius it is said , Nolens in suo ordine Manere Presbyteratus , desiderabat Episcopatum ; he would not stay in the order of a Presbyter , but desir'd a Bishoprick . Ordo Episcoporum quadripartitus est , in Patriarchis , Archiepiscopis , Metropolitanis , & Episcopis , saith S. Isidore ; Omnes autem superiùs disignati ordines uno eodemque vocabulo Episcopi Nominantur . But it were infinite to reckon authorities , and clauses of exclusion for the three orders of Bishops , Priests , and Deacons ; we cannot almost dip in any tome of the Councells but we shall find it recorded : And all the Martyr Bishops of Rome did ever acknowledge , and publish it , that Episcopacy is a peculiar office , and order in the Church of God ; as is to be seen in their decretall Epistles , in the first tome of the Councells . * I onely summe this up with the attestation of the Church of England , in the preface to the book of ordination . It is evident to all men diligently reading holy Scripture and Ancient Authors , that from the Apostles times , there have been these ORDERS of Ministers in Christs Church , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons . The same thing exactly that was said in the second Councell of Carthage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But wee shall see it better , and by more reall probation , for that Bishops were a distinct order appears by this ; 1. THe Presbyterate was but a step to Episcopacy , as Deaconship to the Presbyterate , and therefore the Councell of Sardis decreed , that no man should be ordain'd Bishop , but he that was first a Reader , and a Deacon , and a Presbyter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That by every degree he may passe to the sublimity of Episcopacy . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. But the degree of every order must have the permanence and triall of no small time . Here there is clearely a distinction of orders , and ordinations , and assumptions to them respectively , all of the same distance and consideration ; And Theodoret out of the Synodicall Epistle of the same Councell , saies that they complain'd that some from Arrianisme were reconciled , and promoted from Deacons to be Presbyters , from Presbyters to be Bishops , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a greater degree , or Order : And S. Gregory Nazianz. in his Encomium of S. Athanasius , speaking of his Canonicall Ordination , and election to a Bishoprick , saies that he was chosen being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most worthy , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , coming through all the infertor Orders . The same commendation S. Cyprian gives of Cornelius . Non iste ad Episcopatum subito pervenit , sed per omnia Ecclesiastica officia promotus , & in divinis administrationibus Dominum sepè promeritus ad Sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunct is religionis gradibus ascendit .... & fact us est Episcopus à plurimis Collegiis nostris qui tunc in Vrbe Româ aderant , qui ad nos literas .... de ejus ordinatione miserunt . Here is evident , not only a promotion , but a new Ordination of S. Cornelius to be Bishop of Rome ; so that now the chaire is full ( saith S. Cyprian ) & quisquis jam Episcopus fieri voluerit foris fiat necesse est , nec habeat Ecclesiasticam ordinationem &c. No man else can receive ordination to the Bishoprick . 2. THe ordination of a Bishop to his chaire was done de Novo after his being a Presbyter , and not only so , but in another manner then he had when he was made Priest. This is evident in the first Ecclesiasticall Canon that was made after Scripture . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Priest and Deacon must be ordain'd of one Bishop , but a Bishop must be ordain'd by two or three at least . And that we may see it yet more to be Apostolicall , S. Anacletus in his second Epistle reports , Hierosolymitarum primus Episcopus B. Iacobus à Petro , Iacobo , & Iohanne Apostolis est ordinatus . Three Apostles went to the ordaining of S. Iames to be a Bishop , and the selfe same thing is in words affirmed by Anicetus ; ut in ore duorum , veltrium stet omnis veritas ; And S. Cyprian observes that when Cornelius was made Bishop of Rome , there hapned to be many of his fellow Bishops there , & factus est Episcopus à plurimis collegis nostris qui tunc in urbe Româ aderant . These Collegae could not be meer Priests , for then the ordination of Novatus had been more Canonicall , then that of Cornelius , and all Christendome had been deceived , for not Novatus who was ordain'd by three Bishops , but Cornelius had been the Schismatick , as being ordain'd by Priests , against the Canon . But here I observe it for the word [ plurimis , ] there were many of them ordination . * In pursuance of this Apostolicall ordinance , Nicene Fathers decreed that a Bishop should be ordayn'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by all the Bishops in the Province , unlesse it be in case of necessity , and then it must be done by three being gathered together , and the rest consenting ; so the ordination to be performed . * The same is ratified in the Councell of Antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Bishop is not to be ordain'd without a Synod of Bishops , and the presence of the Metropolitan of the province . But if this cannot be done conviniently , yet however it is required 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ordinations must be performed by many . The same was decreed in the Councell of Laodicea , can : 12. in the 13. Canon of the African Code , in the 22 th Canon of the first Councell of Arles , and the fifth Canon of the second Councell of Arles , and was ever the practise of the Church ; and so we may see it descend through the bowells of the fourth Councell of Carthage to the inferiour ages . Episcopus qunm ordinatur , duo Episcopi ponant , & ten●ant Evangeliorum codicem super caput , & cervicem ejus , & uno super eum fundente benediction●m , reliqui 〈◊〉 Episcopi qui adsunt manibus suis caput ejus tangant . The thing was Catholike , and Canonicall . It was prima , & immutabilis constitutio , so the first Canon of the Councel of * Epaunū cals it ; And therefore after the death of Meletius Bishop of Antioch , a schisme was made about his successor , & Evagrius his ordination condemn'd ; because , praeter Ecclesiastica● regulam fuerit ordinatus , it was against the rule of Holy Church . Why so ? Solus enim Paulinus eum instituerat plurimas regulas praevaricatus Ecclesiasticas . Non enim praecipiunt ut per se quilibet ordinare possit , sed convocare Vniversos provinciae Sacerdotes , & praeter tres Pontifices ordinationem pènitùs fieri , interdicunt . Which because it was not observ'd in the ordination of Evagrius who was not ordayn'd by three Bishops , the ordination was cassated in the Councell of Rhegium . And we read that when Novatus would faine be made a Bishop in the schisme against Cornelius , he did it tribus adhibitis Episcopis ( saith Eusebius , ) he obtain'd three Bishops , for performance of the action . Now besides these Apostolicall , and Catholike Canons , and precedents , this thing according to the constant , and Vnited interpretation of the Greeke Fathers was actually done in the ordination of S. Timothy to the Bishoprick of Ephesus . [ Neglect not the grace that is in thee by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . ] The Latine Fathers expound it abstractly , viz. to signifie the office of Priest-hood , that is , neglect not the grace of Priest-hood that is in thee by the imposition of hands , and this Erasmus helpes by making [ Presbyterij ] to pertaine to [ Gratiam ] by a new inter-punction of the words ; but however , Presbyterij with the Latine Fathers signifies Presbyteratûs , not Presbyterorum , and this Presbyteratus is in their sense used for Episcopatus too . But the Greeke Fathers understand it collectively , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not simply such , but Bishops too , all agree in that , that Episcopacy is either meant in office , or in person . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Oecumenius ; and S. Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Theophilact , So Theodoret. The probation of this lies upon right reason , an̄d Catholicke tradition ; For , 3. THE Bishops ordination was peculia● in this respect above the Presbyters , for a Presbyter did never impose hands on a Bishop . On a Presbyter they did ever since the fourth Councell of Carthage ; but never on a Bishop . And that was the reason of the former exposition . By the Presbytery S. Paul meanes Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Presbyters did not impose hands on a Bishop , and therefore Presbyterium is not a Colledge of meere Presbyters , for such could never ordaine S. Timothy to be a Bishop . The same reason is given by the Latine Fathers why they expound Presbyterium to signifie Episcopacy . For ( saith S. Ambrose ) S. Paul had ordain'd Timothy to be a Bishop , Vnde & quemadmodum Episcopum ordinet ostendit . Neque enim fas erat , aut licebat , ut inferior ordinaret Majorem . So he ; and subjoynes this reason , Nemo n. tribuit quodnon accepit . The same is affirmed by S. Chrysostome , and generally by the authors of the former expositions , that is , the Fathers both of the East , and West . For it was so Generall and Catholike a truth , that Priests could not , might not lay hands on a Bishop , that there was never any example of it in Christendome till almost 600 yeares after Christ , and that but once , and that irregular , and that without imitation in his Successors , or example in his Antecessors . It was the case of Pope Pelagius the first , & dum non essent Episcopi , qui eum ordinarent , inventi sunt duo Episcopi , Iohannes de Perusio , & Bonus de Ferentino , & Andraeas Presbyter de Ostiâ , & ordinaverunt eum Pontificem . Tunc enim non ●rant in Clero qui eum possent promovere . Saith Damasus . It was in case of necessity , because there were not three Bishops , therefore he procur'd two , and a Priest of Ostia to supply the place of the third , that three , according to the direction Apostolicall , and Canons of Nice , Antioch , and Carthage , make Episcopall ordination . * The Church of Rome is concern'd in the businesse to make faire this ordination , and to reconcile it to the Councell of Rhegium , and the others before mentined , who if ask't would declare it to be invalid . * But certainly as the Canons did command three to impose hands on a Bishop , so also they commanded that those three , should be three Bishops , and Pelagius might as well not have had three , as not three Bishops ; and better , because , so they were Bishops the first Canon of the Apostles , approves the ordination if done by two , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And the Nicene Canon is as much exact , in requirng the capacity of the person , as the Number of the Ordainers . But let them answer it . For my part , I beleive that the imposition of hands by Andreas , was no more in that case then if a lay man had done it ; it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and though the ordination was absolutely Un canonicall , yet it being in the exigence of Necessity , and being done by two Bishops according to the Apostolicall Canon , it was valid in naturâ rei , though not in formâ Canonis , and the addition of the Priest was but to cheate the Canon , and cozen himselfe into an impertinent beleife of a Canonicall ordination . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Councell of Sardis . Bishops must ordaine Bishops ; It was never heard that Priests did , or de jure might . These premises doe most certainely inferre a reall difference , between Episcopacy , and the Presbytera●e . But whether or no they inferre a difference of order , or onely of degree ; or whether degree , and order be all one , or no , is of great consideration in the present , and in relation to many other Questions . 1. Then it is evident , that in all Antiquity , Ordo , and Gradus were us'd promiscuously . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] was the Greeke word , and for it the Latins us'd [ Ordo ] as is evident in the instances above mention'd , to which , adde , that Anacletus sayes , that Christ did instituere duos Ordines , Episcop●rum , & Sacerdotum . And S. Leo affirmes ; Primum ordinem esse Episcopalem , secundum Presbyteralem , tertium Leviticum ; And these among the Greekes are call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , three degrees . So the order of Deaconship in S. Paul is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good degree ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c : is a censu●e us'd alike in the censures of Bishops , Priests , and Deacons . They are all of the same Name , and the same consideration , for order , distance , and degree , amongst the Fathers ; Gradus , and ordo are equally affirm'd of them all ; and the word gradus is us'd sometimes for that which is called Ordo most frequently . So Felix writing to S. Austin , Non tantùm ego possum contrà tuam vìrtutem , quià mira virtus est GRADUS EPISCOPALIS ; and S. Cyprian of Cornelius , ad Sacerdotij sublime sastigium cunctis religionis GRADIBUS ascendit . Degree , and Order , are us'd in common , for he that speaks most properly will call that an Order in persons , which corresponds to a degree in qualities , and neither of the words are wrong'd by a mutuall substitution . 2. The promotion of a Bishop ad Munus Episcopale , was at first call'd ordinatio Episcopi . Stirre vp the Grace that is in the , juxta ORDINATIONEM tuam in Episcopatum , saith Sedulius ; And S. Hierome ; Prophetiae grat●am habebat cum ORDINATIONE Episcopatûs . * Neque enim fas erat aut licebat at inferior ORDINARET majorem , saith S. Ambrose , proving that Presbyters might not impose hands on a Bishop . * Romanorum Ecclesia Clementem à Petro ORDINATUM edit , saith Tertullian ; and S. Hierome affirmes that S. Iames was ORDAIND Bishop of Ierusalem immediately after the Passion of our Lord. [ Ordinatus ] was the word at first , and afterwards [ CONSECRATUS ] came in conjunction with it , When Moses the Monke was to be ordain'd , to wit , a Bishop , for that 's the title of the story in Theodoret , and spyed that Lucius was there ready to impose hands on him , absit ( saies he ) vt manus tua me CONSECRET . 3. In all orders , there is the impresse of a distinct Character ; that is , the person is qualified with a new capacity to doe certaine offices , which before his ordination he had no power to doe . A Deacon hath an order or power — Quo pocula vitae Misceat , & latices , cum Sanguine porrigat agni , as Arator himselfe a Deacon expresses it . A Presbyter hath an higher order , or degree in the office or ministery of the Church , whereby he is enabled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Councell of Ancyra does intimate . But a Bishop hath a higher yet ; for besides all the offices communicated to Priests , and Deacons ; he can give orders , which very one thing makes Episcopacy to be a distinct order . For , Ordo , is defin'd by the Schooles to be , traditio potestatis spiritualis , & collatio gratiae , ad obeunda Ministeria Ecclesiastica ; a giving a spirituall power , and a conferring grace for the performance of Ecclesiasticall Ministrations . Since then Episcopacy hath a new ordination , and a distinct power ( as I shall shew in the descent ) it must needs be a distinct order , both according to the Name given it by antiquity , and according to the nature of the thing in the de●●nitions of the Schoole . There is nothing said against this but a fancy of some of the Church of Rome , obtruded indeed upon no grounds ; for they would define order to be a speciall power in relation to the Holy Sacrament , which they call corpus Christi naturale ; and Episcopacy indeed to be a distinct power in relation ad corpus Christi Mysticum , or the regiment of the Church , and ordayning labourers for the harvest , and therefore not to be a distinct order . But this to them that consider things sadly , is true or false according as any man list . For if these men are resolved they will call nothing an order but what is a power in order to consecration of the Eucharist , who can help it ? Then indeed , in that sense , Episcopacy is not a distinct order , that is , a Bishop hath no new power in the consecration of the Venerable Eucharist , more then a Presbyter hath . But then why these men should only call this power [ an order ] no man can give a reason . For , 1. in Antiquity the distinct power of a Bishop was ever called an Order , and I think , before Hugo de S. Victore , and the Master of the Sentences , no man ever deni'd it to be an order . 2. According to this rate , I would faine know how the office of a Sub-deacon , and of an Ostiary , and of an Acolouthite , and of a Reader , come to be distinct Orders ; for surely the Bishop hath as much power in order to consecration de Novo , as they have de integr● . And if I mistake not ; that the Bishop hath a new power to ordaine Presbyters who shall have a power of consecrating the Eucharist , is more a new power in order to consecration , then all those inferiour officers put together have in all , and yet they call them Orders , and therefore why not Episcopacy also , I cannot imagine , unlesse because they will not . *** But however in the meane time , the denying the office and degree of Episcopacy to be a new and a distinct order is an Innovation of the production of some in the Church of Rome , without all reason , and against all antiquity . This onely by the way . The Enemies of Episcopacy call in aide from all places for support of their ruinous cause , and therefore take their maine hopes from the Church of Rom● by advantage of the former discourse . For since ( say they ) that consecration of the Sacrament is the Greatest worke , of the most seeret mystery , greatest power , and highest dignity that is competent to man , and this a Presbyter hath as well as a Bishop , is it likely that a Bishop should by Divine institution be so much Superiour to a Presbyter , who by the confession of all sides communicates with a Bishop in that which is his highest power ? And shall issues of a lesser dignity distinguish the Orders , and make a Bishop higher to a Presbyter , and not rather the Greater raise up a Presbyter to the Counter poise of a Bishop ? Upon this surmise the men of the Church of Rome , would inferre an identity of order , though a disparity of degree , but the Men of the other world would inferre a parity both of order and degree too . The first are already answered in the premises . The second must now be serv'd . 1. Then , whether power be greater , of Ordaining Priests , or Consecrating the Sacrament is an impertinent Question ; possibly , it may be of some danger ; because in comparing Gods ordinances , there must certainely be a depression of one , and whether that lights upon the right side or no , yet peradventure it will not stand with the consequence of our gratitude to God , to doe that , which in Gods estimate , may tant ' amount to a direct Vndervaluing ; but however it is vnprofitable , of no use in case of conscience either in order to faith , or manners , and besides , cannot fixe it selfe upon any basis , there being no way of proving either to be more excellent then the other . 2. The Sacraments , and mysteries of Christianity if compared among themselves , are greater , and lesser in severall respects . For since they are all in order to severall ends , that is , productive of severall effects , and they all are excellent , every rite , and sacrament in respect of its own effect , is more excellent then the other not ordain'd to that effect . For example . Matrimony is ordain'd for a means to preserve chastity , and to represent the mysticall union of Christ and his Church , and therefore in these respects is greater then baptisme , which does neither . But * baptisme is for remission of sinnes and in that is more excellent then Matrimony ; the same may be said for ordination , and consecration , the one being in order to Christs naturall body ( as the Schooles speak ) the other in order to his mysticall body , and so have their severall excellencies respectively ; but for an absolute preheminence of one above the other , I said there was no basis to fixe that upon , and I believe all men will find it so that please to try . But in a relative , or respective excellency , they goe both before , and after one another . Thus Wooll , and a Iewell , are better then each other ; for wooll is better for warmth , and a jewell for ornament . A frogge hath more sense in it , then the Sunne ; and yet the Sunne shines brighter . 3. Suppose consecration of the Eucharist were greater then ordaining Priests , yet that cannot hinder , but that the power of ordaining may make a higher and distinct order , because the power of ordaining , hath in it the power of consecrating and something more ; it is all that which makes the Priest , and it is something more besides , which makes the Bishop . Indeed if the Bishop had it not , and the Priest had it , then supposing consecration to be greater then ordination , the Priest would not only equall , but excell the Bishop , but because the Bishop hath that , and ordination besides , therefore he is higher both in Order , and Dignity . 4. Suppose that Consecration were the greatest Clericall power in the world , and that the Bishop , and the Priest , were equall in the great●st power , yet a lesser power then it , superadded to the Bishop's , may make a distinct order , and superiority . Thus it was said of the sonne of Man. Constituit eum paulò minorem Angelis , he was made a little lower then the Angels . It was but a little lower , and yet so much as to distinguish their Natures , for he took not upon him the NATURE of Angells , but the seed of Abraham . So it is in proportion between Bishop , and Priest ; for though a Priest communicating in the greatest power of the Church , viz. consecration of the venerable Eucharist , yet differing in a lesse is paulò minor Angelis , a little lower then the Bishop , the Angell of the Church , yet this little lower , makes a distinct order , and enough for a subordination . * An Angell , and a man communicate in those great excellencies of spirituall essence , they both discourse , they have both election , and freedome of choice , they have will , and understanding , and memory , impresses of the Divine image , and loco-motion , and immortality . And these excellencies are ( being precisely considered ) of more reall and eternall worth , then the Angelicall manner of moving so in an instant , and those other formes and modalities of their knowledge and volition , and yet for these superadded parts of excellency , the difference is no lesse then specificall . If we compare a Bishop and a Priest thus , what we call difference in nature there , will be a difference in order here , and of the same consideration . 5. Lastly it is considerable , that these men that make this objection , doe not make it because they think it true , but because it will serve a present turne . For all the world sees , that to them that deny the reall presence , this can be no objection ; and most certainly the Anti-episcopall men doe so , in all senses ; and then what excellency is there in the power of consecration , more then in ordination ? Nay is there any such thing as consecration at all ? This also would be considered from their principles . But I proceed . One thing only more is objected against the maine Question . If Episcopacy be a distinct order , why may not a man be a Bishop that never was a Priest , as ( abstracting from the lawes of the Church ) a man may be a Presbyter that never was a Deacon , for if it be the impresse of a distinct character , it may be , imprinted per saltum , and independantly , as it is in the order of a Presbyter . To this I answere , It is true if the powers and characters themselves were independant ; as it is in all those offices of humane constitution , which are called the inferior orders ; For the office of an Acolouthite , of an Exorcist , of an Ostiary , are no way dependant on the office of a Deacon , and therefore a man may be Deacon , that never was in any of those , and perhaps a Presbyter too , that never was a Deacon , as it was in the first example of the Presbyterate in the 72. Disciples . But a Bishop though he have a distinct character , yet it is not disparate from that of a Presbyter , but supposes it ex vi ordinis . For since the power of ordination ( if any thing be ) is the distinct capacity of a Bishop , this power supposes a power of consecrating the Eucharist to be in the Bishop , for how else can he ordaine a Presbyter with a power , that himselfe hath not ? can he give , what himselfe hath not received ? * I end this point with the saying of Epiphani . us , Vox est Aërii haretici unus est ordo Bpisoeperum , & Presbyterorum , una dignitas . To say that Bishops are not a distinct order from Presbyters , was a heresy first broach'd by Aërius , and hath lately been ( at least in the manner of speaking ) countenanc'd by many of the Church of Rome . FOR to cleare the distinction of order , it is evident in Antiquity , that Bishops had a power of imposing hands , for collating of Orders , which Presbyters have not . * What was done in this affaire in the times of the Apostles I have already explicated : but now the inquiry is , what the Church did in pursuance of the practise , and tradition Astolicall . The first , and second Canons of the Apostles command that two , or three Bishops should ordaine a Bishop , and one Bishop should ordaine a Priest , and a Deacon , A Presbyter is not authorized to ordaine , a Bishop is . * S. Dionysius affirmes , Sacerdotem non posse initiari , nisi per invocationes Episcopales , and acknowledges no ordainer but a Bishop . No more did the Church ever ; Insomuch that when Novatus the Father of the old Puritans , did ambire Episcopatum , he was faine to goe to the utmost parts of Italy , and seduce or intreat some Bishops to impose hands on him , as Cornelius witnesses in his Epistle to Fabianus , in Eusebius . * To this we may adde as so many witnesses , all those ordinations made by the Bishops of Rome , mentioned in the Pontificall book of Damasus , Platina , and others . Habitis de more sacris ordinibus Decembris mense , Presbyteros decem , Diaconos duos , &c. creat ( S. Clemens ) Anacletus Presbyteros quinque , Diaconos tres , Episcopos diversis in locis sex numero creavit , and so in descent , for all the Bishops of that succession for many ages together . But let us see how this power of ordination went in the Bishops hand alone , by Law and Constitution ; for particular examples are infinite . In the Councell of Ancyra it is determin'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That Rurall Bishops shall not ordaine Presbyters or Deacons in anothers diocesse without letters of license from the Bishop . Neither shall the Priests of the City attempt it . * First not Rurall Bishops , that is , Bishops that are taken in adjutorium Episcopi Principalis , Vicars to the Bishop of the diocesse , they must not ordaine Priests and Deacons . For it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It is anothers diocesse , and to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is prohibited by the Canon of Scripture . But then they may with license ? Yes ; for they had Episcopall Ordination at first , but not Episcopall Iurisdiction , and so were not to invade the territories of their neighbour . The tenth Canon of the Councell of Antioch clears this part . The words are these as they are rendred by Dionysius Exiguus . Qui in villis , & vicis constituti sunt Chorepiscopi tametsi manûs impositionem ab Episcopis susceperunt , [ & ut Episcopisunt consecrati ] tamen aportet eos modum proprtum retinere , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the next clause [ & ut Episcopi consecrati sunt ] although it be in very ancient Latine copies , years not found in the Greek , but is an assumentum for exposition of the Greek , but is most certainly implyed in it ; for else , what description could this be of Chorepiscopi , above Presbyter● rurales , to say that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for so had country Priests , they had received imposition of the Bishops hands . Either then the Ch●repiscopi had received ordination from three Bishops , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be taken collectively , not distibutively , to wit , that each Country Bishop had received ordination from Bishops , many Bishops in conjunction , and so they were very Bishops , or else they had no more then Village Priests , and then this caution had been impertine●● . * But the City Priests were also included in this prohibition . True it is , but it is in a Parenthesis ; with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the midst of the Canon , and there was some particular reason for the involving them , not that they ever did actually ordaine any , but that since it was prohibited to the chorepiscopi to ordaine ( to them I say who though for want of jurisdiction they might not ordaine without license , it being in alienâ Parochiâ , yet they had capacity by their order to doe it ) if these should doe it , the Citty Presbyters who were often dispatch'd into the Villages upon the same imployment , by a temporary mission , that the Chorepiscopi were by an ordinary , and fixt residence might perhaps think that their commission might extend farther then it did , or that they might goe beyond it , as well as the Ch●r●pisc●pi , and therefore their way was obstructed by this clause of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Adde to this ; The Presbyters of the City were of great honour , and peculiar priviledge , as appeares in the thirteenth Canon of the Councell of Neo. Caesare● , and therefore might easily exceed , if the Canon had not beene their bridle . The summe of the Canon is this . With the Bishops licence the Chorepiscopi might ordaine , for themselves had Episcopall ordination , but without licence they might not , for they had but delegate , and subordinate jurisdiction , And therefore in the fourteenth Canon of Ne●-Caesarea are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , like the 70 Disciples , that is , inferior to Bishops , and the 70 were to the twelve Apostles , viz. in hoc perticulari , not in order , but like them in subordination and inferiority of jurisdiction : but the Citty Presbyters might not ordaine , neither with , nor without licence ; for they are in the Canon only by way of parenthesis , and the sequence of procuring a faculty from the Bishops to collate orders , is to be referred to Chorepiscopi , not to Presbyteri Civitat is , unlesse we should straine this Canon into a sense contrary to the practise of the Catholike Church . Res euim ordinis non possunt delegari , is a most certain rule in Divinity , and admitted by men of all sides , and most different interests . * However we see here , that they were prohibited , and we never find before this time , that any of them actually did give orders , neither by ordinary power , nor extraordinary dispensation ; and the constant tradition of the Church , and practise Apostolicall is , that they never could give orders ; therefore this exposition of the Canon is liable to no exception , but is cleare for the illegality of a Presbyt●r giving holy orders , either to a Presbyter , or a Deacon , and is concluding for the necessity of concurrence both of Episcopall order , and jurisdiction for ordinations , for , re●d●ndo singula singulis , and expounding this Canon according to the sense of the Church , and exigence of Catholike Custome , the Chorepiscopi are excluded from giving orders for want of jurisdiction , and the Priests of the Citty for want of order ; the first may be supplied by a delegate power in literis Episcopalibus , the second cannot , but by a new ordination , that is , by making the Priest a Bishop . For if a Priest of the Citty have not so much power as a Chorepiscopus , as I have proved he hath not , by shewing that the Chorepiscopus then had Episcopall ordination , and yet the Chorepiscopus might not collate orders without a faculty from the Bishop , the City Priests might not doe it , unlesse more be added to them , for their want was more . They not only want jurisdiction , but something besides , and that must needs be order , * But although these Chorepiscopi at the first had Episcopall Ordination , yet it was quickly taken from them for their incroa●h●●● upon the Bishops Diocesse , and as they were but 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 Episcoporum in villis , so their ordination was but to a meere Presbyterate . And this we find , as soone as ever we heare that they had had Episcopall Ordination . For those who in the beginning of the 10 th Canon of Antioch we find had been consecrated as Bishops , in the end of the same Cahon , we find it decreed de novo : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Chorepiscopus or Country Bishop must be ordayn'd by the Bishop of the Citie , in whose jurisdiction he is ; which was clearly ordination to the order of a Presbyter , and no more . And ever after this all the ordinations they made were only to the inferiour Ministeries , with the Bishop's License too , but they never ordayn'd any to be De●cons , or Priests ; for these were Orders of the Holy Ghost's appointing , and therefore were gratiae Spiritûs Sancti , and issues of order ; but the inferiour Ministeries , as of a Reader , an Ostiary &c. were humane constitutions , and requir'd not the capacity of Episcopall Order to collate them ; for they were not Graces of the Holy Ghost ; as all Orders properly so called are , but might by humane dispensation be bestow'd , as well as by humane Ordinance , they had their first constitution . ** The Chorepiscopi lasted in this consistence till they were quite taken away by the Councell of Hispalis : save only , that such men also were called Chorepiscopi who had beene Bishops of Citied but had fallen from their honour by communicating in Gentile Sacrifices , and by being traditors , but in case they repented and were reconciled , they had not indeed restītution to their See , but , because they had the indelible character of a Bishop , they were allowed the Name , and honour , and sometime the execution of offices Chorepiscopall . Now of this sort of Chorepiscopi no objection can be pretended , if they had made ordinations ; and of the other nothing pertinent , for they also had the ordination , and order of Bishops . The former was the case of Meletius in the Nicene Councell , as is to be seene in the Epistle of the Fathers to the Church of Alexandria . * But however all this while , the power of ordination is so fast held in the Bishops hand , that it was communicated to none though of the greatest priviledge . * I find the like care taken in the Councell of Sardis , for when Musaeus , and Eutychianus had ordain'd some Clerkes , themselves not being Bishops , Gaudentius ( one of the moderate men , 't is likely ) for quietnesse sake , and to comply with the times , would faine have had those Clerks received into Clericall communion ; but the Councell would by no meanes admitt that any should be received into the Clergy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as B●l●amon expresses upon that Canon , ) but such as were ordain'd by them who were Bishops verily , and indecd . But with those who were ordain'd by Musaeus and E●tychianus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we will communicate as with Laymen : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for they were no Bishops that impos'd hands ●n them ; and therefore the Clerks were not ordain'd truly , but were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dissemblers of ordination . Quae autem de Musaeo & Entychiano dicta sunt , trahe etiam ad alios qui non ordinati fveront , &c. Saith Balsamon , intimating , that it is a rul'd case and of publike interest . * The same was the issue of those two famous cases , the one of Ischiras ordain'd of Colluthus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that dream'd onely he was a Bishop . Ischiras being ordain'd by him could be no Priest , nor any else of his ordaining , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Ischyr as himselfe was reduc'd into laycommunion , being depos'd by the Synod of Alexandria , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , falling from the imagination of his Presbyterate , say the Priests and Deacons of Mareotis ; And of the rest that were ordain'd with Ischir as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith S. Athanasius , and this so knowne a businesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , No man made scruple of the Nullity . ** The paralell case is of the Presbyters ordain'd by Maximus , who was another Bishop in the aire too ; all his ordinations were pronounced null , by the Fathers of the Councell in Constantinople . A third is of the blind Bishop of Agabra imposing hands while his Presbyters read the words of ordination , the ordination was pronounced invalid by the first Councell of Sevill . These cases are so known , I need not insist on them . This onely , In diverse cases of Transgression of the Canons , Clergy men were reduc'd to lay communion , either being suspended , or deposed ; that is , from their place of honour , and execution of their function , with , or without hope of restitution respectively ; but then still they had their order , and the Sacraments conferr'd by them were valid , though they indeed were prohibited to Minister ; but in the cases of the present instance , the ordinations were pronounc'd as null , to have bestowed nothing , and to be meerely imaginary . * But so also it was in case that Bishops ordain'd without a title , or in the diocesse of another Bishop , as in the Councell of † Chalcedon , and of * Anti. ●ch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , And may be it was so in case of ordination by a Presbyter , it was by positive constitution pronounced void , and no more , and therefore may be rescinded by the Counter-mand of an equall power ; A Councell at most may doe it , and therefore without a Councell , a probable necessity will let us loose . But to this the answer is evident . 1. The expressions in the severall cases are severall , & of diverse issue , for in case of those nullities which are meerely Canonicall , they are expressed as then first made , but in the case of ordination by a Non-Bishop , they are onely declared voy'd ipso facto . And therefore in that decree of Chalcedon against Sinetitul●r ordinations , the Canon saith ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , IRRITAM EXISTIMARI manûs impositionem , to be esteem'd as null , that is , not to have Canonicall approbation , but is not declared null , in Naturâ rei , as it is in the foregoing instances . 2. In the cases of Antioch , and Chalcodon , the decree is pro futuro , which makes it evident that those nullities are such as are made by Canon , but in the cases of Colluthus , and Maximus , there was declaration of a past nullity and that before any Canon was made ; and though Synodall declarations pronoun'd such ordinations invalid , yet none decreed so for the future , which is a cleare evidence , that this nullity , viz : in case of ordination by a Non-Presbyter , is not made by Canon , but by Canon * declar'd to be invalid in the nature of the thing . 3. If to this be added , that in antiquity it was dogmatically resolved that by the Nature , and institution of the Order of Bishops ; ordination was appropriate to them , then it will also from hence be evident , that the nullity of ordination without a Bishop is not dependant upon positive constitution , but on the exigence of the institution . ** Now that the power of ordination was onely in the Bishop , even they , who to advance the Presbyters , were willing enough to speake lesse for Episcopacy , give testimony ; making this the proper distinctive cognisance of a Bishop from a Presbyter , that the Bishop hath power of ordination , the Presbyter hath not . So S. Ierome , Quid facit Episcopus ( except â ordinatione ) quod Presbyter non faciat . All things ( saith he ) [ to wit all things of precise order ] are common to Bishops with Priests , except ordination , for that is proper to the Bishop . And S. Chrysostome , Solâ quippe ordinatione superiores illis sunt [ Episcopi ] atque hoctantùm plusquam Presbyteri habere videntur . Ordination is the proper , and peculiar function of a Bishop ; and therefore not given him by positive constitution of the Canon . 4. No man was call'd an heretick for breach of Canon , but for denying the power of ordination to be proper to a Bishop : Aërius was by Epiphanius , Philastrius , and S. Austin condemn'd , and branded for heresie , and by the Catholike Church saith Epiphanius . This power therefore came from a higher spring , then positive and Canonicall Sanction . But now proceed . The Councell held in Trullo , complaining that the incursion of the barbarous people upon the Churches inheritance , saith that it forc'd some Bishops from their residence , & made that they could not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the guise of the Church , give Orders and doe such things as DID BELONG TO THE BISHOP ; and in the sequel of the Canon they are permitted in such cases , ut & diversorum Clericorum ordinationes canonicè faciant , to make Canonicall ordinations of Clergy-men . Giving of Orders is proper , it belongs to a Bishop . So the Councell . And therefore Theodoret expounding that place of S. Paul [ by the laying on the hands of the Presbytery ] interprets it of Bishops ; for this reason , because Presbyters did not impose hands . * There is an imperfect Canon in the Arausican Councell that hath an expression very pertinent to this purpose , Ea quae non nisi per Episcopos geruntur , those things that are not done , but by Bishops , they were decreed still to be done by Bishops , though he that was to doe them regularly , did fall into any infirmity whatsoever , yet non sub praesentiâ suâ Presbyteros agere permittat , sed evocet Episcopum . Here are clearely by this Canon some things suppos'd to be proper to the Bishops , to the action of which Presbyters must in no case be admitted . The particulars , what they are , are not specified in the Canon , but are nam'd before , viz : Orders , and Confirmation , for almost the whole Councell was concerning them , and nothing else is properly the agendum Episcopi , and the Canon else is not to be Understood . * To the same issue is that circum-locutory description , or name of a Bishop , us'd by S. Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The man that is to ordaine Clerks . And all this is but the doctrine of the Catholike Church which S. Epiphanius oppos'd to the doctrine of Aërius , denying Episcopacy to be a distinct order 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of Episcopacy ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speaking of Presbytery . The order of Bishops begets Fathers to the Church of God , but the order of Presbyters begets sonnes in baptisme , but no Fathers or Doctors by ordination . * It is a very remarkeable passage related by Eusebius in the ordination of Novatus to be Presbyter , the Bishop did it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all the whole Clergy was against it , yet the Bishop did ordaine him , and then certainely searce any conjunction of the other Clergy can be imagined ; I am sure none is either expressed or intimated . For it was a rul'd case , and attested by the Uniforme practise of the Church , which was set downe in the third Councell of Carthage , Episcopus vnus esse potest per quem dignatione Divinâ Presbyteri multi constitui possunt . This case I instance the more particularly , because it is an exact determination of a Bishops sole power of ordination . Aurelius made a motion , that , if a Church wanted a Presbyter to become her Bishop , they might demand one from any Bishop . It was granted ; But Posthumianus the Bishop put this case . Deinde qui vnum habuerit , numquid debet illi ipse vnus Presbyter auferri ? How if the Bishop have but one Priest , must his Bishop part with him to supply the necessity of the Neighbour widdow-Church ? Yea , that he must . But how then shall he keepe ordinations when he hath never a Presbyter to assist him ? That indeed would have beene the objection now , but it was none then . For Aurelius told them plainly , there was no inconvenience in it , for though a Bishop have never a Presbyter , no great matter , he can himselfe ordaine many ( and then I am sure , there is sole ordination ) but if a Bishop be wanting to a Church , he is not so easily found . ** Thus it went ordinarily in the stile of the Church , ordinations were made by the Bishop , and the ordainer spoken of as a single person . So it is in the Nicene Councell , the Councell of a Antioch , the Councell of b Chalcedon , and S. Ierome who writing to Pammachius against the errors of Iohn of Ierusalem ; If thou speake ( saith he ) of Paulinianus , he comes now and then to visit us , not as any of your Clergy , but ejus à quo ordinatus est , that Bishop's who ordain'd him . * So that the issue of this argument is this . The Canons of the Apostles , and the rules of the Ancient Councells appropriate the ordination of Bishops to Bishops , of Presbyters to one Bishop , ( for I never find a Presbyter ordain'd by two Bishops together , but onely Origen by the Bishops of Ierusalem , and Caesarea ) Presbyters are never mention'd in conjunction with Bishops at their ordinations , and if alone they did it , their ordination was pronounced invalid and void ab initio . * To these particulars adde this , that Bishops alone were punished if ordinations were Vncanonicall , which were most vnreasonable if Presbyters did joine in them , and were causes in conjunction . But unlesse they did it alone , we never read that they were punishable ; indeed Bishops were pro toto , & integro , as is reported by Sozomen in the case of Elpidius , Eustathius , Basilius of Ancyra , and Eleusius . Thus also it was decreed in the second , and sixt Chapters of the Councell of Chalcedon , and in the Imperiall constitutions . Since therefore we neither find Presbyters join'd with Bishops in commission , or practise , or penalty all this while . I may inferre from the premises the same thing which the Councell of Hispal expresses in direct , and full sentence , Episcopus Sacerdotibus , ac Ministris solus honorem dare potest , solus auferre non potest . The Bishop alone may give the Priestly honour , he alone is not suffer'd to take it away . * This Councell was held in the yeare 657 , and I set it downe here for this purpose to show that the decree of the fourth Councell of Carthage which was the first that licensed Priests to assist Bishops in ordinations yet was not obligatory in the West ; but for almost 300 yeares after , ordinations were made by Bishops alone . But till this Councell no pretence of any such conjunction , and after this Councell sole ordination did not expire in the West for above 200 yeares together ; but for ought I know , ever since then , it hath obtain'd , that although Presbyters joyne not in the consecration of a Bishop , yet of a Presbyter they doe ; but this is onely by a positive subintroduced constitution first made in a Provinciall of Africa , and in other places received by insinuation and conformity of practise . * I know not what can be said against it . I onely find a peice of an objection out of S. Cyprian , who was a Man so complying with the Subjects of his Diocesse , that if any man , he was like to furnish us with an Antinomy . * Hunc igitur ( Fratres Dilectissimi ) à me , & à Collegis qui praesentes aderant ordinatum sciatis . Here either by his Colleagues he meanes Bishops , or Presbyters . If Bishops , then many Bishops will be found in the ordination of one to an inferiour order , which because it was ( as I observ'd before ) against the practise of Christendome , will not easily be admitted to be the sense of S. Cyprian . But if he means Presbyters by [ Collegae ] then sole ordination is invalidated by this example , for Presbyters join'd with him in the ordination of Aurelius . I answer , that it matters not whether by his Colleagues he means one , or the other , for Aurelius the Confessor who was the man ordain'd , was ordain'd but to be a Reader , and that was no Order of Divine institution , no gift of the Holy Ghost , and therefore might be dispensed by one , or more ; by Bishops , or Presbyters , and no way enters into the consideration of this question concerning the power of collating those orders which are gifts of the Holy Ghost , and of divine ordinance ; and therefore , this , although I have seen it once pretended , yet hath no validity to impugne the constant practise of Primitive antiquity . But then are all ordinations invalid which are done by meere Presbyters without a Bishop ? What think we of the reformed Churches ? 1. For my part I know not what to think . The question hath been so often asked with so much violence , and prejudice ; and we are so bound by publike interest to approve all that they doe , that wee have disabled our selves to justify our owne . For we were glad at first of abettors against the Errors of the Romane Church , we found these men zealous in it , we thank'd God for it ( as we had cause ) and we were willing to make them recompence , by endeavouring to justify their ordinations ; not thinking what would follow upon our selves . But now it is come to that issue , that our own Episcopacy is thought not necessary , because wee did not condemne the ordinations of their Presbytery . 2. Why is not the question rather , what we think of the Primitive Church , then what we think of the reformed Churches ? Did the Primitive Councells , and Fathers doe well in condemning the ordinations made by meere Presbyters ? If they did well , what was a vertue in them , is no sinne in us . If they did ill , from what principle shall wee judge of the right of ordinations ? since there is no example in Scripture of any ordination made but by Apostles , and Bishops , and the Presbytery that impos'd hands on Timothy , is by all antiquity expounded either of the office , or of a Colledge of Presbyters ; and S. Paul expounds it to be an ordination made by his owne hands , as appeares by comparing the two epistles to S. Timothy together ; and may be so meant by the principles of all sides , for if the names be confounded , then Presbyter may signify a Bishop , and that they of this Presbytery were not Bishops , they can never prove from Scripture , where all men grant that the Names are confounded . * So that whence will men take their estimate for the rites of ordinations ? From Scripture ? That gives it alwayes to Apostles , and Bishops ( as I have proved ) and that a Priest did ever impose hands for ordination can never be showne from thence . From when 〈◊〉 then ? From Antiquity ? That was so farre from licensing ordinations made by Presbyters alone , that Presbyters in the primitive Church did never joyne with Bishops in Collating holy Orders of Presbyter , and Deacon , till the 4 th Councell of Carthage ; much lesse doe it alone , rightly , and with effect . So that , as in Scripture there is nothing for Presbyters ordaining , so in Antiquity there is much against it ; And either in this particular we must have strange thoughts of Scripture , and Antiquity , or not so faire interpretation of the ordinations of reformed Presbyteries . But for my part I had rather speake a truth in sincerity , then erre with a glorious correspondence . But will not necessity excuse them who could not have orders from Orthodoxe Bishops ? shall we either sinne against our consciences by suscribing to hereticall , and false resolutions in materiâ fidei , or else loose the being of a Church , for want of Episcopall ordinations ? * Indeed if the case were just thus it was very hard with the good people of the transmarine Churches ; but I have here two things to consider . 1. I am very willing to beleive that they would not have done any thing either of error , or suspition , but in cases of necessity . But then I consider that M. Du Plessis , a man of honour , and Great learning does attest , that at the first reformation there were many Arch-Bishops and Cardinalls in Germany , England , France , and Italy that joyn'd in the reformation , whom they might , but did not imploy in their ordinations ; And what necessity then can be pretended in this case , I would faine learne that I might make their defence . But , which is of more , and deeper consideration ; for this might have been done by inconsideration , and irresolution , as often happens in the beginning of great changes , but , it is their constant and resolved practise at least in France , that if any returnes to them they will reordayne him by their Presbytery , though he had before Episcopall Ordination , as both their friends and their enemies beare witnesse . 2. I consider that necessity may excuse a personall delinquency ; but I never heard that necessity did build a Church . Indeed no man is forc'd for his owne particular to committ a sinne , for if it be absolutely a case of necessity , the action ceases to be a sinne ; but indeed if God meanes to build a Church in any place , he will doe it by meanes proportionable to that end ; that is , by putting them into a possibility of doing , and acquiring those things which himselfe hath required of necessity to the constitution of a Church . * So that , supposing that Ordination by a Bishop is necessary for the vocation of Priests , and Deacons ( as I have proved it is ) and therefore for the founding , or perpetuating of a Church , either God hath given to all Churches opportunity and possibility of such Ordinations , and then , necessity of the contrary , is but pretence and mockery , or if he hath not given such possibility , then there is no Church there to be either built , or continued , but the Candlestick is presently removed . There are diverse stories in Ruffinus to this purpose . When Aedesius and Frumentius were surprized by the Barbarous Indians , they preached Christianity , and baptized many , but themselves being but Lay-men could make no Ordinations , and so not fixe a Church . What then was to be done in the case ? Frumentius Alexandriam pergit .... & rem omnem , ut gesta est , narrat EPISCOPO , ac monet , ut provideat virum aliquem dignum quem congregatis jam plurimis Christianis in Barbarico solo Episcopum mittat . Frumentius comes to Alexandria to get a Bishop . Athanasius being then Patriarch ordayn'd Frumentius their Bishop , & tradito ei Sacerdotio , redire eum cum Domini Gratiâ unde venerat jubet .... ex quo ( saith Ruffinus ) in Indiae partibus , & populi Christianorum & Ecclesiae factaae sunt , & Sacer dotium caepit . The same happened in the case of the Iberians converted by a Captive woman ; posteà verò quàm Ecclesia magnificè constructa est , & populi fidem Dei majore ardore sitiebant , captivae monitis ad Imperatorem Constantinum totius Gentis legatio mittitur : Res gesta exponitur : SACERDOTES mittere oratur qui caeptum ergà se Dei munus implerent . The worke of Christianity could not be completed , nor a Church founded without the Ministery of Bishops . * Thus the case is evident , that the want of a Bishop will not excuse us from our endeavours of acquiring one ; and where God meanes to found a Church there he will supply them with those meanes , and Ministeries which himselfe hath made of ordinary and absolute necessity . And therefore if it happens that those Bishops which are of ordinary Ministration amongst us , prove hereticall , still Gods Church is Catholike , and though with trouble , yet Orthodoxe Bishops may be acquir'd . For just so it happen'd when Mauvia Queene of the Saracens was so earnest to have Moses the Hermit made the Bishop of her Nation , and offer'd peace to the Catholikes upō that condition ; Lucius an Arrian troubled the affayre by his interposing and offering to ordayne Moses ; The Hermit discover'd his vilenesse , & ita majore dedecore deformatus compulsus est acquiescere . Moses refus'd to be ordayn'd by him that was an Arrian . So did the reform'd Churches refuse ordinations by the Bishops of the Roman communion . But what then might they have done ? Even the same that Moses did in that necessity ; compulsus est ab Episcopis quos in exilium truserat ( Lucius ) sacerdotium sumere . Those good people might have had orders from the Bishops of England , or the Lutheran Churches , if at least they thought our Churches Catholike , and Christian. If an ordinary necessity will not excuse this , will not an extraordinary calling justifie it ? Yea , most certainely , could we but see an ordinary proofe for an extraordinary calling , viz : an evident prophecy , demonstration of Miracles , certainety of reason , clarity of sense , or any thing that might make faith of an extraordinary mission . But shall we then condemne those few of the Reformed Churches whose ordinations alwaies have beene without Bishops ? No indeed . That must not be . They stand , or fall to their owne Master . And though I cannot justifie their ordinations , yet what degree their Necessity is of , what their desire of Episcopall ordinations may doe for their personall excuse , and how farre a good life , and a Catholike beleife may leade a man in the way to heaven , ( although the formes of externall communion be not observ'd ) I cannot determine . * For ought I know , their condition is the same with that of the Church of Pergamus [ I know thy works , and where thou dwellest , even where Sathans seate is , and thou heldest fast my FAITH , and hast not denied my Name ; Nihilominus habeo adversus te pauca , some few things I have against thee ; ] and yet of them , the want of Canonicall ordinations is a defect which I trust themselves desire to be remedied ; but if it cannot be done , their sinne indeed is the lesse , but their misery the Greater . * I am sure I have said sooth , but whether or no it will be thought so , I cannot tell ; and yet why it may not I cannot guesse , unlesse they only be impeccable , which I suppose will not so easily be thought of them , who themselves thinke , that all the Church possibly may faile . But this I would not have declar'd so freely , had not the necessity of our owne Churches requir'd it , and that the first pretence of the legality , and validity of their ordinations beene boyed up to the height of an absolute necessity ; for else why shall it be called Tyranny in us to call on them to conforme to us , and to the practise of the Catholike Church , and yet in them be called a good and a holy zeale to exact our conformity to them ; But I hope it will so happen to us , that it will be verifyed here , what was once said of the Catholikes under the fury of Iustina , sed tanta fuit perseverantia fidelium populorum , vt animas priùs amittere , quàm Episcopum mallent ; If it were put to our choice , rather to dye ( to wit the death of Martyrs , not rebells ) then loose the sacred order , and offices of Episcopacy , without which no Priest , no ordination , no consecration of the Sacrament , no absolution , no rite , or Sacrament legitimately can be performed in order to eternity . The summe is this . If the Canons , and Sanctions Apostolicall , if the decrees of eight famous Councells in Christendome , of Ancyra , of Antioch , of Sardis , of Alexandria , two of Constantinople , the Arausican Councell , and that of Hispalis ; if the constant successive Acts of the famous Martyr Bishops of Rome making ordinations , if the testimony of the whole Pontificall book , if the dogmaticall resolution of so many Fathers , S. Denis , S. Cornelius , S. Athanasius , S. Hierome , S. Chrysostome , S. Epiphanius , S. Austin , and diverse others , all appropriating ordinations to the Bishops hand : if the constant voice of Christendome , declaring ordinations made by Presbyters , to be null , and voide in the nature of the thing : and never any act of ordination by a Non-Bishop , approoved by any Councell , decretall , or single suffrage of any famous man in Christendome : if that ordinations of Bishops were alwaies made , and they ever done by Bishops , and no pretence of Priests joyning with them in their consecrations , and after all this it was declared heresy to communicate the power of giving orders to Presbyters either alone , or in conjunction with Bishops , as it was in the case of Aërius : if all this , that is , if whatsoever can be imagined , be sufficient to make faith in this particular ; then it is evident that the power , and order of Bishops is greater then the power , and order of Presbyters , to wit , in this Great particular of ordination , and that by this loud voyce , and united vote of Christendome . * BUT this was but the first part of the power which Catholick antiquity affixed to the order of Episcopacy . The next is of Confirmation of baptized people . And here the rule was this , which was thus expressed by Damascen : Apostolorum , & Successorum eorum est per manûs impositionem donum Spiritus sancti tradere . It belongs to the Apostles and their successors to give the Holy Ghost by imposition of hands . But see this in particular instance . The Councell of Eliberis giving permission to faithfull people of the Laity to baptize Catechumens in cases of necessity , and exigence of journey ; ita tamen ut si supervixerit [ baptizatus ] ad Episcopum cum perducat , ut per manûs impositionem proficere possit . Let him be carried to the Bishop to be improv'd by imposition of the BISHOPS hands . This was Law. It was also custome saith S. Cyprian , Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur , ut qui in Ecclesiâ baptizantur , per Praepositos Ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram orationem , & manûs impositionem Spiritum sanctum consequantur , & signaculo Dominico consummentur . And this custome was Catholick too , and the Law was of Vniversall concernement . OMNES Fideles per manuum impositionem EPISCOPORUM Spiritum Sanctum post baptismum accipere debent , ut pleni Christiani accipere debent . So S. Vrbane in his decretall Epistle ; And , Omnibus festinandum est sine morâ renasci , & demùm CONSIGNARI AB EPISCOPO Et septiformem Spiritûs sancti gratiam recipere ; so saith the old Author of the fourth Epistle under the name of S. Clement . ALL FAITHFULL baptized people must goe to the Bishop to be consign'd , and so by imposition of the Bishops hands to obtaine the seven fold guifts of the Holy Ghost . Meltiades in his Epistle to the Bishops of Spaine affirmes confirmation in this , to have a speciall excellency besides baptisme , quòd solùm à summis Sacerdotibus confertur , because Bishops only can give confirmation ; And the same is said , & proov'd by S. Eusebius in his third Epistle enjoyning great veneration to this holy mystery , quod ab aliis perfici non potest nisi à summis Sacerdotibus . It cannot , it may not be perform'd by any , but by the Bishops . Thus S. Chrysostome speaking of S. Philip converting the Samaritans , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philip baptizing the men of Samaria , gave not the Holy Ghost to them whom he had baptized . For HE HAD NOT POWER . For this guift was only of the twelve Apostles . And a little after : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This was PECULIAR to the Apostles . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence it comes to passe , that the principall and chiefe of the Church doe it , and none else . And George Pachymeres , the Paraphrast of S. Dionysius ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is required that a Bishop should consigne faithfull people baptiz'd . For this was the Ancient practise . I shall not need to instance in too many particulars , for that the Ministry of confirmation was by Catholick custome appropriate to Bishops in all ages of the Primitive Church is to be seen by the concurrent testimony of Councells , & Fathers ; particularly of S. Clemens Alexandrinus in * Eusebius , a Tertullian , S. b Innocentius the first , c Damasus , d S. Leo , in e Iohn the third , in S. f Gregory , Amphilochius in the life of S. Basil telling the story of Bishop Maximinus confirming Basilius , and Eubulus , the g Councell of Orleans , and of h Melda , and lastly of i Sevill which affirmes , Non licere Presbyteris .... per impositionem manûs fidelibus baptiz andis paracletum spiritum tradere . It is not lawfull for Presbyters to give confirmation , for it is properly an act of Episcopall power .... Chrismate spiritus S. superinfunditur . Vtraque verò ista manu , & ore Antistitis impetramus . These are enough for authority , and dogmaticall resolution from antiquity . For truth is , the first that ever did communicate the power of confirming to Presbyters was Photius , the first author of that unhappy and long lasting schisme between the Latine , and Greek Churches , and it was upon this occasion too . For when the Bulgarians were first converted , the Greekes sent Presbyters to baptize , and to confirme them . But the Latins sent againe to have them re-confirmed , both because ( as they pretended ) the Greekes had no jurisdiction in Bulgaria , nor the Presbyters a capacity of order to give confirmation . The matters of fact , and acts Episcopall of confirmation are innumerable , but most famous are those confirmations made by S. Rembert Bishop of Brema , and of S. Malchus attested by S. Bernard , because they were ratified by miracle , saith the Ancient story . I end this with the saying of S. Hierome , Exigis ubi scriptum sit ? In Actibus Apostolorum . Sed etiamsi Scripturae authoritas non subesset , totius orbis in hanc partem consensus instar praecepti obtineret . If you aske where it is written ? ( viz. that Bishops alone should confirme ) It is written in the Acts of the Apostles ( meaning , by precedent , though not expresse precept ) but if there were no authority of Scripture for it , yet the consent of all the world upon this particular is instead of a command . *** It was fortunate that S. Hierome hath expressed himselfe so confidently in this affaire , for by this we are arm'd against an objection from his own words , for in the same dialogue , speaking of some acts of Episcopall priviledge and peculiar ministration , particularly , of Confirmation , he saies , it was ad honorem potius Sacerdotii quàm ad legis necessitatem . For the honour of the Priesthood , rather then for the necessity of a law . To this the answer is evident from his own words : That Bishops should give the Holy Ghost in confirmation , is written in the Acts of the Apostles ; and now that this is reserved rather for the honour of Episcopacy , then a simple necessity in the nature of the thing makes no matter . For the question here that is only of concernment , is not to what end this power is reserved to the Bishop , but by whom it was reserved ? Now S. Hierome saies it was done apud Acta , in the Scripture , therefore by Gods Holy Spirit , and the end he also specifies , viz. for the honour of that sacred order , non propter legis necessitatem , not that there is any necessity of law , that confirmation should be administred by the Bishop . Not that a Priest may doe it , but that , as S. Hierome himselfe there argues , the Holy Ghost being already given in baptisme , if it happens that Bishops may not be had ( for he puts the case concerning persons in bondage , and places remote , and destitute of Bishops ) then in that case there is not the absolute necessity of a Law , that Confirmation should be had at all . A man does not perish if he have it not ; for that this thing was reserved to a Bishops peculiar ministration , was indeed an honour to the function , but it was not for the necessity of a Law tying people in all cases actually to acquire it . So that this [ non necessarium ] is not to be referred to the Bishops ministration , as if it were not necessary for him to doe it when it is to be done , not that a Priest may doe it if a 〈◊〉 may not be had , but this non necessity is to be referred to confirmation it selfe ; so that if a Bishop cannot be had , confirmation , though with much losse , yet with no danger , may be omitted . This is the summe of S. Hieroms discourse , this reconciles him to himselfe , this makes him speak conformably to his first assertions , and consequently to his arguments , and to be sure , no exposition can make these words to intend that this reservation of the power of confirmation to Bishops , is not done by the spirit of God , and then let the sense of the words be what they will , they can doe no hurt to the cause ; and as easily may we escape from those words of his , to Rusticus Bishop of Narbona . Sed quia scriptum est , Presbyteri duplici honore honorentur .... praedicare eos decet , utile est benedicere , congruum confirmare , &c. It is quoted by Gratian dist . 95. can . ecce ego . But the glosse upon the place expounds him thus , i. e. in fide , the Presbyters may preach , they may confirme their Auditors , not by consignation of Chrisme , but by confirmation of faith ; and for this , quotes a paralell place for the use of the word [ Confirmare ] by authority of S. Gregory , who sent Zachary his legate into Germany from the See of Rome , ut Orthodoxes Episcopos , Presbyteros , vel quos●unque reperire potuisset in verbo exhortationis perfectos , ampliùs confirmaret . Certainly S. Gregory did not intend that his legate Zachary should confirme Bishops & Priests in any other sense but this of S. Hieroms in the present , to wit , in faith and doctrine , not in rite , and mystery , and neither could S. Hierome himselfe intend that Presbyters should doe it at all but in this sense of S. Gregory , for else he becomes an Antistrephon , and his owne opposite . * Yea , but there is a worse matter then this . S. Ambrose tels of the Egyptian Priests , that they in the absence of the Bishop doe confirme . Denique apud Egyptum Presbyteri consignant si praesens non sit Episcopus . But , 1. The passage is suspitious , for it interrupts a discourse of S. Ambrose's concerning the Primitive Order of election to the Bishopricke , and is no way pertinent to the discourse , but is incircled with a story of a farre different consequence , which is not easily thought to have beene done by any considering and intelligent Author . 2. But suppose the clause is not surreptitious , but naturall to the discourse , and borne with it , yet it is matter of fact , not of right , for S. Ambrose neither approves , nor disproves it , and so it must goe for a singular act against the Catholike practise and Lawes of Christendome . 3. If the whole clause be not surreptitious , yet the word [ Consignant ] is , for S. Austin who hath the same discourse , the same thing , viz : of the dignity of Presbyters , tels this story of the Act and honour of Presbyters in Alexandria , and all Aegypt , almost in the other words of his Master S. Ambrose , but he tells it thus , Nam & in Alexandriâ & per totum Aegyptum si desit Episcopus , Consecrat Presbyter . So that it should not be consignat , but consecrat ; for no story tells of any confirmations done in Aegypt by Presbyters , but of consecrating the Eucharist in cases of Episcopall absence , or commission I shall give account in the Question of Iurisdiction ; that was indeed permitted in Aegypt , and some other places , but Confirmation never , that we can find else where , and this is too improbable to beare weight against evidence and practise Apostolicall , and foure Councells , and 16 ancient Catholike Fathers , testifying that it was a practise and a Law of Christendome that Bishops onely should confirme , and not Priests , so that if there be no other scruple , this Question is quickly at an end . ** But S. Gregory is also pretended in objection ; for he gave dispensation to the Priests of Sardinia , vt baptizatos Vguant , to aneale baptized people . Now anointing the forehead of the baptized person , was one of the solemnityes of confirmation , so that this indulgence does arise to a power of Confirming ; for Vnctio and Chrismatio in the first Arausican Councell , and since that time Sacramentum Chrismatis hath beene the vsuall word for confirmation . But this will not much trouble the buisinesse . Because it is evident that he meanes it not of confirmation , but of the Chrisme in those times by the rites of the Church us'd in baptisme . For in his 9 th Epistle he forbids Priests to anoynt baptized people , now here is precept against precept , therefore it must be understood of severall anoyntings , and so S. Gregory expounds himselfe in this 9 th Epistle , Presbyteri baptizatos infantes signare bis in fronte Chrismate non praesumant . Presbyters may not anoynt baptised people twice , once they might ; now that this permission of anoynting was that which was a ceremony of baptisme , not an act of confirmation , we shall see by comparing it with other Canons . * In the collection of the Orientall Canons by Martinus Bracarensis , It is decreed thus , [ Presbyter praesente Episcopo non SIGNET infantes , nisi forte ab Episcopo fuerit illi praeceptum . A Priest must not signe infantes without leave of the Bishop if he be present . Must not signe them ] that is with Chrisme in their foreheads , and that in baptisme ; for the circumstant Canons doe expressly explicate , and determine it ; for they are concerning the rites of baptisme , and this in the midst of them . And by the way this may answer S. Ambrose his [ Presbyteri consignant absente Episcopo ] in case it be so to be read ; for here wee see a consignation permitted to the presbyters in the Easterne Churches to be used in baptisme , in the absence of the Bishop , and this an act of indulgence and favour , and therefore extraordinary , and of use to S. Ambrose his purpose of advancing the Presbyters , but yet of no objection in case of confimation . * And indeed [ Consignari ] is us'd in Antiquity for any signing with the Crosse , and anealing . Thus it is us'd in the first Arausican Councell for extreame Vnction , which is there in case of extreame necessity permitted to Presbyters : Haereticos in mortis discrimine positos , Si Catholici esse desiderent , si desit Episcopus à Presbyteris cum Chrismate , & benedictione CONSIGNARI placet . Consign'd is the word , and it was clearly in extreame Unction , for that rite was not then ceased , and it was in anealing a dying body , and a part of reconciliation , and so limited by the sequent Canon and not to be fancyed of any other consignation . But I returne . *** The first Councell of Toledo prohibites any from making Chrisme , but Bishops only , and takes order , ut de singulis Ecclesiis ad Episcopum anto diem Paschae Diaconi destinentur , ut confectum Chrisma ab Episcopo destinatum ad diem Paschae possit occurrere ; that the Chrisme be fetch 't by the Deacons from the Bishop to be us'd in all Churches . But for what use ? why , it was destinatum ad diem Pascbae sayes the Canon , against the Holy time of Easter , and then , at Easter was the solemnity of publike baptismes , so that it was to be us'd in baptisme . And this sense being premised , the Canon permits to Presbyters to signe with Chrisme , the same thing that S. Gregory did to the Priests of Sardinia . Statutum verò est , Diaconum non Chrismare , sed Presbyterum absente Episcopo , praesente verò , si ab ipso fuerit praeceptum . Now although this be evident enough , yet it is somthing clearer in the first Arausican Counsell , Nullus ministrorum qui BAPTIZANDI recipit officium sine Chrismate usquam debet progredi , quia inter nos placuit semel in baptismate Chrismari . The case is evident that Chrismation or Consigning with oyntment was us'd in baptisme , and it is as evident that this Chrismation was it which S. Grogory permitted to the Presbyters , not the other , for he expressely forbad the other and the exigence of the Canons , and practise of the Church expound it so , and it is the same which S. Innocent the first decreed in more expresse and distinctive termes , Presbyteris Chrismate baptizetos ungere licet , sed quod ab Episcopo fuerit Consecratum ; there is a cleare permission of consigning with Chrisme in baptisme , but he subjoynes a prohibition to Priests for doing it in confirmation ; non tamen frontem eodem oleo signare , quod solis debetur Episcopis cùm tradunt Spiritum Sanctum Paracletum . By the way ; some , that they might the more clearly determine S. Gregory's dispensation to be only in baptismall Chrisme , read it , [ Vt baptiz andos ungant ] not [ baptizatos ] so Gratian , so S. Thomas , but it is needlesse to be troubled with that , for Innocentius in the decretall now quoted useth the word [ Baptizatos ] and yet clearly distinguishes this power from the giving the Chrisme in Confirmation . I know no other objection , and these wee see hinder not but that having such evidence of fact in Scripture of confirmations done only by Apostles , and this evidence urged by the Fathers for the practice of the Church , and the power of cofirmation by many Councells , and Fathers appropriated to Bishops , and denyed to Presbyters , and in this they are not only Doctors teaching their owne opinion , but witnesses of a Catholike practise , and doe actually attest it as done by a Catholike consent ; and no one example in all antiquity ever produc'd of any Priest that did , no law that a Priest might impose hands for confirmation ; wee may conclude it to be a power Apostolicall in the Originall , Episcopall in the Succession , and that in this power , the order of a Bishop is higher then that of a Presbyter , and so declar'd by this instance of Catholike Practise . THus farre I hope we are right . But I call to mind , that in the Nosotrophium of the old Philosopher that undertook to cure all Calentures by Bathing his Patients in water ; some were up to the Chin , some to the Middle , some to the Knees ; So it is amongst the enemies of the Sacred Order of Episcopacy ; some endure not the Name , and they indeed deserve to be over head and eares ; some will have them all one in office with Presbyters , as at first they were in Name ; and they had need bath up to the Chinne ; but some stand shallower , and grant a little distinction , a precedency perhaps for order sake , but no preheminence in reiglement , no superiority of Iurisdiction ; Others by all meanes would be thought to be quite thorough in behalfe of Bishops order , and power such as it is , but call for a reduction to the primitive state , and would have all Bishops like the Primitive , but because by this meanes they thinke to impaire their power , they may well endure to be up to the ankles , their error indeed is lesse , and their pretence fairer , but the use they make of it , of very ill consequence . But curing the mistake will quickly cure this distemper , That then shall be the present issue , that in the Primitive Church Bishops had more power , and greater exercise of absolute jurisdiction , then now Men will endure to be granted , or then themselves are very forward to challenge . 1. Then ; The Primitive Church expressing the calling and offices of a Bishop , did it in termes of presidency and authority . Episcopus typum Dei Patris omnium gerit , saith S. Ignatius ; The Bishop carryes the representment of God the Father , that is , in power and authority to be sure , ( for how else ? ) so as to be the supreme in suo ordine , in offices Ecclesiasticall . And againe , Quid enim aliud est Episcopus quàm is qui omni Principatu , & potestate superior est ? Here his superiority and advantage is expressed to be in his power ; A Bishop is greater and higher then all other power , viz : in materiâ , or gradu religionis . And in his Epistle to the Magnesians ; Hortor ut hoc sit omnibus studium in Dei concordiâ omnia agere EPISCOPO PRESIDENTE LOCO DEI. Doe all things in Vnity , the Bishop being PRESIDENT IN THE PLACE OF GOD. President in all things . And with a fuller tide yet , in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna , Honora Episcopum ut PRINCIPEM SACER DOTUM imaginem Dei referentem , Dei quidem propter Principatum , Christi verò propter Sacerdotium . It is full of fine expression both for Eminency of order , and Iurisdiction . The Bishop is the PRINCE OF THE PRIESTS bearring the image of God for his Principality ( that 's his jurisdiction and power ) but of Christ himselfe for his Priesthood , ( that 's his Order . ) S. Ignatius hath spoken fairely , and if we consider that he was so primitive a man that himselfe saw Christ in the flesh , and liv'd a man of exemplary sanctity , and dyed a Martyr , and hath been honoured as holy Catholike by all posterity , certainly these testimonyes must needs be of Great pressure , being Sententiae repetiti dogmatis , not casually slipt from him , and by incogitancy , but resolutely and frequently . But this is attested by the generall expressions of after ages . Fungaris circa eum POTESTATE HONORIS tui , saith S. Cyprian to Bishop Rogatianus . Execute the POWER OF THY DIGNITY upon the refractary Deacon ; And VIGOR EPISCOPALIS , and AUTHORITAS CATHEDRae are the the words expressive of that power whatsoever it be which S. Cyprian calls upon him to assert , in the same Epistle . This is high enough . So is that which he presently subjoynes , calling the Bishops power Ecclesiae gubernandae sublimem ac divinam potestatem , a high and a divine power and authority in regiment of the Church . * Locus Magisterij traditus ab Apostolis , So S. Irenaeus calls Episcopacy ; A place of Mastership or authority deliver'd by the Apostles to the Bishops their successors . * Eusebius speaking of Dionysius , who succeeded Heraclas , he received ( faith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Bishoprick of the PRECEDENCY over the Churches of Alexandria . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Councell of Sardis ; to the TOP or HEIGHT os Episcopacy . APICES & PRINCIPES OMNIUM , so Optatus calls Bishops ; the CHEIFE , and HEAD of all ; and S. Denys of Alexandria , Scribit ad Fabianum Vrbis Romae Episcopum , & ad alios quamplurimos ECCLESIARUM PRINCIPES de fide Catholicâ suâ , saith Eusebius . And Origen calls the Bishop , eum qui TOTIUS ECCLESIae ARCEM obtinet , He that hath obtayn'd the TOWER OR HEIGHT of the Church . The Fathers of the Councell of Constantinople in Trullo ordayn'd that the Bishops dispossessed of their Churches by incroachments of Barbarous people upon the Church's pale , so as the Bishop had in eff●ct no Diocesse , yet they should enjoy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the authority of their PRESID●NCY according to their proper state ; their appropriate presidency . And the same Councell calls the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the PRELATE or PREFECT of the Church ; I know not how to expound it better . But it is something more full in the Greeks Councell of Carthage Commanding that the convert Donatists should be received according to the will and pleasure of the Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that GOVERNES the Church in that place . * And in the Councell of Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Bishop hath POWER OVER the affayrs of the Church . * Hoc quidem tempore Romanae Ecclesiae Sylvester retinacula gubernabat . S. Sylvester [ the Bishop ] held the Reynes or the stearne of the Roman Church , saith Theodoret . But the instances of this kind are infinite , two may be as good as twenty , and these they are . The first is of S. Ambrose ; HONOR , & SUBLIMITAS Episcopalis nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari . The HONOUR and SUBLIMITY of the Episcopall Order is beyond all comparison great . And their commission he specifyes to be in Pasce oves meas ; Vnde regendae Sacerdotibus contraduntur , meritò RECTORIBUS suis subdi dicuntur &c : The sheepe are delivered to Bishops , as to RULERS and are made their Subjects ; And in the next chapter , Haec verò cuncta , Fratres , ideò nos praemisisse cognoscere debetis , vt ostenderemus nihil esse in hoc saeculo excellentius Sacerdotibus , nihil SUBLIMIUS EPISCOPIS reperiri : vt cùm dignitatem Episcopatûs Episcoporum oraculis demonstramus , & dignè noscamus quid sumus .... actione potius , quàm Nomine demonstremus . These things I have said that you may know nothing is higher , nothing more excellent then the DIGNITY , AND EMINENCE OF A BISHOP , &c. The other is of S. Hierome , CURA TOTIUS ECCLESIAE AD EPISCOPUM PERTINET , The care of the whole Church appertaines to the Bishop . But more confidently spoken is that in his dialogue adversus Luciferianos ; Ecclesiae salus in SUMMI SACERDOTIS DIGNITATE pendet , cui si non exors quaedam & ab omnibus EMINENS DETUR POTESTAS , tot in Ecclesiis efficientur schismata , quot Sacerdotes , The safety of the Church consists in the DIGNITY OF A BISHOP , to whom vnlesse an EMINENT and UNPARALELL'D POWER be given by all , there will be as many Schismes as Priests . Here is dignity , and authority , and power enough expressed ; and if words be expressive of things ( and there is no other use of thē ) then the Bishop is SUPERIOUR IN A PEERELESSE , AND INCOMPARABLE AUTHORITY , and all the whole Diocesse are his subjects , viz : in regimine Spirituali . BUT from words let us passe to things . For the Faith and practise of Christendome requires obedience , Universall obedience , to be given to Bishops . I will begin againe with Ignatius , that these men who call for reduction of Episcopacy to Primitive consistence , may see what they gaine by it , for the more primitive the testimonies are , the greater exaction of obedience to Bishops ; for it happened in this , as in all other things ; at first , Christians were more devout more pursuing of their duties , more zealous in attestation of every particle of their faith ; and that Episcopacy is now come to so low an ebbe , it is nothing , but that it being a great part of Christianity to honour , and obey them , it hath the fate of all other parts of our Religion , and particularly of Charity , come to so low a declension , as it can scarce stand alone ; and faith , which shall scarce be found upon earth at the comming of the Sonne of Man. But to our businesse . S. Ignatius in his epistle to the Church of Trallis , Necesse itaque est ( saith he ) quicquid facitis , ut sine EPISCOPO NIHIL TENTETIS . So the Latine of Vedelius , which I the rather chuse , because I am willing to give all the advantage I can . It is necessary ( saith the good Martyr ) that whatsoever ye doe , you should attempt nothing without your BISHOP . And to the Magnesians , Decet itaque vos obedire EPISCOPO , ET IN NULLO ILLI REFRAGARI . It is fitting that ye should obey your BISHOP , and in NOTHING to be refractory to him . Here is both a Decet , and a Necesse est , already . It is very fitting , it is necessary . But if it be possible , we have a fuller expression yet , in the same Epistle ; Quemadmodum enim Dominus sine Patre nihil facit , nec enim possum facere à me ipso quicquam : sic & vos SINE EPISCOPO , nec Presbyter , nec Diaconus , nec Laicus . Nec QUICQUAM videatur VOBIS CONSENTANEUM quod sit PRAETER ILLIUS IUDICIUM , quod enim tale est , iniquum est , & Deo inimicum . Here is obedience Vniversall , both in respect of things , and persons ; and all this no lesse then absolutely necessary . For as Christ obey'd his Father in all things , saying , of my selfe I can doe nothing : so nor you without your BISHOP ; whoever you be , whether Priest , or Deacon , or Lay-man . Let nothing please you , which the Bishop mislikes , for all such things are wicked , and in enemity with God. * But it seems S. Ignatius was mightily in love with this precept , for he gives it to almost all the Churches he writes to . Wee have already reckon'd the Trallians , and the Magnesians . But the same he gives to the Priests of Tarsus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ye Presbyters be subject to your Bishop . The same to the Philadelphians . Sine EPISCOPO nihil facite , Doe nothing without your BISHOP . But this is better explicated in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna . Sine EPISCOPO NEMO QUIC QUAM FACIAT eorum quae ad Ecclesiam spectant . No man may doe ANY THING WITHOUT THE BISHOP , viz. of those things which belong to the Church . So that this saying expounds all the rest , for this universall obedience is to be understood according to the sense of the Church , viz. to be in all things of Ecclesiasticall cognizance , all Church affaires . And therefore he gives a charge to S. Polycarpe their Bishop ; that he also look to it , that nothing be done without his leave . Nihil sine TUO ARBITRIO agatur , nec item tu quicquam praeter Dei facies voluntatem . As thou must doe nothing against Gods will , so let nothing ( in the Church ) be done without thine . By the way , observe , he saies not , that as the Presbytery must doe nothing without the Bishop , so the Bishop nothing without them ; But , so the Bishop nothing without God. But so it is . Nothing must BE DONE without the Bishop ; And therefore although he incourages them that can , to remaine in Virginity , yet this , if it be either done with pride , or without the Bishop , it is spoiled . For , si gloriatus fuerit , periit , & si id ipsum statuatur SINE EPISCOPO , corruptum est . His last dictate in this Epistle to S. Polycarpe , is with an [ Episcopo attendite , sicut & Deus vobis ] The way to have God to take care of us , is to observe our Bishop . Hinc & vos decet accedere SENTENTIAE EPISCOPI , qui secundùm Deum vos pascit , quemadmodum & facitis , edocti à spiritu ; you must therefore conforme to the sentence of the BISHOP , as indeed yee doe already , being taught so to doe by Gods holy Spirit . There needs no more to be said in this cause , if the authority of so great a man will beare so great a burden . What the man was , I said before : what these Epistles are , and of what authority , let it rest upon * Vedelius , a man who is no waies to be suspected as a party for Episcopacy , or rather upon the credit of a Eusebius , b S. Hierome , and c Ruffinus who reckon the first seven out of which I have taken these excerpta , for naturall and genuine . And now I will make this use of it ; Those men that call for reduction of Episcopacy to the Primitive state , should doe well to stand close to their principles , and count that the best Episcopacy which is first ; and then consider but what S. Ignatius hath told us for direction in this affaire , and see what is gotten in the bargaine . For my part , since they that call for such a reduction hope to gaine by it , and then would most certainly have abidden by it , I think it not reasonable to abate any thing of Ignatius his height , but expect such subordination and conformity to the Bishop as he then knew to be a law of Christianity . But let this be remembred all along , in the specification of the parts of their Iurisdiction . But as yet I am in the generall demonstration of obedience . The Councell of Laodicea having specified some particular instances of subordination , and dependance to the Bishop , summes them up thus , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So likewise the Presbyters let them doe nothing without the precept and counsell of the Bishop , so is the translation of Isidore , ad verbum . This Councell is ancient enough , for it was before the first Nicene . So also was that of Arles commanding the same thing exactly . * Vt Presbyteri sine conscientiâ Episcoporum nihil faciant . Sed nec Presbyteris civitatis sine Episcopi praecepto amplius aliquid imperare , vel sine authoritate literarum ejus in Vnaquaque parochiâ aliquid agere , saies the thirteenth Canon of the An●yran Councell according to the Latine of Isidore . The same thing is in the first Councell of Toledo , the very same words for which I cited the first Councell of Arles , viz. That Presbyters doe nothing without the knowledge or permission of the Bishop . * Esto SUBIECTUS PONTIFICI Tuo , & quasi animae parentem suscipe . It is the counsell of S. Hierome . Be subject to thy Bishop and receive him as the Father of thy soule . I shall not need to derive hither any more 〈…〉 the Ecclesiasticall orders ; they therefore are to submit to the government of the Clergy in matters Spirituall with which they are intrusted . For either there is no Government at all , or the Laity must governe the Church , or else the Clergy must . To say there is no Government , is to leave the Church in worse condition then a tyranny . To say that the Laity should governe the Church , when all Ecclesiasticall Ministeries are committed to the Clergy , is to say , Scripture means not what it saies ; for it is to say , that the Clergy must be Praepositi , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and praelati , and yet the prelation , and presidency , and rule is in them who are not ever by Gods spirit called Presidents or Prelates , and that it is not in them who are called so . * In the mean time if the Laity in matters Spirituall are inferior to the Clergy , and must in things pertaining to the Soule be rul'd by them , with whom their Soules are intrusted ; then also much rather they must obey those of the Clergy , to whom all the other Clergy themselves are bound to be obedient . Now since by the frequent precept of so many Councells , and Fathers , the Deacons and Presbyters must submit in all things to the Bishop , much more must the Laity , and since the Bishop must rule in chiefe , and the Presbyters at the most can but rule in conjunction , 〈…〉 S. Iames translated by Ruffinus , saith it was the doctrine of Peter , according to the institution of Christ , that Presbyters should be obedient to their Bishop in all things ; and in his third Epistle ; that Presbyters , and Deacons and others of the Clergy must take heed that they doe nothing without the license of the Bishop . * And to make this businesse up compleat , all these authorities of great antiquity , were not the prime constitutions in those severall Churches respectively , but meere derivations from tradition Apostolicall ; for not only the thing , but the words so often mentioned are in the 40 th Canon of the Apostles . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the same is repeated in the twenty fourth Canon of the Councell of Antioch ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Presbyters and Deacons must doe nothing . without leave of the Bishop , for to him the Lords people is committed , and he must give an account for their soules . * And if a Presbyter shall contemne his owne Bishop making conventions apart , and erecting another altar , he is to be deposed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith the 32. Canon ) as a lover of Principality : intimating , that he arrogates Episcopall dignity , and so is ambitious of a Principality . The issue then is this . * The Presbyters , and Clergy , and Laity must obey , therefore the Bishop must governe and give them lawes . It was particularly instanc'd in the case of S. Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Theodoret , He adorned , and instructed Pontus with these Lawes , so he , reckoning up the extent of his jurisdiction . * But now descend we to a specification of the power and jurisdiction * of Bishops . * THE Bishops were Ecclesiasticall Iudges over the Presbyters , the inferiour Clergy and the Laity . What they were in Scripture who were constituted in presidency over causes spirituall , I have already twice explicated ; and from hence it descended by a close succession that they who watched for soules they had the rule over them , and because no regiment can be without coërcion , therefore there was inherent in them a power of cognition of causes , and coërcion of persons . * The Canons of the Apostles appointing censures to be inflicted on delinquent person's makes the Bishop's hand to doe it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If any Presbyter or Deacon be excommunicated BY THE BISHOP he must not be received by any else , but by him that did so censure him , vnlesse the BISHOP THAT CENSUR'D HIM be dead . The same is repeated in the Nicene Councell ; only it is permitted that any one may appeale to a Synod of BISHOPS , si fortè aliquâ indignatione , aut contentione , aut qualibet commotione Episcopi sui , excommunicati sint , if he thinks himselfe wrong'd by prejudice or passion ; and when the Synod is met , hujusmodi examinent Quaestiones . But by the way it must be Synodus Episcoporum , so the Canon ; ut ita demum hi qui ●b culpas suas EPISCOPORUM SUORUM OFFENSAS meritò contraxerunt dignè etiam à caeteris excommunicati habeantur , quousque in c●mmuni , vel IPSL ERISCOPO SUO UISUM FUERIT humaniorum circà eos ferre sententiam . The Synod of Bishops must ratifie the excommunication of all those who for their delinquencies have justly incurred the displeasure of their Bishop , and this censure to stick upon them till either the Synod , or their owne Bishop shall give a more gentle sentence . ** This Canon we see , relates to the Canon of the Apostles , and affixes the judicature of Priests , and Deacons to the Bishops : commanding their censures to be held as firme and valid : only as the Apostles Canon names Presbyters , and Deacons particularly ; so the Nicene Canon speakes indefinitely and so comprehends all of the Diocesse and jurisdiction . The fourth Councell of Carthage gives in expresse termes the cognisance of Clergy-causes to the Bishop , calling ayd from a Synod in case a Clergy-man prove refractary , and disobedient . Discordantes Clericos Episcopus vel ratione , vel potestate ad concordiam trahat , inobedientes Synodus per audientiam damnet . If the Bishops reason will not end the controversies of Clergy-men , his power must ; but if any man list to be contentious , intimating ( as I suppose out of the Nicene Councell ) with frivolous appeales , and impertinent protraction , the Synod [ of Bishops ] must condemne him , viz. for his disobeying his Bishops sentence . * The Councell of Antioch is yet more particular in it's Sanction for this affayre , intimating a cleare distinction of proceeding in the causes of a Bishop , and the other of Priests , and Deacons . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. If a Bishop shall be deposed by a Synod ( viz. of Bishops , according to the exigence of the Nicene Canon ) or a PRIEST , OR DEACON BY HIS OWNE BISHOP , if he meddles with any Sacred offices he shall be hopelesse of absolution . But here we see that the ordinary Iudge of a Bishop is a Synod of Bishops ; but of Priests and Deacons the Bishop alone : And the sentence of the Bishop is made firme omnimodò in the next Canon ; Si quis Presbyter , vel Diaconus proprio contempto Episcopo .... privatim congregationem effecerit , & altare erexerit , & Episcopo accersente non obedierit nec velit ei parere , nec morem gerere primò & secundò vocanti , hic damnetur omni modo .... Quod si Ecclesiam conturbare , & sollicitare persistat tanquam seditiosus per potestates exter as opprimatur . What Presbyter soever refuses to obey his Bishop and will not appeare at his first , or second Summons , let him be deposed , and if he shall persist to disturbe the Church , let him be given over to the secular powers . * Adde to this the first Canon of the same Councell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c : If any one be excommunicate by his owne Bishop &c : as it is in the foregoing Canons of Nice and the Apostles . The Result of these Sanctions is this . The Bishop is the Iudge : the Bishop is to inflict censures ; the Presbyters , and Deacons are either to obey , or to be deposed : No greater evidence in the world of a Superiour jurisdiction , and this established by all the power they had ; and this did extend , not only to the Clergy , but to the Laity ; for that 's the close of the Canon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This constitution is concerning the Laity , and the Presbyters , and the Deacons , and all that are within the rule , viz : that if their Bishop have sequestred them from the holy Communion , they must not be suffered to communicate elsewhere . But the AUDIENTIA EPISCOPALIS , The Bishops Audience-Court is of larger power in the Councell of Chalcedon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If any Clergy man have any cause against a Clergy man , let him by no meanes leave his owne Bishop and runne to SECULAR COURTS , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But first le● the cause be examined before their owne BISHOP , or by the BISHOPS LEAVE before such persons as the contesting parties shall desire . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whosoever does otherwise let him suffer vnder the censures of the Church . Here is not only a subordination of the Clergy in matters criminall , but also the civill causes of the Clergy must be submitted to the Bishop , under paine of the Canon . * I end this with the at●estation of the Councell of Sardis , exactly of the same Spirit , the same injunction , and almost the same words with the former Canons . Hosius the President said ; If any Deacon , or Priest , or of the inferiour Clergy being excommunicated shall goe to another Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , knowing him to be excommunicated by his owne BISHOP , that other Bishop , must by no meanes receive him into his communion . Thus farre we have matter of publike right , and authority declaring the Bishop to be the Ordinary Iudge of the causes , and perso●s of Clergy men ; and have power of inflicting censures both upon the Clergy , and the Laity . And if there be any weight in the concurrent testimony of the Apostolicall-Canons , of the Generall Councells of Nice , and of Chalcedon , of the Councells of Antioch , of Sardis , of Carthage ; then it is evident , that the Bishop is the Ordinary Iudge in all matters of Spirituall cognisance , and hath power of censures , and therefore a Superiority of jurisdiction . This thing only by the way ; in all these Canons there is no mention made of any Presbyters assistant with the Bishop in his Courts . For though I doubt not but the Presbyters were in some Churches , and in some times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Ignatius calls them ; counsellors and assessors with the Bishop ; yet the power , and the right of inflicting censures is only expressed to be in the Bishop , and no concurrent jurisdiction mention'd in the Presbytery : but of this hereafter more particularly . * Now we may see these Canons attested by practice , and dogmaticall resolution . S. Cyprian is the man whom I would choose in all the world to depose in this cause ; because he , if any man , hath given all dues to the Colledge of Presbyters : and yet if he reserves the Superiority of jurisdiction to the Bishop , and that absolutely , and independently of conjunction with the Presbytery , we are all well enough , and without suspition . * Diù patientiam meam tenui ( Fratres Charissimi ) saith he , writing to the Presbyters and Deacons of his Church . He was angry with them for admitting the lapsi without his consent ▪ and though he was as willing as any man to comply both with the Clergy , and people of his D●●cesse , yet he also must assert his owne priviledges , and peculiar . Quod enim non periculam metuere debemus de offensâ Domini , quando aliqui de Presbyteris nec Evangelij nec loci 〈◊〉 memores , ●ed neque futurum Domini judicium , neque nunc praepositum sibi Episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est ut cum cōtumeliâ & contemtu Praeposititotum sibi vendicent . The matter was , that certaine Presbyters had reconciled them that fell in persecution without the performance of penance according to the severity of the Canon ; and this was done without the Bishops leave , by the Presbyters [ Forgetting their owne place and the GOSPELL and their BISHOP set over them ] a thing that was never heard of , till that time . Totum sibi vendicabant , They that might doe nothing without the Bishops leave , yet did this whole affaire of their owne heads . Well! Vpon this S. Cyprian himselfe , by his owne authority alone , suspends them till his returne , and so shewes that his authority was independant , theirs was not , and then promises they shall have a faire hearing before him , in the presence of the Confessors , and all the people . Vtar eâ admonitione quâ me vti Dominus jubet , ut interim prohibeantur offerre , acturi & apud nos , & apud Confessores ipsos , & apud plebem Vniversam causam suam . * Here it is plaine that S. Cyprian suspended these Presbyters , by his owne authority , in absence from his Church , and reserved the further hearing of the cause till it should please God to restore him to his See. But this fault of the Presbyters S. Cyprian in the two next Epistles does still more exaggerate ; saying , they ought to have ask'd the Bishops leave , Sicut in praeteritum semper sub antecessoribus factum est , for so was the Catholike custome ever , that nothing should be done without the Bishops leave ; but now by doing otherwise they did prevaricate the divine commandement , and dishonour the Bishop . Yea , but the Confessors interceeded for the lapsi , and they seldome were discountenanc'd in their requests . What should the Presbyters doe in this ca●e● S. Cyprian tells them , writing to the Confessors . Petitiones itaque , & desideria vestra EPISCOPO servent . Let them keepe your petitions for the BISHOP to consider of . But they did not , therefore he suspended them , because they did not reservare Episcopo honorem Sacerdotij sui , & cathedrae ; Preserve the honour of the Bishops chaire , and the Episcopall authority in presuming to reconcile the penitents without the Bishops leave . The same S. Cyprian in his Epistle to Rogatianus resolves this affayre ; for when a contemptuous bold Deacon had abus'd his Bishop , he complain'd to S. Cyprian who was an Arch-Bishop , and indeed S. Cyprian tells him he did honour him in the businesse that he would complaine to him , cum pro EPISCOPATUS VIGORE , & CATHEDRAE AUTHORITATE haberes potestatem quâ posses de illo statim vindicari ; When as he had power Episcopall and sufficient authority himselfe to have punish'd the Deacon for his petulancy . The whole Epistle is very pertinent to this Question , and is cleare evidence for the great authority of Episcopall jurisdiction , the summe whereof is in this incouragement given to Rogatianus by S. Cyprian ; Fungaris circa cum POTESTATE HONORIS TUI , ut eum vel deponas , vel abstineas . Exercise the power of your honour upon him , and either suspend him , or depose him . * And therefore he commends Cornelius the Bishop of Rome for driving Felicissimus the Schismatick from the Church , vigore pleno quo Episcopum agere oportet with full authority , as becomes a Bishop , Socrates telling of the promotion , and qualities of S. Iohn Chrysostome , saies , that in reforming the lives of the Clergy , he was too fastuous and severe . Mox igitur in ipso initio quum Clericis asper videretur Ecclesiae , erat plurimis ex●sus , & veluti furiosum universi declinabant . He was so rigid in animadversions against the Clergy , that he was hated by them , which clearely showes that the Bishop had jurisdiction , and authority over them ; for tyranny is the excesse of power , & authority is the subject matter of rigour , and austerity . But this power was intimated in that bold speech of his Deacon Serapio , nunquam poteris , â Episcope , hos corrigere , nisi uno baculo percusseris Vniversos . Thou canst not amend the Clergy unlesse thou strikest them all with thy Pastorall rod. S. Iohn Chrystome did not indeed doe so , but non multum post temporis plurimos clericorum pro diversis exemit causis . He deprived , and suspended most of the Clergy men for diverse causes : and for this his severity he wanted no slanders against him ; for the delinquent Ministers set the people on work against him . * But here we see that the power of censures was clearely , and only in the Bishop , for he was incited to have punished all his Clergy , [ Vniversos ; ] And he did actually suspend most of them , [ plurimos : ] and I think it will not be believed the Presbytery of his Church should joyne with their Bishop to suspend themselves . Adde to this that Theodoret also affirmes that Chrysostome intreated the Priests to live Canonically according to the sanctions of the Church , quas quicunque praevaricari praesumerent eas ad tomplum prohibebat accedere , ALL them that transgressed the Canons he forbad them entrance into the Church . *** Thus S. Hierome to Riparius , Miror sanctum Episcopum , in cujus Parochiâ esse Presbyter dicitur , acquiescere furori ejus , & non virgâ APOSTOLICA , virgâque ferreâ confringere vas inutile , & tradere in interitum carnis , ut spiritus salvus fiat . I wonder ( saith he ) that the holy Bishop is not mov'd at the fury of Vigilantius , and does not breake him with his APOSTOLICALL rod , that by this temporary punishment his soule might be saved in the day of the Lord. * Hitherto the Bishops Pastorall staffe is of faire power and coërcion . The Councell of Aquileia convoked against the Arians , is full and mighty in asserting the Bishops power over the Laity , and did actually exercise censures upon the Clergy , where S. Ambrose was the Man that gave sentence against Palladius the Arian ▪ Palladius would have declined the judgement of the Bishops , for he saw he should certainly be condemned and would faine have been judg'd by some honourable personages of the Laity . But S. Ambrose said , Sacerdotes de Laicis judicare debent , non Laici de Sacerdotibus . Bishops must judge of the Laity , not the Laity of Bishops . That 's for the jus ; and for the factum it was the shutting up of the Councell ; S. Ambrose Bishop of Millaine gave sentence [ Pronuncio illum indignum Sacerdotio , & carendum , & in loco ejus Catholicus ordinetur . ] * The same also was the case of Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra in Galatia whom for heresy the Bishops at Constantinople depos'd , Eusebius giving sentence , and chose Basilius in his Roome . * But their Grand-father was serv'd no better . Alexander Bishop of Alexandria serv'd him neither better nor worse . So Theodoret. Alexander autem Apostolicorum dogmatum praedicator , priùs quidem revocare eum admonitionibus , & consilijs nitebatur . Cùm verò eum superbire vidisset , & apertè impietatis facinora praedicare , ex ordine Sacerdotali removit . The Bishop first admonish'd the heretick , but when to his false doctrine he added pertinacy he deprived him of the execution of his Priestly function . This crime indeed deserv'd it highly . It was for a lesse matter that Triferius the Bishop excommunicated Exuperantius a Presbyter , viz. for a personall misdemeanour , and yet this censure was ratified by the Councell of Taurinum , and his restitution was left arbitrio Episcopi , to the good will and pleasure of the Bishop who had censur'd him . statuit quoque de Exuperantio Presbytero sancta Synodu● , qui ad injuriam sancti Episcopi sui Triferii gravia & multa congesserat , & frequentibus ●um contumeliis provocaverat .... propter quam causam ab eo fuerat Dominicâ communione privatus , ut in ejus sit arbitrio restitutio ipsius , in cujus potestate ejus fuit abjectio . His restitution was therefore left in his power , because originally his censure was . * The like was in the case of Palladius a Laick in the same Councell , qui à Triferio Sacerdote fuerat mulctatus , who was punished by Triferius the Bishop ▪ hoc ei humanitate Concilii reservato , at ipse Triferius in potestate habeat , quando voluerit ei relaxare . Here is the Bishop censuring Palladius the Laick , and excommunicating Exuperantius the Priest , and this having been done by his own sole authority was ratified by the Councell , and the absolution reserv'd to the Bishop too , which indeed was an act of favour ; for they having complain'd to the Councell , by the Councell might have been absolved , but they were pleased to reserve to the Bishop his owne power . These are particular instances , and made publike by acts conciliary intervening . But it was the Generall Canon and Law of H. Church . Thus we have it expressed in the Councell of Agatho . Contumaces verò Clerici prout dignitatis ordo permiserit ab Episcopis corrigantur . Refractary Clerks must be punished by their Bishops , according at the order of their dignity allowes . I end this particular with some Canons commanding Clerks to submit to the judgement and censures of their Bishop , under a Canonicall penalty ; and so goe on ad alia . In the second Councell of Carthage , Alypius Episcopus dixit , nee illud praetermittendum est , ut si quis fortè Presbyter ab Episcopo suo correptus , aut excommunicatus , rumore vel superbiâ inflatus , putaverit separatim Deo sacrificia offerenda , vel aliud erigendum altare contra Ecclesiasticam fidem disciplinamque crediderit , non exeat impunitus . And the same is repeated in the Greeke Code of the African Canons . If any Presbyter being excommunicated , or otherwise punished by his Bishop , shall not desist , but contest with his Bishop , let him by no means goe unpunished . * The like is in the Councell of Chalcedon , the words are the same that I before cited out of the Canons of the Councell of Antioch , and of the Apostles . But Carosus the Archimandrite spake home in that action . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The faith of the 318 Fathers of the Councell of Nice into which I was baptized I know , Other faith I know not . They are Bishops ; They have power to excommunicate and condemne , and they have power to doe what they please : other faith then this I know none . * This is to purpose , and it was in one of the foure great Councells or Christendome which all ages since have received , with all veneration and devout estimate . Another of them was that of Ephesus conven'd against Nestorius , and this ratifies those acts of condemnation which the Bishops had passed upon delinquent Clerks . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. They who are for their unworthy practices condemned by the Synod or by their OWN BISHOPS ; although Nestorius did endeavour to restore them , yet their condemnation should still remaine vigorous and confirm'd . Vpon which Canon Balsamon makes this observation , which indeed of it selfe is cleare enough in the Canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hence you have learn'd that Metropolitans and Bishops can judge their Clergy , and suspend them , and sometimes depose them . Nay , they are bound to it , Pastoralis tamen necessitas habet ( ne per plures serpant dira contagia ) separare ab ovibus sanis morbidam . It is necessary that the BISHOP should separate the scabbed sheep from the sound , least their infection scatter , so S. Austin . * And therefore the fourth Councell of * Carthage commands , ut Episcopus accusatores Fratrum excommunicet , That the Bishop excommunicate the accuser of their Brethren ( viz. such as bring Clergy causes* and Catholick doctrine , to be punished in secular tribunalls ; ) For Excommunication is called by the Fathers Mucro Episcopalis , the Bishops sword to cut offenders off from the Catholike communion . I adde no more but that excellent saying of S. Au●tin , which doth freely attest both the preceptive , 〈…〉 power of the Bishop over his whole 〈◊〉 Ergo praecipiant tantummodò nobis quid facere debeiamus qui nobis praesunt , & faciamus orent pro nobis , non autem nos corripiant , & arguant , si non fecerimus . Imó omnia fiant , quoniam Doct●res Ecclesiarum Apostoli omnia faciebant , & praecipiebant quae fierent , & corripiebant si non fierent &c. And againe ; Corripiantur itaque à praepositis suis subditi correptionibus de charitate venientibus , pro culparum diversitate diversis , vel minoribus , vel amplioribus , quia & ipsa quae damnatio nominatur quam facit Episcopale judicium , quâ poenâ in Ecclesiâ nulla major est , potest , si Deus voluerit , in correptionem saluberrimam cedere , atque proficere . Here the Bishops have a power acknowledged in them to command their Diocesse , and to punish the disobedient , and of excommunication by way of proper Ministery , [ damnatio quam facit Episcopale judicium ] a condemnation of the Bishops infliction . Thus it is evident by the constant practice of Primitive Christendome , by the Canons of three Generall Counsells , and divers other Provinciall , which are made Catholick by adoption , and inserting them into the Code of the Catholick Church , that the Bishop was Iudge of his Clergy , and of the Lay-people of his Diocesse ; that he had power to inflict censures upon them in case of delinquency ; that his censures were firme and valid ; and as yet we find no Presbyters joyning either in commission , or fact ▪ in power , or exercise : but excommunication and censures to be appropriated to Bishops and to be only dispatch't by them , either in full Councell , if it was a Bishops cause , or in his own Consistory , if it was the cause of a Priest , or the inferior Clergy , or a Laick , unlesse in cases of appeale , and then it was in plen● Concilio Episcoporum , in a Synod of Bishops ; And all this was confirmed by secular authority , as appears in the Imperiall Constitutions . For the making up this Paragraph complete , I must insert two considerations . First concerning universality of causes within the Bishops cognisance . And secondly of Persons . The Ancient Canons asserting the Bishops power in Cognitione causarum speake in most large , and comprehensive termes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They have power to doe what they list . Their power is as large as their will. So the Councell of Chalcedon before cited . It was no larger though , then S. Pauls expression , [ for to this end also did I write , that I might know the proofe of you , whether ye be obedient IN ALL THINGS . ] A large extent of power when the Apostles expected an Universall obedience . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And so the stile of the Church runne in descention , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so Ignatius , ye must doe NOTHING without your BISHOP , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to contradict him in NOTHING . The expression is frequent in him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to comprehend all things in his judgement , or cognisance , so the Councell of Antioch . * But these Universall expressions must be understood secundùm Materiam subjectam , so S. Ignatius expresses himselfe . Ye must without your Bishop doe nothing ; nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of things pertaining to the Church . So also the Councell of Antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The things of the Church , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 committed to the Bishop to whom all the people is intrusted . They are Ecclesiasticall persons , it is an Ecclesiasticall power they are indowed with , it is for a spirituall end , viz the regiment of the Church , and the good of soules , and therefore only those things which are in this order are of Episcopall cognisance . And what things are those ? 1. Then , it is certaine that since Christ hath pro●essed , his Kingdome is not of this world , that government which he hath constituted de novo does no way in the world make any intrenchment upon the Royalty . Hostis Herodes impie Christum venire quid times ? Non cripit mortalia Qui regna dat Coelestia . So the Church us'd to sing . Whatsoever therefore the secular tribunall did take cognisance of before it was Christian , the same it takes notice of after it is Christ'ned . And these are ; all actions civill , all publike violations of justice , all breach of Municipall lawes . These the Church hath nothing to doe with , unlesse by the favour of Princes and common-wealths it be indulged to them in honorem Dei & S. Matris Ecclesiae ; but then when it is once indulged , that act which does annull such pious vowes , is just contrary to that religion which first gave them , and then unlesse there was sinne in the donative , the ablation of it is contra honorem Dei & S. Matris Ecclesiae . But this it may be is impertinent . 2. The Bishops ALL , comes in after this ; And he is judge of all those causes which Christianity hath brought in upon a new stock , by it's new distinctive Principles . I say , by it's new Principles ; for there where it extends justice , and pursues the lawes of nature , there the secular tribunall is also extended if it be Christian ; The Bishop gets nothing of that : But those things which Christianity ( as it prescinds from the interest of the republike ) hath introduc'd all them , and all the causes emergent from them the Bishop is judge of . Such are causes of faith , Ministration of Sacraments , and Sacramentals , subordination of inferiour Clergy to their Superiour , censures , irregularities , Orders hierarchicall , rites and ceremonies , liturgyes , and publike formes of prayer , ( as is famous in the Ancient story of Ignatius teaching his Church the first use of Antiphona's and Doxologyes , and thence was deriv'd to all Churches of Christendome ) and all such things as are in immediate dependance of these , as dispensation of Church Vessels , and Ornaments , and Goods , receiving and disposing the Patrimony of the Church , and whatsoever is of the same consideration , according to the 41 Canon of the Apostles . Praecipimus ut in potestate suâ Episcopus Ecclesiae res habeat . Let the Bishop have the disposing the goods of the Church ; adding this reason . Si enim animae hominum pretiosae illi sint credita , multò magis eum oportet curam pecuniarum gerere . He that is intrusted with our pretious soules , may much more be intrusted with the offertoryes of faithfull people . 3. There are some things of a mixt nature ; and something of the secular interest , and something of the Ecclesiasticall concurre to their constitution , and these are of double cognisance : the secular power , and the Ecclesiasticall doe both in their severall capacities take knowledge of them . Such are the delinquencyes of Clergy-men , who are both Clergy , and subjects too ; Clerus Domini , and Regis subditi ; and for their delinquencyes which are in materiâ justitiae the secular tribunall punishes as being a violation of that right which the State must defend , but because done by a person who is a member of the sacred hierarchy , and hath also an obligation of speciall duty to his Bishop , therefore the Bishop also may punish him ; And when the commonwealth hath inflicted a penalty , the Bishop also may impose a censure , for every sinne of a Clergy-man is two . But of this nature also are the convening of Synods , the power whereof is in the King , and in the Bishop severally , insomuch as both the Church and the commonwealth in their severall respects have peculiar interest ; The commonwealth for preservation of peace and charity , in which religion hath the deepest interest ; and the Church , for the maintenance of faith . And therefore both Prince and Bishop have indicted Synods in severall ages , upon the exigence of severall occasions , and have severall powers for the engagement of Clericall obedience , and attendance upon such solemnities . 4. Because Christianity is after the common-wealth , and is a capacity superadded to it , therefore those things which are of mixt cognisance are chiefly in the King ; The Supremacy here is his , and so it is in all things of this nature , which are called [ Ecclesiasticall ] because they are in materiâ Ecclesiae , ad finem religionis , but they are of a different nature , and use from things [ Spirituall ] because they are not issues of those things which Christianity hath introduc'd de integro , and are separate from the interest of the commonwealth in it's particular capacity , for such things only , are properly spirituall . 5. The Bishops jurisdiction hath a compulsory deriv'd from Christ only , viz. infliction of censures by excommunications , or other minores plagae which are in order to it . But yet this internall compulsory through the duty of good Princes to God , and their favour to the Church , is assisted by the secular arme , either superadding a temporall penalty in case of contumacy , or some other way abetting the censures of the Church , and it ever was so since commonwealths were Christian. So that ever since then , Episcopall Iurisdiction hath a double part ; an externall , and an internall ; this is deriv'd from Christ , that from the King , which because it is concurrent in all acts of Iurisdiction , therefore it is , that the King is supreme of the Iurisdiction , viz. that part of it which is the externall compulsory . * And for this cause we shall sometimes see the Emperour , or his Prefect , or any man of consular dignity sit Iudge when the Question is of Faith , not that the Prefect was to Iudge of that , or that the Bishops were not ; But in case of the pervicacy of a peevish heretick who would not submitt to the power of the Church , but flew to the secular power for assistance , hoping by taking sanctuary there , to ingage the favour of the Prince : In this case the Bishops also appealed thither , not for resolution , but assistance , and sustentation of the Church's power . * It was so in the case of Aëtius the Arian , & Honoratus the Prefect , Constantius being Emperour . For , all that the Prefect did , or the Emperour in this case , was by the prevalency of his intervening authority to reconcile the disagreeing parties , and to incourage the Catholikes ; but the precise act of Iudicature even in this case was in the Bishops , for they deposed Aëtius for his heresie , for all his confident appeale , and Macedonius , Eleusius , Basilius , Ortasius , and Dracontius for personall delinquencyes . * And all this is but to reconcile this act to the resolution , and assertion of S. Ambrose , who refus'd to be tryed in a cause of faith by Lay-Iudges , though Delegates of the Emperour . Quando audisti ( Clementissime Imperator ) in causâ fidei Laicos de Episcopo judicâsse ? When was it ever knowne that Lay-men in a cause of Faith did judge a Bishop ? To be sure , it was not in the case of Honoratus the Prefect ; for if they had appealed to him , or to his Master Constantius for judgment of the Article , and not for incouragement and secular assistance , S. Ambrose his confident Question of [ Quando audisti ? ] had quickly been answered , even with saying ; presently after the Councell of Ariminum in the case of Aëtius , and Honoratus . * Nay it was one of the causes why S. Ambrose deposed Palladius in the Councell of Aquileia , because he refused to answer , except it were before some honourable personages of the Laity . And it is observeable that the Arians were the first ( and indeed they offer'd at it often ) that did desire Princes to judge matters of faith , for they despayring of their cause in a Conciliary triall , hoped to ingage the Emperour on their party , by making him Umpire . But the Catholike Bishops made humble , and faire remonstrance of the distinction of powers , and Iurisdictions ; and as they might not intrench upon the Royalty , so neither betray that right which Christ concredited to them to the incroachment of an exteriour jurisdiction and power . It is a good story that Suidas tells of Leontius Bishop of Tripolis in Lydia , a man so famous and exemplary , that he was call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rule of the Church that when Constantius the Emperour did preside amongst the Bishops , and undertooke to determine causes of meere spirituall cognisance , insteed of a Placet , he gave this answer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I wonder that thou being set over things of a different nature , medlest with those things that only appertaine to Bishops . The MILITIA , and the POLITI● are thine , but matters of FAITH , and SPIRIT , are of EPISCOPALL cognisance . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Such was the freedome of the ingenuaus L●●ntius . Answerable to which , was that Christian and faire acknowledgement of Valentinian when the Arian Bishops of Bithynia & the Hellespont sent Hypatianus their legate to desire him , ut dignaretur ad emendationem dogmatis interesse , that he would be pleas'd to mend the Article . Respondens Valentinianus , ait , Mihi quidem quum vnus de populo sim fas non est talia perscrutari . Verùm Sacerdotes apud se ipsos congregentur vbi voluerint . Cumque haec respondisset Princeps in Lampsacum convenerunt Episcopi . So Sozomen reports the story . The Emperour would not meddle with matters of faith , but referred the deliberation , and decision of them to the Bishops to whom by God's law they did appertaine ; Upon which intimation given , the Bishops conven'd in Lampsacum . And thus a double power met in the Bishops . A divine right to decide the article . Mihi fas non est , ( saith the Emperour ) it is not lawfull for me to meddle ; And then a right from the Emperour to assemble , for he gave them leave to call a Councell . These are two distinct powers , One from Christ , the other from the Prince . *** And now upon this occasion , I have faire opportunity to insert a consideration , The Bishops have power over all causes emergent in their diocesses ; all , ( I meane ) in the sense above explicated ; they have power to inflict censures , excommunication is the highest , the rest are parts of it , and in order to it . Whether or no must Church-censures be used in all such causes as they take cognisance of , or may not the secular power find our some externall compulsory in stead of it , and forbid the Church to use excommunication , in certaine cases ? 1. To this , I answer , that if they be such cases in which by the law of Christ they may , or such in which they must use excommunication , then , in these cases no power can forbid them . For what power Christ hath given them , no man can take away . 2. As no humane power can disrobe the Church of the power of excommunication ; so no humane power can invest the Church with a lay Compulsory . For if the Church be not capable of a jus gladij , as most certainly shee is not , the Church cannot receive power to put men to death , or to inflict lesser paines in order to it , or any thing above a salutary penance , I meane in the formality of a Church-tribunall , then they give the Church what shee must not , cannot take . I deny not but Clergy men are as capable of the power of life and death , as any men ; but not in the formality of Clergy-men . A Court of life and death , cannot be an Ecclesiasticall tribunall ; and then if any man , or company of Men should perswade the Church not to inflict her censures upon delinquents , in some cases in which shee might lawfully inflict them , and pretend to give her another compulsory ; they take away the Church-consistory , and erect a very secular Court , dependant on themselves , and by consequence to be appeal'd to from themselves , and so also to be prohibited as the Lay-Superiour shall see cause for . * Whoever therefore should be consenting to any such permutation of power , is traditor potestatis quam S. Mater Ecclesia à sponso suo acceperat , he betrayes the individuall , and inseparable right of holy Church . For her censures shee may inflict upon her delinquent children without asking leave . Christ is her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that , he is her warrant and security . The other is beg'd , or borrow'd , none of her owne , nor of a fit edge to be us ' d in her abscissions , and coërcions . * I end this consideration with that memorable Canon of the Apostles of so frequent use in this Question , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let the Bishop have the care or provision for all affaires of the Church , and let him dispense them velut Deo contemplante as in the sight of God , to whom he must be responsive for all his Diocesse . The next Consideration concerning the Bishop's jurisdiction is of what persons he is Iudge ? And because our Scene lyes here in Church-practice I shall only set downe the doctrine of the Primitive Church in this affaire , and leave it under that representation . Presbyters , and Deacons , and inferiour Clerks , and the Laity are already involved in the precedent Canons ; No man there , was exempted of whose soule any Bishop had charge . And all Christs sheepe heare his voice , and the call of his sheap-heard-Ministers . * Theodoret tells a story that when the Bishops of the Province were assembled by the command of Valentinian the Emperour for the choice of a Successor to Auxentius in the See of Millayne , the Emperour wished them to be carefull in the choice of a Bishop , in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Set such an one in the Archiepiscopall throne , that we who rule the Kingdome may sincerely submitt our head unto him , viz : in matters of spirituall import . * And since all power is deriv'd from Christ , who is a King , and a Priest , and a Prophet , Christian Kings are Christi Domini , and Vicars in his Regall power , but Bishops in his Sacerdotall , and Propheticall . * So that the King hath a Supreme Regall power in causes of the Church , ever since his Kingdome became Christian , and it consists in all things , in which the Priestly office is not precisely by Gods law imployed for regiment , and cure of soules , and in these also , all the externall compulsory and jurisdiction in his owne . For when his Subjects became Christian Subjects , himselfe also upon the same termes becomes a Christian Ruler , and in both capacities he is to rule , viz : both as Subjects , and as Christian Subjects , except only in the precise issues of Sacerdotall authority . And therefore the Kingdome , and the Priesthood are excelled by each other in their severall capacities . For superiority is usually expressed in three words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Excellency , Impery , and Power . The King is supreme to the Bishop in Impery ; The Bishop hath an Excellency , viz. of Spirituall Ministration which Christ hath not concredited to the King ; but in Power , both King , and Bishop have it distinctly in severall capacity ; the King in potentiâ gladii , the Bishop in potestate clavium . The Sword , and the Keyes are the emblems of their distinct power . Something like this is in the third Epistle of S. Clement translated by Ruffinus , Quid enim in praesenti saeculo prophetà gloriosius , Pontifice clarius , Rege sublimius ? King , and Priest , and Prophet , are in their severall excellencies , the Highest powers under heaven . *** In this sense it is easy to understand those expressions often used in Antiquity , which might seem to make intrenchment upon the sacrednesse of Royall prerogatives ; were not both the piety , and sense of the Church sufficiently cleare in the issues of her humblest obedience . * And this is the sense of S. Ignatius that holy Martyr , and disciple of the Apostles : Diaconi , & reliquus Clerus , unà cum populo Vniverso , Militibus , Principibus , & Caesare , ipsi Episcopo pareant . Let the Deacons and all the Clergy , and all the people , the Souldiers , the Princes , and Caesar himselfe obey the Bishop . * This is it , which S. Ambrose said ; Sublimitas Episcopalis nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari . Si Regum fulgori compares , & Principum diademati , erit inferius &c. This also was acknowledged by the great Constantine , that most blessed Prince , Deus vos constituit Sacerdotes , & potestatem vobis dedit , de nobis quoque judicandi , & ideo nos à vobis rectè judicamur . Vos autem non potestis ab hominibus judicari , [ viz. saecularibus , and in causis simplicis religionis . ] So that good Emperour in his oration to the Nicene Fathers . It was a famous contestation that S. Ambrose had with Auxentius the Arian pretending the Emperors command to him to deliver up some certain Churches in his Diocesse to the Arians . His answer was , that Palaces belong'd to the Emperour , but Churches to the Bishop ; and so they did , by all the lawes of Christendome . The like was in the case of S. Athanasius , and Constantius the Emperour , exactly the same per omnia , as it is related by Ruffinus . * S. Ambrose his sending his Deacon to the Emperour , to desire him to goe forth of the Cancelli , in his Church at Millain , showes that then the powers were so distinct , that they made no intrenchment upon each other . * It was no greater power , but a more considerable act , and higher exercise , the forbidding the communion to Theodosius , till he had by repentance , washed out the bloud that stuck upon him ever since the Massacre at Thessalonica . It was a wonderfull concurrence of piety in the Emperour , and resolution and authority in the Bishop . But he was not the first that did it ; For Philip the Emperour was also guided by the Pastorall rod , and the severity of the Bishop . De hoc traditum est nobis , quod Christianus fuerit , & in die Paschae , i.e. in ipsis vigiliis cùm interesse voluërit , & communicare mysteriis , ab Episcopo loci non priùs esse permissum , nisi confiteretur peccata , & inter poenitentes staret , nec ullo modo sibi copiam mysteriorum futuram nisi priùs per poenitentiam , culpas que de eo ferebantur plurimae , deluisset . The Bishop of the place would not let him communicate till hee had wash't away his sinnes by repentance . And the Emperour did so . Ferunt igitur libenter eum quod à Sacerdote imperatum fuerat , suscepisse . He did it willingly , undertaking the impositions laid upon him by the Bishop . I doubt not but all the world believes the dispensation of the Sacraments intirely to belong to Ecclesiasticall Ministery . It was S. Chrysostomes command to his Presbyters , to reject all wicked persons from the holy Communion . If he be a Captaine , a Consull , or a Crowned King that cometh unworthily , forbid him and keep him off , thy power is greater then his . If thou darest not remove him , tell it mee , I will not suffer it , &c. And had there never been more errour in the managing Church-censures , then in the foregoing instances , the Church might have exercised censures , and all the parts of power that Christ gave her , without either scandall or danger to her selfe , or her penitents . But when in the very censure of excommunication there is a new ingredient put , a great proportion of secular inconveniences , and humane interest , when excommunications , as in the Apostles times they were deliverings over to Satan , so now , shall be deliverings over to a forraine enemy , or the peoples rage ; as then , to be buffeted , so now to be deposed , or disinterest in the allegeance of subjects ; in these cases , excommunication being nothing like that which Christ authorized , and no way cooperating toward the end of its institution , but to an end of private designes , and rebellious interest , Bishops have no power of such censures , not is it lawfull to inflict thē , things remaining in that consistence , and capacity . And thus is that famous saying to be understood reported by S. Thomas to be S. Austin's , but is indeed found in the Ordinary Glosse upon Matth. 13. Princeps & multitudo non est excommunicanda . A Prince or a Common wealth are not to be excommunicate . Thus I have given a short account of the Persons , and causes of which Bishops according to Catholick practice did , and might take cognisance . This use only I make of it . Although Christ hath given great authority to his Church in order to the regiment of soules , such a power , quae nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari , yet it hath its limits , and a proper cognisance , viz. things spirituall , and the emergencies , and consequents from those things which Christianity hath introduced de novo , and superadded , as things totally disparate from the precise interest of the Common-wealth ; And this I the rather noted , to show how those men would mend themselves that cry downe the tyranny ( as they list to call it ) of Episcopacy , and yet call for the Presbytery . *** For the Presbytery does challenge cognisance of all causes whatsoever , which are either sinnes directly , or by reduction . * [ All crimes which by the Law of God deserve death . ] There they bring in Murders , Treasons , Witchcrafts , Felonies . Then the Minor faults they bring in under the title of [ Scandalous and offensive ] Nay [ Quodvis peccatum , ] saith Snecanus , to which if we adde this consideration , that they believe every action of any man to have in it the malignity of adamnable sinne , there is nothing in the world , good or bad , vitious or suspitious ; scandalous , or criminall ; true , or imaginary ; reall actions , or personall , in all which , and in all contestations , and complaints one party is delinquent , either by false accusation , or reall injury ; but they comprehend in their vast gripe , and then they have power to nullify all Courts , and judicatories , besides their owne : and being , for this their cognisance they pretend Divine institution , there shall be no causes IMPERFECT in their Consistory , no appeale from them , but they shall heare , and determine with finall resolution , and it will be sinne , and therefore punishable , to complaine of injustice and illegality . * If this be confronted but with the pretences of Episcopacy , and the Modesty of their severall demands , and the reasonablenesse , and divinity of each vindication examined , I suppose , were there nothing but Prudentiall motives to be put into ballance to weigh downe this Question , the cause would soone be determin'd , and the little finger of Presbytery , not only in it's exemplary , and tryed practises , but in its dogmaticall pretensions , is heavier then the loynes , nay then the whole body of Episcopacy ; but it seldome happens otherwise , but that they who usurpe a power , prove tyrants in the execution , whereas the issues of a lawfull power are faire and moderate . BUT I must proceed to the more particular instances of Episcopall Iurisdiction . The whole power of Ministration both of the Word and Sacraments was in the Bishop by prime authority , and in the Presbyters by commission and delegation , insomuch that they might not exercise any ordinary ministration without license from the Bishop . They had power and capacity by their order to Preach , to Minister , to Offer , to Reconcile , and to Baptize . They were indeed acts of order , but that they might not by the law of the Church exercise any of these acts , without license from the Bishop , that is an act or issue of jurisdiction , and shewes the superiority of the Bishop over his Presbyters , by the practice of Christendome . S. Ignatius hath done very good offices in all the parts of this Question , and here also he brings in succour . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is not lawfull without the Bishop ( viz. without his leave ) either to baptize , or to offer Sacrifice , or to make oblation , or to keep feasts of charity : and a little before ; speaking of the B. Eucharist , and its ministration , and having premised a generall interdict for doing any thing without the Bishops consent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But let that Eucharist ( saith he ) be held valid which is celebrated under the Bishop , or under him , to whom the Bishop shall permit . *** * I doe not here dispute the matter of right , and whether or no the Presbyters might de jure doe any offices without Episcopall licence , but whether or no de facto it was permitted them in the primitive Church ? This is sufficient to show , to what issue the reduction of Episcopacy to a primitive consistence will drive ; and if I mistake not , it is at least a very probable determination of the question of right too . For who will imagine that Bishops should at the first in the calenture of their infant devotion , in the new spring of Christianity , in the times of persecution , in all the publike disadvantages of state and fortune , when they anchor'd only upon the shore of a Holy Conscience , that then they should have thoughts ambitious , incroaching , of usurpation and advantages , of purpose to devest their Brethren of an authority intrusted them by Christ , and then too when all the advantage of their honour did only set them upon a hill to feele a stronger blast of persecution , and was not , as since it hath been , attested with secular assistance , and faire arguments of honour , but was only in a meere spirituall estimate , and ten thousand reall disadvantages . This will not be suppos'd either of wise or holy men . But however . Valeat quantum val●●e potest . The question is now of matter of fact , and if the Church of Martyrs , and the Church of Saints , and Doctors , and Confessors now regnant in heaven , be faire precedents for practices of Christianity , we build upon a rock , though we had digg'd no deeper then this foundation of Catholick practise . Upon the hopes of these advantages , I proceed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If any Presbyter disrespecting his own Bishop shall make conventions apart , or erect an altar ( viz. without the Bishops license ) let him be deposed ; clearely intimating that potestas faciendi concionem , the power of making of Church-meetings and assemblies , for preaching or other offices is derived from the Bishop ; and therefore the Canon adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He is a lover of Rule , he is a Tyrant , that is , an usurper of that power & government which belongs to the Bishop . The same thing is also decreed in the Councell of Antioch , and in the Councell of Chalcedon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , All the most Reverend Bishops cryed out , this is a righteous law , this is the Canon of the holy Fathers . [ This ] viz. The Canon Apostolicall now cited . * Tertullian is something more particular , and instances in Baptisme . Dandi baptismum jus habet summus Sacerdos , qui est Episcopus . Dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi authoritate , propter honorem Ecclesiae , quo salvo salva pax est ; alioquin etiam Laicis jus est . The place is of great consideration , and carries in it its own objection and its answer . The Bishop hath the right of giving baptisme . Then after him , Presbyters and Deacons , but not without the authority of the Bishop . ( So farre the testimony is clear ) and this is for the honour of the Church . * But does not this intimate it was only by positive constitution , and neither by Divine nor Apostolicall ordinance ? No indeed . It does not . For it might be so ordained by Christ or his Apostles propter honorem Ecclesia ; and no harme done . For it is honourable for the Church , that her Ministrations should be most ordinate , and so they are when they descend from the superior to the subordinate . But the next words doe of themselves make answer , [ Otherwise lay-men have right to baptize ] That is , without the consent of the Bishop Lay-men can doe it as much as Presbyters and Deacons . For indeed baptisme conferred by Lay-men is valid and not to bee repeated , but yet they ought not to administer it , so neither ought Presbyters without the Bishops license : so saies Tertullian , let him answer it . Only the difference is this , Lay-men cannot jure ordinario receive a leave or commission to make it lawfull in them to baptize any ; Presbyters and Deacons may , for their order is a capacity or possibility . ** But besides the Sacrament of Baptisme , Tertullian affirmes the same of the venerable Eucharist . Eucharistiae Sacramentum non de aliorum manu quàm Praesidentium sumimus . The former place will expound this , if there be any scruple in [ Praesidentium ] for clearly the Christians receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist from none but Bishops . I suppose he means [ without Episcopall license . ] whatsoever his meaning is , these are his words . The Councell of Gangra , forbidding conventicles , expresses it with this intimation of Episcopall authority . If any man shall make assemblies privately , & out of the Church , so despising the Chutch , or shall doe any Church-offices 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the presence of a Priest by THE DECREE OF A BISHOP , let him be anathema . The Priest is not to be assistant at any meeting for private offices without the Bishops license . If they will celebrate Synaxes privately , it must be by a Priest , and he must be there by leave of the Bishop , & then the assembly is lawfull . * And this thing was so knowne , that the Fathers of the second Councell of Carthage call it ignorance or hypocrisy in Priests to doe their offices without a license from the Bishop . Numidiu● Episcopus Massilytanus dixit , In quibusdam locis sunt Presbyteri qui aut ignorantes simplicitèr , aut dissimulantes audactèr , praesente , & inconsulto Episcopo complurimis in domicilijs agunt agenda , quod disciplinae incongruum cognoscit esse Sanctitas vestra . In some places there are Priests that in private houses doe offices ( houseling of people is the office meant , communicating them at home ) without the consent or leave of the Bishop , being either simply ignorant , or boldly dissembling ; Implying , that they could not else but know their duties to be , to procure Episcopall license for their ministrations . Ab Vniversis Episcopis dictum est . Quisquis Presbyter inconsulto Episcopo agenda in quolibet loco v●luërit celebrare , ipse honroi suo contrarius existit . All the Bishops said , if any Priest without leave of his Bishop shall celebrate the mysteries , be the place what it will be , he is an Enemy to the Bishops dignity . After this in time , but before in authority is the great Councell of Chalcedon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let the Clergy according to the tradition of the Fathers , remaine under the power of the Bishops of the City . So that they are for their offices in dependance of the authority of the Bishop . The Canon instances particularly to Priests officiating in Monasteries and Hospitalls , but extends it selfe to an indefinite expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , They must not dissent or differ from their Bishop . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c : All they that transgresse this Constitution in ANY WAY , not submitting to their Bishop , let them be punish'd canonically . So that now these generall expressions of obedience and subordination to the Bishop being to be Understood according to the exigence of the matter , to wit , the Ministeries of the Clergy in their severall offices , the Canon extends it's prohibition to all ministrations without the Bishops authority . But it was more clearely and evidently law and practice in the Roman Church , we have good witnesse for it ; S. Leo the Bishop of that Church is my author . Sed neque coram Episcopo licet Presbyteris in baptisterium introire , nec praesente Antistite infantem tingere , aut signare , nec poenitentem sine praeceptione Episcopi sui reconciliare , nec eo praesente nisi illo jubente Sacramentum corpor is & Sanguinis Christi conficere , nec eo coràm posito populum docere , vel benedicere &c. It is not lawfull for the Presbyters to enter into the baptistery , nor to baptize any Catechumens , nor to consecrate the Sacrament of Christs body and bloud in the presencè of the Bishop without his command . From this place of S. Leo , if it be set in conjunction with the precedent , we have faire evidence of this whole particular . It is not lawfull to doe any offices without the Bishops leave ; So S. Ignatius , so the Canons of the Apostles , so Tertullian , so the Councells of Antioch and Chalcedon . It is not lawfull to doe any offices in the Bishops presence without leave , so S. Leo. The Councell of Carthage joynes them both together , neither in his presence , nor without his leave in any place . Now against this practice of the Church , if any man should discourse as S. Hierome is pretended to doe by Gratian , Qui non vult Presbyteros facere quae jubentur à Deo , dicat quis major est Christo. He that will not let Presbyters doe what they are commanded to doe by God , let him tell us if any man be greater then Christ , viz : whose command it is , that Presbyters should preach . Why then did the Church require the Bishop's leave ? might not Presbyters doe their duty without a license ? This is it which the practice of the Church is abundantly sufficient to answer . * For to the Bishop is committed the care of the whole diocesse , he it is that must give the highest account for the whole charge , he it is who is appointed by peculiar designation to feede the flock , so the Canon of the 1 Apostles , so 2 Ignatius , so the Councell of 3 Antioch , so every where ; The Presbyters are admitted in partem sollicitudinis , but still the jurisdiction of the whole Diocesse is in the Bishop , and without the Bishop's admission to a part of it per traditionem subditorum , although the Presbyter by his ordination have a capacity of preaching and administring Sacraments , yet he cannot exercise this without designation of a particular charge either temporary or fixt . And therefore it is , that a Presbyter may not doe these acts without the Bishops leave , because they are actions of relation , and suppose a congregation to whom they must be administred , or some particular person ; for a Priest must not preach to the stones as some say Venerable Bede did , nor communicate alone , the word is destructive of the thing , nor baptize unlesse he have a Chrysome Child , or a Catechumen ; So that all of the Diocesse being the Bishop's charge , the Bishop must either authorize the Priest , or the Priest must not meddle , least he be ( what S. Peter blam'd ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Bishop in anothers Diocesse : Not that the Bishop did license the acts precisely of baptizing , of consecrating &c. For these he had by his oxdination , but that in giving license he did give him a subject to whom he might apply these relative actions , and did quoad hoc take him in partem sollicitudinis and concredit some part of his diocesse to his administration cum curâ animarum . But then on the other side because the whole cure of the Diocesse is in the Bishop , he cannot exonerate himselfe of it , for it is a burden of Christs imposing , or it is not imposed at all , therefore this taking of Presbyters into part of the regiment and care does not devest him of his own power , or any part of it , nor yet ease him of his care , but that as he must still 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , visit and see to his Diocesse , so he hath authority still in all parts of his Diocesse , and this appears in these places now quoted ; insomuch as when the Bishop came to any place , there the Vicaria of the Presbyters did cease . In praesentiâ Majoris cessat potest as minoris . And , though because the Bishop could not doe all the Minor and daily offices of the Priesthood in every congregation of his Diocesse , therefore he appointed Priests severally to officiate , himselfe looking to the Metropolis and the daughter Churches by a generall supravision ; yet when the Bishop came into any place of his Diocesse , there he being presen● might doe any office , because it was in his own charge , which he might concredit to another , but not exonerate himselfe of it ; And therefore praesente Episcopo ( saith the Councell of Carthage , and S. Leo ) if the Bishop be present , the Presbyter without leave might not officiate ; For he had no subjects of his owne , but by trust and delegation , and this delegation was given him to supply the Bishops absence , who could not simul omnibus interesse , but then , where he was present , the cause of delegation ceasing , the jurisdiction also ceased , or was at least absorpt in the greater , and so without leave might not be exercised ; like the starres which in the noon day have their own naturall light , as much as in the night , but appeare not , shine not in the presence of the Sunne . This perhaps will seem uncouth to those Presbyters , who ( as the Councell of Carthage's expression is ) are contr●rii honort Episcopali ; but yet if we keep our selves in our own forme , where God hath placed us , and where wee were in the Primitive Church , wee shall find all this to be sooth , and full of order . For Consider . The elder the prohibition was , the more absolute & indefinite it runs . [ Without the Bishop it is not lawfull to baptize , to consecrate ] &c. So Ignatius . The prohibition is without limit . But in descent of the Church it runnes , [ praesente Episcopo ] the Bishop being present they must not without leave . The thing is all one , and a derivation from the same originall , to wit , the Vniversality of the Bishops Iurisdiction , but the reason of the difference of expression is this . At first Presbyters were in Citties with the Bishop , and no parishes at all concredited to them . The Bishops lived in Citties , the Presbyters preach'd and offer'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from house to house according as the Bishop directed them . Here they had no ordinary charge , and therefore the first prohibitions runne indefinitely , they must not doe any Clericall offices sine Episcopo , unlesse the Bishop sends them . But then afterwards when the Parishes were distinct , and the Presbyters fix't upon ordinary charges , then it was only , praesente Episcopo , if the Bishop was present , they might not officiate without leave . For in his absence they might doe it , I doe not say without leave , but I say they had leave given them , when the Bishop sent them to officiate in a Village with ordinary or temporary residence ; as it is to this day , when the Bishop institutes to a particular charge , he also gives power hoc ipso , of officiating in that place . So that at first when they did officiate in places by temporary missions , then they were to have leave , but this license was also temporary ; but when they were fixt upon ordinary charges they might not officiate without leave , but then they had an ordinary leave given them in traditione subditorum , and that was done in subsidium Muneres Episcopalis , because it was that part of the Bishops charge , which he could not personally attend for execution of the Minor offices , and therefore concredited it to a Presbyter , but if he was present , a new leave was necessary , because as the power alwaies was in the Bishop , so now the execution also did returne to him when he was there in person , himselfe if he listed , might officiate . All this is excellently attested in the example of S. Austin , of whom Possidonius in his life reports that being but a Presbyter , Valerius the Bishop being a Greek borne , and not well spoken in the Latin tongue , and so unfit for publike orations , eidem Presbytero ( viz. to Austin ) potestatem dedit coram se in Ecclesiâ Evangelium praedicandi , ac frequentissimè tractandi contra . USUM quidem , & CONSUETUDINEM Africanarum Ecclesiarum . He gave leave to Austin then but Presbyter , to preach in the Church , even while himselfe was present , indeed against the VSE and CUSTOME of the African Churches . And for this act of his he suffered soundly in his report . * For the case was thus . In all Africa ever since the first spring of the Arian heresy , the Church had then suffered so much by the preaching of Arius the Presbyter , that they made a Law not to suffer any Presbyter to preach at all , at least in the Mother Church , and in the Bishops presence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith Socrates . ) Thence came this Custome in the African Churches . But because Valerius saw S. Austin so able , and himselfe for want of Latin so unfit , he gave leave to Austin to preach before him , against the Custome of the African Churches . But he addes this reason for his excuse too ; it was not indeed the custome of Africa , but it was of the Orientall Churches . For so Possidonius proceeds , sed & ille vir venerabilis , ac providus , in orientalibus Ecclesiis id ex more fieri sciens , in the Levant it was usuall for Bishops to give Presbyters leave to preach , dummodò factitaretur à Presbytero quod à se Episcopo impleri minimè posse cernebat , which determines us fully in the businesse . For this leave to doe offices was but there to be given where the Bishop himselfe could not fulfill the offices , which showes the Presbyters in their severall charges , whether of temporary mission , or fixt residence , to be but Delegates , and Vicars of the Bishop admitted in partem Sollicitudinis , to assist the Bishop in his great charge of the whole Diocesse . Against this it is objected out of S. Hierome , and it is recorded by Gratian , Ecce ego dico praesentibus Episcopis suis , atque adstantibus in altari Presbyteros posse Sacramenta conficere . Behold , I say that Presbyters may minister Sacraments in presence of the Bishop . So Gratian quotes it indeed , but S. Hierome saies the expresse contrary , unlesse we all have false copies . For in S. Hierome it is not [ Ecce ego dico ] but [ Nec ego dico . ] He does not say it is lawfull for Presbyters to officiate in the presence of their Bishop . Indeed S. Hierome is angry at Rusticus Bishop of Narbona because he would not give leave to Presbyters to preach , nor to blesse &c. This , perhaps it was not well done , but this makes not against the former discourse ; for though it may be fit for the Bishop to give leave , the Church requiring it still more and more in descent of ages , and multiplication of Christians , and Parishes , yet it is cleare that this is not to be done without the Bishops leave , for it is for this very thing that S. Hierome disputes against Rusticus , to show he did amisse , because he would not give his Presbyters license . * And this he also reprehends in his epistle ad Nepotianum , Pessimae consuetudinis est in quibusdam Ecclesiis tacere Presbyteros , & praesentibus Episcopis non loqui . That Presbyters might not be suffered to preach in presence of the Bishop , that was an ill custome , to wit , as things then stood , and it was mended presently after , for Presbyters did preach in the Bishops presence , but it was by license from their Ordinary . For so Possidonius relates , that upon this act of Valerius before mentioned , Posteà currente & volante hujusmodi famâ , bono praecedente exemplo , ACCEPTA AB EPISCOPIS POTESTATE Presbyteri nonnulli coram Episcopis , populis tractare caeperunt verbum Dei. By occasion of this precedent it came to passe , that some Presbyters did preach to the people in the Bishops presence , having first obtain'd faculty from the Bishop so to doe . And a little after it became a custome from a generall faculty and dispensation indulged to them in the second Councell of Vase . Now if this evidence of Church practise be not sufficient to reconcile us to S. Hierome , let him then first be reconciled to himselfe , and then we are sure to be help'd . For in his dialogue against the Luciferians , his words are these , Cui si non exors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot efficientur Schismata quot sunt Sacerdotes . Inde venit ut sine Episcopi missione neque Presbyter , neque Diaconus jus habeant baptizandi . Because the Bishop hath an eminent power , and this power is necessary , thence it comes that neither Presbyter nor Deacon may so much as baptize without the Bishops leave . ** This whole discourse showes clearely not only the Bishops to be superiour in jurisdiction , but that they have sole jurisdiction , and the Presbyters only in substitution and vicaridge . ** DIvers other acts there are to attest the superiority of the Bishops jurisdiction over Priests and Deacons , as , that all the goods of the Church were in the Bishops sole disposing , and as at first they were laid at the Apostles feet , so afterwards , at the Bishops . So it is in the 41. Canon of the Apostles , so it is in the Councell of Gangra , and all the world are excluded from intervening in the dispensation , without expresse delegation from the Bishop , as appears in the seventh and eight Canons , and that under pain of an anathema by the holy Councell . * And therefore when in successe of time , some Patrons that had founded Churches and endowed them , thought that the dispensation of those lands did not belong to the Bishop ; of this the third Councell of Toledo complains , and makes remedy , commanding , ut omnia SECUNDUM CONSTITUTIONEM ANTIQUAM , ad Episcopi ordinationem & potestatem pertineant . The same is reniewed in the fourth Councell of Toledo . Noverint autem conditores basilicarum in rebus quas eisdem Ecclesiis conferunt , nullam se potestatem habere , SED IUXTA CANONUM INSTITUTA , sicut Ecclesiam , ita & dotem ejus ad ordinationem Episcopi pertinere . These Councells I produce not as Iudges , but as witnesses in the businesse , for they give concurrent testimony that as the Church it selfe , so the dowry of it too did belong to the Bishops disposition by the Ancient Canons . For so the third Councell of Toledo calls it , antiquam Constitutionem , and it selfe is almost 1100. years old , so that still I am precisely within the bounds of the Primitive Church though it be taken in a narrow sense . For so it was determin'd in the great Councell of Chalcedon , commanding that the goods of the Church should be dispensed by a Clergy steward , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the pleasure or sentence of the Bishop . ADde to this , that without the Bishop's dimissory letters Presbyters might not goe to another Diocesse . So it is decreed in the fifteenth Canon of the Apostles , under paine of suspension or deposition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the censure ; and that especially , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if he would not returne when his Bishop calls him . The same is renewed in the Councell of Antioch , cap. 3. and in the Councell of Constantinople in Trullo , cap. 17. the censure there is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him be deposed that shall without dimissory letters from his Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fix● himselfe in the Diocesse of another Bishop . But with license of his Bishop , he may . Sacerdotes , vel alii Clerici concessione suorum Episcoporum possunt ad alias Ecclesias transmigrare . But this is frequently renewed in many other Synodall decrees , these may suffice for this instance . * But this not leaving the Diocesse is not only meant of promotion in another Church , but Clergy men might not travaile from Citty to Citty , without the Bishops license ; which is not only an argument of his regiment in genere politico , but extends it almost to a despotick ; But so strict was the Primitive Church in preserving the strict tye of duty , and Clericall subordination to their Bishop . The Councell of La●dicea commands a Priest , or Clergy man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to travail without Canonicall , or dimissory letters . And who are to grant these letters , is expressed in the next Canon which repeats the same prohibition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Priest or a Clerke must not travaile without the command of his Bishop ; and this prohibition is inserted into the body of the Law , de consecrat . dist 5. can . non oportet , which puts in the clause of [ Neque etiam Laicum , ] but this was beyond the Councell , The same is in the Councell of a Agatho . The Councell of b Venice adds a cēsure , that those Clerks should be like persons excommunicate in all those places whither they went , without letters of license from their Bishop . The same penalty is inflicted by the Councell of Epaunum , Presbytero , vel Diacono sine Antistitis sui Epistolis ambulanti communionem nullus impendat . The first Councell of Tourayne in France , and the third Councell of Orleans attest the selfe same power in the Bishop , and duty in all his Clergy . BUT a Coërcitive authority makes not a complete jurisdiction , unlesse it be also remunerative , & [ the Princes of the Nations are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Benefactors ] for it is but halfe a tye to indeare obedience , when the Subject only fears quod prodesse non poterit , that which cannot profit . And therefore the primitive Church , to make the Episcopall jurisdiction up intire , gave power to the Bishop to present the Clerks of his Diocesse to the higher Orders and neerer degrees of approximation to himselfe , and the Clerks might not refuse to be so promoted . Item placuit ut quicunque Clerici vel Diaconi pro necessitatibus Ecclesiarnm non obtemperaverint EPISCOPIS SUIS VOLENTIBUS EOS AD HONOREM AMPLIOREM IN SUA ECCLESIA PROMOVERE , nec illic ministrent in gradu suo unde recedere noluerunt . So it is decreed in the African Code , They that will not by their by Bishop be promoted to a Greater honour in the Church , must not enjoy what they have already . But it is a question of great consideration , and worth a strict inquiry , in whom the right and power of electing Clerks was resident in the Primitive Church : for the right and the power did not alwaies goe together , and also severall Orders had severall manner of election ; Presbyters and inferior Clergy were chosen by the Bishop alone , the Bishop by a Synod of Bishops , or by their Chapter ; And lastly , because of late , strong outcries are made upon severall pretensions , amongst which the people make the biggest noise , though of all , their title to election of Clerks be most empty , therefore let us consider it upon all its grounds . 1. In the Acts of the Apostles , which are most certainely the best precedents for all acts of holy Church we find that [ Paul and Barnabas ordain'd Elders in every Church ] and [ they passed thorough Lystra , Iconium , Antioch , and Derbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , appointing them Elders . * S. Paul chose Timothy Bishop of Ephesus , and he saies of himselfe and Titus , [ For this cause I SENT thee to Crete , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that thou shouldest oppoint Presbyters , or Bishops ( be they which they will ) in every City ] . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies that the whole action was his . For that he ordain'd them no man questions , but he also APPOINTED THEM , and that was , saith S. Paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as I commanded thee . It was therefore an Apostolicall ordinance , that the BISHOP SHOULD APPOINT PRESBYTERS . Let there be halfe so much showne for the people , and I will also indeavour to promote their interest . **** There is onely one pretence of a popular election in Scripture ; It is of the seven that were set over the widdowes . * But first , this was no part of the hierarchy : This was no cure of soules : This was no divine institution : It was in the dispensation of monyes : it was by command of the Apostles the election was made , and they might recede from their owne right : it was to satisfye the multitude : it was to avoid scandall , which in the dispensation of moneyes might easily arise : it was in a temporary office : it was with such limitations , and conditions as the Apostles prescrib'd them : it was out of the number of the 70 that the election was made , if we may beleive S. Epiphanus , so that they were Presbyters before this choice : and lastly , it was onely a Nomination of seven Men , the determination of the buisinesse , and the authority of rejection was still in the Apostles , and indeed the whole power [ Whom WE MAY APPOINT over this businesse ] & after all this , there can be no hurt done by the objection , especially since clearely and indubiously the election of Bishops , and Presbyters was in the Apostles owne persons ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith S. Ignatius of Evodias ; Evodias was first APPOINTED to be your Governour , or Bishop , by the APOSTLES ) and themselves did committ it to others that were Bishops , as in the instances before reckoned . Thus the case stood in Scripture . 2. In the practice of the Church it went according to the same law , and practice Apostolicall . The People did not , might not choose the Ministers of holy Church . So the Councell of Laodicea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The people must not choose those that are to be promoted to the Priesthood . The prohibition extends to their Non-election of all the Superiour Clergy , Bishops and Presbyters . But who then must elect them ? The Councell of Nice determines that , for in 16 and 17 Canons the Councell forbids any promotion of Clerks to be made , but by the Bishop of that Church where they are first ordayned , which clearely reserves to the Bishop the power of retayning , or promoting all his Clergy . * 3. All Ordinations were made by Bishops alone , ( as I have already prooved . ) Now let this be confronted with the practice of Primitive Christendome , that no Presbyter might be ordain'd sine titulo without a particular charge , which was alwaies custome , and at last grew to be a law in the Councell of Chalcedon , and we shall perceive that the ordainer was the onely chooser ; for then to ordaine a Presbyter was also to give him a charge ; and the Patronage of a Church was not a lay inheritance , but part of the Bishops cure , for he had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the care of the Churches in all the Diocesse ; as I have already showne . And therefore when S. Ierome , according to the custome of Christendome , had specified some particular ordinations or election of Presbyters by Bishops , as how himselfe was made Priest by Paulinus , and Paulinus by Epiphanius of Cyprus , Gaudeat Episcopus judicio suo , cùm tales Christo elegerit Sacerdotes , let the Bishop rejoyce in his owne act , having chosen such worthy Priests for the service of Christ. Thus S. Ambrose gives intimation that the dispensing all the offices in the Clergy was solely in the Bishop . Haec spectet Sacerdos , & quod cuique congruat , id officij deputet . Let the Bishop observe these rules , and appoint every one his office as is best answerable to his condition and capacity . And Theodoret reports of Leontius the Bishop of Antioch , how being an Arian , adversarios recti dogmatis suscipiens , licèt turpem habentes vitam , ad Presbyteratûs tamen ordinem , & Diaconatûs evexit . Eos autem qui Vniversis virtutibus ornabantur , & Apostolica dogmata defendebant , absque honore deseruit . He advanc'd his owne faction , but would not promote any man that was Catholike and pious . So he did . The power therefore of Clericall promotion was in his owne hands . This thing is evident and notorious ; And there is scarce any example in Antiquity of either Presbyters , or people choosing any Priest , but only in the case of S. Austin whom the Peoples hast snatch'd , and carried him to their Bishop Valerius intreating him to ordayne him Priest. This indeed is true , that the testimony of the people , for the life of them that were to be ordayn'd was by S. Cyprian ordinarily required ; In ordinandis Clericis ( Fratres Charissimi ) solemus vos ante consulere , & mores , ac merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare . It was his custome to advise with his people concerning the publike fame of Clerks to be ordayn'd ; It was usuall ( I say ) with him , but not perpetuall , for it was otherwise in the case of Celerinus , and divers others , as I shewed elsewhere . 4. In election of Bishops ( though not of Priests ) the Clergy and the people had a greater actuall interest , and did often intervene with their silent consenting suffrages , or publike acclamations . But first ; This was not necessary . It was otherwise among the Apostles , and in the case of Timothy , of Titus , of S. Iames , of S. Marke , and all the Successors whom they did constitute in the severall chayres . 2 ly . This was not by law , or right , but in fact only . It was against the Canon of the Laodicean Councell , and the 31 th Canon of the Apostles , which under paine of deposition commands that a Bishop be not promoted to his Church by the intervening of any lay power . Against this discourse S. Cyprian is strongly pretended . Quando ipsa [ plebs ] maximè habeat potestatem vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi . Quod & ipsum videmus de divinâ authoritate descendere &c. Thus he is usually cited . The people have power to choose , or to refuse their Bishops , and this comes to them from Divine authority . No such matter . The following words expound him better , [ Quod & ipsum videmus de divinâ authoritate descendere , ut Sacerdos PLEBE PRAESENTE sub omnium oculis deligatur , & dignus , atque idoneus publico judicio ac testimonio comprobetur : that the Bishop is chosen publikely , in the presence of the people , and he only be thought fit who is approved by publike judgement , and testimony ; or as S. Paul's phrase is [ he must have a good report of all men ] that is indeed a divine institution , and that to this purpose , and for the publike attestation of the act of election and ordination the peoples presence was required , appeares clearely by S. Cyprian's discourse in this Epistle . For what is the divine authority that he mentions ? It is only the example of Moses whom God commanded to take the Sonne of Eleazer and cloath him with his Fathers robes coram omni Synagogâ , before all the congregation . The people chose not , God chose Eleazar , and Moses consecrated him , and the people stood , and look'd on ; that 's all that this argument can supply . * Iust thus Bishops are , and ever were ordayn'd , non nisi sub populi assistentis conscientiâ , in the sight of the people standing by ; but to what end ? Vt plebe praesente detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur . All this while the election is not in the people , nothing but the publike testimony , and examination , for so it followes , & sit ordinatio justa & legitima quae omnium suffragio , & judicio fuerit examinata . ** But S. Cyprian hath two more proof's whence we may learne either the sense , or the truth of his assertion . The one is of the Apostles ordayning the seven Deacons ( but this we have already examin'd , ) the other of S. Peter choosing S. Matthias into the Apostolate ; it was indeed done in the presence of the people . * But here it is considerable that at this surrogation of S. Matthias the Number of the persons present was but 120 , of which eleven were Apostles , and 72 were Disciples and Presbyters , they make up 83 , and then there remaines but 37 of the Laity , of which many were women , which I know not yet whether any man would admitt to the election of an Apostle , and whether they doe or doe not , the Laity is a very inconsiderable Number if the matter had beene to be carried by plurality of voices ; so that let the worst come that is imaginable , the whole businesse was in effect carried by the Clergy , whom in this case we have no reason to suspect to be divided , and of a distinct , or disagreeing interest . * 2. Let this discourse be of what validity it will , yet all this whole businesse was miraculous , and extraordinary ; For though the Apostles nam'd two Candidates yet the holy Ghost chose them by particular revelation . And yet for all this , it was lawfull for S. Peter alone to have done it without casting lots . An non licebatipsi [ Petro ] eligere ? licebat , & quidem maximè ; verùm id non facit ●e cui videretur gratificari . Quanquam alioqui non erat particeps Spiritûs . For all , he had not as yet received the holy Ghost , yet he had power himselfe to have completed the election . So S. Chrysostome . So that now , if S. Cyprian meanes more then the presence of the people for suffrage of publike testimony , & extends it to a suffrage of formall choice , his proofes of the divine authority are invalid , there is no such thing can be deduc'd from thence , and then this is his complying so much with the people ( which hath beene the fault of many a good man ) may be reckon'd together with his rebaptization . But truth is , he meanes no more then suffrage of testimony , viz : That he who is to be chosen Bishop be for his good life a man of good fame , and approved of before God and all the people , and this is all the share they have in their election . * And so indeed himselfe summes up the whole businesse and tells us of another jus Divinum too . [ Propter quod diligentèr de traditione Divinâ , & Apostolicâ observatione , observandum est & tenendum , quod apud nos quoque , & ferè apud Provincias Vniversas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes ritè celebrandas ad eam plebem cui Praepositus ordinatur , Episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & Episcopus deligatur pl●be praesente que singuloram vitam plenissimè novit . It is most diligently to be observed , for there is a Divine tradition , and an Apostolicall ordinance for it , and it is us'd by us and almost by all Churches , that all the Bishops of the Province assemble to the making of right ordinations , and that a Bishop be chosen in the face of the people who best know their life and conversation . ] So that the Bishops were to make the formall election , the people to give their judgement of approbation in this particular , and so much as concern'd the exemplary piety , and good life of him that was to be their Bishop . Here we see in S. Cyprian is a jus Divinum for the Bishops choosing a Collegue , or a Brother - Bishop , as much as for the presence of the people , and yet the presence was all . And howsoever the people were present to give this testimony , yet the election was clearely in the Bishops , and that by Divine tradition , and Apostolicall observation saith S. Cyprian ; And thus it was in all Churches almost . In Africa this was , and so it continued till after S. Austins time , particularly in the choice of Eradius his successor . It was so in the Greek Church as S. Chrysostome tels us . It was so in Spaine , as S. † Isidore tels us ; and in many other places , that the people should be present , and give acclamation , and tumultuary approbation ; but to the formall election of the Clergy , made by enumeration of votes and subscription , the people never were admitted . 5. Although that in times of persecution , at first , and to comply with the people who were in all respects to be sweetned , to make them with easier appetite swallow the bitter pill of persecution , and also to make them more obedient to their Bishop , if they did , though but in a tumult and noyse cry him up in his ordination , ne plebs invita Episcopum non optatum , aut contemnat , aut oderit , & fiat minùs religiosa quàm convenit , cui non licuerit habere quem voluit , ( for so S. Leo expresses the cause ) yet the formality , and right of proper election was in the Clergy , and often so practised without any consent at all , or intervening act of the people . The right , I say , was in the Bishops , so it was decreed in the Ni●ene Councell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Bishop must be appointed or constituted by all the BISHOPS of the province , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It must be confirm'd , and established by the METROPOLITAN . No Presbyters here all this while , no people . * But the exercise of this power is more clearely seen in the Acts of some Councells , where the Fathers degraded some Bishops , and themselves appointed others in their Roomes . * The Bishops in the Councell of Constantinople deposed Marcellus . In cujus locum Basilium in Ancyram miserunt . They sent Basilius Bishop in his roome , saith Sozomen . * Ostendat Bassianus si per Synodum Reverendissimorum Episcoporū , & consuetâ lege Episcopus Ephesiorum Metropolis est constitutus , ( said the Fathers of the Councell of Chalcedō . ) Let Bassianus show that he was made BISHOP OF EPHESUS BY A SYNOD OF BISHOPS , and according to the accustomed Law. The Law I shewed before , even the Nicene Canon . The fathers of which Councell sent a Synodall Epistle to the Church of Alexandria , to tell them they had deposed Militius from the office of a Bishop , only left him the name , but took from him all power , nullam verò omnimodò habere potestatem , neque ELIGENDI , NEQUE ORDINANDI : &c. Neither suffering him to choose nor to ordaine Clerks . It seems then that was part of the Episcopall office in ordinary , placit●s sibi eligere , as the Epistle expresses it in the sequell , to choose whom they listed . But the Councell deposed Melitius , and sent Alexander their Bishop , and Patriarch to rule the Church againe . ** And particularly to come home to the ●ase of the present question , when Auxentius Bishop of Millaine was dead , and the Bishops of the Province ; and the Clergy of the Church , and the people of the Citty , were assembled at the choosing of another , the Emperour makes a speech to the Bishops only , that they should be carefull in their choyce . So that although the people were present , quibus profide , & religione etiam honor deferendus est ( as S. Cyprians phrase is ) to whom respect is to be had , and faire complyings to be used so long as they are pious , catholick , and obedient , yet both the right of electing , and solemnity of ordaining was in the Bishops , the peoples interest did not arrive to one halfe of this . 6. There are in Antiquity diverse precedents of Bishops , who chose their own successors ; it will not be imagined the people will choose a Bishop over his head , and proclaime that they were weary of him . In those daies they had more piety . * Agelius did so , he chose Sisinnius , and that it may appeare it was without the people , they came about him , and intreated him to choose Marcian , to whom they had been beholding in the time of Valens the Emperour ; he complyed with them , and appointed Marcian to be his successor , and Sisinnius whom he had first chosen , to succeed Marcian . * Thus did Valerius choose his successor , S. Austin ; for though the people nam'd him for their Priest , and carried him to Valerius to take Orders , yet Valerius chose him Bishop . And this was usuall ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as ▪ Epiphanius expresses this case , ) it was ordinary to doe so in many Churches . 7. The manner of election in many Churches was various , for although indeed the Church had commanded it , and given power to the Bishops to make the election , yet in some times and in some Churches the Presbyters , or the Chapter , chose one out of themselves . S. Hierome saies they alwaies did so in Alexandria , from S. Markes time to Heraclas and Dionysius . * S. Ambrose saies that at the first , the Bishop was not , by a formall new election promoted , but recedente uno sequens ei succedebat . As one dyed so the next senior did succeed him . In both these cases no mixture of the peoples votes . 8. In the Church of England the people were never admitted to the choyce of a Bishop from its first becoming Christian to this very day , and therefore to take it from the Clergy , in whom it alwaies was by permission of Princes , and to interest the people in it , is to recede à traditionibus Majorum , from the religion of our forefathers , and to INNOVATE in a high proportion . 9. In those Churches where the peoples suffrage ( by way of testimony , I meane , and approbation ) did concurre with the Synod of Bishops ▪ in the choyce of a Bishop , the people at last according to their usuall guise grew hot , angry , and tumultuous , and then were ingaged by divisions in religion to Name a Bishop of their own sect ; and to disgrace one another by publike scandall , and contestation , and often grew up to Sedition , and Murder ; and therefore although they were never admitted , ( unlesse where themselves usurped ) farther then I have declared , yet even this was taken from them , especially , since in tumultuary assemblies , they were apt to carry all before them , they knew not how to distinguish between power , and right , they had not well learn'd to take deniall , but began to obtrude whom they listed , to swell higher like a torrent when they were check'd ; and the soleship of election , which by the Ancient Canons was in the Bishops , they would have asserted wholly to themselves both in right , and execution . * I end this with the annotation of Zonaras upon the twelfth Canon of the Laodicean Councell . Populi suffragiis olim Episcopi eligebantur ( understand him in the senses above explicated ) Sed cùm multae inde seditiones existerent , hinc factum est ut Episcoporum Vniuscujusque provinciae authoritate eligi Episcopum quemque oportere decreverint Patres : of old time Bishops were chosen , not without the suffrage of the people ( for they concurred by way of testimony and acclamation ) but when this occasion'd many seditions and tumults , the Fathers decreed that a Bishop should be chosen by the authority of the Bishops of the Province . And he addes that in the election of Damasus 137 men were slaine , and that sixe hundred examples more of that nature were producible . Truth is , the Nomination of Bishops in Scripture was in the Apostles alone , and though the Kindred of our Blessed Saviour were admitted to the choyce of Simeon Cleophae , the Successor of S. Iames to the Bishoprick of Ierusalem , as Eusebius witnesses ; it was propter singularem honorem , an honorary , and extraordinary priviledge indulged to them for their vicinity and relation to our Blessed Lord the fountaine of all benison to us ; and for that very reason Simeon himselfe was chosen Bishop too . Yet this was praeter regulam Apostolicam . The rule of the Apostles , and their precedents were for the sole right of the Bishops to choose their Colleagues in that Sacred order . * And then in descent , even before the Nicene Councell the people were forbidden to meddle in election , for they had no authority by Scripture to choose ; by the necessity of times and for the reasons before asserted they were admitted to such a share of the choyce as is now folded up in a peice of paper , even to a testimoniall ; and yet I deny not but they did often take more as in the case of Nilammon , quem cives elegerunt , saith the story out of Sozomen , they chose him alone , ( though God took away his life before himselfe would accept of their choyce ) and then they behav'd themselves oftentimes with so much insolency , partiality , faction , sedition , cruelty , and Pagan basenesse that they were quite interdicted it , above 1200 yeares agone . * So that they had their little in possession but a little while , and never had any due , and therefore now , their request for it is no petition of right , but a popular ambition and a snatching at a sword to hew the Church in peices . But I thinke I need not have troubled my selfe halfe so farre , for they that strive to introduce a popular election , would as faine have Episcopacy out , as popularity of election let in . So that all this of popular election of Bishops , may seeme superfluous . For I consider , that if the peoples power of choosing Bishops be founded upon Gods law , as some men pretend from S. Cyprian ( not proving the thing from Gods law , but Gods law from S. Cyprian ) then Bishops themselves must be by Gods law : For surely God never gave them power to choose any man into that office which himselfe hath no way instituted . And therefore I suppose these men will desist from their pretence of Divine right of popular election , if the Church will recede from her divine right of Episcopacy . But for all their plundering , and confounding , their bold pretences have made this discourse necessary . IF we adde to all these foregoing particulars the power of making lawes to be in Bishops , nothing else can be required to the making up of a spirituall Principality . Now as I have shewne that the Bishop of every Diocesse did give lawes to his owne Church for particulars , so it is evident that the lawes of Provinces and of the Catholike Church , were made by conventions of Bishops without the intervening , or concurrence of Presbyters , or any else for sentence and decision . The instances of this are just so many as there are Councells . S. Athanasius reprehending Constantius the Arian for interposing in the Conciliary determinations of faith , si judicium Episcoporum est ( saith he ) quid cum eo commune habet Imperator ? It is a judgment to be pass'd BY BISHOPS , ( meaning the determination of the article , ) and not proper for the Emperour . And when Hosius of Corduba reprov'd him for sitting President in a Councell , Quis enim videns eum IN DECERNENDO PRINCIPEM SE FACERE EPISCOPORUM , non meritò dicat illum eam ipsam abhominationem desolationis ? He that sits President , makes himselfe chiefe of the Bishops , &c. intimating Bishops only to preside in Councells , and to make decision . And therefore conventus Episcoporum , and Concilium Episcoporum are the words for Generall , and Provinciall Councells . Bis in ann● Episcoporum Concilia celebrentur , said the 38 th Canon of the Apostles ; and Congregatio Episcopalis the Councell of Sardis is call'd by Theodoret. And when the Question was started in the time of Pope Victor about the celebration of Easter , ob quam causam ( saith Eusebius ) conventus Episcoporum , & Concilia per singulas quasque provincias convocantur . Where by the way , it is to be observeable , that at first , even provinciall Synods were onely held by Bishops , and Presbyters had no interest in the decision ; however we have of late sate so neere Bishops in Provinciall assemblies , that we have sate upon the Bishops skirts . But my Lords the Bishops have a concerning interest in this . To them I leave it ; And because the foure generall Councells are the Precedents and chiefe of all the rest , I shall only instance in them for this particular . 1. The title of the Nicene Councell runs thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Canons of the 318 Fathers met in Nice . These Fathers were all that gave suffrage to the Canons , for if there had been more , the title could not have appropriated the Sanction to 318. And that there were no more S. Ambrose gives testimony in that he makes it to be a mysticall number ; Nam & Abraham trecentos decem & octo duxit ad bellum .... De Concilijs id potissimùm sequor quod trecenti decem & octo Sacerdotes .... velut trophaeum extulerunt , ut mihi videatur hoc esse Divinum , quod eodem numero in Concilijs , fidei habemus oraculum , quo in historiâ , pietatis exemplum . Well! 318 was the Number of the Iudges , the Nicene Fathers , and they were all Bishops , for so is the title of the subscriptions , Subscripserunt trecenti decem & octo EPISCOPI qui in eodem Concilio convenerunt ; 13. whereof were Chorepiscopi , but not one Presbyter , save onely that Vitus , and Vincentius subscribed as legates of the Bishop of Rome , but not by their owne authority . 2. The great Councell of Constantinople was celebrated by 150 Bishops : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That 's the title of the Canons . The Canons of 150 holy Fathers who met in C. P. and that these were all Bishops appeares by the title of S. Gregory Nazianzen's oration in the beginning of the Councell . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The oration of S. Gregory Nazianzen in the presence of 150 Bishops . And of this Councell it was that Socrates speaking , Imperator ( saith he ) nullâ morâ interpositâ Concilium EPISCOPORUM convocat . Here indeed some few Bishops appear'd by Proxy as Montanus Bishop of Claudiopolis by Paulus a Presbyter , and Atarbius Bishop of Pontus by Cylus a Reader , and about some fowre or five more . * This onely , amongst the subscriptions I find Tyrannus , Auxanon , Helladius , and Elpidius calling themselves Presbyters . But their modesty hinders not the truth of the former testimonies ; They were Bishops , saith the title of the Councell , and the Oration , and the Canons , and Socrates ; And least there be scruple concerning Auxanon Presbyter Apameae , because before , Iohannes Apameensis subscribed , which seemes to intimate that one of them was the Bishop , and the other but a Presbyter indeed , without a subterfuge of modesty , the titles distinguishes them . For Iohn was Bishop in the Province of Caele Syria , and Auxanon of Apamea in ●isidia . 3. The third was the Councell of Ephesus , Episcoporum plurium quàm ducentorum , as is often said in the acts of the Councell [ of above 200 Bishops . ] But no Presbyters , for , Cùm Episcopi supra ducentos extiterint qui Nestorium deposuerunt , horum subscriptionibus contenti fuimus . We were content with the subscription of the 200 and odde Bishops , saith the Councell ; and Theodosius junior , in his Epistle to the Synod , Illicitum est ( saith he ) eum qui non sit in ordine sanctissimorum Episcoporum Ecclesiasticis immisceri tractatibus . It is unlawfull for any but them who are in the order of the most holy Bishops , to be interest in Ecclesiasticall assemblies . 4. The last of the foure great conventions of Christendome was , sexcentorum triginta Episcoporum , of 630 Bishops at Chalcedon in Bithynia . But in all these assemblies , no meere Presbyters gave suffrage except by legation from his Bishop , and delegation of authority . And therefore when in this Councell some Laicks , and some Monks , and some Clergy-men , not Bishops , would interest themselves Pulcheria the Empresse sent letters to Consularius to repell them by force ; si praeter nostram evocationem , aut permissionem suorum Episcoporum ibidem commorantur , who come without command of the Empresse , or the Bishops permission . Where it is observeable that the Bishops might bring Clerks with them to assist , to dispute , and to be present in all the action ; And thus they often did suffer Abbots , or Archimandrites to be there , and to subscribe too , but that was praeter regulam , and by indulgence only , and condescension ; For when Martinus the Abbot was requested to subscribe he answered , Non suum esse , sed Episcoporum tantùm subscribere , it belong'd only to Bishops to subscribe to Councells . For this reason the Fathers themselves often call'd out in the Councell , Mitte foras superfluos , Concilium Episcoporum est . But I need not more particular arguments , for till the Councell of Basil , the Church never admitted Presbyters as in their own right to voyce in Councells , and that Councell we know savourd too much of the Schismatick , but before this Councell , no example , no president of subscriptions of the Presbyters either to Oecumenicall , or Provinciall Synods . Indeed to a Diocesan Synod , viz. that of Auxerre in Burgundy , I find 32 Presbyters subscribing . This Synod was neither Oecumenicall nor Provinciall , but meerely the Convocation of a Diocesse . For here was but one Bishop , and some few Abbots , and 32 Presbyters . It was indeed no more then a visitation , or the calling of a Chapter , for of this we receive intimation in the seaventh Canon of that assembly , ut in medio Maio omnes Presbyteri ad Synodum venirent , that was their summons , & in Novembri omnes Abbates ad Concilium : so that here is intimation of a yearely Synod besides the first convention , the greatest of them but Diocesan , and therefore the lesser but conventus Capitularis , or however not enough to give evidence of a subscription of Presbyters to so much as a Provinciall Councell . For the guise of Christendome was alwaies otherwise , and therefore it was the best argument that the Bishops in the Arian hurry used to acquit themselves from the suspition of heresy , Neque nos sumus Arii sectatores ; Quî namque fieri potest , ut cùm simus Episcopi Ario Presbytero auscultemus ? Bishops never receive determination of any article from Priests , but Priests doe from Bishops , Nam vestrum est eos instruere ( saith S. Clement speaking of the Bishops office and power over Priests and all the Clergy , and all the Diocesse ) eorum est vobis obedire , ut Deo cujus legatione fungimini . And a little after ; Audire ergo eum attentiùs oportet , & ab ipso suscicere doctrinam fidei , monita autem vitae à Presbyteris inquirere . Of the Priests we must inquire for rules of good life , but of the Bishop receive positions and determinations of faith . Against this if it be objected , Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet , That which is of generall concernement , must also be of generall Scrutiny . I answer , it is true , unlesse where God himselfe hath intrusted the care of others in a body , as he hath in the Bishops , and will require the soules of his Diocesse at his hand , and commanded us to require the Law at their mouths , and to follow their faith , whom he hath set over us . And therefore the determination of Councells pertains to all , and is handled by all , not in diffusion but in representation . For , Ecclesia est in Episcopo , & Episcopus in Ecclesiâ , ( saith S. Cyprian ) the Church is in the Bishop ( viz. by representment ) and the Bishop is in the Church ( viz. as a Pilot in a ship , or a Master in a family , or rather as a steward , and Guardian to rule in his Masters absence ) and for this reason the Synod of the Nicene Bishops is called ( in Eusebius ) conventus orbis terrarum , and by S. Austin , consensus totius Ecclesiae , not that the whole Church was there present in their severall persons , but was there represented by the Catholike Bishops , and if this representment be not sufficient for obligation to all , I see no reason but the Ladyes too , may vote in Councells , for I doubt not , but they have soules too . But however , if this argument were concluding in it selfe , yet it looses its force in England , where the Clergy are bound by Lawes of Parliament , and yet in the capacity of Clergy-men are allowed to choose neither Procurators to represent us as Clergy , nor Knights of the shire to represent us as Commons . * In conclusion of this I say to the Presbyters as S. Ambrose said of the Lay-judges , whom the Arians would have brought to judge in Councell ( it was an old hereticall trick . ) Veniant planè si qui sunt ad Ecclesiam , audiant cum populo , non ut QUIS QUAM IUDEX resideat , sed unu● quisque de suo affectu habeat examen , & eligat quem sequatur . So may Presbyters be present , so they may judge , not for others , but for themselves . And so may the people be present , and anciently were so ; and therefore Councells were alwaies kept in open Churches , [ ubi populus judicat ] not for others , but for themselves , not by externall sentence , but internall conviction , so S. Ambrose expounds himselfe in the forecited allegation . There is no considerable objection against this discourse but that of the first Councell of Ierusalem ; where the Apostles , and ELDERS did meet together to DETERMINE of the question of circumcision . For although in the story of celebration of it , we find no man giving sentence but Peter , and Iames ; yet in 16. Acts , they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , decrees IUDGED by the Apostles , and Elders . But first , in this the difficulty is the lesse , because [ Presbyter ] was a generall word for all that were not of the number of the twelve , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors , and Doctors . And then secondly , it is none at all , because Paul , and Barnabas are signally , and by name reckoned as present in the Synod , and one of them Prolocutor , or else both . So that such Presbyters may well define in such conventuall assemblies . 3. If yet there were any difficulty latent in the story , yet the Catholick practice of Gods Church , is certainly the best expositor of such places where there either is any difficulty , or where any is pretended . And of this , I have already given account . * I remember also that this place is pretended for the peoples power of voycing in Councells . It is a pretty pageant ; onely that it is against the Catholick practice of the Church , against the exigence of Scripture , which bids us require the law at the Mouth of our spirituall Rulers , against the gravity of such assemblies , for it would force them to be tumultuous , and at the best , are the worst of Sanctions , as being issues of popularity , and to summe up all , it is no way authoriz'd by this first copy of Christian Councells . The pretence is , in the Synodall * letter written in the name of [ the Apostles , and Elders , and Brethren ] that is , ( saies Geta , ) The Apostles , and Presbyters , and People . But why not BRETHREN , that is , all the Deacons , and Evangelists , and Helpers in Governement , and Ministers of the Churches ? There is nothing either in words , or circumstances to contradict this . If it be ask'd who then are meant by Elders , if by [ Brethren ] S. Luke understands these Church officers ? I answer , that here is such variety , that although I am not certain which officers he precisely comprehends under the distinct titles of Elders , and Brethren , yet here are enough to furnish both with variety , and yet neither to admit meere Presbyters in the present acceptation of the word , nor yet the Laity to a decision of the question , nor authorizing the decretall . For besides the twelve Apostles , there were Apostolicall men which were Presbyters , and something more , as Paul and Barnabas , and Silas ; and Evangelists , and Pastors besides , which might furnish out the last appellative sufficiently . But however without any further trouble it is evident , that this word [ Brethren ] does not distinguish the Laity from the Clergy . [ Now when they heard this , they were pricked in their hearts , and said unto PETER , and to the rest of the APOSTLES , Men and BRETHREN what shall we doe . Iudas and Silas who were Apostolicall men , are called in Scripture , chiefe men among the BRETHREN . But this is too known , to need a contestation . I only insert the saying of Basilius the Emperour in the 8 th Synod . De vobis autem Laicis tam qui in dignitatibus , quàm qui absolutè versamini quid ampliùs dicam non habeo , quàm quòd nullo modo vobis licet de Ecclesiasticis causis sermonem movere , neque penitùs resistere integritati Ecclesiae , & universali Synodo adversari . Lay-men ( saies the Emperour ) must by no means meddle with causes Ecclesiasticall , nor oppose themselves to the Catholick Church , or Councells Oecumenicall . They must not meddle , for these things appertaine to the cognisance of Bishops and their decision . * And now after all this , what authority is equall to this LEGISLATIVE of the Bishops ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( saith Aristotle ▪ ) They are all evidences of power and authority , to deliberate , to determine , or judge , to make lawes . But to make lawes is the greatest power that is imaginable . The first may belong fairely enough to Presbyters , but I have proved the two latter to be appropriate to Bishops . LAstly , as if all the acts of jurisdiction , and every imaginable part of power were in the Bishop , over the Presbyters & subordinate Clergy , the Presbyters are said to be Episcoporum Presbyteri , the Bishops Presbyters ; as having a propriety in them , and therefore a superiority over them , and as the Bishop was a dispenser of those things which were in bonis Ecclesiae , so he was of the persons too , a Ruler in propriety . * S. Hilary in the book which himselfe delivered to Constantine , Ecclesiae adhuc ( saith he ) per Presbyteros MEOS communionem distribuens , I still give the holy Communion to the faithfull people by MY Presbyters . And therefore in the third Councell of Carthage a great deliberation was had about requiring a Clerke of his Bishop , to be promoted in another Church , .... Denique qui unum habuerit numquid debet illi ipse unus Presbyter auferri ? ( saith Posthumianus . ) If the Bishop have but one Presbyter must that one be taken from him ? Id sequor ( saith Aurelius ) ut conveniam Episcopum ejus , atque ei inculcem quod ejus Clericus à quâlibet Ecclesiâ postuletur . And it was resolved , ut Clericum alienum nisi concedente ejus Episcopo . No man shall retaine another Bishop's without the consent of the Bishop whose Clerk he is . * When Athanasius was abused by the calumny of the hereticks his adversaries , and entred to purge himselfe , Athanasius ingreditur cum Timotheo Presbytero Suo . He comes in with Timothy HIS Presbyter ; and , Arsenius , cujus brachium dicebatur excisum , lector aliquando fuerat Athanasii . Arsenius was Athanasius HIS Reader . Vbi autem ventum est ad Rumores de poculo fracto à Macario Presbytero Athanasii , &c. Macarius was another of Athanasius HIS Priests . So Theodoret. Peter , and Irenaeus were two more of his Presbyters , as himselfe witnesses . Paulinianus comes sometimes to visit us ( saith S. Hierome to Pammachius ) but not as your Clerke , sed ejus à quo ordinatur . His Clerk who did ordaine him . But these things are too known to need a multiplication of instances . The summe is this . The question was , whether or no , and how farre the Bishops had Superiority over Presbyters in the Primitive Church . Their doctrine , and practice have furnished us with these particulars . The power of Church goods , and the sole dispensation of them , and a propriety of persons was reserved to the Bishop . For the Clergy , and Church possessions were in his power , in his administration : the Clergy might not travaile without the Bishops leave : they might not be preferred in another Diocesse without license of their own Bishop : in their own Churches the Bishop had sole power to preferre them , and they must undertake the burden of any promotion if he calls them to it : without him they might not baptize , not consecrate the Eucharist , not communicate , not reconcile penitents , not preach ; not onely , not without his ordination , but not without a speciall faculty besides the capacity of their order : The Presbyters were bound to obey their Bishops in their sanctions , and canonicall impositions , even by the decree of the Apostles themselves , and the doctrine of Ignatius , and the constitution of S. Clement , of the Fathers in the Councell of Arles , Ancyra , and Toledo , and many others : The Bishops were declared to be Iudges in ordinary of the Clergy , and people of their Diocesse by the concurrent suffrages of almost 2000 holy Fathers assembled in Nice , Ephesus , Chalcedon , in Carthage , Antioch , Sardis , Aquileia , Taurinum , Agatho , and by the Emperour , and by the Apostles ; and all this attested by the constant practice of the Bishops of the Primitive Church inflicting censures upon delinquents , and absolving them as they saw cause , and by the dogmaticall resolution of the old Catholicks declaring in their attributes , and appellatives of the Episcopall function that they haye supreme , and universall spirituall power , ( viz. in the sense above explicated ) over all the Clergy and Laity of their Diocesse , as , [ that they are higher then all power , the image of God , the figure of Christ , Christs Vicar , President of the Church , Prince of Priests , of authority incomparable , unparalell'd power , ] and many more , if all this be witnesse enough of the superiority of Episcopall jurisdiction , we have their depositions , wee may proceed as we see cause for , and reduce our Episcopacy to the primitive state , for that is truly a reformation [ id Dominicum quod primum , id haereticum quod posterius ] and then we shall be sure Episcopacy will loose nothing by these unfortunate contestations . BUT against the cause , it is objected super totam Materiam , that Bishops were not Diocesan , but Parochiall , and therefore of so confin'd a jurisdiction that perhaps our Village , or Citty Priests shall advance their Pulpit , as high as the Bishops throne . * Well! put case they were not Diocesan , but parish Bishops , what then ? yet they were such Bishops as had Presbyters , and Deacons in subordination to them , in all the particular advantages of the former instances . 2. If the Bishops had the Parishes , what cure had the Priests ? so that this will debate the Priests as much as the Bishops , and if it will confine a Bishop to a Parish , it will make that no Presbyter can be so much as a Parish-Priest . If it brings a Bishop lower then a Diocesse , it will bring the Priest lower then a Parish . For set a Bishop where you will , either in a Diocesse , or a Parish , a Presbyter shall still keep the same duty and subordination , the same distance still . So that this objection upon supposition of the former discourse , will no way mend the matter for any side , but make it farre worse , it will not advance the Presbytery , but it will depresse the whole hierarchy , and all the orders of H. Church . * But because , this trifle is so much used amongst the enimies of Episcopacy , I will consider it in little , and besides that it does no body any good advantage , I will represent it in it's fucus and show the falsehood of it . 1. Then. It is evident that there were Bishops before there were any distinct Parishes . For the first division of Parishes in the West was by Evaristus , who lived almost 100 years after Christ , and divided Rome into seven parishes , assigning to every one a Presbyter . So Damasus reports of him in the Pontificall book . Hic titulos in urbe Româ divisit Presbyteris , & septem Diaconos ordinavit qui custodirent Episcopum praedicantem propter stylum veritatis . He divided the Parishes , or titles in the City of Rome to Presbyters . The same also is by Damasus reported of Dionysius in his life , hic Presbyteris Ecclesias divisit , & caemiteria , parochiasque & dioeceses constituit . Marcellus increased the number in the yeare 305. Hic fecit caemiterium viâ Salariâ , & 25 Titulos in urbe Roma constituit quasi dioeceses propter baptismum , & poenitentiam multorum qui convertebantur ex Paganis , & propter sepulturas Martyrum . He made a Sepulture , or caemitery for the buriall of Martyrs , and appointed 25. Titles or Parishes : but he addes [ quasi Dioeceses ] as it had been diocesses , that is , distinct and limited to Presbyters , as diocesses were to Bishops ; and the use of parishes which he subjoynes , cleares the businesse ; for he appointed them onely propter baptismum , & poenitentiam multorum & sepulturas , for baptisme , and penance , and buriall ; for as yet there was no preaching in Parishes , but in the Mother-Church . Thus it was in the West . * But in Aegypt we find Parishes divided something sooner then the earliest of these , for Eusebius reports out of Philo that the Christians in S. Markes time had severall Churches in Alexandria . Etiàm DE ECCLESIIS quae apudeos sunt , it a dicit . Est autem in singulis locis consecrata orationi domus &c : But even before this , there were Bishops . For in Rome there were fowre Bishops before any division of Parishes , though S. Peter be reckon'd for none . And before Parishes were divided in Alexandria , S. Marke himselfe who did it was the Bishop , and before that time S. Iames was Bishop of Ierusalem , and in diverse other places where Bishops were , there were no distinct Parishes of a while after Evaristus time , for when Dionysius had assign'd Presbyters to severall Parishes , he writes of it to Severus Bishop of Corduba , & desires him to doe so too in his Diocesse , as appeares in his Epistle to him . * For indeed necessity requir'd it , when the Christians multiplyed and grew to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as * Cornelius call'd the Roman Christians , a great and innumerable people ; and did implere omnia , as Tertullians phrase is , fill'd all places , and publike and great assemblies drew danger upon themselves , and increased jealousies in others , and their publike offices could not be perform'd with so diffused and particular advantage , then they were forc'd to divide congregations , and assigne severall Presbyters to their cure , in subordination to the Bishop , and so we see , the Elder Christianity grew the more Parishes there were . At first in Rome there were none , Evaristus made seven , Dionysius made some more , and Marcellus added 25 , and in Optatus time there were 40. Well then ! The case is thus . Parishes were not divided at first , therefore to be sure they were not of Divine institution . Therefore it is no divine institution that a Presbyter should be fixt upon a Parish , therefore also a Parish is not by Christs ordinance an independant body , for by Christs ordinance there was no such thing at all , neither absolute , nor in dependance neither ; and then for the maine issue , since Bishops were before Parishes ( in the present sense ) the Bishops in that sense could not be Parochiall . * But which was first of a private congregation , or a Diocesse ? If a private congregation , then a Bishop was at first fix't in a private congregation , and so was a Parochiall Bishop . If a Diocesse was first , then the Question will be , how a Diocesse could be without Parishes , for what is a Diocesse but a jurisdiction over many Parishes ? * I answer , it is true that DIOCESSE and PARISH are words us'd now in contradistinction ; And now , a Diocesse is nothing but the multiplication of of many Parishes : Sed non fuit sic ab initio . For at first , a Diocesse was the Citie and the Regio suburbicaria , the neighbouring townes , in which there was no distinction of Parishes : That which was a Diocesse in the secular sense , that is , a particular Province , or division of secular prefecture , that was the assignation of a Bishops charge . * Ephesus , Smyrna , Pergamus , Laodicea were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heads of the Diocesse , ( saith Pliny , ) meaning in respect of secular jurisdiction ; and so they were in Ecclesiasticall regiment . And it was so upon great reason , for when the regiment of the Church was extended just so as the regiment of the Common-wealth , it was of lesse suspition to the secular power , while the Church regiment was just fixt together with the politicall , as if of purpose to shew their mutuall consistence , and it 's owne subordination . ** And besides this , there was in it a necessity ; for the subjects of another Province , or Diocesse could not either safely , or conveniently meete where the duty of the Common-wealth did not ingage them ; but being all of one prefecture , and Diocesse , the necessity of publike meetings in order to the Common-wealth would be faire opportunity for the advancement of their Christendome . And this , which at first was a necessity in this case , grew to be a law in all , by the sanction of the Councell of * Chalcedon , and of Constantinople in † Trullo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let the order of the Church , follow the order and guise of the Common-wealth , viz. in her regiment , and prefefecture . * But in the moderne sense of this division a Bishops charge was neither a Parish , nor a Diocesse , as they are taken in relation ; but a Bishop had the supreme care of all the Christians which he by himselfe , or his Presbyters had converted , and he also had the charge of indeavouring the conversion of all the Country . So that although he had not all the Diocesse actually in communion and subjection , yet his charge , his Diocesse was so much . Iust as it was with the Apostles , to whom Christ gave all the world for a Diocesse , yet at first they had but a smal congregation that did actually obey them . And now to the Question . Which was first , a particular congregation or a Diocesse ? I answere , that a Diocesse was first , that is , the Apostles had a charge before they had a congregation of converts ; And S. Marke was sent Bishop to Alexandria by S. Peter before any were converted . * But ordinarily the Apostles , when they had converted a City or Nation , then fix't Bishops upon their charge , and there indeed the particular congregation was before the Bishop's taking of the Diocesse ; But then , this City , or Nation although it was not the Bishops Diocesse before it was a particular congregation , yet it was part of the Apostles Diocesse , and this they concredited to the Bishops respectively . S. Paul was ordain'd by the Prophets at Antioch , Apostle of the Uncircumcision ; All the Gentiles was his Diocesse , and even of those places he then received power which as yet he had not converted . So that , absolutely , a diocesse was before a particular congregation . But if a diocesse be taken collectively , as now it is , for a multitude of Parishes united under one Bishop , then one must needes be before 20 , and a particular congregation before a diocesse ; but then that particular congregation was not a parish , in the present sense , for it was not a part of a Diocesse taking a Diocesse for a collection of Parishes ; but that particular Congregation was the first fruits of his Diocesse , and like a Graine of Mustard-seed that in time might , and did grow up to a considerable height , even to a necessity of distinguishing titles , and parts of the Diocesse , assigning severall parts , to severall Priests . 2. We see that the Primitive Bishops , before the division of parishes , had the City , and Country ; and after the division of parishes , had them all under his jurisdiction , and ever , even from the Apostles times had severall provinces ( some of them I meane ) within their limits and charges . * The 35 Canon of the Apostles gives power to the Bishop to dispose only of those things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are under his Diocesse & the Neighbour villages , and the same thing is repeated in the ninth and tenth Canons of the Councell of Antioch calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Ancient Canon of our fore fathers ; and yet it selfe is elder then three of the generall Councells , and if then it was an Ancient Canon of the Fathers that the City , and Villages should be subject to the Bishop , surely a Primitive Bishop was a Diocesan . But a little before this was the Nicene Councell , and there I am sure we have a Bishop that is at least a Diocesan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let the old Customes be kept . What are those ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let the Bishop of Alexandria have power over ALL Egypt , Libya , and Pentapolis , It was a good large Parish ; And yet this parish if we have a mind to call it so , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the old custome of their forefathers , and yet that was so early that S. Anthony was then alive , who was borne in S. Irenaeus his time , who was himselfe but second from the Apostles . It was also a good large parish that Ignatius was Bishop of , even all Syria , Caelesyria , Mesopotamia , and both the Ciliciae . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Bishop of Syria he calls himselfe in his epistle to the Romans , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so Theodoret : and besides all these , his Successors , in the Councell of Chalcedon , had the two Phaeniciae , and Arabia yeilded to them by composition . These alone would have made two or three reasonable good parishes , and would have taken up time enough to preambulate , had that been then the guise of Christendome . * But examples of this kind are infinite . Theodorus Bishop of Cyrus was Pastor over 800 parishes , Athanasius was Bishop of Alexandria , Egypt , Thebais , Marcotis , Libya , Ammoniaca , and Pent apolis , saith S. Epiphanius ; And his predecessor Iulianus successor of Agrippinus was Bishop * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Churches about Alexandria . Either it was a Diocesse , or at least a plurality . * † S. Chrysostome had Pontus , Asia , and all Thrace in his parish , even as much as came to sixteen prefectures ; a faire bounds surely ; and so it was with all the Bishops , a greater , or a lesser Diocesse they had ; but all were Diocesan ; for they had severall parishes , singuli Ecclesiarum Episcopi habent sub se Ecclesias , saith Epiphanius in his epistle to Iohn of Ierusalem , and in his book contra haereses , Quotquot enim in Alexandriâ Catholicae Ecclesiae sunt , sub uno Archiepiscopo sunt , privatimque ad has destinati sunt Presbyteri propter Ecclesiasticas necessitates , it aut habitatores vicini sint uniuscujusque Ecclesiae . * All Italy was the parish of Liberius ( saith Socrates . ) Africa was S. Cyprians parish , saith S. Gregory Nazianzen , and S. Basil the Great was parish-Priest to all Cappadocia . But I rather believe if we examine their severall stories they will rather prove Metropolitans , then meere parochians . 3 ly The ancient Canons forbad a Bishop to be ordain'd in a Village , Castle , or Towne . It was so decreed in the Councell of Laodicea before the first Nicene . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the Villages , or Countries , Bishops must not be constituted . And this was renewed in the Councell of Sardis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is not lawfull to ordaine Bishops in Villages or little Townes to which one Presbyter is sufficient , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but Bishops must ordaine Bishops in those Cities where Bishops formerly have been . * So that this Canon does not make a new Constitution , but perpetuates the old sanction . Bishops ab antiquo were only ordain'd in great Citties , and Presbyters to little Villages . Who then was the Parish Curate ? the Bishop or the Priest ? The case is too apparent . Onely , here it is objected that some Bishops were of small Townes , and therefore these Canons were not observed , and Bishops might be , and were parochiall , as S. Gregory of Nazianzum , Zoticus of Comana , Maris in Dolicha . The one of these is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by * Eusebius ; and another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by † Theodoret , a little Towne . This is all is pretended for this great Scarcrow of parochiall Bishops . * But , first , suppose these had been parishes , and these three parochiall Bishops , it followes not that all were ; not those to be sure , which I have proved to have been Bishops of Provinces , and Kingdomes . 2 ly It is a cleare case , that Nazianzum though a small City , yet was the seate of a Bishops throne , so it is reckoned in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made by Leo the Emperour , where it is accounted inter thronos Ecclesiarum Patriarchae Constantinopolitano subjectarum , & is in the same account with Caesarea , with Ephesus , with Crete , with Philippi , and almost fourescore more . * As for Zoticus , he indeed came from Comana , a Village towne , for there he was born , but he was Episcopus Otrenus , Bishop of Otrea in Armenia , saith † Nicephorus . * And for Maris the Bishop of Dolicha , it was indeed such a small Citty as Nazianzus was , but that proves not but his Diocesse and territory was large enough . Thus was Asclepius vici non grandis , but yet he was Vagensis territorii Episcopus . His seat might usually be in a little Citty , if it was one of those townes in which according to the exigence of the Canons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which Bishops anciently were ordain'd , and yet the appurtenances of his Diocesse large , and extended , and too great for 100 Parish Priests . 4 ly . The institution of Chorepiscopi proves most evidently that the Primitive Bishops were Diocesan , not Parochiall : for they were instituted to assist the Bishop in part of his Country-charge , and were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Visiters , ( as the Councell of Laodicea calls them . ) But what need such Suffragans , such coadjutors to the managing of a Parish . Indeed they might possibly have been needfull for the managing of a Citty-parish , especially if a whole Citty was a Parish , as these objectors must pretend , or not say Primitive Bishops were Parochiall . But being these Chorepiscopi were Suffragans to the Bishop , and did their offices in the country , while the Bishop was resident in the Citty , either the Bishops parish extended it selfe from Citty to Country ; and then it is all one with a Diocesse , or else we can find no imployment for a Chorepiscopus , or Visiter . * The tenth Canon of the Councell of Antioch , describes their use and power . Qui in villis & vicis constituti sunt Chorepiscopi .... placuit sanctae Synodo ut modum proprium recognoscant , ut gubernent sibi subjectas Ecclesias . They were to governe the Churches delegated to their charge . It seems they had many Churches under their provision , and yet they were but the Bishops Vicars , for so it followes in the Canon ; he must not ordaine any Presbyters , and Deacons absque urbis Episcopo cui ipse subjicitu● , & Regio ; Without leave of the Bishop of the Citty to whom both himselfe , and all the Country is subordinate . 5. The Bishop was one in a Citty wherein were many Presbyters . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith S. Ignatius . There is one Altar in every Church , and ONE BISHOP together with the Presbytery , and the Deacons . Either then a whole City , such as Rome , or Ierusalem ( which as Iosephus reports had 400 Synagogues , ) must be but one Parish , and then they had as good call a Bishops charge a Diocesse , as a Parish in that latitude ; or if there were many Parishes in a Citty , and the Bishop could have but one of them , why , what hindred but that there might in a Citty be as many Bishops , as Presbyters ? For if a Bishop can have but one Parish , why may not every Parish have a Bishop ? But by the ancient Canons , a City though never so great , could have but one for it selfe and all the Country , therefore every parish-Priest was not a Bishop , nor the Bishop a meere parish-Priest . Ne in unâ civitate duo sint Episcopi , was the Constitution of the Nicene Fathers as saith Ruffinus ; and long before this , it was so known a businesse that one City should have but one Bishop , that Cornelius exprobrates to Novatus his ignorance , is ergo qui Evangelium vendicabat , nesciebat in Ecclesiâ Catholicâ unum Episcopum esse debere , ubi videbat esse Presbyteros quadraginta & sex . Novatus ( the Father of the old Puritans ) was a goodly Gospeller that did not know that in a Catholick Church there should be but one Bishop wherein there were 46 Presbyters ; intimating clearely that a Church that had two Bishops is not Catholick , but Schismatick at least , ( if both be pretended to be of a fixt residence ) what then is he that would make as many Bishops in a Church as Presbyters ? He is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he fights against God , if S. Ambrose say true . Deus enim singulis Ecclesiis singulos Episcopos praeesse decrevit . God hath decreed that one Bishop should rule in one Church ; and of what extent his ONE CHURCH was , may easily be guessed by himselfe who was the Ruler , and Bishop of the great City , and province of Millaine . * And therefore when Valerius * as it was then sometimes used in severall Churches had ordain'd S. Austin to be Bishop of Hippo , whereof Valerius was also Bishop at the same time , S. Austin was troubled at it as an act most Uncanonicall , and yet he was not ordain'd to rule in common with Valerius , but to rule in succession and after the consummation of Valerius . It was the same case in Agelius , a Novatian Bishop ordaining Marcian to be his successor , and Sisinnius to succeed him , the acts were indeed irregular , but yet there was no harme in it to this cause , they were ordain'd to succeed , not in conjunction . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( saith Sozomen ) It is a note of Schisme , and against the rule of H. Church to have two Bishops in one chaire . Secundus Episcopus nullus est ( saith S. † Cyprian ) And as Cornelius reports it in his epistle to S. Cyprian , it was the voice of the Confessors that had been the instruments and occasions of the Novatian Schisme by erecting another Bishop ; Nec non ignoramus unum Deum esse , unum Christum esse Dominum quem confessi sumus , unum spiritum sanctum , unum Episcopum in Catholicâ Ecclesiâ esse debere . And these very words the people also used in the contestation about Liberius , and Faelix . For when the Emperour was willing that Liberius should returne to his See , on condition that Faelix the Arian might be Bishop there too , they derided the suggestion , crying out , One God , one Christ , one Bishop . So Theodoret reports . But who lists to see more of this , may be satisfied ( if plenty will doe it ) in a S. Chrysostome , b Theodoret , S. c Hierom , d Oecumenius , e Optatus , S. f Ambrose , and if he please he may read a whole booke of it written by S. Cyprian , de Vnitate Ecclesiae , sive de singularitate Prelatorum . 6 ly . Suppose the ordinary Diocesses had been parishes , yet what were the Metropolitans , and the Primates , were they also parish-Bishops ? Surely if Bishops were parochiall , then these were at least diocesan by their owne argument , for to be sure they had many Bishops under them . But there were none such in the Primitive Church ? yes most certainly . The 35 Canon of the Apostles tells us so , most plainely , and at the worst , they were a very primitive record . Episcopos gentium singularum scire convenit quis inter eos PRIMUS HABEATUR , quem velut caput existiment , & nihil amplius praeter ejus conscientiam gerant , quàm ea sola quae parochiae propriae , & villis quae sub eâ sunt , competunt . The Bishops of every Nation must know who is their PRIMATE , and esteeme him as their HEAD , and doe NOTHING without his consent , but those things that appertaine to their owne Diocesse . And from hence the Fathers of the Councell of Antioch deriv'd their sanction , per singulas regiones Episcopos convenit nosse METROPOLITANUM Episcopum sollicitudinem totius provinciae gerere &c. The Bishops of every province must know that their METROPOLITAN . Bishop does take cure of all the province . For this was an Apostolicall Constitution ( saith S. Clement ) that in the conversion of Gentile Cities in place of the Archflamines , Archbishops , Primates , or Patriarchs should be placed , qui reliquorum Episcoporum judicia , & majora ( quoties necesse foret ) negotiain fide agitarent , & secundùm Dei voluntatem , sicut constituerunt Sancti Apostoli , definirent . * Alexandria was a Metropoliticall See long before the Nicene Councell , as appeares in the sixth Canon before cited ; Nay , Dioscorus the Bishop of that Church was required to bring ten of the METROPOLITANS that he had UNDER HIM to the Councell of Ephesus , by Theodosius and Valentinian Emperours , so that it was a PATRIARCHAT . These are enough to shew that in the Primitive Church there were Metropolitan Bishops . Now then either Bishops were Parochiall , or no : If no , then they were Diocesan ; if yea , then at least many of them were Diocesan , for they had ( according to this rate ) many Parochiall Bishops under them . * But I have stood too long upon this impertinent trifle , but as now a dayes it is made , the consideration of it is materiall to the maine Question . Only this I adde ; That if any man should trouble the world with any other fancy of his owne , and say that our Bishops are nothing like the Primitive , because all the Bishops of the Primitive Church had onely two townes in their charge , and no more , and each of these townes had in them 170 families , and were bound to have no more , how should this man be confuted ? It was just such a device as this in them that first meant to disturbe this Question , by pretending that the Bishops were onely parochiall , not diocesan , and that there was no other Bishop but the Parish-Priest . Most certainely , themselves could not beleive the allegation , onely they knew it would raise a dust . But by God's providence , there is water enough in the Primitive fountaines to allay it . ANother consideration must here be interpos'd concerning the intervening of Presbyters in the regiment of the severall Churches . For though I have twice already showne that they could not challenge it of right either by Divine institution , or Apostolicall ordinance , yet here also it must be considered how it was in the practice of the Primitive Church , for those men that call the Bishop a Pope , are themselves desirous to make a Conclave of Cardinalls too , & to make every Diocesse a Romane Consistory . 1. Then , the first thing we heare of Presbyters ( after Scripture I meane , for of it I have already given account ) is from the testimony of S. Hierome , Antequam studia in religione fierent , & diceretur in populis ego sum Pauli &c : communi Presbyterorum consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur . Before factions arose in the Church , the Church was govern'd by the common Counsell of Presbyters . Here S. Hierome either meanes it of the time before Bishops were constituted in particular Churches , or after Bishops were appointed . If , before Bishops were appointed , no hurt done , the Presbyters might well rule in common , before themselves had a ruler appointed to governe both them and all the diocesse beside . For so S. Ignatius writing to the Church of Antioch exhorts the Presbyters to feed the flock untill God should declare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom he would make their ruler . And S. Cyprian speaking of Etecusa and some other women that had made defaillance in time of persecution , and so were put to penance , praeceperunt eas Praepositi tantispèr sic esse , donec Episcopus constituatur . The Presbyters , whom sede vacante hee praeter morem suum calls Praepositos , they gave order that they should so remaine till the Consecration of a Bishop . * But , if S. Hierome meanes this saying of his , after Bishops were fixt , then his expression answers the allegation , for it was but communi CONSILIO Presbyterorum , the IUDICIUM might be solely in the Bishop , he was the IUDGE , though the Presbyters were the COUNSELLORS . For so himselfe addes , that upon occasion of those first Schismes in Corinth , it was DECREED in ALL THE WORLD , vt omnis Ecclesiae cura ad unum pertineret , all the care of the diocesse was in the Bishop , and therefore all the power , for it was unimaginable that the burden should be laid on the Bishop , and the strength put into the hands of the Presbyters . * And so S. Ignatius stiles them , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] Assessors , and Counsellors to the Bishop . But yet if we take our estimate from Ignatius , The Bishop is THE RULER , without him though all concurr'd , yet nothing could be done , nothing attempted ; The Bishop was Superiour in ALL POWER and AUTHORITY , He was to be obey'd in ALL THINGS , and contradicted in NOTHING ; The Bishops judgement was to sway , and nothing must seeme pleasing to the Presbyters that was crosse to the Bishops sentence : this , and a great deale more which I have formerly made use of , is in Ignatius ; And now let their assistance and Counsell extend as farre as it will , the Bishops authority is invulnerable . But I have already enough discussed this instance of S. Hierome's . § . thither I referre the Reader . 2. But S. Cyprian must doe this businesse for us , if any man , for of all the Bishops , he did acts of the greatest condescension , and seeming declination of Episcopall authority . But let us see the worst . Ad id verò quod scripserunt mihi compresbyteri nostri .... solus rescribere nihil potui , quando à primordio Episcopatûs mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro , & sine consensu plebis meae privatâ sententiâ gerere . And againe , quamvis mihi videantur debere pacem accipere , tamen ad consultum vestrum eos dimisi , ne videar aliquid temerè praesumere . And a third time , Quae res cûm omnium nostrum consilium & sententiam spectet , praejudicare ego & soli mihirem communem vindicare non audeo . These are the greatest steps of Episcopall humility that I find in materiâ juridicâ , The summe whereof is this , that S. Cyprian did consult his Presbyters and Clergy in matters of consequence , and resolved to doe nothing without their advice . But then , consider also , it was , statui apud me , I have resolved with my selfe to doe nothing without your Counsell . It was no necessity ab extrà , no duty , no Sanction of holy Church that bound him to such a modesty , it was his owne voluntary act . 2. It was as well Diaconorum , as Presbyterorum consilium that he would have in conjunction , as appeares by the titles of the sixth and eighteenth Epistles , Cyprianus Presbyteris , ac DIACONIS fratribus salutem : So that here the Presbyters can no more challenge a power of regiment in common , then the Deacons , by any Divine law , or Catholike practice . 3. S. Cyprian also would actually have the consent of the people too , and that will as well disturbe the Ius Divinum of an independant Presbytery , as of an independant Episcopacy . But indeed neither of them both need to be much troubled , for all this was voluntary in S. Cyprian , like Moses , qui cùm in potestate suâ habuit vt sol●● possit praesse populo , seniores elegit ( to use S. Hierome's expression ) who when it was in his power alone to rule the people , yet chose seaventy Elders for assistants . For as for S. Cyprian , this very Epistle cleares it that no part of his Episcopall authority was impayred . For he shewes what himselfe alone could doe . Fretus igitur dilectione vestrâ , & religione , quam satis n●vi , his literis & hortor & mando &c. I intreat and COMMAND you .... vice meâ fungamini circa gerenda ea quae administratio religiosa deposcit , Re my substitutes in the administration of Church affayres . He intreates them pro dilectione , because they lov'd him , he COMMANDS THEM PRO RELIGIONE , by their religion , for it was a peice of their religion to obey him , and in him was the governement of his Church , else how could he have put the Presbyters , and Deacons in substitution ? * Adde to this ; It was the custome of the Church that although the Bishop did onely impose hands in the ordination of Clerks , yet the Clergy did approve , & examine the persons to be ordain'd , and it being a thing of publike interest , it was then not thought fit to be a personall action both in preparation , and ministration too ( and for this S. Chrysostome was accus'd in Concilionesario [ as the title of the edition of it , expresses it ] that he made ordinations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) yet when S. Cyprian saw occasion for it , he did ordaine without the consent of the Clergy of his Church , for so he ordained Celerinus , so he ordain'd Optatus , and Satarus , when himselfe was from his Church , and in great want of Clergy-men to assist in the ministration of the daily offices . *** He did as much in jurisdiction too , and censures ; for HIMSELFE did excommunicate Felicissimus and Augendus , and Rep●stus , and Irene , and Paula , as appeares in his 38 , and 39 epistles ; and tells * Rogatianus that he might have done as much to the petulant Deacon that abus'd him by vertue of his Episcopall authority . And the same power singly , and solely , he exercis'd in his acts of favour and absolution ; Vnus atque alius OBNITENTE PLE●E ET CONTRADICENTE , M●A tamen FACILITATE susceptisunt . Indeed here is no contradiction of the Clergy expressed , but yet the absolution said to be his owne act , against the people and without the Clergy . For he alone was the IUDOE , insomuch that he declared that it was the cause of Schisme and heresie that the Bishop was not obey'd , nec UNUS in Ecclesiâ ad tempus Sacerdos , & ad tempus IVDEX VICE CHRISTI COGITATUR , and that ONE high Priest in a Church , and IUDGE INSTEED OF CHRIST is not admitted . So that the Bishop must be ONE , and that ONE must be IUDGE , and to acknowledge more , in S. Cyprians Lexicon is called schisme and heresie . Farther yet , this Iudicatory of the Bishop is independant , and responsive to none but Christ. Actum suum disponit , & dirigit Vnusquisque Episcopus rationem propositi sui Domino redditurus , and againe , habet in Ecclesiae administratione voluntatis suae arbitrium liberum unusquisque Praepositus : rationem actûs sui Domino redditurus . The Bishop is Lord of his owne actions , and may doe what seemes good in his owne eyes , and for his actions he is to account to Christ. This generall account is sufficient to satisfie the allegations out of the 6 th , and 18 th epistles , and indeed , the whole Question . But for the 18 th epistle , there is something of peculiar answer . For first , It was a case of publike concernement , and therefore he would so comply with the publike interest as to doe it by publike counsell , 2 ly , It was a necessity of times that made this case peculiar . NECESSITAS TEMPORUM facit ut non temerè pacem demus , they are the first words of the next epistle , which is of the same matter ; for if the lapsi had been easily , and without a publike and solemne triall reconcil'd , it would have made Gentile Sacrifices frequent , and Martyrdome but seldome , 3 ly , The common counsell which S. Cyprian here said he would expect , was the Councell of the Confessors , to whom for a peculiar honour it was indulged that they should be interested in the publike assoyling of such penitents who were overcome with those feares which the Confessors had overcome . So that this is evidently an act of positive , and temporary discipline , and as it is no disadvantage to the power of the Bishop , so to be sure , no advantage to the Presbyter . * But the clause of objection from the 19 th epistle is yet unanswer'd , and that runs something higher , .... tamen ad consultum vestrum eos dimisine videar aliquid temerè praesumere . It is called presumption to reconcile the penitents without the advice of those to whom he writ . But from this we are fairely deliver'd by the title . Cypriano , & Compresbyteris Carthagini consistentibus ; Caldonius , salutem . It was not the epistle of Cyprian to his Presbyters , but of Caldonius one of the suffragan Bishops of Numidia to his Metropolitan , and now , what wonder if he call it presumption to doe an act of so publike consequence without the advise of his Metropolitan . He was bound to consult him by the Canons Apostolicall , and so he did , and no harme done to the present Question , of the Bishops sole and independant power , and unmixt with the conjunct interest of the Presbytery , who had nothing to doe beyond ministery , counsell , and assistance . 3. In all Churches where a Bishops seat was , there were not alwayes a Colledge of Presbyters , but only in the greatest Churches ; for sometimes in the lesser Cities there were but two , Esse oportet , & aliquantos Presbyteros , at bini sint per Ecclesias , & unus incivitate Episcopus . So S. Ambrose , sometimes there was but one in a Church . Posthumianus in the third Councell of Carthage put the case . D●inde qui unum [ Presbyterum ] habuerit , numquid debet illi ipse unus Presbyter auferri ? The Church of Hippo had but one . Valerius was the Bishop , and Austin was the Priest ; and after him Austin was the Bishop , & Eradius the Priest. Sometimes not one , as in the case Aurelius put in the same Councell now cited , of a Church that had never a Presbyter to be consecrated Bishop in the place of him that dyed ; & once at Hippo they had none , even then when the people snatch'd S. Austin and carried him to Valerius to be ordain'd . In these cases I hope it will not be denied but the Bishop was Iudge alone , I am sure he had but little company , sometimes none at all . 4. But suppose it had been alwaies done that Presbyters were consulted in matters of great difficulty , and possibility of Scandall , for so S. Ambrose intimates , Ecclesia seniores habuit sine quorum Consilio nihil gerebatur in Ecclesiâ ( understand , in these Churches where Presbyteries were fixt ) yet this might be necessary , and was so indeed in some degree at first , which in succession as it prov'd troublesome to the Presbyters ; so unnecessary and impertinent to the Bishops . At first I say it might be necessary . For they were times of persecution , and temptation , and if both the Clergy and people too were not comply'd withall in such exigence of time , and agonies of spirit , it was the way to make them relapse to Gentilisme ; for a discontented spirit will hide it selfe , and take sanctuary in the reedes and mud of Nilus , rather then not take complacence in an imaginary security and revenge . 2. As yet there had been scarse any Synods to determine cases of publike difficulty , and what they could not receive from publike decision , it was fitting they should supply by the maturity of a Consiliary assistance , and deliberation . For although , by the Canons of the Apostles , Bishops were bound twise a yeare to celebrate Synods , yet persecution intervening , they were rather twice a yeare a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a dispersion then a Synod . 3. Although Synods had been as frequently conven'd as was intended by the Apostles , yet it must be length of time , and a successive experience that must give opportunity and ability to give generall rules for the emergency of all particulars , and therefore till the Church grew of ●ome considerable age , a fixt standing Colledge of Presbyters was more requisite then since it hath been , when the frequency of Generall Councells , and Provinciall Synods , and the peace of the Church , and the innumerable volumes of the Fathers , and Decretalls of Bishops , and a digest of Ecclesiasticall Constitutions , hath made the personall assistance of Presbyters unnecessary . 4. When necessity requir'd not their presence and Counsell , their own necessity requir'd that they should attend their severall cures . For let it be considered ; they that would now have a Colledge of Presbyters assist the Bishop whether they think of what followes . For either they must have Presbyters ordain'd without a title , which I am sure they have complain'd of these threescore years , or else they must be forc'd to Non-residence . For how else can they assist the Bishop in the ordinary , and daily occurrences of the Church , unlesse either they have no cure of their own , or else neglect it ? And as for the extraordinary , either the Bishop is to consult his Metropolitan , or he may be assisted by a Synod , if the Canons already constitute doe not aide him , but in all these cases the Presbytery is impertinent . 5. As this assistance of Presbyters was at first for necessity , and after by Custome it grew a Law ; so now retrò , first the necessity fail'd , and then the desuetude abrogated the Law , which before , custome had established . [ quod quâ negligentiâ obsoleverit nescio ] saith S. Ambrose , he knew not how it came to be obsolete , but so it was , it had expired before his time . Not but that Presbyters were still in Mother-Churches ( I meane in Great ones ) In Ecclesiâ enim habemus Senatum nostrum , actum Presbyterorum , we have still ( saith S. Hierome ) in the Church our Senate , a Colledge , or Chapter of Presbyters , ( he was then at Rome , or Ierusalem ) but they were not consulted in Church affaires , & matter of jurisdiction , that was it , that S. Ambrose wondred how it came to passe . And thus it is to this day . In our Mother Churches we have a Chapter too , but the Bishop consults them not in matters of ordinary jurisdiction , just so it was in S. Ambrose his time , and therefore our Bishops have altered no custome in this particular , the alteration was pregnant even before the end of the fowre generall . Councells , and therefore is no violation of a divine right , for then most certainly a contrary provision would have been made in those conventions , wherein so much sanctity , and authority , and Catholicisme and severe discipline were conjunct ; and then besides , it is no innovation in practice which pretends so faire antiquity , but however it was never otherwise then voluntary in the Bishops , and positive discipline in the Church , and conveniency in the thing for that present , and Councell in the Presbyters , and a trouble to the Presbyters persons , and a disturbance of their duties when they came to be fixt upon a particular charge . * One thing more before I leave . I find a Canon of the Councell of Hispalis objected . Episcopus Presbyteris solus honorem dare potest , solus autem auferre non potest . A Bishop may alone ordaine a Priest , a Bishop may not alone depose a Priest. Therefore in censures there was in the Primitive Church a necessity of conjunction of Presbyters with the Bishop in imposition of censures . * To this I answer , first it is evident , that hee that can give an honour , can also take it away , if any body can ; for there is in the nature of the thing no greater difficulty in pulling downe , then in raising up . It was wont alwaies to be accounted easier ; therefore this Canon requiring a conjunct power in deposing Presbyters is a positive constitution of the Church , founded indeed upon good institution , but built upon no deeper foundation , neither of nature or higher institution , then its own present authority . But that 's enough , for we are not now in question of divine right , but of Catholick and Primitive practice . To it therefore I answer , that the conjunct hand required to pull downe a Presbyter , was not the Chapter , or Colledge of Presbyters , but a company of Bishops , a Synodall sentence , and determination , for so the Canon runnes , qui profecto nec a● un● damna●i , nec un● judicante poterunt honoris sui privilegii● exuised praesantati SYNODALL 〈◊〉 quod canon de illis praeceperit definiri . And the same thing was determin'd in the Greekes Councell of Carthage . If a Presbyter or a Deacon be accused , their owne Bishop shall judge them , not alone , but with the assistance of sixe Bishops more , in the case of a Presbyter ; three , of a Deacon ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the causes of the other Clergy the Bishop of the place must ALONE heare and determine them , So that by this Canon , in some things the Bishop might not be alone , but then his assistants were Bishops , not Presbyters , in other things he alone was judge without either , and yet his sentences must not be cla●●cular , but in open Court , in the full Chapter ; for his Presbyters must be present ; and so it is determind for Africa in the fourth Councell of Carthage , Vt Episcopu● nullius causam audiat absque praescutiâ 〈…〉 alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi nini praesentiâ Clericonum confirmetur . Here is indeed a necessity of the presence of the Clergy of his Church where his Consistory was kept , least the sentence should be clandestine , and so illegall , but it is nothing but praesentia Clericorum , for it is sententia Episcopi , the Bishops sentence , and the Clerks presence only ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop ALONE might give sentence in the causes of the inferior Clergy , even by this Canon it selfe , which is used for objection against the Bishops sole jurisdiction . *** I know nothing now to hinder our processe ; for the Bishops jurisdiction is clearely left in his own hand , and the Presbyters had no share in it , but by delegation and voluntary assumption . Now I proceed in the maine question . VVEE have seen what Episcopacy is in it selfe , now from the same principles let us see what it is to us . And first ; Antiquity taught us it was simply necessary , even to the being and constitution of a Church . That runs high , but we must follow our leaders . * S. Ignatius is expresse in this question . Qui intra altare est , mundus est , quare & obtemperat Episcope , & Sacerdotibus . Qui vetò foris est hic is est , qui sine Episcopo , Sacerdote , & Diacono quicquam agit , & ejusmodi inquinatum habet conscientiam , & infideli deterior est . He that is within the Altar , that is , within the Communion of the Church , he is pure , for he obeyes the Bishop , and the Priests . But he that is without , that is , does any thing without his Bishop and the Clergy , he hath filthy conscience science and is worse then an infidell . NECESSE itaque est , quicquid facitis , ut SINE EPISCOPO NIHIL faciatis . It is NECESSARY that what euer ye doe , ye be sure to doe nothing without the Bishop . Quid enim aliud est Episcopus , &c. For what else is a Bishop but he that is greater then all power ? So that the obeying the Bishop is the necessary condition of a Christian , and Catholick communion , he that does not , is worse then an infidell . The same also he affirmes againe . Quot quot enim Christi sunt partium Episcopi , qui verò ab illo declinant , & cum maledictis communionem amplectuntur , hi cam illis excidentur . All them that are on Christs side , are on the Bishops side , but they that communicate with accursed Schismaticks , shall be cutt off with them . * If then we will be Christ's servants , we must be obedient and subordinate to the Bishop . It is the condition of Christianity . We are not Christians else . So is the intimation of S. Ignatius . * As full and pertinent is the peremptory resolution of S. Cyprian in that admirable epistle of his ad Laps●s , where after he had spoken how Christ instituted the honour of Episcopacy in concrediting the Keyes to Peter and the other Apostles , Inde ( saith he ) per temporum & successionum vices , Episcoporum ordinatio , & ECCLESIAE RATIO decurrit , VT ECCLESIA SUPER EPISCOPOS CONSTITUATUR , & omnis actus Ecclesiae per EOSDEM PRAEPOSITOS gubernetur ▪ Hence is it , that by severall succession of Bishops the Church is continued , so that the CHURCH HATH IT'S BEING , OR CONSTITUTION BY BISHOPS , and every act of Ecclesiasticall regiment is to be disposed by them . Cùm hoc itaque divinâ lege fundatum sit , miror &c. Since therefore this is so ESTABLISHED BY THE LAW OF GOD , I wonder any man should question it , &c. And therefore as in all buildings , the foundation being gone , the fabrick falls , so IF YE TAKE AWAY BISHOPS , the Church must aske a writing of divorce from God , for it can no longer bee called a Church . This account we have from S. Cyprian , and he reenforces againe upon the same charge in his * Epistle ad Florentium Pupianum , where he makes a Bishop to be ingredient into the DEFINITION of a Church . [ Ecclesia est plebs sacerdoti adunata , & Pastori suo Grex adhaerens , The Church is a flock adhering to it's Pastor , and a people united to their Bishop ] for that so he means by Sacerdos , appears in the words subjoyn'd , Vnde & scire debes Episcopum in Ecclesiâ esse , & Ecclesiam in Episcopo , & si qui Cum EPISCOPO NON SIT IN ECCLESIA NON ESSE , & frustrà sibi blandiri eos qui pacem cum Sacerdotibus Dei non habentes obrepunt , & latentèr apud quosdam communicare se credunt &c. As a Bishop is in the Church , so the Church is in the Bishop , and he that does not communicate with the Bishop is not in the Church ; and therefore they vainely flatter themselves that think their case faire and good , if they communicate in conventicles , and forsake their Bishop . And for this cause the holy Primitives were so confident , and zealous for a Bishop , that they would ●ather expose themselves and all their tribes to a persecution , then to the greater misery , the want of Bishops . Fulgentius tells an excellent story to this purpose . When Frasamund King of Byzac in Africa had made anedict that no more Bishops should be consecrate ; to this purpose that the Catholike faith might expire ( so he was sure it would , if this device were perfected ) vt arescentibus truncis absque palmitibus omnes Ecclesiae desolarentur , the good Bishops of the Province met together in a Councell , and having considered of the command of the tyrant , Sacra turba Pontificum qui remanser ant communicato inter se consilio definierunt adversus praeceptum Regis in omnibus locis celebrare ordinationes Pontificum , cogitantes aut Regis iracundiam , si qua forsan existeret , mitigandam , quò faciliùs ordinati in suis plebibus viverent , aut si persecutionis violentia nasceretur , coronandos etiam fidei confessione , quos dignos invenichant promotione . It was full of bravery , and Christian sprite . The Bishops resolved for all the edict against new ordination of Bishops to obey God , rather then man , and to consecrate Bishops in all places , hoping the King would be appeased , or if not , yet those whom they thought worthy of a Mitre were in a faire disposition to receive a Crowne of Martyrdome . They did so . Fit repentè communis assumptio , and they all striv'd who should be first , and thought a blessing would outstrip the hindmost . They were sure they might goe to heaven ( though persecuted ) under the conduct of a Bishop , they knew , without him the ordinary passage was obstructed . Pius the first , Bishop of Rome , and Martyr , speaking of them that calumniate , and disgrace their Bishops endeavouring to make them infamous , they adde ( saith he ) evill to evill , and grow worse , non intelligentes quòd Ecclesia Dei in Sacerdotibus consistit , & cres●it in templum Dei ; Not considering that THE CHURCH OF GOD DOTH CONSIST , or is established in BISHOPS , and growes up to a holy Temple ? To him I am most willing to adde S. Hierome , because he is often obtruded in defiance of the cause . Ecclesiae salus in summi Sacerdotis dignitate pendet , The safety of the Church depends upon the Bishops dignity . THE Reason which S. Hierome gives , presses this businesse to a further particular . For if an eminent dignity , and an Vnmatchable power be not given to him , tot efficientur schismata , quot Sacerdotes . So that he makes Bishops therefore necessary because without them the Unity of a Church cannot be preserved ; and we know that unity , and being , are of equall extent , and if the Unity of the Church depends upon the Bishop , then where there is no Bishop , no pretence to a Church ; and therefore to separate from the Bishop makes a man at least a Schismatick ; For Unity which the Fathers presse so often , they make to be dependant on the Bishop . Nihil sit in vobit quod possit vos dirimere , sed Vnimini Episcop● , subjecti Deo per illum in Christo ( saith S. Ignatius . ) Let nothing divide you , but be united to your Bishop , being subiect to God in Christ through your Bishop . And it is his congè to the people of Smyrna to whom he writ in his epistle to Polycarpus , opto vos semper valere in Deo nostro Iesu Christo , in quo manete per Vnitatem Dei & EPISCOPI , Farewell in Christ Iesus , in whom remaine by the Vnity of God and of the BISHOP . * Quantò vos beatiores judico qui dependetis ab illo [ Episcopo ] vt Ecclesia à Domino Iesu , & Dominus à Patre suo , vt omnià per Vnitatem consentiant . Blessed people are ye that depend upon your Bishop , as the Church on Christ , and Christ on God , that all things may consent in Vnity . * Neque enim aliundè haereses obortae sunt , aut nata sunt schismata , quàm inde quòd Sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur , nec unus in Ecclesiâ ad tempus Sacerdos , & ad tempus Iudex vice Christi cogitatur . Hen●e come SCHISMES , hence spring HERESYES that the Bishop is not obeyed , and admitted alone to be the high Priest , alone to be the Iudge . The same , S. Cyprian repeates againe , and by it , we may see his meaning clearer . Qui vos audit , me audit &c : Inde enim haereses & schismata obortae sunt & oriuntur , dum Episcopus qui unus est , & Ecclesiae praeest superbâ quorundam praesumptione contemnitur , & homo dignatione Dei honoratus , indignus hominibus judicatur . The pride and peevish haughtinesse of some factious people that contemne their Bishops is the cause of all heresy and Schisme . And therefore it was so strictly forbidden by the Ancient Canons , that any Man should have any meetings , or erect an Altar out of the communion of his Bishop , that if any man prov'd delinquent in this particular , he was punish'd with the highest censures , as appeares in the 32 Canon of the Apostles , in the 6 th Canon of the Councell of Gangra , the 5 th Canon of the Councell of Antioch , and the great Councell of Chalcedon , all which I have before cited . The summe is this , The Bishop is the band , and ligature of the Churches Unity ; and separation from the Bishop is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Theodorets expession is ; a Symbol of faction , and he that separates is a Schismatick . But how if the Bishop himselfe be a heretick , or schismatick ? May we not then separate ? Yes , if he be judg'd so by a Synod of Bishops , but then he is sure to be depos'd too , and then in these cases no separation from a Bishop . For till he be declar'd so , his communion is not to be forsaken by the subjects of his diocesse , least they by so doing become their Iudges judge , and when he is declar'd so , no need of withdrawing from obedience to the Bishop , for the heretick , or schismatick must be no longer Bishop . * But let the case be what it will be , no separation from a Bishop , ut sic , can be lawfull ; and yet if there were a thousand cases in which it were lawfull to separate from a Bishop , yet in no case is it lawfull to separate from Episcopacy ; That is the quintessence , and spirit of schisme , and a direct overthrow to Christianity , and a confronting of a Divine institution . * BUt is it not also heresie ? Aërius was condemned for heresie by the Catholike Church . The heresie from whence the Aërians were denominated was , sermo furiosus magis quàm humanae conditionis , & dicebat , Quid est Episcopus ad Presbyterum , nihil differt hic ab illo . A mad , and an unmanly heresie , to say that a Bishop , and a Priest are all one . So Epiphanius . Assumpsit autem Ecclesia , & IN TOTO MUNDO ASSENSUS FACTUS EST , antequam esset Aërius , & qui ab ipso appellantur Aëriani . And the good Catholike Father is so angry at the heretick Aërius , that he thinks his name was given him by Providence , and he is call'd Aërius , ab aërijs spiritibus pravitatis , for he was possessed with an uncleane spirit , he could never else been the inventer of such hereticall pravity . S. Austin also reckons him in the accursed roll of hereticks , and adds at the conclusion of his Catalogue , that he is NO CATHOLIKE CHRISTIAN that assents to any of the foregoing Doctrines , amongst which , this is one of the principall . Philastrius does as much for him . But against this it will be objected . first , That heresies in the Primitive Catalogues are of a large extent , and every dissent from a publike opinion , was esteemed heresie , 2 ly , Aërius was called heretick , for denying prayer for the dead . And why may he not be as blamelesse in equalling a Bishop , and a Presbyter , as in that other , for which he also is condemn'd by Epiphanius , and S. Austin . 3 ly , He was never condemn'd by any Councell , and how then can he be called heretick ? I answer ; that dissent from a publike , or a received opinion was never called heresie , unlesse the contrary truth was indeed a part of Catholike doctrine . For the Fathers many of them did so , as S. Austin from the Millenary opinion ; yet none ever reckon'd them in the Catalogues of hereticks ; but such things only set them downe there , which were either directly opposite to Catholike beliefe , though in minoribus ●rticulis , or to a holy life . 2 ly , It is true that Epiphanius and S. Austin reckon his denying prayer for the dead to be one of his owne opinions , and hereticall . But I cannot help it if they did , let him and them agree it , they are able to answer for themselves . But yet they accused him also of Arianisme ; and shall we therefore say that Arianisme was no heresie , because the Fathers call'd him heretick in one particular upon a wrong principall ? We may as well say this , as deny the other . 3 ly , He was not condemned by any Councell . No. For his heresie was ridiculous , and a scorne to all wise men ; as Epiphanius observes , and it made no long continuance , neither had it any considerable party . * But yet this is certaine , that Epiphanius , & Philastrius , & S. Austin call'd this opinion of Aërius a heresie and against the Catholike beliefe . And themselves affirme that the Church did so ; and then it would be considered , that it is but a sad imployment to revive old heresies , and make them a peice of the New religion . And yet after all this , if I mistake not , although Aërius himselfe was so inconsiderable as not to be worthy noting in a Councell , yet certainly the one halfe of his error is condemn'd for heresie in one of the foure Generall Councells , viz. the first Councell of Constantinople . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We call all them hereticks whom the Ancient Church hath condemn'd , and whom we shall anathematize . Will not Aërius come under one of these titles for a condemn'd heretick ? Then see forward . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Here is enough for Aërius and all his hyperaspists , new and old ; for the holy Councell condemnes them for hereticks who doe indeed confesse the true faith , but separate from their Bishops , and make conventicles apart from his Communion . Now this I the rather urge because an Act of Parliament made 1 o of Elizabeth does make this Councell , and the other three of Nice , Ephesus , and Chalcedon , the rule of judging heresyes . I end this particular with the saying of the Councell of Paris against the Acephali ( who were the branch of a Crabstock and something like Aërius , ) cited by Burchard ; Nullâ ratione Clerici aut Sacerdotes habendi sunt , qui sub nullius Episcopi disciplinâ & providentiâ gubernantur . Tales enim Acephalos , id est , sine capite Priscae Ecclesiae consuetudo nuncupavit . They are by no meanes to be accounted Clergy-men , or Priests , that will not be governed by a Bishop . For such men the Primitive Church call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , headlesse , wittlesse people . This onely . Acephali was the title of a Sect , a formall heresy , and condemn'd by the Ancient Church , say the Fathers of the Councell of Paris , Now if we can learn exactly what they were , it may perhaps be another conviction for the necessity of Episcopall regiment . Nicephorus can best informe us . Eodem tempore , & Acephali , quorum dux Severus Antiochenus fuit &c : Severus of Antioch was the first broacher of this heresy . But why were they called Acephali ? id est , sine capite , quem sequuntur haeretici ; Nullus enim eorum reperitur author à quo ex●rti sunt ( saith Isidore ) . But this cannot be , for their head is knowne , Severus was the heresiarch . But then why are they called Acephali ? Nicephorus gives this reason , and withall a very particular account of their heresy , Acephali autem ob eam causam dicti sunt , quòd sub Episcopis non fuerint . They refused to live under Bishops . Thence they had their Name . what was their heresie ? They denied the distinction of Natures in Christ. That was one of their heresies , but they had more ; for they were trium capitulorum in Chalcedone impugnatores , saith Isidore , they opposed three Canons of the Councell of Chalcedon . One we have heard , what their other heresies were , we doe not so well know , but by the Canon of the Councell of Paris , and the intimation of their name we are guided to the knowledge of a second ; They refused to live under the government of a Bishop . And this also was impugnatio unius articuli in Chalcedone , for the eighth Canon of the Councell of Chalcedon commands that the Clergy should be under Episcopall government . But these Acephali would not , they were antiepiscopall men , and therefore they were condemn'd hereticks ; condemn'd , In the Councell of Paris , of Sevill , and of Chalcedon . But the more particular account that Nicephorus gives of them I will now insert , because it is of great use . Proinde Episcopis , & Sacerdotibus apud eos defunctis , neque baptismus juxtà solennem , atque receptum Ecclesiae morem apud eos administratur , neque oblatio , aut res aliqua divina facta , ministeriumvè Ecclesiasticum , sicuti mos est , celebratum est . Communionem verò illi à plurimo tempore asservatam habentes serijs pascalibus in minutissimas incisam partes convenientibus ad se hominibus dederunt . Quo tempore quam quisque voluisset placitam sibi sumebat potestatem . Et proptereà quod quilibet , quod si visum esset , fidei insertum volebat , quamplurima defectorum , atque haereticorum turba exorta est . It is a story worthy observation . When any Bishop dyed they would have no other consecrated in succession , and therefore could have no more Priests when any of them dyed . But how then did they to baptize their Children ? Why , they were faine to make shift , and doe it without any Church-solemnity . But , how did they for the Holy Sacrament , for that could not be consecrated without a Priest , and he not ordain'd without a Bishop ? True , but therefore they , while they had a Bishop , got a great deale of bread consecrated , and kept a long time , and when Easter came , cutt it into small bitts , or crummes rather , to make it goe the farther , and gave it to their people . And must we doe so too ? God forbid . But how did they when all that was gone ? For crummes would not last alwaies . The story specifies it not , but yet I suppose they then got a Bishop for their necessity to help them to some more Priests , and some more crummes ; for I find the Councell of Sevill the Fathers saying , Ingressus est ad nos quidem ex haeresi Acephalorum Episcopus ; They had then it seemes got a Bishop , but this they would seldome have , and never but when their necessity drave them to it . But was this all the inconvenience of the want of Bishops ? No. For every man ( saith Nicephorus ) might doe what he list , & if he had a mind to it , might put his fancy into the Creed , and thence came innumerable troopes of Schismaticks and Hereticks . So that this device was one simple heresie in the root , but it was forty heresies in the fruit , and branches ; clearely proving that want of Bishops is the cause of all Schisme , & recreant opiniōs that are imaginable . I summe this up with the saying of S. Clement the Disciple of S. Peter , Si autem vobis Episcopis non obedierint omnes Presbyteri , &c. tribus , & linguae non obtemperaverint , non solùm infames , sed & extorres à regno Dei , & consortio fidelium , ac à limitibus Sancti Dei Ecclesiae alieni erunt . All Priests , and Clergy-men , and People , and Nations , and Languages that doe not obey their Bishop shall be shut forth of the communion of Holy Church here , and of Heaven hereafter . It runnes high , but I cannot help it , I doe but translate Ruffinus , as he before translated S. Clement . IT seemes then we must have Bishops . But must we have Lord Bishops too ? That is the question now , but such an one as the Primitive piety could never have imagined . For , could they , to whom Bishops were placed in a right and a true light , they who believed , and saw them to be the Fathers of their soules , the Guardian of their life and manners ( as King Edgar call'd S. Dunstan ) the guide of their consciences , the instruments and conveyances of all the Blessings heaven uses to powre upon us , by the ministration of the holy Gospell ; would they , that thought their lives a cheap exchange for a free , and open communion with a Catholick Bishop ; would they have contested upon an aëry title , and the imaginary priviledge of an honour , which is farre lesse then their spirituall dignity , but infinitely lesse then the burden , and charge of the soules of all their Diocesse ? Charity thinks nothing too much , and that love is but little , that grutches at the good words a Bishoprick carries with it . However ; let us see whether titles of honour be either unfit in themselves to be given to Bishops , or what the guise of Christendome hath been in her spirituall heraldry . 1. S. Ignatius in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna gives them this command . Honora Episcopum ut Principem Sacerdotum , imaginèm Dei referentem . Honour the Bishop as the image of God , as the PRINCE OF PRIESTS . Now since honour , and excellency are termes of mutuall relation , and all excellency that is in men , and things , is but a ray of divine excellency ; so farre as they participate of God , so farre they are honourable . Since then the Bishop carries the impresse of God upon his forehead , and bears Gods image , certainly this participation of such perfection makes him very honourable . And since honor est in honorante , it is not enough that the Bishop is honourable in himselfe , but it tells us our duty , we must honour him , we must doe him honour : and of all the honours in the world , that of words is the cheapest , and the least . S. Paul speaking of the honour due to the Prelates of the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let them be accounted worthy of double honour . And one of the honours that he there means is a costly one , an honour of Maintenance , the other must certainly be an honour of estimate , and that 's cheapest . * The Councell of Sardis speaking of the severall steps and capacities of promotion to the height of Episcopacy , uses this expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He that shall be found worthy of so Divine a Priesthood , let him be advanced to the HIGHEST HONOUR . * Ego procidens ad pedes ejus rogabam , excusans me , & declinans HONOREM CATHEDRAE , & potestatem , ( saith S. Clement , when S. Peter would have advanc'd him to the Honour and power of the Bishops chaire . ) But in the third epistle speaking of the dignity of Aaron the High-Priest , and then by analogy , of the Bishop , who although he be a Minister in the order of Melchisedek , yet he hath also the honour of Aaron , Omnis enim Pontifex sacro crismate perunctus , & incivitate constitutus , & in Scripturis sacris conditus , charus & preciosus hominibus oppidò esse debet . Every High Priest ordained in the Citty ( viz. a Bishop ) ought forthwith to be Deare , and Precious in the eyes of men . Quem quasi Christi locum tenentem honorare omnes debent , eique servire , & obedientes ad salutem suam fidelitèr existere , scientes quòd sive honor , sive injuria quae ei defertur , in Christum redundat , & a Christo in Deum . The Bishop is Christ's vicegerent , and therefore he is to be obeyed , knowing that whether it be honour , or injury that is done to the Bishop , it is done to Christ , and so to God. * And indeed what is the saying of our blessed Saviour himselfe ? He that despiseth you , despiseth mee . If Bishops be Gods Ministers and in higher order then the rest , then although all discountenance , and disgrace done to the Clergy reflect upon Christ , yet what it done to the Bishop is farre more , and then there is the same reason of the honour . And if so , then the Question will prove but an odde one ; even this , whether Christ be to be honour'd or no , or depressed to the common estimate of Vulgar people ? for if the Bishops be , then he is . This is the condition of the Question . 2. Consider wee , that all Religions , and particularly all Christianity did give titles of honour to their High-Priests , and Bishops respectively . * I shall not need to instance in the great honour of the Priestly tribe among the Iewes , and how highly Honourable Aaron was in proportion . Prophets were called [ Lords ] in holy Scripture . [ Art not thou MY LORD Elijah ? ] said Obed Edom to the Prophet . [ Knowest thou not that God will take THY LORD from thy head this day ? ] said the children in the Prophets Schooles . So it was then . And in the New Testament we find a Prophet HONOURD every where , but in his own Country . And to the Apostles and Presidents of Churches greater titles of honour given , then was ever given to man by secular complacence and insinuation . ANGELS , and GOVERNOURS , and FATHERS OF OUR FAITH , and STARRS , LIGHT OF THE WORLD , the CROWNE OF THE CHURCH , APOSTLES OF IESUS CHRIST , nay , GODS , viz. to whom the word of God came ; and of the compellation of Apostles , particularly , S. Hierom saith , that when S. Paul called himselfe the Apostle of Iesus Christ , it was as Magnifically spoken , as if he had said , Praefectus praetorio Augusti Caesaris , Magister exercit●s Tiberii Imperatoris ; And yet Bishops are Apostles , and so called in Scripture . I have prooved that already . Indeed our blessed Saviour in the case of the two sonnes of Zebedee , forbad them to expect by vertue of their Apostolate any Princely titles , in order to a Kingdome , and an earthly Principality . For that was it which the ambitious woman sought for her sonnes , viz. faire honour , and dignity in an earthly Kingdome ; for such a Kingdome they expected with their Messias . To this their expectation , our Saviours answer is a direct antithesis ; And that made the Apostles to be angry at the two Petitioners , as if they had meant to supplant the rest , and yet the best preferment from them , to wit , in a temporall Kingdome . No ; ( saith our blessed Saviour ) ye are all deceived . [ The Kings of the Nations indeed doe exercise authority , and are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Benefactors ] so the word signifies , [ Gracious Lords ] so we read it , [ But it shall not be so with you . ] what shall not be so with them ? shall not they exercise authority ? [ Who then is that faithfull and wise steward whom his Lord made ruler over his Houshold ? ] Surely the Apostles , or no body . Had Christ authority ? Most certainly . Then so had the Apostles , for Christ gave them his , with a sicut misit me Pater , &c. Well! the Apostles might , and we know they did exercise authority . What then shall not be so with them ? shall not they be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Indeed if S. Marke had taken that title upon him in Alexandria , the Ptolomies , whose Honourary appellative that was , would have question'd him Highly for it . But if we goe to the sense of the word , the Apostles might be Benefactors , and therefore might be called so . But what then ? Might they not be called Gratious Lords ? The word would have done no hurt if it had not been an ensigne of a secular Principality . For as for the word [ Lord ] I know no more prohibition for that , then for being called RABBI , or MASTER , or DOCTOR , or FATHER . What shall we think now ? May we not be called DOCTORS ? [ God hath constituted in his Church Pastors , and Doctors , saith S. Paul. ] Therefore we may be called so . But what of the other , the prohibition runs alike for all , as is evident in the severall places of the Gospells , and may no man be called MASTER , or FATHER ? let an answer be thought upon for these , and the same will serve for the other also without any sensible error . It is not the word , it is the ambitious seeking of a temporall principality as the issue of Christianity , and an affixe of the Apostolate that Christ interdicted his Apostles . * And if we marke it , our B. Saviour points it out himselfe . [ The Princes of the Nations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exercise authority over them , and are called Benefactors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It shall not be so with you . Not so : how ? Not as the Princes of the Gentiles , for theirs is a temporall regiment , your Apostolate must be Spirituall . They rule as Kings , you as fellow servants , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He that will be first amongst you , let him be your Minister , or servant ; It seems then among Christs Disciples there may be a Superiority , when there is a Minister or servant ; But it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that this greatnesse doth consist , it must be in doing the greatest service and ministration that the superiority consists in . But more particularly , it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It must not be [ as the Princes of the Gentiles ] but it must be [ as the sonne of man ] so Christ saies expressely . And how was that ? why , he came to Minister and to serve , and yet in the lowest act of his humility ( the washing his Disciples feet ) he told them , [ ye call me Lord , and Master , and ye say well , for so I am . ] It may be so with you . Nay it must be as the sonne of Man ; But then , the being called Rabbi , or Lord , nay the being Lord in spirituali Magisterio & regimine , in a spirituall superintendency , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may stand with the humility of the Gospell , and office of Ministration . So that now I shall not need to take advantage of the word * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to rule with more then a politicall regiment , even with an absolute , and despotick , and is so used in holy Scripture , viz. in sequiorem partem . God gave authority to Man over the creatures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the word in the septuagint , and we know the power that man hath over beasts , is to kill , and to keep alive . And thus to our blessed Saviour , the power that God gave him over his enemies is expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And this wee know how it must be exercised , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a rod of iron , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He shall break them in pieces like a potters vessell . That 's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But it shall not be so with you . But let this be as true as it will. The answer needs no way to rely upon a Criticisme . It is cleare , that the forme of Regiment only is distinguished , not all Regiment , and authority taken away . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Not as the Kings of the Gentiles , but as the sonne of man ; so must your regiment be , for sicut misi● me Pater , &c. As my father hath sent me , even so send I you . It must be a government , not for your Imprey , but for the service of the Church . So that it is not for your advancement , but the publick ministery that you are put to rule over the Houshold . * And thus the Fathers expresse the authority and regiment of Bishops . * Qui vocatur ad Episcopatum non ad Principatum vocatur , sed ad servitutem totius siae ( saith Origen . ) And S. Hierom ; Episcopi Sacerdotes se esse noverint , non Dominos ; And yet S. Hierom himselfe writing to S. Austin , calls him , Domine verè sancte , & suscipiende Papa . * Forma Apostolica haec est , Dominatio interdicitur , indicitur Ministratio . It is no Principality that the Apostles have , but it is a Ministery ; a Ministery in chiefe , the officers of which Ministration must governe , and wee must obey . They must governe not in a temporall regiment by vertue of their Episcopacy , but in a spirituall , not for honour to the Rulers , so much as for benefit and service to the subject . So S. Austin . Nomen est operis , non honor is , ut intelligat se non esse Episcopum qui praeesse dilexerit , non prodesse . And in the fourteenth chapter of the same book , Qui imperant serviunt ijs rebus quibus videntur Imperare . Non enim dominandi cupidine imperant , sed officio confulendi , nec principandi superbiâ , sed providendi misericordiâ . And all this is intimated in the Propheticall visions , where the regiment of Christ is design'd by the face of a man ; and the Empire of the world , by Beasts . The first is the regiment of a Father , the second of a King. The first spirituall , the other secular . And of the Fatherly authority it is that the Prophet saies , Instead of Fathers thou shalt have Children , whom thou maist make Princes in all lands . This ( say the Fathers ) is spoken of the Apostles and their Successors the Bishops , who may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Princes or Rulers of Churches , not Princes of Kingdomes by vertue or challenge of their Apostolate . But if this Ecclesiasticall rule , or cheifty be interdicted , I wonder how the Presidents of the Presbyters , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Reformed Churches will acquit themselves ? How will their Superiority be reconciled to the place , though it be but temporary ? For is it a sinne , if it continues , and no sinne if it lasts but for a weeke ? or is it lawfull to sinne , and domineere , and Lord it over their Brethren for a weeke together ? * But suppose it were , what will they say , that are perpetuall Dictators ? Calvin was perpetuall president ; and Beza , till Danaeus came to Geneva , even for many years together ? * But beyond all this how can the Presbytery which is a fixt lasting body rule and governe in causes Spirituall and Consistoriall , and that over all Princes , and Ministers , and people , and that for ever ? For is it a sinne in Episcopacy to doe so , and not in the Presbytery ? If it be lawfull here , then Christ did not interdict it to the Apostles , for who will think that a Presbytery shall have leave to domineere , and ( as they call it now a dayes ) to Lord it over their Brethren , when a Colledge of Apostles shall not be suffered to governe ? but if the Apostles may governe , then we are brought to a right understanding of our Saviours saying to the sonnes of Zebedee , and then also , their successors , the Bishops may doe the same . If I had any further need of answer or escape , it were easy to pretend , that this being a particular directory to the Apostles , was to expire with their persons . So S. Cyprian intimates . Apostoli pari fuêre consortio praediti , & honoris , & dignitatis ; and indeed this may be concluding against the Supremacy of S. Peter's Successors , but will be no waies pertinent to impugne Episcopall authority . For inter se they might be equall , and yet Superiour to the Presbyters , and the people . Lastly , [ It shall not be so with you ] so Christ said , non designando officium , but Sortem ; not their duty , but their lot ; intimating that their future condition should not be honorary , but full of trouble , not advanc'd , but persecuted . But I had rather insist on the first answer ; in which I desire it be remembred , that I said , seeking temporall Principality to be forbidden the Apostles , as an Appendix to the office of an Apostle . For in other capacities Bishops are as receptive of honour and temporall principalities as other men . Bishops vt sic are not secular Princes , must not seeke for it ; But some secular Princes may be Bishops , as in Germany , and in other places to this day they are . For it is as unlawfull for a B●shop to have any Land , as to have a Country , and a single acre is no more due to the Order , then a Province ; but both these may be conjunct in the s●me person , though still by vertue of Christs precept , the functions and capacities must be distinguish●d ; according to the saying of Synesius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To confound and intermixe the Kingdome and the Priesthood , is to joyne things incompossible and inconsistent , Inconsistent ( I say ) not in person , but absolutely discrepant in function . 3. Consider we , that S. Peter , when he speakes of the duteous subordination of Sarah to her Husband Abraham , he propunds her as an example to all married women , in these words [ shee obeyed Abraham , and called him Lord ] why was this spoken to Christian women , but that they should doe so too ? And is it imaginable that such an Honourable compellation as Christ allowes every woman to give to her husband , a Mechanick , a hard-handed artisan , he would forbid to those eminent pillars of his Church , those lights of Christendome whom he really indued with a plenitude of power for the regiment of the Catholike Church . Credat Apella . 4. PASTOR , and FATHER , are as honourable titles as any . They are honourable in Scripture . Honour thy Father &c : Thy Father , in all senses . They are also made sacred by being the appellatives of Kings , and Bishops , and that not onely in secular addresses , but even in holy Scripture , as is knowne . * Adde to this ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are used in Scripture for the Prelates of the Church , and I am certaine , that , Duke , and Captaine , Rulers , and Commanders are but just the same in English , that the other are in Greeke , and the least of these is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Lord. And then if we consider that since Christ erected a spirituall regiment , and us'd words of secular honour to expresse it , as in the instances above , although Christ did interdict a secular principality , yet he forbad not a secular title ; He us'd many himselfe . 5. The voyce of the Spouse , the holy Church hath alwaies expressed their honourable estimate in reverentiall compellations and Epithets of honour to their Bishops , and have taught us so to doe . * Bishops were called Principes Ecclesiarum , Princes of the Churches . I had occasion to instance it in the question of Iurisdiction . Indeed the third Councell of Carthage forbad the Bishop of Carthage to be called Princeps Sacerdotum , or summus Sacerdos , or aliquid hujusmodi , but onely primae sedis Episcopus . I know not what their meaning was , unlesse they would dictate a lesson of humility to their Primate , that he might remember the principality not to be so much in his person , as in the See , for he might be called Bishop of the prime See. But whatsoever fancy they had at Carthage , I am sure it was a guise of Christendome , not to speake of Bishops sine praefatione honoris , but with honourable mention . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To our most blessed LORD . So the letters were superscribed to Iulius Bishop of Rome from some of his Brethren ; in Sozomen . Let no man speake Untruths of mee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nor of MY LORDS THE BISHOPS , said S. Gregory Nazianzen . The Synodicall book of the Councell of Constantinople is inscribed DOMINI● REVERENDISSIMIS , ac pijssimis Fratribus ac Collegis , Damaso , Ambrosio &c : To our most Reverend LORDS , and holy Brethren &c : And the Councell of Illyricum sending their Synodall letters to the Bishops of Asia , by Bishop Elpidius , Haecpluribus ( say they ) persequi non est visum , quòd miserimus vnum ex omnibus , DOMINUM , & Collegam nostrum Elpidium , qui cognosceret , esset ne sicut dictum fuerat à DOMINO , & Collegâ nostro Eustathio . Our Lord , and Brother Elpidius . Our Lord and Brother Eustathius . * The oration in the Councell of Epaunum begins thus . Quod praecipientibus tantis DOMINIS MEIS ministerium proferendi sermonis assumo &c : The Prolocutor tooke that office on him , at the command of so many GREAT LORDS THE BISHOPS . * When the Church of Spayne became Catholike , and adjur'd the Arian heresy , King Recaredus in the third Councell of Toledo made a speech to the Bishops , Non incognitum reor esse vobis , REVERENDISSIMI Sacerdotes &c : Non credimus vestram latere SANCTITATEM &c : vestra Cognovit BEATITUDO &c : VENERANDI PATRES &c : And these often . Your Holinesse , your Blessednesse , Most Reverend , Venerable Fathers ; Those were the addresses the King made to the Fathers of the Synod . Thus it was when Spaine grew Catholike ; But not such a Speech to be found in all the Arian records . They amongst them us'd but little Reverence to their Bishops . But the instances of this kind are innumerable . Nothing more ordinary in Antiquity then to speake of Bishops with the titles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Domine verè Sancte , & suscipiende Papa , So S. Hierome a Presbyter , to S. Austin a Bishop . Secundùm enim honorum vocabula quae jam Ecclesiae usus obtinuit Episcopatus Presbyterio major est , saith S. Austin . Episcopacy is Greater then the office and dignity of a Presbyter according to the TITLES OF HONOUR which the custome of the Church hath introduc'd . * But I shall summe up these particulars in a totall , which is thus expressed by S. Chrysostome . Haeretici à Diabolo HONORUM VOCABULA Episcopis non dare didicerunt . Hereticks have learned of the Devill not to give due titles of honour to Bishops . The good Patriarch was angry surely when he said so . * For my owne particular , I am confident that my Lords the Bishops doe so undervalue any fastuous , or pompous title , that were not the duty of their people in it , they would as easily reject them , as it is our duties piously to use them . But if they still desire appellatives of honour , we must give them , they are their due , if they desire them not , they deserve them much more . So that either for their humility , or however for their works sake we must [ highly honour them that have the rule over us ] It is the precept of S. Paul , and S. Cyprian observing how Curious our blessed Saviour was that he might give honour to the Priests of the Iewes , even then when they were reeking in their malice hot as the fire of Hell ; he did it to teach us a duty . Docuit enim Sacerdotes veros LEGITIME ET PLENE HONORARI dum circa falsos Sacerdotes ipse talis extitit . It is the argument he uses to procure a full honour to the Bishop . * To these I adde ; If fitting in a THRONE even above the seate of Elders be a title of a great dignity , then we have it confirmed by the voice of all Antiquity calling the Bishops chaire , A THRONE , and the investiture of a Bishop in his Church AN INTHRONIZATION . Quando INTHRONIZANTUR propter communem utilitatem Episcopi &c : saith P. Anterus in his decretall Epistle to the Bishops of Boetica and Toledo . INTHRONING is the Primitive word for the consecration of a Bishop . Sedes in Episcoporum Eccles●is excelsae constitutae & praeparatae , UT THRONUS speculationem & potestatem judicandi à Domino sibi datam materiam docent , ( saith Vrban ) . And S. Ignatius to his Deacon Hero , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I trust that the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ will show to me Hero sitting upon my THRONE . ** The summe of all is this . Bishops if they must be at all , most certainly must be beloved , it is our dutyes , and their worke deserves it . S. Paul was as deare to the Galathians , as their eyes , and it is true eternally , Form●sipedes Evangelizantium , the feete of the Preachers of the Gospell are beauteous , and then much more of the chiefe . Ideo ista praetulimus ( charissimi ) vt intelligatis potestatem Episcoporum vestrorum , in eisque Deum veneremini , & eos UT ANIMAS VESTRAS diligatis , vt quibus illi non communicant , non communicetis &c : Now , love to our Superiours is ever honourable , for it is more then amicitia , that 's amongst Peeres , but love to our Betters , is Reverence , Obedience , and high Estimate . And if we have the one , the dispute about the other would be a meere impertinence . I end this with the saying of S. Ignatius , & v●s decet non contemnere aetatem Episcopi , sed juxta Dei Patris arbitrium OMNEM ILLI IMPERTIRI REVERENTIAM . It is the WILL OF GOD the Father , that we should give all REVERENCE , HONOUR , or veneration to our Bishops . VVELL ! However things are now , It was otherwise in the Old Religion ; for no honour was thought too great for them whom God had honourd with so great degrees of approximation to himselfe in power , and authority . But then also they went further . For they thought whom God had intrusted with their soules , they might with an equall confidence trust with their personall actions , and imployments of greatest trust . For it was Great Consideration that they who were Antistites religionis the Doctors , and great Dictators of Faith and conscience , should be the composers of those affayres in whose determination , a Divine wisdome , and interests of conscience and the authority of religion were the best ingredients . But , it is worth observing how the Church and the Common-wealth did actions contrary to each other , in pursuance of their severall interests . The Common-wealth still enabled Bishops to take cognisance of causes , and the confidence of their owne people would be sure to carry them thither where they hop'd for faire issue , upon such good grounds as they might fairely expect from the Bishops abilityes , authority , and religion ; But on the other side , the Church did as much decline them as shee could , and made sanctions against it so farre as shee might without taking from themselves all opportunities both of doing good to their people , and ingaging the secular arme to their owne assistance . But this we shall see by consideration of particulars . 1. It was not in Naturâ rei unlawfull for Bishops to receive an office of secular imployment . S. Paul's tent-making was as much against the calling of an Apostle , as sitting in a secular tribunall is against the office of a Bishop . And it is hard , if we will not allow that to the conveniences of a Republike which must be indulged to a private , personall necessity . But we have not S. Paul's example onely , but his rule too , according to Primitive exposition . [ Dare any of you having a matter before another goe to law before the Vnjust , and not before the Saints ? If then ye have judgements of things pertaining to this life , set them to judge who are least esteemed in the Church ] who are they ? The Clergy I am sure , now adayes . But S. Ambrose also thought that to be his meaning seriously . Let the Ministers of the Church be the Iudges . For by [ least esteemed ] he could not meane the most ignorant of the Laity , they would most certainly have done very strange justice , especially in such causes which they Understand not . No , but set them to judge who by their office are Servants , and Ministers of all , and those are the Clergy who ( as S. Paul's expression is ) Preach not themselves , but Iesus to be the Lord , and themselves your servants for Iesus sake . Meliùs dicit apud Dei Ministros agere causam . Yea but S. Paul's expression seemes to exclude the Governours of the Church from intermedling . [ Is there not one wise man among you that is able to Iudge betweene his Brethren ? ] Why Brethren , if Bishops and Priests were to be the Iudges , they are Fathers ? The objection is not worth the noting , but onely for S. Ambrose his answer to it . Ideò autem Fratrem Iudicem eligendum dicit , quià adhuc Rector Ecclesiae illorum non erat ordinatus . S. Paul us'd the word [ Brethren ] for as yet a Bishop was not ordained amongst them of that Church , intimating that the Bishop was to be the man , though till then , in subsidium any prudent Christian man might be imployed . 2. The Church did alwaies forbid to Clergy-men A VOLUNTARY ASSUMPTION of ingagements in REBUS SAECULI . So the sixth Canon of the Apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Bishop , and a Priest , and a Deacon , must not assume , or take on himselfe worldly cares . If he does , let him be depos'd . Here the Prohibition is generall . No worldly cares . Not domestick . But how if they come on him by Divine imposition , or accident ? That 's nothing , if he does not assume them ; that is , by his voluntary act acquire his owne trouble . So that if his secular imployment be an act of obedience , indeed it is trouble to him , but no sinne . But if he seekes it , for it selfe , it is ambition . In this sense also must the following Canon be understood . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Clerk must not be a Tutor , or Guardian , viz : of secular trust , that is must not seeke a diversion from his imployment by voluntary Tutorship . 3. The Church also forbad all secular negotiation for base ends , not precisely the imployment it selfe , but the illnesse of the intention , and this indeed shee expressely forbids in her Canons . * Pervenit ad Sanctam Synodum quòd quidam qui in Clero sunt allecti PROPTER LUCRA TURPIA conductores alienarum possessionum fiant , & saecularia negotia sub curâ suâ suscipiant , Dei quidem Ministerium parvipendentes , Saecularium verò discurrentes domos & PROPTER AVARITIAM patrimoniorum sollicitudinem sumentes . Clergy men farmers of lands , and did take upon them secular imployment FOR COVETOUS DESIGNES , and with neglect of the Church . These are the things the Councell complain'd of , and therefore according to this exigence the following Sanction is to be understood . Decrevit itaque hoc Sanctum magnumque Concilium , nullum deinceps , non Episcopum , non Clericum vel Monachum aut possessiones conducere , aut negotijs saecularibus se immiscere . No Bishop , No Clergy man , N● Monke must farme grounds , nor ingage himselfe in secular businesse . What in none ? No , none , praeter pupillorum , si fortè leges imponant inexcusabilem curam , an t civitatis Episcopus Ecclesiasticarum rerum sollicitudinem habere praecipiat , aut Orphanorum , & viduarum earum quae sine ullâ defensione sunt , ac personarum quae maximè Ecclesiastico indigent adjutorio , & propter timorem Domini causa deposcat . This Canon will doe right to the Question . All secular affaires , and bargaines either for covetousnesse , or with considerable disturbance of Church offices are to be avoided . For a Clergy man must not be covetous , much lesse for covetise must he neglect his cure . To this purpose is that of the second Councell of Arles , Clericus turpis lucri gratiâ aliquod genus negotiationis non exerceat . But nor here , nor at Chalcedon is the prohibition absolute , nor declaratory of an inconsistence and incapacity ; for , for all this , the Bishop or Clerk may doe any office that is in piâ curâ . He may undertake the supravision of Widdowes , and Orphans . And though he be forbid by the Canon of the Apostles to be a guardian of pupills , yet it is expounded here by this Canon of Chalcedon , for a voluntary seeking it is forbidden by the Apostles , but here it is permitted only with , si fortè leges imponant , if the Law , or Authority commands him , then he may undertake it . That is , if either the Emperor commands him , or if the Bishop permits him , then it is lawfull . But without such command or license it was against the Canon of the Apostles . And therefore S. Cyprian did himselfe severely punish Geminius Faustinus , one of the Priests of Carthage , for undertaking the executorship of the Testament of Geminius Victor : he had no leave of his Bishop so to doe , and for him of his own head to undertake that which would be an avocation of him from his office , did in S. Cyprians Consistory , deserve a censure . 3. By this Canon of Chalcedon , any Clerk may be the Oeconomus or steward of a Church , and dispense her revenue if the Bishop command him . 4. He may undertake the patronage , or assistance of any distressed person that needs the Churches ayde . * From hence it is evident that all secular imployment did not hoc ipso avocate a Clergy-man from his necessary office and duty ; for some secular imployments are permitted him , all causes of piety , of charity , all occurrences concerning the revenues of the Church , and nothing for covetousnesse , but any thing in obedience , any thing I meane of the fore-named instances . Nay the affaires of Church revenues , and dispensation of Ecclesiasticall Patrimony was imposed on the Bishop by the Canons Apostolicall , and then considering how many possessions were deposited first at the Apostles feet , and afterwards in the Bishops hands , we may quickly perceive that a case may occurre in which something else may be done by the Bishop and his Clergy besides prayer and preaching . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . saith Ignatius to S. Polycarpe of Smyrna . Let not the Widdowes be neglected : after God , doe thou take care of them . * Qui locupletes sunt , & volunt , pro arbitrio quisque suo quod libitum est contribuit ; & quod collectum est apud Praesidem deponitur , atque is inde opitulatur Orphanis , & viduis , iisque quivel morbo , vel aliâ de causâ egent : tum iis qui vincti sunt , & peregrè advenientibus hospitibus : & ut uno verbo dicam , omnium indigentium Curator est . All the Collects and Offerings of faithfull people are deposited with the Bishop , and thence he dispenses for the reliefe of the widdowes , and Orphans , thence he provides for travellers , and in one word , he takes care of all indigent , and necessitous people . So it was in Iustin Martyrs time and all this , a man would think , requir'd a considerable portion of his time , besides his studies and prayer and preaching . This was also done even in the Apostles times , for first they had the provision of all the Goods , and persons of the coenobium , of the Church at Ierusalem . This they themselves administred till a complaint arose , which might have prov'd a Scandall ; then they chose seven men , men full of the holy Ghost , men that were Priests , for they were of the 70 Disciples saith Epiphanius , and such men as Preached , and Baptized , so S. Stephen , and S. Philip , therefore to be sure they were Clergy-men , and yet they left their preaching for a time , at least abated of the height of the imployment , for therefore the Apostles appointed them , that themselves might not leave the word of God and serve Tables ; plainly implying that such men who were to serve these Tables , must leave the Ministery of the word , in some sense or degree , and yet they chose Presbyters , and no harme neither , and for a while themselves had the imployment . I say there was no harme done , by this temporary office , to their Priestly function and imployment . For to me it is considerable . If the calling of a Presbyter does not take up the whole man , then what inconvenience though his imployment be mixt with secular allay . But if it does take up the whole man , then it is not ●afe for any Presbyter ever to become a Bishop , which is a dignity of a farre greater burden , and requires more then a Man 's all , if all was requir'd to the function of a Presbyter . But I proceed . 4. The Church prohibiting secular imployment to Bishops and Clerks , doe prohibite it , onely in gradu impedimenti officii Clericalis ; and therefore when the offices are supplyed by any of the Order , it is never prohibited but that the personall abilities of any man may be imployed for the fairest advantages either of Church , or Common-wealth . And therefore it is observeable that the Canons provide that the Church be not destitute , not that such a particular Clerke should there officiate . Thus the Councell of Arles decreed , ut Presbyteri SICUT HACTENUS FACTUM EST , INDISCRETE per diversa non mittantur loca ... ne fortè propter eorum absentiam , & animarum pericula , & Ecclesiarum in quibus constituti sunt , negligantur officia . So that here we see , 1. That it had been usuall to send Priests on Embassyes [ sicut hactenus factum est ] 2. The Canon forbids the indiscreet or promiscuous doing of it ; not that men of great ability & choyce be not imployed , but that there be discretion , or discerning in the choyce of the men . viz. that such men be chosen whose particular worth did by advancing the legation , make compensation for absence from their Churches ; and then I am sure there was no indiscretion in the Embassy , quoad hoc at least ; for the ordinary offices of the Church might be dispensed by men of even abilities , but the extraordinary affaires of both states require men of an heightned apprehension . 3. The Canon only took care that the cure of the soules of a Parish be not relinquished , for so is the title of the Canon , Ne Presbyteri causâ legationis per diversa mittantur loca , curâ animarum relictâ . But then if the cure be supplied by delegation , the feares of the Canon are prevented . * In pursuance of this consideration the Church forbad Clergy-men to receive honour , or secular preferment ; and so it is expressed where the prohibition is made . It is in the Councell of Chalcedon . Qui semel in clero deputati sunt , aut Monachorum vitam expetiverunt , statuimus neque ad militiam , neque ad dignitatem aliquam venire mundanam . That 's the inhibition ; But the Canon subjoynes a temper ; aut hoc tentantes , & non agentes poenitentiam , quo minùs redeant ad hoc quod propter Deum primitùs elegerunt , anathematizari , they must not turne Souldiers , or enter upon any worldy dignity to make them leave their function , which for the honour of God they have first chosen : for then , it seemes , he that tooke on him military honours , or secular prefectures , or consular dignity , could not officiate in holy Orders , but must renounce them to assume the other ; It was in obstruction of this abuse that the Canon directed its prohibition , viz. in this sence clearely , that a Clerk must not so take on him secular offices , as to make him redire in saeculum , having put his hand to the plow , to look back , to change his profession , or to relinquish the Church , and make her become a Widdow . The case of S. Matthew and S. Peter , distinguish , and cleare this businesse . Ecce reliquimus omnia , was the profession of their Clericall office . S. Matthew could not returne to his trade of Publican at all , for that would have taken him from his Apostolate . But S. Peter might and did returne to his nets , for all his reliqui omnia . Plainly telling us that a SECULAR CALLING , a CONTINUED FIX'D ATTENDANCE on a businesse of the world is an impediment to the Clericall office , and ministration , but not a temporary imployment or secession . 5. The Canons of the Church doe as much forbid the cares of houshold , as the cares of publike imployment to Bishops . So the fourth Councell of Carthage decrees . Vt Episcopus nullam rei familiaris curam adse revocet , sed lectioni , & orationi , & verbi Dei praedicationi tantummodò vacet . Now if this Canon be confronted with that saying of S. Paul [ He that provides not for them of his own houshold is worse then an infidell ] it will easily informe us of the Churches intention . For they must provide , saith S. Paul , But yet so provide as not to hinder their imployment , or else they transgresse the Canon of the Councell ; but this caveat may be as well entred , and observed in things Politicall , as Oeconomicall . Thus farre we have seene what the Church hath done in pursuance of her owne interest , and that was that she might with sanctity , and without distraction , tend her Grand imployment ; but yet many cases did occurre in which she did canonically permitt an alienation of imployment , and revocation of some persons from an assiduity of Ecclesiasticall attendance , as in the case of the seven set over the widdowes , and of S. Peter , and S. Paul , and all the Apostles and the Canon of Chalcedon . Now let us see how the Common-wealth also pursued her interest , and because shee found Bishops men of Religion and great trust , and confident abilities , there was no reason that the Common-wealth should be disserv'd in the promotion of able men to a Bishops throne . * Who would have made recompence to the Emperour for depriving him of Ambrose his prefect , if Episcopall promotion had made him incapable of serving his Prince in any great Negotiation ? It was a remarkeable passage in Ignatius , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As our Lord is to be observ'd so also must we observe the BISHOP , because he assists and serves the Lord. And wisemen , and of great Vnderstanding must SERVE KINGS , for he must not be serv'd with men of small parts . Here either Ignatius commends Bishops to the service of Kings , or else propounds them as the fittest men in the world to doe them service . For if onely men of great abilities are fit to serve Kings , surely as great abilities are required to inable a man for the service of God in so peculiar manner of approximation . He then that is fit to be a Bishop , is most certainly fit for the service of his King. This is the sence of Ignatius his discourse . For consider . Christianity might be suspected for a designe ; and if the Church should choose the best , and most pregnant Understandings for her imployment , and then these men become incapable of ayding the Republike , the promotion of these men , would be an injury to those Princes whose affayres would need support . * The interest of the Subjects also is considerable . For we find by experience , that no authority is so full of regiment , and will so finely force obedience , as that which is seated in the Conscience ; And therefore Numa Pompilius made his lawes , and imposed them with a face of religious solemnity . For the people are stronger then any one Governour , and were they not awed by Religion , would quickly miscere Sacra prophanis , jumble heaven and earth into a miscellany , and therefore not onely in the Sanction of lawes , but in the execution of them , the Antistites religionis are the most competent instruments ; and this was not onely in all religions that ever were , and in ours ever till now , but even now we should quickly find it , were but our Bishops in that Veneration , and esteeme that by the law of God they ought , and that actually they were in the Calenture of primitive devotion , and that the Doctors of Religion were ever even amongst the most barbarous and untaught Pagans . Upon the confidence of these advantages , both the Emperours themselves when they first became Christian allowed appeales from secular tribunalls to the * Bishops Consistory , even in causes of secular interest , and the people would choose to have their difficulties there ended whence they expected the issues of justice , and religion . * I say this was done as soone as ever the Emperours were Christian Before this time , Bishops , and Priests ( to be sure ) could not be imployed in state affayres , they were odious for their Christianity ; and then no wonder if the Church forbad secular imployment in meaner offices , the attendance on which could by no meanes make recompense for the least avocation of them from their Church imployment . So that it was not onely the avocation but the sordidnesse of the imployment that was prohibited the Clergy in the Constitutions of holy Church . But as soone as ever their imployment might be such as to make compensation for a temporary secession , neither Church nor State did then prohibite it ; And that was as soone as ever the Princes were Christian , for then immediately the Bishops were imployed in honorary negotiations . It was evident in the case of S. Ambrose . For the Church of Millaine had him for their Bishop , and the Emperour had him one of his prefects , and the people their judge in causes of secular cognisance . For when he was chosen Bishop the Emperour who was present at the election cryed out , Gratias tibi ago Domine ... quoniam huic viro ego quidem commisi corpora ; tu autem animas , & meam electionem ostendisti tuae justitiae convenire . So that he was Bishop , and Governour of Millaine at the same time ; And therefore by reason of both these offices S. Austin was forc'd to attend a good while before he could find him at leisure . Non enim quaerere ab eo poteram quod volebam sicut volebam , secludentibus me ab ejus aure , atque ore catervis negotiosorum hominum , quorum infirmitatibus serviebat . And it was his owne condition too , when he came to fit in the chayre of Hippo ; Non permittor ad quod volo vacare ante meridiem ; post meridiem occupationibus hominum teneor . And againe , & homines quidam causas suas saeculares apud nos finire cupientes , quando eis necessarij fuerimus , sic nos Sanctos , & Dei servos appellant , ut negotia terrae suae peragant . Aliquando & agamus negotium salutis nostrae & salut is ipsorum , non de auro , non de argento non de fundis , & pecoribus , pro quibus rebus quotidiè submisso capite salutamur ut dissensiones hominum terminemus . It was almost the businesse of every day to him , to judge causes concerning Gold , and Silver , Cattell , and glebe , and all appertenances of this life . This S. Austin would not have done , if it had not been lawfull , so we are to suppose in charity ; but yet this we are sure of , S. Austin thought it not only lawfull , but a part of his duty , [ quibus nos molestijs idem affixit Apostolus , and that by the authority , not of himselfe , but of him that spake within him , even the H. Ghost : ] so he . Thus also it was usuall for Princes in the Primitive Church to send Bishops their Embassadours . Constans the Emperour sent two Bishops chosen out of the Councell of Sardis together with Salianus the Great Master of his Army to Constantius * S. Chrysostom was sent Embassadour to Gainas . Maruthus the Bishop of Mesopotamia was sent Embassadour from the Emperour to Isdigerdes the King of Persia. S. Ambrose from Valentinian the yonger to the Tyrant Maximus . * Dorotheus was a Bishop and a chamberlaine to the Emperour . Many more examples there are of the concurrence of the Episcopall office , and a secular dignity or imployment . Now then Consider . * The Church did not , might not challenge any secular honour , or imployment by vertue of her Ecclesiasticall dignity precisely . 2. The Church might not be ambitious , or indagative of such imployment . 3. The Churche's interest abstractly considered was not promoted by such imployment , but where there was no greater way of compensation was interrupted and depress'd . 4. The Church ( though in some cases shee was allowed to make secession , yet ) might not relinquish her owne charge , to intervene in anothers ayd . 5. The Church did by no meanes suffer her Clerks , to undertake any low secular imployment , much more did shee forbid all sordid ends , and Covetous designes . 6. The Bishop , or his Clerks might ever do any action of piety , though of secular burden . Clerks were never forbidden to reade Grammer , or Philosophy to youth , to be Masters of Schooles , of Hospitalls , they might reconcile their Neighbours that were falne out , about a personall trespasse , or reall action , and yet since now adayes a Clergy-man's imployment and capacity is bounded within his Pulpit , or reading deske , or his study of Divinity at most , these that I have reckoned are as verily secular as any thing , and yet no law of Christendome ever prohibited any of these or any of the like Nature to the Clergy , nor any thing that is ingenuous , that is fit for a Scholler , that requires either finenesse of parts , or great learning , or overruling authority , or exemplary piety . 7. Clergy-men might do any thing that was imposed on them by their Superiours . 8. The Bishops , and Priests were men of Great ability and surest confidence for determinations of Iustice , in which , religion was ever the strongest binder . And therefore the Princes and People sometimes forc'd the Bishops from their owne interest to serve the Common-wealth , & in it they serv'd themselves directly , and by consequence too , the Church had not only a sustentation from the secular arme , but an addition of honour , and secular advantages , and all this warranted by precedent of Scripture , and the practice of the Primitive Church , and particularly of men whom all succeeding ages have put into the Calender of Saints . * So that it would be considered , that all this while , it is the kings interest , and the Peoples that is pleaded , when we assert a capacity to the Bishops to undertake charges of publike trust . It is no addition to the calling of Bishops . It serves the King , it assists the republike , and in such a plethory , and almost a surfet of Clergy-men as this age is supplied with , it can be no disservice to the Church , whole dayly offices may be plentifully supplyed by Vicars , and for the temporary avocation of some few , aboundant recompence is made to the Church ( which is not at all injured ) by becomming an occasion of indearing the Church , to those whose aide shee is . * There is an admirable epistle written by Petrus Blesensis in the name of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to P. Alexander the third in the defence of the Bishop of Ely , Winchester & Norwich that attended the Court upon service of the King. Non est novum ( saith he ) quòd Regum Consiliis intersint Episcopi . Sicut enim honestate , & sapientiâ caeteros antecedunt , sic expeditiores , & efficaciores in reip . administratione censentur . Quia sicut Scriptum est [ minùs salubritèr disponitur regnum , quod non regitur consilio sapientum ] In quo notatur eos consiliis Regum debere assistere , qui sciant & velint , & possint patientibus compati , paci terrae , ac populi saluti prospicere , erudire adjustitiam Reges , imminentibus occursare periculis , vitaeque maturioris exemplis informare subditos & quâdam authoritate potestativâ praesumptionem malignantium cohibere . It is no new thing for Bishops to be Counsellors to Princes ( saith he ) their wisdome and piety that enables them for a Bishoprick proclaimes them fit instruments to promote the publike tranquillity of the Common-wealth . They know how to comply with oppressed people , to advance designes of peace , and publike security ; It is their office to instruct the King to righteousnesse , by their sanctity to be a rule to the Court , and to diffuse their exemplary piety over the body of the Kingdome , to mixe influences of religion with designes of state , to make them have as much of the dove as of the serpent , and by the advantage of their religious authority to restraine the malignity of accursed people in whom any image of a God , or of religion is remaining . * He proceeds in the discourse and brings the examples of Samuel , Isaiah , Elisha , Iojada , Zecharias , who were Priests and Prophets respectively , and yet imployed in Princes Courts , and Councells of Kings , and addes this ; Vnum noveritis , quia nisi familiares , & Consiliarii Regis essent Episcopi , suprà dorsum Ecclesiae hodiè fabricarent peccatores , & immanitèr , ac intolerabilitèr opprimeret Clerum praesumptio Laicalis . That 's most true . If the Church had not the advantage of additionall honorary imployments , the plowers would plow upon the Churches back , & make long furrowes . * The whole Epistle is worth transcribing , But I shall content my selfe with this summary of the advantages which are acquir'd both to policy and Religion by the imployment of Bishops in Princes Courts . Istis me diantibus mansuescit circa simplices judiciarius rigor , admittitur clamor pauperum , Ecclesiarum dignitas erigitur , relevatur pauperum indigentia , firmatur in clero libertas , pax in populis , in Monasteriis quies , justitia liberè exercetur , superbia opprimitur , augetur Laicorum devotio , religio fovetur , diriguntur judicia , &c. When pious Bishops are imployed in Princes Councells , then the rigor of Lawes is abated , equity introduced , the cry of the poore is heard , their necessities are made known , the liberties of the Church are conserved , the peace of Kingdomes labour'd for , pride is depressed , religion increaseth , the devotion of the Laity multiplies , and tribunalls are made just , and incorrupt , and mercifull . Thus farre Petrus Blesensis . * These are the effects which though perhaps they doe not alwaies fall out , yet these things may in expectation of reason be look'd for from the Clergy , their principles and calling promises all this , & quia in Ecclesiâ magis lex est , ubi Dominus legis timetur , meliùs dicit apud Dei Ministros agere causam . Faciliùs enim Dei timore sententiam legis veram promunt ; ( saith S. Ambrose , ) and therefore certainly the fairest reason in the world that they be imployed . But if personall defaillance be thought reasonable to disimploy the whole calling , then neither Clergy nor Laity should ever serve a Prince . And now we are easily driven into an understanding of that saying of S. Paul [ No man that warreth entangleth himselfe with the affaires of this life . ] For although this be spoken of all Christian people , and concernes the Laity in their proportion as much as the Clergy , yet nor one , nor the other is interdicted any thing that is not a direct hinderance to their owne precise duty of Christianity . And such things must be par'd away from the fringes of the Laity , as well as the long robe of the Clergy . But if we should consider how little we have now left for the imployment of a Bishop , I am afraid a Bishop would scarce seem to be a necessary function , so farre would it be from being hindered by the collaterall intervening of a Lay-judicature . I need not instance in any particulars ; for if the judging matters and questions of religion be not left alone to them , they may well be put into a temporall imployment , to preserve them from suspition of doing nothing . I have now done with this ; only intreating this to be considered . Is not the King fons utriusque jurisdictionis ? In all the senses of Common-law , and externall compulsory he is . But if so , then why may not the King as well make Clergy-Iudges , as Lay-Delegates ? For ( to be sure ) if there be an incapacity in the Clergy of medling with secular affaires , there is the same at least in the Laity of medling with Church affaires . For if the Clergy be above the affaires of the World , then the Laity are under the affaires of the Church ; or else , if the Clergy be incapable of Lay-businesse , because it is of a different and disparate nature from the Church , does not the same argument exclude the Laity from intervening in Church affaires ? For the Church differs no more from the common-wealth , then the common-wealth differs from the Church . And now after all this , suppose a King should command a Bishop to goe on Embassy to a forraine Prince , to be a Commissioner in a treaty of pacification , if the Bishop refuse , did he doe the duty of a Subject ? If yea , I wonder what subjection that is which a Bishop owes to his Prince , when hee shall not be bound to obey him in any thing but the saying , and doing of his office , to which he is obliged , whether the Prince commands him yea or no. But if no , then the Bishop was tyed to goe , and then the calling makes him no way incapable of such imployment , for no man can be bound to doe a sinne . BUt then did not this imployment , when the occasions were great , and extraordinary , force the Bishops to a temporary absence ? And what remedy was there for that ? For the Church is not to be left destitute , that 's agreed on by all the Canons . They must not be like the Sicilian Bishops whom Petrus Blesensis complains of , that attended the Court , and never visited their Churches , or took care either of the cure of soules , or of the Church possessions . What then must be done ? The Bishops in such cases may give delegation of their power , and offices to others , though now adaies they are complain'd of for their care . I say , for their care ; For if they may intervene in secular affaires , they may sometimes be absent , and then they must delegate their power , or leave the Church without a Curate . *** But for this matter the account need not be long . For since I have proved that the whole Diocesse is in curâ Episcopali , and for all of it , he is responsive to God Almighty , and yet , that instant necessity and the publike act of Christendome hath ratified it , that Bishops have delegated to Presbyters so many parts of the Bishops charge as there are parishes in his Diocesse , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is pretended for delegation of Episcopall charge , is no lesse then the act of all Christendome . For it is evident at first , Presbyters had no distinct cure at all , but were in common assistant to the Bishop , and were his emissaries for the gaining soules in Citty , or Suburbs ; But when the Bishops divided parishes , and fixt the Presbyters upon a cure , so many Parishes as they distinguished , so many delegations they made ; And these we all believe to be good both in law , and conscience . For the Bishop per omnes divinos ordines propriae hierarchiae exercet mysteria ( saith S. Denis , ) he does not doe the offices of his order by himselfe onely , but by others also , for all the inferior orders doc so operate , as by them he does his proper offices . * But besides this grand act of the Bishops first , and then of all Christendome in consent , we have faire precedent in S. Paul ; for he made delegation of a power to the Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person . It was a plain delegation ; for he commanded them to doe it , and gave them his own spirit , that is , his own authority ; and indeed without it , I scarce find how the delinquent should have been delivered over to Satan in the sense of the Apostolick Church , that is , to be buffeted , for that was a miraculous appendix of power Apostolick . * When S. Paul sent for Timothy from Ephesus , he sent Tychicus to be his Vicar . [ Doe thy diligence to come unto me shortly , for Demas hath forsaken me &c. And Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus ] Here was an expresse delegation of the power of jurisdiction to Tychicus , who for the time was Curate to S. Timothy . Epaphroditus for a while attended on S. Paul , although he was then Bishop of Philippi , and either S. Paul , or Epaphroditus appointed one in substitution , or the Church was relinquished , for he was most certainly non-resident . * Thus also we find that S. Ignatius did delegate his power to the Presbyters in his voyage to his Martyrdome . Presbyteri pascite gregem qui inter vos est , donec Deus designaverit eum qui principatum in vobis habiturus est . Ye Presbyters doe you feed the flock till God shall designe you a Bishop . Till then . Therefore it was but a delegate power , it could not else have expired in the presence of a Superiour . * To this purpose is that of the Laodicean Councell . Non oportet Presbyteros ante ingressum Episcopi ingredi , & sedere in tribunalibus , nisi fortè aut aegrotet Episcopus , aut in peregrinis ●um esse constiterit . Presbyters must not sit in Consistory without the Bishop , unlesse the Bishop be sick , or absent . So that it seemes what the Bishop does when he is in his Church , that may be committed to others in his absence . And to this purpose S. Cyprian sent a playne commission to his Presbyters . Fretus ergo dilectione & religione vestrâ .... his literis hortor , & Mando vt vos . ... VICE MEA FUNGAMINI circa gerenda ea quae administratio religiosa deposcit . I intreat and command you , that you doe my office in the administration of the affayres of the Church ; and another time he put Herculanus , and Caldonius , two of his Suffragans , together with Rogatianus , and Numidicus , two Priests , in substitution for the excommunicating Faelicissimus and fower more . [ Cùm ego vos pro me VICARIOS miserim . ] So it was just in the case of Hierocles Bishop of Alexandria and Melitius his Surrogate in Epiphanius . Videbatur autem & Melitius praeminere &c : vt qui secundum locum habebat post Petrum in Archiepiscopatu , velut adjuvandi ejus gratiâ sub ipso existens , & sub ipso Ecclesiastica curans . He did Church offices under , and for Hierocles ; And I could never find any Canon or personall declamatory clause in any Councell , or Primitive Father against a Bishop's giving more or lesse of his jurisdiction by way of delegation . * Hitherto also may be referr'd , that when the goods of all the Church which then were of a perplexe and buisy dispensation , were all in the Bishops hand as part of the Episcopall function , yet that part of the Bishops office , the Bishop by order of the Councell of Chalcedon might delegate to a steward ; provided he were a Clergy-man ; and upon this intimation and decree of Chalcedon the Fathers in the Councell of Sevill forbid any lay-men to be stewards for the Church . Elegimus vt vnusquisque nostrûm secundùm Chalcedonensium Patrum decreta ex proprio Clero Oeconomum sibi constituat . But the reason extends the Canon further . Indecorum est enim laicum VICARIUM esse Episcopi , & Saeculares in Ecclesiâ judicare . VICARS OF BISHOPS the Canon allowes , onely forbids lay-men to be Vicars . In uno enim eodemque officio non decet dispar professio , quod etiam in divinâ lege prohibetur , &c : In one and the same office the law of God forbids to joyne men of disparate capacities . This then would be considered . For the Canon pretends Scripture , Precepts of Fathers , and Tradition of antiquity for it's Sanction . * FOR although antiquity approves of Episcopall delegations of their power to their Vicars , yet these Vicars and delegates must be Priests at least . Melitius was a Bishop , and yet the Chancellor of Hierocles Patriarch of Alexandria , So were Herculanus , and Caldonius to S. Cyprian . But they never delegated to any lay-man any part of their Episcopall power precisely . Of their lay-power or the cognisance of secular causes of the people , I find one delegation made to some Gentlemen of the Laity , by Sylvanus Bishop of Troas , when his Clerks grew covetous , he cur'd their itch of gold , by trusting men of another profession so to shame them into justice , and contempt of money . * Si quis autem Episcopus posthâc Ecclesiasticam rem aut LAICALI PROCURATIONE administrandam elegerit .... non solùm a Christo de rebus Pauperum judicatur reus , sed etiàm & Concilio manebit obnoxius . If any Bishop shall hereafter concredit any Church affayres to LAY ADMINISTRATION , he shall be responsive to Christ , and in danger of the Councell . But the thing was of more ancient constitution . For in that Epistle which goes under the Name of S. Clement , which is most certainly very ancient whoever was the author of it , it is decreed , Si qui ex Fratribus negotia habent inter se apud cognitores saeculi non judicentur , sed apud Presbyteros Ecclesiae quicquid illud est dirimatur . If Christian people have causes of difference and judiciall contestation , let it be ended before the PRIESTS . For so S. Clement expounds [ Presbyteros ] in the same Epistle , reckoning it as a part of the sacred Hierarchy . * To this or some paralell constitution S. Hierome relates , saying that [ Priests from the beginning were appointed judges of causes ] . He expounds his meaning to be of such Priests as were also Bishops , and they were Iudges ab initio , from the beginning ( saith S. Hierom ) . So that this saying of the Father may no way prejudge the Bishops authority , but it excludes the assistance of lay-men from their Consistories . Presybter , and Episcopus was instead of one word to S. Hierom , but they are alwaies Clergy , with him and all men else . * But for the mayne Question , S. Ambrose did represent it to Valentinian the Emperour with confidence , and humility , In causâ fidei , vel Ecclesiastici alicujus ordinis eum judicare debere , qui nec Munere impar sit , nec jure dissimilis . The whole Epistle is admirable to this purpose , Sacerdotes de Sacerdotibus judicare , that Clergy-men must onely judge of Clergy-causes ; and this S. Ambrose there call's judicium Episcopale . The Bishops judicature . Si tractandum est , tractare in Ecclesiâ didici , quod Majores fecerunt mei . Si conferendum de fide , Sacerdotum debet esse ista collatio , sicut factum est sub Constantino Aug. memoriae Principe . So that , both matters of Faith and of Ecclesiasticall Order are to be handled in the Church , and that by Bishops , and that sub Imperatore , by permission and authority of the Prince . For so it was in Nice , under Constantine . Thus farre S. Ambrose . * S. Athanasius reports that Hosius Bishop of Corduba , president in the Nicene Councell , said , it was the abhomination of desolation that a lay-man should be judge in Ecclesiasticis judicijs , in Church-causes ; And Leontius calls Church-affayres , Res alienas à Laicis , things of another Court , of a distinct cognisance from the Laity . * To these adde the Councell of Venice , for it is very considerable in this Question . Clerico nisi ex permissu Episcopi sui servorum suorum saecularia judicia adire non liceat . Sed si fortasse Episcopi sui judicium caeperit habere suspectum , aut ipsi de proprietate aliquâ adversus ipsum Episcopum fuerit nat a contentio , aliorum Episcoporum audientiam , NON SAECULARIUM POTESTATUM debebit ambire . Alitèr à communione habeatur alienus . Clergy-men without delegation from their Bishop may not heare the causes of their servants , but the Bishop , unlesse the Bishop be appealed from , then other Bishops must heare the cause , but NO LAY IUDGES by any meanes . * These Sanctions of holy Church it pleased the Emperour to ratifie by an Imperiall edict , for so Iustinian commanded that in causes Ecclesiasticall , Secular Iudges should have no interest , SED SANCTISSIMUS EPISCOPUS SECUNDUM SACRAS REGULAS CAUSAE FINEM IMPONAT . The Bishop according to the Sacred Canons must be the sole judge of Church-matters . I end this with the decretall of S. Gregory one of the fower Doctors of the Church , Cavendum est à Fraternitate vestrâ , ne saecularibus viris , atque non sub regulâ nost●â degentibus res Ecclesiasticae committantur . Heed must be taken that matters Ecclesiasticall be not any waies concredited to secular persons . But of this I have twice spoken already . § . 36. and § . 41. The thing is so evident , that it is next to impudence to say that in Antiquity Lay-men were parties and assessors in the Consistory of the Church . It was against their faith , it was against their practice ; and those few pigmy objections , out of * Tertullian , S. Ambrose , and S. Austin using the word Seniores , or Elders , sometimes for Priests , as being the latine for the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes for a secular Magistrate , or Alderman , ( for I thinke S. Austin did so in his third booke against Cresconius ) are but like Sophoms to prove that two and two are not foure ; for to pretend such slight , aëry imaginations , against the constant , knowne , open , Catholike practice and doctrine of the Church , and history of all ages , is as if a man should goe to fright an Imperiall army with a single bulrush . They are not worth further considering . * But this is ; That in this Question of lay-Elders the Moderne Aërians and Acephali doe wholly mistake their own advantages . For whatsoever they object out of antiquity for the white , and watry colours of lay-Elders is either a very misprison of their allegations , or else clearly abused in the use of them . For now adayes they are only us'd to exclude and drive forth Episcopacy , but then they misalledge antiquity , for the men with whose Heifers they would faine plough in this Question were themselves Bishops for the most part , and he that was not , would faine have beene , it is knowne so of Tertullian , and therefore most certainly if they had spoken of lay-Iudges in Church matters ( which they never dream'd of ) yet meant them not so as to exclude Episcopacy , and if not , then the pretended allegations can doe no service in the present Question . I am only to cleare this pretence from a place of Scripture totally misunderstood , and then it cannot have any colour from any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either divine , or humane , but that Lay-Iudges of causes Ecclesiasticall as they are unheard of in antiquity , so they are neither nam'd in Scripture , nor receive from thence any instructions for their deportment in their imaginary office , and therefore may be remanded to the place from whence they came , even the lake of Gebenna , and so to the place of the neerest denomination . * The objection is from S. Paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. let the Elders that rule well , be accounted worthy of double honour , especially they that labour in the word & doctrine . especially they . — therefore all Elders doe not so . Here are two sorts of Elders , Preaching Ministers , and Elders not Preachers . Therefore Lay-Elders , and yet all are governours . 1. But why therefore Lay-Elders ? Why may there not be diverse Church-officers , and yet but one , or two of them the Preacher ? [ Christ sent me not to Baptize but to Preach ] saith S. Paul , and yet the commission of [ baptizate ] was as large as [ praedicate ] and why then might not another say , Christ sent me not to Preach , but to Baptize , that is , in S. Pauls sense , not so much to doe one , as to doe the other , and if he left the ordinary ministration of Baptisme , and betook himselfe to the ordinary office of Preaching , then to be sure , some Minister must be the ordinary Baptizer , and so , not the Preacher , for if he might be both ordinarily , why was not S. Paul both ? For though their power was common to all of the same order , yet the execution and dispensation of the Ministeries was according to severall gifts , and that of Prophecy , or Preaching was not dispensed to all in so considerable a measure , but that some of them might be destin'd to the ordinary execution of other offices , and yet because the guift of Prophecy was the greatest , so also was the office , and therefore the sense of the words is this , that all Presbyters must be honour'd , but especially they that Prophecy , doing that office with an ordinary execution and ministery . So no Lay-Elders yet . Adde to this , that it is also plain that all the Clergy did not Preach . Valerius Bishop of Hippo could not well skill in the Latine tongue being a Greek borne , and yet a Godly Bishop , and S. Austin his Presbyter preach'd for him . The same case might occurre in the Apostles times . For then was a concurse of all Nations to the Christian Synaxes , especially in all great Imperiall Citties , and Metropolitans , as Rome , Antioch , Ierusalem , Caesarea , and the like . Now all could not speak with tongues , neither could all Prophecy , they were particular guifts given severally , to severall men appointed to minister in Church-offices . Some Prophecyed , some interpreted ; and therefore is is an ignorant fancy to think that he must needs be a Laick , whosoever in the ages Apostolicall was not a Preacher . 2. None of the Fathers ever expounded this place of Lay-Elders , so that we have a traditive interpretation of it in prejudice to the pretence of our new office . 3. The word Presbyter is never used in the new Testament for a Lay-man , if a Church officer be intended . If it be said , it is used so here , that 's the question , and must not be brought to prove it selfe . 4. The Presbyter that is here spoken of must be maintain'd by Ecclesiasticall revenue , for so S. Paul expounds [ honour ] in the next verse . Presbyters that rule well must be honoured &c. For it is written , thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the Oxe that treadeth out the corne . But now , the Patrons of this new devise are not so greedy of their Lay-Bishops as to be at charges with them , they will rather let them stand alone on their own rotten leggs , and so perish , then fixe him upon this place with their hands in their purses . But it had been most fitting for them to have kept him , being he is of their own begetting . 5. This place speaks not of divers persons , but divers parts of the Pastorall office , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To rule , and to labour in the word . Iust as if the expression had been in materiâ politicâ . All good Counsellors of State are worthy of double honour , especially them that disregarding their own private , aime at the publike good . This implies not two sorts of Counsellors , but two parts of a Counsellors worth , and quality . Iudges that doe righteousnesse are worthy of double honour , especially if they right the cause of Orphans , and Widdowes , and yet there are no righteous judges that refuse to doe both . 6. All Ministers of H. Church did not preach , at least not frequently . The seven that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , set over the Widdowes were Presbyters , but yet they were forced to leave the constant ministration of the word to attend that imployment , as I shewed * formerly ; and thus it was in descent too , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( said Socrates ) A Presbyter does not Preach in Alexandria , the Bishop only did it . And then the allegation is easily understood . For labouring in the word does not signify , only making Homilies or exhortations to the people , but whether it be by word , or writing , or travelling from place to place , still , the greater the sedulity of the person is , and difficulty of the labour , the greater increment of honour is to be given him . So that here is no Lay-Elders ; for all the Presbyters S. Paul speaks of , are to be honoured , but especially those who take extraordinary pains in propagating the Gospell . For though all preach , ( suppose that ) yet all doe not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , take such great pains in it , as is intimated in , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to take bodily labour , and travaile , usque ad lassitudinem , ( so Budaeus renders it . ) And so it is likely S. Paul here means . Honour the good Presbyters , but especially them that travell for disseminating the Gospell . And the word is often so used in Scripture . S. Paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I have travelled in the word more then they all . Not that S. Paul preached more then all the Apostles , for most certainly , they made it their businesse as well as he . But he travelled further and more then they all for the spreading it . And thus it is said of the good Woman that travelled with the Apostles , for supply of the necessities of their diet and houshold offices , [ they laboured much in the Lord. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the word for them too . So it is said of Persis , of Mary , of Tryphaena , of Triphosa . And since these women were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that travelled with the Apostolicall men and Evangelists , the men also travelled to , and preach'd , and therefore were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is travellers in the word . [ We ought therefore to receive such ] ( saith S. Iohn ) intimating a particular reception of them , as being towards us of a peculiar merit . So that the sense of S. Paul may be this also , All the Rulers of the Church , that is , all Bishops , Apostles , and Apostolick men , are to be honoured , but especially them who , besides the former ruling , are also travellers in the word , or Evangelists . 7. We are furnished with answere enough to infatuate this pretence for Lay-Elders , from the common draught of the new discipline . For they have some that Preach only , and some that Rule , and Preach too , and yet neither of them the Lay-Elder , viz. their Pastors , and Doctors . 8. Since it is pretended by themselves in the Question of Episcopacy , that Presbyter , and Episcopus is all one , and this very thing confidently obtruded in defiance of Episcopacy , why may not Presbyteri in this place signify [ Bishops ? ] And then either this must be Lay-Bishops as well as Lay-Presbyters or else this place is to none of their purposes . 9. If both these offices of RULING and PREACHING may be conjunct in one person , then there is no necessity of distinguishing the Officers by the severall imployments , since one man may doe both . But if these offices cannot be conjunct , then no Bishops must preach , nor no preachers be of the Consistory ( take which government you list ) for if they be , then the offices being united in one person , the inference of the distinct officer , the Lay-Elder , is impertinent . For the meaning of S. Paul would be nothing but this . All Church-Rulers must be honour'd , Especially for their preaching . For if the offices may be united in one person ( as it is evident they may ) then this may be comprehended within the other , and only be a vitall part and of peculiar excellency . And indeed so it is , according to the exposition of S. Chrysostome , and Primasius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They rule well , that spare nothing for the care of the flock . So that this is the generall charge , and preaching is the particular . For the work in generall they are to receive double honour , but this of preaching , as then preaching was , had a particular excellency , and a plastick power to forme men into Christianity , especially it being then attested with miracles . But the new office of a Lay-Elder , I confesse I cannot comprehend in any reasonable proportion , his person , his quality , his office , his authority , his subordination , his commission hath made so many divisions and new emergent Questions : and they , none of them all asserted either by Scripture or Antiquity , that if I had a mind to leave the way of God and of the Catholick Church , and runne in pursuit of this meteor , I might quickly be amused , but should find nothing certain but a certainty of being misguided . Therefore if not for conscience sake , yet for prudence , bonum est esse hic , it is good to remaine in the fold of Christ , under the guard , and supravision of those sheapheards Christ hath appointed , and which his sheep have alwaies followed . For I consider this one thing to be enough to determine the Question . [ My sheep ( saith our blessed Saviour ) hear● my voice , if a stranger , or a thiefe come , him they will not heare ] Clearly thus . That Christ's sheep heare not the voice of a stranger , nor will they follow him , and therefore those sheapheards whom the Church hath followed in all ages , are no strangers , but Sheapheards or Pastors of Christs appointing , or else Christ hath had no sheep ; for if he hath , then Bishops are the sheapheards , for them they have ever followed . I end with that golden rule of Vincentius Lirinensis , Magnoperè curandum est ut id teneamus , quod ubique , quod semper , quod ab omnibus creditum est . Hoc est enim verè , proprieque Catholicum . For certainly the Catholick belief of the Church against Arius , Eunomius , Macedonius , Apollinaris , and ( the worst of hereticks ) the Cataphrygians was never more truly received of all , and alwaies , and every where then is the government of the Church by Bishops . Annunciare ergo Christianis Catholicis praeter id quod acceperunt , nunquam licuit , nunquam licet , nunquam licebit . It never was , is , nor ever shall be lawfull to teach Christian people any new thing then what they have received from a primitive fountain , and is descended in the stream of Catholick , uninterrupted succession . * I onely adde , that the Church hath insinuated it to be the duty of all good Catholike Christians to pray for Bishops , and as the case now stands , for Episcopacy it selfe , for there was never any Church-Liturgy but said Letanyes for their KING , and for their BISHOP . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64057-e190 In Chartâ Edgar . Regi● A. D. 485. apud Hen. Spelman . a Iohn Speeds Hist. l. 9. c. 19. n. 23. p. 716. b Ibid. c. 20. n. 64. p. 747. * 1 Cor. ca ▪ 12. v. 28. Notes for div A64057-e1990 * Maximini jussu Martyrio coronatur . Saith Platina , but that is wholly uncertaine . * in 1. ad Titū Epist. 55. §. 1. Christ did institute a governement in his Church . Simler : de rep : Helvet : fol ▪ 148. & 172. * De doctr . Christ. lib. 1. c. 18. tract . 118. in Iohan. vide etiam tract . 124. & tract . 50. in Ioh , de Agon . Christ. cap. 30 de bapt . contr . Donatist . lib. 3. c. 17. * De Sacerd. lib. 3. † In 16. Matt. a Lib. de pudicit . b Epist. 27. c Lib. qd Christus est Deus . d Lib. 6. de Trinit . e Lib. 3. in Apocal. Luke , 12. 42. Psal : 78. 1. Pet. 5. 2. Acts. 20. * in lib : de eo quod deterior p●tiori infidiatur . § 2. This government was first committed to the Apostles by Christ * vide Hilarium in hunc locum & pp. communitèr . § 3. With a power of joyning others and appointing successors in the Apostolate § 4. This succession into the ordinary office of Apostolate is made by Bishops For the Apostle and the Bishop are all one in name & person * In cap. 60. Isai. v. 17. 1. Galat. 19. 1. Corin. 15. * Vide Carol. Bovium in constit . Apost . Schol. Hieron . de Script . Eccl . in Jacobo . & in 1. Galat . Epiphan . haeres . 78 , 79. Tract . 124. in Iohan. * Vide pag. Philip. 2. 25. In bunc locum ●terque & Theod. in 1. Tim 3. Acts. 13. v. 2 , 3. Rom. 11 , 13. Galat. 2 , 8. In 1. cap. Galat . 2. Corinth . 8 , 23. Vers. 22. V. 23. § 5. And office , Apocal. 2. * Doroth. Synops . * Vide Constit. Apost . per Clement . ubi quidam Iohannes in Epheso Episc. post Timoth. collocatur . § 6. Which Christ himselfe hath made distinct from Presbyters Luke 10. Lib. 3. cap. 3. § 7. Giving to Apostles a power to doe some offices perpetually necessary , which to others he gave not . Eccles. hierarch . c. 5. As of Ordination , * In Trullo . can . 16. Haeres . 20. Homil. 14. in Act. 6. In hanc locū . Acts. 13. Prophetas duplici genere intelligamus , & futura dicentes & Scripturas revelantes . S. Ambros : in 1. Corinth . 12. * Ephes. 4. § 8. And Confirmation , * S. Cyprian : ad Iubajan . * lib : 3 hist : cap. 37. * vide Augast . tract . 6. in 1. Epist. Iohan. Act. 2. 39. Serm. de Penticoste . Hebr. 6. 2. lib : 3. hist : cap. 17. Quaest. 137. ad Orthod : Epist : 73. ad lubajan : * Lib. 6. hist. cap : 33. * in 1. tom . Concil : a lib. de baptismo . c. 8 b lib : 2. contra lit : Petil : cap. 104. & lib. 15. de Trinitic 26. vide etiam S Hieron : contra Luciferianos . S. Ambros : lib. 2. c. 2 de sacramentis Epist : 3. Eusebij P. & M. ad Episc. Tusciae & Campon : I sidor : Hispal de eccles : offic . lib. 2. c. 26. § 9. And Superiority of Iurisdiction , Iohn . 20. 21. Lib. 7. de baptism . Contra Donatist . c. 43. vide etiam S. Cyprian , de Vnit. Eccles. & S. Cyrill . in Ioh. lib. 12. c. 55. Ephes. 4. 1. Corinth . 12. a Lib. 1. hist. c 12. & l. 2. c 9. b Haeres . 20. c De script . Eccles. in Matth. vide Irenaeum l 4. c. 63. Tertul de praescript . * Vt puta , viduarum collegium , & Diaconorum , & coenobium fidelium . &c : Revel . 1. vers . 20. Hebr. 13. Act. 15. 1. Cor. 11. in 1. Apocal. ibid : in 1. Cor. 11. Epist. 162. & in Apocal. lib. 5. c. 24. lib. 4 c. 10. lib. 4. cap. 15. † Epist. ad Policarp . * de praescrip . vide Aretha . in 1. Apoc. lib. 4. cap. 26. In Lucae cap. 10. Epist. ad Philadelph . § 10. So that Bishops are successors in the office of Apostleship , according to the generall tenent of Antiquity . Lib. 3. cap. 3. Lib. de praescript . c. 36. Epist. 42. ad Cornelium . Epist. 69. Lib. 7. c. 43. de baptis . cont . Donatist . Epist. 54. De verbis Dom. serm . 24 In Ephes. 4. In 1. Corinth . 12. 28. In vers . 29. ibid. Biblioth . Phot. n. 254. Lib. 4. c. 18. Epist. 1. a Epist. 1 ▪ ad Simpron . b Homil. 26. in Evang. c Orat. 2. de imagin . d Epist. 7. e Habetur Can. in Novo distinct . 21. f In synod . Hispal . g Lib. 3. c. 15. super Lucam . § 11. And particularly of S. Peter , Epist. 27. ad Lapsos . Epist. 1. Lib. 12. thes . cap. 13. Orat. de laud. Basil : tract . primâ die suae ordinat . Biblioth . SS . PP . tom . 5 in Eccles. ord . in crepat . Acts , 13. * Idem ferè habet in Epist. ad Magnes : & Smyrnens . Lib. 4. c. 43. Cap. 44 ▪ Epist. 13. § 12. And the institution of Episcopacy as well as of the Apostolate expressed to be Divine , by primitive authority , Epist. 27. Epist. 65. Rogatian . Epist. 76. Epist , ad Magnes . Quaest. Vet. & N. Testam . qu. 97. Euseb. lib. 4. c. 22. Lib. 4. c. 43. In 1. Corinth . 12. De dignit . Sacerd . cap. 2. Homil. 4. Graec. 5. lat . in 1. Tim. 1. cap. In 1. Tit. Acts 20. † Hom. 32. in Iohan. * Can. 6. a C. 25. b Octauum Can. 7. c Epist. 2. Lib. 3. in Lucam . c. 15. Lib. 3. cap. 5. § 13. In pursuance of the Divine institution , the Apostles did ordaine Bishops in severall Churches , As S. Iames at Hierusalem . Epist. ad Trall , lib. 2. hist. cap. 1. lib. 3. c. 11. lib. 2. c. 22. lib. 7. c. 46. & lib. 8. cap. ult : Epist. 2. Epist. decret . Vnic : Catech. 4. Catech. 16. lib : 2. cont . lit : Peti● ▪ c. 51. & lib : 2. cont : Crescon : c. 37. lib : de Script . Eccles. in Iacobo . a homil : 38. in 1. Cor. 15. & 33. hom : in 15. Act. b haeres . 66. c in 1. Galat . d cap. 33. homil . 3. in Act. haeres . 78. S. Simeon to be his successor , lib. 3. hist. cap. 11. lib 4. cap. 22. haeres . 66. §14 . S. Timothy at Ephesus , 2. Tim. 1. 6. * 1. Tim. 1. 3. 1. Tim. 3. 1. Tim. 5. 1. 1. Tim. 5. 7. haeres . 75. 2. Tim. 4. 2. 1. Tim. 5. 20. Vers. 22. Lib. 3. c. 4. Praefat. in 1. Tim. a Contr. haeres . b contr Marcion ● . 5. c hom . 〈◊〉 in 1. Timoth. d in 6. cap. in 1. Tim. e in 1. Tim. 4. c. & 5. c. f haeres . 75. g ad Timoth. cap. 4. h in Pastor . part . 2. c. 11. Acts. 11. In Titum . & 1. Philip. In 1. Tim. 3. Biblioth ▪ Photi● . n. 254. i Descript. Eccles. k In praefat . in 1. Timoth. l De vitâ ● morr● SS 87 , & 88. m Lib. 2. c. 34. 2. Tim. 4. 5. In 4. Ephes. Lib. 3. hist. cap. 37. Lib. 10. tripart . hist. cap. 5. Theodoret. 1. Tim. 6. 14 In Ephes. 4. §15 . S. Titus at Crete . Titus . 1. Advers : Iovinian . a cap. 6. b can . 17. c Epist. 87. ad Episc. Afric . Tit. 3. 10. 2. Titus . 15. lib. 3. c. 4. ubi suprà . in 1. Tim. 3. a de Script : Eccl in ●ito . b in Sin●psi . c de vità & morte . S Sanct. d lib. 38. c. 10. e apud Oecumen . in praefat . in Tit. & in 1. Timoth. 3. f in pastor . part . 2. c. 11. g Praefat : in 1. Tim. & in 2. Tim. 1. h in 1. Tim. 1. & in 2. Tim. 1. 6. i in 1. Tit. k lib. 2. c. 34. l In Synopsi Sacr. Script . m ad Paulam & Eustoch . n Comment . ad Titum . o ibid ▪ lib. 4. c. 21. §. 16. S. Marke at Alexandria , Acts. 12. & Acts. 13. lib. 2. hist. cap. 17. Epist. ad Evagr . de Script : Eccles. & in proëm in Matth. a lib. 6. Epist. 371. b lib 14. cap 39. In decret . de lib. authent . & apocryph . § 17. S. Linus , and S. Clement at Rome . lib 3 cap. 3. * Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 4. a de praescript . b lib , 2. contr . Parmen . c Epist. 165. d de Script . Eccles. § 18. S. Polycarpe at Smyrna , & diverse others . De praescript . De Script . Eccles. lib. 3. c. 35. a Euseb. l. 4. c. 23. & lib. 3. c. 4. b Origen . lib. 10. in 16. Rom. c S. Ambros. in 4 Coloss. d Ignatius Epist . ad Ephes. & Euseb. lib. 3. c. 35. e Arethas in 1. Apocal. f Epist. ad Philip. & Theodoret. ib. & in 1. Tim. 3. g Euseb. l. 3. c. 4. apud Gallias . So Ruffinus reads it . In Galatia , so is intimated in Scripture , and so the Roman Martyrol . h Ignatius Epist. ad Antioch . & Euseb. lib. 3. c. 22. * In Martyrologio Roman ▪ * lib. 3. cap. 37. Lib. 3. cap. 3. * Epist. 42 , Vbi supra . § 19. So that Episcopacy is at least an Apostolicall ordinance : of the same authority with many other points generally believed . § 20. And was an office of power and great authority , Vbi supra . apud Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 23. §. 21. Not lessened by the assistance and Councell of Presbyters , Comment . in ep . ad Titum . Ad Nepotian . & de 7. ordin . Eccles. 2. Thess. 3. 14. Act. 15. in Act. Apost . Act. 13. Act. 20. Act. 20. 4. vers . 18. Vbi suprà . Lib. 3. cap. 14. 1. Cor. 5. 3. V. ● . in Ephes. 4. Epist. ad Antioch . a In 1. Tim. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Homil. 11. § 22. And all this hath beene the saith & practise of Christendome . § 23. Who first distinguished Names used before in common . Epist. ad Corinth . 1. Pet. 5. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrys. in 1. Phil. In 1. Philip. * Pag. 54. * 1. Timoth , 3. in Ephis . 4. * Idem ait S. Dionysius Eccles . hierarch . cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 Cor. 6. 4. 1 , Cor. 3. 5. in 1. Philip ; Ephes. 4. Epist. 59. ad Paulinum . § 24. Appropriating the word Episcopus or Bishop to the Supreame Church-officer , a Can. 15. & 16. b c. 9. & alibi . c post advent . Episc. Cypri . d advers . Praxeam . e lib. 3. c. 59. de vitâ Const. Ca. 4. cap. 18. de Orthod : fide Anno Dom : 257. Epist. ad . Trall . Epist , ad Heron . Lib. 7. etymolog . c. 12. Rom. 16. 17. § 25. Calling the Bishop and him only the Pastor of the Church , lib. 3. hist. c. 36. Epist. ad Ephes . Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 24. Can. 6. hist. tripart . lib. 4. c. 29. lib. 4. cap. 14. Theodoret. lib. 4. c. 18. Epist. 11. § 26. And Doctor . haeres . 75. * Epist 59. 1. Tim. 3. lib. 7. c. 19. § 27. And Pontifex . 1 lib. 8. c. ult . Apost . constitut . 2 lib. 3. hist. cap. 31. 3 lib. 9. c. 14. hist. tripart . 4 lib. 3. c. 21. 5 lib. 4. c. 20. 6 Euseb. lib. 6. c. 9. 7 Eccles. hierarch . 8 Lib. 7. 12. And Sacerdos . a Lib. 8. c. 46. b Lib. 3. Ep. 1. c Lib. 7. c. 28. d Lib. de baptism . e Epist. 69. f Euseb. lib. 3. c. 21. g Lib. 3. c. 35. h Epist. Comprovinc . ad S. L●onem . Lib. 4 c. 26. Lib 7. Etymol c. 12. Comment . in 4. Ephes. Quast . Vet. et N. Testam . Qu. 101. In 1. Tim. 3. In 4. Ephes. Epist. 69. § 28. And these were a distinct order from the rest . Can. 1. & 2. Lib. 1. ad Parmen . De vitâ August . c. 4. Can. 29. Lib. 7. c. 26. Can. 3. Nicen. Concil . Lib. 2. c. 1. hist. tripart . Lib. 3. tripart . c. 2. Hist. tripart . l. 11. c. 5. Lib. 7. etymol. c. 12. Per Binium Parts . Can ▪ 2. § 29. To which the Presbyterate was but a degree . Can. 10. Lib. 5. c. 8. Epist. 52. § 30. There being a peculiar manner of Ordination to a Bishoprick . Can. Apost . 1 , & 2. Epist. Vnic● . * Can 4. * Can. 19. Can. 12. Can. 4. * A. D. 509. Theodoret. l. 9. cap 44. Cap. 1. 2. lib. 6. hist. cap. 33. § 31. To which Presbyters never did assist by imposing hands , A.D. 555. in libr. Pontificali . vit . Pelag. 1. Can. 6. Concil . Sardic . Epist. 3. Epist. 84. c. 4. Lib. 1 c. 12. de actis cum Felice Manich . lib 4. Epist. 2. in 1. Tim. 3. de praescript . cap. 32. lib. 4. cap. 23. cap. 1. S. Hieromad Rusticum Narbonens : apud Gratian . dist : 95. can : ec●e ego . casus , i●id● * The Nicen● Creed . * Haeres 75. § 32. For Bishops had a power distinct , and Superiour to that of Presbyters . As of Ordination . Eccles. hier . c. 5. * Lib. 6. cap 33. Can. 13. tripart . hist. lib 2. c , 12. ex Theodoret. Can : 19. Apud Athanas : Apolog. 2. epist. Presb. & Diacon : Mareotic : ad Curiosum & Philagrium . Cap. 4. Cap. 5. † Can. 6. * Can. 13. ad Evagrium . homil . 2. in . 1. Tim. 2. Can. 37. Can. 20. haeres . 7 5. * Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 33. Can. 45. Cap. 19. a Cap. 9. b Cap. 2. & 6. Novell : constir . 6. & 1. 23. cap. 16. Cap : 6. Can : 2 , & 3. Epist. 33. de Eccles. cap. 11. Danaeus part . 2. Isagog ; lib. 2. cap. 22. Perron . repl . fol : 92. impress . 1605. Ecclesihist : lib. 10. cap. 9. per Ruffinum . Ibidem c. 10. & apud Theodoret. l. 1. Eccles : hist. lib. 11. cap. 6. per Ruffinum . § 33. And Confirmation , Epist. de Chorepisc . Epist. ad Iubaian . Apud Sev. Binium in 1. tom . Concil . Homil. 18. in Act. In cap. 5. de Eccles. hierarch . * Lib. 3. hist. cap. 17. a De Baptismo . b Epist. 1. cap. 3. ad Decent . c Epist. 4. d Epist. 88. e Epist. ad . Epis● . German . f Lib. 3. ep . 9. g Apud Gratian . de consecrat . dist . 5. can . ut jejuni . h Ibid. Can. ut Episcopi . i Concil . Hispal . can . 7. vide Anasta . biblioth . praefat . in Can. 8. Synodi . vide Optatum . lib. 2. S. Bernard . in vitâ S Malachiae . Surium . tom . 1. in Febr. dial . adv . Lucifer . Caus. 11. q. 3. can Quod pradecessor . in Ephes. 4. Quaest. 101. Vet. & N. Testam . Basileae . lib. 3. eist p. 26. Can. 52. Can. 2 Can. 20. Can. 1. Epist. 1. ad Decent . Cap. 3. § 34. And jurisdiction , Which they expressed in attributes of authority , and great power , Epist. ad Trallian . lib. 3. epist. ● . lib. 4. cap. 63. lib. 6. hist. cap. 26. Can. 10. lib. 2. adv . Parmen . lib. 6. hist. cap. 26. Homil. 7. in Ierem. Can. 69. Can. 25. hist : tripart : lib. 1. cap. 12. de dignit . sacerdot . c. 2. Cap. 3. Cap. 4. § 35. Requiring Vniversall obedience to be given to Bishops by Clergy and Laity . Epist. as Ephes● . * Apologia pro Ignatio . a Lib. 3. hist. c. 30. b De Script . Eccles. c Apud Euseb. quem Latine reddidit . Can. 56. * Idem videre èst apud Damasum . Epist. de Chorepiscopis . Can. 19. Can. 20. Epist. ad Nepotian . Lib. 5. cap. 28. * § 36. Appointing them to be Iudges of the Clergy and spirituall causes of the Laity . Can. 33. Can. 5. Can. 59. Can. 4. Can. 9. Can. 13 , & 14. Epist. 10. Epist. 1● . Epist. 12. Epist. 65. Epist. 55. Tripart . hist. lib. 10. cap. 3. Ibid. cap. 4. Advers . Vigilant . Epist. 53. Tripart . hist. lib. 3. cap. 9. Tripart . hist. lib. 1. c. 12. Can. 4. Ann. Dom. 397. Cap. 2 ▪ Ca. 8. Can. 10. Act. 4. can . 83. Post epist. Archimandritarum ad Concilium pro Dioscori rehabilitatione . Concil . Ephes. c. 5. C●p. 15. de co●rept . & gratoâ . * Can. 55. Cap. 15. ibid. Novel . constit . 123. c. 11. 2. Corinth . 2. 9. Vbi suprà . Ca. 9. tripart . hist. lib. 10. cap. 9. Tripart . hist. lib. 5. c. 35. S. Ambros. Epist . lib. 2. Epist. 13. In verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hist. tripart . lib. 7. c. 12. * Can. 39. Theodoret. lib. 4. c. 5. * Epist. ad Philadelph . * Lib. de dignit . Sacerd. cap. 2. Lib. 10. Eccles . hist. c. ● . Lib. 10. Eccles . hist. cap. 19. Theodor. lib. 5. c. 18. Euseb lib. 6. cap. 25. Homil. 83. in 26. Matth. In 3. partis Supplem . q. 22 a. 5. Vide Aug. ep . 75. & Gratian . dist . 24. q. 2. c. Si habet sed ibi [ Princeps ] non inseritur , sed tantùm in glossâ ordinariâ . Vide the book of Order of Excomm . in Scotland . & the Hist. of Scotland . Admonit . 2. p. 46. Knox his exhortation to England . § 37. Forbidding Presbyters to officiate without Episcopall license , Epist. ad Smyrn . Can. Apost . 32 Ca. 5. Act. 4. De baptism . De coronâ milit ▪ c. 3. vide S. Chrysost. hom . 11. in 1. Tim. & S. Hieron . dial . adv . Lucifer . Can. 6. Ca. 9. Can. 8. part . 2. Act. 14. Epist. 86. dist . 95. cap. Ecce ego . 1 Can. 40. 2 Epist. ad Ephes. 3 Cap. 24. Lib. 5. c. 22. Ad Rustic . Narbon . dist . 95. can . Ecce ego . ●an . 12. § 38. Reserving Church goods to Episcopall dispensation , An. Do● . 589. Cap. 32. Can. 26. vide Zonaram in hunc Canonem . Videatur Concil . Carthag . Graec. can . 36 ▪ 38. & 41. & Balsam . ibid. & apologia 2. Iustini Martyris . § 39. Forbidding Presbyters to leave their own Diocesse , or to travell without leave of the Bishop . Vide Concil . Epaun. c. 5. & venet . c. 10. Can. 41. Can. 42. a Can. 38. b Can. 5. Can. 6. § 40. And the Bishop had power to preferre which of his Clerks he pleased , Can. 31. 1. Titus . V : 5. Epist. ad Antioch . Gan. 13. Epist. 61. & 62. Hieron . ad Nepotian . lib. 1. offic . cap. 44. Tripart . hist. lib. 5. cap. 32. lib. 1. Epist. 5. Epist. 68. homil . 3. in Act. Epist. 120. lib. 3. de Sacerd . † lib. 2. de offic . Epist. 84. c. 5. Can. 4. Tripart . hist. lib. 3. cap. 9. Act. 11. Tripart . hist. lib. 2. cap. 12. Theodor. lib. 4. c. 5. * Socrat. lib. 5. c. 21. In Ephes. 4. lib. 3. hist. cap. 11. Tripart . hist. lib. 10. c. 14. vide dist . 63. per tot . Gratian. § 41. Bishops onely did Vote in Councells and neither Presbyters , nor People . Epist. ad Solitar . lib. 2. cap. 7. lib. 5. cap. 23. proëm ▪ in lib. de ●ide . lib : 5. cap. 8. Epist. Synod . ad Clerum C. Ptanum . part . 2. act . 3. part . 1 ▪ c. 32. Vide §. 36. de simil . ferè quaestione in fine . Action . 1. Coxcil . Chalced. Concil . Ant●siodor . can . 7. Socrat. lib. 2. c. 7. Epist. 3. pe● Ruffinum . Hebr. 13. 7. & 17. 1. Pet. 5. 2. Act. 20. Epist. 69. Lib. 3. de vitâ Constant. lib. de baptis . cap. 18. Epist. 32. * Acts 15. 23. Lib. 4. polit . ● . 15. § 42. And the Bishop had a propriety in the persons of his Clerks . Can. 45. Concil . Carthag . 3. Eccles. hist. lib. 10. cap. 17. Lib. 2. cap. 8. Athanas. Epist . ad vitam ●olitar : agentes . § 43. Their Iurisdiction was over many congregations , or Parishes , Lib. 2. hist. cap. 17. apud Binium . tom . 1. Concil . * Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 43. Apolog. c. 37. lib. 2. contr . Parmeniam . lib. 5. cap. 29. & 30. Vide Baron . A. D. 39. n. 10. & B. Rhenan , in notit . provinc . Imperial . in descript . Illyrici . * Can. 17. † Can. 38. Can. 6. lib. 5. ca. 23. Action . 7. Epist , ad Leon . 1. Episc. Rom. Haeres . 68. * Concil Chalced act . 16. † Theodoret. lib. 5. c. 28. Apud . S. Hieron . haeres . 69. Lib. 4. c. 12 , Encom . Cyprian . S●Zom . lib. 5. c. 18. Vide apud Euseb . lib. 5. c. 22. Can. 56. Can. 6. * Lib. 5. c. 16. † Lib. 5. cap. 4. Ius Graecc-Rom . p. 89. Vide Baron . An. Dom. 205 n. 27. † Lib. 4. c. 25. Gennad . apud Hieron . Iohan. de Trittenheim de script . Eccles. Epist. ad Philadelph . Lib. 10 , Eccles. hist. Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 33. In 1. Cor. 12. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . haeres . 66. n. 6. Possidon . in vitâ S. Aug. cap. 8. Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 21. * Lib. 4. cap. 15. † Lib. 4. Epist. 2. Lib. 2. c. 11. a In 1. Philip. b in 1. Philip . c in 1. Philip . d in 1. Philip . e lib. 2. contr . Parmen . f in 1. Tim. 3. & in 1. Phil. Concil . Antioch . ca. 9. Epist. 1. ad Iacobum Fratrem Domini . vide Concil . Chalced. act . 1. in epist. Theod. & Valentin . Imp. §. 44. And was ayded by Presbyters but not impayred . in Epist. ad Titum . cap. 1. Epist. ad Antioch . Epist. 21. Ad Trallian . Ad Magnes . Epist. 6. Epist. 19. Epist. 18. in 1. ad . Titum . Ius Graeco Rom. pag. 556. * Epist. 65. Epist. 55. ibidem . Epist. 52. Epist. 72. In 1. Timoth. 3. 1. Tim. 1. Vbi suprà . In Isaiae . 3. Can. 6. Can. 20. § 45. So that the government of the Church by Bishops was believed necessary . Epist. ad Tral . Epist. ad Philadelph . Epist. 27. & alibi . * Epist. 69. vide Concil . Byzacenum . An. Dom. 504. & Surium die 1. Ianuar. & Baron . in A. D. 504. Epist. 2. advers . Lucifer . cap. 4. § 46. For they are schismaticks that separate from their Bishop . Epist. ad Magnes . Ad Ephes. S. Cyprian . ep . 55. Epist. 69. Act. 4. §. 47. And Hereticks ▪ haeres . 75. Can. 6. lib. 2. decret . cap. 226. lib. 18. ca. 45 Eccles. hist. lib. 8. cap. 5. Etymol . vbi suprà . Can. 12. Epist. 3. §. 48. And Bishops were alwaies in the Church , men of great Honour . * Can , 10. Graec. Epist. ● ad lacobum . Apocal. 1. 1. Corinth . 4. Iohn 10. In Titum . Matth. 20. Mark 10. Luke 22. Matth. 23. 8 , 9. 10. Ephes. 4. Luke 22. John 13. * In locis ubi suprà . Gen. 1. Psal. 110. Psal. 2. homil . 6. in Isai. S. Bernard . lib. 10. de confiderat . lib. 19. de civit . Dei. cap. 19. De Vnitat ▪ Eccles . Acts. 15. Rom. 12. Hebr. 13. lib. 3. cap. 23. Epist. ad Greg. Nyssen . Theodo et . lib. 5. ● . 9. Theodor. lib. 4. cap. 9. Thedor . lib. 1. c. 4. &c. 5. Athanas. Apolog . 2. Epist. 17. 18. 19. apud . S. Augustin . in Psal. 13. apud Baron . A● . Dom. 5● . n. 2. 1. Thessal . 5. 13. Epist. 65. Epist. decret . Epist. ad Hero● . Vrban . ibid. Epist. ad Mag●es . §. 49. And trusted with affayres of Secular interest . 1. Cor. 6. In hunc Iocum . Vide etiam August . de opere Monach . ca. 29. Can. 7. Latin. Vide Zonar●n Can. Apostol . * Concil . Chalced . Act. 15. can . 3. Can. 14. Epist. 66. * Vide Synod . Roman . sub Sylvestr . c. 4. Concil . Chalced . c. 26. & Zonar . ibid. * Justin. Martyr . Apolog. 2. Apud Burchard lib. 2. decret . cap. 99. Part. 2. Act. 15. Can. 7. Can. 20. * Epist. a● Ephes. * Sozoo● lib. 1. cap. 9. Tripart . hist. lib. 7. cap. 8. S. August . lib. 6. Consess . cap. 4. Epist. 110. Epist. 147. deepore Monach . cap : 29. Tripart . hist : lib : 4. cap. 25. lib : 10. cap : 6. ibid. lib. 11. cap. 8. ibid. lib. 5. Epist. Ambros. 33. Euseb : lib. 8. cap. 1. Epist. 84. In 1. Corinth . 6. 2. Timoth. 2. 4. §. 50. And therefore were inforced to delegate their power and put others in substitution , Eccles. hierdr . 6. 5. 2. Timoth. 4. v. 9. & 12. Philip. 2. v. 25. 26. Epist. ad Antioch . Can. 56. Epist. 9. Epist. 38. & 39. haeres . 68. Concil . Hispal . cap. 6. §. 51. But they were ever Clergy-men , for there never was any lay Elders in any Church office heard of in the Church . Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 37. Concil . Hispa● . ubi suprà . Epist. ad Iacob . Fratr . Dom. * de 7. Ordin . Eccles. * Epist. 13. ad Valent. * Epist. ad Solitar . Suidas in vit● Leontij . Can. 9. A. D. 453. * Novell . constit . 123. lib. 7. epist. 66. Tertull. Apol. c. 33. S. Ambros. in 1. Tim. 5. 1. & lib. 1. de offic . c. 20. S. August . lib. 3. contra Crescon . & Epist. 137. 1. Tim. 5. 17. * §. 48. lib. 5 : cap. 22. Rom. 16. 1. Epist. cap. 3. Cap. 3. adv . haereses . Cap. 14. 
A87009	----	An ansvver to the animadversions on the dissertations touching Ignatius's epistles, and the episcopacie in them asserted. By H. Hammond, D.D. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. 1654 Approx. 630 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 114 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A87009 Wing H514 Thomason E814_13 ESTC R202518 99862770 99862770 114946 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A87009) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114946) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 124:E814[13]) An ansvver to the animadversions on the dissertations touching Ignatius's epistles, and the episcopacie in them asserted. By H. Hammond, D.D. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. Owen, John, 1616-1683. [4], 219, [1] p. Printed by J.G. for Richard Royston, at the Angel in Ivie-lane., London, : 1654. A reprinting of and reply to part of: Owen, John. The doctrine of the saints perseverance, explained and confirmed. Title page in red and black. The first leaf is blank. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nou: 4th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Owen, John, 1616-1683. -- Doctrine of the saints perseverance, explained and confirmed -- Early works to 1800. Ignatius, -- Saint, Bishop of Antioch, d. ca. 110. -- Correspondence -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-08 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ANSWER TO THE ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE DISSERTATIONS TOUCHING IGNATIVS'S EPISTLES , and the EPISCOPACIE in them asserted . By H. HAMMOND , D. D. LONDON , Printed by J. G. for Richard Royston , at the Angel in Ivie-lane . 1654. AN ANSVVER TO THE ANIMADVERSIONS on the Disputations concerning EPISCOPACY . THE INTRODVCTION . Nu. 1. I Had thought I had concluded the Readers trouble and mine own , when I had gotten to an end of the Assemblers Exceptions , but by that time I had transmitted those debates to the Printer , and from him received one Sheet of the Impression , I found my self called out anew by a Preface ( to a Book of a very distant subject , The Saints verseverance ) wherein is inserted , a Discourse touching the Epistles of Ignatius , and the Episcopacy in them asserted , and some animadversions on Dr. H. H. his Dissertations on that subject : And this Preface ( and these contents of it ) le●t it might be less discernable , thought fit to be exprest in the Title page , and subscribed by John Owen , servant of Jesus Christ in the work of the Gospel . 2. And although the speedy return of such tasks is not overgratefull to me , yet because 1. I conceive it is his pleasure that we should enter this commerce : And 2. because the work of the Gospel is so glorious an employment , that I cannot be averse or flow to the giving all possible satisfaction to any which professeth to labour in it : And 3. because , if the Reader so consent , this discourse may be annext to the former debates with the Provincial Assembly , being likely to be on the same heads , which are there spoken to , I shall not doubt thus speedily to undertake the labour of it ; and if his Animadversions prove any way usefull to me , I shall acknowledge by whom I have profited , retract most readily what he shall give me cause to retract , and never multiply any debates , which may be thus more compendiously ended , being confident that no miscarriage of mine ( of which yet I am not conscious to have committed any in the Book of Dissert . ) will be able to prejudice the main truth which is there defended , the Institution of Bishops by the Apostles . CHAP. I. Of the Apostolical Canons . Sect. 1. The Controversie about them . The Codex Canonum . What is meant by Apooryphal , and so by Genuine Canons . The two mistakes of the Praefacer , which produceth his Animadversion . What is meant by the title , Apostolical Canons . The Praefacers ungrounded suggestion against the writings of the first times . Numb . 〈◊〉 . TO set out then , with all speed that may be , on this new Stage , not knowing of what length it may prove , the first Animadversion I finde my self concern'd in , is in * these words . The first Writings that are imposed on us after the Canonical Scriptures , are the eight Books of Clement , commonly called , The Apostles Constitutions , being pretended to be written by him at their appointment , with the Canons ascribed to the same persons . These we shall bu● salute ; for besides that they are but faintly defended by any of the Papists , disavowed and disclaimed as Apocryphal by the most learned of them , as Bellarmine de Script . Eccles . in Clem. who approves onely of fifty Canons of eighty five . Baronius , An. Dom. 102 ▪ 14. who addes thirty more , and Bi●ius with a little inlargement of Canons in Tit. C●n. T. 1. Con. p. 17. and have been throughly disproved and decryed by all Protestant writers that have had any occasion to deal with them ; their folly , and falsity , their impostures & ●…triflings have of late been so fully manifested by Dallaeus de Pseudepigrap●i● Apost . that nothing need be added thereunto . Of him may Dr. H. H. learn the truth of that insinuation of his , Dissert . 2 c 6. sect . 3. Canone Apostolico secundo ( semper inter genninos habito ) but of the confidence of this Author in his assertions afterward . 2. I am not here much surprised 1. with this charge of untruth ; and 2. this promise , that my confidence in asserting shall be discovered , knowing that it was one of Aristotles insinuations in his Elenchs , at the beginning of a Dispute to endeavour to put the Respondent in passion , and then he might easily have fallacies imposed on him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If this were his design , I have more reasons than that one , to hope his pardon , if I do not thus gratifie him . And although there be not one word said in this place , to prove either of these charges , but I am appointed to learn one from Mr. Daillé , whose book I have not been so curious as to see , and to expect the other afterwards from the Prefacer ; yet being concerned to know that veracity and humility are my duties , as I am a Christian , and that I ought not to live one minute under the scandal of having offended against either of them , and having yet no motive to retract that expression in the Dissert . I am obliged to render an account of my using it . And it is this . 3. In the second Canon of the Council in Trullo . An. 681. I find a conciliarie affirmation of eighty five Canons under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Canons of the holy and honourable Apostles before us . And what was there confirmed is farther ratified by the second Council of Nice , An. 787. which cites the 53d of those Canons . And this I take for a testimonie of the Eastern Churches reception of that number of 85 Apostolical Canons at that time . Whereas in the Western Churches , both before , and after this time , although the Canons of the Apostles were by the Eastern communicated to them , yet that number was not received , but in a Council of seventy Bishops at Rome , under Pope Gelasius , somewhat before 500 years after CHRIST , the Book of the Apostles Canons , was defined to be Apocryphal . By Apocry●hal here I conceive to be meant such as are not obligatorie , w●…ch are not so owned , or received by the Church , as to be entered into Codex , ordinarily known by the name of Corpus Canonum ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in * Ph●ti●s his stile , The body of Synodical Canons , their * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Justinia●… their Rule of Discipline , in like manner as the Books of Canonical Scripture ( to which * Justinian added the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or definitions of the four first General Councils ) made up their Rule of Doctrines : That there was such a Codex , we find in the fourth General Council ( that of Chalcedon ) when the Book of Canons , as well as the Bible , was solemnly brought in at the opening of the Council , and * call'd for to be read before them as occasion required . And 't is sufficiently known what Justellus observes , That the Christian Church was ruled of old by a double Law , Divine , the Books of the Canonical Scripture , and Canonical , the Codex of Canons : And those Canons that were not received into that Codex , though they might hold the authority due to antient pieces , be esteemed worthy the reading and observing , were yet stiled Apocryphal , i. e. usefull , though not obligatory , reverenced for their Antiquity , but not allowed the power , or title of Laws , as the body of the Canons is known to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we observe them as Laws , saith Justinian , and they are thence called Nomocanon , and Canon Law. 〈…〉 That this is the meaning of the word Apocryphal , I shall conclude from the story of the fact ; for soon after this sentence of that Council of Rome , within very few years , we know that they were set up and received in that very place , where they had been thus lookt on as Apocryphal : For Dionysius Exiguus about the year 527. made a collection of Canons , ex Graecis exemplaribus . Canones Ecclesiasticos — composuit , quos ●odie usu celeberrimo Ecclesia Romana complectitur , out of the Greek copies he composed Ecclesiastical Canons , which at this day the Church of Rome embraceth , and useth most honourably , as Cassiodore his contemporarie and consort saith of him , Divin . Lect. c. 23. In this collection he set fifty of these in the front , under the title of Apostolical Canons , prefacing this concerning them , In principio Canones , qui dicuntur Apostolorum de Graeco transtulimus , quibus quia plurimi consensum non praebuere facilem , hoc ipsum ignorare vestram noluimus sanctitatem , quamvis postea qu●dam constituta Pontificum ex ipsis Canonibus assumpta esse videantur : In the beginning we have translated out of Greek the Canons , which are said to be the Apostles , to which because very many have been hard to give assent , we have thought fit to mention so much to you , though afterward ▪ some constitutions of Bishops seem to have been taken out of these very Canons . Here it is evident , 1. that what was a few years since lookt on as Apocryphal , is within a while received into their Codex , cel●berrimo usu , said Cassiodore at that very time . And 2. whilst it was not in the Codex , yet Constitutions of the Bishops were taken ●…ut of them , which argues to me , that they were not to be rejected , as to be disliked , but onely so , as not to be obligator●… , any farther than as some new Decrees of the Church should give them their authority . So again in Mercator's Collection , he prefaceth thus , Propter ●orum authoritatem c●teris concil●…s praepos●imus Canones , qui dicuntur Apost●l●rum , lic●t a quibusdam Apocrypha dicantur , quoniam plures eos recipiunt , & sancti Patres eorum sententias Synodali authoritate roboraverunt , & inter Canonicas posuerunt constitutiones . In respect of their authority we have before the rest of the Councils past set down the Canons of the Apostles , so called , though by some they are said to be Apocryphal , because more receive them , and the holy Fathers have confirmed them by authority of Council , and placed them among Canonical Constitution ▪ Where the opposition is clear , betwixt Apocryphal on one side , and confirmed by Councils , and placed among Canonical constitutions on the other side . 5. One thing onely I can foresee to bee by Mr. Daille or any man objected against this , viz. the Censure that * Isidore Hispalensis hath past upon the Apostolike Canons , in these words ( which I see are thought by some learned men to refer to that Council at Rome under Gelasius , but whether by Mr. Daillé , I know not ) Eodem nec sedes Apostolica recepit , nec sancti patres illis assensum praelucerunt , pro co quod ab haereticis sub nomine Apostolorum compositi dignoscuntur : The Apostolike See received them not , and the holy Fathers have not allowed them their assent , because they are discerned to be framed by haereticks under the name of the Apostles . Here I shall offer my conjecture ( and submit it to better judgements ) that Isidore speaks not of the first fifty Canons , which were certainly before his time ( who was a member of the Council of Toledo in Spain , An. 633. ) received into the Romane Codex , as hath already appeared , nor consequently refers to the Synod under Gelasius ( which , upon other reasons I acknowledge , spake even of those fifty ) but of the whole number of 85 , for in those latter 35 it is , and not in the first fifty , that the Apostles are praetended to be the Authors of them , viz. Can. 82. Where they call Philemon's servant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our Onesimus , and Can. 85. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Acts , or Canons of us the Apostles , whereas no such thing is so much as intimated in the first fifty : For as for those words in the fiftieth Canon which refer to the Apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the sentence of Christ , and our constitution by the spirit , 't is evident that they are in Turrian's Edition , inserted , and added to that Canon , after the words , with which Dionysius Exiguus his old collection and translation ended . And so in the former part of the Canon [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he said not unto us ] ( as if the Writers were the Apostles ) 't is certain that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to us ] is inserted : And accordingly in Balsamon's Text and Comment , which I have before me , the Canon is intire without either of those insertions . To all which I may adde , that the matter of all those first fiftie Canons , and the very form of words , is such , as gives not the least occasion to think them composed by haereticks ( certainly not put under the Apostles names by those haereticks ) as Isidore affirms of those of which he speaks . 6. This is to my understanding the meaning of the Controversie concerning the number and authority of these Canons , which were to be accounted Apocryphal , and which not , and so likewise which Genuine , and which not , and to this Controversie it is , that my insinuation and my words refer , and the second Canon being one of those former 50 , which though they have been counted Apocryphal in one sense , were yet Genuine in another , i. e. none of the later addition of 35. which are called by learned men novitii and adulterate , I thought I had reason ( and cannot but still think it ) to say that that second Canon was semper inter genuinos habitus , alwayes accounted genuine , i. e. received and acknowledged among the Canons of the Antient Church by those who controverted , and rejected the other 35. 7. Thus much may perhaps suffice to remove the two mistakes , which by some indications I conceive to have produced this Animadversion : For 1. when in the words immediately precedent , he saith , they are disavowed and disclaimed by the most learned Papists as Apocryphal , this I suppose must be his meaning , either that by that Synod at Rome under Pope Gelasius , they were defined to be Apocryphal ( and then as there is truth in that , so I may be permitted to have told him what I conceive meant by Apocryphal in that place those that were not yet received into their Codex ) or else that the rest besides the first 50 are disclaimed by the most learned Papists , so I learn from my Lord Primate , that they are by Humbert in his Answer to Nicetas , Sancti Patres Canones Apostolorum numeraverunt inter Apocrypha , exceptis capitulis quinquaginta , quae decreverunt regulis Orthodoxiae adjungenda . The Holy Fathers have numbred the Canons of the Apostles among Apocryphal writings , except onely fifty Canons , which they have decreed to be annext to the rules of the true doctrine , i. e. to the Book of Canons received by them : ( Where again , by the way , the notion of Apocryphal is evident , as opposed to those which are received into the Codex , Regulis Orthodoxiae adjungenda ) And so by Bellarmine , whom he names in the front of those most learned Papists , and of him saith expresly and truly , that he approves onely of 50 Canons of 85 ( de script . Eccles . in Cl●m . ) And then again , I have now minded him of that which was before evident , that the second Canon , which was cited by me , was one of those fifty , and so not disproved by that learned Papist . As for the other two , Baronius , and Binius , whom he names to the same purpose as those who have disavowed and disclaimed them as Apocryphael , I shall not accuse his confidence , but must think he was in some haste , that he could doe so , Baronius being by him acknowledged to adde 30 more , and Binius to have made a little inlargement of Canons , which sure doth not intimate that they disavowed , or disclaimed the fifty . 8. So when he saith of them , that they are faintly defended by any of the Papists , I shall desire to know ( among many others , Bovius , Lamb. Gruterus , Stapleton Haleander , &c. ) what he thinks of Turrian , whether he were a Papist or no , and whether he were a faint defender of them , nay whether Monsieur Daillé take no notice of his zeal for them ? If he doe not , I shall very much wonder at it : If he doe , I shall have the more reason for my question , how he that sends me to be taught by M. Daillé , had not learned so much from him , that there was some Papist , by whom they were not faintly defended ? So again when he saith that they have been throughly disproved and decryed by all Protestant writers that have had any occasion to deal with them , I might certainly mind him of more Protestants than one that have been far from decrying them . I shall not mention , as I might , the severall Bishops of our Church , since the Reformation , and our Divines in their writings , that make their Appeals to them frequently , and with as pompous forms of citations , as I have done [ semper inter genuinos habito ] I shall not adde the learned Hugo Grotius , because I know not whether any , or all of these may not be deemed by him to be no Protestants . Onely what doth he think of Frigevillaeus Gautius ? He certainly An. 1593. in his second part of his Palma Christiana ( dedicated to Queen Elizabeth ) c. 1. & 2. was far from disavowing , and decrying those Canons : How little short he came of Turrian himself , I shall not now tell him , lest he be disavowed as no Protestant , for so doing , but leave him at his leisure to inquire , whether one such example might not have taken off from the generalitie of the affirmation [ decryed by all Protestants ] or indeed whether D. Blondel's vouching them in the manner which I shall by and by set down , might not have had some force in it , if he had taken notice of such things . But all this by the way , as an Essa● , that some other men , as well as H. H. may be confident in asserting . 9. Secondly , When immediately after his Animadversion on my words , he mentions his Exceptions to the Books of Apostolical Constitutions and Canons taken out of Daillé , and the learned Vsher , 't is apparent that these all belong to the Books under Clement's name , called the Apostles Constitutions : But then it must be remembred , that that Book of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Constitutions is another thing , clearly distinct from the Book called the Apostles Canons , and there is but one way imaginable to involve the later under the censure that belongs justly to the former , and it is this , That in some Copies the Constitutions and Canons are put together into one Volume ( and that 〈◊〉 * Photius his time ) and that in the end of the Canons , there is a solemn confirmation of the Constitutions . But then it must be remembred again , that these are later Copies , which so confound them , and I take not them to be genuine , and that Canon is the eightie fifth of that Book , and so no part of the first fiftie , which I suppose to be the onely genuine Canons , and consequently that none of the ridiculous things in the Constitutions is imputable to that former Collection , but indeed , on the contrary , that one expression in that eightie fifth Canon , which prescribes the keeping them * close , because of some mysterious passages in them , is justly thought by learned men to betray them both ( the later 35 Canons , and the Constitutions so magnified by them ) to be of a much later Edition , than that which they pretend to . 10. And thus I hope I have vindicated my self , and given the grounds of my Assertion , And for the confidence , I did not , I confess , expect to be charged with any immoderate degree of it from any , nor doe I yet discern how those few words in the Parenthesis ( semper inter genuinos habito ) could be deem'd so criminously guilty of it , or that hee that undertook to be my Monitor , having in so short a time proved so much more guilty of it , should in any reason think himself the most competent for that office . 11. To help him to any appearance of reason , and so to qualifie him thus to charge me , some want of observation of vulgar stile must be necessary , either in not adverting what is ordinarily meant by their title of Apostolick Canons , or some other the like . That he takes the meaning of that title to be their pretension to be written by the Apostles , or by Clement at their appointment , I conclude from the words with which he begins that Paragraph [ The first writings , that are imposed on us after the Canonical Scriptures , are the eight Books of Clement , commonly called the Apostles Constitutions , being pretended to be written by him at their appointment , with the Canons ascribed to the same persons ] and if according to this his notion , he conceive me by the word genuine to affirm that they are rightly so ascribed , he is mistaken . 12. That those Canons , whether to the number of 85. or but of 50 were written by the Apostles , I never meant , but neither is that the meaning of those that cite them , and call them as I have done , by the vulgar name of Apostolick Canons : If there be any doubt of this , I shall prove it by competent testimonies , whether among Papists or Protestants . Of the former , in stead of many , I instance only in that account , which Gabriel Albispine in his Observations rendreth of it , that some of these Canons ( the fifty he means ) being made by the Successors of the Apostles ( the Bishops of the Antient Church ) who were called ( saith Tertullian de Praseript . ) Apostolici viri , Apostolical men , Apostolicorum primum Canones , dein nonnullorum Latinorum ignorantia , aliquo● literarum detractione , Apostolorum dicti sunt , They were first call●d the Canons of the Apostolicks , after by the ignorance of some Latine Writers , and by the taking away of a few Letters , they were called the Canons of the Apostles . 13. Among Protestants I might instance in the Archbishop of Armagh , here cited under the name of the Learned Vsher , who by stiling the fifty , Veteres Canones Ecclesiasticos ●b antiquitatem Apostolicos doctos , the old Ecclesiastical Canons for their Antiquity stiled Apostolical , and distinguishing them from the thirty five nova Capitula & novitii Canones , new Chapters , and novice Canons , clearly justifies all that I have said : But I have no reason to goe any farther than Dr. Blondel himself , with whom I had then to doe , and I am sure 't is ordinary with him to cite these Canons under the title of Apostolick , and so to yeeld them their authority ( yet I suppose is not thought by his Colleague Mr. Daillé to have made the Apostles themselves the Authors of them ) you may see it twice together in two lines , Apol. pro sent . Hieron . pag. 96. Anno Dom. 363. Laodicano Canone 56. secundum Apostolicum 38. cautum fuit , Care was taken by the Council of Laodicaea , Can. 56. according to the 38th Apostolical Canon , calling it first an Apostolick Canon , and then affirming it the rule by which the Laodicaean Canon was made , and so clearly giving it a greater Antiquity than that Council : And immediately again , Apostolico 33d ( longè antequam Ancyrae conveniret Synodus ) in the 33d Apostolick Canon , long before the Synod met at Ancyra , which we know was in the year 314 and what was acknowledged to be long before that , must be of a pretty antiquity , although it were not written by the Apostles . 14. 'T is true indeed some have thought fit to use greater exactness of speech , as the Council of Paris , Anno 580. calling them * Canones quasi Apostolicos , the Canons as it were Apostolick ; and Dionysius Exiguus , and Isidorus Mercator , Canones qui dicuntur Apostolicorum , the Canons said to be the Apostles . And Hincmarus Rhemensis saith , they were A primis temporibus traditione viritim Apostolicorum virorum , mentibus commendati ; From the first times by tradition of Apostliocal persons commended to the minds of men , from man to man , and a devotis quibusque collecti , collected by all devout men . See Concil . Gallic . l. 2. p. 473 , 474. And as for those which pretend the whole 85. as well as the Constitutions to have been peun'd by Clemens , there is little doubt but they did , by so doing indeavour to impose false ware upon the Church , but still this praejudgeth not my affirmation of the former fiftie , that they were alwayes accounted genuine . Not meaning thereby that they were written by the Apostles , or at their appoint-ment by Clemens ( I say not a word , that so much as insinuates either of those to be my sense , and I can justly affirm it was not ) but genuine , i. e. truly , and without contradiction ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are taken for Synonyma's in this matter ) what they were by the Church generally taken to be , i. e. Canons of antient Bishops ( before the times of the General Councils ) of Apostolical persons , success●rs of the Apostles , in Churches , where they praesided , called Apostolical Churches . 15. I adde no more of a matter so clear , yet before I proceed , I shall desire the Author of this Animadversion , to consider how unjustly his Censure hath fallen ( in the page immediately praecedent ) on the Writings of the first times , immediately after the Apostles fell asleep . His words are these , I must be forced to preface the nomination of them ( the first Writers ) with some considerations : The first is that known passage of Hegesippus in Euseb . Eccl. Hist . l. 3. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Setting out the corruption of the Church as to Doctrine , immediately after the Apostles fell asleep , whereof whosoever will impartially , and with disengaged judgements search into the writings that of those dayes doe remain , will perhaps finde more cause than is commonly imagined with him to complain . 16. Here is a ●ad jealousie raised against all Antiquity , even of the purest times next the Apostles , and indefinitely without any limitation , on the writings of those dayes that remain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. all that are extant , in one common masse , and yt ( besides that one saying of Hegesippus ) no one word added to found it on ( but onely dubious , suspicious expressions [ will perhaps find more cause than is commonly imagined ] to warn all how they give any trust to the purest Antiquitie . Whereas all that Hegesippus there saith , is onely this ( which they that pay most reverence to Antiquity , take as much notice of as he could wish ) viz. that the poyson of the Heretical , or Apostatical , or Atheistical Gnosticks , in express words , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sect of the Gnosticks , falsly so called ( the same that had been mentioned by St. Paul to Timothy ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Atheistical seducers did openly set up against the truth of Christ , as soon as ever the Apostles were dead . Which being by Hegesippa● terminated in the known despisers and persecuters of the true Church and Orthodox professors , the grievous Wolves that worried the flock , and those constantly resisted , and combated with , preacht against , and written against by the Fathers and antient Writers , and never observed by any man to have gain●d on them , or infused any the least degree ●f their poyson into them , or their Writings , which are come to us ( which to undertake to make good against any opposer is no high pitch of confidence , again to be censured in me ) It is a sad condition that the just and the unjust , the false Teachers and the Orthodox Professors should fall under the same envy , be involved under the same black censure , those that watched over the flock as Shepheards , and oft laid down their lives for the Sheep , be again defamed and martyred by us their unkind posterity , under pretence , forsooth , that they were in the Conspiracie of the Wolves also . I leave this to his , and the Readers consideration , and so proceed to the next charge . CHAP. II. Of Ignatius's Epistles . Sect. 1. The comparison betwixt them and the Epistles of Clement , and Polycarpe . Of Salmasius and Blondel being the first that rejected them . Of the Vir doctissimus , answered by Vedelius . Of Bishop Mountague's censure of Vedelius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Of Salmasius's Contumely , Title of Learned Grammarian . Illecebre . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Consnlting Authors to serve our own turns . Numb ▪ 1. THE next charge I find in the eighth page of this Preface , in these words . A late learned Doctor in his Dissertations about Episcopacy , or Dispute for it against Salmasius and Blondellus , tels us , that we may take a taste of h●s confidence in asserting , Dissert . 2. cap. 23. 1. That Salmasius and Blondellus , mortalium omnium primi , thought these Epistles to be feigned or counterfeit . And with more words , cap 24. he would make us believe that these Epistles of Ignatius were alwaies of the same esteem with that of Clemens from Rome to the Corin●●ians , or that of Polycarpus to the Philippians , which we have in Eusebius , and then he addes , in the judgement of Salmasius and Blondellus , Solus Ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cujus tamen Epistolae pari semper cum illis per universam ab omniaevo patrum nostro●um memoriam reveren●iâ excipiebantur : nec prius à mortalium quovis in Judicium voc●bantur ( mul●ò minus ut in re certâ , & extra dub●… posita inter planè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rejici●bantur ) quam Presby●… Anglicani patribus suis contumeliam facere coepissent , iisque aut suppetias ferre , a●t rem gratam facere ( quibus illecebris adducti nescio ) hi du● non ignobiles Presbyteranae causae hyperaspistae in selpsos recipissent . Of his two learned Antagonists one is dead , and the other almost blind , or probably they would have dealt not much more gently with the Doctor for his Parenthesis ( quibus illecebris adducti nescio ) then one of them formerly did ( Salmasius de subscribendis & signandis Testamentis , seu specimen Consul . Animad . Heraldi , cap. 1. p. 19. Nuper quidam etiam nebulo in Angliâ , Capellanus , ut audio , Regis , Hammondus nomine , libro quem edidit de Potestate Clavium , Salmasio iratus , quod aliam quam ipse sententiam probet ac defendat , haud potui● majus convicium , quod ei diceret , invenire , quam si Grammaticum appellaret ) for his terming him a Grammarian , yet indeed of him ( such was the hard entertainment he found on all hands ) it was by many supposed that he was illecebris adductus ( and they stick not to name the b●… he was caught withall ) wrought over in a manner to destroy the faith of that which he had before set up and established . For the thing it self affirmed by the Doctor , I cannot enough admire with what oscitancie or contempt he considers his Readers ( of which manner of proceeding this is far from being the onely instanc : ) that he should confidently impose such things upon them . He that hath written so much abou● Ignatius , and doth so triumph in his authority , ought doubtless to have considered these concernments of his Author , which a eobvi●us to every ordinary Inquirer : Ved●lius his Edition of Ignatius at Geneva came forth with his Notes in the year 1623. long before either Salmasius o● Blondellus had written any thing about the suppositi●iosness of these Epistles ; in the Apology of Ignatius whereto prefixed , he is forced to labour and sweat in the Answer of one , whom he deservedly st●…cs virum Doctissimum ; ( arguing not contemptibly ) that Ignatius never wrote any such Epistles , and that all those which were carried about in his name , were false and counterfeit . But perhaps the Doctor had taken caution of one of the Fathers of his Church , that à Genevensiqus istis Typographis praeter fraudes & sucos & praestigias non es● quod quicquam expectemus ( Montac . Appar . l. 5. sect . 4● . p. 19. ) and so thought not fit to look into any thing that comes from them . Especially may this be supposed to have some influence upon him , considering the gentle censure added in the next words by that Reverend Father of his Church , concerning the endeavour of Vedelius , in his Notes on that Edition . Neque audax ille & importunus Ignatii Censor quicquam attulit ad paginas suas implendas praeter inscit●am , & incuriam & impudentiam singularem ( ne saevi magne sacerdos ) dum ad suum Gene● vatismum antiquitatem detorqu●t invitissimam , non autem , quod oportu●… Calvinismum amussitat ad antiquitatē . And what I pray you is the reason of his Episcopal censure ? That he should deal with poor Ved●…s in that language wherewith men of his order and authority were wont to deale with preaching Ministers at their Visitations ? why this poor man in that passage which you have in the Epistle to the Magnesians ( in that Edition p. 56. ) where treating of the Antient Fathers expectations of the coming of Christ , retains the common reading of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , referring the word to their expectation of seeing him come in the flesh , which upon the testimony of our Saviour himself , they desired to see , and saw it not , not correcting it by a change of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so referring it to their faith in Christ , and salvation by him ▪ as in his judgment he ought to have done . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A little thing would provoke the indignation of a Prelate against any thing that came from Geneva . I say I would suppose that this might divert ou● Doctor from casting his 〈◊〉 Veaclius , whose defensative would have informed him that th●…stles ●●d been opposed as false and counterfeit , before ever Salmasius or Blondellus had taken them into con●de●ation ; but that I finding hi●…e●imes ●…ing on tha● Geneva Edition . For whereas Cap. 2. sect . 2. he tels you that he intends to abide onely upon the Edition of Is●●● Vossius in G●eek , published from the Archives of the L●b●a●y of Laurence di Medi●es , and the Latine Edition published by Bishpp Usher ou of our Library here at Oxford , yet cap. 8. being pressed with the testim ny o● the writers of the Epistle to the Magnesians , calling Episcopacy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plainly intimating a comparative Novelty in that order to others i● the Chu●ches , and fearing ( as well he might ) that his translation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the ordination of a young man , would scarce be received by the men of his own praejudice ( for surely he never supposed that he should impose on any other , by such grosse figments ) he prefers the Vedelian Edition ( where these words are not so used ) before it , and informs us , that ●ic legend●… ( as it is in the Geneva Edition ) suadet to●a Epistolae ser●es . Now this truly is marvelious to me ( if the Doctor consulteth Authors any farther , than meerly to serve his present turn ) how he could ever advi●e with that Edition of Vedelius , and yet so considently affirm , that Sa●…s and Blondellus were the first that rejected these Epistles as feigned and counterfeit . 2. The summe of this charge is ▪ 1. that I would make men believe that Ignatius his Epistles were alwaies of the same esteem with that of Clement , and of Polycarpe . 2dly That 〈◊〉 say that Salmasius and Blondel were the fi●st that thought these Epistles ( of Ignatius ) to be feigned and counterfeit . 3dly That this is in me a confidence in asserting , an admirable piece of oscitancie and contempt of the Reader , confidently to impose upon him , and all this against express evidence , when 4thly long before either of these , Vedelius was fain to answer a vir doctissimus , arguing that Ignatius never wrote such Epistles , and this the more to be admired , because 5thly it appears that I had advised with that Edition of Vedelius , where those arguments are propounded , and answered , and yet say that Salmasius and Blondel were the first that rejected these Epistles . To these five branches of the original , and grand charge are added incidentally these other passages . 1 That if Salmasius were not dead , and Blondel almost ●lind , they would probably have called me knave for using this Parenthesis ( quibus illecebris adducti nescio , I know not by what invitations they were brought to doe what they did ) adding of the former , that indeed it is by many supposed that he was illecebris adductus . 2 That Bishop Montacute inveighs bitterly against the Geneva Writers , and particularly against Vedelius his Censures on Ignatius . 3 That my interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the ordination of a young man , is a gross figment . 4 That it is doubtfull whether I doe consult Authors any farther than is for my own turn . 3. To these particulars , which will soon be found to be of no very weighty importance , yet such as they are , I shall punctually make my reply . 4. For the first , I shall not need labour for proofs to ballance the estimation of Ignatius's Epistles , either with that of Clemens , or Polycarpe : For , beside that here is not a word objected against it , nor so much as the ordinary charge of confident asserting affixed to this part of my speech , but my words are barely repeated without any exception to them . The thing may be manifest to any that shall , for Clemens , peruse the Testimonies out of ancient Writers , concerning his first Epistle , that to the Corinthians , set down to his hand by Mr. Patrick Yong , before his Edition of that Epistle , and then compare them with those concerning Ignatius's Epistles prefixt by the Archbishop of Armagh to his former Edition of Ig●ati●… , and to that adde but this one place of Eusebius , E●cl . Hist . l. 3 ▪ c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where speaking of those Writings reserved to his time , wherein the Apostolike doctrine was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of Records delivered to them , he instanceth in Ignatius ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Collection of Epistles which he had formerly mentioned from Polycarpe ) and in Clement ' s Epistle , which in the name of the Church of the Romans he sent to the Church of the Corinthians , and was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , received and confest by all , which passage doth directly assert this exactness of tarallel betwixt them two , as equall in conveying Apostolike Doctrine to us . 5. To which I may adde , that the prejudices our present volume of Ignatius's Epistles are under , are not greater than those which lye against the Epistle of Clement , set forth from Tecla's ●opie . I shall instance in sour : 1 Among the examples of generous Christian sufferers of that Age , proposed to be treated of ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let us come to the eminent persons which are nearest us , let us take the generous copies of our age ) immedately after Peter and Paul , and those that came in to them , are mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Daughters of Danaus and Dirce , of whom it is said , that having suffered sore , or cruel contumelies , or punishments , they came to the constant course of Faith , and being weake in body , received a generous reward 6. This is so unfit for the place wherein it is found in Tecla's copy ( and we have no better , or other to mend it by ) that Mr. Yong hath set a mark upon it , as that which he cannot allow to be genuine Clemens . 7. Secondly : Speaking of the Sea , he hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Ocean unbounded to men , or , which men cannot pass over , and the world that are beyond it . 8. Thirdly : Speaking of the Resurrection , he not onely offers to contemplation the Resurrection , which every day brings us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the night lies down to sleep , the day rises again , but also the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wonderfull sign which is in Arabia , the Phoenix , which being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but one of the species , lives five hundred years , then drawing neare to death , makes a nest of Frankincense and Myrrh , and other Spices , and goes into it , and dies ; then out of the corruption of the flesh grows a Worm , which being fed with the moisture of the dead creature , grows to perfection and wings , then carries the nest where the former bird was entombed ( and embalmed as it were ) from Arabia to Aegypt , to Heliopolis , and in the day time in the presence of all men , layes it upon the Altar of the Sun , and returns again . And the Priests looking into their Records , and keeping exact calculation of the time , find that at the end of five hundred years this is done . And all this , saith he , afforded us by GOD , who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by this bird shews the magnificent greatness of his promise . 9. These two latter are the objections of Photius himself * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , one may find fault with him in these ; adding also another ( the 4th which I proposed to mention ) that as the second Epistle under his name ( which * elswhere he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is rejected as supposititious ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inserts some passages as from Scripture , which are strangers to it , so * this first Epistle is not perfectly free in this matter . 10. These four prejudices notwithstanding ( and a fift also by him mentioned ) 't is the same Photiu● his judgement , that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Epistle worthily esteemed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thought by many worthy of such reception as to be read publickly . 11. And so it hath among all men generally been entertained , and Mr. Yong's Edition of it justly lookt on by this Prefacer , as a genuine piece , abundantly testified to of old , a writing full of antient simplicity , humility and zeal , and testimony solemnly fetcht from it , to prove the but two Orders in the Church , and the power of the People in Ecclesiastical affaires . 12. Now , as on one side all these objections may , I suppose , have very competent Answers adapted to them , and I think for the first three Mr. Yong's Notes may be sufficient , that the Danaides and Dirce was an insertion of some Scribe taken in from the Margent into the Text , that the Ocean was the British Sea , and the Worlds beyond it these Islands , that the Story of the Phoenix is no Fable , but vouched by very great and antient Authors , though perhaps fabulosis aucta ( and M. Blondel , I hear , hath written a Dissertation in defence of it ) so I am to think that all the objections against Ignatius , as far as our Copy , which we adhere to , is concern'd , are answered also . 13. And so still the parallel remains compleat betwixt Clement's one Epistle set out from the King's Library , and Ignatius's seven set out from the Medicaean Greek , and our old Latine Copies . 14. And for Pol●carpe and him , the comparison will be more easie by viewing the testimonies by the Lord Primate produced out of the Ancients concerning each of them , prefixt before the one common volume of both their Epistles : And indeed of them two , the advantage is clearly on Ignatius's side , because as generally they that make mention of the one , joyn the other with him , with the same reverence , onely giving the precedence to Ignatius ( * St. Hierome ad Helvidium may stand for many ; Can I not , saith he , summon the whole Catalogue of antient Writers , Ignatius , Polycarpe — ) So Polycarpe himself in his Epistle gives his testimony and commendations of Ignatius and his Epistles , and from him it is that originally we fetch our collection , and just esteem of them . I hope I shall not need to adde more to justifie my con●idence in that matter . 15. Secondly : For my affirming that Salmasius and Blondel were the first that thought these Epistles of Ignatius to be feigned and counterfeit ( which is the one thing that must bear all the weight of my accusation for confidence in asserting , confidence in imposing upon Readers , oscit ancie , or contempt in considering them ) my account will bee soon given , by viewing my periods , on which this charge is layd , and they are three ; two set down in his Text , one in his Margent : The two former are fully and truly cited by him : That in the Margent is set down imperfectly , and lyes thus in the Dissert . ( it should be ) c. 23. sect . 3. In his qui●pe ( Rebus in Ecclesiā primaevâ gestis , ut an Ignatius Epistolas scripserit ) unicum D. Blondellum , aut alterum fortassis inter omnes mortales Walonem Messalinum rectius judicare , quam patres universos : This is to conclude , that in matters of fact done in the first Ages of the Church , one Blondel , or perhaps his second Salmasius , passe a righter judgement than all the Fathers . 16. The plain sense and drift of these words is this , that when there was a Copie of Ignatius produced , which had in it the several sentences , which the Fathers ( all , without exception of one ) cited from Ignatius , by which it appears that those Fathers universally gave credit to these Epistles in this form , in which D. Blondel , and Salmasius reject them ; and when this was taken notice of by Blondel as an objection against his discourse [ his ipsis Epistolis Patres fidem adhibuisse , That the Fathers gave credit to these very Epistles ] and that answered by Blondel , with a Quid tum ! Quam multa minimè suspicaces ac imparatos & fefellerunt semper , & quotidie fallunt ? What matter for that ? How many things both have alwaies deceived , and doe daily deceive persons , that are not suspicious , and upon their guard ? From this answer of Blondels I conclude , that if he hath reason on his side in it , then the judgement of one or two Modern Writers , Blondel and Salmasius is to be preferred before all the Fathers , and that in a matter of story , a narration of things done in the Primitive times , wherein the Fathers lived , and from whence these others are so many hundred years distant . 17. This conclusion of mine , as it is most undeniably deduced from Blondel's words , and is , I think , a competent evidence of the unreasonableness of his proceedings ( for it is obvious to all men , who are the most competent Judges or Witnesses of matters of fact , sure they which are neerest the times , and have the most uniform consent of others that speak of it , not they that are but singular Affirmers , and at a vast distance from it ) so it is a full interpretation of my meaning , not that Blondel and Salmasius were the first of men , which ever opposed any Volume of Ignatius's Epistles , or that thought them ( I mean again , any that goe under that name , or any volume of such , set out by any ) feigned or counterfeit , but that they were the first which rejected those more emendate Copies , found upon tryal to accord with all that the Fathers cite from them , and so which are by themselves confest to be the very Epistles , which the Father 's used , and own'd as Ignatius's . 18. An evidence of the truth of this I shall produce from Blondel's own words in his Preface p. 40 ▪ where mentioning how greedily he laid hold of the Laurentian Copy , lent him by Vossius in Manuscript , how he transcribed it with his own hand , collated it diligently with the places cited from these Epistles by the Antients ( and if it were done studiosè diligently , those Antients must be , Polycarpe , Irenaeus , Origen , Eusebius , Athanasius , Hierome , Chrysostome , Theodoret , &c. ) at length he confesses se gratulatum seculo nostro , quod illud ipsum exemplar quo ante 1300 annos usus erat Eusebius , novam ipsi propediem affulsuram lucem sponderet , that he congratulated our age , that that very Copie , which Eusebius used 1300 yeares agoe , promised now to bestow new light upon the Age. 19. Here it appeares , that in his dispassionate , impartial judgement ( founded on prudent consideration , and his having used the best means of judging ) this Copie , which Blondel rejected , was the Copie that the Antients own'd , particularly Eusebius : And of his rejecting this Copy ( not any other , formerly published among us ) it is most evident that I speak in all the places of the Dissertations , and consequently that unlesse some other man can now be named , which rejected this Copy ( the Laurentian I mean , set out by Vossius , to which the old Latine one publisht by the Lord Primate is answerable , though a barbarous translation ) or the Copy which Eusebius and the Fathers used , before Blondel and Salmasius rejected it , I have affirmed that which is exactly the truth , and am guilty neither of confidence , nor imposing , nor oscitancy , nor contempt of the Reader . 20. And then , I pray , how was I concerned in the negations and arguments of the Vir doctissimus , which Vedelius answered , which must needs belong to the Epistles then extant , and carried about in Ignatius's name , & could not , by divination be confronted to this Edition of Vossius , or to the Laurentian , or our old Latine Manuscripts , which may well be presumed to have never been heard of by him , or Vedelius either , and yet are the onely volume of Ignatius's Epistles there spoken of by me , and of which my affirmation proceeds . As for this vir Doctissimus , I have now been able to consult Vedelius , and * there I first find that he hath neither Name nor Book delivered to us , and that in all probability he never publisht any word to that purpose . And for what hath past betwixt private men in more private Letters , I know not that I was obliged to take any notice , if I had remembred that Anonymus ineditus vir doctissimus . 2 That this unus quidam vir doctissimus is mentioned as the onely person ( and opposed to the alii , others , that exprest their doubts and scruples onely ) which extra omne dubium ponit , affirms positively , and without doubting , suppositionem harum Epistolarum , that these Epistles were supposititious , or that Ignatius never wrote such Epistles , whence by the way I am secured from the other instances which are by the ●refacer after brought to say the same thing which that vir Doctissimus had done 〈◊〉 for Vedelius was as ignorant as I , an plures ejus mentis fuerint , whether there were any more of that mind with him . Lastly , that this vir Doctissimus durst say , that Ignatius never wrote any Epistles at all , which is to me an assurance that as learned as he was , he never knew any thing of Polycarpe's collection , or of the antient Writers citations out of them ( which if he had , he might as well have said , that Polycarpe , and the rest of those antients never wrote neither ) and consequently that his ignorance secured him from being guiltie of that which I charge on Blondel and Salmasius , viz. rejecting all the Fathers with a [ Quid tum ? ] and these Epistles in despight of all the authority which the Fathers were acknowledged to have given them . This ought to have been adverted by my Monitor , and then he might certainly have spared himself , and the Reader , and me the severall gainlesse paines that his sharp Animadversion hath , in several kindes cost each of us . 21. As for his amplifications , backward and forward , on this head of discourse , that perhaps I had received caution never to look into any thing that comes from Geneva , and yet that that could not be the truth , because I had occasionally insisted on that Edition of Vedelius , though now it be far from needing reply ; yet 〈◊〉 shall be willing to oblige him , by telling him the whole truth , and making him my Confessor in this matter . That 't is now near thirty yeares since that I read over diligently that whole volume of Vedelius , with all his Exercitations annext to it , that I did it in my entrance on the study of Divinity , beginning with him as the first Rcclesiastical Writer then extant ; for Clement's Epistle was by Mr. Yong seven or eight years after publisht . This vindicates me from his jealousie , that perhaps I took caution from Bishop Montague never to look into Book that came from Geneva . 22. For although I began not that study so , as to fall under Abbot's censure ( in the top of the tenth page produced ) that Calvin had holpen me to a mouth to speak ( any more than it is true of me , that I am still opening my mouth against Calvin ) yet truly my first Author , used in my search of the opinion of the Antient Church , was delivered me by Vedelius from Geneva , and so from Geneva it self I first learned the three Orders of men in the Church to be of Apostolike institution , which , as far as concerns the second of them ( by him and ever since call'd Presbyters ) the Scripture had not taught me . 23. If this be not enough , I next acknowledge , that when this Prefacer told me of the vir Doctissimus , that Vedelius was fain to answer , I had not any such thing in memory , and though I am sure I formerly read it , because I now see it is in that Book , yet 't is due to his Animadversions , that I had not utterly lost it : From this occasion I shall not have temptation to lose time in bemoaning my self , that my memory is so frail , both because of the many thousand things which I have read , and heard , and utterly forgotten , this was as fit to be one , and as easie to be spared as any , and if it had been explicitely in my memory , it had been perfectly useless to me in this matter , I could not reasonably have interposed any mention of him , or added his name with any truth to those two of Blondel and Salmasius ( the two men which peculiarly rejected the Laurentian ( or Eusebian ) Copy , Blondel having a transcript from Vossius , and Salmasius a sight or it from Blondel ) and also because I see other mens memories are as frail as mine , and that in things both of present use , and fresh observation : Witnesse my Monitor himself , who , whilst he is a chiding , or admiring me for oscitanc● , and contempt of my Reader , &c. tels me that Bishop Vsher publisht his Latine Edition of Ignatius out of the Oxford Library , whereas that Arch-Bishop , that best knew , professes * it was from two Manuscripts , one belonging to Caiw Colledge in Cambridge , the other to Bishop Montague : This were too mean a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to mention , but that , besides that it is an example , that men that are the severest on others no-slips , may themselves be guilty of as great , as they judge in others : It is also a way of giving some account of that speech of Bishop Montagues , which fall so tartly on Vedelius , and is here thought fit to be brought in , in the Prefacers digression . For bating the asperity of the language , which I doe as little commend in either Father , or Son of the Church , as any , the Copy which he had by him of so venerable Antiquity , might by him very reasonably be thought a more Scholarlike , and lesse deceivable way of correcting Ignatius's Epistles , than Vedelius's single conjectures , and prejudices , which made him , as that Bishop thought , willing to conform Antiquity to the Doctrines then received at Geneva . 24. And this will appear yet more reasonable in the particular , which is here said to have occasioned that bitter speech of that Bishop , where , in Videlius's reading , it is said of the Fathers of the Old Testament , that they came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad vacuam spem , saith Vedelius , to a frustration of their hope , but the Bishop's Latine Copy reads , in novitatem spei , to the newness of hope , evidencing the reading to bee with an easie change 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the newnesse , and so it is in the Laurentian Greek which is now extant . Now as again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be an easie change for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which that Bishop it seems liked best 〈◊〉 and either of those readings might well pass , either that they joyned with us Christians in the same common hope Evangelical , or came to the newness of ●ope , i. e. hoped for mercy on the same terms of new Evangelicall obedience , on which we now hope for it , and so set on purifying , as St John saith he will doe , that hath this hope in him , so truly the other of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] would hardly be kept from being blasphemy , cannot possibly be salved , as this Prefacer would salve it , by referring it to their expectation of Christs coming in the flesh , which , saith he , upon the testimony of our Saviour himself they desired to s●e , and saw it not . But 1. I pray where doth our Saviour testifie this , that they desired to see it , and saw it not ? I suppose in those words of Luk. 10. 24. For I tell you that many Prophet● and Kings have desired to see those things which you see , and have n●t seen them . But will this justifie or maintain the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the frustration of their hope , or at all prove , that they had such hope of seeing Christ come in the flesh ? Men may desire that which they doe not hope , the goodness of the thing once apprehended , is enough to raise desire , but hope must be founded in some promise , or else it is but either wish , on one side , or on the other , presumption . 25. But then secondly , to justifie Vedelius in his retaining of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is more necessary , viz. to consider the Context as it lyes in the Epistle publisht by him , and then the whole passage will be found to be this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — If therefore they who conversed in the antient writings came to a frustration of hope , expecting Christ ( as the Lord teacheth , saying , If ye believed Moses , ye would have believed me ; for he wrote of me : and Abraham your Father was exceeding glad that he might see my day , and he saw it and rejoyced ; for before Abraham was I am ) how shall we — By this Context 't is now evident , 1. how impossible it is that the Vedelian reading of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can stand ; for Abraham , who is the instance , did not misse of his hope , what he hoped for he obtained , he had promise that he should see Christ's day , viz. see it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the spirit , not carnally in the flesh , see it in destinatione divinâ , in God's destination : And that promise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he should see it , put him in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an exultation of joy , and neither hope nor joy were frustrated ; for it follows , he saw , and was glad . Secondly : how seasonably the testimony of Christ was here produced by this Prefacer , in these words of his [ referring to their expectation of Christs coming in the flesh , which , upon the testimony of our Saviour himself they desired to see , and saw it not ] I demand , Doth the Vedelian Edition so refer to any such testimonie of Christ , which ends with [ saw it not ? ] doth it not quite contrariwise produce the testimony of Christ concerning Abraham , affirming of him that [ he saw it ? ] which is competently distant from the Prefacers Text of , they saw it not . Again , are not these words of our Saviour concerning Abraham's seeing ( in spirit ) and satisfying himself , and rejoycing at that sight , perfectly agreeable to the general purport of the Gospel ? Is it not the Doctrine thereof frequently exprest , that Christ was known by the Fathers of the former ages , by the title of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that was to come ] and that till the fulnes of time was come , though they did ( as the Vedelian Copy adds ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , expect to see Christ , yet not so as to see him come in the flesh , but lived by Faith , as Abraham sojourned , assuring themselves , that he would be really exhibited to their posterity , being for themselves content to see him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the spirit , and by no other eye but that of Faith ? And then can it be said , that they were frustrated in their hope ? that what they hoped , they received not : or hoped for that which they did not receive ? Simeon indeed had it revealed to him , that he should not see death before he had seen the Lord's Christ , Luk. 2. 26. but this was about the time of the designed exhibition of him , and accordingly he did see him , and embraced him , and was not frustrated of his hope : But this promise was never made to Father Abraham , and those of the former ages , nor to those Prophets and Kings , Luk. 10. and so having no promise of this , they entertained not themselves with hopes of it ( though they might with desires , submitted to Gods wiser choice ) and consequently never came thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the emptinesse , or cassation , or frustration of hope . So that to maintain the Vedelian reading of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is evident that the following words must be , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he saw , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he saw not , the direct contradictorie to the words as they were spoken by Christ . My Lord Primate tels us from a Manuscript in Baliol-Colledge Librarie , that rather then the Scribe there would adventure ( so near blasphemy , as ) to write ad vacuam spem , the interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to avoyd , or cassate hope , he those to insert a [ not ] in that Latine Copy , and wrote ad non vacuam spem , to a hope not void : This again shews how intolerable that reading is of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereas the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which our Laurentian Copy gives us ( being retain'd , and not changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is perfect clear sense , and elegantly agreeable to the Context , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the most divine Prophets lived according to Jesus Christ ▪ and then soon follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — If therefore they that conversed in those old things i. e. lived under the Law of the Jews ) came , or advanced to the newness of hope ( i. e. as before , lived according to Christ , an Evangelical , Christian life ) &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how shall we live without him , whose disciples in spirit the Prophets were , and expected him as their Master ( but sure by so doing were not frustrated in their expectation . ) 26. All this hath been said to render it reasonable for my Monitor to be less severe to the writings of others , and from hence to observe , that one digression doth unnecessarily , and unluckil ▪ sometimes , beget another , and therefore that 't is the safest course to keep close to the matter we have before us , which yet I am not permitted to doe , having still three parts of this branch of digression more , which I am obliged to give account of . 27. In the next place then , for the probability that my two adversaries Salmasius and Blondel , if they had not been one dead , the other almost blind , would have dealt not much more ; gently with me for my Parenthesis ( quibus illecebris adductinescio ) then one of them did ( calling me knave ) for my terming him Grammarian , I am able also to give him some Answer , and an account , I thinke , satisfactory to that whole matter . 1 By assuring him that I knew how Salmasius had dealt with me in that passage to Heraldus , before my setting about the Dissertations , that this was so far from imbittering my stile against him , that I did the more carefully watch over my pen , not to say any reproachfull thing of him , but rather to commend his second thoughts in the matter of Presbyterie , which he was willing to testifie in some passages of his Defensio Regia , and truly this was it , which I shall not say I learnt from Ignatius , though I confesse it looks very lovely in his divine expressions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To their anger do ye return meekness , to their speaking big be ye humble , to their fiercenesse be ye tame , not desiring , or attempting to immitate them Epist . ad Ephes . T was the lest that I thought my self obliged to do , in obedience to our Saviours precept , Mat. 5. 44. of blessing and praying for those that curse and despightfully use us , from whence I must conclude , that contum●lies are our adminitions of duty , even that of taking those who powre them upon me , into my special intercessions . 28. Secondly : That my terming Salmasius formerly a Grammarian , with the addition of Learned , was in the sincerity of my heart meant as a title not of diminution , but of honour to him , he was a very learned man in severall parts of good literature , especially skill'd in Greek and Latine words , and phrases , and customes , and his Plinianae exercitationes had long since given me that notion of him , as equal thus far to any of his age , and fit to be named with Scaliger and Casanbon of the preceding . And knowing I that Grammaticus was antiently a title of ●…our among learned men , witnesse Suetonius his Book de Illustribus Grammaticis ; and 2. that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) there are three parts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( the two later of which being peculiarly his ex●…ies , were fully comprehended in the general title of Grammarian ) and lastly , that being neither Divine nor Physitian , nor Lawyer by profession , I could not fitly make either of those his title , I thought it most agreeable to all these reasons to stile him learned Grammarian , especially having so little reason , as I then had , to commend his knowledge in Theologie . This it seems was so represented to him from England , that having no other reason ( that I am conscious of ) to quarrel with my behaviour toward him , he was content to reproach me , upon that stile : And all that I shall say to it , is , that I had rather be in the so●lest manner reproacht without cause , then to be commended for ill doing , or to be justly censured by any . 29. Thirdly , when I said of him and Blondel ( quibus illecebris adducti nescio ) I doe not think my self to have wronged them , or used them contumeliously : Not wronged them , because I verily believe there were motives properly styled illecebrae ( I mean not bribes from England ) which brought them to doe what they did : And as I did not think fit then to expresse those motives , being 1 matters of fact , of which at this distance , I could not have perfect knowledge or evidence , and so could truly say [ quibus nescio ] and 2 being personal matters , which I love not to publish , farther than the matter it self reveales and declares them , so I shall not choose now out of season , and lesse pertinently to inlarge on that matter : I shall onely adde , that Salmasius lived , and Blondel saw , many moneths , some years , after the publishing of the Dissertations , and neither of them thought fit to fall into such passion so causelesly , nor , that I ever heard , sent the Author of these Animadversions their Letters of Attorney to doe it for them , so that I am to acknowledge what he hath done in this , to be an act of his own inclinations , but have no manner of like return to make him for it . 30. How justly the many which he mentions have supposed that he was illecebris adductus , and from what evidence they name the bait , or with what truth it is suggested that hee had ever set up and establisht that faith which his Defensio Regia endeavoured to destroy , are things so far removed from the subject before us , the authority of Ignatius's Epistles , and so unlikely to be concluded by our disputes , that I thinke we may by consent let them alone : Otherwise the then present lownes , and improsperity of the cause , which he defended , would offer it self for a very competent argument to infer , the love of truth more than expectation of any temporal advantage , to have perswaded the writing of it . 31. The second incidental branch concerning Bishop Montague and Geneva hath been as incidentally , but more largely discharged already . 32. The third concerning my interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the ordination of a young man , might surely have been spared , when it is by him confest , that rather than I could think fit to adhere to it , I chose to prefer Vedelius's Edition , which reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the appearing youth of their Bishop , before this reading of the Laurentian in that place , and that done by me in the first place , to remove all force of Salmasius's argument , there present before me , all that followed being ex abundati , more then needed , and not proposed , as the truth of the matter , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to supersed● all possible reply in it . 33 But my Monitor runs too hastily into ill language , which yet he dislikes so much in Bishop Montague ( grosse figments is no very nice expression ) else he might have seen enough produced by me , to have prevented , or allaied the storm of his displeasure . 34. Salmasius to take advantage from those Epistles , both against Episcopacie , and the Epistles themselves , finds in the Laurentian Copy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spoken of Damas's Episcopacy , hence he infers that Episcopacy was there stiled a new Order , and that the Epistles were written in a later age , then that of Ignatius , and so that Episcopacy was of that later institution . To this purpose , saith he , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot belong to his age , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies new , and brings 2 Tim. 2. 22. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we truly render youthfull lusts , signifie , saith he , novae aut novarum rerum cupiditates , new desires , or desires of new things . To this whole way of arguing I confesse I could not afford the least degree of consent , and still think that that learned Grammarian did never more passionately 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than in this heap of inconcludencies . To these therefore I answer'd by degrees proportion'd to the severall steps of his procedure : 1 That the Laurentian seemed not the right reading , but the Vedelian , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , however rendred , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his appearing youth : This the whole course of the Epistle exacted , Damas then Bishop of the Magnesians being a young man , and Ignatius desiring his youth might not bring contempt upon him , and therefore advising expresly , not to d●spise the age of their Bishop , and this acknowledged by Salmasius himself to be the purport of the Epistle . 35. Secondly : That if the utmost that could be desired were granted , both that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were the right reading , and that it were justly rendred a new order , yet what was instituted by the Apostles might passe for new in Ignatius's dayes , who dyed very few years after St. John , and both of them in the reign of Trajan , or that however what was in Ignatius's dayes ( and to that Rivet referr'd it , novellus ordo , sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 loquitur Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) even so new as to bee but ust the● instituted , was yet pretty antient , very little distant from Apostolical ( Ignatius himself being stiled an Apostolical person ) and without controversie long before that famous Epocha of 140 years after Christ , to which Blondel affixes the rise of Ep●scopacy . 36. Thirdly : That ( to avoid all the force of his argument ) I was not obliged to affirm , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belonged to age , on one side , or that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the other . For in case that were granted to be the right reading ( not absolutely ; for that was prevented , but ex hypothesi , if it were ) yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might more agreeably to the context , and the nature of the word , signifie Ordination ; and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that place to Timothy by him cited , it evidently signified not new ( for what could the Apostle mean in forewarning him to abstaine from new lusts , were not antient as dangerous ? ) It was much more reasonable to think young Timothy was advised to beware of such sins as are met with among young men ( which was the reason that young men were not ordinarily made Bishops ) and consequently , as to that again , both the Context , referring to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the age , i e. the youth of Damas their Bishop , and the nature of the word being a denominate from a young man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , would perswade rather to render it so there also ; and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would be the ordination of a young man ; and so I am sure the learned Primate renders it , juvenilem ●rdinationem , and Vossius , who reteins the old barbarous Latine , yet in his Notes hath these words , Non debere eo●conti , i. e tanquam commodato accipere . & ad se pertrahere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illam juvenis istius Episcopi , which sure in his Paraphrase of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and punctually agrees with my interpretation also . And the Analogie with the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( being an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but once used ) in Scripture would much better agree with this , than the rendring it a new Order . 37. And now I shall be very well content to be told by the Reader , of what perswasion soever , what figment , or how grosse it was that I endeavoured to impose upon him , when I began first with a profession , that I did not assent to that reading , and then onely added , that I did as little assent to Salmasius's interpretation , but could not be deem'd absolutely to like the interpretation produced by me , but onely ex hypothesi , and in comparison with that of his affixt to St. Paul's words to Timothy , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was used ; nay , that rather than I would make use of my own , though backt with the concurrent judgement of such learned men , I chose to forsake the Laurentian Copie in that particular , which in others I generally adhered to . 38. There remaines one part of the suggestion still , the doubtfulnesse which the [ if ] importeth , whether I consult Authors any further than meerly to serve my own turn . To which I answer 1. by professing that I seek truth from Authors , and no proofs , or confirmations of any thing , but what I verily believe to be such . 2 That I may well be believed in this profession , because I am of no partie , which either hath appeared to want such supports , or if it did , could probably tempt any man , with competent rewards , to undertake so vile an office , as is writing and consulting Authors to maintain that , which the conscience doubts of , or knows to be false . Lastly ; That the particular , whereon this suggestion is founded , can be no just cause of this suggestion : For 1. not having Vedelius's Edition of Ignatiu by me , when I wrote the Dissertations , I had yet the Lord Primates first Edition of the Epistles , which is known to contain the Vedelian Text of the Epistles , but hath not his Exercitations , where the Vir doctissimus was mentioned : And 2. the whole matter concerning that vir Doctissimus being already perfectly cleared , and that if that passage , and those arguings of the vir Doctissimus in Vedelius had actually occurr'd to my memory , it had not been in the lest degree pertinent to the subject of my then present affirmation , it must now be as unseasonable for me farther to vindicate my integrity herein , as it will be uncharitable in any , without any new cause to doubt of it . This onely I must observe for mine own use , both from the beginning , and the end of this Animadversion , that my Monitor is one of them whom I am by obligation of Christian Charitie , bound to blesse and pray for , and I shall doe it , either in my own choice of words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or in any other form he shall praescribe me . And so much for this Section . Sect. 2. Answer to Testimonies of Mr. Calvin , the Centuriators , and Dr. Whittaker . Of Lent. ●he occasions of Ignatius's Epistles . His journey from Antioch to Rome . Numb . 1. BUt this Act is not yet at an end , there is , it seems , more of this Animadversion still behind , following in these words . But yet a little farther : The first Edition of these Epistles in Latine , was Augustae Vindelicorum , An. 1529 in Gree● a● Basil 1566. Before which time I suppose the Doctor expects not that any opposition should be made to them , considering ●he heaps of filth and dung , that until about that time were owned for the Offspring of the Antient Fathers . Upon their first appearing in the world what is the entertainment they receive ? One who was dead before either the Doctor , or either of his Antagonists were born , and whose renown among the people of God will live when they are all dead , gives them this welcome into the world ; Ignatium quod obtendunt , si velint quicquam habere momenti , probent Apostolos legem tulisse de quadragessim● & similibus corruptelis , nihil naeniis istis quae sub Ignatii nomine editae sunt putid●us : Quo minus tolerabilis est ●o●um impudentia , qui tal●bus larvis ad fallendum se in●●●uunt . Calv. Instit . lib. 1. c. 13. sect . 29. What ever be the jugement of our Doctor concerning this man ( as some there are , of whom a learned Bishop in this Nation long ago complained , that they are stil opening their mouthes against Calvin , who h●lp them to mouthes to speak with : Abbot . ad Then. ) He will in the judgemen● of some be so far accounted some body , as to take off from them the confident Assertion , that Salmasius and Blondellus were mortalium primi that rejected these Epistles . The Centuriato●s of Magdenburg were esteemed to be some bodyes in their dayes , and yet they make bold to call these Epistles into question , and to tender sundry arguments to the impairing their credit and authority . This then they Cent. 2. cap. 10. de Episc . Antioch . at primum de Ignatio . Lectori pio & attento considerandum relinquimus quantum sit illis Epistolis tribuendum . Non enim dubitamus quin in lectione earum cuilibet ista in mentem veniant : primùm quod ferè in omnibus Epistolis , licèt satis copiosis , occasio scribendi prete●mittitur , nec vel divinare licet , quare potissimum ad hanc vel illam Ecclesiam literas voluerit mittere . Deinde ipsius poregrinationis ratio non parvum injicit scrupulum considerantibus quod multo rectiore & breviore itinere Roman potuerit navigare , ut testatur vel ipsius Pauli exemplum — Expende quam longum sit iter Antiochiâ ad litus Ae gei pelagi se recipere , thique recta rursum versus septentrionem ascendere , & praecipuas civitates in litore ●itas usque ad Troadem perlustrare , cum tamen Romanum iter sit destinatum versus occasum . Tertio res ejusmodi in istas literas inspersae sunt , ut ad eas propemodum obstupescat Lector , &c. Haec cum alias non somnolento Lectori incidant , nos existimaverimus , &c. Thus they at the worlds first awaking , as to the consideration of things of this kind . To them adde the learned Whittaker , contra prima de perfect . Script . Quest . sexta c. 12. Where after he hath disputed against the credit of these Epistles ; jointly , and severally , wi●h sundry arguments , at length he concludes , Sed de his Epistolis satis multa , & de hoc Ignatio quid judicandum fit , satis ●x iis constare potest quae diximus . Ista Papistae non audent t●eri — To whom sundry others m●ght be added , convincing Salmasius and Bloud●llus , not to have been mortalium primi that called them into question . 2. What is here brought out of Calvin , the Centuriators , and Whitaker , must still be remembred to be by the Prefacer produced to prove the falseness , and ungrounded confidence of my assertion , that Salmasius and Blondel were mortalium omnium primi , the first of men that called them into question : And my answer must certainly be the same , which in the last Section it was , that it must be remembred what Copy of the Epistles it was which Salmasius and Blondel rejected , and of which I spake when I affirmed them to be the first that did so , viz this Laurentian Manuscript Copy , set out after by Vossius ( agreeing with our two antient barbarous translations , which the Lord Primate had met with in England , that very Copy ) which Blondel acknowledged to be the same which Eusebius 1300 years agoe ( and the other antient Fathers ) had used , and gave belief unto , and by that means was forced to cast off the Fathers with a [ Quid tum ! What then ! ] to say that they were deceived , and imposed upon in that belief , and without doing so , had no possibility of doubting the genuinenesse of this Copy . 3. So that the plain result and summe of my affirmation must evidently be this , that the Laurentian Copie of these Epistles , according with all that the ancients cited from the genuine Epistles of Ignatius , and by Blondel's collating them found to do so , i. e. in effect the Eusebian Copy of Ignatius , and as such acknowledged by Blondel , was never rejected by any before Salmasius and Blondel rejected it . 4. This being the onely true setting of the case between me , and my Adversaries , I shall now need adde no more but this one question , whether the Author of these Animadversions can now think , that this was the Copy of Epistles which either Mr. Calvin , or the Centuriators , or Dr. Whitaker rejected in the places by him transcribed from them ? I might make my question a little more difficult to be answered by him , in the affirmative , whether in case such a purged Copy of those Epistles had been brought to any of them , which they had been forced to acknowledge to be the same , or exactly agreeable to that , which the Fathers ( all that could be consulted , and gave testimony in this matter ) received as authentick Ignatius , whether , I say , on that supposition , they would in any probability have rejected it , with a nil naeniis istis putidius , and larvae , & c ? But the question will be sooner at an end , if we consider the matter of fact , as it lies before us , and therefore in that form he must apply the answer ( which he shall return either to me or to his own conscience ) whether Mr. Calvin ever saw this Copy , or any other the like , of which it may be said , what of this appears , in relation to Blondel , that he acknowledged it to be the same that Eusebius and the Fathers used and own'd , and if he never did see that , or any the like , whether he can be produced as an instance against my affirmation , an example of those that rejected these , before either I or my Antagonists were born ? 5. Another Copy I acknowledge he rejected , and in compliance with that judgement of his , Vedelius , that long after followed him at Geneva , and trod in his foetsteps , endeavoured to purge that volume of Epistles , meaning , I suppose , to make it such , as if Mr. Calvin had lived , he would not have rejected . To which purpose it may now be remembred , that Vedelius being prest with Calvins authority for the rejecting these Epistles , he answers , that they are mistaken , who think Calvin spake against the Epistles , and cites Rivet's Critica sacra c. 1. to prove Calvinum non in Ignatium , sed in quisquillias & naenias depravatorum Ignatii invectum esse , that Calvin inveighed not against Ignatius , but against the trash that the depravers of Ignatius had imposed upon him . This I have recovered by consulting Vedelius about the vir doctissimus : And this , he that sent me thither , might have seen if he had pleased . But beyond what Vedelius could attempt , the providence of God hath favoured this age , and afforded it better commodity to reduce these Epistles to the antient genuine form , and of that onely it was that I spake , and of that Mr. Calvin could not divine to speak , and so there is an end of that instance . 6. The same answer evidently absolves me from the other two Instances of the Centuriators , and Dr. Whitaker : for 1. both those , as Vedelius saith , doe not reject , but onely doubt of them . 2. They are again the corrupt copies ( those that by me are acknowledged to be such ) of which their doubt is made , viz. the Copyes which were out in their dayes , long before Vedelius undertook to cleanse the Augaean stable , and much longer , before Vossius , and the Lord Primate more dextrously , and succesfully performed it . And so there is nothing behind , which may assume to make good the least part of the charge against me , whether of confidence or oscitancy , or what else was thought fit to be laid upon me ; I may again be able to look Scholars or sober men in the face , till I make forfeiture of my credit by some future miscarriage . 7. Yet because in the Instances here produced , that of Calvin and of the Centuriators there are mentioned some exceptions to these Epistles , to which our present Copy may still seem lyable , I will not omit to make him my return ( though ex abundanti , and extra orbitam ) to those also . 8. And first for that of Calvin , that they which attribute any thing to Ignatius's authority , must first prove that the Apostles made any law for observing Lent : It is easily answer'd ( without entring into any dispute concerning the antiquity of that Fast in the Church of Christ ) by observing but these two things , that the place ordinarily produced to that purpose being out of the Epistle to the Philippians , in these words , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Dishonour not the Feasts , despise not the quadragessimal Fast , for it contains an imitation of Christs conversation ] 1. This Epistle is none of the seven certainly genuine , which we have from Polycarp's collection , or which we adhere to in our account or plea for Ignatius . 2. That the Author of that Epistle whosoever he was , doth not make Lent to stand by any Law , or Institution of the Apostles , but onely as an act of imitation of Christ , who fasted forty daie● in the wilderness . 9. Nay when the Book of Constitutions , which is thought to bear such Analogy with the Epistles affixt to Ignatius , speaks of the same matter , and addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Legislation [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it contains a commemoration of Christs conversation and Law-giving ] I doe not believe that this at all referres to any command or institution of Christ or his Apostles in this matter of observing of Lent , but that as Christs fasting in the Wildernes●… Mat. 4. was a preparative to his entring on his Prophetick office , Mat. 5. where , in that divine Sermon on the Mount , he gave Evangelicall laws to his Disciples , the Holy Ghost , having formerly descended on him & consecrated him to it , Mat. 3. so the Quadrigessimal Fast was observed in the Church to commemorate both these , the Laws that he gave as wel as the Fast that he prepared for them . And so no part of the suggestion from Mr. Calvin holds against our pretensions , the Epistle is not by us reckoned as Ignat Epist . nor the Institution of Lent said by that supposititious Epist . to be instituted by the Apostles , and so that is sufficient security to us from that first exception . 10. Next for those exceptions of the Centuriators , I shall take them in order as they lye . The first is , that almost in all the Epistles the occasion of writing them is ●mitted , nor can any man divine why he should send Letters to this or that Church rather than any other . 11. To this I answer , that , to my understanding , the occasions of every of his Epistles are as evidently legible , and discernible in them , as in most of the Apostles Epistles they are . In them they are not set down by way of syllabus , at the beginning , nor in any more visible grosse way of transition , but are closely coucht in the manner that the Authors of them thought fittest , and are discernible to a carefull observant reader , and so are they here also . 12. The first , that to the Church of Sm●rna , is to confirme them in the Faith against the infusions of the G●osticks , which by this time ( as appears by St. John's first Epistle ) oppugned the reality of Christ's birth , and death , and resurrection , to whom he therefore confronteth the true doctrine vindicated in every branch , and vehemently inculcates the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , truly , and in the flesh , against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bare appearing to suffer , &c. which , faith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some unbelievers or unfaithfull Apostate Christians , evidently the Gnosti●k haereticks affirmed and taught . 13. And here by the way appears more fully the injustice of that suspition , which at the beginning of his view of Antiquitie , the Author of this Preface was willing to infuse into the Reader , as if haeretical corrupt doctrine would be found to have crept into the writings of the * first times , that remain to us , whereas the plain truth is , that those heresies , which so earl● were gotten into the Church , and began 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to oppose the truth , were by those first writers as punctually confuted , as [ reality ] and [ in the flesh ] can be thought to be opposed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bare appearance . 14. To the same head of discourse it pertains which so l●ws , that these haereticks reject the Eucharist upon the same grounds , not believing the reality of Christs death ▪ And that the one compendious way of arming the Orthodox against all their poysonous infusions , was to adhere to their Bishop and Officers of the Church under him , and not to doe any thing in Ecclesiastical matters without his direction or commission : It being certain that these Haereticks attempted to move the setled Faith , and practises , and that the Governours of the Church were by the Apostles instituted to preserve unity , and true doctrine , and had their rules and grounds of faith deposited with , and committed to them . 15. To this he addes things very particular both to him , and to that Church of Smyrna , that he took notice of their prayers for the Church of Syria , that he was now hastening to his Martyrdome , being at the writing hereof at Troas on his journey to Rome ; that in his coming from Antioch the whole tempest and rage of the persecutors having fallen upon him , the Churches of Syria had now obtain'd their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a peaceable enjoyment of the Christian Assemblies . 16. A thing particularly taken notice of in Histories , that whilst Trajan now stayed at Antioch , to consult of his affairs , and war with the Parthians , upon the Letter of Tiberianus President of the prime Nation of Palestine , Trajan gave order to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he should leave off killing the Christians , so ●aith * Johannes Antiochenus , adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he gave the same order to all the rest of the Governours , and concluding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Christians had some truce from their persecutions . So Suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Trajan gave the Christians some truce , cessation of punishment , dating it from the time of Tiberiana's Letter ( which was certainly at this time of Trajans being at Antioch , and Ignatius on his journey toward Rome , though being already condemned , the mercy extended not to him ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●aith he , from hence forth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Trajan forbad all under him to punish the Christians : So * Zonaras in the story of that time takes notice of this cessation , produced by the suffering of many , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The Emperour hearing of the multitude of Chrstians that had been butchered , gave order for more mercy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so the persecution became more moderate , which is farther evident by Trajan's Rescript to Pliny , and Tertullian's Animadversions upon it , Apol c. 2. 17. And this they , which had prayed for them in time of their persecutions , were now in all reason to acknowledge to God , as an answer and gracious return to their prayers , and to perfect their Christian work toward them , he now advises them to send a solemn Messenger with an Epistle to congratulate with those Churches this blessed change , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that together with them he might blesse God for this tranquillity , or fair weather , which he had now given them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that by the benefit of their prayers those others were now landed safely at their desired haven . 18. Then he mentions the salutations of the Church at Troa● , from whence he wrote , and names Burrhus , whom they had sent along with him , which again is the yet more particular occasion of his writing to them at that time , at the return of their Messenger and Officer , whom he would not dismisse without a Letter of kindness and Christian care to them , who had shewed so much of both to him , and the Church committed to his charge : And then ends with as affectionate a salutation , and as large an enumeration of all the several relations to which he desired to be kindly mention'd , as any Christian heart could doe at the time of his last farewel to them . 19. And so what could have been more exactly performed , than that which these Objectors cannot take notice of to be done at all ? What could be more expresse and visible , than the occasion and particular reasons of this addresse ? And the like might be as largely , and as evidently deduced in reference to the rest of the Epistles , but truly that would be too long a work , and therefore let this serve 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for an instance of the no grounds of that exception . 20. The next exception is the ipsius peregrinationis ratio , the nature of his journey from Antioch to Rome , the stages whereof , as they are discoverable in these Epistles , are by the Objectors observed to differ from St. Paul's , and not to bee the neerest way that might have been chosen thither . 21. But to this the answer is obvious , 1. that what in the Epistles is discoverable concerning his journey , and the several stages of it , is directly agreeable to the relations of his Martyrdome , recorded by the most antient and punctual Historians , that have written on that subject : The Reader may consult the antient piece call'd Martyrium Ignatii , & he will find this exactly true , without depending on the confidence of my affirmation . 22. Secondly : For many stages of this journey from Antioch toward Rome , they are here the very same to Ignatius , which we find in the Acts , in the relation of St. Paul's voyage , first from Asia , then after to Rome ; St. Paul went from Troas to Neapolis , from Neapolis to Philippi , Act. 16. 10. And so the Acts of Ignatius have it exactly , Illinc ( i. e. a Troade ) ductus Neapolim , per Philippenses pertransivit Macedoniam pedes : From Troas he was carried to Neapolis , from thence he went on foot by Phillippi through Macedonia . So when Act. 28. S. Paul comes to Regium , thence to P●teoli , thence to Rome , ver . 13 , 14. 'T is in like manner manifest by the Acts of Ignatius , that he was carried the same way : And accordingly when hee came in sight of Puteoli , 't is said of him , that he Paul's steps : Mart. Ignat. pag. 44. 23. And for the variations in some part of the voyage , the account is easie also : For in the Acts of Ignatius set down by Simeon Metaphrastes , as there is an account given why Trajan sentenced him to that kind of death , to fight with , and to be torn asunder with wild beasts , * because he lookt on this as the severest sort of death ( and so most proportionable to his rage against him , for his bold answers made to him at Antioch , telling him that the † Gods he worshipt , were the Daemons of the nations ) & in like manner also why this was not to be done at Antioch , but by sending him to Rome , lest it might more stir up the love & admiration of the people toward him , when they that knew him so well already , should now see him suffer for Christ's name so miserably , * whereas at Rome he might dye unknown , and unpitied and unremembred , so there is also as clear a reason given , why being carried by ten souldiers from Antioch to Rome , the next , or most direct way was not constantly chosen for him , viz. that the journey might be the more tedious , and wearisome to him , and by that means possibly his constancy might be broken or lessen'd ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , mentioning it as the advise of Trajan's Council , that were then with him at Antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the length of his journey hee shall undergoe the shrewder punishment : To which purpose also St. Chrysostome mentions it as the artifice of the Devill ( in his * Encomium of Ignatius ) that Bishops should not bee butchered in their own Cities , but carried far off to gather their Martyrs Crown , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at once endeavouring to deprive them of all conveniences , and withall hoping by this act , by the toyle and lassitude of the journey to make them more weak , and unfit for their final combat , which if it were the policy and design of cruel persecutors ( as in this particular 1. the narrations of the fact say it was , and 2. a special passage in the Epistles to the Smyranaeans may be some indication of it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , All my journey from Syria to Rome I fight with wild beasts , expressing his meaning in the next words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by land and sea , night and day chain'd to ten Leopards : And 3. the Centuriators have no objection against it ) then sure there is no cause of wondering , that the ten Leopards , the Souldiers that guarded him did not chuse out the shortest cut from Antioch to Rome , that their Map could have directed them to . Nay , St Chrysostome is yet more expresse in it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the D●vil call'd him from Antioch to Rome , setting him a course to be run forward and backward ( that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Scholiast on Pindar tels us ) and that of a very tedious length , to this very end , saith he , by the length of the way and the time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , expecting to prostrate and subdue his resolution , or constancy of mind , to make him renounce the Faith of Christ , on which terms he was to be released by the decree of Trajane ; so saith Nicephorus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He sent him from Antioch to Rome to be cast to the Lyons to be devoured , unlesse he would abjure the Faith of Christ . 24. Thus unreasonable is it in matters of fact , the occasions and motives whereof are not alwaies visible to every man , placed at a distance from them , to phansie and conjecture , what is probable or improbable , and accordingly to reform the Records of Antiquity from our own guesses , many things being every day done , which are not the most probable , and many things being probable and credible enough , when all the causes and circumstances are known , which while we continue in the dark , or see them with prejudices , may appear to be in some degree , or in some other respect improbable . 25. A more particular account of the several stages of his long wearisome journey , perfectly agreeable to these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having now nothing of difficulty in it , & withall expresly vindicated from the contrary conjectures of the Centuriators , as also from the mistakes of Vedelius , the Reader may consult in the Primate's Notes on Martyrium Ignatii , which makes it very impertinent for me farther to inlarge on it . Otherwise it were no hard task by setting down the whole passage in the Centuriators , of which only a part is here given us , to shew the many misadventures those learned men were guilty of in their improvident pursuit of this matter , as when they say he could not have liberty long as ambages quaerere to goe far out of his way in his journey , quia captivus ducebatur , because he was carried captive ( whereas no man thinks that he chose this increase of his torment and toyle for himself , yet might have it imposed on him quite contrary to his choice ; by the severity of the Emperours , or his Councils directions , as hath been said ) And again , that there is no mention of his following the Emperours Army , nor relation in story that the Emperour fetcht such a circuit in his journey from Antioch to Rome , whereas indeed the matter is clear , that he was committed to a guard of Souldiers , commonly call'd by him the ten Leopards ; and for Trajan , it is sure that he did not at all return to Rome after this , but dyed in Cilicia . But this ex abundanti again , more than needs to the vindicating of Ignatius , who may now be at rest for a while , till he be soon call'd out again to a fresh combate . CHAP. III. Of the Corruptions in Ignatius's Epistles . Sect. 1. The emondate Editions . Their authority equal to the Epistle of Clement or Polycarpe . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodoret's citation out of Ignatius about the Eucharist . Jerome's about Christs choosing the greatest sinners , Publicans . Num. 1. THE Prefacer is pleased not to dismisse Ignatius so , but beginning with some shew of more moderation and temper toward him than he had observed in others , he yet soon resolves that it shall not be very usefull to him , or to us , that expect to receive benefit from his suffrages in the defence of Episcopacy : Thus then he proceeds . 2. I have not insisted on what hath been spoken , as though 〈◊〉 were wholly of the mind of them who utterly condemn those Epistles as false and counterfeit ; though I know no possibility of standing against the arg●ments levyed against them notwithstanding the fo●em●n ioned D●… attempt to that purpose , without acknowledging so much ●…up ion in them , Additions , and Detractions from what they were , when first w●… as will render them not so clearly serviceable to any end or purpose , whereunto their testimony may be required , as other unquestionable writings of their antiquity are justly esteemed to be , That these Epistles have fallen into the hands of such unwo●…hy Impostors , as have filled the later Ages with labour and uavail to discover their deceits , the Doctor himself gr●…th Disse●t . 2. c. 2. sect . 6. Nulla ( saith he ) qu●dom nobis in●umb●t neces●itas 〈◊〉 in tanta exemplarium & edit●onum vari●t●t● & ●…stantia ni● . l usquam Ign●… interpola●um aut ad●utum ●…s . And indeed the foysted passages in many places are so evident , yea shamefull , that no man who is not resolved to say any thing wi●… proof or truth , can once appear in any defensative ab●… them : Of this sort are the shreads and pieces ou● of that brande● cou●… piece of Clemens , or the Apostles Constitutions , which are almost in ev●… Epistle packed in , in a bungling manner , oftentimes disturbing th●… and coherence of the place : yea sometimes such things are thence tra●… , as in them are considerable arguments of their corruption and falshood : So is that period in the Epistle to the Magnesians taken from Clemens Con●… . l 6. c. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Abedaddan being mentioned next after Absolem's dying by the losse of his head , is therefore supposed to be Sheba the son of Bickri , but whence that counterfeit Clemens had that name is not known : That the counterfeit Clemens by Abedaddan intended Sheba is evident from the words he assignes unto him in the place mention'd , Abedaddan said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And joyns him with Absolom in his rebellion : Such passages as these they are supposed to receive from that vain and foolish Impostor : But if it be true which some have observed , that there is not the least mention made of any of those fictious Constitutions in the three first ages after Christ , and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mention'd by Eus●bius and Ath●n●sius , as also the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Epiphanius , are quite other things than those eight books of Constitutions we have ; it may rather be supposed that that sottish deceiver rather raked up some of his filth from the corruption of these Epistles , than that any thing out of him is crept into them . Other instances might be given of stuffing these Epistles with the very garbidge of that beast . Into what hands also the Epistles have fallen by the way , in their journying down towards these ends of the world , is evident by these citations made out of them by them of old , which now appear not in them . Theodor●t . Dial. 3. adver . Haeret. gives us this sentence from Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which words you will scarcely find in that Epistle to the Church of Smyrna , from whence they were taken . Hierom also Dial. 3 ▪ cont ▪ Pelag ▪ hath this passage of him , and from him Ignatius , vir Apostolieus & Martyr scribit audacter , elegit Dominus Apostolos qui super omnes bomines peccatores erant , which words as they are not now in these Epistles , so as one observes , if ever he wrote them , as is pretended , he did it audacter indeed . But of these things our Doctor takes no notice . 3. The things that are here said , I am not so nearly concerned in ( not so severe charges prepared and brought in against me ) as in the former . I am but thrice and incidentally mention'd : The first mention concerns my answers to the arguments brought against Ignatius's Epistles ; the second , my confession of the corruptions and interpolations in them ; the third , my not taking notice of some special evidences which are by him mention'd against them . To these I shall not need to prepare any large reply . A few words may suffice to avert these charges . 4. For the first , concerning my answers to the arguments brought against the Epistles , which notwithstanding , saith he , there is no possibility of standing against the arguments , with out acknowledging so much corruption in them , &c. I need but mind the Reader 1. that Salmasius and Blondel being the two men that set themselves expresly to argue against the Epistles , I applyed punctual answers to every argument by them produced , and so that businesse must rest , till either new arguments be produced , or intimation given , wherein any one of those answers hath been , or may be disproved or invalidated by any . 5. Secondly : That as there is no question made by me , but that former Editions have been corrupted ( otherwise there had been no use of the Lord Primates , and Vossius's diligence , and pains in preparing , and setting out purer Copies ) so 1. that being now done by them , and 2. the successe being so remarkable , that they have concurr'd in publishing a Latine and Greek Copie from several Libraries , wherein the places cited from Ignatius by the Fathers , just as they are c●ted by them ; and then 3. the number of the Epistles being reduced to that of Polycarpe's Sylloge or collection ; and 4. our appeal to Ignatius being made in this forme , to this pure edition of these so testified Epistles , the same that Blondel our Adversary acknowledgeth to have been used 1300 years agoe by Eusebi●… , and which we have no reason to doubt but Eusebius received it from them who received it from Polycarpe ; all this , I say , being layd by way of ground-worke , there will , I now hope , be no confidence in making the comparison betwixt these , and other unquestionable writings , and assuming that these Epistles thus produced by us in defence of Episcopacy , are as fit to give in their testimony , and by all reasonable men to be imbraced , as any writings of the same antiquity with them , which are most unquestionable , as Clemens and Polycarpe , and other the like . 6. For when many writings are in later times put upon the world under the name of Clemens Bishop of Rome , Epistles , Constitutions , &c. And when the writings of the Antients are found to make mention of his Epistle to the Corinthians , as an undoubted writing of that holy man , and to recite many things from thence , and when out of a Manuscript of Reverend Antiquity this Epistle of Clement , thus concordant with those citations is lately published to the world , there is no sober man which reasonably may , or that I know of , doth appear to oppugne the authority of this Epistle . And the case is the very same , and in no particular that I discern , unequal , for Ignatius , as he is now published by Vossius and the Lord Primate . 7. The same might be said of Polycarpe , but that I have already spoken enough of this parallel betwixt Ignatius , and each of them in the first Section of the second Chapter . 8 Then for the second thing , my confession of the Corruptions and Interpolations of the Epistles , I wonder how it should be thought fit to be taken notice of ; it being certain that that confession of mine belongs not at all to the Editions to which I make my appeal , but onely to the former Editions . And is it impossible for any Author that was once corrupted , ever to be reformed , for that to be cleansed , which was once sullyed ? 'T is true it may be a matter of labour and travail for Criticks by their own conjectures to make discoveries of such deceits , and therefore though Vedelius his Edition was fit enough for the Prelatists pretensions , and withall that Author not lyable to suspition that he should be partial for Episcopacy ( I might well hope that what came licensed from Geneva , would not have been disclaimed by those of the Genevan party ) yet I wisht for a surer way of reforming Ignatius , than his diligence , without the assistance of old Manuscript Copyes , could afford us : But when this was done by two learned men ( one of which , Isaacus Vossius , had visibly no interests to misguide him ) and the severest Inquisition was not able to deprehend any considerable objection against the Edition , and when this was it that I desired , and offer'd to be tryed by , and insisted on the justnesse of it , at the very time when I made that confession , how can it still be pertinent to argue or infer any thing from my confession , that once these Epistles were set out corruptly ? 9. Or how can this Prefacer reasonably proceed to talk of the foisted passages so evident and shamefull , that no man , who is not resolved to say any thing , without care of proof or truth , can once appear in any defensative about them ? Have I said a word in defence of those , that have any of those foisted passages in them ? Or may not I be able to appear in defence of the innocent blamelesse creature , though I cannot of the shameless and prostitute ? Certainly he that had read the Dissertations so exactly , as to threaten a yet more severe censure of the whole Book in a few dayes or houres , and so cannot but have adverted that principal praecognoscendum in it , viz. what Edition of Ignatius it is , which in such variety I appeal to , might well have spared vouching of this confession of mine , of the corruptions of former Editions , it being to visibly , and so perfectly reconcileable with all other my pretensions . 9. The third and last thing I am to account for , is , my not taking notice of some special evidences , which are here mention'd against them : The first is the mention of Abeddadan for Sheba , in the Epistle to the Magnesians . 10. But how can this be suggested against the Edition we appeal to , when it is certain there is no such word in it , and when by the Lord Primate , that endeavoured to evidence the purity of this , and the corruptness of the former Editions , this very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is particularly * produced as an argument , that those things are reformed here , which were vitiated before ? And when it is visible by the whole passage here set down , that he had consulted the words of the Lord Primate ( not in Ep. ad Magnes . p. 15. ) 't is not easily conceivable how he could still think fit to make this evidence of the incorruptnesse of the Copy , an instance of the corruption of it . 11. So again when it is objected in the next place ( as an evidence , what hands these Epistles have fallen into by the way ) that some citations are made out of them of old , which now appeare not in them , and of this sort two instances are tendred , one a citation from Theodoret , the other from Hierome : 'T is hardly imaginable how he could think ●it to make such an objection . 12. The place cited by Theodoret is in the very same forme in the old Latine Copie , which the Lord Primate set out , and so in the Laurentian published by Vossius , with very little change : Thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , They depart from the Eucharist and prayer , because they doe not acknowledge the Eucharist to be the flesh of Jesus Christ our Saviour , which suffered for our sins , which the Father raised up . All the difference is but this , that where Theodoret reads [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they receive not the Eucharist and oblations ] Our Copy of the Epistle to the Church of Smyrna reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they recede from the Eucharist and the prayer ] ( which is to the same sense , which soever be the truest reading , and greater differences there oft are discernable in citation of places of Scripture in the Fathers ) and then how could hee thinke fit to adde [ which words you will scarcely finde in that Epistle to the Church of Smyrna , from whence they were taken ] I cannot yet make any conjecture , what he should aim at in thus affirming , contrary to every mans sight , which shall but read that Epistle , and therefore I cannot farther apply fit remedy to it . 13. The case is evident ; These words are wanting in the corrupt Copies of Ignatius , and yet are cited by Theodoret out of him : This concludes , that there were more perfect Copies in Theodoret's time , than our former had been , and now the Copies lately publisht have these words in them , which is an evidence of the accord between these Copies and that which Theodoret used ; and so being an argument for the incorruptness of these Copies , and the very thing which caused the Lord Primate to make search in our English Libraries for those Copies , because he found this particular place cited by three antients of this Nation , Wodeford , Robert Lincolniensis , and Tissington , it was not either very reasonably , or very luckily produced , as an evidence against them . 14. The full importance of the speech it self hath been formerly intimated , viz. that the haereticks , which denyed the reality of Christs death and Resurrection , did , consequently to their hypothesis , reject the Eucharist , and prayers , or oblations of the Church , wherein that death of his was solemnly commemorated , and the flesh of the crucified Saviour Sacramentally offered , and received , and so maintained to be by the Orthodox believers . 15. The other speech said to be cited from Ignatius by St. Hierome , may also well be his saying , though I find it not in these Epistles : Our Saviour , we know , spake many things which are not written in the Gospels , and some of them are recited afterwards by the Apostles in the Acts , and some recorded by the Writers that followed the Apostles : And so well enough may some periods , delivered to Ignatius , be preserved to us , not in his own Writings , but in the Writings of other men ; and this far from prejudicing the Epistles , which have been transmitted to us , which may well be genuine , though all that was such be not come down to us . As for the [ audact●r ] that it was a bold saying in him that sayd it , I have little reason to be disturbed by that , because if Ignatius sayd it , it is not my interest to inquire or examine , how boldly , and if he did not say it , then nothing can be inferr'd from his saying it : But then after all this , Christ , we know , call'd and chose one of his Disciples from the Toll-booth , where they that sate were proverbially called sinners , and generally accounted such beyond all other men , their very trade was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , filthy and sordid , saith * Artemidorus , and fit to be joyn'd with that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , theeves and cheaters ; and in Theophrastus in his Characters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whoremonger● and Publicans , as in Scripture , Publicans and Harlots goe together , and accordingly when * Theocritus was asked what was the cruellest beast ? he answer'd , Of those in the Mountains , the Bear and Lyon , but of those in the City 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Publicans and Sycophant● , and as of them the Poet concludes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they are all , generally all , Robbers , so the Jews are wont to cry out of them , that they are all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thieves , wicked sinners : And then what boldnesse is there in saying of Christ , who chose such , that he chose those who were sinners above all other men : It being no way to the dishonour of Christ to have chosen such , who from the chief of sinners , blasphemers , and persecutors , and injurious ( as St. Paul saith of himselfe ) converted , and became the most zealous servants and Disciples of their Master . Sect. 2. The style , and barbarous words in these Epistles . Varietie of styles . Exuberance of affection . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignatius's title , an indication of the language of that age . Compositions , and new formes in Scripture . The four Latine words in these Epistles , parallel'd by Hegesippus . The Church of Smyrna , and many more in the New Testament . Num. 1. THE next objection against these Epistles is taken from the style , and the use of barbarous words in Ignatius , and it begins thus . 2. The style of these Epistles doth not a little weaken the credit of them , being turgent , swelling with uncouth words and phrases , affected manner and wayes of expression , new compositions of words , multiplying titles of honour to men , exceedingly remote and di●●ant from the plainness and simplicity of the first Writers among the Christians , as is evident by comparing these with the Epistles of Clement before mention'd , that of Polycarpus in Euscbius , the Churches of Vienna and Lyons in that same Author and others . Instances for the confirmation of this observation are multiplyed by Blondellus , my designed work will not allow me to insi●● particulars . In many good words this charge is waved , by affirming that the author of these Epistles was a Syrian , and near to Martyrdom , and that in the Scripture there are sundry words of as hard a composition , as these used by him , Ham. Dissert . 2. c. 3. And as he sayes , from this kind of writing an argument of sufficient validity may be drawn to evince him to be the Author of these Epistles . Hierome was of another mind speaking of Dydimus , Imperitus ( saith he ) sermone est , & non scientia , Apostolicum virum ex ipso sermone exprimens , tam sensum nomine , quam simplicitate ver borum ; But seeing Ignatius was a Syrian , and near to Martyrdome ( though he writes his Epistles from Troas and Smyrna , which without doubt were not in his way to Rome from Antioch , and yet every where he saith he is going to Rome : ad Eph●s . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the close he affirmes he wrote from Smyrna , whither he was had to his Martyrdome ) what is it to any man what style he used in his writings , what swelling titles he gave to any , or words he made use of . Who shall call those writings ( especially Ignatius being a Syrian ) into question . But perhaps some farther question may here arise ( and which hath by sundry been already started ) about the use of divers Latine wo●ds in those Epistles , which doubtless cannot be handsomly laid on the same account of the Author , being a Sy●ian , and nigh to Martyrdome ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are usually instanced : words to which no Roman● Customs , Observations , Orders , nor Rules of Government doe administer the least occasion . Of these the Doctor tels you , he wonders onely that in so many Epistles there are no more of this kind . And why so ? the Epistles are not so large a volume , a very few houres will serve to reade them over ; and yet I am perswaded that in all that compasse of reading , in the Greek Fathers , which our Doctor ownes , he cannot give so many instanc●s of wo●ds barbarous to their language , no way occasioned by the meanes before mentioned , as have been given in these Epistles . But he wonders that there are no more , and some wonder that all are not of his mind . But he farther informes us , that a diligent reader of the Scripture may observe many more Latine words in the New Testament , than a●● used in these Epistles ; and for a proof of his diligence and observation , reckons up out of the end of Passor's Lexicon , sundry words of that kind made use of by the Sacred Writers . I feare unto some men , this wi●l sc●●ce be an Apologie prevalent to the dismission of these Epistles from under the cen●ure of being at least foulely corrupted . Of the whole co●lection of words of that sort made by P●ssor , among which are those especially cull'd out by our Doctor to confirm● his Observations , there is scarce one , but either it is expressive of some Roman Office , Custome , Money , O●der , or the like : words of which nature passe as proper names , ( as one of those mentioned by the Doctor is , and no otherwise used in the New Testamen ) from one Country and Language to another , or are indeed of a pur● G●eek Original , or at least were in common use in that age , neither of which can be spoken of the words above mentioned , used in the Epistles : which were never used by any before or after them , nor is the●e any occasion imaginable why they should : Parvas hab●nt sp●s Epistolae , si tal●s habent : I would indeed gladly see a faire , candi● , and ingenious defensative of the style and manner of writing used in these Epistles , departing so eminently from any thing that was customa●y in ●he writings of the men of those dayes , or is regular for men in any generation , in Repetitions , affected Compositions , Barbarismes , Rhyming expressions , and the like : for truly notwithstanding any thing that hitherto I have been ab●● to obtain for help in this kind , I am inforced to incline ●o V●…s his answers to all the particular instances given of this nature ; this , and that place is corrupted , this is from Clement's constitutions , this from this or that Tradition , which also would much better free those Epistles from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the sense whereunto it was applyed by the Valentinians long after the death of Ignatius , than any other Apologie I have as yet seen , for the securing of its abode in them . 3. The , total of this double objection against turgencie of style and barbarousnesse of words , is this , The objections formerly drawne by D. Blondel from those two heads , and punctually answered by me Dissert . 2 c. 3. are againe call'd up , and some general heads of my answers slightly repeated , and scoffed at , and put into as disadvantageous a dresse , as he could choose for them , and then the old answered arguments may stand good againe , and all must be rejected as supposititious , which hath any of this turgent style , or these barbarous words in it . 4. In full answer to this , I , that know best the force of my own answers , and wherein their strength lyes , shall very briefly give the Reader , that is not at leisure to turn to the Dissertations , a view of them , and vindicate them from any appearance of reply which here is made to them . 5. Three things are more distinctly objected by Blondel on this head , turgency of style , new forms of compounded words , and a few , viz. four Latine words made Greek . 6. To the first of these my answer is , 1. that the styles of men in the same age are oft very different , I adde , as different and discernable to a curious observer , as their hands or characters , or as their countenances , several lines and features , and airs as it were , several dashes and forms visibly observable in them . Accordingly we * read of Caesar , that if any passage were brought to him for Cicero's , which was not Cicero's , he would constantly reject it . And the same could * Servius doe , if any verse in the name of Plautus were recited to him , which was not his . And we know it is the part of an Aristarchus , or skilfull Critick , and the common way of discerning such or such a writing , whether it be his , whose it pretends to be or not , diligently to observe the style or character , which could not be any probable way of judging , if all others , which wrote in the same age , wrote the very same style : And so that which is here added of comparing Ignatius his style with that of Clement and Polycarp , and the Church of Vienna , is a very strange argument , just as if one should say , he that ownes this Preface is not the Author of it , and bind him , for the justifying that he is , to demonstrate the agreement of his style with all men that have written in this last age in our language . 7. 2ly . When Blondel saith , that the Author of these Epistles doth nimis Rhetoricari , too much rhetoricate ; I answer , that it is hard to define the bounds of Eloquence , within which it is obliged to contein it self . Cicero in his Institution of an Orator commending that plenty , cui aliquid amputari possit , where there is somewhat to spare , which is an evidence that that Master of Eloquence is no way displeased with all exuberance ; And to this particular it was , that peculiarly I added the mention of his being neer his Martyrdome , and his flagrant desire of it , which might enflame his soule , and that send out those warmer breathings or expressions , which might be as much above the ordinary simplicity of speech , as he was at that time above the ordinary cold temper of other men . And against this there is not the least word here objected by this Praefacer . 8. For the second part of the objection , the new formes of compounded words , observable in these Epistles , my answer is , that though Blondel set down 17. of such words , yet many of them are of the same kind , compounded of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & so arise by the same analogie , that fewer would do , and consequently the multitude of them signifies no more than a smaller number of the same . And of these it is observable , that the title , by which Ignatius was vulgarly known at that time , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that carried God , and when Trajan condemned him to death ▪ it was upon this point and in this forme , that he owned that name , Ignatium praecipimus in seipso dicentem circumferre Crucifixum , vinctum à militibas duci ad magnam Romam , My sentence is that Ignatius , that saies he carries about in himselfe the crucified , i. e. that calls himselfe Theophorus , ( as he did in that answer to Trajan's calling him Cacodaemon , Nullus Theophorum v●cat Cacademo●em ) shall be carried bound to great Rome , and cast on the Theatre to the wilde beasts , as we finde it in the relation of his Martyrdome . Now this being then his ordinary title , the other like words are directly of the same composition with that : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and from hence I argued ( and I still thinke probably ) that his use of such compositions was an argument that he wrote these Epistles , not that he wrote them not , it being evident by that one word ( so vulgarly then used to signifie him ) Theophorus , that such compositions were then agreeable to the eares and genius of that age . 9. And the argument thus used by me , was neither not apprehended , or very uneffectually answered , by opposing the words of Saint Hierome of Didymus , that he exprest himself an Apostolical person by the simplicity of his language . So Didymus might , and yet the argument conclude probably , that these Epistles were written by Ignatius , because as he was vulgarly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so words of the like nature with that , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , familiarly discernable in those Epistles . 10. As for the other words by Blondel objected , which were of other formes of composition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . My answer is , that none of these are at all Monstreus in the language of a Syrian , that writes Greek , and that in the New Testament , words are to be found , as distant from common language , and as extraordinarily compounded as these , for instance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Saint Luke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Saint John , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Saint Peter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Paul , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word made on purpose by Saint Paul , without example of the like ( not onely of the same ) in other authors . 11. To this answer of mine , here is no kind of reply , but of scoffes onely , [ But seeing Ignatius was a Syrian , and neer to Martyrdome ( though he writes his Epistles from Troas and Smyrna , which without doubt were not in his way to Rome from Antioch , and yet every where he saith he is going to Rome — ) what is that to any man what style he used in his writings — and so in the mode of sarcasme . 12. But I wonder what caused this mirth , and in sadnesse demand , whether I ever rendered it as the reason of his using those new compositions , that he was neer to Martyrdome , he cannot but know that that was the plea for the exuberance of his affection , which might render the reason of the warmer expressions , which Blondel had censured for too much Rhetorick ; and to that it was proper , though not to making of new words , which is the present businesse . 13. Secondly , why might not he be a Syrian , and write as a Syro-Graecian would write , although his Epistles were dated from Troas and Smyrna ? 'T is sure enough that he lived at Antioch , and that was the Metropolis of Syria , & the souldiers carrying him bound to Troas and Smyrna , was not likely so suddenly to change his dialect , or make him write more familiar Greek , than in Antioch he would have written , and being called vulgarly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Antioch , what wonder is it that he should now write in the same style , use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Smyrna ? 14. Thirdly , For his going by Tr●as and Smyrna from Antioch to Rome , all records of his journey make it certaine , and if it were not the neerest way , the account hath been given of that in the former section , And so the Praefacer might well enough have kept his countenance , and spared his Sarcasmes , Here was nothing to discompose him , nothing ridiculous in all this . 15. Lastly , therefore , for the foure Latine words turned into Greek , & used in those Epistles produced by D. Blondel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , my answer is , 1. that there is nothing strange in that , it might be as great matter of wonder , that in seven Epistles there are no more of that kinde . 16. To which here it is replyed , 1. that the Epistles are not so large a volume , a few houres will serve to read them over , 2. that no Roman Customes , Observations , Orders , nor rules of Government did administer the least occasion of the use of these words , and 3. that the like number cannot he produced out of all the Greek Fathers that I own the reading of 17. To these I answer , 1. that as farre from large as the Epistles are , there might as probably have been more such words , as so many , seven Epistles , each of them being much longer than some of the Apostles in the Scripture , if they had had but one such word a piece ( which sure each might as reasonably have as any ) this had almost doubled the number , which now we finde in the objecters own computation . And indeed three of these foure being altogether in the Epistle to Polyear●e ( which if , with some , I should leave out of the Collection of the Genuine , I should have enough behind to maintain Episcopacy ) in all the other sixe there remaines but one , which in no immoderate proportion . 18. Secondly , That as in Hegesippus fragments left to us in Greek , Blondel hath taken notice of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as perfect and unexcusable a Latinisme as any of these , so in the one Epistle of the Church of Smyrna ( of a very moderate length , concerning Polycarps Martyrdome ( another piece of the same ages production ) we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , another parallel instance of the use of such words at that time . 19. 3ly . The like words and phrases in the New Test . which is also no vast volume ( though not fit to be read ad clepsidram , the length of it measured by the houre-glasse ) are so many more than these that are accused , and produced from these Epistles ( neer thirty for foure ) that this may well vindicate so small a number , and make it more strange that there are no more than foure , than it ought to be that there are so many . 20. So in the next place for the foure heads into which he brancheth the causes of the use of Latine words among Greek writers , I answer 1. that if he hath observed foure , other men may as lawfully observe some other , and are no way obliged to marshall all they finde of this nature , under one of his foure heades . 2. That if there be by him acknowledged foure such heads of causes , I may reasonably allow Ignatius to have used foure such words , and render but this one single reason for them all , that Antioch , being part of the Roman dominion , and many that spake Latine inhabiting there , foure Latine words might easily be transfused into common use among them , acceptum , depositum , desertor , exemplar . 21. If this seem strange , let it be remembred , that if ●ot all , certainly the three later of these very four are in vulgar use among us of England , derived certainly from the same fountaine whence Ignatius had them , and so may well be allow'd them , who had the same occasion , and the same liberty . 22. Thirdly , that three of these four , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all Military words ; as for the first of them , 't is clear , and for the other two , he might be inform'd from Halloix , When Souldiers went on an expedition saith he , in civitatibus peculia sua castrensia deponebant , quae reversi recipiebant , Illa deposita appellabantur ab eo qui deponebat , accepta ab eo qui accipiebat , confectis ergo bellis illi deposita repetebant , hi accepta restituebant . And then what was thus taken from the Militia , may well be reduced to one of the Prefacers heads , the first , that of Roman customes , and so by his own rules these Latine words might here be lawfully used , in a metaphorical passage especially , which was all Military . 23. Lastly , what need I take the pains to turn over the Fathers , to parallel these four words , when if I doe succeed in the attempt , he hath his reserve [ yea , but they are taken from one of the four heads mention'd by him , Customs , Observations , Orders ▪ or Rules of Government ] ( which are pre●tily comprehensive indeed , as they may be applyed ) and when out of the very Greek Testament ( which was written nearer to the time of Ignatius than the Volumes of the Greek Fathers were ) I have already produced so many more , than are voucht from these Epistles . 24. But to this it is said , 1. That as a proof of my diligence and observation , I reckon sundry words of this kind out of the end of Passor ' s Lexi●… . 2. That of that whole collection there is scarce one b●t either is expressive of some Romane Office , Custome , Money , Order , or the like , or else a proper name , as one mentioned by me , or indeed of a p●… Greek Original , or that were in common use in that age . 3. That neither of these can be spoken of those which are used in these Epistles . 24. To all these I make my rejoynder . To the first , 1. That 't is as good an evidence that there are such words in the New Testament , if Passor collected them , as if I , or this Prefacer were supposed to have done it . I was not then contending for commendation of diligence or observation , but demonstrating one truth and vindicating another , and this might as effectually be done ( without my reading over the New Testament on purpose ) by any other easier method , that could offer it self unto me . 25. But then secondly : if this were so accurately done by Passor before me , my advantage was the greater against Blondel , who might so easily have discerned so many , and yet would take notice but of one in all the New Testament , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 26. Thirdly , That the Prefacer was not acquainted with me , nor knew so much of my secrets , as that he can upon knowledge , or with truth affirm , what he doth without any peradventure , that I Passor's Lexicon . I had not converst with , nor , that I know of , was ever owner of that Author of his , but did , as was necessary for me , that knew no more compendious way , write them out of my ill memory , and imperfect Notes , taken at least twenty or thirty years before : And accordingly the Catalogue then made by me was but imperfect , and I have since found occasion to increase it , and when I meet with Passor , may perhaps have reason farther to inlarge it ( and if I doe , shall be obliged to acknowledge by whom I was directed to him . ) 27. And so in the second part of the reply , the Prefacer hath thought fit to doe , having added one head more , that of Money to the four which he had formerly made use of , and not onely so , but left room for more by a large form of Analogie [ and the like ] and yet farther reckon'd up three heads more , to each of which he acknowledges the [ like ] to be equally imputable . 28. As for the proper name ( that , I suppose , must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Justus ) as it is true , that it is such , so 't is certain that that Latine proper name is first a Latine common Adjective , and being spoken of , in Greek , might as well hae been translated into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as either Cephas is into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Tabitha into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if there had been any criminous barbarousness in using forreign words , or turning them into Greek : As for the pure Greek Original , that some of the words are of , if he mean any of those mentioned by me , I confesse I know not what he meanes ; If he means those mention'd by Passor , I have no commodity to know , nor obligation to account for it . 29. As for the last , that they were of common use in that age , I doubt it not , and shall therefore hasten to the last particular , and give the like account of that , and that I doubt not but the four words in Ignatius , were at Antioch , where he lived , in frequent and common use at that time , and till that be disproved , we are perfectly agreed upon the account , that it was very lawfull for Ignatius to use them . And this I hope may at last be sufficient to have added to the former competent length of account , concerning the style of these Epistles . 30. In the close , there is a mention of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , another of Blondel's exceptions , but of that I have spoken so largely , both to Blondel's original objections , and to his replies ( and there is not one word here said to the confirming of his , or refuting of my pretensions , that I must not superadde one word more of that subject . Sect. 3. The immoderate exaltations of Bishops objected to these Epistles . But belong not to our Copies , save in one testimony , and that no way immoderate . Num. 1. THe next charge against these Epistles is , the frequent commendation of Bishops , &c. Thus it lyes . It is not a little burthensome to the thought of sober and learned men , to consider how frequently , causelesly , absurdly in the midst of discourses quite of another nature , and tendncy , the Author of those Epistles ( or some body for him ) breaks in upon the commendation of Church Officers , Bishops and Presbyters , exalting with titles of honour to the greatest Potentates on earth , and comparing them to God the Father & Son , whereas none of the sacred Writers that went before him , nor any of those good & holy men , who ( as is supposed ) followed after him , do hold the least communion or society with him in that course of proceeding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Epist . ad Trall . Whereunto is immediately subjoyned that Doctrine concerning Deacons , which will scarcely be thought to be exege●●cal of Act. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . What the Writer of this passage intended to make of a Bishop , well I know not , but thus he speaks of him , Epist . ad Mag●●● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the Apostle speakes concerning God , Heb. 6. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus indeed some would have it , who to help the matter , have further framed such an Episc●pacy , as was never thought on by any in the dayes of Ignatius , as shall afterwards b●e made evident : And in the same Epistle this is somewhat uncou●h and strange . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whether the Lord Christ hath bound any such burthen upon the shoulde●s of the Saints , I much question ; nor can I tell what to make of the comparison , b●tween God the Father , and the Bishop , Christ , and the rest of the Church , the whole sentence in word and matter being most remote from the least countenance from the sacred writings . Ep. ad Philad●l . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( well aimed however ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Epistle to the Church of Smyrna is full of such stuffe , inserted without any occasion , order , coherence , or any colour to induce us to believe that it is part of the Epistle as first written . O●e passage I may not omi● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( in the language of our Saviour repudiating the Pharisces corrupted glosses on the Law ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Peter● mista●e is corrected ; his reasons follow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as was Jesus Christ ) and it is added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . How well this ●ui●s the doctrine of Peter and Paul the Reader will easily discerne ; Caesar or the King is upon all accounts thrust behinde the Bishop , who is said to be consecrated to God for the salvation of the world ; him he is exhorted to obey , and in expresse opposition to the Holy Ghost , the Bishops name is thrust in between God and the King , as in a way of prae●minence above the latt●● , and to doe any thing without the Bishop , is made a farre greater c●ime than to rise up 2 ▪ gainst the King. As this seems scarce to be the language of one , going upon an accusation to appear before the Emperour , so 〈◊〉 am certaine , it is most remote from the likeness of any thing that in this affair we are instructed in from the Scripture . Plainly this language is the same with that of the false Impostor Pseudo-Clemens , in his pretended Apostolicall Constitutions . At this rate or somewhat beyond it , you have him ●anting l. 2 c. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All Popes , with all ●…s of persons whatsoever , Priests , Kings and Princes , Fathers , and childen , all under the feet of this exemplar of God , and ruler over me● , a pa●sag● which doubtlesse eminently interprets , and illustrates that place of Peter , 1 Epistle , c. 5. v. 1 , 2 , 3. The Elders that are among you I exhort , who am also an Elder , and a witnesse of the sufferings of Christ , and also a partaker of the glory that shall be revealed , feed the ●lock of God , which is among you , taking the oversight thereof not by constraint , but willingly , not for fil●●y lucre , but of a ready mind , neither as being Lords over Gods heritage , but being examples to the flock : But yet as if the man were stark mad with worldly pride and pomp , he afterwards in the name of the holy Apostles of Jesus Christ , commands all the ●aity ( forsooth ) to honour , love , and fear the Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib 2. c. 20. And that you may see whither the man drives , and what hee aims at , after he hath set out his Bishop like an Emperour , or an Eastern King in all pomp and glory , he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The paying of Tribute to them as Kings , is the issue of these descriptions , that they may have wherewithall to maintain their pomp and greatnesse ▪ according to the institution of our Lord Jesus Christ , and his blessed Apostles But I shall not rake farther into this dunghill , nor shall I adde any more instances of this kind out of Ignatius , but close i● to one insisted on by our Doctor , for the proof of his Episcopacie , Di●…r● . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . 25. 7. saith he , Qu●●●ò , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Episcopo attendite ut & vobis Deus attendat , ego animam meam libenter corum loco substitui , cuper●● ( Quod Arglice optimè decimus , my soul for theirs ) qui Episcopo , Presbyteris , & Diaconis obsequuntur . I hope I may without great difficulty obtaine the Doctors pardon , that I dare not be so bold with my soul as to jeopard it in that manner , especially being not my own to dispose of . 2. I shall not need to inquire who those sober and learned men are , with the mention of whom the Prefacer here begins ; I question not but that they are he , and those of his perswasion , I onely hope it is possible that they have not the inclosure of that title , and then there may be others as sober , and as learned , that consent with me in their opinion of this matter . 3. What is said here of those sober and learned men , that it is not a little burthensom to their thoughts , that the Author of these Epistles so frequently , causelesly , and absurdly breaks in upon the commendation of Church-Officers ] may be just matter of compassion in me ; as far as I believe there is any truth in it : For truly I should be sorry , that any sober , or learned man's thoughts should be so causelesly , and yet so heavily burthen'd and disquieted : And yet if that be the case , I may certainly be able to doe more than compassionate , I may administer comfort also : For if that Authors commendations of Bishops be causeless and absurd , then their grief and pressure of thoughts must be as causelesse ( that I adde not , absurd ) who are much disturbed with them : If the supposititious Ignatius that hath taken that person on him , act and personate so very absurdly , any sober , or learned man will be glad , that he hath so luckily discovered his fraud , that the Visor is fallen off by this means , and the cheat so speedily come to an end . 4. If therefore there be any thing serious in this expression ( as [ not a little burthensome to the thought of sober and learned men ] is a very solemn and grave style , that admits no suspition of Smile or Ironie ) it must to my understanding signifie , that they that are not friends to Episcopacy , are not a little burthen'd to think , that Ignatius , that Primitive glorious Saint and Martyr , should so frequently ( which they must be supposed to think causelesly and absurdly ) commend and exalt Bishops : And though in their doing this , I know they do not expect I should commend them , yet ●t so falls out , that I am very well able to excuse them , if the passages , which are here set down by the Prefacer , be the only matter of burthen to their thoughts . 5. For indeed it is a little strange , that he that hath undertaken to write Animadversions on my Dissertations , and knows what Copies they are of Ignatius , which I defend , as the genuine Epistles , should produce testimonies out of these Epistles to invalidate their authority , and yet never but once consult these Copies to which I appeal , but gather up the off-scourings of the corrupt Editions , which even now he had call'd the very garbidge of the beast , when , if he had pleased , he might have entertained himself and the Reader with much whole●omer diet in the volumes set out by Vossius and the Lord Primate . 6. As it is , the task lyes more truly burthensome on me , who must now be faine to survey , very unnecessarily all the testimonies here set down , and demonstrate that it is unjustly suggested by the Prefacer , that the Author of these Epistles ( he ought to mean those , which he , with whom he disputes , takes for his ) exal●s Bishops with titles of honour to the greatest Potentates on earth . 7. For the first testimonie then , taken from the Epistle to the Trallians , he might onely have corrected the reading out of the emendate Copies , and so have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then , as the testimony had been more Grammatical sense , not [ whatsoever things you doe , do nothing — ] but [ it is necessary , as already you practise , to doe nothing without the Bishop ] so the reasonablenesse , and moderation of that speech had been discernable enough , being both the ordinary language of the antient Canons ( alwaies thought necessary to the unity of the Church ) and peculiarly usefull at that time to be inculcated ( to keep out the poyson of the haeretical and schismatical Gnosticks ) as hath at large been formerly demonstrated , both in answer to * Blendel , and again to the † London Assemblers , and need not now be repeated here . 8. The second testimony , which concerns Deacons , and is not conceived to be reconcileable with their institution , Act. 6. is in our Copies , both in words and sense , different from that which is here cited out of the corrupt , and hath nothing of high or strange in it . It is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Deacons being Ministers of the Mysteries of Jesus Christ , ought to please all men ; for they are not dispensers of meat and drink ( i. e. not onely , or especially such ) but officers of the Church of Christ , they ought therefore to keep themselves from accusations as from fire . What is there in this above the proportion of moderate and sound doctrine ? 9. But the third testimony is an immoderate one indeed , and gives him , I confesse , a supereminent jurisdiction in the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] But by good hap there is not a word of it in our Editions , and so we are not farther concern'd to vindicate or examine it . 10. So for the fourth , from the Epistle to the Magnesians , the immoderate height whereof is argued from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used of God , Heb ( I suppose it should be ) 10. 31. I need say no more again , but that there is no part of it in our Copies nor any thing instead of it above this moderate pitch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — To the honour of God , whose pleasure it is , it becomes us to obey the Bishop without any hypocrisie . 11. Of the fift there is onely thus much in our Copies by way of caution against Schisms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Be united to your Bishop , and those that are set over you , for a copy and doctrine of incorruption . Which , by the way , sets down the plaine reason of his so frequent inculcating obedience to , and union with their Bishop ( just as in our Vindication to the London Assemblers , and elswhere , hath oft been said ) because the true doctrine being by the Apostles before their decease deposited with these , as their successors in every Church , and because having particular knowledge of the Orthodoxalness of Damas in this , and the like of other Bishops and Presbyters under them in the other Churches , there was no way so prudent , and so compendious to preserve them from the corruptions of the haereticks ( who were then creeping in clancularly ) as their keeping themselves exactly close to the Bishop , and their Superiours under him . And accordingly it follows , As therefore the Lord being united to his Father did nothing without him , either by himself , or by his Apostles , so neither doe ye any thing without the Bishop , and the Presbyters ; nor indeavour to account any thing reasonable which is private , or of your own devising : Which again differs from the reading that is here offered , and tels us clearly what is meant by the comparison betwixt God the Father and the Bishop , Christ and the rest of the Church , even no more than Christ means when he said , Learn of me , for I am meek : Christ did all by commission from , and nothing without his Father , and so betwixt them unity was preserved : And in like manner the Members of the Church must obey , and doe nothing without their Governour , and so union may among them be preserved also . But of this intire place we have formerly spoken in the Vindication to the London Assemblers , c. 3. sect . 3. n. 42. 12. The sixt place is of some weight indeed , from the Epistle to the Philadelphians , requiring all , of what sort soever , not onely Presbyters , Deacons , and the whole Clergy , but all the People , Souldiers , Princes , Caesar himself to perform obedience to the Bishop . And here , I acknowledge , there is a testimony and evidence of the charge of extolling Bishops above the greatest Potentates ; for sure Caesar was such , and if Ignatius had thought fit to use such language , and done it at a time when Caesar was heathen , and he by Caesars sentence already condemn'd , and within a while to be brought forth to the Amphitheatre , I might have justly deserved a severe Animadversion for moving tongue or pen in defence of this rebellious , extravagant , senslesse doctrine . But I need not take pains to examine the place , my memory , as ill as it is , assures me there is no such thing in the Epistles own'd by us Prelatists ; and upon consulting the place , I find there are almost eight pages together inserted by some Impostor , of all which there remains not above one page in our Editions , which certainly is an evidence , that some Reformation was wrought , some degree of purity restored to these Epistles , by this so fiery a purgation : And 't is very strange that this Prefacer could not take notice of it . 13. So again the seventh , in the Epistle to the Smyrnaeans , is advanc'd to the same pitch of Insolence , placing the Bishop betwixt God and the King , and that by way of correction of the words of Scripture [ My sonne , fear God , and the King ] and all the several branches of that place here cited , are every word vanisht out of our volume of Epistles . And so the Prefacer hath onely had an opportunity to betray his mistake , in affirming of Ignatius at the time of writing that Epistle , that he was going upon an accusation to appear before the Emperour , whereas it is certain he had before this , received his condemnation from Trajan the Emperour at Antioch , and was now carrying to Rome for his execution , and that is all he hath gained by producing this testimony . 14. And so you see I have no reason to make any further answer to what the Prefacer here justly addes concerning the unreasonablenesse , and unchristiannesse of these expressions , whether in these insertions published once under Ignatius his name , or the like in the Constitutions fathered also upon Clemens , I am as perfectly of his opinion concerning the impiety of them , as he could wish , and am thereby obliged to value our new Editions , the more for freeing an innocent Martyr and his Reader from such Impostures . 15. Onely I wonder that over and above all those that are by that Impostor appointed to obey the Bishop , the Prefacer ( as if the other had been too wary ) should think fit to make a further insertion , and to the Catalogue of the Bishop's subjects , adde [ All Popes ] when the Greek cited by him hath onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he truly renders Priests in the words following . What is this but to corrupt the sink , to help the Garbidge to get a stronger savour , to go beyond the Artificer at his own weapon , to phansie a command to the Bishop to obey himself , to Pope Clemens to be subject to Clemens the Pope ? If the supposititious Clemens had written at that rate , he had certainly never imposed on any . But I must not advise my Monitor , else he should have rendred the Greek in plain English , and spared that whether paraphrase , or insertion [ All Popes . ] 16. The last place produced out of the testimonies cited in the Dissertations is indeed to be found in Vossius's edition , and the Medicean Copy of our Epistles . And the producing of that from thence , and mentioning it as produced by me , is an evidence that the Prefacer knew the way , if he had pleased to make use of it , to have cited none but Genuine Testimonies : For all such , as far as the uncorrupted Copies would afford , were by me set down to his hand : But that method was not , it seems , for his turn , the Reader could not have been so amuzed with a multitude of odious passages out of Ignatius , if this , as fairer , so easier course had been taken . 17. For this one place then , where the genuine Ignatius bids them , or rather exhorts Polycar● the Bishop to advise them , to give heed to the Bishop that God may attend to them , and adds , my soul for theirs who obey the Bishop , Presbyters , and Deacons ] though I cannot wonder that in these da●es there are some , who are not well qualified to say Amen to it , yet being taken as it was meant by that holy man , there is certainly nothing in it to be startled at , or improbable to be written by the Saint Ignatius . 'T is in the Epistle to Polycarp , and it concerns the Church under him , And at that time it appears the Gnostick haereticks were infusing their poyson there , and their first artifice of insinuation was , taking upon them to understand or know more than their Bishop or Teacher did , though he the most famous Doctor of all Asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Apostolike , and Prophetike , and illustrious Doctor , saith the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna concerning him . This is set downe in the words precedent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If a man assume and b●ast of his knowledge , take upon him to know more than the Bishop , by this you may know that he hath imbibed and suckt in that Gnostick poyson ( that makes him so swell presently ) And in opposition to these it is , and upon perfect knowledge of their Bishop , that he thus proceeds to exhort and conjure them to attend to their Bishop , and not to such assuming Corehs , and to doe it more effectually , offers to jeopard his soul for theirs , that they shall suffer no damage for so doing . And supposing the Bishop to be in the right ▪ Orthodox and carefull to build them up in the truth , and that the haereticks which advanced themselves above the Bishop , design'd that which would be their ruin and perdition , if they succeed in their attempt ( as it is certain that this must , at this time , in this matter , be supposed ) what danger was Ignatius in by venturing his soul in this manner : This certainly he might doe , as far as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reacheth ( no more than this , that he durst or would be content to venture it ) though his soul ( nay more than his life , which he now more than ventured ) was not his own to dispose of . Sect. 4. Of the three Orders in the Church . Of the Order of Presbyters when it came in . No mention of it in Clemens Romanus , or Polycarpe , but in Ignatius . Lombard words of the two Orders . The Popish Doctrine concerning Bishops . Num. 1. FRom these premises thus layd , and , I suppose , by this time , removed out of the way , from being occasion of stumbling to any , he now proceeds to inferre his conclusion , thus . 2. Upon these , and many more the like accounts doe the Epistles seem to me to be li●e the children that he Jews had by their strange wives , N●h . ●3 . who spake part the language of Ashdod , and part the language of the Jews That there are in them many footsteps of a gracious spirit , every way worthy of , and bee ming the great and holy personage whose they are esteemed , so there is evidently a mixture of the working of that worldly and carnal s●● it , which in his dayes was not so let loose as in after times . For what is there in the Scripture , what is in the genuine Epistle of Clemens , that gives countenance to those descriptions of Episcopacy , Bishops , and the subjection to them , that are in those Epistles ( as now 〈◊〉 have them ) so insisted on ? What Titles are given to Bishops ? What Soveraignty , Power , Rule , Dominion is ascribed to them ? I ●here any thing of the like nature in the Writings of the Apostles ? In Clemens , the Epistle of Po●ycarpus ▪ & ● ? ●r any unquestionable legitimate off-spring of any of the first Worthies of Christianity ? Whence have they their ●hree Orders of Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , upon the distinct observation of which so much weight is laid ? Is there any one word , iota , tittle , or syllable in the whole B●o● of God giving countenance to any such distinctions ? Eph 4. 11. We have Pastors and Teachers . Rom. 12 7 , 8. H●m that teacheth , him that exhorteth , him that ruleth , and him that sheweth m●●cy Phil. 1. 1. We have Bishops and Deacons ; and their Institutions with the order of it , we have at large expressed 1 Tim. 3. 1 , 2. Bishops and Deacons without the interposition of any other Order whatsoever ; Deacons we have appointed Act. 7. and Elders Act. 14 , 23. those who are Bishops we find called Presbyters Tit. 1. 5 , 7. And those who are Presbyters we find called Bishops Act. 20. 28. So that Deacons we know , and Bishops who are Presbyters , or Presbyte●s who are Bishops we know , but Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , as ●hree distincct Orders in the Church , from the Scripture we know not . Neither did Clemen● in his Epistle to the Corimb●ans know any more than we doe , which a few instances will manifest : Saith he , speaking of the Apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Bishops and Deacons ( as in the Church at Philippi ) this man knows , but the 〈◊〉 Order he is utterly unacquainted withall And that the difference of this mans expressions concerning Church Rulers from those in the Epistle under consideration , may the better appear ; and his asserting of Bishops and Presbyters to be one and the same , may the more clearly be evidenced , I shall transcribe one other passage from him , whose length I hope wi●l be ●xcused from the usefulnesse of it to the purpose in hand , Page 57 ▪ 58. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for so it seems was the manner of the Church in his daies , that their Officers were appointed by the consent of the whole Church ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or the Bishops of whom he was speaking ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. And su●d●y other discoveries are there in that Epistle of the like nature : It is not my design nor purpose to insist upon the parity of Bishops and Presbyters , or rather the Identity of the Office denoted by sundry app●llations from these , and the like places : This work is done to the full by Blondellus , that out labour in this kind ( were that the purpose in hand ) is prevented . He that thinks the arguments of that Learned man to this purpose are indeed answered throughly , and removed by D. H. in his fourth Dissertation , where he proposes them to consideration , may one day think it needfull to be able to distinguish between words and things . That Clemens owns in a Church but two sorts of Officers , the first whereof he calls sometimes Bishops , sometimes Presbyters , the other Deacons , the Doctor himself doth not deny . That in the judgement of Clemens no more were instituted in the Church is no lesse evident . And this carries the conviction of its truth so clearly with it , that Lombard himself confesses , Hos solos ministrorum duos ordines Ecclesiam primitivam habuisse , & de ●is solis praeceptum Apostoli nos habere , lib. 4. sent . D. 24. 2. To supersede a conclusion not magisterially dictated ( that were the confidence quarreld at in me ) but regularly inferr'd from premises , there can be no more necessary than to discover the falsenesse of the premises , or their weaknesse and incompetency to induce that conclusion . And this being already done particularly and at large , 't is impertinent to give any further answer to , or account of this conclusion . I shall onely lightly pass through the several steps of it , and acknowledge of his conclusion , as much as either here , or from the premises I find any reason to acknowledge , and briefly touch at the reasons ( before more largely rendred ) why other parts of it may not be consented to . 3. And 1. what he saith of these Epistles , that they seem like the children of the strange wives . [ speaking part the language of Ashdod , and part the language of the Jews ] hath perfect truth in it , being applyed to the former corrupt Editions of Ignatius , but none at all , nor any appearance of any , as it is applyed to that volume , by which we desired to be judged , in the businesse of Episcopacy . 4. Secondly , what is by these Epistles , as they are in our more emendate Copies , affirmed of Bishops , is very agreeable to what is by the Scripture , by Clemens , by Polycarpe , said of the same subject , all which under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like , describe their office , and require subjection and obedience to be payd to them . 5. Thirdly ; for the three orders , particularly for the second of those three , which antiently , and still ( but either rarely , or not at all in the Scripture ) are called Presbyters , but may most distinctly be styled Presbyteri secundarii , or partiarii , Elders of a second rank , admitted to the exercise of some parts of the Episcopal office , but not to all , and so distinguisht from Bishops , or Elders of the first rank . These the Prefacer cannot but know that I doe not undertake to find either in the Scripture , or in Clement's , or in Polycarp's Epistle , and that though I have reasons to assure me , that when the namber of believers increased so far , that there was both need of them , and competent store of fit persons to undergoe that office , then such Presbyters were ordained to bear part of the burthen with the Bishop , as the seventy Elders with Moses ( and I have compent reasons to perswade me , that this was done , in some places , before the departure or decease of all the quire of Apostles , particularly that St. John instituted such in Asia , when he * did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) yet this was not so universally done thus early , as that either the Writers of the Scripture could , or after them Clement at Rome should be required to make mention of it : And for Polycarpe , though I suppose , and doubt not but he lived to see such in the Church , yet there was no necessity that in that one Epistle of his , he should mention them , or use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders of any others but Bishops , it being certain that after the secundarie Presbyters were instituted , the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 still continued common to Bishops , and was not presently appropriated to Presbyters , as is elswhere made clear out of Iraeneus , Clemens Alexandrinus and Tertullian , Dissert . 4. c. 22. and in the vindication of them from the exceptions of the London Ministers . 6. It remains therefore that the Epistles of Ignatius are the best records of Primitive Antiquity , on which to build this second Order of Secundarie , or Partiarie Presbyters , which if they were instituted personally by St. John , or if they were designed by the other Apostles , and not ordained in their times , onely because thus early ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Epiphanius's style ) there was no need of them , their Institution will still be Apostolical , though not mentioned in the Apostles writings , as in the Answer to the London Assemblers hath been shewn also . 7. Fourthly , concerning the title of Pastors●nd ●nd Doctors , or Teachers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture , he cannot but know the account given by me , viz. that by all , and each of those Bishops are to be understood , as hath been shewed Dissert . 4 c. 14 , 15. and nothing being here said to disprove it , 't is but petitio principii to suppose the contrary : So also of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rulers , I have spoken at large , Dissert . 4. c. 13. The like of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they have none but Deacons joyn'd with them , Phil. 1. 1. and 1 Tim. 3. All which are perfectly agreeable to my hypothesis , that there are no single Presbyters , or middle order of Officers betwixt Bishops and Deacons that I discern mention'd in Scripture . So the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders for Bishops , T it 1. 5 , 7. is by me acknowledged ( though not of Bishops for Presbyters , which conceit is as largely * elswhere confuted . ) 8. And for the two large and expresse places here transcribed out of Clemens , they had before been particularly produced by me , and found perfectly to consent , and accord with the notions , which out of Scripture I had received , and which by Epiphanius were vouched 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the profoundest Records . And for Blondel's collection to the contrary , I shall hope that to other men my answers will appear more than verbal , and though I have here somewhat an unkind character given me of them , viz. that they that approve them may one day think it needfull to distinguish between words and things , yet I am not quite discouraged , being competently assured , that if he that said so , had had any thing else to say , any more than words to object against them , he would not have been so reserved , or sparing of his pains , as to have denyed it place in his Animadversions . 9. Lastly , 'T is evident ( what he saith ) that I doe not deny Clement's owning but two sorts of Officers in a Church , Bishops ( sometimes called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders ) and Deacons : But it is as evident by my words what I mean , & by Clement's words , that I mean as he doth , viz. that at the Apostles first preaching , and planting the Faith in Cities and Regions before any multitude of Believers came in , they constituted in each City no more but a Bishop , and one , or more Deacons , after the exemplar in Jerusalem , where James the Lord's Brother , soon after our Saviours ascension was constituted Bishop there , and seven Deacons , Act 6. to attend him , but as yet no Presbyters of any middle order between them and him . 10. This I have cleared concerning those first times out of Epiphanius , and taken notice of the causes of it , intimated both by Clemens and him , 1. The paucity of fit men for that office , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there were not found among them men fit to be constituted Presbyters ; and 2. The no need of any more at that time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Bishop in each City or Region served the turn ( onely he could not be without a Deacon ) which is the more manifest , because the Bishops and Deacons , which were then instituted , were ( as in the former of these testimonies from Clemens appeares ) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first fruits of their labours , their first converts , and the flock assigned them , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that should afterwards believe . 11. To this if the words of Lombard would agree ( as they will so far as here cited , if only by Ecclesia Primitiva we understand the first age , or infancie of the Church , at the time of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first preaching of the Apostles ) then that testimony would by me be fully subscribed also , meaning by the duos ordines , the Bishops truly so called ( and by him styled Episcopos & Presbyteros ) and Deacons , concerning whom , and whom onely , 't is true , praeceptum Apostoli nos habere , that we have the precept of the Apostle , viz. St. Paul in his Epistles to Timothy and Titus . But the truth is , Lombard's words belong to another matter , a nicety that is gotten into their schools , that Episcopacy and Presbyterie are not diversi ordines , but diversi gradus , not different orders , but onely different degrees of the same one order of Sacerdotium or Priesthood , upon a phansie that Sacerdo is so called from sacra do , delivering , or imparting holy things , so faith he expresly , Ideo autem etiam Presbyteri sacerdotes vocantur , quia sacrum dant , Presbyters are also called Priests , because they give holy things . In which matter as it is of little importance which way the question is decided , as long as the superiority of Bishops over Presbyters is agreed on to be such , as hath some Powers reserved to the one which are not common to the other , so if Lombard's words should by any be thought farther extensible , as founded in that opinion , that first Presbyters ruled in common , and that beside them there were none then but Deacons , I must then think it as reasonable for me to be permitted to forsake Lombard in this , as the Prefacer will deeme it for him to depart from him in other matters . 12. For though it be here set down as an argument of the evidence and clear conviction , and so of much more , than of the bare truth of the position , that Lombard himselfe confesseth it ( which , I suppose , is not an acknowledgement that all that Lombard saith is true , but an insinuation that this of Bishops , as maintained by me , is for the matter a Popish Doctrine , and yet is in this particular rejected , and the contrary confest by Lombard an eminent Popish Doctor ) yet I must crave leave to interpose my exceptions to this way of arguing or concluding . 13. 1. That neither I , nor any true member of the Church of England , owe or pay any observance to the bare dictates of Lombard , or indeed farther than he hath reasons or proofs of Scripture or Antiquity to confirm them . 14. 2. That in this point , which must be waged by Testimonies , there are none produced , I shall adde , producible by him out of Scripture , to prove that ever there was a time , when there were in the Church none but those two orders of Presbyters ( in our modern notion ) and Deacons , I may ( without immoderate confidence ) assume , that all that can be offer'd to this purpose are consider'd , and answer'd in the Dissertations . 15. 3. That the principal Testimonies of Antiquity , on which in this matter some Papists build , being some obscure words of St. Hierome the Presbyter , which yet must be so understood , as to be reconciled with his making the three orders to be of Apostolical tradition , the result must be this , that though they are mistaken in some circumstances , yet they maintaine with us the more substantial truth , that Bishops are instituted by the Apostles . 16. So 't is elswhere made made evident of Panormitan , who though he affirme , that immediately after the death of Christ , all the Presbyters in common ruled the Church , yet postm●dum , saith he , ordinaverunt Apostoli ut ●rearentur Episcopi & certa Sacramenta eis reservarent , illa interdicend● simplicibus Presbyteris , Within a while the Apostles ordained that Bishops should be created , and reserved certain Sacraments to them ( Confirmation and Ordination ) and forbade them to be meddled with by simple Presbyters . And accordingly it is also in the forecited place of Lombard , in the beginning of that 24 Dist . Presbyteri , licet sint Sacerdotes , tamen Pontificatus aepicem non habent , sicut Episcopi , quia ipsi nec chrismate frontem signant , nec Paracletum dant , quod solis deberi Episcopis lectio Actorum Apostolorum demonstr●t . Presbyters though they be Priests , yet have not that superior part of the Pontificate , which the Bishops have , because they neither Confirm nor Ordain , which , that it belongs to the Bishop onely , the reading of the acts of the Apostles demonstrates . Where whatever his opinion was concerning that nicety , of distinction betwixt Degree and Order , it is evident that hee gives the superiority of degree to Bishops , and reserves to them those two Powers , and foundeth this in the Apostles times and practise . 17. 4. That though this may seem at the first , but a slight difference in these men from that which the Antients have more generally taught , viz. that the Apostles first instituted Bishops and Deacons , not simple Presbyters and Deacons ( as beside the plain words of Clemens and St. Paul , the sense whereof may possibly be controverted , the testimonie of Epiphanius , and of the profoundest monuments of History irrefragably inforceth ) yet their interests for the magnifying of the Papacie , upon the score of succession to St. Peter , doe clearly discover themselves in this way of decision , and so make Papists very incompetent witnesses in this matter . 18. For upon this conceit [ that there was a time in the first plantation of the Gospel , when the power of Bishops and Priests lay confused , though afterward separated by the Apostles themselves ] the conclusion aimed at , and , when occasion requires , deduced by them , is evident , that this later , though Apostolical institution , may be altered by the Po●e , out of the supereminence of his power , as he is the Vicar of CHRIST , though they pretend not , that he may lawfully attempt to overthrow the primarie and fundamental Sanction . And so though Priesthood may not be taken out of the Church , yet the tenure , by which Bishops hold , is not so firm ; but must stand wholly at the pleasure of the Pope . 19. The defence of which conclusion , being none of the Interests of the Cause , which I assert , I shall no farther be obliged to hearken to the premises , as they are here but intimated by Lombard , and frequently repeated and built upon by sundry of that party , than they shall be able regularly to prove them : Which being not here attempted , but only the specious ( but fallacious ) argument proposed from the confession of Lombard himself ( whose confessions are no obligations to all other men ) I have no more occasion to inlarge on this particular . 20. Which if it were seasonable , I might easily doe , in observing other particulars among the Popish Writers , wherein they shew themselves far from passionate espousers of Episcopacy . The Pope , forsooth , must be the fountain of all Ecclesiastical authority , and all other Rivulets must runne in a weake streame , and then also derive all they have from him . And so much on occasion of this testimony from Lombard , and much more than was necessary to have said , if I had lookt no farther than his Testimony . CHAP. IIII. Concerning the power of the People in appointing Bishops , and Deacons , and other Ecclesiastical affairs . Sect. 1. Clement's words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , considered , and vindicated . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The first Bishops designed particularly by God. When this way of designation ceased . Num. 1. UPon occasion of the former citation of some words out of Clemens , the displeasure is for a while removed from Ignatius , and another matter of discourse is sprung , concerning the power of the people in appointing Bishops and Deacons to their office in those dayes . To this we shall now attend , as it follows , in these words . 2. It seemes moreover that those Bishops and Deacons in those dayes ( as was observed ) were appointed to the office by an● with the consent of the people , or whole body of the Church ; no less doe those words import , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Our Doctor indeed ●enders those words , ap●l●uden●● aut congratulen●e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and addes ( ●atis pro imperio ) ui●●l ●ic dea ceptation● ▪ otius Ecclesiae , 〈◊〉 q●●●p s●…os & Diaconos ab Apostolis & ●p●stoli●is vi●… hoc l●co concludit B●ond●●lus , qu●si qui ex De●j●ssu & app●obatione const●…n●ur , populi etiam acceptatione indigere putandi essent , Dissent . 4. 〈◊〉 . 7 , 8 , 〈◊〉 And who dares take that confidence upon him , as to affirm any mo●e ▪ wh●●●g 〈◊〉 a Doctor hath denved ? Though the scope of the place , the nature of the thing , and first most common sense of the word here use● , being willingly to consent ( as it is also used in the Scripture for the most part , Acts 〈◊〉 . 1. 1 Cor. 7. 12. ) to a thing to be done , or to the doing of it , yet here it must bee taken to applaud or congratulate , or what else our Doctor pleases , because he will have it so . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also must be viri Apostolici m●n with Apostolical power , when they are only the choice men of the Church where such a Constitution of Office●s is had , that are intended , because it is ou● Doctors purpose to have the words so rendred : Ex jussu Dei & approbatione , is added , as though any particular command or approbation of God were intimated , for the constitution of the Bishops and Deacons mention'd , beyond the institution of the Lord Jesus Christ , that Elders should be ordained in every Church , because this would seem to be exclusive wholly of the consent of the people , as any way needfull or required to their Constitution , which yet , as it is practically false , no such thing being mention'd by Clemens , who recounteth the way and means whereby Officers were continued in the Church , even after the decease of the Apostles , and those first ordained by them to that holy employment , so also it is argumentatively weak and unconcluding . God appointed , designed Saul to be King , approving of his so being , and yet he would have the people come together to choose him . So also was it in the case of David . Though the Apostles in the name and the authority of God , appointed the Deacons of the Church at Jerusalem , yet they would have the whole Church look out among themselves the men to be appointed . And that the ordaining of the Elders was with the peoples Election , Acts 14. 23. It will ere long be manifested , that neither our Doctor , nor any of his Associates have as yet disproved . This poor thing the people , being the peculiar people of Christ , the heritage of God , and holy Temple unto him , &c. will one day be found to be another manner of thing , than many of our great Doctors have supposed . But he informs us , cap 4 sect . 3. from that testimony which we cited before , that the Apostles in the appointment of Bishops and Deacons ( for so the words expresly are ) are sayd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. saith he , Revelationibus edo●to● esse , quibus demùm baec dignitas comm●●icanda esset , that is , that they appointed those whom God revealed to them in an extraordinary manner to be so ordained , and this is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And why ●o●●he holy Ghost orders concerning the appointment of Deacons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Tim. 3. 10. That those , who are to be taken into office and power in the Church , had need first to be tryed & approved , is granted . And this work the Apostles give to the multitude of the Church , Acts 6. Where yet after the peoples Election , and the Apostles approbation , and the tryall of both , one that was chosen , is supposed to have proved none of the best . And yet of him , and them , are the Apostles said by Clemens that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But how shall it be made to appear , that spiritu proba●te● , trying of proving by the spirit , or spiritually proving them , to try whether they were able Ministers of the New Testament , not of the Letter but of the Spirit , proving them by that Spirit , which was promised unto them to lead them into all truth , must needs signifie , they were taught whom they should appoint by immediate Revelation . To prove by the Spirit , or spiritually the persons that are to be made Ministers or Bishops , is to have their names revealed to us . Stephen is said to speake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 6. 10. And Paul purposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 19. 21. and we are said to serve God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. 5. 5. and to make supplication 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Eph. 6. 18. with many more expressions of the like nature . Does all this relate to immediate Revelation , and are all things done thereby which we are said to doe in the spirit ? Before wee were inst ucted in this mystery , and were informed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did signifie to be taught by Revelation , we had thought that the expression of doing any thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had manifested the assistance , guidance , and direction , which for the doing of it we receive by the holy and blessed Spirit of God promised unto us , and bestowed on , in , and through the Lord Jesus Christ . Yea but he adde● that it is also spoken of the Apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praecognitionem ( i. e. ) revelationem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they appointed them Bishops and Deacons by the helps and presence of the Spirit with them , the Apostles examined , tried those who were to be appointed Bishops , so obtaining and receiving a perfect foreknowledge or knowledge of them before their admission into office . This also expresses revelation ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) upon tryall it was revealed unto them , and so must any thing else be allowed to be , that our Doctor will have to be so , now he is asserting to that purpose . But had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who appointing Bishops and Deacons after the Apostles time , had they also this speciall Revelation ? Or may they not be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? If not , how will you looke upon them under the notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who neglected so great a duty : If they did , let us know when this way of constituting Church Officers by immediate revelation ceased , and what was afterwards took up in the room thereof : and who they were that first proceeded on another account , and on what Authority they did it ? There are a generation of men in the world , will thank the Doctor for this insinuation , and will tye knots upon it , that will trouble him to loose . 3. I shall not here suffer my self to be detein'd by the scoffes and accusations of affirming pro imperio , &c. with which I am very liberally treated , but , withall , before this time . so familiarly acquainted , that I can look on them as parts of his style , as idioms of his Dialect , and nothing else . All that can pertain to me , by way of vindication , is , intirely to set down what it is I have said , and then to remove whatsoever appearance of reply , or objection I can here discern to be made to it . 4. Upon these words of Clement [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] delivered about the ordaining or constituting of Bishops by the Apostles and other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , D. Blondel had inferr'd this conclusion [ Episcopos & Diaconos Apostolis Apostolicisque viris , nunquam nisi totâ acceptante Ecclesiâ constitutos esse ] that Bishops and Deacons were never constituted by the Apostles or Apostolical persons , unlesse the whole Church accepted them . ] This conclusion he thus crudely inferr'd , without any one syllable added to confirme it , leaving it to secure and sustein it selfe by these few words of Clement's testimony . 5. The testimony , wherein those words were conteined , being by me laid down at length , and considered as far as was usefull to the maine Question concerning Episcopacie , I could not fitly take farther notice of those few words of it , and his conclusion hastily collected from them , than to say that there was nothing in it concerning the necessity of that acceptation of the Church , which Blondel conc●uded thence ; And this I chose to doe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in passing , and in a parenthesis , not willing to detaine the Reader any longer so impertinently , adding onely a short reason , why I could not conceive that the Bishops by them constituted could want the apprebation of the Church , because it had formerly been said of them by Clement , that they were constituted by the appointment and approbation of God , which I supposed must necessarily supersede all want of the Churches approbation . And upon these grounds I rendred the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not as D. Blondel had done , acceptante simul universâ Ecclesiâ , but applaudente aut congratulante totâ Ecclesiâ , the whole Church applauding or congratulating . 6. In this passage thus truly related , in every circumstance , I hope 't is already cleare , that I was not guilty of any imperious or magisterial affirming ( which I dislike so much in others , that I would be very sorry to be found guilty of it ) when to a positive unconfirm'd conclusion , I made reply by giving my reason , why I could not consent that it was duly inferr'd from those words in Clement . 7. And for the thing it selfe , the matter of my affirming , being now excited to it , I shall give a full account of it , though there it had been impertinent to doe so . 8. And that 1. by considering the force of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2. the position of it in that place , 3. the circumstances of the context , which preclude Blondel's , and inforce my interpretation . 9. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is known to signifie [ being well pleased ] so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is either simply the same , or with the connotation of a relation to some other , whether persons or matter , formerly spoken of . So 1 Mac. 1. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if any were well pleased with the Law , i. e. resolved to live according to the Mosaicall institution , such as are there joyn'd with those with whom was found the Book of the Testament , that they would not forsake the Jewish observances upon Antiochus his prohibition of them . So againe the same sort of men which would not live according to the Kings heathenish commands , but kept close to the Jewish lawes , are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to be well pleased with the change , 1 Mac. 11. 24. we render it in both places consenting and not consenting , but sure it signifies not any legal consent asked of them , at the constituting either of the Law by God , or of the change by Antiochus , but an acquiessence , or peaceable , willing , constant submission and obedience to it . Elsewhere we render it being well pleased with , 2 Mac. 11. 35. where yet the matter spoken of , makes it a more formal act of consent , than in either of the former it had been . Whatsoever ( say the Consuls ) Lysias hath granted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , therewith we also are well pleased , which indeed is a confirmation of Lysias's act or grant . 10. These are all the places where the word in that double composition is found in the Greek , whether Canonical or Apocryphal of the Old Testament . In the New we have it , Luc. 11. 48. where of the Jewes it is said , that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , allow , or approve their Fathers works , those which they had done long since , and wherein their approbation was never asked , the killing of the Prophets , ver . 47. So Act. 8. 1. of Sauls concurrence in Saint Stephens death , so far as to keep the clothes of the executioners , which signified him to have been an active person in that murther , to have had a special liking to it , not again any act of legal consent ; for all was there done without legal processe , judicio zelotarum , by the ( judgment , or rather ) popular fury of Zel●ts . So again Rom. 1. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , They take pleasure , say we , in them that doe them . There I think Theophylact's Scholion is very proper , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they not onely doe unlawfull things themselves , but plead for wickednesse , are advocates for those that commit any the foulest evill . So againe 1 Cor. 7. 12. of the Christian man or woman that hath an unbeliever to wife or husband , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if the unbelieving man be pleased , think good , be content to live with the Christian , or if we render it againe consent , yet sure we must not mean any legal consent , for that had been formerly given in marriage , and no new act of it is now needfull in the unbeliever , but onely a being content to continue to live with her , which is there opposed to departing , v. 15. 11. By this view of the word in the Scripture , it already appears , how little ground there is for Blondel's rendring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by acceptante , and his conclusion deduced from thence of the necessity of the wh●le Churches acceptation . And against that onely it was that my words were directed , nihil hic de acceptatione — there was no syllable in Clemens from whence to conclude the necessity of such acceptation . And unlesse I have mistaken in this , certainly there is neither confidence nor magisteriall affirming imputable to me in this matter . 12. And it seems the Prefacer doth as little adhere to Blondel's rendring , as I , for he renders it [ willing consent ] And how knowes he that I reject this rendring of willing consent , or that if Blondel had so rendred it , I would then have rejected it . Truly if that consent signifie no more than a voluntary act of acquiessence and good liking ( as consent ordinarily signifies ) I have no dislike to that rendring , onely I rather think the word here signifies a little more not lesse ) an outward expression of this good liking , which was the onely reason which moved me to use the phrase [ applaudente aut congratulante ] meaning thereby that the Church had exprest that good liking and joy of theirs , which is more than their bare co●sent to what was done in the constitution of their Bishops . 13. So that the Praefacer needed not to have undertaken this verbal contention with me , about the signification of an ordinary word . In that he really is at more peace with me , than it seems he knew of , and so men are apt to be , which begin and pursue●uarrells ●uarrells , so hastily and so keenly . 14. The truth is , it is the matter of the conclusion which I then resisted in Blondel , and so must still in the Praefacer ; Blondel made the people's acceptation , a sine quâ non , a necessary condition , affirming that Bishops , &c. were never constituted by the Apostles and Apostolical men , nisi , unlesse they had this , which , I suppose , makes the peoples acceptation praevious to the Apostles act , for if it followed after , it can be of no moment , the Act of the Apostles was compleat without it , and stood valid without it , and though it was most happy when it followed , yet still this , as any other consequent , must be accidentall and intrinsecall to the Constitution of Bishops , as that which advenit enti in actu existenti , comes to it when it is ( which is the definition of an accident ) is no way required to , or constitutive of its being . 15. And so in like manner this Prefacer also , though he pretend onely to the consent of the people , yet by saying that the Bishops were appointed to their office by the consent ] and by his after mention of his notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for consent to a thing to be done , or to the doing of it , and lastly by expressing his sense of this consent of the people , as of a thing needfull , or required to the constitution of those Bishops , I am assured that he affirms this consent of the people , to have been required and needfull antecedently to the Apostles instituting Bishops at that time . 16. And this is the thing that I still professe not to believe conclusible from the words of Clement , and whether it be or no , let us now examine by proceeding to the second , and third things , even now propos'd by me , the position of this phrase , and the circumstances of the context in this place of Clemens . 17. The position of the phrase may first deserve to be taken notice of , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Those that were constituted by the Apostles or after by other illustrious persons , the whole Church expressing their good liking or consent , and that have officiated without blame , and been well reported of by all for a long time , &c. Here in setting downe the unreasonablenesse of the sedition raised against their Bishops , he aggravates it by these gradations , 1. that these Bishops were constituted by the Apostles or other illustrious persons after them , 2. that when they were so constituted , the whole Church liked it very well , and exprest their liking it , I mean the constituting them by the Apostles , 3. that being in office they had without blame discharged it , 4. that for a long time they had every mans good word , though now they were ejected by them . 18. By this distinct view of the words 't is plaine , that the whether consent or good liking , which the people thus exprest , was after the Apostles constituting them , as after that again their officiating , and after their officiating their continued approbation . And indeed it were as reasonable to affirme , the second testimony or approbation [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] to be praevious to their blamelesse officiating [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as to say their consent was needfull or required to their constitution , as to the thing to be done , for that also supposeth it praevious to it . 19. This was a competent security to me , that my rejecting Blondel's conclusion , was no Magisterial dictate of mine ; But then the Circumstances of the context through the whose Epistle make it most evident , that Blondel then was , and this Praefacer now is mistaken . 20. For to represse the furie of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seditions against their Bishops , he had before immediately told them how these Bishops were placed among them , viz. after this manner . The Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knew or understood by Christ that there would be contention for the name of dignity of Bishops . For which cause , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having received perfect fore-knowledge they constituted the foresaid Bishops , and after left a list , or roll ( of successors ) that when any dyed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Other approved persons should take up , or succeed to their office . 21. Here the Question may be , What is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , approved persons , and who had the approving them ? For if the People had , then Blondel and the Prefacer are in the right ; but if not , then still here is nothing to be pretended for them . 22. And indeed another ( yet former ) fundamental place of Clement in this Epistle , takes away all place of doubting , and tells us punctually whose approbation it was , The Apostles , saith he , preaching through regions and cities constituted their first converts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , examining or approving them by the spirit to be Bishops and Deacons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of those which should come into the Faith. 23. Here 1. it is not imaginable how the examination and approbation could belong to the people , or the whole Church , when those , over whom they were constituted , were not yet come in , they are made Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of those which should afterward come in to the Faith. And 2. if there had been a full Church to choose , yet the matter in Clemens extending not onely to the Bishops of the present , but also to the successors for the future age , what right could the then present people have to choose , not onely for their own , but the future age , and so deprive their successors of their Priviledge ? 24. But waving both these , the matter is otherwise cleare , They are the same persons which did preach and constitute , and examine or approve , i. e. the Apostles did every of these , And doing it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Spirit , by Revelation or direction of the Spirit ( in the same manner as they are said to know by Christ , that there would be contention about this matter , and that having received perfect fore-knowledge , they constituted those Bishops ) it is evident they had no need of any act of the People in doing it , and so that the examination and approbation was that of the Apostles , and not of the People , of the Apostles assisted and directed by the Spirit of God , and not so much as advised , that we heare of , or instructed by the people . 25. This farther appeares by another passage in that Epistle , where this act of the Apostles approving by the Spirit , and receiving perfect fore-knowledge what would fall out , and what they should doe , is by him illustrated by the example of Moses , who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fore-knew , ( i. e. certainly ) had it revealed to him by God , that Aaron should be the Priest. 26. Examples of such Revelations of God's in the first times , I have set downe in the * Dissertations , As first of Matthias , when God being prayd to , that he would demonstrate or declare ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which of the two he had chosen , he did by lot point him out to be the person , Act. 1. 24. Secondly of Paul and Barnabas , Act. 13. 2. Thirdly of Timothy , to whom the Episcopal dignity was given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Prophesie , 1 Tim. 4. 14. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the prophesies which had before been delivered of him , 1 Tim. 1. 18. Upon which Chrysostome and Theophylact make their observation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The dignity of Bishop ( which they there style of Doctorship and Priesthood ) being great , wants God's direction that a worthy person may receive it . And the same is affirmed by Clemens in Eusebius l. 3. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of the Bishops whom Saint John ordained in Asia , that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified to him by the Spirit According to what Saint Paul had formerly said of the Bishops of Asia , Act. 20. that the holy Ghost had set them to preside over the flock peculiarly . 27. This , I must think , was , and still is sufficient to cleare the difficulty , and put it beyond question , who they were , by whom the Bishops in Clement are said to be approved , certainly not the People , but the Apostles that constituted them , or yet higher , the Spirit of God who signified or pointed them out unto them , or by whose directions they approved them . 28. I shall not now need more largely to insist on all the severalls here objected against me by the Prefacer ; By this clear setting down of the whole matter , 't is certain , all his exceptions must speedily vanish . I shall but touch on them that have not yet so fully been taken notice of and prevented in passing . 29. And 1. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were viri Apostolici , though it was truly supposed by me , yet was it not my magisteriall dictate , but , to my hand , the plain affirmation of D. Blondel ; My words were regularly to be confronted to his conclusion in the very forme wherein he had produced it , and so I was to set it by Apostolicis also . 30. The Reader may , if he will , see my rendring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , literally by illustribus viris , and the putting of [ i. e. Apostolicis , & Spiritu Dei probatis ] into a Parenthesis , signified [ Apostolicis ] to be no rendring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but another character of the same men , collected out of other parts of the Epistle . 31. And so indeed it is most evident by the whole place , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Bishops constituted by the Apostles , and after them by other illustrious persons ] that those that are there called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , illustrious men , were the successors of the Apostles , such as , when they were gone , constituted Bishops in the Church . 32. And then what offence was there in my calling them Apostolicall persons ? Or what pretense for the Prefacer to say they were onely the choice men of the Church , in opposition to my calling them Apestolicall ? Choice men of the Church , I know , they were , for so must they be deemed , who by the Apostles were left Rulers of it . But such the Prefacer cannot meane , when he sets it in opposition to me , who called them Apostolici ; He must therefore questionlesse mean the choice men of the People , and then those choice men must be concluded to constitute Bishops , and not onely to consent to their constituting , ( as before he had set it ) And then I desire he will say positively , that this was his meaning , and that from any place of Scripture or ancient Writer , he will shew me where any choice men of the people constituted Bishops after the departure of the Apostles . 33. Secondly , when he saith , that the words [ ex iussu Dei & approbatione , by the appointment and approbation of God ] are added by me , 't is not imaginable what he should meane by it : Those words are evidently set by me as an argument that they could not want the approbation of the people , because they were sufficiently furnished by the appointment and approbation of God , as had appeared by the testimony of Clement set down in the page immediately precedent : And what is produced by me as an argument to convince the unconcludeney of Blondel's collection , can it be blamed in me , as an insertion or addition either to Clement's or Blondel's words ? 34. And when he goes on reproaching this Edition with his [ as though any particular command or approbation of God were intimated for the constituting of the Bishops and Deacons mentioned ] I hope it hath sufficiently appeared that there was such command or appointment of God more than intimated by Clemens in that Epistle , and the like exprest in Scripture in many parallel cases , and this particularly a designation of the persons , which were to be ordained , and so somewhat beyond the general institution of the Lord Jesus ( which he speaks of . I suppose he meanes the commission of the Apostle to Titus and the like ) that Elders should be ordained in every Church . 35. Thirdly : When he saith 't is argumentatively weak and unconcluding , he must mean that this argument of mine is a weak , and unconcluding argument , I shall therefore repeat it again , and put it formally into a syllogism ; They who had been constituted by the appointment and approbation of God , cannot then be thought to want the acceptation of the people : But the Bishops , spoken of by Clement , had been constituted by the appointment , and approbation of God : Therefore , they cannot be thought to want the acceptation of the people . What proposition can here be denyed , I confess I see not . 36. The Major hath it's evidence in its self ; for certainly that which is already done , and done by God's appointment , needs no other extrinsecal addition or accomplishment , unlesse that also be ordained by God , which in this case of the acceptation of the Bishop by the people , no way appears , and till it doth appear , cannot be supposed , or pretended by any to be thus needfull . 37. And for the Minor , it is the expresse affirmation of Clement , that they that instituted them , examined and approved them by the spirit , and knowing by the Lord Christ , & having perfect foreknowledge of what should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constituted these Bishops , and this is mention'd by Clement as an aggravation of their crime , that rejected these that were thus constituted . And then I hope the premises having strength , the conclusion from them regularly inferr'd , will not be denyed me . 38. For as to the examples of Saul and David , I am sure they prove nothing ; for if there were perfect truth in all which is here pretended , which is more than from the circumstances of the stories I can affirm , viz. that God , who designed them Kings , would have the People come together to choose them , then from that act of God's will it was , and from God's expressing it , that the convening and election of the People was necessary , and if God had not will'd it , or not appointed it , it had then as certainly not been necessary . 39. Now let any such declaration of Gods will be shew'd , that he would have the People convene and choose their Bishop , and then I shall think my argument weak , but otherwise I must not think it concluded so by these examples 40. So in the case of the Deacons Act. 6. the Apostles appointed the Disciples to seek out seven men from among them , withall directing them how they should be qualified , and reserving to themselves the intire power of constituting them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the office of Deacon . And so nothing from that third instance can be inferr'd against us , it being no way parallel to the case in Clement , as already is visible : For in the Acts , the Disciples look out , and choose v. 5. the persons , and bring them to the Apostles , v. 6. and the Apostles lay their hands on them in the remainder of that verse : But in Clemens , God designs the persons ( and so in the other Scripture instances , and in that of Clemens Alexandrinus of the first Bishops of Asia ordained by St. John ) and the Apostles , and their successors ordain and lay hands on them . 41. As for that of Act. 14. ●3 . that the ordaining of the Elders was with the Peoples election ( by the way , it was even now by , as well as with the consent of the People ) or indeed that any mention of the People is made there , or so much as intimated by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All that I can say , is , that it hath been disproved , as far as any , that I know of , hath yet endeavoured to prove it , i. e. all arguments , that I have seen for it , I have * elswhere answered : But what will ere long be manifested , I am not able to forecast , and so am not now to provide answers by divination . 42. No more am I able to foresee what he saith will one day be found , and yet I think it is very possible : Neither he , nor I may live to see that day , when any thing shall be farther manifested in this matter , than what the great Doctors already suppose . The resolution of the question , what right every one hath in these affairs , being founded in plain matter of fact , viz. what Christ or his Apostles instituted in the Church , and that being already as visible to them , that are conversant in Scripture and antient Records of the Church , as it can well be imagined to be , till either a new mine of such Records is sprung , or men receive knowledge of story by Revelation : Neither of which am I forward to expect in this age . 43 In the next place for his objections against my interpreting of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of Gods extraordinary revealing whom he would have ordained , they will soon vanish also . For 1. the place of St. Paul concerning Timothies ordaining of Deacons , and appointing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let them be first tryed or examined , 1. Tim. 3. 10. belongs nothing to this of the trying by the spirit : Timothy might have ordinary meanes of trying ( and the whole discourse of St. Paul , then setting down the qualifications of those that were to be ordained , tends to that , and then he had no need of extraordinary . 44. And so likewise the Apostles Act. 6. referr'd the matter of tryal and approbation to the Disciples , and without more adoe , and without this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , trying by the spirit , ordained those that were thus presented to them . But these two instances can no way praeclude divine revelations concerning Matthias , and Paul , and Barnabas , and Timothy , and the Bishops of Asia , and the Bishops of Achaia , of whom the express words of Scripture and Clemens , are , that by God , and his Spirit , and Prophecie , these were assigned to their Offices . 45. And accordingly though one of those Deacons in the Acts be supposed to have proved none of the best , yet we see that Clement here useth it as an argument to evidence the unreasonablenesse and impiety of ejecting their Bishops , that they were thus constituted , which I suppose concludes , that this was not to be suspected or feared of them , which was experimented to have befallen Nicolas . 46. Secondly : for the notion of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the spirit ] that it signifies , as I affirm , and not , as he suggests [ spiritually proving them , &c. ] he knows ( and strait confesses ) one way , by which I prove it , the mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they had perfect foreknowledge to this matter , and what is that receiving of perfect foreknowledge , but the spirit of prophecie ; and that , as was said , immediately before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they knew it by our Lord Jesus Christ , and by him were directed perfectly to do what they did . And so this is one competent proof of it . 47. And by the way , how is the very first part of the phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , trying ] being applyed to the Apostles and their Successors [ if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had been left out ] reconcileable with the peoples trying , examining , or approving ? Before 't was said that this work of trying ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Tim. 3. 10. ) was by the Apostles given to the multitude , Acts 6. But how can it possibly be so here in Clement , where it is said of the Apostles , that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , try them by the spirit ? 48. This I say , to shew how far he would be from gaining his design , though it should be granted which he desires , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 refers not at all to any ▪ extraordinary waies of revelation , which if it did not , yet neither refers it to the peoples , but to the Apostles examining and approving . 49. But , I say , 't is already evident , that I have given other reasons , why I interpret Clemens thus of extraordinary revelations , which he ought to have adverted before , and I have now mentioned them again , and must not repeat eternally . 50. This again shews how little I am bound to assert , that every thing , which is said to be done in the spirit , is done by immediate revelation , because if some things be , this may be one of those some , and that it is , is sufficiently proved by those other evidences . 51. Next to his question , whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who appointed ( ordained ) Bishops and Deacons after the Apostles times had also this special revelation or no ] I answer , that Clement no where saith that they had , onely that they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordained ( that is all one with laying hands on ) them , whom the Apostles by their Prophetick spirit had designed to that office . 52. To this the Context in Clement is clear , that the Apostles by that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , foreknowledge , ordained some , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the future , to be successors to them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they left a roll or list of names , who should succeed unto their dead places , and these , as oft as any Bishop ( ordain'd by the Apostles ) dyed , were by the other Bishops , i. e. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordain'd in their places , according to that rule left by the Apostles for their succession . So that in this matter there could be no need of any further revelation , they were to ordain those which were next upon the Apostles list , and that might be done without multiplying of revelations . 53. And so his next question is at an end also ; for I have no occasion or ground to extend these revelations any farther than the persons of the Apostles ( though I know there were also Prophets in those times , beside Apostles ) but may safely and reasonably leave all others , where the Apostles had left no such lists , or when they were at an end , to be concluded by Paul's directions to Timothy , without depending farther on speciall revelations . 54. And now I think I have answer'd all his questions , or given him my Key to doe it himself , and so must be content to return weary home , without receiving any of those thanks from that generation of men whom he pleaseth to mention , but shall be content with my lot , being also competently secured from the trouble of loosing knots , which those thanks were dedesigned to bring along with them . Sect. 2. Another testimony in Clemens concerning the power of the People examined . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Numb . 1. BUt this businesse of the power of the People in the Church is not to be dismist so , but must more largely be resumed again , and my attendance shall be answerable to my Leaders pleasure , who thus inlargeth his digression . 2. Before we return , let us look but a little further , and we shall have a little more light given us , into what was the condition and power of the people in the Church in the ●ayes of Clemens , speaking of them who occasioned the division and schism in the Church of Corinth , or them about whose exaltation into office , or dejection from it , that sad difference fell ou● , he giv●s th●m this advice ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It seems the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the multitude , or the people , were not such poor inconsiderable things as they are reported to be , when he advises them to stop and stay the sedition by yeelding obedience to the things by them appointed and commanded . If it were in it self evill , disorderly , and not according to the mind of Christ , that the people should order and appoint things in the Church , it had been simply evill for Clemens to have advised any to yeeld obedience to the things by them so appointed . Where is now Ignatius his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Even those who are contending about rule and government in the Church , are advised to stand to the determination of the people , and to cry , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This is also insisted on by Blondellus , who thence argues , Potestatem ple●is circasacra Dissert . 4. c. 8 ●ect 4. Ad verba hae● ( saith our Doctor ) prod●gii i●star est quod notandum duxit D. Blondellus [ potestatem pl●bis circa sacra ] ( de quâ tandem integra● dissertationem elu●ub●avit ) artificiis quibus unque asserturus . Hic ( inqu●t ) nos monet Clemens fideles etiam de Episcopatu aut Presbyterio contendentes non ab Epis●opi singulari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nutu , sed à multitudinis p●aeceptis p●pendisse . But let not our Doctor bee angry , nor c●y out out so fast of Prodigies , a little time will manifest that many things may not be prodigious , which yet are contrary to sundry of his exceptions and apprehensions . I cannot but acknowledge him to be provoked , but withall I must say , that I have found very commonly , that reasons usher'd in by such loud clamours , have in examination proved to have in examination proved to have stood in need of some such noises , as might fright men from the consideration of them . What is in the next Sections set up to shield the children of Episcopacy from being affrighted with this prodigy , may perhaps be of more efficacy thereunto ▪ than the exclamations before mention'd : He therefore proceeds , Sect. 5● Certè ( saith he ) si s●r●òre● egerit D Blondellus , de Presbyteris suis ( non de Episcopis nostri● ) actum pla●e & triumphatum crit , nec enim ab universo aliqu● Presbyterorum Colleg●o , quod ille tam affl●ctim ardet , sed à multitudinis solius arbit●io tum contendentes de Episcopo , tum siideles omne● Corinthio ▪ pepe●disse , aequè concludendum crit . If any man in the world hath manifested more desperate affection towards Pre●bytery , than this Doctor hath do●… toward Episcopacy , for my pa●● solus habeto . But though neither Clemens nor Blondellus speak any one word about the ordering of things , multitudinis solius arbitrio , yet here is that said by them both , as is sufficiently destructive , not onely to the Episcopacie the Doctor contends for , as a thing wholly inconsistent with the power and liberty ●ere granted the people , but of any such Presbytery also , as shall undertake the ordering and disposing of things in the Church of God ▪ without the consent and conc●… su●frage of the people . Such a Presbytery it seems Bl●ndellus does not defend . But yet neither the Doctor 's ou● cry , as at a prodigy , nor this retortion upon Presbytery , is any answer to the testimony of Clemens , nor ind●ed is there the ●ast possible reflection upon an orderly Gospel Presbytery in any Church , and over it , by what Clemens here professeth to be the power of the people , all appearance of any things is from the terme solius , ●…ysted into the Discourse of Blondellus by the Doctor , in his ta●ing or it up to retort . Clemens in the very next words secures us from any thought , that all things depend à multitudinis solius arbitrio . His very next words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Our Doctors and Masters having stu●t their imaginations with the shape and lineaments of that hierarchical fab●ick , which the craft , policy , sub●●ty , avarice , pride , ambition of many ages succes●ively had formed and ●●amed according to the pattern they saw in the Mount of the World , and the governments therein , upon the first hearing of a Church , a s●●ck of Christ , walking in orderly subjection to their own Elders concu●●ing with them , and consenting to them in their rule and government , instantly as m●n amazed , cry out a prod●g● . It is not imaginable into what ridiculous , contemptible miscarriages , pride , prejudice , and sel●ulnesse doe oftentimes betray men , otherwise of good abili●i●s in their waies , and commendable industry . But Section the sixth , the Doctor comes closer and gives his reason why this testimony of Clemens is not of any efficacy to the purpose in hand , saith he , At qu●● ( sod●s ) à fidelibus de Episcopatu ( ut a●s ) ●●ntra ipsos ab Apostolis const●●atos contend●…bus , quis à populo contraprincip●●● suum ●umultus tiente , qu●s verbis ad retundendum seditionem ad plebe● factis argumenta ad Authoritatem populo adjud●●andum principi derogandum duci posse ●xistiSavit● Though many words follow in the next Section , yet this is all of answer that is given to this signal testimony of Clement's . I know the Doctor for the most part mee●s , not onely with favourable Readers , but also partial Admirers ; or else certainly his exclamation would scarce pass for an invincible argument , nor such Rhetorical diversions as this be esteemed solid Answers . There is not by Blondellus any argument taken from the faithfuls tumultuating against the Bishops ( that , of appointed by the Apostles which is th●ust in , taken for the persons of those Bishops , is against the expresse restimony of Clemens in this Epistle ) nor from the peoples se●…sly rebelling against their Prince , nor from any word sopken to the people to represse their sedition ; neither was any thing of this nature urged in the least by Blondellus , nor is there any colour given to such a collection from any thing in the words cited from the Epistle , or the Context of them . It is the advice of the Church of Rome to the persons ( whether already in office , or aspiring thereunto ) about whom the contention and division was in the Church of Corinth , that is insisted on . It is not the words nor plea of them who were in disorder , there is no● any reprehension given to the body of the Church , the multitude or people who are supposed to tumultuate , to quiet them , but a direction given ( as was said ) by the Church of Rome to the persons that occasioned the difference , how to behave themselves so , that a timely issue might be put to the division of the Church . To this end are they advised to observe the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Orders , Precepts , Decrees , or Appointments of the multitude , as ( from Act. 15. ) the body of the Church is called . It is not that they should yield to their tumultuating , but to yield obedience to their orderly precepts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are by him approved ; and had it not been lawfull for them , with the Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in affairs of the Church , Clemens writing this Epistle to the whole Church , could not possibly have led them into a greater snare . It is a sad thing to consider the pitifull entanglements and snares that some men run into , who will undertake to make good , what they have once engaged for , let what will come against them . 3. In this Section again the usage is , as formerly , very extraordinary : First , I am put under Discipline to teach me ( that which was antiently accounted a very high pitch , propè res una , but these times may be able to advance one to , which is but of ordinary parts ) the Nil admirari , to see , and hear the most portentous things , and to admire at nothing ; I must not be permitted to say of any , though never so strange , unreasonable a collection of Blondel's , that it is instar prodigii , but I am censured as angry , and guilty of loud clamours , out-cries , exclamations , noises , and these designed to fright men from consideration of my reasons , as after ( on as little cause ) of desperate affection to Episcopacy , of forgerie , or foysting in the word solius into Blondel ' s discourse , and if this be not enough for my humiliation , there is a reserve of [ ridiculous , contemptible miscarriages , such as it is not imaginable men should be betray'd to ] and yet farther , as the causes of these , pride , prejudice , and selfulness ] and to conclude [ pitifull intanglements and snares , &c. ] 4. This is truly somewhat above the proportion of the turgent style , or the but four barbarous words in seven Epistles , and yet I verily believe the Section is genuine , no part of it inserted by any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it bears so perfect proportion with what I have hitherto had from the same hand . And the assuring him , that all this might , if he had so pleased , have been very easily spared , is all that I have to return to the more Rhetorical part of this Section . 5. Onely when after all this severity , he thinks fit to give me some of his benediction at parting , and to allow me a room among men of good abilities in their wayes , and very commendable industry , I cannot but remember the critical note of Eumani●es the Atticist , that the ordinary form of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Epistles was first used by Cleon to the Athenians , after he had taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from them , whereupon a Comical person answered , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , You , Sir , are the first that bid us be well , and rejoyce , having given us much cause of sadnesse . This our English proverb expresses very significantly , and I that had as little right to his plaister , as I had to the displeasure which made him think I wanted it , may tell him , he hath dispensed both without any merit of mine . 6. As for the argumentative part of his discourse I shall now come briefly to that , and doubt not to shew , 1. That Blondel's Collection was very strange , and so merited the expression that was bestowed on it [ instar prodigii ] ( I meant not that it lookt like a blazing star , or any other such prodigie ) 2. That solius was not foisted in by me . In a word , that all really was as I pretended it to be . This must be cleared by a brief narration of the whole passage , as it lyes visible in the fift Dissert . c. 8. 7. There was a sedition in the Church of Achaia , the Metropolis whereof was Corinth , and that advancing so high , as to the ejecting their Bishops out of their office ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and these Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those very persons which by the Apostles had been either designed , and put upon the list , or actually ordained and constituted among them . 8. This was done , saith Clemens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for one or two onely persons sakes , whom the actors in the comm●… had a mind to advance to that office . 9. For the calming this tempest , Clemens makes use of many methods and arguments of perswasion At length he betakes himself to the persons , for the advancing of whom all this stir was made , this tempest was raised . To them he thus makes his address ; Tels them what M●ses had done when the people were in a foul sin , being himself content to be blotted out of the book of the living , rather than the wrath of God should light on the people , and then ( in the words which are set dow● by the Prefacer ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Who then among you is a generous person ; who hath bowels of kindnesse and compassion ? who is replenished with love or charity ? Let him th●● say ( to this seditious multitude ) If the sedition , and contention , and schisms are for me , or my sake ( viz. that I am not in so great place or office as you contend , and desire to have me ) I am gone , I depart to what place soever you will , and doe what the multitude appoint me ; onely let the flock of Christ ●e at peace with the Elders that are placed over them . Adding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Thus godly men have done , and will doe , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Many have removed out of their own Cities , that the Sedition might not farther extend it selfe . 10. In these words nothing can be more manifest than 1. That this short Oration to the tumult●ous people was onely designed to still their commotion , and to reduce them at once to peace and subjection to their superiors placed over them in the Church . And so it can be no farther argumentative , than to that , or the like case , or conjuncture , viz. that for the acquiring peace to the publick , and quiet subjection to Governours , any generous or charitable person ought even to leave his Country , if need so require , and if that will doe it , to doe , or suffer any thing for the regaining the publick peace , not that every Christian is in all cases bound to doe this , or that ; what is charitable in these circumstances , is simply , and without them necessary : For then the example there used of M●ses must be obligatory too , and every man shall at all times be bound to wi●● and pray what in that one case he did . 11. Secondly : That it is by Clement put into the mouth , not of the true Bishops or Elders , duly constituted among them at that time ; for should they have offer'd to g●e ●ut and depart , 1. There is no ●…s●ion but they had been permitted to do so , by them who had already ejected them from their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Ministration : And 2. how could the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the flock be at peace together with these ●…tuted Elders ( i. e. with these that were already constituted ) in case they should thus depart : And 3. how had lemens done the worke to which his who●e Epistle was designed , viz. re-establi●ht the true Governours in their ●h●irs again , if they had thus , by his advise , departed . But , I say , this speech of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I am gone , I depart , is by Clement put into the mouth of the one or two persons 〈…〉 f●r whose sakes this commotion was raised against their Eccl●…stic●l Governours ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and this is so manifest , that it is to him that shall but lightly view the place in the Epistle , impossible to make any question of it . 12. Thirdly : ●t is here as manifest , that the recesse here s●o●en of , and after exempli●ied in the 〈◊〉 , the many that had done so , and in like manner by Kings and Princ●● that in times of plagues had , in obedience to the Oracle● delivered themselves up to death , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that by their own blood th●y ●…t res●… and ●●liv●r their citizens , as before it had been by Moses 〈◊〉 ●…ver [ blot me out ▪ ] was an act of gene●… & charity in the●… that should doe it , a mere spontaneous , voluntary recesse , no act of ordinary duty or obligation . And consequently , though it were very lawfull for Clemens to advise this generosity , yet it had been very ill in the seditious people to require them to be gone , who so earnestly desired the restoring them to peace , and due subjection , and so this can be no instance of the peoples power in this or any thing else . 13. These things being granted , the strangeness of Blondel's conclusions from the words will immediately appear : They are two ; the one set down p. 12. the other p. 13. of his Apology : In p 12. thus : Hic nos monet , fideles etiam de Episcopatu sive Presbyterio contendentes , non ab Episcopi singulares , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nutu , sed a multitudinis praeceptis pependisse . Here Clement mindeth us that the faithfull , even such as contend for the Bishoprick , or office of Elder , depend not on the pleasure of the Bishop , the singular Bishop , and who had the supreame power , but on the precepts of the multitude . In p. 13. thus , Presbyteros nihil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attentâsse , sed propter Christum communemque piae fraternitatis aedificationem , multitudinis dicto audientes fuisse : That the Elders attempted not to doe any thing by way of command or empire , but for Christ's sake , and for the common edification of the brethren , they were obedient to the command of the multitude . 14. In the first of these conclusions , that which is very strange , is , that the believers should from Clement's words be concluded 1. not to have depended on the pleasure of their Bishop . 2. to have depended on the precepts of the multitude : Whereas 1. there is no one syllable of their not depending on the pleasure of their Bishops , but special mention of the preserving their Bishops quietly in their seats , as the end , which , with the peace of the Church , was the onely thing they had in their view : And 2. they no otherwise depended on the precepts of the multitude , than as for the avoyding and quieting the Sedition , they should voluntarily submit themselves , which is far from concluding any due power in the multitude , as my bribing a Plunderer to save my life , is from inferring that he hath a lawfull power over it ; or my telling any man in an extremity , I will doe whatsoever you bid me , on condition you will be quiet , and let my Master alone , will conclude that man to have had any power over me , before I had said it , or that that power shall alwaies continue to have obligation on me afterwards : Or , to goe no farther than the Context in Clemens , than the Kings being content to dye for the removing the Plague from the People , can be a precedent and obligation to all Kings and Rulers , not onely to doe the like in the like case , but to acknowledge themselves universally to depend upon the commands of the people . 15. By this already appears , how free I am from being chargeable with those things of which the Prefacer accuses me : As 1. that I foist in the [ solius ] into Blondel's discourse . It is an ugly word , but sure I am not guilty of it : For doth not Blondel say , non ab Episcopi nutu , sed a multitudinis praeceptis ? that they depended not from the Bishops pleasure , but from the multitudes precepts ? Is not the [ non , sed , not , but ] here perfectly all one with [ solius , onely ? ] Where there are but two parts , the Governour ( or Governours , as Blondel would have it ) in every Church , and the People ; what is done by the power of the People , and not by the power of the Governours , must sure be done by the power of the people alone . That which can be done but three wayes , by the Prefacer , or by me , or conjunctim by both of us together ; if it be done by him , and not done by me , is it not done by him onely ? What possibility is there that I should deceive my self , or any man else by thus concluding ? 16. This Prefacer , I acknowledge seemes to set it otherwise than Blondel had done , and so , I suppose , phansies it a joynt power of the orderly Gospel Presbytery and the People : But then 1. I that was speaking to Blondel , was not to ●e supposed to speak to this Prefacer , who differs from Blondel . And 2. that which is done by the Presbytery and People joyntly , how can it be said to be done not by the Presbytery , or to be done by , or depend from the peoples command , not from the Presbytery ? So that certainly I was capable of a more benign censure , I might have been spared the accusation of s●isting or forgery in this matter . 17. So likewise for his second charge , that I Blondel's way of arguing , making him take his argument from the faithfull , tumultuating against the Bishops , from the peoples seditiously rebelling against their Prince , from words spoken to the people to represse their sedition ; whereas , saith he , there is not any thing of this nature urged in the least by Blondel ] this sure will vanish presently also : For as to the first two branches , 't is certain I no where thus recite Blondel's arguing : My words he had just before set down truly , if he would have c●nstrued them right , Quis , sodes , à fidelibus de Episcopatu contra Episcopos centendentibus , quis à populo contrae Principem suum tumultus ciente — argumenta — duci posse existimavit ? Who , I pray , for the asserting the authority of the people would think arguments might be brought from the faithfull , contending for authority against their Bishops , from a people raising sedition against their Prince ? ] that is , from any thing said or done by such men at such a time . This is not from the faithfuls contending , or the peoples rebelling ( as the Prefacer was pleased to misconstrue me ) but from the faithfull contending , i. e who contended , or ( as the parallel to that ) the people rebelling , or , who rebelled . And , I pray , doth not Blondel fetch his argument in this place of Clement from th●se , and none but these ? Are not his very words , fideles de Episcopatis contendentes — a multitudinis pr●●●ptis rependisse , that the faithfull contending , or , who contended for the Bishoprick depended on the commands of the multitude ] and doth he not draw his argument for the peoples power from them , and ( which was the third thing ) from the words , that they are by Clement bid use to the people to represse their sedition ? From whence , I beseech him , is Blondel's argument drawn , if not from hence , when from this one speech of theirs ( made for them by Clement ) it is that this whole argument is drawn ? 18. 'T is true , indeed , Blondel should not have affirmed of those whom he calls the Contenders , that they depended on the commands of the people , but that Clemens bid them that they should make that offer to them , that in that particular they would . But I , who was confuting Blondel's argument , was to take it as he set it , not as it ought to have been set by him , and so have done nothing criminous in so doing . 19. There is yet a third charge in a parenthesis , that the words [ appointed by the Apostles ] taken for the persons of those Bishops is thrust in by me , and is against the expresse testimony of Clemens in this Epistle . ] But certainly this is also a groundlesse accusation . For as to Blondel's words or arguing , they are not by me thrust into them , but used as a circumstance of some force in my arguing against him , to shew that his argument taken from what was said or done by those whom he acknowledges contenders , was sure to be no good argument , when they , against whom they are by him supposed to contend , being the Bishops of Corinth , those Bishops were , say I , constituted by the Apostles : This was but a light circumstance , yet that which I thought would be some farther prejudice to his argument , when the words , from whence he inferr'd his conclusion , were supposed to be spoken by the contenders , those again contenders against Bishops , and those Bishops constituted by the very Apostles . 20. And then for Clement , 't is most certain ( whatsoever the Prefacer is pleased to affirm to the contrary ) that he expresly saith this of these Bishops , whom they contended against , and ejected , that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constituted by the Apostles , or after by other esteemed men , some immediately both designed and ordain'd to the Office by the Apostles personally , others designed and nominated , or put upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the list of succession by the Apostles , and as places were vacant , actually ordai●'d by the imposition of the hands of those esteemed or eminent men , the successors of the Apostles ( such as were also themselves call'd Apostolical men by Blondel , and by the antients , Apostoli secundarii , secundarie Apostles . ) 21. This is most evident again by what was cleared in the last Section : And so the Parenthesis had as little of Justice in it , as the main period , and might have been spared also , if the Prefacer had so pleased . 22. What follows after in this place [ It is the advice of the Church of Rome — ] is for the most part true , and I have suggested nothing against it , nor am now a whit concerned in the contents of it , and therefore though there be some infirme parts in it also , and many more in the former words , yet having vindicated my selfe , I shall not trouble the Reader to pursue this matter any farther ; what he hath mistaken , he may , if he please , rectifie by what hath been said , and particularly informe himselfe of his doubts , that they to whom the advise is given , and on occasion of whom the sedition was raised , are not they that were in danger of being derected from their office ( as at the beginning of this Section he thought it possible ) n●r consequently they ( as toward the end he saith ) which were already in office , but they * for whom the people contended to have them advanced to the Bishops seats , they that were the occasion and the subject matter of the contention , and as we may conclude from some passages , † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ring-lead●r● of the sedition , and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they that laid the foundation of it . 23. And that bring me to the second strange part of Blondels collection , Communi Presbyteros consilio Ecclesiam rexisse , eosdem nihil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attentâsse , sed — multitudinis dicto obedientes fuisse , that the Presbyters by Common Councel ruled the Church , and that the same Presbyters ( in the text of Clemens ) were obedient to the command or saying of the multitude . But that certainly could not be hence concluded , the persons into whose mouth Clemens put these words being not Presbyters nor Bishops neither , but those whom the people would have Bishops , and to that end raised this sedition , and cast the true Bishops out of the Church , And so they of whom this sage observation is made , [ that they did nothing imperiously , but depended on the commands of the multitude ] are but these unruly fellow-believers , not really vested with any power in the Church , onely one part of a seditious multitude , exhorted by him to indeavour to pacifie another , and to indeavour to rescue the legall Bishops from suffering in this tempest ( yea , though the same popular tumult would have put them into their places ) others being resolved to shake the whole Church , rather than they would misse of their designe of raising those that they thought fit to admire . 24. And for any such words used ( or by Clemens advised to be used ) betwixt one part of this multitude and the other , I still desire it may be considered , whether it be possible that an argument can be regularly drawn from them , on which to found the right or power of the people , in ordering Ecclesiastical affaires , when besides , all that hath formerly been said , 't is certaine the speech was made to that part of the people , which were in open rebellion against their superiors , and was onely a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or mollifying plaster applyed to the part which was at that present most inflamed , embrocation to allay the paroxysme . 25. I might now joyne issue with the Prefacer , and examine the truth of his positive affirmation , that in this saying of Clemens , there is that laid which is sufficiently destructive to the Episcopacie that I contend for ( and also of any such Presbyterie as shall undertake the disposing of things in the Church of God , without the consent & concurrent suffrage of the people ) or that the Episcopacie I contend for , is wholly inconsistent with the power , and liberty here granted to the people . But there is not one syllable here produced for the defence of this affirmation . And I thinke it competently appears by this time , how farre that bare text of Clement is from founding it , and therefore I have now nothing more to contend with , my contrary affirmation , that no such thing is yet concluded , will certainly be true , and fit to be confronted to , and balanced with it , and if I should farther improve it into this , that nothing is conclusible , I thinke having already seen the utmost , that two such skilfull artificers , Blondel , and the Prefacer , have beene able to produce toward it , it would not be thought any grand insolence . 26. One thing onely I cannot omit , that when he speaks of the power of the people , he calls it [ their concurrent suffrage ] once , and after joynes them with the Presbyters in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commanding or ordeining in the affaires of the Church . But I shall demand , can any thing like that be drawn out of the place in Clement ? Is it not certaine that the multitude , whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ordinances he there speaks of , had cast out their Bishops or Elders out of the Church , and those that are to speak to them , and joyne with them , are not Presbyters , but those whom they would have exalted to that office , and raised their tumult about it ? And how then can the Presbyters in that place be supposed to joyne with the people in this ordeining ? 27. I shall not make my observations from hence , but leave the Prefacer to examine himselfe , with what justice he hath managed his replies to me , or reproacht my answers to D. Blondel . And so indeed , as he saith , It is a sad thing to consider the pittifull intanglements and snares , &c. And so much for this Section also . The imployment is so dry to me , and the profit to the Reader so thin from such kinde of debates , that I should be glad it were the last of them . CHAP. V. Of the plurality of Elders in Clements Epistle . Sect. 1. The difference betwixt Ignatius and Clement in the enumeration of Officers in the Church . Clements Epistle to the Churches of Achaia . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) Pauls Epistles to those . Metropolitical Churches in the Apostles times . Answer to a charge concerning Grotius . Num. 1. IN the next place , this digression concerning the power of the people being absolved , I am called back againe to Ignatius , and in him to that of his asserting the three Orders in the Church , which is thought fit to be considered a while by comparing it with Clements doctrine in this matter ; who is acknowledged to name but two . And then his charge against Ignatius and against me is thus managed . 2. To returne then , it is evident that in the time of Clement there were but two sorts of Officers in the Church , Bishops and Deacons , whereas the Epistles of Ignatius doe precisely in every place , where any mention is made of them , as there is upon occasions , and upon none at all , insist on three orders distinct in name and things . With Clement it is not so . Those whom he calls Bishops in one place , the very same persons he immediately calls Presbyters , ( after the example of Paul , Act. 20 , 28 and Tit. 1. 5. 7. ) and plainly asserts , Episcopacie to be the office of Presbyters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. Because they were in no danger to be cast from their Episcopacie . And whereasth fault which he rep●oves in the Chu●ch of Corinth , is their division , and wan● of due subjection to their spirituall Governors , according to the order which Christ hath appointed in all the Churches of the Saints , he affirmes plainly , that those Governours were the Presbyters of the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And in all places throughout the whole Epistie , w●iting ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to that particular Church of Corinth , the Saints dwelling there , walking in the order and fellowship of the Gospell , where he treats of these thi●gs , he still intimates a plurality of Presbyters in the Church , ( as the●e may , nay there ought to be in every single Congregation , Act 20 28. ) without the least intimation of any singular person promoted upon any acc●unt whatever above his follows . So in the advise given to the persons who occasioned the division before mentioned ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Had there been a singular Bishop at Corinth , much more a Met opolitan , such as our Doctor speaks him to have been , it had been impossible that he should be thus passed by in silence . But the Doctor gives you a double answer to this observation , with the severall parts , whe●eof I doubt not but that he makes himself me●●y , if he can suppose that any men are so wedded to his dictates , as to give them entertainment ; for indeed they are plainly jocular But learned men must have leave sometimes to exercise their ●ansies , and so sport themselves with their owne imaginations . 1. Then , For the mention that is made of the many Presbyters in the Church of Corinth , to whom Clement in the name of the Church of Rome , exhorts to give all due respect , honour , obedience . He tells you that by the Church of Corinth , all the Churches of Achaia are meant and intended . The Epistle is directed onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the least intimation of any other Chu●ch o● Churches . The difference it is written about was occasioned by one or two persons in that Church onely ; it is that Church alone that is exhorted to order , and due subjection to their Elders , from the beginning to the end of the Epistle , there is not one word , ap●… or ●ittle , to intima●e the designation of it to any Church or Churches , beyond the single Church of Corinth , or that they had any concernement in the difference spoken to . The Fabrick of after-ages lyes so close to the Doctors imagination , that there is no entrance for the true frame of the Primitive Church of Christ , and therefore every thing must be wrested and apportioned to the conceit of such an Episcopacie as he hath entertained . Whereas he ought to crop off both head and heels of his owne imagination , and the Episcopacy of the later dayes , which he too dearly affects , he chooseth rather to stretch and torture the antient Government of the Church , that it may seem to answer the frame presently contended for . But let us a little attend to the Doctors learned arguments , whereby he endeavours to make good his assertion . 1. He tels you , that Corinth was the chiefe City of Achaia , the Metropolis ( in a politicall sense and acceptation of the word ) of Greece , where the Proconsull had his residence , Diss . 5. cap. 2. Sect. 3. Let us grant this to our Learned Doctor , lest we finde nothing to gratifie him withall ; and what then will follow ? Hence , saith he , it will follow ( Sect. 4. ) that this Epistle which was sent , Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non ad unius Civitatis Ecclesiam , sed ad omnes totius Achatae : Christianos , per singulas civitates & regiones , sub Episcopis aut Praefectis suis ubique collocatas missa existimetur : But pray Doctor , why so ? We poore creatures , who are not so sharpe sighted , as to discerne a Metropolitan Arch-Bishop at Corinth , of whom all the Bishops in Greece were dependant , nor can finde any instituted Church in the Scripture , or in Clement , of one denomination , beyond a single Congregation , cannot but thinke , that all the strength of this consecta●y , from the insinuation of such a state of things in the Church of God , is nothing but a pure begging of the thing in question , which will never be granted upon such c●mes . Yea , but he addes , Sect. 5. that Paul wrote his Epistle not onely to the Church of Corinth , but also to all the Churches of Achaia , therefore Clement did so also . At first view this argument seems not very conclusive , yea , appears indeed very ridiculous ; the inforcement of it , which insues , may perhaps give new life and vigour to it : How then is it proved that Paul wrote not onely to the Church of Corinth , but to all them in Achaia also ? why saith he in the 2 Ep. 1. Chap 1. ver . it is so exprest : he writes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Very good ! It is indispurably evident , that Paul wrote his second Epistle to the Church of Corinth , and all the rest of Achaia , for he expressely affirmes himselfe so to doe , and for the first Epistle it is directed not only to the Church of Corinth , 1. Ch. 2. v. but also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , saith our Doctor , in the whole region of Achaia . So indeed sayes the Doctors great friend Grotius , to whom he is beholding for more than one rare notion . I say it not in any way of any reproach to the Doctor , onely I cannot but thinke his carefull warding of himselfe against the thoughts of men , that he should be beholding to Grotius , doth exceedingly unbecome the Doctors gravity , and selfe-denyall . This is complained of by some who have tried it in reference to his late Comment on the Revelation . And in this Differtation he is put by his owne thoughts ( I will not say guil●y ) to an Apologie , cap. 1. Sect. 24. Quâ in re suffra ▪ gium suum tu●●sse H●gonem Grotium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●x Annotationibus , po●… , nuper ●ditis , & postquam haec omn a Typographo transcrip●a essent , cur●… perlectis edoctum gratulor . Let not the Rea●er thinke that Doctor Ham : had transmitted his papers full of ra●e conjectures to the Prin●e● , before G●…us his Annotations on the Revelation were published , but onely before he had read them . The Doctor little think●s what a flye this is in his pot of Oyntment , nor how undecent with all impartiall men , such Apologies , subservient to a frame o● spirit in bondag●… a mans owne esteeme and reputation , appeare to be : but let this passe : and let the Saints that call upon the name of Jesus Christ in every place , be the Saints in every part of A●…a , though the Epistle it selfe ( written indeed upon occasion tak●n from the Church of Corinth , y●● ) was given by inspiration from God , for the use not onely of all Saints in the whole world , at that time wherein it was written , but of all those who were to believe in any part or place of the world , to the end thereof : although the assertion of it be not built on any tolerable conj●cture , but may be rejected with the same facility wherewith it is tendred ; what now will ●ence ensu● ? why hence it follows , that Clement also wrote his Epistle to all the Churches in A●haia . Very good , Paul writing an Epistle intituled chiefly to the Corinthians , expresly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 directs i● to all the Saints or Churches of Achaia , yea , to all that call upon the name of God in every place , so that his Epistle being of Catholick concernment , is not to be con●ined to the Church of Corinth onely , although most of ●e particular things mentioned in that Epistle related onely to that particular Church ; Therefore Clement directing his Epistle to the Church of Corinth onely , not on●● mentioning nor insinua●ing an intention of extending it to any other , handling in it onely the peculiar concernment of that Church , and a difference about one or two persons therein , m●st be supposed to have w●i●en to all the Churches of Achaia . And if such arguments as these will not prove Episcopacy to be of Apostolicall constitution , what will prevaile with men so to esteeme it ? Si Pergama dextrâ defendi possent , etiam hac de●ensa faissent . And this is the ●ause of naming many Elders or Presbyters in one Church : For my part I suppose the Doctor might more probably have adhered to a former conjecture of his Dissert . 4. cap. 10. Sect. 9. concerning two sundry different Churches , where were distinct Office●s in the same City , Primò ( saith he ) respondeo ▪ non usquequaque verum est , quod pro concesso fumitur , quamvis enim in unâ Ecclesiâ aut 〈◊〉 , plures simul Episcopi nunquam fuerint ( pray except them mentioned , Act. 20. 28. and those Act. 14. 23. ) nihil tamen ●…are , quin in eadem civitate duo aliquando ●…us di●●erminati fuerint . He might ( I say ) with more shew of probability have abode by this observation , than to have rambled over all Greece , to relieve himselfe against his adversaries . But yet neither would this suffice . What use may or will be made of this concession shall elsewhere be manifested . 3. That which is extended to this length in this part of the Prefacers discourse , may briefly be summ'd up into these four heads ; 1. a briefe touch of the difference betwixt Clemens and Ignatius , the one mentioning but two , the other three Orders in the Church : 2. His asserting the Bishops mentioned in Clemens to be bare Presbyters , concluding that from the number of them , many in that 〈◊〉 Church of Corinth ; 3. a taking notice of a first answer of mine to that argument , and indeavouring to invalidate it ; 4. a reproach of my vaine-glory in borrowing notions from Grotius , and being unwilling to be thought to doe so . Which last , though it hang loose from the matter in hand , being perfectly extrinsecall to our Controversie , whether about Ignatius Epistles or Episcopacie , ( because 't is certaine that one that hath received help from Grotius , is not for that the more likely to be in the wrong , or to be unable to maintaine his assertions ; and because he that hath faults in his manners , the vaine-glorious and ingratefull , may yet by so good a guide as Grotius , fall upon some truth ) yet I shall afterward punctually reply to , and dispatch that also , and shew how little happy the Prefacer is in all his acts of severity . But as the order and the rule before me directs , I must begin with the more materiall parts . 4. And first for the difference betwixt Clement and Ignatius , it was farre from being any observation of the Prefacers , or usefull to him against us , It is knowne to be a principal ingredient in the foundation , on which I build and assert Episcopacie , viz. that in the times of the Scriptures and of Clemens , there appear to have been two , and not above two Orders in the Church of Christ , Bishops and Deacons , that these Bishops were promiscuously styled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bishops and Elders , the nature of each word agreeing , to denote a singular Governor , and the use of it both in Scripture and Clemens no way inclining to determine it to a number or College of Presbyters in each Church , ruling in Common Councel . That Saint Paul , Phil. 1. 1. Tit. 1. 5. 7. 1 Tim 3. expresly sets downe this course , under the two plaine heads of Bishops and Deacons , that Clemens is as expresse , that the Apostles at their first preaching constituted or ordained their first converts to be Bishops and Deacons of those that should after believe , that Epiphanius voucheth it out of the profoundest Histories , the antientest Records , that while the paucity of Christians was such , as neither to need more than a Bishop , and his Deacons in each Church , nor to afford much choise of persons for any more , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they were contented every where with these two ; Lastly , that when the number of believers was greatly increased , and so permitted and required it , then a second order , under Bishops , and above Deacons , was erected in each Church by Apostles and Apostolical men , particularly , as may probably be collected by Saint John in Asia , toward the end of his dayes , and accordingly that Ignatius's Epistles written some yeares after John's death , are the first that mention that second order . 5. All this in every branch hath been distinctly cleared both in the Dissertations , and since in the Vindication of them from the London Assemblers , and not one word is here pretended to invalidate any one part of it , any farther , than as it will fall under one of the two following heads of discourse , and therefore I am now to hasten to them . Onely to be s●re to have neglected nothing , that can expect to be considered in the least , It is here presently visible , 1. how causelesly Ignatius is quarrell'd with , for mentioning the Orders of the Church upon no occasion , when the designe of his Epistles being to preserve truth and peace among the Churches , he had no better and more compendious way to doe it , than by requiring their subjection to their Governors , and thereupon he so constantly inculcates it , and this is a very important occasion , and that which alwayes makes it very seasonable and pertinent , whensoever it is done by him . 6. Secondly , How fallaciously the discourse proceeds , which supposeth Clemens to call those Presbyters ( which ought to signifie as among us the word now signifies , collegues and fellow-rulers in the same Church ) whom before he had called Bishops , adding that he plainly asserts Episcopacy to be the office of Presbyters , and that their Spirituall Governors were the Presbyters of the Church , and a plurality of Presbyters in the same Church , whereas all this while he knowes that Clement saith that the Apostles instituted Bishops and Deacons in all Cities and Regions , and that these are by us cleared to be singular Bishops , and that to prevent contentions , they left a list of successors to that singular office in each Church , and that these singular Bishops are oft called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , not onely before , but after Clemens , even by those that appeare , and are acknowledged to assert the three Orders , and consequently that Clement may well be allowed to style them so , in whose time , for ought appears , there were none of that second order , now vulgarly called Presbyters , yet erected , either at Rome , from whence or at Corinth , or in all Achaia , to which he wrote this Epistle . 7. Thirdly , How infirme a way of arguing it is , to say that Clement doth not in the least intimate any singular person , promoted above his fellows , and that had there been any such at Corinth , it had been impossible he should be thus pass'd by in silence , when he knowes that the Apostles constituting Bishops and Deacons , and what followes on that account , is by us insisted on , and confirmed to be more than an intimation of it , and when the whole purport of the Epistle is to preserve the authority of the Governors of the severall Churches under that Metropolis , whom he knowes we contend and prove to be the singular Bishops , and must not forgoe that pretension till it be confuted . 8. To proceed to the second head of discourse , his asserting the Bishops mentioned in Clemens to be bare Presbyters . ] For this it is certaine , that he makes no tender of any other argument , or appearance of proofe , but onely the mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which he renders Presbyters ) in the plural , whom therefore he concludes to be many Presbyters in the same Church : But 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elder , signifies Bishop in Scripture , in Clemens , in Polycarpe , in those of the Antients after them , that are knowne to assert the singular Bishop above Presbyters in each Church . And this having been said and cleared in the Dissert : is not , in the least , attempted to be disproved by him . 9. Secondly , These many Elders are not all ( or more than one ) said or intimated by Clement to be in one City . For the Epistle , as was shewed in the Dissert : is , I suppose , most certainly , may have been addrest by Clement , not to the single Church of that one City of Corinth but to the Churches of all Achaia or Greece , of which Corinth was the chiefe , being the Metropolis . 10. That it was not so , is barely said , but largely proved in that place , Dissert : 5. cap. 2. first from the title of the Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where it is on each part the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or whole province , as of Rome , so of Corinth , the Region and territory that belonged to either of those Metropoles , which in that age was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the adjacent region , exprest by Ignatius , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place of the region of the Romans , by Polycarpe in the same kind , speaking of Phili●pi , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church adjoyning or belonging to Philippi , and by * Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Province belonging to Corinth , of which Dionysius was Bishop or Metropolitan . 11. Secondly , this was proved by the analogie held between this Epistle of Clemens , and the Epistle of Saint Paul , inscribed to the Corinthians ; For I demand , was not this Epistle of Clement written to the same Church or Churches , to whom Saint Paul's two Epistles had been addressed ; That it was , is more than probable by the Common title ; and other Characters in the Epistle it selfe incline to it . As that he refers them to the Epistles of Saint Paul written to them , and that upon the like occasion of divisions and factions , so early crept in among them . So pag. 61. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Take , saith he , the Epistle of Saint Paul , consider what he saith to you in the beginning of his preaching to you , certainely it was by inspiration from God , that he wrote to you concerning himselfe and Cephas , and Apollos , because that then ye had partialities and inclinations to one more than to another , but that partiality brought lesse sinne unto you — Here still it is the same [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you ] that before , and now were guilty of this sinne of carnality , admiration of person , faction , and now at length sedition , and so the same Churches now and then , to whom these Epistles on that occasion were addrest , and there is no circumstance producible , that restrains one more than the other . 11. Now of the Epistles of Paul it is evident they were not confined to the one City of Corinth , but to all the Churches of Achaia , so it is specified of the second● of them , 2 Cor. 1. 1. To the Church of God which is at Corinth , with all the Saints which are in all Acha●a : And though this be not expresly said of or in the first Epistle , or in this of Clement , yet the relation that one hath to the other , will conclude it of those also ; and the phrase , which there we find superadded to the Church of Corinth , 1 Cor. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to all that are called by the name of Christ , all Christians , in every place ] ( and the like forme at the conclusion of this , The Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and with all every where that are called by God ] hath in all probability the same importance ) for that being universal , and extended beyond Corinth , must not yet be interpreted of all Christians in the world , for that would make each of these a Catholick Epistle , and would conclude the Apostle to have received an Epistle from the Catholick Church , to which this returne was made : c. 7. 1. and so likewise the particular sins , & sinners both there and here , to which they apply their exhortations , the in●est , the going to Law before heathen judicatures , the seditions , &c. doe evidently restrain it from that latitude , which two circumstances being balanced on each side , will certainly leave it in the middle , betwixt the one Church of Corinth on the one side , and the universal Church of the whole world on the other , and so leave it commensurate and applyable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the coasts of Acha●a . Thus when 1. Cor. 3. 5. it is said of Apollos , that he hath watered them , as the Minister by which they to whom he wrote believed and so in this of Clemens , that they had beene factiously inclined to Apollos ) it is evident by the story in the Asts , that this belonged not onely to Corinth , but to Achaia indefinitely , Act. 18. he resolved to go into Achaia , and coming thither he contributed much to those that believed . v. 27. 12 To these are added these farther indications , that in the Epistle to the Romans sent from Corinth , the salutations are sent from the Churches of Christ , in the plural , Rom. 16. 16. mention is made of the Church which is at ●enchrea ( which is one of these Churches ) v. 1. so what the Apostle writes in these Epistles concerning the collection for Judea , 1 Cor. 16. 1. and 2 Cor c. 8. and 9. evidently belongs to all Achaia . Rom. 15. 26. Macedonia and Achaia have pleased to make a certaine contribution , and I know your forwardnesse , Achaia hath been ready or prepared , 2 Cor. 9. 2. and so when c. 1. 9. he had said , when I was present among you and wanted , I burthened no man , it f●llowes , v. 10. this boasting shall not be shut up against me in all the regions of Achaia . Where still [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] [ you ] and [ Achaia ] are all one , and if that liberty be but allowed in this Epistle , the whole difficulty is at an end , for then , as there were many cities and Episcop●l sees in Achaia , the chief of which was Corinth , and what was sent to that Metropolis was from thence to be communicated , as it belonged to all those others : so the Bishops of each of these might very fitly be called by Clement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , and not the Elders of that one Church or City of Corinth , but all that related to that Metropolis . 13 This , I may have leave to hope , will be look● on as a ●irmer foundation on one side , to conclude that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , which is also the title of Bishops , in this Epistle , being also called Bishops here ( a title which , as is * elsewhere shewed at large , as farre as the Scriptures never was applyed to a bare Presbyter ) were the several Bishops or singular Governors of the many cities of Achaia , than the bare number or multitude of them , without any other circumstance to inforce it , will be sufficient to infer that they were the many Presbyters in one city . 14. To come therefore to the third thing , the taking notice of this answer , and his endeavouring to invalidate it , I shall briefly examine whatsoever is said by him in pursuit of that attempt . And his first Method is that of the Scoffer , to prepare his reader to look on this answer as ridiculous , he doubts not but the Doctor makes himselfe merry , if he can suppose any so wedded to his dictates , as to give it intertainment , for it is plainly jocular ; and againe , I must in the same Scophick humor , be styled a learned man , so to be allowed to excercise my phansie , to sport with my owne imaginations . 15. But 1. truly , Sir , I was neither then nor am now at so much vacancy , which might call for sport ; If I were , I would finde out more Christian-like divertisements . 2. I could never think that what was thus confirmed by Arguments ( and this had bin done in the Dissert . on the same grounds of probation , which have here been mentioned ) could be liable to the censure either of Dictates on one side , or of jocular , on the other ; and 3. If he had been as well able to confute my answer , or confirmations of it , as he was to scoffe and cry , ●…cular , &c. he must needs have thought it more like a Christian , and a Scholar , and a propugne of truth , to have insisted wholly on the former , and omitted the latter . Lastly , I learn from hence , wherein my crime consisted , when I said of one of Blondel's observations from Clement , that it was instar prodigii ; It seemes I should have said that it was plainly ●ocular , have smiled instead of wondring , and all had been very well . 16. Having thus answered his proeme , I come to his narration : And there truly I finde no one argument of force to countenance or justifie his mirth . A cumulus there is , but that will signifie nothing , unlesse some one of the particulars , of which it consists , do so . And that they cannot do , being by him known to be denied by me , before they are mentioned , and yet no proof added to support them . 17. As 1. that the Epistle is directed to the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the least intimation of any other Church or Churches , and after in the like words , a little varied , that there is not an apex or tittle to intimate the designation of it to any but the Church of Corinth . ] This is a negative unproved and concluding nothing , whereas it is evident to him , that the very phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is taken by me for more than an intimation that it was the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Province , which he wrote to , and that the consent betwixt this and S. Paul's Epistles intimated them to be addrest to the same , and so to the Churches of all Achaia . 18. So 2. when he saith the difference it was written about , was occasioned by one or two persons in that Church onely , and that it was that Church onely that is exhorted to order and due subjection to Elders , that is petitio principii , and that which no way appeares in the Epistle , one or more of these might be in other Churches of Achaia , and those other Churches might be all exhorted to order and subjection to their severall Bishops . 19. 3. When he falls back so soon into his first Topick again , that of Contumelie [ the fabrick of after-ages lies so close to the Doctor 's imagination , that there is no entrance for the true frame , and therefore every thing must be wrested , &c. ] and yet more , that whereas I ought to crop off head and heeles ( a phrase that I have not met with , cropping off heels ) I chose to stretch and torture — ] 1. It is evident how easily this might be retorted , thus , that the fabrick of this last part of this last age in this Island of ours , lies so close on my Monitor's imagination , that the frame in Clement's time , of a Church governed by Bishops , ordeined by the Apostles and their successors , not by the people or the whole congregation , cannot finde entrance with him . And secondly , from the recurring of such kind of Rhetorick as this , so soon I might very probably conclude , that his whole confidence was placed in this one Topick , which is ordered both to lead the van , and also to bring up the reere , to be the reserve as well as the forlorne hope ; And then upon this view of his reply , I desire it may be indifferently considered , whether my arguments were not as valid to confirme my answer as his mirth and repetitions and bare negations without any attempt of proof , were of force to assert the contrary . 20. Next he promises to attend to my arguments , but cannot hold his countenance againe , they must be styled [ learned arguments ] ●orsooth ( to have spoken as he thought , had been more like a serious person , that meant to attend to arguments ) And the first that he attends to is , that Corinth was the Metropolis of Greece , in a politicall sense and acceptation of the word , where the Proconsull had his residence , and this he grants , but for my consectary from thence , that Epistle inscribed to the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should be conceived sent to the Christians of all A●haia ] all the strength thereof , saith he , from the insinuatian of such a state of things in the Church of God , is nothing , but a pure begging of the thing in question . 21. But first , certainly this cannot be that fallacy called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the begging of the question ; It is the ●…erring of that which is there proved both before and after ; before , both as that signifies long before , and immediately before ; long before , viz. Dissert . 4. c. 5. the erection of Metropoles and Metropolitanes in the Church had been demonstrated ; Immediately before , it had been mentioned as a praecogn●scendum , that Corinth was such an one , which if granted , it must follow , that there was a Metropolitan Arch-bishop at Corinth , of whom all the Bishops in Greece were dependent . So againe this was proved after , by the consent betwixt this and Paul's E●istles ; those were written to all the Christians of all Achaia , and then why should not this be resolved to be so written also ? And how then can the question be here said to be begged by me ? If this of Corinth's being a Metropolis in the politicall sense , were not sufficient to inferr this conclusion , first that might then have been said , the consequence denied , and traill made , what was , or what could be farther said to prove it ; but that method was not here thought safe , it was easier to say , the strength of the consectary is nothing but a pure begging of the question , ) which yet I never heard said of a conclusion , inferred from praemisses , and after farther undertaken to be proved ; I desire to consult Aristotle in his discourse of that fallacie , and he shall finde it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on my side a begging of the question , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on his , a denying the conclusion . 22. This for the forme of his reply ; Secondly then , as to the matter of it , I did , and still doe thinke it a concluding argument , which I there used ; and being briefly set downe , 't will be more explicitely this : An Epistle addrest to a Metropolitical see , under the title of the Church adjacent to such a chiefe City or Metropolis , is addrest to all the Cities and Churches that relate to that Metropolis . But Corinth was such a City , and this Epistle was so addrest to it — That Corinth was such a Metropolis was apparent , and is not denyed , as to the politicall acceptation of it ; And if it were so also in the Ecclesiastick , there is no farther difficulty ; And if my supposing and not farther proving of this in that place , were the infirme part of the discourse , and begging of the question , I must answer , that I had no reason to expect it should be esteemed so , having long before , on occasion of the Angels in the Revelation , entre 〈◊〉 into a discourse of Metropolitical Cities , and shewed , that not onely in the political but Ecclesiastical acceptation , there were such in the Apostles , and so in Clement's time . 23 This was there manifested in many instances , 1. in Antioch the Metropolis of Syria and Cilicia , and all the Churches of those regions , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Antioch and dependent on that ; Secondly in Rome the Metropolis of the Roman Province , or Vrbicarian region ; Thirdly , in Alexandria the Metropolis of Egypt , whereupon Marke is said by * Eus●bius to have lonstituted Churches ( in the plural ) there , all which under the title of † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the province of , or belonging to Alexandria ( as here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) were by Saint Mark committed to Anianus or Ananias , and the Government administred by him , all the rest of the Churches there planted by Mark , relating to this as to the Metropolis . Fourthly , in Gortyna the prime Metropolis of Crete , the Arch-Bishop whereof in the Epistle of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , Ann : Ch : 175. is styled Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Church adjacent to ( i. e. the province of ) Gortyna , and of all the rest in Crete . Fifthly , in Philippi , the Metropolis of one Province of Macedonia , Act. 16. 12. to which purpose it is that in the Epistle said to be written by Ignatius to them of Tarsus , we finde , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Churches ( in the plural ) of the Philippians salute you . Sixthly , in the several Churches of Asia , mentioned Rev. 1 each of them a Metropolis over some other ●ities , and Ephesus the prime of all the Proconsular Asia . And this forme , or this state of things in the Church of God , is there by three Canons of the three great Councels , Nice , Antioch , Ephesus , testified to be the ancient primitive , Apostolical state . 24. This being then done at large , and thereby the Primitive constitution of Metropolitical Churches competently asserted , it seemed to me sufficient but to re-mind the Reader , that Corinth was one such Metropolis of Achaia or Greece , and accordingly , that upon that account ( in the Ecclesiastical as well as Political acceptation ) the Epistles of Paul inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the Corinthians , were meant to all the Churches of Achaia , and not onely to that one of Corinth . And what error I have committed herein , I confesse I am not yet able to discerne or divine , or what there is behinde that wants farther proof . 25. The onely thing I can yet thinke of , is , that in this Praefacer's judgement , I have not made it sufficiently appeare by that one evidence of Corinth's being a Metropolis , where the Proconsul of Achaia kept his residence , Act. 18 12 , 15. ( i. e. a Metropolis in the Political acceptation ) that it was also a Metropolis in the Ecclesiastical notitiae , and then it may be fit perhaps farther to adde something to cleare that , and put it out of question , not onely in thesi , that the Church generally thus corresponded with the state , ( according to that of Origen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Governour of the Church of every City must keep conformity to the ruler of those that are in the City , Contr. Cels . l. 3. ) but also in hypothesi , that so it was particularly in this of Corinth . 26. To which purpose it were easie to multiply testimonies , which put it out of question that Corinth was a Metropolitical Church , and so is recorded to be in all the Notitiae , that are extant ; But I shall content my selfe with one testimony , that of * Saint Chrysostome , who asketh this question , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Why writing to the Metropolis , he writes ( i. e. expresses himselfe to write ) to all by or through that , whereas in other Epistles he doth not doe so ? for writing to the Thessalonians , he no where addresseth it to the Macedonians also , and writing to the Ephesians in like manner , he comprehendeth not all Asia , and the Epistle to the Romans was not addrest also to the inhabitants of Italy ; but here this he doth , and in the Epistle to the Galatians , for there also he makes his addresse , not to one , or two , or three Cities , but to all every where dispersed , saying , Paul an Apostle — to the churches of Galatia — where , as Corinth at the time when Saint Paul wrote that Epistle , is by him supposed to be a Metropolis , and so Thessalonica , and Ephesus , and Rome , so both in the Epistles to the Corinthians , and in that to the Galatians , there were more Cities than one , to whom they were addrest . And then I suppose there is a full testimony to all , and more than I undertook to prove from it . At the present it sufficeth , Corinth , saith he , was a Metropolis , and that in the Ecclesiastick notion , when Saint Paul wrote to it . 27. What the Prefacer farther addes , is for the examining my next proofe or evidence , that Clement's Epistle belonged to the Churches of Achaia , and not to Corinth onely , because the Epistles of Saint Paul appear to have done so . And besides the scoffs and the demurer accusation about Grotius ( which shall anon be considered ) all that he replyes is , 1. That though St. Pauls being expresly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 directed to the Churches of A●haia , cannot be confined to the Church of Corinth , yet Clement directing his Epistle to the Church of ▪ orinth onely , without mention , or insinuation of any intention to extend it to any other , handling in it the peculiar concernment of that Church , and a difference about one or two persons therein , cannot be supposed to be written thus to the Churches of all Achaia . Secondly : That in his opinion I might more probably have adhered to a former conjecture of mine concerning two different Churches , with distinct Officers ▪ in the same City , though this would not suffice neither . 28. To these I reply . 1. That o● Paul's onely one ( the second ) is expresly directed to all the Churches of Achaia , and yet the former is without that expresse direction , already sufficiently cleared ( and not here denied ) to belong to the same Churches , and the same reasons hold for this of Clemens , which was written to them , to whom ●aul wrote , and not to the Church of Corinth , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Church ad acent , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the territorie , that belonged to it . And therefore , secondly ; That this is more than an insinuation of an intention to extend●t ●t to those other Churches . Thir●ly : That the concernments of the Epistle are no way restrained to the particular Church of Corinth , but by common to the other Churches of Achaia . Fourthly : that the difference , or rather sedition , doth no way appeare to be peculiar to the Church of that one City : The one or two , if they signifie strictly no greater a number than two , might yet as probably be in any one or two other Cities of Greece , as in that one of Corinth And there is no probability of reason to conclude , that the Errors about the Resurrection , &c. had spread no farther than that one City . 29. Lastly , for his opinion that I might more probably have adhered to my former conjecture concerning the two different Assemblies of of Jewish and Gentile Christians in one citie ; All that I need say , is , that though I still adhere to that conjecture , as far as ever , and no way feare what he threatens , that any use , which I shall repent of , will , or ever can be made of this concession , yet I never thought fit to apply it to this matter , both because here is no need of such aids , ( and I may have leave to think the Prefacer would not have suggested it to me , if there had , and that if he had had any way to wrest the former hold from me , he would not thus have attempted it by diversion ) and because as I am not sure that there ever were two such distinct Coetus at Corinth under distinct Bishops ( onely from the authority of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , that there were two parts of their first plantation , one from Paul , another from ●eter ) so if there ever were , yet they might before this time of Clement's writing , be made up into one body , as I know the Jewish and Gentile Church at Rome , that had been under different Governours , were now united under Clement . 30. And therefore to conclude this matter . I desire every man may be allowed liberty to use his own arguments and answers , and to take his owne time to produce and apply them , and that , till what hath been said , be refuted , I may be permitted to think that the whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bishops or Elders , in this Epistle of ●lement are the singular Governors of the severall cities of Achaia 31. What he saith by the by , of Act. 20. 8. and Act. 14. 23. that those two places must be excepted from the universall negative . that there were never more Bishops than one in a city , he cannot but know how little force it hath against me , who have manifest●d out of Irenaeus , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders or Bishops ●ct . 20. were the Bishops of Asia , not of the one city of Ephes●● , and that the Elders ordeined in every Church Act. 14. were the Bishops ordeined at Lystra , Iconium and Antioch , and not any plurality of Presbyters in one city . 32. Having now done with all the three former particulars , wherein Ignatius and Clement , Episcopacy and Presbyterie were concern'd , there remains onely that which is personal to me , in relation to Grotius , but that consisting of several branches , of which it will presently appear how many , or rather how few of them have any degree either of weight or of truth in them . 33. The first is very light , and unconsiderable , that in interpreting [ all in every place ] 1 Cor 1. 2. Grotius saith the same with me . And would not any man believe this assertion of the Prefacer , take it on his word , and not think it needfull to examine it , but resolve it is so much the better , and that thereby it seems , that I am not singular in my imagination : But to see the luck of it , having no such idea in my memory , I turn'd to Grotius's Notes on the place , and this is all that they say there : Ostendit vocationem omnibus esse communem , ac proinde unum esse corpus debere , non tantum unius loci , sed & omnium locorum , puta Achaiae & Macedoniae , in quâ tum erat Paulus , Ecclesiam . The Apostle by the phrase [ all that in every place call on the name of the Lord Jesus , both theirs and ours ] shews that vocation is common to all , and consequently that the Church , not onely of one place , but of all places , to wit of Achaia , and Macedonia , where Paul then was , ought to be one body ] From hence truly I was not so diligent a reader of that learned mans Annotations , as to make any collection at all , or so much as to remember that he had said it , nor was I ever so acute , or sagacious , as from those words to have been able to inferre this conclusion , that the Epistle was written to all the Churches of Achaia : For as long as Corinth was in Achaia , there had been perfect truth in Grotius's words , though the Epistle had been written only to Corinth , as there is on the other side in his mention of Macedonia ( where Paul then was ) though Paul was not conceived by Grotius to have been in above one City of Macedonia ( viz. Philippi ) at this time when thus he wrote . 34. The second is , that H. Grotius is my great friend , to whom I am beholding for more than one rare notion . To which I answer , that this is so far perfect truth , that he is one whose memory I exceedingly reverence and value for what he hath written ; one from whom I have from my first entrance on the consideration of Divine and Moral learning , received more usefull notions than I have from any Writer of this last Age , and so may any man else that is not very much above my pitch , if he read him with a sincere desire of knowing and practicing the truth . As for any uncertain conjectures , which I suppose the Prefacer means by rare notions , or for any expedients whereby to defend the matter in hand , that of Episcopacy , I know not that I received any the least hint or direction from him . 35. The third is , that I ward my self carefully that I may not be thought beholding to Grotius . To which I reply , that I never was sparing on any occasion , whether by words or writings to give my testimony of my valuing , and my being beholding to him , but especially that I have done this very frequently in my papers that have been publisht , as I shall not need make proof by citations or references to them , and I pretend not either to more gravity or self-denyall , than is perfectly reconcileable with this , how far either of these are discover'd by the Prefacer , it is not my purpose to examine . And whereas it is suggested as the complaint of some that have tryed it in reference to the Comment on the Revelations , this must needs be in those men , whosoever they are , a most groundlesse complaint or quarrel , 1. Because it is most certain that Grotius's Book of Notes upon the Revelation , came out after I had penn'd the Annotations on the Revelation , and so all that I had to doe , was to survey them as soon as they came out , and comparing my Notes with his , to reap what bene t I could from him , but did not , could not receive from him my scheme of that Prophecie , or series of my interpretations on the whole , or on any part thereof , save only those two Chapters ( 1. 3. and 17. ) whereon he had formerly written . 36. Secondly : Because in the one place which my memory at present suggesteth to me , that I borrowed the inter retation from him there I find upon examination , that I have own'd it from him , in that of the two Witnesses , p 962. 〈◊〉 say , it is reasonable to forsake all other conjectures , and pitch upon that which the learned H. Groti hath resolved on . 37. Lastly , because I had made my particular and solemn acknowledgement to this Learned man , by recommending , next after Chrysostome and the Greek Scholiasts , his admirable Comments and posthumous Annotations , in which number this on the Revelation was specially comprehended . This is once done in the beginning of the Preface , and again toward the end of it . And that is the third argument to supersede all force of this charge . And so I am still , I suppose , free from all appearance of having merited any part of this character fastned on me by him and his other complainers . 38. After I had written thus much , and just as this paragraph was transcribed , it happens quite above my expectation , that a fourth evidence was offered to me in a Letter from a Learned friend , an account whereof , by transcribing some few passages in it , will a little longer divert the Reader : It is in these words . Sir , I have seen a Preface of Mr. Owen ' s before his Answer to Mr. John Goodwin touching Perseverance , and I doubt not but you have seen it , or w●ll see it before this Paper comes to you ; so I will take no trouble to render to you any thing more of that Digression , which he spends upon you , than to give you notice that I observe amongst the many reproaches , wherewith he endeavours to load you , in the 17. and 18. pages , he tells men , That there are many that complain of your secret vain glory , in seeking to disclaim the direction from H. Grot●… in reference to your Comment on the Revelation This charge , I suppose , reflect ; upon the very close of your Praemonition concerning the Interpretation of the Apocalypse , viz. ( Among which number I now also find the most learned Hugo Grotius , in those posthumous Notes of his on the Apocalypse lately published . ] It seems those many complainers suspect , that ( for the main delineation of your work on that Prophecie ) you took it from Grotius , though you doe pretend , that without any other light going before you , you derived it from the light shining in the Prophecie it self . Vnlesse you think it more fit for you to contemn than to vindicate your self from that aspersion , sure you want not sufficient evidence to reprove that surmise . I doubt not but you communicated your thoughts concerning that Prophecie to severall friends , whom you judged proper to be consulted in such a matter : Amongst others , I am sure you acquainted Mr. John D. with the first draught of your Interpretation , who thereupon told you , That when he and I conversed together , which was in the year 1645. I had in some discourses declared my opinion concerning that Prophecie to what times it referred , and that he found a great concurrence in your opinion and mine , which relation of his moved you to write to me , and require of me to communicate my thoughts to you about the scope of that Prophecie ; and this your Letter was dated Octob. 9. 1648. To which desire I forthwith payd a due respect , and in such manner , as I was able , gave you a scheme of my thoughts on that Prophecie , and then soon after my answer sent to you , I received a second Letter from you , in which you said [ That which you have now sent me is the laying down of all the very grounds , which I have laid down for the interpreting the Apocalypse , and unlesse it be in one little particular , the concurrence is exactly the same for the interpretation of the several parts . ] And then you proceeded in that Letter to give mee the summe of every part of the Prophecie , which is the exact summe of your interpretation which is published : And this second Letter was dated Decemb. 18. 1648. I have thus punctually set down the times , because it is very likely that you cannot with so much ease distinguish the times as may clear you perfectly from that calumnie , if you think fit to take any notice thereof at all . All that I shall adde to this seasonable assistance of my ill memorie , is but this , that Grotius's Notes were not published till the year 16●0 . And so much above what 〈◊〉 intended in answer to that suggestion . 39. The fourth thing is , that which is concluded from mine own Apologie , as he is pleased to call it , Dissert . 5. c. 1. sect . 24. where I said , that I was glad to find by Grotius ' s Annotations on the Revelation ( read hastily by me after the Dissertations were finisht and transcribed for the Printer ) that he was of my opinion concerning a Gentile and a Jewish congregation of Christians in the same city . How I offended in this , or why this should be styled an Apologie , or what I should have said in any syllable otherwise than I did , I confesse I cannot imagine . This onely I know , that it was perfect truth , what there I said , that that whole discourse , about the two sorts of Assemblies and Bishops , in every branch of it was made before his Annotations either were read by me , or publisht , that if I had had his authority to have voucht for the whole observation , I should most gladly have own'd it , and counted it my interest to doe so , that I might not be blamed for the singularity of the observation by those , who were otherwise minded : That as it was , I was glad I had his suffrage , and accordingly expressed I was so . 40. And now truly I am very little concern'd in the gloss , which , quite contrary to my expectation , I find put upon it , were it not my duty to avert the suspition of a vice , and the ill example consequent to it , I should never have disturbed the fly , which he tels me , this hath let into my pot of ointment . The Prefacer should have had my free leave to have said this , and much more ( so long as it was so far from truth ) against me , without my making any word of solemn reply to it . As it is , I am not ill pleased , that I am now at an end of it . Sect. 2. A digression concerning some jealousies spread of Hugo Grotius . 1. YEt because I will be as little in the debt of that learned man Hugo Grotius , as I may , and because I have the occasion offer'd , which suggests it my duty to make some return of gratitude to so good a friend of mine , as I am told he is , I shall doe it in a way , which seems to me most proper at this time . 2. This very pious , learned , judicious man hath of late among many fallen under a very unhappy fate , being most unjustly calumniated , sometimes as a Socinian , sometimes as a Papist , and as if he had learnt to reconcile Contradictories , or the most distant extreames , sometimes as both of them together . 3. For that of his being a Socinian , three things are vulgarly made use of , to infuse that jealousie into mens minds : 1. Some parcels of a Letter of his to Crellius . 2. Some relations of what past from him at his death . 3. Some passages in his Annotations . Of these it may suffice to say briefly , that the collection , which is made from the first , and the whole of the second , is perfect calumnie and forgery , the third an injustice in the publisher . 4. For the first of them , having seen above 20. years since , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fragments or excerpta of a letter of his to Crellius ( on occasion of that mans defense of Socinus , against his excellent book De satisfactione Christi ) wherein there were many civilities and commendations of what was any way commendable in the Socinian writings , and finding that this was lookt on as an indication of his judgement , very favourable to that sect , that instead of replying to his confutation , he returned nothing but words of kindnesse and esteeme to him and his whole tribe , and having then commodity to make a more particular inquirie into the truth of that whole matter , I accordingly made use of it , and had this account from that l●arned man , which as well as my memory will afford , I will set downe intirely , 1. that upon the Survey of Crellius's book against him , he found there was but one thing of any weight , which seemed to stand in force against him , and to exact any reply from him , and that was about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vicaria satisfactio , one mans laying downe his life for another , the innocent to rescue the nocent : Secondly , that after the publication of his Book , De Satisfactione , but withall long before Crellius's reply , he had taken that one particular into more serious consideration , and in his book , De Jure Belli ac Pacis , set downe his thoughts on that subject more exactly , I thinke it was l. 2. c. 21. Thirdly , that to that discourse he remitted him , being of opinion , that he needed not adde any more in relation to that Controversie , as it lay betwixt them , joyning as appears by the Excerpta , many passages of civility and commendations , which he thought du● to them in one respect , their profest desire to advance the practice of vertue and Christian life . And this account of this letter gives it a quite different and distant appearance , from that which the fragments , all of one sort , taken alone , out of this conjunction had given it . 5. For the second , concerning some words which are reported ( variously ) to have past from him at his death , they will be evidenced to be either totally falsified , or fouly mistaken and distorted from the true meaning of them , by the account given of his sicknesse and last passages , by John Quistorpius , Doctor of Divinity , and Pastor of the chiefe Church in Rost●ch , who assisted him in his last tryall . His Letter being already in Print , in Causabone's little Booke intituled ( as I remember ) De Vsu verborum , I must not here set it downe , but referre the Reader to that view of it , where he will finde no other words of his but these ; when the Doctor wished he had been to converse with him in health , his answer was , it a Deo visum est , thus God hath pleased to dispose of it ; when he mentioned confession of sinnes , and the example of the Publican , he interposed , Ego ille sum Publicanus , I am that Publican ; when he remitted him to Christ , without whom there is no Salvation , he replyed , In solo Christo omnis spes mea reposita est , In Christ onely all my hope is reposed . When he used the prayer beginning Herr Jesu wahrer Mensch und Got , &c. he folded his hands and followed him in a low voice ; when he asked him at the end whether he understood , he answered , probè intellexi , I understood it well ; when upon reciting some seasonable texts of Scripture , he askt-againe whether he understood him , his last words were , Vocem tuā audio , sed quae singula dicas difficulter intelligo , I hear your voice , but doe not easily understand every word you say . And having said so , he became Speechlesse . This bare recitall of his novissima , is a sufficient confutation of all the uncharitable relations that are made of them . 6 , Lastly , then for the passages in the Annotations , it may suffice to remember that they are in his posthuma , those which have been publisht since his death , those especially on the Epistles , of which it is evident , that they had never been formed by him , or fitted for the publick , but were put together by some body else , after his death , who finding many things in his adversaria , throwne into Paper bookes as he had at any time occasion , either from his reading of Scripture or others writings ( it being ordinary for every man to note , not onely what he approves , but what he dislikes , and what he thinkes matter of farther consideration ) hath , as he thought fit , made a body of Annotations , and publisht them under his name . Many indications of the truth of this I might produce , having elsewhere mentioned some . I shall onely adde one , Col. 1. 16. where the Apostle saith [ by him all things were created that are in Heaven — ] the Annotation publisht under Grotius's name , hath these words , Rectius est ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hic interpretari , ordinata sunt , novum quendam statum sunt consecuta , the righter interpreting of [ were created ] is , were ordered , obteined a new kinde of state , and so in the end , All things were created by him ] the Scholion is , Intellige omnia quae ad novam creationem pertinent , Vnderstand all things which belong to the New Creation . 7. Which explications as they more than savour of the Socinian leaven , not willing to permit Christ there to be said the Creater of Angels , but referring all to the New Creation ( as the Socinians generally doe , and accordingly interpret . In principio , Joh. 1. 1. In principio Evangelii , In the beginning of the Gospel ) so they are expresly contrary to the words of Grotius , as we know they were publisht by him on Jo● . 1. 3. where on those words [ without him was nothing made that was made ] the nothing , saith he , is put to take away all exception , Id autem ideo factum , ut in iis , quae per verbum sunt condita , intelligerentur etiam ea quae conspicua nobis nen sunt , Col. 1. 16. This was done , that among these things that were created by the word , may be understood also those things that are not seen , citing this very place to that sense , Col. 1. 16. which in the post humous Annotations , is interpreted in such a contrariety both to this former note , and to the writings last published by him before his death , that nothing can be more discernibly injurious to him . 8. By this the Reader may observe and judge of others , and consider how unequall we are likely to be to dead men , if we judge of their opinions by all that is after death published under their names . Witnesse also his Book , De Potestate Regis ●irca sacra , which being written by him in his younger dayes , but never approved by him to be publisht in his life , but purposely supprest , onely some Copies stolne out in Manuscri●●ts from him in which forme I read it many yeares since ) 't is now against his consent ( and in many things distant from his sense exprest in later writings ) publisht , as if it had been fully allow'd by him . But this by the way . 9. Next then for the charge of Popery that is fallen upon him , it is evident from whence that flows , either from his profest opposition to many doctrines of some Reformers , Zuinglius , and Calvin , &c. Or from his Annotations on Cassander , and the Debates with Rivet , consequent thereto , the Votuns pro Pace and Discussio . 10. For the former of these 't is sufficiently known what contests there were , and at length how profest the divisions betwixt the Remonstrant and Contraremonstrant , and it is confest that he maintain'd ( all his time ) the Remonstrants party , * vindicating it from all charge , whether of Pelagianism , or Semipelagianism , which was by the opposers objected to it , and pressing the favourers of the Doctrine of Irrespective Decrees with the odious consequences of making † God the author and favourer of sin , and frequently expressing his sense of the evil influences that some of those Doctrines were experimented to have on mens lives ; and by these meanes it is not strange that he should fall under great displeasure from those , who having espoused the opinion of irrespective decrees , did not onely publish it as the truth , and truth of God , but farther asserted the questioning of it to be injurious to God's free Grace , and his eternal Election , and consequently retain'd no ordinary patience for , or charitie to opposers . 11. But then still this is no medium to inferre that charge . The Doctrines , which he thus maintained , were neither branches nor characters of Popery , but asserted by some of the first , and most learned and pious Reformers . Witnesse the writings of Hemingius in his Opuscula ( most of which are on these subjects ) whereas on the contrary side , Zuinglius and others , who maintained the rigid way of irrespective decrees , and infused them into some of this Nation of ours , are truly said by an * excellent Writer of ours to have had it first from some antient Romish Schoolmen , and so to have had as much ( or more ) of that guilt adherent to them , as can be charged on their opposers . 12. The truth is , these ( or the like to them ) have been matters controverted in all times , and in these latter dayes the controversies inflamed , and the doctrines warmly maintained on both sides by the Lutherans against the Calvinists , who are yet no more Papists than they , and by the Papists among themselves , witnesse the continual disputes between the Jesuits and the Dominicans , and at this time between the Molinists and Jansenians , the parties for a long time so equally balanced , that the Popes have thought it prudent to wave defining on either side , till this last year Innocentius X. upon the instance of the French King hath made a decision of them . 13. So that from hence to found the jealousie , to affirm him a Papist because he was not a Contraremonstrant , is but the old method of speaking all that is ill of those , who differ from our opinions in any thing , as the Dutch man in his rage calls his horse an Arminian , because he doth not goe as hee would have him . And this is all that can soberly be concluded from such suggestions , that they are displeased and passionate that thus speak . 14. As for the Annotations on Cassander , &c. and the consequent vindications of himself against Rivet , those have with some colour been deemed more favourable toward Popery ; but yet , I suppose will be capable of benigne interpretations , if they be read with these few cautions or remembrances . 15. 1. That they were designed to shew a way to peace , whensoever mens minds on both sides should be piously affected to it . Secondly , that he did not hope for this temper in this age , the humour on both sides being so turgent , and extreamly cont●…ary to it , and the controversie debated on both sides by those , qui aterna cupiunt esse dissidia , saith he , who desire to eternize , and not compose contentions , and therefore makes his appeal to posterity , when this paroxisme shall be over , Judicet ●qua posteritas , ad quam maxime provoco . 16. Thirdly : That for the chief usurpations of the Pa●acie , he leaves it to Christian Princes to joyn together to vindicate their own rights , and reduce the Pope ad Canones , to that temper which the antient Canons allow and require of him , a●d if that will not be done , to reform every one within their own dominions . 17. Fourthly : That what he saith in favour of some Popish doctrines , above what some other learned Protestants have said , is not so much by way of assertion or justification of them , as to shew what reasons they may justly be thought to proceed upon , and so not to be so irrational or impious as they are ordinarily accounted , and this onely in order to the peace of the Christian world , that we may have as much charitie to others , and not as high animosities , live with all men as sweetly , and amicably , and peaceably , and not as bitterly as is possible , accounting the Wars , and Seditions , and Divisions , and Rebellions , that are raised , and managed upon the account of Religion , far greater and more scandalous unchristian evils , than are the errors of some Romish doctrines , especially as they are maintain'd by the more sober and moderate men among them , Cassander , Picherel , &c. 18. Fifthly : What he saith in his Discussio of a conjunction of Protestants with those that adhere to the Bishop of Rome , is no farther to be extended than his words extend it . 1. That there is not any other visible way to the end there mention'd by him , of acquiring or preserving universal unity . 2. That this is to be done not crudely , by returning to them as they are , submitting our necks to our former y●ke , but by taking away at once the division , and the causes of it , on which side soever ; adding onely in the third place , that the bare Primacie of the Bishop of Rome secundùm Canones , such as the antient Canons allow of ( which hath nothing of supreme universal power or authority in it ) is none of those causes , nor consequently necessary to be excluded in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , citing that as the confession of that excellent person Phil. Melancthon . 19. So that in effect that whole speech of his , which is so solemnly vouched by * Mr. Knot , and lookt on so jealously by many of us , is no more than this , that such a Primacie of the Bishop of Rome , as the antient Canons allow'd him , were , for so glorious an end , as is the regaining the peace of Christendome , very reasonably to be afforded him , nay absolutely necessary to be yielded him , whensoever any such Catholick union shall be attempted , which as it had been the expresse opinion of Melancthon , one of the first and wisest Reformers , so it is far from any design of establishing the usurpations of the Papacie , or any of their false doctrines attending them , but onely designed as an expedient for the restoring the peace of the whole Christian world , which every disciple of Christ is so passionately required to contend and pray for . 20. So that , in a word , setting aside the prudential consideration and question , as whether it were not a hopelesse designe that Grotius ingaged himself in , expressing desires of an universal reconciliation , when there was so little hope on either side , that the extream parties would remit so much , as to meet in the middle point ( to which also the expressing of his no hopes of it at this time , and the making his appeal to more impartial posterity , is a satis●…orie answer ) all that this very learned man was guilty of in this matter , was but this , his passionate desire of the unitie of the Church in the bands of peace and truth , and a full dislike of all uncharitable distempers , and impio●s doctrines ( whether those which he deemed destructive to the practice of all Christian virtue , or which had a particularity of ill in●luence toward the undermining of Government , and publick peace ) wheresoever he met with them . 21. All which notwithstanding , the temper of that learned man was known to be such , as rendred him in a special manner a lover and admirer of the frame and moderation observed in our Church of England , as it stood ( shaken , but not cast down ) in his life time , desiring earnestly to live himselfe in the Communion of it , and to see it copied out by the rest of the world . 22. And so much for this large digression , which if it be no necessary return to the Prefacer , may yet tend to the satisfaction of some others , and to the vindicating the memory of that Learned man. Sect. 3. Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Clemens . How many Orders there were in Corinth at the writing this Epistle . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Metropolitical Churches at the first . Philippi a Metropolis at the first , as Canterbury at Augustines first planting the Faith. The Institution of Presbyters , when , by what authority . St. Jerome's opinion . The use of the word Presbyters in Scripture . The Bishops task . Num. 1. THE Prefacer now proceeds to take notice of a second answer of mine to the objection from the plurality of the Elders in Clement , and this yields him also matter for many questions , and great appearance of triumph . It is managed in these words . 2. But the Doctor hath yet another answer to this multiplication of Elders , and he mention of them with Deacons with the eminent identity that is between them and Bishops through the whole Epistle , the same persons being unquestionably intended in respect of the same office , by both these appelations . Now this second answer is founded up on the supposition of the former ( a goodly foundation ! ) namely , that the Epistle under consideration was written and sent not to the Church of Corinth onely , but to all the Churches of Achaia , of which Corinth was the Metropolitane . Now this second answer is , that the Elders or Presbyters here mention'd , were properly those whom he calls Bishops , Diocesans , men of a third order and rank above Dea●ons and Presbyters in the Church Administrations and Government : And for those , who are properly called Presbyters , there were then none in the Church . To give colour to this misrable evasion , Diss . 4. c. 10 , 11. He discourseth about the government and ordering of Church affairs by Bishops and Deacons . In some Churches that were small , not yet formed or compleated , nor come to perfection at the first planting of them ; how well this is accommodated to the Church of Corinth , which Clement calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and which himself would have to be a Metropolitical Church , being confessedly great , numerous , furnished with great and large gifts and abilities , is seen with half an eye . How ill also this sh●ft is accommodated to help in the case , for whose service it was first invented , is no lesse evident . It was to save the sword of Phil. 1. 1. from the throat of Episcopacie he contendeth for : That Epistle is directed to the Saints or Church at Philippi with the Bishops and Deacons . Two things doe here trouble our Doctor : 1. The mention of more Bishops than one at Philippi . 2. The knitting together of Bishops and Deacons , as the onely two orders in the Church , bringing down●… Episcopacie one degree at least from that height , whereto he would exalt it . For the first of these he tells you , that Philippi was the Metropolitane Church of the Province of Macedonia , that the rest of the Churches , which had every one their severall Bishops ( Diocesan we must suppose ) were all comprised in the mentioning of Philippi : so that though the Epistle be precisely●… directed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet the Bishops that were with them , must be supposed to be the Bishops of the whole Province of Macedonia , because the Church of Philippi was the Metropolitane . The whole Countrey must have been supposed to be converted ( and who that knowes any thing of Antiquity , will dispute that ) and so divided with Diocesans , as England of late was , the Arch-Bishops so being at Philippi : but how came it then to p●sse , that here is mention made of Bishops and Deacons onely , without any word of a third order or ranke of men ▪ distinct from them called Presbyters or Elders ? To this he answers secondly , that when the Church was first planted , before any great number were converted , or any sit to be made Presbyters , there was onely those two orders instituted , Bishops and Deacons , and so that this Church of Philippi seems to have been a Metropoliticall Infant . The truth is , if ever the Doctor be put upon reconciling the contradictions of his answers one to another , not onely in this , but almost in every particular he deals withall ( an intanglemen ; which he is throwne into , by his bold and groundlesse conjectures ) he will finde it to be as endlesse as fruitlesse : but it is not my present businesse to interpose in his quarrells , either with himselfe , or Presbyterie . As to the matter under consideration , I desire onely to be resolved in these few Queries . 1. If there were in the time of Clement no Presbyters in the Churches , not in so great and fl●urishing a Church as that of Corinth ; and if all the places in Scripture , where there is mention of Elders , doe precisely inten Bishops , in a distinction from them who are Deacons , and not Bishops also , as he asserts ; when , by whom , by what Authority , were Elders , who are only so inferiour to Bishops , peculiarly so termed , instituted and appointed in the Churches ? And how comes it passe that there is such expresse mention made of the office of Deacons , and the continuance of it , none at all of Elders , who are acknowledged to be superiour to them , and on whose shoulders in all their own Churches , lies the great weight and burthen of all Ecclesiasticall administration ? As we say of their Bishops , so shall we of any Presbyter , not instituted and appointed by the authority of Jesus Christ in the Church , let them goe to the place from whence they came 2. I desire the Doctor to informe me in what sense he would have me to understand him , Diss . 2. cap. 20 , 21 , 22. Where he disputes that these words of Hicrome , Antequam ●ludia in Religione fierent , & diceretur in populis , Ego sum Pauli , ego Cepbae , communi Presbyterorum consensu Ecclesia 〈…〉 be understood of the times of the Apostles , when 〈…〉 Church of Corinth , when it seems that neither 〈…〉 such thing as Presbyters in the 〈…〉 we can 〈…〉 As 〈…〉 Presbyters were Bishops properly so 〈…〉 , who are they so , 〈◊〉 of whom 〈◊〉 〈…〉 to be a 〈…〉 so called . To 〈…〉 I 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 in the Scripture , we 〈…〉 of Church 〈…〉 . This ( 〈…〉 Doct●… ) is that of 〈…〉 , give us 〈…〉 of Christ , give us in every Church , Bishops and Deacons ( 〈◊〉 than we 〈…〉 ) let those Bishops attend the 〈…〉 , over which they ●…ching the 〈◊〉 , and administ●… O 〈…〉 , in and to their 〈…〉 ; And I 〈◊〉 〈…〉 all the Comenders for Presbytery in this N●●ion , and much 〈…〉 the Independents , that there shall be a ●end of this quarrel : that they will 〈…〉 with the Doctor , not any living , for the ●…duction of any 〈◊〉 so●t of persons though they should be 〈…〉 Presbyters into Church office and Government . Onely this I must 〈…〉 this second sort of men 〈…〉 Presbyters , than it doth Bishops , and that word having been 〈…〉 third 〈…〉 , we desire leave of the D●ctor and his 〈…〉 if we also most frequently call them so , no wayes declining the other application of Bishops , so that it be applyed to signifie the second ▪ and not third 〈◊〉 of men . But of this 〈◊〉 businesse , with the nature , con●… and frame of the first Churches ; and the 〈◊〉 m●st●k 〈…〉 men have be their owne prejudices been ingaged into , in this d●… of them , a 〈…〉 opportunity ( if God will ) may 〈◊〉 long be a●…ded . 3. Here first I shall demand , whence it appeares , that I accommodated a double answer to the multiplication of Elders in Clemens , &c. Truly I doe not yet know or remember that I did . This certainly was all ( and this can amount ( if to any ) but to one answer , that which we have vindicated already ) that the Elders in the Epistle of Clemens were all the Bishops of Achaia . This indeed when it was proposed , was more distinctly set down by 4. steps or degrees , ( but then again those are no more two than foure answers ) 1. that the Epistle was addrest to the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. to the whole Province ; Secondly , that ( to make it capable of that title ) Corinth was knowne to be the Metropolis of Achaia . Thirdly , that Saint Paul's Epistles to the Corinthians belonged to all the Churches of Achaia , not onely to Corinth , and so in any probability Clements was to doe also , being written to the same , and inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therefore Fourthly , that these many Elders were the singular Bishops in the severall Cities of Achaia , in each of which , the Apostles had instituted a Bishop . And this is all that is there said in that second Chap. of Diss 5 And ( yet farther ) no part of this adapted as an answer to that objection of the plurality of Elders ( or any other ) but as things thought fit to be premised concerning that Epistle of Cl●… , before the taking into consideration any testimony produced out of it . 4. This might spare me the paines of f●rther considering what is here replyed to this supposed second answer , But I have not hitherto been so thristy , as might now justifie any such hasty dismission of him , I shall therefore 〈◊〉 di●p●se the matter orderly before me , which is a l●ttle disordered and i●…led by the Prefacers hasty handling , and then give answer to every appearance of scruple mentioned by him . 5. There are two things ( to the businesse of 〈◊〉 ) ●…ly observable in this Epistle of 〈◊〉 , First , what he sa●th of the Apostles constituti●● of Bishops and Deacons at their first preaching of the Gospel , and this ●…lly considered , through all Regions and C●…s where they preached : without any restraining of their speech to the whether Church of Corinth , or Churches of Achaia . This is considered in Diss . 5. cap. 10. and reference made in the margent to a former discourse , Diss . 4. cap. 10. where out of the most antient Records it had been cleared , that at the first the Apostles had constituted no more in every Church , than here were mentioned , a Bishop and one or more Deacons . And so to this 〈◊〉 practice of the Apostles , it is that that referres , which is here by the Prefacer●iscalled ●iscalled the colour of this second answer ( which he farther styles a miserable evasion ) and so evidently it belongs not to the plurality of Elders in Corinth , &c. 6. The second thing there discernible is , the plurality of Bishops ( styled also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders ) among those to whom he there writes . And those , say I , are the Bishops of all Achaia , as that is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Province perteining to that Metropolis . 7. Now these things ought thus to have been severed , and then having competently vindicated the former of these , Chap. 3. Sect. 4. ( that there were indeed at the first but two orders , shewing when the middle order of Presbyters came in , viz. most probably in Saint John's time in Asia ) and so * lately , as I was required , manifested the second , that of the Bishops of Greece being meant by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders , I might , as I said , have reasonably been spared from being so speedily called out againe to the same exercises . 8. But as it is , I shall now attend him , and first when he objects , that what was discoursed of some Churches , small , and not yet formed or compleated at the first planting , cannot be accommodated to the Church of Corinth , which Clement calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most firme and antient , and which I affirme to have then been a Metropoliticall Church , being confestly great , numerous — To this I answer , 1. That I have no where affirmed this Church to be in Clements time small , unformed , &c. nor had any occasion , or temptation to doe so . 2. That I no where accommodate to this Church at that time , what I had before observed of the Church indefinitely at the first planting ; These two are but effects of the Prefacers hast , without any foundation in any words of mine . 3. That if I am now asked , whether at this time of Clement's writing there were any more than two orders in Corinth , and the other Cities of Greece , I must say , as formerly , that though 't is probable there were none , yet I finde no foundation in this Epistle either for denying or affirming it . 9. The chiefe occasion of writing the Epistle was the sedition against the Bishops , or Governors of the first order , on designe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cast out of their Bishopricks some of those , whom the Apostles had placed over them , and either for Prsbyters , the second , or Deacons , the third order , there was no such contention , but only ( as saith he , the Apostles foresaw ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the name or dignity of Bishop , and so there is no occasion to mention any but their Bishops , which yet is far from concluding that there were not any other , for Deacons we are sure there then were , no Bishop being ever without such . 10. Again , that Bishops continued to retain the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders , even after there was a second sort ordained , whom we now call Presbyters , hath elswhere appeared from Polycarp , Papias , Irenaeus , and Tertullian , who certainly lived to see them in the Church , and yet call Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Seniores , and so the Bishops being call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Clement , is no indication that there were at that time no second order of Presbyters in that Church . 11. And yet on the other side , Clement's death falling not far from St. John's , which was in the third of Trajan , 't is as possible , and , I confesse , to me much more probable , that there might be yet no Presbyters ordain'd at Corinth , or in the rest of Achaia , at the time of his writing this Epistle . And so there lies no obligation on me , whose conjectures are wont to bring me so little thanks from the Prefacer , to interpose them in this matter , where I have so little light to see by . Onely I am sure that the Prefacer's objection here mention'd , would be of no force against me , in case I should deny that there were then any Presbyters at Corinth , because , as the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Clemens affirmes of it can be no more than this , that this Church was founded and establisht by the Apostles themselves , and so was kept upright by them till the time of this sedition , which * Hegesippus tels us was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Primus being Bishop of Corinth , so that concludes nothing for their having Presbyters ordain'd among them . And when I said that at the first preaching of the Apostles , they instituted none but Bishops and Deacons , I never granted , or implyed , or believed , that as soon as ever that was done , they instituted more , viz. Presbyters also . 12. And whereas he phansies my observation to be made of some Churches onely , that were small , and not yet formed ▪ &c. this is another mistake ; for I take Clement's and Epiphanius's words universally of all Churches at their first planting , the fuller , as well as the thinner plantations . As at Jerusalem , where all the Antients tell us there was a Bishop presently upon Christ's Ascension , and the-number of Believers so great , that there were seven Deacons instituted to attend him , yet neither in Scripture , nor in the Antients finde we any footsteps of this middle order of Presbyters in that Citie , at that time , or soon after . And the reason is clear , that though in some Cities there were more , in some fewer converts , and so , comparatively to others , the Church at Corinth , and through Achaia might be numerous , both Paul and Peter having labour'd there succesfully , yet for some t●me there were not any where so many , but that the Bishop , and his Deacon , or Deacons might be sufficient for them . 13. So likewise the being a Metropolis is no argument that there should be Presbyters by this time constituted there ; for supposing , as I doe ( and my grounds have been largely set down ) that the Apostles conformed their models to the Governments and forms among the Nations where they came , at their first planting the Faith in any region , it must follow , that the Church of Corinth , as soon as it was formed into a Church , with a Bishop over it , was also a Metropolitan Church , in relation to all other Cities of Greece , which either then did , or should after believe , as Jerusalem was to all the Cities of Judea , or as Philippi , being a prime Citie , or Metropolis of Macedonia , and the first where Paul planted the Faith , was straightway a Metropolitical Church , how few , or how many Christians there were in it , it matters not . 14. And therefore for his change of the scene from Corinth and Clement's to Philippi and St. Paul's Epistle , it will bring him no advantage . The case between them is exactly parallel . There was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Province of Macedonia , saith St. Luke , of which Philippi was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Metropolis , just as Corinth was of Achaia , and this Citie being the first in that region , wherein St. Paul planted the Faith , it was certainly a Metropolitical Church , and Epaphroditus was the Metropolitan of that Province , the first day he was Bishop of it . The truth of which is so evident , that the jeere of the [ Metropolitical Infant ] might seasonably have been controverted into a more serious , and decent expression , there being no reason imaginable , why , if the Apostles did institute Metropolitical Churches ( as here is not one serious word of objection against all that hath been said to assert it ) those Churches should not at their first institution ( call it their infancie if you will ) be Metropolitical Churches . For as to that of the whole countries being supposed to be converted , and divided into Dioceses , that is not consequent or necessary to my assertion ; for as Clement saith of the Bi●hop and Deacon in each City at the first planting of the Faith , that they were constituted in relation to them ( not onely which did , but expresly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) who should afterward believe , so the Church and Bishop in the Metropolis , when that was first converted , might very well be Metropolitical in respect of the other Cities of that Province , which should afterward receive the Faith. 15. As we know when Augustin came first over into England , and preacht the Faith , and converted Christians first at Ethelbert's seat , and the Metropolis of that Province , he was by being made Bishop there , made Metropolitan also . That sure was Bede's meaning , when he saith of it , lib. 1 c. 27. Venit Arelas & ab Archiepiscopo ejusdem civitatis Eth●rio Archiepiscopus Gen●i Anglorum ordinatus est ; He came to Arles in France , and by Etherius Archbishop of that Citie was ordained Archbishop to the Nation of the English , and if , as a learned Antiquarie thinkes , Bede spake after the use of his own time , and that the word Archiepiscopus was not in use here then , at Augustine's coming hither , yet for the substance of the thing , wherein I make the instance , and all that I contend from thence , there can be no doubt , but that he being at first made Bishop of the Metropolis , was thereby made also Metropolitan . 16. As for the divisions into Dioceses , how little force that hath against all that I have said , or thought in this businesse , whether of Bishops or Metropolitans , I have spoken enough to that in the Vindication to the London Ministers , c. 1. sect . 19. and to that I refer the Prefacer . 17. And so still I am free enough from quarrelling with my self in the least , or from being ingaged in any endlesse labour to reconcile the contradictions of my answers , which as farre as my weak understanding can reach , are perfectly at agreement with one another . If the labour of shewing they are so , prove fruitlesse , I know to whom I am beholding for it , even the Task-master whom I have undertaken to observe , and in that guise of obedience , shall now proceed briefly to answer every of his questions , and I hope there cannot now need many words to doe it . 18. To the first , concerning the Institution of the second order , that of Presbyters ; for the [ when ] I answer , I know not the yeare , but evidently before the writing of Ignatius's Epistles , in Trajan's time , and , in all probability , after the writing all the Bookes of Scripture , and , for ought I can discerne , of Clement's Epistle , as farre as concerns either Rome , or Corinth . 19. For the [ by whom , and by what authority ] I answer , I think they were first instituted by St. John in Asia , before his death , and shall adde to my reasons elswhere given for it , this farther consideration , that Ignatius in all his Epistles to the Churches of Asia , Ephesus , Smyrna , Trallis , Magnesia , Philadelphia , makes mention of them , within few years after John's death , though in his Epistle to the Romans he doth not . And if this be so , then also it appears by what authority , viz. such as John's was , Apostolical . Or if this should not be firmly grounded , as to the person of St. John , yet the reason why they were not at first instituted , as well as Deacons , being but this , because there was no need of them yet , and the power given by the Apostles to the first Bishops , being a plenarie power , so far that they might communicate to others , what was committed to them , either in whole or in part , and those accordingly , in the force thereof , constituting Presbyters , in partem officii , the authority still , by which they were instituted , will be Apostolical , and so if ( as this Prefacer gives order ) they be let goe to the place from whence they came , they will not be much hurt , they are but remitted to the society of the Apostles and Apostolical persons by this . 20. To the second , concerning the meaning of my words Diss . 2. c. 29 , 21. when I say that Hierom's words [ of Churches being governed by common consent of Presbyters ] are to be understood of the times of the Apostles , and whether all those Presbyters were Bishops properly so called ] I answer , that my meaning was , that if Hierome be reconcileable to himself , that must be his meaning , that in the Apostles times the Churches were first governed by common consent of Presbyters , and after , in the Apostles times too , upon the rising of Schismes , a Bishop was every where set over them ; that according in Hierome's notion all those Presbyters were not Bishops , but such , as out of whom after , one was chosen in every Church to be a Bishop . 21. That this was the truth of the fact , I no where exprest my self to think , but that this was the most commodious meaning to be affixt to Hierom's words ad Euagrium , so as they might be reconcileable with the many other testimonies brought out of him , which concluded it his opinion also , that the three orders were of Apostolical institution . But if I am now asked my sense expresly , whether I thinke thus it was , as Hierome ( I thinke ) conceived it , I answer positively , that I thinke Hierome was mistaken in that circumstance , and that Clemens Romanus , and the Records that Epiphanius citeth , are much a more competent authority for the contrary , that Bishops were first instituted , whensoever any Apostle in his travaile planted a Church in any Citie , and retein'd not the Government in his own hands . Yet if by any Record it shall be made to appear , that before any such Citie was left by the Apostle , and so before any Bishop were instituted in it , the Elders , or , as those may signifie , the chief believers ( a name of age , as well as of power ) were trusted by them for some short time of their absence ( as I mention'd it there sect . 20. as a possible thing ) there will then be some ground of Hierom's mistake in that circumstance . But this , I confesse , more than yet hath any way appear'd to me , and therefore I am content to part with it as a phansie , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to help St. Hierome , and not so much as a conjecture . And so much for his Quaeries . 22. As for his addition by way of Corollarie to his questions , the answers to th● qu●stions have already perfectly supersede● it : The three orders ●…ignatius have already appeared to be of Apostolical i●stitu●… , and the very frame of the first Churches , though there was no need of the second of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the first plantation in every City And it will not be easie for any man which hath looked into antient writings to be perswaded the contrary , It being the universal affirmation of all that speak of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ignatius to St. Hierome , and for many hundred years downward ▪ though there be some difference in some few circumstances , St. Hierome thinking that Presbyters first ruled in common , before the singular Bishop was brought in over them , for the avoiding of Schismes ) that the three orders were all instituted in the Church by the Apostles appointment . And if this be the sad mistake and prejudice , from which he will shortly deliver us , I may have leave to advise him the one method of attempting it , that cheaper of setting Antiquitie aside in the delineation and not the more costly of professing to make his appeale to it , as in this Preface he hath adventured to doe . 23. One thing he here thinks farther necessarie for him to adde , that the Scripture more frequently terms this second sort of men Elders and Presbyters , than it doth Bishops , wherein there be but these three misadventures ; 1. That this second sort of men are frequently mention'd in Scripture . 2. That this second sort of men are sometimes call'd Bishops in Scripture . 3. That they are frequently call'd Elders there : No one of which he will ever be able to justifie . Let him please to turn to the Vindication of the Dissert from the Exceptions of the London Ministers , cap● . and if against what is there said , or before in the Dissertations , he thinke himselfe able to evince any one of these three propositions , I shall willingly acknowledge my selfe his Disciple , being also sure , that unlesse both Bishops and Elders signifie nothing but Piesbyters in every place , their signifying most frequently so , is the giving the question , the yielding the whole cause to the Prelatist . 24. As for the taskes of the Bishops office , and his performance of them , I shall willingly grant him my suffrage , let them discharge them ( and I besee●h all who have any way hindred them , at length to let , and quietly permit them ) On condition he will doe this as cheerfully as I , I shall never c●ntend with him concerning the nature of the●● task , ●e it , as he ●aith , their attending their particular 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 which they are appointed ( the Bishop of Oxford over that Fl●ck or portion , to which he was , and is a p●inted , and so all others in like manner ) be it their preaching and administring the holy Ordinances of the Gospel , in , and to their own flock , and whatsoever else of duty and r●ti●e officii belongs to a rightly ●onstituted Bishop . And let all that have disturbed this course so duly setled in this Church , and in all the Churches of Christ , since the Apostles planting them , discern their error , and return to that peace and unity of the Church , from whence they have so causelesly , and unexcusably departed , and let none be so uncharitable as to surmise , that he which thus exhorts them , hath any other design in doing it , than that which alone he professeth to have , their timely , and now , if ever seasonable Reformation . CHAP. VI. Of Testimonies in Ignatius , deemed to favour the Congregational way . Sect. 1. The Prefacer's pretensions avoyded . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His Hypothesis confutable from Ignatius . The power of prejudice . Of Popish Churches . Chorepiscopi . Metropoles . Conformity of Ecclesiastick with Civil distributions . The Ignatian Churches phansied by the Prefacer . The Gnostick haeresie no deflowring of the purity of the Church . The several branches of the phansied Model , how well grounded in Ignatius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Catholick , a National , a Metropolitical , a Diocesan Church in Ignatius . Num. 1. BUT we are from Clemens once more brought down to Ignatius again , and of the great prejudices and mistakes , and unjust apprehensions which we Prelatists have had in reading , and bringing testimonies from him , we are now to be admonished in these words , as followeth . 2. To return then to our Ignatius , even upon this consideration of the difference that is between the Epistles ascribed to him , and the writings of one of the same time with him , or not long before him , as to their language and expression about Church-Order and Officers , it is evident that there hath been ill favour'd tampering with them , by them who thought to prevaile themselves of his authority , for the asserting of that which never came into his mind . As I intimated before , I have not insisted on any of those things , nor doe on them altogether , with the like that may be added , as a sufficient foundation for the total rejection of those Epistles which goe under the name of Ignatius . There is in some of them a sweet and gracious spirit of Faith , Love , Holinesse , Zeal for God , becoming so excellent and holy a witnesse of Christ as he was , evidently breathing and working . Neither is there any need at all , that for the defence of our Hypothesis concerning the non-institution of any Church-Officer whatsoever , relating to more Churches in his office , or any other Church , than a single particular Congregation ; that we should so reject them : For although many passages , usually insisted on , and carefully collected by D. H. for the proof of such an Episcopacy to have been received by them of old , as is now contended for , are exceedingly remote from the way and manner of the expressions of those things , used by the Divine Writers , with them also that follow'd after , both before , as hath been manifested , and some while after the dayes of Ignatius , as might be farther clearly evidenced , and are thrust into the series of the discourse with such an incoherent impertinency , as proclaims an interpolation , being some of them also very ●idicul●us , and so foolishly hyperbolical , that they fall very little short of Blasphemies , yet there are expressions in all , or most of them , that will abundantly manifest , that he who was their Author ( whoever he was ) never dreamt of any such fabrick of Church-Order as in after Ages was insensibly received . Men who are fu●l of their own apprehensions , begotten in them by such representations of things , as either their desirable presence hath exhibited to their mind , or any after prejudicate presumption hath poss●st them with , are apt upon the least appearance of any likenesse unto that Church , they fancie , to imagine that they see the face and all the lineaments thereof , when upon due examination it will easily be discovered , tha● there is not indeed the least resemblance , between what they find in , and what they bring to the Au●hors , in , and of whom they make their inquiry . The Papists having hatched and own'd by severall degrees , that monstrous figment of Transubstantiation ( to instance among many in that abhomination ) a folly , destructive to what ever is in us as being living creatures , Men , or Christians , or whatever by sense , reason , or Religion , we are furnished withall , offering violence to us in what we hear , what we see with our eyes , and look upon , in what our hands doe handle , and our pala●s taste , breaking in upon our understandings with vag●an● flying formes , self-subsisting accidents , with as many expresse contradictions on sundry accounts , as the nature of things is capable of relation unto , attended with more grosse Idolatry than that of the poor naked Indians , who fall down and worship a piece of red cloth , or of those who first adore their Gods , and then correct them ; doe yet upon the discovery of any expressions among the Antients seeming to favour them , which they now make use of , quite to another end and purpos● , than they did , who first ventured upon th●m , having minds filled with their own abhominations , doe presently cry out , and triumph , as if they had found the whole fardel of the Mass in its perfect dress , and their breaden God in the midst of it . It is no otherwise in the case of Episcopacie ; men of these later Generations , from what they saw in present being , and that usefulnesse of it to all their desires and interests , having entertain'd though's of love to it , and delight in it , searching Antiquity , not to instruct them in the truth , but to establish their prejudicate opinion received by Tradition from their Fathers , and to confute them with whom they have to doe , whatever expressions they find , or can hear of , that fall in , as to the sound of words , with what is now insisted upon , instantly they c●y out vi●imus , Io-Pean● what a simple Generation of Presbyters and Independents have we , that are ignorant of all Antiquity , or doe not unders●… what they re●d and look upon Hence if we will not believe that in Igna●tus's dayes there were many Parish Churches with their single Pr●… , 〈◊〉 subordination to a Diocesan Bishop , either immediately , or by the into posed power of a Chore-episcopus and the like , and ●hose Dioc●●ans ag●…n in the preci●cts of Provinces , laid in a due subjection to their Metrop●●itans , who took care of them , as they of their Parish Priests , every Individual Church having no Officer but a Presbyter , every Diocesan Church having no Presbyter but a Bishop , and every Metropolitan Church having ●…her Presbyter nor Bishop properly related unto it , as such , but an Archbishop , we are worse than Infidels : Truly , I cannot but wonder , whether it doth not some●imes ●nter into these mens thoughts to apprehend now ●…prible they are in their proofs , for the fathering of such an Ecclesiastical distribution of Governors and Government , as undeniably i● qu●d , after the civil divisions and constructions of the times and places , wherein it was introduced , upon th●se holy persons , whose souls never o●ce entred into the secrets thereof . Thus fares it with our Doctor and his Ignatius : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I shall o●el● crave leave to sa● to him a , Augustulus of Quintilius Varus , upon the losse of the Legions in Germany under his command ; Quintui Vare , redde ●…gi●res ; Domine Doctor , redde Ecclesias : Give us the Churches of Christ , such as they were in the dayes of the Apostles , and down to Ignatius , though before that time ( if Hegisippus may be believed ) somewhat d●…ure● , and our contest about Church-Officers and Government will be never at an end , than p●●h ●●s you will readily imagine . Give us a Church all whose membe●s are holy , called , sanctified , just●fied , ●●ving stones Temples for the Holy Ghost , Saints , Believers , united to Christ the 〈◊〉 by the Spi●it that is given to them , and dwelleth in them , a Church whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that doth nothing by its membe●s ap●… , that appertains to Church ●●de , but when it is gathered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Church that being so gathered together in one place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acting in Church things , in i●s whole body under the 〈◊〉 and residence of its Officers ▪ a Church walking in o●●er , and not as some , who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( of whom saith Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as calling the Bishops to the Assemblies , yet doe all things without him ( the manner of some in our ●ayes ) 〈◊〉 supposeth not to ●eep th● Assemblies according to the command of Christ ) give us , I ●●y ●uch a Church , and let us come to them when they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as the Churches in the dayes of Ignatius appeare to have been , and are so rendred in the Quotations taken from his Epistles , by the learned Doctor for the confirmation of Episcopacie , and as I said before , the contest of this present digression will quickly draw to an issue . 3. The first thing here assumed , is the evidence of some ill favoured tampering with Ignaetius's Epistles , deduced from the difference between them and Clement ' s , in their expression about Church-Order and Officers . But indeed if there were any such thing , I hope it will not be imputed to me , who have been as carefull as is possible , to get an emendate copie of these Epistles , and having first contented my self with that , which had past Vedelius's tryal at Geneva , which one might hope would burn up all the stubble , which could be gotten in there , toward the founding of Episcopacie , I have since fallen upon Copies much more purified than that , clensed from almost all the drosse . every passage , which this Prefacer hath thought fit to accuse or dislike in them : And seeing he now professeth against the total re●ecting of them , and gives them many good words in testimony of a sweet and gracious spirit breathing in them , if he shall now be pleased to direct me to any way of procuring a yet more emendate Edition , & such as may perfectly accord his language with all others of his time , or not long before him , particularly with Clemens , I shall acknowledge it a great obligation , and a discovery worth his undertaking . But as far as my eyes yet serve me , there is little hope of this , and therefore as it is , I must be content to think , as the evidences before me exact from me , that though Clemens saith truly , that the Apostles at their first preaching placed no more but a Bishop and Deacon in each Citie , yet before Ignatius's time , there was a middle order constituted in the Churches of Asia , and that also by the appointment of the Apostles , and that this is a very fair account of all the difference of their language and expression about Church Order and Officers . 4. In the next place he hath very ingenuously discovered , upon what account it is , that he hath bestowed so many of his good words at last upon Ignatius , because , forsooth , he hath no need for the defense of his Hypothesis totally to reject them , and because there are expressions in all , or most of them , that will abundantly manifest , that he who was their Author , never dreamt of any such fabrick of Church-order as in after ages was insensibly received . But 1. I think not this the right way of judging mens works , whether they be theirs or no ( the due motive of receiving or rejecting any antient writing ) by comparing them with our own Hypotheses , and observing which way our necessities oblige us . This we were wont to call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , serving and requiring all others to serve and minister to the wants of our Hypothesis . 5. Secondly : If it should really appear , what is here pretended , that there should be expressions in these Epistles which would abundantly manifest that their Author never dreamt of our modern Hierarchie , how easie would it be for one that would transcribe copies from our Prefacer , to reply , that such and such places were interpolated and inserted by some later hand , who meant unkindly to Episcopacy , and then what security could be found to ascertain those passages to be genuine , which would not as reasonably serve our turn , to retain those which we think define for Episcopacie . 6. Thirdly : Whereas he addes , that the fabrick we plead for , being not yet dreamt of in Ignatius ' s dayes , was in after ages insensibly received , why may not that also minister to us an excuse , in case we should not have been able to answer one of his former questions , to set down distinctly at what time Presbyters ( the second or middle order ) came first into the Church , it being as easie to imagine , and as credible to be affirmed , that after the Clement's one , before the writing of Ignatius's many Epistles , this order was brought in , but so as to us at this distance of so many Centuries , it is not now senible or discernible . 7. All this may again be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to shew that it is no hard matter to write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Animadversions on the Author of the Animadversions . At the present I am to take notice what the Prefacer's Hypothesis is , which he hath undertaken to defend , viz. That there never was any Church-Officer instituted in those first times , relating to more Churches in his Office , or to any other Church than a single particular Congregation . The very same indeed that my memory suggests to me out of the Saint's Belief , printed twelve or fourteen years since , where instead of that Article of the Apostolick Symbole , the Holy Catholick Church , this very Hypothesis was substituted . But then it must be remembred , that the Dissertations being written in answer to Blondel , were not obliged to be confronted to this Hypothesis , and that though Ignatius should be found to say as little as I , against this , yet he might yield competent testimonies against Blondel for the superiority of Bishops above Presbyters , which was all that I there indeavoured , because all that I was there required to evince from them . 8. But then secondly ; Ignatius is not perfectly silent in this matter neither ; for as in his Epistle to the Smyrnaeans , beside the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or multitude under a particular Bishop , there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Catholick Church , which sure is more than a single particular Congregation , so the National Church of Syria under the Metropolis of Antioch , of which Ignatius himself is styled the Bishop and Pastor , is frequently mention'd in those Epistles . In the Epistle to the Ephesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pray for the Church which is in Syria , the Church of that whole Nation put under that one denomination , of which yet certainly there were ●ivers assemblies , and so twice in the Epistle to the Magnesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church in Syria ; and in the Epistle to the Philadelphians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church of Syria which is at Antioch , joyning them all under Antioch , the Metropolitical Church . And let this serve for a taste of Ignatius's judgement of our Prefacer's Hypothesis . 9. What again here follows of the hyperbolical , and little short of blasphem●●s passages in these Epistles , of their impertinency , of their remotenesse from the way and manner of expression in the Divine Writings , and those which follow'd after , I have formerly wearied my selfe , and the Reader with the account of them severally , and , I think , given him reason to believe with me , that they needed not here again have been heaped up so soon by way of repetition . 10. The next larger portion of this Section endeavours to shew what prejudice , or the fulnesse of a mans own apprehension , is able to doe in the reading and citing Testimonies out of Authors , and this is by me so fully granted , and in part experimented in this Prefacer , particularly , in his fetching the power of the people in Ecclesiastical affairs , from Clement's bidding the generous person ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to sacrifice his owne prosperitie and possessions to the peace of the People , as when a King ventures his life , or Moses saith , Blot me out of thy book , in order to the same end , that truly I needed not the instance of the Papist fetching his doctrine of Transubstantiation out of the Antients to convince me of it . As it is , I have no exceptions to his evidence , nor to the conclusion inferr'd by it , in general , of men full of their own apprehensions . Onely I crave leave to interpose , before it be thought applicable to me : For unlesse he can prove that Ignatius's plain mentions ( so oft repeated , that it is become a charge of impertinence against him ) of the three Orders in the Church , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , are as little able to inferre ( what I alone undertook to deduce from them ) that there were more than two Orders in the Church in Ignatius's time ( and so before Blondel's aera of 140. yeares ) as the testimonies from whence the Papists conclude their Transubstantiation , and their whole fardel of the Masse are unable to inferre their desired conclusion , I shall sit down in peace , wholly unconcern'd in that large instance , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it , or application , to the men of these latter dayes in the matter of Episcopacie . 11. Onely let me assure him that these later daies afford some men , which have searcht Antiquity to instruct them in the truth , taking the pains of that travail on purpose for that one end , and after the Scripture , have expected to fetch truth from that search , rather than any other ; and have therefore begun their study of Divinity in that order , and counted the ordinary course of setting out from the modern systemes to be very preposterous , and if the Prefacer's own conscience should chance to tell him that he hath not exactly observed this method , that he hath first espoused opinion and frames of Government , and then searcht Antiquity to establish them , or if it should not , yet because it is as credible , and easily suggested of him , as by him of others , and others consciences may and doe excuse them as perfectly , as his can be pretended to excuse him , I hope this will be a competent reply to that part of this Section also . 12. For as to that which follows in the pursuit hereof , of the Parish Churches in Ignatius's dayes , of the Chorepiscopus , &c. of the Diocesan's subjection to the Metropolitanes , &c. from whence his necessary wonder ariseth , whether it doth not enter into our hearts , how contemptible we are in our proofs , &c. It may suffice to say , that the Prefacer hath sure forgotten himself , when he desired to perswade others , that all these are the conclusions which I have made ( or any other Prelatist ) out of Ignatius's Epistles : Certainly the asserting of the three orders , all of them as Apostolical , is the one thing which wee need deduce from thence , and if that be granted us from that authority , there is an end of the Prelatist's contention with Blondel . 13. As for that of Parish Churches , sure I have as yet concluded nothing from Ignatius concerning that subject , nor ever exprest my self to think him worse than an Insidel , that discern'd them not in these Epistles . The first time I ever spake of them was very lately in answer to the London Ministers , which the Prefacer , having not yet seen , may turne to it , cap. 1. sect . 19. And I shall now onely adde in relation to Ignatius , that the form of Government there described being this , one Bishop with his Presbytery , i. e. College of Presbyters under him , and one , or more Deacons of a third rank , ruling , and administring in their several places and o●… the affairs of any one particular Church , be it Trallis , Magn●sia , or the like ( together with the whole Territorie belonging to that Church of such a Cit● ; or if it be a M●…polis , the 〈◊〉 adjoyning ) all this may very well be done , and very easily imagined without any exact distribution into several congregations , such as we now call Parishes , as long as the Orders of the Bishops , without whom , saith he , nothing was to be done , were by all inferiours regularly observed And if , as occasion seemed to require , or expedience advise , the Bishop ( either then or afterwards ) made more punctuall distributions of the believers committed to his charge , and so appointing severall assemblies in the same City , and in each village one , placed also a Presbyter in every such assembly , this I hope , will not be styled any working of the mysterie of iniquitie ( which I see by and by mentioned ) but a regular acting of the Bishop according to that power , which from the Apostles every such singularly instituted Governor was intrusted with in every Church . 14. Next for the Chorepiscopi , it is knowne how little I am concerned to justifie the deducing them from these Epistles . I professe to believe there is not a word said of them there , nay when Blondel was willing to deduce them from Clement's phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and out of him the London-Ministers , I have * refuted their deduction , and shew'd that they came not into the Church so early , And so for that also he might have omitted his wonderment now , as reasonably , as I was but lately rebuked for it . 15. As for that of Metropolitan Churches or Bishops , I doe not againe remember that Ignatius first gave me the modell for that frame ; Certainly I have produced other , I hope , competent evidences to conclude whatsoever I affirme of it , and if some not obscure intimations out of Ignatius were observed to be given that way , as when in the Epistle to the Romans he calls himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop of Syria , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Pastor of the Church in Syria , being at that time the known Bishop of Antioch , one single City ; but that the Metropolis of Syria , to which I may adde , that in the Epistle to Polycarpe , speaking of his successor , he doth it in the like style , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that should be thought worthy of the dignity of going into Syria , yet have not I 〈◊〉 those Dissertations laid the weight on them , ( much lesse counted them worse than infidels , that are not convinced by them ) though if I had , that would not have rendred my proofs so admirably contemptible , as 't is pretended . 16. Lastly , for the whole frame of Ecclesiastick Government , being , in his phrase , la●quied after the civil divisions , ] as I no where Father it on , or deduce it from Ignatius , whom now we have to deale with , so if instead of his darker phrase of contempt , the matter be set down in more significative intelligible words , v●z . That the Apostles in each Nation , where they came to plant the Faith , thought not fit to innovate ( unnecessarily ) in this matter of distributions already made , whether in Judaea or the Gentile regions , but planting a Church in a chief Citie , and extending the Faith to the Region about it , and to other adjacent inferior Cities , annext the Regional-Church to the City-Church , and preserved the subordination of inferior Citie-Churches to the chief Citie-Church , i. e. to the Metropolis , and this constantly when there was no considerable reason to advise any change , if , I say , the matter be thus intelligibly , and without the help of odious expressions , represented , I know not what appearance of exception can lie against it : But of this also I have formerly and * elswhere spoken sufficiently , and here is nothing , I am sure , suggested , to which any farther reply can be accommedated . And therefore as yet I need adde no more of it . 17. So that what follows of the redde Legiones , and redde Ecclesias , requiring me to restore the Churches of Christ , as they were in the Apostles dayes , &c. was sure very unnecessary . I have in no kind robb'd him of the Churches , which before my tampering with Ignatius he had found , and made himselfe owner of there : If Quintilius Varus had been as guil●l●ss of the l●sse of the Legions in Germany , as I have been of purlo●ning the frame of Independent Congregations out of these Epistles , I believe Augustus would not have inflicted any severe fine upon him for that mi●adventure I can truly assure him , that if I had found any M●d●l formed according to his hypothesis in those Epistles , when I read them , as diligently as I could , to discern what the Government was in his time , I might , and should have answerd Blondel another way than I did , and replyed first to his Preface , which is much of it written with some asperitie against the Independents , and had that more compendious way of not being concernd in the whole subsequent Apologie , which is designed against Episcopacie : And I shall not lye , if I now tell him that I have since my writing the last period , once more read over all the seven Epistles , as they are in Vossius's Edition , on purpose to observe whether there were any one word , formerly unobserved by me , which might in the least favour his hypothesis , and I shall speake my sense uprightly , that I might as succesfully have sought it in the first Chapter either of Genesis , or St. Mathew's Gospel , whether the former interpolated copies , or supposititious Epistles may af●ord him any ayd , he will pardon me , I hope , that I have not had the curiositie or leisure to examine . 18. This being thus true , it was but necessary for him to remember out of Hegesippus , that the Churches before Ignatius's time were defloured : That place of Hegesippus to which he referres , is sure the same which he had set down in the entrance on the view of Antiquity , and which I took a view of cap. 1. Sect. 1. and shew'd how unjust his collection was from thence , as it was by him applyed to the Antient writings : And I have now the like reason to complaine again , that what Hegesippus faith of those vile haeretical Apostates , the Gnosticks , that they opposed their false Doctrine , and preacht it up against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preaching of the truth , should by him be applied to the prejudice of the true Church , which carefully opposed all their insinuations , or to these Epistles of Ignatius , which were purposely written , almost every one of them , to keep that poyson out of the Churches . It is most certain , that the first method of these deceivers , was by despising and speaking eviil of the Governors of the Church to insinuate their poyson into the brethrens minds , and so that they were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the secret biters first , and then afterward the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the raving dogs , as he calls them , which slew in the face of the Government , but the Church held out constantly against their clancular , and open assaults , and they never were able in the least to deflour it , the haereticks doctrines , and their practises are continually branded by the Writings of those times , and there is not the least appearance of their leaven , but all the direct contrary in any Epistle of Ignatius , or other writings of those times . 19. It is time that I now come to the interpretation of his redde Ecclesias , the particulars of his demand , concerning the Churches , which he hath found in Ignatius , and I am accused for robbing him of . And though I have already said enough of this in the grosse , yet I shall spare no pains to give punctual answer to every branch of it . 20. And 1 , saith he , Give us a Church , all whose members are holy , called , sanctified , ●ustified , living stones , Temples for the Holy Ghost , Saints , Believers , united to Christ the head by the Spirit that is given to them , and dwelleth in them . To this I answer very briefly , that in all Ignatius's Epistles , there is no title so much as of intimation that any Church , to which he wrote , or which was under his Government , or which he had any occasion to speak of , was thus qualified , particularly all whose members were holy or sanctified . Secondly : I am not sure that if that were the Ignatian model of a Church , this Prefacer would be able to parallel it in any congregation , which these last , not best da●es , have brought out among us . Thirdly : That this might as well be done , and as probably hoped under a subordination of Officers and Governours , such as we Prelatists pretend to , as in any equal number of men , by whatsoever other form compacted or knit together . This may suffice without farther insisting , till some reason be urged to the contrary against any of these three affirmations . 21. Secondly : He demand● a Church whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or multitude is where the Bishop appears . This character of a Church , or rather exhortation how it ought to be , is indeed set down by * Ignatius in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna , where in purs●●t of the advice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let all men follow the Bishop , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let no man doe ought of the things that belong to the Church without the Bishop , and that Eucharist was to be accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , firm , or valid , which was done by the Bishop , or by some commissionated by him , he then a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Where the Bishop appeareth , there let the multitude be , as where Christ Jesus is , there is the Catholick Church , making in the latter part that difference between the Orthodox , and haeretical Apostate Gnosticks , that the former acknowledged and adhered to him , and the later denyed him , and proportionably in the former , making the same difference betwixt the Eucharist duly , and unduly administred ; that where it-was duly , there the people received it in communion with their Bishop , either of him , or of some body commissionated by him ; which as it is competently distant from their model , where neither Bishop , nor any from him commissionated is received , so I am sure it is farre enough from any contrarietie to the Prelatists , or favour to the Prefacers pretensions . What particle of it it is , which to his phansie looks so agreeable , I cannot divine , and so have no more to reply to it . 22. Thirdly : He demands a Church that doth nothing by its members apart , but when it is gathered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This , I presume belongs to a place in the Epistle to the Magnesians , which we shall meet againe in his last demand , and there consider it more fully . At the present , let it suffice , that it is no more than this , that no man was to doe any thing on his own head , or without the Bishop and Presbyters , but when they met together they should joyn in one prayer , &c. And this sure may be granted without any damage to the Prelatist , who desires as much as any , that publick Assemblies be frequented , which is the meaning of being gathered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that no inferiour member of the Church doe ought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that belongs to the Church , without the Bishop . But if the meaning of the demand be ▪ either that the Bishop with his Presbyters , who are indeed members of the Church , shall doe nothing without the concurrent consent of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or people , which was the thing he contended for out of Clemens , this I am able to assume , will never be inferr'd from that place , or out of these Epistles , and for any other inference he will draw from hence , in order to the no other Church , but a single particular Congregation , which we find in his hypothesis , this I shall speak to in answer to his last demand , where he recurres to this place again . 23. Fourthly he demands a Church that being so gathered together in one place doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acting in Church things in its whole body , under the rule & presidence of its officers . ] Here if [ acting in its whole body ] denote any power againe of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or whole body of the people , or any more than their regular obedience to the lawfull commands of the Bishop over them , I shall be able to demonstrate that the words of Ignatius sound nothing toward it . They are in the Epistle to the * Magnesians , and are a plaine exhortation to unity and concord , and that to be evidenced in their actions , and the rule of that obedience to their Bishop , presiding , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the place of God , as the Presbyters in the place of the College of Apostles , and the Deacons intrusted with the Ministerie of Jesus Christ , from whence he concludes with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paying reverence to one another , i. e. ( according to the meaning of that phrase in S. Peter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Pet. 5. 5. ) to the Bishop , &c. their superiors , and , besides mutual love , and care of avoiding divisions , to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. being united to the Bishop , and th●se that are set over them , for a patterne and doctrine of incorruption or Ortho●oxe Religion , in opposition to the infections and corruptions of the Gnostick Heresies . And then what analogie beares this with the hypothesis of the Prefacer , what unkinde aspect hath it on the Prelatist's pretensions ? 24. Fifthly , he demands a Church walking in order , and not as some , who , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he renders , such as calling the Bishop to the Assemblies , yet doe all things without him — Here it was a little news to me to see a piece of Greek Englished ( This being , I thinke , the first time that the Prefacer hath done so , I shall not attempt to guesse at the reason of it ) But indeed it was much more so , to finde [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] rendred [ calling the Bishop to the Assemblies ] Doth he meane that the people had the ●ower of calling Assemblies , or calling the Bishop to them ? I shall not againe detaine the Reader with my conjectures of his sense , This I am sure of , 1. that there is no mention of Assemblies , but that those words , [ to the Assemblies ] are perfectly interpolated by the Prefacer : 2. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is no more than they call him Bishop , allow him the name or title , but , as he addes , doe all without him , subject not their actions to his directions or command ( as in the words immediately precedent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being onely called Christians , and being truly such , are set as extreamely contrary , or as in the same * Ep. ad Magnes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , calling Jesus Christ is opposed to true Christ●●ity , and sure doth not signifie calling Jesus Christ to their assemblies ) and then of them that doe thus , Ignatius may be allowed to adde , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they d●e not assemble validity according to the command ( all actionr of such , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having no kinde of validity in them ) and by so adding he passes no sentence upon the Prelatist , unlesse he be onely nominally such , plead for Bishops and disobey them . 25. Lastly , saith he , give us such a Church , and let us c●me to them when they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. all in the same place assembled together in prayer ) such as ●he Churches in the dayes of Ignatius appeare to have been , and are so rendred in the quotations taken from his Epistles by the Doctor for the confirmation of Episcopacie . ] To this I answer , 1. that if the Church he would have , be set down by me as he desires , in the quotations from Ignatius , then I needed not have been called to for the giving him his Churches back againe , I had , it seems , either never detained them , or else rendered them already . Secondly , for this last passage , the most that I have quoted toward it , is from the Epistle to the Magnesians , And the whole passage lyes thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be ye united to the Bishop — and strait , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As the Lord therefore being in union with , did nothing without his Father , neither by himselfe , nor by his Apostles , so neither doe ye any thing without the Bishop and his Pre●byters , nor attempt to account any thing reasonable , which appears so to you privately , but in the same place let there be one prayer , one supplication , one mind , one hope , in love , and joy unblameable . 26. This whole plaee , I did not conceive what it imported , save onely perfect agreement and submission to the judgement of their superiors , in opposition to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that entertain'd private doctrins , which were not left in the Church by the Apostles , together with all mutual unity , charity , conjunction in prayer of all sorts , for supply of wants , pardon of sins , in the same h●pe and joy — But I now suppose that the thing here designed to be inferred from this in the close ( as from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 toward the beginning ) of his demands , is the establishment of his grand hypothesis foremention'd , the n●…institution of any Church Officer whatever , relating to more Churches in his Office , or any other Church than a single particular congregation . And this , it seems , he was so willing to have competently testified here , that one and the same testimonie , a little dis●uised , is 〈◊〉 to appear twice to the same purpose , and so becomes a double witness ( a military trick , which officers sometimes use , when their companies are not fu●… , to muster the same souldier twice under several names ) And so we see that which truly I have attended for all this while ( and could not really think it designed by him , til this repetition of the testimony shew●d me , that special weight was layd on it . ) that this one place of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is again inserted to help the inference ) must conclude the ●…institution of any Church Officer relating to any but a single particular congregation . The reasonablenesse of which will be judged by any man , if he shall but put the premises and conclusion together thus ; It was Ignatius's command to the Mag●●si●ns , that no man must do any thing ●n his own head without the Bishop and Presbyters , but when they assemble together , they must have one prayer , one supplication ( adding , one mind , one hope in charity , in joy unblameable ) therefore in Ignatius's time there was no other Officer instituted in the Church , which related to more Churches in his office , or to any other Church than a single particular congregation . 27. If this be the manner of concluding Church-models from antient Writers , I shall not wonder that the Pr●latists wayes of inference have been disliked , for I acknowledg they beare no proportion with this . For certainly 1. if he had spoken of some single congregation , which constantly met in the same place , within the same walls , and bid them when they thus met , they should have one prayer , one supplication , as one mind , one hope , this would onely conclude that there were such particular congregations , and so we know among us every Parish Church is , where none but the publick Liturgie is used ; but this would no way conclude , as the hypothesis doth , that there is no other but such . A particular affirmative hath no power of excluding all but it's self . Ignatius's speaking of a single house , cannot conclude it his opinion , that there is no Town , no City , no Province , no World made up of all these , nor consequently that he which is Ruler of that house , may not also be placed in office in the City , in the Nation , &c. 28. But then secondly ; 't is manifest that in this place , where he talks of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] he talks also of the Bishop and Presbyters , and the Prefacer hath not yet told me , that his particular congregation will bear all those , a Bishop and Deacon , or Deacons , he said he could allow , but then that Bishop was to be but a Presbyter , whatsoever he was call'd : And therefore I may suppose that a Bishop and Presbyters in Ignatius's sense , such as he makes two orders , superiour to Deacons , and all three in that Church of the Magnesians , to which he speaks , will not be born by his particular Congregation , and therefore even that , which Ignatius here speaks of , was not such . 29. Thirdly : They that live under a Bishop and Presbyters , and doe every one of them , somewhere or other , assemble with other Christians in some one place ( as whosoever assemble in any place , must assemble in one ) may yet all of them make up above one single congregation , the several Christians of the City of Oxford , may live obediently under the Bishop of Oxford , and uuder the Presbyters of that Citie , and every one assemble 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partake constantly of the Church-meetings , some at St. Peters , others at Allhallows , and every one at some or other , and yet all those make up many particular Congregations , and the Bishop govern them all , and so relate in his office to them all , and by the several Presbyters , ordain'd and instituted to the several charges , administer and order all . 30. Nay fourthly : the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — might fitly be rendred no more but unanimous ●rayer , all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , continue in concord , and in prayer one with another in the Epistle to the Trallians , and that may equally be done , whether they meet all in one , or in many places . And so still he hath not gain'd so much as his particular affirmative from hence , that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] here spoken of by Ignatius , referr'd to a single congregation , which yet if it did , were farre enough from concluding the [ none but such . ] 31. Lastly , It is farther evident from Ignatius , 1. that there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Catholick Church . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church in Syria , joyned under himself as their one Pastor , i. e. a National Church ; and thirdly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church of Syria at Antioch , a Metropolitical Church , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church which presided in the place of the Region , or Province of the Romans , a Metropolitical and Provincial Church again : And fourthly , in every Epistle , a Church under a Bishop , Presbyters , and Deacons , which the world hath hitherto call'd a Diocesan Church , consisting of many single congregations . 32. It is not easie to reckon up all the inconsequences of this inference , whereby the Prefacers hypothesis is concluded from this Testimony of Ignatius These may at the present suffice , till farther discovery be made by him , what medium will be chosen to draw this conclusion out of these premises , which seem not at all inclin'd to it . And so though we are not come much nearer to a conclusion of this controversie , there is yet no season of adding more to the debating of it , and therefore so much for this Section also . Sect. 2. The mysterie of iniquitie . Clement's argument for the allaying the sedition . Proofs of the Congregational way invalid . The contrary more than intimated by Ignatius . The Ecclesiastick distributions contemper'd by the Apostles to the Civil . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Ignatius . Num. 1. THat which next follows , is the telling us three things that he will not insist on , and onely one fourth that he will , and me-thinks that should not detain us long . He thus begins . 2. Being unwilling to goe too far ou● of my way , I sh●ll no● 1. Consider the severals instanced in , f●r the proof of Episcopacy by the Doctor , seeing inde●i●bl● the interp●etation must follow , and be pr●po●tio●ed by the generall issue or that state of the Church , in the da●es wherein those Epistles we●e w●… , or are pretended so to be , if that appear to be such as I have mention'd , I p●●sume th● Doctor himself will confesse , tha● his witnesses 〈◊〉 wor● to his businesse , for who●e confirmation he doth produce them Nor 2. Shall I insist upon the degene●ation of the institutions and appointments of Jesus Christ , concerning Church-Administrations in the mannagement of the succeeding Churches , as principled , and ●pir●ted by the operative and efficaci● us mysterie of iniquity , occasion'● and advantaged by the accommodation of Ecclesiasticall affaires to the civill ●ist●ibu●ions , and alo●ments of the po●●tical state of things in those dayes ; nor 3. Insist much farther on the exceeding dissimili●ude and inconf●●mity that is between the expressions concerning Church Officers , and 〈…〉 these Epistles ( whence ever they come ) and those in the w●●tings of unquestionable credit , immediately before , and after them , as also the u●ter silence of the Scripture in those things , wherewith they so abound . The Epistle of Clemens , of which mention was made before , was wri●ten for the composing and quieting of a division and distemper that was fallen out in the Church of Cor●n●h . Of the cause of that dissention that then miserably rent that congregation , he informes us in that complaint , that some ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) were wrongfully cast from the Ministry by the mult●●u●e , and he tells you , that these were good honest men , and faithfull in the discharge of their du●y ; for saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though they were unblameable both in their conversation and Ministry , yet they removed them from their office : To reprove this evil , to convince them of the sinfulnesse of it , to reduce them to 〈◊〉 right understanding of their duty , and order , wal●…ing in the fe●low●hip of the Gospel , what course doth he proceed in ? what arguments doth he use ? He min●s them of one God , one Ch●●st , one B●d● , one Faith ; tels them that wicked men alone use such wayes and practices , bids them read the Epistle of Paul formerly written to them upon ●cc●sion of another division , and to be subject to their own Elde●s ; and all of them leave off contending , quietly doing the things which the people , o● the body of the Church commanded Now had this person w●i●ing on this occasion , using all so●ts of arguments , artificial , o● in●r●●ficial 〈◊〉 his purpose , been baptised into the opinion and esteem of a single Episcopal ●uperintendent , whose exultation seems to be the design of much which is said in the Epistles of Ignatius , in the sense wherein his words are usually taken , would yet never once so much as bid them be subject to the Bishop , that resemblance o● God the Father supplying the place of Chrrst , nor o●… them h●w●…er●ib●e a thing it was to disobey him , nor paw●d his soul ●or theirs , that should submit to him , that all th●● obeyed him w●r safe , all that disobeyed him were rebellious , cu●sed , and separated ●…m G●d . What Apology 〈◊〉 be made for the weaknesse and ignora●ce of that Holy M●…yr , if we sh●ll suppos● him to have had apprehensions like those in there Epistles of ●h●● sacred order , for omitting those all-conq●e●ing ●e●sons , which they would have supplyed him with●ll , to his purpose in han● , and p●●ching on arguments every w●y lesse usefull and c●gent . But I say I shall not insist on any such things as these , but onel● 4. I say there is not in any of the Doctor 's Ex e●p●a from those Epistles , not in any passage in 〈◊〉 , any mention , or the least intimation of any Church wherunto a●y Bishop was related , but such an one , as whose members met altoge●her in one place , and with th●i● Bishop disp●sed and ordered the 〈◊〉 of the Church . Such was that whereunto the h●l● Martyr was rela●ed ; such were those neighbou●ing Churches that sent Bishops and E●…s to that Church : And when the Doctor proves the contrary , ●rit m●h●…magn●● Apollo : From the Churches and their stat● and constitution , is the state and condition of their Officers , and their ●●lation to them ●…en Let that be manifested to be such from the appointment of Jesus Christ to his Apostles , or de facto in th● d●yes ●f Ignatius , o●… be●ore the contempe●a●ion o● Ecclesiastical ●ff●i●es occasiona●●y , or by ch●…ce , to the civil constitution of Cities ●nd Provinces in these dayes , as woul● , 〈◊〉 possibly c●uld beare a 〈…〉 Diocesan , Metropolitica● Hierarchi● , and this controversie will be at an end : When this is by any attempted to be demonstrated ▪ I desire i● may not be wi●h suc●●●ntences as that u●ged by our Doctor from Epist . ad Ephes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The expression in it concerning Christ being unsound , unscriptural , concerning Bishops , unintelligible , or ridiculous . 3. How unwilling the writer of this Preface ( therein to shew the judgement of Antiquity concerning Perseverance ) hath been to goe out of that his way , the large Animadversions , which he hath afforded Episcopacie , Ignatius , and me , will sufficiently demonstrate : As it is , the sooner he shall now return to his rode againe , the more tolerably easie it will be for the Reader , and me , and therefore I shall endeavour to make as much haste as he , and neither take any notice of what hath been said in the Dissertations for proof of Episcopacie , but yield , that if it appear , that there were none but particular Independent Congregations in Ignatius's time , I have then produced no testimony from him by which the Prefacer may be concluded , though as far as concerns Blondel , who went upon distant hypotheses , all that I said may have been in full force against them . 4. His second consideration concerning the degenerating of Christs institutions concerning Church Administrations in the management of succeeding Churches , and the principle of that degeneration the working of the mysterie of iniquity , and the occasion of that again , the accommodation of Ecclesiastical affairs to the civil distributions ( which is in effect that the Apostles erecting Mother-Churches in chief Cities , where they first preacht , as at Jerusalem to all Judaea , Antioch to all Syria , &c. was a special occasion of , and advantage to the working of the mysterie of iniquitie ) is that which in the several degrees of it might yield large discourse , the mysterie of iniquity , in St. Paul , being remote enough from this ; and distributions of Churches , such as were most commodious , far enough from having either iniquity or mysterie in them . But I shall readily transcribe his patterne , & as he hath not , neither shall I infist on it . 5. The third , on which he will not insist much farther , was competently insisted on before , in comparing Clement's two orders in the Church ( and the like in St. Paul ) with Ignatius's three . But the design of returning to it again , was to offer one argument more , which had not formerly been made use of , and I must not let that fall to the ground : It is this , that if the Bishop had been in that esteem in Clement ' s time , in which these Epistles set him out , as the resemblance of God the Father , he would certainly have bid them be subject to him , and used that as an argument to compose the sedition , of which he wrote unto them . 6. But 1. it is certain that negative arguments prove nothing , there might be Bishops in Clement's dayes , and the power due to them as great , as that which would intitle them to the image of God the Father , and yet the sedition being raised against the Bishops themselves , and the question being not concerning the Order , but the Persons , who should be advanced to it , the mention of the dignitie of the Order , or of the due subjection to it , might be no proper way of appeasing that sedition , nor , as such , chosen to be made use of by Clement . 7. Secondly : We know that next the obligations to peace , &c. the first and principal argument used by Clemens , was the institution of these their Bishops by the Apostles , and the dignity of that Order being such , that the Apostles foresaw the contentions that would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the dignity or name of it , he tels them that the Apostles had made a list of successors in each Church , presuming , and not needing more particularly to tell them , that this was an high aggravation of their crime , in throwing those out , whom God had thus particularly set over them And I know not that Ignatius would or could upon his hypotheses , have argued stronger to his purpose . 8. What the Prefacer addes by way of flourish , I shall not need to attend to : By this brief account 't is cleare , though Clemens mentions but two Orders , and Ignatius three , yet Bishops may have been in equal esteem with both of them . And that is all that I need reply , to that which , he saith , is one of the such things which he will not insist on . 9. The fourth thing , on which he is resolved to insist , and inlarge his digression , is , that which I had thought had been already newly insisted on ( and , I hope , compently answer●…d ) that in all the Epistles there is no intimation of any Church whereunto any Bishop related , but such an one as whose members met altogether in one , and with their Bishop disposed and ordered the affairs of the Church . And so on to the same purpose , and I shall be Magnus Apollo , if I shew him any . 8. Now I am perswaded , 1. that it already appears sufficiently , that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the members of each Church meeting together in prayer , is no proof , that to them bel ●ged in the least , to dispose and order the affairs of the Church , and yet besides , that nothing hath yet been pretended for it out of Ignatius , unlesse it be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing on their own heads , in the same place , which is much remoter from that purpose . 9. Beyond this it hath appear'd farther , that the office of all members under the Bishop was by Ignatius's doctrine to obey their superiours , to live under subjection , and that is not to dispose , or order . And the places so long insisted on out of Clemens also , have , I hope , appear'd to infer nothing to that purpose . 10. Secondly : 'T is as certain that I have * already performed this task laid on me by him , and shew'd him that Ignatius , as Bishop of Antioch , the Metropolis , is call'd Bishop and Pastor of the Church of Syria , and some other the like passages , which directly inferre what he requires me to inferre , and so that I have thus much title to his favour , and should not be put off to a Poetical expression for my reward . 11. As for the condition he interposeth , that I must shew this before the contemperation of affairs to the civill constitutions of Cities & Provinces , I confesse that to be a rigorous condition , and such as unlesse I be released from that restraint , I shall be utterly disabled to perform my task : For he cannot but know , that it is my affirmation that , at the first planting of the Churches , the Apostles thus contemper'd the Ecclesiastick to the Civil distributions of Citie● and Provinces , having no power of making new Cities or Provinces , any more than of constituting new Nations , and yet planting their Churches , and constituting Bishops in ●ities ( and thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every City , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every Church , is all one in the sacrea style ) which must necessarily inferre that the Ecclesiastical agreed with the civil distributions And truly how the Church was order'd before the Apostles planted it , I have not the curiosity to inquire . 12. A second condition he is also pleased to lay on me by way of farther restraint , to make my obedience yet more difficult . That my proofs must not be such as is that Testimony urged by me from the Epistle to the Ephesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] This passage it seems hath not found favour with him , the first part of it is , saith he , un●ound and unscripturall , the second unintelligible or ridiculous . 13. But I cannot yeild to his censure in either part . For the first , Let it but be considered that Christ came to reveale the will of his Father that whatsoever he taught , he taught from his Father , & there can be no unsoundness in the expression , to say , that Christ is the sentence of his Father ( any more than that he is the word , or the wisdome of his Father ) meaning thereby that what he delivered ▪ was his Fathers sentence or good pleasure , for so in the title of the Epistle to the Philad : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Christs s●…e is explained immediately by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to his owne will. 14. And for the second , let him but read it as he may finde Vossius and the Arch-Bishop of Arm●gh read it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the appointment or sentence , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , owne will of Christ , and sure it is very intelligible and far from ridiculous , even no more than this , that the Bishops ordeined in all regions by the Apostles , were appointed by , or by appointment of Christ , as the same matter is in the Epistle to the Philadelphians set downe in a parallel phrase , where the Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , designed by the appointment of Jesus Christ . Or if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be le●t out , then , reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subscri●tum , as the old Latine Sententia will beare , it is directly all one with the former . Or if in the third place , it be read in the nominative case , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then the figure is very intelligible , that these Bishops are Christs ●p●…intment , Christs sentence , Christs will , i. e. are appointed or determined or willed by him . And so I hope there is yet nothing so very unintelligible , or at all ridicul●… in Ignatius , or my testimonies from him , that I should need this c●●tion to be interposed against I produce more . CHAP. VII . Of Metropoles and Metropolitans . Sect. 1. Some account of the probations produced for Episcopacie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The power of Metropolitans . Their relations to more Churches than one . An enumeration of Prymates , and Metropolitans . Num. 1. HAving made this solemne promise , that I should be so highly rewarded in case I produced any intimation to prove , that there was any other but single particular Congregations , It was now timely remembred that I had done somewhat like this already , in proving the seven Angels of the seven Churches in the Revelation to be Metropolitans , and to the consideration of that he now next proceeds , and that brings in an examination of what I have said of Metropoles and Metropolitans : And it begins thus , 2. But it may be said , what need we any more writing , what need we any truer proof , or testimony ? The learned Doctor in his Dissertations , Dissert . 4. cap. 5. hath abundantly discharged this worke , and proved ●he seven Bishops of the seven Churches mentioned , Rev●l . 2. 3. to have been Metropolitans or Arch-Bishops ; so that no just cause remaines , why we should farther contend . Let then the Reader pardon this my utmost excursion , in this digression , to whose compasse I had not the least thoughts of going forth at the entrance thereof , and I shall returne thither whence I have turned aside . Dissert . 4. cap. 5. The Doctor tells us , that Septem Ecclesiarum Angeli non ta●tum Episcopi , sed & Metropolitae , i e. Archi-Episcopi statuendi sunt , i. e principelium urbium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad quos provinciae integrae , & in i● multarum inferiorum ●…bium Ecclesiae , earumque Ep●scopi tanquam ad Archi●p●scopum aut Metropolitanum pertinebant . The Doctor in this Chapter commences per saltum , and taking it for granted , that he hath proved Di●cesan Bishops sufficiently before , though he hath scarce spoken any one word to that purpose in his whole book ( for to prove one superintending in a Church , by the name of a Bishop , others acting in some kinde of subordination to him , by the name of Elders , and Presbyters , upon the account of what hath been offered concerning the state of the Churches in those dayes , will no way reach to the maintenance of this presumption ) he sacrifices his paines to the Metropoliticall Archi●piscopall dignity , which as we must suppose is so clearly founded in Scripture and Antiquity , that they are as blind as Bars and Moles , who cannot see the ground and foundation of it . But first , be it taken for granted , that the Angels of the seven Churches are taken for the Governors of those Churches , then that each Angell be an Individuall Bishop of the Church to which he did belong : 2 be it also g●anted , that they were Bishops of the most eminent Church or Churches , in that province , or Roman politicall distribution of those Countreys , in the management of the government of them , I say , Bishops of such Churches , not u●bium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the Doctor termes them ) what a●…ce is ma●e by all this to the Assertation of a Metropoliticall Archiep●…pacy , I cannot as yet ●…is●…v●r . That they were ordinary officers of Christs institution , rel●…ing in their office and ordinary discharge of it , not one●y to the particular Churches wherein they were placed , but to many Churches also no lesse committed to their charge , than these wherein they did reside , the Officers , Rulers , Go ●…ors , of which Churches depended on them , not onely as to their advice and counsell ; but as to their power and jurisdiction ▪ holding their place and employment from them , is some part of that , which in this undertaking is incumbent on our Doctor to make good , if he will not be supposed to prevaricate in the cause in hand . 3. Being here called out anew to the maintaining of what I had said in the Dissert : concerning Metropoliticall Churches , and Bishops , and having so lately been ingaged in the same taske by the exceptions of the London-Ministers , and many objections , which here in the processe of this discourse are lightly proposed , being by them formerly made , and accordingly answer accommodated to them , and yet farther , the maine thing which is here done , being to set downe many Latine passages , out of the Dissert : and to deem them confuted by the bare recitall of them , upon these grounds I doe not foresee that there will be any necessit● of making any large returnes to this last , but not concisest part of his digress●on . What had been returned to the London-Ministers , the Reader will finde in that Vindication , Cap. 1. Sect. 16 ( of which number , by the fault of the ●…rinter , ●e will meet with two Section ) and so on for the three subsequent Sections , and to the Dissertation● themselves , and that vi●…ication of them , I shall willingly referre this matter ▪ Yet shall I not o●…t to gather up whatsoever I shall here finde ●…ggested , which was not there punctually spoken to , and of that nature here are foure things in this Paragraph . 4. First that in the 5. Ch. of Diss : 4. I commence per saltum , taking it for granted , that I had proved Diocesan Bishops before , though saith he , I had scarce spoken one word to that purpose in my whole Booke . To this I answer , that as in the first Dissertation ▪ had answered one sort of objections against Episcopacy , and in the whole second Diss . asserted it out of Ignatius and Saint Hierome himselfe , so in the third , I had deduced it from Christ and the Apostles , and I suppose laid those grounds , and by all antiquity confirmed , and by answer of Blondel's objections vindicated them , so that they were competently fitted to beare that structure of Episcopacie , which I had laid upon them ; and then having in the fourth Diss : added to this the visible practice of this in the hands of single Governors , whether the Apostles in their severa●l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or their successors the first Bishops , called secundarie Apostles , mentioned in the Scripture , and yet more particularly in the Angels of the seven Churches , ( which being acknowledged to be the Governors of those Churches , were proved to be single Governors of them , which was the onely thing in question betwixt Blondel and me ) I had some reason to hope that I might be allowed to have spoken some one word to that purpose in that Booke , before I came to prove those Angels to have been Metropolitans , which he knowes was not attempted , t●ll all this of Episcopacie had been premised by me . 5. The reason , which he add●s in a parenthesis , why he affirmes thus expresly , that I had scarce spoken one word to prove a Diocesan Bishop in that Booke , is the second thing I am to reply to ; For , saith he , to prove one superintending in a Church by the name of Bishop , others acting in some kinde of subordination to him under the name of Elders and Presbyters , will no way reach to the maintenance of this presum●tion . 6. To which I answer , that the question lying , as there it did betwixt Blondel and me , there can be no doubt , but , if I have evinced the power in every Church , to have been in the hands of a single Bishop , and either no college of Presbyters in that Church , or else those Presbyters subordinate to the Bishop ( meaning by subordinate , subject to his power and authority over them ) I have also evinced the cause against Blondel ; And this I may have leave to hope is there done , till the contrary be made appeare , and here being no offer of that , but onely a mention of the account of what hath been offered by the Prefacer , concerning the state of the Churches in those dayes , 1. that account hath already been shewn to have no force in it , 2. if it had , it belongs not to the controversie , as it lay betwixt me and Blondel , but is as contrary to Blondel● pretensions as to mine , and so still I cannot see how I fell under his Animadversion in this matter , or how I commenced per saltum , in doing what there I did as regularly as I could imagine . 7. The third thing is , that I call the Bishops of the most eminent Churches , urbium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom he will have called Bishops onely . But of this there can be no Controversie , the fitnesse and propriety of words being to be judged from the use of them , and the case being cleare , that a Metropolitan , especially a Primate , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the antient Councels and * Church-writings , and from them , and not from Scripture , which useth no higher style for them , than of Bishops and Angels , it is , that I borrowed that appellation . 8. The last thing , that I must , if I will not be supposed to prevaricate , make good , is , that the Angels of the Churches related in their office not onely to the particular Churches wherein they were placed , but to many Churches also , no lesse committed to their charge , than these wherein they did reside , and that to power and jurisdiction , &c. 9. That they related to other Churches besides their owne , even to all that belonged to their Province , I suppose my selfe obliged to make good , and the 34. Apostolick Canon is alone able to doe it in generall , as shall anon appeare . Then more particularly , that they had power of ordeining Bishops , and of judging them also , is Saint Chrysostome's affirmation of Titus , whom I suppose to be such a Metropolitan in Crete , That if any were made Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the judgement and liking of the Metropolitan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He ought not to be a Bishop , is the sixth Canon of the first Councel of Nice ; And what is there defined of the Metropolitan's rights , besides that 't is done by 318. Bishops , the most select of the whole Christian world , and in an age very competent to passe a ●udgement of an Apostolical custome , it is also vouched by them expresly as one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the antient immemorial : customes of the Church . And much more to the same purpose is evident by the antient Canons of the uni●ersall Church , as hath in some measure been set downe ( and as farre as I can be concerned to make good , either against the Presbyterian , or Congregational , or P●pist way ) in a tract of Schisme , Chap. 3. Sect. 11 &c. 10. To this the story of those first tunes exactly accords , telling us that Irenaeus by being Metropolitan of Lyons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was Bishop ( that sure must be interpreted Metropolitan or Primate ) of the Diocesse sand so Bishops ) that pertaine to France , and * againe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had the Government of the Brethren ▪ i. e. the Christians that belong to France . And this 〈◊〉 the Scholar of Polycarpe , auditor of the Apostles , the● , Demetrius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 undertooke the administration of the Dioceses belonging to Alexandria , and both these at the same time in Commod●…'s reigne . And that whole Chapur in Eusebius is but the enumeration of severall such Metropolitans by name , who were all at the same time , of the Church of the Antiochians , S●rap●●n , the eighth from the Apostles , of the Church of El●…us's successor , Victor ; of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as he phraseth it in the next Chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Theophilus ; of the Church in Jerusalem , Nar●●ssas ; of the Church of Corinth ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Banchyllus ; and of Ephesus , or , as he phraseth it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Polycrates , of whom he after saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was chiefe as Prime or Ruler of the Bishops of Asia . In the same manner as afterward , Saint Cyprian Bishop of Carthage in the Councel of Constantinople in Tru●… styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archbishop of the Region , or Province of Africk , which is , as to the matter of it , own'd by himselfe , Epist . 40. and 45. where he mentions his Province , and the extent of it . Sect. 2. Of Churches in the p●●ral , and a Church in the singular in the Scripture . 〈◊〉 . 1. IN pursuit of this matter of Metropolitanes , he proceeds next to take notice of one observation of mine in these words . 2. To this end he inform●… sect . 2. that in the New Testament there is in s●ndry places mention ma●e of Church 〈…〉 ●umber , a● Gal. 1. 21. 1 Thes . 2. 14. Acts 9 35 Act 〈…〉 Gal. 〈◊〉 . Rev. 1. 11. sometimes of Church onely 〈…〉 , as Acts 8. 1 , 15. 4. 22. Acts 1. 〈…〉 . Heb. 16. 1. 1 ●or 〈◊〉 . 2 ●or . ●1 . 1. Thes . 1. 1. Rev. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , 8 , 1● , 18 Now this is 〈…〉 beholding to the Doctor for i● , no mo●e I supp●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●und to be to it , when the reason of it shall be a li●…e w●…d ●…ed . The summe is , that the name Church , in the sing●…r 〈…〉 , but where i● relates to the single congregation , in , or o●●…e C●●y or Town : Th●● of Churches respecting ●he several Church●… Congregations that were gathered in any Country or Province : Manifest then it is from hence , that there is in the New Testament , no Church of one denomination beyond 〈◊〉 single Congregation : And where there are more , they are alway●s called Churches : How evidently this is destructive to any Dioce●… Metropolitical Officer , who hath no Church left him thereby of Christ's institution to be related to , another opportunity will manifest . 3. Here is but one thing done by the Prefacer , a recital of my observation in the words , just as I set it , that there is in the New Testament mention sometimes of Churches in the plural , sometimes of a Church in the singular . 4. For this observation he saith , he is not beholding to me , and I shall imitate him thus far in replying , that neither is he the first that hath mistaken it , the London Ministers had done before him just what now he thinks fit to doe . For having duly recited the observation , when he comes to give the summe of it , that summe is very different from the particulars ( just as by the * London . Ministers it had been before ) viz. that my observation is , that the word Church is never used in the singular , but when it relates to a single congregation . 5. Here I must interpose ( as to the London-Ministers I did , and to the * Vindication there I referre the Reader for it , and shall here recite it no farther than onely thus ) that I onely say the word Church was so used in the singular for the Church of one City , meaning still ( as I there expresse , and I alwayes doe , when I speak of a Citie-Church ) with the territorie adjoyning , whether again that be a territorie of more Cities , when that which is spoken of is a Metropolis , as many of those which I there mention , were , Corinth , Ephesus ( & all certainly , except Cenchrea , being near unto , and an Haven-City of Corinth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Stephanus Byzantinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) or whether the villages adjacent , when it is not a Metropolis . But that the word Church in the singular , is never used but when it thus relates to the single congregation in , or of one City , Metropolis , or not Metropolis , that I never said , nor thought , nor was it usefull to me to observe o● suggest any such thing . 6. And so being mistaken in his ground , his inference must also suddenly vanish , which he affirm'd to be so manifest , and so likewise all the advantage , which when opportunity should serve , he meant to have made of it . Sect. 3. The meaning of Provinces . Philippi a Metropolis . Dionysius's Epistle to Gortyna . Philip Bishop of all the Churches in Creet . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nū . 1. FRom the mention of my observation , he goes on to examine the use which I made of it . 2. For the present ( saith he ) let us see what use our Doctor makes of this observation Sect. 3 : saies he , Ju●ae● , and the rest of the places where Churches are mention'd , are the names of Provinces , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quatenuus ●ae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contradistinguuntur : But if the Doctor takes these words in an Ecclesiastical sense , he begs that which will upon such unworthy termes never be granted him : If no more be intended but that Jud●● . Gala●●a , and he like names of Coun●…s were Provinces wherein were many Churches ; Smyrna . Ephesus , of Towns and Cities wherein there was but owe , w● g●●nt h●m ▪ And how much that 〈◊〉 is to his advantage hath been intimated : And this seems to be his 〈◊〉 by his following words , Pro●…rum inquam , in quibus ●…mae civ●tate● singu●… singularum Ecclesiarum sede● , 〈…〉 , ●…que Ecclesiae in plurali istius sive istius Provinci●… ; well , what then ? ●um tamen unaquaeque civitas , cum territori● sibi a ju●ct● ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ! ) ab Episcopo suo administrata , singularis Ecclesia dicenda sit : Id●●que quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 factum dicitur , Acts 14 , 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jubetur , Tit. 1. 5. tha● in every City there was a singular Church in those Provinces , ( I speake of those where any number were converted to the Faith ) I g●●n● , for the annexed terri●…es le● the Doctor take care : The●● bring one Church at Cor●●h , and another at Cenchrea , So that ev●ry single city had its owne single Church with its Bishop in it , as at ●…ppi . The passage mentioned by the Doctor , conc●rning the Epistle of Dionysius to the Church of Go●●yna in Crete , is very little to his purpose : Neither doth he call Ph●l●p the Bishop of that Church , the Bishop of all the other Churches in Crete , as the Doctor intimates ; but the Bishop of them to whom especially and eminently he wrote . 3. It being here , as he saith , uncertaine to him , what I meane , when I say Judaea , Syria , and the like are Provinces , as they are contra-distinguished from those which were no more than Dioceses in our mo●erne use of the word , though I thought I had spoken intelligibly enough before , yet I am most ready farther to explaine my selfe , That I meane Province in an Ecclesiastick sense , the severall Churches of severall Cities ( with their territories adjoyning to them ) altogether making up one Provincial Church , so styled , as meeting occasionally , or at set times at the Metropolis in an Assembly ordinarily called Provincial , in which the Bishop of the Metropolis praesideth , as James at Jerusalem with the Bishops of all Jud●a joyning with him , as I conceive the modell set downe both Acts 15. and Rev. 4. 4. by way of visional representation . 4. These several Churches considered by themselves , are each the Church in , or of such a City , and so each mentioned in the singular number , but being considered all together , though the d●… , wherein they all agree , be in the singular also . Ju●… , Syria , &c. ( and accordingly we have in Ignatius the Church of Syria , both Church and Syria in the singular number ) which , as comprehensive of all the severals in it , I call a Province ( as men have generally done before me ) yet the severals so comprehended , are oft mentioned in the plural , the Churches of Judaea , &c. This is the observation , and being , as 〈◊〉 thought , evidenced by the instances there made , I did not thinke it could want farther proofe , or be lyable to be censured as that fallacie of begging the question on such termes , as ●…e is pleased to thinke unworthy . 5. At the present , all that I had there to say in the * Dissertations being onely this , the rendring some reason of that differe●… of style in Scripture , sometimes the Churches in the plur●… sometimes in the singular , and that reason being visible , because Judea had many Churches in it , as many Cities , and C●…rea , &c. was but one Church of one City , and the territory ( though perhaps many places of Ecclesiastick assemblies in that ●…uit ) this cannot be a begging of more than is made evident . All that I am by him warned t●… take farther care of , is , the territory , ( what cause he had to cry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ! at the mention of it , I shall not enquire ) which I shall be mindefull to doe , when it is in any danger , or need of my care , which as yet it is not , being no way assaulted by him , and therefore ●ere is at present no place of my farther sollicitude . 6. What he is pleased to interpose of Philippi , its being a single City with its Bishop in it , he cannot but know , is , as to me , a meer begging of the question , which just then he had accused in me , some paines being taken in that Dissertation , cap. 10. to shew that those plural Bishops , were not the Bishops of that one City of Philippi ; To which having never offered the least word of answer , the contrary should not thus have been taken for granted by him . 7. One thing he addes in the close , which was a little unexpected , that the passage , concerning the Epistle of Dionysi●s to the Church at Gortyna in Crete , is very little to my purpose , and that neither doth he call the Bishop of that Church , the Bishop of all the other Churches in Cr●… . What truth there is in this suggestion will soon be d●…d . 8. And first , these are the words o● that E●… , o● the 〈…〉 of it , in E●… l. 4. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Di●…us Bishop of Corinth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( this he should not have rendred , to the Church of Gortyna , but ) to the Church adjacent or lying about Gorty●● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , together with the rest of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the word common to Dioceses and Provinces ) in Crete . The controversie , I perceive , here , is not concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what that signifi●● ( but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rest , how ●arre that extends , whether to all , or to some to whom he especially and eminently wrote ) and so I shall not need insist on it , else it were easie to shew , that signifying originally , ad●acence of habitation , it belongs indifferently , whether to a greater or lesse circuit , a Parish ( which word comes from thence ) or adjacence of houses ; a Diocess , or adjacence of Parishes to a City ; a Province , or adjacence of Cities ( with their territories ) to a Metropolis or chief City . And which of these it signifies at any time , the Context must define . 9. So the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must here be the whole Province , relating to Go●tyna the Metropolis of ●rete , and then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can be no other but the rest of the ( Provinces if there were more than one , or else the ) Dioceses ( as we now style them ) which were in r●te ▪ And then certainly the adding of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rest , to the mention of that which Gortyna was the Metropolis , must conclude him to comprehend all the other , beside that , which were in Crete , and Philip , which is there said to be Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them , in the plural , not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that about Gortyna , must needs be concluded Bishop of them all , which he could not be any other way , then as he was Bishop of the Metropolis , to which those other related . And then what could be more to my purpose than this , I confesse I know not . Against this there is no word of reason offered , onely 't is said that it is not to my purpose — and so I have nothing to which I can make reply in this matter . Sect. 4. The Original of Metropolitical Churches . Accommodation of the Ecclesiastick to the Civil distributions . The Bishop of Romes greatnesse . Num. 1. THe next thing he is pleased to examine , he calls ( I shall not debate how fitly ) my application of the forementioned observation , and from thence he expects some great advantage . 2. Sect. 4. saith he , Application is made of the forementioned observation : Sect. 2. and the Interpretation given of it , Sect. 3. in these words , His sic positis , illud statim seq●●tur ut ( in Imperii cognitione ) in provinci● qual b●● , cum plure , Urbes ●int , una tamen primaria & principalis c●nsenda ●rat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ideo dicta , cui itidem inferiores reliquae civitates subjiciebantur , ●t ●●vitat bus regiones , fic & inter Ecclesias , & Cathedras Episcopales unam semper primariam & Metropoliticam fuisse . In this Section the Doctor hath most ingenuously and truly given us the ●ise and occasion of his Diocesan and Metropolitical Praelates , from the aimes of men , to accommodate Ecclesiastical or Church-affaires , to the state and condition of the civill government , and distributions of Provinces , Metropolitan Cities , and chiefe Townes within the severall dependencies ( the neighbouring villages being cast in as things of no great esteem , to the lot of the next considerable Towne and seat of Judicature ) did the Hierarchy , which he so sedulously contendeth for , arise ; what advantage were aff●rded to the worke , by the paucity of believers in the Villages and lesse Townes ( from which at length the whole body of Hea●henish Idolaters were denominated Pagans ) the first planting of Churches in the greater Cities , the eminence of the Officers of the first Churches in those Cities , the weaknesse of many rurall Bishops , the multiplying and growing in numbers and persons , of gifts , abilities , and considerable fortunes and employments in this world , in the Metropolitan Cities , with their fame thereby , the tradition of the abode of some one or other of the Apostles in such Cities and Churches , with the eminent Accommodation at the administration of civill Jurisdiction and other affaires , which appeared in that subordination and dependency , whereunto the Provinces , chiefe Cities , and territories in the Roman Empire were cast , with which opportunities Satan got by these meanes , to introduce their wayes , state , pompe , words , phrases , termes of honour of the world into the Churches ; insensibly getting ground upon them , and prevailing to their dec●ension from the naked simplicity and purity wherein they were first planted , some other occasion may give advantage for us to manifest ; for the present it may suffice that it is granted , that the Magnifick Hierarchy of the Church arose from the accommodation of its state and condition of the Roman Empire and Provinces . And this in the instances of alter●ages that might be p●oduced , will easily be made yet fa●ther evident ; in those shamefull , or indeed rather shamelesse cont●…s , which fell out among the Bishops of the third Centu●ie , and downward , about precedency , titles of Honour , ex●●nt of Jurisdiction , Ecclesiastical subjection to , or exemption from one another , the considerablenesse of their Cities in the civill state of the Roman Empire where they did reside , was still the m●st prevalent and cogent argument in their brawles : the most notable brush , that in all Antiquity we finde given to the great Leviathan of Rome , who sported himselfe in those gatherings together of the w●ters of people , and multitudes , and Nations , and Tongues , or the generall Councels ( as they are called ) was from an a gument taken from theseat of the Empire , being ●ixt at Con●lantinople , making it become new Rome , so that the Bishop of the Church there , was to injoy equall priviledge with him , whose lot was ●allen in the old imperiall City . 3. The briefe summe of what he there quotes in Latine , is this , that as in the civil account , the chiefe City where there are many in a Province , is the Metro●olis , to which the inferiour Cities are subjected ( and relate to it , as the adjacent region to the City ) so the chiefe Church in a Province was by the Apostles designed ( which I hope is farre enough from Satans introducing it ) to be a Metropolitical Church , on which the inferior Churches and their Bishops depended , and observed concord and unitie with it . This the Prefacer looks on , as a speciall discovery , and having threatned what some other occasion may give advantage to manifest , he is not pleased to make any the least objection against it at this time , or to indeavour to prove that it was not thus , but is very well satisfied that it is granted , that the Magnifick ( as he will style it ) Hierarchie of the Church arose from this accommodation of the Ecclesiastick to the civil formes of distributions . 4. This indeed , as far as concernes every nationall Church , which by this meanes is best disposed for order and unity within it selfe , is by me willingly and profestly granted , and if the reasonablenesse , that it should doe so , doe not competently vindicate it , yet supposing ( as the discourse there doth ) that the Apostles themselves did generally so designe it in every region , I hope there will lye no charge against it ; And if farther then so , the observing of it proved usefull , as he saith it did , to the reducing the Bishop of Rome to some moderate termes , equalling another Bishop to him , when the Empire was removed to another seate , I know not still , why this should be such a disobligation to the Prefacer , who will hardly be able to give any more moderate or lesse Popish account of the immense greatnesse which that Bishop by prescription of some number of years did challenge , than this of the Imperial seat having been fixt at Rome , and these privileges accruing to him by that meanes , & not by any investiture from Christ , by succession to Saint Peter , as they plead , nor by appointment of the Apostles in their first plantations , which now we speak of . 5. I have elsewhere spoken on this subject in the tract of Schisme , in the latter part of Chap. 3. and to the London Ministers , cap. 1. sect . 16. and there briefly shewed the reasonablenesse of it . And here being yet nothing but promises of objections against it , it may suffice that I deferre the answering them , till they be produced . Sect. 5. The Grounds of the Apostles instituting Metropoles . The frame of Heathen Governments , and the patterns among the Jewes , civil , and sacred . N●… . 1. NExt he proceeds to that which I adde , as an image of this model in the Church , taken from Gods direction to Moses for the government of the Jewes , thus , 2. B●…u Doctor addes , Sect ▪ 5. Illud ●x Jud●●rum exemplari transcripsisse Apostol● vid●mur , cum Mo a●… a id lege caut●m ess●t , ut Judi●es & ministri●… qual●b●t civ●ta●e ordina●…ur , Deut. 16. 18. ill● v●…ebus dabi●s ad Ju●●…cem ( M●fis su●…ss●…m ) ●●nedrio Hi●rosolym tano cinctum recurre●e ●…ntur , Cap. 17. 9 an●… in S●ct . 6. ●e p●ov●s Jerusalem to have been the M●…s of th●… N●…ion , Eg ●gia●… v●…o laudem ! But 1. The D●… presume knowes bef●…e this ▪ that those with whom he hath to 〈…〉 give him he thing in question upon his begging , or request 〈…〉 consideration and inquirie is , whether the Ap●… any such modell of Church order and Government ▪ as is by the Doctor contended for ; to this he tells you , that the Apostles seeme to have done it , from the patterne of Mosaical institutions in the Church of the Jewes ; But , Doctor , the question is not , with what respect they did it , but whether they did it at all or no ? This the Doctor thought good to let alone till another time , if we would not grant him upon his petition , that so they did . 2. This then is the Doctors second argument for his Diocesan and Metropolitan Prelates . His first was , from the example of the Heathers , in their civill administrations and rule , this second from the example of the Jewes Not to divert into the handling of the Church and Political state of the Jewes , as appointed by God , no● that dissonancie that is between the institution of civil Magistrates , and Evangelicall administrations , this is the summe of the Doctors reasoning , in his 5 , 6 , 7 , and 8. Sections God in the Church and among the people of the Jewes , chose out one City to place his name there , making it the place where all the types and ceremonies which he had appointed for the discovery and shadowing forth of the Lord Iesus Christ , were visibly and gloriously to be managed , acted , and 〈◊〉 forth ( ●undry of them being such , as whose Typicalnesse would have been destroyed by their muliplication ) and principally on this accoun●…ing that place or City ( which was first S●… ) the seat of the Kingdome , or habitation of the chiefe ruler , for the administration of Justice , who appointed Iudges in all the Land , for the good and peace of the people , therefore the Churches of Iesus Christ , disposed over the face of the whole world , freed from obligations to Cities of Mountaines , walling before God , in , and with a pure and spirituall worship , having no one reason of that former institution , in common with the Church of the Jewes , must be cast into the same mould and figure ; I hope without offence I may take leave to deny the consequence , and what more I have to say to this argument I shall yet deferre ▪ 3. One great fallacy I am here charged to be guilty of , ( but having been oft accused of this very crime , I yet never had the ill luck to be convict by him ) that I begge the question againe , which , saith he , is onely this , Whether the Apostles institutea any such order , or no ? 4. But can this be a begging the question , when Sect. 9. of that Chapter , I expresly undertake to prove that the Apostles did institute such model , and when he himselfe in the very next paragraph , expresly confesses that I proceed to prove it . 5. Can that be said to be begged , which is undertaken to be proved , and the proofes as yet not so much as considered by him , and so certainly not invalidated ? Or can a man be bound to prove his assertion , before he hath explained what he meanes by it , or upon what grounds of credibility he affirmes it ? 6. That which I doe in that Chapter may analytically be divided into two parts , 1. the grounds upon which 〈◊〉 conceive the Apostles thus modell'd the Church , and secondly ; the proofes or testimonies by which I manifest that they did so . The question in hand being a matter of fact , whether or no the Apostles instituted Metropolitical Churches , &c. that was to be proved or disproved onely by testimonies , and if that be not attempted to be done , but taken for granted , that were indeed a begging of the question , but a due place being reserved for that in the latter part of the Chapter , I conceive it no breach of the Lawes of discourse , owned and exemplified by artists , first to render the assertion credible , by proposing the grounds upon which I conceive they did it . 7. And those grounds were of two sorts , 1 The known frame of the Heathen Governments , where they came to plant the Gospel , and by attending to which they should plant it more advantagiously , and then what Nazianzen saith of Julian , that it was in him a wise but a wicked policy , for the reducing Heathenisme among Christians to appoint the heathen Priests to make use of the Christian observances , may be very credible , as an act of Divine policy in the Apostles , to make their advantage for the propagating and preserving the Faith , by observing and not going contrary to the civill distributions , which they should meet with among the Heathens . 8. Secondly , The patternes of this among the Jewes , and those we know , the more considerable in this , because they were there instituted by God himselfe , and because many other observances in Christianity are by Christ and the Apostles visibly accommodated from the Jewes . And againe there are two of those patterns , one in their civil managerie , Judges and Officers in every City , Deut. 16. 18. and Moses in matters of higher concernment and difficultie with 〈◊〉 San●●d●im at Jerusalem ; and the other in their Ecelesiastical , the three families of the Levites , separated for the sacred offices , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or chiefe over them , Num. 3. 24. and over them Eleazer the Sonne of Aaron the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chiefe of the chiefes of the Levites . And the advantages of order , and unitie , and due administration of Justice , which recommended those formes among the Jewes , were all fit to be taken care of , and consequently were so many motives to induce the Apostles to copy them out under the New Testament , and to observe the like uniformity in all their Plantations . 9. And these grounds being thus laid as a foundation , to support and fit the building , which in the remainder of the Chapter was regularly , i. e. by testimony of the Scripture and the Antient Church , superstructed on it , I cannot guesse , what I could otherwise have done in respect of the Method , than what was there designed by me And truly if I did , let the proofe of the fact alone , as he saith , till another time , as long as that other time was so neer at hand , in the same Chapter , in the very next Section after the setting down 〈◊〉 exemplar● among the Jewes , I cannot yet discerne how I have ●…nd●… in it . No man can doe two things at once , and I was free to choose my owne Method , as long as 〈◊〉 neither omitted nor put off ( as the Prefacer hath often done , and so now againe in the last words of this Paragraph he doth ) to some other occasion , that which was so necessary to be proved there . 10. As for his summarie account of my discourse againe , it is very much varied from that , which those foure Sections yeild , which is no more than this , that as by Gods appointment to Moses , there were many inferiour and superiour●ourt ●ourt ; many in the several Cities of Judea , and one at Ierusalem , to which the inferiour related , as the Mother and prime ; and as in the Temple about the Levites there were heads of the Levites , and heads of those heads , so it would be ●…ctly parallel in the Apostles to institute Bishops in every City Church , and Metropolitanes in the chiefe Cities , which as it is no argument at all to prove the matter of tact , that indeed it was so , nor by me designed for such , proposed onely as an exemplar or parallel , not as a proofe , and accordingly induced with [ ad hanc imaginem , after this image ] Sect. 9. an [ as ] and [ so ] not a [ therefore ] ( and so there was no consequence in it capable of being denyed so againe such as it was it very much differed from that which is here set downe in Italick letters , as if it were the English of my Sections ( which , againe , were never set downe in English , till now that this advantage might be gain'd by it . ) 11. This manner of dealing , what it imports I shall not judge , but leave the Prefacer to passe his owne animadversions on it . Sect. 6. Of Antioch the Metropolis of Syria , Acts 15. What the dependance of Inferiour Churches to their Metropolis . The reference to Jerusalem made by the Church of Antioch . The decrees delivered to other Churches . Ierusalem the grand Metropolis . Philos Testimony . Ignatius Pastor , Bishop of Syria . The Epistle to the Antiochians . A Testimony thence . Nū . 1. NOw then he proceeds to the examination of my proofs , ( If it might have been foreseen that there were any such , the last Paragraph might certainly have beene spared . ) 2. But , saith he , the Doctor proceeds to prove , that indeed the Apostles did dispose of the Churches in this frame and o●de , according to the patterne of the civill government of the Roman Empire , and that instituted of God among the Jewes . The ninth section , wherein he attempts the proof of this assertion , is as followeth . Ad hanc imaginem , Apostolo● Ecclesias ubique disponendas curasse , & in omnbus plantationibus su●… , minorum ab ●m●…ioribus civitatibus dependentiam & subordinationem constituisse exemplis quidem plurimi● monstrari possit , illud in Syriâ & Cilicia patet Act. 6. 4 cù●●nim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illud c. 15. 2. Hierosolymas referr●tur ab Ecclesià 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Antiochi● , Cap. 14 26 & 15. 3. & de● etum ab Apostolis d●…ò ad eos mitteretur v. 22. in Epistolâ quâ decretum illud co●tin●batu● , ●imul cum Antiochensibus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprehensos videmus v. 23. De●… Epistolâ 〈◊〉 Antioch●… Eccle●i● redditâ v. 30. Paul●s tandem & Sylas Syriam & Cili●iam peragr●…tes v. 41. c. 16. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 singulis civitatibus observanda tradiderunt , ut quae ad hanc Antiochiae Metropolin , ut ●●tidem subordina●● Ecclesiae pertinerent , ut & ipsa Antiochia ad Hieros●ly●…as , primariam tam latae ( ut ex Ph●lone p aediximus ) Provinciae Metropolin pertinebat , & ad ●am , ad ●…imen●am litem istam , se conferebat . This being all that the Doctor hath to produce from the Scripture to his purpose in hand , I have transcribed it at large ; for this being removed , all that follows , will fall of its own accord 1. Then , the dependance on , and subordination of lesser cities to the greater , is asserted ●s an Apostolical institution ; Now because I suppose the Doctor will not assert , nor doth intend a civil dependance , and subordination of Cities , as such , among themselves , nor will a dependance as to counsell , advice , assistance , and the like supplies , which in their mutual communion , the lesser Churches might receive from the greater and more eminent , serve his turne : but an Ecclesiastical dependance and subordination , such as whereby many particular Churches , with Inferiour Officers residing in them , and with them , depended on , and were in subj●ction to some one person of a superiour order , commonly residing in some eminent City , and many of these Governours of a superiour order in the greater Cities were in subordination unto some one of high degree , termed a Metropoli●a● . and all this by Apostolicall institution is that which he aymeth a● , which being a most gallant adventu 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 a waking generation , we shall doubtless find him quitting himselfe ●●ke a man in his undertaking . 2. Then he tells you that the question ab●ut Mosaicall Rites , and necessity of their observation , was reffered to Jerusalem by the single Church of Antioch . But how does the Doctour make good this first step , which y●… if he could , would doe him no good a●…all ? It is true , that Paul was now come to Antioch , Ch. 14. 26. and a●… that he was brought on his way by the Chu●ch Chap. 15. 3. Bu● ye● that he breth 〈…〉 who were t●ug●t the Doctrine contested about , v. 〈◊〉 . were only of the Church of Antioch ( when it is most certaine from the Ep●…s of Paul to the Galatians , Colo●●ians , Romanes , and others , that great disturbance was raised fa●… and wide , in all the Churches of the Gentiles about this con●…ve●sy ) no ●ing is offered . It seems indeed that their disputes grew to the greatest heights at Antioch , whither brethren from other parts and Churches did also c●me , whilest Barnabas and Paul abode the●e , but that tha● single Church ●e●erred the determining of that controversie , to them at Ierusalem , exclusively to others , the Doctor proves not . And it is most evident , from the returne of the answers sent by the Apostles from Jerusalem , ver . 23. that the reference was from all the Churches of the Gentiles , yea and all the scattered brethren , perhaps as yet not brought into the Church order not onely at Antioch , but also throughout Sy●…a and Cilicia . It is then granted what he next observes , viz. that in the answer returned from Jerusalem , with them at Antioch , those in Syria and Cilicia are joyned , the reason of it being manifest , namely their trouble about the same controversie , being no lesse than theirs at Antioch . It is also granted , that as Paul passed through the Cities , that he delivered them the decrees to keep , that were ordeined by the Apostles and Elders , cap. 16. 4. and that not onely to the Churches of Syria , and Cilicia , which he left cap. 15. 41. but also to those throughout Phrygia , and the regio●s of Gal●tia , ver 6. What now follows out of all this ? What ? but that Antioch by Apostolical institution was the Metropolitan See of all the Churches of Syria and Cilicia . Good Doctor doe not be angry ▪ but tell us how this may be proved . Why doubtlesse it was so ; as Antioch belonged to the Metropolitan Church at Jerusalem , as he ●old us out of Philo ( who was excellently acquainted with Apostolical institutions ) what Jerusalem was to the whole Church and Nation of the Jewes , while the name of God was fixed there , we know ▪ But what was the primitive estate of the Churches of Iesus Christ , made of Iewes and Gentiles , tied neither to City , or Mountaine , I must be pardoned if I cannot finde the Doctor making any tender of manifesting or declaring . The reasons of referring this controversie unto a determination at Jerusalem , the Holy Ghost acquaints us with Act. 15. 2. That we have no need of this Metropolitical ●igment , to informe us in it . And now if we will not , not onely submit to Diocesan Bishops , but also reverence the grave Metropolitans , standing upon such clear Apostolicall institution , It is fit that all the world should count us the arrantest Schismaticks that ever lived since Pope Boniface his time . The summe then of this doubty argument for the Apostolical institution of Metropolitans ( that none might ever more dare to call Diocesans into question hereafter ) is this ; Paul who was converted about the third or fourth yeare of Caligula , five or sixe yeares after the ascension of Christ , having with great successe for three years preached the Gospell , went up to Jerusalem with Barnabas , upon the persecution raised against him at Dam●scus , Act. 9. 22. whence returning to the worke , he went first to Tarsus , Act. 9. 30. thence to Antioch , where he abode one whole yeare , Act. 11. 25. 26. and was then sent to Jerusalem with the collections for the Saints , about the fourth yeare of Claudius , ver . 30. thence returning againe to Antioch , he was sent out by the command of the Holy Ghost more eminently , and peculiarly than formerly for the conversion of the G●●tile● , Act. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 ▪ in this undertaking in the space of a yeare or two , he preached and gathered Churches ( whereof expresse mention is made ) at Salamis , Act. 13. 5. in the Isle of Paphos , ver . 6. at Perga in Pamphylia ver . 13. at Antioch in Pisidia , ver . 14. a● Ico●ium , cap. 14. 1. at Ly●tra and Derbe , ver . 6. and at Perga 26. in all these places gathering some believers to Christ , whom before they returned to Antioch , he visited all over the second time , and setled Elders in the severall congregations , Chap. 14 21 , 22 , 23. in this journey and travel for the propagation of the Gospell , he seems in all places to have been followed almost at the heels , by the prosessing Pharisees , who imposed the necessity of the observation of Mosaical Ceremonies upon his new Converts ; for instantly upon his return to Antioch , where during his absence , probably they had much prevailed , he falls into dispute with them , Chap. 15. 1. and that he was not concer'd in this controversie , onely upon the account of the Church of Antioch , himselfe informes us , Gal. 2. 4. affirming that the false brethren , which caused those disputes and dissensions , crept in to spye out his liberty , in his preaching the Gospell among the Gentiles , ver . 2. that is in the places before mentioned , throughout a great part of Asia . For the appeasing of this difference , and the establishing of the Soules of the Disciples , which were grievously perplexed with the imposition of the Mosaical yoke , It is determined that the case should be resolved by the Apostles , Act. 15. 2. partly because of their authority in all the Churches , wherein those , who contended with Paul , would be compelled to acquiesce , and partly because those Judai●ing teachers pretended the commission of the Apostles for the Doctrine they preached , as is evident from the disclaimu●e made by them , of any such commission or command , ver . 24. Upon Pauls returne from the assembly at Jerusalem , wherein the great controversie about Iewish Ceremonies was stated and determined , after he had in the first place delivered the decree and Apostolical salutation by Epistle to the Church at Antioch , he goes with them also to the Churches in Syria and Cilicia , ●xpressed in the letter by name , as also to those in Pamphilia , Pisi●ia , Derb● ; Lystra , Iconium , &c. Ch●p . 16. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. and all the Churches which he had gathered and planted in his ●ravels through Asia , whereunto he was commanded by the Holy Ghost , Act. 13. 1 , 2. Things being thus stated , it necessarily followes , that the Apostles had instituted Diocesan and Metropolitan Bishops . For though the Churches were so small , and thin , and few in number , that seaven years after this , may we believe our Doctor , the Apostles had not instituted or appointed any Elders or Presbyters in them , viz. When Paul wrote his Epistle to the Philippians , which was when he was Prisoner at Rome , as appeares , cap. 1. 7 , 13 , 14. cap. 4. 22. about the third yeare of N●ro , yet that he had fully built and setled the Hierarchicall fabrick contended for , who once dares question ? Audacia — Creditur à multis ●iducia . But if this will not doe , yet Ignatius hits the nayle on the head , and is ready at hand to make good whatsoever the Doctor will have him say , and his testimony takes up the sense of the two n●xt following Sections , whereof th● fi●st is as follows . Hinc dicti Ig●atiani ratio constat in Epistolâ ad Romanos , ubi ille Antiochia Ep●…scopus se 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , past●●em Eccl●siae quae ●st in Syria app●lle●●um ad Antiochiam , s●il . ut ad Me●…opolin su●m tota Syria pertineret . Sic & Author Epistolae ad Antio●he●os 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cam i●scrib●●s , totam ●yriam ●jus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse conclud●t . But yet I feare the Doctor will finde he hath need of other weapons , and other manner of Assistance to make good the cause he hath undertaken . The words of Ignatius in that Epi●●●e to the R●mans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Because he recommen●s to them that particular Church in Syria , wch by his imprisonment was deprived of its Pastor therefore without doubt he was a Metropolitical Arch-bishop . Tity●e tu p●… &c. But the Doctor is resolved to car●y his caus● , & therefore being forsaken of all faire and honest meanes , from whence he might hope for assistance or success● , he tryes ( as Saul the wi●ch at En●●● ) the counterfeit , s●…ious title , of a counterfeit Epistle to the Antiochians , to see if tha● will speake any comfor●able words , for his relief or no. And to make sure worke , he causes this Gentleman so to speake , as if he intended to make us believe that Syria was in Antioch , not Anti●ch in Syria , as in some remote p●rts of ●he world , they say they inquire whether London be in England , or England in London , What other sence can be made of the words as by the Doctor transcribed ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To the Church of God dwelling in Syria which is in A●tioch : now if thi● be so , I shall confesse it is possible we may b● in more errors than one , and that we much w●nt the learned Doctors assistance for o●r information ; the words themselves , as they are used by the worship●ull writer of that Epistle , will sca●ce furnish us with this learned and ra●e notion , they are at length , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( fo● so he ●i●st opens his mouth with a lye ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , W●at is here more expressed , than that th● l●tter passage is ●est●●ct●ve of what went be●ore , was spoken of its ●esidence i● Sy●i● , wi●● reference to the name of Christian , fi●st given to the D●sciples in th●… place , I know not ; and therefore it is most certaine that the Apostles in st●…uted Metr●politan Archbishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. The large transcripts of the Latine sections being the foundation of his whole insuing discourses , it is a litle necessary they should be made intelligible to all , to whom the confutation of them is addrest : This I shall be content to doe fo● him ; and the plaine English is this . 4. According to the image of the civil government among the Jewes , and the like againe in their Temple ( foremention'd ) the Apostles appeare to have disposed of Churches every where , and in all their plantations to have constituted a subordination and dependance of the Churches in the infer●…r Cities , to those in the Chief or Metropoles . An example of th●● we have in the story of the Acts , concerning Syria and Ci●●cia , and the severall Cities thereof , in relation to A●tioch t●● Metropolis , For when the question Act. 15. 2. was referred and brought to Jerusalem from the Church ( peculiarly ) of Antioch . ●ap . 14. 26. and 15 3. and the decree of the Councel returned to them by whom the question was proposed , i. e. to the Church of Antioch , ver . 22. yet in the Epistle in which that decree was contained , we finde the brethren through Syria and Cil●cia , i. e. all the Christians of that Province , to be express●d and joyned with those of Antioch , ver . 23. And after , when that Decretal Epistle was delivered to the Church of Anti●ch , ver . 30. Paul and Sylas went over Syria and Cilicia , ver . 41 , 42. and as they went , they delivered to every City the Decrees of the Councel , c. 16. 4. which is an evidence , that the Churches of those Cities , related either immediately to Antioch , or , as Antioch it self did to Jerusalem , and were in subordination to it , as to the principal Metropolis , of so wide a Provinc● , according to that of Philo , that Ierusalem was in his time the Metropolis not of Judea alone , but of many other regions , in respect of the Colonies , which is sent out of the Jewes that dwelt in the●… , naming Syria & Cilicia & divers others . 5. What is here said , may be divided into two branches , one concerning the Cities of Syria as relating to Antioch , the other concerning Antioch it selfe and other Cities , relating to Jerusalem : The latter is mentioned incidentally ; the former is it , which was proposed for the example to testifie the Apostles distributions , and the plaine story of the Acts seemed to me to manifest it fully , that the Churches of the inferior Cities of Syria &c. related to Antioch as to the Metropolis ; And the matter also being farther cleare by all Ecclesiastick writers , which make Antioch the Metropolis of Syria , I gave a tast thereof out of Ignatius's Epistle to the Romanes , who being the known Bishop of Antioch , setled there by the Apostles , calls himself Pastor ( as elsewhere Bishop of the Church in Syria . And so the Antient writer of the Epistle to the Antiochians under Ignatius's name , ( but none of those which we receive from Polycarps collection ) hath these words in his inscription . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ to the Church of God which is at Antioch , lying together in Syria , making Syria to be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Province , of which Antioch was the Metropolis . 6. The same is after manifested of other chief Cit●es , Rome , Alexandria , Gortyna in Crete , and the seven Churches of Asia , and the plain words of the three Councels forementioned , which devolve the whole businesse o● the rights of Metropoles to their first plantations . And of all these there is not one word replyed , save onely what concernes Rome and Alexandria . To those two , we shall come in the next Section , But in this I am to consider what he hath to object to the severa● proofes concerning the Church of Antioch , being as I conceive it manifest , a Metropoliticall Church in the Apostles times . 7. And first it seems I must define , what I meane by this dependence and subordination of inferiour Churches to their Metropolis . And I shall doe it , in my owne words , not in his , for they are very obscure , 1. I meane by inferiour Churches , the severall Churches in the severall lesser Cities with the region adjoyning , administred and governed each of them by the Bishop of each such lesser City-Church , and his officers under him . 2. By the Metropolis , I meane the Church of the chiefe City of that Region or Province , and such , say I , was the Church of Antioch in respect of Syria . 3. By the subordination and dependence of the inferiour to the Metropolis , I meane not any inferiority of order and dignity , nor a dependence onely as to counsel and advice and mutual Communion , but an inferiority of pow●r in many things , which the Apostles left not to the Bishops of the inferiour Cities , but reserved to the Metropolitanes . To this purpose the 34th . Apostolick Canon is cleare , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishops of every Nation must know their Primate , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Zonaras ) and account him as the head of them , and the powers that thus belong to him , are knowne in the antient Councels by the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 privileges and praeeminencie● , which are proper to such , and for which even immemorial and Apostolical tradition and custome is vouched by them . Such as receiving accusations against , and appeales from inferiour Bishops , ordeining of them , as Titu● is appointed to doe through Crete , and as the sixth Canon of Nice saith , that he that is made Bishop without the Metropolitan , shall not be deemed a Bishop ; For this I againe referre the Reader to the Discourse of Schism● , pag. 60. &c. and there to that ninth Canon of the Councel of An●ioch , the same in effect with the 34th . Apostolical ●anon forementioned , where the Bishops of inferiour Cities are interdicted doing , without the Metropolitan , any thing which is there styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. ( as is there explain'd ) where in more Churches than one are concerned equally ; The Bishops power extending to the administration of affaires in his owne Diocesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whatsoever belongs to his Diocesse , say both those Canons , but things of a more forraigne nature , which belong not to the particular Bishop , ratione officii , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which respect the common state of the Church ( as Zonoras interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) being reserved and perteining to the care of the Metropolitan . 8. This , I suppose , sufficiently expresses , what subordination I meane , the very same which the most Antient Canons of the Vniversal Church expresse to be due from the Bishop to the Metropolitan , and then I shall not trouble my selfe to inquire what he meanes by [ some eminent Cities , and , Governors of a superior order in greater Cities ] which I should have thought had been Metropoles and Metropolitans , had I not found them all placed by him in subordination to some one of high degree termed a Metropolitan . ] And by that Character being assured , that by the former he must meane no more but Bishops of inferior Cities , I must be content not to understand the mysterie , why they should yet be styled eminent and greater Cities , and so briefly passe to the next thing . 9. Secondly then , he will examine my plea from that passage in the Acts , cap. 15. and the thing he dislikes is my mak●ng the question sent for resolution to Jerusalem , to be referred to them by the single Church of Antioch . This , ●aith he , 〈◊〉 doe not prove , though if I could prove it , it would doe me no good at all . And yet , to see , in the processe of the discourse , he severally grants all the rest , And onely desires me not to be angry , but to prove that Antioch by Apostolical institution was the Metropolitan See of all the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , which is in effect to deny , or bid me prove the conclusion , without offering to deny above one proposition , which therefore , I must assume , will , if it be proved , inferre the conclusion , and so doe me all the good , which I pretend to expect from it . 10. Now truly , that this question thus referred to Jerusalem , was at this time , Act. 15. 1. referred to it , by the single Church of Antioch ( but that as Metropolis of all Syria ) I thought sufficiently proved by the text it selfe first cited , cap. 14. 26. and 15. 3. In the former of these places , the Apostles were come to Antioch , as that signifies Antioch the great ( to difference it from another City of that name , v. 21. the same which is by Plinie placed in Pisidia , as here also it is , ver . 24. ) that City peculiatly where the Scripture saith they were first called Christians , and whereof Euodius and Ignatius were constituted Bishops by Peter and Paul , one of the Jewish , the other of the Gentile Christians . And being there they gathered the Church together , ver . 17. that I suppose to be the Church of the City of Antioch , ( or if any more , those certainly as some way relating and subordinate to Antioch , which againe inferres Antioch to be their Metropolis ) Then of Antioch it followes that there they abod● , v. 28. And then cap 15. 〈◊〉 . certaine men , which came downe from Iudea , infused the Iudaical ritual doctrine into the brethren , who are those but the Christians of Antioch , where then they were ? And upon the dispute had with those Iudai●●rs , v. 2. they determined , that sure must still be the Church of Antioch peculiarly , that Paul and Barnabas should goe to Jerusalem about this question , and then ver . 〈◊〉 . they are brought on their way by the Church , What Church is this still , but the Church cap. 14. 27. i. e. the Church of Antioch ? 11. This was my way of proofe ( designed to lay the foundation of that argument of Antioch's being the Metropolitical See ) that this question was referred to Ierusalem from the Church peculiarly of Antioch . And I must hereby thinke it competently proved , unlesse some weake part be discovered in it , or some absurdity or repugnancy be objected to it ; None of which , I see , is here done . 12. For 1. as to that which is offered at , by his saying that I have not proved that the brethren that taught the doctrine contested about , ver . 1. were onely of the Church of Antioch , sure that is of no force . For as I doubt not but the same doctrine might be , and was infused into many others in Galatia , Colosse , yea , and Rome it selfe , as he truly ●aith , and never conceived that the poyson was confined to , or inclosed within Antioch , so all that is needfull to my ●ur●e , is this , that at this point of time noted Acts 15. 1. the Iudaizers pretensions were sollicited at Antioth , and that on that particular occasion of the dispute betweene Paul and them , the question was by them peculiarly referred to Ierusalem . And that sure might be done by them alone , though others farre distant as well as they , either at that or some other time were disturb'd with the like scruples . 13. That which the Prefacer here confesses , that the disputes grew to the greatest height in Antioch , is a very sufficient account in this matter , why Antioch peculiarly should send up to Ierusalem about this question , when others , who were not so much concern'd in it , did not doe so ; And moreover the convenience of such Messengers , Paul & Barnabas , who could say so much , from the successe they had had among the Gentiles toward the deciding of the question , might both qualifie and incite them to doe it , rather than any others at this time ; And so still there is more reason why I should conceive the question referred to Ierusalem , peculiarly or alone by Antioch ( and not so by Colosse , or Rome , or Galatia ) and no appearance of any thing yet produced to the contrary . 14. Secondly , He addes , then to Antioch brethren from other parts and Churches also came , whilst Paul and Barnabas abode g●ere . To what purpose this is urged by him I know not , but this I know , that there is no mention in that story of any such , but onely of those which ver . 1. came from Iudea , and taught the necessity of Iudaizing . And of them 't is not probable that they joyned with the Antiochians to referre the question to Ierusalem , or if they did , I am sure the Decretal Epistle from the Councel was not addrest to them , but to the Gentile Christians ver . 19. 23. and takes no other notice of them , than as of seducers ver . 24. And so still it appeares not of any , that they thus referred the question , but onely of the Antiochians . 15. Thirdly , Whereas he concludes it most evident from the Councel's answer , ver . 23. that the reference is made from all the Churches of the Gentiles , if he meane it of all other Gentile Churches , beside Syria , and Cilicia , as Phrygia , Galatia &c. Which he after mentions , and Rome , and Colosse , which before he had mentioned , there is no appearance of truth in it , the text saying expressely , that it was sent to the brethren of the Gentiles in Antioch , and Syria , and Cilicia ; But if he means it of all not absolutely , but all of Syria and Cilicia , and not onely of Antioch , then as that is the very thing observed by me , to prove that Antioch was the Metropolis of Syria and Cilicia , so certainly it is far from evidencing the contrary . I grant , nay , I make it matter of observation , that when the Question was sent to Jerusalem by Antioch peculiarly , the Decretal Answer of the Council is addrest , not onely to Antioch , but also to all the Christains of Syria and Cilicia , and what reason can there be for that , when the Question was not , as farre as appeares , proposed by them , but onely this , that those Regions depended on , and related to that Church , from which the Question was sent , i. e. to Antioch ; which if it be but possible ( much more , if by other evidence , that out of Ignatius , it be proved to be more than possible , even perfectly true ) it must thence follow , that the argument drawne from the Council's answer being addrest to Syria and Cilicia , as well as to Antioch , will no way conclude that the Question was referr'd by all those , when the Text , which is the onely ground of affirming ought in this matter , mentions none but the Church of Antioch in the referring of the question , and this other reason is so ready at hand , for the mention of more , in their giving answer to it . 16. Fourthly : Whereas he addes , that the Apostles delivered these Decrees , not onely to the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , which Paul left , c. 15. 41. but also to those throughout Phrygia , and the Regions of Galatia , ver . 6. 1. 't is no where said , that they did so in Phrygia , and the regions of Galatia ; for the mention of the delivering the Decrees being ver . 4. no way belongs to Phrygia and Galatia , which are not mention'd till ver . 6. nor can be farther extended than to D●rle and Lystra foremention'd ver . 1. which we know were Cities of Lycaonia , Act. 14 6. and neither of Phrygia nor Galatia . Nay , 2. it is not necessary , that the delivering of the Decrees mentioned chap. 16. 4. should belong to all the Cities which had by that time been mention'd : S● . Lak●'s words will be true , that as they went through the Cities they delivered them the Decrees to keep ] though it should be affirmed , that they delivered them onely to the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , which they are said to confirme cap. 15. 41. as here to establish in the Faith , cap. 16. 5. But these two things having been said onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to shew how farre the Prefacer is from speaking demonstratively , when he is censuring others for want of that . In the third place , I shall acknowledge it very possible , and most probable , that St. Paul did deliver these Decrees of Jerusalem to other Churches beyond Syria and Cilicia , where he came , particularly to the Churches of Lycaonia , Derbe and Lystra , yea , and to the Churches of Phrygia and Galatia , which no way disturbs my pretensions , because as Paul that planted those Churches might reasonably have care to uphold them in the truth , so in the latitude of Philo's speech , all these , even Phrygia and Galatia also , in respect of the Jewish inhabitants dispersed among them , might in the secular account refer to Jerusalem as their grand Metropolis . 17. For so saith Philo , it was the Metropolis of most , whither it had sent Colonies , naming Aegypt , Phoenice , Syria , and Coelosyria , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others farre distant , Pamphylia , Cilicia , and a great deal of Asia as far as Bithynia and Pontus ( and Lycaonia , &c. are sure within this distance , nearer to Jerusalem than some here named ) and then by the contemperation we speak of , of the Ecclesiastick to the Civil distributions , why should not they all relate to the Metropolitical Church at Jerusalem also ? 18. And St. Paul's delivering them these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , decrees to keep , and doing it not upon his own authority , as his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his private Apostolical judgement , but as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , judged , and conciliarly determined by the Council at Jerusalem , this sure is an evidence that St. Paul , that planted these Churches , set them in subordination to , and dependance on the grand Metropolis of those parts , that at Jerusalem : Which is the thing I was to prove , that these distributions were made by the Apostles , that planted Christianity . 19. But then it must still be remembred , that the Cities of Lycaonia and Phrygia , and Galatia were not named in the Councils Epistle , but onely Syria and Cilicia , and accordingly this of c. 16. 4. is no proof , I acknowledge , that these Churches did belong , and were subordinate to Antioch : That was to be proved not by this passage c. 16. 4. ( thus understood ) but from the inscription of the response of the Council to the brethren of Antioch , and Syria , and Cilicia , as it was before explained and cleared , and farther from Ignatius his styling himself Pastor of Syria , who , we know , was no otherwise so , than as he was Bishop of Antioch , the Metropolis of Syria . And so still I hope the conclusion now regularly follows out of these premisses , there shortly set down , but here more largely evidenced to inferre , that Antioch was by Apostolical institution the Metropolitan See of all the Churches of Syria , and Cilicia . And so sure I have no temptation to be angry , nor ever discovered any part of that passion to the Prefacer , and so needed not have been besought , so affectionately , not to fall into it at this time , when there is no rub in my way , no difficulty to oppose , or provoke the least degree of it , in the most ragefull . 20. What follows by way of scoffe at the citation from Philo , as if I took him for a person well acquainted with Apostolical Institutions , might also , as now appeares , very well have been spared . I had brought in that Testimony seasonably enough sect . 6. when I was speaking of the exemplar among the Jews , and by it shewed that Jerusalem was the Metropolis to all those regions in the Iewish account , and now all that I concluded in reference to that citation , was , that Antioch was in the number , and then the appeale which Antioch made to the Council at Ierusalem ( and not the Testimony of Philo ) was the argument on which I inferr'd the Conclusion , that the Church of Antioch was now subordinate to the Church or Council at Ierusalem ( which if it were , must be by the Apostles institution ) as all Syria in Philo was to the S●nhedrim at Ierusalem . 21. To which I shall now farther adde : If it were not so , why did the Church send up Paul and Barnabas thither ? Why did not Paul , who planted Christianity there , finally determine the controversie ? Why did the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Elder● , whosoever they were ( the Bishops of Iudaea , I suppose , but it will be much more strange , if they were but the Presbyters of Ierusalem ) joyne with the Apostles in making Decrees , whereby those of Antioch , and all through Syria should be bound , if all this while the Church of Ierusalem were not their Metropolis , and so had no manner of power over them ? 22. As to that which he saith , that the Holy Ghost , Acts 15. 2. acquaints us with the reasons of referring this controversie to a determination at Jerusalem , so that he hath no need of this ( as he will style it ) Metropolitical figment , to informe him in it . I confesse I cannot reach him in it , for all that that verse informes us , is , that upon occasion of that dispute between Paul and Barnabas on the one side , and the Iudaizers that came from Iudaea , on the other side , the Church determined to send up to Ierusalem about this Question . This onely informes us of the occasion of referring the question , whereon there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no small dispute , such , as it seems , they could not so convincingly decide within themselves , but this renders no account , why they sent and referr'd it to Ierusalem peculiarly , and not to any other Church , unlesse we here suppose , as I do , that Ierusalem was lookt upon as their Mother Church . 23. What reason it is which the Prefacer findes in that second verse , or by what medium it comes to have the force of a reason , he is not here pleased to communicate , but onely saith , the Holy Ghost hath there acquainted us with the reason . But in the next page he is more liberall , gives us the reasons of their sending to Ierusalem , partly because of the authority of the Apostles ( which were there ) in all the Churches , wherein those , who contended with Paul , would be compell●d to acquiesce ; partly because those Iudaizing Teachers pretended the commission of the Apostles for their doctrine . 24. As for the first of these , I suppose that , taken alone , cannot be the reason , because there being but two Apostles there at that time , Peter and Iohn , 1. there might be so many in some other City . 2. Paul and Barnabas being before this separated by Gods command to the Apostolick Office , were in this respect of equal authority with them , and so in this sence the words of St. Paul have truth , in relation to them , Gal. 2. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they added nothing to me . 3. The reference is made Act. 15. 2. not to the Apostles alone , but to the Apostles and Elders , i. e. the whole Council at Ierusalem at this time . 4. The cause of the reference was not onely the contention of those who came out of Iudaea , but the Antiochian Christians being taught , i. e. seduced by them , c. 15. 1. and accordingly the Decree respected them peculiarly . And so this first reason is of no force . 25. For the second ; 't is true indeed , and 't is affirm'd ver . 1. that certaine men , which came down from Jerusalem , taught the brethren , and said , except ye be circumcised , ye cannot be saved , and that may seem to be set down as the reason of their making this reference to Ierusalem , because the men came from Iudaea , which made it fit to inquire whether the Apostles and Council there were of these mens opinions : But then even this will very little advance his , or prejudice our pretensions : For this goes upon a ground which will be usefull , not disadvantageous to me , viz. that if these certain men , which came from Iudaea , had been truly sent , or commissionated by the Church of Ierusalem , then this would have been of some force at Antioch ( which it could not be , if Antioch were perfectly Independent from Ierusalem ) and accordingly in the Epistle from the Council , ver . 24. we have these words ; For as much as we have heard , that certain , which went out from us , have troubled you , &c. to whom we gave no such commandment or commission ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literally signifies ) It seemed good unto us , &c. 26. Where it is apparent that any such former commission being disclaim'd , now they send their expresse decree , not their bare counsel , or advice , or assistance , which the Prefacer would allow , but , I say , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a conciliarie , dogmatical definition , by which , as it appears by the consequents , all were deemed to be obliged , which were within the circuit , of which Ierusalem in the Iewish account was the Metropolis . And so still , this reason , if any such be discernable , Act. 15. 2. confirmes my assertion instead of invalidating it . 27. That which next follows in the Prefacer , as the summe of my argument , is very farre from being what he saith it is , either my argument , or the summe of it : My argument it is not , being quite a distant thing , a recapitulation of the whole story of St. Paul from his conversion to his coming this time to Jerusalem from Antioch , whereas I collected nothing from any part of the whole story , but onely from this particular , the reference from Antioch to Jerusalem . And then what is so much larger than the particulars diffusively taken , is sure very unlikely to be the summe of them . And yet 't is a little strange , that that which is so over large a recitation , should choose to omit the one thing , whereon the whole force of my argument lyes , i. e either the reference made to Jerusalem from Antioch , to inferre the dependence and subordination of Antioch to Jerusalem , or the style of the Epistle from the Council , taking in Syria and Cilicia , as well as Antioch , when the reference had been made , and the Messengers●ent ●ent from Antioch peculiarly . 28. And when he saith , that for the appeasing of the difference it was determined , that the case should be resolved by the Apostles , that sure is unduly suggested ; for c. 15. 2. the reference is not made either to the Apostles indefinitely , wheresoever they were , or to the Apostles that were at Jerusalem at that time , and to none but such , but in expresse words , to Jerusalem to the Apostles and Elders , comprehending under the word Apostles , James the Bishop of Jerusalem , which was none of the twelve , and yet pronounceth the decree , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I judge , or , my sentence is , v. 19. and by the word Elders , as I suppose , all the Bishops of Iudaea , sitting in Councel with him : And so still this is to the Church of Ierusalem , as the Metropolis of Iudaea , and in an eminent manner , of Syria also , and not onely to the Apostles alone , or peculiarly to be resolved by them . 29. The Prefacer here in his haste saith , that Paul goes with the decrees to the Churches in Pamphylia , Pisidia , and by name Iconium , citing c. 16. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. and all the Churches which he had gathered through Asia . Whereas 1. there is no mention of Pisidia , or Pamphylia in those verses ( nor since , c. 14. 24. for what is said of Mark 's departing from them from Pamphylia , c. 15. 38. belongs to the former story ) nor of any City but of Derbe and Lystra , which are known to be in Lycaonia . Secondly ; That there is no mention of their passing through Iconium , nor of the very name of the City , but once incidentally , that Timothy was well reported of by the brethren that were at Iconium , ver . 2. Thirdly ; That for Asia , the Text saith expresly , ver . 6. that they were forbidden of the Holy Ghost to preach the word in Asia , and that therefore when they had gone through Phrygia and Galatia , they came to Mysia , &c. So that he could not well have multiplyed more mistakes in so few words , and all to make up his hypothesis , that the Decree of Ierusalem had no more reference to Antioch , and the regions , whereof that was the Metropolis , than to all those other Churches , which yet if it be extended no farther than to Asia it selfe , will by Philo's words be interpretable of the Province subordinate to Ierusalem . 30. What remains to this head , is made up of contumelie and reproach of my audaciousnesse , with reflexion onely upon a supposition of mine , that after this time the Churches were small , and thinne , and few in number , and so that of Philippi was seven yeares after this , which is designed as a prejudice to my hypothesis concerning Metropolitan Churches so early . But to the former of these , the reproaches , I have nothing to return but my thankes ; to the latter I have answered formerly , that the smallnesse of the number of Christians nothing hinders the dependence of one Church upon another . See Vindic. to Lond. Minist . chap. 1. sect . 16. numb . 14. And so much for the evidence out of the Acts. 31. Next he comes to my proof out of Ignatius , who , say I , being Bishop of Antioch doth yet in the Epistle to the Romans call himself Pastor of the Church of Syria . The words wherein he so styles himselfe , he sets down in the Greek , and instead of translating them ( as they should be translated ) Remember in your prayers the Church of Syria , which in stead of me hath Christ for their Pastor ( viz. now that he was carryed from them to his Martyrdome ) he takes advantage of the Readers unskilfulnesse in that language , and formes my proof into a ridiculous argument , Because he recommends to them that particular Church in Syria , which by his imprisonment was deprived of its Pastor , therefore without doubt he was a Metropolitical Bishop ; and then is very pleasant with his Tityre t●… pat●… — — . 32. But would not a little sadnesse and justice have done better , and then it had been most cleare that Ignatius his saying , that Christ was now their Pastor instead of him , must necessarily imply that he was formerly their Pastor , and whose Pastor was hee ? expresly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Pastor of the Church in Syria ; where it is evident , that the whole Church in Syria , not that particular Church onely of Antioch , is by him supposed to be under his Pastorall care , the same thing being before in the same Epistle exprest in words no way lyable to misunderstanding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God hath vouchsafed or dignified the Bishop of Syria , calling himself Bishop of Syria , and so not of Antioch onely . This hath been formerly cleared against all exception , and need not be here farther repeated . 33. There remains the testimony of the Author of the Epistle to the Antiochians , which I vouched not as the genuine writing of Ignatius , but onely as an antient Writer according to the genuine in this matter . Hence I am cryed out on as forsaken of all faire and honest means , and like Saul trying the Witch of Endor , &c. But this is but ordinary style , a flourish of his Rhetorick , and need not stay us to consider it ; that which follows is more to the purpose , that I make this counterfeit speak as if Syria were in Antioch , not Antioch in Syria , and here askes , What other sense can be made of the words as by me transcribed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the Church of God dwelling in Syria , which is in Antioch , and then triumphs in this discovery . 34. But certainly the Witch was not so contrary to a wise woman , the counterfeit author so perfect a changeling , as here he is set out to be . Certainly the Greek , as transcribed by me , lyes thus in the construction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the Church of God which is at Antioch , with this farther denomination added to it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adjacent , or lying together in Syria , or allowing them the same position in English , which they have in Greek , To the Church of God lying together in Syria , the Church , or , that which is at Antioch ; but taking all the words together ( of which I there onely gave the abstract ) to the Church pitied by God , chosen by Christ , lying together in Syria , which first received the sirname of Christian , the Church which is at Antioch — And so he may discerne it possible to make sense of these words , a very little skill in that language being sufficient to enable one to joyne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the not very remote , as well as with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the immediate Antecedent . And so this leaves it clear as the day , 1. That Antioch was believed by that Author to be in Syria ( not Syria in Antioch ) and 2. That Syria was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Province belonging to Antioch the Metropolis , and that is a proof , as far as his authoritie will bear , that the Apostles instituted Metropolitans , and so of the very thing in earnest , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was to be demonstrated . 35. And if this authority were not so great as the former of the true Ignatius had been , yet , first , he was an antient Writer , and so acknowledged ; and , secondly , one that imitated antient style , and calls himself Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the known title of Ignatius , by which he was condemn'd by Trajane , and so , though he feign'd a person , yet did it decently , and so testifies his opinion that this was the style of Ignatius's dayes , or else would not have discovered himself by using it . Thirdly , his testimony added to Ignatius's , and in concord with it , will not ( certainly ) take off the for●e from Ignatius's . And fourthly , if this be finally reprobated , there be several more behind of Scripture and the Antients concerning Gortyna in Crete , and seven Metropolitical Churches in Asia , and a reference to the Archbishop of Armagh's discourse on that subject , and passages collected out of the Canons of the Antient Vniversal Church , and no one word offer'd to be replyed to all this , which makes it very impertinent to goe about farther to confirme this assertion , which else I might doe , and for brevities sake referre the Reader to Frigevillaeus Gautius , Par. 1. c. 4. the subject of which Chapter is , Primates esse jure Divino , That Primates are by Divine right . Sect. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Casaubon's Censure of that phrase . Numb . 1. NExt he comes to examine Sect. 11. and that one small testimony from the inscription of Ignatius's Epistle to the Romans . Before I proceed to which , I shall confesse to the Prefacer , that he hath m●st an opportunitie of great rejoycing : For the truth is , in the end of sect . 10. there lay a passage , wherein though I affirm'd not , but onely past my conjecture ( crediderim , &c. ) yet I now , by a last reading over of Ignatius's Epistles , discern my self to have mistaken● For in the Epistle to the Magnesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Ephesians from Smyrna , are not , as I conceived it possible , the Smyrnaeans called Ephesians , because Ephesus was the prime Metropolis , but the Ephesians , which together with some of the Church of Smyrna , were sent with him from Smyrna , such as Burrhus mention'd in the Epistle to the Smyrnaeans , who appeares to be a Deacon of the Church of Ephesus in the Epistle to them , and yet is said to be sent with him by the Smyrnaeans , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with other of the Ephesians also . This I desire the Reader now to correct in the Dissertations , by blotting out that last part of * Sect. 10. which concerns that matter . 2. I come now to his view of the Testimony from the Epistle to the Romanes , and it is set downe in these words . 3. But to make all su●e , th● l●…ctor will no● so give ●ver , but Sect. 11. hee addes , that ●he Epigraph of the Epistle to the Romans g●ants him the whole case , ●hat is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ex qua ( saith he ) E●●lisiae Romanae ejusque Episcopo suo●… E●…iis omnibu● in ur●…ri● regione , aut p●ovi●c●â Roma● a cont●nti● , p●aefe●… comp●…e vide ●u● . Although I hav● spent some time in the consideration of mens conjectures o● those sub● bicarian Churches , that ( as is p●…nded ) 〈◊〉 here pointed to , and the rise of the Bishop of Romes ju●●sdiction ●ver those Churches , in a correspondencie to the civill Government of the Prefect o● the City , yet s● great a C●itick in the Greek ●ongue as Casa●●o● Ex●…c ●6 . ad Ann. 150. having professed that expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to ●e barbarous , and u●inte●…g●… , I shall not co●… about it . For the presidency me ●…ioned of the Church i● , or at Rome , that it was a presidency of ju●isdiction , and not onely in eminence of F●…h and Holynesse that is in ended , ●he Doctor thinks it not incumbent on him to prove : Those with whom he hath to ●o are of another mind ; alt●ough by this time some a tera●… mign : be attempted ; yea , ●here was as el●where shall be shewed : And so much fo● Ignatius●is ●is Archie●…e . 4. This Testimony it seemes must be throwne off upon the one score of Casaubon's Censure , that the expression was barb●rous and unintelligible : I must therfore examine his words , which I find Exerc. 16. sect . 150. though not ad Ann. 150. that whole book of Exercitations against Baronius extending no farther than the Life of Christ . 5. Casa●bon's words are these ( speaking of Bellarmine's collection of the Roman domination from thence ) Rogandi sunt ut barbaram locutionem prius nobis explicent , quam ullum ex iis verbis argumentum ducant , quae ne ipsi quidem intelligant . They that endeavour to draw these words to this purpose , are to be intreated first to explain to u a barbarous expression , before they draw any argument from those words , which they themselves d●e not indeed understand . Here it 〈◊〉 true th●t Casaub●n saith of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it is barbara locutio , but for the un●… , which the Prefacer addes , and which seems to be expr●…n these words also , it is possible it may be a mistak● . Isa●c Casaubone conceived himself to have observed by many indications , that Cardinal Bellarmine understood no Greek , he calls him a little before , hominem Graecarum literarum prorsus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man utterly unskill'd in the Greek learning ; adding , that all his works , especially that which hee last wrote , demonstrate it . And why may not the [ ne ipsi quidem intelligunt ] be thus meant by him , that Bellarmine was very unsit to make collections out of a Gre●… , which 't was certain he did not understand . 〈…〉 I am sure he had before said of him expresly , concerning the writings of Dionysius Areopagita , Est quidem ridicula plane res — It is a very ridiculous thing for one that hath n● Greek to ●ffer to jud●e of a Greek Author . Which being granted of that Cardinal , I should yet well have hoped , that the Prefacer , who hath so much Greek in this Preface , and very little of it translated , might himselfe have been able to understand such plaine words ( for , of the words it is that Casaubone speaks , not of the full importance of them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which presides in the place of the Region of the Romans . 6. But then , secondly , there will be little reason to doubt what the full sense also of these words is : For without disputing what Casaubone saith , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not proper o● vulgar style , but in some respect barbarous , I shall yet suppose it put by Ignatius ( being joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , presidence ) for the Latine sedes , seat , or see , which [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , place ] will , without any forcing , signifie , as when the Gallican Church in their Epistle to Eleutherius , saith of Iraeneus Archbishop of Lyons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If we knew that place would purchase righteousnesse to any , the meaning is , if his being Bishop of so eminent a City and Province would commend him — ( and accordingly Peter Halleix would here have it read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , throne , or seat , but hath no Manuscript●o ●o favour his conjecture ) Nay , if we shall observe the antient Latine forms , we shall have no reason farther to deem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 barbarous , than as it directly answers to the Latine usage of locus , place , and that sure may be allow'd Ignatius in an Epistle to the Romans : For in the second Epistle of Anacletus to the Bishops of Italy , we have these words , In capite Provinciarum , ipsis quoque in civitatibus vel locis nostris Patriarchias vel Primates , &c. In the head of Provinces , and in our Cities or places , Patriarchs , or Primates were constituted . The authority of that Epistle may sure be sufficient to manifest the use of a word , and then our City , and our place is all one , and that properly of a chief City or Metropolis , such as here Rome is contested to be . And then the sense will be as plaine as the words intelligible , that the Church , to which that Epistle was addrest , was the presiding Church in the place , or seat of the region of the Romans , i. e in the chief place , or seat , or City of that Region , commonly called the suburbicarian Region . And thus hath Jacobu● G●tt●fred●… , a learned Lawyer , and Critick exprest himself to understand it , meaning by the suburbicarian region , all that in the civile not●tiae was under the administration of the Prefect of the City of Rome , answerable to which circuit was the Primitive Province of the Roman Bishop . And here being nothing offer'd against it , I have no occasion to give farther answer : For as to that of Jurisdiction , what degree of that belonged to the Primate in every Province , over and above that which belonged to a Bishop of an ordinary Citie and territory , that hath oft been spoken to already , and need not be again repeated or inlarged on . 7. In the close he is pleased to adde , that by this time ( i. e. in Ignatius's time , who suffer'd in Trajan's time , and survived St. Iohn very little ) some alteration was attempted , and if that were so meant by him , as to belong to the jurisdiction of the Church of Rome over other Churches , which the discourse is upon , this truly might passe for pr●ttie antient , being scarce distinguishable from Apostolical , and so if what was attempted , were attain'd also , 't will be very like the yielding that , which I contended from that testimony ▪ Sect. 8. Alexandria a Patriarchate instituted by St. Mark. This proved and vindicated . The Essens in Alexandria , Christians , Bishops among them . Num. 1. IN the next , and last place , he will passe his judgement on the evidence drawn from the storie of the Church of Alexandria , thus . 2. The ex●mp●e of Alexandria is urged in the next place in these words , id●● de 〈◊〉 , de qua Eusebius , Mar●um 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ecclesias ( in plurali ) primum in Alexandriá instituisse . Ha● omnes ab eo sub nomine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 administrandas sus●episse Anianum , Neronis anno octavo idem Eusebius affi●…t , quibus pat●t primariam Alexandriae & Patriarchalem Cathed●●m fi●…sse , ad quam reliquae Provinciae ill●us Ecclesiae à Marco plantatae , ut 〈◊〉 Met op●…tica● , suam pertinebant ; doubtlesse ; for 1. There is no● any passage i● any a●…ent Author more clearly discovering the uncertainty of many things in Antiquity than this pointed to by the D●cto● in Eusebius : F●… 〈◊〉 , the sending of Mark the Evangelist into Aegypt , and his pretching the●e at Alexandria , what he had written in ●h● Gospel , is but a Rep●●● : Men said so , but what ground they had for their saying so , h●…elat●s no● . And yet we know what a foundation of many a●●e●tions , by following W●…s , his u●●or o● report is made to be . 2. In the very next wo●●● , the Author affi●mes , and insists l●ng upon it in the next Chap●er , that Ph●lo's b●ok 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was written concerning the C●… conv●r●ed by Mark 's preaching at Alexandria , when it is notoriously known , that it treateth of the Essens , a Sect among the Jew , amongst whose observances many things were vain , superstirious , and foolish ; u●worthy to be o●ce app●●uded as the practice of any Christian in those day s ; that 〈◊〉 Ph●lo , ●s far as can be g●thered , living , and dying in the Jewish Religion , having been employed by them with an Apology to Rome in the dayes of Calig●l● . But 3. sup●●se that Mark were at Alexandria , and preached the Gospel there , which is not improbable , and ●…ed many Chu●ches in ●●at great and populous City of Jewes and Gentiles , and that as an Evangelist the care of those Churches was upon him in a ●eculiar manner ; ●ay , and adde farther , th●● after his death , as Hierome●ssu●●s ●ssu●●s us , the Elders ●nd Presbyters of those Churches c●o●●e ou●…ne among themselves to preside in their Convocations and meetings . I , I say ●l ●his be supposed , what will ensue ? w●y then it is manifest tha● the● was fixed at Alexandria a Pa●…cha● Chai● , and a Metropolitical Church , according to the appointment of Jesus Christ by his Apostles , Si ho● non sit probationum satis , nescio quid sit satis . If some few Congregations live together in love and communion , and the fellowship of the Gospel in a City , he is stark blind that se●s not that to be an Archbishops See. The reason is as clear as his in the Com●… , for the freedom of his Wife ; Sy Utinam Phrygiam ●x●r●m m●am ●●à mecum videam l●beran . Dem. Opti●a● muliere● qui lem . ●y . Et quidem nepoti tuo , hujus fili● , hodi● primam mammam ded . haec . Dem. Hercle , vero , s●…ò , siquidem prio●am dedit , ba d●dubium qu●● em●●i Aequum s●●t . M●● Ob ea●● rem ? Dem. Ob ●am . And there is amend of the contest . The Doctor indeed hath sund●y other Sections added to ●h●se foregoing , wh●… as they concern times more remote from those who first received the Apostolica● Institutions , so I must ingeniously professe that I cannot see any thing whereon to fast●n a su●pi●ion of a proof , so ●a re as to call it into examination , and therefore I shall absolve the Reader from the pena●ty of this D●gression . 3. It is most true that I have deduced the Original of Metropolitans from the first plantation of the Faith in Alexandria , the prime City of Aegypt , and having * before spoken many things of it , I begin here with a reference to what had there been said . And for the clearing of it , it is not a●●sse that I give the Reader a brief view of all . 4. They that write the History of that Church , and are thought to write it least favourably to Bishops , doe yet a●… of the Records of that Church , that St. Mark●ound●● ●ound●● 〈◊〉 , and left Ananias , or Anianus Patriarch there : Of this Eus●b us thus speaks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Mark first erected ●hurches in Alexandri● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anianus received and ruled , under th●● t●●o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Province of Alexandria adding that 〈◊〉 was such a multitude of them , which upon St. Mark 's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first onset ▪ received the Christian Faith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by 〈◊〉 most Philosophical , or pious excellent m●●ner 〈◊〉 living that Philo Jud●us , who lived at that time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●it to write a Book to describe their whole manner of 〈◊〉 . 5. That the same St. Mark constituted 〈◊〉 so in Pentapolis , is affirmed by the Author of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accordingly the sixth Canon of the first 〈◊〉 N●… appoints those Churches , as also all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lybia , to be subject to the Patriarch o● Alexand●● 〈◊〉 firming that so it was to be by the antient and primitive custome . 6. Here it is evident , that by Mark himself Alexandria was constituted a Metropolitical Patriarchal See , in the hands and government of a Patriarch , who by being Bishop of that , had the care of the whole Province , and many particular Churches in it , and accordingly superintended in all of them . And this the second Canon of the Council of Constantinople refers to , when it decrees 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Bishop of Alexandria shall administer onely the affairs of Aegypt , and this in their care 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to confound the Churches , disturb the order antiently observed among them . 7. The onely thing that I could foresee possible to be objected to this was the authority of Eutychius the Annalist , affirming that till the time of Demetrius's Patriarchate , there was no other Bishop in Aegypt but onely at Alexandria . But to this authority it was sufficient to oppose the farre greater of Eusebius , who speaking of that Demetrius , saith , that after Julian he undertook , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the government of the Dioceses there , in the plural , which cannot be imagined to be without Bishops over them . And the same is in a manner confest by Eutychius himself , who saith Ananias was made Patriarch by Mark , which he could not be , if he had no Bishops under him . 8. And indeed Philo describing the manner of these Holy men i● Aegypt , the Christians of Mark 's planting , sets downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the manner of presidencie , or rule of them who performed the Ecclesiastick Ministeries , and saith it was made up of * Deacons and Bishops , who were in the uppermost rank placed over all . 9. And so when † Tertullian tels us of Valentinus the heretick , that he had an ambition to be Bishop , it is evident enough that this was in Aegypt , for he was of that Country ; and 't is no way probable that it was the Patriarchate of Alexandria , that he sued for , being , as Epiphanius saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Athribitick division , which was far distant from Alexandria . To which again belongs what was premised of Mark 's planting Churches in Pentapolis , and the Nicen● Council giving that Patriarch jurisdiction over them by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the antient , or original customs , which suppose● still that there were such Churches and Bishops originally from St. Mark. 10. The matter lying thus , and being indeed in every branch thus laid in the Dissertations ( if the Prefacer had been at leisure to attend it ) I supposed the way clear to my conclusion . But he is pleased to make his Exceptions . Those he seemes to promise shall be more than one , for he begins with [ For 1. ] but then having branch'd that again into three parts , and so again beginning [ For first ] by that time he hath gotten through those branches , he hath forgotten what was promised to succeed his first gener●l in the division . 11. As it is , we have enough remaining : For his general exception being the uncertainty of things in this storie ( from whence by the way , he makes haste to conclude the clear discovery of the uncertainty of many things in Antiquity , so ready he is upon all occasions to expresse his affections that way , that his conclusion is far wider than his promises ) the first that he mentions is , the sending Mark the Evangelist into Aegypt , and his preaching at Alexandria what he had written in the Gospel : This , saith he , is but a report , Men said so ; but what ground they had for saying so , Eusebius relates not . 12. But 1. is there any thing more acknowledged , and uniformly attested in story , than this of Mark 's preaching the Faith ( that sure is what he had written in the Gospel ) in Aegypt , and particularly at Alexandria ? Is it doubted of by any Writer ? or is there the least ground of doubting ? 13. Secondly : Eusebius being to set down a fact of former times , which he received by tradition , either from man to man , or in writing , what could he say more , than [ Men said so ? ] And who ever required other ground● of narrations of notorious facts , than the common unquestioned affirmations of men ? and so , it seems , it was here : And certainly there is no cause imaginable , why any man should question this , or believe the contrary , and why following Writers should not found assertions on such matters of fact , with so uncontroll'd a consent of all Historians ( that speak of that Churches plantation ) brought down to us , or why we Prelatists should not conclude from thence , what even St. Hierome himself , and Eutychius , the prime favour'd Authors of the Presbyterians have yeelded us premisses to conclude . 14. His next branch of Exceptions is against Eusebius's affirming Philo's book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have been written concerning the Christians converted by Mark ' s preaching , when , saith he , it is notoriously known , that that book treateth of the Essens , and Philo lived and dyed a Jew . But certainly this no way prejudiceth Eusebius's affirmation , Essens we know signifie holy pious men , and Christians converted to the Faith by St. Mark , may doubtlesse be such , and being Iews by parentage , and by the example and doctrine of St. Mark brought to a strict ascetick life , why might not Philo describe and commend them as such , being , though a Jew , yet , that we can any way discern , not any profest enemy of Christianitie , which also was but Judaisme reformed and hightened . 15. And for any vanities or follies taken notice of in that Sect of the Jews , ordinarily called the Essens , there is no necessity that those should be found among the holy men in Aegypt , described by Philo , or if any reliques of them should be discern'd among them , 't would be no stranger , than that there should be some of the Pharisaical leaven among other Primitive Christians , as it is evident by Scripture that there was . 16. It will be very much more difficult for the Prefacer to avoyd the force of many passages in that book of Philo , which inclined Eusebius that way , and have had the same force on many others , I shall mention but one , which is already toucht on , and belongs to our businesse in hand , their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Bishops and Deacons among them , which will not be found in any sect of Jews that were not Christian . 17. His third branch is made up of Concessions and liberalities ( one more than is usefull or necessary for me to have granted ) and then as if he had repeated the full force of my argument , he laughs at it , and falls into a Scene of the Comoedian , and so concludes in great chearfulnesse : And truly I am very glad to find him in so good humour , and although my argument might with ease have been truly and fully repeated [ viz. that St. Mark planting many Churches in Egypt , subjected them all to the Patriarch of Alexandria , therefore here is an example in the Apostles times of a Metropolitical Church constituted ] and although the argument lying thus , it be far from ridiculous , and if it were not conclusive enough , there are many more evidences of the same matter in that Section of the Dissertations , and as there is no word offer'd to them , so what is objected against this , hath appeard to have no force , yet I shall most willingly have the Prefacer excus'd for all this , and give my plaudit to his exit , upon that one score of the obligation laid upon me , much more than upon the Reader in absolving me from the penalty of this digression . Errata : PAge 1. l. 4. r. Dissertations . p. 3 l. 34. r. confirmation . l. 35. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 4. l. 9. r. into their Codex . l. 10. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 〈◊〉 . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 28. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . marg . l. 7. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 5. l. 20. for to be r. so . p. 6. l. 4. r. Eadem . l. 5. r. pr●buerunt . l. 19. r. where . l. 24. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 8. l. 14. r. Holoander . p. 11. l. 5. r. Da. Blondel . p. 12. l. 23. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 18. l. 16. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 19. l. 1. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 10. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 25. l. 1. r. fell . p. 28. l ult . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 29. l. 3. r , ●mitate . l. 10. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 30. l. 36. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 31. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 32. l. 30. r. couti . l. 32 r. is his . p. 34. l. 31. r. Thoms . p. 35. l. 16. r. controv . p. 36. l. 14. r. him in . p. 38. l. 16. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 40. l. 14. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 19. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 20. r. Tiberianus's . l. 28. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 31. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 41 l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 42. l. 33. r. ( and by . p. 43. l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 33. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 44. l. 20. r. long as . p. 46. l. 11. r. fictitious . l. 2● . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 27. r. him , Ignatius vir . p. 47. l. 19. r. lye just . l. 26. dele it . p. 49. l. ●7 . r. not . p. 50. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 51. l. 〈◊〉 . r. by Ignat. p. 52. l. 3● . r. sensuū . l. 36. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 56. l. 9. r. either . l. 20. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 26. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 58. l. 〈◊〉 . r. is . l. 13. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 61. l. 25. r. pretensions . p. 6 〈◊〉 . 19. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 63. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 5 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 8. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 15. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 19. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 72. l. 18 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 21. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 22. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 74. l. 5. r. competent . l. 27. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . marg . l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 76. l. 15. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 77. l. 36. r. reservârunt . p. 81. l. 22. r. communicanda p. 82. l. 8. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 84. l. 7. r. they that . p. 87. l. 25. r. seditious . l : 29. r. or dignity . l. 31. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 91. l. 4. r. addition p. 93. l. 2. r. possible neither . p. 94. l. 10. phecy ? p. 95. l. 7. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 96. l. 14. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 33. r. singularis . p. 97. l. 8. r. effictim . p. 100 l 29. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 101. l. 6 r. or that what . p. 102. l. 12. r. singularis . l. 35 r is as far . p. 109. l. 16. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 111. l. 7. r. edoctus . p 120. l. ●8 . for ) r. ] p. 121. l. 2. r. desire him . p. 123 l. 9. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 10. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 14. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 124. l. 24. r. but lye . p 138. l. 30. r. Deacons , in . p. 145. l. 13 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 147. l. 11. r. accordingly . p. 152. l. 20. r. Augustus . l. 33. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 154. l 30. r. sensible . l. 31. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 156. l. 1. r. apprehensions . l 25. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 158. l. 25. r. 〈◊〉 l. 28. r. City pag 163. i. 26. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 164. l. 12. r. validly : l 13. r. actions . l 35. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 168. l. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 172. ●6 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 174. l. 6. r. Primates . ●28 . r. urbium . p. 177. l. 15. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 178. l. 14. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 21. r. Apostles ; That . l. 36. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 39. r. is styled . p. 180 l. 11. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 18● . l. 11. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 16. r. but one . p. 184. l. 1. r. of , which . p. 180. l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 190. l. 10. r. above . p. 195. l. 11. after passage r in Antioch . p. 197. l. 19. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 205. l. 29. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 208. l. 28. r. with the. l. 34. r. and he . p. 213. l. 2. r. Patriarchas . p. 216. l. 12. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A87009-e130 * Praef. p. 6. * Bibl , Num. 112. * Novell . Const 131. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nov. 131. See Anton. Augustin . l 1. de ●mend . Gratiani , Dial. 11. * In Praef. ad Concil . Toler . See Gratian. d. 16. c. 1 & Anton . Augustin . de ●m●nd . Gr●tian . l. 1. dial . 6. p. 47. ●dit . Par. 1607. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. in the volume of Clements Constitutions ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Numb 112. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Lib. 1. * Gregor Tur●ner● H●st . ●ra● lib. 5. 〈◊〉 . 18. Unicum D. Blondellum aut alterum fortasse inter omnes mortales Wallonem Messalinnm c. 23. sect . 3. Pag. 7. Pag 28. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Patric . Junius . Pag 34 * Biblioth . n. 126. * N. 113. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . N 126. Biblioth . n. 113. * Nunquid non possum tibi to●● ; vitum Scriptorum ser●em commovere Ignatium , Polycarpu● c 9. Ap●l pre Ignat. cap. 4. * Pag. 16. * See Chap 〈…〉 s●… * Cron. lib. 11. * Tom. 2 p. 20 ▪ * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † Daemonia gentium Deos existimans , err●s . Mar● . Ignat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Niceph. l. 3. c. 19. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tom. 5. p. 502. * Proleg●m p. 71. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. c. 44 59. * Musonius in Sto●●us p. 31. * Cicer fam . Ep. lib. 9. Ep. 16. * Ibidem . * Dissert . 3. numb . 9. † Cap. 3 sect . 3. numb . 54. * Clem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud Euseb . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Diss . 4. c. 8. vindic . of Diss c. 3. sect 19. n. 27. L. 1. Decret . de Con●uet c. 4. * Pag. 167. p. 278. * Resol . to the fifth Quest . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 69. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pag. 62. † Pag. 69. * Pag 72. * Lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Dissert . 〈◊〉 c 8. &c 〈◊〉 . c. 2. sect . 2. * Lib. 2. c. 〈◊〉 ▪ † Ibid. c. 〈◊〉 ▪ * Edit . Savi● . Tom. 3 ▪ p. 343. * Disq●is●an Pelagiana sint dogm . &c. † Appendix to de Antichristo . * D●… Jacksons Book 10. ch . 49 Page 255. * Page 167. * Cap. 5. Sect. * Euseb . l. 4. c. 22 * Diss 3 cap. 8. Sect. 17. &c. V●●d . Lond. Minist cap. 3. Sect. 1. n. 16. * Vindic. to ●●nd Minist . cap. 1. sect . 1● . * Voss Edit . p. 6. * Voss . Edit . pag. 33. * V●ss . Edit . pag. 36. Pag. 33. * See sect . 1. n. 8. & 14. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cod●… . Euseb ▪ Eccles . Hist . l. 5. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Ibid , c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid , c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Ca● . 2. * Pag. 85. * Pag. 86 , 87 , 88. 〈◊〉 Dissert . 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 . Chap. 6. sect . 1. 〈◊〉 . 15. Pag. 9. Pag. 1● . Pag. 9. * Diss . 4. 〈◊〉 . 5. Pag. 542. Euseb . lib. 5. c. 4. * Disser . 3 c. 10 L●● . 2. c 〈◊〉 . Cap. 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † Cou●r . 〈◊〉 i● iuit . Hae● . Valent. in in●● . 
A39998	----	The hierarchical bishops claim to a divine right, tried at the scripture-bar, or, A consideration of the pleadings for prelacy from pretended Scriptural arguments, presented and offered by Dr. Scott, in his book intituled, The Christian life, part II, A.M., D.D. in his Enquiry into the New Opinions, &c., and by the author of the second part of the Survey of Naphtali ... / by Thomas Forrester ... Forrester, Thomas, 1635?-1706. 1699 Approx. 1133 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 180 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39998 Wing F1596 ESTC R4954 12269996 ocm 12269996 58203 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39998) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58203) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 890:1) The hierarchical bishops claim to a divine right, tried at the scripture-bar, or, A consideration of the pleadings for prelacy from pretended Scriptural arguments, presented and offered by Dr. Scott, in his book intituled, The Christian life, part II, A.M., D.D. in his Enquiry into the New Opinions, &c., and by the author of the second part of the Survey of Naphtali ... / by Thomas Forrester ... Forrester, Thomas, 1635?-1706. Scott, John, 1639-1695. Christian life. Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? Enquiry into the new opinions. [10], 124, 145, [1], 71, [1] p. Printed by James Watson ..., Edinburgh : 1699. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Table of contents: p. [1] at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopacy. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-09 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Hierarchical Bishops CLAIM TO A Divine Right , TRIED AT The SCRIPTURE-BAR . OR , A CONSIDERATION of the Pleadings for PRELACY , from pretended Scriptural Arguments , Presented and Offered By Dr. SCOTT , in his Book intituled , The Christian Life , Part II. A. M. D. D. in his Enquiry into the New Opinions , &c. And by The Author of the Second Part of the Survey of Naphtali . — Exposing their Bold Pervertings of the Scriptures pleaded by them ; and Vindicating the Sound Sense of the Scriptures brought in Debate , from their Scope , and the Judgment of Protestant Writers . The Whole issuing in a clear Discovery of the Solid Grounds of Presbyterian Government , in opposition to Prelacy . By THOMAS FORRESTER , Minister of the Gospel , and Principal of the New Colledge in St. Andrews . ISAI . 9.6 . — The Government shall be upon his Shoulder — HEB. 3.5.6 . — Moses — Faithful in all his House as a Servant — But CHRIST as a Son over His own House . EDINBURGH , Printed by Iames Watson , on the North-side of the Cross , M. DC.XC.IX . To the Right Honourable , PATRICK Earl of MARCHMOVNT , Viscount of BLASONBERRY , Lord POLWARTH of POLWARTH , REDBRAES , and GREENLAW , &c. LORD HIGH CHANCELOR Of the KINGDOM of SCOTLAND . MY NOBLE LORD , THAT these Sheets do appear in publick , under the Patrociny of Your Lordships Honourable Name , Flows from the same Motives offered in the late Dedication of this Nature . Not to insist upon the Proofs of your Lordships undeserved Respect to me , or my more , immediat and Personal Knowledge , than many others of my Capacity , of your Lordships Christian Fortitude , and Unbyassed Stayedness in such a Tryal of your Faith and Patience , and Juncture of searching Tryals , as may Justly be called the Persecutionis turbo ▪ The Affinity of the Subject , and Scope of this Work , doth Justly Plead for the same Patrociny . As Pastors are set for the Defence of the Gospel , have a special Concern in the Vindication of Opposed Truth , so the Magistrate according to his Capacity , being a Keeper of both Tables , hath by his Office an unexceptionable interest in this Important and Honourable Employment . It is an additional Argument , in point of Equity and True Honour , that the Writings Examined , do highly asperse , and cast a base Imputation upon the Nations Authority and Laws , as if Erecting and Maintaining , yea , and engaging His Majesty in the Maintenance of a Government of the Church , cross to Apostolick Institution , and the Churches Universal Practice , such as is eversive of True Unity and Order , a Nursery of Novel Bigotrie , tending to Revive the late Bloody Broils , infesting these Kingdoms . None will doubt , when the Honour of the Nation is thus Wounded , Rulers Concern in a Just Vindication ▪ But the Ground appears yet of a Higher Import and Elevation , if it be supposed , that the Government Aspersed , is that Divine Frame , appointed by the Ascended Saviour of the World , Recorded in his perfect Testament , and Sealed with his Blood , and the Exercise of his Kingly Office , as Political Head of His Visible Church . Who will doubt in this Case , that this King of Kings requires of Rulers , a Proof of their Faithfulness to him , in a Suitable Vindication and Assertion of this His Interest ? The High and Honourable Character , wherewith your Lordship is Dignified , hath no doubt made upon your Heart , such an Impression of the preventing Goodness of GOD , as will excite to a due endeavour of the Best improvement thereof , and the Scriptures of GOD presents many strong Arguments to this Scope , in the Instances of such , who have been fitted for the most Eminent pieces of Services to GOD's Church in their Generation , by preparatory Tryals , in His Furnace of Affliction , and sometimes unexpected promotions have had such a Comfortable Issue . We know by whom Hamans Mischievous Plot was defeated , and what Argument Mordecai made use of , to excite to Act for this great Interest , when Carnal Wisdom and Prudence offered a strong Disswasive ; that Glorious 〈◊〉 , who owns Promotion to places of Eminency as his Prerogative , who changes the Times and Seasons , removes and sets up according to his Pleasure , hath told us , that he knows them by Name , Surnames them , hol●● their hand , and hath a special Eye upon them , whom he calls , for his Servant Iacobs sake , to do him Service . It is Considerable , that one of the best of Men , and best of Rulers , had this in a sadly wrong Step , Objected , as an Aggravation of Guilt , that GOD had Raised him up when he was little and low in his own Eyes . There is a time when GOD , not only gathers the Outcasts , but confers Honour upon them , He hath his Fire in Sion , and Furnace in Ierusalem ; at that Furnace He sits as a Refiner , intent upon this Work. To be brought forth out of this Furnace of Affliction , as Gold , in proof of GOD's having Chosen a Man in the same , is a great and pregnant Blessing , but to be brought forth as a polished Instrument of signal and Honourable Services to him , and His Interest , is a double and Crowning Blessing , especially when Tentations upon the right and left Hand , are vigorous and strong . The Promoting of the Glory of this Great and Gracious GOD , in Maintaining and Contending for His Truth and Interest , the true Established Doctrin , Worship , Disciplin , and Government of this Church , is that which in the first place , is to be intended , and all other Concerns in a due subserviency thereunto ▪ It is worthy of Observation , which is Recorded of one of the Wisest Men and Rulers , that his First Care was , the Building the House of GOD , he finished it in Seven Years , but was in Building his own House , Thirteen Years thereafter ; and when this work was wholly perfected , 1 King. 6.37 , 38. 2 Chron. 8.1 . his preparing his Store Cities , his Fenced Cities , and taking Care for his Tribute and Navy , was his Secondary and reserve Work. The Iewish Historian , Iosephus , hath this Remark upon it , and gives us this account , viz : That this First work of Solomons was by GOD's special Assistance , perfected in so short a time , but the Palace though its Magnificence was Inferior to the Temple , yet the Materials thereof , not being so long prepared , and the House being to be Built for the King , and not for GOD , it was the more slowly brought to Perfection . That the whole of your Lordships Walk in this Eminent Station , may Demonstrat , to the Refreshful Observation of all the Lovers of our Sion , that GOD hath Preserved and Polished your Lordship in all preceeding Tryals , to be a Honourable Instrument of Raising of this decayed and desolate Church , a Successful Maintainer of Equity and Justice , and that this your Faithful acquittance may yeild Solid Peace , Embalm and make Savoury your Name in after-Generations , and be found a Successful mean of entailing the Choisest Family-Blessings upon Your Lordships Posterity , is the Serious Prayer of , MY NOBLE LORD , Your Lordships Devoted and most Humble Servant , T. E. The PREFACE . WHAT the Israel of GOD had to Complain of , many times from my Youth have they Afflicted me , hath been the Lot of the Gospel Church from its Infancy , and of GOD's Church in this Nation in special , since the Rising Light of Reformation ( that day-spring from on High ) hath Shined upon her ; And as the Gospel Church , so Ours in special , hath been Entitled to that Ancient Ground of Boasting in GOD , That they have not prevailed against her , though the Gates of Hell , in order to this prevalency , hath taken Crafty Counsel , and Satan hath Acted , both as the Old Serpent , and Roaring Lyon ; Intermixing , in his Agents and Instruments , Policy and Barbarous Violence , Craft and Cruelty , to Compass this Design of her Ruine . Her true Gospel-Government , as well as her Doctrin and Worship , have been frequently assaulted : But the First , as the Hedge of the other , hath been , in a peculiar way , the Eye sore of the Ungodly and Licentious ; and in various and subtile Methods opposed , both in the Principles and Practice thereof ; and notwithstanding that other Reformed Churches have shared with her , in this piece of Trial ( this Point of Church Government having for a Considerable time exercised the Pens of Contending Parties ) yet , as our Church hath beyond several others , arrived at Gospel Simplicity and Purity herein , and tasted of the Sweet Fruits of this Government , in preservation both of Unity and Purity , in Point of Doctrin and Worship ; so the Maintaining and Contending for this Point of Truth , appears to have been the work and Testimony , in His Infinitly wise Providence , in a singular way Assigned to her , by her Head and Lord , that Faithful Witness and great Testator : Which is a Testimony so much the more Honourable , because of its special affinity with his own , singularly attested in his Death and Sufferings , whose Confession of his Kingly Office , and consequently his being the Political Head and Governour of his Church visible , was his special Martyr-Witness , Sealed with his Blood , the ground of his Accusation and Sentence , whereof his Triumphing Cross bore the Honourable Title and Superscription . And as all Truths have in all Ages , gained by Opposition , the apparent bruising of them by Debates causing the Savour , like that of Sweet Spices , to be the more Fragrant , so the true Frame of GOD's Tabernacle , in Point of Government , the Principles and Rights of a True Gospel Ministry , have from the Lively Oracles of GOD's Word Shined more Clearly in the solid Defences thereof , exhibit by many Godly and Learned Divines , against opposers on all hands , as is very well known to such as have sincerely inquired into this Controversy . What Reproaches our Churches Government and Reformation hath been Loaded with since the late erection of Prelacy , and particularly , since the Representatives of our Nation , wearied of this heavy and Bloody Yoke , shoke it off , Restoring and Asserting , together with our National , this our Spiritual and Church Liberty , is Apparent to all Observers : So that the LORD's Servants , in their Endeavours to Advance this Building and Restoration of our Churches True Government , have been called , as the Builders of Jerusalems Walls , to hold the Weapon and the Tool ; yet ( for which He that Inhabits Israels Praises , is to be for ever Blessed ) the Defence hath been attended with such Glorious Success , that , in the Iudgment of the truely knowing and impartial , the Adversaries have found that they have been in this opposition , Kicking against the Pricks , and that the Truth and Cause of God , which we own , is such a Burdensome Stone , as hath quite born down and broken their Strength . I do not mean it , as if every one of that Parties lying Pamphlets hath had a particular Return ; this were an unsuitable and endless Work , and but too much to Honour these empty Squibs and Crackets ( as a Learned Man called such Writings ) but sure I am , whatever in the Writings of our Antagonists , and of our late Scots Episcopalians in Special , hath any shew of Argument against our Cause and Principles , either from Scripture , from Divine Reason , or History , hath had a full and Evident Confutation . That I have thus appeared , while many of our Church are in this Respect silent , of whom , in Point of Ability , it may be truely said , that their Gleaning is beyond my Vintage , hath proceeded from no such Disposition and Inclination this way , as influences some to shew themselves , but as from a sincere Love to Truth , and the Cause of GOD ; So by the influence of such a preventing Series of Providential Excitments , as have some way cleared my Call , and Issued in this Appearance . Dr. Scots Writings upon this Head , which I understand to be much Current and Esteemed by disaffected Persons , and those of most considerable note in this Corner of the Nation , having been brought to my Hands ; I was moved by the desires of some , to offer Animadversions upon the same , which I Judged might have their own use and advantage with such Persons ; and while Writing them , I had put into my hand two other later Pieces ; the one bearing the Title of The Fundamental Charter of Presbytrie Examined and disproved ▪ The other written by A. M. D. D. and bearing the Tittle of An inquiry into the New Opinions Chiefly propated by the Presbyterians in Scotland . The first I found to be merely Historical , with a long and bitter Preface against the Reverend Principal of the Colledge of Edinburgh ; the Authors Choller , it seems , being awakened by the smart of the many Baffles which that Party have had from his Pen. The other of a more Arguing Strain , but of such a virulent tincture and Popish Composure , that the Author might seem rather a Person in some of the Popish Orders , than any bearing the Character of a Protestant Minister , if the General Designation of A. M. D. D. had not led the common , and ( as far as I could Learn ) the right Conjecture , to fix upon Dr. Monro , Sometime Principal of the Colledge of Edinburgh . This Piece I found to be directed against the same Reverend Persons Writings , but in such a superficial and trivial Method that there seemed little or nothing of weight in it , but that which the Wise Man tells us , is weightier than the Sand , the Fools Anger . However , I found , because of the connection of Purposes , some ground to bestow a few spare times in examining his Scripture Arguings in Point of Episcopacy , which after the Finishing my Animadversions upon Dr. Scott , I set about ; not knowing at that time , of any other so employed ( though I much desired it ) but shortly after , came out Mr. Rules Iudicious and full Confutation of this Piece ; as also a little before , of the Preface of the other Pamphlet intituled The Fundamental Charter &c. And about the same time , Mr. Jamison's Learned and Elaborate Piece entitaled Nazianzeni Querela , &c. containing a Review and Confutation of what is considerable in both Pamphlets ; so , that what I might further attempt upon any of these Pieces appeared Fruitless , and but actum agere ; yet considering , that according to the Principal 's Compendious way of Writing , he touched that Authors Scripture Arguments , in Point of Episcopacy , more briefly , I resolved the more to enlarge my Review of what he had thus presented . After these Sheets had for some time lyen by me , and a motion was made to make them publick , having also seen the Second part of the Survey of Naphtali , I resolved , because of the Connection of Purposes , and that this Author appears to have more closely argued this Point , than several other Episcopalians , to add to the other two , a Consideration of his attempt upon Presbyterian Government , which the haste of the Press , together with other urgent duties , obliged me to perform more briefly , yet I hope , with some Satisfaction to the Intelligent . That these Authors are presented in such an Order , viz. the Later before the more Ancient , hath proceeded from the Connection of References from the one to the other , and the Method wherein Providence directed the Writing of these Replys . For the Point of Antiquity ( critically Scanned on both sides in this Debate ) I found no neeessity here to dip in it ; that being performed as to A. M. D. D. already ; and for the third Author , he doth not medle with it , and so much the better , only I have touched it a little with Dr. Scott ; there being no particular Reply , for what I know , to his Writings on this Head , though all that he hath Offered this way , hath been upon the Matter , fully Answered by Presbyterian Writers . The Truth is , I have always judged , that this Debate might arrive at a more satisfying and speedy Issue i● upon clear stating of the Questions and Points Controverted , the Dispute were managed by a clear formal Arguing upon Scripture Testimonies allennarly . One thing I must not omit to advertise the Reader of . I found after this was written , reports passing of A. M. D. D. his Death , which I understood to be afterwards called in Question ; but since it is now Confirmed , the Reader will excuse those Passages that do more directly address him as alive , as indeed he was , in the time that this was Written , and some thought I had that this might probably come to his hand . I shall detain the Reader no longer from the perusal of these Sheets : Adding only my serious Prayer , that the GOD of Truth may by his Holy Spirit , lead his People into all Truth , advance , and more and more revive His Work , and by the light of his Glorious ▪ Gospel dispel ▪ Antichristian darkness , refresh his suffering Churche●● abroad , now in the Furnace , excite his people to a due Sympathy with Sufferers , and quicken their Zeal against the great Whore , the Beast , drunk with the Blood of Saints , imprint upon his Churches in these Islands , a due Sense of their Solemn Vows and Engagements for Reformation in Doctrin , Worship ▪ Discipline and Government , that being ashamed for all our backslidings and breaches , and looking to Him whom we have peirced , with a Mourning Eye , we may see his Pattern of the House , in all its Ordinances , and his Tabernacle being reared up among us accordingly , the Lord may be one , and his Name one , he may own the Lands , and dwell in them as Married Lands , his Sanctuary being in the midst of us for ever more . A REVIEW OF D r. Scott's Pleadings For the Divine Right of EPISCOPACY . In his Book intituled , The Christian Life , Part II. Vol. 2. Chap. 7. Sect. 10. from Page 388. CHAP. I. The Doctor 's stating of the Question , Examined : Together with his first Argument taken from the Institution of our Saviour . BEING about to Examin the Pleadings of this Doctor , for the Divine Right of Episcopacy ; it is necessary , that we first view how he states the Question . All do know that a right Understanding of the State and Terms of the Question , is indispensibly needful for the Decision of any Controversy . To give then , the state of the Question in the Drs. terms , which he represents in a distinct character page 388. He thus exhibits the Claim of both Parties ; having told us , that the Presbyterial and Episcopal , are the two main rival Forms of Church Government , pretending to Divine Institution : The Presbyterian , saith he , is that which is seated in an Equality or Parity of Church Officers : The Episcopal , is that which is placed in a superior Order of Church Officers , called Bishops , to whom the other Orders of Presbyters and Deacons are subject and subordinat . The Latter of which , he undertaks to prove , to be the true form of Government institut by our Saviour : And that 1. from our Saviours Institution . 2. From the Practice of the Holy Apostles . 3. From the punctual Conformity of the Primitive Church to both . 4. From our Saviours declared Allowance and Approbation of the Primitive Practice in this Matter . First , As to the State of the Question : I find the Dr. doth pitifully prevaricat and mistake his Measures . 1. In representing Presbyterian Government , as consisting in a parity of Church Officers ; whereas , it is evident , we own & maintain a Beautiful Subordination , both of Officers and Courts in Church Government ; that Parochial Sessions are subordinate to Presbytries ; Presbytries to Provincial Synods ; Synods in a National Church , to National Assemblies : Thus likewise , we hold the Pastors Office , to be above that of the Ruling Elder ; the Ruling Elders Office , above that of the Deacon : Tho upon most solid Grounds , we maintain against Prelatists , an Equality in the Pastoral Office : And that among the New Testament Officers , both Ordinary and Extraordinary , there is a Partity , in their own kind , no Apostle above another , no Evangelist above another ( both which Offices taken in a proper formal Sense , we hold to be expired ) Thus as to Ordinary Officers , no Pastor above another , nor Elder , &c. 2. He represents Episcopal Government , as feated in a Superior Order of Church Officers , called Bishops , to whom the Orders of Presbyters and Deacons are subject ; but doth not particularly condescend upon the Nature of that Superiority , which in stating the question , should have been premised , and whether he understands it of a Superiority Specifical or Gradual , and in Order or Jurisdiction , or both : However , the Dr. in the strain of his Dispute , gives us to understand , that he takes the Superiority of the Bishop , as importing such an Absolut and Essential Interest in Government , as leaves the Pastor nothing but the Doctrinal Key ; wherein he disowns Two Points of a Concession , owned by many , if not most Episcopalians : ( and in so far discovers the Singularity and Unsoundness of his Pleading ) First , That the Bishop , is no Officer , properly or essentially distinct from the Presbyter , but only an Officer made distinct for order of Government : Thus K. Charles I. in his Conference with Mr. Henderson , who certainly had the Sense and Judgment of all the English Episcopal Doctors , at that time : And the present Bishop of Salisbury , in his last Dialogues , authorized by our Episcopal Church , and published in Defence thereof , in K. Charles II. Reign , 4 th . Conference , pag. 310 , 311. tells us , That he is not clear anent the Notion ( as he calls it ) of the distinct Offices of Bishop and Presbyter , and acknowledges the Presbyter , to be of the highest Office in the Church , telling us , That the Prelat is but a different Degree in the same Office : And he gives this Reason of his Judgment , That since the Sacramental Actions , are the highest of Sacred Performances , he cannot but acknowledg , that such as are impowered for them , must be of the highest Office in the Church : And thus expresly disowns the Drs. Distinction betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter , as a meer groundless Notion , and by consequence the whole Foundation of his Pleading . Secondly , Our Scots Episcopalians , and many of the English , plead for such an Episcopal Power , as is managed in conjunction with Presbyters , and profess to own only such a fixed Presidency of the Bishops over the Pastors , in Government , as allows them a Share and Interest therein , and do consequently disown what the Dr. asserts , That the Bishop is the Sole Subject of Government . Let any peruse Bp. Honyman , part 2. Survey of Naph . Bp. Burnet ubi supra , Bp. Lightons Two Letters , in reference to the Case of Accommodation ; yea Bp. Hall himself , in the Defence of his Remonstrance , presented to the Parliament of England , against Smectymnuus , printed An. 1641. And this will be convincingly evident , the Bishop , in that Defence , is so angry at the Word Sole , in the Debate about the Bishops Power and Authority in Government , that he desires his Presbyterian Antagonists , to keep their Sole , for the use of their Shoes . It is then clear , that in the State of the Question , or Ground of this Debate , the Dr. is not one with his Fellows , which will be further discovered by Examining the Grounds he walks upon . The Divine Right of Episcopacy , he endeavours , First , to prove by the Institution of our Saviour : And his great Argument is , That Christ in His Lifetime , institut two Orders of Ministers , viz. That of the Apostles , and the Seventy Disciples , whose Office he proves to be subordinat to that of the Apostles , from this Ground , That they are mentioned a part as Distinct , and the Apostles placed first in the Catologue . Eph : 4.11 . 1 Cor. 12.28 . That the Scripture mentions the Twelve , and the other Disciples distinctly , and the Twelve as Chosen out from among the Disciples , and by this Call and Ordination of Christ , separate to distinct Offices from the Disciples ; that the Apostles immediate Successors , were chosen out from the seventy Disciples , for most part : Thus sayes he , Simeon the Son of Cleophas succeeded Iames at Ierusalem ; Philip Paul at Caesarea ; Clement Peter at Rome , by the Testimony of Dorotheus , Eusebius ; And that by the same Testimony of Eusebius , together with Epiphanius and Ierem , Matthias was one of the Seventy , that was Chosen and Ordained by the Apostles , to succeed Iudas in the Apostalate , Acts 1.16 . And a Succession saith be , in Office supposes the superior Power in the Person , in whose place another succeeds , and that the person succeeding , had not that Power and Office before his Succession . That these Disciples were instructed with Ministerial Authority , he proves from Luk 10.16 . compared with v. 1. where not only we find that our Lord sent them before His Face , but shews that such as heard them , did hear him , &c. As also from this , That Ananias one of them , Baptized Paul. Acts 9.18 . Philip , another of them , the Eunuch Acts 8. and also preached the Gospel . Answer . This Discours and Argument , with reference to the Drs. Scope , with a very ordinary Attention , will appear , to be but a beating of the Air , and to consist of Magisterial Dictates , instead of proof : For First , it is evident , That the generality of all Protestant Divines , and Churches , yea many Episcopalians themselves , do hold that the Office , of Apostles and Evangelists is expired , and died with their Persons , so that neither the one nor the other admitted of a Succession : And indeed the thing it self is evident , and by our Divines proved from the Apostles immediat Mission , unconfined Inspection , extraordinary Gifts , &c. And that the Evangelists Office , did suppose the existant Office of the Apostolate , and did consist in a planetary Motion , to Water where they Planted , and bring Reports of the State of the Churches to the Apostles , and Commissions from the Apostles to the Churches ; as they make evident in the many Journies , up and down , of Timothy and Titus , in order to this end . So that upon this Supposition , tho a Subordination were granted ; yet if both Offices are expired , it can found no Argument for a Subordination among ordinary Officers , or essentially distinct Orders , in the Pastoral Office , which is the Point he has to prove . This will be convincingly clear , upon Two Grounds . ( 1. ) That the body of all Protestant Divines , do hold , That neither Apostle nor Evangelist , had any fixed Posts or Charges , and so consequently , the one could not Succeed the other therein , nor could any ordinary Officer Succeed either of them , in this their Function . And ( 2. ) That the Office , as well of the one , as the other , was suted to that Infant State and Exigence of the Church ; the Apostles Work being to found Churches through the World , to plant the Gospel Government and Officers therein ; and the Evangelists Work to Water their Plantations , as is above exprest . And therefore , that State and Exigence of the Church , being gone off , so are these Offices , suted thereunto . And among many other Proofs , I would fain know , what he , or any of his Perswasion , will look upon as the Scope and Intendment of their Gifts recorded in Scripture , viz. Their Gifts of Tongues , Gifts of Healing , raising the Dead , striking with Death , and extraordinary Judgments the Obstinat , as Peter , Ananias and Saphira ; Paul , Elim●s the Sorcerer , &c. if not thus to Discriminat their Office. If sutab●e Gifts be the Badg of an Office , as , to be apt to Teach , is of the Pastoral Office , ( it being certain that the Gifts and the Work bears a proportion one to another , and the Office has a relation to both ) then certainly , Extraordinary Gifts & Works , must be the Badg of that Office , which is Extraordinary : So that the Drs. Proof of fixed , standing , distinct Orders and Degrees among Ordinary Church Officers , from this Instance , is quite overturned , if the Office , either of the Apostles , or of the Seventy be found Extraordinary . Next , the weakness of the Drs. Proof , further appears , in that , instead of Proving , he takes for Granted without Proof . First , That the Apostles had a Superior distinct Mission , from that of the Seventy ; for nothing of his pretended Proofs , give the least shadow of this . The Dr. acknowledges they were sent to Preach , as the Apostles themselves were , and for what appears from Scripture , with the same Authoritative Mission , since the Seventy were sent out after the Twelve , and superadded to them , Luk. 9.1 , 2. &c. and 10.1 , 2 , 3. &c. And for the Point of Succession ( of which afterwards ) the Dr. affords no shadow of Proof , of either of these Two. ( 1. ) That there were Successors to the Apostles , in their formal Office of Apostolate . ( 2. ) That these his supposed Successors , were of the number of the Seventy Disciples , for which he must offer a Divine Scripture Proof , or he says nothing . Again ( in the 3d. place ) Tho we should grant to the Dr. that these Seventy were placed in Inferior order to the Twelve Apostles ; yet so weak is his Cause and Pleading , that even upon this Supposition , it is utterly lost and ruined , unless he can make it appear , that these Seventy had in their Commission , the Doctrinal Key only , but no interest in the Government , which is his Supposition all along , as to the Pastoral Office. Now , it is evident , beyond contradiction , that all which the Dr. has offered in this Argument , amounts not to the least shadow of a Proof of this point , viz. That the Twelve Apostles were the only Subjects of Church Government , had both the Keys committed unto them only , and that therein the 70 Disciples had no interest , having the Doctrinal Key only intrusted unto them : And therefore this is utterly remote from his Conclusion , viz. That our Lord established such ordinary Officers , as are called Bishops , in a superior order to Pastors , as specifically distinct from them , intrusting the whole Power of Government to the First , as well as the Power of Order , and nothing at all thereof to the Second , but the Doctrinal Key only . Before I proceed , let us hear what the Dr. answers to the Objection , taken from the Apostles Extraordinary office : His Answer is , That this is a begging of the question , since we allow that Christ institut the Office , but gave no signification , that it was but for a Season . But First , How comes the Dr. thus to beg the question , in supposing , that we acknowledg our Lord gave no such Signification ? He should know that we own , and can make good the contrary : And the current of all Protestant Divines , owning the Apostolick Office , to be extraordinary and expired , must and do by necessary consequence hold , That the Temporary Nature of the Office , hath in the Scripture Accounts thereof , our Lords implicit and consequential Intimation , that the Office was not to Continue , but to Expire with the Persons who carried it . The Dr. may thus prove quidlibet ex quolibet , if allowed to draw a Conclusion from a Concession , which is not ours , but by him falsly imputed to us . Next , the Office it self , in its Nature and End , being , as is said , Temporary ( and owned so , by the Body of all our Divines ) It necessarly follows , that our Lords Institution , terminat upon and relative to the Office , was likewise thus Temporary , and determined to a certain Season : As under the Law , Gods Institution of Sacrifices and other Levitical Ordinances , being to represent Christs Death , the very Nature of the Institution , did determin the Continuance till Christs coming , and offering Himself , and no longer : As likewise the shadowing Typical Priesthood of Aaron being thus limited , did expire at his Death . Nay , our Lord in commanding His Apostles to Preach to all Nations , to every Creature , and instituting them universal Officers of the whole Catholick Church , in actu exercito , both planted and to be planted , to which they had an immediat Relation , and instructing them , with extraordinary Gifts of Tongues , of Miracles , &c. did thus ex natura rei , and from the Nature of the Institution it self , discover His design , as to the transient Office , thus institut , and that being suted to that Exigence of the Church , it was to pass off with the same . Sure , should a Papist plead for the Perpetuity of Extreme Unction , because of the Apostles anointing with Oyl , or for the continuance of such Gifts , as the Dr. will acknowledg expired , because of our Lords Institution , and giving the Gifts , and no where Intimating that they were to be for a Season , and that these Gifts were joined to the Apostolical Office ; he would answer , That the temporary transient Nature of the Gift it self , now comprobat by the Event , discovers the temporary Design thereof , and that it was not to Continue ; and that therefore , there was no need , that our Lord should have given such an express Declarator , in the Institution , or Collation of the Gift : Which Answer , he may bestow for us , upon himself , as to the Point in hand . Again , to discover further the Inconsistency and Self-contradicting Method of his Reasoning upon this Head , let it be enquired what he means by a Successor to the Apostles . If he mean a Succession to their Office , in its Nature and Extent , as delineat in Scripture , then he runs himself into gross Absurdities : For , 1. He must thus hold that our Lord Institut , and that de facto , there succeeded Twelve Patriarchs , with an universal , unconfined Inspection over the whole Catholick Church , to be continued therein , with a Collateral and Equal Power . 2. If he say this ( as he needs must , if he speak to the Point , and consequentialy ) he will contradict what he asserts of their immediat Successors , from among the 70 Disciples , viz. Simeon Son of Cleophas , his succeeding St. Iames at Ierusalem ; Philip , St. Paul at Cesarea ; Clement , St. Peter at Rome . For if these Persons succeeded the Apostles in their unconfined Inspection over the whole World , where Churches were planted , or to be planted ; how comes he to assign them fixed Stations at Ierusalem , Cesarea , and Rome ? If their Ministry was confined to these Posts , how could they succeed the Apostles in their universal Inspection ? And consequently how could they succeed them in the Apostolick Office ? To say that a Person fixed at such and such Posts , succeeds the Apostolick Office , which was of this universal Extent , makes as good Sense and Harmony , as to say , that the Person , who is installed Dean of Canterburry , succeeds to the Archiepiscopal Chair thereof , and the Metropolitick Office of that Prelat , and his Primacy over England . 3. I would know , whether the Dr. in this Argument from Succession , doth equiparate and make paralel his adduced illustrating Instances , viz. the Succession of Matthias in the place of Iudas , with these other Instances of Simeon , Philip and Clement , at Ierusalem , Cesarea , and Rome ? If he do not , then his paralel Argument , as to the Point of Succession , is by his own Confession , like the Legs of the Lame , not equal ; it being palpably absurd to prove the Succession by Instances , while the Persons instanced , as succeeding , are not of the same and equal Power and Authority : If he say , That he understands Successors , in the same Apostolick Power ; then I would fain know , how he will paralel the Authority of Simeon , with a fixed Post at Ierusalem , Philip at Cesarea , Clement at Rome , with the Succession of Matthias , in the Apostolick Office , by the Divine Appointment , without the least hint of any fixed Station , but with an universal Inspection , as the other Apostles had . But to proceed to the other Branch of the Dilemma : If he mean by Successors to the Apostles , a Succession in a supposed Superiority over Presbyters , in a certain Precinct , not unto their Office and Authority every way , or with reference either to their Gifts , their immediat Mission , their extensive Authority in the Planting and Watering of Churches ( as some Episcopalians , who speak more cautiously than the Dr. do express and limit this Succession ) then it is easy , to make good that the Dr. in this Branch of the Answer , is as much in a Premunire , and that his Answer may be easily broken with a Wedg of his own setting , and that his Adversary may easily pull his Spear out of his Hand and Kill him with it ▪ For , 1. His Answer to those who alledg the Apostolick Office and Power , to be Temporary as suted to the Necessity and Exigence of that Time , and Case of the Church , without intention of deriving it into a Succession , is , First , That this is said without so much as a plausible colour of Reason : And if there be no plausible colour of Reason , in denying a Succession to the Apostolick Office , the Dr. in embracing this Answer , is without all colour of Reason . 2. He tells us , That we acknowledg our Saviour institut the Apostolick Office , and that in His Institution He gave no Intimation , that it was but for a Season , and that thus in calling the Apostolick Office such , we presum to make Christs Institutions Temporary , without producing the Intimations of His Will , and that upon this Ground , we may repeal all Institutions of Christianity . &c. But I pray , whether doth not the Dr. in this Answer , make our Lords Institution of the Apostolick Office Temporary , as in its Nature suited to that Exigence of the Time , and Infant State of the Church ? And whether , he is not upon his own Ground , obliged to produce the Intimation of our Lords Will hereanent ? And if he cannot produce it , or rather doth hold it clearly intimat in the Nature of the Office it self , then the Dr. must either confess our Exception and Answer to his premised Argument , about a Succession to the Apostles , to be valid and sound , or this his Answer and Evasion to be nought , and that he is therein contradictory to himself , and liable to that Absurdity , wherewith he charges us , viz. Of making temporary , and cassing all our Lords Institutions , and over-ruling the Will of God by arrogant Presumption : Which is the high-flown Imputation , the Dr. puts upon our Answer . But to bring this Matter to a short Issue , and to strick out the Bottom of his great Notion and Topick . The Power of the Keys , or the Power of Order and Jurisdiction , lying in authoritative Dispensing of Gospel Ordinances , viz. The Preaching of the Word and Administration of the Sacraments , together with the appendent Power of Disciplin and Government , which was the substantial & main Piece of the Apostolick Authority and Office , and to be derived in a Succession , as necessary for the Churches Preservation , in all times ; we hold to be seated properly in the Pastoral Office , which succeeds to that of the Apostles , in the respect , and for the end mentioned , and in point of this Authority and Power , we hold , that any Pastor is equal to an Apostle ; which , beside many other Reasons , that might be adduced , appears demonstratively , by this Scripture Ground , viz. That it is evident in Scripture , that the Apostles in the first Constitution of Churches , planted Presbyters or Pastors therein , as the highest Ordinary Officers , to feed with the Word and Government , Acts 14.23 . Tit. 1.5 . with Act. 20.17 . 1 Cor. 5.4 , 12. v. compared with 2 Cor. 2.6 . &c. And not only so , but left these Presbyters or Pastors , as their immediat Successors , committing the whole Government to them , in their last Farewels to the Churches , without the least hint of a Super-institution of any Officers of an higher Order , Act. 20.17.18.28 . 1 Pet. 5.2 , 3 , 4. compared with 1 Thess. 5.12 , 13. &c. Hence it may be thus Argued , These , whom the Apostles placed as Chief , in the first Constitution of the Churches , and left as their immediat Successors , in their last Farewels , which they gave to the Churches , these have no ordinary Officers , superior to them , in the Church , by Divine or Apostolick Warrant : But the Apostles placed first , Presbyters or Pastors , feeding immediatly with the Word , Doctrin and Government , as their proper immediat Successors , and to these they committed the Churches , in their last Farewels : Therefore , the Pastor hath no ordinary superior Officer to him , in Church Government , by Divine or Apostolick Warrant . Thus , we see the utter Insufficiency of the Drs. Proof , from this Argument , anent the Seventy Disciples , which may save us the labour of pursuing such Advantages , as the Exact and Critical Disputant might have against him , in his way of handling this Argument . It is not clear from his Discourse , whether he place these Seventy Disciples in the Office of Evangelists , or of ordinary Ministers : If he suppose and assert the First , the Strength of his Argument , is sufficiently Refuted , by what is said above : it being palpably absurd , to infer different Degrees of the Pastoral Office , from the Superiority of Apostles to Evangelists . If the Second , the Consequence is as absurd ; the many Prerogatives of Apostles above ordinary Pastors , making such an Inference , palpably ridiculous . His Proof of the Succession of these Seventy to Apostles , in their Office , upon which he founds his Assertion of the Subordination of the one to the other , is drawn from the Succession of Simeon to Iames at Ierusalem ; Philip to Paul at Cesarea ; Clemens to Peter at Rome : In which he palpably falls short , as to two essential Points thereof . 1. He offers no Divine , but an Human Testimony , as to this Matter of Fact , viz. of Dorotheus , Eusebius . 2. He offers no Proof from Scripture , that the Persons instanced , were of those Seventy , mentioned Luk. 10. whom our Lord sent forth after the Twelve Apostles . That the Apostles were chosen from among the Disciples , or that they are first named in the Catalogue of Church Officers Ephes. 4. is a pitiful hungry Proof : For the Dr. will not say , that the Seventy were not also taken from among the number of Disciples , or that all coming under this general Denomination , were Church Officers . And as to the other point of the Nomination of the Apostles first in the Catalogue of Church Officers , even supposing it will import some special Prerogatives of these Twelve , it is utterly remote from proving either , First , that these Seventy might not have been in the character of Evangelists , and consequently had a correspondent Authority , eo nomine : Or Secondly , That supposing them by their Mission , to have had the same extensive Authority with the Twelve Apostles , that the foresaid Prerogatives of Apostles did enervat this their Authority and Commission , which was immediatly from our Lord , as well as that of the Apostles , and in its Nature and Extent , never retracted or limited , for any thing can be seen in Scripture . For what the Dr. objects anent the Superiority of the Apostles over the Seventy , as being in Office , not in Power and Jurisdiction : To which he answers , That the Office including the Power , must import a Superiority in Power . It is , 1. here impertinent to the Purpose and Point , he has to prove : For upon supposition , that both Offices were Extraordinary and Ceast , even admitting a Superiority of Apostles to the Disciples , it will never prove essentially different Degrees in the Pastoral Office , as is said . And 2. Admitting some special Prerogatives , in the Apostolick Office , above that of the Seventy , with a special respect to their Gifts , the Jurisdiction and Power , of both the one and the other , with a general Respect to Church Government , and the great and standing Ends thereof , might notwithstanding be of the same Nature and Extent . It is also here very noticeable , how the Dr. prevaricats , p. 393. and falls off the Hinges of the Point , when he makes it to ly in this , That our Lord appointed a Superiority and Subordination between Ecclesiastick Officers : Which in general , he cannot but know , that Presbyterians do accord unto , since we hold the Pastoral Office , to be above that of the Elder ; and that of the Elder , above the Deacon : Whereas , the State of the Question , and the Drs. Undertaking therein , is anent a superior Order of Officers called Bishops , to whom the Order of Pastors is subject and subordinat ; or essentially different Functions in the Pastoral Office , or Degrees thereof . Now to prove this special , specifical Subordination instanced , from a Subordination of Ecclesiastick Officers in general , is to argue , a genere ad speciem affirmative . Est animal ; Ergo est homo . By which Reasoning , our poorest Tyrones in the Logicks , would thus derid their Fellows ( I shall not say the Dr. for good Manners sake ) Es animal ; Ergo es brutum . And so , I dismiss the Drs. first Argument . CHAP. II. The Drs : Second Argument , taken from the Practice of the Holy Apostles , Examined . THE Second Argument , whereby the Dr. undertaks to prove the the Divine Right and Institution of Episcopacy , is from the Practice of the Holy Apostles : And this he prosecutes at large , from p. 393. to p. 404. His Proofs , may be thus generally summed up , and run to this issue , viz. That the Apostles , did not only exercise that Superiority in their own Persons , which their Office gave them over the inferiour Clergy ; but also derived it down , with their Office , to their Successors : And that therefore , they look not upon the Institution of their superior Office of Apostolate , as a temporary Expedient only , but as a standing Form of Ecclesiastick Government , to be handed down to all succeeding Generations . In Answer to which , I do observe , that the Dr. holds the Apostolick Office , in a Formal Sense , and in its proper Nature , with all its Ingredients , viz. immediat Mission , universal , unconfined Inspection , infallible directive Power , their Apostolick Power of Coertion by Judgments , their Gifts of Tongues and Miracles , &c. ( all which were included in the Apostolick Office ) to be an ordinary standing Function in the Church , and succeeded unto , in this its whole Nature and Extent , and as he expresses it , Handed down to all succeeding Generations . Wherein , as the Dr. palpably contradicts , not only , clear Experience of all Generations , the body of all Protestant Divines , yea all Men of Sense , that have ever bestowed their Thoughts upon this Subject ; but also his very Fellow-Pleaders in this Cause : One of their late Writers of no small Repute , in answer to this Objection , viz. That the Apostles Superiority over the Seventy , was Extraordinary and Temporary , grants , That in some Things their Priviledges were Extraordinary , and to Cease with themselves , instancing their immediat Calling , their sending to all Nations , their Infallibility , their Gifts of Tongues , or whatever was necessary for the first Founding of the Christian Church . Clearly contradicting the Drs. absurd Assertion of a Succession to the Apostolick Office , without all Limitation . But it s no strang thing , that Midianites deal Stroaks among themselves , when encamped against Israel . By that Superiority , which their Office gave them , over the inferior Clergy , he must needs understand an Official Superiority , proper the Apostles as such , and without any Restriction , as is said ; since he makes the Apostolick Office , to be institut by our Lord , as Ordinary and Perpetual , and the Practice of the Apostles , in this pretended Derivation of their Office ●o Successors , to be pursuant to the Institution of our Saviour . He holds , there was nothing of the Office of Apostolate , of a Temporary Nature , or as suted to the Exigence of that Time , that it was the very same Office , without any Restriction or Limitation , which they did transmit unto Successors . Thus he expresly p. 394. Now to raze this Foundation of the Drs Proof , let these Things be considered . First , That our Divines , do Harmoniously assert the extraordinary Nature of the Apostolick Office as such , and that they could not be Succeeded to , in idem officium & eundem gradum : Particularly the Learned Polanus , in his Syntag. lib. 7. Cap. 11. P. ( mihi . ) 537.338.539 . reckons up these their Prerogatives , beyond ordinary Church Officers ( 1 ) Their immediat Institution by Christ ; therefore Paul was called from Heaven to be an Apostle . ( 2 ) Their immediat Mission to Teach . ( 3. ) Their Universal Legation to Plant and Found Churches : through the World , 2 Cor. 11. ( 4. ) It s visible Badg , Viz : conferring the Spirit by Laying on of Hands . ( 5. ) Immunity from Error in Teaching . ( 6. ) Their singular Right of Spiritual Coercing the Rebellious , and extraordinary Authority hereanent , and extraordinary Spiritual assistance . 2 Cor. 10. ( 7. ) The Gift of Fore-telling Things to come , Rom. 11.25 , 26. 2. Thess. 2.3 . ( 8. ) Their extraordinary Authority beyond any Successors , as being over the whole Church , &c. It would consume much Time and Paper to set down the vast number of Testimonies correspondent to this , and the thing were Superfluous : All who are acquaint with our Writers , being convinced hereof . From hence , we may thus Argue ; They whose Call , whose special Work and Duties , whose Qualifications for their Work , are ceased , their Office is ceased , and they are not Succeeded therein : But the Apostolick Call , special Work , and their proper Qualifications , are ceased : Ergo , &c. The Major is evident , it consisting of a sufficient enumeration of ingredients to make up an Office , and further undenyably Confirmed by this ▪ That our Divines take in these very things , mentioned in the Definition of an extraordinary Office , and as the evidences of it . The Assumption is as evident ; the Appostles Call was immediat ; who will deny that this is ceased ? Their special Work and Duty as Apostles , was to Plant Churches , and the Gospel Ordinances and Government among them , throughout the World , and that by a special Commission intrusted to them ; of all which Churches they were in an immediat Sense , and in actu exercito Officers , And what Church Officer , dare now arrogat that to himself ? Their Gifts & Qualifications were extraordinary , such as the working of Miracles , Gifts of Tongues , infallibility in Doctrin : And can any deny that these are ceased ? Secondly , Hence , as whatever he would draw the Episcopal Preheminence from , will necessarly fall within the compass of these expired Prerogatives ; so , several of the Prelats pretended Prerogatives , are contrary and repugnant thereunto ; such as their exercising an ordinary Power in fixed Diocesses ; the Appostolick Inspection was Unfixed and extraordinary , and they were Officers , in actu exercito , of the whole Church . Next , the Bishops account themselves sole Pastors of the Diocess , tho Pastors are therein Ordained and Fixed ; For they are the Fountains , from whom the Power of Order and Jurisdiction in the Diocess is dierived , and the Exercise of both depends upon their Lordly Disposal : And this Preheminency , no Apostle ever claimed , their Office being only a Declarative , Executive Ministry , not a Lordly Dominion . Besides , the Prelats negative Voice and sole Decisive Power in Judicatories , is point Blank contrair to the Apostles Carriage in that Synod , Act 15. In which the Question was stated and debated , in the ordinary way of Disputation , and the Ordinary Officers did concurr and joyn with the Apostles , in Authorizing and enjoyning the Decrees . And further , the Bishops , th● ordinary Officers , yet deny a Subjection to the Prophets , in greater or lesser Assemblies of the Church , whereof they are professed Officers , and yet we find Paul asserting Universally and indefinitly , That the Spirits of the Prophets are Subject to the Prophets . 1. Cor. 14.32 . Nay we find himself receiving Imposition of Hands , and sent out by a Presbytrie , upon a special Gospel legation , which did consist not of Fellow-Apostles , but of Prophets and Teachers , Act. 13.1 , 2.3 . But to what Assembly of Prophets , are Prelats Subject , either as to their Life or Doctrin ? Thirdly ; As to the perpetual ordinary Power given to the Apostles , and transmitted by them to the Church , They did neither claim , nor exercise Superiority over other Ministers , but we find them , accounting them Brethren , Partners , Fellow-Labourers , and themselves Fellow-Elders with them , and as to the Pastoral Charge , their Equals ; For , that ordinary Power , the Apostolick Office contained Eminenter , which they transmitted to others . But it is evident , that as they planted Elders , with equal Power in the Churches , so in their last Farewels , they committed ( as is above cleared ) the Government unto them , without any hint of Imparity in its exercise . Act. 20.28 . Tit. 1.5 . 1 Cor. 5.1 . Pet. 5. To which , we may add in the Fourth place , that the Apostles Discharging Lordly , Dominion and Preheminency amongst Ministers over the Lord's Flocks , or among themselves ; And the Apostle Iohn condemning ▪ expresly this in Diotrophes , will infallibly prove , that they neither allowed in others , nor exercised themselves , any such power , else their Doctrin would contradict their Practice . Hence , it s infallibly clear , that to make good the Drs. Proof of a Succession to the Apostles , by Instances , which he here undertaks , there are two Points , he must clearly prove and make good , as the Affirmer . 1. That these pretended Successors , did de facto exercise and hold the Apostolick Office , in its whole Nature and Extent , as above delineat . 2. That de jure , the Apostles , by their Doctrin and Practice , did devolve such an Authority upon them , to be perpetually transmitted to the Church , by Succession . And therefore , if in either , or both these , he fall short in his Instances of a pretended Succession , he but beats the Air , and loses his Design of proving , That the Apostles communicated the same Office to Successors , which our Saviour had communicated to them ; which in terminis he asserts p. 394. This being premised , let us see how the Dr. proves by Instances , the Succession of Apostles to Apostles , as an Office still to be continued in the Church . His first Instance of Succession , is that of St. Iames in Ierusalem , whose Succession , in an Apostolick , or Episcopal Preheminence there , he labours much in the Proof of , pag. 394 , 395 , 396 , 397. But. first , tho this Matter of Fact were granted , that Iames the Apostle or Evangelist ( not to stand here to discuss which ) did exercise his Ministry or Apostolate there , how will it prove a Succession to the Apostolick Charge and Office in the Drs. Sense , as above delineat ? And where is his Proof of any of the Apostles devolving this Charge upon him ? To prove either , or both these , ( as the Dr. here doth ) from any Scripture , or History , which suppose Iames to be in Ierusalem , in the exercise of his Ministry , requires to make the Reasoning valid , such rules of Logick , as hitherto , has not been heard of . What a strang Phantastick Proof is this ? Scripture affirms Iames to exercise his Ministry at Ierusalem : Ergo , he had devolved upon him , by the other Apostles , the Apostolick Office , in the same Nature and Extent , as exercised by them , and committed to them , by our Saviour , and this as a perpetual Function in the Church . This is such Arguing and Rope of Sand-connection , as any may laugh at ; and it is evident to common Sense , that tho the exercise of Iames's Ministry in Ierusalem be granted , yet the Instance is as far short of being a demonstrative Proof of what the Dr. asserts and aims at , and reaching his Conclusion , as the Pigmey's Arm , is to fetch down Ulysses Helmet . The Dr. in handling this instance , endeavours to prove that the Iames spoken of Gal. 1.19 . and called the Lords Brother , was none of the Twelve : Wherein he contradicts good Interpreters , as might be cleard by a multiplicity of Instances , if need were . The Belgick Divines , upon the Place , take him to be the same mentioned Mark. 10. And upon Act. 12.2 . They shew , that after Iames was killed , this Iames spoken of here , is he , who left behind him the Epistle of Iames , and is called the Lords Brother : And upon v. 17. They affirm , that this was Iames the less . The Authors of part 2. Pool . Annot. upon Gal. 1.19 . Do assert , That he was one of the Twelve Apostles , paralelling this passage touching Iames , with Mark. 6. The Drs. Proof , that he was not an Apostle , because Paul reckons him a part from the Twelve . 1 Cor. 15.5.6.7 . is utterly insufficient . The Authors of Part 2. Pool . Annot. draw no such Conclusion upon that verse , but insinuat rather the contrar : And the Dutch Divines are peremptor , that the Iames mentioned in that Text , was the Apostle Iames , and one of the Two , in the Catalogue of Apostles . The Drs. Proof , from his being mentioned a part from the Twelve , is a pitiful lax Conceit : For , if the Apostle saying v. 7. That our Lord was seen of Iames , then of all the Apostles , will prove that Iames was not of the number ; his saying v. 5. That our Lord was seen of Cephas , then of the Twelve , will by the same Reason prove , that Peter was none of the number . The Doctor would needs have him the Thirteenth Apostle , and the first that was made an Apostle , after the Twelve . I had thought , that Matthias was the first Person made an Apostle , after our Lords Ascension , to make up the number of Twelve and supply the room of Iudas , and that Paul was next added by our Lords special Call from Heaven ; but when , or where , or by whom , another Iames , than either of the two mentioned by the Evangelist , was Constitut a Thirteenth Apostle , is a Point , I am sure , far surcharging the Drs Ability to prove , and his proofs here adduced are such , as the simplest may Laugh at : Whereof this is one . That the Scripture makes it evident , that this Iames had the great Preheminence in the Church of Ierusalem : And next , That in the Council Act. 15. he gave the Decisive Sentence , calling it his Sentence . v. 19. and determined the Controversie , after that Peter , Paul and Barnabas had declared their Judgment : Which Argues , saith the Dr. that he had great Authority and Preheminence in that place . An odd proof , I must confess . Behold the Visag of this Argument ! The Apostle Iames spoke last in the Council of Ierusalem , he called the Judgment he delivered upon the Question , his Sentence , after others had spoken , the Controversie came then to an Issue : Ergo , he was of Special and Eminent Authority in Ierusalem , beyond any of the Apostles ; And this , as a supernumerary Thirteenth Apostle Constitut by the rest to succeed in that Office , and derive the Office of Apostolat to after Generations . It is indeed a Question to me , whether this Assertion and Conclusion it self , or the Dr's Method of deducing it , be more absurd ; But sure I am , both are , and that in an eminent degree . The Dr. has so wonderful a value for Prelacy , that he will needs have this new supposed Bishop of Ierusalem , preferred upon that account , by all the Apostles , to themselves , and set up in the Chair to presid in the Council , as the Worthiest , yea , and that his very Judgement , upon the account of his high Prelatick Office , outweighed all the Apostles Sentiments , and ended the Controversie , as he expresses it . Such a conceit this is , and Phantastick account of that Scripture , as I dare challenge the Dr. to show if it ever came in the mind of any Protestant Writers . It would have suted the Drs. serious Thoughts to ponder , whether that which was delivered by others , in this meeting , and in special by the Apostle Peter , was not their Sentence , as well as that delivered by James , and whether both these Sentences of Peter and James , were not the same , and delivered upon the same Scripture Grounds ; and whether the delivering of a Sentence or Judgment in a Judicatory , which the Meeting finds equitable , and do accord to , upon Grounds offered by him , and some others , speaking before him , can conclud an Episcopal Authority over the Meeting . But to proceed , the Dr. ( ibid ) Argues further , from the Apostle Paul his going in to James , mentioned Gal. 2.9 . Upon the account of his supposed Episcopacy at Jerusalem , altho none of the Twelve , & that he is upon this account preferred to Peter & John , & had the Priority of them both , in the Church of Jerusalem . A conceit sufficiently refuted by a recitation . What! The Apostle Paul , become so high a Prelatist , that a New Constitut Bishop at Jerusalem , is by him preferred to Pillar-Apostles , as having a Priority above them in that Church . I had thought that our Blessed Lord , recommended and Authorized his Apostles , as the Universal Doctors of the whole Church , before this time , as the Foundation and Pillars thereof ; So they are called by the Apostle Paul , Eph. 2.20 . And that the Lord , in Sealing them solemnly by the Spirit , the day of Pentecost , at Jerusalem , from whence the Law was to go forth , had recommended them as his highest Doctors and Apostles , both to Jerusalem , and to all the Churches ; and that Peter and John's Ministry had the First and Eminent Seals there ; yea and that the Apostleship of the Circumcision , was especially committed to Peter , and consequently his Apostolical Authority at Jerusalem singularly conspicuous , weighty , and acknowledged , where his Ministry was chiefly exercised , and this by the Apostle Paul's own acknowledgment Gal. 2.7 . And that he paid so great deference to this Apostle , that he went up to Jerusalem , to see and visit him , Gal. 1.18 . Besides that , the Dr. supposing this James not to be one of the Twelve , is cross to the current of Protestant Writers and Commentators , as we have said . As for Paul's going into James , with the Elders Act. 21.18 . Which the Dr. saith will prove , that James was of greatest note and Figure in that Church ; If the Dr. mean his exercising his Ministry there at that time , and that he was of eminent Note among the Elders , or ordinary Ministers : As who can doubt of this in respect of his Apostolick Office ? This is easily accorded ; But the Drs. Inference from this , that he was of greatest Note and Figure among the Apostles , yea and , eo nomine , as Bishop of Ierusalem , and moreover , as in the Capacity of a Supernumerary Apostle and Bishop , added to the Twelve , he will as soon squeeze Water from a Flint , as draw it from this Scripture . The Dr. tells us P. 395.396 . That , as what he has said , renders it highly probable , that Iames was Apostle at Ierusalem peculiarly , and had the Priority of Peter and Iohn therein , so the Testimmonyes of early Antiquity , advances this probability to a Demonstration . Whereupon , he Cites Hegesip . and Euseb. Lib. 2. Cap. 23. Clement . Lib. 2. Cap. 1. and some others . That Iames , whom the Dr. takes not to have been an Apostle , till constitut Apostle and Bishop of Ierusalem , appears to the Dr. upon the pretended premised Scripture Grounds , upon this account , preferred to both Peter and Iohn , tho Pillars , hath so exposed his Understanding of the Scriptures , as doth much save the Labour of an Adversaries discovering his Nakedness in this Point . Besides , it seems with the Dr. that Human Testimonies of Antiquity , and of Human Writers , puts the Cape-stone upon , and compleats Scripture-proof ; So that , what was upon the Scripture proof , but probable , upon the high accession of Human Testimonies , is with him advanced to a Demonstration : But the Dr must be minded , that if his pretended Divine Proof , which must be both of the Factum and the Ius , as to Iames's Episcopacy , obliges him to draw his Demonstration of both from Scripture , and if by his acknouledgment , all his Scripture Proof , amounts but to a probability , his pretended Demonstration , made up by the patchment of Human Testimony , added to the Divine , as giving the Demonstrative evidence and Strength thereunto , is a Demonstration like to the Feet of the Image of Clay and Iron , which could never make one intire piece , and cleave together . Next , For his Testimonies , the Dr. cannot but know , that in the Judgment of Famous Protestant Divines , this Proof , from the Testimonies of Fathers , and the Denomination of Bishops by them , put upon Eminent Ministers , and even some in the Apostolick times , is a very slippery and uncertain Proof . The learned Scaliger will tell him ( Prolegom . in Chro. Euseb. ) That , ●tervallum illud ab ultimo capite Actorum , &c. The Interval from the last Chapter of the Acts of the Apostles until the midst of the Reign of Trajan , in which Tract , Quadratus & Ignatius flourished ( let the Dr. observe this , as to Ignatius here Cited by him ) may be truely called with Varro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or obscure , wherein nothing that is certain , has come to our Hands , concerning the Affairs of Christians , except some very few things , which the Enemies of GOD , has catched up by the way , such as Suetonius and Corn. Tacitus : Which gap , that Eusebius might fill up , he drew somethings without Discretion , and choise out of the Hypotyposis or Examples of , I know not what Clement ( for he is not that Learned Clement that wrote the Strommata ) and out of the Five Books of Hegesippus , a Writer no better . Let the Dr. observe this , as to Hegesippus and Clement here Cited by him ; Yea and Hegisipus himself , as he shews , lib. 3. Cap. 28. Holds that immediatly after the Apostolick Age was gone , tunc impii erroris conspiratio , per seductionem eorum qui alienam Doctrinam tradebant , initium caepit ; Error began to Spring and advance . The Learned Iunius , controv . 3 lib. 10. Cap. 23. Not. 3. Mentions and proves an equivocal acceptation of the Word Bishop , in the Writings of the Ancients . The Learned Whittaker also will Inform the Dr. ( De Pont. Quest. 2. Cap. 15. ) That , Patres cum Iacobum Episcopum vocant , &c. The Fathers , when they call Iames , Bishop , or Peter , take not the Name of Bishop properly , but they call them Bishops of those Churches , wherein they stayed for a time . He adds , That it is absurd to say , that the Apostles were Bishops , since he that is properly a Bishop , cannot be an Apostle , the Bishop being set over one Church , and the Apostles , Founders and overseers of many Churches . Yea , he is so Bold , as to add further , ( without craving Pardon of such as are of our Drs. Judgment ) That , non procul ▪ distat ab insania , &c. It differs little from madness to say , That Peter , or any other Apostles were Bishops . And to this purpose he speaks at large , Cap. 3. Sect. 9. making good his Assertion from the unfixed extraordinary Nature of their Office , who were to follow the Spirits conduct , towards all places , wherever they were called . The Dr. might have also learned from Fran. Iunius ( Contr. 3. lib. 2. Cap. 5 ) the cause of the Error and mistake of the Ancients , in terming the Apostles or Evangelists Bishops , and drawing from them Supposititious patcht Catalogues of Bishops , which are found contradictory to one another , Viz. That such Ministers , as they found in the Church Records , more famous , such they cull'd out , to make up their Catalogues , even tho they were contemporary , and those they named Bishops , in conformity to their own times ; whereas , saith he , there were many Bishops or Presbyters at once appointed by the Apostles in the Churches . Hence has proceeded this Confusion in the Catalogues ; for instance . they make Peter Bishop of Rome , and having a Seat there ( a Fable contradicted by many of the Learned . and proved by them , to be such ) but whether Clement was First or Third , and who , or in what Order , next after Succeeded them , whether Linus , or Anacletus is never yet cleared . Some make Titus Bishop of Crete ; some Arch-Bishop ; some Bishop of Dalmatia . Timothy and Iohn , are made , by many Bishops , in the same Post , at the same time . Some say , Polycarpus was First Bishop of Smyrna ; some make him to Succeed one Bucolus ; some make Aristo ▪ First . Some give Alexandria one Bishop ; some Two at once . See Append. ad jus Divinum Minist . Evang. Clearing this at large . The Dr. also should have done well , to have considered the important difficulty offered by Iosephus Scaliger , about the Succession of the Bishops of the Church of Ierusalem ( related by Didoclav . Cap. 4. P. 123. ) wherein he proves Eusebius Relation to be contrary to our Lords Prophesie anent the Destruction of Ierusalem , and to Iosephus's History . As likewise , what this Learned Author , hath observed and written , to invalidat the Credit of Eusebius's History , and the discovery he has made of his many gross Errors therein , as well as in other Points . So that our Dr. and his Fellow-pleaders , might have observed this their grand Magazin , to be but a corrupt Treasure , and Poisoned Fountain . How Fabulous is the Epistle of Christ to Agbarus King of Edessa , related by him ? That which Philo the Iew wrote of the Esseans , a Sect among the Iews , Eusebius affirms that he Wrote it of Christian Monks , which Scaliger ( in his Elencho tri Haeresii ) hath convict of falsehood , out of Philo himself . He proves Peters Crucifixion at Rome , by a Tomb-proof . In the Computation of Times , Scaliger , observes his gross Errors . Nay , which is more considerable , he discovers gross ignorance of Scripture , in saying that the Cephas reprehended by Paul , was not the Apostle Peter , but another of the Number of the Seventy Disciples . To which might be added , many things in his personal Carriag and Qualities , which doth weaken the Credit of his History , as his presiding in the Council of Tyre , against Athanasius , and standing upon the Arrian side . Scaliger in his Thesaurus temporum ( Animad . P. 268 ) Sets down the Testimonies of the Ancients , concerning his Errors , and Arrianism , wherein some affirm that he died . When he Wrote the History , he was in the Judgment of some an Arrian . And even admitting the unexceptionableness of his History , when first Written , yet that it hath been corrupted by some ignorant Impostor , is by Didoclav . Cap. 4. P. 111. Demonstrat from this , that he makes mention of Sozomen , who was born an Hundred Years after his time . Had the Doctor also Perused the Learned Reynolds , he might have found that in his Epistle to Sir Francis Knolls , he proves at large , from Chrysostom , Ierom , Ambrose , Augustin , Theodoret , and many others , both Ancient and Modern Authors , that in Scripture Presbyter and Bishop are all one . The Epistles of Clement , of the first Century , are very pregnant against the Divine Right of Prelacy ; particularly his Epistle to the Philippians , wherein he makes but Two Orders of Ministry , Bishops and Deacons , which he says , the Apostles set up to propogat the Ordinances to Believers . But I am too prolix , in a Matter of it self , clear and plain , and which , we may probably have occasion again to touch : Only before I part with the Drs. First Instance , I cannot but in this place observe , and again leave it to the Readers consideration , that the Dr. affirms this Apostleship , which Iames did derive from the Twelve , was only an Episcopal Inspection of the Church in Ierusalem : A strang Apostleship indeed ! and so very far unlike and disproportioned to the Apostolick Office , that he might as well affirm , that any Curat of the Church of England , when set over a Flock or Cure , has an Episcopal Authority committed to him . The Drs. Second Instance , to prove the Apostles committing their Apostolick Authority to Successors , is taken from Epaphroditus Philip. 2.25 . Who is Styled the Apostle of the Philippians , Citing Ierom on Gal. 1.19 . Who shews , that others were Ordained Apostles , as Epaphroditus ; And Theodtret , holding that he was Constitut their Bishop . I answer 1. Tho his Episcopal Authority over this Church of Philippi were granted to the Dr. it will never come up to prove his Point and Assertion of devolving the Apostolick Office upon him , but rather proves the contrary ; it being evident , both from the Nature of the Thing it self , and in the Judgment of Judicious Divines , that these Two Offices are incompatible and inconsistent , and it is a greater degrading of the Office of Apostolat , as it stands delineat in Scripture , to restrict it to any Particular Church , than to make the Primat of England , Curat of any Parish . 2. The Dr. doth grosly mistake this Denomination of Epaphroditus , while making it Import his being their Bishop , as is obvious to any that Reads the Text , and will view Commentators upon the place , as might be easily and at large , made appear , if our intended brevity did permit . The Belgick Divines upon the Passage , tells us , That the Word Apostle signifies one , who was Called and sent forth by Christ himself , to Preach the Gospel through the whole World ( meaning in its Strict and Proper acceptation ) for clearing which they Cite Gal. 1.1 . Eph. 4.11 . And here the Dr. may observe , how they take the Nature and Extent of the Apostolick Office. Then they add . But here it is taken more largely , in General , for one , who is sent forth by any one to act any Thing in his Name , or for him : He was by the Philippians sent unto Rome to Paul , to carry him that which they had Contribut for his Maintinance , Citing Chap. 4.18 . Where the Apostle shews that he had Received what was sent by Epaphroditus : Which discovers the Folly of the Drs. gloss . They add ; That if it be rendered , their Teacher , the Word is sometimes taken so , in a General Sense , for any kind of Teacher . Rom. 16.7 . Where the Phrase of Note among the Apostles , doth import , among them , who Preached the Gospel here and there , paralelling this with that of 2 Cor. 8.23 . Where the Phrase of Messengers or Apostles in the Churches , is ascribed to other Brethren , together with Titus , and imports only Messengers and Teachers . So , That altho the Phrase of your Messenger or Apostle , were in this place admitted to import a Pastoral Relation to Philippi , it is as far from coming up to a Proof of the Drs. Gloss , as East from West . Grotius upon the place shews , that Graece loquentes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocabant qui sacras pecunias colligebant atque portabant , at Diximus ad Math. 10.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dixit Ignatius : That the Word Apostle , is here taken late or largly , and for Honours cause , put upon this Person , as a Minister only , is Asserted by Erasm. Simplicius , Vorstius : That he is thus called , quia missus fuit cum Eleemosyna ; and that this is Confirmed by the ensuing Clause of Ministring to the Apostles wants , has a large Harmony of great Judgments ; Thus Zanch. Simp. Estius , Beza , Collating this with 2 Cor. 8.23 . For what the Dr. adds ( ubi supra . ) of Ierem and Theodoret ; It is easily answered , that the Word Apostle ot Bishop , is by them used in a General Acceptation , as might be cleared from many Passages of the Fathers , especially Ierom , holding that through the Apostolick times , communi Concilio Presbyterorum Ecclesiae gubernabantur ; Thus in his Comment . upon Titus , where he proves this from Phil. 1. Act. 20. Heb. 13.17 . 1 Pet. 5. And if the Word Apostle in Scripture , have this General Acceptation , as we have heard , why not also in the Writings of the Fathers ? The Drs Third Instance , ( P. 398 ) is of Titus , and some others , whom the Apostle 2 Cor. 8.23 . Calls Messengers , or in the Greek , Apostles of the Churches , which the Dr. takes to hold out their Apostolick Authority over the same , and will not have the Phrase to Import their Relation to these Churches , whose liberality they carried . Thereafter , he Insists upon the Instance of Titus , whose Episcopal Authority over Crete , he endeavours to prove from the Epistle written to him . To the Instance , First in the General , I Answer , that the Drs. Sense of the Passage Cited , is but his own Imagination , without the least Shaddow of Ground in the Words or Context , especially taking it to Import an Apostolick Authority , in his Sense , as might be cleared by multiplyed instances , if needful . We heard that the P●lgick Divines take the Phrase to Import Teachers in a General Sense . The Authors of part . 2. Pool Annot. Thus Sense the Passage , Viz , That the Apostle calls Titus his Fellow-helper in the Business of the Gospel ; for the others , he tells them , they were such , as the Churches thought fit to make their Messengers , and had the Credit of the Churches , whose Messengers they were , since the Churches would not have Instructed them , if they had not Judged them Faithful . Both which Senses stands clearly cross to that which the Dr. Grounds upon . And to discover further , the weakness of his Reasoning , even granting that this Text would Import a Fixed Episcopacy of Titus and these other Messengers , over some Churches , how doth it prove the Apostles devolving upon them , the entire Apostolick Office , in the same Nature and Extent , as it was committed to the Twelve , by our Saviour ? The Dr. will never be able to knit this Antecedent and Consequent , by Scripture or Divine Reason : And this being the Point , he is all along undertaking to prove , any may see how palpably he mistakes and misses his Mark , in these Instances . But now to examin the Drs. proof of Titus's Episcopacy , these Things I do in general premise , which do cut the Sinews of his , or any others Arguings for the pretended Episcopacy of Timothy or Titus , over these Churches . 1. In Churches already constitut , this Authority , was not solely seated in them , they were only to go before the Churches , in wholesome Counsels , in relation to the planting of Ministers ; not to do as they pleased , excluding others , as judicious Calvin expresses it , Instit. lib. 4. cap. 3. since Paul himself , neither imposed Hands , nor Excommunicat alone in Churches constitut : And a whole Colledge of Apostles , had the ordinary Elders going along with them , in a Synodal Procedure , Act. 15. far less , could Timothy or Titus , assum this Episcopal Preheminence , who were inferior to Apostles . 2. After the Church of Ephesus was Exedified and Compleated , in its Organick Beeing , and after Timothy had gotten his Charge , as to Ordination and Jurisdiction in Ephesus , in the first Epistle directed to him ( wherein the Dr. and his Fellows , hold him to be instructed with Episcopal Authority ) Paul committed the whole Episcopal Power and Charge to the Elders , before Timothy's Face , in his last Farewel to that Church , calling these Elders , the Bishops , and enjoyning them the Exercise of their Authority , as appointed by the Holy Ghost , and this without the least Hint of any Inspection or Authority , that Timothy had over them hereanent , or of any relation they had to him in this Matter ; thus Act. 20. And the same Judgment by necessary consequence , we must make of Titus , since the Dr. and his Fellows draw their proofs equally as to both , from these Epistles . 3. In these Epistles themselves , their Power stands so described and circumstantiat as to Ordination and Jurisdiction , over these Churches , as it clearly excluds an Episcopal Preheminence and Authority : For , First , As Diocesan Bishops , they ought to have been designedly set and fixed as Officers in these Churches ; but the contrary appears in the Text [ I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus ] saith Paul to Timothy . And again to Titus , [ I left thee at Crete — and to set in order things that are wanting ] Which words point at an occasional , transient Imployment there , not a fixed Instalment . Secondly , In these Epistles , they are both called back , without the least intimation of their returning . Thirdly , If their Power was Episcopal and Ordinary , then in the Apostles Prescriptions and Rules , anent their Successors , the Power and Authority of these Successors , ought to have been described , and Rules given , touching the Gifts , Call , Ordination , &c. of the Diocesan Bishop , especially , since the Dr. holds , that the Description of , and Authorizing such a Bishop , is the great scope of both these Epistles , and he will not say , that this Office was to die with Timothy and Titus : But so it is , that the Apostle prescribs no Rules for any Church Officer , higher than a Pastor , and supposes still that he is the highest Ordinary Church Officer , in all his Rules and Prescriptions , in point of Church Government , delivered either in these Epistles , or any where else in Scripture . Fourthly , As Timothy is expresly called an Evangelist 2 Tim. 4.5 . and consequently Titus is supposed to hold the same Office ; so this Office in the Judgment of Protestant Divines , is acknowledged and held to be Extraordinary and Expired , as that of the Apostles : The Work and Exercise thereof , consisting in a planetary Motion , to Water , where the Apostles Planted , to bring Instructions from the Apostles to the Churches , touching the Duties of both Pastors and People , and Reports of the Churches State , to the Apostles . So their Office , supposing the Churches , in fieri , as to their Organick Beeing , in a great measure at least , and also the Existence and Exercise of the Apostolick Office , they must needs be , as the Apostles themselves , Extraordinary Officers . And in special , Timothy and Titus , accompanying Paul in his Travels , and continual planetary Motion , being so clearly held out in Scripture , concluds the Impossibility of their being fixed to any Station , and proves that Character given to them by Ambrose , as Evangelists , viz : That they did Evangelizare sine Cathedra . Their continual planetary Motion , is by some largly described from the Apostolick Epistles , and the Acts of the Apostles : Thus , first Timothy is found at Berea with Paul , Act. 17.14 . then at Athens v. 15. thence Paul sends him to Thessalonica 1 Thess. 3.1 , 2. Then having been at Macedonia with Paul , he came to him to Corinth Act. 18.5 . Then he is with him at Ephesus , and thence sent to Macedonia Act. 19.22 . whether Paul went after him , and was by him accompanied into Asia Act. 20. He is with him at Troas v. 5. and at Miletus v. 17. where Paul gave the Elders of Ephesus , their last Charge , as the Bishops of that Church : And after this , he is found either in Journeys , or absent from Ephesus ; For , after he is found a Prisoner with Paul at Rome , being mentioned as his Companion in these Epistles , written while Paul was there ; as the Epistle to the Philippians Philip. 1.1 . Philem. v. 1. Col. 1.1 . And he is never found again at Ephesus ; But towards the end of the Apostles Pilgrimage , is sent for to Rome . So , Titus is found at Ierusalem , before he came to Crete , Gal. 2.1 . thence is sent for to Nicopolis Tit. 3.12 . then to Corinth : Then he is expected at Troas , 2 Cor. 2.12 , 13. and meets with Paul at Macedonia , 2 Cor. 7.6 . whence he is again sent to Corinth , 2 Cor. 8.6 . And after this , near the time of Paul's Death , is found at Rome , from whence he went , not to Crete , but to Dalmatia , 2 Tim. 4. 10. And after this , is not heard of in Scripture . So that , whether we consider , 1. The various Journies . 2. The order of them . 3. The time spent in them . 4. The nature of their Imployment , which was , as the Apostles Co-adjutors , to negotiat the Affairs of the Churches , where they travelled , and especially the Scripture-silence of their being Bishops of any one Church ; their supposed Episcopal Authority in these Churches of Ephesus and Crete , doth palpably appear to be an Anti-scriptural groundless Fiction . This Conclusion upon the premised accurat Search and Scripture account of Timothy and Titus , is thus inferred by the reverend and learned Divines , in their Conference at the Isle of Wight ; The Authors of Ius divinum minist . Evangel . In whose Words , I have represented this Account , both because of the judicious Concisness thereof , and also because these Peices , are but in few Hands . These things thus premised , its easie to discover the Absurdity of the Drs reasoning from his Third Instance , to prove an Apostolical Authority Devolved upon Titus . His Proof is from Chap. 1.5 . For this Cause left I thee in Crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and Ordain Elders in every City , as I had appointed thee . ] From whence the Dr. First Argues ▪ That Paul gave him the Supream Judgment in things that were wanting , with an absolut Power to Reform and Correct them . It is Answered . 1 mo . Tho an Episcopal inspection over this Church were granted , the Dr. is infinitly behind in his Proof of Paul's devolving upon Titus , an Apostolical Authority , in the Scripture Sense and Extent , as we have often told him . 2 do . Upon supposition of that , which we have before made good , Viz : That both Paul as an Apostle , and Titus as an Evangelist , had extraordinary Offices , and suted to such a Case and exigence of the Christian Church , as is now gone off , this direction and Command , proper and peculiar to the one and the other , as Apostle and Evangelist , and supposing this Exigence of the Church , can lay no Foundation of the Duty of Ordinary Officers . 3 ti● . By what consequence can the Dr. infer an Episcopal Authority and Inspection , from these prescriptions to Titus , unless he can prove the absolut seclusion of Ministers from the Work here enjoyned , or any interest therein , in Churches Constitut ? For , as for what they did in the Constitution of Churches , in fieri , is not to the purpose ( I mean in respect of the Organick being ) especially , since we find that the laying on of Hands in Ordination , and the Authority thereof , is in Scripture held out , to be competent to a Presbytrie , which they exercised upon Timothy himself , one of our Drs supposed Apostles or Bishops , and that tho Paul was present 1 Tim : 4.14 . 2 Tim. 1.6 . So that it is evident , that neither Timothy nor Titus , were instructed with any singular Episcopal Authority in this Matter , among Churches Constitut in their Organick Beeing . In the 4 th place , the Drs absurd Assertion of a Supreme and Absolut Power , to Reform and Correct , drawn from this Passage , doth obviously appear to the meanest Reflection : For , 1. The Apostles themselves , arrogat no absolut or supreme Power ; Paul disowns a Dominion , and asserts a Ministerial Authority only competent unto him , 1 Cor. 4.1 . 2 Cor. 1.24 . I had alwise thought , that in the Judgment of all Protestants , yea of all Men of Sense , who ever read the Scriptures , there is none hath a supreme Iudgment , or absolut Power over the Church of God , but He who is the Churches Head and Husband , there being but one Lord , and all Ministers being Brethren , one Master of the House of God , who hath Dominion over the Ordinances , under whom , even Apostles , are but Stewards and Servants , which I suppose , none , if not this Dr. will deny . 2. It s strang , that in reading this Passage , the Drs. Eyes and Thoughts , could not fix upon and ponder the important last Clause of the Words , viz , [ As I had appointed thee ] which doth very clearly suppose and import , both the Apostles superior Authority to Titus , and his restricting him to his Rules , and authorizing Information in this Matter : And how these can consist with Titus's supreme Iudgment herein , and absolut Power , will sute the Drs. greatest Skill to prove and demonstrat . In a word , this odd Inference of such a supposed Power in Titus , is disowned by all sound Interpreters , as might be easily made appear : And in special , the Belgick Divines , tells us , upon this Passage , That Titus . was not to perform this by his own Authority , and good Pleasure only , ( as the Dr. holds , ) but according to the Order , which the Apostle prescribed , and did observe himself ; paralelling this with 1 Tim. 4.14 . where it appears , that the Elders concurred with Paul , in Timothy's Ordination : And this last Clause of the Verse , they render [ As I commanded thee ] The Drs. Second Proof of Titus's Apostolick Authority , is , ( P. 399 ) That he is authorized to ordain Elders in every City : And there being Presbyters and Elders in Crete , left by the Apostle , before Titus was left there , who yet had no power to Ordain , else Titus's power of Ordination had been in vain , and an invasion of their power as a Preshytry : Therefore , this power of Ordination , was competent to Titus only , not to Presbyters ; especially , since it is extended , not only to Ordination of Elders , but also to Rebuking with Authority , to the Correction of Offenders , with the Rod of Excommunication , chap. 2.15 . To Admonish Hereticks , and to Reject them from Communion of the Church , if obstinat , chap. 3.10 . From all which , the Dr. concluds his Apostolat in the Church of Crete , to be the same that the first Apostles themselves had , in the several Churches planted by them . I Answer , 1. The Dr. doth nothing but here again beg the Question , and argue ex ignoratione elenchi , and this one point being but supposed , That the Office of Apostles and Evangelists was Extraordinary , ( and we may justly suppose it , having above made it good ) this Arguing appears mere puerile Sophistry . But 2. To come more closly to the Drs. Arguing : As for the laying on of Hands in Ordination , we have told him , That it is a Presbyterian Act , competent to mere Presbyters : And therefore , neither Timothy nor Titus , could have a Sole or Episcopal Authority therein , unless the Dr. will make the Scripture inconsistent with it self . Next as for his Authority in his Rebuking and Censures , supposed in these Directions . I answer , That neither can this be Titus's sole Prerogative : For , either it is meant of a private Rebuke , and this every Christian hath Authority in , [ — thou shalt in any wise , Rebuke thy Neighbour , and not suffer Sin upon him . Levit. 19.17 . ] or of a Ministerial Rebuke , and this is competent to every Minister of the Word , Isa. 58.1 . 2 Tim. 4.1 , 2. Tit. 1.13 . 2 Sam. 12.7 . And besides , Institutions and Reproofs of Church Officers , will not prove a fixed Episcopal Power . Prophets Rebuked , but had no Jurisdiction over Priests ; nor Paul over Peter , tho he reproved him . Moreover , we find the Authority , to receive Accusations , and to Correct Delinquents by Reproofs and Censures , competent to the Juridical Courts and Church , Mat. 18.16 , 17. 1 Cor. 5.4 , 5. Gal. 6.1 , 2. 1 Thess. 5.12 . In which places , a judicial Rebuke and Admonition , is attributed to the Juridical Court of Pastors , not to one Prelat , not , uni , but unitati . 3. As for the Drs. Notion , of a supposed existence of Elders in that Church , who had no power of Ordination , else this Prescription , which the Apostle gives Titus to Ordain , had been fruitless , and an Invasion of their Power , in the Drs. Judgment . I deny his Consequence as having no twist of a Connection : For ( 1. ) Upon supposition of Apostles or Evangelists extraordinary Offices , Pauls instructing Titus , and his Authority in Ordination thereupon , was a power and Authority , Cumulative unto , but not Privative of the Ordinary Officers and Elders their standing , and ordinary Authority herein : It being certain , that this Authority of Apostles and Evangelists , as is above described , could not bevoided , whatever advance of Gospel Ordinances there was in Churches , these extraordinary Officers , had still their Authority and Inspection vigent . I suppose the Apostle Paul had in the presence of Titus ( the Bishop of Crete in the Drs. sense ) ordained Ministers or Elders in this Church , will he own the consequence , that this did nullify Titus's Authority herein , as Bishop ? Surely not : And thus he must acknowledg our Plea to be clear , as to the reserved Authority of Pastors or Elderships , notwithstanding of the Apostolical Prescriptions instanced . ( 2. ) Elders once ordained , its true , have power to ordain Elders ; yet the bene esse , did call for the Inspection and Direction of such highly gifted and extraordinary Officers as Evangelists , and their interposed Authority in that infant-state of the Church , wherein Apostolick Precepts and Rules , in reference to Government , were to be delivered to the Churches , and practised accordingly . And in a word , the Dr. neither hath , nor can prove , that Titus did ordain here alone , or solely perform any other authoritative Act , where Elders were present , and the Churches reduced to an Organick Mould and Form ; which is the consentient Judgment of sound Protestant Divines . Judicious Calvin upon the place , will tell him , That Titus here acted only as a President or Moderator , which is clearly evinced from the Authority and Power of Elderships asserted in Scripture . And we may retort upon the Dr. thus ; If neither Apostles nor Evangelists ( extraordinary and highly gifted Officers ) did exercise their Power to the prejudice of standing Elderships , or juridical Courts of Pastors , much less ought any ordinary Church Officer , arrogat such a Dominion and Authority over the Courts of Christ , and Judicatories of His Church , when the Office of Apostles and Evangelists is ceased . I need not here stand further to tell the Dr. That the power of Excommunication , is by the Apostle Paul 1 Cor. 5. supposed to be competent to a Presbytry . And therefore , Titus could have no Sole and Ordinary Authority herein . For what the Dr. adds of the Testimonies of the Ancients , touching Titus's Episcopacy at Crete , such as Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 4. &c. it is sufficiently Answered already , and we need not repeat . The Drs. Fourth and last instance , to prove the Divine Right of Episcpacy , from the Apostles practice is of the supposed Episcopal Authority of Timothy over Ephesus , and that not only over the Laity to Command and Teach . 1 Tim. 4.11 . to receive or reject Widdows . 1 Tim. 5.9 . &c. But also over the Clergy , to take care for their Provision 1 Tim. 5.17 . Not to admit Deacons , but upon tryal , nor Ordain the Elder , till a good acquittance in the Deaconship . 1 Tim. 3.10.13 . to receive accusations , put the Guilty to shame , 1 Tim. 5.19.20 . And to exercise this Jurisdiction , without Preferring one before another , v. 21. which could not be without a Jurisdiction over them . He has also ascribed unto him , an Ordaining Power , as to the laying on of Hands . 1 Tim. 5.22 . All which Authority , that it was given him by Paul , for a standing Form of Government , the Dr. proves from this Ground , because it was after the Presbytrie was formed and settled there , and after Paul's great Labours in that large Church for Three Years ; And therefore , he may be supposed , not only to have Planted a Presbytrie there , as in other Churches . Acts 14.23 . but also to have reduced it to much g●eater perfection , than any other ; And by consequence Establishing this Authority in a single Person , is such a Form of Government , as the Apostle must needs have understood and intended to be of of that Nature , as was to continue as a Pattern to other Churches . It is Answered . 1. There is nothing here of a New Argument , but a Repitition of the former , and a New Begging of the Question , Viz. The ●tanding ordinary Office of Apostles and Evangelists ; which we have above convict of Falsehood . But 2. ( To come a little closer to the Drs. New Instance ) since he presents here some Actings of the Power of Order , which he acknowledges , tho performed by Timothy , and enjoyned to him by Paul in that Church , yet are likewise Competent to Presbyters or Pastors , Viz : Teaching , &c. which together with other Actings of the Power of Order , he makes common to Pastors , and at large discourses this . P. 427 428.429 . &c. I would fain know how the Dr. will diversifie these in this Instance , and shew , that the enjoyning to Timothy in this place , such an exercise of the Power of Order , as is above exprest , will give him no peculiar Interest therein , but joyntly with the Presbyters ; and yet that the Commands in point of Jurisdiction , are delivered to him peculiarly , and not to them . Where will the Dr. shew this distinction and difference in the Apostolick Precepts to Timothy ? It should seem the ordinary Rule will take place here , non est distinguendum , ubi Lex non distinguit ; since the Precepts are equally delivered , and without the least Intimation of such a difference or distinction : The person who makes the distinction , seems Chargable with arrogant Anti-scriptural Boldness . The Dr. pleads , that the Apostolick Precept . 1 Tim. 5.22 . [ Lay Hands suddenly on no man ] prescribes a standing Rule in Point of Jurisdiction . Viz : that the Prelat has a sole interest therein , secluding Presbyters wholly from any Authority in this Matter : For this he makes the Bishops peculiar prerogatiue . P. 436.437 . &c. And he draws his great Proof in this place , from the Apostles addressing this Precept to Timothy , not to Pastors or Presbyters . Now , what if any shall lash the Dr. with his own Argument , and Plead from the Apostles Solemn Charge to Timothy , 2 Tim. 4.1.2 . [ Preach the Word , be instant in Season , cut of Season ] and several such Precepts , relative to General Ministerial Duties , or Actings of the Power of Order , such as a Right behaving in the House of GOD , 1 Tim. 3.15 . To be a growing Minister in the Words of Faith 1 Tim. 4.6 . To exercise himself to Godliness . v. 7. To be examplary to Believers in word and Conversation , &c. V. 12. To give attendance to Reading , Exhortation and Doctrin ; not to neglect , but to stir up his Gift ; to Meditat upon the things of God , and give himself wholly thereunto ; to take heed unto himself , and to the Doctrin , and continue in them , v. 13.14.15.16 . with 2 Tim. 1.6 . That such Actings of the Power of Order , are proper only to the Bishop , and such Ministerial Duties peculiar to him ; So that Presbyters or Pastors have no Interest or concern therein , because these Precepts are pecu●iarly addressed to Timothy , not to them : What Answer and evasion can he have to save him , from a Contradiction and inconsistency with himself ? If his own Argument be good against us , upon the forementioned Ground , why not the very same Argument in this Case against himself ? The Drs. only Answer and evasion , which he can have , is , That these Commands , as to the Exercise of the Power of Order , or respecting Pastoral Duties in general , tho peculiarly addressed to Timothy , yet could give him no peculiar or sole Interest therein , because Presbyters are elsewhere in Scripture Instructed with the same Power . But 1. In this Answer , he breaks his Argument all in pieces , the Strength whereof is drawn from the peculiar addressing these Precepts to Timothy ; But here he acknowledges that the peculiar Address will bear no such conclusion of Timothy's sole Interest in the Duty enjoyned . And 2. If he say , that the Bishops peculiar Interest and Jurisdiction , is elsewhere evident in Scripture , who sees not , that he but pityfully beggs the Question , and baffls his own General Argument : And further he should know , that the Presbyterians stand upon an advantagious Ground with him in this Point ; For we hold , and can prove that the Power of Jurisdiction is prescribed and competent to Presbyters , since the Scripture shews the Power of Ordination , to be seated in a Presbytrie , 1 Tim. 4.14 . with Act ▪ 22.5 . Luk. 22.66 . Matth. 18.17 . Consequently , correspondent Actings of a Jurisdictional Power . All that watch for the Peoples Souls , are in Scripture , held out to have a joint Rule over them , Heb. 13.17 . In the Church of Thessalonica , the Labourers in the Word and Doctrin , jointly fed and laboured , jointly censured , and as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rulers , were to be submittted to and obeyed . 1 Thess. 5.12 . So it was in the same Church of Ephesus , Act. 20. So with these Elders or Bishops . 1 Pet ▪ 5. And I would fain know , why the Drs. Notion and Argument , from the peculiar addressing of Precepts , will not hold good in our Case against him , upon the ground of these and such like Scriptures , where the Power of Order and Jurisdiction , is jointly ascribed to Presbyters , without the least hint of a Superior Authority herein , or their Precarious dependence upon any Officer , of an higher order ? Moreover , will the Dr. be bold to affirm● that what was prescribed to Timothy , in Point of Order and Jurisdiction , was confined within the Church of Ephesus , and not rather to be exercised through all other Churches , as the Apostle enjoined him ? And if this last must needs be asserted , upon the Ground of his Evangelistick transient imployment through the Churches , as is above , from Scrpture evinced and delineat , it follows by inevitable consequence , that the Addressing of these Prescriptions to him , while at Ephesus , can infer no peculiar Relation he had to that Church , but respected the Exercise of his Evangelistick Office in other Churches , as well as there ; especially since the Apostle here enjoins him , to do the Work of an Evangelist . i. e. of such an unfixed transient Minister , as is above described , not the work of a Prelat , over this Church ; If the Dr. deny this , he will advance him to a Metrapolitan over several other Churches ; or else must quite his plea. But finally , to Raze the Foundation of the Drs. Notion and Argument , which he draws from Paul's Constituting a Presbytrie at Ephesus , and reducing it to a greater perfection than in other Churches , before Timothy had these Prescriptions , in point of Government , Adddressed unto him therein ; From whence the Dr. concludes , that the Apostle established the Government to continue by a single person , presiding over Clergy and Laity . Besides the exceptions above touched , to which this is lvable , I would , First know of him , whether this P●esbytrie or Presbytries , so perfectly Constitut in his Judgment , had not an essential and inherent interest and Authority in such Actings of the Power of Order , as himself acknowledges competent to them , such as Teaching and the like ? And if so , as himself doth hold and suppose , notwithstanding of the Addressing of Precepts to Timothy hereanent , why were such Precepts addressed to Timothy ? Why was not this left to the perfectly Constitut Presbytrie , and Precepts only in Point of Government addressed to him ? ( Especially since it s known , the Bishops do not much concern themselves in Teaching and these other Ministerial Duties , exprest in the Precepts abovementioned ) And if the Prior Authority of a Constitut Presbytrie hereanent , was no Just Ground to stop the Apostles Precepts to Timothy , in the Power of Order , and such Ministerial Duties , as are contained in the forementioned Precepts , nor can infer Timothy's sole Interest therein , why I pray , shall this Reason be valid in point of Jurisdiction ? What will the Dr. Answer , if one should improve his own Argument thus ? Notwithstanding of Pauls great pains in Preaching and Constituting a perfect Presbytrie ( to use his own term ) and that there were many Pastors , gifted to Preach and admonish , yet the Apostle afterward in his Epistle to Timothy , gave this Commandment to him , not to them : Therefore this is proper and peculiar to the Bishop only . And sure I am , whatever Answer he can give to this , which has any Sense or Consonancy to Scripture , will loose and Answer his own Argument against us . In a word , its easie to retort this Argument from a Priority of time , and shew that when pertinently improven , it stands upon our side against the Dr. and his Fellows . Which retortion , I thus offer ; After Timothy had received these Instructions in the Church of Ephesus , with reference to the Clergy and Laity , ( as he speaks ) the Apostle Committed the whole Episcopal Charge to the Elders or Ministers of Ephesus , as to both Order and Jurisdiction , without the least hint of any Interest , that Timothy had in or over them herein , or of any precarious dependence of these Elders and Ministers , upon him , in the exercise of this their Power , notwithstanding that Timothy was present with them , when the Apostle gave this Charge , and that it was his last farewell-Charge , when never to see their Faces more . Now , if the Apostle had given Timothy a standing Episcopal Authority before , and Constitut him their Bishop , what a pityful inconsistency , retraction and contradiction was it to his former Doctrin and practice , in the Instalment of Timothy , to devolve his whole Authority upon these Elders , Commanding them as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Feed and Rule ? Surely if the Argument from Priority of time , be valid , it must be signally so in this Case , wherein it is strengthened by so many Corroborating Circumstances of the Sacred Text , and ( to use the Drs. expression , and Address him in his own words ) ibid. [ this Constitution was to be a Pattern to all Churches , and to be sure , the Government , now at last Established , at Ephesus was such as the Apostle intended should continue . ] The Dr. will needs have this Practice of the Apostle Paul to proceed upon the express Institution of our Saviour , consequently to found a Divine Right of a Subordination of Ecclesiastick Officers , since the Apostles ordained other Apostles , and Bishops to presid over the Churches . But sure , looking to his Scope and Pleading , nothing could be said in a more inconsistent Mould : For , he cannot but acknowledg , That the Institution of our Saviour did relate to the Apostolick Office , in its whole Nature and Extent , as above delineat , viz. To found and plant Churches through the World , to establish the Gospel Government and Ordinances in them , and this with extraordinary Gifts , and infallible directive Authority , as Christs , immediatly sent and first Ambassadors : Yet the Apostles supposed prosecution of this Institution , he maks to consist only in setting some certain Bishops over particular Churches , with an ordinary and limited Power ( for I hope , he will not make them all universal Patriarchs ) Now , how exactly these Bishops are shapen to the Pattern of Christs institut Apostles , any may judg ; yet he will have them , not only Bishops , but Apostles , properly so called , such as were the first Apostles , and as succeeding them , in their formal Office : Besides , in speaking of this Divine Right , he tells us , His Arguments pleads for a Superiority and Subordination of Ecclesiastick Officers : Which is a General , easily accorded by us , as is said , and no way will come home , to prove his supposed distinct Offices in the Pastoral Charge . The Dr. tells us , ( ibid ) That if the ordaining of Presbyters , be an Argument of the perpetuity of the Office , as we hold , why not the Apostles ordaining Bishops , as good an Argument , for the perpetuity of that Office ? I answer , when the Dr. shall make it good , that the Apostles ordained Bishops of his Mould 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church by Church , as we can prove , and it is evident they did ordain Ministers or Elders ; or make it appear , that the Apostle gave to Timothy or Titus , any Rules , for the Ordination of his supposed Bishop , or for his Qualifications , as in that Capacity , as it is evident he prescribs Rules anent the Ordination and Qualification of the Pastor , in both these Epistles ; then , and not till then , the Drs. paralel Argument shall be admitted : But till then , we must send it back to the Dr. with a Censure of Impertinency , till it be returned with a Testimonial of a better proof , than of his bare Assertion , and ipse dixit . The Dr. enquires , how we can argue a perpetual power of Ordination in the Church , from the Ordination of Timothy and Titus , ( citing Ius divinum Minist . Evang. p. 159.167 . ) if the Office they were ordained to , were not perpetual ? And if perpetual , then so is Episcopacy nothing different therefrom . Answ. We hold the Ordination instanced , to examplifie a Presbyterian Ordination , as well as in General a Power of Ordination in the Church : Timothy's Ordination , having this Scripture account , that it was by Laying on of the Hands of the Presbytrie ; which Power and Authority of a Presbytrie , the Apostle Paul's presence , and his Imposition of Hands , tho supposed , doth rather Strengthen than invalidat , since neither the Eminent Gifts of Timothy , nor his designment for such an Eminent Office , nor Paul's Imposition of Hands , the Great Apostle of the Gentiles , did Swallow up , or exclud the Presbytries Ordinary Power and Authority , but Timothy must pass through this Door of a Presbytries Authoritative Ordination and Imposition of Hands , in order to the Exercise of his Office ; therefore , much more doth this Authority belong to the Presbytrie now , when the Office of Apostles and Evangelists is ceased . And for Titus's Ordination in an active Sense , or his Ordination of Elders , the Apostle tells him expresly , Chap. 1.5 . ( the Passage wherein the Dr. places his Chief Strength ) that it was to be performed [ according to the Apostles appointment ] which appointment in the Sense of our Divines , is none other else , than that which himself examplified , and is Intimat . 1 Tim. 4.14 . 2 Tim. 1.6 . i. e. with Authoritative concurrence of the Presbytrie or Eldership ; So that Titus had no Episcopal Authority therein , notwithstanding of his Evangelistick extraordinary Office ; And this is invincibly made good in opposition to the Drs Design , and pleading , in that the Apostle , in the same very Text , wherein he enjoins Titus to ordain Elders , doth identify and make one and the same , the Office of the Bishop and Elder , which were a mere implicantia in terminis , if the Apostle in this Precept did Authorize or enjoyn the Drs. supposed Prelatical Power in Ordination , as Competent to an higher Order of Bishops , Superior to Prerbyters . For the Drs. asserting the Office of Episcopacy , and that of Timothy , to be one and the same ; he therein beggs th● Question , and supposes what he has to prove : The Office of the Prelat and Evangelist , being so vastly different , as we have already made appear ; And therefore , his Reason and Argument is pitifully absurd from our assertting the Power of Ordination , as inherent to the Church , upon the Ground of the Apostles Ordaining Presbyters and Evangelists , to conclud the standing Office of Prelatical inspection or Ordination . The Dr. should also know , that the asserting that a Church Officer , such as an Apostle , hath an extraordinary Authority conversant about Ordination , can neither infer , that the Power of Ordination , it self , is extraordinary and expired , nor that every Person Ordained , hath an ordinary standing Function ; Which , the ●postles extraordinary Authority in the first Planting of Presbyters , while the Churches were in fieri , as to their Organick Being , their Ordaining Evangelists extraordinary Officers , together with their exercing extraordinary Gifts and Authority , as well in their Actings of the Power of Order , and Preaching with Miraculous Gifts of Tongues , and Confirming their Doctrins with Miracles , as in Point of Jurisdiction , their Extraordinary Censures above exprest , doth evince and make evident . The extraordinary Mission of the Twelve Apostles , hath derived from it a Ministry and Ecclesiastick Authority diffused and spread among all the ' Church Officers in the World , none of which doth Succeed them , into the same formal Office ; So Timothy's Evangelistick , extraordinary Authority , is derived , handed down into , and seated in a Presbytrie , tho the Evangelistick Office is extraordinary , and as such , not Succeeded unto . The Service and Work of Teaching and Governing , to continue in all Ages , and in all times , doth not render the Apostolick Mission or Commission ordinary , nor infer their being Succeeded in idem Officium & eundem Ministerii gradum , the ordinary Power being Institut and settled in the Hands of ordinary Officers , by a New warrand and Commission , according to the Scripture Rules of Ordination . The Office of Moses , was not rendered ordinary , because many Works of Government exercised by him , were recommitted to the Elders of Israel ; and so the Case is here . The Evangelists extraordinary Office and Commission ( necessary , as that of the Apostles , for the First founding of the Churches , for Watering the Apostles Plantation , Building up the Churches , in their Organick being , and settling all the ordinary Officers thereof ) is changed into the Presbytries ordinary Collegiat Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , which we find was in the Apostolick Church exercised , and even in this of Ephesus . For the Drs Proofs from Antiquity , upon this head , and touching Timothies Episcopacy over Ephesus , they are sufficiently obviat by what is said above , and in special , by what we have offered and evinced anent the Fathers various acceptation of the Names of Bishop and Apostle . The Dr. brings an Anonymous Author , to prove that Timothy was Enthroned ( forsooth ) Bishop of the Metropolis of Ephesus by Paul : A pityful Proof indeed , and fit only for a nameless Author ! It being evident by the best searchers of Antiquity , that the Office of Metropolitans , had not a Being till several Ages after Timothy . For Chrysostom his asserting that Timothy was intrusted with a Church or whole Nation : If we shall assert that this is applicable to his transient or temporary Evangelistick Trust , in correspondence to the extensive Office of Apostleship , it says nothing to our purpose . And the Dr. should know that Chrysostom upon Tit. 1.5 . makes the Office of Bishop and Presbyter one and the same , and therein cuts the Sinews of the Drs. design and arguing . For other Authors , who do call Timothy , together with other Bishops , then in being , Apostles , which the Dr. further Pleads , it doth sufficiently evince , what is said above , of their improper , equivocal acceptation of the Term , since no person of Sense , who ever Read the New Testament , can take the Office of Apostle , as delineat in Scripture , to be applicable to Timothy , far less to ordinary Bishops , fixed in certain Posts . Nay , the Dr. himself , and in contradiction to himself , doth unawares bewray this , in his Greek Citation of Theodoret , who asserts that the Twelve Apostles , were more strictly called so , or rather , according to the Truth of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apostles according to Truth , or in very deed ; Clearly importing , that the Name appropriat to other Officers , was but used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or improperly , as any Minister or Messenger of Christ may be thus called ; And if this be Theodorets general Rule , as the Dr calls it , that the Twelve Apostles were only such , according to Truth , he doth consequently assert the Drs pleading for the Bishops , as succeedanous Apostles , and as holding and having derived unto them their entire Office , to be not according to Truth ; So that he did not well to raise this Ghost . As for the Storie or Fable of the Prince of Edessa , which the Dr. next presents out of Eusebius , to whom ( he tells us , that ) Thaddeus was sent by St. Thomas , and called an Apostle by Eusebius : His Denomination , as it is of it self , of no weight , to prove the Drs assertion , ( as is clear , in the like instances ) So , this is so generally acknowledged to be a Fable , and Eusebius thereupon so Censured by Judicious Divines , that the Doctor hath been far to seek for his proofs , when catching up so pityful stuff as this . And thus we proceed to the Drs next Proofs . CHAP. III. The Dr's Third Argument considered , taken from an alledged punctual conformity of the Primitive Church , to Christs Institution , and the Apostolick Practice , in Point of Episcopacy . THE Dr's . Third great Proof , for the Divine Right of Episcopacy , is●drawn from the punctual and universal Conformity ( as he calls it ) of the Primitive Church , to this supposed Institution of our Saviour , and the Practice of the Holy Apostles , in this Matter But , if the Dr's Proof of a Conformity , be no better , than his Proof , of this supposed Institution , and Practice of our Saviour , and his Apostles , and amount to no more , than what he has made appear upon these Points , we need not fear his Proof : However , before I engage the Dr. upon this head , and examin his Proofs , there are two things , I would premise , as that which the Dr. is obliged to prove . ( 1. ) That the Office of Apostolat , in its entire Nature , as Institut by our Saviour , and for its proper ends exprest in Scripture , was transmitted , by the Apostles unto the Church , as a standing Office to continue , till the end of Time , And ( 2 ) That the Primitive Church , and in an Universal consent and Practice , did homologat this Institution , and Embrace the same . And when the Dr. hath proved both these , erit mihi magnus Apollo ; and will far outstrip his Fellows , whoever have pleaded in this Cause . And if he fall short of his proof , of either , or both , he losses his labour . Before the Dr. come directly to his Proof , he moves an Objection , That our Saviour did Institut the Superior Order of Twelve Apostles , to preside over the rest of the Church Officers , yet with an extraordinary Commission , which he did not intend they should derive down to the Church , as a Perpetual Model of Government , but was limited to the persons of the Apostles , and to expire with them . That the formal Office of Apostolat , in its Nature and ends , as delineat in Scripture , did expire with the Apostles themselves , is the consentient judgment of Protestant Divines . The Dr. says , this is an Objection of Adversaries , and indeed , if he account such his Adversaries , as assert this , he has entered the Lists , with a strong party , who probably will prove too hard for him . Well ; What is his Answer to this Objection ? He Tells us ; That this Office was not Limited to the Persons of Apostles , since he has proved , that they derived , it to others , which had it been appropriat to their Persons , they could not have done , without violating their Trust , and exceeding the bounds of their Commission . How the Dr. hath proved the derivation of the Apostolat , by the Persons of the Apostles to other Succeeding Apostles , we have seen above , and do refer the Reader to the premised discoveries of the utter insufficiency of his Proof , this way : And indeed , the derivation of the Apostolat to Successors , could not have been done without violating their Trust , and exceeding the limits of their Commission ; Their Commission being to Disciple and Teach all Nations , to found the Gospel Church , and Plant the Gospel Ordinances therein , and that with an infallible directive Power , as living Oracles , and immediat Ambassadors of the King of Saints ; So , that the attempting to Substitut Successors , in this work and Office , had been both an unfaithful over-stretch of their Commission , as contrar to its Nature and end , and an endeavouring of that which was impossible , unless he will say , that the Work of laying the Churches Foundation , and delivering our Lords mind , as to the Doctrin , Worship , Disciplin and Government thereof , is a work , that could be twice done ; Which , as it repugns to the common sense of all men , so to the many Precepts delivered to the Churches , anent holding fast the received Ordinances , and contending for the Faith once delivered to the Saints , and building upon that Holy Faith and Foundation laid by the Apostles . Nay further , it doth evidently appear , that the Apostles exercising themselves , and deriving to others such an Episcopal Primacy , as the Dr pleads for , had been a gross impeachment of their Faithfulness , in the Execution of their Trust. ( 1. ) In their exercising and transmitting a Power , in its very Nature , distinct , from what our Lord allowed and enjoyned them , Viz. A Lordly Dominion , not a Ministerial Service and Stewardship only , which , as we have heard , the Apostle Paul disown the one , and assert the other ; so we find the express and personal Prescription of our Blessed Lord , in point of this Nature of their Power . The Dr. will not disown that the Prelats he pleads for , and , as he pretends , exemplified in the Apostolick Office , have both the Name and thing of a Lordly Dominion , yea , and that not in Spirituals only , in which respect , they own the Designation and Character of Spiritual Lords , but likewise , a Lordship and Peerage in Civil Government , and such a Dominion , as Princes of the Gentiles exercise ; And that our Blessed Lord did expresly Discharg this to his Apostles ; As also , that the Apostle Peter in his Masters Name , discharges a Lording over Gods Heritage , or Church , or the Cl●rgey , as the Greek word , with some will sound , I suppose the Dr. will not deny , or if he do , the Proof is very easie and evident . ( 2. ) Had the Apostles exercised , or derived to Successors , such an Episcopacy , as the Dr. pleads for , they should have unfaithfully in their own persons , straitned the Apostolick inspection , and carryed an Office incompatible with it ; unless the Dr. will undertake to reconcile contradictions , he cannot deny this : For , as Apostles , their Ministry was of an unfixed , indefinit , Universal Nature ; As Prelats they behoved to be fixed to such and such Posts , so that thus they should have unfaithfully torn out a part of their Commission , in exercising an ordinary Ministry , in particular Diocesses , whereas , their Commission was to exercise an extraordinary unfixed Ministry towards all the Churches , planted and to be planted . Again , in transmitting such a Prelacy to others , their practice should have contradicted their Prescriptions , in Point of Church Government , and the Offices and Officers thereof , wherein there is not the least Intimation of such an Officer , nor any Rules given , for either the Qualifications or Ordination , of any higher Officer , than a mere Pastor or Prerbyter . I shall only add , ( 3 ly , ) That it is evident in the Apostles Doctrin and Practice , that they own the Ministers of the Word , as to the perpetual Pastoral Charge , and in the ordinary Power of Government , their equals , as their practice in Ordination and Jurisdiction among Churches Constitut , which is above discribed , doth make evident . And it were strange , that Evangelists should be●instructed with Episcopal Preheminence in such Churches , who were inferior to Apostles ; That Timothy who was ordained by a Presbytrie , concurring Authoritatively , tho Paul was present , should usurp Preheminence over a Presbytrie , tho inferior to an Apostle , and that whereas Presbyters did concurr , pari passu , with a whole Presbytrie of Apostles , in every piece of a Judicial Act and Decree , wherein was put forth , both the Diatactick , Critick , and Dogmatick Power , and Authority in Church Government , yet an Evangelist inferior to any of the Apostles , should take Episcopal Preheminence over a Presbytrie in this Matter . For the Drs. proofs from Antiquity upon this Head , that we may understand , how well he has laid his Measures , for reaching his Scope and End , let it be remembered what it is , he undertaks to prove , viz. The Churches universal Reception of the Office of Apostolat in its entire Nature , as a standing necessary Function in the Church , to be transmitted to after Ages , with the same Authority and Commission , as delivered at first to the Twelve : For , this is that which the Dr. directly and designedly pleads for , from that passage of Scripture , where Our Lord said to his Apostles , As my Father hath sent Me , so send I you . And according to this Rule , let us examin his Instances . His first proof ( P. 406 ) is from St. Clement who mentions , in his Epistle to the Corinthians , three Orders of Ecclesiastical Officers , whom he calls the High Priest , the Priests , and the Levits ; which Words saith the Dr. can be no otherwise understood , than of the Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacons . A strange proof , and an odd Explication indeed ! How doth the Doctor prove , that Clement , did any otherewise express himself , than with this Allusion to the Old Testament Church Officers , signifying that there are diverse Officers , in the New Testament Ministry , as in the Old ? Again , How comes the Dr. to explain him , of Bishop & Presbyter , in the Singular , and Deacons in the Plural ? And how does this correspond to Clements expresion of High Priest , in the singular , and Priests in the plural ? Will the Dr. owne the Primacy of an High Priest , over the Christian Catholick Church , as of the Church of the Iewes ? Or be bold to Averr that Clement Asserted this ? Moreover , the Drs. Explication of Clement , viz. That he means by the High Priest , the Bishop , by the Priests , the Presbyter , &c. Baffles his Design , and cuts the Throat of his Cause and pleading : For if Clement lookt upon the Presbyters or Pastors , as holding an Office and Authority , corresponding to that of the Priests , under the Old Testament , then certainly , he did hold them to have a necessary Essential Interest in Government , such as the Priests had : For the Dr. will not be bold to say , that the Sanehedrin , made up of Priests , had not a governing Power , or that it was Monopolized in the person of the High Priest , as he affirms , it is in the person of the Bishop , secluding the Presbyters . And further , to discover , how the Dr. has abused his Reader , and forefeited his Credit in this Citation , let us take Notice , that Clement , to remove the Sedition , raised by the Corinthians against their Presbyters p. 57.58 . tells them , how God hath alwise appointed several Orders in his Church , which must not be confounded . In the Iewish Church , he appointed an High Priest , Priests and Levits ; and then tells them , that for the times of the Gospel , Jesus Christ , sent his Apostles through Countreys and Cities ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in which he Preacht and constitut the first Fruits ( approving them by the Spirit ) for Bishops and Deacons , to those who should afterward believe . From which Words , the learned Authors of the Append. Minist . Evang. Have long since concluded , against the Dr. and his Fellows . 1. That in the first and purest times , the custom was to chuse Bishops in Villages 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And how small little Apostles these were , I need not tell the Dr. and such for Authority and extent of Power , as are many Pastors now in Scotland . 2. That Bishops and Deacons , are the only Orders of Ministry , owned by Clement , as planted by the Apostles , the first Primitive Church ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Which shews the Drs. palpable Forgery , in making Clement to assert three Orders , of Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons . Clement adds p. 57. That the Apostles , by Jesus Christ , knowing that contentions would arise about the Name of Bishop , and being endu'd with perfect knowledg , they appointed the foresaid Orders , Viz : Bishops and Deaeons . Upon which , the Learned Authors of the Apendix , do further note . ( 1. ) That by Name , we are not to understand the bare Name , but the Honour and Dignity , as the word is taken , Philip. 2.9 . Eph. 1.21 . The Controversie among the Corinthians being about the Dignity of Episcopacy , and the Deposition of their Godly Presbyters , p. 57.58 . ( 2. ) That the only remedy appinted by the Apostles , for the Cure of all Contentions arising about Episcopacy , is , by Committing the Care of the Church to Bishops and Deacons , in Clements Judgement : What ever Remedy of Schism , the Church afterward applyed , in setting up one Bishop over another , Clement tells us , that the Apostles , endued with perfect knowledg of things , Ordained only Bishops and Deacons . Whosoever shall Peruse him p. 57.62.69.72 . will find , he clearly asserts the first and purest Primitive Church , to be Governed by Presbyters , without Bishops . Besides , that he uses the Names of Bishop and Presbyter promiscuously , and supposes them to be one and the same , throughout the whole Epistle . The Dr. brings next Ignatius upon the Field , Whose Six Epistles , written on the way to his Martyrdom , he tells us , are express for the derivation of this Superior Order from the Apostles ; So that we have no other evasion , but to alledg , they are Counterfeit , from which imputation , they have been Triumphantly vindicat ( so he expresses it ) by a Learned Pen ; And that therefore , no Man of Learning , without exposing his Reputation , can call them in Question . Who this learned Pen is , who thus vindicats them , the Dr. hath not thought fit to let us know , and if he mean Dr. Pearson , as probably he doth , he should know that his pretended Vindication , was confuted by a learned French Divine , Dally , and his Proofs convicted of Forgery ; So that the Dr. exposes his Understanding and Modesty in this Assertion , That the Vindication is Triumphant : And as for the Drs. Re-vindication , this Author should know the learned L'Rooque , a Famous Pastor of the French Church , replyed to Dr. Pearson and Dr. Beveredge , in defence of Dally , upon the Point of Ignatius's Epistles , and being again opposed by Dr. Pearson and Dr. Beveridge , prepared and had almost finished his Second Defence ; which , by the importunity of the Favourers of Prelacy , was concealed . Of which , see the Learned Mr. Iamison , in his Piece , called Nazianzeni quaerela , &c. Part 2 d. Pag. 112 : So , that the Dr. hath no reason to speak so bigg , and call this vindication Triumphant . None can deny , several , of these Epistles fathered upon him , to be Spurious , as his Epistle to the Blessed Virgin , and his two , to the Apostle Iohn ( not to mention that of the Virgin Mary to him ) and for the Six mentioned by the Dr. he should know , that as Learned Pens as he can mention , have made appear , that they are depraved and Corrupted , if the Dr. will allow Usher , Arch Bishop of Armagh , and the Learned Rivet , Videlius and Cook , in his Censura patrum , to be reckoned among that Number . Yea , Baronius himself , the great Popish Historian , who ( as Causabon holds ) presents from these Epistles , the Papists refuges , for several of their Errours yet acknowledges that somethings therein are defective , in curia librariorum : The Man was not so happy , as to light upon the more polit Coppies , found out by our Dr. and his Fellows . In the forementioned Appendix , the Dr. might have seen several Reasons , adduced , to prove these Epistles not to be genuine : Such as ( 1. ) That diverse things quoted out of these Epistles by Athanasius , Gelasius and Theodoret , are either not found in them at all , or found altered and Changed . ( 2 ly . ) That they Charge the Holy Martyr , with supercilious Pride , in extolling his own knowledg ( Epistle to the Trallians ) as reaching the Orders of Angels , Arch-Angels , differences of Powers and Dominations , Thrones and Powers , Cherubims and Seraphims , &c. Which none will believe , to have fallen from the Pen of so Humble a Martyr ; nor can any but acknowledg , that it is as far from the Simplicity of his times , in an arrogant self-boasting , as East from West . And ( 3 ly , ) His strange and anxious defence of the Episcopal Hierarchy , wherein he ( these forged Epistles rather ) goes beyond all bounds of Truth and Modesty . The Learned Authors of the foresaid Appendix , have given several instances hereof , which do palpably evidence , such ●n Anti-scriptural Popish Strain , as no Man of Sense , can impute to this holy and early Martyr : Nay , none , who owns the Scriptures of Truth , but must needs accuse of Error . For instance ( among many others ) in the Epistle to the Trallians , he affirms , The Bishop to be possest of all Principality and Authority , beyond all , &c. And how will the Dt. make this accord with that of the Apostle ? 1 Cor. 3.5 . Who then is Paul ? and who is Apollo ? but Ministers , by whom ye believed . In the same Epistle , he enjoins a Reverence to the Bishop , as to Christ , as the Holy Apostles has commanded : But where is this commanded ? In the Epistle to the Magnesians , he enjoyns , that nothing seems Right , that seems not so to the Bishop , For what is contrary to his Judgement , is enmity to God. The Apostle Paul , spoke with more caution and Modesty , when he enjoyned thus , Be ye followers of me , as I am of Christ. In the Epistle to the Philadelphians , he enjoyns the Princes , the Emperour , &c. and all the Clergy , to obey the Bishop ; and this at such a time , when there was no Christian Emperour or Prince , nor many Years thereafter . In the Epistle to the Smyrneans , he saith , The Scripture saith , Honour God and the King , but I say Honour God as the Author and Lord of all things , and the Bishop , as the Prince of Priests , &c. He affirms , they are guilty of greater punishment , that do any thing against the Bishop , than they that rise up against the King. Thus preferring them above Kings . Yea , he saith , That such as do any thing , without consulting with the Bishop , is a Worshipper of the Devil . And what Censure these sayings put upon the Reformed Churches , Govern'd without Prelats ; yea what repugnancy is therein , to the Holy Scriptures , I think may be obvious to the Dr's meanest reflection ; So , that he might have been asham'd to bring for his proof , such spurious Epistles ● Yet he is bold to cite s●me of these Passages , particularly in his Epistle to the Trallians and Magnesians , altho he is forc't ( I suppose for very shame ) to smooth the expressions , and curtail them : For instance , in stead of that Expression in the Epistle to the Trallians , wherein he asserts the Bishop to be Possest of all Principalitie and Authority beyond all , as much , as it is possible for Men to be Possest of ( as it is truely translated out of the Greek ) The Dr. Represents only this . what is the Bishop , but he who hath all Authority and Power ? Which , altho it be much the same , with what is above rehearsed , yet is far short in extent and Expression . But if the Dr. hath so high a veneration for these spurious Epistles , I would fain know , how he will reconcile this and such like Expressions , with that one Scripture , Rom. 13.1 . Let every Soul be subject unto the higher Powers , & c. ? Unless the Dr. will deny the Bishop to have a Soul , he cannot exeem him from the obligation of this Command . And if he be thus subject , how is he Possest of all Principality and Authority , beyond all , as much , as is possible for Men to be Possest of ? Or how will the Dr. make this accord , with that Interest and Authority of the Civil Magistrat , not only in Civils , over all his Subjects , but also in the Church and Kingdom of Christ , which the Dr. in the same Book , owns and asserts ? He also Cites the Epistle to the Magnesians , wherein , Obedience to the Bishop is enjoyned , and contradicting him in any thing discharged : which the Dr. will not deny to be cross to that limited Obedience , which the Scripture enjoins to be given , even to Parents by Children ; Who are Commanded to Obey them in the Lord only . Moreover , he Cites the Epistle to the Philadelphians , wherein , it is affirmed , that such as belong to Christ , are united to the Bishop , such as are not , are cursed : And what censure this puts upon the Reformed Churches , and how it Anathematizes , them , as not United to the Bishop , I need not tell the Dr. nor what a black Theta , he marks himself with , in the Judgment of the Reformed Churches , if owning such an absurd assertion . I cannot stand upon many things , that might be further noticed , to evince the impertinency and Fooleries of these Citations : Only , it is very worthy of our observation , that the Dr. in his Citation of his Epistle to the Magnesians , obliges us , in a piece of Ingenuity , in expressing Ignatius's commending [ Obedience to the Bishop and the Presbytrie , &c , ] which seems to allow the Presbytrie , a Commanding Authority , together with the Bishop , ( as several of his Fellow-Pleaders in this Cause , smooth the Episcopal Power ) but this I am sure , is cross to the Drs. Scope and pleading , who enhances all the Power of Government , in the person of the Bishop , excluding wholly , all Presbyters , from any Interest therein . So , that the Dr. in this unwary Citation , contradicts Ignatius and himself , and makes Ignatius inconsistent with himself . In his next Citation of his Epistle to the Ephesians , wherein , Reverence is enjoined to the Bishop , as the Person appointed by the Lord and Master of the Family , to be his Steward : He hath again Wounded himself ; For to be a Steward having a subaltern Service and Ministry , under the Authority of the Master , and tyed up to his Orders , is point blanck , contrare unto , and toto coelo different , from that Principality of the highest Degree , before ascribed to the Bishop , and owned by the Dr. as his , and Ignatius's Sense of the Episcopal Office. Sure , to be a Prince , and a Steward in Government , are distinct things , and entirely and wholly opposit , if we will take the Apostle Pauls word for it , who disowns a Dominion , and in stead thereof , and in opposition thereunto , owns a Stewardship in God's Family , and humble Sevice or Ministry . 1 Cor. 4.1 . 2 Cor. 1. Ult. But now , the Dr. plyes us with Inferences from these Citations ; Whereof the first is , That these Epistles were Written , not above Eight or Nine years , after the Decease of St. Iohn , and yet Bishops are supposed to be in all Churches , appointed by Christ and his Apostles , and they were lookt upon as no Members of the Church , who were not Subject to them ; That they were necessary in the very Constitution of Churches , so that they were not within the Altar , but without it , who were not subject to them : And therefore , it may be concluded , there were no Churches without them . I Answer , that Ignatius wrot his Epistles early , no body will doubt , but that such trashie stuff and anti-scriptural Fooleries , as are above rehearsed , was written by Ignatius , and was his Sense of Church Government , no Man of Sense , or who hath any Respect to the Memory of that Martyr , will believe : And we find the contrair is asserted , and made good by several of the Godly Learned . Not to stand upon a more critical Answer , and to challenge the Dr. to prove the Universal Sense and Practice of the Primitive Church at that time , from the Sense and Sentiments of this Author , tho admitted , unless he could prove by some Authentick Acts , the Judgment of the whole Church , to be correspondent thereunto , and that none , who either wrot not , or whose Writings may be lost , were of contrary Judgment , which he neither attempts to prove , nor will ever be able . The Drs. next Inference is , That since , there were Bishops so early in this Age , presiding over the Churches , they behoved to receive ( several of them , at least ) their Episcopal Orders from the Apostles , since Ignatius , at the writing of these Epistles , had been Forty Years Bishop of Antioch , an eminent Church , planted immediatly by St. Peter ; It being the constant practice of the Apostles , to ordain Elders in all the Churches they planted , &c. Ans. The Dr. hath not made good from these Testimonies , that there were , de facto , and de jure , such Prelats , as he pleads for : Nor can he , from this Ground , perswad any rational Man of this , unless he could evince two Things , which he will do ad Calendas Graecas . 1. Not only , that what is asserted in the Passages above rehearsed , was the genuine Sense and writing of Ignatius , but likewise the Sense and Judgment , as well as the practice of the whole Church at that time . 2. That this supposed Judgment and Practice anent such an Officer , as the Bishop , is correspondent to the Scripture Account , and Sense of the Church Officers , mentioned in the New Testament , and the Apostles Doctrin and Practice in point of Church Government , and the Institution of the Officers thereof , which he will also find another insuperable Difficulty . Again , his Reason here , is very odd , whereby he fortifies this Inference , viz. That the Apostles ordained Elders in all the Churches they planted : For , if the Dr. hold these Elders to be Bishops , ( as he needs must , if he speak consequentially ) I would fain know , First , What shadow of Proof , he can give for this , and how he can suppose that all the Scripture Elders were such ? For , if this be asserted , then it follows , that Bishops were set up , when there were no Elders to presid over , contrary to the Sense and Pleading of his Fellows , except Dr. Hammond . And next , I would know , how the Dr. upon this Supposition , will keep off the Rock of a Contradiction , and that both to himself , and Ignatius ? Since he makes Ignatius to distinguish the Bishops and the Elders , and himself holds , that the Elders with St. Iames at Ierusalem , when the Apostle Paul , went in to them , were mere Presbyters or Pastors . Again , if the Dr. argue from their ordaining Elders , to their ordaining Ignatius a Bishop , as he thus disowns Dr. Hammonds Arguments and Notion ( who takes still the Elders for Prelats ) so , he is obliged to prove the super-institution of Bishops over these Elders in every Church , not to suppose it only , else in his principles , these Churches , where , mere Elders , were placed , were manck , and wanted the power of Jurisdiction . And since , he has produced nothing from Scripture , that proves such an institution of Bishops , or such ordinary Officers fixed to certain Diocesses , his Dream of Ignatius , is as easily rejected by us , as affirmed by him . We read of a Church of Antioch planted by Paul , and of an Eldership and Company of Teaching Prophets there , who imposed Hands upon Paul and Barnabas , when sent out among the Gentiles , and are consequently supposed to be the subject of a Jurisdictional Power and Government : But of the Apostle Peter his planting an Hierarchical Prelat , of the Drs. Mould , in either of the Antiochs , the Scripture is utterly silent : And a Supposition necessarly ensuing hereupon , viz. That the Apostles planted Churches with different Moulds of Government , sufficiently discovers the Absurdity of such an Opinion . As for Chrysostom ( Tom. 5. edit . Savil. p. 99. ) his admiring of Ignatius Dignity , obtained by the Hands of Apostles , laid upon him . It is a very blunt and headless Proof of that Episcopal Dignity , which the Dr. alledges : For , doth not the Dr. think , that the Office of the Scripture Bishop , is a great Dignity ? And he should prove , not suppose only , that Ignatius was by the Apostles installed a Bishop of his Mould , or that Chrysostom understood this Dignity in his Sense , which , as he offers not to do ; so , if attempting it , he could not chuse , but set Chrysostom by the Ears with himself , who ( as is above cleared ) asserts the Identity of the Office of Bishop and Presbyter . The same I repone , to what the Dr. alledgeth ( P. 410 ) of Polycarp , his supposed Episcopacy in Smyrna ; as also , what is made good by many Protestant Divines , viz. That the Fathers and Ancients , used the Name of Bishops , in a general Sense , that the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Moderators , had no Authority , over the Presbytrie , tho ordinarly thus termed . And which clears this to Conviction , Polycarp , himself , in his Epistle to the Philippians , makes but two Orders of Ministry , viz. Elders and Deacons , as the Apostle Paul doth , in his Epistle to the same Church , and exhorts them to be subject to the Presbyter , as unto God and unto Christ. And sure the Dr. will not make him cross this in his practice : so that he falls utterly short of proving an Episcopacy of his Mould , much more a derived Apostolat , from these blind Testimonies . The Dr. adds , That it cannot be imagined , that all Churches would have universally admitted Bishops in Ignatius's time , the Apostles being alive , had not some of them derived their Authority from the Apostles immediatly . But , 1. The Dr. hath given no shadow of proof , for this universal Reception : For I pray , what proof is this ? Such and such Authors say , there were Bishops in such and such Posts , or rather put this general name upon such Persons ; Therefore , the Christian Church received the Hierarchical Prelat universally , or the Prelat with sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , as an Officer of Divine Institution . For besides , that the Dr. will never prove , from the bare Assertion anent Bishops , that they were of his Cutt and Mould ( the contrary being apparent , especially in these early Times ) And many Fathers asserting the Identity , of the Office of Bishop and Presbyter , he must prove and instruct the universal Judgment and Practice of all the Churches , as to the Reception of the Hierarchical Bishop , of his Mould , before this Assertion can be made good . 2. The Dr. cannot deny Scripture Instances , of the very early Reception of Corruptions in the Church , both under the Law , and Gospel . As , in the times of the Old Testament , he knows the early Reception of the Idolatry of the Golden Calf , by the Church of Israel , together with Aaron himself , but Forty Days after the delivery of the Law from Mount Sinai : And besides , many such Instances in the Old Testament , we have Scripture Instances of the Devils sowing his Tares , early in the Church of the New Testament , such as the Error about the Resurrection , the worshipping of Angels , Justification by the works of the Law , the necessity of Circumcision , and other Ceremonies , the Error of the Nicolaitans , &c. And look a little forward , in the early times of the Church , we will find Errors & Traditions pretended to be received from the Apostles , and owned by some of the Fathers themselves , which notwithstanding , the Dr , cannot but acknowledg to be Errors ; Such as the Mill●nary Error , the Error of Children's receiving the Lords Supper , &c. whereof afterward . The Dr. thinks it inconsistent with the Churches veneration to the Apostle Iohn , that they should receive a new Order of Men , without his Authority . But this Universal reception of such an Order , as the Dr. supposes , is not yet proved : Besides , that the Dr's . supposition of this impossibility of such a corruption , early creeping in , because of some Apostles ( or even of Iohn ) yet alive , he will find not to be solid , when he ponders duely , the working of the Mystrie of iniquity , and the Seeds of a Papacy , even in Paul's time , and a Diotrophes seeking Preheminence , even in Iohn's time , yea , and directly contradicting and opposing the Holy Apostle . The Dr. should know , that it is not the slippery Principle of a supposed impossibility of this Nature , while the Apostles were alive , that we must found our Perswasion upon , but the lively Oracles , and living Doctrin of the Apostles , is our Rule ; and whatever Doctrin or practice is cross thereunto , tho all the Church should receive it , yea tho an Angel from Heaven Preach it , we ought to reject it , and might call that Angel accursed . For what the Dr. adds out of Bishop Taylor , of Episcopacy , Sect. 18. That de facto , the Apostles with their own Hands , Ordained several Bishops over Churches , Viz : Dion . Areop . Bishop of Athens , Caius , of Thessalonica , Archippus of Coloss , Onesimus of Ephesus , Epaphroditus of Phillippi , Titus of Corinth , &c. I Answer , the Dr. does well to add the Caution [ if Credit might be given to Ecclesiastick History ] And truely this History , must be of mighty force , that must be believed against clear Scripture , and the Credit and belief founded thereupon , must needs be distinct from that Faith which God allows ; Nay , the Drs. Credit of such History , must needs set him at odds with himself : For as to the First , we find the Apostle Paul enjoyning the Church of Thessalonica , Obedience to their Pastors jointly , as their Spiritual Rulers and Governours , without the least hint of any Super-eminent Prelat , and enjoining to these Rulers Authoritative admonition of the Flock . 1 Thess. 5.12.14 . And will this Bishop and our Dr. Charge such a Contradiction , upon the Apostle Paul , as to settle a Presbytrie of Pastors in that Church , with Authority to Rule and Govern , while this Authority and Power is entrusted unto one Bishop , or to take it afterward from them , and put it in the Bishops Hands ? How , I pray , shall we believe such History , against such plain Scripture ? And whether I pray , deserves most our Credit , the Apostles Divinly inspired Epistle , enjoyning Obedience to the Pastors of that Church of Thessalonica , jointly , as their Spiritual Rulers and Guids , or an after - Apocryphal History , declaring that this Authority was by the Apostles appointment , monopolized in one Bishop , either at that time , or thereafter , set up , and Ordained by Paul ? Whether , are we to believe the Scripture account of the State and Government of the Church of Ephesus , as entrusted by Paul , in his last farewel , to the inspection and Government of the Elders jointly , as the Bishops thereof , Authorized by the Holy Ghost , or an Historical account of Onesimus , as their sole Bishop , who had this Power Monopolized in him , in Contradiction to the Apostles last prescriptions unto that Church , either at that time or thereafter : I dare pose this Dr. or any man of Sense and Candor upon it ; And whether upon such ground as this , we might not cast off all Divine Institutions , and receive all fopperies and Superstitions , which Man 's wicked Heart by Satans influence might suggest ? The like might be said of Philippi , the Apostle in the Preface of his Epistle to that Church , saluting the Bishops , as their Pastors in common , calling all the Ministers , Bishops , and thus applying to them that Name and Office , which the Dr. and his Fellows , will needs appropriat to a Prelat : And sure , Paul , writing by instinct of the un-erring Spirit of God , gave not empty complemental Titles to these Pastors or Bishops , but supposes them to have a standing joint Authority over that Church , as the Spiritual Guids and Rulers thereof . And it is a fearful and Gross imputation upon the Wisdom of God , to suppose that either now , or afterwards , such a pretended Prelat , as the Dr. maintains , either had , or was to have by Divine appointment , all this Authority of the Pastors , enhansed and monopolized in him : And if we will admit of after suposed Decrees and Fables of this Nature , opposit to Scripture , we may make them , ( as some Papists blaspheme them ) a Nose of Wax . Again , If the Dr. adhere to this phantastick Apocryphal History , he crosses his own Pleading from Scripture , and wounds his Cause to Death with his own hands ; For , we have heard the great strength of his Scripture Argument , as touching the Apostles setting up succeedanous Apostles and Bishops , in correspondence to Christs Institution , lyes in the supposed instalment of Timothy , Bishop of Ephesus , and Titus , Bishop of Crete , and that the instructions addrest to them , in Point of Government , in these Epistles , are a clear indication yea , and Demonstration , ( in the Drs ▪ Sense and Pleading ) of this supposed instalment of the one and the other , by the Apostles , in these their pretended Diocesses of Ephesus and Crete , and we know , how much the Dr. labours to prove the consentient Judgment of the Fathers hereanent . Now , if the Dr. will hold with Bishop Taylor , that the Apostles with their own hands , installed , not Timothy , but Onesimus , Bishop of Ephesus , and Titus , not Bishop of Crete , but of Corinth , what is become of all his pleadings from Scripture , for their installment elsewhere ? The Dr. says , The supposed Instalment of Titus and Onesinus , at Ephesus and Corinth , and that by the Apostles own Hands , is most certain , if we believe Ecclesiastical History . And if most certain upon this Ground , then most certain it is . 1. That the Drs. Pleadings for Timothy's and Titus's Instalment at Ephesus and Crete , is most false , and all his pretended Scripture Proofs , by his own Confession mere wind and lies . And 2 ly . That all the Dr's . Testimonies of Fathers , and pretended Historical accounts hereanent , are Fabulous Dreams . I know no imaginable evasion the Dr. hath , but to alledge their after-instalment in these places , by the Apostles : But the Dr. must give a Scripture-account , as well as Historical , of this matter , ere a door can be opened to him for this Refuge . But to proceed . The Dr's Third Inference is , that the Bishops of this Age were lookt on , as a Superior Order to Presbyters , Ignatius commanding Presbyters to obey them , according to Christs Institution . Ans. we have heard what Judgment we are to make of these Epistles , and consequently what a sandy Foundation , the Dr. builds this inference upon . Again , if the Dr. will make Ignatius consistent with himself , he must needs disown this Inference and Opinion of him ; For , in his Epistle to the Trallians , he enjoyns them to be Subject to the Presbytrie , as the Apostles of Christ , and calls the Presbytrie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Court and Conjunction of Apostles of Christ ; And in the same Epistle , he call the Colledge of Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making the Bishop , thus their Fellows in the Government , and nothing else . And how far this is from the Dr's . supposition of Ignatius Judgment , about the Hierarchy , and the Practice of the Church , in this Point , let any Judg. The Dr. proceeds to his Proofs , from the next Age , further , as he tells us , from the Scripture Antiquity : And no doubt the more Dark in this Point . He tells us of Iustin Martyr , in his Apology to the Emperour Antonius , who speaks of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or President in the Church , who Consecrat the Bread and Wine , gave to the Deacons to distribut to the present , and to be carryed to the absent : And that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was Bishop , he tells us , appears by Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , his Contemporary , who used the Names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Bishop promiscuously . A sorry Proof , no doubt ! The Churches had a President , or these called by Iustin so ; Therefore , Bishops with sole Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , and holding the entire Apostolick Office : Again , these Presidents , are called sometimes Bishops , and gets that general Name ; Therefore , they were such Bishops , and of such a Mould , as the Dr. pleads for . What Arguing can be more insipid and Vain ? But if the Dr. put a due Value upon the Argument drawn from Epithets , as Pointing at the Office and Authority of the Persons thereby designed , what thinks he of the Spirit of GOD in Scripture , his Denominating Pasters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as we have above cleared . One would think this as strong a Proof of their Episcopal Authority , as this of the supposed Bishops , drawn from this Epithet of Iustin and Dionisius . I might further Argue , and press the Dr. thus ; If these Scripture Denominations do prove and argue , an Essential Interest and Authority in Church Government , competent to Pastors , they do by necessary consequence , overturn the Peculiarity of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presidency ascribed to the Bishop , as set over Pastors , and enhancing all this Authority , and do by further consequence inferr , either that Fathers contradicted the Scripture , if attributing this Prostacie to the Bishops , in the Dr's . Sense ; or , that , if they speak according to the Scripture Sense and acceptation of the Word , they must needs mean the Pastor only , and not his imaginary Prelat : And so , whatever Sense , the Dr. imbraces of Iustin and Dionisius , his Cause and Pleading here is lost , and falls to the Ground . Moreover , if the Dr. stand to this supposed account of the Bishops Office , offered by Iustin , he will make the Administration of the Lords Supper , peculiar to him , against the Dr's . own Sense and Pleading , who acknowledges that Preaching of the Word , and Administration of the Sacraments , are the proper Duties of the Pastoral Function , whereas , here , it is made peculiar to the Bishop , to Consecrat the Bread and Wine . Besides , that the Dr. here apparently approves the carrying of the Sacrament to the absent ; a seed of gross Popish Superstitions . But I am weary of this pityful trash . As for the Dr's Citation of Euseb. lib. 4. Cap. 23. And the Five Books of Hegesippus ( the Fragments whereof , he says , are in Eusebius's History ) anent the Succession of Bishops of Rome ; Anicetus , Soter , Eleutherius , succeeding Sucessively ; and of Iames Bishop of Ierusalem , succeeded by Simon Cleophae , Euseb. lib. 4. Cap. 22. And thereafter , that Dionisius Bishop of Corinth , in his Epistles , mentions Publius and Quadratus , Successive , Bishops of Athens , and several other Bishops , in their Respective Sees . It is Answered , this is abundantly obviat and removed , by what is premised . First , Anent the suspected Credit and Faith of his vouchers , whom ( as we have heard ) the learned does Censure and disown ; which has no small confirmation from this , that Eusebius himself , in the Proaem of his History , Professes , that he is entred into a dark Desert , having no footsteps of Historians , going before him , but only some petty Narrations , which certain persons , in certain times and places , have left . And for Hegesippus ( whose Fragments the Dr. Confesses , is all Eusebius's Foundation in this Point ) he is by most Famous Protestant Writers acknowledged fabulous , and unworthy of Credit ; besides , that , no parts of him are now Extent . As for the Catalogues of Succession , which the Dr. mentions , we have heard how shattered they are , and inconsistent with themselves , and Censured consequently by the Learned , as deserving no Credit . Next , as we have heard out of Iunius , the Ground of this fancied Succession , Viz : That the most Eminent Ministers , for Moral Respects , found in Church Records , were insert to fill up these spurious Catalogues , and termed Bishops , in conformity to the times , wherein this distinguishing Name and Office obtained , tho they were mere Presbyters , and for most part contemporary , one with another , So , we have from the same Iunius , made appear , what the design was of these Catalogue-drawers ▪ Viz. To prove against Hereticks , that the Christian Church had retained the Seed of the true Doctrin , and the traduces Apostolici Seminis , as it was called , but not to point out or assert , a Succession of our Dr's supposed Hierarchical Prelats . And therefore , in the Third place , the Dr. says nothing to the purpose , unless he can prove that by Bishops , they meant the Prelats of his cut and Mould , with such an absolute Apostolick Authority , as he suggests , which , untill he make good , he does but ●ea● the Air , and ●egg the Question ▪ For , since the Fathers are found to use the Names of Bishop and Presbyter , indifferently ( as the Prelatis●● themselves acknowledg ) it is palpably absurd and Sophistical Reasoning , to conclud from the bare Name and Title of Bishop , which the Fathers make use of , their assertion of the Prelatical Office , which the Dr. pretends . The Folly of his reasoning then appears by this irrefragable Reason , that we find the Fathers calling such persons Presbyters , whom he imagins Bishops in his Sense . Irenaeus in his Epistle to Victor ( Cited by Euseb. lib. 5. Cap. 23. ) calls Anicetus , Pius , Higinus , Telesphorus , Xistus , Presbyters of the Church of Rome , Presbyteri illi qui te praecesserunt , the Presbyters that went before thee . Thus also he expresses himself , Nec Polycarpus Aniceto suasit , ut servaret qui sibi Presbyterorum quibus successerat , consuetudinem servandum esse dicebat : Tertullian also , Apol. Cap. 39. calls the Presidents of the Churches Seniores , or Presbyters , when he saith , Praesident probati quique Seniores . For what the Dr. adds of Irenaeus , his seeing Polycarp , and hearing him discourse of Iohn the Apostle , who affirms , he could reckon up the Bishops Ordained by the Apostles to his own times , reckoning Eleven from Linus , to whom , he says Peter ●and Paul , delivered the Episcopal Power of Governing the Church . It is Answered , That this is abundantly obviat , by what is now said of the promiscuous use of the Names of Bishop and Presbyter , and the intendment of the Fathers , in such recitations . Yea , and from Irenaeus himself convict of Folly , in that he ascribes the same Authority to Presbyters , lib : 4 Cap. 4.3 qua propter iis , qui in Ecclesia sunt , Presbyteris obedire opportet , his qui successionem habent ab Apostolis , sicut ostendimus , qui cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum , secundum placitum patris acceperunt . Reliquos vero , qui absistunt a principali successione , & quocunque loco colliguntur , suspectos habere , vel quasi haereticos & malae sententiae , vel quasi scindentes & elatos , & sibi placentes , &c. Thus also lib. 4. Cap : 44. he expresseth himself , ab omnibus talibus absistere opportet , adhaerere vero his qui & Apostolorum , sicut diximus Doctrinam custodiunt ▪ & eum Presbyterii ordine sermonem sanum , & conversationem sine offensa praestant , ad Informationem & correctionem aliorum . From which Passages of Irenaeus , the Authors of the Appendix before mentioned , do infer . 1. That Presbyters were called and owned by him as Successors of the Apostles : And I may add , that if called so by the Fathers , the terming of Prelats , Successors of the Apostles , is of no weight to prove the Dr's design . 2 dly . That they are also called Bishops . 3 dly . That the Apostolick Doctrin is Derived from the Apostles by their Succession . 4 ly . That there is nothing said of Bishops in the former place of Irenaeus , which is not said of Presbyters ; and therefore , such places cannot prove , that the Apostles Constitut in the Churches , Bishops , distinct from Presbyters . The Dr's two Countreymen , Dr. Reynolds against Hart Chap. 2. and Dr. Whittaker de Pontificatu quaest . 2. Cap. 15. have long since informed him , of the Fathers improper use of the word Bishop , when applyed to Apostles , and the unsuitable absurd appropriating such an Office unto them . In a word , in the forementioned Appendix , the pretended Succession of Bishops from the Apostles , is fully baffled , from several Grounds . 1. The Homonymie of the Word Bishop , these of the first and later times , being of a different Mould , as to their Office and Power ; the later being Diocesian , the first not so , since the Church was first governed by the common Council of Presbyters , and the Succession being drawn from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the First Ordained Minister , as among the Athenians , there were nine Archontes or Chief Rulers , equal in Power and Authority , yet the Succession of Governours there , was derived from one who was the Chief 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to diminish the Authority of the rest sed ut minus impedita esset temporum enumeratio ( as Iunius expresses it ) and for the same end was the Succession in these Catalogues drawn from the first Ordained Minister , or the present Moderator and President . 2 ly . That the Catalogues , the nearer they come to the Apostles times , runs in the greater confusion and uncertainty , and contradicts one another ; some calling Clement the first Bishop after Peter , some the third , and the intricacies about the Order of Succession in Linus , Anacletus , Clemens , and another called Cletus , are inextricable . Some ( as we have above made appear ) calling Titus Bishop , some Archbishop of Crete , some Bishop of Dalmatia ; Timothy and the Apostle Iohn , are by some said to be Bishops of Ephesus , at the same time . Thus also Polycarp , is said by some , to be the First Bishop of Smyrna , by others to Succeed one Bucolus , and another affirms that Aristo was Prior to both . Some say , that Alexandria had but one Bishop , and other Cities Two ; others , that there was but one Bishop of one City at the same time . What uncertainty and contradiction is here ? Iunius resolves the doubt , Controv. lib. 2 Cap. 5 , Not. 15. viz. That these , or some of these , were Presbyters , Ruling the Church in common ; but the following Ages , fancying to themselves , such Bishops as had then obtained in the Church , fell into the Snares of Tradition , — supposing , according to the custome of their own times , that there could be but one Bishop in one Church at once , which , saith he , is quite cross to the Apostolical times . 3 ly . Upon the former grounds , and in correspondence , to this account of Iunius , they do inferr , That these Authors make the Catalogues speak , according to the language of their own times , in which , there was a distinction betwixt Bishop and Presbyters : And therefore , do call such as were before them , Bishops , whereas they were not so properly — And the after - Bishops succeeded these supposed First , no otherways than Cesar did the Roman Consuls . 4 ly , The Catalogues resolving in Apostles or Evangelists , do appear absurd , viz : That of Rome , into Peter , that of Alexandria , into Mark , that of Ephesus , into Timothy , that of Crete , into Titus , since neither Apostles nor Evangelists , were Bishops in a formal Sense , and having an Universal Commission , and extraordinary Office , could be Succeeded in neither the one , nor the other , tho in some part of their work they might , by ordinary Officers , as by Men of another Order , but not as one Brother Succeeds another in the Inheritance . And this doth fully remove what the Dr alledges out of Clem. Alexand. Strom. 6. And the Passage Cited by Eusebius out of him , and from his Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 touching a distinction of Bishops and Presbyters , and anent Presbyters not having the First Seat or Class in Ecclesiastick orders , and that the Apostle Iohn returning from Patmos to Ephesus , Visited the Province , partly to Ordain Bishops , and partly to set a part such for the Clergy , as were pointed out by the Spirit . For , granting some distinction to to have crept in while these things were Written , and ( as Augustin expresses it ) secundum honorum vocabula quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit ; the Bishop was greater than the Presbyter , Episcopus Presbytero Major , yet this will never prove either . 1. That this distinction was from the beginning , which we find Augustin in this way of expressing himself , contradicts . Or , 2 ly , That there were Bishops of the Drs. Mould , in a continued Line from the beginning ; and far less , that the Apostle Iohn set up such Prelats , since the Ancients : ( as we have heard the Learned Iunius observe ) spoke of the Apostolick times , in the Mould , and after the manner of their own . And surely , if we acknowledg the late distinction of Clergy and Laity ▪ ( as we needs must ) to be far remote from Iohn's time , we must consequently acknowledg that this Author spoke his own Sense , and the Language of his time , rather than the Sense or practice of the Apostle Iohn . The Dr. next Generally Cites Tertullian , Origen , Cyprian , for this continuance ( as he calls it ) of Apostolick Superiority from the Apostles themselves , whose words , he tells us , he needs not Recit , since Presbyterians acknowledg Episcopacy received about the year 140. Ans. As for the continuance and derivation of the Apostolick Office , in a Succedaneous Episcopacy , which the Dr. has been fencing for , we deny it , and have found his proofs utterly insufficient , and that nothing he has adduced from the Fathers or Scripture , can give the least shaddow of a sound Proof of this Point . As for our acknowledgment of the Episcopacy introduced , about the middle of the Second Century , the Dr. should know that ▪ we acknowledg that Beza's Episcopus humanus , or Episcopus praeces , was about this time set up , and obtained in the Churches , and that ( as we have heard ) the First ordained Minister , in a sort of Prostasie , or fixed Moderatorship had some deference eo nomine , and the next in order , was set up to moderat in the Meetings , when he was removed by Death , or otherwise , and had the Tittle of Bishop given to him ; and this was ( as Ambrose Phrases it ) multorum Sacerdotum judicio constitutum , or by the Judgment and appointment of the Presbytrie ; Presbytri saith he , unum ex se electum in excelsiore gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant . So , that in Ambrose's . Sense , he had this fixed Prostasie , or new Name , as their Mouth and Moderator for Orders sake , and this by the free choice of the Presbytrie ; which shews the folly of the Dr's . inference of a supposed existent Hierarchy , of his mould , from the nominal distinction of Bishop and Presbyter , in the Passages of Clemens and Eusebius , and others generally mentioned , or from these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being set in a higher Seat than Presbyter●s For , upon the Constitution above rehearsed , and confirmed by Ambrose , both these might be ; Yet without any Impeachment of Pastors or Presbyters , decisive Authority in Judicatories , unless the Dr. will say , that because the Moderator of an Assembly , hath a peculiar Name and seat , and a deference upon that Account , He has therefore an Office and Authority paramount to that of the Assembly , and such as inhances their decisive suffrage . Besides , the Dr. odly inferrs from our acknowledgment of this first human Prostasie , our granting a derivation , or continuance , or even introductiion at that time , of his pretended Office of Apostolat , as he calls it , and in the Nature and extent he pleads for ; who sees not , that these are toto Caelo different ? Tho in the next Passage , the Dr. seems to retract this , telling his Reader , That tho we acknowledg an Apostolick Superiority , yet we deny that they left any to Succeed them in that Power . But , since he gives this our acknowledgment of the First Episcopacy , as the reason , why he needs not Cite his Authors Particularly , to prove the derivation and continuance of Apostolick Superiority at that time , he clearly supposes this ; and therefore , speaks confusedly and inconsistently , in the premised account of our Judgment and concession . Well , what further aocount gives the Dr. of Presbyterians Judgment in this Matter ? He adds , We hold that the Church was every where governed by the common Council of Presbyters , but this form of Government , being found inconvenient , as giving too much occasion for Schisms and divisions , it was at last Universally agreed upon , that one Presbyter should be chosen out , to presid over all the rest : and that this was the beginning of Episcopacy , for which , he says , we Cite the famous Testimony of Ierom , antequam Diaboli instinctu , &c. Where I find the Dr. either willfully , or ignorantly misrepresenting our Cause and Principles . First , in alledging , that we hold , that this Form of Government , by common Council of Pastors or Presbyters , was found inconvenient , or not suited to the ends of Government , because it gave occasion for Schisms and Divisions . A gross and lying imputation : For , all do know , that we hold this Form of Government to be of Divine appointment , and the Government established by the Apostles : And it were a strange inconsistency and contradiction to the Scriptures of Truth , to hold , that this Divine Government , appointed by God , in the Scriptures of the New Testament , and enjoined unto the Gospel Church , was not suited to all the times thereof , and to the great ends of Government , and could of it self , give a rise to Schisms and divisions : What a gross imputation were this , upon the Divine Institutions , and opening a Door , to lay them all aside , upon pretence of eventual inconveniencies ? I dare challeng this Dr. or any of his mind , to instance any Presbyterian Writer , who ever asserted this . For , if he say , we homologat Ierom , and approve his Testimony , who affirms , that upon occason of Divisions , the Government was altered , and immutata ratio , as he speaks , it is a pityful and palpably absurd inference , to argue upon this , that either Ierom , or we , do impute this providential issue , and Mans sinful abuse and miscarriage , to the Divine Institution it self ; And if the Dr. own such a consequence , he will justify all such abuses , and Ieroboams Plea , for setting up his Calves at Dan and Bethel , because he judged it could not consist with the safety of the Kingdom , which God had given him over Israel , that the Ten Tribes , should go up to Ierusalem to worship , after the Kingdoms were divided . Secondly , He says , We hold that upon this occasion , it was universally agreed upon , that one Presbyter should preside over all the rest , which was the beginning of Episcopacy . And this appears as dark and confused an Account as the former : For , 1. As to the Office of a President or Moderator , whose Work is to be the Mouth of the Meeting , to gather the Votes , and moderat the Procedures , we hold , that the very nature of all Government , essentially requires this , and consequently Church Government , and that this was alwise and necessarly practised , as in all Church Government , so , since the beginning , and is examplified in that first Christian Council Act. 15. wherein we judg it probable , that the Person presiding , was the Apostle Iames : And therefore , its gross Non-sense to say , we hold this Presidency , to have been first introduced upon occasion of Schism . But next , if the Dr. by [ by a President over the rest ] mean such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as is either advitam , or who has such a Presidency as encroaches upon , or inhances the Decisive Votes of Pastors , this indeed we acknowledg with Ierom , came in Paulatim , and by peice-meal , tho at first , he was but a mere President , advitam , and had some Honour and deference upon this account . And this , we hold was the rise of that Prelacie , which in Process of time swallowed up all the decisive Power of Pastors , and their exercise of Government . But the Dr. badly represents the Matter , ( P. 415. ) when he calls this [ a Chusing of one to preside over the rest ] which is applicable to any President of a Judicatory , or mouth of a meeting , or unto a speaker in Parliament . Thirdly , The Dr. says we hold [ that this remedy was Universally agreed upon ] If he means , that upon occasion of Schisms , we hold that this custom of the fixed President , with Authority and deference , as above exprest , came in by degrees , and became Universal , in Process of time , ( as additional corruptions ordinarly do ) this is easily accorded . But if he mean , that we hold , there was a Formal General Council decreeing this ( as the Dr. with his Fellow-Pleaders , fasten this gloss upon that Passage of Ierom [ prospiciente concilio — & — toto orbe decretum ] he should know , that we disown such an Opinion , and have sufficiently made it appear , that Ierom intended no such thing , since in collating his two Testimonies , viz : his Comment upon the Epistle to Titus , and his Epistle to Evagrius , the contrary is evident ; For , Ierom makes this a Consuetudo , or Custom , and says it came in Paulatim , or by Degrees . And no man of Sense , can but distinguish betwixt a gradual reception of any Practice spreading it self , and growing up to a custom , and a practice taking its rise and Original from a formal joint Decree of a General Council . The Dr. having set down some part of one of these Testimonies of Ierom , alledges , that we hold or guess ( as he expresses it , ) that this Universal Decree , was about the Year 140. We hold indeed with Blondel , that about this time , the forementioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 took place , but that we hold or guess , it was by an Universal Decree , is the Drs. groundless imputation , which he can Justify from none of our Writers . Let any Peruse the Learned Iunius his account and explication of this Testimony de Clericis Cap. 15. Not. 16. ) together with the Authors of the Ius Divinum Minist . Evang. ( Part. 2 d. P. 56.57 . ) and the Appendix thereto ( P. 102. 103. ) and this will be convincingly apparent . Well , what says the Dr. to this Testimony ? Having given out our Sense of Ierom's words ( wherein he contradicts his former Gloss ) his First exception is , That Ierom being Born but about the Year 330 , is a Witness far short in Antiquity to these early Witnesses which he has adduced : That he is a Hundred Years after Origen , three Hundred after Cl●ment , and one Witness , must not stand against so many early Harmonious Witnesses . We have made it appear , that none of the Drs. early Witnesses , give a Relevant Testimony to the Point , and These , he undertakes to prove , viz. the derivation of the Apostolick Office , in its proper formal Sense , to an Order of Ordinary Officers Superior to Pastors , and inhancing their whole Authority in Government : We have made appear , that all that his Testimonies amounts to prove , is only a General designation of Bishops , made use of by the Ancients , and at most a supposal of some deference , and fixed Presidency , which they had in Judicatories : And who sees not , that this is utterly short of proving what he intends ? So , that his Witnesses are mute in our Cause , and speaks not to the Question and I●●errogatur . The Dr. from P. 433. to P. 447. asserts , and endeavours to prove that the Bishop , hath for his peculiar prerogative , annexed to his person and Office as Bishop . 1. The Legislative Power , which he calls the Essence of Government , in the very same manner , as he supposes , the Apostles possest and exercised it . 2 dly . The sole Authority to Consecrat and Ordain . 3 ly . The whole Authority of Spirituall Iurisdiction , to Cite , Examin Judg , Censure , and absolve Delinquents . 4 ly . To Confirm the Baptized . From all which , he , as intirly excluds all Pastors in Meetings , never so frequent and formal , and allows them no more Interest in any of these , than if they were no Church Officers at all , So , that their medling in the least , with these his supposed sole prerogatives of the Bishop , is in his Judgment as gross Antiscriptural encroachment , and stepping beyond the Duties and limits of their Function and Office , as if they should invade the Kings Authority and prerogative . Now , the Office of the Bishop being of this Nature and extent , in the Dr's Judgment , let any Person of Candor or Conscience , give sentence upon it , what the Witnesses before adduced by him , do say to prove this , and what strength there is in their Testimoneis , to reach this conclusion . Again , 2 ly . As the Drs. pretended early Witnesses , are but general and ambiguous in their Testimonies , and consequently can make no Faith in this Matter , so , they are so far from being unanimous , as he calls them , that upon the contrary , several of them ( as is above cleared ) do give Witness against him : Particularly , Clemens and Ignatius , two of his most Ancient Witnesses ; Augustin and Ambrose imputing also ( with Jerom ) the Episcopal Presidency , which obtained in their time , to the Churches Custom , not to Divine Appointment , do thus cast a contradicting blot upon his supposed Testimonies : Ambrose acknouledging in special , that non per omnia conveniunt Apostolorum scripta ordinationi , quae nunc est in Eeclesia Comment . in Cap. 4. ad Ephes. And tho it be controverted , whether this was the true Ambrose , yet we must tell him , with the learned Professors of Saumur ( De Episcop . & Presb. Discrim . P. ( mihi ) 300. Thes. 19. ) that he was Coetaneous with , or rather more Ancient than Ambrose , being Cited by Augustin , who was Ambrose Disciple , as an Holy Man ( lib. 2. ad Bonif. Cap. 4. ) which Epithet , he would not have put upon a person of small account , or one hetrodox . 3 ly . The Dr. knows that Jerom holds not the parity of Bishops and Presbyters , as his privat Judgment only , but least he , or any else suppose this , he proves it by Divine Testimonies of the Apostles Writings , yea and gives the same Sense of them , which Presbyterian Writers do : And therefore , the Dr. must acknowledg him in so far , acting a Divine Witness , not giving a human Testimony only , and that he more than ●utweighs his Human Testimonies , else he is obliged to examin his Pro●fs and Answer them , and show if he can , Ierom's Sense of these Scriptures to be disowned by any of his Authors , which he doth not so much as attempt . All who have seen Jerom's Testimony , do know , that he Reasons this Point of the Identity of the Office of Bishop and Presbyter from Scripture , least any should take this to be his private Opinion [ Putat aliquis , saith he , non Scripturarum , sed nostram esse sententiam , Episcopum & Presbyterum unum esse ] the one Name importing the Age , the other the Office of the Pastor . Then he goes through these Scriptures , Philip. 1.1 . Act. 20.28 . Heb. 13.17 . 1. Pet. 5.2.3 . Drawing out upon the whole this Conclusion , that the Bishops Authority and Superiority to Presbyters , was rather by Custom , than any true dispensation from the Lord. But of this again . The Drs. Second Exception is , That Jerom being a Presbyter himself , speaks in his own Cause , and in a warmth of Passion , to curb the insolency of some pragmatick Deacons . Ans. Jerom reasoning , both in this place Cited , and the Epistle to Evagrius , this Point , from Scripture , and exhibiting the Divine Oracles , the Apostles Doctrin and practice , for what he holds , speaks the mind of God , and no Passion , and untill the Dr. Answer his Scripture-reasonings in the Forecited Testimonies , he is lyable to the Charge of imputing to the Scripture and to the Apostles , Passion and Partiality . As for his being a Presbyter himself ; what then ? can no Presbyter speak truely and impartially upon this head ? Besides , he knows that several of his Witnesses for Episcopacy , and whom he most Esteems , are by him supposed Bishops of his high Hierarchical Mould , and how shall we receive their Testimony in their own Cause ? And why may not we impute to them partiality and Passion , and reject their Testimony , unless their Episcopal Chair hath , as that of the Pope , a supposed infallibility anne●ed to it ? So , that the Dr. is put to this Delemma , either to quite his great Episcopal Testimonies , as insufficient upon his own Ground , or admit this of Jerom. It is the same way from Athens to Thebes , and from Thebes to Athens . The Dr's Third Exception is , That Jerom elsewhere owns the Bishop's Superiority , whereof he exhibits , First this Proof , that in his Dialogue Advers . Luciferians , he gives this Reason , why one not Baptized by the Bishop , received not the Holy Ghost , because the Holy Ghost descended on the Apostles : Which , the Dr. says , makes it plain , that he placed the Bishops in the same rank , with the Apostles . A strange Proof indeed ! First , we heard , that Jerom Reasons the Point from Scripture , that the Bishop and Presbyter are all one ; and therefore , it is odd from Jerom's Naming a Bishop , to understand him of his Hierarchical Bishop . Again , Jerom says [ quid facit excepta Ordinatione Episcopus , &c. ] what doth the Bishop , except Ordination , which the Presbyter doth not ? ( A Clause and Passage , we find the Dr. much harping upon ) but in his gloss upon this Testimony , he doth in contradiction to himself , and Jerom also , appropriat to the Bishop , the Administration of the Sacrament of Baptism . What if one Reason thus , against the dispisers of this Ordinance ? Such a Person is not Sealed by the Spirit , because not Baptized by a Pastor ; for the Holy Ghost Descended on the Apostles . Will the Dr. disown this Reasoning ? Or , will he own the Inference , that therefore , Pastors , are equal to Apostles ? Or , say it were such a Reasoning ; such a Person , or Persons , cannot be Converted or Sealed by the Spirit , not having heard the Converting Word Preached by a Pastor , since the Apostles thus Converted , and Ministred the Holy Ghost ; Will any ( but such as draw Reasons and Illustrations beyond the Moon , as this Dr ) inferr that the Pastor is thus equal unto Apostles ? Will the Dr. in good earnest affirm , that the Person who performs such Acts of the Power of Order , as the Apostles did perform , and with the saving Blessing of the Spirit , is upon this Ground equalled in Office to the Apostles ? If so , he must make all Faithful Pastors thus equal , and overturn all his Reasoning from a supposed Succession of Bishops to the Apostolat . The Dr's next Proof is drawn from Epist. 1. ad Heliod . where he says , the Bishops are in place of St. Paul and Peter . And so , say we , are all Faithful Pastors ( whom Ierom makes one with Bishops , according to the Scripture acceptation , and at large makes it good ) in the place of Apostles , as to the exercise of an ordinary Ministrie , and the Power of Order and Jurisdiction , Essential and necessar to the Church , else , our Lord had not promised His presence with His Apostles to the end of the World , when He sent them out , and Sealed their Patent to Preach the Gospel , and Disciple all Nations to Him. Of the same Stamp , is that which he Cits of Ierom on Psal. 45.16 . That in stead of the Apostles ( gone from the World ) we have their Sons , the Bishops , the Fathers , by whom they are Governed . For , I pray , will this Dr. either assert 1. That Ierom held , that the Power of Government and Authority Ecclesiastick , died with the Apostles , that the Power of Order and Jurisdiction , was not to be preserved , continued in the Church , and Exercised by ordinary Church Officers , and in this respect enjoined in the Fifth Com●and , which Commands Obedience to all Lawful Governours ( and so are Ministers called in Scripture ) under the Character and Denomination of Fathers . Or 2 ly . Can he deny that Ierom holds , that except Ordination , ( or rather the Rituals of it ) at that time appropriat to the Bishop , the Pastors and Presbyters performed all Acts of the Power of Order and Jurisdiction ? And that therefore , in Ierom's Sense , Pastors , are such Sons and Successors of Apostles , and have both Name and thing of the Scripture Bishop . As for his Epistle ad Nepot . asserting that what Aaron and his Sons were , that are the Bishops and Presbters . Ierom in this allusion , in point of Government , asserts only , that God has under the New Testament , as under the Old , fixed a Church Government and Church Officers : And giving the Dr. the advantage of this Sense , that Ierom , including the degenerat Custom of his time , insinuats the premised difference betwixt the then Bishops and Presbyters ; I pray , what says this to the Dr's . scope ? viz : To prove from Ierom's allusive Phrase , and expressing himself thus , The many Essential differences , which he places betwixt Bishop and Presbyter : No man of Sense can draw such an inference ; For 1. Ierom's Judgment , founded upon so many clear Scripture Grounds , as to the identity of Bishop and Presbyter , when asserting and Disputing this Point , ex professo , ought in all Reason to preponderat any such General allusive Expressions , and as a Comment . Expound the same , in a Sense most consentient to his Judgment , if we will but allow him the Common priviledg of all Men , to be the best Interpreter of his own Sense . 2 ly . The Dr. himself must acknowledg this , else he will make Ierom plead for a Gospel - Aaron , or Universal Patriarch , if the Words were taken in a strict Literal Sense , as tending every way to equiparat the Government of the Church under the Old and New Testament . The Dr. inferrs from this Passage , Therefore , as Aaron by Divine Right , was Superior to his Sons , so is the Bishop , in Ierom's Sense to his Presbyters . But he might as well infer ; Therefore , as there was one Aaron , set over his Sons , and all the Priests and Levits of the Church of Israel , so , ought there to be , in Ierom's Sense , one Supreme President over al the Christian Church . Besides , 2 ly . The Dr. dare not say , that Aaron's Sons and the Priests had no Essential interest in Government , and that it was inhanced and Monopolized in the person of Aaron , as he holds ( and insinuats , that Ierom also holds ) that it is [ thus Monopolized in the Person of the Bishop . Ierom asserts , that Presbyters and Bishops are all one , Iure Divino , consequently , that they have the same Essential interest in Government . So , that whatever President he may suppose set over them by their Choice , yet it neither doth , nor can enhance , nor seclude this their Power . Thus we see , that the Dr's alledged Contradiction in these Passages , to his premised Testimony , anent the identity of Bishop and Presbyter , is but his own imagnation : Besides , that one of his Degree should know , that no simile , is to be strained beyond the Scope of the Author making use of it , else it were not a simile . The Dr. asks , whether Ierom , is more to be Credited , when speaking without a Byass , or when speaking partially , and in his own Cause ? I Answer by a Counter-query , whether Ierom's full and larg account of his Judgment , when Disputing a Point , ex professo , and from Scripture , is more to be believed , and laid hold upon , as expressing his Sense , than a general dark allusive expression , when under no such Circumstances , and prosecuting no such scope and design , and which of the two ought to preponderat ? And so I dismiss the Dr's Third Answer . His Fourth exception to the premised Testimonie is , That the translation of the Government from the common Counsel of Presbyters , to one Bishop , must be in Jerom's Sense , Apostolick , since it was made , when it was said , I am of Paul , and I of Apollo's ; And therefore , this Decree , must needs have been made in Pauls time . Ans. The Dr. might have seen this Phantastick exception long since removed : First , By Junius , in the passage , forecited ( scil . de Cler. Cap. 15. Not. 16. ) where , he at large expones this Testimony , and removes this gloss [ tria distinguit tempora , Hieronymus , saith he , &c. ] Ierom distinguisheth Three Periods of time ; one , wherein the Church was Governed by common Counsel of Presbyters : The second , wherein there were divisions in Religion , and it was said among the People , not at Corinth . only , I am of Paul , &c. For when these things were said at Corinth , the Church was Governed by the common Counsel of Presbyters ; as appears 1 Cor. 5. 2 Cor. 1. The Third and last , wherein one chosen out from among the Presbyters , was set over the rest . And every one of these times , saith he ( that I may speak with the Vulgar ) had their own latitude . Iunius here , informs the Dr. that this was not said at Corinth . only , but among the People [ malum non Corinthi solum ] — It was . saith he , a publick evil . He adds that Paul himself prescribed no such remedy to the Corinthians : And and afterward ( Not. 17. ) he tells us , that Ierom saith , That after it was said among the People , this Change was made , but not , that this human Prostasie began at that time , viz : of the Schism , but after that time . To this Judicious account of the learned Iunius , I shall add another of the famous Whittaker ( De Eccl. quest . 1. Cap. 3. Sect. 29. ) where he thus obviats and removes the Drs. Quible upon Ierom's forementioned Testimony , he saith not , it was Decreed by the Apostles , that one Presbyter should be set over the rest ; This he says was by the Churches custom , not the Apostles Decree — Then Jerom adds , let the Bishops know , that it is rather by custom , than Divine appointment , that they are set over Presbyters . Had the Apostles , saith Whittaker , changed the First Order , and set Bishops over Presbyters , and forbidden the Churches to be Governed by their common Counsel , truely , this had been the ●ords appointment , because proceeding from the Apostles of Christ , unless we will ascribe to Custom , not to Divine appointment , what they decreed : But the Apostles being alive , there was nothing changed in that Order ; For the Epistle was written when Paul , was in Macedonia , &c. The Dr. may in these accounts , see his Error . Jerom , in the forementioned Testimonies , proving a Scripture parity of Bishop and Presbyter , through all the Apostles times and writings , and even to John's time , the surviver of them all , could not be so bruitishly inconsequent , as to make the Schism at Corinth , the occasion of the Change of Government , so long before his Testimony from John , yea before Paul's farewel Sermon to the Elders of Ephesus , from which , he draws another of his Proofs , but he speaks of an human Custom coming in Paulatim postea , piece and piece , and by degrees , long after these times , and but alluds unto that division . 1 Cor. 1 ( where again the Dr. may see the Error of taking strictly his alluding Phrases ) expressing it , in the Apostles words , not of their times ; For , as we heard Whittaker observe , the Apostles never appointed such accressent Power of Prelats over Presbyters , as a Remedy of Schism , among all their Prescriptions of the Remedies of this evil , Rom. 16. 1 Cor. 3. Whittaker also , will tell the Dr. that this was a Remedy worse than the disease . The Dr. adds , to confirm his Sense of Jerom's Words , that Jerom ( in his Book De Eccles. Script . ) shews , that after the Lord's Ascension , James was Ordained by the Apostles , Bishop of Jerusalem , Timothy by Paul , Bishop of Ephesus , Titus of Crete , Polycarp of Smyrna , So , that he must either mean an Apostolick Decree , or else , he must contradict himself . Ans. Not to detain the Dr. to prove this Book to be Jerom's , which some hold to be spurious , this is easily removed by what we have above offered , and even from Whittaker , of the Fathers general , improper , ambiguous Speech of Bishops , and their various use of this epithet , terming such Persons , who did for some time Officiat in a place , whether extraordinary Officers or ordinary , the Bishops thereof , after the Denomination and custom , which had then obtained , whereof instances have been above exhibited . Jerom speaking of the Alexandrian Succession , says , the Presbyters chused out one to preside [ a Marco Evangelista ] and terming Mark thus ( not meerly , upon the account of his being a Writer of the Gospel , which is the strictest acceptation , but in the Judgment of those , best acquaint with his Writings , an Evangelist , as a transient , unfixed Preacher of the Gospel ) he must needs account Timothy and Titus of the same Office ; And therefore , not Bishops in a formal Sense , nor set up in such a manner , and for such an end , which were Cross to their Office , as I have above made good . Besides , that it seems odd and inconsistent with common Sense , that immediatly after the Lords Ascension , such Persons were set up , in the Office and Character specified , and cross to this whole Testimony of Jerom ; For thus , there could be no time for Presbyters governing by common counsel , nor the Schism to grow up thereupon , both which , Jerom's Testimonies does suppose , in distinct Periods of time , as we heard Iunius observe ; So , that the Dr. speaks very bluntly and inconsideratly , when he tells us , That either Ierom must mean a Decree Apostolick , immediatly after our Lord's Ascension , or else expresly contradict himself . This Alternative of the Dr's . I say , is pityful inadvertency ; For , should Ierom speak of such an Apostolick Decree , as he imputes to him , he must needs directly contradict himself , in Asserting the Churches Government , to have been for a time [ communi consilio Presbyterorum ] And a Schism growing thereupon : For , in the Dr's Sense , there was never such a Government , or an occasion of Schism existent . Besides , That this Gloss of the Dr's . makes Ierom say , that the Apostles changed the Divine appointment , to make way for an human form ; For , Jerom holds the Government , by common Council of Presbyters , to be founded upon Divine Institution , and that which Succeeded , upon human Custom only . The Dr. therefore , and all else , who would accord Jerom's Testimony , with what he here Cites , must understand his words in the sense , I have offered , which , as is said , is the Sense and Judgment of famous Protestant Divines . The Dr's Fifth exception is , That had this change of the Government from Presbyterian to Episcopal , been in very deed ; it must either have been made by the Apostles , or thereafter : If we say , by the Apostles , its strange , there is no mention of it in Scripture . But to this , the Answer is easie and ready , that we own no such Sense of Jerom's words , nor can they admit the same , as I have already made good . Well , but the Dr. pushes us with the other horn of his Dilemma , viz. That if we say , it was made after the Apostles , or about the year 140 , how comes it , that such a Decree ▪ relative to an Universal Change of the Government from one kind to another , is not mentioned in Ecclesiastick Antiquity ? There being no such Decree heard of , and Clemens , Ignatius , Hegesippus , Irenaeus , Dionysius of Corinth , who lived in that Period , are so far from taking notice of this , that they maintain the uninterrupted Succession of Bishops , from the Apostles . I answer , this other push and Horn of the Dr's Dilemma , is as far from harming us , as the other ; For it is grounded upon the Dr's own groundless fancie , and distorted Sense of Jerom's words , as if by [ toto orbe decretum ] he had meant a formal general Decree of a Council : Which phantastick conceit , several Learned Divines have refuted , from the Tenor and Scope of Jerom's words . Jerom says [ prospiciente Concilio — & toto orbe decretum ] not in any formed Council , either in the Apostles time , or afterward , but he means , when through the World , it was said among the People , I am of Paul , &c. [ postquam alii Corinthiorum more Dementati in partes discerptae sunt ] ( as Blondel expresses and expounds it ) it was Decreed among the People , or in and among particular Churches through the whole World. Decreed through the whole World , is all one with by the whole World , which is distributively to be taken . Jerom's words evince this ; For , the Council's Decree representing the whole World , would have been all at once , but Jerom says , this change came not in simul & semel , but paulatim , by degrees , and that the after Prostasie came in Consuetudine , or by custom , which points at a gradual comming in . Thus , we have seen the Dr's fancied absurdity evanish . I might add , that the Churches speedy defection from the Apostolick Purity and Institutions in point of Government , will not appear strange to any , who considers Scripture Instances , of as great and more speedy Defections : Witness , that of Israel's worshiping the Golden Calf , so shortly after the Promulgation of the Law ; And the early workings of the Mysterie of iniquity , in the New Testament Church , and affectation of Episcopal Primacy , in the Apostle John's time , &c. Of which already . For what he adds of the Testimonies of Authors , as to the Succession of Bishops , from Apostles , at Rome , Jerusalem , &c. we have already discovered fully , what a mean and chattered proof this is , and that the pretended Succession is lyable to unanswerable exceptions , and terminating in Apostles or Evangelists , whose Office is extraordinary , and expired ; the fabulous vanity thereof , is in this convincingly apparent . The Dr. tells us , That Irenaeus , while at Rome , might as well know Peters Successors there , as we may know , who succeeded Bishop Whitgift , in the Chair of Canterbury , he being no further distant from the one , than we from the other . But truly , were there no greater Certainty of the one , than of the other , I should confidently Challenge that Matter of Fact as Fabulous : And had that Chair , had no other Successors of Whitgift , than the first Pastors or Bishops of Rome , it had been an empty Chair . And were there as great Uncertainty of an Arch-Bishop Whitgift at Canterbury , and as many famous Contradictors of this Matter of Fact , and of his Successors , as in this case of Rome , the Succession would merit no Mans Belief . For the Dr's . Assertion of the Clearness of Ierusalem and Romes Successions [ which he says is as clear , as any thing in Ecclesiastick History ] he therein crosses the Judgment of Learned Protestants , who have made the contrary appear , as is above evinced . The Accounts of this supposed Succession , being Contradictory one to another , and sometimes Persons Contemporary , made Succedaneous therein , yea , and the very Name and Office of Persons designed , being of a various and different Nature and Signification , some of these pretended succeeding Bishops , being mere Presbyters . But says the Doctor , who will question an ancient Monarchy , because of some Defect of the Historical Accounts of its Succession . I answer , The Original of the Monarchy , being clear in History , and also the Successors of the first , in Point of an Historical Faith , this will not be questioned : And when the Dr. shal let us see the Bishops of his Mould , set up by the Apostles , and present to us the Scripture Escutchions of their Power , together with clear Historical Accounts of their first Successors accordingly , we shal admit his paralell Argument , else it is a mere non sequitur . The Dr. in the next place , tells us , That the Story of Jerom's Universal Decree , being Unattested , and Contradictory to all Antiquity , it must needs be lookt upon , as a mere Figment of his Fancy . But from what is said , its evident , that the Dr. instead of Impugning the Decree , which Jeroms Testimony speaks of , has been , in all that is premised , but Fighting with his own Shadow , and a Figment of his o●n Fancy , and has never touched his Meaning and Scope , nor has shown any , much less all Antiquity , against what Jerom asserts . The Dr. demands an Instance of any Church of another Form of Government , than Episcopacy . Which Demand he might have found sufficiently answered by Presbyterian Writers , who have made appear , that the first Apostolick Churches were Governed Presbyterially . The Authors of the Jus Divinum Regim . Eccles. have long since exhibit clear Scripture Proofs of this , which the Dr. should have Answered , before he had made such a Challenge . Besides , the Multitud of Fathers , who maintain the Identity of Bishops and Presbyters , will go far in this Proof . And if Blondels Demonstration from Antiquity , ( Apol. Sect. 3. P. 308. &c. ) that Bishops came not in till the year 140. hold good , surely all the existent Churches in that Period of Time , are so many Instances of such a Government . And for this Church of Scotland , we have its first Presbyterian Government , attested by Iohan. Major . de gest . Scot. Lib : 2 : Fordons Scotochron : Lib : 3 : cap : 8 : Blond . Sect 3. That from the year 79. till 430. it was Governed by Presbyters without Bishops , and that in that year , the Bishop of Rome sent Palladius , as our first Bishop ; So , that we had our Union to the See of Rome , together with Prelacy . We come now , to the Dr's last Exception to this Testimony of Ierom , wherein he reposes great Confidence , Ushering it in with an especially Considering : Well , what is that under his Consideration , the Dr. will Amuse us with , and Arrest our Thoughts upon ? This Conceit , saith he , reflects odiously upon the Wisdom of our Saviour , and his Apostles , in Devolving the Government upon Presbyters common Counsel , which was the Occasion of sundry Schisms and Divisions , for Removal of which , the Church found it needful to dissolve those Presbytries , and introduce Episcopacy in their Room . But the Doctor might have found this his Conceit and Notion long since removed , and that his supposed Reflection , depends not upon any Words of Ierom. Ierom says , That [ Diaboli Instinctu ] by the Devils Instinct , there fell Divisions and Factions , one saying , I am of Paul , and another , I am of Apollo , and that thereupon , this Remedy of setting up fixed Presidents , was fallen upon . Which the Learned Whittaker has told the Dr , was a Remedy worse than the Disease : And Ierom himself , distinguishes this Humane Custom , from the Divine Institution . Now , where is the Dr's Consequence ? Because Jerom says , that for preventing Schisms at that time , the Government was changed , doth he therefore charge this , upon the Apostles Government , or Christs Institution ? He may as well say , that a Mans asserting Corruptions to be in the Church , will inferr his imputing them to the Ordinances . Was there not Discord among the Apostles , under Christs own immediat Government ? But did this Discord , or the Record thereof in Scripture , reflect on His Holy Government ? Paul and Barnabas divided and parted asunder , but doth Luke , in Recording this , charge it upon the Apostolick Government ? To make the Folly of the Dr's Inference , yet further to appear , let these three things be considered . 1. He confesses that Jerom asserts , that the Apostolick Government of Presbyterian Parity , was the Occasion only of these Schisms . Therefore , say I , he makes it not the Cause : If the Dr. assert this , he will pitifully expose his Learning , in not distinguishing these things , which are so obviously distinguishable , and reflect upon our Saviour , in saying , he came not to send Peace , but a Sword and Division , to kindle Fire upon the Earth , to set a Man at Variance against his Father , and to make those of a Man 's own House , his Enemies ; as if His Holy Doctrin , were the Cause of these Evils . Paul tells us , that his Corruption and Sin , took Occasion from the Commandment , and was irritat by the Law ; but prevents so gross a Mistake , as to suppose any Imputation upon the Holy Law thereby . Is the Law sin ? saith he , God forbid . He abhorrs the Consequence as absurd and blasphemous . 2. The Dr. holds , that Jerom asserts , The Church found it necessary upon this Occasion , to change the first Government , by the Common Counsel of Presbyters , and ( as he expresses it ) to Dissolve Presbytries , and Introduce Episcopacy . Wherein he abuses Ierom , and pitifully Wire-draws his Words , offering a mere Distortion of them : For , [ 1. ] Ierom speaks only , as is above cleared , of an Innovating Custom , growing up by Degrees , not of a Government introduced by the whole Church , upon Ground of Necessity . [ 2. ] He makes Ierom assert , that upon the first Introduction of this Custom , Presbytries were wholly dissolved , which is most cross to Ieroms Meaning ; For , even in his own time , long after the first Origine of this Custom , he says [ quid facit , &c. ] what doth the Bishop , except Ordination , which the Presbytrie doth not ? So , that in the first Introduction of this Episcopus Praeses , Ierom could far less suppose a Dissolution of Presbytries , or total Abolishing of their Authority , as the Dr. foolishly suggests , but only such a fixed President or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who , as in that Capacity , had a Deference , and the Care committed to him , but not so , as wholly to exclud Presbyters Decisive Suffrage . Again , in the 3 d. place , what ever may be said of this after-Practice and Frame of Government , Ierom expresly denies a Divine Right , or Ius to it , and distinguishes it , from the Truth of the Divine Appointment , which first took place : So , that , tho we should grant to the Dr , that in Ierom's Sense , the whole Church , by joynt Determination , had simul & semel made this Alteration , it is evident , that he charges the Error upon the Church , as a Recess from the Divine Path , but not at all upon the Divine Appointment it self , which he diligently distinguishes from , and sets in Opposition to this Custom and Practice of the Church . So , that the absurd Reflection upon the Apostles Government , and the Wisdom of our Saviour , the Dr. may see to be lodged nearer home , viz. not only upon these , who first brought in this Human Prostasie , ( especially such , as Scrued it up to an Hierarchical Primacy , which is so cross to the Apostolick Parity ) but also , and in a singular manner , to be chargeable upon these , who uphold it , after its many Evils are discovered . Ierom asserts only the Matter of Fact , viz. That this Imparity , was brought in for Remedy of Schism , but leaves the charg● of Reflecting upon the Apostolick Government , upon the Authors of this Innovation ; And upon the Promotters thereof , it must still ly . The Dr. alledges , That Iorom approves of this , as a Wise a●d Prudent Action . An odd Approbation indeed ! To approv● a Custom or Action , as Wise and Prudent , which he holds to be opposit to the Divine Appointment . For his proof , viz. That Ierom asserts the Safety of the Church to depend upon the Authority of the High Priest or Bishop , to whom , if Supreme Authority be not given , there would be as many Schisms as Priests . As the Dr. has pointed us to none of Ieroms Writings for Proof of this , so ( as we have cleared above ) Ierom and the Ancients , in such Allusive Expressions , intend nothing else , but a Distinction of Offices in the Gospel Ministry , and to assert the Authority thereof . Blond . Sect. 3. P. 135. shews out of diverse Councils , their expressing the Gospel Ministry , under the Character of Priests and Levites . And I dare referr it to this Dr , or any Man of Sense , if a grosser Contradiction or Non-sense , could ever fall into any Mans Thought , than to hold the Necessity of an Hierarchical Bishop , with Supreme Authority , and yet the Necessity of a Divine Appointment to the contrary . That which the Dr. calls the Unavoidable Consequence of Jerom 's Hypothesis , viz. That the Church had gone to Ruine , if a Wiser Form of Government , than that of Apostles , had not been taken up , to supply its Defect . We have made appear , to be a very easily avoided Consequence , and by no Twist of Reason , to be deducible from Ierom's Hypothesis , and that the Dr , in drawing such a Consequence , has , in stead of Ierom , involved himself , in absurd Deductions . He calls this Testimony of Jerom , the only considerable Objection , against the Universal Conformity of the Primitive Church to Episcopal Government ; And therein discovers his small and slender Reading in this Controversie , since he might have seen in Blondel , Salmasius , and many others , many more considerable Objections ; And this one , we have found so very considerable , that it hath quit baffled , and born down the Dr's mean and inconsiderable Answers . But to proceed . In the close of this Section . ( P. 421. ) the Dr. flies high in these his supposed victorious Answers to Jerom's Testimony , telling us , that the Apostolick Superiority of Bishops , being handed down by Testimonies , from Age to Age , it s as unreasonable to reject the same , as the Canon of the Scriptures , thence derived . The Dr. here discovers , what Spirit he is of . I had alwise thought , that the Divine Impression of the Scripture Canon , the intrinsick infallible evidences of a Divine inspiration , had been the great ground of the Churches reception , not its being handed down to us , from former generations , or the First receivers ; And that our Divines , had alwise distinguished , the Church and former Generations Testimony and recommendation , from the innate , Essential evidences of its Divine Authority , as to the Ground of our Faith and reception . But however , I shall tell him , that he should have exhibited , as full and Divine proof and unanimous recommendation of all the Churches , for his hierarchical Prelacy , as there is for the Scripture Canon , before he had offered such an high flown notion . Before I part with the Dr. upon this head , I must needs ( tho I have a little before , touched it ) take notice of two pieces of signal unsoundnness and unfair dealing in this Matter of Jerom's Testimony . First , That in all his Animadversions , and muster of Episcopal strength against it , he doth not in the least , take notice of Jeroms Scripture proofs , of the parity of Bishop and Presbyter : in correspondence to our Sense and Pleading . Upon Philip 1.1 . He argues , That many Bishops are saluted by Paul in that Church ; and that it could not have many of the Diocesian stamp ; That therefore , the Apostle speaks indifferently of Bishops and Presbyters , as one and the same . That Act. 20. Paul called the Elders of Ephesus , Bishops , set up by the Holy Ghost ; and that therefore he owned the Elders of that one City , as Bishops . That in the Epistle to the Hebrews , the care of the Churches is divided among many — obey them that have the Rule over you , for they watch for your Souls . That Peter , called so from the firmness of his Faith , exhorts thus the Elders — the Elders which are among you , I exhort , who am also an Elder , and Witness , of the sufferings of Christ , Feed the Flock of God , which is among you , not by constraint , but willingly , &c. These things I write , saith Ierom , to shew , that among the Ancients , Bishops and Presbyters , were one and the same , and that by little and little , the care was devolved upon one . Now , what says the Dr. to these his Arguings upon the Apostles Doctrin ? If they are not found , why doth he not discover his mistake ? If they hold good , the Dr's exceptions evanish unto Wind. As for instance , That Ierom is too late a Witness ; that he is a Witness in his own Cause ; that he talks otherwise , when not byassed with partiality , &c. For , if these Reasonings be sound , his Witness , is both a most early and Divine Witness , and in the cause of God and Truth ; And whatever other Testimony he may be supposed to give , this Divine Testimony ought to be preferred , wherein there can be no partiality , unless the Dr. will impute partiality to the Divine Oracles , and the Decision of the Holy GOD of Truth , in this Point . This also , answers the Drs quible , about a Decree Apostolick , as the Ground of the Change of Government , and that Ierom could mean no such thing , since none can be so brutish , as to impute to the Apostles , a contradictory Decree to their own Doctrin . As also , that other exception of his , evanishes , upon this Ground , Viz. That no such Decree of the Church was Recorded ; And that therefore , there was none such : For , say , it was either a Decree , or gradual Custom , if cross to the Apostolick Doctrin , it ought to be rejected . Thus , also appears the Folly of his last exception , That he imputes to the Apostolick Government , that it occasioned Schisms . For , upon supposal of the soundness of Ierom's Scripture proofs , the parity of Bishop and Presbyter , being the mind of Christ and his Apostles , this Government could never give ground to Schisms , nor could the Church warrantably alter it , upon any such pretence ; So that , whensoever , and by whomsoever the change was made , it was made contrary to the revealed will of the great Law-giver . The Second Point of unsoundness , the Dr. is Chargable with , is , that in the beginning of his discourse upon Ierom's Testimony , he professes , that he will not disput with us , the Sense of this Passage , but allow it to bear our Sense ; Yet in several of his Answers , he impugns our Sense : Especially his 4.5 . & 6. and not only our Sense , but the Sense of sound Protestant Divines , as is above evident . His Conceit about Ierom's making the Decree or Custom , he speaks of , to be the Schism at Corinth ( which is his Fourth exception ) and his Supposition , That Jerom by [ toto orbe decretum ] understands a formal joint Decree of the whole Church , not a gradual Custom , and that Jerom makes the Church to redress upon necessary grounds , the Government appointed by Christ and his Apostles , and thus to impeach his Divine Wisdom ( which are his other exceptions ) All these , I say , as they are Distortions of Jerom's sense , so directly opposit to the Sense given by us , and by all sound Divines ; yea , and such , as have been long since refuted by Protestant Writers , in Answer to Popish glosses and exceptions , with whom our Dr. and his Fellows does here join Issue : So that , we may judg of the affinity of both their Causes , by the near cognation of their Pleadings . CHAP. IV. The Dr 's Fourth Argument , Examined , taken from our Saviour's alledged allowance and Approbation of Episcopal Government , in his Epistles to the Seven Asian Churches . WE do now proceed to the Dr's last Argument , to prove , That the rightful Government of the Church is Episcopal , taken from our Saviours Allowance and Approbation thereof , in his Seven Epistles to the Seven Churches of Asia , directed to the Seven Angels , called Seven Stars in His Right Hand , or the Seven Lights of the Seven Churches , Rev. 1.20 . and 2.1 . And in every Epistle , owned as his Angels and Messengers . The Dr. tells us , that if he can prove them to be Seven Bishops , presiding over Clergy and Laity of these Churches at that time , they are unanswerable instances of Christs Allowance and Approbation of the Episcopal Order . This trite and often Baffled Argument , taken from the supposed Episcopal Power of the Seven Asian Angels , has been so frequently scanned and tossed by Writers , on this Controversie , that the Dr. since he makes here such a Parade , should either have brought some new Strength upon the Field , or offered an Answer , to the many clear returns , given to this Argument . However , to clear our way , in examining what the Dr. says upon this head ( which is nothing else , but some Old Musty stuff repeated ) I premise two things . 1. That the Collective Sense of the term , Angel , is most suitable to Scripture , and the Scope of these Epistles . 2. That allowing the Angels to be single Persons , will nothing help the Drs. design and pleading . For the First , that the collective Sense of the term Angel , is most suitable to Scripture , and the Scope of these Epistles , appears thus . 1. This suits best the Stile of this Book , which is by mystick visional Representations , to includ many individuals : As one singular , so all the individuals of the Church , both Members and Officers , are represented by One Candlestick ; And why not also , all the Ministers , by one Angel ? A term which of it self , and in this place imports no Jurisdiction properly , but is immediatly referred to the Angelical frame and qualities of Ministers . 2. This is also suitable to the style of this Book , as it is Epistolare ; the Address , may be to one , but it will give no Authority to that one over the rest ; As an Address from the King to a Speaker in Parliament , will give the Speaker no Jurisdiction and Authority over his Fellow-Members . When our Lord said unto Peter only expresly , not to the rest of his fellow-Disciples , I will give unto thee the Keyes , &c. who but brutish and partially affected Papists , will conclud , that he was Prince or Primate over the Apostles ? And that they had not , and even by this promise , an equal Authority with him , in the use of the Keys ? This the Dr. must acknowledg , unless he will justify the Popes Pleading from this Text. 3. This is suitable to Scripture Prophetick Writings , and to this Book , as such , to represent many Individuals , by one singular . The Four beasts , the Twenty Four Elders , do not signify so many individual persons : The singular Names of Woman , Beast , Whore , Dragon , signify a collection of many individuals . So the one , Spirit of God , is called the Seven Spirits , with reference to his manifold operations . Dan. 8.20 . One Ram , signifies many Kings of the Medes and Persians . He that will not hearken to the Priest , Deut. 17.12 . i. e. The Priests in the plural . So , the Priests Lips should keep knowledg , and the Law sought at his Mouth Mal. 2.7 . Here also , the Priest for Priests , in the Plural . Blest is that Servant , whom the Lord , &c. i. e. Those Servants . Particularly , as to the term Angel ; It is said , Psal. 34. that the Angel of the Lord encampeth about the Godly . i. e. many Angels , since they are all Ministring Spirits to them . 4. It is suitable to Scripture , and this Book , to represent an indefinit number by a definit : Thus all Iudahs Adversaries , are represented by the Four Horns Zech. 1.18 . All the Godly and the Ungodly , are represented by the Five Wise , and by the Five Foolish Virgins . The Seven Angels standing before God , Represents all the Angels . Ch. 8. of this Book ; for in Ch. 7. mention is made of all the Angels , who do thus stand . And with the same indefinitness , we are to understand the Septenarie number , frequently elsewhere ; as the Seven Pillars which Wisdom Hews out Prov. 9. The Seven Pastors or Shepherds , Micah . 5. The Seven Eyes Zech. 3. And in this very Book , Ch. 4.5.15 . The Seven Candlesticks , Lamps , Viols . 5. As we find the Scripture , and this same Apostle , First , Naming a Multitude , and then contracting it into a Singular , as 2 Ioh. 7. v. — Many deceivers are entred into the World — Then — This is a Deceiver , and an Antichrist . And sometimes , the Individual in one Sentence , turned into a Multitude , as 1 Tim. 2.15 . She shall be saved i. e. the Woman bearing Children , if they continue in Faith and Charity , i. e. such Women , in general . So , this single Angel , is turned into many , and spoken to , in the Plural , in one and the same Epistle . Thus Rev. 2.24 . — Unto you , I say and unto the rest in Thyatira . Rev. 2.10 . We find John changing the singular Angel into a Multitud● ; Fear none of these things , which thou shalt suffer : Behold the Devil shall cast some of you into Prison , that ye may be tryed . In a word , what ever Characteristick of this Angel , the Dr. shall produce , we can make it appear , to be applicable to Presbyters or Pastors . First , Is it a Commission to Preach and Baptize ? This , he will grant , belongs to all Pastors . Is it the Power of Ordination ? The Scripture shews us , that this is Seated in a Presbytrie , 1 Tim. 4.14 . Matth. 18.17 . Is it the Ruling Governing Power ? All Ministers are such Angels ; All that Watch for Souls , do Rule over them , and all Labourers in the Word and Doctrin , have an equal joynt Interest in Feeding , Censuring and Ruling in the Churches , over which they are set , Heb. 13.17 . 1 Thess. 5.12 . And People are accordingly to submit themselves to them . Therefore , this Prostasie and Ruling Power , is no sole Prerogative of a single Angel , or supposed Bishop . Thus , it was with the Church of Ephesus , Act. 20. And it is much more suteable to understand the Angel of Ephesus , of a Plurality of Ministers , to whom , in a plain Scripture , the whole Government is found intrusted , rather than to Explain that plain Text by a Metaphor , and contrary thereunto , to set up one Angel , or Di●cesan Bishop over that Church , with sole Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction . The Dr. will find this our Sense of the Angel , to be no new Opinion , when he considers that Augustin . Homil. 21. upon this Book , thus takes it , Expounding the Angel of Thyatira , the Praepositi Ecclesiarum , or Governours of the Churches . So Aretas , Lib. 1. Cap. 1.2.9.10 . Primas . in Apoc. Cap. 2. Ambros. Ambert . Anselm . Pererius , Victorin . Tirin , Haym . Bed. Perkins . Fox in his Meditations on the Revelation , pag. 7 , 8. Pilkintoun Bishop of Durham , in his Exposition of Hag. Ch. 1. v. 13. The second thing , I premise is , that the Dr. hath no advantage , tho it be yielded , that the Angel , is a single Person : For , 1. He may be the Angelus Praeses , or the Moderator Angel , not the Angelus Princeps , or the Lord Angel yea , and the Praeses or Moderator for the time , as a Speaker in Parliament . Ephesus had many Angels ( Act. 20.28 . 1 Tim. 5.17 . ) of equal Authority , who were made Bishops by the Holy Ghost , and set over that Church accordingly , and they are spoken to , in the Plural , though the Angel is named in the Singular Number . 2. This Angel , is said to have no Jurisdiction or Superiority over the rest of the Ministers , nor can the Dr. shew , where this Angel is spoken to , with reference to Ministers as subject to him , which notwithstanding , is his begged Supposition , and Petitio Principii , all along in this Argument . 3. The Parochial and Diocesan Division of the Churches , were long after this , and not until the 260 year after Christ , in the Judgment of best Antiquaries . 4. Nothing is required of this Angel , but that which is the common Duty of all Pastors . Finally , suppose it were granted to him , that a Superiority were imported in Naming this Angel , it may be a Superiority of Order , Dignity , or Gifts , and in such Moral Respects , not of Power and Jurisdiction . The Dr , in Order to this his Scope , proposes generally the Method of his Proof , shewing , That he will prove that they were single Persons . 2 ly , That they were Persons of great Authority in these Churches . 3 ly , That they were the Bishops or Presidents of these Churches . Before I examin his Proofs , it is pleasant to consider , how well this Undertaking of the Dr. answers his Scope , which all along in this Dispute , is , to prove a Succession of ordinary Officers , in the Office of Apostolat , as he calls it , and in their whole Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , excluding Pastors , from the least Interest therein . By his Principles , these supposed Succeeding Prelats , are the sole Governours of Churches , have the sole Legislative Power ( wherein he says , the Essence of Government consists ) the Power of Consecration and Ordination to Ecclesiastick Offices , and that of the same Nature and Extent , as he supposes the Apostles had it , by vertue of their Apostolical Mission . The Bishops also , have , by his Principles , the sole Executive Spiritual Jurisdiction , Monopolized in them , as their peculiar Prerogative , viz. ( as the Dr. explains it ) to Cite , Examin , Admonish Offenders , Exclud from , or Admit to Church Communion , Censure or Absolve , Bind or Loose . The twelve Thrones to Judg Israels Tribes , promised to Apostles , he understands of the Authority of Judging , and of all Spiritual Jurisdiction in the Church Visible , committed to them , and by them to the Bishops , as their only Successors , in this Authority . To which , we may add , the Confirming of the Baptized , by Imposition of Hands , which he also ascribes to them , as their sole Prerogative . This the Dr. at large insists upon , from P. 433. to P. 438. Now , to prove all these Prerogatives of the Bishops , and this Extensive Power , so paramount to all Authority , or Interest of Pastors in Government , as it renders them mere Cyphers without a Figure , from the seven Asian Angels ; Because they were single Persons , or of great Authority in the Churches , or President-Bishops in these Churches , is such a Proof , as the Simplest may Laugh at . For 1. Will any Man think , that their being Saluted as single Persons , will prove this Extensive Authority ? Why may not a Senate be Saluted in the Consuls , a Parliament Addressed in the Chancellor , or the House of Commons , in an Epistle to the Speaker ? 2 ly , Say , that they were Presidents , and admit , that they had Deference and Authority as such , as the Consul in the Senate , will this suppose , or by any Shadow of Consequence or Connection , inferr , that they had such a Power , as is here described , and such as swallows up wholly and absolutly , all Authority of the Members of Church Judicatories ? Nay , the Dr. will as soon joyn the Poles together , as unite this Antecedent and Consequent . Besides , in calling them Presidents , he discovers this , and confutes himself , since the Terme , both Name and Thing , in all Languages , and in the Sense of all Men , is appropriat to such , as are set over Juridical Courts , Civil or Ecclesiastick , the Members whereof , are still supposed to have a Decisive Suffrage , and Interest in the Government . Again 3 ly , The Dr. says he will prove , that they were Persons of great Authority in these Churches . But , if he speak to the Point , and prosecut his Scope , he must call it Absolute and Sole Authority , intirely exclusive of all Interest , which Pastors , or any other Church Officers , may claim therein . Come we to the Dr's Grand Proofs , First , That they were single Persons , he proves from this , That they are mentioned as such — the Angel of Ephesus , the Angel of Smyrna ; And thus all along Addrest in the Singular Number — I know thy Works — I have a few things against thee . Ans. This Argument is abundantly removed , by what is premised , anent the Collective Sense of the Word Angel , which our Lords Addressing the the Epistle to one Angel , doth no whit Impugn , in the sense of sound Protestant Divines . For further clearing this , let us hear the Belgick Divines , upon the Text , To the Angel , i. e. to the Overseer , Inspector , or Pastor of the Church — This is set down here in the Singular Number , either , in regard of their whole Colledg , as Mal. 2.7 . Under the Name of Angel in the Singular , the whole Colledg of Priests , was to be understood ; or because that some one , had the Presidency among them , in Order , by whom it was to be communicat to the rest , as appears by Act. 20.17 , 28. That there were more Elders or Overseers , in this Church of Ephesus , whom Paul charges in his last Farewel , to take heed to themselves , and to the whole Flock , over which the Holy Ghost had made them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ i. e. Overseers , for to Feed the Flock . So , that it is groundless , from hence to inferr , an Episcopal Authority of one person above the rest : For , the verry matter it self , written here to the Angel of the Church , is Written for a warning to the whole Church , as appears by v. 7. here , and above Chap. 1.11 . The English Divines , the Authors of Part Second , Annot. going under the Name of Pool , thus sense that Passage , Rev. 2.1 . To the Angel , it appears from Act. 20.17 . That there were more Ministers there than one , but they were all Angels , and from the oneness of their business , they are called one Angel. And upon Chap. 1.20 . they tell us , That certain it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies no more , than is commmon to all Ministers , viz. to be Gods Messengers , and move upon his errands . That we are to understand here , the Doctors , Pastors and Ministers of the Church , is the sense and Judgment of Cluverus , Dr. Lightfoot . Cluverus takes notice , that the Change of the Number , v. 10.19 . Argues , that the Epistle is not directed to one Person . And Dr. Lightfoot shews , that this Tittle , is with allusion , to that of the Minister of the Synagogue , whose Office was publickly to read and expound the Prophets , unto the People , as these Ministers were to Read these Epistles , in the publick Congregation . Thus also Piscator , understands the whole Pastors of the Church . From whence , and from many others , which might be added , it is evident . 1. That the collective Sense of the word Angel , is Judged by them consonant to Scripture , and to the Scope of the Epistles . 2 ly , That even supposing some speciality , in the Address to one person , this doth import a simple Presidency only ( especially in the sense of the Belgick Divines ) and that they do intirely join with us , in the Grounds , we have offered , against the Dr's supposition of an Hierarchical Bishop ; and particularly from this , that the Angel , is sometimes addressed in the Plural . That Ground which the Belgick Divines , and others insist upon , taken from the Matter of the Epistles , is important ; and that our Lord addresses to all the Angels of the Church , as concerning them , Rev. 1.11 . Write , saith he , to the Churches of Ephesus , Smyrna , &c. And at the close of every Epistle — Hear what the Spirit saith to the Churches : And therefore , when it is said , I know thy Works , &c. — this thou hast , &c. We must understand the whole Company of Ministers , and the whole Church ; because the punishment or reward , is proposed to the whole : And the Dr. will not say , that for the sin of one Bishop , the Gospel is to be removed , when other Ministers , and the Church it self is free from his evils . The Dr. alledges , That the Angel is alwise addrest in the singular number . And to that which is adduced to prove his being addrest in the Plural ; he Answers , That in these Passages , he writes , not only to the Bishops personally , but to the People , under their Government and inspection ; so he understands that of Chap. 2.10 . — The Devil shall cast some of you into Prison , paralelling it , with v. 13. Antipas slain among you , and v. 23. — And all the Churches shall know , &c. But , first , ( not to stand upon the Drs. begging the Question , in a supposition cross to his scope ) the paralells , are not every way alike . When the Lord says — all the Churches — and slain among you , &c. the Scope and Mould of these expressions , makes it evident , that both Ministers and People , are spoken of : But when immediatly after , addressing the Angel , in the Singular , he adds — the Devil shall cast some of you , into Prison , changing the Singular Angel into a Plural , it appears , that the Ministers are more directly included , as the adduced paralel , 1 Tim. 2.15 . Discovers . But not to insist upon this . In the next place , the folly and inconsistency of his gloss and discourse , in this Answer , is several ways apparent : For First , He will have these Passages — I know thy works — I have some what against thee , &c. addrest Singlely to the Angel ; From the singularity of which Adress , he collects , the Bishop's single and absolute Authority over these Churches . But I pray , what Sense will the Dr. make of this ? Will he say , our Lord knew the Works only , of one single Bishop , of no Ministers else ? That one Bishop Laboured at Ephesus , none else ? That one Bishop at Ephesus , fell from his first Love , no Church Officers else ? ( A pityful imputation , the Dr. puts thus upon Timothy , the supposed Bishop of Ephesus , in staging him , as the only Apostat of the Church ) The same may be applyed to his other Instances . — I have a few things against thee , Viz , one Bishop , no Ministers else . — Remember , whence thou art fallen , viz. The Bishop fallen only , none else . — Repent and do thy First Works ; this only addrest to the Bishop , none else concerned in this Duty , but his Lordship . If he say , that these things are spoken to the Bishop , as chiefly concerned and interested ; Then , besides his begging the Question , he losses his Plea , and quite ruins all his Pleading from a supposed singularity of the Address , to conclud the singularity of the person Addressed : And thus including Ministers , as concerned and interested in the prescriptions , in point of Government , he cuts the Wind-Pipe of his grand Topick and notion here . But Secondly , we see , when he is forc't to acknowledg from the Plural Mould of the Address , that more than the Bishop , are spoken to , he gives us a fair acknowledgment , in these terms , That the Bishops , are not only written to , Personally , but also the People under their Government and inspection . But I pray , why not also Ministers and Pastors also bespoken , as well as the People ? The Dr. asserting , That both Clergy and Laity , are under the Bishop's inspection . A●d it being supposible , that in these Churches , especially at Ephesus , there was at this time , a Colledge of Pastors . How come the Dr. when he supposes the Address to overstretch the person of the Bishop , and to includ more , to assert That it reaches the People only , and not to the Pastors also ? This , I must confess , is odd Sense in Divinity ; in these great Evangelistick Precepts and Reprensions , the Lord Addresses not solely the Bishop , but the People under him , yet not one word to Pastors . I had thought , that the Clergy and Laity being distinguished by the Dr. P. 421. and both the one and the other , in his Sense , under the Bishops Government and inspection , when he makes the Plural Address , to go beyond the Bishop , he would have cast an Eye , upon the under-Clergy , or Ministry , before the People , as concerned before them , in these important duties , or supposed Transgressions . But , we may easily discover the knack of the Dr's policy in this ; For Pleading in his Second Argument , That an Authority , in reference to Church Government , is clearly imported , in several of these directions or reprehensions , particularly , those addressed , to the Angel of Pergamus and Thyatira , in reference to Juridical Tryal , conviction and Censures : He was afraid , least by this means , he should have opened a door for Ministers claim , to the Bishop's incommunicable prerogatives , had he extended the plural Address to them , as well as to the People . Thirdly , The Dr. having told us , That in such plural Addresses , the people under the Bishop's Government , are included , gives for instance , that Passage , Rev. 2.10 . The Devil shall cast some of you into prison . I should verrily think , he was here concerned to specifie the Clergy and Laity , and include both : For , it seems in his Sense , all the Pastors were safe , from the Thunder-clap of this warning ( I know not by what shield , except that of the Drs. fancy ) and there were no prisons there for Pastors , this being only spoke to the People . This charge of gross folly , upon his Mould of Reasoning ( and it is gross enough , at all will ) is the more evident , in that Answer to the Objection , taken from that phrase , Chap. 2.25 . — unto you , and unto the rest in Thyatira ; from which passage , we plead for a plural diversifying Ministers and people , under distinct Comma's . The Dr. will admit it by no means , to to be meant of any , but the People , making the term , you and the rest in Thyatria , one and the same , as distinguishing only the sound from the unsound part . in that Church . So , that it is evident , the D , . appropriats the Plural Phrases to the People only , and consequently , is exposed to the forementioned absurdities , in his way and method of pleading . That , that Passage Chap. 2.10 . doth reach the Pastors , is upon several important grounds , made good by Mr. Durham , upon the place , as 1. from the remarkable change of the singular number , to the Plural . 2 ly . That his was a searching tryal to the Church , whereof , it was her concern to be warned . 3 ly . That the preservation of Some , was as signal a consolation in such a Tryal , as Isai. 30.20.21 . See others cited by Pool Critic . upon the place . The Dr. enquires , If Angels had not been single Persons , why are they not mentioned Plurally , as well as the People ? This Querie , confirms what is now imputed to him : That they are mentioned Plurally , we have already made good , in the premised Instances . Yea the Dr. himself , answers himself , acknowledging that there is a Plurality , bespoken , in the Person of the Angels , so , that he is not , only Personally Addressed . But the Dr's strange Fetch , is , that he will allow a Plurality of the People , to be Addrest and spoken to , in one singular Bishop or Angel , but none of the Pastors at all : For which Notion ( I had almost said Non-sense ) no imaginable ground can be given , but the Dr's good Will to his Hierarchical Bishop , whom he would fain shape out of this Scripture , which we see , so rejects and baffles his Endeavours , that instead of any evident ground of Answer from the Text , he must needs embrace an Airy Notion of his own Brain . Thus to that pregnant Passage , Chap. 2.24 . which we adduce to prove the Angel , to be Addrest Plurally , viz. To you , I say , and unto the rest in Thyatira : Where there is a clear Distinction made betwixt the Plural you , viz. the Pastors , and the rest in Thyatira , viz. the People . The Dr. has no other Shift , but that pitiful one , viz. That the Ancient Greek Manuscripts , leave out the Conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Read it , To you the rest in Thyatira , distinguishing the Seduced , from the not Seduced ; And therefore , cannot be meant of the Angel , who is always Addrest in the Singular Number . But , 1. This Shift baffles most of all the old Greek Copies ; the Reading he embraces , being supposed Mantytecla's Manuscript , baffles all the Episcopal English Clergy , concerned in our last Translation , who , notwithstanding all their Zeal for Episcopacy , as appears in their various and unsound Translation of the Term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet durst not make this Adventure with the Dr , but with the Current of Ancient Copies , Read the Text , with the Conjunction : Notwithstanding , that in their Preface to the Reader , they assert their Diligence , in Searching the Original Text. I need not stand here to recount , the large Testimony and Cloud of Witnesses , the Body of Protestant Divines , Translators and Interpreters , all concurring in this our Sense and Reading , in Contradiction to the Dr's Conceit and Exception . See Paraeus , Arethas , Ribera , Dr. More , who expresly taketh the you , to import the Pastors ; Beza , &c. But , 2 ly , This Conjecture and Answer , is clearly Cross to the Text : For , ( 1. ) The Adversative , but , in the beginning of v. 24. clearly limits the you here , and distinguishes it from the you , meant of the People , in the close of v. 23. ( 2. ) The Conclusion of this verse , clears this to Conviction — I will put upon you , none other burden — hold fast — Pray , by what Logick , will the Dr. exclud Ministers , and includ the People only , in this Plural Phrase ? Were no Ministers kept unpolluted ? Or , were there some other burdens , to be put upon them , than what they had already ? And are they excluded from holding fast ' till Christ come , what is received from him , and only the People concerned herein , as contradistinct from the Bishop ? Sure I am , such absurd Consequeuces , might cover with Blushes , the Asserters of this Opinion . I might add , that even granting the Dr , the Advantage of this Gloss , and leaving out the Conjunction , and admitting with Grotius , that thus the Sound are distinguished from the Unsound in this Church , the Dr. would be pitifully puzzl'd to prove , that none of the Clergy , as he calls them , is in both these Classes , and consequently , that the Plural Phrase , doth not stand for us , even in this Discriminating Sense : But this , we insist not upon . To proceed to the Dr's second Proof , ( p. 423. ) of our Lords Allowance and Approbation of Episcopal Government in these Epistles , viz. That they were Persons of great Authority : This he proves from the Title of Angel , shewing them to be Persons of Office and Eminency ; Christ also , Directing to them the Epistles , to be communicat to their Churches . To which , he adds another Proof , taken from the Authority , which is supposed to be exercised by some of these Angels , and competent to others ; He gives Instance , of the Angel of Ephesus , trying the false Apostles , which imports a Juridical Tryal ; the Blame laid upon the Angel of Pergamus , for having them that held the Doctrin of Balaam , and of the Nicolaitans , which shews his Power to have cast him out ; upon the Angel of Thyatira , for suffering Iezabel to Teach , which shews , that it was in his Power , and that he had Authority to eject her and her Followers . Ans. The Dr's Proofs of Authority in these Angels and Churches , in reference to Government , are good and sound , and accorded to by all Divines . But he has left behind him two Points of his Proof , in reference to his Scope , which are ( to use our Scottish Proverb ) the Tongue of the Trump , and without which , all his Discourse , is but like Sand without Lime . 1. He says , " They were single Persons of great Authority : But he has not yet made good , that they were single Persons , nor offered to Answer the pregnant Grounds pleaded by our Divines , to prove the contrary , and that the Collective Sense of the Term Angel , is most suteable to the Scripture , and the Tenor and Scope of these Epistles . 2 ly , Supposing them single Persons , he has not proved , either from the Title of Angel , or their Authority imported in these Epistles , that it reached any further , than that of Presidents ; or that the Authority here Instanced , was Monopolized , and so inhanced in them , as to exclud intirely , all the Pastors therefrom . The contrary whereof ( besides the Proofs we offered in the beginning ) we heard the Belgick Divines make out , and give Instance , particularly , with reference to Ephesus ; to the Elders or Ministers of which Church , Paul committed the whole Government , as the propper Governours and Bishops thereof , Act. 20.28 . And therefore , even supposing the Angel , a single Person , he cannot be supposed , in Contradiction to that Scripture , to have had such Authority and Power , as did Inhance , or Exclud that of the Pastors and Bishops of Ephesus , so clearly therein asserted and held out . The Dr. acknowledges , That what our Lord writes , is not to this Angel personally , but also to the People , P. 422. But I pray , how will the Dr. set up his March-stone , and shew us the Limitation of these Instructions , in Point of Government , distinguishing the Person of the Bishop from the Pastors , since , neither the Supposition , that the Bishop is a single Person , will prove this , nor the Honourable Title of Angel , ( as the Dr. calls it ) a Title suteable to all Pastors , who are Angels and Messengers of the Lord of Hosts , by their Office ; Nor , can the Dr. flee to the Refuge of the Authority supposed in these Prescriptions , without a palpable begging of the Question . And as for the Communicating of the Epistles to the Churches , as Directed to them ; This is so suteable to the Angelus Praeses , or to any President , or Mouth of a Meeting , that it hath no imaginable Strength , to bear the Weight of the Dr's Conclusion . The Dr's . Third and last proof , of our Lords approbation of Episcopal Government in these Epistles , and that the Angels , were Bishops of these Churches , and Presidents thereof , is drawn from the Testimony of most Primitive Antiquity ( as he calls it ) for which he Cites the anonymous tract of Timothy's Martyrdom mentioned , Bibleotheca patrum , N. 244. Shewing that Iohn , Two or Three years after his return from Patmos , assisted with the seven Bishops of that Province , he assumed to himself ; the Government of it ; which Seven , were the Angels here here Addrest ; these Churches lying within the Lydian or Proconsular Asia , of which Ephesus was Metropolis : And therefore , these Seven Bishops , by whom he Governed the Province of Ephesus , are the Seven Angels , all within that Province . He adds ; That Austin call the Angels of Ephesus , praepositos Ecclesiae , Epist. 162. and the Seven Angels , praepositi Ecclesiarum , Comment . in Rev. That Ambrose in 2 Cor. 11. referring to these Angels , tells us , that by Angels , are meant the Bishops . Ans. 1. Since the Dr. calls these Angels , Bishops and Presidents over these Churches , in propounding this Proof , if he intend only Presidents , he will fall utterly short of his design and scope of evincing that Episcopal Power , which he ascribs to them ; a President , and one , who has all Authority , Monopolized in him , being quite distinct things : If he intend by Presidents of the Churches , such as are set over it in a general Sense ; Are not all Pastors in Scripture , called such , as are set over God's People , and have the Tittles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If the Dr. will have them such Presidents over the Churches , as had monopolised and enhanced in their persons , all Authority of Government , a President being of far larger extent , and surely with a relation to a Church , it is not all one , to say , such a person is President of a Church , and a Sole President : As it it is not all one to say , such a man , is Minister of London , and the Sole Minister . For , all Ministers in the Scripture Sense , are Presidents over the Churches . But 2 ly . since the Dr. draws his supposed demonstrative evidence of the power and Authority of these Seven Angels , addrest by our Lord , in these Epistles , and of the nature and extent of that Office , which is indigitat by the term Angel , and consequently the meaning of the prescriptions , given to them , from Primitive Antiquity ( as he calls it ) I would know ▪ whether the Dr. will own this Principle , that Antiquity , or even that which he calls Primitive ( or the First human Testimony , secluding the Scriptures , or of the First Ages , after the Canon of the Scriptures ) is the infallible Rule and Commentarie , for understanding the Nature and Office of Church Officers , mentioned in Scripture . If the Dr. will not own this Principle , his evidence by his own confession ; is no evidence ; For , an evidence , which will fail and not reach the conclusion , is no evidence at all ; and in the best construction , no proper evidence without restriction , s and limitations added . If the Dr. hold the Affirmative , then I would urge him thus . First , If Mens Testimony , or the Churches Primitive practice , tho never so early , must be the Key and Comment in this Case , of the Scripture Sense , of the Character and description of Church Officers , and able solely to found our Faith and persuasion hereanent , why may not also , human practice and profession of the Church , simply considered , determin our Faith and prectice , as to every Scripture Truth , and duty therein held out ? For , the Dr. can assign no difference , nor upon admitting the antecedent , shew the least shaddow of a ground , which will limit and enervat the consequence . Secondly , If this be admitted , I would know , whether he will not thus set up an higher tribunal , than the Scriptures , as to the ground and Rule of our Faith and practice , and in opposition to the Apostle Paul. 1 Cor. 2.4 . make our Faith stand in mans Wisdom , not in the Wisdom of God and his Power ; and in contradiction to the Apostle Peter , 2 Pet 1.20.21 . make the Scriptures of a privat Interpretation , as if the Prophesie had come by the will of Man : For , if I must believe no otherwise , anent the Office of these Angels , and the Scriptures pointing out the same , than according to the human Testimony of after-Writers , or the Testimony and Practice of supposed Bishops , their pretended Successors ; then the custom and practice of fallible Men , becomes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ratio , and demonstration , a priori , the great and chief ground , why I believe Scriptures , to have such a Sense , and no other . And thus we will give Men , a Dominion over our Faith , which resolves ultimatly into an human practice and Testimony of fallible Men : A Principle , which no sound Protestant will own . Besides , that the proof of the Assumption of the Argument , and to instruct this Matter of Fact , and that all Primitive Antiquity , ( as he calls it ) doth testify for the Bishop , which he has shapen out , would inextricably baffle his indeavours , as is above cleared : It being evident , that as , the Writings of many of the First Writers , are lost , and not a f●w corrupted ; So , many , Eminent for Piety and Learning , have written nothing in the First Ages , which are therefore generally acknowledged , to be very dark , in the Matter of Fact. The Affirmative proof , lying upon the Dr. he is obliged to make it appear , that neither the one , nor the other , has contradicted his supposed Testimonies , else he but beats the Air , and has said nothing to the purpose . Thirdly , The Scripture ( as hath been proved ) ascribing to Pastors , the Power of Order and Jurisdiction , and even to the Pastors or Presbyters of the Church of Ephesus , ( the Angel whereof , is First here addrest , ) Act. 20.28 . Compared with 1. Tim. 4.14 . 1. Pet. 5.2.3 . 1 Cor. 5.4.5 . When this Scripture account of the Office and Authority of Pastors ( which , surely is Antiquity , prior to the Dr's most Primitive Antiquity , and of far greater veneration ) stands cross to his pretended Primitive Testimonies of the Bishops ▪ Power , and both are laid in even Ballances together , which of the two , will preponderat ? The Dr. for shame , will not say the Second ; Hence I inferr , that he must either accord his Human Testimonies with Scripture , or quite this Plea. And next , he must acknowledg , that he stands obliged to Answer the premised Scripture accounts of the Pastors Office , and our Arguments drawn therefrom , before his Human Testimonies deserve the least value or notice . Again , Fourthly , We may here ply ●he Dr , with a Notion and Argument of his own Mould , The Dr. thinks it strange , how we can suppose the Church , to have so suddenly altered the Government , from Presbytrie to Episcopacy , if Presbytrie was her first Government . But I would ask the Dr , since its evident in Scripture , that Pastors and Presbyters , have both the Name and Thing of the Scripture Bishop , and consequently Episcopal Authority ascribed to them , yea , and in the premised Scriptures , several such paralells , its actual Exercise supposed to be inherent in , and competent to them : And in special , since the Elders and Pastors of the Church of Ephesus , are enjoyned by Paul , in his last Farewel , to exercise Episcopal Authority joyntly over that Church , without the least Hint of any Episcopal President over them , and this after all his Prescriptions to Timothy , and the Exercise of his Evangelistick Office there ; whence came all this sudden Universal Change in Iohns time , that all this Episcopal Authority , competent before , to Pastors of Churches , and particularly of Ephesus , is Monopolized in the Person of one Bishop ? How came all the Churches of Asia , to be so suddenly cast in this Mould ? And to press the Querie a little further , if there was such an Universal Authority of Bishops in Iohns time , and thus acknowledged and attested by all the Primitive Antiquity , as the Dr. pretends , yea and acknowledged by Ierom himself , as well as by Augustin and Ambrose , how comes Ierom to say , that even in his time , the Elders were subject to the Bishop , by Custom , not Divine Dispensation ( Comment on Tit. ) and on Isai. 3. that they had in his time [ Caetus Presbyterorum ) a Meeting or Court of Presbyters , which he calls an Apostolick Senat ? How comes a Presbytrie to be mentioned in the Council of Ancyra , Canon 18 ? How comes Ambrose ( or , a Father , Coetaneous to him ) upon Eph. 4. to assert , that after the Church was enlarged [ caepit alio modo gubernari ] it began to be Governed after another manner ; than at first ; and — that [ non per omnia conveniunt , &c. ] the Government of the Church , in his time , was not every way suteable and square , to the Apostolick Appointment ? How comes Augustin ( Epist. 10. ) to assert with Ierom , that by Custom of the Church , Episcopatus was major Presbyterio ? How comes Firmili●nus ( apud Cyprian . Epist. 78. ) to assert , that the Pastors or Presbyters [ possident ordinandi potestatem ) possesses the Power of Ordination ; And these Presbyters , he calls [ Praepositi ] Presidents or Rulers , using that very Term , from which the Dr. draws the Episcopal Authority of these Angels ? Yea Chrysostom on 1 Tim. asserts , that [ inter Presbyterum & Episcopum inter est ferme nihil ] there is almost no difference betwixt the Bishop and Presbyter ; and that which is spoken by Paul to the one , agrees also to the other . Now , if there be such Harmony in the Testimony of the Ancients , in point of the Bishops Power , as the Dr. pretends , I would fain know , what means this immusical Jarring , and palpable Contradiction to his Assertion , and even by these very Fathers , whom he brings for his Vouchers ? Hence , Fifthly , it appears that the Dr's Proofs from these Testimonies , and his pretended Argument , from all Primitive Antiquity , is pitifully Lame , and short of his Design , upon two important Grounds . 1. That his Witnesses , are not Harmonious , several of them , giving a palpably Cross Testimony to him . 2. In that they do not assert that sole Authority of Bishops , and that absolute Inhanced Power , which he alledges : For , no Man of Sense , can draw this Consequence , from the general Name of Bishops , used by him , or from a simple calling of them Presidents , will conclud them to be such , as he pretends , yea , and not such de Facto , far less Iure Divino , since in other places , they are found clear and positive in a contrary Assertion : And therefore , unless the Dr. will Stage these Fathers , whom he mentions , as the most Arrant , Self-contradicting , Non-sensical Fools , that ever Spoke or Wrote , he must needs acknowledg , with us , that they use the Term Bishop , in a general Sense , and as common both to such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presidents , as had then obtained , and to other Pastors . So that in such Characters , appropriat to such Persons , they could neither understand , an Episcopal Presidency , founded upon a Divine Right , and Apostolical Institution , as the Dr. pretends , nor such an absolute Power , as swallows up and Inhances all Authority of Pastors in Government , which he also asserts . This considered , with what is above offered , doth so fully cut off the Dr's third Argument , which he prosecutes , P. 424 , 425 , &c. that nothing needs be further added , as there might be with Advantage , if a particular Examen , were made of his Citations . The Folly of his first Headless Testimony appears , in that it makes the Apostle Iohn to assume a new Archiepiscopal Chair , or Primacy over the Asian Churches ; The Sottishness of which Conceit , and the Contrariety thereof to the Scripture Account of the Apostolick Office , is evident to any of common Sense , since the Apostles , by vertue of their Office , which extended to all Churches , planted and to be planted , were Ministers thereof , in actu exercito , and yet this Apostle must be assisted with seven Bishops , forsooth , to support his new Archiepiscopal Chair over that Province . The Citation speaks of a Province in general , which the Dr. will needs have , to be that of Ephesus , and the seven Angels , must be these seven Bishops , by whom he governed that Province . Again , the Angel is called by Augustin , the Praepositus or President ; therefore , he was an Hierarchical President , as the Dr. has shapen out : What Consequence is this ? As to what He adds out of Ignatius and Irenaeus , in reference to Polycarp's Episcopacy over Smyrna , from Eusebius ( Lib. 4. Cap. 15. ) and Polycrates's Episcopacy over Ephesus ( Lib. 5. Cap. 24. ) we have spoken to it already , and to the Credit to be given to these supposed Epistles , as likeways to Eusebius's History . Besides , that in Eusebius ( Lib. 5. Cap. 23. ) Irenaeus calls Anycetus , Pius , Heginus , Telesphorus , Xistus , Presbyters of the Church of Rome [ Presbyteri illi qui te praecesserunt ] We also , did shew , that he thus expresses himself further [ Nec Polycarpus , Anyceto suasit , ut servaret qui sibi Presbyterorum quibus successerat , consuetudinem servandam esse diceret ] We have also already made appear , that Polycarp his supposed Bishop , disownes the Office and Doctrin imputed to him by the Dr , since , Writing to the Philippians , he ownes only Bishops and Deacons , as the two Orders of Ministry , and perswades the Philippians to be subject to their Presbyters and Deacons , as to God and Christ. To which we may add , that Bishop Bilson himself , acknowledges ( Perpet . Gov. P. 158 , 159. ) that Elders at first did govern by common Counsel . For what he adds of Eusebius's Testimonies , anent the existent Bishops in several of these Churches , when Iohn wrote to them , it is abundantly removed by what is said above , in reference to the Sense and Acceptation of the Term Bishop , by Ancient Writers , as likewise by that which we have often observed of Eusebius himself . The Dr. adds a Passage of Paraeus , which we shall take notice of , he tells us , that Paraeus proves out of Aretas Caesariensis , that Antipas the Faithful Martyr , mentioned Rev. 2.13 . was Bishop of Patmos , immediatly before the Angel of that Church , to whom Iohn wrote , and that that Angel , was one Gaius who ( as he proves out of Clement ) succeeded to Antipas , in the Episcopal Chair . Paraeus , says indeed , that these of Pergamus , had cruelly slain Antipas , but adds [ quis fuerat , ex Historia parum constat ] that there is no Light from History , who he was . He adds [ Aretas Pastorem ejus Ecclesiae fuisse sensit sub Domitiano fortem fidei assertorem , &c. ] that Aretas thinks he was Pastor of that Church , and under Domitian , a Strenuous Asserter of the Faith , and Burnt in a Brazen Bull. He adds , that he to whom our Lord wrote , might be tempted to lay aside his Office , for fear of the like Punishment , &c. But what the Dr. adds of an Episcopal Chair , and of his Name , Paraeus says nothing , neither doth he ascribe to Antipas any other Office , than that of Pastor , seeming to take these Churches for Congregational . And if the Office , to which the Angel succeeded , was that of a Pastor only , where is our Dr's Episcopal Chair , which he here assigns him ? Besides , Paraeus affirms the History to give no certain sound , touching the Office and Character of Antipas : Neither doth he mention any thing of Clement . The Authors of the second part of Annot. under the Name of Pool , do affirm , That no Ecclesiastick History , makes mention of Antipas , and that he seems to have been a Person of obscure Note ; And that no History giving Account of him , has inclined some to think this Epistle , is wholly Prophetical , and that Antipas signifies all such , as oppose the Pope , as if it were the same with , Antipapa . The Dr's Conclusion upon the whole of this his discourse and Argument from the Seven Asian Angels , is , That it being apparent , that there were Bishops , presiding in each of these Churches , when Iohn wrote , consequently they had the Government of these Churches committed to them , since he Writes to them as Governours and Overseers of these Respective Churches ; So , that they being Bishops , our Saviour , in these Epithets , allows and approves of the Episcopal Order . But , by what is above replyed , it is evident , that nothing which the Dr. has adduced , amounts to prove the existence of any such Bishops , as he has shapen out , in one , or all of these Churches : And therefore , our Lords writing to these Angels , gives not the least shaddow of allowance or approbation of that Episcopal order , which he asserts . And so , to the Dr's Summ of all ( as he expresses it ) viz : That the Episcopal form , is of Divine Right ; upon Ground of our Saviours Institution , Seconded by the Practice of the Apostles , and conformity of the Primitive Churches ; and our Lords express approbation We may confidently repone , from what is above replyed , that it is evident , that the high-flown Hierarchy , he pleads for , has no Foundation ▪ either in our Lords Institution , or the Practice of the Apostles , is noways Authorised by the Conformity of the Primitive Church , or our Saviours Approbation , in his Epistles to the Asian Churches , but as opposit to all these , is by the Churches of Christ , to be rejected and disowned . CHAP. V. The Dr's Scripture Proofs of a Four-fold Ministrie or Prerogative of a Bishop , as Superior to a Pastor , in Point of Government , considered . THE First Prerogative of the Bishop , as contradistinct from a Presbyter , is ( with the Dr. ) to make Laws and Canons , which is the Essence of Government , and supposes a Legislative Power , else , faith he , Christs Wisdom is impeached , if he left a Governed Society , without a Legislative Power . I need not stand to tell the Dr , That by consent of Protestant Divines , the Churches Power , is not properly , Nomothetick , Architectonick , Legislative , but Ministerial , and declarative of Christs Institution , in reference to Ordinances , the Doctrin , Worship , Disciplin and Government of his House . The Dr. proves this Authority ( P. 433.434 . ) from the Apostles Power , Act. 15. Determining the Controversie anent Circumcision — And says , That in their Decree , they exercise a Legislative Power , laying upon the Churches , to abstain from what was not prohibited by any standing Law of Christianity : That , as the Apostles and Primitive Bishops , made Laws by common consent , for the good of the Church in general , so , by their own Authority , for particular Churches , to which they were more particularly related . Here is , I must say , odd and confused stuff . First , The Dr. supposes , that the Decree , Act. 15. had no previous Scripture Foundation , contrar to the express tenor and scope of the place , where it is evident 1. That in this Disquisition , there are Grounds of the Sentence laid down , yea and Scripture Grounds . 2 ly . The Sentence runs in these terms , It seemed good to the Holy Ghost ( viz. speaking in the Scripture ) and to us . 3 ly . Upon these previous Scripture Grounds of Charity and Union-and the esehewing the Offence of the weak Iews ( apparent in the debate and disquisition ) the things enjoined ; are termed , necessary things , and thus supposed materially such , antecedaneously to the Decree . Hence 4 ly . The Dr. in saying , That this Abstinence ( he must understand it in the present Case and circumstances of time , place and persons ) was never prohibited by any standing Law of Christianity ; expugns from being Laws of Christianity , all our Lords Precepts , in point of Love and Unity , and the eschewing the Offence of the little Ones : For , these Rules did clearly found this Abstinence , and ground the necessity thereof , in the present Case and exigence . Again , in the nexplace , The great point , the Dr. has to prove , is That this supposed Legislative power is the Bishops sole prerogative , secluding Pastors : This he proves by the Apostles , together with the Elders and Brethren , their comming together , and determining this matter . One would think , this makes fair to prove the contrary . The Apostles here , meeting with , and taking into the disquisition and Decree , and into every step of the procedure , the ordinary Ministers , and Elders , as persons interested and concerned , and who are found to concur with them in enacting and enjoining the thing Decreed , in order to the Churches Obedience . Ay , but the Dr. tells us , That by consent of all Antiquity , by these Elders , we are to understand the Bishops of Iudea ; for which he Cites Dr Hammond on Act. 11. A Dr. no doubt , of a like soundness with himself . But 1. If the Dr. adhere to Dr. Hammonds notion of Elders , he must Esteem them Bishops , where ever mentioned , and deny the existence of any Pastors ( the true Scripture Bishops ) at this time ; wherein our Dr. will , and must needs justle and deal stroaks with Dr. Hammond : For ( to omit other instances ) he holds the Elders present with Iames , when Paul went into him , to be Pastors , over which , Iames , as Bishop of Ierusalem , did preside . 2 ly , None can imagin these Elders to be Bishops of Iudea , without the most ridiculous Forgery imaginable : For , in the context , it is evident , that at this time , the Apostles were but founding and gathering Churches in Iudea , settling Churches therein , and taking inspection of them , by their Apostolick Authority ; And therefore , it is a strange phantastick conceit to imagine Churches by this time grown up to a Diocess in Iudea , and of such a bulk and number , as to have Diocesan Bishops set over them , yea and Diocesan Bishops , of so considerable a Number , as the Elders may be rationally supposed to be at this time , and in this meeting ; yea , and these , besides the far greater Number of Ordinary Teachers and Pastors , which this Man will not deny , the Apostles , to have ordained , where Churches were planted . Again , why , I pray , the Bishops of Judea only gathered here , in order to this general Decree for all the Churches , and no Bishops of the Gentile Churches , which , he will say , were by this time set up ? Besides , that looking to the occasion of this debate , anent the Circumcision , which had its rise from some of them that went from Judea , as from the Apostles , and thus troubled the Churches , the design of the Gentiles , appears evidently to be , to send Paul , to the Apostles and Elders , residing at Jerusalem , without the least hint , of any more enlarged Advertisement of others , than such , as were there , at that time . Again , the Dr. says , That Apostles and Primitive Bishops , made general Laws , for the whole Church , and Bishops , particular Laws , for their particular Churches : Thus ( saith he ) Paul gave Rules to the Corinthians , for more decent communication of the Lords Supper . Strong reasoning indeed , and hanging well together ! First , he supposes the Apostles made by their Apostolical Authority , the general Rules for the whole Church , as proper to them , with concurrence of ordinary Bishops ; the ordering of particular Churches , being peculiar to the ordinary or Primitive Bishops : And presently , to prove this , he puts the great Apostle of the Gentiles , into the class of Ordinary Bishops , in giving Rules to this Church of Corinth , and wisely supposes , that Pauls Apostolick Prescriptions about Right and decent Communicating , concerned only this Church of Corinth , and were Authorized and enacted by no Apostoick Authority , nor by the Apostle Paul , as in that capacity . To this scope , the Dr. with as much Sense and soundness , instances Paul's giving Laws and Canons , to the Churches of Galatia , contradicting therein , the Relation of these Canons , to particular Churches , since they did respect both the Churches of Corinth , and the Churches of Galatia . Of the same nature . is that which he here mentions of Pauls Charge to Timothy and Titus ( 1 Tim. 5.7 . Tit. 1.5 . ) touching the redressing disorders , and supplying defects in these Churches . For , besides , that Paul exerced an Apostolical Authority in these Directions to the Evangelists ( extraordinary Officers , as Paul himself ) which clearly excludes , Director , and Directed , from the compass of the Dr's Argument he will not deny , several of these directions , at least , to have been of universal concern and necessity , and in this respect also , as remote from his Design . The Dr. adds , That what the Apostles and Primitive Bishops did , to be sure , they had Authority to do , and whatsoever , Authority they had , they derived it down to their Successors . That Apostles and Evangelists , exercised a Lawful Authority , is indeed very sure , and no less sure , than the Dr's Argument here , is loose and unsure , from Apostolical directions to Evangelists , to conclud the Nature and Mould of the supposed Episcopal Authority of Prelats , in reference to making Laws ( as is above evinced ) since the Dr. cannot shape out , nor by any twist of reason and sound consequence , inferr his supposed Hierarchical Prelat , with sole Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , from the Office of either Apostles or Evangelists . The Dr will not have any Officer beneath a Bishop , to have been allowed suffrage , in any of the First Four General Councils ; yet immediatly after ( some way retracting and correcting himself ) he allows them a place in General Councils , but tell us , it was only for debate , and preparing the Matter of Laws ; but the form of Laws , he says , proceeded from the Bishops suffrage . This is pretty . First , The Dr. will never prove , that in the First Councils , there were Prelats of his stamp and Mould . Next , its strange , that in Councils , Presbyters were sitting for Conference , and as no members . I would fain know , if the Dr. will say , that these Elders meeting with the Apostles , Act. 15. ( which he will , no doubt , acknowledg , was one of the best Moulded Councils , yea , and a Standart for after-Councils ) were no Members , but called and meeting for conference only , since in the Scripture account , and three fold Partition of those that mett , Viz : Apostles , Elders Brethren , there is an intire joint concurrence , with the whole procedure , viz : both in the Disquisition , the Sentence , the decretal Epistle and Appointment , in reference to the Churches obedience . It does also sute the Dr's consideration , to shew , how it can consist with reason , and the Nature of a Church Judicatory , that such persons , as are no Members , nor fit to be Members , are , in tuto , to prepare Matter for Laws , and take share in debates . But the Dr's Forgery here is evident . For 1. If Presbyters concurrence in Ordination , was Authoritative , not by consent only , and they imposed hands as proper Ordainers , even when Bishops had obtained Power in Judicatories , by confession of Episcopalians themselves ( see Dr. Forbes Iraen . lib. 2. Cap. 11. ) I would fain know , why such Ecclesiasticks or Church Officers , as had Authority , to Ordain , which is one of the greatest Acts of Ministerial Authority , had no Authority in enacting Laws in Councils , but sat as Cyphers . 2 ly . The Dr. will find Antiquity against this deputed kind of conferring or consulting Power , which he allows to Presbyters in Councils , without Authority , in enacting Laws . Chrysostom ( hom . 17. on Matth. ) calls Presbyters expresly [ Christi vicarios ] Christs Vicars or Deputes : And its strange , that such to whom Christ entrusted this Vicarious Power , had no interest and Authority in enacting Laws in his Church , and in the Government thereof . Cyprian ( lib. 4. Ep. 8. ) shews , that [ Dominus Sacerdotes in Ecclesia , &c , ] the Lord condescended to elect to himself , Priests or Ministers in the Church ( the Dr. will not say , that he put this designation only upon Prelats . ) And did he elect and constitute them for no interest in the Government thereof ? Nay , on the contrary , the Judgment of the Ancients , is clear in this , that the Power of external Jurisdiction , and consequently , the Authority of enacting Laws or Canons , was common to Bishops and Presbyters . Ignatius in his Epistle to the Trallians , called the Presbytrie [ Senatum Dei ] Gods Court or Senat [ & non consiliarios solum ] ( as our Dr. makes them ) [ sed & assessores Episcopi ] not his Advisers only , but his Authoritative fellow-Counsellors ; And I hope , such ( he will grant ) as are in this Character , have interest , not only , in preparing matter for Laws , but an essential Official Right , in the Authoritative enacting of them . Irenaeus ( lib. 4. Cap. 44. ) calls them [ Principes ] Princes or Chief : And if such , in his Judgment , the forementioned Authority is clearly by him , attributed to them . Augustin ( Serm. 6. ) calls the Brethren in Eremo [ Patronos , Rectores Terrae ] And what pitiful Patrons or Rectors are they , who have no Authority in enacting Laws ? Chrysostom asserts expresly ( on 1 Tim. 1. hom . 11 ) That they presided over the Churches , as Bishops , and received together with them , the Office of Teaching and Governing the Church . And if this , with the preceeding Testimonies , give not the Lie to the Dr's forementioned distinction , anent Presbyters sole consulting interest in Councils , and upon the Bishops Call allennarly , without any Authority in enacting Laws , let any Judg. Chrysostom , moreover , in the beginning of that Homily , stating the Question , wherefore the Apostle , after he had spoken to the Office and Duty of Bishops , passes over to Deacons , omitting the order of Presbyters , returns this Answer and Reason , Because , betwixt the Bishop and Presbyter , there is almost no difference , and because , that unto Presbyters also , the care of the Church is committed . And what he said concerning Bishops , the same things also do agree to Presbyters . And if , with the Dr's good leave , I might draw an inference from Chrysostom's assertion , I would thus subsume ; But so it is , that the Authority of Government , and the enacting of Laws in Church Judicatories , is by the Apostle ascribed to the Scripture - Bishop , whom he mentions : Ergo , the same Authority and Power is by the Apostle , ascibed to Presbyters , in Chrysostom's Sense . Gratian ( in Decret . Caus. 16. Quest. 1. Cap. ) shews , that [ Ecclesia habet senatum Presbyterorum ] A Senat of Presbyters , without whose Counsel , the Bishop can do nothing . They were not then called at the Bishops pleasure for debate only , and preparing matters ( as the Dr. pretends ) but were the [ sine quibus non ] in the enacting of the Laws themselves . The Dr. makes Prelats to enhance all decisive suffrage , in Judicatories , yet Cyprian ( Ep. 6. and 28. ) professes , He neither could nor would do any thing without the Clergy . And the Fourth Council of Carthage , condemns the Bishop's Decision , unless Fortified by their Sentence . So far was it , that the Bishop's sole Suffrage , gave the Strength and Formality to Laws , that they were null , without Presbyters Authoritative Concurrence . This is clear , by so full a consent of Antiquity , that we will find ; That neither in Censuring of Presbyters : Nor 2 ly , In Judging the conversation , or Crimes of Church Members : Nor 3 ly , In Excommunicating or Receiving of Penitents , Bishops could do any thing without Presbyters . Tertulian ( Apolog. Advers . Gentes ) shews vs , That the Churches Exhortations , Castigations , and Divine Censures , were put forth by the [ Probati quique Seniores ] who did preside ; the accused Person being brought into the Congregation . And this Authoritative Sentence of Presbyters , was more approved , than when passed by one Man : As when Syagrius and Ambrose , passed Sentence in the same Case ; The Church was unsatisfied with the Sentence of Syagrius , because he passed it [ sine alicujus Fratris Consilio ] without the consent of any of his Brethren : But were pacified with the Sentence of Ambrose , because saith he [ hoc judicium nostrum cum Fratribus & consacerdotibus participatum processerat ] This his Sentence proceeded jointly from him and his Fellow - Presbyters or Ministers . Yea , the very Admonition of Offenders , were not given by the Bishops alone , but by the Elders ( August . De verb. Apost . Serm. 19. ) Thus also , Origen contra Celsum lib. 3. Excommunication it self , Tertullian tells us , was vibrated by those that laboured in the Word and Doctrin ; and the Presbytrie , that delivered unto Satan , as Jerom shews , ( Epist. ad Heliod . ) So ( Epist . ad Demet. ) they also Received and Absolved the Penitents . Cyprian ( Epist. 12 ) shews that this was the custom [ nec ad communicationem venire quis possit , nisi prius ab Episcopo & clero manus illi fuerit imposita ] such as were Excommunicat , returned , not to Church Fellowship , before hands were laid upon him by the Bishop and Clergy . And writing to his Charge , anent lapsed Christians , he tells them [ exomologesi facta , & manu iis a vobis in poenitentiam imposita ] After Confession , and laying on of the Presbyters hands , they might be commended to God. And such as returned from Heresie , and were to be Received in the Church at Rome , in the time of Cornelius , Cyprian tells us ( Epist. 6. compared with 46. ) they came before the Presbytrie , and Confessing their Sins , were Received . Now , if Presbyters had such Authority , and the Episcopal Power was of this Nature , and thus Limited , let any Judg , how the Dr's Assertion can subsist , viz : " That in Judicatories , Pastors had no decisive suffrage . For the Dr's after-discourse , ( P. 436. ) anent the Civil Soveraigns Decrees , in case of a supposed interfeiring with the Churches Legislative Power ( as he calls it ) I shall not ( it being some what out of our way ) much digress in examining the same , tho I judg it very lax and liable to considerable exceptions , yea , and hardly reconcilable with it self , or sound sense and Divinity . The Dr. holds , That the Churches Legislative Power , cannot reach to controll the Civil Decrees . And yet holds , That these Decrees cannot countermand Gods Laws . Now , the Dr. will not say , that the Churches Legislative Power , is not founded upon , and Authorised by Gods Laws ; nay , he positively asserts , that it is . He adds , " That next to the Laws of God , the Soveraigns Laws ; are to be obeyed . And thus makes the Law of God , the overruling Law , the Regula Regulans , and paramount to those of the Soveraign : And therefore , by good consequence , from this Assertion , the Churches Legislative Power , in exhibiting and declaring Gods Laws , must likewise be thus Paramount thereunto , and first obeyed ; Especially , if he stand to that instance of his , Act. 15. as exhibiting the Plat-form and Standart of Church Laws , wherein , the enacted Canon and Decree , is said to be , the mind of the Holy Ghost , and thus a Divine Law , the Authority of God , being thereto interponed . Yet , in the very next Words , he lays down this Assertion , That next to the Laws of the Soveraign , the Laws of the Church , are to be obeyed : And so here , these Civil Laws , are set in an higher Sphere , and made Paramount to all Church Laws , and this without any exception or Limitation , whether they be consonant to the Divine Law or not , or any Limitation of Consonancy to the Divine Law , in the Laws of the Church . The person , who will reconcile and soudder these , must in my apprehension , be better skill'd , than all Vulcan's Gimmerers , and no doubt , better seen in logical Rules and subtilties , than I. So much for the Dr's . First Prerogative of a Bishop , as distinct from a Presbyter , in the Power Legislative , and of making Canons . The Second Peculiar Ministry and Prerogative of the Bishop above Presbyters , the Dr. tells us , is , To Consecrat and Ordain to Ecclesiastick Offices . Thereafter , the Dr. spends much discourse upon Christs Mission of the Twelve Apostles , as the Father sent him , including a Power of Ordination of others , which he Confirms by Luk. 24.33.36 . Mark. 16.14 . Matth. 28.16 . Which Commission , he tells us , was transferred Originally upon the Apostolick Order ; So , that Ecclesiastick Commissions , were either given by the hands of these First Apostles , or by such Secondary Apostles , as were by them admitted into Apostolick Orders , and these Secondary Apostles , were the same with Bishops . Ans. We need not spend time in resuming what is said already , in Answer to this . There 's no doubt , but our Lord gave a Power of Mission , and of Ordaining Ministers , to His Twelve Apostles ▪ A Power to Plant Churches , through the World , and a Gospel Ministry , and Ordinances in them : But , that by vertue of this their Mission , they were to transferr their Apostolick Office and Authority , to ordinary Succeeding Officers , is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Quaesitum , or Question , which the Dr. still beggs and supposes , but will never be able to prove , from either the Nature and intendment of their Mission , or the Power and Authority of Succeeding Officers , whom they Ordained , as we have above evinced . The Dr's Proofs are pitifully claudicant ; he tells us , That tho the whole Disciples were present , the Apostles only Imposed hands upon the Seven Deacons , Act. 6. And why not ? The Authoritative Imposition of Hands in Ordination , is no doubt proper to Ecclesiastick Officers ; not to the People ; but where were the Succedaneous Bishops here , who had solely this Power , tho Ministers were present ? The Dr. has let us see no shaddow of this , from the Text. He next tells us of Paul and Barnabas Ordaining Elders in Antioch , Iconium and Lystra . A mighty proof ! The Apostles in planting Churches , ordained Ministers in them : Ergo Suceedaneous Bishops , have an Apostolick Authority of Ordaining , derived to them solely , as their peculiar Prerogative above Pastors : This Consequence is denyed . If the Dr. own these Elders for Pastors , it should seem , they had an Ordaining Power , else the Apostles settled these Churches in a very mank frame , and lame posture , and wanting the Essentials of an Organick Church . If the Dr. allow them an Ordaining Power , he crosses the Scope of a proof of Succeedaneous Bishops , with Power of Ordination , set up by the Apostles , since thus he ascribes it unto Pastors : And if he deny it , he is liable also to the same absurdity , and that mentioned above , and will cross his Notion of the Bishops Office ascribed to the Elders of Ierusalem , who mett with the Apostles in that Council Act. 15. Besides , if the Dr. put an Episcopal Mitre , upon these Pastors or Elders , and make them Bishops in his Sense , it is very odd , that among these little new gathered Churches , such highly Authorized Diocesan Prelats were set up , before any Pastors , for Feeding with the Word and Doctrin . For discovering the folly of which Gloss and Assertion , I dare appeal to the Current of Interpreters . Or , if the Dr. imagin the strength of his Proof , to ly in this , that these Officers were Ordained by Apostles , solely , he should know , that as we all allow an extraordinary Power in Apostles , in Churches , not yet Constitut , not competent to Ordinary Officers , so , his Assertion is anent an ordinary Power of Succeedaneous or Secondary Apostles ( as he calls them ) as sole and singular in Ordination . But the Dr. finds a Difficulty in his Way , viz. That Paul and Barnabas were ordained Apostles of the Gentiles by certain Prophets and Teachers in Antioch , Act. 13.1 , 2. To which he makes this Return , That these Prophets and Teachers had , no doubt , received the Apostolick Character , being ordained by the Apostles Bishops of Syria : For otherwise , saith he , how could they have derived it ? And this Notion , the Dr. reposes such Confidence in , that he tells us , There is no doubt , but they had this Character . But truly , whether the Insipid Folly of the Objection , or of the Return here made unto it , be greater , is a Question to me . First , That Paul and Barnabas , were at this time , and in this Action , ordained Apostles of the Gentiles , I believe few ( if ever any ) except the Dr , did imagin . I had always thought , that it is evident to any , who reads the Account and Story of Pauls Conversion , and Call to the Apostleship , by the Lord from Heaven , that when thus called , he was called , in a special manner , to the Apostleship of the Gentiles — I have appeared unto thee , saith our Lord — to make thee a Minister , and a Witness — delivering thee from the People , and from the Gentiles , unto whom I send thee , to open their Eyes , &c. Upon which , the Apostle immediatly set upon this Work of Preaching to them , Act. 26.17 , 18 , 19. The Apostle also tells us , ( Gal. 1.15 , 16 , 17. ) that when it pleased God , who separated me from my Mothers Womb , and called me by his grace , to reveal his Son in me , that I might preach among the Heathen , or Gentiles ; immediatly I conferred not with Flesh and Blood : Neither went I up to Jerusalem , to them , which were Apostles before me . Compare this with Ephes. 3.8 . Hence , its odd to suppose , that either he or Barnabas , were at this time ordained Apostles . For , Barnabas , that he was an Apostle , looking strictly to the Description of Apostles , some may doubt ; but supposing him such ( he being joyned with Paul , under that Character , Act. 14.14 . ) we read of his Officiating , and for what can be understood from Scripture , in the same manner , and by virtue of the same Office , as the Apostle Paul , to the Gentiles , before this time : For ( Act. 11.22 . ) he is sent to Antioch , by the Church at Ierusalem , for Confirming and Watering the Church gathered there ; And v. 25 , 26. he goes to Tarsus , to seek Paul , and brings him to Antioch , and Taught there a year with Paul , where the Christian Name first took place . Next , the Dr. finding himself puzzled , with his Notion of a supposed Ordination of Paul and Barnabas , to their Apostolick Office , by mere Prophets and Teachers , has no Shift , but to alledge , they were by the Apostles ordained Bishops of the Churches of Syria , since they could not else , have derived the Office of Apostolat . A pretty Evasion indeed , from a Phantastick Objection ! First , these Prophets and Teachers , are taken to be such Ministers and Teachers , who had also the Gift of Prophecy , Vigent at that time . So , Pool . 2 Vol. Annot. Diodat . upon the place , says , they were such , as had the Gift of Expounding publickly the Resolutions of the Christian Faith , by infallible Conduct and Inspiration of the Holy Ghost ; paralelling them with the Prophets spoken of 1 Cor. 14.29 , 32. who , the Dr. will not doubt , are enjoyned Subjection to the Prophets there established : And with these , spoken of 1 Cor. 12.28 . Ephes. 4.11 . He adds , that it was an extraordinary Degree of Ecclesiastick Office , and singular for these times , yet inferior to that of Apostles , and in many , accompanied with Divine Predictions . The Belgick Divines upon the place , do shew , That some , take the two Words , Prophets and Teachers , for one and the same thing : Others , distinguish them thus , that Prophets were those , who by Inspiration of the Holy Ghost , had extraordinary Gifts , to foretell things to come , and to expound the Holy Scriptures : But Teachers , were such , who had an ordinary Calling and Gifts , to Instruct and Govern the Church , in the Worship of God. And this place also they paralell with 1 Cor. 14. and Eph. 4. And the Command of the Holy Ghost , mentioned Act. 13.2 . viz. [ Separat me Barnabas and Saul ] they Paraphrase thus , That they were separat from the Service of this Church , where there were other Teachers enough , to send them to the Gentiles , whereunto the Holy Ghost ordained them from the beginning , citing Act. 26.16 . And v. 3. which mentions the Laying of the Prophets Hands upon them , they Paraphrase thus , Not thereby , to chuse them to be Apostles , whereunto they were before chosen , v. 1. and Act. 9.15 . but to strengthen them in this sending to the Gentiles , by Prayer and Imposition of Hands . Grotius takes them to be such Prophets as Agabus . So Cornel. a Lapide , to be such as had the Gift of Prophecy ; paralelling this place with 1 Cor. 14. They were such , as by the Influence of the Spirit , foretold things to come : So Menochius , That they were Expounders of the Scripture , by the Spirits Revelation : So Lorinus , A Lapide , Piscator : The last of whom , takes them to be the same with Teachers . All which , how Cross they are to the Dr's Character of these Imposers , and the Persons , upon whom Hands were Imposed , together with the end of this Action , is obvious to the meanest Reflection . In Correspondence to the foresaid Account of Diodat . and the Belgick Divines , we may further notice this particular Account of Pool . Annot. That Paul and Barnabas being called to be Apostles already , the Laying on of Hands did signify , 1. Their being set apart to this particular Imploymentt , hey were now sent about . 2 ly , The Approbation of the Church to their Heavenly Call they had . 3 ly , Their Praying for Gods Blessing upon them , and Success upon the Work they went for . But these Prophets ordaining them to be Apostles , and that , as in the Capacity of Bishops of the Churches of Syria , is a Dream , much , if not , only beholden to the Dr. himself . Again , the Dr. doth no way eschew his supposed Inconvenience by this Answer ; For , if these his supposed Bishops of Syria , were only of the ordinary Succedaneous lesser Size , how could they derive an Apostolat , of the Primary and first Order , as he calls it ? unless the Dr. make them intirely one , which he sometimes ( tho in this , inconsistent with himself ) disownes , as we heard above , when he ascribes to the Apostles a Power , to make general Canons to the whole Church , to the Bishops , only to their particular Diocesses . But the Dr. finds another Objection , viz. That those Officers , who Imposed Hands on Paul and Barnabas , are called Prophets , not Apostles or Bishops . He Answers , That so was Iudas and Silas , Act. 15.32 . and yet v. 22. they are said to be Rulers among the Brethren , as he Translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. saith the Dr. Bishops of Iudea . I commend the Dr's Invention and Sagacious Scent : Wherever a Word savouring of Rule is found , appropriat to any Church Officer , straight he claps an Episcopal Mitre upon his Head. But this Term being appropriat to such Persons , and in such Circumstances , as will not admit this Office and Character , but are supposed mere Pastors or Presbyters , the Dr's Consecrating Skill fails him . His Friends , the Episcopal Translators of our English Bible , smell'd out no Prelacy , nor Ruling in this Term , but Translat the Word , Chief Men , Primarios , Praecipuos , Estimatos , & Honoratos ; thus Erasmus , Vatablus , Beza , Piscator , Camerarius , Drusius . Or Ecclesiastico munere fungentes ; so Beza . Chief Men , then , may be understood thus , that they were persons , as , in Ecclesiastick Offices , so , of Moral Eminency for Parts and Piety ; which the Dr. will not deny to be applicable to Men of the same Office , and that such discriminating terms of one from another , will infer no distinction therein . Besides , some might alledg , that if he will allow Members of the Church visible , the Scripture epithet of Brethren , and of the Brotherhood , which Denomination , we find applyed unto them , 1 Pet. 2.17 . That upon this ground , Pastors or Presbyters , who have a Rule appropriat unto them , and are termed as in that capacity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both the one and the other , may very well come under the Character of Rulers and Brethren , and by consequence , that the Relation of the one to the other , may well come under this complex ▪ Phrase of Rulers among the Brethren , especially , since in the Council , Act 15. the Elders and Brethren are distinguished , as Church Officers from privat Church Officers from privat Church Members . Again , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and even among Brethren , doth evidently and frequently in Scripture , reject the Dr's Mitr'd Notion : Particularly Heb. 13.7 . where they are spoken of , in the Plural , as over that Church , both in Ruling and Feeding by Doctrin : And v. 17. they are in a Plurality , supposed both to Rule and watch for Souls ; And v. 24 , they are distinguished from the Saints , under this Denomination : And consequently , in all the Three Passages , put under the Character of , Rulers among the Brethren , but as having all a Relation to this Church , and actually and jointly Ruling and Feeding by Doctrin : Consequently , they are such Rulers among the Brethren , as are all Faithful Pastors ; And therefore , of a quite distinct Character , from his supposed Ruling Prelats . The Dr. affirms , That Ordination was confined to such as were admitted to the Apostolat ; as the laying on of Hands in Ephesus , was by Paul committed to Timothy , upon whom , he himself imposed Hands ; And unto Titus at Crete , whom he left to Ordain Elders 2 Tim. 1.6 . Tit. 1.5 . To this we have spoken at large , and need not here stand upon a prolix resuming of what hath been offered in Answer thereunto . Only in a word , we may see , that the Dr. Shoots short of his proofs , which is obviously evident to any that considers , that he neither proves , nor can prove , these his groundless Postulata and suppositions ( without which he misses his mark , and his Argument has no imaginable Foundation ) such as 1. That , the Offices of Timothy and Titus , were ordinary , and the same with his described Hierarchical Prelat . This , we have already disproved , and by clear Scripture evidence , made the contrary appear . 2 ly . That the Apostles Precepts , in point of Ordination , to Timothy and Titus , did import their sole Authority therein , in Churches constitut , so , as to seclud all Authority of Pastors or Presbyters in the same , even where they were settled , and could concurr . The contrary whereof , we have also made evident . Again , whereas the Dr. thinks to strengthen his Plea , in telling us , That the Apostle by Imposing Hands on Timothy , Ordained him , an Apostle or Bishop of that Church . We have evinced the folly of this alledgeance , and that the Apostles imposing Hands upon Timothy , rather strengthens , than impugns the Presbyterian Cause . Since , 1. It is evident , that the Presbytrie , ( and consequently , Ordinary Pastors , whom the Dr. wholly excluds from Ordination ) laid Hands upon Timothy . 1 Tim. 4.14 . and had an Authoritative interest therein . And 2 ly . That the Text mentions Paul's Laying on of Hands , in order to Gifts ; but the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytrie , in another Mould and Phrase . Hence , its easie , to cut the Sinews of the Dr's Arguing with a Notion of hii own , set down , but a few Lines above . He enquires , how could the Prophets at Antioch , derive an Apostolat to Paul and Barnabas , if they had not been of that Character ? Now , I would ply the Dr. with this Counter-query , how could Imposition of Hands , and Authoritative Imposition , be performed by Pastors , and Ministerial or Evangelistick Authority , be derived by them , together with Paul , to Timothy , if Pastors were not of such a Character , as had an Ordaining Power ? Here is a Query , founded upon the Dr's own medium , and his Answering satisfyingly the second , will clear him in Answering the First . Hence , what he adds , ( P. 438 , 439. ) viz. That through the whole Scripture History , Ordination is performed by those of the Apostolick Order , or by secondary Apostles , as he calls them● doth in this appear groundless : For , here we find the Power of Ordination , seated in , and exercised by a Presbytrie . And we have told him and above evinced , that tho we suppose Paul present , and imposing Hands with them , it rather confirms , than invalidats our Argument from this place , for Pastors and Presbyters Power in Ordination . Not to insist upon the Dr's recent instance of Prophets and Teachers Authoritatively Imposing Hands upon Paul and Barnabas ; which ( tho not importing a formal Ordination ) yet , considering the circumstances and context , viz. The Persons Imposing hands , scil . Pastors and Teachers , the Persons upon whom they imposed Hands , scil . Apostles , together with the end and design , i. e. their being solemnly set a part and Blest , and thus sent out upon a special Legation , it s an Instance strongly pleading ( and as we use to say a majori ad minus ) for a Power of Ordination in Pastors , in relation to Ordinary Church Officers . And whatever may be said of instances , as to Ordinary Pastors , in these Infant-times of the Church , rare , when extraordinary Officers , such as Apostles and Evangelists , were existent , and their Offices vigent , the Episcopal Authority , so clearly and frequently , ( as we have proved ) ascribed and apropriat to Pastors , doth certainly includ this Authority of Ordination , as essential thereunto . The Dr. adds , That if we Consult Primitive Antiquity , the best Interpreters of Scripture , in Matters of Fact at least , we will alwise find , the Power of giving Orders , confined & Limited to Bishops . I need not much digress to tell him , that the after-practice of Churches , is acknowledged in matters of Fact ( and even by Eusebius himself ) in a great measure dark and uncertain , and is also acknowledged , and found much opposit to Scripture : And therefore , a slippery and unsound ground and Comment , as to Scripture Matter of Fact , and in order to such a conclusion . I might add , that if the Dr's Reasoning hold good , it is in point of Right , as well as in matter of Fact , the sure and sole Comment upon Scripture . But for this bold and Universal assertion of the Dr's , it is easily convict of falsehood , by what is above offered . The 4 th . Council of Carth. Canon 22. Decrees , That the Bishops Ordain not without the Clergy . And if we suppose this Canon obeyed , there wanted not abundance of conformable instances . In Cyprians time . the Pastors had the Power [ manum imponendi ] of Ordaining , Ep. 78. And in Aegypt , in absence of the Bishop , Ordained alone , as Ambrose on Eph. 4. asserts . Besides , what is at large made out to this scope , by our Writers , in reference to the Chorepiscopi , and this for a very considerable extent , both of time and place . Cyprian Ep. 33. Writing to his Charge , certifies them , That Aurelius was Ordained by him and his Collegues , who were present with him . And least the Dr. start at a supposition , that Cyprian , called Presbyters his Collegues , let any peruse Ep. 33. and this will convincingly appear . We have told him before , that Firmilianus saith of them , that Rule in the Church [ quod Baptisandi , manum imponendi & Ordinandi possident potestatem ] and who these are , he shews a little before , viz. [ Seniores & praepositi , ] We have also told him , that Chrysostom himself , was found accused ( in Synod ad Quaercum Ann. 403. ) that he had made Ordinations , with the Sentence and company of the Clergy . And in the forecited Council of Carthage ( Canon 21. ) it is enacted , " That the Bishop Ordain not without the Clergy . And Canon . 2. Presbyters are enjoined to Impose hands with the Bishop . The Authors of Ius Divinum Minist . Evan. in the Appendix , together with Smectymnus , and several other Presbyterian Writers , have exhibit so many clear instances of this , that we need only refer the Reader to their Learned Labours , for the discovery of the Drs. folly , in this Assertion . In the close of his discourse , upon this point , he tells us , That this is so undenyable , that tho Ierom equalize Presbyters with Bishops , yet he is forc't to do it with an [ excepta Ordinatione ] Ans. If we should suppose Ierom to speak of the general custom of that time and place , and neither absolutely nor Universally , as to the practice or Matter of Fact , far less of of a Divine Right , the Dr's . undenyable proof is soon overturned ; but especially it s Razed , when we tell him , that Ierom's [ excepta Ordinatione ] is well enough understood of the Bishops ordinarly assumed Chief interest , in the rituals of Ordination , tho Presbyters ( as is above cleared ) did intrust this to him , as having a joint and essential interest in the thing it self . The next peculiar Ministry of the Bishop , which the Dr. assigns , is , The execution of Spiritual Iurisdiction , viz. to Cite , examin Offences before their Tribunals , to admonish the Offender , exclud from Church Communion , or receive upon Repentance . The Dr. discourses at large , in proof of a Spiritual jurisdiction Established in the Church , and proves it soundly from Matth. 18.16.17.18 . Expounding that Clause , tell it unto the Church , of a Delation , in Order to an Authoritative admonition , and from those Passages in the context , If he neglect to hear the Church , let him be as a heathen , &c. and that other , whatsoever ye shall bind on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven , &c. Concluds well a Power in the Church of excluding from , and admission into Fellowship ; Citing that Paralell , Math. 16.19 . I will give unto thee , the Keyes , &c. which he also well explains by what is said . Isai. 22.21 , 22. anent the Key of the H●use of David i. e. the Government of his Church , committed to our Lord , in the Type of Eliakim's substituting to Shebna , who was over the Household . He expounds well , the Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven , of the Government of the Church , and the Power of Binding and loosing , of admission to , or exclusion from Church Fellowship . All this is easily accorded . But now comes the main Point , and the Cardo questionis , This Power , saith the Dr , is wholly deposited , in the Episcopal Order . This is soon said , but to prove it , hoc opus , hic labor est . It were superfluous , here , to remind the Reader , how the Dr. understands the Episcopal Order , or how far , in a sound Scripture Sense , of the Episcopal order , this assertion might be admitted . But to the Point , the Dr. proves his Assertion , from this ground , that in all the forecited places , it was only to Apostles , that our Lord derived this Iurisdiction , they alone being the Stewards , to whom he committed the Keyes and Government of his Family , to whom , alone he promised Twelve Thrones , to Rule and Govern his Spiritual Israel , as the Chief of the Trib●s Governed the Natural Israel , Math. 19.28 . Upon which ground he tells us , that the Heavenly Jerusalem , has the Names of the Twelve Apostles upon its Gates , Rev. 21.14 . &c. And the Twelve pretious Stones , v. 19.20 . Do in his Sense , denote the Power and dignity of the Church . As also , the 144 Cubits of the Walls Measure , amounting to Twelve times twelve , he takes to denote the Apostles equal Government of the Church . From all which , the Dr. thrusts out , as his project of the whole , his former Notion and Topick of [ our Lords lodging this Jurisdiction , in those of the Apostoliek Order , derived , from the Apostles ] which , saith he , was administrat accordingly , either by the Apostles immediatly , or by the Bishops of the several Churches , to whom they communicat their Order . Ans. All this ( in so far , as relates to the Dr's scope ) is nothing but a repetition of what is already Answered . I shall easily accord with him in this , that , as our Lord placed and left in his Church , a Spiritual Jurisdiction , so , his Apostles , were the First and immediat Recipients of this , from himself . I do likewise consent to the Dr. in this , that this Spiritual Authority , was to be continued in the Church , and Transmitted to fit Administrators , and was not to die with the Apostles . As also , there is no doubt , that they were to deliver our Lords mind , and the Standart , and continuing measures and Rules of all the Ordinances of the House of God , the Doctrin , Worship , Disciplin and Government thereof , in which Respect , they are called the Churches Foundation . But in all this , the Dr. has not laid one Ground-Stone of his proof , which ( as we have often told him ) lyes Chiefly in these two Points . 1. That the Office of Apostolat , in its entire nature and extent , and as exercised by the Twelve , was by our Lord , intended for an ordinary Function and Office , to be thus continued in , and transmitted to the Church , and devolved on Successors , who were accordingly to exercise the same Office and Power . 2 ly . That these Successors were so invested with this Apostolick Power and Office , as they had the whole Government , the Power of Order and Jurisdiction , monopolized in them , in so far as the Pastors and Presbyters , appointed and set up by Apostles , in the Churches , had only the Doctrinal Key , entrusted to them , but not that of Government ; whereas , both the one and the other , were committed to these supposed succedaneous Apostles . Now , its evident , that if the Dr. prove not these , he says nothing ; And that both these , are unsound and Antiscriptural Suppositions , we have already made appear . ( 1. ) From the many evidences , and clear Scripture discoveries , of the extraordinarie expired nature of the Apostolick , and Evangelistick Office. And ( 2. ) From the Apostles intrusting and transmitting to Pastors or Presbyters , and devolving upon them , both the Keyes of Doctrin and Government , as their proper and imediat Successors ; as also from clear Scripture Grounds and instances , which do evince their actual exercise of the same . But next , to examin a little more closely , the Dr's Proofs , I would gladly know of him , or any of his Perswasion , whether they do not look upon , and understand that Text , Math. 18. as containing a constant Fundamental Law and Rule , given to the Christian Church , to prescrib the Method of removing Scandals , as also , the proper Subject of the Keyes , and Iurisdictional Power , and of that Power in special , which is called Critick ? The Dr. holds , That Christ here , established a Iurisdiction in the Church ; he also acknowledges , That the Church here meant , hath Power of Authoritative Admonition , and the Binding and Loosing Power , since he holds it to be the same with that Binding and Loosing Authority , which our Lord promises to Ratifie in Heaven , Iohn 20.23 . Matth. 16.19 . He understands by this Jurisdiction , this Authority and Exercise of the Keyes , pointed at , in these Paralells : Nay , he acknowledges , P. 443. That in the Forecited Passage , Matth. 18. our Lord institut the Power of Censuring : And I need not tell him , that Words of Institution , of any Ordinance , are the proper Standart and Measure thereof , and the Pattern shewed upon the Mount. Now , what is meant by the Church , the proper Subject of the Keyes , in the Dr's Sense and Pleading , is the Question . The Dr. will not say , it is the Political Magistrat , as some have alledged ; for he holds , That our Lord spoke this to his Church , as a distinct Society , and having distinct Officers , from the Kingdoms of the World. And whereas , some have alledged , that we are to understand this Church , of a Iewish Sanehedrin , the Dr , in the whole Strain and Scope of his Discourse , disownes this , for he asserts , That in this Text , our Lord is speaking to the Christian Church , and establishing a Spiritual Jurisdiction therein . Neither , can he understand , by the Church , the whole Collective Body , according to the general Notion of the Word ; for , the Dr , in the Strain of his Discourse , makes this Power and Authority , peculiar and proper to Church Officers , as is evident in his Paralells above-rehearsed , and the Church Representative , to be the proper Subject of that Jurisdictional Power , here enjoyned . Now , all this being evident in his own Pleading ; since the proper Subject of this Power , is , by our Lord exprest ( who knew best how to express it ) by the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church , I would fain know , by what Warrand , the Dr. can can make this Term , peculiar to one single Person , viz. a Bishop , so , as it must be holden to express his sole Prerogative ? Or , where will he shew , or make it appear , that , in any Greek Author , Sacred or Prophane , the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes one single Person ? If he say , that by the Church , the Community of Church Rulers or Bishops , is to be understood , viz. that all Bishops in common , and every Bishop apart , hath this Power and Authority . I Answer , this , understood of Scripture Bishops , or Church Officers in general , and of such Church Officers of particular Collegiat Churches , is easily accorded ; But , if he mean of his Hierarchical Bishops in Bulk , and of every one of such a part , he both Beggs the Question , and Crosses the Scope of the Place . For , 1. Howsoever we take the Term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church , whether for the Church Universal , to whom Officers , and a Government , is given immediatly , or for particular Churches , to whom , in a mediat Sense , the same Government and Charge is given , we must , of necessity , understand it to be given to such parts of this whole , as do come under the Denomination , and partake of the Nature of a Church , and according to the Dr's Sense above-evinced , an Imbodied Society , or Juridical Court , must , in that Statute , be understood , which can never be applicable to a single Person . And besides , this would invert our Lords Method of Procedure , and the Gradation here held out and enjoyned , which is ( as the Dr. himself acknowledges ) from one to two , or more , and the last Result , and ultimat Appeal , is to the Church , or the Imbodied Court of Officers , with whom the Jurisdictional and Critical Power is lodged . 2 ly . Granting that this Jurisdictional Power , in Order to the first Planting of Churches , was , for this end , at first lodged with the Apostles , yet the fore-mentioned great Rule and Fundamental Law ( as above Sensed , and in a great Measure , by the Dr. himself ) will still evince , that the Apostles were not to Exercise it , to the prejudice of the Authority given thereby to the standing Officers , and ordinary Authorized Courts of the Christian Church , unless they can be supposed to have had a Power Paramount thereunto : For , wherever a Christian Organick Chuch was gathered , by vertue of this Precept , tell the Church , the Scandals were to be delated to the Officers thereof , who consequently , according to the Nature and Tenor of the foresaid Law , are supposed to have the Binding and Loosing Power , whatever Apostolical Authority might reach in Churches not Constitut , or in way of Apostolical Direction to Churches Constitut , as in the Case of the Incestuous Corinthian , yet this was not Privative of , but Cumulative to , the ordinary Power of Collegiat Organick Churches , as is often told him . I might further urge the Dr. with this , that that Passage , Iohn 20.23 cannot but be extended to a Doctrinal , as well as Iurisdictional Remitting or Retaining , Binding or Loosing , the Doctrinal Key , as well as Jurisdictional , being Primarly given to Apostles , to be by them , derived to Successors . Our Lord , in his Gift to Apostles , divided them not ; And therefore , neither were the Apostles to divide them , in Devolving this Power upon , and Committing this Authority to Successors : And since the Dr. acknowledges , that the Apostles , by virtue of our Lords Commission , Devolved upon Pastors the Doctrinal Authority , and Committed to them that Key , ( thus P. 427 , 428. ) why not , I pray , the Jurisdictional also , both being inseparably tyed together ? Nay , the Dr. himself , upon the Matter yields this , for he tells us , ( ubi supra ) That the Command , Go Teach all Nations , Math. 28.19 . did reach Pastors , as the Apostles Successors in this Ministerial Duty , and that Preaching , was one of the principal Imployments , belonging to the Apostolical Office. And if the Apostles were to commit to Pastors , one principal part of their Office , why not also the less principal ? Besides , that the Command [ Go Teach , or Disciple all Nations ] will clearly includ the Jurisdictional , as well as Doctrinal Key . The Dr. adds , ( ibid. ) That yet this Command of Preaching , was not restrained to their Office , since inferior Officers Preacht , as the seventy : Yet he adds , That none Preacht , but either by immediat Commission from Christ , or Apostolical Ordination . But , I pray , were any in his Sense , otherwise allowed to exercise Disciplin , but in this method ? Why will not the Dr. allow the exercise of Disciplin to the Seventy , and such a Mission of Rulers , consequently ? For Timothy ( whom , together with the Seventy , he probably Judges , to have held , an Evangelistick Office ) he pleads , had Authority , both to Teach and Rule : And the Teachers , Act. 13. he holds to be Bishops ; So , that in his Sense , Government being annexed in these instances thereunto , the Lord did extraordinarly call , in these times of the Church , some persons , who were not Apostles . Therefore , his Reason is insufficient to prove , that the Power of Government and Preaching , being Eminenter , contained in the Apostolick Office , they did not commit the Ruling Authority to such , to whom the Preaching work was intrusted . Once more to reflect upon the Passage , tell the Church , we will find our Sense and Pleading , correspondent to judicious Interpreters Dic Ecclesiae , is , coram multis , inquit liber Musar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iustinus . And that the person may have a punishment inflicted of many , 2 Cor. 2.6 . and the rebuke may be before all , 1 Tim. 5.20 . And that the person Offending may be moved by the consent and multiplicity of those rebuking him : So Grotius , who shews us , that it was the practice among the Jews , after the more privat admonition , to bring the Matter to the Multitude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Court of Judges , who have the Power of binding and loosing , as distinct from the multitude : Thus Camero , Simmachus , Beza . To the Presbytrie , representing the Church , whereof mention is made . 1 Tim. 4. 14 Piscator , Beza , Camero : And these whom Paul cal's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Cor. 2.6 . But to proceed with the Dr , he tells us next , That none , but such as are of the Aopostolick Order , can pretend to the Jurisdictional Power , since it was First lodged in the Apostles , and by them immediatly exercised , or by the Bishops of the several Churches , to whom they communicat their Authority and Order . But one should think , that such to whom they committed the Chief and principal part of their Office , as they did to Pastors , by the Dr's Confession , to such they did commit their Order , in so far , as unto ordinary succeeding Officers , and that together with this , the other subservient part of Ruling , was also committed ; both Keyes , being in their Nature , as above hinted , so inseparably connected : And he cannot give one instance of the Apostles giving the First to Successors , without the Second : Nay , the instances are clear of their committing both to Pastors . The Elders or Ministers of Ephesus , are entrusted by the Apostle Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both to Feed and Rule , as Bishops Authorized by the Holy Ghost , over that Church , which command , is by the Apostle laid upon them , when taking his last farewell of the same , and not a word is dropt by the Apostle , of either the one or the other to Timothy , their alledged Bishop . The Apostle Peter enjoins the Elders , as their Fellow-Elder , to Feed and Rule , and exercise Episcopal Authority over the Flocks : A clear Demonstration , compared with the preceeding Instances , that these Elders and Ministers , were the Apostles proper and immediat Successors , in both Offices of Teaching and Ruling . So , that the Dr. may here see , in this Scripture-Glass , the Portraiture , the clear Image of the Scripture - Bishop , and the Authentick and Original Character of the Office of these Pastors and Bishops of the Churches , to whom the Apostles committed the Preaching and Ruling Work , viz. the Preaching Pastors or Presbyters . Shall I add a Caution , and acknowledg to the Dr , they were not the Bishops of his supposed Order , since the Apostle discharged them to be Lords ; because , in these simple times of Christianity , the Apostles themselves , were rude , and not yet acquaint with the Grandure of Spiritual Lords and Lordships , in the House of God. But least the Dr , do think this odd , that I do hold the Work of Preaching , and Administration of the Sacraments , an higher Point of Episcopal Authority , than Ruling , at least , if I may add , only Ruling , which he knows , the Bishops arrogat to themselves solely , not medling much with the first , and that I hold the Governing Power , to be appendant upon , and consequent unto the Power of Order , in Preaching and Administrating the Seals of the Covenant ; I must tell him , that if this be an Errour , A great one has led me into it , and one of the Dr's most eminent Primary Bishops , who , I am sure , had a Divine Authority for his Office , and an Infallibility in Teaching besides ; It is even the great Apostle of the Gentiles , who gives to Timothy this Precept , [ The Elders that Rule well , count them worthy of double Honour , especially they that Labour in the Word and Doctrin ] wherein , it is evident , the Apostle allows the Labouring in the Word and Doctrin , the higher Honour , above Ruling , yea and Ruling well . But to prove , that the Apostles committed this Iurisdictional Power only to the Bishops of their Order , the Dr. brings the Instance of Pauls pronuncing the Sentence of Excommunication against the Incestuous Person , 1 Cor. 5. shewing that he , as present in Spirit , had Judged , i. e. saith the Dr , pronunced Sentence , concerning him who had done that Deed : And v. 4 , 5. he orders them , to declare and and execute his Sentence . But , that the Current of the Context runs Cross to the Dr's Pleading , is several ways evident . For , 1. The Apostle blames this Church , that this Sentence was not passed before , and that they saved him not the Labour of this Prescription or Appointment , in performing their Duty , Antecedaneously thereunto . It is evident , he checks them , that this Person , was not by an Ecclesiastick Censure , of such a Nature , as is here intimat , put away , and taken from among them , v. 2. 2 ly , He writes to them to do it , and this , as an Act of their ordinary Authority , proper to them , as Church Officers , viz. Authoritatively to deliver to Satan , and that , when by the Authority of our Lord , they were mett together ; the Body of Professo●s , being also concerned in a Consent to this Ejection . And therefore , they were not to meet merely to Declare or Witness , what the Apostle had done before . 3 ly , He thus expostulats , v. 12. Do not ye Iudg them that are within ? A convincing Proof , that they had Power to Censure all , that were within that Church , by an Intrinsick Authority , proper to them , as Officers thereof . 4 ly . He calls this Act or Sentence , 2 Cor. 2.6 . A Censure or Punishment , inflicted of many , viz. the Church Officers , not a Declaration of his previously passed Sentence . I hope the Dr. will not fall into such a blunt Conceit , as to make one and the same , the Declaration of a Sentence , passed by another , and the formal Passing of a Sentence , or Inflicting of a Censure or Punishment , which if done warrantably , as is here supposed , doth necessarly import Authority in the Persons Acting . Inflicted of many , says the Apostle , i. e. Not by all the Multitude , as Independents Judge , nor by one Person or Bishop , as the Dr. Dreams . As for his Expounding Pauls Judging this Person Censureable , to be his Pronuncing Sentence , it is a very gross Distortion ; For , Paul , as an Apostle , infallibly Inspired by virtue of his Apostolical Directive Authority , and in special , as having the Care of the Gentile Churches upon him , 2 Cor. 11.28 . had Power to Direct and Prescribe Duty to either Members or Officers of any Churches . And therefore , if the Dr. will draw this Act to Exemplifie Episcopal Authority , he draws upon himself two gross Absurdities , 1. That Paul had , and Exemplified a standing lawful Episcopal Authority , wherever such Prescriptions were exercised , and to whomsoever they could reach ; And this Reaching over all Churches , his Care being thus extended ( as is above cleared ) the Dr. makes him a standing Primat , and Patriarch over them , Exemplifying a sort of Patriarchal Primacy , to be Transmitted in the Church . 2 ly , That his Apostolick Prescription , of the Duties of Church Officers , was not Cumulative unto , but Privative of whatever Authority and Interest in Government , they might acclaim , or in the Exercise of the Power of Order . And thus , suppose the Bishop of the Dr's Mould , set over the Church of Corinth , had neglected his Duty ( as these Officers , are here found faulty in this point ) Pauls Apostolick Direction , in the Dr's Sense and Pleading , nullifies his Power , and proves he had none : Or , supposing an Archippus , or negligent Minister , had needed his Apostolical Direction , to perform such Acts of the Power of Order ; as were proper to his Function , Pauls Prescription of Duty , by the same Reason , swallows it up , and makes it null . Certain it is , that neither could the Apostles divest themselves of this directing Power , of Judging upon neglect of Duty , which had been a divesting themselves of their Office , nor can they be supposed , without the grossest Consequences , striking at the Root of all Church Authority , to have , by their directing or judging Power , exauctorat such , to whom the Direction was given , of their Power and Interest , in their respective Duties , whether as Members or Officers of the Churches . Pool . Anot Vol. 2. Expound this 4 th v. of the Power and Authority of Christ , concurring with them , while gathered together . And upon v. 5. Expounding the delivering to Satan , of Excommunication and casting out of the Church ; They give this Reason , [ because the Apostle speaks of an Action , which might be , and ought to have been done , by the Church of Corinth , when they mett together , and for not doing of which , the Apostle blames them ] Thus clearly Asserting the Intrinsick Authority of the Church Officers of Corinth herein , and upon the same Grounds , which we have Asigned . To the same Scope , do the Belgick Divines , Expound this whole Passage , paralelling it with the great Precept , Matth. 18.15 . Both upon v. 4 , & 5. and upon 2 Cor. 2.6 . touching the Subject of this Jurisdictional Act , viz. That it was Inflicted of many , they Expound of Church Governours or Officers . Diodat . upon Chap. 5. v. 4. thus Senses the Words , That they were to perform this , as the Lords Ministers , by Authority received from Christ , and that the Command is directed to the Pastors and Conductors of the Church , being gathered together in Ecclesiastical Judgment , having the Apostles Declaration , instead of his Voice and Vote . And to obviat such a Notion and Fancy , as that of our Dr. upon this , he adds , That this was , without doing any prejudice , to the ordinary Ministry of the Church of Corinth : And that Paul uses his Apostolical Power Modestly , only to excite the other , ( viz. the ordinary Power of Pastors ) and to strengthen it . And he Expounds v. 7. not only of Purging out this Incestuous Man , but all such Scandalous Kind of People , who by their Infection , might plunge again into the Ancient Corruption , &c. And upon . v. 12. Do not ye Iudg them , that are within ? He says , That it is certain , that a Judge cannot exercise his Jurisdiction , but only over those , that are within his Precinct , and subject to his Tribunal — Clearly Asserting a Spiritual Tribunal , in this Representative Church . To the same Scope , he Expounds the last verse . The English Annot. upon v. 2. of this Chap. in Correspondence to the Exposition and Answer premised , and in Opposition to the Dr's Reasoning , do shew , That the Apostle finds fault with the Corinthians , for that they had not Excommunicat this Incestuous Person , before he had Wrote unto them , and Charged them so to do , because the Fact was Notorious , and the Church Scandalized . And upon v. 4. ( which mentions the Power of Christ ) they shew , That the Power of Excommunication and Absolving is Christs , and the Ministry thereof only Committed to the Governours of the Church . And the delivering to Satan , mentioned v. 5. they Expound by that Paralel , Matth. 18.17 . We need not spend time , in multiplying Instances of Sound Expositors , in opposition to the Dr's Sense of this place . That there is here , an Allusion to the Iewish Synagogue , is the Consentient Judgment of the learned , viz. in their Way of Excluding and casting out the Scandalous : Thus Grotius , Estius , Hammond , Simplicius , Piscotor , Beza , &c. Pareus , Paralelling , v. 5. with 2 Cor. 2. 6. shews , that the same Persons , are Authorized to Comfort and forgive him , who inflicted the Censure , viz. the Church Officers . What we have said , might be further improven , from the end of the Action , which was the purging out the Old Leaven , and taking the Scandalous Person from among them , and the Character of the Censure it self , called a Punishment inflicted of Many , in Opposition to the Dr's Design and Argument . But the thing it self is obvious ; And therefore we proceed . The Dr. Adduces next , Paul's Threatning not to spare . 2. Cor. 13. But to proceed with Ecclesiastick Censures ; And his mentioning Two or Three Witnesses , to establish every word , according to the Words of our Lord , when he Institute this Power of Censuring Matth. 18. And v. 10. of 2 Cor. 13. Threatning Severity , according to the Power given him , to Edification ; And to come with a Rod : He must needs , saith the Dr , mean Apostolical Censures and Excommunication , to be Execute , and Performed in his own Person ; in which Respect , he delivered Hereticks of the Church of Ephesus to Satan , 1 Tim. 1.20 . It is Answered , First , all this is easily removed , by the often Adduced Distinction , of the Apostles ordinary and extraordinary Authority , and of a Cumulative and Privative Exercise thereof . Altho the extraordinary Power , upon fit Emergents , such as , either the supine Negligence of Ordinary Church Officers , or the more endangering spread of Offences , or obstinacy of Offenders , or a defect of the ordinary Church Officers , in whom this Power was Lodged and Seated , was alwise in readiness , and to be Exercised for the Churches good and Edification ; yet nevertheless , this Exercise ( as we have often told him ) was never exclusive of , nor derogatory unto the Churches ordinary Intrinsick Authority , nor , ( except in Cases mentioned ) or Extraordinary Emergents , without the actual Concurrence of the ordinary Church Officers . And if , as the Dr. says , the Apostle here insinuats a method of procedure , suitable to our Lords Institution . Matth. 18. It could not be otherwise . Besides , he Threatens this severity , as a proof of his Apostolick Power , 2 Cor. 13.3 . which some understand of his Miraculous Power , to inflict Bodily Afflictions : Others , of his Power to cut off , from the Communion of the Gospel Churches ; thus Pool . Annot. And if the Dr. will allow , that by mentioning Two or Three Witnesses , he ties himself to the Method of procedure , which our Lord Institute , Matth. 18. he must by Parity of Reason , allow the other part of the Institution , touching the Juridical or Censuring Church , to have its own place therein : And that Consequently , the Apostle was to take along the Authoritative concurrence of the Church Officers of Corinth , in this procedure . But the truth is , he quite mistakes the Passage ; For , in that Clause of Two or Three Witnesses , the Apostle Intimats only , the certainty of his coming the Third time : He had taken up thoughts of , and was preparing for his Journey , and giving them previous warning of his coming , he alludes to that of Deut. 19.15 . to ascertain them thereof accordingly ; Thus Pool Annot. and Interpreters generally : He had been at Corinth once Act. 18. Afterward , he had twice purposed and promised to come ; once , in the 1 Ep. Chap. 16.5 . And now again here ; And then he adds , in the Mouth of two or three Witnesses , &c. Thus Belgick Annot. Diodat . thus senses this Clause , in the Mouth of Two or Three Witnesses , &c. The meaning is , saith he , these Three warnings of my coming shal be , as so many Witnesses , by which ( if ye do not amend , ) you shall be sufficiently convinced of incorrigible Rebellion , to proceed to a sentence , already penned 2 Cor. 10.6 . [ cum jam bis terve id dixerim , tandem ratum erit ] thus Grotius . As for the Apostles threatning sharpness of Censure , v. 10. And his Apostolical Rod 1 Cor. 4.21 . It receives the same Answer , by the forementioned distinction of the Apostles ordinary and Extraordinary Power , and the cumulative and privative exercise thereof . And if the Dr. will not take this from me , may I hope , he will from a far greater : The Learned Iunius , in Answer to Bellarmin , pleading much to the Dr's Scope and Sense , from this Passage of the Apostle — Shall I come unto you with a Rod ? offers the same distinction ( De Concil . lib. 2. Cap. 16. ) of the Ordinary and Extraordinary Rod [ secundum illam , &c. ] According to the common ordinary Rod , saith he , Peter was a fellow Presbyter , 1 Pet. 5. but according to the singular and extraordinary , he stroke dead Ananias and Sapphira . He adds , in respect of this common Rod , Paul saith , 1 Cor. 5. You being gathered together , and my Spirit , in the Name of the Lord Iesus ; But , as to this singular one , he saith , Shall I come unto you with a Rod ? 1 Cor. 4.21 . This common Rod , he denyes , to have been , in the Hand of any one Man , whether Apostle or other , or that they had any sole or singular Prerogative , in Churches constitute . Grotius and others , do here take in the same , which Iunius mentions of the extraordinary stroke , either the inflicting of Death , as upon Ananias and Sapphira , or Blindness , as upon Elymas ; or Diseases . The Belgick Divines , joyn together , the Exercise of punishment and Discipline , in this Clause . While I have been mentioning Iunius , I must upon this occasion , shew , that in opposition to the Dr's . Pleading , in Relation to Successor - Bishops to Apostles , by Testimony of the Fathers , Iunius will tell him ( De Clericis Cap. 14. Not. 15. ) that this is not to be understood of a Succession from Christs Institution [ quia nunquam instituit Christus ut Apostolis secundum gradum in Ecclesia Succederetur ] Christ never appointed Successors to the Apostles , according to Degree : And that the Fathers understood it of a Succession [ ex simili , non ex pari ] of similitud , not Parity ; And a similitud Secundum quid , or imaginary , according as Bishops , were then Moulded . The same Answer and distinction above Rehearsed , serves for what he Adduces of Pauls delivering Hymenaeus and Alexander to Satan . 1 Tim. 1.20 . And that this is the Sense of Sound Divines , appears , in that this is made Paralel with 1 Cor. 5. wherein the Apostles Extraordinary Authority , is by them distinguished from the Churches Ordinary Power . As for his further Proof , from the Apostles deriving this Spiritual Iurisdiction to Timothy and Titus , the pretended Bishops of Ephesus and Crete , and their supposed singular Authority and Censures , and Judicially Cognoscing upon Ecclesiastical Causes , which he draws from these Passages . 1 Tim. 5.19 , 20. Tit. 3.10 . We have above spoken to it at length , and provenfully , that the Evangelistick Function of them both , who were fixed to no particular Posts , together with the clearly supposed Power of Church Judicatories , when Established ( as is evident in several Paralells ) and of the supposed Concurrence , consequently of ordinary Officers with them , in the Nature and Scope of these very Instructions themselves , doth clearly eve●t his Pleading . For what he adds of the Censuring Power of the Angels of Ephesus and Thyatira , Rev. 2. What we have made already good of the Collective Sense of the word Angel , and the Insufficiency of admitting him , to be a single person or President , to bear the weight of his Conclusion , discovers the Vanity of this his Repeated Notion , in this place . The Dr. adds , that the Bishops of the Primitive Ages , were the sole Administrators of Spiritual Iurisdiction . This we have above , convict of untruth . And whereas he tells us further , that they ordinarly admitted their Presbyters Concurrence for Advice ; we have made appear , that their Concurrence , after Bishops were set up , yea , and by Confession of Bishops themselves , was Authoritative , not for Advice only . The Dr. will needs have Cyprian to challenge a singular Authority of Excommunication ( Ep. 38 , 39. ) But , if he will not set him by the Ears with himself ( Ep. 6 , 18 , 28. ) where he professes , he neither could , nor would do any thing , without the Clergy , and ( Ep. 78. ) where he shews , that Presbyters , had the Power of Imposing Hands , and of Ordaining ; and unless also , he can disprove what is made good anent their Ordaining alone , especially in Aegypt , in absence of the Bishop , what we have touched anent the Chorepiscopi , their Authority and Power herein , which is at large made good by our Writers , the Dr. must acknowledg , that he misses his Mark , in this Citation . Cyprian also is so far from challenging a Cathedral Authority of sole Censuring ( as the Dr. wou●d make him ) that ( Epist. 33. ) he ownes the Presbyters , as his Collegues , even in the Point of Ordination , and disownes any such usurped Authority . In the Ordination of the Confessor Aurelius , he thus expresses himself [ hunc igitur fratres dilectissimi , a m● & a Collegis qui presentes aderant ordinatum sci●tis ] Thus also ( Ep. 58. speaking of the Pastors ) he expresses himself [ Ego & Collegae & Fraternitas omnis ] And ( Ep. 6. ) shewing his earnest desire to meet with the Pastors , while absent from them , he gives this Reason [ ut ea quae circa Ecclesiae gubernacula utilitas communis exposcit , tractare simul & plurimorum examinata limare possemus ] And speaking there , of the turbulency of some persons , he says , they were such , as [ nec a Diaconis nec a Presbyteris regi posse , &c. ] Upon which , Pamelius has this Note [ hinc non obscure colligitur ad huc Carthagini — prerogativam illam Presbyterorum & Diaconorum primitivae Ecclesiae , qua communi totius Presbyterii . i. e. Presbyterorum & Diaconorum collegii , consilio administrabantur omnia ab Episcopis ] Citing thereafter , Ignatius's Epistle to the Trallians , wherein he enjoins Subjection to the Pastors or Presbyters , as to the Apostle of Christ. And least the Dr. alledge , this imports no more than a Consultive Power , Cyprian ( Ep. 18. ) having mentioned what was written by Lucian , in name of the Confessors , which they desired to be communicat to the Presbyters ; and ( as he expresses it ) [ per me collegis omnibus innotescere ] to be by him made known to his Collegue-Presbyters , he adds [ quae res , cum omnium nostrum concilium & Sententiam spectat , praejudicare ego & soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo ] Thereafter , he shews that having sent Letters of Copies to many Collegues , he had an acquiescing Answer in this his purpose . To which we may add , what is above touched of Cyprians Judgment in receiving the Lapsed ( Ep. 12. ) and several other places ) that the Pastors or Presbyters had a necessary interest therein , doth by necessary consequence , inferr , that they had the same interest in the Sentence , as in the Absolution . As for the 38 Epistle , which the Dr. Cites , I find nothing in it , that will conclud what he asserts , having perused that Epistle : That which he seems to take hold of , is , that expression of Cyprian [ accipiat sententiam quam prior dixit , ut abstentum se a nobis sciat ] upon which Passage , the Annotator upon Cyprian , doubts whether he means Excommunication properly and strictly so called , or not ; or rather , that which we term the Lesser , of a Suspension from Ordinances for some little time [ quo elapso , saith he , Presbyterium de Contumacia vel Paenitentia eorundum judicabat , &c. ] Moreover , speaking of Felicissimus , he says to the Presbyters [ cum post haec omnia — nec vestra autoritate & presentia fractus , &c. ] clearly pointing at the Authoritative Interposing of the Pastors , in this Matter . And that he does not mean the stricter Excommunication , seems by this probable , that speaking of several Delations of his Crimes , which the Delators had offered to prove , he adds [ quae omnia tunc cognoscemus , quando in un●m cum Collegis pluribus permittente Deo , convenerimus ] which speaks his reserving a further Censure , to a more full Enquiry into the Cause ; yea , and this Enquiry , he will not undertake , but with the Authoritative Concurrence of Presbyters , called by him his Collegues . And in the Matter of Augendus , his Corresponding Guilt with this Felicissimus , he says [ sciat se in Ecclesia nobiscum , non esse Communicaturum ] — and [ Sententiam ferat si ultra cum co perseveraverit ] i. e. upon Supposition of his continued Contumacy : Wherein , it is evident , that no Sentence is passed upon this Person , as the Dr. alledges ; and that in the Censuring of both , Cyprian supposes a necessary Interest of the Pastors or Presbyters . And the ensuing Epistle , pointing out the actual Censuring of these two , with several others , not mentioned in the preceeding Epistle , confirms what we have said . The Dr. will needs have the fifth Canon of the first Council of Nice , to suppose a Power of Excommunication , to be solely in the Person of the Bishop . But , besides , that the Words he cites , are remote from proving it , the Presence of Presbyters , being therein presupposed , it is evident , by several Testimonies of Ancient Fathers , as well as by that Act of the fourth Council of Carthage mentioned , that Presbyters did Authoritatively concur , in Ordination and Censures ( for which , see Smectym . Sect. 8. and Ruffin . Hist. Lib. 10. ) See Council Antioch , Canon 10. Council Ancyr . Canon 13. And determined against this sole Usurped Authority of the Bishop , either in Censuring Presbyters , or in Judging the Conversation and Crimes of Church Members , or in Excommunication or Receiving Penitents . We have also heard , that the fourth Council of Carthage , Canon 23. condemns the Bishops Decision , unless fortified by the Sentence of the Clergy . This is so evident , that the Dr. is forc'd to clap his Wings closer , and Correct himself , adding , That afterward , to prevent Abuses , in the fourth Council of Carthage , it was Decreed , that the Bishop , should hear no Mans Cause , but in Presence of the Clergy , and that his Sentence should be void , unless Confirmed by their Presence . Well then , to Correct Abuses , issuing from his supposed Canon of Nice , here is , by his own Confession , a Counter-canon , Decreeing the contrary : And where is now his bold Assertion , of the Universal Practice of the Church , founded upon a Divine Institution , which Patronizes this supposed Power , of the Hierarchical Bishop ? And if we may ply the Dr , with his own Weapon and Argument , and present to him , a Dish of his own Preparing , how doth he here make a Divine Institution Comprobat by the Churches Universal Practice , a Seminary of such Abuses , as this Council found necessary to remove ? Likewise , how doth this Council , by its Censure , Lash the supposed Practice of Cyprian , and puts among the fore-mentioned Abuses , to be necessarly removed ? Ay , but says the Dr , The Sentence in this Case , was the Bishops , not the Clergies . I Answer , if they were sine quibus non , in the Sentence , by what Shadow of Ground , can he assert , that it was solely the Bishops ? And we heard above , Cyprian in Express Contradiction to the Dr , Assert , that not the Concurrence only , but the Sentence , is properly the Clergies , as well as his . Moreover , if a Paralel Argument , in Point of Ordination , which the Dr. also doth appropriat to the Bishop , may be Judged valid in this Case , as no doubt it is , we have made appear from Canon 2. of the Fourth Council of Carthage , that they Decree in this Case , that ( omnes Presbyteri presentes manus suas Iuxta manus Episcopi super caput teneant cum Presbyter ordinatur ) And the Dr. cannot deny , that ex natura rei , and in the Scripture Sense , Imposition of Hands , in this Action of Ordination , is Authoritative , not Consentient only , and supposes the Actors to have this Badge of the Ordaining Power , I mean it , in a Ministerial Sense , as it is competent to all Church Officers . We have also told him , that Dr. Forbes , as Learned an Episcopalian , as our Dr. in his Iraen . lib. 2. Cap. 11. holds , that ( Non tantum duntaxat ut consentientes ( ad consensum enim sufficiunt suffragia , & plebs etiam consentit nec tamen est ejus manum imponere ) sed tanquam ordinantes , seu ordinem conferentes , & ex potestate ordinandi divinitus accepta gratiam ordinato hoc adhibito ritu apprecantes ) That not only as Consenting , which is proper to the Vulgar , who cannot Impose Hands , but as Ordaining or Conferring Orders , and by a Divine Authority , they do in this Action or Rite , pray for Grace to the Ordained . Which contrary Testimony of our Scottish Episcopalian , not only , in Point of Fact , contradicts the Dr , but from this Rite of Imposing of Hands , concludes upon solid Grounds , Presbyters Authoritative Concurrence in Ordination . So that , comparing our Dr's Concession , with Dr. Forbes his Sense , in Point of Ordination , and with what we have evinced of Presbyters Authoritative Concurrence in Government , in the Sense of the Primitive Church , the Dr's Pleadings for the Prelates sole Interest therein , is sufficiently overturned , yea , and the Inconsistency thereof , with it self , discovered . For what he adds of Cyprian his Asserting , that a Bishop of his Metropolitick Church , might ( pro Episcopatus vigore & Cathedrae autoritate ) have Chastised a Deacon , without Appealing to the Synod : The Dr. has pointed us to no particular place of Cyprian , where this is found : And upon Supposition of what is clearly supposible in Cyprians time , anent the Presbytrie their Deference , and Entrusting the Execution of some Censures , to the President-Bishop , who had then obtained , such a Minut-Matter , as the Chastising of a Deacon , might well fall within the Compass of the then Bishops Deputed Authority , which will abundantly Salve this Expression , from Wounding Pastors or Presbyters Essential Interest , in Censures and Government . Besides , that Cyprian owning so clearly , Presbyters Essential Interest . both in Ordination and Censures , in the above-mentioned Epistles , viz. 33.58.75 . compared with 12. and 46. doth clearly evince , he owned no such sole Authority of the Prelat , as the Dr. alledges ; Which is correspondent to the Testimony cited of Tert. Apol. advers . Gentes , cap. 39. Ambrose Epistola ad Siagrium . Considering further , the Smallness of the Charge of Prelats , in the first Rise of the Episcopus Praeses , who had their Charge , confined oft to little Dorps or Villages , and that the Pronunciation , or Execution of Censures or Sentences , was , in a Deference to the then Bishops , appropriat unto them , by the Presbytrie , who still retained an Essential Interest in Cognoscing upon the Cause . The forementioned fifth Canon of the Council of Nice , which mentions the Separation from Communion by Bishops of the Province , and by the Bishop from the Congregation , and the Convention of Bishops of the Province , for Cognoscing upon the Cause , if Dubious , doth no Whit favour the Dr's Conclusion , of a Spiritual Iurisdiction , wholly Seated in the Bishops , the Radical Authority , being still , in the Presbyters , or Consistorial Meetings of Pastors . The fourth Peculiar of the Bishop , as distinct from a Presbyter , the Dr. tells us , is ; To Confirm the Baptized , which , after their Instruction in Christian Faith , was always performed by Prayer , and Laying on of Hands , upon which , the Party Confirmed , received the Gift of the Holy Ghost . Tho , upon the first Institution of this Imposition , extraordinary Gifts followed , as of Tongues , &c. Yet , saith he , it was not therefore intended as an extraordinary Ministry , to cease with those extraordinary Gifts , no more than Preaching , attended with those extraordinary Miraculous Operations . The Function it self , cannot cease , no more than that of Preaching ; Because the extraordinary Gifts and Effects are gone , and Christ promising a continual Communication of the Spirit to his Church , he must be supposed to continue it , by this Ministry of Prayer , and Imposition of Hands , and the ordinary Operations , the same way , that extraordinary were . Hence the Apostle puts the Laying on of Hands , in the same Class , with Baptism , Heb. 6.1 , 2. and makes it one of the Principles of the Doctrine of Christ : Therefore , it must be intended for a standing Ministry in the Church . Ans. I shall easily grant to the Dr , that in the beginning of the Gospel , and in the first Apostolical Times of the Christian Church , there were sometimes extraordinary Effects , and Efficacy of Gifts , attending the standing Offices and Functions , which are to be continued in the Church , and the Duties of Prayer and Preaching : As also , that we have in Scripture , Exemplified the Gifts of the Spirit , attending the Imposition of Hands ; As likewise , that there is an ordinary Communication of the Spirits Gifts and Graces , in and by Christs Instituted Ordinances . But all this is far remote from the Point in Question , and reaching the Dr's Assertion and Conclusion , viz. That Christ hath Institute Confirmation of the Baptized , after Instruction , by Imposition of the Hands of a Bishop , as his sole Prerogative , and in the Capacity of an Officer , superior to a Pastor , in Order to the Persons further Confirmation in the Faith. Any , with half an Eye , may discover , that this has no imaginable Connection , with what the Dr. here offers . As for that Text , Heb. 6. it hath no Shadow of a Proof of what he brings it for . It s true , there has been several Comments given of that Clause of [ Imposition of Hands ] but none of them , favours the Dr's Fancy and imagined Sense . Some have taken it , to be meant of a Ceremony adjoyned to Baptism it self , for a Sign of Blessing and Consecration to God. Some have taken it , saith Diodat , for Laying Hands on such Catechumeni as had been Baptized , for Confirmation of their Faith , or as a Badge of Renewing their Covenant , in Order to Partaking of the Lords Supper : See Pool . 2. Vol. on the place . Certain it is , the Laying on of Hands , was either for Healing Diseases , Mark 6.5 . Luke 4.4 . Act. 28.8 . Or Communication of Blessings , Matth. 19.13 , 15. Or Communication of the Gifts of the Spirit , to such , as were separat to Gods Service , in the Church , Act. 6.6 . and 17.6 . and 13.3 . So 19.5 , 6. Hence , some under this Expression , take in all the Spirits Gifts , whereby we are Renewed , Increased , Strengthned and Built up to Life Eternal . See Pool . Annot. The Belgick Divines , understand it of the Gifts of the Holy Ghost , in the Primitive Church , imparted to Believers in general , Act. 8.16 , 17. And especially , in the Institution of Ministers , in the Church , 1 Tim. 4.14 . Where this Laying on of Hands is attribute to the Presbytrie . Dr. Owen , takes this Clause of Imposing Hands , to import a Description of Persons , to be instructed , in the other Fundamental Principles , but to be no Principle it self . He also holds , that in those days , it did commonly accompany , or immediatly follow Baptism , Act. 8.14 , 15 , 16. and 19.6 . Withal , he shews , that when Baptized Children , gave an Account of their Faith and Repentance , which others had done before they were Baptized , they were admitted to the Communion of the Church , the Elders thereof , Laying their Hands on them , in Token of their Acceptation , and Praying for their Confirmation in the Faith. ( An Account of this Matter , given also , by many of the Learned ) He distinguishes a fourfold Imposition of Hands . The 1. Peculiar to our Lord , in Way of Authoritative Benediction , as when he owned little Children , to belong to his Covenant , he laid his Hands on them . Mark 10.16 . The 2 d. In Healing of Diseases Miraculously , Luke ▪ 4.4 . Mark 16.18 . The 3 d. In Setting apart , to the Work and Office of the Ministry , 1 Tim. 4.14 . & 5.22 . The 4 th , In Collation of Supernatural Gifts of the Holy Ghost , Act. 8.17 . and 19.6 . Now , that none of all these , comes home to the Dr's Strained Exposition of such a Ceremony or Ordinance , peculiar to a Bishop , in the Sense he has offered , is evident beyond all contradiction : For , taking it to import the Spirits Work , in a Figurative Allusion to this Imposition , or for Ministerial Imposition , I mean in the Ordination of Pastors ; In both Senses , it quite rejects the Dr's Gloss ; And even taking it in the most favourable Sense to his Scope , viz. To import an Imposing Hands upon , and Praying for the Baptized , either at Baptism it self generally , or upon the Adult , who were Baptized , it is beyond all contradiction , that in this case , it was joyned with that Sacrament , and consequently performed by the Admistrator of that Ordinance : Or admit , that it was an Imposing of Hands upon Baptized Children , sometime after their Baptism , when grown up , to give an Account of their Faith , before their Admission to the Lords Supper , the very Nature of the Action it self , doth evince , that in its purer and Primitive Practice , and before Clogged with Additional Corruptions , the thing was performed , by the Elders and Ministers of the Church : And the Dr. cannot shew , either from Scripture , or pure Antiquity , that this was peculiar to a Bishop of his Cut and Mould . Again , it is a strange and most unaccountable Notion , to assert , that such as have Authority to Preach the Word , and Administrat the Sacraments and Seals of the Covenant , and in special Baptism , whereby Persons are to be Discipled and brought to Christ , ( which was the great Commission of the Apostles themselves ) should notwithstanding have no Authority to Administrat such an Appendix of Baptism , and Confirming Rite , as this is supposed to be ▪ That such , as have Authority to lay the Foundation , can put no Hand to such a supposed Superstructure : Nay , that such as have Authority to dispense the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , that great Sealing , Faith-Confirming Ordinance , have no Interest in the Administration of such a Confirming Ritual , as this is . Besides , in the 3 d. place , it is easie to destroy the Dr's Argument , with his own Notion and Pleading : He pleads , That tho the extraordinary effects of Gospel Administrations be ceased , yet such Functions and administrations continue , as are means of the Spirits ordinary influences , Gifts , and Graces ; since our Saviour has promised to the Church , a continual Communication of his Spirit . Now , dare the Dr. deny a continual Communication of the Spirit , in and by the Ministry of the Word and Sacraments ? If these be to continue , and for the great ends of Conversion , Confirmation , and grouth in Grace , and in the Hands of Pastors , as the proper Authorized Dispensers of these Ordinances , which are the Ministration of the Spirit , by what Shadow of Ground , can the Dr. seclud them from any interest in this his Ministration of the Spirit ? He tells us , that Christ now Communicats ordinary Operations in the same way , that he did the extraordinary : And he will not deny , that he did Communicat the Extraordinary , by the Word and Sacraments , concredited to all Ministers , I mean in the external Administration , and why not also the ordinary by the same Persons and Dispensers ? Again 4 ly . The Dr. adds this his supposed strong proof , and corroborating Argument , especially ( saith he ) considering , that this laying on of Hands is placed by the Apostle , in the same Class with Baptism . Hence I subsume , if in the same Class , it must be so , as a Principle of the Doctrin of Christ , as Baptism is ( so he calls it ) and as having the same Authority with Baptism , as an Ordinance of Christ , and a mean of dispensing the same influence of the Spirit ; And if so , how will the Dr. Assign a Shadow of Distinction , as to the Administrators , and make it appear , that two Ordinances of so near a Cognation , and both Acts of the Power of Order , of such an Affinity in their nature and scope , should so vastly differ in the Instruments of Administration , that the one is peculiar to the Office of Apostolat , and a Succeedaneous Prelat , Forsooth , the other not , but may be Administat by a Pastor . He tells us , " The Apostle put both Ordinances in one Class ; but the Dr. in this , crosses the Apostle , and sets up , in this respect , Confirmation in the higher Class . Here , I would offer to the Dr. or those of his Perswasion , Amesius's Answer to Bellarmin's Argument , for this Right of Bishops : One of his Arguments , for the Divine Right of Episcopacy , and of Bishops , above Presbyters , is — [ Soli Episcopi , ut Ordinarii Ministri , &c. ] Bishops only , as Ordinary Ministers , can Confirm the Baptized , as also Consecrat Temples and Altars , Citing , Act. 8. Amesius returns him thus the Protestant Answer — [ De Consecratione Templorum — non laboramus , &c ] We value not the Consecration of Temples and Altars , whited Walls , may be the sole Consecraters of Walls and stones ; but for Confirmation of the Baptized , in so far as it seems to have any thing of Divine Right in it , and is thus lookt upon , it doth equally agree to Presbyters and Bishops : This saith he , may be sufficiently proved from the Canon Law it self ( Dist. 95. ) and is evinced by this Reason of Ierom , what is greater than Christ , or what may be preferred to his Body and Blood ? He adds in Answer to that of Act. 8. that ●he Apostles were no Bishops , nor sent unto an Ordinary Confirmation ( Bellarmin . enerv . Tom. 2. P. ( mihi ) 110 ) I need not inlarge upon any deductions from this Passage , nor insist in shewing the Dr. the Correspondence of this Answer , with what is above offered . We may adduce another Venerable Countryman of his , Cartwright , Answering the Rhemists , Pleading for this Sacrament of Confirmation , from this Text , tells the Iesuit● , That the Apostle means no Sacrament , much less Confirmation after Baptism , but by a Trope or borrowed Speech ( a Metonymia adjunctis , as he calls it ) the Ministry of the Church , upon which , Hands were laid ; which appears , saith he , in that , whosoever believes not , that there ought to be a Ministry , by Order , , to Teach and Govern the Church , overthrows Christianity , whereas if Confirmation of Children , were a Sacrament , as it is not ; yet a Man holding the rest , and denying the use of it , might notwithstanding , be saved . Upon this Testimony of Cartwright , we may very probably Conceive , that the Sense , he gives of that Passage , is the General Sentiment and Judgment of Protestant Divines in his Day : And to this Scope , we find many of the later Protestant Divines expound it , as might be easily made appear . I need not add , how obvious it is , that the Drs. Opinion and Gloss , hath no small influence upon the hardning the Papists , who make Confirmation a Sacrament . See for Cartwrights Sense of this place , Gomarus , Simplicius , Pareus , Mr. Dickson , &c. Among whom , Gomarus shews , that the Imposing Hands upon the Baptized , is a Practice later than the Apostles . But to proceed . The Dr. in Confirmation of this his Gloss and Conceit , adduces the Instances of the Holy Ghost comming upon these of Ephesus , Act. 19.5 . After Paul laid his Hands upon them : And of the Samaritans , Act. 8. who , altho Preacht unto , and Baptized by Philip , and Converted by his Ministry , yet St. Peter , and St. Iohn , were sent to lay Hands on them , upon which they received the Holy Ghost , v. 17. From whence he inferrs , that therefore this Ministry of Confirmation , appertained to Apostles , since Philip a Preacher , a worker of Miracles , a prime Deacon , and if we may believe Cyprian , an Evangelist , and one of the Seventy Two , would not presume to assume it , but left it to the Apostles . I Answer in general , these Texts are , by the current of all Protestant Divines and Interpreters , understood of the Miraculous Gifts of the Spirit , and the apparent extraordinary signs thereof , attending the imposing of the Apostles Hands , which in that time and Case of the Church , was a proper Badge of the Apostolick Office ; and therefore , can have no force , to prove an ordinary standing Ordinance , appropriat to ordinary Pastors ; Since in this Case , the proper sole end of this Action , was the forementioned special effect , which is not now to be expected , and also the persons acting , did therein exercise an extraordinary function and Authority , as Apostles . Hence this singular Gift , at this time exercised , can no more be pleaded , as laying a ground for the standing duty of ordinary Officers , than Anointing with Oil , by the Apostles , which had the Miraculous effect of healing , at that time . Upon the First Text mentioned by him , the Belgick Divines do shew , that the comming of the Holy Ghost , upon the laying on of Pauls hands , is to be understood of the extraordinary Gifts of the Holy Ghost , presently after exprest . And their Prophecying , is by Diodat . exponed accordingly , of a supernatural evident Divine inspiration . To the same Scope , it is exponed , by the English Annotators . And indeed , the Text it self , makes it so evident , that none can call it into question , and considerable it is , that they all paralel this place with that Act. 8. Grotius upon the place , tells us , that [ Baptizati erant ab alio Christiano , sed Deus ad commendandum munus Apostolicum , non ante iis Spiritus sui dona communicare voluit quam Apostolica manus eos tetigisset ] Thus also Simplicius , Camero , and Piscator Epones this effect of the Imposing of the Apostles Hands , with reference to the extraordinary influences of the Spirit . Again , in the fourfold premised Division of the laying on of Hands , mentioned in the New Testiment , we find only , that the Imposition of Hands , in the Ordination of Pastors , is that which hath a clear standing Warrand and design ; the other three mentioned , having an extraordinary end , not to be now expected . But further to urge this , the Dr. says , That tho the extraordinary effects are ceased , yet the ordinary institut means of the Spirits influences remain . Now , as to this Point of the Apostles imposing Hands upon the Samaritans ( the Passage , which the Dr. mainly insists upon , and improves ) I would fain know , if he will deny , that these Samaritans , Baptized by Philip , upon their professed Faith and Conversion , which in many of them , no doubt , was real , had not received the Spirit , in his ordinary gracious influences ? If they had , then , the the Apostles imposing Hands thereafter , he must grant , was either , with a special respect to the forementioned Miraculous evidences of the Spirits Seal , or it was useless , and to no purpose at all . The Belgick Divines , upon v. 14. of this Chap. Do shew , That the Apostles were sent to settle convenient Order in this Infant Church , and strengthen them ; And therefore not merely , for the end of Imposing Hands , as the Dr. alledges ; and upon v. 15. mentioning the Apostles praying that they might receive the Holy Ghost , they do thus Paraphrase it , namely in a visible and Miraculous manner , as often happened in this Church , Act. 10.45 . and 19.6 . 1 Cor. 14.27 . for otherwise they had already received the Holy Ghost , seeing no man can believe , without the Holy Ghost , Rom. 8.9 . 1 Cor. 12.3 . Diodat . to the same Sense , understands the Holy Ghost here , of the external and Miraculous evidences of his Grace . Pool Annot. vol. 2. thus Paraphrases v. 14. as pointing out the Apostles Confirming the Doctrin , and constituting a Church , in Samaria , by Apostolical Authority . And the Clause of receiving the Holy Ghost . v. 15. they expound of these extraordinary Gifts of Tongues , Prophecie , working of Miracles , as Chap. 10.45 . And upon that Clause , v. 16. [ for as yet he was fallen upon none of them ] They shew , that it is plain , the Holy Ghost , is not here meant , as the Author of saving Graces ; For so , he was fallen upon all that did believe , Faith being the Gift of God , but he was not yet bestowed , as the Author of these extraordinary Gifts , mentioned Chap. 2.38 . Piscator upon this 15. v. Shews , That the Spirit given here , does not denote Sanctification , or Confirmation in Grace , but the extraordinary Gifts of Tongues and Prophesie , &c. as appears from the use of this Phrase , Act. 10.45 . and 19.6 . As also from this , that these Gifts were conspicuous to Simon . The Imposing Hands , mentioned , v. 17. Dr. Lightfoot understands in the same Sense [ non Denatat , saith he , dona interna Gratiae Sanctificantis atque confirmantis , omnibus piis collata , sed dona extraordinaria aliquibus duntaxat exhibita ] And v. 18. which mentions Simons seeing this conferring the Holy Ghost , is Interpreted of his seeing by this visible sign of the Gift of Tongues , pointing out the Spirits inward Operation . So Chrysostom , and out of him , Corn. a Lapide . From all which , it is evident , in opposition to the Dr's Pleading . 1. That this Imposition of Hands , was not the sole end , for which the Apostles were sent to Samaria . 2 ly . that there was no need of it , in order to common Gifts of the Spirit , or an ordinary Confirmation in the Faith thereby . 3 ly , That this Action of Imposing Hands , was a special Badg of the Apostolick Office , and that therein was put forth , an extraordinary Apostolick Official Power , competent to no Ordinary Officer . 4 ly . That it was put forth , and exerced at this time , in order to such a transient extraordinary effect , as is not now to be expected , since , in that Infant state of the Church , it did respect the Confirmation of the Doctrin of the Gospel , the Confirmation of Believers , and was to be a Divine attestation of the Apostles Mission and Authority , in this extraordinary manner . All which , cuts off the Dr's design and Pleadings from this Scripture . And whereas he alledges , that an Extraordinary effect , at that time , will not prove the Ordinance it self , to be ceased , no more , than Preaching , sometimes attended with such effects . I Answer , when the Ordinance , or mean , is in Scripture held out , with respect to ordinary standing Effects , as Preaching has for its great end , the Faith , Conversion and Edification of Hearers , till all the Elect are brought in , this is true ; But when the mean or Action , is in its Circumstances , found to be solely , with respect to an extraordinary end , not to be now expected , and to be performed by persons in an extraordinary Office , as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Badg thereof , this doth cast the scales , and shews the Action , not to be imitable , nor to found , warrand , or exemplifie an ordinary standing Duty . And whereas the Dr. adds , That tho Philip , was a Worker of Miracles , yet this Action of Imposing Hands upon these Believers , was not performed by him . It is Answered , Suppose he did Work Miracles , yet in this Case and Time , for the greater Honour of the Apostolick Office , and the Glorious Confirmation of the Gospel Testimony by them , who were Honoured to be its first Heraulds , and eminently Sealed with the Spirit , for this great End , God would , upon these grounds , have this reserved to them , who ( as we have heard above ) were sent to settle convenient Order in this Infant Church , further to strengthen Believers , and to give this Church its fit Organick Frame , according to the Gospel Rules . I shall not stand to improve an Argument , some would be apt to bring against the Dr's Pleading , viz. That this Ceremony , as described by him , seems to encroach upon the Rights and Nature of the Holy Sacrament of Baptism : Only , it is worthy of our Observation , which Cartwright brings against the Rhemists , upon Act. 8.17 . Pleading for the Sacrament of Confirmation , he tells them , That they are justly Charged with Incroaching upon the Possession of the Holy Sacrament of Baptism , which Sealing up unto us , not only the Forgiveness of Sins , but also , both the Burial and Mortification of the Old Man , and the Resurrection and Quickning again of the New Man ; And in a Word , the whole Putting on of Christ : It is manifest , that this Sacrament of Confirmation , which Vaunts it self of Strength and Courage given thereby , to the Vanquishing of the Devil , makes Forcible Entry upon the Due and Right of the Holy Sacrament of Baptism . He adds , That our Lord , in his Care , to bring the Gospel Sacraments , to as small a number , as might be , must be supposed , rather to Seal many Promises with one Seal , than one Promise , with many Seals , or one and the same Promise with two Seals . How far this Pleading of Judicious Cartwright , strikes at the Sinews of the Dr's Argument , upon this Head , is obvious enough . To this I shall add a Testimony , or two , which fully confirms our Pleadings , in Opposition to the Dr. on this Head : The one is , of the Professors of Saumer ( De 5. Fals. Dict. Sacrat . Thes. 7. P. ( mihi ) 242. [ Si impositio manuum in eum finem instituta fuit , ut Donorum miraculosorum collationem comitaretur , cessantibus illis Donis cessa re ipsa debuit . Et si soli Apostoli ea virtute praediti fuerunt , ut Spiritum illum miraculosorum Donorum autorem fidelibus communicarent , debuit in eorum personis subsistere manuum imponendarum potestas ] Thus they , in Impugning the Sacrament of Confirmation : Adding , That as the Apostles had no Command in this Point ( as is most probable ) so , if they had , the Scripture is purposely silent of it . For which they , give this Reason [ ne ritum istum cum Sacramentis , quorum institutionem nobis disertissime tradidit , perperam confunderemus ] The next Testimony , is of Turretin , ( part 3. quaest . 31. De 5. fals . Sacram. P. ( mihi ) 615. Par. 5.6 . ) When he is offering Reasons against this Bastard Sacrament ; his First , touches the Action or Ceremony it self , thus [ primo , saith he , quia non habet institutionem Divinam , ne — quidem ut sit , nedum ut Sacramentum dici possit ] that there is no Divine warrand for the Action and Ceremony it self , Viz : of Imposing Hands , upon the Baptized , by a Bishop , as he has formerly discribed it , far less , that it ought to be esteemed a Sacrament . His Fifth Reason is thus . [ Derogat Baptismo : quia juxta Doctrinam Pontificiorum , sequitur Baptismum non efficere nos plane Christianos , cum tamen jam ante Baptizati in nomine Patris , Filii , & Spiritus Sancti , in communionem ejus admissi simus , & per Baptismum Christo inseramur — sequitur in baptismo non dari Spiritum Sanctum ad robur & augumentum gratiae ; quasi baptismo non obsignetur nobis gratia Spiritus Sancti corroborans , aeque ac sanctificans ] Which is in Summ , that Justifying , Sanctifying , corroborating Grace , being Sealed up in Baptism , this Ceremony encroaches upon its Nature , when obtruded as a Sacrament . And thereafter ( Par. 6. ) Asserting , that the very Rite it self , cannot be shown from Scripture , he thus Answers the Objections taken from Act. 8.15 . and 19.6 . which are our Dr's grand proofs [ Apostoli quidem adhibuerunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu manuum impositionem ( Act. 8.15 . & 19.6 . ) Sed cum id factum constet invisibili dispensatione Spiritus Sancti pro Ecclesiae nascentis conditione , & quidem ex promisso Speciali , clarum est ritum extraordinarium , eoque temporarium solum fuisse , cujus usus una cum aliis miraculis desiit ] Adding upon the Text further , in Confirmation of this . 1. That the Spirit , in this extraordinary manner , to those already Baptized , consequently such as were made partakers of his common operations , Act. 8.16 . 2 ly . That the Spirit is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illabi & irruere . v. 9. Which is proper to the Spirit of Prophesie , not of Sanctification ; as also , Act. 10.44.46 . He is said to fall upon them , so that they spoke with Tongues : Adding , that it is not unusual in Scripture to represent extraordinar and invisible Gifts , by the name of the Spirit simplely , as Act. 19. doth prove against Bellarmin . Spalatensis ( de Repub. Lib 5. bap . 5. Num. 10. ) proves from a multiplicity of the Ancient Fathers , that for several Ages , the Ceremony of Confirming , was a Ceremonial Rite of Baptism it self , not distinct from it . Remarkable is that of Ierom adversus Luciferianus , That Confirmation by the Hands of the Bishop , is a Ceremony belonging to Baptism [ Ita tamen , saith he , ut ne que necessaria sit , neque quicquam illa per se spiritualiter efficiat , sed quod ei a quibusdam tribui solet ut det Spiritum Sanctum , id totum perfectissime haberi in solo Baptismo , lege tamen Ecclesiastica eam adhibére propter solum honorem quendam externum Episcopalis Dignitatis ] So , that in stead of any Spiritual use , Ierom makes it an empty Badg of Episcopal vanity . The Learned Bucer , in his Censure of the Book of the English Liturgy , doth at Large shew , the unsuitableness of this Ceremony , to the ends for which it is pretended , or the supposed Primitive Patterns . And we find it largely paralelled , by Didoclavius , with the Popish Confirmation , both in respect of the supposed Grace which it gives , the Sign , and the Words adhibit therein , the Administrator thereof , &c. ( P. ( mihi ) 358.359.360.361 . &c. ) who also gives proofs from Antiquity , that this was not alwise reserved to the Bishop , even when this Ceremony had obtained in the Church ; Thus P. 363. Cyprian Epist ▪ ad Iubajanum , asserts the Custom of offering such , as were Baptized , to such , as he terms Praepositi , in order to their Prayers , and laying on of Hands with Prayer : That by Praepositi , he means in general , the Ministers of the Church , and not the Bishop , is clear by many Passages of Cyprian , particularly Epist. 3. Par. 1. and Epist. 69. Par. 4. where he calls the Successors of the Seventy Disciples , Praepositos , as well , as these of the Apostles : So , likewise Epist. 62. Par. 1. and Epist. 65. Par. 4. Thus also Epist. 21. Par. 3. The Confirmation he speaks of , in the First Passage Cited , is that used in the Apostolick Church , for the giving of the Holy Ghost , for which , he Cites Act. 8.14 . This is further noticeable of Dr. Lightfoot , viz. That he shews , that Imposition of Hands , was not given , but only to such , as were ad Ministerium Ordinandi , and was not given ad Sanctificationem , sed ad Dona extraordinaria . See Answer to the Principles of the Cyprianick Age , P. 53. who also Cites Piscator , Beza , Grotius , as thus Expounding the Passage Controverted . Festus Hommius , Disput. Theolog. 46. Thes. 1. Having shown , that the Apostles used this Ceremony of Imposing Hands , for Confirming their Doctrin , by visible and Miraculous Gifts of the Spirit , adds . [ Haec Dona , quia ad tempus tantum in Ecclesia viguerunt , bodieque ut Ecclesiae non amplius hoc modo necessaria , cessarunt , etiam ritus ille eum in Finem ne●●debet servari , nec potest adhiberi ] And Thes. 2. speaking of the Commendable custom of the Primitive Church , that the Catechumeni , when become Youths , and ineunte adolescentia , were presented to be Confirmed , it was by Exhortation and Prayer ; and for this end , they were presented , says he , Ecclesiae Pastoribus , and dismissed with a Blessing . The Dr. holds this Ministry of Confirmation , ( P. 446. ) to be performed by Prayer , and laying on of Hands ; The Party Confirmed , receiving the Gifts of the Holy Ghost . And what Gifts , I pray , were they , which the Dr. Asserts , were alwise conferred by this Ceremony , and ( as he expresses it ) received thereby ? Sure , not the ordinary Gifts : For , he will acknowledge these received , in the Sacrament of Baptism ; The Extraordinary , he Acknowledges are ceased : And if neither Ordinary , nor extraordinary Gifts , are thereby conferred , I know not what the Dr. can make of it , unless he make it , a sort of adjutory , further Confirming , Symbolical , ritual Accessory to the Sacrament of Baptism , and a renewed Representation and Seal of the same priviledges , as are Sealed thereby ; And then it should seem , it is brought within the stroak and reach of Cartwrights Arguments and Reasons against the Rhemists , above rehearsed ; and that it falls within the compass of such a vain and ludicrous sign of Episeopal vanity , as is above expressed . Ierom , in the forementioned Epistle , adversus Luciferianus , thus lashes this supposed prerogative of the Prelat , That if not by a necessity of Law , but for the Honour of the Episcopal Office , the Spirit is given , their Case is to be Lamented , who in little Villages , or remote places from the Diocess , have been Baptized by Presbyters , and prevented by Death , before the Bishops visit . Beda , expresly upon Psal. 86. ascribs this to vanity . And Calvin ( Instit. Lib. 4. Cap. 19. ) thus lashes the Papists , that so many of their Flocks , being deprived of this supposed necessary Confirmation [ patiuntur in suo grege Semi-Christianos , quorum imperfectionem mederi facile erat ] they admit many of their people , to be but half Christians , whose imperfection , they may easily remedy . And how far this is applicable to the Dr's Case , I need not stand to subsum . It s true , the Dr. doth not in express terms , call it a Sacrament , yet seeing P. 447. he holds it is by Divine warrand , placed in the same Class with Baptism , and made one of the Principles of the Doctrin of Christ , and in his sense , appointed still to continue , as a standing Ministry , for Communication of the necessary influences of the Spirit ; It s left to the judicious to consider , whether it fall not clearly , within the compass of Cartwrights Reasons , and of others above rehearsed , as inferring its unlawfulness , and in special , an appeal is made to the Judicious , to ponder , how the appropriating of this Ceremony to a Bishop , for the great ends mentioned , can come within the compass of these Fundamental Principles of the Doctrin of Christ , without the Knowledge and Belief whereof , there can be no Salvation . The Dr. I must needs say , advances not only Prelacy it self , but this supposed priviledge of Prelats , to an high pitch , in this Reasoning . For what he adds of the Character and Quality of Philip , and of Cyprians Opinion , of his being one of the Seventy two Disciples : Whether he he was Deacon or Evangelist , it is all one in this Case , since the Action here performed by the Apostles , was proper to them , upon the Grounds already Assigned ; and the account of their approach to Samaria , after this begun Ministry of Philip , is so represented by Protestant Divines , as wholly overthrows his pleading , and Razes it to the Foundation . For , What the Dr. alledges , anent the constant Exercise of this supposed priviledge of Bishops , in the Primitive Church . As he has produced no Testimony of either Councils or Fathers , in proof of this , but only wraps up the Matter in a Confident general ; So , he is forc't immediatly in the next words , to make a sort of Retraction , telling us , That in later Ages , there are Instances produced , of Presbyters , that Confirmed . But least he should seem to fall foul upon his large Assertion immediatly premised , he must needs lenify this , and mix Water with his Wine , adding , That they Confirmed only in the Bishops absence , and by his delegation ; and that it was in the later Ages . We see these Charitable Lords , became at last , Liberal , in parting with some Prerogatives , admitting such as could only perform the mean Service of Baptizing , to the High Episcopal Dignity of Confirming . But the Account we have given of this Matter , sufficiently discovers his unsoundness , and prevarication in this Point , and that as the Practice he pleads for , had never any warrand from Scripture , or prime Antiquity , so , what Imposition of Hands might have been practised in a supposed conformity to the Apostles Pattern , was performed by the Elders or Ministers of the Church . And therefore , in opposition to the Dr's fair Conclusion ( as he calls it P. 448. ) that this Confirmation , or Imposition of Hands , was Peculiar to the Apostles in the Original , and their Successors , the Bishops , in the continuation of it . We may in the Confidence of Truth , oppose this Antithesis , or Counter-Conclusion ; That the Apostolick Confirmation , which he instances , was so peculiar to the Apostolick Office , and so appropriat to extraordinary expired effects , as therein the Apostles could have no Successors : And that their Successors , in all the necessary duties and Offices of a Gospel Ministry , are the Faithful Pastors , labouring in the Word and Doctrin , to whom , as the Apostles committed , what was in their Office , ordinary and necessary to be continued in the Church , So , upon such Principles and grounds , in such a manner , and for such an end , in their Doctrin , delivered to the Churches , as does quite overthrow , the Hierarchical Prelat he Pleads for , as no Plant of the Lords Plantation . FINIS . A Full REVIEW and EXAMINATION OF DOCTOR MONRO's Scripture-Pleadings , Upon the Point of EPISCOPACY , In his late Book , intituled , An Inquiry into the New Opinions , chiefly propogated by the Presbyterians of Scotland : CHAP. I. The Dr's ▪ Vnsound and Impertinent Reflections upon our first Reformers , as to their Iudgment in point of Church-Government , Exposed : Together with his Vnsound and Popish Method in his Answer to the Argument against Episcopacy , taken from Mat. 20.25 . And with the paralell Texts . TO Examin in the better Method , what this Dr. produceth , against us , it is fit , that we First view , what he represents as our Assertion , and which he boldly Charges with Error and Novelty , and as one of those Opinions never heard of , for 1400 Years after our Saviours Incarnation : It is thus , That we affirm our Saviour hath appointed his Church , under the New Testament ( whether Provincial , National , or Oecumenick ) to be Governed by the several Classes of Presbyters , acting in a perfect Parity , and owning no Subordination to any higher Officer in the Ec●lesiastick Senate , above a Presbyter , in the modern and current Notion of the Word . That which I mainly desiderat here , is . 1. The term of [ several Classes ] appears obscure , not pointing at the Beautyful Order and Subordination of Judicatories , which we maintain according to the Nature of all Government , consequently of Church Government . The Classes and excerpted Classes , is an invidious , independent term : We own the Congregational Church represented by the Pastors one or more , with the Congregational Eldership : The Presbytrie , a Judicatory Superior to this , made up the Pastors of the Congregations , together with Ruling Elders : The Provincial Synod , superior thereunto , consisting of the Ministers of the Several Presbytries , with Ruling Elders , in the Precincts of the Province , to which the proportioned number of Presbytries are subordinat , and wherein they are represented : The National Church , made up of a convenient number of Ministers and Elders , from every Presbytrie therein , to which the Provincial Synods are subordinat . Which Model of Government , has been so fully Cleared from Scripture , by many Learned Pens , that he cannot stand before the evidence of Divine Authority , and Reason , offered for the same ; And which any , who have Read , may see the vanity of his empty Pamphlet . 2 When he tells us of Presbyters , Acting in a perfect parity , he insinuats , as if We held no other Presbyter , than the Pastor , and that all who come under this general Name or Character , have by our Principles , the same interest in Church Government ; which , if he mean of Government in its whole Extent , viz , that Power , which is called the Diatactick , Critick and Dogmatick , it s a gross Falsehood : For , we distinguish an interest in the last , which is proper to Pastors , from that interest in the first two , which we allow to Ruling Elders . 3. When he tells us , We own no higher Officer , in the Ecclesiastick Senate , above a Presbyter in the modern Current Notion of the Word , he speaks in the Clouds , and confusedly , not specifying , what is that Notion of the Word , which he calls Modern and current , and which we own as of the Divine Appointment and Signature . We hold , that the Pastor , labouring in the Word and Doctrin , and to whom is Committed the Doctrinal and Jurisdictional Key , is termed also in Scripture , the Elder or Presbyter , and that he is the highest ordinary Church Officer of Divine Appointment ; and this with the Body of Protestant Churches and Divines . We also hold , that the Scripture points out an Elder or Presbyter , that Rules only , and is inferior to the Labourer in the Word and Doctrin , as having no interest therein ; and this Notion of the Word we hold , and can make good to be the Scripture , as well as Modern Notion . If this Dr. in calling it the Current Notion of the Word , intend that which is the general Sense of Divines , he seems here to Charge them all with Novelty and Singularity , since all , who hold this Notion of the Word , and understand the Presbyter , in the Sense above exprest , must needs own him to have such interest in Government , and the same Authority , which we Assert : And therefore , Cross to the Dr's Notion , which he is not pleased directly to specifie . The Dr. without distinction , or setting up his discriminating March-stones , as to the extension of time , calls the days , wherein this Notion of the Presbyter is become current , dayes of Separation and Singularity , differing in this from the Uniform Testimony of Antiquity ; And the Critick has here much to say , in proof of his Charging with Singularity and Separation , and a dangerous Separation from the Uniform Testimony of Antiquity , the whole Body of Reformed Churches and Divines , since in their Confessions , and the Current usage of their Writers , they thus understand and make use of the term Presbyter . As also , that upon other grounds , he Charges them , with Singularity and Separation , since he calls these dayes such , absolutely , abstracting from this particular Cause : And what dangerous Consequence , this Doctrin is of , and how highly reflecting upon the Churches , will sute his serious , second , and more sedat Thoughts , when in a better frame and humour . The Dr. adds , That , in this we differ from the first Presbyterians among our selves , who Declare in their Confession of Faith , that all Church Policy is Variable , so far were they from Asserting an Indispensible and Unalterable Right of Parity . But , in this , he has Abused his Reader , and any that but reads that Confession , may easily discover his Impudent Forgery and Imposings : For , First , In the ninteenth Article of that Confession , Assigning the Notes of the True Church , they present these three , ( 1. ) The true Preaching of the Word of God , as he has revealed himself , in the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles . ( 2. ) The right Administration of the Sacraments , annexed to the Word and Promise , to confirm it to our Hearts . ( 3. ) Ecclesiastical Discipline , uprightly Ministred , as Gods Word prescribes , whereby Vice is repressed and Vertue nourished . And giving Instance of this in particular Gospel Churches , they add , Such were in Corinthus , Galatia , Ephesus , and other places , wherein the Ministry was planted by Paul , and were of himself named the Churches of God , citing on the Margine , 1 Cor. 1.2 . 2 Cor. 1.1 . Gal. 1.2 . Ephes. 1.1 . where Paul ownes them , and names them as Churches ; and to prove they had a Ministry and Ecclesiastick Discipline planted therein , they further cite , Act. 16.9 , 10. and 20.17 , &c. pointing us to Pauls last and farewel Charge to the Elders or Pastors of Ephesus , wherein he entrusted the Government thereof to them , as the only Bishops thereof , set up and Authorized by the Holy Ghost : And such a Church , they profess the Protestant Church in this Realm to be . From this Account of the Confession , it is evident , 1. That in the Sense of our first Reformers , Church Government and Disciplin , rightly Administred , is an Essential Mark of the Church . 2. That it must not be according to Mens Invention , or Rules of Worldly Policy , but according to the Prescription of the Word of God : Thus , clearly asserting , that the Word of God , prescribes the Rules and Measures of it , and consequently determines , what Government and Disciplin it is , else there could be no Appeal to that Rule . And look , as , they make the Word of God , the Standart and Rule of the true Doctrine , in the first Note , so , of Discipline and Government , in this third : Hence , as , none can , without extremest Impudence assert , that the Word leaves us to Waver , and at an Uncertainty , as to the true or false Doctrine , or that it is not perfectly contained in the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles , Appealed to , in that first Note , so , without the same Impudence , neither can this be alledged of the Discipline or Government ; anent the Rectitude whereof , and its Divine Measures , the same Appeal is made . 3. When exhibiting Scripture Instances , they mention a Ministry established by Paul in the Churches , and in special , such a Ministry or Eldership , as had the Government established and lodged with them , in a Parity of Pastors , as the Church of Ephesus , when Paul gave them his last Charge , to Feed and Govern joyntly , as the Bishops set up by the Holy Ghost , they clearly assert the Divine Warrands of Presbyterian Parity . Next , for that Passage , which the Dr. takes hold of , in Art. 21. ( which he durst not point his Reader to , as knowing that the very Reading , would discover his Forgery ) that which they affirm , is thus expressed . Not , that we think any policy or Order in Ceremonies , can be appointed for all Ages , times and places , &c. It s evident , that it utterly rejects his absurd gloss , and impertinent groundless inference : For , 1. They are not speaking of the Species and form of Government , but of these things , which Councils has a Power to determin in , yea , peremptorly affirm , that they have no Power or Authority to make that to be Gods Word , or the true interpretation thereof , which was not so before , by his Holy Will , and by clear Consequence , that no Councils can alter or change that Ministry and Government , which in Art. 19. They affirm the Apostles established . 2. Having mentioned the Confutation of Heresies , and giving a publick Confession of Faith , according to the Word , as one great . design of General Councils , they assign the Second , which is to Constitut good Order and Policy , to be observed in the Kirk , that all things be done decently , and in Order , citing 1 Cor. 14.40 . Let all things be done decently and in order : Wherein Paul prescribs this general Rule to be applyed to the particular circumstances of that Church — Then they add , Not that we think any Policy and order in Ceremonies , can be appointed for all Ages , Times , and places — Adding , That when Ceremonies foster Superstition , they ought to be removed : Wherein , it is evident , as the Meridian Light , that that Policy , which they hold alterable , is not the Government of the Church , appointed by the Apostles in the Word , or that Ecclesiastick Disciplin , therein prescribed : For , this they make a Note of the true Church ; and to call this alterable according to the difference of Times and Places , were so gross a contradiction , as no Men of Sense , could fall into , much less the Godly and Learned Compilers of that Confession . But , by this alterable Policy , they mean , such as Rel●tes to the variable Circumstances of particular Churches , and such appointments thereanent , as God has left to the Regulation of the Christian Prudence of Church Governours , according to the general Rules of the Word ; of which Rules , that instance they exhibit , 1 Cor. 14.40 . hath the prime place . So , that the Dr's Inference , that therefore , the Authors of the Confession , held not an indispensible Divine Right of Parity of Pastors or Presbyters , has no dependence upon that Passage , which he Cites , nor has any Subsistence , but in his own imagination . The Dr. adds ( P. 13 ) That the First Presbyterians pleaded only , that their New Form , was not repugnant to the Oeconomy of the New Testament Church , and Primitive Institution ; that it came nearer to the Original Model of Churches : But never affirmed , that the Christian Church , by the Original Authority of our Saviour , and his Apostles , ought to be Governed by a Parity of Presbyters , and that no Officer in the Church , higher than a Presbyter , could pretend , to any share in Ecclesiastick Government . I Answer , the Dr. hath not exhibit to us , these Presbyterians , whom he calls First , and who thus pleaded . We heard , that our very First Reformers , Pleads for that Government , they were settling , as a Divine Ministry and Government , according to the Word , and deriving its Original Pattern from the Apostles Plantation of Churches , such as Ephesus had , when Paul gave his last directions to that Church . To which Original Pattern , they hold , that all Churches ought to be squared and Subordinat . And if we advance a step further , to our Books of Disciplin , we will find the Divine Right of our Government Asserted , in most Material Points thereof . The Peoples interest in the Election of Pastors , in their Call , and in their Admission , is Asserted in the First Book of Disciplin , Head 1. with the Explication . In the 7 Head of Ecclesiastick Disciplin , the highest Censure of Excommunication , is attributed to the Ministry , as their Duty and Priviledge ( not to the Prelat ) and all Preachers , without exception , are declared Subject to Disciplin ; and the Subjection of all Preachers to the Prophets , in their Doctrin , is Asserted in the 9. Head of Church Policy , upon that special Point of Propesying and interpreting the Scriptures . All which , cutts the Sinnews of the Prelats Exercising Power over Pastors , Establishing their Essential Divine Right of Government . In 2 Book of Discipl . Chap. 1. The Divine Right of Church Government and Policy , is Asserted , and its distinction from the Civil . The unlawfulness of Ministers , assuming Name or Thing of Lordship . Again , The extraordinary expired Function of Apostles , Prophets , and Evangelists , is Asserted . The identity of the Pastor and Bishops Office , as the highest ordinary Function , together with the Relation thereof to a particular Flock , is Asserted Chap. 2. Moreover - Ch. 7. initio , the Ruling Elders Office , and Congregational Eldership , are Asserted . Ibid. Our Church Judicatories , Congregational , Provincial , and National , are Asserted . Chap. 11. The Unwarrantableness of the Office of Bishops Assuming Authority over Pastors , and a Lordship over them , and over Christs Inheritance , is Asserted : And such Bishops , as refuse Subjection to the Established Disciplin and Government of Pastors , are appointed to be deposed from all Function in this Kirk . Likewise , Patronages , as crossing the Peoples Right , in Election of Pastors , are condemned as a Corruption of Popery , Chap 12. Now , the Divine Right of the Courts and Officers , we own , in opposition to Prelacy , being thus Asserted in these Books of Policy , and in the Judgment of the Compilers thereof , drawn forth from the Fountain of the Word ; the Model also , presented and described in these Books , amounting to a specifick form of Government , and eversive of Prelacy , the Compilers , also , as is said , presenting it as the Divine and Scripture Pattern ; they must needs hold it to be a standing Form , appointed by our Lord and his Apostles . Again , if the Dr. hold , that the New Testament Oeconomy , contains a specifick standing Form of Government , and a Standart for all Churches , while time lasts , then such a Form , as with Respect to the main , is asserted to be consonant thereunto , is asserted in so far , to be , not only allowable , but necessary : And this , the Dr. must needs admit , unless with Papists , he will make Scriptures themselves , a Nose of Wax , and the New Testaments Prescriptions , in Point of Government , and its Oeconomy , versatile , and so Lax and General , that it discovers no Species of Government . Besides , if these Reformers affirm , the Pastor , to be the highest Church Officer , Iure Divino , and that he is all one with the Preaching Presbyter , then by necessary Consequence , they must needs hold , that by Original Authority of Christ and his Apostles , all Churches ought to be Governed , by a Parity of Presbyters or Pastors , and that no Ecclesiastick Officer , above a Presbyter , can pretend , to a share in Ecclesiastick Government . These Assertions , are of so close and clear a connection , that if the Dr. attempt to cut this Gordian Knot , he will fall into such a shameful Assertion , as to affirm , that an Officer , not allowed by Christ , but condemned by his own Original Authority , and that of his Apostles , has notwithstanding , a share in Ecclesiastick Government . Besides , the dull inadvertency of this Assertion , appears in this , that he holds our Reformers did plead , that their Form was allowable , and not repugnant to the New Testament Oeconomy , and yet not such , as was recommended by our Lords Original Authority to all Churches : For , if he hold , that the New Testament Oeconomy , is a clear fixed Standart and Model for all the Churches , then , whatever Frame of Government is not Dissonant or Repugnant , is conform and consonant thereunto , and consequently , not only allowable , but necessary . And if our Lords Original Authority prescribed this Oeconomy , as a Standart and Rule for Church Government , in all Ages , that Model that comes up to this First Standart , in so far as it comes up to it , is that which the Church is to imitat in all Ages , unless he will say , that all Ages are not to imitat this Pattern , shewed upon the Mount. And in special , our Reformers hold , that our Saviour in the Original Prescription of this Pattern , presents the Pastor or Preaching Presbyter , as the highest ordinary Church Officer . And therefore , it is no rashness to affirm , that in all times of the Church , such an Officer as a Prelat , Superior to Pastors , is forbidden and Condemned . The Dr. says , That ; tho our Reformers affirm , their Government was not repugnant to the New Testament Oeconomy , they were not so rash as to affirm the Church ought to be thus Governed in all Ages . So , it s with this Grave cautelous Dr , rashness to affirm , that a Government suted to the Divine Pattern , is for all Ages , consequently a precipitant Assertion to affirm , that our Lords Pattern is the just Standart for all Ages . The Dr. will be satisfied , That we plead for our Iudgment in Government ( which he calls a New Notion ) as probable , but cannot endure , that we plead for an absolut infallible Right , and require obedience to it , as due to infallible Authority ; This , he says , is worse , , than speculative Enthusiasm . I Answer , if we can produce no Scripture Warrand for that Government we own , we shall be satisfied it come under the Character of a New Notion ; But , if we can make it appear , to be the Government recommended in the Scripture-Oeconomy and Pattern , then , as being founded upon Infallible Authority , we justly challenge Obedience to it ; and while this Light is shut out and rejected by the Dr. and his Fellows , they are justly Chargeable , in so far , with Speculative , yea , and Practical Enthusiasm . The Dr's . pretended Rhetorical Florish , whereby he would set off this Charge upon Presbyterians , taken from the similitud and allusion to the person , who should threaten to knock him on the Head , unless he wil affirm , against his Reason and Senses , that he sees such Armies in the Air , as are pointed out to him ; Is but a phantastick Flash of his own Airy Imagination , for we impose nothing Arbitrarly or Imperiously upon his Reason , or any of his way , but challenge the utmost attention , and best Exercise of their Sense and Reason , to that Scripture-Light and demonstration of our Government , which we offer from the Word , which , had he seriously searched and pondered , with an Eye to God , the Father of Lights , he had been otherwise , and better imployed , than in flinging out such Squibs and Crackets into this Countrey , and in writing his folly and ignorance , in such an Airy Childish Pamphlet as this is . He adds ( P. 14. ) " That it were better to fall into High-way-Mens hands , than amongst such Spiritual Robbers . But he commits this Robbery upon himself , while shutting his Eyes against that Scripture-Light , which has been offered upon this Point . And he knows , by what numerous cruel Laws , and Barbarous execution thereof , in the late Reigns , he and his Masters , our Scots Prelats , endeavoured to knock down the reason and Conscience of many Thousands of this Nation , both Godly and knowing , in an Imperious obtrusion of their ungodly Hierarchy upon them , and many wicked Vows and Oaths for upholding it . The Dr. next alledges ; That we vainly boast of a Divine Institution of our Government , and unanswered Writers in its defence , but when put to produce Arguments for it , we have have nothing but perplexed Probabilities , intricat consequences from wrested Scriptures , to offer , contrary to the Uniform suffrage of the Ancients , &c. Ans. what Divine Warrand we plead for the Divine Right of the Courts and Officers we own , is so well known to such as are acquaint with this Controversie , and how solid our Scripture-proofs are , and consonant to the Sense , both of Ancient and Modern Writers , that this Mans flanting boast , can make no other impression upon them , than of his procacious vanity . Had he intended as a Champion indeed for his Cause , to Fight , not to bragg , in this Pamphleting Bragadocio , which any may see to be ad pompam , non ad pugnam , he should have fairly and formally encountred Ius Divin . Reg. Eccles. Ius Divin . Minist . Evang. Smectym . with its Vindication . Mr. Baynes Diocesan Tryal , in Answer to Dounham . Didoclav . Cap. 4. And the Scripture-Pleadings of many Forreign Divines , against the Hierarchy , and for the Parity of Pastors ; and then to have boasted ( having discussed their Arguments ) at the putting off of his Armour . But now , that we are come to the Point , the Dr. ( P. 15. ) tells his Friend , That he can give but a short History of our Arguments , for the Divine Right of Parity : And good Reason ; since he is for little slight Skirmishes , not for the Shock of more close and dangerous Encounters . Our Arguments , he reduces to three Heads . 1. The express Command of our Saviour . 2. Consequences from Texts of Scripture . 3. Testimonies of Ancient Writers . I shall not insist in Criticizing upon the Dr's general Partitions : Only , as for what he offers anent our Saviours express Command and Institution of Presbyterian Government and Parity of Pastors , he should have done well , to name the Authors , who assert this , ere he had so confidently ascribed this Assertion to Presbyterians . No doubt , had he dealt fairly , in a particular Condescendance upon our Arguments drawn from Scripture , for Parity of Pastors , and offered clear Scripture Replies to them , Presbyterians would have thanked him , for his Diligence , in endeavouring their further Light and Conviction on this Head. But to prevent his Mistake , or any else of his Perswasion , I must further add , that , as for the Argument from Antiquity , however he and his Party do magnifie it , stuffing their Books and Pamphlets therewith , instead of more solid Scripture Reasoning : And altho , we are not afraid to try their Strength , in this Method of Arguing , yet Antiquity , or the Testimony of Humane Writers , is none of the Foundations , upon which we do build the Ius and Divine Right of the Government we maintain , but the Lively Oracles , the Scriptures of Truth allenarly : And we look upon the Testimony of Antiquity , or of Ancient Writers , as an Accessory Humane Illustration , in some Matters of Fact , but no proper proof , or to be ranked in eodem genere , with the first , and as tending to refute the Charge of Novellism , wherewith the Dr. and his Fellows , are bold to asperse our Principles in this point . The Dr. now falls upon the first Head of Arguments , taken from a supposed express Command of our Saviour , anent the Parity of Pastors , exclusive of the Iurisdiction of a Bishop ( I heartily wish , he had here , specified and defined this Jurisdic●●on ) He tells his Friend , ( p. 16. ) We prove this from Matth. 20.25 . which , he sayes , we insist upon , more than Forreign Presbyterians , and he professes he will hear our Argument from hence , calmly and deliberatly , with Reverence and Attention . He adds the paralells , Luk. 22.25 . Mark 10.42 , 43. Naming in the Margine , the Reverend Mr. Dickson , and the Answer to the Iraenicum by G. R. Our Argument from hence , the Dr. represents thus , That the Officers of Christs House , were by his own express Command , established in a perfect Equality , even in such a Parity , as excludes the Power and Iurisdiction of any higher Order , than that of a Presbyter , in the Modern Notion . Before I come to represent the Dr's Answer to this Text , ( premonishing again , what is before animadverted upon the Term of express Command ) I shall , First , Shew what we plead from it . Secondly , That our Pleading is Consonant to the Sense of Sound Divines . For the first , It is apparent in the premised paralell Texts , that the Tentation of Ambitious Emulation among the Disciples , ha● prompted them to a Sinful Contest about Primacy , or which of them should be greatest , to prevent the Mischievous Effects whereof , our Saviour Cautioned and Rebuked them , Discharging them expresly , the Lordly Grandure of Earthly Rulers , to Exercise Lordship and Dominion one over another , in Opposition thereunto , Commending Humble Ministerial Service , and Spiritual Diligence in their Stewardship ; both which he enforces from his own Exemplary Humility . Hence , we infer , 1. That our Lord discharged Superiority and Inferiority among Officers of the same kind , so , that none are greater than another in their Office , no Apostle , no Evangelist above another ; that a compleat Parity in their Official Power , is commanded : And therefore , by clear Consequence , a compleat and entire Parity among Pastors ; And by further clear evidence , we argue , that superior and inferior Degrees among them are discharged . 2. That whatever Priority of Order , be allowed among Officers of different kinds , we conclude , that our Saviour , in these places , discharged Dominion and Principality , in any of them , of whatever kind , all Masterly Power , such as Civil Governours Exercise ; There being one Master of his Family only , whereof all Ministers are Brethren and Fellow-Servants : Because , in Exemplifying what he discharges , our Saviour gives the Instance , in such Rulers , as are called Benefactors , or Gracious Lords , and in Opposition thereunto , Commands an Humble Ministerial Service , not a sort of warrantable Dominion , as the paralell , 1 Pet. 5. makes it evident . So , that , he gives here , the Lord-Prelat , two Deadly Wounds , ( 1. ) In that he makes himself an Officer of an higher Order and Degree , than the Pastor , holding himself , to be a Pastor , specifically distinct from the Preaching Presbyter : Thus Dividing and Cutting out the Pastoral Office , into Antiscriptural , Distin●t , Official Kinds , whereas , our Saviour discharges this , among Officers of the same kind . ( 2. ) In that he Lords over his Brethren and Fellow-Pastors , and that both , in a pretended Spiritual Capacity , arrogating a sole Power in Ordination and Jurisdiction , a Masterly Power and Principality over Church Judicatories , and likewise , in assuming the Earthly Lordship , Place and Grandure , which is expresly here discharged . Now , if from what is said , it be evident , that such an Office and Officer is discharged , the Prelats Office is unlawful . and an Official Parity in the Pastoral Office , clearly concluded . And that it may appear , that this is no Novel or distorted Exposition , let us In the second place , view what Patrons it hath . To begin with the Belgick Divines upon Matth. 20.21 . they shew , that the Occasion of the Contest , was the Apostles Ignorance of the Condition of Christs Kingdom , to which they were called viz. Not to a Worldly Rule , but to Serve and Suffer . And upon v. 2● they shew , that all who are called to the Ministry of the Church , are discharged a Worldly Rule . Upon Luke 22.25 . they assert a Lordship and Worldly Power to be forbidden ; paralelling this with 1 Pet. 5. which discharges a Lordship over Gods Heritage . The English Annot. on the place of Matth. shew , That the Lord , to appease their Contention , told them , they were not to expect Worldly Greatness and Dominion in following him , and whoever usurps this , affects that which God has not given — that they were to look after a Life of Teaching and Labouring , not Lording , citing 1 Pet. 5.3 . And though , in a general Sense , they assert , there are Orders among Ministers , generally considered , viz. Apostles above Evangelists , Pastors above Elders , yet the Prohibition of all Worldly Power to Ministers , they do here assert , and whatever Power is opposit to a Laborious Service and Ministry . Diodat . on that passage of Matth. shews , That our Saviour bespeaks the Apostles , as Ministers , shewing , that they ought to place their Dignity , not in Worldly Lordships , but Humble Faithful Serving for the Salvation of Souls . And that our Lord discharges Worldly Greatness , as inconsistent with his Spiritual Kingdom , in that passage of Matth. is asserted by the Authors of Pool's Annot. part . 2. who also , upon Luke 22. do assert , That our Lord discharges Ministers to Exercise a Dominion or Lordship , such as is forbidden 1 Pet. 5.3 . Not as being Lords over Gods Heritage , citing also 2 Cor. 1.24 . where Paul disownes a Dominion . Pareus upon that place of Mat. shews , That it is not a Civil only , but Ecclesiastick Dominion , which is here forbidden , or a Lording over the Church , as Peter , saith he , commands the Presbyters , not to Lord over the Flocks committed to them : Joyning as paralell to this 2 Cor. 1.24 . where Paul useth the simple Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lest we apprehend its only Tyranny , that is discharged . He shews , that our Lord Reasons from the Condition of the Apostles , who were not to be Lords , but to Teach , to be Subject , to Serve the Church . 2. From the Dignity of the Ministry , which consists in a Faithful Service . 3. From his own Example who had Humbled himself , to Minister to all , &c. Whittaker Answering Bellarmins Glossings upon this Text , to save the Popes Supremacy , tells him , That comparing Matthew and Luke together , and considering that Luke uses the Simple , not the Compound Word , in expressing the Dominion , which is discharged , would have his Disciples understand , that they have nothing to do with Dominion : Thus he , de Ponsificatu , quest . 1. Turret . part . 3. quest . 16. thes . 4. cites Luk. 22. with the paralell , 1 Pet. 5. as enjoyning a Ministry , and discharging all Dominion in the Church . Thes. 5. he shews , It was not the Ambitious Affectation , but the Power and Dominion it self , which the Lord discharged , opposing to it , and commending in its place a Simple Service and Ministry . And Thes. 6. He shews , That the Question among the Disciples , was not about a violent Domination , or violent Ways of obtaining it , but the Lordship and Dominion it self , which he simplely discharged ; proving it from Lukes using the simple Verb. And that passage , he that will be great , he shews , is to be understood , not of a Real , but Imaginary Affected Greatness . He also shews , that Christs Reasoning from his own Example , Non argumentatur a pari , sed a majore ad minus , argues not from a sameness , but from the greater to the less — If I your Lord , do minister and serve , much more ought you , who are indeed Servants , who have no Iurisdiction over one another , to lay aside all Thoughts of Domination , as when he said , if I your Lord , have washed your feet , you much more , Ioh. 13.14 . He after , reasons this same point , from Christs discharging them to assume Masterly Imperious Titles , shewing them , that there is but one Master in the Church , &c. Shall I add , what Iunius has upon this Text against Bellarmins Glosses , de Pontificat . Lib. 1. Our Lord said of the thing it self , they Exercised Dominion — He spoke not of the manner , after this or that manner — but not so ye , saith he , it s a simple denyal of the thing proposed . Bernard Writing to Eugenius , expones this passage , and of 1 Pet. 5. as striking against all Dominion , and enjoyning a Ministerial Care in Opposition thereunto . And Whittaker on the passage , tells Bellarmin , that it s not Humility in Dominion , that is here enjoyned , but Dominion it self , is forbidden . Let us add Cartwright against the Rhemists , upon these passages , who reasons at large , that it s not Ambition nor Tyranny , but the Dominion of great Ones over their Vassals and Inferiors , which is here forbidden , shewing that in this , the Ecclesiastick Office , differs from the Civil , that it admits not of Dominion and Principality , as the Civil Government , nor the outward Pomp and Superiority thereof . And the Argument from Christs Example , he thus expones , in Opposition to the Iesuits Glossings and Scope , It doth not follow , saith he , that because Christ their Lord and Master , had Rule over them , therefore , they being Fellow-Servants , should have Rule one over another , but it follows rather , that for as much , as he their Lord and Master humbled himself to the basest Service , therefore , they should be ashamed to be Lords and Masters over one another : Thus , saith he . Cyprian alledged by Gratian ( Distinct. 10 , quoniam id vid. ) expones this place , Not of Pride and Ambition — but of the several Acts and distinct Honours betwixt both the Powers . And upon the paralell Luk. 22.24 . he asserts against the Iesuits , that Majority and Superiority among the Apostles was reproved simplely , not a Tyrannous Affectation of Rule . We might multiply Protestant Writers to a Voluminous Bulk , upon this Head. For Calvin and Beza's Sense upon the place , I need not mention them , these are the Dr's Adversaries ; Only I must notice their Correspondence with the Body of Protestant Divines , in this Sense and Account of the place exhibit . Yet I must add one Novelist more , Chamier de Oecum . Pont. lib. 10. cap. 3. who upon this passage represents the Popish Glosses , anent our Lords discharging only the Manner of Aspiring to Greatness , not the Dominion it self , which he refutes in the same manner , and from the same grounds , as Iunius and Whittaker . But now it is time , to return to the Dr. From what is premised , it is no hard Matter to discover the Vanity of his Evasions . First , He tells us , p. 17. That our Lord supposes Degrees of Subordination among his own Disciples , as in other Societies ; And therefore , directs Ecclesiasticks , who would climb to the highest places o● the Church , to take other Methods than these used by the Grandees of the World ; he that deserves Preferment in the Church , is to be Servants of all ; So that this refers to the Method of Promotion , not to the Extirpation of their Iurisdiction : They were not to aspire to Dignity and Honour by Force and Violence , and the Arts fashionable in Secular Courts , but by Acts of Modesty , Humility and Self-Denyal . Ans. 1. For what he says of Christs supposing Degrees of Subordination ; If he mean it in general , among Church Officers , it s admitted ; If among the Disciples , or these here Addrest , in this Speech of our Saviour , he Beggs the Question , and Contradicts the Sense and Pleading of Protestant Divines , upon this passage , who ( as we have heard ) do hold that Majority and Superiority among them , was here discharged , and a compleat Parity of Official Authority enjoyned . The Clause , Not so among you , we heard that Turretin , with others , do hold absolutly to discharge this supposed Inequality of Power and Dominion , which he proves from the Nature of the Phrase , collated with Paralells : And we have also found , that Pareus ( as might be cleared in others ) do extend this , even to an Ecclesiastick Superiority . 2. If the Dr. draw this Supposition of degrees of Subordination , from that Clause , He that will be great and chief , as is evident he doth ; Then I Charge him First , With Crossing the Sense of Sound Divines , upon that Text , who in Pleading against the Papists , tell them , that our Lord said not , He that by my Allowance is great , but he that will be great . I confess , some do understand here a true Greatness , viz. in Vertue and Reward , a true Ministerial Greatness ; And this Sense also baffles the Dr's Gloss of an External Greatness , the Unsoundness whereof , further appears , when we ponder what our Saviour enjoyned , in Opposition to the Worldly Grandure discharged , viz. to be their Servant , over whom this is affected , which is further evident in the Alternative Branch of the Paralell , 1 Pet. 5. whereby Sound Divines do clear and expone this Text : For , that which the Apostle opposes to , being Lords ( the thing prohibited ) he expresses by , being Examples to the Flock , importing an Holy , Humble , Ministerial Service . Again , I do Appeal to all Men of Sense , who understand this Controversy , whether the Dr. doth not in this Answer , stand upon the same ground with Bellarmin , ( de Pontif. cap 1. ) in Defence of the Papacy : His Answer is , that a Primacy is not here discharged , but rather supposed , since our Lord says , he that will be chief , &c. And that therefore , an Ambitious Lust of Over-ruling , is here only prohibited , such as is among the Kings of the Gentiles . Whittaker Answering Bellarmin , quarrels him , as Abusing and Wresting the Text , since , instead of admitting Dominion it self , to be discharged ( as he makes evident , and even out of Bernard ) the Iesuit holds , that Ambitious Affectation only is forbidden , the Modus Rei , not the Object , the Manner of Seeking , not the Thing it self , and that he admits the prohibited Lordship , with the supposed or pretended Qualification of Modesty and Humility : And if the Dr. sayes not here the same , let any Judge by his Words ; For , he tells us , that such as would climb up to the highest places in the Church , ( and who knows , how high these highest places mounts in the Dr's Fancy ; None will doubt , to a Metropolitan's Office at least , over a whole Nation : For this he ownes ) must not take Methods of Force and Violence , as usually Worldly Grandees , but advance by Acts of Modesty , &c. So , that in the Dr's Sense , and Bellarmin's , the Popes Mitre is never touched by this Text , it being the Modus Rei , the Manner of Seeking and Affecting , not the Object of highest Places and greatest Dignities , which our Saviour here discharged . Nay , the Dr. in this Pleading , stands so Antipode to Protestant Arguments , that he fixes the Popes Mitre faster , which I prove thus ; If that which the Contest was about , and the desire of it was Lawful in the Object , then a Primacy was Lawful in the Object , and only the Method of Seeking Discharged . The debate among the Disciples , was , who should be the Chief , and have the highest place in the Church under Christ ; And the Dr. says , This Climbing up to highest places in the Church , is in it self a Lawful practice , flowing from a Lawful desire and emulation , so that a Man set his Steps right , and climb regularly : And will any Papist deny this ? who knows not that their Writers Condemn many Popes violent and bad Methods to get into the Chair ? The Dr. tells us expresly ( P. 17 ) that the Text refers only to the Method of Promotion : And if so , then by infallible consequence not to the Promotion it self , tho even extended to a National , yea or Oecumenick Primacy ( as is said ) If any object , that the Dr. holds , that this preferment was to be in the Church , and that the person aspiring is enjoined to be Servant of all , so , that it is neither a Civil , nor Ambitious Grandure , which he allows : I Answer , Papists will allow the First , and Popes pretends the Second , even to be Servus servorum Dei , while he Possesses his Primacy : And the Dr. holds , it s such a Service of all , as can consist with the Metropolitans Mitre , or a National Primacy overall ; And upon this supposition , I would whisper the Dr in the Ear , what if in the disposal of Supreme Providence , the whole Christian Church should be confined to that Nation , or the Nation extended to the Limits of the whole Church , what is then become of poor simple Protestants Pleadings from this Text , against an Universal Patriarch , or Primacy , over the Christian Church ? The Dr must expugne and disown these , as Novel Glosses and New Opinions of Presbyterians . One reflection more , I add upon the Dr's Answer , and do Charge him with Sophistical Shuffling and Confounding the Terms and State of the Question . When the Controversie was Stated among the Apostles , which of them , should be Chief and greatest , and have a Primacy over all the rest , in Christs Church and Kingdom , and when our Saviour bespoke them , in the terms above exprest ; the Question is , what that was , which our Lord in this reprehension did Discharge , and what in the positive Injunction , he allowed ? In Answer to this , the Dr. holds , that that which the Lord Discharged and prohibit , referrs only to the Method and Manner of Seeking and affecting , not to the Object it self : For , he tells us , The Text referrs to the Method of Promoti●n , even to the highest places . Now , this is exclusive , it referrs not then to the Object : And what was that Object , I pray ? The Text says , it was , who should be Chief : But when the Dr. Represents , what this prohibition reaches not unto , and is allowed , ( for he holds , that our Lords words , contain a negative Prohibition , and positive Precept ) he thus Represents it ; That our Lords words , refers not to the extirpation of their Iurisdiction ; which is as far a leap from the Point , as any can be . Their Apostolick Jurisdiction was never the Question , but an absolute Primacy ; and none were ever so brutish , as to imagin , that the Prohibition , did in the least reach , far less , tended to extirpat the same . But the Dr. behoved to hide the other Branch of the Question in the Clouds , and was ashamed to speak it out , which yet the sequel of his reasoning doth , viz. that this Negative precept , reaches only to the manner of Promotion to a Primacy or Supremacy over the Church , not to the Primacy or Supremacy it self . The Dr's next Answer ( P. 18. ) resolves in a Question : If the Apostles understood the Lords Precept in our sense , how came they to exercise Iurisdiction over all subordinat Ecclesiasticks , during their Life , in all the Churches , they planted ? Did they cross our Lords Institution , who perfectly understood his meaning ? Ans. I might here retort his Question and Answer , in a Counter-query . If the Apostles understood our Lords Precept , in his Sense , as prohibiting only , an ambitious violent manner of aspiring to Principality or Chief places in the Church , but not the Thing it self , how came it , that none of them , in such Modest Method , as he prescribs , sought that Greatness or Chief Power ? Were they Frighted from the Lawful use of their Jurisdiction , which the Lords prohibition touched not ? Were they so Brutish , as not to reach his meaning ? yea , whence was it , that in their Doctrin and Practice they disown all dominion , and Prelatical Principality in the Church , and all outward grandure and greatness , as inconsistent with their Office , and the Office of all Gospel Ministers ? But to the Topick and ground of the Dr's Argument , I Answer directly , that the Apostles , as they understood , so they practised our Lords Precept , in the sense we owne . 1. In that they practised a compleat equality of Official Power among themselves . This I hope , he will not deny , or if he do , its easie to set all Protestant Divines in pursuit of him . 2 In that they never exercised , nor attempted to seek any Civil Greatness or Dominion , such as the Prelats he pleads for , do own as competent to their Office. They knew , that their Lord , when but desired to give advice in a Civil Cause , gave this return , who made me a Iudg ? And declined the Imployment . And that therefore , neither they , nor any of their Successors , were to be Civil Counsellors , and Spiritual Peers , in Parliaments and Princes Courts . 3. They disown all Dominion in one Pastor over another , and discharged it earnestly : Thus the Apostle Peter , to be Lords over Gods Heritage , 1 Pet. 5. Thus also Diotrephes , affecting a Preheminence , is rebuked by the Apostle Iohn : And Paul owns himself , and other Apostles , as Stewards only in the House of God , and disowns a Dominion , as we have heard . Next , As for their Iurisdiction over subordinat Ecclesiasticks , which is the Substratum of the Dr's great Answer and Question , I do deny : First , that they exercised any Episcopal Jurisdiction , properly taken , over them . Secondly , such a Jurisdiction as did Cross this Precept : The Proof of both these , will fully discover the vanity of the Dr's Second Reply And First , that the Apostles exercised no such Episcopal Authority over Ecclesiasticks , or Churches planted , as the Dr. pleads for , is evident thus . 1. Their Apostolick Authority connected with their Infallibility in Teaching , reached to prescrib Duty to the Members and Officers of Churches , consequently was cumulative thereto , not privative thereof , which appears in their enjoyning the exercise of Spiritual Iurisdiction , as inherent in Church Officers , as Excommunication , 1 Cor. 5. And their owning a Spiritual Jurisdiction and Authority in Pastors , both in the designations of Rulers , Governours , Overseers , Bishops , attribut to them ; As also , in their frequent enjoyning the Peoples obedience and subjection to them , as in that capacity Heb. 13.7.17 . 1 Pet. 5.2.3 . 1 Thess. 5.12.2 . The Apostles did not as the Prelats , invade the decisive Power of Pastors in Government , but took along their decisive Votes and concurrence , as we find in that Council Act. 15. where its evident , that in every Point , the Elders or Ministers , conccurred with the Apostles , in the Disquisition , Sentence , and decretal Letter . 3. As the Apostles planted Churches with Pastors or Preaching Presbyters , instructing them with Authority to Feed and Rule , as Bishops or Rulers , set up by the Holy Ghost , so they committed the Government of the Churches to them , in their last farewells , without the least hint of Super-institut Officers of an higher Order : So , that the Apostles instructing Pastors with such Authority , commanding its exercise , enjoyning the Churches obedience to them , exemplifying and Authorizing their interest in highest Judicatories , yea , making even Evangelists , as Timothy , pass through the Door of Presbyterial Ordination , in order to the exercise of his Office ; Not to insist upon , even Apostles submission to the Authoritative Imposition of the Hands of Prophets and Teachers , when sent out upon a special Gospel Legation : To which we may add , the Apostles owning Pastors , as Brethren , Fellow-helpers , Fellow-Labourers , Co-Presbyters or Elders . It follows inevitably . ( 1. ) That as to the Perpetual Pastoral Charge , the Authority of Preaching the Gospel , the Administration of the Sacraments and the appendent Jurisdictional Power ( which by the Apostles Doctrin , is a Lower Step to this , and connected therewith ) they own the Pastors or Preaching Presbyters , their Equals , and their proper Successors in this Ministerial Authority , consequently the ordinary Church Officers of the highest Order , to whom they committed the Keys of Doctrin and Disciplin . ( 2. ) That the Exercise of their extraordinary Apostolick directive Power and Authority , which they could not divest themselves of , while alive , did no whit impeach the standing Authority of Pastors , nor did it includ any Jurisdiction properly over Churches , constitut and Moulded in their Organick being . By [ Iurisdiction properly ] I mean such as is of a standing necessity , in order to the Churches Edification , in all times , or such a Jurisdiction over Churches , as may be supposed paramount unto , or privative of the Jurisdictional Authority of Pastors , and of Organick Churches . Secondly , That the Apostles exercised no such Authority over the Churches , as did cross our Lords Precept and Prohibition , is evident , in that . 1. Our Saviour discharged Imparity among Church Officers of the same kind , and therefore , this could not impeach the Apostles Authority over ordinary Officers . 2. Our Lords instructing them with such a measure of the Spirit , as was sutable to the First founding of the Churches , and with Authority , as his living and infallibly inspired Oracles , to plant Churches , and the Gospel Ordinances and Government therein : Unless the Dr. will say , that our Lords Precept did cross and contradict his design , he must needs ackdowledg , that the Apostles in exercising this directive Power and extraordinary Authority , over ordinary inferior Officers , could not cross this his Precept and Prohibition , they being our Lords immediatly called , infallibly inspired , and extraordinarly Gifted First Messengers , in order to this end . Thus we have seen the vanity and insufficiency of the Dr's Second Answer . But there is no end of Vanities . The Dr's Third Answer , is Prefaced with a very big and high Flown swelling boast . That which , he says , baffles and exposes our Argument to all intents and purposes , is , that our Lord did that himself among them , which now he Commanded them to do one to another ; And the doing of this , one to another , in obedience to his Command , could not infer a Parity , unless we Blasphemously infer that Christ and his Apostles were equal : For , our Lord recommends , what he enjoins from his own constant and visible Practice among them , that he their Lord and Master was their Servant : And therefore , it became the greatest among them , to be Modest , calm and humble toward their Brethren , which would qualify them for Ecclesiastick Promotions . This poor and mean Answer and Reason of the Dr's , is a notion , for which he is beholden to his Popish Masters ; And being here subjoyned to such big words , brings to mind , some Poetick Phrases . Quid tanto tulit hic promissor hiatu — And Projicis ampullas & sesquipedalia verba — And that of Partu●iunt montes nascetur ridiculus mus . There 's no doubt , that the Dr. has as much exposed and baffled his own Judgment and Reputation , in this thrasonick weak Answer , as in any thing else . But to the point , First I must tell him , that if this Argument tending to prove from this Text , our Saviours discharging Lordly Dominion in his Church , and inferred from his own exemplary Humility , be bad and fallacious , it has long since deceived the best & ablest of Protestant Divines , in Reasoning against the Papists and Papacy ? And if this his pretended Baffling Answer be so Mighty and Invincible , as he pretends , Bellarmin and the Popish Adversaries , have long since Baffled our Divines Arguments with it ; For all know , it is the very same with theirs ; And I must add , that it seems , the Dr. is so highly in Love with this Popish Notion and evasion , that he has not concerned himself to notice what Baffling Replyes , Protestant Divines have returned to it , wherein they have discovered , what an insipid impertinent evasion it is , to save the Popes Mitre , from the stroak of this our Lords Prohibition and Precept ; and consequently that of Prelats , whereof we have already exhibit some instances . I have told him , that Turretin ( no doubt , one of our Dr's new Minted Novelists ) makes it appear , that the Argument from our Lords Example , is an Argument , non a pari , sed a majore ad minus . If I your Master , be as one that serves , much more you the Servants , ought to eshew all Lordly Dominion : As when he washed the Disciples Feet , and thus recommended Love and Humility towards one another , since he their Lord and Master had done so . I know not if it be true , that this Man rode in the Popes Guards , but sure I am , he fences fiercely for his Mitre . He says , our Saviour did that himself among them , meaning his Exercising a Principality and Supremacy over his Church : For , in the Sentence , he puts the Words [ He ] and [ Them ] in Emphatick distinct Characters , and consequently holds , that what our Lord thus Exemplified , is still to be imitat in his Church . Thus , his Answer and Reasoning , runs clearly to this Issue ; That which I command you , I have done ; And therefore , that which I command you , is consistent with a Supremacy over my Church , which I have Exercised and Exemplified . And here the Popes Holiness , has a fair Plea from the Venerable Dr. If Christ did that himself , which he enjoyned his Disciples here , then the doing of what he enjoyned , was consistent with a Supremacy : The Connection is clear ; Christ as Supreme Head , and in that Capacity , Exercised the same Humility , Self-Denyal , and Meekness , which he here enjoyned . But for more direct Answer , I do again tell him , that our Lords Scope , in proposing his own Example , is to Antidote their inward Pride , the Root of this Desire of Unlawful Dominion , and powerfully to recommend Humility and Self-Denyal , as the most excellent Remedies thereof . So , that his first Argument runs a fortiori , thus , If I your Lord and Master be as one that serves , and am such a Pattern of Self-Denyal and Humility among you , much more ought you to Study Humility , and to Guard against all Usurped Dominion and Authority , one over another , who are Fellow Disciples and Servants : As he Reasoned , Ioh. 13. If I your Lord , have washen your Feet , much more ought ye to wash one anothers Feet . Again , in the Dr's Mould of Answer , I find two gross Points of Inadvertency , which hardly any ordinary Capacity , could fall into , if we suppose the Person serious , and attending to the Matter in hand , and very ill beseeming one , who sets to his Name , a D. D. and Chartells this whole Church . 1. In that he will needs have our Lords Precept and Prohibition , to be levelled against an Ambitious Principle or Design , but not at all to reach ( rather to allow ) that Effect and Expression thereof , which our blessed Lord , in down right Terms doth prohibit , viz. that Dominion mentioned in the Text , and which they were contending about : Thus setting in Opposition , things which are Subordinat , as if the Dr. had forgot the common Maxim , Subordinata non Pugnant ; And , as if a bad Principle , could fall under a Prohibition , and not the bad Practice , the Issue thereof . What a Childish Conception and Weakness is this ? 2. He imagines , that our Lords Argument of Humility ( while Pressing his Apostles , to eshew Unlawful Dominion one over another ) drawn from his Practice , will inferr his Arguing a pari , and a Supposition of his Equality with them , if we shall exclude the Dr's Hypothesis of a Warrantable Supremacy and Dominion ; An Imagination than which , nothing can be more Sottish ; the Argument running clearly a majore ad minus , from the greater to the less , and the very Basis and Topick of it , supposing and inferring the quite contrary Conclusion and Assertion . So , that the Dr's . Arguing that upon this Ground , as above Sensed , we would make Christ and his Apostles equal , has no more Twist of Reason in it , than if one should infer , from our being dehorted from Strife and Vain Glory , and enjoyned Humility and Love , because Christ made himself of no Reputation , and humbled himself to Death , the absurd Conclusion of the Equality of his Disciples and Members with himself . The Dr. gives this Sense of our Lords Words and Argument , in the premised Scriptures ; If I your Lord and Master was your Servant , it becomes the greatest among you , to be Humble towards Subordinat Brethren , which will Qualify you , for Ecclesiastick Promotion . This carries with it , such a clear Supposition of the Warrantableness of a Greatest or Chief among them , as I dare promise him , the Popes Approbation of his Commentary , it being the very same , with that of his great Champion , Bellarmin , who tells our Divines , that a Dominion and Supremacy , is here rather supposed than forbidden , and only Humility in it's Exercise enjoyned . But the Dr's petty Novelists , Protestant Divines , have told him , that if this Gloss were true , then our Lord rather Inflamed than Quenched their Ambitious Desire of Dominion and Greatness , one over another , since , Reprehending only the Unwarrantable Method of Seeking , he thus Tacitly Recommended the Thing it self , as Lawful and Desireable . But once more , I would fain know of this Dr , whether our Lord did not command an Equality or Official Sameness of Authority Apostolical among the Apostles ? Or , if he thinks indeed , that one was allowed to be in this Respect , Prince and Supreme over the rest ? If he hold this last , then I dare Appeal to all Protestants , whether he has not left our Camp , and is in the Tents of the Papists . If he owne , that our Lord here enjoyned an Authoritative Official Equality of Power , among the Apostles , then I would know , what his Sense is , of our Lords Argument , Pressing and Recommending this Equality , from his own Example ; And whether his Assigning this Sense , and giving this Account of our Lords Reasoning , will Blasphemously inferr , that Christ and his Apostles were equal . So , that the Dr , must either quite this Sense of our Lords Words , and consequently the Sense exhibit by Protestant Divines , or acknowledg the Absurdity and Futility of his own Argument and Answer , and that he falls by the Rebound of his own Blow and Weapon . But I am tedious in a Matter of it self plain . To proceed therefore : The Dr. ( P. 19. ) is so taken with the Invincible Strength of this his Answer , that he falls into a Compassionat Regrate , for his Presbyterian Brethren , telling his Reader , That its very sad , that any should be so infatuated , with their new Schemes of Parity , as to alledge such Texts , which if understood , in their Sense , degrades our blessed Saviour , to the Degree of one of his Disciples ; For , what he Commanded to the Apostles , he Practised among them himself . If I were to give Way to such a Retaliating Regrate , as this would tempt some unto , I would Echo it back , in telling him , that its very sad , that a Man , who is bold to Chartell this whole Church , and sets his Name with a D. D. to such a bold Pamphlet as this , should ( in a pretended Pleading for Episcopacy , and Answering a Presbyterian Argument against it , in the premised Scriptures , ) so betray his Cause , and Proclaim his Folly , as to Charge with infatuation the Body of Protestant Divines , in their Pleadings against the Pope , and Support his Mitre , in pretending to plead for Episcopacy . As to our Lords practising himself , what was Commanded to them ; I have already demonstrat the futility of this Notion , and what an Aegyptian Reed it is , to support his Conclusion . Our Saviour practised Humility , and called the Apostles to such an exercise of it , as did sute that Humble Ministry he enjoyned them , and was opposit to that Proud Dominion and inequality they were affecting . And this wise Critical Dr. with this his new Sword , will needs cut the Gordian Knot of the Argument , here made use of by our Lord , when exciting to Humility and Parity , such persons , as are of unquestionable equality , in point of Official Power , denying the Strength of all such reasoning . He tells us , that what our Lord enjoyned , was toto coelo , different from Parity . And thus , must be antipode , and in the highest Line of opposition thereunto , and consequently a Primacy : And this Confirms that which before I Charged upon him , anent his owning a Primacy among the Apostles . He says , They were not to exercise their Iurisdiction , as Lords of the Gentiles , by a Spirit of Pride and Domination , but in an ingaging behaviour of Charity and Humility . Yet still the Dr. supposes , their Jurisdiction included a Supremacy and Chiefness of Power , one over another ; And so here is good sound Popish Pleading : But Protestant Divines have long since Taught his Reverence , that all Earthly Dominion it self , and worldly Pomp is forbidden , all Greatness and Grandure , whether Civil , or pretendedly Ecclesiastick , and this as opposit to the Nature of their Power and vocation , which is a Spiritual Laborious Service and Ministry , for the Salvation of Souls ; And thus stands in contradiction to all sort of Domination and Lordship . Moreover , he apparently falls into a pityful inadvertancy , in identifying Civil Dominion , with a Spirit of Pride , there being a Lawful Commanded Civil Dominion , appointed of God : And if he Object , that the Princes of the Gentiles , whom our Lord instanceth in , thus exercised it : As the Mould of his Phrase , will not admit of that defence , so , our Saviours instancing such Gentile Princes , as were called Benefactors , or Gracious Lords , and in Luke , using the simple , not the Compound verb , which points at a Civil Rule and Dominion simplely considered , intirely excludes this his subterfuge , and shuts up this postern : Whittaker hath long since told him ( De pontif . quest . 1. ) that the word , which Luke makes use of , is applyed to denote Lawful Rule , and that all the Princes of the Gentiles were not such , as did Tyranically Overrule , or Reign unjustly , and that the Clemency and Justice of many of them , is Celebrat . And both he , and Iunius ( ubi sup . ) does shew , that it is the Dominion or Lordship it self , not the unwarrantable Exercise , or manner of attaining , which our Lord here Condemns . For that which the Dr. adds ( ibid. ) of Pauls answering his Episcopal Character , when the Care of all the Churches was upon him , in employing his Episcopal Power to Edification : I have already told him of what Nature that Care was , and how it differed from the pretended Inspection and Dominion of Prelats . His care of the Churches , was an Apostolick directive Inspection , suted to his Extraordinary Office and Gifts , which no ordinary Officer can pretend unto , and in its exercise , so far from Exemplifying a Prelatical Dominion , that both in Doctrin and Practice , he baffles it out of the World , in enjoyning the highest Acts of Jurisdiction to Pastors or Presbyters ; as these of Corinth a , enjoyning the whole Episcopal Authority to the Elders or Pastors of Ephesus , in his last farewel to that Church b , ascribing the Power of Ordination to a Presbytrie , though himself was present in the Action c , Identifying in his Epistles to the Philippians , to Titus , the Name , Office and Qualifications of Bishop and Presbyter d , disowning all Dominion in the House of God e , Ascribing to himself , a Ministry and Service only f , so far was he from Arrogating to himself , a Spiritual Lordship in God's House , or a Civil Peerage in the State , such as the Prelats , whom the Dr. Pleads for , do usurp . And , if in all these , he answered his Episcopal Character ( as who will doubt , but he did ) and obeyed this injunction of our Saviour , by consequence , he condemned the Prelatical Character , so many ways opposit thereto . Besides , he pronounced a woe upon himself , if he Preached not the Gospel , 1 Cor. 9.16 . and Preached it in Season and out of Season : Thus enjoyning Timothy , 2 Tim. 4.1.2 . And therefore , pronounced a woe upon non-Preaching Prelats , who look upon this as no part of their work . He preferred the Labourer in the Word and Doctrin , to the Person who Ruled only , 1 Tim. 1.17 . And thus Preaching Pastors , to non-Preaching Prelats , who look upon their pretended spiritual and Civil Rule , as the proper Characteristick of their Office , and Preaching but a little piece of supererogatory . Work , but no exercise of their Prelatick , Office and but obiter to the Actings of their supposed Grandure . He enjoyned Christs Minister and Souldier , to beware of ingadging in Worldy affairs , if they would please Christ , who has Chosen them to be his Souldiers , 2 Tim. 2.4 . And thus condemned Prelats holding Stat Offices , as pleasers of men , of Princes , of themselves , and not of Christ. He tells us next ( P. 20 ) That the Fathers of the Church advanced above their Brethren to Ecclesiastick Power , had this Notion of their dignity , that they were the Servants of others . As for the advancement of Ancient Fathers , we say , that , as the equality of Pastors , is Christs Pattern upon the Mount , and that ( as Ierom expresses it ) the Apostolick Churches , were Governed communi Presbyterorum consilio , so the First Fathers or Bishops , were fixed Moderators only , and had no Jurisdiction above their Brethren , and even when this Usurping Jurisdiction above Pastors was Gradually Advancing , some of the best Bishops , as Cyprian particularly , owned the Pastors as their Collegues in Government , and were far from the fastuous Pomp and absolut Dominion of the Prelats , whom the Dr. pleads for . And if any of them held this Notion of their pretended Dignity , when their Power came to the length of incroaching upon that of Pastors in Government , they held but an empty Chimerical Notion , Contradictory to their Practice ; As the Popes Notion of his being Servus Servorum Dei. The Dr. ( ibid. ) returns again to his Post , telling us , That it appears , from what he has said , we have no Shadow of Argument for our new Doctrine , from the Texts above instanced . Thus the Protestant Pleadings therefrom , against the Papacy , has no Shadow of Argument with him . But whether our Arguments , or his Answers , be most Substantial , is left to the Reader to Judge , from what is said . He tells us , That Wallo Missalinus , Glances at this Text , but lays no great Stress upon it . But the Dr. has not exhibit either his Words or Argument ; as neither Beza's Reflection upon the Passage , in his larger Notes : Tho he tells us , ( as some great Discovery forsooth ) that Beza holds , That all kind of Iurisdiction is not here forbidden , but such as is joyned with Imperious Bitterness and Domination . And what he would make of this , I would fain know . Did ever any imagine , that all kind of Jurisdiction is here forbidden ? Did our Lord discharge all Government in his Church , by this Precept and Prohibition ? As for Beza's expressing thus , that which is forbidden , it is evident to any , who are acquaint with his Writings , that he holds all pretended Spiritual Jurisdiction , which is joyned with Domination , or Lordly Rule , of one Pastor over another , to be a Sinful Abuse of Jurisdiction , and consequently to fall within the Compass of what is prohibited in these Texts . I proceed to another Notion and Answer of the Dr's : We are told next , ( ibid. ) That the Hierarchy and Subordination of Priests , was establisht by Divine Authority in the Jewish Church : If our Saviour had pulled down that Ancient Policy , and commanded Equality among Presbyters of the New Testament , he would not have stated the Opposition betwixt his Disciples and the Lords of the Gentiles , but between the Mosaick Oeconomy and the Disciples of the New Testament . Here the Dr. obliges us , in affording still more Light , in taking up his Judgment and Principles in Point of Church Government , viz. in his Sense , the Iewish Policy , by our Lords Warrand , was at this time standing , as the exact Standart and Plat-Form for the Gospel Church Government ; And therefore , we need not doubt what he means by Chief Places , and Dignities and Honours in the Church , and that he holds , that our Saviour did not forbid , but supposed the Lawfulness of a Chief Rule and Principality , of one Disciple over the rest in the Church . Nay , ( P. 27. ) he is clear and positive in this , That that Hierarchy , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof was divided in a Supreme and Subordinat Priests , was never abrogated ( consequently stands imitable and imitated ) in the New Testament . I think the Dr. will find the clearest Pattern at Rome of this his Holy Standing Hierarchy . In Answer whereunto , I need only say , That the standing Policy of the Jewish Church , never abrogat ; but continuing as the Measure and Standart of the New Testament Church Government , is so notoriously known , to be the great Popish Argument for the Papal Hierarchy , pleaded by all the Antichristian Rabble and Locusts , who stand up for this Monster and Mystery of Iniquity , and so Universally condemned by all Protestant Churches and Divines , that there needs no more to Stigmatize a Man , as of that Number , in their Judgment , than such an Assertion . That all our Divines , do hold the Abrogation of the Iewish Church Policy , is so clear , that it would Load much Paper , but to Recite their Names . Rivet . Cath. Orth. Tract . 2. Quest. 4. brings in his Iesuit , Ballaeus , with this Argument in his Mouth — That because one High Priest under the Old Testament , had the Chief Government ; therefore , it ought to be so in the New : And tells him , that there is Multiplex Abusus , or a manifold Abuse and Corruption in this Pleading . He shews him further , that every thing in that Dispensation , reaches not us ; that the High Priest was Typical of Christ , as the Apostle shews , Heb. 7. That if a Parity of Government were pleaded , there should be a Dedication of one Family for the Ministry , as there was for Priests and Levites , &c. Turret . Part. 3. Quest. 16. Thes. 15.16 . After he has set d●wn the Judgment of the Ancients against a Primacy in the Church , he brings in the Solution of the Popish Objection and Argument , taken from the Government of the Church under the Old Testament , which he Baffles from several Grounds ; such as , 1. The Extent of the Christian , beyond that of the Iewish Church . 2. That the High Priest had no absolute Authority over that Church , being subject to the Jurisdiction of the great Sanhedrin , Deut. 17.11 . 3. That what Authority he had , was Typical of Christs , the High Priest of the New Testament . Wallaeus de Function . Ecclesiast . P. ( mihi ) 470. brings in this Objection against Parity of Pastors , taken from the High Priest under the Old Testament , and the twenty four Orders of Priests , over whom there were Presidents : And thus Answers , That these things were partly , Typical , partly Political ; that there was a Priority of Order here , not an Essential Difference of Power and Authority ; that they all Governed the Church by Common Counsel . But for the Abrogation of this Ministry , and that it was to be no Standart for the Gospel Church , I will produce and offer again to the Dr's Consideration , that one Text , Heb. 7.12 . — The Priesthood being changed , there is made of Necessity a Change of the Law , viz. The Policy suted to the State of that Church , must be changed also . The Text asserts , that the Priesthood , or their particular Frame of Church Officers being changed , or abrogat , there is therefore , a Change or Abrogation of the Law , i. e. the Legal Ordinances , respecting both their Worship and Government . Pool . Part. 2. tells us , That this Change referrs to the Expiration of the Aaronical Order , to which the Hebrews were not bound ; for that a better Priesthood and Law , were to fill up its Room — That the Mutation of the Priesthood , required a Change of the Law — That God determined that both Priesthood and Law should expire together . English ▪ Annot. on v. 11. assert the Abrogation of the Legal Priesthood , together with the Covenant ( viz. the Legal ) and by clear Consequence that Policy . The Belgick Divines upon the place , do shew , That the Levitical Priesthood , was many ways involved with the Legal Dispensation of the Covenant ; a●d therefore abolished with it . Diodate shews , That the Priesthood , and all the Ceremonial Worship of the Tribe of Levi , was to give place to Christs , in whom was accomplished all the Reality and Truth , and he is now both Priest and Law-Giver . Bilson ( an English Bishop ) shews the Reason , why that Policy cannot stand under the New Testament ( Perpet . Gov. Chap. 2. ) viz. That the Tribe of Levi was not subject to another , and had its special Governours — That the Books ●f Moses containing their Mould of Civil Government , the Levites were on the Benches with the Judges — That the Offices of the Sanctuary , and the Rites and Ceremonies thereof , were various — That all , except the Levites , being restrained therefrom , this required several Degrees ●f Administrators , in this Diversity of Offices and Services — But the Word and Sacraments , Concredited to all Ministers , without Distinction , are of one kind , and admitteth no Difference of Administration : And therefore , no different Degrees of Ministers . Thus , we have seen , what good Harmony , our Dr. keeps in this his Notion of the Iewish Po●icy , with the Sense and Judgment of Protestant Divines ; And how this Famous English Bishop , has Checkt him for the same . But now , to come more closely to his Argument , If that Policy had bee● pulled down , our Lord would , in Commending Parity to Presbyters , have stated the Opposition betwixt the Jewish Oeconomy , and that of the New Testament Church , not betwixt his Disciples , and that of the Gentile Princes . Ans. 1. That this Oeconomy was to end as Typical , with other Typical Ordinances , is made good ; And if the Dr. admit , that it was to be removed in any Measure , and as Typical , he stands in so far , upon the same Grounds with us , and is obliged to Answer this Notion , or acknowledge it nought . 2. The Dr. himself , in his Way of Arguing , Answers himself ; He says , That our Saviour designed to discharge and prohibit , a Violent Secular Way of Aspiring to Greatness , such as is Fashionable in Secular Courts , and that the Disciples were prohibited to Exercise their Power by a Spirit of Pride and Domination . And the Dr. will not say , that this was the Method of Attaining Offices in the Iewish Policy , or their allowed Practice , God having subjected the same to his own Holy Rules and Measures : And that consequently , what our Lord prohibited , and even according to the Dr's Sense and Expressions , was only and fitly represented by the Dominion of the Princes of the Gentiles , which he holds to be of this Nature , and thus Exercised , and who did not understand Gods Law or Measures , either as to the Attaining or Exercise of Government . But 3. I must tell him , that in Commanding Parity among Ministers , ( for otherwise , we owne an Imparity and Subordination , among Church Officers in general ) our Lord could not state an Opposition betwixt them , and the Priests of the Iewish Oeconomy , there being no such Dominion among them , as he here discharged ; As we heard Wallaeus assert ; None of them had an Episcopal Dominion , or a sole Decisive Suffrage in Ecclesiastick Courts , or such a Negative Voice therein , as the Gentile Princes Dominion did import , and Prelats assume and Exercise . The Learned Iunius ( de Cler. Cap. 24. Not. 13. ) makes evident , and will inform the Dr , That par Consortium fuit Honoris , & Potestatis inter Sacerdotes , sed Ordine impari , qua Familiarum , qua Temporis suspectu , penes concessum Sacerdotem , ex Lege fuit ordinaria Iurisdictio Ecclesiastica . — That there was a like Share of Honour and Power among Priests , though in a different Order , partly , in respect of Families , partly , in respect of Times : The ordinary Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction , belonged to the Assembly of the Priests , according to the Law. Hence , we may , by clear Consequence , inferr , that it belonged not ( in the Sense of Iunius ) to the High Priest , nor to any of them solely . Now , where there was such a well ordered Parity of Power and Government , among these several Orders of Divine Appointment , it was very unsuteable to Exemplifie such an Arbitrary Dominion thereby , as the Dr. here supposeth , and such a Civil Greatness and Supremacy , as the Apostles affected . Besides , the Dr. and we , doth both hold , a Subordination of Courts and Officers , under the New Testament , wherein both Oeconomies were alike , and there being under the Old Testament Oeconomy , no such Headship and Soveraignity , as is said , the stated Opposition betwixt the two Governments , could not so well correspond to our Lords Scope in this Precept and Prohibition . But finally , the Dr. cannot but acknowledge , that the Distemper , the Apostles now Laboured under , was their Fancy of a Temporal and Earthly Kingdom of our Lord , admitting of Worldly Dignities , and Degrees of State and Honour , as the Kingdoms of the World ; which is the Notion , that the Iews to this day , entertain of the Messias Kingdom , understanding in a Literal Sense , the Magnificent discriptions thereof , exhibit by the Prophets . Hence , the People came to make our Saviour a King , and were mainly Stumbled at his Humble and low Estate , and ( which is to this purpose very considerable ) we find the Disciples themselves propose that Question to him , after his Resurrection , wilt thou at this time restore again the Kingdom to Israel ? So , that its clear , that the Ambitious affectation of Earthly Grandure , Pomp , and the greatness of this Worlds Potentats , was the distempering Principle , leavening the two Brethren , and which prompted them to propose to our Saviour the Sute , which excited their Fellow-Disciples emulation against them , and gave occasion to the Precept under debate . And hence , the opposition was most fitly stated betwixt the Honour and Offices of Christs Kingdom , and that of the Kingdoms of the World , and Earthly Potentats , and it was needful , that our Saviour , should thus shew the Disciples , the Distinction betwixt his Kingdom , and the Kingdoms of this World , as himself asserted to Pilate , Ioh. 18. Besides , the Pomp and Corruptions of the Kingdoms of the World , being to continue in after-Generations , and consequently , the tentation thereof , endangering the inflaming of this Ambition in Church Officers : But not the Iewish Oeconomy , now to be abolished ; the opposition , which our Lord stated , was most fit , and sutable to his Scope . Upon what is here offered , we may see the inconsequence and insufficiency of what the Dr further adds , in Confirmation of this his Notion , P. 21. viz : That our Lord did state the opposition betwixt the current Doctrin and his own , when he would direct in better Morals ; And therefore , if he had forbidden Subordination , and Degrees of Priests , and Established Equality , he would have Stated the opposition , betwixt the Model of the Temple , and that of the Christian Church . This is no Reason . For 1. We deny that our Lord enjoyned an absolute Parity of Church officers , but among those only of the same kind ; he did not forbid all Imparity and Jurisdiction among Church Officers . 2 The opposition betwixt the Tmple-Model , and that of the New Testament , could neither so well sute the Apostles distemper and tentation , nor our Lords design in this prohibition and Precept . There was ( 1 ) A Subordination and jurisdiction required therein , so in the New-Testament dispensation . ( 2 ) Ministers therein , were to attend their Charges diligently , so also , in the New Testament Church . ( 3 ) None of them had an Imperious , arbitrary or Civil Rule over their fellow-Priests , and thus it is with Ministers of the New Testament Church . The Moral Law being the constant Standart of Truth and Duty in all Ages , our Saviour , who came to fulfill all Righteousness , and establish the Law , was therefore concerned to vindicat the same from corrupt glosses ; but this bears no proportion to his Scope in the Case of the Disciples , that old Ministry and Policy , being now ready to evanish . The Dr. proceeds to another Text , and tells his Reader , that we Cite 1 Pet. 5.2.3 . to serve the same design . We have made appear , that our design in pleading this and the preceeding Texts , is the same with that of Protestant Divines , and that the design , the Dr. serves in his Glosses and Answers , is Popish ( as to the intentio operis , at least ) a design to support the Popes Triple Crown , with Bellamin and his other pleaders and Advocats . Our Argument from this Text , against the Prelatical Hierarchy , is this : Looking to the Apostles scope , he , first , dehorts Ministers ( and none will doubt all ordinary Church Officers ) from the evils they are constantly tempted to , viz. Covetousness , Lordship , usurpation and Dominion over Gods Heritage ( evils of a close connection and cognation ) that they do not Act the Diotrephes , seeking Preheminence over their Brethren , or affect a Masterly Dominion over the People ; for that both comes under the Denomination of Gods Heretage , none will doubt . He likewise dehorts from Reluctancy , at their Laborious imployment . Next , there is a positive exhortation presented to Ministers , viz , that they be examples to the Flock , that is , that the Graces they Preach to others , shine in their Walk , and in special that of Meekness and Humility , which most nearly Resembles their Glorious Master , the great Shepherd of the Sheep , that this appear in their conduct and Government , as that of his , who leadeth Gently , and would not have Ministers to Rule with Rigor , as those Reprehended Ezek. 34.4 . Hence from the Scope and contexture , it appears . 1. That the Pastor , Labouring in the Word and Doctrin , being here addressed as the Apostles Co-presbyter and Fellow-elder , is owned by him as the highest ordinary Church Officer , and that this Apostle now shortly to put off his Tabernacle , doth Aaron-like , invest him , in his Robe ●or highest Sphere of an Ordinary Minister . 2 He enjoyns them to exercise Episcopal Authority ; As also Paul did the Elders of Ephesus . Act. 20. which must respect Ordination and Jurisdiction , in the full extent thereof , and their equal interest therein . 3. All of them are discharged to Lord it , or exercise a Dominion over one another , or over the Flock , but to exercise a humble exemplary Ministry . Hence we further inferr against the Hierarchical Prelat . ( 1. ) That the Apostle ascribing this comprehensive Authority to Pastors , which comprehends both the Doctrinal Key , and that of Jurisdiction ; For , I hope , our Episcopal Brethren , will acknowledg that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Episcopal Authority and inspection , includs both , he cuts off the Hierarchical Prelats pretended super-Inspection , paramount thereunto . Hence ( 2 ) The Pastor being found thus discribed , and installed in this comprehensive Scriptural Episcopal Authority , the Hierarchical Prelats Office , which swallows up this Power and Authority of Pastors , and arrogats to it self solely , the Name and thing of a Bishop , is discharged as unlawful . ( 3 ) We argue a minore ad Majus , against that Office from the Text thus ; All Masterly power of Pastors over their Flock is discharged , Ergola Fortiori , much more that of Prelats over Pastors themselves . Now , for the Judgment of Protestant Writers , in corespondence to this our Sense , we might exhibit a great cloud of Witnesses , but of the whole , we offer only these few instances . The Belgick Divines make this , 2. v. paralel with that which is enjoined Act. 20.28 . to the Elders of Ephesus ; as to the Authority and exercise of a joynt Episcopal inspection , competent to Pastors : And the 3. v. they Translate [ not Exercising Dominion ] the very same thing which our Lord prohibit to his Apostles . Pool . Annot. 2. Part. doth also make the Command in this 2 ▪ v. praralel with Act. 20.28 , and Ioh. 21.15.16 . and Paraphrases the Command , as importing both to feed and Rule , and enjoining the exercise of the Doctrinal and Jurisdictional Key jointly , yea and hold it to be of such a Nature , as to the main designs of the Gospel , as was enjoined to Peter himself , and his Fellow-Apostles . The Clause of [ taking the oversight ] they expone thus , being Bishops , or acting as Bishops over it , superintending , Inspecting and Watching over it ( viz. the Flock ) paralelling this with Act. 20.28.29 . where such Pastoral Episcopal Feeding and Rule , is enjoyned in Pauls farewell to the Elders or Ministers of Ephesus . The prohibition or negative part of the Precept , v. 3. [ not as being Lords ] they Expone of not exercising such Lordship and Dominion , as temporal Lords ; paralelling this with Matth. 20.25 , 26. Luk. 22.25 . as also with 2 Cor. 1.24 . where Paul disowns Dominion ; and with 1 Cor. 3.5 . Who then is Paul ? or who is Appllo ? But Ministers : Yea , even Grotius , Comerarius , Menochius , expone the Command of Feeding , v. 2. as importing Government or Rule ; paralelling this with Ioh. 21.15 , 16 , 17. Act. 20.28.29 . The Clause of [ taking the oversight ▪ ] is generally understood of superintending and acting the Bishops , Episcopum agentes . Beza , Piscat , Valla. Erasm. Gerard , says , it s an allusion to their Name , as if the Lord enjoined them to be Answerable to it . The ensuing Verse , is understood of imperious Dominion over GOD's Church : Thus Piscat . Menoch . &c. Turret . ( Institut . Theol. Part. 3. Quest. 16. Thes. 8. ) produces the same Text , collated with 2 Cor. 1.24 . as proving a prohibition of all Lordly Power to Ministers , shewing , that this is the prerogative of Christ the Chief Sheepherd , and that in opposition to such Lordly Power , Pastors , are called Ministers , Messengers , Servants , Stewards of the Mysteries of God. Maccov . from this Passage Collated with Act. 20.28 . concludes the identity of the Episcopal and Pastoral Office. Loc. Commun . Cap. 82. P. 845. The Eng. Annot. upon the place , do shew , " That such a Magisterial carriage is forbidden , as is Taxed , 3 Ioh. v. 9. in Diotrephes Love of Preheminence . But now , What is the Dr's . great Answer to this Text ? He says , It s the Apostles Commentary upon our Saviours Words and Commandment . This is very true : He next adds , That it forbids the Spirit of Pride and Insolence , as a thing very unsutable to all Power and Authority in the Church . To which I Answer , it is certain the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is Paralel with Matth. 20. Luk. 22. where Peter learned the prohibition , and imports Dominion , but not Tyranical Dominion properly ; It being made use of by the LXX . to express Lawful Dominion . 2. We have told him , that the positive part of the Precept , refuts his gloss , which the Apostle doth not thus express in the Dr's . Sense [ not proudly or insolently Domineering ] but using Dominion moderatly , as the Apostle would have presented the Precept , if a Lawful Lordship had been allowed , but he adds in the other Branch , in expressing what is enjoyned [ being examples to the Flock ] enjoining thus to Feed by Example , and an Humble Ministry ; And this is opposit to all Dominion whatsoever , and doth not discriminat one Dominion from another ; as is also evident in the positive part of the Paralel Precepts abovementioned . We have also told him , that the instance and Illustration , drawn from such Princes of the Gentiles , as were accounted Gracious Lords , and the simple word of Rule used by Luke , in the paralel , confutes this Gloss , and doth demonstrat , that it is not proud insolent Dominion , or a Dominion secundum quid , and thus qualified , which is only here forbidden , but Lordship and Dominion , simpliciter , the desire whereof did notwithstanding proceed in the Apostles , from some remainders of Pride , and in their Case , could not be exercised or assumed without a fastuous insolency , it being Diametrically opposit to the Nature of their Holy Office and Function . So then , I argue against the Dr. from his own Principle and Gloss ; If Peter thus understood our Lords Precept , Matth. 20. and Luk. 22. in this Sense , that Pride was the Principle of their desire , and of that greatness they sought , and that the exercise of this greatness was prohibit , as the very emanation of insolent Pride , and if with all , he coppied out this his Precept to Ministers , from that great Command of his Lord , and took his Measures therefrom , he could not but look upon Pastors Lording over the Fl●cks , as proceeding from Pride , and the very practice and exercise of a Domineering Tyranny ; yea , he could not but put under this Character , whatever exercise of pretended Ministerial Authority , goes beyond the Limits of that humble exemplary Ministry , that Ministerial diligence and service of the Lords Flocks , which is enjoyned in the positive part of his Masters Command , exactly coppied out in this his Apostolick Precept . I further remark , that the Dr. holding out the Sense of the Apostle , as terminating only in this General , discharging Pride and Insolency in Government , without condescending upon the extent of the Negative and positive explication of the Precept , and the Nature of that Power , here specified and Discharged , as Flowing from this Pride and Insolent Disposition , and but only shewing , that it is a Pride unsutable to all Power and Authority in the Church , leaves room for even a Monarchy and Patriarchat , and the setting up of such a Dominion in the Church , as may be supposed in an abstracted Sense , and in its general Nature , Lawful ; and thus still saves the Popes Mitre , from the Touch of this prohibition . The Dr. holds , That our exposition of those Texts , was never heard of , till these latter days . Thus with him , the Papists only have hit upon the true Ancient Exposition , and Protestants have missed it . Amongst many other confuting Instances , he might have minded the abovementioned Passages of Bernard to Eugenius , lib. 2. Apostolis interdicitur Dominatus ; Ergo tu tibi usurpare aude ut Dominans Apostolatum , aut Apostolicus Dominatum . CHAP. II. A Confutation of what the Dr. offers in Answer to the Presbyterians Argument , for Parity of Pastors , taken from the Official Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , in the Scripture Account of the Pastoral Office. THe Dr. by this time , has finisht his first easie Task of Discussing our Argument from Christs Institution . He will next fall upon our Argument from Scripture Consequences . And , that his Work here , may be as easie as the first , and least , he should break his Word to his Friend , in giving him a large History of our Arguments , on this Head. Of them all , he is pleased to Single out one , taken from the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter ; which he says , fills all our Books : Citing Smectym . Ius Divin . Minist . Ang. Unbishopping Tim. and Tit. Altare Damasc. Durh. Dissert . But surely , any who have Seriously and Impartially perused these Authors , and compares what they have written , with that which this Man pretends to Answer , may Laugh at his Prodigious Folly , in Boasting of an Answer to Books , which he appears never to have read or understood . It were good for him , that the Authors , he paints his Margine with , were out of the World , that the Ignorant , or such as never saw them , might believe , that this Personat Champion , had made a mighty Baffling Assault upon them ; But , all such as are acquaint with their Writings , will easily discover , that he is here , Acting a Pedantick Nomenclator of these Authors , and no more . The Argument from the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , ( I mean an Official Identity ) I acknowledge , is improven by these Authors , and other Presbyterian Writers , and am content to try Issue with him upon this Head , but the Dr , I find , is so Loose and Perverse a Disputer , that he doth not so much as offer to propose one of their Mediums and Arguments to the Scope . He alledges , We Argue from the Homonomy of Names of Bishop and Presbyter , in the New Testament , to prove the Sameness of the Office , and that the Clergy of the New Testament , are Dichotomised into Bishops and Deacons only , in some Texts : And thus in some Ancient Writers . That we thus exclude the Authority of a Bishop above a Presbyter , tho the Offices themselves be as much distinguished , in several Texts of the New Testament , as is possible . He holds , ( P. 22 , 23. ) That we found the Solidity of our Demonstration of the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , merely upon the Confusio Nominum , which he represents in a distinct Character , as our only Topick ; To which purpose , he tells us we cite Act. 20.17 , 28. Philip. 1.1 . Tit. 1.6 , 7. and several other places . There needs no more , than the Reciting of this , to discover this Mans Precarious Vanity , and Ignorance of this Controversie , since , all that are acquaint with it do know , that it is not the Sameness ef Names simplely , and in its self considered , which the Presbyterians ground upon , tho this have its own Secondary Weight , but the Sameness and Identity of the Qualifications , Ordination , Work , Duties , and every other Essential of the Office ; Which is an Argument , with more Demonstrative Nerves , than that of the Sameness of Names . Presbyters , being in Scripture , called and owned , as Rulers , Governors , Overseers , Bishops ; And both Ordination and Iurisdiction appropriat to them , without the least Hint of Imparity among them , in the Exercise thereof , Tit. 1.5 . Act. 20.17 , 28. 1 Pet. 5.2.2 . 1 Thess. 5.12 , 14. Heb. 13.7 , 17. 1 Cor. 5.12 . 1 Tim. 4.14 . Now , if it be thus , sure the Conclusion of the Identity of the Office , clearly follows : And had this Man perused these Authors , he might have discovered , that their Arguments run to this Issue , and are not merely Bottomed upon so slight a Ground , as he would make such believe , whose Knowledge is of a like Size and Measure with his own : Yet , so weak is his Cause , that his Answer cannot stand before this very Argument , as he propounds it , at least with a due Respect to the Scope of the Places Cited ; which will be evident to any , who will compare their Writings , with his Reasoning in this Pamphlet . To give a Summary and Brief Account of our Arguments , from these Scriptures , cited by him , and consequently of this Dr's Phantastick Vanity and Trifflings in this Matter . From Act. 20. We thus Argue , First , That the Apostles solemnly declares to the Elders or Pastors of that Church of Ephesus , that the Holy Ghost had constituted them Bishops over the Flock . Whence we collect , ( 1. ) That the Pastor is the true Scripture - Bishop . ( 2. ) That by his Office , he Feeds and Rules the Flock , and hath the Doctrinal and Jurisdictional Key committed to him by the Holy Ghost . Next , it hence follows , that whatever Authority , Power and Jurisdiction is imported , in the Name , Bishop , falls within the Compass of this Solemn Command , given to these Elders or Pastors , who are enjoyned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So , that this being essentially and intirely included in the Pastoral Office , the Diocesan Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or pretended Paramount Inspection over them , evanisheth as a mere Chimaera , especially , since it excludes and inhaunces this Authority of Pastors . ( 3. ) It is evident that this Charge was given to the Elders before Timothy , now present with Paul , and was posterior to the first Epistle directed to him , for at Writing thereof , the Apostle was at Macedonia ; And the Sacred History informs us , that he came thereafter to Miletum with Timothy , and gave the Elders this Charge . In a Word , this Charge and Command was Paul's last Solemn Charge , for , after this , they were to see his Face no more : So , that these being the Apostles last Thoughts ( to speak so ) and Testamentary Instructions , in Point of Church Government , we have here the the Samplare and Pattern , shewed by this great Apostle , upon the Mount , of this Divinely Inspired Model and Instructions . And since , the Episcopalians , will not call the Gospel-Church , a Speckled Bird , and her Government of diverse Cuts , they must acknowledge , that the rest of the Apostles gave the same Directions ; As 1 Pet. 5. with 2 Pet. 1.14 . doth furher clear . From hence , we further Argue , First : These Bishops who Feed and Rule the Flock immediatly , are the Apostolick Bishops , and these only : Ergo , the Hierarchical Prelat , is no Apostolick Bishop , 1. Because his pretended Episcopacy is over the Pastors , he is Pastor Pastorum . 2. He hath a Relation to no Flock , as such . We Argue , Secondly , from the Text thus : These Apostolick Bishops , have both the immediat and intire Episcopal Inspection and Power over Christs Flocks committed to them , by God , both the Doctrinal and Jurisdictional Key : And therefore , the Hierarchical Prelat stands Condemned upon a double Ground , 1. As Snatching away the last from Pastors , and Arrogating it solely to himself . 2. In Tearing and Breaking asunder the Bond. wherewith Christ hath Tyed these Keyes ; And this in a double Respect , ( 1. ) In the Case of the Pastor , to whom he leaveth only the Doctrinal Key . ( 2. ) With Respect to himself , who is obliged , ex Natura & Ratione Officii , or from the Nature of his Office , to Preach the Gospel to no Flock , but to Govern only . Thirdly , All this Scriptural , Episcopal Jurisdiction , is by the Apostle , ascribed to these Pastors or Bishops of the Holy Ghost , in Presence of Timothy , while there is Altum Silentium , of any Interest he had over them in this Matter ; Whence , it may be inferred , 1. They are declared and supposed the Highest Ordinary Officers of that Church , having a Collegiat joynt Authority therein . And 2. By clear Consequence , it follows , that nothing here enjoyned them , inferrs or doth include a Precarious Dependence upon him , in these Duties , or his Supereminent Inspection over them . 3. By further necessary Consequence , this Authority being thus declared by the Apostle , and recognosced after all the Precepts delivered to Timothy , in the first Epistle written to him , it cannot be supposed to contain any Super-eminent Episcopal Charge over these Pastors , but a Transient Evangelistick Inspection only , to pass off , with that Exigent : It being infallibly clear , that there can be no Inconsistency or Contradiction , betwixt this last Farewel Charge to the Pastors of that Church , and his Directions to Timothy , while residing therein . Finally , It is hence infallibly concluded , 1. That the Apostles themselves Exercised no such Jurisdiction over Churches constitute in their Organick Beeing , as is properly and formally Episcopal , or of the Hierarchical Mould : This Episcopal Authority being committed to the Colledge of Elders , as their Essential Right and Priviledge . 2. That the Apostles did not Substitute the Hierarchical Prelats , or Diocesan Bishops , as their Succedaneous Substitutes , upon their withdrawing , unless we will make the Apostle Paul , to Model this Church , in a Mould Hetrogeneous to other Churches . And in a Word , it hence follows , that whatever may be pleaded , as to Matter of Fact , neither this , nor any Church else , could ever after , Iure , divest themselves of this Authority , ( I mean the Church Representatives , or Officers thereof ) in setting up such a Proestos or Prelat , whose Power did encroach upon this their Authority allowed them by God. From Tit. 1.5 , 7. The Presbyterians Argue , not merely from the Promiscuous Use , or Identity of the Name Bishop and Presbyter , but from the Nature and Mould of the Apostles Reasoning , and the Connecting Particle and Illative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which points at the very Topick and Ground , upon which the Apostle concludeth that which is his Scope ; which necessarly inferrs an Official Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , not a Nominal only : For , thus his Argument lyes ; The Presbyter or Elder , must be so and so Qualified , for such must the Bishop be : So , that the Stating of an Official Distinction betwixt the two , as different Orders of Ministers , breaks the Force of the Apostles Argument , there being no Soundness in such Reasoning as this , Inferior Officers must have such Qualifications , because such are proper to the Superior Office. No doubt , the Holy Ghost , who thus Reasons , ascribes to them , not only the same Name , ( and he knew best , how to express the Nature of the Things by fit Words ) but likewise the same Qualifications , Work , and Office. Episcopalians will not disowne it , that the Bishop hath distinct Qualifications and Work , from that of the Presbyter or Pastor ; So that , they must either acquiesce in this our Sense of his Words , while purposely describing the Presbyter and Bishops Qualifications , Office , and Duties , or Blasphemously impute unto him Incongruity of Speech , and Unsoundness in Reasoning ; And therefore , the Office of the one , and the other , is clearly supposed one and the same . From Philip. 1.1 . Where the Apostle salutes a Plurality of Bishops of that Church : We inferr , 1. Their proper Episcopal Relation thereunto . 2. That they could not be Diocesans , ( 1. ) Because the Deacons , the lowest Officers , are immediatly subjoyned to them ; And Prelatists will not say , that there were no Pastors in that Church , but only Diocesans . ( 2. ) It is impossible there could be a Plurality of Hierarchical Bishops therein , and by clear Consequence , the Pastors and Presbyters are supposed the Highest Ordinary Officers of that Church , Exercising a joynt Collegiat Power in the Government thereof . If I should adduce the Judgment and Testimonies of Protestant Divines , upon these Passages , correspondent to our Sense and Pleading , it were a large Work. The Belgick Divines , upon Act. 20.28 . from that Clause [ the Holy Ghost has made you Overseers ] do plead as above ; For , having told us , that in the Greek it is Bishops , and that from this the Word Bishop is derived ; they add , That these are v. 17. called Elders of the Church ; from whence it appears , that in the Holy Scriptures , there is no Difference made betwixt Elders and Bishops , pointing to Philip. 1.1 . upon which Passage , they shew , that this Term is common to all Governours and Overseers in the Church ; referring again to Act. 20.17 , 28. together with 1 Tim. 1.3 . Where they shew , That Timothy was appointed to continue at Ephesus , not as Bishop , but as Evangelist for a time , to Confirm the Church . Upon Chap. 3. v. 1. they shew , That the Word Bishop , is to be understood of all Overseers and Teachers of the Church without Difference , as appears ▪ in the following Description , compared with other places , citing Act. 20.17 , 28. Philip. 1.1 . Tit. 1.5 , 7. Diodat . on Act. 20.17 . shews , That by the Elders , we are to understand the Pastors and Conductors in v. 28. Upon which Verse , he shews , That the Word signifies Overseer , Guardian , &c. And represents the Duty of a true Pastor of the Church , without any absolute Dominion , only for the Profit and Good of the Flock , Philip. 1.1 . he paralells with Act. 20 : 17 , 28. 1 Tim. 5.17 . Understanding therein the Ministers of the Sacred Governing Senat , 1 Tim. 3.1 . he understands of the Bishop or Pastor , who has the Charge of Teaching and Governing the Church . On Tit. 1.5 . the Elders , who are immediatly after called Bishops , he understands of such Pastors and Conductors , as were to be placed in Churches , where was a Competent Number of Believers . Pools Annot. Vol. 2. understands , Act. 20.17 . as speaking of such Elders , as are Governours and Pastors of the Church : And shews , that the Term and Title , respects not their Age , but their place . And upon v. 28. they shew , That the Overseers there mentioned , are the same , who are called Elders , v. 17. and were certainly such as had the Government and care of the Church committed to them . Upon Philip. 1.1 . By Bishops , they understand Pastors and Teachers , asserting that the Name and Office of Bishops and Pastors was all one , in the Apostles days ; and do Cite for Confirmation of this Act. 20.17.28 . 1 Cor. 4.1.2 . 1 Thes. 5.12.13 . 1. Tim. 3.1 . 1 Pet. 5.1 . 2. Tit. 1.5 . Heb. 13.17 . Iam. 5.14 , 3 Ioh. 9. The very Passages we make use of , shewing that this is the Sense , both of Ancient and modern Interpreters . Thereafter , they confute at large Hammonds Notion of Presbyters , who takes them for Diocesan Bishops . Upon 1 Tim. 3.1 . They shew , That the Term , Bishop , is the proper Title of Gospel Ministers , pointing at their Honourable Work and Imployment ; and Paralels this with the Title of Angel , mentioned Rev. 2.1 . Upon the last Clause of v. 2. where the Bishop is injoyned to be apt to Teach , they shew , " That he must be neither an Ignorant nor lazie Person . Eng. Annot. upon Act. 20. understand the Elders , v. 17. of the Governors and Pastors , paralelling it with these Elders of Ierusalem , mentioned Chap. 11 , 30. Upon v. 28. they shew , That the term Episcopus or Bishop , is here to be understood of the Pastor of the Church , and Minister of the Word , as elsewhere : Also upon Philip. 1.1 . on that Clause , [ the Bishops and Deacons ] they shew , That the Synod of Nice , did forbid Two or more Bishops , to have their Seats in one City : And before that , Cornelius Bishop of Rome , upbraids Novatus with Ignorance ( as Euseb. lib. 6. Writes ) that he knew not , there ought to be but one Bishop in that Church , in which he could no be Ignorant , there were Forty Six Presbyters . And Oecumenius and Chrysostom affirm this of Philippi : In one City it cannot be supposed ( say they ) there were more Bishops in that restrained Sense , as the word was afterward taken . Here therefore , by Episcopi and Diaconi , we are to understand . the whole Ministry at Philippi , consisting of Presbyters , to whom the Government of the Church was Committed : And Deacons , who not only had the Care of the Poor , but also Assisted Ministers , in their Ecclesiastical Function . Upon 1 Tim. 3.1 . they shew , That the Term Bishop , doth properly relate to the Flock ; referring to Philip. 1.1 . And having shewed , that Antiquity did appropriat this Term to Diocesan Prelats , and consequently , as it relates to Pastors ; But that they Disowne this , as not being the Scripture Acceptation , is evident , not only , from that Reference to Philip. 1.1 . but also , from this , that the Clause of [ Desiring a good Work ] they paralell with 1 Thes. 5.13 . where , after the Apostle has v. 12. enjoyned a due Deference and Subjection to such , as Laboured among them , ( viz. In the Word and Doctrine ) he enjoyns to Esteem them Highly in Love for their Works sake , asserting thus the Bishops [ good Work ] to be one and the same with that of the Pastor , and consequently the Office. By the Elders , mentioned Tit. 1.5 . to be Ordained in every Church , they understand the Pastors to be Ordained , where there was a convenient Number of the Faithful : And the Apostles Reason v. 7. [ For a Bishop must be Blameless , &c. ] they paralell with Philip. 1.1 . 1 Tim. 3.1 , 2. Thus clearly Corresponding our Sense and Pleading for the Identity of the Bishops and Pastors Office , from these places . The Professors of Leyden , Disput. 42. at large Correspond with our Sense and Pleading from these Passages , They assert the Extraordinary Expired Call and Office of Prophets , Apostles , and Evangelists , and that the Pastors , D●ctors , Elders , and Deacons , are the only standing ordinary Church Officers ; Thus Thes. 17.18 , 19 , 20. &c. Ascribing to Pastors , the Authority of Government , as the Highest Ordinary Officers of the New Testament , Thes. 25.26 . Thes. 29. From Act. 20.28 . they shew , that the Apostle calls the Pastors of the Church of Ephesus , Bishops , set up by the Holy Ghost , paralelling this with 1 Tim. 3.2 . where ( they tell us ) the Bishop is described from such Qualities and Effects , as the Apostle Peter enjoyns and ascribes to his Fellow Presbyters , 1 Pet. 5.1 , 2. Adding , that in the Epistle to the Philippians , Chap. 1. v. 1. under the Name of Bishops , for whom the Apostle prays for Grace , he understands such [ qui Philippi Verbo & Gubernationi praeerant ] who had Inspection of the Doctrine and Government , distinguishing them from the Deacons , who were set over the Churches Treasure . Adding , that Tit. 1.5 . such , whom the Apostle Named Presbyters , v. 7. he calls Bishops [ non correlate ad Presbyteros tanquam ad Secundarios , sibique Subordinatos Praesules , sed ad Ecclesiam Vigilanti ipsorum Curae atque Inspectioni Commissam , non enim alicujus in alios Ministros Autoritatis aut alicujus prae aliis Prerogativae , sed s●lius istius Curae ac Vigilantiae Respectu , Episcoporum Titulo in Sacris Literis Insigniuntur ] That the Bishops are called such , not with Relation to any supposed Subordinat Bishops or Presbyters , but to the Church committed to their Vigilant Care , in which Respect alone , they have that Title in Scripture , but not upon the Account of any Prerogative or Authority , which one Minister has over another . Which , how clearly it asserts our Judgment , Principles and Pleading upon these Texts , in Opposition to the Hierarchical Bishop , and for the Parity of Pastors , is convincingly evident . But , let us hear their Inference , Thes. 30. which is thus [ Non ergo ex Divino , sed ex Humano Instituto aliquis post Apostolorum tempora , aliis ex Ordine Presbyterorum fuit Authoritate praepositus , atque , Episcopus dictus ex singulari Prerogativa , sicut post Hieronimum , non-nulli quoque Pontificii confitentur nominatim . Lombard . Lib. 4. Distinct. 24. Gratian . Dist. 93. c. Legimus & Dist. 25. c. olim . Cusanus de Concord . Cathol . Lib. 2. Cap. 13. Citing first Ierom on Tit. 1. & ad Evag. ] In summ , that the Setting of one Presbyter over another , in a supposed Supereminent Authority and Peculiar Prerogative , under the Character and Designation of a Bishop , is an Humane Invention only , without any Divine Warrand , as not only Hierom , but several Popish School Men , have acknowledged . The Professors of Saumur , speak also our Sense here fully . Syntag. Thes. Theolog. de Divers . Minist . Evang. Grad . Thes. 7. They hold the Office of Apostles , Prophets and Evangelists to be Extraordinary and Expired , making peculiar to them , their immediat Call , Infallibility in Teaching , their Universal Legation to all Churches , their Extraordinary and Miraculous Gifts , &c. The Pastors and Doctors Office , they hold Ordinary , and affirm they are the same with Presbyters planted in every Church . Thes. 16.20 . de Episcop . & Presb. Discrimine . Thes. 7.8 . they shew , that the Apostles placed Presbyters , Church by Church , for the Government thereof , citing Act. 14.23 . and 20.17 , 28. where they Collect , that these Presbyters were Commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take heed to the Flock , and are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from which they infer , that it belonged to them to Watch over , Inspect , to see unto , and take Care for such things , as tended to the Conservation , Propagation , and Growth of the Church : Adding [ Quod fieri sine Regiminis Cura & Potestate non potest ] which could not be performed , without the Care and Authority of Government . Thes. 9. They assert , that Pastors being thus in the beginning Constitute by the Apostles , they did according to the Apostles Command , and from the Nature of the Office Intrusted to them [ ex Officio sibi ab Apostolis demandato ] Govern the Church [ Communi Consilio ] by Common Counsel ( according to Hierom's Phrase ) ( Communibus Suffragiis , Communi Solicitudine & Cura ) by Common and Equal Suffrage and Care. Adding ( Nullus tum eorum in reliquos Sym-Presbyteros Autoritatem , Potestatem , Imperium aut Iurisdictionem habuit , sed par & equalis Cura & Solicitudo omnibus & singu●is in totum Gregem competebat ) that in these First times , no Presbyter or Pastor , had Authority , Power , or Jurisdiction over his Fellow-Presbyters , but the same , and alike Care and solicitude over the whole Flock , was competent to every one . Thes. 10. they shew , That tho there was one , who , as in every Colledge , or Juridical Court , was Primus or President , yet that Primatus was ( Ordinis duntaxat non Authoritatis , Potestatis , Dominii , Imperii , Iurisdictionis , sic enim non fuissent Sym-Presbyteri , quomodo passim vocantur in Patrum Scriptis ) of Order only , not of Authority , and not importing a Iurisdictional Power , and Dominion ; For , thus they had not been Collegues , or Co-Presbyters , as they were every where called in the Writings of the Fathers . Thes. 14. they shew , That things being thus Constitute by the Apostles , as every one of these Presbyters had not only the Authority and Power of Preaching the Word , and Administration of the Sacraments ( Verum etiam pari Iure , pari Autoritate , ad Ecclesiae Clavum & Gubernaoula sedebant , quam ut dixi , Communi Consilio , Communibus Suffragiis regebant ) That with the same Authority also , and Equal Jurisdiction , Ministers did sit at the Churches Helm , and Governed her by Common Suffrages . Adding ( Quod hinc liquot , quod omnes communiter , & Presbyteri & Episcopi , pariter in Scriptis Apostolicis , adeoque Vetustioribus Scriptoribus , vocantur promiscue ) That Pastors are called both Bishops and Presbyters , promiscuously in the Apostles Writings , makes the preceeding Assertion apparent . Then they add the Scripture Proofs thus ( Id quod sati● manifestum ex loco , Act. 20.28 . Ubi Ephesinae Ecclesiae Presbyteri dicuntur ● Spiritu Sancto constituti Ecclesiae illius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tam ex Philip. 1.1 . Ubi Apostolus Epistolam suam inscribit Ecclesiae illius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nulla fact● Presbyterorum mentione , quos Episcoporum nomine isthic procul dubio intelligit ; Nunquam enim plures fuerunt in eadem Ecclesia Episcopi , ex quo Episcopus singularem habuit ac praecipuam supra Presbyteros Autoritatem atque Potestatem , ejusque Manus distinctum fuit a Presbyteriali Munere atque Ordine ) That the Parity of Bishop and Presbyter appears from Act. 20.28 . where the Presbyters of the Church of Ephesus , are said to be Constitute Bishops of the Church by the Holy Ghost ; As also from Philip. 1.1 . where the Apostle inscribes his Epistle to the Bishops and Deacons of that Church , making no mention of Presbyters , whom without doubt , he understands by the Name of Bishops : For , there were never more Bishops in the same Church , since the time that the Bishop had a Singular Power and Authority above Presbyters , and his Office was distinguished from the Order and Office of Pastors . Then they add Thes. 15. ( Id ipsum manifestam ex 1 Tim. 3.2 . Opportet Episcopum esse irreprehensibilem , &c. nulla mentione facta Presbyteri : Nam si alias tum fui●set Episcopus alius Presbyter , Paulus isthic Presbyterum non omisisset , sed adjecisset eadem in Presbytero requiri , vel si alia aut pauciora in eo requiri voluisset , id procul dubio monuisset , alioqui ea in parte Officio suo Defuisset ) That the same appears from 1 Tim. 3.2 . A Bishop must be blameless , &c. without mentioning the Presbyter : For , if the Bishop and Presbyter ; had been then distinct , Paul , would not in this place , have omitted the Presbyter , but would have added , that the same things were required in him , or if he would have required either other or fewer things in him , he would , without doubt , have admonished hereof , otherwise , in so far , he had been wanting in his Duty . They add ( Idem liquet ex Tit. 1.5 , 7. Nam ubi dixit Titum se reliquisse in Creta , ut istic constitueret Presbyteros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 docet quales essent illi Presbyteri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inquit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) That the same is apparent from Tit. 1.5 , 7. where , after the Apostle had said , that he had left Titus in Crete , to place Presbyters in every City , he shews , how these Elders must be Qualified ; A Bishop must be blameless . Asserting , Thes. 17. that this may be demonstrated from the Monuments of the Ancient Church ; They cite the Commentary under Ambrose Name on Ephes. Cap. 4. and that passage ( Non per omnia conveniunt Apostoli Scripta Ordinationi quae nunc est in Ecclesia ) That the Apostles Writings did not every way agree with the Order then in the Church . Here is Novel Doctrine of Presbyterians , so Close and Throng , as will probably put our Antique Dr. to the outmost Limits of his Patience . Presbyterian Scriptures , Presbyterian Sense , Presbyterian Arguments , Canted over by Dull Novelists , one after another , and which is yet more , by Novelist Universities of the Scots Presbyterian Perswasion . But this that follows , will possibly please worse . Maccovius Redivivus in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pontificorum , Socin . &c. Cap. 6. De Cler. thus represents the Pontificii , or the Popish Cause and Doctrin , which I fear will Embrace in its Bosom , the Dr's . Reverence . It is even thus , [ Episcopi jure Divino superiores sunt verbi Ministris , tum ordinis potestate , tum jurisdictione ] That the Bishop by Divine Right , is Superior to the Ministers of the Word , both in the Power of Order and Jurisdiction . Maccovius not having the Honour to know our Dr. presents for his voucher , Bellarmin , lib. 1. De Cler. Cap. 14. The ● . ● . he thus represents [ consuetudo Romanorum quae Distinguit inter versantem verbum Dei & Episcopum ] The Romish Custom , which distinguishes betwixt the Preacher of the Word , and the Bishop ; As our Romish Dr. doth : This is Rude , but how is this Refelled by Maccovius ? Why ? It s even thus [ Refellitur ; primo Philip. 1.1 . Ubi idem Presbyteri predicantes & Episcopi dicuntur ; Secundo . Tit. 1.5 . 1 Tim. 3.1.2 . U●i idem docentur esse Presbyteri Praedicantes & Episcopi ] His two Proofs are , that in these premised Scriptures , the Preaching Presbyter , or Pastor , and the Bishop , are held out as one and the same . Another Novelist , asserting this New Coyned Doctrin , and falling into the same error with the Scots Presbyterians , is Antonius Walleus , de funct . Ecc●es . P. ( mihi ) 470. having stated the Question Viz. utrum talis sit eminen●●● inter Pastores , ut unus gradu altero sit superior jure Divino , adeo ut uni Potestas in alterum concedatur , potestas scilicet mittendi aut deponendi ministros , potestas excommunicandi , aut admittendi , leges praescribendi , regendi &c. qualem sibi bodierni Episcopi ascribunt ] whether there be such an Eminency among Pastors , so , as one is in Degree Superior to another by Divine Right , and has Authority over another , the Authority of the Mission or deposition of Ministers , the Authority and Power of Excommunication , or relaxation , of prescribing Laws , and of Governing , &c. such as the present Bishops , arrogat and appropriat to themselves . Then he shews , that he speaks of Spiritual Authority : And thus Answers [ hoc est quod nostri negant adversus episcopales ] This is that we deny against the Episcopalians : Here is a bold Novelist . He after shews that the Divines of that Church , were of his mind ; and thus exhibits a Muster Roll of New Coyned Novelists . But he presents his [ praecipua Argumenta ] Chief Arguments : What are these ? ( 1 ) [ in tota scriptura ejusmodi eminentiae & potestatis nulla fit mentio ] That in all the Scripture , there is no mention of such Eminency and Power of a Bishop above Pastors . ( 2 ) [ quia in illis Locis ubi ex professo de ministrorum novi Testamenti gradibus fit mentio , unius generis Pastorum Scriptura tantum meminit , ut 1 Cor. 12.28 . constituit in Ecclesia primum Apostolos , secundo Prophetas , Tertio Doctores . Et Eph. 4.11 . ipse dedit alios quidem Apostolos , alios vero Pastores & Doctores , &c. sic Rom. 12.6 . Act. 20.17.28 . 1 Pet. 5.1 , 2. ] That in those places , where there is express mention of purpose made of the Degrees of Ministers of the New Testament , the Scripture owns only one kind of Pastors , as 1 Cor. 12.28 . He set in the Church , first Apostles , secondarly Prophets , Thirdly Doctors or Teachers ; and Eph. 4.11 . He gave some Apostles , some Pastors and Teachers , &c. Thus Rom. 12.6 . Acts , 2● . 17.28 . 1 Pet. 5.1.2 . The ( 3 d ) Reason or Argument is thus [ quia Sacra Scriptura docet expresse Episcopos & Presbyteros fuisse plane eosd●m , ita Act. 20.17 . convocavit Presbyteros , & v. 28. Dicit Spiritum Sanctum eos constituisse Episcopos , Ita Phil. 1.1 . Paulus & Timotheus servi Iesu Christi , omnibus Sanctis qui sunt Phillippicum Episcopis & Diaconis : Et ad Titum 1.5 . ideo reliqui te in Creta , ut oppidatim constituas Presbyteros : Et v. 7. opportet enim E-Eiscopum unius esse uxoris virum , &c. ] That the sacred Scriptures shews the Bishop and Presbyter , to have been one and the same ; Thus Act. 20.7 . the Apostle called together the Elders , and v. 28. he saith , that the Spirit of God had made them Bishops : Also Philip. 1.1 . Paul and Timotheus , Servants of Iesus Christ , to all the Saints which are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons ; and Tit. 1.5 . For this Cause left I thee in Crete , that thou shouldst Ordain Elders in every City ; and v. 6. For a Bishop must be the Husband of one Wife ▪ &c. He adds , that Ierom ( Comment . in Tit. & Eph. ad Evag. ) doth from these places collect ( as an old doting Novelist too ) that the Bishop and Presbyter is all one , the one Name signifying the Age , the other the Office : he Cites also Ambrose ( in Eph. 4. ) as holding the same . He adds ( sic Augustinus & plurimi alii in hanc sententiam ) that Augustin and many others , were of this Judgment , to whom he also adds Bucer ( de gub . P. 258. C. deinceps ) Thus Walleus holds , that this forementioned Scots Presbyterian Sense of the Scriptures premised , has for a considerable time been a working Notion ; for want , no doubt of our Dr's clearer Instructions . But this bigot Novelist , goes on to add , Denique ex nullo Scripturae loco prohibetur uni Presbytero aut Pastori ordinario ullam dari potestatem , sive in verbi predicatione , omnes enim sunt Doctores & Pastores ; sive in Sacramentorum Administratione ut Mat. 28.19 . 1 Cor. 11.23 . sive in exercitio Disciplinae . 1 Cor. 5.4 . &c. 2 Cor. 2.7 . sive in Ecclesiae rectione , Act. 20.17 . 1 Pet. 5.1.2 . Heb. 13.17 . obedite praepositis vestris qui non datur alteri ) That from no place of Scripture , it can be made good , that there is any Power given to an ordinary Pastor , or singular Prerogative above another , either in the Preaching the Word , for all are Pastors and Teachers ; or in th● administration of the Sacraments , Matth. 28.19 . 1. Cor. 11.23 . or , in the exercise of Disciplin . 1. Cor. 5.4 , &c. 2 Cor. 2.7 . Or in the Governing the Church , Act. 20.17 . 1 Pet. 5.1 . 2. Heb. 13.17 . Obey those that are set over you . He adds , quare Apostoli in Epistolarum suarum inscriptionibus seribunt Sanctis , item Ministris , Nunquam soli alicui Episcopo , & Regulas Prescribunt . 1. Tim. 3.2 . Tit. 1.5.7 . 1 Pet. 5.2 . Omnibus Pastoribus communes , nullas singulares Episcoporum ) That upon this Ground , the Apostles in the Inscriptions of their Epistles , do write unto the Saints , and also to Ministers , but never to any one Bishop ; & 1 Tim. 3.2 . Tit. 1.6 . 1 Pet. 5.2 . Do prescrbe such Rules as are common to all Pastors , but none that are peculiar to Bishops . Here is a bold new Novelist , with a whole Congeries of New Notions upon Texts pleaded by the Scots Presbyterians , suting , no doubt , the Consideration of our Profound Antiquary . I am verily of Opinion , that this grave Inquirer into the new dangerous Notions of the Scots Presbyterians , should either have perused the premised grounds of their New Opinion , or Written to his Friend at Edinburgh , to make inquiry in his behalf , for some more of these dangerous Books , that they might be sent up to him , in order to his Doctorships perusal and confutation : For , it seems , he has never seen them . I need not mention Chamier , and other conceited Novelists , who has fallen into the same dottage ( De aecumenico Pont. lib. 10. Cap. 3. ) Arnoldus in his Lux in tenebris , on Act. 20.17 . ( he called the Elders ) presents the Orthodox opinion thus , That Bishops and Presbyters are not Names of diverse Gifts in the Church , but of one and the same Office , because those who are called Presbyters v. 17. are called Bishops . v. 28. This Man it seems , had got the new Notion in his Head too . He adds , The Papists Object ( had he enjoyed the time and opportunity of seeing our Antique Drs Enquiry into the New dangerous Notions of Scots Presbyterians , he had not been so ill manner'd , as to term the Reasons of our Venerable Dr. an Objection of Papists ) Well , what do they Object ? ' That in these times , the Names were Common , but yet the Offices of Bishops and Presbyters diverse . Now , let us hear Arnoldus answers to our profound Enquirers great argument , wherewith he has filled up so great a part of his Pamphlet . 1. This is , saith he , to affirm , not to prove . 2. When Offices are distinct , there also the Names are diverse . 3. There was one Office , both of Bishops and Presbyters , viz. the Office of Teaching . 4. Saith he , upon the Papists supposition ( beware of the Venerable Dr. again ; what ! could this Blind Novelist see none who maintained this Ancient Doctrin but Papists ? ) there can and ought to be only one Bishop in one City ; but so it is , that there were here many : Therefore Bishops signify Presbyters . After the premised account of these doting Presbyterians , who notwithstanding are judged by many , to be men of very Venerable Name , may I presume to trouble our profound enquiring Dr , in giving him a view of some bigot Confessions of the Reformed Protestant Churches , who , its like , have asserted this New Notion and Opinion of Scots Presbyterians . The Confession of the French Church , upon this head , runs thus ( credimus veram Ecclesiam , &c. ) We believe , that the true Church ought to be Governed , by that Policy , which Christ hath ordained . Mr. Dr. will no doubt acknowledge this is sound . Well , what next ? They add , That there be Pastors , Presbyters , or Elders , and Deacons . This is fair . But is there no distinction of Bishops and Pastors in their Sense ? The enquiring Dr. will tell them ; that the two Classes of Elders and Deacons , admits of a subdivision . But the unmannerly froward Confession , is bold to contradict his Reverence , proceeding thus : And again , we believe , that all true Pastors , wherever they be , are indued with equal and the same Power , under one Head and Bishop , Christ Jesus . Here is the Scots Presbyterians New Notion in grain . Shall we try the Dr's . Patience with another such Instance . The Belgick Confession , is no better natur'd to our Dr. but are as bold to contradict him in this point , and it seems do hold the same New Scots Notion : For , thus they assert , Art. 30. All Christs Ministers of the Word of God , have the same and equal Power and Authority , as being all Ministers of that only Universal Head and Bishop , Christ. In the Point of Ordination , which the Dr. appropriats to the Bishop , the latter Confession of Helvetia ▪ ( Harm . Confes. Chap. 11. P. 232. ) do assert , ' That the Holy Function of the Ministry , is given by the laying on of the hands of Presbyters . No word of Prelats Hands . So ( Chap 18. P. 236. ) they are to be Ordained by publick Prayer and laying on of Hands : Which Power , they say , is the same and alike in all : Citing that Passage , Luke . 22. He that will be great among you , let him be your Servant . Thus crossing the Dr's Sense of this , and other paralel Passages . They also Cite Act. 15. And Ierom on Tit. 1. Concluding thus , Therefore , let no Man forbid , that we return to the old Appointment of God ( so they call the Presbyterian way of Ordination , ) and rather receive it , than the custom devised by Men ( so they call the Episcopal Method . ) Thus the Confession of Boheme , Cha. 9. ( Harm . Confes. Sect. 11. P. 246.247 . ) after setting down the qualifications of Ministers , as to Ordination , they say , that after Prayer and Fasting , they are to be Confirmed and approved of the Elders , by the laying one of their Hands . So The Confession of Saxony , Chap. 12. ( Harm . Confes. Part. 2. ) affirms , That it belongs to the Ministers of the Word to Ordain Ministers , Lawfully Elected and Called . Where , we have asserted at once , both the Presbyters Power in Ordination , and the Peoples Interest , in the Call of Pastors , in opposition to Prelacy . But as to this Point of the Equality of Pastors , and their joint Interest in Ordination , it is long since Dr. Reynolds hath told the Dr. and his Fellows that this is the Common Judgment of the Reformed Churches ; Viz. Helvetia , Savoy , France , Scotland , Germany , Hungary , Polland , the Low Countries ; Citing the Harmony of Confessions . Well , Whoever own these Opinions of the Parity of Pastors , and their joynt Interest in Government , The Dr. tells his Friend , he Charges them with Error and Novelty , tho a Current Opinion among his Country-Men , whom the enquiring Dr. Labours to undeceive , and he assures his Friend ( a sure Demonstration no doubt , if it admit no other Measures , but his Assertion ) That they are altogether New , and were never propagat in any part of the Christian Church , till these last days of Separation and Singularity . I could wish , he had Condescended upon the measures of these last days , wherein this Separation Reigns , as also , of these New Opinions . We know , the Scripture calls the whole Gospel times , last times and latter dayes ; And some will alledge there has been Separation and Singularity , Old enough in years : But , if we may draw Conjectures from the Drs. Principles anent an Oecumenick New Testament High Priest and Patriarch , and the standing of the Old Testament Oeconomy , as Exemplary to the New , and who has for several Ages , pretended to follow this Copie , and who he is , who has been for some Ages separat from , tho once Universally wondered after , and followed , viz. The Good Old Gentleman with the Triple Crown ; I think Protestant Schismaticks , as well as these their forementioned Opinions , may be supposed to have been in this Assertion , much in the Dr's . View . But that I be not tedious , and may hasten to consider the Dr's grave Enquiry and Answer to the premised Scriptures ; and the New Protestant Glosses upon them , which moves his Spleen to such declamatory anger against his Poor pur-blind Countreymen ; one thing I would suggest to him ( if I may do it without putting him into a Chaff ) which is this ; 'T is known , that there is a certain English Dr. of as great Figure and Reputation ( almost ) in England , as he is in Scotland , and of a great Name to this day , who having got this New Scots Notion of the Parity of Bishops and Presbyters , into his unwarry head , was bold to exhibit a great many Testimonies of Greek and Latine Fathers , for this New Opinion ; his Name is Doctor Reynolds , in his Epistle to Sir Francis Knolls ; the Dr. would do well to enlarge his Enquiring Charity , and undeceive his Countriemen and others , in the Point of this dangerous Error , in examining his Citations . It s long since the Epistle was Exhibit to publick view , and is in many hands , and upon a little enquiry , the Dr. may easily have a view of this dangerous Piece . For , if these Citations hold , the Opinion is not so New and Singular , as the Dr. Suggests , but it seems is an Old notion revived again : As the Dr. knows the Waldenses revived Old Points before them , and from them the Protestant Schismaticks , have taken up the same ; and in special , so Learned an Antiquary , as the Dr. cannot be ignorant , that this very Scots Dangerous New Notion , against which his Pamphlet is levelled , was condemned by the Roman Church in Wickliff , and the Waldenses , as testifies Michael Medina , lib. 1. De sacrorum hominum origine & eminentia , Cap 5. But now , that my hand is in , before I come to examin the Dr's . Answers to the premised Scriptures , I must be bold to Exhibit to him some more of the Heretical assertors of Presbyters Power and interest in Government , in correspondence to the New Scots Notion . Festus Hommius Disput. Theol. Adversus Pontificios Disput. 25. De Minist . Eccles . Ordin . Thes. 1. He calls the Office of Apostles and Evangelists Extraordinary , and holds it to be expired : Thes. 2. [ primus itaque ordo Ministrorum Ecclesiae Novi Testamenti ordinariorum est ordo Pastorum , qui etiam Episcopi , Presbyteri , praesides laborantes , Ministri Praedicantes , servi , dispensatcres , praesides & duces in Sacra Scriptura appellantur ] That the First order of the Ordinary Ministers of the New Testament , is that of Pastors , who in Scripture are called Bishops , Presbyters , Labouring Presidents , Dispensing Servants , Leaders Rulers , &c. Thes. 3. [ inter Episcopum & Pastorem seu● Presbyterum in verbo laborantem , Respectu Muneris seu ministerii nullum in sacra Scriptura ; verum & essentiale discrimen reperitur ; haec enim vocibus hisce Promiscue utitur , cum unum eundemque Ministrorum Novi Testamenti ordinem designat : Quia in una Ecclesia & Civitate plures tempore Apostolorum Episcopus fuisse diserte Scriptura Sacra Testatur . That betwixt the Bis●op and Pastor or Presbyter labouring in the Word and Doctrin , there is no essential or Official difference found in Scripture , which uses these words promiscuously , pointing out thereby the same Order of the New Testament Ministers : Since it doth clearly Testify , that in the times of the Apostles , there were many Bishops in one City . From whence he draws this Conclusion [ quare Epsicopi jure Divino Pastoribus , neque gradu , neque dignitate , neque ordinis potestate , neque Iurisdictione majores sunt ] That therefore Bishops by Divine Right are neither in Degree , Dignity , Power of Order nor Jurisdiction greater than Pastors . Here is extensive Scots Bigotry . I cannot but also observe , how Crabbed and unlucky expressions he has Thes. 2. As to the Drs. Denomination , of the Gospel Ministry by the term of Priesthood , because Christs Priesthood is Eternal , and admits of no Successors , he doth upon this ground Reason thus [ quare Ministri Novi Testamenti nusquam in sacra Scriptura Sacerdotes proprie dicti appellantur ] That the Ministers of the New Testament , are no where in Scripture called Priests . Adding [ proinde pontificii Pastores cum nomen & munus sacerdotis sibi arrogant , non tantum palam judaizant , sed etiam blaspheme & sacrilege in Sanctissimum munus Domini — in v●lant ] That therefore the Popish Ministers , in arrogating to themselves , the Name and Office of Priests , do not only palpably Judaize , but also , make a Blasphemous , and sacralegious Invasion upon the most Holy Office of Christ. Musculus ( loc . Commun . de Offic. Minist . ) is Scots Presbyterian in grain , in this Point ( P. mihi . 360 , 361 , 362. ) after he has asserted from Scripture Grounds the extraordinary Nature of the Apostolick and Evangelistick Office , and the identity of the Pastoral and Doctoral office with Ierom : Because the Apostle Eph. 4. says not , that our Lord gave some Pastors and some Doctors , but Conjunctly Pastors and Doctors , he adds [ eosdem esse Presbyteros & Pastores ex eo patet , quod 1 Pet. 5. Legimus Seniores ab Apostolis admoneri , ut gregem Dei pascant ] That Elders and Ministers , are by the Apostles admonished to feed the Lords Flock [ 3 tio . saith he , eosdem esse Presbyteros quoque & Episcopas & Pastores , ex eo patet , quod Act. 20. Legimus adhunc modum . A Mileto autem missus Ephesum nuntius accersivit Presbyteros Ecclesiae , qui cum venissent , dixit iis ; vos scitis a primo die , &c. Et aliquanto post . Attendite igitur vobis & toto gregi in quo vos Spiritus Sanctus posuit Episcopos ad pascendum ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Ecclesiam Dei. Quos Lucas vocat Presbyteros Ecclesiae Ephesinae , hos Paulus vocat Episcopos , & dixit eos ad hoc esse a Spiritu Sancto positos , ut pascant Ecclesiam Dei , sic palam videmus eosdem esse Presbyteros , Episcopos & Pastores ] He adds for his Third Reason , that it appears from Act. 20. that Presbyters , Bishops and Pastors are the same ; because Paul sent from Miletum to Ephesus for the Elders of the Church , who being come to him , he enjoins them to take heed to themselves , and to all the flock , over which the Holy Ghost had made them Bishops , to Feed ( i. e. to Rule and Govern , as the Original Word imports ) the Church of God. Those whom Luke calls the Elders of the Church of Ephesus , those Paul calls the Bishops , for this end constitut by the Holy Ghost , to Feed the Church of God , whence it evidently appears , that Bishops , Presbyters , and Pastors , are the same . He adds [ de inde in una & eadem ecclesiae simul & conjunctim plures fuisse episcopos , &c. ] That it appears , the Spirit of GOD , placed at once and joyntly a Plurality of Bishops , in one and the same Church . [ Quem admodum ex eo quoque videri est , quod Phil : 1.1 . Legimus Paulus ac Timotheus servi Iesu Christi , omnibus sanctis qui sunt Philippi , una cum Episcopis & Diaconis . Ecce & Philippis plures simul erant Episcopi , erant autem illi Seniores Ecclesiae ] That in the Church of Philippi a Plurality of Bishops are saluted by the Apostle , who are supposed to be the same with Pastors . He thus proceeds [ Et ubi in Epistola ad Titum Cap. 1. Legimus , Hujus rei gratia reliqui te in Creta , ut quae desunt pergas corrigere , & constituas oppidatim Presbyteros , sicut ego tibi ordinaram , si quis est incupatus , &c. Opportet enim episcopum inculpatum esse , &c. An non hic quoque videmus eosdem esse Presbyterum & Episcopum . Et 1 Pet : 5. Loco supra citato , tres hae voces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ad eosdem ab Apostolis Scriptae leguntur , unde videas Apostolorum tempore in ecclesia Christi eosdem fuisse Presbyteros , Pastores & Episcopos ] That the Apostle in the Epistle to Titus , Chap. 1. shewing that he left him to place Elders in Crete , who must be Blameless , &c. Because a Bishop must be such , doth shew , That the Bishop and the Presbyter are one and the same . And 1 Pet. 5. the three Original Words , which signifie Presbyters , Feeding , and Overseeing , or Acting the Bishops , are by the Apostle , Written and Ascribed to the same Persons ; Whence , it is evident , that in the Times of the Apostles , Elders , Pastors , and Bishops , were one and the same in Gods Church . He adds [ Est itaque prorsus indubitatum ( Alas ! this Poor Man wanted the Venerable Dr's Instructions , to have Corrected this Bigotrie ) in prima & Apostolica Ecclesia sic fuisse ab Apostolis Dispositum , ut Seniores Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Gregis Dominicae Curam gerentes , Communi Opera Ministeria Docendi ac R●gendi obirent , essentque , ut ita dicam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Nulli Capiti ac Praesidi subjecti , quales h●die quoque in nonnullis Ecclesiis Verbi Ministri reperiuntur , inter quos nemo caeteris est superior Officio & Potestate , &c. ] That it is beyond all Debate , that the First and Apostolick Church , was by the Apostles so Constitute , that the Elders of the Church , did Exercise a Common Episcopal Care over the Lords Flock , and the same Function of Teaching and Governing the same , and were therein subject to no Head or President : Like unto whom , are found several Ministers now in some Churches , who owne no Superior in either Office or Authority , &c. Afterwards speaking of the Exalting of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the peculiar Name of Bishop , and of Ieroms Account of this Practice , viz. for Eviting of Schism , which he calls Emphatically [ Tentatio illa ] that Tentation . He adds , [ Profuerit ne Consilium hoc Ecclesiae Christi — melius est posterioribus saeculis declaratum , quam cum baec Consuetudo primum introduceretur , cui debemus omnem illam Principalium & Equestrium Episcoporum Insolentiam , Opulentiam , & Tyrannidem , imo omnium Ecclesiarum Christi Corruptionem , quam si Hieronimus cerneret , dubio procul Consilium agnosceret , non Spiritus Sancti ad tollenda Schismata , sicut praetexebatur , sed ipsius Satanae ad Vastanda ac Perdenda prisca Pascendi Dominici Gregis Ministeria , quo fieret , ut haberet Ecclesia , non veros Pastores , Doctores , Presbyteros , & Episcopos , sed sub Nominum istorum Larvis Otiosos Ventres , ac Magnificos Princepes , qui non modo non pascant ipsi Populum Domini Doctrina Sana & Apostolica , sed & Improbissima Violentia vetant , ne id per quenquam alium fiat . Hoc , sciz . Consilio Satanae factum est , ut habeant Ecclesiae pro Episcopis Potentes Dominos ac Princepes magna ex parte , ex Ordine Nobilium ac Satrapum Saeculi Delectos , &c. ] Whether this Counsel or Method of Eviting Schism , was profitable for the Church of Christ , was more apparent to the After-Ages , than when this Custom , was first introduced . For , thereunto is owing all that Grandure , Insolency and Tyrranny of those Knight-like and Princely Bishops , yea , the Corruption of all the Churches of Christ ; which , if Ierom had discerned , he would , no doubt , have acknowledged , that this was not the Counsel of the Holy Ghost , for the Removal of Schisms , as was pretended , but the very Project of the Devil , to Wast and Destroy the Primitive Ministry , appointed for Feeding the Lords Flock , that thus the Church of God , might not have true Pastors , Doctors , Presbyters and Bishops , but under the Disguise of such Names , Idle Bellies , and Magnificent Princes , who , not only , Feed not the People of God themselves , with the Sound and Apostolical Doctrine , but by most Wicked Violence , hinders the same to be performed by any other : And that by this Engyne of Satan , it s come to pass , that the Churches , instead of true Bishops , have Powerful Lords and Princes chosen for the most part , out of the Order of the Nobility and Grandees of this World. Thereafter , he Inveighs against their Gorgeous Stoles , Girdles , &c. which he says , is to them , instead of the Spiritual Armour enjoyned Eph. 6. calling them the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Counterfeit Bishops , and the Pastors , the true ones . Thus he P. 362. I must here again present to our Dr , some further Account of the Sentiments of the Learned Iunius upon this Point , in his Animadversions on Bellarmin ad Controver . 4. de Concil . in Cap. 15. Par. 9. Art. 7. [ Non sunt Pastores Laici , nec Ecclesiastici quicunque , sed soli Episcopi ] That the Bishops only are the Pastors , and no Inferior Officers . He thus Animadverts and Answers [ Distinguenda Assumptio haec , nam si anguste Episcopos ex Pontificiorum usu intelligas , falsa est ; sin autem latius Communiterque Presbyteros Operam dantes Administratione Verbi ex Dono & Vocatione Dei , vera est Assumptio : Recte enim Magister Sententiarum , Lib. 4. Disput. 24. Excellenter inquit , Canones duos tanquam Sacros Ordines appellari censent , Diaconatus , sciz . Et Presbyteratus ; quia hos solos Primitiva Ecclesia legitur habuisse , & de his solis Preceptum Apostoli habemus ; enim vero si soli Episcopi Pastores essent , profecto neque Episcopi faciunt officium qui non pascunt gregem , &c. ] That the premised Assertion , that the Bishops only are Pastors , is rightly understood , if applyed to Presbyters , who Labours in the Administration of the Word , who are thereunto Called of God , and have Correspondent Gifts . That the Master of Sentences , does rightly assert , that the Canons do only owne Two Orders as Sacred , Viz. The Diaconate and Presbyterate : Because we read , that the Primitive Church had these only , and of these alone , we have the Command of the Apostle . Moreover , if Bishops only be Pastors , these Bishops do not their Duty , who Feed not the Flock . He adds after , [ nam illa Episcoporum distinctio a Pastoribus & Presbyterorum ordine , juris Divini non est , sed humani instituti — Nos de Iure solum communi Divinoque agimus : Presbyteris ergo qui dabant operam administrationi verbi jus commune fuit , ut Conciliis interessent , &c. ] That the distinction of Bishops from Pastors , has no Divine Warand , but is of Human Institution only ; That Presbyters who Labour in Dispensing the Word , had an Interest to Sit in Councils . Where its evident , that he calls the Dr's Notion of the Bishop , as its distinct from the Pastor , and Superior to him , Popish and an Human Invention , and Asserts the Identity of Pastor an● Bishop by Divine Right , they being Members of Councils : And that this was the Sentence of the prime Schoolmen , as Lombard , &c. ( 10. ibid. ) [ Spiritus Sanctus posuit Episcopos regere Ecclesiam Dei ] That the Holy Ghost set up Bishops to Rule the Church of God. Thus Iunius animadverts [ aequivoce : nam Episcopos dicit Apostolus communi significato , i. e. inspectores & Curatores Ecclesiae esse Presbyteros illius . Agit autem cum Presbyteris unius Ecclesiae , puta Ephesinae , quos accersi ad se curaverat , quod si unus tantum esse debet ( ut volunt Pontificii ) in una Ecclesia Episcopus , & ejus est solius pascere , cur Paulus per omnia plurali numero usus est in hoc suo protreptico ad Presbyteros Ephesi ] Adding [ falsa ex aequivocatione sententia ] that the premised Assertion , anent the Establishing Bishops in the Church by the Holy Ghost , when applyed to the Prelat Bishop , is not found , since the Apostle , according to the common use of the Word , calls the Pastors or Presbyters of the Church , her Inspectors or Bishops : Because , in that place , viz. Act. 20. the Apostles Speech is directed to that one Church of Ephesus , for whose Pastors he had sent ; but if ( as the Papists would have it ) there ought to be but one Bishop in one Church , and it is proper to him alone to Feed , how comes it , that Paul , all along , makes use of the Plural Number , in this his Exhortatory Speech , or Sermon to the Presbyters of Ephesus ? After , in Art. 9. [ Passim asserunt Concilia Episcoporum esse ] That Councils were made up of Bishops . Thus Iunius animadverts in his Third Answer [ quod Episcopi plurimum adessent , non ideo factum est quod Episcopi essent , sed quod eruditione & Doctrina praestarent plerumque aliis de Presbyterio , & qui propterea suffragiis Presbyterii praefecti essent toto Presbyterorum collegio in Ecclesia singuli : Nam qui erant ejusmodi , eos ad Consilia generalia communibus Ecclesiae suffragiis mitti , erat aequius , quam rudiores , &c. ] That the Bishops were for most part present at Councils ; this was not upon the account of their being Bishops or as in that Character , but because they for most part , were beyond others of the Presbytrie in Gifts and Learning , and that for this Reason every such Bishop , was by the suffrages of the Presbytrie , made President of their Collegiat Meeting ; for , such as were in this capacity , it was more equitable they should be sent to General Councils , by the Churches common suffrages , than those , that were less learned , &c. He adds [ tanquam perpetui juris statuae Episcoporum pontificiorum sibi Assumpserunt , sicut & omnem autoritatem Ecclesiae & Presbyterii ] That the Popish Bishops , as if founded upon a standing Right and Tittle , have Usurpt and assum'd to themselves , the whole Authority of the Church , and the Presbytrie . In Art. 10. he Corrects Bellarmin's absurd Gloss , as if Theodosius and Valentinianus had intended only the Bishops to be Received in the Council — And 15. ibid. he shews , that the Chorepiscopi & Presbyteri Subscribed and Voted in the Council of Nice : And in Art. 11. [ inveni●ntur soli Episcopi Subscripsisse ) That Bishops only did Subscribe : He Answers , that this is false ( De Niceno modo Diximus Not. 15. Constantinopolitano p●●no Subscripserunt aliquot Presbyteri , Alpius Presb. pro Philomuso Alexandrino Cappadociae , Paulus Presb. Promontano Claudiopolitano Isauriae , &c. ) That in the First Council of Constantinople , Presbyters Subscribed . Thereafter , he shews , why the Bishops were Chosen to General Councils — ( in singulis Presbyteriis cujuscunque Provinciae , Communibus suffragiis Episcopi eligerentur ii , qui Pietate , Doctrina , Iudicio — praestare viderentur . Adfuerunt autem & Presbyteri juarum Ecclesiarum singuli Communi Synodorum particularium calculo ad actionem illam deputati , tum Ecclesiae suae , tum Provinciae totius nomine ▪ ) That in every Presbytrie of the respective Provinces , these Bishops were Chosen by common suffrage , who were judged more Eminent in Piety and Learning , but Presbyters were also present , being deputed to that Work , both by the Vote of their own Churches , and the common suffrage of Particular Synods , and thus , in the Name , both of their own Church , and of the whole Province . He had said before , that of the whole Province few were laid aside from Councils . Upon 19. ibid. Where it is alledged , that the Interest of any other than Bishops in Councils is [ contra morem omnis Antiquitatis ] Against the Custom of all Antiquity : In Opposition to this , Iunius produces the Pattern of that Council , Act. 15. where it is said , Paul and those with him , were received by the Apostles and Elders ; that the Apostles and Elders met in Council — Citing v. 22. It seemed good to the Apostles and Elders , to send Chosen Men — and v. 23. where the Apostles and Elders wrote to the Churches . Adding [ atque ●ita diu in Ecclesia fuisse observatum , demonstrat Exemplum Romanae Synodi , quae contra Novatum fuit habita a 60 Episcopis , Presbyterisque & Diaconis pluribus , qui Sententiam definiverunt contra Novatum , Apostolici illius Concilii Exemplo , ut refert Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 6. Cap. 43. Et Ruffin . Cap. 33. Item Alexandrinae Synodi contra Arrium apud Gelasium Cyzicenum ] That it was thus of a long time observed in the Church , is demonstrat by the example of the Roman Synod , which was held against Novatus by 60 Bishops , and many Presbyters and Deacons , who gave Sentence against Novatus , after the Example of that Apostolical Synod , by the Testimony of Eusebius and Ruffinus in their Histories : As also , by the Example of the Synod of Alexandria against Arius , according to Gelasius , &c. By this time , its evident , what the Judgment of this Great Divine was , as to the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , both the Name and Office , and their Interest and Authority in Church Government , yea , and in Councils , both de Facto and de Iure . Franc. Gomarus Explic. Epist. ad Gal. Cap. 2. P. ( mihi ) 487. having asserted the extraordinary Ecclesiastick Function of Timothie and Titus , and upon the common Ground of their various Travels with the Apostle Paul , proved , their Evangelistick Office to be inconsistent with the Function of a Bishop , who is tyed to a certain Post : He adds , deinde illa Episcopi significatio , quae post Apostolorum tempora introducta , in Sacris literis omnino insolens est , in quibus idem quod Presbyterum notat , ut Paulus Tit. 1.6 . ostendit : quos enim , v. 5. Presbyteros Ecclesiae , eosdem , v. 7. Episcopos vocat , &c. That the signification or designation of Bishop , introduced after the Apostles times , is unknown to the Scriptures , wherein , it signifies the same thing with the Presbyter , and Pastor , as the Apostle , Tit. 1.6 . shews ; for , whom , in the 5 , v. he Calls the Presbyters of the Church , the same he calls the Bishops in the 7. v. as also the Presbyters of the Church of Ephesus , so termed by Luke , Act. 20.17 . Paul calls , the Bishops . v. 28. and Philip. 1.1 . he writes to the Saints with the Bishops and Deacons ; Where , by Bishops , he understands the Presbyters , not the Prelats set over Presbyters , otherwise , which were absurd , in one and the same Church , of Ephesus , and Philippi , there had been a plurality of such ordinary Bishops , of which every one had been set over many Pastors . Finally , where Paul recites the several kinds of the Gospel Ministers , he acknowledges no such Bishops , distinct from Presbyters , and superior unto them , as Eph. 4.11 . To which purpose Ierom's Judgment is memorable , which is extant , Comment . in Ep. to Tit. 1.1 . where comparing the 5. and 7. v. he infers , that the Bishop and Presbyter is one and the same ; which Point he doth likewise ( in the same manner as we have done ) demonstrat from Philip 1.1 . and Act. 20.28.29 . and other Passages adjoined thereunto ; concluding all with this weighty assertion , that with the Ancients , the Bishops and Presbyters were one and the same , untill by Degrees , the care and inspection was put upon one — and that the Bishops were set over Presbyters , rather by Custom than by Truth of Divine appointment ; which Custom ( saith the Author ] did at last bring upon the Church , the mischievous dominion of Bishops , contrary to the Apostles Command , 1 Pet. 5. Thereafter he reasons the Ruling Elders Office from these Scriptures , 1 Cor. 12.28 . 1 Tim. 5.17 . Rom. 12.8 . 1 Thes. 5.12 . P. 526. explic . Epist. ad Philip. Cap. 1. Consect . 1. Cum Paulus , & hic , & alibi , ut Act. 20. Uni Ecclesiae plures Episcopos tribuat ; nec ullum inter Episeopos ordinarios , & Pastores , statuat discrimen : sequitur , adversus pontificios , Episcopum non significare Pastorem & praefectum Pastorum , sed Ecclesiae Pastorem , ut docet Hieron . in Ep. ad Evag. & Comment . ad Titum probat . v. 1. Since Paul both here , and elsewhere , as Act. 20. ascribes unto one Church a Plurality of Bishops , neither places any difference betwixt the ordinary Bishops , and the Pastors , it follows against the Papists ( and thus against this Dr. in Gomarus Sense , ) that the Word Bishop , doth not signifie both the Pastor and Prelatical Inspector over Pastors , or a Pastor of Pastors , but a Pastor of the Church , as Ierom learnedly proves in Epist ad Evag. P. 704. Explicat . in 1 Pet. 5. Consect . 8. Quandoquidem Presbyterorum officium hic statuitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quemadmodum Paulus Presbyteros Ephesinos dictos , Act. 20.17 . vocat deinde Episcopos v. 28. & Philip. 1.1 . Ecclesiae unius Urbis Philippensis , tribuit Paulus Episcopos , & Diaconos : Neque ullibi in Sacris Literis Episcopus Presbyteris praefertur : Inde sequitur , non ex Divina Institutione , sed Humana Traditione ; cui deinde accessit superbia , Episcopos a Presbyteris fuisse distinctos , iisque Potestate & Authoritate praelatis . That is , since the Office of Presbyters is here held out , to be an Episcopal Inspection , as Paul doth accordingly call the Pastors and Presbyters of Ephesus Bishops , Act. 20.28 . who are likewise termed Presbyters , v. 17. and Philip. 1.1 . mentions the Bishops and Deacons of that one City Philippi , neither is there a Bishop found set over Presbyters in any place of Holy Writ : It hence follows , that the distinguishing of Bishops from Presbyters , and setting them over Presbyters , in a Potestative and Authoritative Prelacy , had its Rise from no Divine Institution , but from Humane Tradition , which was the Foundation of Pride . Well , shall I weary our Profound Dr , with another of the same Stamp with the Scots Presbyterians ? Antonius Sadael Operum Theol. Tom. 1. De Legitima Vocatione Pastorem Ecclesiae . In the beginning of that Dispute , he professes to deal with such as profest to owne the Reformed Doctrine , but studied to evert the chief part of Discipline — [ rejectis iis quibus ex officio incumbit ipsius Disciplinae Administratio ] rejecting such , who by their Office , have the Administration of Government committed to them . P. ( mihi ) 65 , 66 , 67. He thus proceeds , having Answered an Argument of one of the Sorbon Doctors , he proposes his Second , which is this — [ objicit primos nostros Doctores fuisse quidem Presbyteros , sed non Episcopos , itaque non potuisse alios Ecclesiae Doctores constituere , cum soli Episcopi Ius Ordinandi habeant ] That our first Doctors were Presbyters , and not Bishops , and thus could not Ordain other Ministers of the Church , since only Bishops have a Right to Ordain . [ Quae Sententia , saith Sadael , quam falsa sit , jam videndum est ] The Falshood of which Opinion , he undertakes to discover : And thus he confutes it , [ Patet ex Verbo Dei Episcopum & Presbyterum ( qui quidem Ecclesiam docent ) reipsa atque munere eundem esse : Atque ita variis nominibus rem eandem fuisse significatam ; sic enim Paulus ad Titum . Cap. 1.5 . hujus rei causa , inquit , reliqui te in Creta ut constituas oppidatim Presbyteros , sicut tibi mandavi , si quis est inculpatus — opportet enim Episcopum inculpatum esse ] It is evident from the Word of God , that the Bishop and Presbyter ( such as Teach the Church of God ) are upon the Matter , and in Office one and the same ; and that by these Names one and the same thing is signified : For , thus the Apostle to Titus Cap. 1. v. 5. For this cause left I thee in Crete , That thou shouldest Ordain Elders in every City — If any be blameless — For , a Bishop must be blameless , &c. He adds [ idem Apostolus ad Presbyteros Ephesinos , Act. 20. attendite vos ipsos & totum gregem in quo Spiritus Sanctus constituit Episcopos ad pascendam Ecclesiam Dei. Et in Epist. ad Philip. Cap. 1 , v. 1. Salutat Sanctos qui erant Philippis una cum Episcopis & Diaconis . Ex quibus omnibus satis patere arbitror , Paulum , eundem fuisse Episcopum qui Presbyter esset ad docendam Ecclesiam institutus . Deinde cum Apostolus agit de muneribus Ecclesiasticis in Epist. ad Eph. Pastores quidem recenset & Doctores , nullum autem superiorem gradum Episcoporum Assignat : Imo ne meminit quidem illius nominis , adeo ut necessessit eos nomine Pastorum comprehendi : Quod quidem Presbyteris convenire patet ex Cap. 20. Actorum & ex 1 Pet. 5. Ne alii loci mihi commemorandi sint ] That the same Apostle Paul , Act. 20. Thus Enjoins the Presbyters of Ephesus ; Take heed to your selves , and to all the Flock , over which , the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops , to Feed the Church of GOD. And Philip. 1.1 . he Salutes the Saints which were at Philippi , together with the Bishops and Deacons . From all which it is evident , that with the Apostle Paul , the Bishop is the same with the Presbyter , who is appointed to Teach the Church . Moreover , when the Apostle , is Treating of Ecclesiastick Offices , in the Epist. to Eph. he reckons up Pastors and Doctors , but Assigns no Superior Degree of Bishops ; nay , he doth not so much as mention such a Name ; so that of necessity , he must needs Comprehend them under the Name of Pastors : And that the Name and thing is Competent to Presbyters , appears from Act. 20. and 1 Pet. 5. that I need not mention other places . But now let us hear what the Sorbon ( and our Reverend Dr. his Associat in the Cause ) do Reply to what is premised . Thus our Author proceeds , [ Respondet Sorbonicus nominum quidem esse , sed non munerum , confusionem . Verum enimvero quando Presbyteri vocantur Episcopi , ibi agitur non de nominibus ac titulis , sed de ipsa muneris functione ; cum enim Paulus hortatur Presbyteros Epheseos ad suum munus legittime obeundum , hanc addit rationem , quod illos Spiritus Sanctus constituit Episcopos : Non igitur ait eos vocari tantum , sed esse constituos Episcopos ex quo efficitur tot revera tunc fuisse Episcopos Ephesi quot erant Presbyteri & Pastores Ecclesiae ; adeo ut plane jaceat illa responsio de sola nominum confusione ] i. e. The Sorbon doth Reply , that there is indeed in the premised places , a confusion of Names , but not of the thing it self , or the Office. But when Presbyters are called Bishops , the Apostle is in such places , treating not of the Names or Titles only , but of the Office and Function it self . For , when the Apostle exhorts the Presbyters of Ephesus , to the right Exercise o● their Office , he adds this Reason , that the Holy Ghost had constitute them Bishops , and therefore , he says not , that they were only called so , but that they were in very deed Constitut such Bishops , From whence it evidently follows , that there were then at Ephesus , as many Bishops , as there were Presbyters and Pastors of the Church ; So , that this answer , touching the Confusion of Names only in the premised places , is quite overthrown . Well , thus he thinks , he has laid all along , and aboard the Topgallant of the Sorbon ; and consequently our Dr's great Answer . The Author proceeds to a New Objection [ sed objicit , quod ait Paulus ad Timotheum . 1 Tim. 5.22 . Manus inquit , ne cui cito imponito , additque mandatum illud Pauli ad Titum de constituendis in Creta Presbyteris : Utrumque enim Episcopum fuisse atque eo ratione jus ordinandi habuisse contendit ] That Paul saith to Timothy , 1. Tim. 5.22 . Lay Hands suddenly on no Man. And that he adds that Command of Paul to Titus , anent the Ordaining Elders in Crete , and thereupon contends , that both the one and the other were Bishops , and upon this account had the Right of Ordination . Here , no doubt , the Sorbon presented much of the Strength of our Dr's Reasoning ; so that we see how much the Popish Agents , are in Love with our Prelatical Arguments , and that there is no new thing under the Sun. But let us hear our Authors Answer , [ respondeo , nomine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & impositionis manuum tota significatur electio ] That the whole Election of Pastors is signified by this Phrase of the Imposition of Hands . And after some what , in Confirmation of this , he adds — ( electionum vero curam ●ni Timotheo , incubuisse ne ipse Doctor Sorbonicus dixisset , qui ex frequenti veterum Lectione Dedicerat olim antistites Ecclesiae non aliter fuisse electos quam judicio totius Cleri , &c. ) That the Sorbon Dr. himself , will not be Bold to say , that the whole care of Elections , was incumbent upon , and Committed to Timothy alone , who from the frequent reading of the Ancients , had Learned , that Church Rulers , were not of old chosen otherwise than by the Judgment of the whole Clergy , &c. He adds ( merito dicere possumus in unius Timothei persona praefectos omnes Ecclesiasticos esse sui officii common● factos ) That all Church Rulers , are in the person of Timothy admonished of their duty . And hence , he further Argues , that this Reasoning and Conclusion of the Sorbon , is most absurd ( Paulus Timotheo praecepit ne cito manus imponat : Nemo igitur praeter Timotheum illic habuit jus ordinationis ) Paul enjoins Timothy , not to lay on hands suddenly ; therefore none but Timothy , had the Right of Ordination : Which he confutes from this ( jubetur Timotheus , fabulas rejicere , attendere Lectioni exhortationi , Doctrinae , &c. Num igitur illa omnia sibi uni Timotheus vendicavit — nonne pertinebant ad Presbyteros , quos Paulus ipse testatur laborasse in Sermone & Doctrina ] That Timothy is enjoyned to reject Fables , give Attendance to Reading , Exhortation and Doctrine , &c. Did therefore Timothy arrogat all these things to himself alone ? Did they not belong to Presbyters , who by Pauls Testimony Laboured in the Word and Doctrine ? He adds , that Timothy's Episcopacy at Ephesus [ Nullo Scripturae Testimonio confirmari potest ] can be made good by no Testimony of Scripture , which he proves from these Words [ Rogavi te ut maneres Ephesi cum profisiscerem in Macedoniam , 1 Tim. 1.3 . ] I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus when I went into Macedonia , 1 Tim. 1.3 . Which shews , says our Author , he was left there , for some time , for this end — [ Quemadmodum ipsa Historiae series evincit ] As the very Tract of the History makes evident . And this he proves from Timothy's attending Paul , when to go to Asia ; As also from this Ground , that Paul was ordinarly attended by Timothy and Titus , in this Exercise of his Apostolick Function . Adding further , that if we suppose him Bishop of the Churches , to which he was sent , we will make him Bishop of the Corinthians , Philippians , Thessalonians , &c. He after puts the Querie to the Episcopalians : Who ( upon their Hypothesis ) Ordained at Ephesus , when Timothy was gone thence ? And whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ apud Ephesios inter mortua jacebat ] the Ordaining Power at Ephesus , lay dead in his Absence ? He shews , that his Transient Unfixed Ministry , could not Consist with a Fixed Episcopal Station ; And that this Razeth [ C●mmentum illud de Timothei Episcopatu ] that Fable concerning Timothy's Episcopacy . He after , improves the Argument from Paul's Farewel Sermon to the Elders and Church of Ephesus , in Timothy's Presence , and Committing the Episcopal Charge over that Church to them , and not to him , [ Ecquando potius elucere debuit , saith he , Splendor Episcopatus Ephesinae , quam cum Paulus tam pie de Ecclesiae salute disserebat , & tam fancte Praefectos omnes , cohortabatur ad intercludendum Lupis viam , alioquin totum Gregem dissipaturis ] When was there a fitter Season , for Illustrating the Splendor and Authority of the Episcopacy a Ephesus , than when Paul was so Piously Discoursing of that Churches Safety , and so Holily Exhorting all the Governours thereof , to Stop the Way against the Wolves , who were otherwise ready to Scatter that Flock . He adds [ Huie Disputationi ( he means anent Timothy's Episcopacy ) Paulus ipse modum imponit cum expressis verbis Timotheum vocat Evangelistam , 2 Tim. 4. ( qui gradus tantum ad aliquod tempus in Ecclesia locum habuit ) alios autem fuisse Evangelistas ab ordinariis Ecclesiae Pastoribus aper●e doc●t Ap. in Epist. ad Eph. Cap. 4. ] That the Apostle Paul himself , put an end to this Dispute , in Calling Timothy , expresly , an Evangelist ( which Degree and Office , was to continue for a time only in the Church ) The Apostle also , shewing evidently ( Eph. 4. ) that Evangelists were distinct from the ordinary Pastors of the Church . He adds thereafter , that the Sorbon Dr. commits a Twofold Error , in Arguing from Timothy's Imposing Hands , to an Episcopal Prerogative in this Matter . First , In that this is Sophistically made Exclusive of Presbyters Interest — which can no more be said , than this can be inferred from the Command of Exhorting , Reading , delivered to him , which he Confirms by the Scripture Instances of a Plurality of Church Officers Imposing Hands ; As upon the Deacons , by all the Apostles ; upon Paul and Barnabas , by the Prophets and Teachers at Antioch ; upon Timothy by the Presbytrie . Secondly , In that , tho it were granted , that he Imposed Hands solely , he did this , as an Evangelist , in Paul's Absence , not as a Bishop . But , saith he , ( Si absque contentionis studiorem ipsam intueamur , facile videbimus in unius Timothei persona omnes Ecclesiae Praefectos sui officii admoneri ) That to such , as are not Contentious , but considers the thing it self , all Church Rulers , in the Person of Timothy , are Admonished of their Duty . He after Cites several of the Ancients , to Confirm this his Sense and Exposition ; such as Irenaeus , Lib. 4. Cap. 43. where he sheweth , that Presbyters have the ( Successio Episcopatus ) Succession of Episcopacy . So , ibid. Cap. 44. ( Tales Presbyteros nutrit Ecclesia , de quibus & Propheta ait , dabo Principes tuos in pace , & Episcopos tuos in justitia ) That the Church has such Presbyters , of whom the Prophet said , I will give you Rulers and Bishops in Peace and Righteousness . ( Ecce ( saith our Author ) eosdem vocat Episcopos , quos antea Presbyteros appellavit , & Presbyteris tribuit Episcopatum ) That he calls the same Persons Bishops , whom before he Named Presbyters , and Ascribes to Presbyters an Episcopacy . Afterwards , he Cites Ambrose on Eph. 4. shewing , that the P●esbyters were called Bishops , and in Egypt Ordained , if the Bishop were not present . So , Ierom on 1 Tim. 3. shewing , that the same Persons were called Bishops and Presbyters , that the one , is the Name of Dignity , the other of Age. And Epist. ad Oceanum , where he asserts , that ( Apostolus perspicue docet eosdem esse Presbyteros quos Episcopos ) So Epist. ad Evagrium . Likewise , his Famous Testimony upon Tit. 1. ( Presbyter idem est qui Episcopus — & antequam Diaboli Instinctu , &c. ) So also , Augustin . Ep. 19. [ Quanuqam secundum Honorum Vocabula quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit Episcopatus Presbyterio major sit , &c. ] Where Augustin asserts , that his Episcopal Distinction from Ierom , and of a Bishop from a Presbyter , was only in some Titles of Respect , which the Churches use had obtained . Likewise that Passage [ in Alexandria & per totum Egyptum , si desit Episcopus , consecrat Presbyter ] That in Alexandria , and through all Egypt , Presbyters did Ordain in Absence of the Bishop . These , he tells his Popish Adversary , he Cites [ quia pluris faciunt Autoritatem Veterum , quam ipsos plane Scripturae Locos ] Because they esteem more the Authority of the Ancients , than plain Places of Scripture . I cannot but add what he has further ▪ If , saith he , we all allow to Presbyters , the Authority of Preaching the Gospel , the Administration of Baptism , the Celebration of the Lords Supper , and if , by their Judgment , Ecclesiastical Elections are to be made [ Ecquid erit Causae , quam ob rem non possunt Electum Sanctis Praecibus , & Manuum Impositione Deo Consecrare ] Upon what imaginable Ground can we suppose , they cannot Consecrat and set apart to God the Person thus Elected , by Prayer and Imposition of Hands , when the other parts of this Work are brought [ tanquam ad Fastigium ] to the Accomplishment or Copestone , as it were ? Wherefore are they [ ut Indigni & Inutiles ] as Useless and Unworthy Forbidden [ Manum Operi Imponere ] to set the last Hand to this Work , in its Accomplishment ? He adds , that we oft hear Paul Magnify and Extol the Preaching of the Gospel , which is the Pastor or Presbyters Function , Magnifying his own Authority therein , [ Cur non ille potius summum hoc Ius Ordinationis in medium proponit ] Wherefore presents he not rather his chief Interest in Ordination ? He afterwards Cites Ieroms Notable Saying [ Ad quorum Preces , Corpus & Sanguis Christi conficitur , atque interim Ius Ordinandi ipsis Presbyteris denegant ] That Presbyters are absurdly denyed the Right of Ordination , by whose Prayers notwithstanding , the Sacramental Elements are Consecrat , to Represent the Body and Blood of Christ. The Author adds [ Obsecro utrum majus est , Manus Imponere , an Christi Corpus & Sanguinem Precibus conficere ? Itaque qui Presbyteros a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excludunt , ipsi profecto Vim ac Naturam ipsius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & quod sit ipsum Presbyterii Munus , penitus ignorant ] Whether is greater , I pray , to Impose Hands in Ordination , or in Prayer to Consecrate the Body and Blood of Christ ? Therefore , such as exclude Presbyters from this Imposition of Hands , do shew themselves to be grosly ignorant , both of the Nature of Ordination , and the Pastoral Office. And thus , we dismiss Sadael , whom we have found sufficiently to Combat and Worst our Dr. But to proceed , Dr. Reynolds , in the forementioned Epistle , after Citing several Fathers , for this Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , such as Ierom , Theodoret , Primasius , Sedulius , Theophylact , Occumenius 1 Tim. 3. Yea , Gregory , Pellic. Lib. 2. Tit. 19 , 39. & Grat. Cap. Legimus Dist. 39. & Cap. olim Dist. 95. He adds , that these , who have Laboured in Reforming the Church , these Five Hundred Years , have Taught , that all Pastors , be they Entitled Bishops or Priests , have equal Authority and Power by Gods Word . Citing first , the Waldenses in Aeneas Silvius Hist. of Bohem. Cap. 35. Next , Marsilius Patavinus Defens . Pacis Part. 2. Cap. 15. Wickliff . &c. If the Testimony of Bishops will please the Dr , we will find Bishop Iewel , fully Combats him in this Point : Defens . Apol. cont . Hard. Edit . An. 1570. P. 243. What meaneth Mr. Harding , saith he , to make it an Heresie to say , that by the Scriptures of God , a Bishop and Priest , are all one ? Knows he , how far , and to whom , he reaches the Name of an Heretick ? Then he Cites Chrystos . on 1 Tim. Hom. 11. shewing , that [ inter Episcopum & Presbyterum interest ferme nihil ] Betwixt a Bishop and Presbyter , there is almost no Difference . Ierom ad Evagrium , asserting that [ Apostolus perspi●ue docet eosdem esse Presbyteros quos Episcopos ] The Apostle clearly Teaches , the Bishop and Presbyter , to be one and the same , calling the contrary Opinion , a Vecordia or Folly. Also August . Quest. Vet. & N. Test. Quest. 101. [ Quid est Episcopus nisi primus Presbyter ] That the Bishop is only the first Presbyter . Amb. de Dignit . Sacerd. [ Episcopi & Presbyteri una est Ordinatio ] Asserting , that the Ordination , and consequently the Function of the Bishop and Presbyter , is one and the same . All these and many more Holy Fathers , saith Bishop Iewel , together with St. Paul the Apostle , for thus saying , by Mr. Hardings Advice , must be holden for Hereticks . I will add , and all these ; and many more , together with the Apostle Paul , by this Dr's Advice , must be holden for Novelists , and Scots Schismaticks . But there are other Bishops , will yet enter the Lists with our Dr : Bishop Pilkinton , on Revelation , and in the Treatise of Burning of Pauls Church . Bishop Bilson Perpet . Gover. Cap. 2. Yea , more of the Famous English Drs. Fulk against the Rhemists on Tit. 1.5 . Dr. Humphray in Campian . & Duraeum Iesuitas Part. 2. Ration . 3. Whittaker above Cited . So also , ad Rationes Campiani Ration . 6. Confutat . Duraei . Lib. 6. Chemnitius & Gentiletus , the great Examinators of the Council of Trent , the one a Divine , the other a Lawyer , doth both Condemn , as a Trent Error , our Dr's Assertion , anent the Distinction of Bishop and Presbyter ; the one by Scriptures and Fathers , the other , by the Canon Law. We have heard , that Dr. Reynolds , for this Parity of Bishop and Presbyter , tells us , It s needless to speak of the particular Persons , since , it s the common Judgment of the Churches of Helvetia , Savoy , France , Scotland , Germany , Hungary , Poland , the Low Countreys , and our own ; Witness the Harmony of Confessions , Sect. 11. Now , from all that is said , whether the Body of Protestant Divines and Churches , be not for the Official , as well as Nominal Identity of Bishop and Presbyter : Whether this be not likewise the Judgment of the most Ancient and Purer Church : Whether our Argument be only a Confusione Nominum , and Sophistical and Childish ; Is left to the Judgment of Judicious and Impartial Readers , who shall Weigh what is said , in the Ballances of Scripture and Sound Reason . Before I proceed , I cannot but take notice of this Dr's petulant impertinency in proposing our Argument . He says , this is our great Argument , That there is no distinction betwixt a Bishop and Presbyter in Scripture — And therefore , we conclude that our Argument , a Confusione nominum , is demonstrative and solid . As if , when we maintain , that in Scripture , there is no distinction betwixt these Offices , we meant a Nominal only , and not a real diversity . Had he ever perused the Authors he Cites , or conferred with any Presbyterian , who understands the Controversy , he would have found , that from the Scriptures Cited , and many Paralels , it s an Official oneness , not a Nominal only , we plead for , and that our Arguments therefrom , has such Nerves , as he durst not medle with . The Dr. tells us ( P. 23. ) That whether the Bishop be of an Higher Order than the Priest , falls not under his enquiry , nor is it very Material — considered with Respect to the common Priesthood , and Subordinat Officers , they might be of the same Order , tho at other times , when Authority and Iurisdiction is Named , the Bishop ( with regard to his Dignity and Power ) is alwise reckoned above a Presbyter . Here , I must say , is a strange Confusion , and that not Nominum but Rerum . 1. The Dr. is so much for the Official Scriptural Superiority of the Bishop to the Presbyter , that he affirms the Contrar Assertion to be a New opinion , got into the Heads of his Countrymen , and some others , but never heard of this 1400 years ; For curing of which , he has sent down this Learned Pamphlet ; yet he will not enquire , whether a Bishop be of a higher Order , or not , to a Presbyter , i. e. He will not enquire whether his Country-men or he , have the Right in this Debate . If the Bishop be not of an Higher Order , his Countrey Presbyterians are Right , their Arguments , which ly level to this scope , are good and Conclusive , and do batter his Principle of a Superior Order of Ministers above the Pastor , and in especial under this Designation and Character of Bishop : The Antithesis whereof ( viz. that there is an Officer called a Bishop , of a Superior Order eo no nine ) the Dr. Contends for tanquam pro aris & focis ; yet he says , the enquiry into this Point ( which to all men of Sense , is the Cardo Questionis ) is not in it self Material . Let any ponder , whether this stout pretended Signifer , doth not here let fall his Standart , and even flees at the First alarm . 2. He tells us , when Authority and Iurisdiction is named , the Bishop with regard to his Dignity , is alwise reckoned above a Presbyter . Now , I do appeal to all Men of Common sense , whether the Dr dos not here Assert . ( 1. ) A Divine Authority and Jurisdiction of a Bishop above a Presbyter . ( 2 ) By clear Consequence , that he is of an higher Order than the Presbyter ; or else , how can he be in Jurisdiction and Authority above him ? ( 3. ) That the Bishop , under that Character , and eo nomine , is thus Represented in the Scripture Accounts of him . Now , all this being his Assertion , in opposition to his Country-mens supposed Errors , how can he decline the enquiry , whether the Bishop be of an higher Order ? Let any Judge , if he says not this , upon the Matter , the thing is Clear in it self , in the Scripture Accounts ; and this I maintain in opposition to the Scots Presbyterians , whom I do hereby Charge with a new Opinion on this Ground , but am not Concerned to Examin their Arguments , or make good my own . 3. He tells us they are sometime considered , as of the same order , with respect to the common Priesthood . I Answer we have proved that Presbyters or Pastors , have both name and thing of all ordinary Ministerial Authority appropriat to them , and that with Relation thereto , the Bishop and the Presbyter , are in Scripture made one and the same . ( 2. ) When he says , they are made of the same Order , with respect to the Priesthood , common to either : He speaks Confusedly and Ignorantly ; For will he say , that the attributing to Two Church Officers , who are different , the same Geneal or ( to speak to the Dr's Scope ) the same Generical Priesthood , or Ministry , will inferr , that they are of the same order therein , or specifical Office ? If so , then Apostles , who are called Presbyters or Elders , he must say , are of the same Order with them ; yea with Deacons also , since sometimes their Office and Ministry is represented by such a term , as Represents a Deaconate or common service . Further , I must here warn the Doctor . to take up his Shield , and beware of the Rebound of his own Blow : Was our Lord of the same Order , with the Prophets or Servants of God , because in the capacity of Mediator , and with Respect to a general Ministry or Service of the Father , he gets the Designation , name and thing of Prophet , Messenger , and Servant of God ? Will the Dr. thus Blasphemously degrade him into the same Order with mere Creatures , who are Prophets and Servants ? In a word , let us hold the Dr to his affirmative , and challenge his proof of this Point , viz. That in Scripture , there is an ordinary standing Church Officer , exhibit under the Character and designation of a Bishop , who is alwise Reckoned above a Presbyter or Pastor , when Authority and Iurisdiction is Named . And according to the scope , measures , and extent of this Assertion , let his ensuing Discourse , Answers , and proofs be examined , wherein , I am sure , he has fair dealing , according to all acknowledged Laws of Disputation . Well , proceed we then to his Proofs of this Assertion , and the ground of his ensuing Answer to this Argument , taken from the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter . He tells us , that the inspired Writers , as the Iews Dichotomotized , or made a bipartit Division ( Reader , be not so ignorant , as to start at this term as a Goblin , the Dr. as an English Orator , may cast his Greek into an English Mould : And you must know , he is against new stan●●t Opinions not Phrases ) Well , what did they Dichotomtoize ? The Clergy , saith the Dr. into Two Orders , ( here he has soundly exponed his term ) like that of Priests and Levits , tho as among the Jews — So , among Christians , this admitted of a Sub-division and subordination of Church Officers among themselves , as were the Priests of the Old Testament — This , he says , was suitable to the Language of the Helenistical ( or Graecian ) Tribes ( high Oratory ! ) of the Apostolick Age — the Name of Priest and High-Priest being Confounded , Levit. 1.7 . The Sons of Aaron the Priest shall put Fire , &c. v. 8. the Priests , Aarons Sons shall lay the parts , &c. Now , saith the Dr. if Priests and High-Priests got the same Name , without any distinction of Order , notwithstanding the High-Priests extraordinary priviledges , the Name of High-Priest likewise being never affixt to Aaron or Eleazar , and the term but Twice or Thrice mentioned in the Books of Moses while yet the Homonymie of Names pleaded not against the Subordination of Priests ; Could it be thought strange , that Apostles or Apostolical Men in mentioning Presbyters of the New Testament , might not make use of the current Phraseology of their Countreymen , in speaking of Priests and Levites , Dividing them into two Orders , as if there were no more ? — Tho the meanest Jew knew the high Priest was very Honourable , and by all marks of eminency and Authority , Disstinguished from ordinary Priests . Thus he Pag. 23.24.25 . I Answer , Quod haec ad rhombum ? What says this to the Point ? Or how lyes this Discourse level to his scope , either to prove the Bishops Jurisdictional Authority above a Presbyter or Pastor , as Bishop in the Scripture Sense , or to prove , that we Argue sophistically , when alledging that the Scripture makes the Bishop and Presbyter one in Name and thing , and that therefore , the discriminating of both , by Episcopalians , is antiscriptural . How , I say , this lyes level to the Dr's Conclusion , or can in solid Reason reach the same , I must Confess , passes my Comprehension . For , 1. Tho all the Dr. says be granted , it is palpably evident , that this pleading , if it prove any thing , levels merely against such as would draw the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter only from this , that there is an homonymie of these two Names , whereas , it is the Identity of the Qualifications , Gifts , Duties , and every essential of the Office , which is the Topick and Principle Presbyterians plead from , not merely the confusion of Names , 2. The Dr. himsef acknowledges , that notwithstanding of this supposed confusion of Names , o● Dichotomotizing the Old Testament Church Officers , yet the High-Priest , was distinguished from the other Priests , by marks of Eminency and Authority ; for instance , [ that he is called High-Priest ] And therefore , before his Discourse can have any shadow of Answer , he is bound to Exhibit , in a just Paralel , the same Scripture marks of Eminency and Authority of the Diocesan Bishop , above the Pastor or Presbyter-Bishop , as the Scripture Exhibits in reference to the High-Priests , above the ordinary Priests , or the Priests in reference to the Levites , else , this Answer , by his own Confession , and in the Sense of all men of Sense , is but a pitiful Begging of the Question : For , upon this Ground , he might alledge a Distinction betwixt the Pastor and Preaching Presbyter . He alledges P. 25. That in the Hagiographical and Prophetical Writings , the High-Priest is frequently distinguished by his proper and special Character . Well then , he is obliged to let us see in Scripture , such a frequent distinction of the Prelatical or Diocesan Bishop from the Pastor or Presbyter , by such a Character as the Dr. makes special and Peculiar to him , and exhibit his special Official difference therein , and super eminent Authority over Pastors , else he never touches the Point . We hold that the Bishop and Presbyter are in Scripture alwise one , Name , and thing : The Dr. grants , that the High Priest , and other Priests are not so , but distinguished ; and therefore , he brings an impertinent Paralel and exception anent the sometimes Community of Names of Priests and High-Priests , unless he can otherwise than thus disprove and answer our Assertion . Besides , the Critical Disputant will here put him to prove , that the inspired Writers of the New Testament , followed the Phraseologie of the Iews , in speaking of the New Testament-Church Officers , especially since we find frequent recitations of them , in a far other strain and Phrase , and that in their several Classes and Degrees , both ordinary and extraordinary , as 1 Cor. 12.28 . Rom. 12.6 , 7 , 8. Eph. 4.11 . Moreover , when in that place , Levit . 1. Aaron , is called not merely the Priest , but emphatice , Aaron the Priest ( whose eminent immediat Call to the Priesthood , is so clear ) and distinguished from his Sons the Priests , mentioned in the plural , in that very Passage , his Super-eminency above them , is insinuat , yea Asserted . The Dr. is bold to assert , that when Authority and Jurisdiction is Named , the Bishop , with regard to his Dignity , is alwise reckoned above a Presbyter . Of this alwise , we demand one instance , the Dr's extensive Phraseologie , boasts of a Plenty of Instances , but in not offering so much as one he shews great penury , especially , when , as the affirmer he stands so clearly obliged thereto : But here , as often elsewhere , he plys us with generals , alien from the purpose . He tells us , ( P. 26. ) Tho neither Aaron nor Eleazar , in the beginning of the Jewish Oeconomy , were called High Priests , it had been Madness from this Confusion of Names , to have inferred an Equality , since their Offices were distinguished by their special Ministries and Iurisdiction . Here again , a Poor Repeated General , Alien from the Point ; If this Dr. had intended to Dispute , not to Rove with Unprofitable Talk , he should , instead of Begging Poorly the Question , in Supposing it , have made that good , in the Case of the Bishop and Presbyter in the New Testament Church Government , which he here asserts of the Priests in the Iewish Oeconomy , viz. That as the special Ministries and Jurisdiction of High Priests and other Priests , were distinguished , and what was appropriat to the one , denyed to the other under that Dispensation , so there is exhibit in the New Testament , the same Discriminating Distinction , betwixt the Bishop and Pastor or Presbyter , in point of Ministry and Jurisdiction . It is pity to see a Man Represented in the Frontispiece of his Book , in the Character of a D. D. proceeding with such Big Words , in a Dispute and supposed Confutation of the Presbyterians , yet as an Officiperda , so far mistaking his Mark and Measures , that he never comes near the Point , which they deny , and he undertakes , or stands obliged to prove . He adds ( ibid. ) Bishops were called Presbyters , who had Presbyters under them , in the Days of the Apostles . If he mean this of ordinary Officers , distinguished as Bishops from Presbyters , I deny it , and that there were any such ordinary Officers , with such Authority over Pastors , under the Denomination of either Bishop or Presbyter . He tells us , that the Presbyters signifie the Priests , who assist the Bishop in his Ecclesiastick Administrations . A New Begging of the Question . I deny either that Priests is the New Testament Designation of Ministers , and do consequently hold , that this his Designation is Popish and Anti-Scriptural , or that the Term Presbyter or Pastor , doth ever signifie in the Scripture such an Officer , as has a Relation to a Bishop of his Mould . The Dr. is bold to tell us , That tho all Bishops are Presbyters , yet not all Presbyters Bishops ; and therefore , to infer an Equality from the Promiscuous Use of Names , is neither good Logick nor Good History . But since the Dr. exhibits no Scripture Warrand nor History , for this his Forged Distinction betwixt the Bishop and Pastor ( wherein I dare appeal to all who ponders these his Answers ) he shews himself no good Historian , in Obtruding such Doctrine : And since , instead of proving , he still beggs the Question , and that doubly : First , In supposing that we ground our Assertion of the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , upon the mere promiscuous Use of the Names , without respect to the Official Identity , exhibit in the places which we plead : Next , In supposing the Scriptural Official Distinction of Bishop and Presbyter , and grounding all his Answers thereupon , without the least Offer of a Proof , it is evident that his Logick is as bad as his History and Divinity . He runs on in the same Carreer of a Petitio Principii , ( P. 27. ) He will not be thought to conclude the Bishops Superiority to Presbyters , from the High Priest among the Iews . But since this is all the Scripture Proof he has yet offered , what then would he prove ? Tho we meet with the same Dichotomies in the New Testament , we ought not to conclude an Equality among them of the higher Order . I have often told him , that we conclude the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , not from his Fancied Dich●tomies , but from the Scriptures full and constant Assertion of the Equality and Identity of the Official Power . And where there is such a Dichotomie , as he alledges , ( as Philip. 1.1 . ) our Argument proceeds not merely upon this , but also upon this Ground and Topick , that the Office and Officer do there stand so described in the Context , as necessarly infers this our Conclusion . The Dr. tells us next , That the Jewish OEconomy was never abrogated in the New Testament , and that their Taxis was Divided into Supreme and Subordinat Priests . Thus we have a clear Vidimus what he would prove from this , at least , what the Series of his Reasoning concludes , even a standing Primat over the Catholick Church : And therefore , needs Stumble no Protestants , nor Amuse them , tho he set the Cross upon the Frontispiece of his next Pamphlet , or upon his Breast , as a Devout Catholick Dr. of his Holy Mother Church . He adds , That still the Jews subdivided the Priests into highest and Subordinat , as is clear from Philo the Jew . He told us the Scripture distinguishes them , pray good Mr. Dr. what need is there of Proofs or Instances from Philo , since the Presbyterians , are satisfied in the first , and think themselves not concerned in the Proof it self ? But to proceed ( P. 28. ) He is still upon this Idle Repeated Begging the Question , telling us , of the Apostles speaking in the Jewish Phrase , Classing the Clergy into a Bipartit or Tripartit Division , as reckoned either among themselves , or with relation to the People , as the Priests were by a Tripartit , while reckoned by their Distinctions : That Community of Names , was as observable when the Offices were as truly distinguished as could be . But still we are Wearyed , Calling upon our Triffling Dr , to come Home from his Prodigal Wanderings , to the Point , which is to shew us in the Scriptures of the New Testament , such a true Distinction of the Bishop and Presbyters Office , as is exhibit in the Offices of the Iewish OEconomy , in the Old. The Dr. affirms , That the Proestos in the Apostolick Age , was as much above the Subordinat Presbyters , as the High Priest among the Jews , above other Priests , who yet was Ranked among them , without a Nominal Distinction . But , as in the rest , so here , the Dr. presents us his Magisterial Dictats for Proof and Argument : He should have given us a Scripture Instance of such a Pr●estos , or first Presbyter , Vested with a Prostasie of this Nature in the Apostolick Age , and then drawn his Inference from the Nominal Identity . 2. What if we should grant the Matter of Fact , or such a Proestos in that Age ? Will that merely prove the Ius ? If the Dr. say so , ( and he does say it , in his Way of Arguing ) then he Claps the Lawful Mitre , or a Divine Warrand at least , upon the Head of a Diotrephes , and Stamps this Ius Divinum , upon the begun Mystery of Iniquity , and other Tares , which the evil one was then Sowing among the Wheat . 3. That such a Proestos was as much above the Presbyters , as the High Priest above other Priests , is as Ignorant an Assertion , and Arrant Untruth , as the Dr. could readily have let fall : Whereof I will ( 1. ) Convince him out of his own Mouth , unless in the Point of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he still begg the Question . ( 2. ) From the Scripture Accounts of the High Priests Office. First , He does acknowledge , that the High Priest was thus Termed , upon the Ground of Special Ministries , which were Essential and Peculiar to him : Now , I pray , what were the Special Ministries of this Proestos , and even in the Point of Order , in the Apostles Days , above his Fellows ? Next , the High Priest entred every Year into the Holy of Holies , with Blood and Incense , and had this Prerogative above other Priests , the Priesthood was Hereditary to his First Born , Tyed to his Family , &c. And would not the Dr. Blush , to Assert such like Prerogatives , as Applicable to the Proestos , or Supposed Fixed President in the Apostles Days ? But he adds , Salmasius grants , That when the pretended Equality prevailed , a Preces had the Loce Primarius in Consessu during Life — And that there are such palpable Evidences of the peculiar Honour and Iurisdiction of one of the Ecclesiastick Senat , in the Apostolick Age , that the Learnedst Sticklers for Parity cannot deny it . But if Salmasius assert , that while this pretended Proestos had the Chair , an Official Equality of Pastors was existent and prevailed , it is undenyable , that he denyes to this President or Chair-man , such an Episcopal Preheminence and Dominion as the Dr. pleads for , and allows him only the Chair of Presidency , not Principality : A Moderator's Chair , and no more . Again , I Challenge our Dr. to prove this Consequence . Salmasius asserts , that even an Official Equality prevailed among Pastors , when there was a Proestos set up , during Life : Ergo , he asserts , that this Proestos was ab initio , in the Apostolick Age , or approved by the Apostles . For what he adds , P. 29. That the Learnedst Pleaders for Parity , do acknowledge a peculiar Iurisdiction appropriat to one of the Ecclesiastick Senat , in the Apostolick Age : He should have Named them , and where they assert this : For , as for what he adduces of Salmasius , I have shown how far it is from reaching his Conclusion . And Beza , I am sure ( whom no doubt , the Dr. will owne , as an Eminent Pleader for Parity ) condemns this Humane Prostasie , as the Episcopus Humanus , distinct from the Divine , much more a Peculiarity of Jurisdiction in one Pastor over another . For the Dr's Inviduous Character of Sticklers for Parity , which he bestows upon Presbyterian Writers , the premised Account of them , discovers what a Black Theta he marks himself with , who dare thus asperse the Body of Reformed Churches and Divines . No doubt , if they were such Sticklers for Parity of Pastors , or Preaching Presbyters , ( for this is the Parity , which he thus ignorantly represents in such a Confused General ) as he is for Imparity , and the Prelatical Hierarchy , their Stickling were not to be Valued . But what are these palpable Evidences , which convinces our greatest Sticklers ? — Something , saith the Dr , that makes it evident beyond all Contradiction . Some mighty Evidences then we must expect . The first , which he adduces , is , That of the Apocalyptick Angels , among whom , he tells us , we justly reckon St. Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna . But , 1. How has he proved , that these Angels were single Presidents , and that the Term is not taken Collectively ? 2. How does he prove , that such as acknowledge them single Persons , do hold them to be any more than Presidents pro tempore ? Beza , I am sure , acknowledges them only such . Whom the Dr , or any other , do reckon for the Angel of Smyrna , when Iohn wrote the Epistle to that Church , is not the Question , but whom he can prove from Scripture , to have been such , and what the Bishops Character is in Scripture . The Dr's . next supposed evidence , is drawn from the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , and the Catalogues of Bishops , succeeding to the Apostles in their several Sees . To which I Answer in short , First , That the Dr. can neither prove . 1. That the Apostles , or Timothy and Titus the Evangelists , exercised an ordinary Episcopal Authority , to be continued in the Church . Nor , 2. Can he prove or conclude from these Catalogues , such an Authority : Since ( 1 ) They are found to consist of Officers of diverse Cutts and unequal Authority . ( 2 ) Inconsistent and contradictory to one another . ( 3 ) They are found resolving in Apostles or Evangelists , whose Office admitted of no Succession , and upon this very account , can found no shadow of an Argument for what he intends , far less , make the thing evident beyond contradiction . What the Dr. adds further in this Page , Of our concluding the Equality of Presbyters of the New Testament , from the Dichotomies used in Christian VVriters , and of the Ancients , dividing sometimes the Clergie into two Orders , &c. And that nothing of moment was Canonically Determined in Ecclesiastick Meetings without their Bishops — That Cyprian compares the Evangelical Priesthood and Ministrations with the Aaronical : Is the same nauseating repeated begging of the Question , with the former , wherewith , instead of solid Scripture Proof of the Official imparity of Bishop and Presbyter , he fills up idle Pages . How often shall we tell him , that the point in question , is not what Dichotomies were used in Christian Writings , or who determined Canonically in Ecclesiastick Meetings , after the Apostolick Age ? What Comparisons Cyprian , Clemens , or Origen used in setting out the New Testament Ministry ? But what Answers the Dr. has to offer to the premised Scripture Arguments of Presbyterians , for the Paritie of Bishop and Presbyter , Iure Divino ? And what proof from Scripture , from the Apostles Doctrine and Practice , he can produce for such a Jurisdictional Power and Authority of a Bishop , under this Character , above the Pastor or preaching Presbyter , as he is bold to assert ? We often tell him , that we plead other Grounds than his fancied Dichotomies . And tho that were made one Ground , and say further , he had disproved it , in these his pityful Tautologies and Repetitions , what says this to the many other Nervous Pleadings above rehearsed ? But proceed we . P. 29.30 . He presses thus his often Repeated Notion anent Dichotomies ; Especially , says he , since the Ancients sometimes divide the Clergy into two Orders ▪ yet upon other occasions subdivide the highest Order , and distinguish the Bishop from subordinat Presbyters . Ans. He should have Exhibit these Ancients , and their words , thus distinguishing the Bishop under that Character , from all subordinate Presbyters . 2. The Dr. is obliged ( this being the substratum and supposition of all his Answers , and insinuat Argument ) to exhibit the Scriptures subdivision of the Pastoral Office , into higher and inferior Orders , and the Scripture distinction of such an ordinary Officer , as comes under the Character of Bishop , from Subordinat Preaching Presbyters or Pastors . As for determination in Councils , he did well to add to his bold Assertion , his two Limitations , of Matters of moment , and Canonically , which must be referred to his Explication . But we have made appear from the Learned Iunius and others , what was Presbyters interest in Councils ; and he must be posed who concurred and Acted Authoritatively in that Council , Act. 15 ? As for the Comparison of the Old and New Testament Ministry , used by some of the Ancients , we have seen what a pitiful Argument it is , in reference to his Conclusion , and that the Comparison , is only with reference to a similitude , in point of of a Distinction and Subordination of Courts and Officers , not a Parity or Identity of both OEconomies : For , this were to make an illustrating similitude or allusion to infer an Identity ; with absurdity , if the Dr. should draw upon himself , who will not hiss him ? I desiderat still , and call for the Dr , s. Scripture-proof of the Diocesan Bishops Superiority to the Pastor or Presbyter , according to the true State of the Question , and his undertaking , and supposition in his Answers , but there is no scent of it , tho I am still in Quest of the same . Pag. 30. He is still repeating again his Notion and Phantastical Conceit of Dichotomies . Well , what more to this scope ? Clemens Romanus saith the Dr. divides the Clergy into two Orders , and so he doth the Jewish Ministry into Priests and Levites , tho in either there is no equality . But to this nauseous repeating Dr. I must Repeat again . 1. Tho he should exhibit Clemens's Assertion of his Hierarchical Bishop ; it touches not the Point in Question , which is anent a Scripture Assertion , of such an Officer , not what any Human Writers have Asserted . 2. He has not made appear , Clemens's subdivision of the Pastoral Office into his fancied Orders , nor the Assertions of any Writers else to this purpose . For Tertullians Testimony , if it prove any thing , it proves too much , and beyond his Assertion , Viz. The Deacons Power to Baptize , which the Dr. cannot own , without disowning the Scripture-accounts of this Office , and the whole Body of Protestant Churches and Divines . But to proceed with the Dr. P. 31. In stead of a solid Answer to our Scripture Arguments , for the Parity of Bishop and Presbyter , or our demanded Scripture-proof of his supposed Imparity , I find the Dr. is still casting up his pityful recocted Crambe of Dichotomies , and telling us trifflling quibles of Tertullian's sense of the Seniores mentioned in his VVritings ; he tells us , he is not at a Point in it , whether by Seniores , Tertullian understood all Presbyters , or those only advanced to the Episcopal Dignity : And what this signifies to the point in question often mentioned , the Appeal is made to all considering persons to Judge ; And whether in such pretended Answers to our Scripture Arguments for Presbyterian Government ( long since offered to the view of the Learned World ) and to our demand of a Scripture proof of his supposed Impariity , this Man be not a poor Beggarly Trifler , and a Skirmisher with his own Shadow . Besides , Tertullian asserts , that [ praesident probati quique Seniores ] if the Dr. is not sure , but that such in Tertullian's sense , might be Pastors , he must acknowledge , that according to Tertullian , such presided , or had the Authority of a Proestos , in Church Judicatories , as were not of his Hierarchical Order : So , that he did not well to raise this frighting Ghost . What more to our Question ? We are told next , That Clem. Alexan. Stromat . Lib. 6. reckons up Three Orders of the Clergy . What then ? We reckon up Pastors , Ruling Elders , Deacons . The question is , what Degrees he assigns of the Pastoral Office ? And further , upon what Scripture VVarrand ? How long will scorners delight in scorning , and fools hate Knowledge ? VVhat more ? Are we yet arrived at the Dr's . Answer to Presbyterian Scripture Arguments , or his own Scripture Proofs of what he here beggs ? No. We hear next , that Cyprian asserts the Episcopal Jurisdiction . But all who have read Cyprian , can tell him , that he also ownes the Presbyters as his Collegues , without whom he could do nothing ; And therefore , that he owned no sole Episcopal Iurisdiction . VVhat more ? Polycarp troubles the Dr. who divids the Clergie into two Orders , in his Epistle to the Philippians . VVhat will remedy this ? VVhy ? He recommends Ignatius his Epistles , where the Apostolick Hierarchie is often mentioned . But what assurance gives the Dr. that these were his genuine Epistles , which now go under his Name , there being Passages in these Epistles , which the Dr. himself cannot but be ashamed of . But Polycarp , in the Dr's . Opinion , was a very modest humble Man , whose useual Stile was , Polycarp , and the Presbyters that are with him . Which the Dr. will needs have to express his Episcopal Distinction from them . A proof , which , if you be a Friend , you may take off his Hand , when the poor empty Man has no better . I see it is now dangerous for any Minister to say or write , I and the Pastors that are with me , least the Dr. fasten an Episcopal Gloss upon it . The Dr. profoundly supposes , that nothing but an Episcopal Jurisdiction and Priority , could warrand this Phrase , and order of his Words : The contrary whereof , can be cleared , by so many Instances , as renders this Reason obviously ridiculous . What more ? we are told P. 32. That there can be nothing more extravagant , than to conclude a Parity among Priests , because the Ancients used the Jewish Phraseology , since they frequentlie assert the Iurisdiction of Bishops above Presbyters . But what can be more extravagant , than this Dr's . Trifling in this Debate , and telling over and over , ad nauseam usque , this pityful quible , not to the purpose and the point in question , and in stead of an Answer to our Nervous Scripture-Arguments for the Official Parity of Bishop and Presbyter , Iure Divino , presenting idle repeated Stories of the Ancients Phraseologie , anent the New Testament Church Officers , which all Men of Sense , cannot but see , to be as far from the purpose , as East is from West ; While pretending to run the Carrier of a fierce Assault upon Presbyterians , he doth nothing but chase empty insignificant quibles , with his back to his Adversaries , and to the point , and in such a faint declining of a closs and true Scripture-Dispute , upon this Question , according to its genuine Nature and Terms , as all Judicious Persons , who read his Pamphlet , may see that the Presbyterians have this pityful cowardly Braggard in Chase , who dare not encounter them , and fairly deal Stroaks upon the point . The Scripture Assertion of the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Bishop , under that Character , over the Pastor or Presbyter , as an ordinary New Testament Officer , is that which we are still seeking from this Dr. not the Assertion of Humane Writers , Ancient or Modern , which last notwithstanding , so weak is his Cause , he has not produced . What more Answers ? P. 32.33 . Hermes contemporary with Clemens Romanus reproved their ambition , who in his time , strove for Dignitie and Preferment . Reader , here is a mighty proof of Bishops their Precedencie and Official Dignitie above Presbyters , and Answer to our Arguments to the contrary . Marr not your Modesty , in laughing at a Venerable Dr's . Arguments and Answers , while you read them . The Dr. tells you , he was contemporary with Clemens Romanus , who was of the Apostolick Age. And he will probably be got perswaded , that Clemens in this walkt up to the Sense of that Eminent and very Ancient Father , the Apostle Iohn , who reproved Diotrephes , for his aspiring after this manner . But least you abuse this Citation , to infer the dangerous consequence and Heresie of the official parity of Bishop and Presbyter , the warry prudent Dr. precludes your mistake , by adding this Salvo , If there was no such Precedencie then in the Church , there was no Ground for his Reprehension . Mighty Reason ! And well correspondent to his Reverend Father Bellarmin's Sense and Pleading against our Divines , for the Papacie . It should seem , Men were never tempted to strive for a Dignity and Preferment , in the Dr's . Sense , but what was Lawful ; And that this very seeking and enquiry , proves the Lawfulness , and supposes it . It seems also , that a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diotrephes was seeking a Lawful Preheminence , when he resisted the Apostle Iohn , and the only fault was , that the Man did not modestly stay till the place was for him , and he for it . And in correspondence to the Dr's . Sense of this Reprehension , when Petter exhorted , not to be Lords over GOD's Heritage , he rebuked only an ambitious seeking of a Lawful Lordship . Our Saviour also , in His great Command and Prohibition above mentioned , relative to the Apostles seeking a Primacie and First Dignitie ( as the Dr. calls it ) supposed and established a Primacie in the Church ; otherwise , ye will wrong and expose the Dr's . Consequence , if you admitt not this Reasoning : For , he will tell you , That else there was no ground for such a Reprehension . But now , ( P. 33. ) The Dr. tells you , he is come ( after this long Travel and Pains , these Way-ward and Stubborn Presbyterians has put him to ) and arrived at the Summ of all that these Reasonings amounts unto . We expect then , the Distilled Spirits , the Nerves of what goes before , Epitomized , if this be the Epilogue and Summ Total of what we have heard . Well , what is that Summ of all ? Why ? The Helenist Jews ( the Grecian Jews ) distinguished the High Priest from the Levites , by the Name of Priest ( for which again Philo the Iew stands Vo●cher ) yet none will conclude , he had no Subordinat Priests ; as now adays , Presbyterians argue upon the same Topick Sophistically , — for when the Priests were compared among themselves — then their Dignities and Subordinations were mentioned — when we compare the New Testament Priests and Deacons , we say Priests and Deacons , but when we compare them among themselves , we acknowledge their Subordinations . Really , if this be the Comprehensive Account of all , it is pity , the Dr. has spent so much Discourse upon it , and run himself out of Breath , to catch a Nothing . For , I am of the mind , that every Reader , will judge that this his Summ , might have very well served for all , and saved him the Labour of the Tedious Discourse , we have heard . But to the point , we often tell him , ( I know not how often we must ) that our Argument from Philip. 1.1 . which all this his Quible mainly aims at , is not merely drawn from the Division and Dichotomie : The Sense of the place , already exhibit by our Divines , evinces the contrary . Nay further , ( which discovers this Mans Vanity , and Quibling Folly in this Matter ) we acknowledge , that sometimes general Divisions of Church Officers in the New Testament , admits of a Subdivision , as particularly Rom. 12.6 , 7 , 8. is generally acknowledged ; As also in that of Philip. 1.1 . But this we assert , that these general Divisions and Subdivisions , and the several Recitations of the New Testament Church Officers , still supposes the Pastor-Bishop , or Preaching Presbyter , to be the highest ordinary Church Officer appointed of God , and that the Pastor or Preaching Presbyters Office , admits no Subdivision of Superior and Inferior Degrees , no more than the Office of Apostles and Evangelists : And we are still seeking from this Dr , the proof of his supposed Affirmative , that it doth . I confess , the Dr. Words it in so far well , When we compare , saith he , Priests among themselves , — we must acknowledge their Subordinations — We cannot help what the Dr. must , but he must have better Prespectives to give us , ere we can see his Subordination of Pastors in the New Testament : And as for his New Testament Priests , we owne them not . We know there is an Holy Priesthood and Brotherhood , whereby the Scripture points out Believers joynt Priviledges , who are a Kingdom of Priests ; and that there is a Glorious High Priest of our Profession , whose Priesthood is Unchangeable , and passes not to others : But for New Testament Priests , thus Characterized as Church Officers , we are yet to Learn their Warrand from our Dr , among others his Mysterious Points . I know the Prophecie of the Old Testament , as to Ministers of the New , runs thus , I will take of them , for Priests and Levites ; But , if the Dr. Strain this Allusion , to bear the Conclusion of a suteable Name of New Testament Officers , he will also upon Malachie's Prophecy anent purifying the Sons of Levi , in order to offering a pure offering in in every place , draw the pretty Popish Conclusion , with his Friend Bellarmin , of a New Testament Sacrifice , for his New Testament Priests . And really , when I consider his continued constant Designations of Ministers of the Gospel , after this manner , I do judge the Cardinal and he , are much one in this Sense and Conclusion : And that which follows confirms me ; For , P. 33 , 34. the Dr. tells us , That the Old Testament Priests , were by their offering Sacrifices , distinguished from the Levites ; and the New Testament Priests of the highest and subordinat Order , are distinguished from the Deacons , by their offering the Eucharistical Sacrifice . Now , we all know , that Priests and Sacrifices , are Correlates — But the Dr. knows , that his Novell Divines , the Protestants ( tho they did pass with a Charitable Construction , some of the Ancients Allusive Expressions this way , yet ) do disowne the Name and Thing of a Sacrifice , as appropriat to the Celebration of that Sacrament . P. 34. The Dr. has not yet done with his Dichotomies : And the Sum of this Page is , The Iews used their Dichotomies of their Clergy , in the Apostolick Age — and the Bipartite or Tripartite Division upon this Ground , was used by Jewish and Christian Writers — yet these , who Reckon the two Orders , in other places , reckon up the Hierarchy of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons . I have heard of a Beggar , who pleased himself , as possessing a great Sum , by telling a piece of Money often over . How often shall we have this more than recocted Crambe , these often boyled Colworts , repeated ? I am of the mind , that Battologie , was never better exemplified , than in our Dr's Arguings . We are still seeking from our nauseous Dreaming Dr. a Bipartite or Tripartite Division of Pastors or Preaching Presbyters , in the Scriptures and inspired Writings of the Apostles ; And we do again , as often before , Challenge one Instance of this . We have already told him , and that not once , That we hold , that there is a Subordination of Officers , and Courts of Judicature , Represented in the New Testament ; yea , and a tripartite Division of Officers , viz. Pastors , Ruling Elders , and Deacons : But that Officers , Ordinary and Extraordinary , Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors , &c. are of one Official Authority , and equal in their own kind , we maintain , and are still challenging his contrary proof . And to this Point , it is palpably impertinent to tell us of Ecclesiastical Writers , distinguishing Bishops , Elders and Deacons . Besides , that the early Prostasie that obtained , and the Bishops Nominal distinction thence ensuing , might easily be productive of such a Division , or Phraseology , in some of the Ancients , as he mentions , who never had the Idea of his Hierarchy in their Head ; and the Authority , which Presbyters are clearly found to exercise in Judicatories , after the Proestos came in ; together with the First Bishops acknowledgment of Presbyters collegiat Power with them ( as Cyprian particularly ) Besides , the acknowledgment of the Identity of the Office of Bishop and Presbyter , as having one and the same Ordination , especially by Chrisostom and Ambrose , doth evince this beyond contradiction . I might add , that the Office of the Presbyter or Senior , who Rules only , acknowledged by the Ancients , as Presbyterians have made appear , might easily in some Writers , have produced this Tripartite Division of Bishop , Presbyter and Deacon , wouthout the least Shadow of advantage to his Cause . The Dr. in the close of this Page , soares aloft in a Triumphing Vein ; telling us , That we may easily perceive that our Argument against Episcopacy , founded upon Dichotomies , is not only weak , but foolish and extravagant . But truely , the Dr. in confining all the Presbyterian Arguments against Episcopacy , upon this head , to this one anent his fancied Dichotomies , and offering in Answer thereto , such trivial babling Repetitions , has discovered to all judicious Readers , that weakness , folly & extravagancie , which he imputes to us . To Convince any Ingenuous Knowing person hereof , let it be considered , that he Cites Smectymnus , Ius Divin . Minist . Ang. The unbishop . of Tim. and Tit. Alt. Damasc. Mr. Dur. on Rev. He would be thought to answer these Authors ; and their great Argument , he represents thus , That it is taken from the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter . There is no doubt , but that this is one great Topick and Argument , and Mr. Durham makes use of that Term of Identity , in the Title of his Digression upon this head . But dare this Man say , or tho he should have the Brow to say it , will any who ever Read so much as one , much less , all of these Authors , believe it , that it is a mere Nominal Identity , that they plead from , and not an Official , in all the parts and ingredients of the Office ? Or , that the Strength of their Argument is drawn merely a confusione Nominum , as he expresses it ; and not rather from many nervous Scripture grounds , which in the Texts mentioned by him , and other Paralels , do evince an Official Identity ? Why then , bottoms he all his Answers and impertinent quiblings upon this palpably false Supposition ? To make what I assert , evident to conviction , one of the Authors he names , viz : Ius Div. Minist . Ang. proposes the Question thus , We undertake to prove , that according to the Scripture Pattern , which is a perfect Rule , both for Doctrin and Government , a Bishop and Presbyter , are all one , not only in Name , but in Office ; and that there is no such Officer in the Church , Ordained by Christ , as a Bishop over Presbyters . Then they propose , no fewer than Nine nervous Scripture Arguments ▪ all running to this issue , to prove an Official Identity : The Topick of the Fourth whereof , is thus proposed , They who have the same Name , the same qualifications for their Office , and the same Ordination , and the same work and duty required of them , are one and the same Officer . Then subsuming , that thus it is in the Scripture account of the Bishop and Presbyter . They subjoin Scripture-proofs , to every one of these Clauses and Assertions , and thereupon conclud , that they are one and the same Officer . Now , upon this small view of but one of these Authors , let the World Judge of this Mans Impudence , in asserting , that not only , that Authors Arguments , but all the Arguments of the Authors he mentions , concluds only a confusione nominum ( as he expresses it , in a distinct Character ) and whether his founding of all his supposed confutation of Presbyterian Arguments , upon this supposition and quiblings about a Dichotomie , be not extravagancy with a Witness . Moreover , let the Serious & Impartial , Judge , since these Authors he mentions , presents so considerable a Number of Scripture-Arguments , For that which this Man calls a New Foolish Opinion , in order to his design of making men believe he has fully Confuted them , and convinced them of folly , whether he was not in Conscience and Reason , obliged fairly to present their Arguments to his Readers view , and offer formal Replys to them . I may further pose the Impartial Reader upon it , whether this Man , who has never encountered their Arguments , nor tryed their Strength in a fair and formal Dispute , and yet would fain Triumph in this boasting Pamphlet , charging all their Arguments , with weakness , folly and evtravagancy , has not Written himself a Fool of the first Magnitude , and a personat Thra●o in Disput ? I must not forget , that while I view that Fourth Argument of the Ius Div. Minist . Ang. I find they have upon the Margin , Ambrose's Testimony upon 1 Tim. 3. [ post Episcopum Diaconi ordinationem subjicit , quare ? nisi quia Episcopi & Presbyteri una Ordinatio est ] After the Bishop , the Apostle subjoins the Ordination of the Deacon , and upon what other ground but this ? that the Bishop and the Presbyter have one and the same Ordination . One would think that this is a little more than the assertion of a mere Confusio Nominum , and that both from Scripture and Antiquity . But to proceed , our Dr. P. 35. Censures Blondel , Salmasius , Dallie , as ●mploying their Learning to support their own Hypothesis with this Argument of the Confusion of Names : And the Dr. regrats , that Sir Tho. Craig , a Man otherwise learned in Law , was deceived with this fallacy . We see , that in the Dr's Sense , learned Men have been imposed upon , by this Scots Notion , but when he has exhibit and answered their Pleadings , whom he here mentions , then , and not till then , his Censure is to be admitted . But he tells us , That this Opinion was never heard of before the days of Aerius . Good Mr. Dr. ye know the Answer of Protestant Divines to the Papists Objection , where was your Religion , your Church and Doctrin before Luther ? viz. That it was from the beginning , and is to be found in Scripture . The same I affirm of the Official Identity of Bishop and Presbyter : And many Learned Protestant Divines think they have made it good , whom the Dr. may please to advise , if his leasure from Pamphleting work , together with some piece of petty interest , and prejudicat preoccupation of Principles , will admit of the perusal . If it be found in Scripture , it was a pretty while , it seems , before Aerius . But there is an English Divine of some considerable account ( good Old Whittaker if it were not , that he had got the Scots new Notion in his Head ) who hath a Saying somewhat Rude to the Dr. Sane cum Aerio s●●sit Hieronymus quo minus curandum est toties nobis objici Aerium ab insulsis hominibus . Si fuit in hac re Haereticus Aerius socium haereseos habuit Hie●onymum nec illum modo sed alios etiam veteres patres Graecos pariter & Latinos quemadmodum Medina confitetur . Thus he , Controv. ● 4ta quest . 1. Cap. 3. Sect. 30. Here we find , he spares not to call these of the Dr's . Judgment Bl●ckish Men , in objecting this anent Aerius , affirming that not only Ierom , but likewise both Greek and Latine Fathers , were of Aerius Judgment in this point . The Dr. might likewise have found , that Michael Medina Lib. 1. de Sacr. Hominum Orig. & continen . Cap. 5. holds , that not only Ierom , but also Ambros. August . Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysost. Theodoret , OEcumen . and Theophylact. were of the same mind with Aerius ; As also the Waldenses and Wickliff . What more ? P. 35. Apostle , Bishop and Presbyter , are sometime remarked without a Distinction , yet the Government of one among many , is particularly demonstrated . This is somewhat obscure . No doubt , Apostles , Bishops , and Presbyters , have general and common Names . For the Government of one among many , in his Sense , I do still call for the Dr's Proof , but have no Return . We are told next , ( P. 35 , 36. ) That our Saviour is called an Apostle , Heb. 3. That the Names seems restrained to the Twelve , and yet Matthias is called an Apostle , that the Name was bestowed on several others , besides the Twelve , as Paul , Barnabas , Adronicus , Junius , Epaphroditus : That our Saviour is called a Bishop , 1 Pet. 2.25 . And the Government of the Apostles , Episcopacy , Act. 1.20 . That Priests of the Apostolick Power and Iurisdiction , are called Bishops ; That thus all the Fathers understand 1 Tim. 3. 1. Tit. 1.7 . That the Bishops , Philip. 1.1 . are by Chrysost. OEcum . Theoph. Theodo . understood of Priests ( still Priests ) of the second Order : For , they conclude Epaphrod . Bishop of Philippi from Philip. 2.25 . The Dr. is never wearied of this Nominal Argument , which seems one of Achillean Strength to him . I am sorry he is put to so much Pains in Print , to raise such Formidable Batteries against this New Notion , and am afraid , some Facetious Witts will alledge , he is but getting himself a Heat , in Cudgelling and Beating a Man of Straw of his own Upsetting . But in short , it passes much my Comprehension , what he would make of all this , if not to prove that palpably distinct Officers , do sometimes come under general Names : And who knows not , that this Argument and Answer is still ex ignoratione Elenchi ? None of us doubts of this , which he offers in Thesi ; But the Dr. will easily acknowledge , that these Officers mentioned , have , in the Scripture Accounts , their Marks of Distinction clearly set down , which makes it evident , that their Communicating in the same general Name , will not conclude an Identity in the Office : And thus the Dr. and we are easily agreed in the Application of the Answer , when he has exhibit to us , such Scripture Discriminations of the Office of the Bishop and Pastor , or Preaching Presbyter , such a clear Official Imparity and Difference , as is betwixt the Office of an Apostle and Presbyter , and betwixt our Saviours Apostolate , and that of his Disciples ; and betwixt his Episcopacy or Overseeing Care , and that of Apostles . For the Denomination of Apostle , I need not tell one , who sets a D. D. to his Name , in the Frontispiece of his Book , how Protestant Divines understand the Name , properly taken , and do define the Office as distinct from all others : That first , Matthias , and thereafter Paul were added to the Number of Apostles , none doubts : That the Name is sometimes taken improperly , when attribute to certain Persons , is as little doubted . As for Adronicus , Iunius , who are said to be of Note among the Apostles , the Phrase imports in the Sense of some , that they were well known to the Apostles ; Some take them to be of the Number of the Seventy , Luk. 10. Others to be of the Number of the One Hundred and Twenty , mentioned Act. 1.15 . Or of these Converted by Peter , Act. 2.14 . See Pool Annot. That 1 Tim. 3.1 . and Tit. 1.7 . are understood of Priests of the first Order , with Apostolick Power by all the Fathers , must pass current only , with those , who will take the Dr's ipse dixit for Proof : But let them at their Leasure , Pose him , whether St. Chrysost. and Ierom , upon these Passages , were of that Judgement , and whether he reckons them among the Fathers . That the Fathers after mentioned upon Philip. 1.1 . Understood it of the Priests of the second Order , he should have proved from their Words , and that they understood Epaphroditus to be Bishop of Philippi from Chap. 2.25 . Our Translators renders it with the current of Protestant Divines ( as I have made good ) your Messenger , which the Context convincingly discovers , viz. The Messenger that ministred to Paul's wants . But the Dr. has no shift , but to censure them as following Beza : A pityful shift indeed . The Episcopal Translators , who in their Translation , so Zealously patronize that Cause , that the Term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is with the utmost endeavour translated to that Scope , yet are so befooled ( in the Dr's . Sense ) as to translate this passage , so advantagious to Episcopacy , contrary to the Sense of the Ancient Fathers , yea , and the Greek Fathers , so well seen in that Language , and all this to follow a Presbyterian Novelist . But the Dr. preferrs Salmasius to his Episcopal Masters , who thinks the word Apostle , signifies Legatum Dei ad homines : He is now become of sudden Fond of Salmasius : But should have given us a better Account , than a bare naming of Walo Messalinus , putting us to search all the Book , in order to an enquiry of what he here asserts . I might tell him further , that the Complex Phrase [ your Messenger ] and the Explication of [ ministring to Paul's wants ] sufficiently restricts the Term Apostle , in this place , tho it were granted , that ordinarly it is thus taken . But one Word more , before I part with the Dr. on this Passage : If , in the Sense of these Fathers , the Bishops mentioned in the Inscription of the Epistle , were Priests of the second Order only , and Epaphroditus , the Chief Priest or Bishop ; Then 1. It seems the Apostle Paul was somewhat rude in his Salutation , to mention only these inferior underling Priests , with the lowest petty Deacons , passing quite over the High Priest , without any Hint or Note of Distinction . 2. It seems that either Ambrose , or some of his late Episcopal Pleaders , are pityfully bemisted , who do cite Ambrose , as holding that the Bishops saluted by Paul , were not Bishops of that Church , but extraneous Bishops accidentally present ; Thus the Author of the three Dialogues , P. 9. But Theodoret , saith the Dr. did judge , that when in the Apostolick Age , Bishops were named as contradistinct from Priests , they were called Apostles . Behold our critical Dr. censuring again the Apostle Paul , in his Salutation ; It seems also there were none of the Apostles of the Dr's . Mould , when this Apostle gave his last Farewel to the Elders of Ephesus . nor in the Church , which Peter wrote to ; For , Ministers there , are called to act the Bishops , and nothing is heard of an Apostle-bishop : And really I think this inadvertant Man , Paul , is further to be blamed , in that describing of set purpose , 1 Tim. and in the Epistle to Titus , which are in the Dr's . Judgement , the great Charter of the Episcopal Authority , the Qualifications and Duties of Church Officers , he was so leavened with his Notion of Dichotomies , that he passes quite over in silence , the High Priest & Apostle-Bishops , whose Office was chiefly under this Name and Character to have been discribed , that the Churches then , and in after ages , together with all inferior Priests , might understand their Duty towards them : But since , in all their Descriptions , Recitals , and Accounts of Church Officers , he and other Apostles , were so foregetful , as to pass over in silence , the absolute High-priest of the Christian Church , the Pope's Holiness , notwithstanding that the Iewish OEconomy of Church Government was never repealed , but still standing as a Patern to the New Testament Church , it is no wonder that they fell into this Mistake also . P. 37. He tells us , That he only mentions this transiently , not insisting upon it . What this extends to , is somewhat dubious ; many , it is like , will be of Opinion ( of whom I am one ) that what ever he has offered hitherto , is a Digression , and but obiter to the point . But his business , he tells us , at present , is to prove that community of Names will not prove community of Offices . Truely , if this be all his business , he is a mere Officiperda , and has foregot his Episcopal Errand in this eloborat Pamphlet : For , no Presbyterian ever concluded this , from the mere community of Names simplely , and abstracted from other Grounds , drawen from the Scope and Circumstances of such places , as we do plead from Scripture upon this Point , and from many other clear Scripture Arguments , long since exhibite to him , in the Books , which he mentions , and there needs no more , than the reading , to convince any person , that he is acting the Thraso , in this his pretended Confutation of the same , which doth rather confirm , than weaken the perswasion of any Man of Sense , who have perused these Authors . The Dr. tells us ( ibid. ) That Peter calls himself a Presbyter . Well , if this Apostle writing to Presbyters , and dehorting them from acting the Bishops , and Lording over the Flock , put himself , as to an ordinary Office and Ministry Pastoral , among the number , making this one of his Arguments ; It is evident that he thus asserts their proper Succession to him , tho not to his Apostolat , yet to his Pastoral Office of feeding by the Word and Discipline : For , his Command imports both . But why did he not address the Chief Bishop , or High-priest , under the Apostolick Designation , after this manner ? [ The Apostle and inferior Presbyters among you , I exhort , who am also an Apostle ] or thus [ The Super-eminent Bishop and Presbyters I exhort , who also am a Bishop ] But the Dr's . correcting information , is come far too late to him . I might further tell him , that when he shall exhibite as clear a distinction betwixt the Bishop and Presbyter , as there is betwixt the Office of Apostles and Presbyter , then , and not till then , his paralel Argument will appear of some force , which he draws from Peter and Iohns designing themselves Elders , and shall be acknowledged conclusive to his Scope . The Dr. will next preoccuppy our Argument from 1 Tim. 4.14 . And tells us , That the Presbytrie mentioned in that place , was a Senat , composed of Apostles and other Priests , but whether of the first or second Rank , he is not certain . And really , the Dr , in my poor Judgment , might have added , whether there were any other Apostles in that Senat , than the Apostle Paul , is equally uncertain : And let me humbly intreat his Reverence , by his next , to give us an Account of the Scripture Grounds of his Certainty of the one , rather than of the other . That the Apostle Paul was present , and concurred in this Presbytrie , I know is pleaded by his Episcopal Brethren ; tho Collating the two places , 1 Tim. 4.14 . and 2 Tim. 1.6 . the different Phra●eology in both being pondered , they will find the Work pretty hard , to make it good against a Critical Disputant , and the admitting of this , rather Confirms , than Weakens our Pleadings from that place , as Presbyterian Writers have made appear . Some have alledged , that by the Presbytrie , we are to understand the Office : Which Pleaders , have been long since told , that the Office has no Hands to lay on . But that other Apostles were there than Paul , is a Notion , I am sure , much , if not only , beholden to the Dr's Fertile ( that I say not Fond ) Invention . It were needless , and but to burden Paper unnecessarly , to recite Interpreters , in Opposition to this his Gloss : This is known to all that are acquaint with them . But let us hear the Dr's Argument upon these Passages ; He tells us , It is evident from 2 Tim. 1.6 that Paul was of the Number ; and that in the other place , 1 Tim. 4.14 . he is exh●rted not to neglect the Gift given him , with the Laying on of the Hands of the Presbytrie : In the last , he is put in mind , to stir up the Gift , which he received by the Laying on of St. Pauls Hands . There is none doubts , that these Passages , thus stands in the New Testament , but had he , instead of this Dark Insinuating Hint , drawn out a Formal Argument , lying level to his Scope and Conclusion , it would have deserved our Consideration . However , to prevent his Mistake , Presbyterians have long since told him , 1. That the different Phrase in both places , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the second , makes Paul's presence , at least , Debateable , but clearly proves , that the Laying on of the Presbytries Hands is evidently Diversified in a distinct Comma , as a distinct Priviledge , in its self considered , from the Gifts given by Prophesie , and ascribed to the Laying on of Pauls Hands . And 2. That tho Paul's presence in this Action were admitted , it clearly proves , that even an Apostles Laying on of Hands upon an Evangelist , did not exclude the Presbytries Authoritative Imposition : And that therefore , ( by a clear Consequence , from the Greater to the Less ) that Priviledge , much more belongs to them now , with relation to ordinary Pastors or Ministers , when the Office of Apostles and Evangelists is ceased . But , if I might be bold with a Person of the Dr's Reverence , I would ask him this Question : He holds Timothy was Consecrat a Bishop ; here we find a Presbytrie , Laying Hands upon him with Paul , whom the Dr. holds to be here Acting the Bishop ; How comes he then to say , It is uncertain whether they were Presbyters or Priests of the first or second Rank ? Really , if he be uncertain in this , he holds by clear Consequence , that mere Presbyters , might have laid on Hands upon a Bishop at his Consecration , yea , and this by Apostolical Warrand , tho Bishops superior to them , were present at this great Work : And what Consequence in Doctrine and Practice , this will further amount to , I leave to the Dr's Melancholick Reflection . But further , in mentioning this last Text , the Dr. says , He is put in mind to stir up the Gift , which he received by the Laying on of St. Pauls Hands : He has also told us , and positively asserted , that this Senat was composed of Apostles in the plural : How many there were , I think , the Dr. found it hard to determin ; but in this , he is clear and positive , that there were other Apostles with Paul , and consequently of equal official Authority with him in this Action . Now , upon this , I would desire his grave Judgment , how comes this Apostle to mention the laying on of his own hands solely , and of no Apostles else ? We find him so humble an Apostle and Biishop , that in the inscription of several Epistles , he takes in the Inferior Clergy and Presbyters with himself ; whence then comes this singularity of expression , herein attributing to himself solely , what was equally applicable to other Apostles concurring with him ? What he adds further of the Work and Ministry of Apostles and Pastors , sometimes exprest by the General term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; I have already made appear , how insignificant it is to his scope , so that it is here Idlely repeated . We are next told ( P. 38. ) That if any infer the Community of Offices from the Community of Names , he confounds the highest and lowest Rank of Officers . The Presbyeerians are of his mind , when the inference is from a mere Community of Names , while the Offices are otherwise distinguished in Scripture , but when both Name and Office in all essentials thereof , are identified , they think the Argument from hence for an Official Parity , concludes well ; and they pity this Dr's continued Repetition of his mistake , in stead of an Answer to their Argument . He tells us next , That it is certain , the Offices were carefully distinguished and separated in those days . This is true when understood of Church Officers in general ; and hence we conclude that the Spirit of God has left us clear distinguishing marks of the Superiority and distinction of such Officers , as do communicat in General Names with ( the inferior ; and this to prevent the mistake which he instances : And therefore , unless the Dr. will fasten a blasphemous Reflection upon the Spirit , who dictat the Scriptures , he is obliged to let us see therein the distinguishing marks and Characters fixt to the Bishop and Pastors Office , to shew the Official difference of the one from the other : And this he cannot but acknowledge necessary to prevent the bad consequence of an Official Identity , drawn from the Community of Names . And no doubt , had he as sincerely designed to give and receive light in this Point , as to present a vain prattling Pamphlet , he would have examined the Presbyterians Arguments for the Official Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , and endeavoured to produce the Scripture distinguishing differences , discriminating the one from the other . What more ? We are told ( ibid. ) That the Humility of Superior Officers , hindered them not to distinguish themselves from their subordinat Brethren . Right ; Paul , no doubt owns , and strenuously pleads for the Authority of his Apostolick Office , notwithstanding of his often instanced Humble Respect to Officers of inferior Rank . What then ? Why ? Bishops in the second Century transcribed this , tho they preserved the distinction betwixt Priests ( still Priests ) of the first and second Order . But we are wearied , seeking from this Dr. the Scripture Distinction of Pastors and Presbyters into a first and second Order : Besides , it is odd , that no Bishops were so modest and humble in this point , and prudent withal , but those of the second Century . We must know , the Dr. prefaced thus , that he might tell us , That they studied humble modest Expressions , and of Condiscension , which he instances in the Inscription of Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians . But since this modest Condescension , the Dr. will acknowledge , did not prejudge his care to distinguish the Offices of Bishops and Priests , of Priests of the first and second Rank , he must either exhibit this in the place cited , or he puts this Reflection upon Polycarp : He may also remember , how that afterward ( p. 84. ) he makes Augustine to pass from his Episcopal Authority , in a Complement to Ierom , in his foolish gloss on that passage of Ep. 19. [ Episcopus Presbytero major secundum honoris vocabula , quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit ] That he was distinguished from Ierom , by a customary Title only of a Bishop . As for the Elegy of Apostolick Martyr , which he bestows upon Polycarp , we let it pass , as capable of a sound Sense ; But for that of Prince of the Asiatick Church , I remit him to 1 Cor. 3.5 . 1 Pet. 5.2.3 . 2 Cor. 1.24 . to be censured for his vain precipitancy . The Dr. ( P. 38. ) drawing to an end of these impregnable reasonings , must needs give us a touch of his pulse and humour , in concluding with high Rantings ; This Argument , he tells us , he has considered the more carefully , in that he Finds it over and over again in all the Writings of the Ecclesiastick Levellers , as their first and last refuge . Truely , if these Disputers he calls so , had as inspidily proposed it , far less repeated it so often , as he has Parat-like , c●nted over and over , in so many Pages , his babling repetitions of an impertinent quible , instead of an Answer , they had as much exposed their Judgment and ingenuity in this Controversy , as I am sure , his , now is , in the Sense of all men that understand it , and have Read the Authors mentioned by him , whereof this petulent Scorner discovers he knows no more but the Names . As for the Character of Ecclesiastick Levellers , which he bestows upon the Presbyterians ; I think indeed his experience ; together with that of his Fellow , has taught him , that in this respect , they deserve it , Viz. That their nervous Scripture Reasonings , which he dare not encounter , has so levelled and laid along , and aboard the high Top-gallant of the Hierarchical Prelat , he so zealously fences for , as all his Wit and Learning , will never erect it again : which in this place , is convincingly apparent , since among the many Argumnts used by them , he has upon this head insisted so long upon ( if not solely singled out ) this one , anent the Community of Names of Bishop and Presbyter , which is none of the most considerable ; and after he has disguised it , and spent Eight or Nine Pages , in exhibiting the outmost of his wit to answer the same , the expense of all his endeavours , has only amounted to such pityful impertinent Repetitions , Battologies , and beggings of the Question , that it is evident , this one Argument has Mastered him , and with its Weight , born down his poor strength to the ground . The Dr. adds ( P. 38.39 . ) That nothing is more frivolous and triffling than this Argument — that the Names of the lowest Officers of the Christian Church were frequently assumed by the highest ; and distinction of Offices is rather to be inferred from peculiar Ministries and Acts of Iurisdiction , than any Names we can fix on . But what can be more triffling and frivolous , than this Dr's endless canting over and over this Quible and begged Supposition , without giving us any shadow of the peculiar Ministries and Iurisdiction , distinguishing in Scripture , the Bishop from the Pastor or Presbyter ? The Dr. having ( P. 39. ) discussed all our Scripture Arguments for Parity , as he invidiously calls it , from the Command of Christ , and the Consequences of Scriptures , drawn a confusione nominum — tells his Reader , That if we cannot establish our new Doctrine thus , we endeavour to support it , by some Testimonies of the Primitive Fathers . I am satisfied that his Reputation stand or fall upon this Tryal , Whether he has so much as proposed , far less answered the Scripture-pleadings of the Authors , whom he cites for the Parity of Bishop & Presbyter . As for his alledging that we endeavour to support the Government we plead for , by Testimonies of the Primitive Fathers : He has in this , as in many other things , exposed himself , and is blotted as a gross Calumniator : For , it 's the Scriptures of Truth only , and no Humane Testimonies , upon which we found the Ius , the Divine Right of the Government , we owne and contend for . As for Humane Testimonies of the Ancients , we look upon them as confirming Appendices of Matters of Fact only , as Testes facti in some Respect , but not as Iudices veri , it being the Divine Scripture's Barr and Tribunal only , to which we bring our Cause to be decided . And to discover to all Men , this Dr's . impudence in this point , one of the Authors he cites , viz. Ius Divin . Minist . Ang. in their learned Appendix , in the point of Antiquity , consisting of eight Propositions , and nine , in the Matter of Ordination in special , not one of which this Man has dared to medle with . The very first is , That whatever may be said for Prelacy out of Antiquity , yet ( as they have proved ) it hath no foundation in the Scriptures — That , as in the Matter of Divorce , Christ brought the Iews to the first institution of Marriage , so we must in point of Episcopacy , say as Christ [ from the Beginning it was not so ] Thereafter , they cite several of the Ancients , in proof of this , that it is not the Custom or Practice of the Church , but the Divine Scriptures ; which must herein determin us , and that all Human Writings must be examined by the Canonical , and Customs never so ancient , the Scriptures being perfect as to all Credenda , Petenda , Facienda . In the second Proposition , so far are they from making the most ancient Testimonies , or Practice of the Church , the Foundation of our Government , that they affirm and prove by clear Testimonies and Instances , that many Corruptions crept into the Church , in the Infancy of it , and were generally received as Apostolical Traditions , which yet Episcopal Men themselves confess to be Errors ; instancing the Millenary Error , with diverse others : Whence , they conclude — That there are Doctrines and Practices , pretended to be grounded upon Apostolical Institution , which are rather to be accounted as Apocryphal . But to proceed , upon this false Foundation ( ibid. ) the Dr being about to blot some useless Sheet , with his Trifling Quiblings , upon several passages of Blondel and Salmasius , must needs , e're he fall to work , disgorge some more of his Venom and Gall against the Presbyterians , his Countrey-Men , as well as Blondel . For Blondel , he would needs make us believe , That in Complyance with Cromvel his Enthusiasticks , he imployed his Skill to make the Ancients contradict themselves , and all Contemporary Records . A bad design no doubt , and so bad as well as irrational , that its hard to believe the Dr : For , Blondel his Writings , as well as those of Salmasius , has obtained the Testimony of Men of the best note in Protestant Churches ; as the Learned Professors of Saumer , and many others : So that his barkings will never touch or stain the same . But for his Countrey-men , Presbyterians , he is bold to tell his Reader , That they Concluded Blondels Book , to be pure and undenyable demonstration , before ever they Read it . If I should return him the Words of the Psalmist [ What shall be given thee thou false Tongue ? ] I think I should merit no severe Censure . What a fore head , must this Man have , who durst suffer his Mouth to utter , much less dare to Print and exhibit to the World , such an impudent Calumny , yea , so Vilely to asperse his Native Countrey ? Two things , do sufficiently discover what sentiments upon this Assertion , the World may have of this Person . 1. His Conscience can tell him , yea , it s known to all Men , who know Scotland , that since our Reformation , there hath been , and are Hundreds therein , not only of Ministers , but others of the most Considerable Note and Character , Men of Conscience and Learning , who adhere to the Presbyterian Government , as having a Divine Warrand , and who have concerned themselves in a Search of this Controversie , in the Writings upon both Sides ; And if the Dr. know not this , he is a pitiful Peregrinus Domi. 2. That to conclude any Mans Writings and Book , to be pure and undenyable Demonstration , before a Person has Read the same , is such a Sottish , Brutish Practice , such an Irrational Conclusion , as cannot befal any Per●o● , that has the most Common Exercise of Reason : So , that he might with the same Veracity , have told the World in his Pamphlet , that his Countrey Men , Presbyterians , are Idiots , Dunces , or Brutes , and in Point of Judgment and Integrity , much of a Size with the Popish Vulgar , who Hang upon an Implicit Belief , and have but a Plagiary Faith , depending upon Mens Dictats and Hear-say ; yea , and that they are all such , none excepted . But that the Dr. may not ( since he is in his Ranting , Calumniating Vein and Humor ) be satisfied with one single Lie , but make a Lusty Complicated One , and let flee a whole Vollee of this Hell-Shot , at his Countrey Men , he adds , That his Countrey Men think , they need no other Answer , to any thing written against them , than to say , that Episcopacy , and all its Defences , is quite Ruined by Blondel and Salmasius . Poor pitiable Soul ▪ Had he gone to Iamaica , or to some places ; where neither the Persons , nor Matter he speaks of , was ever heard or known , he might hope to get this believed . Some of the Books he mentions , P. 22. his Conscience could tell him , are Written by Scotsmen , viz. Didoclav . and Mr. Durh. And we know of no Answer returned to this Day , unto either of them : It should then seem , that his Countreymen should rather alledge these . Doth he think indeed we esteem , that we need no other Answer , than to tell of Blondel and Salmasius ? But yet more of this Hellish Blusterings , Tho there are , saith the Dr , ( ibid. ) few of them that ever read them , and that every Line of their Writings , that hath Colour of Argument , has been frequently exposed , yet such is the Power of Prejudice and Partiality , that they shut their eyes against the clearest Evidences produced by their Adversaries . Here 's a Deep Charge : 1. His Countreymen , Presbyterians , becomes such Peevish Ignoramus's , that few of them read these Books . 2. So Hardned in their Prejudices against Truth , that they shut their Eyes against all Convictions thereof , so , that a Judicial Stroke and Judgment has fallen upon them , if this Man may be believed . But I will be bold to ask him , what are these Evidences , I mean Scripture-Evidences , produced by him , or any of his Party , which we have not considered ? Dare he say , that all in Scotland , Embracing the Presbyterian Perswasion , do thus shut their Eyes ? And may we not easily Retort his Charge , and Enquire what Evidences has been produced by Didoclav . Mr. Durh. and others , whom he mentions ? And besides these , many not Named by him , to whom , neither he , nor any of his Gang , have offered an Answer to this Day . Why do they shut their Eyes against the Light produced by them ? Presbyterians , no doubt , need no other Evidence , than this Pamphlet , to convince the World , that the Power of Prejudice , has Shut and Blinded this Mans Eyes against Light. He pretends therein , by his mighty Arguments , to Beat his Presbyterian Countreymen from their Principles ; He presents in the beginning of his Famous Work , some considerable Authors , whose Writings and Arguments , he tells the World , they ground their Perswasion upon , yet never offers to Scann so much as one of them , when fairly presented in their genuin strength : And let all men Judg what prejudice and partiality , this savours of . And if he be not wholly a Stranger thereunto , he cannot but know , that our Judgment in this Point , is the Sense of the whole Body of Protestant Churches and Divines . And are they also thus Hardned ? But more yet , ( ibid. ) the Dr. tells us further , That it is enough for us , that Blondel has written a Book of 549 Pages , and this , in our Iudgment , may barr all Dispute . Indeed , Mr. Dr. if there were no more Strength or Nerves in them , than in your 339 Pages , Stuffed with Blustering Talk , and Empty Quiblings , the Defence were no Defence . We are again told , That when we are bidden Name the Place , which proves the New Doctrine , we refuse any such closs Engagement . Really , the good Narcissus here sees his Picture in the Well — Decline a closs Engagement ! Let all Men that ever read the Authors he Names , judge what closs Engagement , this Man has made with them , and if he has not as evidently Snaked away from their Arguments , as ever did any Coward in Disput. For Ierom , that he was of this Judgment of the Parity of Bishop and Presbyter , the Learned have sufficiently discovered . But , saith he , Salmasius and Blondel , have been exposed by the Incomparable Bishop of Chester . Had Presbyterians put this Elegy upon any of their Writers , they had been posted up for Admirers of Mens Persons . But now , our Dr. will Examine some of his most Remarkable Testimonies from Antiquity : Some , no doubt , not all , and in the same manner as he does the Presbyterian Scripture Arguments , i. e. so as to convince all Readers , that he Traces but Phantastick Quiblings , instead of Answer . But being closs in my Examining his Scripture Pleadings , that I interrupt not the Series thereof , I must here pass over to his Second Chapter . CHAP. III. Wherein the Dr's Absurd Description of the Apostolick Function , in Opposition to Protestant Divines , is exposed ; Together with his Assertion about the Succession of Hierarchical Bishops to Apostles , in a proper Formal Sense : His Opinion loaded with Gross and Palpable Absurdities . IN this Chapter , the Dr. having told us , That he has Examined our most plausible Pretences for Parity ( And what Scripture Arguments , he has Examined , let any judge ) gives us Encouragement , by undertaking Truly to State the Controversie , ( I am sorry , he has not done it sooner ) No doubt , all will acknowledge this to be , what he stands obliged to . But to Trace his Steps , and Examine him clossly . 1. I am agreed with him in this , That the Government of the Christian Church , has been established and fixed by Christ and his Apostles , to continue to the end , and who oppose this Institution are Schismaticks . 2. For what he adds , ( P. 95. ) That it is agreed there was an Hierarchy under the Old Testament , the High Priests having a Superiority and Iurisdiction over inferior Priests . I must tell him , that we do hold , with all our Divines , that this Superiority was such a fixed Presidency , as had adjoyned thereunto some special Ministrations peculiar to it : And moreover , we hold , that both the one and the other was Typical , and also such , as did not encroach upon the ordinary Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin , or invade their Decisive Suffrage ; as Iunius particularly observes . Our Dr's Inference , That Subordination of one Priest to another , is not simplely unlawful ; if meant of a Subordination of Officers in general , is admitted ; If , of one Pastor to another , in Point of Official Authority , it is a bad Inference , and a Begging of the Question , which is not about , what may be simplely lawful or unlawful in this Case , but upon the Hypothesis of Gods Institution , in the New Testament OEconomy and Government . The Dr's Distinction ( ibid. ) of the Apostles Ordinary , Permanent , Essential Power , and their Extrinsick Extraordinary Priviledges — suteable to the first Plantation of Churches , is in general accorded : But his Application and Explication subjoyned , viz. That by the first , they were distinguished from all subordinat Ecclesiastick Officers , in the Christian Church ; is that which I deny : And that upon this ground : That Power , which was Ordinary , Permanent and Essential , behoved to be so eminenter , in the Apostles , as it was to be transmitted to standing Officers , who were to be Invested with the same Ordinary , Essential , Permanent Power , else the Dr's assertion cannot subsist , that this Power was ordinary and permanent in its nature , or a Power necessary for the Churches Preservation , when the Apostles , at first Cloathed with it , were gone off : And therefore , to be Transmitted to successive Officers , consequently , these ordinary succeeding Officers were , in this equal to them , when cloathed with this Power , and invested therein ; And by further necessary Consequence , the Apostles were not by this essential necessary Power , distinguished from all Subordinat Ecclesiastick Officers , it being such , as the Churches subsistence required the same in all times : And besides , these succeeding Officers , when invested with this ordinary Power , were still subordinat to them , as Apostles , and cloathed with that formal Office and Authority . I know , that in this Phrase of Subordinat Ecclesiastick Officers , the Dr. excluds the Bishops , in the Series of his Reasoning , that he may take them within the compass of a supposed Apostolical ordinary Power over Pastors : But how absurdly and inconsequentially , as well as cross to the Sense of sound Divines , in this Point , is already evident , and shall yet further appear . To proceed , the Dr. tells us , That by the second ( i. e. their extrinsick , extraordinary priviledges , suted to the First Plantation of Churches ) they were in capacity to exercise their Authority with greater Success , in the Conversion of Infidels , in the Government of Churches . Wherein I differ from him in t●is , that he makes their Extraordinary Apostolical priviledges , necessary only for the bene esse , which were necessary Simpliciter , for the Planting and Government of the Churches , in that infant State thereof : The very exercise of their Apostolical Authority , as such , did consist in exerting these extraordinary priviledges : For , thus , their Mission , their Gifts , their extensive Power , essential to the Apostolick Office , taken in a formal sense , Respected the founding and watering of the Churches , in that Infant-state of Christianity , the Establishing the Gospel Ordinances therein , and all its ordinary standing Officers . I must then mind the Dr. that when he speaks of the Apostles ordinary , permanent , essential Power , by Essential , he must not , nay , cannnot understand that Power , which is Essential to them , as Apostles strictly , or under that reduplication , qua Apostles ; For , then , their Office were not extraordinary , but a standing Office to be succeeded to , in its intire Nature formally , as they were invested with it , and did exercise it , which is cross to that Sense of the Apostolick Office , exhibit by Protestant Divines , as I shall further make appear . The Dr. will needs distinguish , their Essential Apostolick Office from their extraordinary Prerogatives , their transient temporary Priviledges , who were the first Apostles , and were Limited in the exigences of the First Christian Mission . Wherein he speaks confusedly : For , 1. These Prerogatives suted to the Churches First exigence , were in such manner suted , as was the very Office it self , and consequently were Essential ingredients thereof , for this end . Hence . 2. The Essential Office of the Apostolat , as such , or taken in a proper formal Sense , could admit of no such spliting and distinction , unless the Dr. will split and distinguish the Essence , which he should know consists in indivisibili . The Essential Apostolick Office , the Dr. tells us ( P. 96. ) is necessary peramanent , perpetual , citing Matth. 28. [ Lo , I am with you , alway even unto the end of the World ] Hence , in his Sense , the Command and Promise in that place , imports the standing Essential Office of Apostolat to the end ▪ — What Harmony this keeps with the Sense of Protestant Interpreters , let all judg . Pool tells us , The Promise imports his presence to the end , with his Ministers , Preaching , Baptizing , Teaching to observe what he has Commanded . That it relates to Gospel Ministers , in their Ministrations , as the Apostles successors ; thus the English Notes , and Belgick Divines . But that it imports a standing Apostolick Office to the end , no sound Protestant ever dreamed . To proceed , to make this appear the more , saith the Dr. ( ibid. ) The Apostles as such , were formally and essentially distinguished from all other Ecclesiastick subordinat Officers . This indeed makes it appear more , if one contradictory Proposition will prove another : For , if the Apostles were Formally and Essentially , i. e. in respect of their essential formal Office , distinguished from all inferior Officers , all Officers , who were not in a proper formal Sense Apostles , How could any succeed them in this proper formal Office ? And consequently , How could that Office be permanent ? It being certain , that such Functions , wherein they were to be succeeded , could not be their Characteristick as Apostles , and their mark of distinction from succeeding Officers . For instance , the Function of Preaching and Baptizing , with the appendant proportioned ordinary power of Government , was a Work and Office , wherein they were to be succeeded . The Apostles were at first enjoyned [ go Teach , Baptize , and Disciple the Nations ] Paul enjoyned to the Elders of Ephesus , to Feed and Rule by the Word and Discipline , within their Percinct ; Hence these Duties simplely considered , could not be that wherein they were distinguished from inferior Officers . For 1. In respect of this Pastoral Work , both the Apostle Peter and Iohn owned themselves , as Co-presbyters , which could have no good Sense , if in this they were distinguished from all others . 2. Hence this distinguishing Criterion had then evanished , when inferior Officers had it ; So , that the Dr. in his Series of Reasoning , is driven upon this Scylla or Charybdis , either to say , that their Essential Office perished with themselves , and consequently , was not permanent , in opposition to what he asserts ( P. 95. ) or else , in respect thereof , they were not formally and essentially distinguished from inferior Officers , in contradiction to what he asserts ( P. 96. ) I know the Dr's tacite Evasion is , that he supposes the Bishops , not to be Subordinat Officers , which , how cross it is to the Series and Contexture of his Reasoning , as well as the Sense of sound Divines , we shall further m●ke appear . The difference of their Office , from that which is properly and formally Apostolick , being so palpable , that himself is forced to place a Distinction betwixt the Function of the one and the other , yea , and calls them a sort of secondary Apostles ; Thus distinguishing them from those he would have to be Primary . But the Dr. will now enquire ( ibid. ) What distinguished the Apostles from the Seventy two , from Presbyters in the Modern Notion ( as he speaks ) ( I could wish he had exhibite and refined his antique Notion ) from Deacons and other Offieers of the New Testament . He undertakes , 1. To exhibite the Presbyterian's Account of the Apostolick Office , and tells us , That the Presbyteriand and Socinians , contrary to the uniform Testimony of Antiquity , affirm , that the Apostolick Office is ceased as extraordinary , that the Apostles were distinguished from Subordinat Ecclesiasticks , by infallibility in Preaching , their power of Miracles , their being immediatly called by our Saviour to the Apostolat , by their unlimited and unconfined Commission , to propagat the Gospel among all Nations . This is such Stuff , as I dare challenge and appeal all Protestant Churches and Divines , to give Judgment and Character upon the person who presents it , which I am sure , will be such , as will fasten upon him an infamous Stigma : Nor shall I here much medle with , or stand upon the shameless Man his comparing us to , and ranking us with the blasphemous Socinians , in this point , citing their Racovian Catechism , Sect. 9. Chap. 2. But to convince all , that are but acquaint in the least , with the Protestant Doctrine in this point , I shall exhibit in some few Instances , their Sense of the Apostolick and Pastoral Office : And of a vast Number , shall instance but a few . First , The Professors of Leyden , Synops. Pur. Theol. Disput. 42. Thes. 17. They reckon among extraordinary Officers , that of the Apostolat , adding Prophets and Evangelists [ quorum vocatio , say they , fuit temporaria — sub novo faedere ad Ecclesiae Dilatandae propagationem ordinata ] whose Vocation was temporary or transient , as being ordained and appointed for the Propagation of the Church of the New Testament . Thes. 18. They shew the ordinary Vocation to be that , whereby Officers with ordinary Gifts performs the ordinary and Common Service of the Church — such as that of Pastors and Doctors — who promot the Edification of the Church , through all Nations , according to Christs Promise — [ a temporibus Apostolorum per totum terrarum orbem dispersi , edificationem quibus libet in locis promovendam usque ad finem mundi locum habebit juxta Christi promissionem , Matth. 28.20 . Ite & Docete , &c. ] As being sent from the times of the Apostles , for the Edification of the Church , in every place , to the end of the World , according to Christs Promise , Go teach all Nations . Where it 's evident , that the Apostolick Office , as such , in universum , is by them held to be Extraordinary , and that the Pastors and Doctors are their Successors , as ordinary Ministers appointed for propagating the Church , and promotting its Edification to the end of the World , and that upon the Ground of , and according to that same very Promise , which this Pamphleter pleads , to prove the standing Office of Apostolat to the End. Thereafter , having noticed ( Thes. 19. ) That the Apostle having Eph. 4.11 , 12. placed the three Extraordinary Officers in the first Rank , they add ( Thes. 20. ) [ hos duos tantum extraordinariorum ac perpetuorum verbi Divini administratorum ordines ibidem conjunctim subjicit , cum addit eundem Christum alios praeterea dedisse Pastores & Doctores ] That the Apostle doth thereafter subjoyn ; in a Conjunction , the Pastors and Doctors , as the only perpetual Ministers , given for the Edification of the Church . Thes. 21. They thus describ the Apostolick Office ( Apostoli erant praecones Evangelii universales ad Ecclesiae Catholicae fundamentum , quod est Christus , ubique terrarum ponendum , ab ipso Christ● immediate atque extra ordinem missii , dono absque errore — alios docendi , Doctrineque suae veritatem miraculis confirmandi a Deo instructi ) Citing Matth. 28.20 . 1 Cor. 3.10.11 . Matth. 10.1 . Ioh. 16.13 . Act. 2.2 . &c. That the Apostles were universal Preachers of the Gospel , s●nt by Christ for laying every where the Foundation of the Gospel Church , instructed and furnished with the Gift of Teaching infallibly , and confirming their Doctrine by Miracles , having also an immediat and extraordinary Mission from him . Which Sense is confirmed by the Passages above cited . And here I appeal to all Men , whether the learned Professors , offer not the same Description and Characteristicks of the Apostolick Office , which this Man makes the Opinion of the Scots Presbyterians , and Socinians . Further , after the Description of the Extraordinary Office of Evangelists ( Thes. 23. ) The ordinary Pastoral Office , is thus described ( Thes. 25. ) ( Pastores erant verbi divini dispensatores , certis Ecclesiis docendis ac regendis ab Apostolis & Evangelistis praefecti ) That the Pastors were Dispensers of the Word , appointed for Governing and Teaching particular Churches by the Apostles and Evangelists . Adding that their Office is described Act. 20. Viz : to feed and Rule , as Bishops set up by the Holy Ghost ; as also 1 Tim. 3. and Tit. 1. where their Office is clearly Identified with that of the Bishop ; Likewise , 1 Pet. 5. where the same is evident . The parts of the Pastoral Office , common with the extraordinary Officers , they hold to be . 1. ( Populum Dei ex verbo Dei docere ) To Teach Gods People from his Word . 2. ( eidem juxta Christi institutionem Sacramenta administrare ) To Administer Sacraments ▪ to them , according to Christs Institution . 3. ( pro eodem preces ad Deum fundere . ) To Pour out Prayers for the People . 4. ( ●um fraeno disciplinae Ecclesiasticae intra limites obedientiae Deo secundum verbum ipsius debitae contineri ) To keep them within the limits of Gospel obedience , by the restraints of Ecclesiastick Discipline , Citing Matth. 28. anent the grand Commission of Teaching and making Disciples , &c. and Mat. 18.17 . where our Lord enjoins the ultimat appeal to be to the Collegiat Body of Church Officers ; So Act. 20.28 . anent the Teaching and Governing Power , entrusted to Pastors and Elders of Ephesus , &c. Now , whether our Sense of the Apostolick Office , of its extraordinary Nature , and proper marks and essentials ; As also , our Sense of the Pastoral Office be not the same , with that of the Leyden Professors , let any Judge : And whether these Professors ▪ or we , do in this strike hands with the Blasphemous Socinians , as this Man has the Fore-head to affirm , the Appeal is also made to all Men to judge ; Nay , if he has not in this point blotted himself with the Stain of an infamous Calumniator , especially , it being evident , that the Socinians , in the place ▪ Cited by him , do absolutly deny a Ministerial Mission and Authority , whom the Learned Professors , in that same Passage , Cite for this , together with some other places of Socinus , and refute the same ( Thes. 6.7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , &c. ) Let us hear next the Professors of Saum●r , whom we will find Fully to accord with us in this Point , in contradiction to our Calumnious Dr. ( de divers . Minist . grad . Thes. 7. ) ( extraordinariorum Ministrorum tres fuerunt gradus seu ordines — Apostoli , Prophetae , & Evangelistae — De Apostolis planum , eos supremum inter Evangelii Ministros constituere gradum quorum hae supra reliquos preregativae , &c. ) That the Prophets , Apostles , and Evangelists were the three degrees of extraordinary Ministers , of whom the Apostles had the first place ; Having these Prerogatives beyond others , which they thus recite . 1. ( Quod a Domino nostro Iesu Christo immediate vocati , &c. ) That they were called immediatly by Jesus Christ , to the Office of Preaching the Gospel to all Nations , citing Matth. 28.18.19 , 2. ( Quod ita a Spiritu sancto instructi , &c. ) That they were so furnished by the Spirit of GOD , and lead into all Truth , that they were infallible in Teaching , since otherwayes ▪ their Function and Mission had been in vain , had it been Lawful to disbelieve them in their Teaching . 3. ( Quod nulli loco vel Ecclesiae singulari addicti . ) That they were fixt to no place , or particular Church , but were to preach the Gospel , and govern the Churches , through all places of the World , according to the Spirits Conduct . 4. ( Quod pluribus & majoribus , &c. ) That they were beyond all other Ministers , endued with more excellent and various Gifts of the Spirit , according to 1 Cor. 14.18 . where Paul magnifies his gift of Tongues above all others : And mentioning the conferring the miraculous Gifts of the Spirit , by the laying on of their Hands , they add ( quae omnia fuerant , &c. ) All which were necessary in the Apostolick Office , for laying the first Foundation of the Christian Church , through the World. Here again , the Apostles Extraordinary Office , is asserted by the Saumer University , and that with the same Ingredients , & upon the like grounds , as we do hold . So , here are more of the Socinian Principles , if we may believe this Dr. and this University , as well as that of Leyden , found ignorant of , and going cross to all Antiquity , in this Matter . The ordinary succeeding Officers , and of the highest Function in that capacity , they hold to be the Pastors and Doctors , whom they assert to derive down what was ordinary in the Apostolick Office , to whom the Authority Consequently , and Power of Teaching and Governing the Church is committed , citing Act. 13. where mention is made of this Authority , in the Pastors and Teachers of Antioch , and their joint collegiat Power in Imposition of Hands ; also 1 Cor. 14.29 , 30 , 31 , 32. where the Prophets Authoritative judging of every Member of the Colledge and Society , and the due Subjection of every Prophet to their decision , is asserted ▪ joining therewith Chap. 12.29 . ( Are all Apostles ? are all Prophets ? are all Teachers ? &c. ) Well , shall we offer to the Dr , yet more Scots Presbyterian Novelists , and of the Socinian Stamp , in this Matter ? Piscat . de Minist . Eccles. Aphorism . 9 ▪ [ Apostoli immediate a Christo vocati fuerunt , &c. ] The Apostles were immediatly called by Christ , and sent through the whole World , to es●ablish every where , the Kingdom of God , by the Preaching of the Gospel . In his Explication he shews , that in this Aphorism , the Ministry of the Apostles is explained in four Heads , 1. [ Ex causa sine qua non , &c. ] From the Cause and Ground , without which they could not discharge their Apostolical Office , and this was their immediat Vocation and Calling . 2. [ e subjectis Locis , &c. ] From the Places , where they Exercised their Apostolick Function , viz. the various Kingdoms of the World. 3. [ Ex Fine ad quem , &c. ] From the Scope and End , to which they were to Direct their Ministry and Labours , viz. the Planting and Founding Churches , &c. 4. [ Ex Causa Instrumentali , &c. ] From the Instrumental Cause they were to make use of , viz. their Unfixt Preaching of the Gospel . Here , I Appeal to all Men of Judgment , whether this Account of the Apostolick Office , is not the same , with that which this Man rejects as Socinian . Aphorism . 12. [ Sequuntur Pastores , &c. ] He proceeds to Describe Pastors and Doctors , whom the Church can never want ; in the Explication , he tells us , that [ a praecedentibus differunt Duratione ] They differ from Apostles , Prophets and Evangelists , in Continuance , as being of constant Necessity to the Church . Thus , Denying in Contradiction to our Dr , the Permanency of the Apostolick Office. Afterwards he adds , [ Officia Pastorum indicantur , &c. ] That there are four Branches of the Pastors , work and Office ; The Interpretation of Scripture , the Ordering of Government and Discipline , the Administration of the Sacraments , together with Authoritative Admonitions and Exhortations : Shewing thereafter , that the Pastors do Succeed to what is Ordinary in the Apostolick and Evangelistick Office : And their Episcopal Pastoral Authority , he proves from these notable known Passages , improven by the Presbyterians , Act. 20.28 . 1 Pet. 5.1 , 2. Philip. 1.1 . 1 Tim. 3.1 . 2. Tit. 1.5 , 7. Now , I dare refer it to all Men of Sense , whether this Man , is not in this Point of the New Opinion of Scots Presbyterians , and stands Antipode to our Dr's Uniform Testimony of all Antiquity . Shall we Consult yet another ? Turret . ( Part. 3. Loc. 18. Quest. 17. Thes. 3. ) Reasoning against Bellarmin , in Point of Peters pretended Primacy , he draws his Argument , [ a Natura Apostolici Muneris ] and tells the Iesuited Cardinal , and our Dr. with him , that the Apostles had an immediat Power and Jurisdiction , which they received from Christ immediatly . And ( Thes. 4. ) in Answer to Bellarmin , holding , ( much to our Reverend Dr's Sense and Pleading ) that Peter had the Pontificat , as an ordinary Pastor , to be therein succeeded . He Answers , that [ gratis supponitur , &c. ] it is without Ground presumed , that Peter was an ordinary Pastor , to whom any could succeed ; Adding in the end , ( denique cum Apostolatus , &c. ) since the Apostolat as such , was an Extraordinary , Temporal , Transient Function , which was to expire and cease in the Church , it could have no Successors : Herein flatly giving the Lie to our Dr's Grand Topick and Principle , anent the permanent Function of Apostolat , as necessary in the Church till the End of Time. As for his Judgment of the Pastoral Office , as the Highest Ordinary Function of the Church , and the same with that of the Scripture Bishop and Presbyter , and by Consequence , the Succession thereof to what was Ordinary in the Apostolick Office , we have already made it appear . Musculus ( if I may Name him again , without Angring our Dr. ) is full and clear to this Purpose , ( de Offic. Minist . P. 358 , 359. ) ( Apostolus est , qui , &c. ) That the Apostles were not set over any one particular Church , but the Lords Command to them , was , that they should Preach the Gospel through the World , and the Command ( Go , Teach all Nations ) was peculiar to them . And ( P. 360. ) he shews , that Pastors were the same with Bishops , and were in this distinguished from Apostles , that they were sent to Teach and Feed particular Churches , and fixed to them . Amand. Polan . ( Syntag. Theol. Lib. 7. Cap. 11. de Minist . Ecclesiae ) describes thus the Apostolick Office , ( Apostoli Christi fuerunt Christi Discipuli immediate ab ipso edocti , &c. ) That the Apostles were the Disciples of Christ , immediatly Instructed by him , sent to Preach the Exhibiting of the Messiah before his Ascension , and thereafter to Preach to the whole World , and thus to Found the Gospel Church , having this Testimony from God , that they could not err in Doctrine , &c. Afterward , he tells us , what were the Privilegia Apostolorum , and the Prerogative Praeordinari●s Novi-Testamenti Ministris , their Prerogatives above the ordinary Ministers of the New Testament ; Instancing , 1. Their immediat Institution by Christ. 2. Their immediat Mission by him to Teach . 3. Their General Legation to the whole World , with Authority of Founding Churches every where , not in one place only , Citing 2 Cor. 11.28 . where Paul shews , that the Care of all the Churches was upon him . 4. The Visible Symbol and Badge of this Legation , viz. the conferring of the Visible Gifts of the Spirit by Imposition of Hands . 5. Their Immunity from all Error , after their Receiving the Holy Spirit , in the Day of Pentecost . 6. Their Extraordinary Authority against the Rebellious , Citing 2 Cor. 10.6 , 8. where Paul mentions his Readiness to Revenge all Disobedience , and the Authority hereanent , for the Edification of the Church , whereof he might Boast . 7. Their Prophetical Gift , in shewing things to come . The 8 th . Prerogative , he represents thus [ Authoritas qua nullus ex Discipulis ipsorum comparari cum ipsis unquam potuit aut potest , qua enim Apostoli Christi supra Ecclesiam reliquam extit●runt ] Their singular Authority , which was of such a Nature , that none of their Disciples or Successors , in an ordinary Ministry , could be compared with them , nor can be ; For as Apostles , they had a Supereminent Authority over the whole Church . ( P. 538. ) He describes the Pastors to be such , as are set over some particular Flock , Citing Act. 20.28 . Here I need not tell the Dr , that this Man also , is of the Novel Scots Opinion , and if we may believe the Dr's Reverence , a Socinian , as to the Sense of the Extraordinary Apostolick Office , giving the same . Sense of its Ingredients as we do , and holding that the Apostles neither were , nor could be succeeded in their Office , and consequently , that their Formal Office , as such , ceased with themselves . He asserts , ( ibid. ) the Official Identity of the Bishop and Presbyter ; And thereafter tells us , that ( Episcopi omnes Apostolorum Successores sunt ) All Pastors are the proper Successors of the Apostles in the Gift of Feeding & Teaching the Church , Citing Anaclet . Dist. 21. Cap. in Novo , & Hierom. ut citatur Dist. 35. Cap ▪ Ecclesiae ( si in Apostolorum Loco sumus , &c. ) Asserting that Pastors are properly in the Place of Apostles , in the Exercise of an Ordinary Ministry : And ▪ also ▪ — Urbanus Secundus ex August . Dist. 68. Another yet of the New Scots Opinion , in this point of the Apostles extraordinary expired Office , we may propose , yea oppose to the Dr. viz : the Famous and Learned Rivet . Cathol . Orthodox . Tract . 28. Quest. 23. Ballaeus the Iesuit , against whom he disputes , proposing the Question in his Catholick Catechism ( Habent ne Episcopi in Sacerdotes reliquos que ordines praeeminentiam ) Whether Bishops has a Pre-eminence above Priests , and all other Orders of the Ministry . I need not tell the Dr. the Answer of his Catholicus papista , the same it is with that of our Catholick Dr. and upon a pretence of ( universalis ▪ patrum consensus ) universal consent of the Fathers . The great Answer is ( Apostolis Episcopos successisse ) That the Hierarchical Bishops have succeeded the Apostles , in their proper formal Office. And to shew the sweet Harmony betwixt these Dear Catholicks and Patrons of that Cause , our Dr. makes this the goodly Title of his second Chapter , viz : Of the succession of Bishops to the Apostles . And remarkable it is , that the Catholick Iesuit and he , pleads upon the same very Grounds , viz : The Apostolat called Episcopacy Act. 1. — Then comes in Iames's Episcopacy at Ierusalem ▪ — Afterwards the warry Iesuit strikes Hands with our Dr. in obviating the Objection taken from the Nominal Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , shewing that this will not infer the Protestants dangerous heresie of the Identity of the Office — Then comes in the Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus — yea , and our Dr's . Testimony of Tertullian is not forgot ( lib. de Baptismo ) ( Episcopus Baptizandi autoritate pollet , &c. ) That the Bishop has the power of Baptizing , then Presbyters and Deacons by his Authority , that the Subordination of the Ecclesiastick Hierarchy , may be kept intire . — Thereafter the Iesuit , as our Dr. exclaims upon the Reformers as pleading for a confused Parity Well , some will alledge , the Dr. in this point , is pretty near the Sacred Order . I cannot here transcribe all that this French , or Scots Novelist Presbyterian , Rivet , returns in Answer to this point , which I really judge , had our Dr. impartially read and perused , it would have saved him the Trouble and Labour of this Pamphlet . He is first severe to the Iesuit , and to our Dr. as to the Name Sacerdos , or Priest , whereby they represent Pastors ( De Episcoporum in Sacerdotes praeeminentia , saith he , frustra disputatur , cum sacerdotum ordo nullus sit in Christianismo , ut antea docuimus , &c. ) That there is no access for a Debate concerning the Pre-eminence of Bishops above Priests , since in the Christian Church there is no order of Priests as he hath before taught ; ( so upon the preceeding Question , Par. 4. ) He tells his Adversary , the Protestant Churches acknowledges no Priests properly so called , for offering Sacrifice in the Christian Church , and that CHRIST the Eternal Priest , has no Successor : Beware then Mr. Dr. of naming any more Priests for Ministers , if you will accord with Rivet , but there is no access for this Admonition to a Dr. fixed in his Perswasion , again all Scots or Extraneous Novelists ▪ Thereafter , he is positive in asserting our Principle of Parity against his Dr. Iesuita , and our Dr. ( Negamus , saith he , Episcopos supra Presbyteros jure Divino praeeminentiam hàbere . ) He denys the Bishop's Preeminence by Divine Right above Pastors . Thereafter , reciting the Iesuits Medium and our Dr's ( quod Episcopi Apostolis , Presbyteri Discipulis suec●sserant● ) That Bishops Succeeded the Apostles , and Pastors the Seventy Disciples : He answers thus [ hoc falsum est , ac utrorumque Officio contrarium , quod extraordinarium fuit — nemoque ipsis in eodem ordine ac autoritate successit : Quamvis omnes vere Pastores Apostolor●m in Doctrinae publicatione , & Iurisdionis Ecclesiasticae exercitio , successores dici possunt ] That this Asserton is false and contrary to the office of both Apostles and Evangelists , which was extraordinary , and none did succeed them in the same Order , Office and Authority , altho all true Pastors , in respect of the publication of the Doctrin , and the exercise of Ecclesiastick Disciplin , may be called Successors of the Apostles . Here , the Scots Presbyterian Opinion , pretty clear : Mr. Dr. it seems Rivet was in this Point a Socinian ; and a gross ignoramus in all Antiquity . I cannot stand to transcribe his Answers , to our Dr's . and the Iesuits ▪ Arguments Subjoined . His Answer to that of confusion of Names , as not inferring the sameness of things , is thus ( faetor vocum confusionem non semper verum identitatem innuere , sed cum res eadem iis attribuuntur quibus eadem nomina dantur , vera est synonomia , si quidem nomen cum definitione sit commune ) That granting that confusion of Names does not alwise infer the identity of the things themselves , yet when the same things are attribute to those , to whom the same Names are given , there is a true Syn●nomie or sameness of both Name and thing , the Name being common with the definition . Here ▪ in this one J●dicious Answer , he cuts the Sinews of all our Dr's Reasoning upon this head . Then for Confirmation of this Identity , he Cites 1 Tim 3.1 , 2. Tit. 1.5.7 . And from these known pregnant Passages pleads as we do , that the Name , Qualities , and Ordination of Bishop and Presbyter are the same . For Tertullians Testimony , which the Dr. Iesuita ( and our Dr ) cites , he tells him , That Tertullian speaks ( de humano ordine su● tempore recepto ) of the human Order or custom , received in his time , which was , that the ( probatus quisque Senior ) or every approven Presbyter ( as he expresses it Apol. Cap. 39. ) presided over the Collegiat Meeting of Pastors , and was called Bishop . The same , he tells the Iesuit , may be applyed to Ignatius's Epistles , and what is Cited from them to this Scope ( si sicuti jam se habent fidem mererentur ) upon condition , that they deserved to be credited , as , they are now presented : But then subjoins ( sed omnibus notum est eas additionibus ac dimunitionibus fuisse corruptas ) But it is known to all , that they have been corrupted with additions and Dimunitions : Referring upon the Margin to his Crit. Sacr. Lib. 2. Cap. 1. Cooks Censure , & Vedel . Not. Wallaeus de past . P. ( mihi ) 473 , ascribs also to Apostles the extraordinary call and Function , upon Grounds of their immediat vocation , citing Gal. 1 ▪ 1. Paul's calling himself an Apostle , not of Men , nor by Man ; their infallibility in Doctrin , &c. The ordinary Officers and Successors of Apostles , he holds to be the Pastors , as being first planted by them in the Churches ; for which he Cites and improves these places Act. 14.23 . where we find the Apostles Ordaining Ministers or Elders , Church by Church , as their proper immediat Successors , in an ordinary Ministry : Tit. 1.5.7 . where the Office of Bishop and Presbyter , is identified in Name and thing ; 2 Tim. 2.2 . where he is enjoyned to commit what he had heard of Paul to faithful Men , able to Teach others : So Act. 20.28 . where the Episcopal Office is enjoined to Elders by Paul in his last farewell to the Church of Ephesus : So also Eph. 4.11 . with Rev. 2.3 . In which places , the Pastors power and Jurisdiction , is to this Scope asserted . Iunius Cont. 5th Lib. 1. Chap. 14. Not. 15. hath these notable words ( nunquam instituit Christus ut Apostolis . Secundum gradum succederetur quae res si fuisset ▪ jam Apostolatus functio ordinaria dicenda esset , hoc autem veritati & rationi adversatur : omnes Dei servi in Doctrinam Apostolorum suecesserunt , in gradum eorum neminem adoptavit Deus . God never appointed or allowed any succession to the Office and degree of Apostolat , which had it been , the Office of the Apostles , might be called ordinary , but this is contrary to the Truth and sound Reason . All the servants of God , have succeeded into the Doctrin of the Apostles , but God hath adopted none of them into the Apostles degree and Office. None succeeded to Apostles and Evangelists , as to the degree and Office ( saith Baynes ) since it was extraordinary and temporary . The Pastors and Presbyters , because ordinary Officers , succeed them from another Line , but not as one Brother succeeding to another , in the Right of inheritance — As the Laws of Moses , during that Oeconomy , were to be kept , tho Moses , who delivered them , had none Succeeding him , in his Office and degree ; So , neither were the Rules in Government , presented in the Epistles of Timothy and Titus , delivered to any succeeding them in their Office. Ecclesiastical Authority ( saith Gerson de potest . Eccles. considerat . 6 ta ) may be considered either formally , absolutely , or respectively , as applyed to this or that person , and executively . Altho the Authority absolutely considered ▪ continues the same , yet in the application , it is various ; and that which was in Apostles and Evangelists , remained not alwise with such Apostles and Evangelists : As in Point of Right , none could succeed to the degree of Apostles and Evangelists , so in Matter of Fact , none did succeed . Causabon ( exercit . 14. P. 314. ) makes this the quarta Nota of the Apostolat , Potestas longe major & Augustior quam ulli unquam alii functioni Spirituali fuerit attributa . The fourth discriminating mark of an Apostle , is with Causabon , their greater and more Venerable Authority and Power , than was competent or allowed to any other Spiritual Function or Office. Which he illustrats from Chrysostom , 1 Cor. 12.29 . asserting the Apostles to be above all other Spiritual Functions . Quis nescit ( saith August . lib. 2 de Baptismo cap. 1. ) illum Apostolatus Episcpatum cuilibet Episcopatui praeferendum . Who knows not that the Episcopacy of Apostles , is set above all other Episcopacy whatsomever ? Now , I supose from what is said , it is evident , that this Man , in stead of exposing the Presbyterians , in this account of their Judgement , anent the Apostolick Office , hath opposed himself to Protestant Divines , and hath blotted himself , as a Calumniator of the true Protestant Doctrine in this point , espousing therein the Popish Cause and Interest . But let us hear what is our Dr's . Account of the Apostolick Office : It is thus : In opposition to which , saith the Dr. P. 96. ( i. e. the premised Presbyterian , or rather Protestant Account of the Apostolick Office ) We affirm ( had he added , we Catholicks and Iesuits , some would alledge the Epithet had been suteable to his Doctrine ) Well , What affirms he ? That the true Characteristick , formal , and distinguishing Mark of an Apostle , was his Constant , Supreme , Spiritual , Perpetual Power , Authority ; and Iurisdiction , over all subordinat Officers , and all others believing in Christ , and his Power to transmit this Authority to his Successors , according to the Command of our Saviour . Here , we have it in his own Words : Upon which , 1. Let it be considered , that he presents this Description and Account of the Apostolick Office , in opposition to that which he premiseth as ours . We hold , as well as he , that the Apostles had a Supreme ( though collateral and equal ) and Spiritual Power and Authority over Officers and Members of the Church : Only we add these further Characteristicks of their Office , viz : Their extraordinary Gifts , their immediat Call , including and having connected therewith , an unconfined Commission to propagat the Gospel among all Nations , as himself words our Tenet , and which is also proved from that Passage he cites , Matth. 28. Now , since in opposition to our Description , he holds , that his , not ours , are the proper discriminating Marks , whereby Apostles were distinguished from other Officers , he must of necessity , hold that these Characters are proper to other Officers , as well as them , For , there is no Mids : Either these Prerogatives were peculiar to Apostles , or proper to others also , and thus common to both , and it being so , not to mention other properties , since their unconfined Commission to Preach to all Nations ; And he cannot but acknowledge as immediat Officers of all the Churches , in actu exerciso , and in order to the founding them , and planting Gospel Ordinances , and Officers therein , according to our Saviours Commission , Matth. 28. is our great Mark and Characteristick of an Apostle , I challenge him to shew me , what succeeding ordinary Officer , had this applicable to him , whether of his supposed Epis●opal Mould or any other . The D● will not deny , that upon this Ground , the Churches are said to be built upon the Apostles Foundation , and this in an exclusive Sense , not the Foundation of any succeeding Officers , whether the Dr. call them Subordinat or otherwise ; And he knows the Churches Foundation is not to be twice laid ; So , that he is obliged either to produce succeeding Officers with this Prerogative and Power , or acknowledge this his Description naught , which he so vainly offers , in opposition to the Account of this Office , offered by Protestant Divines . 2. He sayes , That this power was constant , perpetual , and to be transmitted to Successors . Here , I ask him , whether the Apostles were to transmit their Power to one Successor and Supreme President , or to devolve their Collateral , Universal Power over all Believers , and all subordinat Officers , to respective Successors , coming after every one of them ? If the Dr. adhere to the first , he clearly homologats the Papal Pleadings for a Primacy over the Church Universal : And indeed , his owning as a Patern to the New Testament Church , the Continuance of the Iewish Oeconomy , does much oblige him thereunto . If he assert , that every one of the Apostles had a respective Successor , then his Descrip●●on obliges him to mantain that every such Successor , has transmited unto him , A Perpetual , Spiritual , Constant , Universal Inspection over all Churches , both Ministers and Believers : For , this essential Authority of Apostles , he affirms , they were to transmitt to Successors , and that according to the Command of our Saviour . But to proceed ; Let us Listen to our Dr's Explication , ( P. 97. ) The Apostles Permanent Successive Power , was to Preach the Gospel , Govern the Churches they Planted , give Rules and Directions to Successors in the same Office , and all Subordinat Ecclesiasticks , Inflict Censures , Communicat this Authority to others , Hear Complaints , Decide Controversies , Settle Church Discipline , Conferr the Holy Ghost , as the Necessity of the Faithful requires — ( He tells us , He understands the Gifts , that must needs attend the Authoritative Ministry of Holy Things ) This being Essentially the Apostolick Office , it remains for ever in the Church , the ordinary Necessities thereof , requiring it should continue till Christs coming . Here , First , I would enquire again , since the Power thus described , is in the Dr's Sense , Permanent and Successive , and necessary to the Church , whether is it so , as devolved upon every Person Succeeding , and in the same Extent , and for the same E●ds , as the Apostles Exercised it ? If it be not , then every Body of Common Sense , knows , that this Apostolick Power and Office , cannot be called Permanent and Successive , and of a continued standing Necessity in the Church , no more than a Pastors ordinary Power to Preach and Baptize , will prove this , and that they hold this entire Apostolick Office , which he describes . If this Apostolick Power and Office , be devolved in its entire extent , and to every Person Succeeding , then every Person thus Succeeding , has an Entire , Unconfined , Universal Authority and Inspection over all the Churches , all Ecclesiasticks and Believers , to use his own Terms , and are obliged by their Office , to Preach unto , and Govern them all , as the Apostles did , to give Rules , Inflict Censures upon all Subordinat Officers . If he say , that every Apostle did not so Extensively Preach and Govern : I Answer , even admitting some Gradual Difference in the Extent of the Actual Exercise , yet this did no whit Lessen their Universal Commission , exprest Matth. 28. and the Obligation of a Proportioned Endeavour , could not Impeach their standing Authority over all the Churches , and their Relation , in Actu Exercito , as immediat Catholick Officers thereof : And the Dr , in saying , That this Authority and Iurisdiction reached over all Subordinat Officers and Believers ; without Exception , ( which very Power , he affirms , they were to Transmit to Successors ) confirms what I said , and cuts him off from this Evasion . To clear this further , in the second place , it may be asked , whether these supposed Successors , are Authorized to Plant Churches , give Rules to them , Decide Controversies , Conferr the Holy Ghost , as the Apostles did , with Respect to the End , Manner , and Extent foresaid ? If not , then sure this Power is Transient , not Permanent and Successive , as the Dr. calls it . If they have this Power of Apostles , as above exprest ; Then first , there lyes upon every such Successor , an Obligation to Plant Churches , where they were not ; For , he will not deny that the Apostles were to Plant & to Govern the Churches Planted , and to give Rules and Directions thereanent . The Absurdity of which Assertion , is sufficiently apparent , and its necessary Dependence upon what he asserts , no less evident . But while we speak of Successors giving Rules , the Dr. would do well to inform us , what Rules he means , whether the Apostles Rules , or others ? If the same , then they could not Succeed the Apostles in Authoritative , Infallible Delivery of the first Gospel Rules , this Work being already done : If others ; then the Dr. will ascribe to them such a Nomothetick Authority as to Rules , as no Church can now acclaim , in the Sense of all Protestant Divines . If he say , he means an Application or Declarator of Apostolick Rules , in particular Cases : Then I Answer , This is not the Apostolical Delivery of Rules , as all Men know , but is toto coelo different from it , both in its Nature and Extent ; So , that this Shift will not help the Dr. out of the Briars . But in the next place , the Dr. has told us , of an Apostolical derived Power in Deciding Controversies , which he appropriats to the Bishops their Successors , and in the Sequel of his Reasoning , must atribute it to every one of them . And here , I would enquire of him , how did the Apostles Decide Controversies ? The Dr. will not deny , that any one of the Apostles , by virtue of their Authority and Infallibility , could decide Controversies infallibly , as being our Saviours Living Oracles and having the Mind of Christ : And what Bishop , or Succeeding Church Officer , I pray , has this Power and Authority ? We know , General Councils have erred in their Decisions : But the Dr. gives a greater Power to every Bishop , by this his New Notion . Or , if the Dr allay and lessen this Decision , either as to Extent or Authority , then he is still in the Briars , and baffles his own definition and explication . Further , the Dr. has told us , the Bishops succeeds the Apostles in giving the Holy Ghost . The Scriptures tells us the Apostles gave the Holy Ghost , and even Miraculous visible Gifts thereof , by imposition of Hands ; and we have heard , that Protestant Divines ascribe this to them , as one of their incommunicable Prerogatives : The Dr. will needs have them succeeded in this . But being someway sensible of the absurdity of this lax Assertion , he restricts it to such Gifts , as must needs attend the Authoritative Ministry of Holy things . Be it so ; but will he say , that the Apostles did no otherways give the Holy Ghost ? This he cannot assert . Then I say . 1. He must acknowledge , that here is a defective , maimed , not an intire Succession in this work and part of their Office. 2. The Dr would be puzzled to shew a Reason , why he restricts and limits this Point of the Succession , rather than the rest . Finally , the Dr. calls this Power of the Apostles , Supreme , and no doubt , since it is with him , one Criterion of the Apostolick Office , and competent to all their Successors the Bishops , in this Apostolick extent ; For , he affirms , that this Power of the Apostles , is perpetual and necessary in the Church , and that the Bishops are their proper Successors therein : And here , the Dr. would do well to inform us of what Character and Mould , in Point of Power , these Bishops are , whom he owns to succeed to this Apostolick Office : For , that de facto , there is a great variety in the extent of their Power , he will not deny . Whether doth he hold , that every ordinary Bishop is such a Successor ? or the Arch Bishop ? or only Primats ? If every Bishop does thus succeed ( which the Series of his Arguing seems to import ) then I would know , how a Bishop with a derived , subaltern , subordinat Power , limit to a certain , and may be , not a very great Precinct or district , can be said to succeed the Apostles , in a Supreme Iurisdiction over all Believers and Ecclesiasticks ? Let him make Sense of this , if he can : If he say that the Bishops Succession relates to their Power within their own district : Then , 1. They no more succeed the Apostles , in the Power by him described , than Successors to a Sheriff in a Kingdom , can be said to succeed to the Regal Throne . 2. If he once break square thus , and infringe his own Rule , his measures and description , he must consequently acknowledge , that a Government in the smallest precinct , yea , even of a Pastor over his Flock , is eaten us , a Succesion to the Apostles . If he say , the Pastor has no Rule over Ecclesiasticks , and consequently , no Apostolick Succession , in his Sense : I Answer , neither has the Bishops over all Ecclesiasticks , which is also his Sense and description of the Apostolick Succession . If he own , that only Arch Bishops ▪ are such Successors ; Then , 1. How comes he to owne the Bishops , in universum , as succeeding the Apostles , in a Rectoral Power . 2. Since the Bishops can give Rules to subordinat Ecclesiasticks , Preach if their Lordships please , give Rules of Disciplin , hear complaints , decide Controversies , &c. wherein he makes this Apostolick Succession to consist , how can he deny , even to Diocesan Bishops , this Succession ? 3. Suppose , but one Diocesan Church in a Countrey gathered , the Dr. will not deny an Apostolick Succession and Government , there , according to his Pattern and Principles . But to proceed , if the Dr. hold , that only the great Arch Bishops or Metrapolitans , have this Supremacy and Apostolick Succession ; I would know upon what ground , he can defend this in his Principles ? I know none , except that of the extent of their Power , be alledged . But here the Dr. is still at odds with himself : For the Apostolick Power , which he holds to be Succeeded unto and Permanent , extended to all Churches , to all Ecclesiasticks and Believers . And besides , suppose an Oecumenick Council Assembled , the Dr. will not assert , that he has an Authority paramount to it , by his Office , and that there may not be a greater Metropolitan than he , existent , whose Power may be paramount to his , in the Council , or otherwise . Thus , we see how our Dr. in his Phantastick Description of the Apostolat , and Pleadings for the Bishops Succession thereunto , has involved himself , and is Rolling Sisiphus Stone , which still returns upon him , and renews his Labour . But in the next place , the Dr. ( P. 97.98 . ) tells us , That extraordinary Gifts of the Holy Ghost , Power of Miracles , Languages , other Spiritual Furniture , were temporary , extrinsick advantages , necessary for first forming the Christian Church , and when this Fabrick is erected , Scaffoldings are removed . But I should think , if the Apostolick work and necessary duties required these extraordinary Gifts , as necessary advantages and furniture for the same , then they were intrinsick , not extrinsick to the Office it self ; Which I will prove to the Dr , by a paralel Argument , the Topick whereof , he must needs owne : To be apt to Teach , to have Spiritual knowledge , and the Gift of utterance , in a competent Measure , prudence , a competent knowledge of the Scriptures , and Languages thereof , he will acknowledg , are needful for the Pastoral work of Feeding by the word and Doctrin : Therefore , say I , they are essential and intrinsick to the Pastoral Office ; For , 1. Else there were no need of a previous trial of these Gifts , in order to admission to that Office. And 2. God conjoins the call to the Office , with the Gifts for it , and the one in an ordinary way , must be made Appear by the other : I hope , the Dr ▪ and I are agreed as to the Soundness of this Reasoning . Now , let me subsum upon this Conclusion ; In like manner , the Apostolick Office required these works or duties , whereunto were necessarly annexed the forementioned Gifts and Eurniture for the fame . 1. They were to teach all Nations ; this they could not do without the Gift of Tongues , wherefore on the day of Penticost , they were thus sealled ; Yea were , Commanded to stay and wait at Ierusalem for this Seal . 2. Another piece of their work , was , to Confirm their Doctrin by Miracles , then new and unknown , thus to seal their Commission to an Infidel world , as also , to the Iews , as Moses and Aaron were to Pharaoh and Israel , before whom the Signs were shown of the Rod and Leprous hand : This Work required the Gift of Miracles . 3. They were to form the Christian Church , and lay the ground plott of its Government , and deliver the Rules and plat-form of its Doctrine and Worship ; This required an infallible directive Power and Authority , in reference to all the Ordinances and Officers thereof . 4. Their Work and Office required an immediat Relation , in actu secundo , to all Churches , so that they were , while alive , solely such Officers thereof : Hence , their very Office being of this Nature , and supposing the Christian Church a forming & erecting , it is certain , that taken in a proper formal Sense , with these its Ingredients , i● is the Scaffolding which is removed ▪ when this Fabrick is erected , since , now no Mortal can pretend to such a Mission , Commission , and Authority . Further , The Command , [ Go teach all Nations ] he must hold still vigent , as essentially included in the Apostolick Office , for he distinguishes this part of their Permanent Power , from their extraordinary expired Priviledges ( P. 96. ) so that he must needs acknowledge , that this requiring the Gift of Tongues , it was essential thereunto . Again , he holds , there is a Supreme Power of Government , constant and transmitted to the Church : And this Supreme Power necessarly requires , ( 1. ) Infallibility in all the Methods and Measures of Government ; For , that upon the ground of such a Supremacy , the Apostles had an Infallibility , in all their Measures and Ordinances of Government , delivered to the Churches , the Dr. will not deny . ( 2. ) He cannot deny this necessary Consequence , That therefore , they were priviledged with unaccountableness and uncontrolable Power ; And this in his Principles , he must needs hold to be transmitted : For , if Supremacy and Infallibility will not infer these two , surely nothing will. And the Dr. will not say , that Supremacy over all Church Officers and Members , are temporary expired Priviledges ; For this he clearly distinguishes from them : And it being thus ; the Question still recurrs to what Bishops he ascribs this ? Whether to some of them who are of Special Character , or to all ? If to all , then none of them are subordinat and accountable to another , as being all Infallible and Supreme , in the Exercise of their Government . If to some only , under what Character are they ? Primats , Arch-bishops , or Patriarchs ? And whether are they subject to one Head ? If to one Head , then they loss the Priviledge of Supremacy , wherein the Dr. makes an Apostolick Succession to consist : Yet it will be hard to say , that they were not subject to a General Council , as to their Doctrine and Administration : And sure I am , the Dr. will assert , that the Apostles had such a Supreme Power , as put them beyond the reach of Subjection to any Church Judicatory , and this their Supreme Authority , he asserts to be Constant and Permanent , still necessary for the Church , and died not with their Persons : So , that here is another confused Maze and Farrago of Inconsistencies . But further , to shew how this Mans precipitant folly has involved him , two things are again considerable : First , He holds the Iewish OEconomy never to have been abrogat , but to be still vigent , as it exemplifies a Pattern to the New Testament Church ; This he acknowledges had a Supreme High Priest , who was an OEcumenick President over that Church , over all inferior Priests ▪ and all their Courts : For , he wil be far from admitting any inferior Priests to share in this Priviledge . Hence , i● inevitably follows , that this Supremacy is in his Sense , applicable only to the Supreme OEcumenick President , that the Christian Church may come up to its Pattern . And it being thus , let us in the next place see , how he notwithdanding crosses this in two Points ; 1. In making this Constant , Supreme , Spiritual Power , over all Members and Officers in the Christian Church , to have been first exercised by every one of the Twelve Apostles , and by them derived to their respective Successors . 2. In holding in discriminatim , and without any note of distinction of one from another , that the Bishops ( yea , all Bishops ) are Successors of the Apostles ; he means in a proper formal Sense : For , this is the very Title of this goodly Chapter , of the Succession of Bishops from the Apostles , as is said . Further , I would gladly know , whether our Dr. ownes any Church-Power to have been transmitted to Presbyters or Pastors , and to be asserted , Act. 20 28. 1 Pet , 5.2 . Heb. 13.7.17 . and many such places , pleaded by the Presbyterians : It is probable , he will acknowledge this , so that it be within their Precincts , & insubordination to the Bishops . Now , I pray , why will he deny them the Priviledge of Succession to Apostles , in point of Church Power ? He hath no Shadow of Ground , unless upon the Account of a Precarious Dependence upon the Bishop ; So , that it is not a Supreme Spiritual Power , as he defines that of the Bishops , as succeeding Apostles therein . And I beseech him , why are not the Bishops , upon this Ground of their Precarious Dependance upon Superior Bishops , equally cut off from this Priviledge ? If he say , the Bishops Power reaches to Church Officers under them , not that of Presbyters ; I have already told him , what an Insignificant Evasion this is , and that he cuts himself off from this Answer , in that he makes this Apostolick Power , which is Transmitted to Successors , to be a Jurisdiction and Authority over all Subordinat Officers , all Ecclesiasticks , and all others Believing in Christ. And he tells us , That the Apostles were to give Directions to their Suceessors in the same Office. So , that if it be not thus understood , who can reconcile his Words to Sense ? For , he distinguishes the Successors to their Office , from such as he calls Subordinat Ecclesiasticks , who have no such Authority . And to say the Office is perpetual and permanent , that the Office imports Essentially a Supreme Power over all Church Officers and Members , and is thus distinguished from all Inferior Offices , that this very Office is derived to Successors , as being Essential and necessary to the Church Government in all Ages , and yet that these Successors , one or more , have a Power Encircled within a certain Plott of Ground or District , is such a palpable Contradiction and Non-Sense , as none can be more evident . We are told , ( P. 98. ) That the Essence of the Apostolick Office , consisted not in the forementioned extraordinary Priviledges — but in the Rectoral Power , Transmitted to their Successors in all Ages . I have told him , and made it appear , that their Rectoral-Power , necessarly included these Priviledges , and since he acknowledges , that the Essence of their Office consisted in their Rectoral Power , it does necessarly follow , that these being of the Essence of that Power , they were Essential to the Office. We acknowledge with him , that they were by their Office distinguished from Subordinat Officers ; The Dr. infers , That therefore , this Distinction must consist in something so peculiar to them , as its incommunicable to any Orders of Officers not Honoured with this Character . Before I come to a direct Answer , I will here cleave all his Reasoning asunder , with a Wedge of his own Setting . The Apostles Universal , Unconfined Inspection over all Churches , Planted and to be Planted , and as Catholick Universal Ministers thereof , in Actu Exercito , is that whereby they are distinguished from other Officers , who are not of that Character : And being thus distinguished , this must of necessity be the Essence of their Office ; for it is the Essence , from which Essential Distinctions flows : Yet , we will find the Dr. Disowning and Denying this ( P. 96. ) Next , from hence , its easie to infer , that to give Successors the true Apostolick Character and Power , it must be of this Nature and Extent , else its Hetrogeneous unto , and comes short of its Pattern ▪ Will any Rational Man deny , that the Rectoral Power derived to Apostles by our Saviour , wherein he says , the Essence of their Office did consist , was of this Nature and Extent ? Now , let him produce , if he can , any one Officer or Successor , with this Character . Again , that whereby they were distinguished , or what was peculiar to them , may be understood two ways , 1. Materially , or Simplely . 2. Formally , or as making up their Complex Office , with its other Ingredients , and as properly subservient to the proper , formal , immediat Ends thereof . In the first Sense , there were several things , whereby they were not properly distinguished from other Officers at that time , considering them materially and remotely ; such as Gifts of Tongues , Miracles , &c. which others had in their own Sphere and Degree : But formally , they were proper to Apostles , considering their Degree , Circumstances , and proper immediat End. Others had Gifts of Tongues , and of Miracles , but these Gifts were distinguished from those of Apostles , upon the Ground above exprest . I would make it evident by a Scripture Instance : Our Saviour shews what Miraculous Signs shall follow them that believe ; And in these first times , gives Instance , viz. their Casting out Devils , Speaking with Tongues , Taking up Serpents without Hurt , ( this we read of Paul , Act. 28. ) their Drinking Deadly Things without Prejudice ; yet Paul says , speaking of these extraordinary Gifts , [ truely the Signs , Wonders and Mighty Deeds of an Apostle are wrought among you ] But notwithstanding this , we know that Stephen , tho no Apostle , did Wonders among the People . But who knows not , that in the Apostles , these Actings of the Divine Power , were of another Nature , and for another immediat End , viz. To Confirm and Ratifie an Apostolick Authority , as the Churches Infallible , Universal , First Messengers , upon whose Doctrine , the Foundation of the Church was to be laid ? Thus , according to the Sense of the Judicious and Learned Professors of Leyden , their Office consisted in this , That they were Christs Universal Ambassadours to lay every where the Foundation of the Gospel Church , and were sent immediatly ▪ and extraordinarly by him , instructed with Infallibility in Doctrine , and Power to Confirm it with Miracles . So , that in their Sense , and in the Sense of Sound Divines , already exhibit , when we speak of the Apostolick Office , somethings were more remotely , and less principally , Ingredients therein ; somethings , more immediatly and properly , to which the other was subservient . Their Office lay in that Universal Legation mentioned , and as Levelled at that great End of Founding the Gospel Church , which necessarly included their immediat Mission , as is said ; other things , as Correspondent to this End , were Ingredients in their Office , in the remote Sense above cleared , such as the Gifts of Tongues , Miracles , &c. This serves to Unravel our Dr's Foolish Notion , which he has ( P. 98 , 99. ) to disprove our Sense of the Apostolick Office : Such as , First , That the Laity , many of them , had Extraordinary Gifts of the Holy Ghost . I Answer , ( not to stand upon his Expression , the Laity , or upon an Enquiry , who of them , had these Extraordinary , Ministerial Gifts ) by denying they were either of that Nature , Measure , or for such an immediat End , as those of the Apostles . None certainly , had such a clear comprehensive , immediat , infallible Light in Divine things as they ; And many things may convince the Dr. of this his Error : For , First , What meant else their Solemn Extraordinary Seal of the Spirit , Act. 2. striking the World with such Admiration ? What need the Promise of the Spirit , to lead them unto all Truth , and endue them with Power from on High ? Again , the Dr. will acknowledge , that the Apostolick Office was to Plant the Christian Church , and Gospel Ordinances through the World ; And therefore , he must , by necessary Consequence , acknowledge , that their Gifts behoved to be , of such a Nature and Measure , as were suted to this End , and in special to the immediat infallible Government of the Churches , and the Direction of both Members and Officers thereof , in their respective Duties : Hence , our Lord spent fourty Days , after his Resurrection , in instructing them in the things , pertaining to his Kingdom , that they might be thus immediatly fitted for this Work. The Dr. will not deny , that the Pastoral Gifts before Instanced , of Scriptural Knowledge , Skill in the Languages , Prudence , &c. are proper Ingredients in that Office , and Characteristicks thereof , as suted to the Ends of the same , and the Evidences of the Divine Call , all other things concurring , notwithstanding that some of the Laity may have these Gifts . Next , for their Infallibility , the Dr. tells us , That the Evangelists and Seventy Disciples were such . I Answer , supposing the Seventy to be Evangelists , I deny this Infallibility competent to them , understanding it of such a Nature and Extent as competent unto Apostles , and an Ingredient of their Office , else I beseech him , why was Timothy , after his Inauguration instructed by the Apostle , in reference to so many Points of his Office and Duty , and so many things pointed out to him to beware of ? As for Lukes Writing from the Testimony of Eye-witnesses and Ministers of the Word ; Any with half an Eye , may see , that this falls utterly short of proving an Apostolick Infallibility , in its Nature and Extent , and with respect to its Ends ; Altho the Spirit of GODs infallible Guidance in what he wrote , is necessarly supposed . What he means by Under-Ministers , I understand not : If the Spirit of GOD , made use of his Information by Apostles or others , in order to His End of this infallible Writing , can any imagine that this will prove an Apostolick Infalibility , properly and formally such ? As for Stephens doing Miracles , and being endued with such Wisdom , as Adversaries could not resist him : I deny the Consequence , that therefore he had Infallibility , or Gifts of Miracles of that Nature and Extent , or to such a proper immediat End , as was competent to the Apostles , upon the Ground already exhibite . Next , He tells us , That Matthias was not immediatly called , but by the Apostles , yet had power to continue that Succession to the End. I deny his Assertion , which is among the rest of his gratis dicta : It is evident to any , that but reads the History , that Matthias was by GODs immediat choice and Declaration by a Lot ( the Disposal whereof , is of the LORD ) set a part for his Work and Office , and GOD was sought unto by Prayer to shew His Mind , as touching this Choice : Which therefore , was immediatly his own . It is true , the Apostles , who had the Mind of CHRIST , did with the consent of the Church , present the two to the LORD , but the Choice and Call was GODs . And the presenting of these Eminent Persons to GOD by the Church , will no more prove that Matthias was called and authorized by them , than the Peoples presenting the seven Deacons to the Apostles , to be ordained , will prove that they , not the Apostles , ordained them . The Dr. tells us , That the first Apostles were Witnesses of Christs Resurrection — yet this did not make them Apostles . What does he drive at ? None sayes , that merely to witness this , made any of them Apostles , or that to be an immediat Witness of it , was indispensably needful in order to the Apostolick Office : For , so was not the Apostle Paul : Altho there is no doubt but that the Testimony of CHRISTs Resurrection , was a great Point of the Apostolick Doctrine and Testimony . But the Dr. will needs add his Proof , Or else , saith he , Matthias had been an Apostle before he was Invested . Who would not pitty such impertinent triff●●gs ? I know none who asserts , that to be a Witness of CHRISTs Resurrection made an Apostle ; Who knows not that several Women ( incapable of a Ministry ) were among the early and first Witnesses of our LORDs Resurrection : Besides , that the Dr. has not proved that Matthia● was such an immediat Witness . The Dr's . Conclusion ( ibid. ) is That the Essence of the Apostolick Office , consisted not in extraordinary Priviledges , so plentifully poured out on the first Ministers and Converts . We have told him , in what Sense , the Apostolick Office included these Ingredients thereof : And even granting that some of these extraordinary Priviledges or Gifts , might have been in some Sense communicated to other Officers ; The Dr. is never a white nearer his Conclusion , since the Apostles proper Work and Function consisted in this , to lay the Foundation of the Gospel Church , to plant and water it , and as being infallibly inspired , to order the Ordinances and Officers thereof , as being Immediat and Catholick Officers of the same : Herein , we have often told him , lay their Office , as to its main Essentials , and unto this their other Prerogatives , were Subservient . Now , in all his Instances , he has exhibite none , who ever did or could share with them in this Priviledge . 2. He alledges ( P. 96. ) That we include among the Essentials of their Office , their unconfined Commission to propagat the Gospel among all Nations — which necessarly includes an Immediat Relation , in actu secundo , to the whole Church , and inferrs their Duty to be of the Nature and Extent , as above exprest — Yet he neither can , nor offers to give the least shadow of any such Officer , that did or could share with the Apostles , or come up to them in this Prerogative . The Dr. Concludes , That the Nature and Essence of the Apostolick Office is perpetual . His Conclusion is like some Mushroms , that Naturalists speaks of as a Miracle of Nature , because they grow without a Root : His Reason [ that our Saviour promised to be with them to the end ] is as far remote from the Conclusion , as East is from West , taking the essence of the Office , in a proper formal Sense , as Apostolick . For , himself will not say , that this promise will includ the continuance of all the Apostolick Priviledges or Gifts , several of which , he holds to be expired . And therefore , it must still come under trial , wherein their Office was succeeded , even when this is admitted . How he has proven this , to be the Nature and Essence of their Office , we have seen above . Paraeus , with the current of Protestant Divines , takes the place he cites , to import a general promise to the whole Church , in specal the Faithful Ministers , the Apostles true Succcessors ; thus he Paraphrases it [ Nec paucis tantum diebus , sed omnibus vobiscum ero , nec vobiscum tantum , sed & vobis mortuis & cum vestris successoribus Fidelibus Evangelii Doctoribus Ecclesiarum Pastoribus usque ad consummationem saeculi ] That the Lord promised to be with his Apostles , and when they were gone , with all their true Successors , the faithful Pastors and Doctors of the Church till the end of the World. This derived Power , saith the Dr. ( P. 100 ) is strictly Jure Divino : No doubt , that Power which the Apostles derived , is such ▪ He adds , that nothing can more formally distinguish an Apostle from all other Ministers of the Gospel Oeconomy , than a supreme Spiritual Power to Govern Ecclesiastick affairs by their Authority , of which they are to give account to our Saviour . But we have often told him , that this Supreme Power , most formally includes an immediat Relation unto , and Universal inspection over the whole Church , and the nature of the Work , and consequently the Office , as is above exprest . And the Dr. when put to let us see the persons , who are the Subjects of this conveyed Power , what ordinary Church Officers , are the proper Recipients thereof , must go to Utopia to seek them ; and in his arguing traverses in an inextricable Labyrinth ; which , besides what is said , h●s in this late Passage , a new proof : For , he says , that the Apostles were to give an account to our Saviour of this Power , described by him . He will not say , they were to give this account merely , as all Ministers are , in a mediat Sense ; For thus , he would contradict his Scope , of delineating their Supreme Power ; so , that his meaning must be , that they were to give an account only to our Saviour , and were accountable or Subject to no Church Judicatory upon Earth , for their Administration . Now , Mr. Dr. except the Pope of Rome , your dear Patron , I know no Church Officer , whose head this infallible Mitre will sute ; unless these Supreme Infallibles be multiplied , according to the Number of Bishops or Arch-Bishops , it must necessarly resolve thus in the Supreme incontrolable Patriarch : And what absurdity there is either in the one , or the other , I need not shew . We are told next , that the Name , with the Office , was derived to others , besides the Twelve — and Epaphroditus must needs be the Philippians Apostle and Bishop , because called their Apostle , Philip. 2.25 . How impertinent this inference is , we have heard above . The Dr. alledges , the word signifies always a Messenger from God to Men. But Mr. Dr. your always , is here notably baffled , since , he is expresly called [ their M●ssenger , sent to Paul , to Minister to his wants ] This looks like a Messenger from Men to Men , unless the Dr. will deifie the Philippians , and deny them to be Men. ( P. 101. ) Our English Translators miss their Mark , not only here , but in 2 Cor. 8.23 . in Translating it thus [ the Messengers of the Churches , and the Glory of Christ. ] What Glory of Christ was it , saith he , that these Apostles were imployed from one Church to another — ? but their Authoritative Delegation was his Glory . Therefore , the Dr. will have them understood to be their Apostles or Bishops . I Answer , the Translators could not but know , that the Sense and context necessarly led them to this Interpretation ; the Apostle , being to commend unto this Church , while in treating of this Point of the Col●ection , the integrity of Titus , and the other Brethren , who , upon his exhortation , were come unto them , for this end , it follows necessarly , that their Mission and Message here intimated by this epithet , must be the same with that of Titus ; So , that both appear to be sent in the same manner , and to the same scope . As for the Dr's Reason , it s palpably naught ; the Apostles scope is , to stir up this Church to their Duty of Charity , by these high Elogies put upon the Messenger sent to them , beginning with Titus , whom he calls his Partner and Fellow-Labourer ; and the Argument is strong , and lyes Level to the Apostles Scope and Conclusion , v. 24. [ therefore , shew ye to them , and before the Churches , the proof your Love ] why to them ? The Reason is , I have imployed in this Message to you , such eminent and Faithful Ministers , who are , as in that capacity , the Glory of Christ. I must tell him further , that as CHRIST Gloried to do the meanest Service to his Saints , and Humbled himself to Death for them , so such Ministers are likest their Master , who esteem the meanest Service to his Elect , their Glory , and above all worldly Dignity . Angels are Ministring Spirits to Gods Elect ▪ David esteemed it more Honourable to be a Door-keeper in his House than all worldly Glory . His sense of Rom ▪ 16.7 . Will not help him , against the current of the Context and Interpreters . The Belgick Divines Translate it [ Renouned among Apostles ] i. e. say they them that Preach the Gospel here and there — or well known with the Apostles . Diodat , and the English Annot. take it to import [ Excellent Evangelists or Preachers ] or [ such as were well known to the Apostles ] But now our Dr. ( P. 101.102 . ) 〈◊〉 obviat one main Objection taken from the narrow Limits of the secondarie Apostles , as he calls them ; This , saith he , alters not the Nature of their Apostolical Power , within their Bounds , no more than Kings of Judah , can be denyed the Honour of sitting upon the Throne of David , in full Power and Royality , after the Apostacy — they were as tru●ly Kings ▪ as any of their Predicessors , as Solomon , tho the number of Subjects was not equal . Ans. I pray , was not in his Sense , the Rectoral Spiritual Power , which our LORD conferred upon his Disciples and Apostles , of the Nature and Extent above exprest , and such , as he calls Suprem● over all Church Officers , and all other Believers — ? And sayes he not expresly , that this very Power , thus described by him , is Essential to the Apostolick Office , and Permanent , and that the Apostolick Office being no other than this , remains for ever in the Church ? How then is it possible , that such Officers , as derive down this extensive Apostolick Power , should crumble into a petty Diocess ? How are such petty confined Successors , Supreme , and over all Church Officers ? 2. The Dr. Similitudinary and paralel Reason , cutts the Sinews of his Pleading and Argument . It is true , Kings ●● Iudah sat upon Davids ▪ Throne , in full Power over Iudah ; But I pray , did they succeed to David or Solomons Throne or Dignity , as they left it ? I trow not . Now , he has told us , that the Bishops succeed the Apostles , in that same Supreme Authority over Church Officers , and all Believers , which Christ committed unto them . Should England be divided into two Kingdoms , or into an Heptarchy , will any say , that the Man who succeeds to one of these petty Dominions , succeeds to the Crown of England , or unto the Kings thereof , because they possess a part of his Throne and Dominion ? Surely not : And so the Case is here . In a word , since in the Dr's . Sense , the narrowing the Limits of the Authority , impeaches not the Episcopal Power , and since , he will , no doubt , owne the Maxime , Maj●s & minus non variant speciem , Nazianzen , and such Bishops , as a●e said to have had but little Dorps for their Diocesses , had this Apostolick Power . What consequence this will bear , in reference to Pastors , some whereof , have a larger District , I have already told him . P. 102. The Apostles Bounds and Provinces of their Inspection — was not as equal as their Power it self , wherewith they were vested — Who doubts of this ? Whatever was their Condescension this way , and adjusted Measures of Travels , for the more commodious spreading of the Gospel , yet by vertue of their Commission , their Authority reached the whole World , and all Churches planted and to be planted , and this conjunctly and severally . As when the twelve Spies were sent to Canaan , whatever wayes they might have separatly gone , in a voluntary Condescension , yet their Authority and Commission , joyntly and a part , immediatly and formally , reached to a search of the whole Land. But I need not labour in proving this ; For the Dr. is ●o ingenuous , as to confess it , telling us , That the different extent of places , to which they went , did not alter or change that Rectoral Power and Iurisdiction wherewith they were endued : But thus he inferrs ( ibid. ) no more did the Apostolick Authority transmitted to Successors , differ from that which was lodged in the first Apostles , tho confined in its exercise to narrower Limits . But , good Mr. Dr. the Paralel is pittyfully Lame , the Original Authority lodged in the Apostles , by our LORDs Commission , is , by your Confession and Description , immediatly relative to all Churches , and all Believers in them ; So , that this immediat Relation , and a Right to Officiat upon Occasion accordingly , was still Vigent and Existent , with any one of the Apostles , tho ordinarly exercising their Ministry in never so narrow a Circle , every one of them , being Universal Doctors , Bishops , and Inspectors of the whole Catholick Church , planted and to be planted , and that ex natura officii , as Apostles : But I hope , ye will not say this of the Bishop , he being properly and immediatly related only to his Diocess . It had been a gross absurdity to say , Paul , or Iames , are only Apostles of such or such a Province , and have a Relation Apostolical to no other Church , as it is proper to say this Man as Bishop of such a Diocess , has an immediat Relation to it , and to no Diocess else . How often shall we tell the Dr. ( whose nauseous Repetitions forces us to repeat ) that the Apostles were capable of no particular fixed Ralation to any one Flock or Diocess , being as Apostles , vi & natura officii , Catholick Doctors of the Church Catholick , and constant infallible Inspectors and Directors of its Government , and all the Ordinances and Officers thereof ; And consequently , that this their proper formal Office of Apostolat , went off , and expired with that infant State and Exigence of the Church , and could never be succeeded unto by any Church Officer ? P. 103. We are told , That the Apostles by lot divided the places of their Travels — and went about what fell to their share . None doubts of this in general , tho the particular Account of their dividing the World by lots , and who were to go to Asia , who to Scythia , &c. is a piece of Discovery on the back of the Bible , which we let pass among the rest of the Dr's profound Notions . He adds , It s plain , that when Matthias was chosen , it was to take the lot of his Ministry and Apostleship . Who doubts of this either ? And that every Apostle had a share of this Ministry of Apostolat , because all of the same Office. But this will noways infer ( except by the Dr's Logick , which can prove quidlibet ex quolibet ) that they were capable of a fixt Relation to any one Post , or Watch Tower of the Church . That they Governed the Churches where they resided , ( as the Dr. next tells us ) we doubt not . Tho I add , if the Churches were constitute in their Organick Beeing , according to Gospel Rules , their Apostolick Inspection was Cumulative unto , not Privative of the Government of the Ordinary Officers Constitute therein . He adds , ( ibid. ) They committed their Apostolical Episcopal Inspection to particular Persons , who succeeded them , even in their Apostolick Authority . This is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Question , which the Dr. still Cants over without Proof . We have often told him , that their Apostolick Rectoral Power ( as he calls it ) related immediatly to the Catholick Church : And to say , that this they committed to particular Persons , related to one fixed Post , and by Consequence solely Pastors or Bishops thereof , in an immediat proper Sense , and subject to Superior Collegiat Churches and Judicatories , ( which he must needs hold , unless he embrace the Independent Principles , and he cannot deny , that de Facto , the Bishops he pleads for , were and are thus subject ) is as great Non-Sense , as to say , a Man succeeding to a Privat Cure , succeeds a Metropolitans Place , or that the Person who succeeds to an Episcopal Chair , doth succeed to the Papacy , in its supposed Rectoral Power . The Dr. doth here again Cant over , That their Rectoral P●wer distinguisht them from all Subordinat Officers . And from hence we rationally inferr , that all Ordinary Officers , being Inferior and Subordinat to them , this Rectoral Power reacht all Officers and Believers , as to the Ius it self , and consequently the Exercise upon Occasion : And that therefore , the Dr. absurdly calls this their Power Permanent , and as absurdly holds , that Officers related to particular Posts , did therein succeed them . P. 103 , 104. The Dr. thus proceeds , When the Evangelical Priesthood ( still Priesthood ) got its Qualified Officers , Bishops and Priests were not to encroach upon one another , but every one was to Feed the Flock within the Limits alloted to him . Now , here is a Confession , which contradicts and baffles all his Pleadings ; For , even these pretended succeeding Bishops and Apostles , in his Sense , could not , without Impeaching Christs Order , and Encroaching on their Fellows , go beyond their Limits , in the Exercise of their Ministry : And he will not deny , that this Limited Ministry flowed from the very Nature of their Fixt and Limited Office : But will he dare to say , that any one of the Apostles , were thus Limited , or had an Office of this Nature , or that they would have Encroached upon the Authority of any of these his supposed fixed Bishops , if Officiating within their Bounds , and Exercising their Apostolick , Rectoral Power , in an immediat manner , without their previous Consent , as one Bishop or Pastor cannot , yea may not , upon this Ground , thus Officia● . But , saith the Dr , ( ibid. ) They were not so Confined to their Sees , but that their Episcopal Care reacht the whole Church , as far as was possible , and Christian Charity did require . I Answer , 1. So is no Pastor fixt to his Post , but as a Watchman upon Ierusalems Walls , and thus having an immediat Relation to the Catholick Church , his Pastoral Care , in its Exercise , in an Orderly Way , is capable of a further Extension . The Church of God is a City , that has Watchmen set upon her Walls , and in their several Posts , whose Care must , in a mediat Sense , reach the whole City , but cannot in its Exercise be extended , but according to the Garrison-Laws and Discipline ; So , that thus , the Dr. will make any Pastor succeed the Apostles : For , he will not deny , that the Pastoral Care is of this Nature ; Nor can he assign any Reason why , since the Bishop is tyed to his Limits , as well as the Pastor , the Pastoral Care is not capable of such an Extension of its Exercise , as is suteable to the Churches Edification . But , 2. The Dr. speaks improperly and confusedly , when he assigns no other Rules and Measures of this extended Care , but Christian Charity , and a Possibility thereof merely : For , unless he turn Independent , and deny all Subordination of Church Officers and Courts , he must needs acknowledge , that this Extension of Exercise , must come under the Regulation , and Authorit●tive Inspection of Superior Judicatories ; the Spirits of the Prophets being subject to the Prophets : And the Church Representative must be still supposed the proper Ministerial Judges of her greater Good and Edification , which is the great Ground of this Extension . So , that its pitifully impertinent to say , that its only Christian Charity , and the simple Possibility of the Thing in it self considered , whereof the Person himself is supposed Judge , that regulats this Matter of so high Importance . Who will say , that a Sentinel's Exercise of Military Inspection , can be extended beyond his Post and Station assigned him , by the Governour and Officers of the Garrison , upon mere Charity , and a Possibility of this further Extension , without Respect to what the Military Discipline , and the Authority of the Governour and Officers , will allow ? Now , to subsume , I beseech this Dr. to tell me plainly , and speak it out , were the Apostles , by vertue of their Office , to extend their Apostolick Inspection from one Church or Countrey to another , only after this Manner , and by such Rules and Measures ? And dare he deny , that they were to follow the Spirits Conduct every where , and by vertue of their Office , had an immediat Access to Exercise their Authority over all Churches , wherever they came , and were subject to no Churches Inspection , or Direction in this Matter ? Can he not here see a palpable Distinction of the Office of Apostolat , from all ordinary Officers , as that of the Commanders of a Garrison , who are called to go the Round over all the Posts and Sentinels , to take Inspection over , and Direct them , differs necessarly and essentially from the Office and Charge of those , who are in these fixed Posts , whether their Inspection be of a Larger or Lesser Extension ? And hence it appears , that unless the Dr. can let us see such Officers in Scripture , whose proper Work was of this Nature , succeeding the Apostles in the Inspection mentioned , and having such a Power devolved upon them , he will never prove it from the Occasional Transient Officiating of Fixed Officers , beyond their Limits , Directed and Authorized therein , by , and under the Inspection of Superior Church Officers and Iudicatories . As for his Citation of Causabon , Exercit. 14. ad Annal. Baron . N. 4. touching the Bishops peculiar Care of their own Flock , yet so , as suo quodam modo , they Cared for the whole Church : I nothing doubt , but that it may have a Safe and Sound Sense , when applyed to every Pastor , whose mediat Care , actu primo , suo modo , reaches the whole Church . And the Citation quite baffles the Dr. For , if their care reached to a peculiar Charge committed to them in solidum , it was toto coelo different from the Apostolick care and Charge , as is above made good . And the Dr. in saying , that this exactly resembled the Features and Lineaments of the Apostolick Office , shews himself to be as bad & unskilful in the Art of Limning , as unsincere and unskilful in Disput. For , such a Confined , Limited Ministry , under such Regulations , as is above expressed , can no more Represent the Features and Lineaments of the Apostolick Office , in a proper formal Sense , and in its intire Nature , as delineat in Scripture , than a hand or Foot can Represent the Lineaments of an intire Body . For what he adds , ibid. That Confinment to a particular See , proceeds not from the Nature of the Priesthood , but Rules of Prudence and Ecclesiastical OEconomy and Canonical Constitutions . He speaks confusedly , and without Sense . For , this being the Nature of the Priest-hood or Ministry , viz : That it is Gods Ordinance , designed for Edification , it must be consequently Adapted and measured to this end : And therefore , whatever Person , hath an ordinary Ministry committed to him , must have it in such a proportion , as his Case and personal ability can reach ▪ God committing to no Man , an immediat inspection of the Catholick Church , as his peculiar Charge : So , that whatever be the particular individual Limits of the Charge , which is left to the Churches Prudence to assign , yet the persons having such a Limited Charge , as is above discribed , flows from the Nature of the ordinary Ministry , and the State and Case of the Church , when the extraordinary Office of Apostolat is expired . And to Convince the Dr. of this , and of the Folly of this Lax Assertion , that Confinement to a particular See proceeds not from the Nature of the Priesthood , I would put to him this Querie : Whether the Assigning unto one Bishop an U●niversal Inspection and Primacy over the Catholick Church , would be any impeachment of the Nature of his Priest-hood or Ministry Assigned to him by G●d , yea or not ? If not ; then who sees not that he owns the Lawfulness and Divine Warrands of a Papal Primacy , especialy , if the Church should Corroborat this by an Universal Constitution ? If he say , that this extension were contrary to the Nature of the Priest-hood ; Then he Contradicts himself , in Asserting , that the Priest-hood of its own Nature , requires no Confinment , as he calls it ; and in Calling it so , he Insinuats some sort of Violence offered to the Nature of this Ministry . Besides , these Constitutions he mentions , Confining Bishops to a certain Charge , are either cross or Correspondent to the Nature and ends of a Gospel-Ministry , expressed in Scripture : If cross thereunto ; then sure they are not Lawful , unless he will say , God gives the Church Authority to enact Constitutions cross to his Revealed Will , and consequently paramount to his own Rules and Authority : Which , whether it be greater nonsense or Blasphemy , is hard to determin . If they be Correspondent to the Nature and ends of a Gospel Ministry , how can he deny , that such a Confinment or Constitutions proceed from the Nature thereof ? His Reason added , viz. That the Apostles ordained Bishops for the Spiritual Service of such as should believe , is as void of Sense or connection , as any can be : For , so are all Pastors ( the true Scripture Bishops ) ordained by Apostles . But will he be bold to say , or if he say , will not all Men of Sense hiss him , That the Apostles ordained all and every Bishop or Minister , for the actual immediat Service of all Believers of the Catholick Church , as their proper peculiar Work and Charge ? This he must either say , or his Reason is nought . Nay , will he not thus contradict himself , in affirming his Secondary Apostles , ( as he calls them ) to differ in Extension of Power from the first Apostles ? P. 105. We are told , That the Apostles committed their Rectoral Power over subordinat Ecclesiasticks to particular persons , succeeding in their Room , in particular Churches . Another piece of Repeated nonsense . The Apostles by their Office , had an Universal immediat Inspection over all Ecclesiasticks , or Church Officers of the Catholick Church , as himself describs their Office : Yet this their proper formal Office , thus described by him , he will needs have them to devolve upon particular persons , fixed to particular Churches ; as good Sense as to say , the King Commits his Regal Primacy and Rectoral Power over his Kingdom , when dying , or leaving it , unto the Man , whom he hath enstalled in the Office of a Sheriff . But the Dr. tells us , that he will now propose the true State of the Controversy . I am sorry a Doctor has disputed so long upon a Question , and has yet the State of the Controversy to propose . Common Ingenuity and Rules of Dispute , would have prompted him in the first place , to propose the true State of the Question , and explain the Terms thereof : But these Rules are too Pedantick for our Dr. who is more inclined to Pamphleting Harrangues , than Systematick Divinitie . Well , what State of the Question offers he ? Thus it is , [ Whether the Apostles committed their Apostolick Authority , they exercised in particular Churches , to such single persons , duelie and regularlie chosen ; Or to a Colledge of Presbyters , acting in administration of Ecclesiastick Affairs in a perfect Paritie and Equalitie ? ] I shall be glad to admit this State of the Question , when one Exception is offered by way of Caution , Viz : That as we grant an Ordinary Authority , which the Apostles exercised in particular Churches , contained in their Office Eminenter , which they transmitted to Successors ; So , we deny , that the Authority , which they transmitted to these ordinary succeeding Officers , was an Authority properly and formally Apostolical , or such , in a formal Sense , as themselves exercised . And this I have made appear to be the Harmonious Sense and Judgement of sound Divines , who distinguish the expired Apostolick Office and Authority , from that ordinary Power and Authority , which they transmitted to Successors . What next ? We are told , ( ibid. ) That the Scripture-confusion of Names ( might I presume to prescribe a better ▪ Term to such a Master of Language , as our Dr. I should rather , to evite an apparent Reflection on the Holy Ghosts Language , call it Community or Homonymie ) will not prove Community of Offices , when persons are undenyablie distinguished , with regard to their Authoritie . If we forget this mighty Caution of our warry Dr. we must not blame him , if an unwearied Repetition will help us . The Dr. will have this fixed , that we fight not in the dark . The Presbyterians do hold this as fixed as he . What next ? P. 105.106 . The LORD promised a perpetual Duration of the Apostolick Office , not in their personal but Spiritual Capacitie , he loving his Church as much after as before his withdrawing — If then they conveyed their Episcopal Power to single persons in all particular Churches , and not to a Colledge of Presbyters , acting in a Paritie and Equalitie , then the Divine Right of Episcopal Government is clearlie Estabilished . But 1. How often will this Man cant over his Petitio Principii , and take that for the Ground and Topick of his Argument , which is in the Question ; Yea , and in the Question by his own Confession , viz : That the Apostolick Office is perpetual , permanent , and succeeded unto , in a proper formal Sense ? What strange ( may I call it Impertinency , or ) Inadvertancy is this ? Since himself asserts that we deny such a perpetual Office of Apostolat , and he opposes above , his definition anent their permanent , perpetual Office unto Presbyterians assertion of the contrary , and their Definition asserting the Apostles Transitorie Function . 2. His Proof from Christs promise and constant care of the Church , is , in the Sense of all Protestants , unsound and foolish , and he is therein inconsistent with himself : For , in their Sense ( yea , and by his own Confession ) there are many expired Prerogatives of Apostles , yea & Gifts of Officers in the first Apostolick Church , which notwithstanding impeaches not , either that promise of Christs constant Care of his Church , or his constant Love thereunto : And therefore , it reflects neither upon the one , nor the other , that this formal Office of Apostolat , consisting of such expired Prerogatives , is ceased . Nay , himself confesses , that without Impeachment of either of these , the Apostles Extensive , universal Power is changed unto a Limited and Confined Inspection of Bishops . Tho the Contexture of his Reasoning , renders him in this inconsistent with himself , Christs Care and Promise are abundantly verified in the Establishment of such a Government and Officers in His Church , as are suted to her Edification and Preservation in all times and places . I cannot but further remark the Dr's . changing the Term of [ Apostolick Office ] which he holds to be transmitted to Successors , into that of [ Episcopal Power ] as if these were all one . But this is such a confusion of Names and Things , as cannot be admitted . But proceed we . The Question the Dr. will needs have to be a Matter of Fact , to be decided by Testimony . Whom the Apostles appointed Successors is [ Matter of Fact ] simplely considered ; But this [ Matter of Fact ] must have a Divine Testimony to clear it , it being [ a Divine Fact ] ( to call it so ) of Christs Infallible , Divinely Inspired Apostles , in the management of the Trust committed to them , in founding and modelling the Gospel Churches . And consequently , in enquiring into this Point , we must take our Measures , both from their Doctrine and Practice , if we acknowledge the Apostles had no Soveraign , independent , but Subordinat , Subaltern Power , Authorized and prescribed by their great Master , whose Doctrine and Measures prescribed in his Holy Testament , we must therefore look unto . So that , when the Dr. asserts , There can be no decisive proof of this , but by Testimonie ; He should have called it [ Divine Testimonie ] for an Human Testimony can here have no place ▪ when the Question is anent the Apostles Doctrine and Practice , in point of Church Government : And therefore , what the Dr. adds , viz : That the Testimony alledged by him and the Episcopalians , is so much the stronger , upon the Ground of the Reception thereof , Discovers his bad Design of leaving out the Qualification of Divine , in the Testimony to which he appeals ; And likewayes , his absurd alledging , that a Divine Testimony is strengthened by an Human , as influencing a stronger Pr●of in eodem genere Causae . That the Church knew no other Government than Prelacy , for fourteen hundred Years ( as the Doctor is bold to assert ) shall be admitted , when he shall exhibit the full Accounts and Records of these 1400 Years asserting so much . To proceed . To prove that the Apostles Rectoral Power , was by them transmitted immediatly to single Successors , the Dr. tells us ( ibid. ) that he will first view the Holy Scriptures , then Ecclesiastical Records . First view , I say only and properly view , in order to this proof : For , 1. our Faith of this , is a Divine Faith , which therefore cannot be founded upon an human Testimony , else it were but an human Credulity . 2. Ecclesiastick Records cannot be an infallible Comment upon the Sense of these Scriptures , wherein this Testimony is contained : And this upon several weighty Grounds , which I have elsewhere exhibit ; Since this were , ( 1. ) To set up an higher Tribunal than the Scriptures . ( 2. ) Ye exclud an examination of the Human Testimony by the Scriptures . ( 3. ) To make the Churches practice the infallible Rule to direct our perswasion and practice , in reference to every Scripture Truth and Duty , therein held out . Besides , that neither this Dr , nor any for him , will ever exhibit Authentick Records of the Churches Universal Practice since the Apostles ▪ many of the Ancients having written nothing at all , many of their Writings also being lost , many going under their Name , being Counterfeit and supposititious : And that none of these , did in this Matter contradict th● Writers , whom the Dr. alledges in this Point , but did accord in judgment and practice with what he supposes them to hold in Point of Episcopacy , is a proof which lyes upon the Doctor as the affirmer , before his Argument can be admitted as valid , and his Testimonies be supposed harmonious ; and this he will , no doubt , perform ad calendas Graecas ▪ Who knows not that the prime Historian , Eusebius , with many others , do acknowledge , that the shattered and maimed Records of the First Ages after the Apostles ( which are in this Point most considerable ) are most uncertain and dark , as to Matter of Fact ? And do therefore , exhibit but a Lame and imperfect Testimony in this Matter : My work and scope then , is to examin the Dr's Pleadings from a Divine Testimony ; which I shall fully perform . CHAP : IV : The Dr's Proof of the Divine Right of the Hierarchical Bishop , drawn from the pretended Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus , and the Seven Asian Angels , Examined . HEre we find the Doctor Tracing the Steps of his Fellows , but giving their Notions and Arguments pitifully Insipide , and nothing Recocted . In the first place , saith he , ( P. 106 , 107. ) we find Timothy set over Ephesus by Paul , when he went unto Macedonia . Which place he compares with Act. 20.3 , 4. 1 Tim. 1.3 . [ I besought thee to abide at Ephesus , when I went into Macedonia , that thou mightest charge some , that they Teach no other Doctrine ] — That Timothy thereafter waited upon Paul , to yield Assistance in the Service of Religion , he tells us , cannot infer , he was disingaged upon Occasional Iourneys from that Episcopal Inspection , particularly committed to him , in the Church of Ephesus by Paul. Here is such a Proof , as he might have seen long since Baffled and Disproved : 1. All that hold Timothies Office , as Evangelist , to be extraordinary , and to have expired with that of Apostles , ( and this do the Body of Protestant Divines hold , as is above evinced ) will consequently deny his Episcopal Instalment over Ephesus ; And put the Dr. to prove , that his Evangelistick Office , here expresly enjoyned him , was First , an ordinary Office to be continued : Secondly , Formally and properly Episcopal ; or such as did import a sole and singular Authority , Paramount to all the ordinary Officers Authority in that Church , and Exclusive thereof : And what Answer to these Demands , and Proof of these Suppositions is in the premised Argument , let all Men judge . 2. Had the Dr. been serious in this Debate , he might have found , that Presbyterians have exhibite from Scripture , Timothie● continual transient Imployments through the Churches , both before and after this supposed Instalment● . Ius Divinum Minist . Angli . Smect . with diverse others , have made this evident . 3. The Dr. did well to exhibit the supposed Scripture Charter of Timothies pretended Instalment , [ I besought thee to abide at Ephesus , when I went into Macedonia , that thou mightest Charge some , that they Teach no other Doctrine &c. ] Which the Presbyterians have long since told him , is a clear Proof of the contrary ; since there was no need of such Importunity , if Paul had Committed the Episcopal Charge over Ephesus to him : For , thus he might have laid as Dreadful a Charge upon him , to abide at Ephesus , as he doth afterward to Preach the Gospel , 2 Tim. 4.1.2 . They have told him , that the Words specifie an Occasional Imployment , and are not Words of Instalment to any ●ixt Office or Bishoprick over that Church , and do clearly insinuat and point at an Intendment to Call him away again ; As accordingly , both he and Titus , are found actually Recalled , in these same Epistles . For what the Dr. adds , That his Occasional Travels disingaged him not from his Episcopal Inspection : It is long since Presbyteria●s ( and in special , the Authors mentioned by him ) have Baffled this Answer , telling him , and such as have pleaded thus , that they are challenged to prove , that any one , appointed Overseer of a particular Church , had such a Planetary Motion , and Transient Imployment , as that of Timothy is proven to have been . Or , 2. That either he or Titus , after this Imployment , did constantly or ordinarly return to Ephesus or Crete , and not to the Places of the Apostles present Abode or Imployment . 3. They also tell him , that this Answer is a Begging of the Question , since all the Ground of Instalment exhibit here by the Dr. and his Fellows , is in that Charge in Reference to Ephesus , wherein this Transient Imployment is clearly held out . The Dr. adds , ( ibid. ) That Presbyterians would not take it kindly , if told , that the Relation to their Flocks were lost , if upon Occasions they were Imployed now and then to Visit Forreign Churches . Certainly they would not , but they take it as unkindly , that the Dr , instead of an Illustrating Argument and Proof , by this Paralell , Beggs the Question still , and draws a Simile from an Instance , wherein there is a palpable Disparity and Dissimilitude . For , in the Instance adduced , the fixed Relation , Instalment and Title is supposed . 2. The ordinary fixed Attendance upon the Pastors Charge , in Consequence thereof ; whereas , in the Case of Timothy his fixed Instalment is begged , not proved , but rather a Transient Occasional Imployment pointed at in the very Place , which he Cites . Whence it clearly follows , That this Transient Unfixt Ministry , was Timothies Ordinary Imployment and Ministry . The Dr. proceeds to tell us ( ibid. ) That the Ancients took no notice of this Objection against his Episcopacy at Ephesus , and that in the 11. Act of the Council of Chalcedon , Twenty seven Bishops are Reckoned from Timothy . What notice the Ancients took of this Objection , is not the Question . But for the Catalogues , Presbyterians have long since told him , what a poor Argument this is , and have largely baffled this Phantastical conceit ; particularly Ius Divinum Minist . Ang. in Prop. 7. of the Appendix , in several weighty Considerations , to which I refer him . They have therein made appear , that in these Catalogues , besides , that there is an Homonomy in the word Bishop , the nearer they come to the Apostles days , they are the more uncertain and contradictory one to another ; that the Catalogue-drawers spoke in the Language of their own times ; and in these Catalogues , is a far other design than what is pretended by the Episcopalians ; that the Catalogues resolving in Apostles or Evangelists , who were not Bishops , nor could be properly , as not having an ordinary , but extraordinary Office , the proof of a successive Line of Bishops from them , which is drawn from these Catalogues , appears palpably unsound and impertinent . Before I pass from this , since the Dr. mentions Act. 20.4 , 5. to prove that Timothy was left at Ephesus by Paul ; He had done well to look downward to the 28 v. where he would have found the whole Episcopal Charge over that Church committed after this to the Elders or Pastors of Ephesus , before Timothies face , in Pauls last farewell unto them , and this without the least hint of any Interest that Timothy had in or over them , or of their precarious dependence upon him in this Matter . And here he might have seen a passage looking like the Apostles committing their Episcopal Power , or what was ordinary in their Function , to a Colledge of Presbyters , and consequently a Scriptural Decision of this Question and Controversy against him . But to proceed . The Dr. ( P. 107 , 108 ) undertakes to prove from the Epistles , that an Episcopal Authority was Committed to Timothy ; And to clear this by instances , viz. That he is Charged not to rebuke an Elder , but intreat him , 1 Tim. 5.1 . Not to receive an accusation but before two or three Witnesses v , 19. To rebuke such as sin before all , v. 20. Not to lay hands suddenly , v. 22. To ordain such Deacons as were blameless , 1 Tim. 3.14 , 15. Where his particular Rel●tion to that Church , is insinuat , the Apostle Writing to him , to instruct how to behave himself in the House of GOD , &c. To these the Dr. adds his Charge of the care of Widows , and Objects of Charity , and ordering the publick Worship and Liturgies of the Church 1 Tim : 5.9 . 1 Tim. 2.1 . 1 Tim. 5.21 . He and he alone , saith the Dr , is Charged to observe these things , without preferring one before another , doing nothing by partiality . Ans. 1. If all these prescriptions suppose only in Timothy , an Evangelistick , and consequently an exraordinary expired Inspection , not an Episcopal and ordinary , then this Parade of the Dr's Argument , is cut off with one Blow : For , as for his proof of an Episcopal Relation to that Church , drawn from the Apostles shewing his scope to direct him , how to carry in the House of GOD ; it is so clearly adapted to an Evangelistick Inspection over that and other Churches , that it can afford him no shadow of a Reason or Evasion . For Convincing the Dr. of this , I shall make use of his own Paralel Argument , and turn his Weapons point upon him . He hath told us [ that no Presbyterian would think his Relation to his Particular Flock untyed , if imployed to visit now and then Forreign Churches ] Now , suppose , that in this transient visitation of such Churches , the Church Rulers do write several directions to such a Pastor , in reference to Government , adding as a pressing Motive [ that he is therein instructed how to behave in the Church of the living God , which is his House , in case he continue any time in this imployment ] as the Apostle here adds the limiting Clause [ if I tarry long ] Will the Dr's Argument hold good , that this will infer such a Pastors relation to these Churches ? If he says this , he Contradicts himself : And on the other hand , he will not dare to affirm , that a Minister in this Case , is not capable of such directions , which would upon the Matter infer , that these Churches were not the House of God , and that a Minister is not concerned how to behave in them . And if this will not conclude such a Pastors particular Relation to these Churches , but supposeth only a transient Imployment in this Case , then I say , his Reason and Argument is naught , which Infers Timothies special Episcopal relation to Ephesus ; I mean to that Church , from this expression of the Apostles Scope , in the premised directions . Moreover , the Dr. will not deny , that Timothy visited and watered several other Churches , after this at Ephesus , and after the directions given , while officiating therein . Now , I would fain know , if the Dr. will deny , that these directions , together with this expressed scope thereof , viz that he might know how to behave in the Church of GOD , were clearly applicable to him in his other transient Imployments therein ? If the Dr. deny this , he will swallow Monstruous absurdities , viz. He will assert that in other Churches , he had no Authority to rebuke , to receive accusations , to rebuke such as sin before all , to see to the Worship , to Charity , to the State and Carriage of Widows , to the right Instalment of Deacons , and all this without partiality , &c. If Timothy in all these other Churches had this Authority , & the premised prescriptions , together with the express scope thereof , were applicable to him , as officiating else where , then they can infer no particular Relation to this Church , more than others . If the Dr. say that they are applicable as in this transient Imployment , Protunc , but not so as in Ephesus , where his Relation was fixed , & the directions consequently in a special manner , applicable thereto : Who sees not that this is a palpable and shameless begging of the Question , supposing these prescriptions to infer a fixed Relation to this Church of Ephesus , which is the very Quesitum and Point in question ? But Secondly , to strike out the Bottom of the Dr's Notion , and put this to a short Issue , since , upon the one Hand , the Episcopal Charge , as to both Order and Jurisdiction , was by Paul , in his last Farewel , committed to the Elders or Ministers of this Church of Ephesus joyntly ; Which Charge the Apostles are found to intrust likewise unto Pastors , in other paralell places : And since , upon the other Hand , Timothies Inspection is found Transient , and Relative to several other Churches , and therein Exercised , it follows necessarly , that what Authority he had in this Church , and is supposed in these Directions , and the Scope thereof , was Cumulative unto , not Privative of the ordinary standing Authority of the fixed Pastors , established or to be established therein , and that Timothy had no sole or Episcopal Authority , Paramount to that of Pastors , intrusted to him : Which may be further confirmed upon these Grounds , in that , 1. The Apostles themselves Exercised no such Authority in Churches constitute , as is evident in the Presbytries Concurrence with Paul in Timothies Ordination , and Presbyters Authoritative Excommunication of the Incestuous Corinthian . 2. This Supposition of such a Paramount Authority would make the Apostles , in Cloathing Single Persons therewith , to contradict their Previous Doctrine and Practice in the Instalment of Pastors , with the Episcopal Authority . To make which convincingly apparant , one thing further I would propose to the Dr ; Whether will he deny , that several Prescriptions delivered to Timothy , were Relative to such Authority , such an Exercise of the Power of Order , as is incontrovertibly Applicable to Pastors ? I shall take the Dr's own Instance , of Rebuking such as Sin before all , Seeing to Widows , and the Objects of Charity ; I add , To give himself to Reading , Exhortation , to take Heed to himself and the Doctrine , to Preach the Word , to be Instant in Season and out of Season , &c. All which , the Apostle doth with the same Emphasis , of an Explicit Special Address to Timothy , prescribe ; And to the same Scope of Directing him how to behave in the House of God — Charging him as Solemnly to observe the same , as these that relate to the Power of Jurisdiction . But will the Dr's Inference ●old good , [ That therefore Timothy had a sole Interest therein ] and such as was Exclusive of that of Pastors ? If his Answer be Negative , why shall his Argument hold good in the Point of Jurisdiction , and the Precepts relative thereunto ? I know nothing he can Answer , except that either Pastors had this Authority in a Dependance upon Timothy , or that the Power of Order is attribute to Pastors elsewhere , not that of Jurisdiction : Both which Evasions are a mere Petitio Principii , and a Baffling of the great Topick and Ground of his Argument , taken from the Address of these Precepts to Timothy , especially since the same Precepts , and equally supposing Authority in Church Government are attribute to Pastors . Who knows not , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 20.24 . the Authoritative Rebuke of the Highest Degree , even to Excommunication , is ascribed to the Colledge of Pastors , 1 Cor. 5 ? As l●●ewise , the Authoritative Admonition , is held out to be their joynt Priviledge , Gal. 6.1 . 2 Thes. 3.14 , 15. Likewise , the Laying on of Hands in Ordination is ascribed to the Presbytrie , 1 Tim. 4.14 . And they are thus found clearly Judges of Scandals , as being Impowered to receive Delations , Mat. 18.16 , 17. And none can deny , that these Authoritative Precepts are directed to them upon the constant standing Grounds exhibit in Scripture , and to the same Scope , viz. the Preciousness of Souls , their Account to Christ the great Shepherd at his Appearing , Act. 20.24 . 1 Pet. 5.1 , 2 , 3. Old Whittaker , in Answer to Bellarmin , long since told our Dr , ( Controv. 4. Quest. 1. Chap. 2. ) That Timothy here , is supposed to have no such Dominion over Elderships , or Pastors , as Prelats afterward assumed ; And that Receiving the Accusation imports ( according to the Apostles Mind ) bringing a Crime or Scandal to the Church — That the Ecclesiastick Synod had the Chief Interest in Censures , though even Appeals were made to the Metropolitan . See Bucer de Vi. & Usu. Sacr. Ministerii . Willet . Sinops . Papismi Controv. 5. Quest. 3. Part. 3. in the Appendix . Bucer de Gub. P. 398. Before I pass this , I cannot but add a Remark or two further : 1. That the Dr. will needs have Timothy Directed to Order the Publick Worship and Liturgies of the Church . That he is Directed , 1 Tim. 2.1 . and elsewhere , anent Publick Worship , is certain : But for Liturgies , which the Dr. thrusts in , he must be told , they were not yet sprung up , if we may believe Tertullian , and others : It is palpably evident , that in all these Precepts , there 's altum silentium of Liturgies , whatever the Dr's Love to them , might Buzze in his Ears . 2. He tells us , That Timothy , and ( with Emphasis ) he alone in the Church of Ephesus , is Charged before the Lord , to observe these things , &c. Thus , in the Dr's Sense , it seems that no Pastor , had any thing to do with Rebuking Sinners , either by Doctrine or Censure , or the Oversight of Widows , and the Objects of Charity , &c. These being peculiar to the Episcopal Function : An Assertion , no doubt , peculiar to the Dr. But proceed we . We are next told P. 109. That in those Apostolical Directions and Injunctions addressed personally to Timothy , are contained the Nature , Extent , and Authority of the Episcopal Power . But why calls he it not an Apostolical Power , Since in his Sense , the Office derived is of this Nature and Character ? Again , if this be the Nature of the Episcopal Power , and if thus one and the same with that of Timothy , then sure , it is not paramount to the Collegiat Power of Pastors ; For such , we have proved Timothies to be . Next , as for the Extent thereof , we have made appear , that his Evangelistick Authority , is found extended to several other Churches : And therefore , if the Dr. shape Prelat's Diocesses by this Standart , he will extend his Measures far beyond Ephesus . What more is contained in those addressed Injunctions ? His relation to that Church ( saith the Dr. ) and the perpetuity of his Power . But we have above made appear , that these Injunctions can no more evince a peculiar Relation to that Church , than to others , where he exercised his Evangelistick Office , as well as in that of Ephesus : And for the perpetuity of the Power , we have told him , that the intimation of Timothie's transient Employment in that Church , presented in the beginning of the Epistle , the express Command of doing the work of an Evangelist therein ( an Office , acknowledged by Protestant Divines , to be expired ) the Apostles express recalling him from this transient Employment to the further prosecuting of his Office else where , as likewise , his ascribing the whole Episcopal Power , after this , to the Pastors of this Church of Ephesus , in Timothie's presence , without the least hint of his Interest therein , convinceth this assertion of Falsehood . But to prove that his Power was not transient , but successive and perpetual , the Dr. presents unto us the Apostolical Command put upon him , to commit his Power to faithful Men , who shall be able to teach others . This proves indeed a Succession of a teaching Ministry , and of the Scripture Bishops and Pastors , who must be apt to teach , and hold fast the faithful Word ; But that it imports a committing his Evangelistick Authority to Successors , is the Dr's . Anti-scriptural Dream ; Wherein , he runs cross , 1. To the Judgement of sound Interpreters , as all know , since they understand by that which was to be intrusted to these Faithful Men , the Doctrine of the Gospel , not the Authority of Timothy . 2. He doth herein cross the Scope & Context : And that in three Points ( 1. ) In that there is here a Plurality of Successors supposed , to whom this was to be committed : And if Timothie's Authority was to be devolved upon a Plurality , Dr. farewel the Derivation of an Episcopal Power to a single Successor . ( 2. ) The great Characteristick of these Faithful Men , is ( as is said ) that they be apt to teach , which is the very Character of the Pastor , Chap. 3.2 . ( 3. ) The thing which is to be committed is , That which Timothy had heard of Paul , Sciz . The true Doctrine of the Gospel , and the Pastoral Charge thereanent , which is likewise intrusted to all Ministers of the Word , Act. 20. Tit. 1.9 . But the Dr. will needs have that which is enjoyned in this Precept — ( which is Faithfulness and Ability to teach others ) to be by Timothy committed to a single Successor , as it was in solidum , his sole Prerogative . Really Dr. this is at least slender Dealing of Charity . What! All Faithful Teaching monopolized in the person of the Bishop , committed to him , in solidum , excluding Pastors ? Many will suppose , that if this Work be enhanced in the Bishop , the Diocess will be meanly fed , especially since , besides his personal incapacity to feed the whole Diocess , his Sermons drops very rarely ▪ and many poor Sheep may starve in the interval . But to proceed , the Dr. ( ibid. ) will have his Adversaries to grant ▪ That Timothy 's power exercised over Ephesus , was the very same , which he pleads for , as due to Bishops , in their particular Sees . That he had an Evangelistick Power , we grant , and that Bishops take or usurp an Authority and Inspection , which , with some Presbyterians , is said to have an apparent Resemblance of that of Timothy , is true ; But that the Function exercised by Prelats , is one and the same with that of Timothy , is denyed : For 1. We have proved , that neither Apostles nor Evangelists had a fixed or ordinary Authority over particular Churches , or any such special Relation thereunto , as Prelats do pretend . 2. We made appear , that the Authority which they exercised , was not exclusive of , or paramount unto the ordinary ▪ Authority and Decisive Power of Pastors in Government , that in Churches constitute , they had neither a sole Power , nor sole Exercise of Ordination and Jurisdiction , such as Prelats assume , who , according to the Nature of that Government , are the proper sole Pastors of the Diocess , and the whole power of Order and Jurisdiction is properly and originally seated in them , no Pastor having any thing of this , or the Exercise thereof , but according as it is lett out , or derived to them , at the Bishops pleasure ; For , they deny universally , that the Pastoral Office hath in its Nature , included any Interest in Government . Now , this Dominion over Church Judicatories , thus exclusive of all Authority of Pastors in Government , no Evangelist , nay , nor Apostle ever exercised , it being such a Dominion in the House of GOD , as is disowned and discharged by them ; 2 Cor. 1. ult . 1 Pet. 5.2 , 3. Besides , the Dr. knows , that he pleads for a power in Civils , and a Civil Peerage , as due to Prelats , which he dare not say , that Apostles or Evangelists ever exercised , nor can he , or any of his Party , make it appear , that the Apostles gave the least shadow of a Warrand for it in their Doctrine . But to proceed , the Dr. adds ( ibid. ) That we pretend that Timothy exercised his power in the Church of Ephesus , under the Notion of an Evangelist , not as proper Bishop of Ephesus . That he was enjoyned , and accordingly exercised this Office , and had a Command put upon him , to perform the Work of an Evangelist there , is that which ( under this prodigiously profound D●'s Correction ) a Man tinctured with the New Scots Opinion , viz : The ●postle , Paul pretends ; And this Office , we hold to be distinct , toto coelo , ●●om that of the Bishop . The Dr. saith , he will examine this afterward , wherein , I shall afterwards trace and search him . But at present , the Dr. will have some things to be granted , which cannot be denyed . If such indeed , its pitty the Dr. were denyed so just a Demand . What are these ? First , That the power which Timothy exercised was Lawful in it self . GOD forbid , we should assert that Paul enjoyned or authorized an unlawful power ; But Lawful and Law , being Correlats , the good Dr. will allow us to Distinguish Lawful , into that which is so , upon ground of a Standing Law or Ordinance ; And that which is so , upon a temporal and transitory Precept , and authorized by an Extraordinary Authority for the time ; Which might be exemplified in a multiplicity of clear Scripture Instances , if we were not discoursing with a venerable Dr. who can distinguish General and Special , Ordinary and Extraordinary Precepts , &c. Lawful in their own time and Circumstances . We know the Apostolick Universal Authority was Lawful , writing authentick binding Epistles , in the Execution of this Authority , constituting Officers , Church by Church , modelling them in their Organick Being , delivering to them the Ordinances , their Disciplining all Nations , laying on Hands in order to the Spirits Miraculous Gifts , anoynting the Sick with Oyl , in order to the healing of them , &c. What next ? The Doctor , in the Second Place , will have us grant , That this power was practised by Timothy in the Church of Epesus . And truely they are highly Censurable , who will deny the Doctor so Just a Demand , so necessarly following upon the preceeding Concession , and the Scripture Records of the Exercise of his Power in that place . And no doubt , had the Dr. knit all his Consequences as well as this , he had past for a fair and Triumphant Disputant , and Acted as a Man worthy of his Cape and Orders : Only , we must be permitted , together with this Concession , to Whisper the Dr. in the Ear , That he Exercised the same Evangelistick Office in other Churches , as well as in Ephesus , yea , and both before and after he was there , and he knows the Consequence , which these that have got the Scots Notion in their Head will draw upon him , viz. That therefore , Timothy had no Special Relation to that Church , nor Ordinary Inspection therein . What is his Third Desire of a Concession ? viz. That this Power was committed to him alone , not to a Colledge of Presbyters , Acting in Parity and Equality . If he mean the Evangelistick Power , or an Evangelistick Inspection , supposing ( as is often told him ) the Existence of the Apostolick and Evangelistick Offices , which we hold , with all Sound Divines , to be expired ; Supposing likewise , the Foundation of the Churches to be a laying , and which we may call the Scaffolding , which the Dr. hath told us , was to be removed , when the Building is perfected ; And withal , understanding the Term Alone , as Exclusive of Pastors , and other Inferior Ordinary Church Officers ; And so as not to Confine the Evangelistick Office to Timothies Person : This Demand is easily granted . But here we deny two Points , 1. That this Inspection , or Extraordinary Evangelistick Power , was so committed to Timothy , over this Church , at this time , as to Exclude or Inhaunce the Pastors Ordinary Power , or to infer his Sole , and consequently Episcopal Interest in Government . 2. That the Ordinary Power of Government , was not committed by Paul to a Colledge of Presbyters , as the Dr. supposes , or that the Non-committing of Timothies Formal Office and Power as an Evangelist , to such a Colledge will infer such a Conclusion : Since , thus we would fasten a Contradiction upon Paul , in Intrusting the whole Episcopal Power over the Church of Ephesus , after this , to a Colledge of Presbyters , Acting in Parity . The Fourth Undenyable Point , the Dr. will have us to grant , is , That there is no mention of a Spiritual Power lodged in a Colledge of Presbyters , to which Timothy was Accountable for his Administrations . I Answer , 1. There was no need , because in that Infant-State of the Church , when ( to use the Dr's Phrase ) the Churches Fabrick was but in an Imperfect Scaffolding Posture , & the Ordinary Church Officers and Judicatories were a Framing , he was Accountable to the Infallibly Inspired Great Apostle of the Gentiles , Paul , who Enjoyned him to order Things , in the Moulding of that Church , as he had Commanded and Appointed him . Besides , that the Nature of Timothy's Work , being a Temporary Transient Inspection , to pass off with that Exigent , & to give Way to his other Imployments elsewhere , there was no Access for such an Inspection in the Colledge of Presbyters . Here I cannot but take notice , that the Dr. still adding the Clause of Spiritual , when speaking of Timothy's Power , must be minded of the Bishops Temporal & Civil Authority , which they claim . 2. We find mention made of a Presbytrie , that Ordained him , and whether , if ever fixed in any particular Post or Charge after Pauls Death , the mention of a Presbytrie that Ordained him , will infer an Accountableness , is left to the Dr's Consideration . As also , whether the mention of that General Rule , 1 Cor. 14.32 . That the Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets , will infer an Accountableness of all who come under a Character of Prophets to their Collegiat Meetings . The Dr's Fifth Concession , he will have from us , is , That the great and most eminent Branches of Episcopal Power , were lodged in his Person , Viz. the Ordination of such as were admitted unto the sacred Function , the care of the Widows , the censuring of Elders , the Authoritative prevention of Heresies ; about which ( he tells us ) the Episcopal Authority was most conversant in the Primitive times . I am glad that the Bishops high Office is become of so condescending and humble a nature and genius , that the mean business of the care of poor Widows , or Church Eleemo●ynaries , is become one of the most eminent Branches of their Power . I see these Branches runs far out , and their Lordships must have long A●ms . But may I hope that the Dr. will take along in his next famous Work ( since he hath in this place forgot it ) the little mean and humble exercise of Preaching the Gospel constantly and assiduously , since we find that Timothy was here enjoined it , and that in Season and out of Season , to which these Eminent Branches may stretch out , if at least , the Dr. can obtain a Licence for it of their Lordships , with such restrictions and proviso's , in respect of their State-Imployments , as this unwarry Man , Paul , forgot to put in , who lays this in an unlimited general Precept upon the Bishop , Timothy , and with the solemnity of an alarming Preface of Laying this Charge upon him before God , and the Lord Jesus Christ , who shall judge the quick and the Dead , at his appearing and his Kingdom . 2. Timothy is found so far from having the Dr's Eminent Branches of Episcopal Power , lodged in him , that in the Scriptural Accounts , he is found , to have neither Root nor Branch of the same : The Bishops Power is supposed Ordinary , his was not ; the Bishops Power is pleaded for as necessary to the Churches exedified State , in all times , and when Moulded in its Organick Being , his was suted to the Moulding thereof , when in fieri as to such a Being ; the Bishops Power is in Fixed Diocesses , Timothies was not , but a transient Ministry , like that of the Apostles ; The Bishops hath sole absolute Power in Ordination and Jurisdiction , over all Pastors of the Diocess ; Timothy had no such Authority , but only of an Inspector and Moderator , for the time of his transient Mission ; The Bishops assume a negative voice in all Judicatories of the Diocess , which the Dr. here owns , for he will have them subject to no collegiat Meetings of Pastors ; had Timothy assumed this , he had contradicted and baffled the Apostles Carriage Act. 15. where ordinary Pastors or Elders , are found concurring Authoritatively with the Apostles in the whole procedure of that solemn Council , both in the Disquisition , the Sentence , and the Epistle , enjoyning the Churches obedience thereunto : And I must presum to add with the Dr's good leave , that this Council is of more venerable Authority , and the Constitution thereof , of a more Divinly-exemplifying influence , than any he can appeal to , as patronizing the Hierarchical Prelat , for whom he pleads . Again , had Timothy ordained alone , without Pastors , where they were to be had , he would have crossed the Rule of his own Ordination , and Pauls Precept supposing the same : Had he Censured alone , or assumed a sole Interest therein , he had crossed the Apostles Doctrin , who makes Censures the joint Authoritative Acts of the Collegiat Meetings of Pastors , 1 Cor. 5.1 , 2 , 4 , 5 , &c. 2 Thess. 3.14 . As for the exercise of such Episcopal Power in the Primitive times , the Dr. will never prove the Bishops sole Power herein , in the First and Purest times , yea , and even after the Episcopus Praese● was set up , and had obtained in Judicatories . The Sixth Concession which the Dr will have from us , is , That this Authority was not of it self of a temporary duration , transient , or extraordinary , but such as the constant necessities of the Church doth make necessary in all Ages That it was temporary and transient , is that which we maintain , and is the Sense of Sound Protestant Divines , as is already made appear ; and we must have better Arguments to take this from us , and beat us from this Post , than our Dr's begging assertion , without proof , or a Shadow of it . If the necessity of the Church calls for such an Office , as this of Timothy , according to the Scripture Character and Accounts , then sure for that of Apostolat also , in a proper formal Sense , with all its Prerogatives , viz : That there be persons impowered to give infallible Commands to transient Evangelists , and by infallible direction of the Spirit enjoining and Authorizing the exercise of their Function , recalling thus the persons Authorized by an infallible Authority , from one Church to the further prosecuting this Work in another , and this in order to the Moulding and Watering of these Churches . Hence , 2. This Power not being properly and formally Episcopal , but contrary to such a Function , as well as in it self extraordinary , and passed off , with that first State and exigence of the Church ; neither can the Churches constant necessity crave it , nor doth it in the least patronize the Bishops acclaimed Power . For what the Dr. adds of Timothy's committing his Power unto faithful Men , such as were able to Teach others . We have above discovered the insufficiency of this Argument , to bear the weight of his Conclusion : And he must prove , not barely assert , that the Trust Committted to him was ordinary , before it will be admitted , or his ruinous Consequence built upon this rotten Foundation , that therefore there was no need of an extraordinary Officer to manage it . But now that the Dr. hath Done with Timothy , he pr●ceeds to Titus , telling us , P. 110.111 . That the same Power was committed to Titus in Crete , as one of Pauls Fellow-labourers : And the exception [ that he was an Evangelist ] which he cannot but know to be the Sense of the generality of sound P●otestant Divines , our Dr. is bold to call a ridiculous subterfuge . Truely , if as ridiculous as his Arguments and Answers , it were so at all will. But , why ridiculous ? Because , it is no where said in Scripture , that he was one of them , who are called Evangelists . I could wish the Dr. had been pleased to give us the definition of Evangelist , properly so taken , that it might be seen , how good . Harmony he keeps with Protestant Churches and Divines in this Point . I must add , that our critical Dr. seems very way-ward and ill to please : He will not have Titus an Evangelist , because , no where so called : Now he cannot but Confess Timothy is expresly called Evangelist , yea , and emphatically enjoyned to do the work of an Evangelist , yet neither will he admit him to be such . We told the Dr. that the Professors of Leyden have this notion of the Office , That Evangelists were either scriptores Evangelici de vita & morte , dictis & factis Salvatoris , — &c. such as wrote the History of our Saviours Life and Death ; or ab Apostolis ad Evangelium una cum ipsis praedicandum vocati — &c. such as were called by the Apostles to Preach the Gospel together with them , and attended them as their Fellow-labourers , unless , when they were by the Apostles set to oversee some Churches for a time ; such were Barnabas , Silas , Timothy and Titus , to whom some add the Seventy Disciples . Here is the Protestant Notion of the Office , which clearly appears Scriptural : And upon the equality and sameness of Timothy and Titus Function and Work , concluds them both Evangelists . I must further tell the Dr , that in Ambrose sense , Evangelists were such , as did Evangeliz are sine Cathedra , Preached without a fixed Charge . And Saravia himself ( de diversis gradibus Minist . Cap. 6. ) upon that Precept of Paul , Do the Work of an Evangelist , tells us . That he will not deny Timothy the Name of Evangelist , since Paul enjoyned him to perform this Office. The Man knew Paul put not upon him an empty Name . But further , the Dr. will have nothing in the Office of an Evangelist inconsistent with the Dignity of Bishop , Presbyter or Deacon . That the Evangelistick Office , as in Scripture delineat , stands opposit to that of the Hierarchical Bishop , I have above made good . How he comes to say , it s not inconsistent with the Dignity of these Offices , is some what Mysterious , since the general acceptation of the Evangelistick Office , is , that it was next in Dignity to that of Apostles , at least , above all Ordinary Officers : And for the Dignity of Deacons , it seems Odd , that the Lowest Office hath a Dignity suteable to that of Evangelists . The Dr. tells us further , That Eusebius Notion of Evangelist , is one who Preached the Gospel to such as had not heard it , or at least , had Resisted its Light and were not Converted . Eusebius takes the Title two ways , either for such as Wrote the Gospel , or those that Taught it ; and those again , were either such as had ordinary Places and Gifts , or whose Places and Gifts were Extraordinary , not Settled upon any Charge , but were Apostolorum Vice , or Vice-Apostles , having a Vicarious Care of the Churches , as the Apostles had the principal . Which Justles with the Dr's Account : And in the Passage of Eusebius Cited by him , he makes the Evangelist Work to be a Watering the Apostles Plantations , as well as a Preaching to such as had not heard the Gospel . But he adds , That its agreeable to the Function of either of these Offices , to Preach the Gospel to such as are not yet acquainted with it . This is hardly intelligible : 1. That the Evangelists Office consisted in mere Preaching , and to such as were in the Character of Infidels or Resisters of the Gospel ; as it appears not to be Eusebius Sense , so he cannot shew it to be the Sense of any Sound Protestant . 2. The Dr. will not say , that Timothy's Preaching-Work in Ephesus , where he was called to be instant therein , in Season and out of Season , respected not mainly the Members of that Church , wherein he was also called to give Attendance to Reading , Exhortation , and Doctrine : And moreover , by the Dr's Confession , to many pieces of a Iurisdictional Work , which he must either grant to fall within the Compass of his Evangelistick Office , and consequently , that his Restricted Sense thereof above expressed , is foolish and impertinent , or prove the Exception thereof out of that Precept , and the Service and Ministry therein enjoyned him by the Apostle , when he is thus exhorted to do the Work of an Evangelist , and make fall Proof of his Ministry . But now the Dr. will Answer the Objection taken from this Precept , enjoyning the Exercise of an Evangelistick Office. And , First , He tells us , There was Good Reason for it : No doubt of that ; Good Reason , a Church Officer be enjoyned Diligence in his Office. But why Good Reason , in the Dr's Sense ? Because ( saith he ) Many among the Ephesians were Infidels . Here is a Reason of this Precept rare to be found elsewhere : But even granting this to be one Partial Ground , that this was the only or main Ground of the Precept , and that his Work as an Evangelist , was only of this Nature , is among the rest of the Dr's Magisterial Dictats , and gratis supposita . He adds , That it is no where insinuated , that he was only invested with that Authority , that agrees to the Notion of an Evangelist separated and distinguished from either Bishop or Presbyter . Here the Dr. speaks of an Evangelists Office separated and distinguished from that of Bishop or Presbyter ; Whereof he hath given us no distinct Account . As for that Sense , in Reference to Preaching , which he hints as that of Eusebius , and his own , we have made appear , how cross it is to the Sense exhibit by Sound Divines , and that Timothy had an Office distinct from Bishop or Presbyter , which consequently this Precept enjoyns , so , that it is enough for us , that he was invested ( and in that Precept , is supposed invested ) with such an Evangelistick Office , as is inconsistent with the Office of the Bishop , whom he pleads for . And to this purpose , it is observable , that the Term Evangelist , being thrice only used in the New Testament , viz. Act. 21.8 . Eph. 4.11 . and in this Precept : Since in the other two Places , it is taken for the Extraordinary Function above described , why not also here ? Besides , tho Extraordinary Functions communicat in General Names with Ordinary , as when Apostles are called Presbyters or Elders , yet he cannot shew , that Extraordinary Names are m●de use of ( at least , so Emphatically as in this Precept ) to point at Ordinary Functions . If we Paralell this Complex Phrase or Phraseology , as the Dr. speaks , with the like in Scripture Language , this may be convincingly made good , as when we read of Signs of an Apostle , 2 Cor : 12.12 . Commands of Apostles , 2 Pet. 3.2 . Foundation of Apostles , Eph. 2.20 . Where the Term designs a peculiar Office : And thus it must be , when the Work of an Evangelist is enjoyned to Timothy . So that if the Office and Work of an Evangelist , which is in the Sense of sound Divines , extraordinary and expired , be ascribed to both these persons , and found incompatible with the Work and Office of a Prelat , the Dr's . Evasions are evidently found nought . Suppose a person enjoyned to do the Work of a Parent , a Magistrat , or a Husband , none will doubt that the peculiar Relations and Duties of Parents , Magistrats and Husbands are here intimat : As likewise , if a Pastor be enjoyned to do that Work , the same is held out . The Dr. will have it no where insinuat , That Timothy was invested with that Authority that agrees to the Notion of an Evangelist , separated and distinguished from either Bishop or Presbyter . If by Separated & Distinguished , he understand an higher formal Office , than that of Bishop or Presbyter , the Passage above mentioned clearly proves it , admitting the Evangelists Office to be of that Nature , State and Rank above exprest . If by Separate , he understand such as is formally distinct from the Office of Bishop or Presbyter , and of another specifick Nature , the Precept doth likewise clearly insinuat this . If by Only Invested , he mean such an Office as cannot exert the Acts or Duties competent to Scripture - Bishop or Presbyter , this is impertinent to the purpose , and there is no need of such Insinuation . The Apostles and Evangelists were invested properly and formally with their Apostolical , Evangelistick Offices , which Eminenter had included therein the Pastors Work and Duties . This doth abundantly discover the Dr's . empty Quiblings ensuing , to be mere impertinent Shifts : Such as , that one may do the Evangelists Work , who is higher ; Sed quid hoc ad Rhombum , the Apostles performed the Duties and Work of Pastors : But that therefore there is no peculiar Office of a Pastor distinct from that of Apostle , is a palpably weak Consequence : And will he say , that when a Pastor is commanded and enjoyned his Work , there is no peculiar Office and Duty supposed , because his Office is Eminenter , contained in that of Apostles , and that they performed and were enjoyned the same Duties ? The Dr's next Instance is as foolish : Daniel ( saith he ) did the Work of a King , yet was no King , Dan : 8.7 . He is indeed said to do the Kings Business , in a passive Sense , That is , performed Service to the King , as the meanest Servant does his greatest Masters Business in serving him ; But he that will hold that upon this account , he may be said to do the Work of a King , That is , performed the Royal Acts of his Regal Office , and such as are peculiar thereunto , or that this phrase hath the same import as Timothy's being enjoyned to the Work of an Evangelist , hath a Crack in his Intellectuals . We are told next , P. 111.112 . That Philip was an Evangelist , Act. 21.8 . yet also one of the seven Deacons mentioned Act. 6. But had no power to confirm the Baptized , nor to ordain to Ecclesiastick Offices by imposition of Hands , as Timothy . Ans. First , That Philip continued in the Office of a Deacon , when called an Evangelist , is more than he offers to prove , or will be ever able to do . The Belgick Divines , with Diodiate & others , take the Office of Evangelist here , for the extraordinary expired Function , above described : And consequently , to be the same with the Office of Timothy . Thus also Pool . 2 d. Part , paralelling this Passage , with 2 Tim. 4.5 . and Eph. 4.11 . And upon the last Clause , wherein mention is made of his Diaconate , they assert , that having discharged the Office of Deacon well , he did purchase to himself this Good Degree , as 1 Tim. 3.13 . Judicious Calvin upon the place , offers the same Sense of the Evangelists Office , Inter Apostolos & Doctores medii erant , &c. That they had a midle Function betwixt Apostles and Doctors , and an Office next to that of the Apostolat , that they might every where preach the Gospel , and were sett to no fixed Station or Post. Whence , he concludes that his Diaconate at Ierusalem , was only transient , or for some time exercised by him , and that thereafter he was assumed to be an Evangelist , since otherwise , it had not been warrantable to him to leave Ierusalem and reside at Cesarea . He further adds , That he is not here proposed as a voluntar Deserter of his Office , but as one who had a more excellent Office entrusted unto him , so that he held not both Offices joyntly . Secondly , For the point of Ordination : I Answer , First , It is more than he hath proved , or can , that Timothy had a sole Interest therein in Churches constitute ; And what he might do in Churches not constitute , is not to the purpose . For 1. Ordination is found in Scripture to be the Judicial Act of a Presbytrie , which was exercised , even upon Timothy himself . 2. Paul would not ordain alone , tho the great Apostle of the Gentiles , but took along the Presbytries Authoritative Concurrence , where a Presbytrie was constitute , as is evident in the Scripture Accounts of this Evangelists Ordination , wherein the Presbytrie Authoritatively laid on Hands , together with the Apostle . Hence it is evident , that far less could Timothy assume a sole Interest in Ordinarion , exclusive of that of the Presbytrie , when constitute ; since his Office was inferior to that of Apostolat . Next , Supposing Philip an Evangelist , in the proper Scripture Acceptation above described , he was no doubt capable of the same Employment and Exercise thereof , when the Churches Case required it , as Timothy , else the Dr. will say , that Evangelists had not all the same Office and Authority . For , what he adds of Confirming the Baptized , we have above spoken to it a large ; And when he hath described this Confirmation , and exhibite the Divine Warrands thereof , and proved from Scripture , Timothie's Interest therein , I doubt not to bring up Philip to the same Priviledge . We are told next , That to be an Evangelist , is very agreeable to all Subordinations of the Christian Hierarchy . Thus it seems with him , That the Term imports no peculiar Office : And thus , if he owns Eusebius Notion of Evangelist , which is to Preach the Gospel to such as had not heard it , or resisted it , and were not Converted ; He appears inconsistent with himself , in making it applicable to all Church Officers , and consequently appropriating to them the Function of Converting Infidels , by Preaching the Gospel , as in these first times of Christianity : And what Harmony this keeps with the Sense of Protestant Divines , in Reference both to the Pastoral and Evangelistick Office , is obviously evident . Not to scann the foulsom Popish Savour of his expression of Christian Hierarchy , and the necessary consequence of his absurd ascribing the Office of preaching the Gospel , consequently , the administration of the Seals of the Covenant , to the meanest and lowest of Church Officers . He adds , That the primitive Bishops were Evangelists , and that any Bishop or Presbyter that Converts Infidels , are as properly Evangelists , as these so called in the Primitive Church . He must say as this person of whom our debate is , who is by the Apostle Paul called to do the work of an Evangelist . This is such a gross absurd Assertion , that to recite it , is to refute it . Will any Man of common Sense imagine , that when Timothy is thus enjoyned , he is put upon no other work , or to exercise no other Function , than what the meanest Deacon was capable of ? Or that the Sense of this Precept , do the Work of an Evangelist , is only amounting to this , Convert Infidels ? I think indeed the Man who believes this , is an Infidel to this Scripture Light. The Dr. is now advancing to a Scripture proof from Iames , and tells us , He will not debate with us , whether James was one of the Twelve or not : Nor shall I detain him upon this , it being spoken to above , and shall aknowledge he had the Name and Authority of an Apostle ascribed unto him , Gal. 2.9 . and 1.19 . That he was Bishop of Ierusalem , the Dr. tell us , is uniformly attested by the most ancient Witnesses , especially Clemens Alexandrinus and Hegesippus . What Strength is in this Argument from Human Testimony , and what Credit Hegesippus deserves , is above touched : But we must tell him that he must be set to his task ; It is Divine Testimony and Scripture proof , and Witnesses we are seeking , according to his undertaking , not that of Clemens or Hegesippus . But he tells us , he needs not fill Text or Margin with Gitations , since all his Adversaries , and particularly Salmasius , acknowledge that he was the first Bishop of Jerusalem . But truely , he hath instead of Scripture proof , filled his Pamphlet with such stuff , that he had done well long since , thus to resolve . Here is a bold and broad amplifying Assertion , which some will be bold to call one of the Dr's broad and splendid Lies , What! All his Adversaries acknowledge Iames first Bishop of Ierusalem ? I know not one , nor can he Assign one of this All , that acknowledge him Bishop in the Prelatical Sense . His Instance of Salmasius , which is the only one to evince this All , the Dr. Produceth , is such a pitiful faint Witness , that his adducing of him , serves only to render the Dr. the Object of their Laughter , who are less Serious ; For , all that he can say is , That James continued at Jerusalem , when other Apostles withdrew : But that he was therefore in his Sense , Bishop of Ierusalem , is a Consequence which will require other Rules of Logick to make it good , than have been heard of . Suppose Salmasius acknowledge that the Ancients called him so ; all do know , that he asserts only their expressing the Offices of Apostles , and other extraordinary Officers , after the Mode of their Times , and Denominations , which had then obtained ; as Iunius , Whittaker , and many other Learned Protestant Divines have observed ; And the Matter it self is evident to all Unprejudicat Minds : So , that we need not insist upon this . Only , we must again enjoyn him , his Task of proving a Twofold Consequence , and help his Memory in order to his next Undertaking against the Presbyterians : 1. Iames stayed at Ierusalem , when other Apostles withdrew ; Ergo , he was properly and formally Bishop thereof . 2. Salmasius acknowledges , that de facto , the Ancients call him Bishop , and that he abode at Ierusalem ; Ergo , he acknowledges him Bishop of Ierusalem , and a Bishop of the Dr's Mould , as succeeding the Apostolat therein , now it seems laid aside . Again , the Ancients acknowledge , that de facto , he was Bishop of Ierusalem , and Salmasius relates this ; Ergo , he ownes the Ius of the Hierarchical Bishop . When the Dr. hath managed this Task , he shall be an Apollo for his Skill . But now ( P. 113. ) the Dr. tells us , That the Account the Scriptures gives us of him , is very agreeable to the Testimony of the Ancients . I am verrily of the Opinion , that the Dr's Veneration for Antiquity is too Venerable . I should think that the Dr. should have spoken better Sense and Divinity , if expressing it in this Order , that the Testimony of the Ancients is agreeable to the Account of the Scripture , and to have made the Scripture Account the Leading Testimony . Well , let us hear this Account of Scripture : Only before we hear it , let us remember , what the Point is , which this Account and Testimony must have Reference to , viz. That the Apostle James was properly and formally Bishop of Jerusalem , having a fixed Relation thereto , as his proper peculiar Diocess , and Exercising an ordinary Episcopal Iurisdiction over that Church . The first Proof is , That Peter pays a Deference to him , in enjoyning notice to be given him , and the Brethren , of his Escape from Prison , Act. 12.17 . Here is an Account given of an Important Mercy to a Fellow-Apostle , and other Ministers at Ierusalem , but a Deference to him asi Bishop of Ierusalem , in the Sense above exhibit , even granting the ordnary Exercise of his Apostleship there , is such a Consequence , as no Rational Man can admit : For , 1. Were not all , whether we may suppose them Apostles or Brethren present , concerned in this , and capable of the Deference of this Information ? Yea , are they not thus Represented ? 2. Suppose Apostles present , without any such Residence , or supposed Episcopal Relation , will the mere Deference of such an Information prove this ? Yea , say this supposed his special Residence there , and consequently , his and the other Brethrens Concern in the Information , can any Rational Man imagine , that this Deference thus expressed , will suppose any more , than such a Residence for the time ? Besides , that the more Severe Critick , would Interrogat him , how this Information , simplely considered , comes under the Character of such a Special Deference and Honour , as the Dr. makes it ? Will the Report of an Important Mercy prove this , since another End is evident , viz. The Instruction and Comfort of the Person Informed , simplely considered ? The Critick would also Pose the Dr. upon this , What Deference was paid in Peters first Personal Visit to the House of Mary , and the other Praying Persons with her ? I think if mention had been of Iohn Mark his Personal Presence , this Deference , by the help of the Dr's Logick , and Quickned a litle by his Zeal for Prelacy , would have put fair to set him up as Bishop of Ierusalem at this time . But the Dr. tells us , this Deference is taken notice of elsewhere , as Gal. 1.19 . Gal. 2.1 , 9. For the first Passage , the Apostle tells , v. 18. that he went up to Ierusalem to see Peter . Here is some Deference . He adds , that he saw none of the Apostles save Iames. What Deference is here insinuat , and in special eo nomine , as Bishop of Ierusalem , will require a new Essay of the Dr. to draw it from the Text. Pool takes the Naming of these here to import , That the other Apostles being scattered , and gone off to prosecute their Work , these two Apostles were only at this time resident there . Thus it seems the Dr's great Topick from a Residence at Ierusalem , as peculiar to Iames , is much Weakned by this Testimony ; And his Reverence did not well to raise this Ghost . As for Pauls second Journey to Ierusalem , Recorded in the other Passage , and the mention of Iames with Peter and Iohn , as Pillars , I know not what Shadow of Argument can be drawn therefrom , for his pretended Episcopacy at Ierusalem , more than of Cephas and Iohn : Whatever Eminency in Moral Respects is here insinuat , sure it is Shared among all the three , without any Shadow of a Preference of Iames to the rest , and far less eo nomine , as Bishop of Ierusalem , unless the Dr. draw the Strength of his Argument from his being first Named , and thus Patronize the Popish Argument , from the first Nomination of Peter , to prove his Primacy ; Which is long since Baffled and Disowned by all Protestant Divines . The Dr. alledges , that Presbyterians would needs Impose upon Mens Senses and Belief , their own Dreams ; as if some Phantastick Person should pretend he sees Visions of Armies and Battallions in the Skies , and Challenge and Threaten others to see what they see not : If his Consequences in this and many other places of his Pamphlet , be not of this Nature , surely never any were . But the great Demonstration of the highest Class follows , which the Dr. Prefaceth with a most of all . What is that ? Why ? Act. 15.19 . He pronunces the Sentence of the Council by his Episcopal Authority . Here is an Airy Vision indeed , a Demonstration , the Rules whereof are existent only in the Dr's Brain . The Sentence and Decision of this Apostolick Council , upon Conference and Debate , was pronunced by Iames ; Ergo as a Deference exhibit to him by all the Apostles above themselves , yea , and eo nomine , as Bishop of Ierusalem . What a Rope of Sand is this ? I know , it s ordinarly supposed he presided in the Council , but that this doth import any Official Deference or Supereminency over his Fellow-Apostles , and far less as Bishop of Jerusalem , is a Consequence as far remote from this Concession and Supposition , as East from West . The Dr. saith , he pronunced the Sentence by his Episcopal Authority : Thus it seems his Episcopal Authority was a higher Sphere of Authority , than ever he had by his Apostolat ; And if so , the Dr. hath Razed all his former Pleadings for a Succession of Episcopacy to an Apostolat , and must devise a higher Function , than even that of Apostolat , to found Episcopal Authority . But the Dr. will not be thought ( now that he is in a Calmer Humor ) to plead that James alone Decided by his sole Power , without Concurrence of o●her Apostles , but as Bishop of Jerusalem he presided in the Council . But here it might be asked , what sort of Presidency it is that the Dr. here ascribes to James , in this Council ? Whether the mere Presidency of a Moderator , or that which is properly Episcopal , having the sole Rectoral Power included therein ? The asserting of the first only seems not Consonant to the Dr's Scope , which is to prove an Episcopal Authority in Judicatories , as here Exemplified . If he assert the second , then in Contradiction to himself , he robs the rest of the Apostles of this Rectoral Power , Monopolizing it in the Person of James . Or , if he should ascribe this Episcopal Power to him , with respect to the Inferior Clergy there present , he cannot deny , that his Fellow-Apostles Shared with him herein ; And so there is nothing of sole Episcopal Power Exemplified in this Instance , or any thing else , except a mere Presidency , which might be allowed upon the Account of his ordinary Residence at Jerusalem , by his Fellow-Apostles , not unlike unto a Moderators Office allowed by a Synod to the Minister of a City , wherein it is assembled , which doth nothing impeach the same Rectoral Power , competent to every Pastor of the Judicatory . But as to the Episcopal Rectoral Power , the Dr. cannot be ignorant , that his Fellow-Pleader Bishop Downam , in his Defence ( with whom the Dr. will not desire to Justle and Deal Stroaks ) is clear and positive in this Assertion of the Bishops sole Authority in Government . That James presided in the Council , I have told the Dr , is supposed , though I conceive it a pretty hard task to offer a demonstrative Argument from the Text to make it good : But that it was as Bishop of Ierusalem , is a phantastick Dream , which hath no shadow of Ground . That Passage [ My Sentence is ] the Authors of the 2 d. Part of Pools Annot. with several others , take to be only the Signification of his Judgement upon the Question , in Correspondence to what Peter had before spoken . As for Simeons Succession to Iames in Ierusalem , and Hegesippus Account of the Succession of Bishops there : It is spoken to above , and what Credit is to be given to the supposed Catalogue of Bishops in Ierusalem and other pretended Diocesses . For what he adds of Calvin's Judgement upon Gal. 2.9 . As favouring his Opinion . I Answer , Calvin takes him indeed to be among Eminent Apostles , viz. In Moral Respects , prudentia & aliis dotibus , as he expones the word Pillar , and attributs the same Eminency to Peter and Iohn ; And speaking of his presiding in the Council , he doth not positively assert the Ground which the Dr. alledges , but problematically with a fortassis id factum , &c. And even granting his Admission of a Presidency , the Consequence of an Official Presidency , and as importing a Majority of Power , far less eo nomine as formally Bishop there , is so very gross and obviously impertinent , as any with half an Eye may discover it . The Dr. tells us , That his Scripture Instances do plainly demonstrat that the Apostolical or Episcopal Authority was conveyed to single persons in the first Plantations of Christianity . What Demonstrations these are , I refer to the Reader to Judge from what is above replyed , such sure , as are not adapted to any Rules that hitherto hath been heard of , whereof this is a very clear Demonstration , that the Dr. in this Peroration and refined Summ and Conclusion of his supposed mighty preceeding Demonstrations , hath pronounced as great None-sense as ever was spoken or written : Which I demonstrat thus from the Series of his Reasoning : In his Sense , the Apostolick and Episcopal Office is one and equal , and Apostles as such , were Superior to all Church Officers except Bishops , their proper Successors in Official Authority . Now , here is a Successor Bishop preferred to all Apostles eo nomine , as Successor-Bishop , yet deriving in his Sense also an Apostolat only ; And which is yet odder , succeeding to an Apostolick Office , who was an Apostle before , and by his Confession thus related unto , and having an Official Authority , respecting the Church Universal ; Yet when his Charge is Restricted to Jerusalem , as his proper Post and Diocess , he doth upon this Ground Transcend all the Apostles in Official Authority . If any will sodder these Assertions together , and reconcile them to sound Sense and Divinity , he must be better skilled than all Vulcan's Gimmerers . The Dr. will not insist upon the Presbyterians imaginary and superficial Exceptions which they have invented . They must be such because he saith it , and save him from a Concern in Scanning them . No doubt , if as Superficial and Imaginary as his Demonstrations , their Inventions were very shallow . The Dr. brings next ( P. 114. ) the Trite Argument taken from the seven Asiatick Angels : And first tells us of Salmasius taking the Angels as denoting the Churches , the Denomination being taken from the purer Part of these Cities , to which Christ wrote . To which he replyes from the distinction of the Churches from the Angels , Rev. 1.20 . And that the Sense would thus be , to the Church of the Churches . Not to detain him much here , we only tell him , that whatever Salmasius Sense or Escape might be in this , he cannot deny , that in the Sense and Judgement of the Body of all Presbyterians , the Angels are distinguished from the Churches , as the Church Representative , is from the Church Collective . Besides , himself acknowledges ( P. 115. ) That the Heavenly Admonitions are first addressed to the Angels , and by them were Communicated to the Churches : As at the close of every Epistle , all are called to hear what the Spirit saith to the Churches . And he will not doubt that Salmasius distinguisheth Ministers from Church Members in this Point , and the Church Members concern in all that is written , he can less doubt . Besides that , Salmasius words will hardly bear his critical and saucy Construction , who calls them a silly subterfuge , since he may be supposed to compare only the Populi purior pars ( as he Terms it ) with the rest of the Inhabitants of these Towns , so that the Address distininguisheth them from others ; And the Angel of the Church , in his Sense , will import only the Church in such a City , not the Church of such a Church . But the Dr. will not have the Angel a Multitude , but one single Angel , presiding over Presbyters and People . We have already made appear , that the Collective Sense of the Term Angel , is most su●eable to Scripture , and the Scope of this Book . But the Dr. will needs loose the Objection taken from the Plural Address of the Angel , which he thus propones , That some Instructions there are in these Epistles , in which others beside the Angels , are particularly admonished . This is a piece of our Dr's . petty Sophistry : He must make the knot easie , that he may know how to loose it . The very proposing of this Objection , is a yeelding of the Cause ; For , if in this Plural Address , these others addressed , be not the Angel , then there is no Plural Address of the Angel himself , or Representation of the Term Angel , in a Plural Mould : But had the Dr. intended to Dispute , not to triffle , in proposing a simple Foppery , in stead of a Presbyterian Objection , he should have told his Reader , that we hold ( and do exhibit Instances of it ) that the Angel himself , is addressed Plurally , and bespoken so in these Epistles , as a plurality of Officers , appear evidently to be pointed at by th● Term Angel. As particularly , when it is said , To you and the rest in Thyatira , Rev. 2.24 . Thus likewise v. 10. Fear none of these things , which thou shall suffer : Behold the Devil shalt cast some of you into prison , that ye may be tryed , and ye shall have tribulation , &c. Be thou faithful unto death . Well , what saith he to this Objection ? Why ? The Epistle is no less addressed to the single Angel , than that of the Philippians is to the whole Church at Philippi , though Paul useth particular Compellations , Chap. 4.2.3 . I entreat thee also true Yoke-fellow , help those Women , &c. But good Dr. here is both a particular , special , distinct Precept , and under such a Compellation , as is in t●rminis , separat and distinguished from the Body of the Church , and those general Precepts addressed thereunto , So that there is no shadow of a Paralel , when the Angel is plurally Addressed , for the Precept and Injunction is the very same — Fear none of these things which thou shalt suffer ; There 's a relative pointing at the single Term Angel — Then the Devil shall cast you — that ye may be tryed — Be thou faithful , &c. There the same persons are addressed and spoken to , both singlely as one Angel , and plurally as many , & that in reference to the same very individual Purpose and Duty , the Speech running on both to the same Persons , and the same Scope . So that to use the Dr's . Phrase in reference to Salmasius , his Answer to this Objection , appears to be a silly subterfuge , fit for nothing but to move their Laughter , who are seen in this Debat , and unworthy to have been uttered , much less printed by a Man who sets a D. D. to his Name . The Dr. cannot but know that the pinch of this Debate , and state of the Question betwixt him and us , is , Whether all that 's spoken of this Angel , can be competent to one individual ( the contrary whereof , Presbyterians have made good ) and not anent the Concerns of particular Persons , in some special Precepts of a general Epistle , which is in terminis addressed to the whole Church . The Dr. adds as another mighty Answer , That the second Epistle to Timothy is addressed to him alone , tho the Conclusion be to all the Faithful at Ephesus . Ans : That the second Epistle to Timothy is addressed to him immediatly , no Body doubts : As for that Conclusion , The Lord Iesus be with thy Spirit , Grace be with you , there can nothing thence be inferred , but that the Apostle in the Precepts addressed to Timothy , designed the Good of the whole Church : And altho what is contained in the Epistle , have this general Scope , yet it is to be applyed pro unius cujusque modulo , and Peoples Duties , and that of Ministers , are to be distinguished : But in the plural Adress of the Angel , the same Duties are ( as is said ) enjoyned to the same Persons , and to the same Scope ; And the Mystical Term Angel , is represented in a plain plural Mould , as pointing at a Plurality of Church Officers . Besides , that in this Conclusion , the People are distinguished from the person of Timothy ; So , that the Conclusion doth not solely and immediatly reach them : But this holds not paralel with the Direction of an Epistle to a Plurality , thus Mystically represented by one single Angel. The Dr. adds further , That the Bishops of the Asiatick Churches , are said to be Angels , in Imitation of the Jews , among whom the High Priest was dignified with that Name , as Mal. 2.7 . Where the Word Messenger may be translated Angel. I like not the Doctor 's Iewish Imitations : If the Pattern was drawn from Mal. 2.7 . Even granting this to the Dr , that the Term Angel is with Allusion to that Term of Messenger , the Term and Designation is Scriptural ; And had his Eyes been single , he might in looking upon that Text , have found that the Term of Messenger and Priest , hath a plural Signification ; And consequently our Exposition of the single Term Angel , in a Collective Sense , in these Epistles , and Application of the Plural Address to the single Angel , to be Exemplified in that Scripture . But the Dr. will needs suppose gratis , and Magisterially Dictat unto us , his Petitio Principii , That the High Priest only was Dignified with that Name : But he and his Fore-leader Dr. Hammond hath pi●ifully mist the Mark in this Notion , it being palpable , that the Scope is to direct the Lords Priests and Ministers in their common Duties to which they were called ; and to say that the High Priest alone was here designed and intended , will infer that the first Verse of that Chapter , O ye Priests this Commandment is for you , is to be understood only of the High Priest , that he alone was concerned to give Glory to the Lords Name , as is enjoyned in the 2. Verse , and he alone threatned in the same Verse , with a Curse to be inflicted upon his Blessings , that he alone was to have the Law of Truth in his Mouth , and to keep knowledge , as Verses 6 , 7. and that at his Mouth only , the Law was to be sought ; Whereas all the Priests were Teachers , and Solemnly Addressed the People , in Teaching together with Moses himself , Deut. 27.9 , 10. and were sent to Teach the People , 2 Chron. 17.8 . Besides that , had the Dr. been through in Searching this Controversie , he might have found , that as the Term Levi , represents in this Chapter the Multitude of Levites , so Pres●●terians do plead , that the Term Angel , whereby the Officers of every Church of Asia is represented , hath nothing peculiar in it ; beside what is applicable to every Minister of the Gospel , whose Angelick Frame , as well as Office and Authority , is hereby pointed out ; And therefore , cannot in this place Indigitat an Officer Superior to Pastors or Ministers . The Dr. asserts That the Angels Authority was extended to Laity and Clergy . But he must be admonished , that his new Term of Clergy and Laity , were not then begot ; and he must prove , not assert without Proof , this his alledged Extension of the single Angel , or Prelat his Power and Authority . The Dr. pleads that the Faults of the Churches are imputed to the Angels , because of their Spiritual Power to Reform and Chastise these Abuses . Ans. No doubt Ministers have great influence upon the good or ill Frame of Churches , and this will say as much , yea much more for us , than for the Dr ; for upon our Supposition of a Plurality of Pastors Addressed in the Angel , it s much more suteable to suppose a Peoples good or ill Frame and Spiritual Condition to be influenced by the good or bad Carriage of their Pastors , who have an immediat Inspection over them , than to suppose it flows merely from the good or bad Carriage of one Prelat set over their Clergy and themselves , this Inspection being the more remote : And the Dr. knows we may call in an old gray Hair'd Witness , Experience , to testifie that there hath sometimes been some diligent Pastors , and a thriving People in a Diocess , where the Bishop hath been naught . And besides , that the Dr. here pitifully beggs the Question , he should have seen how to evite the Inconvenience of Timothy ( so eminently commended for his Faithfulness , Stedfastness and Piety ) his falling , as Bishop of Ephesus , from his first Love , and by his bad Carriage influencing this bad Frame in that Church , and leading them wrong . As likewise , he should have seen , how to make it appear , that the Important Duties of Faithfulness , holding fast what is attained , not to Fear Sufferings , Warnings of a Prison Tryal , &c. are applicable to one Person solely . As likewise , how several of these evils charged upon the Churches , could be the Objects of the Bishops supposed Spiritual Chastising Power , such as their Dead Frame , Falling from their first Love , &c. The Dr. ( ibid. ) will in the next place , loose the Objection taken from Rev. 2.24 . But unto you I say , and to the rest in Thyatira : Whence he tells us we plead that the Epistles were directed to a Community , because the Compellation is in the Plural . To this he Answers , That the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is left out in the most Ancient Manuscripts , particularly the Alexandrian , preserved in the Royal Library . 'T is pity the Dr , or a Man of his Sense was not called in to Instruct or Inform our last Translators , wh● were , no doubt , as favourable to the Episcopal Cause as he ( though I will not say they would have allowed all his Methods in Pleading ) and he will not doubt of their diligent Searching the Original Text , and that they knew of these Manuscripts , as well as Dr. Hammond and he , yet do render the Text with the Conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the Current of all the Greek Copies . It s strange that the Dr. hath the Confidence , upon the Supposition of one Copy , or of two at most reading the Text without the Conjunction , to assert that the most Ancient Manuscripts do thus read it , as if these two deserved that Character , and might stand good against the whole Body of all the Greek Copies , wherein this Particle is found , yea the whole Body of all Translators , as hath been Instanced unto him by Presbyterian Writers . We have above made appear , that the Text cannot be consonantly read Read to the scope or contexture , without the Conjunction , since after that our Lord in vers . 23. gives this general warning , I will give unto every one of you according to y●ur Works , &c. He adds , but unto you and unto the rest in Thyatira , viz : you Ministers and the People in that Church , contradistinct from others , &c. The Dr will needs have the words we insist on , applicable to those mentioned in the latter end of the 23 verse , and not properly to the Angel of the Church of Thyatira : And this is his Answer , even upon the supposition of our Reading with the conjunction which he is forced to acknowledge is the common Reading ; and thus discovers his folly in opposing two supp●sed Copies to it . His Reason is , that [ they ] are the other Churches of Asia , which because mentioned in the Speech directed to the Angel of the Church of Thyatira , the immediat transition from him to them is natural and easie , and all the Churches shall know , viz : the Churches of Asia shall know that I am He which searcheth the Reins and hearts : v. 24. But unto you ( i. e. saith the Dr. ) the Churches of Asia , &c. Thus he scor's out , and expungeth the adversative particle , [ But ] in 24 verse , clearly limiting the you here , and distinguishing it from the more extensive [ you ] in verse 23. I hope the Dr saw no Copies reading the Text without the adversative particle [ But ] The Dr. says , because the Particle [ they ] in v. 23 , is understood of all the Churches of Asia , in the Speech directed to Thyatira , the Transition from him to them is easie and natural , all the Churches of Asia shall know , &c. — But unto you i. e. the Churches of Asia , &c. If this be not an offering violence to the Text , nothing ever was ; For after that our Lord hath added a general appendant motive v. 23. that by this stroak on Iezebel , all the Churches shall know ( viz : the Asian Churches ) that he is a searcher of the Reins and Hearts , &c. He returns to an express Application and Address of the Speech to Thyatira 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 First in general by the discriminating But , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Secondly in an express mention of Thyatira . And that we may not mistake it for a general partition of the Churches of Asia unto those of Thyatira and others ( as the Dr. dreams ) he expresly , & in terminis , thus restricts the phrase and address to that particular Church , to you and the rest in Thyatira , not to you in all Asia . The Dr will not deny , that in this clause the ( you ) and the ( rest ) are distinguished , and within distinct Limits and Marches , but so cannot those of Thyatira , be distinguished from the Churches of Asia , whereof they are a part . For what he adds of Beza's Acknowledgment of the Angel to be a Praeses , we have already made appear , how insignificant this is to bear the weight of his conclusion of a Prelatical Presidency here supposed , since he owns him only as a Moderator or Praeses of the Meeting , by the Dr's acknowledgement . But the Dr. tells us , he makes him in a ridiculous manner a Weekly or Monthly Mod●rator . This Charge of the Dr's is ridiculous , Beza only pleading against the fixed Moderator , which with him is the Episcopus humanus , without mentioning any such Limits of time , as the Dr. Imputes unto him . The Dr. will needs remove the Objection taken from the Angels not being called Bishops ; to which he returns , That neither Baptism nor the Sacrament of the Lords Supper are called Sacraments , though we express the Scripture Sense of these Institutions , when so terming them . But by his favour , this Objection is not so inconsiderable , as he imagins , nor his Answer so considerable ; for , if the Apostles Scope was to point out the Nature and Office of the Diocesan Bishop , whom the Dr. distinguishes from inferior Officers , and owns him as distinguished by this term Bishop , which he knows to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in terminis a Scripture term and epithet , such as is not the word Sacrament , it should seem this discriminating term should here have been made use of rather than a more general Term , aplicable to all Pastors . And in a word , when he shall make the Divine institution of the Diocesan Bishop appear in Scripture , then his Paralel answer with reference to Terms of Trinity and Sacraments , expressing what is revealed in Scripture , though not in Scripture Terms , shall be admitted as valid : But till then , must make up the Number of the rest of the Dr's gratis supposita and beggings of the Question . The Dr. will needs have the whole Question to be determined by the Ancients affirmation of a Prelatical Succession to Apostles . And next by their insisting on this Succession in their Disputes with Hereticks . And in the Third place , by the resolution of this doubt , whether we may safely Lean on their Authority and Tradition in an affair of this Consequence . What Credit is to be given to the Ancients in this Poin● , and what strength is in the Argument drawn from their supposed Testimony , in reference to our perswasion of the Divine Right of Prelacy , is above fully cleared . And our scope being to trace only the Dr. in his pretended Scripiure-proofs , we leave him sufficiently exposed in this Point of Antiquity , by those , who have fully examined him , and traced his human Proofs on these heads : Wishing him a Sounder heart , and more sincere diligence in this Controversy . FINIS . A REVIEW and EXAMINATION OF THE Scripture-Grounds , UPON WHICH The AUTHOR of the Survey of Naphtali ( Supposed to be Mr. Andrew Honyman , Bishop of Orkney ) Pleads for the LAWFULNESS of the Episcopal Office : Where the Arguments of the IV. Chap. of his II. PART , are Discussed . CHAP : I : A Consideration of the Scripture Grounds , upon which the Surveyer pleads for the Lawfulness of the Episcopal Office. TO Examin with as Succinct Perspicuity as we can , the Surveyers Scripture Pleadings for Episcopacy , in this 4 th . Chap. It is in the first place to be noticed , how that he was afraid to set his Foot upon such Slippery Ground , as to plead directly for the Necessity of Prelacy , upon a Divine or Apostolick Warrand ; as knowing that the contrary Practice and Principles of almost the whole Body of Reformed Churches and Divines , do in this Point contradict him . He therefore , pretends to Abstract from this supposed Necessity , and the Grounds thereof , and to plead only for the Lawfulness of the Order : Yet least he should seem too Cool a Pleader , he presents some things , which he calls Positive Grounds of Episcopacy ; Whereof the First in Summ is . That Christ hath appointed in his Church an Official Power , which we call Episcopal , paramount unto , and above any Power that can be Exercised by a single Presbyter alone ; Which Power of Ordination and Iurisdiction , is acknowledged utrinque , Lawful in it self , the only Difference is , that Presbyterians hold it to be Seated in a Colledge of Presbyters , and the Episcopalians hold it to be Concentred in one Person , yet to be Exercised by Presbyters Concurrence and Consent : So , that the Difference of this Diffused Episcopacy in the Presbytrie , and Contracted in a single Bishop , to be managed with Consent of Presbyters , is like that between m●nus aperta and manus clausa . Ans. The Surveyer doth but here Shufflle and Obscure the true State of this Question , betwixt Episcopalians and Presbyterians ; Which is this , viz. Upon our Supposal of that Authority and Government , ascribed in Scripture to Pastors or Presbyters , and their Essential Interest therein , how an Officer , who is pretended to be Distinct from them , and Superior unto them , and Enhancing and Concentring all their Power in himself , can be consistent with the Scripture Prescriptions in point of Government ? The Surveyer should have known , that the Scripture doth not only appoint the Official Power , but its proper Subject ; So that the Removing it from its proper Basis and Subject , is a palpable Impeachment of these Institutions in point of Government : And therefore , if by our Lords Warrand , this Official Power is Diffused in a Colledge of Pastors or Presbyters , the Concentring it in the person of one Prelat , must needs be an arrant Usurpation in Men , yea ( and if possible ) in Angels . Next , the Surveyer Narroweth and Disguiseth the Bishops Power he pleads for : And that several ways , 1. He overleaps his Arrogated Power of Order , whereof he is the proper and primary Subject in the Diocess , wherein Pastors Act but as his Deputs . 2. His Civil Acclaimed Power . 3. He seems to Tye the Exercise of it to the Consent and Concurrence of Presbyters , wherein he dissembles the Nature of their Arrogated Jurisdictional Power : For , if he did mean a Concurrence and Consent , which is Decisive ; Besides , that he in this contradicts himself , in Concentring this Power in the Prelat , since frustra est potentia quae non potest reduci in actum , he durst not affirm that the Official Power of the Prelat , then existent by Law , and whom he pleaded for , was of this Nature : For , according to the Law establishing Prelacy , they were to Exercise their Power with Advice only , and of such of the Clergy only , as they should find ( they themselves being Judges ) of known Loyaltie and Prudence . Again , should the Surveyer say this Advice was only Consultive not Decisive , he did but Mock and Prevaricat , in adding this Limitation of Presbyters Consent and Concurrence , and in pretending thus to put some Limitations on the Prelats sole Exercise of his Power , as if it did not swallow up and exclude the Official Authority of Presbyters and Pastors in Government . In a Word , as it is certain that the Diversifying of the Subject , diversifieth the Species and Kinds of Government , which is evident in that of Monarchy , Democracy , Aristocracy &c. So in the point of Church Government , depending upon Divine and positive Institution , It is easie to discover such a vast Variation upon this Ground , as might have covered this Surveyer with Blushes , and which baffles his Notion with his own Similitude of the manus aperta & clausa . For he will not deny the Lawfulness of an OEcomenick or General Council , in a Just Representative of all Christian Churches , having an Authority diffused in all the Members , which respects the whole Churches . Now , here is the manus aperta , and in his Sense the manus clausa , or the Monopolizing and Concentring this Authority in one person , doth no whit impeach the Lawfulness of the Power it self . Then advance the manus clausa , an OEcumenick Bishop , or Supreme Head over all the Church , having all this Authority Monopolized in him , which was before diffused in the General Council . And here it may be demanded , whether this Pleader , or such as he , did owne such an Officer as Lawful or not ? If such an Officer be owned as Lawful , then farewel the Protestant Profession , and the Doctrine of all Reformed Churches against a Papal Supremacy & Universal OEcumenick Bishop : If such an Officer be held unlawful , then this Notion and Argument is quit baffled and excluded , which asserted the Lawfulness both of the Diffused and Contracted Official Power : For , here the one Power is owned as warranded of GOD , and instituted in its Nature and Exercise ; The other is disowned , as contrary to His Institution . What the Surveyer adds upon this Head , touching a Lawful Demanour towards Powers that are usurped , and entertaining fellowship with a Ministerial Church , though called by an usurping Bishop , hath been sufficiently answered by the Apologist and Others , and the Difference so clearly stated betwixt the Condition of a Church , wherein Prelats are obtruded upon the standing Church Judicatories ( in which Case Ministers are to keep their places , and contend against them ) and such a State and Condition of a Church , wherein the Government is razed , and the Foundation of it laid upon a Princes arrogated Supremacy over the same , and Prelats Authority as his Administrators in the Government thereof , and withall in the Concurrence a formal and direct acknowledgment of both the one and the other being required , as the Condition of Ministerial Communion , that nothing needs here be further added . The Next Ground the Surveyer adduceth is , That Ministers Union and Association of themselves , and setting over them one single Person to Moderat and Govern the Actions of the Meeting , is Juris Divini , and that by our own Confession . Ans. The Surveyer durst not make his Application here ; or had he done so , the absurdity of the Consequence from this Moderator or President to the Prelat he pleaded for , would have palpably appeared , and his Inconsistency with himself : For 1. He saith that Associat Ministers set over themselves this Moderator , and this he holds to be Iuris Divini , and GODs Will ; And if so , then sure it is neither Iuris Divini , nor GODs Will , that this Moderator should be obtruded upon them by an Extraneous Power ; without the least shadow of their Consent , as he could not but know the Prelats he pleaded for , were obtruded upon this Church . 2. If it be GODs Will that this President be set over Meetings of Ministers , to govern the Actions of the Meeting ; and preserve Due Order , then it is not His Will that this Moderator or President should have their whole Authority Concentred in him , as this Survey●r pleads , and so as to smallow up their whole decisive Suffrage , and render them mere Cyphers : This he cannot but acknowledge to exceed far the mere governing the Actions of the Meeting , and preserving of Order ; Which is the proper Work of a Moderator . I might add that the admitting it is GODs Will , that Ministers set over their Associat Meetings one single person to Moderat , will not so much as infer , that he should moderat ad vitam : Since . 1. This will bring under the burden of whatever abuse of his Power he may be guilty of , and exclude all Help and Redress . 2. This will deny the Judicatory or Meeting , the Advantage and Use of these governing Gifts and Graces , that may be supposed in other Members : And sure the Surveyer could not but acknowledge this contrary to the Divine Law , since the Gifts and Graces of every Minister are given by GOD for the Advantage of His Church , and to be improven accordingly . The Ministration of the Spirit ( saith the Apostle ) is given to every one to profit withal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Metaphor taken ( as some do judge ) from Bees bringing all to the common Hive . Thus we see , that unless the Surveyer degrade the Bishops to mere Moderators , this Reason is utterly remote from , and absolutely short of reaching any other Conclusion . The Third Ground is , That it is Juris Divini , by way of Approbation , that the Churches in their Ministerial Combinations for Government , should have one over them , who hath a singular Power for prevention of Schism and Disorder , and such a Power as what is Right or Wrong in the Church ; may be imputed to him , as is manifest from the Epistles directed to the Angels of the Churches , Rev. 2.3 . whom Beza , Cartwright , Reynolds , &c. hold to be single persons : Ans. It is not clearly discernible what strength is in this Reason beyond the former , since it still runs upon the Ius Divinum , and necessity of a President in Church Meetings , in order to this ▪ as its native and great End , viz : the Prevention of Schism and Disorder : And if this be the Rule and Measure of such a Presidency , the Surveyer had been hard put to it , to prove that this doth necessarly infer and require that it be such as swallows up the whole decisive Power and Authority of Pastors in Government ; And that Disorder and Schism cannot be otherwise prevented by a President , than thus Authorized , and that reserving to Pastors their decisive Authority and Power cannot as well reach this End. 2. For what the Surveyer adds , That the Power of the President must be such , as what is Right or amiss , may be imputed to him , as using his Power Well or Badly : As it may have a terrible Sound in the Ears of the Hierarchical Prelat , who hath an Authority and Power extended not only to all the Pastors of the Diocess , but the whole Body of the People therein , as this Surveyer owns , P. 194. Since he hath thus a Work and Office of such a Nature , as is impossible to be managed : Besides , that the Charge of all the evils within the Diocess , lyeth necessarly upon him ; So likewise , it is more than this Surveyer could prove that what was well or amiss in the Asian Churches , is chiefly imputed to one Person . For , 1. It is not enough to say , that some Authors , though acknowledged Godly and Learned , do hold them to be single persons , but the Grounds hinc inde of those who hold them to be such , and of those who understand the Word [ Angel ] in a Collective Sense , must be weighed in the Ballances of the Sanctuary . 2. Beza's Judgment is , that the Proestos or President is first advertised , that by him all the rest of the Colledge , and also the whole Church might have notice made to them of that which concerned them all ; And further , that not so much as the Office of a Perpetual President can be hence inferred , as that which he holds to be the Foundation of the Tyranical Oligarchy , whose Head is the Antichristian Beast . 3. Granting a Presidency for prevention of Schism and disorder , over these Churches , the Question still is to be discussed , what Presidency it was ? And that it could not be of the Surveyers Supposed Episcopal mould is evident , and by th● Presbyterian Writers made good from several Grounds ; As that ( 1. ) It cannot be made good , that any directions in these Epistles , respecting Government , diversifie one Pastor from another , or suppose his Iurisdiction over the rest . ( 2. ) That without fastning a contradiction upon the Scripture Account of the Presbyter or Pastors Office , this cannot be admitted , Pastors having the Name and thing of Rulers , Governours and Bishops attributed unto them , yea , and the Episcopal Power being found committed to the Pastors of Ephesus ( the first of the Churches here addressed ) in Pauls last farewell to them , Act. 20. And none will deny that the whole Churches were settled in an Uniform Mould of Government . That the Collective Sense of the word Angel is most sutable to the Scope of these Epistles , and paralel Scriptures , is above made good , and needs not be here repeated . The Surveyer alledges P. 193. That if single persons had not been intended , they would have been compared by the Spirit of God , not to single Stars but Constellations . Thus this critical Master of Language will needs Teach the Spirit of God how to express himself . But since he acknowledges that these Churches , tho made up of several Congregations , do upon the Ground of an Unity in Government , come under the denomination of one Candlestick , why may not also the Pastors and Ministers , because of a combination in Government , come under the Denomination of single Stars ? Besides , that these Stars or Angels are ( as is above made good ) sometimes addressed plurally , and thus , upon the matter held out as Constellations . He adds , That we may as well extend the seven Candlesticks beyond the Seven Churches , as the Angel beyond a single Person . But the Spirit of GOD calling these Candlesticks the Seven Churches , and the Stars generally the Angels of the Churches , not the Seven Angels , sufficiently discovers the impertinent folly of this Objection : But says the Surveyer , ibid. by this Collective Sense of the Word Angel , we will take in the Ruling Elders , as Messengers of the Lord of Hosts , or else assert that these Churches had none . Ans. The Divine warrand of the Ruling Elder , is made good upon clear Scripture grounds , and if he have a share and Interest in Church Government , the Surveyer could give no reason , why he might not in so far , come under this Denomination , as a Church Officer , supposing that our Lord addresseth in these Epistles , both Church Officers and Members . For what he adds of Blondels Sense of the Authority of these Angels , P. 6. of his Preface ▪ It is evident to any that reads it , That he ascribs the Power of Presidents only unto them , and holds that the Proestotes or Presidents acknowledged alwise the Power of the Colledge of Presbyters to be above their own , and were subject to the Injunctions of the Meetings , as well as any other Member . The Fourth Ground , which the Surveyer layeth down , P. 194. is this , That as there are ordinances merely Divine , so also mixed Ordinances , which have a Divine ground , and with all adjoyned thereunto a positive human Institution , such as Calvin holds geniculation in prayer to be : The Episcopal Power being in it self Lawful , the Subjecting of it in one person , in a certain Circuit , is most suitable for preserving Unity , supposing the Person to be of greater worth , and consequently recommended by the light of Nature , and in so far by the word of GOD , and further warranded by a Lawful Church Constitution . Ans. This ground easily appears foolish and unsound , when we consider that not only the Power it self , is of Gods appointment and institution , but likewise the Subject thereof , and and Officers Cloathed with the Power , so that whatever Authority the Church may be supposed to have for regulating the Exercise , according to the general Rules of the word , and of Christian prudence ; yet no Church under Heaven hath Authority to lift up the March-stones , which God hath set , and impeach his Institutions in Point of Government : Which Guilt , is certainly Contracted either , 1. In setting up a New Officer , Cloathed with such Authority as he hath not allowed ; such as we have made appear the Prelat to be , both in Respect of his acclaimed Civil and Ecclesiastick Authority . 2. In Robbing the Pastor of that Authority , allowed by the great Masters Appointment and Institution , which , as we have made appear , doth in its Essence respect an Interest , both in the Power of Order and Jurisdiction . As for Calvin , he is found in that place , to speak nothing of the Nature of this Geniculation . or what may give light touching the Nature of those mixed Ordinances . Besides , that the Surveyers Reason here adduced , from the Light of Nature , appears to Confound the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and without Respect to the Gospel Rules of Government , to found a Claim thereunto , merely upon the greater Worth and Ability : A Principle which will also brangle the Civil Government . And in a word , this Principle of Monopolizing the Power in one Person , in a certain Circuit , for this end of Preserving Unity , will tower up this singularity of Government in one person over the Bishops , the Arch-Bishops , till the Hierarchy resolve in a Papacy at last . Proceed we to the Surveyers Fifth Ground , ibid. resolving in a Partition of Three or Four Particulars , to infer a direct positive Institution , for the Superiority of one Church Officer , of a certain Circuit , over others . Whereof the First is , That Iesus Christ from his Received plenitude of Church Power from his Father , to be made use of , till the Elect be gathered in , sent his Apostles , with plenitude of Power for all Church Offices , necessary for Edifying and Preserving the same , as Power to Preach , administer Sacraments , preserve the Church in order by Godly Disciplin ; for which he Cites Joh. 20.21 . As my Father hath sent me , even so send I you , &c. Ans. As it is acknowledged , that the Apostles were sent forth for the Great end of laying the Foundation of the Gospel Churches , and Establishing the Ordinances and Offices thereof ; so that whatever Officers they are found to have Instituted and Authorized for the Churches preservation , and Purity of Order , ought to be received with all due Reverence ; so it is evident , that their Office was in this Respect , Extraordinary , and that they were Distinguished from all other Officers by their immediat Call , their immediat Instructions from Christ , in●allibility in Doctrin , a greater Amplitude of Power , &c. Hence we have made appear , there was no Shadow of a Prelatical Power in their Office , & the exercise thereof , since none of the Apostles were set over any fixed Diocess , but had an immediat Relation to the whole Church , they exercised their Ministry sometimes joyntly and promiscuously in the same place , they Ordained no Inferior Officers alone , without the Concurrence of other Officers , where they might be had , nor Challenged , as Prelats , a sole Power of Jurisdiction over the Churches , &c. The Second Subservient ground , which the Surveyer , P. 195 , adduces , is , That the Apostles had Successors to themselves in that plenitude of Ordinary Church Power , for that Power was not to Cease till the end of the World , according to the Promise , Matth. 28.20 . I am with you alway , to the end of the World , meaning with them and their Successors . Ans. That the Apostles had Successors , that derived down an Ordinary Church Power , in reference to the Preaching of the Word , the Administration of the Sacraments , and such a Governing Power , and the exercise thereof , as is necessary for the Churches Edification and Preservation in all times , is easily admitted : And this ordinary Church Power , we maintain with the Body of all Protestant Divines , to be derived down by the Pastor , the proper Successor of the Apostles in this Work , as hath been above cleared . And this is most Properly that plenitude of Power , which was to continue to the end . For this Surveyer , in this Discriminating term of Ordinary Church Power , seems , to exclude any Succession of Church Officers to the Apostles , in eundem gradum , and properly . The Surveyer tells us in the Third place , That there are three probable Pretenders to this Succession of Apostles , Viz : Single Presbyters in the Modern Notion ; Colledges of Presbyters in a full Equality of Power ; Or some single Persons having Superiority of Power over ordinary Presbyters . The Pretensions of the People , or of any other to the Church Government , He tells us , he doth pass as Irrational : And so do we . Only I must here say , That as what a single Presbyter may do in extraordinary Cases , in Point of Jurisdiction , is not here the Question ; And that therefore his three Pretenders may be Justly reduced to two : So in his confident Rejection of all other Pretenders as Irrational , he should have been aware of touching the Kings Crown , and more consistently defended his Erastian Supremacy in Church Government ; Since in the last Edition of our Scots Hierarchy , he was Owned and Established , as the chief Officer and Head of this Church . The Surveyer will have this Question of the Matter of Fact , upon which the Jus depends , to be determined by Historical Narrations of the Acts of the Apostles , and the first and surest Light , Church History can afford in the Churches purest Times . I have made appear that this Question of a Divine Fact , must be decided by the Scripture Light allenarly , and by Consequence , not from the Acts of the Apostles Solely , excluding what further Light in this Matter is to be had from their Instructions , in Point of Church Government , contained in their Epistles , and likewayes from other places of the New Testament . So , that whatever Practice of the Church , the History , even of Purest Times , presents unto us , must be brought to this Touch-stone and Standard of the Scripture Institution , as being thereby Regulable : And therefore , can make up no part of this Rule . In determining this Question , the Surveyer in the first place , Will not have the Fulness of Ordinary Church Power , committed by the Apostles to any single Presbyter , as if he had Actual Power of Ordination , or Iurisdiction : That the Power of Order , the Administration of the Word and Sacraments is committed to the Pastor , is of it self Evident ; That the Power of Jurisdiction is committed to him , as he is by Office a Member of the Judicatory , which is the proper adequat Subject of this Authority of Ordination and Jurisdiction , is equally evident . The Surveyer challengeth us to shew such Colledges of single Presbyters , as had that Plentitude of Church Power committed to them by the Apostles , and exercised the same , especially taking in Ruling Elders . Ans. If by Plentitude of Church Power , be understood the ordinary Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , necessary for the Churches Edification and Preservation in all times , and as abstracted and distinguished from the extensive Power of Apostles & Evangelists ; We say it is found seated in the Colledge of Pastors and Presbyters , both in the Acts of the Apostles , and else where in the New Testament ▪ The Apostles instituted Pastors or Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Church by Church , and sure not to preach only and administrat Sacraments , but to Rule , seeing they have the Name and Thing of Governors , Rulers , Overseers , Bishops , ascribed to them ; And if they were to Rule , sure in Collegiat Meetings . We find the Exercise of this Power commanded and commended to Pastors or Presbyters ; Thus by the Apostle to the Elders or Pastors of Ephesus , Act. 20. By the Apostle Peter 1 Pet. 5. to the Pastors of the Churches , to which he wrote . We find this Jurisdictional Power accordingly exercised by them , both as to Ordination and the highest Censures , 1 Tim. 4.14 . 1 Cor. 5. And the Circumstances of these and such like Texts do cleary evince , that this Jurisdictional Power was to continue , thus exercised by these Societies or Colledges of Presbyters , when the Apostles were gone off the Stage , and that consequently they are the Proper Subject of the Power , immediatly derived from them . As for the Ruling Elder , his Institution and Office being found in Scripture , he is upon Divine Warrand , supposed a Member of these Judicatories , when the Churches are fully constituted in their Organick being . But the Surveyer tells us , We cannot make appear , that in these Meetings of Presbyters , there was an Equality of Power , since Superior Officers were with them Ruling and Ordering their Church Actings . Ans. Though de facto it were found , that in these Meetings , Superior Officers were present , yet if they be found Officers of an Extraordinary Authority , and whose Power was Cumulative unto , not Privative of the ordinary Power and Authority of these Meetings ; This is utterly remote from speaking any thing to his Purpose and Conclusion . 2. Whereas the Surveyer peremptorly poseth us , Where such a Meeting of Presbyters is found in the Acts of the Apostles ( he should have added , or else where in the New Testament ) without Superior Officers ordering their Meeting ? We peremptorly Pose him , what Superior Officer is found set over the Colledge of the Elders of Ephesus , when Paul gave them his last Charge , touching the Exercise of a Ioynt Episcopal Power over that Church ? What Superior Officer is found set over the Bishops and Pastors of the Church of Philippi ? Or over these Pastors and Bishops mentioned 1 Pet. 5. ? or these Ruling Teachers mentioned 1 Thes. 5.12 . Heb. 13.7.17 ? Sure , these Governing Teachers mett for Government , and these Meetings if found thus Constituted , and Exercising an Episcopal Power , we have therein Convincing Instances of an Episcopal Power in a Colledge of Presbyters , without the Inspection of any Superior Ordinary Officers : For , as for Apostolical Directions hereanent , they could no more impeach this Authority , than Directions with Reference to the Power of Order could impeach the same . The Surveyer P. 196. brings for his third Ground , The Apostles committing the Plentitude of Ordinary Church Power to single Persons , in a Superiority over other Ministers ; Instancing the Asiatick Angels , Rev. 2.3 . And Pauls Directions to Timothy and Titus , whom he sent and instructed with a Iudiciary Power , into Ephesus and Crete , and to ordain Ministers , which had been to no purpose , had this Power been competent to Pastors . Ans. This Trite Argument hath been above at large spoken to ; Therefore , we shall but briefly touch it in this place . First , For the Asiatick Angels ; We have made appear , First , That the Collective Sense of the word Angel , stands upon the most probable Foundation , and is owned by the greatest part of sound Interpreters , as being most suteable to the Style of Prophetick Writings , representing many Persons by a singular Typical Term , whereof frequent Instances are exhibit ; to the Style of this very Book , in representing many Persons , or a Series of Men , by one Symbolical Term , such as Whore , VVoman , Beast , &c. Besides , that the Angel is found plurally addressed , Chap. 2.24 . Next , That admitting the Angel to be a single Person , will only plead that he is the Angelus praeses , or Moderator , yea , and so pro tempore , and addressed as the Parliament is in the Person of the Speaker ; That no Address is made to him with respect to any Jurisdiction over Pastors , nor can any Reason be given wherefore the Commendations and Reprehensions respecting Ministerial Dutys , must be fixed in an Exclusive Sense upon one Person , &c. Next , For the Directions to Timothy and Titus ; It is above made appear , that their Office was Extraordinary , and passed off , like that of the Apostles , with that First Infant State and Exigence of the Church , since it is made Good they were Evangelists , in a proper formal Sense . 2. That upon this Ground , they could have no Successors in their Formal Office and Inspection , which imported a Relation to no particular Church , nor can consequently represent the Authority of any ordinary Officer , with such a fixed Relation of this Nature and Extent . It is likewayes made appear , that the Episcopal Pleaders from these Directions , must either upon this Ground , extend their Power equally with that of Apostles , or make it appear , that these Directions of this Nature , and importing this Authority , were applicable to them no where else , and in reference to no other Churches , where they are found to exercise their Office ; Either of which are inevitable Absurdities . Finally , It is made appear , that this Inspection was of a Transient Nature , did suppose the Existence and Exercise of the Apostolick Office , was Cumulative unto , not Privative of the Official Authority of Pastors , and therefore cannot prove a sole and single Authority of a Prelat over Church Judicatories . But sayes the Surveyer , What need was there to send them for this End to these Churches , if a Iurisdictional Power was competent to Pastors ? This Objection is above fully removed . And here again we repone , 1. The Infant State of the Church requiring a Temporary Super-intendency of an Evangelist , and Directions from an infallible Apostle . 2. Episcopalians must confess , that in many Points , wherein Timothy and Titus are immediatly addressed , ordinary Pastors and Presbyters have a necessary and essential Interest , and that therefore they must acknowledge this to be one end of these addressed Instructions , that Pastors or Presbyters may have a clear Vidimus of their Ministerial Office and Duties ; And that by consequence the addressing of these Directions to Timothy and Titus will not exclude Pastors from the Jurisdictional Power ; And no more make this peculiar to these persons , than the Injunctions respecting the Reading , Preaching of the Word , Convincing the Gain sayers , and Rebuking the Scandalous , solely applicable to a Prelat , as his incommunicable Prerogatives . The Surveyer here Cants over again the Old Song , That its the greatest possible evidence , that can be in such a Matter of Fact , that immediatly after all the Apostles Death , until the Council of Nice , the Church had no other Government , but that of Bishops . Ans. This Assertion , especially as respecting the Patriarchal Bishop of the late Edition , viz : with sole Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , tyed to Preach to no flock , and deriving all his Power from the Civil Magistrate , is so grosly absurd , so palpably false , that the very Repetition is a Confutation ; the contrary having been demonstrated by several Learned Pens . The best Antiquaries confess these first times dark , as to Matters of Fact. But the Surveyer quite mistakes this Question , which is not anent a mere Matter of Fact , or the Churches Practice simplely Considered , but anent the Apostolick Instructions and Institutions , in point of Church Government , viz : what Officers the Apostles set up and Instituted , in what order , and Cloathed with what Authority , how qualified for their Office , and instructed therein , how they are found to have exercised this Power , when thus Instituted and set up . If this be clear in the Scripture Records , then no defects or aberrations therefrom , either in , or after the Apostles times , can direct or warrand our Imitation , nor can be an Infallible proof of the Rule , unless we will extend this to Regulat us as to every Scripture Truth and Duty therein held out . Both Scripture and Church History , do give us an account of the early aberrations from the Divine Rule , both in Point of Doctrin , Worship and Government , such as those anent the Resurrection , Justification by good Works , Worshipping of Angels , the Error of the Nicolaitans ; and in Point of Government , the Mysterie of Iniquity , the Embryon of a Papal Primacy , was working in Pauls time , and early appeared in Diotrephes aspiring after a Primacy ▪ Not to stand upon the Millenary Error , the Error anent the Vision of GOD , and others , early appearing thereafter . The Surveyer will needs strengthen his Notion by the Maxim , Lex currit cum praxi , & consuetudo est optimus interpres Legis : What interpretation and Sense this is capable of , in reference to Human Laws , or of what use , is left to the Consideration of the Gentlemen of the Long Robe ; But sure with respect to the Divine Law , 't is dangerous and sadly lax . Divinity , & Israels Consuetudo and early practice of Idolatrie , and the Worshipping of Images , as that of the Golden Calf , with a pretended design to Worship the Lord Jehovah , was a shrewd and gross interpretation of the Second Command . The People who told Jeeremiah , that they would pour out Drink Offerings to the Queen of Heaven , because their Progenitors in a long tract of time had done so , were much in this Surveyers Mind . But the great Lawgiver , who enjoyned his People not to walk after their Fathers Commandments ▪ nor Judgments , though of never so Large an extent and long Continuance , but after his Laws and Judgments , is of another Mind . Tertullians Rule and Prayer is good , speaking of Custom in it self considered and simplely , Surge veritas ipsa . Scripturas tuas interpretare quas consuetudo non novit nam si nosset non esset : Did Custom know Scripture , it would be ashamed of it self , and cease to be any more : Upon which ground he pleads , that the Eternal Light himself might arise and expone his own Scriptures . The Surveyer tells us , That in these preceeding grounds , he hath pleaded only for the Lawfulness of Prelacy , though the necessity is not denied . But sure , if these grounds evince any thing , they prove a Necessity , as well as Lawfulness : If the Apostles Directions and Practice in the Institution of Church Officers , pursuant to their great Masters Commission , together with his supposition of the Apostolical and Christian Churches Universal Reception and Practice , will not evince and prove this , I know nothing will : Besides , that we heard him plead upon the Ground of a Divine Institution , which will bear this Conclusion of Necessity , not of Lawfulness only . But in this proof of the Lawfulness of Prelacy , the Surveyer tells us , he intended to quiet the Minds of People , anent the Covenant obligation against it . A good Pillow of security , no doubt this had been , had he proved , that Universally and absolutely no Oath can oblige against a thing in it self Lawful or retrench our Liberty thereanent , and answered the Arguments urged by Casuists on the contrary . But it is not our purpose to digress on this head . He adds , That if Lawful , it is Juris Divini , that we submit to a Lawful Human Ordinance and Command , for the Lords sake : Which Reason were valid , had he made good that the Human Ordinance , in this Circumstantiate Case , had for its object a thing Lawful ; And that the Human ordinance is the First Rule and adequat ground of our Judging the expediency of a Practice hic & nunc , though in it self Lawful : And further , that the Human Ordinance can of its own Nature loose solemn Oaths and Vows upon the Lawgivers themselves , and the Subjects , against such a practice as is commanded . CHAP. II. The Surveyers Exceptions and Answers , which he offers to the Scriptures , Pleaded by Presbyterians , Examined ; Particularly , To these Passages viz : Matt. 20 : 25 , 26 : with the Paralels Mark 10 : 42 : Luke 22 , 25 : To that passage Mat. 18 : 17 : and Act : 20 : 17 , 28 : Tit : 1 : 5 : 7 : 1 Pet : 5 : 1.2 . The Vnsoundness and Inconsistency of his Exceptions and Glosses made appear . THE Surveyer having thus presented his Episcopal Strength , and his great Grounds for proving Prelacy Lawful , doth in the next place , undertake to Answer the Scripture Arguments , that are pleaded for Presbyterian Government ; which we shall now Consider and Examin● . The First Scriptures ( he tells us , P. 197. ) that are made use of , for proving the Parity of Ministers in the Government of the Church , and disproving Imparity or Superiority of any over others , are Mark. 10.42 . Matth. 20 , 25 , 26. Luke . 22.25 . Where , because our Lord is speaking of the Kings and Great Ones of the Earth , their Exercising Dominion and Authority over their Subjects , forbids his Disciples to do so , it shall not be so among you ; therefore , it is concluded , that there should be no Superiority or Governing Power of Ministers of the Church above Ministers , but all should be equal . Ans. These Texts have been above considered and improven : It is evident , that our Lord Commanded Parity of Official power among his Apostles , his First Ministers , and by clear Consequence , the same equality among Pastors , who are equal , and of the same Order as Apostles were , and their proper Successors in the ordinary power of Government . That the Prelats acclaimed Power in Civils , and Dominion over Church Judicatories , brings him within the Compass of the prohibition in these Texts , is above made good . The Surveyer , in his way of expressing our Argument , seems to oppose to this Official equality of Pastors , the Superior power and Authority of greater to the lesser Judicatories , which is the necessary Ligament of all Government , and of Presbyterian consequently . But to proceed . The Surveyer in his First Answer , will needs question , That there is at all a Prohibion in these Texts given to Christs Apostles , but only a mere prediction of what was to be their Lot in the VVorld , Viz. That they were not to have a Stately , Glorious , Pompeous , worldly Superiority over others ; Christ assuring them they were to be dispised of the World ; It was as Incongruous to prohibit them to Reign as Grandees , as to Charge a Man not to act the King , who is assured that all his days he is to be a Beggar ▪ Ans. This pitiful Shift and Gloss , out of the Road of Interpreters , discovers what a desperate falling Cause the Surveyer was maintaining , which needed the support of such a Conceit as this : To which we oppose . 1. The Circumstances and Scope of the place , clearly refuting this irrational Subterfuge . It is evident , our Lord was here curing the Disciples Emulation and sinful Debate about Superiority and Chiefness in his Church and Kingdom , and directing them , both negatively and positively , in the exercise of their Spiritual power , as his Ministers , and this in order to the preventing of mistakes in Judgment , and contravention of their Practice , in Reference to the Nature and Exercise of Church Government : In order to which Scope , the pointing at the events of Providence , merely in their external Condition , had been utterly extraneous and impertinent . And as in this Gloss , the Surveyer doth Violence to the prohibiting part of the Text , so most palpably to the positive Injunction , He that will be great or Chief , as Luke hath it , let him be as the Youngest , recommending to them a Humble Ministry , in Opposition to Pompous greatness . 2. The Surveyers Reason is palpably absurd and impertinent , for notwithstanding of our Lords warning them of their despised State in the World , yet he also Instructed them in the Nature and Exercise of his Kingdom , did shew he was to have a Church , which is his Kingdom , against which the Gates of Hell should not prevail ; In which Kingdom , they being Officers and Governours , it was necessary they should understand its nature , in order to a due exercise thereof , and as necessary it was , their Successors should have the same knowledge . The Offices in the House of GOD are truely Honourable , to be counted worthy of Honour and Highly Esteemed by the Members of the Church , was it not then necessary , that the Nature of this Spiritual greatness and Honour , in opposition to worldly Pomp , should be thus pointed out ? The Surveyer holds there was a Prophetick Intimation , that Apostles and their Successors , should not have a Glorious , Pompous , Worldly Superiority , and thus excludes from an Apostolick Succession , Prelats , who are Princes of the Empire , and Peers of the Land , and must set them in Terms of Contradiction to this his supposed Prophecy . Secondly , Granting there is here a Prohibition , the Surveyer will consider what is prohibited , and to whom . For the First , He tells us , It is that Sort of Dominion exercised among Kings of the Gentiles , according to the Notion the Apostles had of Christs Kingdom , Act. 1.6 . Luk. 24.21 . Mat. 18.1 . Mark 9.34 . So that our Lord discharged Earthly Pomp , Coactive Power of Worldly Kingdoms , not all Superiority of one of his Ministers above others , non Rem sed Modum Rei . Ans. This is above Examined and Confuted . We have made appear , that all Masterly Power and Dominion is here forbidden , as inconsistent with that Humble Ministry , and Ministerial Service , enjoyned in the positive part of this Precept , which doth not Discriminat one Dominion from another , as if one sort were allowed , and another forbidden , or , as if Government , which is in the Nature of Lordship and Dominion , were Diversified and Distinguished in respect of its manner of Exercise , good or bad , but all Masterly Power , though in its self lawful , is here , both as to matter and manner forbidden to Christs Ministers , in the Exercise of their Authority . This Man acknowledges Earthly Pomp to be forbidden and Worldly Grandure , and what could his thoughts be of Prelats being a third Estate of Parliament , bearing State Offices of the Highest Sort ? He says our Lord discharged not Rem but Modum Rei : If by this Modus Rei he understand a Civil Dominion , he hath cut off the Prelats Civil Rule , and in so far acknowledges their Transgressing this Precept : If he restrict the Sense to a Dominion , which he may call Spiritual , he leaves still a Latitude for the highest Extension thereof , even to a Papal Primacy . He tells us , that a Chiefness is rather supposed than forbidden , as he labours to prove ( P. 201. ) from Luk. 22.26 . And thus neither the Disciples Distemper , nor Emulation about a Primacy , nor the Papal Pretensions thereof , are ever touched by this Prohibition , according to his Gloss : And in this , as he crosses our Lords Scope , so he contradicts himself , since ( P. 199. ) he asserts with Cyprian , that the Apostles were Pari honoris & potestatis consortio praediti , had equal Power and Authority . This Answer of the Surveyer , wherein he embraces the Popish Distinction and Evasion upon this Text , viz. That our Lord discharged that Sort of Dominion only , exercised among the Kings of the Gentiles , and as he expresses it non Rem sed Modum Rei , brings to Mind a remarkable Passage of the Learned Turretin , Institut . Theol. Elenct . Part. 3. Loc. 18. Quest. 16. de Regimine Ecclesiae , P. mihi 164 , 165. Having Cited this Passage , Luk. 22.25 , 26. against the Papal Monarchy , together with the paralell , 1 Pet. 5.2 . And from both , having inferred that Dominion in the Church is forbidden , and a Ministerial Service enjoyned : He brings this Popish Argument and Exception , Nec dici potest apud Lucam Monarchiam & Dominationem absolute non interdici , sed tantum ejus modum , qui non sit simulis Dominationi Politicae seu Tyrannidi Regum Gentium ; That is , It cannot be said in the place of Luke , that Monarchy and Dominion is not absolutely forbidden , but only the manner thereof , or such as is like to that Tyrannical Dominion of Earthly Kings . The Reasons of his rejecting this Gloss , he subjoyns , Quia Apostoli non contendebant inter se de modo Primatus sed de Primatu ipso , &c. That the Apostles were not contending about the manner of a Primacy , but the Primacy it self , and therefore , that our Lords Answer may be apposit to their Question , it must needs absolutely forbid all Dominion . 2. If our Lord had intended to forbid only some special kind of Dominion certum Dominationis modum , he had not removed their Ambition , which he is here endeavouring signally to remove , since other Primacies also do Feed Ambition . 3. Saith he , this Phrase [ Not so , viz. shall it be among you ] according to the Use of the Scripture , doth import a simple and absolute Negation , as Psal. 1.4.147.20 . Adding that in the paralells , Mat. 20. and Mark 10. it is expressed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non it a sit inter vos , It shall not be so among you . He adds that if Christ had allowed a Dominion to Peter , the Apostles had been admonished thereanent , and that the Term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying a Service or Ministry ascribed unto them , is inconsistent therewith . He afterward in the next Paragraph Answers the Objection taken from the Signification of the Compound Words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as importing a violent Domination , shewing that the Words of themselves will not necessarly import such a thing , which he proves from some paralel Texts , and that they signifie a simple Dominion only , which he further proves from Lukes making use of the Simple Verbs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Adding in the third place , that there was no need , that our Lord should speak of a Dominion of this Nature , because the Apostles Debate was not about a violent Domination . He adds further , Nec valet quod subjicitur , &c. It is of no weight which the Popish Adversary pleads against the Discharge of all Primacy , because our Lord subjoyns , He that is greatest among you , since our Lord speaks not of a true Greatness , in respect of the thing it self , but of an Imaginary , in respect of Affectation and Desire : Which Matthew and Mark do expone and clear by these Words , Whosoever will be great amongst you . In the rest of his Reasons , he hath several things to this purpose , as if he had been expresly Disputing against this Surveyer , as indeed upon the Matter he doth , and Listeth him among the Popish Adversaries in this Point . For that Point of the Persons spoken to , the Surveyer tells us , The Apostles were sometimes spoken to , as representing all Christians , Mark. 13.37 . In which Sense , this Prohibition was not given to them , which would strike at the Authority allowed among Christians : Sometimes what is spoken to them concerns themselves alone in their Apostolick Capacity , as Matth. 19.28 . In which Sense , we cannot understand this Prohibition , since it would exclude all Ministers afterward : Some things likewise were spoken to them , as representing only Ministers , as when Power of remitting and retaining Sins is given them , Joh. 20. In which Sense , we cannot apply this unto them , since this will impeach the Superior Authority of any of them above others , and their Authority over Inferior Ministers , evidenced in Pauls Excommunicating Hymeneus and Alexander , making Decrees for the Church of Corinth , &c. Ans. Whatever may be said to this Partition in it self , it is certain , the Enumeration is not so adequat as not to admit of a Super-numerary : Some things might be spoken to Apostles , which did most nearly concern them as Apostles , as being immediatly directed to them , and yet may have an useful reference , in a Subaltern and Subordinat Sense , to all the Ministers of Christ. As when our LORD said to His Apostles , Ye are the Light of the World , the Salt of the Earth : This in some respect had a peculiar Application to them as Apostles , and our LORDs Infallibly Inspired Ambassadors , authorized to lay the Foundation of the Gospel Church , prescribe her Ordinances and institute her Officers , and several of them appointed to be the Holy Ghosts Pen-Men in writing the Scriptures , in which respect the Church is said to be Built upon their Foundation . But though no Ministers else could acclaim to be in this respect the Light of the World , and Salt of the Earth , or challenge a Right to the peculiar Priviledges of Apostles included therein , it is notwithstanding certain , that there is a Subordinat Application hereof unto ordinary Ministers , that they are in their Capacity and Sphere the Light of the World , and the Salt of the Earth , and have the Honour and Duties of their Ministerial Office therein enjoyned and included , as well as the Apostles had theirs . 2. Since he grants the Apostles were pari honoris & potestatis consortio praediti , and cannot deny that our LORD bespoke them upon that Ground of an equal Official Power , and as in that Capacity , it follows that he bespoke Pastors , whom he appointed to be in the same order of an equal Official Power , and to succeed to the Apostles in their ordinary Authority . The Surveyer can give no Reason wherefore our LORD discharged the impeaching this instituted Equal Power of Apostles , by an Unlawful Dominion , and not to have given the same Prohibition to Pastors : Why a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Chief or Primat is discharged among Apostles , and not also among Pastors . The Surveyers Contrary Instances ( as he calls them ) of the Apostolick Authority over Ministers in the Church , are palpably Impertinent , and do miss the Mark. For 1. Their Authority in the first plantation of Churches , can no wayes conclude what is the ordinary Authority of Pastors , in the Churches ordinary and settled Government . 2. Our Argument runs thus , That the Apostles being placed in an equal Sphere of a Ministry , were equal among themselves as Apostles , formally , and equal among themselves as Gospel Ministers upon this Ground : But that therefore , they could have no Authority Apostolical , as Apostles , over Inferior Officers , doth nowayes follow this Supposition , nor will it follow , that because the Apostles were Ministers , and had Authority over other Ministers , that therefore there is a Lawful Official Authority of one Pastor over another , because the Apostles were more than Ministers , viz. Apostles , and in that Capacity had that Superiority , but not as Ministers simplely : So that such an Argument would run cross to the common Rules . It is certain , whatever Authority they put furth in the Churches in fieri , and in directing them in the Exercise of their ordinary Power , yet in settled Judicatories they are found acting as Elders and Ministers , and not as Apostles ; This hath been made Good in Pauls assuming the Presbytrie in the Ordination of Timothy ; The ordinary Elders or Ministers concurring with the Apostles in that Council , Act. 15. Both in the Disquisition , in the Sentence , and enjoyning the Decree . But sayes the Surveyer , We must not distinguish where the Law distinguisheth not ; If notwithstanding this Prohibition , the Apostles exercised Authority over Ministers , it doth not Discharge such an Authority of Pastors over Pastors . Ans. The Laws of our LORD delivered in the New Testament , and the Correspondent Recorded Practice thereof , doth State a clear distinction betwixt the Extraordinary and Ordinary Officers and Pastors , and that both with respect to the Nature and Extent of their power . The Surveyer tells us , the Ambition beginning among the Apostles , the cure should have been applyed to them . Ans. So we affirm it was in our Lords prohibiting either a Prelatical Dominion among themselves , or over Inferior Officers : But this could not impeach their extraordinary Inspection over the Churches , - which was together with their Office to pass off , and die with themselves , when that Case and exigency of the Church was over . The Surveyers Second Counter-evidence ( P. 199. ) is drawn from 1 Cor. 12.28 . God hath set in his Church , First Apostles , Secondarily Prophets , Thirdly Teachers ; which is an ordinal Numbering , with reference to the Object they were imployed about ; as Presbyterians hold upon this ground , the Pastors Office Superior to the Elder . Ans. Not to stand upon this his ordinal numbering ; nor upon an enquiry wherefore the Evangelist is excluded by the Surveyer in this Account of ordinal numbering , whom we find Numbred , Eph. 4.11 . It is Evident , that . 1. This Instance is extravagant from the Point : For , from our Assertion , that the Prohibition of Unlawful Dominion over their Fellows , was given to Apostles as representing Pastors or Ministers , he draws a Conclusion , that thereupon will follow a Discharge of the Superior Authority of one Pastor over another , he means an Official Superiority , the Contrary whereof , he undertakes to prove by Instances ; and here his great Instance is drawn from the Apostolical Authority , which the Apostles exercised over inferior Officers ; or the supposed ordinal Numbring of Extraordinary Officers : But I pray , what is this to prove the Official ordinary Superiority of Pastors over Pastors , or to evince their Superior Degrees among themselves ? Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , &c. were placed in their several Degrees , or had their special Pieces of work in the Churches Infant State , therefore there ought to be the same Degrees of the Pastoral Office : What Consequence is this ? 2. He is inconsistent with himself in this Reasoning : For ( 1. ) He hath already distinguished the Apostles Official ordinary Power , in the plenitude whereof , he alledges Prelats do succeed them , from another , which he must call extraordinary , else his Distinction is chimerical , and must fly with one Wing . And ( 2 ) He alledges some things are spoken to them alone in their Apostolick Capacity , which concerned none else ; and thus distinguishes that capacity from the capacity of Pastors : Now when he is about to prove , that the Apostles , qua Pastors , or in that Capacity , and under thus reduplication strictly and properly , were above other Pastors , and consequently that there are different Degrees of the Pastoral Office ; As if he had forgot his Distinction , he draweth his Argument from the Apostolical Acts of Superiority over inferior Officers , and the supposed Degrees of Apostles , Prophets and others , in that extraordinary Function , wherein he palpably baffles his former suposition and Distinction . That in the Text Cited , together with the Paralel , Eph. 4.11 . there is a Numbering ( whether we call it ordinal or not ) of Extraordinary Officers , now past off with these first times of Christianity , is the consentient Judgment of sound Divines , and by Consequence , that no Argument can be drawn from hence , for distinction of Degrees in the Pastoral Office. The Surveyer ( P. 200. ) cannot understand how the Pastor having a Doctrinal Superiority over other Officers of the Congregation , should in Point of Disciplin , which is but a Personal application of the Word sink below his Assistants in the Session and have his Voice swallowed up by theirs . But he might much more wonder at his own Principle , who alledges the Pastor to have , in dispensing the Word and Sacraments , an Authority and Power of the same Nature , with that of the Hierarchical Bishop , and yet when he comes from the Pulpit , and sitteth in a Judicatory with the Prelat , losses all Authoriry in Government , and according to the last Edition of our Hierarchical Prelacy , become a mere Cipher without a Figure , having no Power but to advise the Prelat , and scarce that . As for the Pastors Authority in the Session , we say that although the higher Honour allowed to the Labourer in Word and Doctrin , above the Officer who Rules only , and who doth not thus Labour , will allow the respect & deference of a constant Presidency in the Parochial Church Judidicatory , yet Ruling Elders having an Essential interest in Church Government , he cannot have the sole decisive Vote , though there is still access to appeal to a higher Judicatory , in case of mal-Administration . The Surveyers Third ground is , That if Governing Superiority be inhibit to Pastors over others , it is either of one over others , and thus we unjustly distinguish this Monarchical Government of one , while we allow the like Government of many , which in an Aristocratical form , may have as much of State and Command , as of one : If we say , that he Discharged all Superiority of many , or of some Number over others this will , in favour of Independents , destroy Presbyterian Government , and the Subordination of Iudicatories . Ans. This is in part already removed , by what we have offered anent the Essential difference , in Point of Government , betwixt the Judiciary Power , as Subjected in a Colledge or Society , and the Monopolizing and concentring it in one Person . 1. We have told him , that our Lord hath Established and Instituted both the Nature and Subject of Church Power . 2. Having Instituted Pastors of an equal Official Authority , all Pastors as Members of the Judicatory , have an Essential interest in the decisive Votes , and an equal decisive suffrage therein upon this Ground ; so that there is a Clear exclusion of the Monopolized Government in one Person , who appears excluded and Discharged by our Lords Instituted Principles and Grounds of Government , since this Concentring of Government in one , robs Pastors of this their Decisive suffrage , excludes a free and full Conference and Debate , in order to a sutable Determination , by a free suffrage , as is exemplified in that Council ▪ Act. 15. And therefore this Dominion of a Prelat over Pastors ( besides his Pompous Civil Dominion ) brings him palpably within the Compass of this Prohibition . 3. That the Presbyterians Subordination of Judicatories , cannot fall within the Compass hereof , nor come under the Surveyers imputation of State and Dominion , is many ways evident . ( 1. ) This is founded upon the Light and Law of Nature , and the Nature of all Governments . ( 2. ) This is notably consistent with the Jurisdictional exercise of the Pastoral Office , and the ends thereof , both which the Prelatical Dominion destroys : This Subordination is founded upon our Lords Institution , as is evident , Matth. 18. where the gradation in Point of Censure and Appeals , is from the Lesser to the greater Number , which the Prelatical form inverts and destroys . As for Commisions of Assemblies , which the Surveyer next quibles about : We say , that it is no extrinsick Judicatory , exercising any extrinsick power , but a more Compendious meeting of the whole Assembly , with their Conjunct power for the purposes delegated and limited , both as to the Time and Object of their power , and are accountable to the ensuing Assembly for their Administration . What the Surveyer adds , touching their power to punish all Ministers who will not obey their Acts , &c. It is palpably impertinent , for no Censures or Punishments were to go beyond the Limits of their Instructions and Commission , nor ever did , or could Assemblies engage to own them any otherwise ; so that in whatever point they did Malverse , the Assembly , was still as an equal Judge to be Appealed unto . The Surveyers Fourth Ground and Instance ( P. 201. ) is , That in the Texts under Debate , our Lord supposes some of his Disciples , in Comparison of others , were to be great and chief , in respect of Power and Authority , else the Speech were not to the purpose ; And that our Lord directs such as attained to this Chiefty and Greatness , to Demean themselves Humbly and Usefully , let him be as the Younger , which is no Direction to Undervalue such , but only prohibits an Affectation of Honour , separat from the worthy Work mentioned , 1 Tim. 3.1 . Ans. This Popish Gloss of Bellarmin and others , we have already at large Confuted , which , as we have above made appear , establisheth and fixeth the Popes Mitre , instead of Levelling against it , as this Text certainly doth . Protestant Divines , more appositely to the Scope and Contexture , have told the Papists , that our Lord said not , he who by my Appointment should be Chief , or enjoy a Principality or Supremacy , but he that from the bad Disposition of Iames and Iohn , would seek this , must in place thereof endeavour and emulat Spiritual Faithful Diligence in the Ministerial Duties , and thus to be Chief in Vertue and Reward . That this Popish Gloss of a supposed Lawful Chiefness or Principality in the Church , so overthrows the Scope , that it makes our Lord rather to have Inflamed than Quenched by his Answer , the Ambitious Sute of the two Brethren , and the Disciples Emulation thereupon . That this Gloss will prove the Disciples Concernment in the Enquiry , anent the Person who was to be Chief . The Survey●r though apparently excluding a Civil Chiefness or Kingly Power , yet allows a Spiritual Principality . His Caution , that the Clause , let him be as the Younger , will not import a Direction to Undervalue such , is fruitless and impertinent , since the Lord recommends therein a humble Ministerial Diligence , as is said . The Bishops Work , 1 Tim. 3. is the Work and Office of the Laborious Pastor and Scripture Bishop , but the Aspiring Seeker of a Chiefness , which the Surveyer would bring within the Compass of that Text , is condemned with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diotrephes , who aspired after the same . For what he adds of the Motive drawn from our Lords Humility : We have above made appear , that in the Series of their Arguing , he and his Fellows doth underprop by such a Notion and Gloss of this Passage , a Primacy or Papacy . It is enough that we add here , that our Lords Exemplary Humility , who is the Master of the House , is in this place presented , the more strongly to enforce his Servants abhorring all Ambitious Usurpation one over another , since they are all Fellow-Disciples and Servants . The Surveyers Fifth Ground and Counter-Instance ( P. 202. ) is this in Summ , That our Lord mentioning in this Prohibition , the Authority , not of Kings over Chief Grandees , but over their Subjects , were our Gloss of his discharging all Governing Superiority admitted , it would reach a Prohibition of Government over the People , and therefore our Lord discharges not the Rule of one or some Ministers over Ministers , but only the Lordly and Earthly Way of it . Ans. As the Dominion and Arbitrary Power , which our Lord here discharged , is certainly such , as respects both Ministers and People , Church Members and Church Officers , and a fortiori , as reaching Church Officers , because respecting Church Members : Whence the Apostle Peter , Copying out this Direction of his Master , exhorted Ministers not to Lord over Gods Heritage ; So we have made appear , that the Power and Dominion of the Hierarchical Bishop , is such as encroaches upon the just Liberties both of Ministers and People , robbing the one of their Decisive Suffrage and Jurisdictional Power , the other of their just Liberty in the Call of Ministers , and in other things . Here again , we may notice , how this Surveyer overshoots still his Mark , and wanders from the Point , while endeavouring to prove that an Official Inequality of Pastors is not here prohibited ; And drawing his Proof from the supposed Superiority of Apostles over ordinary Pastors . Again , the Surveyer acknowledged , that there is here discharged a Dominative , Worldly and Lordly Government , and thus the Text forces him to give a Deadly Blow to his Darling Prelats , who owne the Title , Name and Thing of Lordship , and both Civil and Spiritual Dominion , they being owned as Spiritual Lords , and Lords of the High Court of Parliament . The next Scripture made use of for Presbyterian Government , and against Episcopacy , which the Surveyer ( P. 203. ) undertakes to Answer , is that Passage , Matth. 18.17 . If thy Brother trespass against thee , &c. go tell the Church , &c. Whence he saith we argue , That Christ our Lord giving out the great Charter of censuring Iurisdiction to be exercised among his Subjects , doth not give that Power to one Man , a Bishop , but to the Church , and one Man cannot be a Church . In Answer to this , the Surveyer in the first place professes to disclaim Erastus way , which denys an inherent Discipline and Government in the Church for correcting Offences , and keeping Ordinances in Purity . Which contradicts his Zealous Pleading for the Kings Ecclesiastick Supremacy in this Pamphlet , as it was then established by Law , and screwed up to the highest pinacle of an Arbitrary Dominion , so that the Prelats were declared to Act as his Commissioners , accountable to him in their pretended Ecclesiastick Administrations , and the Government it self , is in our Laws called and owned , as his Majestie 's Ecclesiastick Government . But though the Surveyer pretends to disowne Erastus way , yet he spends a considerable Discourse in fighting with their Weapons . In order to this Scope he tells us , That a Course is here prescribed for charitable removing privat Quarrels arising among Brethren , both to gain their Friendship and their Souls too , from the guiltiness of the Breach of Charity , which he tells us , is clear from v. 21.22 . And from the paralel , Luk. 17.2 , 3 , 4. Hence he inferrs , that our Lords Direction is in Limitation to privat Injuries , and not be extended to the whole Latitude of all Offences , to which this Direction cannot be extended . Ans. First , It is evident that our Lord here prescribs this Method of removing Offences , viz. That when more privat Means reach not the end , and the person privatly admonished is not gained and convinced of his Miscarriage , the Matter is to be brought to the publick hearing of the Church , and such a Church and Collegiat Meeting , as is supposed to be cloathed with power to censure Ecclesiastically . So that admiting there is a Remedy here prescribed for the removal of the privat Offences , it is still under the Notion of Scandals that might arise among them in point of Charity and Equity . And hence it is evident , that the Gaining , here made the Scope of Dealing with the offending Brother , respects mainly the gaining of his Soul to GOD : So the word is taken Iam. 5.20 . and the gaining of his Friendship , only in a Subordinat Sense . As for the Passages cited , neither v. 21.22 . of this Chap. nor Luk. 17.1.2 , 3 , 4. ( which the Surveyer himself dare not call exactly paralel to the place under debate ) can evince that the Offences mentioned were nothing but mere privat Injuries , and not Scandals ; as Mr. Gillespie in the Aarons Rod , Lib. 3. Ch. 2. hath abundantly proved : And admitting there is a Medium betwixt privat Injuries and all Offences , this place is meant only of Offences and Scandals ; Nor can it be hence inferred , that the more grosser and the lesser Scandals may not fall under a diverse Consideration , with reference to some pieces of a Method of Procedure , as is evident from what the Apostle prescribes , 1 Cor. 5. in reference to the removal of that attrocious Scandal of the incestuous Corinthian . The Surveyer ( P. 203 , 204 205. ) spends a long Discourse in endeavouring to load with Absurdities , the Distinction betwixt Civil and Ecclesiastick Powers , upon the account of the Varieties of Offences arising upon sins of Omission and Commission , sins of Quotidian Incursion , Scandals from Actions Criminal , or in point of Civil Injuries , of Oppression , &c. And Injuries in order to the joynting of the supposed Discipline , as he calls it , with the Civil Government , when the Civil Injuries and Scandal are joyned , whether he shall complain to the Church to Iudge of the Scandal , since thus the Church will Iudge the Civil injury , and invade the Magistrats part , or else pronounce the Actions Scandalous , and Censure blindly , following the antecedent Iudgment of the Magistrat , or otherwise be necessitat to review the whole Process de novo , &c. Ans. As Matters coming before these Respective Judicatories , must be considered Matterially and Formally , so the proper difference betwixt the two Jurisdictions , with respect to the Object , is to be drawn from the Formalities of the Actions , or the ratio suo qua , they come under their Respective cognizances . It cannot be the Materiality of the Action simplely , for this would make the Two Powers inevitably to Justle , and the Church might not medle with any Action , which the Civil Magistrates Power doth in any Case touch , such as habituated Adultery , Perjury , Incest , &c. So that the Scandal being the proper formal Object of the Churches Power , the same Action , as under the other formalis Ratio of the Civil injury , is the proper object of the Magistrats Cognizance ; and in the Case wherein the Civil injury is dubious , the Magistrats Right stands good , as to a Priority in the Cognizance . Likewise , there are Civil wrongs , wherein the Case is so dubious , that before the Legal Decision , the Person wronging , cannot be presumed to have Acted from a bad Principle or purpose , but from the ground of a mistaken Right , and therefore after the Legal Decision , no Scandal can be concluded . And in cases wherein there is manifest Scandal , the Churches Power takes place and herein there is no necessity , as the Surveyer pretends , either for a blind following the Magistrats Decision in this Point , or an immediat medling with Civil Processes . For the Scandals Mentioned by him , we say , that as in the Circumstantials of procedure , there is such variety allowed to the prudentials of Church Governours , according to the General Rules of the Word , as cannot Justle with the Method prescribed in this Text , so these Sins , whether of ommission , ordinary incursion , of opinion , in Matters Civil or Criminal , in so far as habituat and scandalous , do come under the Churches Cognizance , understanding this still with the due Caution premised , touching the Scandal of Civil injuries : For Scandals in Matters Criminal , if the Magistrats Sword of Justice do strike , in removing the Person from the Land of the Living , there is a prevention of any further dealing ; If he neglect his Duty , the Church is to follow the ordinary Methods for gaining the Persons Soul , and removing the Scandal . In a word , the Civil & Ecclesiastick Jurisdictions being both Gods appointments , as this Surveyer should not deny , it necessarly follows , that they have their distinct Limits and Measures drawn , their proper Ends and Objects appointed by the God of Order , and therefore cannot be said of themselves , to interfere , and clash together , without a Blasphemous reflection upon him , who is the Author of both ; so that whatever practical interfeirings and abuse of Power , men in either Capacity may be guilty of , can no more reflect upon these Ordinances themselves , than Mans Sinful abuse can be said to impeach the Divine Authority of the Office he sustains . I add this remark further , that the Surveyer doth in the Premised discourse palpably contradict himself , while endeavouring to asperse a true Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction , for he professes to disclaim Erastus his way , and asserts there ought to be a Godly Disciplin in the Church , for correcting Offenders , and keeping the House of GOD and his Ordinances in Purity , and consequently he professes to own an intrinsick Church Government distinct from the Civil , and by further consequence , a coordination of the two Powers and Jurisdictions , and likewise a necessary mutual Subjection of persons Cloathed therewith , to the Respective Authority of the one and the other Jurisdiction ; yet in his muster of supposed absurdities , he impugns this Principle , and endeavours to prove that without palpable Confusions and clashing of Societies , there can be no exercise of this Government . Besides , he pretends to impugn only the received sense of this Passage , and to keep within these Limits , yet while attempting to prove , that this is not the sense of the place , he rambles out into such a Discourse , as if it prove any thing , doth evince that neither this , nor any other place of Scripture , doth hold out an Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction and Disciplin , as properly and formally distinct from the Civil . The Surveyers next Answer ( P. 205. ) is in Summ this , That supposing the Church Collective cannot be here understood , but the Representative only , in the Matter of Representation , it is indifferent , whether they be one or many ; one Commissioner may represent a Presbytrie in an Assembly : So that tell the Church , is tell the Presidents and Rulers of the Respective Churches , or tell him that 's Chief , with his Assistant . Ans. The State of the Question is whether the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church , doth here import such an imbodied Society or Court , as is the proper Subject of a Jurisdictional Censuring Power , and to whom the Appeal is to be made after more privat Dealings , which if evinced , the Hierachical Prelats arrogated Power monopolizing this Jurisdiction , and ( to use the Surveyers term ) concentring this Authority in himself solely , is sufficiently overthrown , as contrary to the Scripture Pattern , and cross to this great Rule and Standart : For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is the Consentient Judgement of Criticks and Interprete●s , that it naturally signifies a Caetus , and Caetas evocatus , a concio convocatorum , an indicta concio , thus Suidas ; thus Demosthenes ; and in Scripture it points out generally a Convocation , as Act. 19 32. and a Convocation in curia , or a Caetus civilis , v. 39. And sometimes it s put for the Assembly of Believers , sometimes for the Church Militant , sometimes for a Province , Kingdom or City : Compare Eph. 5.23 . with Act. 8.13 . Rev. 12.5 . Rom. 16.5 . And here good Interpreters do consequently take it to Represent the Ecclesiastick Senat or Presbytrie , making it one and the some with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Tim. 4.14 . Hence the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies in Concione delibero , Verba facio , to Consult , Deliberat and Discourse in Publick Assembly . The Text convinces of this ; For , 1. The Gradation is from the Lesser to the Greater Number . 2. Our Lord , v. 19 , 20. speaks of an agreeing on Earth , and gathering together in his Name . Besides , that the Surveyer himself expones the Church , of the Rulers and Governours , who , if they have a joynt Essential Interest in their Jurisdiction , he overthrows his Opinion of Concentring this in the Prelat ; if he ascribe the Jurisdictional Decisive Authority to one , who is Chief , making the rest but his Assistants , he again contradicts himself , in seeming to ascribe this Ruling Power to the whole Meeting , for thus the Sense could not be as he says , tell the Rulers and Governours . For what he adds of Commissioners , it is palpably absurd : For , 1. The Church Representative , or the Officers thereof , have a Divine immediat Institution , are set by God therein , and have not a derived Authority from the Church . 2. It is the Court it self , not the Deputed Commissioner , one or more , which is the proper Subject of the Jurisdictional Power . 3. To make the Paralel hold , he behoved to say the Prelats have a derived Power , as Commissioner , from the Church , the Falshood whereof is apparent . The Surveyer adds , ( P. 206. ) That the attributing a Iurisdictional Power to the Church , is nothing against him , who allows not to one single Bishop this Power , without the Council of Presbyters , according to the 4th . Council of Carthage , Can. 23. though nothing is to be done without the Bishop . Ans. In Stating the Question with the Presbyterians , ( P. 192. ) he tells us , It is whether this Power be equally Diffused in the whole Colledge of Presbyters , or Concentred in one Person : Now if the Person of the Bishop be the Centre , he cannot allow this Official Power to step beyond that Centre ; So , that no Members of the Meeting have any Interest therein . He adds here , as likeways in the place before Cited , That the Bishop must exercise this Power with the Concurr●nce and the Assistance of Presbyters ; But this can import no Exercise of Jurisdiction , since privat Persons may Counsel and Advise , who have no Decisive Suffrage : And he knew , that in the late Edition of our Hierarchical Prelacy , the Clergy were to Advise the Bishop only , and scarce that . So that our Prelats , in such Exercise of their Power , baffled that Act of the Council of Carthage , which he mentions . The Surveyer adds , That there is a Plurality of Officers , even where this Inequality of Power is supposed , whether Iudging or Advising . But if one only Judge , and the rest are but mere Advisers , the Judging Power being thus Concentred in one , there is no such Court , as is the Subject of a Jurisdictional Power ; So that the Surveyer bewrays great Impudence , in saying that the Determination properly flows from them all , since the Authority is thus Concentred in one . But says the Surveyer , since the Organick Church is made up of Rulers and Ruled , the Notion of a Church will not import an Equality of Power in all . Ans. This Paralel is palpably unjust and impertinent , since the Church Organick , considered thus complexly , doth necessarly and essentially include Members and Officers , Rulers and Ruled , and consequently a necessary Inequality ; But the Surveyer could not deny , that in this place , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church , imports a Society or Colledge of Rulers only , which can come under no such Consideration of a necessary Inequality . The Surveyers Fourth Answer is in Summ , That we find the highest Censures of the Church inflicted by the Authority of single Persons , who ever otherwise concurred ; So Paul excommunicat Hymeneus and Alexander , 1 Tim. 1.20 . And to say he acted as a Member of a Quorum , is to make him a vain Boaster , and to make the Scripture speak what we will. Ans. The Surveyer must acknowledge , yea & hath acknowledged the difference betwixt the Apostolick Authority , in the Framing and Constitution of Churches , and the Exercise of their Power , in Churches already constitute in their Organick Beeing : In the first Case , there was an indispensible necessity of exerting a singular Apostolick Authority , when no Officers were to concur , and Churches were not fully Moulded in their Organick Beeing : And we heard himself distinguish the Apostles ordinary and extraordinary Power : In the other Case , when Churches were constitute , it is evident , and hath been made good , that they did assume the Official Concurrence of ordinary Church Rulers . The Surveyer challengeth us to produce a Warrand for our Assertion of Pauls acting here upon an extraordinary Apostolick Authority . Thus he challenges the Apostle Paul to produce his Warrand for this his Apostolick Acting , which he has long since produced and recorded , if this Man had been pleased to read and consider it . Whereas he tells us , It was none of the extraordinary Characters of the Apostles to act in these Matters , by his own only Authority ; We say it was , where Churches were not constitute , and no ordinary Officers to concur : And this Surveyer might be challenged , as the Affirmer , to prove that this Act was put forth in an Organick Church , where ordinary Officers were to concur , or else in denying this to be one of the Characteristicks of the Apostolick Office , he asperses his Apostolick Power and Authority . He adds , That what was beyond their immediat Calling , infallible Direction , illimited Iurisdiction , &c. was transmittable to his Successors , and actually transmitted to Timothy and Titus . It is Answered , we have made appear , that their immediat Calling , considered with reference to its Nature and End of Planting Churches , Constituting the Officers & Ordinances thereof , did necessarly include this Authority in this first Framing of Churches , which neither was nor could be transmitted , unless it be pleaded that the Churches Foundation could be twice laid . For Timothy and Titus , we have above spoken to their Authority and Office , and made appear that it was transient and extraordinary , as that of Apostles , and to be Exercised with the Authoritative Official Concurrence of ordinary Officers or Presbyters , where they were Planted . The Surveyers Fifth Answer and Exception ( P. 207. ) is , That there is in this Text an Allusion to the Jewish Church Courts , wherein there were Chief and Subordinat Rulers , both in the Sanhedrin and Synagogues . Ans. Unless the Surveyer can make appear , that the whole Iurisdictional Power and Authority therein , was so Concentred in one Person , as there was nothing of it left to any of the Members ; and that their Work was only to give Assent unto the sole Decisive Determination and Sentence of that one Person , this Answer will never help the Hierarchical Bishop , whose Power was of this Nature , according to our Laws . If it be supposed that the Jurisdictional Power , was competent to the whole Colledge in these Meetings , the Passage stands still in its Condemning Force against the Hierarchical Bishop . That the whole Jurisdictional Power in the Sanhedrin , was Concentred in the Person of the High Priest , none can , without extreme Impudence , assert . We heard that the Learned Iunius ( and several others ) do assert that the ordinary Jurisdiction was penes concessum Sacerdotum , competent to the whole Meeting of the Priests . The Levits , as well as the Priests , were to shew the Sentence of Judgment in Matters and Questions brought before them , Deut. 17.8 , 9 , 10. So Iehoshaphat , 2 Chron. 19.8 , 9. restoring this Sanhedrin , set the Levites , as well as the Priests , to Judge the Controversies that came before them , by way of Appeal . And though we find that the High Priest did pronounce the Sentence of Judgment , 2 Chron. 19.11 . with Deut. 17.12 . this will not infer the Surveyers Conclusion of his sole Decisive Suffrage , since the Moderator of an Assembly may pronounce the Sentence flowing from their joynt Decisive Votes . For the Rulers of Synagogues , since we read of them , and of Chief Rulers in the plural , Mark 5.22 . Act. 13.15 . compared with Act. 18.8 , 17. it is evident there could be no peculiar Jurisdiction lodged in one exclusive of the rest . His Last Exception to this Passage is , That the Remedy here prescribed was presently to be made use of , upon the rising of Scandals , and therefore , was not for Scandals to arise a long time thereafter . Ans. This first Seminarie of the Christian Church , being at present under our Lords immediat Inspection , there was no such Access for a present Use of this Remedy , & therefore this Rule and Remedy was mainly prescribed for after-times , as the Charter of the Churches Jurisdiction . The Author of the second part of Pool's Annot. well observes upon this Passage , That we are not to understand our Saviour as speaking with relation unto the present time , but the time to come , and giving Laws , which should take place , and abide from the gathering of the Christian Church : And if the Church be understood of those that have the Authority of Binding and Loosing , they shew that the present Church of Apostles , was to constitute particular Churches , to whom , when constituted , in force of this precept , such Offences were to be told , &c. The Surveyer asks , Suppose Scandals then arising , V. G. Iudas giving Scandal to Peter , would our Lord have sent them to the Sanhed●in of the Jews ? Upon the Ground I now offered , the Negative Answer is clear ; The Complaint was to be made to this glorious Head of the Church , in whom all Church-Authority is truely concentred , and in telling him , the Church was told . But the Surveyer tells us of Bucers Assertion , That Christ and his Apostles were a sufficient Representative Christian Church ; And this Primitive Presbytrie and Representative , he professes to accept well of , where was no Equality of Power in the Members . Ans. The Surveyer knew there was here an absolute Dominion of the Churches Glorious Head over a Society of Officers ; And if he will still have such a standing Pattern of a Representative Church , viz. a Supreme Vicar having the Radical Authority thereof , the Pope will joyn issue with him in his gladful Acceptance thereof .. That there was no Equality of Power in the Members , contradicts his former Assertion , anent an Equality of an Official Power among the Apostles , unless he will put Christ the Glorious Head among these Members , and degrade Him from his Head-ship . He tells us further , That in this Primitive Pattern , there was no Inter-mixture of Lay-Elders . A witty Knack and Notion indeed . He hath told us P. 199. of several Classes and Degrees of Church Officers , which he thinks exemplifies the continual standing Measures for the Christian Church , from that Passage , 1 Cor. 12.28 . First Apostles , Secondarily Prophets , Thirdly Teachers , after that Miracles , and he will not doubt Evangelists likewayes are of the Number , who are reckoned Eph. 4. Our Surveyer saw no mixture of these in this Presbytrie , nor of the Pastor , whom he distinguishes from the Apostolick Office , the Bishops being with him , their Successors : So that the poor Man was upon the Charybdis or Scylla , either to acknowledge that this Presbytrie was not so compleat as it ought to have been , and thus forced to contradict what he here asserts , That according to this Form all others afterwards should be framed ( for this will make the Pattern and after Copies manck and defective ) Or else , if he acknowledge that in this Primitive Seminary and Embryon of Church Judicatories , all ordinary Officers were not present , he behoved to confess that his Charge against Lay-Elders ( as he calls them ) because not here , was impertinent and groundless . The Surveyer calls for such a Presbytrie to end all our Controversie . That is a Presbytrie with a Head , having a Soveraign Absolute Dominion over all the Members : And since he would not with the Millenaries , have our Lord to reign personally on Earth , he here wished for a Supreme infallible Vicar to end the Controversie . In his Dislike of hetrogenous Mixtures in Church Judicatories , he might have reflected upon the High Commission Court , with its threefold Inte●mixture . 1. Of Members , viz. His Reverend Fathers the Bishops , and Lay-Lords , Nobles , and other States-men . 2. Of Matters cognoscible and Objects of their Power , viz. Scandals , and Civil Crimes . 3. Of the Actings of the C●urt , like the Popes Ecce duo gladii , Fyning , Confyning , Imprisonment ; As also , Ecclesiastick Censures of Excommunication , Deprivation , &c. One Remark further I add upon this Passage of Scripture . The Surveyer founds his Argument upon the Allusion made to the Jewish Courts : But 1. It is evident in general , there are Scripture Allusions , that will not so much as plead for the Lawfulness of the thing alluded to , witness , the Psalmist allusion to Charming , and our Lords warning that he comes as a Thief . 2. Should he plead for a compleat equality betwixt the Iewish , and Christian Church Judicatories , he would plead for an Oecumenick Bishop and fixed President over the whole Christian Church , as there was a Supreme High Priest set over the Iewish ; so-that this Argument proving too much , and beyond his Assertion , proves nothing . 3. It is enough to found the allusion , that there be some likeness of the things compared ; and thus in this Case , there being in the Jewish Church , Courts , a sutable Subordination of the Lesser to the greater , and a Correspondent Official Power seated therein , the allusion stands good , intire , and evident upon this ground ▪ that Christian Church Courts are of such a Nature . The Surveyer ( P. 207.208 . ) makes his next Assault upon our Argument for the Official identity of Bishop and Presbyter , drawn from Act. 20.17 . 28. where the Elders of the Church sent for by Puul to Miletus , are called Bishops : And from Tit. 1.5 , 7. where he that 's called an Elder , is called also a Bishop , and the Names are used as Synonim●us , so 1 Pet. 5.1.2 . the Elders are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as have oversight over the Flock . The Argument with the Surveyer runs thus , If there were no Bishops in the Apostles days , differing from Presbyters in Office , there ought to be none now : But there were none such in the Apostles days . Ergo : We do for Brevity rest upon this hint of Argument , having spoken to it above , as deducible from these Texts . His fi●st Answer is , That the first proposition is not so indubitable as it seems ; And his proof is , that Beza , though holding the Scripture Bishop and Presbyter to be ●ne and the same , yet acknowledges the Lawfulness of that Episcopacy , which he calls human ; And therefore , though no such Bishops had been in the Apostles time , the Churches appointment of such a Constitution , guided by the Spirit , might be a fit means for Conservation of Peace . Ans. First , The Surveyers founding the unsoundness of the proposition upon the supposed sentiments of Beza , as it appears palpably unsound , unless Beza were supposed infallible , so it is evident ( and if we could here stay upon it , might be made good at large , from many Passages of Beza , which we have elsewhere produced ) that he disowns the human Prostasie , as a recess from the Divine appointment , and the fi●st step of the Churches defection in point of Government . On Philip. 1.1 . he tells us , of the community of the Name of Bishop and Presbyter , which Continued till he who was in the Assembly set over the rest — began to be peculiarly called the Bishop ; from hence , saith he , the Devil began to lay the first Foundation of Tyrannie in the Church of GOD. And discoursing further of the Ascension that was made from Bishops to the higher Officers of the Hierarchy till it came to Patriarchs , &c. He hath this remarkable Passage at the close of his Discourse , Behold of how great moment and consequence it is to decline , even in a hair-breadth from the Word of GOD. . Now , this Surveyer might have pondered what Sense or Divinity it could be in him , or Beza ; to assert that the Church is guided by the Spirit in her declinings from the word of GOD. To this Scope we might Cite many Passages of Beza : See ( for brevity ) Beza ad Cap. 9. apud Sarav . num . 20. Beza Resp. C. 11. N. 3. Likewise in Quest. 2. Referent . Sarav . P. 92. In which Passages ( and many such like ) we find him clearly condemning this Human Prostasie , in so far as transcending the Limits of a Moderators Office. The Surveyer next coming to the Second proposition of the Argument , tells us , That its sooner affirmed than proven , that there were no Bishops in the Apostles days , differing from Presbyters in the modern notion : And he compares the Presbyterians to the Melancholick Man in Athens , who concerned himself in every Ship arriving in the Harbour , as his own property A Charge easily retorted ; since in such like Hypochondriack distempers , the Surveyer ( as his Fellows ) would needs have the Hierarchical Bishop of their New Notion , to be lodged under the Denomination of the Scripture - Bishop : Yea ( and in a Distemper beyond that of the Man at Athens ) will often lap him under the Denomination of a Presbyter , where there is not so much as an appearance of this auspicious arriving Vessel . The Surveyer tells us , That the Name of Presbyter is not in Holy Scripture , a distinguishing Name of one sort of Officers from all others , although sometimes the Scripture requires that it must be looked on as Distinguishing those that are under that Name from other Officers ▪ Ans. The proposition he impugns , is , That in the Apostles days , there were no Bishops Superior to Presbyters , no Ordinary Officers of the Hierarchical Mould , or Bishops of his Modern Notion . That from these places Cited , it is aparent , that the Ordinary Church Officers Instituted by Apostles , were Bishops and Presbyters , of the same Official Mould and Authority , to whom the Feeding and Governing of the Church is enjoyned promiscuously : And all his Answer to the Proposition amounts to this , that the Name of Presbyter is sometimes a more general Name , than to point at an ordinary Officer : An Answer utterly remote from the Point , as is obvious to any that considers , That it touches not . 1. The Official Identity of the Bishop and Presbyter , in the Passages Cited , and their equal Official Authority , as ordinary Church Officers , given to Feed and Rule the Church jointly , which is a necessary Consequence of the former . 2. The unwarrantableness of such an Officer , as the Hierarchical Prelat , whose Office encroaches upon , and robs them of that Power allowed them of GOD , which is another Necessary Consequence drawn from this Ground . This Charge is the more evident in that he hath acknowledged , that sometimes these Names of Bishop and Presbyter , distinguishes those that are under the same , from other Officers . And in the Passages Cited , he cannot but acknowledge them thus distinguished : Sure they are so , at least for any thing he hath said . He tells us , he will in this and other Considerations , remove our Mistake : But sure he hath here presented his own . He adds , ( P. 209. ) That in the Rehearsal of Church Officers , 1 Cor. 12.28 . with Eph. 4.11 . Presbyters are not in the Number , though Bishops , and they are comprehend under the Name of Pastors and Teachers , which shews that the Name is not appointed to design any certain Order of Ministers . Ans. The Surveyer could not but grant , that the Hierarchical Bishop , according to his modern Notion , as distinguished by this Name from the Pastor or Presbyter , is in none of these Rolls , and therefore , upon his own Principle , this Name is not appointed to design any certain Order of Ministers : And where is then his warrand for the Hierarchical Bishop , as thus distinguished ? Likewise the Surveyer very unhappily made the Name of Teacher , the Characteristick of his Hierarchical Bishop , who looks upon Teaching as none of his work , nor is Chargeable , qua Prelat , with any deficiency in his Office , though his Sermons drop but once or twice , pro forma , and on Solemnities from one years and to another . In a word , as the Surveyer in this Reason quite ruined his Cause and assertion , so it is evident , that in the Scripture Accounts of the institution and work of Presbyters , the work and Office is found the same with that of these ordinary Officers , Cited 1 Cor. 12. Eph. 4. since both Teaching and Government , are evidently committed unto them Act. 20.28 . with Tit. 1.5 : 7. 1 Tim. 5.17 . But for the Divine Institution of his Hierarchical Prelat , or any proper designation for his Office in that Capacity , our Surveyer , after all the Travels of his Surveying Notions , brings us home nothing but a non inventus est . He adds as a proof of his former Assertion , That he knows no place of Scripture , where the word Elder must needs point out an Officer fixed to a particular Charge in Teaching and Ruling , having no other above him in Power , or having Power over any other Officers . But he should have pointed us to the place , where the Diocesan Bishop of his new Mould , is represented in Scripture , under the Name of either Bishop or Presbyter : And if he give over this discovery , and the Answer of our demand hereanent , he must take home and Lodge this Argument with himself , and when he falls upon a good answer , bestow it for us upon himself . But for such Presbyters or Elders , as he doth desiderat , he might have found them in the same Text of Act. 20.17 , 28. impowered with the ordinary Office and Authority of Teaching and Ruling the Church , as succeeding the Apostles in this ordinary Office , yea and fixed as the ordinary Officers of this Church of Ephesus for this end ; as likewise Elders thus set up with an Episcopal Power , and fixed to their Charges , Tit. 1.5 . with 1 Pet. 5. Likewise 1 Tim. 5.17 . We have Elders or Presbyters supposed to have a fixed Relation to that Church , having also a Teaching and Governing Power : Yea Act. 14.23 . We find such Pastors or Presbyters , ordained Church by Church , or in every Church . But the Surveyer adds , That Presbyterians hold Elders to be of two Ranks , and therefore , if the Ruling Elders are not to be here supposed , they make the first Constitution of Churches manck and defective , without Ruling Elders or Deacons ; Or if they include both under the Name of Elders , he can with bete●● Ground , include the Majores Presbyteri , or Bishops , distinct from the Minores , or Pastors . Ans. Whether we assert there are Ruling Elders here or not , his Hierarchical Bishop is not in the least helped , or his Pleading for him strengthened . For , if we shall say , that in this first plantation of the Churches , there were only Teaching Elders or Pastors appointed , who were in tuto to appoint and ordain Ruling Elders and Deacons , his absurdity is easily evaded , if we shall but suppose that which is easily supposable ▪ that in the first Constitution of Churches , there was a gradual procedure , and the chief Officers , the Pastors , first ordained and impowered ▪ as above said : If we embrace the other Answer , and affirm that Elders of both sorts , were here ordained , his Inference hath no shadow of a Connection hereupon , since we do make good from Scripture , the Distinction of the Teaching and Ruling Elder , who both come under this general Designation . But for his Hierarchical Bishop , his Institution , Name , or Office , the Surveyer can give us no shadow of a P●●of , and but beggs the Question in supposing such an Officers Existence . Besides , though it were granted , that such a Distinction could be admitted , where finds this Surveyer the Deacons in these Catalogues ? And how will he thus evite the Rebound of his own Blow , and his own absurdity of a manck Constitution of the Primitive Churches ? For what he adds , That Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons , is called a Presbyter of his Church of Lyons . It is certain , Bishops were sometimes so called , and therefore they were the more guilty who did appropriat the Name Bishop to a pretended Office , Superior to a Presbyter , especially since this Retention of the Name Presbyter , was from some Impression of the New Testament Times and Writings , wherein the two Names are promis●uously used to point at one and the same Officer . And it would seem this Name , which , with Beda signifieth Sapientiae Maturitatem , should have been rather assumed by these pretended Fathers , than that of Bishop , which with him imports industriam curae pastoralis , the Industry of the Pastoral Care , a Work that Prelats are found little to concern themselves about . There is another Passage , wherein he might have seen such Presbyters as he desiderats , viz. Act. 15.22 , 23. where mention is made of Apostles and Elders , meeting in that Council at Ierusalem , who must needs be understood of fixed Pastors of that Chuch . The Surveyer ( P. 210. ) offers to our thoughts , Whether James , the LORDS Brother , called by the Ancients Bishop of Jerusalem , and is a Distinct person from the two of that Name , comes under any of these Denominations ? We have above made appear , in collating this Passage with Gal. 2.1.9 . Gal. 1.19 . That this Iames who is called the Lords Brother , is called an Apostle , and such an Apostle as Peter and others , v. 17.18 . Which is also clear from this , that we read of a Iames the less , Mark. 15.14 . Which ( as Ierom contra Helvidium reasons ) had been no fit Distinction , had there been three Iames's . The Harmony of Interpreters taking Iames to be an Apostle in Gal. 1.19 . is above made appear ; such as Estius , Paraeus , Gomarus , Menochius , Piscator , Tirinus , Simplicius , &c. The Surveyer was not to be troubled in a Counter-enquiry , To what purpose he proposed the Question ? Or next , under which of these Names he comprehended the Deacons ? But for us , a rational Account may be given , If it be said they are comprehended under none of these Names , there being in this Meeting put forth a Diatactick , Critick , and Dogmatick Power and Authority , in none of which , Deacons as such , have an Interest , their Work and Interest being to serve Tables . To that Passage 1 Pet. 5. where the fixed Elders or Presbyters of the Churches have ascribed unto them an Authority in Feeding and Ruling the same ; The Surveyer Answers , That the Name of Presbyter is common to all Church Officers , Higher and Lower , even to Apostles , as Beza acknowledges . Ans. He hath already acknowledged , That it must sometimes in Scripture be looked on , as distinguishing those pointed out thereby from other Officers ; So that it may here denote a Preaching Pastor in special , notwithstanding that in a general Sense , Superior Officers had that Name , such as Apostles . He could not deny the peculiar Office of a Deacon , though the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes appropriat to Superior Officers . And besides , that the proper Name and Designation of the Superior Officer , he cannot shew to be given to the Inferior , though the Superior in a General Sense , have sometimes the Name of the Inferior attributted to them . He might have here seen , that these Officers or Presbyters have an Episcopal Inspection and Oversight over the Flock ascribed unto them , and that of such a Nature , as imports a compleat Official Equality , and Excludes Lordship over GODS Heritage : Which doth clearly Justle out his Hierarchical Prelat , as having no Interest in Church Government . The Surveyer further tells us , There is no ground to assert that the Presbyters Act. 20.17.28 . were such only in the Modern Notion , and none of them Bishops in the Modern Notion : And to obviat an Objection from their Relation to Ephesus , he adds , That they were not only Elders of that Church , but of the Churches of Asia about , so far as in a transient Visit they might get Intelligence . This often baffled Subterfuge , Episcopalians have been told , is contrary to the Sense of Ancient Fathers , Ierom , Theodoret , Chrysostom ; contrary to several Councils ; contrary to the Syriack Translation , which reads the Text thus , be sent to Ephesus , and called the Elders of the Church of Ephesus . Dr. Lightfoot holds , they were the Twelve , upon whom the Apostle Paul imposed Hands , and gave them the Spirit , Act. 19.6 . and such others ( if any such were ) whom Timothy had ordained . See Lightfoot Harm . Chron. N. Test. The Text says , He sent to Ephesus , and called the Elders of the Church : Sure of that Church to which he sent , and there is no shadow of a hint of any other Elders there present . Again , he sent for the Elders of the Church , in the Singular Number , viz. that particular Church : But the Surveyers Gloss will read the Elders of the Churches , in the Plural , viz. of Asia , then mett at Ephesus . The Scripture expresses Provincial Churches in the plural , as the Churches of Asia , Rev. 1.11 . Churches of Iudea , but otherwise of the Church of Ierusalem , Corinth , in the singular , which were in Cities . Neither will the old rotten Evasion help the Surveyer , viz. that v. 18. it s said he Preached throughout all Asia , and v. 25. speaking to these that were conveened , he saith , you all among whom I have gone Preaching the Kingdom of God ; from which he pleads , there were others present , as well as the Elders of Ephesus , who might be proper Bishops in their places : Since it is evident , that the Term [ All ye ] doth properly relate to the Elders of Ephesus then present , and was immediatly spoken to them : Such Universal Terms , used in such a Sense , and to such a Scope , are very ordinary and caseable , as if one should say to a certain Number of an Assembly , ye are all now dissolved , it would not imply the presence of all the Members . Again , the Apostle might speak many things , which did import the Concern and Duty of all , though the Speech were directed immediatly and personally to those only that were present . When he said , You all among whom I have gone , Preaching the Kingdom of God , the Surveyer will not be bold to say this will infer that these all were present ▪ or that the Speech did import so much . As for the Passages Cited , viz. v. 18 , 25. It is Answered , that the Apostle spent most of these Years in Ephesus only , viz. two Years and three Months , and the Superplus in the places adjacent ; So that these Elders could not be ignorant , how the whole was spent . Some have observed further , that there is nothing of a peculiar Address here to a supposed Bishop of Ephesus , and that all these Elders are Charged with the Oversight of that Flock . But the Surveyer will not have the Presbyters here to be meaned in the restrained Signification , or that this Term should restrain the Term of Bishop . But we restrain none of them from their due and Native Signification , as importing the Preaching Presbyter or Pastor . As for his enlarged Signification , stretching to an Hierarchical Prelat , it is the Chimera of his own Fancy , whereof he hath offered no Shadow of a Proof . To that Text of Tit. 1.5 . wherein the Bishop and Elder are found clearly Identified , and a Plurality of them fixed in that one Church ; The Surveyer ( P. 211. ) repones again his Old Recocted ▪ Crambe of the Majores & Minores Presbyteri , as comprehended in these Terms , and tells us of an Analogical Reasoning which the Apostle uses , from the Qualifications and Duties of the Bishop , properly so called , to shew the necessity of the like in all Presbyters , who are comprehended under their Order . Ans. As his Supposition of the properly and improperly called Bishops , is still begged by him without any ground , & as easily denyed by us , as affirmed by him ; So his Gloss and Reason adduced , is clearly cross to the Text ; Since the Apostle shewing Titus , how the Elders to be ordained in every City , were to be qualified , adds this Reason of Advice , for a Bishop must be blameless ; this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or for , is causal , shewing the Identity of the Office , as well as the Name , else the Reasoning were false : Should a Chancellor in one of the Universities ( saith Smectymnus , who useth this illustrating Similitude ) give Order to his Vice-Chancellor , to admit none to the Degree of Batchelour of Arts , but such as were able to Preach , or keep a Divinity Act , for Batchelours of Divinity must be so : What Reason or Equity were in this ? And we may enquire here what Reason is this , The improperly called Bishop must be so and so qualified , because the Bishop of the higher Order and distinct Function must be so qualified ? Gerard. 〈◊〉 Minist ▪ Eccles. useth the same Reason to shew the Absurdity of such a Gloss. The Apostle in the Series of his Reasoning , Identifies both the Work and Office of Bishop and Presbyter : But this Surveyer will needs correct him , and cast in his Limiting Cautions , and instead of that identity , that the Apostle asserts of the Offices , make them only in some Sense the same , not intirely . He tells us , That in Sacerdotal Acts they are the same : But he cannot say , that the Apostles Identity here asserted , reaches and includes only the Acts of Order , and is not to be extended to the Exercise of Jurisdiction . As for the Acts of Order , the Hierarchical Bishop , is in their Principles , the proper Primary Subject of the Sacerdotal Acts and Authority in the whole Diocess , whereas that of the Pastor is Precarious , and Subaltern to his , and fixed to one Flock . He calls ( P. 200. ) the Acts of Jurisdiction a Personal Application only of the Word , or of the Power of Order ; yet he doth here Diversifie them ; so that though he assert the Pastor is the very same with the Prelat in the Sacerdotal Acts , he is not so in those of Jurisdiction . But we cannot stand to Trace all the Inconsistencies of the Surveyers Notions . This distinction of Presbyters of the First and Second Order , in a New Petitio principii , serves his turn as an Answer to our Argument from 1 Pet. 5. And here we are again told , That the Presbyterians allow two Ranks and Orders of Presbyters : Where it would seem , he Screws up his Hierarchical Prelat , in this and the preceeding Answers to a Divine Right , and thus quites and Justles with what he often pretends anent a Right he calls partly Ecclesiastick ▪ Again , the Text ascribs an Episcopal Authority and oversight to these Elders and Bishops , which as is said in former Cases and Instances , overthrows the Hierarchical Prelats sole arrogated Power in Ordination and Jurisdiction . It hath further this unlucky aspect upon my Lord Bishop ; that the Bishops or Elders here , are enjoined an immediat Ministerial Inspection over the Flocks , and diligently to Feed the same by sound Doctrin , are forbidden to be Lords over GODs Heretage , much more to be Peers in Parliament , which pitifully plucks the Plums of their Lordships Grandure , and marrs their Figure in Herauldry . They are bidden beware of the Filthy Lucre , which will much straiten their Revenues , which doth so far overstretch the allowed Maintainance of a Laborious Pastor . But of this , enough . CHAP. III. Some more Exceptions and Answers of the Surveyer , examined , Viz : To that Passage , 1 Cor. 5 : To that of Eph. 4 : 11. ( To which the Paralels , 1 Cor : 12.28 . Rom : 12 : 6 , 7 , 8 : are to be joyned ) To that Passage Philip : 1 : 1. And to 1 Tim : 4 : 14 : His unsoundness and inconsistency therein , further made appear . PRoceed we to that considerable Text 1 Cor. 5. the energy and force whereof , in order to the evincing a Presbyterial Authoririty of Pastors in that Church , is above spoken to . He tells us , It is alledged that the Church of Corinth , not having a Bishop , ●is acknowledged by the Apostle to have the Power of Ecclesiasti●k censures , even of Excommunication , and is reproved for not executing these Censures , and exhorted speedily to execute the same ; that hence it is concluded , seeing this Apostolick Church was so Constitut with such a Power of Excommunication , by its own Officers and Presbyters without a Bishop , that therefore all other Churches , should have the same Power , according to the Word of GOD. In Answer to this , the Surveyer ( not unlike a Fugitive Criminal , who will flee to a place of the greatest hazard otherways , so he may escape the Pursuer ) Fleeth to the exploded Notion of the Independents , a Party standing in most opposit Terms to the Episcopalians , telling us , that this Power of Iurisdiction and Censure , is not found here in the Eldership , or in them alone , since the whole Church is spoken to in this Matter ; There is Fornication among you , ye are puffed up , &c. and all the Saints , Are concerned , of whom he saith , they Judge them that are within : That it were strange , that Elders , who are not named , should be concerned , and not the People , who are expresly named ; that there is no more mention of the Governing Presbytrie there , than of the Governing Bishop . Ans. The Surveyer here , is so unhappy , as to Raze the Foundation of all his pleading , which , if it have any foundation at all , must needs be grounded upon , and suppose a Distinction of the Church Representative and Collective , Church Officers and Church Members : Nay , he Cuts the Throat of his Assertion , P. 203. That there is an Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , and Censure , and Disciplin Established in the Church , for keeping Gods Ordinances in Purity ; which no person of common Sense or Reason can but ascribe to a distinct Select Society from the whole Community : For , if all were Correctors and Rulers , there is no Correlate of this Relative Power , or persons to be Ruled . If he understand the Passage , Do not ye Iudge them that are within ? of a Jurisdictional Power and Authority , it must needs have some Object , and consequently must have for its Subject , some Select Order of Men , distinct from the Collective Body . Next , who knows not , that the Directions Generally addressed in the Epistles , to the whole Incorporation or Body of the Church , are to be understood and applyed pro unius cujusque Modulo , according to Persons several places and capacities , though the General Address supposes still the General Concern of all ? When the Apostle thus enjoins Warn them that are unruly , and again , if any obey not our Word in this Epistle , mark that Man ( which all do understand of a Censuring mark , as the word imports ) who will alledge that these Authoritative Acts were competent to every individual ? The Surveyer foreseeing this , tells us , P. 212. That though this in some things will hold , yet in the usual Stile of the Apostolick Epistles , there are distinctive Notes and Periods , that each person may know the Precepts wherein they are concerned , and Apostrophees made to several Ranks , as Ministers , Masters , Servants , to evite a dangerous Confusion : And upon the same ground an acknowledged Iurisdiction in any of the Presbyters , would have here procured a distinguishing of them from the People . Ans. The Surveyers Concession [ That sometimes Precepts are not to be applyed and appropriat to all , distributively , but respectively , according as several persons or sorts of Persons are concerned in these Commands contained in Epistles directed to the collective Body ] hath razed the Foundation of this Answer , which , from the Non-nomination of Elders , concludes the collective Body of the People to be addressed only , and stiffled it in the Birth : Since he must acknowledge , that sometimes peculiar Duties , and such , wherein some persons only have a special Interest , are thus promiscuously and generally propounded , and even in this same Epistle : And then it would have suted his Thoughts to ponder , how in this Case , he could evite his own Consequence and Charge of a dangerous Confusion following thereupon , unless he quite the Topick of this his Argument and Reason ; It would have likewayes suted his thoughts to assign his distinctive Notes and Apostrophees in the Passages cited , and the Apostles Precepts touching the Lords Supper in the 11. Chap. As likewayes to assign such in the Passages , which do intrust a Jurisdictional Power to Elders : I mean such distinctive Notes and Apostrophees , as would have distinguished the Bishop properly so called , from his Minor and improperly so called Bishops , in order to the eviting the Confusion of their Offices , and to cut off the dangerous Presbyterian Consequence and Error of understanding the Bishop and Presbyter to be Indentified in Name and Thing . He acknowledged that in some things this our Answer will hold : And sure , if in any Case , it must in this , where Rulers are supposed Existent , and a competent knowledge of their Official Authority , both in themselves and the People . The Surveyer adds , That there is a deep silence concerning Presbyters Iurisdiction , or a fixed Presbytrie at Corinth , at this time , though there were Teachers and Eminent Teachers , Extraordinary Prophets , 1 Cor. 14. Ans. The Surveyer will not disowne , that in that 1 Cor. 14. There is a Tryal and an Examination of the Doctrine , ascribed to these Teachers , therefore he cannot deny them the Authority of Iudging those that are within , mentioned 12. v. of 5. Ch. But for the Surveyers deep silence , which he alledges , of a Presbyterial Jurisdiction here , he might have found it removed by a full Scripture Sound , had he pondered , First , in General , the Jurisdictional Power ascribed to Pastors and Teachers , such as is imported in these Names mentioned , viz. Rulers , Governours , Overseers , Bishops , Ministers , Stewards , Ambassadors . And next in Special , that this Church of Corinth is clearly found to have been a Presbyterial Church , and under the Inspection of a Presbyterial associat Ministry . 1. There was a great multitude of Believers there , mention being made of many Believers , of many Baptized and added to the Church ; All whom Paul Baptized not himself , consequently , are supposed to be Baptized by other Ministers : God likewayes having a great Harvest of Souls there , & much People in that City , upon which Paul was encouraged to stay among them for so considerable a time , as the Year and six Moneths , compare Act. 18.1.7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. This multitude behoved to be divided in particular Congregations . 2. There is correspondent Plenty of Ministers and Preachers found there , pointing it out as a Presbyterial Church , and not one single Congregation ; first Paul stayed all this time at Corinth , as a Master Builder , having other under Builders , Act. 18.11 . 1 Cor. 3.10 . an occasion of their Doting , some upon one , some upon a second , some upon a third Teacher ; So that there appears a plenty of Preachers there , who had their several Flocks and Followers ; And Paul speaks of their not having many Fathers , though they had ten thousand Instructers , compare 1. Cor. 3. with 1 Cor. 5.14 . Mention is likewayes made of a Subordination of Prophets to Prophets , 1 Cor. 14.29 . Considering likewayes the Division of Tongues and Languages , this Church could not be one Congregation , but united in a Presbyterial Classical Unity . Which in a word , is further confirmed from this Principle , that we read of a Plurality of Churches there , while the Apostle sayes , Let your Women keep silence in the Churches , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he sayes not the Women , in general , but your Women in that Church . Yet this Plurality of single Congregations in Corinth , are called and owned as one Church , in the Inscription of the Epistle , which could not be merely upon the Ground of Heart-unity , for thus they were jure-charitatis , nor in regard of an Explicit Church-Covenant , whereof the Scripture is silent , nor in respect of the Ministration of the Word and Sacraments ; for these were dispensed in single Congregations ▪ severally , since they could not all meet in one Congregation : So that of necessity they are owned and designed as one Church , in regard of one joynt Administration of Government among them , by one common Presbyterie or Colledge of Elders , associated for that End. See Ius Divin . Minist . Eccles. P. ( mihi ) 206.207 , 208. That the Prophets mentioned 14. Ch. were ordinary Pastors and Ministers of that Church , not extraordinary Officers , as the Surveyer insinuats , since Rules and Directions aptly agreeing to ordinary Pastors are imposed upon them , for the well ordering their Ministerial Exercises , is upon this and many other Grounds made good by Mr. Rutherfurd , in his Due Right of Presbyt . P. 466.467 . The Surveyer in his next Answer , is , in with standing the Evidence of this Scripture , driven upon the contrary extreme of ascribing the Authority and Jurisdiction here mentioned to the Apostle Paul solely . He tells us , That the Apostle speaks of the Sentence , as proceeding from himself , though the declaring and executing thereof was committed unto the Corinthians , that they are charged for not mourning that the Incestuous might be taken away by such as had Power : And it were improper to say , a Man were to take a thing away from himself . Ans. The plain reading of the Text , is a sufficient Confutation of this Distortion and Gloss. The Apostle certainly reprehends this Church , and imputs a Guilt to them , as to Non-procedure , in this Matter . Now the Question is , wherein their Negligence appeared ? And this is best seen and understood , in pondering the Duty enjoyned , viz. their Iudging such as were within , Purging out the Infectious bad Leaven , the Delivery unto Satan , &c. comp . v. 5 , 7 , 12. with 2 Cor. 2.6 . If they had no Authority hereanent , why is such a Defect and Negligence reprehended ? This Surveyer , in making them only the Promulgaters and Executers of the Apostles previous Sentence , taketh the Guilt of this Negligence from the Corinthians , and puts it upon the Apostle Paul. The Surveyers Gloss upon the Apostles Rebuke , as to their not mourning over this Wickedness , viz. That they sought not with Tears to such as had Power to inflict the Censure : If meant of a Power lodged in the Apostle , is contrary to the Scope , since they are enjoyned to deliver the Person to Satan , and to put him away from among themselves . But says the Surveyer , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have judged , imports the Apostles sole Determination , that none are taken in as Sharers with him in this Censure , and imports he required only the Execution of their Sentence . We have already removed this Objection , the Apostles giving his Apostolick Judgment , as touching the Necessity and Expediency of the Thing , can no more exclude and prejudge the Authority and Interest of the Ordinary Church Officers herein , than his giving his Apostolick Judgment in any other Uncontroverted Duty , wherein the Persons enjoyned the same , have an infallible Interest , will bear such a Conclusion . Suppose the Apostle giving his Judgment touching Archippus greater Diligence in his Ministry ; And giving his Judgment in the Point of Marriage , and the Duties thereof , as one that had found mercy to be faithful , can this prejudge the Interest of the Persons concerned in the Duties enjoyned ? Or would the Surveyer have said , that Pauls requiring the Obedience of Church Officers , in any Point of their Ministerial Duties , and shewing them that he had judged such and such things to be their Duty , will conclude they had no Authority and Interest therein , antecedaneously to such Judging and Enjoyning ? Surely not at all . Nay suppose his Hierarchical Bishop , set up in this Church , with his arrogated Power of Ordination and Censures , and that upon his Neglect of putting forth his Power , Paul had thus declared , that he had already judged the Necessity and Expediency of such Duties , will this prove that the Bishop was destitute of all this Authority antecedaneously to such Judging , or had none previous thereunto ? The Surveyer could not say it , and no more could he assert it in this case . The Apostle saith , to whom you forgive any thing , I do also , which looks like the Apostles corresponding with the inherent Authority in these Officers , so that the Apostles Judging in this Case , was to prevent and obviat their Pretences of Delay , and quicken them to their Duty . But the Surveyer , ( P. 213. ) from that Passage , when you are mett together with my Spirit , and the Power of the Lord Iesus , inferrs , That something was to be done , beyond the Authority of the Church of Corinth , viz. Delivering of the Man to Satan to be tormented outwardly , which Paul only by his Miraculous Power , could effectuat . Ans. Suppose such an extraordinary Appendix , distinct from the Censure it self ( which may be upon weighty grounds called in doubt ) it doth no whit impeach the intrinsick , ordinary Authority of the Church Officers , in the inflicting of that Censure , though this Miraculous Effect , attending the same , were ascribeable to Apostolick Authority . Again , the Surveyer , in the Series of his Reasoning , shutting up both the Sentence in its self , and this Miraculous Appendant ( which two , he must needs distinguish , unless he totally deny the Right of Excommunication in the Churches ) within the Sphere of an Apostolick Prerogative , renders useless , and casts a blot upon several Clauses of the Sacred Text ; such as their Solemn Meeting together , here enjoyned , and that expresly , in order to the delivering of the Man to Satan , which doth include the intire Sentence and Punishment , and that this Punishment is expresly said to be inflicted by many , viz. the Church Officers as distinct from the Church Members , for thus they are called in Opposition to the Collective Body . Besides , that the Apostle in this Passage joyning first in their gathering together , and then mentioning his Spiritual Confirming Presence , holds out that the first was an Authoritative gathering together , the other a Confirming Approbation , for their Encouragement in this Exercise of their intrinsick Power and Authority , as all Sound Interpreters take it . Again , the Separating here enjoyned , must be an Active , Iudicial Separating this Person from them ( as the Leper and Unclean Person under the Law , was thus separat from the Congregation ) which doth import an Authoritative Interest of Church Rulers , in putting forth this Censuring Act , whereas the Surveyer makes it a consequential withdrawing only from a Person already Censured . The Surveyer in his third Answer , tells us , That though a Censuring Power were in these Church Officers , it can make nothing for us , unless we could prove they were single Presbyters , in the Modern Notion ; There were Prophets here above ordinary Officers , who might have this Power , and it is uncertain whether ordinary Presbyters were here settled . Ans. The Surveyer hath forgot that he hath acknowledged upon that Passage 1 Cor. 12. That there were here such Pastors and Teachers , as will include the Bishops , and likewise Presbyters : Besides , that the Apostle diversifies the Ordinary and Extraordinary Gifts , v. 8.9.10 . Likewise , he knew there were in Corinth many Instructers , and such as were settled in every Church , Act 13.1 , 2 , 3. Compared with Ch. 14.23 . Viz. Preaching Elders and Presbyters , so that he could not with any Shadow of Reason , suppose they were all extraordinary Officers . And in a word , if he asserted , there were here mixed Officers , he not only made the Power and Authority of the extraordinary Officers , to swallow up that of the Pastors , but likewise he crossed his monopolizing this extraordinary Power in the Apostle . Again , since he could not say the Apostle in these Injunctions , doth by distinctive notes or Apostrophees , diversify the Ordinary from the Extraordinary Officers , in the point of this high Jurisdictional Act , he baffled and excluded his First Answer . And in a word , giving by this Answer , a Jurisdictional Power and Authority in this Act , to a Collegiat Meeting of Church Officers , and asserting that it was joyntly thus put forth by them , he did thus bid farewell to my Lord Bishops singular prerogative in this Matter , and generally in Point of Government . His last Answer is , That if this Power were supposed in the ordinary Church Officers of Corinth , they might have had this by delegation and Commission of the Apostle . But where did the Surveyer read this Commission ? What account can he give of such a delegated Power beyond the Essential Authority of Pastors , to deliver to Satan , purge out the old Leaven , to meet together for this great Jurisdictional Act ? And why was the Apostle Paul so fatally Cross to the Diocesan Prelat , as not to deliver this Commission to him ? But we must know this Chimerical fancy stands upon the strong Pillar of this infallible Surveyers may be , or might be , and this is all the proof we must expect . But what is the last shift and dead lift ? We are told next , That this Instance of the Church of Corinth is but one , which cannot make a Rule , without the sure knowledge of the Divine Direction , which the Apost●les had to keep an uniform course in such ext●rnal Matt●rs . Ans. As none will say , that the Apostles did constitute the Christian Church as a speckled Bird , with a Hetrogenous or various Mixtures of forms of Government , so in this P●int they had their Masters great Rules and Measures prescribed to them , and such Rules as overthrows the Hierarchical Bishop . First , We may remind the great Rule in Mat. 18. recommending a subordination of lesser to greater Judicatories , pointing likewise at the Collegiat Meeting of Church Officers , as the proper subject of the Jurisdictional Power , in opposition to what he pleads for , viz : the concentring this in one Prelat . Next , what surer direction can we have in this Point , than that the Apostles are found Establishing ; wherever a Church was gathered , such Officers as have Names and Titles of Intrinsick ▪ Official Power and Authority ingraven upon them , and are found exercising an equal , Official Power in Government ? Thus in the Passage now debated , and 1 Cor. 12.28 . Comp. with Eph. 4.11 . and with Act. 14.23 . Tit : 1.5 , 7. Heb. 13.7 , 17 , 1 Thes. 5.12 . Presbyterian Writers do exhibit a large account and induction of these Names and Titles , importing Authority : Such as that of Presbyter or Elder , Act. 15.2 , 4 , with 20 , 17 , 1 Tim. 5.17 . 1 Pet. 5.1 . A Title of Political Rulers , Iudg. 8.14 . Thus expressed by the LXXII ▪ Interpreters . The Title of Bishop importing a Power and Charge over the Flock Act. 20.28 . Phil. 1.1 . 1 Tim. 3.2 . Tit. 1.5.7 . A word made use of also by these Interpreters to point at the Civil Magistrats Power , Num. 31.14 . The Title and Name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which signifies Conductor , Captain , Governour , Leader : A word setting forth the Power of Civil Rulers , Deut. 1.13 . 2 ▪ Chron. 5.1 . And thus they are distinguished from the Church and Saints , Heb. 13.7 , 17 , 24. The Title of Stewards over the Lords House and Family : Of Pastors and Shepherds , who are to feed Pedo and Pabulo ; a Title likewise attributed to the Civil Magistrat , Isa. 24.28 . comp . 1 Cor. 4. 1. Luk. 12.42 . Gal. 4.2 . Rom. 13.2.3 . Now , our Lord Commanding his Apostles to Disciple all Nations , or form them into Churches , and the Apostles pursuant to this Commission , being found to have placed such Officers in the Churches , and these being found exercising a joint Official Authority in greater and lesser Judicatories , either the Apostles Divine Direction herein must be acknowledged , and their walking up to it in this Point of an uniform Mould of Government , or their Faithfulness in the execution of their great Trust is impeached and called in Question . Thu - we have seen , that after this pregnant Text , hath tossed this Pitiful Sursveyer from one extream to another , in seeking some shift of Answer , and driven him upon the Pinacles and Precipies of contradictory Answers , all his fantastick quiblings issueth in this miserable shift of calling into Question the Uniformity of the Apostolick Church Government . The Surveyer next assaults our Argument from the not mentioning of the Bishop in the Catalogue of Church Officers , but palpably disguises it , as if we argued merely from the non-nomination of the Bishop in Eph , 4.11 . among the Officers there mentioned , as Gifted to the Church . The Argument is this , That there being several Recitations of Church Officers of Divine appointment and Institution , as in that Passage Eph. 4. and likewise 1 Cor. 12.28 . Rom. 12.6.7 . The Diocesan Hierarchical Bishop is found in none of them , and we may add , and likewise in none of the Accounts of ordinary Church Officers , exhibit in Scripture ; and therefore is no Officer app●inted of GOD. He tells us , That though not mentioned under that Name , they are mentioned under the Name of Pastors and Teachers . But ▪ as he unjustly supposes that our Argument Concludes from that one place , so he deals as unjustly , or unskilfully in lapping them up under the Name of Teachers , who so little concern themselves in that work , and marrs his design in making them Succeed to the Apostles , in the plenitude of their ordinary Power , as he doth , P. 194 , 195. for thus they are to be included rather in the Name of Apostles , or else he must bring up Pastors and Teachers to the same Succession . The Surveyer could not exhibit different Degrees of the Apostolick or Evangelistick Office , why then did he assign different Degrees of the Pastoral Office ? This Consequence , the Surveyer calls weak , because a Governing Superiority among Apostles and Evangelists , was partly impracticable , partly unnecessary , they seldom living in ordinary Societies , because of their Dispersion , for speedy spreading of the Gospel , and having infallible direction in their Ministry : Whereas Pastors living in Society , and fixed-upon their Charges , their Associations have need of some Governing Superiority among them , to be a Nerve and Sinnew of their Union , and that the Prudence of some may repress the Levity of others . Ans. This Reason is but the ignis fatuus of our Surveyers fancy : First as touching Apostles , we find them notwithstanding of the infallible conduct of the Spirit , joyning Counsel together , yea , and with concurrence of ordinary Officers , as Act. 15. and a Moderator of the Meeting presiding , whom his Party will needs make us believe did preside as Bishop of Jerusalem ; so that this very Colledge of Apostles had the Superintendency of this Episcopal Nerve , in their Sense . And none can deny that persons managing one work , if far dispersed , have the greater need of a Corresponding head● . Next , as for Pastors , we find their social Government by common Counsel exhibit in Scripture , and that their Union was a Presbyterial , Classical Union , and did not Coalesce into the Headship of a Hierarchical Prelat . Besides , the Surveyer is a niggardly Dispenser of Governing Prudence , when Monopolizing it in one Prelat , and denying it to the rest of the Members of the Society of Pastors : Or , if he allow it to more than one Person , he plucks the Hierarchical Bishop from his Seat , and disownes the Concentring of this Authority in his Person . For what he adds of the Early Reception of this supposed Headship of the Hierarchical Prelat by the whole Church : His Confident Assertion is easily Answered by a well grounded Denyal . He is bold to say , there is nothing in Scripture against this Officer : But his palpable Perversion of the Scriptures pleaded against him , discovers there is more said against him , than he was able to Answer , and these Texts pleaded , appears the more forcible after all his faint Essays this way . He offers in the next place ( P. 214. ) a Reply to our Argument from Philip. 1.1 . From which we argue , That there being here a Plurality in one and the same Church , who must need be Pastors and Officers therein : Therefore , the Scripture Bishop is not the Hierarchical Bishop , since the Apostle salutes these Pastors joyntly , as Officers of the Highest Rank , under this Notion of being Bishops thereof , and without the least hint of a respect to any Superior Officer set over them : Besides , that no Inferior Officers are denominat by the Name proper to the Superior . In Answer to this , the Surveyer first takes notice , that in this Epistle only , the Direction is by Paul to the Officers , as contradistinct from the Church , whereas in the rest of the Epistles , he includes them in the Organick Church , without express mentioning of them . Ans. Not to stand upon this Variety in the Inscription of Epistles , wherein sometimes the Apostle Stile himself by his Authority , sometimes not , sometimes associats with himself , Officers of an Inferior Order , sometimes not . It is noticeable here , how this Man , in a palpable Contradiction to himself , doth quite baffle and run down his first large Answer to our Argument from 1 Cor. 5. which concludes the People only to be bespoken , because Officers are not Named : Whereas here he acknowledges , that except in this one Epistle , in the rest the Church Officers are included in the Organick Church , without the express mentioning of them . But to proceed , the Surveyer will needs , with Ambrose , have the Reason of the Difference to be , that they were not Bishops and Deacons of that Church , but present with Paul and Timothy at Writing of the Epistle , and assumed as Consenters with him ; and this he makes paralel with Gal. 1. All the Brethren that are with me . He tells us , the Apostle calls them not Bishops and Deacons of Philippi , but absolutely Bishops and Deacons , and the Copulative [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] may refer to Paul and Timothy , the Writers , as well as to the Saints at Philippi . Ans. The Surveyer , in approving this palpably absurd Gloss , discovers how miserably he is put to it , to find out a Lurking Hole and Subterfuge from this Argument : For ●not to speak of Ambrose Sentiments , wherein the Surveyer cannot make it appear , he is followed by any Interpreters ) it is evident beyond all Contradiction , that the Apostles usual Method in the Inscription of all the Epistles is , First , To describe himself , either by his Office of Apostle , or otherwayes , as the Pen-man of the Epistle , together with Others ( if any such be ) whom he is pleased to Associat with him in the Inscription : And then in a Distinct Clause and Branch to Describe these , whether persons or Churches , to whom the Epistle is Addresed . And we dare confidently Challenge such as embrace this Sense to exhibit a contrary Instance in any of the Epistles , or to shew where the persons supposed present with the Apostle , are in their Description cast behind his Character of himself , and the Description of the Persons to whom he writes . Nay , this so evident , that the Surveyers own Instance Gal. 1. baffles his Answer : For , after Pauls Description of himself , as the Spirit of GODS Pen-Man , calling himself an Apostle , not of Men , neither by Man , &c. He doth in the 2 v. add , and all that are with me ; And next describes those to whom the Epistle is directed , viz. Unto the Churches of Galatia . The Surveyer inverts the Order , and would make the Words run thus , Paul an Apostle , &c. unto the Churches of Galatia , and all the Brethren , &c. And that of 1 Cor. 1. should thus run and be Sensed , Paul an Apostle unto the Churches of GOD at Corinth , and Sosthenes our Brother , point blank cross to the Scope and Order of the Text. Thus also 2 Cor. 1.1 . Paul an Apostle of Iesus Christ , &c. unto the Churches of GOD at Corinth , and Timothy our Brother . Thus the Sense of this place Philip. 1.1 . is ( with the Surveyer ) Paul and Timotheus , the Servants of Iesus Christ , to the Saints in Christ Iesus at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons with Paul. What Sense , or rather Non-sense is this ? He could assign no Instance of such a Trajection of the copulative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he here admitts , nor any Reason why Timothy is not ranked with these Bishops . The Surveyer P. 215. to strengthen one absurd Notion with another , doth in the second place alledge , That there was here a casual Muster of other Bishops of Macedonia gathered at Philippi the Metropolis thereof , to consult the good of the Churches ; And tells us , That the Apostle speaks generally , as to the Saints at Philippi , Ch. 4.21 . And not only of that Church , so of these Bishops and Deacons taken universally as mett there , though not of that particular Church . But this fantastical Muster-master of these Extraneous Officers , as he can give no shadow of Ground for this Matter of Fact , which is the Substratum of his Reason & Answer ; So he doth in asserting Philippi to be the Metropolis of Macedonia , either in a Civil or Ecclesiastick Sense , contradict the Judgement of several of the Learned . And as he still beggs the Question , in supposing the Existence of his Diocesan Prelat , so there is nothing in this Epistle , that might be supposed to have the least respect to the Ends of such a Meeting , or can give Ground to extend the Bishops , Deacons , or Saints , beyond the Limits of that Church , unless such an Extension be applyed to other Churches , in the like case of Epistles addressed to them , as Ephesus , Rome , &c. Nay , where there is in the Inscription of Epistles , such an express Extension in reference to the persons addressed , we find it in a distinct Clause ; Thus 1 Cor. 1.2 . after this general Inscription and Designation , viz. Unto the Church of GOD , which is at Corinth , there follows this Extension , with all that in every place call upon the Name of Iesus Christ. Thus 2 Cor. 1.1 . After the Direction to that particular Church which is at Corinth , follows this express Extension , with all the Saints that are in all Achaia . The Surveyer in his third Answer , will admit the Bishops and Deacons to be related to that particular Church : But tells us , This will not prove they were all Bishops of an equal Degree . It is good , that the Surveyer will at last admit these Bishops to be the settled Bishops here , and will take them off , and likewise the Deacons , whose work is only to serve Tables , from his alledged great and general Consults , anent the Case of the Churches of Macedonia . But for what is here forged and pretended , we have told him , that the Scripture Bishops or Pastors are of equal Official Authority , and that he would here mind and take home his own Reason , viz. that there is no such Notes of Distinction , or Discriminating Characters , as he stands so much upon , in the Apostles Salutation . The Surveyer tells us , The general Name might be common to the Bishops , strictly so called , and the Inferior Bishops : As in a Letter directed to the Magistrats of a City , and terming them Magistrats in general , though one only is supposed a Provost , and others Bailiffs : Thus Saluting the Bishops in cumulo , he denyeth not their different Degrees . Ans. Besides , that the Surveyer is still renewing his Petitio Principii , and supposing the Existence of his Hierarchical Prelat , he should have pondered the Rule Similitudo ad Pompam , &c. A Similitude may illustrat a thing proposed or supposed , but cannot prove a thing in Question . Next , this Similitude overthrows his Scope : For , 1. There is not here a Naming of all in cumulo , but under distinct Epithets of Bishops and Deacons , diversifying as he acknowledged , Church Officers of a distinct Character and Office. 2. He makes the Term Bishop , to be the Name distinguishing the Diocesan , as under that Character , from Presbyters , and who is supposed to be but one in one Church ; Thus looking to his Similitude , he makes the Apostle speak as improperly , as if a Plurality of Provosts , or Provosts in the p●ural , were saluted in a Letter to one City . But the Surveyer P. 216. urges , That since we own two sorts of Elders , the Preaching and Ruling Elder , and comprehend them under the Name Bishop , we must owne it that there are diverse Ranks of Officers , saluted under that Name ; Or if disowning this , it follows that the Apostle did not intend to write to such , tho supposed Church Officers . Ans. This Dilemma is crocked , and pushes us not : If we say such Officers were not as yet existent in this Church , it only follows , that it was not yet fully constitute in all its Officers : Or , if in the next place , we admit them existent , the Surveyer hath no Advantage : For , 1. We admit this Divinely instituted Officer , as eminenter included in the Office of the Bishop or Pastor , both having the general Notion of Inspection applicable unto them ; But the Hierarchical Bishop is but a half Divinely appointed Officer , by his Confession . 2. The admitting of the Ruling Elder , impeaches not the equal Power of Pastors , here saluted in the Plural , but the admitting of the Hierarchical Prelat overthrows this , and consequently the Apostles Scope . But the Surveyer tells us , he may , upon our ground , bring in the Superior and Inferior Degrees of Bishops and Presbyters , under this general Name of Bishops . Ans. We can comprehend none under this Designation , who have not our Lords Institution , as all Inspectors and Governours of his House must , else they run unsent , and cannot be called his Stewards , not having a Commission from him . We include the Elder , as a Divinely instituted Officer , whose Divine Institution we make good , but do reject the Hierarchical Prelat , as an Officer of Mans devising : And the Surveyer might , under Pretence of this general Name , and upon such a Topick , advance Cardinals , Primats , or whom he pleased . The Surveyer , in the fourth place , will needs loose the Objection , that the Name of the Superior Officer is not given to the Inferior : To which he gives this Return , That the Name of the Superior Officer is given to the Inferior , in respect of some common Dignity , Qualifications , or Accidents , competent to both ; as the Name of Presbyter , both via ascensus and descensus is given to Superior and Inferior Officers , as Beza confesses on 1 Pet. 5. Ans. The Surveyer here hath disguised the Strength and Nerves of this Objection . We know that Superior and Inferior Officers do come under general Names and Designations : But our Assertion is this , That no Name of the Superior Officer , which is the proper Characteristick of his Office , and whereby he is distinguished from the Inferior , is attributed to such Inferior Officers , since this would Brangle the Scriptures Distinction thereof , and remove the March-Stones , which God hath set ; So that his Instance of the common Name to Superior and Inferior Officers , upon the ground of common Qualifications , is impertinent to the Point : For no Names of this Nature and Import , can be the proper distinguishing Names of the Superior from the Inferior , since this would infallibly infer a Confusion in the Holy Ghosts Language , such as cannot without Blasphemy be imputed to him . Thus the Name Apostle , in its proper Sense , or Evange●ist , is ascribed to no Inferior Officer . To apply this , the Name of Bishop , is in the Surveyers Princip●es , a distinguishing Character of an Officer superior to a Pastor or Presbyter ; and therefore the Absurdity of his Inference or paralel Reason , is palpably evident ; this Name being by his own Confession , ascribed to ordinary Pastors . The Surveyer in the Fifth place , repeats again to us for Answer , this poor , hungry shift , which we have before refuted , viz : That granting there were none but mere Presbyters at that time , in that Church of Philippi , who are called Bishops , yet upon what grounds shall the Constitution thereof be the Measure of all Churches , unless a Divine Rule for Managing the Government in that uniform manner could be produced ? Ans. The Surveyer in Repeating this Subterfuge , which he made use of , to eschew our Argument drawn from the State of the Church of Corinth , told us , that that Church , which is but one , ought not to be a Rule to others , and that one instance cannot make a Rule . Here it seems he he hath found another Instance , to make the Number two , yet this will not please him , unless a Divine Rule be produced , for managing the Government in that manner . It is certain , that the Apostles practice , in the constitution of Churches , in their Officers and Ordinances , pursuant to their great Masters Commission hereanent , and upon the necessary supposition of their Infallibility and Faithfulness , in managing this Trust , is a sufficient Rule and Divine Warrand to found our Perswasion and Faith in this Matter . This is so clear , that the Episcopalians must either acknowledge it , or baffle and overthrow their own Principles and Arguings for Prelacy : For I pray , how will they make their supposed Constitution of the Churches of Ephesus & Crete , under the pretended Episcopal Inspection of Timothy and Titus , a Standart and Measure for all Christian Churches , if this Apostolick Constitution therereof , be not admitted , as an infallible ground of this Argument ? And if Presbyterians shall repone to their Episcopal Pleadings , that the Constitution of these Churches , cannot be a Standart for ever , unless a Divine Rule be produced , for managing the Government in that uniform manner , they are destitute of an Answer : So , that it appears the Surveyer behoved either in granting the Churches of Corinth and of Philippi , to be thus governed , to yield the Cause to the Presbyterians , in acknowledging a Divine Presbyterial Constitution of these Churches , or sto●d obliged to retract and disown all his Episcopal Pleadings , in the Instances exhibit . The Episcopalians might have found that these Instances are exhibited by us as proofs and Demonstrations of the common Universal Rule . The Constitution of the other Apostolick Churches , after this manner , hath been exhibit and evinced , as by several others , so in special , by the Judicious Authors of the Ius Divin , Minist . Eccles. who have at large made appear and proven a Presbyterial , Classical Unity , and equal Official Authority of Pastors in Government . 1. In the Church of Ierusalem . 2. In the Church of Antioch . 3. In the Church of Ephesus . 4. In the Church of Corinth . And that in all these Instances , there is in the Word , a Pattern 〈◊〉 Presbyterian Government , in common , over diverse single Congregations in one Church . See Ius Divin . Minis . Eccles. from P. 292. &c. And in special , the Surveyer and his Fellows might have found this made good , which he here pretended to seek a Proof of , Viz : That the Pattern of the said Presbytrie and Presbyterian Government , is for a Rule to the Churches of Christ in all after Ages . Which is made good , First , From this , that the First Churches were immediatly Planted and Governed by Christs own Apostles and Disciples . The strength of this Reason is illustrated from several Grounds ; As that 1. The Apostles immediatly received the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven from Christ himself , Matth. 16.19 . Ioh. 20.21.23 . 2. Had immediatly the promise of his perpetual presence in their Ministry , Matth. 28.18.19.20 . The plentiful donation of the Spirit to lead into all Truth , Ioh. 14.16 . Act. 15. Ioh. 16.14 , 15. 3. They received immediatly Commands from Christ , after his Resurrection , and were instructed Forty days , in the Nature of his Kingdom . That they were first and immediatly Baptized of the Holy Ghost extraordinarly Act. 2.1 . to 5. So that whether we consider the Spirits infallible influence upon the Apostles in this great work of ordering and Governing the Primitive Churches , or their performing Christs Commandments in this work , which he did impose upon them , touching his Kingdom , and consequently their infallibly Right use of the Keys of his Kingdom , which he Committed to them , it is evident beyond all contradiction , that the Pattern of their Practices herein , must be a Rule for all the succeeding Churches . Secondly , This is made good from the end proposed by the Holy Ghost in the careful Records of the Apostolical Churches State and Government ; which must needs be in order to succeeding Churches imitation , since this Record , as the other Scriptures , must needs be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for our Learning or Instruction ; which Instruction must Relate , not merely to the Factum , but mainly to the Ius , viz : the Reasons and grounds of this Apostolical Government , this being the most proper and profitable Instruction . Thirdly , That , if in the Point of Government , such Apostolick Patterns will not amount to an obligatory Rule , we will impeach the Authority of other Acts of Religion , received from them , and bottomed only and Chiefly upon the Foundation of the Practice of Christs Apostles , and Apostolical Churches , such as the Reciving of the Lords Supper on the Lords days , &c. See Ius Divin . Minis . Eccles. P. 213 , 214. Nay , this is so evident , that the Surveyer without contradicting himself , cannot but admit this Rule ; For P. 195 , he will needs have the determination of this Question to depend upon the Historical Narrations of the Acts of the Apostles contained in Scripture , and the surest Light History can afford in the Churches most Virgin times . Now , here is exhibit Historical Accounts and Narrations of the Churches pure and Primitive pure Constitution in its first and most Virgin times , why then did he ( in Contradiction to himself ) call for another Rule ? But the Surveyer , P. 216.217 . presents yet another evasion , That this Church might have had a Bishop , Eminenter , so called , though not present at Philippi ; That we cannot otherwise account of Epaphroditus , who is called their Apostle , Philip. 2.25 . or Messenger , as the Angels Rev. 2. and 3. are called the Angels of the Churches ; and not for any Temporal Imployment of being sent with their Alms , it being too high a Stile to give Men upon so low an Account : Thus 2 Cor. 8.23 . We read of the Messengers of the Churches , and the Glory of Christ. Ans. We have above removed the Foundation of this exception , both in Reference to Epaphroditus , and the Asian Angels . That Epaphroditus gets the Name of their Apostle and Messenger Catachrestice and improperly , and consequently that he was no such Bishop , as the Surveyer pretends , is most evident in the Sacred Text , since he is thus termed , with respect to that special Employment of carrying the Churches Benevolence to Paul. For the Apostle , after he hath called him their Messenger , doth expresly adjoyn this ground of the Epithet and Denomination , viz. He that Ministred to my Wants , which doth clearly restrict and explain the Term [ Messenger ] in this Context . Besides , that v. 30. he is said to come to supply their Lack of Service towards the Apostle ; and the Apostle mentioning him again , Ch. 4.18 . tells this Church , That he received from Epaphroditus the things that were sent by them : As for the Surveyers Exception , That this was too high a Stile to be given upon so low an Account , comparing this with 2 Cor. 8.23 . I have above told such Pleaders , that the Service of the Churches , and the Interest of Christ in them , is such a Honourable Employment , as the most eminent need not be ashamed of , since he who is Lord of all , came not to be Ministred unto , but to Minister ; and the Holy Angels , literally so called , think it no Disparagement to their High Estate and Dignity , to be sent forth as Messengers , to Minister and do Service to the meanest , who are Heirs of Salvation . For that Passage , 2 Cor. 8. we have made appear , that it rather Confirms , than Impugns our Answer and Exposition of this Scripture anent Epaphroditus : The Apostles Scope in that place , being evidently to stir up the Church to a large Expression of their Charity and Bounty , upon the Account of the Fidelity and Worth of the Messengers sent to them for that end . Next , I might tell this Surveyer , that Epaphroditus and these other Messengers , being restrictedly called Messengers of the Churches , and with a special respect to the Employment specified in the Text , are thus distinguished from the Apostles , who properly are Christs Messengers to the Churches ; And therefore , Persons under this Character of Messengers from Churches to Churches , have not that special proper Signature , which the Surveyer pleads for , upon the account of the general Name , Messenger , applyed to them . In a word , in this Conjecture , as the Surveyer presents but a new Petitio Principii and groundless Fancy , without the least shadow of Proof , so , it s baffled by his own Principle , who thinks it below his supposed great Men to be sent upon a Temporary Employment . Now , it is certain that Epaphroditus was sent with this Churches Benevolence to Paul , and it would have puzzled this Surveyer to Ans●er the Querie : Why none else , but the sole and eminent Bishop was sent with this Benevolence ? As likeways , to Answer further these Queries , First , Why the Apostle Paul put the proper Name and Characteristick of this sole and eminent Bishop , upon all the Pastors of the Church of Philippi ? Which , upon his Principles , did draw with it great Inconveniences ; as tending 1. To cast a Cloud of Ignorance upon these Pastors , in reference to a Person , to whom they did owe important Duties . 2. This might tend to involve them in the Temptation of a Sinful Emulous Disposition and Breach among themselves : And no body will judge , that the Apostle was not careful to prevent this . Besides , this could not consist with that high Esteem of Epaphroditus , which the Apostle here expresses , thus to deal with him , and in special , to make him the Messenger of such Derogatory Expressions , in this Epistle , wherein he is so much commended . Thus we have seen , that the Evidence of this Scripture , as likewise of the preceeding , doth quite dispel the Mist of the Surveyers fond Exceptions . The Surveyer tells us , He finds one Scripture more , wherein , because Presbytrie is Named , we account we have great Advantage for our Way ; The Passage is 1 Tim. 4.14 . Whereas , he may more justly triumph in the word Bishop , so often mentioned in Scripture . He professeth his Resolution pressely to consider this place : And his Replyes shall be pressely considered . His first Reply is , That we cannot prove that by Presbytrie here is meant a Colledge of single Presbyters , in the Modern Notion , and not rather the Dignity and Office of a Presbyter , as Calvin ( Institut . Lib. 4. Cap. 3. ) Jerom , and others also do judge . Ans. 1. Not to stand upon the Surveyers cutting off by this Gloss , Presbyters from so much as a consent to Timothies Ordination , which in contradiction to himself here , he doth in his other Replyes to this Text , allow them . It is in this place very considerable that this Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbytrie , being used only thrice in the New Testament , viz. Luk. 22.66 . and Act. 22.5 . and in this Passage under Debate ; Since in the two first places , it must necessarly be taken , for a Concessus Presbyter orum , a Colledge of Elders or Presbyters , this Surveyer could offer no shadow of Reason or Evidence for the altering the Signification in this Passage ; Since 1. The Scope and Circumstances do clearly lead to this its ordinary Acceptation . And 2. There can no such Exposition be offered here , without a very gross Imputation upon the Language and Sense of the Holy Ghost ; It differing little from Non-sense , if at all reconcilable to Sense , thus to read the Text , Neglect not the Gift given thee &c. by the laying on of the Hands of the Office : For what Hands hath an Office to lay on ? Not only Reason , but the very Ear disrelishes such a Sense : Especally , if the Matter of Fact be admitted ( in opposition to which , the Surveyer could give no Evidence ) that as there was Ruling Officers or Presbyters then existent , so they did de facto , lay Hands upon Timothy . For Calvins Judgement , we find that in his Commentary upon the place , he asserts that such as understand the Word Presbytrie here , in a collective Sense , and to import the Colledge and Meeting of Presbyters , do , in his Iudgement , put a right Sense upon the Words ; So that he cannot be reckoned as holding the Surveyers Gloss ▪ And however , we do not judge that most worthy Person ( as neither Ierom in this point , Inferior to Greek Fathers ) infallible , or our selves obliged jurare in ejus verba . As for the Authors after cited , as understanding the Term in his Sense ; It is one thing to say that the Term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have been indifferently used by Greek Authors , for the Office and Order of a Presbyter ; it is a far other thing to say , that the Scripture Term in these three Passages , is so to be understood ; Since here the signification of the Word is to be drawn from the Scope and Contexture of the place of Scripture where it is , which must needs Over-rule and Determin the Signification in this Passage , though it were granted that sometimes Greek Authors did use it in another Signification . The Language of the Holy Ghost in these three Passages , as it doth certainly Over-rule all other Greek Authors , so the Term in the three Passages exhibited , doth palpably appear to be of one and the same Signification , viz. pointing at a Colledge of Presbyters or Elders . Besides , that there want not Ecclesiastick and Greek Authors thus understanding it ; Such as Chrysostom , Theodoret , Theophylact. For what the Surveyer adds out of Bilson , P. 77. That ordinarly in Ancient Greek Councils 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have been used indifferently for the Office and Order of a Presbyter : Citing Council of Nice , Can. 2. Antioch , Can. 18. Afric . Can. 136. Euseb. Lib. 6. Cap. 8. It is Answered , First , It is acknowledged by Bilson , that the Councils mentioned , use the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is distinct from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Next , as Camero is clear and positive for our Sense of the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on Matth. 18.5 . And asserts that the contrary Acceptation for the Office and Dignity of Presbyter , contradicts both the Signification of the Word , and the Apostles Scope ; So he shews further , that rarely doth the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 import the Office , but where the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be understood . Hen. Stephanus takes the Word here to import Caetum omnium illorum qui in verbo laborabant , the Colledge of such as labour in the Word and Doctrine . And the other Paralels Luk. 22.66 . and Act. 22.5 . he expones of the Meeting of Elders . Scapula expones the Word in this Passage , Caetus Presbyterorum , Presbyterium , a Presbytrie or Colledge and Meeting of Presbyters . The Passage of Euseb. Lib. 6. C. 8. may be taken without any Violence offered to the Words , to import the Colledge of Presbyters , and in Camero's Judgement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In a word , it is enough to baffle this Exception , that as this Term in Greek and Ecclesiastick Authors , is ordinarly thus taken , for which frequent Instances might be given , so it is certain , and enough for us , that it 's alwayes taken in a Collegiat Sense , in the Scriptures of the New Testament . And in the Paralels mentioned , it were gross Non-sense to take the Word in the Surveyers Sense , and to say that the Office of Elders did meet together , and the Office of Elders did bear Witness to Paul , so it carrieth the same Incongruity and absurd Sense with it , to assert that the Office laid Hands upon Timothy . The Surveyer next excepts against our Argument drawn from the Paralels , That therein the word imports not a Meeting of Christian Presbyters , but only of Jewish Elders , persecuting Christ and His Apostles : That though the Term were taken in this Sense only in this place , there wants not Paralel Instances of such an acceptation of words ; As the word [ Church ] is taken but once Matth. 18.17 . for a Representative Church , so the 1 Cor. 11.10 . the word [ Power ] in that place of Scripture only signifies the Covering and Vail upon the Womans head , as a token of Subjection to her Husband : And that it is enough in such Cases , that the Strain of the Context requires a Varrying from the Acceptation of the word in other places . Ans. The Strength of our Argument is drawn , both from the ordinary Acceptation of the Word , which hath its own secondary weight , and likewise , and mainly from this , that the Scope and Contexture of this Passage , do clearly plead for the Acceptation of the Word in the ordinary Sense , and not to varry from it . And therefore his Assertion , That the Strain of the Context requires a varrying from this ordinary acceptation in this place , is but his bold begging of the Question ; For of this , he neither offers , nor can offer any solid proof : Nay , the contrary , is the consentient Judgement of Interpreters . The Imposition of Hands here signifies Consent and Election , whereof it was a Sign , saith Vatabulus . The whole is signified by a part , viz. of the Ordination , saith Estius , To wit , of the whole Ceremony of the Presbytries Ordination . Prayer was added with Imposition of Hands , saith Grotius . I hope he will not say the Office prayed . Camero censures the contrary Exposition , upon several Grounds . 1. Because the Imposing of the hands of the Office , is a harsh saying , and sounds improperly . 2. Because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 never signifies the Office , wherever it occurs in the new Testament , citing the Paralels Luke . 22.66 . Act. 22 5. As likewise , because the Office is signified by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but here the word signifies a Colledge or embodied Court. 3. Because Timothy's Authority was greater , than that it could be called a Presbyterate . Bullinger upon the place tells us , that this is one motive whereby the Apostle stirrs up Timothy to diligence in his Office , that besides the Prophesies that went before of him , and his inward impulse accedit praeterea & manuum Seniorum impositio , quae ista comprobavit , & publico muneri publice praefeeit , That he had the Imposition of the Hands of the Elders or Presbyters , sealing and confirming his inward impulse , in the Prophesies that went before , and which did install him in this publick Office ▪ Paraeus upon the place , shews that Timothy was thus taken into the Order and Society of Pastors : And upon Ch. 1. v. 6. of 2 d Epistle , collating together the imposing of Pauls Hands , and the Hands of the Presbytrie , he shews the Reason thus , quia Paulus ▪ unus fuit ex Presbyterio , vel Presbyterii nomine imposuit ; Because Paul was one of that Presbytrie , or imposed hands in their Name ; Where it is evident he understands the Prebytrie in a collegiat sense , for a Meeting of Pastors . Piscator upon the place , shews , That Timothy is stirred up to diligence , first upon the account of his singular vocation to this Function , by the Revelation of the Holy Ghost : And next , by the vocation of the Church ▪ obeying this Command of the Holy Ghost , in imposing the Hands of the Presbytrie upon him , because the Presbyters or Pastors by this Rite ordained the Ministers of the Church . Diodat . upon the place tels us , that by the Presbytrie , we are to understand the laying on of the Hands of the Elders ; shewing that thus the Italian reads the Text , and these Elders , he expones to be the Pastors and other Guides of the Church , paralelling this Sense of the Elders , with that of Act. 11.30 . where we read of the Churches benevolence sent to the Elders and Church Rulers , for the Relief of the Poor Saints in Iudea . The Belgick Divines upon the place , Translate this Clause of the Eldership , That is ( say they ) of the Assembly of the Elders , or Overseers of the Church , &c. The Eng. Annot. upon the place having added to the word Presbytrie , the Phrase of [ Eldership ] thus proceed ▪ Some by Presbytrie understand the Office of a Presbyter , which Timothy received by imposition of Hands ; but the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is never taken in Scripture for the Office of a Presbyter , but for the Company of Elders , who here laid hands upon Timothy , when he was Ordained : And they add the agreeableness hereunto of the Canon of the 4 th Council of Carthage , and the Practice of the Reformed Churches to this day , Pool . 2 d Part , Paraphraseth this Passage thus , That Timothy's Office was given by the Revelation of the Divine Will , by the extraordinary Influence of the Spirit of GOD , and the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytrie , was a declaration of it . The last clause of 6. v. 1 Ch. of 2 d Epistle , they thus Paraphrase , That he is called to the improvement of those Spiritual abilities given him upon the Prayers of Paul & the Presbytrie , when he was by them set a part to the work of an Evangelist , for the end , for which GOD had given them to him . To these Expositors , many others might be added , exponing this word and term , of a Collegiat Meeting ; such as M●nochius , Tirinus , Zegerius , Sligelius , Beza , Simplicius , Vorstius , &c. But now to proceed ( after this little digression with Interpreters ) to our Surveyers Instances and Exceptions taken from the Terms in Matth. 18. 1 Cor. 11. We Answer , that the exception is palpably absurd ; For he could not deny that these terms [ Church ] and [ Power ] are Ordinarly taken in Scripture in another Sense , than in these Passages , though the circumstances of these Scriptures plead for varrying from that Acceptation : But he neither did , nor could make it appear , that this Term Presbytrie under debate , is ever in Scripture taken in this Acceptation , nor could he deny , that it is taken in our Sense elsewhere ; So that his Exception touches not the Point : And as much ridiculous , if not more , is that other Exception which he offers to the paralel Passages , viz. That Rulers therein signifies Civil Rulers , and Rulers who were Enemies to Christ : For , whatever were the Moral Qualities of the Rulers , if the Word signifies a Collegiat Meeting of Rulers , it is enough to our purpose , and evinceth our Argument from the paralels , to be good and valid , unless he could evince a contrary Acceptation , which he doth not so much as essay . He could not deny , that the Legal Constitution of one Assembly or Parliament , is a far and distinct thing from the Qualities of the Members , who consequently come truely under these Denominations upon the ground of a Legal Constitution . And supposing our Sense of the Word Presbytrie , and the Matter of Fact to be such as we assert , he could not , without making himself most ridiculous , infer from these Paralels , that the Members Constituent of this Presbytrie , were either Civil Rulers , or bad . The Surveyer , ( P. 217 , 218. ) is bold to call this our Exception against his Sense , viz. That the Office hath no Hands to impose , a ridiculous Objection flowing from a Mistake of the Meaning of the Text , which attributes not the imposed Hands to the Presbytrie , as to an Agent or Efficient , but only limits and determines that Imposition of Hands which Timothy had from the Apostle , or other high Officers of the Church , to the particular use and end for which Hands were imposed on him , viz. the giving him a Power of a Presbyter or Elder . Ans. Here is a strange Exposition , obscuring rather than clearing the Text. Had the Apostle no other way of expressing the end of the Ordination , and its Nature , than by telling him of Hands of the Office laid upon him , which in all common Sense , doth relate to an Agent or Instrument , and not to the Limitation and Use of his Office ? A Man may thus fasten the most Fantastick Senses upon Scripture . Besides , he holds that there were eminent high Officers with Paul , and concurring with this Imposition of Hands upon Timothy : Why then will he strike off their Hands from being here meaned , when Imposition of Hands is so expresly mentioned ? The Surveyer thus further Senseth the Words , Neglect not the Gift given thee by the Laying on of Hands , not Confirmatory , not Reconciliatory , but Imposition of Hands Ordinatory , whereby thou was ordained , or made a Presbyter . Ans. Besides , that this Division of Imposition of Hands , is as odd , as his Sense of the Text , it is strange , that he admits of Imposition of Hands upon Timothy , in order to this end of making him a Minister , and yet denyeth the Presbytrie here to import a Collegiat Meeting , thus imposing . He holds that the Sense is , Neglect not the Gift given by the Laying on of the Hands , whereby thou was ordained . Now , pray , what hinders these Hands to be the Hands of the Collegiat Meeting imposing the same ? Whereby the Sense is ours , or otherwise , in Contradiction to himself , he makes the Office the Ordaining Agent . If he acknowledge this place paralel with 2 Tim. 1.6 . he cannot but see a like Construction in both , of the Term of Hands , with the Genitive . Nor can he deny that the Imposition of Hands is ever constructed with the Office in other Paralels , Act. 6.6 . and 13.3 . He calls our Reason against his Gloss ridiculous , but whether his Return be not more ridiculous , is left to the Reader to judge . We are told for his next Answer , That were a Presbytrie here admitted , there is nothing in the Context to evince that it was a Classical Presbytrie , to which only we ascribe Ordination , and not a Congregational or Paroch Presbytrie . Ans. Here again , the Surveyer is driven to seek shelter among the Independents , but is ruined in this Shift ; For , upon his Supposition , that a Congregation , or one Pastor with Unpreaching Elders , is the Subject of an Ordaining Power , the Prelatical as well as the Presbyterian Ordination , is overthrown . The places above referred to , and hinted at , do abundantly clear and evince the Divine Institution of Classical Presbytries , and Collegiat Meetings of Pastors of several Congregations , in order to a Ministerial Rule and Jurisdictional Authority over the same , and consequently , that they are the proper Subject of the Ordaining Power . The Treatise above mentioned , Ch. 10. besides several others , have abundantly evinced this Point , that the Fraternity or Community of the Faithful , and consequently of the particular single Congregation , cannot be the proper Subject of the Jurisdictional Power , nor the Power of Order ; and ●oth are cleared by a large Account of the one and the other ; See P. 95 , 96 , 97 , 98. This Surveyer did but ridicule the Scriptures , or rather expose himself , while pretending to impugn the Presbyterians , and answer their Scripture Reasonings , for he comes on with his may be this , and may be the other Sense ; the one sense [ may be ] striking out and Contradicting the other , whereas , in the Judgement of all who own the Truth and the Authority of the Scriptures , the true sense is but one , since otherwise there can be no Truth , where there are different and various Senses . In his first Answer , he will needs have High Officers of the Church ( as he calls them ) to concur with the Apostle Paul in Imposing Hands upon Timothy ; these High Officers , he no doubt advances far above the Sphere of Presbyters and Pastors , and puts them in the Character of his Magnates or Hierarchical Bishops ; yet in this second Answer , he will needs ( in a palpable Contradiction to the First ) croud in all these High Officers into one Congregation ; yea , and positively asserts , that there is no evidence in the Text to prove that this Presbytrie was any other than a Paroch-Presbytrie ; and that it will trouble the Presbyterians to prove the contrary : But would it not much more have troubled this Fantastical Dictator , with his Linsey-Woolsey , party coloured Senses and Comments , to prove that these High Officers , near to the Apostolick Character , were all related to one Congregation , and but a Meeting of a Paroch Presbytrie , as he speaks . His Third answer is taken from collating this Passage with 2 Tim. 1.6 . where Paul enjoins Timothy to stir up the Gift that is in him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the putting on of my Hands , as here 1 Tim. 4.14 . He saith , Grace was given thee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytrie . The former place importing his Authority in the Action , and the latter the concern and consent of the Meeting of Presbyters with him : So that granting a Presbytrie present , there is no ordaining power can be hence inferred . Ans. We have already made appear , that these places Collated , do clearly evince a Presbyterial Authority in the Point of Ordination , and that since the imposing of Pauls hands in order to the Gifts , is clearly distinguished from the imposing of the Hands of the Presbytrie , which must needs respect his Ordination , and consequently their Authoritative influence thereupon , these Texts collated , do confirm this Point ; and further do thus give light unto it , that supposing that the Imposition of Pauls hands , and the Hands of the Presbytrie , were contemporary , the Presbyterian Cause is the more strengthened , in that the imposing of an Apostles Hands , did not swallow up , nor exclude the Presbytries Authoritative imposition : So that this Authority may be much more now supposed competent to them , when the Office of Apostle is gone . I must here again Reflect upon it , that this our vertumnous Expositor , who will needs have in his First Answer , several High Officers to concurr with Paul , in this Imposition of Hands , makes Timothy thereby to receive a Presbyterate only : And I pray what needs such High Officers to concur with Paul , in order to this end ? But in this Answer , we find ordinary Pastors concurring in the Ordination of this his supposed Presbyter ; for the Surveyer in collating these Texts , insinuats no Officers of a higher Order , to have been present , except the Apostle Paul : And indeed the Passages themselves do only point at the Presbytrie and the Apostle Paul. Here also , Presbyters are found laying hands upon our Surveyer and his Fellows supposed Hierarchical Prelat , set over the Church of Ephesus . Next , he acknowledges that the mention of imposing of Pauls hands 2 Tim. 1.6 . with the emphatick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or by , respects the Gift of GOD in him , wherein he seems to distinguish the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Authority and the Gift , yet expones this precisely of Pauls Authority in his Ordination , exclusive of that of the Presbytrie : But so it is , that the imposing of Hands , in order to Gifts of the Spirit , he must needs acknowledge to be of it self distinct from such an Imposition of Hands , as is in order to Ordination : Yea , even some of his own party acknowledge , that Hands were twice laid upon Timothy , and once by the Presbytrie alone . Besides , that Passage 1 Tim. 4.14 . we find him very confusedly and inconsideratly exponing thus , Viz. The Grace given him with ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the laying on of the hands of the Presbytrie : Whereas the Text runs thus , neglect not the Gift that is in thee , which was given thee by Prophesie , with the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytrie ; where it is evident , the Gift given , and the Prophesie , are in two distinct Clauses , and the laying on of Hands of the Presbytrie , is in the third and last , and diversified by a distinct Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both from the Gift , and from the Prophesie : So that it is apparent , that this Grace or Gift , hath a special Respect to the Prophesie , but the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytrie , is here set down in a distinct Clause , as a distinct Priviledge from the other two , and therefore , must either import their Authoritative action , or doth here signifie nothing ; especially , since ( as is said ) the variation of the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or with , doth here import so much , and diversifie the one from the other . Which baffles his Sense and Exposition , that makes the imposing of the Presbytries hands to import no more but a Consent or Concurrence ; The folly of which Exposition is further evidenced in that . 1. This solemn Action of Imposing Hands , being in the Scripture Accounts and Sense ▪ a badge of Authoritative Blessing , must neeeds import much more , than a bare Consent or Concurrence , for he will not dare to say , that all those whose Hearts do concur in praying for the Blessing , had right to impose hands upon the Ordained . 2. He tells us in the beginning of his Answer , that the Presbytrie imposed not hands alone without a Higher Officer joyned with them in the Act. Now , I pray , what was this Act , if not of Ordination ? Now , if the Presbytrie had an Authoritative Concurrence in the Act , or rather an influence thereupon , as their Act , how can he say they did only consent to the thing ? For , upon this ground of a naked consent , he could not say that Paul was joined with him in the Act , which imports their joint Authoritative Concurrence ( if this phrase have any Sense ) and yet notwithstanding of this , according to his exposition , in the latter part of his Answer , the Action was Pauls alone , and not theirs ; and he Confines the Authority of the Action , within the compass of the Apostles Imposition solely . I only add , if the Actions were supposed diverse , as severals do hold , the Surveyer hath no Shield nor Buckler against such a Weapon , which notwithstanding quite baffles this his Answer , if admitted . His fourth Answer is , That since the Name of Presbyter or Elder , even in Beza's Sense on 1 Pet. 5. comprehends in general , all who have any Ecclesiastick Function , the Officers here might be of a higher sort than single Presbyters , even admitting the Term Presbytrie , to import a Collegiat Meeting . Ans. The Surveyer is still here repeating his groundless Conjectures , and beggings of the Question , for an Answer , yea , and confuting and baffling himself in these his fantastick Quiblings ; For , besides that the existence of ordinary Officers , Superior to Presbyters , and cloathed with Episcopal Authority , is still begged by him , in several other Respects , this his Conjecture is most unaccountable and repugnant to the Text : For neither , first , can he make appear that such a Meeting of such Officers of a higher Order than single Presbyters , comes under the Scripture Denomination of a Presbytrie , in any Passages of Holy Write , or that when Officers of a higher Order , mett with Presbyters , they had no distinct Specification by their Titles or Names ; As when the Apostles mett with the Elders Act. 15. and Prophets and Teachers mett together Act. 13. we find distinguishing Epithets and Names given to these Officers . Next , As this conjecturing Surveyer , could give no account , whether this Meeting was solely of extraordinary Officers , or a Meeting mixed of Ordinary and Extraordinary , whether of his supposed Bishops , with these Extraordinary Officers , or not ; So , whatever Answer he might embrace , he is still in the Briars , and overthrows his own Scope ; For , besides that he cannot give account , why a Colledge of Prelats is called a Presbytrie , or to what end such a mixed Meeting can be here supposed : If his Conjecture be admitted , they could be no Paroch Presbytrie ; And thus his second Answer is baffled , which supposeth this . Again , if there were in this Meeting higher Officers than Presbyters , he would needs grant that the ordaining Authority was not monopolized in one : And thus 1. He affronts and excludes all his former Pleadings for the sole Authority of the Prelatical Bishop in Ordination . 2. He asserts that all here imposing Hands , did Authoritatively Concur , and therefore none of them were mere Consenters ( as he alledges this Presbytrie was ) and this universally , without Exception of any one of the Number ; And the Authority of the Action was not solely Pauls : And thus again , he hath given a deadly wound to his third Answer , asserting so much . In a word , if all were Extraordinary Officers , the sole Authority of the Prelat in Ordination ( a supposed ordinary Officer ) is no way concluded , nor that of a Presbytrie impeached : If they were all ordinary Officers , this Ioynt Authoritative Concurrence , cutts the throat of the Prelats arrogated sole Interest in Ordination : If mixed Officers of a Superior and Inferior Order , this Surveyer could give no shadow of a Reason wherefore the Pastors did not Authoritatively concurr . I need not mention the common Maxim , pleaded by some of his Party , in a like Case , Actiones sunt suppositorum , the Authoritative Act is ascribed to the whole Collegiat Meeting or Presbytrie , without the least shadow of a Distinction of the Interest and Authority of one Member from another , and he hath before told us , that non est distinguendum ubi lex non distinguit . The Surveyer adds , If he was ordained a Bishop , as some of the most Learned Commentators of the Ancients do think , as Chrysostom , Theodoret , Theophylact and Oecumenius , That Presbytrie might be a Meeting of Bishops , concurring according to their Mind in that work with the Apostle Paul. Ans. The Surveyer striving against the Light of this Scripture , is still more and more involved in the Briars . Before , he would needs have Timothy to receive but the Office of a Presbyter in this Ordination , and thus he expresly paraphraseth the Text , Neglect not the Gift which is given thee by the laying on of Hands , whereby thou was ordained or made a Presbyter : This he seteth down in distinct Characters , as the Genuin Sense of the Text : Now , here he quits this post , and will admit that he was ordained a Bishop ; For he Ownes and Defends the Sense of the Authors cited to this Scope , so that we know not where to find this Proteus , in these his inconsistent Answers . Again , if Bishops here concurred in this Ordination of a Bishop , he wil grant that they all Authoritatively concurred , and were not mere Consenters in the Action : And thus again farewel his third Answer , which monopolized this Authority in the person of Paul , or else he must say that all these Bishops were Apostles . Again , if not Apostles , but ordinary Officers , then sure , Paul put forth no Extraordinary Authority in this Case , but acted as an ordinary Bishop ; and then it would puzzle this Surveyer to shew wherefore the Apostle imputs this Ordination to the Laying on of his Hands solelie , or why upon our true Supposition ( which he cannot disprove ) viz. That the persons concurring were Pastors or Presbyters , the presence of Paul , or the laying on of his Hands , did swallow up or exclude their Authority , rather than that of a supposed Bishops , in this Matter . As for the Authors mentioned , it is above made appear , that they spoke of Scripture Church Officers , according to the Practice and Style of their own Times . The Surveyer calls this a foul Imputation , as if they did wrest the Scriptures , to colour the Practice of their own times . Ans. Here again the Surveyer is put upon this pitiful Dilemma , viz. either he must disowne the Comment of these Ancients , and yeeld to the Strength of this Objection ( which truely makes the best Apology for this Exposition ) or else he must acknowledge that his preceeding Answers puts him under this foul Imputation of palpable wresting the Holy Scriptures , to patronize the Antiscriptural Hierarchical Prelat , and imputs the same to these Fathers ; For it is evident to any that reads his Answers , that these Fathers Sense of this Text , and his foregoing Answers , are Antipods , yea and cross and destroy one another . The Sense and Comments of these Fathers , which he is so Zealous in defending , makes Timothy to have received an Episcopacy , in his Ordination : His first Answer makes him to be ordained only a Presbyter : His third Answer makes the Authority of Ordaining to be only the Apostle Pauls , and the rest of the Meeting to be but Consenters : The Comment of these Fathers , makes them all to concurr with Official Authority ; For such , certainly that of Diocesan Bishops , is held to be : The Comment of these Fathers makes the Members of the Meeting such Bishops , as had every one of them Authority over a Diocess , and consequently over many Congregations : His first Answer makes them all Congregational Elders , and crouds them within the small Circuits of one Paroch . Now , this Surveyer might , or any of his way , may still call in Vulcans Gymmerers to sodder these Assertions with themselves , and with the Fathers Comments , if they can . That the Expressions of the Fathers touching Scripture Church Officers , were of that Mould , as is said , hath been made good by several of the Learned , and is in this convincingly apparent , in that they put the Names of Bishops and Arch-bishops , or Metropolitans , upon Timothy and Titus . We need not here again remind what is above made good touching Ambrose Assertion upon Eph. 4. Non per omnia conveniunt , &c. That the Practice of the Church then ( he is speaking in point of Church Government ) did not sute in every thing the Writings of the Apostles . And that of Chrysostom on 1 Tim. 3. Hom. 11. That betwixt the Office of Bishop and Presbyter , there is almost no difference . As for his Charge of our wresting the Scriptures to patronize Human Devices ; We let it pass among the rest of this Mans lying Imputations , it being evident to the candid Searchers of the Word , and into this Controversy , whether this person and his Associats , in their Pleadings , or the Presbyterians , be the Perverters and Wresters of the Scriptures . The Surveyer P. 219. further adds , That if the Ordination of Timothy to be an Evangelist , be spoken of here , under the Name of Presbytrie , may well be comprehended a Mee●ing of Apostles or Evangelists , or Apostolical Men , seeing the conjugated word Presbytrie , may be of as great a Latitude and Signification as to a Meeting , as Presbyter is to a Person . Ans. Here is a new flight of our Surveyers fancy , Timothy now stepping up to be an Evangelist , and the Ordainers Apostles or Evangelists , or Apostolical-Men : But sure , if they be either of the first two , as he supposeth , Paul is put out of his Office of a Sole Ordainer here ; Yea , and in his Sense , if any of the three be admitted , the Scripture Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he pleaded as importing Pauls single Authority in this Action , is expunged , that room may be made for other Apostles and Evangelists . This Surveyer would be hard put to it to prove that the Ordination of an Evangelist , necessarly required such a compacted Meeting : But as in the rest of his Comments and Replyes , so in this , we must take his word for proof , as if his new Prelatical Office ( if such it was indeed , as some have supposed ) had derived an Infallibility into his Magisterial Dictats . As for his Latitudinarian Extensions of the word Presbytrie , besides , that he hath exhibit no Scripture Instance to prove such an Extension , or evince that the word is ever taken in such a Sense , he still beggs the Question in its Application to this Passage . Next , We are still in the dark , what he means by Apostolick Men : If he intend his Hierarchical Prelat , here is a new begging of the Question , and though the word Presbytrie might reach the comprehending of the higher Officers to the Presbyter , who have the Scripture Stamp and Signature , it is a stretching of the Term upon Tenter Pins till it crack , to make it reach to an Officer of a Human Invention , or a half Human Mould , as he makes the Bishops . It would have also puzzled this Surveyer , or these of his mind , upon the supposition that Timothy was here ordained an Evangelist , to reconcile this with what he and they do plead from Pauls Directions in the first Epistle to him , for his Instalment in his Episcopal Function over the Church of Ephesus , wherein he is commanded to do the Work of an Evangelist ; For they must either here degrade him from this Function , upon their Supposition of his Episcopal Instalment , or if they make his Instalment here Evangelistick , they make him to have been twice instaled in that Function . CHAP. IV. Wherein is considered the Surveyers Answer to the Presbyterian Charge against the Diocesan Prelat , as a new Officer , different from those instituted by our Lord , and standing in opposition to the Scripture Accounts of the New Testament Church-Government : And this upon the Ground of the Perfection of the Scripture Records hereanent , and our Lords Faithfulness in the full Institution of the Officers and Government of his Church THE Surveyer , now P. 219. tells his Reader , He hath presented the Summ of the Presbyterian Strength in these Passages , and given fair and just Interpretations of these Scriptures , which they plead . Whereas he hath presented rather a Farrago of his own fantastick Quiblings , and contradictory Notions and Conceits , instead of true Interpretations of these places : And it is apparent that after all this Mans faint Essays , the Presbyterian Bow abids in its Strength . Yet after all is done , the Surveyer will needs attempt the removal of some more Impediments in his way . The one is , That the Presbyterians disown Episcopacy as a Human invention , as a new Office , never appointed by Christ , and consequently to be expelled his House : In Answer to this , the Surveyer having acknowledged , that there are Human inventions which proceed from Mens pleasures , as Matth. 15.9 . adds , that there are results of sanctified Reason , subservient to the orderly performance of the Worship of God , and to the Ruling of his House , with respect to the general Rules of the Word ; Wherein as before , he still beggs the Question ▪ in supposing Prelacy to be one of these variable Circumstances determinable by Human Prudence , and subservient to the Churches good , according to the General Rules of the Word , which is proved to be Diametrally opposit to Christs Institutions , in point of Government , and stands in opposition to the great ends of the Churches Edific●tion , and the true Government thereof . Thereafter , he runs out into an impertinent discourse anent Ministers use of invention in Preaching , the singing of Psalms with Poetical invention , of the Composer in Metre , who had no infallible inspiration ; And asks if we account the Confession of Faith , Catechism , and the Holy Covenant , Human Inventions , as to their outward frame ? And enquires further , what we will answer to one that should plead thus , was not Christ and his Apostles wise enough , and could have set down such forms , if they had ju●ged them necessary , &c. and not left them to Mans inventions ? Ans. The impertinency of all this evidently appears , when we consider , that our Question with them , is anent an Office and Officer not appointed by the Lord , and cross to his Institutions , in Point of Government , whether Men may set him up in the House of God , yea or not . His Instances speak only of the Lawfulness of our Reason and Christian Prudence , in a clear subserviency to the obedience of Commanded Ordinances ; for such is Preaching , and Ministerial instruction , Catechising , and Singing of Psalms ; So that these being Commanded Ordinances and Institutions , the proper subservient means thereof , do in a Remote Sense , fall within the compass of the Divine Commands , enjoining the same ; such are these he mentions , viz. a methodical form of Sound words , digested into Catechisms , for the Peoples instruction and growth of Knowledge , the framing of Psalms , commended for the use of Singing ( a Commanded Duty ) into such a Metrical Composure , as is suitable hereunto , I mean keeping still close to the Sacred Text , and not varying from the true and genuine Sense of the words ; the Minister making use of Sanctified Reason , in a suitable Methodical invention , to digest the Matter he delivereth , in the best Mould , for the Case and Edification of the People , to whom he is the Mouth of God , and must divide the Word of Truth aright unto them , applying it for Doctrin , Reproof , Exhortation , &c. according to their various Conditions . For the Covenant , which the Surveyer in derision calls Holy , it falls under the same Consideration with the preceeding Instances , besides the clear Scripture Precedents , recommending and warranding the Practice . These I say , are so far from reaching any Patrociny to the setting up of a Prelat , whose Office encroaches upon the Due Rights of a true Gospel Ministry , and consequently stands in opposition both to Divine Institutions and ends of Government , that this defence appears no defence at all . For what he adds of the ●reed and Doxologie , it is removed by what is said , and we need only to add , that the end of such Observances is better reached in the present Practice of our Church , in point of Worship , than with such Observances . But the Surveyer appears very angry at the calling the Diocesan Bishop a New Officer , not Instituted by GOD in his House , and spe●ds to this Scope many words , P. 222.223 . which is this in Summ. First That the Prelatical Function , is only a new Dignity and Authority granted for Peace sake , to one Minister above others , within the bounds of the same Order . Ans. First , the Surveyer should have considered that his Spliting of a supposed Divinely Instituted Office , and dividing the Work and Duties thereof unto different Subjects and Recipients , is upon the Matter a devising of New Orders , and all one therewith . Do not Papists tell us , that the Priest is the Highest Order of Ministry , and comprises , with the Diaconate , their whole Hierarchy , which is nothing else but an extension of these ? Suppose the Pastoral Power of Order were thus Split , that one Rank or degree of Men were allowed only to Baptize , not to Preach , others to Preach , not at all to Baptize , who will disown it , that these were Antiscriptural Human Inventions , dividing what GOD hath conjoined ? And once admitting this , what limits can be set to Mens inventions in this Point ? Or how can the Multiplyed Orders in Popery be condemned , and all the Swarm of their new invented Officers ? Sure , the solid ground of Condemning them , is , that they are a Spurious Brood , inverting and destroying the End , Union and Order of the Divinely appointed Officers of the House of GOD. The Spliting of the Actings of the Power of Order is surely condemned upon this Ground of the Oneness and Identity of this Office of the Pastor : And if the Case stands thus with Reference to the Power and Exercise of Order , why is not the case the same in the Point of Jurisdiction , which is for the same end as the other ? Moreover , if upon pretence of Order and Unity , this extension of the exercise were admitted , in the Method he pleads , this Jurisdictional Power may be extended to the highest degree , even of a Patriarchat or Popedome , for the Pope doth pretend he is but of the order of Priestood , and the lowest Rank of that Hierarchy have , by this Principle , a fundamental aptitude for the highest Office and extent of their Order . The Surveyer will have a Power left to the Church , to Rank Ministers , with a Respect to Union ; and here is an Union of the Universal Church , resolving in such an Officer , and clearly going upon his Principle of the way of uniting particular Churches : And who will doubt that the Union of the Church Universal hath the same Ground with that of Particular Churches ? In a word , the Folly of this Discourse appears in this , that Ministers who have an unquestionable interest in Ordination and Jurisdiction , are charged by the Great Master , duely to exercise both , as they shall Answer to him , and therefore must not , but upon their perril denude themselves of any piece of that Work and Authority committed to them ; this being the Talent , whereof they are to give an account to him , who hath given to every one of his Servants their Work. The distinction of the Diocesan , Hierarchical Prelat from the Presbyter , as a New Officer , is evident , whether we consider his New Name , of Bishop or Archbishop ; his New work of Governing the Diocess , besides his Trust in the Civil Government ; his New Ordination or Consecration to his New work ; his distinct Qualifications , in consequence of the whole , from the Pastor or Minister : So that he appears in all these Respects , a Compacted New Officer , and supposing the Pastors Divine Authority , a New Usurper . The Surveyer tells us , He is no New Officer , since the inferior Officer doing th● same Acts , it is not a nullity . But , as this Reason would tend to the former Antiscriptural spliting of Offices , so that the Episcopalians will not allow this Concession , is by this time evident . We all know who have in a late practice , condemned the Presbyterial Ordination of the Protestant Church of France . For what he adds of the Power of the Commission of Assemblies , to Fortifie his Notion , the Disparity is palpable and apparent , whether we consider the Powers Deputing and giving Commission , viz : The King , in the Case of the Prelats ; the Churches Representative or Assembly , in the Case of the Commission : The Prelat receiving a New Ordination ; The Commissioners not : The Commissioners being limited as to their work and continuance by the Assembly , and as being Answerable unto them , not the Prelats &c. But of this above . As for his discourse of Superintendents , P. 223. The Author of the Vindiciae Epistolae Philadelphi against Spotswoods Calumnies , hath at large made good the vast and essential difference betwixt the transient Office of the Superintendents and that of Prelats , P. 31.32 . in no less than Twelve Instances to which , for brevitie , we refer the Reader . The Surveyer P. 223.224 . attempts in the next place , to answer the Objection against the Hierarchical Prelat taken from Christs Faithfulness , and the Scriptures perfection : From the Comparison institut in Scripture betwixt Christ and Moses , in point of Faithfulness , in the Ordering and Institution of the Government and Ordinances of the House of God. The Argument is no doubt very considerable upon both grounds , if we shall but suppose the Absolute Perfection of all our M●diators Offices , and the Correspondent Exercises thereof , for the Edification and Salvation of his Church , and especially under the Gospel Dispensation : As a Prophet , he hath fully revealed the Counsel and Mind of GOD , so as nothing is to be added to his Divine Revelations thereof , no new Rules , Truths or Duties to be superadded beyond the limits he hath revealed : As a Priest , his Satisfaction , his Intercession ▪ is so full , that no pretended subservient Intercessors or Saviours , are to be devised by Men : Thus ful and perfect is the Exercise of his Kingly Office , in appointing the Officers , Censures , Laws and Government of his House . The Argument appears further invincibly strong when we Ponder two things . First , What the faithfulness of Moses under the Legal dispensation , did reach unto , which our Blessed Lords Soveraign Faithfulnesss doth exceed . 1. Moses appointed the Officers of the House of God their several Orders and Degrees , their Work and Duties , in so far that his Institutions did amount to determin a species of Government . 2. All his Appointments hereanent were fixed and unalterable , so as none might add to or detract therefrom . 3. They were hence not Committed to the disposal of the Civil Magistrate , to mould them after the Rules of worldly Policy . 4. These Officers were not to denude themselves of any part of the Authority and Function committed to them , or of the exercise thereof . Hence , it inevitably follows , that the Government and Officers of the Church of the New Testament , is in all these Points of the like Nature ; the Species is determined , the Offices and Officers are unalterable , are not to be Fashioned by Mens Laws at their arbitriment , are to continue in this Fixed Mould of his Institution , and Method of its Official Exercise , till his Returning again . Secondly , The Scriptures Perfection clears this abundantly , all things to be believed and practised , in order to Salvation , are perfectly contained therein , and there being so much delivered in Scriptures , touching the Government , Laws and Offices of the House of GOD , and in order to the Instruction , both of Church Rulers and Church Members , in their Respective Duties ; if these Directions , Laws and Institutions be not compleatly correspondent to these ends , the Scriptures perfection is palpably impeached , and the infinit Wisdom of the Lawgiver blasphemed . To this Argument the Surveyer Answers , That in order to the great end of our Lords Prophetical and Kingly Offices , He hath given particular Commands concerning the Essentials of the Government of His House , and general Commands to direct the Prudence of His Church ▪ to order what is Left to Christian Liberty ▪ for the best Ends ; And that it is preposterous to fancy a thing necessary ; and then alledge Christ hath instituted the same , because Faithful , but rather upon this ground , we must reason the necessity of the thing from his Appointment . Ans. This is removed in a word , by this one Position , That if we acknowledge these Essentials do include all necessary Offices and Officers of the Church , and do draw the Limits and Measures of their Actings , Qualifications , and the Nature of their Power , with such Exactness , as none may justle with , or encroach upon their Priviledges therein ; We can offer such Scripture Discoveries in this Point , as do sufficiently lay aside the Diocesan Prelat , and prove him such an Heteroclite , as his Office cannot be brought up to the Scripture Rules . Thus , we are so far from such Reasoning , as this fancycal Surveyer imputs to us , that on the contrary , we do suppose and prove the Scripture Institutions in this Point , and upon the Scripture Discoveries thereof , we reason the Necessity from our Lords Faithfulness . But if the Surveyer did hold that the Offices and Officers of the House of GOD , their Duties and Qualification , are such things as falls within the compass of the Churches Liberty , to dispose as she thinks fit : 1. It might be enquired , what he or those of his Mind will owne as Essentials ? Next , To what end are all the Scripu●e Directions and Institutions in this Point delivered unto the Church of GOD ? And why upon this Ground , the most extended Hierarchy may not be pleaded for ? 3. How this can consist with that express Design of the Scriptures Perfection , viz. To make , not only the ordinary Christian , but also the Man of God , the Minister of God , perfect and thorowly furnished to every good Work , or every piece of his Office and Duty ; and with this further Expression of this Design of Ministerial Instructions proposed by the Apostle , 1 Tim. 3.15 . viz. To instruct the Man of God how to behave in the House of God , which is His Church ? In Answer to this , the Surveyer acknowledges the Scriptures Perfection , to make the Man of GOD wise to Salvation , and furnish him for every good Work , either by the general or particular Precepts thereof , but that it belongs not to the Perfection of the Scripture , to contain the particular Rules for all the Circumstantials of Church Government , more than it doth for all the particular Practices of our common Life . Ans. Behold the Hierarchy , in this our Surveyers great Essay , turned into the Dwarf of a mere Circumstance . Behold also his Zeal for right ordering of the House of GOD , what Officers must Rule therein , what the Nature of their Work and Power is , what Duties are committed to them , what the Nature and Species of the Government must be , whether it must run to the Extrems of Monarchy , or the An●baptistical Morellian way , of Anarchy , or the midle Forms ; All , or either of these is but a mere Circumstance , with our Surveyer . Let any Judge , if he gave not here manus victas to the Presbyterians , and yeelded up his Cause to them : For no Man of Sense , will call the Matters , instanced mere Circumstances ; And if they be not , the Scriptures Perfection , for the ends mentioned , must clearly reach the Determination thereof . The Surveyer told us , That the work of the Bishop 1 Tim. 3. Doth import the Work and Office of the Hierarchical Prelat ; And he has acknowledged here the Scriptures Perfection to furnish the Minister of Christ for every good Work , yea , he hath asserted P. 194.195 . That the plentitude of the Apostolick Power , committed by our Lord to the Apostles , for the great End of the Churches Edification and Union , was by them committed to the Bishops , as their proper Successors . Now , how these Assertions can consist with his Describing and Owning here the Work and Office of the Bishop as a mere Circumstance , wherein the Scriptures gives no certain distinct Sound , must be put among the rest of his mysterious Inventions . Two or three things further , I add , and I have done with this Surveyer . First , It is generally acknowledged by all Sound Divines , That there is no Lawful Church Office or Officer of the House of GOD , but what must have our LORD' 's positive Grant or Institution : And this is fortified by several Grounds . 1. Whatever is not of Faith is sin , in general , and whoever pretends to Officiat in Christs House and Kingdom , as an Officer therein , acts sine titulo , and his Actings are void ; And therefore he cannot act in Faith , if there be not a Divine Warrand for the Office he sustains , and the Official Exercise and Actings thereof . 2. If we acknowledge Christs Kingly Power and Headship over the Church , as a political Body , whereof he is the political Head , giving her her Laws and Officers , Isa. 9.6 . Matth. 28.18 . Ioh. 5.22 . As in all Kingdoms , no person can claim an Office of State , or Magistracy , without the Warrand of the Laws , and the Kings Authority thereto Interposed , so all Church Power and Authority , must be conveyed to Church Officers by this Glorious KING 's Authentick Commission or Grant. Now , none can pretend to any Grant or Commission from Him , but what is in the Scriptures ; Which is especially evident , and further convincingly clear , both from the Perfection of His Word and Testament hereanent ; And likewise , from this , that the Church Government in the whole of it , must needs be acknowledged to be founded upon a Divine and positive Institution . Secondly , Our LORD did thus actually exercise His Kingly Power , and derived the same to Church Officers , thus he gave the P●wer to Bind and Loose , and the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven to his Apostles , promised His Presence with them and their Successors to the End ; And this for the Edification and Building up of His Church , till her Warfare is accomplished , Matth. 16.18.19 , with Matth. 18.19.20 . Ioh. 21.23 . Matth. 28.18.19 , 20. 2 Cor. 8.13 . Eph. 4.11.12 . Finally , When this Fundamental Truth of our LORD' 's political Headship and Influences accordingly , in the Government of the Church , and the Perfection of His Holy Testament , in reference to the Laws , Ordinances , and Officers thereof , is denyed , the Foundations of a Christian Church are removed , the Rules , Limits , and Boundaries , in reference to the Duties , both of Church Officers and Members , so annihilate , as the Church becomes a Chaos of all Confusion and arbitrary Disorder whatsomever , or at least the Leaden and Versatile Rule of Worldly Wisdom , being made her Measures of Ordinances and Government , a Door is opened for Inundations of all Errors and Superstitions , and for the most wicked Usurpations and Disorders , in point of Government , that the wicked Mind of Man , by the influence of Satan , can invent . FINIS . The CONTENTS PART I. CHAP I. Dr. Scot's stating of the Question , and his Argument taken from the Institution of of our Saviour , Examined . Pag. 1. CHAP. II. His Argument , from the Practice of the Apostles , Examined . P. 11. CHAP. III. His Argument taken from an alledged punctual Conf●rmity of the Primitive Church , to Christs Institution , and the Apostolick Practice , in Point of Episcopacy , Considered . Pag. 35. CHAP. IV. His Argument Examined , taken from our Saviours alledged Allowance and Approbation of Episcopal Government , in his Epistles to the Seven Asian Churches . Pag. 69. CHAP. V. The Dr's Scripture proofs of a Four ●old Ministry or Prerogative of a Bp. as Superior to a Pastor in Point of Government , Considered . Pag. 85. PART . II. CHAP. I. Dr. Monro's unsound and Impertinent Reflections upon our first Reformers , as to Church Government , exposed : Together with his unsound and Popish Method in his Answer to the Argument against Episcopacy , from Matth. 20.25 . And with the Paralel Texts . Pag. 1. CHAP. II. A Confutation of what he Offers in Answer to our Argument for Parity of Pastors , taken from the Official Identity of Bishop and Presbyter , in Scripture . Pag. 31. CHAP. III. The Dr's absurd description of the Apostolick Function , in opposition to Protestant Divines , exposed : His Assertion about the Succession of Hierarchical Bishops to Apostles , in a proper formal Sense : His Opinion Loaded with gross and palpable Absurdities . Pag. 85 CHAP. IV. His proof of the Divine Right of the Hierarchical Bp. from the pretended Episcopacy of Tim. ct Tit. & the 7 Asian Angels , examined . P. 119. PART III. CHAP. I. A Consideration of the Scripture Grounds , upon which the Surveyer pleads for the Lawfulness of the Episcopal Office. Pag. 1. CHAP. II. His Answers offered to the Scriptures , pleaded by Presbyterians , Examined ; viz. Mat. 20.25 , 26. with the Paralels , Mark. 10 42. Luk. 22.25 . Mat. 18.17 . Act. 20.17 , 28. Tit. 1.5 , 7. 1 Pet. 5.1 ▪ 2. The unsoundness and inconsistency of his Glosses made appear . Pag. 13. CHAP. III. Some more of his Exceptions and Answers examined , viz. to 1 Cor. 5. Eph. 4.11 . ( To which the Paralels , 1 Cor. 12.28 . Rom. 12.6 . 7 , 8. are to be joyned ) to Philip. 1.1 . And to 1. Tim. 4.14 . His unsoundness , and inconsistency therein , further made appear . Pag. 38. CHAP. IV. Wherein is considered his Answer to our Charge against the Diocesan Prelat , as a New Officer , different from those Instituted by our Lord , and standing in opposition to the New Testament Church Government , and this upon the Ground of the Perfection of the Scripture ▪ Records hereanent , and our Lords Faithfulness in the ful Institution of the Officers and Government of his Church . Pag. 65. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A39998-e1950 See page 388 , 389 , 390 , 391. See pag. 392. p. 392. Differ : of the time pag. 14. See p. 394. pag. 394.395 . P. 397 P. 398 ibid. P. 400. ibid. P. 401. P. 401. sub finem P. 403. P. 404. P. 402 403. P. 404. Ibid. P. 406.407.408 . P. 407. ibid. P. 408. P. 408.409.410.411 . P. 409. P. 409. ibid. P. 398.399.400 &c. p. 410. P. 410.411 . P. 411 P. 412 Ibid. P. 412.413 . Prop. 7. Pag. 123.124.125 . P. 413. P. 414. ibid. P. 414.415 . Ibid. ibid. ibid. P. 415.416 . ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. P. 417. ibid. ibid. ibid. P. 417.418 . ibid. P. 418 , 419. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. P. 419 , 420. ibid. ibid. ibid. P. 421. ibid. & P. 422. ibid. P. 423. P. 422. ibid. ibid. P. 424. P. 426. P. 426. P. 427. P. 433. ibid. ibid. ibid. P. 435. P. 435.436 . P. 436.437.438 . P. 438. ibid. ibid. ibid. P. 439.440.441 . P. 442 P. 428. P. 442.443 , P. 443. P. 443. ibid. P. 444. P. 444 , 445. P. 445. P. 445. P. 446. ibid. P 447 ibid. P. 446. P. 447. ibid. ibid. Notes for div A39998-e55160 a 1. Cor. 5. b Act. 20. c 1 Tim. 4.14 . 2 Tim. 1.6 . d Philip. 1. 1. Tit. 1.6.7 . e 2 Cor. 1.24 . f 1. Cor. 4.1 . 
A27050	----	A treatise of episcopacy confuting by Scripture, reason, and the churches testimony that sort of diocesan churches, prelacy and government, which casteth out the primitive church-species, episcopacy, ministry and discipline and confoundeth the Christian world by corruption, usurpation, schism and persecution : meditated in the year 1640, when the et cætera oath was imposed : written 1671 and cast by : published 1680 by the importunity of our superiours, who demand the reasons of our nonconformity / by Richard Baxter. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. 1681 Approx. 1305 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 203 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A27050 Wing B1427 ESTC R19704 12400083 ocm 12400083 61252 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. 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Episcopacy. 2005-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TREATISE OF EPISCOPACY ; CONFUTING BY SCRIPTURE , REASON , and the CHURCHES TESTIMONY , that sort of Diocesan Churches . PRELACY , and GOVERNMENT , Which casteth out The Primitive Church-Species , Episcopacy , Ministry and Discipline , and confoundeth the Christian World by Corruption , Usurpation , Schism , and Persecution . Meditated in the Year 1640. when the Et caetera Oath was imposed . Written 1671. and cast by . Published 1680 , by the importunity of our Superiours , who demand the Reasons of our Nonconformity . By RICHARD BAXTER . LONDON , Printed for Nevil Simmons at the Three Cocks at the West end of S. Paul's , and Thomas Simmons at the Princes Arms in Ludgate-street . 1681. The History of the Production of this Treatise , with its Design and Sum ; to prevent mis-understanding . BEcause many of late , as well as Justice Roger L'Estrange , do seem to believe themselves in their accusation of me , as changing with the Times ; though I greatly affect the change of a Proficient , and know not at what age it is that such men would fix us that we may grow no wiser , nor ever repent of former Ignorance or Errour ; yet I will here confess to them that if what I here write against be good and right , I have been forty years unchanged in my Errour . My mutability hath been little to my advantage for this world , For further than I was for the King , I never was one year on that which was called the upper or stronger prevailing side , as far as I understand it . Nor to the very day that I was turned out of all , did my Preferments , or Riches ever serve me , so much as to have a House , or keep a Servant man , ( save in Travail ) or Woman ( save one aged Woman that provided me necessaries , in a few top rooms of another mans House ; ) which I mention for the sake of the mistaken French stranger , Mr. Durel , that tells the World another story . And as to this Subject , this is the Breviate of its History , ab origine . I was in my Child hood , first bred up under the School , and Church-teaching , of eight several men , of whom only two preached once a month , and the rest were but Readers of the Liturgie , and most of very scandalous lives . After that I fell into the hands of a Teacher , that studied for preferment , and reviled Puritanes ; and after that I fell into the happier acquaintance of three ancient Divines , that were called then Conformable Puritanes ; and all of them bred in me an Opinion , that Nonconformists were unlearned men , addicted to humorous , causeless Singularity : For I knew but one * who was an honest plain Preacher but of little learning : And to settle me , the Divines that I followed , made me read Bishop Downame's Defence , Bishop Andrews , and others for Episcopacy , and Mr. Sprint , Dr. Burges , and others for the Ceremonies : And I verily judged them to be in the right : But as soon as I was ordained , I removed into a Countrey where were some Nonconformists , some few of them Learned Ministers , and many Lay-men ; of whom , one in the house with me , was oft disputing the Case with me , and I thought I had still the better : And the Nonconformable Ministers there , were men of so much Holiness , and Peace , that they would scarce ever talk of the matters in difference , but of Holiness and Heaven , and repressing the over-much heat of the Lay men : And the famous William Fenner being lately of the next Parish , a Conformist of learning , yet plain and affectionate in preaching , God had blest his Ministry with so great success in the Conversion of many ungodly Persons ; as that the reverence of him , kept up the honour of Conformity among the Religious people thereabouts ▪ But in 1640. I was removed to Brignorth , and the Canons newly made , imposed on us an Oath , which had these words , [ I A. B. do swear that I do approve of the Doctrine , and Discipline , or Government of the Church of England , as concerning all things necessary to Salvation — Nor will I ever give my CONSENT to alter the Government of this Church , by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans , and Arch-Deacons , &c. As it stands now established , and as by right it ought to stand — And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear , according to the plain and common sence and understanding of the same words , without any equivocation , or mental evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever ; And this I do heartily , willingly , and truly , upon the Faith of a Christian : So help me God in Jesus Christ . ] Though every Minister in the Countrey , as well I , was for Episcopacy , yet this Oath so startled them that they appointed a meeting at Brignorth to consult about it . It fell out on my Lecture day , and at the meeting , it fell to my lot to be the Objecter , or Opponent , against Mr. Christopher Cartwright ( a good Man , incomparably beyond me in Learning , the Derender of K. Ch. 1. against the Marquess of Worcester , and the Author of the Rabbinnical Commentary on Gen. whose Papers of Justification , I since answered ) He defended the Oath ; and though my Objections were such as were none of the strongest , the Ministers thought he failed in answering them , and we broke up more dubious than before . I had a little before set my self to a more serious study of the Case of the Ceremonies than before ; and upon the reading of Dr. Ames Fresh suit , and some others ( having before read little on that side ) I came to see that there was a great difference between the determination of such Circumstances of Order as the Law of Nature , or Scripture allow and oblige men to determine one way or other , the Genus being necessary , and the making of new mystical significant teaching Ordinances , and Symbols of Christianity ( of which see Bishop Jer. Taylor cited in my 2d . Plea. ) And hereupon I had setled my Judgment only against the imposed use of the Cross in Baptism , and the abuse of undertaking Godfathers . But now I resolved before I took such an Oath as this , to study over again the Controversie of Episcopacy , ( which else I think I should scarce have done ) For I saw 1. That such an Oath and Covenant , so Universally imposed , was made the test and terms of Church concord , and so would be an Engine of division by shutting out all that could not take it . The Scotch Oath , and Covenant was not the first imposed on us : The Bishops Oath and Covenant to the contrary went here before it . 2. I saw that the whole frame of the present Church-Government , was about to be fixed , as by an Oath of Allegiance , on the Land , as if it were as necessary as Monarchy , and to be woven into the fundamental unchangeable constitution , and it were true , No Bishop , no King. 3. I askt , What was the meaning of the Et caetera , and could have no solution , but from the following words [ As it stands now established ] And understood not well how far Lay chancellous , Officials , Surrogates , Registers , Proctors ▪ Advocates , were part of the established Government ; but I saw it certainly included , Arch-bishops , Deans , and Archdeacons . 4. I askt whether the King and Parliament had not power to set up a Bishop in every Corporation ? and to take down Deans , Arch-Deacons , Chancellours , Officials , &c. and sew denied it . 5. I askt my self i● the King and Parliament make such a change , and command my Consent , whether I must disobey them , and forestall my obedience by a Covenant and Oath ? 6. I thought that what is imposed on all the Clergie to day , may be imposed on the Laity next ; And then all Parliament men will be Sworn and Covenanted never in Parliament so much as to Consent to change any of the Church Government now established . 7. I found that I must also swear [ That it ought so to stand . ] which could mean no less , than by a Divine Law , when Mans Law may not alter it . 8. I found such Heartiness , Willingness required in the Swearer , as required very full satisfaction in all this . And that with the terrible re-nuncication of the Help of God in Christ , if I do not all that I swear to . 9. And I must be deprived of my Office ( for Benefice I had none ) and cast out of the ministry , if I refused to take this Episcopal Covenant and Oath . 10. And I knew that he that made no Conscience of deliberate Perjury , had little reason to hope that he had any good Conscience , true Grace , or Honesty ; and specially if he concurred to involve all the Clergie , or Nation in the guilt . Upon these Considerations , I set my self to a more searching study of the matter : I read Gersom Bucer , Didoclaue , Jacob , ( and after Parker , Bains , ) and others on one side , and all that I could get on the other , ( Downam again , Bilson , Hooker , Saravia , Andrews , and many more ) And the result of my search was this , I wondered to find so many write for and against Episcopacy , without distinguishing the sorts of Episcopacy : For I found reason to think one sort at least Tolerable , yea , desirable ; but that which the Oath of 1640. would have bound me to , I found great reason to judge to be but what I have described it in this Book : And I here give notice to the Reader , that whereever he findeth me speak , as against the English Diocesane Prelacy ; I mean it as described by Cousins , and Dr. Zouch ; and as relating to that Oath and Canon , and not in opposition to the Laws of the Land. This Judgment then setled , I never could see cause to change , but the more I read of the Ancients , Church History , Counsels , &c. And many other Writers for Episcopacie , ( Petavius , Sancta Clara Spalatensis , Dr. Hamond and many more ) the more was I confirmed in it to this day . When Usurpation was at the highest , I wrote accordingly in my book , called Disputations of Church Government . When the King came home I accordingly used my Endeavours as a Reconciler with the Ministers here called Presbyterians , who seemed mostly of the same mind , And how little an alteration of the Church Government in the Kings Declaration of Ecclesiastical Affairs , did we receive with thankfulness , and it would have been with a conforming joy , but that we knew the leading Men , that treated with us , too well to hope that they had any intention to continue it , but to use it — they knew to what , till they had done their work and got this Act of Uniformity . In 1668. After I had been in the Goal , and yet men called for the reasons of my Nonconformity , I drew up some of my thoughts rudely : And in 1671. The call being renewed I wrote this Book , as now it is ( saving a few additional Notes ) : But cast it by my Friends and my experience perswading me , that the Bishops , and their Parliament adherence could not patiently bear it . Many years after some Letters past between Mr. Henry Dodwell ( then of Ireland ) and me : And his last being tedious , and he seeming not to intend or desire a publication of them , I gave him but a short general return , instead of a voluminous particular Answer , especially because I had this Book written by me , in which I had more than answered him , and was not willing or at leasure to write over the same things again : But when I had lately wrote in my Book of Concord a summary consutation of Mr. Dodwels schismatical Volumne , in which he degradeth , unchurcheth , if not unchristeneth , so many of the Protestants , as having no Sacraments , no Covenant right to Salvation , but sinning against the Holy-Ghost ; and all for want of a Ministery derived by an uninterrupted succession of Episcopal Ordination from the Apostles , ( and could not by importunity prevaile with him to answer Voetius de desperata causa Papatus , or my Dispute of Ordination , at last I received a Letter from him , signifying his purpose , upon his Friends desire to Publish his long Letter written to me out of Ireland : So that I saw a necessity of Publishing my Treatise which contained more than an Answer to him : And the rather because some R. Reverend Bishops and others had urged me , to give an Account of the Reasons of my Non-conformity : So that I had not leave to suppress this book , nor be longer silent . And yet I fear that they that so called for it , will not easily bear it . The summe of Mr. Dodwels Letter to me , now in the press , is to prove the possibility of right Discipline , by our Diocesane Goverment as it is , 1. Because Magistrates can exercise theirs by as few : 2. Because the Ancients de facto did it by such : Therefore it may be done . To answer these two is to answer his Letter , which one would think should be so easy , that no Scholar should have need of help to do it . 1. If any man canby an harrangue of words be brought to renounce his reason and experience , so far as to believe that the Office of a Pastor may be performed to as many Parishes , as the Office of a Major or Justice of Peace may , and that Pastors have no more to do in watching over particular Souls , instructing , exhorting , convincing , comforting , visiting , worpshing , Governing , &c , than the works of a Justice of Peace amount to , and that Dr. Stillingfleet ( e. g. ) shall be excused if he do no more for his Parish , than Justice Rog. L'Estrange doth , I undertake not to convince that man of any thing . Read over the work of a Bishop as I have here discribed it from the Scripture and Dr. Hamond and compare it with a Justices work , and if you can yet be deceived by Mr. Dodwel be deceived . And yet I think there are in divers Parishes about us many Justices for one Pastor : I am confident London Diocess hath a great number for one Bishop . And either our Justices are bound ( besides what now they doe ) to labour as much to bring some to Repentance , and such other work , as the Pastors are bound to do , or not : If not , it will not follow that as large a Circuit may be Governed by one Pastor as by one Justice : If yea , then he doth but condemne the Justices for unfaithfulness ; which will not prove , that a Pastor must be as bad . 2. And as to his appeal to the discipline of the Ancients ; I leave the Reader to the deceit of this mans arguings , 1. If he cannot find it fully proved in this Book , that the Churches of the ancient Bishops were not so big as our greatest Parishes , as to the number of Souls , much less as our Diocesses . 2. And if in my abstruct of Church-History of Bishops and Counsels , I have not fully proved , that Discipline was neglected corrupted or overthrown dy degrees as Bishops-Churches overswelled . When we read such doleful complaints in History , Fathers , Counsels and their Canons of the corruption of the Churches , is this the true use to be made of all , that we must be like them , and not blame them , lest we open the nakedness of our Fathers ? 3. And if men can make themselves willingly so blind , as by a story that the Fathers did such things among People and circumstances which we know not , to renounce common experience that it is not now any where done , nor can possibly be done ; If men can be so ignorant what our Parishes and Diocesses are , and what a Bishop and Chancellor do and can do , Let such err , for I am unable to cure them , any more than if they were confident , that my Lord Major can Govern all the Families of London as their Masters , by stewards , without Family-Masters , or that one Physitian , or one Tutor , could serve instead of many for the City . Indeed they that have as low an esteem of true Discipline , as Mr. D. in his Letter seems to have , may easily believe that a few men may do it . And those Papists that can let the Church be the sink of common uncleanness , and a Nursery of Ignorance , Vice , and Prophaneness ; so they may but keep up their Wealth , and Ease , and Honour , by crying up Order , Government , and Unity , may accordingly believe , that no more knowledge , Piety or Discipline is a duty , than serveth the ends of their worldly Dominion . I must again give notice to the Reader that whereas the Common Objections of the greatness of Bishops Churches in the second Centurie , are fetcht from the instances of Rome , and Alexandria , I have answered even those two in the beginning of my Breviate of Church-History , to which I must refer you , and not again repeat it here . I know that poor ingnorant Persons must expect such a shameful Cant of old reproach as this , to cheat them into the hatred of Christs Church order and Government , into a love of Clergie bondage , a scornful smile shall tell them [ Mr. Baxter would have as many Bishops as Parishes , and a Pope in every Parish ; when men think one in a Diocess too much : When every ignorant or rash Priest shall be the Master of all the Parish , and you have no remedy against his Tyranny ; what a brave reformation will this be ? ] And such a deceitful scorn will serve to delude the ignorant and ungodly . But if they truly understood the case , they would see the shame of this deriding objection . 1. A Pope is a Monarch or Governour of the world , and a Diocesan of a multitude of Parishes . And sure he usurpeth not so much , who will be but the Church-guide of one ? A man is abler to guide one School , Colledge , Hospital , or Family , than a hundred or thousand , without any true Master of a Family , School , Colledge , &c. under him . 2. Why is not this foolish scorne used against these foresaid relations also ? Why say they , not every Master maketh himself a Pope or Bishop to his own house , and every School-Master to his School , whereas one Master over a thousand would do better with bare Teaching Ushers , that had no Government . 3. Let it be remembred that we would have no Parish Pastor to have any forceing power , by Fines , Mulcts , Imprisonments , &c. But only to prevaile so farr as his management of Divine authority on mens Consciences can prevail : And we would not have Magistrates punish men meerly because they stand excommunicate , or because they tell not the Clergy that they repent . True excommunication is a heavy punishment fitted to its proper use , and not to be corrupted by the force of the Sword , but to operate by it self ; And valeat quantum valere potest . He that despiseth it will not say he is enslaved by it . But is this all that the Bishops desire ? 4. We would have no man become the Pastor of a Church without the peoples consent ( if not choice ) no more than a Physician should be forced on the sick . And as the Servant that consenteth to be a Servant , consenteth to his Masters Authority , and he that consenteth to a Physician , consenteth to be ruled by him for his health , and neither take this for a slavery : So he that consenteth to a Pastor , consenteth to his Pastoral conduct : And if he think it to his injury , he may choose . 5. And yet we believe that the Magistrate may constrein Atheists , Infidels , and such as refuse all proper Church Communion , to hear Gods word Preached , and make all the Parish allow the Teacher his tythes and maintenance due by Law : But he may force no man to Receive the great gift of the Body and Blood of Christ , or a pardon delivered and sealed by Baptism or the Eucharist , and to be a member of the Church as such , against his will. For none but desirous consenters are capable of the gifts , so that the same Minister may be the common Teacher of all the Parish , and yet the Church-Pastor only of fit consenters . And when Sacraments are free and no Minister constrained to deliver them against his Conscience , nor any unwilling man to receive them , who is by this enslaved ? 6. And if a Church-Pastor do displease the Church , and the main body of them withdraw their consent , we would not have any man continue their Pastor while they consent not , but disclaim him . Though in case of need the Rulers may continue him in his Benefice as the publick Preacher , if the people be grosly and obstinately culpable in refusing him . 7. And we would have that Parish Pastor to have no power to hinder any other Minister from giving any one the Sacrament whom he denyeth it to , or that refuseth it from him : Though he that for a common cause is cast out of our Church , should not be received by others , till he repenteth , yet that holds not in all private causes , between the particular Pastor and him ; nor in case of unjust excommunication : And other Ministers must judge of their own actions , whom to receive ; and an injuring Minister may not hinder any other , nor the injured person from communicating elsewhere . 8. And we would have Parish Churches be as large as personal communion doth require or allow , and every Church to have divers Ministers ; and if one be chief or Bishop , and the rest assistants , and if three or four small Parishes make one such communicating Church , we resist not . 9. And we desire frequent meeting or Synods of neighbour Pastors ; and that there every single Pastor be ready to give an account of his Ministry , and to answer any thing that shall be alledged against him : And that the vote of the Synod obligeth all against unnecessary singularity . 10. We refuse not that one in every such Synod be the moderator ; and if as of old every City ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or Corporation had a Bishop , so if but every Corporation or market Town , or every circuit that hath as many Communican●● as can know one another by neighbourhood and some conversation and sometimes assembling ( like a great Parish with many Chappels ) had but so much power as is essential to a true particular Pastor and Church ; yea or but the power that a free Tutor , Philosopher or Physician hath , to manage his office by his skill , and not as an Apothecary or meer executor of a strangers dictates , we should quietly submit . 11. And as we refuse not such Bishops ( even durante vita & capacitate ) in every Church or City that is Corporation ; so if it please either the King , or the Churches by his permission to give one grave and able man a general care of many Churches , ( as even the Scots superintendents had at their reformation , as Spotswood of Lothian , &c. ) not by violence to silence , and oppress , but by meer Pastoral power , and only such as the Apostles themselves used to instruct junior Pastors , to reprove , admonish , &c. we resist not : And so if Godly Diocesans will become Arch-bishops only of this sort , and promote o●r work instead of hindering it , we shall submit , though we cannot Swear approbation , it being a thing that Christian Ministers may doubt of , and no Article of our Creed . 12. And if the King do cumulate wealth and honour on them , and give them their place in Parliaments , to keep the Clergy from contempt , yea , or trust any of them under him as Magistrates with the Sword , whether we like it or not , we shall peaceably submit , and obey them as Magistrates . 13. And if for order sake these Diocesans should have a negative voice ( unless in cases of forfeiture or necessity ) in the ordination of Ministers to the Church universal , not taking away the power of particular Churches to choose , or at least freely consent or dissent , as to the fixing of Pastors over themselves , we would submit to all this for common peace . Specially if the Magistrate only choose men to Benefices and Magistracies , and none had the Pastoral power of the Keyes , but by the Election of the Clergy and the peoples consent , which was the judgment and practice of the universal Church , from the beginning of Episcopacy till of late . 14. And lastly we hold the Magistrate the only Governour by the Sword , as well of Pastors as of Physicians and all others : And though he may not take the work of our proper calling out of our hands no more than the Physicians , yet he may ( by justice and discretion ) punish us for male-administration , and drive us to our duty , though not hinder us from it ; And we consent to do all under his Government : Judge now whether we set up Popes or Tyrants . By all this it is apparent that it is none of the designe of this Treatise to overthrow or weaken the Church of England ; but to strengthen and secure it against all its notorious dangers . 1. By reforming those things , which else undoubtedly will cause a succession of dissenters in all generations , though all we the present Nonconformists are quickly like to be past troubling them , or being troubled by them , even of themselves many will turne upon the same reasons which have convinced us . 2. By uniting all Protestants , and turning their odious wrath and contentions , into a reverence of their Pastors , and into mutual Love and help . This Treatise being hastened in three presses since Mr. Dodwel sent me his Letter that required it , I have not time to gather the Printers Errata , but must leave them to the discretion of the Reader . Only for [ English Prelacy ] before the first Chapter and in many other places should be [ The described Prelacy ] . I will end with the two following Testimonies , One ad rem , the other ad hominem . The Lord pity his Ship that is endangered by the Pilots . October 14. 1680 , Richard Baxter . Justin Martyr's Apolog. We had rather die for the confession of one Faith , then either lie or deceive them that examine us : Otherwise we might readily use that Common saying , my Tongue is sworn , my mind is unsworn ( vid. Rob. Abbot : old way p. 51. ) Thorndike of forbearance of Penalties . It is to no purpose to talk of reformation in the Church unto regular Government , without restoring the Liberty of choosing Bishops , and the Priviledge of Injoying them , to the Synods , Clergy and people of each Diocess . So evident is the right of Synods , Clergy and people in the making of this of whom they consist , and by whom they are to be governed , that I need make no other reason of the neglect of Episcopacy , than the neglect of it . THE CONTENTS . PART . I. Chap. 1. THe Reasons of this Writing . Chap. 2. The English Diocesane Prelacy and Church Government truly described , that it may be known what it is which we dissent from . Chap. 3. Our judgement if the History of the ancient Church Government , and of the rise of the Diocesane Prelacy . Chap. 4. The judgement of those Non Conformists now silenced , who 1660 addressed themselves to King Charles II. for the matter in Church-Government : What they then offered , and what those of the Authers mind now hold , as to the Right of what is before but Historically related . Chap. 5. Concerning the several Writers on this Controversie , wherein there are sufficient animadversions on some , and sufficient Confutations of the Cheif , who have written for the Prelacy which we dissent from . As 1. Whitgift . 2. Faravia . 3. Bilson . 4. Hooker . 5. Bishop Downams Defence . 6. Bishop Hall. 7. Petavius . 8. Bish . Andrews . 9 Bish . Usher in some passages . 10. Of the Dispute at the Isle of Wight . 11. John Forbes . 12. The two Books of the Bohemian Discipline consented to . 13. Grotius applauded . 14. J. D. 15. M , A. de Dom. Spalatensis considered , and much of him approved . 16. Doctor Hammond answered , viz. his Annotations , his Dissertat . against Blondel , &c. who have written against Prelacy . Chap. 6. It is not pleasing to God , that Cities only should have Bishops , and Churches with the Territories . Chap. 7. The Definition and Reasons of a Diocesan Church considered and confuted . Chap. 8. Whether the Infidel Territories or Citizens are part of a Diocesane Church Chap. 9. Whether converting a Diocess give right to their Converter to be their Bishop and Ruler . Chap. 10. That a particular Church of the first or lowest order , must consist of neighbour Christians , associated for personal Communion in local presence in holy worship and Conversation , and not of Strangers so remote , as have only an internal heart Communion , or an external Communion by the Mediation of others . Chap. 11. That a Bishop or Pastor of a Particular Church of the first rank afore-described , must govern it statedly as present , by himself , and not absent by others . Chap. 12. The just opening and understanding of the true nature of the Pastoral Office , and Church Government , would end these Controversies about Prelacy . Chap. 13. That there is no need of such as our Dioces●nes for the Unity , or the Government of the particular Ministers , nor for the silencing of the unworthy . Chap. 14. The true original of the warrantable sort of Episcopacy in particular Churches , was the notorious disparity of abilities in the Pastors . And tho original of that tyrannical Prelacy into which it did degenerate , was the worldly Spirit in the Pastors and people , which with the World came by prosperity into the Church . Quaere , Whether the thing cease not when the Reason of it ceaseth . PART . II. Chap. 1. THe clearing of the State of the Question . Chap. 2. The first Argument against the aforedescribed Diocesanes that their form ( quantum in se ) destroyeth the particular Church form of Gods institution , and setteth up a humane form in its stead . Chap. 3. That the Primitive Episcopal Churches of the Holy Ghosts Institution , were but such Congregations as I before described . Proved by Scripture . Chap. 4. The same proved by the Concessions of the most learned Defenders of Prelacy . Chap. 5. The same proved by the full Testimony of Antiquity . Chap. 6. The same further confirmed by the Ancients . Chap. 7. More proof of the aforesaid Ancient Church limits , from the Ancient Customs . Chap. 8. That the Diocesanes cause the Error of the Separatists , who avoid our Churches as false in their Constitution , and would disable us to confute them . Chap. 9. The second Argument from the deposition of the Primitive species of Bishops , and the erecting of a humane inconsi●tent species in their stead . A specifi k difference proved . Chap. 10. Whether any form of Church Government be instituted by God as necessary or all be left to humane prudence and choice , Chap. 11. Argument third from the destruction of the Order of Presbyters of divine Institution , and the invention of a new Order of half Sub-presbyters in their stead . Chap. 12. That God instituted such Presbyters as had the foresaid power of the Keyes in doctrine , worship , and discipline , and no other proved by the Scriptures Chap. 13. The same confirmed by the Ancients . Chap. 14. And by the Confessions of the greatest and learnedest Prelatists . Chap. 15. Whether this Government belonging to the Presbyters be in foro Ecclesiastico exteriore , or only in foro Conscientiae , vel interiore . Chap. 16. That the English Diocesane Government doth change this Office of a Presbyter of God's institution , quantum in se , into another of humane invention . The difference opened . Twenty instances of taking away the Presbyters power from them . Chap. 17. That the great change of Government hitherto described ( the making of a new species of Churches , Bishops and Presbyters , and deposing the old ) was sinfully done , and not according to the intent of the Apostles . Chap. 18. Argument fourth from the impossibility of their performance of the Episcopal Office in a Diocesane Church : And the certain exclusion and destruction of the perticular Church Government , while one man only will undertake a work too great for many hundreds , when their work is further opened in perticulars . Chap 19. The same impossibility proved by experience . 1. Of the ancient Church 2. Of the Foreign Churches . 3. Of the Church of England . 4. Of our selves . Chap. 20. Objections against Parish discipline answered . The need of it proved . Chap. 21. The Magistrates sword . 1. Is neither the strength of Church discipline . 2. Nor will serve instead of it . 3. Nor should be too much used to second and enforce it . The mischeifs of enforcing men to Sacramental Communion , opened in twenty instances . Chap. 22. An Answer to the Objections , 1. No Bishop , no King. 2. Of the Rebellions and Seditions of them that have been against Bishops . Chah . 23. Certain brief consectaries , Chap. 24. Some Testinonies of Prelatists themselves of the late state of the Church of England , its Bishops and Clergy , lest we be thought to wrong them , in our description of them , and their fruits . Chap. 25. The Ordination lately exercised by the Presbyters in England , when the Bishops were put down by the Parliament , is valid , and Re ordination not to be required jure divino , as supposing it null . A TREATISE OF EPISCOPACY . Confuting , by SCRIPTURE , REASON , And the CHURCHES TESTIMONY , That sort of Diocesan Churches , Prelacy and Government , which casteth out the Primitive Church-species , Episcopacy , Ministry and Discipline , and confoundeth the Christian world by Corruption , Usurpation , Schismes , and Persecution . Meditated 1640 when the &c. Oath was imposed : Written . 1671 and cast by : Published 1680 by the Call of Mr. H. Dodwel , and the Importunity of our Superiors , who demand the Reasons of our Nonconformity . The designe of this book is not to weaken the Church of England , its Government , Riches , Honour or Unity : But to strengthen and secure it , 1. By the concord of all true Protestants who can never unite in the present Impositions : 2. And by the necessary reformation of Parish-Churches , and those abuses , which else will in all ages keep up a succession of Nonconformists . As an Account why we dare not Covenant by Oath or Subscription never to endeavour any ( amending ) alteration of the Church Government ( by lawful meanes , as Subjects ) nor make our selves the justifying vouchers for all the unknown persons in the Kingdom , who vowed and swore it , that none of them are obliged to such ( lawful ) endeavour , by their vow . By RICHARD BAXTER , a Catholick Christian , for love , concord and peace of all true Christians , and obedience to all lawful commands of Rulers ; but made , called and used as , a Nonconformist . London , Printed for Nevil Simmons at the three Cocks at the West end of Saint Pauls , and Thomas Simmons at the Prince's Armes in Ludgate-street , MDCLXXXI . These Books following are printed for , and sold by Nevil Simmons at the three Golden Cocks at the west end of St. Pauls . A Christian Directory , or sum of practical Theology , and cases of Conscience , directing Christians how to use their Knowledge and Faith , how to improve all helps and meanes , and to performe all duties how to overcome temptations , and to escape or mortifie every sin , in four parts , 1. Christian Ethicks , or private Duties . 2. Christian Oeconomicks , or Family Duties . 3. Christian Ecclesiasticks , or Church Duties . 4. Christian Politicks , or Duties to Our selves and Neighbours . in Folio . Catholick Theology : Plain , Pure , Peaceable , for Pacification in three Books . 1. Pacifying Principles , &c. 2. Pacifying Praxis , &c. 3. Pacifying Disputations , &c. in Folio . The Life of Faith in three Parts : The first Sermon preached before his Majesty , &c. The Second , Instructions for confirming believers in the Christian faith . The third directions how to live by faith , or how to exercise it in all occasions in Quarto . Naked Popery ; or the naked Falshood of a book called the Catholick naked Truth , or the Puritan convert to Apostolical Christianity , written by W. H. opening their fundamental errours of unwritten tradition , and their unjust description of the Puritan , the Prelatical Protestant and the Papist , and their differences , &c. To which is added an examination of Roman Tradition , as it is urged as infallible , &c. In answer to a book called A rational discourse of Transubstantiation . in Quarto . A Key for Catholicks , to open the Jugling of the Jesuits , and satisfie all that are but truely willing to understand , whether the cause of the Roman , or reformed Churches be of God ; and to leave the readerutterly unexcusable , that will after this be a Papist . in Octavo . A Treatise of Justifying Righteousness in two books . in Octavo . There are lately published of this Authors these two Books following , and sold by Thomas Simmons at the Princes Armes in Ludgate-street . CHurch-History of the Government of Bishops and their Councils , Abbreviated . Including the chief part of the Government of Christian Princes and Popes , and a true account of the most troubling Controversies and Heresies till the Reformation . Written for the use especially of them , I. Who are ignorant or misinformed of the state of the Antient Churches . II. Who cannot read many and great Volumes . III. Who think that the Universal Church must have one Visible Soveraign , Personal or Collective , Pope or General Councils . IV. Who would know whether Patriarchs , Diocesans , and their Councils , have been , or must be the cure of Heresies and Schismes . V. Who would know the truth about the great Heresies which have divided the Christian World , especially the Donatists , Novatians , Arrians , Macedonians , Nestorians , Eutychians , Monothelites , &c. By Richard Baxter , a Hater of False History . A Moral Prognostication , I. What shall befal the Churches on Earth till their Concord , by the Restitution of their Primitive Purity , Simplicity and Charity . II. How that Restitution is like to be made , ( if ever ) and what shall befal them thenceforth unto the End in that Golden Age of LOVE . Written by Richard Baxter , when by the Kings Commission , we ( in vain ) treated for Concord , 1661. And now published not to instruct the Proud , that scorn to learn ; nor to make them Wise , who will not be made Wise : But to Instruct the Sons of Love and Peace , in their Duties and Expectations . And to tell Posterity , That the Things which befall them , were Fore-told : And that the Evil might have been prevented , and Blessed Peace on Earth attained , if Men had been but willing ; and had not shut their Eyes , and hardened their Hearts , against the Beams of Light and Love. THE English Diocesan AND PRIESTHOOD TRYED , &c. CHAP. I. The Reasons of this Writing . I Am not ignorant how displeasing it will be to the Prelates , that I publish these Reasons of my Nonconformity to the Subscriptions and Oaths by which they would have me become an obliged Approver of their Function . Nor am I ignorant what Power , Wit and Will they have to express and exercise their displeasure : And consequently , how probable it is that I shall suffer by them for this work . And I well know that peaceable subjects should not unnecessarily say any thing against that which is required by their Rulers Laws , nor cherish the Peoples discontents , but do all that is lawful for the common Peace : And I am not of so pugnacious or self-hating a disposition , as to be willing of mens displeasure , especially my Superiours , or to be ruined in this World , and all that I may but vent my Opinion , in a case wherein I have published already so much that is still unanswered , as in my Disputations of Church-Government is to be seen . And upon such Reasons ( but above all , that I might not cast away my opportunity for some more useful writings , nor put an end to my own labours before God put an end to them ) I have been silent in this Cause since our publick debates in 1661 , above ten years . I have lived peaceably ; I have endeavoured to preserve the due reputation of the publick Ministry , and to perswade all others to due subjection , love and quietness : I have by Word and Writing opposed the Principles of such as are exasperated by their sufferings into the Dividing and Separating extream ; Though I knew , that by so doing , I was like to incur the displeasur and b●tter cen●●●e of the Separatists , as much as I had before of the Prelates , ( though not to suffer so much by them . ) And I thought that the Prelates themselves who would not understand the true state of the People , nor the tendency of their way , by our informations , and evident Reasons , might yet come in time to know all by experience , and so to amend what they have done amiss . But now I dare be no longer silent for the Reasons given Apol. ch . 1. which I will ●tay the R●●der b●ie●y to sum up . 1. I find that experience it self doth not Teach some men , but Harden them . 2. I perceive that those that are now convinced by experience , and wish they had taken another course , and rather have united the Ministry , than silenced them , are not able to undo what they have done , nor to amend what is done amiss , much less to retrieve all the doleful consequents ; but the matter is gone out of their hands and beyond their power . 3. I see that while we wait , the Devil's work goeth on , by the silence and by the Divisions of the Ministers : Popery greatly increaseth ; Quakers multiply ; Atheism and Infidelity ▪ go ba●e ▪ faced among those that are accounted men of reputation : Malice , and bitter hatred of each other , with common backbitings , censurings and slanders , instead of sweet Love and Concord , do notoriously encrease . Thousands are every day committing these sins , to the increase of their guilt , and the hastening of Gods judgments on the Land : The sufferers call the Prelates persecuters , and wolves in sheeps cloathings , who are known by their fruits , their teeth and ●laws . The Prelatists still say that the Nonconformists are unreasonable , discontented , peevish , factious , unpeaceable , unruly schismaticks ; that will rather see all confounded than they will yield to things indifferent . And shall we still stand by , and silently see this work go on ? 4. And to love and defend Truth , Honesty and Innocency is to be like to God. It is pity that those that Christ hath done so much to justifie , and will so gloriously justifie at the last , should have nothing said on their behalf by men . But we are much more obliged to justifie a righteous cause , than righteous men ; For all men have somewhat that is unjustifiable , but so hath not the truth of God. 5. And he that in his Baptismal Covenant is engaged against the Flesh , the World and the Devil , should be loath to see all their work go on and not oppose it ; and to see , that which he taketh to be no better than deliberate Lying , or Justifying sin , and Perjury it self , and covenanting never to obey God in lawful and necessary Church-reformation , to be all called ; Things indifferent . 6. Nature and Scripture teach us to have a due and moderate regard of our own reputation as men ; but much more as Ministers of Christ ; seeing the doctrine of Christ which we preach or write , is usually dishonoured in the Ministers dishonour and the edification of the souls of them that hear us or read our writings , is greatly hindered by it . 7. While Noblemen , Knights , Gentlemen , conformable Clergy men , and many others of all Ranks , are possessed with these thoughts of us , that we are persons who hypocritically pretend to Godliness , while indeed we are so humoursome , that we will forbear our Ministry , and our Maintenance , and suffer any thing , and divide the Church , rather than yield to indifferent things ▪ this is a scandal , a grievous scandal , either given or taken , and tendeth to wrong their souls that are scandalized : And if we give them this scandal , it is our heinous sin ▪ But if they take it by misinformation , we are obliged to do our part to heal it : Souls are precious ; and scandal doth endanger them , even to distast Religion it self , for the sakes of such as they take us to be : And we must not stand by and see men perish , if we can do any thing to save them . 8. The sufferings of many of the Ministers are very great , that have not bread for their children , nor cloaths to cover them , and are ashamed to make known their wants : And if with all this , we suffer the burden of unreproved calumny to lie on them , and keep them not to the necessary comfort which conscience should find in sufferings with innocency , we shall be guilty of uncharitableness our selves . 9. It is part of our Honouring the King and Parliament and other Magistrates , not to despise or slight their censures : And the judgment which they have publickly passed on us , in an Act of Confinement , which imposeth the Oath for Prelacy , is so hard and grievous , that if we are guilty , it is fit we should be made the common reproach of men ; And if we are not , ( as Non-conformists ) it is our duty to rectifie the judgment of our superiours where they are misinformed . And as Augustine saith , that no good Christian should be patient under an imputation of Heresie ; so I may say that no good Subject should be senslesly patient under an imputation of disloyalty and sedition : That better beseemeth the anarchical and truly disloyal and seditious , who take it for no crime . 10. And we know how pleasantly the Papists insult to hear us stigmatized for Villains and seditious Persons by our brethren , and what use they will make of it at present and in future History to the Service of their malice , and injury to the truth : which we ought not silently still to suffer ; while we see how hereby they do already multiply . 11. And how unlikely soever it be , it is not impossible , that our Superiours , that at once deposed and silenced about 1800. Ministers of Christ , when they see what Reasons we have for our Non-conformity , may be moved to restore those that yet survive : And then how many thousand souls would have the joy and benefit ? 12. Lastly , Truth and the just information of Posterity , is a thing exceedingly desirable to ingenuous minds : It is a great trouble to think that the Ages to come , should be injured by false History . Therefore we must do our best , that they may but truly know our Case ; and then let them judge of the Persons and Actions of this our Age , as they shall find Cause , when Truth is opened to-them . Upon all these Reasons , though to my own great labour , and to the greater contradiction of my natural love of silent quietness , and to the probable incurring of mens displeasure , I take it to be my duty to give my Superlours , Neighbours and Posterity , a true Account of the Reasons which have moved my self and others of my mind , to refuse to Subscribe and Swear to the present English Diocesan Prelacy : Committing my Life and Liberty to the pleasure of God , in obedience to whom I have both refused to Conform , and written these Reasons of my Non-conformity . CHAP. II. The English Diocesan Prelacy , and Church-Government , truly described ; that it may be known what it is which we disown . IT being not Episcopacy in General , but ( the Popish and ) the English Species of Prelacy , which our Judgments cannot approve , and which we cannot swear to as approvers , it is necessary that we tell strangers , what this Prelacy is , that the subject of our Controversie be not unknown , or misunderstood . But the subject is so large , that the very naming of the parts of our Ecclesiastical Government , in Tables by Dr. Ri. Cosins , maketh up a Volume in 16 Tables , and many hundred branches . Which being written in Latin I must refer the Foreign Reader to it ; Not at all for the understanding of our Practice , but only of our Rule , or Laws with our Church-Constitution : seeing it would take up a considerable Volume to open but one half of his Scheme . All that I shall now do is to give you this brief Intimation . That in England there are 26 or 27 Bishopricks : of which two are Archbishops : In all these set together there was when Speed numbred them , nine thousand seven hundred twenty five Parish Churches , but now many more . In the Diocess that I live in ( Lincoln ) there is above a 1000 or 1100. In very many of these Parishes , besides the Parish-Churches , there are Chapels , that have Curates , in some Parishes one Chapel , in some two , in some three , if not more . In these Parishes the number of Inhabitants is various , as they are greater or lesser : The greatest about London , such as Stepny , Giles-Cripplegate , Sepulchres , Martins , &c. have some about 50000 persons , ( some say much more ) some about 30000 , some about 20000 , &c. But ordinarily in Cities and Market-Towns through the Country , the number is about 2000 , or 3000 , or 4000 , or 5000 at the most , except Plimouth , and some few great Parishes that have far more . And in Villages , in some 2000 , in some 1000 , in some small ones 500 , or 300 , or in some very small ones fewer . There are in England 641 Market-Towns ( saith Speed ) which are of the greater sort of Parishes , and such as in old times were called Cities , though now a few have got that title ; at least a great number of them are equal , and some much greater and richer than some that now are named Cities . The Diocess that I live in is about six-score Miles in length . By all this you may conjecture how many hundred thousand souls are in some Diocesses , and at what a distance from each other : and what personal Communion it is that they are capable of : I my self who have travelled over most of England never saw the face or heard the name of one Person ( I think ) of many thousands in the Diocess that I live in : Nor have we any other Communion with the rest of the Diocess ( even with above a thousand Parishes in it ) than we have with the People of any other Church or Diocess in the land about us , save that One Bishop and his Chancellor and other Officers , are over us all . The Magistrates Civil Governmeut of the Church I shall not meddle with , as having no exceptions against it . The Sacerdotal or Spiritual Power , called the Power of the Keys , determineth who shall be Members of the Church , and partake of its Communion , and exerciseth other acts of Spiritual Discipline , of which more anon . This power is said to be in Archbishops and Bishops in foro ecclesiae publico vel exteriore , though also in the Governed Presbyters , in foro privato interiore , as they may privately comfort a penitent person , and declare God's promise of the pardon of his sin . [ a ] The Archbishops have it in eminency : As also the power of confirming the Election of the Bishops of their Provinces ; and the power of Consecrating Bishops with two others : and the power of Convocating Provincial Synods upon the Kings Prescript ; and of moderating in them . The power of receiving Appeals , and of Visiting the whole Provinces : yea to receive Appeals from the lower Judges , omiting the middle ones ; and to exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in any vacant Diocess under them . They have [ b ] power of Dispensation in all Causes ( not judged contrary to Gods word ) wherever the Pope had power ; and where the Pope had not power , if the King or Council permit it them . They may dispense with the Eating of flesh on Fasting-days , with Marrying without previous publication ; with divers irregularities , and sometime may abolish simoniacum ambitum . They may grant Commendams , and Dispence with Non-residence , and with the keeping of divers Churches called Benefices , in several Cases , and with a Sons succeeding his Father , and with Lay-mens possessing the Church-maintenance , called Prebends . The Bishops ( who take place in Parliament of other Barons , as the Archbishops do of Dukes ) [ c ] are all chosen really by the King , who nominateth in a Writ to the Dean and Chapter the man whom they must chuse ; who pro forma do chuse him , never contradicting the Kings Nomination . Their proper Office consisteth in the powers of Order and of Jurisdiction , ( as they distinguish them : ) Their power of Order is threefold , 1. To Ordain Priests and Deacons . 2. To Consecrate Churches and Burying places ; 3. To Confirm Children after Baptism , when they can speak and say the Creed , Lords Prayer and Decalogue , and others that were not Confirmed in their Childhood . Besides , that they may be Privy-Counsellors , Lord-Keepers of the Great Seal , Lord Treasurers , Embassadours , &c. Their ordinary Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction extendeth , 1. to the Interdiction of Divine Offices ; 2. to publick Admonitions and Penances , 3. to suspension from the Sacrament , and from ingress into the Church , and 4. to Excommunication and Absolution , and 5. to Anathematisms . And as to Ministers , 1. They may Sequester Benefices . 2. They may Suspend ab officio & beneficio , and forbid them to Preach or Pray ; Or grant License to such as shall be tolerated to Preach . 3. They may deprive ; 4. And depose Ministers by sentence verbal , and degradation actually . This Church Jurisdiction of Bishops is distinguished into Voluntary and Contentious ; [ d ] The Voluntary extendeth to abundance of things granted them by Statute , and by Common Law , which I pass by : That which they claim both by Municipal Law and Ecclesiastical , is , 1. The probate of the Testaments of the dead ; 2. The granting Administration of Goods to the next of Kin , 3. Keeping the bona caduca where none claimeth the Inheritance , 4. To receive Reasons of Administring , and to be Judges of them . 5. To confer Benefices , or Institute such as others present . 6. To grant Induction to the Instituted . 7. To receive the Fruits of vacant Benefices . 8. To allow the Vicar a fit proportion . 9. To grant Letters Dimissory , or Testimonial . 10. To Visit their Diocess once in three years . In which Triennial Visitation , they usually go to one Town in a County , ( and never see the face of the people in the many score or hundred Churches about them ; ) and thither they summon the Ministers , and the Church-Wardens and Sides-men ; Where one Minister preacheth , and then the Ministers must dine with the Bishop ; and in Court he ( or his Officer ) giveth a Book of Printed Articles , containing a multitude of particulars , which the Church-warden must swear to present by , where because of the quality of them some Church-Wardens refuse , and others because of the number ; some saying it is unlawful to undo their Ministers and Neighbours by such Presentments ( as for omitting a Ceremony , for preaching or keeping a Fast in private , &c. ) and some saying it is impossible to keep the Oath , and some saying that if they do it , they shall be hated of their Neighbours : Whereupon those that refuse are prosecuted to punishment ; And the rest take the Oath and Articles ; but not one of many doth present accordingly ; though the Canon enquires after the perjured . And many that fear perjury or persecution themselves , do hire some poor man to be Church-Warden in their stead , that will venture upon all . I must intreat the Reader to peruse some of their Books of Articles ( especially such as Bishop Mountagues and Bishop Wrens ) to see what was then enquired after . Dr. Zouch de Jud. Eccless . p. 37. § . 1. Part. 3. saith , Ad judices quod attinet statuto ordinatum , quod personae conjugatae dummodo Doctores Juris Civilis fuerint , qui ad officium Cancellarii , Vicarii Generalis , Officialis , vel Commissarii à Majestate Regia , Archiapiscopo , Episcopo , Archidiacono aut alio quocunque potestatem habente deputati sunt , omnem Jurisdictionem Ecclesiasticam exercere , & quam libet censuram sive coercitionem ●rrogare possint . This Jurisdiction of Bishops is exercised either Universally by a Vicar General , usually a Lay-man ; or qarticularly by a Commissary . [ e ] And when he please the Bishop may do it himself . The other part of their Jurisdiction is called Contentious ; And here the Bishop may himself judge in some Cases f but in the ordinary course of Jurisdiction , a Civil Lawyer called his Chancellor is the Judge : This Chancellor is and must be a Lay-man , which even Bishop Goodman of Gloucester , [ Myst . Rel. Epist . I have it and can produce it at this time , under the Kings own Hand and Seal , wherein he forbids that any Church-man or Priest in Holy Orders be a Chancellor : and this was the occasion of all the corruption of the Spiritual Courts : For Chancellors live only on the Fees of the Court : and for them to dismiss a Cause , it was to lose so much blood . See further in him . ] a Papist Bishop of a Protestant Diocess , complaineth in Print , that he could not get Reformed . This Chancellor keepeth an Ordinary Court , in the form of a Civil Court , where are Advocates for Council , and Proctors for pleading : g Certain men called Apparitors ( whose name is commonly a scorn among the people , ) do from abroad the Country bring them in Accusations , and Summon the persons accused ; besides those that by Plaintiffs are accused . Here are judged Causes about Church Materials , and Causes Criminal ; which he that readeth the whole Book of Canons and the Visitation Articles may see , they being too many for me to recite . h Besides a multitude of Cases about Marriages ( to be contracted , dissolved , separation ) and Testaments , and the Goods of Intestate persons . i Priests , Deacons and Lay-men are judged in these Courts ; The final constraining penalty is Excommunication , or before that Suspension , and other degrees of Church punishment before mentioned as belonging to the Bishop : The supposed offenders are no otherwise dealt with to bring them to true Repentance , than as in Civil Courts by other Lay-Judges . They that appear not , and they that pay not the Fees of the Court and Officers , are Excommunicate , and they that obey not the Orders of the Court. In Excommunications and Absolutions the Lay-Chancellor is Judg , but he writeth the Decree in the Bishops name : And ( at least sometimes ) pro formâ , some Priest or other is procured to be present ( no Bishop , ) to utter the Sentence which the Lay Judge Decreeth : This Sentence is sent by the Chancellor to the Minister of the Parish where the offender liveth , who must publish it in the Church openly ( as the Cryer doth the Kings Proclamation ; ) But if it be the Minister himself that is Excommunicated , another Minister readeth it . The whole process of their Judicial Tryals , Sentences and Executions you may see in Cosin's , Tab. 9. 10. Besides the Chancellor's Courts ( called the Bishops ) the Archdeacons have certain inferiour Courts , where they enquire after faults , and return the great ones to the Bishops Courts . k And they Induct or give possession of Benefices . As for the Parish Priests or Ministers , ordinary Parishes have but one to each ; but Great Parishes cannot be served ( as they call it ) without a Curate ; and each Chapel hath a Curate ; but all under One , that hath the sole possession of the Benefice , whether he be Parson or Vicar . These Priests are Ordained by the Bishop ( some one , two , or three Presbyters if present also imposing hands : ) They are chosen to the Church and Benefice by the Patron who presents them to the Bishop ; who giveth them Institution for Title , and Induction for possession . When he is Ordained , Instituted and Inducted , he must not Preach to his People , till he hath got a l License from the Bishop of that Diocess ; no though he were before Licensed in another Diocess : Nor must he Preach or Officiate , or have any Benefice or Church , till he have subscribed , and done as is expressed in the Act of Uniformity : And he must declare his Assent and Consent to all things contained in and prescribed by three Books ( the Liturgy , the Book of Ordination , and the Articles . ) And he must swear obedience to his Bishop . His Office is ( when after Licensed ) to Preach , to Read the Scriptures , and the Apocrypha , and many Acts of Parliament , and Homilies , to read the Liturgy or Prayers ; To give notice of Holy-days and Fasting-days : To Baptize all Children , without exception , that are offered him , by Godfathers and Godmothers ( the Parents not Covenanting for them , but others ; ) To Marry persons ; To Church Women after Child bearing ; To hear Children in Church say the Catechism that is in the Liturgy ( but many have been forbidden by the Bishops to expound it , or tell the Children the meaning of the words which they say by rote : ) To celebrate and give the Sacrament to the Parishioners : To visit the Sick , and absolve them , if they say they repent : To bury the Dead , affirming of them all that God in mercy hath taken their souls , as our dear brethren , to himself ; excepting only , 1. Those that die unbaptized ( though Children of Princes or godly Parents ) 2. Those that are Excommunicate ( usually such as durst not Conform to them : ) 3. And those that kill themselves ( though in a Frensie : ) To use the Cross , Surplice , and other Ceremonies of the Church : And to joyn with the Church-Wardens ( if they please ) in presenting such to the Bishops Courts , as break their Laws ; And if he deny any notorious offender the Sacrament , he must become his Accuser before the Chancellour , or Bishops Court. m This is the Office of a Parish Priest . Where you must note 1. in general , that he hath no Judicial Administration in the Church : n They ordinarily say , that he hath no Jurisdiction , but meer Priestly Orders ; As if they knew not that Priestly Order is nothing but the Sacred Office ; and that that Office is the Power of the Keys , or essentially containeth the Power of Guiding the Flock in Teaching , Worship and Discipline , under Christ the Chief Prophet , Priest and King. Civil Jurisdiction over the Church is the Kings , and Spiritual is part of the Priestly Office or Order ( as to the subject people to be governed . ) 2. Particularly note , 1. that the Minister hath in England no power to Judge whom to Baptize , and whom not , but must Baptize all that are offered , though the Children of Jews , Infidels , Turks , Apostates . 2. That he hath no power to hinder the admission of any so baptized , into the state of adult Members by the Bishops Confirmation . For though it be said Children shall bring his Certificate , that they can say the Catechism , yet 1. those Children may go without it , and do ordinarily : When I was confirmed my self , none was required , nor did I ever see any given . 2. And if it were , the poor Children seldom understand any thing that they say , or much . 3. There is not one of multitudes in our Churches that ever sought or minded such Confirmation , because of its abuse . 3. That he hath no power to hinder any confirmed , or adult persons from the Sacraments , on the account of the grossest ignorance or infidelity : when multitudes among us know not what the Sacrament is , nor know the essentials of the Christian Faith. 4. He hath no power to convent any open offender before him , to call him to repentance : They may chuse to come to him , or to open their doors to him , or speak to him , if he come to them . 5. He hath no power to call them to Repentance openly before the Church , or pray by name for their Repentance ; or admonish them . 6. He hath no power to judge any person to be Excommunicate . 7. Nor to absolve any that is penitent after Excommunication ; But only to read the Lay-Chancellours sentences , sent him in the Bishops name . 8. He hath no power to forbear giving the Lords Supper to any one how notorious an offender soever , unless he will prosecute him at the Bishops Court , nor then , but for once : So that if he pay his Fees and be Absolved there , though the Minister know him to be never so bad , he must give the Sacrament the next time . And the prosecution is so odious and fruitless that I never knew any do it , except against the Nonconformists . 9. He that seeth never so great signs of Impenitency in any man that is sick , or will but say that he is sick , hath no power to deny him private Absolution and the Sacrament , if he do but say , I Repent . 10. He hath no power to forbear pronouncing of all Traytors , Murderers , Adulterers , Perjured , Atheists , &c. that never profest Repentance , at their Burial , that God hath of his mercy taken to himself the soul of this our dear brother ; except the unbaptized , &c. aforesaid . And note , 1. that the Parish Priest hath no power to do these things either by himself , or in conjunction with the Bishop , or any other . 2. And that there is not one Suffragan Bishop or Chorepiscopus in England under the 26 Bishops , to do any part of their work in these 97025 Parishes . CHAP. III. Our Judgment of the History of the Antient Church-Government , and of the rise of the Diocesan Prelacy . I Shall anon shew more fully , that there are two things especially in which we think the very Species of our Diocesan Prelacy to be altered from the antient Episcopacy . One is in the Extent of their Office , as to their subject Charge , a Bishop infimae speciei , of the lowest species , having then but One Church , and now a Bishop infimae speciei having many hundred Churches made into one , or nullified to make One. 2. In the Work of their Office , which was then purely Spiritual or Pastoral , and is now mixt of Magistratical and Ministerial , exercised by mixed Officers in Courts much like to Civil Judicatures . The History of their rise I suppose is this . 1. Christ made a difference among his Ministers himself , while he chose twelve to be Apostles , and special Witnesses o● his Doctrine , Life , and Resurrection , and Ascension , and to be the Founders of his Church , and the Publishers of his Gospel abroad the World. 2. As these Apostles preached the Gospel themselves , and planted Churches , so did many others as their helpers , partly the seventy sent by Christ , and partly called by the Apostles themselves ; And all these exercised indefinitely a preparing Ministry , before particular Churches were gathered abroad the World , and afterwards went on in gathering and calling more . 3. Besides this preparing unfixed Ministration , the same Apostles also placed , by the peoples consent , particular fixed Ministers over all the several Churches which they gathered . 4. These fixed Ministers as such , they named indifferently , Bishops , Elders , Pastors and Teachers . Whereas those of the same Office in general yet unfixed , are called either by the General name of Christ's Ministers , or Stewards of his Mysteries ; And in regard of their special works , some were called Apostles , some Prophets , and some Evangelists . 5. These Apostles though unfixed and having an Indefinite charge , yet went not all one way , but as God's Spirit and prudence guided them , they dispersed themselves into several parts of the World. 6. But as they did many of them first stay long at Jerusalem , so afterward in planting and setling Churches , they sometimes stayed several months or years in one place , and then went to another . And so did the Evangelists or Indefinite Assistants whom they sent forth on the same work . 7. While they stayed in these newly planted Churches they were themselves the chief Guides of the People : And also of their fixed Bishops . 8. This abode in settling the particular Churches and their particular Bishops or Elders , occasioned Historians , afterward to call both Apostles and Evangelists ( such as Timothy , Titus , Silas , Silvanus , Luke , Apollo , &c. ) the Bishops of those Churches ; though they were not such as the fixed Bishops were , who undertook a special Charge and care of one particular Church alone , or above all other Churches . 9. On this account the same Apostle is said to be the first Bishop of many Churches ; ( as Peter of Antioch , and Rome ; Paul of Corinth , Ephesus Philippi , &c. ) When indeed the Apostles were the particular fixed Bishops of no Churches , but the Bishops equally of many , as a sort of unfixed Episcopacy is included in Apostleship . 10. On this account also it is that Timothy is said to be Bishop of Ephesus , because he was left there for a time to settle that and other Churches of Asia near it , as an Assistant of the Apostles : And so Titus is called the Bishop of Crete , because he staid in that Island ( which was said to have an hundred Cities ) on this work , which belonged not to a particular Bishop , but to the more indefinite Ministry . 11. How many such fixed Bishops , Elders , Pastors , or Teachers , each particular Church must have , the Apostles never determined by a Law : But did de facto settle them according to the number of souls , and store of qualified persons : In some Churches it is possible there might be but one ( with Deacons : ) In others it is evident that there were many ; as at Jerusalem , Corinth , &c. 12. The particular Churches which were the charge of these fixed Bishops or Elders were Societies of Christians conjoyned for Personal Communion in God's Worship , and mutual assistance in holy living : And though for want of convenient room , or liberty , they did not always meet all in the same place , yet were they ordinarily no more than could meet in one place when they had liberty : and never more than could hold personal Communion , if not at once , yet at several times in publick worship : ( As it is now in those places where one part of the Family goeth to Church one part of the day , and another on the other part . ) And those by-Meetings which any had that came not constantly to the publick Assemblies , were but as our House-Meetings , or Chapel-Meetings , but never as another Church : Nor were their Churches more numerous than our Parishes , nor near so great . 13. At the first they had no Consecrated nor Separated places for their Church-Meetings , but Houses or Fields , as necessity and opportunity directed them . But as soon as they could , even nature taught them to observe the same appointed and stated places for such Assemblies : Which as soon as the Churches had peace and settlement , they appropriated to those sacred uses only , though they had not yet the shape or name of Temples . 14. Though the Pastors of the Church were all of one Office , now called Order , being all subordinate Ministers of Christ , in the Prophetical , Priestly and Regal parts of his Office , in the Power and Duty of Teaching , Worshiping and Government ; yet was the disparity of Age , Grace and Guifts to be observed among them , and the younger Pastors ( as well as people ) owed a meet reverence and submission to the Elder , and the weaker to the stronger who had notoriously more of God's Grace and Guifts . So that in a Church where there were many Pastors it was not unlawful nor unnecessary , to acknowledge this disparity , and for the younger and weaker to submit much to the judgment of the elder and more able . 15. While they kept only to the exercise of the meer Pastoral work of Teaching , and Worshiping , and that Government which belongeth hereunto , they had little temptation ( comparatively ) to strive for a preeminence in Rule , or for a Negative Voice ; But aliene or accidental work , did further that as followeth . 16. The Apostles did reprove those Worldly contentious and uncharitable Christians , who went to Law before Heathen Judges : And the thing shewed so little of the Christian Spirit of Love , and was also of so ill consequence , by scandals and dissentions , that it was worthy to be reproved , especially in Christians that were persecuted by those Magistrates . Therefore almost all the differences of Christians were necessarily decided by Arbitration : And none were thought so fit to be the Arbitrators , as the Elders or Pastors of the Churches . By which it came to pass , that where Churches were great , and the ceasing of persecution ( which came but as storms that passed away ) did restore that peace which cherished dissentions , the work of the Elders in these Arbitrations , was not small ; especially as added to their greater proper Office-work . 17. At the same time many Heresies arose , which occasioned Divisions in the Churches , and sometimes among the Officers themselves . 18. And the Ministers being , though holy , yet imperfect , as well as other Christians , the remnants of self-conceitedness and pride , occasioned also the trouble of the Churches : For when the Apostles themselves while Christ was with them strove who should be the Greatest , and have the highest place , it is no wonder if they did so afterward , who had not so great a measure of Grace as they . 19. Besides all this , when the Apostolical Virtues ceased , there were few Philosophers or Learned men that turned Christians , and few that had excellent Gifts of Oratory , fit to be Teachers of the Churches ; And the most of the Elders were good men but of inferiour parts ; Like the better sort of our unlearned godly Christians . By which means it came to pass , that some one of the Clergy in every Church , ( when there were many ) having so much Knowledge , and Oratory as to overtop the rest , he was ordinarily more esteemed than the rest . 20. By these four means conjunct it quickly came to pass , that in every Church that had many Elders , some one was chosen by the rest and by the people , to be the chief , and to have some special power of Church affairs : And 1. In cases of frequent Arbitration , there seemed a kind of necessity , that some One be Umpire : For if half go one way and half the other , there can be no end : 2. And in case of Heresies and different Opinions in Religion , if One had not in each Church some deciding , over-ruling power , or Negative Voice , it is no wonder if Divisions were the hardlier prevented , and the Churches Unity hardly kept . 3. And especially when some One was really wiser and abler than the rest , it was thought but suitable to Nature , that he rather ruled the juniors and weaker sort , than that their Votes should rule him , or rule without him . 4. And when all men have too much self-love and Pride , which enclineth them to desire pre-eminence , and maketh them judge too high of themselves , it was thought safer for all the Clergy and People , to judge who among them was really the best and wisest man , than to leave every man to be judge of himself and of the rest : For so it was too likely that every man would think himself the wisest . Therefore one was chosen as supposed by others ( even by the whole Church ) as the fittest man to have a deciding and overseeing power among the rest , to avoid contention , which their own strife about pre-eminence would cause . 21. And there was a fifth cause , which was not much less than any of the rest : which was , that often through the scarcity of fit persons , One man was first settled over a new-gathered Church , before any others could be had to joyn with him . And therefore he being there first alone , and that in sole power , it was thought unfit that any that came after him , should come in without his consent or Ordination , because he was the sole Governour ; so that , 1. because they came after him , 2. and that by his Will , if not Ordination , it must needs follow that he would usually have the pre-eminence . As it is now among us , where the Rector of the Parish where there are divers Chapels , chusing his Curates , who are usually his Juniors , he is constantly of greater power than they , and ruleth them accidentally , though his Office be the same as theirs . 22. As by these means one Pastor got a pre-eminence of esteem and power above the rest , so in a short time he got the title of Episcopus , Bishop , to be appropriated to himself alone , leaving the name of Elders , and Pastors , and Priests unto the rest in common with himself : For he was now become the prime Overseer of the whole Church , both people and Elders . 23. Our own experience sheweth us how it came to pass , that the people themselves not only consented to all this , but also desired and promoted it : ( especially then when the effects of Clergy-ambition had not fully appeared to the World : ) For even now when a great Parish can get one Learned able Pastor , they say , we will allow you so much , but your Curates must take less : And they will not endure that the young and weak Curates , have either equal maintenance , or equal honour or power over them , as the chief Pastor of the Parish hath ; so that the people themselves are against an equality of power , where there is not an equality of worth . 24. Though we cannot prove that this fixed Episcopacy was either set up by the Apostles , or countenanced by them , nor yet that it was begun and in being in their days ; yet it could not be long after their days that it begun ; And if Hierome mistake not , it began at Alexandria some years before the death of St. John the Apostle . 25. All this while the Bishop was not supposed to be of a distinct Office , or species of Ministry , ( now called An Order ) but only an Overseer and chief of persons in the same Office with him ; being in common with the rest , Episcopus plebis , and extraordinarily , Episcopus Cleri vel Episcoporum seu Presbyterorum . As one of the Monks is made Abbot in a Monastery , or as one Justice among many is of the Quorum , or one Judge on the Bench is the chief Justice : Or as the President in an Academick College . 26. The chief thing in which a special power was given to the Bishops above their fellow Presbyters was in Ordination , that none should be Ordained without them ; It being a matter of exceeding great consequence to the Churches , what Ministers were set over them , and therefore put chiefly in the power of these chosen men . And the next part of their power was in having the chief disposal of all Church affairs , as our Parish Pastors have now among their Curates : so that nothing was to be done in the Church without and against their consent and pleasure . 27. This Episcopacy did so universally obtain , that I remember not to have read of any sort of Christians , Orthodox or Heretical , Catholick or Schismatical , who ever refused it , or spake against it , till Aerius's time . And even he spake not against it as flatly unlawful , but as unnecessary , as far as I can gather from Epiphanius . And after him all sorts and Sects of Christians still owned it : Even the Donatists and Novatians , who had their Bishops as well as others . 28. In Scripture times we read not of any meer fixed Bishops of particular Churches , who Ordained either Bishops or Presbyters ; but only Apostles and their unfixed Assistants , who had an equal charge of many Churches . Not that the Office of the Indefinite unfixed Ministry was not the same with the Office of the fixed Bishops in specie : ( For both had power to do all the Ministerial work , as they had a call and opportunity to exercise it . ) But because it being the employment , of the Indefinite or unfixed Ministers to Gather and plant Churches , before they could be Governed , the Ordination of Elders over them , was part of the planting of them ; and so fell to their lot , as part of their constituting work . 29. How it came to pass that the Itinerant or Indefinite exercise of the Ministry for planting Churches , so quickly almost ceased after the Apostles days , is a matter worthy to be enquired after : For whereas some think , that de jure & obligatione , it ceased with the Apostles , as being their proper work , that cannot be true , 1. Because many others were employed in the same work in the Apostles days : 2. Because it is Christ's own description of that Ministry to whom he promiseth his presence , to the end of the Age or World , Mat. 28. 19 , 20. 3. Because to this day , there is still lamentable necessity of such : Five parts in six of the World being yet Infidels . 30. It is most probable that this service abated and withered gradually by the sloth and selfishness of Pastors . And that it was the purpose of the Apostles , that the fixed Bishops should do their part of both these works ; that is , Both to preach for the Converting of all the Infidel Countries near them , and also Govern their particular Churches ( yet not but that some others might be deputed to the Gathering of Churches alone . ) And then these Bishops finding so much work at home , and finding that the Itinerant work among Infidels , was very difficult , by reason of Labour , Danger , and their want of Apostolical gifts , hereupon they spared themselves , and too much neglected the Itinerant work . Yet I must confess that such Evangelists did not yet wholly cease . Eusebius Hist . lib. 5. cap. 9. saith , Pantaenus is said to have shewed such a willing mind towards the publishing of the Doctrine of Christ , that he became a Preacher of the Gospel to the Eastern Gentiles , and was sent as far as India : For there were , I say there were then , many Evangelists prepared for this purpose , to promote and plant the Heavenly Word with Godly Zeal , after the manner of the Apostles . 31. It was the ordinary custome of the Apostles to preach and plant Churches first in Cities , and not in Country Villages . Because in Cities there were , 1. the greatest number of Auditors , and 2. the greatest number of Converts ; And so there only were found a sufficient number to constitute a Church . Not that this was done through any preeminence of the City , or ignobility of Villages ; but for the competent numbers sake . And had there been persons enow for a Church in Villages , they would have placed Churches and Pastors there also ( as at Cenchrea it seems they did . ) 32. When there was a Church of Christians in the City , and a few Converts in the Country Villages that joyned with them , they all made up but one full Assembly , or Church , fit for personal Communion , for a long time after the Apostles days ; the main body of the people being still Infidels : so that the Christian Churches stood among the Infidels as thin , as the Churches of the Anabaptists , Separatists and Independants did among us here in England , in the days when they had greatest Liberty and countenance . 33. Though at first the Bishops being men of the same Office with the other Presbyters , were not to do a work distinct and of any other kind than the Presbyters might do , but only Lead them and Preside among them in the same work as their Conductors ( as I said before of a chief Justice , &c. ) Yet afterward the Bishop for the honour of his calling appropriating certain actions to himself alone , the Presbyters not exercising those acts in time , the not exercising them seemed to signifie a want of Office or power to exercise them ; and so subject Presbyters ( who were never made by the Apostles that can be proved , nor by their command ) were like a distinct Order or Species of Church-Officers , and grew from syn-Presbyters or assessours of the same Office in specie to be as much subjects to the Bishops , as the Deacons were to the Presbyters . 34. All this while the Bishop with his fellow Elders and Deacons dwelt together in the same City , and often in the same House , and met in the same Church , the Bishop sitting in the midst on a higher seat , and the Presbyters on each hand him in a semi-circle , and the Deacons standing ; And the Presbyters Preaching and otherwise officiating as the Bishop appointed , who ruled the action . And the Converts of the Villages came to this City Church as Members of it , and joyned with the rest . In the days of the Author of the Epistles ascribed to Ignatius , every Church had but One Altar , and One Bishop with his Fellow Elders and Deacons as the note of its Unity ; or Individuation . For so many people as had personal Communion at One Altar , with the Bishop or Elders were the constitutive parts of the Churches . 35. Thus it continued also in the days of Justin , Tertullian and Cyprian ; no Bishop having more than one Church or Altar , without any other formed self-communicating Church under him , but only Oratories in City or Country . 36. The first that brake this Order were Alexandria and Rome , where Converts soon multiplyed to a greater number than could meet in one place , or Communicate at one Altar : wherefore sub-assemblies with their particular Presbyters , were there first formed , who Communicated distinctly by themselves . ( Though there is no proof that they Communicated there in the Sacrament of a long time after that they met for Preaching and Prayer . ) Yet even in Rome and Alexandria the only places that had more than one stated Assembly for 200 years or more , there were not so many Christians then as in the Parish that I now live in ; See more of my Proof in the beginning of my Church History abridged : whos 's first and second Chapters belogn specially to this Treatise , and therefore I must refer the Reader to them . 37. Even in Epiphanius time about 370 years after Christ , it is noted by him as a singularity in Alexandria , that they had distinct Assemblies besides the Bishops ; whereupon Petavius himself largely giveth us notice , that in those days , except in a few very great Cities , there was but one Church-assembly in a Bishops charge . 38. After that in Cities , or Country Villages , the Converts multiplyed into more than could meet in one Assembly , and had allowance to Communicate in their sub-assemblies ; yet were they appointed on certain great and solemn Festivals , to Communicate all with the Bishops at the chief City Church , which sheweth that the sub-assemblies then were few and small . 39. Thus was the Apostles Order by degrees subverted ; and whereas they settled distinct Churches with their distinct Bishops , no Bishop having two Churches under him , ( that had not also their proper Bishop ) now One Church was made of many without many Bishops ; sub-Presbyters first in the same Church being introduced , at last sub-Churches also were set up . And when they should have done as we do with Bees , let every new Swarm have a new Hive , and should have multiplyed Bishops and Churches , homogeneal , as sufficient numbers of Converts came in , instead of this , the City Bishops kept all under them as if they had been still one Church ( yet not as Archbishops that have Bishops under them ) and kept their sub-Presbyters as their Curates to officiate in the several Churches that had all no Bishops but One. 40. The causes of this were apparently most of the same which are mentioned before for the making of sub-Presbyters : Especially , 1. The selfishness of the Bishops , who were loth to let go any of the people from under their superiority : Because it was more honour to rule many than one single Congregation ; and he was a greater man that had many sub-Presbyters and whole Assemblies at his command , than he that had not : And also many afforded greater maintenance than a few . And 2. the same Reasons that made men at first set up one Presbyter as Bishop over the rest , to avoid Divisions , and to determine Arbitrations , did now seem strong to them , for the keeping up the Authority of the City Bishop over the sub-Assemblies round about them . 3. And Cities only having been possessed of Bishops for many Years if not Ages , before there were Christians enow to make up Country Churches , both the Bishops and the City Inhabitants , ( easily overlooking the Reason of it ) took this for their Prerogative , and did plead Prescription ; As if Schools being planted only in Cities first , the Cities and Schoolmasters should thence plead , that none must be setled in Country Villages , but what are ruled by the City School-Masters . And thus the Cities being far the strongest , and the Interest of the Citizens and Bishops in point of honour being conjunct , and none being capable of a Country charge , but such as the City Bishops at first Ordained to it ( because then there were no other Bishops , ) without resistance it came to pass that both Churches and Presbyters were subjected to the City Bishops . 4. And it greatly advanced this design that the Churches which were planted in the Roman Empire , did seek to participate of all secular honour that belonged to the place of their Residence : And ( as Dr. Hammond hath largely opened , though not well justified ) did form themselves according to the Model of the Civil Government : so that those Cities that had the Presidents or chief Civil Rulers and Judicatures in them , did plead a right of having also the chief Bishops and Ecclesiastical Judicatures : And thus not only Cities ruled the Country Villages , but in time the distinct powers and pre-eminences of Archbishops , Metropolitans , Primates , Patriarchs , and the Roman chief Patriarch or Pope came up : And the Pagan Common-wealth and Christian Church , within the Roman Empire , ( and the neighbouring parts that were influenced by them ) had a great resemblance . 41. But that which most notably set up this exsort swelling and degenerate Prelacy , was the mistaken zeal of Constantine , together with his Policy , and the ambition of Christians and Bishops that were gratified by it . For , 1. As Constantine perceived that it was the Christians that were his surest strength , and when the Heathen Soldiers turned from one Emperour to another , as they were tempted , he knew that if he only did own the Christians they would unanimously own him , and be constant to him ; so also his Judgment and Zeal for Christianity did concur with his Interest and Policy : And as all the Secular and Military Rulers depended on him for honour and power , throughout the Roman world , he thought it not seemly to give the chief Christians who were the Bishops , less honour than he did to the Heathens , and to common men : Nor did he think meet to deny to the Christian Churches such priviledges , as might somewhat set them higher than his other subjects . 2. And the Bishops and Christians coming from under long scorn and contempt , and coming newly from under the cruel Persecution of Dioclesian , and affrighted anew by Maxentius , and Licenius , they were not only glad to be now honoured and advanced , but greatly lifted up with such a sudden wonderous change , as to be brought from scorn and cruel torments , to be set up above all others : As we should have been , had we been in their case , and it 's like should no more have feared the ill consequents of too much exaltation than they did . 3. And the Christian people thought that the exaltation of their Bishops was the honour and exaltation of their Religion it self , as well as of their persons . 42. Whereas ( as is aforesaid ) the Christians had commonly stated the power of Arbitrating all their Civil differences in the Bishop alone ( when the Apostle intimated that any Wise man among them , as such , was fit for that business ) it grew presently to be accounted a heynous crime or scandal , for any Christians to go to Law , before the Civil Magistrate . And Constantine finding them in possession of this custom , did by his Edict confirm it and enlarge it : decreeing that all Bishops should be Judges of all the Christians causes by consent , and that no Civil Judge or Magistrate should compel any Christian to his bar : Insomuch that in Theodosius his days , when one of Ambrose his Presbyters had a cause to be tryed , he denyed himself to be a Christian , that he might have it decided by the Civil Magistrate , that was Christian also . So that even Christian Magistrates might not judge unwilling Christians but the Bishops only . Yet had not the Bishops then the power of the Sword , but decided all as Arbitrators , and enforced their Sentences with rigorous penances and Church-censures : By which means , 1. many the more turned Christians ( without the Faith and Holiness of Christians ) that they might both partake of the Christians honour and immunities , and specially that they might be free from corporal penalties for their crimes . ( And who would not do so , if it were now our case . ) 2. And by this means the rigorous penalties of the Church by penances were the more easily submitted to , as being more easie than corporal pains and mulcts . And when thus by the Laws and countenance of so great an Emperour , the Bishops were made the Judges of all that were Christians at present , and all that would turn Christians that desired it , it is easie to understand , 1. what a Lordship they must needs have as to the kind of power ; 2. How their Office must degenerate from purely spiritual , into secular or mixt : 3. And how numerous their Flocks , and large their Provinces would soon be . And here you must note these things , 1. That the Bishop of every Church was made Judge of these causes ; not alone by himself , but with his Presbyters or Clergy , who judged with him . 2. That yet this power was not then taken to be any essential or integral part at all of the Pastoral Office ; but an Accidental work , which Lay-men might do as well as Pastors ; and that it was committed to the Bishop only as the best able for Arbitration ; because of his abilities and interest , and that as a matter of meer convenience ; and also for the honour of his place . 3. That therefore this Judging power for ending strife and differences , might be alienated from the Clergy and done by Lay-men , where there was cause . 4. And that the Bishop had so much more power than the Presbyters that he could commit it from them to Lay-men . All this that one instance of Silvanus in Socrates , lib. 7. cap. 37. ( and in Hanmer , cap. 36. ) whose words were thus [ Silvanus also no less expressed in his other acts and dealings , the good motion of his Godly mind . For when he perceived that the Clergy respected nothing but gain in deciding the Controversies of their Clients , ( O woful Clergy ! ) he thenceforth suffered none of the Clergy to be judge , but took the supplications , and requests of suiters , and appointed One of the Laity , whom for certain he knew to be a just and godly man , and gave him the hearing of their causes , and so ended quietly all contentions and quarrels . ] ( And the likeliest way it was . ) You see here , 1. that when Princes will needs make the Clergy Magistrates to honour them , the wise and good men of the Clergy will return such power to the Laity , as usually fitter for it . 2. And that it is no wonder that when Law-business is cast upon the Clergy , if they grow worse than Lawyers in covetousness and injustice . 3. And yet this was not a making Lay-men to be Chancellors that had the power of the Keys ! For Silvanus did only appoint Lay-men to do Lay-mens work ; to arbitrate differences : but not to excommunicate , nor to judge men to excommunication , as they do now . 4. And this was not a making of Ecclesiastical Elders that were not Pastors : and therefore it is no countenance for such : but it was a prudent casting back that work on the Laity , which good Emperours had in imprudent piety cast upon the Clergy , that each might do his proper work . 5. But this was but one good Bishop that was so wise and honest ; and therefore it proved no general reformation . This Judicial power went so far and took up so much of the Clergies time , that the Synod Taraconens . was after this put to Decree , Can. 4. that the Clergy should not judge Causes on the Lords day ; and Can. 10. that no Bishop or Clergy-man should take rewards or bribes for Judgments . And the Canons so deterred Christians from seeking Justice from the Civil Judicatures , that they had few but Heathens to be Judges of . Yea the Christians thought so hardly of the Judges themselves ( for punishing men by the Sword , when the Bishops even for murder it self did punish them but with Penance , ) that they doubted sometime whether those Christians that exercised Magistracy or Civil Judgment after Baptisme , were not therefore to be taken for sinners ; as is visible in Innocent 1. his Epist . to Epist . 3. to Exuper . Tholesan . cap. 3. in Crab. Tom. 1. p. 459. And before in Silvester's Concil . Rom. apud Crab Vol. 1. p. 280. Can. 16. it is Decreed [ Nemo Clericus vel Diaconus aut Presbyter propter causam suam quamlibet intret in curia , quum omnis curia à cruore , dicitur , & immolatio simulachrorum est . Quod siquis Clericus in curiam introicrit , anathema suscipiat , nunquam rediens ad matrem Ecclesiam : A Communione autem non privatur propter tempus turbidum . And Constantine is said to be a Subscriber , with 284 Bishops , 45 Presbyters , and 5 Deacons . And in former Counc . sub Silvest . [ Nullum Clericum ante judicem stare licet . ] I know that Duarenus and Grotius describe not the Bishops power as so large as the Canonists do . But Duarenus confesseth that Theodosius made a Law , that lites omnes & controversiae forenses ad judicium Ecclesiae remitterentur , si alter uter litigatorum id postularet . That all strifes and controversies forensick should be remitted to the judgment of the Church , if either of the contenders required it : And that Charles the Great renewed and confirmed the same Law : Duar. lib. 1. p. 8. And Grotius de Imper. sum pol. p. 236. saith , This Jurisdiction by consent the Bishops received from Constantine , with so great power , that it was not lawful further to handle any business which the Bishops sentence had decided ; that is , saith he , remotâ appellatione . And he there sheweth that three sorts of Jurisdiction were by the Emperours given to the Bishops : 1. Jure ordinario , and so they judged of all matters of Religion ( and which the Canons reached , which went very far in heinous crimes . ) 2. Ex ▪ consensu p●rtium , when the parties chose the Bishop for their Judge ( Vid. Concil . Chalced. c. 9. ) 3. Ex delegatione : which yet went further : And even to the Jews such kind of power had been granted . But of this whole matter of the Rise of such Prelacy , their Courts and power , Pardre Paulus hath spoken so well and truly in his Histor . Concil . Trident. pag. 330 , 331 , &c. that I would intreat the Reader to turn to it and peruse it , as that which plainly speaketh our judgment of the History now in question : Read also his History of Benefices . 43. The countenance of the Emperour with these honours and immunities , having brought the World into the Church , or filled the Churches with Carnal temporizers , the numbers were now so great , that quickly the great Cities had many Parish Churches , and the Country Villages about had some ; so that now about 400 or 500 Years after Christ , most Bishops of great Cities had more Churches than one , even several sub Assemblies , and Altars , as dependant on their Mother Church . 44. Yet were their Diocesses ( which at first were called Parishes ) somewhat bounded , by the Canon and Edicts , which decreed that every City where there were Christians enow to make a Church , should have a Bishop of their own , and that no Bishop ( except two , who bordered one on Scithia a rude unconverted Countrey , and the other on the like case , of which more in due place . ) 45. And then every oppidum or populous Town , like our Market-Towns and Corporations , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a City , and not only a few among many that have that name by priviledge , as it is in England now . So that even at this height of Prelacy , about 500 , 600 or 700 Years after Christ , they were but as if every Corporation or Market-Town in England had a Bishop , who ruled also the adjacent Villages . For though when they began to swell , it was once decreed by one Council , that Villages and every small City should not have a Bishop , lest the Name of a Bishop should grow vile or cheap ; yet this was but with this addition , [ those Villages or small Cities where there was not a sufficient number of Christians : ] ( whereas Gregory at Neocesarea thought seventeen a sufficient number to have a Bishop . ) And the Canons , that every City should have a Bishop , remained still in force . 45. Yet was it for about 440 Years so far from these great Bishops to usurp the Sword , or any coercive or coactive power , on mens Bodies or Estates , that they unanimously held that the Magistrate himself was not to punish mens Bodies for Heresie or a false Religion . Till at last the bloody violence of the Circumcellian Donatists , did cause Augustine in this to change his mind , and think them meet for the Magistrates coercion . 46. When Bishops grew carnal and ungodly , and more regarded the keeping up their Power , Parties and Opinions , than Charity , they beganto distrust the Spiritual Weapons of their warfare ; and instead of true vigilancy against errours , and confutation of them , by clear reason and a holy life , they fled to the Rulers to do it by the Sword. But though Ithacius and Idacius with their Synod of Bishops , excited Maximus to take this course against the Priscilianists ; yet not only St. Martyn did therefore to the death avoid their Synods and Communion , and petitioned the Emperour , for the Hereticks peace ; but even St. Ambrose also at Milan would have no Communion with those Bishops , that had done this thing . 47. About the Year 430 , or after , Cyril at Alexandria did lead the way , and actually used the Sword against the Lives , Estates and Liberties of Offenders : An example which others quickly followed : And easily did he step from the great Judicial Power before described , to a forcing power , the preparations being so great , and the Emperour so ready to exalt them , and the people of Alexandria so turbulent and inclined by pride and passion to such ways . 48. As the Prelacy thus swelled , so the Churches grew suddenly more corrupted with all manner of Vice. The Bishops began with sorrow to confess unto the Hereticks , that the greater number in the Churches were naught . When they should chuse their Bishops they could seldom agree ; but frequently instead of holy peaceable Votes , did turn to Devilish rage and blood-shed , and covered the Streets and Church-floors with the Carkasses of the slain ; ( especially in the Case of Damasus and others at Rome , and oft at Alexandria and Constantinople . ) Frequently they fell into fewds , and fought it out , and murdered people by multitudes : Even the strict holy Monks of the Egyptian Desarts , were as forward as others to fighting , blood-shed and sedition : Even in their ignorance , for such a paultry and sottish an Opinion , as that of the Anthropomorphites , as that God hath the shape and parts of a man : so that they forced that deceitful treacherous Bishop Theophilus Alexandr . to flatter them , and curse the Books of Origen ( not for his errours , but for the opposite truth ) and to take on him to hold as they did . When God tryed them with a Julian ( who did persecute them very little , ) they reproached him to his face , and tryed his patience as well as he did theirs . The Antiochians scornfully bid him shave his Beard and make Halters of it . In a word , when Constantine had brought the World into the Church , the Church grew quickly too like the World. 49. But it was not the people only , but the Pastors , both Prelates and Presbyters , that grew licentious , wicked , proud , contentious , turbulent , and the shame of their Order and Profession , and the great disturbers and dividers of the Churches : except here and there an Ambrose , an Augustine , a Chrysostome , a Basil , a Gregory , an Atticus , a Proclus , and a few such that so shined among a darkened degenerate Clergy , as to be singled out for Saints . Abundance got these great and tempting Prelacies by Simony , and more by making friends to Courtiers : And not a few by Carnal compliances with the people : what abundance of most sharp Epistles did Isidore Pelusiota write to Eusebius the Bishop , and to Sosimus , Martianus , Eustathius , &c. of all their horrible wicked lives , and yet could never procure their Reformation ? What abundance of Epistles did he write against them to other Bishops , and yet could not procure their correction or removal ? What a sad character doth Sulpitius Severus give of the Bishops that prosecuted the Priscilianists , and in particular of their Leader Ithacius , of his own knowledge ? What abundance of Prelates are shamefully stigmatized , by Socrates , Sozomen , Theodoret , Euagrius , & c ? When a Rebel rose up against his Prince , and got but the stronger party , and possession , how quickly did they flatter him and own him . I find but one Bishop besides St. Martin in all France and that part of Germany , that disowned Maximus that murdered Gratian : The rest applauded him for their own ends : Nor in that part of Italy I find not any besides Ambrose and one Hyginus that disowned him : ( Not that I think it my part to condemn all the holy Bishops who professed subjection to Usurpers in possession : Even holy Ambrose could write to the odious Tyrant Eugenius , [ Clementissimo Imperatori Eugenio ] concluding [ Nam cum privato detulerim corde intimo , quomodo non deferrem Imperatori . ] When I honoured thee a private man from the bottom of my heart , how can I but honour thee being Emperour ? ] And how far have the Roman Bishops gone in this , even to Phocas , and such as he ? ) When good Gregory Nazianz. was chosen and settled Bishop of Constantinople , and loved and honoured by a good Emperour , yet was he rejected ( though he easily yielded ) even by the Synod of Bishops , in the arrogancy of their minds , because that he came not in by them . With what pride , what falshood , what turbulency did Theophilus Alexand. carry on all his business with the Monks , and for the deposing of Chrysostome ? And how arrogantly and turbulently did Epiphanius joyn with him ? and even Hierome make himself partaker ? And how easily did he get a Synod even where Chrysostome lived to second them ? such lamentable instances are more easie than pleasant to be cited . And that Episcopacy which was set up to prevent Heresie and Divisions , did afford the Heads of most of the Heresies and Divisions that befell the Churches . How few of all the Heresies mentioned by Epiphanius , after that Prelacy was in force , were not Headed and carried on by Prelates ? And when the Arian Heresie sprung up by a Presbyter , the Prelates so numerously received it , that they seemed to be the far greater part , if not the main body of the Imperial Church : Witness the perverting of many Emperours ; the many Councils at Sirmium , Ariminum , &c. And the many new Creeds which Socrates and Hilary so shamefully enumerate and declaim against . So that it was said that the World groaned to find it self turned Arian . And their fewds and inhumane contentions were so many and odious , that it is a shame to read them . Multitudes of Cities had Bishops set up against Bishops , and some Cities had more than two , or three : The people reviling and hating each other , and sometime fighting tumultuously unto blood , for their several Prelates . The Christian World was made as a Cockpit , and Christian Religion made a scorn , by the Contentions of the Bishops . Constantines wisdom , conscience and interest , engaged him to use all his skil , his kindness and his power , to reconcile them : And if he had not done what he did , how unspeakably wretched would their odious contentions have rendered them ? And yet he professeth his heart almost broken by their dissensions ; and while he chid them bitterly and exhorted them kindly , he could not prevail . His Sons that succeeded him laboured to unite the Bishops , ( though in different ways ) and could not do it . Jovianus the little time he reigned , declared his hatred of their contentions , and how much he loved a peaceable man : but that did not cure them , even when they came new from under a Julian . I will look no lower , to the more degenerate Prelacy ; but recite the doleful words of Eusebius , even of those that were not at the worst , and came but newly from under the persecutions of former Emperours , when they had but a little prosperity , immediately before Dioclesians persecution , they are thus described . [ How great and what manner of glory and liberty the doctrine of piety due to Almighty God , preached in the World by Christ , hath obtained before the persecution of our time , among all mortal men both Grecians and Barbarians , it requireth more labour to declare , &c. The clemency of the Emperours ( when Heathen ) towards the Christians was so increased , to whom also they committed the Government of the Gentiles ; And for the great favour they bare to our Doctrine , they granted liberty and security to the Professors of Christianity . What shall I say of them , that in the very Palace of the Emperours , and in the presence of Princes lived most familiarly : which esteemed of their Ministers so highly , that they granted them in their presence freely to deal in matters of Religion , both by word and deed ; together with their wives and children and servants ? And thus one might then have seen the Bishops of all Churches in great reverence and favour among all sorts of men , and with all Magistrates . Who can worthily describe those innumerable heaps , and flocking multitudes , throughout all Cities and famous Assemblies , frequenting the places dedicated to prayer : Because of which circumstances , they not contented with the old and ancient buildings ( which could not receive them ) have throughout all Cities , builded them from the Foundation wide and ample Churches : These things thus prevailed in process of time , and daily increased far and nigh : so that no malice could intercept , no spiteful fiend bewitch , no wight with cunning at all hinder it , as long as the Divine and heavenly hand of God upheld and visited his People , whom as yet he worthily accepted . But after that our affairs through too much liberty , ease and security , degenerated from the Natural rule of piety ; and after that one pursued another with open contumely and hatred ; and when that we impugned our selves by no other than our selves , with the armour of spite , and sharp spears of approbrious words , so that Bishops against Bishops , and People against People , raised sedition ; last of all , when that cursed hypocrisie and dissimulation had swam even to the brim of malice ; The heavy hand of Gods high judgment after his wonted manner ( whilest as yet the Ecclesiastical Societies assembled themselves nevertheless ) began softly by little and little to visit us ; so that the persecution that was raised against us took first his Original , from the Brethren that were under Banner in the Camp. When as we were touched with no sense thereof , nor went about so pacific God , we heaped sin upon sin , thinking like careless Epicures , that God neither cared , nor would visit our sins ; And they which seemed our Shepherds , Laying aside the rule of piety , practised contention and schism among themselves , and whilst they aggravated these things , that is , contentious , threatnings , mutual hatred and enmity , and every one proceeded in Ambition , much like Tyranny it self , then I say , then did the Lord make the daughter of Zion obscure , and overthrew from above the glory of Israel , &c. — c. 2. We saw with our eyes the Oratories thrown down : to the ground , the foundations digged up , the holy Scriptures burned to ashes in the open Market-place , and the Pastors of the Churches some shamefully hid themselves . — Yet is it not our drift to describe the bitter calamities of these men , which at length they suffered , nor to record their dissension and insolency practised among themselves , before the persecution , &c. ] Note that all this was before Arius his Heresie , even before Dioclesians cruelties ; but not before the beginning of Church-Tyranny and ambition , as is said . But after this , alas , how much greater were their enormities and dissentions , when their Tyranny was much encreased ; It would grieve any sober Christian to read how the Christian World hath been tossed up and down , and the people distracted , and Princes disturbed and dethroned , and Heresies fomented , and horrid Persecutions , and bloodshed caused , by the pride and contentiousness of Prelates : And most of all this , in prosecution of that Controversie , which Christ decided so long ago , viz. Who should be greatest . It was not Religion , saith Socrates , l. 5. c. 22. that the two Arian Sects of Marinus and Agapius was about , but Primacy : They strove which of them should be the chief : wherefore many Clergy-men under the jurisdiction of these Bishops , perceiving the ambition , the rancour and malice of these proud Prelates , forsook them , &c. Macedonius at Constantinople was so Tyrannical , that as he came in by cruelty , so he caused more , by presumptuous removal of the bones of Constantine , to another Church , that he might pull down that , and this without Constantius the Emperours knowledge : where the people in Factions fought it out , till the Church and Streets were full of Carkasses and streams of blood , saith Socrates . The same man set four Companies of Souldiers on the Novations in Paphlagonia , till he enraged the people with Clubs and Bills to kill them all . And he was so Tyrannical in forcing Conformity , that he not only forced men to the Sacrament , but gagged their mouths and popt it in . Nor was this only the vice of the Heterodox but the Orthodox , as is aforesaid . And as the French and German Bishops aforesaid did against the Priscillinaists , so for their own interest against one another , they flattered and restlesly instigated the Civil power , even Uusurpers to execute their Wills : and favoured that power that most favoured them . When the foresaid Maximus had killed Gratian and reigned in France , and entered Italy , ( after that Ambrose had stopt him a while ) Theophilus Alexandr . sendeth an Agent Presbyter with two Letters , and a rich present , one to Maximus and one to Theodosius ; ordering him to stay the issue of the Fight , and give the Present with his Letter to him that proved the Conqueror : But a Servant stole the Letters from the Priest , and opened the whole business , and caused the Priest to fly and hide himself . 50. These contentions of the Bishops and corruption of manners , so distasted the more Religious sort of the people , that it occasioned the multiplying of separating Heresies : and greatly encreased and confirmed others , especially the Donatists , and Novations ; because men thought them to be of better lives than the Orthodox . 51. Yea , by their very abuse of good and holy men , they drove even the Orthodox often to separated Societies , as thinking so bad Prelates unfit to be communicated with . As in Constantinople their abuse , ejection and banishment of Chrysostome caused great numbers of his faithful people to forsake the Church ; and meet only in separated Conventicles ; And though they differed in no point of Doctrine , Worship or Discipline from the rest , all that they could do by tyranny and threats would never bring them again to the Church ; but they were called Joannites , and assembled by themselves ; till Atticus by wise and honest means first began the reconciliati●● , by the publick inserting of Chrysostome's name among their honoured Bishops in the daily Liturgy of the Church , and Proclus after wisely perfected it , by fetching the bones of Chrysostome with honour , from the place of his banishment into the Church . But Theodoret , Hist . Eccl. l. 5. c. 36. ascribeth it to that good Emperour Theodosius Junior : It 's like a good Bishop and he consented . For saith Socrates , c. 40. Proclus behaved himself fairly towards all men , perswading himself that it was far easier for him by fair means to allure men to the Church , than by force to compel them to the Faith. 52. The multitudes of Schismes and horrid enormities in the Church of Rome ; the grand corruption of Religion by them ; the shameful divisions between the Greek and Western Churches , began so long ago and continued to this day , with much more such evidence , do tell the World that is willing to see , what all this tended to as it's perfection . 53. And having thus shewed how the Bishops of the Flock came to be Bishops of Bishops , and how they grew from the Pastoral Office to a pompous denomination mostly secular , and how the Bishops of single Churches , did grow to be the Bishops of multitudes of Churches turned into one Diocesan Church of another species , we shall leave it to those that are wise and impartial , to judge whether a true Reformation must retrieve them , and what Age and state of the Church must be our pattern , to which we should endeavour to return ; and in what point it is that it is meet or possible , for Christians unanimously to fix between the Apostolical institution and the height of Popery ? And what satisfying proof any man can give that in a line of 1500 Years , that it is the right point that he hath chosen . CHAP. IV. The Judgement of those Nonconformists ( now silenced ) who 1660. addressed themselves to King Charles the Second for Concord in the matter of Church-Government : what they then offered , and what those of the Authors mind now hold , as to the Right of what is before Historically related . AS I have delivered our Judgment about the History of Prelacy , so shall I next freely and truly express my own Judgment and those that have concurred with me about the right of Church-Government it self , ( supposing those 100 Propos . ad Lud. Molinaeum which I have published about the Nature of Church-power , and the extent of the Magistrates power in Church-matters . ) For Truth hath great advantage when it appeareth , 1. compact , and entire , 2. and in the open light . Since the writing of this our judgment is more fully published in the Nonconformists first and second Plea for Peace . Prop. 1. Since the Fall of Man , as God hath given a Saviour to the World , by whom he hath made a new Covenant with or for Mankind ; so hath he delivered all things into the Redeemer's hands , and given him all power in Heaven and Earth , making him the Administrator General , and Head over all things to the Church . 2. Some things are under Christ as Utensils , viz , Inanimates and Braites ; some are under him as meer enemies subdued , as Devils ; some are under him as generally Redeemed , and subjects de jure , or quoad obligationem , to be Ruled and used upon terms of Mercy ; And so are all Mankind in general , till the day of life and grace is past : some are under him as Visible Consenters , and Professed subjects ; so are the Baptized and visible professors of Christianity : And some are under him as sincere Heart-Covenanters , Justified and Sanctified , and to be Glorified by him . 3. As Nature it self is now delivered up to Christ , and the Law of Nature is now part of his Law , and the Instrument of his Government , both for the common good and order of the Redeemed World , and also as sanctified to the special good and order of his Church ; Even so is the Office of Magistracy now under him , and derived from him , and dependant on him , in both these forementioned respects . ( Notwithstanding all the vain arguments which Mr. Brown a Scotch Divine , Cont. Velthusium hath written to the contrary ; which need no confutation to an intelligent Reader . ) 4. But the Office of the Sacred Ministry is much of Grace and Institution , and less of Natural original than Magistracy . For though it be of Natural obligation , that one man teach another , and that there be some fitter persons than the multitude to instruct the people and guide them in Gods Worship ; Yet that in specie there should be Preachers of the Gospel , and Administrators of this instituted worship and Church-discipline , this is it self of Christs Institution , as the Doctrine , worship and discipline which are their Office-work are of his Institution . 5. And though a great part of a Christian Magistrates work be also . Instituted , viz. to promote Christs Instituted Doctrine , Worship and Discipline , yet so much also of his work is natural , as that he may be called a Magistrate , though he be not a Christian Magistrate , while he executeth Gods Laws of Nature , for the common good : But he is ( at least ) less fitly called a Minister or Priest of God , who shall only teach the Law of Nature , and guide an Assembly in meer Natural Worship , ( omitting all that is by Institution : ) Or if any think otherwise , it being but de nomine , at least this is certain , that the Christian or Evangelical Ministry is by Institution . 6. Therefore , though so far as the Mosaical Magistracy was founded in Nature , or in any Revelation expounding the Law of Nature , we may under the Gospel fetch proofs thence for the Christian Magistrates Authority and Obligation ; Yet can we fetch no Model of a Gospel Ministry , nor proof of our Authority or obligation as instituted , from the Instituted Ministry of the Mosaical Church : Because the Law of Moses is abrogate and indeed did never bind the Gentiles , ( as I have fullier proved in my Treat . of the Lords day . ) Nor is it safe to argue from parity of reason that we must now be or do as they did , in point of pure institution , while we so little know the total reason of God's institutions , and when he himself hath taken them down and set up new ones we must not then plead our Reason against the alterations which God himself hath made . 7. Therefore though Christ be now the Head and Fountain of Power , both to Magistrates and Ministers , yet he did not institute a new Office of Magistracy , but add new Laws for them to rule by as part of their Rule of Government ; Because their Office was so much founded in Nature , and so much of their work lay in ruling mankind according to their common Natural Law : But a Ministry he did institute a-new , as to the species and great essentials of the Office. 8. Christ changing both the Instituted Mosaical Law , and Priesthood , did begin himself in his own person as the Great Prophet , High Priest and King of his Church , to exercise his Office in the Jewish Nation . 9. Being not to continue corporally on earth , nor his bodily presence being ubiquitary , he designed that the Holy Ghost should be his Agent internally to carry on his work in the World ; And he appointed the Sacred Office of the Ministry , that meet men might be his Agents externally , in the Teaching and Governing of his Redeemed ones in a holy order , and in conducting them in holy worship , in a Ministerial subordination to his Prophetical , Regal and Priestly Office. 10. As he himself did Officiate among the Jews , so he first placed this Ministerial Power in twelve chosen men , and seventy Assistants with some relation to the twelve Tribes and seventy Elders of Israel , to whom he sent them . 11. During the time of Christ's abode among them in the flesh , they were but as Pupils and Learners while they were Teachers ; and their Abilities , Commissions , Office and Work , and so their success were all yet imperfect : They were not yet authorized openly and commonly so much as to declare Christ to be the Messiah and Saviour , but only to prepare men for that belief : Because those works were not yet done , which must be the Evidences of their Doctrine and the Instruments of mens Conviction , viz. Christ's Death , Resurrection , Ascension , and his sending the miraculous gift of the Holy Ghost . 12. When Christ was risen before his Ascension , he perfected their Commission , both as to their Work and Province ; but appointed them to stay till the descent of the Holy Ghost upon them , ( as the sealing and full delivery of it , giving them full ability for their work ) before they set themselves about the solemn performance of it . 13. Their Commission and Office was , 1. to Teach men and make them Christians ( or Christ's Disciples , ) 2. and then to Baptize them into the name of the Father , the Son , and the Holy Ghost , and so to take them into his Covenant and Church ; and , 3. to Teach them as Covenanted and en-Churched persons , to observe all his commands ; The first part of their work was to be exercised unlimitedly on all the World , as far as they were able ; The second part on the new Converted Believers ( and their infant seed ; ) And the third part on the Baptized ( that were adult . ) And he added the promise of his presence with them to the end . 14. As he now enlarged their Commission to All the World as the object of the first part of their Office ; so he added one ( Paul ) by a voice from Heaven , unto the number of the Apostles , who was especially made an Apostle to the Gentiles , to shew the rest that they were no more confined to the twelve Tribes of Israel . 15. Because these Apostles were entrusted not only with a common Preaching of the Gospel , but as Founders of the Churches , to be the eye and ear witnesses , of the life , miracles , resurrection and doctrine of Christ , and to acquaint men certainly with the Laws of Christ , therefore he promised them the extraordinary gift of the Holy Ghost , to lead them infallibly into all truth , and to bring all things to their remembrance , which he had taught and given them in Charge , and so to enable them to perform all their Commission , which he gave them accordingly , and so made them the Foundations of his Church , and the infallible deliverers of his Will to the World , by their preaching and practice first , and afterwards by their Writings . 16. Therefore since their miraculous reception of the Spirit , all their Doctrines Writings and Establishments which were done in the Execution of their Commission , are ascribed to the Holy Ghost : It was the Holy Ghost that ●ndited the Sacred Scriptures ; and it was the Holy Ghost that settled the Churches , and that wrought the Miracles , and that bare witness of Christ , and the Christian verity . For the Apostles spake not of themselves , but as the Holy Ghost inspired them . 17. As others in that time were employed as their assistants in propagating the Christian Faith , so had they also the same spirit , though in several measures , and gifts . And so far as they had that spirit , he was the seal of their doctrine : But because it was the Apostles that had the promise of Infallibility , we have greater assurance of the Infallibility of their writings , than of others ; It being their approbation , which is much of our assurance that the writings of their Assistants were infallible , and the testimony which they give of the persons that wrote them ( viz. Mark and Luke . ) 18. These Apostles with their many Assistants , ( Prophets and Evangelists ) did by preaching , holiness and miracles , ( the effects of Divine Wisdome , Goodness and Power ) convert multitudes , and baptize them , and did not only thus gather them into the Catholick Church to Christ , but also settled them in a holy Order in particular Churches , for personal communion among themselves in holy worship and holy living ▪ And they made such regular Church-communion a duty to all that could obtain it . 19. By the authority of Christ and the Holy Ghost they ordained others to the sacred Office of the Ministry ; The same office with their own as to the common works of Preaching and Teaching the Gospel , Worshiping and Guiding the Churches by holy Discipline ; which are the common essentials of the sacred Ministry : But not the same in respect of their extraordinary endowments and works before described ( as eye and ear witnesses , infallibly delivering the will of Christ . ) 20. Though in the Nature of the Office all Christs Ministers have the Power before mentioned , ( 1. to convert men to the Faith by preaching , 2. to take them into the holy Covenant and Church by Baptism , 3. to teach , worship and rule , in particular Churches ; or , 1. to gather Churches by preaching and baptizing , 2. and then to teach and guide them ; ) Yet all are not called equally to the exercise of all these parts ; But some were by the Apostles and the Holy Ghost indefinitely employed in an unfixed course , in converting men and gathering Churches ; yet officiating also in gathered Churches where they came ; And others were fixed in the stated relation of Pastors to particular gathered Churches , to teach and rule them , and worship among them ; yet so as also to Preach for the conversion of unbelievers , as far as they had ability and opportunity . 21. The unfixed Officers were called Ministers in General , and Stewards of God's Mysteries , and Evangelists : But the fixed Officers , were also especially called Bishops , Pastors , and Elders : Though sometime ●arely the other also had such Titles , because of their doing the same work transiently in the Churches where they came . 22. They that were unfixed Preachers or Evangelists , had not that special and particular Charge of all the souls in particular Churches , and in some one Church above all the rest , as fixed Bishops or Pastors have : But they had a greater Obligation than these Bishops to preach to Infidels , because it was their ordinary chief work . 23. The Pastors of particular Churches had such a Charge of those particular Flocks , above all other Flocks ( materially , ) as that they were not obliged equally to do the same for others as they did for them : Though yet when they had a particular call , they might transiently or occasionally perform the work of the Pastoral Office , to other Churches . 24. This relation to their particular Flock , was not such as disobliged them from their higher regard of the Universal Church : For our relation to that is stricter and more indissoluble than to any particular Church : And we must always finally prefer the Church Universal , though materially we are to labour in our particular Churches principally ( and sometimes only ) because by such Order the Church Universal is best edified . 25. The Apostles usually ( but not only ) planted Churches in great Cities ; rather than in Country Villages . 26. This was not that hereby they might oblige others to confine Churches to Cities only , nor because they had any special honour for a City , but because they were the places of greatest ●●●●course , and had best opportunity for Assemblies , and most materials to work upon . 27. Neither the Apostles nor others for some Ages after Christ , did divide the Countries about such Cities , and assign part of the● to be the Diocess of one Bishop , and the other part to the Bishop of the next adjoyning City : Nor was there any bounding of Parishes or Diocess , nor any determination , to which Bishop such and such ground , or Villages of unconverted Infidels did belong . Only as natural prudence guided them ( and the spirit of God , ) they so dispersed themselves that none might hinder another in his work ; but as most tended to the propagation and orderly governing of the Churches . 28. Therefore no City Bishop had such a Particular Charge of the souls of all the individual Infidels , either in his City or the Country round about him ( which some feign to have been his Diocess ) as he had of the souls of the Church which he was Pastor of . Though he was bound to do all that he could to convert all as he had opportunity , he stood not in any Pastoral relation to this or that individual Infidel , as he did to all the individual Christians of his charge . Ignatius requireth the Bishop to know all his Flock by name , and enquire after them , even the servants ; but not so of all Infidels in his City or Circuit . 29. No man was therefore the Pastor of any Christians in a particular Church ▪ relation meerly because he converted them : Nor was there ever any Law made by Christ or his Apostles , that all should be members of that particular Church whose Overseer did convert them ; much less that at a distance they should be the members of his Episcopal charge , though in another Church . 30. The Apostles setled in every particular Church , one or more with the Pastoral power of the Keys , to teach and govern that Church , and to lead them in publick worship . And every such Body should still have one or more Pastors with such power . And no Pastor or Bishop should have more particular Churches under his special immediate Charge , than one , unless as an Archbishop who hath Bishops in those particular Churches under him . 31. A particular Church of Christ's Institution by his Apostles , is [ A sacrrd Society consisting of one or more Pastors , and a capable number of Christian Neighbours , consociate by Christs appointment and their own consent , for personal communion in God's publick worship and in holy living . ] In this definition , 1. The Genus is [ a sacred Society ] so called , 1. to distinguish it from a meer community , or unbodied company of Christians ; 2. and to distinguish it from Civil and prophane Societies , ( For the Genus is subalternate , and the species of a superiour Genus . ) 2. The constitutive parts are Pastor and People . 3. I say [ Pastors ] as distinguishing it from all other societies as headed by other Officers or Rulers ; As Kingdoms by Kings , Colleges by their Governours , Schools by School-masters , Families by Parents , &c. For Societies are specified by their Governours . 4. I say [ one or more ] because it is the Office in some person that is the constitutive part , the number being indifferent as to the Beings , though not as to the well being of the Society . 5. The People being the other material part of the Society , I call them [ Christians ] that is Baptized Professing Christians , to distinguish them from all Infidels , who are uncapable to be members . 6. I call them [ Neighbours ] because the Proximity must be such as rendereth them capable of the Ends of the Society , For at an uncapable distance they cannot have Church-communion . 7. I put in [ a capable number ] because too few or too many may be utterly uncapable of the Ends ▪ One or two are uncapable defectively : such multitudes as can have no Church communion , are uncapable through excess ( of which more after . ) 8. The form is the Relative Union of Pastor and People , in reference to the Ends ; Which I mean in the word [ Consociate . ] 9. The foundation or prime efficient , is [ Christ's Institution . ] 10. The Condition , sine qua non , is [ their mutual consent . ] 11. The end or terminus is their [ Communion . ] 12. The matter of this Communion , is both [ God's publickworship ] and a holy ▪ life ; which distinguisheth them from such as associate for civil ends , or any other besides these . 13. The proper species of this holy Communion is that it be [ Personal . ] By which I mean such as Pastor and People may ordinarily exercise in presence ; to distinguish it from that sort of Communion , 1. which we have only in spirit , in faith , judgment and affection , with Christians in all parts of the World : And , 2. from that external Communion which several Churches hold together by Messengers , Delegates , or Letters . For if that kind of distant Communion would serve to the being of a particular Church , we might be of the same particular Church with men in the several parts of the World. 32. Deacons are subordinate Officers , or Ministers to Christs Ministers , not essential to the Church , but only Integral , as needful to its well being , in such Churches , where the number and benefit of the People do require them . 33. The necessity of these Individual or particular Churches , is founded , in the necessity of the foresaid publick worshiping of God , and in the use of the mutual assistance of Christian Neighbours in the matters of salvation , and in the need of the personal inspection and conduct of the Pastors over all the Flock . 34. The difference between this personal Communion , and the distant Communion by Letters or Delegates , or meerly internal in Faith and Love , is so great and notorious , as must make those Societies specifically distinct , which are associated for such distinct Ends. 35. Yet do we not hold that all true Churches do Assemble together in one place ; or that they consist of no more than can meet at once : For whole Families seldom go all at once to the Assembly : Therefore if one part go to day , and another the next day , they worship God publickly in personal Communion , though not all at the same time . 2. And many may be sick , and many infants , and many aged , and the great distance of some may make a Chapel or subordinate Meeting often needful . And yet , 1. they may all come together in one place at several times for Church communion . 2. And they may live so near , that one may be capable of neighbourly converse with others , and of admonishing , exhorting and encouraging each other , in their Christian Course . 36. Where a Church is so small as to need but one Pastor , Christ doth not require that they have more ; And One can neither be superiour or inferiour to himself . 37. But it is most desirable that a Church be as numerous or great , as will consist with that sort of Communion which is the end of the Society ; and consequently that they have many Pastors ; Because this tendeth to their strength and beauty , and it is a joyful thing to worship God in full Assemblies . 38. The work of a Bishop or Pastor of a single Church is , ( to mention it more particularly ) to Teach the Church the meaning of the Scriptures , especially of all the Articles of Faith , and the things to be Desired in Prayer , and the matters and order of Obedience to all the commands of Christ . To instruct the Children in the Catechistical or Fundamental verities . To Baptize , to Pray in the Assembly , to praise God , to celebrate the Lords Supper , to visit the Sick , and pray for them : To visit the several Families , or personally instruct those ignorant ones , that understand not publick Preaching , as far as he hath opportunity : To watch over the Conversations of the several Members , and to receive informations concerning them : To resolve the doubts of those that seek resolutions , and to offer help to them that are so sensless as not to seek it , when their need appeareth : To comfort the sad and afflicted : To reprove the scandalous : To admonish the obstinate before all : To censure and cast out the impenitent that continue to reject such admonition : To absolve the penitent : To take care of the Poor : And to be exemplary in holiness , sobriety , justice and charity . I pass by Marriage , Burials , and such other particular Offices . And I meddle not here with Ordination , or any thing that concerneth other Churches ; but only with the work of a Bishop or Pastor to the People of his proper Flock . 39. The ablest Man among us , for mind and body , may find full and needful employment of this sort , among an hundred persons , especially such as our common Christians are : But if he have five hundred or a thousand , he hath so much to do , as will constrain him to leave something undone which belongeth to his Office. Therefore our Market ▪ Towns , and large Country Parishes , where there are ordinarily two , three , or four thousand in a Parish , have need of many pastors , to do that for which the Pastoral Office was ordained : Much more our greatest City and Town Parishes that have ten thousand , twenty thousand , and some above thirty , if not forty or fifty thousand in a Parish . 40. The office of a Pastor , containing the Power of the Keys , as subordinate Ministerially to Christ in his Teaching , Ruling and priestly ▪ work , is not by man to be divided and part of it to be given to one sort , and part to another ( though they that have the whole power may variously exercise it , as there is cause . ) But every Church must have such as have the whole power , as far as concerneth the People of that Church . 41. To divide the essential parts of the Sacred Office , ( as to give one the power of Teaching only , another of Worshiping only ; and another of Ruling only ; or any two of these without the third , is to destroy it , and change the species , as much as in them lieth that do it . ) And as no one is a man without his Animal , Vital and Natural parts ; so no one is a true Pastor without the threefold power forementioned , of Teaching , Ruleing that Church by Pastoral means , and Conducting them in publick Worship . He may be a Pastor that is hindered from the exercise of some one of these or more ; but not he that hath not the Power in his Office. Dividers therefore make new Church ▪ Offices , and destroy the old . 42. Churches headed by such a new sort of Officers , specifically distinct from the old of Christ's Institution , are Churches specifically differing from the Churches which Christ Instituted : Because the Society is specified by the species of its Head or Governour . 43. To make a new sort of Church-Heads or Rulers , as their Constitutive parts , is to make a new sort of Churches . 44. The three forsaid Essential parts of the Pastoral Office are not to be exercised by any Lay-man , nor by any man that hath not that Office : Nor may the Pastors do that work per alios , or delegate Lay-men , or men of another Office to do it as in their stead . For the Office is nothing but just Authority and Obligation to do that work : And if they convey such Authority and Obligation to another , they convey the Office to another ; And so he is no longer a Lay-man , or of another Office only . 45. Therefore though many Pastors of the same Office may in a great Church distribute the work among them , yet none of them must do it only as the delegate of another , not having himself from God the Office which containeth the power of doing it . 46. But the Accidentals of the Pastoral Office may be committed to a Lay-man , or one that is no Pastor ( As to summon Assemblies , to keep Registers , or the Church Books , Goods , Buildings , with many the like : ) And so some think that the Apostles instituting Deacons was but a communicating the Accidentals of their Office to other men . Therefore if Chancellors did only these accidental works ( or Lay Elder either ) and meddled not with the sacred power of the Keys , we should not be so quarrelsome , as to condemn their undertaking , unless it were for the abuse . 47. We doubt not but in a Church that hath many Pastors , those that are young and weak should much submit to the elder and more able , and be as far ruled by them , as the difference of age , experience and abilities , without a difference of Office , doth require . 48. And we doubt not , but where Temples and Church-maintenance are at the dispose of Patrons , People or Magistrates , they may give them to some one Pastor as the present possessor , so that no other shall have part but by his concession . And this difference there is between the Parson and his Curates in our Parishes , and an accidental superiority and inferiority thereby , without a difference of Office. 49. If Magistrates , or Councils , or Custome , should in each particular Church that hath many Pastors , give one a Governing , that is a negative voice among the rest , in the management of the affairs of that Church , so that the rest should not go against him or without him , as Archbishops now are over Bishops , and Archpresbyters were formerly over Presbyters , and Archdeacons over Deacons , and Presidents over Colleges , and Courts of Justice , without claiming a distinct Office ; though the sad experience of Mens inclination to Church-tyranny , make us doubtful whether we should wish for such an inequality , yet would we not unpeaceably disturb or quarrel with such an Order , when it is settled : Our Parish Order aforesaid being indeed but such . 50. Whether God himself hath appointed another sort of Bishops who may be better called Archbishops , as Successors of the Apostles in the Ruling part of their Office ; and whether these have not a Power above particular Church Pastors in Ordinations , and in the oversight of the Pastors themselves , and in the Care of many Churches , I have long ago confessed , is a Case of too much difficulty for me to determine . On the one side , though the Apostles have no Successors in the extraordinary and temporary part of their Office , yet Church-government being an ordinary and permanent part , as doctrine is , I can hardly think that when we find one Form of Church-government instituted by Christ himself , and continuing till the end of that Age , that we should presume to say that this Form then ceased and another must succeed it without good proof . What we find enacted and setled must stand , till we can prove it abrogate . And unless it were a thing which in the nature of it were temporary , it seemeth a harsh imputation of mutability , to feign Christ to set up a Church-government which should be in force but for an hundred years . And on the other side it puzleth me , 1. to find it so hard to prove , that the Apostles themselves did indeed exercise any Office power over other Pastors , which one may not do towards another , over and above that which accrewed to them from the meer extraordinary advantage of their gifts and Apostolical proper work : 2. And to find it so obscure , whether they settled any as their Successors in that superiority of power which they had . 51. But being in such doubt , and being uncertain whether such Arch-Bishops or Apostolical Successors in the points of Ordination and oversight of many Churches , be of Divine right or not , I resolve not to contend against any such Order , nor to disobey any just commands of such , nor to reproach the custome of the Churches . 52. And though I know that Pastors should not unnecessarily be diverted by any aliene works , yet if it please the Magistrate to commit some of his power of Church-government by the Sword , ( about things extrinsick , to the Pastoral Office ) into the hands of some Ministers as his Officers , and if he call them Bishops , and command us to obey them , and if he make them Barons , and endow them with Lordships and great revenues , though I see the great peril to the Church from hence , by reason of mens pride and worldliness ; yet will I not reproach this Order , nor deny any just obedience to any such Officers of the King. 53. If any acknowledging the Pastors of each Church to have the whole Pastoral Office , and power of the Keys of that Church which he overseeth , shall yet affirm that the aforesaid superiour General Bishops ( or Arch-Bishops ) have a superiour power of the Keys , and therefore shall have the decision of controversies that arise in particular Churches between the Pastors and the People , and that appeals may be made by the people to them , and that they may visit the particular Churches at their pleasure , and have power to censure the particular Bishops ( or Pastors ) when they deserve it , or to Ordain Ministers , remove them , and depose them as there is just cause , ( by bare sentence , and the peoples consent , ) and all this jure divino , as Successors to the Apostles in their Government , or to such Archbishops ( or General Bishops ) as Timothy and Titus . I shall not contend against any of this , for the reasons aforesaid , being uncertain of the thing in question . But if I must be put to subscribe , that I believe all this to be true , ( as if it were an Article of my Faith ) the same uncertainty would forbid me . 54. And here I must take occasion to say , that I take unnecessary Subscriptions , Declarations , Promises and Oaths , to be one of the chiefest of the Devil's Engines , to divide Christ's Churches , and to fish out those Ministers that make conscience of perjury and lying , and to turn them out of the work of Christ , and to leave in those that do not , ( when Conscience can find but any shifting pretence ; ) And how fit such are for the Sacred Ministry , and whose servants really they are , and how they are like to do Christ's work , and what a Case the Churches will be in that have such , and what the effects will be with the common people , and how the lovers of Godliness will resent all this , and what else will follow hereupon , I leave to the Reader that hath the brains of a man , or ever opened his eyes to mark what is done abroad in the World , or that ever read with observation the things that in other Ages have befallen the Churches , or that knoweth what relation light hath to darkness , good to evil , and Christ to Belial . I think that the Articles of our Faith and the matters of our practice are so to be distinguished , as that there is a necessity of Believing the former , and therefore we may be called to profess that we do Believe them ; And for the other , ( the Agenda ) we must be called to Do them , ( and if they be plain and necessary duties of our Religion , being to be Believed to be Duties before we do them , we may sometime be put to profess that Belief . ) But duties of humane imposition , or of doubtful nature , may be done as things lawful by thousands of peaceable men , that cannot say or swear that they are duties ; or may be done as of humane obligation by those that cannot say they are of Divine obligation . 55. We hold that the first Churches that did divolve all arbitrations of differences among Christians upon the Pastors , did that which brought no great present inconvenience , when the People were but few and the Pastors had sufficient leisure ; but that which prepared for the degenerating of the Ministry and the Churches lamentable corruption ; And therefore that they should have foreseen this , and done as St. Paul directed them , and referred matters to any fit [ wise man among them . ] And when they saw the mischief , they should have quickly reformed it , as Silvanus Bishop of Troas aforementioned did : And that if there were Lay Elders in any of the ancient Churches , ( as one passage in Origen , and one in Ambrose , and this of Silvanus in Socrates have made some think ) they were truly Lay , and appointed only to such Arbitrations as these , and such other Animadversions over the rest , as Lay-men may do ; ( A help that I once tryed and found to be very great . ) 56. We hold that when Constantine gave the Clergy the sole Power of Judging the Causes ( Civil and Criminal ) of all the Christians , he shewed more ignorant zeal , than true discretion , and did let in a pestilence into the Church ; and that instead of that he should have only left Arbitrations to mans free choice , and have set up a Christian or Righteous Magistracy , to whom both Bishops and all other Christians should submit . 57. We hold that when Christians so multiplyed , as that they grew uncapable of Personal Communion , at one Altar , it was the duty of them and the Bishops , to have ordered them into new Churches , whcih should every one have had its proper Bishop , or plenary Pastoral Office among them ; and not to have kept them all still in the name of one particular Church ( infimi ordinis ) when they were uncapable of the nature and end . 58. We hold that it was sinfully done , to make a new Office or Order of subject Presbyters , that had not the Governing power of their perticular Churches , neither alone , nor conjunct ; but had only the power to Teach and Worship , the Government being reserved only to the Bishop of another ( called a Mother ) Church . 59. But we believe that this came not in till many hundred Years after Christ , and that but by slow degrees , and that after subordinate Churches and Altars were invented , and set up , yet the Pastors under the name of Presbyters , had much of the Governing power ( of the Keys ) though with and under the Bishop of the Mother Church . 60. The deposing of all the first rank or Order of Bishops , which were before over each particular Church , the making of a new Office of half Presbyters , the making of Churches of a new species , as being under a new sort of Officers , the making Archbishops , who should have many Churches and Bishops under them , to become the Bishops of the lowest rank , having none under them ; but above all these , the making of the Pastoral work , especially discipline become utterly impossible , by putting that into one mans hand , that cannot be done but by many ( or many hundred , ) these and such like are the things that we can neither swear to nor approve . 61. We hold that though the Magistrate may shape his part of the Church Government variously , according to the Interest of the common good , yet that the Spiritual or Pastoral part should not have been molded into the shape of the Civil Imperial Government ; And that so doing did give the Papacy that countenance which is the ground of its usurpation . 62. For we hold that the essential constitution of the Pastoral Office , and its work , and the essential constitution of the Church Universal , and of Individual ( or particular ) Churches , are all of Divine unalterable Institution ; And that all Laws of Christ for such Constitution , and for Administration , are unalterable by man : Though we hold that Circumstancials and Accidentals are alterable , as being not setled by any Divine determination . ( As e. g. how many Ministers shall be in each Church , which of them shall be more regarded than the rest , as being of greater wisdom , how ost and when and where they shall assemble , with many the like . ) 63. We hold that as all Christians ( ordinarily ) should have personal Communion in particular Churches , so those Churches and their Bishops should hold such Communion as is needful to their strength and concord , and the common good . 64. This Communion of Churches is to be held internally by Concord in the same Faith and Love and Religion , and externally by the same profession , and instrumentally , 1. by Messengers and Letters , and , 2. by Delegates and Synods when there is need ; ( which as is said , for Time , Place , Numbers , Provinces , Orders , are left to humane Prudence . ) 65. If any that divide the Country into Provinces , will settle Synods accordingly , and settle over them Presidents for the ordering of their proceedings , and will give power to one above others , to call such Synods , and will call these Provinces , or Nations , or Empires , by the name of Provincial , National , or Imperial Churches , and the Bishops so exalted by the name of Metropolitans , Primates , Patriarchs , &c. We contend not against this as unlawful in it self ( though we easily see the accidental danger , being taught it by long and sad experience ; ) so be it , 1. that none of these be pretended to be of Divine Institution , but of humane determination ; 2. and that they meddle with nothing but such accidentals as are left to humane prudence ; 3. and that they equal not their humane Association with the Christian Worshiping Churches , which are of Christ's Institution , 4. and that much less they do not oppress their brethren , and tyrannize , nor deprive the particular Pastors and Churches of their proper priviledges and work . But alas when were these Rules observed by humane Churches ? 66. The Canons of such Synods or Councils of Bishops , may be made Laws indeed by the Civil power , and they are ( if just ) obligatory to the people , by virtue of the Pastoral Authority of the Bishops : But as to the particular Bishops , they are only Agreements , and no proper Laws ( the Major Vote of Bishops being not proper Governours of the rest ) and bind only by virtue of Christ's General Laws for Love and Concord . 67. The Pastoral power is not at all Coactive by secular force , on body or estate , but only Nunciative and perswasive , commanding in Christ's name as authorized by him , and executed no otherwise than by a Ministerial word , and by with-holding our own acts of Administration , and denying our Communion to offenders : Nor did the Apostles themselves pretend to any other than this power of the Word ( for the Keys are exercised but thus ) excepting what they ▪ did by Miracle . And if Bishops would go no further , they would work on none but Voluntiers , and their usurpations might be the more easily born . 67. And indeed we are fully perswaded , that none but Voluntiers are ●it for the great priviledge of Church-Communion , and that giving it to the unwilling that had but rather endure it than a Prison , is a great profanation of it , and a cheat to poor souls , and a horrid corrupting of Christ's Churches and Ordinances . 68. If wilful Church-corruptions have made any places uncapable of a present conformity to Christ's Institutions , their incapacity must not become the measure and rule of our Reformation ; But a true Conformity to the Institution must be intended and endeavoured , though all cannot come up to it at the first . 69. We do not hold that every Corruption in Number , or Officers , or Order , nullifieth a Church , or maketh all Communion with it unlawful , as long as the essential constitution doth remain . Yea , though my own judgment is , that every Church in Town or Country should have a Bishop , yet if they would but set up one Bishop with his assistant Presbyters in every Corporation and Great Town , with the neighbour Villages , according to the antient practise , from the middle of the third Century for many following ; so that true discipline might but be made possible to them that had a heart to practice it , I should greatly rejoyce in such a Reformation ; much more , if every Parish Pastor were restored to all the parts of his Office , though he exercised all under the Government of Bishops . 70. We hold the Parish Churches of England , that have true Ministers ( that are , not utterly uncapable through Ignorance , Heresie , Insufficiency , or Wickedness , ) to be true Churches of Christ ; But that is , because we hold the particular Ministers to be true Bishops ( Episcopos Gregis etsi non Episcoporum , ) and to have the power of the Keys over all their Flocks : And that is , because we hold that it is not in our Bishops power to deprive them of it though they would ; And because we hold that when Christ hath instituted and described the Office of a Pastor or Presbyter , and the Ordainers ordain a man to that Office , their power shall be judged of by Christs institution , and not by the Ordainers will , though he mistake or would maim and change it by his wrong description . And that the Ordainer is but a Ministerial Invester , delivering possession according to his Masters will and not his own : And as long as Christ giveth to Pastors the power of the Keys , and they themselves consent to receive and use them , ( especially if the People also consent to the exercise of them ) it is not the Bishops will or words that can nullifie this power . And if this Answer were not good , I confess , I were not able to Answer a Brownist , who saith , that we have no true Publick Churches of God's Institution , Diocesan Churches being but Humane , if they had Bishops in each Church under them , and being sinful when they have none , and Parochial Churches being Humane or null , as having no Bishops of their own , nor Pastors of Christ's Institution , but half Pastors ; and therefore being but part of a Diocesan Church . But all this is sufficiently answered by our foresaid Reasons ; which no high Prelatist can soundly answer . 71. I do hold that those Parish Assemblies , that have no Ministers , [ but such as are uncapable , either through notorious Ignorance , or Heresie , or utter Insufficiency as to the Essentials of their Office , or by disclaiming themselves any Essential part of the Pastoral Office , or by notorious Preaching against Godliness , and opposing the Churches necessary good , ] are indeed no true Churches of Christ , but only are Analogically or Equivocally so called ; As you may call a Community of Christians that have no Pastor or Church , which is no Organized or Political Society . 72. But yet I think it not simply unlawful to joyn at any time with such an Assembly : For I may joyn with a Christian Family , or occasional Assembly , though not as with a Church . 73. We hold that all the Christians in the World ( in particular Churches or out ) do make up one Catholick or Universal Church : which is Mystical and Invisible , in that , 1. the Faith of Mens minds is Invisible , 2. and Christ is Invisible to us Mortals now he is in Heaven . But it is also Visible , 1. In respect of the Members and their outward Baptism and Profession , 2. and because that Christ the Head was once Visible on Earth , and is still Visible in Heaven to the Glorified part ( as the King is to his Courtiers , when the rest of the Kingdom seeth him not . ) and will Visibly appear again to all . 74. We hold that this Universal Church is One in Christ alone , and that it hath no other King or Head ; That he hath Instituted no Vicarious Head , either Pope or General Council ; Nor is any mortal man or men capable of such an Office. 75. We hold therefore that the Roman Pope ( and General Councils , if they claim such an Headship ) is an Usurper of part of Christ's Prerogative ; which having usurped he hath used against Christ , and his interest ; against the Soveraignty of Princes , and against the true Unity , Concord , Peace and Holiness of the Churches . 76. And we hold that it was the modelling of the Church to the Policy of the Roman Empire , which gave the Pope the advantage for this usurpation : And that the Roman Catholick Papal Church is a mee● Humane Form , and an Imperial Church , as much as the Archbishop of Canterbury as Superiour to the rest of England is of Man , and that Body so united is a National Church : And that the General Councils were never truly General , as to all the Churches in the World ▪ but only as to the Roman Imperial Church ; None considerable ever coming to such Councils , but those that were or had been in the Roman Empire , or some very few that closely bordered on them : Nor had the Roman Emperour ( who usually called , or gave his Warrant for such Councils , or Governed them ) any power over the Clergy of all the rest of the Christian World , ( in Ethiopia , the outer Armenia , Persia , India , &c. ) Nor did the Imperial Pope then exercise any power over them . And we are perswaded that the power of the Patriarchs of Alexandria , Antioch , Jerusalem , Constantinople , and of the Metropolita●● , Primates , &c. stood on the same foundation with the Primacy of the Pope , and that one is no more of Divine right than the other ; But that the Papacy is the far more wicked Usurpation , as pretending to more of Christ's Prerogative . 77. We hold therefore that the Roman Church , as such , that is , as pretending to be the Church-Catholick , Headed by an ( Usurping ) Universal Bishop , is no true Church of Christ , but a Humane and traiterous Usurpation and conspiracy , therefore by Protestants called Antichristian : Though those that are true Christians among them are Parts of Christ's Catholick Church , and those that are true Pastors among them , may be the Guides of true particular Churches . 78. We hold therefore that no Power on Earth , Popes , Council or Prince , hath power to make Universal Laws to bind the whole Church of Christ on Earth , because there is no Universal Head or Soveraign but Christ . 79. By all this it is evident that we grant all these following disparities in the Church : 1. The disparity of Age , standing , and Gifts among Ministers of the same Order : 2. A kind of paternal priority where one was the Teacher , Educater , or Ordainer of the other . 3. An accidental disparity , when one only by the Patron or Magistrate hath the sole possession of the Maintenance and power of the Temple . 4. We will not unpeaceably contend against the guiding power or negative Vote of One Bishop in a particular Church over the rest of the Pastors of the same Office ; Nor do we take such a power to make a distinct Office. 5. We do not strive against the Presidency of one , in Synods , as Moderator ; No though it were durante vitâ ( which Bishop Hall thought would serve to heal us . ) 6. We do not deny Obedience to any Bishop , who is Commissioned by the King , to exercise as a Church-Magistrate , his part of the Church-Government . 7. Much less do we strive against the Power of Kings and Lawful Magistrates Circa Sacra , ( of which Grotius hath excellently written de Imper. ) But we take the Magistrate to be the necessary and only Ruler by the Sword , to keep Peace and Order among Church ▪ men , as well as among men of all other Professions . 8. Yea , I do not contend against the Divine Right of General Bishops , ( or Archbishops ) such as Timothy and Titus , nor will deny Obedience to them , who take care as Visitors of Many Churches , which have every one their proper Bishop , one or more , with true plenary Pastoral power of the Keys , to guide the people of their charge . 9. We refuse not to receive Ordination from such General Bishops . 10. Nor do we refuse to be responsible to them , when we are accused of any male Administration , or to admit of Appeals from us to them . 80. By all which it appeareth , 1. How falsly we are charged to be against all Episcopacy . 2. And how falsly and deceitfully all those Writers state the Case and plead against us , that only plead for a Congregational or Parochial Episcopacy , or any of this which we grant ; and how they cheat their Readers , who make them believe , that our Controversie is , whether there should be any Episcopacy , and not what kind of Episcopacy it should be . 3. What friends they will prove to the Church , that will rather do all that is done against it , than endure those that grant all this which we do grant them . 81. That I am not singular in all this , I prove in that it was only Archbishop Usher's Reduction of Episcopacy to the Primitive state , which the Nonconformists , ( malitiously called Presbyterians ) did offer to his Majesty and the Bishops , 1660. as the means of our Concord , and which was rejected : Yea , that they * thankfully accepted ( though not totally approved ) that higher Model expressed in his Majesties Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs . And now , I suppose , I have given Strangers and Posterity a truer Description of the Judgment of the present Nonconformists , than malicious turbulent ambitious Persons use to give of them , or than the extreams and freaks of a few Sectaries would allow men to receive . CHAP. V. Concerning the Writers of this Controversie ; With a Summary Answer to the Chief that write against the Cause which I defend . I Have not been altogether negligent to read the Controversies on this Subject , nor I hope partial in Reading them ; If I have , it hath been because I had rather have found Conformity to the Prelacy to be lawful ; for then I had not above * nine years been silenced , and denied not only all Church maintenance , but leave to preach Christ's Gospel , nor had I been exposed as I have been to so much wrath and malice , expressed in so many scurrilous lying invectives and libells , besides other ways . Even when I doubted of the use of the transient Image of the Cross , I was of opinion that Prelacy was lawful , and so was likely to continue , if the Prelates would have given me leave : But in 1640 , they put a New Oath upon us , Never to Consent to the Alteration of the present frame of Prelacy , as under Archbishops , Bishops , Deans , Archdeacons , &c. and that it ought so to stand . And I thought it was then time , when I was put to such a solemn Oath , to search more throughly into all the matter before I sware . And in searching , I found in general that almost all Writers for Episcopacy , either confound Diocesan Prelacy , such as ours , with the Episcopacy of a single Church , or at least all their proof extendeth to no more than I have here granted . When they offer us the definition of a Bishop ( which few of them do ) it is such as neither supposeth any more Churches than one to be his Charge , nor any Presbyters under him at all ; but only a Power of Ordaining Presbyters , and ruling them when he hath them , whether in one Church or more . And I find that they are so far from proving that ever the Apostles appointed a distinct Office of Presbyters which had not the power of the Keys over the People , in foro interiore & exteriore ( as they call them ) but had only power to Teach and Worship , under Bishops as a superior Office or Order , as that they prove not any such to have ever been under the Apostles themselves ; and some of themselves do plainly deny it : Nor do they prove that long after the Presbyters were any more subject to the Bishops , than the Deacons are now to the Archdeacon , or the Bishops to the Archbishop , who are of the same Order . So that whoever else they speak to , they say nothing to me , and seem not to know where the Controversie lyeth , viz. 1. Whether a Bishop of the lowest rank ( being no Archbishop , or having no Bishops under him ) over many Churches , ( or Societies of Christians stated under their proper Pastors , or Presbyters , for ordinary personal Communion in all God's publick Worship , ) be of Divine , or Lawful Humane , Institution ? 2. Whether an Order or Office of Presbyters that have not the power of the Keys even in foro exteriore , be of Divine , or Lawful Humane Institution ? ( whom for brevity I shall hereafter call half-Presbyters . ) So that the Question is not , whether one Man was after sometime called peculiarly the Bishop , and in the same Church sate over Presbyters of the same Office , as Archpresbyters , or as Archdeacons over Deacons , or Archbishops over Bishops ; Nor yet whether there were or should be a General sort of Bishops ( or Archbishops ) over the Bishops of particular Churches ? But whether any stated Body of Worshiping Christians , as afore described ( like our Parish Churches that have unum altare ) should be without a Bishop of their own , or without a Pastor that hath the threefold power before described , of Leading the People in Doctrine Worship and Discipline , called the power of the Keys ? And whether he be a true Presbyter or Minister of Christ that wants this power ? And whether they that depose the Parish Ministers of this power , do not degrade the Presbyters , nullifie the Churches under them , and depose the ancient sort of Episcopacy quantum in se ? and set up another Humane sort of Churches called Diocesan , and of Archbishops turned into Bishops , infimi gradus , in their stead , together with a new Species of half-Presbyters ? 1. How far Whitgift's Disputations against Cartwright are guilty of this overlooking the true Question , I leave to the Reader : Only I must say for him , that when his Adversarie standeth most upon the denial of all superior Episcopacy , it was his part to prove what was denied . And I need say no more than that Whitgift oft professeth ( as Dr. Stillingfleet hath collected out of him , ) that God hath in Scripture prescribed no one sort of Church-Government : And therefore not the Prelatical . 2. I do not expect that ever this Controversie should be handled by two more judicious Adversaries than Saravia and Beza were . And as Beza protesteth against a Parity , and pleadeth for a Prostasie , desireth that which he calleth Divine Episcopacy , tolerating and submitting to that which he calleth Humane Episcopacy , and flatly opposing only that , which he calleth Satanical Episcopacy ; So Saravia professeth , p. 1 , 2. & p. Defens . 4 , 5. that the General nature of the Evangelical Ministry , common both to Bishops and Presbyters , containeth these three things , 1. The Preaching of the Gospel . 2. The Communication of the Sacraments , 3. The Authority of Church-Government : And only pleadeth that in this last , the Power of Bishops and Presbyters is not equal , but the Bishops power is principal in Government . Which granteth the main Question which we Nonconformist now contend for . And I confes that Saravia's Writings were the first and chief that brought me to suspect that the Apostles have Successors in the point of Government , as being but an ordinary and durable part of their Office : which Argument he hath better managed than any man else that I have seen . And p. 12. ib. He granteth that the 70 Disciples were not under the Government of the 12 Apostles . He granteth that chosen Seniors of the Laity may be great Assistants in the Government : Yea , Def. 1. 8. p. 83. He saith , that in the absence of Paul and his Assistants , the Churches of Crete were wholly ruled , till Titus Ordained them Pastors , by such Elders . [ A senioribus quos ratio & natura in quavis Societate dat , non Ordinatio : quales sunt natu majores , & quotquot aliqua virtute in populo excellunt : quibus deferre natura omnes gentes docuit : quibus addo eos quos tunc temporis passim , dona Sp. sancti venia excitabant , sed nulli loco alligabant . ] And no wonder , for he affirmeth , that in times of publick corruption of Doctrine , any man that is learned and able and fit , must propugne and defend the truth , as he hath ability and opportunity ; or else be judged for hiding his talents as the unprofitable servant , pag. 23. cap. 2. Yet doth he most improbably imagine that Rome and Corinth had no proper Pastors , when Paul wrote his Epistles to them . When as Paul had dwelt a year and half at Corinth , when it was the practice of the Apostles to Ordain Elders in every Church , and when among the Corinthians there were so many Prophets , Instructers , Speakers of Languages , Interpreters , &c. that Paul is fain to regulate and restrain them in their Church-meetings , that they might not over-do , and hinder one another . And yet were these People without any proper Pastor ? Without a Prelate ? it's like they were . Yea , when Paul directeth them to deliver the incestuous man to Satan , and to exercise Church-discipline upon others that were scandalous , doth not this intimate that they had among them such as were impowred to do it ? If only transiently and occasionally , they could Worship God publickly and deliver Sacraments , and Govern the Church but transiently and rarely : How did they spend the Lords days , when those transient guides were absent ? Did the major part of the people , who Saravia thinketh were to exercise the foresaid Discipline , also Consecrate and Administer the Sacrament , or publickly pray and worship God without a Pastor ? Were they every Lords day to deposit their Collections , and have no Pastors , and so no Church-Assemblies ? Had they so many Sects and false Teachers to trouble them , and yet no Pastors ? When Clem. Rom. so shortly after writeth so much to reconcile the Pastors and People that disagreed . And when Paul tells the Romans and Corinthians what Officers God setteth in the Church , is it like there was none fixed among them ? And I must note how great a charge he layeth on the Bishops , when , Resp . ad N. p. 10. Art. 12. He saith that [ the Bishop is aequè imo magis proprius singularum Ecclesiarum sua Dioceseos Pastor , illis qui ibi praesunt & resident , utpote ad quem cura praecipua illorum locorum pertineat : The Bishop hath more Charge or Care of all the Parishes in his Diocess than the present Pastors have : ( O dreadful undertaking . ) Ad quem prima & praecipua Cura omnium incumbet : ita ut , ipse suum agnoscit gregem , & singulis quibus manus imponit , &c. How many hundred thousand individuals then hath the Bishop of London this particular Charge of , whose names he never heard , and whose faces he never saw ? Oportet enim Episcopum omnes quantum fieri potest , qui ipsius curae commissi sunt , nosse . The Bishop must know all his Flock , if possible ; And must he have a Flock then which he cannot possibly know , nor never saw one of a hundred or thousand of them , with any particular knowledge at least ? And Cont. quaest . & Resp . Beza , p. 103. He approveth of Zanchy's judgment [ that Ceremonies and things indifferent be left free ] [ and the Churches free in them . ] And Defens . p. 286. He saith , [ Primum Episcoporum omnium & Presbyterorum unum esse Ordinem Constituo . ] I maintain that there is one Order of all Bishops and Presbyters . ] Therefore they cannot differ but Gradu , as a Deacon and Archdeacon . And again , ib. p. 286. Ministerii autem Evangelici unitas , probatur ab horum unitate ; & ut ita loquar , identitate : Eandem enim veritatis doctrinam , omnes Orthodoxi docent , eadem Sacramenta Ministrant , eandem censuram exercent ; tantum Provinciarum est inaequalitas & graduum diversitas . ] [ The Unity of the Gospel Ministry is proved from the Unity , or as I may say , Identity of these : All ( that are Orthodox ) teach the same true Doctrine , Administer the same Sacraments , exercise the same Censures ; Only there is an inequality of Provinces , and a diversity of degrees . ] Thus the most Learned and rational Defender of Prelacy giveth away their Cause . 3. Bishop Bilson , a most Learned and judicious man also , saith more for Episcopacy than any of our late Writers ; and in my judgment saith more against the Office of Ecclesiastical Elders distinct from Pastors , than can be answered . But to our two main Questions before-mentioned , ( of a Bishop over many Churches without Bishops under him , and of half-Presbyters ) how little he saith the Reader will soon see ( yea how much on our side . ) 4. As for Hooker , till his 7th Book came lately out , we had nothing in him considerable of this subject : And in that Book it self , so little to the purpose , as to our foresaid two Controversies , as is next to nothing , nor worthy a Reply . In his § . 2. p. 4. He attempts ( that which few do ) to give us the definition of a Bishop , which is [ A Bishop is a Minister of God , unto whom with permanent continuance , there is given not only power of Administring the Word and Sacraments , which power other Presbyters have , but also a further power to Ordain Ecclesiastical persons , and a power of Chiefty in Government over Presbyters as well as Lay men , a power to be by way of Jurisdiction a Pastor even to Pastors themselves . ] And then he distinguisheth of Bishops at large or indefinite , and Bishops with restraint , and saith he meaneth the later . And so you have what must be expected from Mr. Hooker for the information of you , what Episcopacy he pleads for : Where it is obvious how fraudulently ( through oversight or partiality I know not ) he dealeth : For whereas he durst put no more into the definition of Episcopacy about Jurisdiction but [ a power of Chiefty in Government over Presbyters as well as Lay-men . ] yet would not tell us , whether Government of Lay-men , ( under the Bishop ) belong to the Presbyters or not : His words seem plainly to imply it ; what use else is there for his [ Chiefly ] and [ as well as Lay-men . ] And yet twice over he would name nothing but , Teaching and Sacraments which belong to the Pastor as a Pastor in general ; leaving it as a thing which he would neither affirm nor deny , whether Pastors Governed their Flocks . Yet all that Decantate Book turneth on the Hinges of this lame Definition ( which hath other defects which I pass by ; ) And without this we cannot know what Subject he disputeth of . Whereas Saravia well noted and acknowledged three Essential parts of the Ministry in General , Mr. Hooker who leaveth out one of them , and yet durst not deny it , should have told us , whether he include it or not ; seeing it is the matter of most of our difference ; and we take him for no Pastor or Presbyter that is without the power of Government , nor that to be a true Church ( in sensu politico ) that hath no other Pastor . 2. And when as one part of his Adversaries deny not ( at least ) the Lawfulness of one Bishops superiority in a single Church , as far as his description speaketh , but only in many Churches ; no , nor one Archbishops power over many Churches that have their own Bishops , but only his power to depose all the Bishops of particular Churches and turn them all into one Diocesan Church ; his Definition visibly reacheth to no other sort of Bishops , but such as we oppose not ; and so he saith nothing at all against us , to any purpose through all his Book : For where after he confidently tells us that the extent of his Jurisdiction alters not the Species , it is but barely said , and by his leave I shall fully prove the contrary anon . And pag. 4. l. 7. He confesseth that de facto . [ Many things are in the state of Bishops , which the times have changed , Many a Parsonage at this day is larger than some ancient Bishopricks were . ] It 's well confest : And I shall try among other things , whether the Name of a Bishoprick will make a Parsonage and a Diocess to be ejusdem speciei , and whether magnitude do not make a specifick difference , between the Sea and a Rivulet or a glass of water , or between a Ship and a Nut-shel . And whereas page 6. He undertaketh to prove a Coercive Power in Bishops , either he speaketh according to the common use of men , or not : If not , he would not be understood : & Qui non v●lt intelligi , debet negligi : If he do , then by Coercive he must mean , by Outward force upon the body ; which is false , and is proper to the Magistrate , Parents or Masters ; and is disclaimed by all sober Protestant Divines , yea by Papists , as not at all belonging to the Pastoral Office. Though we easily grant that Pastors may Coercere by nord ( and so may Presbyters sure , ) yet no otherwise but by word . For Excommunication and Degradation as far as belongs to them , are but words ( and an after forbearing of their own acts of Communion . ) But this is not the common use of the word Coercive as applyed to Government by way of distinction . How much wiselier doth the ( more Learned and judicious ) Bishop Bilson still distinguish by the Power of the Word , as differing from the Magistrates Coercive or by the Sword ? Yet note that page 8. § . 5. l. 7. He is brought to acknowledge [ that All Churches by the Apostles erected received from them the same Faith , the same Sacraments , the same Form of publick Regiment : The Form of Regiment by them established at first was , that the Laity be subject to a College of Ecclesiastical persons , which were in every such City appointed for that purpose : These in their writings they term sometime Presbyters and sometime Bishops ▪ To take one Church out of a number for a pattern , what the rest were , the Presbyters of Ephesus , as it is in the History of their departure from the Apostle Paul at Miletum , are said to have wept abundantly all ; which speech doth shew them to have been many : And by the Apostles exhortation it may appear , that they had not each his several Flock to feed , but were in common appointed to feed that one Flock the Church of Ephesus , for which cause the phrase of his speech is this Attendite gregi , Look to all that one Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops : These persons Ecclesiastical being termed then Presbyters and Bishops both , &c. And page 9. he saith , [ The outward being of a Church consisteth in the having of a Bishop . ] Then the Brownists must carry it , that our Parishes are no true Churches ( but parts of a Church ) because they have no Bishop : Only a Diocesan Church hath a Bishop : Therefore only a Diocesan is a true Church ; ( which anon shall be proved to be but Humane . ) And page 12. He thus expoundeth Hierome , as holding Episcopacy alterable [ The Church hath power by Universal consent upon urgent cause to take it away ; if thereunto she be constrained through the proud tyrannical and unreformable dealing of her Bishop — Wherefore lest Bishops forget themselves , as if none on earth had authority to touch their states , let them continually bear in mind , that it is rather the force of custome than any such true heavenly law can be shewed , by the evidence whereof it may of a truth appear , that the Lord himself hath appointed Presbyters for ever to be under the Regiment of Bishops in what sort soever they behave themselves . Let this consideration be a bridle to them ; Let it teach them not to disdain the advice of their Presbyters , but to use their Authority with so much the greater humility and moderation , as a Sword which the Church hath power to take from them . ] This is Mr. Hooker . And page 14. He confesseth that according to the Custom of England , and a Council at Carthage , Presbyters may impose hands in Ordination with the Bishop , though not without him : So that by this they have the the power of Ordination to , though he have a Negative Voice in it . And indeed if all Ordination must be done by one of a Superiour Order , who shall Ordain Bishops , or Archbishops , or Patriarchs , or the Pope ? And page 18. He saith , [ Most certain truth it is that Churches Cathedral and the Bishops of them are as glasses , wherein the face and countenance of Apostolical antiquity remaineth even as yet to be seen — ] Which is it that we also affirm , every City or Church having a Bishop and Presbytery of their own . And whereas page 19. He saith , [ If we prove that Bishops have lawfully of old ruled over other Ministers , it is enough , how few soever those Ministers have been , how small soever the circuit of place which hath contained them . ] If this be so , we grant you enough , when we grant Parochial Bishops . But no where doth he more palpably yield our Cause , than page 21 , 22. where to Cartwright's Objection , that [ the Bishop that Cyprian speaketh of is nothing else but such as we call Pastor , or as the common name is Parsons , and his Church whereof he is Bishop is neither Diocess nor Province , but a Congregation which met together in one place to be taught by one man. ] He hath no better answer to this , than to tell us , that If it were true , it is impertinent ; and that it is not true , because Cyprian had many Presbyters under him , so as they might have every day change for performance of their duty : And he never once attempteth to prove that Cyprian had more Churches , yea , or Assemblies than One ; but only that he was over the Presbyters in one Church or Assembly ; and as an Archbishop was over Bishops . The same thing which I submit to ; but nothing against the things that I assert against him . A Parson may have divers Curates under him , and not divers Churches , much loss a thousand that have no other Bishop ? And whereas page 33. It is objected that many things are innovated in our Discipline , as imposing Ministers on the People without their consent , Bishops Excommunicating alone , Imprisoning , &c. His answer is , that the Church may change her customes ; And on that ground alloweth the Ordination of Presbyters alone , because the Church can give them power : For he goeth in Church-matters as he doth in point of Civil Government , on his false supposition , that all Power is Originally in the whole Body , saying , page 37. [ The whole Church visible being the true Original subject of all power , it hath not ordinarily allowed any other , than Bishops alone to Ordain . Howbeit as the ordinary course is ordinarily in all things to be observed , so it may be in some cases not unnecessary that we decline from the ordinary ways . ] ( What is more contrary than Saravia ( Tract . de Obedient . ) and Hooker in their Principles of Government ? ) From hence also , page 38. He inferreth the no necessity of continued Succession of Bishops in every effectual Ordination . And it is very observable which he granteth ( for it cannot be denied . ) [ The Power of Orders I may lawfully receive without the asking consent of any multitude : but the power I cannot exercise upon any certain People against their wills . ] And page 38. He cannot deny but the ancient use was for the Bishops to excommunicate with the College of his Assistant Presbyters ; but he taunteth Beza for thinking that this may not be changed . These are the men that build upon Antiquity , and the Custom of the Universal Church . And page 69. when the Canons for Bishops spare course of living are objected , he saith , that those Canons were made when Bishops lived of the same Purse which served as well for a number of others as for them , and yet all at their disposing ; Intimating the old Course , when every Church had its Bishop and inferiour Clergy . But Innovation is lawful for our Prelacy . And now he that can find any thing in Hooker against the points which I defend , or for that Prelacy which I oppose , any more worth the answering than this that I have recited , let him rejoyce in the perfection of his eye-sight . And if thus much be worthy to be confuted , or such as this , let them do it that have nothing else to do . So ridiculous is the Challenge of one that glorieth to write a Book with the same Title [ of Ecoles . Policy , ] who insultingly provoketh us to write a full Confutation of Hooker , who saith so little to the main point in Controversie , our Diocesan Form of Prelacy , and writeth his whole Book in a tedious Preaching stile , where you may read many leaves for so much Argumentation , as one Syllogism may contain ; that I think I might as wisely have challenged himself to con●●ue Mr. F●x's Book of Martyrs , or Baronius his Annals , almost , or at least may say as Dr. John Burges doth of Mr. Parker ( another sort of Parker ) his Book of the Cross , which Dr. Ames saith was never answered , that if any will reduce that gawdy Treatise into Argument ( it being indeed almost all made up of the fruits of Reading , History , Sentences , &c. of purpose to confute them that said the Nonconformists were no Schollars ) he should quickly have an Answer to it . So if any will reduce all that is in Mr. Hooker's 8 Books ( in tedious Discourses into Syllogism , ( which is against what I maintain , ) I believe it will not all fill up one half or quarter of a page ; and it shall , God-willing , be soon answered . In the mean time the popular Principles of his First and Eighth Book , subverting all true Government , I have already confuted elsewhere ( in my Christian Directory . ) 5. Bishop Downame hath said much more to the main Points , in the defence of his Consecration Sermon , and as much as I can expect to find in any . But , 1. as to the mode he is so contrary to Hooker , that ( being a very expert Logician ) he wasteth so much of his Book about the Forms of Arguments and Answers , that he obscureth the matter by it , and ensnareth those Readers , who do not carefully distinguish between Matter and Words , and between the force of the reason , and the form of a Syllogism . And he so adorneth ( or defileth ) his Style with taunts , insulting scorns , and contemptuous reproaches , that it is more sutable to the Scold sat Billings-gate than so learned and godly a Divine , and occasioneth his Adversaries to say , You have here a taste of the Prelatical Spirit . 2. As to the matter of his first Book , I am of his mind ( against meer ruling Elders ) He and Bilson have evinced what they hold in that . But as to the points in which we differ he indeed saith much to little purpose , and finally giveth away his Cause , or as he merrily telleth his Adversary , pag. 62. l. 3. 6. 47. he useth it as Sir Christopher Blunt's head was used , after his apprension , first healed , and then cut off . For , 1. in his lib. 3. Where he speaketh of the power of Ordination , he not only confesseth that it is in Presbyters with the Bishops , and that the Bishops have but a superiority of power therein , but is angry with his Adversary for supposing the contrary , saying ch . 3. p. 68. [ But where good Sir , do I say , they must have the sole power in Ordination , which you have so oft objected , and now again repeat ? make you no conscience of publishing untruths ? Cannot Bishops be superiour to other Ministers in the power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , which is the thing which I maintain , unless they have the sole power ? so p. 64 , &c. Therefore he granteth , that extraordinarily in case of necessity Presbyters may Ordain ( that is without a Bishop . ) page 69. and page 108. he giveth this reason for the validity of their Ordination ; Because Imposition of hands in Confirmation of the Baptized and Reconciliation of Penitents , were reserved to Bishops as well as Ordination , and yet in the absence of Bishops may be done by Presbyters . * And that the Papists themselves grant that the Pope may license a Presbyter to Ordain Presbyters : [ If therefore ( saith he ) by the Popes license a Presbyter may Ordain Presbyters , much better may a Company of Presbyters , to whom in the want of a Bishop the Charge of the Church is divolved , be authorized thereto by necessity . ] And if all this be so , no doubt but the Power of Ordination is in Presbyters , as such , though they are not to exercise it alone , nor without or against the Bishop ( And so formerly they were not to Preach , or Baptize , nor Congregate the Church without him . ) For why cannot a Lay-man Ordain with the Bishop but because he hath no such authority ? And Cap. 5. as to the power of Jurisdiction he saith the same , p. 110. 111. [ I deny not Presbyters ( which have charge of souls ) to have Jurisdiction ; both severally in their Parishes , and jointly in Provincial Synods . And I have confessed before , that Presbyters have with and under the Bishops exercised some Jurisdiction . I grant that Godly Bishops , before they had the countenance and assistance of Christian Magistracy * and direction of Christian Laws ; used in all matters of moment , to consult with their Clergy . This was practised by Cyprian , Ambrose also ( in 1 Tim. 5. 1. ) teacheth , that there was a time when nothing was done without the advice of the Presbyters ; which therefore by Ignatius are called the Counsellors and Co-assessors of the Bishops : Which course if it were used still , as it would ease the Bishops burden very much , so would it nothing detract from their superiority in Governing . — And page 115. [ The thing which I was to prove , if it had been needful , was , that whereas Presbyters did Govern each one the People of a Parish , and that privately , † the Bishop Governeth the People of the whole Diocess and that publickly . So that both Ordination and Jurisdiction belong to the Presbyters Office ; though in the exercise of it they must be governed themselves . Is not this the very sum of Archbishop Usher's Model of Primitive Episcopacy , which we offered his Majesty and the Bishops at first , for Concord , and the Bishops would not once take it into their Consideration , nor so much as vouchsafe to talk of it , or bring it under any deliberation ? When , alas , we poor undertrodden Persons , not only desired to be low our selves , but yielded to submit to all their heights , their Lordships , Parliament dignities , grandure , and to let them alone with their ( real ) sole ▪ Ordination and Jurisdiction over us poor Presbyters , and to have taken as much care of the People as they would , so we could but have obtained any tolerable degree of Government to be setled in each particular Church , either in all the Presbyters or in one Bishop , and not have had all the particular Churches deprived of Bishops and all the Pastoral Jurisdiction . But our great Controversie is handled by Bishop Downame in his second Book , wherein he laboureth to prove that the Bishops Church , or rather Charge , was not a Parish , but a Diocess . And first , page 4. he giveth us a scheme of the Scripture acception of the word [ Church ] as preparatory to his design : In which there are many Texts cited , not only without any shew of proof , that they speak of what he affirmeth them to speak , but contrary to the plain scope of the places . And he tells us that the word [ Church ] is used in Scripture for the Church Militant Congregated in an Universal or Occumenical Synod : And offereth us not one Text for instance , which he doth though injuriously , for all the rest : Nor is there any that so speaketh . He tells us that the word is used particularly to signifie the Church of a Nation in the singular number ; but could name no such place as to any Church since Christ , but only the Jewish Church , Acts 7. 38. And he saith , it is used to signifie , particularly and definitely the Church of a Nation in the plural number . And is not this a strange kind of Allegation ? The Scripture speaketh of [ the Churches in a Nation . ] Therefore it useth the word for the Church of a Nation , in the plural number . Is one Church and many all one with him : Would he have applauded that man that would have said , that such an Author useth the word [ College ] ( for the College of an University in the plural number , ) because he named the College in an University ? and this to prove that an University is one College ? Had it not been better said , The New Testament never useth the word Church for all the Churches in one Nation ( since Christ ) definitely , but ever calleth them plurally Churches : Therefore to call them all One ( National ) Church is not to imitate the Scripture . His first Instance is , Rom. 6. 4. All the Churches of the Gentiles . A sad proof of a National Church ! What Nation is it that the word [ Gentiles ] signifieth ? No doubt the Gentile Churches were in Gentile Nations : But that doth not prove that the Christians in any Nation are ever called in Scripture ( since the Jews Nation ) One Church but Churches . His next instance is , 1 Cor. 16. 1. The Churches of Galatia : And the rest are all such , v. 19. 2 Cor. 8. 1. Gal. 1. 2. 22. The Churches of Asia , Macedonia , Judaea : But I hope he intended no more than to tell you that the Christians of several Nations , are never called a Church , but Churches , as having any sort of Union than National . He giveth many instances when the word [ Church ] is used definitely to signifie the Church of a City and Country adjoyning : But to prove it used to signifie several Churches in City and Country adjoyning , but one only . Two Texts he alledgeth to prove that the word [ Church ] is used definitely to signifie these Churches Congregate into a Synod or Consistory : But I believe his word of neither place . One is Mat. 18. 17. Tell the Church , &c. If I say that [ tell the Church ] signifieth [ tell the Society containing Pastors and Christians ] though it is the Pastors that you must immediately speak to and the offender must hear , I give as good proof of my exposition as he doth of his . If I speak to a man , and hear a man , though it be only his ears that hear me , and his tongue that speaketh to me , yet by the word [ man ] I mean not only ears and tongue . If the King send a Command to a Corporation to expel a seditious member , though the Mayor or Aldermen only do it Authoritatively , and the People but executively , yet the word [ Corporation ] doth not therefore signifie the Officers only . The other Text is , Act. 15. 22. But I will not believe him that [ the whole Church ] signifieth the Synod only : For though they only decreed it , I think the rest consented and approved it , and are meant in the word [ the whole Church . ] I grant him that ( Rom. 16. 1. ) the word signifieth the Church of a Village or Town ; But he will never prove that it is not meant of a Church of the same Species as City Churches were . And as to the House or Family Churches which he mentioneth , Rom. 16. 5. 1 Cor. 16. 19. Col. 4. 15. Phil. 2. Dr. Hammond ▪ expoundeth , Col. 4 ▪ 15. of the Church that did meet in his house , and so some do all the rest : But that we stand not for , nor doth it concern us . But when he addeth a multitude of Texts , as using the word Church indefinitely , not defining the place , Society of a Nation or City , quantity , &c. most of the instances brought are of Churches definite , as to place , and of the same Species as the Apostles Instituted ; though when the Church of such a place is said to do a thing , it 's no determination what number of the members did it . His first instance is Acts 4. 31. and next Acts 15. 3 , 9 , &c. The Churches had rest through all Judaea , and Gallile , and Samaria : Acts 15. 3. Speaks of the Church of Antioch , which v. 27. it 's said they gathered together : v. 4. mentioneth the Church at Jerusalem , v. 11. mentioneth the Churches of Syria and Cilicia . Acts 18. 22. Speaketh of the Church at Caesarea . Rom. 16. 16. Speaks of the Churches where Paul lately travelled . v. 23. Gaius was the Host of a definite whole Church , at Corinth . And when 1 Cor. 4. 17. he speaketh of his teaching in every Church , it is an Universal enunciation , but of Churches of a certain or definite species , and so of the rest . Then p. 5. he telleth us what is truly and properly a Church on Earth ; and saith , Every company of men professing the true faith of Christ is both truly a Church and a true Church . Ans. Yes , As Canis caelestis is truly a Dog , and a true Dog : but not properly , but equivocally : A Church in its most famous signification is a Society constituted of the Pastor and Flock , as a School of the Schoolmaster and Schollars : And an accidental meeting of Christians in a Market or Ship , is no more properly called a Church , than School-boys meeting in such places are a School : No nor occasionally praying together neither . So p. 5. He concludeth that the Christian People of one City , and Country adjoyning , whether Province or Diocess are one Church ; yea of any Nation or part of the World , not because under one Spiritual Government or Priest-hood , but because one People or Commonwealth ruled by the same Laws , professing the same Religion . All this is de nomine only . But are we not likely to dispute well , when we never agree of the Subject , or terms of the Question ? We have no mind to contend about Names : Let him call the World , or a Corporation , or Kingdom , or Ecclesiam Malignantium by the name of a Church if he will , so that we first agree what Church we dispute of . We talk not of any accidental meeting or Community , but a Society before defined , constituted of the pars gubernans and pars subdita . And of this sort we know of Divine Institution , an Universal Church Headed by Christ , and particular Churches headed under him by their Bishops or Pastors : A Church without a Head , ( in Fair , Ship , or Temple ) we talk not of : Nor yet of a Church that hath but an Accidental , Extrinsick , and not an Essential Constitutive Head , to them , as they are Churches of Christ's Institution : Whether it be the Emperour of Germany , or of Constantinople , Mahometan , Christian , Papist , or Protestant , we believe that every Soveraign is so the Head , that is the Ruler of the Church , that is , of the Christians in his Dominions . We denominate â formâ : Bishop Downame may denominate whence he please , à materiâ or ab accidente , &c. and say , They are one Church that are under one Prince , Law , of one Religion . Do with your Equivocals what you will ; But forget not that it is a Pastoral particular Church of the Holy Ghost's Institution that we Dispute about . Otherwise I deny not Diocesan , or Patriarchal Churches , nor deny that the Papal Kingdom is a Church of a certain species right or wrong . And forget not his Concession p. 6. and we need no more , [ Indeed at the very first conversion of Cities , the whole number of the People converted ( being sometimes not much greater than the number of the Presbyters placed among them ) were able to make but a small Congregation . But those Churches were in Constituting , they were not fully Constituted , till their number being increased they had their Bishop or Pastor , their Presbyters and Deacons , without which , Ignatius saith , there was no Church , &c. ] Of w●●●h after . He next , Cap. 1. laboureth much to prove that the words Ecclesia , Paraecia , and Diocaesis , of old were of the s●●e signification ; About words we have no mind to strive : But all the proofs that he brings of the extent of a Church to more than one Congregation or Altar , are fetcht from later times , when indeed Churches were transformed into Societies much different from those before them . He citeth Concil . Carth. 2. c. 5. & 3. 42 , 43 , &c. that places that had no Bishops before should not receive Bishops without the consent of the Bishop whom they were before under . Indeed by these Canons we see much of the state of the Church in those times , and partly how the Case was altered . Every Church had a Bishop of its own : Those Churches were almost all first planted in Cities : The multitudes were Heathens : but the City Christians with those in the Country near them , were enow to make a Church or Congregation . In time so many were Converted in the Country Villages , that they were allowed Assemblies like our Chappels at home : And some of them had Country Bishops set over them : And in many places greater Towns ( which they then called Cities ) were anew converted . The Presbyters that were abroad among these new Converts or scatered Christians , made them know that every Church should have a Bishop , and that they might choose one of their own : And few Presbyters being then Learned able men in Comparison of the Bishops , by this advantage of presence among them , many raw and schismatical Presbyters crept into the Peoples affections , and perswaded them to choose them for their Bishops : when they were chosen and ordained , they encroached on the rest of the old Bishops Diocess , and also refused to come to the Synods , lest their failings should be known , pretending that they must stay with their own People . Now the Bishops that complained of this , did not alledge , 1. That no Bishop should be made but in a City , 2. Nor that when Christians multiplyed , they must not multiply Bishops accordingly , but all be under their first Bishop only , 3. Nor that a new Congregation had not as good right to have and chuse a Bishop of their own , as the first City Congregation had . But only to keep ignorant Schismatical Presbyters from deceiving the People for their own exaltation , and from hindering Synodical Concord , they Decreed that none in their Diocesses should have Bishops , without the first Bishops consent ; And that being so Consecrated they should frequent Synods , and should be Bishops only of that People that first chose them , and not encroach on the rest of the Diocess . And whereas he hence gathereth that the Country Churches [ ever from the beginning belonged to the City Bishops . ] There were no such things as Appendant Country Churches from the beginning of the City Churches : But it 's true , that from the beginning of the Country Peoples Conversion , when they were not enow to make Churches themselves , they belonged to the City Churches as Members ( Even as now the Anabaptists and Independent Churches consist of the People of Market-Towns , and the adjoyning Country Associated into one Assembly . ) After that the Country Meetings were but as Oratories or Chappels : And when they came to be enow to make dinstinct Churches of , some good Bishops had the Wit and Grace to help them to Chorepiscopi , Bishops of their own ; but most did choose rather to enlarge their own Possessions or Powers , and set Subject Presbyters only over the People . And that these new Bishopricks must be by the old Bishops consent , is apparently a point of Order to avoid inconveniences ( if not of Usurpation : ) For what power had the old Bishop to keep any Church of Christ without a Bishop of their own , when it was for there good ? That he hath some countenance from Leo , for the New Church-Form ( without Bishops ) I wonder not , when Leo was one of the hottest that betimes maintained the Roman Primacy , if not Universal Soveraignty . And as the Care against placing Bishops in small places , ne vilescat nomen Episcopi , came in late , so 1. It intimateth that it was otherwise done , at least by some before , 2. And it is but the Prelatical grandure which Constantine had pufft up , which is then alledged as the Reason of this Restraint . His Argument is , [ That which was judged unlawful by the Canons of approved Councils , and Decrees of Godly Bishops , was never lawfully , regularly and ordinarily practised : But , &c. I deny the Major . Kneeling at Prayer or Sacrament on the Lords day , the Marriage of Priests , the Reading of the Heathens Writings , and abundance such-like , were forbidden by such approved Councils ; especially a multitude of things depending on the new Imperial shape of the Churches , which are now lawful , and were lawful , and ordinarily practised before : Paul Kneeled and Prayed on the Lord's day , Acts 20. &c. Therefore the placing of Bishops in Country Parishes was not unlawful before , because the Councils of Bishops afterward forbad it , nor was it ever unlawful by Gods Law. Methinks a Bishop that subscribeth to the 39 Articles of the Church of England , which mentioneth General Councils erring , even in matters of Faith , should never have asserted that they cannot erre in matter of Government , nor retract and alter that which was well practised before them . His next Argument is this , If there were any Parish Bishops then , they were the Chorepiscopi , But the Chorepiscopi were not such . Ans . 1. I deny the Major : There were then many City Bishops that were but Parish Bishops , or had but one Church , as shall be further proved . 2. Yet as to a great number it is granted that their Diocesses had many Churches , at the time of Concil . Eliber . Sardic . &c. which he mentioneth . But it followeth not that therefore it was so with any in the time of Ignatius , or with many in Cyprian's time . 3. If it were all granted de facto , it will not follow , that de jure , it was well done , and that the old Form was not sinfully changed . 4. The Chorepiscopi themselves might have many Congregations under them , like our Chapels , and yet be Parish Bishops ; And it 's most probable that at first they had no more than one of our Country Parishes , though afterwards they had many Churches under them , as City Bishops had . His next Argument is , [ Churches endued with Power Ecclesiastical , sufficient for the Government of themselves , having also a Bishop and Presbytery , had the power of Ordination : But Country Parishes had not the Power of Ordination : Ergo , &c. Ans . 1. Government is Inferiour or Superiour : They might have sufficient Inferiour power of Government , though they had none of the Superiour power , such as belongeth to Archbishops , to whom Appeals were made : As a Corporation that hath a Mayor and Assistants hath sufficient Inferiour power , but not Regal , nor such as Judges , Lord Lieutenants , &c. have . And if it were proved , ( as some hold ) that only General , or unfixed Ministers , like the Apostles , and Evangelists , or Archbishops that were over many Churches , had the power of Ordination , and not the Inferiour Bishops of single Churches , it would not follow that these Inferiour Bishops had not the power of Governing their own Churches with assisting Presbyters : And if he will prove for us , that every fixed Bishop hath the power of Ordination , who hath but the Inferiour power of Governing his single Church , by Admonitions , Excommunications , and Absolutions , he will but do our work for us . 2. I deny his Minor Propos . If by [ Country Parishes ] he mean [ the Bishops of Country Parishes ] they had the Power of Ordination : And all that he saith against it , is only to prove , that de facto , they had not the Exercise of it in the times he mentioneth , and that de jure humano , it was not allowed them by Canons . But , 3. We grant so much of the Conclusion , as that de facto , few Country Parishes had a Bishop and Presbytery : Because there were but few Country Parishes in the World , till the third Century , that were really Christian Churches , or fixed Societies of Christians that had ordinary Church-communion together in the Sacrament , or had an Altar . But our Case is , About single Churches , now called Parish Churches , and not about [ Country Churches . ] For they might be but single Parish Churches , though they were in Cities only , and the Country Members joyned with them in the Cities . And his own Confession is , page 35. that besides Rome and Alexandria , that had many Churches in the City , there is not the like evidence for multitude of Parishes in other Cities , imediately after the Apostles times . ] I suppose by his Citations , he meaneth till the third Century . And if this be granted us of all the great Cities of the World , that they cannot be proved to have many Churches , we have no great reason to look for many in the Country Villages . His next Argument is , [ Churches containing within their Circuit , not only Cities with their Suburbs , but also whole Countries subject to them , were Diocesses . But the Churches , subject to the ancient Bishops in the Primitive Church , contained , &c. Therefore they were Diocesses . Ans . Either this is his Description of a Diocess , or we have none from him that I can find : And let who will Dispute about the Names of Diocess and Parish , for I will not . And if by a Diocess he meaneth a Church consisting of all the Christians in City and Country associated for Personal holy Communion , having One Altar and One Bishop , this is that which we call a single Church , or some a Parish-Church , and if he call it a Diocess he may please himself . But if he mean that in these Cities and whole Countries were several such Churches , that had each an Altar , and were fixed Societies for personal holy Communion , not having any proper Bishop of their own , but one Bishop in Common , with whose Cathedral Church , they did not , and could not Communicate , ( through Number or distance ) I deny his Minor proposed in this sense , as to the two first Centuries ; though not as to the following Ages . But if by [ Cities , Suburbs , and whole Countries subject ] he mean all the unconverted Infidels of that space ( for doubtless he calls not the soil or place , the Church ) I deny the very subject ; There were no such Churches : Infidels and Heathens make not Churches , ( Though Hereticks made somewhat like them , sicut vespa faciunt ●avos , as Tertullian speaketh . ) If the Diocesan Churches Disputed for , be Churches of Pagans and Infidels , we know no such things . But if he mean that all the Heathens in that Circuit are the Bishops Charge in order to Conversion , I answer , 1. That maketh them no parts of the Church : Therefore the Church is of never the larger extent for the soil or Infidel Inhabitants . 2. The Apostles , and other General Preachers ( like the Jesuits in the Indies ) may divide their Labourers by Provinces for the Peoples Convetsion , before there be any Churches at all . 3. This distribution is a meer prudential Ordering of an accident or circumstance ; and therefore not the Divine Institution of a Church Form or Species . 4. Neither Scripture nor prudence so distributeth Circuits or Provinces to Preachers , in order to conversion of Infidels , as that other Preachers may not come and Preach there , as freely as one that claimeth it as his Province . For , 1. Christ sent out his Apostles by two and two at first . 2. Paul had Barnabas or some other Evangelist or General Preacher usually with him . And Peter and Paul are both said to be at Rome , at Antioch , and other places : And many Apostles were long together at Jerusalem , even many years after Christ's Resurrection . Christ that bid them go into all the World , never commanded that one should not come where another was , nor have power to Preach to Infidels in that Diocess . And what is the Episcopal power over Infidels , which is claimed ? It is not a power to Ordain , or to Excommunicate them . It can be no other than a power to Preach to them , and Baptize them when converted . And this is confessed to belong to Presbyters . If the Bishops would divide the World into Diocesses , and be the only Preachers in those Diocesses , it would be no wonder if the World be unconverted . It is not Bishops that are sent by the Papists themselves to convert the Indians . But perhaps you may say that the Bishops rule those Presbyters that do it . I answer , 1. It 's an imperfect kind of Government , which a Bishop in England can exercise over Presbyters that daily Preach , as Mr. Eliat his helpers to the Natives in a Wilderness many thousand Miles from them . 2. But if they do rule the Preachers , that maketh not the Soil nor the Heathens to be any parts of their Church , but the Preachers only . Therefore a Diocess with them , and a Church , must be different things . His first Reason therefore , page 36. from the Circuit is vain . His second , page 37. that the City Bishops had a right from the beginning over many Churches , ( that had no other Bishops ) and did not after usurp it , he proveth not at all : For the words of Men three or four hundred years after Christ , alledging ancient custome are no proof : When the 25 Can. Trull . cited by himself , maketh thirty years possession enough against all that would question their Title . And abundance of things had Custome and Antiquity alledged for them so long after , that were known Innovations . His third Reason is from the Chorepiscopi , as the Bishops suffragan , which sheweth no more , but that the City Bishops ( whether justly or by usurpation ) were at last really Archbishops , or Rulers of Bishops : But of this before . His fourth Reason , from Succession will be good , when he that affirmeth that no Church was governed by the Parish Discipline , hath proved that all , many , yea , or any Bishops from the Apostles days , had many Churches under them that had no Bishops of their own . Till then he saith nothing . As to his instance of the Scythians having but one Bishop , the Reason was , because it was but little of their Country at first that were made Christians , or that were at all in the Roman Empire : So that the Bishop was setled at Tomis , in the borders of the Empire ( in the Maritine part of the Euxine Sea , ) that thence he might have an influence on the rest of the Scythians over whom the Romans had no power , and where there were many Cities indeed , but few Christians : as may be seen in Theodoret , Tripart . Nicephor . and many others . Of his other three or four instances , I shall after speak . Chap. 3. lib. 2. He pretends to prove that the seven Asian Churches were Diocesan , and not Parochial , and never defineth a Diocess and Parish ; which is lost labour . His first Argument is , [ Churches , whose Circuit contained Cities and Countries adjoining , were Diocesses . But , &c. This is before answered : Our Question is , Whether they were as our Diocesan Churches , such as had in these Cities and Countries many Altars and Churches without Bishops under them : Trees , and Houses , and Fields , and Heathen People , make not Churches , nor yet scattered Christians , that were Members only of the City Church . His proof of the Minor is , 1. These Churches comprized all the Churches of Asia . Ans . If he mean that all the rest of the Churches of Asia had no Bishops but Parish Presbyters under these seven Bishops he should prove it , ( and confute Dr. Hammond that is so contrary to him , ( had he then lived : ) Till then we take it as a contemptible incredible assertion , that Asia had but seven Bishops , and yet a multitude of Churches : If he mean only that these seven were Archbishops , his impertinency is too palbable . Particularly , he saith , The Church of Ephesus , Smyrna , &c. Contained a great City , and the Country belonging to it , &c. Ans . We talk of Churches under Churches , and he talketh only of Cities and Countries ; Again , I say , Let him take his Diocess of Infidels , Houses and Ground , we know no such Churches . Page 46. He saith [ Cenchrea was subject to the Church of Corinth , and never had a Bishop of their own . ] But not a syllable of proof : It is not a Family Church , which we speak of , therefore he need not here have mentioned that : But a Church associated for ordinary Communion in God's publick worship , which cannot be celebrated without a Pastor . Let him prove that Cenchrea was such a Church and yet had no Bishop . In § . 6. p. 49. He would prove that the Circuit of a Church was in the Intention of the Apostles , or first Founders , the same from the beginning , befor● the division of Churches as after : Which I shall in due place disprove : His reasons are , 1. Because the whole Church since the Apostles days hath so understood the intention of the Apostles . Ans . 1. This is not proved . 2. I shall anone prove the contrary ; that the Apostles had no intention that Churches should be defined by the limits of the place and Country : nor did they themselves ever appoint any such bounds to any one Church , and say so far it shall extend : Nor did they ever take any but Christians in any Circuits for Members of the Church . And I shall prove that all Churches were but such as I described , single Churches with their Bishops at the first , and that some Villages had Bishops four or five hundred years after : And his own Reason that Churches followed the Civil Form , proveth the mutability of their bounds , seeing the Civil Forms were mutable . His next Reason is because [ that division of Churches which was 300 or 400 Years after Christ , with their Limits and Circuits , were ordinarily the same which had been from the beginning , as divers Councils testifie . Ans . Those Councils mean no more , than that it had been an old or setled Custome , ( as many Learned men have proved . ) And if they could be proved to mean that from the Apostolical plantations the bounds of all the Diocess were set , I marvel that any man could believe them . But they say no such thing , as were it not tedious to the Reader , an examination of each particular would shew . Else no new Churches and Bishops must be setled in the World , but those that the Apostles converted in any Cities between or near them ; For the unconverted Cities in the inter-spaces , were as much those Bishops Diocesses as the Villages of equal distance : And then the making of new Cities would have made one a Bishop of many Cities , contrary to the Canons . His third Reason is , that the Distribution of the Churches usually followed the division of the Common wealth . Ans . 1. If so ( as is said ) they must be various and mutable . All the World was not divided just as the Roman Empire was : And the Imperial divisions had great changes . 2. I think it lost labour to dispute with him that holdeth this assimilating the Church to the Civil Form , was of Divine Apostolical Institution . If any can think so , let him give us his proof that the Church Constitution must vary as Monarchical , Aristocratical and Democratical States do ; As Empires and free Cities do : And that from the King to the Constable , we must have a correspondent Officer : And that the Papacy as Capital in the Roman Empire , was of Gods Institution . And that an Emperour , King , or popular State may change the Form of the Churches , as oft as they may the Form of their subordinate Governments . Are not these small Reasons to prove , that when the Apostles planted Bishops in all single Churches , they intended that those Bishops should be the sole Bishops of many hundred Churches , when they should be raised in the Circuit of ground , which now is called their Diocesses . But more of this in due place . But next he appealeth to mens consciences , Whether it be not unlikely that there was but one Congregation belonging to these famous Cities towards the end of the Apostles days . Of which more afterward . In Chap. 4. p. 69. He argueth , [ The Presbyteries ordained by the Apostles , were appointed for Diocesses , and not to Parishes : Therefore the Churches endued with the power of Ecclesiastical Government were not Parishes but Diocesses . Ans . Our Question is , Whether they were single Churches as before defined , or only One Diocesan Church made up of many such single Churches : 1. If by Presbyteries be meant many Presbyters , a College , or Consessus , I deny the Consequence ; because every Church that had Government had not such a Presbytery ; But one Bishop or Pastor did serve for some of the lesser Churches , and yet that one had Governing power . 2. I deny the Major : It was single Churches that had then many Elders set over them . 3. Reader , it seemeth to me no small disparagement to the Diocesan Cause , that the grand Patrons of it so extreamly differ among themselves . Dr. Hammond holdeth that in all the Scripture times , no one Church had any Presbyters at all , save only one single Bishop . This Bishop Downame seemeth to hold , that every Governed Church had a Presbytery . And [ no one ] and [ every one ] extreamly differ : Yet either of them would have censure him that had gain-sayed them . His proof of the Antecedent is this . [ They who were appointed to whole Cities and Countries to labour so far as they were able the conversion of all that belonged to God , were appointed to Diocesses , not to Parishes : But , &c. Ans . Is not here frustration instead of edification to the Reader , for want of defining a Diocess and a Parish . I thought we had talkt of a Diocesan Church ; and here is a Diocess described which may be a single Church , or no Church at all as the Bishop pleaseth . Here is not so much as any Christians , much less Congregations of them mentioned as the Bishops Flock : But many an Apostle , Evangelist , and Converting Preacher , hath been set over Cities and Countries to labour mens Conversion , as far as they were able , before they had converted any , or at least enow to make a Church ; and after that , before they had converted more than one Assembly . The Jesuits in the Indies thus laboured in several Provinces , before they were Bishops of those Provinces , or called them Provincial Churches . But now we perceive what he meaneth by a Diocess , even a space of Ground containing Inhabitants to be converted if we can . I will shorten my Answer to the rest of his Reasonings for such Diocesan Churches . I will put a few Questions , more pertinent than his Queries p. 67. about the state of such Diocesan Churches . Q. 1. Whether the Apostles were not , by this description , Bishops of all the World as their Diocesses ? And whether therefore it follow that there were no Bishops under them in particular Churches ? Q. 2. Whether Apostles and Evangelists did not go from City to City , sometime staying some Months or Years at one , and then passing to another ? And whether this made all the interjacent Countries their Diocesses , changing their Bishops as oft as they thus changed their Habitations ? Q. 3. Whether more than one such Apostle or Evangelist were not both at once , and successively in the same place , to labour the conversion of all they could ? And whether therefore there were many Bishops to a Diocess ? Q. 4. Where we shall find the proof that the Apostles or Evangelists set the bounds of Diocesses ? And whether this description of his own do make Diocesses bounded by circuit or space of Ground , or by the Abilities of the Bishop to endeavour conversion ? Q. 5. When the Apostles forbad any other to labour mens conversion in their Cities or Countries where they or others had been before them ? And did not one plant and another water , ( and usually more than one at once ? ) Q. 6. Whether ( Mat. 28. 19 , 20. ) Discipling or Preaching to convert men , and then baptizing them , be not the way of gathering Churches , and therefore proveth that before conversion they are no Churches ? and are not Christians only members of the Church ? And are those Diocesan Churches that are no Churches ? Q. 7. If one be setled in a single Congregation in the City , with a purpose to endeavour the conversion of the Country , is not a Diocesan Church there the same as a single Congregation , though the Diocess be larger ? Q. 8. If when Congregations multiplyed , Bishops were not multiplyed , but one would keep many Churches under himself alone , doth it prove that this was well done because it was done ? and that God consented to this change ? His next Reason is , because Churches were not then divided into Parishes . Which in due place I shall prove to be a sufficient Reason against him . Churches were Societies constituted of Pastors and their Christian Congregations , as afore defined : And his inference is vain , that [ Presbyteries were not settled in Parishes , because the Churches were not yet divided into Parishes . For they were Parishes , that is , single Churches , without dividing . The space of Ground called Parishes was not then marked out ; Nor was a Diocesan Church ( like ours ) that hath no subordinate Bishops divided into Parishes ; for there were no such Diocesan Churches to be so divided . But the Universal Church and the Apostolical Provinces were made up ( or constituted ) of Parishes , I mean of particular Churches , as greater numbers are of unites , and as Villages are of Houses . But to say that Churches were not divided into Parishes , in the sence in question , is all one as to say , Churches were not divided into Churches . Our Controversie is like this , Whether all the Families in the Town should have but One common Master ? And he that affirmeth it , should argue thus ; Masters were not at first appointed to Families but to Villages ; For Villages were not at first divided into Families , ( when there were none but single Houses erected . ) True ; but Families were Families before there were Villages to be divided . As Villages were not made before Houses , and then divided into Houses , nor Cities before Streets , and afterwards divided into Streets ; nor Kingdoms before Cities and Corporations , and then divided into Corporations , ( or inferiour Societies ) Nor Academies before Colleges , and then divided into Colleges ; so neither were Provincial , or Diocesan Churches made before single Churches , and after divided into them ; but were made by the coalition of many single Churches ; which should not have been changed for that use in specie , by altering the species of their Pastors , and depriving them of their Proper Bishops . In his 5th Chap. He pretendeth to confute the Asse●tion that for the first 200 years , the City Churches were but single Congregations . Here we use to except only Alexandria and Rome in all the World : And we confidently extend the time to 150 years , and very probably to 200 ; and moreover say , that till the fourth Century , most or very many Churches were no other , if not long after in many Kingdoms . All his talk , p. 80. against shallow giddy Heads , that see no further than their Nose end , because it was denied that Pastors were set in single Congregations to convert also the Infidels about , I have nothing to do with : For I assert that as all Ministers are bound to endeavour the conversion of such , if they have opportunity ( not wanting power , ) so those are most bound to it that have best opportunity , which is the Neighbour Bishops . But till men are converted they are no parts of the Church ; no , nor of that particular Church , eo nomine , because converted by that Bishop ( as shall be proved , ) without some further consent and ground . The rest about the largeness of the Church of Jerusalem , &c. shall be considered in due place . In his Chap. 6. p. 104. I desire it may be noted that he saith , [ I do not deny but that at the first , and namely in the time of the Apostle Paul , the most of the Churches so soon after their conversion , did not each of them exceed the proportion of a populous Congregation . And p. 114. that Metropolitans he thinks were intended by the Apostles , or at least , suadente naturâ & necessitate flagitante , as Beza saith : And I suppose a Diocesan Church will find no better ground than a Metropolitan , viz. Humane Prudence , or ( I think intended . ) In chap. 7. He pretendeth to prove , that in the Apostles times Parishes began to be distinguished under one only Bishop , &c. But what 's the proof ? Rome and Alexandria are all the Instances . † But , 1. his proof that Evaristus divided Parishes about An. 100 is worth nothing , as having no sufficient evidence , but fabulous reports . 2. He allegeth Eusebius , l. 2. ● . 15. saying of St. Mark , that he is said first to have constituted the Churches of Alexandria . But this is no proof . 1. Because Eusebius's following words out of Philo do make it most probable , that by [ the Churches of Alexandria ] he meant [ the Churches in and about Alexandria , ] which proveth not many in the City it self . 2. If he had planted many Churches in the City , it is no proof that he varied from the practice of the other Apostles , who ( as Act. 14. 23. ) placed Elders ( that is , saith Dr. Hammond , Bishops ) in every Church : Or that the Elders of each Church had not the true Pastoral or Episcopal power of Governing the Flock , ( which is all that we plead for . ) And if it had been proved that Mark had been over them : it followeth not that he was not over them as an Archbishop , but as a meer Bishop only . 3. Grotius and Dr. Hammond think they prove that Rome and other great Cities then had more Bishops than one , by reason of the peoples diversity in Languages , &c. As Peter of the Circumcision , and Paul of the Uncircumcision . 4. Eusebius mentioneth not this as a certainty , but with an [ it's said ] which is the usual note of his uncertain reports ( of which he hath not a few , as is commonly confessed . ) 5. Dr. Hammond is so far from believing this ( that many Parishes were committed so early to Presbyters under one Bishop ) that he thinketh there is no proof that any such Presbyters were in being in the Scripture times . And though we confess that Alexandria and Rome had divers Churches in them long before other places , there is no proof or probability that it was so in the Apostles days . And l. 3. c. 4. Eusebius expresly saith , [ But how many and what sincere followers have governed the Churches planted by the Apostles , it cannot be affirmed , but so far as may be gathered from the words of Paul. And c. 19. he mentioneth in the singular number the Church ( not the Churches ) of Rome , Antioch , and Jerusalem . And l. 4. c. 11. he saith Celadion succeeded Mark in the Church of Alexandria . But he saith l. 5. c. 9. that Julianus was chosen Bishop over the Churches of Alexandria : And c. 22. Demetrius came in his place . And l. 6. c. 1. Demetrius took upon him the oversight of the Congregations there . And c. 35. Dionysius received the Bishoprick of ruling the Churches in or about Alexandria , &c. Ans . 1. So long after it is not denied , but that Alexandria had more Assemblies than one . 2. Yet it is most likely that by the Churches in and about Alexandria , Eusebius meant the Churches under the Archbishop of Alexandria , which had Bishops of their own . 3. Before they had a Temple there might be several lesser Meetings in the City , which were but as our Chapels , or the Independants Meeting in several Houses at once , when yet the Church was but one , because they were associated for Personal Communion . 4. When the Parishes were divided to several Presbyters , yet then each Presbyter had the true Episcopal Office as to the People , though not the Name ; and though they were under a superiour Bishop ; that is , they had the whole Office of a Presbyter or Pastor , to Govern the People as well as Teach them and Worship with them . And so there was then no Parish like ours , which is but part of a Diocesan Church , and no Church of it self ( as the Bishops Form it ) because it hath but a half Pastor . 5. And is not the case of all other Churches in the World , that to this time were but single Churches , more considerable than the case of Rome and Alexandria , which differed from all the rest . Obj. But all the rest did the same , as soon as they had People enow to make many Churches ? Ans . 1. I have told you Grotius and Dr. Hammond think that there were more Bishops than one in a City for some time . 2. This multiplication was not till long after in the third Century , and with most in the fourth , when it was no wonder that the Church fell into the Imperial Form : And when they did so , the Roman Primacy arose with the rest . 3. Yet even then the Presbyters were Episcopi gregis , and had the true , full , Pastoral power as to their Flocks , as aforesaid . So that there were no Bishops that yet deposed the Presbyters as now . Page 125. He saith , [ Neither was this a thing peculiar to the Bishops of Alexandria , but common to others . — Ignatius was Bishop not only of Antioch , but of Syria : Irenaeus , the Bishop of Lyons , was Bishop of the Churches in France , &c. Ans . 1. This openeth the former case : These were not Diocesanes , deposing all the Episcopos gregis , and become sole Bishops , but Archbishops that had under them Bishops in each particular Church . Yet note , that it is the French Synod of Bishops which Euseb . ib. l. 5. c. 23. Iren. is said to oversee , as it 's said , ibid. that Palmas did so among the Bishops of Pontus in their Synod , and that Victor was President in the Bishops Synod at Rome , and Theophilus of Caesarea , and Narcissus of Jerusalem in the Palestine Synod : Which is nothing to our case . It is further said , that Optatus saith , that in Rome were 40 Churches , and that Theodoret had 800. Ans . 1. It is granted , that in Optatus's days Rome had 40 , which is nothing to our case in hand . 2. In those 40 so late , there were no half Presbyters , but as this Doctor confesseth , they had not only a joynt power in Governing the Flocks , but in Ordination too . 3. I confess Theodoret's case seemeth strange , and though of late date is so incredible as contrary to the case of other Churches , that I do the rather for that clause believe that Epistle to Leo to be a forgery , or corrupted at least . And besides this Reason , I have these also for it . 1. Because he himself saith , that Cyrus , where he was Bishop , was but two days journey from Antioch , Hist . Sanct. Patr. de Juliano . And he that knoweth how great the Diocess of Antioch was , will not easily believe that a Town within two days journey ( to Monks that went on foot ) was like to have eight hundred Churches in it at that time . 2. And we know out of whose shop Theodoret's Epistles come . Nicephorus saith , he read above 500 of his Epistles . Baronius saith there is a Book in the Vaticane containing 150 of them : Metius translated these into Latine . But saith Rivet . Crit. Sacr. l. 4. c. 21. p. 455. the Reader must remember that they have been kept all this while in the Adversaries Cabinets , and by them are brought into light and into Latine , so that they have no authority , further than other History confirmeth them . 3 ▪ Especially seeing Leontius de Sectis saith , as Baronius confesseth , that Hereticks fained Epistles in Theodoret's name ; And Bellarmine de script . Eccl. mentioneth one that hath his name in Concil . Ephes . that neither Theodoret nor any Christian is to be charged with . 4. And that this one Epistle to Leo should be cull'd out of all the rest to be alone Printed after Theodoret's Works , sheweth the design , and what credit is to be given to it . 5. And I shall anon cite much out of Theodoret himself , to shew the improbability that Diocesses had then so many Churches . And so much as a just confutation of Bishop Downame , not as referring to other men with whom he dealt , but to the cause which we have in hand . And that I answer not the whole Book , is because I know of no more in it than what I have culled out , which needeth an answer as to the cause which I defend : Of which I make the judicious Reader Judge . 6. Bishop Hall's Defence of Episcopacy meddleth so little with the point now in Question , that I have no need to say any thing to it , more than is already said . And he granteth all that I desire . 7. As for Petavius , I need not confute him ; for he granteth me most , as to matter of Fact , that I desire , as I shall after further shew . His Fundamental Assertion is , That the two Offices of Bishops and Presbyters , were both placed in the same person , in the Apostles days ; at which Salmasius justly laugheth : For what is that but to say , that then there was no such person as a Subject Presbyter ( much less as our half-Presbyters : ) And Salmasius justly congratulateth his concession , [ that solo confensu hominum & vitandi schismatis gratia , unus enumero Episcoporum , eorundemque Presbyterorum , electus est qui praeesset caeteris : Quod nemo dici prohibet — Nam etsi Episcopalis ordo jure divino introductus est , non eodem tamen illo jure decretum est , ut unus in singulis civitatibus & Ecclesiis , esset Episcopus , sed Ecclesiae authoritate conciliorumque sanctionibus . viz. [ It was only by Mans consent and for the avoiding of Schism , that one was chosen out of the number of Bishops , who also were Presbyters , to be above the rest : This saying none forbiddeth . For though the Episcopal Order was introduced by Divine Right , yet was it not by the same right decreed , that One should be a Bishop in each City and Church , but by the authority of the Church and the sanctions of Councils . Of this sober Jesuit more anon . 8. The Learned Bishop Andrews in his Epistles to Pet. Molinaeus , hath said somewhat ; but in his Scheme ( Printed at Oxford , 1641. before the Treatises for Episcopacy ) much more . But as to his Description of the Jewish Form , we dare not thence gather that Christians may imitate them , while we know that the cessation of the Jewish Policy and Law is so largely pleaded for by Paul , and that Christ is the perfect Lawgiver to his Church , and that we must not add or alter on pretence of supposed parity of reason . And as to his Reasons for Diocesanes from the New Testament , though the well ordering of them make them very taking , yet when examined , they are no other but what we have found and answered in others . 9. The truly Learned , Reverend , and Godly Primate Usher , in the same forementioned Collection of Treatises hath one of the Original of Bishops and Metropolitans , and another of the Proconsular Asia . But , 1. The utmost which he pleadeth for is no more than we acquiesce in , as that it was his Model or Reduction ( published since by Dr. Bernard ) which we humbly offered to his Majesty as the means of our common concord . And he hath himself told me his Judgment , that Bishops and Presbyters differ not as two Orders , but in Degree ; And that Ordinis est Ordinare , or that he that hath the Order hath intrinsical power to Ordain ; though he is regularly to do it under the Bishops oversight ; And therefore it is not invalid and null , but only irregular or schismatical , when it is done disobediently against the Bishop ( and so may be disabled in foro exteriore ; ) which Dr. Bernard also hath published of him ; and Dr. Mason in the same Treatise fullier proveth . And he took Presbyters to be Governours of the Flocks ; and the Synods of Bishops to be but for Concord , and not to have a proper Governing power over the particular Bishops , as he hath himself expressed to me . Him therefore that is for us , we need not confute . And yet I must confess , that the great Argument which he and Bishop Andrews , and Saravia , and all others use , from the title of Angel given to the Bishops , Rev. 2. and 3. did never seem of any weight to me ; nor moved my understanding that way at all : Believing that Tyconius his old Exposition mentioned by Austin † is liker to be true , and that indeed , it is neither one Prelate nor all the Clergy , but the whole Churches that is meant by the Angel of the Churches . For the Prophecy coming by Vision , the word [ Angel ] is mentioned in the Vision phrase , and oft in that book is by all confessed to signifie collective Bodies , and more than single Individuals : As Usher ( de Babilone ) himself holdeth , that by [ the false Prophet ] in the singular number , is meant the Roman Clergy . It would be more tedious than necessary to recite the instances in that Book . I therefore who , because of its obscurity , am apt to be distrustful of almost all Arguments that are fetcht from the dark Prophecies of Daniel , or the Revelations , am little satisfied with this from the name Angel. And who can believe them that say Timothy was then the Bishop of Ephesus , and so excellent a person , as that none was like minded , as described by Paul ; and yet that Christ had this against him , that he had lost his first love , and must remember from whence he is fallen and repent , and do his first works or be rejected , Rev. 2. 4 , 5. And in a word , that the Apostles , who placed holy persons in the Ministry , had set such over those eminent Churches , as were neither hot nor cold , and had the rest of the faults that are mentioned by Christ . And the whole style of the Text doth easily prove this Exposition against theirs , Rev. 2. 2 , 4 , 7. As the praises and dispraises there seem to referr to the whole Church , so v. 7. what can be more express than [ Hear what the Spirit saith unto the Churches . ] And v. 10. Behold the Devil shall cast some of you into prison , that ye may be tryed , and ye shall have tribulation ten days : be thou faithful , &c. And again , v. 11. He that hath an ear , let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the Churches ] which is repeated and spoken to every one of the seven . v. 14 , 15. It is liker to be the whole Society than the Bishop that is reproved for having false Teachers and Hereticks among them , and are called quickly to repent : And v. 20. that suffered the Woman Jezebel to teach : For the Bishops could not hinder false Teachers , but by Excommunicating them , and disswading the People from hearing them : But the People could have done more , even refused to hear them . V. 23. And all the Churches shall know ] seemeth to intimate that this was written to the Church . V. 24. Unto you I say , and to the rest in Thyatira , as many as have not this Doctrine , and have not known the depth of Satan , &c. Was this spoken to the Bishop only ? Chap. 3. v. 1. Was it the Bishop of Sardis only that had a name to live and was dead , and that was warned to be watchful and strengthen the things which remain that are ready to die , whose works were not perfect before God ? that must remember how he had received and heard — that had a few Names in Sardis , &c. And so of the rest . Obj. But it is said , Chap. 1. v. 20. The seven Stars are the Angels of the seven Churches ; and the seven Candlesticks are the seven Churches . Ans . And what can a man gather hence to satisfie himself in this point ? whether the sense be [ As the heavenly Angels , are the Guardians of the Churches , so these Stars are those Angels , in whose Person I speak to the Churches themselves that are signified by the Candlesticks : ] Or [ As the Angels are the Guardians of the Churches , so by that title , I signifie the whole Ministry that guide them , and by the Candlesticks the Churches , and I write to the whole . For as every Message begins with [ To the Angel , ] so it endeth with [ To the Churches . Obj. The Bishop was to deliver it to the Churches . Ans . This is precarious . 1. The Apostle wrote it , that both Pastors and People might immediately read it , and did not intrust it as an unwritten tradition to one , to be delivered to the rest . 2. All the Pastors were to deliver or teach it to the People , and not one Bishop only . This therefore is no cogent Argument . 10. As for the Disputers for Episcopacy at the Isle of Wight , with King Charles , they manage Saravia's Argument ( fetcht from the Continuance of the Ordinary part of the Apostles Office ) as he did before them ( and many others ) so well , that for my part I cannot confute them , but remain in doubt ; and therefore have nothing to say against them . But that 's nothing to our Case , whether every particular Organized Church should have a Bishop or the full Pastoral Office in it . 11. As to Joh. Forbes his Irenic . he maintaineth but such an Episcopacy as we offered to his Majesty in Bishop Usher's Reduction : He pleadeth for such a Bishop as is the Moderator of a Presbytery , p. 242 , 243. and as must be subject to censure himself , p. 145. and that shall do nothing of weight without the Presbyteries consent , p. 145. and as is still bound to the Work of a Presbyters Office , p. 146. And that an Orthodox Church that hath no Bishop or Moderator hath but a certain Oeconomical defect , but is still a true Church , and hath the power that other Churches have that have Bishops , p. 158. And that jure divino Presbyters have the Power of Ordaining as well as of Preaching and Baptizing , though they must use it under the Bishops inspection in those places that have Bishops , page 164. And he is more full for the Power of Presbyters Ordaining , and the validity of it , than any man that I now remember . 12. The two Books of the Bohemian Government of the Waldensian Churches , Written by Lascitius and Commenius , contain that very Form of Government , which I think the soundest of any that I have yet seen . 13. The Learned and Judicious Grotius , ( before he turned to Cassander's and Erasmus's temperament in Religion ) in his book de Imper. sum . pot . circa sacra , in almost all things speaketh the same which I approve and plead for ; though he be for some Episcopacy . 1. As to the Pastoral power , it self in whomsoever , he affirmeth it to be but Nuntiative , Declarative , Suasory , and per consensum , and not any Imperium ; Like the power of a Physitian , a Counsellor , and an Embassadour . Chap. 4. But then by Imperium he meaneth that which is coactive by the Sword : And he acknowledgeth the power of the Ministry by the Word upon Consenters , to be of Divine Institution , so that they sin against God , who do reject it . And if the Pastors of the Church did meddle with no other power , we should the sooner be agreed . For my part I take the very power of the Keys , to be no other , than a power of applying God's Word to the Consciences of the Penitent and Impenitent , and the Church ; and a power of judging who is fit or unfit for Church-communion according to God's Word , which judgment we can no otherwise execute but by the same Word , and by forbearing or exercising our own Ministerial actions to the person : ( As a Physitian may refuse to Medicate the unruly . ) In chap. 6. He speaketh justly of the Princes power ( as in the former . ) And so he doth chap. 7. of the use and power of Synods or Councils . Chap. 8. He well vindicateth the Magistrate , and denyeth to the Church or Bishops , the Legislative power , circa sacra : and sheweth that Canons are not proper Laws . Chap. 9. He sheweth the Jurisdiction , properly so called , belongeth to the Magistrate , and not to the Pastors as such , ( Though of old they might be also Magistrates . ) He sheweth that the use of the Keys is called Jurisdiction , but by the same figure by which Preaching is called Legislation ( which is true as to the Declaration who is bound or loose , in foro caeli ; but Pastors more properly judge who is to be taken into Church-communion or excluded . ) The prescript of Penance he saith is no Jurisdiction , but as the Councel of a Physitian , or Lawyer , or Philosopher . That the denying of the Sacraments is not properly Jurisdiction , he thus ( excellently ) explaineth [ p. 229. As he that Baptizeth , or as the old custome was , puts the Eucharist into ones mouth or hand , doth exercise an act of Ministry and not of Jurisdiction ; so also he that abstaineth from the same acts . For the reason of the visible signs , and of the audible is the same : By what right therefore a Pastor denounceth by-words to one that is manifestly flagitious , that he is an utter alien to the Grace of God ; by the same right also he doth not Baptize him , because it is the sign of remission of sin ; or if he be Baptized giveth him not the Eucharist , as being the sign of Communion with Christ . For the sign is not to be given to him that the thing signified doth not agree to ; nor are pearls to be given to swine : But , as the Deacon was wont to cry in the Church [ Holy things are for the Holy ] Yea it were not only against Truth , but against charity , to make him partaksr of the Lords Supper , who discerneth not the Lords Body , but eateth and drinketh judgment to himself : In these things while the Pastor doth only suspend his own act , and doth not exercise any Dominion over the acts of others , it is apparent that this belongeth to the vse of Liberty , and not to the exercise of Jurisdiction . Such like is the case of a Physician refusing to give an Hydropick water when he desireth it , or in a grave person who resuseth to salute a profligate fellow , and in those that avoid the company of the Leprous . ( Only it must be remembred that this avoidance is by a Society governed therein by an Officer of Divine Institution . ) Next he proceeds to the Churches duty , and sheweth , 1. That as Cyprian saith , The Laity that is obedient to God's commands , ought to separate themselves from a sinful Pastor or Prelate ( that is , that is grosly bad . ) 2. That they ought to avoid familiarity with scandalous Christians : As a Schollar may forsake a bad Teacher , and as an honest Man may leave the friendship of the flagitious . As for the names of Deposition and Excommunication , he saith , That we must interpret the name by the thing , and not the thing by the name ; And that the Church deposeth a Pastor when they forsake him or refuse to use him , and Excommunicateth a man , when they avoid his communion , ( and declare him unmeet for communion . ) In all which the Church useth her own right , but taketh not away another mans . Then for the Canonical Enquiries after faults , and impositions of Penence , or delays of absolution , he sheweth that both the Canons and Judgments by them being but prudential Determinations of Modes and Circumstances , bound none but Consenters , without the Magistrates Law , except as the Law of Nature bound them to avoid offences . ( He should add , [ and as obedience in general is due to Church-guides of Christ's appointment . ] ) And how the Magistrate may constrain the Pastors to their duty . Chap. 10. He sheweth that there are two perpetual Functions in the Church , Presbyters and Deacons : I call them Presbyters ( saith he ) with all the Ancient Church , who feed the Church with the Preaching of the Word , the Sacraments and the Keys , which by Divine Right are individual ( or inseparable . ) ( Note . that . ) And § . 27. He saith , It is doubtful whether Pastors where no Bishops are , and so are under none , though over none , are to be numbered with Bishops or meer Presbyters . § . 31. His counsel for the choice of Pastors is , that ( as in Justinian's time ) none be forced on the People against their wills , and yet a power reserv'd in the chief Rulers to rescind such elections as are made to the destruction of Church or Commonwealth . Chap. 11. § . 10. He sheweth that Bishops are not by Divine precept . And § . 1. That therefore the different Government of the Churches that have Bishops , or that have none , should be no hindrance to Unity . And § . 10 , 11. That some Cities had no Bishops , and some more than one : And that not only in the Apostles ●ays , but after , one City had several Bishops , in i●●tation of the jews , who to every Synagogue had an Archisynagogus . Page 357. He sheweth that there have been at Rome and elsewhere long vacancies of the Bishops See , in which the Presbyters Governed the Church without a Bishop ; And saith , that all the Ancients do confess , that there is no act so proper to a Bishop , but a Presbyter may do it , except the right of Ordination . Yet sheweth , p. 358. that Presbyters ordained with Bishops , and expoundeth the Canon thus , that Presbyters should Ordain none , contemning the Bishop . And p. 359. He sheweth that where there is no Bishop , Presbyters may Ordain , as Altisiodorensis saith among the Schoolmen . And questioneth again whether the Presbyters that have no Bishops over them be not rather Bishops than meer Presbyters ; citing Ambrose's words [ He that had no one above him , was a Bishop ] ( what would he have said of our City and Corporation Pastors that have divers Chapels and Curates under them : Or of our Presidents of Synods : or such as the Pastor of the first Town that ever I was Preacher in ( Bridgnorth in Shropshire ) who had six Parishes in an exempt Jurisdiction , four or five of them great ones , and kept Court as ordinary like the Bishops , being under none but the Archbishop . ) And § . 12. He sheweth that there was great cause for many Churches to lay by Episcopacy for a time . And p. 360. he saith [ Certainly Christ gave the Keys to be exercised by the same men , to whom he gave the power of Preaching and Baptizing . That which God hath joyned let no man separate . ] ( But then how should Satan have used the Churches as he hath done ? ) And he sheweth of meer ruling Elders ( as he had done of Bishops ) that they are not necessary , but are lawful ; and that it may be proved from Scripture that they are not displeasing to God ; and that formerly the Laity joyned in Councils . Only he puts these Cautions ( which I consent to ) 1. That they be not set up as by God's command . 2. That they meddle no otherwise with the Pastoral Office , or Excommunication , than by way of Counsel . 3. That none be chosen that are unfit . 4. That they use no coactive power , but what is given them by the Soveraign . 5. That they know their power to be mutable , as being not by Gods command , but from man. And Chap. 11. § . 8. He delivereth his opinion of the Original of Episcopacy , that it was not fetcht from the Temple pattern so much as from the Synagogues , ) where as he said before , every Synagogue had a chief Ruler . ) 14. As for J. D. and many other lesser Writers , ( Sir Thomas Aston , &c. ) who say but half the same with those forementioned , it is not worth your time and labour to read any more . Animadversions on them . 15. But the great Learned M. Ant. de Dominis Spalatensis deserveth a more distinct consideration : who in his very learned Books De Repub. Eccles . doth copiously handle all the matter of Church-Government . But let us consider what it is that he maintaineth . In his lib. 5. c. 1. he maintaineth that [ the whole proper Ecclesiastical Power is meerly Spiritual . In cap. 2. that no Power with true Prefecture , Jurisdiction , Coaction and Domination belongeth to the Church . In c. 3. he sheweth that an improper Jurisdiction belongs to it . Where he overthroweth the old Schoolmens Description of Power of Jurisdiction , and sheweth also the vanity of the common distinction of Power of Order and of Jurisdiction ; and maintaineth , 1. that Power of Jurisdiction followeth , ab Ordine , as Light from the Sun : 2. That all the Power of the Keys which is exercised for Internal effects , although about External Matters , ( of Worship or Government ) belongeth directly to the Potestas Ordinis : 3. That the Power of Jurisdiction as distinct from Order , and reserved to the Bishops , is but the power about the Ordering of External things , which is used Principally and Directly for an External Effect ( that is Church order . ) § . 5. p. 35. 4. That it is foolish to separate power of Order from any power of Jurisdiction whatsoever , that is properly Ecclesiastical , it being wholly Spiritual . 5. The Episcopal Jurisdiction ( not properly Ecclesiastical ) he maketh to consist in ordering Rites and Ceremonies and Circumstances , and Temporals about the Church , and about such Modal Determinations about particular persons and actions as are matters of humane prudence , ( which have only a General Rule in Nature or Scripture . 6. By which ( though he hold Episcopacy Jure Divino ) that it is but such things that he supposeth proper to the Bishop ( which the Magistrate may determine and make Laws for , as Grotius and others prove at last , and himself after ; and as Sir Roger Twisden hath Historically proved to have been used by the Kings of England , Histor . Def. Cap. 5. 7. That all Ecclesiastical power whatsoever is fully and perfectly conjunct with Order . page 36. 8. That this plenitude of power is totally and equally in all Bishops and Presbyters lawfully Ordained : and that it is a meer vanity to distinguish in such power of Order , Plenitudinem potestatis a parte solicitudinis . 9. That this equal power of the Bishop and Presbyter floweth from Ordination ; and is the Essential Ordinary Ministerial power . 10. That this vain separating Power of Order and Jurisdiction is the whole Foundation of Popery . § . 7. p. 36. & passi●● 37 , &c. 21. He frequently calleth that [ the Essential power ] in which Bishops and Presbyters are equal , and so taketh the rest but for Accidental . 12. He thus describeth the Bishops power of Jurisdiction , c. 3. p. 39. § . 13. [ About those things which are constituted in the Church , only by Humane Ecclesiastical Right , there is in the Church true Jurisdiction not necessarily depending on the Sacred Order it self , if there be any at all separate from Order . Such as Licensing a Bishop to Ordain in anothers Diocess , &c. For these acts are not Actus Sacri neque spirituales , neque attingunt directè quicquam supernaturale , sed sunt merè temporales , & circa rem externam & temporalem qua est mera applicatio , &c. These are not Sacred nor Spiritual , nor touch any thing directly that is Supernatural , but are meerly Temporal , and about an External and Temporal matter , Et his solis verum est , &c. So that it is most evident , that as God hath left to Humane Prudence the Ordering of some Modes and Circumstances of Worship and Discipline and Church Order , and by his General Laws , so Spalatensis thought that all the Bishops proper Jurisdiction lay in these things , which were of Humane Right , and that all things of divine appointment were equally belonging to the Presbyters . Where again I desire it may be observed . 1. That Magistrates may determine of such things , and so make void or needless such an Episcopacy . 2. That it is most certain that many things of External Order belong to a Presbyter to determine , as to one that is the Conducter of the Sacred Assemblies : As what Text to preach on , what Method to use , what Chapter to read : where and at what hour the People shall meet , how long they shall stay , what Tune to sing a Psalm in , and abundance of the like . So that even that Jurisdiction which he excepeth to the Bishop is common to him with the Presbyter that officiateth : And all that can be pretended is that it belongeth to him , to determine such Circumstances as equally belong to many Churches ( which yet Synods of Presbyters may do as effectually for Concord . ) 3. That indeed there is no true Ecclesiastical act which tendeth not to Internal Spiritual effects : Publick Admonitions and Confessions as well as private are for the humbling of the Sinner , and the exercise of Repentance ; and Excommunications and Absolutions in publick are not only nor chiefly for the external Order of the Church , but for the preserving of the peoples souls from sin , and for the warning of others , and for the preserving in their minds a due esteem of the holiness of our Religion , and the necessity of holiness in us , and to convince those without , that God's Laws and Ways and People are more holy than those of the World. This is a clear and certain truth : and therefore according to Spalatensis , Presbyters must in publick as well as private Admonitions , and Absolutions , and Excommunications , have equal power with Bishops , except as to the ordering of the Circumstantials of it . Which though he sometime seem to reserve for the Bishop , yet ( to do him right ) when he doth so , he ●●th that it is a mixt power : As it is the exercise of the Keys , it is Essential to the Sacred Office , common to both ; but as it is a prudential determination of Circumstances according to Humane Right , directly and principally for outward and not for inward effects , it is the Bishops Jurisdiction . So that really he maketh the Bishop , as such , to be but the Master of Order and Ceremonies , where the Magistrate doth not do it himself , and where it belongeth not to the Officiating Pastor as such . His cap. 4. is to prove that the power for Internal Effects of Grace in the Church by External acts , is exercised only Ministerially , by Ministers as such , Instanced cap : 5. in Baptisme cap. 6. in the Lords Supper , cap. 7. in Confessions and Penance ; and cap. 9. in that Fxcommunication which is the exercise of the Keys ( for he mistaketh in excluding Baptism from the Keys , which indeed is the first use for intromission . ) Cap. 12. He again purposely sheweth who are the Ministers of each Ordinance . And first again Vindicateth his Uniting of Order and proper Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical as before . § . 4. p. 465. He confidently saith , that to him it is a most certain thing that the power of Order , is of the Word , Sacrament and Keys , and that it is , plena , tota , integra , fully , totally , intirely in every Bishop and lawful Prosbyter . § . 22. p. 472. He saith , that Confirmation is neither a true Sacrament , but a part of the Ceremonies of Baptism ; nor is it at all of Divine , but of humane Ecclesiastical Institution ; nor doth it suppose any special power given by God to him that administreth it , for any special supernatural effect ▪ But the Church for honour reserveth this Ceremony to the Bishop . And § . 24. He saith , [ And why are Bishops so rigid that they will not permit to their Parish Ministers the Faculty of Confirming , specially when they themselves come very seldome † into those Parishes to visit . And verily those Bishops which have large Diocesses of Christians in the Turkish Dominions , as my Arch-Bishoprick of Spalato , ought ( if this Ceremony were of any great account ) to give their Parish Ministers there living free power of Confirming : Yea , if the Bishops deny it them , the Parish Ministers may and ought to exercise this Ceremony by their own Authority . And here I will tell Posterity , that if we could have but got our Prelates , &c. to have Confirmed to us but one Word , which the King granted us , pre tempore , only in his Declar. of Eccles . Affairs , viz. that Confirmation as a solemn Transition from Infant Church-State , into the Adult , should be but by the Ministers [ CONSENT ] ( as knowing his People better than the Bishop that never before saw them , or heard of them , or examined them ) it had healed one of the greatest of our Breaches : But our Concord was not thought worth this little price ; Though there is not in all the places that ever I lived in , one Person of an hundred ( if five hundred ) that I can hear of , that ever was Confirmed , or ever sought it or regarded it . And yet their Rubrick saith , that we must not give the Lords Supper to any that are not Confirmed , or ready for it : Yet have we no power to require of any Man a Proof or Certificate of his Confirmation , nor can we know whether he be Confirmed or not ; Nor can we refuse any at the Lords Table that refuseth to be examined by us , whether he be ready to be Confirmed , ( save Infants . ) And in that 12. chap. § . 25 , 26 , 27. p. 473. Spalatensis again sheweth , that the Power of the Keys for binding and loosing , belongeth to Bishops and Presbyters as Ministers . And though he reserve the Publick use of them to the Bishop , he saith , that he may commit it to a Presbyter . For it is Mixt , and hath partly the External Jurisdiction which the Bishop received by his proper Episcopal Ordination ; and partly , yea much rather ( or more ) the Internal , by the Keys , which they have by virtue of their Presbyterial Ordination , in equality with the Presbyters . The External , because it is External , may therefore be delegated to another , even a Lay-man : ( which is it , which the Parliament of Scotland have lately declared to be in the King. ) And doth not all this shew what Episcopacy is ? Even a Magistrates Office , Circa Sacra , vindicated by Grotius and others . But ( saith he ) they cannot delegate the inward power which is properly of the Keys , because this dependeth of the Sacred Presbyterial Order , both in fieri , in esse , in conservari & operari . For the Presbyterial Order hath always the Keys annexed . — For when any is Ordained Presbyter , the Keys are given him , and Jurisdiction , with Orders , by Divine Right . And § . 28. p. 474. Seeing the Apostles gave the Keys equally to all Bishops and Presbyters , — No man can by Divine Right , reserve part of the Keys to himself alone , and leave another part to others . Moreover in lib. 2. c. 3. § . 61. p. 210. He sheweth that Clement , Linus , and Anacletus , were all Bishops in Rome at once . Lib. 2. c. 9. § . 1. p. 282. He sheweth , that Bishops and Presbyters are wholly equal in all Essentials , which belong to the Ecclesiastical Ministries to be exercised towards the People . And that even in Government , the rest of the Presbyters ( without excepting any ) in every Church make one College , of which the Bishop is the Head ; all Ordained to the same Cure and Government of Souls . ( So this Diocess hath between a thousand and two thousand Ministers , living some of them an hundred or sixscore Miles distance , to make a College to the Bishop that is usually at London . ) How the Bishop is bound to Govern with them , see him , § . 4. And § . 5. To be plainly understood , he saith , We Bishops therefore must all remember , that All the Presbyters are our Brethren , and Collegues in the Ministry ; not our Servants or Slaves , and that by Divine Right they have no less power in feeding the people of God than we have : And if we exercise any External ampler Jurisdiction over them , not properly Ecclesiastical , it is not of our own power , but delegated from the Magistrates power , as I shall prove lib. 6. and 10. Yet plainer , § . 8 , 9. p. 285. These Parish Presbyters have by Divine Right , full Power in the Ministry of Christ , and in these Parishes are the Ordinary Ministers , but under the Bishop . For the Bishop alone hath a General Ecclesiastical Government to settle Ministers in their Diocess — But being applyed to the Government of their Church , they have the ordinary power , but Presbyterial in that Church . — By positive Right only Bishops are deputed to certain Seats . — Yet Presbyters have so this Ordinary power , that they cannot by Humane Eccl●siastical Right reduce it into Act , till applyed by the Bishop in his Diocess . — And c. 9. § . 11. p. 286. ● . 13. p. 287. He sheweth , that in Vacancies , or the Bishops Absence , the Clergy of Presbyters have the whole Episcopal power of Government . And p. 288 , 289. He laboureth to prove , that one Church had many Bishops , and that it is but Ecclesiastical Law or Custome that one Church should have but one Bishop . And § . 15. That if the Canons prohibited not , a Bishop might make all his Parish Presbyters full Bishops , as ( § . 16. ) in the Ministerial Essentials towards the Faithful , they are by Divine Right equals . Vid. & § . 20. page 291. This is enough to say of Spalatensis , save that all that he saith for Bishops against us , is so little a part of what is said by the rest , that it can require no new Answer . And if this great Moderator , ( who returned to Rome , though for a miserable imprisonment and end ) because we are not yet near enough to Antiquity , ( or rather being flattered into covetous and ambitious hopes ) be able to prove no greater a difference between Bishops and Presbyters , we need not think that any other is like to do it . 16. The last great , Learned , Sober Defender of Episcopacy , and the last that I need to mention here , is Doctor Hammond , who in his Annotations , and his Treat . of the Keys , and especially his Dissertations against Blondel , and his Defence of them against the London ▪ Ministers , hath said much in this Cause . But his way is new ( save that he followeth Petavius in the main supposition : ) He forsaketh almost all the Fathers , and almost all the Patrons of Episcopacy of later times ( who have written for it ) in the Exposition of all the Texts of Scripture which mention the Elders and Bishops of Churches in those times , supposing that they all speak of Bishops only . In his Treat . of the Keys , he maintaineth that the power of them was given to the Apostles onely by Christ , and to Bishops as their Successors by the Apostles . But I take it for undeniable truth , that the Bishops and Elders settled in every Church by the Apostles in their own time , had this power , and I need not expect a contradiction in it . And how fitly those are called the Apostles Successors , whom they set over the Churches in their own time , even from the beginning that they settled Churches , and with whom they continued in the same Churches many Months or Years ( as Paul in Asia , I leave to others to judge . But the Question is not whether Bishops have the power of the Keys , but whether all Presbyters have it not also ? And 1. He sheweth that ( according to the Canons , ) the Presbyters might do nothing in this or in other Acts of Ministration , without the Bishop . 2. That our English Ordainers , though they say , Receive the Holy Ghost , whose sins you do remit , it shall be remitted , &c. Do not give the Presbyters all the Power of binding and loosing but so much as the Bishops or the Governours are presumed to have thought sit to impart to them ( which he saith is . 1. The declaring in the Church the absolution of penitents after the Confession . 2. The absolving them by way of prayer before the Sacrament . 3. And by Baptismal washing , and 4. Upon Confession to the sick , and in private Conference , and Confession , &c. Which yet he saith , [ Is by Christs Authority committed to the Presbyters . ] 3. He saith , [ All this will not extend to the absolving from the bond of excommunication , or proportionably to such power of binding , any further ( at most , ) thau to confer the first power of it ; which if it be then given , doth yet remain ( as the other Power of Preaching , and administring the Sacraments ) bound and restrained from being exercised , till they be further loosed by the donation of a Second Power . ] Ans . But 1. Either he was not able , or not willing , to tell us whether this Power be given the Presbyters or not . For he avoideth it , by saying [ at most ] and if it be given . ] If not able , his ability must be plainly deficient as to the decision of our main controversie of the difference between Bishops and Presbyters , which dependeth on it : If unwilling , he was unwilling to give us any solid satisfactory decision of this Case . 2. Being his Neighbour , I wrote in his Life time , a Confutation of that Assertion , that the ordained received their Office and Power properly from the Ordainer as the neerest Efficient of it , ( in my Disput of Ordination , in my Disput . of Church-Government ) and I proved that the Power or Office is immediately from Christ , and that the Ordainers do but design the Person that shall receive it , and Ministerially deliver him possession by an investing Sign . 3. Either the Office of a Presbyter is of Divine Institution , or of Humane : Either fixed by the Holy Ghost in the Apostles , immutably ; or made , and alterable by the Bishops ? If the Office be of Divine institution , and fixed for the Churches constant use , whether by Christ immediately or by the Holy Ghost in the Apostles , ) than it is not in the Bishops Power to Altar it : And so whatever the Ordainers please to give them , is none of the measure of their Power : As the Arch-Bishop may Crown or anoint the King , and yet not give him what Power he please : Or rather as it is of Divine appointment , that the Husband should be the Governour of the Wife : And she that chooseth him , and he that Marrieth them , cannot alter it , nor do they give him his measure of Power as they please , but suppose him endowed with that by God , and do only choose the Person that shall receive it ; and Ministerially invest him in the Possession of it . And if the Priest that marrieth them should by any words Contradict , or limit this institution of God , it were a Nullity ; and invalid . If he do but say , I pronounce you Husband and Wife : He therefore pronounceth the man to have that Power of a Husband which God hath given him , though he vainly say after , you shall have but so much , or so much of it . And so it is in present Case : If God have made the Ministerial Office , he hath made it something constituted of its essential parts ; And if so what man hath Power to alter it . But if it be humane , yea , and made by the Bishops then I confess they may alter it , or destroy it . And if a Presbyter have what power the Ordainers please to give him , every Ordainer may alter the Office and make a new Species of Church Ministers at his pleasure : Prove that and our dispute is at an end . But Papists , Greeks , and Protestants are agreed against it . 4. If Presbyters receive that which he calleth [ the first Power ] ( which he would not deny , though he would not grant ) it is all that at present I am pleading for it : And it isall that in their ordination they receive ( as he saith ) as to the Word and Sacraments . If then the Office of a Presbyter continue the same Power of the Keys as to Excommunication , and Absolution , as it doth of administring the Word and Sacraments , at present I rest satisfied with this ( In which Learned Spalatensis , and those that go with him , cannot be confuted ) For this proveth that their Divinely-instituted Office Essentially containeth this Power of the Keys , though to be exercised under the inspection of a Superiour . 5. And if this Inspection would prove that they have not the Power or that their Office , or Order is therefore distinct , it will also prove that Bishops have not the Power of the Keys , because they exercise it under the Inspection of Metropolitans , Arch-Bishops , Primates , or Patriarchs : And also that they are of a distinct Order from all these : And that a Physition hath no Power to Guide or Govern his voluntary Patients in order to Cure , and that he is off a distinct Office from the Colledge and President , because he is under their inspection . And are not all Bishops under the Government of the King , as well as Physitions and other Subjects : And have they no Power of the Keys , because he ruleth them . And as a Presbyter might do nothing without the Bishop , so no one Bishop could do any thing without other Bishops : For he had no Episcopal Power till they ordained him . And as to after Government or that which he calleth the grant of a Second Power . 6. Is it any thing but Humane License to Exercise the Power of Office of Divine institution before received ? And is not the Magistrates License as necessary to the Bishop and the Presbyter too , as the Bishops is to the Presbyter . 7. And I take it for undenied among Christians , that humane Power of Government , extendeth but to the Ordering and not the Nulling of a Function instituted by God. It is not referred to King or Bishop , whether there shall be a Preaching or none , Sacraments , or none , Church discipline and exercise of the Keys , or none ; no more than whether there shall be a Scripture , and Divine Law , a Christ , a Heaven , and whether men shall be good or bad , saved or damned : But only by whom , and when , and how , this Divine Function shall be so exercised , as may best attain the end , as to those circumstances not determined of by God ; and not contradicting Gods Institutions . Therefore if the Bishops say that the Preachers of the Gospel shall be silenced ( perhaps by hundreds or thousands ) while the necessity of the Peoples Souls is undeniable , their Authority in this should hinder no man from going to Preach ( further than their violence hindreth . ) And so by his own Rule it must be as to Discipline , if Discipline be a Work belonging to a Presbyter . And as Spalatensis saith of Confirmation , the Presbyter should do it , though the Bishop rorbid him . 8. The Second Power which the Presbyter must receive from the Prelate for Teaching , Worshipping , and Governing the Plock , is either , 1. For the exercise of it in General to any fit persons , or else for the limitation of him to such a particular Flock . 2. And it is either a General License or power at once given to do all his Work , or to do this of Government whenever there is cause , or else it is a particular License for each particular act . 1. We deny not , but that as a Physician Licensed to practice , is not thereby made the Physician of this or that Person , Hospital or City , but have a particular Call for such an Exercise or Application of his skill . So an Ordained Minister of Christ hath no prepared Object on which to Exercise a Pastoral Office , but by a particular Call to such a Flock . But however you Censure our simplicity for it , we are resolved to believe , till you say more against it , 1. That the same may be said of a Bishop too ; and therefore by your Argument , when this Bishop is fixed in a particular Flock , he receiveth a second power as you call it , and so without it hath not the power of the Keys any more than the Presbyter ; and so must be of a distinct Order from the Bishops that give him his second power : And who giveth them theirs ? And if ▪ you rise to a Patriarch or Pope , what Superiour of another Order giveth them their second Power ? 2. That institution or fixing a man ( before Ordained ) to a particular Flock , doth not make him of another Order or Office , nor is a new Ordination ; nor is he as oft Ordained and made of another Office , as he changeth his Flock , or receiveth a new License from the Bishop or the King , ( from whom I had rather have it . ) 3. That the People as well as the Bishop ( if not much more ) do give the Minister this opportunity for the exercise of his Office , ( as the Patient chooseth his Physician . ) And yet it is my Opinion that this will not prove that the People are his Governours , much less that they give him a new Order or Office. And of old the People chose their Bishops themselves : It will be as much honour for you Learnedly to prove that there were no Kings in the World till Bishops made them , as to confute D. Blondels Historical proof of the Peoples ancient choice of their Bishops . 2. And as to a General License , I will thank the King for it , yea , or any man that hath power to hinder me , that he will give me leave to Preach and Exercise my Office : But I do not think that every man that doth not hinder me when he can , doth give me power . And if a Bishop be so extraordinary good as not to silence nor hinder a Minister from Preaching Christ , I do not think that this man is an Usurper in Preaching the Gospel , for want of a License or second Power : Nor yet in exercising the rest of his Office , where he and the People do consent . These things seem plain to us , and they that ( whether by Learning , or the Love of Riches and Honour and Domination ) are made wiser than we , may suffer such Fools gladly , while themselves are ( in re vel spe ) Rich , Honourable and wise . 3. And what is Ordination but a General Investiture in the power of performing the Ministerial Office ? And why may not the General Power or License be given at once as at twice ? I think [ Take thou Authority to Preach the Word of God , and Administer the Holy Sacraments , and the Discipline of the Church , when thou art thereto lawfully called , ( that is , hast opportunity and fit Objects ) is a General License : And a Man may presently Exercise this Office on Consenters : Unless the sence be [ Take thee power when it shall be given thee . ] 3. But if it be a Particular License that is here meant by the grant of second power , I confess that there is somewhat considerable in it , and that in old time the Bishop and his Clergy living together , and meeting in the same Church , the Presbyters ( like our Parish Curates now ) were in all the Worship of the day , and in their privater Ministry to the People to be ruled by the Bishop , and to Modifie and Circumstantiate all as he directed them : And so may it be again . But sure a Minister is not to travel an hundred miles to the Bishop , to know whether he shall visit this sick man , or give the Sacrament to the other , and to know what Chapter he shall read , and such like ? If it be not a General License that is meant , it must needs suppose the Bishops presence . 9. And seeing the Bishops may License a Presbyter to use the Keys , the opening of this will help our understandings about the nature of the Bishops Office. There is no act of Jurisdiction which they do not Ordinarily commit to others . The sentence of Excommunication and Absolution is ordinarily decreed by a Lay-Chancellor . ( And Spalatensis saith , that Episcopal Jurisdiction may be done by a Lay Delegate . ) The same sentence is Pronounced in Court by a Lay-Man , or a meer Presbyter . The same sentence is published in the Church by a Presbyter or Deacon . And a Prince may give a License to exercise the Ministry to which we were Ordained . I enquire then , 1. Whether the granting of this Episcopal Power , be a making that Man a Bishop that it 's granted to ? If so , a Bishop , a Presbyter , and a Chancellor are all of one Office , when thus impowred . If not so , then a Lay-man , or one of another Office , may have power to do the Work of the Bishops Office. And what is the Office ( tell me if you can ) beside Authority and Obligation to do the Work ? A Lay-man and Presbyter may by the Bishop be Authorized and Obliged to do the Work of a Bishop , and this ordinarily as an Office : ( For so they do , ) Ergo , a Chancellor and a Presbyter may be made really a Bishop , and yet in their esteem remain a Lay-man and a Presbyter still . And is not that a Lay Office which a Lay-man may be Commissioned to do ? If a Lay-man were but Commissioned to do the Work of a Presbyter ( to Teach a Church ordinarily , to Administer the Sacraments , and to Excommunicate and Absolve in foro internae poenitentialis , either it would make the Man a Presbyter , or it would be a Nullity . And if it be not so with the Bishops Office , what is the Reason ? Is it not because it is not of Divine Specification and Institution , but Humane , and therefore mutable , or such as Men may parcel out , and commit to Lay-men by pieces as they please ? So much to Dr. Hammond's Appropriation of the Power of the Keys in that Treatise . As to his Annotations , I shall have occasion to recite them hereafter , among those that give up the Diocesan Cause ( as opposed by us ) and therefore shall here pass them by . His Dissertations against Blondel , have a Premonition about Ordination , which though most confident , I shall manifest , when I come to the point of Ordination , to be most weak ; and indeed have done it before his death in my Disput . of Ordin . His first Preliminary Dissertation of Antichrist , of the Mystery of Iniquity and of Diotrephes , I will not be so needlesly tedious as to meddle with any further then to say that I will believe Dr. Hammond here , and in his Annot. on 2 Thes . 2. when I am fallen into so deep a sleep , as to dream , 1. That the famous Coming of Christ , and our gathering together to him , ( which is a great Article of the Christian Faith ) is but Titus his Destruction of Jerusalem ; and that the reward promised to all that love his appearing , is meant to all that love the said Destruction of Jerusalem ; 2. And that this Destruction was not to be called nigh , or at hand , which fell out so few Years after . 3. And that the Gentiles of remote Countries were so shaken in mind and moved about a Question of a few Years distance of the Destruction of the Jews , more than about Christ's coming to the Common Judgment . 4. And that the Gnosticks were indeed such terrible Persecutors of the Church , ( who were dispersed Subjects ) when their Doctrine was but that they might dissemble to escape Persecution themselves ; and greater Persecutions were near ? and not the Gnosticks , nor Jews , but Nero beheaded Paul ; and the Jews themselves were banished Rome ? 5. And that Simon Magus was indeed so famous a Fellow , as to be taken for the supream God , when Church Writers speak so uncertainly of his conflicts with Peter as of a doubtful story , and the evidence is so obscure , and the Roman Histories say so little of him ? He might as well have thought the Apostle would have made all that ado about James Naylor , if he had been then alive . 6. And that there were not many other Hereticks as well as the Gnosticks that troubled the Churches , if Epiphanius knew how to name them and describe them rightly , or Irenaeus before him , or John in Rev. 2. and 3. before them . 7. And that Simon Magus and his Heresie was a Mystery of Iniquity not revealed when Paul wrote the second Epistle to the Thessalonians . 8. And that many had not then followed him and fallen away to Heresie . 9. Or that by the Apostasie that must first come , is meant the Apostles separation from the Jews , and Moses's Law ; As if he had said , we will first separate , and that shall bring persecution on you , but till we do that , it is with-held . 10. Or that the said separation was not done by degrees , some before this , and some after . 11. Or that the difference between the Jews persecution of the Christians , before the Apostles Apostasie , and after it , was indeed so great as to be the Crisis of the Antichrists Revelation . 12. And that poor Simon should be the Man that sitteth in the Temple of God , and opposed and exalted himself above all that is called God , when as the Scripture never once nameth him after his deprecation of the Apostles curse or threatning ; though Nicolaitanes are named , and Alexander , Hymenaeus and Philetus named , and other Adversaries , and all the terrible things foretold , which are here supposed to be done by Simon , and his Doctrine ? What , were all the Sacred Writers afraid to name him when they recited all the Evils that he must do , and are supposed to make it a great part of all the Epistles , and the History in Acts 15. and when he had been so sharply rebuked and humbled before , Act. 8. 13. That the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that with-holdeth , till he be taken out of the way , is not meant of any person , power or state , but the aforesaid separation of the Apostles . 14. That verse 8. that the breath of Christ's own mouth , signifieth St. Peter's words that cast down Simon when he fell and hurt him ; and that the brightness of his coming , or the appearing of his own presence , is nothing but the foresaid Destruction of Jerusalem . 15. And so many of the Gnosticks and Hereticks , that troubled all the Churches of Asia and other Countries , were got together into Jerusalem , as that they might be said to be consumed and destroyed there , who so long after troubled the Churches . 16. And when I can believe that the Revelation is made up of such a sence , and that most or much of it , was fulfilled before it was revealed and written , and all the rest fulfilled long ago ( about Constantine's days ) except one Parenthesis , or a few Verses in the 20th Chapter . And that the Resurrection and Thousand Years reign of the Martyrs , is that 1000 Years from Constantine's beginning , in which the Bishops had Wealth and Honour , and sate on Thrones , and judged the People in Courts , as our Lay-Chancellors now do ; and that this Glory , Wealth , and Grandure of Prelates , is the Churches Resurrection , Glory and Felicity : And that these happy thousand Years continued 700 Years after the rising of Mahomet ; and included those 8th , 9th , 10th , and 11th Ages , which Erasmus and all learned men ( even Bellarmine himself ) so dolefully bewail . And that when Boys , and Whores , and Sorcerers , and Murderers , and Hereticks , and Schismaticks ruled the Church , they were happy that had a part in this first Resurrection to all this Glory , yea , that these are Holy too , Rev. 20. 6. And that the second death shall have no power on them ; that is while they are drowning the true Churches of Christ in the Floods of all abomination , and bringing in all corruption , and laying the grounds of all division , subduing Kings , and murdering Christians by thousands , till the Year 1300. Blessed and holy and happy are they , because though they persecute the Godly , they are free from being persecuted themselves , which is the second death : Yea , that the Church was freed from persecution in the Ages when the poor Waldenses , and Albigenses were murdered in greater numbers than ever the Heathens murdered the Christians heretofore . When I can believe abundance of such things as these , I will believe Dr. Hammond's first Dissertation . His second Dissertation which is to vindicate the Epistles of Ignatius , I little regard , as not concerning me . I leave it to Dr. Pierson ( who they say is about it ) to answer Dallaeus his numerous Arguments against him ( with Dionysius . ) For my part , I wish Dr. Pierson may prevail ; For there is no Witness among all the Ancients whom I more trust to ( at least ad hominem ) as a plain undoubted destroyer of our Prelacy , than Ignatius , who is the confidence of the Prelatical Champions . I am possest with admiration as much at their glorying in Ignatius , as the Patron of Diocesans , who is so much against them , as I am at their glorying in Rich. Hooker as a Defender of Monarchy and the Prelates Loyalty : Of Ignatiu● I shall say more anon . His third D●●●ert . about Scripture passages more concerneth us . Cap. 1. which tells us of Christs Episcopacy , concerneth not our Cause . Cap. 2. Whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Regeneration , be the New Church State , and the Apostles Episcopal Thrones be there meant , as setled in several Provinces ( which cannot be proved ever to have been ) is little to our business . Nor yet whether he will prove that it is not Prelacy but Secular Coactive power and g●andure that is denyed to the Apostles , and that it was those that grudged at the Precedency desired for James and John , which Christ intended to reprehend , because it was not an injurious Secular power , but a labour that was to be in the Prelates of the Church . It sufficeth me that so much is here confessed . And it cannot be denied : For that Precedency and Power which Christ alloweth in the Rulers of the Nations , is it which he denyeth to his Disciples : But it is not Tyranny , proud Domination and Oppression , but just Secular Government , which he alloweth in the Rulers of the Nations : Ergo , it is this and not the former which he denyeth to his Disciples . And let all the Prelates here remember , that the Q●estion , Whether they be Above their Brethren by Dr. H's Confession , is , Whether they may take more care and pains for Mens Salvation ? When one of us poor Ministers were not able night and day to Catechise , instruct and oversee a Congregation of two or three thousand Souls , without much help or many sad unavoidable Omissions , the Q●estion shall be , whether the Bishop may not undertake to Teach and oversee many hundreds or a thousand Parishes , and Catechise , Pray with , and Exhort a thousand times more than any Parish Minister doth or is able to do ; And to do all this without ever coming into those Parishes , or ever seeing the Faces , or hearing the names of one of a multitude of the People ; or ever speaking one word to them , but summoning th●m by Apparitors to a Lay-Chancellors Court , to be Excommunicated first , and after imprisoned while they live , if they do not what the Chancellor bids them . O what is mans understanding ! when a Carnal interest hath there clothed it self with a Sacred name . Cap. 3. He telleth us of the Power of the Keys commited to the Apostles , and by them to the Bishops , as their Successors : But whether all the Bishops Ordained by them , and living with them , ( and some dying before them it 's like ) were their Successors , and whether all true Pastors were not such Bishops as had the Power of the Keys ; and whether by those Keys be meant the Government of the Flocks , or also of the Governors themselves , and of what extent the Churches under each Bishop was , and to what end and use , are the things in Question , which he here saith nothing to . Cap. 4. He proveth by strong affirmation , that the Apostles were by Christ's last Commission , Mat. 28. 19 , 20. to be the Bishops of their several assigned certain Provinces . But confidence goeth not for proof with us . He tells us of the name of Episcopacy , Acts 1. 29. We never questioned , whether the Apostles had the Oversight of the Church ; but we hold , 1. That the World was the first Object of their Office , from whence they were to gather Churches . 2. That the Place , Course , or Circuit of their Travels and Ministry , was not of any Divine Institution , but left to their prudent choice , by the Common Rules of Nature ( doing all things in Order , and to Edifying ) and sometime directed in their motions by the present inspiration of the Holy-Ghost . 3. That more than one Apostle was oft in the same Cities and Countries , none claiming it as his peculiar Province , nor denying the right of others to be there . And where one was this Year , another was the next . 4. That when an Apostle planted a Church in any City , and settled Bishops over the People , they themselves were called by many of the Ancients , the first Bishops of those Cities ; in which sence , one Man had many Bishopricks . 5. That the Apostles were Itinerant unfixed Bishops , and not fixed Bishops , such as they themselves confined to any one limited Church or Province . Nor can it be proved out of all Antiquity , that any one of all the Apostles , was confined to any one limited Province , much less what that Province was ; but only that their Ability , Opportunity , Time and Prudence limited every Man , and directed him as the End required . 6. And that if the Apostles had fixed themselves in particular limited Provinces , they had disobeyed their Commission , which was , to go Preach the Gospel to all the World. And no Man did ever yet so dote , as to pretend that they divided the whole World into twelve Provinces , and there fixed themselves : And such twelve Provinces as they had been capable of overseeing , would have been but a little of the World : And it was but a little part , comparatively , that they Preacht the Gospel to : Most Kingdoms of the World they never saw : And those which they came into , were so great and many , that they Preached but to a few of the People . Yet this was not their culpable Omission , because they were limited by Natural Impotency , and so by Impossibilities of doing more : But had it been by a Voluntary setling themselves in twelve Provinces to the neglect of all the rest , the Case had been otherwise . But whilst they did their best for the whole World themselves , and Ordained others to do the rest , they performed their Office. There needeth no more to be said as to those Ancients that name the Apostles Bishops : Nor is their Episcopacy , if proved , any thing to our Case , as shall be manifested . Cap. 5. He thought he had proved that Power in the Church is given by the Apostles to the Bishops only . Whereas ( with Spalatensis , and most Christians ) we hold it given to Christ's Ministers , as such , and therefore to them all , though in an Eminency the Apostles only had it . And , 1. Whereas he denyeth the Power of the 70 , because they were not Apostles , but Disciples : We Answer , 1. That Evangelists and other Ministers that were not Apostles , had the Power of the Keys . 2. That to deny that the 70 were at least Temporary Apostles limited to the Jews , and had the power of Preaching and working Miracles , would be to deny the letter of the Text. And the Apostles themselves could not Govern Churches , till they were gathered . 2. And yet if neither they , nor John Baptist , in Baptizing , did exercise any power of the Keys ( which he can never prove ) it is nothing to our Case . 3. When will he prove that the Evangelists and the Itinerant Assistants of the Apostles , had not the power of the Keys ? When themselves commonly say , that the higher Orders contain the powers of the lower ? And are the Bishops higher than the Evangelists ? 4. Nay , when will he prove , that ever any Presbyter was Ordained by the Apostles , or by any others as they appointed , without the power of the Keys ? It would weary one that loveth not confusion and lost lalabour , to read long Discourses of the Power of the Keys or Government , which distinguish not the Government of the Laity or Flocks , from the Government of the Ministers themselves ? and that abuse the Church by feigning an Office of Presbyters that are not Presbyters , and proving that Church-Governors are not Church-Governors ? For what is the Office of the Presbyter or Pastor essentially , but a Stated Power and obligation to Teach and Govern the People , and Worship as their mouth and guide ? Cap. 6. He seemeth , by denying the Evangelists the power of the Keys , and of Church-teaching , and making them meer Preachers to the Insidels , to favour the Independants Opinion , who think the Laymen sent forth are to do that work . But , 1. Mat. 28. 19 , 20. Christ maketh such Officers as must Preach and Baptize and gather Churches among the Infidels before they govern them , to be them that he will be with to the end of the World. And the same men had the Power of teaching the Churches when they were gathered , as is there expressed . 2. Call them by what name you will , such Itenirants were usual in the Apostles daies , as Silas , Apollo , and many more . 3. It was not the twelve Apostles only that Converted the World , but such other Ministers , that were called thus to labour by them , or by the Spirit immediately . Joseph of Arimathea is said by many to have preached here , and in other Countries . 4. What man will dream that when these went abroad the World to convert men , they were the fixed Bishops of particular Churches first , which they thus forsook ? 5. Who will believe that Joseph , Silas , Apollo , Luke , Mark , Nathaniel , Philip , or any other , when they had converted any City , or Countrey , had no power after to teach them as a Church , or give them the Lords Supper , no nor to Baptize them first , nor to ordain them Bishops , and settle them in order , but must either have an Apostle or a City Bishop to come thither after them to do it ? Such Fancies are obtruded on the Church , because the one Ministerial or Priestly Office is first dismembred , and then new Officers feigned to be made up of the several Limbs . Cap. 7. As he rob'd the Evangelists of the Power of the Keys , he would now rob all the meer Presbyters of it ; and all ( without shew of Scripture proof ) from such words of Canons or Ancients as say the Presbyters shall do nothing without the Bishops . 1. As if the Presbyters were no Rulers of the Flocks , because the Bishops are Rulers of the Presbyters ? As if a Judge or a Justice were no Governour , because he is under the King ? 2. O Cruel Bishops that will undertake to do that for the Souls of many hundred Parishes , which many hundred Ministers are too little for , that the Souls of men and their own together may be damn'd by the Omission of it ! If the power of the Keys be appointed for mens Salvation , they perfidiously betray them that thrust out the many hundreds that should do it , pretending that it belongeth to one man among the many hundred that cannot do it . But of the Bishops great undertaking , I must say more anon . Cap. 8. Of the Chorepiscopi there is little that concerneth us , saving that he cometh near to grant us all that we desire , while that § . 15 he saith that Learned men believe that in the Church of one Region , of old there was but one Altar , so that lgnatius rightly conjoyneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : And all Schismaticks were said to set up Altar against Altar . As Cypr. de Unit. Eccle. Ep. 40. 72 , 73 ] This is the sum of all that we plead for . And § . 29. he mentioneth the Chorepiscopis as immitating the 70 , when yet he had denied the 70 , to have the power of the Keys , which he supposeth the Chorepiscopi to have under the Bishops . Of Clemens words in due place . Cap. 9. About the sence of a Canon variously read . And Cap. 10. Whether Eutychius Alexandrinus erred in one thing ; and therefore were not to be believed in another , are little pertinent to our business . In his 4th . Dissert . the Cap. 1. is but Proem , but Cap. 2. he tells us that the Apostles as Bishops Governed the Churches which they had planted , without the mediation of a Colledge of Presbyters ( all ways ) and he bringeth not a word to prove it , but 1 Cor. 3. 6. You have not many Fathers in Christ , I have begotten you by the Gospel , c. 4. 15 , 16. I have planted , and c. 9. 19 , 21. I will come to you , will ye that I come with the Rod ? and c. 5 3 , 4. I as absent in Body but present in Spirit have judged — This is all . And will not the impartial Reader wonder at humane frailty , how easily men believe what they would have to be true , and what , an evident Nothing will go for undenyable proof . Let the Reader Note , 1. That the question is not whether an Apostle after that he had planted a Church remain still an Apostle to them as well as others , and have the Apostolical eminency of Power , which is greater than any meer Bishop had . 2. But first , Whether the Apostles had any fixed Provinces , or Cities undertaken as their special charge , in which no other Apostle had Apostolical Power ? And 2. Whether there were not fixed Bishops setled by them in all the Churches which they planted ? 3. And whether it was not so in the Church of Corinth ' in particular ? Yea , whether they had not more Bishops or Presbyters than one ? For by [ Unius ] which here he applyeth to Paul , he meaneth Unicus , Paul only , or else he abuseth his Reader and himself . And 1. He that will follow Paul in his Travels , will find that he went the same way that some other Apostles went , viz. John and Peter , and therefore that they must have the same Diocesses , or have their Diocesses notably intermixt : John was in Asia as well as Paul , and no man can prove that he was the Second Bishop of Ephesus , or Asia , as Paul's successor only when he was dead . Nor will the Romans be willing to grant that Peter was Bishop of no more at Rome but the Jews only ( as this Dr. elsewhere intimateth ) lest that prove not that the Gentile Church of Rome was founded by Peter , but by Paul alone . 2. What proof hath he that besides Peter and John , there were not many other Apostles per vices in the same Cities where Paul had been ? And that when they did come thither , they had not Apostolical Power there ? 3. Doth not the Text expresly say that Paul and Barnabas long travelled together ? And doth it any where intimate that Paul was the Governour of Barnabas , or the sole Bishop of the Churches planted by them both together ? Sure the people that would have worshipped Barnabas , as Jupiter , and Paul but as Mercury , did see no Sign of such a Prelacy in Paul. And the Apostles seem so to have ordered the matter , by going by Couples ( as Christ sometimes sent two and two before him , ) as if they had done it purposely to prevent these Monarchical conceits . Peter and John were together at the healing of the Criple , and the successful preaching that followed thereupon . Sometime Paul and Barnabas are together ; sometime Paul and Silas , and Barnabas and Mark : Paul and Sosthenes are the inscribed Names who send the first Epistle to the Corinthians , and Paul and Timothy the second . And in the Text alledged , it is said , One saith I am of Paul , and another I am of Apollo ; and c. 1. 12. Every one of you saith , I am of Paul , and I of Apollos , and I of Cephas . — And Paul baptized none of them save Crispus and Gaius , and the houshold of Stephanus . By which it appeareth that Peter was among them as well as Paul ; and if Peter had been only the Bishop of the Jews here also , Apollos would not have been brought in as a third in a way of equality : And the Controversie would have been otherwise decided by Paul , by telling the Jews that Peter was their sole Bishop , and the Gentiles that Paul was theirs , and all of them , that Apollos was but their Subject . But he goeth quite another way to work , preferring none , nor dividing Dioceses , but levelling Ministers , as being but the helpers of their Faith. And though they had Apostolical preeminence above Apollos , yet Peter and Paul are not said to have a proper Episcopacy over him . And now to his Arguments . 1. Paul planted ; Paul onely was their Father . What then ? Ergo , Paul onely was their Bishop . I deny the Consequence , and may long wait for a syllable of proof . Contrarily , Paul onely was not their Apostle : Ergo , Paul onely was not their Bishop . For every Apostle you say hath Episcopal Power included in the Apostolical : and none of them ceased to have Apostolical Power where-ever they came , ( though they were many together , as at Jerusalem ) Ergo , None of them ceased to have Episcopal Power . The conceit of Conversion and Paternity entituling to sole Episcopacy , I shall confute by it self anon . 2. But Paul judged the incestuous person , and speaketh of coming with the rod. And what followeth ? Ergo , None but Paul might do the same in that Diocess . I deny the Consequence . Any other Apostle might do the same . Where is your Proof ? And if all this were granted , it is nothing against the Cause that we maintain . And next let us inquire , whether this Church had no Bishops or Presbyters but Paul ? As here is not a word of proof on their side , so I prove the contrary : 1. Because the Apostles ordained Elders or Bishops in every Church and City , Acts 14. 23. Tit. 1. 5. Therefore the Church of Corinth had such . 2. If they had not Presbyters or Bishops , they could hold no ordinary Christian Church-Assemblies , for all Gods publick Worship ; e. g. They could not communicate in the Lords Supper ; for Lay-men may not be the Ministers of it , nor the ordinary Guides and Teachers of a Worshipping Church . But they did hold such ordinary Assemblies , communicating in the Lords Supper . And to say , that they had onely Pastors that were itinerant in transitu as they came one after another that way , is to speak without book , and against it ; and to make them differ from all other Churches , without proof . 3. 1 Cor. 14. doth plainly end that Controversie , with 1 Cor. 11. when they had so many Prophets , and Teachers , and gifted Persons in their Assemblies , that Paul is put to restrain and regulate their Publick Exercises , directing them to speak but one or two , and the rest to judge : and this rather by the way of edifying plainness , than by Tongues , &c. And c. 11. they had enow to be the ordinary Ministers of the Sacraments . And cb . 5. they had Instructions for Church-Discipline , both as to the incestuous man , and for all the scandalous for the time to come , and are chidden for not using it before . And who but the Separatists do hold , that the power of the Keys for the exercise of this Discipline is in the Peoples hands ? Therefore most certainly they had a Clergy . And if all this go not for proof against a bare Affirmation of the contrary , we can prove nothing . 4. And 1 Cor. 4. 15. I scarce think that Paul would have had occasion to say [ Though you have ten thousand instructers ] if they had not had qualified Persons enow to afford them one or two for Presbyters . Cap. 2. proving no more of any one Apostles fixed Episcopacy , he cometh to their secondary Bishops or Apostles : And whereas we judge , that Apostles , and Evangelists , and the Apostles Assistants were unfixed Ministers , appropriating no Churches or Diocesses to themselves in point of Power , but planting , setling , and confirming Churches in an itinerant way , and distributing their Provinces onely arbitrarily and changeably , and as the Spirit guided them at the present time of their work ; and that Bishops and Elders were such Pastors as these Church-gatherers fixed in a stated relation to particular Churches ; so that an Apostle was a Bishop eminenter , but not formaliter ; and that a Bishop , as such , was no Apostle in the eminent sense , but was also an itinerant Preacher limitedly , because while he oversaw his Flock he was also to endeavour the conversion of others , as far as his opportunity allowed him : I say , this being our judgment , this learned Doctor supposeth Apostles , as such , to be Bishops , and the fixed Bishops , as such , to be second Apostles . And I so avoid contending about Names , even where it is of some importance to the Matter , that I will not waste my time upon it till it be necessary . In § 1. he telleth us , that these second Apostles were made partakers of the same Jurisdiction and Name with the first , and either planted and ruled Churches , or ruled such as others had planted . Answ . 1. We doubt not but the Apostles had indefinite itinerant Assistants , and definite fixed Bishops placed by them as aforesaid : But the indefinite and the definite must not be confounded . 2. And were not Luke , Mark , Timothy , and other itinerant Evangelists , as such , of the Clergy , and such Assistants or secondary Apostles ? Exclude them , and you can prove none but the fixed Bishops : But if they were , why did you before deny Evangelists , Dissert . 3. cap. 6. the power of the Keys , and make them meer converting Preachers , below Doctors and Pastors , and the same with Deacons ? whereas Paul , Ephes . 4. 11. doth place them before Pastors and Teachers . But avoiding the Controversie de nomine , call them what you will , we believe that these itinerant Assistants of the Apostles were of that One sacred Office commonly called the Priesthood or Ministry , though not yet fixed ; and that the assigning them to particular Churches did not make them of a new Order , but onely give them a new object and opportunity to exercise the Power which they had before ; and that Philip and other Deacons were not Evangelists meerly as Deacons ( which term denoteth a fixed Office in one Church ) , but by a further Call : And that you never did prove , that ever the Scripture knew one Presbyter that had not the power of the Keys , as Bishops have ; yea , you confess your self the contrary . All therefore that followeth in that Chapter , and your Book , of James the Just , and Mark , and others having Episcopal power , is nothing against us : The thing that we put you to prove is , that ever the Apostles ordained such an Officer as a Presbyter that hath not Episcopal Power and Obligation too , as to his Flock ; that is , the Power of governing that Church according to God's Word . And I would learn , if I could , whether all the Apostles which staid long at Jerusalem , while James is supposed to be their Bishop , were not Bishops also with him ? Whether they ceased to be Apostles to the People there ? Or whether they were Apostles , and not Bishops ? And whether they lost any of their Power by making James Bishop ? And whether one Church then had not many Bishops at once ? And if they made James greater than themselves , Whether according to your Premonition they did not give a Power or Honour which they had not ( which you think unanswerable in our Case ) ? Cap. 4. come in the Angels of the Churches , Rev. 1 , 2 , & 3. of which ( though the matter be little to our Cause ) I have said enough before , why I prefer the Exposition of Ticoniui , which Augustine seemeth to favour . And I find nothing here to the contrary that needeth a Reply . Cap. 5. he would prove the Angels to be Archbishops ; which if done , would not touch our Cause , who meddle not with Archbishops , but onely prove , that the full Pastoral or Episcopal Office or power of the Keys as over the Flock , should be found in every particular Church that hath unum Altaere . To prove Metropolitans ( again ) he tells us , how that in Provinces we find [ Churches ] mentioned in the Plural number , and in Cities onely [ a Church ] singularly : not perceiving how hereby he overthrows his Cause , when he can never prove that in Scripture many particular , Churches are called [ A Church ] Diocesane or Metropolitan , as united in one Bishop , as our Diooesane and Metropolitan Churches now are . Nay indeed , though the Society be specified by the Government , yet the Name sticketh in their teeth here in England , and they seldom use the Title of the Church of Canterbury and York ] for the whole Province ; and they use to say the Diocese of Lincoln , London , Winchester , Worcester , Coventry and Litchfield , &c. rather than [ the Church of Lincoln , London , Coventry and Litchfield &c. ] lest the Hearers would so hardly he seduced from the proper sense of the word [ Church ] as not to understand them . His Proofs of the Civil or Jewish distinction of Metropolitans , § . 4 , 5 , &c. let them mind that think it pertinent : But § 9. we have a great word , that [ It may be proved by many examples , that after this Image the Apostles took care every where to dispose of the Churches , and constituted a subordination and dependence of the lesser on the more eminent Cities , in all their Plantations . ] Answ . This is to some purpose , if it be made good . The first Instance is Acts 14. 26. 16. 4. and 15. 2 , 3 , 22 , 23 , 30. Not a word else out of Scripture . And what 's here ? Why , Paul and Barnabas are sent to Jerusalem from Antioch , to the Apostles and Elders , about the Question , and were brought on their way by the Church , and passed thorow Phenice and Samaria : Chosen men are sent to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas , Judas and Silas , with Letters from the Apostles , Elders , and Brethren , even to the Brethren of the Gentiles in Antioch , Syria , and Cilicia : And when they came to Antioch they delivered the Letters ; and Paul and Timothy as they went thorow the Cities delivered them the Decrees to keep , that were ordained by the Apostles and Elders that were at Jerusalem . ] Doth not the Reader wonder where is the Proof ? And wonder he may for me , unless this be it : The Apostles and Elders were at Jerusalem when they wrote this Letter , and thence sent it to Antioch , Syria , and Cilicia : Ergo , They established the Bishop of Jerusalem to be the Governour and Metropolitan of Antioch , Syria , and Cilicia . The Apostle Paul went from Antioch to other Cities , and delivered them these Decrees : Ergo , Antioch is the governing Metropolis of those Cities . I think the major Propositions are , [ Every City from which Apostles send their Letters to other Cities , and every City from which an Apostle carrieth such Letters or Decrees to other Cities , is by those Apostles made the Governing Metropolis of those other Cities . ] What dull Heads are the Puritans , to question such a Proposition as this ! But it is not given to all Men to be wise : And we ignorant Persons are left in doubt , Q. 1. Whether the Universal Headship or Papacy of the Bishop of Jerusalem be not of Apostolical Institution ? and that more than by one Apostle , even by all of them that were then at Jerusalem ? Q. 2. Whether the Apostles did not this as they did other parts of Church-settlement , by the Spirit of God ? and so , whether it be not jure Divino ? yea , by a more eminent Authority than the Scriptures , which were written by parts , by several single Men , some Apostles , and some Evangelists ? when this is said to be done by all together . Q. 3. Whether Christ's Life , Death , Resurrection , Ascension , and sending the Apostles thence into all the World , ( and not into the Roman Empire onely ) do not incomparably more evidently make Jerusalem the Universal Metropolis of the Earth , and so set it above Rome , which is but the Metropolis of one Empire ? Q. 4. Whether then an Universal Head of the Church or Vicar of Christ be not jure Divino ? and so a Jerusalem Papacy be not essential to the true Church and Religion ? Q. 5. Whether then all the Emperours , Bishops , and Churches , that did set up Rome , Alexandria , Antioch , and Constantinople above Jerusalem , were not Traytors against the Universal Sovereign of the Church , and guilty of Usurpation and gross Schism ? Q. 6. To what parpose this Sovereignty was given to Jerusalem , which was never possess'd and exercised ? Q. 7. Whether Peter's being at Rome could alter this Church-Constitution ? and one Apostle could undo what all together had done ? Q. 8. Whether the Apostles carried this Metropolitical Prerogative with them from place to place , where-ever they came ? And whether it did belong to the Men or the Place ? And whether to the Place whence they first set out , or to every place where they came ? or to the place where they dyed ? Judge what is the proof of any of these . Q. 9. When they were scattered ; which of their Seats was the Metropolitan to the rest ? or were they all equal ? Q. 10. If the Power followed the Civil Power of the Metropolitane Rulers , whether Caesar did not more in constituting the Church-Order , and giving power comparatively to the Metropolitanes , than Christ and his Apostles ? Q. 11. Whether it was not in Caesar's power to unmake all the Church Metropolitans and Bishops at his pleasure , by dissolving the Priviledges and Charters of Cities ? Q. 12. If it please any King , or be the Custom of any Kingdom ( as it is in many parts of America ) that the Kingdom have no Cities or Metropolis , whether it must have any Churches , Bishops , or Metropolitane ? Q. 13. Whether when Paul wrote his Letters from Corinth to Rome he thereby made the Bishop of Corinth the Governour of the Bishop and Diocess of Rome ? And whether little Cenchrea was over them also , because Phoebe carried the Letter ? And did his writing from Philippi to Corinth subject Corinth to the Bishop of Philippi ? And did his writing from Rome to Galatia , Ephesus , Philippi , the Colossians ; and from Athens to the Thessalonians , and from Laodicea and Rome to Timothy , and from Nicopolis to Titus , and John's writing from Patmos to the Asian Metropolitanes produce the same effect ? Q. 14. If Paul's carrying the Letters from Antioch to other Cities , proved Antioch the Governour of the rest ? whether when he returned from the other to Antioch again , he made not the other the Governours of Antioch ? I am ashamed to prosecute this Fiction any further . His following Citations from the Fathers I think unworthy of an Answer , till it be proved , 1. That these Fathers took the Metropolitane Order , as such , to be of Apostolical Institution , and not in complyance with the Roman Government , by meer humane , alterable policy . And , 2. That this Opinion rose as early as he pretendeth . 3. And that these Ancients were not deceived , ●●t our English Bishops rather ( Bilson , Jewel , &c. ) who took Patriarchs and Metropolitanes , as such , for Creatures of Humane Original . While Ignatius his being Bishop of [ a Church in Syria ] shall prove him the Bishop of all Syria ; and [ the Church of God dwelling in Syria in Antiochia ] shall be equivalent with [ the Church in Antiochia governing all Syria ] I shall not undertake to hinder such men from proving any thing that they would have believed . His Cap. 6. of the promiscuous use of the Names of Bishop and Presbyter , and Cap. 7. that prepareth the stating of the Controversie , need no answer , but to say , that we deny not but where a single Presbyter was , he had himself the power of Governing that Church ; but where there were many , though all had the full Office severally , they were bound to use it in Concord . And whether one amongst them shall have a precedency or guidance of the rest , we think ( as Dr. Stillingfleet hath proved ) to be a matter alterable by humane prudence , according to the various condition of the Churches : And if any take both such Bishops and Archbishops to be Jure Divine , with Dr. Hammond , it will be somewhat to his Cause , but nothing to ours . Cap. 8. he openeth his conceit ( which in time I shall shew doth yield us the whole Cause ) that every place of Scripture which mentioneth Bishops or Presbyters , meaneth Diocesan supereminent Bishops only . And first he proveth it of the Elders Bishops of Ephesus , Acts 20. because the whole flock is meant of all Asia : Fully proved , because Irenaeus said ( as he thought ) that the Bishops were convocate from Ephesus and the nearest Cities . But , 1. Irenaeus saith not [ Bishops ] only , but Bishops and Presbyters , conjoining them as two sorts , and not [ Bishops or Presbyters ] as the Doctor doth . 2. The nearest Cities , and all Asia , we take not for words of the same importance . 3. We take not your bare word for the validity of the Consequence , that because the Bishops of several Cities were there , therefore it is all Asia that is singularly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole Flock , and not each Bishops Flock respectively ; q. d. Each of you look to your several Flock . 4. We think if you calculate the time , Acts 20 and 21. and consider Paul's haste Acts 20. 16. that few impartial men will believe that Paul's Messengers ( that were wont to go on foot ) did so quickly go all over Asia , and so quickly get together all the Bishops of Asia to Miletum ; unless they all resided at Ephesus , as our English Bishops do at London , and Governed their unknown people by a Lay-Chancellour . 5. And Irenaeus , ibid. p. 312. saith [ Et omnia hujusmodi per solum Lucam cognovimus , we know all such things by Luke alone , pretending no other Tradition . And if it be in Luke it is yet to be thence proved . 6. But he pleadeth our Cause too strongly , by supposing that each City then had a Bishop without any subject half Presbyter , and so that no such Office was yet made . Cap. 9. Of Timothy's Episcopacy concerneth not our Cause . Though I hope that neither he nor his Church were so bad as the Angel or Church in Rev. 2. is described . And it 's easier to answer the strength of Dr. Hammond , than for him to answer the Evidence brought by Prin in his Vnbishoping Timothy and Titus , to shew the itinerant life and Ministry of Timothy , contrary to the life of a fixed Bishop . And if non-residency have such Patrons , and Timothy have taught men to leave their Churches year after year , and play the Pastor many hundred Miles distant , it will make us dream that non-residence is a duty . And if all these years Timothy's Metropolitan Church at Ephesus had no ordained Presbyter ( but Passengers that fell in ) I blame them not , or wonder not at least , that they lost their first love ; for it 's like they seldom had any Church Assemblies to Communicate and Worship God together . Cap. 10. Cometh to the case of Philippi , Phil. 1. 1 , 2. And , 1. § . 3. he saith , It is manifest that Epaphroditus Bishop of Philippi was at Rome with Paul when he wrote this Epistle ( and he supposeth that there were yet no Presbyters , but Bishops . ) And so when Paul wrote to all the Saints which are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons , ] he meant [ to those that are not at Philippi where there was no Bishop , but in other Cities of Macedonia that had every one a Prelate without ever a Presbyter under him . ] With some this expounding may go for modest , if not true . Two probable Arguments I object against his improbable Expositions of this Text and that Acts 20. before mentioned : 1. Where did he ever read that all the Province of Macedonia was called Philippi ; and the Saints said to dwell at Philippi that dwelt all over Macedonia ? 2. Where did he ever read in Scripture many Episcopal Churches under one Metropolitan , called One Church in the singular Number , as in Acts 20. 28. or One Flock either ? 3. Will any knowing man deny that he contradicteth not only Hierom and Theodoret , but the common Exposition of the Fathers , by this his odd Opinion ? And is it not gross partiality for the same man that can so easily cast off the judgment of almost all the Ancients at once , to lay so much of the whole stress of his Diocesan and Metropolitan Cause upon the Fathers assertions , yea doubtful reports ; and to take it for so immodest a thing in others , to deny belief to them in such uncertain matters ? But he setteth Epiphanius his words against Aerius against them all ▪ Even that Epiphanius who ordained in the Bishop of Jerusalem's Diocess to his displeasure , and that combined with that Theophilus Alexand. ( of whom Socrates writeth such horrid and unchristian practices ) to root out Chrysostom , and raise a flame in the Church of Constantinople ; who liker a mad man than a sober Bishop , came from Cyprus not only into the City , but the Church where Chrysostom used to officiate , to inflame his people , and declame against , and censure their Bishop , to whom he was an inferiour ; and that parted with him in a wrathful Prognostick , and dyed by the way home : And yet even this one man saith nothing to his advantage , but that the Apostles placed Bishops only with Deacons in some Churches that had not fit men to make Presbyters of : which we not only grant , but doubt whether ever they made any but Bishops , ( though in great Cities there were many of them . ) And § . 8 , 9 , 10. when it seemed to serve his turn , he yet further gratifieth us , by granting , yea maintaining that one Congregation had not two Bishops , yet [ nothing hindreth but that in the same City there might sometimes be two distinct Assemblies , converted by two Apostles , perhaps of distinct dialects and rites , and these governed by distinct Bishops , with a divided or distinct Clergie , ] which is almost as much as we desire . If any more be necessary he granteth it us , § . 11. where having feigned and not proved that the people of all the Province of Macedonia were said by Paul to be at Philippi ; he confesseth that then every City had a Bishop , and none of those that we now call Presbyters . And it is more this Bastard sort of Presbyters Office that we deny than the Bishops : And granting this he grants us all ; even that then there was no such half Officers , nor Bishops that had the rule of any Presbyters : which he further proveth , § . 19 , 20 , 21. And by the way , § . 16 , 17. he giveth us two more Observations , 1. That the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gave precedency to some Churches . Where I would learn whether the Holy Ghost still observed the order in converting men , to begin at the highest Metropolis , and descend by order to the lowest , and so to the Villages ? Or whether our Doctor do not here contradict what he said before , of the Apostles every where disposing of the Churches according to the Civil Metropolitical Order ? I doubt his memory here failed him . 2. Philippi and Thessalonica being both in Macedonia , and these Epistles being each written to all the Province , we hence learn that the Epistle to the Thessalonians , and that to the Philippians , were written to the same men . Whether each Epistle , Rev. 2. & 3. to the seven Churches of Asia was written to all Asia , and so all the faults charged on all that are charged on any one , I leave to your arbitrary belief . For none of these are proved , whatever proof is boasted of . Cap. 11. he further gratifieth us in expounding 1 Tim. 3. in the same manner , One Bishop with Deacons then serving for a whole Diocess , that is for one Assembly , not having such a thing as a half Presbyter subject to any Bishop . Cap. 12. he is as liberal in expounding Tit. 1. By Elders in every City , is meant a single Bishop that had no half Presbyter under him , and whose Diocess had but one Assembly . We are not so unreasonable as to quarrel with this liberality . Cap. 13. And about Heb. 13. we are as much gratified in the Exposition of the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] of which more afterwards . And Cap. 14 , and 15. he saith the same of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pastors and Teachers , that they both are meant of none but Bishops . And that Presbyters now adays are permitted and tyed to teach the people , and instruct them from the Scriptures , this apparently arose hence , that Bishops in ordaining Presbyters gave them that power , but not to be exercised till licensed by the Bishops Letters . ] Of this detestable Opinion ( worse than the Italians in the Council of Trent , that would have derived the Episcopal Power from the Pope ) I have said somewhat before , and intend more in due place . The Bishops do only ministerially give them possession : Christ is the only Instituter of the Office by himself ( and his Spirit in his Apostles . ) Can the Bishops any more chuse to deliver this possession by Ordination , than to preach the Gospel ? Could they have made Presbyters that had no power to teach the people ? Is the Bishops liberality the original of the Office ? How much then is Christ beholden to Bishops , that when a thousand Parishes are in some one of their Diocesses , they will give leave to any Presbyter to teach any of the people ? and that when eighteen hundred of us were silenced in one day ( Aug. 24. 1662. ) that all the rest were not served so too ? Cap. 16. he exerciseth the same naked affirming Authority of the words [ Ministers of the word ] Luke 1. 2. and Stewards ] all are but Bishops . And he asketh whether ever man heard of more Stewards than one in one house ? or of several bearers of one Key ? And he foresaw that we would tell him that Gods Catholick Church is one House of God , and that at least all the Apostles were Stewards and Key-Bearers in that one Church ; and that by his Doctrine none but one of them should be Steward of Gods Mysteries , or have the Keys : And therefore he saith , that [ Though the Apostles are called Stewards of the Mysteries of God , 1 Cor. 4. 1. that is to be reckoned as pertaining to the many divided Families , that is the many particular Churches , distinct parts of the Universal Church , which the Apost●●s divided among themselves . Answ . Unless his etiam here be a self-contradicting cheat , it will hence follow , 1. That the Apostles are not Stewards of Gods Mysteries in gathering Churches , but only to the Churches gathered . 2. That in Baptizing and giving the Holy Ghost , to such as yet entered not into a Particular Church , they ex●ercised not any of their said Stewardship or Power . 3. That thay have no Power of the Keyes at all , over any that are not Members of a Particular Church , ( such as the Eunuch , Act. 8. And many Merchants , Embassadors , Travellers , and many thousands that want Pastors or opportunity , or hearts , yea and all Christians in the first Instant as meerly Baptized Persons seeing Baptisme entereth them only into the Universal Church , and not into any particular as such ) 4. And that till the Apostles gathered particular Churches , and distributed them , they had no Stewardship , nor use ( at least ) of the Keyes . And what if it can never be provedthat ever the Apostles distributed the universal Church into Apostolical Provinces , but only pro re nata distributed themselves in the World , were they never Stewards then nor Key-bearers ? Verily if I believed such a distribution of the World into twelve or more Provinces by them , I should question the power that altered that Constitution , and set us up but four or five Patriarches . And were the same Apostles no Stewards or Key-bearers out of their ( feigned ) several Provinces ? If we must be cilenced unless we subscribe to the Dictates of such self conceited Confident men , who shall ever Preach that is not born under the same Planet with them ? Cap. 17. he proceedeth still to maintain our Cause , that even in Justin Martyrs writings , and others of that Age , by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are meant the Bishops of the several Churches who had not one Presbyter under them , but Deacons only , and therefore had but single Congregations ; but did themselves alone with the Deacon perform all the publick Offices in the Church . And that no equal Presbyter was placed with them , offendeth us no more than that our Parish Ministers now are presented and instituted alone , yea and have power to take Curates under them as their helpers . Cap. 18. He proveth truly that the Names Sacerdos and Sacerdotium are usually by old Writers spoken of sole Bishops and Episcopacy . By which we are the more confirmed in our Opinion , that he that is not Episcopus gregis a Bishop over the Flock , is not Sacerdos , true Pastor , but hath only a limb of the Ministerial Office , being a thing of presumptuous Prelates institution . Cap. 19. He surther strengtheneth us by maintaining that the word Presbyter , in the places of the New Testament cited by him , doth mean only a Bishop , that is a Pastor of one only Congregation , that had no Presbyter under him , but Deacons : and that no mention is made by the Apostles of other Presbyters , § 6. And he gratifieth us with Epiphanius his Reasons , § 4. [ because as yet there was not a multitude of Believers : ] And that the Elders that Paul speaketh to Timothy of ordaining and rebuking , and those that were worthy of double honour , were only Bishops that had no subject Presbyters . Whether they were set over the Churches as Moses was over Israel , with a design that they should make subordinate Officers under them , I shall enquire in due place . Cap. 20. He goeth over most of the other Texts in the New Testament that mention Elders , shewing that they mean such Bishops ; and that even at Hierusalem , the Elders Acts 15. were not our new half Priests , but the Bishops of all the Churches of Judaea ; and so of others here again repeated by him . But it sticketh with me , that these Bishops having no subject Presbyters , are found so oft in the Metropolitane City , and so oft in travel , and so oft many hundred Miles from home , that I doubt it was but a few Churches in the world that kept the Lords day , and assembled for publick Worship , or had any Sacraments frequently , but lived as the Atheists and impious contemners of Church-Communion now do ; or else that with the Fanaticks we must hold that Lay-men or Deacons did play the Priests in all Church Offices . Cap. 21. He vindicateth that one remaining Text , Jam. 5. 14. which mentioneth Presbyters visiting the sick , as meant only of Bishops , and not of mungrel Priests : And so being secured that these were never found in the Scripture times , and consequently no Bishop ( except Archbishops ) that had more worshipping Churches than one , we must look who presumed to institute another Office. And here , § 3. he perswadeth us to be so civil to Ignatius , as thankfully to acknowledge him the first Patron of our Office-dignity ; intimating that there is no earlier proof of the invention of this mungrel Office , than the Epistles of Ignatius . Cap. 22. He tells us that the word Presbyter is also taken for Bishops by Polycarp , Papias , Irenaeus , Tertullian , and Clemens Alexand. so that our cause will be carried beyond Scripture times . But again finding so many Bishops with Polycarp , I doubt he maketh Bishops too unwearied Travellers , and too great non-Residents , and Gods Publick Worship too often interrupted by their absence . Cap. 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. He speaketh of Deacons , the word and Office , which we have now no business with , but to note that cap. 26. § 8. he is again at Epiphanius allowing a single Bishop without Presbyters , but not without Deacons , because he cannot be a Bishop without Deacons , ( which I believe not , nor do our Prelates ) but without subject Presbyters he may ( better than with them . ) And § 10. he excellently argueth from the Epistle to Timothy , that seeing Paul instructeth him in all things belonging to the Church of God , 1 Tim. 3. 15. and yet never mentioneth these Medioxumos Presbyteros , mungrel or middle Priests , it is plain that the reason is because none such were instituted when the Apostle wrote : To which I add , nor afterward by the Apostles , as far as can be proved , and therefore never should have been . Cap. 27. He speaketh of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tit. 1. and 2. and 1 Tim. 5. shewing that these Women were in Orders : Of which I have no mind to contend , so that by the Name it be not inferred that they are she-Bishops ; and that they argue not as a Preacher did since we were silenced ( I can name the Man and place ) from St. John's Epistle [ to the Elect Lady ] to prove that there were Lord-Bishops in the Apostles daies , viz. an Elect Lady supposeth an Elect Lord : But there are no Elect Lords , but Elect Lord-Bishops : Ergo — We have not yet seen all Dr. Hammond's confutation of our Diocesan Prelacie . In his fifth Dissertation we have more . Cap. 1. He speaketh of Clemens Rom. and whereas we think that the confusion among Historians , came partly from the little notice that came down from those times of such particulars , and partly from the identity of the Office of Linus , Cletus , and Clemens ; being all Bishops at once of a great Church ( the Half-Presbyters being not yet ordained ) he gratifyeth us by proving that not only at Rome , but also in Antioch , Ephesus , Corinth , and Jerusalem , there were more Churches than one , with their several Bishops : Even one of the Jews and one of the Gentiles ( how the local Diocese were then divided is hard to tell , and where it was that one Apostle had Power of the Keys , and where not ) I shall improve this Concession in due place . Cap. 2. Of Clements Epistle he first takes notice of the Inscription [ to the Church of God , dwelling ( or sojourning ) at Corinth ] The same Phrase as Philip. ● . 1 , 2. And by this Church he proveth ( by confident affirming ) that all the Churches of Achaia are meant . And that the same is to be said of Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians , he unresistibly proveth , by saying that Quisquis eas vel leviter degustaverit ( tuo scilicet gustu ) hoc omnino pronunciandum esse nobiscum statuet . Nec igitur de hac Clementis ambigi poterit . ] And so all that Controversie is ended . But though ( without Scripture proof ) imagination might handsomely feign , that the many Churches of Achaia are called singularly [ the Church of Corinth , ] as one , because of the Unity of the Metropolitane ; yet , 1. I would have heard somewhat like reason for , and some instances of the use of such a speech , as this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] The Church of God dwelling ( or sojourning ) at Rome , to the Church of God dwelling ( or sojourning ) at Corinth . And why and where , and by what good writers ; all Achaia is called Corinth , or all Macedonia , Philippi ( or all the Cities about it ) indeed as the County of Worcester , the County of York , of Warwick , &c. are usual Titles , so may the Church of York , Worcester , Warwick , be in the Diocesans sense . But whoever said of all the County or Diocess [ To the County , Diocess , dwelling at York , Worcester , Warwick ? ] As if all the Countrey and Towns belonging to that Circuit were called Warwick . &c. 2. Doth not his own proof evidently confute him . 2 Cor. 1. 1. To the Church of God which is at Corinth , with all the Saints which are in all Achaia . Are the last words Tautological ? doth [ with ] signifie no addition at all . If by [ the Church which is at Corinth ] be meant all the Churches and Christians in Achaia , what sense is there in the addition of [ with all the Saints which are in Achaia ? ] O what kind of proof will satisfie some Learned Men ! 3. Was it all the Churches of Achaia that the incestuous person . 1 Cor. 5. dwelt with ? and that are chidden for suffering him in their Communion ? and that are directed when they meet together to cast him out , and not to eat with him ? 4. Would it not be Calumny according to all rational Laws , to accuse all the Churches of Achaia , of all those Crimes which the Church at Corinth is accused of , without a better proof than this ? 5. Was it all the Churches of Achaia , which 1 Cor. 14. are said to meet all in one place , and to have so many Prophets and Interpreters in that one Assembly ? I am not at leisure to say more of this . But who denieth that the same Epistle which was directed first to the Corinthians , was secondarily directed to the rest of Achia , and to be Communicated to them . And yet not the Churches of Achaia be all said to be or dwell at Corinth . When 2 Cor. 11. 10. Paul speaketh of [ the Regions of Achaia ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he saith that sheweth that the matter belonged [ to the whole Church of Achaia . ] But how long have they all been challenged to name one Text of Scripture , that speaketh singularly of the Church of a Province or Countrey , consisting of many particular Churches : Yet addeth he [ In re manifesta non pluribus opus est . ] Cap. 3. He only mentioneth the occasion of Clements Epistle , where without any Proof he extendeth the Sedition then raised by them , to the disturbance of the Civil Government and Peace : And if he had proved as he endeavoureth that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meant the Civil Rulers ( which is utterly uncertain ) yet the commendation of their Obedience , formerly to the Civil Power , as part of the Character of their orderliness and peaceableness , doth not prove that Rebellion against them was part of their following disorder . Cap. 4. Is to tell us , 1. That Clemens puts Obedience to Rulers , and due honouring of Presbyters as a Law of God ( which is not to be doubted of . ) 2. That Bishops were sent by the Apostles , as the Apostles by Christ , but were joyned only with Deacons to attend them . Mark here Reader , that he doth not only acknowledge that de facto the Order of Mungrel or Half-Priests was not yet Existent , but also that none such were sent by the Apostles , and so not Instituted , and that Clemens himself taketh notice of no such even in his times . But how the Dr. will prove that no great Churches ( and particularly this of Corinth ) had but one Bishop , you shall see with little satisfaction . ) 3. He noteth that these Bishops thus sent were constituted every where , Ecclesias nondum natas , sed ad partum ( bonis Dei ausp●cus ) festinantes , brachiis atque ulnis suis susceptum & administratum ; to receive in their Arms and Arms the Churches not yet born , but ( by Gods Blessing ) hastning to the Birth ] whereas of his own Head he had before said that the Bishops were sent by the Apostles ( when Clement saith no such thing ) but only that they were Constituted ( sending being the word used of Itenerant Preachers gathering and visiting Churches , and Constituting with Ordaining the usual word of Bishops and Presbyters , who as such are fixed to particular Churches ; ) so now he more boldly forgeteth that Bishops were ( yea every where ) to receive Churches that were yet no Churches : Where he contradicteth both Scripture and common use of the word Bishop , and abuseth Clement . 1. Let any Man that can shew us thatin the New Testament the word Bishop is ever used of any Pastor that was not related to a Church , and as signifying that Relation , and that Bishop and Flock are yet as much Relatives as King and Kingdom . 2 Let him shew that can , that the word was used otherwise by Christians , for many a hundred years after Christ . Though I grant that Ministers in general were ( and may be ) ordained sine titulo , to Preach and gather Churches , and help others , yet never Bishops , the word signifying an Over-seer of the Flock or Church to which he is related . 3. If it were certain that the futurity of believing mentioned by Clemens had relation to the Constitution of Bishops , and not to the Apostles Preaching only , yet Clemens saith not that there were yet no Believers or no Churches where they were constituted Bishops : Where there were but a few Believers , the Apostles placed Bishops and Deacons over those few , who should receive others into the same Society ( till it was full and no further ) who should after believe . It is an abuse of Clemens to say , it was [ to Churches yet not born ] when he hath no such word ! As if it could not be for future Believers , unless at present there were no Believers . And it is an abuse of him to seign him to assert that the Apostles did every where as soon as they had once Converted one Man , presently make that new Baptized Novice a Bishop before they Converted any more , saving perhaps one or two to be his Deacons : Or that they used to make Deacons ( or Bishops either ) to Churches future , that were yet no Churches : When as the Scripture telleth the contrary most expresly , that the Church at Jerusalem , was before the Deacons , Act. 7. That they ordained Elders in every Church , Act. 14. 23. and not in no Church , as he implyeth : And Tit. 1. 5. every City is equivalent to every Church , for it was not in every Infidel City that had no Christians : Which beyond all modest contradiction is proved by the Rules given to Timothy and Titus for the Ordination of Bishops and Deacons : Who were to be approved chosen persons , that had ruled their own Houses well , not Novices , apt to teach , well reported of those without ( which supposeth some to be within ) Tim. 3. 14 , 15. These things I write unto thee , that thou mayest know how to behave thy self in the House of God , which is the Church of the Living God , a Pillar and Basis of the truth . ] The first that were converted did not always prove the fittest to be Bishops ; perhaps they might be Women or weakly gui●ted : To feign that the Apostles did that every where , which none can prove that ever they did once ( to make a Bishop and Deacons of the two or three first Novice-converts before there were any more Converted , and to make Bishops and Deacons before there were any Christians to constitute Churches , meerly for future Churches , ) this is not Clemens act , whoever else will own it . 4. Lastly he noteth here that this was done by the Revelation of the Spirit , whereby they examined and tryed who was worthy of that Dignity . And , 1. What use for examination who was worthy , where there was no other to stand in Competition , and where the first Convert still was taken ? Election is è multis . And if he be compelled to grant that there were more Christians over whom the Bishop was set , it is a Contradiction to say that a Bishop and his Flock , though small , is no Church . 2. It is hard to believe that the multitude of ignorant Lads , and wicked Men that are now set over Churches , are Constituted by this Apostolical choice and Tryal , by the Holy Ghost . Cap. 5. § . 5. He now acknowledgeth that where many were at first Converted , not always the first but the fittest was chosen Bishop . And how prove you that he and his Flock were no Church ? The same he maintaineth , § . 11. And after from the choice usually made by suffrages and other reasons , well confuteth the former conceit , when he took it to be Blondels ; but sure he could not believe that they were Ecclesiae nondum nat● , or future Believers that chose Bishops by Suffrages ? But having so fully in this Chapter confuted his former , as Blondel's opinion , I doubt not but Blondel is in this as easily reconciled to him as he to himself , and meant no more , but , 1. That the Apostles used ( not to make Bishops of the first Converts simply , but ) to choose them out of the ancient , grown , and proved Christians . 2. And that being so chosen ( not he that was first Baptized , but ) he that was first ordained , had the presidence in the Con●essus of their Presbyters : Which the Dr. might easily have seen , and spared his insulting upon the contrary supposition . But let it here again be noted , that § . 9. he expresly and confidently asserteth all that I now desire , viz. That Clemens doth speak of that time of the Churches beginning , in which there were not yet many Believers , and therefore without doubt , neither Presbyters instituted . If he means [ no Subject Presbyters ] or if he means [ not many in a Church but one Bishop ] I desire no more : For then no Bishop had more Church Assemblies than one , nor any half ▪ Presbyters were ordained by the Apostles . For Clemens doth not tell us what the Apostles did in the beginning of their Preaching only , but giveth us this as an account of all their course , in settling Offices in the Churches where they came . Cap. 6. He confesseth that Clemens mentioneth but two Orders , Bishops and Deacons , ( and we would have no more ) and § . 4. is over angry with Blundel for gathering hence , that he did not do as those that from the Jewish Elders , or Priests , or the 70 gather another order , what is there in this Collection that deserveth the sharp words of that § . Cap. 7. Whether Clemens well cited Isai . 60. 17. we need not debate . But if yet any think that the Dr. hath not fully granted us our Cause , let him take these additions : § . 7. He well gathereth from Clemens that this form of Government , founded in Bishops and Deacons ( in each Church ) being setled by Men entrusted by Christ , is no less to be ascribed to Gods Command than if Christ himself had constituted Bishops and Deacons in every City . ( Let who dare then approve of the alteration by the Introduction of another Order of Priests . ) And § . 8. He noteth also out of Clemens that the foresight of the contention that would be about Episcopacy caused this establishment of Bishops and Deacons : No doubt God foreknew both that the popular sort would oppose Government , and that the Monarchical Prelates would depose all the Bishops of the same Church save themselves , and the Arch-Prelates would depose all the Bishops of particular Churches , and set up half Priests in their stead . And he doth well not to pass the following words in Clemens ( though hard , yet plainly subverting the Doctors opinion ) that from this same foresight the Apostles constituted the foresaid Bishops and Deacons ( in every Church ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ac descriptas deinceps ministrorum officiorumque vices reliquerunt , ut in defunctorum locum alii viri probati succedere , & illorum munia exequi possent , ( as Pat. Junius translateth it . ) The word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] can allow no such doubt as shall make this much of the sense to be questionable , 1. That upon the foresight of the Contentions about Episcopacy the Apostles made ( by the Spirit ) an established Description of the Orders and Offices which should be in the Church , not only in their times , but afterwards . 2. And that the approved men that should hereafter be ordained , should succeed in those same Orders which the Apostles had established and described , even to the same Work or Office , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 3. That the Apostles thus setled or described no mungrel or half Priests , but only Bishops and Deacons , nor any Churches that had not each a Bishop and Deacon . 4. Therefore no such half Priests should be brought in , but only such as the Apostles instituted or described . I can scarce speak my thoughts plainlier , than by the Doctors next words , § 9. [ It is evident that by the immediate impulse of the Spirit of God Bishops were constituted ( Deacons only joyned to them ) in every Church , and so at Corinth , and the rest of the Cities of Achaia : And that by the command of the same Divine Prophesie or Revelation , successors were assigned to them after their departure ; ( not a new order invented ) Christ thus consulting and providing for the Churches peace , &c. ] And § . 14. he well granteth , 1. That the form of Church Government was no where changed by the Apostles ( and so no middle order instituted by them . ) 2. That through all their Age , and when they were consummate in the middle , under their Disciples , the Government of every Church was in the power of the Bishops and Deacons in common . But whereas § . 13 , &c. he layeth this as the ground of his Cause , 1. That it was not the Church at Corinth alone , but of all Achaia that Clemens writeth to under this name . 2. And that there were not many Bishops in one Church , but one to each of these particular Churches : I desire the Reader , 1. To try impartially whether in all the Drs. Book there be one word of cogent Evidence to prove what he saith , yea or to make it credible or likely . 2. To consider these Reasons following for the contrary . 1. As is said , whether Scripture custom of speech will allow us to call all the Churches of a Region [ A Church ] in the singular Number : Shew one Text for it if you can . 2. Whether any ancient Ecclesiastical use of speech will allow us to say that the Churches of Achaia dwell at Corinth ( as Clemens speaketh , p. 1. ) 3. Whether I have not proved from 1 Cor. 14. &c. that the Church of Corinth had more Ministers , or Clergy men , or Pastors in it than one in Paul's time ? And therefore was not without so soon after . 4. Whether it be credible that when it was but one or two Persons ( p. 62. ) by whom or for whose cause the Pre●byters were ejected ; that it is like either this one or two were members of more particular Churches in Achaia than one or two ? Or that all the Churches of Achaia would so far own one or two mutineers in a particular Church , as to cast out many of their Ministers for their sakes ? 5. Yea when Clemens whole scope intimateth that this one or two did this because they aspired after Power or Preeminence themselves : Could they expect themselves to be made the Rulers of more than one or two Churches ? 6. And what was the cause of this one or two like to touch the Bishops of the other Churches ? And what Cognisance was all Achaia like to have of the cause of one or two distant persons , so as for them to rise up against their own Bishops . 7. If it was not all nor many Pastors that were thus turned out ( as Clemens words import ) why should all Achaia be called seditious , and blamed for it ? 8. Doth not the common Law of Charity and Justice forbid us to extend those words of reproof to a whole Province , which cannot be proved to extend farther than to a single Church , and principally toucht but one or two . 9. I have before proved that Paul by [ the Saints at Corinth ] meaneth but one Church : Therefore it 's like that Clemens doth so too . 10. The Bishops and Deacons that Clemens speaketh of , were set up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Cum consensu totius Ecclesiae , or as the Dr. will needs have it [ applaudente aut congratulante tota Ecclesia ] indeed [ with the good liking , Pleasure , or Approbation of the whole Church . ] And shall we be perswaded that all the Cities and Countrey of Achaia were that whole Church , which approved , or consented to these particular Pastors that were put out ? Or that had Cognisance of them or acquaintance with them ? 11. He expresly saith , pag. 62. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That the Church of Corinth for the sake of one or two , moved Sedition against the Presbyters . ] And why doth he never say [ it was the Church of Achaia . ] 12. p. 63. He supposeth the Person Emulating to be [ a Believer of power in explaining Doctrine , wise in judging of Speeches , &c. And would have the concern'd Person say ( p. 69. ) If the Sedition be for me , and the Contention and Schisms , I will remove , I will be gone wither you will , and will do what the People pre-determine of ▪ ( or command , ) only let the Flock of Christ with the Presbyters set over them live in peace . ] And is it like that the Flock that this Person must say so to , was all Achaia ? 13. And p. 73. He requireth [ those that begun the Sedition , to be obediently Subject to the Presbyters ( and not to their Bishop onely . ) And is it like to be the Bishops of other Churches through all Achaia , that this one or two is required to Obey and be in Subjection to . I have given my Reasons , to prove that these Presbyters were in the One Church of Corinth : Compare his ( if you can find them ) to the contrary , and Judge Impartially as you see cause . Cap. 8. Hath nothing that concerneth us , but the recitall of his grand ▪ Concession , lest we should think that in Clemens days , the great Bishop of Corinth , or any in Achaia , had any more Church-assemblies than one to whom he could do all the Pastoral Offices himself , he thus concludeth , § . 9. [ Indeed mention is found only of Bishops ( with Deacons ) constituted in each City , sometimes under the Title of Bishops , sometimes of Presbyters ; there being no token or foot-step at all appearing of such as we now call Presbyters , &c. ] To which I wholly agree ; though not that there was but one Presbyter in Corinth . Cap. 9. He is offended much with Blondel , for reproaching Hermas , and yet using his Testimony : As if a Hereticks , or an Infidels Testimony might not be used in point of History : And , § . 14. he again cometh to his supposition of Bishops without Subject Presbyters , as if it served his turn more than ours . Cap. 10. About Pius words , hath nothing that I find the cause concerned in . Cap. 11. Is of little moment to us , both parties have little that is cogent , but velitations about dubious words . Cap. 12. Is but about the sense of the word applyed to Ireneu● ▪ which Dr. H. taketh here and by many after to mean a Bishop , and wonders that Blondel pleadeth for a parity of order from a common Name . But it is not so much without reason as he maketh it : For if Bishops and Presbyters were in the first times called by one Name ; and the highest Person in the Church then was ordinarily known by the name Presbyter , and the appropriating of [ Bishop ] to one sort ▪ and Presbyter to another , came afterwards in by such insensible degrees , that no man can tell when it was , it sounds very probable , that it was the true Episcopal Power , or the same Office and Order , that was first commonly possessed by them to whom the name was Common . And so much of Dr. Hammond's Dissertations , wherein I must desire the Reader to note , 1. That I meddle not with other mens Causes , nor particularly with the question : Whether one man in each Church , had of old , a guiding superiority over the rest of the Presbyters ? Nor yet , whether the Apostles had such successors in the General care of many Churches , ( such as Visiters , or Arch-Bishops ) but only , 1. Whether every Presbyter were not Essentially a Bishop , or Governour of the Flock , having the power of Keys , as they call it , in foro interiore & exteriore , both for resolving Consciences and for Church-order . 2. Whether every particular Church , which ordinarily communicated together in the Lords Supper , and had unum Altare , had not one or more such Bishops . 3. Whether it was not a sinful corrupting change ▪ to bring in another Species of Presbyters ; and so to depose all the particular Churches and Bishops , and set up a Dio●esane Bishop ▪ in●●●is ordinis , with half Churches and half-Priests , under him in their stead . 2. And note , That as it concerned me not to speak to all that the Doctor hath said , so I have carefully chosen out all that I thought pertinent and of a seeming weight , as to the cause which I mannage , and have past by nothing in the whole Book , which I thought an understanding Reader needeth an answer to . There is yet the same Authors Vindication of his Dissertations to be considered : But I find nothing new in them to be answered by me , nor that I am concerned for the Cause in hand any further than to give you these few Observations . 1. That again , p. 5. he saith , [ That by observing the paucity of Believers in many Cities in the first Plantations , which made it unnecessary that there should by the Apostles be ordained any more than a Bishop and Deacon ( one , or more ) in each City , and that this was accordingly done by them at the first , is approved by the most undenyable ancient Records . 2. That p. 7. he again well averreth that the Jewish and Gentile Congregations occasioned several Churches and Bishops in the same Cities . And p. 14. 15. That Timothy was placed by Paul , Bishop of the Gentiles at Ephesus , and S. John , and another after him , Bishop of the Jews . Pag. 16. He thinketh that Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus ( or Angel ) when Rev. 2. was wrote . Pag. 17. From Epiphanius he reckoneth above 50 years from the Revelation of John , Rev. 2. to the writing of Ignatius's Epistles . By which we may Calculate the time when the Office of half-Presbyters began to be invented , according to his own Computation . That pag. 21. & passim , his supposition of the 24 Bishops of Judaea , sitting about the Throne of James Bishop of Jerusalem , and his other supposition of their being so ordinarily there . And of the Bishops of Provinces in other Nations , being so frequently many score , if not hundred Miles off their people in the Metropolitane Cities , when the people had no other Priest to Officiate , doth tend to an Atheistical conceit , that the Ordinary use of Sacred Assemblies and Communion is no very needful thing , when in the best times by the best men , in whole Countreys at once , they were so much forborn . Pag. 26. Again you have his full and plain Assertion , [ That there were not in the space within compass of which all the Books of the new Testament were written , any Presbyters , in our modern Notion of them , created in the Church , though soon after certainly in Ignatius time , ( which was above 50 years after the Rev. ) they were ] . Pag. 60. He supposeth that whoever should settle Churches under a Heathen King among Heathens , must accordinly make the Churches gathered subordinate to one another , as the Cities in which they are gathered were ( though Heathen ) subordinate to one another , of which more in due place . Pag. 76 , 77. He saith that [ As Congregations , and Parishes are Synonimous in their Style , so I yield that Believers in great Cities were not at first divided into Parishes , while the number of Christians in a City was so small that they might well assemble in the same place , and so needed no Partitions , or Divisions . But what disadvantage is this to us , who affirm that one Bishop , not a Colledge of Presbyters , presided in that one Congregation , and that the Believers in the Regions and Villages about did belong to the care of that single Bishop , or City Church ] A Bishop and his Deacon were sufficient at the first ( to sow ) their Plantations — [ For what is a Diocess but a Church in a City with the Suburbs and Territories , or Region belonging to it ? And this certainly might be and remain under the Government of a single Bishop . Of any Church so bounded there may be a Bishop , and that whole Church shall be his Diocess , and so he a Diocesan Bishop , though as yet this Church be not subdivided into more several Assemblies . ] So that you see now what a Diocess is . And that you may know that we contend not about Names , while they call the Bishop of one Congreation , a Diocesane , we say nothing against him : A Diocesan in our sense is such as we live under , that have made one Church of many hundred or a thousand . But Reader be not abused by words , when it is visible Countreys that we talk of . As every Market-Town , or Corporation is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City in the old sense , so the Diocess of Lincoln . ( which I live in ) at this reckoning hath three or fourscore Diocesses in it , and the Diocess of Norwich about 50 Diocesses in it , &c. That is such Cities with the interjacent Villages . Pag. 78. He saith [ When they add these Angels were Congregational , not Diocesan , they were every of them Angels of a Church in a City , having authority over the Regions adjacent and pertaining to that City , and so as CHURCH and CONGREGATION ARE ALL ONE , AS IN ORDINARY USE IN ALL LANGUAGES THEY ARE : Thus were Congregational and Diocesan also . What follows of the paucity of Believers , in the greatest Cities , and their meeting in one place , is willingly granted by us . I must desire the Reader to remember all this , when we come to use it in due place . And you may modestly smile to observe how by this and the foregoing words , the Dr. forgetfully hath cast out all the English Diocesans : While he maketh it needful that the Cities be Ecclesiastically subordinate as they are Civilly , and maketh it the very definition of a Diocesan Bishop , to be a Bishop of a City with the Country or Suburbs belonging to it : But in England no lesser Cities ( ordinarily at least ) nor Corporation-Towns are at all Subject to the great Cities : Nor are any Considerable part of the Countrey Subject to them ; nor do the Liberties of Cities , or Corporations , reach far from the Walls , or Towns. So that by this Rule the Bishop of London , York , Norwich , and Bristow would have indeed large Cities with narrow liberties : But the rest would have Diocesses little bigger than we could allow to conscionable Faithful Pastors . But he yet addeth more , p. 79. he will do more for our cause than the Presbyterians themselves , who in their disputes against the Independents-say that Jerusalem had more Christians belonging to the Church than could conveniently meet in one place ; But , saith the Dr. [ This is contrary to the Evidence of the Text , which saith ▪ expresty , v. 44. that all the Believers were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meeting in one and the same place . The like may be said of the other places , Act. 4. 4. and 5. 14. For certainly as yet though the number of believers increased , yet they were not distributed into several Congregations . Will you yet have more ? p. 80 , 81. When the London Ministers say that [ the Believers of one City made but one Church in the Apostles days ] he answereth [ This observation I acknowledge to have perfect truth in it , and not to be confutable in any part : And therefore instead of rejecting , I shall imbrace it , and from thence conclude that there is no manner of incongruity in assigning of one Bishop to one Church , and so one Bishop in the Church of Jerusalem , because it is a Church , not Churches , BEING FORECED TO ACKNOWLEDGE THAT WHERE THERE WERE MORE CHURCHES , THERE WERE MORE BISHOPS . ] I am almost in doubt by this whether the Dr. were not against the English Prelacy , and he and I were not of a mind , especially remembring that he said nothing against my disputations of Church Government written against himself , when I lived near him . Observe Reader , 1. That even now he confessed that a Church and Congregation is all one . 2. And here he confesseth , that where there were more Churches , there were more Bishops ; and his words [ Because it is a Church , not Churches ] seem to import that de jure he supposeth it is no Church without a Bishop , and that there should be no fewer Bishops than Churches . And then I ask , 1. Where and when do all the Christians in this Diocess , of above an hundred miles long , Congregate ; who meet but in above a thousand several Temples , and never know one of a thousand of the Diocess ? 2. Doth not this grant to the Brownists , that the Parish Churches are no Churches , but onely parts of the Diocesane Church ? 3. And then if it be proved that the Diocesane Church ▪ form , is but of humane invention , what Church in England will they leave us , that is of divine institution ? This is the unhappiness of overdoing to undo all ; and of aspiring too high , to fall down into nothing . And doth he not speak much to the same purpose , p. 87. [ One City with the Territories adjoyning to it , being ruled by one single Bishop , was to be called a singular Church : And therefore that which is said to be done in every Church , Act. 14. 23. is said to be done in every City , Tit. 1. 5. T●e sum of which observation is only this , that one City with the Territories adjoyning to it , never makes above one Church in the Scripture Style : ( And yet he largely proveth the contrary , that there was one Church and Bishop of Jewish Christians , and one of Gentiles ) whereas a Province , or Countrey , or Nations consists , of many Cities , and so of many Episcopal Sees or Churches . ] The like he hath again p. 90 § . 53. But whereas p. 88. ●e would Prove that a Province , or Nation , of many Churches , may be called one Church , because the Churches in all the World are so called in our Creed , and in the Scripture : I answer , That he can never prove that many Churches are ever in Scripture called one , save only the Universal Church , which is but one , being Headed by one Head , even Christ . The Universal Church ( as he said before of a Church compared to Persons ) is One Collective body , as a Political Society related to Christ or constituted of Christ and all Christians : And a particular Church is one as constituted of the Ministerial Pastors and People : But find any Text of Scripture that calleth the Churches of a Nation , or Province , one Church , in all the new Testament if you can . In pag. 103. he giveth Reasons for his singularity in interpreting so many Texts of Scripture ; and sheweth that as the Fathers differ from each other , ( as Tirinus sheweth ) so we may also differ from them , ( and I know not of any Expositor that ever wrote that hath more need of this Apology than Grotius and he . ) And I mislike not his Reasons . But then how unsavoury is it for the same person to expect that we should in reverence to one expository word in Irenaeus , and another in Epiphanius , forsake the common sense of the Fathers where they do agree ? or that we must bow to every ancient Canon ? But I would not have him thought more singular than he is , lest when I have answered him the Prelatists forsake him , and say that they are still unanswered , therefore I crave the Readers special observation of his words , p. 104 , 105. [ I might truly say that for those minute considerations and conjectures wheren this Doctor diff●rs from some others who have written before him as to the manner of interpreting some few Texts , he hath the Suffrages of many of the learnedst men of this Church at this day , and as far as he knows OF ALL that embrace the same cause with him . ] Of which I only say , that if he do but minutely differ from others , and not at all from the most , I hope my confutation of him will not be impertinent as to the rest . But if he lay the very stress of his cause upon novel Expositions of almost every Text which mentioneth Bishops , Presbyters , Pastors , and quite cross the way of almost all ( save Petavius ) that ever went before him ; then think whether that cause stand on so firm ground , as some perswade , which needeth such new foundations or ways of support at this Age , in the judgement of such learned men as these . Pag. 119 , 120 , 121. He proveth that Diocesane Bishops are the only Elders of the Church which James adviseth the sick to send for : supposing the City Churches ( even of Jerusalem to be yet no bigger than that one Bishop and a Deacon ( who yet was not this Visiter of the sick ) might do all the Ministerial work . Where I confess he quite outgoeth me in extenuating the Churches in S. James's time . If the Church of Jerusalem had seven Deacons , I will not belive him ( pardon the incivility ) that they had but one Presbyter . And ( pardon me a greater boldness in saying ) if he had tryed but as much as I have done what it is to do all the Pastoral work for one Parish of 2 or 3000 Persons in publick and private , he could not possibly have been of this Opinion . Nor do I think it likely , that when it is a singular Person that James bids send for the Elders of the Church , but that it implyeth that the Church where he was had more Elders than one . I confess that if it had been spoken either to Persons , plurally , or of Churches plurally , the phrase might well have signified the single Elders of the several Churches : But to say to each sick man singularly , Let him send for the Elders of the Church singularly ) in common use of speech signifieth that there were many Elders for that man to send for in the Church . And whereas he asketh whether a sick man must send for the Colledge of Presbyters ? I answer , that a sick man may well send for the Presbyters or Ministers , either one after another , as there is occasion , or more than one at once if need require for his Resolution . If we say to a sick man in London , ( send for the Physicians of the City , and let them advise you , &c. ) it signifieth that the City hath more Physicians than one , and that he may advise with one , or more at once , o● per vices as he findeth Cause : and no man would speak so to him , if London had but one Physician , and Norwich another , and York another , &c. And when , p. 121. he supposeth the Objection , that they have a mean opinion of visiting the sick , because they say , it is not the Bishops work ( which he well maketh it to be ) methinks this should suit with no English Ears , who will quickly understand , that they speak de facto of our Bishops , to whom a sick man may send an hundred , or fifty , or twenty Miles , to desire him to come presently , and pray with him , if his disease be a Phrensie which depriveth him of his Wits , and all about him be as mad : And the Bishop with us may be said to visit the sick of his Diocess , as a man may be said to weed a Field that plucketh up a weed or two where he goeth ; or to build a City , because he knockt up a Na●l or two in his own House . Pag. 120. It is observable which he saith [ Indeed , if it were not ( the Bishops work to visit the sick ) how could it be ●y the Bishop , when other parts of his Office became his full Employment , commited to the Presbyter . For , 1. he could not commit that to others , if he first had it not in himself : And , 2. This was the only Reason of ordaining inferior Officers in the Church , that part of the Bishops ta●k might be performed by them . Ans . Either he believed that the Office of a Subject Presbyter ( or Order as they call it ) was instituted by God , and setled in the Church as necessary by his Spirit , and Law , or not : If he do , then Qu. 1. Whether the work of these Presbyters , after the institution , be not the work of their own Office , and not ( in the individual acts ) the Bishops ? As Eve was a Rib of Adam materially , but when she was a woman she was no part of Adam , nor her acts like his acts ; and so of all woman-kind thereafter . Qu. 2. Whether the Bishop any other way commit the work or Office to him , than by calling him to an Office which God himself had made or instituted , and Ministerially investing him in it as a Servant ( that hath no land of his own ) may be sent by his Master to invest another in some Land which he hath given him , by a Legal Solemn delivery of possession ; or as a Steward may send such Reapers into his Masters field as his Master did before exactly describe to him ? Christ being the only maker of the Office , and punctual describer of it , and the Bishop , people , and Magistrates altogether , doing no more but choose the Person described as fit , and deliver him possession of the place . But if he thought that the Bishop himself doth make the Presbyters Office , by parting his own , and so giving him as much as he thinketh fit , I shall shame this Opinion in due place . Pag. 132. ( and in his Dissert . ) he would make us believe that ( Polycarp's Epistle , and so ) Clement's [ to the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] were to be interpreted extensively as relating to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the Church in the Parish , that is the Diocess , of Corinth , or Province of Achaia : And so he disto●teth Phil. 1. ● . and other places ; but in all his Citations giveth us not a word of proof , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to dwell in the Circuit or extent of a Diocess , and not simply to so●●uru or dwell . As if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and as if the first notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were a Diocess , or a City with its Territories : As Pat Young saith on Clement's Epist . p. 1. [ cum idem sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●t videre est statim in initio libri Ruth & alibi apud 70 : which he further proveth , yea and by an old Inscription of an Altar brought from Delos , &c. see the place . And we took it to be agreed on that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in its strict sense is but habito tanquam peregrinus , advena sum ; and in its usual larger sense , juxta habito , accolo , sum pr●ximus , vicinus accola . And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but incolatus & vicinia & habitatio propinqua ; a place of cohabitation , or a neighbourhood : As we still take cohabitation to be a necessary qualification or dispositio materiae of a Church-member ( of the same particular Church , contrary to the Diocesan state , where the Members never see each other , nor hear of their Names . ) And though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in process of time ( as Bishops enlarged their Diocess or Church ) came to signifie a whole Country , or Circuit as large as a Diocess did , yet no man can prove that it was so from the beginning of the Churches ; or signified any determined space of ground , beyond the habitation of the members of one Worshipping Church or Congregation : Even as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to build in the same Diocese , but nea● or in the same Neighbourhood ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to set ones dwelling in the same Diocess , but vicinity : That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also in its strictest signification is but inquilinus a sojourner , and in its largest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a cohabitant , but in bo●n signifieth a Neighbour ( and not strangers dwelling out of the notice of each other through a Diocess ) is so fully shewed out of many Authors by the Basil Lexicon ( published by Henr. Petr. 1568 ) that I need not add to it . And the Authors of that Lexicon suppose , that the third ( the Church ) signification is primarily but from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut accola , that [ Paraeci huic dicuntur qui fanum aliquod accolnit ( not that dwell near a thousand or many hundred several Churches ) unde & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 curia & viciniae conventus ( not many hundred Conventions ) accol●rum coitio & congregatio , hoc parochiam dicunt absurde . Much more would they call the newer Notion of a Diocess-Parish like ours , absurd . In Heb. 11. 9. and Luk. 24. 18. Act 7. 6. 1 Pet. 2. 11. 1 Pet. 1. 17. Act. 13. 17. Act. 7. 29. Eph. 2. 19. ( which are all the places in the new Testament where these words are used that I know of ) the Dr. himself in his Annotations doth not once pretend that the word is used in his Province sense : And is not Clemens and Polycarp liker to use the word in the Scripture sense , than in this aliene sense , that since came into the Church ? We must therefore take leave , till better proof of the contrary , to expound Clemens , Polycarp , and Ignatius , meerly by [ sojourning and cohabiting in such a vicinity as Personal and Congregational Communion required . But his only seeming proof is ( again ) because Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians , was to the Province of Achaia . To which again I answer , that Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians was to be communicated to all Achaia ( and after to all the World ; ) but that maketh not Corinth , and Achaia , nor [ the Church at Corinth , ] and [ the Churches of all Achaia ] to be the same : Nay , Paul expresly distinguisheth them by the Conjunction , as aforesaid ; else his words were Tautological , if by [ To the Church of Cod , which is at Corinth , with all the Saints which are in all Achaia ] he had meant [ To the Church of God , which is in all Achaia , with the Saints that are in all Achaia ] And I had thought all Achaia had been more than a Parish , even as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was used Ecclesiastically in those times , in the opinion of the Diocesane Divines themselves . And so much of Dr. Hammond , and all that have written for our Prelacy . The Opposers of Prelacy . To name the Authors that write on the other side ( or some of them ) is enough , Viz. 1. Beza , 2. Cartwright , 3. Jacob against Downame , 4. Didoclane alias Ca'derwood's Altare Damascenum , 5. Learned Parker de Polit. Ecclesiast . ( not so florid as his Treat . of the Cross , but more nervous ) 6. Holy and Learned Paul Baine ( Perkin's Successor ) his Diocesan's Tryal , short and nervous , in Syllogisms . 7. Salmasius in 2 Books ( Apparat. ad primat . P. & Walo . Messalinus , ) 8. Before him Gersom Bucer dissert . de Gubern . Ecclesiae , against Downame , large and learned . 9. Jer. Burroughs , in 2 or 3 sheets , Argumentatively . 10. Prins unbishoping of Timothy and Titus , 11. Dr. Bastwick's Flagellum Pontificis & Episcoporum Latialium ( oratorical ) 12. And such are Miltons . 13. Smectymnuus , that is , Steph. Marshal , Edw. Calamy , Tho. Young , Mat. Newcomen , and Will. Spurstow : And a defence of it . 14. The Lond. Ministers Jus Divinum , Presb. & Minist . 15. The Isle of Wight Papers . 16. Dav. Blondel ( that wonder of the world , for Chronology and History . ) A few leaves of whose over-large Collections , Dr. Hammond hath Answered , as you have heard , and given his reason for going no further , because Blond . extendeth the Ministerial Parity but to 140. But to us it is not so inconsiderable to see by what degres the Prelacy rose , and to see it proved so copiously , that even in after Ages the species extent and of Churches , and the Order or Species of Presbyters were not altered , notwithstanding accidental alterations . And therefore I shall undertake to bring proofenough of what I now plead for from times much lower than 140 , such as I think the impartal will rest satisfied in , though interest and preconceived Idea's are seldom satisfied , or conqueredly a Confutation . CHAP. VI. That it is not of Gods institution , nor is pleasing to him that there be no Churches and Bishops but in Cities ; or that a City with its territories , or Country adjacent , be the bounds of each Church . SOme late most esteemed defenders of Diocesanes , especially Dr. Hammond , lay so great a stress upon the supposition , that the Apostles setled the Churches in the Metropolitane and Diocesane order , and that they did partly in imitation of the Jewish policy , and partly as a thing necessary by the nature of the thing , that even in Heathen Kingdomes , when Churches are gathered in any Cities , they must have a difference of Church power over each other as they find the Cities to have a civil power ( as you heard before from Dr. H. ) that I think it meet here breifly to prove , 1. That it was not of the Apostles purpose to have Churches and Bishops placed only in Cities , and not in Villages . 2. Nor that Church power should thus follow the civil ; 3. Nor that a City with its territories should be the measure of the habitation of each Churches members . The licet in some cases I deny not , but the oportet is the question , yea and the licet in other cases . The two first are proved together by these reasons , following . 1. Christ himself our grand examplar did not only preach and convert Christians in Cities , but in Country villages , where he held assemblies , and preacht and prayed , yea in mountains and in Ships : And though he planted no particular Churches with fixed Bishops there , yet that was because he did so no where . He performed all offices in the Country which he did in the Cities , except that which was appropriated to Jerusalem by the Law and the institution of his last supper , which could be done but in one place . 2. There is no Law of God ( direct or indirect ) which maketh it a duty to settle Churches and Bishops in Cities only , and forbiddeth the setling them in Country villages : This is most evident to him that will search the Scripture , and but try the pretended proofs of the late Prelatists ; for the vanity of their pretensions will easily appear ; They have not so fair a pretense in the New Testament for asserting such a Law , as the Pop : hath for his supermacy in [ Peter feed my sheep ] . And where there is no Law , there is no obligation on us unto duty , and no sin in omission . If they say that [ the Apostles did plant Churches only in Cities comprehending their territories ] I answer , 1. They prove that they planted them in Cities ; but the silence of the Scriptures proveth not the Negative , that they planted none in Villages . 2. Nor have they a word of proof that each Church contained all Christians in the Cities , with all the interjacent Villages . 3. Much less that they must contain all such , when all the Countries were converted , and the Christians were enow for many Churches . 4. Nor can they ever prove that the Apostles planting Churches only in Cities , was intended as a Law , to restrain men from planting them any where else ; Any more than their not converting the Villages or the generality of the Cities , will prove that they must not be converted by any other : Or than that their setting up no Christian Magistrates , or converting no Princes , will prove that there must be no such thing . Whoever extended the obligation of Apostolical example to such Negatives , as to do nothing which they did not ? 5. The reason is most apparent why they preached first in Cities , because there is no such fishing as in the Sea ; They had there the frequentest fullest audirories : And so they planted their first Churches there , because they had most converts there . And it is known that Judea ( a barren mountainous Coutrey of it self ) had been so harressed with Wars , that there was little safety and quiet expected in Countrey Villages ; and the Roman Empire had been free from the same plague by such short intervals , that as many people as could , got into the Cities : ( for all that know by experience what War is , do know the misery of poor Country people who are at every wicked Soldiers mercy . ) It was therefore among poor scattered labourers , a hard thing to get a considerable auditory : which maketh Mr. Eliots and his helpers work go on so heavily among the scattered Americans , who have no Cities or great Towns , because they can rarely speak to any considerable numbers . Now to gather from hence either that Villages must have no Churches or no Bishops , is an impiety next to a concluding that they must not be assembled , taught , or worship God. 3. The reasons are vain and null , which are pretended for such a modelling of Churches to the form of the civil Government , and thus confining them to Cities . For , 1. There is no need that one Bishop be the Governour of another at all ; 2. And therefore no need that the Bishop of a Metropolis govern the Bishop of a lesser City , or he , the Bishop of a Village . 1. God hath not given one Bishop power over another , as meer Bishops . As Cyprian saith , in his Carth. Council , none of us are Bishops of Bishops , but Colleagues . Dr. Hammond himself saith , that the Bishops are the Apostles Successors , and the Apostles were equal in power and Independent , Annot. in 1 Tim. 3. c. p 732. Jesus Christ dispensing them ( all the particular Churches of the whole world by himself and administring them severally , not by any one Oeconomus , but by the several Bishops as inferiour heads of unity to the severalbodies so constituted by the several Apostles in their plantations , each of them having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a several distinct commission from Christ immediately , and subordinate to none but the supreme donor or plenipotentiary . ] Indeed if it be not Bishops , but Archbishops or Bishops of Bishops which are the Apostles Successors , in order over the Bishops as they are supposed to be over the Priests , then such an order of Arch-Bishops is of divine right ; But not as Metropolitanes , or for the Cities sake , but as general Officers to take care of many Churches , succeeding the Apostles . 2. And that Apostolical succession is not the foundation of the Metropolitan or City power is plain ; 1. Because if the Bishop or Arch-Bishop be the immediate successors of the Apostles , there must be but just 13 or 14 in the whole world , if they succeed them fully in the accidentals of their office : But if not , than their residence in Cities , will not prove that they must succeed them in that accident , any more than in the number . 2. Because ( as is shewed ) the Apostles tyed not themselves to Cities only , and what they did in preferring Cities was occasional ( as is said before ) : 3. Nor is there the least proof ( beyond an ostentation of vain words and confidence ) that ever the Apostles setled Churches according to the civil form , and put the Bishops of lesser Cities under the Metropolitans : No more than that among themselves that Apostle was Ruler of the rest , who had the Metropolis for his Seat : The Papists themselves not pretending that Peter was Ruler of the rest , because Rome was his Seat , but that Rome must have the ruling Universal Bishop , because it was the Seat of Peter . And if the Metropolis made not one Apostle Ruler of the rest , why should it do so by their successors ? And I never heard any attempt to prove , that Mathew , Bartholomew , Lebbeus , James the Apostle , Thomas , Philip and every one of the Apostles had a distinct independent Metropolis for his Episcopal Seat. 4. Indeed it s but vain words of them that pretend that the Apostles fixed themselves in any Seat at all ; but it is certain by their Office and by History that they oft removed from place to place , in order to call as much of the world as they were capable , and were somtimes in Metropoles and sometimes in other places : and though the ancients make them the first Bishops of Churches , they do not say that they were Bishops of any particular Churches only , exclusively to all others . But the same Apostle that Planted ten or twenty Churches was the first Bishop of them all pro tempore , setling fixed Bishops to succeed them . 5. And whoever dreamed that Mark who was no Apostle , was the Ruler of other Apostles , ( at least that came into his Province ) because Alexandria was the second Metropolis ? 4. This pretended forming of the Churches as aforesaid ; is contrary to the Ends of Church institution and Communion : which are the publick worshipping of God , and personal Communion of Parochians or Cohabitants in that worship , Sacraments and holy living , in mutual assistance . Whereas in a great part of the world , Country Villages are so far from any Cities , that if they must travel to them for this publick Communion , they must spend all the Lords day in travaile , and yet miss their Ends , and come too late . Nor can Women , Children and aged ones possibly do it at all . But if they are to have no such personal Communion with the City Churches , but have it ordinarily among themselves , then ( whatever men may say that strive about the Name ) they are not of that particular City Church as such , but are of another Church at home , which must have a Bishop̄ because it is a Church . 5. Their Civil and City or Diocesan frame contradicteth the plain institution or Law of Christ and of his Spirit . For 1. Math. 28. 19. 20. it is the very Commission of the Apostles and their successors ( with whom Christ will be to the end of the world ) to Teach or Disciple all Nations , and then to Baptizc them , and so gather them into the Church Universal , and then Teach them as Disciples all his Laws , which includeth Congregating them in perticular Churches where they must be so taught . Now as it is all Nations , even the whole Countryes and not the Cities only that must be Discipled or convicted and Baptized , so it is the whole Nations , Villages and all of Baptized persons that must thus be Congregated into particular Churches and taught . 2. To which add Act. 14. 23. the positive exemplary and so obliging ordinary practice of the Apostles , They ordained them Elders in every Church : so that 1. It is Gods will that Villages have Churches . 2. And it is Gods will that every Church have a Bishop ( at least ) therefore it is Gods will that every Village have a Bishop which have a Church ; or that some Villages have Bishops . And though [ every City be mentioned Tit. 1. 5. that only sheweth that de facto then and there , Village Churches were rare or none , but not de jure they must not be gathered : nor doth he say [ ordain Elders in Cities only ] : much less [ give them Rule according to the City power . ] And as Ceuchrea had a Church , which was no City , so Act. 14. 23. will prove that they should have a Bishop . For every Church is to have a Bishop . And Ceuchrea was not a family-Church ; and so the name not used equivocally : And Bishop Downams assertion that it was a Church with a mean Presbyter under the Bishop of Corinth , is a naked unproved saying that deserveth no credit ; and is contradicted by Doctor Hammond , who saith there was there no meer Presbyter in being . 6. Had this form been setled as they Pretend ( in Cities only and Diocesses ) there would have been uncertainty and contentions what places should have Bishops and Churches , and what places should have none . For it is uncertain and litigious , what place is to be taken for a City and what not . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifieth any great Town , and some times strictly Towns incorprate , and sometimes more strictly eminent Corporations now called Cities with us here in England . And how great would the difficulty have been to determine when a Town was big enough to pass for a City , or when it had privileges enow for that title . If it be said , that the account and name then and thus used was the directory , they will then make Gods Church to depend for being upon a Name with heathen people . If they will call Ceucbrea a City , it shall have a Church ; otherwise it shall have none . But there was no such controversie in those times . 7. According to their model Churches shall be mutable and dissolvible at the will of the Magistrate , yea of every Heathen Magistrate : For if he will but change the priviledges and title of a Town and make it no City , it must have no Church or Bishop : And if he will remove the privileges and title , the Church and Bishop must remove : And if he will endow a big Village or Town with City privileges and name , a Church and Bishop must be then made anew . But who can believe that Christ thus modled his Churches in his institution ? 8. Yea after their model , an infidel or Christian King a●iud agen● , that never thinketh on it or intendeth it , shall change the Churches , and destroy them . If by war a City be turned into no City , or if the King for other reasons un-city it , or if change of Government put it into another Princes power , that shall for his convenience un city it , the Church in City and Country is at an end , though there remain people enow to constitute a Church . 9. Yea a fire or an Earthquake by this Rule may end a Church , by Wood and stone , though the Country still have never so many Christians : and when the City is gone , the Church is gone . 10. Yea it will be in the power of every king , even of Heathens , whether Christ shall have any Church or Bishop in his kingdoms , or not . Because he can un-city or dispriviledge all the Cities in his kingdom at his pleasure , and consequently unchurch all the Churches . 11. And by their way Christ hath setled as various Church forms as there be forms of Government in the world : For all Dominions are not divided into Provinces , under Prisidents &c as the Roman Empire was : In many Countries , the Metropolis hath no superiority over the other City or the Country , and so that will be of divine institution in one Country , which will be a sin in others . 12. Yea by this Rule many vast Countries must have no Bishops or Churches at all , because they have no Cities ( as is known among the Americans ) ; and others must have but one Church and Bishop in a whole Country of many hundred Miles . 13. And by their Rule all the Bishops of England are unbishoped , and their Diocesan Churches are unchurched . For 1. Some of them ( in Wales and Man ) have no Cities now called such . 2. Others of them have many Cities ( not only Coventry and Lichfield , Bath and Wells now called Cities , but ) abundance of Corporations really Cities . 3. And the Cities in England , Scotland and Ireland have no Civil Government over all the Countries , Corporations , Villages of the Diocefe at all : nor are they Seats of Presidents or Lieutenants that have such Rule , so that our Dioceses are not modelled to the form of the Civil Government . What subjection doth Hartfordshire , Bedfordshire , Buckinghamshire , &c. owe to the Town of Lincolne ? 14. By their model it is not Bishops and Metropolitans alone that are of divine right : For if the Church Government must be modelled to the Civill , the Imperial Churches must have had Officers to answer all the Proconsuls and Presects , the Lieutenants , the Vicars , the Consular Presidents , the Corr●ctors &c. For who can prove that one sort or two oaly must by imitated and not others . 15. They must by their rule , set up in England an inconsistent or self destroying form . For in many if not most Counties our Lord Lieutenants , Deputy Lieutenants , and Sherifs , and most Justices dwell in Countrey mannors and Villages , and not in Cities . And so either Cities must not be the Seats of Bishops and Churches , or else the Seat of Civil Government must not be the Seat of the Ecclesiastical . If they say that Assizes and Sessions are kept in the County Towns , I answer . 1. So Church assemblies called Synods or Councils may be held in them , and yet not be the Bishops Seat. For they are not the Judges or Justices Seat , because of Assizes , and quarterly Sessions . 2. The observation is not universally true : Yea no Assizes or Sessions at all are therefore held in any Town because it is the County Town , but because it is the convenientest place for meeting ; The choice of which is left to the Judges and Justices ; who sometimes choose the County-Town , and sometimes another , as they please ( As Bridgnorth in Shropshire , Aleshury ( not Buckingham ) ordinarily in Buckinghamshire , and so of others . 3. And th●se County Towns are few of them either Cities or Bishops Seats : As Buckingham , Hartford , Bedford , Cambridge , Huntington , Warwick , Darby , Nottingham , Sherwsbury , Ipswich , Colchester , Lancaster , Flint , Denbigh , Montgomery , Merioneth , Radnor , Cardigan , Carnarvon , Pembrook , Carmarthen , Breeknock , and divers others . 16. This model of theirs is in most parts of the world or many , quite contrary to the Interest of the Church : and therefore forbidden by God in Nature and Scripture , by that rule , Let the end be preferred , and the means which best serve it : Let all things be done to edification : For in most of the world the Rulers are enemies to Christianity , and disposed to persecute the Pastors of the Church , therefore they will least endure Ecclesiastical Courts and Bishops in their Imperial Cities , and under their noses ( as we say ) Obj. The Romans did endure it . Ans . For all the ten persecutions , the Romans gave ordinarily more liberty of Religion than most of the world doth at this day . Bishops and Pastors , are glad to keep out of the way of Infidel and Heathen Rulers . ( And I think verily our most Zealous English Prelates would be loath , ( if they had their language ) to go set up a Church and Bishops seat at Madrid , Vienna , Jngolsted , yea at Florence , Milan , Ravenna , Venice , Lisbone , Warsaw , &c. And if they must needs be in those Countries , they would rather chose a more private and less offensive seat . 17. I think that few Churches or Bishops in the world , except the Italian ( if they ) are of the opinion now opposed by me . * The Greek Church is not : For though for honor sake they retain the name of the ancient Seats , yet they ordinarily dwell in Countrey Villages . And so doth the Patriarck of Antioch himself often , or at least Antioch is now no City , of which he hath the name . And Socrates , and after him other Historians tell us , that of old this practise varied as a thing indifferent , in several Countries according to their several customes , which had no Law of God for them , and therefore were not accounted necessary . 18. Our English Bishops have been for the most part of another mind till Dr. Hammond and others turned this way of late : Not only Je●el , Bilson , and many others have asserted that Patriarks , Metropolitans and Primates , and such like are of human right , and mutable , but few if any were found heretofore to contradict them . And at this day many Bishops ordinarily dwell in their Country houses , ( As the Bishop of Lincolne did at Bugden , the Bishop of Coventree and Lichfield , ( formerly ) at Eccleshall Castle ; the Bishop of Chester ( now ) at Wigan , and so of others ) . And I think that is the Bishops Seat where usually his dwelling is , and not where a Lay-Chancellor keepes a Court , or where a Dean and Chapter dwell who are no Bishops . 19. There have ( as Dr. Hammond hath well proved ) been of old several Churches in one City ; one of Jews and one of Gentiles , with their several Bishops and Clergy . Therefore one City with its territories is not jure Divino the measure or boundaries of one only Church . 20. If the Church Government must be modelled to the Civil , then in every Monarchie or Empire there must be one Universal Pastor to rule all the rest as there is one King : And in every Aristocracy , there must be a Synod of Prelates in Church Supremacy ; and in every Democracy — who or what — But then the Papacy will be proved not only lawful , but of Divine institution , as the Head or Church Soveraign of the Roman Empire ( though not of all the world ) ( at Rome first and at Constantinople after ) And indeed I know no word of reason that can be given to draw an impartial man of Judgment to doubt , but that Metropolitans , Primates , Patriarcks , and the Pope as Head of the Churches in the Empire , stood all on the same ground , and had the same Original ; as all Fathers Councells and History shew , which truely proveth that ( as an Universal Papacy is a Treasonable Usurpation , so ) an Imperial Papacy ( that is , through the Roman Empire ) is but a human Creature , and Metropolitans , Patriarcks , &c. are the like ; and they that will feigne the one to be of Gods institution or necessary , must say that the other is so to . But after all this , one consequence puts the world in hope that Diocesans may come in time to be reformed : For seeling Kings may make and unmake Cities , and consequently Bishop-pricks at their pleasure , whenever it shall please his Majesty , or any other wise and Holy Prince , to declare every Corporation and Market Town to be a City , we must needs have a Bishop in every one of them ( according to the principles of the Prelates themselves . And then the Diocese will not be so great , but a diligent Pastor may possibly sometimes , see the greater number of his flock . Obj. But they that do say that the Apo●les took this course do not say that it is so obligatory but that in cases of necessity we may do otherwise . Ans . 1. They alledge the very Law of nature for it , that it must be so even in Heathen Empires ex natura rei , as Dr. Hammond before cited . 2. All meer positves give places to natural duties , caeteris paribus : in cases of true necessity we may break the rest of the Lords day , we may omit the Lords Supper , we may stay from the Church assemblies , we may forbear to preach or pray or meditate or read . So that the exception only of necessity will but equal this Diocesan model , to other possitive ordinances , which are indeed Divine . Obj. What if we prove but the lawfulness of it , though not the Duty ? Ans . If you prove it not of Divine institution , I have proved it to be sinful , and shall do much more , by all the evils which attend it . And so much for these City Diocese and Metropolitans and modelling the Church Government to the state . CHAP. VII . The Definition and reasons of a Diocesan Church considered , and overthrown . I Have already shewed , that we dispute not about aery notions , nor Non-existence , but about such Dioceses as we see and have ; and that by a Diocese we Non-conformists mean only a large circuit of ground with its inhabitants conteining many perticular Parishes : And by a Diocesan Church , we mean all the Christians within that circuit , who have but one Bishop over them , though they be of many Parish Churches , yea few Presbyterians take the word so narrow as this . For ( I think too ) many of them do with Rutherford distinguish between a worshipping Church and a Governed Church ( and sadling the horse for Prelacy to mount on ) do affirm that many ( about twelve usualy ) of these worshiping Churches ( like our Parishes ) may make but one Governed or Presbyterial Church : But a Diocese in England containeth many hundred , and some above a thousand Parishes ( as is said . ) But the Diocesans ( Hammond and Downam ) define not a Diocese ( as we see it ) as conteining many Churches or holy assemblies ; but only as being the Church of one City with its territories . Now the question is , what it is that is the specifying difference by which a Diocesan Church is distinguished from others , and constituted . 1. Not that it is in a City : For an Independent Church , or a Presbyterian Church may be in a City : When there is but one Church there , or many Independent ones , these are no other than those allow , whom you take for your chief adversaries . 2. Is it then the circuit of ground that is the boundary of these Churches , either this ground is inhabited , or not ; if not , then earth and trees make their Churches . If inhabited , it is by Infidels , or by Christians , or both . If by Infidels they are no members of any Christian Church , and therefore not of a Diocesan Church . Unless they will professe to have Churhes of Infidels : If they be Christians , either they are no more , nor more distant than as that they may ( at least the main body of them ) come on the Lords daies to the City Church into one assembly , or else they are enow to make more or many Church assemblies . If the former , than what differ they from a Parish Church , or an Independent Church , which is planted in a City ? When each of them are but one congregation , where is the difference but in the arbitrary Name ? But if the City and territories have Christians enow for many Churches , then either they are formed into many or not . If they are , they should ( by their own confession ) have many Bishops : If not , either Church Societies are Gods ordinance or not . If not , the City should have none : If they are , where hath God exempted the Country from the priviledge or duty any more than the City ? But if they should say that a Diocesan Church is one Church in a City and its territories consisting of Christians enow to make many , of whom the most part take up with oratories for Churches , this would suite our Notion of a Diocesan Church , but not theirs . For they say that it is not necessary that a Diocesan Church have more than one Congregation . Therefore it must needs follow that their Diocesan Church must differ from our Parish or Congregational Churches only in potentiâ and not in actu , or else earth or Infidels must be the differencing matter . Unless they will say that the Order of Prelacy in it maketh the difference , which is the office of a Pastor who is actually Governour but of one congregation , but is in potentia to be the Governour of more when he can convert them , and then is the Governour of them all in that territory when they are converted . But if one congregation or many make not the difference , a meer possibility in the Infidels of becoming Christians cannot make the difference , because the Subjects of that possibility are no members of the Church at all . Therefore the difference must be only in the office of the Bishop . And if so , then an Independent Church that hath a Bishop is a Diocesan Church ; And so an Independant and a Diocesan Church may be all one . And then if a Bishop were but setled in a Parish Church in the City or Countrey , it would make it a Diocesan Church . And then when we have proved that the Country should have Churches , and not meer Oratories , and that every Church should have a Bishop , and so that a Bishop is not to be appropriated to a City and its territories , we have done all . And that society which should have all Gods Church ordinances , should have a Pastor necessary for the exercising of them all . But every true Parish Church , should have all Gods ordinances ( belonging to a single Church ) therefore they should have a Pastor ( at least ) to exercise them . And , a Pastor authorized to exercise all particular Church ordinances of Christs is a true Bishop . But every true particular Church should have such a Pastor . Therefore they should have a Bishop . By the Church ordinances I mean 1. Teaching . 2. Ministerial Worship , in Prayer , Praise and Sacraments . 3. Discipline secret and publick in that Church . And let them remember that they that instead of proof , do but crudely affirme , that Cities only may be Bishops Seats , do but beg the question . But because he that puts us hardest to it ( Downame ) doth lay so much on these two differences of a Diocesan Church from a Parochial . 1. That a Diocese conteineth the City and territories , though at first it have but one Congregation . 2. That converting the rest of the City and territories , giveth the Bishop a right to Govern them all : I will further distinctly consider of both these . CHAP. VIII . Whether the Infidel Territories or Citizens do make part of a Diocesane Church . 1. WE distinguish between a Diocese and a Diocesane Church . 1. The word Diocese first was of civil signification , and so we have nothing to do with it . 2. It may signifie a Country of Infidels whom a Minister of Christ endeavoureth to convert : And so it is no Church of it self , nor no part of a Church , if a Church be in it : ( as is past all question . ) And so we deny not but that , 1. Every Minister should convert as many Infidels as he can . 2. That he that is resident on the place as Pastor of a Cohabiting Church hath better opportunity than a stranger usually to convert the neighbour infidels ; And therefore hath more obligation to endeavour it ; because men must divide and order their work as their opportunities do invite and guide them . 3. But yet that God set no man his Ministerial Charge by the measure of ground : And therefore that if such a City-Bishop have a smaller number of Infidels in his territories , than will take up his time and labour ( besides the care of his Church ) he ought not to confine his labour to them , nor neglect other territories that need his help , but may , must and should go further in his endeavours , as Augustine and other later Bishops among the Saxons , notwithstanding the neighbourhood of the Brittains ; and as Wilfred alias Boniface among the Germans , &c. And if any other Minister come among the Infidels in the Territories of a City that hath a Church , while they have need of such help , the Bishop were a beast if he should forbid him on pretense that it is his Diocess where another hath nothing to do . But as unoccupied Countries belong to any occupant , so an Infidel Country belongeth to any preacher that hath opportunity to convert them . And if a Diocesane prohibit such preaching , he is to be neglected or reprehended , but not obeyed . Yet I deny not , but prudence may direct preachers ( as it would do occupants in the aforesaid case ) to distribute their labours so as one may not hinder but help another : But that is not a Law of propriety otherwise than as mutual consent obligeth . And it is , but the determination of circumstances , and that not about any part of a Church , and therefore nothing to the constitution of a Church . And as is shewed , as Christ sent his Disciples out by two and two , so the Apostles oft went two together , or an Apostle and an Evangelist , which shewed that no one claimed the Diocess . But still , were it otherwise , Infidels are not of the Church . CHAP. IX . Whether converting a Diocese give right to the Converter to be their Bishop or Governour . 1 : WE deny not , but that Converts owe a peculiar love and respect to those as their fathers in Christ which did convert them ; which Paul claimeth of the Corinthians . 2. And we deny not but caeteris paribus , that man being as fit a man as others , and his abode being nearer , and his Church being not full , but capable of them , this advantage should encline his converts , to choose him rather than another for their Pastor , But yet converting them as such giveth him not a right to govern them as their Pastor , nor necessitateth them to choose him : As I prove . 1. Because a Lay man ( as Frumentius and Edesius and Origen , &c. ) may convert men , who are not Pastors to them or any . 2. Because Conversion and Baptism as such is but mens admission into the Universal Church ( as in the Eunuchs case , Act. 8. is manifest ) and not into any particular Church : It uniteth them to Christ , but not to any particular Pastor : For they Baptize not into their own name . 3. Because when two or three go together , as Paul and Barnabas , Silas , Timothy , Luke , &c. it is to be supposed that one converteth not all , but one some and another some ; and therefore if converting gave right there must be many Bishops and Churches in a place . 4. Because when a Church is settled , a strange preacher that cometh after , yea one that hath a charge elsewhere , may convert many neighbours , that were not Converted , and yet it will not follow that he must come , and set up another Church there for that , nor that they must remove their dwelling to follow him . 5. Because a man may ( and abundance of excellent preachers have done it ) convert many souls in many Countries where they go at great distances from each other : But he cannot be the Bishop of so many people or Churches so far dispersed . 6. Because it would make it uncertain who it is that hath any where the Episcopal power . For Conversion is , 1. a secret work known only to the person converted . 2. And it is an obscure and usually a gradual work , not done at once , but by such degrees , that the convert seldome knoweth himself who it was that converted him : Though he may know that one mans ministry so far convinced him , and another so far , and so on ; It will be hard to say just when it came to a conversion . And if you say it is he that perswaded him to be baptized , that may be a lay man , or long after his Conversion . Princes in some Countries force or perswade thousands to be baptized . If you say , that it is he that Baptized him , than Paul should be Pastor but to few of the Corinthians , who thanked God that he baptized none of them but Stephanus houshold , Gaius and Crispus ; as being not sent to baptize , but to preach the Gospel . 7. Because else many persons should be necessitated to choose a bad or very weak man , if not a heretick for their Bishop , when they may have far better and ablermen . For it hath been known that a bad Minister , and a heretical Minister , much more a very weak Minister hath converted men . But God doth not allow such converts therefore to cast their Souls under the danger and disadvantage of such a ones Ministry , or oversights when much fitter may be had . 8. Because both nature and Scripture example direct men to another course ; that is , 1. To be members of the Church where they are cohabitants , if there be a worthy Pastor ; 2. And to get the best they can . For cohabitation or proximity or vicinity is necessary to Church ends , both to publick and private communion and mutual help . But the Minister that converth them may dwell far off that . Therefore indeed the Reasons why all in a City and vicinity were wont to be of the same Church ( if there were room ) was not because that Minister converted them , but because they were fit for such Communion by cohabitation . 9. And were it otherwise the Bishop and his Presbyters preaching to the same people , the Presbyter might convert more and become joint Bishop . 10. And certainly it would unbishop all the English Bishops almost that I am acquainted with , who nether converted their Dioceses from Infidelity , nor baptized them , nor convert many that ever we hearof from a wicked life , to serious holiness : which the Presbyters have done by very many , and so must there be made the Bishops ( if they would . ) CHAP. X. That a particular Church of the first or lowest order , must consist of Neighbour Christians associated for Personal Communion in local presence , in holy worship and conversation ; and not of strangres so remote , as have only an Internal Heart-Communion , or an External Communion by the mediation of others . LEt it be here noted ( that none dally with the Name [ Church ] as an equivocal , that , 1. I speak of no meer Community of Christians , nor of any accidentall assembly , which have no Pastors , or no intent of sacred ends ; Call them what you will : But of a proper Christian society constituted of the Pars gubernans and the Pars gubernata ; the Pastor and Flock . 2. That I speak not of a Family Church , which consisteth of the Master and the Family . 3. Nor yet of the Universal Political Church , as visible or as mysticall : which consisteth of Christ the head , and all visible or sincere believers . 4. Nor of any Christian Churches confined by Agreement for Concord of Churches , being many . 5. Nor of any such Churches accidentaly united in one kingdom , under one king or Civil Governor , whether Christian or Infidel . 6. Nor of many Churches headed by humane appointment with one Metropolitane , Primate or Patriack , being a Pastor thus exalted by men above the rest . 7. Nor yet of many Churches under one Arch-Bishop or general Apostolical Visitor or Pastor , claiming this general oversight by Divine right ( whether rightly or wrongfully I now take no notice ) 8. But the Church which I treat of is , only the political society of Christians of the first ranck ( and so of a Bishop of the lowest ranck , or a meer Bishop that is no Arch-Bishop ) . Not of an Oratory , or Chappel of ease , where part of a true Church often meet ; but of a true entire Church of the first magnitude or rank . And I take it for granted 1. That such Churches there should be , 2. and that every true Church should have its Bishop , as Doctor Hummond and many others grant , taking the Church in this political notion ; or if that be not granted I will proove it further anon . And that these lowest true political or Organized Churches , must be Neighbours united for Personal Communion , as aforesaid , I prove . 1. First from all the Scripture instances : The Churches at Jerusalem , Antioch , Ephesus , Corinth &c. were all such as is fuller to be opened in the 2d . Part. 2. From the instances of all the Churches of the first and second age , of which also more is after to be said . 3. From the dutyes of Church members , which are as followeth . 1. To assemble together for Gods publick service ; Act. 4. Heb. 10. 25. 1. Cor. 14. &c. And how can they do this that are utterly out of reach , and never know or see each other ? 2. To have the same Pastors that are among them , and over them , and preach to them the word of God , and go before them by the example of an holy life . 1 Thes . 5. 12 , 13. Heb. 13. 7 , 17 , 24. 1 Tim. 3. 6 , 7 , &c. And how can they hear the Pastors that never Preach to them , or be Guided by those that never see them , or follow their example whom they never knew , or come for counsel to them that are out of their reach and knowledg ? 3. To send to their Pastors when they are sick , to pray with them , and advise them : which they cannot do to them that are out of their reach . Jam. 5. 4. To provoke one another to Love and to good works , and to consider one another ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to that end : A word that signifieth knowledge and more , even Observation of that which we see or know . In which and v. 25. saith Dr. Hammond [ Let us weigh and consider all advantages we can have upon one another to provoke and excite one another to Charity and all actions of piety , such as are joyning in the publick service . And not suffer our selves to proceed so far towards defections as to give over the publick assemblies , ( the forsaking of which is not is not only deserting the publick profession of Chri●t , but also of the meanes of growth in grace ) but stir up one another to the performance of this ] All which suppose propinquity , and and consist not with the distance of uncapable strangers . Heb. 3. 13. To exhort one another daily while it is called to day , lest any be hardened by the dece●tfulness of sin . Which we cannot do by men of another Countrey , with whom we have no converse . All is plainly expressed , 1 Thes 5. 11. 12 , 13. Wherefore comfort your selves together , and edifie one another even as also ye do . And we beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the Lord , and admonish ●ou , and to esteem them very highly in love , for their work sake , and to be at peace among your selves . But how can they comfort themselves together that never came together , or see each other ? There can no peace but Negative be among them that are not among each other , and have no converse . They cannot edifie utter strangers . How can I know the Bishop of the Diocese who never saw him , nor ever had opportunity to see him , tho I live about an hundred miles neerer him ( being at London ) than some parts of his Diocese are ? I know those that Labour among us in this Parish , but the Bishop never laboured among us , nor was here that ever I heard of ; nor do I know one in the Parish , that useth not to Travaile , that ever saw him , and few that by hea●say know his name . Rom. 15. 7. 14. Receive ye one another as Christ also received us , to the Glory of God. 6. That ye may with one mind and one mouth glorifie God — — of which saith Dr Hammond , [ That ye may joyn unanimously Jews and Gentiles into one , and assembling together , worship and serve the Lord , wherefore in all humility of condescension and kindness , embrace and succour one another , help them up when they are fallen , instead of despising and driving them from your communion v. 14. [ Able also to admonish one another so Col. 3. 16. Teaching and admonishing one another in Psalms , and Hymns — But more of this in the 2d . part . 5. Lastly it is their part to admonish a brother that offendeth , and if he hear not , to take two or three witnesses , and if he hear not to tell the Church Matth. 18. 15. ( of which see Dr. Hammonds Annot. and of the Keys ) . But all this requireth personal knowledge and propinquity . Obj. It is not necessary to the being of Church members , that every one that is a Church member know them : many in London know not their next Neighbours . Ans . I Speak not . 1. Of the Act , but of the Power or Capacity and the Relation with its end . 2. I speak not of every member , but of so great a part as denominateth the Church . 1. As a Pastor who by sickness or other impediment preacheth not of a long time , may yet be a Pastor , because he hath . 1. The Power . 2. And a Relation whose end is the Instructing of the Flock . 3. And he intendeth the exercise as soon as the impediment is removed ( or if lazyness or any culpable neglect be the cause , that altereth not the natu●e of the office , but proveth him faulty ) : So a member that is . 1. Capable . 2. Related to the end , may be a member , though neglect or impediments keep them from the exercise of much of that which they otherwise may do . He that dwelleth in the Neighborhood may do all these Offices to another , if he will when opportunity calleth for it ; and therefore may be so obliged to it : But so cannot he that dwelleth out of reach . Citizens or members of Corporations are in a capacity for officesbelonging to the society , though some may neglect them , and others want opportunity to do them ; but one out of reach is uncapable of the duty and therefore uncapable of the Relation , which is made up of obligation to that duty when there is cause . The Relation is essentially a Power and obligation to the Duty : And the Dispositio materi● is necessary to the reception of the forme . He therefore that is not in a capable means , by cohabitation , is not materia disposita , and can neither have Power nor obligation to the dutyes of a Church member towards the rest , and so cannot have the Relative form , or be indeed a member . And therefore all that write judiciously of the definition of a particular Church , do make Propinquity or Cohabitation , to be the Dispositio materiae sine qua non ; From which they are called Parishioners . They are not a Church because a Parish ; but they are therefore the materia disposita as to this part of the capacity extrinsick ( Christianity being it that maketh them intrinsecally fit materials ) . 2. And I deny not but some few members may be several waies uncapable naturally of the ordinary offices of members : Some by infancy , some by distraction , some by sickness , some by the restraint of Parents Masters or Husbands , and some by a retired disposition , &c. And some Churches may be so sinfully over-great , as that the number hindereth many of the members from a capacity of the ordinary duty of the relation ; which is the case of some great Parishes in London : But either this is the case of the greater part and main body of the Society , or b●t of a few . If but of a few , it may prove it a disordered Church , but it cannot prove it no Church ; no more than a few Hereticks can denominate the Church Heretical , or a few mad , or leprous persons , can denominate it mad or leprous , or than the family of Noah , David , Christ , was denominated from a Cham , an Absolom , a Judas . But if it be the main body ( though in intrinsick qualifications , the Church may be denominated from the better part sometimes and not from the greater , yet ) in extrinsick qualifications , it is now to be denominated a Church only from the Pastor and that number who are capable of the relation ( as being the two constitutive parts ) and all the rest are none of the Church : And if there be no such body united to the Pastor for true Church ends , and capable of them , it is no Church . Obj. But it is enough to make one Church , if they be all united in one Bishop or Governour , though their distance make them uncapable of knowing one another , and doing what you have described . Ans . It is enough indeed to make a Church of another species , such as I before named , either the Catholick Church through out the world , or a Church composed of many particular Churches ( if it may be called a Church ) : Because their Communion is not to be Local or present , nor to the ends of a particular Church ; but only intrinsical in Faith and Love , and extrinsical by Delegates or Mediators . But this is not enough to the being of a Church of the first order which now we speak of , which should have a Bishop of their own , and is not composed of many united Churches . For else the Church of a Patriark or a Primate , or an Arch-Bishop or Metropolitane , should be a Church of the first order , and have no Church or Bishop under it . For such a Church is united in one Governour . ( To say nothing of the Papal Church , which yet pretendeth not to depose all Bishops . ) Therefore the unity of the Governour will not suffice of it self to make one Primary Church ; though it may make one Compounded or General Church conteining many Churches and Bishops . 2. And the nature of the thing telleth us , that as the People , have their Duties and Priviledges as well as the Pastors , so the people must be united among themselves , by some common Relation , conteining Power of and Obligation to that duty , and capacity of that priviledge : Which is past all doubt among knowing men . Therefore an uncapable body cannot be made one Primary Church , by the unity of a Prelate . 3. But as we distinguish of a Church single and compounded of many , particular and General , Primary and Secondary , ( all which termes I use to be clearly understood ) , so do we also of Bishops or Pastors : which are particular Bishops of one Church , or General Bishops of many Churches . Of the first sort we confess all that is said positively , that is , that one such Bishop maketh one Church . Because the very nature of his office , as shall be after shewed , doth suppose a capable society . It being his office in presence personally to conduct them ; which a General distant Bishop cannot do , so that indeed , one Present Pastor ( or more ) of a flock by Christianity and Uicinity capable , and by consent united with him and one another for presential Communion in publick worship and holy conversation , are the constitutive parts by which a Primary Church is essentiated and must be defined . Obj. But even the Presbyterians say that many worshiping congregations may make up one Governed Church , though each congregation have ordinary Communion in the Sacrament , &c. among themselves distinct from the rest ; because they may be all united in the Government of one Presbytery . And our ordinary Parishes have Chappels in them , and yet are one Church . Ans . 1. We must be excused from submitting now to the opinions of Presbyterians or any other party , while we are giving an account of our own judgment in the case . 2. The Presbyterians are not all of a mind in that point , whether each of those Parishes be not a true political Church , and have not its own plenary Pastor or Bishop , and such a Government as belongeth to a particular Church , though ( as they all think ) subordinate to a Presbytery of many Churches conjunct ( or as some call it ) of one Church denominated so from the higher Government . 3. And as to our Chappels ordinarily they are but places for the Assembling of such as by age or foul weather or weakness cannot travaile to the Parish Churches , and they are for distance and number in those Parishes that have them , no more or other , than may consist not only with the personal acquaintance of the members of the Parish Church , but also with the frequent Communion of them all , by turnes in the same Parish Church , if they please to travaile to it , as they may . So that these Chappels of case , as they are commonly called , are not inconsistent with all the fore-described ends and dutyes of Church-members : And even the Independants do confess that age , distance ▪ persecution , &c. may allow one of their Churches to meet at once in several houses or places , where several Pastors may pro tempore officiate : and yet , this consisteth with all the forementioned ends of the relation . 4. And indeed disorders and confusions in Churches , must not be our measure , to judge of their Nature and constitution by , though one in a Swoone may be hardly discerned from a dead man , yet life is nevertheless essential to a man. The Principalities in Germany may be so curtaled , and intangled , that it shall be hard for Lawyers to judge whether the Princes be proper Soverains and Monarchs or not . And yet what doth constitute Monarchy and Soveraignity is known . A Ship may be made so little , and a Barge so big , as that it may be hard to distinguish them by name : and yet a Ship and Barge are divers . If in one great house , there be several men with their Wives Children and Servants , in several rooms or parts , and ●ne have some superiority over the rest , they being free journy-men or labourers under him , the degree of the Power of the chief Master here may be in several cases so various , as that it shall be hard for any man to say , whether this be one Family only or many . But must we therefore remove all distinction of Families , or forsake the old and usual definition . The same I say of Primary perticular Churches . Stepney Parish , or Giles Criplegate , or Martins in the fields may be so great , as to make a doubt of it , whether they are single Churches ; and so may some Lancashire Parishes , that have very distant and large Chapelries . But shall the disease or extraordinary case , or dicffiulty of such a Parish , make us change the old and true definition of a Church ? And thus some Presbyterians have argued from the Multitude of Converts at Jerusalem and Ephesus , that they could not be one particular Church , so as to meet all in one place ( which is the common and strongest objection against us ) . But 1. undoubtedly there were many strangers there , that were ready to pass away to other places . 2. And the Spirit knew that the Church was quickly by persecution to be scattered . 3. And on a suddain there was not time to settle them in exact order , as afterward they did in all the Churches . Acts. 14. 23. But many Apostles being there they might transiently have divers meetings at once , 4. And the number and distance of them all was no greater then might consist with the forementioned Church Ends and definition . They that meet one day with one Apostle , might meet the next day with another , and might have Personal Communion and Conversation . And 5. The text saith that they did meet all in one place : and as Doctor Hammond aforecited saith , they deny the plain text that do deny it : they were not distributed into divers assembles ; and the [ All ] that meet together , must mean the greater part of the Church members at once . And I my self have Preached to a Congregation , supposed by understanding persons in it , to be six thousand , and all to have heard : and as many more might have heard the next day : and so twenty thousand might make a Church , when vicinity maketh them otherwise capable ; and in Judaea we find that men speaking to Armies , yea the Enemies Armies , shew that far more could hear at once , then can do with us ( whether voices or aire did make the difference I Know not ) and if the fore-named Parishes that have but one ordinary meeting place , have 30000 or 40000 or 50000 souls in them , we may conjecture at the case of Jerusalem hereby ; For though among those new Converts , there were not so many neglecters of the Assemblies , yet the passing strangers might be many . To make the case plain , I would but desire the dissenters to consider . 4. Whether that Gods publick worship be not a duty ? Even the Communion of Christians in Doctrine , Prayer and Sacrament ? 2. Whether there must not be some present Pastors to officiate before the Church in all these ? 3. Whether this Congregation must not be Christians , and persons qualified for Communion ? and whether the Churches have not alwaies ( by the holy Spirits appointment ) differenced between Christians and Infidels , and between Heretical or flagitious persons , and the orderly and obedient ? and admitted the first sort only to Communion ? 4. Whether he that is present and delivereth the Sacrament , should not know what he doth , and to whom he giveth it , and should not in the administring make a difference , and keep away the Infidels , Heriticks and openly flagitious , and should not know the people whom he overseeth ? 5. And whether he can do all or any of this , to a transient multitude , that as the waters of a river are passing away , when he still seeth strange faces only , and those are his Auditors , and Commuicants , whom he never saw before , or knoweth : how can he know whether they are Baptized Christians , or unbaptized , Jews or other Infidels ? 6. Therefore is not an ordinary Cohabitation , or vicinity , of necessity to a fixed Church and Pastor , that he may know them , and they may know each other ? These things I suppose are past dispute . 7. And then I ask whether such a society as this be not a true Church ? and such as is described in scripture ? and such as should ordinarily be continued in the world ? whether it be part of a more compounded general Church , and under the general oversight of Apostolical Bishops , is none of my question now ; but whether this be not an ordinary political Church , of the first order ? 8. And if so , whether every such Church by Acts. 14. 23 , should not have such Elders as are there mentioned , which Doctor Hammond maintaineth to be Bishops ? or should not have such Episcopos gregis overseers of this flock , as are impowered to do all the foresaid works of their proper Office ? of which next . CHAP. XI . That a Bishop or Pastor of a particular Church of the first rank afore-described , must Govern it statedly , as present by himself , and not as in absence by another . NOthing hath more deceived men ( next to Infidelity and Carnality ) ●n this controversie , than want of experience : Judging by a noise of words of such matters as they never faithfuly tryed . Had men well tryed a few years what it is to do the Office of a Pastor , they would easily know to whom it belongeth . But when either University students , or Nominal Pastors do stand by and look on , or read and hear only of the name , of Church-Power and Government , and never did more themselves , than to preach and say the service of the Church , or now and then visit a sick man , or dine or talk on the by with a neighbour , or at most hear Chilren say their Catechism , it is no wonder if they talk at randome , and think that a man may be the only Bishop of many hundred Churches , and Govern them per alios , or at twenty , or fourty , or an hundred miles distance , by meer visiting or meeting the Clergy , and dining with them once in three Years . I shall here therefore prove that the nature of the Primary Episcopacy ( or Particular , if the word Primary be cavilled at ) is such , as cannot be done in absence , nor per alios by substitutes , in any of its Proper parts , but only by a present Bishop or Pastor himself . And here first remember that I say [ in any of its proper parts , as distinguishing the proper works of the sacred Ministry , from those that are common to other men , and those that are but Accidents or Circumstantial . As a Bishop may plow his land , or build his house , or saddle his horse , by another , so I doubt not but he may appoint another to toll the Bell to Church , to cover the holy Table , to receive Collections , to read Proclamations , to keep the Church doors , to repair the building , to bring relief to the Poor , to do that about sacred things , which is common to Lay men with Ministers ; even to read the Psalm , to chuse it , to set the tune , to publish Marriages , to name to the people the times of meeting , to read the Scriptures , to be messengers to summon accused offenders , to tell the Church , to summon witnesses , to hear witnesses and confessions ; All these he may appoint a servant or another to do , because they are but accidental to his Office , and no part of his proper work ; but that his proper work must be done by himself , and that as present ordinarily with the people whom he Governeth , the enumerations of the particular will evince . 1. The work of such a Bishop is Publick in the sacred Assemblies . 2. Or out of the Assemblies by way of applicatioon to particular Persons and cases . 1. In the Assemblies , 1. It is the Bishops office to be the chief Teacher of the Church ; to preach , instruct , exhort and comfort them usually himself ; And when he doth it not himself to appoint another , and judge of his performance . ( I shall reserve the proof to the 2d . part , where all this is to be reviewed to a further use . ) And this is the work of one that is present . 2. He is to be the mouth or Intercessor of the people , as a Priest under Christ the Great high Priest and Intercessor : To pray in the Assembly , to be their mouth in the common confession of sins : To praise God and give thanks with and for them ; to whom they are to joyn in consent with their Amen , ( at least . ) And this is the work of a present Person . 3. He is to Baptize and admit persons into the visible Church ; Or to try and judg who is fit to be Baptized , and to admit them by some other Minister of Christ ; but he can neither Baptize , nor try and judge particularly who is to be baptized ( at least of the Adult ) unless he be present and know the persons , and hear his confession and receive his claime . 4. He is to Celebrate the Supper of the Lord , to consecrate the Bread and Wine , to be the Messenger of Christ in his name to deliver them as his body and blood , and the Seals of his Love , and of Remission of sins unto the people , and so to commemorate his death till he come , and as his Steward to give his houseshold meat in season ; but this is all the work of a Present and not an absent Person . 5. He is to be the judge of the claime and title of the persons that come to the Churches Communion ; to see that Infidels and incapable persons be not there , which is not well done by one that is not ordinarily present , even in the Administration to see to whom it is administred . 6. He is to be the chief publick reprover , and admonisher of Scandalous persons by name , who are so to be openly reproved and admonished in the Church , which he cannot well do if he be not in the Church himself . 7. He is to be the chief publick Excommunicator of the obstinately wicked , to declare before all that such a person is uncapable of communion with the Church : which is not well done by one that is not there to do it ; as shall anon be further opened . 8. The same is to be said of publick Absolution , when the Penitent is publikely taken into the Church , or judged and declared to be Absolved . 9. And the blessing of the people in the name of the Lord , at the dismission of the Assembly hath of old been reserved to the Bishop as his part which is to be done by one that is there present . II. And as for those acts of Application to persons and cases which are to be done out of the Assembly , 1. To be at hand for the people to repair to in their greater doubts for resolution , and greatest difficulties for direction ( as a Physician among the sick ) is not the least part of the true Bishops work . And this requireth his usual presence and some acquaintance usually with the persons life : No man will expect that all such doubting people travaile to a strange Bishop many score miles distant , or out of their reach . 2. To hear the confessions and cases of burdened penitent souls and to direct them in the true way to peace and comfort , is a special part of the Bishops work besides his resolution of Doctrinal doubts which requireth presence , and acquaintance ( usually ) with the person . 3. It is part of the Bishops work to watch over the peoples conversation , and to see that they live not in mortal sinsor scandalous courses ; and to reprove them that do , and draw them to repentance . And all this is a present persons work . 4. It is the Bishops work to see that the families of the flock be ordered in the fear of God , and that Parents and Masters do their duties , and indulge not wickedness in their houses , which is also a present persons work . 5. It is the Bishops work to visit the sick and to pray with and for them , which requireth presence . 6. It is the Bishops work to stir up the people that are d●ll and backward to their several duties , in publick and in private , and to provoke them to love and to good works which is the work especially of present and not of absent men . 7. And it is his duty to have a special care of the poor , and to see that they be relieved ; which he will never do well in absence and to the unknown . 8. And it is confessed to be the Bishops work to admonish the unruly , to reprove and exhort ungodly persons , to convince gainsayers , to hear the accused speak for themselves , to hear what accusers and witnesses say against them ; which requireth presence , as shall be further shown anon . Obj. Other men may examine witnesses and reprove offenders , therefore this may be committed to another . Ans . Other men may do it on another obligation , in another manner , to another end : But to do it from the Pastoral obligation , in a Pastoral manner , to Pastoral ends , is proper to the Pastors of the Church . Obj. A Bishop may receive accusations by presentments , or by information , and may summon offenders , examine witnesses , and judge at a distance of persons that are to him unknown . Ans . He may do what he can that way , when necessity hindereth him from doing better , but not with any true satisfaction to God , the Church or Conscience to discharge the office of a particular Church Bishop . In case of title to lands or goods a civil Judicature may judge of persons that are unknown : Because the title dependeth not on the moral qualities of the persons : And in criminal cases where the question to be judged or resolved is , whether the person shall live or die , or shall be fined , imprisoned , banished or not , the case may be judged of unknown persons secundum allegata & probata : For outward punishments must go upon outward proved crimes , and the Judges can possibly do no more , because about twelve must judge a whole Kingdome . And yet even there they greatly regard qua mente , with what mind and intent the deed was done , and they greatly regard the moral qualifications of a Witness as to his credibility , as far as they can find it out . But in Church cases , it is mens consciences that are to be wrought upon . The first intention of the Pastor is to bring the sinner to repentance ; yea though he continued in penitent never so long before , he is not to be ▪ excommunicated till at the present also he shew impenitency . Therefore it is more necessary to be acquainted with the person , and many an admonition or exhortation ( ordinarily ) should go before . And when it cometh to excommunication , the principal part of that Act is to acquaint the Congregation that the impenitent person is unfit for Church communion , and to charge and exhort them to avoid him And to do this it is necessary that the Church be taught to abhor the sin , and to do it in abhorrence of the sin , and therefore that they be convinced that the person is such a one indeed . For seeing God commandeth them to Love all the faithful and to live with them in the exercises of that Love in peace , if Godly men be unjustly excommunicated , by a Diotrephes , who receiveth them not and excommunicateth such as do receive them , the Church must not disobey God in obeying such a wicked excommunicater . And though its true , that for order sake , they must oft rest satisfied in the Pastors judgment , when they have no reason to question it ; Yet it is as true , that it is a thing to be done before the Congregation , that they may not only exercise a bare obedience to the Pastor in it , but also an abhorrence of the sin , which they cannot do that have no satisfactory notice of the case ; And also that all suspitions of injustice and Church tyranny in their Pastors may be avoided : And that the offender may be convinced before all , that he may be ashamed : And seeing no man is to be excommunicated for any ordinary great sin , without impenitency in it ; so that the question is not then so much whether the man have sinned , as whether he be Penitent , what man of any experience in these matters can believe that a Bishops , or a Chancellors Court among strangers , and also when he is in fear of being imprisoned and utterly undone if he be excommunicated , is so fit to try a mans repentance , as the face of the Congregation where he is known , and hath no such motives to constrain him to lie , and use hypocrisie . Nay in very truth such judicatures may as easily know beforehand , that all the impenitent persons that almost ever come before them , ( who are not conscientious persons that take the sin for a duty ) will say they repent , and play the dissemblers as that a Child will cry for forgiveness to escape a whipping . Obj. But is it not so much the better ? The Church must have hypocrites : we cannot change the heart ; that belongs to God : If we bring man to profess repentance it is all that 's our part to do . Ans . Hypocrites that cannot be lawfully detected must be in the Church : But we must not therefore make men hypocrites that they may be in it ; and constrain them to apparent lying , and then make lying to be the Church Title , and the very constituting qualification of a visible Christian ; else you may set men on the rack till they say they repent , and then absolve them and pronounce them the pardoned Sons of God ; which will be a surer way than an imprisonment . And in this practice this doctrine which I leave all Christians to judge of , is included , [ Every Blasphemer , Heretick Adulterer , Drunkard , &c who had rather say that he repenteth , than lie in a Gaol and be undone ought to be a communicating member of the Church and to be declared pardoned by absolution . Yea if there were no Penalty , the face of strangers is no fit trial of repentance . If the sinner be obstinate , he will easilier stand it out before strangers that know him not , than before the Congregation which is acquainted with his guilt . But usually he will think , that it is no great shame to say , I repent before a few strangers , who are never like to see him more , and therefore this he will easily yield to , that would not yield to confession and repentance before the Church that is acquainted with them : Experience proveth all this to be true : And I regard not their reasonings which are against common experience . Obj. But we see that many now will rather stand it out , and go to prison , than they will profess repentance before a Bishop , or at a Chancellours Court. Ans . But who be those ? Not drunkards or fornicators or any wicked livers : But men that more fear to sin against God , who can cast both soul and body into Hell , than to lie in prison : perhaps it is such Ministers as now are silenced for not saying , subscribing or swearing as they are bid : or it is some Church-Wardens who fear that they should be guilty of Persecution or Perjury ( which in their opinion are neither of them things indifferent ) if they should take the Oaths with the Articles that sometimes are offered them . Or perhaps it is some one for not receiving the Sacrament , either when a troubled Conscience maketh them fear lest they should eat and drink damnation to themselves , or from a Minister , or with a Church , which they think the Scripture commandeth them to avoid : whether such be in the right or in the wrong , no wonder if they refuse to repent , though they suffer , when they fear a greater suffering from God. Obj But the Minister of the place , though he excommunicates none , may seek to bring the sinner to repentance , and may satisfie the Church of the justness of the excommunication . Ans . 1. In the nature of the thing , they go together , and are the work of the same persons : And therefore Tertullian assureth us , that in his time , Discipline was exercised in the Church-meeting , when they had been worshipping God. 2. Who is either so fit , or so obliged to satisfie the Church of the Act , as he that doth it , and hath examined all the Cause ? A parish Minister cannot bring any unwilling person to come over to speak with him , ( not that we would have him have a forcing power : but he cannot do his own Ministerial part , which is to refuse to be the Pastor of such a man as refuseth to speak with him at all , or to take him for his Pastor , nor to forbear himself to give him the Sacrament ) : so that he that neither heard the examination of the Cause by the Chancellor , nor perhaps can have any speech with the person , or at least with the Accuser , or any of the Witnesses , is very unfit to justifie another mans act , and to satisfie the Church that it is well done ; much less to exhort the offender to repent , who to him perhaps ( if he vouchsafe to speak to him ) will justifie his own cause , when he cannot call witnesses to convince him . And ( to speak to that which is our common case ) we have few persons excommunicated ( that ever I saw or knew of in forty years time ) save only the Conscientious persons beforementioned : And when the parish Minister oft taketh them for the godliest persons in his Parish , and the Bishop or Chancellor excommunicates them as Impenitent schismaticks , how shall such a parish Minister justifie that , and satisfie the person or people of the justice of it , which he himself lamenteth as a hainous sin , which tendeth to the dissipation of his flock . But I come nearer to enquire into this officiating per alium by which an absent Bishop is supposed to do his office in the several Parishes of his Diocese . 1. That alius or Official is either a Layman , or a Clergyman . 2. If a Clergyman , he is either one of the same Order with the Bishop or another . 3. Either it is the meer accidentals of his sacred function , which he committeth to another , or the proper Acts of it . 4. Either it is pro hac vice in some case of necessity , or it is as by an ordinary stated Official . 1. If it be a Layman and the work be but Accidental or Extrinsick to the sacred function , I grant that he may do it : But for such works we need no Bishop : For what a Layman may do when he bids him , he may do when the King or his Magistrates bids him . This is not the thing in question . But if it be a proper Pastoral Act , this Layman that doth it , either receiveth from the Bishop power and obligation to do it , or not . If not , he cannot do it as his Official : If he do , then he is a Pastor or Bishop himself , and is Ordained , and so no Layman : For I provoke any dissenter living to tell me wherein the sacred office ( or any other ) lieth , but in a Power ( or Authority ) and an Obligation to do the proper works of that office , so that undeniably here is a contradiction . And if any were of opinion that pro tempore in a case of necessity a Layman might do any Ministerial sacred act , as Preach , Baptize , Consecrate the Sacrament of Christs body and blood , excommunicate , absolve , &c. 1. I answer , if that were true , if would but prove that those Acts are not proper to the sacred function in such a case of necessity as single Acts , but only as ordinarily and statedly done by one separated to them . 2. And therefore this would not at all concern our case , which is not about extroardinary Acts in cases of necessity , but about an ordinary stated course , by Courts , Chancellors , and Officials . 2. But if the Agent or Official were not a Lay Chancellor but a Clergyman , if he be of the same Order with the Bishop , than I grant all , for it granteth me all ; even that every Church should have an ( ordinarily ) present Bishop . But if he be supposed to be but of an inferior Order , then I proceed as before ; either the Bishop giveth him power and obligation to do the proper work of the Bishop or not : If not , he is not hereby enabled to do it . If yea , then he hath thereby made him a Bishop : For to be a Bishop is nothing else than to have Authority and Obligation to do the proper work of a Bishop . But if it be but an Accidental or a common work , which another may do , it is not that in question , nor do we need the Office of a Bishop for it . Moreover either the Bishop pro hic & . nunc was himself obliged to do that Act which he committeth to another , or not he but the other was by office obliged to do it . If he himself was obliged to do it he sinned in not doing it . If he were not it was not truly his act or part of his office work : nor did he do it by another , but that other did only his own work ; for which not the Bishop , but he shall have the reward . Obj. But doth not he that sendeth his servant to pay a debt , himself in Law-sense pay it per alium ? what another doth as his Instrument , reputatively he doth himself . Ans . I grant it ; because it is none of the debtors proper work , nor is he at all obliged to it , to bring the money and deliver it himself , but to cause it to be delivered : Therefore in sending it , he doth all that he is obliged to do , and when another is his instrument , it is supposed that he is not obliged himself to do that which his instrument doth but only to cause the doing of it , by himself or an Instrument , as he please : so that stil this is nothing to the case of a work that is proper to the Bishops Office. Obj. But we therefore grant that it is not proper to the Bishops Office to Judge , Excommunicate , or Absolve , but only to Rule the Action , by giving another power to do it . Ans . 1. If so , then nothing but Commissioning others , is the proper work of the Episcopal order : and then any Presbyter may in foro interno vel externo ordinarily exercise the whole power of the Keys upon the flocks , he may Excommunicate and absolve publikly ; as an act common to his Office with the Bishops , if it Please the Bishop to give him Power , which he may do without making him a Bishop . And if so , I enquire whether God be not the maker of the Presbyters office , and not the Bishop ? and whether God only ( describing it ) give not all the power by way of Law , Charter or Institution , and the Bishop give it not only by way of ministerial solemnization and investiture ? and if so , whether he that is duely called to the Pastoral office , which God only made and discribed , wust not ( in season ) do the works of that office ? whether men commission him or not ? or whether at least he any more need the Bishops commission for Church Government , Excommunication and Absolution , than for Preaching and Celebrating the Lords supper , seeing both are now thus confessed acts common to the order of the Presbyter and the Bishop ? I think all this is past contradiction And I ask then whether that all giving of power to another be proper to the Bishops order ? If yea , than a Minister cannot give his Clerk power to chuse the Psalm , or tune , &c. If not , then may not a Bishop if he please also give power to the Presbyters to ordaine , and to give other men power ? For if it be his proper work only to give power to others to do all the sacred acts of office , he may give others power to ordain ; and if so , then Ordination will be like Preaching , Sacraments , and Discipline , which are none of them proper to the Bishops order . And is not Church discipline the exercise of the power of the keys ? If then the power of the keys may be exercised by the Presbyters , when ever the Bishops please , it seems it is common to them , with him , as well as Sacraments , and therefore belongeth not to a Bishop as a Bishop , but as a Presbyter . And if in my dispute of ordination * I have fully proved that the power of the Ministry is given by Christ so far immediatly , as that it passeth not through the hands of Electors or Ordainers to the receiver , but is given by the meer Instrumentality of the Law or institution , and that the Electors and Ordainers do no more than determine of the qualified person that receives it , and publickly invest him , or ministerially solemnize his Possession , ( as the Burgesses chuse , and the Steward or Recorder investeth the Major of a Corparation , whose power floweth immediatly from the Charter granted by the King ) then all this controversie is at an end : and I doubt not but that 's fully proved . And if commanding another to do an office work be all that is proper to the Bishop , I ask whether any thing there be proper to him ? and so whether we must have such an office ? For may not the King command the Minister to do all the work which belongeth to his function ? may he not appoint Magistrates , and make Law to command it ? may he not punish those that do it not ? Is he not custos utriusque tabulae ? and must he not corect mal-administration in ministers , and drive them to do their duty ? No doubt he may . Obj. But he doth not ordaine Ministers , though he command them to do their duty when ordained . Ans . 1. Our present question is not about Ordination , but commanding men to Govern the Church by Discipline or fully to Rule by the Keys the people of a particular Church . If this so far belong to the Presbyters office that he may do it by the Bishops Licence , let him that can , tell me why he may not do it by the Kings Licence ? and then ( as they were wont to say of old ) exceptâ ordinatione , nothing but ordination only is proper to the Bishops office . And that this is not proper neither , 1. This objection it self doth intimate , seeing the Bishop may give another Power to ordaine : ( and then why may not the King ? ) 2. Many of the Schoolmen , and the Papists themselves confess , that the Pope ( say some ) , or Prelates ( say others ) may impower an Abbot or Presbyter to ordaine , of which see that unanswerable book of Voetius de desperata causa Papatus against Jansenius for Presbyters ordination . 3. And our Church of England causeth Presbyters to impose hands with the Bishops , and Bishop Downam aforecited is angry with his answerer , for supposing that he pleaded for sole power of ordination in the Bishop , when he spake but for a chief power . And if nothing but a chief power in ordaining be proper to a Bishop ; why then are the Churches so confounded , and beggered , and altered , by a contrary practice ? And why is a new office of Bishops set up in the world ? whose work is to hinder the Ministers of Christ from their officwork , under pretence of a power of Licensing them to it ? when God licenceth them to the work , when he calleth them to that office , which essenti ? ally consisteth in a power and Obligation to do it , when they have opportunity Moreover my Lord Bacon in his considerations as hath well manifested ( if impartiall wise men could have bin heard ) that the office of a Bishop is a function consisting in the exercise of personall skill , or abilities : and therefore must be done by him that hath them , and not committed to another , as the office of a Judg , or Lawyer , of a Phisitian , of a Tutor , &c. no man chooseth a Tutor or Phisitian meerly to send another to him for his Tutor or Phisitian , but ●● do the work himself . It is not like the place of a King , whose right dependeth not on his parts or skill , because he may Govern by others that are able . And Grotius ( who one would think by their respect to him , should have been regarded by them ) truly saith de Imperio sum . potest . Pag. 290 [ Nam illud [ Quod quis per alium facit , per se facere videtur ] ad eas tantum pertinet actiones quarum causa efficiens proxima a jure indefinita est ] that is [ For this saying . That whose a man doth by another , he seemeth to do by himself , belongeth only to those actions , which neerest efficient cause is not defined by the Law ] But sure when God made the Pastoral office ; he meant that the persons called to it , should do the work and not only appoint other men to do it . And I would know whether the work of a Presbyter ( as to consecrae and celebrate the Sacrament &c ) may be done per alium , by one that is no Presbyter . If not ( as all say not ) then I ask , whether the Bishops work or the Presbyters be the more sacred ? If the Presbyters , then his Office is more sacred : If the Bishops ( or both alike ) then that Bishops work , may no more be done per alium then the Presbyters . Moreover I know no Bishops but would willingly be more Respected and Honoured than the Presbyters , and if they desire , it should be only by way of fear , they neither think or wish like Ministers of Christ , nor like sober men . But if by way of love , who knoweth not what advantage the present Pastor hath above the absent , caeteris paribus , to get the peoples love ? and Paul would have it to be so , 1 Thes . 5. 12 , 13. It is those that Labour among them and admonish them , whom they must esteem highly in Love , not for their titles and dignities , but for their work sake . And who knoweth not that he that Loveth a man for Preaching the word of salvation to him , is likelier to come to him , whose doctrine daily edifieth him , and comforteth him , than to him whom one of a hundred of his Diocese never heard a Sermon or a good word from , in all their lives ! If it be for the work sake that they must or will be Loved , is not he liker to be most Loved who is still with them , and prayeth and praiseth God with them , and comforteth , and confirmeth them , and resolveth their doubts , and quieteth their troubled Consciences , and visiteth them in sickness , and taketh care of the poor , and visiteth them from house to house , than he that once or never came among them , and is unknnown ? And if the people be Rebellious and wicked , it is the present Pastor who shall be most hated and opposed ( which if it be for Christ is a good and comfortable thing , and hath a special promise Mat. 5 , 10. 11 , 12. ) And that Pastor who is most beloved of the good people , and most hated by the bad , is he that will do most good for mens salvation , and will have most comfort in his Soul , and at last the greatest reward from God ; and that is caeteris paribus the present Pastor . And it were worth the noting ( if blind men would see ) that this is our great reason of the common calamities of the Churches : that when the best of the people love their present faithfull Pastors and the worst hate them most , and love best the Absent Bishops that trouble them ( as they do the dead Saints for whom they keep holy ●●ajes ) these wicked people fly to the Bishop and seek to make the present Pastors suspected , or odious to him , as Schismaticks , or such as are against the Bishops mind and honour : and because these Villains Love the absent Bishop better then the present Pastors , therefore the Bishop ( that knoweth them not but by hearsay ) taketh such for the honestest men in the Parish , and so taketh their words against the Ministers : and ( to the utmost of my experience I speak it ) ordinarily , that Minister shall pass with the Bishop for a Schismatick , a Puritan , a seditious Fellow , or a stark knave , let him be more Learned than Hierom , more industrious than Augustin , more holy than Macarius , or at least as suspected of these crimes , whom the flattering malignant , will so represent to him : especially if he be a sensual Gentleman , that cannot endure to have his lusts and licentiousnes reproved , or controlled by a Minister of Christ . And when these lies and slanders have encouraged the ungodly accusers by their successe , while they engage the Bishop against the present Pastors , and cause him to turn their troubler , hinderer or persecutor , then is the Prelate and the Pastor become as enemies , whose interests are grown inconsistent , and then they come to have their several Parties , and the debauched take one side , and the sober and religious the other , and what followeth upon this , he is mad in this age who is ignorant after so great experience . But I shall add more of this subject in the Chapter following . CHAP. XII . The just opening and understanding of the true nature of the Pastoral office and Church Government , would end these controversies about Episcopacy . THe name of Church Government so far deceiveth undistinguishing gross crinconsiderate wits , as that they take the controversie to be but whether we shall have order or anarchie , Church Government or none . As if neither the Magistrates Government of the Sword were any thing , nor yet the Pastors Government by the word . But I would fain know of these men what more it is that they would have , and what is the Church Government which they so much contend for ? 1. Is it an Universal Legislation ? It is high and damnable Treason against Christ for any mortal men to claime it . Universal Legislation is the prerogative of the Universal King. There is no Universal King but Christ , who else is Governour of all the world or all the Churches in the world ? And Christ hath in nature and Scripture given the world already an Universal Law. If he hath done it well , take not on you to amend it . If you say he hath done it ill , either take not on you to be Christians , or else call your self the Christ , that is Anti-Christ , if you will take Christs place and take upon you to amend his work . If you dream of an Universal Pope or General Council as having this power , you will but make true Anti-Christs of them , and foolishly confound a humane constitution with a Divine , and the Roman Empire with all the world . For you are ignorant in Church History if you see not plainly that Popes , Patriarks , and Primates stand all on the same foundation ; And that both they and Councils ( falsly called , General , ) were but Imperial , or confined to one Princes Dominion , called or ruled usually by the Emperours , who had no power in other Princes Territories : No Councils conteining any considerable members , but such as were in that one Empire , or formerly had been of it , and so kept the custome which then they had received , except that the Romans placed one Bishop on the borders of Scythia or Tartary , and one on the borders of Persia , in hope that he might have influence further into the Countries , and rarely one or two such might be at a Council called General , so that certainly there is no Universal Law-giver or Judge but Christ . This therefore is not the Church Government of Bishops which men contend for . 2. What is it then , is it an Universal Exposition of the Scripture or of Christs Laws ? why an exposition truly Universal is for Regulation as the Law it self : And none ever had such power ( even in civil Government ) but the Law-givers themselves : Else the Expositor of the Lawes should be King , and not the maker , seeing it is his sence that the subject must be ruled by . But if it be a particular decisive exposition which you meane , such as a Judge in deciding particular controversies , I shall say more to that anon . 3. If it be any Coactive or Coercive power of Church Government that you meant , by mulcts or Corporal penalties ▪ no Bishops as such have any thing to do with it ; not only Bilson , but the generality of the Prelatists disclaime it , and confess that it belongeth only to the King and Magistrates and that they receive it from the King , if ever they exercise any s●●h . 4. What is it then , is it to be the Kings Ecclesiastical Council , to prepare such Canons as he shall enact ? Of Canons I shall say more anon . But though Pastors may be the fittest to Council Kings , yet that giveth them no power , nor doth aptitude make an office , nor is the King tyed to them , but may advise whith whom he please . And experienced present Pastors , are usually fitter to give advice in the matters of Religion , than they . And even Civil impartial Noblemen have usually proved wiser , sob●rer and more peaceable and happy Church Councellours , than the interessed partial Clergy . I am not of Erastus mind , that all Church Government belongeth to the Magistrates . I have lately published my judgment of that matter in certain Propositions to Ludov. Molinaeus . But I grant to him , and all sober impartial Divines do grant , that all forceing Government by the Sword , belongeth to Magistrates ( and Parents ) only , and not to any Bishops as such . It followeth therefore that no Bishops power extendeth to any other effect , but only to work on the Consciences of Volunteers , unless as the Magistrates or Parents may constraine them by penalties to submit to it . Suppose therefore a while that the Magistrates force were withdrawn from your discipline , and left it to itself , you would then know better by experience wherein its strength consisted : That man would then Rule the people most , who did most effectually convince their reason , aud prevaile with Conscience : and further nothing would be done , Are not our Bishops well aware of this — Do they not themselves confess how little their Government would signifie above the Government of present Presbyters , unless they could give clear convincing Reasons to the people , which absent strangers are unlike to do ? What do you think your peculiar power would signifie in one year above a Presbyrers , if the Magistrate left all at liberty in their Church obedience to their Pastors , would not the present Pastors carry almost all , with the best and soberest of the flocks ? Especially where Bishops make it their office to forbid the Pastors to do theirs , and to keep them from Preaching the word of life ? Their holding fast the secular conjunct power , and using it so much doth shew what they trust to ! they say themselves , what would the Keys signifie without the Sword ? and the Pishops Government prevail , where none are punished for despising it if the Bishop excommunicate a faithfull Preacher , neither he nor his flock will much regardit , but goe on in the service of the Lord. And perhaps some will excommunicate the Bishop and be even with him . O! that the Magistrates would a few Years try what the Keys can do in England of themselves , and valeant quantum valere possunt . Not that I would wish him to leave off his own duty , to punish sin ; but let it not be mixed with Church Offices , so , as that all that shall be imputed to the Bishops Keys , which is effected only by the Magistrates Sword. I deny not but the Magistrate may moderately drive men to hear Gods word , and to do the immediate duties of their places ? But not to profess that they are Christians when they are not , or that they consent to Church Communion , when they do not : Nor to take those Privileges which belong not to them : No man hath right to Church Communion , who had rather be excommunicated then repent of sin : Therefore if Gods word and an excommunication will not bring him to profess Repentance , he should not be either Rackt or Imprisoned , to force him to say he doth repent , when it is certain that he doth not indeed repent , who will not profess it by easier means : Nor hath that man right to absolutiaon and Church Communion , who only prefereth it before a Goale . The effects of the Church Keyes are talked of but are indeed unknown , where secular force doth deterr men into lyeing professions of repentance and drive unwilling persons in to the Communion of the Church : No unwilling person should have the Seal of pardon put into his hands . Obj. But we cannot say they are unwilling who consent , though moved by the penalty of the Law and Sword. Ans . Yes ; he is to be called unwilling , who hath not the willingness which Christ maketh necessary : He that is not willing to have Church Communion for it self , and for Christ and his salvation , is not willing of it at all indeed , nor in Gods account : For it is only freedome from a Prison that he is willing of , and of Church Communion as a means to that , and not as a means to the end that God appointed it : As he that consenteth to be Baptized only to heal the Kings evil , or to save his life , is not to be Baptized nor taken for a Christian , nor is it Baptism indeed , but touching only which he consenteth to ; so is it in this case . Obj. But how know you but them in hath righter ends together with these , punishment brings many a man to reason and true repentance . Ans . You suppose your selves that the word and Keys will not prevail with him of themselves ; and therefore it is that you desire force ; your own Consciences tell you that it is but to avoid punishment that you suppose him to profess repentance : Otherwise when your threats have brought him to repentance , try what is the cause by remitting the penalty on his body , and after freely leaving him to himself . Obj. But some are like Children that will hear reason when their stubbornness is taken down : Therefore it may also have better motives for ought you know . Ans . 1. Men that are dealt with in the matters of Salvation , are not to be thus used as Fools and Children about common things ; but as men that must live and die as they choose . 2. And God hath left us no such means to bring men into a right Choice in things of this nature . Otherwise you might set Infidels on the Rack till they consent to be Baptized , or send them to Prison , and then say , how know you but this , as the Rod doth Children , hath brought them to their witts . But the Church of Christ never took this course , nor never thus understood his will. 3. The case is plain to men that will understand : When God hath made mens free consent the Condition of their Salvation and the Profession of a free consent to be the Condition of Church Communion ( and what wise man would have lower that will not make the Church a swine stie ) ? It followeth that the Pastors must have the evidence of such a Profession of free and voluntary consent , or else they must not receive such persons : Now such a one that hath been long tried by the word , and by the penalty of Excomunication it self , and refuseth to profess Repentance , but only professeth it when no other means will escape a Prison , doth not give the Pastor an evidence in the Court of Reason acceptable , to signifie a voluntary Repentance or consent ; and therefore what ever possibly may be known to God , he is not to be taken into the Church : For we must judge by evidence , and that is by such free profession of Repentance , as Christ hath taught us to expect : and therefore we can only Judge that person to be one , that had rather say he repenteth than be imprisoned , but not as one that indeed repenteth or desireth Church Communion as such , and for true ends . Obj. But if he be in the Church though without Repentance , he may there he brought to Repentance afterward . Ans . Possibilities are no Rule for us to go by in such cases , so you may say if one be Baptized , before he profess to believe or repent , he may be brought to it after by hearing in the Church : But this is but to make Lawes for the Church instead of Christs , when we have cast out his Lawes , and to confound the world and the Church by our foolish adverse reason . He that is in the Church notoriously against or without his will , stands there but as a testimony of the Bishops perfidiousness : And he that will not come in by any reasoning or intreating , without the violence of the Sword , is in all process of humane Judgments to be esteemed unwilling : The ancient Churches would indeed importune men to Baptism ; but they never baptized any ( at age ) that did not intreat to be baptized , and voluntarily make profession of faith and repentance . And Papists and Protestants commonly affirm , that none should be constrained to be baptized , or to make profession of Christianity . But the Papists come after and tell us that vet when one is baptized , he may be compelled by force to all his duty , and so may be constrained to stay in the Church , or to return if he forsake it : Their Reasons are , 1. Because now he is obliged by his own consent . 2. Because he hath put himself under the Government of the Church , and therefore must be Governed by it . Ans . But 1. to consent to be a Christian Ruled by Christ , and to consent to be constrained by force to continue this consent , are two things . Prove the latter if you can to be included in our Baptism ? Contrarily as we freely and not forcedly consent , it is supposed that we are accordingly to continue it as we began it . 2. And to put our selves under the Government of the Church , is not to put our selves under the sword : the Church punishment reacheth no further then excomunication : and where a man is fully excomunicated , he is cast out of the Church again : and when he is out of it , he is not under its Government : Indeed he is under the Magistrates Government : But if that will prove that he may be punished for not repenting and returning to the Church when Excomunicate , it will prove too that he might be punished before Baptism , for not repenting and being baptized . For though there be some aggravations of his sin that Apostatizeth to it , yet that differeth the case but as to the degree . It is for the quality of the crime itself , that the Magistrate is to punish ( as Murder , Theft , Adultery , Blasphemy &c. ) Whether it be in the unbaptized , or baptized , or excomunicate : But it is for Impenitency only in some crime that the Church doth excommunicate . And if the Magistrate must imprison or kill men properly for Impeni●encie , it must be as it aggravateth the crime itself , and it may be as well the unbaptized as the baptized , for he is the Governour of both : It is therefore a meer fiction of Papists Church Tyrants , that there is such a difference between the unbaptized and the excommunicate , as that the first must not have Church priviledges till they disire them , and the later may have them if they be but commpelled to keep them , or return to them by the sword . And so schismaticaly different are they from the Catholick Church for many hundered years after Christ , as directly to contradict them . For all the Canons as well as the History tell us , that all the antient Churches when they had excommunicated a sinner , would not receive him till he had penitently begged readmission : Yea they used to cast down themselves on the earth ( as even great Theodostus did before Ambrose when but suspended ) , and to beg pardon and readmission with tears : nay for great faults , this was not received till many months or years continued penitence , shewed their desires to be sincere ; and now Prelates must have a Blasphemer , or a common Drunkard , compelled by the sword to say that he repenteth , that he may the next day have the honour and priviledge of a Christian : Communicant , whether he will or not . O kind-natured-cruell-Church ▪ And when Gyri● of Alexandria began to use the sword , and when the Circumcellian Donatists tempted Augistine to change his opinion about using force in matters of Religion ; yea and when Ithacius and his partakers offended Martin and Ambrose by stirring up Maximu● against the Priscillianists , none of all this was to force these Hereticks by the sword , to Communicate in the Church before they had showed a voluntary repentance , nor to make them Church members against their wills , even that Ithacius whom Hooker himself acknowledgeth so bad , was not so foolish ▪ But only they would have forced them from thier own waies , and punished them as sedu●eis of the people , and as disturbers of the Churches purity and peace . Though yet it is too evident , that the pride and passion of the Prelates that were orthodox , did quickly and sterely flame out to the constagration of the Churches , when they found that the Christian Emperours were ready to serve their passions with the sword It is then past denial , that all the power of Bishops or any Pastors is but the ●●●●dgement of the word of God , upon the Conferences of men that believe them and voluntarily receive that word : only with this advantage , that they do not this as private men , but as Officers appointed so to mannage this word . And therefore he that disobeyeth the word of God truly delivered and applied by them , committeth a double sin ; one as he disobeyeth Gods word as such , in the matter in hand , and the other as he disobeyeth that particular word of God , which commandeth him to hear and obey his Pastors . But if men will so sin , we have nothing but that word of God , which they despise to cure them by . For instance , 1. In our admonitions and reproofs , of the greatest sinners , we can do no more but shew them Gods Law , which they have broken , and which threatneth damnation to them , and to perswade them by Scripture arguments to repent that they may escape . 2. In excommunication it self , we have nothing to do but to shew them the same word , and shew them how God hath threatned to punish them , and to shew them and the Church that word which commandeth us to have no Communion with them but to avoid them , and according to that word to declare them ( Impenitency openly Characterizing them ) to be persons unmeet for Christian Communion , and such as ( till they repent ) are under the wrath of God , and must expect his dreadful judgment ; and to command the Church in Christs name to withdraw from the Impenitent person , and to have no Communion with him . And all this is but the application of Gods word to his Conscience and the Churches . If his seared Conscience deride it all , we can do no more . If he will forcibly intrude into the Communion of the Church against their wills , it is like ones breaking into my house ; the Magistrate must restrain him as a violater of the peace as well as of the Churches liberties : If the Magistrate will not , the Church most remove from him . If they cannot , they must pronounce him morally absent , as a forcible intruder and none of their Communion . If the Church will not obey the Pastors sentence , he hath no instrument but the same word to bring them to it . Now all this being past denial , let us come more particularly to enquire in all this , what part there is essential to a Bishops office as such . 1. Is it the making of Church Lawes or Canons ? About what ? 1. Either these Canons are but the Commanding of that which Gods Law made a duty before , or of somewhat newly made a duty by themselves : 2. Either they are Lawes or Commands to the Laity only , or to the Presbyters , or to the particular Bishops , or all . 1. If they do but urge the performing of some duty already made such by God , in Scripture or Nature , who ever doubted , but Presbyters may do that even to teach and charge the people from God to obey his Laws . And note that God daily maketh new duties by the Law of nature , even providentially altering the Nature of things ; And so he maketh this or that to become Decent and Orderly and so a duty . And maketh it my duty to speak this or that word , to this or that person , or to do this or that particular good work . Even by varying occasions , accidents and circumstances of things . 2. But if these Canons make new duties which God hath not made , 1. If it be to the Laity , the Presbyters may do the like ; for they are Guides also of the Laity , unless they are forbidden by a superior power : If it be only to the Presbyters , that will not reach our present case , as shall be further shewed afterward . 3. If it be to the Bishops themselves , they cannot be Laws , but meer agreements , because one Bishop is not the proper Governour of another ; nor many of one ; nor the present in Council of the absent as such . And here by the way it is worthy to be noted how much the Diocesanes contradict themselves , in this claim of Government : They say that they are of a distinct order and office from meer Presbyters , because they have power to Govern them . And yet they make , 1. A Council of Bishops to have as high a governing power over particular Bishops of the same order : 2. And an Arch-Bishop to be the Governour of Bishops ; 3. And a Primate or Patriarch to be the Governour of Arch-Bishops ; and yet not to be of a distinct Order , or office , but only of a distinct degree in the accidentals of the same order . If Government prove a distinct Order , or Office in one , it will do so in the other . And why may not the Magistrate make all the same Canons who ruleth them all ? But let us consider what these Canons may be . 1. The Bishops make Canons , how often Synods or Councils shall be held , and when and where , and when they shall be dissolved . But , 1. May not the King do the same ? And can that be proper to Bishops which the King may do ? Yea which all Emperours have formerly used ? 2. And is not this Cannon made to rule Bishops themselves ? who is it but Bishops ( or so much as them ) that you think should be called unto Councils ? And are the Bishops in Council of another order than themselves out of Council ? Need we an office of Bishops to rule Bishops of the same office ? 2. Canons are made about Temples , Buildings , Tithes , Glebes , Bells , Pulpits , Seats Tables , Cups , Fonts , and other utensils . And 1. who doubteth but the Magistrate may do all this ? yea that it belongeth to him to regulate such things as these ? 2. And who knoweth not that even Bishops are under these Canons also , who are of the same order ? 3. And that Presbyters ( even in England ) are members of these Synods , and so make Canons to rule the Bishops ? Ergo they are of a superior order to Bishops by your reasoning . 3. Canons are made for the regulating of Ministers attire , in the Church and out , and for officiating garments , as surplices &c. And of these I say the same as of the former . The King may do the same as Bishops may do , and Bishops themselves are bound by them , and Presbyters make them , which three things prove that it is not the proper work of Bishops as a distinct order from meer Presbyters . 4. Canons are made for worship Ge●ures ; in what gesture to pray , to receive the Sacrament , to use the Creed , &c. And the same three answers serve to this also , as to the case in hand . 5. Canons are made for Holidaies , publick Fasts , and Thanksgivings , and Lecture daies . And the same three considerations fall in here . 6. Canons are made for the ordering officers , fees , and such like in Bishops Courts . And here all the same three things fall in , 1. The King may do it , 2. It is Bishops that are ruled , 3. Presbyters also make the Canons , therefore it is not jure divino the proper work of a distinct Order . 7. Canons are made for the choice of what Translation of the Bible shall be used in all the Churches , and what version or meetre of the singing Psalmes . And of this also the three former things hold true . 8. Canons are made to impose a Liturgie , in what words Ministers shall speak to God and to the people . And , 1. This also the King may do and doth , 2. And it obligeth Bishops . 3. And Presbyters make it . 9. Canons are made against Schismaticks , new Discipline and constitutions , non-subscribers , unlicensed Preachers , for the book of Articles , of ordination , for Catechizing , Preaching , Marrying , Burying , Christing , and such like : In all which each of the said three answers hold . 10. Canons are made to keep Parents from open covenanting to God for their Children in Baptism , that they shall not be urged to be present , that God-fathers do that office and not they ; As also that none be baptized without the transient Image of a Cross , and such like : whether this be well or ill done , the three former answers all hold in this . 11. All the Canons that are for the restraint of sin , as neglect of Church worship , prophaning of it , and other abuses , have the same censure . 12. The circumstantiating Canons , how oft Bishops shall confirm , and whom they shall ordaine , and how oft , and how oft the Common prayer be read , the Surplice worne , the Sacraments administred , in what place , what Registers to be kept , what order to be observed in reading the Scriptures and the Apocrypha , with abundance the like , have all the foresaid answers to prove that they are no proper work of a distinct order . There remaineth therefore but the determination of present circumstances , which are part of the Ministers proper work , or the Lecturer or Clerkes at least . As , 1. What text to Preach on to day . How to expound it , and apply it : In what method to Preach : What words to use : How long to Preach : 2. In what method , words and length to pray ( where free Prayer is allowed ) 3. What particular Psalm to Sing , and in what tune ; 4. On what particular daies to administer the Lords Supper , besides the great daies ( Easter , Whitsontide ) &c. At what hour to go to Church , and when to end , 5. What particular sick person to visit , and when : And what sinner to reprove or admonish personally . And who is to be taken for a true penitent and absolved in foro poenitentiali or privately ( as they distinguish , all these are either the personal work of him that officiateth ) ( as chewing his meat of a man before he swallow it and degest it ; or as choosing his medicaments is to the Physician ) and belongeth to his calling , which none should hinder him in ( of which I make no question ; And if so , it is not the proper work of a Bishop . Or else it is fit that this liberty be taken from him , and that other men choose for him every day his Text , his Method , his words , his tune , his hour and the rest . And if so , when this also shall be made a Canon , no doubt but the King and Parliament and Presbyters in convocation , will all have a hand in it ; and perhaps the Bishops be under the Canon as well as others . Yet then we have not found out a Bishops proper work unless it were when he is present in the same assemblies to governe the work in all these circumstances , in which I do not contend against him . II. If then it lie not in Legislation or Canon making , let us consider whether it lie in judging or executing . And this must be chiefly about Excommunication and Absolution , as it concerneth the Laity . And here , 1. The business is not to judge of the Law , but of the Person by the Law. It is not to judge in plaine cases , whether we must avoid an impenitent Fornicator , a Drunkard , a Blasphemer , an Heretick , &c. For if the Bishops say nay , we must not believe him or obey him . And for difficult instances , of the species of sins deserving , it is partly the work of an expositor of Scripture , to determine of them , and partly of the Canons and Laws of the land , where Magistrates and Presbyters are efficient , and Bishops themselves obliged as well as Presbyters . The business therefore is to judge whether this person be guilty of such a Crime , and. 2. Whether he be impenitent therein . And that this is the work of a Parochus , that is , a Cohabiting Pastor , who is upon the place , and knoweth the parties , and not of a strange Bishop over a a thousand or many hundred Churches , I have partly shewed before , and partly shall shew now , and partly hereafter . At the present let the unexperienced consider of this which any Novice that is upon the place may know . 1. A Bishop ( especially armed with penal terrour ) or a Chancellour's Court , is not like to know of one scandalous Impenitent person of a hundred , which the present Pastor is like to know of . For experience telleth us that few honest men will accuse their neighbours , where they shall but get hatred , and foresee no more probality of procuring the persons repentance by it : And that Church-Wardens do not and will not do it . Many men that fear perjury , refuse the oath , lest they should break it , or sin in keeping it , as it bindeth them to prosecute many men for Conscientious Nonconformity : And those that take the Cath , before they fear an oath , will make no Conscience at all of breaking it . So that a matter of notorious fact is past dispute . The land knoweth that not one Swearer , Curser , Fornicator , Adulterer , Railer , Thief , Derider of Scripture and Religion , &c. of a multitude , is ever accused at the Bishops Court. Whereas the Present Pastor can scarce choose but know the greatest part of these in his Parish , by dwelling among them , where he shall have frequent notice of it . Say as long as you will that this is long of the Minister , or Long of the Church-Wardens , or of the Apparitor , we know that the thing is so . 2. And in Church judgments where a mans repentance is the cause in question , he hath the advantage an hundred fold that is present . For the tenor of his life before , and after , will be of great signification in judging of this : A man that never fell into such a sin before , and that quickly lamenteth it by free confession ( known to the Pastor ) may easily be believed to be penitent . But a man that hath many years continued in a wicked life , and that after all admonition and perswasions to repent , confessing one day and sinning the next , and perhaps deriding the Pastor , and making a jest of his own confessions , is not so quickly to be believed . And yet the strange Diocesans or Chancellour shall not know the difference , nor hear any more at the best , than [ I repent ] And whereas they say , if he sin again he is to be accused again ] 1. They know de facio , that this is seldome done , except against some Conscientious Nonconformists . 2. And when neighbours see that the man whom they enraged against them by an accusation , cometh home again , by saying I Repent , and paying his fees , and doth but watch to execute his malice against the accusers , they will meddle in such improfitable work no more . 3. And whereas the Chancelor or Diocesane must go upon the witnesses report . 1. The credit of the witnesses will be unknown to them ; because it lyeth upon the honesty of the persons , whom they know not but by other persons ; nor those other but by others ; and they are forced to take all our slight reports , usualy from some flatterers of themselves , almost the worst men in the Parish , accounted by them the best and most credible , because they know not them aright , nor the rest at all . 2. And how unsatisfactory a thing it is to a mans Conscience , to Judge at random , or upon the uncertain credit of they scarce know who , in a c●se of Excommunication or Absolution ; whereas the present Pastor may goe on far more cleare and satisfactory grounds . 4. Moreover the Conviction of a sinner before Excommunication or Absolution , requireth a great deal of time , and a great many words , and those chosen with the greatest skill , and set home with the greatest Life , and Light , and Love , that can be manifested by the speaker ; Many a time I have tried it , and could never satisfie my Conscience without more frequent , long and earnest exhortation , and prayer with it , than ever I knew Chancelor or Bishop use to fourty delinquents set together . The present Pastor hath opportunity to do this : But the Chancelor or Diocesane hath not . I never heard of any such means used in their Courts that was of such a nature as true Pastoral exhortations are , to melt a sinners heart into repentance . But of this before . 2. Another case of perticular judgment is , what sinner in his sicknness before death , is fit for Absolution . Here they cannot make the Bishop Judge , who is many a mile off ; nor can they tell how to deny it to be without the office of the Parish Pastor , and therefore they allow him to be the Absolver ; and yet , lest he be the Judge , they bind him to Absolve all that require it , and do but say they repent : which must needs be a pernicious deceiving course to impenitent souls , when it is known that nothing is more ordinary with many in sickness and in health , than to say I repent of some one gross disgraceful sin , and live in others worse without any profession of repentance , and die so at last . And must I absolve him from that sin which he repenteth of without the rest ? or from all because he repenteth of one ? yea , commonly men have a Confession which is like a Profession of their sin , and a Repentance which declareth it self to be Impenitence it self : some stoutly some stupidly saying [ I comfess I am a swearer and a drunkard , a whoremonger , but you Precisians are as bad and worse , for you are but hypocrites : I repent of my sins daily , and aske God mercy , though I commit them daily , and I doubt not of forgiveness , for all are sinners ] and if one of these say also on his sick bed , he repenteth , without any signs of serious contrition or change of heart , we must Absolve him : But yet though we are not free in this , it is no Diocesanes proper work , and therefore requireth not their office . 3. Another Judgment of individuals necessary is who is to be baptized , at least of persons at age ; in Infidell Countries , or such as ours , where many thousand Anapabtists Children are unbaptized till they come to age ? The question is not what shall be the Law and Rule ( whether Scripture or Canon ) but who shall judge whether the person be capable according to the rule . Doubtless every one hath not faith : The profession that entitleth to baptisme must be , 1. Of the whole essence of our part of the Covenant , faith , consent and future obedience . 2. With tolerable understanding of what they say . 3. With seeming seriousness . 4. With seeming Voluntariness and fixed resolution . Now how can a Diocesan judge of this , that is not within many miles of the place , nor never saw the person in his life ? It hath ever been confessed to be part of the Baptizers work , though under the Government of Magistrates , and in the Church the present Bishop is not denyed a negative vote or a guiding judgment in the affair . 4. The very fame throughout is to be said of judging what individual persons in a Parish are grown up to a capacity of the Lords Supper ; ( whither it be done in confirmation or at any other time ) certainly they must renew their baptismal Covenant , and moreover understand the sense of the Sacrament , &c. But shall the Diocesan that never seeth one of an hundred of his Diocese judge of every one of these ? I will stay no longer on such instances ; I think we need no more . III. If the cases of Testaments , Administrations , Licenses to marry , judgement of cases of divorce , dispensations and such like be pretended as the proper works of Bishops , I think I need not stay to confute them , while it is known that so much as is not every Pastors work in it , belongeth to the Magisirate , and is done among us by his Commission , and that usually by Laymen . IV. We have therefore the Government of the Ministers themselves to speak of next , which consisteth , 1. In ordination , 2. Instituting and inducting , 3. Licensing , 4. Suspending , ejecting , silencing and degrading . 1. And ordination being that great and notable work , which anciently was taken to be all that was proper to the Bishop , by many of the Fathers , as well as Hierome , this above all must be well considered . And 1. Let us consider of the Reasons for it ; and 2. Of the different cases . 1. The reasons given for appropriating ordination to Diocesans , or Bishops are these , 1. Because no man can give that which he hath not : 2. Because it is an act of superiority : 3. Because none but Bishops ever did it in Scripture times , or since without the Churches condemnation . 1. The first of these reasons Dr. Hammond Praemon . Dissert . is earnest in urging . To which I say , 1. It is granted , that no man giveth that which be hath not . But Presbyters have the office of Presbyters , therefore by your supposition ) they may give it . Obj. But ( saith he . ) Presbyters had never a power given by the ordainers to ordain . Ans . I deny it , and prove the contrary ( whatever the ordainers mean ) 1. Those who in their ordination had an Office , Power or Keys of Christs making , conteining the power of ordination , delivered to them Ministerially , had the power of ordination delivered to them Ministerially : But all true Pastors or Presbyters ordained in England had an Office , Power or K●y●s of Christs making , conteining the power of ordination delivered to them Ministerially . Ergo they had the power of ordination so delivered . Nothing needs proof but the Minor. And , 1. That Christ and not the Bishops made the true Pastoral Office , or Keyes , is past doubt among sober Christians , 2. And that it was the ordainers meaning to deliver them no new humane office , but that which Christ ( by his Spirit and Apostles at least ) made , instituted and described , I will stand to the ordainers own profession , 3. And if so , I think they will confess , that if they did mistake , and think that the office conteined not , what it conteined indeed , their mistake will not disable the ordained Minister ; no more than the Errour of a Recorder or Steward , who thinketh when he giveth the Mayor his Oath , that his office hath lesser power than it hath : But Gods making and not mans meaning must determine of the power , 4. Therefore all the question is whether God put the power of ordination into the Pastoral office . Of which now I will say but this , that Dr. Hammond confesseth that there was no Pastor ordained in Scripture times that had not the power of ordination : And I shall after prove , that no other should be introduced since by men . 2. And farther the Church of England appointeth Ministers to impose hands with the Diocesan in ordination : Therefore they take not ordination , but only a Superiority in ordination to be proper to their office ; As Bishop Downame and other of them also openly hold and profess . 2. The , 2d . Reason , that ordination is an Act of Superiority . 1. Is granted ; because the person to be ordained is yet no Minister of Christ , and therefore is Inferior to the Presbyters that ordain him , till he have received his office . 2. But that afterward the ordainer must be of an higher order ( as well as greater antiquity in office ) than him that is ordained by him , I deny : For than Bishops could not ordain Bishops ; nor Arch-Bishops ordain Arch-Bishops : and who shall ordain the Patriarcks , or ( if you be for him ) the Pope ? Have they all superiours to do it ? 3. The third Reason from History I shall confute in due place : only here retorting it thus : In Scripture times no fixed Diocesan ever did ordain , therefore none such should now ordain . 2. But next let us distinguish , 1. Between ordaining to the Ministry in the Universal Church without affixing to a particular Charge , and the fixing of a Pastor in that particular Church . And , 2. Between ordaining a Bishop or Plenary Pastor , and a half Pastor called now a Presbyter . 1. As Baptism as such doth joyn a man to no particular Church , but only to the Universal , but yet they that have opportunity should secondarily by a faither act of consent also joyn themselves to the particular Church where they live , but if they live where they have no such opportunity , they must do it after as soon as such opportunity cometh : Even so ordination to the sacred Ministry as such doth fix a man to no particular Church , but make him a Minister of Christ to the world for mens convertion , and to the Universal Church for Christians edification , as he shall have any particular opportunity for exercise ( which the Church of England expresseth by the words [ when thou shalt be thereunto Lawfully called ] meaning a call ad exercitium , to the exercise of the office received : But yet where there are not many unchurched Infidels to be converted , but all profess Christianity , it is not fit such shall be ordained sine titulo , as they speak , lest it occasion irregularity and poverty in the Clergy , but be at once affixed to a particular Church , which fixed Ministers are in Scripture usually called Bishops , Presbyters and Pastors , with relation to their particular flock or Church , besides their primary relation to the World and to the universal Church , from which the extraordinary Officers were called Apostles and Evangelists , and the ordinary ones Ministers of Christ in general . Though I deny not but even the unfixed may be called Bishops , Elders and Pastors , as being virtually such , and in an Office which wanteth nothing but a particular Call to that fixation and exercise . Now 1. To call a Minister already made such to a particular Church , and so to make a Bishop or Pastor or Presbyter of him , doth not necesarily require a Diocesan : For , 1. The people that are at liberty may do it , and ordinarily have done ( as Blondel hath fully proved ) And in our times if a free people only choose a man already ordained , and take him for their Pastor , no man taketh this for a nullity , no not the Prelatists themselves . 2. And a Pastor Magistrate or Prince may do it without a Bishop , as none deny . 3. And a Minister may frequently on just occasion be removed from place to place , and needeth not a Bishop for every change , at least as to the being of his office . 2. And as to the first ordination of a Minister as such , if there must be a Diocesan to do it , this is gathered either from the nature of the thing , or from divine institution . 1. As to the nature of the thing , it sheweth no such necessity , but rather contradicteth it ; for 1. As to Efficiency , if a Bishop or Arch-Bishop or Primate or Patriark may be made without the agency of any one of a higher order , then so may a Presbyter . For the reason is the same . 2. And as to the object ; 1. The first object of the sacred Ministry as such , is the Infidel world , to whom they are to Preach the Gospel , and offer Christ and Salvation , and beseech them in Christs stead to be reconciled to God , to call them from darkness to light , and the power of Satan unto God. And to think that none but Apostles should do this , and that all the world must be left to the Devil when the Apostles were dead , is an unchristian thought : To those that must do this , Christ promised his presence to the end of the world . Now. 1. The Infidel world is no more under the power of a Diocesan than of a Presbyter : If it be , it is either . 1. As he is a Prelate . 2. Or as a Diocesan . 1. Not as a Prelate in general . For if the world be the object of the Ministers office , it can be no more of the Prelates as such . 2. Not as a Diocesan : For the Infidel world , [ Egypt , Tartary , Japan , China , Persia , &c. ] is no part of any Bishops Diocese . 2. And as to the work of a Preacher to the Infidels , it is the very fame whether it be done by a Bishop or a Presbyter : There is nothing to do for them but preach and baptize , and neither of those is a work proper to a Bishop . If it be said that it is not because of the object or the work are proper to a Bishop , but because the sending forth a man for that work is proper to him ; I answer , that when I have proved past contradiction that he fendeth a man to do as high a work as he could there do himself , and to the very same , it sheweth that ex natura rei there needeth no higher order than the Ministers to send him : No more than there needeth a higher progenitor than a man to beget a man. 2. And as his office is related to the Church-Universal , all the same argumentation will hold good . For the Church-Universal is the object of the Ministers office as well as of the Prelates ; and no more than his own Diocese is the special charge of a Diocesan as such ; and the work to which the Minister is ordained in general to the whole Church can no otherwise be proved less than the Prelates , unless by proving a Divine institution ( which they will grant . ) 2. And as for a Divine institution as to the ordaining power , I will say but this much , ( which may take with cordate men ) till I come to speak more largely of the point . 1. That Doctor Hammond ( and as far as he knew , all that owned the same cause with him ) doth grant that the Apostles ( nor any other ) in Scripture times did not so much as institute the office of a Presbyter as distinct from a Bishop , much less ever ordain any one to such an office : And that in all their Instructions to Timothy and Titus about ordination of Bishops or elders and Deacons , they have not a syllable about any ordination or qualification of such subject Presbyters , but only about ordaining Bishops . Therefore if Bishops be the successors of the Apostles in ordination , they cannot do more than they did ; nor ordain any other Presbyters than Bishops . 2. That if Bishops were the Institutors of Presbyters , as distinct from them by a Power of parcelling out their office to others than Bishops , yet have power to make more sorts of sacred Ministers , by subdivision of their power . They may make one office only to Preach , and another only to baptize , and another only to pray , and another only to administer the Lords Supper , and another to Excommunicate , and why not another to ordaine ; and so ordination shall not be proper to a Bishop . And so a Chancellor that hath the parcel of excommunicating and absolveing , is as true a Clergy man , and of as high original as a Presbyter . 3. But that which Dr. Hammond betaketh himself to at last ( in his Answer to the London Ministers ) is as miserable a shift as ever a poor cause was reduced to ( that had never stood if it had not been more beholden to the Sword than to such foundations ) he durst not say that the Presbyters office is not of Divine institution : And yet it was not instituted in Scripture times : But it was instituted in Saint Johns time by him a lone after the writing of his Gospel ( which according to Jerome was about a year or two before he dyed ) and the Revelation ( which according to Jrenaeus li. 5. ) was about four or five years before he dyed . And so all the Bishops power of ordaining subject Presbyters dependeth , 1. On one Apostles Institution , 2. Not proved at all by Scripture , 3. But only by Church-History , which hath not a syllable of such a thing , as that Saint John did institute the Presbyters office ●●● . And this is feigned to be done by Saint John many years after Peter and Paul , are said to be Bishops of Rome and James of Jerusalem , and Peter of Antioch , and Mark of Alexandria . Yea about thirty two years after Mark was put to death according to Eusebius * see then what proof the Doctor giveth us that even at Rome and Alexandria all that time , there was no Bishop over Presbyters , nor any that ever ordained a Presbyter that was not a Bishop . 3. But suppose the Divine institution be proved of Bishops ordination of subject Presbyters , let these three things more be noted . 1. That at least we have brought it to the Ancients measure , that excepta sola ordinatione , except only ordination , here is no work for to make a Bishops office of , but what a Presbyter may do . 2. That in this ordination they themselves acknowledg that the Presbyters may joyn , even in imposing hands , which is the note of Superiority ( the lesser being blessed by the greater ) , and so Presbyters also ( by Epiphanius's leave ) do generare patres : And Bishops have not the sole power of ordination , but the chief . 3. And whether a chief power in investing men in the Ministerial office , do make a distinct order or office de nomine , let them contend that please dere ▪ if this wereall , we were agreed : For my part , I had rather that Bishops had not only a chief power as moderators , But even a Negative voice in ordination , yea and in Removals and fixing of Ministers , than not : For in so weighty a business two Locks and Keyes to keep out bad men , are surer than one . And the poor silenced Nonconformists have yielded to much more than this . But yet there remaineth one part of the Diocesans work to be considered , viz , The judging of Heresie and Schism , and the silencing , suspending and degrading of Ministers that deserve it . The Question is , whether this be not proper to the Prelates office . And here no man can wish us to swallow the terms of the questions whole , without distinguishing , as if they signifyed : but one thing . 1. As judging is , 1. Either private by discerning ones own duty , which belongeth to every private man. 2. Or publick for the deciding of a controversie● ▪ and this as . 1. Civil , 2. Or properly ▪ Ecclesiastical ; so in several manners and to several ends , Private men , Magistrates and Pastors may judge of Heresie &c. 2. And as for suspending , silencing and degrading , either . 1. It signifieth some Correction by the Sword or force ; and that undoubtedly belongeth only to the Magistrate , and to no private man , nor Clergy man at all , as such . 2. A Private man and much more a Congregation , may and must refuse a notorious Intolerable Minister , whether Insufficient , Heretical or wicked and Malignant , they must withdraw from him , and not take him for their guide , and Pastor , nor trust their Souls upon his care and conduct . If Cyprian had never said [ Plebs maximum habet potestatem , vel sacerdotes dignos eligendi , vel indignos necesand● ▪ the Law of nature saith enough ; as it doth warrant a man to refuse an unskilful or malicious murdering Physician . And Scripture requireth every man to take heed of false Teachers , and deceivers , and from such to turne away . 3. To silence a false Teacher by Argument , ( by word or writeing ) belongeth to every man that is called to contend earnestly for the faith , and to answer a fool according to his folly . 4. To perswade him by Argument to give over Preaching , or to reform his errours . 1. A private man may do it privately ; 2. Any Minister of Christ may do it both ex charitate & ex officio & authoritate , as a Minister of Christ in his name . For as a Physician doth medicate another Physician , not as another man , but as a Physician , and a judge doth judge the cause of another Judge , not as a private man , but as a Judge ; so a Minister of Christ doth Preach to a Minister , and perswade him , not as a private man but as a Minister , not as his superiour , but as a Messenger of Christ who is his Soveraigne . 5. Yea , to Command such a man ex authoritate Nu●●ii vel Ministri , by Ministerial authority in the name of Christ to forsake his Heresie and wickedness , or to forbear the Sacred Ministry , belongeth to Ministers of the same office . For if a Minister Preach or speak to another Minister as a Minister himself , and in Christs name , then no doubt but he may command in Christs name ; which is but by Ministerial office to publish the Commands of Christ : No doubt but he may say to another Minister [ I Counsel , yea Command you in the name of Christ , by vertue of my office and his word , to forbear Adultery , Theft , Blasphemy , Heresie , or else to forbear the Sacred Ministry ] Yea he may say thus ( with due reverence ) to a Bishop , so that for a silencing by Reason or force , or by Ministerial authority and command as from Christ , there is no need of the office of a Diocesan . 6. The question therefore is whether we must have a Bishop to silence men by bare Authority without convincing effectual argument satisfying his Conscience ? or else by a distinct Superior Authority , more powerful than the Ministers ? And 1. Seing the Diocesan as such hath not the Sword , it is certain that he silenceth no further than he prevaileth with the Conscience , either of the Minister to be silent , or of the people not to hear him , or of the Magistrates to silence him by force . Now to do this , either he must prove to them from the word of God , by argument , that each of these are thus far obliged by God ; or else that God hath made him as Diocesan the Judge , and they are bound to do it , because he bids them do it . For the first , as is said , it belongeth to every Minister , even with office-authority to tell both Magistrates , Minister and people their duty , in the name of Christ : Thus [ God hath commanded Adulterers , Hereticks , &c. To forsake their sins or forbear the Ministery , and commanded me to publish this in his name , even to particular persons : But thou art an Adulterer , Heretick &c. go &c. Or [ God commandeth me to tell the people that it is their duty to avoid a Heretick , and the Magistrate that it is his duty to silence him by force : Therefore I require this of you in his name ] . 2. But if the Diocesan claim a Superiour Nuntiative power , as one more to be believed than the Minister , this is . 1. But to the doing of the same work which a Minister may do . 2. And he must prove that Superiour credibility . 3. But Ministerial conviction is efficacious according to the evidence that is brought to do the work . If the hearer believe not that the Major is Gods word ( that an Heretick e. g. must give over Preaching ) . Or if he deny the Minor [ but thou art an Heretick ] it is not a Bishops word that will convince him , but a Minister that is better at proving it may do more . Obj. but we will command him to be silent . Ans . And he will deride you and command you to be silent again . Obj. Then we will convince the Magistrate of his duty to silence him by force . Ans . 1. That was not the way for 300 years after Christ : And what was Episcopacy for till then ? 2. What if the Magistrates believe you not , will you convince him by Scripture or by your Authority over the Magistrate ? It by Scripture , a wiser Presbyter can do that better , or as well . If by authority , of that anon . Obj. But at least we will convince the people that it is their duty to forsake that Preacher . Ans . Again I say , if you will do it by Scripture , a Minister can do it as well . And thus many Ministers now do silence the Diocesans and Conformists , that is , they perswade the people not to hear them , or own them . But if by authority , it must come to this at last , that you are made by God the Judges , and this must be believed . And remember still you silence no further than you perswade the Conscience to believe that God hath given you this authority . And 1. I ask whether it be ever likely that you will silence any Hereticks , false Teacher , or Schismatick this way by making him take you for one authorized by God to forbid him to Preach . For it must be in one of these three cases or all that you have this power . 1. Either to silence him as a Heretick that is no Heretick , or not proved such . 2. Or to silence him as a Heretick that notoriously and provedly is a Heretick . 3. Or to silence him as a Heretick in a doubtful case to others , but judged Heresie &c. by you . 1. In the first case neither the injured person , nor any that know that you injure him will or must obey you . Else a malignant Prelate might silence all the holiest and worthiest Ministers of Christ , and it would be at such mens mercy , whether Christ should have Churches , or the people should be Christians or be saved . I am one of the 1800 that have been silenced by better authority than the Prelates alone , and yet I think I am bound in Conscience to exercise the Ministry which I received , whatever I suffer , to the utmost of my opportunity . And if the Sword streightened my opportunity no more than my Conscience of the Diocesans Prohibition , I should be but very little hindered . 2. In the 2d . case ( of notorious Heresie ) all good Christians are bound by God to avoid such a man , though you never silenced him , yea though you licensed him ; yea though you commanded them to hear him : And so Magistrates are bound to do their duty in restraining him . Can you deny this ? Must the peoples Souls be poysoned and damned , till the Bishop please to take away the poyson and to save them ? must the Magistrate let Hereticks alone till it please the Diocesan to judge them ? 2. And in this case , no sober Christian will deny , that a Presbyter ought to call upon people and Magistrates to do their duty , as well as the Diocesans . Yea , and to command men in Christs name , to avoid a notorious or proved heretick . Obj. But a Presbyter cannot examine the case and so get proof . Ans . He may examine it as far as Reason with Ministerial authority will perswade the guilty or the witnesses to be examined . And his care of the Church and the peoples Souls obligeth him so to do . And a Prelate cannot bring men by sorce to examination or witnessing . 3. But let his guilt be never so notorious to others , is it like that the person himself will be silent through Conscience of obedience to a Prelate . Consider . 1. that if he will not obey a Minister that sheweth him the word of God , it is unlikely that he will obey a Prelate that saith I have authority to silence you . 2. A Heretick doth not know that he is a Heretick , nor any erroneous person know that it is an errour which he believeth : For it is a contradiction to err in judgment , and to know it to be any errour . And then 1. He knoweth that his office is durante vita , and that he is bound not to cease it without cause . 2. He knoweth that you have no power to silence Orthodox Preachers as Hereticks , but those that are Hereticks indeed . 3. He taketh himself for Orthodox and you for the Heretick . 4. And all his followers are of his mind . How then will you silence a Heretick without the Sword ? If you convince him of his errour you shall not need to silence him ; for he will leave his errour rather than his Ministry : But if you convince him not of his errour , you will hardly convince him , that because of that errour , he must be silent ; ( nor convince his followers that they must not hear him ) . 3. All the question therefore that remaineth , is whether in unknown doubtful cases , you are the Judges of Heresie , Errour , Schisin , and of mens unworthiness to Preach . And here . 1. I need not tell you that by this way you can never silence either the Arrians , or any that deny your authority . Of which sort you know are most that you silence in this age and Nation . No , nora Donatist , a Novatian , or any one that is for the office of Bishops , but taketh you for no Bishop as being unduely called : Of which sort were abundance of Christians towards each others Bishops in former ages ; and such are the Papists now towards you . So that neither Papist nor Protestant that I ever knew silenced by you , doth forbear upon Conscience of this your pretended authority at all . And what a silencing power is that which scarce any man would be ever silenced by ? You cannot choose but know this to be true . 2. And really , should Magistrates themselves be so servile to you as to silence all Ministers by the Sword , whom a Prelate judgeth to be silent , while he knoweth not whether it be deservedly or not ; God forbid that Protestants , like the Popes , sheald make Kings to be their Executioners , or hangmen . A meer Executioner indeed is not bound to ▪ know or examine , whether the sentence was just or not ( though in most cases to forbear if it be notoriously unjust ) but what a King or Magistrate doth , he must do as a publick Judge , and therefore must hear the cause himself , and try whether he be really guilty or not , and not only whether a Bishop judged him so . Else Magistrates will either be involved in the bloody sin of persecution , as ōft as a Prelate will but command them ; and so must be damned and help to damn others , when Prelates please : Or else it is no sin for a Magistrate to silence all the holyest Ministers of Christ , to the damnation of thousands of ignorant untaught Souls , so be it the Prelates do but bid him , and he keep himself unacquainted with the cause . And next they must obey the Counsel at Laterane sub . Inoc. 3. And exterminate all subjects out of their Dominions ( though it be all that are there ) and must burn Holy-Christians to ashes , because the Pope or Prelates bid them . 3. I need not make also a particular application of this case to the people : When they know nothing but wise and sound and holy in the Doctrine or life of their Pastors , and God bids them know such as labour among them and are over them in the Lord , and highly esteem them in Love for their work sake ; they will hardly be so debauched as to violate this command of God , as oft as a Diocesan will but say [ I know some Heresie or Crime by your Teacher which you do not , and therefore he must Preach no more , and you must no more use his ministry . ] Were I one of these people , I would be bold to ask the Diocesan [ Sir what is the Heresie or Crime that he is guilty of ? If he refuse to tell me I would slight him as a Tyrant : General Counsels told the people of the Heresies for which they did despose their Pastors . If he told me what it was , I would try it by Gods word : If I were unable , I would seek help . If the Diocesan silenced my Teacher , and ten neighbour Bishops wiser than he , did tell me that it was for Truth and Duty , and that the Heresie was the Bishops , I would hear my Teacher , and believe the other Bishops before him , ( without taking them to be of a higher order . ) The objections against this , and what is before said shall be answered in the next Chapter . You see when it is but opened , how the Diocesans power vanisheth into the air . CHAP. XIII . That there is no need of such as our Diocesans for the Unity or the Government of the particular Ministers , nor for the silencing of the unworthy . IT stuck much in the minds of the Ancient Doctors and Christians that Episcopacy was necessary to avoid Schism and discord among the Ministers and the people ; and that it was introduced for that reason . And I am so averse to singularity in Religion , that I will not be he that shall gainsay it . A double , yea a treble Episcopacy , though I cannot prove instituted of Christ , yet will I not contradict , because one sort I cannot disprove , and the other two I take to be but a prudential humane determination of the Circomstances of one and the same sacred Ministerial office-worke . 1. That which I cannot disprove as to a Divine Institution , is a General Ministry over many Churches ( like the Scors Visiters at their Reformation ) who as Successors to the Apostles and Evangelists in the durable parts of their office , were by a conjunction of Scripture evidence and Divine authority of office , to perswade Pas●ors and people to their several duties , and to have a chief hand in ordaining and removing Ministers . 2. That which I will not contradict antiquity in , is a Bishop in every particular Church , to be as the chief Presbyter , like the chief Justice on the bench or one of the Quorum , as our Parish Ministers now are in respect to all their Curates of the Chappels under them . 3. And I would not deny but at all Ministerial Synods , one man may be Moderator , either pro tempore , or for continuance , as there is cause . These two last are but Prudential circumstances , as Doctor Stiling fleet hath proved . And in all these I like the Discipline of the Waldenses , B●●emian and Polonian Churches . But no Government of the Presbyters , no concord , no keeping out of Heresie , requireth such as our Diocesans ; 1. Who put down all the Bishops of the particular Churches , under them , 2. And pretending Spiritual Power , Govern by the force of the Magistrates Sword : 3. And obtrude themselves on the people and Pastors , without their consent , and against their wills , being by multitudes taken for the enemies of the Church . 4. And visibly before the world introducing so many bad Ministers , and silencing so many faithful ones , as in this age they have done . Without them we have all these means of concord following . 1. We have a clear description of the duty of Ministers and people in Gods word . 2. We have Ministers to Preach up all these duties by Office. 3. The people are taught by Scripture what Ministers to choose . 4. We find it natural to the people to before Learned and godly Ministers , though many of them be bad themselves . And though it be not so with them all , yet the sober part do usually perswade the rest : So that in London and else where , those Parishes where the people choose , had usually far worthier Pastors than the rest , especially than those in the Bishops presentation . 5. The people are obliged by God to marke those Ministers that cause division and contention and avoid them . 6. The Ministers are bound to give notice to the people of false teachers and Schismaticks , and to command them to avoid them ; And themselves to renounce Communion with them after the first and second admonition . 7. These Ministers may have correspondence by Synods , to keep up concord by agreement among themselves . So we have over all a Christian King and Magistracy , who are the rightful Governours of the Clergy as well as of all other subjects ; and may constrain the negligent to their duty , and restrain the Heretical , Schismatical and wicked from their sin . And may not all this do much to keep up Concord ? 2. What our Diocesans really effect in order to concord or order , they do it by the Magistrates power , and not by the Keys ; without the Magistrate they would be so contemned a sort of men , that instead of silencing us by their keyes , one of us now silenced could do more to silence them , were that according to our Judgment ; I mean , it were easier to perswade ten people from Hearing one of them ( specially of late ) than for them to perswade one from hearing us , in many places . And what the Magistrate doth , he can do by others if he please , as well as now he doth by them . 3. The Churches that have no Bishops have incomparably lesse Heresie , Schism , Wickedness , and more concord then we have here . The Church of Scotland is an eminent instance , which hath known but little by experience what Schism or Heresies are . And so are the Protestant Churches of France , of Geneva , of Helvetia , and other places : 4. Were but the true Episcopacy forementioned restored , we should yet less know any shew of need for our Diocesane , Magistrate Ministers , and they would suffice , to do what on earth may be expected . Obj. Were not Bishops the meanes of the Churches concord in all ages ? Ans . True Bishops such as afore described , did their parts , but when such as our Diocesans sprang up , the Church was presently broken into pieces , and by odious contentions and divisions became a sandal and scorne to unbelievers . To read but the Acts of Counsels and the History of the Church , and there find the horrid contentions of Prelates against each others , the parties which they made , their running up and down the world , to Princes and Rulers , and Synods to bear down one another , it will do as much to grieve and amaze the Soul of a Sober Christan , almost as an History in the world that he can peruse . Obj But they silenced Hereticks and deposed them , and so kept Doctrine sound and safe . Ans . Before they had the Sword of the Magistrate to second them , they silenced none : For how could they do it ? They only judged them to be cast out of their Communion , and deposed , which they could no way execute but by avoiding them , and perswading the people to disown them and avoid them : For they neither did nor could hinder them from gathering Churches and Preaching to their followers : And there the rejected ones did reject their Rejecters , and excommunicate their excommunicaters , and in the eyes of their followers were the better men , and only Orthodox : So that their silencing was but changeing their Congregations . And so numerous were the sects that followed such Teachers , that they sometimes seemed more than the Orthodox : Epiphanius found enow in his time to fill a large Volume . And the Donatists alone were so numerous in Africa as to pretend to be the Catholick Church , and by their numbers and insolency deterred Augustine into a change of his opinion , and to call for that help from the Princes Sword , which before he had denyed . Never had the Church in any place , so many Sects and Heresies , as since the times that Prelacy grew up , and in those Countries , and where it wasmost exercised . Andindeed the ignorance and pride of Prelates was not the least cause . For some of them ( and no small number ) became the Authors of Heresies themselves , such as Paulus , Samosatenus , the Ap●linarii , the great Patriarcks , Dioscorus , Nestorious , Macedonius , and alas how great a number more and others of them did by their dominering insolency rise up with so much pride and wrath against those that humoured them not , especially if indeed they erred , as that they forced some into Schisms , and by silenceing the dissenters , did but drive them●●●t up for themselves in separated assemblies ; And they so disaffected the zealous people , as drove them away from the Orthodox Churches , to the Sects and Hereticks , as the English Prelates do at this day ; so that multitudes of the most strict and temperate Christians followed the Novations , the Donatists , and much worser sects . And when the Prelates grew up to a secular terrour , and twisted with the Civil power , and were backed by the Sword , 1. They made the more sober and mortified Christians the more dislike them , as may appear by what Eusebius , Socrates , and others write of them , and the Characters that are given of Cyril and Theophilus , Alexander , and such others : And by Martins separation from Ithacius and Idacius , and their Synods , and by the increase of the Priscilianists by their pride and violence , mentioned by Sulp. Severus , and others . 2. And it was not by the Keys indeed , but by the Sword which backt them , that they did all that they did , be it good or evil , in silencings , and in keeping up their order . 3. And they did but teach the Hereticks to strengthen themselves by the same means : So that the Priscilianists once got countenance from Gratians Courtiers against the Bishops ; And Ambrose was persecuted or endangered by Valentinian , as Athanasius at last was by Constantine himself , and Chrysostome deposed , and many others by such means : Yea till at last the Bishops found that evil is more commonly befriended by corrupted nature than good ; and that Goodness is usually lowest where wealth and honours make men highest , and that few Princes were the best of men , and therefore that if one befriended the truth , many were like to be against it , and till the Arrians by the help of Emperours , and Vandal and Gothish Kings , had almost turned all the Church into Arrians , and had got the General Councels on their sides , and had cruelly persecuted the Orthodox Bishops , and taught them what it was to trust to the Sword , for the clensing , and concord of the Churches . And when the controversie of Images came up , one Emperour was for them and another against them : By which means and by the contending of the Eastern and Western Patriarcks and Prelates , who should be the greatest , the Churches have been torne to pieces , and so continue lamentably to this day ( as in the History was before declared . ) And it was the Prelatical Tyranny of the Romanists , that since raised so many parties against them , and then had no way to Cu●b them , but by pros●c●ting them by the Sword and flames , as in the case of the Waldenses , Albigenses , and Protestants appeareth : And as the Murders of many hundred thousands in Piedmont , France , Germany , Ireland , England , &c , Besides their Inquisitions shew . Thus Solitudinem fecerunt , & unitatem & pacem ●●car●nt . When they have hanged , burnt and slain the people and Priests , they have quieted and silenced them , and when they have made a solitude and depopulation by killing those that disser●d from them , they have brought all to concord , and been all of a mind . And let none be offended that I mention the Papists in describing Prelacy . For I do it not to raise an Odium on them ; but I refer it to the consideration of sober men , 1. Whether as Herbarists give us the picture and description of herbes , not in their spring , but in their full grown stalk , blossom and fruits , and as he that will know the nature and difference of fruits , or animals , must stay till they are come to their full growth and ripeness , and not take them green and young ; so he that will judge either of Schism or of Church-tyranny : Lust do . 2. And whether the Quakers , Ranters ▪ Familists and Munster monsters be not Schismaticks ripe and at full growth , and therefore a young Schismatick is not ●o tell us what Schism is , but should himself see what he will be when he is ripe . And so whether Popery be not the Diocesane Prelacy full grown and ripe ; and whether they should not therefore see what they would come to , if that which witho●deth in the several Kingdoms were taken out of the way , as the Pope hath removed it in the Empire . If the Diocesans , Metropolitanes , Patriarks , and Pope ( as to his Primacy in the Empire ) did not all stand on the same humane foundation , then are they not the things that I am speaking of . Obj. But the late and present Schismes in England shew that it is the adversaries of Prelacy that are the causes . Ans . Very true , for Prelacy maketh it self adversaries , and so maketh some of the Schismaticks . There are two sort of Schismatick● ; some Prelatists ( as the Papists , the Novatians , the Donatists , and most of the old Schismaticks were ) ; and some Anti-prelatists . And there are two sorts of Anti prelatists : Some Catholick being for the Primitive Episcopacy , and some Schismaticks . And these last the Prelates make , and then complain of them . It is their state , and practice , hereafter described , that driveth men to distast them , and so precipitateth the injudicious into the Contrary extreme . It is Prelacy that maketh almost all the Sects that be in England at this day : When they see how the Spiritual Keys are secularly used by Laymen in their Courts , when they see what Ministers and how many hundred of them are silenced , and what Fellows in many places are set up in their stead , they think they can never fly far enough from such Prelates : To tell the world , It is Schismaticks that we silence , and they are obedient and Orthodox persons that we set up , may signifie something in another land or age , but it doth but increase the disaff●ction of those that are upon the place , and know what kind of men the Prelates commend , and who they discommend and silence . A very Child when he is eating his ●pple , will not cast it away , because a Prelate saith it is a Crab , nor when he tasteth a Crab , will he eate it , if a Prelate Swear it is a sweat apple . Though he that doth but look on them may possibly believe him . I believe they that thought that Prelacy was the only cure of our Schismes , do know by this time by experience , that by that time the Prelates had again ruled but seven years , there were seven and seven against them for one that was so before : And we that dwell among them , do take those that dislike their course and waies , to be the Generality of the most Religious and sober people of the land ( alwaies excepting the King and Parliament and those that must be still excepted ) . CHAP. XIV . The true Original of the warrantable Episcopacy in particular Churches , was the notorious disparity of abilities in the Pastors : And the original of that tyrannical Prelacy into which it did degenerate , was the worldly Spirit in the Pastors and people , which with the world came by prosperity into the Church . Quaere , Whether the thing cease not , where the reason of it ceaseth ? GOd doth not carry on his work upon mens Souls , by names and empty titles ; but by such real demonstrating evidences of his Power , Wisdome and Goodness , as are apt to work on the Reason of man. And therefore he that would make his Apostles the Foundations or chief Pillars and Instruments in and of his Churches , would accordingly endow them with proportionable abilities , that in the Miracu'ous demonstrations of Power , and the convincing demonstrations of Wisdome , and the amiable holy demonstrations of goodness , they might as far excelothers as they did in authority . And nature it self teaceth us to difference men in our esteem and affection , as they really differ in worth and loveliness . And this Law of Nature is the Primary Law of God. And the holy Scriptures plainly second it , telling us oft of the diversity of Gods gifts in his Servants , which all make for concord , but not for equality of esteem ; and that there are greater and lesser in the Kingdom of God , and that Gods gifts in all men must be honoured , Math. 12. 1 Cor. 12. Eph. 4. Heb. 5. 10. 11. 12. & 6. 1. 2. 3. 4. And God that would have his various gifts variously esteemed , did in all ages himself diversifie his Servants gifts . All were not Apostles , nor all Prophets , nor all Evangelists : And after their daies all the Ministers or Elders of the Churches were not men of Learning , nor of so full acquaintance with the sacred Doctrine , nor so grave , prudent , staied , holy , charitable , or peaceable as some were usually when miraculous gifts did cease , and very few Philosophers or men of learning turned Christians . Any man may know that had not been told it by Church History , that their Elders or Pastors were such as the better sort of our unlearned Christians are ; who can pray well , and worship God sincerely , and read the Scripture , and in a plain familiar manner , can teach the Catechistical points , and perswade to duty and reprove vice : But as for Sermons in a methodical accurate way , as now used , and defending the truth , and opposing Heresies , and stopping the mouths of gainsayers , they must needs be far below the Learned . But yet here and there a Philosopher was converted ; and of those that had no such Learning ( then called secular , and the Learning of the Gentiles ) some few were far better Learned than others in the sacred Scriptures , and the customes and Learning of the Jews : And it was long before the Christians had Schools and Academies of their own . That this was so , appeareth . 1. In the reason of the thing . For no effect can exceed the total cause . Therefore they that had not the inspirations prophetical , or miraculous guists , nor Academies and Schools of secular Learning , nor so much as Riches and leisure , but Poverty and persecution and worldly trouble and labour , were not like to have more Learning than the holy Scriptures taught them . 2. And this appeareth by the forecited Canons of Counsels , which forbad Pastors , ever almost three hundred years after Christ , to read the Gentiles books . By which the former custome of the Church may easily be perceived . And also by abundance of reproaches which are cast upon some Hereticks in the Ancients writings , for being too much skilled in Logick and other of the Gentiles Learning . 3. And it appeareth by the parity of writers of the second and third Centuries . 4. And also by the paucity of famous Divines that are mentioned in the Histories of those times . 5. And above all by the plainness and simplicity of those that are described and of their writings . I speak not in any contempt of them for this ( perhaps we value common learning now too highly ) But only to tell you the true History of those times . No doubt but many poor men among us , ( divers Weavers and some Plowmen , of the Church which I was removed from ; for instance ) are able to pray , and teach as well as most of those who are by Eusebius extolled as the famous Bishops of the second and third age ; and to write as Methodical , pious , weighty tractates , as any that were then written by men that neither conversed with the Apostles , nor had been bred up in Philosophy : That I say rot as Clemens Romanus himself , or Ignatius , or Irenaeus , yea or Cyprians , Epistles are . Yea , or as many of the ages following ; even as holy Macarius , Epherm , Cyrus , Synisius , ( a Philosopher ) Isidore . Pelusiota , and many more have written since . If this be not believed , how many Lay-men could I name who have written more accurately and judiciously , and as far as the writings shew , as piously as any of these ? And that not only Learned Lay-men , but men that had neither many Languages nor Philosophy . And if the books then written were very few , and of those very few that were written by any but Bishops or Philosophers , and those few so plaine as we see they are , ( the best of them far below the writings of abundance of late Latin and English and French writers , that were but Presbyters ) , you may easily judge of what parts the rest of the Presbyters of those times were , that never wrote . And from hence you may gather the reasons , 1. Why so few Volumes are left us written in the two first ages . 2. And why the Churches had then so many Presbyters . ( Whatever Doctor Hammond say to the contrary without any proof . ) It was easy to find such Christians as aforedecribed , who might competently guide the rest by Doctrine , worship , discipline and example : Though to find Learned men was hard . 3. And you may see why so many Hereticks boasted so much of their higher knowledge , and Platonical &c. speculations , as accounting the Orthodox to be ignorant men . 4. And you may see why so few were Champions for the truth . 5. And why there were so many parties and divisions , when the Elders were many and less judicious . 6. And you may see how the opinion of Ecclesiastick meer Ruling Elders came up ; and how to expound Pauls , 1 Tim. 5. 17. Especially them that labour in the Word and Doctrine . For it was but here and there a Learned or special gifted Christian , that was able solemnly and ornately to Preach , decide hard cases and controversies , confute Hereticks , and guide the Churches in difficult cases . And the rest did sit about the Bishop as his assistants , and Preach and officiate at his direction , and oversee the people from man to man ; being of the same order and office with the Bishop , but not of the same parts , and therefore not equal in the exercise . 7. And therefore lastly hence you may see , the reasons of the first fixed particular Church Episcopacy : Those few that were Philosophers or eminently qualified ( being scarce enow to make one for every Church ) did by their gifts overtop the rest in the due esteem of all the people : who were bound to esteem him wisest that was wisest , and to yield more to his judgment than to others that knew less : And this inequality of gifts usually lasted as long as life ; and therefore so did the inequality of esteem and reverence . And both the people and the inferiour gifted Pastors , obeyed the Law of God in nature , and readily gave honour to whom honour was due . And when one was dead finding another still to excel the rest , they accordingly preferred him before the rest , even as an excellent Physician would be by the patients , and by all the younger and more ignorant Physicians , that are not carryed away with pride . And this did easily ( as all things else ) turne into formality under pretence of order , and come to seem a kind of Office. But when difference required it , I know not but that all this was well done , except that they foresaw not the degenerate tyranny that would afterward hence arise . This present experience openeth to us to the day . What did set up Luther , and Melancthon , and Illyricus , but their eminent parts ? What else gave Zuinglius and 〈◊〉 the Presidencie at Zurich ? What else did set up Calvin , and Beza at Geneva ? And Knox and Henderson in Scotland ▪ And all our Parishes that have Chappels and Curates shew it here in England : Where one man for his worth is thought meerest to have the Benifice and chief cure ; but others may be chosen by him and placed under him , and maintained by him ( by the Bishops allowance ) as his curates . And indeed it was so long before Academies made a sufficient store of men of sufficiencie for every Presbyters place , that for four or five hundred years , there were few bred up to competent Learning , except either under Heathens , or else in a Bishops house , or here and there as an Auditor of some one rare Teacher ▪ Clemens Alexandrinus , as a Disciple of Pantenus and Origene of clemens , and some few others , came to Learning , as auditors in that Alexandrian School : But few other places besides Alexandria had any such School of a long time , in so much as Nazianzen , Basil , Greg. Nissen . Chrysostome , &c. were taught at Athens , by Lybanius and such other Heathens ; And Ambrose , Augustine , and many others , were in a manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 self taught , so that it was not possible then to have many Learned men ordinarily for one Church ( or congregation ) And yet many Presbyters certainly they had . Which is the true cause that one Learned man was made an Overseer and Guide to the rest , who were his Curates or Assistants , gifted like our wiser sort of the Laity , but of the same Office and order with him ; And this Bishop was the usual Preacher , and the other did learne of him to Preach , and grew up under him as Scholars ; and he that came to greatest abilities under him , was chosen for a Bishop to another Church that wanted , but not without his own Bishops consent , which made the debate in Councels so frequent , whether a Presbyter might remove to another Church , or be chosen for a Bishop of another Church ? And an African Council giveth it as a Reason why that Bishop that had able Presbyters , should not refuse to let one go to be a Bishop elsewhere , because where there were many fit to be Presbyters , there were but few men fit to be made Bishops , which implieth that they took it not then for a meer place of order , where one man of equal parts was for Unity to rule the rest , but for a necessary difference of exercising the same Office , because of the different abilities of the Officers : Which was not only to keep an order by disparity of places , but to educate the Presbyters to greater abilities , and to manage Gods work in each assembly more skillfully and guide the Church more prudently , and defend the truth more powerfully , than common unlearned Presbyters could do . Now let it be for the present granted that for such reasons Episcopacy in each Church was justly setled , and call it an order or a degree as you please ; It will be a difficult question , what shall be judged of those that have the same place and Title , without the same Qualifications and precedencie of parts ? Because the Reason of his power faileth . If one be chosen Bishop to keep out Hetesie , and he prove a Heretick , and the Presbyters Orthodox , whatis his power to that end ? If one be chosen Bishop to keep out Schisin , and he prove a Schisinatick or Sect-Master , and the rest concordant , what is his power ? If one be made Bishop to teach the people better than the Presbytres , and to teach the Presbyters themselves , and to defend truth and Godliness , and he prove more ignorant than the Presbyters , and Preach not to the thousandth or hundredth part of his Diocese once in all his life , nor to any at all past once in many weeks or months or years , and if he do but silence the Ministers that are abler and farr more pious than himself , what power hath he as a Bishop to those ends ? Sure I am that dispositio mater●e is necessary as sine qua no● , ad receptionem formae . If one be made a Schoolmaster , that cannot reach the Scholars half so much as they know already , but hath need to learne of them , and yet will neither learne of them , nor suffer them to learne without him , I know not well how farr he is their Schoolmaster indeed . If one be made a Physician , that knoweth not half so much as I do , I should be loth for Order sake to venture my life upon his trust . Nor yet to venture my own life and others in a Ship that had an ignorant Pilote , when the Mariners had more skill , but must not use it . Orders and Office that are appointed for the work 's sake , essentially suppose ability for that work . And without the necessary qualifications , they are but the Carkasses or images of the office ( but of this before ) . Therefore it is that the Christian flocks could never yet be cured , by all the a●t or tyranny that could be used , of the esteem of real Wisdome and Godlines● , and preferring it before an empty title , or a pompous shew , and from setting less by Ignorance and Impiety venerably named and arrayed , then by self evidencing worth ; nor from valuing a Shepherd that daily feedeth them , from a Wolfe in Sheeps cloathing , that hathe Fangs and bloody jawes , and fleeceth and devoureth the flock ( with the Shepherds . ) And hence we may say that God himself useth to give Bishops to the Church , whether men will or not ; while he giveth them such as ( Jerome ) Luther , Melan●●horn , Bucer , Calvin , Zanchius , &c , Who had Episcopal ability , and really did that which Bishops were first appointed for , while the Bishops would have hindered them and sought their blood . They taught the people , they bred up young Ministers , they kept out Heresies and Schismes , they guided the churches by the light of Sacred truth , and by the power of Reason and Love : And who than was the Bishop ? who is the real Architect he that buildeth the house , or he that hath the title , and doth nothing unless it be hindering the builders ? To this already said I add but two more intimations , which I desire the sober impartial Reader to consider . 1. Writing is but a mode of Preaching : And of the two it is worse to have inept Sermons in Publick Assemblies ( and so Gods worke and worship dishonoured ) than to have inept bookes in private . And no doubt , the Pastors oversight extends to publick and private . Now while the meer worth of bookes without any Authority , commendeth them to the world , though sometimes with some few , giddy Pamphlets are accepted , yet that is but for a fit ; and ordinarily the Book-sellers sufficiently restrain all that are not of worth , because they cannot sell them . But if a Bishop must impose on all the people what bookes they must read , in many Kingdoms it will be for the Pope and Masse , in others for Exorcism and Consubstantion , &c. 2. Is not order for the the thing ordered ? Episcopacy is for the Churches benefit by the Bishops eminent gifts and parts . But if the Bishop be of lower parts , than the Pastors ( and an Envious Malignant hinderer of their work ) , Quere , Whether the order ( being humane ) cease not , ubi cessat subjecti dispositio & relatio ad finem ; when the end and the pesons capacity cease . II. But how the world by the countenance of Emperours was invited to come in t the Church ? How worldly wealth , power and honour did indue them ? How Bishopricks were made baites for the proud and tyrannical and Covetous ? How such then sought them and so the worldly Spirit had the rule , and altered Episcopacy , I shewed in the History before . THE Second Part. Having in the former Part laid down those Grounds on which the Applicatory Part is to be built , and subverted the foundations of that Diocesane frame which we judge unlawful , I shall now proceed to give you the Application , in the particular Reasons of our judgment , from the Evils which we suppose this frame to be guilty of . CHAP. I. The clearing of the state of the Question . THE occasion of our dispute , or rather Apology , is known in England . 1. Every man that is ordained Deacon or Presbyter ( or licensed a Schoolmaster ) must subscribe to the Books of Articles , Liturgy and Ordination , as Ex animo that there is nothing in them contrary to the Word of God. And by the late Act of Uniformity [ that he doth assent and consent to all things conteined in , and prescribed by the said books as since altered ( we think for the worse . ) 2. In the year 1640 the Convocation formed , printed and imposed a new Oath in these words ( after others ) [ Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church , by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans , Arch-Deacons , &c. as it stands now established , and as by right it ought to stand . ] 3. After this the Parliament in the Wars imposed a Vow and Covenant on the Ministers and People contrary to this called the Et caetrea Oath ; which Vow contained a clause to endeavour the ex●●rpation of this Prelacy . In the Westminster Assembly before it passed , many Learned Divines declared that they would not take it as against Prelacy unexplained , lest it should seem to be against all Episcopacy , which was not their judgment , they being for the primitive Episcopacy . To satisfie these men ( that else had protested against it , and the Assembly been divided , the Scots and some others being against all ) the additional Titles of Deans , Chapters , &c. were put in as a description of the peculiar English frame of Prelacy which they all agreed against . Since His Majesty's Restoration , there are many Acts made against the belief of an obligation by this Vow . One is made for a change in Corporations , requiring a Declaration by all in any place of Trust , [ that there is no obligation on me or any other person from the said Oath , Vow or Covenant ] even absolutely no obligation at all without exception of the clauses that are for the Protestant Religion , for Repentance of our sins , against Popery , Heresie , Schism , Prophaneness , &c. The Act of Uniformity imposeth it on all Ministers , &c. to declare or subscribe that there is no obligation from that Vow on me or any other person to endeavour at any time any alteration of Government in the Church . ] The Vestry Act imposeth the like on all Vestry men ; and so of others . 4. All Ministers swear to obey the Bishops in li●●tis & honestis , which is called the Oath of Canonical Obedience . 5. And last of all an Act past at Oxford by which we are to be banished five miles from all Cities and Corporations , and all places where we have preached , and imprisoned six months in the Common Jail , if we come nearer any of them , except on the Road , till we have taken an Oath [ that we will not at any time endeavour an alteration of the Government of the Church , ] ( which plainly importeth as much objectively as the Et caetera Oath of 1640 ; Though not endeavouring be somewhat less than not consenting . ) And so black a Character is put upon the Non-conformists , with a [ some of them ) in the beginning of the said Act , that all Reason , Religion and Humanity obligeth us for the satisfaction of our Rulers , for the vindication of our selves , and for the just information of posterity , plainly and truly to lay open our Case , even those reasons for which we forbear that Conformity ; and by so doing , incurr all this , besides the greater loss of our Ministerial Liberty , to labour for the saving of the peoples souls , and the edifying of the Church of God. What is said in the beginning may sufficiently inform the Reader , 1. That it is not every man's Cause that is called a Non-conformist , no nor a Presbyterian , or Independant that I here maintain . 2. That I am not writing a Justification of the Covenant , 1. As to the Act of Imposing . 2. Or of taking it . 3. Nor as to the obligation of it to any thing unlawful . Leaving such matters as alien to my work , 3. And that I am not so rash as to assert that it obligeth any man , to endeavour ( in his place and calling ) any change of our Church Government , no not of a Lay-Chancellor's use of the Keys , whatever I think , Because it is made a matter of so grievous penalty by an Act. All that I have to do is , to enquire whether the Diocesane Prelacy as now stated , be so lawful that we may take all these Oaths and Subscriptions to it , and so necessary that the King and Parliament have no power to change it , or make an alteration if they please , and we endeavour it by obeying them if they should command us . And I go upon such Principles as Doctor Burges , Master Gataker , and many others in the Assembly , that were ready to protest that they were not against the Primitive Episcopacy , no nor a moderate one that did not in all things reach it . I will rather be guilty of Repetition than of leaving the rash or heedless under a pretext for their mistake or calumny . My own judgment is as followeth . 1. That every particular Church , ( consisting of as full a number as can associate for true personal Communion in Worship and holy living ) should be guided by as many Pastors or Elders ( of the same Office ) as the number of souls , and the work requireth . 2. That it is lawful , ( if not usually laudable and fit ) if these Presbyters consent that one among them who is wiser and fitter than the rest , be statedly their Guide , Director , or Moderator , in the matters of Doctrine , Worship and Discipline in that Church , for order and concord , and for the peoples sakes and their own : And especially that in Ordinations they do nothing without him . 3. That these particular Churches with their Bishop and Presbytery are Independant , so far that no other Bishop or Church hath a Divine Right to Govern them , saving what is anon to be said of General Pastors or Visiiters , and the power of each Minister in the Universal Church , as he is called . 4. That as to the Communion of several Churches among themselves , these particular Churches are not Independent , but must hold Concord and Correspondency by Letters , Messengers or Synods as there shall be cause . 5. That in these Synods it is lawful and orderly oftentimes to make some one the Moderator or Guide of their debates . And that either pro tempore , or quamdiu sit maxime idoneus , or durante vita , as true Prudence shall discern it to be most conducible to the end . 6. That where the Churches Good and the calling of the Infidel World requireth it , there should be itinerant Ministers , like the old Evangelists , Silas , Apollo , Timothy , Titus , &c. to preach the Gospel , and gather Churches , and help their Pastors . And if such be not necessary in any place , yet the fixed Pastors should when there is cause be itinerant , and help to convert the Infidels and Hereticks , and do both the general and particular work . 7. That the judgment of Antiquity moving me much , but more the Argument from the necessity , [ that the same form of Government be continued in its ordinary parts , which Christ at first setled in the Apostles , and is not proved repealed ] do move me to incline to think that the Apostles must have such Successors , as general Planters and Overseers of many Churches . And who should ( before all particular Bishops ) have a chief hand in the ordaining of particular Bishops and Pastors , and removing them as the Churches good requireth ( As the Seniors have in the Bohemian Waldenses Government . ) And though I am yet in doubt my self , whether such general Ministers , or Arch-bishops be jure divino , of Christs institution , I do not deny it , or contend against it : And though I would not assert or swear to their right , I would obey them . 8. That all this Church-power is to be exercised only by Gods word , managed by convincing Reason , Love and good Example , and that no Bishops or Arch-bishops have any power of Corporal Coaction ; Nor should give Church Communion to any but Voluntary Consenters ; nor should mix and corrupt the exercise of the Keys , with unseasonable interpositions of the Sword even in the Magistrates own hand . 9. But yet that the King and Magistrates are the Rulers by the Sword over all Pastors and their Flocks , to see that all men do their duties , and to regulate them by Laws about holy things , subserviently to the Kingdom and Laws of Christ , and in consistence with the preservation of the Office of the Ministry and real liberties of the Flocks . 10. And therefore , though we think Churchmen usually very unfit for any Magistratical Power , yet we shall obey as his Ministers any whomsoever the King shall commit any part of his power about Church matters to ; and promise them due obedience as such . And so you see what is not the Question now to be debated . But the Question is [ Whether the present Church Government in England ( as distinct from the Kings and Magistrates part ) be so good or lawful , that we should swear or subscribe our approbation of it , our obedience to it , or that we will never ( in our place and calling ) endeavour an alteration of it ( no though the King command us ) and that every man in the three Kingdoms that vowed to endeavour such alteration , is so clearly and utterly disobliged , as that all strangers that never knew him may subscribe or declare that he is disobliged , or not obliged to it by that Vow . CHAP. II. The first Argument against the English Diocesans ; That their form ( quantum in se ) destroyeth the particular Church Form of God's Institution , and setteth up a Humane Form in its stead . ARGUMENT I. WE cannot subscribe or swear to that form of Church Government as good or lawful , which in its nature excludeth or destroyeth the very specifical nature of the particular Churches which were instituted by the Holy Ghost , and setled in the primitive times , and is it self a humane from set up in their stead . But such we take the present Diocesane form to be : Ergo , The Major will be denied by very few that we have now to do with . And those few that will deny it , must do it on this supposition , 1. That the Holy Ghost did institute that particular Church Form which is destroyed but pro tempore . And Secondly , That he allowed men since to set up one or more of their own in its stead . But the disproof of this supposition will fall in more fitly , when I have shewed what Church Form was first setled . The Minor I thus prove . The Species of a particular Church which the Holy Ghost did institute , was [ one Society of Christians united under one or more Bishops , for personal Communion in publick worship and holy living ▪ ] The Diocesane English frame is ( destructive of or ) inconsistent with this species of a particular Church . Ergo , The Diocesane English frame is inconsistent with ( or destructive of ) the Species of the Holy Ghosts institution . In the Major , 1. By [ Bishops ] I mean , Sacred Ministers authorized by Divine appointment , to be the stated Guides of the Church , by Doctrine , Worship and Discipline , under Christ the Teacher , Priest and Ruler of the Church . Whether he have a superior Arch-Bishop I determine not ; Nor now whether he may ordain Pastors for other Churches . What I mean by [ Personal Communion ] and whether it be consistent with divers Assemblies , I have fully shewed before . I mean , that the said Churches were no more numerous than our English Parishes , nor had more Assemblies ; Or no more than could have the same personal Communion , and that there were never any Churches infimae●vel prime speciei , which consisted of many such stated Assemblies . I shall therefore now prove , 1. That the Churches of the Holy Ghosts institution were no more numerous , or were such single Congregations . And that they had each such Bishops and Pastors will be proved partly herewith , and partly afterward . 2. And that such Churches do tota specie differ from the Diocesane Churches , and from our present Parish Churches as they define them , and are inconsistent with them . And the first I shall prove , 1. From the Holy Scriptures . 2. From the Confessions of the Diocesanes . 3. From the testimony of Antiquity . All proving fully that the ancient Episcopal Churches were but such single Societies or Congregations as I have described , and such as our Diocesses of many hundred Churches are different from , and inconsistent with . CHAP. III. That the primitive Episcopal Churches of the Holy Ghosts Institution , were but such Congregations as afore described . THese following particulars set together , I think will by the Impartial be taken for full proof . 1. In all the New Testament , where ever there were more stated societies than one , for publick worship as afore described , they are called [ Churches ] in the Plural Number , and never once [ a Church ] in the Singular Number ; except when the Universal Church is mentioned which containeth them all . This is visible in Act. 9. 31. and 14. 41. and 16. 5. Rom. 16. 4 , and 16. 1 Cor. 7. 17. and 11. 16. and 14. 33 , 34. ( unless that mean the several meetings of the same Assembly at several times ) and 16. 1 , 19. 2 Cor. 8. 1 , 18 , 19 , 23 , 24. and 11. 8 , 28. Gal. 1. 22. 1 Thess . 2. 14. 2 Thess . 1. 4. Rev. 1. 4 , 11 , 20. and 2. 7 , 11 , 17 , 29. and 3. 6 , 13 , 22 , 23. and 22. 16. If any say , how prove you that all these were but single Congregations , I answer , 1. It is granted me by all that these plural terms [ Churches ] included many single Congregations . 2. I shall prove anon that the most of the particular Churches named in Scripture were but such Congregations . 3. And no man can give me any proof that a Society consisting of divers such Congregations is any where called [ a Church ] singularly : And therefore we are not to believe that the plural term meaneth many such singulars , as are no where singularly named . 2. Particular Churches are described so in Scripture as fully proveth my aforesaid limitation and description . As 1 Cor. 11. 16 , 18 , 20 , 22. When ye come together in the Church I hear that there be divisions among you . A Church consisted of such as came together . When ye come together into one place , this is not to eat the Lords Supper . And it is the Assemblies that are called Churches , when he saith [ We have no such custom , nor the Churches of God. ] So 1 Cor. 14. 4. He that prophesieth edifieth the Church ] that is , the Assembly that heareth him , and not many hundred such Assemblies that are out of hearing . Vers . 5. Except he interpret that the Church may receive edifying . Vers . 12. Seek that ye may excel to the edifying of the Church . Object . May not the whole Church be edified per partes ? Ans . Yes , but it must be per plures vel diversis vicibus . Not at once by the same man , if the far greatest part of the Church be absent . Obj. But is not the whole man edified ( naturally or morally ) by the edification of a part ? Answ . Yes , if it be a noble part : Because the whole man being naturally One , by the unity of the soul or form , there is a natural Communion and Communication from part to part : But one Corporation in a Kingdom , may be edified or enriched without the wealth or edification of the rest . And this Text plainly speaketh of Immediate Edification of that Church that heareth , and this at once , and by one speaker . So Vers . 19. In the Church I had rather speak one word with my understanding , that I may teach others . Here the Church is plainly taken for the Assembly . Vers . 23. If therefore the whole Church be come together in one place , and speak with tongues , ] what can be more expresly spoken to shew that it is not only a part of the Church , but the whole which cometh together into one place . So Vers . 24. If there be no Interpreter let him keep silence in the Church . ] So Vers . 34. For God is not the Author of Confusion , but of Peace , as in all the Churches of the Saints . So Vers . 14. Let your women keep silence in the Church , for it is a shame for women to speak in the Church . So Act. 11. 26. A whole year they assembled themselves with the Church , and taught much people . Act. 14. 27. When they were come , and had gathered the Church together , they rehearsed all that God had done by them . Act. 15. 3. And they were brought on their way by the Church , ] which must signifie such a number as might be called the Church , when part was but for the whole , at least . Act. 2. 1. They were all with one accord in one place ; which it's like was all the Church with the Apostles . Vers . 44. 46. And all that believed were together , And they continuing daily with one accord in the Temple , &c. Act. 4. 31 , 32. And the place was shaken where they were assembled together . And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart , and of one soul . Act. 5. 12. And they were all with one accord in Solomon ' s Porch , and of the rest durst no man joyn himself to them . If any here say that so many thousands could not be of one Assembly , I have answered it before . 1. I have preached ( as was supposed ) to ten thousand at once . 2. Some of our Parishes that have but one Church , are thirty thousand , some forty thousand , some fifty thousand . 3. There were strangers at Jerusalem from all parts . 4. The next Verse saith [ There came also a multitude out of the Cities round about unto Jerusalem . ] 5. The multitude were not yet perfectly embodied , and were quickly scattered . Col. 4. 16. When this Epistle is read among you , cause that it be read also in the Church of the Laodiceans , &c. It is not [ to the Church ] for then you might have said that so it may be if the Church consisted of many Assemblies : But it is [ in the Church ] which intimateth that the Church was but one Assembly . And so that of Colosse answerably . All these Texts and others such plainly tell us whether a Church there was one Assembly or many hundred . 3. This is made yet much more evident , by the Scriptures description of a Bishops work ; even such as the Apostles then appointed over every Church . 1. They were to be the ordinary publick present teachers of all the Flock which they did oversee . 1 Thess . 5. 12 , 13. Know them which labour among you and are over you in the Lord , and esteem them highly in love for their work sake . Those then that were over every Church , were present with the Church , and laboured among them ( which they could not do in one of our Diocesses , saving as a man may be said to labour among a Kingdom , or the World , because they labour in it . ) Heb. 13. 8 , 17 , 24. Remember them which have the rule over you , which have spoken to you the word of God. Obey them that have the Rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that must give account . So that a Church was no bigger than the Bishops could speak the word of God to , and could watch for their souls . But I never saw the face of the Bishop of the Diocess where I live , and know but very few men in his Diocess that ever did see him . 2. And this care was to extend to the particular persons of the Flocks . Act. 20. 20 , 28 , 31. I taught you publickly , and from house to house . Take heed to your selves , and to all the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops , to f●ed ( or rule ) the Church of God , &c. Remembor that by the space of three years I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears . 1 Pet. 1. 2. 3. The Elders which are among you I exhort who am also an Elder , feed the Flock of God which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , &c. that is , saith Doctor Hammond [ The Bishops of your several Churches I exhort , take care of your several Churches , and govern them , not as Secular Rulers by force , but as Pastors do their Sheep by calling and going before them , that so they may follow of their own accord . ] See also Doctor Hammond's Annot. on Heb. 13. 7 , 17. 1 Thess . 5. 12 , 13. And saith Doctor Jeremy Taylor , of Repent . Praef. [ I am sure we cannot give account of souls of which we have no notice . ] ( O terrible word to the undertakers of so many hundred Churches , and so many thousand or ten thousand souls which they never knew ! ) This made Ignatius ( às after cited ) say , that The Bishop must look after or take account of each person as much as Servants and Maids . Object . But there may be more in a Parish than a Minister can know . Answ . If a Parish may be too large for a Bishops work , how little reason have they to make a Church , and take the Pastoral Care of many hundred Parishes ? 2. We must judge by the ordinary common case . In a Parish a Minister may know every one , except it be some few strangers or retired persons , or except it be a Parish or Church of too great a swelling bigness : But in a Diocess of many hundred Churches , it is not one of a hundred that the Bishop will ever know . 3. I know by experience what may be done , whatever slothful persons say ; I had a Parish of about three of four thousand souls ; ( A Market Town with twenty Villages ) and except three or four Families that refused to come to me , ( whom yet I knew by other means ) I knew not only the persons but the measures of all or almost all their understandings , in the Town , and my assistants in the Villages knew the rest , by personal conference , each family coming to us by turns . 4. And where a Church is too large for one , there may be and must be assistant Ministers , and that may be done by many , which cannot be done by one alone . Object . So may a Bishop and his Presbyters in a Diocess . Answ . In a Diocess of many Churches , the Presbyters only know the people , and do the Ministerial Office for them , except in some one or few Churches where the Bishop dwells and sometimes preacheth : But in the same Church , all the Ministers preach to the same persons ordinarily , ( per vices ) and they all know them , and all watch over them , though they assist each other in particular offices for them . There is much difference between a School-master and his assistants in the same School , and one School-master only with several Ushers in many hundred Schools . As there is between a Master , Mistriss , and Steward ruling the same Family , and one Master with Stewards ruling many hundred Families ; ( of which more anon . ) 3. Another part of the Bishops work in those times was to Baptize : For it was part of the Apostles work , Matth. 28. 19 , 20. And how great a work that was , to try the peoples due preparations , and to see that they did understandingly and seriously what they did , I desire no other proof than the great care taken in all the ancient Churches of this business , which brought up the Custom of baptizing but twice a year . Object . The Apostles baptized three thousand at once . Answ . The Jews were supposed to be bred up in the knowledge of other parts of Religion , and wanted only the knowledge of the true Messiah , and his Salvation , which might be taught them in a shorter time than the Gentiles could be taught the whole substance of Religion , that knew but little : Therefore as soon as the Jews were convinced of the true Messiah and the righteousness of Faith , and consented to the Covenant , they might be baptized . 2. The extraordinary effusions of the Spirit in that time , did make a shorter preparation sufficient . At least Baptizing must be an addition to the Bishops work . 4. As the Apostles laid hands on Believers to convey the Holy Ghost , so the Prelatists think that the Bishops then Confirmed Believers with Imposition of hands , saith Doctor Hammond on Heb. 13. a. To teach , exhort , confirm and impose hands , all which were the Bishops office in that place . ] And O what a work it is to know the persons of many hundred Parishes to be capable of Confirmation , and so to confirm them ( of which more afterward . ) 5. I need not prove that the Bishops then were the Masters of the Assemblies , and called them , appointing time and place , as the Rulers of the Synagogues did : which sheweth that they were present with the Church Assemblies . 6. The Bishops administred the Lords Supper ( as all confess ) and therefore must have some Pastoral notice of the fitness of all the Church to receive it : which intimateth sufficiently the extent of the Church . 7. They went before the Assemblies usually in performance of the publick worship : They prayed with them , and praised God : And Doctor Hammond thinks that in all this in Scripture times , they had not so much as a Presbyter to assist them . 8. They admonished the unruly and disorderly , and received Accusations , and openly reproved and excommunicated the Impenitent . And O , how great a work is it to deal with one Soul aright as must be done , before it cometh to Excommunication ! Much more with all in a Parish . Much more in many hundred Parishes . 9. It is confessed that it was the Bishops work to absolve the penitent publickly . And then he must judge of their Repentance : and then he must try it : And for how many thousand can a Bishop do this , with the rest ? 10. The Bishop did dismiss the Congregation with a Benediction ( as is maintained by those that we dispute with ) and therefore must be present in it . 11. They were to visit and pray with the sick , and all the sick to send for them to that end , Jam. 4. 14. If any be sick among you let him call for the Elders of the Church , and let them pray over him ] saith Doctor Hammond [ Because there is no evidence whereby these ( inferior Presbyters ) may appear to have been brought into the Church so early , And because the visiting of the sick is anciently mentioned as one branch of the office of Bishops ; therefore it may very reasonably be resolved , that the Bishops of the Church , one in each particular Church , but many in the universal , are here meant . ] Though I am far from believing him that the sick person is bid to send but for one , when the term is plural , or that he must send for many out of other Churches , I will take his concession that this was the Bishops work . 12. Lastly , They were to take care of the poor , and of the Contributions and Church stock , saith Doctor Hammond on 1 Cor 12. 28. The supreme trust and charge was reserved to the Apostles and Bishops of the Church . So in the 41st . Canon of the Apostles , the Bishop must have the care of the moneys , so that by his power all ●e dispensed to the poor by the Presbyters and Deacons ; and we command that ●e have in his power the Church Goods . So Justin Martyr , Apol. 2. That which is gathered is doeposited by the Praefect or Bishop , and he helpeth or relieveth the Orphans and Widows , and becometh the Curator and Guardian of all absolutely that be in want . So Ignatius to Polycarp , After the Lord thou shalt be the Curator of the Widows . And Polycarp himself speaking of the Elders or Bishops , They visit and take care of all that are sick , not neglecting the Widows , the Orphans and the Poor . ] So far Doctor Hammond . So that by this time it is easie to see how great the ancient Churches were ; yea , and how great they were to be continued ; when all this is the Bishops Office and Work. We are willing that they have Diocesses as big as they can do this work in , even with a Consessus of assisting Presbyters . There is no one of all these twelve alone that a Bishop . can do for a Diocess of many score or hundred Churches . How much less all these set together ? Nay , what one considerable Parish would not find a Bishop with divers assistants work enough in all these kinds , if it be faithfully done ? As for the doing of it per se aut per alium , I have so far confuted it before , as that I may be bold to tell them now , that they may also receive the reward in se aut in alio : And if he that will not work should not eat , quaere whether they should eat per alium . I add , If all this as Doctor Hammond maintaineth was made by the Spirit in the Apostles the Bishops work , if they may make new Church-Officers to commit part of their work to , there may be twelve sorts of Officers made by them for these twelve parts of their work . And then we shall better understand them . Whatever is the work of a Bishop as a Presbyter , every Presbyter may and must do , according to his ability and opportunity : But whatever belongeth to a Bishop as a Bishop , cannot be done by another , either Lay-man or Presbyter . Therefore let us have but Bishops enough to do it , or else confess that it is no necessary work . So great a trust as the Gospel and mens souls which Christ hath committed to Bishops , may not be cast upon others without his consent that did commit it to them . But they can shew no consent of Christ to make new Officers to do their work by . Timothy was to commit the same to others which he had received , 2 Tim. 2. 2. The things thou hast heard of me among many witnesses , the same commit thou to faithful men , who shall be able to teach others also . And who knoweth not that if a Tutor commit his work statedly to another , he maketh that other a Tutor ? And so if a Physician commit his work statedly to another , or a Pilot , or the Master of a Family , he maketh the other a Physician , a Pilot , a Master ? And so if a Bishop or Presbyter commit his work statedly to another , he maketh that other a Bishop or Presbyter . And then that Bishop or Presbyter so made is himself obliged as well as empowred , and the work that he doth is his own work , and not his that delivered him his Commission . So that this doing these twelve parts of a Bishops work per alium is a meer mockery , unless they speak unfitly , and mean the making of all those to be Bishops as they are , or else by perfidious usurpation casting their trust and work on others . For if they could prove that God himself had instituted the Species of Sub-presbyters , it would be to do their own work , and not another mans . My next proof of the limitation of Churches in Scripture times is , that Deacons and Bishops were distinct Officers appointed to the same Churches . The Church which the Deacon was related to , was the very same , and of the same extent , with the Church which the Bishop was related to ; as is plain in all Texts where they are described ; Act. 6. 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 7. &c. But it is most clear that no Deacon then had the charge of many hundred Churches , or more than one such as I have described : Therefore neither had the Bishop of that Church . They that have now extended the Office of the Deacons further , and have alienated them from their first works , of attending at the Sacred Tables , and taking care of the Poor , cannot deny but that this was at least a great part of their work in the Scripture times and some Ages after ( at least when Jerome ad Evagr. described the Offices of the Presbyters and Deacons . ) And was any man then made a Deacon to a Diocess ? or to many hundred Churches ? or to more than one ? Did he attend the Tables of many Churches each Lords day at the same time ? If you say that there were many Deacons , and some were in one Church and some in another , it is true : that is , They were in several Assemblies , which were every one a true Church , and they were oft many in one Assembly : But there was no one that was related to Many stated Church Assemblies ; nor to a Church of a lesser size or magnitude than the Bishop was . 5. And that there was no Church then without a Bishop ( one or more ) is evident from Act. 14. 23. They ordained them Elders in every Church ; compared with other Texts that call them Bishops : And Doctor Hammond sheweth that these Elders were Bishops . And indeed it was not a Church ( in a proper political sense ) that had no Bishops formally or eminently . No more than there can be a Kingdom without a King , a School without a School-master , or a family without a Master . Object . They are called Churches Act. 14. 23. before they had ordained Elders . Answ . 1. It is not certain from the Text , for the name might be given from their state in fieri or which they were now entring into . 2. If it were so , it is certain that the appellation was equivocal , as it is usual to distinguish the Kingdom from the King , the School from the School-master , the Family from the Master , but not in the strict political sense of the words , for that comprehendeth both . 3. The truth is , they were true political Churches before . For they had temporary unfixed Bishops , even the Apostles and Evangelists , that converted them , and officiated among them . Otherwise they could have held no Sacred Assemblies for holy Communion and the Lords Supper , as having none to administer it . The fixing of peculiar Bishops did not make them first Churches , but made them setled Churches in such an order as God would establish . 6. Lastly , The setling of Churches with Bishops in every City , Tit. 1. 5. doth shew of what magnitude the Churches were in the Scripture times . For , 1. It is known that small Towns in Judea were called Cities . 2. And that Creete which was called Hecatompolis , as having an hundred Cities , must needs then have small ones , and near together . 3. And it is a confessed thing that the number of Converts was not then so great , as to make City Churches so numerous near as our Parishes are . And if the consideration of all this together , will not convince any , that the Churches that had Bishops in Scripture times , consisted not of many stated Assemblies as afore described , but of one only , and were not bigger than our Parishes , let such enjoy their error still . CHAP. IV. The same proved by the Concession of the most Learned Defenders of Diocesane Prelacy . THough the Scripture Evidence be most satisfactory in it self , yet in controversie it much easeth the mind that doubteth , to find the Cause fully and expresly granted , by those that most learnedly defend those consequents which it overthrows : And if I do not bring plain Concessions here , I will not deprecate the Readers indignation . 1. Among all Christians , the Papists are the highest Prelatists ; And among all Papists the Jesuits ; and among all the Jesuits Petavius , who hath written against Salmasius , &c. on this Subject . Petavius , Dissert . Ecclesiast . de Episcop . dignit . & jurisd . p. 22. concludeth his first Chapter in which he had cited the chiefest of the Fathers ; [ Hactenus igitur ex antiquorum authoritate conficitur primis temporibus , Presbyterorum & Episcoporum non tantum appellationes , sed etiam ordines , in easdem concurrisse personas , iidem ut essent utrique . ] i. e. Hitherto it is proved by the Authority of the Ancients , that in the first times , not only the Names , but the Orders , of Presbyters and Bishops did concurr into the same persons , so that both were the same men . ] And if so , I shall shew the consequents anon . And pag. 23. He thus beginneth his third Chapter , as opening the only necessary way to avoid the Scripture Arguments against Episcopacy , [ Si quis amnia illa scripturae loca diligenter expendat , id necessario consequens ex illis esse statuet , eos ipsos , qui ibi Presbyteri vocantur , plus aliquid quam simplices fuisse presbyteros , cujusmodi hodieque sunt : nec dubitabit , quin Episcopi fuerint iidem , non vocabulo tantum , sed re etiam & potestate . ] i. e. [ If any one will diligently weigh all those places of Scripture , he will conclude that this is the necessary consequent of them , that those that are there called Presbyters were somewhat more than simple Presbyters , and such as now they are : and he will not doubt but the same men were Bishops , not only in name , but in deed and in power . ] Pag. 24. [ Existimo Presbyteros vel omnes , vel eorum plerosque sic ordinatos esse ut Episcopi pariter ac presbyteri gradum obtinerent . ] I think that either all or most of the Presbyters were so ordained , as that they obtained both the degree of Bishop and of Presbyter . ] Which he proceedeth to shew that he thinks was done that there might be a store of Bishops prepared for all Countries . Pag. 25. he thus far differs from Doctor Hammond , but not from the truth , as to hold , that [ Plures in eadem Ecclesia velut Eph●sina Episcopi fuere . ] [ There were many Bishops in one Church , as in that of Ephesus . ] Which he taketh for a particular Church , and not a Province ; and saith , that the simple manners of the Church would then bear this , till Ambition had depraved men , and Charity and Humility and the imitation of Christ waxed cold : then came that which Hierome speaketh of , that For a remedy of Schism one was chosen out of the company of Presbyters , and set above the rest . So Pag. 26. In eadem capita passim ambo conferebantur . And p. 27. Hoc si ita est , quid aliud restat nisi ut penes eosdem ( Nam plures una in Ecclesia fuisse tales , iisdem ex locis argumentum ducitur ) tam nomen illud duplex , quam conveniens nomini potestas & authoritas utraque fuisse dicatur . ] that is [ If this be so , what else remaineth , but that both the double name , and the agreeable double power and authority , be said to have been in the same persons ( for that there were many of them in one Church , may be proved from the same places . ) And Pag. 95 , 96 , 97 , 98 , 99. he sheweth out of Justin Martyr , first , [ That all things in the sacred Assemblies and Sacraments were done by the Bishop alone ; and that he was the Curator and Moderator both of the Sacraments to be administred , and of teaching the people , and of the Churches money . The Bishop consecrated the Sacraments , and by the Deacons administred them to the people . He prayeth and preacheth . He had the care of the Church-moneys , and kept them with it ; he relieved the Orphans , Widows , Sick , Prisoners , Travellers , &c. And from Tertullian , that the Christians received not the Sacrament from the hands of any but the Bishops . ( Were there not then as many Bishops as Church-Assemblies ? ) And that they chiefly did baptize . And p. 112. he citeth the Can. 7. & . 8. Concil . Gangrensis , which anathematizeth those that without the Bishops consent durst give or receive the Church Oblations , &c. And p. 141. out of Prosper de vita contempl . c. 20. that a Bishop must excel in knowledge , that he may instruct those that live under him . And p. 144 , 145 , 147. he citeth Can. 3. Concil . Arelat . 3. an . 813. [ That every Bishop in his own Parish do perfectly and studiously teach the Presbyters and all the people , and not neglect to instruct them . ] And Concil . Turonens . 3. Can. 4. Let every Bishop diligently study by sacred preaching to inform the flock committed to him , what they must do , and what they must avoid . And Concil . Rhemens . 2. Can. 14. That Bishops preach the Word of God to all . And Concil . Cabilonens . 3. Can. 1. [ That Bishops be diligent in reading , and search the mysteries of Gods Word , that they may shine by the brightness of Doctrine in the Church , and cease not to satiate the souls subject to them , by nutriment of Gods Words . ] And p. 147. That in the formula by which the Kings of France committed Episcopacy to any , it is said , You shall study by daily Sermons to edifie , or polish , the people committed to you , according to Canonical Institution . And ibid. Can. 19. Concil . Constant . in Trullo , [ The Church Presidents must every day , but especially the Lords day , teach all the Clergy and people , the things that belong to piety , gathering from the Scriptures the sentences and judgments of verity . ] And p. 149. he citeth Concil . Lateran . sub Innoc. 3. c. 10. allowing Bishops to take helpers in preaching when business or sickness hindred them . And p. 150 , 152 , 153. he mentioneth it as somewhat rare , that at Alexandria Presbyters preached , and at Antioch Chrysostom , and at Hippo Augustine , while Flavianus and Valerius were Bishops . I do not cite all this now as to prove the sense of Antiquity , but the sense of Petavius , who plainly intimateth that the Churches were no larger of a long time , than that a Bishop might preach to all the Clergy and People every Lords day ; and that in Scripture times all or near all the Presbyters were Bishops ( which is it that we contend for ; ) and consequently you may judge what the Churches were . And though it still look much farther than Scripture times , I will shew you what Petavius thought of the Magnitude of City-Churches , even near four hundred years after Christ , in Epiphanius's days , in his Animadvers . on Epiphan . ad Haer. 69. p. 276. [ Singularem tunc temporis Alexandriae morem hunc fuisse , vel saltem paucis in Ecclesiis usurpatum , &c. i. e. That this was a singular custom of Alexandria , or at least used in few Churches , you may hence conjecture , because he so expresly mentioneth this custom as peculiar to the Alexandrian Church : to wit , that in the same City there should be many Titles , to each of which should be assigned a proper Presbyter , who should there perform the Church Offices . But yet the same was formerly elsewhere instituted ; that is , at Rome : where the Presbyters did every one rule his own people , being distributed by Titles ( that is , setled Sub-Assemblies . ) To them the Bishops on the Lords days sent Leaven , or hallowed Bread in token of Communion . ] See what a shift they were at first put to , lest the several Assemblies should seem several Churches . For it is not to be imagined that this was done to signifie that common Christian Communion which they had with all other Christian Churches , but that nearest Communion which belongeth to those that are embodied under one Pastor , or the same Pastor in Common , that is , one particular Church Even as if these divers Altars or Tables were at a distance in the same Church , and the Bishop would signifie the Union of the several Companies in the same Society , by sending some of the Bread which he had blessed to them all . But Petavius proceedeth [ Non dubito majoribus duntaxat in urbibus , &c. I doubt not but that it was in the Greater Cities only that there were more ( than one ) Titles within the bounds ( or Liberties ) when within the same Walls , they would not be contained and meet together ; and so had Presbyters put on the several Churches . But in the smaller and less frequented Cities , there was one only Church , into which they all did come together . Of which sort were the Cities of Cyprus . And therefore Epiphanius noteth the custom of Alexandria , as a thing strange to his Country-men and unusual . Hence was the original of Parishes ; which word was transferred from the Country Churches to the City Churches . And adding the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with their Bishops or Curators setled in Rome by Servius Tullius he saith , Quibus Christianorum in agris Paroeciae quam simillimae fuerunt ; Nam & illic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. To which the Parishes of the Christians in the Countries were most like : For there also were Bishops , or rather ( Chorepiscopi ) rural Bishops placed of old : which some Latine interpretations of the Canons call the Vicars of the Bishops , but others far more rightly than they , the Country , or Village ( Bishops ) ( of which more after . ) So that you see in Petavius opinion , even when Epiphanius wrote , the ordinary Cities of the World had but one Assembly in each City and Suburbs ; And only some extraordinary Cities ( of which only Alexandria could be named by Epiphanius , and Rome also by Petavius , and no more by any other Author ) had divers setled Titles under their several Presbyters : And even those Titles in those two Cities were but Chappels , like our Parish Chappels , received consecrated Bread from the Bishops Church , lest they should think that they were a distinct body of themselves . Yea , and that the Villages that had Assemblies had their proper Bishops . And so I dismiss Petavius with thanks , for his free Concession . 2. My next Witness is Bishop Downame , the strongest that hath written against Parish Bishops for Diocesanes ; who , lib. 1. cap. 1. ( before recited ) saith , [ Indeed at the very first Conversion of Cities , the whole number of the people converted , being somewhere not much greater than the number of Presbyters placed among them , were able to make but a small Congregation . ] And cap. 6. pag. 104. [ At the first , and namely the time of the Apostle Paul , the most of the Churches , so soon after their Conversion , did not each of them , exceed the proportion of a populous Congregation . ] Though this reach not so low as Petavius Concession , it is as much as I need to the present business . 3. My third Witness shall be that learned moderate man , Mr. Joseph Mede , who in his discourse of Churches , pag. 48 , 49 , 50. saith , [ Nay more than this , it should seem that in those first times before Diocesses were divided into those lesser and subordinate Churches which we now call Parishes , and Presbyters assigned to them , they had not only one Altar to a Church or Dominicum , but one Altar to a Church , taking Church for the Company or Corporation of the faithful united under one Bishop or Paster : and that was in the City or place where the Bishop had his See and Residence . Like as the Jews had but one Altar and Temple for the whole Nation , united under one High Priest . And yet , as the Jews had their Synagogues , so perhaps might they have more Oratories than one though their Altar were but one , there namely where the Bishop was . Die solis , saith Justin Martyr , omnium qui vel in oppidis vel ru●i degunt in eundem locum Conventus fit . Namely as he there tells us to celebrate , and participate the holy Eucharist . Why was this ? but because they had not many places to celebrate it in . And unless this were so , whence came it else that a Schismatical Bishop was said , Constituere or collocare aliud altare ? And that a Bishop and an Altar are made correlatives ? See St. Cyprian , Epist . 40 , 72 , 73. de unit . Eccles . &c. So that Mr. Mede granteth that every Church that had a Bishop , had no more people than communicated at one Altar . To which purpose he goeth on further to Ignatius Testimony , of which anon . 4. Bishop Bilson's Testimony , Perp. Gov. cap. 13. pag. 256. See afterward . 5. Grotius is large in his endeavours to prove , that not only every City had a Bishop , but also every stated Assembly , of which there were divers in one and the same City , and that the Government was not suited to the Temple way , but to the Synagogues ; and as every Synagogue had its chief Ruler , of which there were many in a City , so had every Church in a City its Bishop ; and that only the Church of Alexandria had the custom of having but one Bishop in the whole City . Thus he de Imper. Sum. Pot. p. 355 , 356 , 357. And in his Annot. in 1 Tim. 5. 17. [ Sed notandum est una urbe , sicut plures Synagogas , ita & plures fuisse Ecclesias , id est conventus Christianorum : & cuique Ecclesiae fuisse suum praesidem , qui populum alloqueretur & Presbyteros ordinaret : Alexandriae tantum eum fuisse morem , ut unus esset in tota urbe praeses qui ad docendum Presbyteros Per urbem distribueret , docet nos Sozomenus , l. 1. c. 14. & Epiphanius , &c. ] Thus Grotius thought that of old every stated Assembly had a Bishop that had power of Ordination . I confess I interpret not Zozomen nor Epiphanius as Grotius doth , nor believe I that he can bring us frequent proof of two Churches with Bishops in one City ( much less many ; ) unless in Doctor Hammond's instance before and after mentioned . But the rest I accept . 6. I may take it for a full Concession from Bishop Jeremy Tailor , which is before cited , though in few words ; Praef. Treat . of Repent . [ I am sure we cannot give account of souls of which we have no notice . ] And I am sure a full Parish is as many as a more able and diligent man than ever I was , can take such notice of as to do the Pastors Office to them . 7. But the last and greatest Champion for Diocesanes is Doctor Hammond : his Concessions are mentioned before ; but now are purposely to be cited : But remember still that we are yet speaking but of the matter of Fact. In his Annot. in Act. 11. 30. he saith , [ Although this Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , have been also extended to a second Order in the Church , and now is only in use for them under the name of Presbyters , yet in the Scripture times it belonged principally , if not alone to Bishops , there being no evidence that any of the second order were then instituted ; though soon after before the writing of Ignatius Epistles there were such instituted in all Churches . ( Though so suddain a change be unlikely , I pass it by . ) In his Dissert . p. 208 , 209 , 211. cap. 10. sect . 19 , 20 , 21. & 11. sect . 2. &c. he saith , [ Prius non usquequaque verum esse quod pro concesso sumitur ( in una civitate non fuisse plures Episcopos . ) Quamvis enim in una Ecclesia aut coetu plures simul Episcopi nunquam fuerint , nihil tamen obstare , quin in eadem civitate duo aliquando disterminati coetus fuerint , a duobus Apostolis ad fidem adducti , &c. as I have before more largely cited him . Yea , Dissert . Epist . Sect. 30 , 31. he will have the question stated only of a Bishop [ in singulari Ecclesia ] & [ in singulari coetu . ] The controversie is not , Quibus demum nominibus cogniti fuerint Ecclesiarum rectores ; sed an ad unum in singulari Ecclesia , an ad plures potestas ista devenerit ? Nos ad unum singularem praefectum , quem ex famosiore Ecclesiae usu , Episcopum vulgo dicimus , potestatem istam in singulari coetu ex Christi & Apostolorum institutione , nunquam non pertinuisse affirmamus . So that it is a Bishop of one Assembly or Church which Doctor Hammond will have the question stated about . 2. And such a Church or Assembly as great Cities a while had divers of , and so divers Bishops . 3. And this was after the Scripture times ; for they had divers Bishops with a divers Clergy . 4. But that in Scripture times , the Order of Sub-Presbyters cannot be proved instituted . 5. And in his Annotations he expoundeth all the Texts of the New Testament of Bishops that mention Presbyters . 6. But in his Answer to the London Ministers , not daring yet to hold that they were of Humane and not of Divine Institution , he holds that they were instituted in the end of St. John's days after all the Scripture was written ( which was about two or three years before his death ) and so were of Divine Institution , though all the rest of the Apostles were dead . Before I apply this I will subjoyn his words of more numerous Witnesses to our opinion with himself , for he saith . 8. Doctor Hammond of the rest , Vindication against London Minsters , pag. 104. [ And though I might truly say that for those more minute considerations or conjectures , wherein this Doctor differs from some others , he hath the suffrages of many of the learnedst men of this Church at this day , and as far as he knoweth of all that embrace the same Cause with him . ] I purposely pass by such Bishops as Cranmer , Jewel , &c. and such conformable Divines as Doctor Whitaker , Fulke , &c. as being not high enough to be valued by those that I have now to do with . As Jewel , Art. 4. p. 171. sheweth that every Church must have one Bishop and but one , and out of Cyprian that the Fraternitas universa was to chuse him ; Et ●piscopus delegatur plebe praesente — de universae fraternitatis suffragio , Episcopatus ei ( Sabino ) deferretur : And mentioneth the Rescript of Honorius the Emperor to Boniface , that [ If two Bishops through division and contention happen to be chosen , we will that neither of them be allowed as Bishop ; but that he only remain in the Apostolick Seat , whom out of the number of the Clergy , Godly discretion , and the consent of the whole Brotherhood , shall chuse by a new Election . ] How big yet was the Church even then ? Now all this being asserted , 1. It is evident that they hold that in Scripture times , no Church consisted of more than one ordinary stated worshipping Assembly . 2. And that every such Assembly had a Bishop . For if there were no Presbyters , there could be no Assembly but where a Bishop was present : for the Lords days were then used for publick Worship ; and the people could not do that without a Minister , for they had Communion in the Lords Supper every Lords day : And therefore they must have a Bishop , or have no such Worship . And Doctor Hammond departeth from Petavius in holding that no Church had more Bishops than one : So that de facto he granteth all that I desire , 1. That the Churches were but so many Assemblies having each a Bishop . 2. And that no Sub-Presbyters were instituted in Scripture times . And by what right the change was made we shall enquire anon . CHAP. V. The same proved by the full Testimony of Antiquity . THat the particular Churches , infimae speciei vel ordinis , ( of which combined Associated Churches were constituted ) were no larger than is before described , and had but Unum Altare , I shall prove Historically from Antiquity . I. And Order requireth that I begin with Clemens Romanus . But let the Reader still remember that while I cite him and others oft cited heretofore by many , I do it not to the same end , as they who thence prove that Bishops and Presbyters were then the same ; but to prove the Churches to be but such single Congregations as are fore-described , Ep. ad Cor. pag. 54 , 55. [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i. e. Per regiones igitur & urbes verbum praedicantes , primitias eorum spiritu probantes , Episcopos & Diaconos eorum qui credituri erant constituerunt . ] Here are these concurrent evidences to our purpose . 1. In that he speaketh only of Bishops and Deacons , and neither here nor elsewhere one syllable of any other Presbyters but Bishops , it is apparent that in those times there were no Subject-Presbyters distinct from Bishops in being : Nor could Doctor Hammond any other way answer Blondel here , but by confessing and maintaining this , and so expounding Clemens as speaking of Bishops only before other Presbyters were in the Church . And if so , then there could be none but Churches of single Assemblies then , or such as one man could officiate in : because there was then no more to do it . 2. In that Cities and Countries are made the Seats of these Bishops : for though some would make them to be mentioned only as the places where the Apostles preached , the obvious plain sense of the words is connexive of preaching and constituting Bishops : by preaching they made believers in Cities and Countries , and over those believers they placed Bishops and Deacons ; which implieth it to be in the same places . And whereas some would strain the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to signifie Provinces , and not Country Villages , it must then , as distinct from Cities , have meant [ many Cities ] and so have stled Bishops and Arch-Bishops , intimating Subject-Presbyters under them : But here is no such word or intimation : Yea , when the Countries are made first the Place of the Apostles preaching ( as they confess ) let any impartial man judge whether this be like to be the sense [ They preached in Provinces , that is , in the Cities of Provinces , and in Cities . ] And if there were Country Churches and Bishops se●ied by the Apostle's , its easie to see that each particular Church-Assembly had a Bishop , when even the City Churches themselves were no bigger than Petavius and others mention . 3. Ad hominem , Though I believe that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] eorum qui credituri erant , be intended only to signifie the subsequence of believing to their preaching , yet waving that , to them that suppose it to intend the subsequence of believing to making Bishops , it must needs imply that the Churches then consisted but of few , and were yet to be filled up : But whether one Bishop to have many Churches is a question which must be otherwise and aliunde decided . 4. The magnitude of the Churches is plainly intimated , when he saith p. 57. [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Constitutos itaque ab illis vel deinceps ab aliis viris celebribus cum consensu universae Ecclesiae qui inculpate ovili Christi inservierunt , &c. ] If the Bishops were chosen by the Consent of all the Church , it was no greater a Church than would and did meet to signifie their consent ; and not such as our Diocesses now are . 5. Also the same is intimated by pag. 69. [ If it be for me that Contention , Sedition and Schisms arise , I will depart , I will be gone whither you will , and will do what shall by the people be appointed ; only let the Sheep-fold of Christ live in peace with the Presbyters appointed over it . By which words it is evident , that it was such a particular Ovile or Church , where the Will of the people might be declared as a matter that bore much sway . But who can think that this is spoken of many Congregations , where the peoples Will could not easily be signified ? 6. And it is farther manifest in that it was but for the sake of one or two that the Church of Corinth moved this sedition against the Presbyters ( called also Bishops , ) pag. 62. Now how many Congregations that Church consisted of , where the interest of one or two was either so far concerned or so powerful , it is easie to conjecture ; set all these together , and judge impartially . I add ( though out of season ) that it was none of the Apostles meaning that those whom they made Bishops of such single Churches , without a subject Order of Presbyters , should make such an Order of subject Presbyters , and make themselves the Bishops of a Diocesane Church without any Bishops under them . For pag. 57. he saith , [ And our Apostles by our Lord Jesus Christ knew , that contention would arise about the name of Episcopacy ; and for this cause being endued with perfect fore-knowledge , they appointed them aforesaid , and left the Courses ( or Orders ) of After-Ministers and Offices described , that other approved men might succeed in the place of the deceased , and might execute their Offices . ] So that it was the same places and the same Offices which those ordained by the Apostles had , in which others must succeed them , which therefore were described by the Apostles , and not into others . To confirm my Exposition of Clemens , note , that Grotius himself Epist . 182. ad Bignon . giveth this as a reason to prove this Epistle of Clemens to be genuine . Quod nusquam meminit exortis illius Episcoporum authoritatis , quae Ecclesiae consuctudine post Marci mortem Alexandriae , atque eo exemplo alibi introduci coepit : sed plane , ut Paulus Apostolus ostendit , Ecclesias communi Presbyterorum , qui iidem omnes & Episcopi , consilio fuisse gubernatas . ] that is , Because he no where maketh mention of that excelling authority of Bishops which began to be intrduoced at Alexandria by the custom of the Church , after the death of Mark , and in other places by that example : But he plainly sheweth , as the Apostle Paul doth , that the Churches were governed by the Common Council of Presbyters , who were also Bishops . ] Note also , as aforesaid , that Doctor Hammond in Dissert . granteth as to matter of fact , that Clemens speaketh but of the Bishops of single Congregations , whom he also calleth Presbyters , there being no other in the Church of Corinth . II. My next Witness is Pius Bishop of Rome , in Epist . Justo Episcopo ; in Biblioth . Patr. Tom. 3. pag. 15. mentioning only Bishops and Deacons : of which Doctor Hammond making the same Concession , still granteth that hitherto Bishops had but single Churches . ( Of this more anon . ) III. My next and greatest Witness is Ignatius , in whom ( to my admiration ) the Diocesanes so much confide , as that quasi pro aris & focis they contend for the authority of his Epistles . I am as loth to lose him as they are : therefore I will not meddle in Blondel's controversie ( against whom they say Doctor Pierson is now writing . ) In his Epistle to the Philadelphians he saith , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] [ There is to every Church one Altar , and one Bishop , with the Presbytery and the Deacons my fellow servants . ] I am not able to devise apter words to express my sense in . He saith not this of some one Church , but of all ; nor yet as of an accident proper to those times of the Churches minority ; but as of the Notes of every Churches Individuation or Haecceity as they speak . The Unity of the Church is characterised by One Altar , and One Bishop with the Presbytery and Deacons . If [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] were out , it would not alter the sense , being plainly implied . Bishop Downame's Exposition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if it signified Christ , is so forced and contrary to the evidence of the Text , that his own party quite forsake him in it , and he needeth no confutation . For who ever before dreamed that the Unity or Individuation of each particular Church , consisted in having one Christ , who is the common Head of all Churches ? One Christ to every Church and one Bishop , would signifie that every Church must have one several Christ , as well as one several Bishop . Nor is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so used by the Ancients , except when the Context sheweth that they speak by allusion of Christ . Master Mede's plain and certain Exposition and Collection I gave you before ; the same with ours . As for them that say that many Congregations might per vices come to one Altar to communicate , I answer , 1. Let them make Churches as big as can thus communicate and spare not ; though there be necessary Chappels or Oratories besides . 2. But remember that every Church used to worship God publickly and to communicate , at least every Lords day ; and that there was but One Altar to each Church , and therefore but one Communicating Congregation . Doctor Stillingfleet in his Schismatical Sermon is for my Exposition . Object . It is meant of one Species of Altars , and not one Individual . Answ . Then it is meant also of one Species of Bishops in each Church , and not of one Individual . Object . The practice of the Churches after sheweth that they took it not for a sin , or Schism , to have several Altars in a Church . Answ . I talk of nothing but matter of fact ; it was the note of One Church when those Epistles were written : whether the Author was mistaken de jure , or whether after Ages grew wiser , or rather had fewer Bishops and more Altars for the sake of Carnal Interest , I judge not . The same Author Epist . ad Smyrn . saith [ Ubi utique apparet Episcopus , ibi & multitudo sit : quemadmodum utique ubi est Christus Jesus , illic Catholica Ecclesia : ] as Usher's Lat. Trans . or [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] omnis exercitus coelestis . And the Context sheweth that this multitudo or plebs is the Church which the Bishop overseeth . Therefore ubi Episcopus ibi Ecclesia fuit , and so every Church had a present Bishop . So in Epist . ad Magnes . he bids them [ All unitedly ( or as one ) run together to one Temple of God , as to one Altar , to one Jesus Christ . ] So that every Church had one Temple and one Altar to which ( as a note of their Union in Christ ) the whole Church must unanimously come . So in Epist . ad Trull . he saith [ Et Episcopus typum Dei Patris omnium gerit ; Presbyteri vero sunt consessus quidam , & conjunctus Apostolorum coetus ; sine his Ecclesia Electa non est : Nulla sine his Sanctorum Congregatio ; nulla Sanctorum Collectio . Et postea , Quid vero aliud Sacerdotium est ( vel Presbyterium ) quam sacer coetus , Conciliarii & assessores Episcopi ? Quid Diaconi , &c. ] So that it is hard more plainly to express a thing in words , than this Author expresseth , that not only de facto every stated worshipping communicating Congregation had their Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons , but that de jure it ought to be so : And that there was no lawful Church Assembly for Worship , without the Bishop and his Presbyters ordinarily ; and one Altar and one Bishop were the Notes of one Church . And Epist . ad Polycarp . [ Saepe Congregationes fiant : ex nomine omnes quaere : servos & ancillas ne despicias ( ut Trans . Lat. Ush . ) i. e. Keep often Congregations : Enquire ( or look after ) all ( or every one ) by name : despise not the Servants and the Maids . ] And how many Congregations at once that Church then had , or how great it was , when the Bishop himself was to look after every one by name , even the Men-servants and the Maids , I leave to their judgments who are willing to understand the truth . Since the writing of this ( about thirteen years ) I have seen Isaac Vossius his Florentine Ignatius , Edit . 2. and also had some speech with Bishop Gunning , confidently denying that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meant one material Altar or place of Communicating : I will therefore review the Texts of Ignatius according to Isaac Vossius , and answer this Bishops confident assertion . 1. Epist . ad Smyrn . p. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Omnes Episcopum sequimini ut Jesus Christus Patrem ; & Presbyterium ut Apostolos ; Diaconos autem revereamini ut Dei mandatum . Nullus sine Episcopo aliquid operetur eorum quae conveniunt in Ecclesiam : Illa firma Gratiarum actio ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) reputetur , quae sub ipso est , vel quam utique ipse concesserit : ubi utique apparet Episcopus , illic multitudo sit : quemadmodum utique ubi est Jesus Christus illic Catholica Ecclesia : Non licitum est sine Episcopo neque baptizare , neque agapen facere . Here it is evident , 1. That by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Multitude , ] is meant the assembling multitude , and not distant people many miles off . 2. That by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apparet , is meant the personal visible appearing presence of the Bishop . And so that every Church-Assembly had a present Bishop ordinarily . 3. That by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is meant the Churches joyful laudatory Communion , of which the Lords Supper was a chief part . And so that the Eucharist was usually celebrated with and by the Bishop , and never but by his particular allowance to the Presbyters ; not only a general allowance to do it commonly as Parish Priests do without him , but to do it in his Assembly either in case of his absence , or need , or as assisting him . 4. That by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meant the matters and persons of the particular Assembly : And so that every such Assembly had a present Supervisor or Bishop . 5. That by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is meant a local going whither he goeth , and an imitation of him as present ; and so that they had his visible presence . 6. That the prohibition of baptizing and holding their Love-feasting Meetings without him , signified not only [ without his general licence at a distance ; ] but as no Servants must do great matters in the house without the Master , so it implieth here his ordinary presence and particular approbation of the single persons fitness for Baptism , and his conduct of their Love-feasts , and his allowance in case of necessary absence . 7. That the same Assemblies had a Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons . For the same multitude is to follow the same Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons : And how could one Parish follow all the Presbyters of all other Parish Churches of a Diocess whom they never knew ? And it is certain that it was the same Church that the Presbytery and Deacons here mentioned had : But Deacons were appropriated only to single Churches , and the people of one Parish-Assembly , were not to follow or obey the Deacons of all other distant Parish Churches . 8. And after he saith , [ Saluto Deo dignum Episcopum , & Deo decens Presbyterium , & conservos meos Diaconos & singillatim & communiter omnes . ] Which plainly signifieth that it was the same City Church in Smyrna that had a Bishop , Presbytery and Deacons : For the scattered Presbyters of many distant Parishes cannot be meant by the Presbytery which is supposed present with the Bishop and Deacons . II. The next in the Florentine Copy is the Epistle to Polycarpe , where he saith to the Bishop , [ Let not the Widows be neglected : Next after the Lord , be thou the Curator of them : Let nothing be done without thy Sentence : and do thou nothing without God : and what thou dost let it be well stable : Let Congregations be often made : seek all by name : despise not Servants and Maids : speak to my Sisters to love the Lord , and be subject in flesh and spirit to their Husbands , and to the men to love their Wives . And the Men that marry , and the Women that are married , must make their union with the sentence of the Bishop , &c. ] Here it is evident , 1. That it was a Church of which Widows were a part that is here meant : But Widows then were special parts of particular Parish-Churches , and not common to a Diocess of many such . 2. It was such a Church where the Bishop himself was to take care of all the Widows , and see that they were not neglected : And that could not be done to a Diocess of many score or hundred Parishes . 3. It was a Church where the Bishop as present could see to all that was done . 4. It was a Church that was oft to assemble or be congregate : which a Diocess never doth : For it is frequent Congregations of the same persons that is here commanded or desired . 5. It was a Church so assembled that the Bishop could by name take an account who was absent by his own eye : Yea , even of the Servant-men and Maids . 6. And such as the Bishop could himself marry all that were married in it , or at least be their particular Counsellor therein : And exhort all Husbands and Wives to their duties . 7. He after saith , [ I am of one soul with them that are subject to the Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons . ] Signifying that these three were the present Officers of one and the same particular Church . III. The next is the Epistle to the Ephesians ; where , 1. Pag. 17. he willeth them to love their Bishop , and all of them to imitate him : which supposeth that they knew him ( and so doth not one in an hundred in most of our Diocesses , nor ever see his face . ) 2. Pag. 19. He tells them that [ They agree in the Sentence of the Bishop , and so doth the worthy Presbytery agree with him , as the strings of a Harp ; and therefore in their consent and consounding love Jesus Christ is sung : and they are all made a Chore , that being consonant in consent , receiving in unity divine melody , they might with one voice sing by Jesus Christ to the Father that he may hear them , and know by whom they do good . ] Where it is most plainly signified that it was a Church which sung to God by Christ in one Chore , in unity of concenting voice , under one Bishop and his Presbytery and Deacons present and conducting them . 3. After pag. 20. he praiseth them for being [ consonant in Unity with the Bishop , For if any be not within the Altar , he is deprived of the ●read of God : For if the prayer of one or two have so great force , how much more that which is of the Bishop and all the Church ? He therefore that cometh not to the same , is proud and condemneth himself . And by how much you see the Bishop silent , reverence him the more : for we must receive every one that the Lord of the house sendeth , as him that sent him : you must therefore look upon the Bishop manifest ( or visibly present ) as to the Lord. Onesimus praiseth your Divine Order . ] Here it is plain that it was a Church where many , yea all the Church joyned presentially in prayer with the Bishop , which a thousand Parishes ( nor two ) do not . 4. It was a Church where the Bishop was seen by all when he was silent ; and so reverenced for his silent presence . 5. It was a Church , which they that wilfully absented themselves from were self-condemned : But a man can be but in one Parish at once . 6. It was a Church where they might all see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop manifest , that is , Perspicuum , visible . 7. It was a Church where all that had the Sacred Bread were [ within the Altar , ] that is , the one Sacrarium , or place of communicating in the Eucharist . 8. And this was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Order of their Assembly . After pag. 25. he saith [ Hasten therefore to assemble frequently , for the Eucharist ( or thanksgiving ) of God , and for Glory : For when you oft meet for the same thing , the powers of Satan are destroyed , and his perdition loosed in the concord of your faith . ] 9. Here it is plain that it was a Church that used to meet together for the Eucharist ; manifesting therein the concord of the faith of all the Church . And after pag. 29. he saith , [ Because they who according to Man , do all by name meet commonly in Grace in one faith , and in Jesus Christ , in your obeying the Bishop , and Presbytery , with an undivided mind , breaking one bread , &c. ] 10. Here it is signified that the Bishop and Presbytery were all present as Guides in one Assembly , which was that Church which they supervised . 11. And that it was such a Church that brake one Bread , professing one faith , in presence , with undivided minds . So plainly doth this Epistle decide our controversie . IV. The next Epistle is Ad Magnesios . In which he saith , Canto Ecclesias in quibus Unionem oro Carnis & Spiritus . Union of Flesh signifieth local Communion . 2. Pag. 31. he saith , [ I am dignified to see you by Dama your Bishop worthy of God , and the worthy Presbyters Bassus and Apollonius , and my fellow Servant Sotion the Deacon , whom I enjoy because he is subject to the Bishop and Presbytery , &c. ] By which words it is plain that this Church which had a Bishop , Presbytery and Deacon , was a Parochial Church that had presential Communion with them , and not as our Diocesses . 3. Pag. 33. Having mentioned the Bishop he saith , [ Because in the aforesaid persons I behold all the multitude , in faith and love I warn you , study to do all in the concord of God , the Bishop presiding in the place of God , and the Presbyters in the stead of the Consession of the Apostles , and the Deacons , &c. Which sheweth that it was a Church where Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons sate together in presence . 4. And after it 's said , [ Let there be nothing among you which may divide ( or separate ) you ; but be united to the Bishop and Presidents , &c. Which sheweth the same present Presidency as aforesaid . 5. Pag. 33. He repeateth [ without the Bishop and Presbyters do nothing ] which no reason can interpret of any Presbyters but the present . So 6. Pag. 34. [ Let nothing else seem reasonable proper to your selves ; but one Prayer for the same thing , one deprecation , one understanding , one hope in love and undefiled joy . ] Which importeth their present Communion in Prayer and Profession . 7. He addeth , [ All of you run ( or meet ) together into one Temple of God , as to one Altar . ] This needeth only an impartial Reader , and it 's plain . 8. And pag. 37. [ With your worthily honoured Bishop , and the worthily Complexe Spiritual Crown of your Presbytery , and the Deacons , &c. ] Where no Presbyters are mentioned but the Bishops Presbytery which sate about him in the Church , called the Complexe Corona . 9. He addeth ut unio sit carnalis & spiritualis , that is , of present bodies and of minds . V. The next is the Epistle to the Philadelphians : where praising them for their union with their Bishop as the strings of a Harp , he saith , [ Study therefore to use one Eucharist ( or Thanksgiving ) that is , to joyn all together in the Eucharistical Communion : ) For there is one Flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ , and one Cup ( that is , which is there Sacramentally represented and given ) into Union of his Blood , one Altar , and one Bishop , with the Presbytery and the Deacons my fellow Servants ; that what you do , you may do according to God. ] Here one Church is notified in its Unity by these marks . 1. That they all joyn in one Assembly for the Eucharist . Which signifieth one Body and Blood of Christ . 2. And that there be one Altar for this Communion . 3. And one Bishop . 4. And one Presbytery with his Deacons with him . But here Bishop Gunning saith , It is not meant of one material Altar . Answ . 1. It must be noted that ( as Master Mede and others have observed ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in Church Writers for the Chancel , Sacrarium , or place where the Altar stood , as well as for the Altar it self : Into which place the Communicants only were admitted ; to which form our Chancels are made . 2. And to be intra Altare is usually meant of being one admitted to that Eucharistical Communion . 3. And though as we give the Sacrament in private houses to the sick , and have Chappels for the weak and distant , so might some great Churches then , and yet have but one Chancel , Altar or place for the Communion of the whole Church ; 4. The express words , and the Context and sense fully shew that it is personal present Communion that is here spoken of , and therefore in one place . 5. The common use of the word in other Writers , sheweth it , ( as being intra vel extra Altare , and setting up Altare contra Altare , that is separated Assemblies for such Communion . ( 6. The most learned and famous Expositors so expound it ; such as Master Mede before cited , and Arch-Bishop Usher and others . 7. The Contradictors can feign no other probable sense . For , 1. If by the Altar they say is meant [ One Christ , ] 2. or one Species of Altars , these are before confuted , and are palpably false . He that is in another part of the World may come to an Altar of the same species , which is nothing to the unity of a particular Church here spoken of . 3. If they say , It is called one Altar because under one Bishop , this maketh not many to be one , no more than many Temples . And if tropically it were so meant , it would be but a vain repetition , One Bishop being mentioned besides . And it is an Altar which the Bishop with his Presbytery is supposed to be present at , which cannot be All in a Diocess called One. Partiality can give no other probable sense . Object . 1. One Church it is known had many Altars . Answ . Not then ; no nor long after except at Rome and Alexandria : and then they were but as parts of Chappels , and not of Churches . Object . 2. It is said also , There is one Body of Christ and one Cup , which cannot be meant literally . Answ . It is well called One agreeably to our present sence : For , 1. It is one and the same Bread , though not one piece , which is there present , consecrated and divided to them all ; and one Cup or present quantity of Wine which is there distributed among them . 2. And it is One body and blood or sacrificed Christ , which is in every Church represented and offered by One Bishop at one Altar . This doth but confirm our Exposition . But what can be so plain as to convince the prejudiced and unwilling ? 2. Pag. 45. he willeth [ `` the Church to send a Deacon to Antioch as other neighbour Churches sent Bishops , and some Presbyters and Deacons . ] And can any man think that a Diocess met to chuse a Deacon to go on a visit , or that it was a Diocesane Bishop that was sent by a Diocess , yea that all these neighbour Churches that sent them were so many Diocesses ? VI. The next is the Epistle ad Trallesios . Where he saith of the Bishop that came to him , [ That he saw all the multitude in him ; ] that is , the Assembly . And as before he bids them , [ Do nothing without the Bishop , and be subject to the Presbytery ; and that as to the Counsel of God , and Conjunction of Apostles ] adding , [ For without these the Church is not called : . ] what can be plainer to shew that it was a Church that had a present Bishop and Council of Presbyters conjunct , without whom the Church was not lawfully called together ? So that every Church had such . 2. And pag. 50. he saith again , [ Not inflated , but being inseparable from God , Jesus Christ , and the Bishop and the Orders of the Apostles ( that is , the Confess of Presbyters ) He that is within the Altar is clean ; and he that is without the Altar is not clean ; that is , he that doth any thing ( in the Church ) without the Bishop , Presbytery and Deacon , is not clean in Conscience : which plainly sheweth that every Church-Assembly had a guiding Bishop , Presbytery and ministring Deacon . 3. Pag. 52. he saith , [ I salute you from Smyrna with the Churches of God , which are present with me : ] He had not then the presence of many Diocesses ; nor were Bishops alone used then to be called Churches : Therefore they were Church-Assemblies which he visited , and were with him , and about him . 4. Again he repeateth , [ Be subject to the Bishop and Presbytery , and love one another with an inseparable heart . ] Which hath the sense aforesaid . VII . In the Epistle to the Romans , the words of the Church presiding in locho chori Romanorum is much spoken of already by many . The Epistles ascribed to him have much of the like kind ; as Epist . ad Tarsenses , pag. 80. Ad Antiochenos , pag. 86 , 87 , 88. The Epist . ad Heroum Diaconum calleth the Presbyters of Antioch Bishops who baptize , sacrifice and impose hands . So Epist . ad Philippenses , pag. 112. If after all this evidence from Ignatius any will wrangle , let him wrangle : what words can be plain enough for such ? And what a blind or blinding practice is it , which too many Writers for Prelacy have used ? to pretend Ignatius to be for them , who is so much and plain against them ? And to toss about the name of a Bishop and Presbytery , as if all that was said for a Parochial Bishop and Presbytery ( that is , in a Church associated for personal presential Communion ) were spoken for such a Diocesane Prelacy as putteth down and destroyeth all such Churches , Bishops and Presbyteries . And what falshood is it to perswade the World that we are against Episcopacy because we would have every Church to have a Bishop , and would not have all the Churches in England except Diocesane , to be unchurched and turned into Chappels or Oratories ? When yet we refuse not to submit to more general Overseers of many Churches , to see that the Pastors do their duty , and counsel and exhort them to it , whether appointed hereto by the Magistrate , or the consent and choice of many Churches . IV. Justin Martyr's Testimony is trite , but most plain , and not to be evaded . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Postea fratrum praeposito panis & poculum offertur — Postquam praepositus gratias egit totusque populus fausta omnia acclamavit ; qui inter nos Diaconi vocantur dant unicuique partem panis & calicis diluti , super quos facta est gratiarum actio , atque etiam deferre sinunt absentibus — Die solis urbanorum ac rusticanorum coetus fiunt , ubi Apostolorum prophetarumque literae quoad fieri potest praeleguntur : Cessant● Lectore Praepositus verba facit adhortatoria — Posthaec consurgunt omnes & preces off●rimus : quibus finitis profertur panis , vinum & aqua : Tum praepofitus quantum potest preces offert , & gratiarum actiones : Plebs vero Amen accin●t . Inde consecrata distribuuntur singulis , & absentibus mittuntur per Diaconos : Ditiores si libeat pro sua quisque voluntate conferunt : Collecta deponuntur apud praepositum : Is subvenit pupillis , viduis , & propter morbum aliamve necessitatem egentibus , vinctis quoque & peregrinis , & in summa curator fit omnium inopum . Thus Justin Apolog. 2. Where he describeth the Church State and Worship which we desire , as plainly as we can speak our selves . Note here , 1. That whether the Country-men and Citizens had several Churches or met in one City Church , it sheweth that they were but single Congregations . For every Church had a present Bishop : ( For Doctor Hammond maintaineth that by the Praepositus here is meant the Bishop , and so do others of them . ) 2. This Bishop performed the Offices of the day , every Lord's day , praying , preaching and administring the Lord's Supper , &c. 3. All the Alms of the Church was committed to the Bishop at present , ( and therefore he had not many hundred or any other Churches under him where Presbyters did all receive the Alms. ) 4. He was the common Curator of all the Poor , Orphans , Sick , &c. which could not be for more than one of our Parishes : ( And let the Bishops take as big a Church as they will do all this for , and spare not . ) 5. And the Deacons bringing the consecrated Bread and Wine to the absent in token of Communion with the same Church and Bishop , sheweth that there were not under him many other absent Congregations , that had no other Bishop of their own : Nor did the Deacon carry it to such Congregations through the Diocess . In a word , here is a full description of a Congregational Church and Bishop . Saith Master Mede before cited , of these words , [ As the Jews had their Synagogues , so perhaps might they have more Oratories than one ; though their Altar were but one , there namely where the Bishop was . Die solis omnes , &c. ( here he cites these words , ) Namely as he there tells us , to celebrate and participate of the Holy Eucharist . Why was this ? but because they had not many places to celebrate in . ] V. Tertullian is as plain and full : Apol. c. 39. Corpus sumus de conscientia religionis , & disciplinae unitate , & spei foedere : Coimus in Coetum , & Congregationem , ut ad Deum quasi manu facta precationibus ambiamus orantes — Cogimur ad divinarum literarum commemorationem . — Certe fidem sanctis vocibus pascimus : spem erigimus , fiduciam figimus , disciplinam praeceptorum nihilominus inculcationibus densamus . Ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes , & censura divina . Nam & judicatur magno cum pondere , ut apud certos de Dei conspectu ; summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est , siquis ita deliquerit , ut a Communicatione orationis & Conventus & omnis Sancti Commercii relegatur : Praesident probati quique Seniores , &c. And de Corona Milit. cap. 3. Eucharistiae Sacramentum , & in tempore victus , & omnibus mandatum a domino , etiam antelucanis coetibus ; nec de aliorum manu quam praesidentium sumimus . And further , [ Aquam adituri itidem , sed & aliquando prius in Ecclesia sub antistitis manu contestamur , nos renunciare Diabolo & pompae & angelis ejus . ] In all these words ( and many more such in Tertullian ) it is evident , 1. That then a Church was a Congregation met for holy Worship , and not many hundred Congregations making one Church primae ordinis . 2. That this Church had ordinarily a Bishop present ( not present in one Congregation and many hundred without . ) 3. That the Bishop baptized , and took the Confessions of the Baptized , and performed the ordinary Worship , and administred the Lords Supper . ( Doctor Hammond himself maintaineth that it is the Bishop that Tertullian speaketh of . ) 4. That Discipline was exercised in those Church Assemblies , and therefore the Bishop was present . 5. They took the Sacrament from none but the Bishops hand ( save that the Deacon distributed it as from him ) which proveth that the Bishop was present , when ever the Sacrament was administred . 6. They had these Assemblies every Lords day . All which set together plainly sheweth that then every Church had a present Bishop , ( ordinarily ) and was no more than one Congregation , met for such Communion as is described . VI. And even in Cyprian's time the alteration was not great : Epist . 68. ( Edit . Goulart . ) p. 201. he saith , [ Propter quod plebs obsequens praeceptis dominicis & Deum metuens , &c. ] i. e. [ For which cause the people that are obedient to the Lords Commands and fear God , ought to separate themselves from a sinful Prelate ( or Bishop ) and not to be present , at the Sacrifices of a Sacrilegious Priest ; seeing they have the greatest power either of chusing worthy Priests , or of refusing the unworthy : which very thing we see coming down by Divine Authority , that the Priest , the people being present , be chosen ( or appointed ) before the eyes of all , and by the publick judgment and testimony be approved worthy and fit . And so going on to prove the Divine Right hereof he addeth , which was before done so diligently and cautelously , the people being all called together , lest any unworthy person should creep into the Ministry of the Altar , or the place of Priesthood . For that the Unworthy are sometimes ordained , not according to the Will of God , but according to the presumption of Man ; and that these things are displeasing to God which come not of legitimate and just Ordination , God himself doth manifest by the Prophet Osee , saying , They made themselves a King , but not by me : And therefore it is diligently to be observed , and held of Divine Tradition and Apostolical Observation , which with us also and almost all the Provinces is held , that for the right celebrating of Ordinations , all the next Bishops of the same Province do come together , to that people over whom the Bishop ( or Prelate ) is set , and that the Bishop be appointed them , ( or assigned ) the people being present who fullyest know the life of every one , and have throughly seen the act of every ones Conversation : which also we saw done with you in the Ordination of Sabinus our Colleague , that the Office of a Bishop was given ( or delivered ) him , and hands imposed on him , in the place of Basilides , by the suffrage of the whole Fraternity , and by the judgment of the Bishops that had met together and had sent you Letters concerning him . And before Sect. 4. Deus instruit , &c. God instructeth and sheweth that the Ordinations of Priests ( that is , Bishops ) ought not to be done but under the Conscience ( that is , present sight and consent ) of the assisting people , that the Laity being present , either the crimes of the bad may be detected , or the merits of the good predicated , and that Ordination be just and legitimate , which was examined by the suffrage and judgment of all . — The Case is so plain in Cyprian that Pamelius himself is forced thus to confess [ Non negamus veterem Electionis Episcoporum ritum , quo plebe praesente , immo & suffragiis plebis eligi solent . Nam in Africa illum observatum constat ex electione Eradii successoris D. Augustini de quo extat Epistola ejus 120. In Graecia aetate Chrysostomi ex lib. 3. de Sacerdot . In Hispaniis ex hoc Cypriani loco , & Isidor . lib. de Officiis . In Galliis ex Epist . Celestini , p. 2. Romae , exiis quae supra diximus Epist . ad Antoniam . Ubique etiam alibi ex Epist . Leonis 87. Et perdurasse eam consuetudinem ad Gregor . 1. usque ex ejus Epistolis ; Immo ad tempora usqu● Caroli & Ludovici Imperat. ex 1. lib. Capitulorum eorundem satis constat ; Verum Plebi sola suffragia concessa , non electio quae per subscriptionem fieri solet . — Hoc enim potissimum tunc agebatur , ut invito plebi non daretur Episcopus . — From hence now the quantity of their Churches may easily be gathered . 1. The people must be present . 2. And this must be All the people , the whole Laity of the Church . 3. They give their testimony of the life of the ordained . 4. They are supposed all to know his conversation . 5. This is the common custom of the Churches , in Africa and all other Countries . Now I leave it to the consideration of sober minds how many Churches , or Congregations could do all this ? Whether it was many hundred Churches that never saw the person , nor one another , that were to meet in one Church or place , to do all this ? Or rather the Inhabitants of a Vicinity , using to assemble for Communion , when even our Greater Parishes now are more than can thus meet and do all this ? 2. Note also that when Cyprian imposeth it on the same people that chuse their Bishop , also to separate from one that is wicked , and not communicate with him in the Sacrament , it is most evident to him that is willing to understand , that this Bishop was to be the Teacher of all the people of that Church , and was to administer the Sacrament to them in the Congregation , and they had ordinary communion with him : For how else should they be called on to separate from him , in the Sacrifice ( as it 's called . ) Doth he command a thousand or a hundred distant Churches to separate from the Sacrifices of that Bishop , who never had local Communion with him ( unless perhaps once in their lives as with a stranger . ) The Impartial can hardly read these words , and not understand them . Two Objections are here made . 1. Obj. All the People is put for all present , which is a part . Answ . By such interpretations let God or Man say what they will , it will signifie but what the Reader please . The Context and many concurrent expressions shew that ( though business or sickness might hinder some Individuals ) it was the main body of the Congregation which is called Plebs Universa , or else it will be nonsense . 2. Object . But if the same were the custom till the days of Charles and Lodovick , then it could not be all the people , for then it 's known that the Dioceses were larger : Therefore it must be but all that belonged to the Cathedral . Answ . 1. Even till their days Christianity had not been received by the whole Cities or Parishes , in the greatest part of the Empire ; but ( according to the liberty then given when none were forced to be Christians ) the Christians were but few in many great Countries . It was long ere they were the greater number of the Inhabitants in France and Flanders ; longer in England ; and longer in Germany , and Hungary , and Poland ; and longer in Sweden and Denmark , &c. 2. That it was no Cathedral Society distinct from other Congregations under the same Bishop in Cyprian's time , is most evident : There being no such distinction intimated , but contrarily all the Bishops Church or Flock is spoken to : And how should one part of the Church come to have a right to chuse and refuse the Bishop more than all the rest ? And in all ordinary Dioceses it was so long after : But it is true that at Rome , Alexandria and the greater Churches , where the custom was continued , and yet the multitude of the people was so great that they could not half meet in one place ; those that were forwardest crowded together , and oft committed Riots and Murders ( as at the Election of Damasus , and others , ) till by this , the custom was changed to avoid such tumults ; and those that would not be in the Crowd stayed at home : And the nearest Neighbours commonly were they that met . Object . But do not we see that a whole County can meet to chuse Parliament Men ? Answ . 1 . No : It is only the Freeholders who are comparatively but a small part of the County . 2. It is in a Field , or Streets , and not in a Church . 3. It is commonly to judge of their Suffrages by comparing by the eye , the magnitude of the distinct Companies when they separate , or else by taking their Votes Man by Man in a long time , and not to do all in their hearing , and by their Counsel , as in this Case . 4. I have been at great Assemblies for such Elections of Parliament , in the Fields ; and I never saw more together than have heard me preach in one Assembly , nor half so many as some London Parishes do contain : much less as a Diocess . There is a great deal more in Cyprian to prove the thing in question , Epist . 3 , 6 , 10 , 11 , 13 , 14 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 31 , 33 , 40. which would be tedious to the Reader should I recite it . A primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro & sine consensu plebis meae privata sententia gerere — Prohibeantur offerre , acturi apud nos , & apud confessores ipsos , & apud plebem universam causam suam . ] Haec singulorum tractanda sit & limanda plenius ratio , non tantum cum Collegis meis , sed & cum plebe ipsa universa . — Vix plebi persuadeo , immo extorqueo , ut tales patiantur admitti — Secundum vestra divina suffragia , Conjurati & scelerati de Ecclesia sponte se pellerent . — ] By these and many such passages it is evident that even the famous Church of Carthage , under that famous Bishop was no greater than that all Church Affairs might be treated of in the hearing of all the Laity , and managed by their consent , and the Quality of each Presbyter and Communicant , and their faults fell under the Cognizance of the whole Church ; not as Governors , but as interessed for their own welfare , as the words declare . VII . And here I think I may seasonably cite the Constitutions called Apostolical ; which if not written by Clement , were certainly for the most part of them very ancient , as being before Athanasius who mentioneth them . And the Learned and Sober Albaspinaeus , Observ . Lib. 1. p. 38. saith , [ De constitutionibus istis nemini dubium esse debet , quin probus iuxta & antiquus liber sit ; certoque affirmare possum trecentis primis eo ecclesiam Graecam , tanquam rituali & Pontificali usam esse ; Quique eas attente legerit , eadem de illis quae de canonibus judicabit , additas , viz. decursu temporum primis novas , quemadmodum & novae leges & constitutiones in regimine Ecclesiae , novis occasionibus enatis , factae sunt . ] that though they were not written by Clement or the Apostles , yet they were that Summary of Apostolical or Christian Discipline , which the Greek Churches much used for the first three hundred years ; and that Additions were made by degrees . But I cite them for nothing but the History , wherein they are of great account to acquaint us with the state of the Church in those times . Lib. 2. cap. 18. It is said , that [ Omnium Episcopus curam habeat , & eorum qui non peccarunt , ut non peccent , & eorum qui in peccatis sunt , ut peccasse poeniteat : ait enim Dominus , Videte ne contemnatis unum ex pusillis istis . Item poenitentibus condonare oportet peccata . — Quocirca curam omnium suscipe tanquam rationem de pluribus redditurus : Ac sanos quidem conserva , lapsos vero mone , & qui in jejunio premens , leva in remissione , & eum qui luxit recipe , cuncta Ecclesia pro eo deprecante , &c. ] And much more works he adds : Whereby it appeareth that the Bishoprick was no greater than that he could take a personal care of every member , over the meanest , sound and unsound : And that it was one Assembly where all did intercede for the restoring of the Penitent . So cap. 20. opening the Bishop's duty to the Laity , he repeateth , Omnes monens , omnes increpans , &c. And ibid. Medice ergo Ecclesiae Domini adhibe medicinam cuique aegrotantium convenientem : Omnibus modis cura , sana , factos sanos redde Ecclesiae ; pasce gregem , non per vim , neque imperiose , cum ludibrio & despectu quasi dominatum teneas , sed tanquam bonus pastor in sinum ac complexum agnos congrega & oves gravidas hortare . And it concerneth them to know well what they do , for cap. 2. Scitote quod qui eum , qui injuriam non fecit , ejicit , aut qui se convertit non recipit , fratrem suum occidit , & sanguinem ejus fudit , sicut Cain sanguinem fratris sui fudit ; cujus sanguis , qui ad Deum clamat , requiretur . — Similiter eveniet ei qui ab Episcopo suo sine iusta causa fuerit excommunicatus : Qui tanquam pestiferum ejicit eum qui est extra culpam , is quidem saevior est interfectore . — Violentior est ipso homicida qui corpus perimit , is qui innocentem ex ecclesia ejicit . Et cap. 25. Oportet ut qui in Ecclesia assidui sunt eos Ecclesia aelat ( viz. Pontificem , Sacerdotes , Levitas . ) where the Assembly is the Church which maintaineth the Bishop and Presbyters . And cap. 26. It is the Bishop that to all the Church is , Minister Verbi , scientiae custos , Mediator Dei & vestrum in iis quae ad eum colendum pertinent ( that is , officiateth in Church Worship : ) hic est magister pietatis ac religionis ; hic est secundum Deum pater vester , qui vos per aquam & Spiritum sanctum regeneravit , &c. Episcopus igitur vobis praesideat , ut dignitate Dei cohonestatus , qua clerum sub potestate sua tenet , & toti populo praeest , Diaconus vero assistat huic , &c. So that a Bishops Church was no greater than that he could be the constant Teacher , Guide , Baptizer , &c. of them all . And cap. 27. All the Oblations were to be brought to the Bishop himself , by themselves that offered , or by the Deacons . Immo primitias quoque & decimas & quae sponte offeruntur ; is enim probe novit afflictos & cuique tribuit , ut congruit ; ne quis eadem die aut eadem hebdom I de bis aut saepius accipiat , alius vero nihil penitus . So that the reason why all the Offerings , Tythes and Gifts in his whole Diocess were brought to the Bishop himself was , because he was well acquainted with all the Poor of his Diocess , and was every day to relieve them , and see that one did not receive twice the same day , or the same Week , and another have none . How many hundred Churches think you had a Church then in the Belly of it ? and how large was such a Diocess ? And cap. 28. In their Love-Feasts the Bishop was to have always his special part of the Feast , even sent him if he were absent . Sure if his Diocess had six hundred or a thousand Parishes and as many Feasts , and some of them as far off as I am from the Cathedral Church ( about fourscore Miles ) it will cost more the Carriage of the Bishop's Supper than it is worth , and it will be cold , and it is well if it stink not by the way . And the Presbyters that were all to have a double portion also of the Feast , are called tanquam Consiliarii Episcopi & Ecclesiae Corona , sunt enim Consilium & Senatus Ecclesiae . So that it was but one City Congregation yet that had Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons , &c. And in cap. 30. and many Chapters there is mentioned often the Bishops doing all without any help save the Deacons , which would make one think that de facto Doctor Hammond was in the right , and that some of the Constitutions were written when in most Churches there was no Presbyters with the Bishop but Deacons only . Cap. 32. If the Deacon knew any to be poor , he must tell the Bishop , and do nothing without him . How large was this Diocess ? cap. 34. This Bishop must be loved as a Father , feared as a King , honoured as a God , offering him our Fruits and the works of our hands for his Blessing ; giving him as God's Priest our First-fruits , Tythes , First-fruits of Corn , Wine , Oyl , Apples , Wool , and all that God shall give us . ] Was all this carried him from many hundred Parishes , many score Miles ? And cap. 36. The Bishop's Church was no farther off than that all the Members were to come to it in the morning before they went to any work , and at Evening when they had done . How big was this Diocess ? Cap. 44. The Deacon is to be the Bishop's Eye , and Ear , and Mouth , and to help him , that he may not be overwhelmed with his work : If he had a thousand subject Presbyters , one Deacon's help only would not have been named . Cap. 56. The Bishop is to see that this Deacon speak Peace to every one that entreth into the Church to worship . Which implyeth that he was present in the Church . Cap. 57. The description of a Church Order is , that the Bishop's Seat be in the midst , and that the Presbyters sit on each side of him , and so for the rest . And the Order of Officiating was , [ that ( the Deacons seeing all orderly keep their Seats ) the Reader first read the old Scriptures , and the Deacon or Presbyters the Gospels ; then that the Presbyters exhort the people , not all at once , but one by one , and last of all the Bishop , &c. ] These were then the Churches ; where every Altar had a Bishop . So cap. 50. Cum doces Episcope , jube & mone populum frequent are quotidie Ecclesiam mane & vespere , ut omnino abesse nolit , immo assidue conveniat , neque Ullus subducendo se Ecclesiam mutilam faciat , & a corpore Christi unum membrum decerpat : Neque enim de solis Sacerdotibus dictum est , sed potius quisque Laicus , &c. So that a Bishop's Diocess or Church was so great , as that no one Lay Member should be absent Morning or Evening . Lib. 4. cap. The Bishop had the particular care of all the Pupils , Widows , Labourers , Weak , Naked , Sick , Virgins , &c. And cap. 5. He is to know well who they be that offer all the Oblations ; and is to reject the Oblations of all the Wicked : For cap. 7. Let the Poor have never so much ●eed , it 's better perish by Famine , than receive anything from the Enemies of God , which may be contumelious to his Friends . ] Lib 8. cap. 4. The Ordering of a Bishop must be ( de quo nulla est querela ; & qui sit a cuncto populo ex optimis quibusque electus , quo nominato & placente populus in unum congregatus , una cum Presbyteris & Episcopis praesentibus , die Dominico , consentiat . Qui vero inter reliquos princeps Episcopus , percontetur Episcopos & populum , an ipse sit quem praeesse petunt ? &c. So that all the people of the Church came together to chuse and consent to the Bishop : no greater at that time was a Diocesane Church . Cap. 12. His peractis dextram & laevam ejus ut discipuli Magistro assistant . — This is part of the Common Rubrick ( of the best and eldest Liturgy that I know of recorded by Church History ) for the celebrating the Sacrament . So that it supposeth a Bishop to be then present in all Churches that had an Altar and Sacrament . The rest of the Liturgy , lib. 8. supposeth still the same presence of the Bishop . Cap. 35. Congregabis Episcope Ecclesiam ad vesperam , &c. It would be too long to recite all the Bishops part in the ordinary Offices of the Assembly . It is hence plain that in those Ages ( unless it were very few ; perhaps only Rome and Alexandria ) no Bishops had more stated Assemblies or Churches that had Altars , or communicated , than one . VIII . The Canons called the Apostles run just in the same strain with the Constitutions : And though by some of them it is apparent that ( at least ) all of them are not so old as many think , ( As that which intimateth that Rulers set up Clergy-men , &c. ) yet they were elder than our Compound Diocesane Churches . For Can. 5. It is said . [ Omnium aliorum primitiae Episcopo & Presbyteris domum mittuntur ; non super altare : Manifestum est autem quod Episcopus & Presbyteri inter Diaconos & reliquos Clericos eas dividunt . ] By which and many such passages it is evident that there was then but one Altar and one Bishop with his Presbytery and Deacons in a Church , as in Ignatius's time : and that they all lived on the same Altar , together with the rest of the Gifts of the Church , Vid. & Can. 58. The Can. 32. saith , [ Siquis Presbyter contemnens Episcopum suum , seorsim collegerit & altare aliud erexerit , nihil habens quo reprehendat Episcopum in causa pietatis , aut justitiae , deponatur , quasi principatus amator existens . — Haec autem post unam & secundam & tertiam Episcopi obsecrationem fieri conveniat . ] The same is in the Can. 5. Concil . Antioch . And to set up aliud Altare , & Altare contra Altare is the Phrase used then by many Writers , and Councils , to signifie a dividing and separating from the Church , and setting up an Antichurch ; All which sheweth that then a Bishops Church had but one Altar . IX . Dionysius ( whoever or whenever he wrote ) doth so describe the Bishops work as sheweth that he had but one Church and Presbytery to assist him . Cap. 4. de Eccles . Hier. he tells us that [ The Prefect did baptize those that were converted , ] and the Presbyters and Deacons did but assist him : And it is a very long manner of baptizing which he there describeth , and all the Church were called together to it , and joyned in it . And this was in times when the Infidels were to be brought in , and converted , and baptized at Age , where Examinations , Professions and Circumstances made it so long a work , as this alone would have proved his Church to be no greater than aforesaid : much more with the rest of the work which he describeth . X. But Councils give the surest testimonies to such matter of fact : Concil . Agath . Can. 4. Siquis etiam extra Parochias , & ubi legitimus est ordinariusque conventus , Oratorium habere voluerit , reliquis festivitatibus ut ibi missam audiat , propter fatigationem familiae , justa ordinatione permittimus . Pascha vero , Natali Domini , Epiphania , Ascensione Domini , Pentecoste , & natali Sancti Johannis Baptistae , & siqui maxime dies , in festivitatibus habentur , non nisi in civitatibus , aut Parochiis audiant . This being decreed so late , when Christians were increased in the Countries , alloweth them , to avoid weariness in travelling with their Families too far , to have Chappels or Oratories in the remote parts of the Country ( but so that they come all to the City or Parish Church on all the greatest Festivals . ) Which sheweth that then the Church was but one Assembly which all could joyn in to hear the word . And that each of these City and Parish Churches had a Bishop of their own , is apparent in what followeth , [ Can. 30. Benedictionem super plebem in Ecclesia fundere aut poenitentem in Ecclesia benedicere , Presbytero penitus non licebit ; that is , [ It shall not at all be lawful for a Presbyter to pronounce the Blessing on the people in the Church , or to bless a Penitent in the Church . ] Now these being ( or one at least ) performed in every Church Assembly , when a Presbyter is forbidden to do them , it is implied that a Bishop was present to do it himself : and so that every communicating Assembly had a Bishop . And it 's said , Can. 31. Missas die Dominico secularibus totas audire speciali ordine praecipimus ; ita ut ante benedictionem sacerdotis egredi populus non praesumat , quod si fecerit , ab Episcopo publice confundatur . So that there must be a daily pronunciation of the Blessing each Lords day , and that not by the Presbyters but the Bishop , who must rebuke them that go out before it ; which sheweth that each Church had a Bishop . And after , [ Qui solemnitatum , id est Paschae & natalis domini vel Pentecostes festivitatibus , cum Episcopis interesse neglexerint , quum in civitatibus communionis vel benedictionis accipiendae causa positos se nosse debeant , triennio communione priventur Ecclesiae . ] By which it appeareth that in a City there were no more Christians or Church-members , than could congregate with the Bishop on the Festivals for Communion ; when all the neglecters were to be deprived of the Communion for three years . XI . The Council at Eliberis Baetic . An. 305. had nineteen Bishops , twenty six Presbyters , and the Deacons , & omnis Plebs stood by : which intimateth that these twenty six Presbyters and the Deacons were the main body of the Clergy under the nineteen Bishops ; which was not two Presbyters to a Bishop : why else should the Deacons and all the Laity be there , if not all the Presbyters ? And supposing that Plebs omnis here signifie not strictly all the Laity , yet it intimateth that the Churches were no greater than that so great a part of their Laity was there , as that Phrase might be well used of ; which cannot be of our Compound Diocess . XII . Concil . Gangrens . cap. 7. No one was to receive the Oblations of Fruits , and the First-fruits , due to the Church , out of the Church . And cap. 8. None was to receive them but the Bishop , or he whom the Bishop appointed . This sheweth the quantity of the Diocess , and that every Church had one Altar and one Bishop . XIII . In a Roman Council sub Silvest . it 's said , [ Ab omni Ecclesia eligatur consecrandus Episcopus , nullo de membris Ecclesiae intercedente , & omni Ecclesia conveniente : & nulli Episcopo liceat sine cuncta Ecclesia a novissimo gradu usque ad primum ordinare Neophytum Silvester Papa dixit , A nobis incipientes moderamine lenitatis judicare , commonemus ut nulli Episcopo liceat quemlibet gradum Clerici ordinare aut consecrare , nisi cum omni adunata Ecclesia , si placet : & dixerunt Episcopi , placet . What can be more fully said , [ Let the Bishop to be ordained be chosen by all the Church , no one of the Members of the Church being wanting , and all the Church meeting together . Let it be lawful for no Bishop without the whole Church to ordain . — Not to ordain or consecrate any degree of Clergy-Man , but with the whole Church together in one . And how great then were the Churches , when even at Rome and all about it , The whole Church united , and every member could meet together at every Ordination and Consecration ? I scarce know how a testimony can be plainer . XIV . The Concil . Sardic . which first began to befriend the Grandeur of the Roman Bishop , was it that first forbad Bishops to be ordained in small Villages : yet note that even there it was not absolutely forbidden to all Villages ; but only to such Villages and small Cities where one Presbyter was enough : But they allowed a Bishop to the Cities . [ Quae Episcopos habuerunt , & siqua tam populosa est Civitas vel Locus ( mark Locus as distinct from Civitas ) qui mereatur habere Episcopum . ] So that if there were but people enough for more than one Presbyter , they allowed them a Bishop . And Can. 14. It is decreed that , [ As no Lay-man must be above three Weeks from Church , so no Bishop from his own Church at another place . ] Whereas if a Bishop have many Churches , or many hundred , or a thousand , he could be but at one in a Year , or two , or three , or more , if he did nothing but travel from parish to Parish . Only in the next Canon , those that have Farms or Lands in the Country are dispensed with for three Weeks to be absent from their own Churches , so they go to another . XV. In the Epistle of the 1. Concil . Nic. ad Eccles . Aegypt . ( in Crab. pag. 262. T. 1. ) Presbyters were to be made , [ Solummodo sivideantur digni , & populus eos elegerit , condecernente simul & designante maxime Alexandriae Civitatis Episcopo . ] Still the people that had the choice were no more than could meet to chuse . And even in the Arabick Canons ascribed to this Council by some of late it 's said , Can. 72. Sic Episcopi & Sacerdotes si Civitates suas & Altaria propter alia majora relinquerent , male facerent ; which shews that each City even then had but one Altar or Meeting for Sacramental Communion : though when these were written , there were other Churches in Villages that had Altars . And in Pisan . Can. 57. Archi-presbyter in absentia Episcopi honoretur tanquam Episcopus , quia est loco ejus , & sit caput Sacerdotum qui sub potestate ejus sunt in Ecclesia . The Bishop then was but such a Head of Priests in the same Church , as an Arch-Presbyter might be in his absence . And Cap. 9. The Vote of the whole Diocess without the Arch-bishop shall not serve to chuse a Bishop , though all gathered together . XVI . The Concil . Vasense granted leave for Presbyters to preach and Deacons to read Homilies in Country Parishes , which sheweth both that Bishops were the ordinary Preachers to their whole Flocks before , and that these Parishes were yet but new , and perhaps but Chappels that yet had not Altars and the Lord's Supper . XVII . Binnius in Concil . Ephes . 1. To. 2. cap. 20. saith , [ Dalmatius told the Emperor that there were six thousand Bishops under the Metropolitan sent to the Council that were against Nestorius ; ] And there was a great number on the other side with Johan . Antiochen . who cast out Cyril and Memnon . How great think you were these Bishops Dioceses ? XVIII . Concil . Carth. 3. cap. 39. & 40. ( in Crab ) some would have had many ( twelve ) Bishops at each Bishop's Ordination ; but Aurelius desired it might be but three , because [ Crebro & pene per diem Dominicum ordinationes habemus , ] they had Ordinations almost every Lord's day , and Tripoli had but five Bishops . How big were these Dioceses where the Bishops could meet almost every Lord's day for Ordinations ; and five under Tripoly was an exceeding small number . And cap. 40. If a Bishop were accused at his Ordination , the Cause was to be tried , In eadem plebe cui ordinandus est ; And surely it was not to be in many hundred Congregations at once or per vices . XIX . Concil . Antioch . ( before this ) Can. 5. ( pag. 321. in Crab ) Siquis Presbyter aut Diaconus Episcopum proprium contemnens , se ab Ecclesia segregaverit & seorsum colligens Altare constituit ( vel in secunda edit . & privatim apud se collectis populis Altare erigere ausus fuerit , &c. ) This sheweth , 1. That the Presbyters then joyned with the Bishop in the same Church . 2. And that then each Church had but one Altar , and to erect another Altar elsewhere , was to set up another Church . Can. 8. Presbyteri qui sunt in agris Canonicas Epistolas dare non possunt — Chorepiscopi autem — dare possunt — This sheweth that then the Country Villages had Chorepiscopos with Presbyters . Can. 10 Qui in vicis vel possissionibus Chorepiscopi nominantur quamvis manus impositionem Episcoporum perceperint , & ut Episcopi consecrati sint , tamen Sanctae Synodo placuit , ut modum proprium recognoscant , ut gubernent sibi subjectas Ecclesias earumque moderamine curaque contenti sint . This sheweth that then the Churches in Villages had their Bishops , though under the City Bishops . Can. 16. A Bishop that put himself into a vacant Church without the consent of a perfect Council , where must be the Metropolitane , must be cast out , etsi cunctus populus quem diripuit eum habere delegerit : which sheweth that the whole people were no more than could meet to chuse him . Can. 17 , 18 , 21. imply the same ; Episcopus ab alia Parochia non migret ad aliam , nec sponte sua insiliens , nec vi coactus a populo , nec ab Episcopis necessitate compulsus : Maneat autem in Ecclesia quam primitus adeo sortitus est . A Church and a Parish are here the same ; and no greater than that the people could be the compellers , which implieth their concurrence , which could not be in a Diocess of many hundred Churches ; but in one only . Can. 23. The Goods of the Church are faithfully to be kept : which also are to be dispensed by the Judgment and Power of the Bishop , to whom is committed the people , and the souls that are congregated in the Church : and it 's manifest what things belong to the Church , with the knowledge of the Presbyters and Deacons that are about him , who cannot but know what are the Church Goods , &c. Here 1. The Church contained only the souls that were congregated in it , and not many Congregations . 2. All the Church Goods were known to the Presbyters and Deacons , so that the Bishop did dispose of them while he lived , but could alienate none at his death : which sheweth that it was but one Church or Congregation , where the Bishop and Presbyters joyned in the Ministry . Cap. 25. hath the same Evidence : The Bishop dispenseth all the Goods and Lands of the Church , to all that need , but must not appropriate them to his Kindred , &c. but use them by the consent of his Presbyters and Deacons . XX. Concil . Carthag . 4. cap. 14. The Bishop's dwelling was to be near the Church . ( But if he had many Churches , they would have told which . ) Can. 17. The Bishop was to exercise the care of Government of Widows , Orphans , and Strangers by his Arch-Presbyter and Arch-Deacon ( which sheweth that they had not many Churches ; where each appropriate Presbyter and Deacons did it . ) Can. 22. The Peoples consent and testimony was necessary to every Clerk ordained : ( which sheweth how large the Churches or People were . ) Can. 35. The Bishop is ordered to sit above the Presbyters in the Church , and in their Consess ; but at home to know himself to be their Colleague : which sheweth that they were all belonging to one Church , and not to many far from each other . XXI . Concil . Laodic . Presbyters must not go into the Church ( or Sacrarium as the other Ed. ) before the Bishop , nor sit in the Seats , but must go in with the Bishop , or sit in lower Seats ( till he comes . ) Which sheweth that they were all in one Church . And if there had been many Churches distant where there were no Bishops but Presbyters only , it 's like that Case would have been excepted , as well as is the Case of the Bishop's [ Sickness and Peregrination . ] See Binnius three Versions , To. 1. pag. 292. and Crab's two Vol. 1. pag. 310. Can. 28. Forbidding the Agapae , or Church Feasts to be made in the Church , implieth that other Houses could contain the Church Members . And Can. 58. Forbidding Oblationes fieri vel celebrari in domibus ab Episcopis vel Presbyteris , doth shew that till they built Chappels there was but one Congregation in a City , which was where the Bishop was . XXII . Decretum Innocent . 1. P. Rom. ( in Crab , Vol. 1. pag. 453. ) Dicit , De consignandis infantibus manifestum est non ab alio , quam ab Episcopis fieri licere : Nam Presbyteri licet sint Sacerdotes , Pontificatus tamen apicem non habent , &c. And for how many one Bishop can do this with all his other work also , you may judge . XXIII . ( To look back , ) Concil . Carthag . 2. Can 3. decreeth , [ Chrismatis confectio , & puellarum consecratio a Presbyteris non fiant : Vel reconciliare quenquam in publica missa , Presbytero non licere . ] ( Crab. pag. 424. ) But this being an ordinary publick work , this supposeth the Bishop still present in every Church to do it , and to have a Church no more numerous than he could do it for : whereas if Discipline were but moderately exercised according to the ancient Canons , there could not be fewer than many hundreds in a day for the Bishop either to excommunicate or absolve in this Diocess where I live , Leg. Albaspin . Not. pag. 268. And the fourth Can. fortifieth this by this exception , Si quisquam in periculo fuerit constitutus & se reconciliari divinis altaribus petierit , si Episcopus absens fuerit , debet utique Presbyter consulere Episcopum , & sic periclitantem cum praecepto reconciliare . Where note that reconciliari altaribus is the Phrase for being reconciled to the Churches : And that no Presbyter might do it but in case of the persons danger , the Bishops absence , and with the Bishops Command : Which still sheweth that the Bishop was usually present . And as Albaspineus noteth , a Presbyter might not do it for a dying Man , till he had consulted the Bishop , and told him all the case , and had his Command : Which supposeth him near ( for the man may be dead before our Ministers can ride to the Bishop and have his Commission ) and supposeth the Church to be but small . XXIV . To make short , and leave no place for doubting , I will joyn several Canons which decree that [ No Man shall be a Clerk to two Churches , nor an Abbot to two Monasteries , nor a Bishop to two Cities or Churches . ] So Concil . Oecumen . Nic. 2. Can. 15. ( in Bin. pag. 394. ) Clericus ab hoc deinceps tempore , in duabus Ecclesiis non collocetur . Ab ipsa enim domini voce audivimus , non posse quenquam duobus dominis servire . And Concil . Chalcedon . Can. 10. juxta Dionys . Non licet Clericum conscribi in duabus simul Ecclesiis . And though then the Can. 17. sheweth that there were Singularum Ecclesiarum Rusticae Parochiae vel possessiones , yet these were but like our Chappels , and not called Churches , but only the Bishop's Church . And if the Secular Power made any place a City , it was thereupon to follow the Secular Order . So of Abbots , Concil . Venet. Can. 8. ( in Crab , pag. 948. ) no one was to have two Monasteries ; Vid. Concil . Agath . Can. 38. And Photius & Balsamon Nomocan . Tit. 1. cap. 20. pag. 21. Ne in una Provincia duo Metropolitani , aut in una Civitate duo Episcopi , aut in duabus Civitatibus unus Clericus — Neque in duabus Civitatibus quis potest esse Episcopus . ] Excepting only ( even then ) Episcopum Tomensem : Ille enim reliquarum Ecclesiarum Scythiae curam gerit , ( Because the Christians were few , and from under the Roman Power . ) [ Et Leontopolis Isauriae sub Episcopo Isauropolis est ] He addeth , [ Porro 35 Const . tit . 3. l. 1. Cod. c. 3. &c. ait , [ Eum qui quamcunque veterem aut recens conditam civitatem , proprii Episcopatus jure , aliove privilegio privat , tametsi Principis permissu id faciat , infamia notat , mulctatque bonis constitutio ; ac simul inceptum irritum facit . ] So that no City new or old might be deprived of its Privilege of having a Bishop . Now seeing Corporations and Market Towns are in the old sense Cities , and seeing Parish Churches such as ours are true Churches ( as Communities ) how many Cities , and how many hundred Churches have many Bishops now ? He addeth , Can. 15. ●onc . 7. and saith [ Si non permittitur cuiquam in duabus Ecclesiis Clericum fieri , multo magis praesul duo Monasteria non moderabitur ; Quemadmodum neque unum caput duo corpora . Therefore by parity of reason much less should one Church-man or Bishop be the head of many hundred or a thousand Bodies , without any subordinate Head or Bishop under him . Why may not an Abbot as well rule a thousand Monasteries , per alios non Abbates , as a Bishop a thousand Churches per alios non Episcop●s ? More Testimonies of Councils added to the former Chap. 5. UPon the Review , finding some considerable Evidences from Councils before omitted , some shall be here added . 1. The Roman Clergy called a Council at Rome , Bin. pag. 158. &c. saith , that in the Interregnum they had the charge of the Universal Church : and Cyprian wrote to them as the Governors of the Church of Rome , when they had been a year or two without a Bishop . And their Actions were not null . 2. A Carthage Council with Cyprian condemn even a dead man called Victor , because by his Will he left one Faustinus a Presbyter the Guardian of his Sons , and so called him off his Sacred Work to mind Secular things . Did this favour of Bishop's Secular Power , Magistracy or Domination ? 3. How came the Carthage Councils to have so many hundreds in so narrow a room or space of Land , but that every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Corporation or big Town had a Bishop ? Anno 308. at a Carthage Council the very Donatists had two hundred and seventy Bishops . And at Arles two hundred Bishops heard the Donatists Cause . 4. The Laodicean Council decreed , Can. 46. that the Baptized should learn the Creed , and on Friday repeat it to the Bishops or Presbyters : ] which implieth that a Bishop was present with every Church . And Cap. 57. It is ordained that thenceforth [ Bishops should not be ordained in small Villages and Hamlets , but Visiters should be appointed them : But such ( Bishops ) as had heretofore been there ordained should do nothing without the Conscience of the City Bishop . ] Which implieth , 1. That every big Town had a Bishop . 2. And Villages before . 5. Epiphanius , Haer. 68. pag. 717. &c. saith , That Peter separated from Meletius in the same room , and as Meletius went to the Mines , he made new Bishops , and gathered new Churches ; so that in several Cities there were two ( Bishops and Churches : ) Which implieth that they were Congregations for Personal Communion . 6. The Nicene Council , cap. 8. alloweth Rural Bishops then in use , ( whom Petavius proveth to have been true Bishops . ) 7. Greg. Nazianz. pag. 528. &c. sheweth how Churches were enlarged and changed when the strife began between Mea & Tua , Antiqua & Nova , Nobilior & Ignobilior , Multitudine Opulentior aut Tenuior . 8. After Lucifer Calaritanus ordained Paulinus , Antioch had long two Bishops , half being his Flock , and half cleaving to Meletius . 9. Nazianzen had in the great City of Constantinople but one of the small Churches . ( the Arians having the greater ) till Theodosius gave him the greater : And those Hearers he was Bishop over . 10. A Council at Capua ordered that both the Bishops Flocks in Antioch ( under Evagrius and Flavian ) should live together in Love and Peace . 11. Many Cities tolerated Novatian Bishops and Churches among them , and oft many other Dissenters . Which sheweth that but part of the City were one Church . 12. The Council at Carthage ( called the last by Binius ) decreed that [ Reconciliation of Penitents ( as well as Chrisme and consecrating Virgins ) is to be done only by the Bishops , except in great necessity : ( For how many Parishes can a Bishop do all this and all the rest of his Office ? ) And when Christians were multiplied they that desired a Bishop where was none before , might have one . But else aliud Altare is again forbidden to be set up . 13. Another Carthage Council decreeth , Can. 15. That the Bishop have but vile or cheap Houshold-stuff and a poor Table and Diet , and seek Authority or Dignity by his Faith and desert of Life . Can. 19. That he contend not for transitory things though provoked . Can. 23. That he hear no Cause but in the presence of his Presbyters : else it shall be void that is sentenced without them , unless confirmed by their presence . ( Note , this being a constant work required a constant presence : and it is not a selected Chapter of Presbyters that is named : And must those of many hundred Parishes dwell in the City , or travel thither for daily Causes of Offenders ? &c. ) Can. 28 , & 30. Bishops unjust Sentence void : and Judgment against the absent . 14. A Council at Agathum , Can. 3. saith , [ If Bishops wrongfully excommunicate one , any other Bishop shall receive him : ] Which implieth that the wronged person lived within reach of a Neighbour Bishop's Parish : For it doth not bind him to remove his Dwelling : And leave to go daily twenty or forty Miles to Church is a small kindness . And I have already cited , Can. 63. If any Citizens on the great Solemnities , Easter , the Lord's Nativity or Whitsuntide , shall neglect to meet where the Bishops are ( seeing they are set in the Cities for Benediction and Communion ) let them for three Years be deprived of the Communion of the Church . ] So that even when Churches were enlarged , yet you see how great a part of them met in one place . 15. Divers Canons give the Bishop a third or fourth part of all the Church Profits ; And if those Churches had been as big as our Dioceses , it would have been too much of all Conscience . 16. A Synod at Carpentoracte decreed , that the Bishop of the City shall not take all the Country Parish Maintenance to himself : Which implieth as the former , that his Country Parish was small . 17. A Council at Orleance , Anno 540. decree , Can. 3. about ordaining a Bishop , that [ Qui praeponendus est omnibus , ab omnibus eligatur . ] The Dioceses yet were not so large , but that All met to chuse . 18. So Concil . Byzazen . saith , it must be [ By the Election of all . ] 19. Another at Orleance , Anno 545. saith , [ No Citizen must celebrate Easter out of the City , because they must keep the principal Festivities in the presence of the Bishop , where the holy Assembly must be kept . But if any have a necessity to go abroad , let him ask leave of the Bishop . ] Here is but one City Assembly , and Individuals must be known to the Bishop , and ask his leave to go abroad . And Can. 5. saith , [ A Bishop must be ordained in his own Church which he is to oversee . ] Which implieth that he had but one Church and Country Chappels . 20. Another Orleance Council hath the like , deposing all Bishops that come not in by common consent : And requiring them both in their Cities and Territories to relieve the Poor from the Church-House . ] Let us have such Dioceses as the Bishop can do this for , and we consent . 21. A Synod at Paris , Can. 8. says , [ Let no Man be ordained a Bishop against the Will of the Citizens , nor any but whom the Election of the People and Clerks shall seek with plenary Will : None shall be put in by the Command of the Prince . ] &c. 22. King Clodoveus called a Synod at Cabilone , which Can. 10. decreeth , [ That all Ordination of Bishops be null that was otherwise made than by the Election of the Comprovincials , the Clerks , and the Citizens . ] 23. The Const . Trul. Can. 38. sheweth how the unhappy changes were made , decreeing , [ That whatever alteration the Imperial Power shall make on any City , the Ecclesiastical Order shall follow it . ] And so if the King will make every Market Town a City , it shall have a Bishop : And if he will make but one or two cities in a Kingdom , there shall be but one or two Bishops : And if he will make one City Regent to others , that Bishop shall be so . Thus Rome , Constantinople , &c. came by their Superiority . But Hierome telleth us the contrary ; that the Bishop of Tanais , or any small City ( like our least Corporations ) was of equal Church-Dignity with Rome ( or the greatest . ) 24. The same Council , Can. 78. repeateth that , [ All the Illuminate ( that is , Baptized ) must learn the Creed , and every Friday say it to the Bishop and Presbyters . ] I hope they did not go every Friday such a Journey as Lincoln , York , or Norwich Diocess , ( no nor the least in England ) would have put them to ; nor that the Bishop heard as many thousands every Friday , as some of ours by that Canon should have heard . 25. Anno 693. at a Toletane Council , King Egica writeth a Sermon for them , and therein tells them , that [ Every Parish that hath twelve Families must have their proper Governor ( not a Curate that is no Governor . ) But if it be less , it must be part of another's Charge . ] 26. Anno 756. Pipin called a Council in France , whos 's Can. 1. is , that [ Every City must have a Bishop . ] And ( as is beforesaid ) every Corporate Town was a City . 27. In the Epitome of the old Canons sent by Pope Adrian to Carolus Magnus , published by Canisius , the eighth Antioch Canon is , [ Country Presbyters may not give Canonical Epistles , but the Chorepiscopi . ] By which it appeareth that the Chorepiscopi were Bishops , as Petavius proveth ( in Epiphan . Arrius . ) And Can. 14 , 15. That [ No Bishop be above three Weeks in another City , nor above two Weeks from his own Church . ] Which intimateth that he had one single Church . And Can. 19. That when a place wants a Bishop , he that held them must not proudly hold them to himself , and hinder them from one ; else he must lose that which he hath . 28. The same Canons say ( Can. 94. ) If a Bishop , six Months after Admonition of other Bishops , neglect to make Catholicks of the people belonging to his Seat , any other shall obtain them that shall deliver them from their Heresie . ] So that , 1. The Churches were not so big but that there might be divers in one Town . 2. And converting the People is a better Title , than Parish Bounds . 29. It is there also decreed , [ That no Bishop ordain or judge in another's Parish : else it shall be void : ] And they forbid [ Foreign Judgments , because it is unmeet that he should be judged by Strangers , who ought to have Judges of the same Province chosen by himself . ] But our Diocesanes are Strangers to almost all the People , and are not chosen by them . See the rest . Also another is , that every Election of Bishops made by Magistrates be void : yea , all that use the Secular Magistrate to get a Church must be deposed , and separated , and all that joyn with him : Also if any exact Money ; or for affection of his own , drive any from the Ministry , or segregate any of his Clergy , or shut the Temple . 30. A Council at Chalone under Carol. Magn. the Can. 15. condemneth Arch-Deacons that exercise Domination over Parish-Presbyters , and take Fees of them : as matter of Tyranny , and not of Order and Rectitude . And Can. 13. saith , [ It is reported of some Brethren ( Bishops ) that they force them whom they are about to ordain to swear that they are worthy , and will not do contrary to the Canons , and will be obedient to the Bishop that ordaineth them , and to the Church in which they are ordained : Which Oath , because it is very dangerous we all agree shall be forbidden . ] By which it appeareth that , 1. The Dioceses were not yet so large as to need such subordinate Governors as ours have : Nor 2. Were Oaths of Canonical Obedience to the Bishop and Church yet thought lawful , but forbidden as dangerous . 31. A Council at Aquisgrane , under Ludov. Pius , wrote an excellent Treatise gathered out of the Fathers , to teach Bishops the true nature of their Office , which hath much to my present use , but too long to be recited . 32. Upon Ebbos Flight that deposed Lud. Pius , the Arch-Bishoprick of Rhemes was void ten Years , and ruled by two Presbyters , Fulk and Hotho : who were not then uncapable of governing the Flock : but it is not like that they governed Neighbour Bishops . 33. Canisius tells us of a Concilium Regiaticinum , and Can. 6. is , [ That the Arch-Presbyter examine every Master of a Family personally , and take account of their Families and Lives , and receive their Confessions : And Can. 7. That a Presbyter in the absence of the Bishop may reconcile a Penitent by his Command , &c. ] Which shew that yet Dioceses were not at the largest . 34. A Council at Papia , Anno 855. order yet , [ That the Clergy and People chuse the Bishops : and yet that the Laity on pretence of their electing power trample not on the Arch-Presbyter , and that Great Men's Chappels empty not Churches . 35. Yea , Pope Nicholas , Tit. 8. c. 1. decreeth that no Bishops be ordained but by the Election or Consent of the Clergy and People . ] When they became uncapable of the ancient Order , yet they kept up the words of the old Canons . 36. This is intimated in the old Canons repeated at a Roman Council , Anno 868. [ That if Bishops excommunicate any wrongfully , or for light Causes , and not restore them , the Neighbour Bishops shall take such to their Communion till the next Synod : ] Which was the Bishop of the next Parish or Corporation , and not one that dwelt in another County out of reach . And Can. 72. Because the Bishops hindred by other business , cannot go to all the Sick , the Presbyters ( or any Christians ) may anoint them . How big was the Diocess when this Canon was first made ? Who would give his business , rather than Distance , and Numbers , and Impossibility , as the reason why the Bishop of London , Lincoln , Norwich , &c. visit not all the Sick in their Dioceses ? 37. Anno 869 , till 879. was held a Council called General at Constantinople . The Can. 8. is , [ Whereas it is reported that not only the Heretical and Usurpers , but some Orthodox Patriarchs also , for their own security have made men subscribe , ( that is , to be true to them ) the Synod judgeth that it shall be so no more ; save only , that Men when they are made Bishops be required as usual to declare the soundness of their Faith : He that violateth this Sanction , let him be deprived of his Honour . ] But these later instances only shew the Relicts of Primitive Purity and Simplicity , more evidently proved in the three first Centuries . 38. And he that will read the ancient Records of the Customs of Burying , will thence perceive the extent of Churches : Doctor Tillesly ( after cited ) affirmeth ( pag. 179. against Selden ) that The Right of Burial place did first belong to the Cathedral Churches : ] And Parish Churches began so lately ( as now understood , having no Bishops , and distinct from Cathedrals ) that they could not be there buried , before they were built and in Being ; which saith Selden , began in England seven hundred years after Christ ; here one and there one , as a Patron erected it : Selden of Tythes , pag. 267. Yea , in seven hundred he findeth but one of Earl Puch in Beda ; and in Anno 800. divers appropriate to Crowland ; and so after . And it was the Character of a Parish Church to have Baptisterium & Sepulturam , ( pag. 262. ) So that before a Bishop's Church however called , had but one place that had Baptisterium & Sepulturam : Yea , long after that Parishes , had very few Members in most places , so long was it e'er the People were brought to Christianity : And they were then , as our Bishops make them now , not proper Churches , but Chappels of Ease . Selden , ( ibid. pag. 267. ) tells you that Ralph Nevil Bishop of Chichester and Chancellor of England requested of the King that the Church of Saint Peter in Chichester might be pulled down , and laid to another Parish , because it was poor , having but two Parishioners . Sure it was never built for two Persons : But it 's like many were Heathens : Or if not so then , in the Years 700 and 800 they were so , ( Though Master Thomas Jones hath well proved that the Brittish Churches were far extended before Gregory sent Austine , and that our Bishops and Religion are derived from them : ) Even at Tours in France in the days of Saint Martin , notwithstanding all his Miracles , the Christians were not so many as the Heathens , at least till one publick Miracle towards his later time convinced some . CHAP. VI. The same further confirmed by the Ancients . I. EUsebius Demonstrat . Evangel . pag. 138. saith , [ When he considered the Power of Christ's Word , how it perswaded innumerable Congregations of Men , and by those Ignoble and Rustick Disciples of Jesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 numerosissimae Ecclesiae were constituted , not in certain unknown and obscure places , but erected in the most famous Cities , ( Rome , Alexandria and Antioch ) through all Egypt and Lycia , through Europe and Asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — in Villages and Countries or Regions and all sorts of Nations . ] By this it appeareth that Villages had Churches then . II. Though of later date , consider the History of Patrick's Plantation of Churches in Ireland : who is said himself in his own time to have three hundred sixty five Churches , and as many Bishops , and three thousand Presbyters ; as Ninius reporteth . Not only Thorndike taketh notice of this , but a better Author , Usher de Eccles . Brit. Primord . pa. 950. And Selden in his Comment on Eutychius Origines Alex. pag. 86. from Antoninus and Vincentius , thus mentioneth it , [ Certe tantum in orbe terrarum tunc temporis Episcoporum segetem mirari forsan desinet , quisquis crediderit , quod de B. Patricio Hibernensi Antoninus & Vincentius tradunt ; Eum scilicet solum Ecclesias fundasse 365. totidemque Episcopos ordinasse , praeter Presbyterorum 3000. Qua de re consulas plura apud praestantissimum virum Jacobum Usserium , &c. ] So that here was to every Church a Bishop and near ten Presbyters . ( No Man will doubt but the Bishops themselves were taken out of the better sort of the Laity , and the Presbyters of the second sort ; and all below many private Christians now among us . ) And were there three hundred sixty five Cities think you in Ireland ? Yea , or Corporations either ? It 's easie to conjecture what Churches these were . III. All History , Fathers , and Councils consent , that every City was to have a Bishop and Presbytery to govern and teach the Christians of that City and the Country people near it ; which is but a Parish or Presbyterian Church . For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth in the old common use , any big Town , yea little Towns that were distinct from Country Farms and scattering Villages : so that all our Corporations and Market Towns are Oppida and such Cities as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified . Therefore even by this Rule we should have a Bishop to every such Town . 1. Crete was called Hecatompolis , as having an hundred Cities , as Homer saith it had . And what kind of Cities were those ? Which were to have an hundred Churches and Bishops ( in a small Island ? ) 2. Theocritus Idyl . 13. de laudibus Ptolem. vers . 82. saith , that he had under his Government thirty three thousand three hundred and thirty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Cities : And if so , they must be as small as our Boroughs , if not some Villages : certainly he had not above twice the number of Cities eminently so called that Stephanus Byzantinus could find in the whole World , in his Book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. He that will peruse and compare the Texts in the New Testament that use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( above sixscore times ) and see Grotius on Luk. 7. 11. &c. shall soon see that the word is there used for such Towns as I am mentioning , if not less . IV. Sozomen , lib. 5. cap. 3. tells us , that Majuma which was Navale Gazae , being as part of its Suburbs , or the adjoyning part but twenty Stadia distant , was , because it had many Christians , honoured by Constantine with the name of a City , and had a Bishop of their own . And Julian in malice took from them the honour of being a City , but they kept their Bishop for all that . It had the same Magistrate with Gaza , and the same Military Governors , and the same Republick ; but was diversified only by their Church-State . For , saith he , each had their own Bishop , and their own Clergy , and the Altars belonging to each Bishoprick were distinct : And therefore afterward the Bishop of Gaza laboured to subject the Clergy of Majuma to himself , saying , that it was unmeet that one City should have two Bishops : But a Council called for that purpose , did confirm the Church-Right of Majuma . V. Gregory Neocaesariensis called Thaumaturgus , was by force made Bishop of that City , where all the Christians were but seventeen at his Ordination : such was the Bishop's Church . And when he had preached and done Miracles there till his Persecution , there is no mention of any Presbyter he had with him ; but of his Deacon Musonius that fled with him . ( Though when he died he left but seventeen unconverted . ) And when he had converted some at Comana , a small Town near him , he did not set a Presbyter over it , and make it part of his own Diocess , but appointed Alexander ( the Collier ) to be their Bishop ; and that over a Church who were no more than met and debated the Case of his Election and Reception . See Greg. Nyssen . in Orat. in Greg. Thaumat . & Basil de Spirit . Sancto , cap. 19. & Breviar . Roman . die 15 Novemb. & Menolog . Graec. VI. Concil . Nic. Oecum . 1. Can. 13. decreeth that every one that before death desireth the Sacrament , was to have it from the Bishop : One Ed. in Crab saith , Generaliter omni cuilibet in exitu posito , & poscenti sibi Communionis gratiam tribui , Episcopus probabiliter ex oblatione dare debebit . The other Ed. saith , [ Et cura & probatio sit Episcopi . ] We are content that the Diocess be as great as the Bishop will perform this for , to examine all such dying men , and give them the Sacrament , or send it them after his distinct Examination . VII . Gregor . Nazianz. Epist . 22. pag. 786. To. 1. perswading the Church of Caesarea to chuse Basil for their Bishop , sendeth his Letters to the Presbyters , the Monks , the Magistrates , and the whole Laity . ] And though I doubt not but by that time there were Country Congregations , by this the magnitude of the City Church may be gathered , where the whole Laity could be consulted , and could chuse . And Basil made this Gregory his chief friend Bishop of Sasimis , a small poor dirty Town : And yet Gregory himself it seems had in some near Village a Chorepiscopus with Presbyters and Deacons ; as in Glycerius his Case appeareth , Epist . Greg. 205. pag. 900 , 901. And Nazianzum where he plaid the Bishop under his Father ( two Bishops at once , one in Title , the other in Practice without Title ) was but a small Town . VIII . Basil an Arch-Bishop was so much against enlarging Dioceses , and taking in many Churches to one Bishop , that he taketh the advantage of the difference between him and Anthymius to make many Bishops more in his Diocess over small places : yea , it seemeth some places were so small as that they never before had any Pastors at all : as appeareth by Gregory Nazianzene , Epist . 28. IX . Theodoret tells us , lib. 4. cap. 20. Hist . Eccles . that even in the great Alexandria the Presbyters and Deacons were all but nineteen when Lucius came to banish them to Heliopolis , a City of Phoenicia ; which City had not one Christian in it . By which it appeareth , that even then under Christian Emperors , Christianity was not received by the multitude , when some Cities had not a Christian . X. Theodor. ib. l. 4. c. 16. saith , that when Eulogius and Protogenes , the Presbyters of Edessa , were banished to Antionone in Thebais , they found the most of the people Heathens , and but few of the Church ; yet had that little number a Bishop of their own . XI . Id. l. 4. c. 20. In Peter Bishop of Alexandria's Epistle ( wherein he sheweth such actions then done by the Soldiers in scorn of the Godly , proclaiming Turpitude not to be named under the name of scornful Preaching , as have been done by others lately among us ) it 's said of Lucius , [ Qui partes lupi nequitia & improbe factis agere impense studebat , quique Episcopatum , non consensu Episcoporum O●thodoxorum in unum convenientium , non suffragiis vere Clericorum , non postulatione Populi , ut sacri Ecclesiae Canones praescribunt . ] So that great Patriarch himself was chosen Postulatione Populi , as shewing the custom of all the Churches ; which beginning when the people were but one Congregation , continued as it could in some degree when they came like a Presbyterian Church ( for even then it was no otherwise ) to have many Congregations . XII . Id. c ▪ 22. saith that [ Valens found the Orthodox even in the great Patriarchal City of Antioch , in possession but of one Church , which good Jevinian the Emperor had given them ; of which he dispossessed them . And when they met afterwards to worship God at a Hill near the City , Valens sent to disturb them thence . ] And Cap. 23. Flavianus and Diodorus Presbyters ( Meletius the Bishop being banished ) led them to a River side , where they congregated , till they were thence also driven by the Emperor . And Flavianus when he could not preach , collected M●tter , Reasons and holy Sentences , ( as Sermon-Notes ) for others to preach ( in the Gy●nas●●● Bellicum ) where they resolved to meet whatever came on it . Then Aphraates a Monk taught them , and when Valens told him that Monks must pray in private , and not preach in publick , Aphraates told the Emperor that he had set the House of God our Father on fire , and troubled the Church , and therefore he was called to its publick help ( to shew how far they obeyed a silencing Emperor . ) By all which it appeareth that even then the Orthodox Patriarchal Church of Antioch was but one Assembly which met in one only place at once . XIII . Id. l. 4. c. 29. When Teren●ius the Emperor's victorious General , ( being Orthodox ) was bid by the Emperor to ask what he would of him as a Reward , he asked but One Church for the Orthodox , and was denied it , which intimateth their numbers . XIV . Dolicha where Eusebius made Maris Bishop , was parvum Oppidum , a little Town ( and infected with Arianism , ) where an Arian Woman killed Eusebius with a Tile when he went to ordain Maris Bishop . Theodor. lib. 5. cap. 4. XV. Euseb . Eccles . Hist . l. 5. c. 16. tells us that Apollonius saith of Alexander a Montanist Bishop , that the Congregation whereof he was Pastor , because he was a Thief , would not admit him . ] By which it appeareth that his Church was but one Congregation . And l. 7. c. 29. The Synod of Antioch say of Dionysius Alexandr , that he wrote not to the person of Paulus Samosatenus ; but to the whole Congregation ( that is , his Church . ) And they say [ He licensed the Bishops and Ministers of the adjoyning Villages and Cities to preach to the People . ] Which sheweth what Dioceses and Churches then were . XVI . Socrates , l. 1. c. 8. tells us that Spiridion was at the same time a Bishop and a Shepherd . ] And whether his Parish was one Church or many hundred you may easily judge , when so holy a Man could spare time all the Week to keep his sheep . XVII . When Constans the Emperor affrighted Constantius to restore Athanasius , Constantius craved of Athanasius that the Arrians in Alexandria might have one Church to themselves : Athanasius told him , It was in his power to command and execute ; but craved also a request of him , which was that in all Cities there might also be one Church granted for them that communicated not with the Arrians : But the Eastern Arrian Bishops hearing that , put off the decision of both the Requests . ] By which a willing person may conjecture at the quantity of the Episcopal Churches in those times . XVIII . Even in Ambrose's days the great Church of Milan was no greater than could meet in one Temple to chuse a Bishop : And Ambrose was chosen by them . Socrat. l. 4. c. 25. And Baronius , in Vita Ambrosii ex Paulino , saith , ( pag. 9. ) [ Quod solitus erat circa Baptizandos solus implere , quinque postea Episcopi tempore quo decessit vix implerent . ] What then was all the rest of his work ? and how many Churches could he thus oversee ? And the Arrians , for whom the Emperor made all that stir with Ambrose , were so few in Milan , that when the Emperor would have had one Church for them , and could not get it by fair means or force , Ambrose thus jesteth at the Empress and the Arrian Gothes ; Quibus ut olim plaustrum sedes erat , it a nunc plaustrum Ecclesia est ; Quocunque foemina illa processerit , secum suos omnes coetus vehit . ] Her Coach is their Church ; and which way soever she goeth , she carrieth all her Congregations with her . Ambros . de Offic. To. 4. c. 1. sheweth that teaching his Church is the Bishop's Office : And de initiandis , c. 2. p. 163. To. 4. he saith to the baptized person , [ Vidisti illic ( in Sacrario ) Levitam , vidisti Sacerdotem , vidisti summum Sacerdotem ] In which he intimateth that the Bishop ( as the Chief Priest ) was present in the Church with his Presbyters at Baptizings . Which sheweth that they had not a multitude of Churches without Bishops . And de Sacram. l. 1. c. 1. how the Bishop himself must touch with Oyl the Nostrils of all that were baptized , with other Ceremonies after mentioned , sheweth that he was usually present at every Baptism . And de Sacram. l. 3. c. 1. he giveth the reason why he did wash the Feet of all that were baptized , and the Church of Rome did not , Vide ne forte propter multitudinem declinarit . ] [ Perhaps they decline it because of the multitude . ] But all the Diocess of Milan ( as a Bishoprick , not as an Arch-Bishoprick ) had no such multitudes , but that besides all his other work , Ambrose could have time to wash the feet of every one that was baptized . And cap. 3. Ecclesiae contuitu & consideratione te ipse commenda — The Church was present then . And to shew by his work what his Church was , he celebrated the Sacrament daily : Accipe quotidie quod quotidie tibi prosit : sic vive ut quotidie merearis accipere : Qui non meretur quotidie accipere , non meretur post annum accipere . And how he discharged all this you may perceive , de Dignit . Sacerdot . cap. 3. Episcopus non aliud nisi Episcopalia opera designat , ut ex bono opere magis quam professione noscatur , plus meritis esse Episcopum quam quod nomine vocitetur . Quia sicut nihil esse diximus Episcopo excellentius , sic nihil est miserabilius si de sancta vita Episcopus periclitetur ; si Sacerdos in crimine teneatur . ( He thought not as too many now do , that the Name and Seat of Bishop or Priest can do more to hallow Persecutions , Worldliness and other Crimes , than the Crimes can do to unhallow the Bishop or Priest . ) And lib. 5. To. 4. pag. 180. having mentioned [ The Husband of one Wife , ] he addeth , [ Si vero ad altiorem sensum conscendimus , inhibet , duas usurpare Ecclesias . ] A Bishop must no more have two Churches than a Husband have two Wives . But some Bishops imitate Solomon's Lust rather than his Wisdom , and will have above a thousand Churches , as Wives or Concubines . Adding , Qui stipendiis tantum contentus Ecclesiae suae , penitus non ambiat quae novit esse superflua . Covetousness hath enlarged Dioceses . And cap. 5. Cum dominatur populis , & anima servit Daemoni . When he Lords it over the people , his own Soul is a Slave to the Devil . And cap. 6. pag. 18. Nam quid aliud interpretatur Episcopus nisi superinspector ? Maxime cum solio editiore in Ecclesia resideat ut ita cunctos respiciat , ut & cunctorum oculi in ipsum respiciant . ] So that it is from the oversight of one Congregation where he sits among and above the Presbyters , that he is called a Bishop , and not from Churches which he overseeth indeed , but seeth not , and might well be said to be an Overseer in our vulgar sense , as it signifies one that overlooketh or observeth not , were he , as many now . And of so small a place as Forum Cornelii , instead of committing it to a subject Presbyter , he saith , ( Epist . 63. p. 111. ad Constant . Arausicorum Episcopum ) Commendo tibi fili Ecclesiam , quae est ad forum Cornelii , quo cam de proximo invisas frequentius , donec ei ordinetur Episcopus . And pag. 117. Ad Eccles . Vercellens . post obitum Eusebii Epist . he writeth to them thus to chuse another , Quanto magis ubi plena est in nomine domini Congregatio ; ubi Universorum Postulatio congruit , dubitare vos nequaquam oportet , ibi dominum Jesum & voluntatis authorem , & petitionis arbitrum fore , & ordinationis praesulem , vel largitorem gratiae . ] So that this famous Church was no greater than that all the people could meet and agree in the Choice or Postulation of a Bishop . So To. 4. de Poenitent . l. 5. c. 15. Tota Ecclesia suscipit onus peccatoris cui compatiendum & fletu , & oratione & dolore est . By which it seems that all the Church ( that is , so great a part as might be called all ) was used to be present each meeting when Penitents lamented their sin . And in To. 3. p. 183. in 1 Cor. 11. he saith , that the Angels before whom the Women in the Church must be veiled , are the Bishops as God's Vicars ? ] which intimateth that ordinarily every Church-Assembly was to have a Bishop present . And ibid. Hoc notat qui sic in Ecclesiam conveniebant , ut munera sua offerentes advenientibus Presbyteris , quia adhuc rectores Ecclesiis non omnibus locis fuerant constituti , &c. And p. 161. in Rom. 1. 2. Propterea Ecclesiae scribit , quia adhuc singulis Ecclesiis Rectores non erant instituti . By which you may conjecture what he thought of the magnitude of Churches then . Tom. 3. p. 89. He so far acknowledgeth the People to have elected him , that he calleth them on that account his Parents , who in other respects were his Children , ( in Luk. 18. ) Vos mihi estis Parentes , qui Sacerdotium tulistis : Vos inquam Filii , vel Parentes : Filii singuli , Universi Parentes . ( Like Hooker's Singulis Major , Universis Minor. ) Where you see , that the whole Church ( and not a thousandth part ) did chuse him Bishop . And To. 3. p. 180. in 1 Cor. 14. Verum est , quia in Ecclesia ( that is in every Church ) Unus est Episcopus ( not in hundreds of Churches . ) For he saith , ibid. in 1 Cor. 12. Et quia ab uno Deo Patre sunt omnia , singulos Episcopos singulis Ecclesiis praeesse decrevit . ] He decreed that there should be to every Church a several Bishop . When I cite all this of the state of that famous Church of Milan ; where the Emperor himself did oft reside , and which presumed to differ in Customs from Rome , I leave you to gather how it was before Christian Emperors , and in all the ordinary Churches . XIX . Augustine was chosen by the people , and brought to the Bishop to be ordained . Vit. cap. 4. And cap. 5. Valerius the Bishop gave him power to preach before him contrary to the use of the African Churches , but according to the custom of the Eastern Churches . ] Which sheweth that Augustine while Presbyter ( and so other Presbyters ordinarily ) was in the same Congregation with the Bishop , and not in another . And upon this other Churches took up the same custom . And cap. 21. it 's said , [ In Ordinandis Sacerdotibus & Clericis Consensum majorem Christianorum , & consuetudinem Ecclesiae sequendam esse arbitrabatur : — And cap. 25. Cum ipso semper Clerici una etiam domo & mensa , sumptibusque communibus alebantur , & vestiebantur . Yea , he ordered just how many Cups in a day his Clergy-men with him should drink ; and if any sware an Oath he lost one of his Cups . ( Through God's Mercy sober Godly Ministers now need no such Law. ) By this it evidently appeareth that the Church which he and his Presbyters ruled , was not many hundred , but one ▪ Congregation , or City-Church : There being no mention of any Country Presbyters that he had elsewhere , as far as I remember . And when Augustine was dying , the People with one consent , accepted of his choice of Eradius to be his Successor ; Epist . 110. pag. 195. To recite all that is in Austin's Works intimating these Church-limits , would be tedious . XX Epiphanius's Testimony I have before mentioned , as produced by Petavius , that there were few Cities , if any besides Alexandria in those Countries that had more than one Congregation ; and particularly none of his own . And Doctor Hammond trusteth to him and Irenaeus to prove that the Apostles setled single Bishops in single Congregations in many places without any Sub-Presbyters . XXI . Socrates , l. 5. c. 21. saith , [ The Church of Antioch in Syria is situate contrary to other Churches : for the Altar stands not to the East , but to the West . ] Which Speech implieth that ( besides Chappels if any ) there was but one Church that was notable in Antioch ; while he calleth it [ The Church at Antioch , ] without distinction from any other there . XXII . Socrates , l. 7. c. 3. tells us a notable story of Theodosius Bishop of Synada , who went to Constantinople for Power to persecute Agapetus the Macedonian Bishop in that City . But while he was absent Agapetus turned Orthodox , and his Church and the Orthodox Church joyned together , and made Agapetus Bishop , and excluded Theodosius : who made his Complaint of it to Atticus the Patriarch of Constantinople ( a wise and peaceable Man ) who desired Theodosius to live quietly in private , because it was for the Churches good . ] ( May such causes oft have such decisions , and Lordly troublesome Prelates such success . ) By which story you may guess how many Congregations both Parties made in Synada . XXIII . Socrates , l. 7. c. 26. tells us that Sisinnius was chosen Bishop of Constantinople by the Laity against the Clergy . And cap. 28. Sisinnius sent Proclus to be Bishop of Cyzi●um ; but the People chose Dalmatius and refused him . ] And this custom of the People's Choice , must needs rise at first from hence , that the whole Church being but one Congregation was present : For what Right can any one Church in a Diocess have to chuse a Bishop for all the rest , any more than the many hundred that are far off , and uncapable to chuse ? XXIV . Sozomen's Testimony ( even so late ) is very observable ; lib. 7. cap. 15. who mentioning the differences of the East and West about Easter , and inferring that the Churches should not break Communion for such Customs , saith , [ Frivolum enim & merito quidem judicarunt , consuetudinis gratia a se mutuo segregari eos qui in praecipuis Religionis capitibus consentirent : Neque enim easdem traditiones per omnia similes in omnibus Ecclesiis quamvis inter se consentientes , reperire posses . ] And he instanceth in this , [ Etenim per Scythiam cum sint Civitates multae , unum d●ntaxat hae omnes Episcopum habent ( I told you the reason of this Rarity before ) Apud alias vero nationes reperias ubi & Pagis Episcopi ordinantur : Sicut apud Arabes & Cyprios ego comperi . ] He speaketh of his own knowledge : No wonder then if Epiphanius be to be interpreted as Petavius doth , when in Cyprus not only the Cities had but one Church , but also the Villages had Bishops . To these he addeth the Novatians and the Phrygian Montanists . And let none think their instances inconsiderable . For the Montanists were for high Prelacy , even for Patriarchs , as in Tertullian appeareth . And the Novatians were for Bishops , and had many very Godly Bishops , and were tolerated by the Emperors even in Constantinople , as good People and Orthodox in the Faith : And Novatus was martyred in Valerian's Persecution , as Socrates , l. 4. c. 23. saith . XXV . Even Clemens Roman . or whoever he was that wrote in his name , Epist . 3. sheweth that Teaching the People is the Bishop's Office , and concludeth ( in Crab , p. 45. ) Audire ( Episcopum ) attentius oportet & ab ipso suscipere doctrinam fidei ; Monita autem vitae a Presbyteris inquire , a Diaconis vero ordinem Disciplinae : By which Partition of Offices it is evident , that the Bishop only and not the Presbyters then used to preach to the Church , and that the Presbyters ( though ejusdem ordinis , and not Lay-Elders ) used to instruct the People personally , and give them Monita vitae : and that they were all in one Church together , and not in several distant Churches . XXVI . Paul himself telleth us that Cenchrea had a Church , and the Scripture saith , They ordained Elders in every Church : And though Downame without any proof obtrude upon us , that it was under the Bishop of Corinth , and had a Presbyter of his to teach them ; yet of what Authority soever ( in other respects ) the Constitutions called Clements or the Apostles be , they are of more than his in this ; where lib. 7. cap. 46. in that old Liturgy , Lucius is said to be Bishop of Cenchrea , ordained by the Apostles . XXVII . Gennadius de viris illustr . l. 1. c. 10. saith , that Asclepius was Vici non grandis Episcopus , Bishop of a Village not great . XXVIII . Saith Cartwright , Four or five of the Towns which were Seats of the Bishops of the Concil . Carthag . which Cyprian mentioneth , are so inconsiderable that they are not found in the Geographical Tables . XXIX . And faith Altare Damascen . p. 294. Oppidum trium Tabernarum Velitris vicinum was a Bishop's Seat for all the nearness and smallness of the Towns : And Gregor . lib. 2. Epist . 35. laid the Relicts of the wasted Church to the Bishoprick of Veliterno . Castrum Lumanum had a Bishop till Gregory joyned it to Benevatus Bishop of Micenas : ( and so had many Castra ordinarily . ) Remigius did appoint a Bishop within his own Diocess when he found that the number of persons needed it : Viz. apud Laudunum clavatum Castrum suae Dioeceseos . Of Spiridion the Bishop of Trimithantis I spake before . XXX . Theoph. Alexand. Epist . Pasch . 3. in Bibl. Pat. To. 3. concludeth thus , [ Pro defunctis Episcopis in locis singulorum constituti . In urbe Nichio pro Theopempto Theodosius ; In Terenuthide Aisinthius ; In oppido Geras pro Eudaemone Pirozus ; In Achaeis pro Apolline Musaeus ; In Athrivide pro Isidoro Athanasius ; In Cleopatride Offellus ; In Oppido Lato , pro Timotheo Apelles . And the nearness and smallness of some of these sheweth the Dioceses small . The same Theoph. Alex. saith , Epist . Canon . Can. 6. [ De iis qui ordinandi sunt haec erit forma , ut quicquid est Sacerdotalis ordinis consentiat & eligat , & tunc Episcopus examinet , vel ei etiam assentiente Sacerdotali ordine in media Ecclesia ordinet praesente populo , & Episcopo alloquente , an etiam posset ei populus ferre testimonium : Ordinatio autem non fiat clanculum : Ecclesia enim pacem habente decet praesentibus sanctis ordinationes fieri in Ecclesia . ] Undoubtedly , as Balsamon , noteth by [ Saints ] is meant fideles , the People . Here then you see that the Churches then were such where all the Clergy were present with the Bishop , who ordained Ministers to a single Church where all the people could be present to be consulted . XXXI . In the Life of Fulgentius it is said , that Plebs ipsius loci ubi fuerat Monasterium constitutum differre suam prorsus Electionem , donec inveniret B. Fulgentium , cogitabat ( where , the Bishops resolved to ordain , though the King forbad it them . ) And though the King persecuted them for it , it is added , [ Repleta jam fuerat Provincia Bizacena novis Sacerdotibus , & pene vix paucarum plebium Cathedrae remanserant destitutae . ] And the Phrase [ plebium Cathedrae ] doth signifie a Bishop's Seat in one Congregation of People . One Plebs was one Congregation ; and had its proper Cathedram . XXXII . Sozomen ( after Socrates ) mentioning the diversity of Church Customs ( as aforesaid ) l. 7. c. 19. saith , that at Alexandria the Arch-Deacon only readeth the Holy Scriptures , in other places only the Deacons , and in many Churches only the Priests , and on solemn days the Bishops . ] By which words it appeareth that then every Church was supposed to have a Bishop , Priests and Deacons present in their publick Worship . For the Bishop on his solemn days could not be reading in many Churches ( much less many hundred ) at once . XXXIII . Histor . Tripartit . l. 1. c. 19. ( out of Sozomen , l. 1. c. 14. Edit . Lat. Basil . p. 1587. ) telleth us , how Arius seeketh ( as from the Bithynian Synod ) to Paulinus of Tyre , Euseb . Caesar . & Patroph . Scythopol . ut una cum suis juberetur cum populo qui cum eo erat , solennia Sacramenta Ecclesiae celebrare , — Esse dicens consuetudinem in Alexandria ( sicut etiam nunc ) ut uno existente super omnes Episcopo , Presbyteri scorsim Ecclesias obtinerent , & populus in eis C●●●●ctas solemniter celebraret . — ] [ Tunc illi una cum aliis Episcopis , &c. ] By this ( with what is said before out of Epiphanius ) it is undeniable that this ( gathering of Assemblies by the Presbyters in the same City , and administring the Sacrament to them besides the Church where the Bishop was ) was taken to be Alexandria's singularity , even as low as Sozomen's time . And yet note that here is even at Alexandria no mention of many Churches in the Countries at a distance , much less hundreds , thus gathered , but only of some few in that great City . And if even in a great City , and in Epiphan . and in Sozomen's days a Presbyter's Church was an Alexandrian Rarity , what need we more Historical Evidence of the Case of the Churches in those times ? XXXIV . Ferrandus Diaconus , in Epist . de 5. Quaest . saith to Fulgentius , [ Sanctos Presbyteros , Diaconos , beatamque Congregationem ( which was his Church ) saluto . ] And that you may again see what Congregation or Church that was , In vita Fulgentii , cap. 17. pag. 8. it is said , that the Plebs sought and chose him ( and that in despight of Foelix the ambitious Deacon , who sought the place , and sought the life of Fulgentius . ) Populus super suam Cathedram eum collocavit : Celebrata sunt eodem die Divina solenniter Sacramenta , & de manibus Fulgentii Communicans omnis populus laetus discessit . ] And if in the noble City of Ruspe , so late as the days of Fulgentius , the Bishop's Church-members were no more than could chuse him , set him on his seat , and all communicate that day at his hands , it is easie by this to judge of most other Churches . XXXV . Concil . Parisiens . 1. ( in Caranz . pag. 244. Can. 5. ) saith , [ Nullus civibus invitis ordinetur Episcopus , nisi quem Populi & Clericorum Electio plenissima quaesierit voluntate ; Non principis imperio , neque per quamlibet conditionem Metropolis voluntate Episcoporum Comprovincialium ingeratur . Quod si per ordinationem Regiam honoris sui culmen pervadere aliquis nimia temeritate praesumpserit , a Comprovincialibus loci ipsius Episcopis recipi nullatenus mereatur , quem indebite assumptum agnoscunt . Siquis de Comprovincialibus recipere eum contra indicta praesumpserit , sit a fratribus omnibus segregatus , & ab ipsorum omnium Charitate remotus . ] Here again you see how late all the Church was to chuse every Bishop ; plenissima voluntate ; and consequently how great the Church was . And were this Canon obeyed , all the people must separate from all the Bishops of England , as here all are commanded to do from all those Bishops that do but receive one that is put in by the King , and not by the free choice of all the Clergy and People of his Church . Note that Crab ( Vol. 2. pag. 144. ) hath it , [ contra Metropolis voluntatem : ] But both that , and Caranza's Reading , who omitteth [ contra ] seem contrary to the scope ; and it 's most likely that it should be read [ Metropolis voluntate , contra Episcoporum comprov . ] scilicet voluntatem . XXXVI . Leo 1. P. Rom. Epist . 89. pag. ( mihi ) 160. damning Saint Hillary Magisterially , yet saith , [ Expectarentur certe vota Civium , testimonia populorum , quaereretur honoratorum arbitrium , Electio Clericorum , quae in Sacerdotum solent ordinationibus , ab his qui norunt patrum regulas , custodiri , ut Apostolicae authoritatis norma in omnibus servaretur , qua praecipitur ut Sacerdos Ecclesiae praefuturus , non solum attestatione fidelium , &c. Et postea , Teneatur subscriptio Clericorum , honoratorum testimonium , ordinis consensus & Plebis : Qui praefuturus est omnibus , ab omnibus eligatur . ] And how great must that Diocess be , where all the Laity must chuse and vote ? &c. It 's true that Epist . 87. c. 2. p. 158. he would not have little Congregations to have a Bishop , to whom one Presbyter is enough ; and no wonder at that time , that this great Bishop of Rome , ( the first that notably contended for their undue Supremacy in the Empire ) was of that mind ; who also Epist . 88. saith of the Chorepiscopi , ( Qui juxta Can. Neocaesar . sive secundum aliorum decreta patrum iidem sunt qui & Presbyteri . ) The falsehood of which being too plain , Petavius in Epiphan . ad Haeres . 74. p. 278. judgeth that these words being in a Parenthesis are irreptitious . ) And ibid. Epist . 88. he saith that by the Can. all these things following are forbidden the Chorepisc . and Presbyter , [ Presbyterorum , Diaconorum , aut Virginum consecratio , sicut constitutio Altaris , ac benedictio vel unctio : Siquidem nec erigere eis Altaria , nec Ecclesias vel Altaria consecrare licet , nec per impositiones manuum fidelibus baptizandis vel conversis ex haeresi Paracletum Spiritum Sanctum tradere , nec Chrisma conficere , nec Chrismate Baptizatorum frontes signare , nec publice quidem in Missa quemquam poenitentem reconciliare , nec form●tas cuilibet Epistolas mittere . ] By which it appeareth how big that Man's Diocess must be , who besides all his other work , must be present to sign every baptized person , and reconcile every Penitent in every Congregation . And it 's worth the noting what kind of works they be that the Bishop's Office is maintained for . XXXVII . From the great Church of Rome ( at its first Tide time ) let us look to the great Church of Constantinople ; even in the days of a better Bishop , Chrysostom : Besides that they had long but one Temple , ( of which anon ) Chrysostom saith in 1 Thes . 5. 12. Orat. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Et primum debet imperare & praeesse volentibus & lubentibus , qui ei gratiam habent quod imperet , ( p. 1472. & p. 1473. ) Sacerdos in hoc suum contulit negotium : Nulla est ei alia vita quam ut versetur in Ecclesia — Qui Christum diligit , cujusmodicunque sit Sacerdos eum diliget , quod per eum sit veneranda assecutus Sacramenta ; ( And Doctor Hammond saith , this Text speaketh only of Bishops , 1 Thes . 5. 12. ) Et ibid. [ Pro te precatur , & dono quod per Baptismum datur tibi inservit , visitat , hortatur & monet , & media nocte si vocaveris venit . ] And how many Parishes can a Bishop thus serve ? And how many score miles will they send and he go to visit the Sick at midnight ? And Chrysost . in 1 Cor. 14. p. 653. saith , Conveniebant olim , omnes psallebant communiter . Hoc nunc quoque facimus , ( They had no separating Choristers ) sed tunc in omnibus erat una anima & cor unum : Nunc autem nec una quidem anima illam concordiam videris & consensum ; sed ubique magnum est Bellum . Pacem nunc quoque precatur pro omnibus , is qui praeest Ecclesiae , ut qui in domum ingreditur paternam , sed hujus pacis nomen quidem est frequens , res autem nusquam . Tunc etiam domus erant Ecclesiae ( though called Conventicles : ) Nunc autem Ecclesia est domus , vel potius quavis domo deterior . When Churches grew to be Dioceses they grew worse than when they were in houses : But he that here is said praeesse Ecclesiae is he also that pronounceth Peace to them . XXXVIII . Gregory Nyssen . speaking of the gathering of true Churches by preaching , saith ( in Ecclesiast . Hom. 1. p. ( mihi ) 93. ) [ He is the true Preacher , who gathereth the dispersed into one Assembly , and bringeth those together into one Congregation ( or Convention ) who by various Errors are variously seduced . XXXIX . He that readeth impartially Beda's Ecclesiastical History shall find that in England between six and seven hundred years after Christ they were but single Churches that had Bishops : For indeed the famousest and holiest of them in the Kingdom of Northumberland , were but Scots Presbyters , and such as were sent by them without any Episcopal Ordination ; ( Aidan , Finan , &c. ) And though they did Apostolically preach in many places to convert the Heathen Inhabitants , yet their Churches of Christians were small : yet presently the Roman Grandeur and Ceremoniousness here prevailed , and so by degrees did their Church-form . Yet saith Cambden , Brit. ed. Frank. p. 100. When the Bishops at Rome had assigned several particular Churches to several Presbyters , and had divided Parishes to them , Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about the Year 636. first begun to distribute England into Parishes , as is read in the Canterbury History . ] But it 's plain in Beda , if he did then begin it , he went but a little way with that division . The same Cambden also tells us , that the Bishoprick of York devoured seven Bishopricks , and the Bishoprick of Lincoln more , &c. Some Seats were but removed , but many Bishopricks were dissolved and turned into one , which yet were erected when Christians were fewer , saith Isaackson Chronolog . There was one at Wilton , the See at Ramesbury , one at Crediton , one at St. Patrick's at Bodmin in Cornwall , and after at St. Germains , one at Selsey Island , one at Dunwich , one at Helmham , and after at Thetford , one at Sidnacester or Lindis , one at Osney , one at Hexham , &c. And at this day Landaff , St. Asaph's , Bangor , St. David's are no Cities , where we have Bishops Seats , as notices of the old way . XL. Isidorus Peleusiota , lib. 1. Epist . 149. to Bishop Tribonianus distinctly nameth the Bishop's Charge , and the calamity , if he be bad , that will befall himself first , and then the whole Church : Himself for undertaking and not performing , and the whole Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod hujusmodi viro Sacerdotium indigne mandavit . The whole Church then was no bigger than to chuse the Bishop and be under his present inspection , as he intimateth . And Epist . 315. to Bishop Leontius ; [ If thou tookest on thee the care of the Church , against thy Will , and art constrained by the Suffrages , and the Contentions and Hands of the People , God will be thy helper . — But if by Money — &c. Lib. 3. Ep. 216. p. 342. He reckoneth up such and so much work as necessary for a Bishop as no man living can do for above one ordinary Parish . And frequently he describeth the City and Congregation at Pelusium as the place where the wicked Bishop and his wicked Priests together destroyed the interest of true Religion . XLI . I conclude this with the words of Eusebius with the Collection of Papirius Massonus , a Writer of the Popes Lives . [ Fabianus ab iis electus est ad Episcopatum urbis : Ac forte evenit ut in locum ubi convenerant Columba , e sublimi volans capiti ejus insideret , Id pro foelici signo accipientes magno consensu & alacritate animorum ipsum elegerunt : Haec Eusebius , Hist . l. 6. Ex quo loco collegimus Electionem Episcopi Romani , non ad paucos , sed ad omnes olim pertinuisse . Pap. Masson . in vita Fabiani , fol. 18 col . 2. ] And if all the whole People of the great Church of Rome , were then no more than could meet in one Room to chuse their Bishop , what were the rest of the Churches in the World ? and how many Congregations did they contain ? CHAP. VII . More Proofs of the aforesaid Limits of Churches . THe thing that we are proving is that every Bishop should have but one Church ( supposing him to be no Arch-Bishop ) and that this Church should be such and so great only as that there may be personal Communion in publick Worship and holy Conversation between the Members : and not so great as that the Members have only a Heart-Communion , and by Delegates or Synods of Officers . As to our Historical Evidence of the matter of fact , it runs thus : 1. That in the first state of the Churches , it cannot be proved that any one Church in all the World consisted of more stated Communicating Assemblies than one , or of more Christians than our Parishes . But though through Persecution they might be forced ( as an Independant Church now may do ) to meet by parcels in several Houses sometimes in a danger , yet their ordinary Meetings when they were free was all together in one place : And Unum Altare was the note of their Individuation , with Unus Episcopus , when Bishops grew in fashion in the eminent sense . 2. That the first that broke this Order and had divers Assemblies and Altars under one Bishop were Alexandria and Rome , and no other Church can be proved to have done so , for about three hundred Years after Christ or near ; nor most Churches till four hundred , yea five hundred Years after . 3. That when they departed from this Church temperament , they proceeded by these degrees . 1. They set up some Oratories , or Chappels ( as are in our Parishes ) which had only Prayers and Teachings without an Altar , Oblations or Sacraments in the City , Suburbs or Country Villages near , the People coming for Sacramental Communion to the Bishop's Church . 2. Afterward these Chappels were turned into Communicating Churches : But so as that at first the Bishop's Presbyters ( who lived sometimes in the same House with him , and always near him in the same City , and were his Colleagues ) did preach and officiate to them indifferently , that is , he whom the Bishop sent ; and after that a particular Presbyter was assigned to teach a particular Congregation ; yet so , as that more of the Bishop's Presbyters commonly had no such Congregations , but the most of them still attended the Bishop in his Church , and sate with him on each hand in a high raised Seat , and whilst he did usually preach and administer the Sacrament , they did but attend him and do nothing , or but some by assisting Acts : as Lay-Elders do in the Presbyterian Churches ; principally employed in personal oversight , and in joyning in Government with the Bishop . And those same Presbyters who had Congregations , joyned with the rest in their Weekly Work , and made up the Consessus or College of Presbyters . 3. And next that ( and in some places at the same time ) Communicating Congregations were gathered in the Country Villages , so far off the City , as that it was found meet to leave a Presbyter Resident among them ; but under the Government of the City Bishop and Presbytery , of whom he was one when he came among them . And all this while the Churches were but like our greater Parishes which have divers Chappels , where there is liberty of Communicating . 4. After this when the Countries were more converted , there were more Country Parish-Congregations set up ; till they attained the form of a Presbyterian Church , differing only in the Bishop ; that is , a certain number of the Neighbour Country Parishes in one Consistory ( but with a Bishop ) did govern all these Parishes as one Church ; that is , It was many Worshipping Churches ( as sis , eight , or ten , or twelve , ) joyning to make up one governed Church . But at the same time many Pastors and People being convinced of the Church-form which they had before been under , and of their own necessity and privileges , did require the same Order among themselves as was in City Churches , and so had their proper Bishops , who were called Chorepiscopi , or Country Bishops . But these Country-Bishops living among the poorer and smaller number of Christians , had not so many Presbyters to attend them as the City-Bishops had : So that some Country Congregations had Bishops and some had none . And the Churches being chiefly governed by the Synods , who met for obliging Concord , to avoid Divisions , these Synods being made up of the City-Bishops at first , they there carried it by Vote to make all the Country-Bishops under them , and responsible to them : Which they the rather and the easilier consented to , because many obscure and unworthy Fellows did insinuate into the esteem of the Country-Christians , who had no Bishops near them to advise them better ; and so became the Corrupters of Doctrine , and the Masters of Sects and Heresies . By this time one part of the Country Churches had Bishops of their own , and the other had none , but only Presbyters under the City-Bishops and Presbytery . But yet it was but few Neighbour-Parishes , like our Market-Towns and the Villages between them that were thus under the City-Bishop . For every such Town was then called a City in the larger sense as it signifieth Oppidum , and most such Towns had City-privileges too , which was no more than to be Corporations , and not to have a Nominal Eminency , as now some small places have above greater ( as Bath rather than Plimouth , Ipswich , Shrewsbury , &c. ) Next to this , the Emperors being Christians , and desiring without force to draw all the People from Heathenism to Christianity , they thought it the best way to advance the Christians in worldly respects , which ever win on common minds . And so they endued the Churches and Bishops with such Honours and Powers heretofore described as were like to the Honour and Power of the Civil Governors in their kind . And the Bishops being thus lifted up , did first enlarge their own Dioceses as far as they could , and advance their Power ; and the World came unchanged into the Church , both in Cities and Villages , ( where the Christians were before so few , that many think the Heathens were called Pagani in distinction from the Citizens , who were Christian . ) And then the Bishops put down the Chorepiscopi , as presuming too much to imitate their Power : And next to that , lest every Corporation or Market-Town having a Bishop , their Dioceses should not be great enough , and ne vilesceret nomen Episcopi , lest a Bishop's Name should not be honoured enough , but become cheap by reason of the number , and of the smallness of his Church , they first ordered that no such small Cities or other places as had People enough for but one Presbyter , should have a Bishop ; and afterward by degrees put down many smaller Bishops Churches , and joyned them to their own : And so proceeded , by the advantage of Civil Alterations on Cities Names and Privileges , to bring themselves to the state that they are in , wherein one Bishop infimi ordinis ( that is no Arch-Bishop ) hath many hundred or above a thousand Churches and multitudes of Cities , called now but Corporations , Burroughs or Market-Towns . I have repeated so much of the History , lest the Reader forget what it is that I am proving ; and that he may note , that if I prove now that in later Ages they kept but the Vestigia , or Reliques of the former to prove how it was before their times , and if I prove but a Church of Presbyterian Magnitude to have so long continued , it sufficeth against that which we now call a Diocess : And that we do not play with Names , nor by a Diocesane Church , mean the same thing with a Parochial or Presbyterian ; but we mean such as our Dioceses now are , where a Bishop alone with a Lay-Chancellor's Court , or with some small help of an Arch-Deacon , Surrogate , or Dean and Chapter , without all the Parish-Ministers besides , doth rule a multitude of distant Congregations , who have no proper Bishop under him . And now I proceed . I. The Chorepiscopi which were at first placed in Country Churches where were many Christians , do shew what extent the Churches were then of : That these were really Bishops at first ( whatever the aforesaid Parenthesis in Leo or Damasus say ) most Writers for Episcopacy , Papists and Protestants do now grant ; and therefore I may spare the labour of proving it : And whereas it is said that they were but the Bishop's Deputies : I answer , even as Bishops are the Arch-Bishops Deputies ; that is , they were under them , but were really Bishops themselves : For if a Bishop may depute one that is no Bishop to be his Deputy , either a Presbyter also may depute one that is no Presbyter to administer the Sacraments , or not . If yea , then Lay-men shall come in and all be levelled , ( For a Deacon also may depute his Office. ) If not , then either a Bishop cannot do it , or else the Presbyter's Office is much holier than the Bishop's . And that these Chorepiscopi Country-Bishops were not such Rarities as to invalidate my Proof , but very common , besides what is before said , is evident by the Subscriptions of many Councils , where great store of Chorepiscopi are found . And besides the names in our common Collections of the Councils , how it was in the Egyptian and Neighbour Churches at least ( if not how it was at Nice ) you may see in the Arabick Subscriptions published by Selden in his Comment on Eutych . Orig. Alex. pag. 93 , 94 , 95 , &c. Num. 29 , 31 , 55 , 64 , 68 , 119 , 122 , 128 , 131 , 179 , 193 , 215 , 237 , 241 , 278. There are seventeen named . And the Canons made to curb and suppress them , shew that they were ordinary before ; as , Concil . Laodic . Can. 57. But they should rather have increased them , that Bishops might have multiplied as Churches or Christians increased , which was decreed here in England in the cap. 9. of the Council at Hertford , per Theodor. Cantuar. referente Beda , lib. 4. Hist . Eccles . cap. 5. II. The very name Ecclesia which was first used before Parochi● or Dioecesis , and still continued to this day , doth shew what the form of a Church then was , especially if you withal consider , that the name was communicated to the Temples or sacred Meeting-Places , which are also ordinarily called Ecclesiae ; which no Man doubteth was in a secondary sense , as derived from the People , who were the Ecclesia in the primary sense . And so even in our Tongue , the word Church is used for both to this day , as i● is in many other Languages . Now it is certain that a part , especially a small part , ( a hundredth or a thousandth part ) of the Church is not the Church ( unless equivocally . ) Why then should the Temple be so called from the Church , when no Church at all , but a Particle only of a Church doth meet there ? ( For that the word Church ] in our Question is not taken for any Community or Company of Christians , but for a governed Society consisting of the governing and governed part , I have before shewed . ) But , 1. A Church in its first and proper Notion being Coetus Evecatus , An Assembly , or Convention or Congregation ; ( as distinguished from the Universal Church , which is so called because it is called out of the World to Christ the Head , and with him shall make one glorious Society , ) how are those twenty or an hundred Miles off , any more a part of the Assembly where I live , than those at the Antipodes may be ? If you fly to one Governor , I answer ; 1. So the Pope claimeth a Government at the Antipodes . 2. A Governor of many Assemblies may make them one Society , as to Government , but not one Assembly . 2. And certainly when Temples were first named Churches , it was not because those met there that were no Churches , but only Members of Churches : Nor is this Parish Church called a Church because some meet here that belong to the Church at Boston , Lincoln or Grantham ; But to this day we cannot disuse our selves from saying , the Church of Barnet , the Church of St. Albans , of Hat●ield , &c. yea , in the same City , we denominate the several Temples still several Churches . Hesychius explaineth Ecclesia , by no other words than these three , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which all signifie the Meetings of the People , and not Men that never see each other , only because one Man ruleth them . Mr. Mede in his Exercitat . of Temples proveth largely that the places of Meeting are ordinarily by the Ancients called Churches , even in several Centuries . Euseb . lib. 8. cap. 1. saith , in every City they built spacious and ample Churches . And Theophil . Antiochen . Autol. saith , [ Sic Deus dedit mundo , qui peccatorum tempestatibus & naufragiis jactatur , Synagogas , quas Ecclesias sanctas nominamus , in quibus veritatis doctrina fervet , ad quas confugiunt veritatis studiosi , quotquot salvari , Deique judicium & iram evitare volunt . ] So Tertullian , de Idololat . cap. 7. pag. 171. Tota die ad hanc partem zelus fidei ingenuum Christianum ab Idolis in Ecclesiam venire , de adversaria Officina in domum Dei venire , &c. The very Name there of a Church , and the naming of a single Temple thence doth signifie our supposition . III. To this I may add the Name and Primitive Sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For it signifieth a Vicinity , and Parochus Vicinus , a Cohabitant or Neighbour , as well as inquilinus , and is used in all the ancient Church-Writers as noting both a Sojourner ( as Christians are in the World ) and a Neighbour , so constantly in this later sense , not excluding the former . Else Men of several parts of the World might have been said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because inquilini , had it not also and specially signified Vicinity . To avoid tediousness of Citations , I refer the unsatisfied Reader but to Gers . Bucer against Downam , and the Basil Lexicon of Henr. Pet. in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And though the custom of calling a Church by the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 continued when the Church was altered in magnitude to a large Diocess , yet that is so far from proving that this was the first and old signification , as that the word rather plainly leadeth us up to the thing and sense which first it signified . And therefore to this day , Etymology teacheth us more wit than in English to call a Diocess a Parish , but only a Vicinity of Christians : And when the a Vicinity is the English of the Word , why should Strangers that we shall never see or have to do with , any more than those in the uttermost part of the Land , be called our Parishioners or Neighbours ? IV. Another clear Evidence of the truth in question is the Paucity of Churches ( or consecrated Meeting-Places ) for many hundred Years after Christ : both before they were called Temples and after . Not that occasional Meeting-places were few ( Houses , Fields , &c. ) but appropriated consecrated places called Churches , where there were Altars , or ordinary Church-Communion in the Lord's Supper . ( Or rather it is doubtful whether the name of Altars with the form were introduced till two hundred Years after Christ , which maketh some the more question the Antiquity of Ignatius and Clem. Const . and Can. Apost . ) I yield to Baronius ( ad An. 57. ) that the Christians had Churches , that is , places consecrated for Church-Assemblies , under those peaceable Emperors that went before Dioclesian : For Eusebius ( besides others ) expresly telleth us so : Spaciosas & amplas construxerunt Ecclesias : But I desire the Reader to mark his words . Lib. 8. cap. 1. [ A man might then have seen the Bishops of all Churches in great reverence and favour among all sorts of Men , and with all Magistrates : Who can worthily describe those innumerable heaps and flocking multitudes through all Cities and famous Assemblies frequenting the places dedicated to Prayer ? Because of which Circumstances , they not contented with the old and ancient Buildings , which could not receive them , have through all Cities builded them from the Foundation wide and ample Churches . ] Here note , 1. That here is no mention of any more Churches than one in each City : Cities and Assemblies are numbered together . 2. That these Buildings are called Churches . 3. That these Churches were built greater than the old ones anew from the Foundation , because the old ones were too narrow to contain the People : But not superadded to the old ones . 4. That the Bishops are called The Bishops of all Churches in relation to the same kind of Churches as are here described . So that then a Bishop's Church met in one enlarged place . Yet all these were no Temples ; but such as the silenced Ministers have of late built in some parts of London ; for the Christians were in continual danger of the demolishing of them : which fell out in Dioclesian's time . But till this Calm which Eusebius here describeth , for about two hundred and fifty Years after Christ , the Christians oft met in Vaults and secret places , where they might be hid , and not in open Churches , unless now and then in a Calm between . Platina in vit . Xisti , tells us , that even at Rome it self about the Year 120. there were few found that durst profess the Name of Christ . And see what he saith , In Vita Clement . 1. & Anaclet . & Mantuan . lib. 1. fastor . de Clem. Anacl . Evarist . Alex. Xist . Calist . Urban . &c. In whose times , Killing , Banishing and Persecuting caused Scatterings , hidings , and as Pliny tells us many Apostasies . See what Gers . Bucer saith , pag. 221 , 222 , 223. of all the Ages now in question about this matter : As Tertullian saith , Apol. c. 3. adeo in hominibus innocuis , nomen innocuum erat odio : Did the Rabble but see or hear the Christians , they were raged against them , and cried to the Judges , Tollite impios . Saith Polydor. Virgil. de invent . rer . l. 5. c. 6. Romae non reperio quod sciam aliud antiquius templum aedificatum aut dicatum , vel ad usum Sacrorum fuisse conversum , quam Thermas Novati in vico patricio , quas Pius Pontifex Praxidis eximiae sanctitatis foeminae rogatu , divae Pudentianae ejus Sorori consecravit ; qui fuit annus circiter 150. But the name Templum here is not used by Polydore as by the Ancients , for a large and comely Fabrick . For , saith Tertullian , after that , Apol. c. 37. Christians leave Temples to the Heathens . And saith Pope Nicholas , in Epist de depositione Zachariae & Rodoaldi Episc . ( recited in his Life by Papir . Massonus , Fol. 132. Col. 2. ) [ Deinde propter frigidiorem locum in Ecclesia Salvatoris , quae ab Authore vocatur Constantiniana , & quae prima in toto terrarum orbe constructa est . ] You see that by this Pope's own Testimony , there was no Church in the whole World built before this one at Rome by Constantine . The meaning is , no large sumptuous place called a Temple , but only commodious meaner Rooms or Buildings . And the same Pap. Masson . in Vita Bonifacii , fol. 55. noteth that Hierom even in his time ( so late ) Basilicas Christianorum tres tantum commemorasse . When upon the great increase of Christians , but one odd Idol Temple even in Alexandria , was begged of the Emperor for the Christians , Ruffin . lib. 2. cap. 22. and divers others tell us what tumult and stir it caused . And when Euseb . de Vita Constant . lib. 3. c. 49 , 50. tells us of his building of Churches except Constantinople , it is but one in a City , even the great Cities , Nicomedia in Bythinia , and Antioch . And Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 12. saith that even in Constantinople ( which he made so great and beautiful that it was no whit inferior to Rome , and by a Law engraven on a Pillar , commanded that it be called Second Rome , ) he built from the Foundation ( but ) two Churches , Pacis & Apostolorum . I could find in my heart , were it not tedious , here to translate all Isidor . Pelus●ota's Epist . 246. lib. 2. in which he openeth the difference between Templum and Ecclesia , and inveigheth against that Bishop as no Bishop , who cried up the Temple as the Church , while he persecuted and vexed the Godly who are the Church indeed ; and against them that are for sumptuous Temples and unholy scandalous Churches ; and tells us he had rather have been in the times when Temples were less adorned , and the Churches more adorned with Heavenly Graces , than in those unhappy times when Temples were too much adorned , and Churches naked and empty of Spiritual Graces . So that when there was but one Temple in a City , ( except two or three ) and when that was called the Church , because it contained the Church , it 's evident what the Churches then were . V. The ancient Agapae shew how great the Churches then were , when as all the Church did feast together : and these continued in Tertullian's time , in some places at least : And several Church-Canons mention them after that . And Chrysost . saith ( Homil. de Oportet haeres . esse p. ( mihi ) 20 , 21. that in the Primitive times , there was a custom that after Sermon and Sacrament , they all feasted together in the Church , which he highly praiseth . ( But it was not many hundred Churches that feasted in one Room . ) And after he saith , [ The Church is like Noah's Ark , but Men come in Wolves , and go out Lambs , &c. ] shewing that by the Church he meant the Assembly . And after , [ All have the same Honour , and the same Access , till all have communicated and partaked of the same Spiritual Meat . The Priests standing expect them all , even the poorest Man of all . ] ( By this he sheweth what Church he meant , and how great the Church was . ) Et Serm. 21. pag. 313. Redundat injuria in locum illum ; Ecclesiam enim totam contemnis : Propterea enim Ecclesia dicitur , quia communiter omnes accipit . This doth not only shew what Church he meaneth , but fully confirmeth what I said before : that [ The whole Church was in that place : and that the place is therefore called the Church , because it commonly receiveth all . ] But note that this was not preach'd at Constantinople , but yet at the great Patriarchal Church of Antioch . And I may add as to the former Evidences , To. 5. Serm. 52. pag. 705. when he had shewed that in the Church there must be no division , he expoundeth it by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] [ Qui seipsum ab hoc conventu sejunxerit . ] So that the Assembly was the Church , and not a thousandth part of the Church only . See more of the Churches feasting together in Baronius ad an . 57. pag. ( ed. Plant. ) 543. to spare me more labour about this . VI. Another Evidence of the Limits of the ancient Churches is ( that which I oft mentioned in the particular Testimonies ) that every where all the People either chose , or expresly consented to their Bishops , and they were ordained over them in their sight . And this no more could do than could meet in one place ; and one part of a Church hath no more right to it than all the rest . The Consequence is evident : And for them that say , that it was only the Parishioners of the Cathedral Church that voted ; I answer , Now Cathedrals have no Parishes , and heretofore the Cathedral Parish was the whole Church . The Testimonies fully prove that it was All the Church or People that were the Bishop's Flock : And for some hundreds of Years there were no Parishes in his Diocess but one , and therefore no such distinction . Pamelius's heap of Testimonies , and many more , for the matter of fact I have already cited : And however some talk now to justifie the contrary course of our times , it is so clear and full in Antiquity that the People chose their Bishops , at first principally , and after secondarily after the Clergy , having a Negative Voice with them , and their Consent and Testimony ever necessary , even for eight hundred Years at least , that it would be a needless thing to cite any more Testimonies of it to any versed in the Ancients . Papists and Protestants are agreed de facto that so it was . See Cyprian , lib. 4. Epist . 2. of Cornelius ; lib. 1. Epist . 2. of Sabinus ; and lib. 1. Epist . 4. Euseb . Hist . lib. 6. cap. 29. tells us that Fabian by the People was chosen to succeed Anterus . And Cyprian saith it was Traditione Apostolica , vid. & Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 14. & lib. 2. cap. 6. & lib. 7. cap. 35. & Sozomen . lib. 6. cap. 24. & lib. 8. cap. 2. of Chrysostom ; & lib. 6. cap. 13. vid. & Augustin . Epist . 110. & Theodoret , Hist . lib. 1. cap. 9. in Epist . Concil . Nicaeni ad Alexandr . The Bloodshed at the Choice of Damasus was one of the first occasions of laying by that custom at Rome . And yet though they met not so tumultuously , they must consent . Leo's Testimony I gave you before with many more . Theodor. lib. 5. cap. 9. of Nectarius sheweth that Bishops were then chosen , Plebe praesente & universa fraternitate , as Cyprian speaketh of Sabinus . So the Concil . Parisien . even an . 559. But for more plentiful proof of this see M. A. Spalatens . de Rep. Eccles . lib. 1. cap. 22. n. 10. & lib 6. cap. 7. & lib. 3. cap. 3 ▪ n. 12. &c. & Blondel de Jure plebis , more copiously , and de Epis . & Presbyt . & Bilson perpet . Govern. cap. 15. & lib. of Christian Subjection oft . And it is to be noted that when the People's Confusion had made them seem uncapable any longer to chuse : 1. This was long of the Prelates themselves , who by that time had so far enlarged their Churches , that the People were neither capable of doing their ancient Work and Duty , nor yet of being ruled by the Clergy aright . 2. And when the People were restrained from the Choice by Meetings and Vote , the Magistrates in their stead did undertake the Power . 3. And when it fell out of the People's hands into Great Mens , the Proud and Covetous who could best seek and make Friends did get the Bishopricks , whereupon the Churches were presently changed , corrupted and undone . 4. And the sense of this moved the few good Bishops that were left to make Canons against this Power and Choice of Princes and great Men , decreeing that all Bishops obtruded by them on the Churches should be as none , but be avoided , and all avoided that did not avoid them . And the Roman and Patriarchal party cunningly joyned with these honest Reformers to get the Choice out of the Magistrate's hands that they might get it into their own ; and so Christ's Church was abused among ambitious Usurpers . The Decrees against Magistrates Choice of Bishops you may see , Can. Apost . 31. & Decret . 17. q. 7. c. siquis Episc . Sept. Synod . c. 3. Decret . 16. q. 7. Oct. Synod . c. 12. & Act. 1. &c. 22. Decret . 16. q. 7. Nicol. 1. Epist . 10. & Epist . 64. with more which you may find cited by Spalatens . lib. 6. cap. 7. pag. 675 , 676 , 677. And it is to be noted that ( though still the Clergy had a Negative or first Choice , yet ) when they procured Charles the Great ( who was to rise by the Papal help ) to resign and renounce the Magistrates Election , he restored the Church to its Ancient Liberties , as far as enlarged Dioceses and ambitious Clergy-men would permit it . His words are these , [ Sacrorum Canonum non ignari ut in Dei nomine Sancta Ecclesia suo liberius potiretur honore , assensum ordini Ecclesiastico praebuimus , ut scilicet Episcopi per Electionem CLERI & POPULI secundum statuta Canonum de PROPRIA DIOECESI , remota personarum & munerum acceptione , ob vitae meritum & sapientiae donum , eligantur , ut exemplo & verbis sibi subjectis usquequaque prodesse valeant . ] Vid. Baron . To. 11. n. 26. Decret . Dist . 63. c Sacrorum . Where note that , 1. he includeth the People of the whole Diocess . 2. And doth this as according to the sacred Canons . So that for Men to dream that only the Parishioners of a Cathedral Church ( which had no proper Parish ) or the Citizens only , were to chuse , is to feign that which is contrary to notorious Evidence of Law and Fact , as well as of the reason of the thing . For where all are the Bishops Flock , and chuse as his Flock , there all the Flock must chuse , and a parcel can claim no privilege above all the rest . VII . The next Evidence is this : In the first Age , it is very fairly proved by Doctor Hammond , that there were by the Apostles more Bishops and Churches than one in many Cities themselves : And if one City had more than one Church and Bishop , then much more many distant places , in Towns and Countries . That one City had more than one he sheweth by the distinction of Jews and Gentiles Churches : As Peter was appointed chiefly for the Jews , and Paul chiefly for the Gentiles , so he sheweth it very probable , that at Rome , Antioch , and other places they had several Churches . And thus he reconcileth the great differences about Linus , Clemens and Cletus or Anacletus . And especially on this reason , that they had not the same Language . And indeed when in great Cities there are Christians of divers Languages , it is necessary that they be of divers Congregations , unless you will have them Hear , as the Papists will have them Pray , they know not what . And though some might say , that though they be of divers Assemblies , yet they might have onely One Bishop to Rule them : I answer , 1. Dr. Hammond is more ingenuous , and acknowledges that the diversities of congregations and languages inferred a diversity of Churches and Bishops with their distinct Clergy . 2. And all Antiquity made Preaching or Teaching his flock as essential to the Bishops office as Governing them ( of which next : ) But he could not teach several Churches whose language he understood not . VIII . Antiquity made the three parts of the Bishops office Teaching , Worshipping , and Governing , to be of the same extent as to the subject society under him . It was one and the same Church which he was ordinarily to Teach , to guide in worship ( prayers , praise , sacrament ) and to Rule by discipline ( supposing still that we speak of a meer Bishop and not an Archbishop ) I should weary the Reader to cite numerous testimonies for so notorious a thing . But it is known that the said Bishop neither is nor can be the Ordinary Teacher , and Guide in worship to a Diocese of a multitude of Churches , but to one or few at most . And he that peruseth ancient writers , shall find that the Bishop was not only to be a ra●e or extraordinary Teacher of his whole flock , but the Ordinary one : not only to send others , but to do it himself ; till the enlargement of Dioceses changed the custome . IX . Another evidence is this : In the first two Centuries , Deacons and Bishops were ever officers in the same Church : But Deacons were never then officers in more Churches ( or stated assemblies that had Sacramental Communion ) than one : therefore Bishops were not officers in more . No proof can be given of any Deacons that had the care ( in their places ) of many Churches , Parishes , or Societies of Christians . And when Dioceses were enlarged , it is notable that the Presbyter that was the oculus Episcopi in the Diocese is called the Archdeacon : Because originally he was but indeed a Deacon , the chief Deacon who was with the Bishop in one and the same Church ▪ It being then inauditum for a Deacon to belong to many . X. Another evidence is , The Great number of Bishops who out of a narrow space of ground , did usually assemble in the ancient Synods . I told you before out of Crab of Sylvesters number at Rome . Binius also hath the like words [ Sylvester collegit in gremio sedis suae 284 Episcopos ] and that 139 of them were ex urbe Roma vel non longe ab illa . A hundred thirty nine Bishops in Rome and not far from it , had not such Dioceses as now . Cyprian saith , lib. 1. Ep. 3. that Privatus was condemned in Synodo Lambesitana by 90 Bishops which was before Christianity was countenanced by Emperours , and were under persecution , yea , long before Cyprian wrote that Epistle . For the examining of every ordinary cause of an accused Presbyter , sex Episcopi ex vicinis locis , six Bishops from the neighbour places , ( not from 40 or fourscore miles distance ) were to hear and determine , and three Bishops for the cause of every Deacon , Concil . Afric . Can. 20. so that no doubt but their Bishops were as near as our Market Towns at least , even when so few of the people were Christians as that all that space afforded but one great Congregation . The sixth provincial Council at Carthage had 217 Bishops ( whereas the General Council at Trent had long but 40. ) A Council of Donatists ( Hereticks not so numerous sure as the Catholicks ) at Carthage , mentioned by Augustine , Epist . 68. ( about an . 308 ) had 270 Bishops . And when there were so great a number of Heretick Bishops , how many were there of the Catholicks and Donatists and all other sects set together ? This one heresie had enow to become persecutours of the Catholicks , ( beating them with clubs , putting out the peoples eyes by casting vineger mixt with lime into them , dragging them in the dirt ) And yet they were the smaller number , and complained of persecution ; and some Circumcellions killed themselves to make the Catholicks odious as persecutors ( Occisos auferunt luci , vivis auferunt lucem — Quod nobis faciunt sibi non imputant : & quod sibi faciunt nobis imputantinquiunt , Clerici Hippon . ib. ad Januarium . ) Certainly here were Churches no bigger then , than our smaller Parishes . And Augustine cont . Gaudentium saith , there were innumerable Bishops in Africa that were Orthodox . ( And it was but a corner of Africa that were Christians , and in the Roman Empire here meant . ) Victor Uticensis in persecut . Vandal . sheweth that in that part of Africa 660 Bishops fled ; besides the great number murdered , imprisoned , and many tolerated . The like may be said of Patricks Irish Bishops before mentioned , and many others , who plainly were Parochial Bishops . XI . Another evidence is , The way of Strangers communicating then by way of Communicatory Letters , or Certificates from the Church whence they came , which were to be shewed to the Bishop of the Church where they desired to communicate : But was it many hundred Churches that they must thus satisfie ? or must they travail to the Bishop with their Certificate , before they must communicate in any one Church within 20. 30. 40. or 50. miles of him ? Doubtless an impartial Reader will think , that it was but a Bishop of the same City-Church which he desired Communion with , to whom the Certificate was to be shewn . See what Albaspinaeus saith of these Letters , ex Concil . Laodic . c. 41. Concil . Antioch . c. 1. Concil . Agath . can . 52. Concil . Eliber . c. 58. in his observat . p. 254 , 255. XII . Another evidence is the ancient phrase describing a Schism by Altare aliud erigere , to set up another Altar , or to set up Altar against Altar . And to separate from that Altar was to separate from that Church : which implyeth , that there was but one Altar in a Church ; and multiplying Altars was multiplying Churches . XIII . Another evidence was the late division of Parishes : The idle story of Evaristus dividing Parishes at Rome , Gers . Bucer hath fully confuted . It is most certain that except at Alexandria and Rome , it was long before they were divided . Sir Rog. Twisden Histor . Vindicat. c. 3. p. 9 , 10. saith that it was under Theodore A. B. C. that Parochial Churches began ( mark Began ) to be erected here in England , and the Bishop of Rome greatly reverenced in this nation &c. out of a MS. in Trinity Hall Cambridge . And it was 668 as Beda tells us before Theodore was Ordained Bishop . The evidence in history of the Lateness of Parish divisions is past doubt . And whereas the usual answer is , that there may be Dioceses without Parishes ; I answer , It is not the Name [ Diocese ] that is the thing in question , but the Church-state . While there was but one Altar , there was but one place of ordinary Church Communion in the Lords Supper . And when there were more places with Altars erected , they could not be , nor were long without their proper affixed Presbyters ( as Arius his Case sheweth and as is confessed ) And when that was done , they were Parishes in out sense : And till that was done , some one Presbyter was sent from the Bishop as he pleased ; and then all the Parishes in the Diocese must needs be under one Presbytery as well as one Bishop . There were no setled Congregations for ordinary Church Communion , besides the Bishops Church-meeting , till Parishes were divided , if not by space of ground , yet by the distinction of Temples and People , which is the thing intended . There could be no such thing as a Diocesane Church in the sense that we oppose it in , that is , One Church with a Bishop infimi ordinis ( having none under him ) made up of a multitude of Communicating Churches with their Subpresbyters , yea such as are no part of the Bishops Consessus or Presbytery for the Government of that Church . ] XIV . The next evidence is , the ancient custom of All his Presbyters sitting in one seat with the Bishop in a semi-circle in loco eminentiore on each hand of him and the Deacons standing under or below them : which is so ordained by Councils ( as Carth. 4. Can. 35. &c. ) And the thing is commonly reported in the ancients . And this being put usually as of his Presbyters in common , who were his assistants and colleagues , and with whom he Governed the Churches , without mentioning any excepted Presbyters belonging to distant Parishes , It is apparent that the Bishop then had ordinarily but one assembly . The same I may say of the many Canons , that shew what the Presbyters are to do in the Church , which imply his presence : But I have mentioned many of them before . XV. Another evidence is , the custom of the Presbyters dwelling in the same house with the Bishop ( single ) as in a Colledge ; which not only in Hippo , but in very many other places was then used : and they dwelt near the Church , where that was not used ( As when they had wives , or the Bishop had his Episcopam as the Concil . Turon . 2. calleth her , and alloweth it . ) Tolet himself , de Sacerdotio lib. 5. cap. 4. n. 15. pag. 722. confesseth this saying , [ In Ecclesia Primitiva usque ad tempora Augustini & Hieron . Episcopum & Clerum solitos vivere in communi : unde bona quae vel ex decimis , vel ex fidelium devotione offerebantur , erant indivisa , & subdebantur distributioni Episcopi , quae partim ipsi , partim Clero , partim fabricae , partim pauperibus obveniebant . Postea vero quando quisque per se vixit , talia bona divisa sunt in quatuor partes , prima Episcopo servata , secunda Clero , tertia fabricae , quarta pauperibus . ] And sure that Church then was no bigger than that Colledge did officiateto . XVI . And that which these words of Tolet recite , is the next evidence , viz. The way of maintenance in those times . 1. They lived on Oblations mostly : And these oblations are ever mentioned as offered but upon One Altar . 2. These Oblations were all brought to the Bishops hands , and distributed by him or his appointment . 3. The First-fruits , and Tythe that came next were also in his hands . 4. And so were all the Gifts , and all the Praedia or Church glebe . 5. All these are mentioned as given to One Church only , and not many . 6. The distribution was as aforesaid , some fourfold , sometime three-fold ; of which Spalatensis reciteth the decrees so fully , that I will not tire the reader with reciting them . 7. And it was the Fabrica of One Church only that the Bishop was to give the fourth part to maintain ( And were many hundred fabricks more forgotten ? ) 8. And it was a present Clergie , and not men setled along way off , that he was to make distribution to . 9. And when he was to have the first fourth part himself , who can think that this is meant that men must carry the fourth part of the Hay , and Corn , and Wood , and Pigs , &c. from all the Parishes through such Dioceses as ours , and the fourth part of all the Glebe rents ; This would make the Bishoprick indeed seem to worldly minded men to be worth the venturing of their souls for ; And they must have so many score or hundred barns full , as might tempt them to say , S●ul take thine ease , eat drink ▪ and be merry , &c. But the evidence speaketh plainly . XVII . Another evidence is this : That when first new Communicating Assemblies were erected even in the same Cities with the Bishops , the sa●d Bishops did devise this new trick of their own heads , to send to that Assembly some Bread hallowed by themselves ; And this was first to comfort ( as they said ) the Presbyters and new Congregation , lest they should think themselves cut off from their Bishops Church and Communion . 2. To hold their interest in the people by this handle of their own making . Of these Eulogiae the Can. Concil . Laodic . 14. speaks , as Petavius and others think : Petav. in Epiphan . ad haeres . 69. pag. 276. saith , [ Romae , ubi per titulos distributi presbyteri suos quique populos regebant : Ad eos Episcopi Dominicis diebus fermentum sive benedictum panem in Communionis symbolum mittere consueverant . ] And the passage which he citeth out of Innocent ad Decentium cap. 5. is very full , [ De fermento vero quod die Dominico per Titulos mittimus , superflue nos consulere voluisti : cum omnes Ecclesiae nostrae intra civitatem sint constitutae : Quarum Presbyteri quia die isto propter plebem sibi commissam nobiscum convenire non possunt , ideo fermentum a nobis confectum per acolythos accipiunt , ut se a nostra communione , maxima illa die non judicent separatos . ] That Melchiades ordained this , Damasus his pontifical book saith ; which was about An. 313. But Baronius ad An. 313. largely openeth all the business , and sheweth that this fermentum was hallowed levened bread , which was not the Eucharist , but a devised sacrament ( as Innocent calleth it ) of Union and Communion : confirming this which I have said : And ex Can. 14. Concil . Laod. &c. he sheweth that it was used also in the East : And to this notable passage of Innocent [ Omnes ecclesiae nostrae infra civitatem suntconstitutae ] all the Popes Churches were within the city , he saith , ( p. 97. ) [ Detitulis tantum intelligit , ad quos fermentum mitti soleret , non quidem quod non essent in suburbiis aliae complures ecclesiae atque sanctorum memoriae , sed nulla prorsus Titularis , in quam populus colligi consueverit . Cujus rei causa ait se non mittere fermentum ad Presbyteros per diversa coemeteria constitutos , quod illi plebem sibi subditam quam colligerent , non haberent . ] Here you see , 1. That there were more Temples than Congregations , or Parishes , being erected as Monuments in honour of the Martyrs . 2. That there were no Congregations or Parishes , but within the City . 3. That this device of holy bread came upon the division of Parishes ; and therefore as one was new then , so the other could not be old . XVIII . Another evidence is the state of Cathedral Churches , which as many Episcopal Antiquaries say , were first the sole Churches of the Bishops Charge or Diocese ; and that Parish Churches were since built one after another , as Chappels be in Parishes , by those that could not come so far : And that the present Government of the Cathedral by the Dean and Chapters , under the Bishop , is the evident relict of the old Episcopal Government , and truly telleth us what it was : To pass by many others , I will now recite but the words of Holingshead our Historian , a Clergy-man , Chron. Vol. 1. p. 135. Col. 1. [ Those Churches are called Cathedral , because the Bishops dwell near them . At first there was but ONE CHURCH in every JURISDICTION , whereinto no man entered to pray , but with some oblation towards the maintenance of the Pastor — And for this occasion they were built very huge and great : for otherwise they were not capable of such multitudes as came daily to them , to hear the word and receive the sacraments : But as the number of Christians increased , so first Monasteries , then finally Parish Churches were builded , in every jurisdiction ▪ from which I take our Deanry Churches to have their original , now called Mother Churches , and their Incumbents Archpriests ; And the rest being added since the Conquest , either by the Lords of every Town , or zealous men loth to travail far , and willing to have some ease , building them near hand unto these Deanry Churches , all the Clergie in old time of the same Deanry were appointed to repair at sundry seasons , there to receive wholsome ordinances , and to consult of the necessary affairs of the whole jurisdiction , if necessity so required : And some image thereof is yet to be seen in the North parts . But as the number of Churches increased , so the repair of the faithful to the Cathedral , did diminish , whereby they are now become , especially in their nether parts , rather Markets and shops for merchandize , than solemn places of prayer , whereunto they were first erected . ] I need to say no more of this . XIX . The next evidence is , That when Churches first became Diocesane ( in the sense opposed ) they were fitted to the form of the Civil Government ; And Dioceses and Metropolitanes , and Patriarchs , came in at the same door : The very name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was long unknown in a sacred sense , and was after borrowed from the Civil divisions , when the Church was formed according to them . And as Altare Damasc . p. 290. saith , Vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut refertur ad Episcopum , ignota fuit Eusebio & superioribus seculis : And the word Parish was also before used in our narrower sense , for a vicinity of Christians . And as Grynaeus saith in Euseb . p. 1. not . 3. Euseb . promiscue usurpat haec duo vocabula 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And that a Diocesane as such ( thus formed to the Romane Civil form ) and a Metropolitane and Patriarch , yea , and the Pope as the Prime Patriarch in the Empire , are all of Humane institution , and all of the same original and right , there are few Protestants that do deny . 1. The reason of the thing plainly sheweth it . 2. Their beginning at once sheweth it . 3. And that they were never any of them setled out of the Roman Empire , where that form obtained , except that they setled here and there one on the verge of the Empire to have some care of the neighbour countreys , till after that the Roman name and power invited small countreys adjoyning to them to imitation . And Bishop Bilson of Chr. Subject . often tells us that Metropolitans and Patriarchs are of Humane institution . Godwin a Bishop , in the Lives of the English Bishops , de Convers . Brit. c. 3. p. 30. saith , Quis tam imperitus est ut non intelligat , post mortem Tiberii fluxisse multos annos , ne dicam seculum unum aut alterum priusquam Cardinalis , Patriarchae , aut Metropolitani nomen in Christianorum ecclesiis auditum est ] He might have added , aut Diocesani , for they were built by the same hand on the same foundation . I do not mean that an Apostolical General Ministry was so new , but a Diocesane of many Churches , as Episcopus infimi gradus . Multitudes of Papists and Protestants attest the novelties of these foresaid ranks . Two testimonies of the Papists are so notable , as that I will not pass them by . Cardinal Cusanus ( that Learned Prelate , and proud enough ) li. de Concord . l. 2. c. 13. saith , [ Omnes gradus Majoritatis & Minoritatis in ecclesia juris positivi esse . ] And therefore concluded that the Papacy is removeable from Rome . Nay the very Canon Law it self , saith , Decret . Par. 1. dis . 22. c. 1. c. omnes , [ Omnes sive Patriarchii cujuslibet apices , sive Metropole●n primatus , aut Episcopatuum Cathedras , vel ecclesiarum cujuscunque ordinis dignitates , instituit Romana ecclesia . ] what need we more witness ? It is from P. Nicolaus his decretal . And though a man might suspect that he meant only of the personal Institution of the particular Patriarchs , Metropolitans , &c. yet the context sheweth the contrary , and that it is the species , office or place that he speaketh of ; Because the opposite assertion is , that the Roman Churches dignity was founded by God himself : And the next Cap. 2. is that , not the Apostles , but the Lord himself gave the Roman Church its primacy . XX. The next evidence is , That we rarely read of any Bishops preaching in any Church but One , unless he was driven out of it by persecution , or unless it were in another Bishops Church . If I should except only the great Patriarchal Churches out of all the world , and that only as late as 400 or 500 years after Christ , when Emperours had helpt to increase the Churches , no impartial man would take that for any debilitation of my proof . And yet I shall not easily yield to that exception . In Antioch and Jerusalem I think it will hardly be affirmed , that the Bishop used to preach to any Congregation but One : In Great Constantinople ( equalled to Rome ) when find you Chrysostome any where but in one Church , except when violence hindred him , and then the same Congregation followed him ? Indeed the Novatians had a Church there , and perhaps there was some bye Congregation or two of Christians , who all communicated in the Bishops Church , and therefore were but as Chappels . But go into all the rest of the world , and the case will be plainer , ( except Rome and Alexandria . ) Even Basil an Archbishop is not found a Teacher ordinarily any where but to his Church at Caesarca ; nor Gregory but at Nazianzum ( when he went from Constantinople and from Sasimis ; ) and so of the rest , no not Ambrose in the great city of Milan : And let it move none that Milan and some other Cities had more Temples than one , for as Baronius before cited tells us , there were then many Temples built as Monuments in honour of the Martyrs , that were not Tituli , nor had any Parish or Congregation belonging to them . When find you Augustine teaching in any Church but one ( in Hippo ) as part of his charge ? Of Epiphanius I need not speak , seeing it is confest that in Cyprus no City had two Churches in his days , and that it was their custome to place Bishops in villages , ( as Socrates , Sozomen , and Nicephorus agree . ) So that the matter of fact is certain : except four or five Churches ( if so many ) in all the world 400 years after Christ , and except but two or three hundred years after Christ , you will find no Bishop in any Church but one , as part of his own Charge . But the consequence inferred hence will be denied , because the other Parishes might be taught by Subpresbyters without him . Answ . But I would ask , 1. Whether all the rest of the Parishes were not the Bishops Charge ? yea part of his Church , yea equally with the other part ? As to what Onuphrius and others say of the stations , and the Bishops going from Church to Church , 1. It was scarce any where but in Rome : 2. It was of later times : 3. It was only in the City : 4. It was commonly the same auditors that followed him to several Churches . And it 's true that other Bishops went to the memorials of the Martyrs oft , and had as monuments more Churches than assemblies . And it 's true that of later times , certain Canons bind the Bishops to visit all their Parishes : And the eldest oblige him to visit all the people : which sheweth that yet his Docese was not great . If he be the Bishop of the Church , and the office of a Bishop be to guide the Church , in Worship , and by Discipline , then he is bound to do this to all the Church : indeed if you make but a meer Presbyter of him , then as many may divide the work between them , so each might know his proper part , ( as things stood when Parishes or Chappels were divided ) But if a Bishop , as such , be the uniting head as the King of a Kingdom , he must be equally related to the whole . But if it were not equally , who can believe that there was so great a difference in the parts of the same Church , as that one parcel of them only should have right to their Bishops presence , teaching , worshipping , and personal guidance , and ten , twenty , an hundred , a thousand other parcels have no right at all ? What! a Bishop of a whole Church , not at all obliged to Teach , or Guide in personal worshipping , any part of that Church but one ? Some great change was made in Churches before men could arrive at such a conceit ? Even now among us , a Bishop taketh himself ( by the constraining Law of man , which is his Rule ) to visit his Diocese once in three years : ( I do not mean one Church of fourty or an hundred in his Diocese , much less to preach himself usually in those few Towns he comes to ; but to call his Curate Priests together , and to set one of them to preach his Visitation Sermon . ) But where find you this done by three Bishops in the world for 300 years after Christ , unless that Archbishops visited the Bishops Churches under them ? Now they say there have been Bishops in England who have once in three years confirmed some children abroad throughout their Diocese ( I do not mean one of two hundred ) but where find you that then the Bishop went out of his City to do this ? 2. My next question therefore is , Whether the Bishops of those times were not at least as conscionable and careful and laborious in their offices , as any now are , if not much more ? What! not a Gregory , a Basil , a Chrysostome , an Augustine , a Fulgentius , a Hillary , &c. What! not they that preached almost daily ? They that write so strictly of the labours of the Ministery ? They that lived so austerely , and favoured not the flesh ; that speak so tenderly of the worth of souls ? And would all these , think you , undertake to be Bishops of a whole Church , and yet so leave the whole work upon others , as never to come among them and teach them , and examine them , nor give them the Sacrament in all the Parishes of the Diocese save one ? This is not credible . If you say that in Alexandria it was certainly so , that distinct congregations were committed to the Presbyters , I answer , 1. Yet so as that they might any part of them ( as living in the same city ) come and hear the Bishop when they would : 2. They might communicate with him per vices if they would : 3. They were all bound to do so at the great festivals of the year : 4. They were all personally governed by the discipline of the Bishop and Presbyters conjunct in Council : But of this next . XXI . Another evidence is that the whole Plebs or people of the Bishops charge ( till Churches were setled under Presbyters far off in the countreys ) were bound by the Canons to come to the Cathedral Church , and communicate with the Bishop at Easter , Whitsuntide , and some other such festivals , even after they were distinguished into several Auditories and Communicating Assemblies under Presbyters ; which I have before proved from the particular Canons : which certainly proveth that the Dioceses were no more than could assemble in one place . XXII . Another evidence is that Presbyters did but rarely preach in the two or three first ages ( except in Alexandria , or in some few Churches which had got some extraordinary men ; Chrysostome's preaching at Antioch , Augustin's at Hippo , while they were but Presbyters , are noted as unusual things . And it is said of Augustine ( as forecited ) that it being not usual in other Churches , for the Presbyters to preach in the Bishops presence , the example of that Church ( by the humility of the honest Bishop who preferred his abler Presbyter before himself ) did lead many other Churches into the same practice . Spalatensis and many others have given large proofs , that the Bishops and not the Presbyters were the ordinary preachers in their Church . * Filesacus saith , De Episcop . authorit . cap. 15. Sect. 1. pag. 344. [ Episcopos consuevisse ex ambone verba facere , refert Concil . Lateran . sub Martino , & Concil . Trull . c. 33. Permissum deinde Presbyteris , quanquam non passim , nec in quibuslibet ecclesiis : Diaconis olim id concessum , sed raro — & p. 351. ait , [ Balsamon juris Graeco-Romani li. 2. cap. 9. in Alexii Comneni Bullis ; Populum docere solis est datum Episcopis : & magnae eccl●siae Doctores Patriarchae jure docent . ] These were like our Canons as he shews at large ; and this was in later ages when a Bishop might teach per alium . — And p. 351 , 352. Concil . Trull . c. 64. docet ex Greg. Nazianz. solis Episcopis convenire concionari & sanctas scripturas interpretari ; Presbyteris vero non nisi Episcoporum concessione . Of the Bishops teaching see the numerous citations in Filesacus cap. 1. And if any be stumbled at the name Presbyteri Parochiani usual in the Councils and Fathers , as if they were Countrey Presbyters , who preached then in other Churches ? I have before cited a Canon which gave leave to Presbyters to preach in the countrey villages , intimating it was rare heretofore . 2. Filesacus saith , ibid. p. 562 , 563. [ Sed ut quod res est libere eloquar , & illo aevo & anteriore , cum Parochiae vox vulgo etiam pro Dioecesi usurpatur ( that is for all the Bishops Charge ) credo Presbyteros Parochianos dictos fuisse , non aliter ac siquis Dioecesanos pronunciaret , hoc est , In hac Parochia seu Dioecesi ordinatos & titulatos . ] But surely whilst Presbyters rarely preached , there were either Churches that had no preaching ( which cannot be proved ) or else few Assemblies that had not Bishops . Obj. But then you make Lay Elders of the Presbyters . Ans . They were the abler sort of Christians ordained to the same Ministerial or Sacerdotal Office as all true Ministers are : But few of them being Learned men , and able to make long Sermons , were imployed only as the Bishops assistants , as elders are among the Presbyterians : who if they would but ordain those Elders , and let them have power over the word and Sacraments , though only to exercise it under the Bishops or chief Pastors guidance , when there was cause , they would come nearest to the ancient use . XXIII . And it seemeth to me an evidence that the Churches then were ( usually ) but as narrow as I assert , that the Presbyters were to abide with the Bishop , and attend him in his City Church . For if you suppose them able to Teach or guide a flock themselves , ( as some were such , as Augustine , Macarius , Ephrem Syrus , Tertullian , &c. ) it is scarce credible to me that the Bishop would suffer such worthy persons to sit among his Auditors , when there were many countrey congregations that needed their help . For that the Church was so supplied with Preachers as that besides all these Presbyters in the Bishops Church , there were enow for all the rest of the countrey Parishes as now , is contrary to all the intimations of Church-History . And therefore when we read of so many Presbyters with the Bishop , before we read of many or scarce any elsewhere , surely there were no people that needed them . XXIV . And yet ( though great Cities had many with the Bishop ) I may add that the * paucity of Presbyters under the generality of Bishops , sheweth that their Dioceses then were but like Parish Churches with their Chappels : Or else Aurelius and the other Bishops in the Carthage Council needed not have been in doubt whether those Bishops that had but one or two Presbyters , should have one taken from them to make a Bishop of , which was yet affirmatively decreed , because there may be more found fit to make Presbyters of , where it 's hard to find any fit to be Bishops . I will speak it in the words of the learned Bishop Bilsons Perpet . Govern. c. 13. p. 256. [ In greater Churches they had great numbers of Presbyters : In smaller they had often two , somewhere one , and sometimes none . And yet for all this defect of Presbyters , the Bishops then did not refrain to impose hands without them . The number of Presbyters in many places were two in a Church , as Ambrose writeth on 1 Tim. 3. sometimes but one . In the third Council Carthag . when it was agreed that the Primate of that City might take the Presbyters of every Diocese and Ordain them Bishops for such places as desired them , though the Bishop under whom the Presbyter before lived were unwilling to spare him , Posthumianus a Bishop demanded , [ what if a Bishop have but one only Presbyter , must that one be taken from him ? ] Aurelius the Bishop of Carthage answered , One Bishop may Ordain many Presbyters , but a Presbyter fit for a Bishoprick is not easily found : wherefore if a man have but one only Presbyter , and fit for the room of a Bishop , he ought to yield that one to be Ordained . Posthumianus replied , Then if another Bishop have a number of Clerks , that others store should relieve him . Aurelius answered , Surely as you helped another Church , so he that hath many Clerks * shall be driven to spare you one of them , to be ordained by you ] A Diocese such as is intimated here , we do not strive against . XXIV . Another evidence is that when ever we read of persecution turning the Christians out of their Churches , you ever find them gathered into one Congregation , when they could have leisure and place to meet in , and usually a Bishop with them ; unless he were banished , imprisoned , or martyred , and then some Presbyter supplied the place : or unless they were scattered into many little parcels . And you find no talk of the persecution of multitudes of Countrey Presbyters afar off , but of the Bishop with his City Presbyters and Church . To which add that it was One Church still , which rejected , obtruded Bishops , and refused to obey the Emperour who imposed them . All this is manifest in Gregory Neocaesar . his flight with Musonius , and the state of his Church : In the Case of Basil ; and of Lucius the obtruded Bishop at Alexandria , and in the Case of Antioch before described , and of Rome it self . It 's tedious to cite numerous testimonies in a well known case . If Alexandria was in such a case , or near it , I hope you will doubt of no other Churches . And that with this you may see what Conventicles the Christians kept when the Emperours forbad them , and how resolutely the Bishops preached when the Emperours silenced them , I will recite the words of Baronius himself , and in him of Dionysius Alexandr . apud Euseb . lib. 7. c. 10. &c. 17. and Cyprian ep . 5. &c. in Baron . ad an . 57. p. 542. that those who cry out against Preaching and Conventicles , when they are but strong enough to drive others out of the Temples , may better understand themselves . [ Siquando , &c. If at any time so vehement a persecution did arise , that the Christians by the Emperours edicts , were utterly excluded from the Churches and assemblies , notwithstanding , little regarding such things , they forbore not to come together in One , in holy assemblies , whithersoever there was opportunity . This Dionys . Alexand. Bishop witnesseth writing to Germanus when he mentioneth the Edicts of Valerian forbidding the Assemblies . [ But we by Gods assistance , have not abstained from our accustomed Assemblies celebrated among our selves . Yea , I my self did drive on certain brethren to keep the assemblies diligently , as if I had converst among them . ] And he writeth the same also to Hierax when he was banished [ When we were persecuted by all and put to death we celebrated the Feast with joyful minds ; and any place appointed us for several sorts of sufferings , ( as the woods , the desert solitudes , the tossed ships , the common Innes , the horrid prison ) did seem fit to us in which we might keep our solemn Assemblies with the greatest joy . ] That they held their Assemblies and offered sacrifice usually ( when it was permitted them ) in the prisons , Cyprian witnesseth : But the Acts of the holy Martyrs do fullier signifie it ; especially those most faithful ones called Pro-Consular , which were taken by the publick Notaries . Certainly the Gravel-pits afforded them advantage for the celebrating of their publick Assemblies , in the time of persecution , especially at Rome , where in the digged gravel there remain many subterraneous ample recesses : Though when the persecution was vehement , they were thence also excluded ; as the letters P. Cornelii ad Lupic . Episc . Vien . testifie , saying , [ Christians may not missas agere , keep their meetings for Church worship publickly , no not in the vaults , ( or pits ) So much of the Churches and publick assemblies of the Christians &c. saith Baronius . Which Polyd. Virgil secondeth c. 6. yea the Bishops durst scarce be seen in the streets so hot were the persecutions , as Euseb . lib. 6. cap. 31. Therefore , as I before noted , they had yet no capacious Temples , as Illyricus well gathereth , Catalog . Testi . verit . p. 112. But they began to have days of peace and liberty under Alexand. Severus , Gordian . Philip , Galienus , Flavius , Claudius , Aurelianus , Probus , and then they did enlarge their too small rooms , to that described by Euseb . lib. 8. c. 1. XXVI . Another evidence is , that Monasteries were built before Chappels and Countrey Parish Churches , and far more numerous , so that we frequently read of Monasteries under a Bishop with their Abbot , or Presbyter , when we read little or nothing of Parish Churches in the Countries under him . And if these had been as common , why are they not as much mentioned in the ancient records of the Church ? The Egyptian Monks , and those in Judaea , and those in Britain , in Beda , and the life of Hierome , Fulgentius , and abundance such witness this . XXVII . Another evidence is the Canons , that none but a Bishop must publickly reconcile a penitent , nor pronounce the blessing in the Church , &c. Of which before in particular Canons . XXVIII . Another evidence is that Presbyters or Bishops were not to remove from the Places they were Ordained in : But those places of old were single Churches ; ( usually in Cities with the suburbs that could come to the same Church , as Dr. Field saith . ) Concil . Arelat . 1. cited by Spelman , pag. 40. ( because we had 3 Brittish Bishops there ) [ In quibuscunque locis ordinati fuerint Ministri , in ipsis locis perseverent ] And ipse locus was not a circuit of 40 or 50 or 100 miles long , but the Bishops Parish or Vicinity . Of the Bishops not removing ( without a Synod ) many Councils speak . XXIX . Another evidence is that the Canons which take down the Chorepiscopi and turn them to periodeutae Visitors , or Itinerants , and which forbid the making of Bishops in small Cities , or villages , 1. Were of late date , 2. And were in aspiring times , and had a reason answerable , ne vilescat nomen Episcopi ; 3. And therefore intimate that it was otherwise before ( as I have before shewed . ) XXX . A Separatist or Schismatick was then known by his withdrawing from his proper Church ; and so was an Apostate or deserter : And he that stayed away certain days was to be excommunicate ; And they that fall into sins and never present themselves to the Church , to shew their penitence , even when they fall sick and desire Communion , shall not have it till they shew fruits worthy of repentance , faith Concil . Arelat . 1. Can. 22. But 1. in our way , when the Church that I am of is an hundred miles long and hath above a thousand Parishes , who can tell when a man is at the Church , and when he is not , unless you make half a years work to examine the matter in a thousand Assemblies ? 2. And a man may wander , and never be in the same Assembly once in three years , and yet be still in his own Church because the Docese is the Church : 3. Unless the Bishops presence as well as remote relation be necessary ; And then no man cometh to Church , but he that cometh where the Bishop is , for ubi Episcopus ibi Ecclesia : And the Parish Church is with them no Church , unless equivocally as a Community . For as Learned Dr. Field saith , ( and they must all say ) [ None are to be ordained , but to serve in some Church : and none have Churches but Bishops ; all other being but assistants to them in their Churches . ] Lib. 5. c. 27. p. 139. Therefore they call the Parish Priests the Bishops Curates ; and Dr. Field maketh the Bishops Church or Diocese and a particular Church all one . If then one Parish priest of a thousand be an Arrian , Antinomian , Socinian , Papist , Seeker , &c. he that separateth not from that one Priest and Parish meeting , separateth not from his Bishops Church , nor any particular Church : For his Church is a countrey , which while he is in , he is no Separatist , if he joyn with any part of it . XXXI . But my greatest evidence which I trust to above all the rest is , The greatness of the Bishops work , which no mortal man can truly and faithfully discharge and do for a Diocese in the opposed sence , nor for more than one of our greater Parishes . I have recited some of the particulars before , and I shall again have occasion to do it more at large : I now only name these parts . 1. To be the ordinary Baptizer , or still present with all that are Baptized , ( to anoint their nostrils , &c. as aforesaid . ) 2. To be the Confirmer of all the baptized in all the Diocese . 3. To be the ordinary preacher to his flock , and to expound the Scriptures to them . 4. To be the only publick reconciler or absolver of all penitents . 5. To be the publick Priest , to be the Guide of the people in publick worship , and to administer the Lords Supper . 6. To take particular account and care of all the peoples souls , and admonish , teach , and exhort them as there is special need . 7. To be the Excommunicator of the impenitent ( or ever one and the chief . ) 8. To Ordain all Ministers and Subministers . 9. To oversee and rule the Clergy . 10. To receive all Oblations , Tithes , Gifts , and Glebes , and be the distributer of them . 11. To visit the sick in all his flock . 12. To take a particular care of all the poor , the sick , the strangers , the imprisoned , &c. as their Curator . 13. To keep almost daily , but constantly weekly Assemblies for all the publick offices . 14. To keep Synods among his Colleagues , Bishops , and Presbyters . 15. To try and hear Causes with the Bishops , and Synods , and with his Presbyters at home , about all scandals , &c. that come before him , ( of which one Town may find him work enough , the convincing and gentle reproof and exhortation will take up so much time . ) 16. The looking after and convincing or confuting Hereticks . 17. The reconciling disagreeing neighbours . 18. The confecting of oyl and holy bread , &c. to furnish all his Presbyters with . 19. The Benediction of Marriages , and Solemnizing of Funerals ; with a multitude of other Ceremonies . 20. And besides all this , the right government of his own house ( And if he had Children , the education of them ) 21. The oversight of all the Schools and educating young men for the Ministery ( there being then no Universities to do it . ) ( That the Schools were under his care , you may see proved in Filesacus ) 22. The Consecrating of devoted Virgins ( to say nothing of Altars and other utensils ) 23. The oversight of the Monasteries . 24. The writing of Canonical Epistles ( as they called them ) to Great men , to other Churches , &c. 25. The granting of Communicatory Letters . I have named all that come suddenly to my memory , but it 's like not all . And how many Parishes , how many hundred thousand souls can one man do all this for , think you ? I will not tire you with citing out of Isidore , Gregory , Ambrose , Chrysost . &c. the strict Charges terribly laid on Bishops , but only now recite the Preachers words whose Oration Eusebius giveth us , at the dedication of a new Church , Histor . Eccl. l. 10. c. 4. It is Paulinus Bishop of Tyre . In which he tells them that it is the work of Bishops [ Intimae animarum vestrarum theoriae videre & introspicere , ubi experientia & temporis prolixitate unumquemque vestrum exacte inquisivit , studioque & cura cunctos vos honestate & doctrina quae secundum pietatem est , instruit . ] It was then thought a Bishops duty to be intimately acquainted with the minds of his flock , and exactly enquire after every one of them , even menservants and maidservants by name , saith Ignatius , as cited before . All this was then the Bishops work : Almost all this ( except the Ceremonies ) Dr. Hammond proveth industriously belonged to the Bishop . Let him faithfully do it all , and let his Diocese then be as big as he please . I might have added Concil . Arelat . 1. c. 16. that people are to be absolved in the same place where they were Excommunicated , which intimateth it must be only in the Bishops Church . And in Synod . Hybernic . Patricii ( in Spelman p. 52. ) All that was more than necessary to a poor man that had a Collection was to be laid on the Bishops Altar , ] which implyeth that each Church had one Bishop and one Altar . And c. 21. [ & non in Ecclesiam ut ibi examinetur causa ] And c. 25 , 26 , 27. no Clergy-man but the Bishop to dispose of Church offerings ; & Clericus Episcopi in Plebe novus ingressor , baptizare & offerre non licet , &c. with much more which intimateth what Churches were of old . But so much shall suffice for proof of the Minor of the first Argument , that our Diocesane Form , 1. taketh down the Church Form of Gods Institution , and the primitive Churches possession : 2. And setteth up a humane form in its stead , yea one only Church instead of a thousand or many hundred . And therefore I add CHAP. VIII . That the Diocesans cause the errour of the Separatists , who avoid our Churches as false in their Constitution ; and would utterly disable us to confute them . WHen the Brownists say that our Churches are no true Churches , they do not mean that they are not Societies of mens devising ; but that they are not Societies of Gods Instituting . And this they prove upon the principles of the Diocesans thus : If your Churches be of Gods Institution ( de specie ) it is either the Parish Churches , or the Diocesane Churches that are so : But neither the Parish-Churches , nor the Diocesane : Ergo. 1. That the Parish Churches are not such , they prove because by the Diocesans own confession , they are no Churches at all , except equivocally so called : It is one of their own principles , ( and we grant it ) that Episcopus & Plebs Constitute a Church , as a King and Subjects constitute a Kingdom , and as a Schoolmaster and Scholars make a School : and as a Master and houshold make a Family . And that ubi est Episcopus ( as Cyprian saith ) ibi est Ecclesia ; which is nothing but Plebs pastori adunata . And that a people without a Bishop ( truly so called ) are but a Church equivocally , as Scholars without a Master are a School , or as a company of Christians in a ship or house accidentally met , and praying together are a Church , &c. And as Dr. Field before cited , saith , None but a Bishop hath a Church : all others are but his assistants , or as commonly called his Curates . Therefore when a Prelatist pleadeth that our Parish Churches are true Churches ( either of Gods or mans institution ) they do forsake the principles of their party ( as now maintained ) or they contradict themselves , or they play with equivocations and ambiguities . II. And that a Diocesane Church , which is one composed of the carcases of multitude of mortified Churches , is not jure divino , having said so much to prove my self , I will not stay to tell you how easily the Separatists may prove it . So that for my part as much as I have written and done against them , I profess I am not able to confute them on the Diocesane grounds , but would be one of them if I had no better . Quest . How then must they be confuted ? Ans. Thus or not at all by me . A Presbyters office is not to be judged of by the Bishops will or description , but by God's the institutor . As if the King describe the Lord Mayors office in his Charter ; If the Recorder or whoever giveth him his oath , and installeth him , shall misdescribe the office , and limit it , and say falsly you have no power to do this or that ; This will not at all diminish his power , as long as it is the Charter that they profess to go by . He shall have the power which the King giveth , and not which the investing Minister describeth . If a Parson presented to a Benefice , shall be told by the Bishop at his institution , the Tithes or Glebe are but half yours , this shall not diminish his Title to the whole . So when God hath described the Ministers office , it shall be what God saith it is , and not what the Ordainer saith it is . And God maketh the Pastors of each particular body of fixed Communicants , united as aforesaid , to be really a Bishop ( or at least the chief of these Pastors , or the sole Pastor : ) And therefore the Church to be truly and univocally a Church of Divine institution : Though it were never so much granted that Archbishops were over them , as the Apostles were overthose Acts 14. 23. And then when the Parish Churches are once proved true Churches , whether the Diocesane be so or not , is nothing to our controversie with the Separatists . But for my part I cannot confute the lawfulness of a Diocese as consisting of many particular Churches with their Bishops , as I can a Diocese which hath put them all down . CHAP. IX . The second Argument : from the Deposition of the primitive species of Bishops , and the erecting of a humane inconsistent species in their stead : A specifick difference proved . ARGUMENT II. A Humane inconsistent species of Bishops erected instead of the Divinely-instituted species thereby deposed , is unlawful . But such is the Diocesan species now opposed — Ergo. I have hitherto charged it with the changing of the Church Form : Now of the form or species of Bishops . And here I need not add much to the former , because they are coincident , and in proving the one I have already proved the other . A Bishop of one Church united for Individuals Communion , and a Bishop of one Church united only for Communion in specie actionum , are not the same . But because I hear many say that Magis & Minus non variant speciem , And that a Greater and a Lesser Diocese make neither the Church , nor Bishop to be of a different species , I am here to prove the contrary . And first let it be remembred in what predicament the things in question are , a Church and a Bishop : That is , They are relations . Then let it be remembred what goeth to the essence and definition of a Relation , that is , The Relate , the Correlate , the Subject , the Fundamentum ( or as some speak the Ratio fundandi also ) and the Terminus . Now where these are not the same , or any of these , then the Relation is not the same : because where an essential ingredient is wanting , the essence is wanting . Again it must be remembred that many Natural Relations are so founded in an act past , that the Relation resulteth from it without depending on any thing future . As God is Creator quia jam creavit , Pater est qui genuit . But there are other Relations which are founded in meer Undertaking , Mandate authority , and obligation to future actions : As he is a Tutor , a Schoolmaster , a Judge , a Chancellor , a Pilot , a Bishop , a Husband , &c. who by mandate and undertaking is authorized and obliged to such and such works , implyed in the names . And in these cases , there is nothing more specifieth the offices than the work of the office , which is , its nearest End. And these nearest ends are ever essential to such Relations ; whether you will call them the T●rmini or End , or by what other name , we contend not . And therefore Aquinas and all , 1. 2. q. 18. art . 2. and others commonly agree , that the Object and the End do specifie humane acts . But remote ends may be the same in Acts , ( and so in Offices ) of the same species ; It proving but a Generical agreement ( which yet may be in specie subalterna . ) All humane Acts should have the same ultimate end , that is , The pleasing of God in the resplendency of his Glory , and the felicity of man. Yet this maketh them not all of the same infimae speciei . All Government intendeth the common good ; and yet there are different species of Government . All Church Government is for the good of the Church , and for the killing of sin , and the promoting of faith and holiness : And yet there are different species of Church Governours . But besides the Object and End , ( which all agree to ) there are by Schoolmen and Casuists , said to be circumstances , which may also specifie Moral acts . The seven named by Cicero in Rhetor. are , Quis , Quid , Ubi , Quibus auxiliis , Cur , Quomodo , Quando : And Aquinas and others tell us that these circumstances communicate special Goodness or evil to actions . Vid. P. Soto in relect . 5. in fine de bonit . & mal . act . Greg. de Valent. tom . 2. qu. 13. puncto 4. Jos . Angles in Florib . 2. sent . d. 37. q. 3. a. 5. p. 2. Greg Sayrus in Clav. Regia Lib. 2. Cap. 3. pag. 54. giveth us these two notes to know when circumstances specifie actions . 1. Quando Circumstantia novam conformitatem , aut deformitatem actui tribuit ; ita ut peculiariter conveniat vel repugnet rectae rationi , novam speciem constituit : Rat. Quia in hoc casu circumstantia transit in rationem objecti — 2. Quotiescunque circumstantia non respicit specialem ordinem rationis in bono vel malo nisi praesupposita alia circumstantia a qua actus moralis habet speciem boni vel mali quam solam intra eandem speciem auget , vel diminuit , reddendo actum illum meliorem aut pejorem , toties circumstantia illa aggravans vel diminuens , non autem speciem mutans , censenda est : ut quantitas v. g. magna vel parva in furto . Note also that though Relatio in forma relationis , non recipit magis & minus ; e. g. Titius non est magis Pater quam Sempronius ; Yet quoad subjectum , & aliquando quoad fundamentum & correlatum , it may recipere magis & minus , so that magis vel minus shall change the species . This is in such cases , wherein the alteration of Quantity altereth the Capacity of the subject quoad finem essentialem . For as in Physicks , besides the Matter , the Dispositio materiae ( which Aristotle calls Privation ) is necessary ad formam recipiendam ( which is comonly called A third Principle ; but I would call it , the Conditio necessaria of the Material Principle ; ) so in Relations there must be the Dispositio necessaria subjecti , or else there can no relation result . E. g. to the being of a house , some quantity is necessary to the End , that is , habitation ; And therefore it is no house , except equivocally which is no bigger than an egg-shell : So to the being of a Ship , of a Church , &c. that which is no bigger than a nutshel is no Ship or Church , though you call it so or Consecrate it , &c. And on the other side , It is not a spoon , a dish , a ladle , a pen , which is as big as a Church , a Ship , a House . Yea a Ship and a Boat do differ in specie , though both have the same End , ( safe passage over the waters by portage ) by the circumstantial differences of the End and Subject . So also in Societies ; the whole world , or a Kingdom is too big to be a Family : And a Family is too little to be a Kingdom . Pagus , Vicus , Civitas , Regnum differ principally in their Ends , and next in their Quantity of the subject matter , because every quantity is not capable of the same Essential End. These things being premised , for the use of such ignorant Lads only as know them not , who may possibly study the controversie , I proceed to my proofs . I. And I will begin ( though it be weakest in it self ) with an Argument ad hominem ; For with the men that I now deal with , I shall take that to be the most effectual argument , which is fetcht from their interest , and fitted to their wills . I remember that once when an Army was resolved for Liberty of Conscience , for all that professed the fundamentals of faith in God by Jesus Christ , and the Parliament appointed some of us to draw up a Catalogue of fundamentals , ( which I thought was best done by giving them the Sacramental Covenant , the Creed , Lords Prayer , and Decalogue ) a good man , ( with others of his mind ) would needs have many more fundamentals , than I was for , and among others , ( That to allow our selves or others in known sin , is inconsistent with salvation ( or is damnable ) I told him that I would not dispute against it , but undertake to make him cast it by without dispute : And when they would not believe me , but went on , I did all that I promised presently with telling them , You know that the Parliament take Independency to be a sin ; and they will say , If we allow or tolerate them , they here pronounce the sentence of damnation on us under their own hands ] Dictum factum ; we had no more of that fundamental . I have greater confidence of prevailing with Diocesans by such an argument : In taking the Covenant , in the Westminster Assembly , it would not pass till the parenthesis describing the English species of Prelacy was inserted ; because many declared that they were not against all Episcopacy , but only the present English species . Accordingly those that took the Covenant in that sense , take not themselves bound to endeavour the extirpation of all Episcopacy but only of that species : And they that would have conformed on the terms of the Kings Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs , went on this supposition that the species of Prelacy was altered by it . Now I put these questions to the Diocesans . Quest . 1. If a Usurper by power should take down all the Diocesans ( and their lands , Lordships , and Courts ) and turn them into Parish Bishops , and say , I alter not the species but the degree , would they believe him ? Quest . 2. If one that thinketh himself obliged by the Vow or Covenant against this species only , should think that he answereth his obligation , if he procure no other alteration than is made in the Kings forenamed Declaration , would they tell him , You alter not the species unless you totally extirpate Episcopacy : ( supposing that he had power to do it . ) Quest . 3. Seeing most that we speak with who conform , and who take or plead for the Oxford Oath [ Never to endeavour any alteration of Church Government ] do tell us that the meaning is only that we will not endeavour to alter the present species , which is Episcopacy , and not the appurtenances , as Chancellors , &c. I ask , If it should please the King to take down all Diocesanes , and to set up only a Bishop in every Parish or Independent Church , & say , I change not the species ; or if I believed that this were a Change of the English species of Church Government I would not do it : what answer would they give to this ? Quest . 4. If a Conformist or one that hath taken that Oath , shall say , I did subscribe and swear only not to endeavour an alteration of the species , but not of the degree : Therefore I will do all that I can to take down Diocesans , and to set up Congregational or Parochial Bishops in their stead , will you tell this man that indeed by so doing he endeavoureth not to change the species ? Quest . 5. Seeing many of the greatest opposers of Prelacy , do consent to a Congregational or Parochial Bishop , will you grant that these are not at all your adversaries as to the species of Church Government , but only as to the degree or extent of Dioceses ? These cases are practical : Therefore take heed how you resolve them , left you do that which you are unwilling of . Quest . 6. And I may ask , Why is it that many deny that it was a Parliament of Episcopal men , that raised the Army against the King , only because in the Proposition sent to Nottingham they would have had Episcopacy reduced to what is there intimated , and would have had their power shortned ? Come , come , deny not the plain truth , If magis & minus non variant speciem , Parliament men , yea , and the Learnedest part of that Synod who took down Bishops , were Episcopal men , yea , Prelatists as you are , for they were but for a Gradual alteration at the beginning of their war , till they were carried further by necessity and interest . Quest . 7. And I ask you also , why , and with what front do you call us all Presbyterians , who offered Bishop Ushers Model to the King and you in 1660. as the terms of Concord ? Is it against your Consciences meerly to make us odious with you know whom ? what can it be better , if you grant that we are not only for Episcopacy in genere , but even for the same species with your selves ? Yea , those that are against Bishop Ushers Model , and are only for Congregational or Parish Bishops , are it seemeth even for your species : And are they not then Episcopal as well as you ? So much ad hominem ; now ad rem . II. Where the specifying Ends differ , there the Species of Relations differ . But in the Churches and the Bishops in question the specifying Ends differ : Ergo &c. I will first manifest the truth of the Minor ( for the Major is unquestionable ) of Churches , and next of Bishops . 1. The ends of a particular Church as described by us are these : 1. Communion sensible and external ; 2. And that local or presential ; 3. And that personal by all the body of the Church ; 4. And that in the same Individual acts of Gods publick worship . 5. In watching over , or helping each other towards Heaven , by provoking each other to love and to good works , and if a brother offend to tell him of his fault ; to comfort each other , and to live together in holiness , love and peace . 6. To be related to the same Pastors , as those that are their Ordinary Teachers , Governours and Guides in publick worship , as labouring amongst them and being ensamples to the flock . 7. To hold a distant Communion with the neighbour associated concordant Churches , and particularly with those nearest them of the first order of Composition ; of which association this particular Church is a part , for Communion of Churches as they are themselves a Society for Communion of Individual Christians in a single Church . 2. Now the ends of our Diocesane Churches are not one of all these . For 1. Their Communion is internal in Faith and Love ; such as we have with the Abassines . 2. It is distant only , and not presential at all : For as Diocesane we never see each other it's like in our whole lives . 3. It is not personal ( as external and sensible ) but only by the intervention of Delegates , Messengers , Officers or Synods of such . 4. It is only in eadem specie of publick worship and sacred actions that we have Communion , but not in the same Individual actions of worship : And so we may have Communion with the Antipodes , while we believe the same Scriptures and Creed , and use the same Sacraments , &c. in specie . 5. We have no converse with one another at all as Diocesane : ( though as Parochial we may ) ▪ we never meet together , pray together , hear together , exhort or watch over or help each other : If a Brother trespass we tell him not of his fault , &c. for we never know one of five hundred in the Diocese , no more than men of another Countrey . 6. We hear not the same Teachers ; we have not the same Guides to resolve our doubts , and to instruct us as we need ; We have not the same Priests to joyn with in Gods publick worship : But he that Teacheth and officiateth in one Church , hath no power in another : Only we have the same Bishop to call ( not the people before him to teach and warn and comfort them , but ) the Parson and Churchwardens ; or rather the same Lay-Chancellor and his Court , and the same Canons ( for silencing our Ministers , Excommunicating many conscionable Nonconformists , &c. ) which not only all the Diocese hath , but all the Land. Not one of many hundreds of the Diocese ever seeth the Bishop in all his life . 7. A Diocese is it self a compound of particular Churches associated ( Though mortified quantum in Diocesanis ; ) And therefore cannot be a constitutive part of such a first order of Association , as a particular Church may be or is . These are the differences in the Ends. Now lay all these together , and try , whether the differences in so many parts of the Ends of the Society , make not a Specifick difference in Societies . Whether [ a company of Christians associated with the same present Pastors , for presential personal Communion in Gods publick worship , Sacraments , Teaching , and Guidance , and for mutual assistance in holy converse and living , &c. and cohabiting in a vicinity capable of this converse and Communion ] be a Society of the same species with [ A company of Congregations associated ( or rather never associated ) to hold a distant Communion in the same species of Belief , Prayer , Sacraments , &c. under several appropriate Pastors , not living ( ut Parochiani ▪ ) in any such vicinity as may render them capable of any of the foresaid present assistances or Communion : ( unless in travail men accidentally come together as , we may do with men of other lands . ) ] It is notorious that these Essentiating Ends of the two sorts of Societies are distinct ; and therefore the Societies are essentially distinct . Even as a City , Burrough , or Corporation , are part of a Kingdom , and are specifically distinct societies from the Kingdom . ( For the Parts may have a proper subordinate specification , which all set together may constitute one more comprehensive species : As a Clock , and the several wheels and parts of that Clock may differ in specie , though not as coordinate species ) A Kingdom may possibly be no bigger than a City : But yet the form of a Kingdom and of a City do differ in the Ends of the Societies . So a Family in specie differeth from a City , which is compact of many Families : so a Troop differeth in specie from a Regiment , and a Regiment from an Army , a Colledge from an University , a bed-chamber which is part of an house from an house , though yet it 's possible that a house may be but one room , and an University but one Colledge , and an Army but one Regiment , &c. Now let us enquire whether de jure divino there ought to be such a Society as I have described , associating for personal present Communion and assistance as aforesaid . And this I have fully proved before Chap. 3. Acts 14. 23. They ordained them Elders in every Church . 1 Thes . 5. 12 , 13. Know them that labour among and are over you in the Lord , and highly esteem them in love for their works sake : and be at peace among your selves . Heb. 13. 7. 17. Remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of God. Act. 20. 28. Take heed to your selves and to all the flock , &c. v. 31. I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears . 20. publickly and house by house . 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. The Elders that are among you , &c. feed the flock ( not a particle of the flock ) Mat. 18. 15. If thy brother trespass against thee , tell him his fault between thee and him ; If he hear thee not , take two — If he hear not them , tell the Church — If with Selden , de Synedr . and the Erastians by the Church were meant the Sanhedrim , it would tend to the confirmation of what we plead for ; considering how thin both Council ( and Synagogues ) were , and in how small places . But against that sence , see Galaspies Aarons Rod , &c. Heb. 10. 22. &c. Forsake not the assembling of your selves together , But exhort one another — 1 Cor. 11. When ye come together in the Church , 1 Cor. 14 , &c. See the Text as forecited Chap. 3. It is then manifest that Churches associated for such present Communion of Christians , is of Gods appointment , which Thorndike in a set Treatise proveth to be the ground of Discipline . 2. Next I will shew that the Bishops of such a particular Church and of a compound Diocese are offices specifically different ( a finibus . ) 1. The Bishop of a particular Church is related to another Correlate , specifically distinct from the said Diocesane : Therefore his office is specifically distinct . The Antecedent is before proved , and the Consequence no sober man will question . 2. And their works are specifically distinct . 1. The work of the one is , 1. To be the ordinary publick Teacher of the Church ; 2. To Congregate the Church ; 3. To be their Guide in present worship ; 4. To give them the Lords Supper ; 5. To watch over and guide them personally in their conversation ; and so of the rest forenamed . 2. The work of the other is , 1. To send Curates to be the ordinary Teacher , and Guides , and Priests to the people ; even to each Parish one . 2. To have a Lay Chancellors Court to trouble them in a secular mode , and to judge men to excommunication and absolution . 3. To visit some Towns in his Diocese ▪ and there to call together the Clergy and Churchwardens , once in three years , ( or a year if he please . ) 4. To have an Archdeacon to keep some kind of Courts under him in certain places , by himself or his official . 5. To grant Licences to Marry : 6. And to preach : 7. And to eat flesh in Lent. 8. To suspend or silence Preachers . 9. To lay his hands on Children or others , for the Ceremony of Confirmation ; perhaps on the thousandth or five hundredth part of his Diocese , ( though dejure he should do it to every one ) 10. To preach as oft as he please in his Cathedral , or where he will. But as for the aforesaid work of a Bishop of a particular Church , he is not to do it , nor any one part of it , that I know of . For whereas the true office of such a Bishop is ( as Dr. Hammond in his Annotat. well describeth it ) by a Ministerial participation to subserve Christ to his whole flock in the threefold work of a teacher , a Priest , and a Ruler , he doth no one part of all . 1. Instead of Teaching his flock , he ( if he be one of the extraordinary best ) doth only publickly preach once or twice a week to the thousandth or five hundredth or hundredth part of his flock : ( But so do very few of them , but some it may be once in a month or a year ) And as to the personal care of their Souls , he hath not one Parish that he taketh the care of , to teach them personally . 2. He seldom doth officiate in publick Prayer , Praise , and Sacrament to any part of his flock : And when he doth , it is but to a particle of the foresaid proportion : But when others do it , he saith , He doth it by them . 3. He doth not at all govern his flock with that which is the true Pastoral Government ; which is in person among them to guide them , and resolve their doubts , and admit those to Communion that are fit , and refuse the unfit ; To admonish all the scandalous and unruly , as personally known to him , to watch over them and confirm the weak , and refel seducers when they come among them . But instead of this , he never seeth them , ( as to the main body of his flock ) nor knoweth them , but summoneth their Teachers and Church-wardens , ( and such as others that dwell among them , or his Apparitors will accuse to him ) to come before his Lay-Chancellours Court , as aforesaid , and in his Vi●itation to meet him : so that here is none of the same work no nor Government it self , but another kind of Government . And here note , 1. That the foresaid three parts of the office ( Teaching , Worshipping , and Ruling ) are all Essential to the office ; so that if he wanted but any One of them , he were not an Officer of the same species with those that have them all , much more if he have but One , yea , not One of all . 2. That the flock or Church is not to be denominated from a small or inconsiderable part of it , but from the main Body . Therefore he that is the Teacher but of one Congregation of a thousand , or many hundreds , or scores , is not to be therefore called , the Teacher of that Church or Flock , which consisteth of so many Congregations : And so also for Worship and personal conduct , He is not a Priest to that flock , &c. Much less when he undertaketh not one Parish . Obj. So you may say of one of the old City Churches , such as Alexandria where the Bishop preached but to one Congregation ; or of our Parishes that have Chappels , where the Curate teacheth in the Chappels ; or wherever there are many Presbyters to a Congregation : All do not preach , at least to all the people . Ans . 1. I doubt not but Alexandria and all such places , should have had many Churches and Bishops , as the Christians grew too many to be in and under one . 2. But yet when they had several Churches and Presbyters , the people were not at all tyed to their own Parishes , but might come to hear and joyn with the Bishop as oft as they pleased : which though they could not do all at once , they might do by turns , some one day and some another : And so they did . So that still they had personal Communion with him , though not every day . 3. And they lived in Vicinity , where they were capable of Converse , and personal notice , and private help from one another . 4. And the Presbyters all joyned in personal oversight or Government of the whole flock , and were each one capable of personal admonition and exhortation to any member . 5. And those that attended the Bishop and did not frequently officiate in the chief actions , yet were present with the Church , and assisted him in officiating , and were ready to do the rest when ever he appointed them or there was need : so that though quoad exercitium they did not the chief parts of the work every day , or usually , yet , 1. it was all the three parts of the Pastoral office which they did , and undertook to do , in season : 2. And that to the same Church in person by themselves . So that though Churches that swell to a disordered bulk , are not in that perfect order as more capable Societies may be ; yet whilest their Communion is personal , present , as aforesaid , the Church species is not altered as in our Dioceses it is . III. A divers fundamentum vel ratio fundandi , proveth a diversity of Relations : But a true Parish Bishop and our Diocesanes have fundamenta that are in specie divers ; And so have a particular Church and a Diocesane Church : Ergo , a Parish Church and Bishop , and a Diocesane Church and Bishop are specie divers . The Major is undeniable . The Minor I prove by shewing the diversity . 1. The Fundamentum of the Relation of a Particular Church , is either 1. Of the Relation of the Church to God : 2. Or their relation as fellow members one to another : 3. Or of their joynt relation to their Pastors or Bishops : 4. Or of their Bishops or Pastors relation to them . For certainly a Church is not only compounded of various Materials , but its form is a compounded of these Four Relations set together , and every one is Essential to it ( And he that cannot distinguish cannot understand . ) Now everyone of all these compounding Relations , is founded in a mutual consent . 1. The Relation of the Members , Pastors , and the whole Church to God is founded in Gods consent and theirs : Gods is signified 1. By his Scripture Institution and Command : 2. By his qualifying and disposing the persons : 3. By his providential giving them opportunity : 4. And ad ordinem where it can be had , by the Ordainers ( as to the Pastors relation ) who are Gods ministers to invest them in the office , 5. And by his moving the hearts of the People to consent ( which belongeth to the giving of opportunity . ) The Relation of all these to God , is secondarily founded in their own consent ( that it may be a Contract : ) The Pastors express theirs , in their Ordination in general , and in their Induction or fixing in that particular Church , to the Ordainers , and to the people . The members express their consent , either plainly in a Contract , or impliedly by actual convention and submission , and performing of their duties . 2. The Relation of the members to each other , is founded in their said Explicite or Implicite consent among themselves , joyned to their foresaid consent to God. 3. The Relation of the Members to their Pastors , is founded Remotely in the said signification of Gods will , by his Word and Providence , and by the Ordainers , ( for they are but Ministers , and operate but by signifying Gods will. ) And nextly , by the mutual consent of the People and the Pastors . 4. The Relation of the Pastors to the flock is accordingly founded , 1. Remotely in the said signification of Gods will by his Word , Gifts , Disposition , Opportunity , and by the Ministery of the Ordainers : 2. And nextly by the consent of Pastors and People . Thus is a particular Church-relation founded , and all these parts are necessary thereunto . But as for our Diocesane Churches , which have no particular Churches under them , nor Bishops , but only Congregations with several Curates , being not politically and properly Churches , ( For I meddle not with such A. Bishops Dioceses as consist of many true Churches with their proper Bishops ▪ ) let us see from what foundation they result . 1. As to their Relation to God , he never expressed his Consent , nor owneth them ( that ever I could hear proved ) And therefore the Fundamental Contract is wanting . Those that go Dr. Stillingfleet's and Bishop Reynold's way , and say , No Form of Government is of Gods appointment , do grant that the Diocesane form is not : But that the Congregational form is , I have fully proved . Therefore they have not the same Foundation . 2. And as to the Relation of the Members of a Diocese to one another , there is no mutual consent truly nor seemingly signified by them : what ever some few may do , who are not the Diocese , it is certain that the Diocese as such do neither Explicitely nor Impliedly by word or deed express any such Church consent , but rather the clean contrary . For 1. Their Dwelling in the Diocese is no more a profession of consent , than the Christians dwelling in Constantinople sheweth them to be Mahometans : For their Ancestors there lived , and they have no other dwelling . 2. Their choosing a Parliament who consent is no proof of their consent . 1. Because it is not past a sixth or tenth or twentieth part of the Members that choose Parliament men . 2. Because they never intend to choose them for any such use as to be the choosers of their Religion , or Church , and to dispose of their Souls : But only to regulate Church matters according to Gods word , which when they go against , they go beyond , and against the peoples consent . As in choosing Parliament men , we do not trust them to choose husbands and wives and Masters and servants for all the people : Nor can we commit that trust ( for the choice of our Religion or Church ) to others statedly , which Gods Word and Nature have bound us to use our selves . Or if such mischoose for us , they disoblige us from accepting their choice . I am sure the Papists think not that they choose Parliament men to choose a Church for them : Nor would the Prelatists think so , if the Parliament should prove Presbyterian , Independent , Anabaptists , or Papists . 3. The Diocese doth not signifie Consent to a Church relation , by the Church-wardens or accused persons coming to the Chancellors or Bishops Courts . For 1. It is but a small number comparatively that do so . 2. They are compelled , and are well known to come full sorely against their wills : They are undone if they refuse : And submission and patience , are not subjection nor consent . 3. They most commonly profess to come to these Courts in obedience to the King , and as they are empowered by him , and strengthened by his sword : And not at all as Church-Pastors empowered by Christ : For who taketh the Chancellor to be such ? 4. The appearance of the Clergy at the Bishops Visitation , and their Conformity , is no proof of the peoples consent . For the Ministers are distinct persons , and have a distinct interest , and are no way empowered to signifie the peoples consent . 5. Yea , they shew their dissent , 1. By being so backward to be made Church-wardens : 2. So backward to take their Oaths : 3. So backward to present : 4. So backward to appear at their Courts . 5. Doing it on a civil account as obeying the Kings Officers . 6. So few of them ever coming to a Bishop to be instructed , resolved , yea or for the ceremony of Confirmation . So that the people can never be proved to consent to a Diocesane Church State. And if they had , that is not the same as a consent to a Congregational or Parish Church State. 3. The same I need not say over again as to the Diocesane Bishop , Chancellor and Archdeacon : They consent to the Parish Ministers where they are tolerable , by word or daily attendance in Gods worship : But I know England so well as that I know that as they never choose their Bishops , or Chancellors , ( but the King chooseth them , and a Dean and a few Prebends pro forma consent ) so they are never called to express their consent , nor do any considerable part of the Diocese usually consent indeed ; some never mind such matters : others say , the King may put in whom he will ; it is no act of theirs : others had rather have a good one than a bad one , but had rather yet have none at all , especially of late since so many hundred Ministers are silenced . And some would have Bishops to silence the Ministers , and some are for them on a better account . But it 's no considerable part of the Diocese that signifieth Consent . And as for the formal demand to the standers by at the Consecration , whether any of them have any thing against the Bishop , it 's a ceremony fitter for a stage , than to come here into an Argument . 4. And as for the Bishops and Chancellors relation to the People , when it wants the word of God , and his consent , and the peoples consent , and hath but the Kings collation , the Deans and Chapters formal consent , and the Prelates and Conformist Ministers consent , I may well conclude that here is not the same Fundamentum as is of the Parochial and Pastors Church relation . IV. And where there is not the same Relate and Correlate , there is not the same Relation . But a Parochial Church and Pastor , and a Diocesane Church and Pastor , are not the same Relate and Correlate . Ergo. If they be , let them become Parochial Bishops and be still the same . But what I have said of the difference of Ends and Foundations proveth this ; a Combination of Christians into one Church primi ordinis for personal Communion , is not the same with a Combination of Congregations for Communion mental or by delegates only . And so of the Bishops of these several Churches . V. If a Congregational Church or Pastor be of the same species with our Diocesane Churches and Prelates , then a Church that extendeth through all the Kingdom , yea to many Kingdoms , yea to the East and West Indies or Antipodes may be of the same species also ( and so its Pastor . ) And so the Pope and his Church may be of the same , ( as to the magnitude ) But the consequent is false : Ergo , so is the antecedent . The consequence in the Major is evident , because there is eadem ratio ; For their reason of denominating a Church One is because it hath One Bishop ; and by their Principles there may be one Bishop to a Province , to a Kingdom , to an Empire , to the World. When all the subordinate Bishopricks were taken down to make up this Diocesane Church of Lincoln which I live in , the Church was One , which before was many . And if all the Bishops were taken down except the two Archbishops , the two remaining Churches I confess would be of the same species with a Diocese . Yea , if there were but One Church and Bishop in the Land. And why might not all Europe on these terms make one particular Church ? If you say , Because they are not under one King , I answer , 1. That 's no reason : A King is a Civil extrinsick Accidental head of a Church as a Church ; and not a Constitutive Head : But a Bishop is an Intrinsecal , Ecclesiastical Constitutive head , without whom it is no Church ( unless equivocally . ) 2. Ten Kings may agree to give way to One Bishop in all their Kingdoms ( as they have done to the Papcy . ) 3. The Roman Empire was bigger than Europe : Why then might not that have been one only Church of the same Species with a Diocese ? If they say that it is because one man is not capable of doing the work of a Bishop for so many Countreys . I Answer , Per se , he cannot do it for the hundredth part of a Diocese : Per alios he may do it for all Europe : It is but appointing some who shall appoint others , who shall appoint others , ( and so to the end of the chapter ) to do it . There is but one Abuna in Abassia to Ordain , ( though numerous Bishops , who have not the Generative faculty ; which Epiphanius makes to be the difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter , that the one begets Fathers and the other but Sons : Their Countrey was converted by an Eunuch . ) It would be a notable dispute whether all the rest be true Bishops or not ( I think Yea ; the Prelatists must think Nay . ) And yet Brierwood saith that Abassia ( after all its great diminutions ) is as big as Italy , France , Spain , and Germany . And doth not the Pope govern per alios yet far more , and pretend to govern the whole Christian World ? while he sendeth one to Goa , another to Mexico , ( and Oviedo to Abassia , would they but have received him . ) Obj. But he hath other Bishops under him , therefore he is not ejusdem speciei as a Diocese . Answ . But the Abuna hath no Ordainers under him . And the Bishop hath Chancellors , Deans , Arch-deacons , Surrogates , Officials , and sometimes in the days of old had Suffragans too , under him . ( Quest . Was a Diocese then , One Church , or two ? ) And what if a Patriarch or Pope put down all Bishops under him , and exercise his power only by other sorts of officers ? ( They that can demise , grant , let , what parts they please of their own office , may devise enow . ) And seeing it would not alter the species , what if it should please the King and Parliament to put down all the Bishops of England save One ? I hope the Bishops would not take that to be against the Canon of 1640. nor against the Oxford Oath [ of never endeavouring to Consent or Alter the Church Covernment ] ( if it could have been past to be taken by the Parliament ) Because the species is not altered : And they tell us Nonconformists to draw us to Swear , that they mean but the species . I make no doubt but at the rates of our present Ordinations , One Bishop or Abuna with Chaplains enow , may Ordain Priests enow , ( and too many of all conscience ) for all the Kings Dominions ; and may silence preachers enow , and may set up Chancellors , Surrogates , and Arch-deacons enow to do the present work . And it 's pity that the land should be troubled with so many when one would serve . I confess I would either have more or fewer had I my wish . And as for my Minor proposition , let him that thinketh it wanteth proof , when he hath considered what is beforesaid , and how personal present Communion in all Gods Church-worship , differeth from the Communion of associated Congregations by messengers , &c. think so still , if he be able so egregiously to err . But I must not so leave our Prelatists . I know that it is the common trick of Sophisters , when they cannot make good an ill cause , to carry it into the dark , or start a new controversie , and then they are safe . A Papist will wheel about into the wilderness or thickets of Church history , and ask you what names you can give of your Religion in all Ages , that one proposition of your Syllogism may contain much of a Horse load or a Cart load of Books , and then I trow he hath done his work , if women be the judges . And others use to carry the question a rebus ad verba : And so it is in the case in hand . But it is not the name of a SPECIES that shall serve your turn . We know how hard it is in Physicks , to determine what it is that specifieth ; and much more in Morals , Politicks and other Relatives . But Let the Logical notion of a species lie at your mercy : It shall suffice us , that you may not make so great a change of the Church-orders and Government of Gods institution , as to turn a thousand or hundred Churches into one ; and to deprive all Parishes or Churches Consociate for presential Communion , of the priviledge of having a Bishop of their own to Teach , Worship , and Govern them presentially and per se . As if all the Arch-bishops in the Ronan Empire had put down all the Bishops , and called themselves the Bishops of the Churches . Of which more anon . CHAP. X. Whether any form of Church Government be instituted by God as necessary ? or all left to humane prudence ? Obj. BUt Doctor Stillingfleet hath invincibly proved that God hath made no one form of Church Government necessary , but left the choice to humane prudence . Answ . I. If so , Why should we all swear to this one form , that we will never endeavour to alter it ? or ( as the & caetera Oath ) never consent to the alteration of it , when we know not but the King may alter it , or command us to endeavour it ? Must there be such swearing to the perpetuating an alterable unnecessary thing ? II. The word [ Form ] signifieth either the essentials of Church policy , or the Integrals , or accidents which Christ himself hath setled : Or else it signifieth only some mutable accidents or modes , which God hath left to humane prudence . Of the first we deny mans power to change them . Of the later we grant it . 1. It is undeniably of Divine institution that there be ordinary publick Assemblies for Gods solemn worship , and the peoples edification . 2. And that Ministers of that office which Christ hath instituted , be the officiating Guides in these Assemblies . 3. And that Cohabiting Christians be the ordinary stated bodies of these assemblies , and not live loosely to go every day as they please from Church to Church , but ordinarily when they can , be setled members of some one Church ( To which cohabitation or vicinity , is one dispositio materiae ) 4. And that each of these Churches have their proper fixed Pastors , and should not take up with unfixed various passing Ministers , unless in cases of necessary unsetledness . 5. And that these setled Pastors should live among the People , and watch over them personally , and know them , and be known of them in doctrine and ensample , as to the main body of the flock . 6. That these Relations and Communion be by mutual consent of the Pastors and the body of the flock . 7. That these mutual Relations of Gods appointment and their own consent do constitute them a spiritual society of Divine institution . 8. That this Communion must be ( as our Creed calleth it ) a Communion of Saints : that is , of men professing Christianity and Holiness , and seeming such : And must extend to a free Communication to each other , for the supply of corporal necessities ; And to a mutual assistance of each other in holy living . 9 That therefore there must be some to discern and judge whether the persons that would enter this Society and Communion , be Professed seeming Christians and Saints or not ? And whether they revolt by Heresie or wicked lives from their profession ? And whether they be impenitent in these revoltings ? And therefore having opportunity by presence or nearness to know them and the witnesses , must judge of the credibility or reports or accusations ? And must admonish the offenders , and seek by all possible conviction and exhortation , with patience to draw them to Repentance : And if no perswasion will prevail , to refuse to admit them to the Communion of the Church , and to deliver them the Sacrament of Communion , and to tell them openly of their sin and danger , and pronounce them lyable to Gods wrath till they do repent , and to charge the Church to avoid Communion with them . 10. It is the particular Pastors of those Churches , to whose office all this belongeth . 11. If that Church have more Pastors than one , they must do all this work in concord , and not divide nor thwart each other . So that as many Physicians undertake one Patient , as each one singly of the same office , and yet must do all by agreement , unless some one see that the rest would kill the patient ; so it is in this case . 12. All these particular Churches must in their vicinities and capacities ▪ live in Concord , and hold such a correspondency , and Communion of Churches for mutual strength and edification , as tendeth to the common good of all : The means of which are Messengers , Letters , and Synods as there is occasion . All these twelve particulars I doubt not but so judicious and worthy a man as Dr. Stillingfleet will easily concede . And indeed the summe of them is granted in his book . And then whether you will call this a Form of Government or not , how little care I for the meer name ? 13. I may add this much more , that All these Congregations are under the extrinsick Government of the Magistrate , as Physicians are : And he only can rule them by the sword and force . But then we will agree with Dr. Stillingfleet or any man , that God hath left all these things following without a particular determination to be determined according to his General Laws . 1. Whether this Parochial or Congregational Church shall always meet in one and the same place ; or in case of persecution or want of room , or by reason of the Age , Weakness , and distance of some Members , may have several houses or Chappels of ease , where some parcels may sometimes meet , who yet ( at least per vices ) may have personal present Communion with the rest . 2. Whether a Church shall be great or small , that is , of what number it shall consist , supposing that it be not so great or so small as to be inconsistent with the end . 3. How many Pastors each Church shall have . 4. Whether among many One shall be a Chief , and upon supposition of his preeminence in Parts , Grace , Age , and Experience , shall voluntarily be so far submitted to by the rest , as may give him a Negative voice . 5. Whether such officers of many Churches , shall consociate so as to joyn in Classes or Synods stated for number , time and place . And whether their meetings shall be constant , or occasional pro re nata . 6. Whether One in these meetings shall be a stated Moderator , or only pro tempore , and shall have a Negative voice or not , in the circumstantials of their Synodical work . 7. Whether certain Agreements called Canons , shall be made voluntarily to bind up the several Members of the Synods to one and the same way in undetermined circumstances of their callings ; or as an agreement and secondary obligation to their certain duties . 8. Whether these Associations or Synods shall by their Delegates constitute other provincial or larger associations for the same Ends : Who those Delegates shall be . Whether one in those larger Synods also shall have such a Negative as aforesaid . All these and such like we grant to be undetermined : And if they will call only such Humane modes and circumstances by the name of Forms of Government , we quarrel not de nomine , but de re do grant that such kind of Forms or Formalities are not particularly determined of in Gods word . 9. And besides all these , whether successors of the Apostles in the ordinary part of their work , as A. Bishops or General Ministers having the care of many inferiour Bishops and Churches , be not Lawful , yea , of Divine right , or whether they be unlawful is a question which all Nonconformists are not agreed on among themselves , so great is the difficulty of it . But for my own part , being unsatisfied in it , I never presumed to meddle in any Ordinations , lest it should belong to Apostolical A. Bishops only ; and I resolved to submit herein to the order of the Church wherever I should live . III. But if you hold that Dr. Stillingfleet , Bishop Reynolds , and all those Conformists who say that no Church Form is jure divino necessario , do extend this ( as expresly they do ) to the Diocesane Form , Let it be observed , 1. That we plead for no more than we have proved , ( and they will confess I think ) to be jure divino . 2. And that we plead against swearing and subscribing to nothing but what they themselves say is not of Gods institution . 3. That the proper Prelatists affirm it to be of Divine Institution , or else they will renounce it . 4. That the preface of the book of Ordination to which we must subscribe or declare Assent and Consent , doth make this Episcopacy to be a distinct Order from Presbyters , as a thing certain by Gods word . This therefore I wonder how they can subscribe to , who say no Form is jure divino : I am sure they perswade us not to subscribe it , while they disprove it . And I would have leave to debate the Case of the Church of England a little with these Humanists , and to ask them , If no Church Form be of Gods making , 1. Why may not the King and Parliament put it down as aforesaid ? 2. But specially who made the Form of the Church of England which we must swear to — If another Church , then that other was not of the same Form ; otherwise that Form was made before , which is a contradiction . If it was of another Form , I ask , what it was ? and who made the Form of that other Church which made this Church Form ? and so to the Original ? If Bishops or Synods made it , still they were parts of a Church , or of no Church . If of no Church , what Bishops were those , and by what power did they make new Church Forms that were of none themselves ? If an Emperor or King first made them , either he was himself a member of a Church , or of no Church . If of a Church , what form had that Church ? And why should not that first form stand ? And who made that form ? and so ad originem . If he was of no Church , how came he by power to make Church forms , that was of none himself ? Nemo dat quod non habet . It 's no honour to Prelacy to be so made . And were they Christians or no Christians that made the Diocesane Form ? If Christians , were they orderly Christians , or rebellious ? If orderly , how happened it that they were of no Church themselves , when the Apostles setled so much of Church Form and Order , as I have before named ? If rebellious , they were a dishonourable original of Diocesanes . And if the Church Form be not of Divine institution , then the Church it self is not . For forma dat nomen & esse . And so the cause is given up to the Brownists by these Learned moderate men , so far as that there is no Church in England of Divine institution . Were it not that when in general they have said that no Church Form of Government is so Divine , they again so far unsay it , as to confess the Parith Churches or Congregations with their Pastors to be of Divine institution and of continued necessity . All that is to be said by and for them is this , That the Apostles were the makers of the English or Diocesane Form , but not of that only , but of the Presbyterian ( and Independent ) also ; and so made no one necessary but left all indifferent : Or that they made one of these Forms as mutable , allowing men to change it . Answ . But 1. I have proved what they made ; Let them prove that they made any other , of a different sort , not subordinate or supraordinate , if they can . 2. And let them prove the mutability of that which they made , and their power to change it , which they assert . Till one of these is proved , we are or should be in possession of that which was certainly first made . I am bold to conclude this argument with the speech of a bold but a wise and holy man , Joh. Chrysostome de Sacerdotio lib. 3. pag. ( mihi ) 48. cap. 15. [ And when some ( Bishops ) have obtained that prefecture of a Province not belonging to them , and others of one FAR GREATER THAN THEIR OWN proper STRENGTH CAN BEAR , THEY CERTAINLY BRING TO PASS , THAT THE CHURCH OF GOD SEEMETH NOTHING TO DIFFER FROM AN EURIPUS ( or a confused turbulent changeling thing ) — — & pag. 49. AND DO NOT THESE THINGS DESERVE GODS THUNDERBOLT A THOUSAND TIMES ? ARE THEY NOT WORTHY TO BE PUNISHED WITH THE FIRE OF HELL ? NOT THAT hell WHICH THE HOLY SCRIPTURES THREATEN TO US ; BUT EVEN OF ONE THAT IS FAR MORE GRIEVOUS . ] Forgive the words , my Lords ; They are not mine but Chrysostome's : or if you will not forgive the citing of them , I will bear it as he did the like . Only I will abate you in my prognostication , or sentence , that far sorer hell fire than the Scripture threameth , supposing this will be sharp enough , even for the most dispersing , silencing persecuting Prelate ; and imputing those words to honest Chrysostome's vehement Oratory . And I 'le tell you what went next before these words , [ And they do not only take in the unworthy ( into the Priesthood ) but they cast out the worthy : For as if they had agreed both ways to spoil the Church of God , and the first cause were not enough to kindle the wrath of God , they add the second , or worse , to the former . For I judge it equally pestilent to drive out the Profitable , and to take in the unprofitable : which certainly they do , that the flock of Christ may from no part either find consolation , or be able to take breath ] O what would this man have said had he lived now in England ! CHAP. XI . Argument 3. From the destruction of the order of Presbyters of Divine Institution , and the Invention of a new order of Sub-half-Presbyters in their stead . ARGUMENT III. THe office of Presbyters instituted by the Holy Ghost containeth an Obligation and Authority to Guide by Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline the flocks committed to their care : But the office of a Diocesane , being one only Bishop over many score or hundred Congregations , is destructive of that office of Presbyters , which containeth an obligation and authority to Guide by Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline , ( or the exercise of the Church keys ) the flocks committed to their care . Therefore the office of such a Diocesane is destructive of the office of Presbyters instituted by the Holy Ghost . The Major is thus proved by the Enumeration of the Acts which contain the general office , and by the proof of the General power extending to those Acts : viz. 1. They that had the Authority and Obligation to exercise the Church keys in the Scripture sence , had the authority and obligation to Guide their flocks by Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline . But the Presbyters of the Holy Ghosts institution had the authority and obligation to exercise the Church keys , in the Scripture sence : Ergo they had authority and obligation to Guide their flocks by Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline . 2. Again : The office which contained an Authority and Obligation to Teach , Exhort , Rebuke , publickly and privately , to judge of persons baptizable and to baptize them , to Pray , Praise God , and administer the Lords Supper to the Church , and to judge of them that are to receive it , to watch over them privately , and publickly to Excommunicate the obstinately impenitent , and absolve the penitent , doth contain authority and obligation to Guide that flock by Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline . But such is the Office of Presbyters as instituted by the Holy Ghost . — Ergo — &c. Here note 1. That I am not now medling with the Questions , Whether such Presbyters hold this power in subordination to any superiour Bishops ; nor whether there lie any appeal from them to a higher power in the Church ? 2. Nor am I now questioning , Whether in Scripture sence Bishops and Presbyters are all one in Name or thing . 3. But that which I maintain is , 1. That there is no proof in Scripture that God ever instituted any order of Presbyters which had not the forementioned power of the keys . 2. And that God did institute such an Order of Presbyters as had that power , de nomine & de re . And 3. That the Diocesane Office destroyeth such , and setteth up others in their stead . What God instituted I will prove 1. Out of the Scripture records , 2. Out of the History of the Church which long retained them , in some degree . CHAP. XII . That God instituted such Presbyters as had the foresaid power of the Keys , in Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline ; and no other , proved by the Sacred Scriptures . THat God instituted such Presbyters and no other , I shall prove by the enumeration and perusal of all the Texts of Scripture which mention them , ( viz. as instituted in the New Testament , and now in force . ) Act. 14. 23. When they had Ordained them Elders in every Church — Compared with Tit. 1. 5. That thou shouldest Ordain Elders in every City , as I had appointed thee — 7. For a Bishop must be blameless as the steward of God. And his power is described v. 11 , 13. Ch. 2. 1 , 7 , 15. and 3. 10. intimate it . Compare this with 1 Tim. 3. 1 , 2 , 5 , 6. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the Word and Doctrine : compared with 1 Cor. 9. 14. Gal. 6. 6. which shew that preaching the Gospel was their work , as well as Ruling the Churches under them , as 1 Cor. 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11 , 12. Rom. 12. 7 , 8. intimate Acts 20. 17 , 28. He sent to Ephesus and called the Elders of the Church — Take heed to your selves and to all the flocks over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers , ( or Bishops ) to feed ( or rule ) the Church of God which he hath purchased with his own bloud . v. 31. Therefore watch &c. v. 35. So labouring , ye ought to support the weak . Acts 11. 30. They sent it to the Elders by the hands of Barnabas and Soul. Acts 15. 2. 6. 22 , 23. To the Apostles and Elders — And the Apostles and Elders came together to consider — — Then pleased it the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church — — The Apostles , Elders , and Brethren send greeting — See v. 25 , 28. Acts. 6. 4. The decrees which were ordained of the Apostles and Elders which were at Jerusalem . Acts 2● . 18. The day following Paul went in with us unto James , and all the Elders were present — 1 ●im . 4. 14. Neglect not the gift which is in thee , which was given thee by prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery — 1 Pet. 5. 1. The Elders which are among you ●exhort , who also am an Elder ; — Feed the flock of God which is among you , taking the oversight ( or Episcopacy ) thereof , not by constraint but willingly — Neither as being Lords over Gods heritage , but being ensamples to the flock . And when the chief Shepherd shall appear — 2 Joh. 1. The Elder to the Elect Lady — Whether those Texts , 1 Tim. 5. 1. Rebuke not an Elder . v. 19. Receive not an accusation against an Elder ] speak of an Elder by Office or by Age , is uncertain ; if it be by Office , the other Texts describe them . Jam. 5. 14. Is any man sick ? Let him call for the Elders of the Church . All these Texts shew that every Church had Elders by the institution of the Holy Ghost : That they were the Teachers , Worshippers , Rulers , and were among the people , present with their flock , personally doing their Offices , &c. And the Scripture mentioneth no other that I can find . And of this I have Dr. Hammonds full confession , Annotat. in Act. 11. & dissert . before cited : with all those whom he mentioneth of his party and mind . And as for them of the contrary opinion , they tell us that in Scripture times the Names Presbyter & Bishop were common : And that the word [ Bishops ] sometimes signified all the Presbyters ( the Bishops as Presbyters and the Subpresbyters ) as in Phil. 1. 1 , 2. And that the word [ Presbyters ] sometimes signifieth the Bishops only , and sometime both conjunctly : But they are none of them able to give us any one instance with proof , of a Text which speaketh of Subject Presbyters ? ( I mean subject in Order or degree to Bishops of the single Churches , and not subject to the Apostles and General officers . ) And while we prove that God appointed such entire Presbyters as are here described , and they cannot prove against ( Dr. Hammond or us ) that any one text speaketh of a lower order or rank , I think we need no other Scripture evidence . CHAP. XIII . The same confirmed by the Ancients . AS for Humane testimony , the heap is so great brought in by Dav. Blondel , that I have the less mind to say any more of it ; But shall only ( besides all that is said before on the by ) recite a few of those testimones which most convinced my own understanding in the reading of them in the Authors themselves , leaving others to take what they see best out of Blondels store . I. I know that somewhat may be said against what I shall first cite , but I think not of sufficient force . I begin with it , though not first in time , because first in Authority . The 1. Concil . Nicaen . in their Epistle to the Church of Alexand. and all the Churches of Egypt , Libya , and Pentapolis , thus decree concerning those that were Ordained by Meletius , ( as Socrat. lib. 1. c. 6. translated by Grynaeus ) Hi autem qui Dei gratia & vestris precibus adjuti ad nullum schisma deflexisse comperti sunt , sed intra Catholicae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae fines ab erroris labe vacuos se continuerint , authoritatem habeant tum Ministros ordinandi , tum eos qui clero digni fuerint nominandi , tum denique omnia ex lege & instituto Ecclesiastico libere exequendi ] Now ordaining Ministers and nominating men for the Clergy , are acts which , if any , shew Presbyters to be Rulers in the Church . Obj. 1. Perhaps it is Bishops ordained by Meletius that are here spoken of : or Bishops with the Presbyters respectively . Answ . There is no more in the Text but this , [ They decreed further touching such as were entred into holy Orders by his laying on of hands , that they , after confirmation with more mystical laying on of hands should be admitted into the fellowship of the Church , with this condition that they should enjoy their dignity and degree of Ministry , yet that they be inferiour to all the Pastors throughout every province and Church — Moreover that they have no authority to elect the Ministers approved by their censures , no not so much as to nominate them which are to execute the Ecclesiastical functions , nor to intermeddle with any thing touching them that are within Alexanders jurisdiction , without the consent of the Bishop of the Catholick Church . ] And then they add as afore , that those that fell not into Schism ( as they did ) shall have authority to Consecrate Ministers , and nominate such as shall be thought worthy of the Clergy . Now that it is Presbyters and not Bishops that are here spoken of appeareth 1. In that it is without any note of eminency said to be [ such as were entred into Holy Orders . ] 2. In that it is such as so entred by the Laying on of Meletius's hands : Wherereas a Bishop must be ordained by the hands of three Bishops . And the Schism of one of the three , would not have frustrated the Ordination , if the other two stood firm in the Catholick Union . 3. Because it is the priviledge of Presbyters that is denyed them : Though they be not degraded , they are to be below all other Pastors in every Church : which cannot be , that they shall be Bishops below all Presbyters . 4. Because the consent of the Bishop of the Catholick Church ( where they shall come ) is necessary to their officiating . But if it could have been proved that Bishops had been here included , yet while Presbyters also are included , it will not invalidate the testimony . But indeed here is no such proof . I confess that Nicephorus ( a less credible Author ) seemeth to apply it to Bishops Ordained by Meletius : But no such thing can be gathered out of Sozomen , either Tripart . lib. 1. c. 18. where he describeth Meletius and his party , or Tripart lib. 2. c. 12. where he reciteth the same Epistle that Socrates doth . But I would pretend to no more certainty than is evident . II. Pius Episcop . Roman . in Biblioth . Pat. Tom. 3. p. 15. Epist . Justo Episcopo inquit , [ Presbyteri & Diaconi non ut Majorem , sed ut Ministrum Christi te observent — salutat te senatus pa●per Christi apud Romam constitutus : saluta omne Collegium fratrum qui tecum sunt in Domino — And epist . prima eidem Justo , he reckoneth Timotby and Mark with the Presbyters educated by the Apostles . Now if they were of the Senate , the Colledge , and the same name Presbyters as Bishops had , we have no reason to think that they had not the power of the keys . III. Tertullian de poenit . to cast himself down at the feet of the Presbyters ; which implyeth that they had the power of the keys for Absolution : And those whom he calleth [ Seniores ] Apolog. managed the Discipline , and that not in a Chancellors Court , but in the same Congregations where and when they Assembled for publick worship . If any will say that Bishops are here included , I will not deny it ; But if they will say that when he nameth the Seniors and Presbyters without distinction , that he excludeth all save the Bishop alone , I shall not believe that Tertullian speaketh so un-intelligibly . Unless they will follow Dr. Hammond and believe ( as I do not ) that there was yet but One Presbyter , who was the Bishop in a Church , or in most Churches : which de facto would be for us . IV. The Testimonies of Clem. Roman . Ignat. Justin Martyr , may be gathered out of the words forecited . Hierom's Testimony in this case is so plain and full , and trite in every writing ( Epist ad Evagr. & passim , making them the Apostles Successors , and the same with the Bishops , except only in ordination ) that I will not trouble you with reciting it . V. Cyprian neither would nor could govern his Church without the concurrence of the Presbyters : ( before cited ) De Gaia desiderastis ut de Philumeno & Fortunato hypodiaconis & Favorino acolutho , rescribam : cui rei non potui me solum judicem dare ; cum multi adhuc de Clero absentes sint ; nec locum suum vel sero repetendum putaverint , & haec singulorum tractanda sit & limanda plenius ratio ; non tantum cum collegis meis , sed & cum plebe ipsa universa . Epist . 36. ( edit . Goulart . ) He sheweth that it is the Clergies duty , to take care of the widows , the sick , the poor , the strangers : ( he the Bishop was then absent . ) So also Ep. 37. And Epist . 10. he reprehendeth the Presbyters for reconciling and absolving the Lapsed overhastily and with neglect and contempt of the Bishop ; but not as if the work were not their office work to do : Nay he giveth us this full plain testimony , that even in this publick Absolution in foro exteriore , the true custom of the Church was for the Bishop and his Presbyters together to impose hands on the penitent and so absolve them , receive them , and give them the Sacrament . Pag. 30. saith he , Nam cum in minoribus peccatis agant peccatores poenitentiam justo tempore , & secundum disciplinae ordinem , ad exomologesin veniant , & per impositionem manus Episcopi & Cleri jus Communionis accipiant ; Nunc crudo tempore , persecutione adhuc perseverante , nondum restituta Ecclesiae ipsius pace , ad Communicationem admittuntur , & offertur nomen eorum , & nondum poenitentia acta , nondum exomologesi facta , nondum manu e. s ab Episcopo & Clero imposita , Eucharistia illis datur . ] Epist . 5. p. 15. He writeth to the Clergy in his absence to do the work of Discipline , even their own part and his , and ( as no man doubteth but they did the whole work in the publick assembly when he was absent so long time , so ( that you may see what kind of Chappel meetings they had ) it being the custome for encouragement of sufferers , to go to the Confessors and visit them and there celebrate the Sacrament , ) he perswadeth them that the people may not go crowding by great companies at once , lest it stir up envy , and they be denied entrance ( it's like they were in Prison ) and lose all while they are insatiable to get more : But that one Presbyter and one Deacon go one day , and another another day by turns , because the Change of persons , and vicissitude of meeters would break the envy : and all should be done in meekness and humility . But the words I insist on are , [ Peto vos pro fide & religione vestra , fungamini illic & Vestris partibus & meis , ut nihil vel ad disciplinam vel ad diligentiam desit . ] And if the whole work of Discipline be such as is partly their own part , and partly what they may do in the Bishops absence in his stead , it is within the power of their function : For a Lay-man or a Deacon cannot do all the Presbyters work in his absence . And Epist . 6. p. 17. Having exhorted the sufferers or confessors not to grow proud by it , and lamented that some after sufferings grew insolent and were a shame to the Church , he addeth ( Nec a Diaconis aut Presbyteris regi posse , ] Shewing that even the Government of the Confessors belonged to them both in their places : And of himself he saith to his Presbyters , Solus rescribere nihil potui , quando a primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro , & sive Consensu Plebis meae , privata sententia gerere — sed cum venero — in Commune tractabimus — As to them that say , This was only Cyprians arbitrary condescension , I answer , 1. He saith Non potui , And 2. he elsewhere speaketh of it as due , 3. It agreeth with the Canons and customes of those times : 4. Cyprian pleadeth so much for the Bishops prerogative , that we have little reason to think him both so submissive and imprudent , as to bring up ill customes , and teach the Ministers and people to expect that as their part which belonged not to them , and so to corrupt the Church . And in the Ep. 11. p. 32. again he saith [ Ante exomologesin gravissimi & extremi delicti factam , ante manum ab Episcopo & Clero in poenitentem impositam , offerre lapsis pacem & Eucharistiam dare , id est sanctum Domini corpus profanare audeant — The same he hath again Ep. 12. p. 37. ( with an examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis ( that is , the people , to shew how great the Church was . ) Afterward Ep. 14. he directeth the Presbyters to absolve those by Imposition of hands themselves without him that are infirm and in danger , but that the rest must be publickly reconciled in the Church praesente & stantium plebe . To recite all of this nature in Cyprian , would be too long . VI. I will add next a General Testimony viz. the constant custome of all Churches , even Rome it self , where the Presbyters have Governed without a Bishop in the intervals , when after one Bishops death another was not chosen . As before the choice of Fabian's successor you may see by the Epistles of the Roman Clergy to Cyprian . Marcion was expelled by the Roman Presbytes sede vacante , Epiphan . Haeres . 42. And if they had the power over one another , more over the flock . And I need bring no particular proofs of this : For when Bishops have been banished , imprisoned , dead , and the seat vacant a year , yea , divers years together ( as it hath been at Rome ) was the Church no Church all that time ? Had it no Government ? Was there no power of the Keys ? Was the Church laid common to all ? This instance is so full as nothing can be said against it , but that it was in Case of Necessity . But that only proveth that it is the Presbyters office work , though out of a case of necessity they must do it with the Bishop , and not without him . But a Lay-man may not do a Presbyters proper work on such a pretence . However the Church by this practice hath declared it's judgment in the case . VII . Concil . Carthag . 4. Can. 23. is [ Ut Episcopus nullius causam audiat absque praesentia Clericorum suorum ; Alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi , nisi Clericorum praesentia confirmetur . If it be said that here is no mention of their Consent , but of their Presence only , I answer , It is a presence necessary to the Confirmation of the Bishops sentence : and the presence of Dissenters would rather infirm the sentence ( more than their absence ) than confirm it . And the conjunct Canons shew that it is Consent that is meant . For , Can. 32. it 's said [ Irrita erit donatio Episcoporum , vel venditio , vel commutatio rei Ecclesiasticae , absque conniventia & subscriptione Clericorum : where such a Connivence is meant as is joyned with subscription . And if subscription of the Presbyters was necessary in these cases , no less than Consent is meant in the other . Which is yet more apparent by those following Canons , which forbid the Bishop to Ordain without his Clergy , or to accuse any of them but by proof in a Synod , or to suffer a Presbyter to stand while he sitteth . And the Canons that place the Bishop in consessu Presbyterorum , and set him in the midst of them in the same seat in the Church , and call him their Colleague : The Canons which make the Presbyters Governours of the Rural Churches , and make the Deacons servants to them , of which the number is too great to be now recited — Even here Can. 22. it 's said [ Episcopus sine Concilio Clerioorum suorum Clericos non ordinet : Ita ut Civium assensum & conniventiam & testimonium quaerat . ] And if not sine concilio * then not contra consilium . And if the consent of the Laity be necessary , sure the Clergies is so too . Can. 29. Episcopus si Clerico vel Laico crimen imposuerit , deducatur ad probationem in Synodum . Can. 30. Caveant Judices Ecclesiae ne absente eo cujus causa ventilatur sententiam proferant ; quia irrita erit , imo & causam in Synodo profacto dabunt . And if a Bishop must not so much as accuse but in a Synod on proof , much lefs might he be judge alone . Can. 33. appointeth that Bishops or Presbyters shall be invited to preach , and consecrate the Oblation , when they come into strange Churches ] So for there was no difference . Can. 34. Ut Episcopus in quolibet loco sedens , stare Presbyterum non patiatur . 35. Ut Episcopus in Ecclesia & in consessu Presbyterorum sublimior sedeat . Intra domum vero Collegam Presbyterorum se esse cognoscat . Can. 36. Presbyteri qui per Dioeceses Ecclesias regunt , &c. Can 37. Diaconus ita se Presbyteri , ut Episcopi ministrum esse cognoscat . vid. & Can. 38 , 39 , 40. Yea even in Ordination it is said , Can. 2. Presbyterquum Ordinatur , Episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super ejus tenente , etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi , super Caput illius teneant . Et Can. 3. Diaconus quum ordinatur solus Episcopus , qui eum benedicit , manus super caput illius ponat : quia non ad Sacerdotium sed ad ministerium consecratur ] So that Priesthood was to be conferred by the hands of Priests , and the Bishop's alone was not enough ; But Deacons might be Ordained by a Bishop without Presbyters . ] What need I tire the Reader with other Councils testimonies ? when this , though called Provincial having 214 Bishops , and among them Aurelius , Augustine , &c. is no less valuable than any General Council in the volumes of the Councils . VIII . In the Arabick Canons of the Concil . Nic. 1. ( which I cite not for their justification , but as testifying the matter of fact in the times of which they were written whensoever it was ) it 's said , Can. 47. After one Bishop is forbid to absolve him that another hath Excommunicated [ Eadem Lex erit de Sacerdote , id est , Ut nullus Sacerdos solvat aut liget quem alius Sacerdos solverit aut ligaverit , quamdiu ille qui solvit aut ligavit vixerit : Post mortem vero successor ejus solvet quem mortuus ligavit : sed debet Episcopus praeesse huic negotio — Neque convenit ut Episcopus aut Archiepiscopus solvat aut liget eum , qui digne a Sacerdote solutus aut ligatus fuit , quamdiu ille qui solvit aut ligavit vixerit . ] Here you see the Priest may bind and loose , and that in foro Ecclesiastico : yea so fast that no Bishop or Archbishop may loose or bind contrarily during his life . Then Presbyters had the Keys . And Can 57. ( according to other Canons cited before ) they say , [ The Arch-Presbyter in the Bishops absence shall be honoured as the Bishop , because he is in his place ; and let him be the Head of the Priests , who are under his power in the Church , with all that the Archdeacon is over . ] And if one Presbyter may Rule the rest as a Bishop , the Government of the flock is not above their Order or place . If it be said that he doth it as the Bishops Deputy , it is answered oft enough before . Spiritual Power ( or Pastoral ) is deputable to none but such as are of the same Order : which is not properly a deputation . IX . Presbyters had power to Baptize and to celebrate the Lords Supper , Therefore they had power to judge who were Baptizable , and who were capable of the Lords Supper : For 1. Else they would not do it as Christs Ministers , but as the executioners of anothers judgment . And if so , they may give both Sacraments to Turks and Infidels if they be bid . And then indeed the Priest is not the Baptizer or Consecrater Morally , but the Bishop doth it by the Priest : All which are false . And a Presbyter may preach and Baptize in any Infidel Kingdom , where no Bishop hath any Diocese , and this as an ordinary case ( in Turky , Tartary , China , Japan , &c. ) And what Bishop shall there tell him whom to Baptize where there is no Bishop ? And the power of Baptizing is the first and greatest Key of the Church , even the Key of admission . And they that do among us deny a Presbyter the power of judging whom to Baptize and give the Lords Supper to , do not give it to the Bishop ( who knoweth not of the persons ) But the Directive part they commit to a Convocation of Bishops and Presbyters ; and the Judicial partly to the Priest , and partly to a Lay-Chancellor . X. Epiphanius Haeres . 75. saith , [ The Apostles did not set all in full order at once : And at first there was need of Presbyters and Deacons ; by whom both Ecclesiastical affairs may be administred : Therefore where no man was found worthy of Episcopacy , in that place no Bishop was set ] By which it appeareth that he thought that for some time some Churches were Governed without Bishops : And if so , it there belonged to the Presbyters office to govern . Whereto we may add the opinion of many Episcopal men , who think that during the Apostles times , they were the only Bishops in most Churches themselves . And if so , Then in their long and frequent absence the Presbyters must be the governours . XI . That many Councils have had Presbyters , yea many of them is past doubt : Look but in the Councils subscriptions and you will see it . A Synod of some Bishops and more Presbyters and Deacons gathered at Rome , decreed the Excommunication of Novatianus and his adherents , Euseb . lib. 6. c. 43. Noetus was convented , judged , expelled by the Session of Presbyters , Epiphan . Haeres . 47. c. 1. See a great number of instances of Councils held by Bishops with their Presbyters in Blondel , de Episc . sect . 3. p. 202. Yea one was held at Rome praesidentibus cum Joanne 12 Presbyteris , An. 964. vid. Blond . p. 203 , 206 , 207. Yea they had places and votes in General Councils : Not only ut aliorum procuratores , as Victor and Vincentius in Nic. 1. but as the Pastors of their Churches , and in their proper right . I need not urge Selden's Arabick Catalogue in Eutych . Alex. where there were two persons for divers particular places : or Zonaras who saith , There were Priests , Deacons and Monks ; nor Athanasius a Deacon's presence : Evenof late the Council of Basil is a sufficient proof . XII . The foresaid Canons of Carthage which are so full , are inserted into the body of the Canon Law , and in the Canons of Egbert Archbishop of York , as Bishop Usher and others have observed . XXIII . Hierom's [ Communi Presbyterorum Concilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur , ] seconded by Chrysostome and other Fathers , is a trite , but evident testimony . XIV . That Presbyters had the Power of Excommunications see fully proved by Calderwood , Altar . Damasc . p. 273. XV. Basil's , Anaphora Bibl. Pat. Tom. 6. p. 22. maketh every Church to have Archpresbyters , Presbyters , and Deacons , making the Bishop to be but the Archpresbyter . CHAP. XIV . The Confessions of the greatest and Learnedest Prelatists . 1. THe Church of England doth publickly notifie her judgment , that Church Government , Discipline , and the power of the Keys is not a thing aliene from or above the Order of the Presbyters , but belongeth to their office . 1. In that they allow Presbyters to be members of Convocations ( and that as chosen by the Presbyters . ) And whereas it is said , that the Lower house of Convocation are but Advisers to the Upper , I answer , All together have but an advising power to the King and Parliament ; But in that sort of power , the lower house hath its part , as experience sheweth . 2. There are many exempt Jurisdictions in England , ( as the Kings Chappel , The Deanry of Windsor , and Wolverhampton , Bridgenorth , ( where six Parishes are governed by a Court held by a Presbyter ) and many more , which shew that it is consistent with the Presbyters office . 3. The Archdeacons who are no Bishops exercise some Government ; And so do their Officials under them . The Objection from Deputation is answered . 4. The Surrogates of the Bishops , whether Vicar General , Principal Official , or Commissaries , are allowed a certain part of government . 5. They that give Lay-Chancellors the power of Judicial Excommunication and Absolution , cannot think a Presbyter uncapable of it . 6. A Presbyter proforma oft passeth the sentence of Excommunication and Absolution in the Chancellors Court when he hath judged it . 7. A Presbyter in the Church must publish that Excommunication and Absolution . 8. By allowing Presbyters to baptize , and to deliver the Lords Supper , and to keep some back for that time , and to admit them again if they openly profess to repent and amend their naughty lives , and to absolve the sick , they intimate that the Power of the Keys belongeth to them , though they contradict themselves otherwise by denying it them . 9. And in Ordination the Presbyter is required to exercise discipline : And the words of Act. 20. 28. were formerly used to them [ Take heed to your selves and to all the flock , over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers ( or Bishops ) to feed ( or Rule ) the Church of God : Whence Bishop Usher gathereth that the Churches sence was that the Presbyters had a joynt power with the Bishop in Church Government . And though lately Anno 1662. this be altered , and those words left out , yet it is not any such new change that can disprove this to have been the meaning of them that made the book of Ordination , and that used it . II. Archbishop Cranmer with the rest of the Commissioners appointed by King Edward the Sixth for the Reformation of Ecclesiastical Laws , decreed the administring Discipline in every Parish by the Minister and certain Elders ; Labouring and intending by all means to bring in the ancient discipline . Vid. Reform . Leg. Eccles . tit . de Divinis Officiis cap. 10. And our Liturgy wisheth this Godly Discipline restored , and substituteth the Curses till it can be done . And the same Cranmer was the first of 46 who in the time of King Henry the Eighth affirmed ( in a book called The Bishops Book , to be seen in Fox's Martyrology , ) that the difference of Bishops was a device of the ancient Fathers , and not mentioned in Scripture . And of the opinion of Cranmer with others in this point , his own papers published by Dr. Stillingfleet Irenic . p. 390 , 391 , &c. are so full a proof , that no more is needful . III. Dr. Richard Cosins in his Tables sheweth how Church Discipline is partly exercised by Presbyters , and by the Kings Commission may be much more . And it is not aliene to their office . IV. Hooker Eccles . Pol. lib. 5. pleadeth against the Divine settlement of one form of Government : And lib. 7. Sect. 7. p. 17 , 18. he sheweth at large that the Bishops with their Presbyters as a Consess governed the Churches : And that in this respect , [ It is most certain truth , that the Churches Cathedral and the Bishops of them are as glasses wherein the face and very countenance of Apostolical antiquity remaineth yet to be seen , notwithstanding the alterations which tract of time and course of the world hath brought . And much he hath elsewhere , which granteth that the Presbyters are Church governours , though not in equality with the Bishops . V. Dr. Field , lib. 5. c. 27. shewing how the Apostles first limiting and fixing of Pastors to particular Churches , was a giving them Jurisdiction , saith , [ this assigning to men having the power of order , the persons to whom they were to minister holy things , and of whom they were to take the care , and the subjecting of such persons to them , gave them the power of Jurisdiction which they had not before . ] And [ As another of my Rank cannot have that Jurisdiction within my Church as I have , but if he will have any thing to do there , he must be inferiour in degree to me ; so we read in the Revelation , of the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , &c. ] So that with him a Bishop is but one of the Presbyters , of the same Rank , having the first charge of the Church , ( as every Incumbent in respect to his Curates ) and so above his Curates in Degree . ] And [ As the Presbyters may do nothing without the Bishop , so he may do nothing in matters of greatest moment without their presence and advice . Conc. Carthag . 4. c. 23. — It is therefore most false that Bellarmine saith , that Presbyters have no power of Jurisdiction — For it is most clear and evident , that in all Provincial Synods Presbyters did sit , give voices , and subscribe as well as Bishops : — And the Bishops that were present ( in General Councils ) bringing the resolution and consent of the provincial Synods of those Churches from whence they came , in which Synods Presbyters had their voices , they had a kind of consent to the decrees of General Councils also : and nothing was passed in them without their concurrence . And Chap. 49. [ The Papists think that this is the peculiar right of Bishops : But they are clearly refuted by the universal practice of the whole Church , from the beginning : For in all Provincial and National Synods , Presbyters did ever give voice and subscribe in the very same sort that Bishops did ; whether they were assembled to make Canons of Discipline , to hear Causes , or to define doubtful points of doctrine : And that they did not anciently sit and give decisive voices in General Councils , the reason was , not because they have no interest in such deliberations and resolutions , but because seeing all cannot meet in Councils that have interest in such business , ●but some must be deputed for and authorized by the rest , it was thought fit that the Bishops — ] So here are Bishops authorized by Presbyters as their Deputies in the greatest affairs in General Councils . He proceedeth to prove this by instances , Concil . Later . sub Innoc. 3. &c. VI. Even Archbishop Whitgift maintaineth ( as Doctor Stillingfleet hath collected , Iren. pag. 394. ) that [ No kind of Government is expressed in the word , or can necessarily be concluded thence : — No form of Church Government is by the Scriptures commanded to the Church of God ( or prescribed . ) ] And Doctor Stillingfleet there citeth * many testimonies , to prove this the judgment of the Church of England : And if so , it must be only men and not God , who make any difference between a Presbyter and a Bishop in the point of Jurisdiction . VII . Bishop Bilson Perpet . Govern. p. 16. c. 391. saith , [ The Synod of Antioch which deposed Paulus Samosat . as Eusebius sheweth lib. 7. c. 38. & in Concil Eliber . about the time of the first Nicene Council sate Bishops and Presbyters , even 36. In the second Concil . Arelat . About the same time subscribed twelve Presbyters besides Deacons . So in Concil . Rom. sub Hilario & Gregor . where 34 Presbyters subscribed after 22 Bishops . And in the first sub Symmach . where after 72 Bishops subscribed 67 Presbyters : So in the third , fifth , and sixth , under the same Symmachus , Felix had a council of 43 Bishops and 74 Presbyters . The Concil . Antisiod . c 7. saith , Let all the Presbyters being called come to the Synod in the City . * ] Concil . Tolet. 4. c. 3. saith , Let the Bishops assembled go to the Church together and sit according to the time of their Ordination : After all the Bishops are entred and set , let the Presbyters be called , and the Bishops sitting in a compass let the Presbyters sit behind them , and the Deacons stand before them . Even in the General Council at Lateran sub Innoc. 3. were 482 Bishops , and 800 Abbots and Priors conventual , saith Platina . ] Thus Bilson and more . VIII . To the same purpose writeth the Greatest Defender of Prelacy Bishop Downam , Def. lib. 1. c. 2. sect . 11. pag. 43 , 44. and the places before cited out of him , professing that the Bishop hath but a chief and not sole jurisdiction . IX . Bishop Ushers judgment is fully opened in his Model which we offered to the King and Bishops in vain , and which he owned to me with his own mouth . X. Because the citing of mens words is tedious , I add , that All those whom I cited Christ . Concord . p. 57 , &c. to shew that they judge the Presbyters Ordination may be lawful , and valid , do much more thereby infer that they are not void of a Governing power over their own flocks . viz. 1. Dr. Field lib. 3. c. 32. 2. Bishop Downam Def. lib. 3. c. 4. p. 108. 3. Bishop Jewel Def. of Apol. Part 2. p. 131. 4. Saravia De divers . Min. Grad . cap. p. 10 , 11. 5. Bishop Alley Poor mans Libr. Prelect . 3. & 6. p. 95 , 96. 6. Bishop Pilkington . 7. Bishop Bridges . 8. Bishop Bilson , Of Subject . p. 540 , 541 , 542 , 233 , 234 , &c. 9. Alex. Nowel . 10. Grotius de imper . 11. Mr. Chisenhall . 12. Lord Digby ( then a Protestant . ) 13. Bishop Davenant Determ . Q. 42. p. 191 , 192. 14. Bishop Prideaux , cont . de Disciplin . Eccles . p. 249. 15. Bishop Andrews . 16. Chillingworth . To which I add 17. Bishop Bramhall in his Answer to Mileterius's Epistle to the King. 18. Dr. Steward's Answer to Fountains Letter . 19. Dr. Fern. 20. Mason at large . 21. Bishop Morton Apolog. XI . Spalatensis is large to prove the power of the Keys to belong in common to Presbyters as such . I cited the words before , Lib. 5. c. 9. n. 2. &c. 2. n. 48 , &c. XII . Even Gropperus the Papist pleadeth in the Council of Trent for the restoring of Synods of Presbyters instead of Officials , ( the thing so much detested in England , as that all we undergo must rather be endured ) yet saith Gropperus ▪ [ Restore the Synodals which are not subject to so great corruption , removing those Officers by whom the world is so much scandalized , because it is not possible that Germany should endure them . ] The Spaniards and Dutch men willingly heard this , but not the rest . Hist . p. 334. lib. 4. XIII . The opinion of Paulus himself , the author of that History , is so fully and excellently laid down , of the Original of the Bishops grandeur , and of the manner of introducing the Ecclesiastical Courts by the occasion of Pacifications , Arbitrations , and Constantines Edict , as that I intreat the Reader to turn to and peruse p. 330 , 331 , 332 , 333. XIV . Filesacus ( a Learned Papist ) copiously proveth from Councils that Presbyters were called the Rectors of the Churches , pag. 560. And more than so , that they were called Hierarchici and Prelates , and had place in Councils , especially Provincial , p. 576 , 577 , 578. Pag. 574. he citeth Concil . Aquisgr . saying , Presbyteri qui praesunt Ecclesiis , de omnibus hominibus qui ad eorum Ecclesiam pertinent , per omnia curam gerant . Pag. 576. he proveth they were called Prelates abundantly . Pag. 577. Episcoporum instar suam habebant plebem regendam . XV. Mr. H. Thorndike is so large in defending the Presbyters Governing power , and that as grounded on the power of Congregating , in his Form of Primit . Gov. and Right of Church , &c. that it would be tedious to recite his words . Pag. 98. he saith , [ The power of the Keys belongeth to the Presbyters and is convertible with the power of celebrating the Eucharist , and that 's the Reason why it belongeth to them ( Nothing could be spoken plainer to our use . ) And p. 128. The power of the Keys , that is , The whole power of the Church , whereof that power is the root and source , is common to Bishops and Presbyters . ] And Right of Ch. p. 126 , 129 , 130 , 131. he saith much more to confirm this by testimonies and instances of antiquity . XVI . The great Jo. Gerson is cited to your hand by the same Filesacus as shewing that Curates were Hierarchical , Quia eadem opera Hierarchica eis incumbunt quae & Episcopis : And more out of Gerson , de Concil . Evangel . & de stat . Ecclesiastic . tit . de statu Curatorum consid . 1. & 4 , &c. XVII . I will end all in the fullest testimony for these times , His Majesties Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs , before the passing of which it was examined by his Majesty and the Lord Chancellor , before Dukes , Lords , Bishops , Doctors of their party , and many of us also that are now silenced , and after all two great Bishops with Bishop Reynolds and Mr. Calamy appointed by the King to joyn with two Lords to see that it were worded according to the Kings expressed sense . And it saith p. 11 , &c. [ Because the Dioceses , especially some of them are thought to be of too large extent , we will appoint such a number of Suffragan Bishops in every Diocese as shall be sufficient for the due performance of their work * . 3. No Bishop shall Ordain or exercise any part of jurisdiction which appertaineth to the censures of the Church without the advice and assistance of the Presbyters : And no Chancellors , Commissaries or Officials as such , shall exercise any act of Spiritual Jurisdiction , in these cases , viz. Excommunication , Absolution , &c. — [ As to Excommunication our will and pleasure is , that no Chancellor , Commissary , or Official Decree any Sentence of Excommunication or Absolution — Nor shall the Archdeacon exercise any Jurisdiction without the advice and assistance of six Ministers of his Archdeaconry , whereof three to be nominated by the Bishop , and three by the election of the major part of the Presbyters within the Archdeaconry . 4. To the end the Dean and Chapters may the better be fitted to afford counsel and assistance to the Bishops both in Ordination and other offices mentioned before , &c. — Moreover an equal number to those of the Chapter of the most learned , pious , and discreet Presbyters of the same Diocese annually chosen by the major Vote of all the Presbyters of that Diocese present at the Election , shall be always advising and assisting together with those of the Chapter in all Ordinations and every part of Jurisdiction which appertains to the censure of the Church , and at all other solemn and important actions in the exercise of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction wherein any of the Ministery are concerned . — And our Will is that the great work of Ordination be constantly and solemnly performed by the Bishop and his aforesaid Presbytery — 5. We will take care that confirmation be rightly and solemnly performed by the information and with the consent of the Minister of the place : Who shall admit none to the Lords Supper till they have made a credible profession of their faith , and promised obedience , &c. — Besides the Suffragans and their Presbytery , every Rural Dean — together with three or four Ministers of that Deanry chosen by the major part of all the Ministers within the same , shall meet once in every month , to receive such complaints as shall be presented to them by the Ministers and Church-wardens of the respective parishes , and also to compose all such differences between party and party , as shall be referred to them by way of Arbitration , and to convince offenders , and reform all such things as they find amiss , by their Pastoral Reproofs and Admonitions , if they may be so reformed . And such matters as they cannot by this Pastoral and perswasive way compose and reform , are by them to be prepared for and presented to the Bishop ; At which meeting any other Ministers of the Deanry may if they please be present and assist . Moreover the Rural Dean and his Assistants are in their respective divisions to see that the children and younger sort be carefully instructed by the respective Ministers , &c. ] See the rest . This was the judgment of his Majesty , &c. 1660. And on these terms we were ready to have Conformed and United with the Prelatists so far as to go in the peaceable performance of our Offices . But that very Parliament who gave his Majesty thanks for this his Declaration , did lay it by , so that it was never done , but other Laws established which we feel . Obj. You do but obtrude on us your own opinions : For when you had drawn up most of those words , his Majesty was fain to seem for the present to grant them you , for the quieting of you . Answ . 1. If we did offer such things , let the world judge what we sought by them . 2. There is most of that about Rural Deanries put in ( I suppose by the Bishops consent who were to word it ) after it went from us , and after the King had done with it , on October 22. 1660. 3. Whoever motioned or desired it , by this it appeareth that his Majesty and those that counselled him , did not then think the work of Jurisdiction , Excommunication , Absolution , no nor Ordination , to be aliene to or above the office of the Presbyter . And if that be no part of his Pastoral work , they would not have appointed it him . Yet finally let the Reader note , that though my proofs have reached as high as the power of Canon-making , Jurisdiction , Court-excommunications and Ordination ; Yet it is no more than the power of Pastoral Guidance of our particular Parish Churches , and not to be forced to administer all holy things ( Sacraments , Absolutions , &c. ) contrary to our consciences , at other mens will who know not our people , and not to those that we know to be utterly Ignorant , Infidels , Scandalous , and Impenitent , that I am here pleading for . I conclude therefore boldly after all this proof , that the Presbyters office which was instituted by God , and used by the ancient Churches , contained an obligation and Authority not only to Teach and Worship , but also the rest of the Power of the Keys , to Rule the Churches committed to their care , ( not by the sword or force , but ) by a pastoral perswasive power , judging who is to be taken in and put out , and what persons are fit objects for the respective exercises of their , own Ministerial acts : ( which was the thing I was engaged to make good . ) CHAP. XV. Whether this Government belonging to the office of Presbyters , be in foro Ecclesiae & exteriore , or only in foro Conscientiae & interiore . THe last shift that some Prelatists have , is to distinguish between the forum internum Conscientiae , poenitentiale , and the forum externum Ecclesiasticum , and to tell us that indeed Presbyters have the Power of the Keys in private or in the first sense , but not in Publick or in the second . Answ . 1. Note that the question is not whether they have the sole power , or the chief power , or with what limitations it is fit for them to exercise it , nor what appeals there should be from them ; But whether the power of the Keys be part of their office . 2. That the question is not of the power of Governing the Church by the sword , which belongeth to the King , and is Extrinsick to the Pastoral office , and to the being of the Church ( As protecting the Church , punishing Church-offenders corporally , &c. ) For this is proper to the Magistrate , and belongeth neither to Bishops nor Presbyters as such . We claim no part with the Prelates in any such secular Government as their Courts use , except when they come to Excommunication and Absolution : At least no coercive power at all . 3. All the question is of the power of the Keys of Admission , Conduct and Exclusion ; of judging who shall have Sacraments , and Church-Communion with our assemblies ? that is , Who shall be pronounced fit or unfit for it , by our selves ? And that this belongeth to Presbyters in foro publico Ecclesiae , I prove , 1. Because they are Publick officers , or Pastors over that Church , and therefore their power of the Keys is a publick Church power , else they had none of the Keys as Pastors of that Church at all : For the Keys are to Let in and put out ; They are the Church Keys : and he that hath power only to speak secretly to a single person , doth not thereby take in to the Church or put any out , nor Guide them publickly . A man that is a Minister ( at least ) may convince , satisfie , comfort any mans conscience in secret , of what Church soever he be , even as he is a member of the Universal Church . But he that is a publick Officer and Governour of the Church may publickly Govern the Church . But a Presbyter is a publick officer and Governour : Ergo. 2. The rest of his office may be publickly performed , Coram Ecclesia , and not in secret only : He may Preach to the Church , Pray with the Church , Praise God with them , Give them the Sacrament : Therefore by parity of Reason he may publickly exercise discipline , unless any by-accident pro tempore forbid it . 3. Else he must be made a meer Instrument of another and not a rational free Agent and Minister of Christ : Yea perhaps more like to an Asse who may carry Bread and Wine to the Church , or like a Parrot that may say what he is bid , than a man who hath a discerning judgment what he is to do . I must publickly baptize , and publickly preach and pray , and publickly give the Lords Body and Bloud : And if I must be no Judge my self to whom I must do this , then , 1. Either I may and must do it to any one ( without offending God ) to whom the Bishop bids me do it : And if so , I may Excommunicate the faithful and curse Gods children , and absolve the most notoriously wicked , if the Bishop bid me . And how come they to have more power than King Balak had over Balaam ? or than a Christian Emperour had over Chrysostom ? He that saith to the wicked , Thou art righteous , Nations shall curse him , people shall abhor him , Prov. 24. 24. Wo to them that call evil good and good evil ! But what if the Bishop bid them ? If I may not preach lies or heresies if the Bishop bid me , then I may not lyingly curse the faithful nor bless the wicked if he bid me . If I may not forbear preaching the Gospel meerly for the will of man , when God calleth me to it , much less may I speak slanders , yea and lie in the name of God , when men bid me . The French Priest did wiselier than so , that being bid from the Pope to Curse and Excommunicate the Emperour , said , I know not who it is that is in the right , and who is in the wrong , but I do Excommunicate him that is in the wrong whoever he be . 2. Or else , it will follow that I am bound to sin and damn my soul thereby , whenever the Bishop will command me : which is a contradiction . 3. Or else it will follow that I am a beast , that am not to judge or know what I do , and therefore my acts are neither sin nor duty . 4. If he have not the Keys to use publickly in foro Ecclesiae he hath no power of Excommunication and Restitution at all : For to Excommunicater is publickly to notifie to the Church , that this person is none of them , nor to be communicated with , and to charge them to avoid his company . 5. The Bishops themselves put the Presbyters to proclaim or read the Excommunication : and if this be any Ministerial or Pastoral act , certainly it is in foro Ecclesiae . 6. Most of the Acts before named as their concessions , as to be in the Convocation , &c. are acts in foro publico . 7. The full proofs before brought from Antiquity , of Presbyters sitting in Councils , Judging , Excommunicating , &c. are of publick , not private exercise of the Keys . 8. They are the same Keys or Office power which Christ hath committed to the Pastors , even the Guidance of his Church , to feed his lambs : And ubi Lex non distinguit non est distinguendum . Where doth Christ or Scripture say , You shall use the Keys of Church-power privately , but not in the Church , or publickly ? 9. All this striving against Power in the Ministers of Christ , is but striving against their duty , work , and the ends and benefits of it : He that hath no Power for publick discipline , hath no obligation to use it ; and so he is to neglect it : And this is it that the Devil would have , to keep a thousand or many hundred Pastors in a Diocese from doing the publick work of Discipline : And as if he could confine Preaching to Diocesans only ( And I verily believe they are better of the two at Preaching , than at Discipline ) he knoweth that it is but few souls of many thousands that would be taught : Even so when he can confine Church discipline to the Diocesanes , he knoweth how little of it will be done . And who will use his wit , learning and zeal , to plead his cause , and his parts and office thus to serve his designs and gratifie him , who considereth what it is to be a Bishop , a Christian , or a man ? CHAP. XVI . That the English Diocesane Government doth change this office of a Presbyter of Gods institution into another ( quantum in se ) of humane invention . I Come now to prove the Minor proposition of my Argument ; That the Diocesane Government deposeth the Office of Presbyters which God hath instituted ( as much as in them lieth ) By which limitation I mean , that if we would judge of the Power and Obligation of Presbyters , as the Prelatical constitution de facto doth describe it , and not as God describeth it contrarily , we must take it for another thing . For the proof of this it must 1. be considered what is Essential to the office , and 2. How somewhat Essential is taken from them . I. And 1. we grant ( as before ) that no Action whatsoever , as performed at the present , or for some excepted season , is Essential to the Pastoral office : A man ceaseth not to be a Preacher or Pastor , as soon as the Sermon is done and he is out of the Church . When a man is asleep or in a journey , he endeth not his office : Nor yet when he is interrupted by business , sickness , or persecution . Yea , if he were so sick , as to be sure never to exercise his office more , he keepeth the Title with respect to what he hath already done . 2. Yet Exercise as Intended and as the Relative end or Terminus of the Obligation and Authority , is Essential to the Office : For when it is a Relation which we question , and that consisteth in Obligation and Authority , there is no doubt but it is ad aliquid , and is specified by the Action or Exercise to which men are Obliged and Authorized . ( As a Judge , a Souldier , a Physician , are ) And it being a Calling which we speak of , and that durante vita & capacitate , it must be such Action as is intended to be Ordinary , and Constant . He that Consenteth not to do the work of a Minister , and that for more than a trial or a present occasion , and is not Obliged and Authorized to that work , at least statedly as his intended ordinary course of life , is no Minister of Christ : which Paul well expresseth by that phrase Rom. 1. 1. Separated to the Gospel of God. 3. As God in creating man made him in his own Image , so did Christ in making Church Pastors : Therefore he saith , As my Father sent me , so send I you : And he that receiveth you receiveth me , and he that despiseth you despiseth me , and — him that sent me , Luke 10. 16. And they are Embassadours to beseech men in his name and stead to be reconciled to God , 2 Cor. 5. 19 , 20. And Christ himself is called the Angel of the Covenant , and the Apostle and high Priest of our Profession , and the Great Prophet , and the Bishop of our Souls , and the good Shepherd , and the great Shepherd or Pastor of the flock , and the Minister of the Circumcision : And he was a Preacher of the same word of life as we are : And he administred the same Sacrament of Communion as we do . Now as the Office of Christ had these three Essential parts , viz. to be the Teacher , the High Priest , and the Ruler of the Church ; so hath ( not only the Apostles , but ) every true Pastor in his place ( as is proved ) this threefold subserviency to Christ . 1. They will confess themselves , that He is no true Pastor who hath not Authority and Obligation ( which set together are called a Commission ) to be a Teacher of the Church . For though some men may be so weak as that they can Teach but by Reading , Catechizing , Conference , or very short defective immethodical Sermons : And though where a Church hath Many , the Ablest may be the usual publick Preachers , and the rest be but his assistants : Yet I never found any proof of Elders that were not Teachers by office as well as Rulers , and had not Commission to Teach the flock according to their abilities , and might not Preach as the need of the Church required it , however the weaker may give place to the abler in the exercise of his office . Because his office is an Obligation and Authority to exercise his Gifts as they are , for the Churches greatest edification . 2. And it will be confessed that he is no Minister or Pastor who is not Commissioned by Christ to be the Churches Guide in publick Worship , in Prayer , praise , and Sacrament of Communion : However where there are many , all cannot officiate at once . 3. Therefore all the doubt remaineth whether the power of the Keys for Church Covernment , such as belongeth to Pastors , be not as Essential as the rest ; I say the Commission , the Authority , and the Obligation , ( though violence may much hinder the exercise ) And this I have proved before and must not stay to repeat it . Only 1. God doth not distinguish , when he giveth them the Keys and office . Therefore we must not distinguish . 2. The very signification of the words [ Keys , Pastor , Presbyter , Overseer , Steward , &c. ] do not only import this Guiding , Ruling power , but notably signifie it , as most think more notably than the Worshipping part of their office . 3. Dr. Hammond and all of his mind confess that in Scripture these words are applyed to no one person or office , that had not the Governing as well as the Teaching and Worshipping power . 4. The truth is , the Teaching , and Ruling , and Worshipping power , are inseparably twisted together . Ruling is done ( not by the sword here , but ) in a Teaching way by the Word : As a Physician may 1. read a Lecture of health to his Patients , 2. and give every one particular directions for his own cure ; and this last is called Governing them : So when the same Pastor who Teacheth all generally by Sermons , doth make his applications to mens persons and cases particularly , it is Governing the Church : as when a man is impenitent , he doth Excommunicate him only by teaching him and the Church , that such persons as are so impenitent are under the wrath of God , and uncapable of Church Communion , and therefore requiring the Church as from Christ , to avoid that person , and declaring him to be under the wrath of God till he repent , and requiring him to forbear Communion with the Church . And so in other acts of Government . And as in Worshipping , the Pastor delivereth the Sacrament of Communion , so it must belong to him to Give it or Deny it . 5. And indeed the ancient Churches had usually more Pastors than Assemblies , by which means every Presbyter could not daily preach and officiate . But yet they were so constant Assistants in the Government , as hath occasioned so many to think that it was mere Ruling Elders who joyned with the Bishops in those times . And Paul himself saying 1 Tim. 5. 17. The Elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , especially they that labour in the word and doctrine , doth plainly imply that there were fewer who were thus Labourers in the word and doctrine than that Ruled well . For indeed the following practices of the Churches expoundeth this Text , when the Churches having few Learned or able Speakers , he that could speak or preach best , did preach ordinarily , and was made Chief or Bishop , and the rest helped him in Government , and other offices , and taught the people more privately , and preached seldomer when the Bishop bid them and there was need : ( Being yet of the same office . ) Obj. Why then may they not now be forbidden publick Government in foro Ecclesiae exteriore ? Answ . 1. Our question is not chiefly what part of the exercise of their proper office may be restrained on just occasion ; But what it is which truly belongeth to their office . 2. It is one thing to forbid it them pro tempore ; and another statedly ( for this changeth the Office. ) 3. It is one thing to forbid a man Preaching , Praying , or Exercise of Discipline in a Church where there are many , and all cannot speak at once , and his restraint is for the better doing of the work , and the avoiding of confusion : And another thing to forbid a single Pastor of a Parish Church , with all his Curates , to do it , when there is no other there , nor near the place , that knoweth the people , to do it ; but it must be undone . 4. And indeed the case of Discipline in this differeth from Preaching and officiating in Worship : Two men cannot do the later at once in the same Congregation , without confusion and hinderance of Edification : But ten men or twenty may consult and consent to the acts of Discipline . So that by Reason , Scripture , and Antiquity it is clear , that if any one part were more essential to the Presbyters office than the rest , it would be the Authority and Obligation to Rule the flock by the word of God , and exercise the Church Keys of Discipline . II. Now that this power is here taken from them ( notwithstanding all the forecited Concessions or Confessions that it is due to them ) I prove . I. I might premise , that Ubi non est idem fundamentum , non est eadem relatio : At , &c. There is not the same foundation , therefore not the same Relation . For 1. Here is not the same Election , no nor Consent . I opened this before . Though all Antiquity gave the Church the Election of her own Pastors , yet we make not that necessary to the being of the office , or relation to them : So there be but Consent . But we take Consent of the Church to be necessary to any mans Pastoral Relation to that Church ( though not to the Ministery in general as unfixed . ) For seeing it is not possible to Exercise the office without the peoples Consent , it cannot be assumed as over them without their Consent : Because that which cannot be Exercised should not be undertaken to be exercised . But with us , commonly , the Patron chooseth , and the Bishop approveth , instituteth , and giveth him induction , and so he is fully setled in title and possession in their way , without any of the peoples knowledge or consent . Obj. You choose Parliament men who make these laws , and your Ancestours consented to Patrons power : Therefore you consent . Answ . This seemeth a jest , but that the business and execution make it a serious matter to us . 1. It cannot be proved that all the Churches or people gave the Patrons that power . 2. We never intended to consent that Parliaments should do what they list , and dispose of our Souls , or of that which is necessary to the saving of our Souls . 3. Else you may as well say that we consent to be Baptized and to receive the Sacraments , because the Parliament whom we chose consenteth to it : And so we may baptize Infidels because their great grandfathers consented that all their posterity should be Christians : And you need no discipline to keep men from the Sacrament , if Noah consented that all his posterity should fear God and serve him and so be saved . Many men are jested out of their saith and salvation , but none are thus jested into it . Sin is a mockery , but so is not piety . 4. Our forefathers had no power to represent us by such consenting . If they could oblige us to Duty by their Authority , they cannot be our substitutes for the performance of duty , any more than for the possession of the reward . 5. What God himself hath laid upon the Person or existent Church , they cannot commit to another if they would themselves , because the obligation was personal , and they have not Gods consent for the transmutation . We cannot serve God by proxy , nor be happy by proxy . Obj. But how unfit are the common people to choose their Pastors : They are ignorant , and partial , and tumultuous . Do the children beget their own father , or the sheep choose their own shepherd ? Answ . 1. No : but wives choose their own husbands , and Patients choose their own Physicians , and Clients their own Advocates , and servants their own masters , &c. Similitudes run not on four feet . If all the Church of Christ besides the Prelates and their Curates , be as brutish as sheep and as silly as infants ( in comparison of them ) then they have talkt reason in their similitude . Else — 2. Is it not notorious in England that no Congregations have had more Learned and holy Pastors , than where the People have had their choice ? I desire London but to consider it ( nay they know it by great experience ) what men hath Aldermanbury had , Mr. Calamy , Dr. Stoughton , Dr. Taylor , and so before ? What men hath Blackfryers had , Mr. Gibbons , Dr. Gouge , and many formerly ? So also Antholins , Lincolns-Inn , Greys-Inn , the Temple , &c. But the truth is , that is an excellent person to us , who is an odious or contemptible person to the high Prelatists . If he will preach as Heylin writeth , and make the people believe that Presbyterians are Rebels , and Disciplinarians are seditious brainsick fellows , and strict living is hypocrisie , and praying without book and much preaching is Fanaticism , and that none are worthy to preach the Gospel who will not swear to be true to this Prelatical interest : that drunkenness in a Conformable man is a tolerable infirmity , and their ignorantest nonsence is fitter to save souls or Edifie the Church , than the labours of a Learned Holy Nonconformist ; that Calvin was a Rogue , and Cartwright , Amesius and all such as they , discontented factious Schismaticks , unworthy to preach or to be endured ; This is a son of the Church , and an excellent person with the men in question . But it is the man that Learnedly and Judiciously openeth the word of life , that closely and skilfully and seriously applyeth it , that is an example of Holiness , Sobriety , Love , Meekness , Humility , and Patience to the flock , who spareth no labour or cost or suffering for the saving of mens souls , who is for the wisdom which is first pure and then peaceable , &c. This is the Pastor that is excellent in our eyes . And of such I have oft wondred that the common people should usually choose far better than the Prelates do . But the truth is , Wisdom and Goodness have their witnesses even in the consciences of natural men , which Faction , Pride , and Fleshly interest doth bribe or silence , and cannot endure . 3. But what 's all this to us ? We plead not now for the necessity of the peoples Elections , but only for their consent : If the Patrons as now , or the Clergy as formerly be the Nominators , or Electors , yet should the peoples consent be acknowledged necessary in the second place . 4. For who is fitter to choose , or refuse , or consent at least , than he whose everlasting interest lieth at the stake ? It is their own soul that must be saved or damned ? And in good sadness do these Diocesans love the souls of all the people better than they love their own ? Do you make them believe this , by not seeing one of a thousand or many hundred of your flock once in all the time of your lives ? Doth the silencing of so many Ministers shew it ? Christ will have all men at age in Covenanting , Baptism , and the Lords Supper , to be Chusers or Refusers for themselves , because ( as Clem. Alexandr . Strom. 1. saith , ) they have free will , and it is themselves that must have the gain or loss , that must be in heaven or hell for ever . What if a Prelate , a Parliament , a Patron , or a forefather , chuse Masspriests or Hereticks for us , must we accept the choice ? Is this our bewaring of false prophets , and of the leaven of the Pharisees , and our trying all things , and letting no man deceive us , &c. 5. But how unfit is this objection for a Prelates mouth or pen ? Are you the Church Governours ? Is all this contention that you may have the Keys alone , without the parish Ministers ? And is this the fruit of all your Government , that the common Church members are so mad , so bad , so untractable , that they are not fit to be free Consenters to them that are to Teach and Guide them to salvation ? Who then is this Church Ruine and Abomination long of but your selves , who have and only will have the Keys ? Have you not fine Churches and members , that are not fit to choose no nor consent to their own Guides ? Why do you not take care that the Churches by discipline may be better constituted ? As none should be Pastors who are not fit for the duty of Pastors , so none should be members who are not fit for the duty of members . It 's excellent Government inded to keep such in the Church as are unfit to be there , and then fetch an argument from their unfitness for their neglect of their duty , and your depriving them of their power ? As if you should choose none but ideots ( or most such ) to be Jury men , and then argue thence , that they are unfit for so great a trust , and so the people must lose their liberties . 6. There are among the ignoranter sort of the people , usually divers sober and good men , and the rest use much to hearken to them . Obj. But what if the people will not consent to any but a Heretick or intolerable person ? Answ . 1. The former answers serve to this : You do fairly to keep such people in the Church ? But as the Foreigner wondered in Henry the Eighth's days , to see at once some hanged for being Papists , and some burnt for being Protestants , and cried out Dii boni quomodo gentes hic vivunt ! So it is such another case to see at once the same Prelates forcing the unwilling into the Church and to the Sacrament , as if this would or could save them ( if their Church be salvation ) in despight of them , even on pain of undoing , and perpetual imprisonment ; And yet Excommunicating and casting out those that are willing to stay in ; As if Consent were a mark of an aliene and a reprobate , and unwillingness the mark of worthiness . 2. Such as you here describe are not fit to be members of a Church . If they will not Consent to Church priviledges and duties , they should be without the doors . And you may force them to hear Teaching whether they are willing or not ; But you cannot make them Godly nor bring them to heaven , nor give them right to Church Communion and Sacraments whether they will or not . So much of Election and Consent . 2. Moreover the Ordination differeth from that of Gods institution . For Presbyters are now Ordained commonly neither by Archbishops , Bishops or Presbyters of Christs institution ( in their way . ) 1. The Bishops themselves profess that they Ordain not as Presbyters . For they say such have no power of Ordination . 2. They are not Bishops of Christs institution as is before proved ; but of another species , which half themselves confess to be but humane . 3. They are not Archbishops , because they have no Bishops under them . And so having not their power of Ordination as Officers of Gods making , they have no power from him to Ordain . Obj. By these two last differences you seem to give up the Cause to the Separatists . Answ . The Prelatists do so ; but so do not we : 1. Because whether the Prelates will or not , the people ex post facto do Consent to every worthy Pastor . 2. Because we judge of Parish Ministers as God describeth them , and therefore as true Bishops : and consequently take the Prelates for a kind of Archbishops whatever they call themselves . 3. And there is no honest Minister but hath the Consent of some neighbour Ministers and of the People : And though imposition of hands be a laudable Ceremony , yet it is not that , but mutual Consent of themselves and the Pastors and People in which their external call consisteth , as is before said . II. The different Correlates and Termini make different Relations . The Churches which the ancient Presbyters were related to , were true entire Churches , ( however their work might be parcelled among the members . ) But according to the Prelates platform , each Presbyter hath his charge over no Church of Christ at all , but only over a hundredth , six hundredth or thousandth part of a Church , having no more to do with all the rest than if they were of another Diocese . III. But I come to the point intended : That they take from the Presbyter his essential Obligation and Authority appeareth , 1. In general , they commonly affirm , that the Governing power belongeth not to them ; and that they are but the Bishops Curates : By which they mean not only that the Bishops rule them : but they say that the Bishop doth Teach all his Diocese per alios , even by these his Curates . And accordingly they have lately blotted out of their Litany [ Bishops , Pastors , and Ministers of the Church ] and have substituted [ Bishops , Priests , and Deacons ] lest the Priests should be supposed Pastors . But they altered not the Collect for all Bishops and Curates . And they have put out of the Office for Ordination of Priests , Act. 20. 28. Now what a Presbyter doth in the person of the Bishop and as his instrument , that he doth not in the distinct person of a Presbyter : He that payeth money or delivereth possession in his Masters name , doth it not in his own . So that if really they mean as they say , that quoad personam legalem quamvis non naturalem , it be the Bishop that doth Teach and Officiate per alios , then no Presbyter is indeed endued with any power of Teaching , Officiating , or Ruling in the person of a Presbyter , but only to be the Servant and Instrument of the Diocesane . 2. No Presbyter hath power to judge whom he shall Baptize , or whom to refuse ; but is to Baptize all without any exception that have Godfathers and Godmothers , who will but say the words in the book . The Canon 78. is [ No Minister shall refuse or delay to Christen any Child according to the book of Common prayer , that is brought to the Church to him upon Sundays or Holidays to be Christened — Else suspended three months from his Ministry . ( Yea , that is it that pays for all . ) So Can. 79. he is bound to do in houses in case of danger . Yet Can. 29. No Parent shall be urged to be PRESENT nor be admitted to answer as Godfather for his own child . Now the Liturgy requireth not any Godfather to Adopt the Child , and take it for his own : Nor doth it allow us to refuse the Children of Turks , Jews , or Heathens ; And if these Godfathers be known Atheists , Turks , Jews or Heathens , or the filthiest Adulterers or wicked persons , if they did ever in their lives receive the Sacrament , and will say as the Book bids them , the Priest cannot refuse the Child . But if the godliest Parent can get none to be such Godfathers or Godmothers , his Child must not be Baptized . I told the Bishops my self that I had a notorious Infidel boasted that he would bring his Child to be baptized , and say the words of the book , and see who durst refuse it ; And I was answered that if the Child had Godfathers , there was no scruple but I should Baptize him : But , when I ask , what if these Infidels ( professedly such ) be the Godfathers , and say before-hand [ I will say those words and refuse me if you dare ] they have nothing to say , that common reason should regard . Now he that is but sent to Baptize those ( even all whomsoever ) that others bid him baptize , and hath no more discerning or judging power of the persons capacity , than a Lay-man hath , is in this no Presbyter , but a Prelates messenger or servant . 3. They have no power to instruct , admonish , or reprove in secret or publick or in their own houses , any one Ignorant Heretical Infidel , Atheistical or scandalous wicked man , that will but refuse to speak with them or to hear them . And yet he must give this person the Sacrament , at least till he prove that by him which his refusal to speak to him maketh impossible to be publickly proved . If I have great reason by some private occasional speech or report to believe , that many of the Parish know no more of Christ than Pagans do ; or that they among their own companions ( who will not accuse them ) profess Atheism , Infidelity , or Heresie ; or if after scandalous fames I would admonish them to repent ; If they refuse to speak with me , or suffer me not to come and speak to them , I have no remedy ; but must still continue them in the Communion of the Church . Obj. You would not have such men forced your self . Answ . But I would not be forced then my self , to give him the Sacrament of Communion as his Pastor , who refuseth to speak with me or to hear me as his Pastor ; but would have power to refuse that Pastoral administration to him that refuseth the rest . 4. They have no power to judge of the fitness of any one for the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , in point of knowledge , faith , or Covenanting with God , nor whether he understand what the Sacrament is , any more than an Infidel or ideot ; so be it the Bishop do but confirm him ( in his childhood ) or he will say that he is ready to be confirmed . Indeed all are required to send their children to be Catechised ; But 1. few Ministers use it : 2. few persons in a parish come . 3. If they refuse , we cannot prevent their further communicating . 4. It is but to say over the words of that Catechism which they are called to ; which experience tells us children will do like Parrots , without understanding what they say : And we must not ask them any other questions . It is true also that they who are confirmed by the Bishop should bring a Certificate from the Minister that they can say the Creed , Lords prayer , Commandments , &c. But they may choose , and not one of many doth it . I went my self at thirteen years of age or fourteen , to the worthy Bishop Morton with the rest of the School-boyes without any Certificate , and without any examination he hastily said as he passed on three or four lines of a prayer over us , when I knew not what he said : And after this , no Minister can refuse any one at age the Sacrament . The Rubrick saith , They should openly own their Baptism , &c. But few do it , and none can be refused for not doing it . And so the transition from the number of Infant members into the number of the adult , is made without the Ministers Consent ( Though the Kings Declaration once yielded to the contrary ) And Communicants croud upon him in utter ignorance , because they were Baptized in Infancy : Nay few in a Parish ( not one of many hundred of my acquaintance ) is ever confirmed by the Bishop at all , so much as ceremoniously , or regard it . 5. They have no power to choose what Chapter they will read to the Church in publick ( though a word before the Homilies lib. 2. seemed once to allow it them ) But every day in the year even week-days and Holidays they are tyed up to the Chapters imposed on them , though Bell and the Dragon , Judith , Susanna , Tobit , and other Apocryphal writings be appointed for Lessons , even about 106 Chapters of the Apocrypha in two months : And though any scandal or other occasion in his Church would direct him , to choose some other subject for the peoples good . 6. He hath no power to choose what words to use in his publick prayers to God : no not to use any that are not written for him to read out of the book . And though custom hath so used Ministers to pray without book in the pulpit , yet this is but connived at because it cannot easily be remedied : One of them wrote a book against it , as answering that part of our Savoy Reply 1660 : Dr. Heylin hath largely laboured to prove that it is contrary to the Canon , which indeed doth seem express against it : And that 's not all ; However their Consciences digest it , all the Conformists in England do subscribe as ex animo a covenant or promise [ that they will use the form in the said book prescribed in publick prayer and administration of the Sacraments , and no other . ] Canon . 36. Mark , No other : And the Bishops that endure this are forced to say , that these Pulpit prayers are not the Churches prayers but our own : But yet they are [ Publick prayers ] and therefore I doubt a breach of the Canon-Covenant . 7. A Presbyter as such hath no power to preach the Gospel . The words of his Ordination do but give him power to preach when he shall be lawfully called : yea his Presentation , Institution , Induction and possession of a Pastoral Charge , do not all make up this Lawful call , nor may he preach one Sermon after all this , till he have a particular Licensing Instrument from the Bishop . So that he preacheth not meerly as a Presbyter nor as a possessed Incumbent , but as Licensed by the Bishop . 8. When he visiteth the sick , he hath no Power left him to judge , Whether the person be penitent and fit to be Absolved or not ? But if the wickedest liver will but say or swear that he repenteth of Swearing , of Adultery , of Perjury , though such expressions or circumstances be such as plainly tell a present Minister , that he hath nothing like to a serious repentance , yet must this Minister be forced even in Absolute words to Absolve him from all his sins : When a Popish Confessor would require more . I do not in all this lay the fault that this Minister hath not power to keep away any of these persons , from Baptism , Confirmation , the Lords Table , Absolution , &c. but only that he hath no Power to forbear his own action and application , and leave them to others that are satisfied to do it : Nor not so much as to delay till he give a reason of his doubt to his Lord Bishop . 9. When he buryeth the dead , he hath no power to judge so far as to the performing or restraining of his own act , whether the deceased person must needs be declared and pronounced blessed . Three sorts of persons he must deny Christian burial to . 1. Those that die unbaptized , ( though they be the Children of the holiest Parents ) 2. Those that kill themselves ( though they be the faithfullest persons of godly and blameless lives , who do it in melancholy , deliration , a phrenzy , feaver , or distraction . ) 3. All that are Excommunicate , ( though by a Lay Chancellor , ) for not paying their fees , or though it be because they durst not take the Sacrament from the hands of an ignorant , ungodly , drunken Priest , to whose ministery neither they nor other of the Parish did ever consent ; or that it be the Learnedest Godly Divine that is excommunicate for dissenting from the Prelatists . But all others without any exception that are brought to Church , they must bury with a publick Declaration that they are saints , viz. [ That God in mercy hath taken to himself the soul of this our dear brother ] ( And without Holiness no man shall see God. ) ( So great difference in Holiness there is between the Holy Church of Rome and ours , that they Canonize one Saint in an age by the Pope , and we as many as are buryed by the Priest . ) Though it was the most notorious Thief or Murderer , or the most notorious Atheist , or Infidel , or Heretick , who either writeth , or preacheth or disputeth that there is no God or no life to come , or useth in his ordinary talk to mock at Christ as a deceiver , and to scorn the Scriptures as nonsence and contradiction , or though it be a Jew who professeth enmity to Christ ? Much more if it be a common blasphemer , perjured person , adulterer , drunkard , a scorner at a godly life , &c. who never professed repentance , but despised the Minister and his counsel to the last breath , yet if he be brought to the Church for buryal , the Priest must pronounce him saved in the aforesaid words , so be it he be not Excommunicate ( of which sort of late there are too great numbers risen up , in so much that the sober Prelatists themselves cry out of the growth and peril of Atheism , Infidelity , and most horrid filthiness , and profaneness . ) The words of the Canon are ( Can 68. ) [ No Minister shall refuse or delay to bury any corps that is brought to the Church or Churchyard ( convenient warning being given thereof before ) in such manner and form as is prescribed in the book of Common Prayer . And if he shall refuse — except the party deceased were denounced Excommunicated Excommunicatione majori for some grievous and notorious crime , ( and no man able to testifie of his repentance ) he shall be suspended by the Bishop of the Diocese from his Ministry by the space of three months ] But the New Rubrick in the Liturgy saith , [ The office ensuing is not to be used for any that die unbaptized , or Excommunicate , or have laid violent hands on themselves . ] The Office saith , [ Forasmuch as it hath pleased Almighty God of his great mercy to take unto himself the Soul of our dear brother here departed , &c. ] And [ We give thee hearty thanks that it hath pleased thee to deliver this our brother out of the miseries of this sinful world . ] And yet as self-contradicters and condemners , if any man do but say of one that hath been openly against the Prelates or Conformity , that he was a godly honest man , ( much more one that was against the King , and especially a downright Traitor who so lived and died impenitently ) they take it for a heinous crime , ( as in the latter case they well may do ) And yet ( except those whose quarters they set up upon the gates , or deny Christian burial to by the Magistrate , ) the poor Priest must pronounce them all at the Grave to be the Bishops dear brethren and saved as aforesaid . 10. They have no Power to give the Sacrament of Communion with Christ and his Church , to any the most Learned holy Christian , who dare not receive the Sacrament kneeling , ( for fear of bread-worship in appearance , &c. ) which ( though I think is unwarrantably scrupled , yet ) hath so much of Universality and Antiquity as maketh it ill beseeming those same men who cry up the Church Councils , Customes , and Antiquity , to cast out of Communion those that conform to all these , for so doing . For who knoweth not by Can. 20. of Concil . Nic. 1. and the consent of Antiquity , that they took it for a custome ? and tradition and Canon of the Universal Church , that none should at all adore God kneeling on any Lords day in the year , nor on any week-day between Easter and Whitsunday . 11. They have no power to forbear denying the Sacrament of Communion to any how faithful and holy soever , who is against the Diocesanes Confirmation , and is unwilling that those whom he taketh to be no true Bishops should use that which he taketh ( as used by them ) to be no true Ordinance of God , but a taking of his name in vain ; or if on any other account he be unwilling of it : For the new Rubrick is , [ There shall none be admitted to the holy Communion , until such time as he be Confirmed , or be ready and desirous to be Confirmed . ] So that it is not actual confirmation which they think necessary . But [ a Desire of Confirmation ] by the imposition of the Diocesanes hands , is made a thing necessary to Christian Church Communion . 12. As it is before said that he hath no power to judge who shall be Confirmed , and admitted into the Rank of Communicating members , so he hath no power at all effectually to keep away the grossest offenders , or to forbear his own actual putting the Sacrament into their hands . For though the Canon seem to favour his power , and the Rubrick say somewhat the same way , yet it is to be noted , 1. That whereas the Rubrick alloweth him to advertise the scandalous not to come to the Sacrament , yet it is only the contentious that have injured others and are not reconciled , whom he is plainly enabled to refuse . 2. Among those that he may advertise not to come , the grosly ignorant ( who know not what Christ or the Sacrament is ) the Atheist , Infidel and Heretick are not numbred at all ; but [ an open and notorious evil liver , or that hath done wrong to his neighbours ] 3. And if he be never so wicked , yet unless also [ The Congregation be thereby offended ] the Curate cannot hinder him , or so much as advertise him not to come . And so if only a few Godly persons be offended , they are not the Congregation ; or if the Minor part be offended , they are not the Congregation : And how shall the Minister know whether the Major part be offended : For he hath no power to ask them , much less to put it to the Vote : And the Major part will never come to him nor be accusers ? And if the Major part ( which is no wonder ) be themselves so Ignorant , Heretical , or ungodly as not to be offended , but rather to take the Sinners part , then the Curate must give them all the Sacrament , and hath no remedy . 4. And he that must not live in Taverns , Alehouses , Play-houses , or other places of wickedness ( specially if he live as Chrysostome did , who never did so much as eat with any one in his own house ) may have most of his Communicants to be abominable and flagitious , before it will be Notorious to him : for ( as is said ) He hath no power to call any to witness any thing , that are unwilling . And few will be willing to enrage their neighbours , when they foreknow that it will do more hurt than good . 5. And if he do refuse any one , he is bound to become an Informer , and to give an account of the same to the Ordinary within fouteen days at the farthest . ] Whenas , 1. Perhaps he may dwell many score miles off ; 2. And have his studies and all other business on his hands : 3. And must then bring his proofs , when he is not enabled to examine any witness nor take proof of that which to all others is notorious . 4. It is a great doubt whether the Sinner have not his remedy at Law against him to his undoing , if he lay not by all his other business to prosecute the proof to the utmost . And if he do lay by the rest of his work that while , the Bishop may undoe him or suspend him . 5. By this means he shall more exasperate the Sinners ( by prosecuting them to such a Court as the Prelates ) and harden them against all profiting by his Ministry , than if by his Pastoral office he had himself first lovingly convinced them , and suspended them only till they repent . 6. When he hath all done , if the sinner pay his fees and say , He repenteth , the Chancellor is to Absolve him : And so the Curate doth only to his own vexation and the Sinners hurt , deny him the Sacrament but once . And if the wrath or scorns of the Sinner shew that he was far from true Repentance , the Curate cannot deny him the Sacrament the next day , nor ever after , till he not only again commit the same sin ( Adultery , Perjury , Drunkenness , &c. ) but till it be again notorious , and he will be again at the same trouble in the prosecution . 7. And there are few great Parishes in England where there are no Swearers , Drunkards , Railers , Fighters , Fornicators , Adulterers , and such like enow , to hold a Curate work through the whole year to prosecute them , though he lay by almost all his other work : so that by this way , if he keep such from the Sacrament , he must keep all away by ceasing his Ministerial work . 8. The Curate cannot refuse him till he hath called and advertised him ; whereas the person may refuse to come to him , at least by pretending business and other excuses . All these things make this which seemeth his most considerable power , to be in effect but next to none . 13. The Curate hath no power when any person is obstinate and impenitent in the most notorious scandal or heresie , or endeavoureth to pervert others , to admonish him before all , that others may beware , nor to call him openly to Repentance . 14. Nor hath he any power to judge who shall be Excommunicated as impenitent , be the crime never so heinous or notorious : no not so much as to concur in this power with any Bishop , Chancellor or Presbyters ; any more than any Lay-man hath . He can but Accuse them , and so may an Apparitor or Church-warden : or Read the Bishops or Chancellors Excommunication , as he doth the Kings Proclamations , or as the Clerk doth other writings . 15. He hath no power to absolve publickly any person Excommunicated , no more than a Lay man ; but as aforesaid to read the Absolution . 16. He hath no power to forbear his own act of Reading an Excommunication against the faithfullest and most religious persons in his Parish , whom it shall please the Bishop or Chancellor to Excommunicate , ( that is , usually , a Nonconformist , or a Churchwarden who dare not swear to their large books of Articles , to persecute the Nonconformists , &c. or one that appeareth not at their Courts , or a poor man that doth not pay their fees , &c. ) The poor Curate must read the Curse against them . 17. He hath no power himself to forbear the open Reading of an Absolution of the most impenitent wicked man , whom it shall please the Chancellor to absolve . And how easily that is procured for any man , that is but Rich and Conformable , is well known . 18. The Curate hath no power so much as to Baptize the holiest believer or the Child of such , as do but fear lest it be a Sin to use the Transient Image of the Cross , as a humane symbol of Christianity , and an engaging dedicating sign , that he [ will not be ashamed to profess the faith of Christ crucified , and manfully to fight under his banner against the Devil , the world and the flesh , and to continue Christs faithful servant and souldier to his lifes end . ] If the person to be baptized were a Turk , or a Jew , who both hate Idolatry , and should be so scandalized at this Transient Image and humane Symbol , as that they would rather never be Christians or be Baptized , than receive it ; yet must the poor Priest let them go without Christianity , rather than Baptize them without this Image of a Cross , unless he will be suspended from preaching Christs Gospel to the ignorant that they may be saved . But if he will bear that , he may do what he will ; that so poor souls may be the losers . 19. If the commonest whore or wicked woman come to be Churched , as they call it , after child-bearing , the Priest must use all the Office of thanksgiving , without first expecting her repentance , as if she were the chastest person : And must give her the Sacrament . 20. To conclude , no Priest as such ( till Licensed ) hath power [ to take upon them to expound in his own Cure , or elsewhere ( and therefore not to his family , or any one of his ignorant neighbours ) any Scripture , or matter , or Doctrine ; But shall only study to Read plainly and aptly , without glossing or adding the Homilies , &c. ] Are these Authorized Priests , that may not so much as tell a Child the meaning of his Catechism , or any Article of the Faith ? No though an ignorant person ask him ? The Priests lips should preserve knowledge , and the Law should be enquired of at his mouth , for he is the messenger of the Lord of hosts . But an English Priest may not expound any Matter , Scripture , or Doctrine but barely Read , till the Bishop License him . Obj. If they be not able , it will do more harm than good . Answ . Will the righteous God be always mocked ? and suffer men to make merchandice of Souls , and to vilifie them and set them at cheaper rates than they would do a goose , a pig , or a dog ? Is this a fit answer for those that are their Ordainers ? under whose examination and hands all men enter into the Ministery ? Will they say that they can get no better ? What , not when they have made so many Canonical Engines to keep out better ? What , not when such as Cartwright , Hildersham , Amesius , Parker , Dod , Ball , &c. are cast out as unworthy ? When so many hundred were silenced in Queen Elizabeth and King James's days ; and Eighteen Hundred of us now ? When the Bishops have got so many Laws to hinder us from Preaching in publick and private , and to banish us five miles from all Cities , Corporations , and places where we have preached ? When none but their sworn Curates , Subscribers , Declarers , &c. may preach , yet can they get no better ? Will they keep up a Ministry whom they will themselves so ignominiously stigmatize , as to tell the world , that none of them all , as Presbyters , may be endured to expound any Scripture , Doctrine , or Matter , but barely to Read ? Yea as if they would disswade them from all Learning of Humanity or Divinity as needless or hurtful things , they say [ he shall only study to Read plainly and aptly . ] So that he that studieth for any more than to Read , doth break the Canons of the Prelatical Church . Also a Priest as such hath no power to judge what Garments he shall wear , nor of what colour at home or abroad . He hath no power to judge in what house he may instruct or pray with any of his flock : nor when so much as with his Church in publick , or with any sick or afflicted neighbour in private , to Fast and Pray : But they are all straitly forbidden to preach or administer the Sacraments , ( except to the sick ) in private houses : To preach or officiate in any room save a Consecrated Chappel , even in a Noblemans house ; To keep publick or private fasts ; To give the Sacrament to any that are not of their own Parish , at least if they go from their own Priest , because he never studied more than to Read : They have not power to admit any other , how Learned and Holy soever , to preach in their Churches , as Presbyters , without Licence . All these shew their Priestly power . Obj. But a Surrogate may Excommunicate . Answ . 1. That is but ludicrous pro forma . 2. Or else it is but their self-condemnations while they allow one Presbyter of a thousand , to do that which all the rest are forbidden . The same I say of Arch-deacons , and peculiar Ordinaries . Object . They make Canons in Convocations , and choose Convocation Priests . Answ . 1. It is but two Priests of many hundred that are in a Convocation : And what 's that to all the rest . 2. Choosing is not a Governing act . Where the people choose Kings and Parliament men , it proveth not that they have any Government themselves . The Laity ever formerly chose their Bishops , and yet were no Bishops nor Church Rulers . 3. It is in the Bishops power to frustrate their choice . For when they have chosen four , he may put by two of them . In this great Convocation which hath new moulded our Liturgy , which hath formed the Engines that have done what is done , the great and famous City of London had not one chosen Clerk in the Convocation . ( No wonder then if they Conform not , as not being bound by their own Consent ) For when they chose Mr. Calamy and my self , the Bishop refused us both ( which I am so far from mentioning in discontent , that I take it to have been a greater Mercy than I can well express ) 4. I take not Canon-making to be any considerable part of the Pastoral Office. If two of many hundred , have power to please the Plural Number of Prelates , Deans , and other Dignitaries ( whom they cannot over-vote ) by serving them against the Church and their Brethren , doth that prove that Presbyters as such have the Governing power of their flocks ? I am not striving for a power of Ruling one another , much less of Excommunicating Kings and Magistrates , nor a power of making Laws , or Ruling Neighbour Churches : But only a power of Guiding their own flocks , and judging of their own actions . Yea , and that not as Ungoverned or without Appeals : But as Ruled by Magistrates , consociated for Concord with other Pastors , and Ruling Volunteers . And if Archbishops also Rule them by Gods Laws , we shall submit . CHAP. XVII . That the great change of Government hitherto described ( the making of new species of Churches , a new Episcopacy , and a new sort of half-sub-presbyters , with the Deposition of the old , ) was sinfully done , and not according to the intent of the Apostles . THere are two pretences ( and no more that I know of ) made to justifie all this foredescribed change . The first is by Dr. Hammond when he was hard put to it at last , in answer to the London Ministers , which is , That Subpresbyters were Ordained in Saint John's time , and therefore by him . The second is ordinary , that though de facto the Apostles setled but single Pastors ( without Sub-presbyters at least ) over single Churches or Assemblies , yet this was not done with an Obligatory purpose , for the so fixing of it ; But only de facto , pro tempore , as a State of immaturity , with a purpose and intent , that it should grow up to the change of this at maturity . I. To the first Pretence I answer . 1. What probability is there that one Apostle when all the rest were dead should make so great a change in their Church Orders ? Either it was part of the Apostolical Commission and work to settle Church Offices and orders for Government , or not . ( as to the species , if Christ had not before done it ; or to settle it by revealing what Christ did command them ; either from Christ's mouth , or the Spirits inspiration , to ●●tle the Catholick Church , as Moses did the Jewish . ) If it were none of their Commissioned Office work , then it was none of John's : And then it is done so as may be yet undone . But if it were John's work it was Theirs ; And if theirs , why did they not perform it ? Even while they had that promise , Matth. 15. 20 , 21. Where two or three are gathered together in my Name , &c. And , If two of you agree of a thing , &c. If you say that there was no need till they were all dead , I answer , It is a Fiction . The greatest numerous Church at Jerusalem , had more need of more than One to officiate among them , ( and so had Ephesus , Antioch , Coritnb , &c. ) than most Churches else had in St. John's days . And were all the Apostles so negligent and forgetful ? 2. What proof is there that St. John did make this change ? It is either by Scripture that it is proved , or by History . 1. Not by Scripture : For 1. No Scripture mentioneth S. John's doing it . 2. Dr. Hammond and his followers confess that it was not done ( as can be proved ) in Scripture times . And Chronologers suppose that there was but a year or two , between his death , and the end of Scripture times , that is , the writing of his Apocalypse . And is it probable that he began so great a Change the last year of his life ? 2. And History maketh no mention of it at all . ( For I am ashamed to answer their nonconcluding reason , from St. John's bringing a young prodigal to a Presbyter to be educated , or his Ordaining Presbyters , when it is no more than is said of the other Apostles . ) Let them give us , if they can , any Satisfactory proof , that S. John alone , a year or two ere he died , made this new species of Presbyters and Churches , that we may believe it to be of God. But blind presumptions we dare not trust . 3. None of the Ancient Churches , Councils or Doctors ( that ever I could find ) did ever hold that Subpresbyters were instituted by St. John alone , and these changes made by him : How then shall we think that men of yesterday can tell us without them , and better than they , and contrary to them , the history of those times ? 4. By as good a course as this , what humane corruption may not be defended , and Scripture supposed insufficient to notifie Gods Church-institutions to us ? When there is nothing said in Scripture for them , the Papists or others may say that S. John made this or that Change when all the rest were dead : But why must we believe them ? 5. And the Church hath rejected this plea already long ago . When Papias pleaded that he had the Millenary Doctrine from St. John himself , and when the Eastern Churches pretended his Authority for their time of Easters observation ; here was incomparably a fairer shew of St. John's Authority than is produced by Dr. H. in the present case : And yet both were over-ruled by the Consent of the Churches . II. And that it cannot be proved to be the Apostles intentions that their establishment herein should be but temporary , and left to the will of man to change , I have largely proved in my Disput . 1. of Church Government long ago . I now only say , 1. That which the Apostles did in execution of a Commission of Christ , for which he promised and gave them his infallible Spirit , was the work of Christ himself and the Spirit , and not to be changed but by an Authority equal to that which did it . But such was the setling of the species of Churches and Elders . Ergo — &c. The Commission is before recited from Scripture , and so is the promise and gift of the Spirit to perform it . 2. Where there is full proof of a Divine Institution by the Apostles , and no proof of a purpose that men should afterward change it , or that this institution should be but for a time , and then cease ; there that Institution is to be supposed to stand in force , and the repeal , cessation , or allowed mutation to befeigned . But there is full proof of a Divine institution by the Apostles that Preesbyters with the power of Government were placed over single Churches ( and no other saith Dr. H. ) And there is no proof brought us at all , of either Repeal , Cessation , or Allowance for mutation — Ergo &c. — They confess de facto all that we desire , viz. 1. That there was then none but single Churches or Congregations under one Bishop . 2. That there were no Subpresbyters . Let them now prove the Allowance of a Change. 3. That supposition is not to be granted which leaveth nothing sure in the Christian Churches and Religion : But such is the supposition of a change of the Apostles Orders in these points . Ergo. If the after times may change these Orders , who can prove that they may not change all things else of supernatural institution ? As the Lords day , Baptism , the Lords Supper , the Bible , the Ministry yet remaining , &c. And if so , nothing is sure , Object . Christ himself instituted these , and therefore they may not be changed . Answ . 1. It was not Christ himself that wrote the Scripture , but his servants by his Spirit . 2. Christ himself did that mediately which his Apostles did by his Mandate and Spirit . Matth. 28. 20. The Spirit was given them to bring all things to their remembrance which he had spoken to them . And to cause them to Teach the Churches all things which Christ had commanded them . And as Christ made the Sin against the Holy Ghost to be greater than that which was but directly against his humanity , and as he promised his Disciples that by that Spirit they should do greater works than his , so that which his Spirit in them did establish , was of no less authority , than if Christ had personally established it . 4. By this rule the Prelates themselves may be yet taken down by as good authority as the Apostles other settlement was changed : For if it was done by Humane Authority , there is yet as great Humane power to make that further change : Wherever they place it , in Kings , Bishops , or Councils , they may yet put down Bishops , by as good authority as they put down what the Apostles set up ; and may set up more new orders still , by as good authority as they set up these half-presbyters : And so the Church shall change as the Moon . 5. That which is accounted a reproach to all Governours is not without proof to be imputed to God , and his inspired Apostles . But to make oft and sudden changes of Government , is accounted a reproach to all Governours : Ergo — For it is supposed that they wanted either foresight and wisdom to know what was to be done , or Power to maintain it . To make Laws and se● up Churches , Officers , and Orders , this year , and to take them down , and set up new ones a few years after , seemeth levity and mutability in man : And therefore must not without cause and proof be ascribed to God. And the rather because that Moses Laws had stood so long , and the taking down of them was a scandal very hardly born : And if the Apostles that did it , should set up by the Spirit others in their stead , to continue but till they died , this would be more strange and increase the offence . 6. There was no sufficient change of the Reason of the thing , Therefore there was no sufficient reason to change the thing it self ( if Prelates had had Authority to do it . ) If you say , That in Scripture times there were not worthy men enow , to make Subpresbyters and Bishops both of : I answer , It is notoriously false , by what Scripture speaketh , 1. Of the large pourings out of the Spirit in those times : 2. Of the many Prophets , Teachers , Interpreters , and other inspired speakers which were then in one Congregation , Act. 13. 1 , 2. And 1 Cor. 14. Insomuch that at Corinth Paul was put to limit them in the number of speakers , and the exercise of their gifts . 2. And it 's known by history and the great paucity of Writers in the next age , that when those miraculous gifts abated , there was a greater paucity of fit Teachers , proportionably to the number of Churches , than before . 3. And who can prove that if there had been more men , the Apostles would have made a new Order of Presbyters , and not only more of the same Order ? 2. Obj. But the Churches grew greater after than before ? Answ . 1. Where was there three Churches in the whole world for 300 years so numerous as the Church at Jerusalem is said to have been in Scripture ? 2. If the Churches were more numerous , why might they not have been distributed into more particular Churches ? 3. Or how prove you that Presbyters should not rather have been increased in the number of the same Order , than a new Order invented ? 4. This contradicts the former objection : For if that Churches were so small and few before , it 's like there might have been the more gifted persons spared to have made two Orders in a Church . 5. And what if in Constantine's days the Churches grew yet greater , than they did in the second , or third age compared to the Apostles ? will it follow that still more new Orders may be devised , as Subpriests were ? 7. There are worser reasons of the change too visible : And therefore it is not to be imputed to a secret unproved mental intention of the Apostles . In Christs own time , even the Apostles themselves strove , who should be the greatest . False Apostles afterward troubled Paul by striving for a superiority of reputation . Diotrephes loved to have the preeminence . Sect-masters rose up in the Apostles days : Acts 20. 30. Of your own selves shall men arise , speaking perverse things , to draw away disciples after them . Some caused Divisions and Offences contrary to the Doctrine which they had learned , Rom. 16. 17. In Clem. Rom. time the Church of Corinth was contending about Episcopacy and superiority , even Lay-men aspiring to the chair . Peter seemeth to foresee what Pastors would do , when he forewarneth them not to Lord it over Gods heritage , 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. Victor quickly practised the contrary when he Excommunicated the Asian Bishops . See Grotius his complaint of the early and ancient pride , contention , and tyranny of the Bishops , De Imper. sum . Pot. p. 360 , 361. Novatian with Novatus quickly shewed this spirit ( if they be not wronged ) at Rome and Carthage ; and so did Felicissimus and his partners against Cyprian . What stirrs were there for many ages between the Cecilians and the Donatists ? What horrid work was there at the Concil . Ephes . 1. And Concil Chalcedon . & Concil . Eph. 2. between the contending Bishops on each side ? The reading of the Acts would make a Christians face to blush . What strife between Anthymius and Basil for a larger Diocese ? What work against Nazianzen to cast him out of Constantinople ? What sad exclamations maketh he against Synods , and against these Names and Titles of preeminence and higher seats , wishing the Church had never known them ? And yet he was angry with his friend Basil for placing him in so small a Bishoprick as Sosunis . What abundance of Epistles doth Isidore Pelusiota write to Eusebius the Bishop and Sosimus and the other wicked Priests , detecting and reproving their malignity , drunkenness , and horrid wickedness ? And how sharply doth he lament that a faithful Ministry is degenerate into carnal formal Tyranny , and that the Bishops adorned the Temples under the name of the Church , while they maligned and persecuted the Godly who are the Church indeed ? How lamentable a description doth Sulpit. Severus give of the whole Synods of Bishops that followed Ithacius and Idacius ? And in particular of Ithacius himself , as a fellow that made no conscience of what he said : And what did Martin think of them who avoided all their Communions to the death , and would never come to any of their Synods ? Especially because by stirring up the Magistrate against the Priscillianists , they had taught the vulgar fury to abuse and reproach any man that did but read , and pray , and fast , and live strictly , as if he were to be suspected of Priscillianism ( which Hooker himself complaineth of , Pref. ) And Ambrose also did avoid them . What bloody work did Cyril and his party make at Alexandria ? What a man was Theophilus after him ? What work made he against Chrysostom ? What a Character doth Socrates give of him ? What insolence and furious zeal did Epiphanius shew in the same cause , in thrusting himself into the Church of Chrysostom to stir up his hearers to forsake him ? Hierom had a finger in the same cause : His quarrels with Johan Hierosol . with Ruffinus , his abusive bitterness against Vigilantius , &c. are well known . The multitudes of Canons for preserving the grandeur of Patriarchs , and Metropolitanes , and Prelates , on one side , and for keeping small Cities without Bishops , ne vilescat nomen Episcopi , and for restraining Pride , self-exaltation , enlargement of Diocese , encroachment on each other , on the other side , do all shew the diseases that needed such a Cure , or that had such a vent . In a word the Bishops never ceased contending , partly for their several opinions and errours ; and partly for preeminence and rule , till they had brought it to that pass as we see it at this day , between Rome and Constantinople , and the most of the Christian world . From all which it is most apparent that Pride and Contention were cured but in part in the Pastors of the Churches : And that the remaining part was so strong and operative , as maketh it too credible that there were ill causes enow for enlarging of Dioceses and getting many Churches into one mans power , and setting up a new Order of half-subpresbyters ; And that the event of such a change is no proof that it was the Intent of the Apostles , that this change should be made when they were dead ; no more than you can prove that all this turbulent pride and strife was intended by them . If any say , that it is not probable that so soon after the Apostles all the Churches would conspire in such an error : I answer , If all these things before mentioned were not done , or if matter of known fact may be denied as improbable , then that objection hath some sence . To which I add , 8. I have proved that this change was not made at once , but by slow degrees : No nor made so soon as is pretended , nor so universally , but in long time , except at Alexandria and Rome ; It was long before the Churches knew it . 9. And I think none will deny but other things were taken up as the Traditions of the Apostles , and all the Churches customes , which yet are now rejected as no such thing . To say no more of Easter and the Millennium , there were five ceremonies which were accounted the Churches universal customes , and traditions , and none was to omit , viz. not kneeling in adoration on the Lords days , Adoring towards the East , the White Garment , the Milk and Honey and the Chrism to the Baptized : But were these such ? Socrates , Sozomen , and Nicephorus tell us great Reasons to believe that ( whatever some say ) the time of Easter , the Fast of Lent , and many other observances , and among others the largeness or smallness of Dioceses , were no Laws of God or the Apostles , but usages voluntarily and diversly taken up , in several places , in which no Christians should condemn each other , but allow a liberty of dissent and difference , without breach of Charity or peace . 10. Moreover it is a clear proof that the Apostles intended no such change , in that they left no Rule , Instructions or Directions for it , nor for the calling of the new sort of Presbyters , nor for their performance of their places . They left full directions for the Ordination and Regulation of Bishops , called Pesbyters , and for Deacons , not leaving out so much as Deaconesses ; And would they have wholly omitted all instructions for the new order of Presbyters , and Prelates , &c. if they had intended them ? 11. To put all out of controversie , God hath told us that his setled orders are for continuance . Eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13. Such Offices as Christ hath given to the Church , are for the perfecting of the Saints , for the work of the Ministry , for the edifying of the Body of Christ , till we all come to the unity of the Faith , and the knowledge of the Son of God , to a perfect man , &c. If God do give some to lay the foundation , and some to build thereon , yet he leaveth not men to make new Officers besides all these , to do his appointed work . Timothy had charge to propagate the same Doctrine , and the same Church orders , even to the coming of Christ , 1 Tim. 6. 13 , 14. 2 Tim. 2. 2. and 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1. 5. Heb. 10. 23 , 24 , 25. But of this I desire the Reader to see full proofs in my 2. sheet for the Ministry . 12. Lastly , the holy Scripture is a perfect standing Rule for all things necessary to Salvation , and Divine Faith and duty , and to Church worship and Communion . If not , what is ? And where shall we find it ? And what stop shall we make of our additions , if there be no Law or Rule to govern the universal Church ? And who are they that have power to Rule the Church universal ? See my Key for Catholicks , against the claim of Pope and General Councils . But if it be , then the adding and altering is presumption , except in circumstantials which God hath left to mans determination : And then why must we swear never to alter unnecessary circumstances , were they such ? CHAP. XVIII . The fourth Argument , From the Impossibility of their performance of the Episcopal Office , in a Diocesane Church ; And the certain exclusion and destruction of true particular Church Government , while one man only will undertake a work too great for many hundreds . ALI that I have said hitherto is far short of this one Argument , from the notorious unquestionable mischiefs which the opposed frame of Prelacy doth infer ; not probably , but certainly ; not only where Bishops are bad , but with the best ; not in some Churches , but in all . ARGUMENT IV. That Form of Prelacy is not lawful and to be sworn to , which maketh the Episcopal Office impossible to be performed , and certainly destroyeth and nullifieth true particular Church Government wherever it obtaineth . But such is the opposed frame . None will deny the Major but the Erastians , who think that the Magistrate only is the Church Governour ( which as to forcing Government is true ) And they that so think , must needs be against Bishops otherwise than as they are Preachers or Magistrates . Therefore I may let them pass . The Minor I am to prove by parts . It must be remembred , that I have shewed how great the Dioceses are , and that no work proper to the Office of a Bishop can be done by a Lay-man , or any but a Bishop . And have prevented the pretence of doing it per alios . And now I must shew more fully than in the former breviate , what the work of a Bishop is ; And then you shall see whether it be not impossible . And lest you think I precisely feign more work than God hath put upon them , I will take it out of Scripture and Dr. Hammonds Annotations . I. The Teaching of the Flock . II. The Priestly worshipping of God with them . III. The Government of them by Discipline , are the three parts of the Bishops Office , as hath been proved . I. The Teaching of the Flock is , 1. Publick Teaching them in their Sacred Assemblies , by expounding and applying the word of God. 1 Pet. 5. 2 , 3. Feed the flock of God which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , &c. saith Dr. Hammond , [ The Bishops of your several Churches , I exhort — take care of your several Churches and govern them , &c. ] Heb. 13. Remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of God. Dr. H. [ Set before your eyes the Bishops and Governours that have been in your Church and preached the Gospel to you — ] Acts 20. 7. Upon the first day of the week when the Disciples came together to break bread , Paul preached to them — ] Matth. 24. 45 , 46. Who then is a faithful and wise servant whom his Lord hath made ruler over his houshold to give them meat in due season . ] 1 Thes . 5. 12. We beseech you brethren to know them that labour among you and are over you in the Lord and admonish you , and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake . ] D. H. [ Pay ( your Bishops ) as great a respect as is possible for the pains they have taken among you . ] 1 Tim. 5. 17. The Elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , especially they that labour in the word and doctrine . ] D. H. [ Let the Bishops that have discharged that function well , receive for their Reward twice as much as others have , especially those that preach the Gospel to whom it was news , and also continue to instruct congregations of Christians in setled Churches . ] 1 Tim. 3. 2. A Bishop must be — apt to teach . ] D. H. [ One that is able and ready to communicate to others the knowledge that himself hath . ] 2 Tim. 4. 1 , 2. I charge thee before God and the Lord Jesus Christ who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing , and his kingdom , preach the word , be instant in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine . ] See Dr. H. Annot. And can one Bishop be the publick Teacher of a thousand , a hundred , or many Churches : Can he feed them , and give them their meat in due season ? where one of a thousand never heard his voice nor saw his face ? Is the flock with them or among them ? Can you say to his Diocese , I beseech you know the Bishop that laboureth among you and admonisheth you , and esteem him highly in love for his works sake ? Will they not say you mock them , and that they cannot know him whom they never saw ; nor love him for his work and admonition among them , that never was among them , that never workt with them , that never admonisht them ; but only that one of many hundred saw him , and heard a Visitation Sermon in one City or market Town once in three years , or a year at most . Must many hundred Congregations that never heard him , give him double honour that preacheth sometime to one Congregation a hundred or twenty miles from them , and this as their Instructing Elder ? Judge of the possibility of this . 2. The Bishops are also bound to private helps , instruction , counsel , and to watch over all the flock , and every particular member of them ; as a Father must look to every Child , and a shepherd to every sheep , and a Physician to every Patient . Acts 20. 20 , 28 , 31. I taught you publickly and from house to house — Take heed therefore to your selves and to all the flock over which the holy Ghost hath made you Overseers , to feed the Church of God , which he hath purchased with his own bloud — Therefore watch , and remember that by the space of three years , I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears ] D. H. [ Instructing both in the Synagogues , and in private Schools , and in your several houses whither I also came — Wherefore ye that are Bishops or Governours of the several Churches , — look to your selves and the Churches committed to your trust , to rule and order all the faithful Christians under you . ] Col. 1. 28. Whom we preach , warning every man , and teaching every man in all wisdom , that we may present every man perfect in Christ Jesus . ] Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as those that must give account . ] D. H. [ Obey those that are set to Rule over your several Churches , the Bishops , whose whole care is spent among you , as being to give an account of your proficiency in the Gospel . ] I before cited Ignatius telling the Bishop that he must enquire after every one by name , even servants and maids . And Dr. Jer. Taylor who saith , No man can be accountable for them that he knoweth not ( or cannot know . ) Now is it possible for a Bishop to do this : To instruct , oversee , counsel , one of many hundreds of the flock ? who know him no more than one in another kingdom ? Is this pastoral teaching of particular Souls , to have an Apparitor call one of a thousand when he Conformeth not , or offendeth , to a Chancellors Court ; How little know they what the work of a Pastor is that think so ? 3. Bishops must teach the flock by their own visible example ; By holy speaking and holy living before their flocks . Heb. 13. 7. [ Remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of God , whose faith follow , considering the end of their conversations . ] D. H. [ Set before your eyes the Bishops — observe their manner of living . ] If it were the Pope at Rome , we might cast a conjecture by the report of that great liar fame , Because it is a place that we hear often from in the Curranto's and Gazets : But no Ga●et telleth us of the life of our Bishop . And how shall those observe their manner of living , who know not whether they be alive or dead , till a Minister is to be silenced , or a new Bishop doth succeed the old ? You may as well bid us observe how they live in the West-Indies . 1 Pet. 1. 5. 3. Neither as being Lords over Gods Heritage ( or having dominion over your charges ) but being ensamples to the Flock . ] D. H. [ Walking Christianly and exemplarily before them . ] What! before them that never saw or heard them ? Before men of another Countrey , that may swear and not repent with Peter , We know not the man ? What! be examples to them that are out of the notice of their words and lives ? But if really you think that fame is sufficient , 1. It must be of persons and things not too far off . 2. It must be in a Golden age or another world , where good men are not hated and calumniated , and where bad men if Great are not extolled , and where false reports be not easily believed and reported ; where a vile person is contemned , and those that fear the Lord are honoured ; Where the faithfullest Pastors are not the object of Great mens jealousie , of bad mens malice , of dissenters and contentious mens backbitings and reproch , and are not made the drunkards song , nor the scorn and off-scouring of all things , and where he that reproveth or departeth from evil , doth not make himself a prey ; or at least where malignity , worldliness , and lying are not the predominant humours of the Age. When you have secured us of a true fame , we will make the example of a stranger of another land or Diocese , ( as soon as one of this Diocese as strange to us ) the exemplar of our lives . 4. Another part of the Bishops work is to preach to those without that are uncalled , as he hath opportunity : To labour in the word and Doctrine , 1 Tim. 5. 17. saith Dr. H. To preach the Gospel to whom it was news : which made Dr. Downam and other Prelatists say That the City and Territories are their Diocese even when few of them are converted , that they may first convert them and then govern them ; and Dr. H. to Note out of Clem. Rom. that they are made Bishops over the Infidels that should after believe . And doubtless they must do their best to call the unbelieving and impenitent to Christ . And how much of this will a Bishop have time to do , that hath the work of a Diocese of Christians on his hands ? 5. It is the work of a Bishop to Baptize , or at least to judge of those that are to be Baptized , Matth. 28. 19. Go and disciple me all nations baptizing them . And Dr. H. thinketh that no Presbyter , but Bishops baptized in Scripture time , because there were then no other existent . And it is too evident in Antiquity ( by what I before cited ) that no child or aged person was usually baptized without a Bishop ( when Bishops came up , ) at least they used to anoint their nostrils , &c. with holy oyl . And doubtless they that Baptized or admitted to baptism , did examine them of their faith , and resolutions , before they took them into the Covenant and Vow of God. And how many hundreds in a year can the Bishop do this for , besides all his other work ? 6. It is by the English Canons and Rubrick the Bishops duty to confirm all that were baptized : many think it is meant in Heb. 6. 1 , 2. Our Bishops take it for a proper part of their work . And they that must confirm them according to our Liturgy , must know their understanding , and receive their profession of their faith , and standing to their Baptismal Covenant , which requireth some time and labour with each one , for him that will not make a mockery of it . Look into the Bills of London , which tell you how many are born every week ; and thence conjecture how many hundreds in a year the Bishop hath in that Diocese to Confirm , and consequently in other Dioceses proportionably ? Or if that will not inform you , try over England where you come , how many are ( though but cursorily as a hasty ceremony ) confirmedat all ? Whether it be one of many hundreds ? And set this to the rest of the Bishops work . 7. It is the Bishops work to defend the truth against gainsayers , to confute and stop the mouths of Hereticks and contradicters , and confirm the troubled and wavering minded in the faith : not by fire and sword , nor by a quick prohibition of others to preach ; but by sober conferences , and weight of evidence , and by Epistles as Paul did , when they are not at hand , yea even to other Churches : and as one that is gentle to all men , apt to teach , patient , in meekness instructing them that oppose themselves , if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth , 2 Tim. 2. 24 , 25. And shall the Bishop do this for many hundred Churches ? While he is defending the poor flock against Papists , Quakers , Arrians , Socinians , Infidels ( alas how numerous are the deceivers ! ) at Newark , or Gainsborough , or Boston , what shall they all do between that and Barnet , or the remotest part of Buckinghamshire ? II. The second part of the Bishops office is to be the peoples Priestly guides in Gods worship : principally in the publick Assemblies , and oft in private , viz. 1. To confess the peoples sins and their own : To be their own and the Churches mouth in prayer , thanksgiving and the praises of the Lord. And in how many hundred Congregations at once will they do this ? 2. To consecrate and distribute the Sacrament of Communion ; and consequently to discern who are fit for it . And in how many Churches at once will he do this ? 3. To bless the Congregation at the end of every meeting . All these I have before proved that the ancient Bishops did ; and Dr. Hammond saith , No other in Scripture times ; And what Ubiquitary shall do this . 4. And in private it is the Bishop that must visit the sick , that must be sent for by them all , and must pray with them . As Dr. H. at large proveth , Annot. in Jam. 5. I have told you before how well and for how many he is able to do this , in one of our Dioceses . If that serve not turn , I pray you if you are foreigners , ask English men what number it is of sick men in a Diocese that are visited and prayed with by the Bishop ? Compare them with the Bills of Mortality in London , and judge proportionably of the rest , whether he visit one of many thousands of such as die , to say nothing of all the sick that do recover . 5. And it is the Bishops work to receive all the offerings , first-fruits , tythes , and other maintenance of the Church , as the Canons before cited say . And see Dr. H. on Act. 2. c. and Act. 4. 33 , 34 , 35 , &c. 6. It was the Bishops work to take care of all the Poor , Orphans , Widows , Strangers , as the Canons cited shew ; And Dr. H. on 1 Cor. 12. 28. c. saith [ The supreme trust a●d charge was reserved to the Apostles and Bishops of the Church . ] So in Can. 41. Apost . A Bishop must have the care of the moneys , so that by his power all be dispensed to the poor , &c. where he citeth Just . Mart. and Polycarp . for a particular care . I have before told you that if the poor of every parish be not relieved till the Bishop take notice of them , few of the poor in England would be any more for Bishops , than for famine , nakedness , and death . III. But the principal thing which I reckon impossible , and is , and must be destroyed by Diocesanes , is the Government of all the particular Churches , ( or Parishes ) in the Dio●●se . Where note , 1. That I speak not of the Magistrates Government , 2. No● of that General Inspection by which an Archbishop or General Pastor overseeth the inferiour Bishops with their flocks , as a general Officer doth the Regiments and Troops in his Army , which have Colonels and Captains of their own . But I speak of the particular Church Government of the Bishops of single Churches , like that of Captains over their own troops , or rather Schoolmasters in their several Schools . And I the rather mention this because Bishops making it more proper to themselves , than Teaching or Worship , must hold , ( were they consistent with themselves ) that they can less delegate it to others . The exercise of the Keys are 1. For entrance by Baptism . 2. By confirmation ( rightly understood , as in a peculiar Treatise I have opened it ) 3. By Reproof , Consolation , Excommunication , and Absolution of particular persons , which I am now to speak of . Where distinctly note I. What the work is Materially , II. In what manner it must be done , III. On how great a number of persons . I. 1. To receive accusations and informations of all the great and perilous heresies , crimes , and scandals in the Diocese . 2. To judge of the credibility of the witnesses ( hardly done by a stranger ) and of the validity of their proofs . For Councils themselves have petitioned the Emperours , that ungodly persons might not be witnesses , who make so small a matter of other sins , as that they may be supposed to make but little of false witnessing . Else an Atheist or Infidel or man of no conscience ( as he never need to miss of Church preferment , for want of conforming to mens wills , so ) he may be master of the ●ame , liberty , and lives of all honest men , at his pleasure , and govern them that govern Church and State. Therefore Bishops themselves must difference between witnesses : And to say , I know an honest man that knoweth an honest man that saith they are honest men , is a poor satisfaction in comparison of personal knowledge . Much less to trust the whole trial to another . 3. He must hear the accused person speak for himself . For there is no judging till both are heard . 4. He must rebuke false accusers , and justifie the innocent , and vindicate their good name . 5. He must by convincing arguments and melting affections , labour to bring the sinner to Repentance . 6. He must desire the Church to be witnesses of his faithful admonitions , and to avoid the like crimes and impenitence themselves , and to pray God to give Repentance to the offender . 7. He must publickly declare the impenitent excommunicate , and bind him over to answer it at the bar of God , and set Gods terrors before his Conscience . 8. He must try and judge of the Truth of the Repentance of those that say they do repent ( where all the ancient rigorous Penances came in . ) And not trust every incredible saying , I Repent . 9. He must receive those publickly into the Church that truly repent , or credibly profess to do so ; and must comfort him with the declaration of the pardon of his sin . 10. He must perswade the Church to receive him into their affections and Christian Communion , and to esteem and use him as a Brother again . II. And as to the Manner , all this must be done , 1. with great Prudence and discretion ; else the Church may soon be set on fire , ( as by a confession of a Deacons adulteries at Constantinople , &c. ) 2. It must be done with deliberation and throughest acquaintance and information of the truth : else rash and hasty judgments , and believing knaves will disgrace the Bishop , and injure the just , and gratifie the wicked , & breed uncurable breaches between so unjust a Bishop and the flock . 3. It must be done with the greatest seriousness , reverence , and gravity ; As knowing that the honour of God and Religion and the Church lieth on it , and the comfort or recovery of the souls of men , and the preservation of the rest . It is not a Chancellors check , nor saying , do you repent , and will you pay your fees , that dispatcheth such a work as this . It requireth much skill , and time and patience . Poor sinners must not be taken in a passion ; nor is it imperious frowns that melt men into true Repentance : The opening of the nature of the sin , and the aggravation , not reproachfully but convincingly ; the awakening of a secure hardened sinner , with the terrors of the Lord ; the drawing him home by the opening of the motives of Love and mercy ; do all require greater skill , and holiness , and love to Souls , than most Bishops have that ever I was acquainted with ; much more than a Lay Chancellor hath , who is the man that doth the work , that never pretended to be a Divine . I must profess for my own part , that when I did this with others for one Parish , it called for more skill , and holy affections , and consequently more convinced me of my weakness , by far , than publick preaching to the people . The heart of an honest judge will be turned within him , before he pass the sentence of death on an offender . And before we pass the sentence of Excommunication , our bowels must yearn over poor souls , and all means be tried to recover them . And here it is not the clearest witness of the crime that will serve turn : For men are not to be excommunicated for any ordinary crime , unless it have impenitency and obstinacy added to it . And therefore the work of the Bishop is ( not like a secular Court to judge only of the fact and fault , but ) to judge of mens repentance or Impenitence . And that is a thing that cannot be done by a few Lordly awful words . You will say , Because of all this we judge that ordinary Priests are not to be trusted with so great a work , but a few wise and Reverend Prelates . Ans . 1. I never yet knew the best Bishop that was to be compared for ability in this work to many a Parish Minister that I have known : Nor did I ever know One Bishop tolerably fit for it , who had not for a considerable time been a laborious Parish Minister . Those that come from the Universities to be Noblemens and Bishops Chaplains , and so get the Tythes of two or three rich Benefices , and then are made Prebends , Deans , and Masters of Colledges ; and then he made Bishops , may read , and talk of all this work ; but know no more what it is indeed than I know how to build an house . 2. An experienced Minister that liveth upon the place and knoweth all the persons and witnesses , hath incomparable advantage above a strange Prelate . 3. One that is their familiar and ordinary Teacher , whom they neither contemn , nor fear with a carnal awe , for fear of punishment , may discern whether Repentance be credibly serious ; which he that aweth them by greatness and terror shall never know : For almost all the veriest beasts will there profess Repentance , though they come home with redoubled malice against the persons that would have reformed them : Only a man that believeth he is in the right will incur the Bishops wrath for not confessing that he is in the wrong . 4. But yet our Caution is far greater than the Bishops ; For because this requireth so much skill and faithfulness , we would have no one Man trusted with it ( except in a case of necessity , when a Church can have no more ) For in the multitude of Counsellers is safety : We would have every Church have a Consessus of Presbyters ( and if one be a Bishop we contend not against it ) And we would have it done in the presence of the Seniors of the flock , who know the persons ; that so if one should want skill or trustiness , he might be helpt by others , or hindred from doing wrong . And if all this will not do , we would have the next Synod of neighbour Pastors to have a final audience of the case . And now let any thing except utterly blinding Pride and Partiality be judge ; WHETHER A CONSESSVS OF MINISTERS IN THE PRESENCE OF THE SENIORS OF THE FLOCK , WHO ALL KNOW THE PERSONS , be not liker to JUDGE RIGHTLY IN ONE PARISH , where also a neighbour Synod may review the case , than ONE STRANGE PRELATE or CHANCELLOR FOR A DIOCESE OF MANY CHURCHES , WHERE HE KNOWETH NOT THE PERSONS : Especially when this Chancellor and all the Proctors and Officers of the Courts do live ( in wealth ) upon the Trade , and therefore must manage it as a trade : When in the way that we desire , no Presbyter , nor Synod , should have one farthing for all his pains , but his comfort in obeying God , and end cavouring the Churches good and mens salvation . Alas Lord , How long shall Christs enemies be the Pastors of his flocks ? and the seed of the serpent be the great instruments that must break the serpents head , and the lovers of sin be they that must be the suppressers of it , and those employed to teach men knowledge , who themselves will not know , and to preach up holiness who cannot endure it ? To willing minds these things are plain . Church Discipline hath its effect on the Consciences of men , and these things take as they come with spiritual life , light and love . We see in our Preaching , how much all work is lost , which is done proudly , unskilfully and marred in the manner . And true Pastoral discipline must work just as Preaching must do , it being but a more particular application of the same word , to persons and carses . Athanasius Patriarcha Constantinop ▪ in his fifth Epistle for the residence of Bishops ( Bibl. Patr. T. 3. p. 159. ) saith of constant preaching [ Haec nocte dieque debent singuli Pastores gregibus suis inculcare , quae tam necessaria sunt , quam est respirare animanti : Necessarium inquam omnia judicia & testimonia Dei denunciare ; ita ut ab hoc est prosperitas & opulentia , And in his three last Epistles he counselleth the Emperor to force those Bishops to Preaching and Vigilancy , that will not do it without force . And indeed , unjust Excommunications most hurt the Excommunicators . Read Nicon's Epistle ad Euch ▪ de injusta Excommunicatione , proving that an unjust Excommunication bindeth not another , but falleth on the Excommunicators head . But the sad truth is , that it 's usual with the Prelates to confess the vanity of their own Spiritual power , and to call it a leaden sword , which would but be despised , if it were not backt with the Magistrates sword , which is the very thing they trust to . But of this anon . III. And lastly , let it be considered objectively what work it is that every Bishop hath to do : and then you shall see whether it be possible . 1. As to the number of Sins in specie . 2. As to the number of Sinners . 1. Such sins as are in other Countries , and as are condemned in Scripture are among us also . 1. As to Intellectual evils , we have ignorant persons who neither know what Christ or Christianity is , or what a Sacrament is , or what are the Essentials of Faith. We have Atheists that think there is no God , or say so at least ; we have more Infidels , that deride Christ and Christianity : we have impious persons who make a mock of Godliness : we have Quakers and Familists , and Seekers , who either deny the Scripture to be Gods word , or true , or say Scripture , Church and Ministry are lost , or turn Scripture into an Allegory , or that prefer the light within every man , Heathens and all , as sufficient without it ; and Enthusiasts and true Fanaticks who trust to inward Revelations and impulses instead of Gods word . We have Papists , we have Antinomians , Libertines , and more Sects which the Bishops themselves can name you , and overcharge . 2. And for more voluntary sins , we have almost all the breaches of all the commandments : We have open enemies of preaching , praying , sacraments , family duties , catechizing , the Lords days holy observation : Common scorners of those that fear to sin , and diligently seek God. We have ( if the Bishops could know them ) malignant persecutors , that would force Gods servants to most odious sins , that hinder Christs Ministers from doing the work to which they are devoted , and from preaching to sinners the Gospel of Christ , and calling them to Repent and live . We have idolaters , false worshippers , blasphemers , perjured persons , common prophane swearers , and cursers , and liars ; and we have children despisers and dishonourers of their parents , and servants of their masters ; and subjects of Princes and Rulers , ( and whether of Bishops and Pastors , let the Bishops judge : ) Profane families ; husband and wife living in open enmity or wrath : we have murderers , fighters , railers , such as maliciously seek the ruine of others , great and small oppressors , thieves , defrauders , adulterers and fornicators , filthy speakers , gluttons , drunkards , such as waste their lives in gaming , plays , and idleness , false-witnesses , Simoniacal , bribe-takers , subverters of justice , to say nothing of the notorious effects of gross uncharitableness , covetousness , and pride . These and more than these are here . 2. And for the number of sinners ; 1. Conjecture by the number of persons : 2. And then by the commonness of the sins . 1. I have before oft told you that some Dioceses have many hundred Parishes , some above a thousand ; and in the lesser sort of these Parishes , commonly there are in some 50 , in most 100 or 200 families ; and in the greater and Market Towns , there are in some of the lesser about 1000 souls , in the middle sort about 2000 or 3000 or 4000 ; and in the bigger about 5000 or 6000 , and some few 10000 : And in the greatest Parishes of all in London , some 20000 , some 40000 , some 50000 , and it is said in some many thousands more . 2. And for the sins , 1. The Bishops themselves say , that Atheism , Infidelity , and derision of Scripture and Religion aboundeth among such as I will not name : 2. They say themselves that Rebels , and Quakers , and Seekers , and Enthusiasts , &c. are so many as that they know not what to do with them . 3. They say themselves that Papists so increase , as that they give out their hopes to swallow up all . 4. One sort which they call Schismaticks , as being against their interest , they really exercise their power against : and find that this one sort are more than they know what to do with . 5. The number that malignantly labour to make all seriousness and diligence in seeking God , to become a scorned hated thing , and make it to seem meer self-conceitedness and hypocrisie , and to keep people from obeying God , is so great , as we cannot reckon them . 6. The number of the grosly ignorant is lamentably great . 7. Common swearers and cursers are usually met with in our ordinary converse . 8. How common drunkenness is , let lamenting Parents , grieved wives , and beggered families tell you . 9. Whether fornication and adultery ( rarely heard of till of late , comparatively ) be now grown common , if not in fashion , I leave the Prelates themselves to judge . 10. To pass by all the rest , Whether serious credible Repentance ( though not expressed by the ancient severe penances ) be now a common thing , for these or many other sins , I am content that any English man be judge , that ever laboured to bring men to Repentance , and knoweth what Repentance is . And now by this conjecture 1. How many thousands ( I say not the Bishop who puts it off , but ) the Lay-chancellor hath to stand at his bar at once , if discipline were tolerably exercised . 2. How many years , the accusers and offenders were like to wait before a cause could be heard . 3. Or how spiritually , powerfully , meltingly this Lay-man ( that never preached ) is like to draw all these thousands to Repentance . 4. What the Sinner and the Church shall do till the year come that they can be heard . 5. Whether it be possible for any such thing as true Pastoral conviction , exhortation , discipline , to be ever exercised on them at all , whilest that new sins , even heinous ones are still committed ; and the Bishop or Chancellor or Surrogate , that had a thousand , or ten thousand sinners at once to speak to , when he could deal but with six or seven in a day ( if he did nothing else , ) shall before he can examine their cases have thousands more ( of their and others ) to examine . So that nothing of this nature can be more notorious , than that our controversie with the Bishops is but such as these : Whether the Lord Mayor alone shall not only oversee all the Families in the City , but be the Only Governour of them , so that Husbands , Parents , and Masters , shall only teach and exhort their families , but the Lord Mayor alone shall rule them , as to their daily works , their speeches and their lives . Or whether the City and the whole Diocese shall have but one Schoolmaster , who shall be the sole governour of all the Schools in all those hundred parishes , 20 , or 40 , or 100 miles distant , and the Schools shall have under him only Curate Ushers , who shall only teach the boyes as far as they are willing to learn , and for all their untractableness , disobedience , absence , and faults , shall present their names to a Chancellors Court , set up by the sole ruling Schoolmaster . Or whether all the Colledges in the University shall have no Governour but the Vicechancellor , and the rest be but Tutors to the Voluntiers . Or whether all the Patients in a Diocese shall have but one Physician , to govern the Patient by prescripts , and under him only Apothecaries to carry about his medicines and directions ? Indeed if it were the Physicians work to play the Soldier , and cut all their throats , it might be done in a short time . But healing requireth more ado . And if it were the Bishops or Chancellors work to do no more , than to read an accusation , and say , Do you Repent , and ( as some do , because they must be thrice admonished , ) to say at once , I admonish you , I admonish you , I admonish you , I excommunicate you ; or to do as the Pope doth , Interdict whole Kingdoms at once , ( as Herod killed all the children in hope that he should meet with Christ among them , ) then a few hands might do the work . But whether it be possible to exercise the discipline of Christ , in their Diocesan way on one of a thousand , let the impartial judge : As also whether that Church be fitlier said to be governed or ungoverned where one of a thousand is governed indeed , whenas it is the body of the people , and not one of a thousand , that is called the Church . CHAP. XIX . The same Impossibilty proved by Experience . THey say Experience is the teacher of fools : But O how well were it for the Churches of Christ , if their Reverend Bishops ( who think themselves only meet to govern them ) had but learnt by it , these 1300 years , at least . The Experience which I offer you is , 1. That of the ancient Churches : what work the enlargement of their Diocesses , and growing great by the greatness of their charge made quickly by the destruction of true discipline , abundance of forecited testimonies shew . To which what sad complaints might I add out of Socrates Chrysostome . Isidore Pelusiata and many others : which made Gregory Nazianz . Orat. 1. Say so much of the difficulty of a Bishops work , and to depose himself when contentious men were ready to depose him , and to wish so earnestly that there had never been greatness and Priority and difference of Seats as Upper and Lower among the Pastors of the Churches being tired with their contentions pride and envy , even of ▪ the Orthodox themselves : who instead of doing the work , contended for power and preeminence . I cited some of Chrysostomes sayings before , de sacerdot . l 3 c. 16. 17. where he sheweth the greatness of a Bishops work , and p. 57. So p. 58. Nisi quotidie Episcopus omnium domos circumierit , in hac parte vel eas superans , quibus nullum aliud studium est quam in foro versandi deambulandique , hinc omnino offensiones infinitae emergent : Neque enim ij soli qui aegrotant , sed & qui sani sunt , invisi se volunt : Id quod non religionis ac pietatis , sed honoris dignitatisque potius nomine plurimi sibi vendicant . Ac si quem forte contigerit ex ditioribus potentioribusque Christianis , ecclesiae usu lucroque communi ita urgenti , ab Episcope frequentius invisi , hic protinus Episcopus palpatoris atque adulatoris notam sibi inurit . Chrysostome speaketh like a man that knew by experience what a Pastors work is : And if our Bishops must go to every house , how many years pilgrimage would it be to go but once through all their Dioceses ? Bernard , saith Epist . 82. Cum praesideant urbibus valde populosis , & coetus , ut itadicam , patrias , propriae Diocaeses ambitu circumcludant , occasione inventâ ●● quacunque veteri privilegio , satagunt ut vicinas sibi subdant civitates , quatenus duae quibus vix due Praesules sufficiebant , sub uno redigantur antistite . And the doleful lapse of discipline hereupon all History witnesseth . Which made Erasmus say , Eccles . lib. 1. Quantum negoti● credimus esse , cum praeter vicos & pa●os ▪ viginti frequentes & amplae civitates ( such as our big Market Towns ) uni parent antistiti — Et multorum praesulum ditio tam late patet , ut siquam maxime forent expediti omnibus mundanis negotiis ▪ non possent tamen in omnibus oppidis Concionari ; quum bodie una civitas quamplures requirit Ecclesiastes : How much less will one perform all the rest of the Bishops work ? Saith Musculus Loc. Commun . de Minist . p. mihi 438. [ Quare viderint Episcopi , &c. [ Let Bishops look to it , who when they cannot ( or do not ) rightly Minister to one Church , extend their power , not to some few Churches , but to whole Provinces . Let them read Chrysostome on Tit 1. Per civitates , in every City , &c. These things made Luther say advers . falsò nominatum ordinem Episcop . To. 2. p. 310. Perinde habet , &c. It is with these wicked ungodly Bishops all one as if the Devil himself , should mitred and ringed sit in the chair and himself rule the people . And Bishop Hooker in 8 precep . saith , Et certe si jam vigeret antiquus ille ergae populum amor , If they had the ancient Love to the people , they would themselves confess that there is more work in one City , than the best men can easily do . They know well enough that the Primitive Church had no such Bishops till the time of Silvester the first . ( I cite this ex Altar . Damascen having not the Book at hand . Filesacus tells us , ex Concil . Triburiensi c. 26. Relata est coram sancta Synodo quaeremonia plebium , eo quod sint quidam Episcopi nolentes ad predicandum , vel ad confirmandum suas per annum paraecias circuire , de Orig. Paraec . p. 537. What would they have done if they had been in our times . See Isidore Pelus . Ep. 246. l. 2. p 236. teaching Bishop Eusebius ▪ ( and Theodosius ) what a Church is , who had so far lost the true Episcopacy , as to take walls for men , and to abuse and scorn the true Church or godly people while the Walls were adorned , as if Christ had come from Heaven more for [ Walls than Souls ] &c. of which before . In a word , nothing is more evident than that true Discipline was shut out at the times and in the degrees as Diocesses were enlarged ; and that in A●rick and other places where the Churches or Diocesses were more small and numerous , discipline was best preserved . II. The second sort of experience is , that of almost all the Reformed Churches , who have found the Pastoral work and Discipline particularly to be so great , as that less than all the Parish Ministers concurring could not perform it . 1. Those Churches which with Calvin set up Presbytery , exclude no Pastor from the Governing part ; but took in Elders of the people to help them , because experience had told them that all the Ministers were too few : what then would one Bishop and Chancellour or Vicar have been able to do ? 2. The Lutherans who set up superintendants , commonly so set them over the Pastors as not to take away the true Pastoral power of governing their particular flocks , as finding by experience , that the old way of Prelacy would not do it : And usually they join Magistrates with them , as they also in the Palatinate did . And it is such an oderate supriority which is exercised in Hungary , Transilvania , and in Poland till the Papists rooted them out thence . 3. The Helvetian Divines exercise a certain measure of power in keeping the unfit from the Sacrament ; but not what they judge to be the Churches duty , because the Magistrate never would consent : That the Pastors are for it , as needful to the right ordering of the Churches you may see in Polani : Syntag. at large , and in most of their Divines of Basil , Bern , Zurich , &c. I will now only cite the honest hearty words of Musculus above 100 years ago , because he was a man most clear and candid , and that did mancipate his judgment neither to Luther , Calvin , nor any party as such ; but took liberty to differ from them all ( as in the points of Redemption , perseverance , &c. ) At Bern in his Loci Commun . ed. 1567. p. 421 : He proveth Bishops , and Presbyters and Doctors , and Pastors to be all one . And p. 422. that in the Apostolick Primitive Church they governed the Church in common , being subject to no head or president . But after the Apostles daies as Hierome saith to avoid schism , but as he thinketh more out of a desire of Majority ; one got the name and presidency of a Bishop : But , saith he [ whether this counsel did profit the Church or not , by which such Bishops were introduced , as Hierome saith by custome rather than by truth , of divine disposition , to be above the Presbyters , it hath been better manifested to after ages , than when this custome was first brought in : which we must thank for all the insolency , wealth and tyranny , of the Principal and Equestral Bishops , yea for the corruption of all the Churches , which if Hierome had seen , undoubtedly he would have known that it was the devise , not of the Spirit of God , to take away schisms as was pretended , but of Satan himself to lay waste and destroy the ancient Ministers for feeding the Lords flock : whereby it might come to pass that the Church might have not true Pastors , Doctors , Presbyters and Bishops but under the masks of those names , idle-bellies , and magnisick Princes , who will not only not themselves feed the people of God with sound Apostolick Doctrine , but also take care by most wicked violence , that it be done by no one else . By this devise of Satan it is brought to pass , that instead of Bishops , the Churches have potent Lords and Princes , for the most chosen out of the order of Nobles and great men , who being upheld by their own and their kindreds power , may domineer over the flock of God as they list . And p. 423. The office appointed to the Bishops that came after the Apostles times was to preach to the people , to adminster the sacred things , to prescribe repentance , to take the care of the clergy and the people both in City and Country , to ordain , to visit , to take care that the goods of the Church be rightly kept and dispensed , and to take the patronage of Church-matters with Princes . And if the Bishops had but staid here , it had been better with the Church : Or if the Prelates and Pastors of our times would return to these Canonical Rules , there might be hope that the Eccleasiastical State and order might possibly be reformed ; and the controversies of these times might be ended by the word of God — Hence it is plain that the office of true Presbyters and Bishops in the Church of Christ is , to feed the Lords flock with sound Doctrine , and to be truly Pastors and Teachers . But now the false Bishops pretend a Pastoral Cure , when going to the Assembly-Offices they are , as they take it , Episcopally cloathed . They put on a white stole , longer than ordinary ; with a girdle ( not such as John Baptist wore , &c. , — The maskd Pastor thus dressed doth not feed the flock of God , but performeth the Church service in such a gesture , Ceremony and dralect , that all the matters of the Church may be nothing else than certaine vaine and pompous shewes — so that if one of the Apostles were there , he would never so much as dreame that this were the Episcopal feeding of the Lords flock . Thus the Bishop doing once or twice a year doth Suffciently performe his Office , what ever he do the rest of the time . The ordination of Ministers and other things accounted Ecclesiastical , he committeth partly to his suffiragane , and partly to his Vicar , or Chancellor . The office of Teaching he committeth to some Doctor or Monk , so sworne , as that he shall not dare to speake a word ( or hisse ) besides what is prescribed him in the formes of Lawes . Thus far I confess he speakes of the Popish Bishops : But who would believe he meant not ours that had seen them ? And how little do they differ ? Well you shall next hear him speak of Protestant Bishops . Pag. 425 [ Let us now come to other Ministers , Pastors and Bishops , divers from these , who do nothing in the Church of Christ but Preach and teach : They have certaine daies of the weeke on which they Preach : And that is well : They Preach only out of the holy Scriptures : And that well too . But this is not well , that very many of them speak formally and coldly , and not from the heart ; so that what Seneca somewhere saith , agreeth to them ; Animum non faciunt , quia animum non habent . They make not men hearty ( or serious ) because they are not so themselves : And that of the Roman Orator , thou wouldst never talk thus , if thou speakest from the heart : Nor do they accommodate the word of God to the Hearers , by pertinent and profitable distribution , but they think they have well performed their office , if they have any how spoken out the hour . In the mean time , they observe not the peoples mindes and lives , much lesse do they reforme them : Nor do they take care how the people grow in the knowledge of God , the faith of Christ and in true Godliness : They apply not themselves to the study of the Scriptures , nor perswade the people to read them in their houses ; they neither take care of the poor and strangers nor visit the sick , as little caring how and with what faith they depart : And thus they discharge their Ministry neither faithfully , prudently nor profitably . It is indeed of great moment that they bring not strange Doctrine into the Church ; but teach the Scripture Do●●rine ; and that they use not superstitious rites , but are not content with simple administration of the Sacraments , according to the custome of the Primitive Church . But in this they are to be blamed , that they do things right and profitable , not from the hearts , but sleightly , as on the by , and what is accordingly to be else done by a faithful Minister they wholly neglect . While they thus Minister , they do not indeed bring Errour and superstitions into the Churches , as in the foregoing ages was done . But in the mean time , inclining to the other extreme , they take the course which by degrees will bring the people into that indifferency in Religions which is the most pestilent , and to drink in Epicurism the waster and extniguisher of all religion . Wherefore I beseech them in the Lord , that they fully performe and discharge their Ministry , and not thus by the halves ] Thus far he describeth our ordinary better sort of the Clergie , but not our Bishops . And Pa. 431. [ They that labour more to keep up the authority of Bishops , than to save the people , when they cannot convince the Ministers , called by the Magistrate , of error , do raise a question about their calling , ( being themselves neither lawfully chosen nor called ) saying , what Suffragane ordained you minister ? what Bishop called you to the office ? As the Priests by Christ . They questioned not his work , which they could find no fault with , but his power — so these , where they cannot by Gods word defend their own errours and abuses , nor disprove our true doctrine , they fly to the Episcopal power and authority , as if they did passess any such umblamable and lawful power , when they neither discharge the office , nor have the power of true Bishops ; wherefore let no true sincere Minister of Christ , regard the barking of these men , but as content with the testimony of his Conscience , and his calling to teach by the Lawful Magistrate , go on in the Lords work with alacrity of spirit . ] Here he addeth the manner of their calling at Bern , by the election of the Pastors and confirmation of the Magistrates , and reception of the people , that you may know what he meaneth by the Magistrates Call. And p. 436. having told us , that Christianity falleth where the election and Pastoral care of the Ministry falleth , he addeth . [ But now they that endeavour to put out the light of truth , boast much of the power of Bishops , Arch-Bishops , Metropolitanes , Patriarcks , and the Roman Pope ; where if you urge them to it , they are not able to prove by any truth of divine institution , that so much as this first ministerial power ( of Ministring in the Church ) is in those Bishops , Arch-bishops , Metropolitanes , Patriarcks or Pope , that is , in these Church Lords ( Satrapes ) . Let them prove that these are true Ministers of Christ . I strive not about Episcopacy ( simply ) in it self , whether it be to be numbred with Christs true Ministers : But the controversie is whether such Bishops as our age too patiently tolerateth are to be numbred with Christs true Ministers ; It is greatly to be feared , lest in the day of judgment they will hear that dreadful word from God , Depart from me ye workers of iniquity , I know you not . ] I have added more of Musculus then directly concerneth the point now in hand , because I would take him all together . And because the Helvetians are not accounted Presbyterians . I add Bullinger , Decad. 5. Serm. 3. p. ( mihi ) 377. 378. and Serm. 4. p. 383. Where he sheweth that Diocesan Bishops have not the sole power of ordination , that Presbyters and Bishops were the same and had the same work , and the horrid abuses , that came into the Church by the degenerating of Episcopacy : And Decad. 5. Serm , 10. p. 491. that in latter Ages , Prelates and Bishops , snatching by tyranny that power of excommunication , to themselves which before was used by the Pastors in Synods in common , and sacrilegiously using it against the first institution , had tarned a wholesome medicine into deadly poyson , and made it abaminable to good and bad . But I may not recite all . Wagundus was no Presbyterian , being superintendent of Magdeburgh first , and after of Wismaria , and after of Jene , and after Bishop Pomeraniensis ; nor yet Math. Iudex . yet go they the same way as may be seen , Sytagm , p. 1049. de excom . p. 1114. de Eccles . p. 1135. de Minist . Should I cite all that is said by those that never were called Presbyterians , about the degeneration of Episcopacy , the largeness of their charge , the ruine of discipline by their tyranny , ambition and grasping wealth , and titles , when they neither will nor can perform the work , I mean by Luther , Melancton Illyricus , Chytraeus , Tzegedine , Bucer , Zuinglius , Oecolampadius , Gryneus , Aretius , Gualther , Pet. Martyr , Paraeus , Chenmitius , Pelargus , &c. I should but over-weary the Readers patience . I only add that if the Churches of France , Belgia , Geneva and the rest of the Presbyterians , and the Churches of Transilvania , Hungary , and formerly , Poland ( that were Orthodox ) and Bobemia , Brandenburgh , Saxony , the Palatinate , &c. that set up another sort of Episcopacy , had found , that the old or English species would have done the Ministerial works it is not credible that they would all have rejected it . III. The third part of that experience which I alledge is the Bishops own . 1. This is signified by their confessions before named , Ar. Bishop Ushers reasons for the ancient use of Episcopacy with their Presbyters who shall be acknowledged true Church Governours over their flocks , is fetcht from the need of so many to the work . And Mr. Stanley Gower late of Dorchester was wont to profess ( being long intimate with him ) that he professed to him that he took a Bishop to be but primus Presbyterorum , of the same order , and every Presbyter a Governour of the flock : And when he asked him , why then he would be a Primate as he was , he told him that he took it not for any part of his office as instituted by Christ but for a Collateral Dignity which the King was pleased to bestow on him , for the more advantageous discharge of his Spiritual Office. What Bishop Jewels opinion was to the like purpose is plain enough in his works . Bishop Reignolds ( that now is ) professed to me his opinion to be the same , when he took the Bishoprick , and when he saw Dr. Stillingfliets book , that no form of Church Government is prescribed in Scripture , professed that it was always his opinion ; And joyned with us in our proposals for Bishop Ushers Model . Dr Stillingfleet in his Irenicon hath said so much against the Jus Divinum of our Prelacy as can never be answered . I have talked with many of the Bishops and Episcopal Conformists my self of these matters , and I do not remember that ever I spake to one accounted a Learned man , that did not confess when driven to it , that the Greatness of the Diocesses , and the Chancellors Government by the Church Keyes , were causes of so great a lapse of discipline , as is to be groaned under : And can shew us no probability , it possibility of restoring it , while it so stands . And yet they would have us subscribe and swear never to endeavour any alteration of the Church Government : not excepting in our place and calling , by petition , or otherwise , no though the King commanded us . Bishop Hall in his Mod. Offer doth confess the faultiness , and desires reformation : and in his excellent Peace-maker , would take up even with a presidencie durante vita , as sufficient to reconcile us . Dr. Hammond himself oft complaineth of the lapse of discipline , and the clergies and peoples vices thereupon . The Liturgy wisheth the godly Discipline restored , but doth it not , as if in our case it could not be done . Abundance of their Writers lament the scandals of clergy and people which have abounded , of which I shall say somewhat more anon . 2. And this is yet plainlier confessed by the Actual omission of discipline : We need not to dispute whether that can or be ever like to be done , by our Prelacy , which is no where done , and never was done , no not by any one man of them , not excepting the very best ; so that if they had not come neer the Erastian opinion in their hearts , and thought this use of the Keyes to consist but in bare Teaching , or the rest to be of no great need , it had not been possible that they should have quieted their Consciences . Or at least , if they did not do it , by saying , I cannot help it ; It is not long of me : As Bishop Goodman layeth it on the King in the case of Chancellours , and most lay it on the Church-Wardens and Ministers for presenting no more : But all must confess that little is done besides the troubling of Nonconformists . It is not one of a thousand in a Diocesse , I am confident , that ever is brought under the excercise of Church discipline that ought to be ; Nor one of many thousand that should be so according to the ancient Canons of the Churches . If I should give no other instance , than the ordinarie neglect of all Gods publick worship ( Preaching , Prayer and Sacraments ) in publick , Churches or any other Religious Assemblies , I do not think but ten thousand persons in this Diocesse , and twenty thousand , if not fourty , in London Diocesse are guilty , that were never questioned by the Church . I may therefore argue thus : That which never was done by any one Bishop in England , being the confessed work of their office is naturally or Morally Impossible to be done ( or if it have a possibility it is as bad as none , when it never was once reduced into act ) But the true exercise of Church discipline on all or the hundredth or many hundredth person that it is due to ; was never done by one Bishop in England , that can by any credible History be proved ( since the deformation or reformation ) Ergo. The strength of the Major is plain . 1. From the Bishops own mouths who use to praise themselves as the Wisest , Learn dst and best of the Clergie , and therefore fitter to be trusted with the Government of the Church than all or any of the Presbyters ( though but under then ) And they would take it heynously if we question their wisdom conscience or honesty , and if they are all or most so good , sure it is long of the state and constitution of their places , and not long of their persons , that their very proper work is made but a shaddow and a dream . 2. But though this be but ad homines , yet really we have had very worthy and excellent persons to be Bishops ; what a man was Jewell ? Arch-bishop Grindal had Godliness enough and resolution too to make him odi●s , and favoured Lectures and Preaching , &c. Enough to bring him down , if Cambden , Godwin or Fuller , are to be believed : but never could do this work of discipline , upon one of hundreds or thousands under him . We had an excellent Arch-Bishop-Abbot afterwards , good enough to be reproached by Heylin , and to suffer what I need not mention , but never able to do this work . What Learned , Judicious worthy men , were his Brother Robert Abbot and after him Davenant , Bishops of Salisbury ? And how good a man was peaceable Bishop Hall , so Usher in Ireland , Moron and many more ? But no such thing was done by any of them ? what should I say now of Bishop Reignolds , and Bishop Wilkins , Men Learned and extraordinary honest in these times : But let any man enquire whether any such thing as the discipline in question is exercised on the thousandth Criminal in their Diocese ? Indeed we have heard in Bishop Reignolds Diocese of a great number censured for Nonconformity : And it is his praise that it was not his doing ; but his Chancellours ( though heretofore Judge Advocate in Fairefaxes or Cromwells Army . ) And to say now that it is long of Church-Wardens , Chancellours , &c. Is but to say that the Church is corrupted , the Episcopal discipline almost quite cast out , and all the remedy is to say , It is long of somebody : Like the Physician whose Praise was , that his patients dyed according to the rules of art ; or the nurse whose praise was , that though most of the Children perished , it was long of themselves or somebody else . IV. But the fullest experience , which so far satisfieth me that all the books in the world cannot change me in this , is my own , and the rest of my Brethren in the Ministry . I have lived now ( through Gods wonderful mercy ) threescore years wanting lesse than four * In all this time , whilst the Bishops ruled , I never heard one man or woman called openly to repentance for any sin ; nor one ever publikely confess or lament any sin ? Nor one that was excommunicate in any Country where I came , except the Nonconformists : Nor did I hear of any but one man to my remembrance , who did formal penance for Fornication , I doubt not but there have been more : But the number may be conjectu●ed by this . I lived under a great number of drunken and ignorant Curates that never preached , and Schoolmasters , my self , and many more were round about us , that were never troubled with discipline , or cast out . I never lived where drunkards and swearers were not common ; but never one of them underwent the Churches discipline : But those that met to fast and pray , and went to hear a Sermon two miles off , when they had none at home . But yet this is the last of my conviction . When I undertook a Pastoral charge my self ; I kept with me two Ministers to assist me ( at one Parish Church and a small Chappel ) : I had three Godly Justices of Peace in the Parish , who to countenance our discipline kept their monthly meeting at the same time and place . I had four ancient Godly men that performed the office of Deacons : I had above twenty of the Seniors of the Laity , who without pretence of any office , met with us to be witnesses that we did the Church and sinners no wrong ▪ and to awe the offenders by their presence : These met once a month together , we had almost all the worthy Ministers of the Country agreeing and associated to do the like in their several Parishes as far as they were able ; that unity might the more convince offenders : We had in the same Town the next day after our monthly Town-meeting , an Assembly of a dozen or twenty such Ministers , to edifie each other , and that those might be tryed by them and before them , whether we could perswade them to repentance , who could not be prevailed with by ourselves : And , which was our ease incomparably beyond all this , the times nor our judgment allowing us to use discipline upon none but such as consented to our office and relation to them , we told them that we had all agreed only to exercise so much of discipline as Episcopal , Presbyterians and Independants had no controversie about ( some of the Episcopal joyning with us ) and that we would exercise it in all our flocks , but we could be Pastors to none against their wills ; whereupon of about 3000 persons , 1800 or more of which were at age to be Communicants , all refused to do any more than hear me preach , ( for fear of discipline ) except about 600 or a few more . These 500 were the most understanding Religious part of the Parish , all the grosly ignorant , and the Common swearers , and all the Drunkards and scandalous persons were among the refusers , except about five or six young men that had got such a Love to tipling that they could not leave it . These hid their sin a while : But could not long : Yet the trouble and work that these five or six men made us , sometimes by Drunkenness , sometimes by fighting , sometimes by slandering their Neighbours , or such like was more than it is easy for an unexperienced person to believe . So hard was it to bring them to a Confession of their sins or to ask those Forgiveness whom they grosly wronged , that when we endeavoured with all our skill to convince them , and used both gentle exhortation , and also opened to them the terrors of the Lord , when we prayed before them that God would give them repentance , when their own Parents and relations joyned with us , all would not make them confess their sin , but we were forced to cast them out of our Communion ( for the most part of them ) . And among all the rest there were some that sometimes would need admonitions , and reconciliations with one another , which found us some work . But if we had but been troubled with all the other ( 1000 or 1200 as was supposed ) of the Parish , and so with all the Swearers , railers , Common Drunkards , some Infidels , &c. What work should we have had ? So much as I dare confidently say that ( without being half so strict and troublesome as the Ancient Canons were ) all we could not possibly have done more in the work of discipline , than Govern that one Parish . Nor could we have done so much , but with such omissions as nothing but disability would have quieted our Consciences under . And that you may know that I give you not my single experience , the rest of the honest Ministers of the County . 1. Sometimes durst not associate with us , because the scandalous persons of their Parishes were so many and so masterly and fierce , as that they were not able ( they thought ) to exercise any discipline among them . 2. Some that did joyn with us were fain to do as the Independants , and gather out some of the best to be their flock as to Communion in the Sacrament , and let the rest live quietly as bare hearers , because the offenders were so many that they durst not exercise discipline on them . 3. Some did even give the Sacrament to all promiscuously how scandalous soever , to avoid the difficulties of exercising discipline . 4. And all over the land they were faine to take the same course with these sorts aforesaid , yea and more , too many quite forbear the Sacrament , because they could not keep away the scandalous . 5. And too many took up the way of Separation , and gathered Churches out of these Churches , according to their several opinions , because the Parishes were so bad , that they thought them uncapable of discipline . Though yet the truth is . 1. Many such made them worse than they were . 2. And took the course that was easiest to them , by avoiding the most difficult part of their work ; 3. And they were led to it by over valuing Expressive parts in some of the people , and unvaluing the good desires of some that wanted such Expressions . And if we that found discipline too hard a work for us to exercise in our several Parishes , should have dreamed that one of us , was sufficient to have exercised it on a thousand or many hundred such Parishes ( by our selves and Chancellors ) O what Monsters of ignorance , should we have been . CHAP. XX. Objections against Parish Discipline answered . Obj. 1. YOu make this discipline seem more needful than it is . A Church may be a true Church without it . The Helvetians use very little of it at all . Ans . 1. The Helvetian Divines write for it , though with lenity and they are for denying the Sacrament to the Impenitently wicked , which is not nothing ; and they are for Pastoral admonition of the persons that are scandalous . And the rest the Magistrates hinder them from , and partly undertake themselves . And verily I take it to be much more iningenuous to let the Magistrate do what he can , and to pretend to no more discipline , than to talk for it , and never use it . 2. A Man may be a true man though he have the Palsie , Dropsie , Gout or Stone , or be dismembred . And are these therefore indifferent things ? 3. Whether discipline be needful judge after these Reasons . 1. Otherwise Bishops are not needful to exercise it , nor any other Pastors , but bare Preachers . Why should Lordships ▪ wealth and honours , be allowed Bishops for that which is not needful ? 2. If it be needful to be exercised on Ministers , why not on the People also ? And if not on Ministers , why have there so great numbers been silenced , suspended , and troubled ? Sure somebody thinketh , that our silencing is needful . 3. If it be not needful , why did the universal Church use it , and that so strictly from the beginning ? And why do they that say this , pretend a reverence to the Ancient Churches , to the Councils , the Canons , and the Bishops of those times , who went ten times further in their Severities than we do . 4. It is needful by Precept and Divine Canon as may be seen , Lev. 19. 17. Matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. 1 Cor. 5. Tit. 1. 13. and 2. 15. and 3. 10. 1 Tim. 3. 5. 15. and 5. 19 , 20 , 21 22 , 24. 2 Tim. 3. 5. and 4. 2. 2 Thes . 3 ▪ 6 , 14. 5. It is needful to the honour of God , our Creator , Redeemer , and Sanctifier , that he may be declared Holy in the Holyness of his Church , and not by our allowed wickedness be represented as an unholy friend to sin . 6. It is needful to the Churches honour , that it be not as a very stie and sink of wickedness as the Infidel World. 7. It is needful to the Churches beauty , safety , and felicity , that God may delight in it , and not forsake it , as he hath done most of the East , nor make them miserable by his judgments . 8. It is needful to the Honour of Holiness it self , which will be vilified if we difference not the precious from the vile . 9. It is needful to the Conviction and Conversion of Mahometans , and other Infidels and Heathens , who now are kept in their Infidelity , by seeing that Christians as are bad or worse than themselves ; and would be more drawn to Christ , if the holy Lives of Christians , and holy State of Churches did invite them . 10. It is needful to the comfortable Communion of Saints , as it is professed by us in our Creed . 11. It is needful to prevent the infection of the Church , and the increase of sin ; seeing a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump , and he that toucheth pitch will be defiled by it . 12. It is needful to encourage and strengthen the Faithful , when they see by this praejudicium futuri judicii , as Tertullian calleth it , the difference that God himself will make ▪ . 13. It is an Essential part of the Pastoral Office to have the Power of Discipline : And what is the Power for but the Work ? yea Power and Obligation are essential to his Office. 14. It is needful to the Holy Administration of Sacraments , and other parts of Divine Worship , that Holy things be not given to Dogs . 15. It is needful to convince the ordinary careless sinners among us , that seeing a difference put between the good and bad , they may not think that preaching is but idle talk and falshood , and that they are as safe as others . 16. It is needful to keep the better people from offending God by their familiarity and communion with the notoriously wicked . 17. It is needful to break the Serpents head , that in Christs Church the Devils works may be renounced and cast out , and sin be publickly made a shame , as the Devil out of the Church endeavoureth to do by Truth and Holiness . 18. It is needful to the ease and peace of Magistrates , that they may not he overwhelmed with the cares , troubles , dangers , that come by multitudes of Wicked Men ; but the Pastors labours with the voluntary may prevent much of the Magistrates trouble with the involuntary . 19. It is needful to the safety of Commonwealths and Kingdomes , that they be not poysoned by wickedness , and so exposed to the judgment of God. 20. And lastly , it is needful to the scandalous Sinners themselves , that they may not be suffered to die and perish in their sin , but have all possible means used to bring them to repentance , that they may be saved . Consider whether all these Reasons prove not Discipline to be needful . Object . II. But till Constantines time there was no Christian Magistrate , which made it then needful : But since the case is not the same . Answ . 1. Down then with Bishops now , if their work be needless . But why then were they set so much higher , and had so much more power since the dayes of Constantine then before ? 2. Are you wiser than all the Councils ( Nice , Ephes . Chalced. Constance , &c. ) which have ever since made Canons for Discipline ? 3. Again , try whether none of the foregoing reasons , be still in force . 4. Read Galaspies Aarons Rod , which fully proveth the continued need of discipline . Object . III. But discipline is not to be use● on all that deserve it , but only one now and then , one to be a terror to the rest : You are for too much strictness , rigidness and severity . Ans . 1. I am not for half the rigidness and severity of the Ancient Bishops and Churches , who made the penitents waite at the Church doors , and cast down themselves with cryes and tears to beg absolution and re-admission , and in many cases to waite thus many years together , and in some , till their death bed . I am for accepting the first credible profession of Repentance : I am for gentle exhorting them and praying for them long before we cast them out . I am not for troubling any for small faults : Nor for bringing any mans secret sins to light , or making them more publick than he maketh them himself ; I am not for imposing such penances as the Papists do . And is a strictness short of theirs intolerable to you , that pretend to be more holy than they ? Yea more , I am not for the use of discipline at all , where it is notorious to true reason that its like to do more harme than good . And is all this too much strictness ? But I am not for keeping it out , and then making such pretences , nor for causing the inconveniences , and then pleading them against the duty . 2. The Scripture and Canons do not bid you reprove or suspend or reject one blasphemer , or drunkard of many ; but all that are such : And do you say that God and Councils dissembled , and bid us do that which they would not have us do ? 3. To censure one of a hundred or a thousand , yea , or twenty offenders , will be no terror or warning to the rest ; who will look to scape that which falleth on so few . 4. When one of so many only is censured , the Church will be still under most of the forementioned danger and defilement ; and this much will not reach the End. 5. Partiality is an odious Character of injustice , and should not be found in civil judges ; much less in the Churches of Christ . And it will but harden and enrage those persons whom you deal with , when you enable them to say , you censure me , and let many others alone , in the same sin . Is this your Church justice , or rather malice to me ? Obj. IV. You confess your self that it is so hard to use discipline in one Parish , that most Ministers did neglect it when the Bishops were out : And why blame you the Bishops then for neglecting it ? Ans . 1. We were to deal with the Parishes in that defiled and unruly state as the Bishops left them : And all great works must have time to be done in . And at last the reformation prospered apace , till they pull'd it down . 2. We were to make use of such Ministers as the Bishops left us , and of young men who were newly come from the Universities . And men cannot get wisdom interest , experience and resolution in a day . 3. The remaining respects which the people had to the Prelates and their way was a hinderance to us that desired , to meddle herein with none but consenters . 4. A great number of Sectaries , raised by the distastes of the Prelates wayes , did also hinder us . 5. Yet it was than possible and feasible to Ministers that were wise and willing to do so much as might very much attain the ends of discipline , though not so much as they desired . 6. But is this an Objection fit for the Prelatists to make ? or doth it not encrease their condemnation ? what would you say to a Physician , a Pilot , a Schoolmaster , that should say , It is not an hundred Physicians , that can do what should be done for all the Patients in this City ; nor an hundred Pilots that can well govern all the Navy ; nor an hundred School masters that can well Govern all the Schools in the Diocess : Therefore I will get them all turned out and ▪ I will be the only Physician ( with my Apothecaries ) the only Pilot ( with my S●am●n ) the only Schoolmaster ( with my Monitors and Ushers ) my self ; for the work can be but left undone ? Such rule the Churches must have while God for our sins will suffer it . The doing it per alios is oft enough answered before . Obj. V. Many Parish Ministers are young and raw and unfit to govern . Ans . 1. They are unfit who make this Objection , who bring and keep such in , and cast so many hundred out that are better ( however ignorant malice slander them ) 2. This also may be said against their preaching , much more : For , 3. They may Rule with others , when they cannot preach by others . 4. There may be appeals to the next Synod ( or Prelate if you will have it so ) . Obj. VI. You would have a Priest to be a Pope in his Parish . Ans . I can call this Objection no better than gross Impudency : For , 1. It s a Contradiction : A Pope is a Head of the Universal Church : And so it is saying , that we make every Minister a Head of the Universal Church to his Parish . 2. We desire more Presbyters than One in a Church . 3. We desire Appeals to the next Synod : and is that to be a Pope ? 4. Is not one Minister as able to Rule a Parish , without the help of assistants and Synods , as one Prelate to Rule many hundred Parishes , who likely is a worse man than the Minister ? Impudent pride will perhaps say no. CHAP. XXI . The Magistrates Sword is neither the strength of Church discipline , nor will serve instead of it , nor should be too much used to second and enforce it . THese three assertions I will prove distinctly . 1. The Magistrates Sword is not the chief strength of true Church discipline . I add this , because this is the Prelatists last Objection , that its true that the Keys are but brutum fulmen and a leaden sword without the Magistrates : For almost all men will dispise it : Who will come to our Courts if they may choose ? Who will regard our Excommunications ? Do not the people now despise them ? what then would they do if they had their wills ? when we have excommunicated the Schismaticks , They will Excommunicate us again . The greatest Prelatists who write to me and speak with me , use these very words themselves . To which I answer . 1. If we prove that Christ hath instituted discipline , and that for such noble ends as aforementioned , it is little less than blasphemy thus to reproach it : As if Christ had no more Power , Wisdome or Goodness , than to ordain so vain and unprofitable a means , to such high and necessary ends . 2. The objection doth but express a carnal mind , which regardeth only carnal things , and thinketh as basely of all others , as if nothing moved them but the interest of the flesh ; And as if Gods favour or displeasure , and the authority of his word and Ministers were of no force or regard even with the Church of Christ . 3. The objection inviteth Kings to put down all Bishops , except Preachers and Magistrates ; For why should they put the people to so great charge and trouble , especially when they love the Prelates so little as to keep them up to wield a Leaden Sword , and to brandish a brutum fulmen , and to make a noise to no more purpose ; yea to rob the Magistrate of the honour of his proper work , and to make the deluded people believe that those things are done by a brutum fulmen which really are done by the Civil power . 4. This objection bitterly reproacheth all the ancient Churches and Bishops , and all General and provincical Councils , and all the Cannons and ancient discipline of the Churches ; As if they had troubled the world to no pupose and all their discipline had been vain . 5. The objection is notoriously confuted , in that the Discipline was more powerful and had better effect , before Constantius time than afterwards , and was much more strictly exercised against sin . And that which so long did more without the Sword , than afterward by it , doth not receive its efficacy from the Sword. 6. A naturarei there is as much of Divine Authority , as much of the power of his Precepts Prohibitions , Promises , and threatnings , as much of Heavenly inducement , as much of the terrors of Hell , as much of internal goodness of holyness , and evil of sins , as much of Soul interest in what the Minister propoundeth for mens conviction , as there is , when it is backt with the Magistrates Sword. And if all these have no force , Christianity must be a dream , and able to do no good in the world ; which better beseemeth Julian , Celsu● or Porphyry , Symmachus , or Eunapius , to say , than a Bishop . 7. By this objection the Prelatists openly confess that their Churches consist of men so carnal as are not moved by Divine authority without the Sword : And consequently what Pastors they have been to the Churches , and how they have governed them ; and what they allow us to expect from their discipline for the time to come . 8. By this Objection they condemn themselves and justifie the Nonconformists : For why should we Swear that we will never endeavour any alteration of so brutish an Office , as if the King and Parliament could not take down such an useless thing ? And why should so many hundred Ministers be forbidden to Preach Christ , for not assenting , consenting and Swearing to such a vaine and brutish power ? 9. By this they give up their cause to the Presbyterians , and Independents ; Confessing that their discipline is uneffectual ; when as we that plead for another frame , desire not the Magistrates Sword to interpose , and desire to use discipline on none but Volunteers . And either the discipline which we desire hath some efficacy , or none . If none , what need they fear it , or hinder it , or silence so many hundred Ministers , and write and strive , and all to keep men from using such a brutum fulmen which can do no harme . But if they confess that our discipline hath efficacy , and theirs hath none , what do they but directly call us to seek the alteration which we are required to abjure ? 10. Lastly by this objection they shew themselves too ignorant of the nature of Church , and discipline , and Sacrament and Ministery : Or else they would better know how far Volunteers are proper objects of Church discipline , and have the right to the privileges and Communion of the Church . II. The Magistrates Sword will not serve instead of Church discipline . 1. Else Christ would not have instituted another office for it . 2. Else it might serve also instead of Ministry , Preaching and Sacraments . 3. The nature of it tendeth not directly to convince men of Errours to lead them into truth , to move them by heavenly motions , and to bring them to true repentance and godlyness . But this will be fuller proved under the next ; and is confessed by all save the Erastians . III. The Magistrates Sword should not be used too forwardly or too much to second or enforce Church discipline ; much less to be its life and strength , and inseparably twisted with it . I mean , 1. No unbeliever should be forced to say he is a Believer , and to professe the Christian faith . 2. None upon such profession should be forced to be Baptized . 3. None that hath no right to Church Communion in the Sacrament should be forced to receive it . 4. None that Apostatizeth from Christ should be forced falsly to professe that he is still a Christian . 5. None that are at age should be forced to stay in the Church by local presence or relation as a member of it , who is not willing , and the practice of the Papists who force no Heathens to be Christians , but afterward force Christians by fire and Sword , and burn them that were Hereticks , Schismaticks , or Apostates is self contradicting and self condemning ; God having left man as much unto his own choice for continuing as for Entring into the Church : And as for Obedience to Rulers , Infidels may owe it to Christian Kings , as well as Christians : And none but Magistrates can use the Sword to punish either . 6. No Magistrate should punish a Mans body , meerly because he is Excommunicate , and so punished already . Nor should he be made a meer executioner to the Bishop without hearing , trying and judging the Cause himself , in order to his own execution . 7. No Magistrate should force an Impenitent sinner to lie and say he doth repent , that thereby he may be admitted to the Church Communion and Sacrament , but it is the force of Gods word that must try his Repentance . But yet I acknowledge . 1. That Magistrates and Parents and Masters may force their Subjects to use those means which tend to make them Christians , as to hear Preaching , Conference or disputations , or to read convincing books : But with these two Cautions . 1. That it be but when it is like or hopeful to do more good than harme . 2. That it be by wise and moderate means of constreint , and not hang or burn them to convert them . 2. Accordingly Magistrates , Parents , and Masters , may use the like force with their Subjects who are Christians , to cause them to use the foresaid meanes ( of hearing and Reading and conference ) for the cureing of their dangerous errours or sinful lives . 3. And I doubt not but Magistrates may punish men Corporally for their crime according to the nature of them , and even for the same that the Church hath excommunicated them . If one be excommunicated for Treason , Murder , Theft , Swearing , Prophaning the Lords day , and holy things &c. it followeth not that the Magistrate may not also meddle with him . 4. And we doubt not but Magistrates may Restraine false Teachers from seducing others , and drawing them from God to sin . 5. And the Magistrate may and ought to encourage Ministers in the use of the Church Keyes , and to preserve them from the violence of wicked men . 7. And they may make a difference in their favours and rewards , between Christians obedient to God and their Pastors , and Infidels , excommunicate , in penitent ones , and Apostates , by denying honors and preferments and rewards to the worse , which he giveth to the better sort of men . But yet as to the Cases before denied , especially the forcing men by fire , sword , and imprisonment to say , they believe and repent , and to take the Sacrament and other Church priviledges , and making this the strength of Church discipline , I have all this against it . 1. No force should be used to the hindering and destruction of Christs ordinance of discipline and his Church Laws . But such it would be in the case in hand . For Christs fundamental Covenant is , that the true willing penitent and believer shall be a member of his Church , or those only that credibly profess to be so ( at age ) He that will may freely drink of the water of life . Nemo invitus fit Christianus : so that to say , that any man hath right to the mystical Church priviledges , but Consenters , or any man hath right to the visible Church priviledges , but credible Professors of consent , is to contradict the very condition of the Covenant of life , which is the sum of all the Gospel . It s true , you may compel some men to duty , but you cannot compel them to be happy . But to force them by perpetual Imprisonment , confiscation and the sword , to say that they are Christians , or repent , consent or are willing , and so to give them absolution and Church-communion , is to make Christs ordinance of none effect . For true discipline is to make them penitent and willing , and then to use them as such : But , 1 , It is not credible that that person is truly penitent and willing to be a Christian , or have Church-communion , who will not be perswaded to consent by all that can be said by the Pastors from the word of God , but yet on the rack or to prevent undoing will say ▪ I consent . This is contrary to the nature of true Repentance . 2. Or if it did not make this forced consent utterly incredible , yet it utterly crosseth the ends of Church discipline , which is to discern the voluntary penitent ; which force so obscureth that no man can tell whether the person be credibly penitent or not . If I left a Legacy to so many that are Lovers of the Church , and its Communion , and my Executors should get the Magistrate to hang , or Imprison or undo certain men that are accused as Enemies of the Church , unless they will say , we Love the Church , I think my Will would be ill performed , if those men had my Legacy , that were forced to say so . 2. No man should be forced to his own sin and distruction . But he that is forced to take the Sacrament when he is unwilling and had rather be without it , in likelihood is forced to his sin and destruction : For even the Liturgy telleth the unworthy that they eat and drink damnation to themselves , and that the Devil may enter into them as he did into Judas : And who is unworthy if the unwilling are not ? 3. Force is not fitted to cause love and willingness ; therefore men should not be forced to take a Gift , which Love and willingness is the condition of ; men use not to say , Love me or I will hang thee or imprison thee . This seemeth to make a new way of Preaching which Christ never made . 4. Christs terms are self-denial , Cross-bearing and forsaking all and following him for the hopes of heaven : But this seemeth a new and contrary Gospel , as if Christ had said ; He that will be my disciple rather than be imprisoned or die , shall be saved or received . ] Christ saith : He that forsaketh not all that he hath cannot be my disciple , Luk. 14. 33. This way , saith [ He that will come to the Church-communion rather than forsake all shall be my disciple ] . Christ saith [ He that loveth any thing , even his life more than me , cannot be my disciple . ] This way saith , [ He that loveth life , credit , wealth , liberty so well as that he will rather receive the Sacrament than lose it , shall be my disciple ] Christ saith , except ye repent ye shall all perish . ] This forceth a Minister to absolve a wicked man , as if he should not perish , if he will but rather say [ I repent ] than lose his liberty and estate . God saith [ He that loveth the World , the love of the Father is not in him ] . This way saith [ Do but Love the world so well as to say and do any thing to keep it , and then Pastor and people shall number thee with the Lovers of the Father . ] God saith ; The carnal mind is enmity to God and is not subject to his Law nor can be . ] This way saith [ If thy carnal mind make thee say or do any thing to save thy liberty or money , thou art an obedient Son of the Church and of God. ] And is not this to set up a new Gospel , Gal. 1. 7. 8. 5. And this way compelleth men to lie and play the Hypocrites . when we may discerne it is so . Mr. Capel of Tempt : would perswade us that a lie thus differeth from most other sins , that it is so evil in it self , as that it cannot in the very act be lawful . When a man against all perswasion , saith or sheweth you , that he doth not believe in Christ , or doth not repent , to say to that man , [ Say thou believest , or Repentest , or thou shalt be confiscate and lie in jaile ] is plainly to say [ Lie or suffer ] I deny not but that in some cases a man may be examined when it is foreknown that he will lie . But it s one thing to force him to examination and answer , and another to force him to that particular answer . 6. It is a compelling men to pretend to that which we cannot compel them to , that is , to have a Right to so great a benefit as Absolution and Church Communion . Force giveth no man Right to the Benefit , and their force should not compel him falsly to pretend a Right . 7. It confoundeth the Church and the world : Whilest every man is made a member of the Church that had but rather tell a lie and take bread and wine , than be undone , what wicked man on earth will not do the same ( unless he be so Consciencious that mistake and Conscience hindereth him ) Is there any Infidel , Heathen , Atheist , Murderer , Traytor , or Sensualist , in the world that will not do it ? What should hinder him that believeth there is no God , to do thus rather than be undone ? Is it so hard a word to say in a Chancellours Court [ I repent ] and deride and curse them when he is gone out ; or is a bit of Bread and a Sup of Wine so hard for a Glutton or Drunkard to get down , as that any of them would rather lie in jaile . 1. So that by this course the Church and the Infidel world are made equal , and no man can prove that any Mabometan Congregation is not as good , as to the persons , as such a Christian Congregation : For what Mabometan would not say and do this rather then be undone ? unless he be a Consciencious one , who is not so bad as those Christians that have no Conscience . 2. And by this meanes no conjecture can be made of the real members of the Church . Thousands may be driven in at the doors , but we have no means to perceive whither any of them indeed be Christians . 8. And hereby the Church and the Christian Religion are greatly dishonoured , while this odious stigma is made the marke of a visible member , [ One that had rather say he is a Christian and repenteth , than lie in a jaile ] ! Is this a laudable description ? 9. And hereby Mabometans , Jews and Heathens are hardened in their Infidelity and reproach of Christ , while Christians are such as these . 10. It putteth every consciencious Minister into a snare , and troubleth his Conscience● , or turneth him out , when he must put the Sacrament into the very hand of every man that had rather take it than be imprisoned ; and must read the Absolution of every one that had rather say , [ I repent ] than be undone . 11. It hindereth the comfort of the faithful in Church Communion to know that this is the measure and Character of these with whom they must hold that Communion , which is called the Communion of Saints . 12. It destroyeth Church unity and Love. For every visible member of the Church being a seeming Saint , should be loved with the special Love which belongeth to Saints , by us who are not Searchers of the heart . But who that is not out of his wits can by any obedience to the Church , be brought to Love all those as seeming Saints , who will choose a Sacrament before a jaile ? He that cannot believe them such , cannot Love them as such . 13. It will strengthen them that Separate from us as no Church , and make it not so easy to prove that we have any Church , as else it would be ; when they should argue [ Where there is no credible Profession of Faith and repentance there is no true Church : But &c. Ergo. The Major is undenyable . * The Minor indeed is not true , because many do Voluntarily profess , and shew their Voluntariness other waies . But no thanks to them that teach the accusers thus to argue [ When the Laws of Profession are Profess or lie in jayle , there is no credible ( Voluntary ) Profession : But &c. The Major they prove , Non esse & non apparere here are equipollent : But under such a law no voluntariness and Credibility is apparent : Ergo — And I know but this answer to the Minor , it is apparent otherwise , though not by that forced profession , because multitudes daily shew that they approve of what they do . 14. Force tendeth rather to hinder mens Repentance and Love to the Church : For Fear breadeth Hatred ; or at least Hurt doth . Kindness breedeth Love. God winneth our Love by mercy : And we are so to win the Love of others . Give a man but a box on the ear or slander or wrong him , and try whether it will make him Love you ; to say , Love Christ and the Christian or I will undo thee and lay thee in jaile , is the way to make him hate them . 15. And the Office of the Pastors is such as that truth and Goodness are the wares which they expose to sinners choice , and Light and Love are the effects which Spirits Word and Ministry are appointed to produce . And by Light and Love they must be wrought . Therefore no Minister ●oth his work , or doth any good to some , if by Light and Love and holy Life , he help not the people to the same . And therefore the adjunction of Jayles and confiscations , is so contrary to his Office and designe as obscureth or destroyeth it . ( Though Enemies may be restrained , and peace kept by force . ) 16. True discipline cannot be exercised this way , not only as it s lost in the confusion of powers ( as a little wine in Wormwood juice ) but because the Number and quality of the Church members will make it impossible . Enemies and rebellious carnal minds are not subject nor can be to the Lawes of Christ ; you may affright them to a Sacrament , but one of them will make a Minister such work , who will but call them to credible repentance for their crimes , and will renew those crimes so oft till he be excommunicated , and will so hate those that excommunicate , as will tell you what can be done , when all such are forced unwillingly into the Church . Of this I have spoke at large in my Book of Confirmation . 17. It tendeth greatly to harden the sinners in the Church in their impenitence , to their damnation : when they shall see , that let one swear and curse and be drunk every day in the week , if he will but say , I repent , rather than lie in Jayl , he shall be absolved by the Chancellour in the Bishops came , and have a sealed pardon delivered him in the Sacrament , by the Minister who knoweth his wicked life . How easie a way to Heaven ( which leadeth to Hell ) do such good-natured ( cruel ) Churches make men ? Obj. The Minister is to refuse the scandalous . Ans . Not when he is absolved by the Chancellour . Obj. But if he sin again , he may refuse him again . Ans . How far that is true , I shewed before . But not when he is absolved again . And he may be absolved toties quoties , if he had , but rather say , I repent ] than lie in Jayle . 18. Let but the ancient Canons be perused , and how contrary to them will this course appear ? The ancient Churches would admit none to absolution and communion after divers greater crimes , till they had waited ( as is aforesaid ) in begging and tears , and that for so long a term and with such penitential expressions , as satisfied the Church of the truth of their repentance . It would be tedious to recite the Canons . How great a part of Cyprians Epistles to the Churches of Carthage and Rome , are on this subject ? reprehending the Confessors and Presbyters for taking lapsed persons into Church Communion before they had fulfilled their penitential course ? And what a reproach do they cast upon all these Bishops , Churches and discipline , who say , That sinners must be taken into Communion , if they will prefer it before a Jayle Though they love a Wherehouse , an Ale-house , a Play-house , a Gaming house , yea , a Swine-Stie better than the Church , yet if they do not love a Jayle with beggery better , they shall be received . 19. Even when Christian Emperours had advanced Prelates , and given them ( though not the sword yet ) the aid of it in the Magistrates hand to second them , they never used it to force any to the Communion of the Church , but only to defend them , and to repress their adversaries . Yea when Prelates themselves began to use the sword , or to desire the Magistrates to serve them by it , it was not at all to force men to say : They Repent and so to be absolved and communicate ; But only to keep hereticks from their own assemblings , and from publishing their own doctrines or maintaining them , or from being Pastors of the Churches . And yet now men will force them to be Absolved and communicate . And how great mischiefs did even so much use of the sword in matters of Religion as was the punishment of Hereticks then being ( though they were not forced into the Church . ) Socrates brandeth Cyril of Alexandriae , * for the first Prelate that used the sword : and what work did he make with it ? He invaded a kind of secular Magistracy . He set himself against the Governour Orestes , and under his shadow those bloody murthers were committed on the Jewes ; who also ●illed many of the Christians . The Monks of Mount Nystra rose to the number of 500 , and assaulted the civil Governour and wounded him ; and Amonius who did it was put to death by Orestes : and Cyril made a Martyr of him ; till being ashamed of it , he suffered his memorial to be abolished . And when Hypatia a most excellent woman of the Heathens , was famous for her publick teaching of Phylosophy , Peter , one of Cyrils Readers became the head of a party of that Church , who watched the woman , and dragg'd her out of a Coach into a Church , stript her of her cloaths , and tore her flesh with sharp shells , till they killed her , and then tore her members in peices , and carried them to a place called Cynaron and burned them , for which we read of no punishment executed , Socrat. lib. 7. c. 13. 14 , 15. And it was this S. Cyril who deprived the Novatians of their Churches , and took away all the Secret treasure of them , and spoiled the Bishop Theopompus of all his fortunes , Socrat. l. 7. c 7. What his Nephew and Successor Theophilus was and did , you have heard before and shall hear more anon . What the ancient Christians thought of using the sword against Hereticks ( though they compelled them not to the Church and Sacrament ) any man that readeth their Writings may see , viz. Tertullian , Arnobius , La●tantius and abundance more . And the case of S. Martin towards Ithacius and Idacius , I have oft enough repeated : Only I cannot but note the impudency of Bellarmine , who de Scriptor . Eccles . de Idacio ( falsly making Idacius to be the same with Ithacius , when he was but one of his associates ) doth tell us that Idacius fell under the reprehension and punishment of the Bishops ( in eo reprehensus & punitus ab Episcopis fuit , quod Priscillianum apud seculares accusaverit & occidi curaverit ] whereas Sulpitius Severus , telleth us , that all the Bishops of the Synod joyned with them , and one S. Martyn and one French Bishop more disowned and refused them , and Martin would have no Communion with them to the death ( save that once at the Emperours perswasion he Communicated with them to save a prisoners life , which was given him on that condition , and yet was chastised by an Angel even for that . ) And Ambrose at Milan also disowned them ( as you may read in his life ) , and when the deed was done , the Christians spake ill of Ithacius and Idacius for taking that new and bloody way , which before the Churches commonly disowned , but they pretended that they did not cause this execution . And the same Sulpitius tells you , that when this new way of seeking to the Emperour , was first set on foot by Ithacius and his Synodists , the Priscillianists quickly got the handle of the sword ; and by a Courtier got even Gratian to be on their side against the Bishops . And yet that was not all the mischief , but when Maximus had killed Gratian , it was this pleasing of these bloody Orthodox Prelates which he trusted to as his means to possess the Empire , and so punished the Priscillianists to please them , and serve himself of them ( of which more anon . ) But you may see here that Bellarmine himself seemeth to disown Bishops seeking to Magistrates to punish Hereticks ; As if he had forgotten their bloody Inquisition and Massacres . And Baronius invit . Ambros . would perswade us that Ambrose ( who was of Martins mind ) did not disown the punishment of hereticks by the sword , but he would not have Churchmen seek it . As if it were not evident enough that it was the thing it self that he and Martin were against , and that Martin was reproached by the Prelates as a f●●tor of Hereticks , for travelling to Maximus Court and importuning him to save them . And as if the Inquisitors did not seek to the Magistrate , and more , even Judge , and execute the sword themselves . It s true that Augustine was at last for the use of the sword against the Donatists . But it s as true . 1. That he wrote much before against it . 2. That it was so much against the Churches former judgement and practice that he was fain to write his Apology and reasons . 3. And that the Donatists , Circumcellians used frequent and cruel violence against the Christians that were Orthodox ( or Cec●llians ) and catch'd their Presbyter in the streets of Carthage , dragg'd him in the dirt , and abused him cruelty two Church daies before they let him go , with many such outrages : Yea , the Catholicks could not go safely in the streets for them ; And among other devises , they mixt Lime and Vinegar together , and cast it in mens eyes as they passed in the streets , to put out their eyes : And they were so mad that they wounded and killed themselves to bring odium on the Catholicks : And they were so numerous , that they called themselves the whole Catholick Church . 4. And Austin did never desire the Magistrate to force them to the Sacrament , but to defend the Church , and repress their insolencies . 5. And yet the whole Clergy joyned first in a representation of all this to the Donatists Bishop Januarius as being an old experienced peaceable man , and to desire him to remedy it , before they would fly for aid to the Magistrate ( all this you may see in their Epist . to him inter Augustini Epistolas . And what work did the Arrians make with the Orthodox , when they had got the Emperours sword to serve them . Nay indeed it was the Arrians who did first set this work on foot ( after the Jewes and Heathens ) They so depopulated the Churches by it in the da●es of Constantius and Valens , that they seemed all to be turned Arrians , and th● Orthodox party seemed to be almost conquered if not extinct . And their Sergius the Monk that instructed Mahomet , set him by this way of the sword on that extirpation of Christianity , which hath so dolefully prevailed in the Eastern Empire : And so great was the swords success against the faith of the Trinity , that Philostorgius of Old , and out of him Sandius of late , would make us believe that almost all the ancient Bishops indeed were Arrians . But the saddest instance of the mischief of too much serving Church-men by the sword , is the case of the Papal faction : when Cyril had begun the trade at Alexandria , saith Socrates , [ Episcopus Romanus non aliter atque Alexandrinus quasi extra sacerdotis fines egressus , ad secularem principatum erat jam ante delapsus ] ( it seems Rome had the primacy in a Sanguinary Prelacy ; ) And , saith he , Then Pope Celestine first took their Churches from the Novations , and compelled their Bishop Ruricolae to keep their meetings privately in houses : And though the Bishops commended them as Orthodox , yet they spoiled them of their fortunes , Socrat. l. 7. c. 11. so impatient are armed Prelates of any that are not of their mind and way , how honest otherwise soever they acknowledge them . But , alas , since then what streams of blood have been shed to ●ack the Romane discipline ? How many hundred thousand of the Waldenses and Albigenses did they murther ? How many thousands in Belgia , France , Germany , Poland , Ireland , &c. And when at first they precariously got the Magistrates to serve them voluntarily with the sword , at last they would constrain them to it , as their duty ; and such a duty as they must perform on pain of losing their dominions : For the Pope having first excommunicated them , next may give away their dominions to others , as is fully expressed , Concil . Lateran . sub . Innoc. 3. Can. 3. & Concil . Rom. sub . Gregor . 7. And do I yet need to say more , what mischief hath come by overmuch backing Church discipline by the sword ? If I do , let this be the close , that God knoweth how many Great men and Commanders are now in Hell , for the persecutions and murders , which Church men have thus drawn them to . 2. Lastly , most certain this course ( of forcing all men into the Church and to the Sacrament by prison and sword ) will keep up perpetual divisions in the Churches . The more religious sort of people will still in all ages be flying away from such Churches as from a Pest-house , or infected place , or ruinous house that 's ready to fall . The unexperienced Prelates think that it is but some few preachers that teach the people such strict opinions , and if those were cut off all would be well : But their ignorance is the Churches plague and their own . 1. There is somewhat in Scripture that perswadeth them that God hateth all the workers of iniquity ; and that holiness and unholiness are as Light and Darkness , and that he that nameth the name of Christ must depart from iniquity , and that the impenitent and scandalous must be avoided and ashamed , and hereticks after a first and second admonition , and that he that bids them Good speed is partaker of their evil deeds , and that a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump , and therefore the wicked must be cast out , and must be to us ( if obstinate after admonition ) as Heathens and Publicans ; These are not the words of phanaticks but of Christ . 2. There is something in the newborn soul which is contrary to wickedness , and which inclineth men to an enmity with the Serpents seed as such , though a love to them as men that are yet capable of grace and which disposeth men to obey all the foresaid words of Christ . 3. And there is in the people more than in the Pastors , some remnants of ignorance , which makes them more liable to stretch these words of Christ too far , and by mistake to run further from wicked men than God would have them . But when they see the Wilderness called the Garden of God , and the wicked not only tolerated in the Church , but forced into it by the Sword , and so the Church to contain the world , and to be as vicious as Infidels ; ( what ever men should do , ) I dare confidently prophecy what they will do ; All the Prelates in the world , no nor all the godly that preach , will never prevent it , but every age will bring forth new divisions , and the stricter sort will be still flying from such Churches as these , to worship God in purer societies ; And if you are angry with the Scriptures , and with the Papists , keep them from their knowledge , you must do so also by the Creed , Lords Prayer and ten Commandments , or else the very Article of [ the Communion of Saints ] and the praying [ Thy Name be hallowed , thy Kingdome come , thy Will be done in earth as it is heaven ] with the precepts of Holiness and Righteousness , will have the same kind of operation . Obj. But in the Church of Rome , there is unity and concord , and no Sects , and therefore that sheweth us what the sword may do . Ans . 1. But the Church of Rome is it self but a fraction , divided from the rest of the Church . Do they not differ sufficiently from the Greeks , Armenians , Abassines , &c. Did they not drive from them Germany , Belgia and the rest of the Protestants ? Yea , even by their cruelty , so far was cruelty from preventing it ? The Anabaptists , and many other Sects may be at one among themselves , and yet not at one with any others . 2. Are you willing of a concord in your Churches upon the same terms as the Church of Rome hath it ? What , with the same ignorance and ungodliness ; Locking up the Scriptures , in Latin Prayers and Masses , and a Catholick Tyrant or Usurper , and all this procured by the blood of so many hundred thousands , and kept up by the same Love-killing means ? would you indeed have such a concord ? Et cum solitudinem facitis , pacem vocabitis , as Tertullian speaketh . 3. But indeed the Church of Rome hath one other means for concord which you want ; and that is various houses and orders of Monasticks . Ignorance and prophaness will serve for the concord of the worst ; but there will be still some who believe and forethink of a life to come , and therefore will be religious ; and for these when they cannot have communion with the wicked , this politickly holy Church hath provided this expedient : every one that will be Religiouser than the rest , hath a hive or society to fli● to at their choice , and may betake themselves to that which is most strict or most suited to their own conceits . And if you would make Independant Churches to be like such Monasteries , where the Religiouser sort may have Communion with one another , you may do much to prevent a further breach . Object . II. But the sword will prevail with the most : In the changes of ● Religion in England and else where , the People have alwayes changed with the he King. Answ . 1. Men may seemingly leave an ill way with the King : Because they are wicked that walk in it , and therefore can say any thing . But men will not so easily leave a good way when a King shall leave it ; Because they that are in a good way are often Good men , and true to God , and hold Truth and Goodness faster than bad Men hold Error and Evil. 2. Indeed this is the way to have a Church onely of perfidious wicked Men , who will turn to any thing with their tongues ( because they will not turn to God with their hearts ) : And to have no true Christian left among you : for such fear not them that can kill the body onely , in comparison of him that can damn the Soul , Luke 12. 4. 3. Do not France , and all the Churches , and Our selves at this day fully shew you the falseness of this Objection . CHAP. XXII . An Answer to the Objections . 1. No Bishops no King. 2. And of the Rebellions and Seditions of those , that have been against Bishops . I Come not for your own sake to meddle with such matters as these , but you put a necessity on us , by making us odious by such pretences . 1. To the first I answer , 1. Were not all the very Heathen Emperors heretofore , and are not all the Heathen Kings still , Kings , and as great as others , without Bishops ? And may not Christian Kings much more ? 2. If the Presbyterians had said , no Presbyters , no King , you would have taken it for treasonable ; as if they had threatned that the King shall not be King , unless they may have their way , and shall not the King be King unless you may be Bishops ? 3. What is in the nature of the thing to warrant this assertion ? Presbyterians own every text and Article for Monarchy as the Prelatists do , even as ever any Christian Council or Confession asserted , as far as we can learn. They plead no other divine right for their offices , than our Prelates do . And ( save what some of them have held by the Magistrates own gift ) they pretend to no power over any mans body or purse . Many of them and the Independants , meddle no further than their own Congregations . What is in all this against Kings ? That an Aristocratical Church Government may not live quietly under Monarchy , or a Monarchial Church Government under Aristocracy , is an asserted fiction , without all proof . Otherwise by the same reason you would perswade Venice , Holland and all such Governments , that Prelacy may not be endured under them . 4. But what if it were all as true as it is false ? What is it to those Nonconformists that craved Bishop Ushers Episcopacy ? The question is but whether a humble Bishop in a Parish or Market Town , without any Lordship or great revenews , or interest in the sword , may not live as safely and obediently under Kings , as our Lord Bishops ? Yea in very deed most of the Independant Churches themselves have a kind of Episcopacy , whether they own the name or not : For usually one single Pastor hath as much as a Negative voice in the management of all disciplinary affairs . II. But the answer to the second will fuller answer this . 1. Do you not know that where Prelacy is at the highest , there Kings and Emperours have been at the lowest ? Do you not know how the Papal Prelacy at the present usurpeth one part of their Government : and is ready to take away the other when they can , when ever Kings displease them ? Can any thing be said to hide this by him that readeth , but the two forenamed Councils ( Later . & Rom. sub Gregor . 7. ) Did Prelacy preserve those Emperors of the East that suffered by it ? Doth it now preserve the Emperour of Moscovy , where the Patriarks interest is pretended in the rebellion ? Did it preserve Frederick , and the two Henries of Germany ? or Henry 3. and 4th . of France ? Did it preserve the Kings of England , Will. 2. Hen. 2. and 3. John , &c. from their wars and troubles ? Did it preserve the Kingdome of Navar to the right Lord ? What should , I say , more of this after the copious instances of H. Fowlis ? and after that volume of W. Prin. of the English Prelates Treasons ? Read it and judge . 2. What people more peaceable and obedient to their superiors , for instance than the Helvetian Ministers have been ? who yet have no such thing as Bishops . 3. Dr. Pet. Moulin Junior , one of your selves in his answer to Philanax Angl. hath said enough to confute most of the Calumnies against the Reformed Churches in this point . 4. Who knoweth not , that even in the ancient Churches , and that when Episcopacy was thriving apace , yea and by and among the Bishops themselves , yea some that were good men and are now Sainted , yet tumults , seditions , rebellions , and contentions troubled the Churches , and the Emperours and Magistrates , as frequently as of later times , which I mention not to abate the honour of those better Christians , but 1. To shew you , that all this was done under Prelacy , and therefore it was not want of Prelacy , or aversness to it that is to be taken for the cause . 2. That these distempers were found in the best times , and among the purest Churches , and therefore are not to be now thought strange , or taken for a mark of a bad religion . I will not repeate what I said but even now of the horrid tumults and blood shed at Alexandria , their cruel Murdering of Hypatia , and the insurrection and sedition even of the Holy Monks , and Saint Cyrils Sainting of the executed actor of violence on the Governour . What work his Predecessor Saint Theophilus made against Saint Chrysostome , how Epiphanius acted his part ; how Saint Hierome was of their party ; how even the Orthodox Bishops in several Synods opposed and deposed those two excellent Bishops of Constantinople Gregory Theol. and Chrysostome , hath been said before . Even at the Election of Chrysostome Theophilus went about by all means to discredit him , and to preferr to the place one Isidore a Priest of his own Church . And that you may know how Loyalty prevailed against the owning of Tyrants when they got the better you shall further hear why Theophilus set so much by this Isidore , because he undertook for him a perillous piece of service ( saith Socrates li. 6. c. 2. ) viz , [ When the Emporour Theod●sius waged War with Maximus the Tyrant , Theophilus sent Presents directed to the Emperour with two Letters ( one to Theodosius and one to Maximus ) charging Isidorus to present him that got the better with the gift and one of the Letters . Isidore being careful of his business , went diligently about this feat , got him to Rome , and hearkeneth after the Victory : But his fetch was not long ere it was found out ; for his Reader , that accompanyed him stole away his Letters . Whereupon Isidore being afraid to be taken with the manner , took his heeles in all hast to Alexandria : This was it that made Theophilus labour so carnestly for Isidore : But all that were of the Emperours Court preferred John to the Bishopprick : And afterwards when as many charged Theophilus with heynous crimes , and presented to the Bishops ( then present ) libells and Articles against him , some for this thing and some for that ; Eutropius one of the Emporours Chamber having gotten the Articles and Inditements , shewed them to Theophilus , bad him choose whether he would Create John Bishop , or stand at the Barr and answer to the Crimes that were laid to his charge . Theophilus was so afraid with this that presently he consented to the installing of John ] . What would have been said of one of us now , if we had not only complyed with a victorious Tyrant , but also so jugled with presents and double Letters before hand . I did my self disowne Oliver Cromwel openly to his death ; and yet because after twelve years possession of the Usurpers , I did but Dedicate two Bookes to his Son Richard , whom I never saw nor heard from , only to encourage him to befriend truth and unity against Papists and Sectaries , who then threatened all , ( and this when the Royalists themselves gave out that he was Really for the restoration of the King ) this is made the odious Crime in me , as a thing deserving greatest Infamy . Do I need to recite how great Leo himself and other Roman and Italian Bishops owned the Barbarian Conquerours ? No wonder than if they too early took Theodoricus for their King set over them by God , who was a better man than the rest , and had at last a better Tittle . Saith Socrates further li. 6. c. 7. [ When the Common-wealth of the Roman Empire , was tossed with these troublesome stormes of Rebellion such as were promoted to the reverend function of Priest hood were at distraction among themselves , to the great slander of Christian Religion : Then was one set against the other ; the original of which pestilent Schism came from Egypt , and the occasion was as followeth . There was a question broached a little before , whether God were a body , made after the likeness and forme of man ? Or whether he were without body , and void of all Corporal shape . * Hereof there arose sundry contertions and quarrels : While some affirmed this and others that : Some of the rudest and unlearned sort of Religious men thought that God was Corporeal , and of the forme and figure of man : But the greater part condemned them with their Heretical opinion , affirming that God had no bodily substance or shape . Of which opinion was Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria ; so that in the hearing of the whole Congregation he inveighed bitterly against the Contrary — The worshippers of Egypt understanding this , left their Religious houses , came to Alexandria , flocked about Theophilus ; condemned him for a wicked person , and sought to bereave him of his Life . Theophilus being made privy to their Conspiracy , was wonderful pensive , devised how he might scape their hands and save his life . As soon as he came into their presence he saluted them Courteously , and said thus to them : When I fasten mine eyes on you , methinks I see the lively face of God. With these words the rash heat of the unruly Monkes was delayed , and they said , If that be true that thou sayest , that the Countenance of God is no otherwise than ours , accurse then the works of Oregen : For divers of his books do impugne our opinion : But if thou refuse to do this , assure thy self to receive at our hands the punishment due to the impious and open Enemies of God : Nay , saith Theoph. I will do that which seemeth good in your eyes ] Thus you see what the Monks were . But will you see what Theophilus was . It followeth [ The Religious , houses in Egypt were overseen of four worthy men , Bretheren , Dioscorus , Ammonius , Eusebius , and Eutburmus , Their great fame and excellency made Theophilus force them out of their beloved solitude , and make Dioscorus , a Bishop , and two other to live with himself — At last , their Consciences were pricked , perceiving that the Bishop was set upon heaping and hoarding of mony . * and that all their labour tended to gathering , they would no longer dwel with him but got them into the desert — As soon as Theophilus understood that they abhorred his manner of living , he was wonderfully incensed , and promised to work them a displeasure — and being prone to anger and revenge , bestirred himself against them and endeavoured by all means to work them mischief . And he began to despight Dioscorus , the Bishop , for it grieved him to the gutts that the Worshippers made so much of Dioscorus and reverenced him so highly ( To beshorter than Socrates ) Theophilus not knowing else how to be revenged , set the Monks against him and his Brethren , and accuseth them of holding contrary to the Scripture , that God had no body , hands , or feet , and so taketh on him to be of their opinion ▪ till he had set them altogether by the cars : And the ignoranter Monks being the greater number he took their side , and so they went first to it by zealous reproaches , one part calling the other Originests , and the other part calling them Anthropomorphites , and at last it came to a deadly Battel . And , saith Socrates , Theophilus perceiving , that his fetches framed after his will went with great power towards the Mount Nitria , where there religious houses stood , and aided the Monks against Dioscorus and his Brethren : And the Religious men thus beset with great danger had much ado to save their lives . ] Socr. l. 6. c. 7. Did ever Presbyterians commit such an unchristian and inhumane vilany as this , by such false dissimulation and malice ? And here we see how the quarrel began against Origens Works , not for the passages that are truely culpable , but for the sounder parts ; and how it came to pass that Chrysostome was not so forward to condemn them as his Condemners did require him to be . Theodoret. lib. 4. Hist Eccl. c. 13. Tells us that when the Emperour Valens his order was brought to Eusebius Samosatenus for his removal and banishment , Eusebius tels the Officer , That if the People should know it , they would drown him in the River ( Euphrates ) and therefore contrived to slip away by night . ] What would they say , if our Churches were such as this orthodox Episcopal Church was ? Theodor. lib. 3. c. 13. The Virgins openly sung in reproach of Julian the Emperour [ Ratae illum consceleratum tyrannum contemnendum esse & omnium irrisione ludendum ] judging that wicked Tyrant to be contemned and made a mocking stock by all . And yet he was a lawful Emperour and none of the cruellest Persecutors . Theodor. l. 3. c. 13. When the People of his Church had found out Eusebius their banished Bishop , they earnestly perswaded him to return , contrary to the Emperors Edict , and not to suffer his flock to be left to the Wolves ( which were the Bishops set over them by the Emperour ) . And is not this more than the people are now condemned for , who only hear the Ministers privately ? Cap. 14. When the Emperors Arrian Bishop was set over them , not one of all the People rich or poor , servant or labourer , husbandman or Artificer , man or woman , young or old , would come as they used to the Church , nor come in sight of the Bishop , nor speak with him : But though he lived very modestly , he came to the Church ( place ) alone . They would not bathe with him nor bathe in the same water , but throw it first into the Channel ; when he left the City ( this was Eunomius ) . Do our hearers deal as harsshly as this ? Afterward when Lucius was set over them , the Children in the streets did burn their ball , because his Asses feet had touched it . Id. ib. c. 16. When the Bishop of Edessa was removed and another set over them , the people frequented private meetings in the Suburbs . And when the Emperour commanded his Prefect , Modestus , to take Souldiers and disturb them , and drive them away , the women ran with their Children hoping to die with them . And Eulogius the Presbyter asked , Was the Emperour made Priest when he was made Emperour ? And how the Presbiters and People of Antioch continued their meeting whether the Emperour would or not , though he disturbed them by Soldiers . Theodor c. 17. Basils answer to the Prefect , when he offered him the Emperours favour , was , that Children were to be so talk'd to , but Men bread up in divine studies , would suffer any death rather than suffer one syllable of divine Truth to be blemished . Quod autem ad Imperatoris amicitiam , &c. But as for the Emperors friendship I much value it ( saith he ) joyned with godliness , but if it want that , I say , it is pernicious . In one of us this answer would have been enough to make us seem as bad as it made Basil esteemed good . Id. 11. c. 19. When the forenamed Lucius was made Bishop of Alexandria , and Peter their Bishop put out , the People would come to the Church place , though he persecuted them as he had done the other , & omnes pariter ceperunt Lucium convitiis lacer●re , they all began to tear Lucius with revilings , because he persecuted the Monks of Egypt . Id. l. c. 38. Audas a Bishop in Persia demolished their Temple ( or Pyreum ) by violence : For which the Emperour of Persia killed him , and destroyed all the Christian Churches . Id. l. 4. c. 21. When Moses was desired by Queen Mavia to be her Bishop among the Saracens , he would not let Lucius ordain him , because he had persecuted good men , But said to him ( Quis impius non tua causâ conventus Ecclesiasticos petulanter insectatus est ? Quis e laudatorum virorum numero non parte exulavit ? Quam immanitatem barbaram , malefici abs te in dies singulos admissa non superarunt ? ) Do Nonconformists speak more harshly to our Bishops ? Theodoret himself frequently calleth Julian a Tyrant . cap. 22. The Heathens kept their Feasts openly ; Telis autem Apostolicae doctrinae propugnatoribus , tyrannus iste se hostem praebuit . And when he was dead , they openly rejoyced at his death . Id. cap. 30. l. 4. With what bold language doth Izaak tell Valens of his fighting against God , and casting out his Ministers , and Gods fighting against him and what he would be sure to meet with at the end , if he kicked against the pricks . Lib. 5. c. 17. The Christian people of Thessalonica rose , and killed some of Theodosius his Officers , which provoked him by his Souldiers to kill seven thousand of them , for which Ambrose brought him to do open pennane . To mention all the blood shed at Rome ( as at Damascus election and else ) and Constantinople , and Alexandria would be tedious , even that which was shed on the account of Bishops . Lucius Calaritanus was a pious Bishop ; but so hot for separation from those that had been Arrians , that he is numbered for it with the Hereticks , though an orthodox Bishop . The Novatians were Episcopal , and so were the Donatists , and yet how have they been judged of for their Schism I need not tell : Apollinarius father and son , Paulus Samosatenus , Nestorius , Dioscorus , Eusebius , Nicomed , Theodorus Mopsuest , and how many more Bishops have been Arch-hereticks and the cause of tumults and dissensions . The very reading over the acts of the General Councils , especialy Eph. 1. and 2. & Calced . is tremendous . It was to be a Bishop , that Maximus made so pestilent a stir at Constantinople and Alexandria against Gregory Theolog. Yea they tell us themselves , that it was because he could not be a Bishop that Aerius spake against Bishops , so pestilent a thing hath the desire of such Bishopricks been . Theodotus the Bishop would not so much as joyn in Prayer with Basil morning or evening , because he had but communicated with Bishop Eustathius upon his fair professions , Basil . Epist . 43. Admir : ad Terentium Comit. The contention between such excellent persons as Eusebius Caesar while Bishop , and Basil : while Presbyter , was very sad and scandalous . The contention between Basil and Euthemius about the extent of their Diocess was no less . The People of Caesarea would have torn in peices , Eusebius the President , the Emperors own Unkle , for Basils sake , if he had not hindred them . The Church of Neo-Caesarea wrangled with Basil for his Psalmodie , and even avoided him as if he had been an Heretick , see Basils Epist . ad mer. 4. to Julian , what language he there ufeth to the Emperour : Not that I judge him , but wish you to judge equally of the actions of those times and ours . See Basil Ep. 82. Theodor. l. 5 c. 19. The Antiochians for a Tax under Theodosius the great , did tumultuate and kill the Magistrates , and destroyed the Statue of Placilla the good Empress . In the West good Ambrose at Milan ( was not silenced as we are , but ) by an Orthodox Emperour desired and commanded to deliver the Arrians possession but of one Church : and he refused to do it , and to forsake that Church ( or Temple ) or deliver the Vessels till they should be taken by force . Vit. Ambros . per Baron . p. 6. whereas we all left our Churches at a word . Nay though he would not resist the Emperour , he would rather die than deliver up the Church . When he was celebrating Gods Worship he was fain to break off , to rescue an Arrian Priest out of the hands of the Orthodox people , who had laid hold on him : For which multitudes were laid in prison and Irons , and accused of Sedition , and great Calamity followed to the Church , and this from Valentinian an Orthodox Emperour . Ambrose saith when he refused to deliver up the Temple , E●qua sunt Divina Imperatoriae potestati non esse subjecta ( If Baronius say true ) ; but mine I shall yield to him ] . But we hold that even Temples ( as well as Bishops ) though dedicated to God , are under the Civil power of the Empour . When Ambrose was desired but to quiet the people , he answered It is in my power not to stir them up ; but it is God that must quiet them ] So great was his interest in the people that the Emperour said he was a Tyrant , and that the people would deliver himself bound to him , if Ambrose did but bid them . Yet had Ambrose been the man that had gone on his Embassie to Maximus , and kept him from coming into Italy in pursute of Valentinian which made Ambrose say [ Non hoc Maximum dicere quod Tyranus go sum Valentiniani : qui se meae legationis objectum queritur ad Italiam non potuisse pervenire . ] And because the late revolutions in England are made by some Prelates the pretence for the silencing of the 1800 Ministers , of whom one of ten never medled with Warrs , being fallen again on this case of Maximus , let it be noted how like he was to Cromwel , saving that it was not the Sectaries , but the Bishops that he studyed to please and rise by . When Gratian the Emperour befriended the Priscillianists , Maximus to please the Bishops persecuted them to the death . When Valantinian by Justina the Empresse meanes did persecute or trouble Ambrose for refusing to deliver a Church to the Arrians , and also other Orthodox Bishops as well as Ambrose , Maximus gave to Ambrose and the Bishops the Honour of keeping him out of Italy , and letting Valentinian scape : Yea , wrote his Letters to Valentinian for the Orthodox Bishops , telling him how grievous a thing it is to persecute the Ministers of God , and when under his father they went for faithful Ministers . Quae tanta mutatio , ut qui antea sacerdotes , nunc sacrilegi judicantur ! Iisdem certe praeceptis , Iisdem Sacramentis dilatis ; Eadem fide credunt , qua antea crediderunt . An put at Venerabilis mihi serenitas tua conceptam semel in animis religionem quam Deus ipse constituit posse evelli ? And proceedeth to shew what disorders and contentions must needs follow when there be a shew of persecuting Christians and Ministers ] Upon this message of Maximus , Valentinian being afraid of him , the persecution ceased ; and Ambrose must be sent again on the Embassage to Maximus to stop him : But when as the Bishops of France and Germany owned him , and Ambrose would not communicate with those Bishops ( no more than Martin ) saith he , cum videret me abstinere ab Episcopis qui communicabant ei , vel qui aliquos devios licet a side ( that is the Prescillianists ) ad necem petebant , jussit me sine mora regredi . See here that Ambrose as well as Martin separated from the Communion of the multitude of Bishops for owning Maximus , and for seeking to the Magistrate to draw his sword against the Priscillianists , whom Sulp. Severus calleth Gnosticks : When as many among us , have by words and writing provoked Rulers to draw the sword against us that differ , in no one point of doctrine from the Articles of the English Church . And the said Maximus and the Bishops did so close that only one Hyginus a Bishop is mentioned , and Theognostus besides Ambrose and Martin that rejected Maximus , and refused Communion with the Synod and Bishops , and was banished also for so doing . By which you may see , 1. That Bishops can comply with usurpers that will be for them as much as Presbyters , 2. And that all is not unwarrantable separation or schism , which Bishops call so , when these three shall separate from so many . And saith Baron . in vita Ambros . Maximus ut Tyranni nomen vitaret , perinde atque fidei Catholicae tuendae causa bellum illud suscepisset , in hereticos pugnam convertit & Catholicos sacerdotes quibus valuit honoribus & officiis est prosecutus , p. 24. Maximus raiseth that war for the Orthodox Bishops to save them from the persecution of their lawful Prince , and sets himself to do them all the honor he could , and to pull down the hereticks . And these were the Halcionian daies which Ambrose himself declareth and magnifieth , even when Maximus had supprest the Arrians [ En tempus acceptabile ! quo non hiemalibus perfidiae caligantis pruinas annus riget , nec altis nivis , &c. ibid. Reader was not that time more strange than ours ? that Ambrose must be so loyal as to save his Prince and Country from a usurper ; and yet so pious as to be persecuted by his Prince , and he and his brethren saved by that same usurper ▪ and openly give praise to God for the great felicity of the Church which it received by that same usurper whom he so resisted ? I● it not pity that things should be so strangely carried ? And that yet you may see more into this business , Paulinus in vit . Ambros . p. 40. tells us , that Maximus took just a name to himself as Cromwel the Protector did . [ Maximus Procuratorem se reipublicae nomine praefuisse confiteretur . ] He would rule as the Procurator of the Common-wealth . Well! But this is not all the Usurpers that rose up in those daies . Eugenius soon becometh more terrible than he ( who once was but a Schoolmaster ) . And how doth this loyal S. Ambrose carry it ? when he had got of Theodosius a pardon for all that took part with Maximus , even his Army except two or three , yea and benefits too , yet did not this holy loyal man think it sinful to write thus to the Tyrant Eugenius , [ Epistol . l. 2. p. 103. Clementissimo Imperatori Eugenio , Ambrosius Episcopus ; Bishop Ambrose to the most Clement Emperour Eugenius . And thus concludeth , [ In his vero in quibus vos rogari decet , etiam exhibere sedulitatem potestati debitam ▪ sicut & scriptum est , cui honorem , honorem , cui tributum , tributum : Nam cum privato detulerim corde intimo , quomodo non deferrem Imperatori ? ] i. e. But in these matters where it becometh us to petition you , we must also give the diligence due to power : as it is written , honor to whom honor , tribute to whom tribute : For when I honored you , when you were a private man from the inwards of my heart , how should I not honor you an Emperour ? ] Reader do not only judge of my two Epistles to Rich. Cromwell by these passages , but even of theirs that submitted to Oliver himself : and yet Judge of the inferences that are raised by our accusers . Should I but recite the words of submission of Bishops to usurpers , yea of Gregory the Great and such of the highest note , it would be over tedious to the Reader , who I doubt will think that I have been too long in this unpleasant History already . 2. But this I must need add ad homines , 1. That it hath been the Bishops themselves that have been the grand cause of our Church divisions and separations : what advantage they have given the separatists I shewed before . I am sure in the Congregation where I once was teacher , and the Countrey about , nothing that ever came to pass hath so inclined the people to avoid the Prelates , as their own doing , especially the silencing and reproaching their ancient teachers whom they knew longer and better than the Prelates did . 2. That it was a Parliament of Episcopals and Erastians , and not of Presbyterians , who first took up Armes in England against the King. 3. That the General , and chief Officers of the Parliaments first Army were scarce any of them at all Presbyterians , but Episcopal by profession , saving some few Independants . 4. That the Lord Lieutenants of the several Counties , were almost all Episcopal , save three Independents . 5. The Major Generals of the several By-armies in the Counties were almost all Episcopal . 6. The Assembly of Divines at Westminster were all save eight or nine Conformable . 7. Most of the Episcopal men of my acquaintance took the Covenant , that could keep their places by it , or at their composition . 8. I knew few of them that took not the engagement it self , against King and house of Lords , meerly for liberty to travail about their business , when we that ran a greater hazard by refusing , never took it ; but many were cast out of their Churches , and their government in the University Colledges for refusing it . These and many more such unpleasant things , I have fully proved elsewhere , being constrained by the false accusations of implacable men , to mention that which I had far rather silence . 9. And what hand the Londoners , the Presbyterian Ministers , and Gentlemen , and people had in bringing in the King was once known and acknowledged . And General Monks Colonels and Captains were so many of them Presbyterians , when they cast out the Anabaptists , from among them in Scotland and marcht into England and restored the King , that as I knew divers of them to be such , so far as I could learn from others , the chief strength of them were such or so inclined . 10. And though many of the Parliament were supposed Presbyterians long after , who were Episcopal at the raising of the Army , yet could not the late King Charles I. be rejected and judged and put to death , till most of the Parliament were violently secluded and imprisoned by the Army . And as soon as they were but called together again , it was they ( in Parliament and Council of State ) that opened the door for the Kings restitution . But while the matters of the Church of Christ , and the decision of religious controversies , and the liberty of Christs Ministers to preach his Gospel , must be laid upon state revolutions , and where Bishops that can neither accuse Christs Ministers of heresie , ignorance , negligence , covetuousness , pride , nor scandalous immoralities , shall run to the old methods , and perswade Kings that these men are not for their profit , that they are pestilent fellows and movers of sedition among the people , that they prophecy not good of Kings but evil , and that they would set up another King , one Jesus , and therefore are not Caesars friends , these malicious projects may silence Ministers , and prosper , while our sins are to be punished , and the peoples , contempt of the Gospel and their ingratitude are to be chastised . But the wicked servant that saith , my Lord delayeth his coming , and beateth his fellow servants , and eateth and drinketh with the drunken , will see that his Lord will come in a day , that he looked not for him , and will cut him a sunder and give him his portion , with hypocrites ( for their dead Image of Religion will not save them ) there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth , Matth. 24. 48 , 49 , 50 , 51. CHAP. XXIII . Four dou●le charges I have now proved against the foredescribed Diocesane f●rm of Government , the least of which alone is enough to prove it utterly unlawful . 1. THat it overthroweth the ancient Species of Churches , and setteth up another sort of Churches , in their place ; and sets up one Church of that kind instead of many hundreds . 2. That it overthroweth the ancient office of a Presbyter , by taking away one part of his work ( viz. Government ) which as much belongeth to him as the rest : And maketh a new office of subject Presbyters , which Cod never made . 3. That it overthroweth the ancient sort of fixed Episcopacy , ( as distinct from Itinerants and Arch-bishops ) ; taking down a thousand or very many Bishops , even the Bishops of particular Churches , and instead of them all setting up but one over all those Churches ; as if all Bishops were put down , and the Archbishops only take all their charges and work upon them . 4. That it maketh the Discipline or Government instituted by Christ , in the very matter of it to become impossible and impracticable , and so excludeth it , under pretence that they are the only persons impowred for it ; and they set up a kind of secular Courts and Government in its stead ; and so are practically Erastians . I shall conclude all with these Consectaries which follow what is already proved . Cons. 1. Such Diocesane principles greatly strengthen the Brownists cause , who deny us to have any Church or Ministry of divine institution : as is before shewed . And as for them that say . [ No form of Church Government is of divine institution ] . Ans . 1. It is well that they are forced to except both the universal and the particular Churches , and expound this only of Associations of Churches . 2. It is well that yet they confess that the office of Pastors is of Divine institution ; who are made Church Governours by Christ . 3. But it is scant well that yet they subscribe to the book of Ordination , which asserteth the Divine right of three distinct orders , if they do not believe it . 4. And these also too much gratifie the Brownist , who affirmeth that we have no Churches of Divine institution , and thinketh that it is no fault to separate , but from a Church of humane invention . Cons . 2. To say that no man High or Low is bound in his place and calling to endeavour a Reformation of such a Church-Government , and so to justifie the neglecters and opposers of all such Reformation is to draw upon a mans self the guilt of so much pollution , and of the ruin of such a multitude of souls , as should make that Conscience smart and tremble , which is not seared and past all feeling . Cons . 3. To swear or subscribe , or say and declare , that though millions should swear to endeavour such a reformation , in their places and callings , by lawful means , there is no obligation lieth on any one of them from that Vow or Oath : So to endeavour it , is — The Lord have Mercy on that Land , City or Soul that is guilty of it — Cons . 4. All carnal interest and all carnal reason is on the Diocesanes side , and all the lusts of the heart of man , and consequently all the Devil can do : Therefore while carnal Christians make a Religion of their lusts and interest , and pride , and covetousness , and idleness are more predominant , than the fear of God and the love of souls , no wonder if the Diocesane cause prevail with such . Cons . 5. A truly sanctified heart knoweth the nature and worth of Grace , and the nature and weight of the Pastoral Office , and is devoted to God and the good of souls , and contemneth the ease and pleasures of the flesh and the riches and the honours of this World , and is the best argument in the World against such Diocesane Prelacy ; and must at least be weakened before it can subscribe never to endeavour to amend it . Cons . 6. No wonder if the most serious zealous practical sort of Christians are ordinarily against such Diocesanes Prelacy , when it hath the described effects and that those among themselves . Cons . 7. No wonder if the principal work of such Diocesanes , be to silence faithful preachers and persecute zealous Christians , where they had espoused a cause so contrary to the interest of Godliness that all these are unreconcilable thereto : Speak not of any other Prelacy . Cons . 8. Take but from such Prelacy the plumes which it hath stolen from Magistrates and Presbyters , and it will be a naked thing , and simply a name . Cons . 9. If Magistrates were not the Prelates Executioners or seconded them not by writs de excommunicato capiendo , &c. such Prelacy would give up as dead , or aweary of it self . Cons . 10. The ill Mixtures of force and secular power , corrupteth Church Discipline , and depriveth it of its proper nature , use and force , maketh it another thing , or undiscernable . Cons . 11. Though in cases of necessity civil Rulers may trust Church men with part of their power about religion , it is far better out of necessity that they keep if wholly to themselves . And let them thunder their excommunications without any power of the Sword. Cons . 12. Such Bishops and Arch-Bishops as overthrow not the Churches officers , and discipline of Christ , must be submitted to by all peaceable men , though we cannot prove them as such to be of Divine institution . CHAP. XXIV . Some testimonies of Prelatists of the late state of the Church of England , lest we be supposed partial in our description of it . 1. FOr the true understanding of the late state of the Church of England , the Reader may find some light , in the Lord Falklands Parliament Speeches , and Sir Edward Dearings , and in Heylins own History of the Sabbath , with Pocklingtons Sunday no Sabbath , and the Bishop of Lincolnes book of the Holy Table name and things , and Dr. Heylens answer to him ; And the same Heylins History of Arch-Bishop Laud : and from Mr. Thornedicks four last bookes . II. To what common scorne all serious Godliness was brought by the rabble through the abuse of the name Puritane , used by the Prelatists to make odious the Nonconformists , is after shewed out of Bishop Downame , and Mr. Robert Bolton , who is large and frequent in it . III. Bishop Halls Confession of the corruptions in the Church Governours and Government in his Modest offer and Peacemaker , and his disclaiming those that deny it , I have cited elsewhere . IV. Williams Arch-Bishop of Yorke , Morton Bishop of Durham with many other Episcopal Divines of greatest name and worth , did assemble in Westminister and collected a Catalogue of things needing reformation in Discipline and worship , which are to be seen in print . V. A Prelatical Divine in a Treat : called Englands faithful Reprover and Monitor , thus speaketh to his prelates and Pastor pag. 60 , 61. &c. And now with what depth of sorrow ought we to recount your past errours , partly through neglect of duty , partly through abuse of power — * were the faithful in your trust ? did ye diligently instruct the ignorant ? severely punish the disobedient ? Endeavour to reclaime those that walked disorderly and contrary to the Gospel — That ye were violently bent against Action and Schisme , against singularity and Non-conformity , all confess ; a few excepted who thought nothing too much , yea nothing enough in this kind , how opposite soever to Christian mildness , prudence and Conscience : But in the mean time , by reason of your Connivence or Supineness in the Episcopal office , Ignorance and Superstition every where misled the people , and caused them to wander in darkness , not knowing whither they went. Profaness like a rank pernicious weed overspread the field and Vineyard of the Lord — And the prophane and vicious lives of those who stood up in defence of your Government * occasionally gave increase and added strength to the opposite factious party , who alledged this as one main ground of their separation from the Church , that those who adhered to it , were for the most part unworthy to have Communion with any orderly well governed Congregation of believers , because of their loose and scandalous manner of living , which because they could not redresse , they did pretend at least they were bound thus to shun and avoid as hateful to God and to good men . Wherefore ye did not carefully seperate between the precious and the vile * but consulting with flesh and blood what ye were to do in this case , thought in humane Policy to break the power of one party , by strengthening the hands of the other * or not binding and restraining them with the Cords of Ecclesiasticall discipline . Thus while you opposed Profaneness against Schism * or did let that loose at this , or secretly favoured and upheld it in hope to suppresse the later by the former , the one grew too strong by the violence of opposition for your selves , and both for the Church in order to peace and holiness . As for your labour in the work of the Ministry , how little it hath been for many years together , it is even a shame to mention , some of you wholly exempting your selves , from this necessary burden of their calling , for ease and pleasure : Others supposing it a task and employment too low and inferiour for them — The rest for the most part , slightly or seldome bearing it with their shoulders , and laying it aside presently , as that which concerned other men , and not themselves any longer than they listed ; And thus far had been pardonable with men , had care been taken to see this work duely performed by the Clergy — But alas there were not wanting of you , who did not only wink at the wilful neglect of their inferirour bretheren in this point of Ministerial duty : But did countenance and favour such as were most peccant therein , judging them most averse from faction , who were least conscious * Of Preaching to the peole , and fairest friends to the present Government , who were loose enough , God knoweth , in their office and conversation . Whence it came to pass that very many who were for you in the time of Tryal , were ignorant and dissolute men , * dishonourable to your party , and indeed to the Christian Religion , which they did continually profane by their words and workes : So unsuitable is humane policy with Evangelical simplicity , and unsuccesful when it is used to support the regiment thereof . And instead of sending forth meet Labourers into the Lords harvest , fit Pastors into his flock , you sent those that were idle Shephards , loving to slumber , given to sleep , altogether like your selves , careless of the Lords Heritage , either unwilling if able or if willing unable , or neither willing nor able , rightly to divide the word of truth , giving them their portion in due season . As for those to whom God had given both ability and will , to preach the word , ye permitted them not the free use and exercise of their gifts ; but forbade them to teach the people as oft as they saw it convenient or necessary for their Edification . And though you did at first commend to them , the way of Catechizing the younger sort — yet afterwards , I know not upon what grounds or for what reason , you so far limited and restrained the Minister in this pious and profitable practice , that ye did in a manner take away the key of knowledge , or make it useless for them , so that they could not enter in thereby . And pag. 69. [ of this I am assured , that nothing was reformed afterward in your ordinations , it being as free and indifferent for all who came , as ever — p. 70. 71. 72. [ The like excuse some frame for the gross corruptions of your prerogative Courts , for commutations , unjust , partial and unreasonable Censures of Excommunication , for unlawful ( to say no more ) suspension of the meaner sort from ordinances of Jesus Christ , for non payment or rather disability of paying pecuniary mulcts and fees imposed on them , and without Equity exacted of them , by your prophane and greedy officers . They pretend the power of the Chancellour to be distinct and separate from that of the Bishop , in many points of spiritual Jurisdiction , and so exempt from it and uncontroulable by it , however proving illegal and exorbitant in the proceedings there of ; — And surely it may seem strange to any considerate person , that ye who did so much strain your authority for the introuducing of new Ceremonies into the Church of Christ ( savouring of superstition , and begetting jealousies in mens minds of Popish innovations intended by you , ) without prudence or Conscience , and used it so rigorously for the enforcing of the old upon many ill affected to the observation of them , absolutely requiring conformity to the Church Liturgy in every point , of all men , ( notwithstanding rebus sic stantibus & profligata disciplina * some former thereof were not appliable to divers persons ) would not extend it to the utmost measure for the rectifying those great abuses which had by insensible degrees crept in , and corrupted the true Primitive discipline — But Court employments , State flattery , and sinful Complyances with great persons , were the main lets , which hindred you from the due discharge of your office , both in preaching the word , and exercising the Rod of Christ , according to his mind and will , while ye thought in carnal reason , such means as these most effectual for the acquiring and retaining of your greatness , and despised those which the prudent simplicity of the Gospel did offer and commend unto you : Wherefore it is no wonder if vice did reign there where flattery did abound , and that in the chief Ministers and Messengers of truth , if injustice and oppression did bear sway , — If men were secure in their sins , where peace was proclaimed — where a prophane Company heard nothing for the most part decried in the Pulpit but Faction , from which perhaps , alone they were free . And what could be expected from the common people , but blind ignorance , love of pleasures more than God — when ye their chief Leaders caused them to err , not only through your negligence , but also by your example . — And I would to God some of you had not proved false and deceitful to your brethren whom ye perverted from the way of truth and peace , by your own departing from it — continuing fast friends to the world — ye were carnal your selves and walked as men , shewing them the way to heaven with hearts and eyes fixed upon earth . For who more immoderate in their care for the things of this life than you ? Who more eager in the pursuit of riches and honor , more tenacious in withholding good from the owners thereof , than your selves ? Who were more set upon the usual course of enriching above measure , and raising your families on high ? If a dignity or office fell within the Compass of your Diocess , who was presently judged of you more worthy to possess and manage it , than a Son or a Nephew , or a Kin'man , or an Allie , though they were many times altogether uncapable of the honor and trust to which ye preferred them in the house of God , either they wanted ability of parts requisite thereunto , or had not as yet attained to maturity of years , being not much past their nonage , as we have known some of them to be , or in all respects undeserving persons . And yet men of age , and experience , eminent for learning , and piety , must stand unveiled before such as these , to receive directions , and commands from them , to whom they were able and fit to give the same : who through the just judgment of the Almighty , have since been as much and more scorned — than they do now scorn others , every way their superiour , but in place . ] Here he citeth such like words also even from Bishop Andrews , Gonc . ad Cler. with his prediction of the fall of their order , for their vicious lives . So p. 6. [ To this specious design , an open way seemed to be made by the great profaness and vicious living of the opposite party , who while they were zealous for conformity to the ordinances of men , and thought a main part of Christian duty , to depend upon the observation of them , did allow themselves carnal liberty inviolating the precepts and commandements of God. And this they did , as from the inbred corruption , which is common to all men ; so likewise from a private spirit of opposition against the adversaries of their cause ] . And p. 10 11. Speaking of advantages against the Bishops and their party ▪ saith he [ This perchance was not the meanest , that they might thus check and shame the open prophaness , gross impiety , irreligion and sin of their professed adversaries : The which ( to speak truth ) was so eminent oft times and notorious in many of them , as might startle a meer natural Conscience to hear or behold it ; and cause therein an abhorrence from their courses , ( so opposite as well to right reason , as sanctifying grace ) much more in a mind inlightened , though with the smallest ray of Evangelical truth . For what could be more strange or hateful to men , in whom was any spark remaining of common grace or moral virtue , and who were not wholly possessed with Atheism , and carried on with fullest bent to libertinism , and ungodly practice , than to hear those that professed themselves the followers of Christ , scoffing at the purest acts of his worship , blaspheming or prophaning his holy name , by causless Oaths , fearful imprecations , direful execrations , and such like speeches , not to be expressed again without horror and amazement . And not only so but glorying likewise in this their abominable wickedness , and in other of like damnable nature ; in lasciviousness , lusts , excess of wine , and strong drinks , revellings ; wherein they thought it strange that others ran not with them to the same excess of riot , speaking evil of them . — How much did this their apparent and overdaring impudence in sin , commend and grace the seeming Saint-like * conversation of their adversaries , [ of some of them , we cannot without manifest breach of charity judge of them otherwise , than that they were simple harmless well meaning men , who being offended ( and not without cause ) at the corruption of the times , and scandalous lives of many in the sacred office of the Ministry . — ] And indeed their strict conformity in other respects to the precepts of the Gospel , with their constancy in suffering for the defence of their cause , did argue as much to moderate men and not possessed with prejudicate hatred of their opinion and persons : For such as these could never be induced to entertain a good conceit of them , no not in the least measure ; but judged their best actions to be counterfeit and false , and thought their greatest suffering to proceed from pride and contumacy of spirit — Now as it comes to pass between those that extreamly hate one another , that they endeavour as much as in them lieth , to be unlike each other in manner of life , so it fared in this case . — And p. 27. 28. ( The slack hand of ecclesiastical discipline , was another cause of the general ignorance and prophaness of these times ▪ which reached no further for the most part , to the inferior Clergy ( how peccant soever otherwise ) than in disconformity to Episcopal orders , Provincial or Synodical Constitutions touching external government : Neither did it call people to a due account ( if any ) of their proficiency in the knowledge of Christ Jesus , or censure them for non-proficiency therein , yea scarcely for gross and scandalous crimes , if they were persons known to be well affected to the present Government — ] And of the change since in 1653 when Bishops were down , he saith , p. 29. [ I can speak it on my own knowledge , that a Town of good note in the Western parts of the land , not far distant from the Sea , heretofore famed for all manner of riot , and disorder , by this course of late years hath been reduced to that order and discipline , that it is a rare matter to see a man there at any time distempered with wine and strong drink , or to hear a rash Oath proceed from any mans mouth , no not when there is most frequent concourse of people thither from all the neighbouring parts . Such changes through Gods mercy were not rare , till Prelacy returned . Reader , I cite , the words of this author so tediously , because many would perswade those that knew not those times , that none of this was true on either side ; And because the Author was a very high Prelatist , writing openly against their adversaries , 1653. VI. Dr. Gauden , after Bishop of Worcester , Hiera spist . pag. 287. saith , [ I neither approve or excuse the personal faults of any particular Bishops , as to the exercise of their power and authority ; which ought not in weighty matters to be mannaged without the presence , Council , and suffrages of the Presbyters , such as are fit for that assistance . The want of this S. Ambrose , S. Hierome , and all sober men * justly reprove , as unsafe for the Bishops and Presbyters and the whole Church . For in multitude of Counsellors is safety and honor . I am sure much good they might all have done , as many of them did , whom these touchy times were not worthy of — ] And p 262. 263. [ They have taught me to esteem the ancient and Catholick Government of Godly Bishops , as Moderators and Presidents among the Presbyters in any Diocess or Precincts , in its just measure and constitution for power paternal duty exercised , such as was in the persecuting , purest and primitive times . — ] Just such we offered them in Bishop Ushers Model . — p. 263 , [ I confess after the example of the best times and judgment of the most learned in all Churches , I alwayes wished such moderation on all sides , that a Primitive Episcopacy ( which imported the authority of one grave and worthy person , chosen by the consent , and assisted by the presence Counsel and suffrages of many Presbyters ) might have been restored or preserved in this Church ; And this not out of any factious design , but for those weighty reasons which prevail with me ] . Add to this , what he saith in Hookers life of the late Bishops , and remember that this man was one of the Keenest Writers against the adversaries of the Bishops in his time ; And that though he was made a Bishop and great when the King was restored , yet he was the only Bishop of them all that in our conference at the Savoy , did desire and endeavour by such concessions to have reconciled us altogether . VII . I must not tire the Reader with more such long citations I next wish him to see Mr. Alesburies Treatise of confession , p. 21. 24 28 , 104 , 105 , 169. Where he describeth the ancient discipline , and sheweth from our own Prelates that it is every particular member of the flock that the Pastor should personally know and counsel ; And see how far we are from this . VIII But none of these speak of the times that we are now fallen into : It can hardly be expected that any of their own party should yet dare to speak against them : yet in private talk how common is it ? But because it will be too tedious to recite the words , I desire the Reason to peruse a Book called Icabod , or the five groans of the Church , which in sharpness and high charges upon the Prelates since their return , exceedeth all that are before cited . And that you may know that he is sufficiently Episcopal , one of his accusations of them is for accepting so many into the Church now that were lately against conformity : I know the man who is said to be the Author , and know him to be conformable to this time , and in possession of a benefice in the Church . IX . Let the Reader remember that the division between the Conformists and Non-conformists began at Frankford in Queen Maries days , and that Dr. Ri. Coxe was the man than began this stir against the English Church there , by his forcible obtruding the Common-Prayer book on them , and that long led that party ; And let him read in Cassander his 20th . Epistle where he will find that the said Dr. Coxe when he was made Bishop of Ely in Queen Elizabeths time , wrote to Cassander for directions about setting up Cruci●●xes or crosses in the Churches ; and Cassander instructeth him in what shape the Cross is to be made : And his Prec . Eccles . gave us some of our Collects . X. Yea , when the Popish Prelacy is described , it is so like to ours that when Dr. Bastwick and others wrote against the Italian Bishops , ours take it as spoken of them . Hear Bishop Jewl , Serm. on Mat. 9. 37. 38 [ But the labourers are few , I say , not there are but few Cardinals , few Bishops few Priests , that should be preachers , few Archbishops , few Chancellors , few Deans , few Prebendaries , few Vicars , few Parish priests , few Monks , few Fryers ; For the number of these is almost infinite — And p 198. And what shall I speak of Bishops ? Their cloven Mitre signifieth perfect knowledge of the old and new Testament ; Their Crosiar staff signifieth diligence in attending the flock of Christ . Their purple boots and sandals signifie that they should ever be booted and ready to go abroad through thick and thin to teach the Gospel . — But , alas in what kind of things do they bear themselves as Bishops ? These mystical titles and shews are not enough to fetch in the Lords harvest : They are garments more meet for Players than for good labourers — whatsoever apparel they have on unless they will fall to work Christ will not know them for Labourers . — Pag. 144. The Christians in old time , when they lived under Tyrants , and were daily put to most shameful deaths , and were hated and despised of all the world , yet never lacked Ministers to instruct them . It is therefore most lamentable that Christians living under a Christian Prince , in the peace and liberty of the Gospel should lack Learned Ministers to teach them , and instruct them in the word of God : This is the greatest plague that God doth send on any people . To which , I add on the by , that if any say , we would labour if the Bishops would give us leave . ] Though the charge against them thus intimated is grievous ( and it were better for that man that offendeth one of Christs little ones , much more that hindereth multitudes from their duty in seeking mens salvation , that a Mill-stone were hanged about his neck , and he were cast into the depths of the Sea ) yet that this will not excuse men from the preaching of the Gospel to the utmost of their power , see Bishop Bilson himself Asserting , viz. that silenced Ministers should not therefore give over preaching , in his Christian subject . XI . Yea , read but Caesars description of the Heathen Druides , and tell us , whether their Character agree not better with the Prelacy which hath prevailed in the Churches these seven hundred years at least , than Christs Character in the Scripture , save onely that it is Christianty which they profess . Caesar Comment . lib. 6. p. 72 [ In omni Gallia , &c. In all France there are two sorts of men in some number and honour , ( for the common people are accounted almost but as servants , which of themselves dare do nothing , nor are used in any consultations , most of then being pressed with debts , or the greatness of tributes , or the injuries of the more powerful , do give themselves in servitude to the nobles , who have all that power over them as Lords over their servants : And of these two sorts , one are Druides , the other Knights . The former are interested in Divine affaires , they procure publick and private sacrifices ; they interpret Religions : To these flock abundance of young men for discipline ; and they are with them in great honour : For they determine of almost all controversies private and publick ; And if any crime be committed , if murder be done , if there be any controversies of inheritanc or bounds , these men determine them , and do award rewards and punishments . If any private person or the people stand not to their award ( or decree ) they forbid them the sacrifices . This is with them the most grievous punishment . Those that are thus interdicted are accounted in the number of the ungodly and wicked : All men depart from them , and fly from their presence and their speech , lest they get any hurt by the contagion ; nor is any Right ( or Law ) afforded them when they seek it , nor any honour done them . And over all these Druides there is one in chief , who hath the highest authority among them . When he is dead , if any one of the rest excel in worthiness , he succeedeth : But if there be many equal , he is chosen by the suff age of the Druides : And sometimes they contend for the principality by Arms. At a certain time of the year in the borders of the Carnuli ( Chartres ) which is counted the middle of all France , they have a Consess ( or Convocation ) in a consecrated place ; Hither come all that have controversies from all parts , and obey their judgments and decrees . It is thought that this Discipline was found in Brittain , and there translated into France . And now they that more diligently would know that business , for the most part go thither to learn it . The Druides use not to go to the Wars , nor do they pay tribute with the rest . They have freedome from warfare , and immunity of all things : Being excited by so great rewards , many flock to this discipline of their own accord , and many are sent by their parents and kindred . They are reported to learn there abundance of Verses : Therefore some continue at learning twenty years ; And they think it not lawful to commit them to writeing ; for in other publick matters and private accounts , for the most part they use the Greek Letters . It seemeth to me that they do this for two causes : because they would not have their discipline ( or learning ) made common ( or brought to the Vulgar ) nor those that learn it , neglect their memories by trusting to writings ; which befalls the most , who by the help of writings , remit both their diligence in learning and their memory , This especially they perswade that souls die not , but after death pass from some to others : And by this they think that men are chiefly excited to virtue , neglecting the fear of death . Many things also they dispute and deliver to youth about the Stars , and their motion , of the magnitude of the world , and of the earth , of the nature of things , of the force and power of the immortal Gods. ] So far Caesar , which I repeated as offering it to consideration , whether the foresaid Prelacy for Grandure be not liker to these Druides , than to christs Ministers who must be the servants of all ? And yet whether they are not far more negligent in the exercise of discipline ? And whether this Discipline , which shameth sin ; by thus distinguishing the Godly and upright from the ungodly and wicked , be not of the very light of nature , and round much in Brittain before Christianity , and therefore should not be hated and banished by Christian Bishops , who pretend that their office is instituted for that very use and end . CHAP. XXV . The Ordination lately exercised by the Presbyteries in England is valid : Ergo Reordination unnecessary . THat valid ordination is not to be repeated , is agreed on by Protestants and Papists : It is one of the ancient Canons called the Apostles , Can. 67. [ Siquis Episcopus aut Presbyter aut Diaconus secundam ab aliquo ordinationem acceperit , deponitor , tam ipse , quam qui ipsum ordinaverit . Arg. 1. The way of Ordination which was valid in the Primitive Church is valid now . But the way of Ordination by meer Presbyters was valid in the Primitive ▪ Church : Ergo it is valid now . The Major needs no proof , at least to the point in hand . The Minor , I prove . 1. From Hieromes frequently cited words in his Epistle to Evagrius , where he tells us , that the Presbyters of Alexandria from the daies of Mark till Heraclas and Dionysius made or ordained their own Bishops . Having shewed that Bishops and Presbyters were of one office , he addeth . [ Qwa autem postea unus elecius est , qui caeteris praeponeretur , in schismatis remedium factum est , ne unusquisque ad se trabens Christi ecclesiam rumperet : Nam & Alexandria à Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam & Dionysium Episcopos , Presbyteri semper unum exse electum , in excelsori gradu collecatum Episcopum nominabant : Quomodo si exercitus Imperater in faciat : aut Diaconieligunt exse quem industrium noverint , & Archidiaconum vocent . ] Where note , 1. That Hierome undertaking to shew how Bishops were made at ▪ Alexandria , mentioneth no other making of them but this by the Presbyters : 2. That [ Presbyters made Bishops ] is brought by Hierome as an Argument to prove the Identity first , and nearness after of their power . 3. That he ascribeth to the Presbyters the Election , the placing of him in a higher degree and the naming of him a Bishop . 4. And that he distinguisheth the Presbyters making of a Bishop thus anciently , from that which followed Heraclas and Dionysius , which was by episcopal ordination or consecration . Which observations are sufficient to answer all their objections that will perswade men that Hierome speaketh but of Election . 2. This testimony is seconded by a more full one of Eutychius Patriark of Alexandria , who out of the Records and Tradition of that Church , in his Arabick Originalls thereof saith as followeth [ according to Seldens Translation in his Commentary pag. 29. 30. [ Constituit item Mar●us ●●●●geli●ta duodecem Presbyteros cum Hanania , qui nempe manerent cum Patriarcha , adeò ut cum vacaret Pratriarch●tus eligerent unum è duodecim Presbyteris cujus capiti reliqui undecim manus imponerent , eumque benedicerent , & Patriarcham ●um crearent : & dein virum aliquem nisi quem eligerent , eumque Presbyterum , secum constituerint loco ejus qui sic fac●us est Patriarcha , u● i●à semper extarent duodecim . Neque des●it Alexandriae institutum hoc de Presbyteris ut scilicet Patriarchas crearentur Presbyteris duodecim , usque ad tempora Alexandri Patriarchae Alexandrini , qui fuit ex numero illo 318. Is autem vetuit ne deinceps Patriarcham Presbyteri crearent , & decrevit ut mortuo Patriarchâ convenir●nt Episcopi qui Patriarcham ordinarent . Decrevit item ut vacante Patriarchatu , Eligerent sive ex quacunque regione , sive ex duodecim illis Presbyteris , sive aliis , ut res ferebat , virum aliquem eximium , eumque Patriarcham crearent ▪ atque ità evanuit institutum illud antiquius , quo creari solitus a Presbyteris Patriarcha , & successit in locum ejus decretum de Patriarchâ ab Episcopis creando . Here you see in the most full expressions that the Presbyters Election , imposition of hands and Benediction created their Bishop or Patriark ; and also chose and made or ordained another Presbyter in his roome , and so ordained both Presbyters and Bishops . 3. The Tradition or History of Scotland telleth us that their Churches were long governed by Presbyters without Bishops , and therefore had no ordination but by Presbyters . Hector Bo●thius Histor . Scot. li. 7. fol. 128. 6 [ Ante Palladium populi suffragiis ex Monac●is & Culdaeis Pontifices assumerentur . ] John Major de gestis Scotorum li. 2. cap. 2. Saith [ prioribus illis temporibus per sacerdotes & monachos sine Episcopis Scoti in fide eruditi sunt . Jahan . Fo●donus makes this the custome of the Primitive Church : Scotichr . li. 3. cap. 8. Ante Palladii adventum habebant Scoti fidei Doctores ac Sacramentorum Ministratores Presbyteros solummodo vel Monachos , ritum sequentes Ecclesiae primitivae . Which Bishop usher reciting ( de primordiis Eccles . Brit. p 798. 799. 800. ) Saith Quod postremum ab iis accep●ssevidetur qui dixerunt ( ut Johan . Semeca in glossa decreti Dist . 93. cap. Legimu ) quod in prima primitiva Ecclesia commune erat officium Episcoporum & sacerdot●m , & nomina erant communia & officium commune sed in secunda primitiva c●perunt distingui & nomina & officia . So Balaeus Script . Brit. Cent. 14. cap. 6. All which assure us that then only Presbyters could ordaine where there were no other , the same we may say of the Gothick Churches according to Philostorgius Eclog. li. 2. c. 5. That were for seventy years after their conversion without a Bishop Vlphilas being the first . 4. Columbanus was no Bishop but a Presbyter and Monk , nor his Successours that yet Ruled even the Bishops , as Beda noteth , Hist. li 3. c. 4. & 5. H●here solet ipsa Insula Rectorem semper Abbatem Presbyterum , cujus jure & omnis provincia , & ipsi etiam Episcopi , ordine inusitat● debeant esse subjecti , juxta exemplum primi Doctoris illius ( Columbani ) qui non Episcopus sed Presbyter extitit & Monachus . ] And these Presbyters did not only ordaine ( as being the only Church Governours ) but they sent Preachers into England , and ordained Bishops for England at King Oswalds request , as Beda at large relateth Eccles . Hist . l. 3. c. 3. 5. 17. 21. 24 ▪ 25. The Abbot and other Presbyters of the Island Hy , sent Aydan [ & ipsum esse dignum Episcopatu ipsum ad erudiendos incredulos & indoctos mitti debere decernunt — Sicque illum ordinantes ad praedicandum miserunt &c. Successit vero ei in Episcopatu Finan , & ipse illo ab Hy Scotorum insula ac monasterio destinatus . c. 17. & cap. 25. Aydano Episcopo de hac vita sublato . Finan pro illo gradum Episcopatus a Scotis ordinatus & missus acceperat &c. So cap ●4 . &c. You will find that the English had a Succession of Bishops by the Scotish Presbyters ordination : And there is no mention in Beda of any dislike or scruple of the lawfulness of this course . Segenius a Presbyter was Abbot of Hy ( cap. 5. ) when this was done And ( cap. 4. ) it appears that this was their ordinary custome , though in respect to the Churches that were in the Empire , it be said to be , more inusitato , that Presbyters did Govern Bishops : but none questioned the validity of their ordinations . And the Council at Herudford , subjecteth Bishops in obedience to their Abbots . And the first reformers or Protestants here called Lollords and Wicklifists held and practised ordination by mere Presbyters , as Walsingham reports Hist . Angl. An. 1● . 89. and so did Luther and the Protestants of other Nations , as Pomeranus ordination in Denmark shews , and Chytraeus Saxon Chron lib. 14. 15. 16. 17. 5. Leo Mag. Epist . 92. cited by Gratian , being consulted a rustico Narbonensi , de Presbytero vel Diacono qui se Episcopos mentiti sunt ; & de his quos ipsi clericos ordinâr●nt , answered [ Nulla ratio s●vit ut inter Episcopos habeantur qui nec a clericis sunt electi , nec a plebibus expetiti , &c. — yet thus resolveth of their ordination [ Siqui autèm Clerici ab ipsis Pseudo - Episcopis in eis Ecclesus ordinati sunt , quae ad proprios Episcopos pertinebant , & ordinatio eorum cum consensu & judicio presidentium facta est , potest ●ata haberi ▪ ita ut in ipsis Ecclesus perseverunt . ] So that the mere consent of the proper Bishops can make valid such Presbyters ordination . 6. F●licissimus was ordained Deacon by Novatus one of Cyprians Presbyters , Schismatically , yet was not his ordination made Null by Cyprian ; but he was deposed for Mal-administration . See Blondel p. 312. 113. 7. Firmilian ( in 75 Epist . apud Cyprian ) Saith [ Necessariò apud nos fit , ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unum conveniamus ad disponenda quae curae nostrae commissa sunt , ut si quae graviora sunt , communi consilio dirigantur This shews that communi consilio importeth a consenting Governing Power ) &c. Omnis potestas & gratia in Ecclesus constituta , ubi praesident majores natu qui & baptizandi , & manum impone●●● , & ordinandi possid●nt Potestatem ] If any say , It is only Bishops that Formilian speakes of ; I answer , 1. He had a little before used the word ( Seniores ) ( the same in sense with Majores natu here ) as distinct from ( Praepositi ) to signifie either all Pastors in general , or Presbyters in special . 2. When he speakes of ( Majores natu ) in general , they that will limit it to Bishops , must prove it so limited ; and not barely affirme it . 3. The conjunct acts of the office disprove that : It was the same men that had the power of baptizing . 8. The great Council of Nice ( the most reverend Authority next to the holy Scripture ) decreed thus concerning the Presbyters ordained by Melitius at Alexandria and in Egypt [ Hi autem qui Dei gratiâ & nostris precibus adjuti , ad nullum Schisma deflexisse comperti sint , sed se intra Catholicae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae fines ab erroris labe vacuos continuerint , authoritatem habeant tum ministros ordinandi , tum eos que clero digni fuerint nominandi , tum denique omnia ex lege & instituto Ecclesiastico libere exequendi . ] If any say that the meaning is that these Presbyters shall ordain and Govern with the Bishops but not withoutthem , I am of his mind , that this must needs be the meaning of these words ; or else they could not be consonant with the Church Canons : But this sheweth that ordination belongeth to the Presbyters office , and consequently that it is no nullity ( though an irregulrity as to the Canons ) when it is done by them alone Socrat. lib. 5. 6. cap. 6. 9. It is the title of the twelfth Canon Concil . An cyrani [ Quod non oportet Chorepiscopos ordinare nisi in agris & villulis ] Now either these Chorepiscopi were of the order of Bishops or not ; If they were , then it further appeareth how small the Churches were in the beginning that had Bishops , even such as had but Vnum Altare , as Ignatius saith ; when even in the Countrey Villages they had Bishops as well as in Cities ; notwithstanding that the Christians were but thinly scattered among the Heathens . But if they were not Bishops , then it is apparent that Presbyters did then ordain without Bishops , and their ordination was valid . And the Vafrities of the Prelates is disingenious in this that when they are pleading for Diocesan Churches , as containing many fixed Congregations , then they eagerly plead that the Chorepiscopi were of the order of Presbyters : But when they plead against Presbyters ordination , they would prove them Bishops . Read & Can. 10. Concilii Antiocheni . 10. Even in the daies of ignorance and Roman Usurpation , Bonifacius Mogunt . alias Wilfred , Epist . 130 ( Auct . Bib. Pat. To 2. p. 105. ) tells Pope Zachary ( as his answer intimateth ) that in Gente Boiariorum there , was but one Bishop , and that was one Vivilo , which the Pope had ordained , and that all the Prebyters that were ordained among them , as far as could be sound were not ordained by Bishops , though that ignorant usurping Pope requireth , as it seemeth , that they be reordained , ( unless Benedictionem ordinationis should signifie only the blessing or confirmation of their former ordination , which is not like ) For he saith [ Quia indicasti perrexisse te ad gentem Boiariorum , & in●enisse eos extra ordinem ecclesiasticum viventes , dum Episcopos non habebant in Provincia nisi unum , nomine Vivilo , quem nos ante tempus ordinavimus , Presbyteros vero quos ibidem reperisti , si incogniti fuerint viri illi à quibus sunt ordinati , & dubium est eos Episcopos fuisse , an non , qui eos ordinaverunt , si bonae actionis & catho●ici viri sunt ipsi Presbyteri & in ministerio Christi omnemque legem sanctam ●docti , apti , ab Episcopo suo benedictionem Presbyteratus suscipiant & cons●●r●ntur , & si● ministerio sacro fungantur . 11. Of old it was the Custom of the Church that Presbyters joyn with the Bishops in Ordination . Concil . Carth. c. 3. All the Presbyters present must impose their hands on the head of the Presbyter to be ordained with the Bishop . Which fully sheweth , that it is an act belonging to their Office , and therefore not null when done by them alone , in certain cases : and that it was but for order sake , that they were not to do it without a Bishop , who was then the Ruler of the Presbyters in that and other Actions . And its worth noting , That ib. Can. 4. The Bishop alone without any Presbyters was to lay hands on a Deacon ( though not on a Presbyter ) Because he was ordained non ad sacerdotium sed ad ministerium , not to the Priesthood but to a Ministery or service , which plainly intimateth what Arch-Bishop Usher said to me , that Ad Ordinem pertinet ordinare ( quamvis ad Gradum Episcopalem ordinationes regere . ) The Priesthood containeth a power to ordain Priests ; but the Episcopal Jurisdiction as such sufficeth to ordain a Deacon : Or that the Bishop ordaineth Presbyters , as he is a Presbyter ( his Prelacy giving him the government of the action ) but he ordaineth Deacons as a Ruler only . Arg. II. Ordination by Bishops such as were in Scripture time is valid ( and lawful ) . But the Ordinations in England now questioned , were performed by Bishops , such as were in Scripture times , Ergo the late ordinations in England ( now questionedare valid and lawful . The Major speaking de nomine & officio is granted by all . The Minor I prove thus . 1. The Ordinations in England now questioned were ( many or most ) performed by the cheif particular Pastors of City Churches ( together with their Colleagues or fellow Presbyters ) that had Presbyters under them . But the Cheif particular Pastors of City Churches having Presbyters under them , were such Bishops as were in Scripture times : Ergo , the Ordinations in England now questioned were performed by Bishops such as were in Scripture times . I must first here explain what I mean by [ a particular Pastor ] as in an Army or Navy a General Officer , that taketh up the General care of all is distinct from the inferiour , particular Captains , that take a particular care of every Souldier or person under their command ; so in the Church in Scripture times there were 1. General Officers , that took care of many Churches ( viz. a general care . ) And 2. perticular Bishops and Presbyters that were fixed in every City or perticular Church , that took a perticular care of every Soul in that Church . It is only these last that I speak of , that were Bishops infimi gradûs ; not such as the Apostles and Evangelists ; but such as are mentioned Acts 14. 23. and Acts 20. 28. Tit. 1. 5. &c. Now for the Major it is notoriously known , 1. That ordinarily some of our Ordainers were City Pastors . 2. That they had Presbyters under them ; viz. one or more Curates , that administred there with them , or in Oratorics called Chappels in the Parish . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Oppidum , and our Boroughs and Towns Corporate are such Cities as are signified by that word : And there are few of these but have more Presbyters than one , of whom one is the Cheif , and the rest ruled by him . Besides , that one was oft-times President of the Assembly chosen by the rest . For instance ( if I had ever medled in Ordainings as I did not ) . 1. I was my self a Pastor of a Church in a City or Burough . 2. I had two or three Presbyters with me , that were ruled by me : so that I was statedly their Chief : I was statedly chosen by the neighbourhood associated Pastors to be their Moderatour ( which was such a power as made Bishops at Alexandria before the Nicene Council . ) Now that such were Bishops ( such as were in Scripture-times ) I prove 1. By the Confession of the Opponents : Doctor Hammond and his followers maintain , that there were no subject Presbyters instituted in Scripture times ; and consequently that a Bishop was but the single Pastour of a single ongregation , having not so much as one Presbyter under him , but one or more Deacons ( which granteth us more than now I plead for : ) and that afterwards when Believers were encreased , he assumed Presbyters in partem curae : So that our Bishops which I plead for are of the stature of those after Scripture times in the Doctors sence . Defacto this is granted . 2. The Bishops in Scripture times were ordained in every City and in every Church , Tit. 1 , 5. and Acts 13. 23. So are ours . They had the particular Episcopacy over-sight rule and teaching of all the Flock committed to them , Acts 20. 28. ( and if the Angel of the Church of Ephesus were one cheif , he was but one of these , and over these in the same Church and charge ) . And so have our Parochial Pastours ; these very words , Acts 20. 28. being read and applyed to them in their ordination . They had the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven committed to them , and so have ours . If it be said , that these are but things common to the Bishop with the Presbyter : 1. What then is proper to a Bishop ? To say [ Ordination ] is but to beg the question : And Ordination it self is not proper in the sense of our own Church , that requireth that Ordination be performed as well by the laying on of the hands of the Presbyters , as of the Bishop . 2. They use themselves to make the governing or superiority over many Presbyters to be proper to a Bishop . 3. Those to whom the description of Bishops in Scripture belongeth are truly and properly Bishops . But the Description of Bishops in Scripture agreeth ( at least ) to the chief particular Pastors of City Churches , having Presbyters under them ; Ergo , such are truly and properly Bishops . The Minor ( which only needeth proof ) is proved by an induction of the several Texts containing such descriptions , as Acts 20. and 13. 23. 1 Tim. 3. and 5. 17. Tit. 1. 5. &c. 1 Thes . 5. 12. Hebr. 13. 7. 17 , 24. 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. and the rest . 4. If our Parochial Churches or at least our City Churches ( those in each Town Corporate and Borough ) be true Churches , then the cheif particular Pastors of them are true Bishops , but they are true Churches ; Ergo. Still note , 1. That I speak of Churches as governed Societies in sensu Politico ; and not as a Company of private Christians . 2. That I speak only of particular Pastors , or Bishops infimi gradus , and not of Arch-Bishops , and General Pastors . And therefore it they say It is not the Presbyters but the Diocesane , that is the cheif Pastor of your Parish Church : I answer , there is none above the Resident or incumbent Presbyters , that take the particular charge and oversight : The Bishop takes but the general charge , as a general Officer in an Army . If they do indeed take the particular Pastoral charge of every Soul , which belongs to the Bishops infimi gradus , then woe to that man that voluntary takes such a charge upon him , and hath such a charge to answer for before the Lord. If they say that the Presbyters have the particular charge for teaching and Sacraments , but the Bishops for ruling . I answer , 1. It is Government that we are speaking of , if they are Bishops infimi gradus , then there are no Bishops or Governours under them . And if so , then it is they that must perform and answer for Government of every particular Soul. And then woe to them . 2. Governing and teaching are acts of the same Office by Christs institution , as appears in 1 Tim. 5 : 17. Acts 20. 28. &c. And indeed they are much the same thing : For Government in our Church sense is nothing but the explication of Gods Word , and the application of it to particular Cases : And this is Teaching . Let them that would divide , prove , that Christ hath allowed a division . If one man would be the general Schoolmaster of a whole Diocess , only to oversee the particular School-masters , and give them rules , we might bear with them : But if he will say to all the particular Schoolmasters , you are but to teach , and I only must govern all your Scholars , ( when governing them is necessarily the act of him that is upon the place , conjunct with teaching , this man would need no words for the manifestation of the vanity of his ambition . The same I may say of the Masters of every Science , whose government is such as our Church Government is , not Imperial but Doctoral : yea of the Army or the Navy where the government is most imperial . Now for the Argument . 1. The consequence of the Major is undeniable : because every such Society is essentially constituted of the Ruling and Ruled parts , as every Common-wealth of the pars imperans and the pars subdita : So every organized Church of the Pastor and the Flock . 2. And for the Minor , if they denyed both our Parish Churches , and our City Churches ( that is those in Towns Corporate to be true Churches , they then confess the shame , and open the ulcer and leprosic of their way of governing , that to build up one Diocesane Church , ( which is not of Christs institution , but destructive of his institution ) they destroy and pull down five hundred or a thousand Parish Churches , and many City Churches . If they will also feign a specifique difference of Churches as they do of Pastors , and say that Parish Churches are Ecclesiae dociae , but Diocesan Churches are only Ecclesiae gubernatae of which the Parish Churches are but parts : I answer , 1. The Scripture knoweth no such distinction of stated Churches : All stated Churches for worship are to be governed Churches ; and the government is but guidance , and therefore to be by them that are their Guides . 2. I have before proved , that every worshipping Church , that had unum altare was to have a Bishop or Government by Presbyters at least . Arg. III. That Ordination which is much better than the ordination of the Church of Rome , or of any Diocesane Bishops of the same sort with theirs is valid . The Ordination now questioned by some in England , is much better then the Ordination of the Church of Rome , or of any Diocesane Bishops of the same sort with theirs , Ergo the Ordination now questioned by some in England is valid . The Major will not be denied by those which we plead with ; because they hold the Ordination of the Church of Rome to be valid , and their Priests not to be re-ordained . The Minor I prove . If the Ordination , that hath no Reason of its validity alledged , but that it is not done by Diocesane Bishops , be much better than the Ordination of such as derive their power from a meer Usurper of Headship over the universal Church , whose succession hath been oft interrupted , and of such as profess themselves Pastors of a false Church , ( as having a Head and form of divine Institution ) , and that ordain into that false Church , and cause the ordained to swear to be obedient to the Pope , to swear to false Doctrine as Articles of Faith , and ordain him to the Office of making a peice of Bread to be accounted no Bread , but the Body of Christ , which being Bread still is to be worshipped as God by himself and others ( to pass by the rest ) than the Ordination now questioned in England is much better than the Ordination of the Church of Rome . But the Antecedent is true : Ergo so is the consequent . And for the other part of the Minor I further prove it : If the Office and government of the Romish Bishops and of any Diocesanes of the same sort with them , be destructive of that form of Episcopacy and Church Government which was instituted by Christ , and used in the Primitive Church , then the Ordination now questioned by some in England is much better than that which is done by such Diocesanes . But the Office and Covernment of the Romish Bishops and of any Diocesanes of the same sort with them , is destructive of that form of Episcopacy and Church Government , which was instituted by Christ and used in the Primitive Church . Ergo The Ordination now questioned by some in England is much better , than that which is done by such Diocesanes . The Reason of the consequence is because the Ordination of Presbyters now in question is not destructive of the Episcopacy and Government instituted by Christ and used in the Primitive Church : Or if it were , that 's the worst that can be said of it . And therefore if other Ordination may be valid notwithstanding that fault , so may it . N. B. 1. I here suppose the Reader to understand , what that Ordination is now questioned in England : viz. Such as we affirm to be by Bishops , not only as Presbyters , as such are called Bishops , but as the cheif Presbyters of particular Churches , especially City Churches , having Curates under them , and also as the Presidents of Synods are called Bishops : 2. Note that all I say hereafter about Diocesanes , is to be understood only of those Bishops of a Diocess of many hundred or score Churches which are infimi gradus , having no Bishops under them , who are only Priests , who are denied to have any proper Church Government : And not at all of those Diocesane Bishops , who are Arch-Bishops having many Bishops under them , or under whom each Parish Pastor is Episcopus Gregis having the true Church Government of his particular Flock . And thus because the Major is of great moment , I shall handle it the more largely . The Viciousnes of the Romish Ordinations appeareth thus . 1. In that they commonly profess to receive and hold the Ordainers office and power from the Pope : The very office it selfe say the Italians being from him ; And the application and communication of it to the individual subject being from him , say the Spaniards and French also . But the Pope as such hath no power to make Bishops at all : which I prove 1. Because the very office of a Pope as such is not of Christ , yea is against Christ and his prerogative and Law , and abhorred by him ; viz. [ An universal visible Vicar or Head of the Church on earth . ] 2. Because on their own principles , the Pope can have no power , for want of uninterrupted succession of true Ordination , nothing being more plain in Church History scarce , than that such succession is long ago nulled by oft interruptions , as I have proved elsewhere , and as is by many Protestants proved . 3. Because the Work that they ordain their Priest to is Idolatry , even Bread worship ; besides Man worship , and Image worship . 4. Because all their Priests are ( in the Trent Oath ) sworn to this Idolatry , and sworn to renounce all their Senses to that end , and to renounce the Scripture sufficiency ; and to own the Papal Treasonable usurpation , which all are contrary to the Office of Christs Ministers . Yet are those , that ordained at Rome , received by our Prelates , when they turn to us , without reordination , and their Orders are not taken by them to be null ( which I dispute not now ) . Much less are the late Protestant English Ordinations null . II. The Viciousness of such other Prelates Ordinations , is proved by all that is said against their Calling it self before . And further . 1. Those Prelates , that are chosen by Magistrates and not by other Bishops or the Presbyters of their Diocess or People ( what stale hypocritical pretext soever there may be of the contrary ) are by the Canons of the Universal Church no Prelates . But such are those in question : Ergo — The Major ( to omit many other Canons ) I prove from Concil . Nic. 2. Can. 3. in Bin ▪ To. 2. p. ●93 . [ Omnem electionem , quae fit a Magistratibus , Episcopi vel Presbyteri , vel Diaconi , irritam manere , ex Canone dicente , si quis Episcopus secularibus Magistratibus usus , per eos Ecclesiam obtinuerit , deponatur & segregetur , & emnes qui cum e● communicant : Oportet enim eum qui est promovendus ad Episcopatum ab Episcopis eligi , quemadmodum a sanctis Patribus Niceae decretum est in Can. qui dicet [ Episcopum oportet maxime quidem ab omnibus , qui sunt in provincia constitui , &c. ] Argument IV. Orders conferred by such as are in orders , and have the Power of Order equal with the highest Bishops , is valid . But the Orders lately conferred in England and Scotland by those called Presbyters , were conferred by such as were in Orders , and had the power of Order equal with the highest Bishop : Ergo The Orders lately conferred in England and Scotland by those called Presbyters , was valid . As to the Major , I remember Arch-Bish . Usher told me himself that it was the argument by which he indeavoured to satisfie K. Charles I. 1. That Ordinis est ordinare , a man that is in orders as to the sacred Priesthood , may caeteris paribus confer Orders ; it being like Generation or univocal causation . 2. That Hierom tells us the Alexandrian Presbyters did more ; for they made their Bishops : And at this day among the Papists , men of inferiour Order must with them ordain , or consecrate , or make their Pope . And Bishops make Arch-Bishops : How much more may men of the same Order confer what they have , that is the Power of the Priesthood or Presbyterate . As Abbots ( who are no Bishops ) have frequently done . 2. And for the Minor Bishop Carleton hath these words in his Treatise of Jurisdiction pag. 7. The Power of Order by all Writers , that I could see , even of the Church of Rome , is understood to be immediately from Christ , given to all Bishops and Priests alike by their consecration ; wherein the Pope hath no priviledge above others Thus teaches Bonavent . in 4. sent . d. 17. q. 1. August . Triumph . li : de potest . Eccles . qu. 1. a. 1. Joh. Gerson li. de pot . Eccles . Consid . 1. Cardinal Cusau . li. de conced . Cathol . 2. cap. 13. Cardinal Contarenus Tract . de Eccles . potest . Pontif. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Rom. Pontif. cap. 22. In the Canons of Elfrick ad Wolfin Episc . in Spelman p. 576. l. 17 Having shewed that there are seven Orders ( 1. Ostiarius . 2. Lector . 3. Exorcista . 4. Acolythus , 5. Subdiaconus , 6. Diaconus , 7. Presbyter ) though the Bishop for Unity sake have the priviledge of Ordination and Inspection , yet he is there declared to be but of one and the same ( 7th . ) Order with the Presbyter . Haud pluris interest inter Missalem Presbyterum & Episcopum , quam quod Episcopus constitutus sit ad ordinationes conferendas , & ad visitandum , seu inspiciendum , curandumque ea quae ad Deum pertinent , quod nimiae crederetur multitudini , si omnis Presbyter hoc idem faceret . Ambo siquidem unum tenent eundemque Ordinem , quamvis dignior sit illa par● Episcopi . This being the Doctrine of the Church of England even in the times of Popery , we have little reason ( with the Preface to the book of Ordination ) to say that it is manifest in Gods word that they are distinct orders . For as it is added Can. 18. Non est alius ordo constitutus in Ecclesiasticis ministriis ( humane and all taken in ) praeter memoratos septem istos &c. Dion . Petavius Theolog. D●gmat . To. 4. par . 2. Tomi . 3. Append. c. 2. p. 677 [ Alterum est , quod nunquam iterare illam ( ordinationem ) licet ut cum ab haeresi ad Catholicam Ecclesiam revertuntur , qui vere ordinati , eis denu● manus impenitur . And what ordination is valid among the Papists , see in Johnsons answer to my Questions . FINIS . POSTCRIPT Promiscucus additions to the Chapter , 4. of part second out of Mr. Gilbert Burnets bocke called , The Vindication of the Church of Scotland , &c. PAg. 304. 305. Let me here send you to the Masters of Jewish Learning ; particularly to the eminently learned Dr. Lightfoot , who will inform you that in every Synagogue there was one peculiarly charged with the worship , called the Bishop of the Congregation , the Angel of the Church , or the Minister of the Synagogue . And besides him there were three who had the Civil judicature , who judged also about the receiving of proselites , the imposition of hands , &c. And there were other three who gathered and distributed the almes . Now the Christian Religion taking place as the Gospel was planted in Cities where it was chiefly Preached , these formes and orders were reteined , both names and things . Pag. 306. — These Presbyters were as the Bishops Children , educated and formed by him , being in all they did , directed by him and accountable to him , and were as Probationers for the Bishoprick , one of them being alwaies chosen to succeed in the seat , when vacant by the Bishops death . Now all these lived together as in a little Colledge , thus the Churches were planted and the Gospel disseminated through the world . But at first every Bishop had but one Parish , yet afterwards when the numbers of the Christians increased , that they could not conveniently meet in one place , and when through the violence of persecution they durst not assemble in great multitudes , the Bishops divided their charges in lesser Parishes * and gave assignments to the Presbyters of particular flocks , which was done first in Rome , in the begining of the 2d . Century — And things continued thus in a Parochial Government , till toward the end of the 2d . Century , the Bishop being chiefly intrusted with the cure of Souls , a share whereof was also committed to the Presbyters , who were subject to him , and particularly to be ordained by him , nor could any ordination be without the Bishop ; who in ordaining was to carry along with him the concurrence of the Presbyters , as in every other act of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction . Pag. 308. 309. Corruptions broke in upon Church Officers , especially after the 4th . Centurie , that the Empire became Christian : Which as it brought much riches and splendor on Church employments , so it let in great Swarmes of corrupt men on the Christian Assemblies : And then the Election to Church offices , which was formerly in the hands of the people , was taken from them , by reason of the tumults , and disonders that were in these Elections , which some time ended in blood , and occasioned much Faction and Schism : And An●bitus became now such an universal sin among Churchmen , that &c. Pag. 310. I do not alledge a Bishop to be a distinct office from a Presbyter , but a different degree in the same office , &c. Pag. 320. As for the sole power of ordination and Jurisdiction , none among us claime it , but willingly allow the Presbyters a concurence in both these . Pag. 322. That whole frame of Metropolitans and Patriarks was taken from the division of the Roman Empire , which made but one great National Church . Pag. 331. I acknowledged Bishop and Presbyter to be one and the same office , and so plead for no new office bearer in the Church — The first branch of their power is their authority to publish the Gospell , to manage the worship and dispence the Sacraments : And this is all that is of Divine right in the Ministry ; in which Bishops and Presbyters are equal sharers , — but besides this the Church claimeth a power of Jurisdiction , of making rules for discipline , and applying and executing the same ; All which is indeed suitable to the common laws of societies , and the general rules of Scripture , but hath no positive warrant from any Scripture precept : And all these Constitutions of Churches into Synods , and the Canons of discipline , taking their rise from the divisions of the world into the several provinces , and beginning in the 2d . and beginning of the 3d. Century , do clearly shew they can be derived from no Divine original , and so were a to their particular forme but of humane constitution . Therefore as to the managment of this Jurisdiction , it is in the Churches power to cast it into what mould she will — But we ought to be much more determined by the Laws of the land — In things necessary to be done by Divine precept , since no power on earth can Council the authority of a Divine Law , the Churches restraints are not to be considered . Pag. 335. I acknowledge that without Scripture warrant no new offices may be instituted . Pag. 337. I am not to annul these ordinations that pass by Presbyters , where no Bishop can be had : And this layes no claime to a new office , but only to a higher degree of inspection in the same office ; whereby the exercise of some acts of jurisdiction , are restrained to such a Method : And this may be done either by the Churches free consent , or by the Kings authority . Pag. 348. In Augustines time it appears from the journal of a conference he had with the Donatists , that there were about 500 Bishopricks in a small tract of ground . Pag. 30. Observe the Bishops were to be ordained in the presence of the people , where every one might propose his exceptions , yet the popular Elections were not wholly taken away , and at least the peoples consent was asked . Pag. 41. Voss●is , from all the manuscripts of Damasus his lives of the Popes , shewes that S. Peter ordained both Linus and Gletus , Bishops of Rome , and after some enquiry into the matter he concludes , that at first there were three Bishops in Rome at once , Linus , Cletus , and Aneneletus : in the next succession he placeth Cletus , Anencltus , and Clemens . Pag. 48. Among the Jewes where ever there were an hundred and twenty of them together , they did erect a Synagoguge Pag. 49. At a conference which Augustine and the Bishops of that Province had with the Donatists , there were of Bishops 286 present , and 120 absent , and 60 Sees vacant : And there were 279 of the Donatists Bishops . Pag. 51. The Gothick Churches are said to be planted 70 years before Ulphilas their first Bishop came to them ( Pag. 50 , He she weth the like of the Scots . ) By the streine of Ignatius Epistles , especially that to Smyrna , it would appear that there was but one Church , at least but one place where there was one Altar and Communion in each of these Parishes ( which was the Bishops whole charge . ] Pag. 56. The enlarging of the Diocesses hath wholly altered the figure of Primitive Episcopacy ) That the Bishops were chosen by the people , and by the Clergy and people , and at last not obtruded without the peoples consent , Father Paul Saript . de Beneficiis oft tells you , and I have fully proved by many Canons in my abstract of Church-history of Councils . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A27050-e140 * Where Dr. Allestree was bred : His next Neighbor . Notes for div A27050-e3590 a Cosins Tab. 3. b Cosins Tab. 4. c Cosins Tab. 5. d Cos . Tab. 6. e Cos . Tab. 2. f Cos . Tab. 8. g Cos . Tab. 2. & Tab. 8. h Cos . ibid. i Cos . ibid. k Cos . Tab. 2. l Act of Uniform . That Parish Priests have no Governing power , see Dr. Zouch ; as also that the King is the Ecclesiastical Supream . m Cos . Tab. 13. n Cos . Tab. 11. Acts 14. 23. Tit. 1. 5. ☞ Vid. Epist . 2. Edict . Anacleti de forma provinciali , Metrapol . &c. Turrian . pro Epist . decr . c. 24. De novitate hujus formae leg . Blondel . cont . Decr. p. 1. 27. who giveth full testimony of it , cont . Anaclet . Ep. 2. 41. Leg. Vita● Ambros ▪ per Baron . & August . li. de opera Moneche●●●n . Invit . Ambros . per Baron . Vit. Ambros . per Baron . Socrat l. 3. c. 15. Theodoret Eccles . Hist . l. 1. cap. 10. Leg. Valentiniani & Valentus ; Legem seu Literas in Theodoreti Eccl. Hist . l. 4. c. 7. & Hestor . Andaeanorum , c. 9. & Messalianorum c. 10. cum interpretatione D. Hookeri , li. 7. p. 66. de Audio . Euseb . l. 8. c. 1. Dr. Hanmer's Translat . p. 144 , 145. Socrat. l. 2. c. 3. Id. ib. Socrat. l. 7. c. 44. Joh. 5. 22. Gen. 3. 15. Joh. 17. 2. Mat. 28. 18 , 19. Eph. 1. 21 , 22. * The London Ministers Thanksgiving to the King is to be seen in Print : As also their desire of B. Usher's Primitive Model of Government . * Now 18 years , this being written 9 years ago . Whitgift . ●a●avia . Vid. & p. 104. & 110 , 111. 120 , 121. 1 Cor. 16. 1 , 2. Bilson Hooker answered as far as our cause requireth . Remember also that Hooker's third Book is written to prove that no one Form is commanded in Scripture : Therefore not the Prelatical . How little doth this agree with Dr. Hammond . ☞ And yet must I sweat never to consent to any alteration . Bishop Downame Answered . He fell after under the frowns of Bishop Laud himself , his Book of perseverance being prohibited . * Ambrose in Eph. 4. Aug. qu. in vet . & N. Test . q. 101. Cypr. l. 3. ep . 17. Concil . Carth. Graec. c. 43. Carth. 2. c. 4. Conc. Arausic . c. ● . * The Prelates pretence for innovation : All the cause is laid on Magistrates . † Doth a publick Church Pastor govern but privately ? what meaneth he by that which can be good sence ? A private man may rule privately , that is , by Counsell : Judicium publicum is the Officers judgment . † In my Treat . of the true way of Concord , I have also disproved the Instances of Rome and Alexandria . Bish . Hall. Petavius . Bish . Andrews . B. Usher . † Lib. 3. c. 30. de Doctrin . Christian . which Augustine seemeth to approve . The Dispute at the Isle of Wight . John Forbes Grotius ▪ ☞ Be it known to posterity that if the Prelates would have granted us but so much liberty , our distracted Churches might have had Concord . J. D. &c. M. Ant. de Dom. Spalatensis . † Yea , never into one Parish of ten or twenty . ☞ ☜ Dr. Hammond answered . The Annotations . * Quemad modum hodi● ab aliqu●t secul●s Antioch in a sides Patr. no● est in ea u●be un●● nomen habet , sed in Meredin ad ripa●n Ch●bar , in finibus Mesopotainae Jos . Scaliger Animad . in Euseb . pag. 211. Yet I confess that he that converteth many caeteris paribus is fittest to be chosen for their Pastor : on which account Greg. Nazianz. was chosen at Constantinople , for the Success of his Ministry against Arianism : And in my Church-History , I have told you of a Council that decreed , that if a Bishop neglected to turn any of his City from heresie , he that converted them should have them for his flock : which sheweth that there might on just cause be then more Bishops and Churches than one in a City ; and that they were not necessarily measured by the compass of ground , but Churches might be mixt among each other as to habitation , on such occasions . ●●●● Chrysostom de s●cerdotio cap. 17 p. 57 Even about so small a part of a Bishops or Pastors charge as the care of Virgins saith . But if any one say that there is no need of a Bishop to meddle with such things as these ; Let him know that upon him will fall all the cares of Virgins duty , and so all the accusation ; which shall be cast on Virgins : And therefore it is much better if he administring the business himself he shall be void of those causes , which he must susteine by others offences ; thus leaving that administration to live in fear of giving account or being judged for the sins which others do commit . Adde also , that he that performeth this office by himself , transacteth all with great facility . But he that is necessitated to do it by the vicarious labour of others , besides that it is a great business to him to perswade all mens minds well to performe the work ; certainly he himself hath not so much remission of his labour by abstaining from that office , as he must sustaine business and troubles from them that resist , and strive against his judgment and opinion . ] And if so great a Bishop as the Patriarks of Constantinople must not do so small a part of his work per alios , alas , what a life do our Diocesans live . ! ●●at Christ Mat. 18. in his ●●●l the Church , ●●an●th ●●ll the congregation , assembly or multitude , and not only ●● tell an absent Di●●●san Bishop ( when ●er●aps ●ne ●●●●●● 20 , 4● , 6●●●les to tell him ) ▪ see Grotius himself in his A●●t ▪ on the Text and his ●●●●ort of sertullian and others . See also E●●●mus on the place . And many others say the same , though some would have the Church to be only the Bishop , or as others the Presbytery . Ru●herfords contrary reason is but a fallacy , viz. [ The same Church that must be heard must be told , but it is not the Congregation but the Elders that must be heard . Ergo &c. Ans . The Church consising of the Pastor and people must be told , and they have all ears that without confuson can hear at once , but they cannot without confusion all speak at once , therefore one must speak for all . For this argument would equally prove that it is not any Presbytery or Court , or many Ministers that should be told , if it be but one that is to speak to the ●inner : And it is not necessary that the● all speak to him . As the chief Judge speaketh for all the Bench , and the Prosecutor for all the Synod , and yet the Court or Synod may be complained to ; so is it hear : The sam● man ●ay see with two eyes and hear with two ears , and yet speak but with one tongue ( yet this reason once deceived me . ) Seeing then that Christ , instituted thus much of discipline in each particular Church , it is clear that by his i●stitution every particular Church ( associated for presential Communion ) should have one or more ●●●tors authorized for so much discipline which is that which we plead for . * Disput . of Church Gover . 2. That unjust excommunications bind not , see the judgment of the most approved casuists in Bapt. Fragoso de Regim Reipub. p. 1. l. 1. pag. 112. Col. 2. & Gregor . Sayrus To. 2. l. 1. c. 17. num . 2. 5. 8. &c. And indeed they conclude that out of the case of scandal , Magistrates Laws , unjust materially , that is , to the Common hurt , or that are against common good , bind not in Conscience ; ut Id. Fragoso ib. p. 112. n. 234. 336. W●● citeth the consent of Silvest . Tabien . Bald. Bartol . Hostiens . & Doctorum Communiter . So that Mr. John Humfrey is not singular in his resolution of this Case , though I gave him many cautions and limitations in the Letter , part of which he hath printed in the end of his book . 2 Cor. 5. 19. Act. 26. 18. Mat. 28. 20. * Hierome saith he dyed in the eighth year of Nero. aid . ●oi . Scaliger . Anim. in Euseb . Dorothaeun resutantem , pag. 195. Notes for div A27050-e45720 1. Petavius . 2. Bishop Downame 3. Master Mede . 4. Bilson . 5. Grotius . 6. Bishop Jeremy Tailor . 7. Doctor Hammond . 8. All the Divines in the same Cause . Cyprian in the Separation of Feliciss . and sive Presbyters Epist . 44. ( ed. Goul ) pag. 93. saith , [ Deus unus & Christus unus & una Ecclesia — Aliud Altare constitui , aut Sacerdotium novum sieri praeter unum Altare & unum Sacerdotium non potest . ☜ Cypr. l. 1. ●p . 66. Tit. 1. 5. Ordain Elders in every City . A Village , saith Euseb . l. 5. c. 16. Vid. Baron . an . 233. n. 10. It is the eighth Canon in Crab. Vid. Petavium , in Epip . haeres . 69. p. 276 , 277 , 278 , &c. The chief Champion of Prelacy strongly proveth that the Chorepiscopi were true Bishops . * Leg. Altare Dam. pag. 290. Saith D. Field , l. 5. c. 28. In Antiquity a Parish contained the Citizens , and all such Borderers as dwelt near , and repaired to any chief Church or City : A Diocess both then and now importeth the Villages & Churches dispersed in divers places a●der the Regiment of one Bishop ▪ Mark this t●●e use of the words , against what Downame and others ●●etend . I know the learned Albaspinaeus laboureth to prove that the Agapae were not at the sacrament , and in that place : But he thinketh that they were meetings of the whole fraternity , and it s like no house was much greater than the Church-house , so that this makes no difference . So Sr. Hen. Spelman Concil . p. 152. saith , in Theodor. time about An 672. Parish divisions here began . Seld. of Tythes proveth that the division of Parishes in England began but about 700 years after Christ . And Dr. Tillestly doth not deny the time , but thinketh that though Patrons ( as Selden saith ) might probably begin this , yet Bishops also had a hand in it . Of this see an excellent Tract of Church Benefices , by Pad . Paul Sarpi , translated by Dr. Denton confirming many things beforesaid . And it is a considerable proof which Dr. Tillesley against Selden saith ( p. 179 [ The right of a B●●ial place did first belong to the Cathedral Church ] and herein the custome of our Kingdom and others was not different . And if the Diocese was such as that all were to be buryed at the Cathedral , it was not so big as ●●●● of our Parishes in London , which are fain to take other ground for buryal ; and their Church will not ho●● the tenth part of the living as auditors . Leg. plura apud Gers . Bucer pag. 231 , 232 , 233 , 234 , 235. I may add ▪ also as anther evidence that in the beginning for a considerable time , Confirmation was closely joyned to Baptism , and therefore ordinarily none were Baptized but by a confirmer , or in his presence : And the Bishops say , that only Bishops did confirm : And if so , then let it be considered , to how large a Diocese a Bishop could be present at every Baptism : Yea if Confirmation had been at a greater distance , seeing all that were baptized were confirmed , it is easy to know for how many one Bi●hop cannot do this . Did our Bishops use it they would know . I do not think that in this city one person of 50 or 100 is confirmed though the Bishop dwell among them . Perhaps in some Dioceses not one of 1000 for we rarely hear of any at all . * In the subscr●ptions of Councils you shall find sometime a Bishop and one Deacon , sometime a a B●shop and a Presbyter , as at Arles , id . Spelman . p. 42. * not many Churches . See Leo 1. Epist . 88. p. 158. So Lib. poenitential . Theodori Cantu . in Spelman . p. 155. Concil . Arelat . 1. c. 21. Conc. L●od . c. 57. c. 4 , 5. Aqu. 1. 2. q. 18. art . 3. 5. & 10. & q. 72. art . 9. & Cajet . & Medin . ib. Act. 2. 1. 42 , 44 , 46. Heb. 10. 22 , &c & 13. 7 , 17 , 24. Act. 14. 23. & Act. 20. 1 Thes . 5. 12 , 13. 1 Cor. 5. & 14. per tot . 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. 1 Tim. 3. & Tit. 1. 5 , &c. 1 Cor. 16. 1 , 2. 1 Cor. 11. Mat. 28. 19 , 20. Mat. 18. 15 Tit. 3. 10. Yet I doubt not that they were not to Consecrate Ministers alone without the Bishop . Epist . 28. p. 64. Edit . Goulartii . The next Epis . 7. is worthy to be read of all that suffer for the truth to keep them from pride , unruliness , and scandal . and so is the 8. See Instances in Blondel . §. 3. p. 183 , 184. Note it is not consilio but concilio . And c. 30. he sheweth instances of Concil . Antisiodor . c. 7. Tarrac . c. 13. Concil . Tolet. 1. & ex Gregor . l. 4. ep . 88. Synod . Eliber . &c. * King James , Dr. Low , Ep. Bridges , Cosins , Sutliffe , Crakenthorp , Hales , Chillingworth , &c with Chemnitius and many Lutherans and Calvinists . * By this judge how big the Diocese was . * But no one in all the land was appointed to this day . In the new Rubrick is added [ If he humbly and heartily desire it ] But if he will but say so , the Priest must not judge . These are not our Bishops . * Now ne●r ▪ sixty five I have ●ately heard two excommunicated for teaching School and being married without License , and a thi●d no cause named . * As they that to●●e the Covenant unwillingly now maintaine that therefore it binds them not . * Th● ophilus ●●● Sisters s●n and successor . * What should such Religious men be now called , that had no more knowledge , so great errour and so great fury and tumultuating ●●●e●lion . * Saith Dr. Hanmer in his Margin , [ This ●ish●p hath more fellows in the world ] . * Ithacia●● * Most of the prophane . * 1. Ye● but th●● did , by persecuting the ●est . 2● They could not because they were Diocesans , and would not because ▪ too may of them hated the best . * The de●oist . * O good Bishops . * Very true * Marke what they were sequestred for . * Marke . * Leave i● to God to judge of the secrets of ●he heart . † He maketh our Prelates no sober men . See Stillingfleets Iren . p. 379. &c. Notes for div A27050-e65350 * The story of Eranistus dividing into Titulos ( much less proper Parishes ) is confuted by the most knowing isistorians . 
A39999	----	Rectius instruendum, or, A review and examination of the doctrine presented by one assuming the name of ane [sic] informer in three dialogues with a certain doubter, upon the controverted points of episcopacy, the convenants against episcopacy and separation : wherein the unsoundnes, and (in manythinges) the inconsistency of the informers principles, arguments, and answers upon these points, the violence which he hath offred unto the Holy Scripture and to diverse authors ancient and modern, is demonstrat and made appear, and that truth which is after godlines owned by the true Protestant Presbyterian Church of Scotland asserted and vindicated. Forrester, Thomas, 1635?-1706. 1684 Approx. 1372 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 369 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39999 Wing F1597 ESTC R36468 15699183 ocm 15699183 104445 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39999) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104445) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1592:49) Rectius instruendum, or, A review and examination of the doctrine presented by one assuming the name of ane [sic] informer in three dialogues with a certain doubter, upon the controverted points of episcopacy, the convenants against episcopacy and separation : wherein the unsoundnes, and (in manythinges) the inconsistency of the informers principles, arguments, and answers upon these points, the violence which he hath offred unto the Holy Scripture and to diverse authors ancient and modern, is demonstrat and made appear, and that truth which is after godlines owned by the true Protestant Presbyterian Church of Scotland asserted and vindicated. Forrester, Thomas, 1635?-1706. [74], 283 [i.e. 269], 136, 200, [16] p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : 1684. Attributed to Forrester by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Errata: p. [1-16] at end. Contains numerous errors in pagination. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Apologetic works. Church of Scotland -- Government. Episcopacy. Presbyterianism. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Rectius Instruendum Or A REVIEW and EXAMINATION Of the doctrine presented by one assuming the Name of ane Informer , in three dialogues with a certain Doubter , upon the controverted points of Episcopacy , the Covenants against Episcopacy , and Separation . Wherein The unsoundnes , and ( in many thinges ) the inconsistency of the Informers principles , arguments , and answers , upon these points , the violence which he hath offred unto the holy scripture , and to diverse authors ancient and modern , is demonstrat and made appear . And that truth which is after godlines , owned by the true protestant Presbyterian Church of Scotland , asserted and vindicated . Prov 19. 27 Cease , myson , to hear the instruction that causeth to erre from the words of knowledge . Printed in the Year , 1684. THE PREFACE to the reader Christian reader THat which the wiseman long since offered to their consideration who observe the revolving course of providence , is ther any thing wherof it may be said , this is new , hath its signal accomplishment , in the renewed collisions of opinions and debeats . The conflicts betwixt truth and error or not of yesterday , but as early as the morning of time , when he who is a liar from the beginning assaulted with a horrid calumny the truth and faithfulnes of God , and having by a lie mad a breach in our first parents integrity , by inducing them to believe it , instilld his poison into our nature , a love of darknes rather then light . The eye of the understanding ( like natures bodily organ when its cristalin humor is vitiat ) cannot see and receive the impression of its object , ( truth and duty ) in its lively colours and nat●… simplicity ; and if sometimes the clear beames of truth force a passage for it self , & make some impression upon the perverse & dark mind of man , O how quickly is that litle Victory lost , this begun signature obliterat , by the rebellious will & affections . The carnal mind is not subject to the Law of God nor can be , hence truth is detaind in unrightiousness , convictions stiffled , and the convincing spirit of God counteracted and grieved . Hence all the renewed pleadings for , & discoveries of truth , begets in most men ( by a wofull antiperistasis ) nothing but renewed contradiction & spurnings against it , While ( as the suns vigorus influence upon the vapors of this dull earth ) by its irradiations it attracts , and condenses thick foggs , dark clouds of peruerse disputings the more to obscure it self . Yet a holy seed there is and hath been in all generations , children of light and of the day , whose work ; and honourable badge it is to contend and be valiant for the truth ; who under the conduct of Michael that great prince who stands up for his people ( truths sincere lovers and asserters ) have from the beginning warred this good warfare against that old apostat , and his followers . So that the warr which John saw in heaven , betwixt Michael and the Dragon , was not then only begun , but a new battel and encounter of that old warr proclaimd in paradise betwixt the seed of the woman and the serpent . All men are inrolled in one of these two armies , imbarques in one of these interests according as they are regenerat , or unregenerat , as they have the seed of God in them or not ; & discovries of truth have various effects accordingly , either of more intense love , or violent hatred , as the sun shining upon the flowers & dunghil , draws equally forth a sweet & stinking savour . The erecting of this royal stand art of Zions King and lawgiver ingadges his faithfull witnesses to flow unto it , and come under it , and excits such who have but the spirit of that world in them , to a counter-muster against it . Who would not have thought , that the longed for appearances of that Immanuel , and desire of all nations , that eternal word and wisdom of God in the flesh , should have put an end to all rebellion of wretched sinners aga●… him ; but it never grew more , then by his convincing discovries of himself . Eternal truth and holines suffred contradiction of sinners against himself , he oft silenced enemies reasonings , not their malice , and the most admirable actings of his effectionat condescending love to men , the giving of himself to death for them , was intertained with the most virulent and hellish eruptions of their wrath against him , in murthring him . The rulers opposed this great ruler of Israel , the learned scribes and rabbies with all their literal knowledge of Moses and the Prophets , could not yea would not see and acknowledge this great Prophet , the covenanted people would not receive this great messenger of the Covenant ; and they who boasted to be Abrahams seed , rejected this promised seed , could not see him when among them , but hated him , whom Abraham saw a far off , and rejoyced in the discovery . Yet this wisdom of God was then , and still is , justified of all children of God , and such as are of the truth will see its beauty throw all the mists of mens calumnies and contendings against it . The angry cloud wherwith God hath now of a considerable time covered the daughter of Zion in our land , challenges in this as much as in any thing else , our mournfull observation , & simpathizing compassion , that men have taken the boldnes , with perverse disputings to infest her true sons and children , to assault her precius ordinances and priviledges , and with a barefac'd impudence to indeavour the removal of the ancient land marks which our fathers have set , nay which the great God hath established . Yea to cajoll us with poor sophistry into a carless disregard and abandoning of the magnalia Dei , the great things of gods Law ( important truths and dueties ) as if they were meer trifles and indifferencies ; to cast the aspersions of supercilius scrupulositie upon true zeal for God , of rebellion , upon true loyalti and faithfulness to the King of saints , of devisive humor , upon sincer indeavours after the union and true order of the house of God , is it not to put light for darknes and darknes for light , bitter for wee●…t , and sweet for bitter , yea cru●… percilius mockrie . Yet at this rate are we treated by our prelatick pamphleters . The authority of the second great moral precept anent the receiving and maintaining of all gods ordinances , the doct . worsh. disc . and governm . of his house , the weight and importance of the third anent the observation of most sacred solemn oathes and vowes to him for this great end , weighes but light in these mens ballances ; but he whose hand holds the plummet and line judgeth otherwise , their ballances are false , not the ballances of the sanctuary . Their new plagiary divinity depending in a great measure upon the camelion-rule of worldly wisdom , and steering its course by the versatil rule of human lawes , is calculat for any meridian , but that of canaan & immanuels land , where all must go to his Law and testimony , and is pronounced base mettal , which is reprobat by that touchston , where every pin of the tabernacle must have its samplar from the holy mount , ere it get his approbation , and have the cloud of his glorious presence created upon it . The golden , preface giving a lustre & beauty unto the prophets message was , thus saith the lord , but these mens ordinary Anthem is thus saith the Law , presenting their dishes under that leaden cover . Our new Ashodits have lost the language of Canaan , or at best do but ( like those mungrels mentioned by Nehemia ) speak half the Jewes language , half of ashdod , debasing thus the golden rule , by a heterogenens mixtur of human testimonies & principles . O How is our wine mixt with Water , the beauty of the virgin Daughter of Zion defaced . That Gebal , Ammon , Amalek & such like do in●…est & take crafty councel against Gods Church , is nothing so amazing or dangerous as when there is a conspiracy of her prophets within her walls . 'T is a great question whither these mens malice in wounding our Church , and taking away her vail , while pretending to act the guardians and watchmen , or their treachery in superficial flight healing of her wound , will be found the deepest challenge when the great shepherd comes to plead with them . But sure , both the one and the other will make make up a dreadfull impeacement . Who ever saw this house of God in our married land , in its pristine glory & integrity , can but mourn over the present desolation . These gates once called praise , have now desolation set upon their threshold . These walls once called salvation , are laid in dust & rubbish . The joyfull sound and voice of the turtle ( echoed with the singing of birds , and vigorus heart motions towards the glorious bridgroom ) are turned into the harsh sound of enemies roarings , and direfull threats , crying raze it raze it to the foundation . To see Bethel turned Bethaven , and men , yea pretended builders , lifting up axes not upon the thick trees to advance the building of the house , but upon the carved work , to destroy it , may make ane impression of sorrow upon any heart , but that of adamant . Israel wept at the sad newes of Gods refusing to go with them unto the promised land , but especialy when they were brought back from the very borders of Canaan for their disobedience and unbelief , & doomed to return and die in the wildernes , spending the remainder of their dayes and yeares in vanity and trouble . 'T is long since the glorious cloud is withdrawn to the threshold of our sanctuary , and the darke , not the auspicius light some side , turned unto us , yet who are following the glory , who are found crying out a penitent [ Ichabod ] over its departing . The building was so far advanced , that we were ex●…pecting to see the headston brought forth with shoutings and acclamations of grace grace , to see the glorius accomplishment of a work of reformation in Britaine and Ireland , but ah ! we are brought back from the borders of this great hope of a compleated reformation , into this wilderness of the must dismall desolation that ever the work of God hath been exposed unto since the foundation thereof was laid . What means the heat of this great anger , and where will it issue ? Afire is kindled in his anger , afire of angry Jealousie , but shall it burn for ever , is there none to make up the breach and stand in the gap . Ezekiel saw the healing waters issuing from the temple , and upon a desirable auspicius advanc , first to the ankles , then the knees : then to the loins , and at la●… 〈◊〉 great river . But now the waters of ou●… Mara , the Serpents flood of errour ca●… out after the fleeing Woman , and of prophanity flowing from our defiled sanctuary , have been long flowing apace , & are become of a prodigious grouth . Our Presbyterian Church-judicatories , are not straitnedonly bytheinvasion of the ancient Prostasie , or fixed moderator , ( which cost K. James some pains to effectuat ) but their root must be plucked up , either as Presbyterian , or as Ecclesiastick courts ; all their decisive power contracted into a Prelats ipse dixit ; and all his pretended spiritual authority , resolving into the sic volo of a civil papacy , regulable by it self onely , no superiour rule . How deeply we have drunk of the whoors cup ; and what a deluge of monstruous wickedness , hath overwelmd us since this idol of jealousiewas set up , ought rather to be weept over then written . Thenameof our Church is nomore Iehova Shamma , the Lord is there , nay that glorious motto is turned unto the dolefull inscription of Lo-ammi Lo-ruhama not any people , not having obtained mercy And , which is strange , this monstruous Dagon of Erastian Prelacy like a Medusa hath charmd the generation into ane amazing stupidity , yea the most unto an adoration of it , though it hath oftner then once faln before Gods Ark , and its head and hands have been cutt off upon the threshold of the sanctuary , a convincing proof that it is not a God. But that it might not want the dedication and adoration of its fellow set up in the plain of Dura , it hath been attended with the menacing Heralds voice — to you it is commanded - and who Worships not &c , - And the melodious Harmony of charming musitians . The quills of our Prelatick pleaders and Pamphleters have struke up their best notes and measures to gain the designe . But the Menaces , and the Idols golden mettal have far ut done the musitians in persuading , whose treeples of old & of late , have met with such baffling Contra's that the sagacius eare is not fond of ther shril sounds . Which have long since krakt the strings of our sound Protestant principles . For this late Pamphleter , who hath drest up minc't-meat of soom old fragmens to please childish Pallats , I suppose few or none who have pierc't into the bowels of our present controversies , have judged him so considerable , as to deserve a formal encounter , there being nothing which he or any of our late Scriblers hath offered , but what is already sufficiently answered . So that these litle toying mean Dialogues , were like to passe along as securely in their own want of worth , as Bessus in the Comedy . Yet in one point or two I cannot but commend him , first that the substance of this book answers its inscription of the differences of the time , these 3 points being indeed the chief cardines of our present differences , in which had he satisfyed all the Presbyterian ar-arguments he had done much to cut the sinnews of their cause . But how far are we at a losse in this Expectation , when the book is lookt over , not one of these great questions fairly stated , scarce one Argument of Presbyterians so much as fairly proposed , but enfeebled by silly disguises , and the answers to them such poor and ridiculous evasions , as if he had intended in this discovry of the weaknes of his cause to proselyt his Readers into Presbyterians , if they were not such before , in stead of weakning that party by this new assault ; the great point of Erastianism not so much as once toucht : And so notwithstanding of all his defence of the Diocesian Bishop , the Erastian Bishop Lying opene to all the weapons , & wounds of such as have impugned those principles . And upon the debate about the Covenants , and Separation , the only presents us with soomwhat of their old musty store , who have appeared in this cause of late , whose notions are more crude after all this mans re-cocting , a convincing proof that there was in the first con●…oction , ane indigestible error . Next I find some what more of a seren temper , lesse of the sarcastick scolding strain , then what hath tinctured his fellew-actors upon this sceen , who have bravely scolded it out against the Presbyterians , even to a non ultra of that Thersites - artifice , although now and then he puts out his litle sting too this way . In soom things also his Ingenuity deservs its praise , in advancing Prelacy so neer the popes miter , both in his pleadings from the Iewish Priesthood , & from antiquity , wherein he hath purtrayed the beast in exacter lineaments , then soom moresmooth pleaders . His Character of the term [ Curat ] viz on that serves the cure though not the Minister of the place , and of their preaching upon shorter texts , that it is a racking of the Text and of their brains to find out matter , is honest and apposit , for which the Presbyterians do owe him thanks ; but thereby their doubts in the point of Prelacy , & the present Separation , are so strengthned , and like to grow , and especially by his feeble resolutions , that they verily judge he shall never prove the Aedipus , but is in extreme hasart to be devouted in this encounter , & Actaeon-like , to be torn in pieces by the kennell of his own pretended resolutions and Arguings , retorted and hunted back upon him . They do also look upon the Dialogizing Method , so much pleasing him & some of his fellowes , as a cover ( but now very dilucid and transparent ) to hide the childish sophistry , of disguising the true state of questions , and the strength of Presbyterian Arguments , while they must fight with no weapons , but of their adversaries choice and measuring : When the Knight enters the lists with a huge invincible gyant , the encounter looks very unequall , and fatall like to the sprightly litle Combatant ; but the Romance maker can so order the seene , that he shall be sure to lay his adversary all a long , and come off victorious . Our Adversaries have too long ridicul'd our serious Theologicall debates , with their play-bookes ; wherein they do but render themselves ridiculous . what hath the chaff to do with the wheat ? When will they offer a fair and formall enucleation of this controversy , and discusse our Arguments long since offered unto them , which do stand to this day unanswered ? How long will they beg Principles , beg concessions , and rear up soaring like Arguments upon a Chimaericall fundation , and then Accost their credulous hearers or readers with Thrasonik boasts and Rhetoricall Rhodomontadoes , which are as insipid and tastlesse to the discerning , as the Artificiall fruit to the hungry pallat . Reader , for the design of this undertaking , I have this to say , that although I have as litle as many men coveted such appearances , yet have been perswaded to be thus publick upon this occasion , that having casually met with this Pamphlet , after it had for a considerable time travelled up and down , I judged it expedient to employ upon it some solitary houres , wherein I was taken offfrom other employments , both to prevent languishing , and to satisfy the desire of a friend , whom I highly esteem ; as likewayes to undeceive some simpler and lesse discerning readers , who seem'd to be taken with this piece ; which essay after a considerable times lurking coming into the hands of some welwishers to our Zion . I did at last yield to their importunity in reference to the publication . Whatever entertainment this may meet with , and how keen soever the darts of malicious reproach may prove which are levelled at me , Hic murus Aheneus esto , I have this shield , that I can say it before the heart searcher , without heart condemning , that as I intended herein a vindication of Truth and duty , and according to my measure and capacity to give this testimony for it , to the strengthning of a poor afflicted remnant contending for the same , so in writing these sheets , I had an eye upon the father of lights for his help and presence , and dare not deny but that this was found in some good measure accordingly . And in the perusal of what is here offered unto publick view ( which was not at first directly my intention ) I would have thee looking after these with other emprovements . First , thou may discover what a honourable cause wee now contend for , even the Crown dignity and Royal prerogative of Jesus Christ , his glorious supremacy over his own house , in appointing its officers , lawes , ordinantes ; for the true frame of his tabernacle according to the pattern shewed upon the mount , for that Government of his house delivered in his perfect and glorious testament , sealed with his blood , for fealty & loyalty to this King of Kings , in keeping his Covenant into which this nation and Church so solemnly entered ; for the walls and bulwarks of this City of God in opposition to antichristian underminers and invaders thereof , for these solemn Assemblies of his saints upon the ancient grounds and principles of our Reformation ( so much now aspersed by devouring tongues ) the ceasing wherof in our Zion ought to engage to sorrow , and a lamenting after our provoked Lord , now hiding himself from us . Enemies have often invaded him upon his his throne of grace , and professed friends have not sincerely aproach'd unto it . Next , As to our adversaries pleading against us in this quarrel , thou mayest discover first , that they are snar'd , as by the works of their hands , so by the Words of their lips , and fall before the rebound of their our Arguments ; this mans pleadings against us , especially upon the point of separation , levelling so clearly against himself , that such who impartially read him upon his point may straight entertain this reflection , It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks , and that its easy to pull this Egyptians spear out of his hand and kill him with his own spear . Secondly , thou may see , what monstrous issues they are driven unto in the defence of their cause , what a chain of contradictions & absurdities they have twisted to wind themselves out of their inextricable Labirinth , that they hatch cockatric eggs ; obstinat maintaining of one absurdity begets a hundred ; so true is that saying & prophecy , evil men shall waxe worse & worse deceiving , & being deceived . How palpably have they wrested the holy Scriptures to shift the convictions thereof , and make some shift of answer ? How laxe and absurd are their new principles in point of Oaths , resolving their strength into the Magistrates arbitriment and Lawes ; besides other odd posterns which they have opened to escape allobligations thereby , if their matter be not indispensably necessary , which with them is in a great measure determined by the Law. What a monstrous Chaos of more then Infidel-barbarity and confusion shall this world become , if these mens faith-banishing principles be once admitted . Thirdly , to evince , that our Prelats puppets and new pleaders are Babe●… true brood and builders , thou mayest see , how sweetly they joyn with the Papists in their glosses upon these Scirptures , pleaded against them . Whenc it is evident , even to a demonstrative certainty , that the cause of popry and prelacy , are of ane inseparable affinity , and stand or fall together . If this mans glosses whereby he shifts off our Scripture Arguments , striking at the Bishops mitre , be once admitted , the popes triple crown is equally shielded against the weapons of all Protestants . Our learn'd Protestant divines in confuting the popish evasions do so manage their dispute , as if they were directly pleading against this Informer in defending our Prelacy . And who heares his glossings , pleadings and answers , would imagine that by some Metempsuchosis , Bellarmine or Eccius were now acting the Informer to proselyt the Presbyterians to our Prelacy or a papacy rather . Besides , 't is clear he embarques , with the Papists in his endeavour to bring in antiquity and the Churches practice , as the infallible comment upon the Scripture in the Episcopall debate , consequently in all debats in Theology . Nay we must measure the Temple and the Altar , mould our Arguments in this point of truth by Scripture standard ; but for the utter court of Antiquity , wee leave it out , for it s given to the Gentiles . It s many soul principles and practices will not be gotten within the Holy Scripture verge . This man in his Scripture pleadings is very sparing , for a few pages measure will do it . But for Antiquity ware he mets us out large and full , to the great part of all the book ; and in this he deals honestly giving the courser stuff the larger yard . In fine , thou may see these men discovered beyond all their hiding pretences of love , peace and unity ; their large spacious charity ( extended to the dimensions of a Metropolitans pallace ) hath fine entertaining rooms for Papists , Quakers , Arminians , &c. but the poor Presbyterians will scarce get such a room in it as Bishop Bonners colehouse wherein he lodged the martyrs ; they cry out one Presbyterian Ministers as refusing all Christian fellowship with them in worship : but when shall we see them open their pulpits to our Ministers , after they have banish'd them from their own flocks ? They vili●… all our differences unto meere punctilioes ; yet they contend about them tanquam pro aris & focis , and had rather all Presbyterians were harassed and persecuted , even to a consuming desolation , then one fringe of their Garments , ( As Bishop Lighton call'd the points debated ) were cut off and let go . They declame zealously in their pulpits and Pamphlets against sanguinary Principles . How can these cruell men , say they , looke up to the God of love ? But now after they have drunk pretty largely for many years of Presbyterian blood , and are gaping for more as fast as the bloody whore of Rome who in a great measure influences them , these devout Burrio's , can wipe their mouths , and pretend they have peace offerings with them . Mistery Babylon ! Mystery Prelacy ! What ane abysse of deceit is here . In the third place , thou may see , that the cause wee contend for , as it hath the first and pure Scripture Antiquity , so the next ensuing Antiquity also , and the patrociny of the purer ages , and the auspiciously Harmonious consent of reformed Churches and divines ; So that our present Testimony is the same with that of the witnesses against the beast , and our adversaries stand arranged under Antichrists banner , in the whole series at least & complex farrago of their principles . A Diocesian Erastian Prelacy , underprop't by blood and Perjury , headed by a civill papacy , embracing in its bosome all foul errours , is a hideous Monster , a bowing wall , a tottering sence , and lookes in face and feature so unlike to Christs bride , held out and pourtrayed in Scripture , and once gloriously shining in this land , that no disciple of Christ no friend of the Bridegroom , can mistake the one for the other ; So that our adversaries charge of novell heterodoxy is a new minted calumny , a frighting buk bear and scar-cnow . fit to fright children in knowledge , to be the derision of the knowing , and for nothing else . Fourthly , thou hast here set before thee , a looking glasse representing our sin and punishment in these later dayes . Wee have not suitably emproven a faithfull Ministry ( once our Churches crown and glory ) now that crown is falling apace , how many stars hath the dragon cast from heaven to earth . Wee have not not studied personall reformation , while publick Nationall reformation was owned ; therefore the holy Jealous God hath given us up to an avowed disouning of that reformation . Wee endeavoured not , while Gods candle shin'd upon our tabernacle , to get our case discovered and search'd , our hearts sprinkled from an evill Conscience , therefore most of us are given up to Conscience - Wasting sins . We have not drawn with joy , from our wells of salvation , while they were open and running in a plenty of powerfull & pure ordinances ; now God hath suffered Philistines to stop these Wells ; and while wee endeavour to dig them again , such are the counter endeavours of this man and his fellowes by their pleading and practices , that they are called Ezek and Sitna , strife and contention . Wee are like to dig and strive long ere wee get the well called Rehoboth , and faithfull Ambassadours of Christ shall find their old rooms again in the house of God. Wee ●…ave not keept up a due impression of the 〈◊〉 ●…lidging force of our National & solemne Covenants with God ; who of us have endeavoured to perform our vowes to God therein ? Therefore God hath given most of us up to a palpable disowning and shamelesse renunciation and abjuration of these great and sacred Oaths . Wee hid our selves from discoveries of our practical breaches and many whorish departings from God pointed at by our faithfull Seers ; now he hath given us up to a legall avowed departing . The accursed thing which was before secretly with us , is now pleaded for , disputed for , by pretended Seers and wathmen ; even the remnanm have dealt treacherously with God ; therefore he hath given them up to treacherous dealers , who have dealt very treacherously with them . Wee were wearied of reformation , wearied of God , and said to our faithfull seers , see not , prophecy not right things , but deceits , get you out of the way , cause the holy one of Israel to cease from before us . Ourwhorish hearts lusted after a sinfull liberty and Egypts flesh-pots , neither were wee throughly ●…ged from our old sins our iniquities of 〈◊〉 Therefore God hath answered us 〈◊〉 cording to the Idols of our heart , an●… hath said to us ( after wee have set up ou●… Calves ) go to Bethel , transgresse at Gi●… gall , &c. He hath given us our desire and sent leannesse into our soul. Our noble Vine , because so dreadfully degenerat , is now whithered and wasted , plukt up in fury , planted in the wildernesse and fire going out of it self to devour its own fruit . This is a lamentation and shall be for a lamentation . Fiftly , Thou mayest in the perusal of this reply , discover somthing also of light arising in darknesse , the strength and solidity of our principles demonstrate in the plain and easy repulse of these assalliants . The indigested chattered congeries of their new notions do appear but meer vanity , a deceitfull nothing , when levelled against these great truths which wee contend for , notwithstanding of all their clamorous boasting ; as the threatning billowes having made a waterish battery upon the rock fall off again in empty froath ; so that we may see it accompli●… of our cause and principles which 〈◊〉 Jobs hope as to the issue of his troubles ●…en they are tryed they come forth as ●…ld . And our adversaries light empty ●…akets cannot by thousands of degrees counterpoise them , when both are laid together in the even Scripture Ballances . Truth under all stroakes Virescit Vulnere the bruising of it by dispures diffuses it scent and makes it ( as the breaking of that Alabaster box did the oyntment ) the more fragrant . Thus our holy wise God brings meat out of the eater ; it s the Priviledge of Truth , in relation to perverse disputes against it , which was promised to Zion , when enemies were gathered together , that it doth arise & thresh them The Horns of this honourable cause are found horns of Iron and its hooves brasse : it can thresh ( as it hath done before ) even the mountains : ( For what are they before Zerubbabel ) and sift and fann themas dust . This is a signal token for good in the dark and cloudy day , that these great truths , which are now become the Shibboleth , the speciall object of our Testimony , and adherence thereunto , the chara●… stick of the Lambs followers , are co●… firmed and shining in a heart engad●… ing beauty : if we hold fast this Testimo●… wee are sure to come off victorious , to g●… the white stone & the new name : If wee quit and cast off this fortifying girdle of Truth , we will succumb , and be written in the dust , not among the living in Jerusalem . For the manner and Method of this reply , it will , I suppose be found very suitable to the scope . The language is plain and accommodat to polemicks , which do reject all extravagant ornaments of speech . The Informers Arguments are proposed vivida , vegeta , ad amissim oft times verbatim , and nothing of seeming strength or nerves in his reasoning declined , but fully weighed and examined . The Presbyterian Arguments , which he hath disguised , are presented and offered in their genuine strength , and fully improven against him ; Wherin this trifler is called to the orders , and his tergiversation check't and made appear . The state of every one of these questions is likewayes proposed , and Arguments drawen ●…th thereupon , which do abundantly ●…tify the Presbyterian cause and Princi●…s , and in a great measure obviat all his Exceptions , and this in the beginning of every Dialogue before any formall encounter with him . So that if any shall endeavour again to underprop this tottering wall and to draw this saw back again , they must be tyed to the same Methode ; weighing all that is offered in the sound ballances of Scripture and reason , and not in such a faint , superficiall , dispute-deserting Methode as the Answer to the Dialogues betwixt the Conformist and Non-conformists hath been plyed with ; whose replyer doth but ( like the dogs at Nilus ) leape here & there superficially thus measuring out the dimensions of the whole book with litle or nothing of a formall encounter with the Answerer his Arguments and reasons . Some things there are , that do require a litle touch of Apology ; if any quarrel the prolixity , 't is easily granted that a sufficient answer might have been contracted into far lesse bounds ; yet as every writers head or hand is not so skilful as to put ane Iliad into a nut , so every rea●… hath not the tooth to crack that nut ; ma●… row is nauseating rather then nourishing to many stomaks . And as the stronger co●… densed light of the Sun , whither in its direct , or refracted beams , hurts weaker eyes ; so all eyes are not for the small print of the Laconick stile , nor can every judgement readily digest too much epitomized arguings , especially in such subjects wherein the spissitude and variety of the matter , requires a more dilated stile and method . The fair stating of these great points ( now the axletree , about which our religious differences are turn'd ) the giving of light unto them by solid Arguments may well bear the charge of some little paines in reading in order to satisfaction therein ; and the man is a wretched miser who would b●… scant as to the affording of time and diligence in this endeavour . If any desiderat a more particular Examen of the Testimonies of the Fathers and some other Authors cited by the Informer ; there are several grounds which may take off this exception . First , since , upon both sides it is professedly agreed at the scripture is the only judge in this ●…bate , and since both parties now con●…nding ( as also the fathers themselves and all sound Christians ) have professed to subscribe ane absolute appeal to this judge in matters of religion ( whatever deviations from this rule and profession , this man and his fellowes are guilty of in their arguings and pleadings , especially in this point ) matters , I say , standing thus in this debate among professed Protestants , who are disputing from scripture , certainly a critical scanning of , or litigiouscon test about the sense ofevery humanewriter , they must in their principles acknowledge to be but a digladiation de lana cap●…ina , a spending of money for that which is not bread . When any disputant hath with much critical travel among the fathers , brought home their suffrage to his cause , or by the same diligence taken it out of an adversaryes hand as it were with his sword and this bow , what is all the victory ? a humane testimony brought to fortify a divine truth ( which was before strong and impregnable in its own light and authority and a testimony apt to a wired●… by a subtiler Critick to a different or contrary sense . Next , the scriptures decision in this debat , being ( as it is hoped ) convincingly made appear , and the chief testimonies of fathers for our cause vindicated against this adversary , no rational or ingenuous reader will judge it expedient , after the scripture decision is made appear and the testimonies of eminent fathers also , and the adversaryes contrary humane testimonyes , as to the main , dispelled , to pursue every stragling citation . Thirdly , 't is evinced that as upon the one hand all his testimonyes upon the point of Prelacy , though admitted , do but amount to demonstrat the factum , which is not the question , and not all the Ius , which only is , so upon the other hand they are as far short of reaching any patrociny to the present Diocesian Erastian Prelat as the Pigmees arme is to fetch down Ulysses helmet . Now what superfluous wast of time were it to insist in scanning of testimonyes adduced to prove that which is not the question ? the disputant hath but a mean labour in trying whether his adversaryes conclusion is deducd according 〈◊〉 rules , and followes on the premises , when the conclusion it self is a long dayes journey out of the lists and ranges of the question , and not the negatum or the principle which the adversary undertakes to prove . If any man will from this Informers testimonyes draw out our Diocesian Erastian Prelat , in the nature and extent of the power now exercised by him , he may give a defie to all the Virtuosi to match him in chymical extractions , and may have the chief chair for invention . All the fathers cited by this disputant are as ambiguous as the Delphick Oracles in our debate . In fine , this piece is chiefly addressed to the plain simple searcher for truth , to furnish him with stones from mount Zions brook ( with plain scripture Arguments ) to encounter and overcome our Philistine braggards : not to charge his unskilful weake shoulders and armes with Sauls unwieldy armour . How tastlesse and uselesse to the unlearn'd , a dispute about the sense of humane writers is , when the inquiry and debate is about a divine truth , wherein the conscience must he satisfied upon divine warrand , need●… not my pains to prove , it being obvious to the meanest reflection . If any shall yet except upon the want of a full examination of some Commentators upon scripture , whom the Informer appeales unto , 't is answered , that if the sense of controverted texts be evinced from parallels , and the scope and contexture , and the Adversaryes argument repelled , the humane testimony or sense of some Interpreters must vail to this in the judgment of all Protestants ; and besides , neither the suffrage of Commentators is wanting to our sense of these scriptures we plead , nor can this mans glosses be reconciled to the sense of sound Protestants . Which wee suppose the reader will find aboundantly clear in the Perusal . The learn'd do know that wee might muster up as many commentators suffrages to patronise our sense of text controverted , as would spatio conficere immensum aequor . The truth is , that with some , wee will need an Apology , in that , this piece is swelled to such a bulk upon this ground , & that so much of it is taken up in presenting and scanning the sense of authors ; besides , the many testimonyes of reformed Churches and divines for Presby●…erian Government which wee have presented in a short view in the last Chapter upon the first Dialogue , do , consequently give sentence for us , as to the sense of the texts scanned in this controversy , and more then counterballance any whom this man appealls unto . Some , 't is probable , may think strange , that the Informer hath so far got the start of this corrector , and travelled so long before this appeared ; but such may be quickly satisfyed as to this punctilio of a time-ceremony , when they are made to understand that as this piece was a long time abroad ere ever I did see it , so after some sight of it , it was a considerabletime before I had the least intention of imparting my thoughts of it , & after I had this imparted them much more time did interveen before my intention did fully correspond with the presse motions , & accesse where it could be had . But however , the knowing reader will not so much value who replyed , or when ; as what and how . Satcito si sat bene , is a sound proverb : although ( if this matter did deserve any more Apology ) it might be truly averred that the substance of this reply , all to a very little was written in the moneths of June and July in the Year 1681. since which time these sheets were much lurking and out of my hands . And but little opportunity offered for boring them through exactly after the writing thereof . Yet upon some renewed desires , as to the publication I did again hastily look them over amidst many avocations , dividing the whole into Chapters for Methods sake , with suitable inscriptions containing the summ & series of the chief points treated of ; having also accesse to peruse some Authors which were not by me at first writing , some inlargements were made which have much encreased it to this bulk , and 't is probable may make it prove rugged in several places , and not so intelligible to the plainunlearned reader , for whom at first writing it was principally , if not only , intended ; yet for his advantage the Citations of Authors are all Englished , and some times rendered only in English , and often upon repeating some few of the Authors words , the sentence is broken off & the rest presented in our own language : which if it seem strange to any other ; as the ground assigned will , I hope , satisfy , so a view of the Authors will be my vindication as to the truth of the testimonyes themselves . Upon the point of Separation ( which is a difficult and comprehensive question ) I have not undertaken any large scrutiny into its nature and degrees , nor to scann the severall incident cases and subordinat questions , which the full discussing of that great point would require ; desiring only to maintain the antithesis of the Informers principle and fundamentall Topick in the third Dialogue , and in so far only to enquire into this point as to vindicat this practice of presbyterian Ministers and professours their owning and following their respective duties , from his imputation of a sinfull and Schismatick separation ; and therefore have not directly spoken to these cases , viz. what may be said for , or against Conformists Ministerial mission ? What difference is in this our case betwixt a fix'd or stated , and ane occasional hearing . In what cases it might be abstracted from a formall ow●… ing of Curats as Ministers of this Church ? Whether a protestation at first hearing might be a sufficient salvo to free the practic from that complyance which is pleaded from the narratives and declared design of the Acts which do enjoyn it ? And upon the affirmative solution of this case , what might be the nature , extent and circumstances of such a protestation ? Whither the diverse cases and dispensations of severall places of our land , will import such a difference as to sin or duty in this point , as there might be a diversity of practice and union keeped therupon ? These and several such like cases I have not taken upon me formally to state and clear ( whatever light about them may follow upon what is here asserted ) not finding it necessary in order to the scope of this defence , as the question with this Informer is stated and limited , norbeing desirous to render this reply of too great a bulk , or to be forward and presuming in difficult points . If the learned and Judicious desiderat here many things both as to matter and manner , as I doubt not , they will , let not the Presbyterian ●…ause and interest fall under the worse Character with them ; this being but ane essay upon these great questions offered by a very mean person of that number , and not their joynt - polities and form'd thoughts ; addressed also mainly to the plain and unlearned readers . Yet for its scope and substance , I doubt not , but it will be found such as is able to speake with the Enemy in the gate , and succsesfully to undergoe their assaults , if any such be made upon 't . One thing is indeed to be regrated , wherof I could not but acquaint the reader in this place , that Because of many difficulties which the overseer of the first part , in Answer to the first Dialogue , at the presse , did labour under , Both in respect of the Copy and several other wayes , there are some considerable Tipographical errours which have creept into it , and several Latine and Greeck words misrepresented ; of which errors , such as do considerably marr the sense are noted among the Errata . The other parts t' is hoped will not be so bad , & create the Reader such difficulty . I shall also here acquaint the Reader that I have seen a manuscript entituled Positions relating to publick worship maintained by Presbyterians In former times , and contradicted by the practice of many in these dayes , driving the same design with this Informer in his third Di. alogue , and upon the same grounds , whereof I had written a considerable time since a full Examen , but cannot here present it : both , because that pasquil is not extant ; and especially , because it is for substance fullyanswered in this reply . The Author upon these general acknowledged grounds of the obligation , lying upon all Church-members to attend the ordinances : the unlawfulnesse of separating from publick worship for the sins of Ministers or fellow-worshippers ; the condemning of the Brounists in England by the old Non-conformists there , because of a totall Separation , though themselves did separat in part : their acknowledging of the lawfulnesse of Episcopal ordination for substance , &c. drawes out a strange and remote conclusion against Presbyterian Ministers of this Church , their officiating in their present case & circumstances , and peoples adhering to them in the exercise of their Ministry . The absurdity of which inference , and what a sand-rope connexion it is , needs not any renewed discovery here , which were but Actum agere . The impertinent and groundlesse suppositions upon which this inference is founded , and the confused shufling together of thatwhich in this question is to be distinguished , being aboundantly above evinced , and also the apparent inconsistency of this way and Method of Arguing : since from all these grounds a destroying conclusion may be drawn out against this pasquiller , in reference to the owning of Presbyterian Ministers in their Ministry : since the ordinances administred by them are really ordinances of Christ , their mission and ordination warrantable , the worship not corrupted by their supposed scandals , and consequently they are highly guilty who disown their Ministry , or plead for it ; or else to evite the deadly rebound of his own weapons and Arguing , he must state the question of new , and restrict and limit to the particular state and circumstances of this Church ; but then he must confesse his arguing upon these generall positions , to be but beating of the air and poor childish babling . It were not unpleasant to trace the many grosse contradictions incident to this way of arguing and apparent to men of an ordinary reach who have read this paper . First , [ attending of ordinances ] add [ receiving them from Conformists ] are all one and identified with them , yea tyed with adamantine chains ; yet in the case of Presbyterian Ministers , these two are as far separat , as east & West . Secondly nothing but a substantial corruption of ordinances administred by Conformists can warrand a withdrawing from them , & this principle sayes the Author hath strong Scripture grounds to warrand it , But take this principle over to Presbyterian Ministers , and then it loses all its vertue , and he will find grounds of separating from them , were ordinances never so pure , and this is no strange thing , the sharpest sighted eye cannot see it self . Thirdly , a man can never be reconciled to himself , who confesses the Episcopal ordination lawful , and yet disowns Conformists . But once turn the Tables , and the game runs crosse ; a man may acknowledge the Presbyterian Ministers have a lawfull ordination , and never crosse that principle ; though he totally disown them . There are also several grosse inadvertencies , besides these that are common with his fellowes in this way of arguing , which are peculiar to the Author of that Pasquil. Such as , his cutting the sinews and overturning the fundation of his arguing , in granting all to be true which Nonconformists charge prelatists with , id est , that they are Schismaticks &c. So in the second position . Yet holding , that this position viz. That ordinances are not polluted by their Scandalls , will inferr a conclusion of hearing them hic & nunc ; Wheras this very ground of Schisme is that upon which he mainly pleads for disowning Presbyterian Ministers , his confounding in the matter of Aerius his supposed censure by the ancient Church our acknowledgment of the factum and of the Ius . His denying in answer to the objection anent the Covenant , that any act under a General head of duty , considered Physically or materially , may become hic & nunc , and in its present circumstances sinful exaccidente , yet walking all along upon this very ground , in condemning the preaching of Presbyterian Ministers and peoples hearing them : In calling ( in answer to another objection ) the Prelatick party the Church of Scotland as now constitute ; Yet in the premised concession acknowledging them Schismaticks from this Church : Thus stealing back a principle to make shift of answer , which he hath already given away to his adversary in this debate . In granting to the Presbyterians that this frame of prelacy is worse then the former , and gives more to the Magistrate then Gods Word allowes , yet calling this establishment of it , the prerogatives of Authority & the commands of submission thereunto lawful commands . These & many such like absurdities are obvious to any that have read that chattered Pasquil : which might be made further convincingly appear if wee could dilate upon it and present the pasquil it self . But this litle toutch may abundantly discover its vanity and insufficiency in the present dispute , and that the cause , which our Prelats puppets are pleading for , is so desperat and tottering that it needs many concessions of its adversaryes and beg'd sup . positions to under-prop it withal , & yet sorotten is this fabrick and bowing wall , that it must notwithstanding fall to the ground . Reader , I shall detain thee no longer from the persual of these sheets , save only to tell thee that as the strengthning of the hearts of the Lords remnant in following their duty and amidst their present sufferings , is the intendment of this appearance , so there is no patrociny intended , nor can be drawen by the most remote consequence from what is here pleaded upon the point of separation , unto these dreadfullly presaging anti-●… nisterial principles and practices , tha●… several in this land are sadly precipitating themselves into ; which wee hop●… will be aboundantly clear to the understanding peruser of what I have offered upon that head , and the state of the question as It is exhibited : how clear and full our confessions and principles are in asserting the due right of Magistracy , as well as of a true Gospel Ministry , and how harmoniously wee join to the confessions of all the Reformed Churches herein , is sufficiently notour to the unbyassed and judicious ; and consequently , that no precipitations or strayings from the scripture path upon these heads , can be charged upon our cause and principles . Great and manifold have been the assaults of Satan upon this poor Church , and reproaches of that grand accuser of the brethren upon our Reformation and the faithful promoters thereof . And the plowers have long plowed upon her back , and enemyes of all sorts have many time afflicted her from her youth . O that our provoked jealous God would shew us , wherefore he contends , and give both Ministers and People a heart-affecting sight and sense of the true grounds of this controversy , and shew unto us our transgressions , wherein wee have exceeded and provoked him thus to lengthen out our desolation ; that he would excite Ministers to make full proof of their ministry , and open up to them an effectual door and engadge his people to a due and suitable subjection to their Ministry that this word might run swiftly and this sword of the Lord eut the cords of the wicked , that wee were all excited to encompase his throne with strong crying and tears in order to the returning of the Ecclipsed departing glory that this great Shepherd ▪ Israel , would shew himself the only wise of God and the only Potentate in dissappointing and crushing the crafty , cruel stratagems and designes of Satan ( now acting both the roaring lyon and subtile old Serpent ) and of his grand Lieutenant Antichrist and his Artizans . That this our Isle , upon which , the ●…ay-spring from on high did early shin●… and which did early wait for his Law●… who is Zions great Lawgiver , was rec●… vered from Popish darknesse , and fro●… decayes after the times of Reformation , may have a restoring healing visit and being made a maried land may be upon this ground a land of desires . That Christs Tabernacle , now fallen down , may be rear'd up according to the pattern , and planted among us untill his glotious appearance to accomplish his Churches warfare and to make up his jewells . This is the Expectation of the prisoners of hope , and in this expectation let us turn in to the strong hold , even to his name which is a strong tower and go on in his strentgh keeping his good way which hath alwayes been strenth unto the upright . Let us contend for the faith once delivered to the saints and be stedfast , unmoveable , alwayes abounding in the work of the Lord , since he comes quickly , who is our head and judge and his reward is with him so that neither our labour nor suffering shall be in vain in the Lord. The Contents FIRST PART . Chap. 1. page 2. THat the prelat now established in this Church is both Diocesian and Erastian cleared . By the present standing acts hereanent page 2 , 3. A twofold state of the question proponed accordingly , Arguments from Scripture against the Diocesian Prelat as a pretended Church officer such as 1. appropriating the term Episcopus common to all Pastors , to a Prelat . The absu di●…y of this discovered Calvines remarkeable Testimony on Titus 1 : 7. page 4. 2 making it relate to Pastors which hath the flock for its immediat object . Cleared from 1 Pet. 5 : 3. Invading and nulling the Authority allowed to Presbyters . The matter of fact cleared from the principles of Prelatists and the absurdity hereof from severall Scripture grounds page 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 4. Impeaching Christs Kingly office as head of his Church and the perfection of his word in obtruding an officer on his Church of a different mould from those described and allowed by him cleared from the nature of the prelats office and some Scripture grounds page 13 , 14 , 15. Chap. 2. page 16. Some more Arguments against the Diocesian Prelat . that his office debases the acts and exercise of the power of order , cleared from the matter of fact and Severall Scripture grounds page 16 , 17 , 18. It maimes and diversifies the Pastorall office , by Anti-Scripturall new invented degrees thereof cleared at large page 19 , 〈◊〉 His office many wayes contrare to thevery nature 〈◊〉 the gospell Church Government , cleard also at larg●… from the nature of the Prelats office and several Scripture grounds page 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Cap. 3 , page 25. The Diocesian Bishops office debases extraordinary offices , in consounding them with ordinary , cleared from the Scripture-account of these extraordinary offices , and the nature of the Prelats office , according to the principles and pleading of the Episcopall party . Pag 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. 30. The derivation of the Prelats office from the Apostolical Authority and the power of Timothy and Titus , loaded with absurdities . ibid. Chap. 4. page 30. The Diocesian Prelats office takes away the peoples right to call their Pastor . This right proved from Scripture and divine reason page 31 , 32 , 33. It excludes the office of the ruling elder proved from the practice of Prelatists as likewayes the preceeding charge the divine right of this office proved from several Scripture grounds , especially 1 Tim. 5 : 17. And some chief exceptions of the prelatick party examined Page 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38. Chap. 5. page 39. That the present Prelacy is grosse Erastianisme , proved , from the matter of fact , some Arguments against it under that notion . It excludes and denyes all Church Government in the hands of Church officers distinct from the civill ; contrary to the Churches priviledge both under the Old and New Testament , which is demonstrat at large . Page 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , Is in many points ane incroachment upon the liberties of the gospel Church and upon Christs mediatory Authority over the same ; which is cleared page 45 , 46. Chap. 6 : page 47. Erastianisme denyes the compleat constitution of the Apostolick Church in point of Government . Removes the Scripture land marks , set to distinguish the civil and Ecclesiastick powers , which is cleared in several points page 47 , 48 , 49 , 50. It is lyable to great absurdities ibid. Chap. 7. pag. 51. The Informers shifting and obscuring the true state of the question anent Episcopacy , and flinching from the point debateable discovered several wayes page 52 , 53 He declines a direct pleading for the Prelats civill offices , yet offers some arguments in defence thereof wherin his prevarication and contradiction to himself is made appear . His pretended Scripture Arguments from the Instances of Eli and Samuel , and the Priests concurrence in that Court 11 Numb . to fortify the Prelats civil state offices , ad examined page 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59. He is contradicted by interpreters in this point , Antiquity full and clear against him . The grounds of the Assembly 1638 Sess. 25. Against the civill offices of Ministers page 63 , 64. The Informers endeavours to bring in the Diocesian Bishop under that command of decency and order as lawfull though not commanded and necessary . That the Bishop cannot he warranted on this ground but must as a supposed Church officer , instruct his institution : and mission from Scripture , cleared from several Scripture grounds and the acknowledgment of some adversaries page 65 , 66 , 67 , 68 , 69 , 70 , 71 , 72 , 73. Chap. 8. page 73. misprinted Chap. 9. The Informer undertakes to answer the Arguments of Presbyterians against Episcopacy , his answers to our Arguments from Matth. 22 : 25 , 26. Wherin having misrepresented it , he is notwithstanding forced to embrace the evasions of Papists , falls in diverse inconsistencies , and walks crosse to the sence of sound divines upon this Text : Yea of some of the ancients which cleard at large page 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82. his answer to our Argument from 1 Pet. 5 : 3. Wherein he also offers violence to the text and joines issue with the Papists , his evasions examined and this Text ( as also the preceding ) Improven against him page 84 , 85 , 86 , 87 , 88. Chap. 9. misprinted Chap. 10. page 88. The Informers Answers to our Argument from acts 20. and Titus 1 : 5 , 7. These Texts emproven against him , and his answers fully examined page 89 , 90 , 91 , 92 , 93 , 94 , 95 , 96. His answers to our Argument from Philip. 1 : 1. His absurd and inconsistent shifts discovered and confuted page 98 , 99 , 100 , 101 , 102. Arnoldus and Chamier do classe him with the Papists in his answers to this text , he walks crosse to the Dutch , and English Annotations , and to Calvin . page 103 , 104 , 105. His answers to our Argument from Ephes. 4 : 〈◊〉 . Examined page 106 , 107 , 108. Chap. 10. misprinted Chap. 12. page 109. The Informer offers Scripture warrand for Bishops . His Argument from the Government of the Church under the old Testament , the subordination of the Priests and Levites . The remoteness and absurdity of his consequence anent the lawfulnesse of the present diocesian Erastian Prelats office , asit is deduced from this principle , discovered several wayes , page 110 , 111 , 112. That there is no image of our Prelacy in the Jewish Church Government , cleared , The Informer walks crosse to Iunius , yea Bishop Bilson himself , and in the series of his reasoning , introduces a pope into the Christian Church , page 113 , 114 , 115 , 116 , 117 , 118 , 119 , 120. His Argument from the Apostles superiority to the 70 disciples , examined . He begs the question in supposing Prelats to succeed the Apostles immediately , and Pastors the 70 Disciples , and from a superiority among officers of different kindes , groundlesly concludes a superiority among officers of the same kind . No Image of our prelacy in the Apostles superiority over other Church officers , page 121 , 122 , 123 , 124 , 125 , 126. Chap. 11. misprinted Chap. 10. page 127. The Informers great Argument for Prelacy from the pretended Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus . Their Episcopall office disproved , from the office of Evangelist , ascribed expresly to the one , and by good consequence to the other , from many circumstances of the sacred text , and the judgment of interpreters . page 128 129 , ( misprinted 127 , ) 130 ( misprinted 128 ) 131. ( misprinted 129. ) The Informers answers anent the strict and large sense of an Evangelist , his reasons of deny 〈◊〉 to Timothy , the Evangelistick office in a strict sense , 〈◊〉 amined : and found inconsistent with themselves , a●… contrare to Scripture , 132 , ( misprinted 130 ) 13●… misprinted 131 , ( 134 misprinted 132 ) 135 ( misprinted 133 , ) 136 , misprinted 134 , 137 misprinted 135 , 138 ( misprinted 136 ) he denies the powe●… in ordination and Jurisdiction to be the proper work of an Evangelist . How absurdly and inconsistently page 139 , 140 ( misprinted 137 , 138 ) his contradiction to Saravia discovered in severall points page 141 , 142 ( misprinted 139 , 140 ) 143 ( misprinted 151 ) . His answer to the Doubters Argument anent Timotheus his not being fixed at Ephesus , but occasionally left there examined , as also his answer to that Exception of the Doubter [ anent Pauls giving the Episcopal charge to the elders of Ephesus , not to Timothy ] our Informer pityfully bruilied with this Text , page 144 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 ( misprinted 142 , 143 , 144 , 145 , 146 ) he walks crosse to Bishop Hal , Dounham and Hooker , to Chrysostome , Jerome , Theodorus . His grounds upon which he pleads for Timothy and Titus their Episcopal power , particularly examined . the first taken from Pauls giving direction to Timothy and Titus , how to cary in ordination and Iurisdiction , generally examined page 149 , 150 , ( misprinted 146 , 147 ) his arguing from these directions particularly examined anent their not laying on of hands suddenly , anent rebuke and censures . page 151 , 152 ( misprinted 148 , 149 ) the Informers next Argument , from the concernment of after ages in these rulers . That neither this , nor the adressing of these rulers to the Evangelists will affoord any help unto him , cleared . The London Ministers vindicat . That Timothy and Titus power at Ephesus and Crete , was not voided after some elders were ordained there , a sandy foundation to support their Episcopacy . The Informer is pityfully in the bryars , in answering his Doub●…ers exception anent Timothies ordination , by the laying on 〈◊〉 the hands of the Presbytery . The practice of after ages a ground to support the Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus 153 , 154 , 155 , 156 , 157 , 158 , 159 , 160 , 161 , 162 , 163 , 164 , 165 , 166 , 167 , 168 , 169. ( misprinted 150 , 151 , 152 , 153 , 154 , 155 , 156 , 157 , 158 , 159 , 160 , 161 , 162 , 163 , 164 , 165 , 166. ) Chap. 12. misprinted Chap. 11. according to the misprinted Method ( which shall be followed hereafter except in some few pages ) page 167. The Informers pleadings for Prelacy from the seven Asian Angells , discussed . That the stile of prophetick , writings and of this book do strongly conclude a collectivesense in the term , Angel , proved by several Arguments page 168 , 169 , 170. Whatever he can alledge is the Characteristick of this angel , proved to be in Scripture apropriat to Ministers . page 171. Many divines ancient and modern for the collective sense of the Word ( Angel ) , yea some episcopal men themselves , page 172 , 173. The admitting of the Angel to be one single person will nothing help the Informer , page 173 , 174. His answer to the exception from Rev. 2 : 24. examined . Ibid. His Argument from the pretended Testimonies of the ancients and the Catalogues of succeeding Bishops . examined . Page 175 , 176 , 177 , 178. The addressing of the Epistle to the Angel. Will not help him ▪ as neither Doctor Reynolds , nor Beza their taking the Angel for a single person . Page 178 , 179 , 180 , 181 , The Informers new Argument for prelacy [ taken for Diotrephes his love of preheminence ] wherein he embraces Bellarmines evasions , and offers violence to this , and parallel texts page 181 , 182 , 183 , 184 , 185 , 186 , 187. Chap 13. misprinted Chap. 12. page 187. The Informers appeal to Antiquity in the point of Episcopacy . That Antiquity is not the Judge in this debate , although he could instruct the matter of fact , proved . Page 188 , 189 , 190 , 191. The Scripture ( even by the Confession of the Fathers ) the only judge in matters of faith and practice , not Custome and Antiquity . Ibid. The Informers reasoning on this head reduced to a formal syllogism . The Major proposition , the Informer though oblidged offers no proof of . It is scannd , and likewayes the assumption ; and the unsoundnesse of both discovered . Page 192 , 193 , 194 , 195 , 196. The Informers Arguments from the Catalogues of Bishops , largely scannd , and the insufficicy thereof discovered , in the Judgement of sound divines . Several things do invalidat Eusebius Testimony . page 197 , 198 , 199 , 200 , 201 , 202. That the first purest Church was governed by Presbyters without Bishops . Jeroms Testimony in his commentary upon Titus , and the Epistle to Evagrius , for the Identity of [ Bishop ] and [ Presbyter ] , and a Presbyteriall Government in the Apostolick times , largely vindicated from the exceptions of this Informer , which are discovered to offer violence to Jeromes Words , to be inconsistentent with themselves , and contrary to that sense of Jeromes Testimony which is exhibit by learned Protestant divines , yea some adversarys themselves . Page 204 , 205 , 206 , 207 , 208 , 209 , 210 , 211 , 212 , 213 , 214 , 215 , 316 , 217 , 218 , 219 , 220 , 221 , 222 , Chap. 14 , misprinted Chap. 13 page 223. The difference betwixt our present Prelacy , and the ancient Episcopacy , stated and evinced in many points . Such as 1 : The power of ordination and Iurisdiction above Presbyters , cleared in several particulars . And from the Testimony of the Ancients , and eminent Protestant divines . Chrysostomes Testimony on 1 Tim. I. Homely II. explaind . 2. That they were set up by the Presbyters free choice and election . Proved from Antiquity 3. In referen●… to the peoples Interest in their choyce . 4. That they could not , ordain alone . 5. That they did not invade Presbyters decisive suffrage . Cleared also from Antiquity , page 223 , 224 , 225 , 226 , 227 , 228 , 229 , 230 , 231. 6. In the point of their ciuil state-offices ; which is proved to be contrary to the canons called Apostolick , & other canons of ancient Councills . 7. That metropolitan Primacy is a stranger to antiquity , also cleared . 8. So likewayes Erastian Prelacy , page 232 , 233 , 234. 9. Our Prelats exclusion of the ruling elder from Church Indicatories crosses Antiquity . 10. Their large and Provincial inspection . 11. Their laying aside the preaching of the Gospell , renders them Monsters to pure Antiquity , and exposes them to the censure of Ancient Canons page 235 , 236 , 237 , 238 , 239 , 240 , 241 , 242. 12. In their fastuous pomp and sumptuous grandeur ibid. Chap. 15 , misprinted Chap. 14. page 243 The Informers pretended Testimonyes out of Calvin , Beza , Blondell &c. For Episcopacy , examined . Their Anti-episcopall Judgement cleard from their ings , particularly Calvines , from his Commentari●… upon the controverted Scriptures in this point , severall passages of his Institutions and Commentaries vindicated . page 243 , 244 , 245 , 246 , 247 , 248 , 249 , 250 , 251. As also of some Epistles page 252 , 253 , 254. As also of Beza page 255 , 256 , 257 , 258 , 259 , 360. The Informers two absurdities which by way of 〈◊〉 Dilemma he offers unto us from our assertion of the unalterablenesse of Presbyterian Government , and our concession of a Pro●…stos early brought in , scannd and retorted upon himself . Page 260 , 261 , 262 , 263. Some passages of Blondel vindicated , and of Chamier , and Moulin , page 264 , 265 , 266 , 267 , 268. ( misprinted 236 ) the Authors of jus divinum Ministerii anglicani vindicated at some length , and in special from imputations of a contradiction imposed upon them by the Informer , page 269 , 270 , 271 , 272 , 273 , 274 ( misprinted 237 , 238 , 262 , 263 , 264 ) a passage of Bucer vindicate ibid. Chap. 16. misprinted 15. page 275. ( misprinted 265. Severall Testimonyes of the fathers offered by Mr Durham in his commentary upon the revelation , for evincing the identity of Angel , Bishop and Presbyter , vindicated from the exceptions of the Informer his Exception to Mr Durhames testimony of Augustine examined , as likewayes to that of Ambrose and Chrysostome . Page 275 , 276 , 277 , 278 , 279 , 280 , 281 , ( misprinted 265 , 266 , 267 , 268 , 269 , 270 , 271 ) the Informers inconsistences noted , page 281 , 282 , 283 ( misprinted 271 , 272 , 273. ) Chap. 17. misprinted 16. page 284. ( misprinted 274. ) The Harmonious consent of ancient fathers , modern divines and confessions of reformed Churches , for Presbyterian Government in its essential points of difference from Prelacy , exhibit . 1. That there is no diffence betwixt a bishop and Presbyter Iure divino . Page 285 , 286 , 287 ( misprinted 275 , 276 , 277. 2. In their point of ordination & jurisdiction that these are not in the hand of a single prelat , but that Presbyters have essentiall joint-interest therein page 288 , 289 , 290 ( misprinted 278 , 279 , 280. ) 3. In point of the peoples interest in the election and call of Ministers . Page 290 , 291 ( misprinted 280 , 281 ) 4. In relation to the ruling elder , as appointed by Christ. Page 292 ( misprinted 282 ) 5. As it stands in opposition to Erastian principles and the present prelacy in that respect , and maintains a spirituall Authority in the hands of Church officers , distinct from , & independent upon , the civil powers of the world , ibid. SECOND PART . Chap. 1. pag. 2. A Twofold state of the question proposed , the one touching the abjuration of this Prelacy in either or both Covenants , the other concerning the obligation of these Oaths against it . That prelacy is abjured in the national Covenant , proved from severall clauses of it , page 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , That it is also abjured in the solemn league and Covenant , proved from several passages thereof , and the then state of our Church . page page 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. The standing force of these Oaths upon the present and succeeding generations proved . 1. from their nature and essenc , page 11 , 12 , 13. 2. From the subject they affect . 3. Their matter and object . 4. Their end and scope , and even as to Presbyterian Government , page 13 , 14. Chap. 2. page 16 , The Informers Arguments against abjuration of Prelacy in the National Covenant . Some reasons of his against an Oath in general , or this Oaths obligation upon the posterity , weighed , page 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 Mr Croftons Testimony ( in his Analepsis ) for the obligation of the Covenant upon the posterity , page 21 , 22. The Informers reasons against the abjuration of prelacy in the National Covenant , examined . The Author of the Apologetical relation vindicated , together with the Assembly 1638. page 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41. Chap. 3. page 42. The Abjuration of Prelacy in the solemne league and Covenant vindicat from the exceptions of the Informer . The Informer alledges it is only the English Prelacy that the Covenant oblidges against , how im pertinently , cleared . page 43 , 44 , 45. That Timorcus affords no help to him in this answer , cleard ibid. Nor Mr Crofton , which is also cleard ; page 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50. From several passages of Mr Crofton in his Analepsis . The Covenant excludes our Prelacy , and oblidges to Presbyterian Government in his principles , proved ibid. His objection anent [ the sense of the 2 Article offered by the Parliament of England ] Answered . As also his Exceptions to our Argument taken from our obligation [ to preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland ] page 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59. His fancied contradiction which he imputes to us as to the sense of the first and second article , refuted . The Informer stands in opposition to Mr Crofton . The sense of the English Presbyterians as to the first Article not different from our own , ibid. That the English Presbyterians did looke upon themselves , as oblidged to reform according to our pattern , which is the Scripture pattern , proved at large from several passages of Mr Crofton page 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , The Informers allegeance [ that the first Article is ambiguous , and that our Church and state being but a part of the imposers of the Oath , their sense cannot determine its meaning ] vain and impertinent . pag 65 , 66 , 67. Chap. 4. page 67. The grounds upon which the Informer undertakes to prove that the obligation of the Covenant ceaseth , although its oblidging force for the time past , were supposed , examined . He begs a supposition of the indifferency of prelacy , how poorly and impertinently cleard , page 68 , 69 , 70. His first ground taken from [ the command and authority of Rulers ] generally considered , and found impertinent to support his conclusion , though his supposition were granted . page 71 , 72. His 2d ground touching [ the alteration of the matter sworn ] as also his third taken from [ the hinderance of a greater good , by the performance ] resolving ( in his sense ) wholly upon the Magistrates command , absurd when applyed , to our case which is fully cleared . page 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78. His absurd and inconsistent reasoning about a [ greater command overruling the lesse ] and our obligation to obey the rulers , as prior to that of the Covenant . page 7. ibid. also page 79 , 80. His Argument taken from Num : 30. examined at large he contradicts Casuists , and the text hath manifold incosistencies in his reasoning , while resolving all his rules into the Magistrates lawes , the Informers rules pleaded against him , and according to the mould of his ple ding doth cast dirt upon the Magistrate , page 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 , 85 , 86. His impertinent repetitions , some further absurdities wherewith his Explication of the second rule in reference to the Magistrate is lyable . page 87 , 88. His Argument from Eccles. 8 : 20. weighed . page 89 , 90. His limitations of the third rule anent the Oaths hindering a greatergood , resolving still upon the command of the powers , absurd , and contradicted by Casuists , and many wayes crosses his design and pleading , cleared at large , page 91 , 92 , 93 , 94 , 95 , 96. His reflection upon Ministers in leaving their charge , examined , as also his Arguments from the Rechabites . page 97 , 98 , 99. Chap. 5 , page 99. The Informers answer to our Argument for the Covenant obligation taken from the Oath to the Gibeonites . His trifling way of moulding our Argument . And in what sense wee plead this passage . page 100 , 101. The Informers absurdity which he endeavours to fasten upon us in this Argument viz : [ that an Oath can bind against a command of God , impertinent to the point , and such as the Informer himself stands oblidged to answer , in maintaining the Authority of the sacred text . page 102 , 103. he is contradicted by Jacksonand , inconsistent with himself in this point . Page 104 , 105 , the violence which he offers to that passage Deut. 20 : 10 ▪ discovered and cleared from Interpreters , and many circumstances of the sacred text and parallel Scriptures . page 106 , 107 , 108 , 109 , 110. His grosse and foolish distinguishing in this transaction of Joshua . the league and the peace discovered . page ibid. as also his opposition to learned interpreters here . He supposes , but doth not prove a limitation in Gods command to cutt of the Canaanites . His absurd supposition that Joshua brake his league with them when he know them to be such . page 111 , 112. his instance anent Rahab to prove the limitation of Gods command to destroy the Canaanites considered and emproven against him . As also his Argument from the 11 of Joshua 19 examined . And Solomons imposing bond servants upon these nations pleads nothing for him . page 113 , 114 , 115 , 116 , 117 , 118 , 119. The manyfold inconsistencies of his answers upon this point observed . page 120 , 121 , 122 , 123 , 124. The impertinency of all he answersup●… this point though granted . His answers to our Arguments from Zedekiahs Oath to the King of Babylon , examined . As also to the Argument taken from Psal. 15 : 4 , Page 125 , 126 , 127 , 128. His reflection on the Assembly 1638. In declaring the nullity of the Oaths of the Intrants under Prelats , groundlesse and impertinent to the point , ibid. His argument offered by way of retorsion [ Comissaries though abjured in the Covenant are owned by us , and why may not also Bishops without hazard of perjury ] largely scannd . The vast difference betwixt the one and the other practice cleared in several points , both in respect of the officers owned and of the manner of owning them page 129 , 130 , 131 , 132 , 133 , 134 , 135 , 136. THIRD PART Chap. 1 , pag. 2. THe question stated and cleared , from our Churches state before , and since the introduction of prelacy ; and the different condition of Presbyterian Ministers and Conformists page 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. The different grounds which the presbyterian and prelatick party ( and this man particularly ) plead upon , for the peoples adherence exhibited . [ Separation ] in many cases not [ Schism . ] The many groundlesse suppositions that this charge of [ Schisme ] is founded upon , exhibit , and cleared page 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. The state of the question largely drawen forth upon a true account of the matter of fact , and of our principles , a●… Arguments offered to acquit this practice of the charge of [ Schisme ] , such as 1 That the Presbyterian party are this true Church . 2. That they are under no obligation to joyn to the prelatick interest . 3. They have a ground of retorsion of all that is pleaded by the prelatick party on this point . 4. The Covenant obligation engadges to the practice controverted ; which is cleared in severall particulars , page 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. 5. It falls under Scripture obligations , which is cleared in several particulars page 18 19 , 20 , 21. 6. That the Prelatick party will be found in their persecution , the grand renters and dividers of this Church . 7. This practice controverted hath nothing of the ingredients of a sinfull separation from this Church which is cleared in 7 particulars at large , page 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. Finally this practice cannot be that [ Schisme ] abjured in the Covenant . The Informers Argument hereanent emproven against him and that the disowning of presbyterian Ministers falls under the imputation of such a Schisme , cleared page 27 , 28 , 29. Chap. 2 , page 29. The Informers charge of [ internall Schisme ] upon non conformists , his Elogies of Schism , and Testimony of Cyprian considered , and this charge [ retorted upon him page 30 , 31 , 32 , 33. His charge of condemning all Churches for a thousand years who have owne Bishops , liturgies &c. ] examined , found groundlesse , and impertinent to the point . His Argument from Rom 14. Examined and retorted upon him . His charge of [ Externall Schsme ] in separating in acts of Worship , fortified by that passage Heb. 10 : 25 , Examined , page 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42. The doubters argument from 1 Cor. 12 : v. 31. [ that wee ought to seeke the best & most edifying gifts ] advantageously for himself , but fraudulently proposd by the Informer . Considerations to clear and enforce this Argument . The Informers answers examined at large page 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 42 , His Argument for adhering to Conformists taken from the reciprocall tye betwixt a Minister and people Ezek. 33 : 8. Heb. 13 : 17. Mal. 2 , 7. 1 Thess. 5 : 11 , 12. As also from Mr Durham on the revelation page 105 , 106. examined at large , page 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59. the premised texts impro●…en against Conformists plea from this supposed tye and relation . ibid. Chap. 3 , page 58. The doubters argument from Curats not entering by a call from the people , and that passage Acts 14 : 23. cleared and emproven . page 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63. The Informers first answer , that several whom we refused to own , entered by this call . ibid. his exception upon the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 examined . his first answer touching the use of the word , to expresse the action of onesingle person , proved from Acts 10 : 41. examined . the use of the word cleared from parallels , criticks and Interpreters . page 64 , 65 , 66. His second Answer , that Greek writers use this Word to signifie ordination without suffrages , and that this was the action of Paul and Barnabas , examined . The granting that this was the action of Paul and Barnabas , distinct from the Churches suffrage , will not help the Informer . Page 67 , 68 , 69. He walks crosse to interpreters in this answer page . 70 , 71 , 72. His third answer [ that wee will thus give advantage to independants for popular election of Ministers ] examined , wherein the difference betwixt the independents and us in this point is cleared , from the Judgement and principles of Presbyterian writers . page 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77. His last answer is that if wee disown Conformists for want of this call we null the Ministry of the Christian world for above a thousand years & upward , and the Ministry of this Church to the year 1649. examined , even the later Antiquity clear for this call , by the testimony of Marcus Antonius de Dominis the Council of Paris anno 559 , the examples of Eradius , Ambrose &c. Yea of Bishop Bilsone . page 78 , 79 , 80 , 81. That patronages are abjured in the Covenant , cleared against the Informer , and his exception an●… our Churches perjury , because of the use of patronages after the Covenant , repelled . In what sense the prelatick ordination is pleaded by us in disowning conformists . of the term , Curat . The Informer honestly grants that it signifyes one who serves the cure , though not the Minister of the place , but the substitute of another . page 82 , 83 , 84 , 85. His answer anent the charge of Perjury , and reasoning anent the lawfulnesse of disowning Ministers , because of Scandals , who are not censured , examined . His reasoning found frivolous , and retorted upon him . page 86 , 87 , 88. his great argument from Math. 23. Anent the supposed command of hearing the Scribes and Pharisees , examined . Several circumstances of the sacred text offered to discover how very difficult , it is to prove that there is a command of hearing them , as Church officers . The consequence from hearing of them , though granted , to the hearing of them , denyed upon five grounds : As also his reasoning from Simeon & Anna , Joseph and Mary their attending the Temple-Worship , examined . page 89 , 90 , 91 , 92 , 93. Mr Durham on Revel . 3. pleads nothing for the Informer in this point . page 94 , 95 , 96. His reasons to prove there is a command of hearing Matth. 23. as above described , examined and repelled . page ●…7 several answers of the Informer to our charge of intrusion and the queries that he propones thereupon ; as also his retorsion upon this charge , examined and found vain and frivolous . page 98 , 99 , 100 , 101 , 102. His answers to the doubters Argument anent the abjuration of Episcopall Ministers in the Covenant as dependent upon the hierarchy confuted . His retorsion [ that wee were bound upon this ground to disown all the Ministers at the taking of the Covenant , who had been ordained by Prelats , unlesse they renounced their ordination ] ane empty knack , reflecting on the reformed Churches , & justifying the popes plea against them ; page 103 , 104 , 105. Chap. 4 , page 105 , The Informers answer to the doubters Argument anent [ separation from a corrupt Church . ] In what respects and how far this separation is owned . His answer anent [ the not separating from the Churches of Corinth and Galatia , and the asian Churches Rev. 2 : 3. Though tainted with most grosse corruptions &c : ] examined . The discrepancy of our case from theirs in this point cleard in some particulars , and our cause fortified from Scripture directions to these Churches , page 106 , 107 , 108 , 109 , 110 , 111 , 112 , 113. The impertinency of these instances to our case , cleared from hence several wayes , ibid. The Informers answer to these Scriptures 2 Cor. 6 : 14 , 15 , 16. 1 Cor. 5 : 11 , 2. Thess. 3 : 6. Rev. 1●… : 3. Examined , and found contradictory to his concession anent [ a necessary separation from a corrupt Church ] , when highly corrupted ] page 114 , 115 , 116 , 117. His answer to the retorted charge of Schisme upon Conformists [ for seperating from this Church , examined , and found naught : He therein cuts the sinnewes of his arguing against us , page 118 , 119 , 120. His answer and reasoning concerning lecturing examined . God never appointed a dumb reading , the Levites gave the sense of the Law &c. the exceptions anent [ the disuse of our first Method of lecturing ] and [ the want of Circumcision and the passover for a considerable time in the Jewish Church ] help him not in this point , page 121 , 122 , 123 , 124 , 125. Chap : 5. page 126. The Informers answer and reasoning upon the point of scandal and offence , in reference to the owning of Conformists considered . The Informers groundlesse supposition anent the duty of hearing Conformists . Our Orthodox sense of Rom 14. and 1 Cor. 8. in the point of Scandal , cleard at large from the exposition of Chrysostome on the first text , and Pareus on the second . page 126 , 127 , 128 , 129 ; 130 , 131 , 132 , 133. The Informer upon supposition that a practice is lawfull , and offence flowes from it , holds that the command of the powers will loose the giver of offence from guilt ; and remove this liberty of the practice and the nature of offence , how absurdly , cleared in fyve points . page 134 , 135 , 136 , 138. He is herein contradicted by Amesius . The instances of the Brazen serpent , and Gideons ephod improven against him , ibid. His absurd glosse upon Acts 15 : 28 , [ that the things before indifferent were made necessary by the meere determination of the Concil , ] largely repelled . Calvin classes him with the Papists herein . His manifold inconsistencies observed , and absurd exposition of [ scandalum acccptum ] and [ datum ] which do destroy that distinctione . Mr Gillespie ( Eng : Pop : Cerem : ) Ames : ( Consc : Lib : 5. Cap. 11. ) Mr Durham ( on Scandal part 3. Chap 1 ) discover the futility of his doctrine on this head . page 139 , 140 , 141 , 142 , 143 , 144. The Doubters Argument for presbyterian Ministers preaching in the manner contraverted , taken from [ Christ and his Apostles preaching in the fields and houses . ] The Informers general answer [ anent Christs not separating people from the Synagogue ] weighed and found frivolous . page 145 , 146 , 147. Some special reasons wherefore our Lord did not separate the people from the Synagogue , ibid. The special grounds of our Lords practice , offred by him to enervat our Argument , considered and Answered . Such as his bringing in the doctrine of the Gospell as the Messiah , his being head of the whole Church page 148 , 149 , 150 , 151. What actions of our Lord were mitable . Rules hereanent ( allowed by sound divines ) applyed to the case and practice controverted . [ That the law allowes the gospell to be preached purely , and faithfully by some ] though granted to the Informer , will help him nothing . ibid. The Informers answers and exceptions to our argument from Acts 14 : 19. examined . His answer from the Apostles extraordinary callfrilous , as also from the tendency of the rulers prohibition to silence gospell page 152 , 153 , 154 , 155. His reasoning upon Solomons thrusting out Abiathar from the priesthood , examined ; as also his citation of Bezaes letter to the Non-Conformists in England . Page 156 , 157. Chap : 6. page 159. The nature of Presbyterian Ministers relation to this Church , and their call to officiate therein , vindicat from the Informers simple cavils . Mr Rutherfoord and Mr Durhames acknowledgement that a Minister isnotmade a Catholick Minister of the Catholick Church but by his ordination restricted to a flock , will not help the Informer , which is cleard in six points : page 159 , 160 , 161 , 162 His Dilemma which he offers to us viz. that our call to preach , is either ordinary or extraorninary answered & retorted upon him . His Cavills in relationall to the Acts of Councils condemning this encroachment ( as he calls it ) and the Doctors of Aberdeen their charging Presbyterian Ministers therewith , repelled . ibid. His charge anent [ our ordaining others to perpetuat our Schisme ] a manifest groundlesse calumny . page 163 , 164. His passage cited out of Mr Baxters preface to the cure of Church divisions , answered , page 165 , as also his 5 healing advices to his half-proselyted Doubter . page 65 , 166 , 167 , 168 , 169 , 170. Mr Baxters rules in his cure of Church divisions which he after commends unto us , shortly viewed , & their impertinency to his purpose discovered . page 171 , 172 , 173. 174. his testimonies out of the jus divinum Ministerii anglicani , and of Mr Rutherfoord in his due right of Presbytery anent unwarrantable separation , in sufficient to bear the weight of his conclusion . The difference between the case they speake to , and our case cleared in 4. Considerations , page 175 , 176 , 177. His citations from the first author particularly considered , and their insufficiency to bear the weight of his conclusion discovered . page 178 , 179 , 180 , 181 , The citations of Mr Rutherford particularly examined in so fa●… relating to his scope . page 182 , 183 , 184 , 185 186 , 187. In his citations from both these authors , and arguing therefrom , he is found inconsistent with himself , to walk upon groundlesse suppositions , and lyable to a manifest retorsion . ibid. The Informer drawes out no conclusion upon these citations , save this general one at the close viz : That real , much lesse supposed corruptions in the Worship , or administrators will not warrand separation . The impertinency of this position to help him cleard , ibid. He pleads for retractions , and presents at the close a character of Schisme , which is retorted against him page 187 , 188. Chap : 7. misprinted Chap : 6. page 189. Animadversions upon the Informers preface and title page , prefixed to this Pamphlet . He pretendes conscience & a design of union in this undertaking , how unsoundly , discovered . page 189 , 190. 191. His Testimonies out of Zanchy and Blondel to evince their approbation of Prelacy , left by him untranslated , ( though he pretends for the advantadge of the English reader to translate all other testimonies ) answered . A Confutation Of the First DIALOGUE , Upon the point Of EPISCOPACIE . Wherein it is demonstrat , that the Episcopacie now existent , both in its Diocesian & Erastian cutt , is contrare to the Scripture , to the first and purer Antiquitie , the Doctrine and Confessions of Reformed Churches & sound Divines . And the Informers Reasonings for it , from Scripture & Antiquitie , are weighed , and found wanting . CHAP. I. That the Prelat , now established in this Church , is both Diocesian and Erastian , cleared . The Informer is engaged to defend both . A twofold State of the Question propounded accordingly . Some Arguments from Scripture against the Diocesian Prelat , as a pretended Church-officer . Such as , 1. Perverting the Scriptural term , Episcopus , commune to all Pastors ; in appropriating it to a Prelat . 2. Making it relate to Pastors , which hath the flock for its immediat object . 3. Invading & nulling the Authority allowed unto Presbyters , which is demonstrat at large . 4. Impeaching Christs Kingly office , as Head of his Church , and the perfection of his Word , in obtruding ane Officer upon the Church , of a different moold from those described and allowed by him . THE state of the first Question in the first Conference is , whither the Episcopacie now established by Law in Scotland , be warranted or condemned by the Word of God. For clearing this , it must be understood , what that Prelacie is , which is now existent , and which this Author pretends is consonant to Scripture and Antiquitie . As to matter of fact , it is undenyable . 1. That the Parliament 1662. did expresly raze Presbyterian government , in all its preexistent Courts , Judicatories and Privileges , declaring it voide and expired . 2. They did Redintegrat the Bishops [ to their Episcopal function , presidencie in the Church , power of ordination and censures , and all Church discipline to be performed by them , with advice ( only ) and of such of the Clergie ( only ) as they shall find , ( they themselves being judges ) of knowne Loyaltie and prudence . ] And they redintegrat them to all the pretended Privileges possessed be them in Anno 1637. What time their power was at the greatest height . Since , of themselves they framed the Book of Canons , which doth establish their sole power and dominion over all Church Judicatories , razing classical Presbyteries and Parochial Sessions , and drew up the Liturgie and Book of Ordination without the least shaddow of advice from this Church ; Threatning even excommunication against the opposers of that course . 3. It is also evident , that all this Power and Authoritie of our Prelats , is fountained in , derived from , and referable unto the Supremacie ; As is evident by the Act restoring Prelacie , after the declaration of the Supremacie , as his Majesties Commissioners in the exercise of his Ecclesiastick Government , and , in the administration of all their pretended spiritual Authoritie , as accountable to him , their Head and supreme Legislator in all Church matters . Hence , it is evident , that this Author is obliged ( if he would answer his undertaking in pleading for the present Prelacie ) not only to evince the warrantablenes of the Diocesian Bishop in all his pretended spiritual power over Church Judicatories ; But likewaves of the Erastianbishop , deriving all his Authoritie from the Civil Magistrat . Wee shall then ( befor wee come to examine his pleading upon this Head ) offer , I. Some Arguments against our Diocesian Prelat , as a pretended Church-officer , and shall shew his office to be contrare to Scripture . 2. As ane Erastian Prelat deryving all his spiritual power from the Magistrat . I. As a pretended Church officer , the Diocesian Bishop is contrare to Scripture , in many respects . I. In narrowing and restricting the Scripture term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to ane office and officer , distinct from , and Superior to , a Presbyter or Pastor . For since the Spirit of God in Scripture appropriats this term to Presbyters , and consequentlie the work and office therin imported , Tit. 1 : 5 , 7. Act. 20 : 28. 1 Pet. 5 : 2. 3. Sure it must be ane anti-Scriptural and Sacrilegius robbing of Presbyters of their right and due designation , to make this proper and peculiar to a Diocesian Bishop onlie , as the Characteristick of his office . Episcopal men themselves ( and this Author particularely ) doe acknowledge this term to be in Scripture applyed to Presbyters . Let them then shew a reason why they have made it peculiar to a Prelat as distinct from Presbyters ; Or , let them shew where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denots such ane officer as they have shappen out ( viz. ) A diocesian Prelat having sole power of ordination and jurisdiction over a wholl diocess , with a negative voice and a sole decisive suffrage in the Church Judicatories thereof . Should they appropriat the term Pastor , or Minister , to a diocesian Prelat onlie ? Who would not call this ane Anti-scriptural usurpation of the Presbyters due ? And why also , shall it not be thought such ane usurpation when they appropriat the term Episcopus or Bishop , to such a pretended distinct officer : Since this term is as much given to Presbyters in Scripture , as the terme of Pastor or Minister . Judicious Calvin hath some remarkable passages to this purpose in his Comentaries . On Tit 1 : 7. Having observed that Bishops and Presbyters are all one , He calls the appropriating of the name , Bishop , to the Prelat , a profane boldnes and ane abrogating of the holy Ghosts language Abrogato Spiritus Sansti sermone usus hominum arbitrio inductus praevaluit — nomen officii quod Deus in commune omnibus dederat in unum transferri reliquis spoliatis & injurium est & absurdum . Deinde sic pervertere Spiritus sancti linguam — nimis profana audaciae est . Act. 20 : 28. He collects the identitie of the name & office of Bishop & Presbiter , from the elders being called Bishops , And having observed the same on Philip. 1. And that after , the name [ Bishop ] became peculiare to one . He adds , id tamen ex hominum consuetudine natum est , Scripturae autoritate minime nititur . Telling us that under this pretext of giving the name to one , ane unlawful dominion was brought in . But of this againe . II. The office hereby designed , doth alwayes relate to the Flock , and hath them for its immediat object and Correlat , as much as the word Pastor . The Bishops of Ephesus were made by the holy Ghost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over the flock of God whom they were to feed . Whereas our supposed Diocesian Episcopus , or Bishop , His office and inscection relates immediatly to the wholl Pastores of his diocess , who are alse much , his flock and the object of his oversight , care , direction , correction and censure , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or layetie . Peter , bids the Episcopountes feed the flock & act the Bishops over them ; But our diocesian Prelat , pretends to feed and rule the Pastores themselves . The Scripture Bishop is Populi Pastor but the Diocesian Prelat is Pastor Pastorum , Presbiter Presbiterorum , And therfor is ane Antiscriptural Monster . III. The Diocesian Prelat usurpes and takes from Presbiters that authoritie allowed them of God in his Word . For both power of ordination and jurisdiction is soly and properlie in the Diocesian Prelat according to Episcopal men , and likewise according to our Lawes , As we saw above in the act anent Prelacy . For according thereto the Prelat is a Superior ordinar Church officer above Presbyters , he is sole as to ordination , may doe it alone , and assumes Presbiters onelie proforma . Which no more lessens his Principalitie and Supereminencie in this pointe , then a Prince in assumeing Counsellors ( saith Dounam , Def. lib 5 , Cap. 7. ) weakens his princely power and authoritie . Presbyters exercise all their Acts of the power of order in a dependance upon him , he only is the proper Pastor of the diocess ( as shall be afterward cleared ) Presbiters are but his substitutes and helpers . They are likwayes Subject to him as their proper Sole judge and censurer by Ecclesiastick censures of suspension , deposition , excommunication , the decisive power in Church judicatories is properlie his . For the most unanimous Acts and conclusions of the diocesian Synod falls unders his cognisance , to be ratified or Cassat at his pleasure . He is the Sine quo non , and hath a Negative voice in the judicatories : the law allowing his Presbiters only to give him advice , Nay and not that either , unles he judge them of known layaltie and prudence . Now , in all these , he usurps over Presbiters authoritie allowed them of God. For I. Wee find the Scripture atributes the power of order & jurisdiction , equalie to all Presbiters , who have both keys of doctrine & discipline given them immediatlie by Christ. In that I. They are command 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Pet. 5. 28. Act. 20. 2. which comprehends the authoritie and exercise of both the keys of doctrine and discipline . 2. In all commands relating to the exercise of this power , ther is not the least hint of ane equalitie among them , which were very cross to the Lords Scope , if the Diocesian Prelats Superioritie were allowed and appointed . The Presbiters or Bishops of Ephesus , and those of the Churches which Peter writs unto , are commanded to feed and rule jointlie , equallie , and with the same authoritie , but non of them in dependance upon , and deryving a precarious authoritie from another , in feeding and ruleing . 3. In all the commands relating to peoples Subjection & obedience to Church Rulers in the exercise of their power , their is not the least hint of disparitie among these Rulers . 1 Thess. 5 : 12. People are commanded to obey them that labour among them , and are over them in the Lord , and to esteem them highly . And Hebr. 13 : 17. They are commanded to obey them who have the rule over them and watch for their Soules : but nothing of a special degrie of obedience to this supposed highest & supereminent watch man is heard of in these or any such like precepts . And no wonder , for thes simple Gospel times knew no Bishops who watched not over Soules , and laboured in the word and doctrine . When the Apostle Peter commands Christians to obey civil Rulers : He distinguishs the King as Supeream , and Governours sent by him , that a Chief subjection may be yeelded to the one , and a subordinat to the other . But nothing of this is heard of , in enjoining peoples subjection to Ministers . Ane honour must be allowed by Timothey ( by the people of God consequentlie ) to elders that rule weil , yea and a double honor , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especialy , to those that labour in the Word and Doctrine . The Apostle in stating a distinction in the degries of honour allowed to elders , and in this different character of the one from the other , diversifies elders higher & lower . Now by the same reason , upon which Divines doe rationaly build this conclusion , it must be granted , that the enjoyning obedience to all Pastores promiscuusly and without any Note of distinction , will inferr their equal office and authoritie . And by the same reason that the Apostle added this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or especialy , in this place , he should have added , in these , or some such comands relating to the peoples obedience , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or especialy , to distinguish the Diocesian Prelat from other Pastores , and expressed it thus , esteem them all highly obey them , be subject to them that teach and watch over you , All your Pastors , but especially the Supereminent Pastor or Bishop who hath the cheifinspection , and from whom all the rest derive their authoritie . Likwayes in enjoining the pastoral duties , he should have been especially noticed , who had the cheif hand and authoritie therin ( which is a Topick improven by this informer ) but nothing of this is seen in Scripture , as shall be after , more fully cleared . 4. Wee find accordinglie , A practical Equalitie , among Pastores or Bishops in the exercise of this governing power , abundantlie held out and exemplified in Scripture . The judging and censuring of the incestuous man , is by the Apostle enjoyned to the Church Officers or Ministers of Corinth joyntlie . 1 Cor. 5. Chap. compared with 2 Cor. 2. Chap. The Apostle all along supposeth ane inherent authority in these Ministers to put forth this grand juridical Forensical Act ; ●…ydes them for so long neglecting it , and shewes its object ( viz. ) This person under the formalis ratio of wicked or scandalus . Again he shews its nature to be Ajudging , or puting from among them , and delivering to Satan , upon this judging previous thereunto : He also shews , that this authoritie touches , all Church Members , not them that are without , whom God judgeth , but those that are within . Now , as hee supposes ( I say ) ane authority of this Nature and extent inherent in these Church officers , so he speaks to them indefinitly and universally all along , which were very cross to his Scope , If he had set up or allovved , the Diocesian Prelat whose sole prerogative this were : And the inflicted Censur he calls , with the samine indefinitnes , A punishment inflicted by many , who accordingly are commanded with the same indefinitnes or universality of expression , To receave & absolve him upon his repentance . The exercise of the binding and ●…owsing power , being in the representative juridicall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church , to whom scandales must be delated , and to whom the promise of ratification of her juricall Acts in Heaven , is made . Matth. 18 : 17. Besids we find the exercise of ordination in a Presbitry , 1 Tim. 4 : 14. And that even in relation to ane Evangelist Timothy . The Presbitry here , must be a juridicall Senat and meeting , for the Office can lay on no hands : And ordination is ane hie authoritative juridicall Act. Pauls presence and laying on of hands together with them , confirmes their authoritie , as being cumulative thereto , not privative therof , even as his countenanceing of , or concurring , with , our Adversaries pretended Diocesian Prelat ( let us suppose it in his Act of ordination ) would not infringe his pretended right herein . Ergo. By their own Confession , and by paritie of reason , it cannot infringe or Impeach this power which is attributed to the Presbitery . Had the Apostle in stead of Presbyterie , put in Pr●…at and expressed it , thus , By the laying on of the hands of A Bishop , or Diecesian-Bishop : I suppose our Adversaries would have thought the Episcopal power of ordination invincibly demonstrat ther from , notwithstanding of Pauls saying , 2 Tim 1 : 6. By the laying on of my hands , ( viz ) together with the Bishop . Pauls extraordinare Apostolicall imposition of hands , being no white derogatorie unto the supposed Episcopal ordinarie power , now , verte tabulas , the Apostle sayes , by the laying on of the handes of the Presbitry , Ergo , the ordinary and equal power of Pastores , and its equal exercise in ordination , is herin convincingly made out . Nixt , The Prelats monopolizing thus in himself , the decisive suffrage of Judicatories , is cross many wayes to Scripture . For , I Its a stepping up ( in a peice of Diotrephese-lik , or rather papal-pride ) above the Apostles themselves , who in Churches constitut , did alwayes take alongst with them , the advice , consent and authoritative concurrence of ordinary Ministers and Elders in Government : As is evinced in the premised Scriptures , wherin it is convinceingly clear , that Paul , though ane Apostle of all the Churches , indewed with extraordinarie unconfined inspection over the same , and Pastor thereof , in actu exercito , having extraordinary Miracolous-gifts , & being the Master Builder and Spiritual Father , who by the Gospel had begotten both Pastores and flocks of many Churches , Yet would neither excommunicat the incestuous Corinthian alone , but put it upon the Church Officers as their duty to doe it by a judicial , decisive , joynt suffrage : Nor yet did he exclud the presbyters in ordaining even ane Evangilist , but took in their judicial and presbyterial concurrence . And in Act. 15. In that meeting or Counsel at Jerusalem , where was a wholl Colledge or Presbitery of Apostles , and mett about ane Act or decision of a high Nature , wherein was put forth both Adegmatick , critick & diatactick authority or power , in relation to the clearing of that great pointe of truth , anent the abrogation of the Mosaicall ceremonies , and censuring the opposers of Paul and Barnabas herin , who had disturbed the Churches and belied the Apostles Doctrine : And accordingly in order to the restoring and establishing truth and order in these disturbed Churches : The ordinary Ministers or elders concurr with the Apostles in every step : viz , In the conferrence & disquisition , the authoritative decision , the drawing forth of the sentence and decree , the sending out of the decreeing and censuring Epistle , the imposeing of the decrie upon the Churches to observe and keep the same &c. 2. This cutts the throate of that juridical forensical joynt decision of Church Judicatories , which the Scriptur doth so clearly hold forth . Where is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the censureing juridiall court , drawing sorth a joynt decision or censure ? Wher is the Presbiteries forensicall Act in ordination of Timothie ? To what end must the Corinth Church Officers Meet together , and authoritatively and joyntlie punish or censur the incestuous man ? Wher is that pleasing of the Apostles and elders as the foundation of the Synodical decree and letter , together with , it seemed good to the HolyGhost , and to us , And to us , Mett with one accord . Wher is , I say , this joynt decisive power of Church Judicatories , thus clearly held out in the premised Scriptures , if the Act and Ecclesiastick decision thereof , be soly the Prelats , sic ●…olo , sie jubeo , masked with advice of Presbyters , of whose advice he may make what use he pleases , and with a simple nego . make their judgment and suffrage evanish into smoake . 3. This power of the Prelats cuts of from Ministers one half of their authoritie and commission receaved in their ordination . They are made therein ( as is clear in Scripture , & our adversaries grant it ) Rulers , Governours , Overseers , Pastors & Stewards in the Church ; Have both the Shepherds bagg & staff , the key of doctrine and the key of discipline intrusted to them . By what warrand then must they give up all their power in government & their decisive suffrage in Church Judicatories , unto the domineering Prelat , and as to spiritual power in Church Judicarories , become meer Ciphers ? They watch and rule as they that must give account of all their administration to Christ. Peter exhorts the Elders suteablie to exercise their Episcopal Authority over the flock , that they may get the Crown from the chief Shepherd . Stewards ( of God especially ) must be faithful , and imploy well all their Talents receaved from the great Master , that they may get his approbation and reward as faithful Servants . The Elders of Ephesus were obtested by Paul to take heed to themselves , and to all the flock over which they were made Bishops by the Holy Ghost , to feed and rule the Church which God hath purchased with his blood . Now all thes exhortations directed to Ministers , are to no purpose , if they have no inherent immediat Rule , essentially included in their office , And to be exercised accordingly , but must only preach as a Diocesian Prelats Deputes , and be in the exercise of their ruling governing power , absolutly subject to him and at his disposal . Finally , This usurped authoritie in the Prelat sets him above the reach of all censure by Church Indicatories ; So that though Ministers are absolutly and at his beck , censurable by , and subject to him , both as to their doctrine , conversation and discipline ( and every one of them thus censurable and jointly ) yet this hie Pop , who judges All , will be judged by none himself , Either as to his Doctrine , Life or Government . Some have said of the Prince , that though major singulis , yet he is minor universis , less then the whole body of the people , though greater then every one aparte . But the Prelat exercises a greater principalitie in Church Judicatories , & is therein major universis , greater then the whole meeting , so that thogh he can stop the Votes and Censures of the whole Synod , yet they cannot either by suffrage or censure in the least put a check to him , in any of His most wicked Acts or Antichristian Exorbitances . Now , how contrary this is to Scriptur , any may judge . The Prophets after their prophesying must be judged by the rest , as to their doctrine , 1 Cor. 14 : 29 , Ergo , a fortiori , much more as to their conversation & government , are lyable to be judged , and consequentlie censured if deserving it : For he were a great Critick , that would distinguish these , so as those who have power to judge , have no power to censure or pass sentence upon their judging : And this is founded upon a general comprehensive ground , viz. the Spirits of the Prophets ( that is the gifts and exercises of the Ministery in all Church Officers without exception ) are subject to the Prophets , viz. to their disquisition , and censure in any peece of their work or official Acts. Now unles our Prelats would deny themselves to be Prophets and Ministers , or the Presbyters to be Prophets , they must acknowledge this subjection to their censure enjoyned in the Scripture premised , and consequently , that their exeeming themselves from the same , is an anti-scriptural usurpation . I remember , while a writting , that proposing once this Argument to ane Episcopal Clergie man , I enquired to what Church Judicatorie in Scotland was Mr Sharp subject , as to either his life or doctrine ? He answered that he was subject to a general Counsell , and this was very apposit and consequenter to their principles : So that our Prelats ( at least the two Arch - ) are in no fear , but of a general Council if the Court froune not . In our Act of Parliament touching the mould of our National Synod , the Primat is the essential President , & sine quo non , and so is sure enough , from being censured there ; so are the rest of the Prelats as to all their Synods , according to our Lawes . But what think these exleges Episcopi , or hie Court Prelats , of such a humble Bishop as the Apostle Paul , who had hands laid upon him , and was authoritativelie sent out by that Presbitery of Prophets and teachers at Antioch . Act. 13. together with Barnabas , ( about ane eminent Gospel-Legation ) and was by the same Church and Presbytery sent ( together with Barnabas and certain other commissioners of the Churches ) to that Synod at Jerusalem , Act. 15. Why did not Paul make use of his Negative voice and command them all silence in this debate ? How comes it , that his hie Bishop subjects himself to the authoritative blessing and mission of some pettie Prophets and teachers . Ane amazeing looking glass , this is , ( no doubt ) to our aspyreing Prelats . 4. The holding of the Diocesian Prelat , and obtruding him upon the Church , as ane ordinary Church officer , distinct from , and superior to Presbiters , doth many wayes Impeach Christs Kingly office as head and law give●… of his Church : whose faithfulnes above that of Moses ( who ordered , according to the Patern shewed upon the Mount , the least pine of the Tabernacle ) must needs reach the appointment of the officers , offices , qualifications , work and gifts of these officers , who are to officiat in his house , as our Confession of Faith and Catechisim doe assert . For according to our Prelatical Clergie , and according to the Lawes , the Prelat hath a distinct Work from that of a Presbiter ( viz. ) to govern a diocess , he hath the Actus primus of a State ruler , to sitt in Council or Parliament . Nixt , he hath a distinct solemne Consecration or inauguration to his Office. And 3. Must needs be supposed to have likwise distinct qualifications and Gifts from those of a preaching Presbiter , conferred by this solemne imposition of hands and blessing at his Consecration , wherby he must be supposed to have a superior distinct mission , and to be in all the forementioned particulars , distinct from , and superior to a Presbiter . Now , if non of all these points of his superioritie can be found in Scripture , this Officer patched up thereof , must either be unwarrantable , or , Christ the Churches head and lawgiver , his Lawes and rules in point of Church Government , and in relation to the duties , gifts , ordination , and work of Church Officers , are not full and perfect , but mank and deficient as to such ane eminent Church Officer . And where is then the perfection of his word and Testament , to make not only the ordinarie Christian but even the màn of God , the Minister of God , perfect and throughly furnished to every good work . That non of all the formentioned particulars as to this Officer distinct from and superior to a Presbiter , can be found in Scripture , but are contrarie therunto . I prove thus 1. The Scriptur mentions no name , qualification , work , dutie or ordination of any or dinary Church Officer superior to presbiters , and which are not likewayes appropriat to them , who are called Rulers , Governours , Bishops ; and both ordination and Jurisdiction ar apropriat to them in a perfect paritie 1 Thess. 5 : 12. with 17. v. and 1 Tim. 5 : 17. Hebr. 13. v. 7 , 17. 1 Cor. 5 : 13. 1 Tim. 4 : 14. 3 Epist. Ioh. 9. v. — 2. In all the Holy Ghost his purposed recitalls of ordinarie Church officers , and purposed declaration of their gifts and duties , ther is not the least hint of the premised ingredients of the office of this supposed Diocesian Bishop , as thus distinct from and Superior to Presbiters , ( 1 Cor. 12 : 28. Eph. 4 : 11 , 12. Rom. 12. 7 , 8. In these places wee have besyds the Apostles , Prophets & Evangelists ( whose Office , as extraordinaire , is ceased ) Pastores , Elders , Deacons ; But no hint of the Office , name , qualifications or Mission , of ane ordinarie Church Officer Superior to the Pastor , is either heire or in any Scripture else , which notwithstanding is express as to the Office and qualifications even of the Deacon , the lowest Officer . Strange ! the server of Tables his Office and ordination clearlie set down in Scriptur : And yet Altum silentium , as to either , name , Office or ordination , of the Diocesian Bishop . If the argument of our divines be good from hence against the Pope , because not mentioned in these Catalogues of Church Officers , Ergo , a pari , It must hold good against the Prelat . And as to that , that the Prelat hath the Actus Signatus of a State Ruler , how cross this is to Scripture , we may after shew . Sure , since Christ set all these his Officers in the Church , and commands them diligentlie to wait upon , and attend their work and Ministery therein ; He never made or allowed them to bee State Rulers CHAP. II. Some more Arguments against the Diecesian Prelat . That his office debases the Acts and exercise , of the power of order , cleared . It maims and diversisies the Pastoral office , by anti-scriptural now invented degrees thereof . His office , many wayes contrare to the very nature of the Gospel-Church-Government . THe Diocesian Bishop , his office is in this contrare to the Word of God. V. In that it Debases the highest Acts and exercise of the power of order , in a Gospel Ministery . For all do grant preaching of the Word and the Administration of the Sacraments and Seals of the Covenant of grace to be such : So that he who can do thes Acts , hath the badge of the highest Ministerial Authority as ane ordinarie Church Officer , these being among the most emnient Acts of the Apostles there office and Authoritie — Go teach , baptize , &c. They must have some to serve Tables that they may give themselves continually to the Ministery of the Word . Timothy , our prelatical mens Supposed-Bishop , must preach the Word , and be instant in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long suffering and Doctrine 2 Tim. 4 : 1 , 2. The great Apostle of the Gentiles who had the care of all the Churches coming upon him , and therin a great ruleing work , Yet pronunces a woe upon himself , if he preach not the Gospel 1 Cor. 9 : 28. — And he tells us this was a speciall trust committed to him : In this he admires the rich grace of God that he was putt into the Ministery , and honoured to preach the unsearchable riches of Christ. Peter , that great Apostle of the circumcision , when by the Lord restored to his office , and encouraged to its exercise , by a Threefold renovation of his Mission ; is thryce enjoyned ( as the great badge of his love to his Master ) to feed his Lambes and Sheep . Accordingly , the Scripture Bishop must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apt to teach ; and he that teacheth ( by office scilicet ) must waite upon teaching , and the wise and faithful Steward appointed by the Lord to give the children their meat in dew Season , must be found So doeing when the Lord comes to reckon with him ; and not lay up this noble Talent in a Napkine . To this , the key of diseiplin is inferior and Subordinat , as themean to its end . the higher honour above ruleing only being allowed to the labourer in the word & doctrine , 1 Tim. 5 : 17. This being clear , I say the office of the Diocesian Bishop debases and tramples upon , these highe and noble Acts of a Pastor , and consequently upon the premised Scriptures asserting the same , and that in these wayes . I. In that the quondam Presbyter only , when made a Prelat , leaves off , The feeding of the flock , and layes by the preaching talent , the Church wher he did preach or officiat , it may be , shall never see or hear him againe , but is ipso facto , voyde to be possed by another , nor by his now-office is he oblidged to preach or Minister the Sacraments any more at all , these petty peeces of work being below his new Lordship . Trew , he may preach if he please , and at the Church wher he reseeds , but that is per accidens ex abundanti , and out of courtesie : but by his office , Qua Prelat , he is bound to preach no more to any frock , nor is he in the least judged faultie or deficient in his Episcopal office if he be wholly silent . Nay , in England preaching Prelats have been highely upbraided and reproached by their fellowes , and called preaching Cox Combes . Wee all know , what ane odd peece of work Mr Lightoun's preaching was esteemed by the generalitie of the Prelatick partie when he turned Prelat . Now , let any of commune Reason or ingenuity judge , what ane office that must be , which putts a Minister intrusted with the Lords great commission to preach the Gospel , under pretence of advancement to a higher Sphere in the Ministery , to lay by this work which is the noblest and highest of the Ministerial Authoritie , wherin the Apostles themselves mainely laboured and gloried , as the most noble meane of the conversion of Sonles : and consequentlie of the glorie of Christ therin ; Nay , to lay by this noble work under pretence of new burdene of Government . Wheras the Apostles who had the wholl Churches to plant and Govern , most enixely plyed this work still . If this man become not a dumb dog and a sloathfull unprofiteable servant , let any judge . 2. The Diocesian Prelat debases and tramples upon this noble work , in that be makes it in all the Pastores of the Dioces , to depend upon his Lordly disposal , and the authoritie thereof to be deryved from him as the sole proper Pastor of all the Diocess , whose deputs the preachers are in this work , although himself is obleiged to feed no flock . 3 He maks these high and noble Acts of the power of order , [ preaching and administration of Sacraments ] a lower and subordinat work and office , to the work and office of ruleing only , which is his Characteristick whereby he holds himself Superior to all the preachers of the Diocess ? whereas the Scriptur doeth ( as we heard ) appropriat the highest honour to the labourer in the word and doctrine as the nobler employment and office , above the Ruler only . 6. In this the Diocesian Prelats office is contrare unto , and reprobat by the Scriptur , in that by Apocriphal , Antiscriptural , new invented , Degrees and orders . It diversities and cutts asunder what God hes made one and the same , I mean the Pastoral Office , and by consequence other offices mentioned in Scripture , as that of Prophets , Evangelists , Deacons ; non of which offices admites of Subordinat Spheeres and degrees , but all the persons that are Intrusted with these offices , are of the same degree and authority therin by the Word of God. No Evangelist , Prophet , or Apostle is found of a Superior office or order to other Apostles , Evangelists , &c. Whence comes this diversity then in the Pastoral office , that one Pastor must have a Lordly Dominion over some hundreds of his fellowes ? If it be said , that the Episcopal office succeeds that of the Apostles or Evangelists ? besides that wee shall disprove this afterward , and shew that these offices taken formaliter as superior to that of the Pastor , are expyred , as sound Divines doe almost universally grant ; I answer that most , if not all Prelatists ancient and modern , doe hold the Diocesian Prelat to be no officer Specifially distinct from the Presbyter or Pastor , but only gradually distinct , as being a Pastor with a more amply extended authority for order of Government . Mr Burnet , in his pretended vindication of the present Prelacie , 4t . Conference , pag. 310 , 311. tells us , that he is not clear anent the notion ( as he calls it ) of the distinct offices of Bishop and Presbyter and akonowledges the Presbyter to be of the hiest office in the Church , telling us that the Prelat is but a different degree in the same office . Although in this he and the rest doe speak most inconsequently , the forementioned ingredients of the Prelatical function , being such , as doe certanly amount to make up a new species of ane office , such as a different work , consecration or ordination , the actus primus of a State Ruler , different qualifications ( by consequence ) above and beyond these of a Presbyter . The diversitie of these distinguishes the Scripture offices of Apostles , Evangelists , &c. which Paul setts in several Classes , as , first , and second . 1 Cor. 12 : 28. Mr Burnet his reason is the same with that of others herine ( viz ) the Pastors authority to administer the word & Sacraments which are the highest acts of the power of order . He tells us [ that since the Sacramental actions are the highest of sacred performances : he cannot but acknowlege that such as are impowered for them , must be of the hiest office , in the Church ] now I say , since they will needs have the Diocesian Bishop to be only a different degree of the Presbyterat or Pastoral office , they cannot with any shaddow of reason make him Successor to the Evangelists or Apostles in their formal office , which they will not dare to affirm to be only a different degree of the Presbyterat or Pastores office , and will affirme it to have been specifically distinct from the same . The Ancients and Schoolemen held that the Pastor in his ordination receaved the same Power of Government that the Prelat hath , but that the Prelat is the [ primus Presbyter , ] who hath the raines of all the exercise , in his hand . But how cross is this to Scripture , that any Church officer hath a power and authoriritie which he cannot exercise ? To whomsoever God hath given the power , he hath certainlie commanded the exercise of it ; and particularly Pastores or Presbyters are ( as we have heard ) enixely commanded to exercise all their Pastoral authority and power , as they shall answer to their great Master . Besyds , if the Pastoral office , or its official power of order and jurisdiction , may be warrantably thus divided and cutt out in Shreeds and parcells , and divyded among different recipients , then it were lawful to divyde preaching and administration of the Sacraments , so as one Presbyter ( notwithstanding of his authority and mission , in relation to both word and Sacraments , receaved in his ordination ) might have preaching only allowed to him , but no administration of Sacraments : Another might be allowed to administer Sacraments , but not to preach . One Presbyter upon the pretence of order or union ( pretences are never wanting to humane inventions ) might be sett a part and authorised to Baptise all the Children in a wholl Province , doing nothing else of the Pastoral Office , And this power by the same authority might be taken from all the Pastoures of the Province , Sure all would acknowledge this to be a most wicked divyding and diversifieing what God the conjoyned . And such is this Prelatical divyding of the Pastoral charge in relation to order and jurisdiction , or the keys of Doctrine & Government ? the power wherof , the Pastor receaves intirely in his ordination , as well as the Authority of administrating Sacraments . 7. In this the Diocesian Bishop is contrare to Scripture . In that his Office is in many respects cross to the very nature of the Gospel-Church Government , and is ane Office which the man that exercises , cannot but in so farr cease to be a Gospel Church-ruler , Which I prove thus . 1. Since all authority in the Diocess , as to either the Word or Disciplin , is deryved from the Bishop , as its proper fountaine and subject , this power of the Bishop is properlie and of its own nature , not a Gospel Ministery , But a dominion and principalitie , discharged to Church Officers of what ever sorte , whose authority is not a despotick , nomothetick , or architectonick power , but a Ministerial Stewardship only . Matth. 20 : v , 25 , 26. 2 Cor. 1 : 24. 1 Cor. 4 : D. 1 Pet. 5 : 2 , 3. 3 Epist. John. 9. The work of all Church Officers , is called a Ministery , Pastours , Doctores , yea Apostles , Evangelists were appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the worke of the Ministery , Ephes. 4 : 12. 2 Cor. 4 : v. 5. Paul calls himself a fellow servant with Epaphras , Collos. 17. with Tichicus Collos. 4 : 7. And calls Ministers his fellow-souldiers and fellow-labores Philip. 4. 3 . -2 . 25-Rom . 16 : 3 . -2 . The Bishops power inverts Christs rule , as to the gradation in point of censures and appealls , which is from one one to more , from the lesser number to the greater , from the Presbytery to the Synod , as from the Presbytery at Antioch , to the Synod at Jerusalem : Not to any one Apostle , Pop , or Prelat ; Whereas the last appeal and reference in this Diocesian Mould , is to the Bishop . Our Lords rule is this in relation to the removeing of Scandales . First , tell the offending Brother Alone , then take two or three more , then if he be farder contumacious , tell the Church , the greater embodied court or Judicatorie , who have the official power of binding or lowseing . He bidds not toll it , uni , to one , but unitati , a multitud gathered into one , for so the Greek word doth necessarly Import , whereas in the Diocesian sea , the gradation is from many to one Prelat , whose sole prerogative this highest censure , is . And with Prelatists the rule runns thus , tell two , or three , lastlie and finallie one Lord-Bishop : Which is point blank contrare to the Scripture rule . 3. The Diocesion Bishops power , and Ministerial Pastoral pretended duties , as Diocesian Bishop are such as falls within he compass of no command , and which it is impossible to performe according to Scripture rules , which I prove thus . 1. The Prelat according to their principles is the proper Pastor of the whole Diocess , for he being peculiarly Bishop of it , and consecrat in order to his Episcopal inspection over the same ( for to the participation of his power & office , denoted by this term [ Bishop of Edinburgh ] &c. He admitts non in the diocess , it being the characteristick of his Superioritie over Presbyters ) & withall , it including the wholl Ecclesiastick Authority both of order and Jurisdiction with in the Diocess ; It followes of necessity that he is the sole and proper Pastor thereof according to this mould of Government . Now it being so , let it be considered . 1. That the trew Scripture etimon of Episcopus or Bishop , imports all the Pastorall duties of feeding and ruling , and layes a●…e obligation upon the person under this relation and cloathed with this Office , to perform all these duties accordingly to these to whom he stands in that relation . 2 That its impossible the Bishop can feed , Rule , Oversee , and perform the Pastoral duties unto , and watch for the souls of all that large flock , in which , some hundereds of painful ▪ Pastores will find their hands full of work . So that the Bishop assumes a charge , which it is impossible he can dischag or perform . 3. The Scripture allowes no Derivation or Deputation of the Pastores work and Office to which he is called of God , unto other subserviant Officers . Because God intrusts no man with any peece of Stewardship in his Family , but what he must both oversie and execut immediatly by himself , and is likewayes disposed and enabled to manage and overtake . God still conjoyneing the Office , gifts , and call together , for every peece of his work : Which the man that is intrusted with ; and called unto , must himself immediatly waite upon and attend Rom. 12. 7. and not intrust it to others for him . Hence 4. By clear consequence , it followes , that the Diocesian Bishopes work qua talis , is such , as he can neither mannage nor hath warrand from the great Shepherd to exercise or assume . In the 4t . Place , the present Diocesian Bishop is a Person who is authorised to sitt in Parliament , Council , and other civil Judicatories , as a constituent member therof : For they are restored to their places in Parliament & civil pretended dignities , which places they a●… by there Office bound to manage , as civil Rulers . But so it is that all civill dominion , & Magistraticall Rule , is expresly prohibit to Church Rulers , so that the Church Officer who is installed in these Offices , falls from Heaven to Earth . The Princes of the Gentiles exercise Dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authotie upon them , but it shall not be so among you . Matth. 20 : 25 , 26. This charge our Lord gave to his Apostles and their Successors Pastores or Bishops , who are here forbidden all civill rule or Magistracy , the nature wherof is properly a Dominion , and thus distinct toto coelo from the nature of Ecclesiastick Offices which is a Ministerial service or stewardship only . All our divines impugne from this text the popes civil Dominion and the amphibius civily ruleing or domineering Prelat falls under the lash thereof . Non who goe Christs errands and his warrfare must be in●…angled with these things that are temporal . The Minister must waite upon his Ministrie . So the civil Magistrat is Gods Minister in civiles , attending Continually upon this employment Rom. 13 : 4 , 6. Now , those being in their nature so disparat employments , and both requireing a constant waiting and attendance , he is a strange man , That can be called and sufficient for both : Who is sufficient for these things said the great and highly gifted Paul , speaking of his Ministerial employments : Are our Prelats beyond his sufficiencie , who can act the Pastor of a wholl Diocess and guide State affaires too ? Christs Kingdome is not of this World , and so are not its Officers , the weapons of whose warrfare must not be carnal . Who made me a judge , said the great Shepherd himself , when desired but to giue a deciding advice in a civil cause Luk , 12 : 14. Where is there any thing like the work or qualifications of the Magistrat in all the New Testament Rules and instructions anent the work , Office and call of Church Officers . CHAP. III. The Diocesian Bishops Office debases extraoadinarie Offices , in confounding them with the ordinary . That Timothy and Titus power layes no foundation for Prelacy , cleared at large . The derivation of Prelacie from them , loaded with gross absurdites . VIII . THe Diocesian Bishops Office , is in this contrare unto the word , in that It debases the Apostolical and Euangelistick Offices , and confounds the ordinarie & extraordinarie functions & administrations , which Scripture , Reason , & all sound Divines doe diversifie & distinguish . The Prelats Advocats , & this new informer particularly , pleads for and derives the Episcopal preheminence from the office and inspection of the Apstles and Euangelists , whom they affirme to have been properly & formally Bishops , in the sense they take the Diocesian Bishop , and that the formal power and offices , which they exercised are to be continued still in the Church . That Timothy was formally constitut Bishop of Ephesus , Titus of Crete , Iames of Ierusalem . And that the Prelats office , is the same , and properly Succeeds them , and is as it were , A continuation of their office in a formal sense . Timothy's authority is is one maine ground which the Episcopal men at the Isle of Wight , and this Auther also do plead to legittimat the Prelats office . This being clear , I say , this pretended Mould of the Diocesian Bishops Office and Authority , is lyable to the charge & censure of debasing these holy extraordinarie functions , and confounding them with the ordinary , which I prove , thus . 1. All sound protestant Divines do harmoniously assert the extraordinary nature of the Apostolick office as such , and likewayes of the Euangelists , reckening the Apostles , Prophets , and Euangelists as the extraordinary New Testament Officers , whose proper formal Office , died with them , and admits of no succession : for thus they ordinarily defyne the Apostles , that they were Christs immediatly called and extraornarily gifted universal Ambassadours , sent out , to lay every where the foundation of the Gospel Church , and to plant the Gospel government therein : Particularly Polanus in his Syntagma reckens up these as their extraordinary expired prerogatives ( to which we will find this Informer in parte give assent . ) 1. Their immediat institution by Christ. 2. Their immediat mission to teach , ( Paul had his from heaven . ) 3. Their universal legation to found and plant Churches throw the world . 2 Cor. 11 : 28. — 4. It s visible badge , ( viz. ) the conferring of the Spirit by the laying on of hands . 5. Their extraordinary authority beyond any of their Successors , as being set over the whole Church &c. Hence all the ingredients of their formal Office , as such , must needs be expired , And no Church Officer can be said to succeed them therein . Their Call was immediat , sure , non can succeed them in that . Their special or proper work , was to plant Churches and the Gospel-government in them , and set up their Officers , of all which Churches they were Ministers in actu exercits , sure no Church Officer could succeed them in this . Their Qualifications as such Ambassadours , were correspondent to this great work , ( viz. ) their gifts of miracles , gifts of tongues , Prophesie , infallibility in Doctrin ; Sure now can pretend to succeed them in this . Nixt , for the Euangelists , their Office was equally extraordinary , it consisting in a planetary motion , from place to place , to water where the Apostles planted , to bring reports of the Churches state to the Apostles , and commissions from the Apostles to them . Their various motions , pro re nata , upon & down , even after these Epistles ( wherein they are supposed to have receaved their Episcopal charge ) were written to them ; and the Scriptures absolut silence as to their ever returning to these Churches againe , besides the Apostle Pauls shewing expresly in these Epistles , their occasional transient employment in this places , and express recalling of them therefrom , to the further prosecution of their extraordinary employment , and in these very Epistles identifying the Office of the Bishop and Elder : All these clear grounds , I say , do evidently demonstrat that the work and office of Timothy and Titus as Euangelists , is expired , and cannot be pretended unto by any ordinary Church Officer , it being an appendix as it were of the Apostolick charge , and supposing its exercise and existance , and the Churches then - infant state and condition . Now , to make these high and extraordinary functions , ordinary , and thus confound the two together , must be a very gross usurpation . 2. Hence it is manifest , that the Episcopal function ( as above described in the quality , and mould of the Diocesian Bishop ) will never be found in these extraordinary functions , either formaliter , or eminenter , and consequently it must be a gross belying of the Spirit of God , to pretend this in the assuming of this usurped Office. First , The Episcopal Office will not be found in that of the Apostles or Euangelists formaliter . For these were universal unfixed Officers , set over no particular Church or Diocess : But were pro re nata to officiat to the whole Church as being ( the Apostles especially ) Officers thereof in actu exercito . Nixt , the Episcopal function is not included in these Offices eminenter , or in the ordinary power whi●… the Apostles or Euangelists exercised , or transmitte 〈◊〉 the Church . And that for these Reasons . 1. Neit●… the Apostles nor Euangelists in respect of their perpet●… ordinary Ministerial authority transmitted by them in 〈◊〉 Church , did exercise Superiority Episcopal over other Ministers , but as to the perpetual Pastoral Charge , they held them their equals , and in the ordinary power of government , as wee saw above in the Apostles practise in ordination and Jurisdiction amongst Churches constitut , and farr less can we suppose that the Euangelists were in such Churches to exercise any single or Episcopal preheminence in government . For it were strange if Timothy who was ordained by a Presbytrye wherein Paul himself was present , should notwithstanding usurpe preheminence over a Presbytery though inferior to ane Apostle . And that whereas Presbyters did concurr pari passu with a whole Presbytery of Apostles in every peece of a judicial Act and decree , yet that ane Euangelist inferior to any of the Apostles , should take Episcopal preheminence over a Presbytery . 2. The Apostles planted no such ordinary Officers in the Church , as had that Episcopal Power , therefore the Episcopal Power was not transmitted by them in the Church : And by further consequence it is not included in their Office eminenter . For it is evident , that in the first plantation of the Churches they fixed Presbyters , or Pastors , as their immediat Successor's in the Ministerial power , and likewise in their last farewel's into Churches , they committed unto these Pastors the ordinary power of government , without the least hint of a Super-institution of any officer of a higher order . Act. 20 : 28 , 29. Compared with 25. 1 Pet. 5 : 2 , 3. with 2 Pet. 1 : 14 — 3. It was in respect of Paules ordinary Ministerial power , and in that Capacitie , that he had hands laid upon him by that Presbytety at Antioch , and was sent out with other commissioners to that Synod at Jerusalem by them , which looked like a humble submission pro tanto , unto them , and is far from the Episcopal preheminence : since the Prelats dissoune all Subjection to the Prophes in greater or lesser assemblies . 4. The Prelats authority is this , he is upon the mater the only proper Pastor of the Diocess , whose Episcopal inspection reaches Pastores and flocks both , as is above cleared . He is the fountaine from whom the power of order and Jurisdiction in the wholl Diocess , is deryved , and the exercise of both depends upon his Lordly disposal . Now , this is contrare both to the Apostles and Evangelists their ordinary and extraordinary power , contrare to its very nature in universum , their office being a declarative executive Ministerie onlie : And Dominion or Lordship being discharged to all Apostles , and all Church Officers whatsoever . Hence in the 3d. place , This Episcopal pretence , a●…nt the derivation of their Lordly grandour , from the Apostolick Office , fastens a grosse charge of unfaithfulness upon them . 1. In assuming a power in its nature distinct from what there Lord allowed and enjoyned them ( viz. ) a Lordly dominion , not a ministerial Stewardshipe & service only , & such a dominion as Princes of the gentiles exercise , even to have the actus primus of a civil Lord-peer , yea Chieff-peer , or Parliament man. 2. In debaseing and Straitening their Apostolick Inspection , and carrying ane Office incompatible with it , and thus unfaithfully tearing out a parte of their commission . For , in becoming Diocesian Bishops , they should be fixed to particular diocesses , and therin exercise ane ordinary fixed poever , wheras their commission was to exercise ane extraordinary unfixed ministery towards all the Churches , planted , and to be planted . 3. In setting up up no such ordinare officers to succeed them in this so necessarie a work , but committing the wholl governement to meer presbyters as is said . 4. In ommiting in all their rules & prescriptions anent Church government , & the offices and officers therof , the least intimation of this officer , and giving no rules for either the qualifications or ordination of any higher officer then a meer presbyter , 5. In express dischargeing of Lordly dominion & preheminence among ordinary Church officers . Now , if this be not a debasing of , and hie reflection upon , these eminent extraordinary Church officers , both to make them carry ane office contrare and inferior unto , and inconsistent with ther holy functions , intrusted to them by the Lord , and likewayes in their practice to contradict their doctrin in relation to Church government , yea and in both their Doctrin and practice , to contradict & crosse the Lords great commission and instructions , If this be not , I say , a horrid reflection upon their faithfullnes , Let any judge . CHAP. IV. The diocesian Prelats office , taks away the peoples right , to Call there Pastor . This right proved from Scriptur and divine Reason . It excludes the office of the Ruleing elder . Some Cheiff exceptions of the prelatick party to that 1. Tim. 5. 17. Ansuered . IN the 9●… . place . The Episcopal government is in this contrare unto the word ; In that it cutts off Congtegations from all interest and right , in Calling there Pastor . For in this government , the Ministers mission , Call , Ordination , and Relation to such a people , over whom he is to officiat , flowes all from the Prelat . The Congregationall eldership have not the Least interestin it . Hence this power of calling Pastores was ranversed by our Parliament when prelacie was set up , and the old popish Custome of patronages was restored . The Prelat sends a man to the poor people as their Minister , whom possibly they never sawe in the face . Now , this is contrare both to Scriptur and reason , contrare , to the practice of the apostolick Church . For 1. Even the deacons were looked out , and chosen by the people . Act. 6. 3. That the Apostles might ordaine and lay their hands upon them , and install them in their office with a publick blessing : And if the people were to have so great ane Interest in choosing these men ( though even the Apostles , who had infallible knouledge of qualifications , were present to ordaine them ) that this trust of disburseing their Almes or charitie , might be committed to non but upon their consent & choyce . Ergo , a fortiori , People have a far greater Interest as to their Consent and choyce of the man , To whom they are to Intrust their Soules conduct unto another world , which is of infinit more worth then all the Earthes treasures , And while the are no such infalible discerners of fitt persons to officiat , as the Apostles were . If the Apostles would not set apart men for this meanest employment , without the Peoples-Consent & looking them out , How absurd is it , that the highest ordinary officer [ the Pastor ] should be sent to officiat in that eminent office with out ther knowledge or Consent . 2 Wee find the chooseing and sending out of Church officers in this hie ministeriall employment , To have been upon the peoples consent and choyce : for Act. 14. The Elders or Ministers who were ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church by Church , were thus ordained and sett apart to their office , Compared with Tit. I. 5. Berause ( not to stand here upon the import of the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which imports a hand suffrage , and consent of the people , as shale be made good upon the Third Dialogue and the exceptions of this pamphleter , upon that passage , examined ) this is clear , that this ordination was to be performed in the Church , Ergo , of necessity , with the peoples Consent and choice : And Nixt , If the Apostles would not ordaine the Deacons , but after this manner , much lesse Ministers unto such a weighty employment , since in ther faithfullnes the people are ( as is said ) infinitly more concerned . Besydes , the very Intimation , and litte , of the men out of whom a Successor to the Apostleshipe in the place of Judas , was by God immediatly to be chosen , was with the peoples Consent , Therfor much more ought this to be in the ordination and admission of ane ordinary officer whose call is mediat and ordinarie . 3. The Scripture doeth clearly hold forth a congregational Church & juridical eldership , representing that Church . Which ( besyes many other reasons add●…cible , and accordingly pleaded by our writ●…ers ) is evident in this , That as the Scripture makes mention of greater Churches , such as that of Corinth , Jerusalem &c , Who were certanly presbyterial , because , 〈◊〉 they are found , thogh consisting of many officers and Rulers , and of lesser Societies , yet to be all poynted cut as one Church , which must needs Import a Classicall or presbiterial unitie of these lesseSocieties . So the Spirit of God doth also●…all these lesser Societies Churches , in the plural . Let the Woman beep Silence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Churches 1. Cor. 14. 34. Which must needs Import the Single Congregations of that one Church of Corinth . And moreover , through thes Churches Rulers , Elders , & Gouvernours were sett and established 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Church by Church , that is , throw all particular Churches Act. 14. 23. With Tit. I. 5. For if the Church is found to have had both ruleing and teaching Elders , Rom. 12. 8. 1. Cor 12. 28. 1. Tim. 5. 17. And upon the other hand , if these lesser Societies are called [ Churches ] It certanly followes that they had ane eldership & rule in them . If ane eldership , and rulers , be allowed to rule and represent the Congregation in matters Ecclesiasticall , then by necessary consequence it followes , that the Call of the Pastor and Chieff elder and his choice , as most suteable to their condition , must fall within the compasse ofther Spiritual authority . Finally , the denying of this unto Congregations , & the Episcopal arbitrarie obtruding of Ministers upon them without their call and consent , is in two great points , contrare unto divine Reason . 1. Unto that spiritual and near relation , which is betwixt a Minister and his flock , ( which we will find this pamphleter after plead ) which is certainly marriage like and very straite . And there being many peculiarduties , which they owe unto him beside others Ministers , all flowing from this relation , particularly a special reverence , obedience , and subjection ; These must certanely suppose a voluntarie consent and call , and cannot be bottomed upon the meer will and pleasure of another , which cannot make up this relation 2 , This denying of the peoples right to call their Pastor , is contrare unto that Iudgment of discretion , that spiritual discerning , and trying of the Spirits , which is allowed , yea & enjoyned to the people of God ; If in any thing a spiritual discerning must take place , surely in this especially , to whom a people doe intrust their soules direction and guidance ; If in any thing a Christian must Act in Faith , and not give up his perswasion to ane implicit conduct , and thus become a servant of men , sure it must be , in a mater ofso great weight as this is ? If Christs sheep have this for their Character , that they knowe the voice of the trew Shepherd from the voice of the hyreling and stranger , from whom they will flie , Joh. 10 : 4 , 5. Sure their knowlege and consent must interveen , in order to their acceptance of , and subjecton to their Shepherd ? If they must not belive every Spirit , buttry the Spirits , sure this caution and tryal must be especially allowed in this case , that they admitt not a false Prophet instead of a trew ? So then the Episcopal Government , is in this , as in other pointes , chargeable with antichristian and anti-scriptural tyrannie over Christs flockes . 10. The Episcopal Government is in this contrare unto the Word of God ( viz. ) In denying , and cutting off from his administration , and the totall laying asyde of a singularely usefull Church officer appointed by Christ in his House ( viz ) the ruleing elder . That Government which denies and layes aside , any of the great Master of the vine yeard , his servants and officers whom he hath authorized and appointed , must needs be highly derogatorie to his glory and contrare to his word ; But such is Prelacie . The Prelats are like that sloathfull wicked servant who smites and beats away there fellow-servants , while they eat and drink with the drunken . That Prelats disoun and exclude this officer , is evident both from their principles and practise . They all deny the divine warrand of this Church officer : And where Prelacy is established , he is excluded from Presbyteries and Synodes , and upon the mater also , from the congregation : For they deny and exclude all decisive suffrage there , and take away all Authority of congregational elderships , as we seen . Now that this ruleing elder , distinct from both the preaching Presbyter , and Deacon , Is appointed by God , our Divines have made good from severall Scriptur grounds . Such as 1. From Rom. 12 : 6 , 7. Where among severall other Church officers which the Apostle doth enumerat , there is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or he that ruleth . Here is ane ordinary Ruler , distinct from all other Rulers , and Church officers , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies Rule and authoritative power . Againe , he is ranked among ordinarie Officers , and so must needs be ane ordinary standing officer , yet stands distinguished from other ordinary officers , haveing both a distinct name from all the rest , likewayes a distinct worke , as being diversified from the teacher , the exhorter , and the giver . And moreover , a peculiar direction , as have likewise all the rest . So that from the circumstances of this place , the divine right of this officer , is clearly demonstrate . Nixt , That passage is pertinently improven for this purpose , 1 Cor. 12 : 28. Where we read of helps , Governments , under distinct paragraphes , clearly pointing out ordinary Governing Church officers , distinct from the elders that preach , and the Deacon , and all other Church Governoures whatsoever . They cannot be Governoures in the General , for what doth this among a particula enumeration of officers ▪ These are distinct from helps , distinct from the teaching elder , for he is already mentioned in this same vers . So here is a Rule , and Government , distinct from all governoures either civil or ecclesiastick , except this ruleing elder , yet set by God in the Church under the new Testament . But the third and most pregnant passage from which our divines doe demonstrat the divine right of this Church officer is that of the 1 ▪ Tim. 5 : 17. Let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and Doctrine . Here is a ruleing Church officer , distinct from the preaching elder : For here is a general , elders , Nixt , we have two distinct branches of these elders ( viz ) the ruleing elder , and the elder that both rules and laboures in the word and Doctrine , in the word as the Pastor , In the Doctrine as the teacher . Again they are diversified in two distinct participles and epithets , [ ruling ] is made the marke and characterick of the one ( viz ) Ruling only : And [ both Ruleing and teaching ] is made the marke of the other , whereby they are distinguished in their nature and office . But in the 3d. place , the forementioned distinction eminently appears in the discretive [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially ] which is set betwixt these two kynds of elders , intimating that as there were some of these ruling elders who did labour in the word and Doctrin , so there were others who did Rule and not labour in the Word : Both were worthy of double honour , but especially the labourer in the word , over and above this ruling . And to this purpose it is well observed , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially , is allwayes in the new Testament made use of to distinguish one thing from another . As when it is said Gal. 6 : 10. Let us doe good to all men , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expecially , to these of the houshold of faith , hereby distinguishing soom that were of the houshold of faith , and some that were not . In which sense it is also used Phil. 4 : 22. and 1 Tim. 5 : 8 , This precept , saith P●…scator ( Anal : in Locum ) he first illustrats by a distribution and comparison of things different and unlike ; for he distinguishes elders into those who were sett over Ecclesiastick Disciplin , yet so asthey did not publickly teach , & those who did teach also : Wherein he clearly gives sentence for us against the Prelatick partie , in this point . Wee may hence Collect , that ther were two sortes of elders at that time ( saith Calvin , on 1 Tim. 5 : 17. ) For all were not ordained to teach ; for the words doc manifestly hold forth that some had governed well and faithfully , to whom notwithstanding , the office of teaching was not committed . And trewly from among the people their were grave and good men chosen and approved , who did together with Pastores , by commune Councell & authority administer Church Government , and were in some sort , censors for correcting of manners , which oustome Ambrose compleans to have worme out of use , by the negligence , or rather the pryde of teachers while they covet to rule alone . The pregnancy of this Scripture tramples into the dust the pitiful evasiones of all the Prelatists in denying the divine right of this officer : Some of which we shall here take notice of , and the confutation of the same , offered by our divines upon this point . Some , by Ruleing well will have living well , to be understood : But the Apostle is speaking of the office of ruling in a Church officer , ruling over others , not of ruling over a mans ●…eif in a privat capacitie . Neither is the Churches Honorarium . double honour , double maintinance , due to living well , as here it is allowed to [ ruling well ] And this will say that the Minister that preaches not , is worthy of double honour for living well , which will make very harsh sense . Some understand this ruleing elder , of the [ Deacon , ] but the Deacon is no where called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or elder , his work being to help , to distribut , not to rule . 1 Cor. 12 , 28. Rom. 12 , 8 Some would being in under this [ Ruler , ] The ancient Superannuat Bishop ; But this gloss will in honour preferr unto him , the diligent preaching Minister , which will wound their cause to death . Some , by the [ Ruler ] will have such understood as did administer Sacraments , but preached not : But Paul knew non of these non preaching or seldom-preaching Ministers , far less would he allow them a double honoure , who rather deserved the contrary . Paul will have all Ministers apt to teach , and able to convince . Some by the [ ruling elder , ] would have Inferior Magistrats understood , who were appointed for ending civil Striffes ; but the Apostle is here prescrybing rules to Church office bearers , not civile rulers , and teaching Timothy how to cary in the Church . Againe , they had then no Christian civil Magistrats , as all doe grant , and for their going to Heathens to compose their civil differences , Paul himself dissallowes it 1 Cor 6. Some againe will have the laboring in the word & doctrine to be nothing else but ane explanation of rulcing well ; but this inadvertant gloss will set asyde My Lord Bishop as no good ruler . Againe , as is said , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , or the word [ especially ] is discriminating , and discretive , distinguishing one thing from another , not explaining one thing by another . If 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were thus sensed , what odd work would it make in other places . 1 Tim. 4 : 10. Who is the Saviour of all men , especially [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] of them that believe . This gloss will sense it thus , the Saviour of all men greatly believing Others yet , by [ labouring in the word and doctrine ] will have a higher degree of labouring as to diligence , understood , yet so as both branches speak of labouring in the word and doctrin ; But ( as the Leyden Professoures doe well answer ) this will allow double honour to the less-labouring or lazie elder , who deserves rather a double rebuke , the Lord requiring the the utmost faithful diligence , of all labourers in his vineyarde . Besides that this gloss justles out , and makes Superfluous , that clause of the verse viz in the word and doctrine , which according to this exposition , should either have been totally omitted , or added unto both the branches of this sentence . Some , to escape the dint of this text , invent yet another Shift [ all Sort of Rulers ; whither civil , ecclesiastick , or domestical , are worthy of double honour ; so they sense the first branch , and say they , this General proposition the Apostle might premise to enforce the honour he enjoyns to the labourer in the word , &c. ] But the context fully rejects this gloss , since the Apostle speaks not generally of Rulers , but of elders that rule well , and of such elders and rulers to all which he allowes double honour . So that this gloss will mak pitiful work , both in allowing the Churches honorarium , double honour , or honourable maintinance , to domestick Rulers ; and likewayes will allow more honourable maintinance to Ministers then Magistrats . Some woulde , by the labourer in word and Doctrine , as distinct from the ruling elder , take in transient visiting Presbyters , distinct from fixed preaches ; but where will they shew us any such who were not Evangelists ? Wee find that meer ordinary Presbyters , were ordained for several cities and places as there peculiar charges , whom they were fixedly to feed , Act. 14 : 23. Tit. 1 : 5. Act. 20 : 28. But where find they such Presbyters as had no fixed charge . Neither can Evangelists be meaned ( as Dr Burnet would gladely shift it in his first Dialogues ) the Apostle all along speaking of ordinary preaching Presbyters . These , and several such like exceptions , the evidence of this text hath long since refuted ; So that we may conclude solidely from what is said the divine right of this Church officer , and by consequence the horride Sacriledge and usurpation of Prelacie , in robbing Christs Church of the same : And likewise the Babilonish confusion , which this Antichristian Hierarchie hath introduced into our Church : both in divyding and maiming the Pastoral office , in bringing in offices which the Great Shepherd hath not allowed , and in excluding and thursting our offices and officers which the hath ordained ; upon which grounds , and upon all the preceeding , wee hope we may now safely conclude the Diocesian Prelat , existing among us , to be a plant which the father never planted , and consequently as a poisonus weed , to be rooted up . CHAP. V. That the present Prelacie is grosse Erastianisme . Some Arguments against it , under that notion . It excludes and denies all Church Government in the hands of Church officers , distinct from the civil ; contrar to the Churches priviledge , both under the Old and New Testament , which is demonstrat at large . Is in many points ane Incroachment upon the liberties of the Gospel-Church , and upon Christs mediatorie authority over the same . HAving thus farr impugned the Diocesian Prelat , as a pretended Church officer . Wee shall nixt , offer some Arguments against him in his Erastian Mould , as deriving all his power from the civil Magistrat . Althogh the office of the Diocesian Bishop were acknowledged warrantable , yet this will help nothing the Erastian Prelat , these being very distinct theams and questions . [ What is that Species of Church Government , allowed and commanded in Scriptnre ] ? and [ whither there be any inherent Church Government , allowed her , distinct from that of the Civil Magistrat ? ] and whither Church officers , or the Civil Magistrat , be the proper Subject therof ? that the Present Prelacie is gross Erastianisme , is manifest ; for after all Church Judicatories were in Anno 16 62. discharged untill they were authorized by the Bishops nominat by his Majestie — the disposal of the Government is declared to be the Crown-right , and inherent p●…rpetual prerogative : and thereupon the Bishops are restored , not only to their civil dignities , but to their Episcopal function , presidencie in the Church and over all Church discipline , &c. And it is expresly declared , that there is no Church power , jurisdiction or Government , in the Church office bearers or meetings , but what depends upon , and is subordinat unto the Supremacie , and is authorized by the Bishops , who are declared accountable to his Majestie for their administration . In the Act for the National Synod , the constituent members thereof , the maters to be treated of , the authorizing of the constitutions as Church Canons , is soly in the Civil Magistrat , there work being only to give advice to him , without any decisive inherent suffrage . By vertew of which Ecclesiastick Supremacie , his Majesty puts excommunication and Spiritual censures , and consequently the power of the keys , into the hands of persons meerly civil , in the Act for the high commission . Hence it is aparent , that his Majesty as the fountaine of all Church Government , impartes this Authority to such as he pleases , and the Bishops are nothing else but his Majesties Commisioners in the exercise of that Ecclesiastick Power , which is originally in himself . Now , that this Erastian Prelacie , or Church Government , is a stranger to the Scripture , is many wayes evident . 1. This Erastian Prelacie , Denyes all Church Government in the hands of Church officers , distinct from civil Magistrace : which is ane error fully confuted and largely bafled by all who have written against Erastus and his followers , and is contrare many wayes to Scripture . I. To that distinction betwixt the Ecclesiastick and civil Sanbedrin under the Old Testameet , asserted and cleared by many Scripture Arguments by our divines , paraicularly Mr Gillespie in the Aarons rode . I. From the institution of that Court of elders , supposed in Exod. 24. Who were not those elders chosen for the government of the Commonwealth , Numb . 11. For this was done at Sinai shortly after they came out of Egypt But on the 20 day Of the 2d . Moneth in the 2d . Year they tooke their journey from Sinai to the ●…dernes of Paran Numbr . 10. 11 , 12. And there pitched , when the Seventie elders were chosen to relieve Moses . They were not the judges chosen by advyce of Iethro , for he came not to Moses till the end of the first year , or the begining of the Second after they came out of Egypt ; Nor could they be judges , who judged befor he came ; for he observed that the burdine lay upon Moses alone . So they must needs have been Ecclesiastick Rulers under the presidencie of Aarone and Hur. vers . 14. Who were called up as the representatives of the Church of Israel , after the Judicial lawes were given , Chap. 22. 23. In this 24. Chapter there is a transition to the Ceremonial lawes , concerning the worship of God , and the Structur of the Tabernacle . Deutr. 17. 8 , 9 , 10. All grant there a Supream Court of judges , therfor also the text must be granted to hold forth a Supreme Ecclesiastick Court : For it caryes the authority & sentence of the priests , as hie as the authority & sentence of the judges , & that in adisjunctive way as Two distinct powers , each binding respective in their oun proper Sphere . 3. From these judges & officers 1. Chr. 23. 4 , & 26 : 29. Supposed , & set to their work when the Levits were divyded to there Charge , who were not tyed to service & attendances in the Temple , but to judge & give sentence concerning the law & its meaning : and this saith the text , over Israel , coming to them from any of the cities of the land . 4. From Jehoshaphats reformation . 2. Chron. 19. 8 , 10 , 11. Who restoring the government of the Church , did sett in Ierusalem levits , priests , Chieff of the Fathers of Israel for the judgment of the Lord , & for controversies Here is 1. A Court of priests & Levits with power of Suffrage & thus consisting of Ecclesiastick membres . 2. In Ecclesiastick matters , Maters of the Lord , distinct from Maters of the King 3. For ane Ecclesiastick end ( viz. ) to warne that they trespasse not , not only against one another , but against the Lord. 4. All causes of their Brethren that dwelt in the Cities , were to come to them unto Jerusalem . 5. They have Ane Ecclesiastick Moderator , or president , Amariah the chieff priest , over them in all Maters of the Lord , ●…istinct ( as is said ) from Maters of the King. These & many such Arguments are made use of by him & others , To clear this poynt of the Two distinct Sanhedrins , which fully overthrowes this Erastian Confusion of these two powers & governments . 2. This fountaining of all Church power in the civil , and denying of Church government in the hands of Church officers , distinct from the Civil government , is Cross to that distinction of the Gospel Church her government , from that of the Civil power , wich is clearly held out in the new Testament . Wherin it is evident 1. That the visible Church is Christ the Mediator his visible kingdome as Mediator . And so its Officers , Lawes , & Censures falls with in the compasse of his Mediatorie appointment and inspection . Matth. 16. 19. — & 28. 29. Joh. 18. 36. 1. Cor. 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11 , 12. — 2. That the gospel Church was Compleated in her being & essence , both as to Rulers & Ruled , Members & officers , and in rules & directions for the exercise of her government accordingly , when no Magistrat was so much as a member of her . — 3 That in all the precepts anent the exercise of this power , it is enjoyned to the Church , & to these Church officers , as such , with the same freedome & independancy upon the Civil power , as at the first , & without the least restriction & limitation , in case of the Magistrats becoming Christian ; All the grounds made use of in pressing the exercise of this power , being moral & perpetual , & respecting the Church her condition as a Church , whither the Magistrat be friend or enemie . In the 2d . Place , This Erastian prelatick mould of government brings in many grosse encroachments upon the liberties of the gospell Church . As 1. Denying her liberty to exercise her power & Key of Censure without the Magistrat : Contrare to all the New Testament instances of the exercise therof with out him . 2. Introduceing a dominion , & arbitrary power upon all her government ; Contrare to her liberty & the very nature of her government , which is a Ministerial Stewardship , not a dominion ; for thus the Church is the proper object of the Magistrats dominion that being the Nature of his power Rom. 13. And the present prelatick Church ounes the Supreme Civil governoure as her Chieff Church officerer . — 3. Giving to the Magistrat qua talis ( for this power in Church matters , is by Prelats and their adherents aknowledged to be a perpetual Croun-right ) the proper & Sole decisive suffrage in all causes falling under Ecclesiastick cognisance : for Prelatists onely meet to advise him in there Suprem Court or national Synod , according to the forementioned Act. Now , this Cutts off all Church judicatories ther decisive suffrage as Church judicatories , which ( as is cleared above ) they did fully at first exercise of themselves , without the Magistrat . 4. This mould will make the Civil Magistrat the proper immediat subject of the Keys , and Impartes all Church government to One , who , as such , is not so much as a Church member , and impowers him to give out this supposed fountaine power to no Church members , or to here enemies at his pleasure , As his Majesty gives to persons Civil the power of excomunication ? Yea it gives him a power , by his oun proper clicite acts , to dispense all her [ external government ] as the law terms it , which ( if we look upon it as including all externall ordinances contradistinct from the internal government of the inward man , & the Church invisible ) will necessarely import & include the exercise of both the Keys , & all the external dogmaticke , diatactick , & Critick authority & power , intrusted to the Church representative : Which is a meer Civil papacie & the grossest of usurpations which the Church can be exposed unto , as shall be afterward touched . Finally , This will inferr , that Children , Heathens , yea women , may be chieff Church officers and heads of the Church too , since they may possesse the Crown of these Kingdoms , to which this Headship and Supremacy is annexed . But of this also againe . 3. This Erastian government is a gross encroachment upon Christs prerogative over his Church . And that in these wayes . 1. In assumeing a power over the Church which is proper to Christ only , I mean a Magisterial , architectonick power . That this is assumed by this Erastian mould of government , is evident ? He who can dispose of government , and governoures of the Church arbitrarly , and dispose of all Church meetings , and Church maters , as he pleases and thinks fitt , Hath certanly this power ; but that this Magisterial , architectonick , power and dominion over the Church , is Christs Sole prerogative , is abundantly clear by manifold plaine , positive , Scripture assertions . To Christ is all power given in Heaven and Earth , Matth. 28. 18. And he , as Mediator , is given to be head over all things to the Church , Ephes. 1. 21 , 22. To h●…m is all judgement ( over her ) committed , John. 5. 22. Hee it is also who possesses these high tittles , to be the Governoure ( over his Church ) by way of eminencie , Matth. 2. 6. That great shepherd of the sheep . Hebr. 13. 20. the shepherd and Bishop of Soules . 1. Pet. 2. 25. Hee is that one Master over all Church officers , who are but Brethren , Matth. 23. 8 , 10. To us there is but One Lord Iesus . 1. Cor. 8. 6. Hee it is , to whom onely the imperiall acts of power are ascribed : as , the giving of lawes to his Church , the gospel precepts are his law . Gal. 6. 2. Hee it is who gave commandments to his Apostles , Act. 1. 2. there is but one law giver who can save and destroy . Jam. 4. 12. The Lord is our judge , the Lord is our lawgiver or Statute maker , the Lord is our King , I say . 33 22. He it is who Constitutes her ordinances , preaching of the word Matth. 10. 7. 1. Cor. 1. 17. administration of the Sacraments , as of baptisme , John. 1. 33. the Lords Supper , 1. Cor. 11. 20. dispensing of Censures , Matth. 16. 29. Hee it is who appointes his Officers , Prophets , Pastores , Teachers , Ephes. 4. 11 , 12. 1. Cor. 12 , 28. In his name onely all ordinances are dispensed : Not in the name of Magistrats , or of any Mortall . The Apostles spake and taught in the name of Jesus . Act. 4. 17 , 18. In his name we are to Ask Joh. 14. 13 , 14. In his name onely Ministers are to preach and baptize , Matth. 28. 18 , 19. 2. Cor. 5. 20. In his name onely they are to Censure , to deliver to Satan . 1 Cor. 5. 4. In his name only Church assemblies are to be gathered , which seems the Smallest Act. Matth. 18 , 20. ( See jus divinum Regim : Eccles : Appollon : Revius . &c. — 2. This Erastian government incroaches upon Christs prerogatives , In taking and using the Keys against Christs donation and authoritie Christ is the only Lord giver of both the Keys , and all their power . But , in this Usurped power , the Kevs are 1. Divyded , against his prescription , who gave both the Keys of Doctrine and Discipline joyntly to the proper recipients the●…of ( viz. ) Church officers . Matth. 16. 19. This Erastian government ●…ches away One Key ( viz. of government ) from such to whom Christ the great Master of the House , hath Intrusted both . Christ in this donation of the Keys , making no mention of the Civil Rulers , but only of Church Officers then appointed , who were distinct from the Magistrat . Hence 2. The Key of disciplin is taken and used against his mynde , by these to whom he hath not Intrusted it , which is a great encroachement upon his authoritie . In the 3d. place , this Erastian government encroaches upon Christs authoritie over his Church , In superadding Ane officer to theseChurch officers institut and appointed by him . For in all the Scripture rolls of Christs Church officers , the Civil Rulers are not found . Eph. 4. 10 , 11. 1. Cor. 12. 28. Rom. 6. 7 , 8. — 4. This encroachment appeares in making Church officers , as such , imediatly subject to the Magistrat in all their Spirituall administration , which is a hie Censure of the Primitive exercise of this power independantly , as we shal shew . 5 ▪ In exeeming him from all Spiritual subjection unto , and censure by , Church Rulers . For where , ●…pray , shal we find the Magistrat excepted , and the hi●…herCivil powers , if within the Church , from Christs lawes and rules anent subjection to Church censures and to his Spiritual office bearers intrusted therewith ? CHAP. VI. Erastianism denyes the compleat constitution of the Apostolick Church in point of Government . Removes the Scriptur Land-markes , set to distinguish the Civil and Ecclesiastick Powers , which is cleared in several points . It is lyable to great absurdities . IN the 4th place : This Erastian Government presumes to impeach the primitive Apostolick Church , her compleat constitution and faithfulness of Administration in relation to Government , and makes here to have had but a defective maimed constitution and authority thereanent , while the exercise of the civil power in her , was wanting . Which charges a gross deficiency upon Christs prescriptions in relation to her Lawes and Officers : Which are found in Scripture , very full , and suited to her state and condition in all times until all the Elect be made up , and here warfare is accomplished ; and consequently , it impeaches Christs saithfulness and authority as Mediatour , whose proper work this holy constitution is 5. This Erastian Prelacy takes away all the Scripture Landmarks and Limits , which are fixed therien by God , to distinguish the Civil and Ecclesiastick Powers and Governments , and makes them every way the same , in all things wherein Scripture and Reason do distinguish them , both as to their Nature and Acts , and likewayes as to their Causes . 1. As to their Nature , this Erastian Government doth confound them . 1. In that it makes the Church and Commonwealth , the Political and Ecclesiastical Societies , one and the same , which are formally distinct . It being a visible profession that make a Church member , and outward habitation and subjection to the civil power , that makes a Subject ; Which may be where there is no profession , and consequently no Church-membership . For in this mould , the Kings Government Civil , is Church Government , for it is his Government as King , in which capacity this Ecclesiastick Supremacy is his prerogative , and his Ecclesiastick Government is also Civil Government , for it is his Government as the Supream Civil Magistrat : And thus the Church , respected by his government , is the Common-wealth , & vice versa . 2. This confounds the Officers of Church and State , which the Scriptur doth aboundantly distinguish . For , as is said , The Church had all her Officers of Christs appointment , when no Magistrat was a Member thereof ; and on the other hand , Common-wealths had all their civil Rulers , before they became Churches ; But in this Erastian Prelacy , this order is confounded , The chief Officers of this Church are the Magistrats Commissioners to Church and State ; whereas Church Officers are given by Christ as Mediatour to his Church as a Church , 1 Cor. 12 : Ver. 28. — 3. The actings of civil and Ecclesiastick authority are thus confounded , Spiritual church Rulers Act onely in Spiritual matters by Gods appointment , and civil Rulers there immediat proper Acts are only in matters Civil . But here Church Officers are Parliament Commissioners , and civil Rulers in the high commission do excommunicat . Againe in the 2. place : This Erastian Prelacy confounds these two powers in their causes , which are wholly diverse . 1. The efficient cause is diverse , God as Creator , is Author of Magistracy , Rom. 13. But Christ as Mediatour appoints Church Government , Matt. 28 : 18. But here , the Magistrat qua talis , is a suprem Church Ruler ? And thus is supposed to have his power from Christ as Mediator and Head of his Church : Which is ane opinion fully confuted by those who havewritten against Erastus , particularly Mr Gillespie in the Aarons Rod. 2. They differ in the material cause , the matter on which the two powers do act , are diverse : Ecclesiastick power doth act in the exercise of the Keys , the administration of the Word and Sacraments , having this for its proper Object and matter . The civil power consists in the civil and secular Sword ; the one reaches the inward , the othere the outward man. But in this Erastian Prelacye , the , Sword and Keys , are made one , promiscuously used , and put into the same hands . 3. The two powers differ in their formal cause : the civil power is put forth in political punishments , the Ecclesiastick in spiritual censures . But here , the same power is the first Radix and Fountaine of Spirituall Censures , and Civil punishments , and gives them their formal essence and being , as such . Finalie . The proper immediat end of Civil power is the Temporal , External , political peace of the commonwealth . Rom. 13. 1 , 2. 3. But the proper end ofEcclesiastick power , Is the Churches Spiriual good and edification as such , Matth. 18. 15. 1 Cor. 5. 5. 2. Cor. 10. 8. and 13. 10. But here , the Magistrat quatalis , being the Churches head , these ends are Confounded . These and several such like arguments are made use of by our writers against Erastus , which doe fully evince the unlawfulnes of this Erastian prelacie . Whosoever shal peruse Apollonius His jus Majest : Circ : Sacr : the jus Div : regim : Eccles : the Aarons rod , wallaeus against Vtenbog : and such like , will find this abundantly clear . To sh●…t up all with One word more . Ther are these 3. horride absurdities , in relation to Church government , which the premised mould of this Erastian prelacie will necessarly inferr . 1. That a man may be borne , not only a Church member , but a Chief Church Ruler : Nay , that a Heathen , and a man that never professed the true religion , but lives and dies ane ingraind enemie to it , and so hath neither mater nor forme , of Church membership , may be a Chieff Church officer . For his Majesties present authoritie herine ( acknowledged by our prelats , and which is the Fountaine of their power ) is the proper Croune dignitie of all that ever shall possesse and wear it : and so here is a monstrous Church officer , who 1. hath no qualifications of any Church officer whom ever Christ appointed . 2. A Church officer who is not Set in the Church ( which is the essential marke of all Church officers 1. Cor. 12 28. ) for that supposes he must be a Church member A 2d . absurditie is this , That Children and women ( who may have a lawfull lineal right to the Croun ) may be Church officers , Yea the Fountaine of our prelats authority , and of all their Under●…ings , and the chieff governoure of this Church ; and thus , they who are forbidden so much as to speak in the Church , shall be Chieff Church Rulers , and likewayes such as have not the use of Reason . 1. Tim. 3 5. 1. Cor. 14. 34 , 35. — A 3d. absurditie is , That the Church government upon earth may be Monarchical , and that One man may be her Supream head , legislator , And architectonick Monarch and Ruler , for aquatenus , ad omne , valet consequentia . Upon the same ground that the Suprem Civil Ruler is Chieff head and Ruler over the Church in his dominions , the Church in all other places , being a body of the same nature , Should the Christian Church be contracted within his dominions , he were her Supreme universall head ? And it were so , if his Civil dominion should be extended over all the Churches : By this same reason of his headship over One , he may be head over all , and exercise ane arbitrary at least a legislative power over all her ordinances and officers . And if this will not Clearly set the popes Treeple Croun upon his head , and disowne all that ever the protestant Churches have writen and acted against his blasphemous Supremacie , let common discretion judge , Ambrose ( Epist : 33. ad valentinianum imperatorem ) Saith , noli gravare imperator , ut putes in ea quae divina sunt , aliquod imperiale jus habere , opliticorum tibi munerum jus concessum est , non Sacrorum . Grieve not O Emperour , so as to think that you have any Imperial authority over these things which are divine , the right or authority of politicall offices is committed unto thee , but not of Sacred . CHAP. VII . The Informers deceitfull shifting and obscuring the true State of the Question anent Episcopacie , and flinching from the point debatable , discovered Severall wayes . He declines a direct pleading for prelats civil offices , Yet offers some arguments defence therof : Wherin his prevarication , and Contradiction to himself , is made appear . TO come now to examine what this new Dialogist , hath produced in defence of the present prelacie established amongst us , And to examine his answers to our plea against it ; We shall not stand upon the trifling debate about the personal good qualities of some that have been prelats , with which Hee prefaces this Dialogue , it being altogether extrinsick to the Question anent the lawfulnes of the office it self , And would be no argument in our case against him , as this man cannot but acknowledge , else Hee must give up the cause , upon his concession of the Unquestionable eminent pietie , and integritie , of many burning and Shining lights , who have been the Lords Constant witnesses against prelacie . That which is here mainely considerable , Is his prevarication in Stating the Question anent prelacie , ( viz. ) [ Whither the ancient Bishopes had a Superioritie over other Ministers ] wherin he utterly ●…ches away from the pointe debeatable . 1. In making this the State of the Question [ what Bishopes were in the primitive Church ] wheras the true State of our Question , is , whither the prelat now existent in this Church , be a Scripture Bishop and consonant therunto , Or , ane officer appointed by Christ in his house , Yea or not . And not whither there have been Bishops , or such as we now have , in the ancient Church . The Question is not of the mater of fact , but of the right , yea and the divine right of the present prelats in relation to their power . 2. In stating the difference betwixt the Bishop he pleads for , and the Pastor , Hee Smoothes it over in this general , [ whither there have been such Bishopes , as have had a Superioritie over ordinarie Ministers ] but doth not explaine what that Superioritie is which he pleads for , whither of order or jurisdiction , or both ; whither specificall , or graduall ; Whither a Superiority of meer presidencie , or of principality ; The [ Episcopus preses , and princeps ] sharing in this general name . Dolus latet in generalibus : Since there have been various Superiorities , de facto , He should have particularized that Superiority which He undertaks to defend . 3. His Doubter suggesting [ that they were not Lord Bishopes ] He must needs make him referr to 1. Pet. 5. 3. Discharging to Lord it over Gods heritage ; But how poor is his evasion from and solution of this difficultie , in starting this notion [ whither there have been , De facto , Bishops with a Superioritie over Presbiters , Or Bishops who had Civill dignities in ancient times ? ] The pinch of this debate lying in this , whither the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Or Lorship ] discharged in that Scripture , will not stryke against such a Superiority or dominion , whither in Ecclesiastick , or Civil rule , as our prelats now assume ? and not what sort of Superiority in Ecclesiastick , or Civill government , prelats have formerly had . The present prelat existent in Scotland , having such a dominion over Church Judicatories , and likwayes in Civils , as is above exprest , and derving all his power from the Magistrat in Ecclesiastick , as well as in Civil rule , He should have Stated his Question thus distinctly , and then fenced for his great Diana . But the man probably found this a taske which be durst not undertake : which appears immediatly after , in his declining the debate anent the Bishopes Civil rule , telling us , [ That he will make it none of his worke to debate with us , their acting in Civil affairs , Sometimes ] But 1. Since he undertaks the patrocinie and defence of Episcopacie now established among us , And in his preface professes it his designe to prove it lawfull , and therby to take off one of our arguments for withdrawing from Conformists , And it being likewayes Certaine that the present prelats are Civil rulers . He must either undertake this debate , or acknowledge them unlawfull pro tanto at least ? And that he proves but a maimed pleader for their present office , and falls short of a great part of his designe in this pamphlet . 2. He pitifully Snakes away from this debate also , in min●…hing their State-medling , thus , ( viz. ) Their acting in Civil affaires Sometimes , which may be said of any man or Minister , His rare transient , occasional , accidentall or privat actings , and even in domestick affairs . But cannot this man distinguish betuixt this , and a Stated official acting , 〈◊〉 constituent and constant members of Civill judicatories , as prelats are according to our lawes , and that even ex natura officij as they are prelats ; Sure , he cannot distinguish the Mountaine from the Molchill , that cannot see a difference betuixt these . Either this Informer must account the prelats present State actings lawful , or not ? If He account them lawfull , then He falls under a Three fold premunire in this point . 1. In de●…lyning the defence of one of the prelats Unquestionable legal privileges ( disouned by presbyterians , and by him esteemed lawfull ) notwithstanding of his undertakeing to plead for them . 2. In Undertaking only tos plead for their acting Sometimes , which ( as I said ) i far from the point and matter of fact , which he must defend . 3. In confessing at the foot of the page [ That Church men should not needlesslie , or of Choice , intangle themselves in these incumberances ] wherin he palpablie contradicts himself as to his Scope . For doe not our prelats of most free choice and deliberatly assume State Imployments ? Or are their shoulders burdened against their will with these State honoures ? Besydes , He cites 2. Tim. 2. 4. In acknowledging this intanglement in wordly affaires , to be unlawfull in Church men ; The text sayes , no man that warreth entangleth himself in affaires of this life . Now , if this text discharge universally , and absolutly , a Ministers intanglement in wordly affaires , How comes he to foist in his limitation of [ needlesly , or of Choice ] where is this limitation in the text ? If all intanglements or in cumberances , as such , be unlawfull , as is here expressly asserted , as being inconsistant with the nature and importance of the Ministers Spirituall function , which requires the greatest abstractednes from all worldly things , and the mans constant waiting upon , and giving himself wholly unto the things of God ; Then surely whither he intangle himself by choice , or not , it is still ane intanglement , and consequently sinful ; his acting deliberatly is butane agravation . Againe , since He maks ane intanglement Of choice , to be a needles intanglement , and consequently sinful , He must needs acknowledge that such is the present prelatick medling , which , as is said , He cannot deny to be most deliberat and of choice . But nixt , If He account our prelats State-actings unlawfull ? Then 1. Why doth He not interminis acknowledge so much , and not lisp it half out ? 2. Why doth He alleadge something from Scripture precedents to prove it warrantable ? But Let us hear his Scripture arguments wherby He would prove this State acting lawfull . His first Reason is [ That the jewish Sanhedrin made up of the Sevinty elders , Moses assistants in Civill government , did consist partly of priests ] where 1. Wee see He overstraines his point , and overstretches himself in his pretended proofe , for the These he undertaks to prove , is , [ That Church men may act in State matters , though not of Choice , and so that it be Sometimes only ] which he cannot but distinguish from a Constant official medling , if he speak sense . And to prove this , He brings ane instance of priests under the old Testament-dispensation , their being constituent members of a civil court ? Now , how doe these quadrat ? Were not these priests to act deliberatly and of Choice ? If this prove any thing at all it will prove that Ministers ( as being such members ) may deliberatly and of choyce involve themselves in Civill affairs , which this man holds to be discharged 2. Tim. 2. 4. And so this Reason , because proving too much , and beyond his assertion , proves just nothing . 2. As we cleared above , the difference betuixt the Civil and Ecclesiastick Sanhedrin , and that those Sevinty , mentioned in the 11. Numbr . who were chosen for the government of the Commonwealth , are distinct from those mentioned Exod. 24. Who were Ecclesiastick and not Civil officers ; So it is more then this Informer hath offered proof of , that there were priests in that Civil Court , since as is said , the Two Sanhedrins Civil and Ecclesiastick , did consist of distinct members , and there was not one Sanhedrin only , as this man seems to suppose . But 3. Though the concurrence of some preists in that Civill Court , were granted , Our writers have abundantly cleared the inconsequence of any argument drawn from that instance as to this point , In that though the Civil and Ecclesiastick Sanhedrin , were distinct originaly , Yet the judiciall Civil law being given immediatly by God to the jewes , as well as the Moral and Ceremonial , the priests by consequence , under that dispensation , had a most necessary interest as to its interpretation & decision in many cases , for the law was to be sought at their mouth . The difference of which condition of the jewish , from that of the Christian Church ( Spread over the world , and in Countreys where are different moulds of Civil government and lawes , and which are not tyed to that judicial law ) doth cast the ballances and overthrow his argument . As for that of deutr . 17. Wee have seen how it holds out a Twofold Sanhedrin which had distinct members , acts , and objects . In a word , if his argument from this instance were good ( upon his supposition that priests were members in that Court ) it would prove that Christians could not have a lawful civil Supreme Judicatorie , unles Ministers were constituent members thereof ? And that Ministers were essentially & necessarly ex natura officii ( as these priests ) constituent members of civil Judicatories ? which is more then he dare assert , and the absurdity thereof is above cleared . His 2d . Ground is drawn from [ the examples and instances of Eli the Priest who judged Israel fourty years , and of Samuel the Prophet , who , though lent to the Lord from his birth , yet went in circuit yearly judging the people ] But 1. The force of this reason leaning upon ane example meerly , of Church officers under the old dispensation , and the gratis supposed imitablenes thereof , it is ( like the other argument ) very unsound and lax . He will not dare to averr that every deduction a facto ad jus , is sound ; All scripture examples , are for our improvement , but not for our imitation . Even good and laudable Acts of the Saints , are of this nature , many of them . Some were heroical , as Elias bringing fire from heaven , which the Lord discharged James and John to imitat . Phinehas his Act , he will say with his Master the surveyer , was of this nature . Some Acts did flow from ane extraordinarie emergent of Providence , and a call flowing therefrom , as Abrahams attempt to offer his Son , Israels borrowing from the Egyptians and not paying . Some Acts had their issue from a ●…ansient and occasional junctur , procuring a necessity pro tunc , as Pauls preaching gratis , and working with his hands . Some acts were to confirme a special extraordinary call , So our Lords fourty dayes fast , and that of Moses his tipe . Now , to conclud from the premised instances , the lawfulness of these Acts ( viz ) Sacrificing Children , borrowing and not paying , the popish quadrantum &c , This Informer will grant to be very poor and childish Sophristrie , yet such is his reasoning here . 2. Divines doe tell us that these examples only are imitable , whose ground and scope are of a moral nature , which the persons did , as saints or Christians : such are all examples of morall standing duties enjoyned in the commands . They tell us . 3. That there are two Rules necessarly to be observed ( and which this Informer must of necessity grant ) as to a conclusion , ab exemplo ad factum , or a facto ad jus , which cutts the sinnews of his argument here . 1. No example which crosses a morall precept can ground a Rule , for this would make the Rule crosse it self . And to bring this neer the point in hand , I will shew , that this Informer fights against himself , and must needs admitt this answer , from the very mould of his argument : For he thinks to imforce the Instance from Samuel his civill actings , by telling us that he was lent to the Lord from his mothers womb : Which will say , according to his pleading , That a man though singularly devoted to God in the sacred Ministry , yet may deliberatly and of choice become a civil judge , yea a supreme civil judge ; and then I would know , how he will reconcile this with the great gospel precept 2 Tim. 2 : 4. Which himself pleads as discharging deliberat medling in civil affairs , because the sacred Ministery is a warfare , or a dedication of the Minister to the service of Christ ? And what will he say if one shall argue thus , if a Minister , though dedicat to the Lord from his mothers womb , may notwithstanding become a civil judge , then the Ministry its being a warrfare under Christ , cannot hinder a mans medling by choice in civill affaires , which notwithstanding he denyes : So that either he must disown this Instance , or his sense of that Gospell precept . But of this againe . 2. No examples of Acts done from ane extraordinary calling & gifts , are to be imitated by such as have neither the one , nor the other . Wee will find our Informer afterward grant this in relation to the Apostles , & that there are many things depending upon special emergents that are not imitable in them . And if he should deny this Rule , as he will contradict himself , so he will not evite a great inconvenience from the fact of Phinehas , from Ehud , &c. Incase some person of a boistrous heart , and unruly hand , should plead these instances to offer violence unto him . Be side , if this rule be not admitted , he will brangle the boundarie and limits of different ordinary callings , ( and relations by consequence ) which the God of order hath fixed . The examples of Magistratical or Ministeriall duties , obliges not privat persons to ane imitation ; The Apostolick Acts of working Miracles , giving the Spirit by laying one of hands , universal unfixed preaching ( he will grant ) are not imitable ( as neither the peculiar duties of Relations among privat persons , doe obleige every one ) because these extraordinary gifts and callings are now gone : And so say I of these examples of Eli , and Samuel , who are by all sound divines ranked among the judges whose call and office is acknowledged to have been extraordinary ; God keeping at that time the regal rights in his own hand . , befor he set up any fixt ordinary Rulers and Kings , and creating , & calling extraordinarly , his owne deputies in the Government , sometimes out of one tribe , and sometimes out of another , whose authority died with themselves and admitted of no succession . Wherefore Gideon told the people that God was their King , and refused that office when offered ; and the peoples guilt in wearing of this holy immediat Government of God himself , and desiring a King , is aggravated from this , That they had rejected God who was their King. So that his argument from these extraordinary instances , is wholly inconcludent ; it being from ane extraordinary , to ane ordinary calling , from ane extraordinary factum , to ane ordinary jus ; which is consequence we will find himself afterward disown . And if he straine these instances , they will prove too much , ( viz. ) That Ministers may be Kings , or supreme civil judges ; which I believe he will not adventure to plead for , since what ever thanks he may merite for this from the Pope , yet Royalists will allow him none . If , in a matter so plain and evident , it were needfull to adduc testimonies of writers and commentators ( as this informer doth to no purpose ) how harmonious would their consent appear unto this truth . The English Annot : in their preface upon the book of judges , will tell him that the judges were not ordinary Magistrats , but extraordinarly called of God in times of great extremity &c. And in their preface on the first book of Samuel , they shew , that it containes rhe History of the two last judges , Eli , and Samuel , and of Saul the first King of Israel . And upon that place , Chap. 7 : 15 , 16. Anent Samuels judging of Israel , notwithstanding of his being lent to the Lord from his birth , 1 Chap. 28. They will Inform this informer [ thatas thiswas the jurisdictionof a judge , whichGod called him unto all the time of saul , — so , he was quo bound by his Mothers vow , Chap. 1. Whereby he was devoted to the service of the sanctuary , to continue his residence there , both because God had forsaken it for the sins of the Priests , and also , because the Lord himselfhad taken him off from that levitical service , and called him to another imployment , namely , to be a holy Prophet and a judge over his people , which places he could not discharge , if he had been confined to a settled place . ] The du ch . Annot : in the argument of the book of judges , describe them [ to be such persons , not ( who administred the ordinary function of judges among the people , as the Word is other where taken , but ) whom God now and then as the state of Israel required , sometimes out of on tribe , sometimes out of another , extraordinarly raised , called , and with his Spirit of wisdome and couradge endewed &c. In the argument , of the first book of Samuel , they shew that therin is described the Government of Samuel as judge over Israel &c ] So that until our Informer shall instruct the Prelats extraordinary call from God , and also their extraordinary enduements for civil Government , these instances of Eli and Samuel , will not [ in the Judgment of these divines ] afford them the least shaddow of warrand for there civil offices . So this man may be ashamed that he ever mentioned such an argument . Finally , That Hee is in the breers of a contradiction here , is ( as is hinted ) evident , in that to prove that Church men should not ofChoice medle inCivil affaires , he gives this reason , for , no man that warreth intangleth himself with the affaires of this life . 2. Tim. 2. 4. Now , if this [ for ] or illative here , signifie any thing , and be not nonsense , this He must be supposed to hold , that , this text forbids Church men all deliberat medling in Civil affaires . But will He dare to say that Samuel and Eli their judging of Israel was not deliberat and of Choice , Ergo , It was sinfull by this rule ; Yet he pleads for its imitablenes as lawfull ; though a deliberat involving themselves in Civil government , yea a Supreme rule ; and thus holds it not cross to this gospell precept . So that to escape this Scylla or Charybdis , He hath no imaginable refuge but one ; ( viz. ) To assert with us , their extraordinarie Calling for what they did , and that singular old Testament-dispensation under which they stood . But then He must quit his plea for prelats civil Imployments from this Instance , and confesse it to be inconcludent . But for the new Testament times , he tells us . How much Bishops were employed in Civill affairs , when Emperours became Christian , as Smectymnuus confesses . But 1. Since he pretends Scripture Instances under the old Testament , his new Testament Instance is very apochryphal and heterogeneus therunto , being of Bishops medling three or four hundered years , after the Canon of the Scripture was closed . Humano Capiti cervicem pingere equinam . But his new Testament precept 2. Tim. 2. 4. Chased away the Instance of Bishops medling in civill affaires , Three or four Hundred years forward . Nixt , I would know whither our Informer holds these Bishops medling in Secular affairs , to be lawfull or unlawfull ? Iflawfull , and consisting with their Calling ( which He would seem to insinuat in telling us , that Saravia defends at large , ( even simply and absolutly ) Church mens medling in state affaires ) Why then doth he tell us in the nixt page That the fathers compleaned of this as aburden ? Sure they were very froward to fret under a peece of lawfull imployment . If it was unlawfull , or a deliberat sinfull intanglement , why obtruds he it upon us as a regular precedent ? And what will Smectymnuus acknowledgment of the factum import , to infert His , or Our acknowledgment of the jus . He tells us likwayes , That ancient Councells [ upon the ground mentioned , 2. Tim. 2. 4. of a Ministers sinfull intanglement ] discharged them to follow Militarie imployments , or to take ferms &c. Hence I inferr , then these Councels held , that deliberat medling in state affaires , ●…or worldly incumberances , is inconsistent with a Ministers calling , and a sinfull intanglement discharged in that text ; for since they discharged Militarie employments and ferms upon this ground , they doe consequently discharge all such Intanglement . For , a quatenus , ad omne , &c. This he cannot but grant . And from hence I infer , two things against him . 1. He setts these Councils by the eares with his Scriptur instances . For since they condemne these formentioned civil employments upon that ground , 2 Tim. 2 : 4. As a sinful intanglement in a Church officer 3 he must either say , that they condemned these old-Testament Instances of the Priests , of Samuel and Eli , as sinful : Or else acknowledge , that they held them ( with us ) to be extraordinary , and no regular precedents . 2. It will hence follow , that these Councils doe condemne Saravia , who ( he tells us ) doth at some length defind Church mens acting in State assaires . And Saravia condemnes and disputs against these Councils ; and then , it will be a pussing problem to him , to which of them he will adhere in this contest ; since he holds , with these councels , upon that ground , 2 Tim. 2 : v. 4. the unlawfulness of Ministers deliberat involving themselves in civil affaires , it seems be quites there great Advocat Saravia , and all his pleading upon this point ; For he tells us of no limitation in Saravia his pleading for Ministers meddling in State affaires . As for what followes in this page , he obscures and shifts the point here inquestion , in saying , That it is hard to call it simply unlawful , and in every case , to medle in these things . We know there is a lawful Concional medling , & also in way of Ministerial advice , unto the Magistrat in order to the satisfaction of his conscience , the Ministerial direction whereof is the Pastours work , at whose mouth Gods mynd must be sought , and likewayes by way of ministerial testimonie against what is sinful in state Rulers , which is all that our principles do own as to Ministers interposing in state affaires in our late times ; but he that cannot distinguish this , from accnstant official medling as a civil Iudge , and constituent Member in civil Indicatories , is very blinde ; And as stupid that man were , who could not distinguish this from the privat domestick care mentioned , 1 Tim. 5 : 8. Which is a part of that Eiconomie founded uonp the Law of nature , and competent to a Minister as a Master of the Family , who is to govern and rule his house under that notion . Yet we must here tell him , that Gods allowing the Minister his honorarium , or maintenance , is for this very end , that he may not by any overstretch of the domestick case , be taken off from his holy imployment . Here , we shall offer to this Informers grave judgment , the Reasons of the Assembly 1638. Sess 25. against the civil Offices of Ministers . [ 1. Christs notable example Luk. 12 : 14. Refusing to deal in a civil cause ; Ministers are his Ambassadours sent by him , as he was by the Father , Joh. 20 : 21. Joh. 8. He would not sentence that woman who deserved death . 2. Civil Rule is discharged to Apostles , Matth. 20 : v. 25 , 26. not only Supreme which is competent to Princes , but subordinat also : Citing that passage of Bernard to Eugenius , Lib 2. Apostolis interdicitur dominatus , ergo , tu tihi usurpare aude , aut dominans , Apostolatum aut Apostolicus , dominatum Dominion is discharged to Apostles , Go thou therefore and dare to usurp to thy self , whither the Apostleship , if holding a civil dominion , or being Apostolick a civil dominion . Where theyrefute the ordinary Episcopal & Popish evasion as to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. That Ministers having given up their names to this holy warfare , they ought not to be involved in things of this life , as the law denyes this to souldiers . C. d. Lib : 2. T it 13 , So the Apostolick law , 2 Tim. 2 : 04. This work tobe heavier then that any man can be sufficient for it alone 2 Cor. 2 : 16. Hence Ministers are called watchmen , labourers , souldiers , fishers , &c. 4. The Apostles , for all their extraordinarie gifts , were not fit for serving tables and preaching the word both , Act 6. although these were both ecclesiastick functiones ; therefore farr lesse can any Minister now assume both ecclesiastick and civil offices . Gregorie the 1. ( cited by Gratianin Decreto dist : 89 — Cap. Singula . ) proves that two ecclesiastick offices are not to be committed to one , from that place of the Apostle Rom. 12 : 6 : 7. As it is unbeseeming that in mans bodie , one member should Act the part of another . The 6th . of the Canons called Apostolick , appoints that the Bishop or Presbyter assuming civil places , be deposed ( which will make fearfull Mass●…cre among our Prelats , that day the Parliament rides ) so Can. 81 : and 83. Cyprian . lib : 1 , Epist. 9. sayes , that long before , It was appointed in a Councel of Bishopes , that none appoint in his Testament , one of the Clergie , a Tutor or Curator , Quando singuli divino sacerdotio honorati , non nisi altari & sacrificiis , precibus & orationi vacare debent . Since every one honoured with the divine priesthood , ought not to attend but to the Altar and Sacrifices , to prayer and preaching , for it s written , no man that warrs &c. Clemens the 1. ( whom many make Bishop of Rome , and out of whose writings , the defect of ecclesiastick history after the Actes of the Apostles , they affirme , must be made up ) in the Epistle to James the brother of the Lord , whom they make a Bishop , hath these words , neque judicem ▪ aut cognitorem secularium negotiorum , te ordinare vult Christus , ne praefocatus presentibus hominum curis , non possis verbo Dei vacare , & secundum veritatis regulam , secernere bonos a malis . impietatis tibi crimen est , neglectis verbi Dei studiis , sollicitudines suscipere seculares . That is , neither will Christ ordaine thee a judge and arbiter of civill affaires , lest being involved in the present cares of men , thou be not able to attend the word of God , and according to the rule of verity , to separat the good from the evill ; It blotts thee with the Crime of impietie to take up secular cares , neglecting the Studjes of the word of God. Synesius , Bishop of Ptolemais , cited by lipsius in politicis , said , that it is unlawfull to joyne the Civill power with the priesthood-nam hoc esset miscere non miscenda , hoc est Sacris civiliaconfu●…dere . For this were to mix together things which cannot be mixed , that is , to confound Civill maters with Sacred . See severall others cited by the assembly , and recorded in the Historiamotuum , pag. 283 , 284. Where there is ane Answer to the objection drawen from Augustins practise , and from that of 1. Cor. 6. 4. The informer comes nixt ( page 5. ) to his defence of the Episcopall office it self , But still goes on in the mist of confused generalls , never condescending upon the nature , power , and extent of the diocesian Bishopes office , as it is now established by law . However , let us remember that our present prelat is , according to our law [ Ane ordinary Church officer , assuming the government of some Hundereds of Congregations , as monopolized in him , and conveyed according to his pleasur , unto the Ministers therof ; Having sole power in ordination , and jurisdiction , and a negative voice in Church judicatories , & whose proper worke is Ruleing only , not feeding by doctrine ] This is the Bishop which all his pleading must be commensurat unto , else He but beats the Air. 1. The Doubter alleages [ The unlawfullnes of the Episcopall office for want of ane expresse warrand for it in the word ] To which He answers [ By granting that this will prove it to be not simply necessare , but not unlawfall , since it may be lawfull and expedient as falling under some generall ; as the command of decencie and order , will warr and a Moderator and Clerke , although this be no where commanded . That many learned men have thought prelacie lawfull , though not commanded , nor warranted by any particular Scripture precedent , nor yet prohibited , but left to Christian prudence at it is found expedient and conduceing to the good of the Church . ] To which I answer . 1. He grosly mistaks the Import of these relatives , a command , and the necessitie of a thing flowing therefrom , when restricting it to ane expresse warrand or command : there being many things necessarie , necessitate precepti , which have no expresse warrand or command . Divines doe tell us , that Scripture commands are either immediat , or mediat ; the immediat , are either explicit , or in expresse terms , enjoyning a thing : as [ honour thy father and thy mother ] or implicit , holding out , either that which is comprehended in the command , as suetable midses leading to the dueties enjoyned , or deduced by consequence from what is expressed ; As Ministers preaching is deduced by consequence from the command thereanent which the Apostles got●… : the Circumstances of the command pointing out this to be a perpetuall duetie of Church officers . Againe 2. There are divine commands which are mediat , comming mediatly from God , but immediatly from men , by a determination of the generall divine principle , and ane application therof to particulares : which they illustrat by that passage where Paul sayes , to the rest speak I , not the Lord , applying Gods generall command anent divorce , to the Corinthians particular case . There are likewise [ mediat accidental commands , ] deduced from Gods generall Rule , upon rare transient occasiones , yet necessitating to such a determination : So the abstaining from blood and thinges strangled , was enjoyned ( Act. 15. ) to the gentiles , and as necessarie upon the ground of Charitie when the use grew scandalus , although the law hereanent was abrogat , as being originallie Ceremoniall . Hence we may Inferr , that this Informer in denying the necessitie of what is commanded only under some generall head , Cutts of from the Categorie of things necessarie , all the duties in the decalogue , which are subserviant to the duties expressly named : and thus destroyes the Spirituality and extent of the law , acknowledged by all divines ; yea Cuts off all necessarie Scripture consequences , and duties founded therupon : as Ministers preaching the gospell , administring the Seales , Infant baptism , womens receaving the Sacrament , the Christian Sabbath &c. But ( to come neerer him ) in the Nixt place , I suppose this man will not deny , That there are many things sufficiently discharged , and consequently unlawfull by Scripture rule , because theyare not commanded either mediatly or immediatly , and that all ordinances of worship , Sacraments , and the substantialls of government also , doe require clear divine commands and institutions , by the acknowledgement of all protestant divines ; So that the not commanding of any part or supposed ingredient therof , is a sufficient discharge , discovering the thing superadded to be sinfull . Not that which seems good unto thee , shalt thoudoe to the Lord thy God but what He hath commanded , thou shalt add nothing thereunto , nor diminish from it . adde thou not to his words lest He reprove thee , and thou be found a liar . In vaine they doe worship me teaching for doctrines the commandements of men . See , deut . 4. 2. prov : 30. 6. rev : 22. 18. deut : 12. 32. Isay. 29 : 13. These Scriptures do clearly fortifie this principle : Otherwayes if he deny this , He will open a door to all popish superstition , yea & deny the very definition of it assigned by all sound divines , in calling it , ane opposite extrem ( in the excess ) to true religion , adding to Gods worship beyonde what is commanded . Our Lord reprehended the pharisees their washing of hands befor dinner ( a decent ceremonie in it self ) as simply unlawfull , when they made it a point of Religion , Because it was beyond the command . That text Isay. 29 : 13. In vaine they worhsip me , teaching for doctrinés the commandements of men ] is applyed in this case unto them . Our answer to the Papists demand [ Where finde we their bastardSacraments , and other Superstitiones discharged ] is , That they are discharged as sinfull in Gods worship , because not commanded : Should they rejoyne with this man , that this will prove them to be not simpy necessarie , but not unlawfull , upon the ground which He alleages , let him conjectur what his answer would be , and correct himself . For the substantials of government , He cannot but grant that they fall under the same consideration ; It being most certain , and universally acknowleged , that the Scripture layes down rules as to the excercise of both Keyes of Order and jurisdiction , the officers and censures of the Church . Nay , himself asserts page . 118. That the substantials of government and policie of the Church are utterly necessarie and unalterable . Now it being thus , the Question is [ whither the diocesian Bishop , or Episcopal government , be among those things which must either have a clear Scripture institution or warrand , or else is to be rejected as sinfull and unlawfull ] That the diocesian Bishop is such , I prove it thus : the Bishop which He pleads for , is supposed by him to be a Church officer distinct from , and Superior to a Pastour or presbyter , haveing a distinct worke , ordination , and qualifications ; Therfore , say I , Hee must either have clear warrand or institution in the word , or Hee is unlawfull . The consequence leans upon these clear Scripture grounds . 1. This officer cannot but fall in among the substantials of government , wherin the Scripture is full and perfect ( as himself acknowleges ) So as to make even the man of God , perfect : It is full in setting down all administrations relating so the Key of order , as prayer and thanksgiveing , 1. Tim. 2. 1 , 2. 1. Cor. 14. 14 , 15. Singing of Psalmes , preaching of the word , publick reading of it , and Cathechiseing , falls within the compasse of Christs commands and regulations , Collos. 3. 16. 1. Cor. 14. 15 , 16. Ephes. 5. 19. 2. Cor. 3. 14. Matth. 28. 19 , 20. 2. Tim. 4. 2. Hebr. 6. 1 , 2. So doth the administration of Sacraments , Baptisme and the Lords Supper , Matth. 28. 18 , 19. 1. Cor. 11. 23. And as these administrations of the Key of Order , so all the administrations relating to the Key of jurisdiction or discipline , falls under Christs clear institutions . Such as Ordination . Tit. 1. 5. 1. Tim. 4. 14. The dogmatick power , as to Ministeriall judgeing of doctrine . Act. 15. The critick power , as to the publick rebuke and purging out of the Scandalous , and receaving of the penitent . Matth. 18. 15 , 16. 1. Thess. 5. 14. Compared with Matth. 16. 19. John. 20. 21. So the diatactick power , in relation to Ritualls and and alterable Circumstances , is clearly asserted and rules laid downe anent its exercise 1 Cor. 14. And as the administrations , ordinances , and acts of Church government , So the administratores , officers , yea and Courtes falls under clear Scripture warrands and institutiones . Pastoures , Doctores , Elders , Deacons , their severall works , the greater and lesser Church judicatories , have their clear warrand , 1. Tim. 4. 14. Matth. 18. 17. Act. 15. 1. Cor. 12. 28. Ephes. 4. Now let this Informer shew me a reasone of this distinctnes , If not to point out all the substantialls of government ? and if it be lawfull to add any new officers , or administrations , or ordinances , to these expressly warranted ? He dare not say but is unlawfull ; therfore say I , upon the same ground , that hee shall acknowledge this to be unlawfull , this eminent officer , the Bishop or Arch-Bishop , must either produce his warrand and institution , among the forementioned Rules , or he must be holden unlawfull . 2. The Scripture coming this length in the forementioned condescendencie in point of Church government , as to Ordinances , Officers , Lawes , Censures , Courtes &c , it must needs amount to determin Some species of government , and presbitery , and Episcopacie , being of contrary moulds , it must needs appointe and authorize the One , and discharge the other . For all Church offices and officers have a positive institution . 1. Cor. 12. 28. God hath sett &c. Ephes. 4. 11. God hath given &c. Rom. 12. 6 , 7. The office not given is not a gift of grace . And surely the command [ not to add to the word ] includes a command not to add new spirituall officers , who must have a new work &c. And the Bishops authority must either be comprehended among the rules anent these officers enumerat , and the exercise of their power , or he is an●… apocriphal officer and unlawfull : Or he must say we may add new officers , and offices , and institutions in poynt of government , to these contained in Scripture ; and so our divines argument against the pope , from the Scriptures silence anent him , in its enumeration of officers , is naught . 3. Christ exercising ane external visible kingdom over his Church visible , and all Church officers , and their administrations , being in his name and authoritis as is above cleared , every Church officers mission and warrand must be found in his word , other w●…yes he runs unsent , and cannot expect his blessing ; all that come be for him , and anticipat his call , are theeves and robbers . 4. All Christs officers , and their gifts are Christs royall and mediatorie donations to his Church , and by him peculiarly set and authorized therein . Ephes. 4. 〈◊〉 , 7 , 8. &c , 1. Cor. 12. 28. He , as the great Master of the house , gives all his Stewards their Keys , their Orders ; Now , how Christ the king and head of his Church , his donation , his commission , his giving his Keyes , Should be instructed other wayes , then by his clear warrands and institutiones in his word and Testament , I would gladly learne of this Informer . Is there any officer of State , any subordinat Magistrat allowed in a kingdome , which hath not the clear warrand of the lawes ? Surely not , and so the case is here . Finallie . The ground and reasone which he builds this shifting evasion upon [ viz. That many things are not otherwayes commanded , then under some generall : as that all things be done decently or to edification , instancing in the moderator and Clerk of a meeting of Ministers ] is very poor : For since the authority which God gave Paul was to edification , & all ordinances which have the most clear institution , must be thus qualified , and to this end , that which is not Otherwayes commanded then under this generall , must needs be the alterable circumstances only , commone to Civill and Sacred actions , and such as supposes the thing it self , cloathed with these circumstances , to be [ that which is to be done , ] and by consequence falling Hactenus under the Compasse of a command or institution ; for it is these only which are left to the regulation of Christian prudence , according to the generall rules of the word . But , as we have above cleared , such ane eminent Church officer as the Bishop is supposed to be , or any Church officer , can be no such circumstance , but is such a substantiall point of government as requires a clear and positive warrand , or else must be holden unlawfull ; and this he must acknowledge or contradict himself , for He dare not say but that Church officers are other wayes commanded then under this generall , and himself alledges the prelats divine institution : & so He can be none of these things which hath only this generall warrand . Besides , I would know , if He will say that this officer , the prelat , must be sett up and Act with decencie and order ; surely He will not deny this : If then the prelat himself is but a peece of [ decentie , and order ] ( as being only commanded under that notion , and a species under that generall ) then he sayes that [ order and decencie ] must be managed & cloathed with [ order and decencie ] which will be very hard to reconceale to sense ; or He must say , that the prelat must act with disorder and confusion , or ( to evit these rockes ) that the prelat must be warranted under another notion then that of a circumstance of meer order , and so must have a particular warrand . His instance of the Moderator and Clerk is very foolish , the Clerk not being necessarly [ a Church officer ] and the Moderator [ no distinct Church officer ] from the rest of the members , and so is utterly Impertinent to this pointe and question , anent a Church officer distinct from and Superior to a presbiter , whither he ought to have a particular Scripture warrand . Besides that the same divine warrand that a judiciall procedor by disquisition , votes , and suffrage hath , and is exemplified in that Synod Act. 15. ( this being the necessary frame of judicatories , as such , and consequently of all Church judicatories ) the moderator hath the same foundation of his office ; but He will never let us see a shaddow of this for the prelat . Now to shew what good Harmonie this Informer keeps in this point with some chieff men of his way ( & others also ) let us hear what they hold , Institutum Apostolorum de regimine Ecclesiastico — & ea gubernationis ratio quae aetate Apostolorum fuit &c. — The Apostles appointment as to Church government , and that way and method of government which was in their time , is perpetuall , and can no more be changed then the priesthood of Aaron could , saith Saravia con tra bezam Whitaker controv . 4. Quest : 1. Cap. 9. Tells us , That the Church must not be governed-vt humano ingenio arriserit , as pleases mens fancie , sed ut Christo Ecclesiae domino so lique principi placet , But as it pleases Christ her only head and Lord. Hence he concludes that the forms which He hath institut must be held fast as the best . Matth. Sutliv : de Pontif : Roman : lib. 1 Cap. 1. Answering Bellarmins argument from Civil to Ecclesiastick Monarchie , tells him that-sicut unus Ecclesiae summus princeps &c As thereis one chieff Prince of the Church , so there is one true essential forme therof , differing from the various moulds of commone wealthes ; & that as she hath but one head , so but one frame of policie , which those who resyle from Christi leges transgrediuntur-they transgress the lawes of Christ , and blotts her true government . Field , of the Church , lib : 5. Cap : 45. Argues thus against the popes temporal power , that among men non hath power of chaingeing any thing but he alone to whom in an eminent degree it belongs , and from whom it is originally derived ; but to govern the Church as such is not eminently in the Magistrat . ] It is a Bad omen , cespitare in limine ; our informer we see , in his first answer to his doupter , is so anhappie , as therin to justle with soom chieff champions of his cause . CHAP. IX . The Informer undertakes to answer the Arguments of Presbyterians against Episcopacy . His answers to our Argumets from Matth. 20 : 25 , 26. and Petr. 5 : 3. Examined at large . The genuine strength and nerves of our reasoning upon these Texts , which he dare not medle with . His answers found inconsistent with themselves , the same with Papists answers for the papacie , and contrare to the sense of sound divines . THe doubter in the nixt place [ alleages Prelacy to the forbidden , and therefore unlawful : bringing for proof Matth. 20 : 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. And the Argument from this text , he makes his poor doubter slenderly and curtly to represent thus , That Christ forbids any of his disciples to he greater then another . This passage with its parallel Luk. 22 : 25. Is much scanned betwixt the Papists and us , in relation to the popes Dominion , and as it striks clearly against Prelacy , so Papists and Prelats doe as clearly joyne issue in their answers . In both passages it is apparent , that upon occasion of a sinfull and ambitious emulation àmong the Disciples , which of them should be greatest , our Lord did sharpely reprehend them , dischargeing them expresly the Lordly grandour of Earthly Rulers or Princes , and to exercise Lordsnipe or Dominion over one another , commending instead thereof , and in opposition thereto , a humble Ministerial service , and spiritual diligence in their spiritual stewardship or Ministery , pressing both , from his own exemplary humility in his converse with them . Now , our Argument against Prelacy is very strong from this text , and hath these Nerves . 1. The Lord most expresly discharges Superiority and inferiority among officers of the same kinde : Non are greater then another in their office ; no Apostle above another , but a compleat parity in their official power is here holden out ; ergo , by necessary consequence , he commands a parity among Pastoures , and discharges superior and inferior degrees among them . 2. Whatever priority of order among officers of different kindes , be allowed , yet he discharges Dominion or principalitie in any of them , all masterly power , such as is allowed in civil Government ; there being but one Master or Lord over the Church , and all Ministers being Brethren . This is clear , in that he mentions the civil Lordshipe of Rulers who are called benefactors in exemplyfiing what he discharges them , and likewayes in opposition therunto , commends a humble Ministerial service , not a sort of warrantable Dominion , as that parallel 1 Pet. 5 : 3. Makes it evident ; So that he gives two deadly blowes here to the Diocesian Lord Prelat . 1. In that he makes himself a higher order and degree of the Pastorall office , whereas the Lord discharges this among officers of the same kinde . 2. In Lording it over his brethren ( other Pastoures ) both in a pretended spiritual capacitie , arrogating to himself a sole power in ordination and jurisdiction , and a masterly power and principality over Church judicatories , ( as is cleared above ) and likewayes in his assumeing the Earthly Lordship , place and grandoure , of civil Magistrates , which is here expresly discharged . This being premised , let us hear what this new Advocat sayes to this Text. 1. He tels us that [ It is a great mistake to think , that all superiority among Church men is here forbidden , which he fortifies 1. With this Reason , that the twelve , though equall among themselves , yet were superior to the seventy Disciples who were also sent to preach , & this He proves , because Matthias who was chosen to succeed Judas in the Apostleship , was one of them . ] Ans. 1. It is here convincingly apparent , that this man shiftes , but dare not grapple with this Scripture , and the argument drawn from it , while he shuffles in this glosse and mistake ( which is his own , not oures ) viz , that all superioritie is here discharged among Church men , as our inference or medium ágainst prelacie from this text , as is evident from what is said . We grant with all sound divines , that among Church men or Church officers , there are superior and inferior degrees . First Apostles , secondarly Prophets &c. But we say , that hereby superiority among these of the same degree is forbidden , and likwayes principalitie and lordship in any of them of whatever order or degree , over another . So that we are not concerned to enquire , whither the Apostles were Superior to the seventy Disciples , or whither they were sent to preach , and not rather ( as some doe judge ) intrusted with a transient mission to prepare our Lords access to those places whither he was to come , with out any formall Ministeral mission above ordinarie Disciples . Only I must say , his proofe of this Superiority of the Twelve above the Seventie , is very odd ( viz. ) Matthias was chosen ane Apostle , though one of the Sevintie . Now , to give Scripture light and proofe of this topick , both branches of this assertion must be proved from Scripture , not only that Matthias was chosen in Judas roome , but also and mainely , that he was one of the Seventie , wherof the Scripture is utterly silent : and instead of Scripture proof of this , wee must take Clemens and Dorotheus , their Said so , which maks up a heterogenious proofe , like the feet and toes made of iron and clay . 2. He tells us , That ambition , and not inequality , is here discharged . This ane old shift of Bellarm : and the Papists , we say that both ambition , the root and principle of this desire , and the thing it self which was the object of this ambitious desire ( viz. ) Dominion , Principality , and Lordship one over another , is here forbidden : Subordinata non pugnant , 't is strang sottishnes in this man to imagin , that ambition , the inward principle of this unlawful primacie or inequalitie , should be forbidden onely , and not the inequalitie or primacie it self , the outward act and accomplishment of this ambition . Bellarm : answer to our divines argument against the popes Supremacie from the text , is , that dominion is no : here discharged , but rather supposed , and that it is only such ane ambitious lust of overruling as is among the Kings of the Gentiles , that is forbidden . Whittaker ( de Pontif : Cap : 1. ) Answers him , that this dominion it self , not the ambitious affectation only , is discharged . Bernard writing to Eugenius , & expounding this passage , & that of 1. Pet. 5. Understands them both as striking against dominion , and enjoyning a Ministeriall care in opposition therunto , Dominion ( saith hee ) is discharged and Ministery is enjoyned , So at length he concludes after severall things to this purpose . Thus Bernard clearly teaches ( saith Whittak : de Pontif : Quest : 1. ) that humilitie is not required in dominion ( as our Informer distinguishes with Bellarm : ) but dominion it self is discharged . But Bellarmin admitts to play the Lords if they be modest and humble in their dominion . Christus de re ipsa &c. ( saith Iunius , de pontif : lib : 1. ) Christ said of the thing it self , they exercise dominion but he spake not of the maner , they exercise dominion after this or that maner ; they exercise dominion , saith he , but not so yee that is , yee shall not exercise dominion : it is a plaine denyal of the thing proposed . So we see his shift here as to prelacie , is the same with that of the Papists in defending the papacie . But his Reason of this his glosse must be considered , [ viz. ] Because otherwayes , our Lords argument taken from his own example v. 28. Would not suite his purpose , since he was in power and authoritie above the Twelve . Ans. ( Not to stay here to tell him , that this defence and gloss will equally serve the popes turne , and bear the blow of this text off his head in Correspondance with Bellarmins Notion above touched ) Our Lords scope in proposeing his own example , is to antidot their inward pride , the root of their desire of this dominion , and powerfully to commend to them humility and low lines , as the most excellent remedy therof : And his argument runns a fortiori thus . If I your Lord and Master be as on that serves , and am such a pattern of selfdenial and humility among you , much more ought you to studie humility , and to guard against all usurped authority and dominion , over on another , who are fellow Disciples , and servants . So he reasoned Joh 13. If I your Lord & master have washed your feet , you [ viz , much more as being equalls ] ought also to wash one anothers feet ; so that which he imagines doth mak Christs argument not sute well , maksit the more forcible & suite the better . 2. He here contradicts himself , while making the argument from Christs example , v. 28. to suite the discharge of ambition only , not of inequality ( the terms in which he impertinently states the difference and opposition , as to what is discharged and not discharged ) for he grants there was to be no inequalitie among the Apostles ; and when he thus limites his general answer [ that all supeiroritie among Church men is not here discharged ] he grants that some superioritie ( viz ) among the Apostles themselves , was discharged , and consequently discharged upon this motive Christs own example How then , I pray , will he make this argument from Christs example , who was in dominion and principality above the Twelve , and their , and all the Churches monarch and head , suite his purpose of discharging Inequality , Superioritie , or primacie among the Apostles ? His reason he explaines , thus further , that taking Christ onely to speak against ambition , or a sinful desire of superoritie , which was Diotrephes fault , the reason from his own example suites well who , though above all , yet was , a pattern to all in humility . Ans. 1. Wee have heard that Christs argument suites best in the sense we have propounded , which is the sense of all sound divines . 2. If it was only a sinful desire of a superioritie in it self lawful , such as he sayes Diotrephes had ( how rationally we shall after see ) which our Lord dehorted from by his own example , then all our divines have mist the marke in pleading from this text against the object of this desire , not the sinful maner of desiring only , and the Papists gloss holds good against them , viz : that Christs example will plead only against ambition . 3. Our Informer yet againe falleth here into a twosold contradiction . 1. He makes the Superiority , the object of this ambitious desire , to be in it self lawful , and their fault only to lie in the ambitious or sinful desire ; yet in answer to the nixt obiection he grants , that Christ discharged dominium civile & despoticum ; Now , he must either say , that this was the object of their desire , & consequently that it was sinful in the object , or else that our Lords discourse and exhortation was not to the purpose ; Againe , this domineum civile & despoticum , is more then a meer superioritie . But 2. the superioritie here discharged was among the Apostles themselves , & this was the object of their desire ; the ambitions question and debate was , which of them should be greatest , and highest above all the rest ? Now he grants that there was to be no superioritie , far less principality among them ; How then can he say that Christ discharged only ane ambitious affectation of a superioritie in it self lawful ; such as Diotrephes had , whom we will find him after assert to have endeavoured to put himself into a lawful pre-existent office . Surely if there was to be no inequality among them , their desire of inequality was most sinful in the object , upon that very ground . Againe , he grants that Christ speaks to the Twelve , and likwayes cannot deny , but clearly insinuates a concession with the text , that the Apostles were striveing about inequality , which he acknowledges was unlawful in them , yet in the second answer , he will not have this discharged ; which how inconsistent it is , let any judge . Beside , since . Christ spoke this to the twelve , among whom there was to be [ no inequality in respect of power ] as he sayes , & consequently discharged this , since he is rebuking them for striving about a primacy , the highest degree of inequality in respect of power , how absurd & nonsensical is his 2d answer , which denies [ that Christ discharged inequality ; ] could Christ discharge them an inequality of the highest pitch , and yet not discharge inequality ? Or could [ all inequality in respect of power ] be unlawful among them , and yet not be discharged when our Lord discharged [ a primacy of power ? ] he will prove a strang critick if he distinguish these . He tells us lastly here that humility & imparity can well consist . But can humility , & a forbidden imparity consist ? can humility in a Churchman , & [ Dominium civile and despoticum ] consist ? Both which he acknowledges were discharged to the Apostles here . So he insinuats that their desired imparity , was still lawful in it self , since it may be possessed even humbly , & thus heaps up inconsistencies . He objects to himself That Christ in denying to them , the Dominion of the Princes of the gentiles , discharged all superiority among Church men . To which he answers That he onely discharges [ Dominium civile , & despoticum ] a princely Lordly power , such as they exercise : but the power of the Church is of another nature . Ans. 1. [ Not to meedle with his makeing Dominium civile , and despoticum , adequat termes , there being a Dominium politicum , ordinately contradistinguished from despoticum , which is also a Dominium civile ) He grants here , that it was more then a simple desire of a lawful superiority , which the Apostles were tainted with , forgeting what he said immediatly before . Nixt , if Christ discharged this civil Lordly power to Churchmen , he discharged them to be Parliaments Lords , and to hold civil state offices , contrare to what he pleades from the instances of the Priests Numb . II. and from Eli & Samuel ; and so he must grant the new Testament Church and its dispensation , to be in this different from the old , since he acknowledges that Church power was here allowed the Apostles and their successors , and civill power discharged . Thus our Informer must grant , that Christ did here rid marches betwixt these things which he before confounded , and their Erastian Prelacy confounds . Again , this is the very shift of Bellarmin to save the popes supremacie : The Lord , saith he , In forbidding them , to rule as the Princes of the Gentiles , signified they were to rule , but not after that manner [ viz. ] Ecclesiastically ; So he thinks it touches not the popes Ecclesiastick supremacy , and the Informer in this stryks hands with him . For if our Lord discharged only here that kind of Dominion as he sayes ; But allowed a Church power or dominion of another nature , surely for anything that is here discharged , ane Ecclesiastick pop or patriarch his mytrestands sure , and is never touched by any prohibition which the Disciples here got , against the sense and pleading of all Protestants . Moreover , will this Informer adventur to say that the popes primacy , or ecclesiastick Monarchy , even as abstracted from his civill Dominion , is not here discharged ; And if it be [ as all our divines assert it is ] then our Lord understood another sort of abuse of power then invadeing a Dominium civile , even all despotick or Lordly power , whither civill , or pretended ecclesiastick in Church officers . Besids , if he discharged Lordly power , he discharged that which Peter discharged 1 Pet. 5. Even to Lord over Gods heritage . What ? will he dare to say that it is only a civill Lordship which is there discharged & not rather ane ecclesiastick dominion , Which bath Gods heritage or Church for its object : And if so , then the Prelats Dominion is expresly stricken against , since ( as we have above cleared ) his power is a meer despotick Lordship or rule ; For to be the proper object & fountaine of all ecclesiástick authority in the Diocess , to have sole power in ordination & jurisdiction ; the sole decisive suffrage in Judicatories , is either a despotick Dominion and Lordship or it is nothing ; and if the Churches power is of another nature then this civill Dominion , as this man tells us , of what nature is it ? Only of another nature , because it touches spiritual objects ; Then for any thing that is here forbidden , a papall ecclesiastick monarchy is never touched . Or is it of another nature because in it self Steward-like and Ministerial , not despotick or Princely , like that of the Magistrat ( which is the sense of all sound divines , and must be his too , if he speak sense ) then who sees not that the power of the Prince-or Lord-Prelat is most formally discharged ? It being evidently of this nature . Yet againe , it is in this apparent that he shiftes and shuffles the question , and its terms here , anent the power of the Prelat and the power discharged in this text . For in saying in the beginning of his Answer , that Christ discharges that kind Dominion of onely which civil Princes exercise , he must needes be supposed to contradistingush from this , ane ecclesiastick Dominion which is allowed , yet when he speaks of this he alters the terms , telling us [ that the Churches power is of another nature ] he should have said the Churches reserved Dominion , if he had spoken consequently , as that other kind of Dominion which he allowes , and by the consequence of his discourse , holds that the Text will allow ; In a word , that all sort of [ Dominion ] whither pretended ecclesiastick , or civil , is here discharged to Church officers , and consequently his offering violence to the Text , is apparent from the context two wayes . 1. In that the strife among the Apoles , flowing from this desire of unlawful greatnes , and which drew forth this exhortation and prohibition under debate , was not about a civill despotick rule ; properly , or onely , but anent a Lordship & chief rule in the Church , and in matters ecclesiastick , under Christ as their head ; So that though the Lord exemplified the greatnes which he discharged them , in that of earthly princes , ( there being no other then existent and apparent ) yet it was not this primarily , but ane ecclesiastick Lordship or dominion , which he strycks against ; Since he is directing them both negatively and positively anent the nature , And exercise of their spiritual and ecclesiastick Authority and Rule . 2. The positive parte of his injunction touching a Ministerial service , or humble Ministery , excludes all sort of dominion in what ever sense it can be taken , and not a civill dominion onely . Our Informer tells us , nixt . That sundrie interpreters , interpret Christs words , as discharging only Tyranny , such as earthly Princes exercise . And in this he Informers us right ; Onely he should have been so ingenuus as to tell us that they are interpreters beyond our line , that is popish interpreters , for this is directly Bellarmins shift , to which , since he stands here upon the same ground with him , I shall return learned Whittakers interpretation and answer , which hitherto I believe hath passed current with all sound Protestants . Christ sets before them the example of the Kings of the Gentiles , not to the end they may flie ambition on'y ( as this man shifts it ) but to let them understand that they have nothing to doe with a kingly rule . — For ( saith he ) though the words translated [ exercise dominion or authority ] which Matthew maks use of , doeth sometimes signifie immoderat dominion , yet Luke Omitts the preposition in both these Words : But so it is that the simple verb , is attribut to these who obtaine power and dominion , not to these who insolently and tyrannically overerule ; for all those who among the gentiles obtained principality did not reigne tyrannically or unjustly , nay the Clemency of many such , and their justice is praised . Thus he , de pontif : Quest : 1. To which I may add , that our Lord speakes of such Princes as were called Benefactoers or gracious Lords , a very unsuiteable designation for Tyrannes . How easie is it from the Informer reasoning here , and with his net to fish out a papacy . That which the Apostles here desired was in it self lawful , and the fault was onely in the ambitious desire , as it was with diotrephes who desired a lawful preexistent office : This he clearly asserts : I subsum : But that which they desired , and were striving about , was a primacie or papacie , Ergo that office is lawfull in it self . The pope will thank our Informer for this . The nixt text objected by the doubter , is that pregnant passage 1 Pet. 5 : 3. Be not Lords over Gods heritage . And from this he maks him mutter out this slender argument , [ is not superiority among Church men there clearly forbidden . ] Still we see our Informer keeps him under the covert of his own groundless supposition , that we doe from this and such like texts Impugne , Superiority among Church men , as he terms it , whereas wee allow ( as he cannot but know ) with all sound divines , and scripture it self , superiour and inferiour degrees among Church officers : And he cannot shew that any Presbyterian did ever draw forth from this text such ane insignificant notion as this against Prelacy ; But hee behoved to make the knot easy , since himself must loose it . Our Argument from this text , is this , That the Apostle here injoyneing Ministers their duty [ both negativil and positively , he first dehorts from evills they are lyable unto , such as heart reluctancy at their laborius employment , covetusness and usurpation or Lordship and Dominion , whither over their fellowes , which Dietrephes affected , or over the people , by taking ane arbitrarie masterly imperious way with them , or a way of force and rigoure , as these reptehended Ezek. 34 : 4. He nixt , positively exhortes them to lead or rule in a holy exemplarie , Shepherd-like Method , expressing the word of grace in their practise . Now [ I say ) from this genuine sense and scope of the place , wee argue against Prelacie , thus . 1. The Apostle exhorts these elders or Ministers as their [ fellow-elder ] supposeing them his immediat Successors in the highest Spheere of ane ordinarie Ministery , for he supposes them to have non higher over them now when he was shortly to put off his Tabernacle . 2. He enjoyns them to feed and take the oversight , or exercise Episcopal authoritie over the flock , as Paul did likewayes the Presbyters or elders of Ephesus , in his last farewel . ( Act. 20. ) a scrybing a compleat Episcopal authoritie to them , both as to jurisdiction and ordination . 3. Yet he discharges any of them to Lord it over Gods heritage , commending instead thereof , ane exemplarie humble service or ministery , Hence wee inferr against the Diocesian Prelat . 1 That there is no higher officer then a Presbyter , left by the Apostles as their ordinary Successor , since the Apostle as their follow Presbiter , exhorts themas the highest ordinary officers , and therfor the Prelat , pretending to be ane higher ordinary officer , is Apocriphal . 2. All Episcopali authority is in Presbyters , both as to ordination and Jurisdiction , and they have both name and thing of a Scripture Bishop , and therefore the Prelat , arrogating this name solely to himself , & all the Episcopal power of ordinationand Jurisdiction as his solely , and denying it to Presbyters , is ane Anti-scripturall Monster : Since these Presbyters had this in a compleat parity 3. Non of these Elders must exercise a masterly power and dominion over the flocks , therefore the Lord Prelats imperious Lordly power is palpably condemned , which he exercises over both Pastores and flocks . Now , this being our argument from this text , let any man judge of this Informer ingenuity , while representing it in such a disguise , that he may seem able to grapple with it ; Whereas we shall find that his answers to his Argument presented thus in its genuine strength , are like the conflict betwixt the giant and pigmee . But what sayes he to the Argument as in his own mould . 1. He answers That superiority among Churchmen is not discharged . By [ Churchmen ] if he understand in General , [ Church officers ] ( though the terme be some what odd ) we shall easily Admitt that this Text discharges not superior and inferior degrees among them , but this will nothing help his cause , as is evident . If he mean superiority among preaching Presbyters , or Elders , we have proved it to be here discharged , since the Apostle attributes episcopal Authority to these elders in common , and discharges Lordly preheminenc in any of them . Well , what is it that our Informer will admitt to be here discharged ? domineering and Tyranny , saith he , which may be the fault of ane ordinary Minister towards his flocke . This is the old popish song made new again , to which I repon two things . 1. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is parallel with that of Matth. 20. and Luk. 22. Where peter learned the prohibition , and ( as is said ) imports indeed Dominion but no Tyrannical domineering it being made use of by the seventy interpreters to express Dominion unquestionably lawful . 2. The positive parte of the precept refutes this gloss , he sayes not , Not Tyrannically domineering , but using Dominion moderatly ( which ought to have been the other alternative branch , if this mans gloss were true , and the Apostle had allowed a lawfull Lordshipe ) but He adds for the other branch in expressing what is injoyned being examples to the slock . Injoyneing thus to feed by example , and a humble Ministery ; And this is opposit to all Dominion and Lordship whatsoever , and doth not discriminat only one Dominion from another ; which is also apparent in the alternative branche , and positive precept of the above mentioned paralel texts . Besides we might here tell him , That the Episcopal preheminence , being so many wayes cross to the Scripture rules in pointe of Government , may be truely called a most TyrannicalDomineereing . But the reasons of his gloss follows . He tells us ; That this domineering and Tyranny may be the fault of ane ordinary Minister towards his flock , and that the Apostle is not here speaking of Church mens carriage towards one another , or of their equality or inequality among themselves , but of their behaviour towards the people , who are called the flock , or Gods heritage . Ans. This is a strange reason , and very hard to comprehend , only Tyrannical domineereing must be understood because it relates only to the flock . Can there not be a Tyrannical domineering over the Clergy also ? And because the Apostle forbids to Lord it over the flock , therefore he forbids not Dominion over the Clergy ; The quit contrare conclusion will better follow : If the Apostle forbids them to Lord it over the flocks , who were subject to them as their spiritual guides , therefore , a fortiori , he much more forbids them to Lord it over their fellow Presbyters , who were their equalls in this Spiritual trust and Authority over the flocks ; And if it be unlawful to play the Domineering Prelat over one poor flock , it must be much more unlawfull to Act this Tyranny over some Hundreds of both pastores and flocks . So that Ministers , or ( if he will ) Churchmens carriage towards one another , must be here clearly pointed out by a very necessary consequence from the less to the greater , and the equality of Ministers in their spiritual Government and Rule , by he same topick strongly inferred from this place . It strange that the Apostle should discharge to Lord it over the flocks , and yer allow a Lordship over both Clergy and flocks . But another wonder is , how he comes to excludMinisters from that tittle of Gods heritage , which his party ( from whom our Informer here proves a separatist ) do often make peculiar unto [ Church Rulers ] one would thinke that they should have a special Interest and share in that which grounds this denomination ; Are they not the Lords purchase , as well as the people Act. 20. Nay they are in a singular manner such , and Christs glorie ; Are they not such as he will never cast off and alienat Psal. 94 : 14. They are the starrs which Christ holds in his right hand ; nay , as being singularly dedicat to him , they are singularly his : as the Levits had the Lord for their Inheritance in a speciall way ; So they were singularly his , set aparte for him beyond all the rest of the tribes . And are not Ministers taken from among the people for his Priests and Levits — And called therefore men of God , stewards of God , Ministers , Servants , Ambassadoures of Christ , because of their singular relation to him : And as this is a strong disswasive from Lording over the people , that they are Gods heritage , who therefore most not be the servants of me●… , So upon the ground of Ministers speciall interest in this denomination , the Apostles argument as to them , is the more forcible . Againe , since he so expresly forbids any of these Pastoures to Lord it over Gods Heritage ( enjoyning them a humble exemplary Ministery ) and far less to exercise a Lordly Rule over one another , he establishes by clear consequence ( as I hinted ) ane equality among them , in their pastoral official power and authority ; Withall , the Apostle speaking to them indefinitely in this precept without the least exception and reserve as to any one of them : and making their episcopal inspection relate to the flock ( as this man himself pleads ) both these grounds hold out their equality among themselves , and inferrs a discharge of inequality . This Informers likewayes would remarke that the Spirit of God here commands Presbyters to act the Bishopes , thus indentifying the Bishop and Prisbyter , but without Lording it over Gods heritage , the prohibition not to Lord it , is remarkably joyned with the command to Act the Bishop : And referring their office to the flock , he must confess the Apostle acknowledged no Bishops whose inspection was over Pastours themselves . Thus we see hisanswer to the Argument against Prelacy from this Text is contrare unto the scope and sense of the Words , yea and inconsistent with it self . CHAP. X. The Informers answers to our Argument from Act. 20. and from Tit. 1 : 5 , 7. Philip. 1 : 1. Ephes. 4 : 11. For the identitie of [ Bishop ] & [ Presbyter , ] win nowed , the insufficiencie , and inconsistencie thereof , together with his begging of the question , discovered ; and these texts at some length improven against him . THE Doubter in the nixt place objects [ That in the new Testament , Bishop and Presbyter signifie one and the same office bearer , that in Act. 20 : the elders in the 17. v. are called Bishops in the 28. v. So in Tit. 1 : 5 , 7. And therefor Bishop and elder are the same in Scriptur , and the word elder signifies no more then a Minister of a particular Congregation ] Heer he touches a parte but not the strength of our argument from these texts . We argue not meerly from the Samenes of the Names , but the identitie of all the essentiales of the office , Duties , and Qualifications of the office bearer expressed by these names , when applyed to ane ordinarie office bearer ; Particularly f. om Act. 20. We draw forth these weapons . 1. The Apostle speaking to the elders , tells them that the holy ghost had made them [ Bishopes over the flock , ] shewing that the Scriptur Bishop set up by the holy ghost , is the Minister or elder who feeds and rules over the flock . 2. The Apostle gives them not only the Name of Bishop , but also the thing , commanding these elders or Ministers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which takes in all the power of order and jurisdiction , and whatever the Diocesian Bishop may pretend unto . 3. ( Which is very remarbable ) he gives this Charge so these elders befor Timothy , who was now present with the Apostle , and after the first Epistle was written to him , for it was writtin when Paul was at Macedonia , and after this Paul haveing Timothy with him came to Miletum , and gave the elders of Ephesus this charge . Finallie . This was Pauls last charge to them , for they were never to see his face more ; So that we have here a pattern of the mould of the Gospel-Church in relation to Government as this great Apostle of the Gentiles left it , and consequentlie as all the rest left it ; which is convinceingly apparent by comparing this with the parallel 1 Pet. 5. compared with 2 Pet. 1 : 14. Hence we exterminat the Diocefian Prelat thus . 1. The Holy Ghosts Bishops were Ministers which he set up to feed and rule the flock immediatly . These , and these only , the Apostle and the Apostolick Church knew , therefore he dissownes the Prelat , who pretends to be set over some hundreds of Pastoures and flocks , and is bound to feed no flocke himself . 2. These who watch over the flocks immediatly , and only , have all the Episcopal power , both the key of doctrine , and Government committed to them by the holy Ghost : Therefore the Diocesian Prelat , taking and arrogating to himself the sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , and leaving Presbyters nothing but the Doctrinal key , as his deputies , while he himself preaches to no flock , is ane Antiscriptural Sacrilegious robber . 3. The elders or Pastoures of Ephesus got all Episcopal authority as to order and jurisdiction , committed to them by Paul as the Holy ghosts Bishops , & the highest ordinarie officers of that Church , in the presence of Timothie , without the least hint of any interest that Timothie had in or over them , as their Bishope or Overseer therein , or the least hint of any direction anent their dutie to Timothie as in that Capacitie , and this after he had gotten all his directions in the 1. Epistle written to him . And therefore Timothie was never set up as a Diocesian Prelat over that Church ( as this Informer would perswade ) and the inspection which he is supposed to have in that Epistle , was occasional , transient , and extraordinarie , and by conseguence layes no ground for Prelacie . Finallie , Paules directions here were his last and farewel directions , therefore this Church was to continue thus governed by these elders or Bishops in common : and the Prelatists Plea [ that the Apostles set up Presbyters at first , keeping the reyns of Government in their own hands , till towardes the end of their life , and then sett up Prelats over these Presbyters ] is here convict of falshood , since neither Paul , nor Peter , the great Apostle of the Gentiles , or the great Apostle of the Circumcision , doe in the least hint any such Super-institution , but both of them in their last directions to the Churches , commit the wholl power both of order and jurisdiction , to the Pastoures of the flocks , in common , as the only Bishops set up by the Holy Ghost . From 1 Tim. 1 : 5 , — 7. The great Argument is not only from the promiscuouse use of the Name [ Bishop ] & [ Presbyter ] but from the forme and mould of the Apostles reasoning ; which inferres not onely the identitie of names , but of the office also . For the Apostle shewing Titus how the elders are to be qualified , gives this reasone for a Bishop must he blameles . This [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or causal For ] expressing the knot and connexion of the Apostles argument or reason , doth clearly Import that the office , expressed by both these words , is one and the same ; for there is neither sound matter or forme , in such reasoning as this [ Presbiters must be so and so qualified , because a Bishop , of a Superior order and degree must be so qualified ] So that from hence it is evident that the [ elder ] is the [ Bishop ] , & vice versa , and that no higher Bishopes were by the Apostles constitut in the Churches . Here then , as in the preceeding text , we have not only Bishops and elders getting the same designation by the Holyghost ( who knew best the nature of the things themselves , and how to express himself thereanent ) but likewayes the same qualifications , work , and office ; and so the office is supposed to be every way one and the same . Now let us hear , what he sayes to the argument . [ He grants that the two words oftentimes doe point out one and the same officer , but denyes that the officer meaned by these words , is never understood above the degree of ane ordinarie Minister . Or that the word [ Presbiter , or elder ] signifies only the Minister of a single Congregation , & no more . ] The insufficiencie and prevarication of which answer euidently appears . For 1. He grants that these two words Bishop and elder signifies one and the same officer , oftentimes , supposeing that sometimes they express diverse officers , but where can he shew us that the word Episcopus signifies one officer , and Preshiter another , when the Spirit of God is pointing out therby the Churches standing Officers and Ministers , and not when either the one or the other is in a generall sense applyed to ane Apostle . 2. The state of the Question is [ whither the scriptur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 designe a higher ordinary officer then a Presbyter ] And this Informer should have adverted , that the drift of the argument from the texts mentioned , is to prove the Apostles promiscuous use of these words in describing the office of the highest ordinary office bearers in the Church . Moreover , the Diocesian [ Episcopus ] is ane ordinary officer , haveing the inspection over some handereds of flocks , and the sole power of jurisdiction and ordination in the diocesse , & is by him held to be ane officer of Gods appointment , & by this designation of Bishop , as the Characteristick of his office , is distinguished from Pastoures or elders . Now , if presbyterians doe prove that wherever the word Bishop is used to point at ane ordinary standing officer in the Church , it imports a pastor or presbyter & no higher officer , they sufficiently over throw the diocesian Episcopus or Bishop of his mould , as having no scripture warrand . And if he grant that in the forementioned Scriptures , & other passages where the word Bishop is used to point at a necessarie standing Church officer , it signifieth no higher officer then ane elder or ordinarie Minister , he grants enough against himself , & all that the presbiterians desire : for there from it followes necessarly that their diocesian Episcopus or Bishop contradistinct from , & superior to the preaching presbyter , is apochriphal & antiscripturall : Since the preaching presbyter & Bishop , are the same ordinarie highest officer in all the Holy Ghosts expressions theranent . 3. Whereas he denyes that we con prove [ That the officer meaned by these words , is never understood of any above the degree of ane ordinary minister ] Let him add this necessary limitation [ when the words are applyed to designe ane ordinary standing officer ( which he must admit , if he speak to purpose ) and the proofe is very easy ] since the forementioned Texts , and all the parallels where elder or Bishop is thus used , doe evince it . Again 4. Since this Informer with his followes have diversified the Bishop from the elder in the manner above exprest , we challing him as the affirmer , to shew in all the new Testament where the officer meaned by this Word Episcopus or Bishop , when pointing at ane ordinary standing officer in the Church , is to be understood of any above the degree of a Presbyter or Pastor of a congregation ; This lyes upon him to mak good , else if Episcopuss denotte only a Presbyter , sure the cause of the Diocesian Prelat is lost . He fortifies his answer with two Reasons . 1. We find the name [ elder ] given to the Apostles themselves 1 Pet : 5 : 1. Iohn . 2. 1. & Epist. 3 : 1. And if Apostles be called [ elders ] why not also [ Bishops ] . Ans : 1. The pointe debeateable is [ whether the word [ Bishop ] and [ elder ] doe Import the same , officer , when applyed to a constant standing officer in the Church . ] His Presbyterian doubter offers the forementioned Texts to prove this , and he answers , That one of these names are sometimes attribut to ane extraordinary officer whose formal office is ceased . Now how impertinent this is to the pointe and Queston let any judge ? To prove that Episcopus or Bishop , imports ane ordinary standing officer above [ a Presbyter , ] and that the Word Bishop and Presbyter signify not the same ordinary officer , because sometimes the Word elder may be applyed to ane Apostle , is a consequence , as we use so say , a baculo ad angulum , and known to no logik . 2. We told him already that we prove enough against him when we prove that the Scripture-Episcopus , or Bishop , is never found to Import any ordinary officer above the Presbyter , and that the Office , Work , Qualifications , & Duties of these officers , as ordinary standing officers , are one and the same . 3. The Instance of the Apostles assumeing the name of elder , doth in this further appear to be ane impertinent exception to the Argument adduced , in that the office of ane Apostle , is in Scripture both by a proper name , work , qualification , call , &c. diversified and distinguished from that of ane ordinary elder ; so that though in a general sense the Apostles be called elders , their Specifick difference from the ordinary elder is apparent : But this Informer will never shew the least vestigies of the Diocesian Bishops distinction from the preaching elder or Presbyter in any of these respects ? And therefore his reason added here viz. The Bishop may be called ane [ elder ] as well as ane Apostle , and yet be ane officer superior to him , is a begging of the Question , since he cannot shew that there is a higher ordinary officer then a Pastor or Presbyter , appointed in the Word , nor can he shew any designation , qualification , work , or ordination of his Diocesian Bishop , as distinguished from the Presbyter by the Prelatists ; And therefore the Apostles being called elders can no more ground a distinction betwixt the Bishop and the elder , then betwixt the Pastor and the elder , whom he acknowledges to be one and the same , or betwixt the Minister and the elder . I suppose one should alledge the Pastor to be a higher officer then the preaching elder and Presbyter , notwithstanding that in Scripture their names , and qualifications are one , as of the Bishop and Presbyter , and should ground his opinion on this Informers reason here , ( viz. ) [ that though the two words are promiscuosly used often times of the same officer , yet the officer meaned by one of these may be somtimes understood of one above the degree of ane ordinary Minister ] what will he say to his own reason , pleading for this foolish distinction ? Would he not say that the [ Apostle ] and [ elder ] are elsewhere clearly distinguished on Scripture , not the Pastour and the elder , which answer he must here bestow upon himself . Sure this man will not deny but that the various Church officers both ordinary and extraordinary have their proper formall office is deciphered , and distinguished from other offices and officers , As Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors : and particularly he will not deny that there is such ane ordinary Church officer as the Pastor or Presbyter , distinguished by his proper designation from others , notwithstanding that the Apostles took this name in a general sense : So that from this it followes that if the Bishops proper designation , work , ordination , qualifications , as distinct from a Presbyter , cannot be produced , he must be alwayes understood in that sense ( viz. ) ane ordinary Pastour and no more : And not as the Apostles when termed elders , whose distinct Superior office , and proportioned designation , is clearly extant in Scripture . His 2d . Reason and exception to the Argument is that with us the word [ elder ] signifies both the preaching , and ruling elder , and that he can , upon as good , and better ground say , that it signifies the [ Bishop ] & the [ Minister ] both being elders , but of different dogrees Ans. 1. When he shall make as evident from Scripture , the Diocesian Bishopes distinction from , and Superiority unto the Pastor or Presbyter-Bishop or Minister of a congregation , as we have shown the superiority of the preaching elder , abov●…●…he ruleing elder , and the distinction of the one from the other , then his parallel will pass current , but till then it is a meer non-sequitur . The Scripture clearly distinguishes , as we have seen , the elder that rules only , and the elder that both laboures in the word and doctrine , and rules also , clearlydiversifying the offices , and allowing honour to the one above the other . Now , let this , or any thing like this , be shown as to the Diocesian Bishop and Presbyter-Bishop ; where will this Informer point us to such a distinction of Bishops , & their office and honour as there is here of the elders ? Nay , since in all directions as to peoples obedience to Pastors , their is not the least intimation of his supposed different degrees of pastours we strongly con - the contrare : So that we inferr the distinction betwixt the preaching and ruleing elder , from the Scriptures clear specifying of different offices , Acts , and degrees of honour accordingly , among elders , but the sucks out of his fingers the different degrees of Pastors , and the distinction of the Bishop from the Presbyter without the least Scripture-warrand . 2. He grossly belies our princples and the truth , when he maks his Presbyterian doubter alledge That the word [ elder ] signifies no more but [ a Minister of a particular congregation ] which he forged to bring in , and give some colour unto , this his 2d . Answer or reason . But saltem mendacem opportet esse memorem . A liar , they say , should have a good memory ; He be contradicts himself , while suggesting in the objection , that we hold that elder signifies no morethen a Pastour , yet telling us for his answer , that we hold the Word elder to signify , sometimes the preaching , sometimes the ruleing elder . It is enough for our purpose that neither the word Bishop , nor Presbyter , doe signify any ordinary standing Church officer higher then a Pastor or Minister of the gospel labouring in the word & doctrine ( whither indiscriminatim , or in fixt particular congregations , in the Apostolick ●…s , we need not determin as to our defence here ) an●… untill he prove that either of the names doe signifie a higher ordinary officer ( which will be ad calendas Graecas ) the argument stands good against him . We may here mind this Informer that hereafter he alledges that 2 Tim. 4. The Deaconta or Diaconship is in a general sense attribut to Timothy ane Evangelist , yet he would reject it as ane absurd inference to conclude from this that there are different degries of deacons allowed or appointed in Scripture Which notwithstanding is his own consequence here , and the strength of his answer to the premised Argument . As for what he adds . That Bishops were afterwards sometimes called Presbyters of their Churches , thogh unquestionably Bishops in his sense , in rembemberance of the indifferencie of the names in the times of the new Testament , though they were ordinarly called Bishops , We say it is certane that the first supposed Bishops , named in the pretended Catalogues from the Apostles and Evangelists ( of which afterward ) were meer Presbyters ; and if they were called Presbyters in rememberance of the new Testament tymes , the more guilty were they who afterward made the word Bishop ( contrare unto the new Testament times and language ) the Characteristick of ane office Superior to a Pastor or Presbyter , and the rather in that whereas the word Presbyter or elder is severall times assumed by the Apostles in a general sense , the word Episcopus or Bishop alwayes denots ane ordinary Pastor ( if we except that Episcopatus in Act 1. Which our translators on the Margin renders office or charge in a general sense ) so that when Prelats ambitious invention was upon the wheel , it seems they should rather have appropriat to themselves the word Presbyter or elder , a fit designation for Fathers of the Church , as this man calls them . The doubter , nixt offers ane Argument against prelacie from Philip. 1. [ where the Apostle speaks of Bishops in the plural number in that Church , who were only Ministers , since there could not be many Bishops over Ministers in that ●…nChurch . ] we shall take up here with this hint of argument , only adding , that by confession of Prelatists , there was never in one city more then one Bishop even when the inhabitants were all professed Christians , much more here where the generalitie of the inhabitants were Heathens and the Christians but a small remnant . So that the Apostles saluting here the ●…ishops in the plurall number . Bishops of that one Church of Philippi , and contradistinguishing them from the Deacons whom he immediatly subjoyns to them , he must needs be understood of the Pastoures , and Presbyters , as the highest ordinary officers of that Church . To answer this Argument , the Insormer hathgathered together several scrapes and some very odd and inconsistent notions . 1. He tells us that Ambrose takes these Bishops , not to be the Bishops at Philippi , but certan Bishops present with Paul when he wrote , & in whose name he writs to the Philippians , joyning them with himself . But this gloss , as it is cross to the current of expositores , so to common sense . Paul , who only was the Spirit of Gods penman , joyns here Timothie with himself in the inscription , as in severall other Epistles , and having taken to himself , and Timothie , the designation of Servants of Christ , he doth nixt after this description of himself and Timothie , according to his usual Methode , describe these to whom he writes , ( viz. ) [ to all the Saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons ] viz , there , at Philippi , not with Paul , they being ranked among these to whom he writes , who are contradistinguished from Paul and Timothy , the directors of the Epistle , and supposed to be with these saints at Philipp ; Otherwayes there is no sense in the Text to read it thus , Paul and Timothius , to the saints at Philippi , with the Bishops with Paul. Had the Apostle joyned them with himself , as he doth Timothy , in the inscription , they would have been mentioned in that branch of the verse together with him , and not cast after the adress , and the description of these to whom he writes . The Apostle in Gal. 1. After he hath described and asserted his Apostolick authoritie , he nixt adds , and all the brethren that are with me , to the Churches of Galatia . Thus he takes in many with himself in this inscription , before he describe these , to whom the Epistle is addressed . And should not these supposed eminent Bishops , have been after this manner joyned with him ; Besids , will any say that the Deacons , joyned with these Bishops in the period of this verse , were not at Philippi , or belonging to that Church , but with Paul ? But they are mean men , and their credit needed not to be saved by such a conceit as this . All the fear of that Father was , ●…east these Bishops at Philippi , be found meer Presbyters of that Church ; And how to ward off this blow , hoc opus hic labor ese . Well , what further answers he ? He tells us nixt . That others think they were Bishops of theChurches about , conveened at Philippie , which Paul knowing of , salutes them with the Church : Since he first salutes [ the Saints ] as intending mainely to write to them ; and then [ the Bishops . ] So wee see the Prelatists saile every point of the compasse , to save the credit of these Bishops . If Bishops cannot be gotten sett beside the chaire with Paul , when addressing the Epistle ( this gloss standing clearely antipod to the Text ) the nixt shift is , rather then these Bishops be degraded to meer Presbyters , to send for some other Bishops to Philippi at this tyme of Paules Writing , that this casual Mustere of Bishops of other Churches , may warde off the deadly blow which the cause will gett , by seating all these Bishops at Philippie , as officers of that Chuch ; and to compass this designe , they must be but occasionally saluted here , and not as fixed members or officers thereof ; upon the Apostles Information ( comeing to late to his ears from our Informer and his fellows ) that there were several Magnates there , besides the ordinary Presbyters at Philippi . But , which also odd , they must become so humble as to fall behind the Saints , the persons mainely written to . Had our Informer left out this clause ( which notwithstanding his answer did require ) Our Prelats Parliaments order , Who are before , because behind the most , would have saved their reputation still . But many of the Ancients are more ingenuous . Thodoret confesses that Presbyters are here understood , because their could not be many Bishops in one-city , on Philip. 1. Oecumenius , on Philip. 1. Tells us , That we are not so to understand it as if there were many Bishops in one citty , but that the Apostle calls the Presbyters , Bishops . Chrisost. ibid. acknowledges , That they were Presbyters who were called thus , because the names were then common and the Bishop , himself was called Deacon , and that the distinction of names came afterward . This conjecture is sib to that other shift to take off the strength of our argument . from Act. 20. viz. [ That these Elders were not Church Officers of Ephesus onely , but the Bishops of all Asia mett together at Ephesus , and sent for by Paul from thence ] least if the Episcopal authority be found seated in these Elders of Ephesus , at Pauls last farewel , it breake the Diocesian Prelat all in peeces . But as it is well replyed that since Paul sent to Ephesus for the Elders of the Church , it is a groundless conjecture to call them any other Elders then of that Church to which he sent , and that there is no hint in the text of any other Elders there at that time So this fancie is as fond when applyed to this passage , and may receave the same reply . What shaddow of proof can be produced that therewere any other Officers there at this time then the Bishops or Ministers of this Church ? And what Logick , I pray , or sense is there in this inference , that because the Apostle first salutes , all the Saints or the Church collective in bulke , and then the Church Officers , Bishops and Deacons , or the Church representative in special , that therefore he salutes these Church Officers as casually there , and not as Officers of that Church . Beside , had the Apostle saluted them as casually present , they would have been saluted with every Saint in Christ , Chap. 4 : 21. rather then in the inscription . The English Annotations thus sense it [ That by the Bishops and Deacons , we are to understand the whole Ministery at Philippi consisting of Presbyters , to whom the government of the Church was committed , and Deacons , who not only had the care of the poor , but also assisted the Ministers in their Ecclesiastick function . ] But our Informer hath a third Answer , wherein , He grants that these Bishops and Deacons were [ Officers of this Church ] and askes where were the ruling Elders ] here , and if we say they are included in the word Bishop , then he tells us that upon better ground he can affirme , that Bishops here signifies both the superiour Bishop and the ordinary Minister , who may be called Bishop as well as Epaphroditus is called ane [ Apostle . ] Answ. 1. Our Argument from this place and such like , beside the Scriptures silence as to the Diocesian Bishop , is , That the Scripture Bishop doth therein stand so described and qualified , that it is impossibe to understand him of any other officer then a meer Presbyter , which is most manifast here , It being impossible that a multiplicity of Bishopes could be at Philippi , as is universally acknowledged . And if he grant that these Bishops were officers , of that Church in Philippi , he must either say they were meer Preebyters , which is all wee seek , and the yeelding of his cause , or he must prove that either here or els where , the word Episcopus or Bishop designes the diocesian Bishop , and place a multiplicity of such Bishops here against the old Cannons , particularly that of Nice . But 2. As to what he sayes of the ruleing elders , it is utterly impertinent and answered already . We proved the ruling elders office , as distinct from the preaching elder , by clear Scripture grounds , and did shew that the Scripture points out two sorts of elders , giving them both this generall name of elder , & then distinguishing them into such as rule , and such as labour in the word and doctrine : But this Informer will never prove that [ Episcopus , or Bishop ] . designes two sorts of Pastors a higher and a lower , or that there is any difference of degrees in the pastoral office : So that he cannot include here his Superior imaginarie Bishop of whose office the Scripture is utterly silent . As we may , the elder in the Bishop . And till he make the Diocessian Prelat appear in Scripture , we must still hold that when Ministers are called Bishops , they get the proper specifick designation , and characteristick of their office , & are not called ●…o in a general figurative , sense or Catachrestice , as Epaphroditus is called the Philippians Apostle , or messenger . But how ? viz. their messenger sent to Paul , who ministered to his wants . Phil. 2 : 25. So 2 Cor. 8. v. 23. Titus and others are called the Apostles and messengers of the Corinthianes viz ( as it is there inumar ) in that bussines of the collection for the Saincts at Jerusalem , for which end they were sent to the Corinthians . So the Spirit of God in Scripture , both in holding out the distince office of Apostle properly so called ( for I hope our Informer will not upon this ground make different degrees of Apostles as he doth of Pastors ) and likewayes in the very manner of these designations , and their circumstances , when atribut to such inferiour officers , doth state the distinction betwixt them and ane Apostle in his proper acception , clearly holding out that they had neither name nor thing of the apostolick office properly so called , but that Ministers are so improperly only called Bishops , He will never prove . But now what is his last shift ? It maybe ( saith he ) their were no Bishops settled as yet at Philippie , & so it may very well be . But our Informer here supposes two things in Question which he will prove ad calendas graecas 1. That their were Bishops , superiour in office & degree to Presbyters , appointedby the Apostles . The first and second Answer tells us of Bishops ( he means diocesian Bishops ) either with Paul when he wrot to Philippi — Or come from their diocesses ( forsooth ) and present accidentally there : And haveing told us that the diocesian Bishops were among the rest of the Presbyters Bishops in his third answer , His last shift is , that they were not it may be , yet sett up at Philippy , But remark , that as all these proteus like shifts and answers contradicts one another , So they all lean upon this Egyptian reed , that the Diocesian Bishop is ane officer divinely appointed , and then existant . Now , how impertinent dealing this is , let any judge . We prove from this and many such like texts , that the scripture Bishop is a meer presbyter , they in all there answers doe coyne glosses of these Texts , which doe suppose the Jus & existence , of the diocesian prelat , which is the very quaesitum , & the thing in Question . 2. He supposes that the Bishop over presbyters ( the Chimaera of his own braine ) though he was not settled at this tyme , yet was to be Settled afterward at Philippi . But how proves he that the Apostle was to setle after ward such a prelat there ? This is another of their shifts , that the Apostles first sett up prebyters , keeping still the government of the Churches in their oun hand , till at last towards their end they sett up prelats , committing the government to them . But how doth he or they prove this after-institution of the diocesian Bishop ? we have already abundantly evinced the Contrary , both that the presbyters were the highest ordinary officers established by the Apostles , & that without any such fancied reserve as this is , the wholl power both of order & jurisdiction was committed to them , & exercised by them , & supposed by the Apostles to continow so in their last farewelles to the Churches : and therfor may conclude that the Bishops of Philippi were meer presbyters : and that Paul acknowledged , & knew no other . Arnold : in his Lux in Tinebr . : ( on Act. 20. 17. He called the elders , &c. represents the Orthodox opinion , thus , Episcopos & Presbyteros , &c. — That Bishops and Presbyters are not names of diverse gifts in the Church , but of one and the same office , because they who are here called Presbyters , verse 28. are called Bishops . The Papists object ( saith he as this Informer that in these times the names were common , but yet the [ office ] of Bishops and Presbyters diverse . he answers 1. This is to affirme , not to prove . 2. When offices are distinct , there also the names are diverse , 3. there was one office both of Bishops and Presbyters viz. the office of teaching . 4. Upon the Papists supposition there can and ought to be only one Bishop in one city , but so it is that there were here many , therefore [ Bishops ] signifie [ Presbyters . ] Thus Arnold . classes our Informer among the Papists in this point , and represents our principles as the Orthodox principles of the Protestant Churches , and so in several other passages as we may after shew . Chamier , ( de Oecum : Pontif : lib. 10. cap. 3. ) Haveing represented the Papists glosses upon Matth. 20 . -25 [ the Kings of the Gentils ] &c. the same with our Informers , viz. That our Lord discharged only that sort of Tyrannical Domination , & haveing answered and confuted them , as we heard Iunius and Whittaker did before ; and haveing prefixed to the 7. chap. this cirle , An jure divino &c. [ Whether the Bishop be greater than the Presbyter by divine right ] he represents the affirmative answer as Bellarmins , together with his arguments and confuts them , and haveing proved Presbyters power in ordination , from [ their imposeing of hands upon Timothy ] , he afterward confuts the Papists , ( & this Informers ) pretences for Prelacy from the Government of the jewish Church , & the Apostles Superiority to the seventy disciples : and adducing Bellarmin's argument from this passage ( act . 20 : 28. ) to prove that the Holy Ghost sett up Bishops , he answers thus - locus exactis alienus est , &c. — that place of the acts is impertinently cited , for from thence it is evident that Bishops and Presbyters are the same , Witnes Ierom. and others , for they whom Luke before called elders , or Presbyters of the Church , those Paul afterward affirmes to have been made Bishops by the Spirit , and indeed for feeding , and ( as the latine Interpreter ) for governing the Church . ] So we see Chamier : classeth also our Informer among the Papists in those his prelatick principles and glosses upon those Scriptures . Calvin upon Tit. 1 : 7. Collects the identity of Bishop and Presbyter , from the Apostle's calling them Bishops , who were before called Presbyters , and ( as we heard above ) reprehends , upon this ground , the distinction placed betwixt them , as profane and anti-scriptural . The same he inferrs upon Act. 20. where the Presbyters of Ephesus are called Bishops , makeing our Informer's great topick anent the calling of such Ministers Bishops , qui primas tenebant in singulis civitatibus , or had a precedency in every city , a corruption and sin of those times . The Dutch annot : on Act. 20 : 28. observe that those termed Bishops in this verse , being called elders in the 17. verse [ it doth then appear that in the Holy Scripture there is no difference made betwixt elders and Bishops . ] referring us to Phil. 1. 1. verse , upon whch passage they assert the same thing : and especially from the plurality of such Bishops in one and the same Church , conclude this , referring us to 1 Tim. 3. 1. verse . and Tit. 1 chap. 5 , 7 , v. upon which places they obserue , that by Bishops and Elders one kinde of Ministry is signified , viz. the labourers in the word and doctrine , citeing 1 Tim. 5 : 17. 2 Pet. 5 : 1 , 2. and from the Apostles description of the Bishop in the 1 Tim. 3. they conclude that by Bishop we are to understand all teachers of the Church without difference , referring again to the forementioned places . The english annot . expresse the same sense of these places under debate , and upon Acts 11. 30 , v. adduce both fathers and councells to prove this point . The Nixt Scripture argument which the Doubter bings against prelacie , and the Last too , is taken from Ephes. 4. 11. [ where the Apostle reckons up Church officers , & makes no mention of Bishops ] . Our argument from the Scripture enumeration of Church officers here , and in the parallels 1. Cor. 12 : 28. Rom. 12 : 6 , 7 , 8 , Is this [ That the Holy Ghost therein describing purposly the various kindes of Church officers , and speaking of the office of the pastour , makes no distinction of a higher and lower pastour , nor gives the least hint of either Name or thing of a diocesian prelat , although both ordinary and extraordinary officers , be enumerat , even the ruleing elder and the deacone : from which silence of the Scriptur , as to this imaginarie Bishop , we conclud him to be no plant of the heavenly fathers planting , by the same reason that our divines conclude the pope to be such . To this our Informer answers . 1. That it is ill reasoning , that because such ane officer is not in such a particular place , or , enumeration , that therefor he is no where to be found in scripture , for how prove we that the Apostle intended in that place , a cempleat enumeration Ans : he is guilty of a palpable forgerie here , whillmaking his Doubter instance in this place only , as if we held , that there is here a full enumeration , wheras he cannot but know that presbyterians in this argument against prelats , as also protestants in opposition to the papacie , doe , together with this passage , joyn the parallels . 1. Cor. 12 : 28. Rom. 12 : 16. In which places collated , there is found a compleat , enumeration of all Church officers ordinary , or extraordinary , and adiscoverie of their duties , and gifts who are ordinary officers , even of the very Deacon . Lykwayes , we take in with these Texts , the several descriptions of ordinary officers , and particularly of the Bishop , & his gifts and duties , found in any other places of the new Testamament . And since this Informer cannot deny the Apostles , or rather the Spirit of God his intention of a full enumeration in these places Collated ( Such a full Catalogue of Church-officers being therein found ) our argument from the Scriptures utter silence of the Diocesian prelat in all these places , stands firme by his own Confession , until he shall disprove this silence and prove the Contrary . 2. Wee might tell him also , that upon his own ground , even the Silence of this Text as to the Prelat , will prove our point ; for it being upon the one hand the Apostles scop to enumerat the most illustrous excellent gifts and offices given by Christ to the Church , for her grouth and edification , as his royal Mediatorie Donations upon his ascention into heaven : and upon the other hand , the Apostle descending as low in his enumeration ; as the Pastor , and teacher , whom this man holds to be officers inferiour to the Diocesian Prelat , Certainely upon both these grounds , he would have mentioned him in order to this scope , had such ane officer been allowed or apappointed . And as for this Text , it is enough if we prove that the Apostle intended therein though not a compleat enumeration of all , yet of the most excellent functions and officers given by Christ to his Church , amongst which the Diocesian Bishops office hath the prime place in this mans Judgement . How then ( I pray ) can he be here ommitted , and ane inferior officer named , His 2d . Answer is . That Bishops are comprehended under [ pastoures ] and teachers Bishops being such though of a Superior degree to ordinary Pastoures . Ans. first that Scripture Bishops are comprehended under the pastor and teacher , is certan , but that the Diocesian should be so , is Impossible , and by him gratis dictum . For. 1. he cannot shew that in these enumerations , the Superior officer gets the designation of the inferior , now he holds the Diocesian Prelat to be ane office and order Superiour to the Pastor . Nixt this were no proper enumeration , as he acknowledges there is here , of distinct & officers offices , if they had not all there proper distinct names and designations . And since Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors , are proper designations of distinct officers ; and offices , why ought not the Diocesian Bishop to have had his proper epithet , and to have come in between the Evangelist , and the Pastor , for this was his proper Classe as the higher Church officer . Againe , This answer and shift is the same with that of the Papists to save the pope , for they answer our divines Argument from this Text , that he is included in the office of the Apostle . But as we tell them that according to there account and Character of him , he ought to have had a more peculiar designation , So we may say to this Informer here . Besides , may not Patriarches , and all the rabble of the popes locusts have this pretended for them , that they are included in some of these officers ? Sure we may in Charity suppose that if a Papist were pleading thus , This man would tell him , that it were no defence to shape out officers of their own devising , & then alledge they are included in some of these scripture designations , which answer suites his own case , Since he cannot make it appear that the Diocesian Bishop is appointed in Scripture , And we have proved his office to be contrary unto it . Lastly . Hetels us [ That if we will have here ane perfect enumeration of all Church officers , we must comprehend [ ruleing elders , and deacons ] in some of these words , and why may not he doe so with [ Bishops . ] Ans. 1. We need not , in order to our scope nor argument from this text , alledge either a full enumeration of all officers , or goe about to includ [ elder ] and [ Deacon ] under some of these words , It being , enough if wee con shew that the most eminent Church officers given for the Churches edification , are here enumerat , & that the enumeration comes the length of ane officer inferior to the Prelat , in this mans esteem●… , down from ane Apostle ; which renders our Argument from this Text impregnable . 2. If we should include the elder and Deacon , in one of these words , we should but include therein inferiour officers of divine appointment in the designation of Superior , which he will acknowledge to be no unusual thing in Scripture . But his including the Diocesian Bishop is both the including of a forged anti Scriptural officer of his own deviseing : and likewayes , if he includ him under the Pastor and teacher , ane including and comprehending of a Superiour officer under the designation of ane inferiour , both which differences doe cutt the sinnewes of Reason and answer . CHAP. XII . The Informer offers Scripture warrand for Bishops . His Argument from the Government of the Church under the old Testament , and from the Apostles superioritie to the seventie disciples , examined . The first Argument concludes , a lawful subordination of Church-offiers ; in general , but reaches no help to the Diocesian Erastian Bishop . The second beggs the question in supposing Prelats to succeed the Apostles immediately , and Pastoures , the seventy disciples ; and from a Superiority among officers of different kindes groundlesly concludes a superiority among officers of the same kind . No Image of our Prelacy in the Iewish-Church-Government , or in the Apostles superioritie above other Church-officers . The Informer contradicts his fellowpleaders in this cause and himself also . THE Doubter over come by this Informers mighty Answers ( forsooth ) [ Confesseth Episcopacie not to be unlawful , and only pleads that it may become inexpedient , and a better put in its place ] Whereupon he promises [ That if we will not stand out against light , he will let us see warrand in the word for Bishops ] and so he may easily doe . But the Bishop he must let us see the warrand for is the Diocesian Erastian Bishop , haveing sole power in ordination and jurisdiction , bound to preach to no flock , and deriving all his power from the civil Magistrat . Now , when he hath given us Scripture warrand for such ane ordinary Church-officer , as is of this mould under the new Testament , erit mihi magnus Apollo . Wee see he still walks in darknes as to the State of the Question , and dare not exhibit to us the mould of the present Bishop now existent , when he offers to produce Scripture warrands for him . His 1. Warrand is ; that under the old Testament ( setting aside the hie Priest who was a Typ of Christ ) there was a subordination among the rest of the Priests , mention being made of chief Priests 2 King 19 : 2. Ezr : 8 : 29. &c. Matth. 2 : 3. Act. 19 : 14. And over these againe a chief priest under the hiest preist , who only was Typical , since two hie priests are sometimes mentioned , Luc. 3 : 2 , So there was a subordination among the Levites Exod. 6 : 2. Numb . 3 : 18 , 19. with 24. 30. v. Neh. 11 : 22. One is set over the Levites , called by the Greek , Episcopus , and another over the Priests v 14. From all which places he concluds , That subordination among Churchmen is no such odious thing as some believe ] Ansr. 〈◊〉 . If this be all the Conclusion which this man drawes out against us from the premised trite argument of Bellarmin and others , viz. that there is a subordination among Church men , It will never help him , nor wound our cause in the least ; for as we grant without the least preiudice thereunto , that there is a subordination , both of Courts and Church-officers under the new Testament , Pastours being above ruleing elders , and they aboue Deacons . Presbyteries also being above Kirk Sessions , Synods above Presbyteries , National assemblies above Synods , as the jewes had there Supreme Sanhedrin , Exod. 24. 2 Chron 19. And also betwixt the Sanhedrin and Synagogue , a middle Ecclesiastick Court called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Pre●…bytery Luk. 22 : 66. Act. 22. 5. and also their least Sinagogue-Iudicatorie , wherein was both ruleing , and censures . Act. 26 : 11. Compared with Act. 9 : 1 , 2. And with Mark. 5 ▪ 35 , 36. Act. 18 : 8. Answerable to our Kirk Sessions . which is largely demonstrat by Mr Gillespie , Aar . rod. lib. 1. Cap. 3. pag. 8. to 38. As this ( I say ) is clear , so it is evident , that it is much more then a meer subordination of Courts or officers , which he most prove if he will conclude any thing to purpose against us , viz , The Prelats sole decisive power , and negative voice in judicatories , and their deryvation of all their authority from the Magistrat as his deputs , in their administration . Now , from the subordination of Courts , or officers , mentioned under the old dispensation , to conclude [ the lawfulness of a Prelat ( a pretended Minister of the new Testament ) his taking from other Ministers all the power of Government , contrary to our Lords express command , his laying , aside the preaching Talent , and giving up all the ecclesiastick authority which he pretendes unto , to one who is not , Qua talis , so much as a Church member ] is a wide and wilde conclusion : yet that this is the conclusion which he must infer to prove his point , is beyond all Question . 2. Giveing , not granting to him that there was under the old dispensation such a Hierarchy as he pleades for , and such a difference of degrees among Church officers , as he represents , how will he prove this consequence [ that the Government of the Church under the New Testament must be thus moulded , and have the same degrees of Ministers , as the Jewes had of Priests and Levits ] this Connexion he supposes here , and offers afterward some smatterings in proof thereof , but with what success we shall see with in a little . Will he say that it is lawful to bring into the christian Church every point of the jewish policy ? Bilson , ane English Bishop ( even in pleading for Prelacie ) will give him the lie if he say so , and shew him the disparitie betwixt their Church government and oures : Perp : Gov. Chap. 2. [ for the tribe of Levi ( saith he ) was neither subjected to the Government , of another tribe , nor without manifest confusion could it want all Government , wherefore as all the rest , so this tribe also had its proper Magistrats , to wit , it s , Pinces Elders , judges &c. — He adds , that the Jewes Law contained in the books of Moses , comprehended the mould of their civill Government , and the Priests and Levits being most skilful in this knowledge , we need not wonder that they were placed in the same benches with the judges ] ( this we offer to our Informers observation , to snew how this Bishop Pulles his care in argueing from the Priests sitting in civill courts numb . 11 , To Justifie our Prelats civill rule ) but now to our purpose in relation to Church government , he adds further [ that the offices of the Sanctuarie , and rites and ceremonies of the Sacrifices , from which all the other tribes except the Levites were restrained , were not of one kinde ; So that it needs be no wonder that these degrees of the administrators were distinguished according to the diversitie of offices and services . But in the Church of Christ , the Word and Sacraments concredited to all Ministers without distinction , as they are of one kinde , neither admitts any difference of administration , or celebration , so neither doe they require different degrees of Ministers ] Thus he . Sure had our Informer listened unto this information of this Father of the Church ( as he speaks ) he would have spared this Argument as not worth the repeating . The Ministry of the Levites who served in the sojourneing Tabernacle , is compared to warrfare Numb . 4. Because of the Militarie order which the Priests and Levits observed in their externall Ministry . Where there was one common Temple , a common Ministry of the priesthood , a thousand administrators in every family ( the twenty four families who served each their week in the Temple being called courses by Luke , & stationes by the Talmudists , the term being borrowed from warrfare , as Scaliger observes ( in Canonibus isagogicis ) it is no strange thing if in this Ministry , and Priesthood , their were such degrees of administrators ; but the Prieststood being changed , there is made of necessity a change of the law , saith the Apostle Hebr. 7 : 12. And the policie suitable to the state of that Church must by necessary consequence be changed also . 3. The antecedent of the Argument from that policie , will be a harder taske then he imagines , and this Informer would be quite out if put to draw us the Image and lineaments of our present prelacie in the Jewish Church Government . For 1. We cleared above that the Ecclesiastick Sanhedrin was distinct from the civil , and that the priests had a distinct independent authority and ministery : But the prelats derive all their spiritual authority from the Magistrat . 2. He cannot shew that either the Highpriest , or any inferiour priests had the sole decisive Suffrage in their ecclesiastick Courts , or such a negative voice as the prelats exercise & assumein their pretended Synods and presbyteries . The learned Iunius will informe our Informer ( De Cler. Cap. 24 Not 13. ) That , par consortium honoris & potestatis fuit inter sacerdotes , sed ordine impari , qua familiarum , qua temperis respectu . Penes concessum sacerdotum ex lege fuit ordinaria jurisdictio ecclesiastica That is , Among the priests there was a like participation of honour and power , though in a different order : partly in respect of families , and partly in respect of times , the ordinarie ecclesiastick jurisdiction belonged to the assemblie of the priests according to the Law. Thus he ▪ Sure then it belonged not to the Highpriest alone , farr less to any inferiour priests , and therefore none of them all had our prelats negative voice in judicatories , or a sole decisive Suffrage , so that they were farr from our prelats principality as to directive and corrective power . And therefore though we should grant that his argument will hold as to our being oblidged by the policie of the Jewes , and to have the government of the Gospel Church this moulded , yet our present hierarchie is so different from it , that it will not help his cause in the least . But the doubter objects [ that there ought not to be such a subordination under the new Testament . ] To which he answers , [ That the Old Testament-subordination being to maintaine order and unitie in the in the Church , there is the same reason for it under the new , and stronger , because the Christian Church is of larger extent then the Iewish , and the danger of schismes , and the necessity of preventing them , the greater : And what better way for this then Gods way thus exemplary pointed out to us , although the New Testament gave no other ground , Gods own model being best for the Church . ] I answ . 1. He must plead for much more then a meer subordination of Officers , if he speak to the point , as is clear from that is said . And his Doubter , ( if he had dealt fairely ) should have objected [ that the New Testament Church ought not to have the same mould of government that the Jewish had , and that there is a vast disparitie betwixt their prelatick Erastian Hierarchie , and the Jewish Church-Government ] Both which grounds doe break the force of his argument . But it is good that our Informer hath the doubters arguments and objections of his own moulding . 2. Though he know reason of a subordination under the Old Testament ( he should have said of that particular mould of government which the Iewish Church had but his general one , to maintaine order and union in Gods Church ( he should have said in that Church , under that special dispensation , ) yet we have showen him some Reasons of their particular policie which doe not reach us . And shall onely resume to him that we have neither . 1. Such a distinction of tribes . Nor 2. A common Temple , and common Ministry in one Temple for the universal , or for any National Church , as they . Nor 3. Have we such types and shaddowes , from which ( as upon the former grounds ) this mould of government did flow . Nor 4. Such various sanctuarie offices , and degrees , and varieties of administrations , requiring ( as Bishop Bilson hath told him ) such varietie and different degrees of Administratores , the Word and Sacraments being concredited to all Ministers without distinction &c. Besides , hath not the Apostle in the forementioned passage , Hebr. 7 : 12. Given this Informer a sufficient Reason why wee are not tyed to the same Policie , viz because that the Priosthood is changed , ( i. e. ) their particular frame of Church officers , & that therefore there is made a change of the Law , that is , of the legal ordinance , both of worship & Government . 3. Darene say that Christs Church under the New Testament , may have every mould of government which may be in it self , or in respect of some circumstances , commendable , and subservient to these ends of order and union ? Where is Christs faithfulness as a Sone over his own house , beyond that of Moses ? Where are all the New Testament prescriptions in point of government , Officers , Lawes , Censures , if the Church thereof like a Tabula rasa may have any government introduced into it , which may be in its own time and place good , and Ministers framed according to the Old Testament dispensation ? 4. How will our Informer extricat himself as to the Jewish High priest in maintaining this Answer to his doubter ? Was not his office a special mean of order and unitie in that Church , and to prevent schisme ▪ s and divisions ? And is there not the same reason that the Christian Church should be thus kept from that evil by a supream Highpriest or bishop ? What better way for this , then Gods owne way ? And what better pattern for modelling the New Testament-Church in point of her government , then this pattern ? Surely the Pope will thank him for this . I know he sets aside ( in contradiction to Saravia , as I shall shew ) the Highpriest in his argument , as a Type of Christ , the man forsaw that this would cast his argument in to ane intire Popish mould ; but he is not so forseeing as to prevent his being snared by his own reason , & caught in the brieres of contradictions . For 1. He dare not deny that this Officer was a singular Mean of their order and union . Hence he must grant that his answer to the doubters objection is naught , and that Gods way of preserving order and union in the New Testament Church , is different from his way , and the means of preverving it under the Old , and that the Samenes of the end of Gods ordinances and institutiones under both dispensations , will not plead for holding the same institutiones . Was not order , union , and the edification of the Church , the great end of all the Mosaical Ceremonies and Pedagogie . Were not the Jewes for this great end of order and union to keep their solemne Feasts ? To go up to Jesusalem solemly and joynly three tymes in the year ? To have one common Temple , one Altar , &c. And must therefore the Christian Church observe the same ordinances and institutions ? 2. How will he prove that the inferiour Priests were not Types of Christ as well as the Highpriest ? Dare he say that their praying for the people , and their sacrificeing , were not typical of Christs intercession and sacrifice , as well as the praying and sacrificing of the High priest , though not in the same degree of eminencie ? I grant that the Apostle ( Heb. 5. ) speaking of the authority and honour of Christs Priesthood , presentes the legal type thus ; Every Hiepriest taken from among men , &c. Yet if we shall consider that Hebr. 10. discoursing of the efficacie of Christs sacrifice in opposition to the legal , he sayes in the 11 , & 12. Ver. And every Priest ( simply , not evrie High-priest ) standeth dayely ministering & offering the Same sacrifices , which can never take away sin , but his man after he had offered one Sacrifice for sins , &c. It will be evident that the inferiour priests were also Types of Christ. So that he should either have taken in the High priest into his argument , or excluded together with him , the inferiour priestes upon the same ground . For majus & minus non variant speciem rei . If he say that he is not speaking of their Sacrifices , but of their Government , which was not typical . Answ. Why might he not then have taken in the High-priest upon this ground , since these are as well distinguishable in him , as in the inferiour Priests ? So that he might have been excluded from having any thing to do with the Type in pointe of his government as well as they . And for his single eminencie , it drew along with it those degrees of inferiour priests and Levits , ( in his principles ) which are mentionedso that if the one must evanish as a Type , in the same manner must the other . 3. It will much puzele this Informer to prove , that the Highe priest in respect of his government was a Type of Christ ; Sure he will find this denyed by his fellow brother in the cause , Tilen in his Parenes : ( Cap. 2 ) in summo Sacerdote ceu pontifice , non typi solum sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratio conspicua & — [ In the highpriest , the type is not only conspicuous , but the reason of order , for he bore not a type or resemblance of Christ in resspect of the Kingely and judiciary power which Christ hath , who otherwayes should haue had the dignitie , both according to the order of Aaron , and the order of Melchisedeck , that is , both of a King and a priest . ] Iunius , a greater then he , ( de Pontif. lib. 1. cap. 6. ) distinguishes these in the Highpriest . — in summo Sacerdote consideranda , non solummodo ratio typi , sed etiam ordinis & politiae , — [ We must consider in the High priest not only the reason of the type , but like wayes of order and policie , &c. ] then he addes the abovementioned : reason ; So that in this argument , and his way of pleading for prelacie upon the ground of the Jewish policies . He will of necessity introduce a pope into the Christian Church : Which will be convincingly clear , If we shal in the 4t . place consider , that our Informer in this argument hauing set aside the High priest , as onely typical , tells us of another single Chief and High priest under him , and tels us in answer to the premised objection , that this method of the Jewish government ( with this Chief or high priest ; distinct from the typical priest ) is exemplarlie pointed out to Christians as Gods patterne for moddeling the gospel-Church government . So that without all shaddow of evasion his argument pleads for a chief patriarch over the Christian Church , as being a parte of the Jewish policie oblidging us , and exemplarly commended to us for our imitation . Moreover , I would know what he would say , If one should plead for retaining of all the judicial lawes of the Jewes upon his two grounds . 1. As not being typical . 2. As being Gods excellent means for order and union , and commended exemplarly unto Christians to the same end , what better patern for modelling our government and lawes then this patern ? Likewayes will he say that every peece of the Jewish antiquated pedagogie was properly typical : And that we are bound to reteane as of a moral perpetual nature whatsoever thing in their policie was not such . Surely there were many things depending upon the particular exigences , and state of that people , both as a Church under that old dispensation , and as a Commonwealth regular in its civil Lawes immediatly by God , which no found divines doe call Typical , and yet doe hold that they oblidge no Church or state under the New Testament . For a conclusion of this argument , I shall tell this Informer that he grossly mistaks these Scripture expressions ( at least in the judgment of some learned ) anent the Chief Priests 2. King. 19 : 2. &c. When taking them to denot different ecclesiastick degrees among the priests in their spiritual function : these chiefness ( to speak so ) or principality among the priests , being meaned of a civil principality existent in that Tribe before the priesthood was therein established : and that they were called Chief-priests , or Elders of the priests , did flow from this that this Trybe ( subject to the same Princes as at the first ) was afterward set apart for the priesthood , for Aaron and his Soones were chosen to be priests Exod. 28. but the whole . Tribe was not assumed unto the priesthood before Numb . 1. Yet in the meane while the tribe of Levie ( Exod. 6. ) had the Heads of their families & their Princes . The Scripture then speaking of the tribe of Levie as a Tribe simply , ascribes to it the same policie with the rest of the tribes , & Princes of the several families by the right of primogenitur : Thus both priests and Levits had their chiefe men and presidents . But as a Tribe separat to holy things , it had its peculiar policie . One was chief priest onely by Gods appointment , at whose hand all the rest of the priests were . 1 Chron. 24 : 24. And at the hands of the priests were the interior Levites , in their several services . David in distributing them in their several Temple offices , did not set the Princes over them as such , but onely having numbered them after the Heads of their families , and by their lotts or Courses , did assigne to them their service of the Temple , upon Gods command by the mouth of Gad and Nathan , the more to facilitat this Sacerdotal tribe , their comeing unto , and returneing from the Temple . The Chief of the families then , are not upon this ground Princes or Chief as to the Holy Ministerie ; for there was but one onely high priest , all the rest as well the heads , as the families themselves , were at the hand of the highpriest in the Ministery of the House of the Lord , 1 Chron. 24 : 19. Where the Chief or head in matters sacred , had no more power then the wholl body . So was it in the distribution of the Levits into their several classes by their Heads Chap. 23 : 27 , that they might beat the hands of the Sons of Aaron in the Temple Ministery . So that none of his citations doe amount to any proof of his fancied degrees and subordination among either the priests or Levits in their spiritual functions , or any other waye then in their civil capacitie as a Tribe ; neither had the two high priests ( mentioned Luc. 3. ) The least warrand in Gods institution , but this is acknowledged to be a corruption in their Government then creept in among other corruptions : and since he drawes his first instance of the Levits subordination from Exod 6. before that tribe was set apart at all to the Holy Ministery , that passage at least , and ( as I said , in the judgment of some ) its parallels also aftermentioned by him , doe speak of the Civil Government and subordi nation of the Levites in that capacitie ; and that any of their Chief rulers are by the Greeks termed Episcopus , is a very poor argument to conclude their Ecclesiastick rule , it being notourly known that the best Greek Authores put his designation upon Civil Governoures . This subordination among the Levites in Exod. 6 : 15. is unquestionably civil upon the ground assigned . And numb . 3. It is evident that the heads and princes of Families are numbered . And accordingly the heads and Chief of the families , 1 Chron. 24. and in Neh : 11 : 14. He that is set over the priests , is the son of one of the great men ( Haggedolim ) , or eminent in paris and place as many take it . 1 Chron. 24 : 4. before the division and order is set down , it s said , there were more Chief men found of the sones of Eleazar , then of the sones of ●…thamar , &c. all which doth much plead forthis assertion , but we need not be peremptor in pressing this , since the weight of our answer lies not upon it . Our Informer comes nixt to his New Testament proofes for Bishops and produces first , the superiority of the twelve Apostles above the seventy Disciples . Where 1. Wee see , He is still in the clouds of a general superiority , which is farr from the Prince-like Arbitrary , and Erastian superioritie of the Diocesian Prelat now existent , and whom he undertakes to plead for , which this Informer ( Had he intended to have informed right ) should have condescended upon . Had the Apostles such a superioritie over the seventy Disciples ? Were they subject to the Apostles as their Rectors and judges ? Did the Apostles ( as our Prelats ) assume a Sole Decisive , conclusive suffrage , and a negative voice over Church Judicatories , notwithstanding of their extraordinary and high prerogatives ? Did we not see the contrary exemplified in that meeting of Apostles with ordinary Ministers , Act. 15 ? Had the seventy onely a derived precarius Ministry under the twelve Apostles , as their Vicars & Substitutes in their Ministration ? Had they no Interest in the Church-Government but upon the Apostles meer pleasure . As Curats are now in all these respects subject to their Prelats ? Had not the seventy their mission , their institution , immediatly from Christ as well as the Apostles themselves ? Were they not consequently to exercise their Ministery upon this ground , without such a servil dependance upon the twelve as Prelats doe arrogat to themselves ane arbitrary principality over Ministers ? Were the twelve to rule only , and to committ the preaching worke to the seventy as their deputes , as our Prelats now doe ? Or were they not rather to help forward the great harvest , and the work of the Ministery , together with the Apostles themselves ? So that this Informer will never find the least shaddow of ane Episcopall superiority here . But 2. Granting that the Apostles were officers in asuperiour degree to the seventy , which is the utmost Conclusion which he can draw from Scripture , how will this infer a superiority among officers of the same degree . We grant the Apostles were superior to Evangelists , they againe to Pastoures , Ergo , one Pastour may be a diocesian Prelat over hunderds of other Pastours , is a consequence known to no logick . Christ appointed both extraordinary , and ordinarie officers in their severall degrees , as Apostles , Evangelists , Pastours : Ergo , he appointed different degrees of Pastours , hath no connexion imaginable . 3. Tht basis of his argument lyes in this [ that the Prelats are immediat successours of the Apostles in their degree of superiority to the seventy Disciples , and Pastours come after the seventy in their supposed subjection , and are not the Apostles immediat successours in the ordinary Ministery ] but this , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the quesitum or question , must be proved , not begged and supposed by him . We did already evince the contrary , viz , That the Pastour to whom is committed the Ministery of the Word and Sacraments , and both the keys , immediatly from the Apostles , are the highest ordinary officers , and the Apostles immediat successorus as to both order and Jurisdictione . But the doubter and I object furder [ that the Apostles superioritie over the seventie , was extraordinary , personall , temporarie , and to cease with themselves . ] In answer to this , He grants that in some things their priviledges were extraordinary , and to cease with themselves , such as their immediat cas . ling , their sending to all nations their infallibility , gifts of tongues , or whatever was necessary for the first founding of the obristian Ch●…rch . but in other things wherein they were superior to other Ministers , their power was not extraordinary and temporarie , but still to be continued , such as ordination of Ministers , and governeing them by ecclesiastick authority ; in which power the Bishops succeeds them , who are [ the children in stead of the Fathers ] as Augustin applies that of Psal. 45 , v. 19. Ans. 1. Then it seems that with him the Episcopal office properly succeeds to that of the Apostles , and is a continuation of their power in ordination and jurisdiction over Pastours , which contradicts his second answer to our Argument from Ephes. 4 viz [ that Bishops in that place may be comprehended under the the office of Pastours & teachers ] For here he makes their office the same with that of the Apostles as importing ane authority in ordination and Jurisdiction over Pastors and teachers , and so he should have said rather that it is comprehended under the Apostolick office 2. He yet againe contradicts himself in this answer whill granting [ that whatsoever was necessary for the first planting of the Christian Church is a priviledge ceased with the Apostles ] and yet making their power of ordination of Ministers , and in governing them , to be still necessary , he must understand it as performed and done by them , since therein he imagins the pattern of episcopall power to ly : For other wayes the Presbyterians doe hold and prove that ordination by the Presbytery , and Government by Presbyters collegiatly , is still continued and necessarie ; This he will not allow , and so must understand it of the manner wherein the Apostles performed this at first . Now I say , their Apostolick power in ordination and Government as exercised by them at first , was necessarie for the first founding of the Church . For 1. Their power of ordination was of equal limits and extent with their mission to all nations — Goe disciple all nations , I hope he will grant was extraordinary , as being necessary for the first founding of the churches , Ergo , say I. so was their power in ordination and Government of Ministers , since it was of a like nature , and of the same extent ; for to what ever nations they were sent together a Church therein , there they were to ordaine Ministers , & governe them by ecclesiastick Discipline , which he makes to be the Bishops office . 2. Their sole power in ordination and Government , here supposed , by him , did certainly presuppose the Christian Church in fieri , whereof they were to be founders . First They were , as Christs immediat extraordinary Ambassadours , to convert and bring in Churches , then to plant officers , & the Gospel Government in them ; Now , who will say but this power was necessary for the first planting of the Churches , and so comes under the Character of these things which this man acknowledges to be expired : Surely where no other officers were to concurre , the Apostles of necessity behooved to ordaine solely , and their Apostolick Inspection over them did necessarly depend upon , and flow from , their Apostolick extraordinary mission and infalibilitie , So that this power in so fare as Episcopall like , was indispensibly needful for the first founding of the Churches and consequently must be expired by his own confession , the nature and exercise of this power supposeing , and requiring their peculiar mission , infallibilitie , and gifts of tongues , which are acknowledged by this man to be expired privileges , necessary ry onely at that time . Moreover , the Apostles power in ordination and government did include extraordinary miraculous rodes and censurs , & a power in coerceing the rebellious , thus Peter stroke Ananias and Sapphira dead for their lying which was a fearful Apostolick Censure , put forth by his Apostolick authoritie at that time , Paul stroke Elimas the sorcerer blind for withstanding the truth ; besides , their power in ordination at that time , included their miraculous conferring of the Spirit by the Imposition of hands . 2 Tim. 1 : 6 Act. 19 : 1 , 2 , 6. Now , all these Apostolick priviledges ( which this man must needs acknowledge upon his own ground to be expired and extraordinarie ) being necessarily included in , & essential unto the Apostolick power , the nature and exercise thereof must be expired also . Wee shall offer here to the Informer a distinction of the learned Iunius , who in his answer to Bellarmins argument for the Apostles Episcopal singular power , from that word Shall I come to you with a rod , distinguishes the ordinary and extraordinary rod , secundum illam , &c. ( de Concil . lib. 2. Cap. 16. ) — that is , according to the commone ordinary rode . Peter was a fellow Presbyter 1 Pet. 5. But according to the singular and extraordinary , he stroke dead Ananias and Sapphira . In respect of this commonrode ( saith he ) Paul saith 1 Cor 5. — [ You being gathered together with my Spirit in the name of our Lord Jesus ] but as to this singular one , he saith [ Shall I come to you with arode 1 Cor 4 , 21 ] this common rode he denyes to have him in the hand of any one man whither Apostle or other , or that they had any sole or singular preheminence in Churches constitute . And this cutts the winde pype of our Informers topick and argument here for the prelats power . Which leads to a 3d. Answer . 3 We proved already that the Apostles exercised no singular Episcopal preheminence in Churches constitut , and what they did in churches not as yet constitut and infieri , is not to the purpose by his own confession , since it falles in among those things necessary for the first planting of the Churches , which priviledges the acknowledges are gone , That the Apostles exercised no such single preheminence in churches constitut , is abundantly cleared in the 2. Argument against Episcopacie , where we shewed that neither in ordination , nor excommunication , nor in Ministerial decision of controversies , the Apostles assumed ane Episcopal power in Churches constitut , but had the ordinary Church-officers Presbyterialy concurring with them . Wee likwayes proved in the 8. Argument , that the Episcopal power is neither formaliter , nor eminenter , contained in the Apostles authority , but is inconsistent there with , and contrary therunto , there sole directive , corrective power over the diocess , as being the proper sole pastoures thereof , their sole decisive suffrage , and Lordly dominion over Church-judicatories , besides their civil rule , like that of the princes of the gentiles ; rendering our prelats power ex sua natura , & in universum , different from the very nature of the Apostles authority , and the authority of a Gospel Ministery altogether : and consequently it could not be transmitted by the Apostles , to the Church , as any peece of the Gospel Church Government ; and by further consequence they are none of the Fathers or Children whom the true church , or the Apostles brought forth , but the Spritus brood of Satanical Antichristian pride . As for what he addes of the Fathers making Bishops Successours to the Apostles Iunius will tell him ( De cler . cap 14. Not. 15. ) That this is not to be understood of a Succession from Christs institutionquia nunquam instituit Christus ut Apostolis secundum gradum in ecclesia succederetur , because Christ never appointed Successors to the Apostles in the Church according to degree — And that the fathers understood it of a succession ex simili , non ex pari , a succession of similitude , not of paritie and of a similitude secundum quid , or imaginary , according as Prelats were then moulded . CHAP. X. The Informers great argument for Prelacy , from the pretended Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus . Their Episcopal office disproved , from the office of Evangelist , ascribed expresly to the one , and by good consequence to the other , from many circumstances of the sacred text , and the judgement of Interpreters . The Informers pleadings from there power in ordination and jurisdiction , supposed in the precepts addressed to them there anent ; from the necessity of this power , the concernment of of after-ages therein , &c , examined . The unsoundenes and inconsistency of his arguing and answers upon this head , several wayes discovered . THe Informer presents unto us Nixt , the pretended Episcopacy of Tymothy and Titus at Ephesus and crete , and the Douhter alledging [ that Paul calls all the Miniters at Ephesus and crete , Bishops , ] He rejoynes That Tymoth and Titus were Bishops as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Bishop was afterward taken , that is , had a power in ordination and Iurisdiction over and above inferiour Ministers . This argument from the pretended Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus , as also the nixt , taken from the supposed Episcopal power of the seven Asian Angels , hath been so fully answered and baffled by many , That it is , a wonder how he hath the confidence to repone to us these oft sodden coleworts . We gave already a hint in the St A●…gument ; of the acknowledged extraordinary function of Tymothy and Titus , which is abundantly cleared by many , from their unfixed motion and officiating , their occasional transient imployment in these places , Paules actual revocation of them both there from , the condition of these Churches , as being but in fieri as to their organick settlement and constitution : Particularly , that their power in ordination and Jurisdiction was not episcopall , I prove from these grounds . 1. In Churches already constitut , this Authority was not solely resident in Tymothy and Titus Falluntur , qui putant ( saith Calvin , Instit : lib : 4. Cap. 3. ) &c. that is , they are mistaken who judge either Timothy at Ephesus or Titus at crete to have exercised any impite or Dominion to dispose of things each at his own pleasure , they were set over the people ( no word of their being set over Ministers ) to go before them in good and wholsome Counsells in relation to the placeing of Ministers , not that they might doe as they pleased excluding others . Since Paul himself neither imposed hands nor did excommunicat alone , and since ( as I said above ) a wholl colledge or Presbytery of Apostles acted nothing pro imperio , but in Churches constitut had elders going along with them in all that Sinodal procedour Act 15. Farrless would Timothy and Titus assume this episcopal preheminence , who were inferiour to any of the Apostles , therefore their power in this was not episcopall . 2. That authoritie which was intrusted to the elders and Ministers in commone , / was not intrusted to any one officer , such as Timothie ; But so it is that after the Church of Ephesus was exedified and compleated in its organick being , and after Timothy had gotten his charge as to ordination and Jurisdiction in Ephesus , Paul committed the wholl episcopal power to the elders ( as is said ) before Timothies face in his last farewell , Act. 20. therefore he intrusted him with no episcopall preheminence in or over that Church when compleated in its organick being . 3. They whose power stands so circumstantiat as to ordination and jurisdiction over these Churches , that it excluds Episcopale preheminence , properly and formally such , their power in ordination and jurisdiction , cannot be prelatical , nor ground ane argument for prelacie : but such is the power of Timothie and Titus . For 1. As Diocesian Bishops they ought to have been determinatly and designedly set and fixed there , as the officers of these Churches , but the contrary appears in the text [ I befought the to abide at Ephesus ] and againe [ I left thee at Crete , and to set in order things that are wanting ] which words point at ane occasional transient , employment there , not a fixed instalement . 2. In these Epistles they are both Called back without the least intimation of their returneing . 3. If their power was Episcopall and ordinary , then in the apostles prescriptions and rules anent their Successours , their power and authority ought to have been described , and rules given touching the gifts , Call , ordination &c. of the diocesian Bishop , but the Apostle prescribes no rules for any officer higher then a Pastour , & supposes still that he is the highest ordinary officer , in all his directions as to Church government . 4. Add to this , That Paul never calls Timothy , or Titus , Bishops , though frequently making mention of them , but Ministers , Souldiers of Christ , workmen , the Churches messengers &c. 1. Tim. 4. 6. 2. Tim. 2. 3. and 15. 2. Cor. 8. Supposing them his attendants in his Apostolick function ; Their accompanying Paul in his Travells is largely described by the divines at the I le of wight . 1. Timothy is found at Berea with Paul , Act. 17. 14. then at Athens 15. Thence Paul sends him to Thessalonica 1. Thess. 3. 1. Then , hav●…ig been at Macedonia with Paul , he came to him to Corinth Act. 18. 5. Then he is with him at Ephesus , and thence sent into Macedonia Act. 19. 22. Whither Paul , went after him , and was by him accompanied into Asia Act. 20. 4. He is with him at Troas 5. v. and at Miletum 17. v. where Paul gave the elders his last charge as the Bishopes of that Church . And after this , he is found either in journeys , or absent from Ephesus . Forafter he is found a prisoner with Paul at Rome , being mentioned as his companion in these epistles written while Paul was at Rome ; as that to the philippians , Philip. 1. to philemon . 1. 1. and to the colloss . 1. 2. and he is never found againe at Ephesus , & neer the end of the Apostles pilgrimage , he is sent for to Rome . So Titus is found at Ierusalem , befor he came to Crete , Gal. 1. 2. thence is sent for to Nicopolis , Tit. 3. 12. then to Corinth , then he is expected at Troas 2. Cor. 2. 12. and meets with Paul in Macedonia . 2. Cor. 7. 6. whence he is sent againe to Corinth 2. Cor. 8. 6. & after this , neer the time of paules death , is found at Rome , from whence he went not to Crete , but unto Dalmatia , 2. Tim. 4. 10. And after this is not heard of in Scripture . So that from their various journeys , the order of them , the time spent in them , the nature of their employment , which was to be the Apostles Copartners in their Apostolick function , and negotiat the affaires of the Churches where the Apostles traveled , and the Sciptures silence touching their being Beshops of any one Church , These divines conclude that they could not be diocesian Bishops . Others doe remarke severale other pregnant Circumstances in the sacred text , specially relating to Timothy which doe evince him to be neither Bishop at all , nor particularly at Ephesus in the prelatical sense . As 1. That paul stirres him up to diligence upon this motive , that thus he shall be agood minister of Christ , not a Bishop of Christ , 1. Tim. 4. 6. He was therefore a Minister Bishop , but nothing else . 2. That when Paul wrote this first epistle to him , he was but newly entered into the ministery . 1. Tim. 1. 3. with Act. 16. 1. 2. 3. &c. And Paul will not have a Novice to be a Bishop . 3. He is commandes to intreat elders as Fathers . 4. To Honour them doubly that rule well , therefore he was not to be a Father over these elders 5. That he had his gift by the laying one of the hands of the presbysery , which could not be ane episcopall function . 6. That Paul appointes him to reside there only untill his owne return from Macedonia , to instruct the people for someshorte time until he came to him againe 1. Tim. 3. 14. 15. — 7. That assoone as Paul came from Macedonia to Ephesus , he sent Timothie into Achaia , himself staying at Ephesus and Asia for a season . Act. 19. 22. to 40. v. and from thence he returned to Macedonia , and through it unto Asia , accompanied with Timothy and others , after which we never read that he returned to Ephesus . 8. That Timothie was sent to many churches to confirme and strengthen them , as , to Macedonia Act. 19. 22. To Thessalonica . 1. Thess. 1. 2. 3. To philippi . chap. 2. 19. 20. but never to Ephesus after his first departure . 9. That though he is joyned with Paul in the Inscription of some Epistles . Collos. 1. philip . 1. and frequent mention is made of him in the epistles to severall Churches , 1. Cor. 4. 17. Philip. 2. 19. 20. 1. Thess. 3. 2. 6. Hebr. 13. 23. Yet there is [ altum silentium ] of him in the Epistles to the Ephesians , his own supposed diocess . 10. That Paul laid hands upon the disciples who were ordained in that church after his supposed episcopacie . That as Timothie was sent to confirme . Instruct and Comfort other Churches , as Philippi , Troas . So Paul writes to him . 2 Tim. 4. 12. that Tychicus was for this same end . sent to Ephesus : and that he wrote the Epistle of Paul to the Ephesians from Rome , whom the Apostle ( chap. 6. 21. v. of the Epistle directed to that church ) sent to them as a faith full Minister , who therefore lookes liker their Bishop then Timothie . That the same is supposable of Titus is also apparent , both in that he is called ( as Timothy ) , not Bishop , but Pauls fellow helper , and that concerning the Corinthians , not the Cretians , and likewayes in that he is imployed to the church in corinth , after he was left by Paul at crete , as his fellow helper in that church , 2. Cor. 2. 13. and was fixed to no one place of residence . That being charged to come to Paul at Nicopolis , his stay is found very short at Crete , so that after half a years residence there he was sent to Corinth and Dalmatia &c. But the Doubter acknowledging [ Timothy and Titus , their power over Ministers at Ephesus and crete , since they are taught how to ordaine them , what qualifications are requisite , how to proceed in their tryalls and censures , alledges that this they had , as evangelists & companiones to the Apostles in their laboures and as appointed to settle and water these Churches which they had planted . ] In what respect these things are attribute to these Church officers , will be after examined , when we shall consider how our informer pleads for their episcopall power upon these grounds . But to this exception of the Doubter , he answers That this supposes them to be extraordinarie officers , whose office was not to continue in the Church . And the Doubter affirmeing this . [ Because Timothy is called ane Evangelist 2. Tim. 4. 5. and that therefore he could not be a Bishop ] To this our Informer Rejoynes That in a large sense , he was ane Evangelist or a preacher of the gospell , but that he was ane Evangelist in astrict sense , can no mor be proved from that scripture ; then that he was a deacon : Because the Apostle in that same place sayes , fulfill thy deaconship , as the Greek signifies . Or that Philip was ane extraordinary evangelist , because he is called ane evangelist Act. 2. 8. for he was a deacon Act. 6. and Act. 8. 5. did preach the gospell , but was not therefore one of these extraordinary evangelists whose office was to cease in the Church . And Finallie , He tells us that ordination and jurisdiction is properly no worke of ane Evangelist but rather preaching and spreading the gospell ] Ans. 1. This man casts up but a mist of Insignificant words in this distinction , whereby he endeavoures to elude so clear a scripture . Timothies Evangelistick office , wee see , is a gripping argument which our Informer would faine Elude , but with what success shall presently appear . He grantes he was ane Evangelist in a large sense or a preacher , but not in the strict sense , but what that strict sense is , in which he denyes Timothy to be ane Evangelist , he doth not clear , and so his strict sense is left without sense , and his distinction must flie with one wing . He knew that his assigneing ane explication of his strict sense , would have so palpably included Timothy , that his evasion would be presently shut up : therefore he left the other branch of his distinction , a meer mute under the clouds , and gives us a distinction which stands upon one leg . 2. If he will take Eusebius sense ( Hist. lib. 3. cap. 33. o●… 37. with some ) he will tell him [ that this title is taken but two wayes , either for such as wrote the Gospel , ( in which sence we grant that none of them were Evangelists , or such as taught the Gospel , and these againe were either such as had ordinary places or gifts , or whose plaees and giftes were extraordinary , that is , who were not settled upon any one charge , but were Apostolorum vice , having a vicarius care of all the Churches , as the Apostles had the principal care . ] The Evangelists ( as Ambrose phrases it ) did Evangelizar sine Cathedra , or preached without a fixed charge . Here , by the way I cannot but admire the inconsistant subtilty ( may I call it so ) of Saravia ( de divers . grand . minist . cap. 6. ) who , in answer to Beza , pleading [ that the appellation of Evangelist is given not to every on who preached , but to the Apostles temporary coadjutors in watring the Churches , not yet fully constitut &c. ] tells him that Apostolus nunquam Timotheum — Euangelistae nomine compellat . That the Apostle no where puts the Title of Evangelist upon Timothy , and that this title was given to none but Philip. Yet immediatly addes-Evangelistae nomen non nego Timotheo , quem Paulus Evangelistae ●…pus sacere jubet , I deny not the name of Evangelist to Timothy , whom the Apostle bides , do the work of ane Evangelist . If he deny not this name to him and the thing therein imported , how can he quanel the Apostles not putting this title upon him , or deny him the title , and the peculiar office therein imported . Calvin takes the word hereto Import that special extraordinary office mentioned . Ephes. 4. Now that Timothy was such ane Evangelist , is already fully proved and by consequence that the objection stands untouched and unanswered by him . viz. That he was ane unfixed extraordinarie officer , and not to continue , and therefore any authority which he is supposed to have over this Church , layes no foundation of Prelacie . For he sayes nothing to this consequence , but admitts it upon the supposition that Timothy was ane Evangelist in a strict sense , and ane extraordinary officer . Cartwright answering the Rhemises upon this place , takes it in the strict sense mentioned , telling the Jesuites that Paules calling Timothy once ane Evangelist , hath more pith in it then all denominations of Pishop that others can give him . 3. The Informers reason of denying the special office of Evangelist to be here imported , viz That he might be as well called a Deacon , as being enjoyned to fulfull his Miuistery or Deaconship in the Greek , is very poor . For 1. It being clear that the Scripture holdes out such ane office as that of Evangelist , specifically distinct fromother offices . Ephes. 4. ( as this man acknowledges ) and it being equally certain that this or any other office and relation hath a work and dutie proper andpeculiar therunto and likewayes that the office layes ane obligation upon the person who carryes it , to perform the duties thereof . And Finallie . Jt being evidently the Apostles Scope , from the consideration of the office , to exhort to the duties suitable thereunto , its destrable by its own light that Timothy is here stirred up to the duties of that peculiar station & office which we have proved he sustained ; & thereforit cannot be understood of a general Ministery or service . Will any doubt what the sense of such phrases is , [ do thework of a parent ] [ do the work of a Master ] [ do the work of a Pastour ] who knowes what the office and relation of a parent , master , and Minister is , and that this phrase importes , this precept enjoynes the duties proper to such relations and offices . So the case is here , which none will doubt of but this Informer who starts needles doubts , when he cannot answer his presbyterian Doubter . 2. The Deacons office haveing in Scripture its limites drawn , the circumstances of the place where the word Diaconia stands , discovers when we are to take it in a generall sense , and when this inferiour officer is pointed out . So it were absurd when Archippus is bidden fullfill his Ministery , or when the Apostle calls himself a Minister , to imagine that the proper formall office of Deacon is ascribed to the one or the other : But the service there meaned is ane Apostolicall and Pastorall service , not the service of Tables . Now , fulfill , or make full proofe of thy Ministery ( as our Translatores doe weill render it , giveing the deacon a peculiar Inglish terme according to the greek sound of the word to avoide confusion ) is exigeticall ▪ the Ministery he is to fulfill , is his Evangelistick Ministery , the latter expounds the former , so that in the very phrase it self , the evangelistick office is asserted and the deaconship denyed . The phrafe of Evangelist , & especially the workof ane Evangelist , determins his peculiar office ; there being no other Evangelists in the scripture sense , but either those that wrote or published the gospell in that extraordinary way , and Timothy being clearly one of such , it must needs import the Evangelist in a peculiar sense , and is distinct from the generall phrase of Ministery in the latter branch of the words , which stands limited and restricted by the first part as Isaid . Again , since he includes in the generall terme [ Episeopus ] his diocesian Bishop , as distinct from a presbyter , in philip . 1. and Act. 20. Wee may with farr better evidence take in the peculiar evangelist here , the office properly taken , being both a scripture office , and likewayes so clearly applicable to the person to whom this precept is given , non of which he can say in his case . Moreover , I wonder whither he would admitt this his gloss , if this phrase were directed to a Pastour as it is here to Timothy [ doe the worke of a Pastour , make full proofe of thy Ministery ] would he think this a good argument or reason to deny him to be a Pastour , because the latter branch of the sentence expresses a deaconship ? Sure he would not : or had the Apostie expressed the first branch of the precept thus , doe the worke of a ●…ishop , would he have taken this answer from us , that Timothy might be as well proved a deacon from that place ? Sure , he would here tel us that th●… fi●… r●…trictive phrase , determines the subsequent generall one , and that different offices may well share in generall names . 3. The phrase of doeing the worke of ane Evangelist , if we compare scripture with it self , will appear upon Two grounds to import a peculiar Evangelist . 1. Such a sense must needs be admitted in paralleel phrases where the Syntax and construction is like ●…o this , As [ the signes of ane Apostle ] 2 Cor. 12 : 12. [ commands of Apostles ] 2 Pet. 3 : 2 [ foundation of Apostles ] Ephes 2 20. who will deny but that the word Apostle is here peculiarly designeing the office , & why not also [ the workeof aneEvangelist ] especially it being his scope to stirr up Timothy to diligence from the consideration of the office , and others to the greater reverence of him . 2 The terme of Evangilist occuring only thrice in the new Testament ( viz ) Act. 21. 8 Ephes 4. 11. and in this place under debate : since the first Two places , doe ●…yond all question speak o●… the Evangelist in a strict and proper sense , h●… ( I pray ) & why doth it change its signification here ? Extraordinary functions communicats with inferiour offices in the general names , as when the Apostles are called pres byters in a general designatione , but extraordinary names are not made use of to point at ordinary functions , at least when the office is so distinctly pointed at as in this place 4. He stumbleth yet againe here into a materiall contradiction , whil telling us , That Timothy was ane evangelist in a large sense , that is , One who proached the Gospel , which he contradistinguishes from ane Evangelist in a strict sense , denying Timothy to be such , and that strictly termed Evangelist had it for his work to preach and spread the Gospell , as he seems to insinuat in the close of his answer , if at least he mean it of his strictly called evangelist ( for his way of expressing it is very indistinct . ) But however he will not say that Timothy was no otherwayes ane Evangelist then in the sense wherein any ordinary Minister is such . And if he understand him to be ane Evangelist as haveing a more large unfixed or universal office of preaching the gospel with extraordinary gifts , and as coajutor of the Apostles , as Hooker himself , together with Eusebius do take it , as being thus contradistinct from writers of the Gospel , how comes he onely to acknowle●… h●… ane Evangelist in a general sense , as a preacher of the Gospel simply ? I would know what this Informer calls ane Evangelist in a strict sense , sure he will not say that it is meerly preaching the Gospel which makes up this office , for that he makes the large sense ; is it preaching and spreading the gospell with extraordinary gifts ad unfixedly ? ( as he seems to insinuat by making this the proper worke of ane Evangelist ) then surely he will not deny but this was Timothy's worke , and so he must be ane Evangelist in the strict sense , against what he first asserts . He acknowledges the ordinary Evangelists or preachers , were to preach and spread the Gospell within their Sphere , and so the strict Evangelist must be distinguished from them by unfixed preaching and spreading the Gospell : which ( besides what is mentioned ) will bring a new inconvenienc upon our Informer and dash him against his principle of fixing Timothy Bishop of Ephesus . Yet againe , though Philip preached the Gospell upon the dispersion and spread it unfixedly , yet he denyes him to be one of these extraordinary Evangelists whose office was to cease : So that he doth ( as to this ) distinguish preaching and spreading the Gospell from the proper worke and characteristick of the Evangelist strictly taken Thus it is hard to know what he calls ane Evangelist or how he understands it : For neither will he admitt power in ordination and jurisdiction to be ane ingredient in this office , and thus it is neither fixed nor unfixed preaching or government either , that with him will make up this office properly taken , if we consider the whole structure of his reasoning . 5. As for what he sayes of philip , That it will not follow , he was ane extraordinary Evangelist , though termed ane Evangelist , since he was a Deacon . I answer , that Philip was not ane Evangelist properly so called , is by him poorly and gratis asserted , and worse proved ; Learned Calvin upon the place tells us That his Deaconship was a temporal and transient function , then expired , because otherwayes it had no been free to him to leave Jerusalem and go to cesaria ; And that he is not here proposed as a voluntar deserter of his office , but as one who had a more excellent office intrusted to him , Which two grounds will put faire to prove that he was not a deacon still . Then he adds [ Evangilistae meo judiciointer Apostolos & doctores medii erant , munus enim obibant Apostolis proximum ut passim Evangelium praedicarent , nec praeficerentur certae Stationi — That is , Evangelists were sett in the middle betwixt Apostles and Doctours , had ane office nixt to that of the Apostles and Doctours , had ane office nixt to that of the Apostles , that they might every where preach the gospell and were not fixed to any Station . He gives this reason of his description of the Evangelist , Because , ( Ephes. 4. ) the Apostle describing the order of the Church doth in such manner substitut them to Apostles , as he shews that they had a more inlarged office of teaching intrusted to them then to Pastours whose worke was tyed to certain places . Hence he concludes that Philips deaconship at Jerusalem , was onely temporall . And for some time there exercised by him , and that he was afterby the Church assumed to be ane Evangelist . In which words wee see . 1. He doth upon weightie grounds prove him to have been no Deacon at that time wherein he is called ane Evangelist . 2. That he was ane Evangilist in the strict and proper sense as it is taken . Eph. 4. — 3. That Evangelists are officers above ordinarie teachers or pastours , and in this distinct from them ( in the judgement of this great divine ) that they were fixed to no certan charge , as they , but as being nixt Apostles had ane indefinit unfixed Ministery ; all which is cross to this mans blunt confused discourse of this mater , and cutts the sinews of Timothy's supposed Episcopacy . Lastlie , Where he affirms that ordination and jurisdiction were no proper worke of ane Evangelist , but preaching and spreading the Gospell . 1. I urge him thus , if preaching and spreading the gospel was the characteristick of the Evangelist ( He must mean it in a more extensive way then ordinary Pastours if he speak sense ) then sure he cannot deny but that Timothy thus preached and spread the gospel as the Apostles Coajutor in many Churches , as is cleared above . Whence it followes by his own Confession . 1. That Timothy's office was extraordinary and is ceased , for he affirmes that the office of ane Evangelist whom he calls extraordinary was to cease in the Church . 2. That he had no Episcopall authority in ordination and jurisdiction , He being ane Evangelist in a sense beyond any ordinary preacher , and upon the other hand ordination and jurisdiction by his confession , not being his proper worke who is ane Evangilist . So that Pauls calling him ane Evangelist must lay him by from being a Prelat , and consequently all the Informers pleading from his supposed power in ordination and jurisdiction in the 1. Epistle written to him , is frivolous and vaine . For in his sense he could not Act both the worke of evangelist and Prelat , these being according to his pleading , inconsistent . But nixt , the wonder is , how this man comes to divide [ preaching and spreading of the gospell ] from [ the power of ordination jurisdiction ] since he cannot but acknowledge that the Apostles did both these , and affirms that their office was episcopal , as we heard above . And after he will tell us that Catalogues of Bishops are drawen from the Apostles , and by Ierom , from marke the Evangelist who was Bishop of Alexandria . Then it seems this power in ordination ( wherein , with him the Chief part of my Lord Bishops office lyes ) was very well consistent with both the Apostles and Evangelists their unfixed inlarged preaching and spreading of the gospell ; The Apostles unfixed preaching & spreading of the gospell , sure he will not deny : nor can he deny to marke , the Evangelists office in the strictest sense he can imagine : so that both are with him compatible . Thus we see in withstanding the truth , hee is still in the briers of Contradictiones . The Doubter excepts aganist his reason [ That philip might be both a deacon and Evangilist ] To which he answers [ That by the same Reason Timothie and Titus might be both Bishops and Evangelists ] I answer 1. We have showen already , That philip ceased to be a deacon at Jerusalem when he became ane Evangelist . 2. Supposing he were yet the Informers answer and parallel , is naught . For 1. Philipes becoming ane Evangelist was ane advancement to a higher office , holding still ane inferiour , which is eminenter included in it , as he will grant , but making ane Evangelist a Bishop is a degrading of a high extraordinary superiour officer , to ane ordinary inferiour . 2. As ane Evangilist properly so called , his work was to preach and spread the gospel unfixedly , as a Bishop , his work he will say , was ordination and jurisdiction , which Two we heard him affirme to be incompatible . Besides , in separating the power of ordination and jurisdiction , from the Evangelistick office , he is contradicted by Saravia , who in many places mantaines the contrary ( degrad : cap. 1. — and Cap. 16. and cap. 23 ) And here I shall shew our Informer how he hath run cross to his great Master in his glosses upon several of these Texts under debate , that it may appear , what babellike builders our prelates Advocates are . Upon that passage ( Matth. 20 ) I finde he is a little more ingenuous then this is Disciple , and plainely speakes out what he but mutters ( exam : tract : de episc : tripl : quest : 1. pag : 70. after he hath repeated that Text with its parallel in Luke , he adds . Ex his verbis quaero num cuiquam sano videri possit D. Iesum sustulisse aut prohibuisse primatum aut principatum ? & non potius docuisse quid eum deceat , qui in Ecclesia primus & princeps futurus erat &c that is , From these Wordes I demand whither any that is sound can judge , that the Lord Iesus did take away primaci and principality , and did not rather teach what becomes him , who was to be first and Prince in the Church — and thereafter he tells us that Christ by his own example did shew what sort of primaci it is that the allowes in his Church , so that he doth in downright express terms plead for a supreme patriarch or pope representing Christs pritcipality over the Church , & what harmony this keeps with the judgment of protestant divines upon that passage , any may judge . The Informers holdes That there was to be no inequality of power among the 12 Apostles ( although he is not consistent with himself in this , as is already observed ) but Saravia runs so far cross to him in this assertion that he mantaines a primaci of power among them . That the Bishops , saluted with the deacons , ( Phil : 1. ) were meer Presbyters , he is forced to acknowledge , and so condemnes our Informers shifts , about Extraneus Bishops accidently there , or with the Apostle himself , or that the Diocesian is included in the word [ Bishop ] — in epistola ad Philippenses salutem dicit Episcopis & diaconis , unde quemadmodum intelligitur Philippensium ecclesiam habuisse Presbyteros & diac●…nos &c. ( de Grad : Cap : 8. ) In the Epistle to the Philippians Paul salutes the Bishops and deacones , hence as we are given to understand , that the Church of the Philippians had Presbyters and Deacons , &c. Again , the Informer layes aside the Highpreist , as a type of Christ , when he pleads for prelacie from the Jewish Church-government . But in this Saravia gives him the lie for t . He holds the inferiour priests to have been in there administration types of Christ as well as the high priest . And 2. That the Government , whether of the inferiour or high priests , is not abolished as typical ( de honor : praes : & prysb : deb : cap : 10 , & de Divers : grad Miniser : cap 14. ) Besides , the Informer holds that that place 2 Tim. 2 : 4. Commandes Churchmen to be as Abstract as possible from publik civil imployments , and not intangle themselves therein . But Saravia adstricts the affairs of this life spoken of in that Scripture , unto the endeavours which belonges to the nourishment and mantainance of this life , and holds that it doth not at all speak of nor discharge Churchmens holding of publick state imployments under Princes . He minces not the matter as this man. Vitae negotia ( saith he ] sunt ea quibus , quae ad hujus vitae victum pertinent , comparantur , non quae sunt principis aut civitatis publica . And [ de ●…on : praesul . & Presbit : deb : ] he praefixes this title unto : Cap : 26. As that which he undertakes to prove — Idem Homo tanquam episcopus curam ecclesiae Domino Iesu , & fidem ac obsequium regi tanquam ipsius beneficiarius reddere potest . That the same man may perform his duety to Christ as a Bishop , and attend the Church , and also render faith and obedience to the King as his vassal &c. The doubter nixt excepts to better purpose That they could not be Bishops , because they were not settled at these places , especially Timothy , had he been Bishop at Ephesus , he had been fixed to his charge , but he was left only there upon occasional imployment , and for a season , 1 Tim. 1 : 3. To this he answers 1. That they were rare and singular persons usefull for the Apostle at that time , and therefore it is no wonder that they were called from their particular charge when the Churches good required it . Philip. 2 : 19 , 20 2 Cor. 8 : 23. As with us a Minister may be called from his charge for a season when the good of the Church else where requires it . To which I rejoyne 1. This answer supposes the thing in Question ( viz ) [ That Timothie and Titus were once fixed as Bishops in these Churches ] But the ground of the exception is , That because their occasionall transient Imployment in these places , is so clear & expresse , therefor they were never fixed to these Churches as their particular charge , but had it for their charge to water all the Churches which the Apostles planted , and attend their planetarie motion from Church to Church . So that they cannot be in their worke and duty paralleled to a Pastours transient Imployment from his particular charge for the Churches greater good , whose fixed charge is supposed . But we have proved that Timothie and Titus their ordinarie Imployment was this transient and unfixed Ministery : which is clearly holden out in scriptur both befor and after their officiating in these Churches . 2 , It is also cleared above , that as the scripture is utterly silent of their return to these Churches againe , after Pauls recaling them from the same , and after their transient Imployment therein : So we have made it likewayes appear , that they did officiat thereafter in many other Churches , performing to them the same duties of Evangelists as in Ephesus and crete . And that in Ephesus , elders were called Bishops , and had the whole Episcopal charge before Timothie , committed to them in paules last farewell . In a word , it can never be made good that any who were fixed to particular charges , did so travell up and down as these Evangilists are proved to have done . Againe he t●…lls us That Gerard thinks they were first Evangelists , then made Bishops by Paul at Ephesus and Crete . Ans. If he think so too , he must quite all his plea for their Episcopacie from these Epistles : for Paul calls Timothy to doe the worke of ane Evangelist here , and Titus worke was the same : And he must understand this in the strict sense ( if he offet Gerards exception to any purpose ) which , according to him , secludes power in ordination and jurisdiction . So that a worke and office being enjoyned Timothy in this Epistle , which hath nothing to doe with ordination and iurisdiction , he was not yet made a Bishop , and if not yet , it will be hard to find out his commission and patent afterward in scripture , since he was in perpetual evangilistick Imployments , and sure if Paul ever designed him Bishop over Ephesus , he would not have called the elders of Ephesus , Bishopes , befor Timothy in his last farewell . We heard Saravia plead that Paul intitles not Timothy an Evangelist [ non compellat nomine Evangelistae ] how did he not see that [ that Paul , numquam compellat nomine episcopi , never puts upon Timothy or Titus , the title or name of a Bishope , neither in the inscriptiones of the Epistles writen to them , nor in any place of these Epistles , or else where in scripture , nor injoynes any of them to do the work of Bishop . As he injoynes one of them expresly to do the work of ane Evangelist . And since the Apostle , disertis verbis , in 〈◊〉 these elders of Ephesus , Bishops , and ( to use Saravia's phrase ) compellat nomine Episcoporum , and that with the signal emphasis , of being made Bishops by the Holy Ghost , his reason from epi●…hets and compellations , will the more strongely evinc them to be such . 2. This is a great degrading of ane Evangelist , and derogatorie to his high function , to make him a Bishop . The Councel of Chaldecon judges it sacrilegious to degrade a Bishop to a Presbyter , such must he acknowledge this degrading to be , and therefore that being once Evangelists , of necessity they behoved to continue so . Next , the Doubter objects , what we have been saying , that Paul gave to the elders of Ephesus the Charge , not to Timothy , which he would not have done , had he been Bishop , since it is probable he was present at this time , for v. 4. He was in Pauls companie . Here he gingerly nibbles at this Argument least it prick him , omitting these pregnant circumstances of the context . 1. That this was Pauls last and farewell exhortation . 2. That he not only gives these elders the Charge over that Church before Timothy , and not to him , but also the wholl Episcopal charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feed and rule as the Holy Ghosts Bishops set over the same , which comprehends both ordination and jurisdiction . But what sayes he to this Argument . 1 : It may be he was not ●…et settled Bishop as Gerard thinks . But sure he had all the 〈◊〉 as Bishop which the first Epistle afoords him , from which this man derives his Episcopacy , and power in ordination and jurisdiction : and if , for all these , ●…ur Informer will grant that he might have been not ●…s yet Bishop , but ane Evangelist . Then 1. he must acknowledge that all his pleading for his Episcopac in the nixt pages , from the power he is supposed 〈◊〉 have in the first epistle , is but a beating of the aire an impertinent , since it might be Antecedaneous to h●… Episcopacie : and by the Informers confession , he mig●… have had yet no more Episcopal relation to the Church , then any who was never Bishop there . Henc●… 2. Not being yet Bishop , but ane Evangelist still , ( a●… Gerard takes him ) in a traveling posture up and down with the Apostle ( as also Bishop Hall , Downam and Hooker acknowledge him ) I wonder how this man wil sustean his denyal , that he was ane Evangelist in the proper and strict sense , such as his was . Sure , if this his supposition , or [ may be ] will hold good , timothies office , as suc●… ane Evangelist , was to cease in the Church , as he expresseth it , and Pauls bidding him doe the work of ane Evangelist sufficiently Unbishops him at least pro tunc , which notwithstanding we heard him deny . 2. He tell us ] that Irenaeus who lived not long after the Apostles thinks there were Asian Bishops mingled with the elders of Ephesus , and with Timothie their Bishop to whom in common Paul made that exhortation comprehending the [ Bishops ] under the name of [ elders ] as Apostles were sometymes called ] Ans. We may be much in love with this scripture in the present debate , since it forces adversaries upon such simple incoherent shifts . First , it may be he was not yet made Bishop — then least that concession prove too gripping , there must be other Bishops of Asia , minglcd with these elders , and Timothie of necessitie must be now ▪ Bishop , or hardly well after , and their own Bishop and the extraneous ones , must be all shuffled up unde the name of elders , and exhorted in common , a he shifts the argument from Philip. 1. But th●… text it self sufficiently discovers the folly of this poo●… shift . For 1. Paul called the elders from Ephesus , an●… the elders of the Church there , not imaginary elders or Bishops from other places . 2. He sent for the elders of the Church , in the singular number , not of the Churches , and so all he sent for had a particular relation to that Church , for had there been elders of other Churches there , It would have been expressed elders of the Churches : If other elders or Bishops of Asia had been there , they would have receaved the Scripture denomination of provincial Churches , which are expressed in the plural . So we read of Churches of Asia , Revel . 1 : II. Churches of Iudea Gal. 1 : 22. Next , This answer still supposes [ The existence of the diocesian Bishop over Presbyters at that time ] which is a poor begging of the question . Wee prove from this and such like texts , that the Bishops of Asia , and Ephesus were meer Pastours , who had in Common the Epicopal charge over the Church , and that the Holy Ghost set up these , and none else . Infine , This is but a meer shift in the Iudgment of Chrysostom , Hierom , Theodoret , and the Current of Interpreters , who take these elders for meer Presbyters , and is contrare to the Syriack translation , which reads it , Presbyteros ecclesiae Ephesinae . So the Concilium Aquisgravense . But now comes his proofe of Timothie , and Titus , their Episcopacie from these Epistles . His first Reason in general , is That in these Epistles more fully then any where else in the new Testament , Paul gives direction to Timothie and Titus how to carry in ordination and jurisdiction , which Two comprehends the Episcopall office . Ans. 1. With him there is a possibilitie , or may be , that forall these directions , Timothy and Titus were evangelists still , and not yet Bishops ; and so these directions might be given to them as extraordinary officers , who , according to him , were to cease , and consequently though comprehensive of the Episcopal office , yet the office might cease with their persons as exercised in that manner , and the power of ordination and jurisdiction be deryved to different recipients , to be exercised in another maner , ( viz ) by presbyters in common . 2. By what consequence will he infer ane Episcopall authority and inspection , from the Apostles prescribing rules to them anent ordination and jurisdiction ? May not all Ministers be herin directed , as well as Timothy and Titus ? or will his giving directions to them in this poynt infer their sole and singular authority therein ? Surely not at all in Churches constitute : and as for what they did in the frameing and constitution of Churches yet in fieri , as to their organick being , is not to the purpose . 3. We did shew above that the prelats power , and their way as to ordination and jurisdiction , is in its very nature , different from that which either Apostle or Evangilist exercised , as being a dominion and arbitrary power , yea including in it a civil dominion , and derived from the civil Magistrat . None of which can be said of any authority which Timothy and Titus are here supposed to have : In a word , as it is clear that the elders of Ephesus , at Paul's last farewell , were intrusted with the whole power of ordination , and jurisdiction , and as the Episcopi were commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feed and rule with out any respect to Timothy : which clearly demonstrats that he ( and consequenly Titus ) had no Episcopal power of ordination and jurisdiction , over these Churches , established in their persons , by any prescriptions here delivered ; So it is as evident that the same prescriptions might be delivered to any Moderator of a Synod , or vnto a transiently visiting Minister , though even in relation to a province , which being necessarly to be understod Salvo jure Ecclesiae , would import no Episcopall or sole authority , and thus the case is here . But what were these directions importing this power ? He instances 1. [ In the qualifications which they must require in such as were to be ordained-not suddenly to lay on hands , which respects ordination , next , the rules anent government , how to rebuke offenders , not to receave ane accusation , but before two or three witnesses , how to deal with heretikes , &c. Ans. 1. These Apostolik directions in point of Government , are good & excellent , but how doth he prove that the adressing of these directions , to Timothie , will infer his Sole and single authority in all these , so as to seclude Presbyters from their share therein ? And if he prove not this , it will say nothing to evince ane Episcopal authority . What if such directions were adressed to a Moderator ? would that infer his Authoritie over the Synod ? Nay , since a Presbytry laid on hand 's upon Timothy himself , Since the Presbyters of this Church of Ephesus , had the Episcopal power in Common , committed to them as the Holy Ghosts Bishops , Since the Corinth-Presbytery did excommunicat the incestuous , we may clearly infer , that these directions , though immediatly addressed to Timothy , yet belonged to Presbyters of that and Other Churches , as well as him . 2. Supposing that this adress will give him a speciall Interest herein , yet how will the Informer prove that it respects Timothy any other way , and in any other Capacity , then of ane Euangelist , which he sayes it might be , he yet was , and not a Bishop ? He dissallowes not of Gerards opinion , who sayes , that he was not yet made Bishop ; Now , if these Rules were to be observed by him , and this his supposed singular Authority exercised [ as ane Evangelist , whose office was to cease , ] It will plead nothing for the Episcopal power . Surely upon our supposition , that he was a fellow-helper and assistant of Paul , in his Apostolik function , and had a transient occasional Imployment here , as is clearely held out in the Text , these rules are very suitable unto him in that capacity . Besids , these Directions are for instruction of every man of God , or Minister , in point of Church-Government 2. Tim. 3 : 16. 1 Tim. 4. 6 : But doth not give them Episopal power . Or will he say that every man hath the formal office , or place , in the nature whereof he is instructed ? The dedication of a book to a man anent rules of kingly Government will not make the man , or suppose him , either King or Governour . In the 3d. place . As to these Directions themselves , particularly as to Timothies direction , as to laying on of hands , 't is Answered , that laying on of hands in ordination , is found in Scripture a Presbyterial Acte competent to meer Presbyters , which ( as I said ) they exercised upon Timothy himself , though Paul was present , 1 Tim 4 : 14. 2 Tim. 1. 5. And therefor Timothy could have no single , or Episcopal authority therein in Churches Constitute So that the precept directs Presbyters as well as him in that point . Nay , this addressed direction mainly respected them , as the proper subject of this power , and the Presbytery received their lesson here ( not to lay on hands suddenly ) rather then Timothy . Nixt , As for his Authority and directions anent rebuking and Censures . I answ . That neither can this be Timothy's sole prerogative , for either it is meaned of a Privat rebuke , and this every Christian hath authority in : Thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sin upon him . Levit. 19 : 17. Prov. 9 : 8. Or of a ministerial rebuke : and this is competent to every Minister of the word , Isa. 58 : 1. 2 Tim. 41 , 2. Ti●… . 1 : 13. 2 ; Sam. 12 : 8. And besides , Institutions and reproofs of Church officers , will not prove a fixed Episcopal power . Prophets rebuked , but had no jurisdiction over Priests , nor Paul over Peter , though he reproved him . As for that which he particularly mentions about receiving ane accusation against ane Elder , It is answered . That this also belongs to the official juridical power of Elders , since Ruling & Government attribute to them in Scripture , doth necessarily import ane authority to receive accusations , and correct delinquents by reproofs and censures , Matth. 8 : 16. 17. There is ane accusation to be delated ecclesiae , to the Church , or the juridical Court , not to one Prelat , as is above cleared ; and therefore the direction anent the receiving of the accusation , respects them who were to judge upon it , and not the Prelat . Compare this with 1 Cor. 5 : 4 , 5. The Presbyters must meet together to rebuke the Incestuous there and they that are Spiritual must restore the delinquent , Gal. 6 : 1. The Church officers , or Ministers of Thessalonica must note and admonish authoritatively the disobedient Brother , 2 Thess. 3 : 14 , 15. To which I may add , that as upon the one hand Timothy is forbidden to rebuke ane elder , and positively enjoyned [ doubly to honour them , when faithful ] So , the receiving ane accusation , is no more then that which every privat Christian and Minister is capable of , even against the superiour , whither in state , or age , in relation to admonition , Counsel or Comfort accordingly . Levit. 19 : 17. Gal. 6 : 1 , 2 Joh. 10 , 11. None in whatever capacity are exeemed from this precept , not to receive accusations lightly . Hence the 4th . Council of Carthage ( cited by Blond . Apol. Sect. 4 ) enacted That no Bishop should hear ane accusation without the Clergie , and that without their assent , the sentence should be voyd . where was the negative voyce here . Whittaker , thus answers the Popish pleading upon this text , and our Informers too ( controv . 4. Quest. 1. Cap. 2. ) That Timothy is commanded not rashly to receive ane accusation , proves not that he had dominion over Elders , which according to the Apostles minde is to bring a crime to the Church , to bring the guilty into judgement , openly to reprove , which not only superiors may doe , but also equals and inferiors . In the Roman Republick , the Kings did not only judge the people , but also the Senators and patricii ; and certainly it seems not that Timothy had such a ●…sistory and Court as was afterward appointed to Bishops in the Church , what this authority was may be understood by that which followes , [ those that sin rebuke before all ] , which equals also may doe . Thus bishops heretofore , if any elder or Bishop had ane ill report , referred it to the eeclesiastick Senat or , Synod , and condemned him if he seemed worthy , by a publick judgement , that is , did either suspend , excommunicat , or remove him , the Bishop condemneing nocent elders or deacons , not by his authority alone , but with the judgment of the Church and clergie — & in case of appeals , even to the Metropolitan he could doe nothing without the Synod & what they did was ratified . The same is the answer of Bucer de vt & usu , Sacr. Minister : Willet . Sinops . Papis Contr. 5 , Ques . 3 ▪ part 3 , In the appeudix Eucer . de Gub. pag. 300. to 398. The Informer tells us in the next place that these directions concern after , ages and are of ordinary use : and therefore they cannot be extraordinary officers in these Acts — that in calling Timothy and Titus , extraordinary officers in these Acts , we lead the way to their errour , who call ordination and jurisdiction , extraordinary . Answ. As we have proved , that none of these directions will infer in Timothy ane Episcopal Power properly such , but that any power he had above Presbyters ; was by his special Evangelistick Legation , so the concernment of after ages in these directions , and their being of constant use , is a pitiful argument to prove the continuanc of the power in that manner . Are not all the old Testament precepts anent the antiquated ceremonies , all the acts & directions given to extraordinary officers , both under the Old and New Testament , of perpetual use in after ages ? But are they therefore to be imitated and retained ? What will he say to the Papists , pleading for the anoin●… of the sick upon the Apostle James his precept [ let the elders anoint the sicke with oile , and pary ] this is ane Act enjoyned to ordinary officers , viz , to elders , and joyned with with prayer , a constant standing dutie : and he will not say that this Apostolick precept is to be ex punged as useles . What ? must we therefore retean anointing ? would he not in this case distinguish betwixt that which is a constant dutie , and a temporarie concomitant and appendix . Acted not the Apostles extraordinarely in their very preaching , both as to its extent , its confirmation by miracles , their gifts of tongues , and are not the Acts of preaching and baptizing of constant use in the Church ? Must not this Informer grant that these Apostolick Acts of preaaching and baptizing are perpetual , though the mould and maner is extraordinary and gone , in so far as their extraordinary Apostolick power interposed therein . Thus the Acts of ordination and jurisdiction are moral , but the modusrei , is extraordinary , in so farr as their Evangelistik authority , and special legation , interposed therein . He must either acquiesc in this , and acknowledge this his argueing Sophistick and pueril , or he will contradict what he said before , anent the Apostles extraordinary Priviledges , which are gone with them , viz , infaillibilitie , their immediat call , sending to all nations , and what else was necessary for the first founding of the Church . Now , is not that which was thus necessary , of perpetual use ? Are we not built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets ? Are not the ordinances and Ministery receaved from them , of perpetuall use ? And their most extraordinary Acts , if we mean it of improvement . Nay , did not the new-Testament Church receave the Law of God , and ordinances from the Jewes ? Must we therefore Judaize ? 2. How will he prove that the asserting , that any officer hath ane extraordinary authority conversant about such ane Act , will give ground to say , that the Act it self , is extraordinary , or the ordinance touched by that Act , expyred ? Will his asserting , that the Apostles exercised ane extraordinary authority which is now ceased , in their preaching unfixedly , by ane immediat call , and confirming their doctrine with miracles , and strange tongues , give ground to conclude that the ordinances of preaching and baptizing are expired also ? I trow he will not grant this . How then will our asserting , that Timothy and Titus put forth ane extraordinary Evangelistick authority in ordination , and jurisdiction infer , that the Acts of ordination and jurisdiction , or these ordinances themselves , are expired ? can he not distinguish betwixt the power it self , and the different subject , and manner of its exercise , ordinary or extraordinary ? can he not see in Scripture ane extraordinary power derived , and cut out in a succession of different and ordinary channels , and diverslie exercised ? Sayes he not that the Apostles had ane extraordinary power , of both ordination and jurisdiction , and both the keyes . But I trow he asserts that , there are different recipients , who bring down ane ordinary power by succession . Some ( Prelats forsooth ) have the key of Governmant , others ( viz , ) Presbyters , have preaching for their work , but no rule properly . And sayes he not that the extensive authority , in which the Apostles exercised their Ministry , is gone , and a limited ordinary Ministry derived from them . If the extraordinary Mission of twelve Apostles , hath derived from it a Ministery and ecclesiastick authority spread throw all Church-officers in the world , who succeed them not into the same office , let this Informer shew me , why may not Timothies Evangelistick extraordinary power in ordination and jurisdiction , be deryved by , and seatted , in a Presbytery , though the Evangelistick Office is extraordinary , and ( as such ) not succeeded unto . The service , and worke of teaching , and governing to continue in all times , doth not render the Apostolick mission or commission , ordinarie , nor infer their being succeded in idem officium , & eundem gradum , the ordinary power being institut and settled in the hands of ordinary officers , by a new warrand and commission , according to the Scripture rules of ordination . The office of Moses was not rendered ordinary , because many works of Government exercised by him , were recommitted to the Elders of Israel ; and so the case is here . The Evangelists extraordinary office and commission ( necessary , as that of the Apostles , for the first founding of the Churches , and watering and building them up in their organick being , & for settling all their ordinary officers ) is changed into the Presbytery their ordinary Collegiat power of ordination & jurisdiction ; which we find was in the Apostolick Churches exercised , and even in this of Ephesus . His 2d Reason to prove them Bishops , is , Because their commission at Ephesus & Crete , was n●…t voyded upon the first settling of Ministers in those places , therefore their office was to be constant , since if meerly as Evangelists they were to settle a Church there , then they were to give place to the Presbytery when some Ministers were ordained : but they did not so : — ●…itus needed not ordain Elders in every city , if some few ordained might ordain the rest . Ans. 1. This is a poor argument , and hath no twist of a connexion [ their commission at these places was not voyded upon the first settleing of Ministers , ] ergo , [ they were not extraordinary officers , but had a standing Episcopacie there ] which is a meer rope of sand . The Apostles office and commission was not voyded over all Churches when settled , Ergo , they had no extraordinary inspection , office , or commission , towards all these Churches . What consequence is here ? So may it be said of these Vicarious Apostles , their commission to these or other Churches could not be voided or expired , though they were never so much settled , but they were prore nata to visite and water all the Churches , and bring Apostolick instructions to them , and reports from them anent their case . We have proved that Timothie and Titus exercised their extraordinary office , and commission , towards many other Churches , after their return from these of Ephesus , & Crete , so that their commission towards these or other Churches , could be no more voided whil the Apostles Imployed them therin , then their office . Besid , this Informer should advert , that Timothy is left To charge some that they teach no other doctrine which was a commission beyond the meer settling of Ministers , and supposing some already settled . 2. Will he say that Timothy and Titus were ordinary standing officers or Bishops , over these severall Churches , where they might reside some time , and have Imployment therin , even after they had officers of their own ? did they not visite and water many other Churches , were they therefore their Bishops ? if so he must quickly transport them to be Bishops of other Churches , after they were Bishops here : & exalt them to metropolitan's as some of the ancients make them . 3. Their Evangelistik inspection , direction , and assistence , even after some ordinary officers were settled , could no more prejudge the ordinary power and authority of these officers , then the Apostles extraordinary inspection , and infallible universal directive power , could prejudge the Churches ordinary authority , in ordination and jurisdiction . The Apostles power ( which could not be voyded , nor expyre , whil they were alive ) being Cumulative unto , but not privative of , the Churches ordinary power , so it is here . I would ask our Informer , was Pauls apostolick commission to Crete and Ephesus , voyded , after Bishops were set up there ? Nay , he will not say it . But did this Null the Episcopall power of Timothy and Titus , over these Churches ? I trow not . Well , no more could Timothys extraordinary inspection make voyd the ordinary power of presbyters . 4. We told him already that how long soever Timothy and Titus were resident there , they were to doe nothing pro imperio , and were not to lord it over the presbyters . 5. Although elders once ordained , have power to ordaine others , yet the bene esse , did call for the Inspection and direction of such highely gifted and extraordinary officers herein , as these were . And Moreover , in that Infant-state of the Church , Apostolick precepts and rules in reference to Church government , and the exercise of both the keyes , were to be delivered by these extraordinary officers , & consequently might call for , & protract their continuanc therein , even after ordinary officers were ordained . Infine . He cannot deny but that the Apostle recalled both Timothy and Titus from these places , to the further prosecution of their employment in other Churches , and that their transient imployment therein is held out , after their return from Ephesus and Cret ; as likwayes their occasionall employment in both these places , which will in so farr voyd their commission in relation to them , as clearly to refu●… the supposed episcopal ordinary charge which he alledges they exercised . Next , from the Authores of jus divinum Minist : evangel : [ concluding against the peoples power of ordination , upon Timothy and Titus being left at these places to ordaine elders ] The Informer inferrs against them thus , why was Timothy or Titus left to ordaine elders , after some were ordained by Paul , If Ministers so ordained could ordaine the rest ? and after some were ardained by Timothy and Titus , they were left still upon that imployment . I answer , his inference touches not these Reverend authors in the least . The ordaineing of elders in relation to the beue esse , even after some elders were there , and the furder directing and compleating of these Churches in their members and officers , did require ane Evangelistick inspection , though the ordinarie power of ordaineing , remained with the ordinary elders and Church officers , as the scripture doth clearly hold out . Paul haveing after committed to the elders of this Church of Ephesus the whol power of government . But the scripture gives not the least hint of the peoples power to ordaine , but attributs this still to Church officers as proper to them . So that this Inference stands good in the generall [ though some were converted to Christianity there , yet they could not ordaine officers , but Church officers were sent upon that Imployment ] ergo . Church officers must ordaine , and not the people : but the speciall inference will not hold , ergo , Biohops must only ordaine for the reasons already given , no more then from Paules ordaining the first elders , it will follow [ ergo Paul , or ane Apostle only , must ordaine ] which is a Consequence our Informer dare not admitt , else he will contradict himself . It is a good consequence [ Paul , a Church officer , preached and baptized ] ergo [ none but Church officers must preach and baptize ] but [ ergo , none but ane Apostle must preach and baptize ] is bad logick . So his inference is neither logicall nor theological . His 3d. Reason to prove Timothy a Bishop , is taken from Pauls solemne Charge 1. Tim. 6. 13. to keep . what he had commanded him , till the appearing of Iesus Christ. That presbyterians ( particularly , jus divinum Minist . pag. 74. ) hold these Directions to be for all ages of the Church , making them paralleel with Matth. 28. 20. anent Christs promised presence to the end and 1 : Tim. 5. 7 , 21. Anent Pauls Charge to observe these things . Whence he concludes that they were to have successors in their office , and were not extraordinary officers , since these divines say , page 160. [ That Apostolick examples in things necessary for the good of the Church , and which cary a perpetuall equiry and reason in them , have the force of a rule ] and the Apostles setting Timothy and Titus , over these Churches , is ane example Apostolick for the good of the Church , and hath a perpetuall reason and equitie in it . Ans. 1. Wee have made it appear that no directions given to Timothy will amount to demonstrat any episcopall dominion over this Church , and that he had no sole or arbitrary power either in ordination or jurisdiction , & consequently that the charge of [ keeping that which was commanded him ] will Import & inferr no keeping of ane Episcopall charge . 2. Wee have also shewed what a bad consequence it is , to argue from the perpetual use of precepts or directions , given to extraordinary officers , in relation to extraordinary acts , towards the Churches imitating of these acts , and retaineing these expired functions , which is palpably a non-sequitur , as this man can not deny , else he will swallow horrid absurdities . Every thing which is for our constant use and Improvement , is not likwayes for our Imitation . Againe , 3. I would ask this Informer , if the Command 1. Tim. 6. 13. joyned with the promise Matth. 28. 20. Will not reach and include every peece of the Apostolik and evangelistik office ? Sure he cannot deny this , and yet he acknowledges there were severall peeces of their work temporary and expyred . Will he dare to say that what the apostle commanded Timothy in this Epistle , was confined within Ephesus , or reached him only as oversieing that Church , and not in relation to his Evangilistick office throw all the Churches ? and that the promise Matth. 28. did not reach the most extraordinary Apostolick Acts ; So that himself must distinguish ( unless he be inconsistent with himself ) betwixt what is moral , and extraordinary , in this command and charge , and accordingly reached by the promise . 4. His citation from the Ius divin . Minist : &c Cuts the throate of his cause : for argueing thus against privat persons intrudeing into the ministry [ That the scripture layes down rules for calling men to that office ] they instance in the qualifications of the person , Citeing 1. Tim. 3. 2 , 3. anent the properties of the scripture Bishop or presbyter . Then they add [ That the Scripture directs as to the maner of his calling , viz , who are to ordaine , how hee is to be ordained , citeing 1. Tim. 4. 14. viz , that the presbytery is to ordaine , and ordaine by the laying on of hands — adding , that these directions are for all ages , and citeing . ●…1 Tim. 6 : 13 , 14. ] Now , if these perpetuall directions for all ages , be touching no other Bishops but these in 1 Tim. 3 : 1. And anent ordination by the hands of the Presbytery , surely those are Presbyterial not Episcopal directions , and doe palpably exclude Timothy●…s standing Episcopacy ; So that he did not well to raise this Ghost . Next , ane Apostolical example for the good of the Church , is not that which they hold to have the force of a rule , as the Informer belies them but ane example in things necessary for the good of the Church . And as this , so the next citation out of that book , burnes his fingers . For the authores having cited . 2. Tim. 2 : 2 , In order to their scope of pleading for ordination as a perpetuall standing ordinance , Timothy being in that place enjoyned to commit those things which he had heard from Paul , to faithfull men who shall be able to teach o●…hers . They infer . 1. A necessity of setting apart some to be teachers in Christs Church . 2. The qualifications of such , viz , they must be faithfull men , and able to teach . 3. That Timothy is enjoyned to committ what he had heard to faithful men , which they understand of ordination of ministers , that there might be a perpetuall succession of teachers . And comparing it with the former citation , it appears that they hold these precepts to import the deryvation of the ordinary power of teaching and Government to ordinary Ministers . And when the Anti-Ministeriall party object [ that these are but examples , which doe not amount to make up a rule ] they give . this answer [ that Apostolick examples in things necessary for the Church , and which have a perpetuall reason and equity in them , have the force of a rule ] now , this example is anent the committing of ane ordinary power of ordination , and jurisdiction , to faithfull Ministers and teachers , which quit justles out the prelatical power . For since they hold Timothy's singular way in this , as ane Evangelist , was to cease ( which they must needs doe upon the forementioned ground , the Presbyterial , and the singular power being inconsistent in the same subject ) they must needs place this Evangelistick power among these examples which doe not obleidge , and it is ordination it self , and its continuance in this manner by ordinary teachers which they expresly plead for , as the Apostolick example , which hath a perpetual reason and equity , and the force of a rule ; not Timothies singular power herin which they hold to be expired . So that the Informers assumption viz ; That Timothies Evangelistick Inspection by the Apostles apointment over this Church , as also that of Titus , is such ane exemple , as hath a perpetuall reason and equity in it . He might have found to be rejected by these divines ( had he read that peece attentivly ) as no way following from ( yea contrare unto ) their assertion and it is still left at h●…s door to prove and make good . His Last Reason , to prove the Episcopacy of Timothy and T●…us , is taken from Testimonies . That Polycrates and Eusebius affirme Timothy to have been Bishop of Ephesus . — That Leontius Bish : os Magnesià in the generall Council of Calcedem Act 11. points out a Series of Tuentie Seven Bishops in Ephesus , from Timothy &c : Ans : Since the scriptures doe clearly hold out his extraordinary Evangilist●…k function , and there is nothing therein which can in the least infer his having ane ordinary episcopall power , The Informers pleading upon this head being found frivolous and leaning upon that known fallacy viz , to argue from [ The singularity of ane extraordinary officer ] to the [ Singularity of ane ordinary perpetuall officer ] in Church government which will as well set up ( upon the ground of the Apostles universall inspection ) patriarchs , or popes as prelats : Surely the improper styles and designations which the Ancients put upon Timothy or Titus , who spoke in the language of their owne times , is a very insignificant proof to Counter ballance Scripture light in this mater . Tertullians saying ( cited by park , l 2. C , 7. ) is here remarkable , Si constat id verius quod prius id prius quod ab initio id ab initio quod ab Apostolis &c : that is truest which is first that is first which is from the beginning , that is from the beginning which is from the Apostles . Their opinions who call them Bishops , are for most part borrowed from Eusebius , of whose hallucinations Scaliger gives large prooses , and yet all that he sayes is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is reported ; and this report he had from a fabulus Clemens . The ancients likewayes call the Apostles themselves Bishops , peter of Rome , James of Jerusalem . Yea Theodoret Calls Timothy and Titus Apostles of Asia and crete , which the Informer will not justifie . Yea some call them Motropolitanes , Arch Bishops , patriarchs , and this because ( saith Walo Messalinus ) they did these Acts which afterward by human Custome , were appropriat to Bishops , which ( saith he ) they did as Evangelists , as one of them is expressly called . As for jerom , it is certain that he both mantaines and proves the Bishop and elder to be one in Scripture , when disputing that point in his Commentar upon Titus : and therefore when at any time he gives these evangelists such appellations he doth it allusively , and improperly , according to the degenerat custome of his time . As for the Catalogues of Bishops , from Scriptur times , they are found to terminat upon Apostles or Evangelists , as that of Ierusalem , comes up to Iames the Apostle : that of Antioch , to peter : So that of Rome , to peter , and Paul : that of Alexandria , unto mark &c : Now , they were not ordinary officers , nor succeeded in eundum gradum . And besid , there are ecclesiastick customes traced up by some to the Apostolick tymes , which not with standing are acknowledged not to be of divine oppointment . Some first Bishops were but primi presbiteri ( as we shall after shew ) How lost they the sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , which their first founders had , in so short a time ? This sole power in ordination and jurisdiction ( which our prelats now acclaime , and this man pleads for ) will not be found till Three hundred years after Christ , if at all then . The gross mistak of many ancients in their constituting of Bishops , appears in this instance . That many fathers affirm peter to have been Bishop of Rome , and to have continued Bishop there for many years . Yet Marsilius patavinus pars : 2. c : 16. Carolus Molinaeus , Scen : Consult : franc : contr : abusus &c : Paparum ) proves by scripture and reason that peter was never at Rome . In a word , the ancients call them ●…shops , as likwayes Apostles such , not properly ( saith Bucer . de Gub : Eccles : p. 432. So fox , Act mon : p. 11465 ) but in a large or general appellation , because they first preached the gospel to these Churches — and to this end , To prove a perpetuall succession of sound preachers , and sound doctrine , in those particular Churches from the Apostles tyme to their own ; nameing the eminentest Ministers for parts and gifts , the Bishops of these Churches : which Method & scope of Catalogues , appears by Irenaeus , Tertullian , cited by Mi●…prin . ( un Bish : of Tim : and Tit : p. 34. ) The Doubter objects against Timothies Episc. That he was ordained by the layingon of the hands of the presbytery 1. Tim 4. 14. and therefore could not be a Bishop , Since a Presbytery which is a company of Ministers , cannot make a Bishop . To this the Informer returns , 1. That Calvin thinks that by presbytery is meaned the office . I answer , Suppose Calvin think so what will that say to the argument it self ? Againe Calvine upon the place , doth not wholly dissoun the ordinary comment , which takes the presbytery for a company of elders , but thinks it may well sustean Presbiterium qui hio ( saith he ) Collectivum nomen esse putant , pro collegio presbiterorum positum , recte Sentiunt meo judicio . Such as esteem the presbitery here to be a collective word put for the assembly of elders , doe rightly judge in my judgement . Besids that the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbyterie , especially as it stands here constructed , cannot in any tollerable sense import the office , for the office hath no hands to lay on . 2 The Informer flies to his old shift of sh●…uding the diocesian Bishops under the lapp of these presbyters , which he tells us we need not think strange of since he hath shewed that the [ Apostles ] are called elders or [ presbyters . ] Ans. Wee have already disproved what he alledges from the Apostles being called elders ( in agenerall sense ) here , as befor , he but begges the Question in supposing his imaginary different degrees of preaching presbyters or Pastours to be at this tyme existent , which ( untill he make it appear from Scripture ) is as easily denyed by us , as affirmed by him . What a pitiful cause must that be which needs the support of such vaine shifts ? In phil : 1. and Act. 20. Bishops ( diocesian Bishops ) must be set up among the presbyters . So here they must be brought into this presbytery , whereas the very Question is anent the being and existence of any such Bishops at all at this tyme. Next , If hi-man were posed upon it , why he maks the presbyters here to be of his imagined hiest class of diocesian Bishops , and not also in all plac●…s where they are mentioned , as Dr. Hamon doth : And how it comes that there were so many Bishops so early here befor Ephesus , Crete , and other Churches had even his inferiour elders or ordinary Ministers ? He could give no answer but what would render him rediculous , in his running the Circlestick , and begging the Question . Besides Timothy was yet no Bishop , for he was advanced to this office when set over Ephesus in the Informers judgement : and he was now only ( with him ) a sort of unfixed preacher of the gospell , or ane Evangelist in his large sense . And Hooker sayes the Evangelists were presbyters of prime sufficiency assumed by the Apostles to attend them . This resolver will have him to be no other wayes ane Evangelist , then Philip , who , he supposes , was still a deacon when so termed . Thus it evidently appears that Timothy , according to him , and upon the sequel of that answer , receaved at the utmost but a meer presbyterat in his ordination ; and then I wonder what needs a number of Bishops be mustered together for ordaining him ? Might not Paul and the Inferiour presbyters ordaine such ane one ? Thus we see he is still inconsistent what himself in all his shifts . But he hath a 3d. Answer taken from the laying on of pauls hands , mentioned 2. Tim. 1. 6 which ( he sayes ) gave the substance of the ordination , although the presbyters might share in the Ceremonial pare of is . Ans : 1. If it were denyed that the Apostle 2. Tim. 1. 6 affirmes That Timothy was ordained by the laying one of his hands since hementiones onely [ the gift conferred by the laying on of his handes which ] Paul might confer upon him antecedaniously to his ordination , since he laid on hands in order to gifts of the Spirit abstracting from ordination as other Apostles did Act. 8. 17. And also because the different maner of expression in 2. T●…m . 1. 6. and 1. Tim. 4. 14. viz , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the one place , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the other , diversifies the conferring of gifts , and the ordination , or at least wil plead that Pauls laying on of hands was in order to the Conferring of the gifts , and not necessarie for the ordination it self , which he receaved intirely by the laying on of the presbyteryes hands , even supposeing that they were both contemporarie ; If I say , Some presbyterian Doubter should suggest these difficulties to our Informer , he would be puzled to come liquide off with this his answer . Surely [ the Charisma ] the gift , is a differing thing from the office . And the Apostles laying on of hands as ane Apostle , being in a speciall way in order to the end mentioned thouh contemporarie with the presbytryes action , yet mig●…t be temporary and expired . 2. What Calls he the cemonial part ( distinguished from that substantial pat of his ordination , which Paul gave ) which he admitts the presbyters unto , if we will. Nay Sir , we will not ; 't is known your party are much in love with ceremonies , and we quite them unto you , where they want substance . Was it the Ceremonial part to lay on hands ? Then I would propose to our Informer . 1. That since this was neither in order to the gifts , which Paul gave , nor any part of the sacred authority and mission as a Church officer , which Paul only gave according to him , what signified their laying on of handes at all ? Was it only to signifie their consent ? Where can he shew in all the scriptures , where laying on of hands is mentioned , that it Imports onely consent , and not authoritie ? this Ceremonie , borrowed from the old Testament , doth alwayes present a badge of ane Authoritative blessing , flowing from Prophets , Patriarchs and others , to which though there were many assenters , yet none of these assenters laid on hands . Next , since this Ceremonie was used by our Lord , towards his Apostles , and thereafter by them , and particularly in this work : & withall , since it must needs Import here a solemne blessing of , a setting apart unto God , and sending out into his vineyeard , the person thus ordained ( not to debate whither this Ceremonie be of the essence of ordination , as some judge , yea or not ) let our Informer shew me , why it may not , upon all these grounds be looked upon as a badge of Ministerial authority , and supposing this authority inherent in the presbyters . I would ask him , 3. Since Paul commended the whol official power of ordination & jurisdiction , to the presbyters , Act. 20. & Peter . 1. Epist. 5. Ch : Imputs ane 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or actuall exercise of Episcopall authority , to the elders , who were ( as himself acknowledges ) set over the flocks onely , and so none of his imaginary Prelat elders ? With what sense or reason , can he or anyelse say that they could not share in the substantials of ordination . many no doubt concurred with the publick blessing at Timothies ordination : for I suppose it was done in the view and presen ce of the assembly , But did any of them lay on hands ? Besyds , we might here tell him that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbytery , doth alwayes Import a juridicall authoritative Court , so the word is taken Luk. 22. 66. and Act. 22. 5. As likewayes the word [ presbyter . ] Imports ane officer cloathed with authority , so that this Court of elders , must needs have ane interest in much more then the rituales of ordination . His Last Exception , is , That upon our supposition , That Timothy was ane extraordinary officer and Evangelist , he could not be ordained by ordinary inferiour officers or Ministers . Ans. 1. As some say of the Prince , that though Major Singulis , greater then every single person , yet he is , Minor universis , lesse then the whol body , so it may be said , that though Timothy , as ane Evangelist , were superiour to any meer elder ; yet ane eldership , the juridical Court , the Church representative , might be above him ; if at least such a superiority was here necessary ; else let him say , whither the Prophets at Antioch , were in Capacity to Impose hands upon Paul , and Barnabas , and send them out upon a gospel legation . Himself is bound to answer this , whither these Inferiour officers , in that act , were greater then he , yea or not , and how these ordinary officers and teachers could authoritatively bless , and lay hands upon ane Apostle . And when he hath cleared this , he will easily exped our difficulty in this point . 2. Though it were granted , that a presbytery , consisting of meer ordinary officers , could not ordain ane Evangelist , yet I hope he will grant , that a presbytery , where such a one as paul was , might doe it , who as ane Apostle , might ordaine alone . If he say , what is then become of our presbyterial ordination , which we draw from this text ? I answer , it is much confirmed , but not weakened by what is said , for if the Apostle Paul took along in this high Act [ the ordination even of ane Evangelist ] the authoritative concurrenc of a Presbytery , therefore much more doth this power of ordination belong to the Presbytery now , in relation to ordinary Church officers or fellow Presbyters , when the office of Apostles and Evangelists is ceased . 3. If the ground and topick of our Informer's argument [ They who ordaine must be greater then he who is ordained ] were denied , he would be more puzeled to make it good , then he Imagines . Because 1. The blessing in ordination being only ministerial and instrumental by way of service but not by ane original primative authority ( as a learned man distinguishes here ) God and Christ alone ordaining thus , whose servants and Ministers , both the ordained and ordainers are . Ephes. 4 : 11 , 12. 1 Cor. 12. 28. Matth. 9 : 37 , 38. 2 Cor 4 : 5. 1 Cor. 3 : 5. 21 , 22. Act. 13 : 1 , 6. The ordination will no more infer a superiority over the ordained , then peoples blessing of God will make them greater then Hee , Jacobes blessing of Pharaoh , will make him greater then Pharaoh , the peoples blessing of Solomon , greater then Solomon . The Kings Acturney ( saith he ) who drawes the noble-man or officer of state , His patent and commission , is not greater then hee , But the King who is the original of temporall honour . So Ministers in this work doe only draw out the Kings patent and apply it , but Christ only is the original proper ordainer . As for that text , Hebr. 7 : 7. He sayes i●… is meaned of Christ himself who by Melchisedeck his type , blessed Abraham by his own inherent authority and power . 2. Admitting that the ordainers , behoved to be greater then the ordained before the ordination is execut , yet it will not necessarly follow , that they must be still greater after the ordination is past & finished , the very end of it being to conferr upon the ordained a like Ministery with that which themselves have . Hee instances Matthias and Paul , who were inferiour to the Apostles , before they were called and ordained : But being called , they became equal with other Apostles in Apostolick power , dignity , degree , &c. Wee might exemplitie this in other instances , ( if intending to Press it ) As the armie Creats the Emperor , which of the two is greater ? Three Bishops creat a Metropolitan , the Council of Cardinals a pope &c. But enough is said to rectifie our Informer's thoughts of Timothy and Titus and so we proceed unto h●…s next Argument . CHAP. XI . The Informers pleadings for Prelacy from the seven Asian Angels , discussed . That the stile of Prophetick writinges , and of this book , doe strongely conclud a collective sence of the term Angel , fully proved . The admitting the Angel to be a single person , will not help the Informer . his reasonings from the pretended Catalogues of succeeding Bishopes in these Churches , frivolous and vain , as also his new Argument taken from [ diotrephes's love of preeminence , ] wherein he imbraces Bellarmins evasiones , and offers violence to this , and parallel Texts . OUR Informers next great Argument for Prelacy , is taken from the seven Asian Angels Revel . 23. Whom he holds to be Diocesian Bishops : Because though there were many Ministers at Ephesus Act. 20. Yet when that Church long after this is written to ; and when increased there is but one Angel addressed , and commended , or blamed , according to what was well , or amisse in the Church : And in all the rest whatever is commended or discommended , is directed to one Angel , who by his place and authority , was mainely concerned therein . Ans : This man , if he had been so ingenuous and seen in this debate , as he would appear , might have found all this , and much more then he hath offered , fully removed and answered by many Godly learned . But they must still tell over and over , their old baffled arguments , to which satisfying answers have bein often returned . But to the point , the weaknes of this proofe ; is many wayes evident . 1. It is grounded upon a Misterious Metaphorick terme of Angel , and starrs ; Revel : 1 : 20. the mistery of the Sevenstarrs , so must the expression of Angel , be likwayes a part of this mistery . The Maxim is known , ●…heologia Symbolica non est argumentativa . Far less can this be rationally opposed unto so many pregnant clear scriptures , as are produced for Presbyterian Government . Besides that , the word [ Bishop ] is no where in Johns writings , made use of ; who calls himself a Presbyter , and never mentions superiority of one Presbyter over another , but in condemneing Diotrephes . He calls Christ the word , and the Sabbath , the Lords day ; these are expressions not found before in Scripture ; Surely he should have made mention of a new office , as well as of a new phrase , had any such thing as a Bishop , been allowed by him . Besides , the Metaphorical terms of Starrs , or Angels , doe import the qualities of light , heavenlines of frame &c : which are proper and suiteble to all Ministers of the Gospel : and therefore they cannot ground the peculiar preheminence of a Bishop over many Ministers . 2. The great topick of his argument is [ that one is named , though many are spoken to , and where many Presbyters are supposed to be , as at Ephesus , who threfore must needs be a Bishop . ] but this ground will not hold good . Because , 1. This is no more then what is suitable unto the stile of this book , which is by mistick visional representations , to include many individuals as one singular : So all the individuals of the Church , both members and officers , are represented by one candlestick : and why not also all the Ministers , by one angel , which is a terme that of it self , and in this place , imports no jurisdiction properly , but is immediatly referred to the qualities of Ministers , above expressed . 2. This is also suitable to the stile of this book , as it is epistolar , the addresse may be to one , but it will give no Authority to that one , over the rest , no more then ane addresse from the King , to a speaker of the Parliament , will give to that person , jurisdiction and authority over them ? Or then our Lords saying to Peter only expressly , not to the rest of his fellow disciples , I will give unto thee the keyes &c. Will conclude that he was Prince or primat over the Apostles , and that they had not equal authority with him , in the use of the keyes . Our Informer and his fellows here , doe justifie the Papists pleading for the Pope . 3. This is suitable unto Scripture prophetick writings , and to this book , as such , to represent many individuals by one singular , The four beasts , and twentie four Elders , are not four individuall persons , or twentie four single Elders . The singular names of Woman , Beast , Whoor , Dragon , signifie a collection of many individuales . So the one Spirit of God is called the seven Spirits , in the 1 Chap : With reference to his manifold operations . Dan. 8 : 20. One Ram signifies many Kings of the Medes and Persians . He that will not hearken to the Priest. Deutr. 17 : 12. That is , the Priests , in the plurall . So the Priests lips should keep knowledge and the Law is to be sought at his mouth Mal. 2 : 7. That is the Priests . Blessed is that servant , whom his Lord &c. that is , those servants . Particularly , as to this term Angel , It is said Psal. 34. That the Angel of the Lord encamps about the Godly , that is , many Angels . 4. It is suitable to Scripture , and to this book , To represent ane indefinet number , by a definit . Thus all Judas Adversaries are represented by the four ho●…es , Zachr . 1 : 18. All the Godly , and the ungodly , are represented by the five wise , and the five foolish Virgines Matth. 25. and in the 8. Chap of this book , The Seven Angels standing befor God , represent all the Angels . Fo●… in the 7 Chap : Mention is made of all the Angels who doe thus stand . So we are to understand with the same indefinitnes ofttimes the Septenary number , as the Seven pillars which wisdom hewes out Prov. 2. The seven Pastours or shepherds Mic. 5. The Seven eyes Zachr , 3. And in this very book the Seven condlesticks , Lamps , and vials , Revel , 4 : 5 , 15 — 5. As wee find the scripture , and this same Apostle first naming a multitud , and then contracting it into a singular , as 2 Joh. 2. many deceavers are come into the world — then — this is a deceaver and ane Antichrist . And sometimes the individual in one sentence ; turned into a multitud : as 1. Tim. 2 : 15 Shee shall be saved , that is , the woman bearing Children — if they abide in faith and Charity that is such women in General , as Beza tells us all writers doe take it : So it is as certain that this single Angel is turned into many in one and the same Epistle in this book , and spoken to in the plural , as when it is said Revel . 2. 24. to you and to the rest in Thyatira . and in Revel . 2 : 10. we find John changing in one sentence , the singular Angel into a multitude : fear none of these things which thow shal suffer , Behold the devil shal cast some of you into prison that yee may be tryed &c. as in 2 ●…oh . 2 : He changes many into One. Finaly , Wee have proved that the Scripture allowes of no Angels Standing-Church officers or Bishops above the Pastours or Presbyters , who have in Scripture the whol Episcopall power given them . So that whatever this Informer shall produce as the Characteristick of this Angel , we find it applicable to Presbyters . 1. Is it the work of this Angel to preach and baptize ? This Commission he will grant belongs to all Pastours . 2. Is it the power of ordination ? The Scripture shewes us that this is Seated in a Presbytery . 1. Tim. 4 : 14. with Act. 22 : 5. Luk. 22 : 66. Matth. 18 : 17. Or , 3. Is it the ruling Governeing power ? Surely all Ministers are such Angels , All that watch for the peoples soules have a joynt rule over them , Hebr. 13. 17. And therefor none can challenge it solely to himself . In the Church of Thessalonica the laboures in the word and doctrine , joytlie and indiscriminatim fed , joyntlie censured and admonished , and were joyntly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Rulers , to whom consequently the people were indiscriminatim ( or with out any difference of one of them from another ) to submitt themselves , 1 Thess. 5. 12. There was therefore no sole Angel or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ruler , but this Prostasia or ruleing power was in many . So was it with the Church of Ephesus Act. 20. So with these elders or Bishops 1. Pet 5. And we offer to this , or any mans serious thoughts , whither it be suiteable to divine rules , to cross so many clear Scriptures upon the ground of a metaphorial mistick expression : and to expone them in that sense , rather then to explaine the Metaphor and mistick expression by plaine Scriptures . And whi●…her it be not more suiteable to understand the Angel of Ephesus , of the Ministers : to whom in a plaine Scripture , the whole Government is found intrusted , rather then to expound that plaine text , ( Act. 20 ) by a Metaphor , and contrary to that plain text , to set up one Angel or Diocesian Bishop over that Church , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction . But the Doubter objects what have been saying , viz , That the Angel is to be taken collectively , and not for one single person , but for all the Ministers . To which ( in a peece of petulant folly ) he Answers That he hath oft wondered at this reply , that it seems this Scripture pinches us sore , when we flie to such a shift — That Scultetus , a learned Protestant , affirms that the most learned interpreters understand the Angel thus , and that without offering violence to the Text , it cannot be otherwayes understood . Ans. 1. We hope is evident from what is said that the most native scriptural acception is to take the Angel collectively . To which we may adde , that although the Lord Jesus ( the best interpreter of these Angels ) doth expound the Seven candlsticks , to be the Seven Churches , yet in expounding the Seven Starrs , he losses the number of Seven , and calls them not the Seven Angels ( as he should have done according to this mans meaning ) but indefinitly the Angels of the Seven Churches ; from which it is convincingly apparent that though there were Seven Churches written unto , yet there were not Seven diocesian Bishops , according to the number of the Seven Angels : but that all the Ministers or Angels are thus collectively understood . And wheras this man professes ( in the deept of his witt for sooth ) to wonder at this answer and taks it to be a shift . He should wonder at Augustin ( Homil. 21. upon this booke , ) who thus taks it , expounding the Angel of Thyatira , the proepositi ecclesiarum , the governoures of the Churches . He should wonder at Aretas , lib. 1. Cap : 1 , 2 , 9 , 10. Wonder at Primasius in Apoc : C : 2. At Ambrosius , Anbertus , To : 1 , 6 p : 1. Anselm , Pererius , Victorinus , Tirinus , Haymo , Beda , perkings , Fox , in his Meditationes upon the Revel . p : 7 , 8 , 9 , 17. who cites also many Interpreters thus expounding him . Yea more , he wonders at King james and the Episcopal clergie in England , under and by whom , in the contents annexed to the Bibles of the last translation , the contents in the 2. chap : are represented [ what is to be written to the Angels , that is , to the Ministers of the Church of Ephesus , Smyrna &c ] Its pitie they had not this grave dictator to correct their mistake , and to present them with his new spectacles , to discover therewith , the Bishop in these Epistles . He should have wondered at Pilkington Bishop of Durham ( in his exposition upon Hag : Chap. 1 : v. 13. ) who expoundes the Angel thus collectivly . See Gers. Buc. de Gub. Eccl. p. 1. 205 , 393 , 408 , 419 , 422 , 433. Now , what pinched all these Authors to embrace this Silleptick exposition of the Angel ? As for Scultetus , although a Protestant , yet he is a high Prelatist , and a partial witnes in this point , & cannot conterballance these Authores mentioned . But next , what wil our Informer gain though it were yeelded that this Angel is ane individual or single person ? Some learned men doe so take it , as Beza , and Reynolds , who notwithstanding were far from thinking him a Prelat . Because I. He may be the Angelus Preses , or the moderatour Angel , not the Angelus Princeps , or Lord Angel , yea , and the Preses and Moderator for the time , as a speaker in the Parliament . Ephesus had many elders . ( Act 20 : 27. 1 Tim. 5 : 17. ) of equal authority , who were made Bishops , and they are spoken to in the plural , though the Angel is named in the singular number . 2. This Angel is said to have no jurisdiction and superiority over the rest of the Ministers . And we challeng our Informer to shew where this Angel is spoken unto , with reference to Ministers , as subject unto him , which notwithstanding is his supposition , & petitio principii , all along in this Argument . 3. The Parochial , and Diocesian division of Churches , were long after this and not until 260. Years after Christ. 4. Nothing is required of this Angel , but that which is the common duty of all Ministers . Finally , Suppose it were granted to him , that a superiority were imported in nameing this Angel , It may be a Superiority of Order , Dignity , or Gifts , not of power and Jurisdiction But the Dcubter Object 's [ That ( Revel . 2 24. ) Christ by Iohn speakes to the Angel in the plural [ or You ' ] and that therefore he means all the Minist●…rs . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To this he answers That Beza by this phrase understands the president and the company of Ministers with the rest of the people , tabing the Angel still for a single person , and h●…lds that more then the Angel are spoken unto . He tells us , that the words are ane Apostrophe , wherein the speaker amplifies his speech , turning it to some others then those who are first spoken unto . Ans. 1. We have already shown that this , and the other parallel phrase mentioned , doe strongely plead for the Angels being understood Collectivly : since the Lord makes a Plural of the singular Angel , as 1 Tim. 2. 15. Shee shall be saved if they continue &c. especially the above evinced equal power , and authority , of the Angels or Presbyters , who where in these Churches , being pondered . Besids , how doth this remove the objection , that Beza understands it some other wayes then collectively , what sayes that to the reason and argument it self ? But 2. If Beza understand by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or yow , the moderator or president Angel with the rest of the Ministers , wherein ( I pray ) is our argument infringed ? viz , That this Angel is not a Diocesian Prelat , since other Ministers are taken in with him here as of equall authority in this compellation . In Beza's sense this is no other language then what might have been said or writen to a presbyterian Synod with its Moderator all being equally concerned therein , and supposed equaly Angels in this Church . And if this Cutt not the sinnews of this mans designe and argument here , let any judge . 3. Non can rationally call it a turneing of the speech to any other then such as were first speken to , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But to yow I Say is a continuanc of the speech to the same persons , with ane exegitick explication of the [ Angel ] by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or [ yow , ] especially since they are distinguished from [ the rest ] or the ordinary Presessores , by the Copulative , and. In our ordinary language , we usually reinforce our speech to the same persons , and to the same purpose , with ane emphatick [ I say ] as it is here . Some Prelatists have a Knack ( which I wonder our Informer stumbled not upon ) in alledging that some copies leave out the Conjunction — Reading it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , to yow , the rest in Thyatira ; making the terme [ yow , ] all onewith [ the rest in Thyatira . ] but the plaine reading of the 23. v. confutes this . But that which the Informer thinkes should put it out of question wich us , That these Angels were Diocesian Bishops , [ Is the Testimonies of the Ancients , who came immediatly after them , and condescend upon some of their names . Then he repeats to us againe the storie of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , borne neer the Apostles times , who , numbers Se●…n of his Predecessours before him and tels us That Leontius Bishop of Magnesia , Numbers Tuenty seven Bishops of Ephesus from Timothy . That these Seven Bishops of Asia are at the Council of Neice designed by their styles Ephesus , Smyrna , &c. That Eusebius , Tertullian , Irenaeus assert that Iohn made Policarp Bishop of Smyrna . That he is thought to be the Angel to whom John wrote . That Ignatius writes to him as such , &c. These he thinkes as acomment upon this and such like scriptures , should convince us . ] Ans. 1. He forgot one maine point of this argument from Antiquity ; before it convince us , he must condescend upon the mould , and power , of the Bishops which these Ancienas speakes of ; he holds that the word [ Bishop ] is variously taken in Scripture , and why not also by the ancients ? But if he had offered us Testimonys speaking of sole power of these Bishops in ordination and Iurisdiction , leaving nothing to Presbyters but the key of doctrine , of Bishops with a negative voice in judicatories , haveing sole Dominion over a diocess , the only proper Pastoures thereof ; and Prelats of Erastus his Cutt , Then I should confess there were early such Bishops as he pleads for : and we should acknowledge their power to be a commentary upon the Scriptures he pleads from ; But with this proviso , that he could quiparat them with their first progenitours , and shew us these priviledges in the scripture-Escutciones of their founders . But till then , I thinke our conviction must be suspended . That Presbyters have the key of Doctrine , he will not deny , That they have the power of ordination , and jurisdiction , and that key likewayes entrusted to them , hath been proved from Scripture . 1. Tim. 4. 14. Luk. 22. 66. Act. 20 : 28. 1. Pet. 5 : 2 , 1. Cor 5. 5. Now let him say , did these first succeeding Bishops ( in their supposed diocesses ) alwayes take this power in ordination and jurisdiction from the first Scripture Bishops , and stood invested therwith in after tymes ? How then comes jerom to say [ That even in his time ] elders were subject to the Bishop only by Custome , not by Dispensation from the Lord. ( In his Coment : on Tit : ) and , ( on Isa. 3. ) That they had even in his time , a caetus presbiterorum , a meeting or Court of Presbyters , and ane Apostolick senat . ] How comes a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbytery to be mentioned , Councancyr . Can. 18. How comes Ambrose , ( a father of the Church ) upon Ephes. 4. to assert [ That after the Church was enlarged . , Cepit alio ordine Gubernari . It began to be governed after another maner then at first , — and that non per omnia conveniunt , &c. That the Government then in the Church , was not every way suitable to the Apostles appointment ] me thinkes these assertions might convince the Informer of the folly of this argument . But 2. What if some of these first successours , be found but meer Constant moderators ? What is then become of his Series of a Succession of Diocesian Bishops from Timothy ; and Titus , and the Asian Angels ? saith not jerom ( ad Evagrium ) Alexandriae Presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu Collocatum Episcopum nominabant , &c That the Bishop at Alexandria was only a Presbyter Chosen to preside . &c. Ambrose sayes that this distinction betaixt Bishop and Presbyter ; cam in by Couns●…l ( Cubi prius ) therefor he holds it was not derived from divine 〈◊〉 , ( and therein gives the lie to our Informer : ) for that he sayes was different from their present custome . Augustin ( Epist : 10. ) sayes ( with jerom ) that by Custome of the Church , Episcopatus , was ; Major presbyterio , the Episcopacy was greater then the presbyterat . How comes ●…irmilianus ( apud Cypr. ep : 78. ) to assert that the presbyters , possident ordinandi potestatem , posseses the power of ordination , and these presbyters he calls praepositi , the presidents or rulers . Ierom sayes , quid facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus quod nonfacit presbiter . what does the Bishop except ordination , which the presbyter doth not , — yet even in this , presbyters then concurred with them , and shared in that power . Saith not Chrisost : upon 1. Tim : inter Episcopum et presbyterum , interest ferme nihil-between the Bishop and presbyter , there is almost no difference . As for his lines of Succession , they will say nothing untill he prove these Bishops to be Episcopos principes , Prince-or Lord Bishops , and nor Episcopos presides or Moderator Bishops , which will be a hard task , since he must answer Blondel , who largely proves , that before the year 140 ▪ there was not a Bishop over presbyters , even the Constant president , far from the power of the present dioces●…an . Policarp himself , his supposed Bishop of Smyrna , makes but Two orders of Ministery , Bishops and 〈◊〉 , in his Epistle to the Philippians . Dr. Reynolds in his conference with Hart , proves that the first Bishop who came in after the Apostles , was nothing but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Moderator of the presbytery . In a word , as many learned men doe prove the discrepancy of the ancients among themselves , and their variety of names , and speech in relation to these first supposed Bishops , and that several authores are Spurius and counterfit who are Brought in to give Testimony in this point . So it is certain that this man and his fellowes in pleading thus for Timothies Episcopacy , doe put the blott of dread full Apostacy upon him , in making him fall ( as the Angel of Ephesus is charged ) from his first love ; so that , if they will not runn on this inconvenience , and stage this eminent Saint for such ane Apostat , contrary to the Scripture account of him , they must wholly quit this plea. As for what he adds [ of Several writers acknowledging the Angel a Single person ] we have shown how vaine a reason this is , to prove his point . But the Doubter objects to some purpose [ that Beza and others might take the Angel to be but Moderator . ] To this he answers [ that the Angel must needs be a Bishop , because he is cheifely commended or discomended , as haveing a cheif hand in what was right , or amiss , in these Churches . That the power found in Timothy and Titus , proves it was so with these Angels . — That Beza sayes these Angels power was more eminent then the rest of their fellowes . ] Ans. 1. As for Beza , its true he expones [ the Angel ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ to the president ] — but adds — [ Sed hinc statui episcopalis ille gradus &c : — that is , But that Episcopal degree , which was after ward by human invention brought into the Church of God , nether certainly can nor ought to be hence concluded , nay not so much as the office of a perpetual president , should be of necessity , as the thence ariseing oligarchical tyrranny ; ( let our Informer marke this ) whose head is the Antichristian beast now at length with the most certan ruine , not of the Church only , but of the world also , maks manifest . And this also is all which Dr. Reynolds acknowledges . Now I think he will find no advantage nor credit here to his Diocesian Bishop , since Beza maks him but a human invention , yea and the poysonous egg out of which Antichrist was hatched . 2 As for his Reason [ That this [ Angel ] is chefly reproved or commended , as haveing the Chief hand , in what was right or amisse . ] He must prove , ( before this Reason wil pass current ) that one single person is Chiefly reproved or commended , and likewayes that his having the commendation , or reproofe adressed to him , will evince a Chief authority , or Chief hand , ( as he calls it ) in government . Wee told him that in Beza's , and Dr. Reynolds judgment , the [ Angel ] is only the preses Mor●…derator receaving the Epistle or address . Now , will ane Epistle containing commendations or reproofes of a Synod , and addressed to the Moderator , make him Chief as to what is commended , or taxed , in all that Synodall assembly or Church ? Surely not at all . The Moderator may be a man as little concerned therein , and possibly less , then any of the meeting : Or will the Kings Message or Charge to a parliament , adressed to the speaker , containing reproofes and commendationes of that great body and assembly , fix the guilt or commendation principally upon the speaker , or president ? He will not say it . As for Timothy and Titus , we have proved that they had no such power , as he pretends , and that their inspection was extraordinary and Evangelistick , which cannot with any shew of reason be said of these Seven Angels . As for Beza [ his acknowledgment of a more eminent Authority in government , which these single persons had ] this man cannot with any shew of reason alledge Beza to understand thereby any other thing beyond the eminency of his Episcopus divinus , which with Beza is the Pastour , among whom jure divino , he will not a●…mit so much as a perpetual president , far less a Bishop : for the perpetual president or Moderator , is with Beza , the Episcopus humanus , which he distinginshes from the divine , or scripture Bishop ; and the diocesian prelat ( pleaded for by this Informer ) who hath the Chief , and sole power in ordination and jurisdiction , is the Satanical Bishop . ( In his Treatise de triplici Episcopatu ; ) So that Beza cannot Imput to these single persons any authority over their brethren , or ascribe to them any other eminency , then what the eminency of a Moderatorship will give , If Beza doe not compare them with the Elders of the Inferior sort , who rule only , as some would readily admit , who take these Churches to be Congregational . As for Mede , it is no great matter whither he take the Angels Collectivly , or for Single persons , if he Imput not to these Asian Angels ane Episcopal Authority , which this Informer proves not , in telling us , [ Tha●… the Tuentie four Angels about the Thron , doe with him , represent the Bishops ] unless he can shew that he means his Diocesian Bishops : for he may mean the Bishops indefinitely , according to the genuine scripture acceptation . He holds there are Seven Bishops of Asia here only written unto , where are the Tuentie four Bishops , if Mr Mede take them in his sense ? As for Mr. Brightman , his exponeing ordinarly the Angel , of a single person , as the Informer alleadges . Let us hear Brightman himself . [ To the Angel &c. ] The Epistles are intituled ( saith he ) one by one , to the Pastours , Becaus the safety of the Congregation depends upon the soundnes of the Pastours : for there was not one Angel alone at Ephesus , but many , Neither yet any prince among these , as is manifast by Paul , who to Miletum sent for the Elders or Bishops of Ephesus , — adding , that nothing is spoken of their obedience to any one Chief Bishop — That a Prince hood came after the Apostles , and was not yet borne , save only that Diotrephes gave some shew of it . hence he concluds thus [ therefore under the name of one Angel , the Epistle is written to the whol order of Pastours &c : ] And by this account of Brightmans acce●…tation of the word Angel , Let any judge of our Informers fidelity . But now comes his last Argument for Episcopacy ( which surprises not only his Doubter , but I believe , Most , if not all else , who have seen it ) taken from [ Diotrephes his loveing to have the preeminence , 3. Joh. 9. who ( he sayes ) ambitiously loved to be first , and to have the Chief place : and that this ambition only John speaks against , — he adds , that ane office may be good and lawfull , though ane ambitions seeking of it , be sinfull . — That Beza renders it , qui primatum ambit — that our Inference of the unlawfulnes of the office he aimed at , will not follow from his seeking of this chief place , but rather that their was such ane office at this time in the Church , and now void , into which he meaned to put himself , or had already done so , out of ane ambitious desire to be great , which was a sinful end : that , he looked after himself , not the good of the Church . ] Ans. 't is long since we had this answer , and gloss from Romanists , though not as ane argument . Wee see popri and prelacy in despight of all con●…radiction will strick hands . When Luk. 22. Touching our Lords forbidding a Dominion , or primacy among his Disciples , is objected to Bellarmin , he resolves it just as this resolver . viz. That the Lord rather institut and established a primacy in the Church , then removed it : And commanded his vicar to preside , but not as the Heathen , who seek themselves , and their own glory and commodity . de Pontif , Ques . 1. Chap. 3. Sect. 3. ) Yee shall not rule as the Princes of the Gentiles ( saith he , ) Imports , that he admitts one to preside but not after that manner . He presses the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies a Prince or Captaine ( just as this man doth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or loving of preeminence ) to shew that such a Prince or primat was designed , de Pontif. Lib : 1. Ch. 9. Thus the Papists glosse generally the Text under debate . Tilen [ in his Not. 67. ] answering him [ That if it were so , then Christ rather inflamed then quenched their ambitious thoughts , which they ●…hil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or loving preeminence , intertained ] makes this sin of diotrephes the same with theires which the Lord reprehended , viz. A sinful desire of ane unlawfull forbidden primacy . Adding , [ That the Lord said not , he who by my appointment shall be Chief●… , but he who from his sinfull desire would be Chieff . Bellarmin and the Papists fine notions , and old exploded evasions , we see stands these men in much stead : And doe furnish usefull materials to dress up Prelatick pamphlets . But what will this man say ? Will he indeed owne this popish Argument and answer upon Luk 22. Which the topick of his argument here will necessarly inferr ? Was their a lawfull primacy supposed among the Apostles , & the ambitious desire only forbidden ? Bellarmin presses that ane exorbitant dominion or tyrannicall only was forbidden since the Princes of the Gentiles are mentioned ( which this man also taks hold of ) which seems to put a restricton upon that prohibition , but there is no such restriction in this place under debate : So that he is cut off from Bellarmins evasion . We heard before he admitted a lawfull Church Dominion as not discharged in Luk. 22. And here he admitts a lawfull primacy over this Church , and in his pretended antiquity we will find him not to di●…owne a Chief patriarch if not directly to plead for him ; And then I see not why he may not take in the High Priest into his old Testament Argument , in relation to a morall standing primacy in Church-Government , and merite a co●…l in some Popish order ●…r it be long . Now it is evident that the Apostle simply dissounes this lover of preeminence , and censures him upon the account of the preeminence he desired . And the Informer himself ( though , as I observed before , he is not one with himself in it ) acknowledges that the Lord discharged all inequality , and especially a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or primat , among the Apoles ; and therefore , why his scoler John censured not likewayes a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or primacy - affecting Minister ; seeking the same principality over his Brethren or fellow Ministers , which our Lord discharged among the Disciples , will puzell him to shew the disparity . Surely , when our Lord said , [ It shall not be so among you , ] and when he discharged a protos or Chief among the Disciples , recomending to the desirer of this to be their servant over whom this was affected , he spoke to them as Ministers , and in that capacitie : and therefore discharges this among all Ministers . For aquatenus ad omne — I wonder if this man will say that if any of the Seventy Disciples had affected to be a protos over the rest , our Lord would not have given them the same injunction . Or if he will say that they did not hold themselves concerned in the same rule , and the prohibition which the Disciples here got . Surely he cannot deny this , and therfore it is Certan that John discharhes the very protos or prostacy self for what reason will it : he invent wherefor a preeminence or primacy should be disgarged to the Apostles , and allowed among the Seventy ( who he thinks represents the Pastours ) or any Inferiour order of Church officers ? Besides , what was it which Peter discharged to these Bishops 1 Pet. 5. Was it not a preeminence , or masterly primacy , and to be a protos ? learned he not this prohibition of his Lord ? and will it not be a Critical distinction to distinguish lordship from preeminence ? Now the first we find universally discharged to Pastours , even over the flock●… , as this man acknowledges , and therefore why this preeminence , is not likwise in it self and simply stricken against , will be Impossible to shew the disparity . I must presume that the Apostle understood the sence of this prohibition of his Lord , much better then our Informer : and we see he applyes to inferiour Pastours and Bishops , that which was discharged to himself , and the rest of his fellow disciples . And , ( as I said befor ) if none of these scripture-Bishops were to lord it over the flock , farr less over their fellowes . So that to be a protos or Chief over them , was inhibit , as by the lord befor , so by the Apostle here , and consequently this lover of preeminence is simply condemned . The Inglish Annot : make the two places of Peter & John , parallel , & the same evill to be discharged in both . So doe the dutch annot expressing that which diotrephes sought , in the Apostle Peters terms , of lording it over his brethren . Now I hope he will not say , that when Peter discharges Ministers to be lords over Gods Heritage , he discharged only ane ambitious affectation and Supposed a la●…ll Lordship over the flock●… , abstracting from this ambitious affectation . Surely then this Prohibition of the Apostle Iohn , where Diotrephes is supposed to be practising , what is by Peter discharged , can admit of no such evasion either ; unless he would make these Apostles to interfer together in this matter : for it were strange clashing of weapones , and contradiction of the tongues and pens of these Apostles , if Peter should discharge all Lording even over the flocks , in any Pastour , and yet Iohn should allow unto a Pastour , a preeminence , and primacy , both over the flocks , and his fellow Ministers and labourers with him in the Lords vineyeard . Infine , If to be a primat or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a lawfull office , to be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or lover of it ( which is all that the word will Import ) could deserve no censure . The Informer knowes who said [ He that desires the office of a Bishop , desires a good work ] but our Lord who spoke this by the pen of Paul , said also himself immediatly to the Apostles , & by the Apostle Iohn in this place , he that desires to be a protos or Chief , must quite that desire . Hence these are different objects of desire , to be a scripture Bishop , and a protos or primat . To affect the office of a scriptur Bishop , and a primacy , are Antipods : so that it was not a lawfull , nor consequently praeexistent office in the Church , allowed by Iohn , which this man desired , and therefore he is simply condemned by the Apostle , both as to the desire it self , and the object of it . Hee who thus affects to be first , deserves to be called least in the Kingdome of God , and who thus exalt themselves , shall be abased . To all which I might add , that diotrephes Imperious lordly carriage in casting out and censureing , and not admitting into this Church , such as the Apostle appointed to be therein receaved , is a lively effigies of an●… Episcopal primacy or preeminence , and of that arbitrary prelacy , that sole power in ordination and censures , which this Informer pleads for . Against which disorderlines of this early primat , the Apostles threatning of his holy censure , is a thunder-clapp which may terrifie all who carry this usurped office : and may make his Supposed Angels or Prelats , for this their aspyreing , fear the stroake and punishment of those Angels , who keeped not their first estate , but left their own habitation . I shall dimiss the Informers last argument , with one remarke further , which is this , if the affecting to be a protos or Chief , tainted the Apostles themselves , while the Christian Church was in its first Infancy , if in Pauls time the mistery of Iniquity , and of propry , was working ( the monstrous embrio of a papacy , and consequently of a Prelacy ) If peter found it needfull to disscharge Covetousnes and lordship , to ministers , If the holy Apostle John was contradicted and counteracted by ane aspiring primat , Surely we need not wonder at that universal Change of the Apostolick Holy , humble Church Disciplin and parity among Ministers , which overspread the Christian Church not long therafter . And to our prelatists ordinary question [ When began the Change of preshyterian parity among Ministes ] ? Wee may answer , That the bitter ●…ootes of a Primacy or prelacy , were sprouting in the Apostles times ; and therefore it is no strange thing that this destroying weed grew up so quickly thereafter the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or evill one , did quickly sow his Cocle among the wheat , and blew up this fire of ambition , primacy pride and ( his own proper sin ) till it came to the flam , first of a human proftasie , then of a Hierarchy , and unto the Culmen or tope , of a chief universal primacy at last . For that which he adds of Blondel his granting [ That diotrephes sought to be first Presbyter , & such a president as had authority over the rest . ] Surely none who ha●…e read Blondel can but acknowledge , that he distinguishes all along the Presbyters set over others from the Episcopus divine jure institutus , So in his 1 , 2 , 3. and 4t . Arguments , page . 190 : 191 , 192 , 193 &c. So that he maks the very constant fixed president ( much more such a president or primat as diotrephes affected to be ) distinct from the Divinely appointed Bishop ; And therefore whatever he might suppose to be creeping in at that tyme , he must needs , upon this ground , interpret it to be a recesse from the divine appointment , and in so far a Corruption . As for what our Informer repeats here againe ad nauseam [ That Bishops were immediatly the Church before all the Apostles were gone and imediatly after , which is a commentary upon Timothy , and Titus , and the Asian Angels , and Diotrephes . ] I answer , I beleive indeed , as to his last instance , that there were Diotrephesies , earely enugh , and Beza's Episcopus humanus or fixed president , but that there was either in the Apostles time , or ane hundered years , and more afterward ( I speak far within compass ) his Diocesian Prelat , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction in a Diocess , he will assoone joyn the poles together , as prove it by any faithful and authentick Testimony . CHAP. XII . The Informers appeal to antiquity in the point of Episcopacy . That antiquity is at most , testis facti , but not judex veri , may witness matter of fact , but is no judge of what is right therein , proved from the Testimony of Scripture , and the fathers . The Informer's reasoning on this head , reduced to a formal Syllogisme and discussed . That in the first purest age the Church was governd by Presbyters withtout Bishopes , proved by Testimonys of the fathers , particularly of Ierome . His Testimony at Large vindicated from the exceptiones of the Informer . OUr Informer hath by this time got out of the straites of his Scripture Arguments for prelacy , and his pretended replyes to Scripture arguments against them . Wherin we have seen how pittifully he lies been Bruillied in his endeavours to put the fairding of some Scripture Characters upon this Monster , The Diocesian Prelat ! Now he wil lanch out in to the vast Ocean of Antiquity wherein he supposes ( and not altogother amisse ) that this Leviathan can swim much better . And therefore he fills up the Third part of the pamplet , with a tedious legend of human Testimonyes in relation to Bishops . But in this his argueing from antiquity , he playes the same petty Sophister as in his pretended Scripture proofes . For he is still pleading for a versatil Chimaera of his own braine , and dare not state the Question , as to the Prelat now existent in his Diocesian and erastian mould , like to whom if he will shew me but one Prelat among all his ragged Testimonies , I will yeeld the Cause to him . So that we are not concened in his Testimonies , They being all Mute or Ambiguous as to our debate . Wee shall therefore proceed to Consider the substantials of his Argument on this head , and add some Chapters which will be found abundantly to cutt the sinne●…es of his reasoning from pretended Testimonies of the Fathers , and vindicat our Cause even in point of Antiquity . 〈◊〉 I Suppose this man ( if he will not renounce his protestant profession ) cannot but grant , that it is not Antiquity as he call it , or human Testimonies , but the Scriptures of truth , which most judge in this debate . So that I hop I may suppose that he lookes upon his Antiquitity as ane accessorie appendix onely to his Scripture arguments , and that the Scripture is not for him , but against him , I hope it is conuincingly apparent from that is said above ; we must to the law and the Testimony in this and all other points of faith . Antiquity without the first Scripture antiquity , deserves not the name . Id adulterum quod posterius , id verum quod pri nium , said Tertullian . That is adulterat which is Last , and trere which is first . I am the way , the truth and the Life , said Christ , but not I am Custome And Cyprian tells us , that Consuetudo sins veritate est vetusias erroris ; Antiquity without truth , is but a mouldy error . Our Lord himself rejected this argument [ it was said of old ] and apposes unto it [ but I say ] Well may we then oppose the Scripture sayings to our Informer's [ it was said of old ] and by our Lords warrand , reject his pretences from Antiquity , to warrand any thing which the word condemnes : and for this we have good warrand of antiquity it self : for the fathers universaly doe hold that onelie the Scriptures must judge in points of faith . Sunt libri Dominici quorum authoritati utrique consentimus , utrique credimus ( there being in them all things to be believed and practised ) utrique servimus , ibi quaeramus ecclesiam , ibi discutiamus causam nostram , is great Augustins advice . The books of the Lord are they to whose Authority we both consent , which we both beleive , To which we both submit , There let us seek the Church , There let us discusse our Cause . Jerom on Chap. 23 of Matth. tells us quod de scripturis authoritatem non habet , eaedem facilitate contemnitur qua probatur . That which derives not its authority from Scripture , the contemneing of it is as ready as the proof is offered , and ( on the 1. ) Chap. of Hag Quae absque athoritate & Testimoniis scripturarum quasi traditione Apostolica sponte reperiunt atque confingunt , percutit Gladius Dei Such things as men of there own accord find out & forge upon pretence of Apostolick tradition with out the authority and Testimonies of Scriptures , the sword of God strikes throw the same . Besides this discovers the plea from Antiquity to be very Impertiment in this debate : Because the Question betwixt us is not defacto , but de jure , not what sort of Bishops have been as to matter of fact , introduced into the Church of old , or of late , but by what warrand and right they have possessed their places ? We alledge and prove that the present Prelat now existent stands condemned by Christ , the great lawgiver , his rules in point of Church Government , set down in his Testament . Now , to answer this Charge with humane Testimonies , as to Custom or practise of the Church , ( even granting that his Testimonies did prove the matter of fact , viz , That our present Prelat is exemplified in the ancient Bishops ) what is it but to oppose , humane corruption to Gods ordinance , The practise of men to Gods rule , and mens Testimonies who are liars , to the divine Oracles of the God of truth . This man thinkes it a Herculean argument , when he drawes his human Testimonies , as to prelacy neer the Apostles time ( as if he had travelled to Hercules pillars ) and wonders how we can suppose , that the Church could so soon alter the divine institutions . But I pray , how long was it after Gods Holy law was proclaimed from heaven , by his own terrible voice , that the wholl Church of Israel , together with Aaron himself , set up and worshiped the golden Calf , contrary unto the very express letter of the Second command ? Now , suppose that idolatry several hundered years afterward had pleaded this Antiquity , or ancient Custome of the Church of Israel , ( after frequently imitated , and which had its plausible pretexts of intention to worship God , for the seasi was proclaimed to Iehova , and to have a visible signe of his presence ) Wil the Informer say , that this had been a good argument to warrand the breach of the Second command , though this Practise was but fourty dayes younger then the promulgation if self . So the case is here , Though he could shew us human clear Testimonies , nay more , even Scripture Testimonies , as to the factum , that the diocesian ; yea , and Erastian Prelat , had been existent and set up in some Churches in the Apostles own time ; yet if we can from our Lord , and his Apostles doctrine , and practise , prove this officer to be a plant not of a divine plantation , and contrary to the divine institutiones , He must needs grant ( that though esteemed golden ) it ought to be Nehushtan , rejected and pluckt up by the roots . The Papists , who hold the Scriptures to be but a half-rule , made up by traditions , yet will not dare to own ( professedly at least ) any principle , or practise , condemned in the Word . suppose he could bring thousands of Testimonies from ancient writers , touching his Prelat he pleads for ; they are but h●…man Testimonies , and therefore cannot beget a divine faith , which is founded upon the word only . Surge veritas ipsa Scripturas tuas inter retare , quam c●…nsuetudo non nooit ▪ nam si nosset non-esset , saith Tertullian . Arise o ! truth it self , and expone they Scriptures , which custome hath not known , for had it known them , it had not been . The Informer's Testimonies may induce to believe that there were Bishops in the Church ; but whither the office which these Bishops are supposed to hold , be of God , yea or not ; this queston must be brought to a higher tribunall ; and Gods Oracles must determine therein , before the Conscience can be satisfied , as to the owning of such a Church officer : And if God dissowne him , I may be ane Athanasius contra orbem , in withstanding him , It being still certain that these human witnesses are testesfacti at most , but not judices veri & recti , Attesters of matters of fact , but not judges of what is right and equal therein . Thus we have seen , that though all our Informers pleading from antiquity , were granted , his cause , profliga by Scripture weapons lyes grovelling in the dust . wheras he alleadges [ Testimonies as to the existence of Prelats in the Christian Church , neer the Apostles times , or contemporary with them , & that Catalogues of a Succession of Prelats , down from Apostles and Evangilists , have been keept in Churches , which he thinkes speakes convincingly for the Episcopacy of Timothie , and Titus &c. I Ans. Although this be the very Marrow and strength of all his argument from Antiquity , yet when tryed , it will be found many wayes defective , and unsound . For clearing whereof I shall offer some things , both to the Major , and assumtion of this argument , which will be found quite to breake the force of al his pretences this way . For thus the argument must run . If Diocesian Bishops , by the Testimonies of the ancient fathers , did exist in the primitive times , and Catalogues of them are drawn by these ancients , from Apostles , and Euangilists , then I must believe these Bishops to be of divine institution : but thus it is by the Testimony of the ancient fathers : Ergo , I must believe Diocesian Bishopes to be of divine institution . Now this being the argument in its genuine strength , this pitifull pleader offers not a jott in proofe of the major proposition , whose connexion he cannot but know , the we all deny . All that he offers is in proofe of the assumption , which is also denved , & will be found very maimed . I. To the Major , I say , that it is of very dangerous consequence , to make that which men call antiquity , or [ ancient custome , ] the infallible rule , and commentary , as to the nature and office , of Church officers , mentioned in Scriptur . Because 1. If mens practise must be the key and comment in this case , so as we must not contradict or counteract it , then why may not also human practise , and profession of succeding ages , determine as to every Scripture truth , and duty therein held out ? 2. This were to set up a higher rule , and tribunal , then the Scriptures , and to make our faith to stand in mans wisdome , not in Gods , and to make the Scriptures of a privat interpretation , as if the Prophecy had come by the will of man. For if I must believe no otherwayes anent the Scriptures relating to the offices of Timothy , and Titus , then according to the practise of supposed Bishops , their successores , and that they held no other offices , but such as these supposed successores are said to have had , then the Custome and practise of fallible men , becomes to me , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ratio a priori , and the chief ground , why I believe these Scriptures to have such a sense and no other ; and so I give men a dominion over my faith , and my faith herein resolves ultimatly into a human practise , and Testimony of fallible men , which is a principle no protestant will allow . Next , as to the asumption of the argument , I would demand of this informer , how I must be infallibly assured anent this universal judgment and practise of the ancient Church , and of this true succession ; and how he will instruct the universal harmonius judgement of all the ancient Fathers in this great point , ( viz. ) [ That such prelates as we have now , were the first recipients of the ordinary power of government , from the Apostles and Evangelists , as their only immediat & ordinary successors . ] The topick of our Informers argument doth suppose the certanty of this mater of fact . But to clear this will be found a hard peece of work . Because 1. It is certan that many of the ancients wrote nothing ; many of their writings are lost ; many writings going under their name are counterfit , & most especially to this debate . It were possibly none of the hardest Tasks to discover some writings here cited ; to be meer countersites . How shall I know , that the Testimonies of those who have written , are not contradicted in this point , by such men of their times , who either have not written , or whose writings are perished ? 2. There are many things , which the Ancients speak of as derived from the Apostles , and have had ane universal consent ( as farr as the knowledge thereof hath come to us ) which are acknowledged to be contrary to the word of God and the Apostolick doctrine ; as , the error anent the vision of God , [ that the Saincts sie not his face till the last day . ] the error of [ free will , ] which until Augustin opposed it was universally receaved ▪ the [ Millenary error , ] anent Christs personall reigne upon the Earth a Thousand years ; called by Lactantius , [ the doctrine of the holy prophets , and christian wisdome , which christians follow . ] Iustin Martyr , holds them to be no christians that dissown this ▪ and this is owned as ane Apostolick tradition . So [ childrens partaking of the Lords supper ; ] and [ the necessity of baptisme ] was by Augustin and others owned as such a tradition ( lib : 1. de pecc : mer. ) Basil names four Apostolick traditions , signeing with the cross ; praying to the east ; anointeing with oyle ; praying in the standing postur from Easter to whitsuntyd . See the Appendix to jus divinum minise . Evan ( prop. 2. ) The informer and his fellowes , make a great bustle anent the condemneing of Aerius , for holding that Bishops and presbyters are all one . But Beza could have informed him , de grad : ( 346. ) that Epiphanius ( Haeres : 75 ) imputs to him , as great heresies , these Tenets , 1. That he held it unlawfull to offer and pray for the dead . 2. That he held that Saincts departed were not to be invocat . 3. That there were not fixed fast dayes to be keept . 4. That the jewish pascal was not to be observed , because ourpassover is already offered . Now , if our Informer condemne him for these also , we weed care the lesse for his condemning him in the point of prelacy . 3. It is certain , that the account of the first times immediatly after the Apostles , is , as to mater of fact , very dark & uncertain , & consequently a very slippery rule . Hegesi pus ( apud Euseb : lib : 3. Cap : 28. ) tells us , [ that immediatly after the Apostolick age was gone , tunc impii erroris conspiratio , per seductionem eorum qui alienam doctrinam trad ▪ ant , initium caepit — Then the conspiracy of wicked error , but the seducings of those who delivered another doctrine , took its begining . Eusebius himself the prime writer , ( from whom in a manner is the wholl of all that is delivered anent Church Government and Bishops , and who presents these fragmens of writers out of which our episcopal men ga●…her up their proofes ) in the proem of his History acknowledges that he is in that worke entered into a dark desert , therein he hath no footsteps of any goeing before him , but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some litle occasions , or some pitty narations , which every one in their own time hath left and delivered . let any read haumer ( ane Inglish Bishop ) , his translation of Eusebius , wherein this will be found very clear . Scalliger ( prolegom in Chron. Euseb. ) Saith , Intervallum illud ab ultimo capite actorum &c. the nterval from he last chotter of the Acts of the Apostles , until the midst of the reigne of Trajan , in which tract , Quadratus and a Ignatius flourished ( let our informer observe this as to Ignatius ) may be truly called with varr●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or obscur , wherin nothinthat is certan , hath come to our hand concerning the affairs of Christians , except some very few things , which the enemies of godlines carches up by the way , such as Suetonius , Cornelius Tacitus , Plenius Cecilianus , which gap that Eusebius might fill up , he drew some things without discretion and choise out of the upotiposes or exemples of I know not what Clement ( for he is not that learned Clement who wrote the Stromata●…●…nd out of the fyve books of hegesippus a writer no better . Tilen himself ( a great pleader for the Episcopal cause ) yet tells us ( Contr : 3 : l. 2 : c. 2 : Not. 39. and c. 3. Note . 6 ) That , the history of these first times hath great blacks and gapes , which the Spurius Clements and other writers of the same stamp , filled up with petty fables drawen from their own braine . — That from the end of the acts of the Apostles , until Traian's times , thereis almost nothing extant which is certain : hence ( he saith ) occasion was taken by men of bad dispositions to make hold to faine anything , whom even the Apostles times wanted not . Not to insist upon the many things written and observed of Eusebius , which may invalidat the credit of his history , and his many gross errors therein , and in other poynts , observed by Scalliger and others . How fabulous is that history of Christes Epistle to Agbarus , rejected even by pope Gelasius in a Councel of Seventy Bishops at room . That which Philo the jew wrote of the Essae Ans , a Sect among the jewes , Eusebius affirms that he wrot it of Christian mmks , which Scalliger shewes to be false out of Philo himself ( in elencho tribaeresii . ) He proves peters crucifixion at Rome by a tomb proofe : — In the computation of times , Scalliger observes his gross errors . Nay , which is more considerable , he discovers gross ignorance of Scripture , in saying that the Cephas reprehended by Paul , was not the Apostle peter , but another of the number of the Seventy disciples . Besyds , many things in his personall cariage and qualities , which may weaken the Credit of his History , as his presideing in the councel of Tyre against Athanasius , and standing upon the Arrians side . Scalliger ( in his Thesaurus temporum . Animad : p : 268 ) Setts down the testimonies of the Ancients concerning his errors & Arrianisme , wherein some affirme that he died . When he wrote the history he was ane Arian . Moreover , Admitt his Testimony were abeve all exception , yet that his history hath been corrupted by some ignorant impostor , is demonstrated from this by Didocl : ( cap. 4. p. 119 ) [ that he maks mention of Sozomen , who was born ane hundred years therafter . ] Lastly , As to the Catalogues of Bishopes , which our Informer , and his masters befor him , exhibit to us from the Apostolick times , he might have found them aboundantly invalidat by many of the learned , whose judgement and Testimonys are collected by Didocl : ( cap : 4 p. 121 : 122 , 123 , 124 , &c. ) Which we may well challeng this man to answer . Therefore we shall dismiss it with these observes . 1. That Tertullian , Irenaeus , and others , who make use of this Argument of Succession , against hereticks , designe only to shew a derivation of true doctrine from the Apostles against them , and that the Church had the Traduoes Apostolici Seminis , a derivation of the Apostles Doctrine , but never meaned it of a Succession of men of the same office every way . Tertullian saith , [ Arise o truth and expone they Scriptures &c. ] Iren●…us in his time , speaking of this Succession from the Apostles , & pressing adherence to the truth which they delivered , makes mention of Presbyters [ opportet adhaerere iis &c : We must adhere to them who keeps the Apostles doctrine , and with the order of [ presbitery ] mentain the word . And again , therefore we must obey these [ presbiters ] who are in the Church , who have their Succession from the Apostles , as we have showen . Then he adds qui cum Episcopatus Successione , charisma veritatis certum , Secundum placitum patris acceperunt . That is , who with the Succession of Episcopacy , have receaved from the father the sure gift of truth . ] thus he , ( l. 4. c. 44. ) And because this Informer singes their old song who before him , will still Shuffle in Bishops , when the Ancients speak of Presbyters . Let him remarke what he sayes ( lib : 3. cap. 2. ) Speaking of the contumacy of the adversaries of truth [ quum autem ad eam iterim traditionem , quae est ab Apostolis , quae per Successiones presbyterorum in Ecclesiis custoditur , provocamus eos &c : — But when wee apeall them again to that tradition , which from the Apostles , is preserved by Succession of Presbyters in the Churches — They will alledge that they are more wise then the Apostles themselves or these Presbyters ] dare this man say , that Irenaeus meaned that it was only a Succession of Bishops in these Churches who keep that Apostolick truth . That Presbyters are successoures of Apostles properly and immediatly in the power of the keyes , is evident by a full Testimony of ancient fathers . ●…gnatius ( about whom our Informer makes a great bustle in several places of his Pamplet ) in the Epistle ad Trallianos , calles the caetum Presbyterorum , the Assembly of Presbyters , Con●…unctionem Apostolerum Christi , a meeting of Apostles of Christ. ●…rinaus , ( lib : 4. Cap. 43 ) holds Presbyteros in Ecclesia ab Apostolis successionem habere , that Presbyters in the Church have there succession from the Apostles . Cyprian ( lib. 4. epistol . 9. ) asserts , omnes praepositos vicaria ordinatione Apostolis succedere , that all overseers ( so he calls Presbyters ) succeeds the Apostles by a vicarious ordination . Ierome , on 2. Chap. of mica , ( cited by Cratian in decretis distinct 5. cap ) speaking of himself a Presbyter , saith si in Apostolorum loco simus , non solum sermonem eorum imitemur &c. If we be in the Apostles place , let us not onely imitat there doctrine , but also their conversation . Augustin ( serm : 36. to the fratres in Eremo ) and these too Pre●…byters , call them sal terrae , Apostolorum successores , the salt of the earth and the Apostles successours . 2. As it is certan , that these Catalogue-drawers , did not understand veri nominis ep●…copos , or diocesian Bishops properly suoh , thogh speaking after the manner of their times they gave them all one name : So it is equally certain , that the Testimoyns out of which these Catalogues are patch●…d up , are most inconsistent and contradictory to one another ( as the divines at the I le of Wight , and many learned men have made appear ) and still the nearer the Apostles times , the Catalogues are the more darke and various . They make Peter Bishops of Rome ( a fable contradicted by many of the learned & proved to be such ) but whither Clemens was first or Third , and who or in that order next after Succeed them , whither Linus , or Anacletus is never yet cleared , Some make Titus Bishop of Crete , some Archbishop . Some Bishop of Dalmatia . Timothy and John are made by many Bishops at the same time . Some say Policarp was first Bishop of Smyrna . Some make him succeed one Bucolus . some make Aristo first . Some give Alexandria one Bishop , some tuo at once . See appendix to jus . divin . min. Evangel . And wheras our Informer replyes [ that notwithstanding of this , yet all agree that a Succession of Bishops was , and that these different relations cannot impeach the certainty of the Succession it self , no more then difference about the Succession of princes will invalidat the certainty of the History ] I answer , if he could prove that they understood Bishops properly so called , or his diocesians in all these Catalogues of Succession , this evasion might have some Shew of truth , but it is certain that they did not . Patres cum Iacobum Episcopum vocant &c. the Fathers , saith Whittak . ( de pontif . quest : 2. c. 15 se : 2. When they call James Bishop or Peter , take not the name of Bishop properly , but they call them Bishops of these Churches , wherein they stayed for some time — and againe — [ if spoken of a Bishop properly , its absurd to say the Apostles were Bishopes , fore he that is properly a Bishop cannot be ane Apostle , Because the Bishop is set only over one Church , but the Apostles were founders and overseers of many Churches ] . After he tells us , that non procul distat ab insania &c. it differs little from madnes to say that Peter or any other Apostles were Bishopes . And to this purpose he speaks afterwards at large ( Q : 3. c : 3. Sect : 9. [ proveing this from the unfixed extraordinary nature of their message or mission , who were to follow the Spirits conduct towards all places whither they were called . Which argument reaches evangelists upon the same ground . So that Whitaker will send our Informer to Bedlam , if he mend not this information , and revocke not this principle anent the Episcopacy of Apostles and Evangelists , and the Succession of Bishops from them . The learned Iunius also ( Contr : 3. lib : 1. cap. 23. not . 3. ) mantaines ane aequivocall acceptation of the word [ Bishop ] in this matter , so that his paralleel holds not , as to a difference about the Succession of Kings , when a Monarchy all a●…e Supposed such , but here the difference and equivocation is , as to the authority of these Succeeding Bishops . When he shall read Scallig . ( Animadvers : 277. ) The Informer may possibly suspect Hegesippus his naration anent James ; yet jerom and Eusebius depend upon him . Scalliger holds Clemens Romanus to be no better . likwayes jerom ( : Catol : Scrip : ) is a Counterfit , not the true jerom , since he mentions pope hilary , who lived long after jerom was in his grave . And wheras the Informer maks a great outcry of jerom [ that jerom begins at the Evangelist Mark , in the Alexandrian Catalogue , which our w●…itters leave out in their citations ] its easily answered that it needs not be putt in , since the Author , sayes [ A marko , from , or after him , the Presbyters choosed ▪ out one whom they made president ] wherein it s evident , that he speaks of this custom , after Mark and excluding him , who was ane Evangelist before , and needed not be set up by the Presbiters . And surely if the first Bishop was ane Evangelist , the rest were very heterogenious to their first pattern . Besides , in that jerom sayes Presbitiri a marco unum [ ex se ] electum , &c. Hee clerly insinuats that it was the Presbyters thereafter , no Mark that it , for if by Marks Apointment these Bishops wereset up , he could not attribute it to the Presbyters etion ▪ Should one say , in Scotia , a regimine presbit : Anno. 62. Episcopi introducti , Ergo , ab isto regimine introducti , were ●…t not a bad consequence . Here I will offer to him the remarke of a learned author ( Repl : to Dun : 143. ) anent the Circle , which he and his fellowes doe ryde in this argument . Timothy and Titus &c. had ane Episcopal authority , why ? because their authority was not Evangelistick . Why so ? because it was not to die with them , why that ? Because it was ordinary and perpetually necessary . And how is that proved ? Because , if the Apostles being alive , they behooved to instruct Timothy and Titus with Episcopal authority , much more being dead , this was necessary to the Churches . But when it is inquired , how this Episcopal authority is proved , it is fairely assumed againe , as if it were granted , [ that the Apostles made them Bishops of Ephesus and Crete . ] So the last medium is still that which is in Question . Let him ponder also what Didocl : ( p. 125. and 139 ▪ ) hath produced , anent the confusion and contradictions in this Alexandrian Succession . Tilen himself ( de pontif : l. 1. c : 24. not : 1. ) acknowledges that [ De Alexandrinae Ecclesiae primordijs , nihil ex Scriptura , im●…ne ex patribus quidem , qui ante Synodum nicenum floruerunt , quicquam certi demonstrari potest , That nothing certanly can be made appear concerning the beginings of the Church of Alexandria from Scriptur , no not from the Fathers who florished before the council of Nice . Baronius ( Anno. 44. 11 : 42. ) saith cum Apostolorum nomine tam facta quam scripta reperiantur esse suppositia , &c. — Since there are suppositious both words and Acts under the Apostles name , & since what is related by true writers , remaines not incorrupt , it may make one dispair to reach that is true and cer●…in . So much is the great popish historian forced to confess . The Informer should likewise have done well to have put into the mouth of his doubter , Joseph Scalliger , his grave difficulty about the succession of the Bishops of the Church of Jerusalem . ( Related by Didocl . Cap : 4 : p. 123. ) Wherin he proves Eusebius relation to be contrary to our Lords prophecy anent the destruction of Jerusalem , and to Josephus his History . To this I add , that he will find many learned men doe hold , that the first successors after the Apostles in these supposed Catalogues , were meer Presbyters , [ who according as they were more eminent in the Churches , and consequently their memories referved therein , whose Natales ( as Iunius speaks ) that is their dayes of banishment , martyrdome , or death were keept in the Churches records ; accordingly they were cull'd out by the Fathers to fill up these Catalogues , though they were contemporary , & those they named [ Bishops ] , in conformity to their own times . For this I recomend Franciscus Iunius his learned discourse to this purpose Cont. 3 : l. 2 : c. 5. not . 18 ▪ — [ errori causam prebuit , &c , the cause of the error ( he means in those contradictory confused Catalogues of Bishops ) was that there were many Bishops or Presbyters at once appoyinted by be Apostles in the Churches &c. ] It s then evident ( which is the Collection of Diocl. upon what is premised ) 1. That the Ancientes without examination having from their progenitors receaved many fabulous stories , delivered to the posterity such thinges as can neither be reconciled to Scripture , nor with themselves . 2. That they might fill up their Tables of Bishops , and conforme the first ages to their own , they culld out the most famous Minister for zeal , piety &c and put them into their Catalogués . 3. Whom they thus put in , they called them [ Bishopes ] in conformity to their own times , though they were [ meer Presbyters . ] For ( as we saw upon Phil. 1. ) himself acknowledges , that the Fathers used the names indifferently . So by this time wee suppose it is convinceingly evident , that ou●… Informers great argument from his Testimonies is lost . There is a great consent of the learned in this that for the first purest age , the Church was governed by Presbyters . without Bishopsblondel ( Apol : Sect : 3 : p : 3 : 14. 3 : 5 — p. 308 : 378. ) Shewes the consent of the learned heerin . For this Church of Scotland , we have the Testimony of Ioanes Major ( de Cest. Scot : l. 2. ) of Fordon ( Scoto-chronicon , lib. 3. Shap. 8. ) likwise of Blond . ( Sect. 3. ) All shewing , that this nation ( haveing imbraced the Christian faith Anno. 79. ) till the year 430. ( When the pope sent Palladius as our first Bishop , ) was governed only by Presbyters with out Bishopes ; so that we had our union to the see of Rome together with Prelacy . Clemens , of the first century , in his Epistle to the Philippians , maks but two orders of Ministery , Bishops and deacons , these only he sayes the Apostle set up to propogat the ordinances to believers . And this to be a remedy to end all contests about Episcopacy . ( page . 57. &c. ) The same we heard of policarp ( in his Epistle to the Philippianes ) we heard of Augustins Testimony ( Epist. 19. to Jerom. ) Dr. Reynolds ( in his Epist. to Sr Francis Knolls ) cites Chrysostom , Ierom , Ambrose , Augustin , Theodoret , and many others ancient and modern , to prove , that in Scripture , Bishop and Presbyter are all one . Jeroms Testimony upon Titus , is famous for this point , who assertes , and proves at large ; from Philip. 1. Act. 20. Hebr. 13 : 17. 1 Pet. 5. That by Gods appointment , and in first Apostolick times & afterward , the government was by Presbyters , communi concilio Presbyterorum , [ by the common councel of Presbyters . ] that by divine appointment , Bishops & Presbyters are one , that the difference betwixt them had no better ground then contudo or Custom . That divisions by Satans instinct occasioned the difference afterward made betwixt Bishop and Presbyter . That their equality was not his privat Judgement , but a Scripture truth . The same he hath in his Epistle to Evagrius . But now let us hear what ou●… Informer hath Scraped together from his masters , Saravia , Dounam , Tilen , &c. To infringe this Testimony . 1. He ●…ayes [ That Ierom speaks onely of the first gospel times , when mentioning the identity of Bishop and Presbyter , when the Apostles did by their own presence & industry Supply the rowme of Bishops , but as they began to fail by death , or their bussines called them elswhere and upon the Churches inlargement , & the Schisme that arose upon the Presbyters equality , Bishops were set up over Presbyters . This he proves , because , jerom sayes , that from Mark the Evangelist . The Presbyters choosed out one , and called him Bishop , even to the Bishops heraclius and Dionisius , but Mark died before Peter and Paul. Then he compleans of Smectimmuus as dealling defectively in leaving out this in their Citation — And of Mr. Durham ( on the Revel . pa●… 225. and thatMr . Durham takes no notice of jeroms similitud in speaking of this Election of Presbyters in relation to their Bishop , viz , As the army doth choose the Emperor ] Thus far we have our Informers first great defence , Which brings to minde a remarkable saying of Marcus. Anton. De Dom. De repub Eccl. lib. 2. cap. 3. Numb . 46. Sunt qui Hieronimum in rectam sententiam vel invitum velint trahere ille tamen dum consuetudini Sole ecclaesiasticae , ecclaesiaeque humano decreto tribuit quod ab Apostolis jure divino , est factitatum , aliquantum certe deflexit — neque in hoc aut excusari potest , aut in alium contrarium sensum trahi verba ejus , neque aliam Sententiam neque defensionen neque excusationem , admittentia sunt haec in Epist. ad Titum : &c Some would ( he saith ) draw jerom to a contrary minde against his will , but whil he doth ascribe only to Ecclesiastick Custome , and the Churches human deccree , what was done by divine right , he went out of the way , and in this he cannot be excused , nor can his words admitt of any other sense , or meaneing . So much was this mans ingenuity beyond that of our Informer . But to the point , I Ans. 1. Wee have nothing here but the old Song , which hath been answered by many . Iunius [ decler : c. 15. Not. 16. ] tells him [ That tria distinguit tempora Hieronimus . Primum , quo Ecclesiae communi presbyterorum concilio gubernabantur . Secundum , quo studia in religione facta sunt , ac dictum est in populis , ac non corinthisolum &c : nam quum primum illa corinthi dicerentur , adhuc communi presbyterorum concilio ecclesiae gubernabantur , ut patet ex icor . 5. & 2. cor . 1. tertium demum quo unus de presbyteris electus caeteris fuit superpositus . Atque haec singula tempora suam , ut cum vulgo loquar , latitudinem habuerunt . Ierom distinguishes , Three periods of time . 1. When the Church was governed by the Common Council of presbyters . The 2d . Wherin there were divisions in religion , and it was said among the people , not at Corinth onely ; I am of Paul &c : for when these things were said at Corinth , the Church ( saith he ) was as yet governed with the Common Council of presbyters , as it appears 1. Cor. 5. and 2 Cor. 1. The 3d. and last , wherin one chosen out from among the presbyters , was set over the rest . And every one of these times ( saith he ) that I may speak with the vulgar hade their own latitud . here in this one judicious account of this learned author , our Informer might have seen his error , and the violence which he offers to jerome words for jerom drawes his proofes for the first period from many texts of Scripture , from Phil. 1. Act 20. &c when Paul took his last farewell of that Church , never to see their faces more . Yea he drawes his proofes from John the Surviver of all the Apostles , for the identity of Bishops and Presbyters , and in relation to the Churches being governed by their Common Councill . And as to the choise of the constant president he addes quod autem postea unus electus , that their was one afterward chosen to preside , for the remedie of Schism &c , and to be Episcopus preses , this period he fixes after Iohns time , and so after all the Apostles . 2. Wheras the Inform●…r ( following Downam defens . lib. 4. cap : 3. Sect : 10. ) alledges That the Presbyters in jeromes senc did in the beginning of the gospel govern the Churches [ Modo privato ] , in a privat way & [ in foro conscientiae ] feeding with the word and Sacrament ; the Apostles themselves , by th●…r own presenc supplying the roume of Bishops ; and that thereafter Bishops were set up by them to prevent schism among Presbyters . I answer . He will assoone squize water from a flint , as this meaneing out of jeroms words . Fori jerom speaks of a frame of government , yea a divine frame , which postea and Paulatim , afterward and by degrees , came to be altered and changed : but this privat government of Presbyters in foro interno , was never changed 2. jerom in speaking of that government which was afterward changed , and by degrees , proves its divine right from many scriptures as a Disp●…sitio divina , or a divine appointment . Now I beseech him , did the Apostles first practise a divine f●…ame of Government , and then changed it into a human custome ? ( which is the Character that jerom puts upon the Episcopacy which afterward came in . ) will any of common sense or discretion , say so ? Far less so learned a man as Ierome was . 3. If the Apostles themselves did supply the roum of Bishops , before the change which Jerome speaks of , then Ierome could not say of that period of time before the change , that , communi consilio Presbyterorum ecclesiae gubernabantur , the Churches were governed by the common Council of Presbyters , but according to this gloss of his words , before the change , the Government was episcopall . But so it is , that jerom sayes , idem episcopus & Presbyter , the Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same , by divine right , and that before the change which came in by a human custome ( which he distinguishes from that dispositio divin●… or divine frame , which first took place ) the Presbyters Governed theChurches by common Counsel , according to divine appoiniment . 4. If the Apostles upon their with drawing , or the increase of Churches , set up Prelats , let the Informer shew me why and how Ierom could draw his proof for the identy , of Bishopes and Presbyters , from Act. 20. Where Paul was taking his last farewell of the Churches ? was he to supply the roume of a Bishop by his presence with them , when never to see their faces more ? how could Ierome plead for the divine right of , Presbyters Episcopal , Scriptural , GospelGovernment , from Paules calling them Bishops at his last farewell , and committing the whollGovernment to them , if this had been his meaning ? Besides , were not the Churches increased a●… this time ? why then were no●… Bishops set up , since this man holds the increase of Churches to have grounded such a necessity of Prelacy ? Nay , since Jerom drawes his proofes against the Prelats divine right , from the 1 Pet. 5 , And from John , could he suppose that this was but the beginning , while the Apostles had the power still in their own hand ? Againe , our Informer would doe well to resolve this doubt , how Jerom could call a Government which he asserts to be brought in by the Apostles according to Gods appointment , a human custome opposite to the Lords appointment ? Or how could this answer Jeroms scope , [ to prove Presbyters to be one with Bishops ] to say that the Apostles first governend them , episcopally themselves , and then set up Bishops over them ? And how will he make this corres●…ond with what Jerom sayes as to the originall of this change viz. the studia in religione , or factions in Religion ? Will the Informer say ( which is his own argument afterward ) that the Apostles immediat episcopall Government , had influenc upon this Schism ? Was not likwayes the Schism at Corinth , ( from which this man drawes the change in Jeroms sense ) long before severall of Jeroms proofes from 1 Pet. 5 Act. 20 And from John , for the divine warrand of this common Government of Presbyters ? And was this the change which Ierom speaks of , as toto orbe decretum , & postea , or a change afterward through the World ? Appage inneptias . 3. As for what he adds , That Ierom drawes the Alexandrian Episcopacy from Marke , which he compleans that Mr. Durhame and Smectimmuus take no notice of . Ans. Wee have showen already , that it is not worth the noticeing in this matter , and any notice can be taken of it , makes rather against him , then for him for if Marke was ane Evangelist in the strict sense , as Ierom calls him , he doeth ( as chamier answers Bellarmin in this point ) cut him of from the Series of Bishops properly so called . The Informer must grant this , or contradict what he said before of the inconsistency of these offices in a strict senc , in on and the same person ; for he said nothing against this consequenc , Timothie is called ane Evangilist in astrict sense , ergo He could not be a Bishop . Now I say Ierom calls Marke ane Evangilist , for he tells us that a Marco evangelista from Marks the Evangilist , the Presbyters at Alexandria set up one to preside . Ergo he speaks exclusively , and cannot put Mark among the series of them , for Mark was ane officer of a higher nature . Moreover , the Informer tells us , that Mark died before Peter and Paul ; hence I infer against him , ergo , Ierom could not reckon Mark among these Bishops of Alexandria : for Ierom drawes his proofes for the Presbyters divin right of governing in Common , from Act. 20. phil . 1. 1. Pet. 5. And from Iohn the last of the Apostles , and maks this divine Presbyterial government run along all the Apostles time , and tells us that the Bishops who were set up , came in by custome , and afterward , and by degrees when it was toto orbe decretum , decreed through the world ; to put the power upon one ; ergo these Bishops of Alexandria behooved to be sett up long after Mark was in his grave , according to jeroms calculation . And wheras he compleans that Mr Durhame leaves out that Clause [ Where jerom maks use of a simile anent the armies choosing ane Emperor — That he may make the Bishops power when brought in , as little as can be . ] It s answered , that passage will as little help him as the other , for jeromes scope is , to shew That the Bishops first rise and power over Presbyters , was by their own free election , not by divine disposition , as the Army chooses the Generall . Now no simile must be strained and hold in every poynt , else it were not a simile . Scripturparables themselves mast not be strained beyond the scop . And besides , jerome cannot be supposed to give at that time , even de sacto , far less jure divino , an Imperial or Lordly power to these Presbyters thus chosen out by their brethren , and made Bishops over them , unless he would Cross his own doctrine , since he maks this choic and Election of the Episcopus●…reses , to be the hum●…n Custome , posterior unto , and different from the divine appointment of governing in a parity , which first took place . Likewayes jerom sayes in his own time quid facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter . What doth the Bishop except ordination which the Presbyters doth not . So that they had not then arrived at any imperiall power . And because this man tells us even ad nauseam of this passage , a Marko Evangilista . I will turn here the weapons point upon him , and demand , Since Ierome make these Alexandrian Bishops from Mark , to have been sett up by Presbyters free election , how comes the Prelats he pleads for , to be Elected and set up at Court , while the poor Creatures , the Curats , over whom they are set , to play the little emperoures , have no more Interest as to their choice and Election , then the silliest Monck in choosing the pope I add here , that this supposition of his [ that Ierom holds the Apostles to have supplied the Bishops rowme for a time , though no fixed ordinary Bishops , untill the Churches growth , and their necessary absence , did necessitat to set them up for preventing schism , ] will Crosse what himself and Downam also doe plead , defens . l. 4. c. 5. Sect. 3. ( If at least they will not make Ierome oddly to contradict himself , viz. ) that Ierom [ in Catal. Scrip. Eccles ] . holds that Iames immediatly after the Lords suffering , was Constitut Bishop of Ierusalem . Besids that neither of them will prove that to be the true jerom . But now the Informer will resolve the great doubt against what he hath said , viz. That Ierome proves from Scriptur , Bishop and Presbyter to be all one and that schismes by Satans instinct , gave occasion to change the government from the Common Council of Presbyters , to another mould of setting up one over the rest , to whom the whole Care should belong &c. To which he answers , that Ierom speaks of the power which Bishops in his time had come unto beyond what the first Bishops had , viz. That at the first Presbyters had a hand in government , but after , omnis Ecclesiae cura ad unum de lata , that is , the wholl care was put upon the Bishop . But if we take Ierom to speak of the first introduction of Bishops , then he must be understood as speaking of the Apostles own times . Ans. 1. Upon this ground the Informer must grant , that in Ieroms sense , Bishops who only in ordination , were superior to Presbyters , had a greater power then the Bishops first set up by the Apostles ; which will clearly exclud his diocesian Prelats , who have sole power in ordination and jurisdiction , as no divine Bishops . And Next , it will follow that the ishopes set up a Marco , or after Mark , were meer presidents , or Moderators ; since they were less in power then these Bishops , who onely in ordination , differed from Presbyters . So we see the rebound of this answer will strik his cause dead . And he must feel another rebound of his own blow , as to his Complaint of our leaving out what maks against us in Ieroms words . For I ask why he lea●…es out here Ieroms scripture proofes , evincing that Bishops & Presbyters are one jure divino ? Why leaves he out Ieroms Collection upon all these scriptures ( which runes along the through Apostolick age ) viz. That the Bishops are more by Custom , then by any true dispensation from the Lord set over Presbyters ? for although he after bringes in this as ane objection , yet it ought to have been set downe here , as the main conclusion of Ieromes arguing : and his testimony is very blunt without it . Again , how comes he thus to disguise what Ierome sayes of Presbyters governeing [ Communi Councilio ] , or by common Councill , as if it Imported no more , then haveing a hand in government , which he maks Compatible with prelacy , wheras Ierom maks it distinct from , and anterior unto , even the first human prostasy . Beside , their governeing , Communi Concilio , Imports particularly , their joynt decisive suffrage in government ; which he doth but meanly express by their governing in Common . 2. What a rediculous conceit is this That Ierom speaks of the power of Bishops in his time , beyond the first Bishops Ierom speaking of Presbyters expressly , as contradistinct from Bishops , and of the Presbiters existent in the Apostolick Churches , while the Apostles were alive , as himself just now explained i●… , in saying [ that the Apostles by their presenc and industry supplied the want of Bishops over these Presbyters . ] So that he compares not the Bishops in his time , with the first Bishops who came in by Custome , but these human Bishops who thus came in , with the first scripture Bishops . we know not wher to find this versatil proteus in his answers here , and may truely alleadge , that this Testimony pinches him and his fellowes . Next , will he stand to this exposition of Ieroms words , which he here offers , viz , [ That the first Bishops admitted Presbyters to governe with them , and the after Bishops in Ieroms time , governed alone . ] Then he must grant , that the first and second Bishops , were of very different cutts ; and so he breaks his Argument from the Catalogues , all in peeces ; and must grant that the word episcopus , or Bishop , is variously used by the ancients , And that our present Lord-prelats can receave no Pratrociny from Bishops of the first ages , wherein Presbyters governed by common Council , and had a decisive sufferage in Government , whereas the Prelats now are beyond what their predecessors had come unto , even in Ieroms time : For then except ordination , the Bishop did nothing , beyond what the Presbyter might doe , whereas our present Prelats are sole both in ordination and Jurisdiction , and assume a negative voice in Church Judicatories , Yea a decisive suffrage in Parliament : which he dare not say that any of these Bishops did ever pretend unto . Well , But if we shall say that Ierom speaks of the first introduction of Bishops into the Church , then ( he tells us ) Ierom must understand it of the Apostles times . What means he by the first introduction of Bishops ? Can he give the least shaddow of reason for it , that Ierom speakes of any other introduction then that introduction of human custom , which he distinguishes from the divine appointment of Presbyterian paritie ? But how proves he [ That Ierom maks Bishopes to have been introduced in the times of the Apostles ] ( yet I must tell him by the way , that introduceing them in the times of the Apostles , is one thing , & by the Apostles , is anotherthing . Diotrephes sought his primacy in Iohns time , but was disowned by him therin . So that if we can prove that what jerom cites for the parity of Bishops & Presbyters jure divino , will conclud the point , these Bishops are in themselves , & in jeroms judgement , condemned by the Apostles . ) his 1. Reason is [ That jerom makes the thing , which gave occasion to this Introducing of Bishops , to be the peoples saying Iam of Paul and I of Apollo , and this was the Schism spoken of I Cor. I. ] But this notion of Saravia , and others , he might have found long since answered . Ieromes scop is evidently , to prove that by Scripture warrand , Bishop and Presbyter are all one , wich he clears by many Scripture Testimonyes , even to Iohns time ; and therefore he could not be so brutish , as to make this Schism at Corinth , the occasion of the Change , so long before Johns Testimony , yea before Paules farewell Sermon to the Elders of Ephesus , from which he drawes another of his proofes . But he speakes of a human Custom comeing in Paulatim , postea , peece and peece and by degres , long after these times : and but alludes unto that Division I Cor. I. Expressing it in the Apostles words , not of their times ; for the Apostles never appointed this prelatik excrescent power of Bishops over Presbyters as a remedy of Schisme , among all their prescriptions of the Cure of this evill . Rom. 16. 7. I Cor. 3 : 3. 11 , 18. Moreover famous whietaker will tell him , that this remedie is worse then the disease . The mistery of iniquity was then working ; the Apostles therefore would not lay a step under Anti-Christs foot , to get in to his Chair . Besides ; these factions in religion were not at Corinth onlie . Iunius ( de cler . Cap. 15. not 16. ) will Informe him that [ jerom asserts not , that it was said at Corinth , I am of Paul , &c. But among the people , &c. malum non Corinthi solum , &c. It was a Publick evill — Paul himself prescrybed no such remedy ( saith he ) unto the Corinthians . — and afterward [ Not. 17. ] Jerom saith , after it was said among the people , he saith not that this human Prostasia , began at that tyme , viz , of the schism , but after that time . Compare it with Wittaker , ( de pont . Q. 1. c. 3. Sect ▪ 29. [ he saith not , it was decreed by the Apostles , that one Presbyter should be set over the rest , this he sayes , was by the Churches Castome ; not the Apostles decree — Then he adds ( Ierom , viz , ) Let the Bishops know , that it is rather by Custome , then the divine appointment , that they are set over Presbyters . Had the Apostles changed the first order , and set Bishops over Presbyters , and forbidden the Churches to be governed by the Cammon ▪ Council of Presbyters , truly that had been the Lords appointment , because proceeding from the Apostles of Christ , unless we will ascrib to Custom , not to divine appointment , what they decreed . But the Apostles being alive , there was nothing changed in that order , for this Epistle was written when Paul was in Mac donia , &c. ] Let our Informer read this learned author , who at large will cure his error in this poynt , if it be not incurable . Wheras he adds [ That Ierom●… comment upon Tit. I. Imports only his opinion , anent the Community of names of Bishop and Presbyter not of their office at that time ] I beseech him what will this say to Ieromes scope , which is to prove Presbyters superiority to Deacons ? for the deacons name was in a generall sense , attribut both to Apostles , and to the Evangelist Timothey , as himself pleads . Besides , what signifies Ieroms in ferenc from all his Citations , viz , [ That Bishops had not their superiority over Presbiters , by divine appointment ] If only a communitie of names , was his proofe from these texts . The Informers 2 Reason , to prove that Ierom makes Bishops , to be introduced in the times of the Apostles , is [ That had the decree wich Ierome speaks of , been after the Apostles , it would have been extant in antiquity , where , and in what Council , it took place , but this is not found . Ans Ierome by , toto orbe decretum , or prospiciente concilio , cannot mean any formal Council , either in the Apostles times , or afterward . But the meaning is , that when through the world , it was said among the people , I am of Paul , &c. It was decreed among the people , or in , and among particular Churches , through the whole word , that is , distr●…butively , though all places of the world , not representatively , in any aecumenick Council of the whole world . Decreed through the whole word , is all one with , Decreed by the whole world , which is distributily to be taken . Ieroms words convince this , for the Councils decree , representing the world , would be all at once ; but Ierom sayes this Chance came not in Simul & Semel , but paulatim ly degrees ; And that the Prostasia came in by Custome , which points at a graduall comeing in . Besides , the Apostles changing the first mould of government , to prevent Scism , will say they made themselves wiser then the Lord. His 3 Reason is [ That this will suppose the worlds universal defection , from the Apostolick Government , against which there is , no footstep of a Testimony . ] Ans. we We have seen ( as he cannot deny ) as great , and more sudden changes of the divine institutions , exemplified in Scripture ; and that ane universall defection , hath been through the Christian world , from both the Apostolick Doctrine , and Government , he will not deny : and many Testimonies there might have been against this , though they have not come to our hands . He knowes how our divines answer such a Question of the Papists , as to the beginnings of their Corruptions , and their universall spread . Moreover , this mistery of Iniquity , and affectation of primacy , began in the Apostles owne time , and therefore we need not wonder that it spread shortly thereafter . Ierome tells us that this change was Paulatim , by degrees , and upon specious pretences of order and union , and therefore it is no wonder that this monster in its nature and dreadfull effects , was not seen at first . His 4t . Reason is [ That Ierom makes this change to have been for remedy of Schism , and it is absurd to say , that the Government of the Apostles was lyable to this evil But this inconvenience is salved , if we say , that the Apostles for preventing Schisme which parity breeds , set up Bishops over Presbyters . ] Ans. 1. To begin at his last part , he eschews not this inconvenienc himself ; for he makes the Apostles to have Governed the first Curches Episcopaly , keeping the Episcopall reyns of Government stil in their owne hand ( in Ieroms sense ) till their absene and Schism procured that change which Ierom speaks of . So that , with him , the root of Schism was sown in that Church which they Governed Episcopally ; the Presbyters with him , ab initio , yea first or last not haveing a power of ordination , and jurisdiction ; and he maks jerome to reflect upon the Apostles , as if they had bettered Christs appointment , as to Government : I pray him , how grew up the Corinth Scism while Paul acted the Bishop over that Church ? as he and the rest of hisparty doe plead . The men of his way say that the Apostles keept the reyns of Government in their own hand , until they were about to die , before wich time there were schimes in their Churches . Did not the Apostles foresee this ? and if the Apostolick Episcapacy was by lyable to schismes , much more that of their substituts . 2. It is too gross ane Inferenc to say that [ Because Ierome holdes that for preventing schismes which were at that time , the Government was changed , therefore Ierome charges it upon the Apostles Government , ] he may as well say , that a mans asserting Corruptions to be in the Church , will infer his imputing them to the ordinances . Was there nor discord among the disciples , under Christs own immediat Government ? but did that reflect upon his Holy Government that this recorded ? Did not Paul and Barnabas divid & part asunder ? but did Luke in relating this , Charge it upon the holy Apostolick Government . 3. The absurd [ reflexion upon the Apostles Government ] which he speaks of , lyes upon his party , and these who first brought in , and now ( after its evil effects are discovered ) uphold this hierarchy , which is so crosse to the Apostolick parity . Ierom sayes [ they brought in this imparity for remedy of schisme ] but leaves the charge of [ reflecting upon the Apostolick government ] upon the Authores of this innovation , and upon its promoters still it mustly . His 5t . Reason is That Ierom in his writtings derives Episcopacy as high as from the Apostles , making Iames Bishop of Ierusalem , Titus of Crete , Mark of Alexandria : and Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons to be that which Aaron and the levites were in the old Testament . Then he adds , that if we make him contradict himself , it must be with advantage to Bishops . Ans. Wee have heard already , that it is past doubt with many godly learned , that the Fathers used the terme Bishop , in a various and general sense , and spoke of the Apostles , and of extraordinary officers , after the mode and custome of their own times , wherein these offices and designations were prevalent . It is this Informer , who puts a contradiction upon Ierome , while he maks him assert Episcopacy to be set up by the Apostles , upon occasion of the Corinth Schism , in contradiction to his Scriptur proofes of the parity of Bishop and Presbyter from the Apostles doctrine , and brings him in here as asserting the Apostles , to have been formaly Bishops from the begining . Wheras our answer hath none of these inconveniences ; and tho it were granted , that it is the true Ierome who asserts this of the Apostlés ( which we put this Informer to prove ) yet we accommodat this with his other doctrine , by what is said of the aequivocall sense of the word . Aaron and the Levits authority might , in Ieroms judgement , be as to Church government in general , derived in the n●…w Testament , and also as to a distinction of Church officers therein . But if he should alledge , that Ierom assimilats here , the one government and the other ; he will mak him plead for a gospell Aaron and pope . In a word , Ieroms judgement , as to the divine right of Presbyterian parity , being so clear , and by him founded upon the Apostles writings ; ought to preponderat any other general , or ambiguous expressions , anent Bishops ; and as a rule , to expound the same , in the sense most suitable unto this his judgement : especialy since the Fathers usage of speech , as to Bishops , is thus general and ambiguous as is said . But the Doubter objects to purpose [ That Ierom letts the Bishops know that they have their power , more by Custom , then by divine right ] To this the Informer repones his recocted crambe againe viz , [ Ierom speaks of the power which Bishops in his time were invested with , beyond the first Bishops — And that Ierom in that same Epistle expones [ Consuetudo , or Custom ] by [ Apostolical tradition ] — That if we understand him of Consuetudo , or custom after the Apostles , this will fastten upon him a contradiction . That he sayes of the first Bishops , who governed by commoune Council with the Presbyters ; that they differed onely from them in ordination , but of these in his owne time , ad unum omnis cura delata , the wole charge was put upon one . ] Ans. As for this conceit , of Ieromes distinguishing here onely [ Bishops of his own time , ] from [ these of the Apostles time , ] we have confuted it already , and shown its absurdity , and that it is most crosse to Ieroms scope and words , who proves a compleat parity among Ministers , and ane identity of Bishop , and Presbyter , in Name and thing , all alongst the Apostles times , and writings , even to Iohn , the surviver of all the Apostles , So that it is most absurd to fancy him to speak of Bishops in the Apostles timet . The Informer offers but a gross distortion of his words , for he sayes of the Bishop who differed only in ordination , from Presbyters : quid facit , what doth the Bishop except ordination &c in the present time , but of these who have all the Care , he sayes Paulatim ad unum cura delata , the wholl care was put upon one , in the preterit time , pointing out these who came in upon that schism , which , with the Informer , was in the Apostles time : The objection tells him , that Ierom applyes the Bishops mould whom this man calls [ first Bishops ] to [ his owne time ] when he sayes what doth the Bishop , except ordination &c : And haveing proved Bishopes and Presbyters to be all one , he sayes Sciant , that is , let the present Bishops know , that they have their power more by Custom , then divine appointment . 2. As for Ieroms expounding Consuetudo or Custome , by Apostolick tradition , it receaves the same answer with what is said , as to his calling Apostles , Bishops . For with Ierome , Apostolick tradition , and Ecclesiastick Custom are all one ; as that instance clears anent the observation of lent , which he calls Apostolica traditio , or Apostolick tradition , writing to Marcellus , and yet writing against the Luciferians , he calls it Ecclesiae consuetudo , o●… a Custom of the Church : therefore by Apostolick tradition , he meaned not Apostolick appointment , for this were ane implicantia in terminus , a flat contradiction , since he denyes this to these Bishops , but only Ecclesiastick Custom , upon which he sayes their office was founded . The Informers 2d . Answer o this exception is ( with Davenant ) That by [ tru●…h of divine appointinent ] Ierom meaned Christs express command , by [ Custom ] the Apostles practise , begun by them , and after continued . For proveing this he adduces the Instance now given , anent Ieroms making [ Apostolick tradition ] , and [ Ecclesiastick Custome ] , all one . Hence he thus senses the words , That Bishops were brought into the Church , not by Christs express command , but by a Custom , introduced by the Apostles into the Church , and continued in their Successors . Ans. 1. This fine conceit maks Ierom reflect oddly upon the Apostles , as if they taught one thing , and practised another ; for Ierome proves from their writings , that all along they make Bishops and Presbyters one , Now if they in practice set up Bishops distinct from Presbyters , what Harmony makes this ? 2. He thus maks him reflect upon Christs express command , in relation to government , as if it were altered ; and opon his government Apostolick , in saying that it was the ground of schismes . How will this man guard against this , which he imputed to us before ? 3. What will Davenant or he make of these Three periods of time in Ieroms discourse , observed by learned Iunius and others , to clear his words . 1. Presbyters and Bishops all one and governing by Common Council all the Apostles time . 2. Scismes arising . 3. Paulatim and postea , in process of time , and by degrees , a new mould of government projected , and immutata ratio , the order changed , as Ambrose saith to the same purpose . Now this glosse of his words , will make the Apostolick government and practise , not only the rise of scismes , but to be Changed , for a change its sure Ierom speaks of from the first order of government appointed by the Apostles ; and making yet the Apostles practise in government to continue , the answer contradicts it self , as well as Ierome . As for the instance adduced , it cannot quadrat here in this place , when Ierom opposes th●… consuetudo or Custom , unto disposition of divine truth , for the Apostles practise , seconded by their Doctrin , ( as the Informer holdeth that both will patroniz prelacy ) is most formaly a divine appointment , and their giveing unto the Churches what they receaved of Lord in their commission ; and therefore cannot with any shew of Reason , be apposed unto a divine appointment , as Ierome opposes this Consuetudo , or Custom . In Fine . How wil Davenant or he , separat and distinguish that which Jerome cites [ Act. 20. ] for the parity of Bishop or Presbyter , and to prove Presbyters their common joynt government , viz , [ That Paul gave the whol Episcopal Charge to these elders in his last farewell as the Holy Ghosts Bishops , not noticing Timothy in the thing . ] How will hee ( I say ) distinguish this from ane Apostolick practice and a practice to be continued ? So that here was ( in Ieroms sense ) a Presbyterian practice of this great Apostle , a practice founding that Government and to be continued so . But the Informer dismisses this discourse of Ierom with some remarkes . The 1 is That he speaks at least of ane Apostolick right , as in many other his writings , in relation to prelacy . Ans. wee have proved that Ieroms words in these Tuo places mentioned ( the clearest account of his judgement in this mater , since he is disputing this point ex professo ) doe evince the contrary . his 2. Remark is That suppose he makes Bishops laiter then the Apostles , yet he maks them needful to prevent Schism . Ans. Ierom onely Narrats rem Gestam , or the mater of fact , viz. The ground that moved to bring them in , but gives not his approbation of it . Besides , the Informer would take home his own argument here , and bewar of making Ierom reflect upon the Apostolick Government , and contradict himself , in approving of a government as a remedy of schism , which he disputs against from Scripture . His 3d. Note is [ That Ierom submitted to Episcopacy ; and that Mr. Durham sayes that Aerius was condemned for brangling this order to the hazard of union . ] Ans. Ieroms keeping fellowship wi●…h the visible Church in his time ( tainted with this Corruption , and which was but then are embrio of that grown Monster now among us , ) is a poor argument to plead for the best and purest ( and in so far the most considerable ) part ●…f Minsters and professo●…s in this Church , heir complying with a Scismatick backslyding par●…y , introducing this Corruption after it hath been universaly cast out and vowed against , and the same may be said of Aerius Neither contradict wee Ierom in this , for he maks not prelacy necessary for keeping out shisme , as we have alteady told him , and we heard that learned Whittaker calls it a remedy worse then the Disease . Before ●…e can mke either Ieroms practise heranent , or Mr. Durhams assertion as to Aerius , bear any conclusion against us , he must prove that the prelatick party are the onely visible organick Church of Scotland , else Ieroms practise will fortify more the Presbyterians plea against him , for breaking down the wall of Gods house , and seperating from the Presbyterian Government of this nationall Church . But of this when we come to examine the third Dialogue . CHAP. XIII . The difference betwixt our present Prelacy and the Ancient Episcopacy stated and evinced in 12. Instances . Hence all the Informers pleadings from Antiquity for our Prelats , is found a beating of the Aire and impertinent . ALthough this Informer would make the world believe , that our Prelacy is nothing discrepant from that of the ancient Bishops , yet there are many remarkable differences betwixt the one and the other , which renders all his pretences from antiquity meer words and winde . 1. In general its clear from a great consent of the learned , that the Bishop who first came in after the Apostolick age was nothing but Episcopus preses or Moderator , and had no power of ordination and Iurisdiction above Presbyters . This Moderator fixedly set up durante vita , during life ; And Indued with a higher honour upon this ground , is Beza's Episcopus humanus , or human Bishop , whom he distinguishes from the divine Bishop of Gods appointment . Ambrose in his time , acknowledges [ on 1 Tim. 3. ] [ That Bishops and Presbyters had the same essentiall office and ordination . ] Dr Reynolds , in his conference with Hart , proves , that at first the Moderator or president among Ministers in their meetings , is he whom the Ancients in after times called Bishop . So he holds that the Bishop at his first rise was only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Moderator of the Presbytery . Blondel at large mantains the same , only he holds that the next in degree succeeded him when dead . Hence Musculus after he hath from the texts alledged by Jerome , proved that Bishop and Presbyter are all one ▪ adds That thereafter Ambition begetting strifes about precedencie , one was set up to be Moderator in a fixed orb . And least our Informer or any else alleadge , that prelacy therefore is necessary to prevent Schisme . This eminent light of the reformed Church adds . but whither that device of man profited the Church or no , the times after could better judge , and that the effects issueing upon it , dicovered , that it was not the Spirit of God his remedy to take away Schisme , but Satans project to destroy a faithfull Ministery . The same saith Sadael viz , that this difference betwixt Bishops and Ministers which was introduced to remedie Schisme , opened a gap to ambition . So Dr Whittaker haveing out of Jerome shewed [ That faction occasioned the change of the Ancient Apostolick parity among Ministers , ] — adds — That many wise and godly men have judged the change and remedy more pernicious then the disease it self , which though at first it did not appear , yet experience after proved that it brought the Antichristian yoake upon the neck of the Church . See the appendix to jus ▪ divin . Minist . Evangel . In which Testimonies of these great men we may observe two things . 1. That they admitt the first Bishops to have been nothing else but fixed Moderators . 2 : That even this much they doe condemne as a deviation from the first appointment , and as that which gave a rise to the Antichristian Tyranny . Now the difference and disproportion betwixt this fixed Moderator , and our present diocesian erastian prelat , is so plaine and obvious , that nothing further needs be said to clear it . Therefore his Argument from the Catalogues and those early first Bishops who tooke place in the Church , is pitifully claudicant as to a conclusion of the ancient Churches approbation of our Prelats . To clear it further , its evident ( if we lay weight upon the Judgement of the ancient Bishopes themselves in point of Church Government ) that 1 , They held not their consecration or ordination to be distinct from that of Presbyters , Episcopi & Presbyteri una & eadem est ordinatio . [ That the Bishop and Presbyter have one and the same ordination , ] we heard is Ambrose assertion . 2. No delegation of externall jurisdiction to Presbyters was acknowledged by the ancients . As it is by our new hierachical pleaders . The Prelatists hold that the Bishop is properly the [ Pastour of the whole diocess , ] and that all the Ministers thereof have but a derived precarius Ministry under him ▪ so D●…wn . ( defens . lib , 2. c. 4. p. 67. ) Field . ( of the Church 56. c. 27 ) Sarav . ( de trip . epis . p , 87. ) Spala●… . l. 2. c. 9 Num. 15. and yet Ambrose [ on 1 Tim. 5 ▪ And Chrisostom [ Hom. 17 on Matthew ] calleth Presbyters expresly Christi vicarios , Christs vicars . Cyprian . [ lib. 4. Epist. 8. ] sayes , Dominum sacerd●…tes in sua ecclesia — &c. That the Lord condescended to elect & constitut to himself Priests in his Church . 3. The Ancients held that the power of externall jurisdiction was common with Bishops and Presbyters . Ignatius ( in his Epistle to the Trallians , ) Calls the Presbyters senatum Dei , Gods Court , or Senat. Et non consiliarios solum , sed & assessores Episcopi . not Councellours only ( as are our Curats , and scarse that ) but the Bishops assessors . Irenaeus . ( lib. 4. Cap : 44. ) Calls them Principes , Princes or Chieff . Augustin . ( Serm : 86. ) Calls the Brethren ineremo , Patronos rectores terrae , Patrones and Rectors of the Earth . Chrisostom expressly shews ( on 1. Tim. 1 , Hom : 11. ) Ecclesijs praesidisse sicut Episcopi , &c : That they presided over the Churches as the Bishops , and receaved together with them the office of teaching and governing the Church . The homily begines thus , postquam de Episcopis dixit , eosque formavit , quidnam illos habere conveniat , a quo item abstinere necesse sit dictans , ommisso interim Presbyterorum ordine ad diaconos transiit . Cur id quaeso ? quia scilicet inter Episcopum atque Presbyterum interest ferme nihil . quippe & Presbyteris Ecclesiae cura permissa est : & quae de Episcopis dixit , ●…ea etiam Presbyteris congruunt : that is , after he hath spoken of Bishopes and formed them , injoyning what thinges it becomes them to have , and from what it is necessary they should abstain , omitting the mean whil the order of Presbyters , he passes over to deacones . Why so , I pray ? even because that betuixt a Bishope and Presbyter there is almost no difference . Because unto Presbyters also the care of the Church is allowed : and what he said before concerning Bishopes , the same thinges also do agree to Presbyters . I know he addes — sola quippe ordinatione superiores illi sunt , atque hoc tantum , plus quam Presbyteri habere videntur . That the Bishopes only in ordination are superiour to Presbyters , according to the latin interpretation followed by Dounam , and Bilson , and by Bellarmin before them . But the more learned interpreters have observed that the greeke will bear a farr other sence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sola enim suffragatione horum ascenderunt atque hoc solo videntur Presbyteris injuriam facere . that is , that onely by the Presbyters suffrage they have ascended , ( viz to this power ) and in this onely they seem to do injury to Presbyters . The learned Iunius ( de cleric . cap. 7. not . 611. ) tels us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( hic ) Presbyterorum non Episcoporum ; quod si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est ordinatio , ergo Presbyterorum est ordinatio . The hand suffrage , is here the Presbyters . but if it be meaned of ordination , then ordination belonges to them . And having proved this construction & sence of the greeke from Suidas , he shewes that Chrisost. places not the difference in ordination betuixt the Bishop and Presbyter , but in this that the Bishopes ascendunt supra Presbyteros in gradum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doe ascend into there degree of Episcopacy above the Presbyters — although , because they stepp up by their suffrage , they seem to wrong them when they assume any power to themselves , who upon the ground of order , not of power , ( saith he ) are set over them by there owne suffrag . He also tels Bellarm. ( de cleric . ca. 15. not . 29. ) That granting his sence of Chrysost. Wordes , yet the Bishop ordained onely signo & sermone declaring the sacred institution or inauguration of the person ordained , but not ordinatione veritatis , or by the true ordination which that signe represented . Some add , that if Chrisost. be thus understood in the sence of Bellarm. and his Episcopal sectators , he did not rightly expound his text , while distinguishing that which he acknowledges the Apostle makes one & the●… same ▪ Ierome tels us of their common Government of the Churches together with the Bishops ; from whom Gratian ( in decretis caus . 16. Quest. 1 cap. ) shewes that Ecclesia habet senatum Presbyterorum &c : That the Church hath a senat of Presbyters without whose counsel the Bishop can doe nothing . 2. We heard that these Ancient Bishops were sett up by the Presbyters as their fixed Moderator and had all their Episcopall power from their free choice and election . And that any prerogative which they had over Presbyters , they ascribe it to Custom , and to the Presbyters own choic , consuetudini . , non dominicae dispositionis veritati , to Custom not the truth of divine appointment , as Ierome speakes . Irenaeus , ( who lived ann . 180 ; lib 4. cap. 43 ) tells us that we must adher to those Presbyters , qui successionem habent ab Apostolis , qui cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis acceperunt . — Who have succession from the Apostles , and together with the succession of Episcopacy have the gift of verity . Ambrose ( in cap 4. Ephes. ) affirmes that — non per omnia conveniunt &c. — [ the government in his time agreed not in al points with scripture ] he means it of any excrescent power which the Bishop then had above Presbyters . And Augustine ascribes al his difference from Ierom ( who was a Presbyter ) unto Ecclesiae usus , the Churches Custome , and grantes that in this onely Episcopatus Presbyterio major est , the Episcopacy is greater then the Presbyterat . ( Tom. 2. operum . Epist. 19. ad Hieron ) And Ierome holds ( in his Epistle to Evagrius ) Primatum hunc Episcoporum Alexandriae Primum caepisse &c. That this primacy of Bishops began first at Alexandria , and , post-mortem Marcae Evangelistae — after the death of mark the Evangelist . And thus gives the lie to our Informer who would make us believe that it came from Markes personal practise and appointment while a live . he tels us also that it was [ paulatim ] & by ●…ent degrees , that omnis sollicitudo ad unum delata , The episcopall care was put upon on . Sozom. ( lib. 1. cap. 15. ) calls it civitatis consuetudinem a custome wh●…ch prevailed with other cites ▪ 't is remarkable , that by Ephiphanius confession ( Haeres 87. ) non habuit Alexandrie duos episcopos ut aliae urbes . Alexandria had not two Bishopes as other cities . But the Informer wil not dare to say , that our Prelats now have their power by Presbyters election as these ancient Bishopes 3. It is also clear , that in these first times when the Episcopus ▪ praeses was set up , and for some ages afterward , not only the Presbyters but the people also had a great interest in their choice . Cyprian ( epist. 68. — ) speaking of the choice of Bishops sayes That pleb●… maxime habet potestatem , the people have mainely a power — and that [ plebe presente , ] that is in the peoples presence , they were set up : Which he sayes was a power they had descending upon them de divina auctoritate ▪ that is , from the divine Authority . And this had the approbation of ane African Synod consulted by the Churches of Spaine as to Election . Athanas : ( epist. ad Orthodox . ) condemned the comeing in of a Bishop without the peoples consent as a breach not only of ane [ Ecclesiastick constitution , ] but ane [ Apostolick precept . ] See Smect : ( page 26. ) proveing this at large that Bishops were elected by the people . Cyprian . ( lib. 1. Epist. 4. nomine Synodi africanae ) videmus , de divina authoritate descendere ut sacer ▪ dos plebe presente sub omnium oculis deligatur &c. [ That the Priest was chosen under the eyes of all the people being present , and approved as fitt and worthy by a publick Testimony . ] This ( he sayes ) we see descends from divine Authoritie , & ( ibid ) diligenter de traditione divina & Apostolica traditione tenendum est quod apud nos fere & per provincias universas tenetur ut episcopus deligatar plebi cui ordinatur presente &c. [ That it was to to be held from the divine and apostolick tradition , as almost through all provinces it was observed , that that the Bishop was chosen in the peoples presence over whom he ] was ordained &c. ] He testifies that thus Cornelius was chosen Bishop of Rome ( lib. 4 epist. 2. ) Grat. ( dist . 62. Can ) nulla ratio fuit ut inter episcopos habeantur qui nec a clero sunt electi , nec a plebibus sunt expetiti . No reason permitts that they should be holden Bishops , who are neither chosen by the clergy nor desired by the people . ] So Ambrose was chosen by the citticens of Millan , Flavianus by those of Antioch , Chrisostom , by the Constantin●…politans . This Custome was so rooted , that when Emperors afterward obtruded Bishops without the previus election of the clergie and people , the most famous Bishops much stomached it . Ubi ille Canon , ( saith Athanasius Epist. ad solitariam vitam agentes ) ut a pallatio mittatur is qui futurus est Episcopus . Where is that canon , That he who is to be Bishop , should be sent from the court ? Let our court prelats mark this : And our curats answere this quere . Now I hope our Informer will not alledge that the people have any the least Interest in the choise of our Prelats , so that they are but novell & none of the ancient Bishops in this point . 4. Non of the first Bishops could ordaine alone . This is beyond debate as to the first [ Episcopus preses . ] But even in after times also when Bishops power was farther advanced they could not thus ordaine . That their power of ordination was not singular appeares from the 4th Councel of Carthage ( Can. 22 ) which decrees that the Bishopes ordain not without the Clergy ; and [ Can. 3. ] they are not to impose handes without them . The Presbyters in Cyprians time had the power bartisandi , of baptizing , manum imponendi , or of laying on hands , & ordinandi , that is , of ordaining . ( epist. 78. ) and in Egypt , in absence of the Bishop they ordained alone . see Smect . ( p. 27. ) upon this ground Ambrose said , that betwixt the Bishop and presbyter there is almost no difference . Now have not our prelats power to ordaine alone ? and have they not de facto frequently done so ? so that upon this account also they are new minted Gentlemen . 5. The power and Government of the ancient Bishops in Church judicatories was [ not sole and singular , ] as that of our prelats , [ nor did they invad or inhanse their decisive conclusive suffrage ] as they doe , who are Princes in all the present Church meetinges which must only give them advice , and not that , unless this high priest judge them of known loyaltie and prudence , and may doe with their advice what he pleases . Wheras Cyprian ( Epist. 6. and 28 ) professes that he neither could nor would doe any thing without the Clergie . And the 4●… . councill of carthage condemnes the Bishops decision unless fortified by the sentence of the Clergie ( Can. 23. ) where was the negative voice here ? see Ruffin . hist. lib. 10. Cap. 9. Smectim . proves from Canons of ancient Councills & the Fathers , That neither 1. In censuring presbyters . Nor 2. In judgeing of the conversation or crimes of Church members . Nor 3. In excommunication , nor receaving of penitents , Bishops could doe any thing without presbyters . And that there was no delegation of their power . Downam himself confesses in reference to Ambrose time , and long after it . So that for 400 Years our prelats present Prince like power was not known in the Church . The ancient Bishops made themselves sole in no pointe of ecclesiastick disciplin as our prelats , who have excommunicat alone . Tertull. ( Apoleget . ) shews that the exhortations , castigations , and censuradivina , the divine censure among which he takes in excommunication , were performed by the probati quique seniores , all the approved elders . Befor him Iraenus [ haeres : lib : 4 cap. 44. ] Will have these Presbyters obeyed . Qui successionem habent ab Apostolis , have succession from the Apostles — And that ad correctionem aliorum , for censure of others as well as for sound doctrine . Basilius magnus Archiepisc. Caesariens . affirms , that jus ligendi & solvendi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex aequo , omnibus pastoribus & doctoribus &c. That the power of binding and lowsing is equally and together given by Christ to all Pastours and Doctors . Which even Lombard denieth not [ sentent . lib 4. dist . 19. ] It is also demonstrated that elaborat piece that the oath ex officio is a Monster to Antiquity . 6. Our Prelats Civil & State offices are also a Monster to pure antiquity , as they are Cro●…se to our Churches Authority ; who in her general assemblie hath condemned this . ( Assemb : 38. sess : 25. ) The forsaid author proves this also at large , to whom we refer the Reader , So that our Informer must acknowledge that our Prelats in this point also are different from the Ancients . Whosoever shal peruse the Canones called Apostolick , and of ancient councels , will find Bishopes medling in state-affairs , and especialy their holding of state offices , so harmoniusly condemned , that its a wonder that any who pretends to the knowledge of antiquity , and to plead for prelacy upon this ground , should have the considenc to justify it . The 6. canon of those called Apostolick passes the sentence of deposition upon bishops who assume secular imployments . [ Episcopus vel Presbyter , vel diaconus seculares curas ne suscipiat , alioqui deponatur . ] Balsamon upon this canon , referrs us to 13. cap. 8. Tit. Where there is exhibit a full collection of canons to this purpose . The 81 canon . diximus non oportere Episcopum vel Presbyterum seipsum ad publicas administrationes demittere , sed in Ecclesiasticis negotiis versari . Vel ergo ita facere persuadeatur , vel depon●…tur . That is , we have appointed that a Bishop or Presbyter must not stoop to , or debase himself with publick ( that is , civil ) administrationes or offices , let him therfor be either perswaded so to do , or let him be deposed . ●…alsamon upon this canon , observing that it lenifies the first , referrs to XVI Canon Carth. Syn. Again Canon 83. runes thus , Episcopus vel Presbyter , vel diaconus , exercitui vacans ; & utraque obtinere volens , remanum scilicet magistratum , & Sacerdotalem administrationem , deponatur , quae sunt enim caesaris , Caesari , & quae sunt Dei , Deo. That is a ●…ishop or Presbyter or deacon who bears office in an arm●… , and will needs hold both offices , to wit the Roman magistracy , and the sacerdotal administration or ministry , let him be deposed ; for ●…uch things as belong to Caesar must be rendred to Caesar , and the things that are Gods unto God. Balsamon upon this canon referrs us to VII . Can. chalced . syn . — tales ( saith he ) anathemate ferientem si non penitentiam agant — Which strickes them with [ anathema ] ( the last extremest curse or ex communication . ) who assume military imployments and repent not . And having moved ane objection , whether the formentioned clause [ cesset vel deponatur , let him leave off this office , or let him be deposed . ] is here also to be understood , he tels us in the close of his answer , that omnia publica eandem rationem habent , that al publick civil offices fals under the same consideration as thus discharged . And begins his gloss upon this canon thu●… , diversi canones Apostolici prohibuerunt sacris initiatos publica negotia administrare . That is , diverse Apostolick canones have forbidden such as are entred into sacred functiones to handle or administer publick ( or civil ) affaires . In the beginning of his gloss upon the 6 canon , he represents thus the crime of church officers holding of civil places which is censured therin ▪ De hominibus consecratis qui seculares servitutes exercent &c : concerning men consecrat to god who exercise wordly slaveries . — such a Character do the Canons put upon our Prelates state offices . That VII . Canon of the Councel of Chalcedon puts the formentioned censur upon such as — [ secularia negotia exercent divinum ministerium negligentes ] — who manadge wordly places and offices neglecting the divin ministry . The XVI . Canon of the second Council of Nice forbidding Bishops or presbyters to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , actores or procurators , doth it upon this ground . — debent enim ad id quod scripium est respicere nemo Deo militans seipsum implicat secularibus negotiis . For they ought to take heed to that which is written no man warring for god , or who is his souldier should involve himself in secular affaires , see Balsamon , comment . in Canon . Apost . concil . & patrum , & in Photii nomo can pag. ( mihi ) 39 : 108 , 127 , 178 , 167 , 319. Whenc we may collect . 1. how constant and sever the ancients were in their censour of this guilt 2. That they held this to be a debasing of the holy ministry , to which the pastor or Bishop most give himself 3. That upon the ground of that gospel precept ( 2. tim . 2 : 4. ) No man that warreth , intangleth himself With the affaires of this life , and that other ground of giving Caesar what is Caesars , and to God what is Gods , they do condemne , not military imployments only , in a Pastor or Bishop or taking farms ( as our Informer would make us believe ) but also also all secular and civil offices without exception . 4. That they held the sacred function of the ministry to be utterly inconsistant with publick civil imployments . And the civil office of a state-ruler incompatible with the ministerial office , in one and the same persone ; since they are opposed & contradistinguished as thus inconsistant , in the forementioned Canones and the grounds thereof . So that there is not a shaddow of defence for prelates state offices . Whil these Canones do sit in judgement , especialy the scripture grounds hinted therein , and many others which have been adduced . 7. What ever generall expressions of the ancients he may plead , yet is it not certain , that in the first pure ages even after the [ Episcopus humanus , ] and the fixed presidents were set up , the archbishops , primats , metropolitanes , were Monsters and unknowne , yea even the diocesian mould and cast of Churches , let any peruse Mr Bains , his diocesians tryall tryall against Downam , and this will be convincingly clear . 8. Where will the Informer shew us our erastian prelacy in all his antiquity ? A prel●…y deryoing all its power both of ordination and Jurisdiction absolutly from the civill Magistrat , having no intrinsick spirituall authority , and in all its administeration , acting by way of deputation and commission from the Magistrat as accountable to him in every piece thereof immediatly and solely as other inferiour civil Governours . Dar he say that these Bishops in the first ages exercised not ane inherent Ecclesiastick spiritual power , distinct from and independant upon the Magistrat ? Was all their meetings and all matters cognoscible in them , given up to be , pro libitu , disposed of by any Prince or potentat whither heathen or Christian ? Did not all Ministers and Bishops of these times exercise ane Ecclesiastick independant authority , as being totally distinct from , and not a part of the civill Government ? Was ever there Erastian Government heard of in the Christian World till Thomas Erastus of Heidleberge brotched it ? And hath it not since that time been Impugned by the most famous lights of the reformed Churches as contrary to the Rules of the Gospell Church Government ? So that our Informer must acknowledge the present Ecclesiasticocivil , or linsy-wolsy-Prelacy to be a speckled bird of new fashioned coloures , never before seen , to which he will not find a paralleel among all the Fathers or Bishops of former ages . 9. Let me add , how will our Informer make it appear That in the first purer ages , any of the ancient Bishops did deny & wholly exclud [ ruling elders ] from Church Iudieatories . We have proved this officer to be juris divini from Scripture . And the full consent of Antiquity , & also of reformed divines is abundantlie clear , & exhibit by many of the learned for the divine right of this officer . Ambrose is brought in compleaning of the disuse of these officers ( on 1 Tim. 5. ) As a devation from the Scripture-patern , & proceeding from the pride & negligence of Doctors . Origin . his Testimonie ( lib : 3. contr : Celsum ) is remarkable , who shewes that among the more polite hearers who were above the Catechumenists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Non nulli praepositi sunt qui in vitam & mores eorem qui admittuntur , inquirunt , ut qui turpia committunt , eos communi caetu interdicant , qui vero ab istis abborrent . ex animo complext meliores quotidie reddant . There are some set over the rest who inquires into the life and manners of those who are admitted , that such as committ these things that are vile , they may discharge them from the publick assembly , and embracing from their heart such as are farr from these things , they may render them every day better . Here are censurers of manners found in the ancient Church , though not Ministers , and designed and constitut to their work with authority in their hand to interdict the scandalous , and what are these but ruling elders ? So Augustin ( Epist. 137. ) writeing to his Charge directs it thus dilectis sratrbus , clero , Senioribus , & universae plebi Eccle●…ae hippo ensis , To the beloved brethren , the Clergie , the elders , and the wholl people of the Church of Hippo. So ( Contr. Crese . Gramattic . ) omnes vos . Episcopi , Presbyteri , diaconi , & Siniores Scitis . All you ' Bishops Presbyters , deacons and elders , doe know . Here are Tuo sorts of elders mentioned in one comma , who can be nothing else but ruling elders . For the same purpose , the learned in handling this theam , doe cite Barronius ( Ann : 103. ) Where he enumerats Episcopi , Presbyteri , diaconi , Seniores . Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , Elders . So also Tertullian ( Apolleget . adversus gentes c. 39. ) Cyprian ( Epist. 39. ) ( Optatus ( lib. 1. p. 41. ) and many others . See assertion of the government of the Church of Scotland . Christoph . justell . observ . & not . in Cod. Can. Eccles. affric . p. 110 , 111. jus divinum Regim . Eccles. Smectim . &c : 10. The Ancient Bishops were not set over whole provinces , but city by city for most part , yea severall Cities had more , which sayes they were not at all Bishops properly . Clemens ( in Constit. l. 7. c. 46. ) shews that Evodius and Ignatius had at once the Episcopacy over the Church of Antioch , and what was this but a meer Collegiat Ministery . Council . African ( Cap. 21. ) appoints that to examine the cause of a Presbyter , sex Episcopl ex vicinis locis adjungerentur , 6 Bishops from neighbouring places be adjoyned . Poor dorps had their Bishops as is clear in History . Nazianzon , a little towne neer Caesarea , yet was all the Episcopall See of Gregory Nazianzen . In Chrysostoms time , the diocess contained but one citie . Homil. 3. ( in acta ) nonne terr arum orbis imperium tenet imperator &c. [ doth not the Emperour ( saith he ) Govern the World , but this man is a Bishop only of one city . ] Sozom. ( Hist. Bcclesiast . lib. 7. cap. 19. ) Tells us that he found with the Arabians and those of Cyprus , Bishops in little Dorps . 11. The Ancient Bishops placed [ preaching ] among the chief partes of their office , and were not idle drones as ours are ? Theophilact . on 1 Tim. 3. tells us that docendi officium omnium precipue ut insit episcopis est necesse , that the office of preaching , which is the chieff of all others , its necessarie that the Bishop be indewed with it . As ours Court-prelats , so our non-preaching Prelats , are strangers unto , and condemned by the ancient Canons . Photii Nomocan . tit . 8. cap 12. [ de Episcopis , qui non convertunt haereticos , & de Episcopis & clericis qui non docent populum . ] he presents and digests the Canons against Bishops and clergy men who convert not haeretiks , and teach not the people . some of these Canones are as followes . The 58. canon of those called [ Apostolick ] , runes thus , Episcopus vel Presbyter , qui cleri vel populi curam non gerit , & eos piet atem non docet segregetur : & si in socordia perseveret , deponatur . The Bishop or Presbyter who takes no care of the people or clergy and teaches them not piety , let him be set aside : and if he continue in his folly let him be deposed . Balsamon upon this Canon , tells us that , Episcopalis dignitas in docendo consistit , & omnis Episcopus debet docere populum pia dogmata &c : The Episcopal dignity consists in teaching , and every Bishop ought to teach the people holy statutes for the Bishop is for this end established to attend the people &c : therafter he shewes that the presbyters ought to be so imployed , quia etiam prope Episcopos sedent in superioribus cathedris , [ because they sit beside the Bishops in the higher seats ] they were not then the prelats underlinges as our curats are now ; hence he concludes that the Bishop or priest who neglected this duety , were to be set aside , and if continuing , to be deposed . The 36. of these Canons puts this censour upon the Bishop who neglects this duty , Si quis ordinatus Episcopus non suscipiat ministerium & curam sibi commissam sit segregatus &c : That the ordained Bishop shal be set asid sured who goes not about his ministry and the duty intrusted to him &c. Balsamon expoundes this part of the Canon , and summes it up thus . Decernit itaque praesens Canon , ut si quis Episcopus , vel Presbyter ad docendum pertinentem manuum impositionem acceperit , & suum munus non implea , segregetur . The present Canon discerns that if any Bishop or Presbyter hath received imposition of hands relating to teaching , and fulfilles not his office , that he be set aside &c. Where its evident that he makes the Bishops ordination , or imposition of hands , relative unto the great duety and office of preaching the gospel , aswel as that of the Presbyter , and accordingly expoundes the Canon . The XXXIX . canon intrusts the Bishop with the Charg of the peoples soules , in correspondence with the preceeding . In the forecited cap : XII . Photii , we are referred to the Syn. Carthag . can . CXXIII . Syn. VI. can . XIX . LXIIII. See also Syn. Sexta in trullo can . XIX . quod opportet eos qui prasunt Ecclesiis , in omnibus quidem diebus , sed praecipue dominicis — docere pietatis & rectae rationis eloquia , ex divina scriptura colligentes intelligentias &c That all such as are set over Churches , on all dayes , but especialy on the Lords dayes most teach the oracles of piety and pure religion , drawing instructions from the divine scriptures &c : Balsamon begins his commentary upon the canon thus , Episcopi Ecclesiarum doctores constituuntur , & propterea dicit canon cis omnino necesse esse , eum cui praesunt populam semper docere , & multo magis in diebus dominicis &c : That is , The Bishops are constitut teachers of the Churches , and therefor the canon sayes unto them , that its absolutely necessary alwayes to teach that people over whom they are set , and much more on the lordes dayes wherin all are almost present in Churches and artificers ceases from ther work &c. So that our non-preaching , or seldom preaching prelates , who by a new consecration ( forsooth , ) superadded unto their Presbyterial ordination to preach the gospel , get a bill of ease from this great duety , to act state games , except when their Lordships please to step into the pulpit , to supererogat , stands arraighned , stigmatized , and deposed by the ancient Canones , as unworthy of any office in the house of god . Vide can . Apost . conc general & partic . Sanct. Patr. Photii nomocan . cum Balsam . comment . pag. ( mihi ) 39 : 116 , 117 , 121 , 207. Unto this account and censure of antiquity , and of the ancient canons , past upon our non-preaching prelates , I wil here subjoyn a remarkable passage of a learled divine whose praise is in all the Churches . Whittaker ( de Eccles. contr . 2. cap. 3. ) being about to prove that the Church of rome is no true Church of Christ. Presents this for his first argument . Pontifex Romanus non est verus Episcopus : Ergo Ecclesia Romana non est vera Ecclesia . Nam Ecclesia non potestesse sine episcopo . The Pope of Rome is no true Bishop : therefore the Church of Rome is no true Church : because the Church cannot be without a Bishop . But least this last assertion cheer up our Informer and his fellowes , he addes , disputo ex eorum placitis . That he disputs upon his popish adversaries principles ; and thus classeth them among the popish party in this point . But how proves he the pope to be no true Bishop — propter praecipuum munus episcopi ( saith he ) quod in illo desideratur , because of the Chief office of a Bishop whcih is wanting in him . And what is that , olim episcopi Romani diligenter docebant ecclesiam ; & nulli facti sunt episcopi nisi qui in hoc munere fideles erant . Olim hoc ad se pertinere , & praecipuum suum munus esse putabant , ut populum sibi commissum docerent atque instituerent ; adeo ut monstri simile esset , per Annos post Christum plusquam sexcentos , episcopum aliquem in ecclesia esse , qui aut nollet , aut non posset populum docere . that is , of old the Bishops of Rome diligently taught the Church , and none were made Bishopes who were not faithfull in this office ; of old they lookt upon this as the Chief duety incumbent upon them to teach and instruct the people committed to them ; so that fore more then six hundred Yeares after Christ , it would have been lookt upon as a monster , if any such Bishop were in the Church who either was not willing or able to teach the people . He addes , That all the Apostolick Bishopes were such . And that the Apostle requires it in a Bishop that he be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apt to teach 1 Tim. 3 : 2. hoc est ( saith he ) non ejusmodi , qui curet ●…antum , & det operam , ut alii doceant , & hanc authoritatem docendi aliis tribuat : sed qui ipse sufficiat alios docere . Not such a one who is diligent onely to provid , others to teach , and gives this authority to others , But who is himself sufficient to teach others . This he proves because the Apostle is in that place shewing , how the Bishop most be indued and gifted befor he be chosen , and that therfore by [ being apt to teach ] we most understand a personal care and ability and not a deputed care , quis enim hoc praestare non posset ? ( saith he ) who is he who may not perform this . This he further cleares from 2. tim . 2. 2. where the Apostle injoyns Timothy to commit what he had heard of him to faithfull men , qui essent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , themselves able to teach others . Reprehending Turrian ( and with him our Episcopal men ) in interpreting that first passadge of a deputed care as to teaching . And shewes that the old interpreter translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a doctor , or teacher . And a doctor ( saith he ) is such a one as can teach himself . Thereafter he cites Oecumenius , and Chrysostom thus expounding the premised scripture , and even soom of the popish scoolmen , as Aquinas upon this text , who cals this the proper work and duety of a Prelat . And shewes us that Aquinas pertinently applyes to this purpose that passage , Jer. 3. 15. I wil give Pastors according to my own heart who shal feed yow with knowledge and understanding . And that Cajetan , and Catharinus do thus expound this text . In all which we see with how full a consent of ancient and modern Churches and divines our non-preaching or seldom preaching Prelates are condemned , and how fully our scripture-argument against them upon this head , is fortified and confirmed . 12. As in other points of difference , so the ancient Bishopes were as farr from our Prelats fastuus pompe , and sumptuus grandeur which they assume . Ammianus Marcellinus ( lib. 27. de habitu vitae beatorum episcoporum , ) tells us of their tenuitas edendi , potandique parcissime , indumentorum vilitas &c. Their spare eating and drinking , their meanenes of apparrel , their lovely countenance , as that which commendes them to God and his true worshippers . Paulus Samosatenus , his fastuus pompe and attendants , although a great Bishop , is highly condemned , as exposeing our faith to envy and hatred . Euseb. ( lib. 7. cap. 29. ) The Canon of the 4 Councell of carthage ( insert by Gratian in the body of the decree distinct . 41. ) provides that , Episcopus non longe ab ecclesia hospitiolum , vil emsupellectilem , &c. That the Bishop have his little manse not far from the Church that he have meane houshold stuffe &c. Et dignitatis suae Authoritatem fide & meritis quaerat , and purchase Authority to his office or dignity by faith and good works . Sozom. ( lib , 6. Cap : 16. ) Relats of Basilius Magnus , Bishop of Caesaria , that he answered the Imperours praefect who threatned the Confiscation of his goods , thus , Horum nihil me Cruciari potest , equidem opes non habeo , preterquam laceram vestem , & Paucos libros . None of these things can torment me , truely I have no goods but a torne garment and some books . See the historia motuum [ page 143. to 174. ] Now from all that is said , I think common ingenuity will acknowledge ; ( and this Informer himself , if he be not ane utter stranger to it , ) that our present Episcopacy is as far discrepant from that of the Ancient Christian Church , as east from west , and by consequence that this pleading from the ancient prostasie , or even the after Bishops to legittimat and patronize our present prelacy , is a most gross nonsequitur and notorius fallacy . CHAP. XIV . The Informers pretended Testimonies out of Calvine , Beza , Blondel , &c. For Episcopacy , Examined . Their anti-Episcopall judgment , cleared from their writings . The Informer crosses Bishop Spotswood , and Tilen . His two absurdities which by way of Dilemma he offers to us , from our assertion of the unalterablees of Presbyterian Government , & our concession of a Proestos early brought in , Scanned , & retorted upon himself . The Authores of jus divinum Ministerii Evangelici , vindicated at some length . WHereas the Informer is bold to affirme that Calvin●… Beza , Blondel , and other eminent divines who have written against Episcopacy , are reconcilable to it , yea to a hierarchy of the highest stamp . Wee answer 1. The full and harmanious consent of Ancient and modern divines and reformed Churches , for that which we plead for in point of Church-Government , shall be exhibit in the last Chapter . 2. As for Calvin's judgment in relation to Presbyterian Government , It is so fully known to the world in his writings , that we think there needs no more to put a brand of impudence upon any , then to deny it . And we doe appeal to his judicious commentes upon all the controverted places of the new Testament betwixt them and us ; wherein all that we plead for , either as to the identity of Bishop and Presbyter , in name and thing , the Presbyteryes power in ordination and jurisdiction , the extraordinary Evangelistick Power of Timothy and Titus , the divine right of the ruling elder , the peoples right in the call of Ministers , the unlawfulness of Prelats sole power and dominion over their brethren , the unwarrantablenes of Ministers state offices , &c , is clearly asserted . Let any consult him upon Matth. 18. 17. Matth 21 : 22. Luk. 22 : 25. Act. 6 : 2 , 3 , 4. Act. 14 : 23. Act. 20 : 17 , 28 , 29 , 30. 1. Cor. 5. 1 Cor. 12. 28. with Rom. 12 : 6 : 7. 2 Cor. 2 : 6 , 7. Eph 4 : 11 , 12. 1 Thess. 5 : 12 , 13. 2 Thess. 3 : 14. Heb. 13 : 7 , 17. 1 Tim. 1 : 3. &c. and 4 : 14. 2 Tim 2 4 : 2 Tim. 1 : 6. Tit. 1 : 6 , 7. &c. and such like places , where he will be found to give sentence for us against the Prelatik party , and expounding them just as we doe . 3. These adversaries doe grant that the Government in this Church , which famous Mr. Knox owned , and all his dayes contended for , was Presbyterial Government . And it is as well knowne and acknowledged by themselves , that he had the sense and judgment both of Calvin and Beza in that great bussiness . Spotswood in his history tells us that [ John Knox framed our rules of disciplin in imitation of what he had Seen at Geneva . ] Tilen ▪ in his petulant piece intituled Paraensis ad Scotos Genevensis discipline Zelotas , makes this undenyable . He calls Calvin and Beza all along our Masters , and alledges that we can hear of nothing but out of their scool &c. But that they owned Presbyterian Government , as the onely Government appointed in the house of God , he never took the confidence or had the forehead to deny . When John Knox was desired by some to write to Calvin , and others about a certain difficulty , he answered that he came not here without all their Iudgments in what he had done , and that they might think him unconstant in writting for a resolution in that matter . Now John Knox look't upon Episcopocy as a limb of Antichrists Hierarchie , and as haveing aliquid commumune cum Anti Christo. Something in it common with Antichrist . So that what the Informer mentions of Measson , and Bish : Andrews their asserting of Calvin and Beza's Episcopall Government at Geneva , and their preeminencie in ordination and jurisdiction , is a gross calumny . The eminent parts of these famous divines might make their judgement have great influence in determining others , but that either Calvin or Beza , did ever incroach upon the decisive power of their fellow Presbyters , or acted any thing pro imperio or solely , is a calumny which any who ever read their lives can sufficiently disprove . Their laboures and practise as well as their writings was for mantaineing the due right of Presbyterian Government against enemies of all sortes . In the life of Galleaceus Caracciolus , It is reported , That Calvin being consulted by him in a case of conscience requireing secrecy ( in a great measure ) would give him no determinat answer ( tho a ruleing elder in that Church ) without consulting his Brethren . As for that which the Informer cites out of Calvines Inflit. [ l. 4. c. 4. Sect. 2. ] where [ He acknowledges that Jerom teaches that the proestos is ane ancient institution , and that he repeats what Jerome sayes , a Marco &c. ] It s a pitiful proofe to conclud therupon that Calvin acknowledges diocesian Prelats as Ancient as Mark. For Calvine knew well that Jerome speaks but of the proestos first set up , and the Informer hath not proved that either Calvin or Jerom gave their approbation to the setting of him up . And for what he adds [ That Calvin sayes ne ex equalitate ut fieri solet dissidi●… orirenter . That they were set up least from equality discord should arise as usuallie there doth . ] granting that he acknowledges they were more then meer Moderators , that is fixed Moderators . What then ? Are our Prelats no more ? Or will his acknowledgment of the factum , prove his acknowledment of the jus ? and though mans corruption abuse parity to discord , what then ? our corruption will abuse the best ordinance of God. As for what he cites from Instit. ( l. 4. c. 5. Sect. 11. Our Informer hath not proved . That Calvin by [ Episcopi ] and [ paraeciarum rectorcs ] doth understand diverse Church officers of Gods appointment , as he distinguishes the Bishop and Presbyter . That Calvin did not acknowledge the Episcopus distinct from the paraeciae rector his comment on Tit. 1 : 7. makes it evident — [ For a Bishop &c. ] locus hic abunde docet nullum esse episcopi & Presbyteri discrimen , quia nunc secund●… nomine promiscue appellat quos prius vocavit Presbyteros . Imo idem prosequens argumentum utrumque nomen indifferenter eodem , sensu usurpat , quemadmodum & Hieronimus tum hoc loco , tum in Epistola ad Evagrium annotavit . Atque hinc perspicere licet quanto plus delatum hominum placitis fuerit , quam decebat , qui abrogato Spiritus Sancti Sermone , usus hominum arbitrio inductus , praevaluit . That is , This place abundantly shewes that there is no difference betuixt a Bishop and Presbyter because now again he promiscuusly calls them by the seccond mane , whom befor he called Presbyters , nay prosecuting the same argument he maks use of both the names indifferently in the same sense , as also Ierom both in this place and in his Epistle to Evagrius , hath observed . And hence we may perceive how much hath been ascribed to mens pleasure , & inventiones more then did become , because ane use brought in at mens pleasure hath prevaled while the language of the holy ghost is laid aside — and after he hath spoken of the first Moderators earlie brought in , he adds — verum nomen officij ( N. B. ) quod Deus in communi nibus dederat , in unum solum transferri , reliquis spoiliatis & injurium est & absurdum , deinde sic preve●…tere Spiritus sancti linguam , ut nobis eaedem voces , aliud quam volue●… 〈◊〉 significent , nimis profanae audaciae est . That is , But that the name of the office which God gave in common to all should be transferred to one only , robbing the rest thereof , is injurious and absurd . More over to pervert thus the language of the holy ghost , that the same words should signifie another thing then he pleased is too profane boldnes . Thus Calvin puts this censure upon our Informer , in making the name [ Bishop ] signifie any more then [ a Presbyter . ] And upon Act. 20. 28. De voce Episcopi hic notandum , omnes Ephesinos Presbyteros sic vocari indifferenter , unde colligimus Secundum Scripturae usum nihil a Presbyteris differre Episcopos . That is , Concerning the name of Bishop , we must observe this , that all the Presbyters in Ephesus are so called indifferently , hence we conclud that according to the scripture language , Bishops doe nothing differ from Presbyters . Now let any judge if Calvine make not the Name and thing of the scripture Bishop proper to every Minister of a parish , and if he judged a Diocesian Bishop , thus differenced from the parish Minister , to be a warrantable office which he holds to be so crosse to Scripture . So that in the passage which this man hath above cited , he would have all Bishops contending for and reteaning the true scripture function , for none else he can call eximium munus , or ane excellent gift . So that those of these places will help our Informer . The Context and tenour of that 4 chapter obliedgeth as to think that this is really the meaning , that whatever titles these Ancients used , yet they designed not thereby to wrong that Presbyteriall Government grounded upon Scripture , which , Calvin , is there defending . And moreover , even straniing that place [ Chap. 5. par . 11. ] to the out most advantage , it will Inferr nothing but this , that Bishops , and Parishpriests in those dayes , had the essence of the Pastorall office ; which is not denyed , or that their Pastorall acts , when rightly performed were valid . The Pastorall office Calvin cals pium & eximium munus as the ensuing words doe convince . As for his citation from Sect : 13. it were very absurd to think that Calvine by [ the heirarchy which the Fathers commend as handed down from the Apostles ] should understand the prelatick hierarchy which this man pleads for . Since 1. Many Fathers , as Ierome , never saw such a hierarchy set up , but by [ Bishops ] understand either the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at first set up , or the Bishops of whom we now heard , who governed with Presbyters joyntly , and had no sole power in ordination and jurisdiction . 2. Calvin speaks of the Fathers commending a Hierarchy , not like the papall , but he tells not what his judgement of that hierarchie is . 3. How could Calvin commend a hierarchie ( such as the Informer pleads for ) or so much as acknowledge it as handed doun from the Apostles , who shews from their Doctrine that they owned no Bishop higher then a Presbyter , as is clear from what is said . To which we may add Calvins words on Philip : 1. Episcopi nomen omnibus ministris est commune . Sunt igitur synon●…ma Episcopus & Pastor . Postea invaluit usus ut quem suo collegio praeficiebant in Singulis Ecclesijs , Presbyteri , Episcopus vocaretur Solus . Id tamen ex hominum consuetudine natum est , scripturae authoritate minime nititur . That is , the name of Bishop is common to all Ministers , Bishop and Presbyter then are one and the same . — Afterward the Custome prevailed to call the Minister whom the Presbyters set over their meeting , in evry church the Bishops only , but this had its rise from mens Custome , but is not at all grounded on the Authority of Scripture . — And after he hath spoken of the advantage of one to preside for orders sake , he adds this limitation — de Singulis corporibus loquor , non de totis provincijs &c : I speak of single incorperations , not of whole provinces , adding , prestaret spiritum Sanctum linguarum autorem in loquendo sequi , quam formas loquendi ab ipso positas in deterius mutare , nam ex corrupta verbi Significatione hoc malifecutu●… est , quod per inde ac si non essent omnes Presbyteri collegae ( N. B. ) adeandem vocati functionem , unus , sibi pretextu no●…ae appellationis , dominium ●…n alios arripuit . That is , it were better in our speech to follow the holy ghost the author of languages , then to change into the worse the forms of speaking set downe by him . For from this abused signification of the word , this evill hath followed , that as if [ all Presbyters ] were not Colleagues called to [ the same function , ] one hath usurped to himself a dominion over the rest under pretext of this new appellation . As for what he objects [ p. 78. ] from Calvin upon Tit. 1. 5. [ That unus authoritate praeest &c : ] I Ansr. After he hath said that every city had severall Presbyters — and asserted that there are Two sorts of elders , and that these elders were the Bishops appointed to teach — He moves ane objection — Had Titus this Princely power and alone , and answers — Non permitti arbitrio titi ut unus possit omnia , & quos voluerit Episcopos Ecclesiis imponat , sed tantum jubet ut electionibus praefit tonquam Moderator . That is , It is not permitted to Titus pleasure to doe all things alone , and impose upon the Churches what Bishops he pleased : but he only bides him oversee the Elections as Moderator . Paralleling this with Act. 14. 23. where he saith that Paul and Barnabas acted not soli , & pro imperio , that is , solely and imperiously to put Pastores upon the people who were not expetiti or electi , desired and chosen , but only probatos & cognitos , men approved and known . Now let this man say himself , doth not Calvin here clearely assert our principles , and kill the diocesian Prelat with the sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ? So that nothing can be hence Inferred , but that Church consistories were not then without order , and that one did praeside among them ; for Calvine sayeth on the 7. verse , porro locus hic abunde docet nullum esse Presbyteri & Episcopi discrimen . And he who praesided here was Titus , whose Episcopacy we have aboundantly disproved . As for that which he tells us Calvin adds , [ that one was in authority over the rest at that time , ] ergo , what ? Had not Paul , Barnabas , & Titus ane extraordinary authority & commission ? for he sayes , tunc , or at that time wherein these offices did exist ; but will any think that Calvin could mean , a Diocesian Prelats ordinary power which ; immediatly befor he was disputing against from the text ? He adds presently nihil tamen hoc ad prophanum & tirannicum collationum morem . This hath nothing to doe with the profane and tyrranicall Custome of Collations , longe enim diversa fuit Apostolorum ratio , for the Apostles case and ground was far different from this . As for that which he addes [ of Calvins letters to a Bishop in the Church of Rome , anent Episcopacy it self , as being of God ] I can appeall this mans conscience , if Calvin thought the Episcopall hierarchie with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , far less the popish hierarchy , to be of God , and whither he doth not in his Commentaries Particularlie in the places cited , speak against the diocisian Prelat as such . Besides , we shall here tell the Informer that this passage which he cites as in the volume of his [ opuscul a page 72 ] upon a search of two several editions , hath not been found . As for his letter to the King of Pole , approveing all the degrees of the hierarchie ] it is so grosly contrary to Calvins principles and writings , that the Informer must excuse us , not to take it upon trust from him , Especially since he exhibits no part of that letter . For his letter to the Duke of Somer set ( citted by Durel , and the more to be suspected as coming from the hands of such ane enemy to his principles . ) [ anent some fantastick ones fludiing to bring in confusion under the name of the gospell ] we think it a fantastick inferenc of our Informer , to conclude therupon , that he calls the asserters of Presbyterian governement such . Although in that Epistle there is no express advice to remove Episcopacy , what then ? there is no express advice for removing severall other Corruptions . But the Consequence that therefore Calvine did not disowne these Corruptions , the Informer himself will grant to be a gross non sequitur . And some Considerationes of prudence might move to wave the express touching upon this head at that season , when light was but dawning as to a Doctrinall reformation , and the scales of the gross cimmerian darkness of popery , were but begining to fall off from the eyes of that people . Yet when the Informer shall peruse that Epistle again , he will find that Calvine Leaves it not altogether untouched , when heuseth these wordes , habeat sane hoc locum In rebus istius vitae — atqui alia prorsus est ratio regiminis Ecclesiae quod spirituale est , in quo nihil non ad Dei verbum exigi fas est , non est inquam penes ullum mortalem quicquam hic aliis dare , aut in illorum gratiam deflectere , — that is , let this truely have place in affaeires of this life — but the Church Government , which is spirituall , is of a far other nature , wherin there is nothing but what most be brought unto the touchstone of the word of God , here I say it is not in the power of any mortall to gratify any thing unto others , or to decline for their favour . A passage which compared to Calvi●…s principles in point of Church Government , doth fully Antidot the Informers waspish extraction from this Epistle . For his treatise to the Emperor Charles the 5i . anent imbracing of a hierarchy tyed by a brotherly society among Bishops and by the bond of truth , and united only to Christ ] I see nothing discrepant in it to Calvines , or Presbyterian principles , If [ Hierarchie ] be rightly taken , and for this ( if their be indeed such a passage whereof I have no certainty ) I think we can in no reason suppose Calvine to owne the popish Government , even as abstracted from false doctrine , since he holds the very Diocesian Bishop , to be contrary to the Apostolick Government , far more the Hierarchy ; will any man say , that Calvin did owne all the Locu●…s of the profane popish orders which are parts of this Hierachy ? so that Calvin by hierarchy , and spirituale regimen , doth indigitat the most simple and primitive Episcopacy which the fathers speake of ; and withall since the embracing of the gospell simplicity and truth which Calvin there desires ( as he sayes , ) would quickly sned off all Luxuriant branches of humane invention in point of Government , and like wayes since Calvin ownes the Church Government set down in Scripture as our pattern ( which doth as much reprobat the popish hierarchy , as the doctrine therein set down , doth their errors ; ) all this will preponderat towards Calvins meaning only a gospell Ministery , which is equally distinct from Bishops in the popish and prelaticall mould . As for the difference [ betwixt the primitive and popish Episcopacy ] I think there is indeed a great difference , & we have proved our present hierarchy to be as much different from it , and soom what more if its erastian mould be taken in as the Informer must . The treatise to Charles the fifth , entituled de necessitate reformanda Ecclesia is so Generally cited by the informer , without quoting , either page or section that himself seemes half convinced of the Impertinency therof . For Saravia his asserting , that he defended Calvins opinion against Beza , he said in this as in the rest , more then he could prove . For what he adds of Hooker and Durel who assert [ That Presbytery was settled at Geneva , because another Bishop could not be gotten after the popish was away , and that it was settled not out of a dislike to the hierarchie , but because they were in ane equality and stood so , being bent on reforming the doctrine ] I Answer . His Authores in this assertion stand upon a very slippery and sandie fundation . What ? Were there no able men to be Bishop after the popish Bishop was gone ? and had they not leasure sufficient to doe this after the doctrine was reformed ? Why lived they so long without a beloved hierarchy ? and ( which is yet more strange ) why Imployed they their pens and their paines so much for Presbyterian government , and not rather for the hierarchy ? why were both Calvin and Beza so active in that which Iohn Knox did here in opposition to prelacy ? But stay , hath not the Informer told us , that Masone and Bishop Andrews doe assert [ That Calvin and Beza assumed ane Episcopall power at Geneva ] How comes Durel and Hooker then [ To suppose a compleat parity among the Ministers to havt begun and continued at Geneva for want of a Bishop foresooth ] He must grant that some of these accusers are ingrained liars and accusers of the brethren in this point , So he must deliberat whither he will bestow this upon Mason and Bishop Andrews , or Hooker and Durepl . For what he adds of these , that have written for Presbyterian government , that they designed only to prove it lawfull , it is a gross Calumny , their designe is to prove it a divine frame of government appointed in the new Testament , which I hope he will say is necessary as well as lawfull , since Christ promises to the end his presence with those officers cloathed with his commission . And him self holds that the end of that Government practised in the new Testament , and its grounds are Moral and perpetual . For Blondel his calling Episcopal preeminence an apostolical constitution , which the Informer cites page 84. no such wordes being in the printed copy , ( as he acknowledges ) who will be so foolishly credulous as to take it upon the Informer or Durells bare word that it was in the written on , Unless we will admitt the Informer ( as the Papists doe by the Scriptures in their unwritten traditions ) to add his unprinted patchments to any author , and thus to dispute pro libitu , and make his weapons from testimonies of authors , ( as once a certain Chiftain's sword is said to have done ) to wound and kill a great way before the point . He distinguishes the Government he pleads for , as divinitus institutus , or of divine appointment , from any other frame as humane only , which will say that this divine institution must stand , and all other frames of Government give place to it . The same may be accomodat to that which he cites out of Beza ( pag 85. ) who looked upon the very Episcopus humanus as he calls him , or the first proestos , as the first rise of all the popish Hierarchie and mischeiffs . That sentence of Beza de min. grad . Cap. 21. pag. 343. stands Intirely thus , imo C●…nctos sic [ id est Archiepiscopos & Episcopos ] hodie appell●…tos , modo sanctissimorum illorum Episcoporum [ meaning Timothy and Titus , &c , whom Saravta termed . Bishops ; Beza allowing the designation in a sound & scripture sence ] exemplum imitentur & tam misere deformatam domum Dei ad amussim ex verbi divini regula pro viribus in●…aurent ut Ecclesiae Christianae fidos pastores , cur non agnoscamus , observemus & omni reverentia prosequamur ? Nedum ut quod falsissime & impudentissime nonnulli nobis objiciuut euiquam uspiam Ecclesiae , &c. certainely there walking up to such rules and patterns as are here prescribed , as the proviso's upon which Beza Proefesses to reverence and owne them , would so sned off the Episcopal heteroclyt excrescencies of our diocesian Erastian Prelats , and smooth them to the Scripture Episcopacy , as quite to destroy their power and office , pleaded for by this pamphleter . As his acting , so his writing for Presbyterian Government accordingly , was not to prescribe his owne , ( which Beza disclaimes , ) but Gods example . How will the Informer prove , that Beza's denying his prescribing of their example of Church Government at Geneua , meerly as such , will infer his not commending a divine frame of Church Government ? This was not to prescribe his example simpliciter . And how will he prove that Beza looked upon a Government which he held to be [ the egg from which Anti Christ sprung ] as Dei beneficentia , or Gods beneficence , He makes him a very gross ignoramus , for what man of the meanest capacity would say so ? And if Beza held the first Episcopacie or proestos to be a recess from the divine institution , he certainly condemned it [ in so far . ] And the diocesian Prelat he holds to be Satanicall . Therefore when he seems to condemne the desowning of all order of Bishops , he must understand it of a condemning scripture order , & the beautiful subordination among Church officers , or that divine order that is among them . But here again I must needs take notice , that in this passage of Beza in his dispute with Saravia , the Informer hath sned off that which wounds his cause to death , for the words following doe discover another ground of this distinction of Bishops from Presbyters ( viz Beza and Jeroms humane Custome ) then what the Informer would persuade . For it followes immediatly , neque hoc scelere tenentur , qui de episcopalis muneris sive prostasias finibus regendis , & de discrimineinter ordinem & gradum . postulant , ut ex verbo Dei decidatur . Whence it is evident that he does not understand Bishops set over Presbyters to be Iure divino or speaks of them in this place . As for the passages of Beza's letters to Bishop Whitegift , and Grindal , which the Informer after cites , ( pag. ●…6 . ) I say 1. That certainly Beza's principles so largely expressed from Scripture anent Church Government , and the contrariety of the episcopus humanus or humane Bishop , ( far more the Diocesian Satanical Bishop , ) to the divine rule in his principles , will necessarly infer , that in this great mans Judgement none of these Prelats had qua tales or as such , a lawfull spirituall authority from God , 2. It is as certaine that all Beza's pleading and arguments strikes against the diocesian Prelat or Arch prelat as in that capacity , and against this office and policy in it self , abstracting from its union unto the pope , so that he could own no authority that way committed to them of God. 3. It followes , that since he judged the episcopall hierarchy unlawfull , he held the first parity unalterable , since he pleades for it upon morall perpetuall Scripture grounds and institutions . And by these his solid Scripture grounds , when ex professo handling this point and theologically , we are more to determine of his Judgement then by Missives . Wherein the circumstances of time , and severall exigences , might engadge to some insinuations in point of a civill deference , and respect . But however that be , we are to look unto intentio and natura operis in his writings , or the native designe thereof , rather then critically to scanne or straine every practical conformity or disconformity therunto . And the Informers answer to what we offer anent the assertions of Bishop Mortoune , Bilson , Iewel , who write for the parity of Bishop and Presbyters by divine right viz , [ That they held the Episcopall office themselves ] charging them thus with a practical breach of their principles , most make him retract this argument , as signifing any thing against us , Since the retortion thereof is so manifest ; and therefore nothing he hath said will impeach Calvine and Beza's impugning of Episcopacy , whose impugnations of it will stand to all generations . Moreover in this citation of that epist. to Bishop Grindal , the Informer hath sued off the half of the sentence viz , quod tu igitur coram istam quorundam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tamdiu pertulisti reverende vir , ineo sane insigne patientiae ac lenitatis Christianae specimen dedisti , quo majori &c. — and neer the close of the same letter Beza faithfully adviseth , as the fittest remedy for removing offences , ut in legitimo — caetu , ex uno Dei verbo , abolitis semel papisticae tyrannidis vestigiis , ea constituatur administrandae Ecclesiae ratio , non quae huic vel illi adlubescat , non quae veteri aut recenti consuetudine ( — ) sed quae — firmo verbi Dei fundamento superstructae piorum Conscientiis fatisfaciat , & in eternum perseveret ; that is , that in a lawfull A ssembly from the Word of God onely , all the footsteps of popish Tyranny being once abolished , that Method of Church Government be established , not which shall please this or that person , not which is founded upon new or old Custom or the wisdom of the flesh , but which being built upon the sure foundation of the word of God , may satisfie the consciences of the godly , and endure for ever . Which rule and mould of Bishops would no doubt cashier and raze to the foundation the diocesian Erastian prelate whom he pleades for , yea all the Prelates in Brittain . For what he adds ( p. 87. ) It may be easily , and without prejudice to our cause granted , that God by his providence had made him a Iudge . The Informer will not owne such ane Atheisticall principle , as to deny that the Bishops civil government in England , or pretended Ecclesiastick , is not the object of divine providence , or be so brutish as to conclude Gods approbation of usurping Tyrannes , from his permissive providence in reference to their tyranny or usurpation , else he will for ever destroy his loyalty and fealty , either to the King or his Lordbishop . That passage of Calvins letter to Cardinal Sadolet , after citedby him ( p. 88. ) though admitted , is a poor proof that he held Church Government to be alterable . Certainly Calvin held the scripture - parity to be the most ancient Government Vetustissimae Ecclesiae , or of the most ancient Church , for such no doubt he held the Apostolick Church to be . Beside , wee must tell him that this passage upon search is not found , and as it is here expressed is very insignificant ; since by Vetus Ecclesia , he may understand the Church after the Apostles time , which early began to Corrupt the Government . As for Salmasius his retracting his opinion as to Church Government , it will no more Impeach the truth it self which he asserts , then any other mans defection will weaken the sound Doctrine which he once held . Would the Informer take this argument from the Papists if they should plead from the retractiones of protestants , and from their writing for popery , that the protestant Doctrine were not sound ? would he not say that their first practise , or writings for truth , will stand good and witnesse against them in their defection ? Though it may be a question whither that retraction be reall or not which Durel mentions , and the Informer out of him . ( p. 89. ) Especially this being another of our Informers mute citations which he keeps ( as he doth the state of the questions in these Dialogues ) under the Clouds , pointing us to no page in that Answer of Salmasius to Milton . We will not here stand to shew how that Salmasius eyes were blinded with Court-gifts and pensions , having receaved no small summe from King Charles the second for his encouragement to that worke , and several learned divines who best knew him , think his literature more Considerable then his divinity was solid . As for that place of Salmasius in his Walo . Mess. ( c. 4. p. 253. ) cited page 90. the Intire sentence is Epistolae illae viz ; ( quae Ignatii dicuntur ) natae & suppositae videntur circa initium aut ▪ medium secundi saeculi , quo tempore primus singularis Episcopatus supra Presbyteratum Introductus fuit . Whatever time this was , it appears by what followes that place in Salmasius , that about this time Church power began exceedingly to be Corrupted , and Bishops exalted almost to ane equality with Christ ; and men began to plead a jus divinum for them ; for Ignatius , ( In Epistola ad Trallenses ) asserts , Episcopum venerandum esse sicut Christum quemadmodum Apostoli praeceperunt , that the Bishops must be had in veneration as Christ , as the Apostles have commanded , and he cites the Apostles words , but such as do no where occurr in our Bibles . And certanly if there be no more truth in that relation anent his retraction , mentioned by that author , then their is soliditie in that ground of it which he alledges , it is not worth the noticing . For the confusions in England cannot with any shew of Reason be charged upon Presbyteriall Government , which was never yet settled there . And this Informer dare not deny the blest effects of truth and unity & godlines , which it hath had in this land , as is acknowledged by Churches abroad , and particularly in that passage of the Syntagma confessionum which he cites in the last dialogue , If Blondel in callng Episcopacy most ancient , doth except the more ancient Apostolick times , which he pleads as exemplifying Presbyterian parity , he gives it but the spurious after-birth of humane antiquity . The same we say as to his passage cited out of Moulin ( p. 90. ) and if something of the [ humane proestos ] were granted to have creeped in ere Iohn went oft the stage , will that commend it any more then that mistery of Iniquity , and love of preeminence which the Scripture assures us was in Paules time and his ? Surely by no meanes . Besides , we must here again tell our Informer that this Citation out of Moulen is among the rest of his Mutes , since he hath neither noted booke nor page . But now from our opinion of the unalterablenes of Presbyterian government , and our acknowledgment of the bringing in of a Proestos so early , the Informer will involve us ( he sayes ) in one of Two great absurdities . Parturiunt montes ! What are these ? the 1. is [ That that generation who lived shortly after Iohn , was altogether ignorant of Christ and his Apostles minde anent Presbyterian parity , else they would not have adventured to change the government ] But this absurdity is easily discussed , for it lights equally upon the Instance already given of Israells defection in worshipping the golden Calf fourtie dayes ( sooner then 40. years or more ) after the holy patterne of doctrine shewed them upon the mount . How often doe we find suddener changes in scripture of the divine Institutions ? How quickly after Ioshua and the elders did all Israell depart from Gods way and ordinances ? How quickly did they relapse after deliverances , both in the times of the Kings and of the judges , yea and after solemne vowes of Reformation ? How quickly after Hezekias death did they turne aside ? How quickly after Josiahs death ? How quickly after Solomons death did Rehoboam forsake the law of God and all Israell with him ? I think these scripture instances of as universal , & far greater defections then this was anent the proestos , might have made this man ashamed to bring this as ane absurditie . Now what will he say to his own Question here ? I ▪ it possible , is it probable that Gods Israell could be ignorant of his minde , and adventure so quickly to change his ordinances ? Heard not all the Churche of Israel Gods voice from mount Sinai ? Had not these departers afterward known or seen his eminent seers , heard his word and seen his works ? Could they be altogether ignorant of his minde who thus suddenly departed from him ? How could they then adventure to make such a change ? Alace ! What a poor querist is this ? I think indeed He and his party have given the Instance in our generation , that such a sudden defectione is both possible and probable . Was ever a nation more solemnlie and universallie ingaged unto God , and had seen more of his greatnes , power , and glorie , then wee did in the late worke of reformation ? How long is it since Scotland not onely knew and imbraced Presbyterian Government ; but also solemnlie vowed to mantaine it ? But he knowes how universally this work and cause of God is now rejected , his Covenant abjured and disowned . And the Informer himself ( who for what I know , might have seen our first beautifull house ) is pleading for this perjurius change of Gods ordinances and lawes , and breaking his everlasting Covenant . Read he never the 106. Psal. 7. vers . They provocked him at the sea even the red sea , and vers 11. The waters covered their enemies and there was not one of them left — Then believed they his words , they sang his praise , they soon frogat his works , they waited not fr his counsell . The Informer bluntly supposes ane impossibility of a peoples crossing light in apostazing changes , and that all that generation most needs give a formall consent to this change of government in order to its introduction ; both which are groundless suppositions , and they render this horne of his Dilemma very pointlesse . Besides , this change ( as we said before ) was but small at the first , onelie a fixed Moderator , and far from his Prelacy , which even in Ieroms time was but come the length of taking from Presbyters ordination , or rather the rituall part of it . And the change had plausible pretexts of order , and union , as every innovation hath its own pretences , besides that this change was not all at once but by degrees . Wee must also here tell him , that the same very suggestion is his 3d. Reason to prove Ieroms bringing in Bishops in the Apostles time , and so a nauseating repitition . But if we decline this absurdity , the next he thinks is worse viz , That that generation went over the belly of light in changing the Government , and conspired against Christ and his Apostles Government , and none are found testifying against it . Answer 1. This absurdity doth like wayes fall upon the former Scripture instances of greater , and more sudden , and as universal defections of the Church of Israel . What will he say to these questions in relation thereunto ? Were all ignorant ? Did all sin against light , and adventure presumptuously to change the divine ordinances ? And as for a Testimony against these evills , the Informer himself and his party ( for all their clamoures against us ) falls under ane obligation to answer this , in relation to many corruptions and erroures , which as early creept into the Church as Prelacy ; Wherof we gave Instances already , and no Testimonies are recorded against them . He seems to have forgot , or to be ignorant of our divines answer to this argument of Papists , calling for our producing of Testimonies against such and such evills , or dating their first rise , viz. That there might be , tho we have not known them , and that it is bad arguing from the defect of the History , or the darknes of the first original of such a corruption , to deny the plaine mater of fact , and the corruption itself to be such . How many Thousand eminent persons and acts of these times ( which we told him , the learned doe acknowledge , to be very dark as to matter of fact ) have never come to our knowledge ? And since we have often told him from Ierom that this change was lent , and by considerable degrees , and intervalles of time , and Method of its procedor , some might be overtaken with weaknes , others puffed up with ambition , and upon this ground the one might endeavour , & the other give way to this change , especially its first degrees being small in respect of what followed . Knowes not this man , that the evill one sowes his tares while men sleep ? And this hierarchie being as in its nature , so in its rise , a Mystery ; Mystery of Iniquity ! Mystery Babylon ! Yea and a Mystery which was working long before this change , even in Pauls time ; upon all these grounds his absurdity evanishes , and reflects a greater absurdity upon himself , who would have us shut our eyes against Scripture light upon such pretences as these , & rather embrace 2 corruption contrary unto it , then acknowledge that the Church did erre . We know very well what a wicket this notion hath opened for obtruding and retaining popish innovations , and these men are fast warping in to that Method . As for that which he adds of Blondel ( p. 94 ) who asserts that the Presbyters made him proestos , or fixed Moderator , who was first ordained . Wee told him already that this fixed president , tho a deviation from the Scripture rule , yet is farre from the diocesian Prelats sole power in ordination and Jurisdiction , So that his confidence ( some will be apt to say impudence ) is strange in calling this a power episcopall now existent , since notwithstanding all its after growth , it was not in Ieromes time come the length of our present Hierachical power of Prelats , by many dayes journey . Neither is it probable that Blondel could suppose this to be allowed of John , which he holds to be crosse to the divine pattern . As for Blond ( Apol : pag : 25. ) the Informer hath been mistaken in this citation , no such words being found in that place . But in page 52. after that he hath abundantly proven this ( thesis ) initio Presbyter & Episcopus synonyma fuerunt , [ that in the beginning Bishop and Presbyter were one and the same . ] he begins the next sect . thus . Ubicumque Primum nascente Chistianismo Presbyterorum aggregari Collegium caepit , Antiquissimum ( rectius Antiquissimo ) inter Collegas Primatus Contigit ut concessus totius Caput , fratrumque tandem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jure quodam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fieret . Which onely a mounts to thus much , that first a moderator , among ministers being established , grew by peecmeal to a fixed prostasie and after he hath Confirmed this , he addes in the next sect : Cum itaque Collegium id est ordinatus ratione utentium caetus fine ordine nec institui , nec Conservari , nec agere , nec agi , ( amplius dicam ) nec cogitari potest ; aequabilis inter ejusdem muneris Consortes , ac sese honore mutuo praevenientes sanctos paritas , divina propemodum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & commune Consilium , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nequaquam degenerabant : stabant enim aequo ( in eodem gradu & ordine ) jure omnes sed suo quisque loco ; erantque in familiâ quaque Ecclesiasticâ , post primo genitum secundo , tertio &c. Geniti , qui majorem natufratrem ( secundum Patrem caelestem ) colebant , eique nec ambienti nec poscenti ( invidioso nunc ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In singulis communis regiminis actibus jure volentes cedebant , acprimas ubique partes deferebant ; ut si quando novus Cooptandus esset Collega , Cleri totius jam consistentis plebisque Consentientibus suffragiis & judicio Comprobatis , ( N. B. ) totius Presbyterii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( praeunte tamen ac reliquorum nomine solemnia benedictionum verba pronunciante promotione antiquissimo ) in possessionem muneris mitteretur , priorum per Consecrationem quoddamodo filius factus , qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratione aequo cum aliis omnibus jure ( licet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) frater erat , ubi vero quaestionis in Ecclesiae regimine quicquam emergeret , consultantium in commune fratrum disceptationibus ( quasi naturae jure favore omnium firmato , ) praeesset Senior ; non gradu alio major ( N. B. ) non nativa gradus communis potestate potior , sed adventitiâ ob aetatis meritum delegata , superior . Which is this in summ [ that though the colledg of the ordained were all alike as to their official power , yet least their joynt councel should fall under anarchical confusion , the first ordained minister ( although of the same degree & juridical power with his colleagues ) had a sort of veneration and precendency as to some acts , but stille in their name , & by their consent who were his brethren . Which will reach a patrociny to the diocesian Erastian Prelat , with his sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , his negative voice in Church judicatories , and his delegation of Ecclesiastick power to the whole synod , his civil state office &c. When east and west shal meet together . Then he addes . Hanc originalem Ecclesiasticae politiae formam sub Apostolorum oculis natam , non immerito putavit Hilarius , quid enim pietati , naturae rationibusque dictamini consonum magis , quam ut priorum canitiem reverenter habeant aetate posteriores ? fac tamen Apostolis non modo nonimprobantibus , sed palam laudantibus ortam ; ego sane libere ab initio observatam Christianisque sive ab Apostolis sive ab eorum discipulis traditam , sed ut mutabilem & pro usu & arbitrio Ecclesiae mutandam ( prout in causa consimili piae memoriae Crakanthorpus sensit ) crediderim . In which passage he pleades onely for this fixed moderatour , and doth not positivly assert the Apostolik institution for it , but comes neer Bezaes expressiones in reference to the [ Episcopus humanus . ] As for Blondels confessing this primus Presbyter to have had authority with his precedency , as the Informer is bold to assert , he had done well to point us to the place where these wordes are found [ quis enim praesidentiamsine authoritate somniet ? ] for upon search they are not found ; but it seems the Informer puts this sense upon his words which follow these cited above ac forte consistorialium omnium qui Pastorum Ecclesias quasque in commune regentium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 urgent , calculos evertit , quod ab ipsa Apostolorum aetate collegii cujusque Presbyterialis singulare quoddam caput fuit . Qui vero ? an nostrum ullus synedrium sibi ( N. B. ) vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hactenus somniavit ? an non eodem inter nos jure modoque , vel per vices , pares inter compares , vel delegata a paribus ad tempus potestate praesunt , quo inter christianismi primordia ae●…o honoris inter conseniores primas fuit ? Where he denyes that this singular head of the consistory , or moderator his power did justle with , or evert the common votes or Episcopacy of the Pastoures , and consequently their joynt Presbyterial government , because the consistory or meeting could neither be without a head , ( or mouth ) nor have many heads , which he assimilates to the then power of their moderators , chosen from among his equals and co-presbyters , either by turns , or a delegated power of presidency for some time . The Informers citation of Chamier ( p. 35. ) [ acknowledging from the beginning a [ primus Presbyter ] with a [ nova potestas and jurisdictio ] ne esset Episcopatus mere titulus : Or a first Presbyter , with a new power and jurisdiction &c. ] Burns his fingers , and rebounds a deadly blow upon himself ; for in calling this jurisdiction and power , Nova or new , he makes it later then the first scripture patent anent that Presbyters Authority , which was the same with that of his Brethren before this humane supperadded power . And consequently he must look upon him onely as Beza's humane Bishop , supposing ane anterior divine Bishop which is the Pastour or Minister . And here again the Informer puts us to tell him that this his citation of Chamier attributinge a new jurisdiction from the beginning to the primus Presbyter , or first Minister , is so general , without pointing at either book or page , that it seemes he resolved that in this ( as in other passages ) none should trace him , to know whither he cited true or false . However the place he means is , lib. 10. de oecum . pont . c. 5. Where Chamier grants primum Presbyterum accepisse novam potestatem , that the first Presbyter receaved a new power . But that it was so from the beginning , is our Informers incrusted eekement , which ( as in another passage of Blondell ) we must suppose his lyncian eyes discovered in some written copy of Chamier , which the printer was so uncivil as not to put in , because this our great doubt-resolver was not overseer at the presse . Any who looketh upon that chapter may discover that Chamiers scope is to prove that ab initio regimen Ecclesiae fuit Aristocraticum , that from the beginning the Church government was Aristocracy , and that the disparity which after came in use , was ane innovation . As for what he adds of Moulin , ( pag. 76. ) If he hold [ The Episcopall power in ordination to be among these things , which , though in the Apostles time , yet were alterable ] He may be probably supposed to include it among the Apostles extraordinary expired prerogatives , which this man must acknowledge will lay no foundation for prelacy . As for Stillingfleet , we are not concerned in his principles , or any debat betuixt him & them . For that which he calls ane evasion [ Anent the alteration of some things in the Apostolick Church ] As wee disowne Stillingfleet , in making the frame of government which the Apostles established in the Church , versatile , various or alterable . So we disowne this Informer in resolving it solely upon the Churches decision , [ what Apostolick practises are imitable or morall , and what not . ] A dangerous popish principle , and wherein he will be found inconsistent with himself . But for the apostolick government by the Common Concell of Presbyters , wee hold it morall and perpetual , upon the same grounds of the Churches union and edification which himself doth plead . As for the shifts and bad issues which he alleadges Presbyterian writters are driven unto , Neither he nor any of his party can make it appear , but his own pitifull shifts , and of others of his way , in pleading for this Hierarchy , wee hope by this time are sufficiently apparent . As for Durells offer [ To get Episcopacy ane approbation from all forraigne divines ] we lett it pass as a peice of prelatick pageantry fitt to fill pamphlets . Ad pompam non ad pugnam — quid tanto tulit hic promissor hiatu . Durel and the Informer cannot stand befor their evidences , who have made the Contrary appear . For what he adds anent our Superintendents , as haveing upon the matter ane Episcopal power , I referr him to the defence of the Epistle of Philadelphus against Spotswoods Calumnies , printed at the end of Didoclavius page . 30 , 31. Where he will find the difference betuixt them and Prelats cleared and stated in 12. Particulars to his Conviction , unless he hath resolved — Ne si persuaseris , persuaderis . So that worthy Mr. Knox gave no patrocinie to prelacy in Countenancing the admission of Superintendents . How he hath deryved his Prelacie from Scripture , and through antiquitie to reformed times , & Churches , in their confessions , Let the impartial judge by what I have answered from the beginning . As for the Authors of jus divinum Minist : Anglic : [ Their proof of the identitie of Bishop and Presbyter , at length cleared from Fathers , Schoolemen , & reformed divines , even from Episcopall divines in England ] the Informer had done better not to mention that peice , then to have made such a simple & insipid returne , [ Anent the Scoolmens notione , whither Episcopacy be a different order from Presbytery , or a different degree of the same order ] for though this were granted that the scoole-men tost such a question , dare he say that the Ancient Fathers both greek and latine , and late reformed divines cited in that learned peice , in their clear and positive assertions of the parity of Bishop & Presbyter jure divino , intertained any such notion as this ? Againe , had he been so ingenuus and true to the learned authores of that peice , and unto himself , ●…s he ought to have been , he might have found cited therein a passage of Cassander in his book of Consul●… . ( Artic. 14 ) Which breaks this his answer all in peices , and because his squeemish eyes lookt asquint upon it , I shall here sett it downe , that it may appear what a great charge this is which he brings against these divines . An Episcopa●…us inter ordines ecclesiasticos ponendus sit , inter theologos & canoni●…as non convenit ; convenit autem inter ownes in Apostolorum aetate inter episcopos & presbyteros nullum discrimen fuisse , sed post modum schismatis evitandi causa episcopum Presbyteris fuisse praepositum &c : That is , Whither Episcopacy is to be placed among the Ecclesiastick orders , It is not agreed between the Theologues & Canonists , but it is agreed among all , that in the Apostles age there was no difference between Bishops & Presbyters , but afterward upon the ground of eviting Schisme , the Bishop was set ever Presbyters , &c. Now whither these disputants did agree That alwayes from the Apostles time , there were Bishops distinct from Presbyters , as this Informer is not ashamed to affirme . Let the greatest adversarie judge by this account of such ane impartiall witnes . How could he say , that these Fathers might be of this mind , and likwayes these later divines , that alwayes from the Apostles there were Bishops set over Presbyters . What a selfcontradicting tenet is this for any rationall man to intertaine ? viz , Bishops and Presbyters , re & nomine , in name and thing , the same in the Apostles times , and in their doctrine : and yet [ that Bishops were set over Presbyters by the Apostles , and distinct from them in their times . ] What will he make of all Ierome Scripture proofes through the Apostles times , and writings , anent this compleat parity of Bishops and Presbyters ? of the saying of Ambrose [ That , Non per omnia conveniunt seripta Apostolorum ordinationi quae nun●… est in Ecclesia . The writtings of the Apostles agree●… not in every thing with the ordinance or appointment ( he means of government ) which is now in the Church . ] What will he make of Bishop Iewel telling Harding , in his defence against him ? [ That in calling it a haerefie to affirme Bishops and Presbyters to be one , He reflects upon Ierome and other Fathers whom he cites against him , yea upon the Apostle Paul , and makes him also a Haeretick ] What will he make of that assertion of Beza , Episcopus papam peperit . The Bishop brought forth the Pope . Of Whittaker [ That the setting up the Prelat , yea the first proestos or president to prevent Schisme , was a remedy worse then the disease . ] Now if he will reconcile these sayings and assertions with their holding Bishops distinct from Presbyters , to have been in , and from the times of the Apostles , he will prove a wonderfull Oedipus . But our Informer hath not yet done with these Authors , and hath another reflection upon them anent what they say page 64. [ That Eusebius and Iraeneus were deceaved themselves , & deceaved others ] he tells us 1. [ They are hard put to it when seeking to relieve themselves by discrediting these authores ] But this man is hard put to it , if he deny that which is so Noto●…ly true , & made good by so many of the learned . Were Iunius and Scalliger ( who are approved herein by Dr Reynolds ) hard put to it , who demonstrats Eusebius gross errors & mistakes . 2. He sayes Though in some things Eusebius was mistaken , most he be so in every point wherin he maks Bishops superior to Presbyters , & drawes their succession from the Apostles . Ans. For the Catalogues of Bishops from the Apostles , we spoke to it already , and for Eusebius speaking alwayes in that straine , the reverend authors of that peece , ( with others ) doe tell the Informer that all that Eusebius sayes , is that it is reported — that his learned censurer Scalliger , maks it appear that he read ancient histories parum attente , ( not attentivly , ) & that he takes his measures in this point , & his relations upon trust , from Clemens fabulus , & Hegesippus not extant . 3. The Informer thinks it strange [ that they can suppose Irenaeus ( Iohns contemporarie and disciple ) to be deceaved as to Church government . ] Answer . Had he but looked upon the 4. proposition of their appendix , he might have seen this objection fully removed . For therein they make good from many places of Irenaeus ( which were tedious here to transcribe ) that by Bishops he understood meer Presbyters , and not Bishops distinct from Presbyters . From which places of Irenaeus they collect . 1. That he calls Presbyters Successors of the Apostles . 2. That he calls them Bishops . 3. That he holds the Apostolick doctrine to be derived by their succession . 4. That what in one place he sayes of Bishops , the same he sayes elswhere of Presbyters ; which sense and account of him they back with pregnant Testimonies of Dr. Reynolds , & Whittaker , & other learned protestant divines , and lights in that Church . And in proposition 7. anent the pretended Succession of Prelats from the Apostolick times , they cleare it that these Successions are drawen from meer Presbyters , viz , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Minister first ordained , as among the Athenians their were 9. Archontes or Chief Rulers , equall in Authority : yet the Succession of Governours in Athens , was derived from one of them who was the first Archo●… , ut compendiosior ac minus impedita esset temporum enumeratio , that the Calculation of times might not be hindered , but be the more compendious . 4. He sayes it is more likly that Ierom was deceaved , If we understand him to speak of Bishops who were introduced after the Apostles times , then Eusebius or Irenaeus who lived before ] Ans. That Eusebius was deceaved , is not only alleadged , but proven by the learned , and Ierom proving so clearlie from Scripture the identity of Bishop and Presbyter both in name and thing , doth convincing lie inferr that the Bishops set over Presbyters , are discrepant from the scripture pattern . That Irenaeus by Bishops understood these first Moderators , is made good from his writings . Next , wheras these reverend authores ( pag. 114 , 115. ) say that Irenaeus by Bishops meaned [ Presbyters , ] and ( page . 65. ) That the Fathers spoke of Church officers of former times after the stile of their owne , and that the Bishops in the Catalogues are onlie the first ordained Presbyters , for the more expedit reckoning ] this man thinks these Answers inconsistent ; Because 1. they say that Eusebius & Irenaeus were deceaved when they spoke of Bishops , And Next that by Bishops , Irenaeus meaned only Presbyters . Ans. Had the Informer attended better the places he points at , he would have keepd off this fantastick reflection . For they shew that these first Proestotes or Moderators , who were in themselves , and upon the Mater , meere Presbyters , were by former times and writers presented under ane Episcopal notion , and the power of Bishops then prevalent , unto Eusebius and Irenaeus ; whom Eusebius especially , too credulously following in his Character and accounts of them , occasioned the deceaving of others , and that he and Irenaeus speaking of them in that manner and stile in the Catalogues , might deceave others , by naming them so , who were upon the mater meer Presbyters ; whom the succeeding writers following ( as they shew out of Iunius . Contr. 2. Ch : 5. not : 18. ) and fancying to themselves such Bishops as then had obtained , fell into these snares of tradition , because they supposed that according to the Custome of their times , there could be but one Bishop in a Church at the same time . And to cleare it , that the persons whom Irenaeus speaks of , were upon the mater , Presbyters , in answer to that objection from Irenaeus ( lib : 3. Cap : 3. ) where Bishops are named as set up by the Apostles , They answer that the word Bishop hath a various acceptation : and that Irenaeus names Anicetus , Higinus , Pius , Presbyters of the Church of Rome , the words being then promiscuouslie used . So that whatever impression Irenaeus might have of them according to the language and Custome of the time , yet upon the matter they were Presbyters only : and therefore they put the Episcopall partie to prove that those whom they named Bishops , were veri nominis Episcopi , or Hierarchicall Bishops . They doe not speak so much of the Impression which Irenaeus or Eusebius had of them , as of the true nature and State of these Church-officers , whom according to the Custome of their times they call Bishops . By Irenaeus his calling them sometimes Presbyters , according to the promiscuous use of the names , even handed down to him , they prove that his expressing them under ane Episcopall notion then receaved , or any such impression of them which he might entertaine , was wrong : since according to the scripture language the Bishop and Presbyter imports no other office then a Pastour . What inconsistency will our Informer shew in this , that Irenaeus and others were deceaved in representing the first Proestotes under ane Episcopall notion , upon a Credulous report from their forefathers : and yet that the persons whom they thus represented were upon the mater Presbyters . As for what he adds ( p. 102 , ) [ from Bucer ( de animarum cura ) anent a Proestos , or the Election and ordination of one who went before the rest , and had the Episcopal Ministerie in the Chief degree , even in the times of the Apostles , by the Testimony of Tertullian , Cyprian , Irenaeus , Eusebius , ancienter then Ierom . ] Wee say that any who knowes Bucers judgment in Church government , and are acquaint with his writings theranent , will acknowledge that the Proestos is the utmost length he goes as to Episcopacy ; and a Proestos during life , hath no doubt something of ane Episcopal Ministerie , and is above his Brethren : and we are to expone his summus gradus , or Chief degree , by the word praecipue or Chiefly , that goes before . Who will doubt but the constant fixed Proestos is in so farr set over the rest ? But here we must minde the Informer of Two things . 1. That this Proestos chosen by the Presbytery , is ( as we said ) farr short of the Diocesian Prelat who owns no Presbyters in his election , & hath ane arbitrary power over them . 2. That it being thus defacto , is farr from amounting to a proof of the jus , and who will say that Bucer could take the Apostle James to be formalie Bishop of Ierusalem , or chosen to be a fixed Moderator by Presbyters , whose Apostolick office both Bucer and the Informer will acknowledge to have reached the whole world , in relation to the watering & planting of Churches . Next , if these words will plead for a Hierarchie , even in the Apostles times , and that Bucer took upon the Testimonie of Tertullian , Irenaeus &c , the Apostle James and others for Hierarchicall Bishops , surely he was oblidged to have taken notice of Ieroms proofs for the parity of Bishops & Presbyters in the Apostles times ; which since he doth not , it s most probable that he means to assert the factum only , of exalting Presbyters to such a degree at that time , but not the jus as is said : else I see no consistencie in the words if he reckon the Apostle James in this account . For he sayes Apostolorum temporibus unus ex Presbyteris electus . That in the Apostles times one was chosen from among the Presbyters . Now surely the Apostle James was not of the Presbyters meerly , or chosen from among them ; But to undeceave our Informer as to Bucers judgment in this point , and to fortify the answer adduced , I shall present unto him that which Bucer asserts ( De Gub : Eccles : p : 432. ) viz , That the Fathers call these first Proestotes or Moderators , yea even the Apostles themselves , Bishops ( N. B. ) [ in a large & generall appellation ] Becaus they first preached the gospell to those Churches , and that to prove a succession of the true doctrine , they named the most eminent Ministers the Bishops , to shew that there was in these Churches a Constant tract from the Apostles both of sound doctrine , & faithfull teachers thereof ; Eminent , I say , for gifts , and zeale , or suffering for the gospell ( N. B. ) not in any Episcopall authoritie except what was in that prostasie often mentioned . Now whither Bucer was for ane Episcopacy in the highest degree even in the Apostles time , and the Episcopacy of Iames , Let any judge . And whither or not this Informer hath acquitt prelacie of being both a groundlesse , and godlesse usurpation in Gods Church ( as his now prosyleted Doubter sayes he was taught to call it ) the appeal is likwayes made to the judicious and impartiall , to judge from what is offered from the begining hereanent . CHAP. XV. Mr Durhams citations of the Fathers for evincing the identity of Angel , Bishop , and Presbyter , vindicat from the exceptions of this Informer . Mr Durhame in his excellent commentary upon the revelation ( pag. 223. ) having gone throw the Epistles , and embraced the sylleptick sense and acceptation of the word , Angel , presents in a digression several weighty and unanswerable arguments , both from these Epistles , and parallel texts , to prove the identity of angel , Bishop , and Presbyter . Which this Informer passes over sicco pede , finding them no doubt pills of too hard a digestion for his stomack . But Mr. Durham adding to his scriptureproofes of this important truth , Several clear testimonys of most eminent Ancient fathers , asserting the very same thing , then Seria res agitur with our Informer , and he bestirrs himself amain to take these weapons out of Mr Durhams hand , offering several exceptions against his testimonys , which ( in vindication of the memory of so great a Seer from this pampleters imputations , and for the more full confirmation of this truth ) we shal now examine and repell . Mr Durhame sayes That not only Ierome , but likewise others of the Ancients , such as Augustin , Ambrose , Chrysostom , were of Aerius minde hereanent . To this he answers [ That Mr Durhame brings this as Medina's assertion , as he is cited by Bellarmin . But knowes he not that Medina is cited for this by many others , as Dr Reynolds particularly . And likewise why would he not examine these Ancients cited by Medina , and examine what truth is in his citations , if he intended to repell this Testimony . Well , but what sayes our Informer to these Testimonies offered by Mr Durhame . He answers . 1. That though these fathers be of Ieroms minde , i●…is n●… great prejudice that will hence ensue to Bishops , as he hat●… already cleared . Ans. We have made it appear tha●… Ierome makes the first Bishops , meere fixed Moderators , and likewise ane humane invention or custom , discrepant from ihe first divine Bishops , who are proved by him to be in Scripture the same with Presbyters . And i●… this be no prejudice to his Diocesian Prelat with sole power of ordination and Iurisdiction , let any judge . 2. The Informer wonders how Mr Durhame coul●… cite Augusti●… as of Aerius minde , since Augustine hold him to be erroneous upon this ground . ( Haeres . 53. A●…s . Why doth he not answer to that passage of Augusti●… cited by Mr. Durhame , as he pretends to answer to som●… of the rest of these fathers . What sayes he to Augustin●… words ? are they not his ? Or doe they not clearly assert the identity of Bishop & Presbyter ? To say that Augustin accounted Aerius a heretick for this , while he offers not to remove Augustins cleare assertion of the same thing , is but to sett him by the ears with himself , not to answer his Testimony . Next , as for Augustin's accounting Aerius a heretick for this , he should know that the learned doe Consent that Augustin in this followes Epiphanius , who first imputed heresie to Aerius , and made but very simple-insipid answers to Aerius arguments for his opinion . And moreover that Augustin relates his opinion anent the parity of Bishop and Presbyter , or rather his denying that their ought to be ane Ecclesiastick constitution anent their difference , as that which Epiphanius put among the roll of heresies , himself not positively determining , that this was a heresie . For ( as is consented unto by the learned , and particularly by Dr. Reinolds in his letter to Sir Francis Knolls , touching Dr. Bancrofts Sermon about the difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter ) Augustin aknowledges himself ignorant how farr the definition of heresie doth extend . He enumerats the heresies which he found noted by other writers , but applyes not the definition of heresie to every one of them . Far lesse could he doe so in this point , which was his own judgement , as the passage cited by Mr. Durham doth evince . That Ierom and Augustin were of Aerius minde as to Bishops , is the judgment of very many : sane cum Aerio sensit Hieronimus ( saith Whittak . Contr. 4. Q. 1. Cap. 3. Sect. 30. ) Ierom truely was of Aerius minde , on which ground we need care the less that Aerius is so oft objected to us by blockish men . See how rude Whittaker is again to our Informer . Saravia himself ( de Grad . cap. 23. ) acknowledges that Ierom dissented from Epiphanius in this . Dr. Reynolds in that Epistle to Knolls about Bancrofts Sermon , asserting with the Informer [ That Aerius was for his opinion condemned of heresie by the whole Church ] proves from Ierom and other writters who were contemporarie with Epiphanius or flourished after him . That Augustin Presents that assertion anent the identite of Bishop and Presbyter , a●… hereticall , only as he found it related by Epiphanius , wheras himself knew not how farr the name of heresie was to be extended , as he testefys in his preface concerning heresies . But that Augustin himself was of the judgement that by divine right , there is no difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter , he proves from his words Epist. 19. he cites also — Iewell against Harding the jesuit ( asserting likwise with the Informer that Aerius was condemned for his opinion as a heretick ) who proves that Jerome , Augustin , Ambrose , were of the same minde . Thus wee see Augustin made in this point consistent with Ierome , & also with himself , whom this man makes to speake contradictions , so as he may come faire off . 3. He answers That Ambrose and Chrysostoms Testimony will not come Mr. Durhams length , Becaus , Though Ambrose [ or one Hilary ] sayes that Episcopi & Presbyteri una est ordinatio , that they are both priests , yet the Bishop is the first , So that every Priest is not a Bishop , for the Bishop is the first priest . Ans. The Informer hath left out wittily ( whither honestly or not , let others judge ) in his translation of this sentence , the inference which Ambrose Drawes from this identity of the office , viz , that they have both one ordination . He maks the office one , and the ordination one consequently , and gives this reason why they have one ordination , viz , because , every one of them is a priest or Minister , uterque enim Sacerdos , sath he : Their ordination , is terminat upon , and relative unto , one and the same office . Now what greater length would he have Ambrose assertion come then this ? That there is no diff●…rent ordination of the Bishop and Presbyter , and consequently no officiall differences doth he not plead for ane officiall specifick difference ? betwixt Bishop and Presbyter ? Makes he not the Bishops succeed the Apostles and Evangelists in their officiall power , and the Presbyters to come after the Seventy Disciples or meer ordinary Pastoures ? Are their not many essential differences , which this mans principles , & the present practise , fixes betwixt the Bishop & Presbyter , wherof we have spoken above ? How can Ambrose then assert , that they have the same office and ordination ? Where is the Consecration ? Where is the Bishops sole power in ordination and jurisdiction ? Where is his negative voice among the Presbyters , making them in all their officiall power certain deputs under him , if their office be one , and their ordination the same with his ? 2. As for the difference here assigned , viz , That the Bishop is the first priest , and that every Presbyter is not a Bishop in Ambrose sense , this will nothing help our Informer ; Becaus 1. This is fitly applicable to the Proestos then in use , yea to the Moderator of a Synod , who ( as such ) hath a sort of Prostasie while the Synod sits , and every Minister is not Moderator , though the Moderator be no more then a Minister in his officiall power ; nay , this is applicable to the least accidentall difference Imaginable . Every man is not white or black , yet every such is a man. Every Parliament man is not speaker , though the speaker is a Parliament man only as to his authority . Blondel his first ordained Minister , who , with him , is the first Bishop or Proestos , hath this properlie applicable unto him . 2. He must be minded , that Ambrose sayes , when speaking of the Scriptur - parity of Bishops and Presbyters , non per omnia conveniunt scripta Apostolorum ordinationi quae nunc est in Ecclesia . That the writings of the Apostles did not in every point agree to the order which was then in the Church . Now this preter - scripturall or new order of government , what is it but that anent the primus or first among the Presbyters ? so that this very primus or prostasie ( tho farr from the present Hierarchie of our Prelats as is said ) yet comes after the scripture appointment — with Ambrose , and is unlike to that paritie betwixt Bishop & Presbyter , which is therein held forth . The Informer Next offers something in answer to Chrisostoms Testimony , who asserts That almost there is no difference betwix a Bishop and Presbyter . And his great Answer is That notwithstanding these Fathers acknowledge a difference , and themselves were Bishops ] Ans. If the difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter come to a ferme nihil , or almost none , Surely it decays and is ready to vanish away . And what this difference is , and wherein placed , we have already heard ; and surely that prostasie in Chrysostoms time ; behoved to be very in considerable , since it came to make upno greater difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter then a ferme nihil , upon the borders of a non ens . As for what he sayes of their being Bishops themselves . I answer , they are the more impartiall witnesses in this mater ; They tell us oft that Ierome was a Presbyter , and therefore no friend to Bishops . Now here is a Testimonie of eminent Bishops for this very truth which Ierom asserts , and which this man would make us believe , was condemned as a Heresie . And surelie we are more tender of their reputation , who interpret any Prostasie or Episcopacie which they held , to be according to this their judgement anent Episcopacie , and assert that what overplus of power they had or might possibly exercise , beyond that of a Presbyter , was by them lookt upon as founded on Ecclesiastick Custome or Ecclesiae usus , As Augustin speaks , but not to flow from a divine right , Then this Informer and his fellowes , who make them maintaine one thing and practise another ; yea and contradict themselves so grossly in maintaining as high a jus divinum , as Apostolick doctrine , and practise , in relation to the Hierarchicall Bishop , and yet assert a ferme nihil as to the difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter . But the Informer adds , That they might think Bispop and Presbyter to differ Gradu , not ordine , in degree not in order , which is still a debate in the Schools . Ans. This assertion is so improbable , that he dare but lisp it out , and faintly asserts it with a might be ; But sure he must needs acknowledge this distinction of the Schooles to be much later then these Fathers , and any graduall difference which they place betwixt Bishop and Presbyter , it is clear , that they found it upon Ecclesiastick Custome , as we heard both Ierome , Augustin and Ambrose assert . But how long will this man involve himself in contradictions , and these Fathers also ? Told he us not ( page 15. ) That Augustin upon Psal 45 : 16. affirms , That the Bishops are properly the Successors of the Apostles unto their office . And saith he not immediatly thereafter , That Ambrose upon 1 Cor. 12 : 28. affirms of the Apostles first named in that Classe of Church officers , that ipsi sunt Episcopi firmante illud Petro , episcopatum , ejus accipiat alter . That the Apostles are the Bishops by Peters assertion , let another take his Bisheprick . Tells he us not likewise here that Augustin makes James the first Bishop of Ierusalem , and Peter , the first Bishop of Rome ? Tells he us not , that they transmitted ane Episcopall power in that traine of Successors , proved by Catalogues of Bishops ? Did we not hear him plead , that the seventy Disciples , placed in ane inferiour orb to the Twelve Apostles , are properlie succceded by Presbyters ; that Matthias behoved to be ordained ane Apostle , tho one of the Seventy disciples , is his great argument to prove this . Now I beseech him per omnes musas , will he say that Apostles and Presbyters differ only ordine and not gradu , in order , not in degree ? or that these fathers doe hold this opinion ? how come their successors then to coalesce into one , after such a manner as to differ only in a ferme nihil , or almost nothing ? Saith not Ambrose , Episcopi & Presbyteri una est ordinatio , the Bishop and Presbyter have the same ordination . But the Informer will not adventure to say that the Apostle and Presbyter have one ordination . For Matthias one of the Seventy must be solemnlie by God ordained ane Apostle : And the Prelats must be solemnlie consecrat by their fellowes — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their new episcopall order . In a word , we heard from Cassander , that the Canonists and Theologues who dispute this Question , doe both accord , that as to a jus divinum or divine right , there is no difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter either in order or degree . And so though it were granted ( which yet the Informer himself dare not positively assert ) that the Fathers tossed this question , it will nothing help him , nor prejudge Mr Durhams quotation , which speaks of a jus divinum . As for what he adds , That the Fathers cited by Medina might hold the same notion , Let him hear how Bellarmin ( no friend to Presbyterian Government ) represents his assertion ( de Cler. Cap 15. ) Michael Medina lib. 1. De sacrorum hominum origine & eminentia ( Cap. 5. ) Affirmat sanctum Hieronimum idem omnino cum Aerianis sensisse , neque solum Hieronimum in ea haeresi fuisse , sed etiam Ambrosium , Sedulium , Primasium , Chrysostomum , Theodoretum , Oecumenium , & Theophylactum , atque ita , inquit Medina , isti viri alioqui Sanctissimi , & Sacrarum Scripturarum consultissimi , quorum tamen sententiam prius in Aerio , deinde in Waldensibus , postremo in Joanne Wickleffo , damnavit ecclesia . That is , Michael Medina in the first book concerning the originall and eminencie of sacred men 5. Chap. Affirms that St Jerome was every way of the same judgment with the Aerians , And that not only Jerome was in that Heresie . But also Ambrose , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostom , Theodoret , Oecomenius , and Theophylact ; And thus ( saith Medina ) these men otherwayes most godly , and most expert in the holie Scrptures , whose judgment notwithstanding the Church condemned , first in Aerius , Next in the Waldeneses , And lastly in Iohn Wickleff . ] Let our Informer note here . 1. That it is beyond debate with Bellarmin that with Medina at least , all these Fathers were Aerians . 2. That his holy Catholick Church of Rome is the grand condemner of this Heresie . 3. That this is one of the Heresies of the old Waldenses , these famous witnesses against Antichrist : And of John Wickleff , and such like eminent reformers . Afterward he adds [ That in Jerome and these Greek Fathers , that opinion was of old dissembled out of reverence to them , But contrarily in the Hereticks alwayes condemned . ] So we see the Presbyterian Principles , are with him , one of the Heresies of Protestants . Peter Swav . ( in the History of the Council of Trent , pag. 664. edit . Francfort . ) relates . [ That when the Authoritie of Ierom and Augustin was brought to prove episcopacie to be but ane Ecclesiastick constitution , Michael Medina answered — That it was no wonder that Jerom , Augustin , and others of the Fathers , fell into that heresie , not having throughly searched the matter , & that he maintained pro virili this to be their opinion . Finallie , to make these Fathers one with themselves ( whom this man enforceth in his next passages , cited page 71 , 72. Anent the derivation of Episcopacie from the Apostles and higher , to speak palpable contradictions ) we must say , with Whittaker , that they call the Apostles so , because they did that upon the matter which Bishops then did . And because their power quadam similitudine , or by a certain similitude or likenesse ( as Junius expresseth it ) was like to that of these extraordinarie Church officers , whom notwithstanding they could not succeed in the same office , nor could these Fathers think so upon the grounds formerly mentioned . Tilen . in his Specul . Antichr . ortum aperiens ( Aphoris . 88. ) Tells us that [ episcopos & Presbyteros re & nomine eosdem fuisse , non Hieronimus solum in 1. Tim. 3. Sed etiam scriptura perspicue docet Tit. 1. Act. 20. Phil. 1. Proinde humani instituti , sive positivi , ut vocant juris , est illa sub diversis nominibus munerum distinctio . That Bishops and Presbyters were the same in name and thing or office , Not only Jerome on 1. Tim. 3. But the Scripture also doth evidently teach , Tit. 1. Act. 20. Phil. 1. And therefore that distinction of the offices under diverse names is of human institution , as they call it , or of positive right ] A fitt looking-glasse , this had no doubt been to the same Tilen when he wrote , his paraenesis , and changed his note . And likwise it is a fitt looking glasse for this Informer : CHAP. XVI . The harmonius consent of ancient Fathers , Modern divines , and confessions of Reformed Churches for Presbyterian Government , in all its essentiall points of difference from Prelacie , is exhibit . IT is clear that Presbyterian Government ( the pure , ancient , and genuine Government of this Church ) in every essentiall ingredient of it , as it stands in opposition to prelacie , is approved by , such a consent of antiquity , and modern diuines , that it would take up almost as much roome as this Informers pamphlet , to reckon up their names . That we may present them in 〈◊〉 compendious view take it thus . 1. That jure divino , there is no difference betwixt a Bishop and Presbyter , hath a very large consent of antiquitie collected by many of the learned , whose testimonies we may see in Bishop Jewel against Hardin , edit : Ann. 1570. p. 243. And Reynolds in the forementioned Epistle at large cited ( Petries Hist. part . 3. p : 469 , 470 , 471. ) Where there is exhibit a full consent both of the Greek , and Latin Fathers , for this point of truth . The Doctor in his conference with Hart , holds That the president chosen out at first to moderat , is be whom afterwards the Fathers called Bishop , and that the name Bishop common to all Ministers , was by them thus appropriat to this president . Next for modern writers , the same Dr Reynolds tells us in the formentioned Epistle , that those who have laboured about the reforming of the Church these 500 Years , have taught that all Pastours be they intituled Bishops or Priests , have equall authoritie and power by Gods word . Citing the Waldenses in Aen. Silv. hift . of Bohem. Chap. 35. Pich . Hierarch . Ecclesiast . lib. 2. Cap : 10. Marsil . Patavin . Defens . pacis part . 2. Cap. 15. Wickleff . in Thom. Waldens . Doct. Fil. Tom. 1. lib : 2. Cap : 60. and Tom : 2. cap : 7. And his Schollers Husse and the Hussits , Aeneas Silvius Loccit . Luther . Advers . falso : nomin : Scot : Epise . & adversus Papat . Rom. Calv. in Epist. ad Phil. Tit. 1. Erentius Apolog. Confess . Wittenberg . — Cap. 21 : Bulinger . Decad. 5. Serm : 3. Musculus Loc. Com : Tit : de Ministerio Verbi . Then he adds Jewel , Pilkington , Dr. Humphrey in Campian . & Duraeum Jesuit . Part. 2. Ra●… : 3. Whittak . ad rationes Campian . 6. & Confut Durae . lik . 6. Mr Bradfoord , Lambert , Fox ( Act. Mon. ) Fulk . ( Ansr. to the Rhemeflits . ) To these may be added Cartwright against the Rhemists . Bishop Bilson himself against Seminartes lib. 1. p : 318. Bishop Morton in his Catholick Apologie Part. 1. Cap. 33. Erasmus upon 1 Tim. 4. To which add , that in the O●…cumenick Coun●…les of Constance & Basile , it was concluded that Presbyters should have decisive suffrage in Councils , as well as Bishops , because that by the Law of God Bishops were not greater then they , and it is expreslie given them . Act. 15. 23. To which we may add the Concil . Aquisgravense sub Ludovico Pio Imperatore . 1. Anno 816. Which approved it for sound divinity out of Scripture , that Bishops and Presbyters are equal ; bringing the same texts that Aerius doth . To these mentioned the learned Reynolds doth add , the common judgement of Reformed Churches , viz. Helvetia , Savoy , France , Scotland , Germanie , Hungary , Poland , the Low Countries , citing the harmonie of Confessions . Yea their own Church of England ( Chap : II. of the harmonie . ) Therafter he learnedly refutes our Informer as to what he sayes anent Ieroms ( so often repeated ) a Marco Evangelista — shewing both by the decree of the 4t . Council of Carthage Cap : 3. Anent Presbyters interest in ordination ( which , saith he , proves that the Bishops ordained not then alone in all places , although Ierom sayes , quid facit excepta ordinatione &c : ) and by Ieroms proving Bishops and Presbyters to be all one in scripture , and even in the right of ordination 1. Tim. 4. 14. That Ierom could not mean Bishops in Alexandria to have had that Episcopall power since Mark , about which the question is . Where also he vindicats Calvin ( Jnstit : 〈◊〉 : 4. c : 4. Sect : 2. ) cited by Bancroft ( as likwayes by our Dialogist here ) as consenting to the establishment of ane Episcopacie since Mark at Alexandria . He saith [ That Calvin having showen that Ministers choose out one to preside , to whom especially they gave the name of [ Bishop , ] Shews that notwithstanding this Bishop was not above them in honour and dignitie , that he should rule over them , but was appointed only to ask the votes , to direct and admonish — and see that performed which was agreed upon by their common consent — And having declared , that Ierom shews this to have been in by the consent of men upon Tit. 1. He adds , that the same Ierom other where shews , how ancient ane order in the Church it was , even from Marks time to Heraclius &c : In which words of Calvin ( saith the Doctor ) seeing that the order of the Church which he mentions , hath evident relation to that before described , and that in the describing of it he had said , The Bishop was not so above the rest in honour that he had rule over them : It followes that Mr. Calvin doth not so much as seem to confess upon Ieroms report [ that ever since Marks time Bishops have had a ruling superioritie over the Clergie ] A contradictorie Conclusion to that of our Informer . The Doctor proceeds thus . Wherfore to use no more proofe in a thing manifest , which else might be easily proved more at large out of Ierom and Mr. Calvin both , it is certain that neither of them doth affirme , that Bishops so long time have had such a superioritie , as Dr. Bancroft seems to father upon them . To all this adde , that Dr. Holland the Kings professor in Oxford , at ane Act ( Iully 9. 1608. ) Concluded against Mr Lanes question [ an Episcopatus sit ordo distinctús a Presbyteratu , eoque superior jure divino . That is , whither Episcopacie be a distinct order from the Presbyterat & superiour thereunto by divine right ] That the affirmative was most false , against the Scriptures , Fathers , the doctrin of the Church of England , yea the very Schoolmen themselves , Lombard , Thomas , Bonaventur . A 2d . Essentiall point of Presbyterian government in opposition to Prelacie , is in the mater of ordination and jurisdiction , viz , that these are not in the hand of any single Prelat , but that Presbyters have ane essentiall joynt interest therin . And this also hath a large Consent and Testimonie of the learned both ancient and Modern . For this the 4t . Council of Carthage is adduced Can. 5. and the Councils of Constance and Basile , anent Presbyters decisive suffrages in Council . Cyprian Epist. 33. and 78. Council of Antioch , Can●… : 10. of Aneyra . Can. 13. Ruffins hist. lib. 10. Cap. 9. Sozom . l. 2. c. 23. and many such . Smectim . pag. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31. cites many Testimonies for this . See Blondel . Apol. Sect. 3. pag. 120. to 130. Prins un-Bish : of Timothie and Titus from pag. 52. to 83. Where the full Consent of reformed divines is adduced , such as Ioannes Luckawits in his confession of the Taborits against Rokenzana Cap : 13. the Wald●…nses and Taborits apud Fox acts . Monum . p. 210. Illyric . Catol . testiumveritatis . Tit. Waldenses 455. Melanchton , Arg. & Respons . par . 7. De Potest . Episcopi Arg. 2. Hiperius on 1. Tim. 4. 14. Hemmingius ibid. Gerardus Loc. Theol. de Ministerio Ecclesiastico proves this at large . Peizelius , Arg. & Resp. Par. 7. de Ordin . Ministrorum in Arg. 1. Musculus , Loc : Com. de Ministerio verbi . Morn●…y Lord of Pless . de Eccles. Cap 11. Nay Canonists and Schoolmen themselves , Summa angelica ordo , Sect : 13. and Innocentius there cited . Filiu●…ius Iesuit ▪ de Casibus Consc. Par. 1. Tract . 9. Alexander Alensis Sum. Theol. par . 4. Quest. 9. M. 5. Artic. 1. Cajetan . on 1. Tim. 4. 14. and many others . Likwise it is made good that the Bishops swallowing up this power of Presbyters , and reserving it only to himself comes from Popish Authority . Leo primus ( Epist. ●…8 . ) on complaints of unlawfull ordinations writing to the German and French Bishops , reckons up what things are reserved to the Bishops , and among the rest Presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio , the consecration of Presbyters and deacons . Then adds , quae omnia solis deberi summis pontificibus authoritate Canonum praecipitur . That is , All which things are commanded to be reserved to the cheife priests by the Authority of the Canons . For this see also Rabanus Maurus de Instit. Clericorum . l. 1. c. 6. And to this truth of Presbyters power in ordination , the Confessions of reformed Churches gives a harmonious echo . The latter confession of Helvetia ( Harmon . of Confess Chap. 11. pag : 232. ) asserts , That the holy function of the Ministery is givin●… the laying on of the hands of Presbyters , no word of Pre lats hands . So the 18. Chap : ( pag. 236. ) they are to be ordained by publick prayer and laying on of hands , which power they say is the same and alike in all , citing that passage Luke . 10. he that will be great among yow , let him be your servant . So Act. 15. and Ierom on Tit. 1. — therfor ( say they ) let no man forbid that we return to the old appointment of God ( so they call the Presbyterian way of ordination ) and rather receive it then the Custome devised by men , ( So they call the Episcopall Method ) . Thus the Confession of Bohem. Chap. 9. ( Harm . Sect : 11 pag. 246. 247. ) after setting down the qualifications of Ministers — As to ordination they say , that after prayer and fasting they are to be confirmed and approved of the Elders by the laying on of their hands . So the Confess . Sax : Chap : 12. ( Harm : Conf : par . 2. ) affirme that it belongs to Ministers of the word to ordaine Ministers , lawfullie elected and called . Where we have asserted both the Presbyters power in ordination , and the peoples interest in the Call of Pastors , in opposition to prelacy . So the Confession of the French Church . Credimus veram Ecclesiam &c : We believe that the true Church ought to be governed by that policy which Christ hath ordained , viz , that there be Pastours , Presbyters or Elders and Deacons . And again we believe that all true pastours wherever they be , are endued with equal and the same power under one head and Bishop Christ Iesus , which strikes our Diocesian and Erastian frame of government starke dead . Which is seconded thus by the Belgick Confess . ( Art : 30. ) All Christs Ministers of the word of God have the same and equal power and authority as being all Ministers of that only universall head and Bishop Christ. To thesewe might adde many other Testimonies of reformed divines , as Calvin , Piscator , Marl●…rat on 1. Tim : 4. 14. Tit. 1. 3. Zanch. de Statu . P●…ccat . and Legal . in 4tum . praecep . Chemnitius Loc. Com. Part. 3. de Eccles. Cap. 4. Exam. Concil . Trid. part . 2. de Sacram. ordinis pag. 224 , 225. proving also that Election and vocation of Ministers belongs to the whole Church . Antonius Sadael , Resp. ad repetita Turriani Sophismata , par . 2. lo●… . 12. Beza ( de divers : Ministrorum gradibus . ) Iunius [ Controv. 5. l. c 3. N : 3. ] Chamierus [ Panstratia Cathol : Tom : 2. de Occum : Pontis : Cap : 6. A 3d. Great point of Presbyterian Government in opposition to prelacie , is the peoples interest in the election and call of Ministers . And for this there is as full a consent of divines , and Churches , both ancient and Modern . Severall of the forementioned Confessions clears this , the peoples election and call being taken in together with , Presbyters ordination , Cyprian ( Epist. 68. ) is full to this purpose . Plebs ipsa maxime habet potestatem , vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi , quod & ipsum videmus de divina authoritate descendere ut Sacerdos sub omnium oculis , plebe presente deligatur , & dignus atque idoneus public●… judicio ac Testimonio comprobetur . That is , The people themselves have Chiefly the power , either of Electing , worthy priests , or refusing the unworthy : which mater we see even of it self to descend from the divine authority , that the priest be set apart under the eyes of all in the peoples presence , and as worthy and qualified be approved by a publick judgment and Testimony . So lib : 1. Epist : 4. is full for the Churches libertie and right in elections . The 4t . Council of Carthage [ Can. 22. ] Requires to the admission of every Clergy man , civium assensum , & testimonium & convenientiam , The consent of the citzens , their testimonie , and agreement Socrat [ l. 4. c. 25. sayes that Ambrose was chosen Bishop of Millan by the uniform voice of the Church . In the pretended Apostolick , but truely old constitutions of Clement [ lib. 8. cap. 4. ] The Bishop who must be ordained is appointed in all things to be unblameable , chosen by all the people ; unto whom let the people being assembled on the Lords day ( N. B. ) with the Presbytery and the Bishops there present , give their consent : And a Bishop askes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Presbytery , & the people●… , if they desire such a man to be set over them . The Helvetick confession told us , that the right choosing of Ministers is by consent of the Church . So the Belgick confession tells us [ that Ministers , Elders , and Deacons , are to be advanced to their office by the lawfull election of the Church . ] Greg. Nazian . ( orat . 31. ) commends Athanasius his calling as being after the Apostolical example 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the suffrage of all the people . Blondel clears this from a large consent of antiquitie ( page , 379. to 473. ) And this is cleared also by a large consent of protestant divines . Luther ( de potest . Papae . ) Calvin ( on Act. 6 : 3. ) Beza ( confess . Cap. 5. Art. 35. ) Musculus ( in Loc. com . ) Zanch. ( on 4t . com . ) Junius ( Animadvers . on Bellarm . Controv. 5. l. c. 7. ) Cartwright ( on Act. 14. v. 23. ) Wallaeus , Bullinger , Wittaker . See Mr Gilesp . Misc. quest . pag 18 , 19. Our first book of Discipline appoints to the people their votes and suffrage in election of Ministers . ( in the 4t . head . ) And the 2d . book ( Cap 3. ) discharges any to intrude contrary to the will of the congregation — or without the voice of the eldership . A 4t . Essential point of Presbyterian Government in opposition to Prelacie , is in relation to the office of the ruleing elder , as appointed by Christ. This we cleared from Scripture , and there is as cleare a consent of antiquitie for it , and of modern reformed Churches and divines , exhibited by our writers . For this Ignatius ( Epist : ad Trallianos , ad initium pag. 66. edit . oxon . An. 1644. ) is cited . Likewise Baronius ( in his Annals Anno 103. in the Gesta purgationis Caeciliani & Felicis . ) Tertul. ( Apolog. Advers : gentes . Cap. 39. ) Origen . ( ontra Celsum lib. 3. ) Cyprian ( Epist. 36. ) Optatus ( lib. 1. pag. 41. edit : paris : An. 1631. ) Ambrose ( comment . on 1 Tim. 5 : 1. ) And for modern writers , Whittaker ( contra Duraeum lib : 9. Sect. 47. ) Thorndicks discourse of religious assemblies ( cap. 4. pag. 117. ) Rivet ( Cathol . Orthodox , Tract . 2. quest . 22 , Sect. 4 ) . Finally . Presbyterian Government , as it stands in opposition to the present Prelacie in its Erastian mould , and maintaines a spirituall authoritie in the hands of Church officers , distinct from , and independent upon the civill powers of the world , hath as full a consent of the learned . As Erastianism was first hatched by Thomas Erastus Physician in Heidleberg about the year 1568. — And much catched up , and pleaded for by Arminians since , so it hath been impugned by a full consent of reformed divines , who have fully proved it to be contrary to the rules of Church Government set down in the Scripture both in the old and new Testament , and utterly eversive of the Gospel Ministrie and Church . The eminent divines who have written against it , are Beza ( who encounters with Erastus himself upon this point ) Zachriasursin , Wallaeus , Helmichius , Triglandus , Dr Revius , Dr Voetius , Appollonius , and many others , Especially the famous and learned Mr Gillespy in that elaborat peice , entituled , Aarons rod blossoming ; wherein the consent of the ancient , and modern Church , as to this great point of truth , is exhibit . See 2. book . 1 Cap. p●…g . 167. Now , from all that is said , Whither Presbyterian Government hath not the patronage of the purest Scripture antiquity , and a full consent of the after purer times , and of reformed Churches and divines , in all the forementioned points of its opposition to the Prelacie now established : Both in holding , 1. The identity of Bishop and Presbyter , as to name and things 2. Presbyters right of ordination , and Jurisdiction . 3. The peoples interest in the Election , and call o. Ministers . 4. The ruleing Elders office . 5. The Churches intrinsick power of Government , I leave to the Impartiall to judge . And consequently of the vanity of this new Dialoguist , His pleading upon this point . A Confutation Of the Second DIALOGUE , Anent the Covenants Against EPISCOPACIE . Wherein , the Informers reasonings against the abjuration of the present Episcopacie in the National and Solemne League and Covenant , and the obligation of these oaths in opposition thereunto , are examined . CHAP. I. Atwofold state of the Question proposed , the one touching the abjuration of this Prelacie in either or both these Covenants , the other concerning the obligation of these oathts against it . That Prelacie is abjured in the National and Solemne League and Covenant , proved at large . And arguments offered to evince their oblidging force upon the present and succeeding generations . THE state of the Question in the Second Dialogue is twofold , 1. Whither the Prelacie now established by Law in this Church , be abjured in the national , and solemne league and Covenant ? 2. Upon supposition that it is abjured in both the one and the other , whither the obligation of these Oaths stands against it , yea or not ? Wee shall a litle touch . For the 1. Our National Covenant , sworne by King Iames in the the year 1580 , and by the Estates of this land , and many times thereafter , solemnlie and universally renewed , both by our Church and State , doth clearly exclude Prelacie . The passages thereof pleaded against Prelacie , and wherein our obligation lyes , are these . 1. In General , wee professe to believe the word of God to be the onlie rule , the Gospel contained therein to be Gods undoubted truth , as then received in this Land & maintained by sundrie reformed Kirks & States , chiefly by our own . Whereupon we renounce all contrary doctrine , and especially all kind of Papistrie in generall & particular heads , as confuted by the word of God and rejected by the Kirk of Scotland . 2. After a large enumeration of many points of poprie , disowned upon this ground and vowed against , as contrary unto the word of God , and the gospel of Salvation contained therein . Wee renounce the Popes worldly monarchie , and wicked Hierarchie , and whatever hath been brought into this Church without , or against the word of God. 3. Wee vow to joyne our selves to this reformed Kirke in Doctrine , faith , religion & Discipline ; Swearing by the great name of God to continue in obedience to the doctrine , and Discipline of this Kirke , and upon our Eternall perill to maintaine and defend the same according to our vocation , and power , all the dayes of our life . Now the obligation of this engadgement against prelacie is evident these wayes . 1. All doctrines contrary unto , or beside the word of God , are here rejected and disowned : All doctrines contrary to the simplicity of the Gospel , recived and believed by the Church of Scotland , and whatever hath been brought into this Church without or against Gods Word . But so it is that the present hierarchy is contrary unto the Word of God , both in its Diocesi●… and Erastian mould , as hath been proved at large . And we heard that this Church of Scotland , since it received Christianity , did stand for a long time under Presbyterian Government , and untill Palladius was sent unto us from Pope Celestine , never knew a Prelat , Ergo , Prelacie in its Diocesian Erastian mould is here abjured . 2. Our Prelacie is condemned in that clause of the Popes wicked hierarchie , whereby the Prelatick Government is most clearly pointed at , which is evident thus . 1. That the Government of the popish Church is prelaticall : this man will not deny , it is by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Primats Deans &c : and it being distinct from his Monarchie , for else the naming of his worldly monarchie had been enough : and moreover , it being ranked among these things which are brought into the Church against the Word of God , and into this Church against her pure Doctrine which was clearly the sense of it , that assemblies , and the body of this Protestant Church entertained ; assemblies declaring that the Word [ Bishop ] was not to be taken as in time of Papistrie . And Iohn Knox ( whose sense and Judgement herein was certanlie retained , and upon all occasions manifested by our Reformers ) accounting Prelacie to have quid commune cum Antichristo . Ergo , Prelacie is here vowed against simpliciter and in it self considered . 2. If he grant a hierarchie to be here abjured , sure it must be abjured with the rest of the corruptions enumerat in that large list of them exhibited in this Oath . Now these are abjured in themselves simpliciter , as contrary unto the Word of God and the doctrine of this Kirke , ergo , So must a prelacie or hierarchie be in its self abjured under the same formalis ratio , as thus brought in , whither by the Pope or any other . 3. This hierarchie is supposed in this Oath to be contrary unto the Discipline of this Church , as well as the popish Doctrine is therein supposed contrarie to her pure Doctrine . Now ( as we shall shew ) the Discipline which this Church then owned , was Presbyterian . So that that Discipline or Hierarchie , which stands in opposition to Presbyterian Government , is here abjured : but so it is that prelacie ex se , & sua natura stands thus opposit unto it , ergo , by the hierarchie , all prelacy is abjured . 3. Prelacy is abjured in that clause where we professe to joyne our selves to this reformed Kirk in her Discipline , as well as her Doctrine , and vow and sweare adherence unto both . Now that the Discipline then owned by this Church , was Presbyterian Government or discipline , Is evident these wayes . 1. Discipline by generall assemblies and Synods having compleat parity of all Ministers , with a joynt decisive suffrage , is Presbyterian Discipline ; but this was that Discipline owned by our Church : For her first Nationall Assembly ( compleatly Presbyterial in its mould ) was in the Year 1560. After which time untill 1580 When this Covenant was sworne , there were many assemblies exercising their power . 2 , That is presbyterian Discipline , which did judicially condemne prelacie as having no warrand in the Word , and ownes no Church officers as lawfull but pastours , Doctors , Elders and Deacons . But so it is that this was the judiciall decision of our generall assemblies , long before this Covenant ; for the first book of discipline , containing the Basis of presbyterian Government , was approved and subscribed by this Church in the year 1560. And the Second book of discipline in Anno 1578. Which two books compleatly overthrow Prelacie , & layes down a mould of Presbyterian government . And therafter in the assembly at Dundie ( Anno. 1580. Sess. 4. ) The office of a Prelat was particularly condemned by a solemne act , and abolished as unlawfull , and void of Scripture warrand , ordaining under paine of excommunication such as brooked the said office to lay it aside , as ane office to which they are not called of God , and cease from preaching and administring Sacraments , under hazard of the same Censure ; or using the office of a Pastour till they receive admission [ de novo ] from the generall assemblie . Now in the nationall covenant , this existent discipline being sworne to be maintained , who can say but that Prelacie is most formallie abjured therein ; Especially if it be considered , that in the same year 1580 This national covenant was sworn , at which timethese things were so fresh & recent . 3. That discipline which the takers and framers of this cov●…nant , at the taking of it , and in pursuance of its ends , did carry on and establish , that discipline it must needs include and engadge unto in their sense : but that was Presbyterian-government . For ( to omit many preceeding discoveries heirof mentioned in the Apology ) in the year 1580. The assemblie after their judiciall declarator , that Prelacie is contrary to the word of God , sent Commissioners to the King to desire the establishment of the book of policie by ane Act of Council , untill a parliament were conveened ; and what this book of policie contained , we did already hint . Then in this same year , the national covenant and confession is sworn by the King and Council . In the assemblie 1581. it is subscribed by all the members , and the Act of the Assemblie at Dundie explained . And it was again judicially declared that the Church did thereby wholly Condemne the estate of Bishops as they were in Scotland . At which very Nick of time the Confession of faith ( Sworn before in the year 1580. ) is presented to the assemblie by the King and Council , Together with his Letter to Noblemen and Gentlemen for erecting Presbyteries Compleatly through the nation , and dissolving Prelacies , all the three , viz , both the King , the Estates and the assemblie , fully agreeing in this judgement as to Church government , and this oath for its maintenance . And according to this joynt authoritative determination of Church and State , Presbyteries were erected . Likwise in this assemblie according to the forsaid joynt conclusion , the Second book of discipline containing the mould of Presbyterial Government , and likewise this National Covenant and oath for its perservation , are ( as the two great Charters of our Churches government and liberties ) insert into the Churches records ad futuram rei memoriam , And that posterity might not be ignorant of the discipline sworn in that covenant . Upon which , and many such like grounds , the Assemblie 1638 did again judicially declare this sense of this National Oath , which accordingly was received with ane expresse application to prelacy , and the other Corruptions attending it , and taken by the whole land with a full concurrence of the civil Sanction and authoritie , Anno. 1640. The 2d . Great engadgement pleaded against prelacie , is that of the Solemne League and covenant : Wherin we vow the preservation of the reformed religion of the Church of Scotland in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and government according to the word of God , and the example of the best reformed Churches . In the Second Article , Wee sweare the extirpation of poprie and prelacie , Arch-Bishops , Bishops , their Chancellours and Commissaries &c. And all Ecclesiasticall officers depending on that Hierarchie — of whatever is found contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of godliness . Which engadgement hath been likwise taken by all rancks , by Parliaments , Assemblies , and the body of the people . Now that the Prelacie at this time established is abjured in this engadgement , is these wayes Evident . 1. Prelacie being razed in Anno. 1638. according to our national covenant , and ane engadgement being framed of adherence to the Religion established in Doctrine , worship , discipline and Government , in opposition unto all innovations formerly introduced , and upon both grounds , Presbyterian government , in its exact paritie being sett up , and judicially enacted , both by Assemblie and parliament : that the Solemne league must needs strike against Prelacie , is in this apparent , because this league is clearlie referable to the great ends of the national covenant , as it stood then established , explained and Sworne by this whole nation ; and therfor is ane accessorie engadgement , commensurat unto , and to be explained by the preceeding : and consequently none can doubt that it strikes against prelacie , and engadgeth to Presbyterian government , who knowes how former engadgements stood . 2. The preservation of the Doctrine , worship , Discipline and goverment then existent in Scotland , referring to the then establishment therof , in opposition to the former prelacie and all its corruptions ; It s evident that all sort of prelacie & whatever corruption in Government is inconsistent with Presbyterian simplicity and parity , is here abjured and covenanted against . As we engadge the preservation of the Doctrine and worship as then reformed , from Prelatick innovations , so likewise we sweare to preserve our Churches ancient and pure discipline as it stood then recovered from prelatick encroachments . That discipline & government is here sworne unto , as the discipline and government of the Church of Scotland , which the Church and State of Scotland at this time established and owned : But so it is , that that was Presbyterian government , then fully ratified both by Church and State , Ergo , the preservation of Presbyterian government is sworne ; and by further consequence that government which was by Church and state extirpate , as abjured in the nationall covenant , and contrary unto this Presbyterian frame , was likwise abjured and covenanted against in this league . But such was prelacie , Bishops , Arch-Bishops &c : ergo . Again . 3. The great ground upon which our adversaries deny the national Covenant to strike against prelacie , is , that they hold that the then existent discipline , to which in that Oath we vow adherence as the discipline of this Church , was not Presbyterian government , & that King Iames did not own it . Ergo , ( by ane argument a contrariis , and ad hominem ) since its undenyable with them that de facto Presbyterian government was now enacted , ratified , established and sett up , both by Assemblies and King and Parliament , that goverment we must stand oblidged unto by the solemn league , as the reformed discipline and government of this Church , and contrarily that government which was then de facto by assemblies , King and Parliament razed as inconsistent with Presbyterian government , and as abjured in the nationall Covenant , that government wee cannot deny , but the solemne league stricks against . But so it is that prelacie was at this time razed by Assemblies , King and Parliament , as inconsistent with the nationall covenant , and Presbyterian government then established , ergo this solemne league stricks against Prelacie . 4. The word preserve here used — and the expression of common enemies cleares this further : preserving ●…relates to that which one is in possession of , the common enemies of this possession , in the sense of all , both Imposers and engadgers , are the Prelats and their Malignant Agents , so that the holding fast of what was attained in point of reformation &c : Presbyterian government in all its established priviledges against Prelats , Prelacie , and all the incroachements thereof , is here most evidently engadged unto . 5. That engadgement and oath which they who have set up prelacie in our Church , did Cassat and remove , as inconsistent therewith , that must needs , by their own confession strike against it : but so it is , that our Parliament and Rulers did wholly Cassat this solemne league , in order to the establishing of Prelacie . Ergo , by their own confession it strikes against it . They cassat the nationall covenant onlie as interpreted against Prelacie , supposing that it will not in its self strike against it , but the league they simply abjure , and disclaime its obligation as to a change of this Prelacie : Ergo they doe upon the mater acknowledge that it stricks against it . Finaly , Our adversaries doe grant that it strikes against Bishops , Arch-Bishops , Deans &c : That we are bound therby to extirpat such officers , though its onlie that specifick complex forme expressed in the Second Article , which they think is properlie abjured . But 1. Is it not a prelacie inconsistent with Presbyterian government ( which we engadge to preserve in the First Article ) which wee abjure and engage to extirpat in the Second , and under this formalis ratio , as thus inconsistent , in the sense and judgement of our Church and State ( the Imposers of the Oath ) ? And are not Bishops , Arch-Bishops , Deans &c : contrary to Presbyterian government , then in being ? 2. Dare this man or any of that partie deny but that the former prelacie which we had in Scotland was intended to be abjured by our Church and State , and the Imposers and renewers of this oath , and doe not all engagements bind according to the sense of Imposers , in the judgement of Casuists ? 3. Is not our Government now by two Arch-Bishops and twelve Bishops ? Have not these their Deans , Archdeacons , Chanters & c ? 4. Are not our Prelats restored to all their pretended priviledges , taken from them by the Parliament who Imposed this oath ? Nay redintegrat to a more absolute possession of pretended Spirituall authority then ever any befor them possessed since our reformation ? 5. Are we not engadged to extirpat all Eeclesiastick officers depending upon that hierarchie , as we are engaged against whatsoever is contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of godlinesse not in bulk onlie , but every thing Sigillatim upon this ground , and formalis ratio ? And dare any of them deny that in the sense of Imposers , a diocesian Bishop or Arch-Bishop ( especially as their power now stands enlarged and qualified ) is contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godlines ? Dare he say that any of the Imposers judged ane Arch-Bishop , or Bishop , especially in such ane Erastian mould as he is now , to be consistent with the word of God ? Sure he were very Impudent who would assert it . This being clear then , that these engadgements leavells against the present Prelacie , let us point out Next , their obliging force . This will be clear , if we consider these oaths . 1. In their forme or formalis ratio , or nature and essence . 2. In relation to their subject whom they affect . 3. In their mater and object . 4. Their end and designe . 1. In their Forme , and that either in relation to severall sorts of tyes included in them . Or 2. The Qualifiations of these tyes . For the 1. They are oaths wherin God is invocked as a witnesse of our sinceritie , and as a swift witness against us if we breake . The Scripture is full in pointing at the Sacred nature of oaths . The Third command of that fiery law which Gods own voice pronounced from Heaven ; and which his finger wrote upon the Tables , and which he commanded to be keept within the Ark , is , thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vaine , and with this severe Certificat , that he will not hold them guiltlesse who thus profane his name . He threatens to be a swift witnesse against the false swearer . [ Thou shalt performe to the Lord thy oaths , ] is amongst the grand and morall precepts frequentlie inculcat in Scripture . See levit : 6. 3. 19. 12. Numb . 30. 2. Psal. 15. 4. In this egagement the debt accrews to God , and the absolution consequentlie must have his speciall warrand . Quia religio juramenti pertinet ad forum divinum . Hence the Scripture is full of Instances of the Lords dreadfull punishing the sin of perjurie , witnesse that of Saul and Zedekiah whereof afterward . Now in both these engadgements , there is expresse mention made of Swearing by , and unto God. 2. These engadgements are promises or promissory oaths , whererein we express our purpose , and resolution , as to important duties both to God and man , invocking himselfs as a witness of our sinceritie : we have opened our mouths to God , and to one another in reference to great and weighty duties , relating to the first and Second Table . O what strong bonds are promises , especially of this nature ; what conscience did even heathens make of them , where of instances are abundantly adduced in the Apologie ( pag : 334 , 335. &c. ) 3 : These engadgements are vowes unto God , that is promises made to God in the things of God , such as publick and personall reformation : God here is not only invoked as a witness , but is the proper Correlat and partie in this engagement , and O but it is a fearfull thing to fall into his hands , to be punished for the breach hereof . The Scripture is full as to commands and precedents to pay and performe our vowes , see Numb : 30 : 2. 1. Sam : 1 , 21. Ps. 76 , 11. Ecc : 5 , 4. 5. 4. They are Covenants , and that both with God and man , viz : engadgements to God for performance of duties revealed in his word , such as the people made , when upon the lawes promulgation , they said , whatsoever the Lord commands we will doe , Exod. 19. 8. cap. 24 : 3 , 7. Deut. 5 , 27. and 26 , 17. and therefore are so often charged with breach of Covenant in their after disobedience . We have engadged to God ( in these vowes ) speaking to us in his word from heaven , touching nationall and personall reformation . Here is also a mutuall stipulation betwixt the nations , and with one another touching important duties of the 2d . table in relation to there mutuall rights . Now , the Scripture is full in pointing out the weight and importance of such engadgements , see Ezek : 17. Jos. 9 : 18 , 19. Neh : 9 : 38. Jer : 34 : 18. So that in these Sacred bonds there is the tye of an oath , from the reverence we owe to God , whose name we must not take in vain . The obligation of a vow , from the homage and fealty we owe unto him , the strength of a promise , both to God and man , from the influence of truth and righteousnesse , all concurring to render the same Sacred and inviolable . The binding force of these engadgements does further appear in their qualities , as 1. they were solemnly taken on : It s a Maxime that the obligation grows ▪ with the solemnity of ane engadgement ; and the Scripture aggregeth the breach from the solemnity , such as the cutting the ealfe in twain , and Zedekiahs giving of the hand &c. For this imports deliberation and resolution in the engadgers , and renders the breach more scandalous and infamous . These oaths were taken by solemn assemblies , and Parliaments , after conference , prayer , fasting &c. 2. These are holy and most weightie engagements in the great concerns of Gods glory and our own salvation , the crown and kingdome of Christ against Anti-christ . 3. They are large and extensive , including duties of the whole word of God , all duties we are tyed to in his holy law . 4. They are universall engadgements , all were given up to God in them , representatives and members of Church and state . 5. perpetuall and reall , as that betwixt David and Ionathan 2. Sam : 9 : 7 : 21 : 7. That betwixt Ioshua and the Gibeonites , Ioshua 9 : 18 , 19. And that Covenant Dent : 29 : 14 , 15. Secondly the binding force of theseengadgements appears in the subject they affect , as first , our Church in her representatives , and in their most publick capacity , the solemne assemblies in both nations . 2. State representatives & Parliaments , thus all assurances are given , that either civil or Ecclesiastick lawes can affoord , and the publick faith of Church & state is plighted with inviolable tyes : So that they must stand while we have a Church or state , in Scotland ; both as men and as Christians , as mmbers of Church & State , under either a rereligious or civill consideration , we stand hereby inviolably engadged : and not only representatives but the incorporation of Church and State are under the same . Thirdly their binding force appears in the matter and Object , 1. The immediatformall object is the Word of God & the Truths and duties therein contained , and whatever is contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of Godlinesse , under that formalis ratio , is here abjured , the eternall Truth of the Gospell as holden out in the Word , and received in this and reformed Kirks being the grand rule in this engadgement , whatsoever is approved by it , is embraced , and what is condemned by it , is rejected under that notion . 2. The more remote or materiall Object , are the publick , necessary , great and important Truths and duties therein enumerat , both of the 1 and 2 Table , and the errours and sins therein abjured : To the observation , faith and obedience of the one , and abhorrencie of the other , under the formentioned consideration as either consonant unto , or dissonant from Gods eternall Word and truth , we stand perpetually and inviolably oblidged : So that this Oath hath ane objective , as well as subjective necessity contained therein , a necessity of the matter in its own nature , prior to the engadgement , as well as a necessity of performance flowing from the engadgement it self , which may take place in things indifferent . Finaly the constantly obliging ends and scope of these engadgments , joyned with the importance of the Matter subservient to these ends , further discover their inviolable obligaions . There is here both necessitas precepti , necessitas medij , & finis . The matter sworne to be performed , falls under divine precepts , the sins and evills abjured , falls under divine prohibitions , and these engadgements are both in respect of the matter it self , and as to the professed scope of the swearers and engadgers , levelled at continually obliging ends , such as Gods glory , the advancing of Christs Kingdom , the publick good of Church and State , the preservation and propagation of publick and personall reformation , truth , unity &c. Now both these Oaths and Covenants are professedly entered into as perpetual engadgements , and in order to these great ends for ever to be promoted , as their tenor clearly holds out . If any say what is all to the speciall obligation for Presbyterian Government , and in opposition to Prelacie●… ? the Oath may be temporary or cassat and made void as to that point , though there be never so great duties otherwayes engadged unto therin . Ans This particular engadgement in relation to the maintenance of Presbyterian Government , and in opposition to Prelacie , runs along in the forementioned particulars . 1. It falls under the obligation of the Oath , vow , promise , and Covenant , and under the forementioned qualifications of solemnity , universality , and importance . Again 2. the publick faith of Church and State reaches this most evidently , and is engadged for it . And 3. as Gods great ordinance holden out in his Word , Presbyterian Government falls within the compass of the object of these Oaths , and under that consideration is sworne to be maintained , and Prelacie as contrary therunto is abjured , which contrariety hath been already cleaed . Again Presbyterian Government is here engadged unto as subservient to these great ends mentioned , and Prelacie is abjured as hindering the same , as both the Word of God and experience hath convincingly discovered . CHAP. II. The Informers arguments against the abjuration of Prelacy in the nationall Covenant fully examined . Some reasons of his against an Oath in generall , or this Oaths obligation upon the posterity , weighed . The Apologeticall narration , and the Assembly 1638 , vindicated . WE come now to examine what this new absolver or pretended doubt-resolver , hath presented to us against the oblidging force of these great engadgments . The defence which he hath patcht up out of the survey of Naphtali , and that pamphlet called the seasonable case , consists of 2. parts . 1. He denys that the bond of either the national , or solemne league and Covenant , doth strike against the present Prelacie . 2. Upon supposall that the solemne league and Covenant doth strike against it , he denys its obligation . In both points we shall examine his grounds and trace his Method . I the doubter alledges that Prelates are abjured in the Covenant , so that none may warrantably owne the Ministry of such as preach under them , as being perjured . To this consequence he repones nothing , but seems to admitt it , and therefore we need not speak unto it . Only he quarrells with the antecedent & tells us that we would act more Christian Like , if we were sparing in judging another mans servants , who stand or fall to their own Master . But the judging there forbidden , being a rash felfish judging of others in things indifferent , as meats or drinks , and ( as Calvin paraphraseth the words ) de hominium factis pronunciare extra verbum Dei de factis aliorum non licet statuere secundum nostram ipsius estimationem , sed ex verbo Dei. That we are not to judge of mens practises by our own opinion , but according to the rule of the Word , and not without its limits . Telling us further , that Iudicium quod a verbo sumitur , neque humanum est neque alienum that it is no human privat judgement which is drawn from the Scriptures , the impertinent application of this passage & premised Scripture to our case , which is a practicall disowning of palpable perjury , and turning away from such , whose instruction causeth to erre from the words of knowledge , is obviously evident . This is no judging without Gods word , but according to it , to say that perjury is perjury , sin is sin . Our Informer by this new knack would take away all christian judgement of discretion , yea by this his wide glosse , all judiciall decisions whither civill or ecclesiastik . Besides , is not his pamphlet a judging of another mans servants , Ministers and people , as schismaticks and what not , for disowning Curats upon the forementioned grounds . Doth he not and all his party judge , despise , and persecute the people God , for that which he calls indifferent , and a disputable point , at the foot of the page . But to proceed , his Doubter alledging [ that all stand bound against Bishops in the Covenants which doe abjure them ] he cryes out at , all Bound ! as a paradox , and tells us that many Ministers and people never took it , and asks if we think them bound . Yes we think them bound as we do judge them bound in Gods covenant ( Deut : 29. ) who were not there , as well as these who were there , young and old , wives , little ones , from the hewer of wood , to the drawer of water . It seems this man either hath not read that chapt : or understands not the import of nationall compacts even among nations themselves ; which do certainlie oblidge all members in the incorporation , although not personally sworne by every individuall . Will he say that no subject as a born subject oweth fealty and alledgeance to his Majestie , but such as have personally sworn the oaths of supremacie or alledgeance . If so , then a man could not , be guilty of treason , which is certainly a breach of this fealty , unlesse he had personally sworn , which I know not who will assert . But the doubter alledging That it obligeth even the posterity , he tells us that this is a strange fancy , Iuramentum being with casuists , vinculum personale , binding those that took it only , that accordingly the Covenant sayes , [ we every one for ourselves ] and not [ for our selves and others ] — That the father who was against Bishops , his swearing should not prelimit his sons judgement ( who is for them ) in a disputable point , or oblidge him to act contrary , to his judgment . Ans : 1. That there are covenants and oaths reall and hereditary , as well as personal , is evident in scripture ; and if this man were not more led by fancy then truth he would not deny it , which is not only thus evident , but acknowledged also by Casuists . Was not that oath and Covenant , Deut : 29. made with them who were not there and belonging unto ( and by consequence engadging ) their seed for ever . Deut : 5 : 2 , 3. Moses tells the people emphatically that God made the Covenant with them who were then alive , even that Covenant at Horeb , though they were all near dead with whom it was made . Neh 9. 38. all entred into Covenant but only some sealed it . Was not that oath of Josephs brethren anent the carrying up of his bones from Egypt to Canaan , the oath to the Gibeonites , such as did reach and oblidge their posteritie ? So that oath betwixt David and Jonathan . 2. Sam : 9. 7. Now that the nature of this oath is such , cannot be doubted , it being about matters of perpetuall and everlasting importance , which no time can alter , evacuat or limit , and having the publick faith of Church and state interposed therin , by a vowand Covenant with God and man over and above the oath : And likewise being in its nature promissory , in relation to duties , midses and ends perpetually necessary and oblidging , it is palpably evident that it is reall , and not personall only . 2. For that expression , every one for our selves , it is very impertinently here alleadged to exclude the posterity : for the end and motive of the oath before this is expressed to be , the glory of God , the advancement of Christs kingdome , the happiness of the King and his posterity , the true publick liberty , safety of the kingdomes &c. wherin every ones private state is included ; which of necessity includes the posterity and designes the obligation for them . Next , in the close of the first article , the posterity is expresly taken in , when the end and designe of the matters therin contained is said to be , that we and our posterity after us may live in faith and love &c : And in the close of the 5. article we engadge to endeavour that the Kingdomes may remaine conjoined in a firme peace and union to all posterity : and therefor his negative inference viz : for our selves , and not for our posterity , is opposit unto the very sense , scope , and words of this oath : so that this clause is cleary referable unto the various capacities , conditions , and relations , wherein , in order to the work of God , the then engadgers stood . 3. his notion about prelimiting the son by the fathers engadgement , is a poore shift . For this might be objected against any nationall mutuall compact , in matters of a farr lower nature then this . This might have been objected against Josuahs oath to the Gibeonites . Might not the posterity look upon it as a disputable point to keep unto them , and might not Zedekiahs posterity look on it as a disputable point to keep that oath of his to the king of Babylon ? I wonder if this man would think it ane unlawfull Covenant and vow to engadge for prelacie as now constitute , and oblidge for our selves and posterity , that it shall stand in this posture . Sure he will not deny the warrantableness of this , since he looks upon prelacie as the ancient apostolick frame , owned by the primitive Church . But shall the sons judgement who is other wayes minded , be prelimited by the father , or els must he act contrary to his judgement ? let the Informer see to this . If he say it s not a disputable point to hold the present prelacie , and that therefor the son is oblidged to informe his judgement and act rationally , the obligation to the dutie carrying in its bosom a prior obligation to know it : surely he must acknowledge that this is our case and answer as to the Covenant ; and that consequently his objection is naught , and the horns of his horned argument are crooked , so that it pushes us with neither of them . We might also here tell him that a prelimitation as to practice , in many things not indispensably necessary : will fall under the fathers paternall power over Children , witnesse that case of the Rechabites : And that this will not in every thing inferre a prelimi , tation in judgment as to the object simpliciter : Nay who knows no●… that the great morall precept [ honour Thy Father and thy Mother ] imports a very extensive obligation upon Children as such , in order to obedience to parents , and gives unto parents a large , and extensive authority hereanent . But shall the son be prelimit in his judgment anent all these , or act contrary to it ? so this objection ( in the Informers sense , and according to his scope ) will blurre out a great part of the 5t . Command . But what needs more , the matters here engadged unto , are important truths and dutys , not disputable points , as he and the rest of his adiaphorist latitudinarian party would make them : and therefor we are under perpetuall obligations to owne and mantaine the same . But if this man will abide a quere here , and a litle retortion of his notion further , thinks he it not hard to prelimit the faithfull ministery and professors of this nation , in their judgement about his disputable points of the present conformity , by so many laws and acts , or else oblidge them to act contrary to their judgement ? Sure fathers have at least as great , if not a greater authority to limit their children , then the Prelats and their party to prelimit the Presbyterian Ministers of this Church . Especially ( which is our advantage in this comparison ) the children being supposed under no previous contrary obligations to that which in this case the fathers put upon them in relation to prelacie , as the non-conformists are under counter obligations to that which is now demanded of them by their persequutors . Mr Crofton . ( in his analepsis , pag. 145. ) tells us that considering the Covenant as made by the people of England , as a Kingdom and a Politicall body , professing the reformed religion , it looks like a nationall obligation , that the confluence of publick assent and authority by the people collectively and distributively considered , the accession of Royall assent , makes it a Publick and nationall Covenant , binding all persons of the nation ( that sware , or sware not personally ) and our posterity after us , in their particular places , and all that shall succeed unto the publick places , and Politick capacities of this kingdom , to preserve and pursue the things therein promised , so long as it remaines a kingdom , under one king , and in the profession of one reformed religion . He enforces this with the lord chief Barons speech , to the condemned traytors at the old baylie [ you were bound to beare allegance to your king , yea though you may not have taken the oath of alleadgance your selves , yet yow were bound by the Recogintion of king James and his posterity made at his first coming to the crown of this Realme , by the whole parliament , being the whole collective body of the kindom ] hence he inferrs , that they and their posterity , must needs be bound , who themselves have [ universaly ] by the authority of such who were intrusted for them engadged the faith of the nation : for I see not ( saith he ) how they can give away our estates or take pardons in the name , and to the security of the nation if they may not in our name make oaths , promises , and Covenants to bind us and our Succeeding generations and posterities , in sense whereof I cannot but desire all that wish well to England to consider the Covenant , the Solemne League and Covenant . So that with Mr Crofton it is an uncontrovertible point , that the obligation of this Sacred oath reaches the posterity , which he makes good from the sense and pleading of the Lord chief Baron in the point of alledgance and fealty to his Majesty which is the sentiment of all Lawers , and of the law itself . So that what our Informer calls ane odd fancy , appears to be a most solid truth , consonant both to Scripture , reason and the law of nations . As for the next objection of his doubter anent the fathers oblidging for the child in Baptism it is not our argument , nor is sutable to the state of this question , which is concerning a Covenant taken for our seed al 's well as for our selves ; and if he acknowledge that the father binds not , in the name and room of the childe , then it toucheth not our point , for our question is about fathers taking on engadgements for themselves and their posterity . As for what the Informer adds here , its good that he acknowledges that ane oblidging force flows from the binding mater in that baptismall Covenant , and that the childs obligation is strengthened by his vow , which is enough in our case against him , since the matter of our Covenants , and vows fall under divine precepts , to which the obligation of the oaths and vows is accessory . So that having sworne to keep these holy engadgements unto God , we must performe , and here he contradicts his forleader , the author ▪ of the seasonable case , who will have us either acknowledge the matter of the Covenant indifferent , or not plead the force of an oath or vow as superadded to that which was duty before . The doubter next objects That having sworne against prelacie we must not any more dispute , or question the obligation , citing , Prov : 20. 25. This objection he advantagiously for himself , but foolishly propones , that he may make way for some discourse ( forsooth ) upon this Scripture . We acknowledge as well as he , that we are not forbidden to enquire into an oath and vow in what cases , and how farre it is binding . Nay this is commanded , since we must both sweare and performe in Iudgement , which requires a knowledge and inquiry as we saide before ; and when an oath of vow is found materialy unlawfull , and vinculum Iniquitatis , it is no transgression of this precept to quite it . Such an inquiry as is in order to the understanding and performance of this vow in faith , we will allow whither to young or old . Only for what he sayes of many who were put to sweare at schools and colledges , and engadge in this Covenant , who could not do it in judgement , it is a calumnie which he cannot justifie , all being exhorted and instructed therein who were come to Years of discretion , so as to be in capacity to enter into this Covenant , with judgement : and if lesser young ones present in congregations where it was sworne , did signifie a spontaneous consent , it was no more , then what Israels litle ones did by their presence before the Lord , Deut : 29. Well , but what is forbidden ehre to make inquiry ( saith he ) how the vow may be eluded . This is ingenuouslie saide , and hereby his own lips condemne him and all his party , who have been now for many years , racking their wits to finde out evasions how to elude this Sacred vow . Witnesse the many pamphlets on this Subject since his Majestie 's returne , and this mans among the rest . But the Doubter alleading that upon enquiry we will finde our selves bound against prelacy both by the nationall & solemme League . He falls upon his impugnation first of the nationall Covenant , telling us as touching it [ that the terme of the Popes wicked hiearchy will not include prelacie , as the survey of Naphtali fully proves ] well , let us hear these proofs . The first is because king Iames and his counsel ( the imposers of that Covenant , and the takers of it , Anno 1580 ) did in anno 1581 : ratifie the agreement at Leith , made betwixt the Commissioners of the state and Church anno 1581. which was in favours of episcopacy . And would the king and counsell the next year have acted so contrary to it , if they had thought all episcopacy to be abjured therin Ans. Is this the great demonstration , which the Survever , and he have drawen out to prove this point , this being nothing but the old musty store of the Seasonable case , better propounded therein , then it s here . To this I say , first , it is a very weak or rather wilde proof to conclude that such a corruption as prelacie could not be imported in that expression , Because the takers and imposers did some time after counteract and contradict their engadgement : must the sense of a promissory oath and Covenant be measured by the after practice of engadgers ? Sure he will not darre to admit this rule , and yet it s the very topick of his argument . I would but ask him , if we could clearly demonstrat from the words of this oath , and from this expression , that episcopacy is therein abjured , must he not grant that this argument taken from their after practice who took it , will signifie nothing , since it cannot stand good against the sense of the words , and the obligation natively resulting therefrom . Sure he cannot deny this , else he will swallow monstrous absurdities . And therefor unlesse he can disprove our arguments , which do prove prelacie to be abjured in that oath , and by the words in their genuine sense , he must grant that this practicall argument will signifie nothing . 2. He might have found that the Apologist outshoots the Surveyer and him , as also the Seasonable case in their own bow , and breaks this argument with a wedge of their own setting : for whereas they alledge that about a year or lesse after this Covenant was imposed and taken , King James ratified that aggreement at Leith . He retorts that at the assembly 1581. which had declared prelacie utterly Unlawfull , and without warrand in the word , the Kings Commissioner presented to them ( together with the Covenant subscribed by the King ) a plot of presbyterys to be erected by him through the Kingdom , together with his letter to noblemen and gentlemen to be assistant therein , and for dissolving prelacies , to make way for these judicatories made up of Ministers and Elders . Hence ( Saith he ) how could King James intend prelacy by this confession since the self same day ( a shorter time then half a year ) wherein this confession ( subscribed by him and his houshold ) was presented to be subscribed by the assembly , he presented a plot of presbyteries to be erected through the Kingdom . Now let our Absolvers Medium come in here , would King and counsell have acted so much for presbytery , and in opposition to Prelacie , in that very day wherein this nationall Covenant was presented by him , If he had not judged prelacie to be therein abjured , and presbyterie engaged unto . And ( if this assemblies carriage will have any weight in this argument ) would they have recorded this oath as the Test and badge of this their nationall engagement , after they had immediatly before judicially declared against prelacie , if they had not looked upon it as abjured therin , and understood this oath in a sense opposit thereunto . The Informers next reason is , that in their strivings with the King to get prelacie away , they never used this argument ; that it was abjured in the nationall Covenan●… , which they would have done , had they thought it to be included in that expression , of [ the Popes Hierarchie . ] This , our Informer hath very justly copied out of the Seasonable case . What ? had the Surveyer in all these pages which he cites , no new notions to furnish him with , that this proctor is still feeding on the old store . But to the matter , first , how ( I pray ) runs this argument , [ Ministers pleaded not this obligation at that time with King James : Ergo , There was no such meaning in the nationall Covenant ] surely this is a wide consequence . 2. this is yet wider [ we know not of any such pleading at that time : ergo there was none ] besides , he might have found that the Apollogist tells him out of Petries hist : pag. 448. That Mr. Melvin in anno 1584. writing to divines abroad anent our Church , shews them that three years since , the discipline of this Church was approved , sealed , and confirmed with profession of faith , subscription of hand , and religion of oath , by the King and every subject of every state particularly . And that ( pag ; 570. ) he shews that when some Ministers ( anno 1604 ) were accused by the Synod of Lothian as to a designe of overturning the government , the synod presented the confession of faith to them , as containing ane abjuration of prelacie , and a vow for presbyterian government , And that Mr. Forbes one of the impannelled Ministers for holding that meeting at Aberdeen in anno 1605. in his discourse to the gentlemen of the assize , shewed that they were bound by the nationall Covenant to mantaine the discipline of the Church , and having read it to them , he told them that they would be guilty of perjury , if for feare or flattery they discernd that to be treason which themselves had sworne and subscribed . Who also desired the Earle of Dunbar to shew the King what followed upon the breach of the oath to the Gibeonites , and that they feared the like should fall on him and his posterity . The Seasonable case ( pag : 13. ) acknow ledges that Ministers at that time lookt upon themselves as obliged against prelacy , by the national Covenant , as well as we by the League , in plaine contradiction to this Informer . As for that which he adds [ of Beza's intention in writing against prelacie ] we spoke to it already upon the first dialogue . And seeing this man objects to us Beza here again , we will offer to his consideration , Beza his 79. epistle written to John Knox , and dated at Geneva , Aprile 12. 1562. Wherein he sayes , This is the blessing of God that ye brought into Scotland , together with the sownd doctrine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or good discipline — he obrests him to keep these two , since if the one be lost , the other cannot long continue — thereafter he imputes it to this cause , viz the want of this pure discipline , that the gospell is preached to many in judgement , not in Mercy . Then he adds , I would have thee ( my Knox ) and the rest of the brethren remember ( which is now as befor our eyes ) that as the Bishops brought in the papacie , so these false Bishops the relicts of papacie , will bring Epicurisme into the Church . Let them beware of this whoever wish the safety of the Church : and seeing ye have once banished is out of Scotland , receive it never again , albeit it doth flatter with the shew of retaining unity , whereby many of the best ancients were deceived . See Petries hist. part . 3. pag. 376. The Doubter next enquiring what is meant by the Popes hierarchie . He answers , not all Bishops , but these who actually depended upon the Pope , and that all Bishops can no more be understood , then reformed Presbyters , who renounce their dependance upon him ; Presbyters and Deacons being a part of his hierarchie , as the Council of Trent determines . Ans. This is already removed when we did shew that prelacy is here abjured simpliciter , and absoluty , abstracting from this dependance , it being here abjured as other corruptions are abjured , not mainly or only , because the Pope brought them in ( as the assembly at Glasgow in the year 1638 clears it in their explanatory act , and likewise the Apollogist pag. 396. ) but as a corruption , ●…ex se & sua natura of its own nature , contrary to the word of God , and the pure received doctrine of this Church . It is His wicked hierarchie as the rest of the corruptious therein enumerat , are called [ his ] such as invocation of Saints , dedications of altars &c. Because introduced by him , not to distinguish these corruptions , from a lawfull dedication of altars , worshipping of Images &c. Doth this man think that these Reformers would have admitted such corruptions presented under another notion then the Popes authority , and obtruded by this Argument ; that their dependance upon him being broken off , they were no more to be accounted his corruptions ? ] or that they would have embraced extreme unction , or some other of his Sacraments , and the inferiour orders of Lectors , Acoluthi , Exorcists &c : upon some other consideration then his Sacraments or orders ? surely he dare not assert this , and so the case is here . 2. As for his reason that otherwise all Ministers and Deacons should be abjured . It is very impertinent , Because 1. Ministers and Deacons , are officers of divine appointment , so that the abuse being removed , this divine officer stands ; but prelacie is , exse , or of it self , contrary to the word of God , as we have proved . 2. The Hierarchie is abjured in that Covenant , as contrary to the then discipline of this Church , but so are not Presbyters and Deacons . 3. We have proved that the Hierarchie , and the speciall prerogatives which prelates arrogate to themselves , ar originaly papal , and they in a speciall manner are looked upon by him as his creatures . 4. as the Papacy cannot subsist without prelacie , and any otherwayes then upon its shoulders , so neirher prelacie nor the Papacy can consist with Presbyterian government , and Presbyters divine right and power . The Doubter next objects [ that all Bishops depend on the Pope , citing Appol : pag. 395. And that therefor all Episcopacy is abjured in this oath . ] He answers , the Apologie sayes they depend upon the Pope , in esse & operari , but asks how he proves it , and tells us that to say it is so because the Pope acknowledges they depend upon him alone , is a poor because , evident to any ordinary capacity , resolving this upon the Popes [ ipse dixit ] like a Papist , and gives the Papists that advantage over Protestant Churches , that a Bishop depends upon the Popes supremacie , now and from the beginning , wherein he saith , protestants do oppose the Pope and prove that his supremacy was contradicted by Councils and Fathers . Anf : The silly Impertinency of this new agent of the tottering cause , is here very evident , in thus reflecting upon that Author , whose answers to these poor arguments of the Seasonable case , he dare not touch . For that Pamphleter alleging [ that Prelates are not abjured in that Covenant , but as they depend on the Pope , as it abjures the five bastard Sacraments , as he makes them Sacraments , and that therefor the corruptions only of these offices which flow from him , are abjured , and as a part of his blasphemous priesthood . ] The Apollogist taking this concession , inferrs thereupon , That if these offices be abjured as a part of his Hierarchie , and as confirmed by , and depending upon him , then Prelates are abjured , who depend upon him in esse & operári . The Prelate as such being no officer of divine appointment , as the Presbyter and deacon , which if they were , then this Casuists argument would hold good , that we were to remove the corruption , and retain the institution and ordinance of God. But since we do suppose the office it●…self to be a corruption , and he hath not proved the contrary , his paralled as to the bastard Sacraments is naught . And to clear this matter of fact that they are a part of the Popes hierarchie , by the Popes acknowledgement , that Author cites Peter-Suave in his history of the council of Trent , where the Pope would not have it determined , whither Prelats were Iuris Divini , lest they should not depend upon him after this as formerlie . Now the question here being , whether the Pope lookt upon Prelates as a part of his hierarchie , as in the capacity of Prelates : in order to the clearing of this other question depending betwixt this reverend author , and the Author of the Seasenable case , viz. whither our Reformers intended to abjure Prelats in that Covenant , as a part of the Popes hierarchie . To clear this matter of fact , what could be more pertinent then the Popes own acknowledgement , and judiciall declarator ; that de facto they depend upon him , and areowned as parts of his hierarchie , is in this convincingly apparent . That de jure they have no divine warrand , this author supposed it as his principle , the contrary wherof neither that Pamphleter , nor any other hath proved : So that the Popes [ ipse dixit ] in this , is sufficient to prove this matter of fact . That he made not the Popes , [ ipse dixit ] the rule to decide whither this officer be juris divini , or not , is in this convincingly evident ( and by consequence this mans obvious folly in imputing to him such ane assertion ) that he grants , that if this Casuist had proved the Prelate to be juris divini , and institute by Christ or his Apostles , then the abjuring [ of the Popes wicked Hierarchie ] , would import only the abjuring of [ the corruption of this officer ] , whose lawfull office might be still retained : but this casuist taking this for granted that he is so institute , and reasoning upon that supposition , the author had good ground , until his Antagonist as the affirmer shouldpro vehis supposition , to hold fast his own principle viz , that the prelats Episcopal being is papal : which is cleared by many of the Learned from convincing Testimonies . Let this Resolver read Leo ( epist. 86. ) and Swave ( Tom. 4. pag. 465. of the Council of Trent , sess . 23. cap. 4. de Sacram. ordinis ) where Anathema is pronounced upon any that denyes Prelates power of ordination . &c. over Presbyters . I suppose he were alleging against a Papist that some of the Popish orders are essential pieces of his hierarchie , and should prove it by the Popes acknowledgment and constitutions , would he think the Papists rejoynder good , ergo , ye owne the Popes authority , and make his , [ ipse dixit ] judge . Say it were a question anent ths Acoluthi or Exorcists &c. Whither they are a part of the Popes Hierarchie ? would he not think the Popes acknowledgment and owning them for such , to be a sufficient argument to prove this ? Since he supposeth ( and rationally ) that they have no other right either in esse , or operari . Do not all our divines draw Arguments from the Pope and his councils acknowledgment , to prove their owning of many corruptions , and that they are properly theirs . But do they justifie the Popes [ Ipse dixit ] in proving this , or in this method of arguing ? since they do suppose aliunde , that they have no divine right , as the Apologist in the point of prelacie rationally doth . 2. as for what he adds of protestant Churchet , or Prelates , their opposing the Popes pretended right and Supremacy hereanent , we say that they impugne his supremacy best , who lay an axe to its root [ prelacie ] . And to grant that prelacy is of its self a part of his Hierarchie , will no more justify his supremacy , then Pauls saying that the mysterie of iniquity was working in his time would do it . And al tho the first Proestotes or Bishops did not formally depend upon him , yet as a humane device they made way for him , and eatenus , are a part of his Hierarchie , which the opposition of some Bishops when he first attempted supremacy doth nothing invalidat . Besides that the question here betwixt the Apologist and that Pamphleter , was about prelacie as it appeared befor the Reformers in its then being and would , but not of the first proestotes or moderatours . What he adds here anent Calvin [ his owning of a hierarchie , and pronouncing Anathema upon them who would dissowne it , if cut off from its dependance upon the Pope ] is answered already upon the 1. Dialogue . He●…e I shall only adde , that if Calvin in that passage , opposed unto the [ Popish Bishops ] Such as take Christ for their head , what curse will he not judge them worthy of , who owne and plead for such Bishops as pretending to renounce the Popes headship , take for their immediat head a civill Pope , and make him as to all spirituall maters , a more absolute head then the Pope himself . As for his argument from these Ministers who reasoned with the Doctors of Aberdeen [ their declaring that the Doctors might take the Nationall Covenant , and yet debate and vote in relation to episcopacie in the ensuing assembly ] I wonder what blurred this mans eyes , that citing pag. 395. of the Apollogy , he could not look back , to pag. 393. where he might have found this argument of his Master the author of the Seasonable case answered , which this casuist drew from that pamphlet emitted anno 1638. under the name of his Majesties Commissioner ; so that we have it here in the 3●… concoction , and yet it is as raw as at the first . The answer in short is ( I remit it at length to his reading in that peice ) that it was not the nationall Covenant it self that the Doctors scrupled to subscribe , and consequently anent which that debate was stated betwixt the Ministers and them , but the addition containing , the application to the present times , which as to prelacie was expressed thus [ a forbearing the approbation of the corruptions of the publick government of the Church ] by this they thought they were expresly specifically bound against prelacie : this these Ministers denyed , but never said that prelacie was not abjured in the nationall Covenant it self , or the negative Confession . Let this Absolver read the answers of the Ministers , wherein this will be cleared . The Doubter next objects [ that the decision of the assembly 1638. put it out of doubt that prelacie was abjured in that Covenant , and that all Episcopacy was meant by the Popes hierarchie ] . To which he answers . 1. That prelacie being of divine , or Apostolick right , that decision is null from the beginning . Ans. wheras he sayes he hath proved prelacie to be of divine or apostolik right , I will presume to say I have proved the contrary ; so that the Covenant is so far from being null upon this ground , that it is rather an accessorie tye to disown a corruption , to the disowning wherof , wewere before by scripture grounds preoblidged . But passing this , he next alledges that it was more then that assembly could do to declare this . Who so ? 1. ( sayth he ) how could they put a sense upon ane oath taken 58. years before , and few or none of the first takers alive , or if alive , few or none members of that assemblie ? how could they know that their exposition was according to the mind of the first imposers ? But why will this Plageary tell us still over and over the arguments of the Seasonable case , without noticing the answer therof already exhibit unto him ? did not the Apologist tell him , that this reason supposeth the sense of that Covenant to perish with the first framers . And whereas that casuist added , to make the argument stronger ( which this his disciple forgot ) that the oath being vinculum personale , they could not give the sense of dead men . To this the Apologist answers , that there is also a vinculum reale , as this nationall oath was , and that it oblidging all the Land , and the posterity , we were accordingly in order to performance , bound to Search into its meaning , and that this was the proper work & duty of a general assembly . That that casuist himself acknowledged ( which this borrower should have noticed ) that this was the judgement of Ministers concerning its sense when prelates were first obtruded upon this Church , so that its true meaning from hand to hand was come to them , and that they were the more in tuto to judge of it . And whereas the argument of the Seasonable case had a Limitation in it which this man forgott , viz : [ unless that assembly could produce authentick evidences that this was the meaning of Imposers ] the Apologist told him that they did produce authentick expresse evidences , that such was the meaning of the first takers . I would know how this man comes to descant upon the sense of ancient writers in this pamphlet , and to determine anent sentences of private writers , dead severall centuries of years agoe ? He is very confident in fastning his Glosses upon Jerom's words . I trowe that Author is dead more then 58. years agoe . And for as clear as his words are against the divine right of prelacie , yet this man thinks he is Cock sure that this was not the meaning of Jerom's words , which presbyrerians alledge . Quis talia fando , temperet a risu . But the Seasonable case goes on to object next ( and this resolver followes up at his heels . ) That all which that Assembly produceth ( Sess. 16. ) to prove this to be the meaning of that Oath , amounts only to this , that the Church about that time of taking the Covenant , and also afterward , was labouring against Bishops , but proves not that episcopacie was abjured in the words of the oath . Now why would he not do his Doubter such a small piece of justice , as to put into his mouth the large answer of the Apollogist to this argument , from ( pag. 406. to 409. ) But this would have made him too stiffe a Doubter for this Resolver or Informer : but had he nothing in the Surveyer to resolve this ? Well , the Apollogist here tells him and his Leaders in this argument , that the Covenant supposeth a Government then in being , to the defence of which it oblidgeth : that that Government was not prelacie , but presbytery , he clears by a large induction of our assemblies acts and procedour , as the Assembly 1638. did before ; so that , that matter of fact being clear , there is No doubt but that the nationall Covenant binds to defend and preserve presbyterian Government then owned and existing ; even as its engadgement to defend the King must needs be understood of King James who was then reigning . That this was the government then Existent and owned by this Church , we cleared in short already , and need not here repeat it . But 3. this Informer ( passing over a more plausible objection of his Master the Seasonable case ) enquires by what warr and that assembly could put upon others their sense of the Covenant ; they might declare their own sense ( saith he ) which possibly was not right , but how could they oblidge others to their sense , who had taken it before , the first imposers having given them no such power . The Apollogist here told him , that this assembly put no sense of their own upon any who took it either before or after , but as the representatives of this Church gave a judiciall interpretation of it , and by authentick evidences made it appear , that this was the sense of the imposers , and of the Church of Scotland when it was taken , and that such as sware it before with an explicatory addition [ to forbear the approbation of prelacie , untill the assembly should try whither it was abjured in that oath ] did consequently commit this unto , and were accordingly depending upon the assembly to declare the meaning therof ; besides that the judicial interpretation of this nationall Church her oath , did of right belong unto this her supreme judicatory as is said . Here the Doubter objects [ that those who took the Covenant after it was thus sensed by the assembly , have abjured Episcopacy ] . To this he answeres that the assembly did intend to put no other sense upon it , then the sense of the words , and of the first imposers . Very true , but what then ? the first imposers having no such meaning ( sayth he ) as to abjure Episcopacie , the assemblies ground failes , and their posterior meaning could not bind against the first meaning . This last is easily granted , but the great pinch lyes in this , how proves he that the first Imposers never meaned it against Episcopacie . This he sayes is already shewed , but where ? we must waite it seems for a new pamphlet to get an account of this great proofe . The Doubter next alleadeth to purpose [ that we engadge our selves in that Covenant to adhere to this Church in doctrine , faith , religion and discipline , — and to continue in the doctrine and disciplin thereof , which is Presbyterian discipline . ] To this he answers . That by discipline , cannot he meant Presbyterian government . Why so ? because ( saith he ) at the first imposing of the Covenant there was no such government in Scotland nor for a confiderable time after . Ans. we have made it appear that Episcopacie was judicially declared unlawfull , and that both the books of discipline were received , which overthrow prelacie , and asserts Presbyterian discipline , before ever that Covenant was taken ; and that at the very time of taking it the old mould of prelacies were dissolved , and Presbyteries erected both by the King , and assembly . But how proves our Informer that there was no such government in Scotland at that time ? because ( saith he ) the King , for all Ministers essayes to introduce Presbytery , yet owned Episcopacy . But how proves he this , that at the imposing of the Covenant , he owned episcopacy ? did he not owne the assemblies power , and the power of Synods ? presented he not to that assembly 1581 , a plot of Presbytries , and his letter enjoyning their erection , & to dissolve prelacies , together with the subscribed Covenant ? how did this own episcopacy ? let Royalists take notice what an ingrained dissembler this man makes King James , in saying that he still owned episcopacy , when so palpably disowning it to the sense of all reasonable men . And if king James came all this length as to the introducing of Presbytrie , surely Ministers essayes with him for this end , were very effectuall . Besides , it s a poor argument to prove that this protestant organick Church was not at that time owning Presbyterian government , or exercising it ( and by consequence that the Discipline as then existent , sworne to be mantained in that oath , is not Presbyterian ) to say that king James owned episcopacie . Nay , in granting these essayes of Ministers for Presbytry , he grants that Presbyterian government was owned . For sute I am what was their sense and endeavours as to Presbyterian government from the beginning , the same were the sense and endeavours of the body of this protestant Church . But his 2d answer to the premised objection of his Doubter is ushered in with a therefor●… — what next ? therefor the government meant in it must be Episcopacie , if any particular mode of government be understood . This is well stept out , a piece beyond his Master the Seasonable case , who hardly comes this length . The man that will let us Episcopacie in this Church at that time , as the Government imbracd by her , must have odd prospectives , and of a like quality with these of our Informer , which have descryed Diocesian Bishops in Scripture . We heard that the Seasonable case grants [ that Ministers then lookt on themselves as oblidged against episcopacie , both by the nationall Covenant , and by the word of God ] pray Sir , be tender of these Ministers reputation , were they so principled and still owning episcopacie too ? this is strange , yea and owning it and promising to defend it in this Covenant . Besides , how will he reconcil our Churches labouring now against Bishops , acknowledged by him pag. 118. with her practising Episcopacy , which he asserts pag. 118. But his answer hath a proviso [ if any particular mode of government was understood . ] But why will this latetudinarian Informer cast the mist of a hesitating [ if ] upon a clear and plaine truth ? strange ! Speaks not the Covenant of an existent frame of Government embraced by this Church ? What! Were they embracing a Proteus ? was it an existent individuum vagum , or materia prima , some Embryon that had received yet no forme ? But how proves he that Prelacie was sworne unto in that Oath ? Because ( saith he ) the Year after , the King ratified the agreement at Leith in favours of Episcopacie . This we heard before , and did shew what an insignificant reason it is , from King James practice a year after , to inferre what is the sense and intendment of this Oath , and the takers of it . A topick and reason which none who are solid and rational will admitt . Yet the Informer still beats upon this Anvill . Besides , the Apollogist tells him ( pag. 15. ) that this treaty at Leith , anno 1571 , was opposed and censured by the Nationall Assembly , the very next year ; So that this national Church in her suprem judicatory , gave no consent unto , but opposed that treaty , and whatever recesses from her Presbyterial Government , were therin begun ; But this mans sqeemish eyes , stil overlooks what he cannot answer . Now remark our Informers profound and subtill reasoning in this point . King James did not abjure episcopacy in the Nationall Covenant , why so ? Because the next Year he acted for Episcopacie . And when we allege that the Government to which that Covenant oblidgeth , was Presbyterian Government which was then existent ; he tells us that the Government then existent was episcopall . And when he is put to the proofe of this paradox against such clear evidences , he just recurrs again and tells us ( for his proof ) that King James then acted for episcopacie ; fine circular reasoning this is , and the Informer shall thus never want a Medium , & knows exactly to answer the solidest argument against-him with turning , according to the Souldiers dialect , asye were . But what is meant by [ discipline ] in that Covenant ? The substantialls of it ( sayth he ) and necessary policie as exprest in the first dook of discipline , 9. Cap. which is unalterable , tho particular formes ( as some think ) may be changed . But 1. Why will this versatil Informer bemist his reader what dark and generall expressions . Whither means he the [ essential necessary Policy , ] according to that phrase of the book , or a necessary Policy exprest and asserted in that book ? If the first , I would ask him . 1. Why condescends he not upon that essential and necessary policy , and gives no account of its nature and extent , as it is contradistinguished from that which is not necessary , but mutable . 2. If by substantials of Government●… , he mean all Church-officers of divine appointment , according to the Scripture account of their qualifications , their authority , and its due exercise , with what sense or reason can he suppose , or any els , that this wil not determin a particular form , & cansubsist without it ? how can a particular form be more formaly and explicitly described then thus ? But , next , if by necessary Policy , he understand the Policy held out and asserted in that first book , I would ask him . 1. Why excludes he the second book , which was at this time extant and received , and which doth in severall chapters viz. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. treat of the Pastor , Doctor , Elder , and Deacons office , which he will no doupt own as substantiall peeces of Church-policy , being so clearly asserted in Scripture . 2. Why answers he not to the account & character of that first book given by the Apoll : ( pag. 10. ) who tells him that it overthrowes prelacy in the establishing of Church-sessions , the way of election and triall of Ministers , and severall other things contrary to the episcopall method ; will he by this silence consent , that prelacy stands in opposition to the substantialls of Church Government , and the utterly necessary Policy therof ? to a policy indeed unalterable ; ( to use his time phrase ) ? if he say , that he understands by this phrase , that policy which is necessary in either or both these books , but not the intir . Policy delineated therin ; how will he prove that the Covenant-obligation in the Intention of the imposers , reaches the on and not the other ? Next I would ask this Informer , whither thinks he that particular forms of Government are alterable , yea or not ? if not , how comes he to distinguish them in this , from the essentiall necessary Policy which he cals unalterable ? if he think them alterable , why doth he not positively assert this , but presents this opininion as the thoughts of some only , and censurs Stilling fleets opinion herin ( pag. 76. ) Besides , if by [ substantials of Government ] he unstand [ the disciplin asserted in that book , ] he justles and deals stroaks what his reverend father B. Spotswood , in his character therof exhibit in his History , pag. 174. For first , he sayes it was framed in imitation of the Government of the reformed Church in Geneva , which all know was Presbyterian . 2dly . He sayes it it could not take effect as being but a Dream . And did he call the [ substantialls of Government ] but a Dream , thinks this man ? Surely either the Bishop or our Informer dreams . 3dly . He wisheth Iohn Knox had retained the old policy , and therefore in his sense this policy was distinct from Prelacie . On the other hand the framers ( the Ministry owneing it ) supplicat the Parliament after it was drawn up for [ the restauration of the Discipline of the ancient Church , ] and for discharging the Popes usurpation , and of all that Discipline that did flow therefrom , as inconsistent with the Discipline of the ancient Church , and the Disciplin contained in that book . How absurd is it to suppose that it was only substantialls which was at this time existent , and no particular forme ; it being a forme of Government and the Discipline of this Church , which the Covenant oblidges unto ; and the Apologist as , well as the Assembly 1638. could have given him a large account and proof of a particular forme at this time existent . In a Word , let us have all the substantialls of Government , i. e. AllChurch officers divinely appointed , with their due power and Assemblies higher and lower , and it will quickly justle his prelacie to the door , and make him him and hisFathers feest he dint of the true Church of Scotland , her sword and censures for what they have done , if they repent not . CHAP. III. The Abjuration of Prelacie in the solemne League and Covenant , vindicat from the exceptions of this Informer . Also Mr Crofton and Timorcus acquit of affoording any Patrociny to his cause . Dr Sanderson stands in terms of contradiction to him in this point . BUt now this our Oedipus and doubt resolver who hath acquit himself so dexterously in absolving us from the nationall Covenant , marches up after the Seasonable case , to try how he can play the absolver as to the solemne league . And his Doubter making a wide step to the 2d . Article [ wherein he allegeth Bishops are abjured , and that Protestant Bishops are meant ] . To this he answers , That it s not every kinde of Protestant Bishops that is there intended , and that Timorcus ( pag. 14 , 16. ) holds that all episcopacy is not abjured , but that they could in England freely Submit to the primitive episcopacy viz , the precedencie of one over the rest ; without whom nothing is ordinarly to be done in ordination and jurisdiction — that they assert its only the English kinde of prelacy ( expressed in the Article for that end ) that is abjured , which we have not in Scotland . That Mr Vines and Gattaker assert , that its only that complex frame consisting of all the officers there mentioned , that is abjured — that the Assembly of divines was reconcilable to moderate episcopacie , — — That Timorcus holds that the English parliament & our commissioners were not against all Episcopacy , ( citing likewise Mr Crofton pag. 70 : 71. ) hence he concludeth that the English preshyterians would not cry out against conformists as guilty of perjury . Ans. I. It is a very pityfull shift to measure our obligation in Scotland against Prelacy , by the 2d . Article of the league , which relates to the Church of England , wherein only that prelacy was existent . For since Scotland , from the time of our reformation never had such a Prelacie as the adversaries acknowledge , they must consequently grant that the prelacie which that article engadgeth to extirpat , is not solely or mainly the Prelacie which we stand oblidged against in that Covenant , but a Prelacy inconsistent with Presbyterian Government ( and under that formall consideration ) which in the first article we are engadged to preserve . In order to which preservation of our reformed discipline from our own Prelacie , the 2d Article , which doth relate to the extirpation of Prelacy in England and Ireland , is subservient as a mean to its end . This is convincingly clear , for I. Extirpation and Preservation being opposite terms , and the last being made use of as to our Church of Scotland , must needs relate to Presbyterian Government as then established , in all its previledges , which clearly excludes the episcopacy formerly existent therein ; And the extirpation , and reformation ingadged to in the 2d . Art. must relate to the then existent Prelacy in England and Ireland , and that by way of mids leading unto , and for execution of the ends of preserving our own established reformation , engadged unto in the first Article . 2. We said already that our Parliament did rescind all acts against our episcopacy , together with the solemne league , and restore Prelats to the sole possession of Church Government under the King , declaring clearly that the preservation engadged unto in the first article , cannot consist with our Prelacie . Again , as this duty of extirpation is engadged unto in so far as is necessary in order to the preserving of our own established reformation , by this Church principally vowed and intended , so that clause in the end of the 2d . Article , viz. [ to extirpate whatsoever is found contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godliness ] amounts both as to us and England , to such an extensive engadgement in opposition to Prelacie , that it totally excludes it even in our adversaries mould , under this formalis ratio as thus opposit to sound doctrine &c. Which hath been cleared upon the first Dialogue . Next , will this man deny that these officers , Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans , Chapters , &c. are not in themselves and simply abjured in that 2d . article , or that the Presbyterians in England would not disowne them as inconsistent with the Covenant ? Sayes he not that it is only a fixed presidency of order which they are for ? and is this all that Arch-Bishops and Diocesian Bishops do possess ? have we not in Scotland Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans and are we not engadged to extirpat these in the 2d . article ? how then can he say that it is only that complex frame with all these officers which we are oblidged against . Do not two remarkable clauses contradict this gloss ? I we engadgeto extirpate all Ecclesiastick officers depending on that Hierarchie , what ? is it only all in bulk , and not all and every one ? this were equivalent to such a wilde assertion , as if one should say that after the enumeration of these evills schism , heresie , profannesse , — which are thus Summed up , whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine and the power of godliness , this engadgement did only relate to all these evills complexly , and not to every one sigilatim or apart . 2. Whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine in our principles , is there abjured as I said : but such are Bishops , Arch-Bishops , and I adde , whatsoever is inconsistent with our established reformation and with Presbyterian government , is also here formally abjured . In the 3d place , Timorcus is clearly against our Informer , for in explaining what is that prelacy which is abjured , he distinguisheth a Prelacie of jurisdiction , and of meer order . The prelacie of jurisdiction , he saith is twofold , the first is , whereby the Bishop hath sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ( such as is our prelacy now in Scotland ) in which government Timorcus saith that Ministers , do meet with the Bishop only ex abundanti , to give him advice , which is all that our Curats are allowed by law , as is said above , and scarce that . The 2d sort of prelacie he calls paternall , wherein the colledge of Presbyters have a constant Prelate or President , who must concurre with them ordinarly in ordination and acts of jurisdiction . He interprets the Covenant expresly to strick against the Prelate with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ; which prelacy he calls Popish even though the Bishop admit Presbyters to concurre with him in ordination and government . Now let this man say , since Timorcus ( whom he will not assert that these others divines do contradict in this point ) together with the parliament of England according to Timorcus , do disowne such a prelacie as is here described , and interpret the Covenant obligation as reaching the extirpation thereof , doth not this articlé of extirpation according to their sense , clearly reach and cut off the present prelacie of diocesian Bishops and Arch-Bishops , obtruded upon this Church ? can he deny that they have the sole power of ordination & jurisdiction , that all the power which Curats have according to our Law , is to give the Bishops advice , yea and not that either , unlesse he judge them to be persons of Known loyaltie and Prudence . And surely if this precedency of meer order , here exprest , be the only primitive Episcopacie , it is far short of what our Informer pleads for , and will never come up to justifie the prelacie now existent . And if in the sense of Timorcus , and the other divines mentioned , and in the sense of the imposers of that oath , the extirpation engadged unto , cuts off whatsoever is beyond this precedency of meer order ; it is incontrovertibly clear that even in their sense , the prelacie now existent is abjured . That Mr. Crofton , and the Presbyterian Covenanting partie in England according to him , are not reconcilable to our prelacie , nor the Covenant in their sense , appears evidently by his pleadings for the Covenant , against the Oxford men and others . In his Analepsis ( pag. 74. 75. ) he mentions a breviary of reasons to prove [ that the prelatical government in its formality is a plaine and clear papacie , and that a Diocesan Bishop , and ane universal Metropolitan or Pope differ only in degree and limites , not in kind ] citing , and approving of Salmasius and Beza's , calling episcopacie a step to the papacy ; so that the very office of a diocesian Bishop as such , is as unlawfull as the Papacie in Mr Croftons judgment , it being with him a part thereof . Again ( pag. 78. ) whereas the Oxford men plead [ that they cannot swear against episcopall government , which they conceive to be of divine or apostolick institution ] he chargth them and Dr Gauden , with sophistick concealment of the ratioformalis objecti , and not describing of episcopall government : And tells him that episcopall government may denominat a government , communi concilio Presbyterorum , with a Moderator or Chaireman , ordinis causa , which he sayes is of divine institution , and exemplified act . 20. where Bishop and Presbyteter are terms synonimous denominating persons invested with the same office and authority . This he sayes the Covenant strikes not against , and the prelacie which is abjured he describes to be a government wherein one person is advanced into a distinct order of Ministrie above other Ministers , and is invested with Prince-like power over them , enjoying an authority peculiar to him eo nomine as Bishop , of sole ordination and jurisdiction , unto whom all other his fellow Ministers are subject , and must swear obedience to him &c. I wonder if our Informer will deny this to be the characteristick of our present Prelats , or affirme that they possess no more authority in Church judicatories but a meer precedency , ordins causa , which is all the Episcopacy which Mr Crofton holds that the Scripture , and the Covenant according therunto , will allow . Thereafter , ( pag. 72. ) He tells these Masters , that Christ gave his Disciples charge that they should not affect superiority one over another , or princely power over Gods heritag●… ; and puts them to prove , that the office of the Ministry , may in ordination be divided , or that there are more orders of the Ministry then one ( which our Informer still begs a supposition of ) viz. Bishop or Presbyter , or more officers in the Church then Elders and Deacons appointed by Christ , or his Apostles by their apostolick authority . That the Presbyter ( in whom are required the same qualifications , to whom is to be yeelded the same obedience , subjection andrespect , who recives the same ordination , and is charged with the same duty , and invested with the same power of feeding and governing the Church of God , with the Bishop , and none other ) is an order distinct from , and subject to the Bishop , to be ruled by him , and not to exercise his office but by the Bishops licence , and that the Presbyter must swear obedience to the Bishop as his ordinary . Which are the grand postulata and topicks of all this mans reasoning in point of prelacy . The autitheses of which tenets we see Mr Crofton most evidently maintaines as the sense of the Covenant in point of episcopacy ; he further describes ( pag : 80. and 81. ) the prelacy covenanted against , and anent which he challengeth these Masters proof of a jus divinum , to be such wherein one Minister or Bishop doth stand charged with all the congregatious and pastors — — of a Countie , or many Counties making one di●…cess — who is by office bound to a pastoral correction and government of them — that these Bishops may be subject to one Metropolitan Church and Archbishop , to whom they shall swear obedience — adding , that if the Word of God conclude such superiority , over the Church in one Kingdom , it will conclude a Catholick superiority over the universall Church , and advance the Pope as warrantably above the Archbishops , as the Archbishops are above the Bishops , and the Bishops above the Presbyters , these not being differences of kind , but degree . Adding further , that no more is pleaded for Prelats divine or Apostolick right in the Church of England , but what is pleaded by Bellarmine , & the Council of Trent , for she Papacie . Now from what is said , I darre referre it is this Informer himself , whither Mr Crofton doth not clearly disowne all the essentialls of our present prelacy , and hold it to be abjured in the Covenant ; the office of our present Bishops and Arch-Bishops being incontravertibly such as he here describes . And whither Mr Crofton holds not our prelacy , arch-prelacy , and metropolitan primacy , to stand upon the same basis with the papacy , and to be equally with it , excentrick to the Scriptures ; and that he esteems consequently the Bishops and Arch-Bishops ( which I hope he will not deny to be abjurd in the Covenant ) to depend ( as such ) upon the Pope as a part of his hierarchy . Next ( pag. 81 ) he sayes that it is not the first sort of episcopall government formerly described , wherein all Ministers are invested with equal power and auhority or dignity , are all of the same order , and governe by common counsel , but the specificall prelacy last described , which presumes it self to be a Hierarchie : So that with Mr Crofton our present prelacie falls within the denomination of the Hierarchy abjured in the solemne league , and of the Popes wicked Hierarchie abjured in the nationall Covenant — for he tells us in the preceeding page that none can deny that a quantenus ad omne , &c. He tells them moreover in that same pag. that had he lived in the Churches of Ephesus , Antioch , Phillippi , Creet , or the seven Churches of Asia , invested with the same ministeriall authority which he then enjoyned , he might have stood up a Peer to any Bishops therein ; so that he esteemed no Bishop there , but Presbyters . Besides ( pag. 82. ) he cites severall writers to prove that the authority and distinction of Episcopall and Archiepiscopall chaires & metropolitan primacies , owe their institution to the Church of Rome , or politick constitutions of Princes . He tells us ( pag. 84. ) out of Cartwright and Whittaker — that the Church in respect of Christ its head ( not his vicar , or superiority of single prelats ) is a monarchy ; in respect of the ancients and pastors that governe in common ( all the Presbytrie ) with like authority among themselves ( not a superiority over them ) it is an Aristocracie , and in respect the people are not excluded , but have their interest , it is a Democracy . The inserted parentheses are Mr Croftons ; and let any judge whither he assert not with these authors , a Presbyterian frame of government opposit to diocesian Bishops and Arch-Bishops . In his Analepsis , in answer to Dr Gauden ( pag. 2. ) he charges him ( as before the Oxford men ) with an uncertain proposall of the object , and the ratio formalis of the Covenant obligation as to prelacy , under the general terme of Episcopacie ( therein also las●…ing our Informer for the same laxness and ambiguity ) telling them that by good demonstration [ Bishop ] and [ Presbyter ] have been asserted to be synonimous titles of Church officers , and are found to have been so used in the primitive times of the Church and of the Fathers — adding , that the government of the Church by its Ministers — in their severall assemblies , with a Moderator Ordinis causa , to dispose and regulat what belongs to order — is the primitive episcopacie — which he grants to the Doctor , that the Covenant will not strike against — then ( pag. 3. and 4. ) he describes the Episcopacy which the Covenant strikes against . And pag. 5. summeth it up thus — that the Covenant cannot be accomplisht by the removal of Prelats pride &c. Whilst the Preeminence , prerogative , Paternal power , and juridicall authority assumed by them as distinct from , and above all other Ministers of the gospel , as the only immediat successors of the Apostles ( So our Informer makes them ) &c. — are continued . What will this Oedipus answer to Croftons assertion ? Have not our Prelats this preeminence above Presbyters , as a distinct order from them ? and have they not a juridicall authority over them , by our law and practise , and his pleading too ? doth not Mr Crofton in terminis assert , that the Covenant obligation can never be satisfied untill such be removed ? are they no more in Church judicatores , but Moderators and Chairemen , set up Ordinis causa to order the actions of the meeting ? doth not our law give them a negative voice in the meeting , and alloweth Presbyters only to give them advice , if their Lordships do judge them prudent and loyall . Again , wheras the Dr , ( pag. 18. ) did conclude that the Hierarchy being dead , must rise in another qualitie . Mr Crofton tells him ( pag. 6. ) That if it arise according to the Covenant , it must be in the establishment of Congregational , Classical , Provincial and National Assemblies or Synods of Church officers , Communi consilio Presbyterorum ( this phrase of Jerome he frequentlie useth ) to debate and determine the affaires of the Church , and Exercise all acts of discipline and Ecclesiastick power — each having a Prefident to propone questions , gather suffrages &c. and no more . Which mould of government , whither it would not smooth our prelacie to a compleat Presbyterian parity , let the Informer himself judge . It is incontrovertibly clear from these passages of Crofton , that even in their sense whom our Informer alleges to stand on his side , the present prelacie is abjured . Finally , as for the authors after cited , and that declaration of the sense of the 2d article which he mentions , we say , as it is not clear ( nay the contrary is evident ) that such proposals in explication of that article , were either mad or approven by all , or the soundest Presbyterians there present , so it is al 's evident that if prelacy even as by them reserved , be found contrary to sound droctrine , and the power of godliness , that article of exti●…pation doth most clearly and formally reach it . Neither are we so much concerned in the problemarick glossings or disputes of any persons in England ( they not having tendered that oath unto us ) as in the obligation of this oath , and that of the Nationall Covenant lying upon us , to preserve our reformation as it stood then establisht . Moreover this man would take Dr Sandersons advice here that an oath being stricti juris — the meaning is to be kept when clear from the words — but if it be doubtfull , every one is to take care that they indulge not their own affections and inclinations , or give way to too large a license of glossing , to the end they may with more ease loose themselves from the obligation , or give such a sense to others , or take it to themselves — as the unconcernd do see that the words will not bear , both for fear of perjury and ensnaring of others . Thus he , de jur prom . praelect . 2. parag . 9. The Doubter objects next [ that we are not concerned in the parliament of England sense , but in the sense of the Church and state of Scotland , who imposed the oath , and meant it against all sort of prelacie . ] To this he answers , that it being a common league of the three Kingdoms , the meaning must be determined by all the three ; and that Timorcus shews that the Parliament of England their sense mas with concnrrence of our Commissiners . Ans. 1. We have already made it good , that giving the Informer the advantage of the sense of the 2d . article which he alledges , it will notwithstanding clearly exclude our present prelacy . Timorcus telling us expresly ( pag. 16. ) that the Covenant , aperily oblidges against Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans &c. which termes he sayes are lyable to no ambiguity , and particularly against all such exercise of prelacie , as is by one single person , arrogating to himself sole and single power in ordination and jurisdiction . Darre this man deny that our present prelates have this legall prerogative expresly allowed them by our lawes ? is not all Church government to be managed by them with advice only of such of the Clergie , as their Lordships ( forsooth ) shall judge loyall ? so that the prelacie which Timorcus and the English are for , is point blanck cross to the present hierarchie ; and the three nations sense of that article will ( as we have proved ) never be reconciled to his sense and pleading in this point . 2. We told him also that it is not the 2d . Art. Whereby mostly or principally our obligation against prelacy is to be measured , it being that which relates especially to England , where Prelacy was then existent ; and whatever sense any there do put upon that Article , yet they never offered to put any glosses upon our great engadgement to preserve our reformation then established , and never imagned nor offered the least limitation of our obligations both by the National Covenant as then particularly applyed against prelacie , and likewise our obligation in the first part and article of the League , to preserve our establisht reformation , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government , which consequently stands inviolable according to its native and necessary meaning , in contradiction to our Prelacie or any Prelacie whatsoever , as he dar not deny that this Church and Nation at the imposing did understand the same . Our Informer permits now his Doubter to tell him [ that we are engadged to preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland , which was Presbyterian , and that therefor in the 2d . article we swear against all kinde of Prelacie , Prelacie and Presbytery being inconsistent . ] To this he answers that if we are in the 1. Article bound to maintain Presbyterie , and in the 2d left at libertie for some kinde of Prelacy , and with all if Presbyterie and Prelacie be inconsistent , then we have sworne contradictions , viz , to admit of no kinde of Prelacie , and yet admit of some kinde of it . Ans. 1. He hath it yet to prove that either we or England are left to a latitude ( according to the Genuine sense of that Article ) as to any prelacy , or whatever government else is inconsistent with Presbyterian Government , because , 1 the generall oblidgements [ to endeavour a reformation according to the Word of God — and to extirpat what ever is found contrarie to sound Doctrine and the power of Godliness ] will ( as I have said ) necessarily import , both as to us & them , ane engadgement against all kind of Prelacy under this notion and upon this ground . 2. As for [ Englands reserving a latitude for a proestos ] which he here alledges , Timorcus will tell us ( out of Doctor Sanderson ) of this rule as to the interpretation of promissory Oaths that tho it s granted that promissory imposed Oaths must be interpret according to the sense of Imposers , as our private Oaths according to our sense , yet both these rules are to be limited , so that neither our private sense of our spontaneous Oaths , nor yet the sense of those who impose Oaths upon others , must be other then will comport , with the just signification of the words and phrases , in the Oath , vow , or Covenant , for this were to destroy [ saith he ] the simplicity necessary to every Oath , and indeed not to interpret , but to coin ane Oath or new obligation . Now the obligation of both Nations in this Oath , is to endeavour reformation according to the Word of God , and to extirpat whatever is contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of godliness . If therefore a fixt Moderator , or any supposed moderat mould of Prelacy be found contrary thereunto , no mans glossings whatsoever , can ( according to this necessary rule ) prejudge the native import , signification , and extent of these generall clauses . In the 2d . place , his contradiction here imputed to us , is but his owne airie imagination , for it is not ad idem , and eodem modo . Wherein he imagineth the contradiction to lye . Our duty to preserve , and our obligation thereanent , being relative to the establisht Government of the Church of Scotland , and the extirpation engadged unto , being relative to another nation and Church , wherein that species of Prelacy particularized in the Article , was existent ; so that there is no liberty left for any kinde of Prelacy in Scotland ; and for Englands reserving , I have told him that what ever glosses any may put upon that 2d . article , yet if the generall clauses and expressions mentioned will exclude all kinde of prelacie , their glosses will not comport with the simplicity and genuin sense of the oath , and therfor are not to be admitted . Since if it can be made good from the scripture that all kinde of prelacy is unlawfull , dissonant to the divine rule , and repugnant to the power of godliness , the oath doth most clearly strike against it . Mr Crofton pag. 110. in answer to the Author whom he calls Dr Featly's ghost , objecting that in the Covenant , the Church of Scotland is set before the Church of England , tells him that it is in relation to different acts , the Reformed Religion of Scotland to be preserved , of England to be Reformed ; that it is no Solecism to put the factum before the fieri , to sweare the preservation of good acquired , before ane endeavour to obtain the same or better , to prefix the pattern to that which is to be therunto conformed . He adds , that his Antagonist hath little reason to grudge that Scotland should be propounded as a pattern of Reformation to England , since Beda reports that this nation did as first communicat the science of divine knowledge without grudge or envy unto the people of England , citing his Eccles. hist. gent. Ang. lib. 5. cap. 23. Hence he infers , that it is no folecisin to propound us as a pattern of Reformation , who had first obtained it , and from whom Christianity it selfe was ar first transmitted to them . Here let out Informer informe himself , first , that in the sense of the English Presbyterians , [ the preserving of our establisht Reformation ] is that article wherin our obligation to Presbyterian government is properly included ; and that the article of Reformation yet in fieri , relates properly to England . 2. That they state a distinction betwixt preserving and reforming as distinct acts , the one relating to our Reformation in Scotland already obtaind , the other to that in England yet in fieri , wherin they check this mans blunt measuring our obligation against prelacie first and principally by the second article , and his denying our obligation to preserve Pretbyterian government containd in the first , and his blunt confounding the obligation of the two articles , to give some shadduw of his fancyed contradiction which he would fasten upon us , viz. [ That we are bound against all Episcopacie in the first article , and yet the second can admit of some . ] For as we have before answered , so Mr Crofton tells him here again , that the acts and objects are different . The preserving of the Reformation , government and discipline of this Church ( which we see he holds to be Ptesbyterian government , according to our two books of discipline , and opposit to diocesan prelacie as such ) is a different act and object , from these of extirpating Prelacie out of the Church of England . And thirdly , that with Mr Crofton , and the English Presbyterians , it is no such paradox as this man afterwards endeavours to perswade us , that the Covenant obligeth them to Reforme England according to our pattern , which we see they hold to be the Scripture pattern . For Mr Crofton tells his Adversary that our factum was to be their Fieri , and our acquired good in point of government , the measure of their good to be obtaind , and that the good they were to obtain ( according to the Covenant ) was the same with ours , and tells him in terminis and expresly , that our pattern is in the first article prefixed , to which they are to be conformed . From what we have said out of Mr Crofton touching his sense of the Covenant , and the sense of the English Presbyterians , who adhere thereunto , it is evident that it strikes against all prelacy including the priority and power of diocesan Bishops and Arch-Bishops ; That prelacy disputed against by Gerson Bucer in his dissertations de Gub. eccl . Didoclavius in his Altare Damascenum . Cartwrights Exceptions . Paul Baines his Diocesans tryall . Smectymnuus . Mr Pryn in his publick and positive challenge for th●… unbishop●…g of Timothy and Titus , cited by Crofton , pag. 83. as unanswerable pieces . Yea all Bishops whose office and authority is such as Mr Crofton ( to use his own expression ) might not stand up a Peer to them in officiall power , tho a simple Presbyter ; so that our Informer is quite out in telling us that in their sense the Covenant is reconcilable to our prelacy , and strikes only against that of England . Again , Mr Crofton in the Analepsis , ( pag. 129. ) answering the charge of Ambiguity put upon that clause of [ the best reformed Churches ] tells the Masters of Oxford , that the sense is [ in endeavouring the reformation of England , the word of God shall be our rule , and the best reformed Churches our pattern . ] Wherein he clearly asserts with us , that the obligation of the Covenant , reaches the extirpation of whatever Prelacie is found contrary to the Word of God : But so it is that the Apostolick Churches ( as we shall finde Mr Crofton here assert ) owned no Bishops but such as he might stand up a Peer unto , so that the Scripture rule , and by consequence the Covenant according thereunto , strikes against , and cuts of all Prelacy of Diocesian Bish : of whatever Goverment doth admitt of any Church officers , above Presbyters . And in his sense they are oblidged to reduce Englands prelacy or hierarchy , to a compleat presbyterian parity . The Scripture makes ( with Mr Crofton ) the Bishop and presbyter meerly Synonima ; So that no prelacy wherein a distinction is admitted , can consist with the Covenant in his judgment ; nor can any glossings of men prejudge this rule , and the obligation resulting from this clause to extirpate Prelacy foot and branch . Our Informer might have seen this his notion further refuted by the Author of that peice intituled [ The case of the accommodation examined , pag. 39. 40. ] who shews that in so farre as England had attained we might close with them in a particular Oath , for extirpating an evill discovered , and yet for a further advance , rest upon the more general tyes so surely cautioned , till God should give further light — so that the engadgement of both parties expresly only to extirpat that species , did no way hinder the setting up of Presbyterian Government , and rejecting of all prelacy to be Covenanted unto under the General provisions — That , it was aggreeable to truth and righteousness for us to concurre , with that Church convinced of evills , but not so enlightened as to remedies , in Covenanting against the evills in particular , and also to endeavour a reformation according to the Word of God , and by vertue of this general oblidgement , become bound to make a more exact search anent the lawfullnes or unlawfullness of things , not so fully clear in the time of entering into the Oath , and after the discovery to reject what seemed tolerable . So that no hesitation among them , doth hinder England and Scotlands respective obligations to extirpate all episcopacy as contrary to that doctine which is according to godliness . What inconsistency will the Informer shew us in this , that one nation vow adherence to its owne establishment in point of reformation and Church Government , and likewise vow assistance of another nation in the removal of a corruption therein , tho the removall will not amount to such a compleatness of reformation at first , as will be every way like unto this establishment , both nations being notwithstanding oblidged respective , under generall clauses to make this reformation compleat . The Informer next tells us , that it is doubted by the learned , whither in the first Article there be any obligation to maintain presbyterian Government . His first reason is , because there is no express mention of presbyterian Government therin , but only of our reformed religion in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government . Ans. this reason of the Seasonable case which he hath borrowed , is very insignificant . Our Church , after long wrestling being recovered from corruptions both in Doctrine and Worship , which Prelates had introduced , and her Discipline and Government according to the Scripture pattern set up , in Presbyteries , synods , and Assemblies , and all the priviledges of these her courts , authorized and establisht both by civill and ecclesiastick constitutions and laws , will any doubt ( but the sceptick who will dispute that snow is not white ) that the discipline then reformed and establisht , is in that oath sworn to be maintained . He may al 's well alledge that it is not the doctrine and worship then established , which we Covenant to preserve , as to doubt of the government , since this reformation then established , takes in all the three together , and in the same sense . Besides his Master the Seasonable Casuist , grants that there was then in Scotland no such officers , as are enumerate in the 2d article , but an establisht reformed government was then existent . Now dare any of these new absolvers or resolvers say , that it was not Presbyterian government , or that this was not the sense of the imposers of that oath . His 2d reason is , that Independents took that Covenant , and had a hand in wording that article , that it might not import any particular forme of government . — That the words import no one forme of government , but with this proviso , as reformed . The Seasonable case said this already , to which the Apologist returned answer That the government of this Church at that time being Presbyteriall ( as he acknowledged ) there could be no other government understood , then what was then existent , established and reformed . That to say Indendepents understood it of their government , will no more reflect upon the Covenant , then upon the Scripture it self , which Independents do alledge will plead for their government . Next , I would ask this man , why may not the same insignificant quirk be also objected as to the doctrine , and worship , viz. that only the doctrine and worship with this proviso as reformed , but not the then established doctrine , and worship , is understood in that article , and so sectaries may lurk under this generall also . Thus he may alledge that no engadgement or oath in relation to his Majesties authority will binde , except his name and Sirname be in it , because some may entertaine a chimera of their own under his Majesties general titles . Alas ! what ridiculous conceits are these . The Doubter next objects [ that the English parliament , who together with our Scots Commissioners imposed that oath , did by [ the reformed government ] understand Presbytrie which was then settled here , and that therefore we are to understand the oath in their sense who imposed it , whatever Independents think . ] He answers , by denying that the English parliament understood the 1. article of Presbyterian government , for then they would have thought themselves bound to reforme England according to our pattern , but on the contraire in anno 1647 they toid our Commissioners , that they could never finde Presbytrie necessary by any divine right , and charged them with Superciliousness in judging that there is no other lawfull Church government , but what they call so , and with misinterpreting the article anent Church government . This the Seasonable case also said before him , and this hungry casuist catches up his cibum praemansum , but could not see the answer returned to this in the Apology . To this I say first , that the Parliament of England tendered not that oath to us , nor is their sense therof , principally to be eyed by us , as in his mould of the objection and answer , he seems to suppose . The parliaments of both Kingdomes imposed the oath upon their own subjects , framed by the consent of both according to their own condition , and exigence ; so that we are to look mainly to the procedour and sense of our Church and state , for a discovery of the genuin sense and meaning of that oath . Now it is most evident that the designe of our Church and state in framing and imposing of this oath , was to establish and preserve our Church government then in being , which , he who denyes to have been Presbyterian , in its compleat formes , and courts , he may deny any thing . 2. We told him alreadie , that whatever defection or liberty of glossing any might be guilty of , yet the words and clauses of the Covenant , as to that 1. article , are clear and abundantly significant , and will admit of no evasion . And in relation to the total extirpation of prelacie out of that Church where it was existent , the 2d Article , is as clear and convincing . And therefore whither they lookt upon themselves as oblidged to follow our pattern yea or not , we have proved that they stood oblidged , both by that particular enumeration in the 2 Article , and also in the more generall clauses mentioned , to extirpate Prelacie root and branch . This man will make a meer Proteus of oaths , if their sense and obligation must vary , turne ambulatory or ambiguous , according as men do shift or turne aside . We told him of Dr Sandersons rule , anent the import of the words of an oath , in their genuin sense in reference to its obligation , whatever liberty men may take to glosse , or interpret , which is the judgement of all sound Casuists . 3. Dare he say , that ever the parliament of England denyed , that de facto Presbyterian government was compleatly established in the Church of Scotland , or will he make them so irrationall as to deny this necessary consequence , that therefore the 1. Article of the Covenant doth clearly oblidge this Church to its preservation as the reformed Government then existent ; and if his consequence cannot but be admitted , surely whither they looked on themselves as oblidged to follow our pattern yea or not they held no sense of this article contrary to our own sense , nor denyed our obligation to maintain our established Presbyterian Government . And besides , they never denyed their obligation to reforme the Church of England according to the Scripture pattern ; and that of the best reformed Churches , in conformity to that pattern . And that the Church of Scotland , and other Churches where Presbyterian Government was existent , were such , was and is the sense and acknowledgement of the reformed Churches themselves , as from their confessions we have made appear . For confirming this further ( because the Informer hath told us frequently of MrCrofton ) let us heare how he will bespeak him in this point . In that piece intituled [ The fastening of S Peters Fetters pag. 40. ] He tells the Oxford men of the Church of Scotlands Philadelphian purity — in delivering in writting , and excercising in practice that sincere manner of Government whereby men are made partakers of salvation , acknowledged by Mr Brightman on Apocalyps 3. and the Apology to the Doctors of Oxford , and of Beza's epistle 79 to Mr Knox , exhorting him to hold fast that pure Discipline which he had brought into Scotland , together with the Doctrine . And ( pag. 41. ) he cites the corpus confess . ( pag. 6. ) Where the collector layes down this as the ground of that Churches purity of doctrine , and 54 years unity without Schisme [ that the Discipline of Christ and his Apostles , as it is prescribed in the word of God , was by litle and litle received , and according to that Discipline , the Government of the Church disposed so near as might be ] which he prayes may be perpetually kept by the King & Rulers of the church . These English Non-conformists , Beza , the Author of the syntagma , in Croftons sense , and himself together with them , thus clearly avouching Presbyterian government , which Mr Knox introduced , to have been the government of this Church since the reformation , and which King Iames also owned . For after he hath told us in the same page of Arundel , Hutton , and Matthews , three English Arch-Bishops , their approving the order of the Church of Scotland , he tells the same Oxford men of the joy which King James profest in the assembly 1590 that he was born to be a King of the sincerest Church in the world . Again ( pag : 39. ) he makes mention of this Churches two books of discipline , as the great badge and Test of her government ; and in answere to the Oxford mens exception against that article of the Covenant , which binds to preserve the discipline and government of the Church of Scotland [ viz. that they were not concerned in , and had litle knowledge of that government ] he tells them , that he wonders how an university conversing in all books , could profess they had no knowledge of these books . So that in Mr Crostons sense and in the sense of the Presbyterian covenanters in England , the government engadged unto in that article , is that platforme of Presbyterian government contained in these 2 books of discipline , which adversaries themselves do grant to comprehend an intire frame of Presbyterian government . Again ( pag. 141. ) he gathers from the tenor of the Kings coronation oath at Scone , that the royall assent was given unto Presbyterian government in pursuance of the obligation of the solemne league and Covenant , and that , in his Majesties most publick capacity as King of great Britain , France and Ireland , for himself and Successors : and asserting clearly the equity of the obligation , he asks the learned in law [ whither the royall assent by such expressions publickly made knowne ( as here it was unto acts and ordinances of parliament in his other dominions to be past here anent ) be not sufficient to make an act of parliament a perfect and compleat law by the equity of the statute 33. Hen. 3. 21. &c. ] So that Mr Crofton clearly asserts our obligation to Presbyterian government to be contained in the Covenant , and to reach all his Majesties dominions . For he tells us in the preceeding page , that to all such as apprehend the constitution of England to be Merum imperium , wherein the King hath supremam Majestatem , it is evident that his Majesties ratifying the Covenant thus , hath rendred it nationall . Again Timorcus ( pag. 70. ) asserts that the parliament who imposed the Covenant ( anno 1648. ) sent propositions to the King wherein was demanded the utter abolishing of episcopacie . Which is point blanck cross to the character of that piece obtruded by the Informer , and doth evidently demonstrat ( compared with these passages of Mr Crofton ) that the whole body of Presbyterian covenanters in England , both imposers and takers , parliament and people , understood that article of Presbyterian government . The Doubter here poorly grants [ that England and Scotland did not understand that article in the same sense , but alledgeth that since our Church understood it of Presbytry , we are bound to it in that sense . ] Upon this he assumes , That it will not follow that we are bound to it in the sense of our Church and state , but rather that in relation to government it is with out sense , since the imposers themselves were not aggreed as to its meaning . Ans. we have already made it good , both from the sense and scope of the national Covenant , the judicial interpretation and application of it to our former prelacie expres●…ie , the nations universall taking it so , and the authorizing thereof both by King and parliament , as well as by the recommendation of the assembly , from the total extirpation of prelacy , and setting up Presbyterian government in all its courts , in consequence hereof , that that article of the solemne league which relates to the preservation of the then existent Reformation in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , cannot without extreme impudence be distorted to any other sense , then a preservation of the Presbyterian government then existent . Especially the league being framed and entered into by us , for our further security in relation to what we had attained . And this being the article framed by the Church and state of Scotland at that time , and this being also their scope and designe , discovered in their treaties with England , when that Covenant was entered into , I dare appeal this mans conscience upon it , whither ever any demurre here anent , or any other sense of this article , was offered by the English when the nations first entered into this oath ? or whither , the imposers thereof in Scotland , would have engaged in that league with the English , upon any other termes then these , and in this their sense of that 1. article . Thinks the Informer that if any such thing had been muttered in the first transaction of this business , that the English did not look upon the Presbyterian government as the reformed government of this Church , that the Scots nation would have transacted with whem in this league ? Nay , when ( as Timorcus tells us ) it was debated branch by branch , phrase by phrase in the convention house , in the parliament , in the assembly of divines , was there ever such a notion as this of our Informer started , that by the reformed government of the Church of Scotland , Presbyterian government was not to be understood ? in a word , dare he deny that the godly conscientious Ministers and people of England , did in the sense of this oath , and even in imitation of the Scottish , or rather the Scripture patterne , plead for , and had begun to set up Presbyterian government , and are closs to their principles to this day . But he adds , that it is irrationall to say we are bound to it in the sense of the Church and State of Scotland , because they were but a part of the Imposers and the least Part. Ans. I told him already that in relation to the engadgers in Scotland they were the proper imposers , the authority of the respective rulers of both nations , in relation , to their own subjects being first and immediately to be lookt unto , and their sense & scope therein to be mainly eyed , and each Nation being properly and immediatly judges , as to their own national end in this stipulation . Thinks this man , that the then representatives of Church and State , did eye any other end as to Scotland , then the preservation of the reformation in Doctrine , Discipline , Worship and Government , as at that time therein establisht . Moreover , the sense and scope of the article it self being convincingly inclusive of Presbyterian Government , it can admit of no other glosse without manifest distortion , and frustration of the imposers designe therein . Next he tells us , that suppose Presbytery were meant in the 1 Article , yet the 2d will admitt some episcopacie . What poor stuffe is this . Suppose the Article of extirpation relating only to England and Ireland , would comport with some episcopacie ( which the Informer hath not yet proved ) what hath that to do with Scotland ? Or how can that enervate our engadgement to preserve the reformation as then establisht in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government ? Because in relation to the extirpating of Englands Prelacy after the reformation in Scotland is compleated and sworn to , we are to bear with the English Church in some remaines of Prelacy , till God give further light , must we therfor be oblidged or allowed according to the sense and scope of this Oath to corrupt or raze the Fabrick of that establisht reformation , and bring in again prelacy into that Church out of which it had been totally eradicate ? Nay , this is too dull inadvertancie . As for what he adds that Presbytery is not inconsistent with any kinde of prelacie . I answer that the presbytery establisht and sworn to be maintained in Scotland , is , and Beza is so farre from disowning this , that ( as we heard ) he exhorteth John Knox to keep that Church and house of God clean of prelacy , as he loved the simplicity of the Gospel . CHAP. IV. The grounds , upon which the Informer undertakes to prove that the obligation of the Covenant ceaseth , although its oblidging force for the time past were supposed , examined at large . As also his reasoning upon Numb . 30. Wherein his begging of the question , his contradicting of Dr Sanderson and other Casuists , and manifold inconsistencies are made appear . OUR Informer having spent his Master pieces , and the cheife products of his invention , or rather of those who have gone before him , upon this difficult task of reconciling the Covenant to Prelacy , doth next ( as a liberall bold disputer ) undertake to loose the Covenant , even upon supposall of its pre-existent obligation against it . And therefore making his Doubter tell him [ that he bears off the acknowledgement of anyobligation against episcopacie , either in the national , or solemne league , lest he fall under the charge of perjurie ] . In answer to this he will suppose that episcopacy is abjured in both Covenants , and yet undertake to defend that they arenot perjured who now submit to prelacie . The Doubter thinks this strange Doctrine , and so do I. Because [ to swear against episcopacie and yet acknowledge it is to do contrary to their Oath . ] To this doubt he returns a large resolution , but still follows up the Seasonable case closs , for fear of miscarrying . And first , he begins with a threefold partition , either prelacy ( saith he ) is an unalterable necessary Government of divine or Apostolick warrand , or it is sinfull and contrary to the Apostolick Government , or thirdly of a middle nature , neither commanded nor forbidden , but left to Christian prudence as found expedient to be used or not . Here I must stope him a little , and minde the reader , that we did upon the first Dialogue , disprove this indifferent Proteus-Prelacie , as a monster to Scripture , since the Scripture condescending so far as to its institution of officers , ordinances , Lawes , censures ; and ( as we heard himself acknowledge ) setting down all substantialls of Church Government , prelacie must of necessity be either consonant or dissonant therunto , and by consequence necessary or finfull , commanded or forbidden . So that he is to be limited to the first two , and any supposal anent the indifferencie of presacy , is but his petitio prnicipii ; and the gratification of his adversary for further clearing of this question : now proceed we . If it be the Apostolick Government derived from their times to all ages of the Church , he hopes we will grant that no Oath oblidges against it . This I willingly grant to him , but what then ? Why , we must not cry out perjurie till what he hath offered on this head be solidly answered . Let this bargaine stand , I hope I have made his Scripturae pretences , appear to be vaine , and proven the contrariety of that prelacie now established , both to the Scripture and pure antiquity , and till he hath answered what is offered upon this point , we may impute perjury to him by his own acknowledgment . What next , what if it be sinfull ? Then he sayes we need not plead the Covenant obligation . No ? may we not plead the Covenant obligation against Schisme , heresie , and profanness ? May not the Oath of alledgance be pleaded against treason , because before this Oath treason is a sin ? Said he not already that the Baptismall vow is a superadded obligation , though the matter it self doth binde ? did not the Oath and Covenant ( Neh. 8. ) containe an abjuration of many sins , against which the people stood before preoblidged ? But he adds , its true a supervenient Oath makes the obligation the stronger . Right , why then may not we plead that which makes it stronger ? Especially against this man and his fellows , who have such a mighty faculty of resolving and absolving all S Peters fetters . Sure they had need of Double nets who would catch a Proteus . Then he tell us , That the ablest champions for Presbytrie dar not assert episcopacie to be unlawfull . What champions are these that prove it to be contrary to Scripture , and yet dar not assert it to be unlawfull ? Sure they are very faint disputants . We heard that Beza ( whom our Informer will sure call a champion for Presbytery ) called episcopacy dia●…olicall and the egg out of which Antichrist was hatched . Was not that near the march of calling it unlawfull ? But how will he now absolve us ? Why , it must be indifferent , neither lawfull nor unlawful , and then the question is with him , if we could by our own Oath , make it absolutely and in every case unlawfull , so that we can never after submit unto it . He adds , that we are mistaken if we think that an Oath against a thing indifferent will in every case bind . Here I shall only tell him that since all his resolving skill goes upon this supposition , he should have travelled to Utopia with this resolution , since we do suppose and have proven Prelacie to be unlawfull , and so are not in the least concerned in what he saith upon this point : Since he is still arguing ex ignoratione elenchi . But let us see how he will absolve us upon this supposition , which he must in pity be gratified with , before he can draw forth his weapons . Our Informer still stricks hand , with the Seasonable case and the Surveyer , telling us first , that the oath ceases to bind , if the thing sworn against , be a matter wherein our superiours have power to command us , they by their authority given them of God , may require obedience of us in any thing lawfull , and so may in that particular , command us to do or use what we have sworn against , it being a thing in it self lawfull , and in this case our oath ceases to binde . Ans. this simple notion , by our Informer poorly propounded hath no taste in it , and cannot reach our case , even though he had won over that insuperable mountain of the unlawfullness of prelacy , and had proven , or his adversary had granted it , to be indifferent , for 1. his supposition runs thus . That episcopacy is indifferent to be used in the Church or not as it shall be found expedient . Now , I beseech him , who is the proper judge , what frame of Church government best sutes her condition ? is not the Church representative , to whom is intrusted the power of the keys ? by what warrand will he bring in the Magistrate primo instanti to alter and set up Church government as he thinks fit , even granting it were indifferent ? he sought at first but a grant that prelacy was indifferent , but ere he can produce one reason for his point , he must have a further grant of Erastianisme , and that the Magistrate is the proper competent immediat judge in matters ecclesiastick . Who can stope the mouth of this hungry cause of his , that must have multiplied concessions of the adversary , and yet cannot subsist , but starves with its own weakness when all is done . For 2dly , although this were also granted , what will he say in this case , wherein the superiour hath bound and engadged himselfe with the same Oaths , vows , and bonds that the subject is tyed with , and hath solemnly vowed to God against such a frame of Government ? Sure this will tye up his hands if we may beleeve the maxime asserted by Dr Sanderson and other Casuists that juramentum tollit libertatem even in a thing indifferent . Had we not the ratification of the Nationall Covenant with the band and explication against the Scots Prelacie , in plain Parliament by King Charles the first , under his hand writing 1641 ? Did not the King who now is in the Year 1650 and — 51 , swear and subscribe both this oath , and the solemn league and Covenant , and gave all imaginable assurances for upholding Presbyterian Government , and in opposition to Prelacy ? suppose he had power to command in this matter , sure his commanding power is tyed up , when he hath vowed and Open'd his mouth unto God , and lifted up his hand to the most high , That Prelacy shall never be allow'd within his dominions , far less commanded . Whatever power God hath given to Magistrates over their subjects , sure he hath given them no power to loose themselves from his oath and vow upon them is . Thirdly , it is too laxe a principle , to hold that in every thing , in it self indifferent , the Magistrates power reaches to supercede or loose , the obligation of an oath or vow of the subject . For a subjects freedome and liberty , as in that capacity , and the Magistrats authority , being coordinate , as the subjects liberty must not justle with the Magistrat's lawfull Command , suited to the ends of government , so neither must the Command of the Magistrate incroach upon this reserved liberty of the subject , who hath many things in his own power and without the reach of any lawfull command of the Migistrate . A Subject , and a slave , are quite distinct things . God restrained & set bounds to the power of Kings , and Magistrates whom he set over his people , so that they might not command such and such things . Therefor in what things soever , the exercise of a subjects liberty , crosses not the designe and end of the Magistrates power exprest in Scripture , his vow is without the reach of the Magistrates suspending or loosing power . Naboth would not give Ahab his Vineyard , no not for money . What if a man in a parentall capacity , interpose a vow as to his childe in reference to some occupation or inheritance , which are supposed , before th●…s vow , to be things indifferent ? Sure the Magistrates suspending power will not reach this vow . This will be clear , if it be considered , That the preservation of the Subjectes liberty , is one of the great ends of the Magistates Authority . The Second case wherein the Informer tellsus , that ane Oath in things indifferent binds no●… , is when the thing sworn is so altered in its nature , that it becomes sinfull and cannot be lawfully performed . He tells us that Casuists say , That cessat juramenti obligatio cum res non permanent in eodem statu Ans. This other case generally byhim propounded here , shall be considered & spoken to , when we shall see how hereafter he explaines and applyes it . Therefore we shall in this place dismiss it with one word , That Prelacy is now the same , and worse thn formerly , And therfor the premised maxime cannot reach his Conclusion in the least . His Third case wherein he tells us , that the Oath in things indifferent ceaseth to bind , is , when it is impeditivum majoris boni , which he sayes the Seasonable case and the survey of Naphtali , do apply to this Oath . And how he applyes it we shall after hear , He tells us , they do prove ; that supposing Episcopacie lawfull , though i●… were meant in the Covenant , none should think themselves bound to stand out against it , our Superiours having commanded us to obey and submit to that government . And that he solidly repells what is brought by the Apologie or Naphtali to the contrary . But how insignificantly either he , or these new Casuists , do loose the Covenant upon this Pretence , hath already in part , and shall yet further appear . What a laxe Adiaphorist is this , who by his new divinity , first takes this great duty of vowing or swearing quite away ; For , no Oaths must be pleaded in things necessary , in this man's judgment , They canno in things that are sinfull or unlawfull have place , and so all the subject thereof must be things lawfull ; and for this , there needs no more to make all Oaths and vows evanish , but a command from the superiour , and then they are gone . Secondly , he makes the Magistrat's posteriour and supervenient command , no●…only loose all his subjects from the obligation of what is lawfully sworn , but also himself from his personall Oath : Though he hath sworn and vowed never so deeply , he hath no more to do but to make a Law against it , and then the Oath , as impeditivum boni , ceasethto bind either himselfe or his subjects . Thirdly , he makes all the reserved liberty of the subject ( which Government is for preservation of ) a meer nullity and Chimaera , so as this liberty it selfe , or any vow or Oath in things which are properly within it's sphere , evanishes at every arbitrary command of the powers . Hence a subjects liberty resolves into a meer nothing or slavery . Fourthly , thus the Judgement of all Churches in Brittain and Ireland under this Oath , must in relation to the expediency of this supposed lawfull Episcopacy , and its present suitableness to her edification , be at the meer beck of this arbitrary command of the civill power , as the sole and proper judge of this matter . And so . First , the Magistrate is not only the immediatjudge of all ecclesiastick Government , or what is most suitable to the Churches State and edification in point of Government . But 2dly , all judgement of discretion is taken away from the people of God , in relation to this matter of so high importance , and their acting in faith consequently , in this supposed obedience . So that men are made absolutly Lords over their consciences . Yea 3dly , all regard to the eshewing the offence of the weak , and the Scripture Rules in relation to their scandal , and stumbling , are made void ; the meer command of the powers determining that matter , in the principles of this Informer . Yea Moreover , all our Christian libetry in things indifferent , which Christ hath purchased with his precious blood , and which we are commanded so much to hold fast , is close swallowed up , so that both judgement & practise , in matters wherein God hath given a liberty , are tyed unto , and only regulable by , the arbitrary command of the powers : And what monstruous absurdities these are , the meanest capacity may judge . As for what he adds here , that an Oath about matters not sinfull , is alwayes to be understood with this restriction , [ so long as lawfully I may ] which the matter thereof requires , because the taker is under prior and greater obligations ( viz obedience to his superiour and the like ) then that of the Oath in a thing indifferent , and therefor when the prior obligation crosseth this latter of the Oath , its obligation must cease . Ans. This prior obligation the Informer makes relative to the Magistrats command interposing , which according to his laxe and unrestricted supposalls , makes all Oaths no stronger then a threed touched with the fire , and when applyed to our case , is utterly impertinent , because ; first , there are things in their own nature indifferent , yet within the sphere of the subjects reserved liberty ; and Consequently not within the reach of any lawfull command of the Magistrat , nor of any anterior obligation , to that of the Oath by further consequence ; and that the matters in debate are not such , he hath not proved . 2ly , The Magistrate himselfe hath by his own Oath ( in this case ) superseded and tyed up any right of commanding , which the Informer may suppose he had . 3ly , upon both these grounds , the performance of this great engadgement , can never justle with any lawfull command of the Magistrat . And by further Consequence , 4ly , There is no greater or prior obligation in this case lying upon the Swearer , from the Magistrat's right , to breake or cut short the obligation of this vow . All which is yet further convincingly clear , if it be considered , that this great supposition of the lawfulnes or Indifferency of Prelacy ( which is the grand Topick bearing the weight of his Argumentation ) is but begged by him , and as an almes , given by his Adversary . But the contrariety of Episcopacy to the Scripture , which we have alreadie proved , being once supposed , it followes , that there is an obligation Prior to all Oaths , lying both upon King and subjects for it's Extirpation , but which is much more strengthened by the Supervenient Oaths and vows of God upon them , for this great end . The Informer adds further , that our obligation to our Superiours , is Gods tye — our Oath a knot of our own casting , and that when two duties at once seeme to require performance , and we cannot get them both satisfyed , the lesser should give way to the greater . Ans. 1. The same God who hath enjoyn'd obedience to Rulers , hath reserved the subjects liberty , and Christian liberty , and by his authority salv'd and authorized Oaths and vows which are within the compass of that reserv'd liberty , so the last knot is of Gods casting as well as the first . And such Alexander-like absolvers or Cutters as our Informer and his fellowes , will find that they are hewing at divine cords , when the curse due to perjury shall enter into their houses and soules , if they repent not . 2ly , Hence in this case and question under debate , our obedience to the Magistrat ( especially upon our true supposition of the unlawfullness of Prelacy , and of the Oath against it , lying upon the Magistrat himself ) is sinfull ; and so the comparison is betwixt duty , and sin , not a greater and lesser duty , which this man must grant is ever to be preferred . And besides , the Informers supposition , that this Oath is a meer voluntary deed of our own , which had so full a ratification of the Magistrates Authority , is among the rest of his gratis supposita and Beggings of the question , which we must send back to him with a lash , untill it be return'd with a due Testimonall of better proof then of his Ipse dixit . 3ly , Even upon his own supposition , Dr Sanderson will tell him , that any law made against an Oath , which is but spontaneous , if the law be alternative , to obey or suffer , the Oath will bind against the active part , and oblige not to obey the power in that supervenient command or Law , which is contrary even to the privat spontaneous Oath , de Iur Promis . Prel . Sect. 9. But a fortiori much more will this oblige not to obey that Law , if the Oath be not only spontaneous , but hath been fortifyed by the Legislative power , yea and vow of the Superior himself , who Pretends to loose it by his after-Law . 4ly , Whereas he alledges , Gods putting us under the commands of the powers in this case , and his freind Dr Burnet in this Argument , tells us that [ our Oath being a voluntary deed of our own ( as he gratis supposeth with the Informer ) cannot prejudge the commands of our superiours , which are Gods own immediat commands . ] They should know ( as Timorcus long since Informed them Chap. 6. sect . 35. ) That the Topick of this Argument being , The dominion of the superiour over the Inferiour , if the command or Law be the exercise of a dominion in things wherin he hath no dominion , the Oath will bind against such lawes . This man and his fellows are still talking of the prior obligation of obedience to the Magistrat , but they must know that the Magistrats dominion in this point must be instructed by a Patent from God the supreme Legislator , before we can acknowledge it . And if our Oath interferre with the exercise of a dominion which is without its due sphere , sure it interferres with no prior obligation which God hath lay'd upon us . Even Azorius ( Mor. Quest. l. 11. cap. 6. ) will tell him , that an Oath will bind Contra mores jure civili institutos , if the divine Law be in any thing crossed thereby . Nay , Casuists , even such as Abbas , Silvester , Azorius , Molina , Lessius , Leyman , Sanohes , Swares , do grant . That an Oath will bind against any civill Law , if it oblige ad paenam non ad culpam necessario , to punishment , and not necessarly to sin . And further most of them admit the binding force of Oaths against the Laws or commands of superiours , ubi materia legibus opposita sine peccato fieri potest , where the matter of the Oath , which is contrary to the lawes , may be performed without sin it being non contra jus naturale aut divinum , that is , not against the Law of nature or the divine Law. See Timorcus ubi supra . 5ly , Even putting episcopacie in the category of things indifferent , this Oaths obligation against it , will countervaile & oversway our obligation to obey the Magistrate , and submit to his laws , In such a case , wherin it is found inexpedient for the Church , and particularlie for this Church , as by its apparent dreadfull effects is evident ; such as the desolation and wasting of this Church , the spreading of poperie and Arminianism , the Casting out of many of the godlie Ministry , the fixed division therin , the endless Confusions and broiles , and therby the wide door opened to all Popish invasions &c. For since the Magistrats simple Command cannot determine what Government is expedient or inexpedient for the Church , this must be supposed that Prelacie is best , before the Command can be , so much as supposed Lawfull , els the Magistrat may injoyne an Hundred Oaths this year in such and such things as he calls expedient , and null them all the next year , though himself be engadged therin , upon pretence of inexpediency of the Matter , because of occurring circumstances , which will make mad work of Oaths , and hang them all at the Magistrats sic volo sic jubeo , as to their obligation . It s true that the greater duty ( as is clear Math. 9. 13. ) counter-balances the less , but I Pray , shall the meer will and Command of the power , determine the greater dutie ? and be the sole and supreme rule to determine the Conscience , as to the expediency of a thing hic & nunc . And though ( as he sayes ) every positive precept oblidge not ad Semper . Yet he must acknowledge , first , that it oblidges semper , and though not as to the act , yet as to the eshewing the Contrary therof . And Secondly , to act semper , except when Gods command superseds it , as to other duties in their seasons . So that till he clear this in the point of prelacie , and that the renouncing of our Covenant , and presbyterian Government at the Magistrats Command , is in our case the greatest duty , this rule makes against him . The Doubter , as to his first rule , anent the authority of superiours interveening , objects , that its hard to say that mans authority can loose the Oath of God , since in this Case we must say , that we have opened our mouth unto God , and cannot go back ] . To this he answers . 1. That the law of God in the 5th Command layes the first and Primarie obligation upon us to obey our superiours , which Command we cannot bind up our selves from obeying . Ans. 1. the same God who gave that Command , did by the third Command oblidge both superiours and inferiours , to be a ware of taking his name in vain , and therfor not to presume to break their Oaths and vows in any Lawfull matter , unlesse insuch Cases as himself the blest and supreme Lawgiver , excepts ; which he hath not yet letten us see as to this Oath , wherin both superiours and inferiours have entered , and therby oblidged themselves to God against what he pleads for . So that Gods reserved Supremacie , and Dominion , which ( to use his own argument against him ) is the primarie and fundamentall tye , upon which this 5. Command is bottomed , and according to which our obedience therto must be Regulat , will cut short the obedience to the superiour in this case , wherin we cannot obey him in the Lord , and without violating our fealty and alleadgeance to the God of Gods , and wronging his suprem dominion . 2ly , In this same 5. Command , God hath limited the Power of superiours , and tied them under many bonds of duties to their subjects or inferiours , which , in none of their Commands they must transgress , and if they do , their Commands oblidge not Inferiours to obey . Now , that this Loosing the obligation of these Oaths is in our case an encroachment upon the subjects right and reserved Libertie , as well as christian Libertie , and an encroachment upon Gods sovereign right , is above Cleared . Next he sayes , this were a way to frustrat the superiour of all obedience , and every man might pretend , I have sworn against such a thing commanded , therfor I cannot do it . Thus privat persons might prelimit themselves from obeying in everie thing . Ans. in our case there is no such hazard , for the superiour hath prelimit Himself by his own oath , and this will not prelimit him upon such a pretence , from obedience in any thing that is Lawfull , or which falls within the Compass of his Power As a Magistrate and is suitable to the great ends of his Power , to say , that he cannot Arbitrarly loose people from a Lawfull Oath , sworn also by himself . But on the contrary , this pretended Informer his doctrine herein prelimtes and cuts short Subjects Libertie , and Christian Libertie , and Libertie of Conscience , subjecting it , and all Gods rules theranent , all scripture Rules of Expediency and Edification , and all Oaths and vows superadded to matters subordinat to these ends , unto the Magistrats arbitrary disposal and laws , which is a prelimitation equally if not more dangerous . Our Informer in the next place for proof of this his doctrine , sends the Doubter to Numb . 30 : where ( he sayes ) the husband or parent is vested with a Power to null and make void the vow of the wife or daughter , and by Proportion the King , who is Pater patriae , hath the same authority . Ans. it will be a harder task then this man can well mannage to bring in the King here within the Compass of the father and husbands right , as to this absolving Power . For first , the Magistrats Power is far different from the Marital and Parental , and the relation betwixt King and subject is nothing so strait , as betwixt husband and wife , parent and Children , the one being natural , the other Political , the one changeable , the other not . A man may chuse to Live under what Magistrat he pleases , but the woman cannot cast off her husband , nor the Child shake off his relation and dutie to the father . Besides , subjects set up their Magistrats and Limite them : But so it is not as to the Marital and Parental relations . The husbands authority flows not from the wife her donation , nor the parents from the Children . So that a parallel argument can hardly be drawen from the Power of husbands and parents , supposed in this text , in relation to Oaths and vows of the Children and wife , to that of the Magistrat in relation to his subjects . 2ly , in the beginning of that Chap. the Lords way of Laying down this great Sanction touching vows , seems to exclude the Magistrat from this absolving Power . For after the propounding of the Law touching the keeping of voluntary Oaths and vows , viz. that the person vowing shall not break nor profane his Word as the Hebrew signifies , but do according to all that Proceeds out of his mouth . 1. The Case of the wife and the Daughter not foris-familiat , is Gods great and only exception ( exprest in the Text ) from his own rule , and Law , touching the strick observation of voluntarie Lawfull vows . So that , the rule and Law seems to reach all other Cases , as to free vows , except only this . 2ly , in the Beginning of the Chap. we find that Moses spoke this to the Rulers and heads of the tribes , but the text is silent as to his applying of this exception anent the father and husbands Power in absolving vows , unto these heads & Rulers , which should have been especially intimat to them . Hence it may be probaby Concluded that the Rule and Law touching the observation of vows , stands fast in all other Cases except these here expresly excluded , by the Great Lawgiver . So that ere his argument can reach us , he most give in Sufficient proof that the Magistrat stands vested with this Power , and falls within the Compass of this exception , in relation to his subjects . Not to detain him here in tasking him to prove , that this Judicial statute , as others of the like nature , doth belong unto the Christian Chùrch . But in the second place , Granting that the Magistrat is here meant , it will never speak home to his Point , but much against him , for 1. the dominion of the Superiour being the ground of this discharge , wherin the husband and Parent have Power , if the matter of our vow be found such as is excepted from the Magistrats dominion , the Informer must grant that this text will not reach our Case . And supposing the matter , antecedaneously unto the vow , to fall under divine Commands , this is evident beyond exception . But because he beggs our concession , that it was before indifferent , I adde , if it be within the Limits of our reserved Libertie as free subjects , or of our Christian Libertie , it s still on both grounds , beyond the reach of his dominion , and consequently excluded from this exception , and the vow must stand and oblidge according to the Grand precept here set down ; so that a hundred discharges of the Magistrat will never touch it . We heard him acknowledge , that by [ discipline of this Church ] in the nationall Covenant , the substantialls of Government is understood , and that consequently it binds therunto ; So he must acknowledge that our solemn Covenant will inviolably bind to this divine Frame of Government , & no earthlie power can loose therfrom , no more then from Scripture institutions . And Doctor Featlie acknowledgeth that people may Covenant , without their Superiours , to fulfill Gods Law. Now , give us all Scripture Church officers , and their Rules of Government , & Prelacie shall be quickly gone , So that upon his concession that the national or solemn league do reach the substantialls of Government , or what is necessary for the ends of Government set down in Scripture , it will amount to that which we plead for ; and he must grant it falls not under the Magistrats Dominion , and that his argument from this text is lost . 2dly , this dissent which looses the vow , must be both ane open dissent , and also presentlie in the verie day he heares of it . Qui sero se noluisse significat putandus est aliquando voluisse . That is , he that declares a late dissent , may be presumed sometimes to have given his consent , saith Dr Sand. de jur . prom . This he cannot say as to our King. 3ly , It most be constant , the dissent suspending , but not loosing the obligation . The oblidging vertue being naturall , and inseparable to the vow ( as Dr Sand. tells us de jur . prom . pag. 3. Sect. 10. ) when ever the consent comes , the obligation returns . Now have not our King and Rulers consented unto , and ratefied all our vows both in the nationall , and solemn league and Covenant ? 4ly , This consent of the superiour once given , can never he retracted by a dissent again . Whither it be before or after , he can never make it void , as the Text doth clearlie hold out . See Sand. 16. Prel . 7. Sect. 6. Now have not both the nationall and solemn League , the Consent & vows of all our superiours ratifying the same . So that this text every way pleads for the obligation therof ; for this their consent , once given , they can never revoke , far less their Oath and vows , but the vows of the inferiours , are thereby rendered for ever valid ; as Casuists in setting down these rules doe grant , so Aquinas , Filucius ( Tract . 25 cap. 9. ) Azor. ( Moral . inst . lib. 11. cap. 10. ) Sanches ( lib. 3. Cap. 9. ) Amesius ( cas . lib. 4. cap. 22. Quest. 11. ) Sand. ( Juram . Prom. Prel . 4. Sect. 16. ) But the Doubter objecting [ this consent and ratification of our superiours , which therefore they cannot make void . ] He answers , that by comparing the 12. and 15. verses it appears , that after the husband hath by silence confirm'd his wifes vow , yet he hath a power of voiding it again , and she is exonered of her vow , and bound to obey her husbands Commands . Ans. Although this were granted ( as the Text stands in clear contradiction to it ) that the husband might null the vow , after he hath confirmed it by a silence or tacit confirmation , yet it will not follow that his nulling power will hold , after he hath given not onlie a formall consent positive , but also solemnlie vowed and bound his soule to the Lord , in the same vow , which is most evidentlie our case . Have we not the solemn vows , subscriptions and Oaths of both King and Rulers , concurring with the vows of the subjects in this case ? How then shall they loose their own vows . 2ly , this wilde gloss is expresly cross to Dr Sanderson , and other Casuists , their sense of this case and text as we heard , who hold that if once the superiour hath either tacitly or expressly , precedaniously or subsequently consented , he can never by his dissent again either discharge from the Oath or ( so much as ) suspend the obligation of it . Dr. Sand. saith ( 16. Prel . 7. Sect. 6. ) it s a true rule , quod semel placuit amplius displicere non debet , what once in this case hath pleas'd the superiour , ought never to displease ; Gods Word declaring it established for ever . If he hath consented ( saith the Dr ) either before or after , be can never afterwards take away its obligation . 3. He makes the text contradict it self , for ( ver . 7. ) upon the husbands tacit consent , and holding his peace in the day he heard his wifes vow , the Lord declares that her vow shall stand , & the bond wherewith she bound her soule shall stand . And ( vers . 14. ) The husbands holding his Peace , establishes her vows and confirms them . Now then , God having declaire that the vow stands , is confirmd , and established as soule-bond upon their soules , by this consent tacit or expresse how shall it be null , and not stand , by ane after dissent ? Sure [ to stand ] is here opposed unto [ not to stand ] upon the termes of the present open dissent in the day he heard of it , which is the onlie exception . That which God declares to be confirmed , and to stand , upon the father or husbands consent , admits of no nulling afterward by them ; but so it is , that the wife or daughters vow upon the first consent and ratefication , stands and is confirmed , as a soule-bond : ergo , it admits of no loosing by ane after dissent . I prove the major two wayes , 1. standing and Confirming here are opposed , to nulling and making void . And 2ly , this would make more Limitations then God makes , as to the Loosing of the vow ; for there is no exception but that one , of the husbands open dissent , or the parents , in the day he hearts of it . This is the onlie exception from the rule in the 2d vers . anent the binding of the vow . But this mans gloss brings in another limitation cross to the very scope and express sense of the words viz. the husbands dissent , after he hath by a previous consent ratefied the vow . That God admits the vow to stand , upon this express or tacit consent , is evident in the text . As for the reason which he adds , viz. That the wife is under a prior obligation to obey her husband ; it is absurd and ridiculous , for will he carve ou●… ane obligation in this point beyond what God hath so expresly limit and declard . This were to give the husband a power , not over the wife onlie , but over God himself , and his express declarator . As for that clause ( ver . 15. ) that if he shall any wayes make them void , after he hath heard them , then he shall bear her iniquitie . What a wilde inference is it , from hence to conclude ane absolving power , in express contradiction to the text , and the limitations previoussie set down . To say that the vow cannot be loosed , unless the father or husband declare his dissent in the day he heares of it , And that if he hold his peace he hath confirmed it , and the bond and vow shall stand ; And yet that after all this , he may loose it by ane after dissent , is so plain a contradiction , that none can be plainer . If we will make the text then consistent with it self , the plain meaning is , that he shall bear her iniquitie , or the guilt which otherwise would have Iven upon the wife or daughter , if not hindered in the performance . That the guilt and punishment of the non-performance shall ly upon him who hindered the same , doth clearlie import the non-performance of it self to be a guilt ( which contradicts his pleading and argument . ) But the poor votarie being hindered , it lyes upon the hinderer as I said . So that we strongly inferr from this , the binding force of the vow , since the Lord terms the non-performance a guilt : as violent men hindring Ministers to preach , shall bear their guilt and punishment , which otherwise they were exposed unto if neglecting this great work . All do know , what these Scripture-Phrases of bearing his judgement , bearing his iniquitie , being partakers of Other mens sins , do import . Which Confirms this answer . His comments upon this phrase are verie vain [ first he shall bear her sin ( saith he ) if a guilt ] what is that ? bear a guilt , if a guilt , sure a repugnantia in adjecto . His next gloss makes the husband ane expiator of the guilt because she did her dutie in obeying him , who revoked-his Confirmation upon just grounds . What , upon just grounds contrary to Gods command ? this is ane odd exposition . Doth God give the least warrand here to absolve and null the vow , after it is ratefied by his previous consent . Mr. Poole in his annotations renders thus the sense of this 15. verse [ after he hath heard them &c. ] and approved them by his silence from day to day , if now after that time spent , he shall upon further thoughts dislike and hinder it , which he ought not to do . Her non-performance of her vow shall be imputed to him , not to her : Where , as he doth clearly assert ( with us ) that her iniquity , mention'd in the close of the verse , is the iniquity of the non-performance of the vow , which is imputed unto the husband , so , that he ought not to hinder the votarie , or stop this performance after that he hath confirmed the vow by silence ; in plain contradiction to the Informers phantastick glosses and inferences . Wherin altho he pretend a concurrence of Interpreters , expounding this verse of the husbands Lawfull voiding of the wifes vows after his previous confirmation , yet he hath produced none of their names . The Doubter enquires next how he applies his Second rule , anent things sworn their not abiding in the same state , to the Covenant . He answers , that upon supposition that Prelacie is Lawfull , and abjured in that Oath , the great change now is , that Prelats are again Established , and submission to them commanded . So that we are now bound to obey authoritie herin , and not to keep the Oath . And this is verie sutable to his large absolving glosses , which we have alreadie heard and refuted , and which is Likewise removed by what we have said , anent the matter of this vow , which is not capable of any such absolving trade as is now set up . These mens plagiary faith and divinitie , makes all vows no stronger then straws . Though the Magistrats and subjects universallie vow , yet a Law ( if the matter be not absolutlie necessarie , though never so expedient and edifying ) makes it ipso facto null and void . If he had letten us see any greater good , expediencie , or necessitie of prelacie , then in keeping this vow , he had spoken to the purpose . But this neither he nor any of his party will ever do . In a word this lax rule as here interpret by him , will inferr many absurdities , as 1. that the meer Law looses the obligation of the vow and Oath , though the matter therof falls not under the dominion of the Ruler . Which , 2ly , it doth not if it be either expedient or necessarie , and yet the meer Law ( with him ) robs it either of expediency or necessity . And thus , 3dly , mans law stepps up above the divine Law , authorizing the matter of the Oath upon the forementioned grounds . 4ly , He makes the expediency of the Law , and its being wholsome or no , cognoscible by no anterior or superiour Rule , but its self , and the meer will and power of the Magistrate , and to be obeyed upon that sole ground . 5ly , hence the obedience therof in faith , is excluded , and no acts of obedience can flow from spirituall knowledge . The Doubter next objects [ that his Oath against Bishops had the first obligation , and therfor he cannot be loosed by the after Law. ] To which he answers , that the 5th . command , and submission to the ordinance of man , had the first obligation , and that obedience to authoritie comes under the baptismall vow — that to say our Oath will oblidge against the Magistrats Command to the Contrary , will elude the express precept Ecl. 8. 2. to obey the kings command in regard of the Oath of God Ans. This is nothing but what we have heard , repetitions ad nauseam , and still idem per idem . Our obligation in the 3d command , not to take Gods name in vain , and to keep and stand to all Lawfull Oaths , and vows , unless in cases which God himself excepts , is surly a verie arlie , and a baptismall obligation , prior to any Law of the Magistrat , and such as no authoritie and Laws of men can evacuatand enervat ; and our obedience to the ordinance of man , or the higher and Lower Powers , being for the Lords sake , that is upon the motive of his authoritie , doth infer , that we must not dare to cross his authority , under pretence of obedience to the powers , in breaking lawfull Oaths and vows which he has commanded us to keep . Sure no Laws of men can supersed this obligation . That the Oath under debate is such , hath been already made good , and needs not be here repeated . As for that of Eccl. 8. 20. It makes clearlie against him ; the English annotations having upon that text , mentioned the mutuall tye , oath , and Covenants betwixt King and subject , instancing 1. Chron. 11. 3. do tell us that this is not only ane enforcement of the duty of subjects , but likewise , that the clause contains a limitation , by which our obedience to men is bounded : And thus they sense the precept , keep the Kings command , yet so that thou do not violat thine Oath and obedience due unto God. Our service to the one ( say they ) must be such as will consist with our fealty to the other . We are bound to God and his service by Oath and Covenant , and no subordinat obedience to others , must make us forget our duty to him . Which clearlie crosses this Miss-Informers scope who would perswade to perjurie and breach of Covenant with God , upon pretence of fealty to the Magistrat . Mr Poole in his annotations having told us That the first branch of the verse is not to be understood universally , but of such commands as do not crosse the commands of God , expones this Oath of God mentioned in the second part of it , either of the Oath we are under to keepe all Gods Laws , or the subordinat Oath of fealty and allegiance . But adds , that this also may be understood , and is by learned Interpreters taken , as a limitation of their obedience to Kings , the words being thus rendred , as the Hebrew ( faith he ) will very well bear , but according to the Word of the Oath of God , obey the Kings commands , with this caution that they be agreeable and not contrary to the Laws of God , which thou art obliged by thy own and thy parents Oaths oft renewed , to observe in the first place . As for what he adds ( out of the grand case ) anent Iesuites Oath in Rome to preach in England Catholick doctrine , and of a Law made in England against the same . It is , so palbablie impertinent and unsuteable to the point , that I wonder at the mans confidence in presenting to the world such poor trifling fopperies in so weightie a matter . Dare he say that the matter of our vows , which our Rulers themselves have taken , is in any measure like to this . Nay , doth he not suppose the Matte●… of this Oath to be Lawfull , he must then confess this instance to be most impertinent . But the knack is , That abstracting from the unlawfullness of the Matter , it was declair'd , that ane Oath cannot bind against a Law , although the Law be made even after the Oath is taken . This was no doubt a lax determination , And such as he dare no●… himself subscribe unto in everie case ; what , an●… Oath cannot bind against a Law in universum , and simply ? what if the matter be necessarie , or falling under divine Prescriptions or institutions ? What if convincingly expedient in its circumstances ? Will thi●… Law , yea and after the Oath is taken , overrule th●… divine Law determining the same ? Well resolve●… Mr. Informer . You may go sell absolutions ano●… of a high rate . Come we now to his third case , anent the Oath hindring a greater good , then the performance it ill amount to and the dissolution therof upon that ground . This the Doubter thinks [ will furnish people with a readie excuse to free themselves of Oaths , by alledging that some greater good is hindered thereby . ] To this he answeres 1. That Casuists admit this rule with these limitations viz. when that greater good is certain , and no otherwise attainable , but by the discharge of our Oath , and a good to which we are pre-obliged before we took the Oath . Ans. We shall not much contend about these rules & limitations of this Maxime in thesi , or in the generall , only I shall adde some more limitations here . That 1. This greater , certain , & no otherwise attainable good , must be such , not in our apprehension only , but according to the Rule of the Word , for otherwise we are just where we were as to the hazard of perjurie , if every mans [ thinks so ] , or the Magistrats [ arbitrarie Laws ] shall be the only Rule to determine this , as this Informer makes all resolve thereunto which he pretends in this case , in relation to that greater good , which he offers in breaking this Oath . Hence Gregorius Sayrus ( clav . reg . l. 5. cap. 8. n. 15. ) having determined that every man hath a power to commute ane oath for something better , is opposed by Silvester and others , who say , that the Pope must determine the good to be better . So rationall and Consequent to their Principles are even Papists in this point . And must not Protestants be ashamed to refuse this limitation , that the Scripture ( with us the onlie , and supreme rule ) must determine this greater good . Next , Timorcus will tell him , that the Oath thus irritat , must be onlie made to God , for if it be to our brother , and for his advantage , we must have his consent as necessarie towards the commutation . This he tells us , is agreed upon by Casuists , as well as the other limitations . To these we adde Dr. Sand. rule ( de jur . prom . Prel . 3. Sect. 12. ) that , precise ob hoc quod videtur impeditivum majoris boni , obligandi vim non amittit . Id est , That the Oath loseth not its obliging force , meerly because it seems the bindrance of a greater good , unless other circumstances also concurr ( as usuallie there do ) which either evince it unlawfull , or not oblidging . His reason is because in all cases it is not true that everie one is oblidged to do what is best , he means , simpliciter , and abstracting from the present circumstances ) since this would open a flood-gate for all manner of perjury . As for that limitation ( presented with an especially as the main one ) anent the Oaths hindering the greater good , to which we were preoblidged , which this man foists in , to make way for his nauseating repetition , anent the Magistrats power , it may be alledged that it is not consistent with it self : for if we stood Preobliged to this greater good , it renders the Oath ab initio null , for the same cause on which it is loosed upon the prospect of that greater good . The greater obligation ( as he sayes ) still overruling the lesser , & ane Oath in prejudice of a greater obligation , and contradictorie therto , can lay on no obligation , for so we might be under contradictorie obligations according to his way of reasoning about the Magistrats power . [ I will have mercie and not sacrifice ] is one of his illustrating instances . So that the obligation of the Oath , according to his reasoning in this matter , was like unto this inverted rule , viz. Sacrifice and not mercie , and being such ab initio , it could not bind . I know ( as Dr Sand. saith ) that which is abstractedly and simplicer a greater good , may hic & nunc , and in such a complex case become the lesser , consideratis considerandis all circumstances taken in . But this he admits not , for he adds unto the known rule anent the greater and certain good in its time and circumstances , that other limitation anent the vower his being preobliged unto it , which can no otherwise be understood then in opposition to the obligation of the vow , unless this his added limitation be redundant , or non-sense . But 2dly , let us come to the assumption , what is that greater good , attainable in breaking this Oath and vow rather then in keeping it . This he tells us is obedience to authority ( that 's the panacea curing allwounds the universall topick , and primum mobile ) avoiding of Schisme , Ministers serving God , in the work of the ministry to which they are called ; these he sayes are greater and better goods then adhering to the Oath in a thing indifferent Then he adds , that Ministers should consider , whither is be better to lay aside their Oath , then their Ministerie . ( Especiallie ane Oath about a thing indifferent ) and incapacitat , or do that which by consequence incapacitates them for the Ministerie — that Ministers think that by their Oath they are obliged not to continue in their stations , as matters now stand , and yet divines hold that the lesser duty gives place to the greater , as David did eat the shew bread rather then starve , Paul and those with him , did cast their goods into the sea &c. In Answer to this , we need not much enlarge , it being nothing but what is upon the matter already objected and answered . 1. If the Oath , for its matter contain important duties falling under divine commands , and unalterable obligations , if Prelacie be contrary unto divine prescriptions in point of Government , & the disowning of it consequently be a standing necessarie duty ( which we do suppose and have proved , and he cannot disprove ) then this man himself will grant that all this tatle about the greater good in breaking the Oath , is to no purpose . 2ly , say prelacie were but indifferent , yet upon the supposall of the greater expediencie of Presbyterian Government for this Church then Prelacie , and upon the certain supposition of all the Rulers engadgement in this Oath and vow to God against it , ( the first of which suppositions he hath not disproved , and the 2d he cannot deny ) it is certain , that both Rulers and Ruled their keeping the Oath , is a far greater & more certain good , then their breaking it . 3ly , let Dr Sand. limitation here again come in viz. That the Oath is not precisely loosed because it seems to contradict a greater good , unless Other circumstances do also occurr , which either evince it to be unlawfull , or not oblidging , and that it s not true that in everie case we are bound to do what is best , that is unless omnibus pens●…is , and caeteris Paribus , all circumstances duelie pondered , it be found best ; and then the Question is whither it were best for Rulers or ruled to keep this Oath for these great ends which he mentions , than to break it . Whither it be a greater good to keep a Lawfull Oath , though I suffer under authoritie levelling against it , or break it to please men ▪ or whither I shall chuse the evill of suffering or sinning ? ( for he hath not yet proved that the interposing of the Rulers meer Law or authoritie , will make this Oath unlawfull , & we have shewed that Casuists mantain the Contrary . ) Whither peace with God be a greater good in keeping his Covenant , then peace with men and with the world in breaking it ? This Question was soon resolved with Elias . The children of Israel have forsaken thy Covenant — and I onlie am left &c. 4ly , This greater good , he acknowledges must be such , as is no Otherwise att●…inable then by breaking the Oath . Hence the Question will be , whither the Gospel might not have been preached , schisme avoided , and God served in the Ministerie of the word , by keeping this Oath and Covenant with him ? This man will come to a great height of impudence if he deny this . Nay , if he deny that this good might have been thus beter obtain'd . He alledges we have now a great Schisme by Presbyterian Ministers departing from their party , and he will not deny that many excellent preachers are Laid aside , the Magistra●… is displeas'd and disobeyed , all filled with confusion and disorder , poperie like to creep in &c. Now , had not all this been eshewed by keeping our Covenant with God ? The gospel had been preached by Presbyterian Minist●…rs , and he will not deny that all his party of Conformists too , had keeped their ownstations , this schisme had been avoided , and the Magistrat obeyed while commanding for God. So that this rule everie way makes against him . And in stead of obtaining a greater good by breach of Covenant , we have lost the greatest good , the gospel and peace with God , and incurred much sin and miserie . I know he will say that he speaks upon the suposal of the Rulers disowning the Oath , and Establishing prelacie . But then I urge him thus , 1. Since he cannot but grant that the keeping of the Oath , or holding fast Presbyterian government , would have had the forementioned advantages following upon it , shall the meer pleasure of the Rulers cast the ballance , and disprove its native tendencie sua natura towards the formentioned effects ? the matter of the Oath is still of it self , or of its own nature , more productive of these good effects ; & Consequently the keeping is to be preferd to breaking of it , which is attended with evils counterballancing these apparent good effects , which he imagins to attend this breach . 2ly , if the Oath cannot be commuted or changed , but for a greater good , and all these good effects mentioned , might have been better , & more certainlie attaind , by keeping then breaking it , then the Rulers commuting the Oath , or altering or breaking of it , he must acknowledge to be sinfull upon his own ground . Since they might have attaind these good effects of obedience , preaching the gospel , and unity , by keeping this Oath , and might have more surelie and better eshewed the forementioned evils then by breaking it . And then , let him in the third place seriously Consider , whither the Rulers sin in commutting or breaking this Oath , for neither a greater , nor more certain good , will warrand my breaking of the Oath to follow them in that sinfull course ; and loose me from my obligation . 4ly , It will hence follow , that he playes the petty sophister here , in calling disobedience to the Magistrat , in this one point of a sinfull command in relation to this Oath , ( which on the formentioned grounds is proved Sinfull ) a disobeying of authoritie . For he dare not say that disobeying a sinfull command can come under this character . And the true state of this Question is not , whither it be a greater good , to obey the Magistrat or keep ane oath ? but whither it is a greater good in this particular to obey him , in Embracing abjur'd Prelacie , or to stand to the Oath ; and the issue of this is , whither it be best for the Church of Scotland to have or want Prelats ? which , from what is said is soon determined . 5ly , What if these pretended good issues , be countervaild by greater evills : such as persecution of many thousands , godlie faithfull Ministers and Professors , laying waste Gods heritage , Blood , miserie , confusion , schisme , ( the godlie adherers to this Oath , being without all question this Pure Church ) famine of the word &c. Nay , according to Dr Sand. rule mentioned , where is the Relaxation of all parties engadged in Covenant one with another , as well as with God ? were not the Churches of both nations nay in all the three Kingdoms , engadged to one another in this Oath ? now thinks he not that this prospect of a greater good in breaking this oath , should have been laid to the eye of the representative Church in the three Kingdoms , in order to the change of government . And should not all parties engadged in this Covenant , have dispensed with it , and with one another in contemplation of this greater good , and for obtaining this better government ? thinks he that such a great question as this : What is this greater good in point of Church Government ? And that other Question . Whither such great and solemn Oaths may be laid aside in order to the obtaining of it ? Are Finally decided by the Magistrats Law without the least owning the Church representative ? and besides , he dare not say that all are bound to obey the Magistrat in all things indifferent . Is not subjection ( by the acknowledgement of most , and even of his Master the surveyer ) different from active obedience . Finally , as for what he sayes of Ministers , the Apologist told him , and his master the Seasonable case , and I do tell him again , that God calls no man to preach the gospel by such ane unlawfull meane as perjurie and breach of Covenant , and that in this case Ministers suffering for truth , is a Confirmation of the gospel Phil. 1. 12. That in deserting and not preaching , they are meerly passive : being persecute for their integritie ; so the charge and guilt of not preaching lyes upon their persecutors . Besides , the state of the question in truth , and in our principles importing a competition betwixt sin and suffering , and duty and sin , not a lesser and greater duty , the folly and impertinency of his instance , anent the lesser duty over-ruled by the greater ( exemplified by that , I will have mercy and not sacrifice , repeated here ad nauseam ) as also that instance of Paul and those with him , their casting their goods in the sea &c , is most evident . The sin and perjurie of this course of conformitie , being our principle , which he cannot disprove , even though we should grant all his pleading here ( which goes but upon a begged supposition of prelacies indifferencie , and the indifferencie of the matter of the Covenant ) what a flat folly is it , to tell us of preferring greater to lesser duties ? wheras with us the question and case is , anent Ministers duty when the Magistrat refuseth to admit to preach , but upon sinfull terms ; which one consideration makes all his tatle here evanish in wind . Suppose the Rulers of a land discharge all preaching , but upon the terms that Ministers should commit some horrid act of wickedness , would this man admit any to plead as he doth for doing evill that good may come of it , and to tell what a weightie duty it is to preach the gospel , and that the lesser duty of forbearing that evill commanded , is overruld by the greater obligation to preach , &c. Well , he and his partie ( like the pharisaik teachers , twixt whom and us he insinuats a comparison ) are sure blind Informers and leaders , and may be set to learn better ( thou that teachest another teachest thou not self ; ) For they have vented such principles anent sacred Oaths , as some heathens would be ashamed of , and which banishes all faith out of the world . For what he adds anent the Rechabites , when he shal equiparat the matter of their vow , a thing meerly civil , relating to their abstinence from wine , and the manner of their dwelling , with the weighty and great duties of a Covenant with God , for publick and personal reformation , and withal prove that hazart will equally plead for the laying aside of the last , as in some cases it may warrand a dispensing with some part of the first , the parallel shall be admitted , but till then , it must pass among the rest of the Informers gratis dicta . The Dutch annot . ( on Jer. 35. 7. ) Shew that Ionadab probably put this ingadgment on his posterity , upon his foresight ( by a prophetick spirit ) of the judgments and desolations to come upon Israel , in order to their inoffensive walk , and for inuring them to parsimony . And as for their dwelling at Jerusalem in case of hazard they shew ( on . 11. V. ) that the Rechabits , laid aside in this one thing their fathers command , because it was but a humane ordinance , which in obedience to the law of God , they might in some cases wave , which was also Ionadabs intention , and acceptable to God. And that in giving this account to the prophet of their practise in reference to their dwelling now at Jerusalem upon the Assyrians invasion , they do shew that their fathers charge , and their vow was not to be extended to this case . So that in their sense there was no breach of the vow properly and strictly taken , but onely the laying aside of a part of a humane ordinance , in case of extreme hazart , and this according to the nature and designe of the vow it self , and the first institution therof . CHAP. V. The Informers answers to our Argument for the Covenant obligation , taken from the Oath to the Gibeonites , and Zedikiahs Oath to the King of Babylon , weighed . Upon the first argument after a foolish traverse about the consonancy of the Oath to the Law of God , he yeelds the cause in granting that the Oath did oblige the first takers , and their posterity . Upon the second he begs the question and admits its chief scope and nerves . Likewise his answer to Psalm . 15. 4. His reflection on the Assembly 1638 , and his argument offered by way of retortion anent our owning of Comissaries though abjur'd in the Covenant , largly scanned . THus we have seen into what a fascination and labyrinth of absurd inconsistent notions this new proctor hath involved himself , while endeavouring to loose these sacred bonds of our solemn vows and Covenants with God , and that he hath run cross to the scripture , to Cafuists , yea to himself , in this enterprise . We shal now proceed to examine what strength is in the remnant of his reasonings upon this head ; And how he acquits himself in his answers to some pregnant passages of scripture pleaded for the Covenant . The first that follows in this dialogue is that remarkable transaction of Joshua and Israel with the Gibeonites , largly and unanswerably pressed and improven by such as have written for theCovenant ; which this man thought he could not for very shame passe over ; but sure he had better done so , then to have made such a pitifull and superficiall return . Well , let us hear it . The Doubter now assaults him as to this notion anent the greater good in quiting the Oath , with that instance of the Oath to the Gibeonites , [ whom God had commanded to make no peace with , but enjyond Israel to root them out , to whom Josua and the Princes might have said , Gods command Looses us from our Oath , and it will hinder a greater good , yet in that particular they rather dispensed with Gods command , then with their Oath ; the acceptablness wherof to God , appeard in his punishing Saul a long time after for killing these Gibeonites , to whose predecessors Joshua & the princes had suorn . ] In answer to this , he runs out a great length anent that transaction , to infringe this argument . Which I shall now examine . But before I enter upon this , I would premise two things , first , that this trifling Informer hath so moulded our argument from this text as quite to divert it from its true channel and scope , which is to prove the oblidging force of ane Oath or Covenant ( Lawful upon the matter ) both upon the takers , and their posterity , notwithstanding of many circumstantiall sinfull aberrations from the divine rule , in the manner of entring into it . As is most evident in this instance as I shal after shew . And this man could not be ignorant , that this text is thus Improven by Timorcus and Others , who have written for the Covenant , and this argument , and improvement of the text which he presents , is but a man of straw of his ownupsetting . Secondly , that we are not concerned in order to the evincing the premised truth for the proof wherof we adduce this text , peremptorly to determine this question , whither this Oath did contradict Gods positive Law , and how far any piece or circumstances of the divine precepts anent the destruction of the Cannanites , making no leagues with them , justles with this Covenant and Oath , and are found over-ruled by its oblgation : for our argument stands good and intire , tho we abstract from any positive determination in this point . So that in tracing our Informers extravagant discourse in answer to this objection of his own moulding , we shal rather discover the slippery grounds he walks upon , and the inconsistencies wherin he is involved by his answers , and confident assertion of the Oaths conformity to the divine Law , then positively to resolve and determine any thing in this debate , which this man hath no less ridiculously handled , then impertinently brought in . But to the point . First , he wonders that we make use of this argument to prove the obligation of our Oath against Bishops . But sure it is ane argument verie Sutable , if ane Oath into which Joshua and all Israel were cheated , ane Oath to heathens , and which had at Least-wise a verie apparent inconsistencie with Gods command , to root out these Canaanites , and not to pitie or spare them , is found so highly obligatorie , and even binding the posterity , how much more the nations Covenanting with God , and with one another for publick and personall reformation . But he sayes , That we mistake this place . Why so ? First , if we think Ioshua was forbidden upon any termes to make a Covenant with these Canaanites , but to root them all out , and yet because of this Oath spared them , then ( he sayes ) we run in a most wild and gross opinion . Severe censure ! why so , what is that opinion ? that ane Oath ( saith he ) can bind against a command of God , whither it be a morall or particular Command , it s all one . So that as we said before , that ane Oath can bind against commands of men in authority , now we go a greater length , in making them bind againste Commands of God. But I answer , first , that there was a command of God to cut off these Canaanites , without pitying or sparing them , I hope he will not deny , and if he do , it is easie to be produced , Exo. 23. 32 , 33. Exo. 34. 12. Deut. 7. 2. Nay more , Gods command herein was so peremptory , that where he appointed his people to tender peace to other cities , before they proceeded to destroy them , there is ane exception made ( as Iackson observes upon Joshua 9. 7. ) of the cities of Canaan Deut. 20. 15 , 16. thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee , which are not of the Cities of these nations . But of the cities of the People which the Lord thy God hath given thee for ane inheritance , thou shall save alive nothing that breatheth . To this place Jackson points us to clear this matter . 2ly , It s as evident that these Gibeonites had their saftie from this Oath and Covenant . For upon this we have the judgement of all the princes of the congregation , ( Josh. 9. 19. ) in determining that question about their saftie , we have sworn unto them by the Lord , therfor we may not touch them , because of the Oath which we sware unto them . Yea more , when many hundered yeares after , the injury of Saul is mentioned in slaying them , the ground of their right to Live and dwell among the Lords people , rather then the other Canaanites , is attributed expresly and solely to this Oath ; 2. Sam. 21. 2. Now the Gibeonites were not of Israel but of the Amorites , and the children of Israel had sworn unto them , and Saul sought to slay them , wherfor David said what shall I do for yow . Now the command being so express to cutt them off , and upon the other hand , their saftie being first and last attributed so clearlie to the Oath , that which this man calls a wilde and gross opinion , he must either impute to the Scripture-account of this matter , or resolve and accommodat this difficulty , which he is ( in maintaining the Scriptures authority ) oblidged unto as well as we . 3ly , that which he calls a wilde and gross opinion , is the Judgement of Learnd Divines , particularly of Jackson , who upon the twenty vers . of that 9 of Joshua , having moved this objection , that what the Princes sware was against the express command of God , who had often enjoind to destroy all these Canaanites . Returns this answer . That though one Oath or vow doth not bind men for doing of any thing that is absolutely unlawfull , yet in this case it was not so , because the charge which God gave for slaying the inhabitants of the Land , was a particular command , and so far only to bind their consciences , as it might be obeyed without any breach of the morall Law , as in Rahabs case it is also evident . But , here they could not obey that command of God concerning their destroying all the Inhabitants of Canaan , without perjurie , which is against the Law and light of nature — he adds , that their perjurie would have given great occasion to the enemies of Gods people to blaspheme — So that ( saith he ) there lay a strong bond upon the consciences of the Israelites , though they were deluded by the Gibeonites . Now I think the account of this difficulty exhibit unto us here by this learnd divine , may make him ashamed of his assertion in this point , & we may retort his objected absurditie thus , if the morall Laws obligation in opposition to perjurie , stood against and counter-ballanced a particular command of God in this matter , much more will the force and obligation of ane Oath , in a matter of far greater importance , stand good against any positive Laws and statutes of men . And if even Gods positive Particular command , could in this case gound no dispensation with their Oath , but God would rather dispense with the particular command , than with it , how much more absurd must he be , who pretends a dispensation with , and a nulling of , such selemn Sacred Oaths and vows to God as we are under , and in such weighty matters , upon the arbitrary commands of men , especially men under the same Oaths themselves . In the premised distinction of Mr Jackson , the Informer might have discovered the folly of his bold unrestricted assertion ; no Oath can bind against a comand , no not a particular command . For Jackson distinguishes ( which this man admits yea and positively asserts ) betwixt that which is simply and absolutely unlawfull , and that which is unlawful only upon the ground of a particular positive precept , which in some circumstantiat cases may-come to justle with the absolutly binding moral Law , as in the instances adduced by the Informer himself is evident . 4Ly , His own rule anent the lesser obligation over-ruled by the greater or Prior , will plead for this , and his instances , of Mercie and not Sacrifice , of Paul and those with him , their casting the goods into the sea , Davids eating the shew-bread to keep from starving , do confirme the answers above set down . For here particular positive precepts , are overruled by the greater and Prior morall obligations of the 6th Command anent self Preservation . What absurditie then is there in this assertion , that the great morall precept of Not taking Gods name in vain , did over-rule a particular positive precept ? Doth he not here see Gods great morall Commands ( in the premised instances ) binding against lesser positive precepts . And when he saith that whither the command be morall or particular which the Oath binds against , all is one as to his fancied absurditie , he discovers ignorance , and inconsistency with himself , for in all his formentioned instances , moral precepts do overrule positive , particular and lesser precepts . And why shall not also the great morall command anent not taking Gods name in vain , over-rule that positive and particular precept anent the staying of these Gibeonites , and far more our solemn vows , the present statutes of men . Sure , he will never be reconciled with himself here , or assigne a disparity . Hence Iackson having said that the bond of this Oath lay strongly upon the consciences of the Israelites to observe it , though they were deluded by these Gibeonites , addeth that in this the Rule holds good , I will have mercie and not Sacrifice , and from his own argument concludes that which he here denyes . So that this case of the Gibeonites ( according to Jacksons solution of this difficulty , and that sense of this scripture followed by him and Other learned divines ) strongly repells his rule , from the hindrance of a greater good to loose the Covenant , especially since this greater good doth with him still resolve into obedience of mens Laws . Had not the Israelites this ground more strongly to plead against the keeping of their Oath to these Gibeonits , since not only they were cheated into it ( and dolus aufert consensnm say Casuists ) but it seemd to hinder a farr greater good viz , the obeying of Gods express command to root them out ; yet Joshua & the Princes knew not this new knack for loosing Oaths . But the interposing the sacred name of God in ane Oath , was with them so weighty a matter , that it overruled all these pretences . Thus we have seen how he acquits himself as to his first charge of [ a mistake of this place ] and that what he calls a gross and wilde opinion , is the sense of the scripture embraced by learnd divines and consonant to his own pleading ; so that in this charge he discovers too bold ignorance . What more hath he to say ? he tells us 2ly , that we are mistaken if we thank , that Ioshua had no warrand to make peace with any of the Canaanites , but was commanded without once treating with them , to root them all out : because in Deut. 20. 10. he is commanded to proclaim peace indefinitly to any citie he came to fight with , the Canaanites not excepted . Ans. How can this man say that the Canaanites are not excepted , from that offer of peace there injoyned , when as he doth not so much as offer to answer to these pregnant circumstances of the text , pleaded by Iackson and Others to prove the contrary . For , after the Lord hath commanded them to proclaim peace to a city before they assauted it , there is ( verse 15. ) a limitation . Thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee , which are not of the cities of these nations ( viz : who were devoted to destruction ) therfor in the 16. vers . after the Lord hath thus ridd marches , as to the Canaanites they get this precept , But of the cities of these people which the Lord thy God doth give thee for ane inheritance thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth . Can any restriction and exception be more peremptory ? and that we may know , who these are who are thus excepted from mercy , and from these offers of peace mentioned , the 17. ver . clears it . But thou shalt utterly destroy them , namely the Hittites , and the Amorites , the Canaanites , and the Perizites , the Hivites and the Iebusites , as the Lord thy God hath commanded thee . This additional motive of Gods command is here remarkably inserted ; which is the more remarkable if compared with the 2. of Sam. 21. 2. The Gibeonites were not of Israel but of the Amorites , and the Children of Israel had sworn to them . When the spirit of God , is reminding us of this story in pointing at Sauls guilt , we are first told that they were of the Amorites , a people devoted to destruction by Gods command , but excepted from the rest that were destroyed , upon the ground of this Oath , and upon this ground solely . Jackson upon this passage , holds that the offer of peace , is not to be understood of any city of Canaan upon these grounds , first , because they were expresly charged utterly to destroy the inhabitants of Canaan , to the end they might dwell in their room and might not be ensnard by their dwelling among them ; and secondly , we do not read that ever Joshua tendered peace to any of the cities , tho it be mentioned as a strange thing , and a signe of Gods hardning their hearts , that never any of those people , did of their own accord crave peace , save the Gibeonites Josh. 11. 19. — Yet we never find that there was peace profered them , and it seems that the Gibeontes did therefore seek it by craft , because Otherwise they saw it would not be granted them ; and 3dly , it is expresly noted as a fault in the Israelites , Judges 1. 28. that they put the Canaanites to tribute , and did not utterly drive them out . Hence he concludes , that this is only to be understood of such cities as they should besiege that were not of the land of Canaan . And upon the 15. vers . Thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee , which are not of the cities of these nations , He adds , but these must neither have peace offered them , nor must their women and little ones and cattell be spared when their cities are taken by force ; for the following reason ( saith he ) doth manifestly exclude them from both these favours ( citing vers . 18. ) That they teach you not to do after all their abominations &c. Sure it had become this Magisteriall Informer to ponder these reasons ere he had obtruded upon us his bold and inconsiderate assertions in this point . The Dutch Annot : on this 15. vers . expresly assert that the cities of the Land of Canaan are excluded from offers of peace , because the Lord had commanded them to be banned ( that is devoted to destruction ) as is related in the sequel . Mr Poole upon this 10. vers . asserts that this seems to be understood not of the cities of the Canaanites , as is manifest from vers . 16 , 17 , 18. who were under ane absolute sentence of utter destruction , Ex. 23. 32 , 33. Deut 7. 1 , 2. Whence they are blam'd that made any peace or league with them , Judges 2. 2. but of the cities either of other nations who injur'd or disturbed them , or commenced war against them , or aided their enemies , or oppressed their friends and allies or of the Hebrews themselves , if they were guilty or abettors of Idolatry or apostacy from God , or of sedition or rebellion against authority , or of giving protection and defence to capital offenders . Citing Gen. 14. Judges 20. 2. Sam. 20. The English annot . upon this 10. vers . do also assert that this offer of peace is not to be understood of the cities of Canaan , for they were to be more severly dealt withal vers . 16 , 17. and for shewing them more favour Israel is blam'd Judg. 1. 28. but of cities without the land of promise vers 15. So that our Informer is here runnig crosse to the plain sense & scope of the text , and the current of Interpreters . But he adds , that there was a difference betwixt these Canaanites and the nations a far off in relation to this allowance of peace to them . First , it was to be upon the termes of relinquishing their idolatry , yeelding up their Lands , and becoming servants . That therfor leagues with them are forbidden , they reserving their heathnish worship . But where will he shew us this restriction , or difference in Scripture ? non est distinguendum ubi lex non distinguit . We have seen Gods peremptory precepts to cut them off , to save alive none that breatheth of these excepted cities and nations . We find also peremptory commands to make no leagues with them , no not for civill commerce , as they might with other heathens afar off , Exo. 23. 32 , 33. — thou shalt make no Covenant with them — they shall not dwell in thy land , as these Gibeonites were permitted ; so Exo. 34. 12. Deut. 7. 2 we have the same precepts renewed . Now , where is this exception , as to these leagues ? it lyes upon him as the affirmer to prove and instruct this limitation , which he here affirms , out of the text . God who gives the law must himself also give the exception . And this man must be charged with malapert intruding into what he hath not seen , in presuming to put in his exceptions , unless he can instruct them , which yet he hath not done . I confess God who is above the Law might allow an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in certain cases , especially such as this anent their Oath , but looking to his own precept we find no such exception from it . 2ly ; he sayes , there was this difference betwixt them and other nations , that if they refused peace , they were to be worse dealt with then any other city that was not of the Canaanites , because ( Deut. 20. 16 , 17. ) in ease of their refusal , nothing was to be saved alive while , other cities were but to lose the lives of the Males only . vers . 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Now , the violence which he offers here unto the text , is obvious to any that but reads it . For after that ( ver . 10. ) the lord hath laid down this Law in generall , anent their proclaiming peace to a city before they assault it , and showen ( in the 11. ver . ) That if the city yeeld , they shall be tributaries — ( vers . 12 , 13. ) God injoyns that if the city refuse peace , every male must be cut off — and ( ver . 14. ) the Women , little ones , and the cattel must be saved , and its spoile taken . Then ( vers . 15. ) to ridd marches , and to shew whom all these prescriptions relate unto , and whom not . The lord adds — thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee which are not of the cities of these nations . And then ( as I said ) in relation to them the severe command followes ( 16. ver . ) but of the cities of these nations which the Lord thy God gives thee , thou shall save alive nothing that breatheth . And that these excepted cities and people may be known they are particularly named as in above expressed . He sayes , in the case of their refusall , nothing was to be left alive , and they were to be worse deal ; with than others , who refused peace , who were to lose the males only . Wheras the text appeares express , that the Law anent offering peace , and dealing thus according as it was accepted or refused , did not belong to them at all , but that they are very clearly and peremptorly excepted from it . As for his long confused parenthesis here foisted in anent the difference betwixt the peace and a league , and that Ioshua first made a league with the Gibeonites , but knowing them to be Canaanites-brake it , because contrary to the command of God ( citing Josh. 9 , 21 , 22 , 23. ) and meerly allowed them a peace . It is fl●…tly contradictory to the text , for ( vers . 15. ) it is said , he made peace with them and made a league with them ( and this league was ) to let them live , and the Princes of the congregation sware unto them . Lo here is the Identity of the peace and league , and the designe and contents of it [ to let them live . ] The Dutch annot . upon 15. v. [ the princes of the congregation sware to them ] tell us , that they ratified by Oath that which Joshua had promised them , viz. that they should remain alive . The English annot . in stating the question and difficulty concerning the contrariety of this transaction to Gods command , express it thus , whither Ioshua in making peace with them , and the Princes in confirming it by Oath , did Lawfully or not . And speak to the Lawfulness , or unlawfulness of both Ioyntly without any distinction , but make no exception in the least of the league as if distinct from the peace confirmed by Oath , which certainly in statingthe question they would have expresly excluded , had they imagined any such distinction . That Joshua keept the peace and the league , and that this league & peace was to let them live , is accordingly set down in the same termes when the Princes ratefied it ; and all along where the peace is mentioned , The Oath ( and by consequence the league which was therby confirmed ) is proposed as its ground . They smote them not because they had sworn by the Lord ( 18. vers . ) And ( vers . 19. ) the Princes determine they must not touch them , because they had sworn to them . And ( 20. vers . ) we will let them live lest wrath be upon us because we have sworn unto them . And ( vers . 21. ) the Princes said to the People let them live — as they had promised unto them . Lo all along the Oath is most consciencioussly observed , and that as accessory unto , and confirming this whole transaction , both the peace and league , the , scope and sum wherof is still expressed thus [ to let them live . ] As the text makes no distinction , betwixt the peace and league in this ratefication , so the intendment therof is never extended byond their life and saftie first or last . How then can this man say that Joshua brake the league , since the termes therof were to let them live ( ver . 15. ) which is acknowledged by the Princes & faithfully performed . The league and peace and Oath here are still one , and fall under the same consideration as consonant , or dissonant to the command ; if the peace was contrary to the command so was the Oath , and if the league was contrary to the command so was the Oath also . For it is most evident , that the text speakes of the peace and league indiscriminatim or without distinction in relating this transaction , and of the Oath as accessory both unto the one and the other ; so that the Oath was unlawfull , if either the peace or league was unlawfull , and if either was broken the Oath was broken , and Joshua and the Princes were perjured : Wheras the text records their faithfull performance of the Oath as ratefying all that transaction . But it is no strang thing to see men so notoriously blotted with perjury seek precedents in scripture Saints if they could finde them . But this instance will stand in judgement against them if they repent not . Whereas he saith , that Ioshua brake the league as contrary to the command of God when he knew them to be Canaanites , giving this as a reason why he allowed them a peace only . It is such a flat contradiction to the text , and to it self , as none can be more plain . For according therunto Joshua could not break this league without breaking his Oath which confirmed it , and could break neither the one nor the other , and allow them a peace . Since this peace was the import both of the league and Oath , and all that the Scripture mentions as their demand of Joshua , was peace and their life , and nomore ; and this all along Joshua and Israel keept , and precisely because of the Oath . As any who reads the text may see . The Dutch Annotations upon Josh. 9. 15. expone that branch that relates to the Princes swearing thus , that they ratified by Oath that which Joshua had promised them , viz , that they should remain alive . Wherin , as they clearly hold that the Oath was accessory to this whole transaction , so they make it intirely to terminate in this that they should have their life . And upon 2. Sam. 21. 1. Where Sauls guilt in slaying these Gibeonites is mentioned , they paraphrase it thus , that it was contrary to the promise made to them & ratefied by Oath . Josh. I. 15 , 18. And whereas we are put in minde in the 2. ver . that [ the Gibeonites were not of Israel But of the Amorites ] — they paraphrase it thus , that they were remaining of the heathen nations whom God had commanded to destroy — and the other clause of the verse wherein we are put in minde [ that Israel had sworn to them and Saul is said to have sought to slay them in his zeal ] they paraphas●… it thus , that it was irregular fained zeal whereby he thought to mend what Joshua and other godly Governours , according to his opinion had neglected or ill done , but it was directly against the Oath made by Gods name , by his special providence , for which thing God was now greatly provocked , as by this pleague upon the land , & Gods answer appeareth . Wherein , how evidently they stand in opposition to this mans glosses and pleading upon this head , is obvious to themeanest reflection since onely for thatOath they charge guilt on Saul . The English annotations upon ( ver . 18. ) say , that abstracting from the Princes Oath it had been cruelty to have slain them seeing they had violat a lawfull Covenant . Now how this aggrees with this mans gloss of [ Joshuas breaking the league , as contrary to the commandment ] let any judge . Jackson thus senses ver . 23. — the curse , which God had pronounced upon the people of this land requires that you be cut off as well as the rest , yet because of the Oath which we have taken this curse shall be upon you in bondage and not in death . His next instance to prove his supposed limitation of Gods command to destroy the Canaanites is that of Rahab her being spared Josh 6. 17. Which clearlie crosses his pleading & argument here ; for 1. the spies upon very strick terms state their Oath : and told Rahab not only that if she should make the least discovery of their busi ness , but likewise that if she or her friends , even so much as one of them , were out of the house when the city was taken ; this Oath should not reach them , whatever submission she had made . And 2dly , All Joshuas ground when he commands the spies to secure her and her friends , is their Oath : they are commanded to bring out the Woman , [ as they sware to her ] and for no other reason . 3ly . I pray , what saved her friends and her relations as well as her self from this common destruction ? Surely , they made no peace nor any such submission as this man supposeth necessary to exeem them from the commanded destruction , nor was there any assurance the spies could have touching them , and therefore they could not be upon any other ground saved , but because included in this Oath . Besides , what power had these two men to transact a peace without Joshuas advice and knowledge ? the ground of , their transacting with her , is their necessity , and the Womans offer of their saftie . Now I retort his argument here against him ; to prove that they were spared upon other terms then the Oath , he adduceth this instance of Rahabs preservation upon the submission mentioned , viz. her making and accepting of peace , and hence concludes that she ( and by consequence the Gibeonites ) together with her friends , were saved upon other terms , then meerly upon the Oath , and that abstracting from it Israel was obliged to save them . But one might argue thus , if Rahabs friends ( at least ) might have been Lawfully cut off upon the ground of Gods command to cut off the Canaanites who made or accepted no terms of peace , and were only saved by the spies Oath , then the Oath ( according to the Informers own principles ) did bind in opposition to a positive precept to cut off the Canaanites : but so it is , that upon the ground of this Oath only her friends wer spared , as this man cannot deny : ergo , the Oath did bind here in opposition to a positive precept . He dare not say that her friends were proselyts , or did in the least directly or indirectly submit . Nay for any thing that the spies knew they might be as cursed heathens as were in all Jericho ( for what was Rahab her self before God extraordinarly touched her heart ) and consequently by Gods positive precept devoted to destruction with the rest . Yet this Oath , made even to another for them , yea an Oath which had a seeming extortion of fear in the spies hazard , saved and exeemd them from this stroak & curse , so that in this case himself must confess that the Oath did bind in opposition to the positive precept . And this one clear Scripture instance seemes enough to prove the point that the Oath did over-rule a particular , positive precept , though all that he sayes of the Gibeonites were admitted . He adds , that it is evident , from Iosh. 11. 19. that if other cities in Canaan , had submitted , as Gibeon , Ioshua might have spared them . I answer ; the Text sayes that de facto they made no peace , and that God hardened their hearts that they might come against Israel and fall . But this will be too weak to bear the weight of his conclusion that Ioshua might have spared them all . For 1. How can this consist with the plain positive command as to their utter off cutting ( often renewed ) and with Gods promise of giving Israel their inheritance , to spare them all . For the Psalmist tells us , that he did drive out the heathen with his hand and planted his people , he did afflict the people and cast them out . Psal. 44. 2. And Psal. 78. 54 , 55. He brought them to the border of his Sanctuary , even to this mountain which his right hand had purchas'd . He cast out the Heathen also before them , and divided them an inheritance by line , and made the tribes of Israel to dwell in their tents . Hence as they were frequently enjoyn'd to cast them out least they should become a snare to them Exod. 23. 33. Deut. 7. 16. Ex. 34. 12. So Israels sparing them when they were planted in that land is frequently reprehended as their great guiltiness Judges 1. 27 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 33. And Judges 2. 1 , 2. Upon which ground the Lord threatens as a punishment that he will not drive them out : But that they shall be thorns in their sides . And this threatning we find execute , and the same very guiltiness presented as the cause of it , viz. That they did not destroy the nations concerning whom the Lord commanded them . Psal. 106. 34 , 35. which confirmes this assertion ; and therefore this historicall clause in that passage of Joshua , is to be expounded in correspondence with the plain and positive command , which we have already seen clear . 2ly . Jackson upon that 19. ver . [ there was not a city that made Peace with Israel &c. ] tells us , that this is added as a reason why the wars with the Canaanites lasted so long — because the Inhabitants did obstinately stand out — and attempted not to procure conditions of peace save only the Gibeonites — Which is far from coming up to his scope and designe . For it is one thing to say that de facto ●…he wars lasted long — because none offered to yeeld but Gibeon , and another thing to say that Ioshua was not oblidged nor commanded to cut off any but those who thus warred and resisted . Which will be the more weighty , if it be considered in the third place , that as in the command to cut them off , no such restriction appeares , but upon the contrary the Canaanites are excepted from mercy , so we do not find that Joshua offered terms of peace ( as this man alleadges he was obliged ) unto any of these that were cut off , but assaulted them as those whom God had devoted to be destroyed , in obedience to his holy , though severe command , As we heard Jackson hath observ'd . This will be more clear , ( and therin the Informers adversary might puzle him ) If we shall again reflect upon the remarkable circumstances of that transaction with the Gibionites . In the 6. ver . of that 9. of Joshua , they propose the matter thus , we are come from a far country , therefore make a League with us . Whatever they had understood of Gods command to cut off the Cananites , this surelie was a strong argument with Joshua . Now remark the answer in the 7. ver . the men of Israel said peradventur ye dwell among us , and how shall we me make a league with you . Sure their offering terms of peace and submission , might have stopped this question and demurre according to his opinion , who holds that upon their submitting to terms of peace , They might have been spared and even incorporat among Gods people , as he tells us from Josh. 11. 19. that all these Canaani●…es might have been spared , had they thus submitted So that in his sense their first offer was a ground of peace . Especially since ( as is observed by learned Interpreters from their offer in the 8. ver . ) they sought peace from Joshua and Israel upon their own termes , and offered to accept any conditions proposed by them . Which was the lowest step of submission . And when they further answer that demurr about the place of their abo●…e with this general , we are thy servants , i. e. We offer our selves to thee & all that is ours , which was enough in this mans Judgement , to except them from the stroak threatned , and commanded to be execute upon the rest of the Canaanites . Yet this doth not satisfie Joshua , but again he particularly interrogats them upon these two points , who are ye ? and next , from whence come ye ? This their free and general concession ( as some do judge ) giving Joshua just cause to suspect that they were of the cursed Canaanites whom he was to destroy ; and then they tell him that wherin the dolus lay , we come from a far countrey . Now , I suppose they had answered to these two Questions thus , we are Amorites , and we dwell here . Thinks this Informer that Joshua would have lookt on himself as obliged by Gods Law to transact with them . What needed then his peremptory Interrogations ( after their declared submission ) anent their stock and lineage , and the place of their abode ? What needed the people murmur , and desire to cut them off , after the contrary of what they pretended was discovered , notwithstaning hereof ? Nay thirdly , why is it , that again and again their saftie is attributed solely to the Oath , without the least hint of their submission as having any influence thereupon ? Finallie that passage Joshua 11. 19. [ no citie made peace — For it was of the Lord that they might have no favour ] seems to import no more but this , that favour might have been shown them had they submitted , but how ? Even by God the supreme lawgiver ( whose mercy is over all his Works ) his dispensing with his own Law , and severe positive precepts , ( as in the case of the Gibeonites he did ) and in what Method it seemd best unto him , but it will be hard to inferr from this a limitation of the precept it self for the reasons already given . So that all that seems to follow from this passage is , that had they submitted , God might have spared them by a speciall dispensing with his own Law , ( For he will have mercie and not Sacrifice ) and Joshua upon Gods appointment . But not that the Law it self did dispense with them . As for what he adds in further confirmation of this opinion , anent Salomons imposing bond service upon the remains of these cursed Nations , and their posterity afterward , whom the children of Israel were not able to cast out ( which , in ane odd phrase , he calls a kindness ) and anent these Children of Solomons servants , mentioned Ezra . 2. 55 , 58. ] Jackson will tell him [ That it contradicts not the Law ( Deut. 7. ) anent utter smiting them , and shewing them no mercy , since , that Law may be meant of the inhabitants that were in the Land at their entring first into it , not of their posterity . Especially these who had their lives previously secured . ] Which fully cuts off his argument from this Text. And this is also the answer of Mr Poole and other learned interpreters upon this passage . Besides , that the Nethinims were probably the Gibeonites issue , and were however all of them , by a long tract of time Proselyts incorporat among Gods people and professing the true religion , which providentiall title might abundantly secure their lives The Dutch Anotations upon Josh. 29. 27. do inferr from the nature and mould of that phrase which signifies [ a delivering them over . ] that hence it is thought they were called Nethinims i. e. given and delivered over which confirms the answer adduced . However the person who should directly impugne the Informer as to what he maintains in this question ( which he hath impertinently brought in without any ground , to make some shift of answer ) might further tell him that this being but a practice , cannot be pleaded against a rule , but must be measured by it , which is a principle acknowledged by all . And here I shall exhibit some remarkable inconsistencies of this man with himself upon this point 1. he supposeth that Joshua and the princes their Oath to the Gibeonites stood inviolable as to this transaction both now and herafter ; for he sayes ( page 143. ) that Sauls slaying the Gibeonites moved God to wrath , because it was contrary to Ioshuas Oath made to their fathers . Now Joshua & the Princes Oath ratefied all the Transaction with them , & was accessory therunto as the text most clearly holds out , viz. both the league and the peace ; yet he tells us ( page 141. ) that as soon as Ioshua knew them to be Cananites , he brake the league as contrary to the command of God , and consequently his Oath confirming it according to his doctrine as being Likewise contrary to the command . 2ly , In that same page he tells us that no peace was to be concluded with the Canaanites , unless they became servants & renounced their heathnish idolatries , and that with the same proviso leagues were discharged with these Canaanites . Yet immediatlie after he makes a distinction in this point betwixt a peace , and a league , and tells us , that Ioshua had first made a league with them , but when he knew them to he Canaanites , he brake it as being contrary to the command of God , and only allowed them a peace . Now both the peace , and the league , were equally allowed and commanded upon thir termes of yeelding up their Lands , and relinquishing their Idolatrie , and both were equally discharged if they did not so , according to the series of his reasoning , as is obvious to any Reader . How then ( I pray ) could Joshua break his league with them as contrary to the command of God , more then the peace , both which he holds to have been allowed them with this proviso . 3ly . He sayes Ioshua and the Princes sware nothing but what God commanded ( pag. 142. ) Now the text is most express that they sware the league ver . 15. and Ioshua made peace with them , and made a league with them to let , them live , and the princes of the congregation sware unto them . This league he sayes Ioshua brake as contrary to the command of God , in his second answer ; yet in his 3d answer he tells us , that the Oath contained in it nothing contrary to the command . Again , he sayes God commanded to make no peace with them , But upon the termes of submission , relinquishing their idolatrie , and giving up their Lands . To this only he restricts the Princes stipulation , as falling under the command , yet acknowledges the command will include a league also upon thir terms , which els where ( as I said ) he dstinguishes from the peace , which he holds was not to be allowed them even upon thir termes . And likewise , in his second answer he tells us that they had peace only upon their submission , without mentioning these other termes . Likewise he sayes that on these termes he transacted to spare Rahabs friends , but where was this assurance as to her friends ? 4ly , He acknowledges ( pag. 143. ) that Gods wrath for slaying the Gibeonites was because of Ioshuas Oath , made to their fathers . Yet page 108. he cries out upon his Doubters assertion anent ane Oath binding the posteritie , as a strange fancy , and tells us that Casuists say , that Iuramentum est vinculum personale , binding these only who take it . Now wheras this man wonders much at our argument from this text anent the Gibeonites , let any judge whether his own shattered inconsistent discourse be not rather an object of wonder . But to proceed , his third answer to the premised argument of his Doubter , from this instance of the Gibeonites , is that Ioshua did nothing contrary to Gods command , which was to spare them upon their submission . Ans. ( Besides what is touched anent his inconsistency with himself in this , and what we are to add , anent the impertinency of this unto the point , though granted . ) I say first , that Joshua and the Princes were bound to spare them abstracting from this stipulation and Oath , is more then he hath proved , and appears contrary to the command above expressed , and the current of the context where this Oath and stipulation is set down ; whether we consider Joshuas peremptorie demands and demurres anent receiving them to peace , after they had expressed their submission , or the Oath its being again and again mentioned , both in setting down the stipulation its self ( ver . 15. ) and the reason why they were not smitten ( ver . 18. ) and the Princes judicial determination . ( ver . 19. ) as the sole ground of Joshuas and the Princes obligation to them , without the least hint of any other , which certainly might have been ( and consequently if true would have been , might his impugner say ) very pertinently and strongly pleaded by Joshua and the Princes , to quash the peoples murmuring at the sparing of them . 2ly , I might say , that this stipulation and Oath , although cross to a particular positive precept , yet notwithstanding , as matters here stood circumstantiat , was consonant to a generall moral rule of Gods mercy , who loves it better then Sacrifice . And the sparing of these Gibeonites was grounded upon this great moral precept [ of the reverence due to Gods name , interposed by a Sacred and Solemn Oath . ] Which answer is the verie determination of Joshua and the Princes in this matter . His impunger might here adde that it is utterly improbable , that in the Princes determination of the question [ whether these Gibeonites were to be saved , and the stipulation with them held as valid ] their submission would have been omitted , if they had understood Gods command with this limitation , which is a doubt that would much puzle this Informer to resolve . His 4t , Ans. is , that God was angry at the slaying of the Gibeonites , because it was contrary to his command , to give them peace upon their submission , and unto Ioshuas Oath to their fathers , and not meerly because it was contrary to the Oath . Ans. Joshua and the Princes Oath is both in that 9. of Joshua , and the 2. of Sam. 21. mentioned as the only ground of their right to their life , without the least hint of any command anent their having peace upon their Submission , which notwithstanding this antiscriptural Informer ( who will be wise here above what is written ) sets in the first place , as the principal cause of their right . When the reason is rendered ( 2. Sam. 21. ) why these Gibeonites had a right to live among the Israelites , though they were not of Israel , but of the Amorites , it is expressed thus , the children of Israel had sworn to them , and Saul sought to slay them . Again , since he grants that God was angry at the slaying of these Gibeonites upon the ground of Joshua and the Princes Oath to their fathers , he confequently grants that this Oath , notwitstanding of the cheat by which Joshua and the Princes were brought under it , was still binding and did oblige the posterity , which is the Chief point that this instance is adduced to prove against him , as we shall presently shew . For what he adds after , it is not much noticable . The reasons of the English annotations as touching this Oaths consonancie to Gods Law , we are not in this point concern'd to scanne , since our argument stands good even upon their supposition . As for these who say , that Ioshua and the Princes Oath , was contrary to Gods Law , and do therfore assert that it did not bind . We have shown that as herin they are not ours , so in this assertion they clearly cross the Scriptures , as is evident from what is above touched . Here we shall again minde the Reader for a conclusion to this argument and instance anent the Gibeonites , that all this mans clamour , about the consonancy or dissonancy of this Oath to Gods Law , is out of the way , and never meets our reasoning from this passage , even as it s moulded by himself , so that we may without losing our argument as to its main scope , grant all that he sayes anent the consonancy of the Oath to the divine precept about cutting off these Canaanites , and that it did admit these restrictions which he speaks of . But our argument for the Covenant is here twofold 1. That this Oath and Covenant with these Gibeonites though its matter were of a far lower nature then our Sacred Covenants , and vows , yet did not only oblidge that , but all succeeding generations , And therefore much more our solemn sacred vows , so solemnly and universally sworn , and about the great concerns of Publick and personal reformation , do oblidge all the posterity . Now this being our main Argument , he is so far from denying it , that he grants it upon the matter , in asserting and yeelding unto us , that this Oath consonant to Gods Law , did bind the posterity ; for thinkes he that we doe not suppose and hold the matter of the Covenant to be consonant to Gods Law ' Why then wanders he out of the way , while pretending to answer this argument , and pleaseth himself , and leads his Reader off the way with unprofitable talk not to the purpose ? The consonancy of our Oath to the Law of God , being even his own supposition in this argument . 2ly . From this instance we argue ( as I said ) for the binding force of the Covenant even upon the adversaries supposition anent the coaction , deceit , fear , or such like irregularities in the manner of entring unto it , ( which they use to make a great clamour about ) and from this text we conclude that all these will not loose the Oath , when once it is taken . Since here there was a notable cheat whereby Joshua and all Israel were brought under this Oath , taking away both a rationall assent of the Iudgment , and the free sutable election of the will , quia dolus aufert assensum that is , deceit takes away assent , say Casuists , Yet all this did not irritat this Oath when taken . And even as himself states the objection , his Doubter alledges , that the pretence or appearance of a greater good in breaking the Oath , was not wanting , — and particularly pleads , that this Oath did bind the posterity . Now what his roaving discourse anent the Oaths consonancy to the Law , sayes to all this , let any rational man judge ; Since both his Doubter and he , do suppose the matter of this Oath lawfull . He knew that his stating the question aright and speaking to it , would have made the vanity of his answers appear , and therfore he started this notion anent the Oaths binding against a precept , that tossing it a little upon his forked pen , the unwarrie Reader might beleeve , he had return'd a full answer to this argument : Whereas he but beats the air in ane airie discourse out of the way , and yeelds the cause when he hath done . Next he sayes , we use to plead Zedekiahs breach of Oath to the King of Babylon , which the Lord was so much displeased with . But how , and to what scope we plead that text , he durst not set down , nor put into the mouth of his Doubter any formall argument from it ; Which if rightly propounded , he knew well his cause would quickly fall before it . This man could not be ignorant how Timorcus , and others , improve this text , viz. that Zedekiah who was of the Kings seed , the son of Josiah ( Ezek. 17. 13. ) had ane Oath put upon him by the King of Babylon anent his , and the Kingdoms fealty and subjection to him ( 2 Chron 36. 13. ) after he had overrunn the land , and made prisoner Jehoiachin his Brother , and keept Zedekiah himself under his power . That he could neither have the crown , nor his libertie without this Oath of fealty to the King of Babylon , which was forced upon him out of fear , and as a prisoner — yet for the breach hereof ( Exek . 17. ) he is threatned with the losse of all . Shall he break the Covenant and be delivered — as I live saith the Lord surely my Oath and Covenant that he hath broken even it will I recompence upon his head . And in the midst of Babylon he shall die . Here was ane Oath , forced upon a prisoner , and a King of Judah , and upon the matter inconsistent with Israels Laws , made that the Kingdom might be base , yet the breach of it was thus terribly revenged : Therfore much more dreadfull is the breach of our solemn vows , whose matter is of such high importance , and their end so excellent , and the power imposing so native and Lawfull &c. What sayes he to this Argument ? he tells us , that the Iews were commanded to submit to the King of Babylon ( Ier. 27. 6. &c. ) so that the breaking of the Oath was disobedience to Gods command . But who denyes this , and what doth this arguing reprove ? doth not his Doubter and himself also suppose the matter of the Covenant to be consonant to Gods command . But how takes he away these nerves , and t●…ckling points of this instance and argument for the Covenant . 1. That this Oath was forced upon him as a prisoner . 2ly , taken by Zedekiah out of fear . 3ly , had a very apparent Inconsistency with a greater good , viz. to free Gods Church and people from a heathen slavery . 4ly , was cross to many standing Laws of Israel , yet neither the force of this heathen Invader , in imposing this Oath , nor the fear and bondage of this King of Israel when he did take it , nor the apparent inconsistency of its matter with a greater good , and its certain inconsistency with the standing Laws of Israel , did loose the Oath when taken , nor exeem the breaker of it from wrath and Judgement . And all this because it was upon the matter warrantable , and allowed of God , as we hold the Covenant to be . And therfore neither force , fear , bondage , the greater apparent good in breaking it , nor the inconsistency of it with our present Laws , none of all these pretences ( we say ) will loose the Oath of our Covenant , the matter of it being warranted of God , and of such high importance as is said . Sure it is obvious to any that this answer of his , sayes nothing to the antecedent or consequent of this argument for the Covenant , nor touches it in the least . The Doubter objects next [ the mark of the blessed man ( Psalm 15. 4. vers . ) swearing to his own hurt and not changing . ] In answer to which this Informer grants , that in many things a man may swear to his hurt and not change . This is sound , and in so far he must grant , that the Oath may hinder many goods and yet not for all that be violat . And in recompence of this concession I readily yeeld to him , that ane Oath will not bind to a mans hurt in every thing , as to take away his own life . And that such ane Oath binds only to repentance , as being iniquitatis vinculum . But what will he say to this argument which he makes his Doubter here mutter out ? Why , when it hurts ( saith he ) those in authority and peoples soules , it will not bind . True , but how doth the keeping of the Covenant hurt peoples soules , or these in authority ? we read much in Scripture of the hurt that breach of Covenant hath brought upon both these . But how a peoples keeping Covenant with God wrongs either their soules or these in authority , we would gladly hear . Dare he say that every disobedience to the command of Rulers , impeaches their authority ? or that peoples want of the means and ordinances of life , is to be imputed to Godly suffering ministers , whom for keeping Gods Covenant they have chased away from their flocks & families ? As for familie hurt , or in relation to things of this life , ther 's no question but that ane Oath in many cases will bind notwithstanding therof ; Which is the Judgement of all Interpreters . But now the Doubter having spent all his arguments , hath only one poor General left , viz. that we are tender of Oaths . To this he answers first , by acknowledging , that we ought to be considerate before we enter into ane Oath . Very true , and had we all been so , there had not been so many contradictory and ungodly Oaths , standing upon record against Scotland , as this day there are . Withall he sayes , we should be well advised before we thinke our selves discharged of an Oath . And no doubt if he and his party had advised this better with God , with his word , with sound Casuists , and their own consciences , they had not upon such poor grounds as we have seen , first perjured themselves , and pleaded for others doing the like . But yet ( saith he ) to think we cannot be at all discharged of an Oath , in a thing not necessary , is to be more tender then we ought to be . True : but not to take every matter of an Oath for not necessary , which he may have the confidence to call so , but cannot prove it , and not to admit every ground of discharge as lawfull , which such Adiaphorists as he may pretend , is to be no more tender then we ought to be . But here , our Informer will reach a blow again at the Assembly 1638 , because of their loosing Ministers , who entred by the former Prelats , from their Oaths to them . But where is his discretion and tenderness , who objects this as a fault of that assembly , and yet dare not exhibit , nor offer to scanne their grounds mentioned in their act , in reference to these engadgements ? wherein , because that Prelacy is condemned in the word ( and consequently the matter of these Oaths , ) and likewise found contrary to the priviledges and reformation of this Church , to maintain which , the se Prelats themselves who exacted such Oaths , stood engadged , and such like grounds , they prove them to be Materially sinfull , iniquitatis vincula , and from the beginning null or never obliging , and do not pretend ( as he ) to loose from Oaths antecedently lawfull and binding . Besides , Prelats being removed , this Oath supposing their existing power and office , was ipso facto null and void , as the souldiers military Oath to the captain upon the disbanding of the armie , and so its root was plucked up . Sublata causa tollitur effectus . Sublato relato tollitur Correlatum . So that he gets but a Wound to his cause , in kicking thus against the pricks . But he tells us , that he will come yet nearer with an other argument , and so he had need , for the preceeding have never yet come near our cause nor his designe . Well what is this ? Commissaries ( he saith ) were abjured in the Covenant , as officers depending upon the abjured bierarchy , yet we ownd them , before Bishops were restored , and why may not he , the abjured Bishops also . But will he suffer a Reverend father Bishop Lighton to answer for us , and shew him the disparity of our Commissariot ( a meer civil administration , influenced and authorized by superiour civil Governours , as a part of the politicall constitution of the Kingdom ) with a Church office . In his first letter anent the Accommodation , printed in that piece entituled , The case of the accommodation examined , he will tell him , that though we have the name of Commissaries yet they excercise not any part of Church discipline . Which he sets down , expresly to distinguish them from the Commissaries abjur'd in the 2d Article of the Covenant . Now , the difference of this owning our Commissaries in Scotland , from owning and swearing fealty to the Bishop as a Church officer , in all his Spirituall usurpations , is so palpable , that any may see the impertinency of this instance even in Bishop Lightons Judgement . Moreover , we abjure in the Covenant all Ecclesiastical officers depending upon that hierarchy . But will he dare to say that the Commissary , whose administration is properly Civil , and when the Covenant was taken had not the least dependance upon a Prelat , was an Eclesiastical officer depending upon that hierarchy . Surely the meanest capacity may discover the vanity of this argument . The Doubter objects this , [ that the Commissaries did not then depend upon the Bishops , and therfore might be ownd as not contrary to the Covenant . ] To this he answers , that upon this ground of a non-dependance upon Bishops , we might have ownd a Dean at that time , or a Bishop , as having no dependance upon an Arch-bishop ; and that he cannot see why any member of the hierarchy under the highest , might not have been owned and retaind on this ground , as well as the Commissary . Ans. The disparity is manifest to any of Common sense ; the Dean sua natura is an Ecclesiastick officer , and the very office denotes a relation unto , and Ecclesiastick dependance upon a prelat , in spirituall administrations : so that Prelacie being laid aside , and the hierarchy smoothed to Presbyterian Parity and Government , the Dean is a meer Chimaera , and so is the diocesan Bishop , and can no more subsist , the basis and fountain of his very office qua talis , or as such , being removed and extinct . But the Commissary ( a civil officer and Magistrat ) his administration , of its own nature civill , depends upon , and is regulat by , superiour civil Rulers , and so in that case subsists intirely as a part of the civil Government , where prelacie is abolished ; and can no more be scrupled at , because a prelat did somtime usurpe an authority over that office , then the office of the Lord high Chancellour , or any other civil office of state , and inferiour offices theron specially depending , because somtime a Prelat was Chancellour , and usurped authority in these matters , ought to be disowned or scrupled at upon this account . 2ly , He sayes , this answer comes near to what he said before , anent the English divines who hold , only that complex frame to be abjured in the 2d article , which consists of all the officers there enumerat . Ans. 1. It is more then he hath proved , that the English divines do owne ( even sigillatim or apart ) all these officers , or looke upon themselves as only obliged against that complex frame consisting of all the officers enumerat in that article . We heard before out of Timorcus ( whom Bishop Lighton in that letter , and the Informer himself cites , as holding that our Prelacie is consistent with the Covenant , and whom they appeal unto in this debate ) that they disowne all Prelacie , where one single person exerciseth sole power in ordination and Jurisdiction , all Prelacie beyond a Proestos , and particularly the name and thing of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans , Chapters , Arch Deacons . Timorcus in the 7. Chap. adds , — all Bishops not Chosen by the clergie and people — all Bishops who act by Deans , prebends , and exercise their power by Chancellours , Commissaries &c. Doth not the article it self abjure , all ecclesiastical officers depending on that hierarchy . So that though we did come near to what they say in this answer , we come never a whit nearer him . 2ly , we told him already that the Commissaries office is properly Civil , though usurped upon by the Prelat , so that when purged from this usurpation , and running in the channell of a meer civil administration , influenced and authorized by Superiour civil Governours , as a part of the political constitution of the kingdom , it falls not within the compass of an Ecclesiastical officer depending on the hierarchy , by his own Confession , and Bishop Lightons . How then was the owning of him before the introduction of Prelacie , contrary unto the Covenant . But because he suffered not his poor Doubter to tell him that the Commissary , besides that in our late times , he did not depend upon the Bishop , is really and upon the matter with us a Civil , not a Church officer , he thinks to surprise him with a third answer . That now the Comissaries do actually depend upon the Bishops , yet we scruple not , nor decline their Courts and authority , and if we decline them not ( as according to our Principles we are oblidged ) how are we free of perjury ? and if we can acknowledge a Commissary notwithstanding the Covenant , why may not he also a Bishop . Ans. What poor tatle is this ? we told him already that the Commissariot is of it self a lawfull Civil administration , not ane Ecclesiastical function , and the prelats usurped authority cannot render this civill office unlawfull . Wheras the dicoesan Bishops office , is a pretended Ecclesiastical function , and in its very nature a gross corruption , and contrary to the word of God , as is above cleared . Which disparity is palpable to any that will but open their eyes . Do we abjure any Civil courts or officers in that article ? are they not termd expresly Ecclesiastical officers who are there abjured : Nay , doth not Timorcus tell us that in England the Commissaries exercise a power in Church discipline by a delegation from the Bishop . And doth not Bishop Lighton deny this to be competent to our Commissaries here . For in that passage of the letter now cited , he sayes we have nothing but the name of Commissaries , he means in respect of these in England , who exercise ecclesiastical discipline under the Bishops . Didoclavius pag. 458. Cites Cowellus in Interprete , about the office of the Bishops Commissary in England , speaking thus , Commissarij vox Titulus est Ecclesiasticae Iurisdictionis ( saltem quousque commissio permittit ) in partibus Diocesios a primaria Civitate tam Longe dissitis ut Cancellarius subditos ad principale consistorium Episcopi citare non potest &c. That is , that Commissary in England is a title of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction so faras his commssion will allow in places which are so far remote from the cheif city of the diocess , that the Chancellour without great molestation cannot cite them to the Bishops cheif court . Didoclavius tells us ( ubi supra ) that according to the Statutes of England , the Chancellour is the Bishops principal officiall , & the Commissary the Bishops foraneous officiall . To conclude , 1. The Bishops power as to Civills , and their deputation of this their power to Chancellours is a most gross usurpation , Contrary to the Scripture , which forbids the Minister to entangle himself with things of this life . Our Lord himself would not so much as be an arbiter in a civil Cause . Paul speaking of the ministerial duties , saith who is sufficient for these things . The Apostles must Give themselves continually to the Word . Cartwright against the Rhemists upon 2. of Tim. 2. 4. Proves that pure antiquitie Knew nothing of prelats thus medling , citing Jerome ( super Sophon . cap. 1. ) who expounds that place against Ministers medling in Secular affaires . And Cyprian , who applies this place against one who took upon him to be executor of a Testament : Lib. 1. Epist. 9. concil . Carthag . 4. Cap. 20. Apostol . can . ( Can. 6. ) Seculares Curas non Suscipite . Likewise Ambrose , who affirmes that Worldly Government is the weakning of the priest . ( Lib. 5. Epist. 33. ) Smectimnuus ( pag. 32. Sect. 10. ) cites concil . Hispall . 2. Cyprian Epist. 28. against this deputation of prelats power to Chancellours , Commissaries &c. and Brings in Bishop Dounham aknowledging ( Defens . Lib. 1. ) that in Ambrose time and a good while after , which was about the year 400. till presbyters were wholly neglected , the Bishops had no ordinaries , vicars , Chancellours , Commissaries , that were not Clergie men . But this restriction they affirme to be a meer blind , and Challeng him to shew any such under-officers of Bishops in those times . So that they hold this to be one main point of difference betwixt their Bishops , and the primitive Bishops . 2dly , in England , not only hath the Commissary a Civil administration under the Bishop , but hath Likewise power of Spiritual censures , and a great part of the Bishops ecclesiastical administration , committed unto him both over Ministers and others ; such as suspension , deposition , excommunication : See Didoclav . ( pag. 464 , 465. de officialibus ) Cartwright ( 2. repl . part . 2. pag. 69. ) who shews that the prelats not only exercise Tyrrany themselves over the Church , but bring it under subjection to their very Servants , yea their Servants Servants such as Chancellours , Commissaries &c. 3ly , it is clear that since the reformation we never had in Scotland such Commissaries ; but our Law and practice since that time , and since Popish Prelacies were dissolved , hath much reduced them to the state & Quality of other civil officers , whose administration of its own nature depends upon superiour civil officers . For this we have ( as I said ) Bishop Lightons own Confession , that we have but the name of Commissaries here , who have nothing to do with Church discipline ; Only their civil power is invaded again by the Prelats . 4ly , B Lighton and this Informer do both plead , that its only the officers enumerat in the 2d Article of the Covenant , and the Commissaries as then moulded & Existent in the Church of England , that this Oath oblidges against . And so according to their Principles and pleading , our Commissary here , so vastly discrepant from theirs , falls not within the compass of the Covenant abjuration . Hence finally , the owning of the Commissary in his Lawfull civil administrations , can be no acknowledgement , either , 1. of the English Commissaries Power , which he hath not . Nor 2dly , of the Prelats usurpation upon this civil office ; no more then the simple using of our civil Laws , and the ordinary civil courts during Cromwells usurpation , was a homologating the wickedness therof , which this man will not dare to assert . An usurper may be in titulo , and such submission and improvement of the civ●…l power invaded by him , as doth acknowledge the providentiall Title , and his being possessed of the power de facto , and having as they use to say jus in re , or actual providential possession therof , If there be no active concurrance towards his Establishment , is , as to civills , free of any guilt of the usurpation , and will import no acknowledgement of the usurper his Pretended jus . Which is the Judgement of all sound divines and Casuists . But the case is far different as to our Informers deriving his deputed Ecclesiastical Ministery or spiritual authority from the Bishop ; because , 1. the Prelats office it self is a gross usurpation , contrary to the Scripture , so is not the Commissaries office . 2dly , the Pelats usurped possession of unlawfull power over the Church , which is Christs Kingdom , cannot give him so much as a providentiall Title ; and therfore all acknowledgement therof is unlawfull . Thirdly , his submission to prelacy as now it stands Circumstantiat , is an acknowledgement both of the possession , and jus , which this man will not deny , and this is far dictinct , from an act which doth but indirectly acknowledge the usurpers possession . So that his Conformity is ane express acknowledgement and owning of a gross encroachment upon Christs Kingdom ( his Church ) which is toto Coelo different , from acknowledging a possession de facto of , and a Providential title unto , a part of the civil administration of the Kingdoms of the world , which are mutable . And as for a testimony against this usurpation , I suppose that had the people of God disowned these civil courts , upon this ground of the Covenant obligation , his party , for the preceeding reasons , had signally cried out against it , as an AnaBaptistical rejecting of Lawfull civil Government , more then he doth upon this Pretence , alledge a homologating of Prelacie , in this acknowledgement . But however , we say , that the people of God their notour and standing testimony against Prelacie it self as now Established , doth sufficiently reach this among other its usurpations , although this piece of civil Government be eatenus or in its own nature and as such , owned as formerly . But now our Informer charges us with another breach of Covenant , upon the ground of schisme , which he sayes , we are carrying on in opposition to the peace and liberty of this Church , which Christ has bequeathed to her in legacie . This heavy charge we would gladly know how he will instruct , and because he cannot stay to discuss that point in this dialogue , we will therfor supersed our enquiry here , and pass over to his third dialogue , and Examine therin the grounds of this accusation , which we doubt not to discover , to be as Irrational , as these examined in the preceeding Dialogues . A Confutation Of the Third DIALOGUE , Upon the point Of SEPARATION . Wherein upon exhibiting the true state of the Question , the practise of adhering to Presbyterian Ministers in the exercise of their Ministry , and denying of a subjection to Conformists as the lawful Pastours of this Church , from vvhom Gods people are bound to receive the ordinances , is vindicat from the charge of a sinfull Schismatick separation , the true and solid grounds of this practise offered , and the Informers arguments against it , fully ansvver'd . CHAP. I. The question stated and cleard , from our Churches state before , and since the introduction of Prelacy , the different condition of Presbyterian Ministers and Conformists ▪ Separation in many cases not Schisme . The Informers groundless suppositions . Arguments presented and prosecuted at some length , whereby this practise is acquit of the charge of a sinfull separation , and discovered to fall under Scripture precepts and obligations as duty . THE state of the Question in the third Dialogue , is anent sinfull separation and Schism ; whether the people of God be guilty of it in adhering to such Ministers as contend for our Reformation , rather then Curats or Conformists ; And whether they stand in this case of our Church ) oblig'd to adhere to the one or the other , as their true Pastours , from whom they are to receive the gospel ordinances , and to whom they owe subjection , reverence , and obedience accordingly . This state of the Question our Informer cannot in the least pick a quarrel at , it being most suitable unto his pleading , which is all along grounded upon this supposition , that conformists do stand in a Ministerial relation to this Church , and professours therein : from which he concluds peoples obligation to adhere unto them , as their only true , and proper Pastours . And in correspondence to this principle and inference , doth universally and absolutely fasten the charge of intrusion and Schism upon Presbyterian Ministers , and people , as to their respective acts of preaching , and hearing in their present state and circumstances So that if we can overturn this his grand topick , & fortify the antithesis therof , he must grant that all his reasoning in this Dialogue falls to the ground . For clearing this let us take a litle view , first , of our Church of Scotland her case at Prelacies introduction . 2ly , of her present case . 3dly , of the different grounds which the Presbyterian and Prelatick partie plead upon , for the peoples adherence . 4thly , on whose side the separation stands . Schism is a sinfull separation from a Church , with whom , & in what acts we are bound to adhere . So that when this Question is cleared , who are that Church to which we stand under obligations to adhere , it will go far to clear this debate . First , As to the state of our Church at Prelacies Introduction , I shall l●…y down these three suppositions in relation to the matter of fact . First , that our Church from the infancie of her Reformation , together with popry rejected Prelacy , and in her National capacitie , and in her supreme Judicatories disowned it as contrary to the Word of God , as a piece of Antichrists wicked Hierarchy : And in her National capacitie abjured the same often , solemnly , and universally . This hath been already clear'd upon the preceeding Dialogue . 2ly . Presbyterian Government hath been look't on by our Church , as the only Government of the Church appointed by Christ in Scripture , and as the hedge of her reformed Doctrine . Nay the owning of it hath been the great badge and Criterion , to try her true members ; the subscribing the books of Discipline , and the nationall Covenant of old , and the solemn league of late , with engadgements of adherence to Presbyterian Government , have been the ordinary door of entry into her Ministry . This , as to mater of fact , is clear and undeniable . 3ly , Our Church hath Judicially condemned E●…astianisme , and Ministers their state offices , and appointed Judicially the censuring of the opposers of this her establishment as scandalows , Assembly 38. Sess. 16 : 17. Confirmed and renewed in Assembly 39. So Assembly 40. Sess 5. In the 2d place , as to our Church her present condition , these things are clear and undeniable . 1. That all the legall right of the late work of Reformation is removed in the act rescissory . 2. Presbyterian Government is raz'd , and the Church-Government monopliz'd in the Arch Bishops and Bishops , obtruded upon this Church : And the right and liberties of Presbyters and all our former Church-Judicatories is removed and taken away . 3ly , Ane arbitary and Erastian Prelacy is set up in opposition , both unto our Churches intrinsick power of Government , and likewise her particular frame of Presbyterian Government . 4. All her vowes and great Oaths both in the National Covenant , as explaind An. 1638. And in the solemn League against Prelacie , and for maintaining her reformation , are disown'd , raz'd , and cassat , as far as legall enactings can reach . 5. Ane express bad●…e is appointed as to both Ministers and people their owning this course of defection , and disowning the late reformation viz. ministers submitting to Erastianism and Prelacy and owning their new courts ; and peoples hearing their vi●…ars and substitutes , for the same scope in th●… rulers diclaird designe . 6. Ministers betwixt three and four hundred disown , and stand in opposition to this course , and a great part and body of the professours of this Church have likewise disownd the same , & stood their ground . Hence upon what is said , it followes in the 7th place , that ane ax is laid to the root of her reform'd Doctrine , Worship and Government ; The great hedge thereof is removed , viz : her solemn vows : and beside , her doctrinall principles anent the Antichrist and his Hierarchy , the Churches intrinsick power of Government , Christian libertie , the unlawfulness of significant ceremonies in Gods Worship ; her Doctrine anent Justification , the Imperfection of obedience , Christs certain , determinat , and full satisfaction for sinners , in opposition to the Socinian and Arminian errors ; The morality of the Sabbath &c. are opposed by this innovating prelatick partie . And next , for her Worship ( beside what corruptions are already introduced , and others pleaded for , as the perth Articles &c. ) It is , upon the matter , subjected to mens arbitrary impositions ; And our National Covenant and Conf●…ssion is disownd , ae stricking against popish corruptions , and also our late confession as asserting the above-mentioned Doctrine & principles . And for Government , the Curats are meer slaves of Prelats , in all their meetings by his negative voice , and the Prelats themselves are but the Magistrats creatures . And thus as our late consession is disownd in relation to several doctrinal points of Christian libertie , moralitie of the Sabath , free election , &c so likewise in relation to its principles as to Church Gobernment , and Christs appointing Officers , lawes , and censures , as head of his Church , his not giving the keys to the civill Magistrat &c. Wherein our prelatick party are come so great a length that the late theses from St Andrews an . 81 , daines that Assembly of Divines whose confession is authorirized by the generall Assembly of this Church , with no other name then that of a conventicle . 8ly , Our Churches case is now worse then when prelacy was introduced by King James . The Limitations of Erastianism by the Act of Parliament An. 1592. in relation to her priviledges concerning heads of religion , heresy , excommunication , and censures , clear this . Next , Church-Judicatories were not discontinued , but sat upon their old ground ; and Prelats were restored by Parliament to their civil dignities only . Hence 9ly . It s clear that this pure Presbyterian Church hath been meerly passive as to all these innovations lately introduced ; her true representatives or lawfull Assemblies never having consented to this course of conformity , as appears by the Assembly 38. Their act anent these meetings , at Linlithgow 1606 ; at Glasgow 1610. at Aberdeen 1616. At St Andrews 1617. at Perth 1618. Which consented to Prelacie ; All which meetings they demonstrat to be contrary in their frame and constitution , to the priviledges of this Church . And at prelacies late erection Presbyterian Judicatories and Synods were preparing a Iudicial Testimonie , before they were raisd . So that the voice of our lawful Assemblies is still heard in opposition to this course ; & since Prelacies erection we have never had so much as a shadow of ane Assembly &c. For the 3d point , viz. the different grounds which the Presbyterian and prelatick party ( and this man particularly ) do plead upon , for the peoples adherence ; take it shortly thus , the prelatists do plead first , that they are Ministers , and in that relation to this Church . 2lv . That corruptions in administrators will not ( according to our own principles ) warrand separation from ordinances . 3ly , they plead order , and union , which ( they allege ) is broken by peoples withdrawing . These are the cheif topicks they insist on . On the other hand Presbyterian Ministers plead for disowning them according to the forementioned state of the question , first , from this that the body of Presbyterian Ministers & professours adhering to our Churches reformation , principles , and priviledges , are the pure genuine Church of Scotland , tho now fled into a wilderness ; whose voice we are called to hear as her true Chiidren . 2ly , that this course of conformity is a meer intrusion on this Church , and invasion of Christs Kingdome , prerogatives and ordinances , subjecting the lawes , officers and censures of his Church unto men , exauctorating & putting in officers without his warrand ; that Prelats , and their deputes consequently , have no right to officiat as Ministers in this Chuich . Since both the one and the other are arrand intruders upon the same , and promoters of this Schismatick destroying course of defection . 3ly , that our Churches divine right and claim to her priviledges stands fast , notwithstanding the present encroachments and invasions thereof ; and her Childrens obligation of adherence to the same accordingly . 4ly , That hence it followes , because of the nature and tendency of this course of defection , that all are obliged to keep themselves free from the least accession to it , and therefore to disown Curats ; both as maintaining principles contrary to the principles and doctrine of this Church , and as standing in a stated opposition to her , & likewise as the obiects of her censure , if she were in capacity to draw her sword . That the people of God have both corrupt doctrine to lay to their charge , beside the corruption Worship ; and also their going out from the fellowship of this Church , and leading the people away from our vowed reformation &c. In the 4th place , to come to clear ths great point on whose fide the separation stands , let us premise these things . 1. Every separation is not sinfull , even from a Church which hath the essentialls , yea and more then the essentialls , a man may go from one Church to another without hazard of separation . But further , in these cases separation is not schism . I. It if be from those ( tho Never so many ) who are drawing back , and in so far as drawing back , from whatever peice of duty and integrity is attaind . For this is still tobe held fast , according to many scripture comands , as we shall shew . So Elias when Gods Covenant was forsaken , was as another Athanasius ; ( I , and I only am left ) in point of tenacious integrity . 2ly , if we separat in that which a Nationall Church hath commanded us as her members to disown by her standing acts , and authority , while those from whom we separat own that corruption . 4. If Ministers their supposed separation be ane officiating as they can have access , after a National Churches reformation is overturnd , and they persecute from their watchtowers by these overturners . For in this case the persecuters separat from them , and chase them away . 4. There is a Lawfull forbearance of union and complyance with noto ious backsliders , in that which is of it self sinfull , or inductive to it , which is far from separation strictly taken ; The commands of abstaining from every appearance of evill , and hating the garment spotted with the flesh , do clearly include this . 5. Many things will warrand separation from such a particular Minister or congregation , which will not warrand separation from the Church National ; nor infer it , by Mr Durhams acknowledgment ( on scandal pag. 129. ) For if scandals become excessive , he allowes to depart to another congregation . 6. There is a commanded withdrawing from persons and societies even in worship ; the precepts , to avoid them that cause divisions and offences contrary to the received Doctrine , Rom. 16. 17. to come out from among the unclean & be separat . 2 Cor. 6. 17 to cease from instruction that causes to erre from ehe words of knowledge , Prev . 19. 27. to save our selves from the untoward generation . Act. 2. 40 , will clearly import this by consequence . 2dly , This charge of sinfull separation which they put on Gods people supposes many thigs which must be proved , as first , that the Prelats and their adherents , are the only true organick Church of Scotland , which is denyed ; her frame and constitution being such as it said ; surely the Ministers and professours adhering to her reformation must be the true Church of Scotland tho the lesser number , as they should have been , if this prelatiok defection had been intirely popish . These souldiers who keep the Gen●…rals orders are the true army , not the deserters of the same . Either the Church in this Nation as lately reformd & constitute , and to whose constitution many Conformists vowed adherence , was not the true organick protestant Church of Scotland , or this partie , whose constitution , Principles , Doctrine & practice , are point blank contrary therunto , is not . 2. It supposed that there is no lawfull use of ordinances among Presbyterian Ministers , as persons who have no Lawfull call to officiat in this case . Hence this man pleads for disowning them universally and absolutely ; but we affirm they are Ministers standing in that relation to this Church , and under the obligation of Christs comand to officiat , which Conformists have not yet disproved 4. He supposes that every thing which may be expedient as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and order of a Church , when enjoyning her full peacable constitution , will equally oblidge in her broken and persecute condition , when a prevailing backsliding party is in her bosome . Now ; scripture and reasen will disprove this : circumstances of order must give place to important duties in extreme necessity as this is : the scattered officers of the Church of Jerusalem , went every where preaching the gospel ( Act. 8 , ) so did Ministers in the beginning of the Reformation . 4. It is supposed that our change is only as to government : and such only as was in King Iames time , both which we have showen to be false . 5. He takes for granted that their personal faults who are conformists , and a supposed pullution of the worship therby , is our ground of non-union ; and that our granting them to have the essence of a Ministeriall call , and that their scandals will not pollute the worship , will infer the hearing of them in this our case , which is also false . For even upon this supposition , we are not bound to owne them no more then ane ingraind Schismatick , obtruded forcibly by a party of the congregation upon the rest of the people , might be ownd on this ground . 6 This man begs the question in supposing that the constitution and frame of the Prelacy now establish't , is the same with that of the ancient Church , for he often tels us that we would have separat from the ancient Church , upon the same grounds for which we disown Conformists . Whereas we have shewed the difference of our prelacy from theirs in many points . That our prelats both as Diocesian & Erastian , are wholly discrepant from the ancient Bishops . 7. He takes it for granted , that Ministers who disown this course of backsliding their relation to their flocks is cut off , in the present posture of our Church , and that the Prelats and their substituts , ( the Curats ) are the onely proper representative Church of Scotland , who accordingly have onely the lawfull power and exercise of the keyes as to either admission or censure of Ministers . A principle alwayes disowned by our Church . See Protesters no subverters ( pag. 96. ) Rutherfoords due right of Presbyt . [ pag. 430. 431. ] Altare Damasc. ( pag. 23. ) 8. He supposes that its unlawfull in this our case to officiat , ren●…tente Magistrat●… ; that this very violence and the present Lawes will render Ministers officiating unwarrantable [ pag. 205. ] which is a great mistake , for the Magistrat cannot loose from the pastoral relation which he gave not , ejusdem est constituere & destituere . A●…esmedull . [ cap. 30. thes . 14. And hence the Ministers relation to the Church Nationall stands , tho he restrain the exercise thereof in any one place ; and consequent ly the tyes and commands to officiat ; so that disobeying the Magistrats command not to officiat , is no disobedience to his lawful authority . Nay Apollonius thinks that the divine relation of a Minister to this Church , tho banisht from his native country , doth stand . Ius Majestatis circasacra part . 1. pag. 331. ( 9. ) He still supposes that , what will not exse , or of it self plead for disowning the hearing of the gospel , or of a Minister simpliciter , will plead nothing in this our case for disowning Conformists . The mans weakness , personal faults , not lecturing &c. are not of themselves sufficient to cut us off from hearing absolutely . But tho this be granted , we have the pure genuine Church of Scotland , and her faithful Ministry to adhere unto , and over and above these grounds mentiond , conformists schismatick practice , and corrupt Doctrine to lay to their charge , which will make this ground in our case very weighty and preponderating ; and this the Informer himself must grant , for he will not say that such like pretences or arguments in our case , were valid as to the owning of Nonconformists and des●…rting of Curats . Moreover he will grant , that Presbyterian Ministers might Lawfully be heard , if Conformists were not standing in their way . Now so the case is in relation to Presbyterian Ministers pleading ; for that none of these things which he mentions were valid to infer peoples disowning of Conformists , were there no other Ministers in Scotland , and if this Church had universally , both Ministers and people faln into this cou●…se of backsliding , will be readily granted ; But without any advantage to his cause , as is evident . To these many discoveries of his begging the question in this debate , our plea and arguments will be clearer if we add a short view of our suppositions in this case and question . Such as 1. our principle of the unlawfulness of prelacie . 2. The binding force of our covenants . 3. Our Churches divine tight to her Reformation and priviledges once establisht . 4. that this is a case both of defection , and persecution . 5. of competition betwixt Ministers & professours contending for our Reformation , and a party of backsliders overturning it . 6. The tendency of this course of Prelatick defection , to raze our Reformation ; and that if not prevented ; it will end in propery . 7. That Presbyterian Ministers relation to this Church , and their obligation to duty founded upon that relation , is not extinguished but subsists notwithstanding of the present violence and persecution , which they with their weeping mother are exposed unto . Having premised these things , from what is said we may draw forth at length the great state of the question thus , whether , when the Reformation of a National Church in Doctrine , worship , discipline and government , is by a backsliding party overturnd , and a course-carryed on to raze it , God having left a considerable body of Ministers & professours , who stand in opposition to that course , and are in their capacities testifying against it , are these Ministers and professors who preach and hear in opposition to that course , or the complying Ministry and hearers , the scismaticks ? This being clearly the state of this question , we shall offer these arguments to fortifie our principle of disowning conformists in this our case , and denying a subjection to them as the Ministers of this Church , and adherence to Presbyterian Ministers in the exercise of their Ministry , and acquit this principle and practise from the Informers charge of sinfull separation . 1. Whoever of the two partiss adhere unto the true genuine Church , owning her constitutions , authoritie and priviledges , its certain the contrary party must be the schismaticks ; here it must be seen who are the first departers , who have first broken the hedge , who have first disownd and opposed the Covenants , the Government , the sound and pure doctrine of this Church , in complyance with persecuters , surely they and they only are the schismaticks . Had not this invasion been made upon our Church and her priviledges , what would have been her Judgement of the present principles and practices of Conformists in any of her Lawfull courts ? would they not have been judged censurable as the worst of Schismaticks ? Now , what is the difference here , except , that this party makes the greater number ; but will this take away the charge of schism ? suppose a party of notorious schismaticks should cry ou●… upon such as withdraw from them as schismaticks , were not this a ridiculous charge ; and Just so is that of Conformists in this case . 2. Every schism supposes ane obligation of adherence to that Church from which the separation is made . Now then , let him prove ministers obligation to joyn into this Prelatick course ( without which they will not admit them to officiat ) and disprove our prior obligations to opposeit ; or else Ministers obligation to preach , and peoples consequently to hear in opposition to this course of defection , will stand good on the old grounds , and all the scripture comands ( founded on Pastours of this Church their Ministerial relation ) to set the trumpet to their mouth , and give a Ministerial testimony against this defection , and peoples obligation to hear and take warning , will press and plead for that which he calls schism and a sinfull separation . 3. Hence Presbyterian Ministers , and professors are in this their practise never toched , by all his arguments and defences , but these are weapons in their hands against him and the conforming party . 1. Whereas he pleads the essence of the ministeriall call , which conformists lay claim unto , Presbyterian Ministers answer , that Nonconforming Ministers have this , that they are Ministers of this Church , and have a better right to officiat as her true pastours then Prelatists . And if this will not plead for hearing Non-conformists , why shall this argument be thought valide for hearing Curats ? is not the same way from Athens to Thebes , and from Thebes to Athens ? if his concession touching the essence of their Ministerial call , will not ( with him ) infer hearing Non-conformists , because of their supposed schism : Ergo a fortiori it will not infer the hearing of Curats , who really are such . 2. he pleads that corruptions , and failings in administrators , or even some corruptions in ordinances , will not infer disowning of Ministers . Why then pleads he for disowning Presbyterian Ministers and ordinances adminis red by them , to whom this is so clarly applicable . 3ly , he pleads union . But let him say , what was the order and union of this Church before these innovations ? was it ane union under Prelacie , Erastianism , and persurious breach of Covenant ; was not our Churches Reformation in doctrine , worship , discipline and Goverment , a beautiful order and union ? Now who broke this ? supppose we should Plead union , against his withdrawing Presbyterian professours from Presbyterian Ministers , will he owne this pleading ? or not rather disowne it , because he thinks our union is schismatical ; well , so we hold and do prove the prelatick union to be : & therefore untill he disprove our charge against his party , this pleading is null . 4. Divines , do tell us ( particularly Timorcus chap. 7. page 32. ) that a sinfull separation which falls within the compass of schism , is from the communion of a Church as walking according to the divine rule ; otherwise , if the Churches deviation specially be great , there is no fear of any guilt by schism in departing from it ; and hence infers , that unless absolvers can instruct that prelacy is juris divini , disowning and abjuring it cannot be schismatical . Moreover this man himself grants , that schism in its ordinary acceptation , is taken for a causless separating , and that where communion with a Church cannot be held without sin , in that case separation is necessary . Now then if we can prove , that our non union is not causless , and that communion cannot be held with Conformists ( in our case and circumstances ) without sin , we are not Schismaticks by his oun confession . To clear then this great point of the sinfulness of owning them in their demanded conformity ; we offer these considerations . 1. Owning them and subjecting our selves to their Ministry as the Pastours of this Church , hath a palpable breach of Covenant in it as the case now stands , for all along we must suppose its binding force , and that there is a considerable body of Ministers & professours contending for it , and that the question is , to which of the parties contending we are bound to adhere , and that according to our principles anent its binding force , and the unlawfulness of Prelacie , which this man cannot disprove . The owning of them in the manner above expressed is a breach of Covenant many wayes . specially as this man pleads for it , with a totall disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in their Ministry . In this case it is a resiling from what we have attain'd in point of reformation , contrary to the first article , wherein we are bound to maintain purity of worship and Doctrine as then establisht . Now their preaching is for the most part consisting of corrupt doctrine contrary to our Reformation ? And their prayers have severall petitions with which we cannot joyn , such as for prospering Prelats and their courses ; Not to speak of the abrogating the lecture , repeating of the creed at baptism , singing a set forme of conclusion , or what innovations in worship are introduced . Again , this is a concurience with promoters of this course of backsliding , and a suffering our selves to be withdrawen from our union engadged unto , and a denyall of suteable assistance to faithfull Ministers contending for the Covenant against backsliders , all which are contrary to the other articles thereof . This will be specially clear , if it be further considered . That 1. The body of presbyterian Ministers being ejected , if disown'd in the manner and extent pleaded for by this Informer , the presbyterian interest , and our Reformation according to the Covenant , will be extinct , sold and betrayed . 2. Hearing Curats and peoples subjecting themselves to their Ministry as the Pastours of this Church . is by the Rulers required as a direct badge and Test of owning Erastianism and prelacie , in opposition to the Covenant & work of Reformation : So that its a case of confession , now to adhere to a faithfull Ministry contending for it . 3. Ther 's no other way to exoner our consciences before God and the World , and Declare our nonconformitie to this course of backsliding , but by this practice , there is no getting of wrongs redrest , or corruptions in the Ministry removed . Thus the Apology pag. 272. 4. We are in the Covenant engadged against Indifferency , in this great work of Reformation , and is not this the way to fall into it more and more . 5. We engadge that we shall endeavour , that this work of Reformation shall remain inviolable to posterity . But what memory shall the posterity have of this work if prelats and curats be thus submitted unto ? 6. We engadge opposition in our capacity to all prelatick malignant enemies of the Lords worke and interest ; but how is it performd when we thus strengthen their hands , in their avowed opposition therunto . 7. How assist we and Defend in this common cause of Religion and liberty , such as enter into this league , when we thus Divide from our suffering brethren , wound and offend them and shake off a faithfull Covenant-keeping Ministry . 8 How maintain we our reformed Doctrine , worship , and union , when thus owning false prophets , and the instruction that causeth to err from the words of knowledge , and such as cause Divisions and offences contrary to the Doctrine we have Learnd . Prov. 19. 27. Rom. 16. 17 , 18. 9. How maintain we the priviledges of our Church and her Reformed Government ? when owning intruding prelats and their creatures as Ministers of this Church , and disowning her true Ministers , now taking her by the hand . This practice is ane approving of Curats call and mission , rather then that of presbyterian Ministers , which no man will deny to be contrary to the Covenant . Next , owning and adhering to Curats in this our case , and according to our principles , hath an accession to much guilt otherwise , such as . 1. The owning of a palpably blasted , and Disowning a palpably sealed Ministry . 2 A high reflection on the sufferings of many Godly upon this ground . 3. A shutting of our eyes against Ministerial Discoveries of the sin and duty of the time . 4. A casting of our selves on tentations of greater complyance . 5. A breaking of fellowship with these that are contending for Gods worke and denying a sympathy with them , yea a trampling on their blood which has been shed on this ground . 6. A disowning the Ministeriall authority , and tearing the commission of Christs faithfull Ambassadours , and depriving our selves of the blessing and benefit of their Labours &c. 5. This practice of denying a Subjection to the Ministry of Conformists , and of our Rulers demanded conformity therin unto the present course of defection , will be found to fall under great scripture obligations , such as 1. The obligation of persevering in integrity , and holding it fast . Colos. 1. 23. Heb. 10 : 23. Psal. 25. 21. Supposing prelacy unlawfull , and the binding force of the Covenants in reference to all the work of reformation as it stood establisht , this practice is clearly cross to the premised obligation , both as ane acknowledgement of prelacy and Erastiani me , and also as a Disowning of faithfull Ministers . 2. The obligation of keeping at the greatest Distance from sin , exprest Jude 23. 1 Thess. 5. 22. 1 Tim. 5. 22. will infer Disowning Curats in this case . 1. All Direct , or interpretative consent to sin , is here Discharged . 2. A practice otherwise lawfull , will on this ground become inexpedient hic & nunc . We must not eat in the case of offence , tho we may freely eat all meats Rom. 14. 14. 1 Cor. 10. 25. Now on the forementiond Suppositions , the owning of Curats hath an accession to their sin , beyond that of ane apearance or a touch , It being both a Deserting the presbyterian Ministry , and a badge of conformity to Erastian prelacy , and all the corruption and defection of the time , which is therby advanc'd & promoted , 't is also in this case of competition , a deliberat adherence to the prelatick rather then presbyterian interest . 3. The great obligation of a testimony to truth and Duty , exprest Heb. 10. 23. Mat. 10. 32. will plead for this practice , All truth must be avowed , & practically avowed . We must walk circumspectly , or exactly as the Word imports , & we must avow truth & duty on the greatest hazard ; even the smallest mater is great , when a testimony is concernd in it , were it but the circumstance of an open window , Daniel durst not ommit it upon the greatest hazard . And as this testimony must be full , so must it also be constant . Demas shame is , that the aflictions of the gospel made him forsake the Apostle after great appearances for Christ , and embrace this present world . And beside , whatever truth or duty is opposed , that becomes the speciall object of this testimony . Hence Ministers and Professours in their capacity are called to contend for this Work of Reformation ; and Ministers silence as to a Ministerial testimony against this course of backsliding , and people's disowning them , and adhering to Conformists , is so palpably cross therunto , as nothing can be more . 4. This practice is inferd from the scripture obligation , to guard against the slumbling and offending our brethren , exprest 2 Cor. 6. 3. Math. 18. 6. 1 Cor. 10. 32. Here is Discharged any Dictum vel factum quo alius deterior redditur , saith Polanus . Whatever practice gives occasion of our brothers sinning , of calling truth in question , of acting with a Doubting conscience , or which weakens his plerophory or assurance , is here discharged . And neither the lawfulness nor Indifferency of the thing it self , nor mens Authority commanding it , Nor the weakness , yea or wickedness of those in hazard to be stumbled , will warrand the Doing of that out of which offence arises . Paul Declares all meats lawfull , yet will not eat in case of offence 1 Cor. 10. 25. 1 Cor. 8. 13. This Declaring of the lawfulness of that practice , is equivalent to any civill Declarator or Law which alters not the nature of scandal . Paul will not have the weak stumbled Rom. 14. 1 , 2 , 3. 1 Cor. 8. 11 , 12. Nor give occasion to the malicious who desired occasion 2 Cor. 11. 12. Now owning of Curats as the case is now circumstantiat doth harden them in their apostacy , and hath a tendency to wound the peace of the godly who dare not owne them , or may provoke them to act against their light ; and therefore unless owning them could be proved a necessary duty , as matters now stand , the premisd scripture obligation will infer it to be sinfull . 5. disowning conformists will clearly follow from the scripture obligation , to turn away from seducers , and such as turn aside from Gods way . 2 Tim. 3. 1. The apostle having given a large Induction of evills adhering to these in the last dayes , putting among the rest of their black Theta's , Covenant breaking , concludes his discovery with this grand precept ( ver . 5. ) from such turn away . We must beware of false prophets , the concision , and of such as walk not according to the received ordinances , Math. 7. 15. Rom. 16. 17. Philip. 3. 2. 2 Thess. 3. 6. Christs sheep do flee from the stranger , and hear not his voice . Iohn . 10 , 27. 1. All promoters of wayes contrary to the simplicity of the gospel , are here commanded to be eschewed . 2. We must know and discover such by their fruits and practicall unfaithfulness , as well as false Doctrine , Mat. 7. 16. compared with 2 Tim. 3. These that practically act the foxes Cant. 2. 15. are to be taken away , and consequently eschewed , the saints must be fortifyed against these that ly in wait to deceive , God disowns these that make sad the hearts of the godly and strengthen the hands of evill doers . Ezek 13. 22. such as stand not in his counsel Ier. 33. 22. & cause people to err by their lies and lightness . Ier. 26. 32. Now upon the forementiond suppositions its clear that Conformists are leading aside from our Reformation , opposing the principles & priviledges , of this Church ; they are Covenant breakers from whom we are to turn away ; they are speaking peace to the wicked , and healing the wound slightly , and are ruling with force and rigour Ezek. 34. 4. 1 Pet. 5. 3. Witness their present violence . 6. This practice of Presbyterian Ministers officiating in opposition to this course , and peoples adherence to their Ministry , is inferr'd from the scripture obligation of many terrible charges and adjurations laid upon Ministers , in reference to a faithfull diligence in their Ministerial function , and a suteable Ministerial testimony concerning the sin and duty of the time , which is necessarly inclusive of their peoples reciprocal diligence , in attending their Ministry , and their obedience and faithfull adherence accordingly . They are commanded to cry aloud and shew the people their sin Isa. 58. 1. and as they would not have the blood of souls upon them , to give faithfull warning touching sin and duty , and their peoples case and hazard , especially in times of great sin and judgement , when God is terribly pleading his controversy with them Ezek. 3. 17. hence they are enjoyned to be instant in season and out of season , reproving , rebuking and exhorting with all long suffering and Doctrine 2 Tim. 4. 1. And as faithfull watchmen on Ierusalems walls , never to hold their peace day nor night till she be establisht , and made a praise in the earth Isa. 62. 6. to fulfill and make full pro●…fe of their Ministry Colloss 4. 17. And as these comands in order to Ministerial diligence , do singularly oblige herunto in this case , so the scripture woes and threatnings thundered against Ministers negligence and unfaithfulness , are very convincing and awakening . See Ezek. chap. 3. and chap. 13. 5. 6 : Hence on the forementiond suppositions it clearly followes . 1. That Ministers are oblidged to be constantly instant in season and out of season , in their Ministerial testimony against this course of defection . 2. This case of defection and persecution ampliats and extends this duty to all to whom they can have access , as the scattered preachers Acts. 8. Went every where preaching the gospel , after that persecution that arose about Stephen . 3. This Ministerial testimony upon the forementioned grounds , must be levelled at all the corruptions of the times , and all the branches and degrees of our defection . 4. The duty and obligation of the people of God , is reciprocall and commensurable therunto . And if hearing Curats and disowning Presbyterian Ministers , be not inconsistent with this great obligation , let any Iudge . 6. That part●… in a Reformed Church , which having overturnd her Reformation , hath shut out , laid aside , and persecute away sound adherers therunto both Ministers and professours , and will not admit Ministers to officiat , but upon the sinfull terms of complyance with their way , cannot charge the sound party with schism in standing where they were , & owning and prosecuting their respective duties , as Ministers and flocks , in opposition to these overturners and backsliders . For this would justify the most ingraind schism that ever was heard of ; Now so the case is here , for all Presbyterian Ministers are cast out , and they and all sound professours adhering to them persecute , unless they will retract their principles , and conform to prelacie . Ministers , in taking up a new tenour and exercise of their Ministry in a precarious servile dependence upon Erastian prelacy , headed and influenced by a meer civil papacy ; And people , in subjecting themselves to the Ministry of the servile deputes of Erastian prelates , as a badge of their hearty complyance with , and submission unto , this blasphemous supremacy , and consent to the overturning of the pure constitution and reformation of this Church . So that the Presbyterians their plea is an owning of duty against Schismaticks disowning it . Do not our Divines tell the Romanists on this ground , that they have seperat and persecute us away from them , and that therefore the schism lyes upon themselves , not on us : So the case is here . Let this man say , what would have been the judgement of our Church in any of her former judicatories , anent a party owning such principles as Conformists do , and persecuting or casting out all that oppose them , and dare not concurr in their course of backsliding in overturning the sworn Reformation of this Church ; I dare appeal to the Informer himself , if such would not have been judged censurable as the worst of Schismaticks . And he can assigne nothing now to turn or cast the scale , no ground of disparity , unless he place it in this , that prelatists are the greater number , and have the civil power on their side . And if this pityfull plea will carry it , the Romanists have long since outweighed the protestant Churches in this debate , which this man will not for very shame admit . 7. This practice of adhering to Presbyterian Ministers , and disowning Curats , hath nothing of the ingredients of schismor , sinfull separation from this Church , included therein , as matters now stand , and as the question is stated on the forementioned hypotheses . Which will appeare in these cleare positions in the point of schism ( which are evident in their own light ) being applyed and brought home to our present case . 1. Schism is a starting out from under due relations to a Church and from her Ministry , and duties accordingly . But in this our case , and practise under debate , Ministers and professours are pursuing the duties of their respective relation to this Church , as it stood reformed and establisht before these innovations , and the Apostat prelatick party are doing the contrary . 2. In a sinfull Schismatick separation , it is alwayes supposed that the withdrawing , is from those who are holding the communion of the true Church , otherwise we lose the basis and fundation of all sound definitions of schism . But here the persecute party are owning the Reformation of this pure Church against a party of separatists , who have broken her order , union , and National vows ; and who are also censurable by all her standing acts . 3. In a proper Schismatick separation , the principles and practice of these from whom the separation is made , are supposed to be subservient to that Churches union , right establishment , and for maintaining her communion ; but to separat from those whose principles and practice is a stated opposition ( and in so far as an opposition ) to her purity and Reformation , is to maintain her true union and communion , and not sinfully to separat from it . The Assumption as to this practice under debate , might be cleard by a large induction of particulars . If we take a view of the two parties ( Presbyterian and prelatical ) their carriage in relation to this Church : It will be evident , 1. In general . That Conformists their principles and practice , is a direct impeachment of our establisht reformation , and that Presbyterians are maintaining and adhering to the same . 2. Conformists do avowedly disowne and abjure our Covenants , Presbyterians adhere unto and owne the same . 3. Conformists are breaking and dissipating our Churches establisht order and union , Presbyterians are in this practice contending for both ; the one party is wounding our Church both by persecution and reproach , the other is taking her by the hand , endeavouring her help and comfort in this her deep distresse , and so the Covenant obliges to disowne the first , and adhere to the second . 4. The one is censurable by her , the other deserves her praise . Now can there be any question in this , to which of these parties people are obliged to adhere according to the principles of our Reformation . In the 4th place , In a sinfull separation as to communion in worship , it must be supposed , the worship of that Church ownd and establisht therein , because a party innovating herein , as well as innovating in doctrine and government contrary to that which is establisht , are hactenus , and ipso facto ( in this their practice , and upon this very ground ) schismaticks both in their worship and government . Therefore to disowne them therein can be no schism ; for this would involve a palpable contradiction , that these withdrawers in this same practice , and in the same respects and circumstances therof , were Schismaticks and not Schismaticks . Now prelatists their doctrine is new and odd , and not the voice of this Church . And their worship , ( over and above the corruption adhering to it ) is the worship of an innovating party , and contrary to our Churches establisht order . And therfore to disowne them therein is no sinfull separation from this Church her fellowship and worship , while existing in her sound and purer part , and opposing these innovations . 5. In Schismatick separation , the rent is made in the bowels of the true and genuine Church . So that when a schism and rent is stated betwixt a godly Ministry contending for a pure Churches Reformation , against an apostat party of the Ministry : the sound professours stand preobliged to adhere unto , and strength●…n the sounder part , upon this very ground of holding the union and communion of that pure Church against these backsliders ; supposing they will rent and ruine her , if not opposed : and so the case is here . The union and order of this Church , is already broken by the prelatick innovators and backsliders , and by them only ; so that upon the supposal of this fixed schism , the people of God must adhere to the sound Church and Ministry . And in this extreme necessity , the lesser obligation as to parochial order , must give place to the greater duties of preserving and maintaining the Churches union and reformation , when a course is carried on tending to ruine it . 6. Every sinfull separation is , from the fellowship of a Church either in her Ministry , lawfull courts , or Worship and ordinances , according to the various relations , state and condition of Separatists , whether Church officers or others . But in this our case , Presbyterian Ministers and professours separat in none of these respects from the genuine Church of Scotland . 1. Ministers separat not from her courts ; for none of her lawful courts are now publickly own'd or existent . 2. People separate not from her Worship , as it stood reformed and vowed unto , when they owne the ordinances dispensed by her true pastours , for that only is the true Worship of this Church . Nor 3. from her Doctrine , and a due subjection to her faithfull pastours in the Lord : And therefore neither from the fellowship of her faithful Ministers and professours . Where is then the Schism ? Since both the Doctrine , Worship and Government of this true Church are ownd , and backsliders and Schismaticks only ( and as such ) are disownd . 7. Schism supposes that these whom we withdraw from , are such to whom we are under obligation to adhere : for it is a breach of union , which is cemented and conglutinate by the obligations and duties of those who are concerned to hold it fast ; So that where the obligation to the duty in subserviency to this union cannot be demonstrate , to be incumbent upon such and such persons , and in such acts , By whom and wherein this union is to be upheld , the charge of Schism upon these acts , which are supposed to violat that union , evanishes and falls to the ground . But if the person ( tho a Minister supposed ) from whom the separation is made , wants that which immediatly grounds this obligation of owning h●…m hic & nunc , as the case stands circumstantiat , in that respect withdrawing or non-union can be no Schism , for else the most ingraind Schismaticks might be owned ; the Informer himself must of necessity admit this , for otherwise he will crosse and cut the sinews of all his pleading and arguments which he presents in this Dialogue for disowning Presbyterian Ministers in this our case , for I am confident that out of this circumstanciat case he will grant that it is no breach of any of his rules or reasons to hear them . That [ they are Ministers ] and [ are preaching faith and repentance ] that [ they have a lawfull Ministeriall call and ordination &c. ] All these he thinks will plead nothing , as the case is now circumstantiat , for adhering to them , because of that in their present condition , which outweighs all this , and looses peoples obligation to owne them , which he thinkes is no Schism but duty : Now , let our Informer turn the tables ; if there be first that in Curats present state , which preponderats as to our disowning of them now , tho all that he pleads as to their ordination , and ministerial call were granted , it s no Schism in this our case to disowne them according to his own principles and pleading in this point . 2. He must grant that denying to hear hic & nunc , and in such a complex case , is different from a denying to hear simpliciter , or disowning such a mans Ministry simpliciter , or absolutely , as he will grant that out of this case Presbyterian Ministers might be heard , and that disowning them is not simpliciter a disowning a true Ministry or Church , or them as Ministers ; So that its this case of competition with Conformists , which with him casts the ballance . Hence as matters now are stated and circumstantiat , and upon our principles and premised Hypotheses , he must grant there is that in conformists case , which hic & nunc will loose our obligation to receive the ordinances from them as the ministers of this Church , which is the white in the marke wherat all his arrows are shot . Such as 1. that we are preobliged by a lawful Oath to extirpat and disowne them . 2. That they are promoters of a Prelatick designe to ruine our Reformation . 3. That they have avowedly disownd our Covenants , and that we are commanded by the overturners of our Covenanted Reformation , to hear them as a badge of our renouncing it ; and concurring in this course of backsliding . 4. That they are intruders , and not entring in at the door , and in the way and order of this Church ; That they are violently thrusting out , and persecuring her faithfull Pastours , that they perjuriously renounce a call from the people , and ordination by the Presbyterie . All which grounds he must either grant will supersede our obligation to owne conformists hic & nunc according to our principles , or quite his plea and pleading as to the disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in the exercise of their Ministry . 8. He pleads in the close of the preceeding Dialogue , that the covenant abjures Sel isme . Now let us stand to this Decision ; the Informer will not be dissatisfyed if I shall borrow one of his topicks , and shoot ane arrow from his own bow ; I would offer then to him this syllogisme . That Schism which he pleads against is a Schism abjured in the Covenant : but disowning Conformists in their present state & circumstances , & refusing to be subject to them as the Ministers of this Church , is not a schism abjur'd in the Covenant ; Ergo , &c. The assumption I prove thus . If the disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in their present state and circumstances , and withdrawing from them in the exercise of their Ministerial function and their Ministerial testimony against prelacy and for the Covenant , be that schism which is abjurd therin then a refusing to be subject to Curats ( against whom they are testifying as the Covenant breakers , and upholders of prelacy ) ad not owning them as the Ministers of this Church , cannot be that scism . Unless he will mak this scism , such a Janus as will cast a maligne condemning aspect upon both the contending parties , and bring adherers unto either of the two , under this imputation . But so it is that disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in the exercise of their Ministry , is condemned in the Covenant as schism this we have already made appear , it being a disowning of that establisht order and union of this Church which therin we do swear to maintain , and a schismatical withdrawing from her faithfull Ambassadours and others contending for the ends of the Covenant , to adhere unto whom , and keep up an union wi●…h them herein , the Covenant layes upon us an express obligation , putting the imputation of schismatick division , and detestable indifferency upon the contrary practice . Ergo , upon the whole it follows evidently , that the owning of Conformists which he pleads for in this Dialogue ( viz. subjection unto , and receiving ordinances from them as the Ministers of this Church , and denying this to Presbyterian Ministers ) is abjurd in the Covenant as Schismatical . CHAP. II. The Informers charge of internal and external Schisme , put upon Non-conformists : ●…f impeaching the Churches constitution , and her practice in point of Worship for more than a 1000 Years , examind . His argument from Rom. 14. Heb. 10. 25. answered , and retorted upon him . His answer to the argument taken from the command of seeking the best gifts , considered . As also his argument from ancient canons , from the Act of the Assembly 1647. from the reciprocal tye betwixt a Minister and his flock , to fortify his charge of Schism , repell'd . HAving thus cleard our question and plea , & fortified our practice with these arguments ; We come now to examine the grounds on which this new Casuist imputes sinfull separation to us therein , We acknowledge the evil of Schism upon these Texts mentioned by him , which might have caused sad reflectings on himself and his party , who are guilty of divisions and offences contrary to our received ordinances , and the doctrine of this Church : And so are lashed by that Scripture Rom. 16. 17. And who would have have us saying I am of this or that Rabbi or Prelat , contrary to 1 Cor. 1 : 12. It 's they who have disownd a spirituall pure unity with this pure Church , and are seeking a perjurious union in departing from God , contrary to that precept Ephes. 4 : 3. And are so far from esteeming others in Lowliness of mind better then themselves , as we are enjoynd . Phil 2. 2. That their Rabbies trample on all Ministers ; and their underlings do most insolently persecute and despise faithfull Pastours for adhering to the Reformation , authority , and union of this Church , against their innovations . Schism is no doubt an evill which hath much infested the Church , and our Church : and the Scripture sufficiently discovering the evill thereof we need not Cyprian , nor Jeroms elogies anent unity , to persuaed it . Only where he insinuats from that saying of Cyprian , which he mentions . Who asserts from 1 Cor. 13. [ that who are slain in their Schism , their inexpiable sin is not purged by their blood , and that they are not Martyrs ] that such is the case of the suffering people of God at this time ; we may discern the cruell venome and sting of this mans malice , for all the sobriety which he pretends unto ; I shall only tell him , that as its more then he will be ever able to prove , that the Lords remnant are guilty of this sin , and are assembling out of the Church , when attending the Ministry of Christs faithfull Ambassadours in this Church , so he and his fellows setting these murderers upon them in this duty , will ( if they repent not ) be exposed to that vengeance which the cry of their souls under the altar , who have been slain for this their Testimony , doth plead for . He would also do well to resolve this doubt upon Cyprians Testimony , viz. Whether Cyprian did ever hold , or if himself will dare to assert , that the blood and sufferings of the best of martyrs did expiat their guilt . As for Jeroms assertion [ that Schism . and Heresy , or some degree of it go together . ] I think it is fitly applicable to himself and fellow Conformists , who since their departing from the unity of this Church , and her sworn Reformation , have not only , to justify their course vented gross errours in point of Oaths , and otherwise , but are now ( as every one sees ) posting fast to Rome , in denying many and great points of our Protestant profession . We accord to Augustines saying [ that separatists ( as such ) receive no life from the body ] & the unquestionable godliness , & fellowship with the Father and the Son , to which many Presbyterians are admitted , and wherein they shine , compared with the abominable prophanity of the whole of those almost that owne Curats , will by this rule declare who are the Schismaticks , and separatists from Christs body . The comment of the Thorn which rents the lili●… Cant. 2. 2. Is very suteable to him , and those of his way , who have now of a long time rent the Lords faithfull flock , wounded our Church , and taken away her vail : esteeming themselves Christians of the first magnitude , so he esteems his most reverend Arch-Bishops and reverend under-fathers ; What pitifull preambles are these . The Doubter alleadges [ that every separation is not schism . ] This ( as we heard ) he acknowledges , and that when communion with a Church cannot be held without sin , separation is necessary ; wherein he yeelds all that we plead ; since we have proved that in this our case , joyning to their way and party is in many respects sinfull ; and since he Instances the protestants plea for separating from Rome on this ground , knowes he not that the Papists tell us such stories anent union with the Church , and that suffering without the Church is no Christian suffering , to Iustifie their bloody persecutions , which very well sutes his case . And no doubt the protestants answer , viz. [ That we are in Christs Church , because owning his truth , tho separat from their syn●…gogue , and that notwithstanding this pretence , the blood of protestant Martyrs is in their skirts ] doth sute the case of Presbyterians in relation to their persecuters . But the great charge followes , viz. That we are guilty of as groundless and unreasonable separation , as we shall read of in any age of the Church . Bona verba ! How is this made good ? first , ( saith he ) in casting off Christian love which is heart Schism . 2. He chargeth with external Schism in separating in acts of Worship . Now what if we recriminat in both these , and retort this double charge upon himself . Have they not disownd the Worship of Presbyterian ministers & Professours , and charged all to separat from them , meerly for non-complyance with their perjured Prelats ? 2. Have they not for many years glutted themselves with their blood , I may say sweemd in it , upon the same very ground of forbearance as to prelatick complyance , and endeavour by multiplyed lawes and Acts , to root them out of the very nation ? Good Sir , Pull this beam out of your own eye , that you may see a litle clearer in this point . But as to the first he sayes , that we make difference in Iudgement as to lesser matters ( Church Government ) a ground of difference in affection , as if they were no Christians who are not of our persuasion in these things , putting thus lesser points into our creed , and un unchurching and unsancting all who are not of our persuasion therin . Ans. As to the first general charge , I know none more guilty then themselves , who are contending with fire and sword tanquam pro aris & focis , for these their lesser points , and with unheard of rage , seeking the ruine of all who dare not comply in Judgement and practice with them therein . 2. I thinke Christian affection to their souls , is best seen in opposing and testifying against their soul-destroying sins . Thou shalt by any means rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sin upon him is an old standing rule . Levit. 19 : 17. And if they be even hated in so far as owning pernicious wayes , it s no more then what David avowes , Psal 139 : 21 , 22. do not I hate them that hate thee , I hate them with a perfect hatred . I account them my enemies , I hate the work of them that turn aside , it shall not cleave unto me . 3. As we have not so learn'd Christ , to call every thing lesser or small po●…nts , which his latitudinarian party have the confidence to term thus , so we know no point of truth reveald and commended to us in the word , as the object of our faith and matter of our practice , which should be keept out of our creed , lest our saith become much shorter then the Scripture pattern . And we acknowledge not the new patchment of mens Lawes , which this man and his fellow-Conformists have annext to their creed , and which can pro arbitrio make or unmake these his lesser points . But he sayes , that we unchurch and condemn all Churches in all ages who have ownd Bishops , Liturgies , festivals and oth●…r ceremonies — And if we make the removal of these things necessary to a Church , there hath not been a a Church for above a 1000 yeares together Ans. To make the last part of this argument not to contradict the first , he should have said that there has not been a Church without these things mentioned these 1600 years , but the man seeing his first flight or Rodomontade too fierce ; he did well to clap his wings closser . Upon a review of this page , I find our Informer in this charge playes but the pityfull Camelion and versipellis : for finding that this assertion of his , that Christians of all ages since Christs time and in all places have own'd Bishops , Liturgies , Festival dayes and other ceremonies , would have drawn upon him the heavy burthen and task of a proofe , he lightens himself of this burthen , by a prudent [ almost ] which in this point is very significant . But his confining the liturgies , Festivals , and other ceremonies within the compass of the last thousand years ( sullied with all popish abominations ) appearing too simple inadvertency , within the compass of two or three lines , he secures it with a [ much above . ] But lest this prove too broad reckoning , he instances the second or third century from whence he sayes , we beginne our reckoning as to Bishops , festivals , liturgies , and other ceremonies . But 1. why mends he the matter so inadvertently , as to run in such a wide uncertainty as the the length of 200 yeares in that calculation which he imputes to us . 2. I challenge him to shew what presbyterian writter did ever commence the original of liturgies and festivals , with his blind &c. of other ceremonies ( which will travell who knowes whither , and include who knowes what ) from the third , far less the second century . I affirm that its more then he or any for him can prove , that the Church hath had Bishops , liturgies , and festivals since Christ. Our writters have abundantly proved the contrary ; and we challenge him to shew either his Diocesan Bishops , liturgies , or festivals and the &c. of his ceremonies , in the first Apostolick Church , or in these two ages mentioned by him . That there were not diocesan Bishops then or long after , we have already proved , and far less Erastian Prelats . For holy dayes , let him shew by divine appointment any other then the Christian Sabath , in the Apostolick Church if he can , or in the first succeeding ages . As for the feast of Esther , it is acknowledged to have come in by custome after the Apostolick times . For liturgies , we assert that the Apostolick Church and age knew no such thing as set & impos'd liturgies and formes , other then Christs prescriptions as to baptism & the Lords supper , and that they pray'd as was suteable to the present action and circumstances of time , place , and persons ; If he betake him to the liturgies which are ascribed to Peter , James , Mathew , Andrew , Clement , Mark , Dionisius Areopagite , and other Disciples : protestant writers will stigmatize him for embracing that which they have abundantly proved to be counterfit . That liturgies had no place for a long time in the Church , is proved by clear testimonies ; Tertullian ( Apol. cap. 30. ) shews that in their publick Assemblies christians did pray sine monitore quia de pectore , that is , without a prescription because from their heart . And in his treatise de Oratione sayes , that there are somethings to be asked according to the occasions of every man — that the Lords prayer being laid as a fundation , its lawfull to build on that fundation other prayers , according to every ones occasion . Agustine epist. 121. tells us that liberum est , It s free to ask what was in the Lords prayer alijs atque alijs modis , some times one way somtimes another . Likewise Justin Martyr Apol. 2. tells us that he who Instructed the people pray'd according to his ability 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We might also tell him of Bishop Andrews success , or rather disappointment in seeking an old Jewish Liturgie , which when sent to Cambridge to be translated , was found to be composed long after the Jews rejection , so the Bishop being asham'd , suffered this notion to die and the Liturgie never saw the light . See Smectim and Didoclav . pag. 615 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. & seq . 2. What consequence is this , that because we disowne a Schismatick party of Innovators introducing these corruptions mentioned : Ergo we disowne them as no Churches wherein these have been admitted . Must we bring in , or comply with every corruption once purged out , the retaining wherof may be consistent with the essence of a true Church ? what consequence or reason is here ? Again , doth not he and all his brethren stand in direct opposition to the order and government of the Presbyterian Church of this Nation , and unto all that own 's the same : will he then admit this consequence that he unchurches her before prelacie came in , and other reform'd Churches govern'd Presbyterially . So we see himself must acknowledge this his reasoning naught . The Doubter alledges [ that these things mention'd , are of later date then the Apostles . ] To this he answers that Bishops were from the Apostles time . The contrary wherof we have proved either as to diocesan or Erastian Bishops , such as he means , yea even a proestos which in the Apostolick age had no place , as we have made appear . Next , He tells us that Polycrates in the debate about keeping of Esther with Victor Bishop of Rome , alledged Iohns authority . But how proved he this , is the Question , not what he alledged ; surely bare alledging , as in other cases , so specially in divinity is bad probation ; Then he asks , if we will hence infer that they were no good christians who used these things suppose that they came in after the Apostles times ? I answer we thinke that in so far as innovating they were not Sound Christians , and so must he thinke unless he will be wise above what the Apostles have written ; Then he tells us , that from Rom. 14. It appears that albeit some thought ( he should say understood and knew ) that by their Christian liberty they were fred from the ceremoniall Law and therefore made no distinction of dayes or meats yet Paul enjoyn'd them to bear with the weak , to account them brethren , and not despise them , and the weak were not to Iudge the strong . Ans. 1. How proves he , that the points in controversy viz. prelacie , laying aside our vows and Covenants , Erastianism , liturgies , and festival-dayes for mystical ends and uses , are such nothings or indifferent matters , as meats or dayes were at that time , wherin pro re nata the Church might use her liberty . As for diocesan Erastian prelacy , we have made its antiscriptural complexion to appear , so that it is not within the compass of any Lawfull liberty of the Church to embrace or establish it ; We have also made the binding force of the Covenants appear , and that the laying aside of them consequently , is a horrid guiltyness , which this liberty can never be extended unto . Likewise the liturgies and imposing of set formes of prayer , and adstricting publick Worship therunto , have been sufficiently impugned from Scripture and divine reason , by several of the godly learned , and discovered to impeach the spiritual liberty of Gospel Worship . The holy dayes also have with the same evidence been impugned by our divines , who have proven that they do impinge upon our Christian liberty , are contrary to the fouth command enjoyning worke all the six dayes , except on such occasionall fasts and feasts as are held out in the word , & likewise are reprobate by the New Testament prohibitions about superstitious observation of dayes : The Jewish dayes being abrogat ( as the Informer cannot but grant ) how dare we impose upon our selves a new yoke ? If it were here pertinent to dilate upon these points , our principles herein might be abundantly fortifyed , and the truth cleard to his conviction , and by consequence the impertinency of this parallel argument , and his pityful p●… . 1. 10 principii , in equiparating the points now controvered with these things which are the object of Christian liberty . The Informers gives us nothing here but magisterial dictates . Again , that tolerance which the Apostle speaks of as to dayes and meats , relates to that time and case only of the weak Jews , when the ceremonies tho dead were not yet buryed ( as they were to be honourably ) especially while the temple of Jerusalem stood , and the legal worship therein by Gods providence was continued . But as these observances were ever discharged to the Gentiles ( except as to blood and things strangled for that exigence only of the weak Jews ) so after when christian liberty was known , and this particular exigence was over , and the ceremonies buried , It is within the liberty of no Church to unbury them , or tolerat these or such like observances in others . Finally this very text condemns him , tho his begged supposition were granted . For 1. The eater must not despise him that eats not : why then do Conformists pursue Nonconformists , with such grievous punishment and Lawes ? they not only despise but persecute to the death , and vilely reproach them ; who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? why then do they Judge & censure Nonconformists so highly in their pulpits and pamphlets ( and the Informer in this ) as Schismaticks , of as deep a dye as ever the Church was infested with ? 2. He that but Doubts is damned if he eat , saith the Apostle . Why then do they so violently press consciencious Doubters to their way ? 3. If thy brother be grieved ( saith the Apostle ) with thy meat , thou walks not charitably . Why then are they so uncharitable as to grieve Nonconformists with prelatick exactions ? if the Judging and despising the forbearer be forbidden , much more are their cruell edicts and constraining Lawes , whereby they burden the consciences of tender forbearers in this case . The practice of Victor as to the Asian Churches , was no doubt highly uncharitable , but it was so mainly because of his censuring about such a trifle as Esther-observation ; & we see from this schism the sad effects of innovations ; and that the Churches unity & peace is best keept by adhering to the simplicity of the gospel : and so our departing from the gospel simplicity in point of government , and introducing abjured prelacy , is the chief ground of the present schism , and confusions in this Church . But now followes our Informers main charge of external schism , in s●…parating from the Churches communion in word and sacraments , contrary to the apostles direction , Not to forsake the assemblies Heb. 10. 25. It seems ( saith he ) that some then out of pride and singularity for sooke the ordinary and orderly assemblies of Christians . Ans. In this accusation his so much boasted of charity is evaporate . What! No assemblies for worship in this Church but among Conformists ; doth he not thus unchristian and unchurch all the Assemblies of Presbyterian Ministers and professors for worship ? why persuades he people to forsake these Assemblies ? and who now Iudges another mans servant as he , who brands withself-conceit , ignorance , and schism all these Assemblies of Nonconforming Ministers and professours , who dare not comply with prelats . Again , how proves he that no assemblies are orderly except the Prelatical ? we avow our meetings for worship , to be the most orderly according to our Churches established Reformation , and that their Assemblies are cross to her constution , order , and union , both in respect of Curats perjurious intrusion , the doctrine which they deliver , and their manner of worship , which is cross to this Churches practice and appeintment ; his charge of schism and disorderliness is still begged , but not yet proved ; and orderliness is ( with him ) described from Church-walls ; and as for unity , why have they east out hundreds of Ministers from officiating , because they durst not joyn with Conformists , in their perjur'd course of defection ? if this man be not here self convict , let any Judge . Let him produce ( if he can ) in our Assemblies for worship , that which is contraire unto the nature , constitution , and worship of the assemblies mentioned in that scripture ; and untill this be , we may on better ground recriminat this charge upon his withdrawing people from the Assemblies of Presbyterian ministers and professors . The Doubter alledges poorly that all do not forsake their parochial Assemblies , but some do now and then keep them . He Answers , that tho all withdraw not in alike degree , yet the least degree is unwarrantable — that people advance from step to step , that some after withdrawing from them , hear only the Indulged , or those who have still preached without conformity in their own Ch●…rches , and within a little will hear none of them ; that some hear in their own Churches but will not communicat , the reason whereof he cannot understand , since the efficacy of Sacraments depends not on the Minister , that the lest degree of separation makes way for a greater — that Baxter in his cure of Church divisions , tells of some turning separatists , who dyed Infidels . Ans. He hath not yet proved that the withdrawing which he mentions , is a Sinfull Schismatick separation ; and we hope we have made the contraire appear . As for these degrees he mentions , we say . 1. His cruell uncharitablness to Presbyterian Ministersis here very conspicuous , since he will not allow them to be in the least heard or own'd in their present case and circumstances . Certainly to tye up people from occasional improvement of the various gifts which God hath bestowed upon his ministers , even in a setled state of the Church , and in her right constitution , is cross to that interest in one anothers gifts and graces , which the members of Christs mystical body ( upon the ground of their union and communion with the head , and among themselves ) are priviledged with . And in impeaching this the Informer blotes himself with scismatick uncharitablenes of the deepest dye . 2. As it s no strange thing that in such a time of darkness , desertion , and defection , peoples recovery be gradual , and sometime attended with Infirmities in the manner of duties incident to us while in time , so the contrary influences of love to truth and duty , and fear of hazard , may be easily productive of such variety in the carriage of poor tender souls in this matter . In a word , the Lords supper being a special badge of our union and communion in and with Jesus Christ , It s no strange thing that tender souls scruple to pertake thereof from men at so palpable a distance from him , as Conformists , especially while this ordinance may be enjoyed more purely elswhere . He tells us , that Schismaticks ar cut off from the body , and receive no life from it , and ( if we may drawan inference and retortion from this assertion ) the people of God must judge Conformists to be such . For these effects of separation which Baxter mentions , we bless the Lord the contrary effects of sound piety , in many who were prophane while owning the Ministry of Conformists , are convincingly apparent , since they separated from them : and the effects of backsliding from Gods truth , viz. gross prophanity , or atheisticall Indifferency in the matters of God , are as sadly evident in those who having once own'd Presbyterian Ministers , have return'd to Conformists again . As for what he objects and answers , anent some of their own party going to others then their own parish-Curats , whom unless insuperable le ts hinder to attend their own parish-Church , he would have his fellows not to owne . We are not much concernd to notice any further , then to tell him that parvo discrimine refert , which of them people go to , the best of them being as a briar , and the most uprights as a thorn-hedge , and all of them blotted with such Schismatick opposition to this Church her pure constitution and principles , as may put it beyond debate with tender souls , ( lovers of truth and duty ) that they ought adhere to Christs faithfull ambassadours rather then any of them . The Doubter objects , [ that its hard to hinder to go where we may be most edifyed ; since we must Cover the best gifts . 1 Cor. 12. 31. ] He answers 1. that the Apostle is not directing private Christians , what gifts in others to seek after for their edification , but shews that though there are diversities of gifts , and every one should be content with his own , given for the edification of others , yet that he should seek after better , not in others , but in himself . Ans. Our Informer doth but trifle and deal deceitfully in his way of representing this , and some objections ensuing ; for 1. He supposes that this is lookt upon in it self , as a sufficient ground of adhering to Presbyterian Ministers , without previous consideration of all the circumstances of our present case ; and also in supposing that nothing casts the ballance ( in the Judgement of the objecter ) as to profiting or not profiting , but difference of gifts ; whereas we grant , that the soveraign Influence of Gods Spirit , ( who teaches to profit ) renders the means and ordinances effectual to salvation , whether the Ministers gifts be great or small . 2. We grant , that tho people have a discretive Iudgement as to gifts , and their own profiting , and are to try the spirits , yet in a setled state of the Church , they are not to shake off the due regulation and guidance , of a faithfull Ministry set over them in the Lord , so as to be wholly at their own disposal herein : since there is no Justling betwixt the privat discretive , and publick Ministerial judgement , in this matter . 3. As in the tryall of Intrants , not only the sufficiency , but suteablenes of gifts for such a people , is to be eyed . So when a faithfull Minister is thus duely called and setled , people are obliged to owne his Ministry , by a due attendance upon the ordinances administred by him , which is all that decency , union , and order , and that act of our Church after mention'd , doth call for ; which notwithstanding cannot be supposed to exclude all occasional usemaking of other gifts bestowed upon faithfull Ministers , which were ( as I said ) cross to the communion of Saints , and beleevers interest in one anothers gifts and graces . But 4. our question here being stated upon the supposition of the greater part of this National Church their apostacy & defection from our sworn Reformation , and a great part of Ministers and professors adhering to their principles , viz. to which of the two parties on this supposition people are to adhere in worship ? sure the Lords palpable blasting the backsliding party their gifts , as to any saving success , and on the contrary his as palpable owning and sealing with his blessing the Ministry of his faithfull servants adhering to his truth , is a loud call ( in this broken state of our Church , and case of defection and persecution ) to come out from the one party and way , and adhere to the other . So his Doubter in this and the next objection , should have argued thus . In this case of defection and overturning of our Reformation , God being pleased to seal with a palpable blessing on our souls , the word from Ministers adhering to their principles , we may safely look on this as a call from God to hear them , rather then the prelats perjurd hirelings , whose Ministry we have found palpably blasted since they complyed with ●…his course of perjurious back siding , and opposition to Gods work . In this case certainly its an argument very pungent , and founded on that of Jer. 3. 31 , 32. Where the Lord threatneth the prophets who caused the people to err by their lies and lightness , and whom he hath not sent nor commanded tho they prophesie , with this , that therefore they shall not profite the people at all . So the Argument going upon the supposition of our Churches broken and persecute state ; and a competition betwixt a faithfull Ministry , and a party of Schismatick Innovators , and overturners of our Reformation , will infer nothing against our Churches setled order under Presbyterian government , nor the assemblies act . 1647. presupposing the same ; and it s not meerly the gifts , but Gods saving blessing attending the same , which is the ground of this argument , and that practice pleaded for , thereby . Now as to his answer , It s palpable that it meets not this argument in the least , and besides his exclusive gloss is very impertinent , viz. because we are to seek the best and edifying gifts f●…r our selfs in our siation , therefore we are not to seek the best in others also . What consequence is this ? Sure the Informer will not deny simpliciter , that people are to seek after the most edifying Minister , and this will follow on the very ground of our edification , which we are to design in seeking the best gifts , in and for ourselves . Nay , the one is the great mean subservient to the other ; a faithfull edifying Ministry is Gods Method for winning to the best gifts for my self ; and therefore as a mean leading to this end , fals within the compass of this command , to seek and Covet the best gifts . So a greater then he , Voetius , concludes it a duty to seek the best edifying Ministry , on this ground De politeia Eccles. pag. 52. And likewise on these Scriptures , Luk. 8 , 18 : 1 Thess. 5. 22. And removes objections to the cotraire . His 2d answer is , That the Apostle is there pressing unity , and not to despise the meanest gifts , more then the meanest member , and to avoid Schism verse 25. Ans. Then it followes , that in the sense of this precept , which we have explain'd , seeking the best gifts , is consistent with unity , and avoiding Schism , and consequently in this our case , it s no wayes inductive to schism , but consistent with a due esteem of the meanest gifted Minister who is faithfull , to withdraw from scandalous innovators , who have already fixt a Schism in this Church , by opposing her sworn reformation , order , and unity . Nay as matters now stand , this is the surest way to keep our Churches union and integrity ; Since this their course has such a clear tendency to the ruine of her Reformation and pure constitution , in doctrine , Worship , discipline and Government , as is above clear'd . His 3d Answer is , that edification is to be sought in an orderly way , not in a way that marrs the Churches peace — and that though our sense of this generall direction were granted , it s thus to be understood . Ans. Let our sworn establisht Reformation , its principles , rules , and design , sit in Judgement and determine , who are greater enemies to this Churches peace and order , they or we . Was not this Church priviledged with a beautifull order of Government , pure Gospel-Worship , and sound doctrine , before Prelacy was introduced ? Well then , the way to this Churches true peace , Union , and order , must be in opposing their pretended order , who are letting in the enemies , and have broken her walls and hedge . Many of them said and swore that the Presbyterial Government of this Church , was a beautifull order , unto which since they stand in opposition , they are the most orderly , who disowne them . As for that which he adds , of peoples neglecting Ministers set over them in the Lord , he must prove that Conformists are such Ministers , who are both scandalous for the far greatest part in their carriage , having no visible badge of the Lords call , and do owne principles , and carry on a designe point blank contraire to our reformation , have left the peoples conduct , in the way of truth , given up all their Ministeriall authority to abjured prelacy , and make it their work to destroy , and waste the Lords vineyard . Tho it were granted that they had been so set over people , yet since they are tracing wayes of Schism , and innovations condemned by our Church , Christs flocks cannot owne , or be subject to them , as their soules spiritual guides , they being men that have corrupted the Covenant of Levi , and made many stumble at the Law : And besides since that complyance ( in subjection to conformists , and disowning of Presbyterian Ministers ) which he doth here plead for , is in very deed a despising faithfull Ministers set over their flocks by the Lord , and standing in a Ministeriall relation to them ; and whom consequently the Lords people are called to honour and obey , this same reason whereby he would persuade to adhere to the conforming party , pleads more strongly against them . And his rule aftermentioned not to do evill that good may come of it , will conclude that we should not under pretence of keeping parochiall order , or for eviting confusion , deprive our selves of the blessing of the Ministry of Christs faithfull Ambassadours , to adhere unto whom in this case we are under so many obligations . As for the Canons after'cited by him , against Ministers receiving these of another congregation to the Worship , We say , that according to the Informer himself its clear that such rules of decency and order , are not calculat for every meridian , every time and case of the Church : extraordinary cases must have suitable remedies , and circumstances of parochial order , cannot in this case be pleaded , when our main order of Government is already destroy'd , and a persecuting party is in our Churches bosome , tearing out her bowels ; when a besidged city hath within her walls a party of professed defendants betraying her to the enemie , they are the most orderly and faithfull watchmen who resist them , and run to the posts which they have betrayed . Again , should the many Ministers now persecute ( let us suppose they are residing in the bounds ) plead parochial order , for their parishes adhering to them , and disowning their Curats incumbent , the Informer will not say , that parochial order , will plead for owning them in this case . Or in the case of conforming Ministers turning enemies to Prelats , and by consequence Schismaticks in his account , he will grant that the people ( whom we will suppose they are breaking off from the union of the Prelatick Church ) ought not to owne them , but were concern'd to go else where to hear . Now , the case being so with us this argument by his own confession , cannot now have weight until all that we plead against them on this ground , be answered . Next , he cites the Act of the Assembly 1647. Against them who withdraw usually from the Worship in their own congregation , except in urgent cases made knowen unto , and approven by the Presbytery . Concluding , that therefore they thought not this a fit method of edification , & that this act was made to prevent Schism . But had he set down the narrative of that act , it might have coverd him with blushes , and would expose him to the censure of every Reader ; for it is grounded upon the then compleat establishment of the work of Reformation , this Churches comely order of Presbyterian Government then exercised , her Presbyterian unity and peace , the purity and liberty of the Gospel ordinances then righly enjoyed . But what will this say to the present case of defection and persecution , wherein the faithful Ministry are thrust from their flocks , and that work raz'd dare he say this assembly did intend to stretch their act to such a case as this , or to stop Ministers from officiating in such a distrest & destroyed condition of our Church Suppose this case had been stated in that Assembly , What if Presbyterian Government shall be razed , Prelac●…e erected , the Covenant and the work of Reformation overturned and disowned by a number of Ministers , while a stedfast body of the Ministry stands against them , shall this act reach the people in relation to their faithfull Pastours , ejected perjur'd intruders ? I dare refer it to this man himself to say to it , what their resolution would have been , and if they would have concluded it the people's duty to adhere to these destroyers in that case , rather then the faithfull contenders for the work of Reformation . In the 7th Article of their directions for family Worship past that same day , they suppose this Church to be then blest with peace and purity ; and therefore do except from the compass of these directions , the case of corruption and trouble , wherein they say , many things are commendable , which are not otherwise tollerable ; And dare he say that they would not call this such a case . He makes the Doubter yet again poorly except , [ that men have different gifts ] which is here a meer nauseating repetition , to fill up idle pages . Upon this our Informer very discreetly and charitably tells us , that we can litle judge of an edifying gift , and do call railing at Bishops , or at the civil powers , and a tone in the voice so . Just as Dr Burnet said before in in his roaving Dialogues . What is the Judgement of Gods people as to edification , and the evidence of the Masters presence with Presbyterian Ministers in preaching to his people , depends not on this Character , it being comprobat by clear proofs , and sufficiently notour to such as can spiritually taste and discern . But he will offer some considerations about diversity of gifts , and edification by them , which is to no purpose ; since our plea is not meerly grounded upon the gifts of preachers whether Conformists or others ; but abstracting from this , we say first , there is much more then meer gifts , yea and an edifying gift , requisit to ground a peoples owning a Minister hic & nunc , or in every circumstantiat case , as their pastour : what if he be in a schismatick course ? what if he be violently thrust in , and hath shut out their Lawfull pastour standing in that relation to them , to whom by this mans concession they owe special subjection , reverence and obedience in the Lord ? ( for this we will find him hereafter plead ) are the people bound in this case to owne the Intruder , because of his gift ? Nay he will not say it . Now the case is Just so with us . 2. We told him that our case is a case of competition betwixt the betrayers and destroyers of our Reformation , and a faithfull Ministry adhering to , and contending for it : so that its this great Ministerial qualification of faithfullness , ( opposit to Curats ●…reachery ) beside Presbyterian Ministers gifts , and Gods blessing attending the same : and the Curats intrusion , unfaithfulness , destructive principles , and design in their officiating ( besides their insufficiency , prophanity , and blasted gifts ) which determine us in this matter ; and the Lords call consequently that for our edification , and to prevent our Church her ruine , and our perishing in their sin , we come out from among them and be separat , as we would come out of Babylon to which their party is runing post : so that all he saith here , may be granted without prejudice to our cause . But let us hear his considerations anent edification and gifts ; first , ( saith he ) all Ministers have not alike gifts , therfore we must not undervalue the lowest 1 Cor. 12. I told him our quarrel is not meerly gifts , & a man may be hic & nunc disown'd , and yet no undervaluing of his gifts , which the Informer must either grant , or contradict all that he intends in this pamphlet . For I ask him , what if I plead this for Presbyterian Ministers , whom for all their excellent and edifying gifts he and his party will not owne , and whom be is in this pamphlet striving might and main tanquam pro ●…ris and focis , to get universally disown'd by all professours in Scotland ? why quarrells he with the Almighty ( to use his own expression ) in undervaluing their gifts , and would teare their commission ? I know our Informer will say that they are disorderly , and so disowning them , is no despising their gifts . Well then , he grants that men of excellent gifts may be hic & nunc or in some cases disown'd , and no hazard of this undervaluing and despising their gifts , or quarrelling with the Almighty , & so the rebound of his own blow in this retortion strikes his argument stark dead ; and he must grant that the question is , which of the two contending parties , have best right to officiat as Ministers in the Church of Scotland , according to her principles and Reformation ? and according thereto it will not be difficult to determine who are the most orderly & to be heard , & the disorderly have no reason to complain . 2. He sayes we must not think the meanest gifts , useless . But he must grant that men may sinfully render them useless , as he alleges Presbyterian Ministers do and we prove that conformists do so . 3. He tells us that the best gifts cannot work without the spirit , and that to do●…e on gifts , is to idolize men , as those 1 Cor. 1. 3. Then he tells us , how Zanchius was offended with that frenchman of Geneva , who said he would leave Paul , should be come there , and hear Calvine . But what will this arguing reprove ? must they be stigmatiz'd as Idolizers of men and gifts , who will not Idolize abjur'd prelacy , and perjur'd apostats , and in owning them while wasting and destroying a purely reform'd Church , discountenance a faithfull Ministry contending for her reformation , and signally bless'd therein ? surely his instance anent Zanchius , may be well apply'd to such as will hear none but Curats , and wholly disowne Presbyterian Ministers ; Again , if the best gifts cannot work without the spirit , and the spirit works ordinarly and best with those who entertain him , and as having their senses exercised , habitually wait for his breathings in duty , what hope is there that profane men , and greivers of the spirit in walking contraire to God , his people , way and interest , ( as are most Conformists ) should have the spirits seal attending their Ministry . What more ? He tells us 4. That sometimes the spirit will act with the mean gifts more then the greater as Peter Acts 2. is found to have converted more in one sermon , then we read that our Lord himself did , tho he spoke as never man spoke . That Christ 〈◊〉 complain'd of small success , Isa. 49. 4. & 53. 1. & upbraided people for unbelief Math. 11. 21 , 22 , 23. Ioh. 5. 40. — that after the sermon on the mount we read not that many were converted tho they were astonisht — that the Centurions faith was commended above that of Israel : and from the east and west many will sit down with Abraham while the children of the kingdom are cast out . Ans. 1. He must grant that this argument , taken from the spirits working great things by smal means , will not plead for owning Presbyterian Ministers , to whom many of his Scioli Rabbies impute weakness of gifts , because they think that aliunde or upon other grounds , such Ministers are not in this case to be heard . Well then let him take home his argument as insufficient , untill he prove that hic & nunc Conformists are to be heard rather then Nonconformists , and prove his groundless suppositions above mentioned ( wherein he begs the question ) and disprove our true suppositions above also rehearsed , or this argument will signify Just nothing . 2. For his Instances , as this man would be sober in such comparisons , so we must tell him ther 's a great difference betwixt little , & no success , a Ministry with small effects ; and a Ministry palpably blasted as to any saving issue ; and betwixt sincere designing of success , and mourning over the want of it , making it a complaint ( as our Lord wept over Jerusalems impenitency and disobedience ) and the Ministers designing himself , and no such thing , and wanting this impression mentioned . Sure as it will be hard for him to point us to any of their constant hearers who have been converted by their Ministry , so it will be as hard to point out any of their preachers , who have the peoples spiritual profit for their design , or their unprofitableness as their burden & complaint to God. And since both these are conspicuous in Presbyterian Ministers , It s quickly resolved which of the two are standing in Gods counsel , and travelling in birth to beget souls by the gospel , and to have Christ formed in them . But he would have us praying for Conformists , and laying aside prejudice . Ans. I think we are Indeed called to lay aside prejudice at their persons , and to pray for their repentance ; but to pray for a blessing on their Ministry , who are in such direct opposition to the Lords people , work , and Interest , were a mocking of God , and hardning them in their sin , and consequently hearing and receiving the ordinances from them as the Ministers of this Church were a strenght ning of their hands in their disobedience . Beside , will he allow people upon their praying for Presbyterian Ministers to hear them ? I trow not , then it seems ▪ laying aside prejudice and praying for Curats , may consist with not hearing them . His next childish objection put into the mouth of his Doubter [ that tho some withdraw all will not ] is not worth the noticing . It were good for our Church all her members did so understand their duty and obligatons , as to deny that subjection to Conformists which he pleads for . And that such pastours as they who destroy but feed not , had no flocks : For they have not brought back the straying , nor heal'd the sick &c. But he tells us , he hath proved that none ought to withdraw . How insignificant his preceeding proofs are , hath been discovered , and if his ensueing be no better , It s certain that Successus defuit ausis , and that he hath overshote his marke , in this undertaking . The Doubter enquires next [ what obligation lyes on him , to be an ordinary hearer in his own congregation . ] In answer to which the Informer tells us first , of our obligation showen by him to maintain union , and of the Acts of the ancient Church , and our own . Which I have already answered . Next , he tells us , of the reciprocal obligation betwixt a Minister and his congregation which cannot be so easily broken ; the Minister is to labour diligently and faithfully , among the people of his charge Ezek. 33. 8. Heb. 13. 17. the people of his charge are to attend his Ministry to esteem him highly , and love h●…m for his works sake Mal. 2. 7. 1 Thes. 5. 11 , 12. Heb. 13. 17. He asks how we obey this charge , when we disowne , discountenance , and turn our backs upon our Ministers , and will not receive the Law from their mouth . Ans. That there is a reciprocall tye betwixt a Minister and his flock , is easily acknowledged : but the Informer forgot the main and necessary point here ( to make this weapon strike home , and the argument run straight without a byass ) viz. What makes up this tye according to the Scripture pattern . This he should have condescended upon , and made it good in the case of Conformists , and then his arguing had been pertinent , and formidable to the Non-Conformists . But what will this poor general say , that there is a reciprocal tye betwixt a Minister and his flock , while he hath not made appear , what is the Scripture foundation and basis of that tye , & but begs the question in the application thereof to his case . I suppose a Presbyterian Minister should plead this to warrand his officiating among his people , in opposition to the Curat incumbent , that the people are bound to owne him as their Minister , because of this reciprocal ●…ye : That the Scripture obligations ( mentioned by the Informer ) lyes on him to be faithfull and diligent , which while he is endeavouring ( according to his duty , founded on his relation to his people ) the people are therefore bound to attend on his Ministrie to esteem him , love him , receive the Law from him , and and not to discountenance nor discourage him by withdrawing to another . Now let this man shew what he will answer to this pleading , and his argument will quickly evanish before his own answer ; If he say that the tye is loosed , let him instruct what that is which has in this case loosed it . Sure neither the Magistrates violence , nor Prelatick censures , according to our Principles , and the Doctrine of sound divines , when this case is truely stated . And if this divine tye stand , what will he say ? Will it not 1. follow ( according to him , ) that a Minister may be under a standing tye to his people , and they to their Minister , and yet the people for all this may not be obliged to hear him but another hie & nunc , and that warrantably , without hazard of disobedience to these Scriptures ; and then he hath with his own hand cut the throat of his bare generall argument from the reciprocal tye . Sure in some cases the tye may stand , and yet the actuall reciprocal exercise , or obligation to the exercise of duties may be hic & nunc warrantably suspended in very many supposable cases as of Physicall impediments in the people and Minister , hostile invasion , Pestilence , Imprisonment &c. 2. If the tye or relation do stand , and likewise all things which do immediatly dispose to the exercise of duty , then the Prelatical incumbent is in this case an intruder , and not to be own'd . For I suppose he will not say , that a Presbyterian Minister might lawfully officiat in his own Parish , after the Curat is setled there , for this would quite cross the scope of his Argument . Now the Question betwixt the two competitors is , which of them hath the prior lawfull , and standing tye ? will he dare to deny , that Presbyterian ministers had this ; and since he cannot shew how it is loosed , nor prove it to be loosed , this argument will militat not for him , but against him . Next , as for what he cites out of Mr Durham on Revel . pag. 105 : 106. anent this tye , It is still extra oleas , and nothing correspondent to his purpose , untill he instruct that which is the basis and foundation of this Relation in the case of Conformists , which he neither doth nor offers to do . Mr Durham speaks of a special delegation from Christ , of his speciall warrand and appointment to such a man to treat with such a flock . Now sure this most be instructed from his Word and Testament , as to Curats , before he can from this make any shew of Argument . For Presbyterian ministers do upon better ground lay claim to this special appointment in relation to their flocks , upon which conformists have intruded : yet this man thinks these ministers are not to be owned . And since this deputation and appointment is , with Mr Durham , the foundation of the duty betwixt minister and people , it must be cleard from the word in the case of Conformists , before this passage of Mr Durham will afford any patrociny to his cause . Then he tells us , Tha●… Mr Durham holds that this obligation is not founded on meer voluntary consent . Well let him mark this , and then he must acknowledge , that it s not meerly the Curats gaping consent for the fleece and filthy Lucre , nor the peoples blind consent , that will make them Ministers of these Congregations where they officiat . What is it then that founds this relation ? The Scipture-commands ( saith Mr Durham ) 1 Thes. 5. 12. Know them that labour among you and are over you in the Lord. Heb 13. 14. Obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that most give account , &c. But will this man deny that Mr Durham speaks upon the supposition of the Minister his having the Ministerial call and mission according to the rule of the Word , to ground his pleading these Scripture commands , and his special commission to such a people : And that he look't upon the Presbyteries mission , and ordination , and the peoples call , together with due qualifications , and the visible evidences of Christs call in the person thus admitted , as the foundation of this special relation to such a flock , according to the Scripture pattern , and the order and Government of this Church then established . I durst pose his conscience upon the truth of this ; and whether Mr Durham did ever dream of a speciall relation to a flock in this Church , resulting from a Prelates mission in a Method of perjury , in opposition to our Covenant and sworn reformation , without the mission and ordination of a Presbytry , or the peoples call , and in a way of intrusion upon the charges of faithfull Ministers violently thrust out by persecuting Prelats , the men thus obtruded being for most part such as have nothing that may ground a reasonable or charitable construction of them , that they are sent of God , but palpable evidences of the contrary , While in the mean time the faithfull Ministers are willing to cleave to their flocks , and the flocks to them ? If he say that all the Ministers he pleads for are not such . I Answer , he makes no limitation of this Argument , but pleads the foremention'd Scriptures , and Mr Durham's Testimony universally , and tells us in the next page , that Mr Durham binds the people fast to the Ministers of their own congregations by this discourse , he means to the Ministry of all the Conformists . As for that passage of Mr Durham's Testimony after cited by him anent the Sympathy betwixt Ministers and flocks , and the reckoning that will be made in relation to mutuall duties . We think it pleads very strongly for that Sympathy that ought now to be betwixt Presbyterian Ministers and their flocks , which Conformists have usurped upon , and the mutuall performing of duty to each other upon all hazards , in opposition to the Curats intrusion . And if Paul aggreaged particularly the Gentiles slighting and grieving him , by his particular delegation to them , which was , even as to the Apostle himself , by the imposition of the h●…ds of the Presbytry Act. 13. 13. Presbyterian Ministers delegation to their flocks , which was in this manner , must needs stand , and may be much better pleaded upon this ground then that of Curats Who are sent to flocks by Prelats as their own underlings , and have nothing like Pauls delegation in their mission . So that Mr Durhams arguments , and the Scriptures cited by him , are so far from tying congregations to conformists , as this man alleages , that they tye them to their own faithfull Presbyterian pastours , and by consequence to disowne prelats and their intruding hirelings , as none of the lawfull Pastours of this Church . I might here add that the account of the Pastours duty , and the ground of the people's subjection and obedience exhibit to us in these scriptures which he mentions , doth sufficiently exclude their party from any claim therunto . What ? do they hear Gods word and warn the people from him , who are generally so ignorant of his word walking contrary to it themselves , and hardning others in rebellion against him ? are they watching for souls as they that must give account ? who are loving to sleep and slumber ; and dare not say most of them , that ever they enquird at any soul how it is betwixt God and them ? do their lips keep knowledge , who have departed out of the way , and caused many stumble at the Law ? are they labouring and admonishing as to sin and duty , who are ringleaders in a course of defection ? Sure if the duties of subjection , reverence , and obedience , suppose such characters of Ministers , and such qualifications as are here exprest , people are hereby abundantly discharged from such subjection and obedience as to Conformists , who are so palpably destitute of these qualifications . So that the Informer falls utterly short of his intended advantage by this citation of Mr Durham , and the scriptures therin mentioned do wound his cause t●… death , and cut the sinews of his reasoning . This man is so unhappy as to fall still by the rebound of his own arguments , and the scripture-weapons ( which in pleading for this cause will never be found the weapons of his warfare ) wounds him every time he handles them : which as it hath before , so it shall presently appear further , in some more of his arguments and answers upon this point , which we now present . CHAP. III. The Doubters argument from Curats not entring by a call from the people , and that passage Acts 14. 23. cleared and improven . The Informers exceptions upon the terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fully examined , and the peoples right in the call of Pastours cleared therfrom . His reasonings about Patronages , and the prelatick ordination , and peoples disowning of Scandalous Ministers not censured . As also his great argument from Math. 23. 1. and the owning of the Temple-worship , scanned and retorted upon him . Mr Durham in this point pleads nothing for the Informer . His answers and reasonings anent the charge of Introsion examined . Our Informer upon this point of separation ( which he holds to be his fort-royal in the present differences ) having plyed his Doubter with offensive weapons , will needs shew his skill and just dealing in acting the defendant for some time . But I doubt that his defensive armour and answers shall be found as thin and penetrable in this debate , as his impugning weapons are bluntand pointless . Well , this fair disputant , will hear some of our arguments against the owning of Conformists , but be sure they must be of his own mould and digesting , for these can best suit the design of that pretty piece of pageantry , which he is acting in this pamphlet . The first argument which his Doubter offers , is [ their not entring by a call from the people as all Ministers should ( citing Act. 14. 23. ) but by a presentation from the patron . ] In answer to this , he spends some discourse upon that text , which we shall examine . But to clear this point the more fully , I will premise three things . 1. That the people have a divine right to call their pastou●… , we proved before in the 9th argument against Episcopacy , and from other scripture-grounds beside this , although it be a weighty ground also , unto this we refer the reader . 2. That upon supposal of this divine rule and pattern of a Ministers Lawfull call , it doth clearly follow , that the patronages are a corruption , rendring the Ministers call in this respect maimed , and not so consonant to scripture as it ought to be . 3. Though it be granted that a Minister presented by the Patron , and not called by the people , hath the essence of the Ministerial office , and might in some cases be owned as a Minister , yet this will plead nothing for the owning of Curats as the case is now circumstantiat : Because 1. It s certain that according to the principles and reformation of this Church , as establisht before these innovations , a Ministers entry by imposition of the hands of the Presbytery , without the usurping Prelate , and by the call of the people without the Patron , is the more pure and scriptural way of entry into the Ministry ; and moreover the only way of entry own'd and authorized by her supreme Indicatories , and by consequence its most suitable to Presbyterian principles , when there is a competition betwixt the one and the other , and Ministers thus Lawfully called , are violently ejected by men reestablishing prelacy , and patronages , formerly cast out and vowed against , that people do adhere to their faithfull pastours rather then these Innovators and intruders ; which will be convincingly clear , if it be also considered particularly , that as prelacy & allits corruptions & usurpations now existent and introduced , were fully removed and abjured by this Church , so laick patronages in speciall were upon most weighty grounds removed by the parliament 1649. in correspondence to our Churches declarator as appears in the Narrative of their 39. act . viz. The sense of the obligation lying upon them , both by the National and solemn league & covenant , by many deliverances and mercies from God , & by the latesolemn engadgement to duties , to preserve the doctrine and to maintain and vindicat the liberties of the Church of Scotland — to advance the work of Reformation — and considering that patronages & persentations of Kirkes is an evill and bondage under which the Lords people & Ministers of this land have long groan'd . That it hath no warrand in Gods word , but is founded only on the Canon Law , that it is a popish custom brought into this Church in time of ignorance & superstition , that its contrary to the 2d book of discipline , wherein upon solid grounds it s reckon'd among abuses that are desired to be reformed , and Contrary to several acts of general assemblies , prejudicial to the liberty of the people , and planting of Churches , to the free call and entry of Ministers to their charge &c. This act the parliament 1662 did ranverse among other pieces of our Reformation : Ordaining all Ministers that entered since 49. to have no right to the benefice , till they obtain a presentation from the Lawfull Patron , and collation from the Bishop . Now upon supposal of the Covenant obligation , and our engadgement therein to separat from any corruption contrary to our Reformation , to give a testimony to that work , to with-draw from backsliders , is there any doubt but that people are oblidged ( upon these grounds ) to adhere to that body of faithful Ministers , who are standing to our principles and sworn Reformation ( whereof these points mentioned are one main piece ) rather then such as have turn'd aside to this course of perjurious defection . Sure our obligations mentioned do every way include Presbyterian Ministers , & exclude Conformists . Presbyterian Ministers are maintaining the peoples right and liberty to call their pastour , Conformists are selling away this peice of her reformation & liberty , and thus crossing the scripture-pattern , the first are adhering to this Churches vowes ( and people are obliged to owne these Ministers that are pursuing the ends ) the other are casting them away &c. Again 3. all the motives mentioned in the premised act of parliament , and in our Churches publick acts in opposition to patronages , and prelatick usurpations in a Ministers entry , are still binding and in force , according to our principles , as the Informer will not for very shame deny , and he must admit this supposition since in this point he professeth to argue against us upon our own principles , and so what did then engadge to restore this peice of our Churches libertie and Reformation , the same doth now bind to adhere therunto , and consequently to owne the Ministers that contend for this Reformation rather then the backsliders and deserters thereof . 4. This man dare not assert , that the granting conformists to have the essence of a Ministerial call , will in every case infer the conclusion of hearing them , or that the granting a Minister to have this , is the only & adequat ground which will in all circumstantiat cases make hearing necessary . For 1. What if he be violently obtruded by a part of the congregation upon the previously call'd Minister his labours , to whom the people stand oblig'd to adhere ? Again 2. What if he be promoting a Schismatick course , setting up an altar against an altar ( as some of these men tell us in their Pamphlets ) will a people cross their principles as to his having the essence of a Ministeriall call , if they refuse to follow him in that Schismatick course ? Nay he will not say it . 3. What will our Informer answer to Presbyterian Ministers plea for peoples adherence to them upon their lawful call , mission , and entry to their charges ? will this infer a necessity of the people's owning them , and deserting conformists ? If it will not ( as he must here say , or yeeld the cause ) then he must confess , that acknowledgment of the essence of Curats call , will not absulutely plead for hearing them untill before the Scripture barr , and by the constitutions and reformation of this Church , they can prove their claim to be better then that of Presbyterian Ministers to officiat as her true Pastours , which will be ad Kalendas Graecas ; & whatever he can pretend here , as to disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in their administrations , notwithstanding of their having a lawfull call , and pastoral relation to this Church , will be easily retorted upon himself , and abundantly counterballanced by that which in the case of conformists may be pleaded to supersede , and stop the peoples owning of them in this circumstantiat posture of our Church . So that the state of the question here being this , whether Ministers ordained by Bishops , and presented by Patrons , or those who are ordained by the Presbytry , and called by the people , have best right to officiat in this Church , as her Pastours , according to the Scripture rule , her reformation and principles , and to be own'd or disownd by the people accordingly . The decision will be very easy and favourable to Presbyterian Ministers , and exclusive of all his fraternity . And whatever he doth here alledge anent P●…esbyterian Ministers schism , intrusion , or disorder , will be easily retorted upon himself , reputando rem in universum & ab initio . Or tracing matters to their true originals . But now what sayes our Informer to this argument of his Doubter , as he slenderly propones it to make it foordable . 1. He tells us that sundry whom we refuse to hear , entred by the peoples call . But tho it were granted that such might be heard , who are but a few , how will this plead for all the rest , and loose his Doubters argument as to them ? 2. we told him that it s not the want of the peoples call , simply and abstractedly from the circumstances of our case , that we ground upon in disowning them , no more then it is Presbyterian Ministers want of an Episcopal ordination which he pleads simply as the ground of disowning them : But our ground is their standing all of them in a direct stated opposition to the Reformation , union , and order of this Church , and driving on an interest and design tending to overturn it , and by consequence being lyable to her highest censures ; and likewise their persecuting and opposing faithful Ministers contending for her Reformation . 3. All those who he alledges entered by the peoples call , havng by their conformity to this Prelacy and Erastianism , disowned their first entry in this manner , and obtained presentation from Patrons , and collation from prelats , according to their new acts and orders , are now of the same stamp with the rest , as to their principles and carriage , and consequently the peoples disowning them upon the fore-mentioned grounds in this our case , falls under the same obligations with their disowning others , and the rather because their apostacy is an aggravation of their guilt . But now what sayes our Informer to this text Acts. 14. 23. which is brought by his Doubter to prove the peoples right in the election of Pastours . He grants , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is borrowed from the custom used in some of the ancient Greek states , where the people signifyed their election of Magistrats , by the stretching forth of their hands , because the word so signifies . Well , what then hath he to quarrell at in this argument , for the peoples right in the call of Ministers from this text ? 1. He tells us that Doctor Hamond and other Criticks shew , that the word is oftenused by writters to express the action of one single person , as it s taken by Luke Acts 10. 41. Speaking of Gods chusing or appointing , So that the word is not necessarly to be underst●…od of the action of many chsiung by snffrages . Ans. That the Greek Word in its ordinary and constant acceptation doth import , and is made use of to signify a chusing by suffrages , and lifting up or extending the hands , Presbyterian Writers have proven from a full consent of Criticks , Interpreters , and the best Greeck authors . The Syriack version shewes that the word is not to be understood of the Apostles ordination of Elders , but of the Churches election of Elders in rendering the text thus , Moreover they made to themselves , that is , the disciples mentioned in the former verse , made to themselves , ( for such as were made , were not Elders or Ministers to Paul & Barnabas , but to the multitude of the disciples ) in every Church while they were fasting with them & praying , & commending them &c. Which election could not be but after the Grecian form by the Churches lifting up , or stretching out of hands , thus Mr Gillesp. Misc. quest . page 9. Who also cleares this from Criticks and Interpreters asserting this sense of the word . He shews that where Iulius Pollux hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 4. Gualther and Wolf S●…berus render it manuum extensio , and that Budaeus interprets the word plebiscitum , suffragium , H. Stephanus , manum porrigo . Because ( he saith ) they did in giving votes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thence the word came to be used , for scisco , decerno , ●…reo . Iustin. Martyr . Quest. & Resp. ad orthod . Resp. ad quest . 14. distinguishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as of a different signification . Arrias Montanus in his lexicon , doth interpret this word manum elevare , eligere , creare Magistratum per suffragia . Again 2. The manner of election among the grecians clears this metaphore , & signification of the word . Demosth. Cicero and others make this appear ; they had a phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omnium suffragijs , obtinet , and another phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no man gives a contrary vote . The approving votes , in chusing Grecian Magistrats in the theatre , was by holding up , or stretching forth of hands . See page 10. 11. 12. Where this is learndly and at large made good . 3. This is also made good from the ordinary method wherin the scriptures do express the setting apart of Church officers to their sacred functions , which is by the Churches election and consent , see 1 Cor. 16. 3. 2 Cor. 8. 19. 1 Tim. 3. 7. Acts 1. 23 , 26. and 13. 3. and 15. 22. And since the holy ghost doth here intend by Luke to express the manner of the establishment of Elders , it is utte●…ly improbable that the churches suffrage should be here omitted . 4. Protestant writers draw the Churches suffrage in election of Ministers , from this word , Magd. Cent. 1. lib. 2. cap. 6. Zanch. in 4. precept . So Beza , Bullinger decad . 5. Serm. 4. Iunius contrav 5. lib. cap. 7. Gerard. Tom. 6. pag. 95. Danaeus 1 Tim. 5. Wallaeus in his treatise quibusnam competit vocatio pastorum . Cartwright , against the Rhemists , objecting ( with our Informer ) That in scripture this word signifies imposition of hands , answereth , That its absurd to imagine , that the holy Ghost by Luke speaking with the tongues of men , and to their understanding should use a word in that signification , in which it was never used before his time , in any writter holy or profane . For how could he be understood ( saith he ) if using the note and name , he had fled from the signification whereto they used it , therefore unless he purposed to write what none could understand or read , it must needs be that as he wrote , so he meant election by voices . Then he proves this from Oecumenius the greek scholiast , from the Greek Jgnatius , and tells us , there were proper words to signify the laying on of hands , had the holy ghost intended this , and that its absurd to thinke that Luke ▪ who straitneth himself to keep the words of the seventie Interpreters , when he could have uttered things in better terms then they did , should here forsake the phrase wherewith they noted the laying on of hands , being most proper and natural to signify the same . Next , As for what he objects from Acts 10. 41. had he been sincere or diligent in this debate , he might have found that the above mentioned learned Presbyterian writer with others doth here tell him first , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used there , is not the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but is as it were a preventing of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a prior designation . 2. That its atribute to God metaphoric●… or improperly , shewing that in the council of God , the Apostles were in a manner elected by voices in the trinity , which he clears by that parallel Gen. 1. Let [ us ] make man. Adding , that this hinders no more the proper signification of the word , when applyed to men , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ascribed to God can prove , that there 's no change in men , when they repent , because there is none in God. The Informers 2d answer is , That Greek wri ters do ordinarly use this word to signify ordaining a person to a charge , without voices and suffrages . And that here it s so to be understood , he proves from this , that Paul and Barnabas are said to do this work exprest by this Greek word , and not the people ; That we will not say that Paul and Barnabas elected Ministers to these Churches , which were to yeeld the question . That therefore our translation reads it , they that is Paul and ●…arnabas , ordained them elders &c. they pray'd and commended them to the Lord ; So that it was not the action of the people , but of Paul and Barnabas . Ans. All this is nothing but his petio principii and what is answered already 1. That this word signifies ordinarly the ordaining of a Person to a charge without votes and suffrages , is most false , and contrary to the sense of the word in Greek authors contrary to the Scripture acceptation of the word , & to sound divines as we have heard . And to this may be here added ( which is also the observation of the above mentioned learn'd writters ) that we find extraordinary Officers in the Apostles times not put into their functions without the Churches consent , hence we may conclude , that far less ought there to be an intrusion of ordinary Ministers without their consent . Paul & Silas were chosen of the whole Church to their extraordinary delegation , Acts. 15. 22. Pauls company were chosen by the Church 2 Cor. 18. 19. The Commissioners of Corinth were approved by the Church 1 Cor 16. 3. Matthias an Apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simul suffragiis electus est , as Arrias Montanus turn's it , was together chosen by suffrages , viz. of the 120 Disciples . 2. How prove's he that Paul and and Barnabas did this work exprest by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we told him that the Syriack version understands it of the Disciples . Mr Gillespy ( lococitato ) proves that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here to be rendred ipsis not illis , shewing that Pasor in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 renders Acts 14. 23. quumque ipsis per suffragia creassent presbyteros ; so saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he proves because the Greeks use the one word sometimes for the other , as he clears from Scripture parallels . So he thus senseth the verse and context , the Churches of Lystra , Iconium and Antioch , after chusing of Elders who were also solemnly set apart with prayer and fasting , were willing to let Paul and Barnabas go from them to the planting and watering of other Churches , and commended them to God to open to them an effectu●…ll door , Eph. 6 ▪ 18 , 19. or for their saftie and preservation Luk. 23. 46. Again , what inconsistency with our sense of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will it be , if all that is mentioned in the 23. verse be taken as joint acts of Paul & Barnabas , and of the Churches together with them , viz. That they all concurr'd in making them Elders by suffrage , and in prayer and fasting , and commending themselves to the Lord. 3. How proves he , that the relative [ they ] in our translation is referred to Paul and Barnabas only , rather then the Churches ? sure , this is a blind proof , and ( as we use to say ) a Baculo ad angulum ; they ordain'd elders : Ergo Paul and Barnabas only ordain'd by Imposition of hands ; since the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it s resolved by the learned , cannot hardly in propriety of speech import laying on of hands in ordination , which was proper to Paul and Barnabas ; and the Septuagint whom Luke followes , expressing the laying on of hands by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our Informer must acknowledge this from the sequel of his own reasoning , for he tells us , that Paul and Barnabas could not elect Ministers , very true , and therefore the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in its native acceptation signifies election by suffrage , as he hath acknowledged , must relate to the people ; Since there could be no hand-suffrage betwixt Paul and Barnabas 4. Giving and not granting that this was an act of Paul and Barnabas ; distinct from the Churches suffrage , our argument stands good and this will not in the least yeeld the question as this man foolishly imagines ; for to read it thus , Paul and Barnabas ordained elders by suffrage , is all one with this , that they ordained such to be elders as were chosen by the Chuch . The people declared by hand-suffrage whom they would have to be Elders , and Paul and Barnabas ordained them Elders : As the Consul who held the court among the Romans , created new Magistrats , that is , did receive the votes and preside in the elections . Since ( as I said ) the hand-suffrage cannot in any propriety of speech relate to Paul and Barnabas alone . See Calvines Institut . lib. 4. cap. 53. paragr . 15. and Mr Gillesp. ubi supra , who further tells us , that this may be either an action of the Church only , as the Syriack makes it , or a joint action both of the Churches and of Paul and Barnabas , as Iunius makes it , or an action of Paul and Barnabas in this sense , that they did constitute elders to the Churches by the Churches own voices , in all which senses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stands good for us . To which we may add , that Calvine renders the word cu●… suffragiis creassent , when the had made by votes . Adding , that Paul and Barnabas ordained Ministers to the Churches , for they did preside over , and moderat the people's election . Presbyteros dicuntur eligere Paulus & Barnabas an soli hoc privato officio faciunt quum potius rem permittunt omnium sugragiis : Ergo in Pastoribus creandis libera fuit populi electio , sed ne quia tumul●…uose fieret , praesident Paulus & barnabas quasi Moderatores . That is , Paul and Barnabas are said to ebuse Elders , but do they this solely and by themselves , and do not rather remit this to the suffrages of all , therefore in the making of Pastours the people had a free election and choise , but left any thing should be done tumultuously Paul and Barnabas do preside as Moderatours . So he sayes we are to understand the decree of the Council of Laodicea , which seemed to inhibit the people's elections . The Dutch Annot. upon this passage do tell us , that this was a custome among the Greeks in chusing their Magistrats , that the people by lifting up their hands give to understand their voting , so it seems that from thence this custome was also used in the primitive Church , that the setting forth of Ministers of the Church , being done by Apostles or those that were sent by them for this purpose , was approved by the Church by the lifting up of their hands ; which use long continued in the Church ; as the Ecclesiastick histories testify . And having told us that others understand this of imposition of hands ( which they set down as the secondary and less probable opinion ) they add that this also was done with consent of the church as appears by the fasting and praying which was done by the whole Congregation , and was also done in this chusing of the Elders , referring to 1 Tim. 5. 17. Acts 10. 41. upon which passage they shew , that the Greek word in Acts 14. 23. signifies properly by lifting up of hands to choose or ordain , and is here used concerning the choosing of ordinary Ministers by the suffrages of the Church , to which this extraordinary choosing of Apostles is here opposed , as being done by lifting up or stretching forth of Gods hand alone . Upon Acts. 6. 6. where mention is made of laying on of hands , they tells us , that as this was usual in blessing Gen. 48. 14. in sacrifices Lev. 1. 4. and in installing into offices Numb . 27. 18. Deut 34. 9. So the Church ( pointing at the Apostolick Churches practice ) in investiture of Ministers , did thus dedicate them to God his service , and used thus to wish his blessing 1 Tim. 5. 22. The English annot . upon this text under debate do shew , that the word signifies making of such a choise , as was made or confirmed by lifting up of hands , to signify suffrages or consent , and having told us of the general signification of the word in reference to ordination or appointing chap. 10. 41. they add , that the Syriack reads the text thus , [ and they appointed to them Elders in every Congregation . ] Whence they collect that Paul and Barnabas did not all alone in ordaining & Church-government ; other Christians shew'd their consent or approbation of the persons who were ordained Elders by lifting up their hands ; as very wee l knowing , of what behaviour they had been among them : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ( say they ) to disallow by some act , election , or decree . Adding , that Suidas interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which his Interpreter renders electio , delectus , per suffragia confirmatio , populi totius consensus , an election , choosing , a confirmation by voices , consent of all the people . Let our Informer here observe 1. That the choosing of Ministers by suffrage , and consent of the Church , is imported and held out in this passage under debate , in the consentient judgment of Interpreters , and that this greek word , as in its ordinary , so its special acceptation in this place , will clearly infer so much , whatever authority in ordination and election as to Paul and Barnabas , and of Ministers consequently , the circumstances of this text will bear out and infer . 2. That this interest of the people in the election and call of Ministers is comprobate by the judgement and consentient practice of the ancient Church , as the history therof doth verify . 3. That that passage Act. 10. 41. doth ( in their sense ) nothing invalidate this right of the people , held out in this text , the one place speaking of an immediat choosing by God , the other of mediat and ordinary by men , the one , pointing at ordination and appointing of the Apostles to their office in a general sense , the other of the special or specifical mould of the call and election of Ministers . 4. That this right and interest of the people in Ministers call , as it is founded upon the ancient practice and unrepealed priviledge of Gods Church under the old Testament , so it hath besides this , and such like instances , and exemplary recommendations of the new-testament , a constant moral warrand of the peoples knowledge anent the case and behaviour of their spiritual guides . His 3d answer to this text is , That if we understand it of a hand suffrage we lose by it . Why so ? because we give advantadge to the Independents for popular election of Ministers wherea ; we give this power not to all the people , but to the session . And he tells us , that therefore understanding Presbyterians have forborn to pressthis text . Ans. 1. We have proven that a congregational Eldership is Iuris divini , & that by consequence this election strictly taken must be their priviledge , See 9 Argument against Prelacy on the 1. Dialogue . Who these understanding Presbyterians are , who do not understand this place as warranding the people's interest in the election & call of Ministers , the Informer hath not given us an account , since his Doubter is none of them , and if he mean the Authors of jus divinum Ministerii Evangelici , he will finde that they do clearly assert this truth ( propos . 1. ) so as it do not exclude the due right of Ministers herein . See pag. 127. and 129. And the Assembly of divines in their directory for ordination of Ministers 4. Branch , do require the people's consent and approbation , as necessarily antecedaneous to the ordination . Besides , could the Informer be ignorant that there are several other weighty Scripture grounds & arguments pleaded by our writters to fortify this right of the people ; why did he not then put these also into the mouth of his Doubter , and give us an account of his own , and his Episcopal Masters ' skill in dissolving them ? Moreover tho it were granted , that all here did concurr in this suffrage where no Eldership was yet constitute ( as Mr Gillespy Judgeth probable miscell . pag. 14. ) it will nothing infringe the power of the Eldership in Churches constitute , there being a vast difference betwixt the modus rei , in Churches constitute , and these in fieri or that are to be constitute . Again 2. We told him that the word imports a judicial suffrage by extending of hands , and that in commitiis , among courts , senats , and representatives of the people , as in the Roman senate , in which the Consuls presided . And that among the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Magistrat created by suffrages , in the courts solemnly held for that purpose . That the Roman senate did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Chrysostome saith , which Doctor Potter expones , made their Gods by suffrage ( Charity mistaken page 145. ) Again , supposing Elderships here existent , this phrase may be well referr'd to the people , as importing their consent and approbation , reserving still to the Eldership their Juridical suffrage , and decisive vote in election . Mr Gillespy ( ubi supra ) clears this , shewing that in Athens it selfe the people did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they did but like well the persons nominated , as when a Thesaurer offered some to be surety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom the people shall approve . This he proves from Demosth. advers . Timocr . from which oration he makes it good , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Assembly , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the court of Iudges , are plainly distinguished so far , that they might not be both upon one day ; and that tho the people did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet not they but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or judges did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordain or appoint a Magistrat . In a word , we give in this mater [ the Ministers call ] the suffrage and election to the Eldership ( I mean in a Church constitute ) and the consent ( which is distinct from the decisive voice as the learned acknowledge , Gamachaeus in primam 2dae ou●… of Thomas quest . 15 shewes this ) to the whole people , and the formal authoritative mission , and imposition of hands , making the man a Minister , and giving him the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who had it not before , to the Presbytery , according to the Scripture pattern ; which is toto coelo different from the Independents principles in this point . If any object that the giving the suffrage and election of Ministers to the Eldership , excluding the people , makes the breach greater betwixt the Independents and us then needs , it being sufficient to clear us from their principles , that we allow not either to the Eldership or congregation , the formal authoritative mission and imposition of hands . And that our arguments upon this head seems to give to the people not onely consent , but suffrage in election . I shall desire first , that Mr Gillespies answer be considered ( Miscell . page 24. ) to an objection about our homologating with Independents in this point . Who sayes that in this point of election we do not homologate with them , who give to the collective body of the Church ( women and children under age onely excepted ) the power of decisive vote or suffrage in elections , we give the vote onely to the Eldership or Church representative , so that they carry along with them the consent of the major or better part of the congregation . So that he makes the attributing of this decisive voice & suffrage in elections , unto the people , to be down right Independency & the march stone of their difference from us . He tells us afterward , that the consent and knowledge belongs to the whole Church without which Ministers may not be intruded , & the counsel and deliberation , ( which is distinct from this consent ) to the ablest & wisest of the congregation , especially the Magistrates . But he distinguishes from both these the decisive vote in Court or judicatory , & the formal consistorial determination in the case of election , and this he sayes , belongs onely unto , and consists in , the votes of the Eldership . And that the Independents contrarily give the conference and deliberation to the Eldership ( as we use to do in Comittees ) but the decision to the whole Congregation . Adding further , that such as have written against Independents do thus state the difference betwixt them and us in this point , viz. not whether matters of great importance and publick concernment ought to be determined with the peoples free consent ( for this we grant ) but whether the cause must be brought to the body of the Congregation to give their voices therin together with the officers of the Church , citing Laget in his defence of Church-government , chap. 1. and Mr Herle Prolocutor of the Assembly of Divines in that piece intituled the Independency on scriptures of the Independency of Churches page 3. where he sets down this forementioned consent to the Minister who is to be chosen , as that which we allow to the members of the congregation in common . Adding further , that Independents place the whole essence of a calling in election , accounting ordination to be but a solemnizing of it , wheras we place the potestative mission , not in the Churches election but lawfull ordination . So that in the judgement of these Divines the reserving to the Presbytry the formal authoritative mission is the not the sole point of difference betwixt the Independents and us , nor can a man be cleard from Independent principles in their judgement , who extends the decisive juridical●… vote in election beyond the Eldership , and gives this decisive , suffrage strictly taken to the people Besides , the absurd and dangerous consequences following upon this opinion , allowing the formal juridical elective suffrage to the people , are evident , such as 1. That this goes in some respect beyond Independents opinion as to the peoples power in elective suffrage , who though they give it to the collective body , yet ●…with a restriction excluding women , children and persons under age , not to every individual . 2. That this will inferr that every point of government and every cause , relating immediatly to the congregation , must be brought to the multitude or body of the people , to give their voices therin together with the officers of the Church , for upon the same ground that the elective suffrages belong to them , so must every piece of government . Now Mr Laget ubi supra expresly states this as the Independents principle , and as that wherin they differ from us 3. This cuts off all right and power of a juridical eldership , which is by our writters asserted and made good from the scriptures , and makes all their authoritative decisive suffrages , in this and other points of government , in reference to the congregation , an invasion of the peoples right , and unlawfull usurpation of their power ; for if this formall decisive suffrage belong to all the collective body jure divino , how can they give it away ? 4. This will by consequence bring the collective body to have their formal decisive juridical suffrage , in superiour Church-judicatories , Presbytries , and synods , in every point wherin the congregational eldership and session have an immediat interest . Again , since consent and knowledge , is allowed by our writters to the whole congregation , and deliberation and counsel to some eminent members , the elderships elective suffrage , ( which in their judgement is necessarly connected with this ) cannot be said to impeach the due right of the collective body of the congregation in this point ; unless ( as I said ) we step over the march-stone , and bring in the whole collective body of the congregation to have a decisive suffrage in government . In a word , the scripture arguments , and other grounds here hinted , which do clearly conclude the people and congregations right as to a call in general , will not infer that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belonges to every one of the people or the whole collective body , so far as to import a formal decisive suffrage , for it being the due right of the peoples representatives , the Eldership ( in whose choise and election the people have a great Interest , and to which they give a formal consent ) the congregation doth in and by them give their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or suffrage , and what is proper to some part of this organick body the Church , may be well said to be the due right and action of the whole in a general sense , each part concurring suo modo . A man is said to see , though the eye onely be the proper organe of sight , because the eye subsists in and with the body , and cannot act without , or separated from it . So the people in a general sense and mediatly elect by the eldership , the whole collective body concurring in what is proper to them herein . We heard from MrGillespy [ ubi supra , ] that among the Greeks , the people in consenting to a choise of governours were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so that although , upon the supposal of the divine right of a juridical eldership , representing the congregation ( which right is abundantly proved from scripture ) the formal Cousistorial 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by juridical suffrage belongs to them , yet the whole collective body their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the manner formerly explained , stands good . His last answer is , that if we think the peoples election s●… necessary that none can be a Minister without it , then we null the ministry of the whole Christian world for above 1000 years upward , and the Ministry of this C●…rch ever till the year 1649. For untill then patronages were not taken away . Ans We have proved that the People's right in the call and election of Pastours is the pure Scripture pattern continued in the Church of God for diverse ages , which is enough to prove that as it ought to be endeavoured after and established , by Churches who would imitat this pattern of the Lords tabernacle shewed upon the moun●… ▪ So where it is obtained it ought to be held fast against any contraire innovations . That the people's interest in the election and call of Ministers and teachers had place from the Apostles even unto his own time in a good measure , may be proven ( besides what we have said already to clear this ) by a very unsuspect witness Marcus Antonius de dominis de Repub. Eccles . lib. 1. cap. 22. Num. 10. he saith , in electione ministrorum etiam Apostolorum tempore & ipsorum instituto , plebem & totam multitudinem magnam habuisse partem . And lib. 3. cap. 3. Num. 12. Iam vero post concilium Nicenum in electionibus eundem prorsus veterem morem perpetuo Ecclesiam ad nostra pene tempora servasse , ut a clero & popul●… fieret ex patribus ac rebus gestis , & conciliis & juribus : ex Romanorum Pontificum attestationibus & decretis jam sumo comprobandum . That is , that after the Council of Nice the same ancient custome was own'd to his times by the Church , as to the peoples interest in this election and call of Ministers , he undertakes to prove from the Fathers , from history , and Councils and Laws , and the very decrees of Popes . In the Council of Paris Anno 559. There was such a decree , Quia in aliquibus crivitatibus consuetudo prisca negligitur . &c. Because the ancient Custome and decrees of the Canons are neglected in some cities — they appoint the decrees of the Canons to be keept , and the ancient Custom , ut nullus civibus invitis ordinetur Episcopus , nisi quem populi & clericorum electio pleni●…ima quaesierit voluntate &c. That none be ordained a Bishop without the will of the citizens , but such onely whom the people and Clergy shall chuse with full consent . That the people had a right to require , call and elect their Pastour in the ancient Church , Didoclav . proves from the Example of Eradius , Ambrose , Flavianus , Nectarius &c. From pag. 3●…6 . to 331. shewing that Cyprian saith of Rabbinus that he was chosen Bishop , de universae fraternitatis suffragio , lib. 1. Ep. 2. By the chose of the whole Brethren . From the Epistle of the Council of Nice , to those of Alexandria , Lybia , &c. which is extant with Theodoret Hist. lib. 1. cap. 9. Where he shews that those who succeed in the room of the dead Prelat must upon these terms succeed , si digni viderentur , & populus eligeret , if they appear worthy and the people shall chuse ; That Chrysostom succeeded to Nectarius ; postquam in hoc Clerus & populus suffragia sua contulissent , after he was called and chosen by the Clergy and people . Sozom. lib. 3. c. 8. That Evagrius was chosen suffragiis , or by votes and suffrages , Socrates lib. 6 cap. 13. That Augustine called again and again for the people's consent as to his successour , Hic mihi v●…stra assentatione opus est . F●… . 11. To which may be added , a very impartial witness Bishop Bilson ( Perpetual Government Chap. 15. page 434. ) Where he shewes that the people had their right in chusing their Pastours . Onely , to prevent mistake upon these passages , we would take notice , that this suffrage here atribute generally and indiscriminatim , to the people and clergy , must be understood pro uniuscujusque modulo and according to every ones capacity , for the reasons above rendred . Since both Ministers right in ordination , and also the right of a juridicall eldership in churches constitute in reference to the election of Ministers , hath ( as we have shown ) a clear foundation in Scripture and antiquity . But of this enough . 2. We have also proven that we are not concerned , nor in the least constrained by our principles and practice in this case , to null a Church or Ministry where this call is wanting , it being enough for us , that the want of it is a corruption rendring a Ministry not so pure as it ought to be , and that our case being a case of competition betwixt Ministers holding fast this piece of our Covenanted Reformation , and a party of Schismatick Innovators opposing and rejecting it , and turning back to the vomit of this and other corruptions , after they have been seen , cast out , and vowed against : We are upon the grounds of our Reformation and vows , sufficiently warranted to leave these innovators , and adhere to the faithfull Ministry . 3. As we did shew that the granting of Curats their having the essence of a ministerial call , will not infer our hearing and owning them in every case , and especially in ours ( which himself must grant , unless he fall in a palpable contradiction ) so it s more then he can prove , that this Church of Scotland from its first beginning , till 1649 had pratronages ; Which being founded on the Common law , and several ages posterior to the pure Church in this Nation , planted ( as we heard ) without Prelats by some of Johns Disciples , how absurd is it to assert that it had Patronages from the beginning . Finally , whatever tollerance of these corruptions before they be removed may be pleaded for , yet such as have embraced them now , yea & as a badge of owning this deformation of our once glorious Church , are certainly to be disowned by all who would hold fast their integrity . For what he adds , anent our owning Presbyterian Ministers adhering to our Reformation , tho they have been presented by Patrons , It 's both impertinent to the point and already answered , For it s not this simpliciter , or only , which we ground upon in this practice , as is often said , but the principles , state , practice , and design , of Conformists in this complex case Beside , who sees not the difference betwixt a Minister owning the principles of our Reformation , and disowning this with other corruptions , although the times necessity did constrain to make use of patronages in their first entry , when our Church was as yet groaning under this bondage , and such as owne this corruption both in judgment and practice after it is rejected , and the Church delivered from it , yea and owne it as an express badge of Conformity to abjured Prelacy . Sure they are very blind who see not the difference betwixt these . The Doubter alleadges [ that patronages are abjured in the Covenant ] and the Informer desires to see in in what place . But if he will open his eyes and but read either our National or solemn league , he will easily see this ; for patronages being a popishcorruption contrary to the Word of God ( as we have proved ) it 's abjured among the rites or Customs brought into this Church ; without or against the word ; And likewise in being condemned in the 2. book of discipline , to which we vow adherence as unto the discipline of this Church , it must be in that respect also abjured ; And as contrary to sound doctrine , the power of godliness , and Government of this Church exprest in the 2. book of Discipline , it is abjured in the solemn League , wherein we likewise vow adherence to that discipline . But ( saith he ) Since patronages were in use aster the Covenant , why was not this breach discerned , and was this Church perjured all that time . Ans. The forecited act of Parliament shewes that this corruption had been long by this Church groan'd under , and long before that time declared and testified against , both in the 2. book of discipline , and by assemblies thereafter , and if ( the interposing of the civill Magistrat being necessary to remove this ) the Church still untill that time groan'd under this burden , where can he fixe his challenge ? The next argument of his Doubter for not hearing Curats , is [ that they are ordained by Bishops . ] To which he answers 1. That all whom we refuse to hear , were not ordained by Bishops . He means those who were ordained by the Presbytery , and have conformed , Ans. 1. We have already told him that it is not the Episcopal ordination simply and abstractedly from our case , which is our ground of not owning them , but the Episcopal ordination of perjured intruders breaking our union and reformation , and ejecting our faithfull Pastours , and testified against by our presbyterian protestant Church which they have thus intruded upon . 2. We have told him that the concession of their lawfull ordination for substance , will no more plead for our owning them in this complex case , then their concession of the lawfull ordination of Presbyterian ministers , will infer an obligation upon Conformists to owne them , which is a consequence that they all deny . And that they must grant , that owning of the episcopal ordination in this complex case , is different from a simple owning of it , in relation to hearing . Even as Presbyterian ministers are acknowledged by conformists to have a lawfull ordination for substance , whom notwithstanding they will not suffer the people to hear . 3. Those who were so ordained and have conformed , having ( as I said ) eatenus or in so far , renounc'd their Presbyterial ordination , and adhering to the prelatical as the more perfect , this their disowning of our reformation ( especially aggreged by their perjury and apostacy ) puts them in the same , yea a worse condition as to our hearing them , then those that are meerly ordained by the prelats . 3. He tells us , That on this ground we would not adhere to these whom Timothy and Titus ordained , nor would we have heard a minister for many ages of the Church ; Then he tells us of Jeroms , quid facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus , and that ministers have now a hand in ordaining Conformists . That on this ground we would not have heard the members of the Assembly 1638. who were thus ordained , and some now though non-conformists , who were ordained before the year 1638 by Bishops , the valitidity of which ordination is vindicat by ●…us dicinum minist . Ang●…ie : Ans. We have already proven , that Episcopal ordination is not in the lest warranted by the Authority of Timothy and Titus supposed in these Epistles , but rather a Presbyterial ordination , which is the pattern shewed upon the mount . 2. We have also proven that his prelatick ordination , whereof the Prelat hath he sole and proper power according to this constitution , is a stranger , in the first purer ages , and even in Jerom's time . 3. We have also proven that the granting of the essentialls of their ministerial call who are ordained by Bishops , will plead nothing for owning Curats , who are both scandalous and perjured intruders and have nothing for the most part which may in the least ground a charitable construction that they were ever called of God ; and are standing in opposition to a faithful ministry , by them excluded and persecute from their watcthowers , none of which can be said of the instances which he mentions . As for that concurrence which he pretends Conformists have with the Bishops in ordination of ministers , it is according to our Law , meerly precarious and pro forma . And therefore utterly insufficient to found his conclusion . The Doubter objects , [ that tho some of them were ordained by the Presbytery , yet they are now turn'd the Bishops Curats . ] He might have added , and turned court or Erastian-Curats , since the all of our present Conformists authority , is derived from the court and subordinat to the supremacy , as is evident in the act of restitution and other subsequents acts . In answer to this he alleadges weakness of Iudgement , strength of passion in the objecter , but really shews both in himself , by telling us , that we may fear Christs threatning ; he that despises you despises me , since he hath not yet made , it appear that the men he pleads for have a relaion to this Church as her true Pastours , according to the principles and tenor of our Reformation . Then he tells us , that Curat signifies a cure of souls . But the True Non-conformist , told his fellow Dialogist , that this term owes its invention to mens vanity , loathing the lowly Scripture style of Minister , and is in effect nothing but the issue of the corrution of the Churches humility , and that what they pretend herein while destroying in stead of feeding , is like to stand in Judgement against them at the great day . For his next interpretation of [ Curat ] viz. he that serves the cure tho not the Minister of the place , but the substitute of another , We owe him thanks , for one egg is not liker another , then they are to such vicarious substitutes . But he will not have them called the Bishops Curats , as if he were Pastour of the diocess , and they deputed , under him , and Bishop ( he saith ) hath such thoughts of ministers . What their thoughts are , is best seen by their deeds . We have proved that according to this frame of prelacy the Bishop is properly the sole Pastour of the Diocess . In the 7. Argument against Prelacy . The Doubters next objection is , [ that they are perjured persons , and therefore not to be heard . ] He answers 1. That many of them never took the Covenant , and therefore are not perjured , which is already removed , when we did prove from Deut. 29. that it oblidges even those who did not personally swear . It s remarkable that Deut. 5. 2 , 3. God is said to have made a Covenant with his people in Horeb , even with us ( saith Moses ) and all of us alive here this day . They were dead who engadged at Horeb , and many there present were not then born . So Neh. 9. 38. all entered into Covenant , but some only did seal it . Sure the intention , and relation of the Covenanters , and the matter of the Oath it self , will make it thus extensive . Next he sayes , Ministers that took it , and comply with prelacy are not perjured , for the reasons which be gave in the last conference . Which reasons I have there answered , and proved that there is nothing in our case , which may in the least limit or invalidat its obligation , and upon the grounds which are offered to evince the standing obligation of that Oath , I do affirme that they are perjured . 3. He tells us , That scandalous faults tho deserving censure , yet while it is not inflicted , and the person not convict , his Ministry ought to be waited upon , as Iudas who came cloathed with Christs commission to preach , so long as he was not convict , yet was to be heard . Ans. 1. He grants that scandalous faults , specially of an high nature , and if the man be impenitent , do deserve deposition . Now their faults are both scandalous and of a high nature , such as prophanity , perjury and apostacy , in all which they are most impenitent and avow the same ; and as for their being convict and censured , which he requireth as needfull for disowning them , I answer they stand upon the matter convict by clear scripture grounds , and by the standing acts and Iudicial decision of this Church in her supreme judicatories and assemblies , which have condemned and made censurable with deposition their present principles and practices , in opposition to her vows and government . Again , there is a great difference betwixt what ought to be people's carriage toward scandalous Ministers when a redress by Lawfull Church Judicatories may be had , to which people may have recourse , and what the duty of a people is in that case , wherin a prevailing backsliding party , and a persecuting Magistrat owne such Ministers ; so that the true Church can have no access for censuring and removing them . In this last case supposing their scandals to be of a high nature , this inevitable necessity of the Churches incapacity for present , may supply the defect of a formal censure ( in the judgment of some ) and ground a disowning of them , as if they were already cast out , especially if their entry be by perjurious intrusion , and their profanity and scandals therafter notour to all . Now how applicable this is to Conformists , needs not my paines to subsume . We might also here tell him that there are scandals which are officiall , rendring the man coram Deo no officer , and that in case of their becoming very atrocius Mr Durham will allow to depart to more pure ordinances . On scandal page 129. Although we will not take upon us to determine , how & in what cases , during the Churches incapacity , & discomposed state , a Ministers atrocious scandals after his entry , and perjurious usurpation in the way and manner therof , may supply the want of a formal censure , yet absolutly to deny that in any imaginable case , whether of the scandals and intrusion of the minister , the Churches incapacity to censure , or the peoples clamant necessity , and apparent advantages for their edification otherwise they were oblidged to own him still , and that nothing but this declarative sentence , could loose their tye , would , infer very dangerous consequences obvious to the meanest reflection . Specialy that in performance of supposed duties , flowing from the tye and relation , they would crosse many scriptur-precepts enjoyning the contrary . Shall Christs sheep follow the hireling and stranger , and not beware of wolves and false prophets , strengthen Covenant breakers , and scismaticks , because a perturbed Church cannot draw forth her censure . If it be said that this will open a door for separation , since every one displeased , may pretend that scandals are of an highnature . Ans. 1. The sinful abusive pretences of men , is a poor argument to infringe any truth or duty . 2. This absurdity may be retorted in the other extreme , and under pretence of the mans exterior call who is not ( nor can be in a Churches disturbed state ) censured , Christs sheep may ( as I said ) be given up to destroying wolves , the means and opportunities of their edification lost , and their soules exposed to most imminent hazard of perishing . 2. There is a pure Ministry and Church free of their scandalls , and testifying against them , so that adherence to them rather then Curats is only a non-union to corruption , or a scandalous party of Innovators who have gone out from the fellowship of this Church , and such a separation negative or non-union , as Mr Rutherfoord allowes , Due right of Presbyt . pag. 253 , 254. such as he sayes was the carriage of the faithfull in relation to the Donatists in Augustines time , or a separation from the most and worst part not the least and best part , as he there distinguishes , calling the greatest corrupt part the Schismaticks ; As before the Jewes came to blaspheme , there was no reason to joyn to them rather then the Gospel Church , planted by the Apostles , to which Mr Rutherfoord sayes , converts were to adhere . 3. We have heard that according to our principles and the tenor of our Reformation , we are to look upon them as Schismaticks from this Church . So that upon this very ground of holding and mantaining this Churches purity and union , they are to be disowned by Gods people . Our Informer will grant that abstracting from a Ministers being otherwise either censured or censurable , he ought not to be followed in a Schismatick course to the ruine of a pure Churches union , but is ipso facto to be left : for upon this ground he pleads for disowning Presbyterian Ministers abstracting from their being any otherwayes censured . 4. Are there not many Presbyterian ministers neither convict nor censured , and whom he dare not call scandalous , whose conversation and walk is both convincing and shining , and such as discovers that Christ is in them , that they have the masters seal and call to preach the Gospel , who have entered into this Church by the door , and are standing in a ministrrial relation to her , yet he pleads for disowning them , meerly because their Ministry is cross to the prelatick union and order . So he must grant that Ministers may be disowned on this ground of Innovating upon , and standing in opposition to a Churches establisht union and order , abstracting from this formal censure . As for what he adds of Judas , it s very impertinently alledged here , for his theft and other wickedness was as yet secret , and not become open and scandalous , which excepts him from the compass of this question , which is anent Ministers guilty of open and avowed scandalls , intrusion into the Ministry , violent ejection of faithfull pastours , and persecution of a pure Church . None of which can be said of Judas . But now followes in the next place , his main objection and argument from the Scribes and Pharisees , he tells us , what great exceptions might have been made against their life and doctrine , Math. 23. that they were ●…mies to Christ , neglected Iudgement , mercy and faith : that they were proud hypocrites , and that tho all which Naphtali sayes of Conformists were true ( and all sees it to be true and consequently that he gives them no other characters then what they put upon themselves , and cannot more be charged with distemper for this , then our blessed Lord in calling these Pharisees , serpents and vipers , or Paul in calling the Impostours of whom the Philippians were in hazard , dogs , evil workers , the concision , whose God is their belly , whose glory is in their shame though they were ( as these pharisees ) gross in their lives , and there were leaven in their doctrine , they were not to be disowned , since altho the Pharisees for doctrine taught the commands of men ; and took away the key of knowledge , Christ in his sexmon on the mount purged the Law from their corrupt glosses , yet Simeon and Anna turned not separatists , Ioseph and Mary went up to keep the passover , and Christ bids bear them , tho with a c●…veat 〈◊〉 beware of their leaven , and their ill example . Here he also tells us , that he hath no pleasure to make a parallel betwixt the Pharisees and our preachers in long prayers , and devouring widowes houses , compassing sea and land to make proselytes , tho we have given too much ground for these comparisons . Ans. 1. To beginne with this last invective ( which he insinuats , and Dr Burnet prosecutes at large in his trifling dialogues ) If I should rejoyn that its a foming out their o●… shame , to make such comparisons , and renders them too like these wandring stars to whom this is attrib●… , It were no great overstreach . Dare he say that our Lord did simply condemn long prayers , because he condemned making a shew of them ; or that faithfull ministers their travells to keep poor souls upon the solid foundation of our sworn Reformation , and recover them from this plelatick corruption and apostacy , is to proselyte them to be children of hell ? It may be with better ground averred that prelatists who are enemies to either long or short prayers in the spirit , and plead for dead formes and lyturgies , and who have d●…oured not widowes houses only , but Gods house and Church in this land , and who compass sea and land to proselyte this poor Church to the Synagogue or Rome , are much liker these precedents in the above mentioned characters . But 2. To his argument , The pharisees were scandalous in their life , corrupt in their doctrine , yet the saints separat not from ordinances , and Christ allowed to hear them . This man might ( if he had been ingenuous ) have found this objection solidly answered and removed by severals . I answer 1. It s more then he hath proved , that the owning of the Pharisees ministry is here enjoyned , because 1. The command of observing what they enjoyned , will not necessarly infer this ; we may observe what morall Philosophers , or papists bid us do under such like restrictions and limitations , upon which people are enjoyned to observe what the Pharisees prescribed ; we may observe what civil Rulers bid us do , but not own them as teachers . 2. There are many things in the context , which seem utterly to repugn to this inference that our Lord enjoyned the owning or attending of their instructions as ecclesiastick teachers . 1. He bids beware of their leaven or doctrine Math. 16. 12. joyning them with Sadducees who denyed the resurrection , and erred fundamentally , sure not to hear them was the best way to evite their leaven , 2. It will be hard to prove that they were Priest Pharisees , since all the Pharisees were not such , as Nieodemus and Ioseph of Arimathea , who were civil Rulers , and consequently any command to obey them , will no more infer hearing them preach , then such a command as to council or parliament . The thing commanded is not hearing them as teachers , but only obebienc●… which may be very properly enjoyned as to civil Rulers . 3. The qualities ascribed unto them , such as their sitting in Moses chair , who was King in Jesurun , not Aarons who was the Piest , their loving the chief seats in synagogues , ( whereas , if teachers , their chief seat was knowen , and appropriat to them ) their paying tithes ( whereas , if priests tithes were payable to them ) these qualities ( I say ) seem to import that they were not priests and teachers by office , that hearing of them , or attending their ministry as such , is enjoyned hearing of and atteding their Ministry as such . 15. 4. Christ bids let them alone , which sounds like , owne them not as teachers . He calls them blind leaders of the blind , nay he calls them the stranger whose voice the true sheep hear not , but rather the true shepherd Math. 15. 13 , 14 , Joh. 10. 4 , 5. and such as shut up heaven against men , and hindred such as were entring ; all which seem very inconsistent with a command of hearing them . 5 Christ spoke to the disciples as well as the people in this precept . Now its certain that neither the disciples did eyer hear them , nor could they leave his Ministry , nor is it found that Christ who came to fulfill all righteousness , taught them to do so , by his example . Finally the words of this precept have for their scope to engadge to beware of the Pharisees infectious evills : so that this command to do & observe what they delivered as sitting in Moses seat , which they did then possess , is but by way of concession , which supposes only that which he intended shortly to abolish , and now would have improven for the best advantadge . 2. Granting that they were to be heard , I deny his consequence , that therfore Curats in this our case are to be heard also ; the cases are very different , and the disparity when cleared will discover his consequence to be naught , from the hearing of the Pharisees , to the hearing of Conformists . I offer it then in these particulars . 1. These Pharisees Ministry was not of it self actually exclusive of , and a direct intrusion upon the Ministry of faithfull teachers . Suppose they had chased away all Israels Lawfull teachers , and by perjurious violence thrust themselves into their rooms , would our Lord have bidden own or hear them ? If our Informer say so he will contradict himself , and overturn the scope of his reasoning in this dialogue , for he thniks that the ministry of Presbyterian ministers , is intrusion , and therupon pleads for disowning and not hearing them . 2. He pleads for owning Curats as Christs ambassadours cloathed with his authority to deliver his message , but Christ doth here ( at least for any thing he hath said from this text ) only enjoyn to hear the Pharisees interpretation and decision of that nations Municipal or civil Law , anent the rules of external righteousness and civil policy , which two are very different . 3. Christ having guarded the Law from their corrupt glosses , and the disciples from their snares , shewes in this precept how to make the best advantage of that dispensation , now ready to vanish away , since he was shortly to erect a gospel ministry , and remove all that legal dispensation , and then none of them were to be heard : But this man pleads for disowning our faithfull sent gospel ministers under a standing relation to this Church , and the obligation of Christs standing command , and commission to officiat , and this in favours of intruding hirelings usurping their places , and opposing these faithfull Ambassadours in their masters work and message . Now who sees not the difference betwixt these . 4. They were not in a stated opposition to a faithfull body of teachers , acknowledged and owned by the sound Church of Israel and testifying against them , seeking to root them out , and together with them a reformation , to which all had recently vowed adherence . 5. There was no badge or Test of complyance w●…b all their abominations particularly appointed and enjoyned by the Rulers , in this act of hearing them , as there is in our case in relation to the hearing of Curats , rendring ( as I said ) the not hearing them , and adherence rather to a faithfull Ministry testifying against them , a case of confession , especially this difference will be apparent , if our National vows and Covenant , expresly obliging to adhere to these faithfull ministers , in opposition to them and their course of backsliding , be duely pondered . Next , as for what he sayes of Simeon and Anna ; Joseph and Mary , their attending the temple Worship at that time ; as his argument there from is removed by what is said , so to clear this further , I add 1. That its wide reasoning from the godly their lawful concurrence with that Church ( now under the rust of old corruptions ) in what was good and sound , to our deserting a sound Church and ministry to comply with abjured corruptions , and Schismatick innovators , reintroduced after they have been cast out . 2. It s as wide reasoning , from their not separating from Gods ancient Church upon the ground of corruptions , to conclude against non-complyance with a party who are not our Church ( tho they usurp her name ) but are opposed and testifyed against , by our true Church and ministry . We in this case ( as I have said ) do not separat from the Church of Scotland , her Doctrine , Worship , or ministry , but only from Schismatick backsliders from the union & reformation of this Church . But in the case of these old saints & worthies , separation from the temple , would have imported an absolute separation from the ministry & Church of Israel . In a word , the utter impertinency of all his pleading in this argument , and from these instances , appears in this , that he supposes that its meerly for Conformists personal faults we disowne ordinances administred by them , as if they were ther●… by polluted ; which has no more truth in it , then that its meerly for Presbyterian ministers personal faults as pulluting the worship , that he pleads for disowning them , but upon the grounds of the present case and circumstances , wherein they stand , he pleads for disowning Presbyterian ministers , and they more justly because of Conformists present case , plead for disowning them , as is said and cleard above . After this he cites Mr Durham on Revel . 3. inferring from what is said of the Angel of Sardis and Laodicea , that a minister as to his case unsound , may be owned and esteem'd as such . But how impertinent this is to our purpose any may see , for their scandalous carriage in their walk is much more then unsoundness as to their case , which notwithstanding we acknowledge will not of it self , and primo instanti warrand separation from ordinances in every case . But we have cleared that we have much more to lay to the charge of Conformists , then either inward unsoundness , or outward scandalls simply considered ; even their corrupt Doctrine , their intrusion , their stated opposition to this Church her principles , union , and Reformation . As to what Mr Durham adds , and our Informer cites in relation to the ordinances their not suffering derogation in whatsoever hands they be anent a due ministerial respect to the Pharisees tho their rottenness was discovered by our Lord : that Judas was to be received as an Ambassadour with other Apostles — that God makes usefull Instruments sometimes — and that edification doth not necessarly depend upon the holiness of the Instrument , Act. 3. 12. Matth. 7. 23. It s utterly remote from our purpose , as is clear from what is said , for neither can he prove that this practice is a separation properly such , nor doth that case of an Improvement of the pharisees teaching during that time of the legall dispensation , now shortly to be abolisht , meet our purpose , nor the case of Judas hid abominations , correspond with that of avowed perjury and apostacy from the vows and Reformation of our Church . Nor is there here a supposed prior obligation of adherence to conformists ministry , preponderating any objection as to their scandalls . What can this man say , if we shall plead these reasons of Mr Durham , for adhering to Presbyterian ministers , viz. that ordinances ought not to be despised in whatever hands they be , that even the pharisees and Judas himself might be heard , and therefore much more Presbyterian ministers of this Church , that God can make even graceless men Instruments of good ; that the efficacy of means depends not on the holyness of the instrument . Now will he admit a conclusion of owning Presbyterian Ministers from these principles ; nay , he thinks that maters stand so with them because of their supposed Schism and disorder , that for as applicable as these things are to them , yet they ought not to be heard . And so by his own confession and pleading this will conclude nothing for him , untill his above mentioned groundless suppositions be made good . Now let me retort of our Informers angry Querie here , how can they Justifie withdrawing people from Presbyterian Ministers , since not so bad as the scribes and Pharisees , if they have either knowledge or moderation . He must then of necessity grant , if he will not contradict himself , that all these grounds will not plead for hearing in some cases , & that the London Ministers assertion anent the validity of the Episcopal ordination for substance ( repeated here again ad nauseam ) falls utterly short of proving his conclusion . Those Ministers do assert , that the Presbyterian ordination is the more pure and conform to the scripture pattern , what will he then say to this conclusion , that upon this ground ( and especially because Conformists themselves owne the validity of Presbyterian Ministers ordination ) they are inconsequent to themselves , as well as going cross to scripture and sound reason , in disowning the ministry of the Presbyterian ministers of this Church , and withdrawing people from hearing them . Let him pull out this beam from his own eye , and his answer shall easily serve for us . The Doubter alledges , that in Math. 23. [ We are not bidden hear the scribes and Pharisees , and that the words will not bear that . ] He answers that he forbids not to hear as we forbid to hear Conformists . Ans. 1. We have seen that there is more may be alledged from the Scripture as to a prohibition to be their ordinary and constant hearers at least , ( which he pleads for as to Conformists ) then he can alledge as to a command of hearing . 2. That the tollerance or allowance of a hearing of them during that shortly to be abolisht legall dispensation , is far from coming up to his conclusion of owning curats in this our case . 〈◊〉 . He answers , that Mr Durham speaks of a ministerial respect due to these Pharisees , and that without hearing , this ministerial respect is Lame . Ans. Mr Durhams reason anent a Ministerial respect is in relation to the Improvement of their teaching , & tho granted in the greatest latitude he can imagine , will not inferr his conclusion of owning Curats in this case as is already cleared . Admitting that a due Ministerial respect , will infer hearing in Mr Durhams sense and instance , yet in our case , ( which I told him Mr Durhams assertion will not speak unto ) acknowledgment of a man to be a Minister , and capable of a Ministerial respect in so far , will not bear this conclusion , else the Informer hath in a clap devoured and eaten in again all this Dialogue in pleading against this Ministerial respect in hearing Presbyterian Ministers , whose Ministerial authority he acknowledges . 2ly , He answers , that our Lord enjoyns obedience to that which they bid do , and that as sitting in Moses chair — and how could that be except the people heard them teach from Moses chair — he that bids obey a Ministers injunctions from the word of God , consequently bids hear him deliver his doctrine from the word . Ans. We told him that for any thing that he , or any of his fellow pleaders , have yet offered from this text , these Pharisees might be civil national doctors and interpreters of Moses Iudiciall Law , and of 〈◊〉 municipal Law , from his civil chair , who was King in Iesurun , which will no more infer a hearing them teach and preach as Church officers , then our obedience to the King , Council , parliament and Session , will infer that conclusion . 2. His parallels as to the command of obeying a Ministers doctrine from the word its inferring an injunction of hearing him deliver these doctrines from the word , is ( in this case and question ) pityfull sophistry and begging of the question , in supposing that these anent whom this injunction was given , were Ecclesiastick Ministers , which he hath not yet proved . 2. That teaching from Moses chair , is in this case equivalent to Ministerial gospel teaching and preaching from the word of God , which he has not proved either , since ( as I said ) Gods word contained the Jews municipal Law , which civil Judges might in that capacity deliver and interpret , in relation to external righteousness betwixt man and man in things of this life . Finally , granting they were to be heard teach and expone , which he hath not yet made good from the text , it will nothing help his cause for the reasons often given : so that the separation which he improves this place against , being his groundless supposition alledged but not proven by him , and by us disproved by what is said above , and likewise the application of this hearing the Pharisees to our hearing Curats , being his bare petitio principii , his assertion after subjoyned viz. that this passage will stand against us to our conviction as against the seperatists in Queen Elizabeths time ; is but a piece of his ignorant arrogant confidence ; there being a vast difference betwixt our case , and that of those separatists at that time , as shall hereafter appear . And beside , Presbyterian Ministers of this Church have much more to say from this text , for their people's adhering to them , then prelatists can plead . The Doubter next alleadges , [ that many Episcopall men have entered upon honest mens Labours , and therefore ought to be disowned as intruders . ] He answers 1. That all are not such , that some Conformists have keep●… their places they bad before the change , others have entered in to the labours of those that are dead and transported elswhere . Ans. Our Informer doth miserably pinch and narrow a sinfull intrusion by this description ; which himself must acknowledge . For should a Presbyterian Minister step into his own Church upon the death or transportation of one of the Curats , who will question that this man will call it an intrusion according to his principles anent the prelatick Church , and so he must acknowledge that notwithstanding what he here pleads , the Curats entry is intrusion according to our principles ; beside that the Ministery of those who have conformed , and were Presbyterially ordained , being an express owning of the principles ▪ practices and design , of this prelatick schismatick destroying party , and by their acceptance of collation and presentation , and concurring in the Prelats pretended Judicatories , a ministry compleatly of the prelatick mould , its reductive , if not formaliter , an intrusion ; or partaking with the general intrusion and usurpation upon the pure reformed Ministry and Church of Scotland , even as a state officer or Magistrat his taking his office from Invaders , while an army is in the fields against them , doth fully and fitly denominate him an Invader in the exercise thereof , tho it be materially the same office and imployment which he had before . Or as an inferior officer in an army taking his office and a new commission from an usurping General , and other usurping superior officers , who are dissolving and betraying the true army , expelling the true General and officers contrary to their first commission , doth partake in that usurpation . Considering the Church of Scotland as it stood establisht in doctrine , discipline , worship , and government , and her National and solemn vows , surely this course of Conformity is a most gross intrusion upon her , without so much as a shadow of consent ; and so is all partaking therein by consequence , which no Conformist can acquit himself of ; and therefore according to the tenor and principles of our Reformation , cannot be lookt upon as any of our true Church her Sons and Ministers . But here our Informer poseth us with some great queries forsooth 1. Whether Conformists were active in utting Presbyterian ministers , or came in before they were out , and their places declared vacant . Ans. Whoever is active or passive in outting them , one thing is sure , they are violently thrust out contrary to the word of God , and the rules , order , and Reformation of this Church . So that come in who will , they are Intruders . 1. Because they have come in upon a charge to which faithfull Ministers of this Church have Christs Keyes and commission . 2. Because come in and obtruded by those who are ingrained usurpers , thieves and Robbers ; I mean perfidious Prelats ( often abjured and cast out of this Church with detestation ) and not in the order of this Church , Nor by her door . A poor man is by a number of Robbers dispossest of his house , they put in a seeming neutral , to keep house for them ; the poor owner seeks his possession , & complaines of this usurpation , O saith the new tennant and Robbers depute , I am no Intruder , I have a good right , I put you not out , but found your house empty . Now let the Informer use a litle honest application and answer his weightie Querie . 2. He asks , why will those dispossest ministers suffer the people to starve , because they have slept out of their charges . Ans. The people are starved & poysoned too by those that come in ; & these Ministers are concerned upon their faith to the great shepherd , to endeavour what they can to save his lambes from the wolves , and give faithfull Ministerial warning of their flocks hazard . Next , he tells us , though a minister be transported against his will , yet the people should submit to his successor . True , when for the Churches greater good , he is transported to another watchtower by her faithfull guides , and true Church Judicatories , but not when the true pastour is chased away by usurping perjured Prelats ; and an intruding hireling brought in as their vicar . It s this mans perted self ( to use his own phrase here ) that blurrs his eyes to draw a similitudinar argument from such an absimilar instance . One thing he did well to add as a proviso , viz the successors coming in upon an orderly or fair call . And doth this man think that Conformists have this orderly call according to the Reformation and doctrine of this Church ? Nay , is he not disputing against this call , and so if this be a necessary condition of a Ministers Lawfull succession , the Informer is in the briers of a palpable inconsistency near of kin to a contradiction . As for what he adds of the necessity of a Ministry , and making the best of what we cannot help in our superiours , we say , that were the Rulers using their power for giving one Lawfull pastour for another , and in the method of this Church , and according to the scripture pattern , by Lawfull Church Indicatories , these reasons would say something ; but when they have overturned the Reformation of a Church , and contrary to that Churches vows and their own , are obtruding abjured prelats , and a number of profane hyrelings as their deputes , to exclude and ruine a faithfull Ministry , his reasons in this case are naught , and speak nothing to the point . As for what he adds afterward of Ministers , in the year 1648 ejected for asserting their duty to the King , and their submitting while others were put into their charges . I Answer , he will never while he breaths be able to prove , that they were deposed for asserting their duty to the King , and not rather for promoting an ungodly course tending to the Kings ruine , and the ruine of our Reformation , and for other pieces of their scandalous miscarriages , by the true Lawfull Judicatories of this Church . So that upon both grounds , the flocks were concerned to submit to such faithfull pastours , as were set over them in the way and method of this Church , and according to the scripture pattern . His last answer to this argument of his Doubter anent Conformists Intrusion is , that Presbyterian Ministers intrusion , is from parish to parish over the Labours of all the Ministers of Scotland , whereas Conformists intrusion ( if it be so ) is but over one parish . Ans. We told him before , that Presbyterian Ministers , notwithstanding the prelats violence and usurpation , are Ministers of this Church of Scotland continuing still in that relation to her ; So that the present presecution and violence , as well as backsliding of the Prelatick schismaticks and Innovators , warrands their more enlarged officiating by the same grounds , upon which the presecute officers of the Church of Jerusalem went every where pre●…ching the gospel , and on the same ground that Ministers enlarged officiating in the time of our Reformation , was warranted ; to which this case of defection is parallel and correspondent . So that their ministerial obligation , and the many scripture commands as to diligence in their testimony , Being by the present state of our Church extended to their officiating in this manner , their Ministry is no Intrusion , but the Lawfull exercise of their office , received from the great shephered , nor is it upon the flocks who are under a tye and relation to the present Incumbents as their pastours , but toward poor starved flocks committed to wolves , who destroy but feed not ; and the Curats pretended Ministry being neither of Christ , nor for him , is still an usurpation though over the smallest flock ; so that his Instance of the pyrats word to Alexander , and citation of the Apostle's caveat Rom 2. 21. is extra ole●… and reaches himself a rebounding stroke . For who ( I pray ) have usurped the name and authority of this Church , and endeavoured to have it compleatly moulded in their way , and to extirpat all faithfull Ministers and professors within the Nation , is it not 14 usurping Prelats and their underlings , this is a robbery indeed , and with a witness . Now follows another argument of his Doubter [ that Episcopal Ministers are abjured as depending upon the hierarchy , and therefore cannot be heard without breach of the Oath . ] In what respects the owning of Conformists , especially as that practice is now circumstantiat , is a breach of Covenant , we have cleard above , and need not again repeat it . He answers . 1. That Ministers are not mentioned in that article . But if they depend upon that Ecclesiastical hierarchy as Church Officers , why are they not mentioned . Next , it s enough for our purpose , that the owning of their Ministry as depending upon prelats , is in this our case abjured . 2. He tellsus , that dependance on that hierarchy doth suppose , and is to be understood of a hierarchy , made up of all the officers enumerate in that Article , as the English Presbyterians sense it , which hierarchy we have not in Scotland . This conceit I have already confuted , and proved that beside this Article , we are by the first bound to preserve the establisht Reformation and Government of this Church , and to adhere to all that enter into this Oath , in the pursuing of its ends ; and not to suffer our selves to be withdrawen from this Reformation , and our union therein by terrour or persuasion , is an obligation lying upon us in the 6. Article , which doth abundantly ( as we have said , ) reach the disowning of Conformists . In the next place he tells us , that to binde our selves to disowne Ministers depending upon Bishops , is to binde our selves to sin . I Answer whatever may be said of such an engadgement simpliciter and absolutly considered , yet certainly to engadge our selves against the reintroduction of Prelacy into a pure Church reformed from it , and against all dependers upon , and promoters of that Interest in such a Church , in the capacity of Church officers , and eatenus as promoting and depending upon it , is both a lawfull and necessary engadgment , necessarly flowing from & dependent upon the abjuration of prelacie it self . That Ministers tho faulty may be heard , will ( as we have oft demonstrate ) nothing help his conclusion . Since he can not deny that their faultiness in some cases may barr their being heard , as he supposes Presbyterian Ministers faults puts a Lawfull stop in the way of people's hearing them . Then he tells us , that he hath showen episcopacy to be a Lawfull government which none might Lawfully adjure , for this we referr the Reader to what is answered on the first Dialogue where we have proven the contrary , and that it is a government contrary to the word of God , which therefore we were obliged to abjure . Lastly he tells us , that by this exposition of the 2. Article we were bound not to owne Ministers who were in office at the taking of the Covenant , but to extirpat them since they depended upon Bishops as to their ordination still , even after they had taken the Covenant , unless they renounced their ordination received from Bishops , and had been ordained a new by meer Presbyters , which they thought themselves not bound to do by the Covenant , or they were Ministers without a true ordination all that time , and then all their Ministerial Acts were null since they proceeded from that ordination . And yet ( he sayes ) we never serupled to hear such Ministers notwithstanding of this dependance upon Bishops in part , if they disowne Bishops for the future . Ans. What a silly knack is it which all this tatle is founded upon , viz. Ministers who received ane ordination from Bishops , or Bishops with Presbyters , in a Church upon which they had usurped , are still to be lookt upon as Ministers depending upon Bishops , even after Prelacy is abolished , and Presbyterian Government established in that Church . So poor a notion that I am sure the least reflection may discover its vanity , ordination being Gods ordinance and appointment , and the Bishop qua Presbyter being vested with a power in it , ordination by the Bishop with Presbyters ( tho maim'd in respect of the Bishop's arrogated power , which is a corruption adhering to it ) cannot by any good consequence be said to depend in its esse or nature upon the Prelat , and far less in operari or esse after that corruption is removed and abjured , and Presbyterian Government set up . Doth a souldier or Officers commission or Military power slow still from a Colonel after he is disbanded ? Nay this is too gross inadvertency . Were Zuinglius , Luther , and other of our Reformers dependents upon the papacy or popish Prelats after their cleaving to , and embracing the Reformation ? Do not all our divines distinguish the essentials of their ordination from these corruptions adhering to it , and assert that they had a Ministry Lawfull for substance , and an ordination to their Ministry , tho coming to them through that impure channell . This man Justifies the Pope's plea , where is your Ministry ( saith he and the Romanists ) you have no Ministry but what you have from us ? do not our Divines tell them that the Ministry and ordination it self being Gods institution , we have them from the Lord , now restored and recovered from their corruptions , and are not dependers upon them for our Ministry ? did all our Reformers Ministerial acts flow from the pope or papal ordination as such ? Let our Informer take heed of this praemunire , for this dangerous error which he hath fallen into , will expose him to the severe censure of all protestant Churches . 2ly , Hence Ministers who were ordained by Prelats with Presbyters concurring , were no more bound ( yea less bound ) to renounce their ordination simply , then Zuinglius or Luther were obliged to renounce theirs ; especially since their ordination was in a protestant Church , and under Prelats owning the protestant profession ( which our Informers charity will no doubt esteem a considerable difference ) and their not renouncing it simpliciter will no more make them still dependent upon the Prelates as to their Ministry , when prelats are removed , then Zuinglius and Luther were dependent upon the Pope as to their ordination , and the acts flowing therefrom , after their separation from the Church of Rome , or infer that they did owe their baptism to the Pope , or the ordination of the popish priest who baptized them , and were concerned to be rebaptized . So that the popish cause and interest is much obliged to our Informer , if his pleadings for our prelacy wil hold good ; and it is no bad omen that both interests are thus embarqued together in this man and his fellows reasonings for them , and must stand and fall together , which fortifies our hope and confidence , that as the first hath begun to fall , so the other shall gradually decay , wither , and fall with it . CHAP. IV. The Informers answer to the Doubters argument anent separation from a corrupt Church , and the retorted charge of schisme upon Conformists , examined . OUr Doubt-Resolver will seem ingenuous in offering an answer to some chief objections against the owning of Conformists , and therfore puts into the mouth of his personat Doubter , some more arguments , in such a mould as he supposes is for his best advantadge , which I shal now consider , and deal faithfully with him and his supposed Doubter , in presenting these arguments , ( which he hath disguised ) in their genuine strength , and shall examine his answers , which when weighed in the scripture ballances and according to the true state of this question will no doubt be found as empty and insignificant as any of the preceeding . The Doubter hath another argument [ that we are warranted by the word to separat from a corrupt Church . ] This objection he curtly and advantagiously propones , making his Doubter suppose 1. a confessed separation in this practice , from a Church to which we are bound to adhere , which this new advocat has not as yet made good . 2. That any corruptions generally , or such as may denominate a Church in some measure corrupt , will warrand a separation , which is a principle we do not owne . We acknowledge a Church may be joyned with Lawfully wherein there are great corruptions , and this with Mr Durham and others on that subject . But as to corruptions , we say , if the contraverted joyning be in that which is clear and necessary duty in the present circumstances , there can be in this joyning no stain , but in so far as a concurrence with that which is duty out of that complex case , cannot be performed without a direct complyance with , or stain of these corruptions , then a proportioned separation is needfull in so far as suitable to that exigence ; and yet even in this case we assert that other duties in the fellowship with that same Church may be owned : and that fellowship is not intirely to be broken off ( upon the preceeding ground ) in these things wherein there is no such hazard . But now what sayes he to this argument , 1. He tells us , we are mistaken if we think the Bishops a corruption , and that this will not be granted . Ans. I hope I have made it evident that they are a corruption , and therefore to be disowned . The 2 answer is , that its a mistake to think that for corruptions , and even great corruptions , a Church is to be separat from . Then he tells us , of the corrupted of the Church of Galatia ; that in the Church of Corinth an article of the creed was denyed , that there were great faults in the Asian Churches Rev. 2. 3. and of the great corruptions that were in the Church of Israel , as is evident in the books of the Kings and Prophets , yet the people of God were not commanded to separat as long as the substance of the worship was not corrupted , as it was by Ieroboams calves . Ans. 1. What if Presbyterians shall borrow this argument from him , and from these instances of not separating from a Church , notwithstanding of great corruptions , shall plead for all professors in Scotland their adhering to Presbyterian Ministers and this Presbyterian Church , as having a worship not substantially corrupted , whatever other personal faults , or corruptions they may be lyable unto , that yet they are a true Church as to the main , and that therfore they ought to be joyned with , as the Churches of Corinth and Galatia ( wherein there were great corruptions ) were still adhered to by professors . What will he say in this case ? I know he will say that its ridiculous for such a party of Schismaticks to call our selves the Church of Scotland . But what if we return this answer to him again , that according to the Reformation and principles of our Church ( out of which Prelats were ejected , vows against them universally taken on , and Presbyterial government compleatly setled therein ) Its ridiculous to call a party of Prelats and their adherents the Church of Scotland , or for them to usurp her name , who have thus overturned her Reformation . So that untill he make good the above mentioned hypothese : or suppositions , viz. that Conformists are the true organick Church of Scotland , that this our practice is a separation properly such ; that its meerly because of Conformists personal faults that we withdraw ; that we are under prior obligations to adhere unto Curats with all their corruptions rather then our Presbyterian Ministry and Church , which is both free of them and contending against them ; untill these and such like suppositions be made good , his argument from the preceeding scripture Iostances as to joyning with a Church that hath corruptions , is a meet petitio principii , and will not help his cause in the least . Which will be further evident if we consider in the 2d place , that the case of these Churches and professors therein was far from ours in relation to corruptions . For 1. The Doctrinal corruptions of Galatia as to the legal Ceremonies , ( by the bad influence of judaizing teachers ) tho they were of a large , yet the Informer will not prove they were either of such an universal spread and tincture , or strengthned by such an universal acknowledgment , as to make the state of that Church correspond with his hypothesis in this argument . 2. That error in the Church of Corinth in relation to the resurrection , appears not to have been owned by their teachers and Church officers , far less publickly avowed and obstinatly and presumptuously maintaired by them or any considerable number of hearers , which makes their case wide from ours , wherein so many preachers who call themselves Pastours of this Church , & many others , obstinatly and avowedly maintain our abjured corruptions ; the Church of Corinth was in capacity to censure any handfull that owned this error , & to purge out this leaven , but so is not our Church in this case as to the mantainers of Prelacy and its other corruptions , so that there is here no remedy but for the sound part to keep themselves pure from their contagious and destroying course . The account of both these Churches in the point of corruptions , which is exhibit by Pareus in his Comment . ●…n the 1 Cor. is considerable to this purpose , upon the 12. verse of the 15. chap. he tells us that the Apostle accuseth not them all , but some only , freeing the rest of this crime . Neque enim accusat omnes sed quosdam inter eos . Reliquos igitur a culpa li●…erat . Neque enim paucorum culp ▪ omnibus est imputanda . Therafter he shewes that some do judge that this was Hymen●…us and Philetus , others , some of the Jewishs Saduces or Heathen Philosophers who had instilled this poyson about the resurrection . And a little after answering Bellarmines cavill , [ that because of these Churches their corruption in doctrine , therefore pure doctrine is not the marke of a Church ] as the Churches of Corinth and Galatia were without the faith of the resurrection , and sound faith as to justification . He answeres by denying this assertion . Neque enim ( saith he ) tota Ecclesia Corinthiorum negabat resurrectionis fidem : sed aliqui tantum , quos redarguebant alij . Idem de Galatarum Ecclesia sentiendum : qui nec omnes , nec tam 〈◊〉 errabant in fundamento , nutabant saltem , utrum fides Christi ad salutem sufficeret — dicit enim ibidem , ut & Corinthijs : modicum fermenti fermentat totam mass●…m . Ergo fermentum , non erat omnium sed aliquorum tantum : a quibus tamen omnibus imminebat periculum , quod Apostolus tentat ab eis avertere . That is , this whole Church of Corinth denyed not the resurrection , but some only who were opposed by others , the same we must judge of the Church of Galatia , who did neither all , nor so hainonsly err in the foundation , but by the persuasion of false Apostles were hesitating , whether the faith of Christ was sufficient to salvation , or if the circumcision was also needfull , for he sayes in that same place as also to the Corinthians , a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump . Therefore this leaven was not of them all but of some only , by whom notwithstanding all were in hazard , which the Apostle endeavours to prevent . The Dutch annot upon the same place [ How say some among you &c. ] observe that this error was not common of the whóle Church , but of some only whose names are not exprest , as 2 Tim. 2. 17. that by shaming them he might not fright them from conversion . And upon Gal. 5. 9. they shew that this little leaven spoken of , may be either understood of the false doctrine it self , or the men who promoted this doctrine , who although they were few yet did much hurt , — and therefore were to be eshewed . Now , how disproportioned for extent and infection , these corruptions were unto these of our Church about which our debate is , is obvious to the meanest reflection , and consequently the Lameness of our Informers similitudinary argument from the one to the other . Which will be yet further evident , if we consider . That 3. He cannot make appear , that in any of these Churches there was a formal legal Iudicial enacting authorizing and commanding of these corruptions , and endeavours used , to exclude and root out all who would not submit to them , by Barbarous violence and persecution , particularly faithfull Ministers for testifying against the same . Nor can he prove that adherence to these erroneous corrupters in their Worship , was appointed and enjoyned as an express Test and badge of owning their errours , and renouncing the truth , and all the sound party adhering thereto , which is so casting a difference , that it quite invalidats these Instances as to any argument against our practice , for this destroying backsliding Innovating party of this Church have laid down courses either to engadge to a formal owning of their corruptions , especially the faithful Ministry of this land , or else to exterminat and root them out & all sound professours together with their Testimony . In a word whatever concurence in duty these corruptions he mentions may be consistent with , it is certain that the sound professors were called to keep themselves free of the contagion thereof by all means , and the Church was to use all endeavours to purge out and rid her self of these corruptions and corrupters too if obstinat , Paul wished they were cut off who troubled the Churches of Galatia , that is censur'd and laid aside as rotten members who were in hazard to grangrene the whole body . The Officers of the Church of Corinth are commanded to purge out the old leaven , since a litle would quickly leavent the whole lump . And the Apostle reprehends them for not casting out the Incestuous man , & enjoynes the sound professors in that Church to come out from among the unclean and be separat , as they exspect to be received of God. And our Lord reprehends the Church of Pergamus for not casting out them that held the Doctrine of Balaam , and the Nicolaitans — and the Church of Thyatira for suffering Jezabel to seduce and infect with scandalous errors and practices the Lords servants . Now the scope of these precepts will say , that when the case is so circumstantiat , that the Church and sound part can have no access for removing and censuring destroying corrupters , especially while by violence endeavouring ( after they have departed from a pure Church her sworn Reformation and constitution ) to force all to a concurrence with them , or exterminat the impolluted remnant , that this sound Church ( I say ) are to keep themselves free of their contagion , to follow their duty in opposition to them , and mutually to strengthen one another therein ; which is enough to Justifie our practice in this case . In like manner , the many commands of the Prophets to abstain from the pollutions of the time , and threatnings for accession thereto , will by proportion infer this our practice mentioned , and that when a case is such that no concurrence can be had with Innovators in their worship without the stain of their sin , and when they are persecuting all that will not concur with them , a non-union and forbearance is most necessary . Had any corrupting treacherous Prophets or others of the Church of Israel in concurrence with persecuting Rulers , enacted universal complyance with some gross corruptions , and ejected all the faithfull non complying teachers priests or prophets , admitting none to officiat except these corruptions had been formally acknowledged , Let any say what would have been the faithfull prophets decision in this case , and whether upon the same ground on which they so oft dehort from the least complyance with any sin , they would not have allowed and commanded the faithfull prophets and members of that Church to oppose them , and cleave unto their respective duties , and unto one another in the following thereof . As for what he adds , that there was then no command to separat from the worship while it was not substantially corrupted . I wonder if he will charge a corruption of the worship it self , or in the substance thereof upon the duties now owned and performed by Presbyterian Ministers and professors , from whom he notwithstanding thinks its duty to separat , so that untill he prove ( as I said ) Conformists their better claim to officiat as Ministers of this Church , then Presbyterian Ministers , this argument lights heavy on himself , and the censures put upon Novatians and Donatists falls upon their dividing and destroying party . The case of these Schismaticks being as far from ours as east from west ; were Novatians or Donatists first cast out by a violent backsliding party for not concurring in a course of backsliding , in overturning a Churches sworn reformation , and were they enjoyned & commanded , to owne the course of these backsliders ? I think the Donatists & Novatians their violence against adherers to the union of the true Church , is a fit emblem of the present practice of Conformists , how can this Man say , that there were then greater corruptions them now . Can there be greater corruptions in government then a papacy of the highest degree , as is their premacy and hierarchy ? can there be greater corruptions in practice , then perjury and such grosse prophanity as Conformists are blotted with for the most part ? greater corruption in principles , then Popish Arminian errors &c. The Doubter objects , [ that if we may not separat from a corrupt Church , what mean these scripture commands enjoyning separation , such as 2 Cor. 6. 14 , 15 , 16. 1 Cor. 5. 11 2 Thes 3. 6 Rev. 18. 3 ] We have already said that he deals deceitfully in making his Presbyterian Doubter assert that we may separat from a corrupt Church in every case , but this we say , that in whatever case , and in how far soever ; we cannot joyn with a corrupt Church without the contagion and stain of its corruptions , in so far and in that case , a separation is necessary , and falls within the compass of these scripture commands . And that in this our case , the demanded conformity as to Presbyterian Ministers and professors cannot be yeelded , without the stain of prelatists their sin , is above cleared . So that he needs not tell us here , that every corruption is not a sufficient ground of separation . For we have heard our Informer acknowledge that a Church may be in that degree corrupted , as will render a separation warrantable ; yea and necessary . I could wish he had condescended upon that degree of corruption , and showen us here the maximum quod sic , & minimum quod non , as to the ground of this separation , and how far these corruptions may strike at a Churches vitals , and yet her life and essence as a Church subsist . And here I would close in a litle with this Man , and enquire , that since a Churches corruptions will ( with him ) in some cases render a separation necessary , upon what ground is it necessary , and from what prior principle is this concluded ? sure it must be upon this ground , left union with that Church blott the soul , and make us share in her sin . So that in this case , we are not obliged to hold union and fellowship with her when it is infectious , as is most clearly imported in that command 2 Cor. 6. and if separation be upon this ground allowed , whether the corruption be lesser or greater , eatenus or in so far , we are obliged to separat , for Majus & minus non variant speciem rei . Next , I infer that a non-union to a corrupt party who cannot be called the Church , or at lest whose being the Church is magnalis & sub judice , will be a fortiori warranted , and upon lesser grounds then separation which supposes an anterior obligation of union , and actuall union out of this case , and abstracting from it . But for these scriptures mentioned , he sayes they will not prove our point , and to that of 2 Cor 6. 14. he answers , that our Lord is speaking of separating from ungodly fellowship with Idolaters , not of withdrawing from christian assemblies . But doth he not enjoyn that separation because of the hazard of Infection by their sin , and why not also from christian assemblies where there is the same hazard of this Infection ? did he not acknowledge that the case of a Church or christian Assembly may be such , as will render even a separation necessary . Now if in this case the tender separater should plead this text , and that corrupt Church or assembly of Christians give our Informers answer , viz. that it pleads only for separating from fellowship with Idolaters , not of withdrawing from christian Assemblies , how will he extricat himself , and reconcile this answer with his concession . But for these texts 1 Cor. 5. 11. and 2 Thess. 3. 6. he sayes , they are meant only of needless fellowship in privat converse with scandalous persons , but allowes not to withdraw from the publick worship because of the presence of such scandalous ones , as if this did pollute the worship , though it may be the fault of Church guides not to keep them back . Ans. The ground here is the same ( and acknowledged by him ) whatever be the withdrawing which is more immediately enjoyned , viz. lest their fellowship prove contagious , scandalous or in any measure sinfull , & so if fellowship with a Church in her Assemblies be thus infectious , these scriptures do enjoyn a separation upon the same ground ; and by necessary consequence from what he hath acknowleged : And therefore this answer is nothing to the purpose , unless he will retract his concession , that there may be corruptions in a Church and her assemblies , which will render a separation necessary . Next , as for what he adds , that ordinances are not polluted by the presence of scandalous ones . It is not for him , nor against us ; since he acknowledges , there may be a Lawfull yea necessary separation from a Church & her assemblies in worship , tho not upon this ground of the ordinances their pollution by the presence of scandalous ones : because of the reason which we have already heard ; and we do also upon other grounds then this of a pretended pollution of the ordinances by their scandals , maintain our disowning Conformists in their worship to be a duty ( as we have heard ) even that they are forcing all to a sinfull complyance with them , in a schismatick departing from the unity of this Church and perjurious overturning the work of reformation , and will neither suffer Ministers nor professors to joyn with them in worship , but with an express aknowledgement ( in the intent of our Laws ) and owning of this defection . Sure we are commanded to withdraw from every Brother that walks disorderly , ( which our Informer pleads as a sufficient ground to disowne Presbyterian Ministers & withdraw from them because of their supposed disorder and schism , tho the ordinances in their hands are not polluted with their supposed guilt , ) and from all fellowship with scandalous brethren , which is contagious and may pollute us , Now , are not they walking disorderly & cross to the doctrine , discipline , & Reformation of this Church ? are they not consequently schismaticks ? are not their scandals infectious , when they will suffer no Ministers to possess their charges , or officiat either with , or without them , or people to enjoy ordinances among them , without direct owning their defection , and overturning our Reformation , and a professed submission to their abjur'd prelacy , as is clear in the acts enjoyning Ministers preaching , and peoples hearing in conformity to prelacy and the supremacy . For that of Rev. 18. he sayes , that it enjoyneth a separation from Rome's corrupt doctrine and Idolatrous worship , but warrands not a separation from a Church where no such corruption is . I answer , The ground of the command is the danger of Infection by Rome's sins , as is expressed in the text , which will consequently hold wherever this danger is , whatever be the the particular sins from whence this danger flowes , for ( as I said ) majus & minus non variant speciem and we may add , that other Known rule , a quatenus ad omne valet sequela . In whatever case an union is unwarrantable and infectious , a proportioned separation is upon this ground enjoyned . Nay , if the conjunction have but mali speciem or be inductive to sin only , the command of eshewing , every appearance of evill , will reach this withdrawing , unless the conjunction be on other grounds an indispensible duty . Now our Covenant obligations , and our Reformation as itstood established being duely pondered , it will be clear that Conformists are schismaticks and destroying Innovators , and there is no prior obligation to joyn with them , but rather to disowne them in this course . Sure this man holds that fellowship with Presbyterian Ministers in their assemblies for worship is contagious , and that people are obliged to leave , and come out from them , tho he dare not lay Idolatrous worship nor corrupt doctrine to their charge , and so he must acknowledge , that this and such like commands will warrand a separation upon the general ground here intimat , abstracting from that special case of Romes Idolatrous worship and corrupt doctrine . It s very sophistical reasoning from the denyall of the special ground and nature of Romes contagion , from which christians are called to separat , to deny a separation upon any other contagion to fall within the compass of that precept , which is to reason from the denyall of the species to the denyal of the genus . His Doubter in the next place retorts his charge of separation upon himself , and alledges [ that we have better ground to charge Conformists with schism because of their departing from the government of this Church , to which we are still adhering , so that they have gone out from us , not we from them . ] We proved this charge already from the constitution and Reformation of this Church as it stood established , and our universal vows of adherence therunto , so that such as have overturned this work of Reformation , ( not Presbyterian government only ) they are properly the first dividers and deserters . But let us hear how he acquits himself of this charge . 1. He sayes that their submission to prelacy is in obedience to the commands of superiors , whom we are bound to obey in things not sinfull , So that their obedience is duty , and Presbyterians their non submission is disobedience to authority , and Schisme from the Church . But 1. His Doubter alleadging that Presbyterial Government is the Government of this Church , and inferring thereupon that departing from it is Schism , and that Prelatists have gone out from Presbyterians , not they from them , which is a very clear consequence , and will clearly infer the departers to be Schismaticks upon any description of Schism which he can assigne ; And moreover , this being the great ground upon which this man and his fellows do charge Presbyterians with Schism , viz. That they are separat from the present Prelatick constitution , since he offers no formal answer either to the antecedent or consequent of his Doubters argument , what will the interposed command of Rulers signify to alter the Nature of Schism , or to make that practice which is Hactenus upon Scripture grounds Schismatical , to be no Schism . This I must say is strange divinity , but like enough to that of these men who make the Magistrate a Pope over the Church , her ordinances , and over sacred Oaths and vows . 2. We have proved that their submission and obedience in this point , is a high rebellion against God , in disowning at mens arbitrary command , the Government of his house appointed in his word , and embracing an abjured Hierarchy contrary to it , and against which all the nations were engadged . So that our practice is obedience to God , and a keeping of the union of Christs body , and theirs is both perjury and Schism . He tells us , that he hath proved in the first conference Episcopacie to be the only Government left by Christ , and practised by his Apostles : So that our disowning it is Schism from the Scripture Church Government , and that of the primitive Church , as well as from them . To this I only say , that I hope we have made the prelacy he pleads for , appear to be a stranger both to Scripture and antiquity . Again he tells us , that in this charge of Schism , he means it not only or mainly in respect of Government , but of separating from their Assemblies for Worship , which is Schism tho the Government were wrong . I answer 1. If he acknowledges that separating from the Government is Schism , why answers he not our countercharge , that their party did first separat from the Government of this Church , and that therefore the Schism lyes first and principally at their door ; for that which he sayes of the Magistats command , is ( as we have heard ) utterly insignificant to wipe of this charge . 2. This charge of the first Schism on his part standing good , for any thing he hath said , that which he here adds of our being Schismaticks , because of our separation from their Assemblies for Worship , is like wise naught . For upon this ground of his Doubter , which he cannot disprove , viz. That they have made the first breach and separation , they are Hactenus Schismaticks , and so are to be disown'd in their worship upon that very account and ground , upon which he pleads fot disowning Presbyterians Assemblies for Worship tho he can lay nothing else to their charge , or alleadge any substantial corruption of the worship . And so the recocted crambe which he here presents to us again anent the Scribes and Pharisees , Simeon and Anna their attending the Temple Worship , Zacharias and Elizabeth , Joseph and Mary their not separating there from &c. Pleads as much for his Presbyterian Doubter in relation to the owning of our Presbyterian Assemblies for Worship ( and much more ) then for him . Since he dare not say that they are more corrupted then the Church of the Iews was at that time , and so we may echo back his alas how will you justify this separation of yours , with an enquiry how he and his party will justify their separation from the true Ministry of the Church of Scotland ? What if a party of corrupt Priests and Levites had risen up and pursued a course of defection , tending to raze and ruine all Gods ordinances , casting out all such Priests and Levites as would not concurr with them , and had appointed an acknowledgment of and concurrence with their wicked defection , to be the only condition upon which they will admit either priests or people to share in the ordinances ? In the mean time a great body of Priests and people adhering to Gods ordinances , and contending against them , had been keeping their possession of the temple Worship as long as they could ? I dare refer to our Informer to give judgment in this case and shew , what Simeon and Anna , Joseph and Mary would have done , and to which of the parties they would have adhered ? And let our cause be judged by this . His Doubter in the next place objects [ that Conformists lecture not , & therefore may not be heard . ] Here he but trifles to insinuat that this is solely lookt upon by us as a ground of not owning them . But in so far as in this our case it s a piece of their apostacy from our establisht reformed Worrhip , and an expresse badge of conformity to prelacy , and in both these respects , flat perjury and breach of Covenant , we look upon it as having its own influence with other grounds to warrand a non-union to them while standing in a stated opposition to faitfull Ministers mantaining , this with other pieces of our Reformation . To this objection our Informer answers , 1. That some Conformists lectured , and ye●… were separat from . And so might all of them be upon the forementioned grounds thus disowned and separat from , Altho they had keept a form of this , but I beleeve they are for signs and wonders among them who keep the lecture , or owne it at all . Next he tells us , of the ancient reading of the Scripture in the Jewish Church , and of Moses and the prophets in the Synagogues , Acts 13. 15 , 27. and 15. 21. and likewise in the Christian Church . But what then ? who denies this , why , they have ( he tells us ) the Scriptures publickly read in their Churches . But I trow the reading is the better of expounding , and he might have found , that the Levites ( Neh. 8. 8. ) read the Law of God distinctly , and gave the sense , and caused the people understand the reading ; And he dare not say that the ancient publick reading of Scriptures among the Jews was by Gods appointment a dumb reading without exposition . Why gave God prophets and teachers unto his Church if not for this end ? and faith comes mainly by hearing the Word preach't . Why then grew his reverend Fathers and their conforming Sons , so angry with this Churches laudable practise of giving the sense together with the reading ( comprobat by that ancient Practise of the Jewish Church , which he pretends ) since otherwise the Text read ane 100. times is still like a kernell under a hard shell . Nay but he sayes , if we separat upon this ground we would have separat from the Church in all ages . Sure not from that Church where the law was expon'd and its sense given , as well as read , beside that our non-union to our prelatick Innovators , ( or withdrawing too if he please ) hath this as an appendix with other grounds , that Conformists in withholding our former lecture or expository reading from the people , and substituting a bare reading in its place , discover themselves to be teachers who are keeping close and not opening the seals of Gods book , & are afraid that their hearers should learn too fast . In the 3d place , he tells us a tedious storie , anent the disuse of our first authorized method of Lecturing , which was at first only to read one chapter in the old testament and another of the New with brief explication of occuring difficulties , but that thereafter we held with one chapter , then with a part of one , and raised observations — making it a short sermon , so that its all one to separat for this , as to separat for shorter sermons , which are , caeteris paribus , thought better then a long . Then he tells us further ( to cloak this their laziness ) that variety of purposes are hardly retained , and procures a wearying , and that one thing puts out another &c. But what fruitless talke is all this ? If our Churches appointment was of this nature at first to open up difficulties upon the reading , did she therefore intend to cut off the exercise of that gift anent practical observations , which is found in experience so eminently edifying as himself acknowledges in the next page , and the method of preaching abroad , to which method we are beholden for some excellent commentaries upon the Scripture , which would probably have been by this time Intire through the whole bible according to the design and mould projected by the Reverend brethren and Ministers of this Church , If our Prelats lazy reading tribe , had not invaded the pulpits of the Lords faithfull labourers . Again , suppose there was as to this method some deviation from the first appointment , yet since our Church gave a tacit approbation & universally used it , his censure is too critical & saucy ; beside , to plead from the variation in the practice to a total disuse , is dull reasoning ; and whatever the lecture was at first this is certain , that this universal practice and eminently edifying piece of publick duty , owned by our Church , was presently disused and discharged by prelats , and its disuse became one of the badges of conformity , and a part of their mark upon their creatures , and therefore eatenus in all reason it ought to have its own weight with other grounds , as to disowning them , in their present state and circumstances . The experience of all the true seekers of God can disprove sufficiently what he adds , of a tedious nauseating as the issue of variety of purposes ; variety rather taking off , then begetting tediousness whence the Scripture is composed for this end of such a sweet variety of purposes and methods . His story of Pembo's defiring to hear one word or sentence at once , and no more till after a long time , is calculat well to patronize a reading or non-preaching Ministry ; but the many scripture precepts given to christians anent growth in Knowledge , and leaving the first principles , and not to be alwayes children in understanding , and likewise the scripture precepts straitly charging and enjoyning Ministers to be instant in season and out of season preaching , exhorting with all long suffering and doctrine , sufficiently discovers the ●…diculous tendency of this story . 4. He tells us , that suppose it were a fault , every fault will not warrand separation . We say not that every fault , nay nor this simply considered , will warrand separation , but that this with many others presumptuously maintained and avowed , will warrand a non-union unto a schismatick party of Innovators destroying and overturning a well reformed Church , and rooting out a faithfull remnant of adherers thereto . As for the want of the circumcision and the passover for sometime in the Iewish Church , which he next pleads as that which did not cause a separation , not to stand upon the particular impediment of circumcision while in the wilderness or an inquiry into what speciall lets might have had an influence ( or a sinfull influence ) upon the disuse of the passover , yet Conformists case , who are but a schismatick unsound part of this Church , rejecting an approved ordinance and duty , in complyance with and subserviency unto a perjurious course of defection , is so far discrepant from this , that any may see the disparity . As for that of 2 Kings 23. 22. That there was not holden such a passover ( as that of Josiah ) from the dayes of the Judges that judged Israel , nor in all the dayes of the Kings of Israel , nor of the Kings of Judah . It s only spoken comparativly in respect of the spirituality and s●…lemnity of that passover , and doth not suppose ane absolute disuse of this ordinance through all that time . A learned Interpreter upon this passage doth paraphrase the verse thus , that there was no passover celebrat with so solemn care , great preparation , and universal joy , the greater because of their remembrance of their miserable times under Manasseh and Amon. — And that from the dayes of Samuel the last of the Judges , as it s exexpressed 2 Chron. 35. 18. None of the Kings had with such care prepared themselves , the Preists and people to renew their Covenat with God as Josiah now did . And as he will not be able to prove that out of the case of persecution , invasion , dispersion or captivity , and the inevitable necessity flowing from these , there was a warrantable disuse of these holy ordinances , so professors their not separating from that Church even upon a sinfull disuse ; will never come home to his purpose , as is already oft cleared 5. He adds , that upon this ground we would separat from all other Churches , and from our own Church before the year 1645. And then he would please us again by telling us , that he could wish all sermons were as Lectures , the chief points of a long text being propounded , which would be more edifying , then when they rack thè text and their brains ( a native and kindly character of his party , and their preaching ) to seek matter from their text to hold out the time . But we have oft told him that it s not this defect only , or without the circumstances of our present case , that we plead as a ground of disowning them . And if he account the Lecture-method of preaching the more edifying , with what conscience have they deprived Gods people of this exercise & method of preaching , upon my Lord Bishops orders ? It seems his ipse dixit is the first rule of edification with our Informer and his fellows , a principle well suited to lawless and Lordly prelacy , which must have all ordinances mancipated to its arbitrary commands . So that our Informer giving the supreme Magistrat a papal power over Church-Government , and solemn sacred Oaths and vows , in the preceeding Dialogue , and the Bishops a dominion over Worship in this , puts pityful fetters upon Christs glorious bride ; and as in this point and most of his reasonings , in begging the question , he but skirmishes with his own shadow , so in thus wounding our Church , by his dangerous laxe principles in his pretended healing , but truely hurtfull and trifling Dialogues , he shewes himself to be a physician of no value . CHAP. V. The Informers answers and reasoning upon the point of Scandal and offence , in reference to the owning of Conformists , considered . His dangerous principles both as to civil and Ecclesiastick power in this point . His answer to the Doubters argument for Presbyterian Ministers preaching in the manner controverted , taken from the practice of Christ and his Apostles , examined . His absurd principles ●…nent the Magistrats coercive power over the exercise of the Ministerial office . Having discovered this mans unsoundness in the points above examined , wherein we have seen how in opposing the Lords work , his faithfull servants their laboures in promoting it , he hath dashed against the Scripture and sound divines , and stated himself in opposition to both . We shall next discover , some more of his errors , which , are the issues of the former , & of the wicked designe for promoting wherof , they are presented . The first that offers it self to be considered , is in the point of Scandal . From which we argue against the owning of Confor●…ists as is above exprest . And this grand doubt-resolver will needs discusse it , but with what success we shall presently see . His Doubter in the next place offers to him an argument against hearing Conformists , [ taken from the offence and stumbling of many godly , flowing from this practice of hearing them , since they look upon it as a sin ; and tells him that the Apostle sayes we must not give offence nor lay a stumbling block before others . ] We have already proposed , and some way improven this argument from the scandal of the weak in this case . To this he first answers , that when we are forbidden to give offence , It s meant of not doing that which is of itself sinfull , whereby we grieve the godly , and lay a stumbling block in the way of others by our evill example ; but when we do our duty in obeying God , we cannot give offence to any , and if they take offence Its their own sin and weaknes , but none is given . As here ( he sayes ) it s their weaknes to offend at maintaining unity and peace , that this rather gives a good example , and to ly by from hearing Conformists for fear of offence of the weak , is to omit duty and harden them in sin . Ans. The Informer offering this reply from the sense of that scripture generally hinted by his Doubter , seems at first view to restrict the command of not giving offence , to that which is in it self sinfull , wherin it might easily be made appear that he contradicts sound Divines , scripture and himself . Especially the passage to which the Doubter referrs being of a far other sense and scope . But lest this censure should appear too Critical , and upon consideration of his second answer , I shall not medle with what he sayes here in thesi , or this assertion in it self considered . But to the assumption & application of this passage in his answer , I return to him this in short , that he doth but here still beg the question in supposing that the owning of Curats is in this our case a duty and a maintaining of peace and order in the Church , wherof we have made the contrary appear : and that maintaining the true union and peace of this Church , is to owne her true and faithfull Ambassadours , contending for her reformation , true order , and union against their course of defection : and so this practice is both sinfull in it self and scandalous to others . His 2d Answer to this premised argument of his Doubter is , That the Apostle ordinarly when forbidding to give offence ; speaks of the use of liberty in things indifferent , that it must not be used to the offence of the weak brother , lest contrary to his conscience he be emboldned to sin , 1 Cor. 8. 10. Or be grieved because he thinks we sin in doing what we should not , Rom. 14. 15. Ans. We shall not much stand upon this , only we here see that the lawfulness of a thing in it self , will not ( according to him ) Justify it in that case wherein , either the weak is emboldned to sin , grieved , or made more weak and his plerophory hindred . And that the sincere enquirer for Truth may be confirmed in this sound persuasion , and guarded against what he after subjoyns , I shall here offer unto him the sense and Judgment of an eminent Father , and Reformed divine upon this point . Chrysostome upon Rom. 14. Homily 25. Expones all the Apostles Arguments to the same scope , of the unlawfullness of offending the weak in things indifferent . Particularly upon verse 13. Si non salvare fratrem ( saith he ) culpam habet , id quod & Evangelici talenti de●…ossor indicat : Quid non faciet datum etiam scandalum ? Sed inquies quod si suopte vitio scandalizatur infirmus ? propter hoc ipsum aequum fuerit , ut illum feras , Nam si fortis esset , tali cura opus non haberet , nunc vero quia imbacillior est multa etiam curandi diligentia opus habet , that is , if it be faulty not to save our brother , as the hider of the talent maketh it evident : What will not even the giving of Scandal do . But you will say , what if the weake be scandalized by his own fault ? Upon the same very ground it is just that you beare with him . For if he were strong then he would have no need , of such care , but because he is weak he stands in need of much diligence for his cure . In the next homily , he hath many things upon the rest of the Apostles argument to the same purpose . Upon the 14. ver . I know nothing is unclean of it self . He offers an objection to the Apostle for clearing the words . Quid igitur non corrigis fratrem , ne putet aliquid immundum esse ? ●…t quid non illum ab ista consuetudine omnibus viribus abducis Why do you not with might and main withdraw your brother from that opinion and practice ( a thing that our Informer and his fellows make no bones of as to dissentients . ) To this he answers in the Apostles name . Ver●…or inquit , ne moerore illum afficiam unde & subdit : Verum si propter cibum frater tuus contristatur , non jam secundum charitatem ambulas . Vides quo●… 〈◊〉 familiarem interea sibi faciat infirmum Auditorem ostendens tantam illius rationem halere se , ut ne moestum reddat , etiam quae vehementer erant necessaria , praeciperere non audeat , sed indulgentia illum ●…agis ac dilectione attrahat ? Neque enim postea quam vanu●… exemerat metum , potenter illum tra●…it aut cogit , sed sui ipsius Dominum esse permittit , that is . I am afraid lest I make him sad , and hence he subjoins , but if thy brother be grieved with thy meat , now walkest thou not charitably . See how tenderly he deals with the infirme hearer , shewing that he hath so great a regard to him , that lest he make him sad he dare not command these things that are most necessary , for he he doth not draw and force him after he hath taken away the groundless fear , but permits him to be his own Master . And upon the 1 Cor. 8. v. 20. He hath things to the purpose . On verse 9. Non dixit quod licenti a vestraoffendiculum sit , neque certo asseveraverit ne impudentiores faceret . Sed , inquit , videte : timore eos abducit , & ne faciant prohibet : Et non dixit scientia vestra , quod majoris esset laudis , neque perfectio vestra : Sed licentia quod suberbiae & stultitiae — non dixit fratribus sed infirmis sratribus , ut gravius eos reprehenderet quod nequeinfirmis parcunt & maximefratribus . That the Apostle imputes folly and pride unto them who offend the weak brethren . Upon the 10. verse — the conscience of him that is weak shall be emblodned to eat &c. He shews that the offender of the weak cannot charge the guilt upon his weakness — tu enim imbecilliorem facis duo sunt quae te privant venia , & quod infirmus & quod frater — addatur & tertium maxime horrendum — quod Christus neque mori propter illum recusavit , tu autem neque ei indulgere pateris . That is , the offender makes them yet weaker , that two things render such as offend them inexcusable , the one that they are weak , the other that they are brethren , and a third crime may be added , which is most horrid — that thou ●…fuses so much as to spare those for whom Christ refused not even to dye . Upon 12. vers . When ye so fin against the brethren & wound their weak Conscience ye sin against Christ. He hath these words , quid homine inhumanius existimari potest , qui ●…grotum verberat ? Etenim omni plaga gravius scandalizare est , nam saepenumero & mortem adfert . Et quomodo in Christum peccant ? Uno quidem modo , quod quae servorum sunt ipse pro se accipit . Altero autem , quod in corpus ejus & membra faciunt qui percutiunt . Tertio quod opus ejus , quod propriamorte absolvit , ii propria ambitione destruunt . What can be more i nhumane then that man , Who beats one that is sick ? for to scandalize is more grievous then all strokes for it oftentimes brings death . And how sin they against Christ ? One way , because he takes to himself what concerns his servants ; another way , because they wound his body and members , Thirdly , in that the work which he accomplisht by his own death , they destroy by their own ambition . Upon the last verse of the chapter , If eating of flesh make my brother offend I will eat none while the World stands . He saith , Hoc Magistri optimi est officium , suo exemplo erudire quae dicit , Et non dicit sive juste , sive injuste : sed quomodocunque . Sed non dico , inquit , Idolothytum , quod & propter aliam causam prohibetur : sed si quod licet & permittitur scandalizat , etiam illis abstinebo , neque una aut altera die , sed tot●… vitae tempore . Non enim manducabo , inquit ▪ carnes in aeternum . Et non inquit , ne perdam fratrem : Sed simpliciter , ut non scandalizem : That is , this is the duty of the most excellent Master to instruct what he sayes by his own example . And he saith not I will not eat whether justly or injustly : But whatever way I will not . As also he saith not that he will not eat of the Idolothytwhich is forbidden for another cause . But if that which is lawful and permitted give scandal , even from these things I will abstain , and not for a day or two , but during my whole life . For he saith I will not eat flesh while the world stands . And he saith not lest I should destroy my brother : But simply lest I should offend him . And a little afterward having shown , that what the Apostle speaks belongs unto us . he saith , dicere enim quid mihi curandum est , si ille scandalizatur , & ille perit ? Crudelitatis illius atque inhumanitatis est : Atque tunc quidem ex eorum , qui scandalizabantur , infirmitate id contingebat . In nobis autem non itidem ; Talia namque peccata committimus , quae etiam fortes scandalizant : Nam cum percutimus , cum rapimus cum trahimur cupiditate , & tanquam servis liberis abutimur , nonne haec sufficientiasune ad scandalizandum ? Neque mihi dixeris illum calceorum sutorem esse , alterum Corearium Statuarium vero alium : Sed considera fidelem illum esse & fratrem . Illorum namque sumus discipuli Piscatorum , Publicanorum , tentoriorum Opificum : Christus einm in fabrili domo educatus est , & fabri sponsam matrem habere non est dedignatus , & ab ipsis incunabulis in praesepi ●…acuit , neque ubi caput inclinaret , invenit : Et tantum iteneris confecit ut fatigaretur & ab alijs victum accepit . That is , for to say , what am I concerned if such a man be scandalized , and such a man perish ? is his inhumanity and cruelty : But some of those who then were scandalized , were offended through weaknesse , But soit is not in us : for we commit such sins which do even offend the strong . For when we strike , and offer violence to them , and are drawn by our own lusts , and abuse free men as if they were slaves , are not these sufficient to scandalize them ? Say not to me , this man is a Shoemaker , the other a Tanner , the other a statuemaker , but consider that he is faithfull , and a Brother . For we are the Disciples of those fishers , Publicans , and tentmakers . For Christ was educat in a tradsmans house , & disdained not that his mother was betrothed to a tradsman , and himself lay in a manger for his cradle , neither found he where to lay his head : Was wearyed with his journey , and received maintainance from others . In which passages , it is evident that Chrysostome upon the great moral and Apostolick grounds , of the weak their interest in Christ , his tenderness of them , his dying for them , their spiritual hazard while their conscience is wounded , their liberty in Christ , the cruelty and uncharitableness of offending them , demonstrates the hainusness of , & vehemently inveighes against this sin , and clearly asserts with the Apostle , that the lawfulness of the practice in it self , affords not the least warrand for doing of that out of which seth , or whereby the weak brother it made more weak . Next , I shall offer the sense of an eminent Reformed divine upon this point . Pareus upon this chapter doth fully confirme our principles on this head . Let the Informer read his analysis of the chapter , where he will find him digest the Apostles reasons and arguments against the giving offence in matters lawful , and learndly prosecutes them in his exposition , which he will find to be such as do cut the sinnews of the new and dangerous principles in this point , which the Prelatick formalists do maintain , citing Chrys. in some of the passages mentioned . Which purpose he also prosecutes in his commentary upon Rom. 14. and 15. Chap. Upon the 7. verse anent the pollution of the weak conscience , he sayes that this pollution is not so much to be imputed to themselves , as unto those that did induce them to eat by their ill example . Upon the 9. verse he shews that the lawfulness of their practise excuseth not abuse in this case , calling scandal , dictum vel factum quo alius deterior redditur , citing Rom. 14. 21. Upon the 10 vers . he shews that the danger and guilt there pointed at , is the inducing of the weak to imitat the practice with a fluctuating conscience . Upon the 11. He shews that the Apostle puts together aggreging circumstances of this sin of giving offence in things lawful viz. that we ought to edify and not destroy by our knowledge , next that the person scandalized is our brother . 3. An infirm brother , whom to wrong must be extreme malice , 4. Which is the greatest of all , that Christ hath dyed for the infirm brother . The same he resumes upon the 12 , vers . and explains the sense of Chrysost. and Beza as to the wounding of the weak conscience . Upon the Apostles conclusion vers . 13. He shewes that he expresseth a resolution of the same nature and extent with that Rom. 14 , 21. viz. not to do that whereby our brother stumbles , or is offended or is made weak . Adding , idem vult intelligi de toto genere rerum mediarum & licitarum , potius in his se libertate sua cessurum , quam ut fratrem offendat . Sic the sin tacite ingerit quae est presentis loci doctrina praecipua : In casu scan dali etiam a rebus licitis abstinendum esse : Quia tunc sunt illicitae & peccata , per accidens quidem sednostra culpa , quando quod facere possumus ac debemus , ( N. B. ) offensionem infirmorum non cavemus . That is , the same he will have to be understood of all things lawfull & indifferent , that in these we ought rather to cede from our liberty then offend our brother . Thus he tacitly enforceth that point which is the chief Doctrine of this place . That in the case of scandal we must abstain from things lawfull , Because then they become sins and unlawfull by accident , yet by our fault when we guard not against the offence of the weak , which we can and ought to do . In the close he sayes , that the Apostle will have us in things lawfull not simply to eye what is our right , but what charity and edification do require , But now let us come to the assumptian and application of our Informers concession , to the present case and question , are there not many weak brethren who may be embolded to sin , or ( may we suppose ) condemn me sinfully if I hear Curats ? Suppose the practice were lawfull in it self , what will cure this malady ? Behold a Catholicon presently , We must know ( saith he ) that if the command of Authority interpose & enjoin the thing Indifferent , then it s no more in my liberty pro tunc . Because ( forsooth ) I am restricted by Authority , which makes the thing necessary . Ans. 1. This man charges a great defect upon the Apostle Paul who in all his discourses upon guarding against offence in things indifferent , makes no mention of this new case & knack , anent making the indifferent thing necessary , by the command of Rulers , and exeeming thus the giving of offence from guilt ? But all along he pleads by many arguments in the places mentioned , that if the thing be indifferent , the case of offence makes it unlawfull . And all his arguments in these passages , which do press the eshewing of offence are moral and constantly binding ( and consequently admit no such restriction as this ) such as Christs tenderness of the weak , their redemption purchased by his blood , Christian liberty , the evill of my brothers doubting , whatsoever is not of faith is sin &c. And he moves objections against his doctrine , such as , I have knowledge ; I have faith — And shall I be limited of my liberty , because anther is weak or wilfull &c. Such like objections he moves and answers , but of this exception and restriction anent a command from Rulers altering the nature of the thing , and loosing all his arguments in relation to offence , the Apostle mentions nothing . 2. This puts a blasphemous authority , upon the Magistrat ; we know the terrible interminations and threatnings thundered against giving offence , and discoveries of the dreadfull tendency thereof , wo to them by whom offence comes , Again , better be cast into the sea then offend one of the little ones — destroy not him , saith Paul ( with thy offensive carriage ) for whom Christ dyed . Now will the Magistrats command give me sufficient warrand and security in and for a thing indifferent , to destroy my brother , and , will it list off Christs wo and make it lighter then a feather , which is more dreadfull then to be cast into the sea with a milstone tyed about ones neck . 3. I would know if this Informer will deny that the Apostolick precepts in relation to offence & scandal , pressed with important and great motives in the premised Scriptures ; are of ane universal and moral nature , and do reach and oblige all that owne the profession of Christianity in their several relations and capacities . These precepts founded upon the everlasting and constantly binding grounds and motives of union , charity and love to the brethren ( the great gospel command ) edification , the communion of Saints , ( the very bonds and ligaments compacting and strengthning Christs mystical body ) none can deny to be of an universal extent , and to be among the grand rules of Christian practice limiting and directing our carriage in whatever relation we stand , whether Ministers or people , Masters or servants , Parents or children &c. And the superiour being under the obligation of these great rules ( unless we will make God a respecter of persons ) it necessarily followes that they do direct and limit him in the exercise of his power , so that this being one Regula Regulans as to all the Magistrat Laws ; it s must absurd to imagine that his counter-practice and Laws can loose himself or others from this divine superiour obligation , unlesse we will deiesie him and make his Law & practice the soveraign and supreme rule in every point as well as in this . Whence it followes by necessary consequence that the practice which is offensive , scandalous , and destructive to our brother , in its present circumstances , and upon the constant unerring scripture grounds & rules , cannot be altered in its present quality and state by mens commands crossing the divine Law , but remains a sinful scandalous practice though a hundred Lawes enjoyn and authorize it . 4. Was not Pauls Apostolick declarator that evry thing sold in the shambles might be Lawfully eaten , as powerfull to exeem that action of eating such things from the compass of offence as the Magistrats Law and authority ? Sure he had at least as much , if not more authority in this point , then the Magistrat , especially as this Informer expones authority afterward from Acts 15. 28. yet that same practice , Lawfull in it self , and by the Apostle declared to be so , and accordingly enjoyned and authorized by him , must not be used in this case of the offence , even of the weak and ignorant , but the Apostle himself , though thus declaring and , ( may I say ) authoring the lawness of the practice , declares he will never use nor take it up in this case of offence . I beseech him , was not the warrantabliness of this practice in it self by the Lords word , declaring all things to be clean to the clean , and Pauls Apostolick declarator in this place , as valide to render it , of indifferent , necessary to the users , as the command of our civil Rulers in relation to this practice under debate , and a litle more , he having the mind of Christ , and being a Master builder of the Churches . Yet the offending of the weak , ignorant yea or wilfull , will in his Judgement cut short this liberty , and render the practice sinfull upon that ground . But moreover the instance of the brazen serpent will here bite and sting his cause and argument to death ; for it was an eminent type of Christ , and reserved ( and sure our Informer will say warrantably ) as a signal monument of that rare typical cure of the people stung by the fierie serpents in the wilderness , yet when the people were stumbled , and it became an occasion of their sinning and committing Idolatry , good Hezekiah brake it , called it Nehushtan , and is commended for it by the Spirit of God. Now in this mans principles the interposing of authority for its preservation was sufficient to keep it from being destroyed , though all Israel should have been never so much stumbled , and ensnared to Idolatry by it , but the keeping of this monument God would dispense with in this weighty case . Sure that which rendred the preservation of it highly provoking , and Hezekiahs breaking of it commendable , was its stumbling and ensnaring tendency and effects , whatever authority and acts might have interposed formerly for its preservation . Will the Informer say that Gideons ephod ( which in his intention was only designd for a monument of that victory over the Midianites ) was lawfully preserved when it became thus ensnaring as the brazen Serpent , or that the preservation of it was lawfully authorized in this case ? surely he will not for shame assert this , and so the case is here ; and he may see in these instances ( if his eye be single ) that a practice though in it self lawfull or indifferent , yet , when become offensive in its present circumstance and inductive to sin , cannot in that case be rendred warrantable by any Laws of the Magistrat . Finally , our Informer in this as●…ertion cosseth found Divines and Casuists as well as the Scripures , yea and fights with himself . For we have heard from Chrysostom and Pareus ( who are herein accorded by all our writers ) that the action which is in its preseut state and circumstance , scandalous , is , while cloathed with these Circumstances , necessarily evill , and upon many weighty grounds severely prohibited by the spirit of God in the Scriptures forecited . So that no power and Laws men of can remove these scripture limits & march-stones . Next , the great ground and rule anent a scandalous action , and upon which the scripture motives against it are grounded , is the state , condition and freedom of the conscience , lest it be hindred in its plerophory , emboldned to judge without ground ; and the person hindred to act in faith , or induced to act against it &c. So that to assert that the Magistrats command can invalidat these grounds and principles , and render the action not sanda●…ous which is such otherwise , is to give him a Dominion over the conscience , and subject it immediatly and absolutly to his Laws , which is a principle disowned by all Protestants . Moreover the Informer himself defines the offence of the weak brother in things indifferent , an emboldning him to sin contrary to his conscience , or to judge that we sin when we sin not , citing 1 Cor. 8. Rom. 14. Now if the action be upon this ground & principle necessarily sinfull in its present circumstances , how ( I pray ) can the Magistrats command render it not only Lawfull ; but necessary , as he is bold to assert . Can the Magistrat by his Law embolden a mans conscience to sin , and yet neither the Magistrat sin himself , nor the man sin in obeying him ? Amesius a better Casuist then he will tell him ( de Consc. lib. 5. cap. 11. Quest. 6. R. 6. ) that nulla authoritas humana , vel tollere potest scandali rationem , ab eo quod alias esset scandalum , vel peccati rationem a scandalo dato . That is , no humane authority can take away the nature of scandal from that which otherwise were a scandal , or the nature and cause of sin from scandal given . And his ground is very considerable , which doth confirme what I have now said . Nullus enim homo ( saith he ) potest vel charitati & conscientiis nostris imperare . vel periculum scandali dati praestare . That is , for no man can put imperious commands either upon charity or our consciences , or exeem from the hazard of scandal given . But now to fortify this raw & ignorant assertion as to scandal , our Informer brings Act. 15. 28. — these necessary things — from which words of the councils sentence , he drawes ane argument thus , that though of themselves they were not necessary , but somtimes indifferent , yet by the Authority of the council they were made necessary for the good of the Church , so [ he sayes ] obedience to authority preponderats the not giving offence , as the greater duty of the two , as divines and Casuists shew , and in this case the man who thus obeyes gives no offence , but doth duty , and if any take it , its causeless on his part , and occasioned through the brothers weakness , so that its scandalum acceptum non datum , groundlesly taken but not given , and when the Apostle forbids to use , our liberty to the offence of the weak , he speaks to those who were not determined by Authority . Ans. What poor ignorant and incoherent reasoning is this , 1. It s a strange sottish , or rather popish Assertion , that the necessary things Acts. 15. 28. were made so by the councils authority : For the text is most express , that the Apostles enjoyned this upon weighty scripture-grounds , and what seemed good to the holy ghost ( speaking in the word ) as well as to them , so that the holy ghosts grounds and commands touching the maintaining of love , and union in the Church , and the great rule of edification , and not stumbling the weak Iews , were the great and standing Scripture principles upon which this decree was grounded . Now to shew how our Informer takes the papists here by the hand in this glosse , let us hear Calvine upon the place — [ praeter haec necessaria ] Hujus vocis praetextu superbe triumphant Papistae , quasi hominibus liceat ferre leges quae necessitatem conscientiis imponant — quia quod deccrnunt Apostoli necessario servandum esse pronuntiant — i. e. the Papists triumph proudly upon pretext of ●…his this place , as if men might make Laws imposing a necessity upon Consciences because what the Apostles decree , they affirme , must be necessarly kept . — Then he adds , atqui expedita &c. But the Answer is easy to such a foolish cavil ( so he censures our New Casuist and his fellowes in this point ) for this necessity was no longer vigent then there was hazard of dissolving union , so to speak properly it was an accidental or extrinsick necessity , which had place not in the thing it self , but in guarding of offence — which [ saith he ) is evident in the speedy laying aside of this decree . Then he tells us , that when the contention ceased — Paul shewes that nothing is unclean , and again establishes this liberty Rom. 14 : 14. And commands to eat freely what ever is sold. Adding , that the papists in vain do snatch an occasion to bind consciences from this word and to conclude the Churches power to statute any thing beside the word of God. Telling us further , that from the word of God the Council drew this ground of exercising charity in matters indifferent . Then ( saith he ) in summa , the summ is , if charity be the bond of perfection , and the end of the Law , if Gods command be that the faithfull study mutual unity and concord , and that every one please his nighbour to edification , none is so rude who may not perceive , that what the Apostles here commanded is containd in the word of God. — And at the close he tells us , Apostol●…s ex verbi Dei sinibus minime egredi . — That the Apostles would not step beyond the limits of the word of God. But 2. This mans Babylonish tongue still wounds himself as well as the truth , for 1. he acknowlegeth that what the Apostles here decreed , was for the Good of the Church ; which ( if he understand any thing ) he must needs take it according to the grounds laid down in this disquisition , specially that which the Apostle James proposes immediatly before his and the rest of ths Apostlee decision vers . 21. viz. that Moses had in every city , them that teach him , being read every Sabath day . So that it was needfull at that time upon the grounds of charity , union , and aedification , to beat with the weak Jews in abstaining from these things discharged by Gods Law , till the ceremonies were honourably buryed . Hence it followes clearly that this abstinence was made necessary upon these weighty grounds at this time , and not by the authority of the council only . Neither was the matter enjoynd , of a thing indifferent , made necessary , by their determination , but upon these grounds , and for the great end of the Churches good , which he mentions , this abstinence was at this time , and in this case necessary ; And by the Apostles declared to be so upon divine warrand for what else will he make of that expression . It seemed good to the Holy ghost . Again , Paul and the other Apostles had no power but to edification , nor any dominion over the faith of Gods people , and so acted nothing here pro arbitrio or imperio . So that their sentence , was only a declarator of Gods mindeanent that which was antecedaneously to their decree hic & nnnc a necessary duty , although we deny not that the Apostles decision was to have its own weight in determining the Churches obedience . 2. He brings this passage to prove that obedience to authority will preponderat the not giving of offence . But so it is that the great ground of the Apostles decicision here is the guarding against the offence of the weak Iews , and obedience to this sentence was in not giving offence , and upon this very ground Christians were to abstain from these meats , whereas he foolishly distinguishes in this point betwixt obedience to authority , and not giving offence , as distinct duties , and makes the first to over-rule the second , in plain contradiction to the text , which makes the not giving offence , to be the great duty , and the foundation of this obedience . 3. This charge will be the more conspicuos , and the Informers inconsistent prevarications , in this point , if we consider these things in the point of offence : 1. That every offence through weakness is not sinless upon the offenders part . The Inform●…r himself doth ( with the Apostle ) assert this , who in the very preceeding page from 1 Cor. 8 : 10. & Rom. 14. tells us , that the Apostle will not have that which 〈◊〉 indifferent●… or lawful in it self , used to the offence of t●…e weak , or imboldening of their conscience to Sin. 〈◊〉 That upon this ground it follows that , the Scandal●… acceptum , or offence taken , as contra distinguish●…d by our divines from Scandalum datum , or offen●…e given , is badly and to narrowly described from ●…e groundless taking thereof , as if upon this account it were faultless upon the offenders part , it being certaine , that neither the lawfullness of the thing out of which offence arises , the good intention of the doer , nor mens commands , nor the weakness , yea or wi●…kkedness of the takers of offence , will free the giver thereof from guilt , unless the action be in its present state and circumstances a necessary duty : for thus the distinction could have no place , and there were no Scandalum datum at all there being no ground to take offence , upon the takers part , and takeing this phrase in the Scripture acceptation as there can be no reason of a sinfull action properly . Nay though the effect should not follow , the giver is still guilty , as Peter was in giveing offence to our Lord , though that action could produce no sinfull effect in him , for he said to him thow art ane offence unto me . So that it is beyond debate with all sound divines and casuists , that any dictum or sactum , action or word , upon which the formentioned effects may follow , if it be not hic & nunc necessary , is a scandalum datum . 3. That accordingly all sound divines treating on this subject , in describeing a passi●…e scandal in opposition to that which is given , do not draw their measures or description meerly from the weakness or othere bade disposition of the taker of offence , but from the state and condition of the action it self , out of which offence ariseth , which if not necessary in its present ●…tate and circumstances , they hold the scandall to be is well active as passive ; Thus Mr Gilespie Engl ▪ ●…op : cerem . Thus Ames : de Consc : lib. 5. cap , 1. 〈◊〉 , quest 3 , Resp. 1 , 2. tells us , that , in omni scandalo ●…ecesse est ut sit aliquod peccatum , in every scandal of ne●…essity there is some guilt , because it hath a ten●…encie to the spiritual hurt and detrime●… of our bour . And describing passive scandal , which is without sin upon the givers part , he sayes that this falls out , cum factum unius , est alteri occasio peccandi , praeter intentionem facientis , & conditionem facti , that is when the fact of one is the occasion of anothers sinning , beside the intention of the doer , and the condition of the deed it self . He draws not his description from the intention of the doer only , but from the condition of the deed it self , which if tending to the spiritual hurt of our neighbour , is still an active scandal , and no authority of men can alter its natur or remove its guilt , as we heard him before assert . Mr Durham on scandal , part . 1 , chap 1. describeth scandal , that is taken only or passive offence , that it is such when no occasion is given , but when a man doeth that which is not only lawful , but necessary , exemplifieing this by the Pharisees carping at Christs actions Matth. 15 : 12. and by that of Prov. 4. 19. where the wicked are said to stumble at they know not what . Thus clearly asserting that the lawfulness of the practice , will not wholly lay the guilt on him that takes offence , unlesse it be also necessary . 4. The Informer cannot deny , that this necessity of the action , must be evinced from clear Scripture commands and cannot be rationally inferred either from the assertion of the practiser , or the commands of the Magistrat simply , or any supposed Ecclesiastick canon , since this would evert the Apostles reasoning on this head . So that he is obleidged to evince the necessity of this practice controverted from other grounds then he hath mentioned , or this charge stands good against him , esspecially since ( as we have said ) the Apostles injunction which he mentions as to the free use of meats , was a greater authoritative determination ; then any which he now alledges to render the practice necessary . And if a practice lawful in it self , and corroborated by ane Apostolick precept enjoyning it , could not be lawful in the case of offence , farre lesse can the constitutions he mentions make this practice lawful in such a case . So that our Argument , a Scandalo , stands good against him upon this point , in answer to which he hath brought nothing but what is contrary to Scripture , casuists , yea and himself . The charge which he after exhibites against us , of erecting separat meetings in the houses and fields — and of our being Schismaticks if ever the Christian Church had any , we let pass among the rest of this mans petulant assertions , the grounds whereof we have examined and confuted . The people of God in obedience to Christs faithfull Ambassadours ( by Prelats perjurious violence thrust from their watchtowers ) assembling to hear the great Shepherds voice , erect no seperat meetings , but keep the assemblies of this Church driven by them to a wilderness , whereof ( if the Lord open not his and the rest of his tribe their eyes ) they will bear the sin and punishment for ever . The Doubter object next , [ Christs preaching in privat houses and fields , and peoples hearing therein , inferring that so likewise may we . ] This argument our Informer ( according to his usual candor ) disguises , we say not that in a setled peaceable state of the Church , Ministers may preach and people hear in this manner , but upon supposal of this Churches disturbed persecute condition by a party of prevailing backsliders , Ministers preaching and peoples hearing , is warrantable upon the formentioned grounds ; both Ministers ( upon whom our Prelats hands have been very heavy of a long time , yea ( I may say ) their litle finger thicker then their predecessours loins , ) sters and people being in this broken destroyd state of our Church chased , harassed , and denyed all ordinary places appointed for divine worship , nay scarce any place of residence in their native land free from the fulmina & thunderbolts of Prelats mad rage . But what sayes he to this argument , he tells us 1. That tho Christ preached thus , yet it was not to separat from the Iewish Church , nor did he disowne the hearing of their teachers , but allowed to hear Scribes and Pharisees with a ( proviso ) to beware of their leaven — that he sent those who were miraculously heald to the Priests , and did not bid disowne them . Ans. 1. Whatever be concluded as to Christs disowning , or seperating the people from the teachers of the Church of the Jews at that time ( wherin the Informer hath offered nothing which will amount to a demonstration of what he affirmes , and his assertion tho granted will not fortify the conclusion he aimes at ) yet this is certain and undenyable , ( and in so far his Doubters parallel argument stands inviolable against him ) viz. that our blessed Lord preacht after this manner which he condemns . Since he condemns in universum & simply Presbyterian Ministers preaching , and peoples hearing them in this manner , abstracting from the disowning of Curats and their Ministry , so that this answer meets not the objection as levelled against his principles . And he cannot deny but that in so far as Christ and his Apostles were owned , their ordinary Jewish teachers were separat from and disowned , but he condemns all owning of Presbyterian Ministers , and withdrawing from Curats , as ingraind Schism and sinfull separation . This answer is the more forcible , if it be considered that our Lord had liberty of their Synagogues to preach in , yet he frequently left them , and preacht in privat houses and in the fields , and therefore Presbyterian Ministers may use this liberty , whom ( in a peice of cruelty beyond that of the Scribes and Pharisees to Christ ) they have banish't from pulpits . 2. As for our Lords not putting people to separat from that Church or the teachers thereof , we have already shown how far it is from his purpose , and what a wide consequenceit is , from a non-separation from the Jewish Church , and teachers tho corrupt , ( while that legal dispensation stood , which was shortly to be removed , and the Gospel Ministry erected in its place ) and from our Lords tollerance thereof as Gods ancient Ministry , though now corrupt , to which he was to put an honourable close , to conclude that a people are to disowne a faithfull Gospell Ministry and Church , in complyance with a number of destroying Innovators ejecting them , and razing a sworn Reformation , which all that Church are bound to defend . This is such a palpable inconsequence , as any may upon first view discover it . 3. There was ( beside what is said ) this reason in special , wherefore our Lord would not have the Jewish Ministry at first universally left , because he came as a Minister of the circumcision to confirm the promises made to the fathers ; he was to come to the temple as the Kings Son and Lord of all the Prophets who went before him , the Law being to go forth from Zion , and the word from Jerusalem , Jesus came first to his own . Therefore the Jewish Ministery and teaching , was to stand for a time to make this apparent , and as Christs great witness for his authority , and the Doctrine of the gospel , either for their conviction or conversion ; hence he appeald unto the Scriptures which they heard dayly read , and preacht , Search the Scriptures for they testify of me . And when he enjoynd the healed leper to go and shew himself to the Priest , it was to offer the Sacrifice which Moses commanded for a testimony unto them . So that to make the substituting of the Gospel to the legal dispensation and ordinances apparent , and its Ministry to the Jewish Ministry and Priesthood , to which Christs death and resurrection only was to put a final period , it was necessary it should be own'd in some measure . And Christ could not wholly disowne it without stopping a great part of his mediatory fulfilling of all righteousness , for he was as head of the circumcised people , and as of the seed of Abraham according to the flesh , to obey the Judicial and ceremonial Law , and therefore he duely attended the passover and all the solemn feasts , which could not subsist in their exercise , without the standing of that old Ministry ; Now how far this is from our Question , and inferring the owning of Curats in our case , is obvious to the meanest capacity . What he sayes of hearing the Scribes and Pharisees , is already answered . But now this Informer will offer some special reasons of Christs-preaching after this manner , to cut short our argument here ; the first is , Because he was to bring in the Doctrine of the gospel , and preach himself the true Mes●…ah , which was needfull to be done , and because of the opposition of his doctrine by the Jewish teachers . Ans. 1. Altho he was to bring in the doctrine of the Gospel into the world , yet as he was sent first and immediatly to the lost sheep of the house of Israel , and to exercise his Ministry toward them mainly ( upon which ground at his first sending forth the Disciples , he commanded them to go to these lost sheep , not in the way of the gentiles ) so he had the synagogues and Temple to preach in , and frequently did so ; and yet notwithstanding went to the fields with great multitudes , and to other places then these appointed for their ordinary and publick Worship ; and therefore Presbyterian Ministers may do the like , who are denyed our Conformists Synagogues or ordinary places of Worship , they being upon important grounds obliged ( as our blessed Lord was ) to officiat and bestirre themselves in the exercise of their Ministry . And therefore . 2. Since he reasons from the necessity of the Work which Christ was about , and the opposition which he met with therein from his enemies , these samegrounds pleads strongly for Presbyterian Ministers officiating in the manner contraverted , because the preaching of the gospel by Christs faithfull Ambassadours , was never more necessary , and never met with greater opposition from its enemies ; and therefore upon his own grounds it followes , that Ministers ought to embrace all occasions of preaching and in any place where they can have accesse . Sure he dare not restrict the necessity of the work , and the persecution , from which he infers the Lawfulness of preaching after that manner , to that particular necessity and persecution attending the first planting of the gospel , or affirm that these grounds may never again recur for legitimating of this practice , since thus he would condemn ou●… first Reformers . Come we to the 2d Reason which is this , Christ was head of his whole Church , and was not to be limit in the manner of his . Ministry as ordinary teachers , but might preach where and when he pleased , since all belonged to his Ministry , and that none will say that he is pastor of the whole Church , but the Pope , nor can any meer Man do what Christ did in every thing . But our meetings ( he sayes ) are in despite of the Law , and we add disobedience to our schism . Ans. 1. We shall easily acknowledge that all Christs actions are not imitable , such as those of divine power , as working of Miracles , and the actions of divine prerogative , as the taking of the ass without the owners liberty , the actings of his special Mediatory prerogative , such as the enditing of the scriptures , giving of his spirit , laying down his life , instituting Church officers , Col. 3. 16. Joh. 10. 15. Mat. 28. 18 , 19. These are not imitable , nor yet such actions as were meerly occasional , depending upon circumstances of time and place , as the unleavened bread , the time , and such like circumstances of his supper . But we say there are actions imitable , as 1. in general Christs exercise of graces , which have constant and moral grounds , and are commended to Christians for their imitation , every christians life ( as such ) ought to be an imitation of him the precious mirrour of grace , Mat. 11. 29. Learn of me for I am meek . &c. Eph. 5. 2. Walk in love as Christ also hath loved us . Joh. 13. 15. I have given you an example that ye should doe as I have done . The christian must walk as he walked . 1. Joh. 2. 6. 2. In particular , Actions on Moral grounds , flowing from the relations wherein Christ stood , do oblige , and are examplary unto , those that are under such relations , viz. Christs subjection and obedience to his parents , and paying tribute to cesar , do exemplify children and subjects their duty as in that capacity ; so his Ministerial acts and faithfull diligence therein , do exemplify Ministers duty . Now the question is , as to this manner of Christs preaching in this case , that is , not in the ordinary and authorized assemblies of that Church but in the fields , and in houses , whether the grounds of it will not sometimes recur , and oblige ordinary Ministers ? for it s ratio exempli we are to look unto , rather then the meer circumstances of the Individual act , as Chamier tells us , Tom. 3. lib. 17. de Jejunijs . And for evincing this in our case our Informers own answer is sufficient , if we shall but suppose ( which neither our Informer nor any of his fellows have ever been able to disprove ) that Presbyterian Ministers are under a relation to this Church as her true Pastors , and under the obligation of our Lords commands to officiat accordingly . His grounds are the necessity of the work and the bitter persecution of Christs enemies ; both which grounds are still vigent in relation to Presbyterian Ministers as is said . For what he adds of Christs acting this as head of his Church , and not limit in the exercise of his Ministry , as ordinary Ministers , none of which is an universal postor . It is very insignificant here . For 1. every piece of Christs Ministry , his very teaching , and teaching in the temple , was as messenger of the Covenant , who was to come unto that temple , and in the capacity of head of his Church , yet are examplary for Ministers duties according to their measure . 2. He dare not say , that our Lords preaching after the manner instanced in the objection of his Doubter , or his preaching while fleeing from persecutors , was meerly founded upon this ground , and did flow from no other cause and principle but this viz. that he was not limited in the way and exercise of his Ministry , for he hath already assigned other Reasons of this , viz. the necessity of the work , and his persecution simply considered , so that if he should assert this , his 2. answer would contradict his first : and besides , he will not deny , but that such as were not heads of the Church , and who were in an ordinary peacefull state thereof , limited in the exercise of their Ministry , did preach after this manner , for the officers of the Church of Jerusalem Acts. 8. in that scattering and persecution , went every where preaching the gospel . So did our first Reformers ( not to stand upon that moral precept given to the Apostles , who were not heads of the Church , viz. when they persecut you in one city flee to another ) and the Informer will not say that they were not to carry the gospel-message with them in this flight Now that which those who were not heads of the Church , but Ministers , yea and ordinary Ministers have done the parallel of and warrantably , surely that Christ did not upon any extraordinary ground now expired : But such is this way of preaching , Ergo &c ▪ In a word as its easily granted that ordinary Ministers are fixt and limit to their charges in a setled state of the Church , so he dare not deny , that a Churches disturbed persecute condition will warrand their unfixt officiating upon the grounds already given ; and he should know that others then the Pope were universal pastours , and even in actu exercito , of the whole Church , viz. the Apostles as himself acknowledged , nor can he deny that ordinary Ministers are in actu promo related to the whole Church , as her Ministers given to her by Christ , and set in her . As for what he adds of our meetings , that they are against the Law , he knowes that all the Jews appointed that any who owned Christ , should be excommunicat . From the violence and persecution of which Law , himself infers our Lords , officiating in the manner contraverted , and he can easily make the application to our case , and answer himself . The Doubter thinks it hard [ to be hindred by the Law from hearing the word of God and other parts of worship , or that Ministers be hindered to preach , i●… being better to obey God then men . ] He answers 1. that the Law allowes and commands us to hear the word preach●… in our own congregations in purity , and defends it , which is a great mercy , and that its better to worship God purely with the Laws allowance then in a way contrary to it . Ans. 1. Granting that the Law did allow some to preach faithfully what saith this for their robbing so many thousands of the Lords people , of the Ministry of some hundreds of faithfull Ministers ? will a piece of the Rulers duty in one point excuse their sin in twenty others , and loose the people from their obligation to duty towards Christs Ambassadours ? This is new divinity . 2. The law allowes none to preach ( in the manner he pleads for ) but with a blot●… of perjury in taking on the Prelats mark , and complying with a perjurious course of defection , and allowes none to deliver their message faithfully in relation to either the sins or duties of the time , which is far from allowing to preach in purity , and in this case we must rather adhere to Christs faithfull shepherds upon his command , tho cross to mens Law , then follow blind unfaithfull guides in obedience thereunto , and this upon that same ground of Acts 4. 19. which he mentions . But he sayes , that answer of the Apostles will no way quadrat with our case , why so ? 1. Because the Apostles had an immediat extraordinary call from Christ to preach in his name , and so were not to be discharged by any power on earth . Ans. 1. That the Apostles answer suites our case , will be apparent when it s considered , that our answer and Apology which we offer to our adversaries , who do now accuse and persecute us upon this ground , is one with theirs , their grounds in their answer , compared with the context , are [ that they are Christs Ministers and witnesses , employed about the great gospel message , cloathed with his authority , and under the obligation of Christs commands lying upon them . ] Now will not this quadrat with our case as to the substance of this answer , dare he say , that the Magistrats Laws can exauctorat a Minister of the gospel , or take away that ministerial authority which he received from Christ , might not thus the ministry be put out of the world ; Dare he deny that he is a minister still notwithstanding of the Laws restraint , and standing under a ministerial Relation to the Church , as the Apostles were , and under commands and obligations consequently in order to the exercise of the ministry ? can the Rulers meer prohibition loose either ministers their relation pastoral , or the obligations flowing therefrom ? 2. Altho the call of the Apostles was immediat and extraordinary , yet this will not prove that their answer will not suite the ordinary and mediat call in such a case as theirs , when a minister is under a legal prohibition to preach : for first , we do not find that the Apostles did plead their extraordinary or immediat call mainly or only , if at all in this case , but their ministerial gospel call and message quatalis , the authority of the one , and the weight and importance of the other , in relation to all Ministers , are constant moral grounds bearing the conclusion of the same duty and apology as to them : since the substance of this Apostolick apology lyes in this , that they were Christs Ministers , cloathed with his commission to preach the gospel , which any faithfull Minister may plead in such a case . 2. Tho their call was immediat and extraordinary , upon which ground they were singularly out of the reach of the Rulers restraint as to their ministry , yet they were so likewise as Christs messengers and ministers simply in a general sense , for majus 〈◊〉 minus &c. 3. As the Apostles had their power immediatly from Christ and not from the Rulers , which is the great ground why they could not be Lawfully prohibit to preach , and would not submit their ministerial authority , its acts and exercise , to the Rulers disposal , especially the gospel-message being of so great importance , so there is derived from them a ministerial authority in the Church , independent in its nature and exercise upon the magistrat , as theirs was , tho the Apostles ( as I said ) had singular prerogatives beyond ordinary ministers , and in that respect were singularly beyond the reach of their restaint . Now this authority was exercised by the Church renitente Magistratu for several generations , upon the same ground of this independent spiritual power and the weight of the gospel-message which the Apostles did here plead ; The Informer answers aly , that this prohibition tended to the absolute supressing of the gospel , and there was then no other way for propagating it through the world , but by their preaching , but now tho some be silenced , others are allowed to preach . Ans. 1. This piece of the apology for not obeying the Rulers mandat , is of his bold putting in , but nothing of it is in the text , viz. that there were no others to preach the gospel but they . Their Apology as I said is drawn from their authority , and message simply . 2 I ask him , could any one of the Apostles have submitted to this prohibition , upon an insinuation or assurance that the Magistrat would not hinder others to promote the gospel ? if they could not , then he must grant that this anwer is naught , that the Apostles refused , because the prohibition tended to suppress the gospel : For the gospel was preacht and propagat , though one of them was a little after taken oft the stage , if he say that any one , or more of the Apostles would have submitted to the prohibition upon thir terms , then . 1. He contradicts his first answer , that their extraordinary immediat call could not be discharged by any power on earth , and 2. He charges them with unfaithfulness to Christ in laying up his talents , and laying by his work upon mens command not to preach . Sure Christs command and commission tyed all his Apostles conjunctly and severally : Paul said , too to [ me ] if [ I ] preach not the gospel , and one Apostles diligence , could not loose the obligation of the other , and excuse his negligence . 3. We have proved that there is no warrand from God for Rulers their immediat arbitrary discharging Christs Ambassadours to officiat , and consequently faithfull Ministers are not obliged to obeye . And upon the same ground that one apostle could not warrantably suffer the Magistrat to impose a silence upon him , be cause others were permitted to preach , It s unlawfull for ordinary Ministers to be silent , because others are preaching , and much more when those who are preaching are declaring themselves unfaithfull , and destroying but not feeding . So that our Informer doth but mock God , if not blaspheme , while blessing him , that authority , is opposit to our disorders , not to the gospel . The Doubter next asks him [ if the King and Laws can silence a Minister that he shall not preach the gospel . ] He should have added , by his own proper elicite acts as King or Magistrat , or formally and immediatly . But this man must still shrewd himself in the mist and clouds of deceitful generals , and mould our arguments in his own disguise , that his simple evasions may appear answers . Well , what sayes he to this doubt ▪ His answer is , ( I ommit his insignificant reflection ) that Solomon thrust out Abiathar from the priesthood 1 Kings . 2. 27. which was a restraining his priestly power as to its actual exercise , to which he was bound to submit , so a King may discharge a Minister to exercise his Ministry within his dominions , which he must not counteract , suppose he think the King and law wrongs him , especially , when others do preach tho he be silent . Ans. This reason and instance is a baculo ad angulum , Solomon punisht Abiathar civilly for a capital treasonable crime , which deserved death , telling him ( as the text saith ) that he was a man of death , or one who deserved capital punishment , according to the nature of the hebrew phrase , which sentence of death Solomon ( upon the grounds mentioned in that passage ) did change into a sentence of banishment , and by this civil punishment did consequenter put him from the exercise of his priestly office , which he could not in that case perform : Ergo he formally and immediatly deposed him , and the civil magistrat may so immediatly and formally depose ministers , this is a consequence utterly unknown to all rules of Logick , or solid divinity . The Instance indeed proves , that the Magistrat may civilly punish a Minister for crimes , and consequently cut him off from the exercise of his Ministry , but that he can simply and immediatly , or by proper elicit acts , discharge the exercise thereof , can no more be proved from this instance , then that the man who gives bad physick , or hurts the Ministers person , and eatenus stops the exercise of his Ministerial office , hath an authority to inhibit the exercise of his Ministry . As for our Informers restriction , anent the Kings inhibiting a minister to preach in his dominions , 't is a very poor and transparent sophistical cheat , for no man ever said that he can exercise any magistratical power upon those who are without his dominions , whether ministers or others . And thus should his dominion in Gods providence be streached over all the christian Church , he hath authority ( by this courtdivinity ) to silence the gospel sound in a clap , and extinguish a gospel ministry when he pleaseth , and then this man would do well to ponder how this consists with the nature and designe of Christs great commission to his first ambassadours ( his Apostles ) in reference to the gospel message , and unto all ministers untill the end of the world , and his promised presence accordingly ; as also whether the Apostles , and ordinary ministers afterward , did warrantably counteract the Magistrats opposition in this exercise of their Ministry ; and what our lords answer would have been , in case such an objection anent Princes discharging the exercise of their Ministry , had been offered by the Apostles at the first giving out and sealing of their great patent and commission to preach to all nations , and whether our Lord would have told them that their commission did not bind in that case . The Informer is afraid to set his foot on such slippery ground as to assert that the King can depose absolutely , but yet averres that he can restrain the actual exercise of the Ministerial office , and surely if this be granted ( in that extent he pleads for ) it will abundantly secure self-seeking polititians from the trouble of a faithful Gospel-Ministry , & they will be content to part with this nicety of a simple deposing . But if , in the Judgment even of some of his Rabbies , whom I could name , the most formal ecclesiasticall censures do amount to no more then this legal restraint of the exercise , he doth but pityfully resarciat his lapse , and mend the matter by this whimsey . As for what he adds of [ Beza's letter to the non-Conformists in England , not to exercise their Ministry against the Queens authority and the Bishops . ] The often mentioned difference betwixt the then State of that Church , and our present condition , doth quite invalidat his proof , since certainly in some cases the counteracting the Princes command as to the exercise of the Ministry , requires a very cautious consideration , but had our case in its present circumstances and latitude as above delineat been propounded to Beza [ touching the overturning the Reformation of this Church ( so fully setled by civil and Ecclesiastick Authority , and confirmed by Oaths of all ranks ) by Prelats and their adherents ejecting all faithfull Ministers , who will not be subject to that course . ] Sure Beza who ( as we heard ) requested John Knox never to let Prelacy be introduced into Scotland , and all faithfull Ministers to contend against it after it was cast out , would have judged Minsters obliged in this our case , especially after Prelacy is thus vowed against , to keep their possessions , to preach the gospel , and testify against such a wicked course , as well as it was the duty of our first Reformers to preach against the will of the then Bishops and persecuters ; Besides , it s the Doctrine and principles of our Church , that neither the Magistrate nor Prelats censures can loose a Minister from the exercise of his Ministry ; which is above cleared . So that our Informers great Diana , which he is all this time declaiming for , viz. The imposing of an absolute silence upon the true Pastors of this Church , that Conformists onely may be heard and ownd , doth so stoop and bow down , that the underpropings of his slender artifice , and poor mean pleadings , cannot prevent its precipice and ruine . CHAP. VI. The nature of Presbyterian Ministers relation to this Church and their call to officiat therin , vindicate from the Informers simple cavills . Mr Baxters rules for the cure of Church-divisions impertinently alledged by him . The Testimonies of the jus divinum Minist . Anglic. And of Mr Rutherfoord in his Due right of Presbytery anent unwarrantable separation , insufficient to bear the weight of his conclusion . THE appearances of our Lords Ambassadours in his message and for promoting his Interest , have been much opposed by Satan in very various Methods and versatile disguises in all ages , but that Presbyterian Ministers of a pure Apostolick Presbyterian Church should be opposed in the exercise of their holy function and Ministry received from Christ , and this exercise impugned from pretended Scripture grounds and Presbyterian principles may seem strange , if these latter days had not produced many such prodigies of errors and wickedness . The progress of this personat doubt-resolver his impugnations will discover so much , which we now proceed to examine . This Informer next alleages That Ministers among us make themselves Ministers of the whole Church , and the Doubter alledging [ That a Minister is a Minister of the Catholick Church ] he Answers from Mr Rutherfoord Due right of Presb. page 204. That tho a Minister is a Minister of the Catholick Church , yet not a Catholick Pastor of it , that by ordination , and his calling he is made Pastor and by election he is restricted to be ordinarly the Pastor of his flock . And that Mr Durham on Rev. page 106 , 107. thinks there is odds betwixt being a Minister of the Catholick Church , and a Catholick Minister of it , as the Apostles were and the Pope pretends viz. to have immediat access for the exercise in all places — that ●…ho actu prime they have a commission to ●…e Ministers of the whole Church , yet actu secund●… they are peculiarly delegated to such and such posts , But we have made our selves Ministers of all the congregations of the Countrey . I answer , this doctrine crosses not our principles nor practice in the least . For first , when we assert that a Minister is by election restricted to be ordinarly the Pastor of a flock , and especially delegat , and fixt to such a post & particular watchtower , it is not so to be understood , as if there could be nolawful exercise of his Ministry elsewhere : for first , this were flat independency &c. 2. All ( save they of this perswasion ) grant that the Minister receives no new authority as to his Ministerial acts and officiating in other places , but a new application only . Hence in the 2d place , is to be understood of the Church her ordinary settled state under a settled Ministry but when there is a destroying enemy within her bosome wasting her , and the fathfull Ministry are put from their Watchtowers and posts , by a number of Schismatick Innovators , who are dissolving her union , and impeaching her Authority : In this extraordinary case , Ministers more enlarged and unfixt officiating , is no breach of this Rule ; Because 1. In this case the Parochial constitution is impossible to be held , and God calls not to impossibilities , and yet his call to preach the Gospel stands and binds , and by consequence to preach to others then the Ministers parish . The common rule will plead for this viz. necessitas non habet legem , which this Informer himself doth hold will in some cases warrand the laying by of that which otherwise were a duty ; he knows what his inference is from Davids eating of the shew bread to keep from starving , and Paul , and those with him their casting their goods into the sea to preserve from perishing . So that of necessity he must admit this rule and answer , upon his own ground . 2. The reasons which did warrand our first Reformers officiating in this manner ( a practice which he dare not say that the authors mentioned , or any reformed divines do condemn ) will warrand this our practice in this persecute state of our Church , it being clear that the case of Reformation is parallel to that of a Churches defection , and persecution , in relation to this practice contraverted , as we cleard from Acts 8. 3. The same great end of the Churches greater good and edificaton , which warrands fixing of Ministers to their posts in a Churches setled peacefull state will warrand their officiating more largely and at other posts , when put from their own in her disturbed , persecute and destroyed coondition by a prevalent Schismatick , backsliding party . The faithfull watchmen seing the city betrayed by a party of professed defendents , who are letting in the enemy , do their duty to the city best in resisting them and running to help . 4. If faithfull Ministers their necessary keeping their posts and the unlawfulness of exercising their Ministry any where else , were in this case asserted , then it would follow that a Minister standing in that relation to a disturbed and destroyed Church , and all his gifts and graces , were useless in that case , which notwithstanding are given for the good of the Church , but this is absurd ; Shall not the weeping Church be taken by the hand by her true Sons , when she is wounded and her vail taken away by smiting watchmen . 5. By our Principles the Prelatick party are Schismaticks who have already broke and overturned our Churches order , and Reformation . Now this Informer will not deny , that in such a case , the Church may send forth her Ministers to officiat among such backsliders and Schismaticks , for their healing and recovery ; he knowes upon what ground Mr Lightoun not long since , sent out some of his brethren to preach in the West of Scotland . Beside Mr Gillespie will tell him , Miscell . page 23. That a Schismatick Church hath no just right to the liberty of a sound Church , as to the calling or setling of Ministers . So that in our principles no Conformists are duely or lawfully called and settled . 6. Our divines do grant that in extraordinary cases , even the want of ordination it self will not hinder to officiat Ministerially but that there may be a necessity which will sustain and comport with the want of it . Mr Gillespy Misc. ch . 4. page 63. tells us , that in extraordinary cases when ordination cannotbe had , and when there are none who have commission & authority from God to ordain , then and there an inward call from God stirring up , and ●…ing with the people's good will and consent whom God makes willing , can make a Minister authorized to ministerial acts — That at the first plantation of Churches , ordination may be wanting without making void the Ministry because ordination cannot be had . And if necessity will plead this in relation to ordination it self , Ergo a fortiori this necessity of our Churches destroyed perturbed condition , may much more comport with ordained Ministers their more enlarged officiating for the help and recovery of a perishing remnant , by Wolves in sheeps cloathing . Next , this Informer going on in his nauseating repetitions , charges intrusion upon our Ministers , and enquires , what warrand they have to preach and administer Sacraments to those of another Ministers charge , being neither called nor desired by these Minsters . I answer , they have Gods call to preach the Gospel as Minsters of this Church , and as this call would warrand their officiating in other parishes upon the lawfull Ministers desire or invitation in a settled serene state of our Church , so in this her ruined and destroyed condition , the same call abundantly warrands their helping of these congregations , and such poor Macedonians , who desire their help while under destroying Schismaticks , who have no lawfull call to be their Mininisters from God or this Church . But here our Informer assaults us with a dilemma ; either Presbyterian Ministers call is ordinary , or extraordinary . Ordinary they have none , since they are not invited by the Ministers of the congregations to whom they preach , extraordinary they will not pretend unto . I Answer by a counterdilemma , and retort his argument thus , either the pretended Ministers of these congregations have an ordinary or extraordinary call to officiat therein , ordinary they have none according to the Doctrine , Reformation , and principles of this Church , being neither called by the people , nor ordained by the Presbyteries of this Church , if we speak of the generality who are ordained and obtruded by the Prelats , upon these congregations where they officiat , and for those who were otherwise ordained and have conformed , we have told him that by accepting presentation from Patrons and collation from Prelats , they have renounced their Presbyterian call and ordination and the call of this Church consequently , and thus do fall under the same consideration with the rest ; and for the exraordinary call neither the one nor the other , will pretend unto it . And when he answers this dilemma , and by the Scripture-rules , and the Principles , and reformation of this Church , ( which the Informer hath not disproved , yea admits us to suppose in this question ) justifies the Curats call to of ●…iciat in these congregations over which they assume an authority we shall produce ours as to this practice which he condemns . Beside , what answer will he give to such a dilemma in the mouth of Schismatick congregations , offered unto such Ministers as the Church sends from their own congregations to officiat among them ? And whatever his answer be , it will suite our case . Then he tells us of acts of councils condemning this encroachment , as he calls it , But when he shall exhibit a case parallel to ours , which these acts speak unto , we shall consider it . For what he adds of the Aberdeen Doctors their charging the Presbyterian Ministers who preacht in their congregations , with a practice repugnant to the Scripture and Canons of ancient Councils , he should have done well to have produced these Scriptures which the Doctors alleaged : And for ancient Canons , I think all things in their case considered , it would be a hard task to produce these Canons stricking against that practice as it stood circumstantiat , considering their Schismatick withstanding the Reformation of this Church , their Arminian principles , and defending popish ceremonies which errors they had openly vented and obstinatly maintaind . His next charge of ordaining others to perpetuat our schism , is a manifest calumny , this true organick Church is by this practice , only propagating a lawfull pure Ministry in opposition to their destroying Schismatick course , the blessed fruits whereof , and its seals upon the hearts of the people of God , have been conspicuous , and we hope yet further will. And no less gross is that calumny which follows , anent our great mixt communions , and admission of ignorant vitious persons unto them , who ( he sayes ) by our way cannot be kept back , there being none admitted at any seasons of this nature ( which have been very rare ) but upon sufficient testimonies from faithfull Ministers or elderships . But is he not ashamed to object this to us , whereof his party is so notoriously guilty , who are knowen to admit , yea call promiscuously , to fill their empty tables , ( which tender souls dare not approach unto ) both gross ignorants , and notoriously profane to the shame and scandal of Religion , and the contempt of that holy ordinance ; our persuading people not to owne Conformists as the Ministers of this Church we hope doth now appear better grounded then all this Informers persuasives to the contrary . And that we have been in any measure succesfull in this , speaks out Gods purpose not to leave wholly our married land . For that which he cites out of Baxters preface to the Cure of Church divisions anent the odiousness of Sacrifices presented to God , without love and reconciliation to brethren , and of making a peoples communion in worship , the badge and means of uncharitablness and divisions , we th●…nk reconciliation and unionin the Lord needfull to acceptable worship , but an association with scandalous Schismaticks and backsliders in their wickedness , we think is no less dangerous and obstructive to reall fellowship with God in duty ; especially since God presses our coming out from among such , and our being separat from the contagion of their sin , with this motive , that he will receive us . And as there is a holy brotherhood which we must associat with in order to communion with God , so there is a congregation of evill doers which we must hate . Yea we have Davids precedency ( as is before observed ) to hate them with perfect hatred , and count them our enemies . But who can sufficiently admire these mens talk of unity and love who having first broken and divided this poor Church have been these so many years persecuting to the death , yea sweeming in the blood of the faithfull Ministers and professors therof because hey durst not joyn to their way , and conform to their supposed trifles and indifferencies . Surely prelacy being the grand Idol of Jealousy provoking God against us , and the fire which hath kindled all our combustions , and hath opened the veins of the Lords servants and people to bleed for many years , occasioned such horrid dispersion and unheard of oppression 〈◊〉 the Lords Church and people in our Land , with what f●…ces can these upholders of this course look up to the God of Love and peace , and how can they lift up suc●… bloody wrathfull hands to him . But now his poor half proselyted Doubter confesses that [ there is much truth in what he has heard from this sound Informer forsooth — And takes leave with a profest resolution to reflect upon what he has heard from him , ] Whereupon he dismisses him with some of his healing advices , prefacing with an admonition to seek illumination from God. But had this man been serious in seeking this from God , he had not vented in these trilling Dialogues such weak notions and reproaches against Gods truth and people . But since his Doubter returns him no answer therunto , I shall make up his want and shortly offer my thoughts upon them . His first advice , is not to be too confident of our own opinion as undoubtedly right , but consider what he hath said in his three conferences . Ans. If it be truth which we hold , sure we most hold it by faith in a pure conscience , and not be wavering and ●…ossed children . We acknowledge not the Cartesian principle , and the popish doubting way as found divinity , and a confidence of truth is far from a self confidence . As for what is offered in his three dialogues , I hope it is sufficiently antidoted by what is said above , so that it needs not in the least demurr our persuasion . 2. He will not have us think the matters of difference to be the substantialls of Relegion , since persons of both persuasions may keep love and fellowship without renting the Church and neglecting ordinances , because greater differences have been ; and communion not broken thereby . Ans. If these matters contraverted be not substantialls , why then have they made such a substantiall bloody contest for them ●…anquam pro aris & focis , for so many years , and if communion must not be broken in a Church upon this account , why have they rent and overturned our Church , and persecute away so many godly Ministers and professors for these things , denying all fellowship with them in their worship , for adhering to their principles , and disowning this course of conformity ? had prelatists suffered Presbyterian Ministers and professors to stand as they were in this Church , to enjoy their principles , and to follow their respective duties according to their stations , faithfull Ministers to preach , and Gods people to enjoy the fruits of their Ministry , he might with some colour have pretended to this desire of union and fellowship , but since prelatists have cast them out , and do so cruelly persecute them for adhering to their principles , and owning these duties , this pretence is nothing but deceitfull hypocrisy . He adds , that the difference is but a matter of government , and if we separat for this , we would have separat from all Churches since christianity began and if Christ held no comunion with a Church , where prelacy was , he hath then seldom had a Church , and hath been for many years a head without members . Ans. This is nothing but a renewed repetition of groundless assertions : for how proves he that our plea is a matter of government only ? surely their course strikes at the whole of our Reformation , as hath been cleared . Again , how proves he that we would have separat upon this ground from the Church for so long a time , tho it were granted that our plea were only a matter of government , since he hath not yet produced instances of such a prelacy as we have , in any Church . Besides , since the Informer pleads for prelacy upon pretended Apostolical precepts and practices , and yet doth here vilify it unto a meer punctilio , and makes it such a sorry business as persons may come and go upon it at their pleasure , we may easily discover what nimble Sophisters , and slippery fingered Gentlemen he and his fellows are as to the retaining and holding of divine institutions , and that they can easily expose them to sale , for obtaining easefull serenity and other worldly designs . Or how proves he that its the government of our Church which they have introduced ? or that they are the Church ? or that we are in this practice separating from our Church ? Hath not Christ a mystical body in Scotland without prelats ? or finally , how proves he that there is alike ground for Joyning to prelacy , introduced by an Apostat party , after it is cast out , and abjured by all , as there is for Joyning in fellowship with a Church continuing Long under that corruption , and not purged and reformed from it . The Joyning with them in their worship , being demanded as a badge of our consent to prelacy it self and all the corruptions attending the same . 3. He pleads for charity , and that we say not Conformists are graceless because of this difference , he tells us , that for all Corinths corruptions , the Apostle spends a whole chapter upon Love , and that such as have least truth , have least charity , that the weak christians who understood not their liberty Rom. 14. in being loosed from the ceremonial Law , had least charity as they had least truth , and so papists to protestants . Ans. This charge lyes most directly home to himself , and those of his way . Let more then 20. years Law & practice , in relation to the ruine of a faithfull remnant of Ministers and professors who adhere to the reformation and government of this Church , and their vows for promoting the same , discover what hath been the charity of our Prelatical party . Beside , whatever be our thoughts as to their state with God , and without judging their eternal condition , it s no breach of charity to know such as are seducers from Gods way , to beware of sin , and the ensnarings of such seducers , for which we have so many scripture commands as we have heard , and the Judgment of discretion in relation to evils which we are to eshew , is not that uncharitable judging in matters Lawfull and Indifferent , which is condemned , Rom. 14. 3 , 4. for else we could not act in faith . And the same Corinthians whom Paul exhorted so much to Love , he enjoyned also to come out from among the ungodly 2 Cor. 6. and to flee the contagion of their sin . 4. He advises to consider the danger of divisions Gal. 5. 15. Mark 3. 24. since the enemy mocks religion upon this ground , and while each fights with another , all are overcome , which he illustrats with the story of Scilurus his sheaf of arrowes Ans. Divisions indeed among Gods people are sad , and have had sad effects , but union must be in truth and duty , and cemented with these bonds , since it is the unity of the spirit which we must seek Eph. 4. 3. and therefore not in a way of defection and Rebellion against God and in breaking his Covenant , which is nothing else but a combination against him ; It is in the Lord , that we must be of the same mind , Phil. 4 2. and Christ who prayed so enixly , for his disciples union , Joh. 17. 21. prayed also for their sanctification in and by the truth , 17. ver . and that they might be kept from the evill of the world , 15. ver . And the Apostle Paul who is so great a pleader for Love and union , would not give place by subjection to deceitfull workers , no not for an hour Gal. 2. 5. The best way to mantain union & preserve the Gospel ( which their dividing innovating course of backsliding hath exposed to so much prevalency and reproach of Papists ) is to keep our garments free of their defilements , & to put away that accur sed thing which hath made us so weak before enemies . 5. He advises his Doubter to acquaint himself with the writings of the old Non-conformists in England , such as Cartwright , Bradshaw , Ball , &c. Who testify against the Brownists for their separation from that Church ( for which he sayes much more might have been alledged then for ours . ) Ans. We acknowledge that these worthy men have done well upon this subject , and that separation which they wrote against ; But our case [ anent a Church purely reformed from corruptions of doctrine , worship , discipline and Government and under universal oaths of adherence to that reformation infested , encroached upon , and invaded by a party of Schismatick overturners of her reformation , standing in opposition to a faithful Ministry , and professors adhering to them , ] is so vastly discrepant from their case , [ anent keeping up fellowship with a Church universally tainted with corruptions , from which she had never been purged , ] that by no imaginable grounds , can a consequence be drawen from the one to the other . And any consequence relating to us , or application of the pleadings of these Divines against the Brownists , will properly strike against his dividing party , who have gone out from the fellowship of this pure Church , to which they were Joyned , and did vow adherence to her constitution and reformation , yet notwithstansting by them thus miserably rent and destroyed for many years . As for these Rules of Mr Baxter in his Cure of Church divisions , which this Informer doth afterward commend unto us , we are not much concerned in their explication or application , since they do not in the least-strike against what we maintain , therefore we shall briefly run over them . For the first here mentioned , [ anent not making communion with a Church stricker then Christ hath made it ] when we disowne dividers and Schismaticks renting and destroying a pure Church , and introducing abjured innovations , we do not narrow these terms of communion , which Christ hath given . For he hath commanded us to withdraw from such as cause divisions and offences , contrary to our received ordinances , and not to have fellowship with the unfruitfull works of darkness , to turn away from Covenant-breakers ; And it s their dividing party who fall under the censure of this rule , who make complyance with abjured prelacy the terms of their communion , and so cruelly persecute all who will not conform to their course of backsliding . There is no doubt equal danger on the other extreme in making the terms of our communion laxer then Christ hath appointed . For the 2 rule which he mentions [ anent a due impression of the evill of division and discord , and the reasons and necessity of union . ] I think indeed had this Informer and his party , kept up a Scripture impression of this , they had not for the punctilio's of their trifling Conformity , so miserably rent this poor Church , and overturn'd her Reformation . For the 3. [ anent not engadging too far in a divided sect , ] it reaches Conformists , another blow , who have so far engadged for Prelats and their Interest , that for many years it hath been the great work of our Laws ( by the instigation of them , and their Rabbies ) to root out all Ministers and professors of this Church , who do not conform , and owne this course of backsliding . Dare this petulant Informer call adherence to this Church , her sworn Reformation , principles , and faithfull Ministry , adherence to a divided Sect. For the 4. [ anent the difference betwixt a sound and sinfull zeal , and that we be suspicious of our Religious passions ] we say , zeal for the Gospel , for keeping Covenant with God , for reformation from popry and prelacy ( which is the the Test of our zeal as stated in opposition to them ) doth convincingly evidence its soundness . For the 5. [ anent not being over tender of our repute , or impatient of mens censures , ] we say , to be tender of truth and duty , and our good name in maintaining it , which is as precious ointment , and to be tender of not offending and displeasing all who are thus tender , is nothing but a true and Gospel-tenderness . For the 6. [ anent eshewing needless fellowship with the more censorious Christians ] we say , we stand oblig'd to keep fellowship with all the godly in all duties , and this charge of over censoriousness we deny as to our plea against Conformists , neither hath he Informer yet made it good . For the 7. [ that we lay not too much weight on doubtfull opinions , nor begin with them ] we bless God that in this pure Church , Gods people have been taught the solid beginnings and first principles , and do build on that foundation ; But we have not so learned Christ , as to put into the Category of things doubtfull , breach of Covenant , abjur'd Prelacy , and a Schismatick sinfull complyance therewith , For the 8. [ anent not admiring or favouring a preacher for his voice , affectionat utterance , &c. Without solid understanding , ] we say , Gods people with us have been helped not to regard mens speech , but their power . And as they know Christ the great shepherd his truth , by his voice from them , accordingly as his sheep to follow them . For the 9. [ anent not rejecting a good cause , because owned by bad men ] we say , the cause we disowne is bad in it self , and we disowne the owners of this bad cause , upon this ground ; And are confirmed in our disowning of it , by the fruits which we see the owning of it produceth in its supporters and abbetors , which are such as do warrand us according to our Lords command , to avoid and beware of them . For the 10. [ not to follow the bad examples of Religious persons , ] we bless the Lord we are taught to walk by the rule of Gods Word , not by examples of men , and not to follow even a Paul further then he is a follower of Christ. For the 11. [ anent keeping an eye on the state of all Churches upon earth , and pondering how Christ keeps fellowship with them , lest while we think we separat only from these about us , we separat from almost all Churches ] we say , that we have lookt upon our own Church deservedly , as among the purest and best reformed , and by the same rule are concerned to keep up fellowship with her , as knowing that such as renounce fellowship with her , would renounce it with all Churches . And this we do with a due charity for all Reformed Churches , and whatever Churches do hold the foundation . But upon these grounds we are bound to disowne destroying Schismaticks , as are our Conformists , who have introduced abjured innovations contrary to her pure constitution and Reformation , and have gone out from her fellowship , and by the same consequential reason , from the fellowship of all Churches . For the last rule which he mentions , [ that we count it as comfortable to be a martyr for love and peace by blind zealots , as for the faith by infidels ] we say , that we owne no zeal which is not according to knowledge , and are contending for the union and reformation of our Mother against a party of blind fiery zelots , for ane abjured hierarchy contrary to the Word of God and this Churches vows , in which honourable quarrel that many have suffered even to bonds , imprisonments , yea death it self , it is our Glory . As for what he adds [ of the English nonconformists , their testyfing against separation , as a way which God never blessed with peace and holiness though they dissented from the Ceremonies ] I nothing doubt , but that they would have put the same Character upon the practice of the Prelats and their followers , had they seen and known all the circumstances of our case . They dissenting from fellowship in the ceremonies , and eatenus from fellowship in the Worship , though that Church , had never been purged from them , how much more then are we concerned to disowne innovations introduced into this Church , after they have been cast out and vowed against . Suppose that Church , had been ( as ours ) Reformed in doctrine Worship , discipline and Government , and a party had risen up destroying that pure constitution , contrary to all their vows , admitting none to fellowship without acknowledging of their wicked course , persecuting and casting out all Ministers and professors , who would not concur ? And then let them tell us what these nonco●…ists would have done in this case , surely upon the same ground that they eshewed a contagion in communicating with the Ceremonies , they would have eshewed this piece of contagious conformity also . Especially the express vows of adherence to that supposed reformation in every piece of it , and of disowning all recesses , all backsliders , and of owning all adherers to these vows in prusuing the ends thereof , being taken in , and duely pondered . After the close of this Dialogue , our Informer will needs strengthen his plea in presenting unto us , by way of Apendix , some passages of the English Presbyterians , their Jus divinum Ministerij Anglicani , and likewise in Mr Rutherfoord his due right of Presbytery , anent the unwarrantableness of Separatio●… , which as they are utterly alien from our purpose , so ( as would seem in the conviction hereof ) he doth not so much as offer to draw an argument from any of them , while propounding these his grand supposed topicks , except a general hint at the close , which is utterly insufficient to fortify his conclusion , as we shall after shew , but leaves the favourable conclusion to be drawn by his half-proselyted Doubter , or friendly partial reader . However ( altho upon the matter any seeming conclusion he might draw from them is answered , yet ) we shall view them briefly , having premised ( 1. ) That he supposes but hath not yet made good , the charge of a sinfull separation upon the people of God in this case , which we have shown to be more applicable to himself . 2. That the case of separation from that Church at that time because of her corruptions , is far wide from this case of our disowning Conformists now , and consequently all his citations will never come home to our purpose , because . 1. Not to separat from a Church upon the ground of corruptions which have been long setled in her ; is very far distinct from this practice of disowning an Innovating party introducing corruptions to the ruine of a pure Church , after they have been seen , and universally cast out , which is the practice he now pleads for ; a stop as to an advance in Reformation , is much different from backsliding in this case , and especially the joyning to a backsliding party who are not the true Church , is much different from adherence to a Church tho backslidden . It s a far different case not to leave the communion of a Church because of some corruptions , and not to joyn with an unsound party of a Church drawing back from her Reformation : So that upon a due consideration of the matter of fact , and Presbyterian principles , its evident that these Testimonies do levell against Conformists . 2. It s a far different case to owne the Ministry of a corrupt Church wherin prelacy is universally owned , and wherein there hath been no other way of entry into the Ministry for many generations but by Prelacy : and to owne a party of Schismatick Intruders introducing Prelacy over the belly of a Presbyterian Church , and shutting out her faithfull Mininistry , surely these Intruders are in this case the Brownists . 3. It s a far different case to submit to a Ministry meerly Episcopal , and to keep the Worship in a Church long under this Government , and to submit to an Episcopal Erastian Ministry , and a Church Government fundamentally corrupt , deriving all its power from an Antichristian supremacy , and meer civil papacy , after it hath been eminently and universally disowned by that Church , and vowed against , Especially when a backsliding party only do thus usurp over the sound Ministry , and have ejected them , and this Erastian abomination is set up to raze this true spiritual Government of the Church once universally setled and owned . 4. It s a far different case , to submit to an Episcopal Ministry so far as pure , while Episcopacy is universally ownd , and no obligation is upon any to disowne it , further then its own corruption in that case will amount to and infer : and to owne and submit to an episcopal Erastian Government introduced by an Innovating party into a Presbyterian Church against her standing acts , solemn Oaths and vows universally taken on by that Church against the same , while a faithfull Ministry , and the great part of the people are in Conscience of their vows contending against it . Surely this superinduced obligation requires a higher degree of zeal against that defection , and renders it the more hainous . The high places permitted to David and Solomon before the Temple was built , are censured in after times ; greater light and obligations do in this case cast the ballance . These considerations do clearly repell any argument which he would draw from his citations to our case . But now to view them , The English Presbyterians in that piece do first assert page 10. [ that all in the same bounds most be under the care of the same Minister , and that these limits ought not to be brangled Ans. This shall be easily accorded , give us our beautifull Church-order and a lawfully called Ministry and this parochial order shall be observed , and obeyed . 2. ( page 11. ) [ A man under a wicked or Heretical Minister must remove his habitation rather then brangle parochial order . ] Ans Then it follows in their principles , that when the order and union of a Reformed Church is already brangled by Innovating Schismaticks , whose wickedness and errors are palpable , men may attend a more pure Ministry without Schism , by clear consequence , sure he is a loser by this . 3. ( page 12. ) [ to appoint Elders in every Church , and every city , is all one , and converts in the city must joyn with the congregation in Churchfellowship . ] Ans. But what if a party in the city call themselves the Church , shut out the true Minister , and bring in one of their own , must not the true converts own their first Minister , and oppose these Innovators ? Surely this Testimony rebounds another blow upon our mis Informer . 4. ( page 25. ) [ evil men defacto have been officers , Hophni and Phineas , Scribes and Pharisees , whose Ministerial acts were not null , and Christs commission authorized Judas . ] Ans. This will as much plead for owning Presbyterian Ministers as Conformists : And if he alleadge that they are disorderly , Schismatical , &c. and therefore must not be ownd in this case . I answer ●…he must prove this which he hath not yet done . 2. He must acknowledge , that the granting that the Ministerial acts of Church-officers , are not null by their sins , will not plead for hearing Ministers in every case , untill aliunde , and from other grounds , our obligation to owne such men as our Ministers hic & nunc be made good , which he hath not yet done as to Curats . Neither Hophni or Phineas , nor the Scribes and Pharisees , were rooting out the faithfull Ministry of the Church of the Jews , who would not concurr in a course of defection , after they had laid down a course to overturn the ordinances : which is the case of Conformists in relation to us , as is evident . Again , state the question so that Hophni and Phineas , and the Pharisees Ministry could not be owned without partaking in their sin , then this man must needs grant , that Gods people were obliged to disowne them , and had disowned them . Now we have proven this to be our case as to the owning of Conformists . 5. ( page 42 , 43. ) [ Israel is called the people of the Lord , even after the Calves were set up at Dan and Bethel , and Cajaphas was own'd as high priest , though they came to the office by bribry and faction , and the highpriest had an hand in crucifying Christ. ] Ans. The same reply and retortion recurs as formerly ▪ what will he say if we plead this for presbyterian Ministers , whom he will not call worse then these mentioned , nor will he say that our Presbyterian Church is worse then that Church . So that he must grant this will not reach his conclusion , till more be supposed and proved in this point . Again , tho God in his soveraign dispensation had not as yet cast off the ten tribes , having a faithfull remnant among them , yet I hope he will not from this plead for owning the Calves , or the Priests Ministry whom Jeroboam had obtruded , and set up contrary to Gods institution , and for keeping up that wofull breach in Gods worship , and in Israel , which was therby promoted , and this is a fit emblem of their Innovating prelatick Ministry . Beside that the high priests were men in a considerable measure deciders and Interpreters of the civil Law , and might in that respect be owned . But however , it is ( as we have said ) bad arguing from the comporting with corruptions in that old dispensation and Ministry especially when drawing near an end , to the receiving of abjured corruptions into a Church which has been rid of them , and from a non-separating in the first case , to conclude against a non-union or non complyance in the second . And thus neither will Pauls carriage toward the high prist , Acts 23. plead for adhering to Curats upon the same grounds . For he will not say that Paul understood not his office in a spiritual sense to be now expired , and that he was not to be owned as a teacher , who was every way destitute of the truth of the gospel , and an enemy unto it . Jackson thinks with sevral others , that Paul said , I knew not that he was the high priest &c. ironically , it being very improbable , that Paul knew not the high priest , and suppose it were so , he knew him to be a ruler as his own words discover , so that it was no excuse to say he knew not the high priest , because as a judge it was against the law to revile him . Therfore ( saith Jackson upon Exod. 22. 28. ) though they understood Paul as excusing himself , yet he spoke by way of derision as disdaining he should be accounted Gods high-priest , who carryed so . Which ( saith he ) is the more probable , when it s considered how far he was from having any true right to that place and power to which he pretended , when Christ had abolished the legal priest hood . Calvine on that place of the Acts sayes , It s not credible that Paul-gave him his wonted honour . — Cum abolita esset adventu Christi sacerdotij Majestas , & secuta turpis prophanatio , Paulum quasi integra vigeret , solito honore prosecutum fuisse , qui tunc sub Pontificum titulo nullo jure dominabantur , after the majesty of the priest hood was abolished by the coming of Christ , and vile prophanity attending it , that Paul , as if the priesthood had been standing intire , would have allowed the wonted honour to such who under the title of Priests were governing without any right or just title . And having objected to himself , that we must not contemn civill Magistrats , in his answer he puts a difference betwixt civil Mahistrats and Church rulers — Inter civiles Magistratus ( saith he ) & ecclesiae praesules aliquid est discrimenus — there is a difference betwixt civill Magistrats and Church officers , tho the administration of civil Rulers be perverse and confused yet ( he tells us ) the Lord will have subjection remain intire . — Sed ubi spirituale regimen degenerat sol●…untur piorum conscientiae , ne injustae dominationi pareant &c. spirituall government being degenerat , the consciences o●… the faithfull are loosed from obedience to an unjus●… domination . But our Informer will say , that I thu●… set the authors of jus divinum minist . anglic . by the ear●… with Calvin and Iackson as to the sense of this place . I answer , they do not peremptorly and positively assert that Paul acknowledged him as high priest , bu●… onely , that many think he did . 2. Hence the weight of their conclusion subjoyned , viz. that corruptions cleaving to Gods ordinances null them not , is not laid upon this solely , nor positivly at all , even as a partial , but onely as a probable ground . And the conclusion it self when admitted , will never reach his designe as is above cleared . Again , admitting that Paul acknowledged his providential title , or jus in re as to a civil office and administration at that time , as it may well have its own weight in reference to the premised conclusion , civil rule , as such , being Gods ordinance , which is not made null by corruptions , so upon the the difference of civil from sacred rule this concession will not legitimat or infer an acknowledgment of the spiritual part of his administration . Thus we have seen how well our Informer hath acquit himself in his arguing from the English Presbyterians . Let us next consider , how he reasons from Mr Rutherfoord in that peice forecited , if at least we may call that which he here offers a formal reasoning , since he offers not ( as I said ) any argument from these citations , but sure we will find that these passages will burn his fingers . In that piece [ scil . Due right of presb . page 220. to 256. ] There are several passages which this man takes hold of , as 1. [ He asserts that separation from a true Church where the orthodox word is preached , and sacraments duely administrat , is unlawfull , and vindicats 2 Cor. 6. ] Ans. This in Mr Rutherfoords sense will plead more for the Presbyterian Ministry & professors then for Conformists , whom he will not say that Mr Rutherfoord will look upon as our Church , in such a case as this , since ( as we heard ) he holds that in case of such a breach as we have now , the pure Church remains with the smaller stedfast number , and that the backsliders from truth and purity , tho the ●…reater number , yet really are the Schismaticks . And ●…n this sense we are to understand him when he sayes that this separation as to worship , will not infer an absolut separation , And his allowing non-union , where there is not sufficient cause of separation , in the case of purer to be joyned with , and his admitting a partial separation , because of a partial corruption of ordinances ( Peacable plea page 121. ) will much more plead for a total non-union in this our case ; and I dare appeal this Informer if Mr Rutherfoords words ( Peaceable plea page 122. ) doth not suite our case and express such a sense therof as we have explaind ; and if he would not have applyed that which follows unto our present prelatick party , had he seen our Church in this posture and in her present circumstances , viz. we separat not from a true Church or her Lawfull Pastors , when we separat from hirelings and Idolshepherds , who will not go before us , and whether he would not have thought and called Conformists so ? Thus ( page 148. concl . 6. ) he tells us , we may separat from the worship when we separat not from the Church . So that its evident , that in Mr Rutherfoords sense we separat not from the Church of Scotland , nor her worship , while withdrawing from Curats , in attending the Ministry of Christs faithfull ambassadours . In the Next place this Informer presents to us these passages further in that peice mentioned , viz. ( page 233. ) [ the personal faults of others , are not sufficient ground for separation — That the disciples thought not the society unclean for Judas sin , though they knew one of them had a Devil . ] Again ( page 250. ) [ It was not Lawfull to separat from the Pharisees preaching truth . ] ( page 253. ) [ The Godly separated no●… from the Church , when the altar of damascus was se●… up , things dedicat to Idols , as Lutheran images , are called Idolatry , 1 Cor 10. 34. Idolatry by participation , and the cup of devils , yet Paul command●… not separation , and the table of the Lord was there . ] I answer , this is already removed by what is said above , as to any conclusion for his cause , which thi●… loose disputer doth not so much as offer to draw ou●… upon these citations . 1. Unless he prove the Conforming party to be the true Church of Scotland , to which in this case we are obliged to adhere , or 2. If we can prove , that according to our Churches Reformation , Presbyterian ministers and professors are the true organick Church of Scotland , though the persecute smaller number ( which according to Mr Rutherfoord is very easy , for he sayes that in case of defection , truth as life recools to the smaller hidden part , ( Due right page 253. ) In either case I say this will plead more appositly for adherence to Presbyterian Ministers and their Assemblies . Next , Mr Rutherfoords scope is to prove , that personal faults corrupt not the worship , which wee deny not , but as we have above cleared this falls utterly short of reaching his conclusion , as to the owning of Curats , untill he first prove his forementioned suppositions , wherein he begs the question , and this principle or assertion of Mr Rutherfoord will plead more strongly for not disowning Presbyterian Ministers untill this Informer prove his suppositions , and disprove ours in this debate . In a word , the impertinency of all his citations here appears in this , that there is no reason whereby he can ward of this argument its reaching adherence to Presbyterian Ministers , and inferring a conclusion of owning them , but it will either , first be retorted upon himself , or secondly , the universality of the argument , and the conclusion deduced there from , so limited , as utterly to irritat his design ; since he must acknowledge , that there may be a Lawfull separation from a Ministry and ordinances , altho not polluted by personal scandals . And therefore this principle in every case will not infer a separation to be unlawfull , far less a non union , and he must acknowledge that to argue the unlawfulness of a separation or non-union in every case , or meerly , from this ground [ that there is no pollution of ordinances by the personal faults of Worshipers or administrators thereof ] is a gross petitio principii & ignoratio elenchi ; and which his case , supposeth many things which are to be proved , as 1. That Conformists are this Church . 2. That this practice of disowning them as now circumstantiat , is properly a sinfull separation . 3. That Prelatists have the best right to officiat as Ministers in this Church . 4. That we have no other reasons for a non-union but this pretended pollution of ordinances , and that we stand obliged upon this supposition that the ordinances are not thus polluted , to joyn to them rather then Presbyterian Ministers . And since this principle will prove them all to be Schismaticks who disowne Presbyterian Ministers in preaching the Gospel , it will follow therefrom that our Informer is in this pamphlet pleading for Schism , or else he must so limit this position , as thereby his conclusion against us shall be utterly cut off as is said . Fourthly , he presents unto us that passage ( page 254. ) where he shews [ That the godly in England tho separating from Bishops and Ceremonies did not separat from that Church ; and approves their doing so , and in keeping communion therwith in unquestionable duties , the contrary whereof he charges upon these separatists against whom he reasoneth , telling us ibidem , that if a Church be incorrigible in a wicked conversation , and yet retain the true faith , it s to be presumed that God hath some there to be saved , — that Christ himself is where his ordinances are , and some union with him the head — that though a privat scandalous brother ought to be cast off , yet not an Orthodox Chuch . ] Ans. 1. The Presbyterians have all this to plead for pleoples adherence to them , untill this Informer prove that the prelatick party are our nationall organick Church , which will be ad Kalendas Graecas . 2. Mr Rutherfoord all along states his question as to separation , from a Church so and so polluted . Ergo he spaks not of a Schismatick destroying Innovating party , or a separation from them rather then a sound Church contending against them , which would quite invert his scope and arguing , and the ground and hypothesis thereof . For I pose this man what if a party of acknowledged Innovators cast out the true Ministry , and should plead this passage of Mr Rutherfoords for their schism and the peoples adherence to them , sure he would charge them with begging the question , as we do Consormists in this point , and would acknowledge that Mr Rutherfoord pleads nothing for them . Fiftly , Mr Rutherfoord sayes ib idem [ We may separat from the Lords supper where the bread is ador'd — and from baptism where the sign of the cross is — yet we are not to separat from the Church . ] Ans. We may hence collect that in Mr Rutherfoords principles 1. We are to separat from all contagious Worship , tho not absolutly corrupt . 2. That this is no separation from the Church while there is a purer Church & Ministry to be joyned with , and to which we were joynd . 3. That a fortiori a non-union unto , and disowning of a backsliding party , who are not our Church , is warrantable because of their contagious corruptions , especially when ( as is said ) the opposition of that party to the true Church is so virulent . Mr Rutherfoord tells us there , that we separat not from the Church when we profess to hear the word , and allow the truth of Doctrine , and do not Presbyterian professors owne the true Doctrine of our Reformed Church , while hearing and and adhering unto her faithfull Pastors . Beside , Mr Rutherfoord tells us , that there may be cause of non-union where there is not sufficient cause of separation , as Paul separat not from the Jews till they blasphemed , yet , saith he , there was no cause why people should joyn to that Church before that time , since they had the cleaner to joyn with viz. That of the Apostles — Ergo in case of a true Reformed Church her being divided , and rent by a backsliding destroying party opposing her Authority , union and purity , introducing Innovations into her , contrary to her Reformation and vows , and casting out her faithfull Ministry who dare not comply with their wicked course , a non-union to them and adherence rather to that faithfull Ministry contending against them , is no sinfull separation from the Church , nor a separation at all by Mr Rutherfoords doctrine . Sure the Presbyterian party are in our principles the cleanest Church , to whom therefore Mr Rutherfoords allows to adhere . ( page 253. ) But here the Informer presents us another passage in that same place to repell what is said , viz. that he asserts [ there is no just cause to leave a less clean Church ( if true ) and to go to a purer , though one who is a member of no Church may joyn to that which he conceives purest . ] Ans. This makes as little for him as any of the rest , for 1. He is still speaking of a Church , thus intirely less pure , in comparison of a more pure . But blessed be God their prelatick impurity , has not infected all our Church , their being 1000 of Ministers & professors who adhere to the truth . This man will not say that this will plead for a peoples adherence to a party of Schismatick backsliders Intruding upon a pure Church , Introducing Innovations into her , and ejecting her faithfull Ministry as Conformists are now doing ; which will be yet more convincingly clear , if we consider 2. that Mr Rutherfoord layes much weight upon this , that a man is already a member of that Church which is less pure , but we cannot be said to be hactenus members of , and on this ground under a prior obligation of adherence unto , a party of Innovators and backsliders , who are destroying and ruining the pure Church , but in this case our prior obligation is in order to adherence to that pure Church and her faithfull Ministry , thus opposed as is said . But now at last our Informer who hath been hitherto silent as to any inference from his citations , drawes out a general conclusion from them , that in Mr Rutherfoords Iudgment and the English divines , neither the personal faults of Ministers , Nor real faults about the Worship ( much less supposed only ) will warrand a separation , which when admitted lifts not his cause one hair breadth off the dust , as is clear from what is said ; since he hath proved none of these three , either 1. That they are the Church of Scotland to which we are bound to adhere according to the tenour and principles of our Reformation , nor 2. That this practice of disowning them in this our case , is a sinfull separation . Or 3. that we disowne then meerly for personal scandals , or some corruption in Worship . Whereas we have proved that abstracting from both these , we have ground of disowning them as Schismatick Innovators destroying this Church ; and himself must grant that there may be a non-union unto , yea a separation from a party ground lesly assuming the name of a Church , though neither their personal faults do pollute the worship , nor the worship it self be simpliciter disowned , or else he must yeeld the cause when this is pleaded in behalf of Presbyterian Ministers , and for not separating from them : since it is upon this ground , that all along he pleads for people's disowning them , though he dare not say that the ordinances are polluted by their supposed scandals . After this our Informer exhorts his Doubter , to try all things — and not to be ashamed to retract what is amiss , as Augustin wrote books of retractions and Ierom exhorted Ruffinus not to be ashamed to confess an error . Ans. I think indeed , we are to search all things by the rule of the word , and had he with a single heart and an eye to the God of truth , searched better , he had not obtruded upon Gods people ( in defence of so bad a cause ) such insignificant arguments for demonstrations . But why exhorted he not his Doubter to hold fast what is good , as well as to try all things ? It is not fit to be ever learning , and fixe in nothing . And no doubt this latter part of that scripture precept , justifies our opposing their Innovations . But he pleads for retractions , and it s no wonder to see men who have Justified the casting aside such solemn Oaths and vows unto God , plead for retractions . But if he and his party retract not such monstrous retractions ( the very naming whereof would have made Augustin and Jerom astonished ) the wo threatned against perjury , backsliding , & breach of Covenant is very near them . His concluding prayer that God bless us with truth and peace , is good , and heartily accorded , and surely when our Jerusalem shall have this spiritual prosperity , peace , and truth ( which this man pretends to pray for ) within her walls , prelats and their wofull train and corrupt principles , which have made such sad breaches in her walls , will be without them . And the prosperity of such as love her , will ruine her enemies . His Doubters Resolution [ to hold fast what is good upon the proof of all things ] makes up his lame advice . And having thus fortifyd the Knowledge of the serious Doubter in that which this man hath been misinforming him about , and antidoted this poyson , we pray that all the sincere enquirers for truth , may hold it fast against the times errors and defection . The character of schism presented to us at the close of the pamphlet , is verifyed in the party he pleads for : since their proud usurpation of the name and authority of this Church , after they have thus rent and separat from her , demonstrats this their schism to be superbiaeproles . And in their taking up such grosse unheard of principles anent Oaths , anent Magistracy &c. to maintain and uphold this usurping hierarchy , they are like to fall under that other branch of the character of schism , that male perseverando fit haeresis . And because of the corruptions which it is like to be more & more productive of , It may very probably become also mater haereseos . The Lord awake for judgement , and send a plentifull rain to water his in heritance , and revive his work in the admist of the years , and make his face to shine upon his sanctuary in these lands , which is disolat , for his names sake . CHAP. VI. Animadversions Upon the PREFACE , And title Page . HAveing thus examined what this new Casuist hath offered in these Dialogues , we shall here subjoyn some Animadversions upon the Preface prefixt to this pamplet ( 1. ) His profest design is to let people see the sin and unwarrantableness of separation as the Epidimicall desease of the time . Ans. I think indeed it is so . and upon whose side this separation lyes , and who hath brought in this flood as he calls it , not since 78 but 62 I hope may be now no doubt to the impartiall discerner . It s no strange thing to see men charge upon others , that whereof themselves are so eminently guilty , Papists call themselves the only Catholicks and charge Protestant Churches with separation , just as this man and his Innovating party deal with us , they only must be the Church of Scotland , and we the Schismaticks , though not many years agoe it would have been thought ( I beleeve by many of these men themselves ) as strange a●…e absurditie and paradox , to term such a party owning such principles and practices as they now doe , the Church of Scotland , as to affirm that nihil was aliquid , non ens , ens , or that Zenith was in the situation and place of Nadir : such ane intoxicating thing is backsliding and sinfull self love . 2. He praises Magistrats in the bounds where he is , whose authority together with his mightie convictions ( forsooth ) brought back people who went once to hear Presbyterian Ministers out of noveltie . Ans , ●…s no small peice of our sin and desolation that the Magistrats sword given him for protection of the Lords faithfull Ambassadours in following theire duty , according to there solemn vowes to God , should be improven in such a sinfull opposition to them . What peace and order in this Church hath attended their monstrous perperjurious backsliding , were 20 years experience may discover especiallie to those who have seen and known the beautifull order of our first glorious ●…temple , the verie rubbish , whereof is yet refreshfull in any remains of a faithfull Ministrie that is left . 3. Against his modest reluctancie ( forsoo●…h ) some of authoritie and learning among his party thought it fitt that these his Dialogues should see the light , because schismatick principles and practices are not laid aside but carried on and this Informer thou ht it a mater of conscience to discover to such as are willing to be informed , how unwarrarantable such cours●…s are , if Scripure and even the Doct ine of Presbyterians may be admited to judge . Ans. How he hath fastned this charge of Schismatick principles and practices upon Presbyterian Ministers and Professors , I leave it to the Impartiall to Judge from what is here replyed . And how far any thing which he hath affered either from Scripture , or the principles of Presbyterians , is from reaching the conclusion which he aims at in these trifling Dialogues ; which all who are conscientious are ( we hope ) shy this rejoynder , and a respect to truth and dutie , sufficiently antidoted against , and the learned as well as conscientious may wonder at such prodigiously bold ignorance . 4. He wonders that so many of good note and not of the comons only are drinking in the principles of Brounists , which have been zealously disputed against by old nonconformists . Ans. How h●… hath made good this charge I refer it to the persusall of what is here replyed , and how far the pleadings of these Non-conformists whom he mentions are from helping his cause . I must here add , that its astoninishing to find this man pretending a principle of conscience for this undertaking , when his conscience could not but tell him , that both upon the poynt of Episcopacie , the Covenants , and separation also , he might have found all and more then he hath said fully answered , and that he pitifully snakes away from our arguments & dar not propose them in there genuin strength . Nay he doth not so much as offer fairly to state the question in any of these three great points which he pretends to inform us about , but confusedly shuffles them up for his own advantadge . And upon the point of the Covenant obligation , he poorly followes the arguments of the Seasonable case , and some hints from the Surveyer without so much as offring any return unto what the Apologist hath long since repelyd unto them . If this was conscientious dealing let any Judge ? and yet he is not ashamed to tell the world , that because Episcopacie and the covenants are by people made the great grounds of separating , therefore he premised his two dialogues concerning Episcopacie and the Covenants , to shew what a sandy ground they are for separation , if prelacie be found at least Lawfull , and the Covenants in evry case not obligatorie , whereas he hath offered nothing either to prove prelacie lawful , or the Covenant not obligatorie , but what is by severall of the godly learned abundantly answered and fully bafled , sevrall of which ( viz. the Apollogist , and jus divinum Ministery Anglican , he seems to have had before him in writeing these Dialogues , and yet nather doth he touch the answers of the Apologist to his arguments anent the Covenant , nor dar he scan the pungent arguments of the London Ministers against prelacie , and likwise there answers to sevrall things which he has offered for it , and particularly there learned Appendix in the poynt of Antiquitie , which cuts the sinnews of all his tedious legend of testimonies , he durst not medle with . Beside It wold seem he hath seen Smectymnus upon this subject , whose learned confutation of the Episcopall plea as well from scripture as antiquity he passes over sicco pede . And as for Erastian prelacie , he offers not a jot indefence of it , though his conscience could tell him that this is one main poynt of our plea against him . So that suppose Episcopacie were in its self found Lawfull , as he sayes , yet if Erastian Episcopacie be found unlawfull , his cause and pleading is lame and lost . After this he would amuse his reader with a testimonie of Zanchie and another of Blondell which parts the hoofs of his page first as for Zanchie he cites a passage of his Obser : in suam ipsius confessionem cap. 25. aphor : 10. 11. wherein he saves first his faith is simply built upon the word of God , Next In some measure upon the commun consent of the antient Catholick Church , and that he beleeves what has been defyned by holy fathers gathered together in the name of the Lord — citra ullam Scripturae contradictionem that these things are from the Spirit of though not of the same authoritie with Scripture , then he adds that nothing is more certain from counsells Histories and writeings of the Fathers then these orders of Ministers of which he has been speaking to have been received into the Church , with her intire consent , and what is he to condemn what the whole Church has aproved . I answer , beside that he should have set doun these gradus Ministrorum which Zanchius speaks of , that his reader might have known what these degrees were , or whither they were prelatick degrees or not , which no doubt he would have done had he not found that this would have marred his intent , ( for which cause he doth not so much as offer to English any part of this or of the ensuing testimony ) we say , first , that any who knowes Zanchies learning , and what the voice of the first and pure antiquity is , and how far from giving a testimony to the present Diocesian , much less the Erastian prelat , of whom none can without extrem impudence assert that Zanchie is speaking , will esteem this perswasion [ that the prelacy now existant with us hath the universall consent of all histories councills and fathers ] to be as far from the thoughts of Zanchie , as its necessary to prove his poynt 2. Zanchise ayes his faith simply and mainly leans upon the word of God , and so whatever the word is found to condemn ( as we have proved it doth the present prelacie in many respects ) Zanchie will make no bones to condemn it likwise , own it who will. The next passage he cites is of Blondell ( Apoll. pag. 193. ) who asserts that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs absolutly to the government of the Church — and it s anext 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the maner & order of its government , which the Church alwayes thought permitted to her arbitrement ; Nather must we think every thing unlawful which humane custom of professors hath brought into the use of divine things — That in such things christian prudence must act its part , that no Church must be drawen into ane example , that from the generall precept 〈◊〉 Cor. 14 : 40 ▪ the Church hath full power to follow what is more decent and commodious . Ans. 1. We have before cleard that with Blondell their diocesian Prelat stands absolutly condemned in scripture , and in his principles is diametrally opposit to the divine Scripture Bishop , which evidently concludes his condemning the present Episcopacie with sole power of ordination and Jurisdiction , — much more the Erastian prelat , altering fundamentally the government it self , which he dar not say that Blondell ever dreamed of . So that though we should grant because of this testimonie , that Blondell will befound to admitt a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and constant Moderator , which Its well knowen is the outmost length he goes , and that the Churches example and practice here anent may be variable , it falls utterly short of reaching the lest patrociny to his cause . 2. he cites 1 Cor 14. 40. anent alterable circumstances of order and decency , about which the Churches exercise of Christian prudence is convérsant , so that he must understand what he pleads for to be of that nature , but we have shewed upon the first Dialogue how far its contrary to Scripture & reason to include a diocesian Bishop or Arch bishop within the compass of decencie and order there commanded , since decencie and order points only at circumstances of actions already commanded and circumstances commun to civil and sacred things . And this according to the generall rules of the word , so that none can think Blondell so sottish as to take in among these , the Diocesian or Erastian Bishop and Arch-Bishop . 3. Since the profest scope of Blondells learned Appology is to plead for sententia Hieronomi — which is that in Apostolick times communi concilio presbyterorum Ecelesiae gubernabantur , surely whatever Blondell may admitt as to the Churches libertie in relation to a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet the admission of the diocesian prelate with sole power of ordination and Jurisdiction ( which this man pleads for ) and much more the Erastian prelate , would evert both his hypothesis and scope . Again , he dare not deny that with Blondell the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Ministeriall scripturall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbyterat , so that what he calls the modus rei cannot in its self , ( and consequently in Blondells meaning ) be supposed such a modus rei as destroyes the thing it self , & the subject which it affects , as certainly by the Diocesian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , much more the Erastian , doth the very substantialls of Presbyters divine power , which this learned author is in that piece pleading for . And in a word I dare pose this Informer , whither Blondell would not have thought a national Churches liberty in this point of Custome or alterable circumstances of decencie and order ( even tho we should grant that he puts Episcopacy among these ) is tyed up and restrained , by sacred solemn Oaths and vowes universally taken on against the same ; so that his cause is never a whit bettered by these blind Testimonies which ( as is said ) he he durst not translate , as he professeth to doe in the rest of his citations , for the advantage of the unlearned . The assertion after subjovned by him viz. that the unlawfulness of Episcopacie was questioned by none of the ancients except Aerius , and rarely by any of the modern except some of our British divines , that antient and modern divines think that prelacie was the primitive Government left by the Apostles ] we have proved to be a manifest untruth . Specially when applyed to the prelacy existant with us ; and that it is the consentient judgment of the far greatest part , both of ancient and modern that there is no difference jure divino betwixt a Bishop and Presbyter . And that our Prelats now in Scotland are as far different from the antient Bishops as east from West , so that no patrocinie can be drawen from the one to the other . That Blondell professes to vindicat Jerom from that which he calls Aerianism , who will believe , taking Aerius opinion to be for the premised Identitie of Bishop and Presbyter ; since we have made it appear by Testimonies of the learned , that both Greek and Latine Fathers held this same opinion with Aerius . How he hath proved Episcopacie [ to be the Government which hath best warrand in the word , and hath continued without interruption for many years ] we refer it to the reader to judge by what is above replyed , wherein we have made it appear , that as his pretended Scripture proofs for prelacy , and his answers to our Arguments against it , are most frivolous , so none of his pretended Testimonies from antiquitie doe reach his conclusion , nor any shadow of a patrocinie for our present Prelat now established , whom we have fully disproved from Scripture , both in his diocesian and Erastian mould . What poor shaddowes for proofs doth this man grasp at Blondell thought the Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lawful , and its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to belong to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and good order . Ergo , he pleaded for the Diocesian Bishop with sole power of ordination and Jurisdiction , and a Bishop deriving all his power from the civil Magistrat as immediatly subject unto him , which is a very antilogical proof and a meer rop of sand . Lastly he mainly commends to his reader this Dialogue anent separation [ wherein he sayes all the reasons brought for it are propounded and answered without passion which doth but alienat the minds . Ans. How poorly this man hath answered the true grounds of disowning conformists , or rather past them over , and how pityfully he all along begs the question in supposing what he hath to prove , we hope is made sufficiently appear to the Judicious and impartiall . As for passion , its true there is less of this in his Pamphlet then in some other of this stamp which his fellowes have flung out among the people , yet he hath his signal flashes of it [ in Iustifying Dr Burnets parallel of nonconformists with Scribes and Pharisees , and in calling them as great and causeless Schismaticks as ever the Church had in any age , nay in his grosse malitious reflecting upon the sufferings of poor Innocents in this land , telling us under the covert of Cyprians words [ that their in expiable sin of discord is not purged by their sufferings — that forsaking Christs Church , they cannot be martyres nor reign with him , ] which , with what a tincture of malice it presents its self , let any judge . His conferences he sayes do bring water to quenchour flames , but they bring rather fewel to the fire , and wood and hay to uphold Babell . The Rabbies whom he pleads for have kindled our flames , and the best way to quench them Is to put these incendiaries to the door . Next he cites the preface of the Syntag. Confess . edit . Genev. [ wherin the Church of Scotland is commended for her unity as well as purity of Doctrine , and then he cryes out O how have we lost our good name , and the staff of bonds is broken in the midst of us ] but he should have been so ingenuous as to have told us that we are in the preface of that Syntagma commended for our reformed Presbyterian discipline as the great bond and cement of our unity , and the guard of our pure doctrine , and who have broken this bond and sacred hedge I need not tell him , and what hath been the distress , confusion and desolation of our Church since it was broken , every one now sees ; so that he might lament the loss of our good name upon this ground , and especially of our Integrity where he a true son and watchmen of this Church . The consequences of our sad divisions , through the violence and Schismatick intrusion of abjured perjured Prelats and their underlings have indeed hazarded the standing of Christs Kingdome among us according to that of Mark 3. 24. And the biting & devouring wolves , the Prelats for whom he pleads have hazarded the consuming of Gods poor remnant Gal. 5. 19. Our Churches dissolution & corruption , & were he as tender to prevent this , as to preserve there worldly peace and sinfull union , he would have seen Prelacy to be the Idol Iealousie , the wedge driven by the popish artisans to divide and break this Church , and as the true cause of all our breaches to be removed in order to healing . The popish invasion doth indeed plead for union of the true Prorestant Church and interest against them , and consequently to hold out and oppose such arrant upholders and promoters of that Antichristian interest as Prelats have first and last been found and never more then now , since popry hath never more prevaild then since they were established ( by the confession even of our Rulers ) and that without control . While they are enflaming the powers to the out most height of rage against poor Innocent nonconfomists , so that union with them who are at so palpable an union with Rome is not the unity of the spirit which is to be keep in the bond of Peace , and to be ownd by any that favour the Protestant Interest . The texts which he presents unto us upon the frontispeice of the Pamphlet will be found to rebound a deadly blow upon his cause . For that ●…assage Psal. 122. 6. 7. pray for the peace of Ierusalem &c. We also pray for this peace , and in order to the obtaining of this suit , that the Lord would make up the breaches in her walls , and remove the treacherous breakers thereof , who , we may say again and again that in this they have dealt very treacherously , but what peace with Conformists while their whoordomsare so many . The next text is Psal 133. 1. behold how good and pleasant a thing it is for brethren to duell together in unitie . It is so indeed and therefore woe unto them ( if they repent no●… ) who have broken this bond of holy brotherhood , have rent Aarons garment , corrupted the Covenant of levi , and do avowedly owne principles and wayes upon which hermons dew ( heavens blessing ) cannot be exspected . Therefore this command of Lovely union engadges to disjoyn our selves from them . For the next text Mark 3. 24. a kingdome divided against its self cannot stand &c. We say , Gods Church hath stood amidst great divisions , is one and intire in it ●…f , and will at last be delivered from all divisions and offences ; and therefore upon the same ground we are to avoid prelatists who have caused them . For that of heb 10. 25. anent not forsaking the Assemblies , we blesse the Lord that such as are sorroufull for our Churches true Assemblies , and to whom this man and his fellowes reproaches thereof are a burthen , have had the Assemblies of Christs ambassadours to attend , and that the great Master of Assemblies hath not wholly left them , but hath covered a table in the wildernes in this our Churches fli●…ht unto it , to these who with perill of their life are seeking their soul food because of the sword of the wildernesse , drawen out by Assemblies of Schismatick destroying Intruders , from whom we must depart , and who have persecut us away for adherance to our sworn Reformation and Covenant with God , which they have dissound . The sentence next subjoyned viz opinionum varietas & opinantium unitas non sunt asustata , doth highly reflect upon himself , and the party he pleads for , who doe persecut with fire and sword all who differ in judgement from them in these things which they aknowledge but tricae & maters indifferent , so that in this they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For us , we are chased out from them , and can be admitted to no union with them except we unit in there sin , which throw grace we are fixtly resolved against . His design [ to quiet peoples minds , and setle them in more peace and unitie ] is of it self to good to be presented as a porch here to such a shattered pasquill , and to be pretended to so bad a cause & in this place may be not unsuitably assimilated to Solomons ring of gold in a swines snout . No doubt solid peace and unitie is only to be found in Gods way , in keeping his Covenant and owning his Messengers of peace ( whose feet have been beautiful even on these reproached mountains & other places where Gods people assembled , since they have his call and seal to preach the gospell ) and not in following the foxes in a way of perjurie and breach of Covenant as this pamphleter would perswad . FINIS . Curteous Reader . There being several considarable Typographicall erroures in the first part especially , thou art desired ere thou readest , or in the reading to amend with thy pen these ensuing , or such like as will occurr unto the in the perusal . First Part. PAg. 5. l. 15. read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 6. l. 25. r. 28. l. 29. r. inequality . p. 8. l. 18. r. chides . p. 9. l. 2. r. juridical . l. 8. r. high . p. 10. l. 6. r. Pastors . l. 16. r. dogmatick . l. 35. r. juridical . pag. 11. for [ as the foundation of ] r. influencing . p. 13. l. 30. r. this . p. 17. l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 24. r. posessed . p. 18. l. 17. r. he . p. 19. l. 32. r. qualifications . p. 21. l. 7. r. hath . p. 22. l. 11. r. tell . l. 20. r. the. p. 25. l. 23. r. with . p. 26. l. 31. r. none . p. 27. l. 1. r. up . l. 7. r. these . p. 28. l. 24. r. unto . p. 29. l. 26. r. power . p. 31. l. 17. r. there . p. 32. l. 32. r. it . p. 36. l. 26. r. worn . p. 37. l. 9. r. bring . p. 39. l. 13. r. he . p. 12. p. 46. l. 23. r. Rom. 12. p. 51. l. 1. r. Gravari . l. 2. r. Politicorum . Chap. 7. Tit. l. 5. add . in . p. 59. l. 10. r. wearing . l. 16. add . a. l. ult . r. not . p. 63. l. 9. r. Oecononemy . l. ult . add . shewes . p. 68. l. 7. r. simply l. 33. r. to . p. 73. l. 22. r. be . p. 76. l. 9. add . is . p. 81. l. 10. r. subject . l. 30. r. of dominion . p. 82. l. 25. r. Informes . p. 84. l. 1. r. negatively . p. 85. l. 9. r. this . p. 86. l. ult . r. the. p. 89. l. 13. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 80. p. 92. l. 4 . -l . 32. r. can . p. 94. l. 33. r. in . p. 95. l. 1. dele . is . p. 96. l. 4. r. he . p. 99. l. 27. add . is . p. 102. l. 10 for . [ the Corinthians ] r. Churches . p. 104. l. 13. dele , [ as we may after shew ] 107. l. penult . r. officers and offices . p. 108. l. 30. r. can . p. 109. l. 9. add , his . p. 114. l. 10. r. thus . l. 32. add . no. p. 116. l. 11. ad●… according to the series of his reasoning . no. p 119. l. 9. r. this . l. 29. r. inferiour . p. 120. l. 30. r. this . p. 123. l. 4. r. Christian. p. 124. l. 9. r. to gather . l. ●…30 . dele ry . p. 125. l. 24. r. been . p. 126. l. 22. r. Spurious . p. 129. l. 1. r. commanded . l. 4. r. Presbytry . p. 131. l. 13. supple . in the proper Scriptural senc . l. 32. r. grad . p. 137. l. 1. dele . had ane office next to that of apostles and doctours . p. 139. l. 20. r. his . p. 140. l. 21. r. for . p. 148. l. 12. r. supple . Taking it in ane authoritative Juridical senc . p. 150. l. penult . r. pray . p. 157. l. 14. dele , apostolik and. p. 162. l. 27. r. circle stil. p. 163. l. 9. r. with . l. ult . r. ceremonial . ibid. r. part . p. 164. l. 31. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. dele . ane . p. 167. l. 5. r exemplify . p. 170. l. 14. r. Prov. 9. p. 171. l. 14. r labourers . l. ult . add . wee . p. 174. l. 34. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 177. l. 10. r. ubi . p. 177. l , 31. for , even , r. except . p. 178. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 183. l. 30. Ar. it self . p. 186. l. 16. r. and pride . l. penult . add , in . p. 188. l. ult . r. true . p. 191. l. 30. r. profligat . p. 195. l. 16. r. interval , the , l. 21. r. nothing . p. 196. l. 3. r. bold . p. 198. p. 199. l. 5. r. what . p. 200. l. 2. dele message , or . l. 13. add . in . p. 201. l. 33 , p. suppositia . l. 33 , r. suppositious . l. ult . what . p. 203 , l. 17. r. till . 204. l. 6. r. consuetudo . p. 206. l. 24. r. for . 1. p. 211. l. 21. through the. p. 215. l. 25. r. distributively . 217. l. 9 , dele , by . l. 19. add , is . p. 219. l. 6. r. or . p. 221. l. 24 , add , the. l. 25. r. opposed . p. 222. l. 25. r. of . p. 226 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 227 , l. 12 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 229. l. 24. r. deligatur plebe p. 231 , l. 30. r. ligandi . l. ult . in . p. 236. 11. r. ●…rum . p. 238 , l. 26. r. fit segregatus . l. 27. r. set aside or cesured . p. 241 , l. 20. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 25 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 142 , l. 10. r. lowly . p , 143. l. 10. r. unalterablenes . l. 19 , r. harmonious p. 245 , l. 7. r. commune p. 246. l. 28. r. name . p. 247. l. 28. r. office . ibid. r. none . l. 30 , r. us . p. 252. l. 3. r. 5. l. 33. supple , and besides . l. 34 , r. this . ibid. supple , which is p. 261. l. 28. r. forgat . 29. r. for . p. 261. l. 26. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : p. 265. l. 10. dele , as to soom acts . p. 272. l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 281. l. 9. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Part. pag 2. l. 15. supple . both . p. 7. l. 24. supple , anno 40. and 41. p. 24. l. 17. r. 1671. p. 62. l. 4. r. this p. 73. l. 2. r. then l. 20. r. cannot . p. 99. l. 18. r. commissaries p. 117. l. 4. dele . me . p. 124. l. 4. r. consonant . p. 132. l. 19. r. Diaeceseos . l. 21. supple . the. Part. 3. Pag. 2. l. 13. r. our . l. 14. r. or . p. 4. l. 29. r. declared p. 12. l. 13. supple . and are . p. 14. l. 28. r. doe . p. 26 , l. 15 , supple . ane . p. 28 , l. 28. r. and. p. 29 , l. 16 , r. of . p. 35 , l. 31 , supple . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 32. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 36 , l. 1 , r. motion . p. 37 , l. 28 , r : fourth . p. 39 , l. 32 , r. constitution . p. 40 , l. 32 , supple comparing this with what he pleads from the instance of Solomons deposing Abiathar . p. 48 , l. 9. r. by . p. 53 , l. 2. r. obligations . p. 59 , l , 8 , r. intrusion . p. 61 , l. 32 , add . therof . p. 64 , l. 27 , r chousing . p. 67 , l. 15 , r. petitio . p. 69 , l. 25 , r. they . p. 73 , l. 32 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 78 , l ult . r. Sabinus . p. 81 , l. 15 , r. the p. 83 , l. penult r. relation , p. 84 , l. 15 , r. no Bishop . p. 90 , l. 21. r. Priest. l. 27 ; dele . hearing of . p. 28 , dele . and attending their Ministry as such 15. p. 94 , l. 11 , adde , graceless men . p. 95 , l. 4 , dele . of . p. 103 , l. 18 , r. ofl . 23 , r scruple . p. 113 , l. 1 , r. supremacy . p. 127 , l. 28 , r. inquies . p. 130 , l. ult . r. calceorum . p. 134 , l. 12 , r. another , p. 138 , l. 26 , r. authority . l. penult . r. our . p. 160 , l. 1 , add . this . p. 162 , l. 27 , r. Presbyterian . p. 165 , l. 17 , r. they . p. 167 , l. 27 , r. for , or , r. againe , p. 168 , l. r , adde , especially . p. 170 , l. 10 , r. which notwithstanding is . 179 , l. 29 , r. Magistrats : p. 181 , l. 12. r. a purer Church . p. 183 , l. 16 , r. and which doth . p. 186 , l. 2 , r. thousandes . l. 16 , r. this . p. 190 , l. 11. r. more then . l. 28 , r. offered . p 162 , l. 8 , r. Smectymnuus . p. p , 162 , l. 25 , r. the Holy Spirit , dele of ibid. p. pe - command . p. 76. l. 19. After Ambition , r. The text being most expresse in it , that the inequality which they were striveing about , included a dominion and primacie . p. 77. l. 13. after [ touched ] adde , since our Lord was now exerciseing , an absolute supremacie over his Church , how then ( I pray ) will this argument taken from his example , Suite his Scope & purpose of dischargeing a Supremacie . p. 79. l. 20. 21. r. thus , did not Christ discharge ane inequality , in dischargeing a primacie ; an inequality of the highest pitch . p. 79 : l. ult : r. Seeming to make . p. 80. l. ult . After [ power ] adde ( to use his way of speaking ) p : 81. l : 20 : r. and neither despotick nor princely . p. 83. l. 28 : 29. r. That Church-officers are of superiour or inferiour orders or kinds . p. 84. l : 26. r. A preaching Presbyter or Pastor . l. 31 , 32. r. Such Presbyters have the Scriptural Episcopal authority . p , 85. l. 17 , r. Superiour and inferiour kindes or orders . p. 87. l. 6 , r. After [ Church rulers ] adde , we , all know how Prelatists and the popish Church apply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Clerus . l. 9. after [ denomination ] adde , considered in its true extent & import , p. 89. l. 5. r. To the highest ordinary office bearers , intrusted with the Power of the keys , l. 14 , r. Whatever Power of order or jurisdiction , the Scripture Bishop can lay claime unto . p. 90 , l. 1. r. The Scripture Episcopal Power , l. 9 : r. All this Episcopal Authority . l. 25 , r. Elders or Bishops in a perfect parity , and in common , So , l. ult . after [ flocks ] . p. 91. l. 3. after , [ Presbyters ] adde , when applyed ( as is said ) to the highest ordinary officers entrusted with the Power of the keyes , l : 12 , r. preaching Presbyters or Pastors . So l. 18 , l. 32. after [ elder ] adde ( he must understand the preaching elder or Pastor if he speak to the point . ) l. ult . and pag. 92. l. 1. r. When God is pointing out thereby the highest ordinary officer intrusted with the word and doctrine . l. 5. r. preaching Presbyter , l. 15 , r. preaching elders . l. 17. r. this highest ordinary standing officer often mentioned , p. 92. l. 17. r. When the Word [ Bishop ] is applyed to the highest ordinary Church officer entrusted with the Power of the keyes . l. 24. r. preaching elder or Presbyter , l. 30. r. the same highest ordinary officer . l. 37. r. preaching Presbyter , So p. 94. l. 5 , and 7. and 19. So p. 95 , l. 5 , & 9. p. 97. l. 5 , r. preaching Presbyters or Pastors . So , l. ult . and p. 99. l. 4 , & 16 , 26. So p. 101 , l. 14 , and 18. l. 34. r. that the Pastoral office admitts of different orders , p. 102 , l. 28. r. preaching Presbyters . So. p. 103 , l. 6. 21 , and 28. So also , p. 104. l. 23. p. 111 , l. 30 , r. Such different orders of Church officers , l. 34. r. different orders , p. 120. l. 14. r. his fancied Ecclesiastick Officers specifically different . p. 122 , l. 8 , r. of a Superiour order and function , l. 11 , r. of the same function . l. 16 , r. Several functions , l. 18 , r. different functions . p. 124 , l. 24. r. as appearing to the Informer Episcopal like . p. 131. l. 13. r. thus ( or of the Scripture sense imbraced by our divines , viz. for the Apostles extraordinary unfixt assistants in their Ministry . So Calvin on the place . Bucan , loc . 47. de Minist . , Muscuius , loc . de minist . verb. pag. 362. &c. and the latter part of his Answer seems to admitt this ) l : 21. r. ( which the Informer will easily grant is not that strict proper sense of the Evangelist , supposed either in his doubters objection or his answer . ) p. 133. l. 31 , 32 , 33. r. Thus , in the Scripture proper sense , but those that preach the Gospel in that extraordinary way above exprest , for , as for those that wrote the Gospel , the Informer will not say they are intended here , and although such may be in part called Evangelists upon this ground , as Marke , & Luk , Sensu Augustiore , as Bucan expresseth it , ubi supra , yet this is not acknowledged to be the proper and adequate ●…round of this office and denomination , as contradistinguished in Scripture from Apostles , two Apostles themselves , Matthew and Iohn , being such Evangelists , p. 139 , l. 33 , 34. r. So that he doth in these words clearly plead &c. l. ult unto p. 140. l : 6. after [ among them ] adde , if we consider the intire Series of his reasoning , not only from Christs primacy and Supremacy as exemplified in the Aposties ( whatever he doth inconsistently here adde , as to the division of this princehood among them , since thus the Apostle John was sole primate , over the Church when the rest were gone ) but also from the morall standing Authority of the Jewish P●…hood , and such a single Supremacy of the High-Priest which he denyes to be typicall , but of constant use in Government , and his express asserting th●… equality of the same Ministry , may admit of inequality ( consequently principality , or primacy as he expresseth it ) in Government . Thus he [ de divers . grad . ●…p . 14. pag. 145. ] l. 16. r. Had in a prefect parity and in common ; so pag. 147. l 13. p. 148. l. 31. after elder , adde , takeing it in an authoritative juridical sense , as competent to Church officers . p , 149. l. 13. after accuse , adde , taken generally and in its full latitude . p. 152. l. 21. After properly , adde , and immediatly intrusted to them . p. 157. l. 12. r. will the Informer deny that in his sense , or of these divines , these precepts , 1 Tim. 6 : 13. and 1 Tim. 5. 21. Joyned with the promise mentioned , will not reach , and include every peice of the Apostolick and Evangelistick office respective , p : 158. l. 10. r. is not that which simply and absolutely in it self considered they hold to have the force of a rule , p. 162. line 10. r. different offices and functions , 25 : r. before Ephesus Crete and other Churches were settled in their organick being and their ordinary and inferour elders . p. 164. l. 13. r. is mentioned in such ane act of Solemn blessing , thus circumstantiate both as to its subject and object as this . p. 176. ( misprinted 149. ) r. From the first Scripture Bishops or preaching Presbyters , p. 177. l. 30 , 31. r. That this Episcopal power over Presbyters , though farre from the Diocesian Bishops power was not till the year 140. p. 190. l. 18. r. Aaron himself [ mediatly at least and upon the matter . ] p. 194 l. 12. r. Hanmer p. 197. l , 13. r and expound thy Scriptures which custome hath not known &c. Disowning thus all customary or traditionall innovations . p. 200. l. 27. r. from Mark the Presbyters , l. 29. r. speaking of this custome he excludes him . p. 201. l. 2 , r. thus , to the Presbyters election as their act simply , but would have plainely asserted that it was by Mark 's appointment : the simple observing of this practice or custome , & observing it by his appointment , being quize distinct things ; beside that we shall after shew , that Jerom never intended to assert any such thing . p. 203. l. 16. r. The Church in this Nation . p. 207. l. 7. r. Common counsell , or in a joint parity and equality , so , l. 1●… . ibi●…m after . 4 figure , r. if in Jerom's sense the Apostles &c p. 208. l. 3. r. preaching Presbyters . From , l. 11 : to 17. r. thus , can he make it appear that the Schisme in Corinth ( from which he drawes the change in Jeroms sense ) was anterior to his proofs from . 1 Pet. 5. and Acts. 20. Much more his proof from John , for the divine warrand of this intire parity and common joynt Government of Presbyters , or that this Schisme was not attended with such absence of the Apostle , as he supposes did influence this new Episcopall Government in Jeroms sense . p. 209. l. 1. After the word [ nature ] adde , besides that the passage it self , will never prove either Marks practice or appointment in relation to this supposed Bishop as is said , p. ●…11 . l. 11. r. Upon the ground of this first evasion and glosse , l. 20 r , which in the two collated passages of Jerome , 212 l. 5. r. that the Apostles in Jeroms sense did , l , 24. r. by common counsel , or in a compleat parity , ( thus also . p. 214 , l. 24 ) p. 213. l. 22 , r. preaching Presbyters , p. 216 , l. 29 , 30 , to 32 , after [ Jerome speaks of ] r. thus . So that this Schisme was bred while there was no Presbyterian parity to breed it . He tells us , that in Jeroms sense the Corinth Schisme gave a rise to this change , while Paul was present in Spirit and Governing them Episcopally ( for he will not say that he let go his reighns of Government upon every personal absence ) and therefore it took its original according to his pleading from the Apostolick Episcopacie . p. 220 , from l. 33 , to p. 221 , r. he makes him reflect upon Christs immediate commands and institutions in point of Government , whereof severals can be produced in the Evangelick History , as if they were not only altered , but stated in-opposition to the Apostles institutions and practice therein . For Jerom doth thus clearly oppose to one another , the Dispositio Divina , and Ecclesiae usus or custome in this passage , as two contrary and inconsistent things , thus he also reflects upon Christs institutions as at first practised by the Apostles before this change . p. 225. l. 17. r. no such delegation . p. 231. l. 17. r. the present prince-like power of our Prelates , as Diocesian B. farre less their Erastian usurpations . p. 237 , l. 8 , 9 , &c. r. the ancient Bishops were not all sett over whole provinces , but city by city for the most part ( yea several cities had more ) who certainly were not Bishops in that sense , wherein we heard Theodoret and Oecomen●…us denyes a multiplicity of Bishops in one city , which also proves a great variety in the Moold and denomination of Bishops spoken of by the fathers . p. 238. l. 23 , r. sett aside , separat , and suspended , So , p. 239 , l. 2 , p. 247 , l. 11 , r. a preaching Presbyter or Pastor . l. 35 , r. Sect. I●… . p. 250. l. 9. must begin thus . Besides , what can he inferre from Calvin's assertion of the precedency of one at that tyme ? had not Paul &c. p. 251 , the Parenthesis l. 5 , 6 , 7. r. thus ( no lesse foolishly then maliciously here improven by Durel , no friend to his principles . ) p. 252 , the penult line must be contiguous with the preceeding , and run thus , besids that this treatise intituled &c. p. 258 , l. 15 , and l. 19 , of pag. 259 are to be joyned as contiguous , p. 261. l. 17. after [ Government , ] adde , and received and submitted to our Churches pure constitution in point of doctrine and worship , p. 262 , l. 25 , r. which as early crept into the Church , as the prelacy he pleads for yea much more early . p. 263 , l. 33 , 34 , 35 , r : thus ; nor hath the Informer proved that this Proestos , cast in the moold of the present Episcopacie which he pleads for , was allowed of Blondel , since he holds it to be cross to the divine pattern , and from Scripture disputes against it . p. 238 , l. 21 , r. from the tymes of the Apostles , and appointed by them . p. 262 , from , l. 22 , to l. 29 r. thus : presented under an Episcopal notion to Eusebius , and the Power of Bishops which then had obtained , whom he too credulously following in his Character and accounts of them , and ( as Irenaeus also doth ) calling them Bishops in the Catalogues , might deceive others in nameing them , so , p. 263 , from , l. 9 , to 11 , read , what ever impression of them Irenaeus might be supposed to have upon the ground of his expressions of them , or might thereby beget in others , because of the language and custome of their time , yet &c. from l. 14 , to 16 , r. the nature , and state of these Church-officers , whom termeing [ Bishops ] they were supposed to be such as had then obtained , l. 18 , to 25. r. thus ; in that Irenaeus calls them [ Presbyters ] according to the promiscuous use of the names Bishop and Presbyter in his tyme , they prove that these expressions of them which seem to savour of an Episcopal notion , or what impression he might have , or others take from him , was a mistake : since according to the Scripture language &c. l. 26 , to 32 , r. that what impression Irenaeus might possibly have of the first moderators , or what Episcopal notion Eusebius might present them under , upon his credulous reports taken up upon trust ( as he sayes himself ) from his forefathers , were a mistake : and this because the persones , whom they thus represented , and of whom they meaned and speake , were upon thematter meer Presbyters . p. 264 , l. 21 , r. next , if the Informer will strain these words to plead for his hierarchie even in the Apostles tyme , and will affirme that Bucer &c. l. 25 , r. he must needs grant that Bucer was obleidged to take notice &c. l. 30 , r. els there will be no consistencie in the words , if Bucer reckon &c. p. 271 , l. 5 , 6 , r. but as the Informer will finde it hard to prove thisdistinction of the schools to be as ancient as these fathers , so though it were granted that it was , it is certain that what gradual difference they admitt betwixt the Bishop and Presbyter , they found it &c. p. 281 , l. 3 , r. collected by one under the name of Clemens . 2d . Part. p. 5 , l. r , r : haveing no tincture of Prelacie , but intirely Presbyterial in its mold & members , according to the then degrees and State of our Reformation . p. 23 , l. 7. after [ Seasonable case ] r. ( and himself in objecting the same afterward , p. 69. ) p 29 , l. 8 , r. in their nature , and originally flowes from the Pope , p. 64 , l. 30 , after [ Government ] adde , whatever defection or liberty of glossing any of them might fall into or plead for . p. 76 , l. penult . read . prael . 3 , parag . 9. p. 78 , l. 3 , r. of all Oaths of this nature . p. 82 , l. 3 , 4 , 5 , r. Not to detain the Informer in tasking him to prove that this Statute as not being judicial , but moral , doth belong unto the Christian Church : l. 28 , 29 , r. this divine frame of Presbyterian Government , which both as to its courts and officers , comprehends the substantials of Government : p. 83 , l. 15 , r. prael . 3 , parag . 9 , 10 , l. 23 , r. prael . 7 , Parag. 6 : p. 92 , l. 27 , r. but such cannot be the Inf●…rmers meaning in this place , nor will his moold of arguing admitt thereof : p. 98 , l. 14r . a matter not only of it self indifferent , but a domestick and private concerne l. 22. after [ gratis dicta ] r. Besides , upon the supposal that the matter of both Oaths is alike or equal , and that the matter of the Covenant is indifferent , the parallel will not hold as to a dispensation with the matter of the one and the other . p. 101 , l. 11 , after [ obligation ] adde , for whither we conclude the lawfulness of the matter of this Oath , from its conform 〈◊〉 to the divine positive Law , or from the overuling of this positive precept in this case by a Superiour moral command , all is one as to our defence and argument for the Covenant from this text , p. 115 , l. 18 , r. The Informer hath not reconc led this either with the command or with the promise &c. p. 117. l. 15 ; 6 , 7 , r. Sure in his opinion their offer of a league , if strangers , admitted a demurr , and if Canaanites their offering to admitt of terms of peace might have stopt this question , even though inhabitants of Canaan &c. l. 11 , r. So their first offer was a ground of peace , if strangers , l. 13 , r. especially these continued demurrs and renewed interrogatures recorded in this contexture are considerable , if we consider what is observed by learned interpreters from v. 8. that they sought peace , &c. l. 17 , and when . r. for when . Par. . 3. p. 35 , l 32 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 45 , l. 28 , r. Presbyterian Government and the establisht Reformation of this Church , p. 47 , l. 28 , r. the work of the Reformation then establisht , p. 50 , l. 3. for , pamphlet r. Dialogue : p. 54 , l. ult . r. and such things as upon our , and the Scripture grounds ( which the Informer cannot disprove ) do immediatly in a moral sense dispose &c : p : 56 , l : 33 , r : ( besides that as to the maine of this Character , they are all such as we have cleared ) he makes &c : p : 57 , l : 14 , r : which even as to the Apostle himself , was solemnly sealed , confirmed and commended to the gentile Church : p. 73 , l. 10 , r. extending hands , and that not only among the people , but also in commitiis &c. p. 75 , l. 27 , r. independents and us in this point of a ministerial call . p. 76 , l. 8 ▪ r. that this electiv suffrage strictly taken or ju●…dicially , may be pleaded for as belonging to them . p. 77 , l. 8 , 9 , &c. r : thus : and as that which is proper to some part of this organick body ( the Church ) may in a General sense be said to be the due right of the Church it self : in like manner , I may this call and election be said to be the right of the wholl congregation , as including the body of the people and the eldership , the juridical decisive suffrage belonging to the eldership , and the Consentient to the rest of the people , as is said . p. 18 , l : 9 , r. they are abjured , p. 90 , l : 17 , 18 , r. againe , 't is obedience that is enjoyned , which is more General and extensive then hearing them as Ecclesiastick officers , and will not necessarily include it , l. 20 , 21 , r. sitting in Moses chaire who was King in Jesurum , appears distinct from sitting in Aarons Priestly chaire , p. 91 , l. 10 , 11. r. hence the concession [ that they were to be heard ] will not bear a conclusion of hearing Curats , in this our case . For 1. ( here adde what is under the second head ) then proceed thus , next , say they were to be heard as Ecclesiastick teachers , the cases are very different &c. then proceed to 1 , 3 , 4 , 5. head . p. 97 , l. 9 , r. teach and expone in the sense and extent he pleads for , which he hath not &c. p. 103. l. 29. 3. depending as to their ordination , p. 104. l. 24 , r. did the ministerial acts of our Reformers now mentioned flow &c. p. 105 , l. 6. r. did owe the validitie of their Baptisme , &c. p. 115. l. 27. after [ defection ] adde , and deeper staine of more and more practical acknowledgements thereof , as to the designe and endeavours of the Law-makers , p. 118 , l. 2. r. Since in this his first reply , taken from their obedience to the rulers , he touches neither the Antececedent nor consequent &c. l. 30 , 31 , &c. r. thus , Since he acknowledges separation from the Government to be Schisme , Sure our counter charge stands good against him , that the first Separation lies at his Door , it being made good that Presbyterian Government is both the Scripture Church Government , and also the reformed established Government of this Church , & this retorted charge , neither he nor any of his party are able to disprove . For &c. p. 119. l. 30. r. absolute unavoidable condition : p. 128 , l. 33 : r. that are very necessary , but allures him rather by love and tender forbearance : p. 119 , l. 6. r. — Sed licentia , quod temeritatis ; & superbiae & stultitiae ( in margine arrogantiae ) majoris videbatur . p. 130 , l. 18 , r. but I say not ( sayth he ) the I dolothyt &c. p. 131. l. 10 , r. thus , at that tyme this came to pass through their weakness , &c. p. 133 , l. 10. r. that in these things he will rather cede from his liberty ( or intermit its exercise ) then offend &c. p. 141. l. 33 , r. no more indifferent , but duty , p. 142 , l. 15 , r. takeing this phrase in a moral sense , and in the Scripture acceptation . p , 150 , l. 16 , 17 , after [ Ministry ] adde , and did necessarily suppose the same : p : 155. l. penult . r. Ergo. by his Magistratical Power , he did properly and immediatly silence and depose him , and the civil Magistrate may thus immediatly and formally by his Magistratical Power restraine the exercise of the ministrie . p. ●…57 , l. 2. r. that he can by his Magistratical Power and by elicit acts immediatly restrain ministerial duties , or that the Magistrate hath ane immediate Power over the exercise of the Ministerial office , to discharge it at his pleasure . p. 164 , l. 14 , r. 1 one anent whom an inquiry might be stated . Praef. p. 24. l. 24. r. contention and hatred . p. 26. l. 6. r. come to Bethel . p. 35. l. 16. r. after the firs●… anent view which I had of it . Several such might possibly beyet glean●… up : if some passages of Authors seem to●… generaly cited , or not translated ad verbum . the notoriety of the places themselves may excuse the first , and the condition of Readers , to whom this is mainly addressed , may plead for the second . The Pages here quoted are numbred according the printed Method , but the true Method exhibit in the Index , will direct the Reader aright . 
A78447	----	The censures of the church revived. In the defence of a short paper published by the first classis within the province of Lancaster ... but since printed without their privity or consent, after it had been assaulted by some gentlemen and others within their bounds ... under the title of Ex-communicatio excommunicata, or a Censure of the presbyterian censures and proceedings, in the classis at Manchester. Wherein 1. The dangerousness of admitting moderate episcopacy is shewed. ... 6. The presbyterian government vindicated from severall aspersions cast upon it, ... In three full answers ... Together with a full narrative, of the occasion and grounds, of publishing in the congregations, the above mentioned short paper, and of the whole proceedings since, from first to last. 1659 Approx. 892 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 190 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A78447 Wing C1669 Thomason E980_22 ESTC R207784 99866814 99866814 119100 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78447) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 119100) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 145:E980[22]) The censures of the church revived. In the defence of a short paper published by the first classis within the province of Lancaster ... but since printed without their privity or consent, after it had been assaulted by some gentlemen and others within their bounds ... under the title of Ex-communicatio excommunicata, or a Censure of the presbyterian censures and proceedings, in the classis at Manchester. Wherein 1. The dangerousness of admitting moderate episcopacy is shewed. ... 6. The presbyterian government vindicated from severall aspersions cast upon it, ... In three full answers ... Together with a full narrative, of the occasion and grounds, of publishing in the congregations, the above mentioned short paper, and of the whole proceedings since, from first to last. Harrison, John, 1613?-1670. Allen, Isaac, 17th cent. [64], 140, 177-350, [2] p. printed for George Eversden, at the signe of the Maiden-head in Pauls Church-yard, London : 1659. The dedication is signed: John Harrison moderator. "In 1658 a controversy about presbyterian church government arose between the Rev. Isaac Allen of Prestwich and other episcopalians and the Manchester Classis, and Harrison was deputed by that presbytery to write in their defence." This is the resulting volume of papers written on both sides. -- DNB. Text continuous despite pagination. Annotation on Thomason copy: "May 12". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Allen, Isaac, 17th cent. -- Excommunicatio excommunicata. Presbyterianism -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CENSURES of the CHURCH REVIVED . In the defence of a short Paper published by the first Classis within the Province of Lancaster , in the severall Congregations belonging to their own Association , but since Printed without their privity or consent , after it had been assaulted by some Gentlemen and others within their bounds , in certain Papers presented by them unto the said Classis , and since also Printed together with an Answer of that Classis unto the first of their Papers , without their knowledg also and consent , under the Title of Excommunicatio excommunicata , or a Censure of the Presbyterian censures and proceedings , in the Classis at Manchester . WHEREIN 1. The dangerousness of admitting moderate Episcopacy is shewed . 2. The Jus divinum of the Ruling Elders Office is asserted and cleared . 3. The aspersions of Schisme and Perjury are wiped off from those that disown Episcopacy . 4. The being of a Church and lawfully Ordained Ministry , are evidenced and secured sufficiently in the want of Episcopacy . 5. The Scriptures asserted and proved to be the sole supreame Judge of all controversies in matters of Religion , and the only sure interpreter of themselves , not Councils , or Fathers , or the universall practice of the Primitive Churches . 6. The Presbyterian Government vindicated from severall aspersions cast upon it , and also the first Classis within the Province of Lancaster and their actings justified , in their making out their claime to the civill sanction , for the establishment of that Church Government and power which they exercise ; and likewise a cleare manifestation , that their proceedings have been regular and orderly , according to the forme of Church Government established by Ordinance of Parliament . In three full Answers , given to any thing objected , against their proceedings , by the aforesaid Gentlemen and others , in any of their Papers . Together with a full Narrative , of the occasion and grounds , of publishing in the Congregations , the above mentioned short Paper , and of the whole proceedings since , from first to last . LONDON , Printed for George Eversden , at the Signe of the Maiden-head in Pauls Church-yard . 1659. TO THE Reverend and Beloved , the Ministers and Elders meeting in the Provinciall Assembly of the Province of London ; the Ministers and Elders of the first Classis of the Province of Lancaster , meeting at Manchester , do heartily wish the Crown of perseverance in a judicious and zealous defence , of the Doctrine , Government and Discipline of the Lord Jesus , both theirs , and ours . Reverend and beloved Brethren : WHen the Sun of Righteousnes had first favourably risen to them that fear the Name of God in this Land , after a dark and stormy night of corruption and persecution ; then , even then were the quickning beams of the sun of civil Authority in this inferionr world caused first to light upon you , to form your renowned City into severall Classes , and afterwards into a Provinciall Assembly : not onely that you might have the birth-right of Honour ( which we cheerfully remember ) but also , that being invested with Authority from Jesus Christ , and the civill Magistrate , you might be prepared to stand in the front of opposition , the powers of Hell being startled and enraged at the unexpected reviving of Gospel Government and Discipline , which seemed so long to lye for dead ; and , that having your strength united , you might be enabled and encouraged to plead the cause of God against the Divine right of Episcopacy , and for the Divine right of the Ruling-Elder , that the one might not be shut out of the Church , and the other might not recover in the Church ; both which have been , and still are under design . VVhat you have already done this way , as a thankfull improvement of Divine favour , and with speciall reference to the respective Classes and Congregations within your Province , doth evidently appear in your Vindication of Presbyterian Government , and your Jus Divinum Ministerii Evangelici : which choice fruits of your Provinciall Assembly , are not onely refreshing and satisfying for the present , but do promise fair for time to come ; such clusters do shew there is a blessing in the Vine , which the Lord of the Vineyard continue and increase . When you , our Reverend Brethren , had first been shined upon , and made so fruitfull , the Divine grace caused a second enlivening beam of civill Authority to fall upon this remote and despised County , to constitute in it also , severall Classes , and afterwards a Provinciall Assembly ; since which time such heavenly influence hath been stayed . As our Lot hath happily fallen to follow you in the favour of God , and civill Authority , so we have unhappily fallen into your Lot , ( especially this Classis ) to be followed with the anger , opposition , reproaches and contradiction of men of contrary mindes : which though hid in the ashes in great measure formerly , and but sparkling now and then , here and there in a private house or Congregation , yet when we would conscientiously and tenderly have improved the Government , for the instruction of the ignorant , and reformation of the prophane , it brake out into a flame ; and no way , but that flame must be hasted to such a Beacon , that it might not be quenched , till the Nation had seen and taken notice , especially the whole opposite party awakened , a very design . You have pleaded the civil Authority for your acting in the Government , but have setled the Government it self ( for the satisfaction of your own consciences , and the consciences of the people of God ) upon the firm basis of divine Scripture authority , and so have we : thence you have been authorized to bring into the Church , and keep in it ( by the mercifull intervention of civill Authority ) the despised governing Elders ; and so shut out of the Church , and keep out of it , that Lordly and self-murthering Episcopacy ; and so have we . You have been forced to flie to the testimony of your consciences , concerning your aims , and ends in your publick undertakings , in the cause of God , and so have we . It was scarce possible for you to wipe off the dirt cast upon you , but some of it would unavoidably fall upon them that cast it ; nor can we . Vpon these , and other considerations , we knew not in what Name of right , to publish our enforced Vindication in the same common cause , but in your Name , who have gone before us in the work , and have afforded us light and encouragement , whose seasonable and solid Labours , have already found acceptance in the Church , and blessing from God. And we pray that your Bow may abide in strength , and the armes of your hands may be made strong by the hands of the mighty God of Jacob , that though the Archers have sorely grieved you , and shot at you , and hated you , yet you may still possess the rich blessing of truth in Doctrine , Government and Discipline , and may foyl the adversaries thereof , till the renewed , and enlarged favour of God hath overspread this Nation with the Reformation , so happily begun ; and till that , so much desired , prayed for , and endeavoured accommodation of dissenting Brethren ( alas , alas ! too hardly attained ) may sincerely , edifyingly , and lastingly be effected ; that when all our undermining , scorning and opposing enemies , do hear , and see these things , they may be much cast down in their own eyes , perceiving that this work hath been wrought of our God , in whose arms of mercy and truth we leave you , and the Cause we manage . Manchester Jan. 11. 1658. Signed in the Name and by the appointment of the Class , by John Harrison Moderator . THE EPISTLE To the READER . IT is no new thing , that such workes as have been most eminently conducing to the glory of God and the Churches greatest wellfare , have met with strong oppositions . When the Adversaries of Judah and Benjamin heard , that the Children of the captivity builded the Temple unto the Lord God of Israel , they set themselves diverse waies to hinder and obstruct the worke . When Sanballat , and Tobiah , and the Arabians , and the Ammonites , and the Ashdodites , heard that the walls of Jerusalem were made up , and that the breaches began to be stopped , then they were very wroth , and conspired all of them together , to come and to fight against Jerusalem and to hinder it . When Jesus Christ the eternall Son of God , the brightness of his Fathers glory , and express Image of his Person , appeared in the world cloathed with our nature , though he came about a worke of greatest consequence that ever was , yet his enimies withstood and opposed his Kingdome . Of this the Psalmist prophesied before it came to pass , Psal . 2. 1 , 2. Why did the Heathen rage , and the people imagine a vaine thing ? The Kings of the Earth set themselves , and the people take counsell together , against the Lord , and against his annointed , saying , Let us breake their bands asunder , and cast away their cords from us . And this the Church saw fulfilled , who in their Prayer unto God , applied unto the times , wherein they lived , what he , by the mouth of his Servant David had foretold so long before , saying , For of a truth against thy holy Childe Jesus , whom thou hast annointed , both Herod and Pontius Pilate with the Gentiles and the people of Israel were gathered together for to do whatsoever thy hand and thy counsell determined before to be done . It would be here too long to go through the Books of the N. T. and tell what persecutions were raised against the Apostles of our Lord and Saviour for executing that Commission which he had given them , when he commanded them to go teach all Nations ; or to go through the story of the Church , and speak of the diverse kindes of tortures and torments , which thousands of all rankes endured in the times of the ten Primitive persecutions under the Heathen Emperours ; to tell of the Martyrdome of Ignatius , Polycarpus , Justin Martyr , Irenaeus , Cyprian , and many others , glorious lights , and worthy Confessors of the truth , for no other reason but because they studied to advance Christs Gospell . We will instance something in latter times . When the Romish Synagogue having most abominably apostatiz'd both in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Governement ; Luther and other faithfull Servants of Christ did earnestly bend themselves to endeavour a reformation in Religion , the Antichristian world was mad with fury . To come yet a little nearer home . When Religion was reformed in Scotland in Doctrine and Worship , the Church of Christ there had many conflicts , and the worke was long obstructed , before the Governement and Discipline of Christ could be fully established amongst them ; as it is in fresh remembrance , what troubles they passed through more lately , in their contending against Episcopacy , and the Ceremonies which had been introduced amongst them , to the great prejudice of their Ancient Church governement and Discipline . But here it may not be forgotten , how , when the Parliament of famous memory that was convened eighteen yeares agoe , having taken into their pious consideration the condition of our own Church at home , and judging that a further reformation in matters of Religion , then had been made in the daies of Queen Elizabeth , was necessary , and setting upon that work , as also the vindication of the liberties of this English Nation , were forced to take up Armes for their own defence against that Partie , that could not brooke the Reformation , which they intended . And to what an height that opposition grew in after time , and with what difficulties they conflicted for many years together , because they would not give up that cause , they had undertaken to defend , is so well known to even such as may be but strangers in our Israel , that we may spare the pains of a full recitall . But yet nothing of all this is to be wondered at ; Satan must needs be like himselfe , and stir the more when he sees his Kingdome begin to shake : And corruption will rage when it is crossed . God also hath a wise hand in these oppositions , not only thereby the more inflaming the zeal and brightning up other graces in his faithfull servants , trying and exercising their faith and patience , the purging and purifying and making them white ; but also getting himself the greater glory , when his worke is carried on , notwithstanding the greatest opposition of his and his Churches enemies . And here we cannot but with all thankfullness to Almighty God , take notice of this hand , that was most eminently lifted up in the worke of Reformation begun by that late forementioned Parliament , as there is cause , why also we should to the honour and glory of his great Name , and the praise of that Parliament , unto the generations that may come hereafter , acknowledg their unwearied pains , courage , and constancy in that worke . Much was done , yea very much by that illustrious and worthy Parliament . By them the foundation of reformation was laid in the solemne League and Covenant , which they not only took themselves , but ordained should be solemnely taken in all places throughout the Kingdome of England , and Dominion of Wales . And for the better and more orderly taking thereof appointed and injoyned certain directions to be strictly followed . And in pursuance of this League and Covenant ( engageing every one that tooke it , in their severall places to indeavour the refomation of Religion in England and Ireland in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and governement , according to the word of God , and the example of the best reformed Churches , and to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdomes to the nearest conjunction and uniformity of Religion , Confession of Faith , forme of Church Government , Directory for worship and Catechizing . ) After consultation had with the Reverend , Pious , and Learned Assembly of Divines called together to that purpose , they judged it necessary that the Book of Common Prayer should be abolished , and the Directory for the publick worship of God , and in their Ordinance mentioned , should be established and observed in all the Churches within this Land , as appears by their Ordinance of January the 3. 1644. for that purpose . By them Prelacy , that is , Church Government by Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deanes , Deanes and Chapters , Archdeacons , and all other Ecclesiasticall Officers depending on that Hierarchy , was extirpated according to that Covenant , as appears by the Ordinance they passed October the 9. 1646. for the abolishing Archbishops and Bishops within the Kingdome of England , and Dominion of Wales , By them also after the passing of severall Ordinances for the setling of the Presbyterian Governments by parts before , at length that progress was by them made in that work , that they passed the Ordinance of 1648. establishing the forme of Church Government to be used in the Church of England after advice had with the Assembly of Divines . By their authority , and according to the rules and directions by them given for that purpose , they setled the Presbyterian Government in the Province of London , and in this Province of Lancaster , and in some other parts of the Land , whereby they sufficiently awarranted those , that should act therein according to their Ordinances , that they are secured against that danger of a Premunire , with which some ( as will appear from the following Papers ) hath been threatned . What obstructions this work of reformation so happily begun , did after meet with from severall Parties , or how it came to passe , that this Government was setled throughout the Land , we are not willing here so much as to mention , desiring rather in silence to acknowledge the righteous Hand of God , in bringing us back again into the wildernesse of confusion , to wander there for severall years together , when we had been upon the borders of a just settlement , and thereby correcting an unthankfull people , and unwilling to be reformed according to their Covenant , then by making complaints against any , to seem to murmur at his just dispensation ; especially considering , that we are not without hope , but that the wise and mercifull God may have reserved the honour of finishing this work and building upon that foundation , which was by them laid in troublous times for a fitter season , when the people of this Nation , having been convinced of the mischiefs and miseries of an ungoverned Church by the long want of Church Government in it , may be the more ready to give the more chearfull entertainmant to what may be established by some after - Parliament . And who can tell , but the hands of sundry of the same Zerubbabels , that laid the foundation of this work , their hands may also finish it ? But however thus we see , that the worke of reformation , and particularly of Churches and Nations , is not a work that goes on easily , it meeteth with opposition , not only often from enemies , but sometimes even from professed friends . And if that Parliament that cast out Episcopacy , and established the Presbyterian Government in the room thereof , did not carry on that worke so far , but through much difficulty ; it is not to be thought strange , if the same spirit of opposition , that they wrestled with , should after they were risen , discover it selfe to the interrupting and hindering of those that acted upon their Ordinances , in the exercise of that Government and Discipline , which they so established . We cannot but imagine , that sundry throughout the Land have reason to complaine of the like , if not far worse , then we have met with . But as touching our selves it was our publishing a short Paper in our severall Congregations , and herewith Printed , that was the occasion of those contests betwixt us and the Gentlemen we have to deale with , that are now made publick to the world . What the designe of that Paper was , we leave it to all indifferent persons to consider , nothing doubting but that all equall judges will conclude , it was very honest , and did not merit such unhandsome handling , as it after met with . But how matters after proceeded betwixt us and the Gentlemen that assaulted it , untill without our privity and consent both that and other Papers , that after passed on both sides , were by them Printed , our Narrative following will give a full account ; whereby also it will be evident , that we are forced into the field for our own defence , as it will be further manifest to every Reader from the Papers themselves , which we here publish , we are meerly on the defensive part . And if the Reader be pleased to take notice from our Narrative , that it was in July last that we first met with all the Papers in Print ; and further observe thence , that we had been before that time in a treaty with them , touching a meeting in order to an accommodation , during which time , we had not any thoughts of returning any Answer in writing to their last Papers ; and that notwithstanding our severall other employments in the meane season , our Answer to those Papers had fully passed the Class November the 23. of this same Year , as appears by the date they beare , according to the subscription of them by the Moderator ; we cannot conceive that he will judge , we have neglected any time that could with conveniency have been redeemed for the hastening our Answer abroad in the world . And now untill they see the light , the transcribing them faire for the Press , and the Printing of them , drinkes up the remainder of the time . All that we have now further to acquaint the Reader with ; is to give him an account of some things in reference to what we here publish . We have Printed over again all the Papers that formerly passed betwixt them and us , because we could not answer severall things in theirs , without some speciall reference to both their Papers and ours ; and we judged it to be the fairest way to present all entirely to the Readers view , that thereby he might be able the better to judg concerning the whole , especially considering what we now publish , might perhaps come into the hands of sundry , that had never seen what had been before by them Printed . We have not omitted to Print the Title given by them to the Papers , as they were by them published , that by comparing their Papers with their Title , and our examination of them , together with that tast we give in the close , of that spirit they discover in them , the Reader may the better judge , how their discourse doth suit with the Title given to it . We have also therewith again Printed their Preface , that they might not have any occasion to say of us , that we had a mind to suppress any thing of theirs , which they perhaps might judg materiall ; though from our Narrative and Animadversions on this their Preface in the close of that our Narrative , the weight that is in it will be tried . The Paper which we published in our Congregations , and that followes our Narrative , though approved by the Provinciall , yet being directed only to the Congregations of our own Association , was drawn up short , being for the use of those that were not altogether strangers to the Discipline , it having been practised amongst them for severall yeares before ; and the rules whereof , as they are more fully and particularly held forth in the forme of Church Government established by the Parliament , so had been more fully expounded to them in our publick Ministry , as there hath been occasion . But here we must further acquaint the Reader , that the errours and depravations of this Paper , which we found in it , as it had been by them Printed , we have rectified ( as we well might ) according to the Originall , and now exhibit it to the Readers view , as it was when it passed from us . We have Printed their first Paper , as we found it Printed by themselves , only we have added the rest of the Names that were subscribed to it , when it was presented unto us , that so those that were represented to us as the subscribers of it , may own it or disown it as they see cause . We have divided our Answer to their first Paper into eleaven Sections , as also the last Paper of theirs ( on which we Animadvert ) into the like number , that so by comparing all together , it may be the better discerned , how they have dealt with us , what they reply to and what they omit ; and we leave the whole , together with our Animadversions on the severall Sections of theirs , to be judged of by the Reader . We have also Printed their two last Papers , as we found them Printed by themselves , and have noted in the Margents of them both the variations ( which yet are not great ) from the Copies , that were presented unto us , and whereof the letters Cl. and Cop. prefixed to those variations ( and intimating how it was in those Copies , that were exhibited to the Class ) are an indicium or the sign . We confess our Answers to their two last Papers are now grown to a greater bulke then we first intended , or then what some perhaps may judge necessary ; but we wish it might be considered , that if some things that fall into debate betwixt them and us , be not of generall concernement , yet the discussion of them being of use for our vindication , and the discovering unto them their errours and faults , we conceive that in those respects it was requisite ; although the Reader may find severall things spoken to , that be of common use , and whereof we give him some account at the end of this Epistle , as also where they may be found ; that such as have not either leisure or will to peruse the whole , may take a view more speedily , of what they may chiefly desire to read . When we were to give our reasons , why we could not consent to admit of Episcopacy moderated , we considered that the point touching Episcopacy having been so fully discussed by farre abler Pens , we thought it might be the fittest for us to insist chiefly upon the inconveniency and dangerousnesse of that Government , and what we in this Land and the Neighbour Nation had experienced in those respects . In another place we urge some Arguments to prove a Bishop and a Presbyter to be , in a Scripture sense of those words , all one . What is spoken touching the Jus divinum of the ruling Elders Office was occasioned from the Texts we had urged ( though it was but by the way ) in our Answer to their first Paper , and their excepting in their second , against our alledging those Texts for that purpose . But we do here professe , that we do not discusse that point our selves ; we only transcribe what is solidly and fully done concerning it to our hands , by other Reverend and Learned Brethren ; and therefore when in our Title we mention the clearing up of the Jus divinum of the ruling Elders Office , the Reader is so to understand that branch of it , as when we come to speak of that point particularly , we there give him our reasons of that transcription . We have now no more to acquaint the Reader with , and therefore shall leave the whole to his perusall , not much mattering the censures of loose and prophane spirits ; though we hope with such as are unprejudiced and zealous for reformation , our endeavours shall find some acceptance . And having the Testimonie of our consciences that in the uprightness of our hearts , we have aimed at the Glory of God and the good of his Church , in what we now send abroad into the world , we do not question , but that God , who is the trier of the hearts and reines , and the God of truth , will not only own that good old cause of his , in the defence whereof so many of his faithfull Servants have suffered in former times , but us also the meanest and unworthiest of his Servants , in this our standing up for it , and so bless our labours herein , that they may be of some use for the publique good . The Father of Lights , and God of our Lord Jesus Christ , the Prince of Peace give unto us all , and to all His , the spirit of wisdome and revelation , in the knowledge of his Will , guide our feet in the waies of Peace , and after our manifold and great shakings , settle the Affairs both of Church and State upon some sure foundations , to the Glory of his own great Name , and the everlasting Comfort , Peace , and Wellfare of all his People . Amen . AN ACCOUNT Of some of the principall things in the ensuing Discourses . 1. THe dangerousness of admitting moderate Episcopacy shewed . pag. 85. 2. The Jus divinum of the ruling Elders Office is cleared . pag. 103. 3. The nature of Schisme opened , and the imputation thereof , taken off those that disown Episcopacy . pag. 121. 4. The being of a Church and lawfully Ordained Ministery , secured in the want of Episcopacy . pag. 130. 5. The imputation of Perjury taken off from such , as do not again admit of Episcopacy . pag. 204. 6. The claim of the Presbyterian Government to the civill Sanction made good in the fourth Section of our Answer to the Gentlemens first Paper , and further in our Animadversions on their last , pag. 219. 7. The Scriptures proved to be the sole supreme Judg in all matters of Religion . pag. 255. 8. Councils and the unanimous consent of Fathers not to the rule of the interpretation of the Scriptures . pag. 260. 9. Civill penalties not freeing from Ecclesiasticall censures cleared . pag. 290. The Title of the Papers , as they were Printed by the Gentlemen , together with their PREFACE . Excommunicatio Excommunicata . OR A CENSURE OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CENSURES . And proceedings of the Classis at Manchester . Wherein is modestly examined what Ecclesiasticall or Civill Sanction they pretend for their new usurped power : In a discourse betwixt the Ministers of that Classis , and some dissenting Christians . THE PREFACE . IN such an age as this , when the heat of vaine and unprofitable controversies has bred more Scriblers , than a hot Summer ( in the Comedians simile ) does Flies , it might seem more rationall , according to Solomons rule , for prudent men to keep silence , then to vex themselves and disquiet others with such empty discourses , as rather enlarge then compose the differences of Gods People . It was a sad age , that of Domitian ; of which the Historian affirmeth , that then Inertia pro sapientiâ erat , Ignorance was the best knowledge , laziness and servility was the best diligence ; and we could wish this age did not too much resemble that . But when we see every Marsyas with an old Pipe of Minerva's , dares contend with Apollo ; that men of low and cheap abilities , are too loud and too hard for men of the choicest and best design , certainly Inertia pro sapientia erit . He 's the best Orator that dwels in silence , and he 's the wisest man , that keeps the privacy and recluseness of his own ville . Hannibal once told Scipio , that it had been better both for Rome and Carthage , if both of them had been contented within their own bounds ; and possibly it had been more honourable both for our Brethren of the Presbytery , and our selves , had we made our lists more private , and plaid our prizes only behind the Curtains : for so we had confined and determined our ignorance to our own sphere , and our defects had been visible to no eyes but our own . But as Antalcidas objected to Agesilaus , The Spartans have made the Thebanes fight whether they would or no ; the exasperations and bitterness of our Brethren , have lent cowards courage , and provoked us to combate whether we would or no. Miserum est pati , nec licere queri ; 'T is a hard case to be hurt , and to have our mouths stopt ; to suffer , and to be obleiged not to complain , Qui unam patitur injuriam , invitat aliam ; 'T is a certaine rule with the men of this perswasion , if you take a blow from them on one cheek , you cannot be Christians in their Calender , unless you turn the other also . We had well hoped , that what Tully notes to be the eloquence of Atticus , Respondere sciat me sibi , dum taceo ; our silence and our patience might have been good Orators for us , to have Answered the pretensions of their power , the disguises of their popular discourses , and their harsh proceedings towards us : but the more we suffered , they triumphed the more ; and because it was our judgement and choice to dwell in silence , they thought we either could not , or durst not speak . But nemo nobis amicis uti potest & Adulatoribus . They shall find we are their Friends , but not their Parafites ; we will speak that truth which we understand ; beseech the good spirit to lead them and us into all truth ; and in this mean and inconsiderable service , we appeal to the 1000 witnesses within us , that we speak nothing out of pride or envy , or with unchristian reflections upon our sufferings , but with a hearty desire of peace ; that they or we may be convinc'd , and at last meet by a unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . We shall not present the Rooms and modell of the whole house in the Porch , yet we shall preface a recitall of those grievances , which made us open our mouths in this discourse , Ne extorqueretur nobis causa Lucii Cottae patrocinio ; lest we might seem to fear the Giant of Presbytery , and to thinke it were only that Palladium that would preserve the City of God. About seavenmonths since , the Classis of Manchester publisht their Breviats or censures , against all that came not in to them for triall and examination ; wherein they go to the high waies , and compell all to come in and give submission to their Government , by subjecting themselves to examination by the Ministers and Elders ; not only such as may be suspected to be ignorant or scandalous , but all of all elevations , of all judgments , must come under the Inquisition ; not so much ( we fear ) to fit them for the Sacrament , as to teach them obedience , that they may know themselves , as Tiberius said of the Senate , that they are homines ad servitutem nati ; to owe an obedience to their new Masters , which they must pay under the grand penalties of suspension and excommunication . In answer to these , Bruta fulmina , we with all meeknesse and humility sent them one single sheet of Paper , desiring satisfaction in some things wherein our reason and Religion obliged us to be of a different judgment from them . This one sheet they return'd in seven , an answer long enough , if it be sound enough . To satisfie us in our scruples , and in their proceedings , they pretend for what they do , both an Ecclesiasticall and civill sanction ; a Commission from Christ and the State also . But that maxime of the ancient will here be found true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Our own Laws built upon passion and interest , are commonly lawless . It is apparent to us , that their new Lights have no light from Antiquity or Primitive forms ; that their new Rules have no establishment , either by the Laws of the Christian Church , or the Laws of this Land. St. Jerome said of Origen , That ingenii sui acumina putat ecclesiae esse Sacramenta ; an imagination sure of our Presbyters , that the placita of their own wils must pass for civill and divine constitutions . We wonder that men pretending to Learning and Religion , should not only call in the Lord of truth to abett the the phansies of men , but should also pretend to encouragement and Commissions from the State , to second their prevarications . It hath pleased his Highness in his wisdome and clemency , to secure all godly and peaceable men professing Jesus Christ , from those Ordinances which the rigour of Presbytery had mounted against them ; but where he gives the least incouragement for this power usurped by them , we find not ; and therefore we thinke 't is friendly advice that they take heed least their unguided zeal , or interest precipitate them into a Premunire , since under colour of authority , they have made Laws and Canons , and published them openly in the Church , for all to obey , upon pain of excommunication ; not only against all the ancient known Laws of elder date , but also contrary to the present establishment and the Magistracy under which we now live . 'T is a trouble to us , to hear them cry out against Prelacy and Episcopacy , as only an artificiall and politicall device to Lord it over Gods inheritance , whereas indeed their little fingers are heavier then the Prelates loines ; though they tell us their way is friendly , meek , and a sociall way , we find it not ; they make us only as Publicans and Heathens ; it should seem that all that they intended in the change of Church Government , was only to slice the Diocesan into Parochiall Bishops ; and with him in Lucian , To cut out the old useless Moons into fine new Stars , every one of which claime the same influence and dominion over the people which the Prelates did . 'T is a trouble to us , to hear them inveigh against Hereticks , and Schismaticks , against the Novatian and Donatists of old , when they walk in their steps , maintain their principles , and espouse their quarrels . We are told by the Church Historians , That the Doctrine against mixt-communion , was a Brat gotten by Novatus , nurst up by Lucifer and Audius , but it grew not till Donatus became its foster Father : then indeed it flourisht and spread amain , till St. Austin by his judicious and clear opposition did banish it , that , and the subfequent ages ; the Anabaptists of the last age called it back into Germany , Quod aruit in se refloruit in ill is ; they grafted upon the old stock , and wanted nothing of the Donasticks , but to be called so . Now amongst other of their dangerous and erroneous principles , Bullinger notes this for one of the chief , De Doctrinâ caenae scrupulosè quaerunt Anabaptistae , quorum causâ caena dominica sit instituta ? They were nice and scrupulous , and inquisitive concerning the Lords Supper , concluding it was only to be given to the Saints , and concluding the Saints to their own folds . This is the direct practise of the Scottish and English Presbyteries ; bytery ; because the Parliament formerly , and now his Highness , in their wisdom and prudence have so blunted the edge of their secular power , that they cannot hurt us with that , they flye to their religious shifts , and what David said of Goliah's Sword , surely they say of the holy Sacrament , Ther 's none like unto that ; no Engine so likely to teach us obedience , and to give them the soveraignty , as that . They impale the Supper of Christ to their own Inclosures , and as absolute Judges of all Communicants , keep back all persons that have not their Shibboleth ready , that will not fall down and worship that Idol which they have set up . The Aegyptians were hard Taskmasters , to expect the Children of Israel should make Bricks , and make Straw too , to require the same number of Bricks without Materials to make them of : this is something like the severity of our new Masters , they censure for not doing that which they render to us impossible . If we come not to the Lords Supper , we must be excommunicate ; and they will not permit us to come , because we are ignorant , or scandalous , or prophane ; and 't is proof enough we are so , because we are too stout to fall down and worship their imaginations . 'T is a trouble to us , that men who impropriate to themselves the name of Saints , and would have the world to thinke them the only Christians , should be so farre from that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that meekness and sweetnesse of the Gospell , that they are still of the old Legall spirit , to eradicate and destroy all that are not of their way : Instead of sweetning and indearing the spirits of men , that they may come to the knowledge of the truth and be saved , they irritate and imbitter them by their two bold judging in private , and by their fierce and severe censures in publick , as if indeed it were their worke to deliver them up unto Satan . These things have forc'd us contrary to our own dispositions and inclinations , to appear in publick , not only for our own vindication , but in defence of Ecclesiasticall and civill constitutions , well hoping that these mean indeavours will encourage some worthy and learned Champions to take up Arms for the defence of that cause which we love : what we have done , quale quale sit , what ever it be , inasmuch as in the sincerity of our hearts we profess 't is done , sine ullo studio contentionis , without any pleasure or delight in contention , but only for the love of truth , we hope our good God will give it a more gracious success , and good men will give it a more charitable reception . A True and Perfect NARRATIVE Of the whole proceedings between the Class and the Gentlemen , with the Animadversions of the Class upon their Preface . IT was a witty Etymologie which the Ld. Chancellor St. Albane gave of a Lybell , thatit was derived of a lye forged at home , and a Bell to ring it up and down the Country , the Subscribers to those Papers make the lye , and some private Friend makes the Bell , by commending it to the Presse , and ringing it abroad all over the Nation . The * blasphemies wherewith they have blasphemed the Presbyterian Government , the Government practised in the reformed Churches , and established by the Parliament in this Nation , the reproaches wherewith they have reproached us , that act Presbyterially , we know not what better to returne upon them , then what our Lord and Teacher , and the great pattern of patience and meekness did to the Jews , that Crucified him , Father forgive them , they know not what they do . * He that is first in his own cause seemeth just , but his neighbour cometh and searcheth him . The Presbyteriall Government needs not any support , we can give it , 't is our honour we sit under the shadow of it : concerning our selves , the presenting a true Narrative of the whole business will justifie us to all men , that would not have a tolleration for their sins as for their persons . Of the occasion of this Paper with the Class first published , together with all our proceedings upon it , you may receive this faithfull account , which we shall all along confirme by the Records of the Class ; which we conceive of better force to prove the truth of these matters of fact , at which the publishers of the Papers have taken such occasion to quarrell . And for our intentions in what we have done , that they should be otherwise then what became us in our duty , or then we have declared by our words , Our record must remaine on high ; though we hope we shall meet with more charity in the most of those that shall read , and impartially consider this Narrative and these Papers , then yet we have done with them . At a Provinciall meeting held at Preston May the 5. 1657. There was an Order drawn up there , which we find recorded in our Book , a at our Classicall meeting June 9. 1657. next following , which putting us upon the considering of some more effectuall meanes for the reforming of the ignorant and scandalous that were in our Congregations b . Having had frequent discourses of the business amongst our selves , we determined to draw up a c Representation of our desires and intentions herein , aiming chiefly at that end proposed in the said Provinciall Order , as also at taking of that reproach , that is cast upon us from them of the Congregationall way , that members in our Parishes are admitted to the priviledges of members , to have their children Baptised , &c. and yet neglect to carry themselves so , as to be capable of communicating at the Lords Supper , and are otherwise some of them notoriously scandalous , as Drunkards , unclean persons , &c. and yet are not dealt with according to the rule of Christ , by way of admonition and Church censure , For the destruction of the flesh , and saving the soul in the day of Christ : against which sort of persons both the words of the Paper especially tend , and at our publishing of them we manifestly professed our selves to intend . — This Paper thus drawn up ; we presented it to the Provinciall Assembly at Preston , which was Octob. 6. 1657. where it was allowed and approved of , as appears under the hands of the Moderator and Scribe of that Assembly . d Whereupon we forthwith agreed to publish the said Paper , on the 22. day of Novemb. on one and the same day in the severall Congregations within our Class . Designing thereby to give the people notice of our intentions for future proceedings , that especially those that were most scandalous in their lives might take warning , and if it were possible might reforme , and prevent that just severity , which otherwise we conceived our selves bound in faithfullness to God and their souls to proceed in towards them ; at which time also severall of the Ministers declared the said intentions in publishing the same Paper . And did expresly manifest , how far it was from our thoughts hereby to impose upon any mens consciences , what was against their judgments in respect of difference about matters of Government , but that our intentions were to proceed in all waies of condescention to those that were conscientious , though differing from us , but that our aime was , the discouragement of open and known wickedness , which was a disgrace to Christian Religion it self , and that which without controversie , all good men of what judgment soever , should readily joyn with us in . e In January after , some Gentlemen came to our Class , by name , Major Prestwich , Mr. Mosely , of the Ancoates and others , and presented the first Paper of theirs to the Class , in way of exception to what we had published ; which being received and read in the Class , the Gentlemen had an acknowledgment returned to them for their civility , to take that way to desire satisfaction from us ( though the Class was sensible of much harshness and bitterness in their Paper towards us ) and an Answer was promised to it at the next Class . About which Answer there was no neglect of time , nor delay , that might savour of any slighting of them or their Paper . The Ministers met before to consider of the Answer that was prepared , but it being to pass the consent of the Class : when they came for the foresaid Answer at the next Class . f The Class did excuse it to them , that they could not just then deliver it , because it was not yet read in the Class ; and besides must be written over again , in respect of alterations the Class might make in it , before it could be delivered ; yet that they should not be further troubled about it , it should be sent in to them within a short time ; for which purpose the Class met again within one fortnight . g viz. On Feb. 22. and the next day our Answer was sent in to Mr. Mosely the Gentleman appointed by them to receive it . In which we shewed them that respect , which to ingenuous persons might have prevailed to have prevented their uncivill complaints of our breach of promise with them , as also might have procured a return of fairer carriage from them in ensuing passages . h On March 9. some of the foresaid Gentlemen brought in their second Paper , which was anoverture for an accommodation , though with an awfull threat , what they would do at our Paper , if that took not ; especially in respect of the civill Sanction for our Government ; upon which the Class , because they had in their Paper ( which they still persist to do , as in their Printed Preface ) threatned us with the danger of a Premunire , desired , that they would before they went any further , let us understand what strength they had to bring in against what we had alledged for the civill authority for our government . For all rationall men may easily conceive , that this thing was fit to be first discussed . For if we had no more authority for our Government , then they had for theirs , the terms of our accommodation might and ought to be much otherwise , then when we conceived ours was setled by express auauthority , and theirs under as express an inhibition and exception . This desire therefore was tendred to them in faire language , and nothing further put upon them in Answer to our Paper , then what they threatned us so much with , viz. that they would impart unto us , what they had ( in which they put so much confidence ) against what we had brought for our acting by the civill authority . This Answer of ours was taken in great indignation by them ; and though what they have said in their largest Paper about this thing , might have been held in lesse then a single Sheet , and for ought we can see in some few lines ; yet upon this , they draw up an Answer ( such an one as they are willing the world should see what it is , ) to our whole Paper , as they say . And their spirit was so changed , because we did not take their first motion , upon the very terms it was tendered by them , that they bring in their third Paper , wherein for all their dear love professed in the former Paper , they returned to them more naturall straine of scorn , bitterness , and derision of us , though they were so modest as to leave out their laughing at us in the Copy they Printed . i This third Paper of theirs was brought in by them Apr. 13. which was read in the Class , and so the Class thought fit to returne Answer to them , that they did judge , this way of writing was not likely to attain the end , which we and they seemed to aime at , viz. some peace and mutuall satisfaction on both sides , and whereas the Class considered the many other weighty businesses , that did continually lye upon us , we did not think meet to return Answer to them at present in writing , but if they pleased , we desired a personall meeting between some of them , and some on our part , that might discourse on the matter of accommodation , and might give and receive further satisfaction , for other matters conteined in the Papers , which motion was consented to by the Gentlemen that were there , and a Committee was appointed by the Class to meet on the 28. of Aprill instant , to meet some of the Gentlemen to conclude on some way of proceeding in this business . k On which day the Committee meeting , none but Mr. Mosely came on the Gentlemens part . The ful discourse between some employed from the Committee to him , and him , you have at large in the other Columne from the Records of the Class , Mr Mosely would have the matter of the accommodation to be the only business of the future meeting ; we alledged that we should expect satisfaction in other matters in the Papers , as well as that , because we conceived our selves much injured in their last Paper . Mr. Mosely expressed himself very desirous of peace ; and if the matter of accommodation might take place , he could wish all the Papers were burned , and that if any wrong was done , he would make satisfaction at the Market Crosse ; the Committee then were willing to wave the matter of the Papers to the second place , and if the accommodation did not take place then , that the Paper should be discoursed on . But then we moving that the persons to be nominated should be within the bounds of the Classe , and we should equalize the number that they could on their part procure Ministers and others for that purpose ; and Mr. Mosely moving for a further liberty in that thing ; it was referred by the Committee unto the next Classe , and Mr Mosely consented thereunto , promising that he would desire Mr. Allen and some others of the Gentlemen to be at the next Classe to conclude about the same . l May 11. 1658. Mr Allen , Mr. Mosely and others came according to their promise , upon their motion , that they might have liberty to take some out of the bounds of the Class , to treat on their part with us , the Class condescended thereunto ; and before they departed the men were nominated on both sides , that should treat of the matters aforesaid ; The time & place for the meeting was referred by their consent , till Mr. Heyrick should return from London , he being one nominated on our part , and they professing a desire that he should be one in the business . If they had such a report to make of what concerned us , as we have of them , they would not stick to say , that the words of our mouths were peace , while warre was in our hearts , but we leave God and the Reader to judge , with what hearts they could agree upon an accommodation , and do as they forthwith did . While matters stood just thus between us , the next Class , ( Mr. Heyricke not being returned before the Class after in July , ) we found the Papers in Print . m Upon this , we appointed a Committee that time to take the matter into consideration ; n and they sent a Letter to Mr. Allen , to desire to know of him under his hand , whether he owned the Printing or no ? The Letter you have in the other Columne : o Which Letter was taken to him forthwith . He told the Messenger he would wait upon Mr. Heyricke ( to whom the Answer was to be returned ) the next day , which he accordingly did , and brought Mr. Mosely with him . He said he knew not of the Printing of the Papers , and therefore had brought Mr. Mosely , who could give the account of this amicable Office of Printing all the Papers , whilst an accommodation was on foot . Mr Mosely said something to Mr. Heyricke , that it should be reported that he should say , that he could wish all the Papers were burnt ; and so to vindicate themselves , that they distrusted not their Papers , they Printed them to the world . — Which Answer of his , if it had come , or the like from us , it should have been called silly and poore , if not worse . But for those words which he spake , we know none that ever repeated them , or that commonly did it , or that ever took them in the sense he himself puts upon them . We only took notice of them , as a zealous expression of his hearty forwardness for peace ( which it seems we wronged him in , and we must desire him to forgive us this wrong ) and not as in any distrust on their part of their Papers , for they never wanted confidence and a conceit to the utmost , of the validity of all they did , and do not yet ; so that we could never , knowing their whole carriage in the business , mistake their words so far , to favour of any retraction on their part , of any thing they had written . But for this to be the occasion of their Printing , we account it a poor shift to alledge it ; they might sure have enquired of us , ( when upon tearmes of Peace especially ) whether any of us would have owned any such words in such a sense , before they had Printed the Papers upon them ; and what was the occasion before these words were spoken , that many of their Party did so frequently talke of Printing the Papers , if they had not been Printed but for them ? But the truth is , these men ( the only men acquainted with Religion , Learning , and Antiquity ) conceit some great advantage they have gotten by their Papers against the Government , and nothing shall perswade them to keep that under though they accommodate never so with the Congregations where it is practised , or rather that it was a meere pretence in them to an accommodation , when they deal thus underhand in open hostility , is but too manifest . But Mr Heyricke moved that he might have their Answer in writing , that he might return it to the Class , as appointed by them to receive it . They promised they would within a fortnight : Within that time Mr Allen came , and denied to return any Answer in writing , though he had promised it , and though he did not know of the Printing of the Papers ( as he saies ) with the Preface : yet now it is done , they must own it , to prevent a breach amongst themselves ; resolved they are to keep Peace amongst themselves , though with us they deal according to the Tenent , of keeping no faith with Hereticks , whilst they cry up themselves as the only Patrons of the Protestant Cause : and all others but as Punies to them . What iniquity ( humane infirmity set aside ) can any find in this , or in our actings ? If in any thing we have transgressed , it is , that our actings did not succeed our purposes ; forgive us this wrong , and for the future we engage our selves , ( all Bug-beares set aside ) to act according to our representation , not spending more time in perswading them , that will not be perswaded . Having thus given a faithfull account of the rise and manner of these proceedings , which is all we shall say by way of Preface on our part ; we shall take leave , ( after a word upon the Title under which they have Printed the Papers ) to make some brief Animadversions upon some passages in the Preface , which they have prefixed . For the Title they give to the Papers as Printed by them , and what they further say in their Title Page . 1. First they call it Excommunicatio excommunieata ; Here is flat Erastianisme in the Front , though it is but a Maske to to cover Prelacy under . For though they seem to be against all excommunication , unless it be the totall excommunication of that Ordinance out of the Church : yet after we finde them willing that the Diocesan Bishops should excommunicate . Besides this contradiction , it is wonder how this comes to be the Title of the Book ; for unless they had done more in their Papers , which might appear to be of unquestionable strength , and directly against that Ordinance ( though as Administred according to the Presbyterian Government ) they do seem to set up the Gates of Mindas in this great Title . 2. They say , Wherein is modestly examined . Let the Reader judg , whether what they offer , be worthy to be called an examination of what we have at first published , or since Answered to theirs , or to the matter in the whole . For their modesty , sure they either have another notion of modesty , then is ordinary ; or else they soon forget what they here assert : if untruths , reproaches , revilings , &c. savour of modesty , let the Reader judg to call our's an usurped power , and to determine so peremptorily upon the matter of the whole Controversie , savours not of over much modesty , in the very next Lines ; and if they have carried the matter like dissenting Christians , we desire the Reader to believe , as he finds reason to judge upon the perusall of the whole . For the Preface , 1. They do first insinuate to the Reader an Apology for their appearing in Print , professiug 1. their own disposition to Peace , and 2. how much against their wills they have been forced to this course . For the former of these , while they talke of Solomons rule ; for prudent men to keep silence , they shew themselves in the Quotation unacquainted with Scripture , as in their practice , with the rule here mentioned , they are afraid to deserve the Title of Scripturists ; yet sure it would not have been to their dishonour , if among their flourishes with humane Authors , this our poore Text had been truly quoted , when they call it Solomons Rule , and it is written in the Prophets , Amos 5. 13. But if they had been touched at all with any tenderness of vexing themselves and disquieting others , with such empty discourses , as rather enlarge then compose the differences of Gods People , would they ever ( if they think the matter of these Papers to be such ) have been so eager for Printing ? when they might well have forborne and were , we thinke , by their pretensions of Peace with us , in reason and ingenuity bound to have done . They pretend to be about to be at Peace with us , and to what then , but the widening of Gods Peoples differences , are the Papers Printed ? And indeed we care not for any thing more , ( if we know our own hearts , ) in this action of theirs , that troubles us , then that the differences of the Church are hereby enlarged , and the mindes of Gods People diverted , by new controversies , and old ones almost silenced , newly drest up , from that study of their own hearts , and the power of godliness , of which there is such a decay in the whole Land at this day . And 2. In that they wovld have the World believe , that they were forced to this course by the severe and injurious dealings they have met with from their Brethren ( as they are here pleased to stile us ) of the Presbytery : And whereas they say , that in this age of Printing , wherein men of low and cheap abilities take as much confidence as any to appeare in publique , and that it had been more honourable for their Brethren and themselves , to have made their lists more private ; For so we had determined our ignorance to our own spheare , and our defects had been visible to no eyes but our own . We must needs herein professe our wonder at them . They might have saved themselves the trouble , and so the need of the Apology , for their appearing in publique , when they seemed to embrace an accommodation between us ; as when Aulus Albinus made an Apology for writing the Romane History in Greeke , because he was not so well versed in ● that tongue . Cato told him he was in love with a fault that he had rather aske pardon , then be innocent : We believe , as they , that it might have been more honourable on both sides to have made our list more private , and we by our Narrative would let the world know how we came in publique : without question they have no ignorance to be determined to their own spheare , nor defects , they feare to be made visible to others eyes , ( because not so to their own ) or they would never have runne this hazard , when the power was wholly in their own hands to have prevented it . But it is our ignorance and defects , which they are loath to conceale , which makes a necessity of their Printing , the honour of their Brethren being a matter , they are no waies tender of . But they go on to insinuate , what necessity hath begot this virtue in them ; a necessity indeed , as much from us to force them to do it , as it is virtue in them in what they have done . Truely while they complaine of exasperations and bitternesse , &c. That hath begot in them this courage , and provok't them to combate whether they will or no ; we must needs professe our ignorance of what they meane , being conscious to our selves of no such carriages towards them , their provocation to combate is just , as he is provok't to set upon his Neighbour , towards whom he pretends friendship , when he apprehends he hath an advantage against him , to do him a mischief ; so they , when they had agreed upon a Treaty for accommodation , Print our Papers , upon a conceipt ( no doubt ) of an advantage they had gotten against us , which yet we are not frighted with , and we leave the Reader to discern of ; and for the Papers , let the impartiall Reader judge , whether they have forborne us any thing in theirs , that may justly be termed bitterness and exasperation ; and whether in ours they have Printed , we have rendred railing for railing , or no ; what blow we ever gave them on the one cheeke , or what we had prepared for the other , we are yet ignorant in our selves of : But may truely returne their words upon themselves , for our appearing now in publique : It was a thing we intended not , and could for some reasons , have wished had not been , but their exasperations and bitterness , not only privately vented towards us , in their Papers tendered to us , but now published , hath provoked us to this publique combate , whether we will or no. They expect not ( we know ) that we should be silent , for we have our blow on both cheekes already ; first in their Papers , pretty well stuffed ( for the bulke of them ) with scoffs and bitter revilings , and now again in their publishing , their affronting us to all the world ; and we wish that this carriage of theirs from first to last , had been such as might have savoured of the Christian in any Calender . For what Answer their silence might have been to the pretensions of our power , and disguises of our popular discourses , and our harsh proceedings towards them , &c. We know the charge herein against us , to be so unreasonasonably groundlesse , that we thinke their silence might have been a sufficient Answer , and all they were necessitated to make , by any provocation we ever gave them , and yet we crave leave to tell them , for any alteration their confident writing ( either since it was first tendered to us , or after Printed ) hath begotten in our judgements , for the way we have engaged in , their silence might have serv'd the turne still . For what we thought of their silence , that either it was because they could not , or would not speake , they know ( it seems ) better then we . If they will leave us our consciences to witness with us , we have our Thousands as well as they , to witness for our thoughts in this thing against what they say of us ; unless we had known we had justly provoked them , or had at all entrencht upon them , we need not spend our thoughts about their abilities or forwardness for opposition . We have no cause to feare their flattery , unlesse it be when they use us so injuriously , and yet call themselves our Friends ; We thinke not much that they speake the truth they understand , and we joyne in the Prayer , that the good spirit would lead them and us into all truth ; yet we question the necessity and seasonablenesse of their profession ; especially when the thing they contend for , was not in the Paper we published , at all oppugned . What their pride and envy , or hearty desire of Peace in this ( as they call it ) inconsiderable service may be , when they Print to the world our difference so surreptitiously , nay ( as we may call it ) perfidiously ; when a meeting for an accommodation was agreed upon , we leave it to God over their thousand witnesses within them to judg . 2. They go on now to represent their grievances , which made them open their mouths , and tell the world , they will not represent the Roomes and Modell of the whole House in the Porch ; though we thinke , the Preface , for confident presuming the ground of the controversies , censoriousnesse , bitternesse , and unfaithfull representing matters of fact , may well be the Porch to this House ; and if not a modell of the whole on their part , yet a convenient additionall Roome uniforme to the whole pile . They here speake out what made them open their mouths , viz. that they should not seem to feare the Giant of Presbytery , whereby they acquit us from acting any thing contrary to the Rules of Presbytery , but it is the Governement it selfe they quarrell at . If therefore we have declared nothing but what is suitable to the perswasion of the Brethren of the Presbyteriall way , Why should this be more complained of in us , then they would thinke well we should complaine of them , in what they have said ( as they say ) according to their judgement in defence of Episcopacy ? And what is this , but a desire to revive the quarrell , when so much is said on both sides already by abler hands ? And they bring no new thing to light for their way , nor put us to say any thing but what is said already . But for their manner of expressing themselves , and dressing up the controversie , wherein indeed for bitternesse and uncivility , we finde them singular ; they are affraid the world should thinke they did not enough undervalue Presbytery ; and so they would have it to know , that Presbytery in their thoughts is not the only Palladium to preserve the City of God. We should thinke that men that had any reall zeale for the interest of Christ , should not wish him a King in his Church without a Discipline and Government ; and whether this hedge be not so necessary to the preservation of the Vineyard , we would wish all sober persons to consider . The City of God hath not long stood in any place , where the Arke of God hath been taken , and the glory of Israell departed from it . A Governement in the Church , if they do not make it the Palladium to the City of God , we know not what is ; and for the Government they contend for , it being under an expresse prohibition , by the forme of Governement and the humble Advice , so that to strive for that , is to strive for none ; if they had the judging of us by such a circumstance , they would not stick to say , that we strove for Anarchy in the Church , whilest we refused a Governement setled , with which we might accommodate , under pretence for one we more fancied , that was quite abolished , and by the Law expresly excepted . And we take leave further to tell them , that we know some godly Ministers in some other parts of this Nation , that are of the Episcopall way , that notwithstanding their difference in judgement with us , yet would heartily close with the Presbyterian Governement , and would account it a mercy to have it setled with them , as it is with us , and this , rather then any other besides their own , rather then to have the Church of God lye in such Anarchy , as in most part of the Nation it doth at this day . And whether the settlement of Government , and as matters now stand of this very Government , may deservedly be lookt upon , as the Palladium of the City of God , we wish the suddain experience of the miseries from the want of it , may not turne their scoffe into a sad experiment . 3. In the Narrative they give of our proceedings as the great matter of their grievance ; We shall not say much to the scoffes and jeeres , they put upon the thing published by us ; whether under the notion of Breviat , or what terme else they please to give it ; but that what we published should be chiefly against them , that withdrew from the Sacrament , and that it should be intended against them of their judgment especially , we leave the Paper to the impartiall Reader to speake for it selfe . Whether our Paper doth not concerne the ignorant , for their instruction only , which to the Ministers is a matter of great pains , and not for the censuring of them ; and the scandalous for their reformation , by admonition and ( if need require ) further just censure ( both which sorts we hope they would not render uncurable , let them be of what judgment they will ) let any one judg : And that the Rule that we declared to proceed in towards those that did not come to the Sacrament , did neither principally much less only , concerne them of their way ; we may truly profess they were least in our eye ; but the generality of our people , that are no more for their way of government , then for ours , but in generall for none at all ; these we desired to exhort to minde their duty about the Sacrament : and though we have met with unhandsome usage from some of these men that have thus appeared against us , yet we have seen some good fruits of our publication of our intentions , upon many others of our Congregations , who have been kept off , upon their own acknowledgedment , by fears of their own unfitness , without the least scruple at the Discipline , and have by scores at a Sacrament come in since that time in some of our places , and we hope to their own and the Congregations comfort . And for our parts we do not thinke the ground sufficient , that any of their perswasion stands out upon , to excuse the neglect of this Ordinance . And we must take leave to tell them , that we have visited some on their death beds , that have stood out on their grounds , that have been much troubled at their neglect herein ; and if they had recovered , have professed their resolution to have joyned as not finding this pretence of scruple at the government , a covering wide enough for the sin of neglect of such a duty ; we would wish men would pretend nothing , but what will beare weight on their death bed . We believe , thoughts of death would tame the height of some mens spirits , that either they would finde reason to submit to the Discipline , or at least to carry more peaceably towards it , then they do . We cannot but look on it as a sad thing , that so many are so indifferent ; that carry the names of Christians , yet care not to be in an incapacity of partaking in the Supper . If they make it a light matter , we do not ; and if Christ send us to the high waies and hedges to fetch in his guests , we will not refuse the service , nor be ashamed to beare the reproach of more then that phrase signifies , for his sake . 4. And what though we were to exhort persons to apply themselves to the Eldership , for their coming to the Sacrament ; doth this follow , that all that can not submit to Elders , shall be subject to excommunication , whether scandalous or no ? &c. We presume , if they had their Government on foot , whatsoever they would allow to dissenting Brethren ( which when time was , was little enough , as some of us well remember ) yet they would not betray their Discipline to contempt , by making it indifferent , whether the people render any submission to it , or no. If men have no scruples against the Government practised , who is so little a friend to peace , or satisfied in the grounds of his own actings , as to cast needless scruples before them ? It was time enough for us to manifest , what we could condescend to , in respect of the manner of admission , when there was occasion offered for any such need , which we have not ordinarily met with , in those that have since tendred themselves to the Ordinance . There was enough declared at the Publication of the Paper , to have prevented any such construction , as they made of it in this thing ; and therefore we cannot but admire at what we finde next , that our aime should be to bring all sorts to subject themselves to Ministers and Elders for examination ; and that all persons must come under the inquisition , not so much to fit them for the Sacrament , as to teach them Obedience , that they might know themselves to be homines ad servitutem nati , &c. whenas the chief Acter in the Printing of these Papers , could not but heare a solemne profession to the contrary at our publishing of our Paper as aforesaid ; which he cannot shew to be contradicted by any after practice ; as also when by experience there are severall Communicants in our Congregations , that have scrupled being examined before the Elders , whom yet we have not refused , but have found out expedients for their admission , without any further trouble to them in the thing they have scrupled ; the Eldership consenting , that two Ministers might take an account of their knowledg , and they after be admitted by the Eldership , and of this practice of ours , both before and since upon occasion , there are severall in our Congregations able , and we believe , ready to testifie . 5. Whether our Paper published , for the scope or matter , deserve to be called brutum fulmen , or whether their Answer savoured of all , or any meeknesse and humility , we shall not here speake further of ; they best know , with what frame of spirit they tendred it , though we could discerne but little of such a temper in it . For the grounds of their dissatisfaction but in one sheet ; and that we put our selves to the trouble of seaven to returne them an Answer in , and whether it be longer then sound , we leave the Papers themselves to manifest of which ( being published by them ) the Reader may supply himself with an account , and freely making his own judgment . 6. For what Ecclesiasticall or Civill Sanction we have for our Government , we leave that to be judged by those , that shall peruse our following Papers . And that they wonder that men pretending to Religion and Learning , &c. So we wonder at them , how they dare pretend to Religion or Learning , and call them mens own Lawes , the Placita of our own wills , fancies of men , nay , praevarications ; before they had better made it to appear , that they were such . That matter is foule indeed , and inconsistent with Religion and Learning , to call in the God of truth to abett our own fancies , and to pretend to civill authority to second our own prevarications . But we might return to the Laconicke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If to this , If it be so ; but that 's the great Question . But the Prefator here can dispute and moderate too , and very ingenuously determine on his own side , without any respect at all to our Arguments for the contrary , eg regiae scilieet artis est ridere , quod non potest solvere . 7. What unguided zeale or interest it is , that should precipitate us , we no more are carefull to clear our selves from , then to retort the like upon them in their opposition of us , which we might as well do . But about this danger of a Premunire , we cannot thinke them cordiall in their advice and caution to us , because they would perswade us to return to Canonicall obedience and Episcopacy , &c. which we know is expresly excepted against in the late Laws of the Land , and we foresee it to be a Praemunire to meddle with them ; and therefore we have cause to judg , that they would fancy us in a Premunire in the way against them , not careing to draw us into a reall Praemunire in a way with them . 8. That what we published is any thing against the Laws , it will speake for it self ; they have published it to the view of the world , and if , without their Comment , any thing be justly culpable by the Law , we are not now likely to be concealed . 9. But that what we published should be stiled Laws and Canons , and that for all men to obey upon paine of excommunication , we see no reason for any such construction of our action . We presume our conclusions should not have been stiled Canons by them , unless thereby they intended to put some odium upon them . And they know whose practice in Government made that word less pleasing amongst us , which was well received and reverenced in the ancient Church , to set forth the conclusions of Councils and Synods by . 10. They now to the end of their Preface , express their trouble at our self-contradiction in severall things ; as first , that we should cry out against the Prelates for Lordliness over Gods inheritance , and we our selves aspire at the same and much more . If they find not our way more sociall , we are sure , they have felt as little of the burthen of our fingers . If the Prelates had bent their endeavours and authority to informe the grosly ignorant , and to reforme the openly scandalous , it had never by us been cryed out against for Lordly Tyranny . And when we have principally in this cause so bent our selves , we wonder with what face they can fancy us Prelaticall : we should never have complained of the weight of their loynes , if it had been only in these cases ; and if in these manifest entrustments of Christs Government , viz. For the information of the ignorant , and reformation of the scandalous , our fingers are heavier then their loines , they say more to ours , and less to the Prelates honour . The Prelates Lording it over the Lords heritage , we frequently declare wherein it was , when we speake of it ; and not as they charge us with the same , and tell us not for what . When we enjoyne Ceremonies , bowing at the Name of Jesus , Crosse in Baptisme , wearing the Surplice , &c. by any authority in our Government , they bring in something Prelaticall to our charge , but not when we only press to the utmost against ignorance and scandall , which was the least thing , that Government was ordinarily known by . We take the Parochiall Diocesan as a meere scoffe , the very Officer they strive against in our Congregations make it apparent , how farre our Government is from a Parochiall Prelacy . If they would be understood , besides this flourish , to meane our inforceing our way upon men of other perswasions , we have manifested by what we have said before , and by our frequent practice , how unjust this charge is . 13. The second thing is , That we contradict our selves to inveigh against the Donatists and Schismaticks ; and yet espouse their quarrels . And here by the by , the great Diana of this Party is brought in , viz. mixt Communion . A fearfull errour we are guilty of in opposing this , &c. That this was the great errour of the Donatists the world must believe ; and yet we Preach against them , and this greatly troubles these Gentlemen . We have contended against the Donatists of our times , that pretend to separate from true Churches , as many have done , and we understand not that St Augustine ever strove against Donatus , or his followers in any other sense . But that prophane and scandalous persons should not be debarred the Sacrament , sure is a thing , men so much for antiquity and the Church of England , should never take as Donatisme . The separation which we make , is no other then what Chrysostome , Cyprian , and Augustine himselfe , will appeare by their writings to have led us in ; and what our Church of England in the Rubrick of the Common Prayer , did enjoyn and should have practised . 14. We know not any secular power we ever exercised , or desired to do , over any , which any Parliament or his late Highness hath blunted the edge of . If they meane the civill Sanction for our Government , we constantly deny , that either the Parliament or his late Highness hath done any such thing , as by our Papers may appeare . 15. And for the hurt they speake of by our secular power , or by the Goliah's Sword , they jeere to have taken up , they might do well to consider that of Rom. 13. 3. Ecclesiasticall as well as civill Rulers , are not a terrour to good workes , but to evill , wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same . For our requiring a Sibboleth for admission , it is none other then a blamelesse life and competent knowledge , and this , we are able to shew it , one of the chief of these Subscribers hath consented to under his hand in his own case ; we hope they will none of them own it , that they have not this Shibboleth ready . And for our requiring all Men to fall down and worship the Idoll we have set up ; we might as well call their endeavouring to set up Episcopacy , to be the fond attempt of rearing of Dagon to his place again , when he fallen and broken before the Arke of God. It is a small matter to make us like the Egyptians , when a little before as bad as Nebuchadnezzar : For the Taskmasters dilemma we urge them with ; sure it wight have sufficed what was said in our Answer , which they have Printed , to have cleared out Text from that glosse they put upon it ; that the matter of excommunication was to be understood in case of scandall and obstinacy only ; If the first construction would not have born it ( which that it would and doth , we must , with men that stand upon nicities , endeavour to prove ) yet they having our express meaning declared , vve vvonder how yet to fasten an aspersion upon us , they dare in this place take the thing for granted in their own sense : We desire to put men in no other straits , then God himselfe declares them to be in , and yet hath left a sufficient way-out : Men that are scandalous sinne if they come to the Sacrament , and sinne if they come not , in the one for a mission of known duty , in the other , for an undue and sinfull performance of it , men may eate and drinke unworthily , and abstaine from eating and drinking unworthily too , but they are under a necessity of mending , that they may both come and come worthily . 16. For the third contradiction they are grieved with , it is , that men that impropriate the name of Saints , &c. should not carry more tenderly then we do ; truly to this we may Answer , that they may charge that on us in malice , which we cannot make it our business to vindicate our selves from with modesty ; we know neither when we impropriated the names of Saints , or Christians to our selves ; nor yet wherein , in the particular they mention , we have walked contrary ; we presume the thing they charge us with , they acquit themselves from ; we will go no further for appeale , then the Papers in hand ; let the impartiall Reader view , what he can find savouring of so much sweetnesse and candor in their first and last Papers , and what there is of provocation in ours , and by that let the matter be judged ( wherever the profession of Saintship is ) where the contrary practice is most apparent . We thinke it not strange to be counted legall and bitter for speaking against sinne , when the Apostle was counted an enemy for telling the truth . It is sadly suspiscious the controversie lies on another principle , then yet is in view . We know not any thing we are guilty of , like censoriousnesse ; unless it be free speaking upon all occasions against gross wickednesse ; we would hope those men would not patronize that cause , which we profess our selves only against . If this be it , that makes us so censorious in private , and severe in publique , we must profess , we dare not be Ministers , to sooth up men in their sinnes , unless they can finde us a Christ , that will save them in their sinnes ; yet we hope that such of our people , as have had occasion to be conversant with us even in this businesse of the Sacrament , do finde some of that Gospell tendernesse , which these men would perswade the world we are so utterly destitute of , and will Answer more for us herein , then we thinke fit to say for our selves . 17. They now conclude their Preface , which ushers these Papers into the world , and declare how much they were forced against their dispositions to Print ; we hope they will not say , we forced them , for they know we knew nothing of it . They protest it is sine ullo studio contentionis , without any pleasure , or delight in contention ; whenas they were upon tearmes of accommodation with us , according to our Narrative and the truth , and yet Print the Papers ; and they professedly hereby fire their Beacons , to raise up others to the like opposition , or a stronger , where there is ability and occasion . For the success of their cause , we know not what God in his wise judgement may permit it to be ; the reception of what they have done , or we may now do amongst men , we know not ; but pro captu lectoris , &c. we are well aware of a spirit of prophanenesse and indifferency in the things of God that prevailes sadly in this Nation : and with men of loose lives , it is enough that some have spoken against the Government , quale quale sit , vvhatever it is they say , and vvhatever vve may say to the contrary in our Answer , theirs shall go for an unanswerable Piece , ( because it is of a Subject so deare to too many ) though ours to the contrary be never read by them . For those that are sober and moderate , we question not but they have seen something in ours already , that is in a good part unanswered , and much vvronged in theirs , vvhich vvould in some measure satisfie them , if vve should have said no more ; however stay their appetites till this our further Answer comes . ¶ It may not seem altogether impertinent to the sober and unprejudiced Reader , if in this place vve subjoyne , only a briefe Note in vvay of vindication , of the same so much opposed , and despised Presbyterian Government , from an injury ( as vve conceive ) offered to it by another hand . And though vve reverence the Learned Author of the Book vvherein it is done , viz. Dr. Sanderson , a man eminent for his Learning and labours in the Church of God ; yet vve conceive the vvorthy Doctor vvill hold us excused , if we take notice of the vvrong he hath done us , since he hath ( as vve judge ) causelesly aspersed us in Print . And we rather shall do this little in this place ( confining our selves to what ( as vve judge ) doth more particularly concern us ) that we may hereby invite some worthy Author , that may have time , and a more convenient occasion of doing it more largely , to take up some other passages in the same Book ; vvhich we thinke might easily be cleared , and the Doctors want of moderation ( vvhich yet he so much professeth ) be much evidenced in those many charges he casts upon the Presbyterians , his Anticeremoniall Brethren . But this passage is in his Preface to his fourteen Sermons Printed Ano. 1657. In his eighteenth Paragraph , vvhere he vvould perswade the world much , that the Presbyterians ( though not purposely , yet ) eventually , should be the great promoters of the Roman interest amongst us , and that more waies then one ; as by putting to their hands to pull down Episcopacy , &c. but upon his second thing he saies , they promote the Roman interest , by opposing it with more violence then reason , &c. And so , as the common fault of all Presbyterians so to do ( they being men it seems not dealing with learning and reason in the Doctor 's esteem ) he confirms this by an observation of some , ( vvhich he makes most his own , in that he only publisheth it to the world and subscribes unto it ) vvith a particular reference to our County , in these vvords : It hath been observed by some ( and I know no reason to question the truth of the observation ) that in those Counties ( Lancashire for one ) where there are the most , and the most rigid Presbyterians , there are also the most , and the most zealous Roman Catholicks . To vvhich vve say , that though vve shall not stand upon vvhat he asserteth , that either there are most , or most rigid Presbyterians in this County , the truth of which , in any sense , but vvhat is truly an honour to us , in vvhich vve thinke he vvould be very sparing , vve might question ; as also vvhat he meanes by Papists , and those most , and most zealous ; and that in this County they should be such , vve shall not now dispute ; but that Presbytery should be the eventuall cause of this , vve do much admite at the Doctors Aslertion . For if it vvere so , that vvhere rigid Presbyterians are , there should be rigid Papists ; doth it therefore follow that the one is the cause of the other ? We should to such a consequence return the Answer , which Bp. La●imer made to the Objection against Preaching , that Preaching vvas the cause of Rebellion ; for before Preaching was , there vvas not such Rebellion ; vvhich vvas , that this vvas , as Temderton steeple was the cause of the stoppage of Sandwich haven ; but that vve judge the consequents of the Doctors observation more absurd . For it doth not so vvell follow , that Presbytery should occasion stifness in Popery , because it cannot be said of the Papists in this County , that they vvere not here , before Presbytery came in . If this be the eventuall cause vvhat vvas it then , before this Government vvas established , that vvas the cause , there vvas so many rigid Papists in Lancashire ? If their very rise and breeding had been contemporary with this Government , there had b●en more reason for the observation , ( though not much in it at the best ) but that the prevalency of a more ridgid Popery in this County , which was so evident in the time of Episcopacy , as is notorious to all that are acquainted with these parts , that this should be ascribed to Presbytery so long before it was born here , we admire at the oversight of this learned man herein . But it s ordinary vvith many men of this way ( and we are sorry to see any of this spirit in so Reverend a man ) that what is found amiss amongst us , which was truly the fault of the Prelaticall Clergy , or at least much more theirs , is ordinarily laid upon the Presbyteriall Ministers , for but coming in their places after them . We desire to be sensible of what is amiss in our Congregations , and to take to , what we can be truly charged with , in defect of not endeavouring to reforme , as we could desire : yet we thinke it strange to be reproached for these things by the Episcopall men , who led us the vvay ( vve may speak vvithout partiality ) in greater neglects , in respect of their ordinary personall care of their places , and laid the foundation of those abuses in our members by their negligence , which we are yet lit●le able to remove . And for men of this perswasion to come and view our Congregations and Counties , and to find these faults , to reflect upon this Government thereby , we think it ill chid of them of any . This holds true in this of the Doctors , as of our Gentlemen in their charge of our peoples ignorance to be for want of catechizing and the like . We shall not say much about the number of Papists at present in this County , but this we are confident , they have gotten no ground upon us since Presbytery was setled here . The furthest part of the County hath many in it , as it had ever since Queens Mari's time , the reformation never yet prevailing in those parts , especially for want of a setled Ministery there ; and where most Papists are , there the Government is least setled , so that if we were directly chargeable with this thing , it might the more truly be said to those that know this countrey , the want of Church Government should rather be the eventuall cause of Popery to them . And whether it may not be trulier said , that Popery gets more advantage from the want of Government in the Church , then from the Presbyterian Government , which was never so effectually setled , we leave all unprejudiced persons to judg : and if eventuall causes be talkt of , whether severall of the Episcopall men , that bend their strength so against Presbytery , and whilst they contend for a Government excepted against , thereby endeavouring anarchy in the Church , do not herein gratifie the Papists , time will shew . We might further say , that in these parts we have had none ( that we know of ) revolted to Popery since Presbytery was setled . And for some we know very eminent , that turned Papists in the height of Prelacy , and upon some offences and sad accidents that befell some in the Clergy then , which we forbeare particularly to instance ; and they do but continue under us as they were before : so that Episcopacy sure was the eventuall cause of their apostacy , by the Argument of this observation of the Doctors . May we add an observation of a worthy Divine , which we have heard from him , and let it stand by this of the Doctors , and for the truth of it abide the test and strictest examination , and it may be still in pursuance of this vindication of our Government . It was this , that of the three formes in Church Government that are spoken of amongst us , ( viz. Presbytery , Episcopacy , and Independency ) of all three , the first where it hath prevailed , hath been followed with least errors in Doctrine . For Episcopacy , it is well known , how many of the Divines under that Government were infected with Arminianism , Socinianism , and Popery it self . ( * some chief Ceremoniall men turning Papists , which the Doctor cannot observe of any Presbyterians , ) For the Independants , how many of their way turn into Antinomians , Anabaptists , Seekers , Familists , Quakers , Ranters , &c. And for Presbytery , it hath not yet been observed to have bred any such noysome Weeds , where it hath been established . And how far it is eventually the nourisher of Popery , as far as concernes this instance in our County , we leave the Reader to judg . Distance of place in regard of the Author hath hindred so strict a revisall of the Sheets in Printing as was needfull , these faults since Collected by him , besides divers literall ones not so materiall , thou art desired thus to mend . ERRATA . IN Epist . to the Reader , page 3. l. 29. for this , read his . In their Preface , p. 5. l. 26. for Donasticks , r. Donatists . In the Narrative , p. 1. l 27. for with , r. which . p 9. l. 4. for to them , r. to their . p. 13. l. 9. these words are to be read as in a Parenthesis ( the next Class Mr Heyrick not being returned ) l. 24. after Printing , these words are left out , of the Papers with the Preface . from p. 17. to the end , instead of Narrative , the Title should have been The Animadversions upon their Preface . Classicall Records , 1. Col. l. 32. for Edw. Gee , r. Edw. Lee , 8. Col. l. 5. for contained , r. continued . l. 7. for would . r. could . In the Answer to the Preface , p. 1. l. 15. note 1. for our poor Text , r. one poor Text. p. 9. l. 3. note 5. for freely making , r. freely make . l. 16. note 6. dele to . r. return the Laconick , p. 11. l. 23. note 13. r. tax as Donatism . l. ●lt . r. they jeer us . p. 12. l. 15 r. when he is fallen . l. 34. r. omission . In the Gentlemens first Paper , p. 11 , 12. the Names from Isa . Allen to Nie. Mosely , are transposed and should have been in the front of all the Names . In the Book p. 89. l. 9. for unconformists , r. nonconformists . l 22. for not more , r. no more . p. 95. l. 36. protest against him , r. against it . p. 99. l. 28. for sober ground , r. other ground . p. 100. l. 7. for seasonable , r. seaseable . l. 18. for offored , r. affoarded . p. 106. l. 30. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 139. l. 22. for civill sunction , r. civill sanction . p. 179. l. 1. dele the Interrogation after what . p. 224 l. 12. for concluding r. excluding . p. 247. l. 28. the word assure is left out . read it thus , y●t that could not be a rule to assure us . p. 291. l. 30. r. is not against the Rules . p. 301. l. 36. r. normam . p. 322. l. 32. dele the , r. not to the last . p. 324. l. 23. for dissavoured , r. dissavowed . p. 338. l. 17. for admit , r. omit it . l. 33. for presumptuously used , r. promiscuously used . p. 339. l. 6. dele not . l. 27. for giving . r. give your censure . p. 340. l. 2. dele it . p. 341. l. 7 , and 22. r. Magistraliter . l. 8. for ours fit , r. was fit . l. 15. for nearest Antecedent . p. 342. the sentence in the Margin should be inserted into the matter at the letter ( a. ) without which the sense is incompleat . l. 5. for and us that , r. and is that . p. 344. l. 16. r. competent knowledg . l. 36. r. tell us . p. 345. l. 8. dele to . p. 352. l. 26. r. Apage ! Sect. 11. The paper that was published by the first Classis within the Province of Lancaster , in the severall Congregations belonging to their association . Novemb : 22. 1657. At the first Classe at Manchester , Septem : 8th 1657. IN pursuance of an Order of the last Provincial , the first Classe doth humbly represent to this Assembly , their apprehensions in the case to them propounded , in a draught prepared for the several Congregations belonging to their own Association , if it shall be approved of by this Assembly , and which they do wholely submit to their Judgements . It being represented to this Classe , and much complained of , and offence being taken , That in the several Congregations , ( if not in all ) belonging to this Association , there are many persons of all sorts , that are members of Congregations , and publickly enjoy severall priviledges ; as , hearing of the Word , prayers of the Church , and baptizing of their children , and satisfaction for injuries done unto them , That yet live in a total and sinfull neglect of the Lords Supper , that are scandalous and offensive in their lives , drunkards , unclean persons , swearers , Sabbath ▪ breakers , neglecters of Family-duties , that will not subject themselves to the present government of the Church , but live as lawless persons out of their rank and order , & that there are sundry that are grosly ignorant in the main points of Christian Religion ; These are to give notice , that this Classe , laying these things to heart , and much grieved for them , do publish and make known ; 1. That every Minister belonging to this Association , shall set apa●t one or two , or more of the weeke dayes , in every month , for the catechizing of the several familyes belonging to their respective Congregations ; and for the information of the ignorant in those families , and that the families to be catechized on each of such dayes , set apart for that purpose , have notice the Lords day before , to meet the Minister either at the Church , or Chappel , or the Ministers house , or some other house within the Congregation , that may be convenient for the neighboring families to meet at , that shal be appointed for such a day , as may be judged meetest by the severall Ministers . 2. That notice shall be taken of all persons that forsake the publick Assemblies of the Saints , and constantly turn their backs of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper . 3. That like notice shall be taken of all scandalous persons . 4. That they shall be privately admonished , according to the order prescribed by Christ , Mat. 18. once or twice , to see if they will reforme , and that the Minister , when he catechizeth the several families , shall exhort such persons in them , as he finds to be of competent knowledge , and are blamelesse in life , that they present themselves to the Eldership , that they may be admitted to the Lords Supper . 5. That if they will neither hearken to private admonition , nor the admonition of the Eldership , their names shall be published openly in the severall Congregations , and they warned before all to reforme . 6. That if after all this they shall continue obstinate , they shall be cast out and excommunicated . These things this Classe thought fit to give publick notice of , being very sensible , that , for the want of the vigorous exercise of Church discipline , ignorance , Atheism , and licentiousnesse growes upon us , to the great dishonour of God , scandall of Religion , hazzard and undoing of many precious souls , and the laying a blot on our severall Congregations ; and therefore they are now resolved ( seeing themselves necessitated , to this severity of discipline , for the freeing themselves from the great guilt of neglect of their own duty , that otherwise they shal be under ) to make use of that power that Christ hath committed to them , for edification , and not for destruction ; although it would be their far greater joy , that there might not be occasion of using sharpnesse ; and therefore they doe earnestly in the bowels of Jesus Christ beseech all those that are ignorant , that they would apply themselves diligently to the use of all publick and private means for their information , submitting themselves with all readinesse to be instructed , and to consider , that without knowledge the minde cannot be good : and they do also in the name of Jesus Christ , exhort and warn all such as live scandalously , and in the practice of open sins , that they breake off their iniquities by repentance , and turn unto God speedily with their whole heart , that they neither incur the censure of being cast out of the Church here , nor by continuing in their sinfull course be kept from ever entering into the kingdome of Heaven hereafter . And as touching such as turne their backs constantly on the Lords Supper , this Classe doth wish them in seriousnes to consider , what an account they will be able one day to give unto Jesus Christ , for their living in the dayly neglect of an ordinance that is so exceeding necessary for their own comfort and growth in grace ; and that they would lay aside all prejudice , or whatever it is that hinders , and submit themselves unto wholesom order for their own good , as this Classe hath been ready on their part , to expresse all tendernesse toward the weak , and a willingnesse to condescend to the meanest , for the removing all occasions of stumbling , so far as lies in their power . And yet , considering the fearfull danger that all such do lay themselves open unto , that shall eat and drink the Body and Blood of the Lord unworthily , they do warn whosoever comes to the Lords Table , to take special care so often as they come to examin themselves , lest they eat and drink their own damnation . But because the exercise of Church discipline must begin at private persons , and that if they neglect their duty of watching over , and admonishing one another , and bringing complaints to the Eldership as there is occasion , little or nothing can be done for the thorow reformation of the several Congregations ; this Classe doth therefore warne all and every of the Members belonging unto them , to consider the great guilt they will lye under , if they through their neglect , obstruct so necessary a work , and doth exhort that therefore they would in all faithfulnesse , laying aside all partiality , slavishnesse and self-respects , addresse themselves to the discharge of their duty , that if any walk disorderly , and will not be reclaimed by private admonition , they making complaint thereof to the Eldership , course may be taken for excommunicating of the obstinate , and thereby purging out the old leaven , to the glory of God , the delivering their own souls from that guilt they will otherwise lye under , the preserving the Ordinances from prophanation , and the rest of the lump from being leavened , the stopping of the mouths of such as seek occasion against us , and finally the everlasting welfare and salvation of the souls of those that go astray . By the Provincial Assembly at Preston , Octob : 6. 1657. RICHARD HEYRICKE Moderator pro tempore . This representation is approved by the Pro ▪ vincial Assembly , THOMAS JOHNSON , Moderator . EDWARD GEE , Scribe . The Gentlemens first Paper . To the Eldership of the severall Congregations belonging to the Association of the first Classe at Manchester , within the Province of Lancaster ; These . Give us leave to salute you in your own Terms . WE have seene and seriously weighed that paper draught , Intituled A presentation of the first Classe at Manchester , dated the 8. of Sept. 1657. confirmed by the Provinciall Assembly at Preston , Octob. 6. and published at Manchester Church the 22. of Nov. in the aforesaid yeare : and do publish this our sense , and Apprehension of it , as far as is plain to us , not resting in the Judgement and determination of any Generall Councill contrary thereunto ( if any such should be ) much less to one of your Provincial Assemblies ; Though you seem to submit to your Provincial , what you will hardly grant to a General Council : In which we dissent from you ; Though in other things we shall joyn , as first . 1. We joyn with you , in a deep sence of the severall grosse sins and errors of the times , desiring earnestly to mourn , first for our own , next for the sins of others of our Christian Brethren , and fellow members of that Church , whereof Christ is the Head : We are grieved together with you , for the Scandalous and offensive lives of such as live in drunkenesse , uncleanesse , swearing , prophanation of the Sabbath , &c. 2. We are also sensible with you , that there are sundry persons , grossely ignorant in the main points of Christian Religion . 3. You with us again ( we hope ) are sensible and grieved ( though you do not at all mention them ) for the grosse errours in judgement , and the damnable Doctrine of many , who have rent themselves into as many severall heresies , as they have into Sects and Schismes . Thus far we agree , nay more , touching the way of informing the ignorant , and reforming the wicked and erroneous , we shall not much dissent . 1. And first for the information and instruction of the ignorant , by way of Catechizing , before they be admitted to the Sacrament ; The course by you published ( provided it be in publique ) little differeth from the order prescribed by the Church of England , and other reformed Churches abroad , before any be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper . 2. For those who erre so grossely , whether in Doctrinals , or points of disciplin , thereby renting from a true constituted Church : Though you speak nothing either of their sin or punishment , yet we hope , you with us do hold , That the Churches lawful Pastors , have the power of the Keyes committed to them , to excommunicate such offenders . 3. For such as are scandalous and wicked in their lives ; Admonition , private and publique , is to be observed according to Christs rule , Mat. 18 but if they still continue and will not reform , the Churches lawfull Pastors have power to excommunicate such . Thus far we accord in judgement , touching the way of informing the ignorant , and reforming wicked persons , and schismaticall ; which course is so fully warranted by the Word of God , and the constant practice of the Catholique Church ; that we are not so wavering , and unsetled in our apprehensions of the case , as to submit either it or them , either wholly or in part , to the contrary judgement and determination of a Generall Council of the Eastern or Western Churches , much lesse , to a new termed Provincial Assembly at Preston , wherein we not little differ from you . Other parts of your Paper are full of darknesse , to which we cannot so fully assent , till further explicated and unfolded by you . For , 1. Whereas you say , That in the several congregations ( if not in all ) belonging to this Association , there are many persons of all sorts that are members of Congregations , &c. you seeme to hint , that though your grief may be general ( as ours ) for all offenders , yet your censures extend onely to those who have admitted themselves members of some Congregation within your Association , and yet live inordinately , and will not be admonished : If so , then we who never were any members or associates of yours , are not within the verge and compasse of your Presbyterian discipline ; for what have you to do to judge those that are without ? 2. But whereas your complaint , and offence taken , is , That many there are of all sorts , who will not submit themselves to the present Government of the Church , but live like lawless persons out of their rank and order . If by the present Government of the Church , you mean your own ( as may strongly be conjectured you do ) then are we also comprehended therein , and must fall within your censure , and not onely we , but all Papists , Anabaptists , and all other , of what Profession ; and Religion soever , who live within the Parish , must be taken for members of some one Congregation within your Association , and so driven into the common fold of Presbytery , and be subject to your Government : And this ( as we suppose ) is the chief design of you , in this , as in other transactions of yours , to subject all to your Government , which you garnish over with the specious title , of Christs Government , Throne , and Scepter . Presbytery is the main thing driven at here ; and however she cometh ushered in with a Godly pretence of sorrow , for the sins and ignorance of the times , and a duty incumbent upon you , to exercise the power which Christ hath committed to you , for edification , and not for destruction ; yet these are but as so many waste papers wherein Presbytery is wrapped , to make it look more handsomly , and pass more currently ; but beware we must , for latet anguis in Herbâ . Object . But you say , For want of the vigorous exercise of this Ecclesiastical discipline , ignorance , Atheism , and Licentiousness growes upon us , and men live as lawlesse persons , out of their rank and order , because not subject to your present Governement . Sol. We pray for the establishment of such Church Government , throughout his Highness Dominions , as is consonant to the will of God ; and Universall practice of primitive Churches , that Ecclesiasticall discipline may be exercised , in the hands of them , to whom it was committed by Christ , and left by him , to be transferred from hand to hand to the end of the World ; and shall readily joyn with you in humble addresses , to his Highnes , and his great Council , for the establishment of such a Church Government . In the mean time though there may be such , who ( as you say ) live as lawless persons , out of their rank and order , yet are they subject to law , and therefore subject to punishment , for though your Ecclesiastical sword cannot take hold on them , the civill sword doth reach them . Your Class may do well then not to contemn ( as in charity we hope you do not ) the authority of the civill Magistrate , but in stead of warning all and every member belonging to them , to complain to the Eldership , of those that walke disorderly , and will not be reclaimed , to the end they may excommunicate them , That they exhort them to complaine to the civill Magistrate , whose sword of Justice is sharper and longer , and likely to work a greater reformation in the lives , and manners of men , by a corporal and pecuniary Mulct , then any sword of excommunication or other Church censure your Eldership can any way pretend unto ; There are other parts of your paper do remain likewise dark , which we desire may be made plain unto us ; for whereas you say , There are many persons of all sorts , &c. That will not submit themselves to the present Government of the Church , but live as lawless persons , out of their rank and order . Our Quaeres there upon are ; 1. Why Government in singulari ? is there no Ecclesiasticall Government but yours ? may not another Church have its Government different from yours , yet not different from that which Christ hath prescribed in his Word ? Calvin saith , yea ; Scimus enim , unicuique Ecclesiae &c. And accordingly there are other Churches in England different in Government from yours , and as good as yours . But if you say yours is the Government , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by way of eminency , as Christs own Government more immediatly , and jure divino , which you so much defend , then why ( the present ) is there no present Government in any Church or Assembly of Saints , but where your discipline is erected ? Are all the rest at present without Government ? or where hath yours been this 1500. years past till this present ? Hath Antichristianism so overspread the face of the Church that Christs own Goverment could never get footing till this present ? But now subjection is required thereto of all , yet many of all sorts will not subject , but live as lawless persons , out of their rank and order . Our next Quaere is ; What ? must all those that observe not your ranks and orders , subject not themselves to your present Government , be taken for lawless persons , out of their rank and order ? Yea ; for so this close connexion of yours seems to import , ( viz. ) many who do not subject but live , &c. In your paper you further proceed , and make it an order , That notice shall be taken of all persons , that forsake the publick assembly of Saints . We would gladly know how far you extend this Saintship . this Church and assembly of Saints , if to your own Church onely , and such as subject themselves to your Government ; then S. Augustines Answer against the Donatists , who would not acknowledge a Church in the World but amongst themselves , may also be yours , O Impudentem Vocem ! ( saith he ) Illa non est , Quia tu in illa non es : Vide ne tu ideo non sis , nam illa erit etsi tu non sis . But if your charity reach further then to your own assemblies , then you make lawless persons , such as will not subject themselves to your Government , Saints , and members at least of the invisible Triumphant Church , though none of your present visible militant Church ; and then your charity over-reacheth . Again , we are unsatisfied in the Word ( Publique ) the publique assemblies of the Saints , What ? do not private assemblies please you ? We presume you are not against private meetings , your own practice speaks the contrary : But you will bind all ( notwithstanding your private Assemblies ) to frequent your publique also , other wayes they shall be taken notice of : What ? though they cannot submit to your Government ? Leave you no room for tender consciences ? The Laws of the Land have otherwayes provided : And if you , under colour of authority , will make Laws and Edicts , and publish them openly in the Church , for all to obey , upon pain of excommunication , contrary to the Laws in force , whether you do it in contempt of the civil power , or through ignorance of the Laws ; which later is rather to be supposed , in a charitable and favourable construction , yet in what sense soever it be taken , we much question , and it concerns you to look to it , whether you have not run your selves into a praemunire . Again , whereas you say , That like notice shall be taken of all scandalous persons . Our next Quaere is ; Whether those that forsake the publique Assemblies of Saints in the second order , may not be taken for scandalous , and so comprehended in this third . If so , Quare oneramini ritibus ? why do you lengthen out your paper , and burden us with traditions , in multiplying of orders sine necessitate ad Arthritim usque ? After the second and third orders against those that forsake the publique Assemblies of Saints , and such as are scandalous , comes in a fourth , touching the Catechumenists in the first order mentioned ; ( viz. ) That the Minister when he Cateobizeth the several Families , shall exhort such persons in them as he finds , be of competent knowledge , and are blamelesse in life , that they present themselves to the Eldership , that they may be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ? But what if they will not present themselves before the Eldership ? The Minister must exhort and admonish them . What if still they refuse ? Their names shall be published openly in the several congregations , and they warned before all to reform . That 's the fifth order . Mark ! Men of blamelesse life and knowledge must be warned before all to reform . But what if after all this they will not reform , but continue obstinate ! Then no admission to the Sacrament ; that 's implyed in the fourth order ; There 's their Excommunicatio minor : But that 's not all , a higher censure yet ; They shall be cast out , and excommunicated ; So faith the sixth and last order , the great Excommunication , which casteth out of the Church also , and judgeth them no better , then Heathens , and Publicans , notwithstanding all their piety and knowledge . So that , in brief , all wilfully ignorant and scandalous are to be excommunicated ; and not onely they , but the knowing , and blamelesse of life , if they present not themselves to the Eldership . These things premised , lying sadly on our spirits and consciences , as not sound and orthodox , for which we cannot so readily joyn with you , till further satisfaction be given us , and which the publisher of your Paper promised should be given to all that did desire , We therefore thought fit to signifie these our scruples to you , and shall wait earnestly for a speedy satisfaction in the particulars , remaining January the 12. 1657. Your Brethren desirous of Truth , Vnity and Peace in the Church . Joshuah Cudworth . John Ogden Sen. John Ogden Junior . Capt. James Buckley . Israel Taylor . John Buckley . Nicholas Walker . Ralph Hall. Edward Newton . Abraham Butterworth . Robert Twyford . William Radclyffe . Jo. Hartley . Ra. Bradshaw . Edward Richardson . Tho. Holland . Fra. Mosley . John Byrom . Alexand. Radclyffe . Robert Hey . Robert Ashton : William Heawood . Alexander Greene. James Marler . George Booth , Richard Symonds . Richard Waite . Richard Halliwell . Isaac Allen. Jo. Pollett . Tho. Prestwich . Leonard Egerton . Ferdinando Stanley . Humphrey Bulkly . Nichol. Moseley . William Hulme . William Holland . Thomas Symonds . John Scholefield . Ja. Wolstenhulme . Jo. Crompton . John Grover . Tho. Scoles . Theo. Anderson . Abdie Scholfield . Tho. Heap . Sen. William Read. John Buckley . Richard Leach . James Stoales . Robert Wilson . At Manchester , Feb. 23. 1657. The Answer of the first Classis within the Province of Lancaster , unto the first Paper presented unto them at their Classical meeting , Jan. 12. 1657. by certain Gentlemen , subscribed by them and sundry others within the bounds of this Association . SECT . I. Gentlemen , WE have perused your Paper , and doe finde in it sundry mistakes , and some manifest wrestings of our plain meaning , in that Paper of ours , which was published in our several Congregations : And we are also sensible of the sharp reflections in it , upon the Government , that is committed to our mannagement , and on our selves . But we shall not go about to answer you in that kind : and therefore laying aside animosities , and putting away gall and bitternesse , in the spirit of love and meeknesse , however in faithfulnesse and plainnesse , we shall endeavour to shew you your errors and rectifie your mistakes . And we do thus far acknowledge your fair dealing , ( for which we give you hearty thanks ) that you addresse your selves unto us , giving us thereby the opportunity , both to vindicate our selves , and give you a right understanding of the matters wherein you are mistaken . Our leasure will not permit us to spend time about impertinencies ; but yet , that you may not conceive we are destitute of civil Authority , ( which you in your Paper minde us not to contemn , and we our selves do professedly testifie all due respects unto , as in duty we are bound ) we intreat you to take notice , That the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , having resolved to establish the Presbyterian Government throughout the Kingdom of England , and Dominion of Wales , did August 19. 1645. publish their directions , after advice had with the Assembly of Divines , for the electing and chusing of ruling Elders in all the Congregations , and in the Classical Assemblies for the Cities of London and Westminster , and the several Counties of the Kingdom , for the speedy settling of the Presbyterian Government . In these directions , ( as may be seen pag. 8. ) they did ordain , That in the several Counties certain persons , Ministers and others , should be appointed by authority of Parliament , who should consider , how the several Counties respectively might be most conveniently divided into distinct Classical Presbyteries ; and what Ministers and others were fit to be of each Classis . And that they should accordingly make such division and nomination of persons for each Classical Presbytery . Which divisions and persons so named for every division , the appointed should be certified up to the Parliament . And they further appointed , That the said several Classes respectively being approved by Parliament , within their several precincts should have power to constitute Congregational Elderships . According to these directions , the persons by them appointed for this County met , and did consider , how it might be most conveniently divided into distinct Classical Presbyteries , and what Ministers and others were fit to be of each Classis : and also made such a division and nomination accordingly , and certified the same up to the Parliament : All which being done , according to their directions and appointment , It was resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , Oct. 2. 1646. That they did approve of the division of the County of Lancaster into nine Classical Presbyteries represented from the said County . And it was further resolved , That the said Houses did approve of the Ministers and other persons represented from the County of Lancaster , as fit to be of the several and respective Classes , into which the said County was divided . Which division of this County into nine Classical Presbyteries , and the approval thereof by the said Lords and Commons was forthwith printed and published . In this division so made and approved , The first Classis is to contain Manchester Parish , Prestwich Parish , Oldham Parish , Flixton Parish , Eccles Parish , and Ashton under-line Parish , as by what was then printed , and is yet extant , is to be seen . Further , we wish you to take notice , That in the forementioned Directions pag. 3. Direction 6. it is there thus ordained , That all Parishes and places whatsoever ( as well priviledged places and exempt Jurisdictions , as others ) be brought under the Government of Congregational , Classical , and National Assemblies . Provided , that the Chappels or places in the houses of the Peers of this Realm should continue free for the exercise of Divine Duties , to be performed according to the Directory . And also , that it was ordered by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , Decemb. 21. 1646. That the several Classes in Lancashire should be one Province , as appears by their Order to that purpose ; As there is also another Order of theirs of Octob. 16. 1648. enabling the several Classes within this Province to send their Delegates to meet in a Provincial Assembly in Preston , and appointing the time of their first meeting , the number of the Delegates , that were to be sent to the said Assembly , and the Quorum of the Assembly , according to the provision that had been made before by the Parliament , before any Provincial Assembly could by virtue of their Authority be enabled to act Provincially . By which account thus given it is manifest , That the setting up the Presbyterian Government in this County : The division of it into several Classes : The making of those Classes into a Province , and their Acting Provincially : As also the appointing this Classis to be the first , ( that is , the first in regard of the number onely , the account beginning here ) was all done by Authority of Parliament . And that , when we call our selves the first Classis within the Province of Lancaster , we are awarranted thereto by authority of Parliament . And so your Saluting us in our own termes , ( which we gave not to our selves , till the Parliament had first given them to us ) will not seem strange to them , that then did , or now do , acknowledge that Authority and Power , which the Parliament exercised in those times . Especially considering there was nothing done since , either by that Parliament or any other , or by his Highnesse and the late Parliament , that takes from us what was then granted , and as we shall clear further anon . SECT . II. IN your Preface to what in your Paper you have to say unto us , there is in the first place a mistake of that title , which was given by us unto ours ; ( which you call a Paper draught ) for it was not by us intituled a Presentation ( as you call it ) but a Draught , that represented to the Provincial Assembly our apprehensions in a case by them propounded unto us ; And was approved by the Provincial , under the Title of a Representation . But this perhaps was but the mistake of the Scribe , and we insist not on it . It is of greater weight and moment , to take notice of what you publish as your sense and apprehensions of it , ( not resting in the judgement or determination of any general Council contrary thereunto ) if any such should be , much lesse to one of our Provincial Assemblies . Although you tell us , we seem to submit to our Provincial , what we will hardly grant to a general Council ; in which you professe to differ from us . We know very well , and have learned better from the Scriptures , then to resolve our Faith into the determination of any company of men on Earth whatsoever , or to build our Faith on the Judgement of Synods , Provincial or National , or of General Councils , that have been heretofore , or that may be hereafter . We are sure all men are fallible ; and Faith , that is a sure and certain Grace , must have a sure and certain foundation , which is onely the infallible and written Word of God. And if this only be your meaning , you have not us differing from you . But yet when we consider , That Synods and Councils , rightly constituted and regularly called , as they may be then of great use for light and guidance , so also that they are the Ordinance of God , and by him invested with authority , and so have an authoritative Judgement belonging to them , and which is not in private persons , we dare not contemn them , nor speak sleightly of them . And seeing the higher Assemblies have greater Authority then the lower , ( as there is more power in the whole , then in the part ; in the whole body , then in any one , or some few members ) and that , however we are well enough satisfied , that we have the Authority of a Classe , yet we are under the Authority of the Provincial Assembly ; We see not wherein we offended , that we submitted our apprehensions , in the Case propounded by that Assembly unto us , unto their Judgment . There is concerning matters of Religion Judicium Privatum , or a Private Judgement ; and this belongs to all Christians , who are to see with their own eyes , and judge , concerning what is necessary for them to know and believe in matters of this nature . This Judgement , as there is good reason why we should allow it to our selves , so we should Lord it over mens consciences , if we should deny it to any . There is also Judicium Publicum , & Authoritativum , A Publick and an Authoritative Judgement ; and this is either Concional , which belongs to every lawful Minister ( to whom the Key of Doctrine is committed ) by himself singly : or else it is Juridical , and this belongs to Synods and Councils , who having the Key of Discipline , are invested with authority to inquire into , try , examine , censure and judge of matters of Doctrine and Discipline authoritatively , ( although they be tyed to the rule of Gods Word in such proceedings , as Judges to the Law ) and likewise to censure offenders according to their merit , when such cases are regularly and orderly brought before them . And in this sense it was , that we submitted our apprehensions in the Paper published , to the Judgement of the Provincial Assembly . And we believe , when the Apostle tels us , 1 Cor. 14. 32. That the spirits os the Prophets are subject to the Prophets : And our Saviour Christ-saith , Mat. 18. ●ell the Church ; And when we consider what was practised by Paul and Barnabas , and certain others ( who upon occasion of a contest that arose in the Church at Antioch about a matter of Doctrine , were sent up from that Church to Jerusalem to the Apostles and Elders about that question ) from these and other Scriptural grounds we had sufficient ground for so doing . We are sure also , That Whitaker de Conciliis quaestione quinta , and Chamierus in his Panstratia de oecumenico Pontifice , ubi de Authoritate Papae in Ecclesia , cap. 13. & cap. 14. And generally all our Protestant Divines against the Papists , alledging the Texts above-mentioned and others , do prove abundantly , that in the sense declared , the Pope is to be subject to a general Council , wherein also sundry Papists do concur with them . And questionless , if in the time of Augustine ( who was no contemner of Synods and Councils ) any in this sense had declared , that they would not have submitted their apprehensions to their judgement , he would have cried out against them as well as against the Donatists , O impudentem vocem ! And we hope , when you have weighed the matter better , you will not in this sense see any reason to refuse to submit either your sense and apprehensions of our Paper , or what you may publish as your own private Judgements in other matters about Religion , to the Judgement of a general Council , supposing it might be had . SECT . III. WE have now done with your Preface , and come to the matter it self , wherein you professe , ( 1. ) To joyn with us in a deep sense of the several grosse sins and errors of the times , desiring earnestly to mourn first for your own sins , next for the sixs of others , &c. And here we do heartily pray , that neither we nor you may any of us condemn our selves , either by professing our sorrow , for what sins we may practise , or by refusing to help forward the good that we professe to allow of , but may testifie the truth of our sorrow for our own and other mens sins , by suitable indeavors to reform what is amisse in our selves , and helping forward every one in his place the reformation of others . ( 2 - ) In the next place , you say , You are also sensible with us that there are sundry persons grosly ignorant in the mainpoints of Christian Religion . And if so , we hope you will acknowledge , that where , after the injoying of plenty of Preaching and the publick Catechizing , that hath been used for many years together , ( and much more where there hath been lesse of this meanes ) many continue grosly ignorant in the main points of Religion , it is at least not to be condemned in such Ministers , as shall be willing to take the paines by private Catechizing to instruct such persons : This course being to the Ministers a matter of paines onely ; and that hereupon , where the publick Catechizing attaines not its desired end , the private may be good and useful , that so poor souls perish not for lack of knowledge . ( 3. ) Lastly You hope , That we with you are sensible and greived , though , you say , we do not mention them , for the grosse errors in judgement and damnable Doctrines of many , who have rent themselves into as many several Heresies , as they have into Sects and Schisms . You may perceive by the title of our Paper , that it was a representation of our apprehensions to the Provincial Assembly , in the Case to us propounded by the said Provincial , and what that was , we shall particularly declare anon , ( although by what we say had been complained of , and represented unto us , it might be gathered ) and therefore we were chiefly to apply our selves to that , which was therein our main work and businesse . That the grosse and damnable errors , that the loosness of these times have brought forth , are to be bewailed ( if it were possible ) with tears of bloud , is most freely to be confessed . And whether we lay them not to heart in some poor measure , God the searcher of all hearts he knows ; as what complaints have been made of these by the members of this Classis , both in their prayers and preaching , men can witnesse ; and likewise what testimonies have been given to the truth of Jesus Christ , and against the errors of the times , subscribed with their hands and published to the world , though therein but concurring with the rest of their Reverend Brethren in this Province , in the Province of London , and other Counties of the Land , posterity may read , when we are in our graves . But as to the most of the Congregations belonging to this Classis , the great business to be looked after was the use of our best indeavors , for the informing of the ignorant , and the reforming of the scandalous , the numbers of these being great , and of those that are so grosly erroneous as to maintain damnable doctrines , and whereof you professe your selves to be so sensible , very inconsiderable , in comparison of the former : and in sundry of our Congregations , if not in most , ( blessed be God for it ) not any at all , that we know of . And therefore there was not that reason to make any such expresse mention of these as of the former , although in our Paper we were not herein neither altogether silent , as will after appear . Having professed your agreement with us thus farre , you go on to declare your selves , That , touching the way of informing the ignorant , and reforming the wicked and erroneous , you shall not much dissent . And ( 1. ) You say , For the Information and instruction of the ignorant by way of Catechizing before they be admitted to the Sacrament , the course by us published ( provided , you say , it be in publick ) little differeth from the Order prescribed by the Church of England , and other Reformed Churches abroad , before any be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Sapper . That all Children and others , ( so many as it is fit to instruct after that manner ) be publickly catechized , is that , which we heartily wish had been and were more generally practised in our own Church at home , as it is practised by the Reformed Churches abroad . And certainly , had the publick catechizing of Children and others been more generally and constantly practised , there had not been that cause to complain of the grosse ignorance of sundry persons of ripe years , and some of them Governours of Families , as now there is . We do also understand you by what you do here expresse , that you judge it not meet , that the grosly ignorant should be admitted to the Lords Supper , in that you seem to approve of the practice of the Reformed Churches abroad , ( as of our own at home ) in taking course to inform the ignorant , before they admit them to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ; And therefore we see not how you can in reason deny , but there ought to be an examination and trial of all persons , before they be admitted to the Lords Supper , that so the grosly ignorant may not be admitted , as they might be , if all promiscuously were admitted without any tryal at all . But whereas , in this concession about catechizing , you have a Proviso , that it be in publick , we doe not see , why you should so limit it , if it be confessed , that it is necessary , that the ignorant should be informed , and that catechizing is an useful means to attain that end . You know how it would dash sundry knowing persons to be catechized publickly in the Congregation . But as for those that are conscious to themselves , that they are very ignorant , if these should be called forth to publique Catechizing , it were more likely to drive them from the publique Assembly , and so from the use of all means for their information , then beavailable to this end . As touching what was propounded by us in our paper , as the way for their information ( though it was not intended for any such a purpose as to exclude publique Catechizing ) it was done in way of condescension to the weakest , and to shew our willingness to apply our selves to any course , so we might be instrumental to bring poor dark and blinde Souls to the knowledge of Christ , and which in our Judgement is more likely to be attained in many , as the case stands with them , in a more private way of Catechizing in any of the wayes propounded by us , then if we should Catechize all the several Families publiquely before the whole Congregation . ( 2. ) Touching those that erre so grosly , whether in Doctrinals or points of discipline , thereby renting from a true constituted Church , you say , we speak nothing , either of their sin or punishment , yet you hope , we with you do hold , that the Churches lawful Pastors have the power of the keyes committed to them , to excommunicate such offenders . We have given you the reason already , why we made not such express mention of these offenders , as of the former , although ( as you will hereafter perceive ) we are not wholly silent touching either the sin or punishment of these . Onely at present , because you professe to allow of that previous course of admonition prescribed by Christ , in reference to the scandalous Mat. 18. before they be excommunicated , but here say nothing of any such course to be taken with the heretical or schismatical ; ( though we hope also of you , that you disallow it not ) we shall briefly declare , what course is to be held by the rules of the Presbyterian Government , before the sentence of excommunication passe against these offenders , and whereof our paper was not silent . This Government , however it gives no toleration to any such errors , as subvert the faith ; or any other errours , which overthrow the power of godlinesse ; if the party , who holds them , spreads them , seeking to draw others after him , or to any such practises , as in their own nature manifestly subvert that order , Vnity and Peace , which Christ hath established in his Church . These being offences censured by this Government , ( and of which further afterward , ) yet this Government prescribes the exercise of patience and long-suffering ( even toward those that do grosly erre in Doctrine as well as toward those that are scandalous in life ) in the use of all means for the convincing them of their errours ; by reasoning with them out of the Scriptures : as we see was practised in the Synod , that was held at Jerusalem ; and as we see the Fathers of the Nicene Council , did not disdain to reason and dispute with Arrius ( though he denyed the Deity of Christ ) before they condemned him : And as also other Fathers did with other Hereticks in the Synods , although oftentimes in vain . That so none might have any just cause to complain , that they were condemned , before they fully heard . And as touching such as run into such practises , as in their own nature tend manifestly to the subverting of that order and unity which Christ hath established in the Church , it labours with these also in the use of all gentle means to reclaim them , and bring them back again to the Church they have rent themselves from , before it proceed to censure . As it doth also put a difference between the seducers , and ring-leaders of a Sect , and those that are misled ; having respect not only to the nature of the offence , but also to the quality of the offender ; and exerciseth patience and forbearance towards all , so long as there is any hope of reducing them by milder correction : Being ever more desirous to heal , then cut off any member . And thus having declared our selves in this , we goe on with you . ( 3. ) For you say ; For such as are scandalous and wicked in their lives , admonition private and publique is to be observed , according to Christs rule , Mat. 18. But if they still continue , and will not reform , the Churches lawful Pastors have power to excommunicate such . In this you fully come up to what we hold , as to the meanes , that is to be used for the reformation of these , and we are glad there is an agreement in judgement betwixt you and us thus far . Neither can we see how , upon this concession , you can in reason finde fault with our proceedings , if there should be occasion for our censuring any such persons , as for their notorious offences and their obstinacy therein , might justly merit the highest censure . For however , perhaps you may say , you stumble chiefly at this , that our ruling Elders ( that in your judgement may be but meer Lay-men ) do joyn in the Gouernment with us ; yet we see not how this can be any just ground of scruple to any of you , who ( if we mistake not ) were all of you satisfied in your consciences touching the lawfulness of the late Government of Episcopacy as it was then exercised , at least as to submission to it ; and wherein High-Commissioners , Chancelors , and Commissaries ( that were as much Lay-men then , as ruling Elders can be in your judgement now ) had so great a share , as to suspend Ministers from the exercise of their Ministry , upon such complaints as , according to the orders , that were appointed in those dayes , they might take cognizance of , and so far , as to decree the sentence of excommunication against them and others , as there was occasion for it . But here we must yet further profess , we do not know , whom you mean by lawful Pastors , to whom you here grant the power of excommunication . Some we know , there are , that would make the Diocesan Bishops the onely Pastors of the Church , and that other Ministers do but officiate by deputation from them and under them . We hope you are not of the minde of these . For then , as the dissent in judgement betwixt you and us would be farre greater , than as yet we apprehend it is ; so hence it would follow , that , till Prelacy should be restored , there must not ( if you would provide for the safety of the persons and estates of them that should mannage the Government ) be the dispensing of any Church censures at all . For you may easily know , that not only by Acts and Ordinances of Parliament before made for the abolishing of Archbishops and Bishops , &c. ( and which are confirmed by the late humble Advice assented unto by his Highnesse sect . 12. ) the office and jurisdiction of Diocesan Bishops is taken away ; But there is yet a further Barre put in against Prelacy in the 11. sect . of the aforesaid humble Advice ; where it is expresly cautioned , ( and we judge it was out of a conscientious mindfulness of what had been in those very termes covenanted against ) that the liberty , that is granted to some , be not extended to Popery and Prelacy . And therefore if any Diocesan Bishop should exercise his jurisdiction , and excommunicate any person within this Land , wherein by Authority ( as you may see afterward ) there is also an appointment of another Government , we leave it to those , that are learned in the Law to determine , whether such Diocesan Bishops would not run themselves into a praemunire . But if you do not restrain lawful Pastors to these onely , out doubt yet is , Whether you mean not onely such Ministers , as were ordained by Diocesan Bishops , excluding those out of the number , that , since their being taken away , have been ordained by Presbyters only ? If this be your sense , we shall onely at present minde you , of what is published , to be the Judgement of Doctor Vsher late Primate of Ireland , in a Book lately put forth by Doctor Bernard , Preacher to the Honourable Society of Grayes-Inne ; and whom though a stranger to us , and one of a different judgement from us in the point of Episcopacy , yet we reverence for his moderation and profession of his desires for peace , wishing that such , as do consent in substantials for matter of Doctrine , would consider of some conjunction in point of Discipline . That private interests and circumstantials might 〈◊〉 keep them thus far asunder . In which wish as we do cordially joyn our selves , so we heartily desire , that all godly and moderate spirited men throughout the Land would also close . But the book , which the said Doctor hath lately published , is intituled , The Judgement of the late Archbishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland &c. In this Book this Doctor tels us , that the late Primate in Answer to a letter of his ( sent to him as it should seem for that purpose ) declares his Judgement touching the ordination of the Ministry in the Reformed Churches in France and Holland . There he saith , that Episcopus & Presbyter gradu tantum differunt , non ordine . And consequently , that in places , where Bishops cannot be had , the ordination by Presbyters standeth valid . And in the close of his Answer about this point he saith ; That for the testifying of his Communion with the Churches ( of the Low-Countryes ) of whom he had spoken immediately before : and which he there professeth , He doth love and bonour as true members of the Vniversal Church : ( notwithstanding the difference that was betwixt him and them about the point of Episcopacy ) he doth professe That with like affection he should receive the blessed Sacrament at the hands of the Dutch Ministers , if he were in Holland , as he should do at the hands of the French Ministers , if he were in Charenton . See pag. 125. and 126. Hence you may perceive , that the Judgement of Dr. Vsher was ; That the Ordination of Presbyters , where Bishops cannot be had standeth valid . And consequently , if you be of his opinion , ( and you must have stronger reason , then ever yet we have seen , to bear you out there in if you judge otherwise ) they ought to bee esteemed lawful Pastors , to whom you grant the power of Excommunication , Bishops being now taken away , and may not therefore ordain according to the present Laws of the Land. The said Doctor Bernard hath some animadvertisements upon this Leteer ( in which Doctor Vsher doth deliver his judgement as abovesaid ) and there shews , that he was not in this judgement of his singular . He alledgeth Doctor Davenant , that pious and learned Bishop of Sarisbury , as consenting with him in it ( in his determinations quaest . 42. ) and produceth the principal of the Schoolmen , Gulielmus Parisiensis , Gerson , Durand , &c. and declares it to be the General opinion of the Schoolemen ; Episcopatum ut distinguitur a simplie● sacerdotio non esse alium ordinem , &c. see pag. 130. of the aforenamed Book , as also pag. 131 , 132. Where the concurrence of Doctor Davenant with Doctor Vsher in his judgement about this matter is declared more fully . He addes also others , as in special , Doctor Richard Field in his learned Book of the Church , lib. 3. cap. 39. and lib. 5. cap. 27. And also that Book intituled , A defence of the Ordination of the Ministers of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas , maintained by Archdeacon Mason against the Romanists . And further he saith ; He hath been assured , it was not onely the Judgement of Bishop Overal , but that he had a principal hand in it . He tels us , that the fore-mentioned Author produceth many testimonies ; The Master of the Sentences , and most of the Schoolemen , Bonaventure , Thomas Aquinas , Durand , Dominicus Soto , Richardus Armachanus , Tostatus , Alphonsus a Castro , Gerson , Petrus Canisius , to have affirmed the same ; and at last quoteth Medina a principal Bishop of the Council of Trent , who affirmed , That Jerome , Ambrose , Augustine , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophylact were of the same judgement also . But you may see these things your selves in Doctor Bernard , pag. 132 , 133 , 134. We have been onely at the pains to transcribe them . We could alledge many more Testimonies to prove this : But we count these sufficient ; and doe alledge these the rather , because brought by one that is of the same Judgement with you , as we suppose . But having declared how farre you accord with us in Judgement , touching the way of informing the ignorant , and reforming the wicked persons , and schismatical , &c. you tell us ; That you are not therein so wavering and unsettled in your apprehensions of the Case , as to submit either it or them , either wholly or in part , to the contrary Judgement and determination of a general Council of the Eastern and Western Churches , much lesse to a new termed Provincial Assembly at Preston ; wherein you professe no little to differ from us . That , which we submitted wholly to the Judgement of the Provincial Assembly , was not , whether Catechizing was a way appointed by God in his Word , for the information of the ignorant ; but in what way of Catechizing ( as is expressed in our Paper ) the ignorant in our Congregations , who never offered themselves unto the Sacrament , were most like to be brought to some measure of knowledge ; and which is not a matter of Doctrine but of Order onely . Neither was it by us submitted to that Assembly ; whether the censures of the Church were the meanes appointed by Christ for the reforming of the scandalous ? But whether it might not be meet pro hic & nunc , and as the present case stood , to apply the censures ? ( and so put in practice at this time that , which in the General we were sufficiently assured from the word of Truth , was the way for their reformation ) and with which we were both by God and Man intrusted to dispense , unto those that were openly scandalous in our Congregations ; However they contented themselves to live in the want of the Lords Supper , nor ever presented themselves to the Eldership to be admitted to it . And this ( because meerly circumstantial , as to the dispensing of the Censures at this time and to such Persons ) we think herein we owed the Provincial Assembly ( unto whose Authority we professe our selves to be subject ) so much respect and duty , as to submit our apprehensions in a case of this nature ( which they had propounded unto us to be seriously weighed , as they had done to the rest of the Classes within this Province ) unto their Judgement , and to take their concurrent approval along with us , before we proceeded to practise in a matter of this weight . And yet we have declared before , That however we are not so wavering and unsettled in matters of faith , as to resolve our belief into the determination of Synods or Councils , believing no more , nor no otherwise , then as they determine : Yet that it is not out of the compasse of the authority of a Synod to examine , try and authoritatively to censure Doctrines as well as matters of Discipline . And we think ( how confident soever you may be of the soundnesse and orthodoxnesse of what in your Paper you propound in way of exception against any thing in ours ) you have not such clear and unquestionable grounds from Scripture for the same , that you were to be accused of wavering or unsettledness , if you had submitted the same to have been examined and tried by a Provincial Assembly : and much lesse if you could have had the opportunity of submitting it to the Censure of a General Council . But whereas mentioning our Provincial Assembly at Preston , you call it a new termed Provincial Assembly ; If your meaning be , that the terming it a Provincial Assembly instead of a Provincial Synod is a new term , then this is but onely a Logomachia , and not much to be insisted on . Although we frequently call it a Provincial Synod as well as a Provincial Assembly . But if your meaning be ; That it is a new termed Provincial Assembly at Preston ; Because Provinciall Synods or Assemblies have been held but lately at Preston , we see not ( if Provincial Assemblies be warrantable , and have been of ancient use in the Church ) that having been long in dis-use , they began of late to be held at Preston , that can justly incurre your censure . But if the Antiquity of such Assemblies be that you question : Then we referre you to what Doctor Bernard in the Book of his above quoted , shews was the Judgement of Doctor Vsher ( who is acknowledged by all that knew him , or are acquainted with his works , to have been a great Antiquary ; however we alleadge him not , that you should build your faith upon his Testimony ) and which we think may be sufficient to vindicate Provincial Assemblies in your thoughts from all suspition of novelty . In that Book you have in the close of it proposals touching the Reduction of Episcopacy unto the form of Synodical Government received in the ancient Church . And it thus begins . By the Order of the Church of England , all Presbyters are charged to administer the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the Discipline of Christ , as the Lord hath commanded , and as this Realm hath received . And that they might the better understand , what the Lord hath commanded herein , The exhortation of Paul to the Elders of Ephesus , Acts 20. 28. is appointed to be read unto them at the time of their Ordination . A little after it is aknowledged , That Ignatius by Presbytery mentioned by Paul , 1 Tim. 4. 14. did understand the Community of the rest of the Presbyters or Elders , who then had a hand , not onely in the delivery of the Doctrine and Sacraments , but also in the administration of the Discipline of Christ . And for further proof , Tertullian is alleadged in his Generall Apologie for Christians . Where he saith , that in the Church are used exhortations , chastisements and divine censure ; For Judgement is given with great advice , as among those , who are certain , they are in the sight of God. And it is the chiefest foreshewing of the Judgement to come , if any man have so offended , that he be banished from the Communion of Prayer , and of the Assembly , and of all holy Fellowship The Presidents , that bear rule therein , are certain approved Elders , who have obtained this honour , not by reward , but by good report . There also is further shewed , That in matters of Ecclesiastical judicature , Cornelius Bishop of Rome used the received form of gathering together the Presbytery . And that Cyprian sufficiently declares of what Persons that consisted ; When he wisheth him to read his Letter to the flourishing Clergy , which there did preside or rule with him . And further , That in the fourth Council of Carthage it was concluded , That the Bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of the Clergy . And that otherwise the Bishops sentence should be void , unlesse it were confirmed by the Clergy . And yet further . That this is found inserted into the Canons of Egbert ( who was Archbishop of York in the Saxon times ) and afterwards into the body of the Canon law it self . It is here also acknowledged , That in our Church this kind of Presbyterian Government hath been much disused . Yet that it did professe , that every Pastor hath a right to rule the Church ( from whence also the name of Rector was at first given to him ) and administer the Discipline of Christ , as well as to dispense the Doctrine and Sacraments , &c. By all which it is acknowledged , and also proved ; That the form of Government by the united suffrages of the Clergy , is ancient : and which is there in express termes asse●ted ; as it might be demonstrated by many more Testimonies , but that we conceive these already mentioned are sufficient , and being alleadged by the aforementioned Author , As also evidencing what his own Judgement was in this point , may be more likely to sway with you ( if in that there should be a dissent betwixt you and us ) then any thing , that we could our selves produce . But in this reduction of Episcopacy to the form of Synodical Government received in the ancient Church , there are proposals of Assemblies of Pastors within certain limited bounds , which ( saving that they are some of them somewhat larger then ours , which is but a circumstantial difference ) doe hold proportion with the Classical , Provincial , and National Assemblies , mentioned in the form of our Church Government ; as also the times propounded there for their meeting , the power of these Assemblies , and what they were to have Cognizance of , and the subordination of the lesser to the greater , with liberty of Appeal , if need should require , and are the same in substance as with us . And all these were propounded , as the way of Government in the ancient Church , and in the year 1641. ( after the troubles , that had risen in Scotland about Episcopacy and the Ceremonies , and before the setting up of the Presbyterian Government in this Land , had so much as fallen under debate in the Parliament , so far as ever we heard of ) as an expedient to prevent the troubles , that did after arise in this Land about the matter of Church Government , being for the moderating of Episcopacy , that at that time was grown to that height , that it had quite taken away from the Pastors that rule , that of right did belong unto them ; And for the Reduction of it to the ancient form of Synodical Government . And therefore in the Judgement of this learned and reverend Antiquary , our Provincial Assembly at Preston ( where the Pastors of the Churches are members , as he acknowledgeth of right they ought to be in such Assemblies ) would not have been accounted a new termed Provincial Assembly . SECT . IV. BUt you go on and tell us ; That other parts of our Paper are full of darknesse , to which you say , you cannot so fully assent , till further explicated and unfolded by us . We cannot apprehend any such darknesse in our Paper , as you speak of . But yet because in yours , you question what authority we have from the civil Magistrate , for what we doe , and likewise the extent of it : and your mistakes of our meaning may perhaps some of them arise from your unacquaintednesse with the rule we walk by : although we were not to be blamed for any mistakes , that might arise ab ignorantia juris ( whether simple or affected , that we determine not , but leave you to examine ; ) Before we come to make Answer more particularly to what follows , we are willing to be at some paines , to give you some further account of the power we are awarranted by the civil Authority , for to exercise ; to what persons within our bounds it extends it self : and what some of those rules are , that are prescribed unto us by civil Authority , to walk by in the exercise of that power we are betrusted with . It is a general and common mistake amongst many , that the Presbyterian Government , was established by the Parliament but for three years , and that therefore it is now expired and our of date . But if you peruse all that passed in Parliament touching it , no such matter will appear . The directions of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , after advice had with the Assembly of Divines , for the electing and chusing Ruling Elders in all the Congregations , and in the Classical Assemblies , for the Cities of London and Westminster , and the several Counties of the Kingdom , for the speedy settling of the Presbyterian Government , bearing date August 19. 1645. Their Ordinance together with Rules and Directions , concerning suspension from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , in cases of Ignorance and scandal , dated Octob. 20. 1645 : The Votes also of the said Houses for the Choise of Elders throughout the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales in the respective Parish Churches and Chappels , according to the directions before mentioned ; And touching the power granted to the Tryers of Elections of Elders , Of the date of Febr. 20. 1645. and Febr. 26. 1645 : Their Ordinance for keeping scandalous Persons from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ; the inabling of Congregations for the choice of Elders , and supplying of defects in former Ordinances and Directions of Parliament concerning Church Government , bearing date March 14. 1645 : The Remedies prescribed by them for removing some obstructions in Church Government , dated April 22. 1647 : And their Ordinance for the speedy dividing and settling the several Counties of this Kingdom into distinct Classical Presbyteries and Congregationall Elderships , dated Jan. 29. 1647 ; We say , all these were passed absolutely without any proviso's at all , limiting the time of their continuance , that is expressed in any of them . Indeed in the Ordinance of Parliament giving power to all the Classical Presbyteries within their respective bounds , to examine , approve and ordain Ministers for several Congregations , dated Nov. 10. 1645 ; It is provided in the Close of it , That it shall stand in force for twelve moneths , and no longer ; As it is provided in another Ordinance , for the Ordination of Ministers , by the Classical Presbyters , within their respective bounds , for the several Congregations in the Kingdom of England , bearing date August 28. 1646 , that it shall stand in force for three yeares , and no longer ; Which latter might give to some ( that took but the matter upon report ) an occasion to conceive , that the Presbyterian Government was settled but for three yeares ; although that was but ill applied to all the several Ordinances that had passed before , which belonged onely to one . But the Ordinance especially , from which chiefly ( as we conceive ) the mistake arose about settling the Presbyterian Government for three years onely , was the Ordinance that passed June 5. 1646 ; The title whereof is , An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament , for the present settling ( without further delay ) of the Presbyterial Government in the Church of England : In the Close whereof it is ordained ; That this Ordinance shall continue for the space of three yeares , and no longer , unlesse both Houses think fit to continue it . But if the matter of this Ordinance be consulted , it is manifest it was but touching a Committee of Lords and Commons to adjudge and determine scandalous offences not formerly enumerated , appointed by that Ordinance , in stead and place of Commissioners mentioned in the Ordinance of March 14. 1645 ; And also shewing how the Elderships were to proceed in the examination of such scandalous offences ; And touching what power was granted to the said Committee , and in what sort they were to proceed , as is clear to any , that shall but take the pains to peruse that Ordinance ; The ground whereof in the preface to it , is made to be this ; The Lords and Commons in Parliament holding their former resolution , that all notorious and scandalous offenders shall be kept from the Sacrament , have thought fit to make a further addition to the scandalous offences formerly enumerated , for which men shall be kept back from the Sacrament ; And least the stay of the enumeration , and the not naming of Commissioners to judge of Cases not enumerated , should hinder the putting in execution the Presbyterian Government already established , They have thought fit , &c. And doe therefore-ordain a Committee ( therein particularly nominated ) in stead and place of Commissioners . The groundlesnesse of the mistake about settling the Presbyterial Government for three years onely ( that might arise from the proviso in this Ordinance ) is so clear to any common understanding , that the bare recital of the sum of the matter of this Ordinance , and the ground of making it , doth make it so fully to appear , that it were but lost labour to use any more words about it . But we have particularly mentioned all that ever passed the Parliament ( so farre as we have either seen or heard of ) that hitherto concerned Church Government , untill the year 1648 ; When the form of Church Government to be used in the Church of England and Ireland , was agreed upon by the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament , after Advice had with the Assembly of Divines , and was ordered by them to be printed August 19. of the said year 1648. And this Ordinance ( wherein all that had passed the Parliament before in parts , and at several times , and what ever was but temporary , by vertue of other Ordinances ( so far as was intended for continuance ) are moulded up into a complete body , with a supply of sundry things that had been never mentioned nor published before in other Ordinances ) is without any limitation of time for its continuance , and remains unrepealed to this day , for any thing we have seen or heard to the contrary . Nay we think ( as we shall touch upon anon ) That by the humble Advice , assented to by his Highnesse , this Ordinance ( as well as others ) receives strength . But by this full account given , we think we have made it sufficiently to appear , that we have had the Authority of the civil Magistrate to bear us out , in what we have acted since the first setting up of the Presbyterian Government untill this present ; Except there be any , that can come forth , and charge us to have transgressed the rules , appointed by the Parliament for us to observe in our actings , against which our own innocency onely shall be our defence . It now remaines , for your further satisfaction , and our own vindication , that we recite some things particularly out of the form of Church Government , which we conceive are thereunto subservient . In the very first Words of the Ordinance ( according to what we have before recited in the directions for the electing and choosing of ruling Elders , and is there also to be found ) you may find it thus ; Be it ordered and ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled , and by Authority of the same , That all Parishes and Places whatsoever within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , ( as well Priviledged Places and exempted jurisdictions as others ) be brought under the Government of Congregational , Classical , Provincial and National Assemblies , &c. Whence it is to us unquestionable , That by vertue of this appointment , such as live within the bounds of our several Congregations and Parishes are under the power of some one or other of the Congregational Elderships , constituted by Authority of Parliament within our several Parishes ; And that all those that live within the bounds of our Classis ( mentioned before ) are under the power of our Classical Assembly , constituted in like manner by the said Authority . What power is given particularly to the congregational Elderships , you may finde in the aforesaid form of Church Government , and unto which we refer you ; onely we shall minde you , That by vertue thereof , they have power , as they shall see just occasion , to enquire into the knowledge and spiritual estate of any member of the Congregation , to admonish , and rebuke , to suspend from the Lords Table , those who are found by them , to be ignorant and scandalous , and to excommunicate according to the rules and directions after following . And it is thereby ordained , That the Examination and Judgement of such Persons , as shall for their ignorance in the points of Religion , mentioned in that Ordinance , not be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , is to be in the power of the Eldership of every Congregation . All which will appear by the expresse Letter of the said Ordinance , to any , that will consult it , and which not onely justifies all that is practised , in that case , by the several Elderships , but also shews what grounds this Classis had for that which was mentioned in our Paper , touching both what is therein appointed to the Minister about Catechizing Families , and also concerning the Ministers exhorting such , as in the several Families he should finde to be of competent knowledge , and know to be of blamelesse life , That they should present themselves to the Eldership ; The Trial and Judgement in this case not belonging to any one Minister alone , but to the Eldership . There are also rules and directions given in this Ordinance to be observed by the several Elderships , concerning suspension from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in cases of scandal , which may be seen there particularly . But there is no rule given , that will allow either the Eldership or Classis , according to the several powers to them therein granted , either to warn before all , or to excommunicate knowing and blamelesse men for their meer not presenting themselves before the Eldership . The rules of this Government prescribe otherwise ; as we our selves must also needs professe , that we are not conscious to our selves , that we have given any just occasion by our management thereof , That contrary to the expresse rules appointed therein to be observed by us , and to the plain sense of the expressions used in our Paper ( of which afterward , ) any such a thing , should have been so much as supposed , to have been intended from any thing there expressed . Give us leave to proceed a little further , to lay open the order that is prescribed in the above mentioned form of Church Government , touching the order of proceeding to excommunication ; which as it will awarrant the publishing of mens names openly in the Congregation , and warning them before all to reform , being such as are justly censurable by the rules thereof , and particularly where it prescribes , that several publique admonitions shall be given to the offenders , &c. So it will awarrant us in any thing , that is made censurab●e by that Paper of ours , that was published . To make this to appear , as also to shew what reason , we had to make known to the several congregations within our bounds what our paper held forth . We shall here declare , what offences are censurable with this greatest and last censure of Excommunication , according to the order , that is there prescribed , and which , as it requires , that it be inflicted with great and mature deliberation , and after all other good means have been essayed ; so it appoints in these expresse words . That such Errours in practice as subvert the Faith , or any other Errours , which overthrow the power of Godlinesse ; if the party who holds them , spread them , seeking to draw others after him ; and such sins in practice , as cause the Name and Truth of God to be blasphemed , cannot stand with the power of godlinesse ; and such practises , as in their own nature manifestly subvert that order , unity and Peace , which Christ hath established in his Church ; and particularly all those scandalous sins , for which any Person is to be suspended from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , obstinately persisted in ; these being publiquely known , to the just scandal of the Church ; The sentence of Excommunication may and ought to proceed , according to the directions after following . But the Persons , that hold other Errours in Judgement , about which learned and Godly men possibly may and do differ , and which subvert not the faith , nor are destructive to godliness , or that be guilty of such sins of infirmity , as are commonly found in the Children of God : or being otherwise sound in the faith , and holy in life ( and so not falling under censure by the former rules ) endeavour to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace ; and do yet out of conscience , not come up to the observation of all those rules , which are or shall be established by Authority , for regulating the outward worship of God , and Government of his Church ; The sentence of excommunication for these causes shall not be denounced against them . These things this Classis taking into consideration , together with the power they were betrusted with by God and Man , for the dispensing the censures of the Church , in the cases censurable by the rules here laid down and elsewhere , in the form of Church Government : And there having been in the Provinciall Assembly several debates touching such Persons as in the several Congregations were ignorant and scandalous , who offered not themselves to the Sacrament , nor to the Eldership in order to their admission to it : and they commending it to the several Classical Presbyteries to be considered of , whether some further course was not to be held , for the information of the one , and the reformation of the other , then yet had been taken , notwithstanding their neglect ; and what they judged fittest to be done for the attaining those ends ; and to represent their thoughts therein to the next Assembly ; This Classis upon the whole concluded , to represent their apprehensions in the Case , as is expressed in the Paper that was published , which was approved of before by the Provincial Assembly , and which they judge is sufficiently awarranted , in regard of any thing therein contained , by the rules expressed in the above-mentioned form of Church Government . We having thus far shewed what we have been , and are awarranted to practice , by the several Ordinances above mentioned , shall now proceed further to declare ; That however we are no Lawyers , and therefore leave the determination of the Case to the learned in the Law to judge of , to whom it belongs : yet if it may be lawful for us to judge of a matter of this nature from the principles of reason ; It seems to us , that the above mentioned Ordinances about Church Government , as well as other Ordinances of Parliament , are confirmed in the humble Advice assented unto by his Highnesse in the 16. section thereof , where we finde these Words : And that nothing contained in this Petition and Advice , nor your Highnesse consent rhereunto , shall be construed to extend to the repealing or making void of any Act or Ordinance , which is not contrary hereunto , or to the matters herein contained . But that the said Acts and Ordinances , not contrary hereunto , shall continue and remain in force , in such manner , as if this present Petition and Advice had not at all been had or made , or your Highnesse consent thereunto given . Whence we gather , that if in the several Ordinances for Church Government , there be nothing contrary to the humble Advice , or to the matters therein contained , they are not thereby ( any more then any other Acts or Ordinances of Parliament ) repealed , but left to remain in force . At least , there seems to us to be a plain intimation , that they have a force in them , which is not by this humble Advice repealed and made void . For it doth not appear to us , That there is any thing in the form of Church Government , or any other Ordinances of Parliament about that matter ; that is contrary to the humble Advice or matters therein contained . And whereas in the eleventh section , there is mention made of some , that differ in worship and discipline , from the publique profession of these Nations held forth , to whom some indulgence is granted ; It seems to us , there is an acknowledgement and owning of what the late Parliament held forth , in regard of these , by the Directory for worship and form of Church Government , which they passed , as the publique profession of these Nations in regard of worship and discipline . And in these apprehensions we are the more confirmed , because here in this section , mention is made of a confession of faith to be agreed on by his Highnesse and the Parliament , there having nothing in that kind passed the late Parliament , that established the Directory for worship and form of Church Government : However there had been a Confession of faith drawn up by the late Assembly of Divines ; Whence it seemes to us clear , that they own the Directory for worship , and the form of Church Government , to be that which they hold forth , as the publique profession of the Nation for worship and Government . To the same purpose we finde in the Government of the Common-wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland , &c. As it was publiquely declared at Westminster Decemb. 16 1653. pag. 43. Sect. 37. Where also they expresse a worship and Discipline publiquely held forth , which must needs referre to the Directory and form of Church Government by us recited ; There being no other worship or discipline , that then had , or now hath , the civil Sanction , in this Nation . We have been large , in what we have here represented in the general , before we come to speak more particularly to the rest , that now follows in your paper . But our pains being the greater , to make this full representation unto you , then it will be for you to read it , we must intreat you to excuse us ; considering it tends as well to rectifie your mistakes , as to vindicate our selves , being also desirous , not to be mistaken any more , as also because it layes a foundation for our briefer and more particular Answer unto what follows , and to which ( these ●hings being thus premised ) we now come . SECT . V. IN the things , wherein you professe your selves to dissent , till further explicated and unfolded by us . ( 1 ) The first thing we meet with here is ; That by the many Persons of all sorts , that are members of Congregations , and mentioned in our Paper , in your sense thereof we seem to hint , that thereby we mean onely such , who have admitted themselves members of some Congregation within your association , and yet live inordinately , &c. And that therefore you , who never were any members or associates of ours , are not within the verge and compasse of our Presbyterian discipline , &c. Unto which we say ; That we have constantly professed against those of the separation : That the several Assemblies or Congregations within this Land , that make a profession of the true Christian and Apostolique Faith , are true Churches of Jesus Christ . : That the several members of these Congregations are by their birth , members , as those that were born in the Jewish Church , are said to be , by the Apostle , Jewes by nature : Gal. 2. That this their membership was sealed to them in their Baptism , that did solemnly admit them , as into the universal Church , so into the particular , wherein they were born . We have also constantly maintained against the afore-mentioned Persons ; That the Ministers of these Churches are true Ministers , notwithstanding that exception of theirs against them , that they were ordained by Bishops , who also themselves were true Ministers in our Judgement ( though we cannot acknowledge , that by divine right they were superiour to their fellow brethren , either in regard of order or jurisdiction ) And that therefore the Word and Sacraments ( the most essential marks of a true visible Church , according to the professed Judgement of our Divines against the Papists on the one hand , and those of the separation on the other ) dispensed by these Vinisters , were , and are the true Ordinances of Jesus Christ . And that hereupon our work was not ( when the Presbyterian Government was appointed ) to constitute Churches , but to reform them onely . And that therefore none within our bounds , except they shall renounce Christianity and their Baptisme , can be deemed by us to be without , in the Apostles sense ; and so therefore not within the compass and verge of our Presbyterian Government . Neither is it their not associating with us in regard of Government , that doth exempt them from censure by it , if they should be such offenders , as by the rules thereof were justly censurable . It not being a matter arbitrary , for private Persons at their own will and pleasure to exempt themselves from under that Ecclesiastical Government , that is settled by Authority : And as you know it would not have been allowed of under the former Government . ( 2 ) And therefore whether you , and all others within our bounds , be not comprehended within our Government , according to the rules laid down in the Ordinance of Parliament above mentioned , appointing the form of Church Government to be used in the Church of England and Ireland , and therein ordaining , as hath been recited before in the first page thereof , and to which we referre you ; ( Especially considering , that all within the bounds of our several Parishes ( that are no other now then formerly ) even Papists , and Anabaptists , and other Sectaries , were under the late Prelatical Government ) we leave it to you to judge . Onely if so , we wish you to consider , that then you are brought under the Government of Presbytery , not so much by us , as by the Parliament appointing this Government . And then we think you , who warn us not to contemn civil power , might well ( out of respect to the Authority ordaining it , but especially considering the word Presbytery is a known Scripture expression , 1 Tim. 4 , and interpreted by sundry of the Fathers , as we do , as hath been declared before ) have used a more civil expression , then to have called it a common fold , into which ( it should seem ) your complains it , that you should be driven . Although Presbytery layes restraint on none , but such as being scandalous in their lives , and so contemning the Laws of God , are therefore truly and indeed the lawless Persons , that we speak of . But whereas ( as you suppose ? ) This is our chief design in this , as in other transactions of ours , to subject all to our Government : We doe refer our selves to our course of life past , and hope it will witnesse with us , to all that will judge impartially , what our designes have been in our other transactions . And as touching our design in the Paper published , whether it hath been ought but the information of the ignorant , and reformation of the scandalous , to the Glory of God and their salvation , we leave it to be judged by those , that will judge of mens intentions by what is expressed in their words and actions . We know very well , we are charged by some , that we affect Dominion , to Lord it over the People , and to have all sorts of Persons , of what rank soever , to stoop to us . But we do openly professe , that the Government of the Church , that is committed unto men , is not Despotical , but Ministerial . That it is no Dominion , but a Ministery onely . And that the Officers , that are intrusted with it , are themselves to be subject , both in regard of their bodies and estates , to the Civil power ; That by the Ordinance of God , they are appointed to be under , and that in their Government they have nothing to do with the bodies and estates of any Persons , but with their Souls onely . Although here we desire to enquire of you , whether , if you be indeed for the settling of any Government at all in the Church ( as you professe to be ) you do not think , that all should be subject to it ? We cannot judge you to be so irrational , as to be for a Government , and that yet subiection to it must be denyed . And if the late Government of the Prelacy was not blamed by you , because it required subjection to it ; we wish you to consider , whether upon this account you have reason to censure us . But further , whereas you tell us ; That we garnish over our Government with the specious title of Christs Government , Throne , and Scepter : We wish you to consider , what in your Answer to an objection ( that you frame out of our Paper ) your selves doe say . You there tell us ; You pray for the establishment of such Church Government , as is consonant to the will of God , and universal practice of primitive Churches : that Ecclesiastical Discipline may be exercised in the hands of them , to whom it was committed by Christ , and left by him to be transferred from hand to hand to the end of the World. The expressions , you here use , are as high touching that Government you would have established , as any have been , that ever we have used of ours . For your prayer is , That Ecclesiastical Discipline may be exercised in the hands of them , to whom it was committed by Christ , and left by him to be transferred from hand to hand to the end of the world . The Government then , that you are for , must be with you , Christs Government Throne and Scepter . And why do you then condemn us , if we have used such expressions concerning our Government , till you have convinced us , that it is not such ? When yet you take to your selves the liberty to use the like language , concerning the Government you pray may be established . But where as you say , Presbytery is the main thing driven at here , and that however she comes ushered in with a Godly pretence of sorrow for the sins and the ignorance of the times , and the duty incumbent upon us , to exercise the power that Christ hath committed to us , for edification and not for destruction , that these are but so many waste Papers , wherein Presbytery is wrapped up to make it look more handsomely , and passe more currantly : We do earnestly desire , That in the examination of your consciences , you would seriously consider , whether you have not both transgressed the rules of Charity in passing such hard censures upon us ; and also usurped that , which belongs not to you , in making your selves judges of what fals not under your cognizance : The things you mention belonging only to be tried by your and our Master , to whom we must all stand or fall . But we are heartily sorry , that Presbytery ( which stands in no need of any painting or cover to make it look more handsomely and passe more currantly ) should be accounted by you the anguis in herba , whereof you had need to beware , it having never given that offence to any , as to merit such language . SECT . VI. BUt now you frame an objection out of our Paper , and return your Answer , professing , That you pray for the establishment of such Church Government throughout his Highnesse Dominions , as is consonant to the will of God , and universal practice of primitive Churches , &c. In that you do here joyn the will of God , and the universal practice of primitive Churches together , as you joyned the Word of God , and the constant practise of the Catholique Church before ; you seem to us , to make up the rule ( whereby we must judge what Government it is , that you pray might be established ) of these two , viz. the will of God and the universal practise of primitive Churches : Or that it is the universal practise of primitive Churches , that must be our sure guide and comment upon the Word of God , to tell us , what is his will revealed there touching Church Government and discipline . If this be your sense ( as we apprehend it is ) we must needs professe , that herein we greatly differ from you , as not conceiving it to be sound and orthodox . It being the Word of God alone , and the approved practise of the Church recorded there ( whether it was the universal and constant practise of the Church or no ) that is to be the onely rule to judge by in this , or any other controversies in matters of Religion . But yet admitting for the present the rule you seem to make , we should desire to know from you , what that Church Government is , which is so consonant to the will of God and universal practise of primitive Churches . For our own parts , we think it will be very hard for you , or any others , to demonstrate out of any Records of Antiquity , what was the universal practise of primitive Churches for the whole space of the first 300. yeares after Christ , or the greatest part thereof ( excepting so much as is left upon record in the Scriptures of the new Testament ) the Monuments of Antiquity , that concern those times ( for the greatest part of them ) being both imperfect , and far from shewing us , what was the universal practise of the Church then ( though the practises of some Churches may be mentioned , ) and likewise very questionable . At least it will not be easie to assure us , that some of those , that goe under the names of the most approved Authors of those times , are neither spurious nor corrupted . And hereupon it will unavoidably follow , that we shall be left very doubtful , what Government it is , that is most consonant to the universal and constant practise of primitive Churches for that time . But as touching the rule it self , which you seem here to lay down , we cannot close with it . We do much honour and reverence the Primitive Churches ; But yet we believe we owe more reverence to the Scriptures , then to judge them either imperfect , or not to have light enough in themselves , for the resolving all doubts touching matters of faith or practise , except it be first resolved what was either the concurrent interpretation of the Fathers , or the universal and constant practise of the Churches of those times . Besides that admitting this for a rule , that the universal and constant practise of the primitive Churches must be that , which must assure us what is the will of God revealed in Scripture concerning the Government which he hath appointed in the Church , our faith is hereupon resolved into a most uncertain ground , and so made fallible and turned into opinion . For what monuments of Antiquity , besides the Scriptures , can assure us touching the matters of fact therein contained , that they were such indeed as they are there reported to be ? the Authors of them themselves being men that were not infallibly guided by the Spirit . But yet supposing we could be infallibly assured ( which yet never can be ) what was the universal and constant practise of the primitive Churches , how shall that be a rule to assure us , what is most consonant to the will of God ? When as we see not , especially in such matters , as are not absolutely necessary to salvation , but that the universal practise of the Churches might in some things be dissonant to the will of God revealed in Scriptures . And so the universal practise of primitive Churches can be no certain rule to judge by ▪ what Church Government is most consonant to the will of God revealed in his Word . We know there are corruptions in the best of men : There was such hot contention betwixt Paul and Barnabas , as caused them to part asunder . Peter so failed in his practise , as that though before some came from James , he did eat with the Gentiles , yet when they were come he withdrew himself , fearing them of the Circumcision . And hereupon not only other Jews likewise dissembled with him , but Barnabas also was carried away with their dissimulation . Whence it 's clear , that the examples of the best men even in those things , wherein they went contrary to the rule of Gods Word , are of a spreading nature , and the better the Persons , that give the bad examples , are , the greater the danger of the more universal leavening . Nay we finde , that not onely some few Apostolical men had their failings , but even Apostolical primitive Churches did , in the very face of the Apostles ( they being yet alive ) make great defection , both in regard of opinions and practises . As from the examples of the Churches of Corinth , Galatia , and the Churches of Asia is manifest . The Apostle also tels us , that even in his time , the mystery of iniquity began to work : And in after times we know , how the Doctrine was corrupted : what grosse superstition crept into the Church : what domination was striven for amongst the Pastors and Bishops of the Churches ; till at length Antichrist was got up into his seat , unto which height yet he came not all at once , but by steps , and degrees . Besides it is of fresh remembrance , that notwithstanding the reformation happily brought about in our own Church in regard of Doctrine and worship , after those dismal Marian times , yet the corruption , in regard of Government , continued such , during the time of the late Prelacy ( which yet was taken away in other reformed Churches ) that the Pastors were deprived of that power of rule , that our Church acknowledgeth did belong to them of right ; and which did anciently belong to them ; however the exercise thereof did after grow into a long disuse , as hath been shewed before . And therefore when we consider on the one hand , that the superiority , which the Bishop obtained at the first above the Presbyter in the ancient Church ( and which was rather obtained consue●udine Ecclesiae then by Divine right ) did at the length grow to that height , that the Pastors were spoiled of all power of rule : so we cannot much wonder on the other hand , that the ruling Elder was quite turned out of doors ; For the proof of the being and exercise of whose office in the purer times , there are notwithstanding produced testimonies of the ancients , by Divines both at home and abroad , that have written about that subject , and to which we do therein refer you : As there doe remain some footsteps and shadow of their office in the Church-wardens and Sides-men even to this day . And so upon the whole , the premisses considered , and that we are commanded not to follow a multitude to do evil ( though it were of the best of men ) and that therefore the examples and practises , though it were of whole Churches , are to be no further a rule for us , then they follow Christ , and as their examples be approved of in the Word of Christ , notwithstanding the univerfality and long continuednesse of such practises ; Whereas you say , that you pray for the establishment of such Church Government , as is consonant to the will of God and universal practise of primitive Churches ; we believe you might cut the matter a great deal shorter , and say , That you are for the establishing of that Government , that is most consonant to the will of God revealed in the Scriptures , and that the Word of God alone ( and on which onely Faith must be built , and into which at last be resolved , when other records of Antiquity , that yet are not so ancient , as it is , have been searcht into never so much ) shall determine what that is , and so those wearisome and endlesse disputes , about what is the universal and constant practise of primitive Churches ( and which if it could be found out in any good measure of probability for the first 300. years after Christ , could never yet be so farre issued , as to be a sure bottom , whereon our faith may safely rest ) may be cut off . It being a most certain rule , and especially in matters of faith , that the Factum is not to prescribe against the Jus ; The Practice against the Right or what ought to be done . And it being out of all question the safest course for all , to bring all doctrines and practices to the sure and infallible Standard and Touchstone , the Word of God alone . And after you have more seriously weighed the matter , and remember how you professe , that in the matters you propose in your P●per , You rest not in the Judgement or determination of any general Council of the Eastern or Western Churches determining contrary , to what you are perswaded is so fully warranted by the Word of God , as well as by the constant practice of the Catholick Church ; ( although what that was , were more likely to be resolved by a general Council then by your selves ) the proposal of having the Word of God alone to be the Judge of the Controversie about Church Government , cannot ( we think ) in reason be deny'd by you . And we with you shall heartily pray , That , that Church-Government , which is most consonant to the will of God revealed in Scriptures , might be established in these Lands . Although we must also professe , that we believe , that that Government , which is established by Authority , and which we exercise , is , for the substantials of it , this Government , and which we judge also to be most consonant to the practice of the primitive Churches in the purest times . And therefore as there was some entrance made by the late Parliament , in regard of establishing this Government by ordinances , as the Church Government of these Nations : And as to the putting those Ordinances in execution , there hath been some beginning in the Province of London , the Province of this County , and in some other places throughout the Land : So when there shall be the opportunity offered , we shall not be wanting by petitioning or otherwayes to use our best endeavours , that it may be fully settled throughout these Lands ; that so we may not , as to Government in the Church , any longer continue as a City without wals , and a Vineyard without an hedge , and so ( to the undoing of our posterity ) endanger Religion to be quite lost . And upon which consideration we do earnestly desire , that all conscientious and moderate spirited men throughout the Land , though of different principles , whether of the Episcopal or Congregational way , would bend themselves so far as possibly they can to accommodate with us in point of practice : In which there was so good a progresse made by the late Assembly , as to those that were for the Congregational way : And , as we think , also all those that were for the lawfulnesse of submission to the Government of the late Prelacy , as it was then exercised , and that are of the Judgement of the late Primate of Ireland in his reduction of Episcopacy unto the form of Synodical Government , ( mentioned before ) might doe , if they would come up towards us so far , as we judge their principles would allow them , As we do also professe , that however we cannot consent to part with the Ruling Elder , unlesse we should betray the truth of Christ , Rom. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 5. ( as we judge ) and dare not give any like consent to admit of a moderate Episcopacy , for fear of encroachments upon the Pastors right , and whereof late sad experience lessons us to beware , as we judge also , that the superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter in degree ( which some maintain ) is no Apostolical institution , and so have the greater reason in that respect to caution against it : Yet we do here professe , we should so farre , as will consist with our principles and the peace of our own consciences , be ready to abate or tolerate much for peace sake . That so at the length all parties throughout the Land , that have any soundness in them in matters of faith , and that are sober and godly , though of different judgements in lesser matters , being weary of their divisions , might fall in the necks one of another with mutual embraces and kisses , and so at last ( through the tender mercy of our God ) there might be an happy closure of breaches , and restoring of peace and union in this poor , unsettled , rent , and distracted Church , to the glory of God throughout all the Churches . SECT . VII . BUt now as to you , and what follows in your Paper , ( and in the mean season , till this can be accomplished , and for which we shall heartily pray ) we cannot but judge , that such as are within our bounds , and live as lawlesse persons contemning the commands of God , and so out of their rank and order , ( and of which sort you deny not , but that there may be some among us , however they be subject to Law , and the punishment of the Civil Sword , as needs they must be ) yet ▪ being such as are justly censurable ; according to the rules of our Government , we do not think they are thereby exempted from being reached by that Ecclesiastical Sword , as you phrase it , which both God and the Civil Authority hath intrusted us with . And as we are farre from contemning the Authority of the Civil Magistrate , and shall therefore ( out of due respect unto it , and that the lawlesse might be curbed ) be ready , not onely our selves , as we have a call ; but also warn others , as there may be occasion , to make complaint to the Civil Power , that so such offenders , may be punished by corporal and pecuniary mulcts , to the suppression of wickednesse and licentiousnesse , and the Reformation of mens lives and manners ; Yet we do not apprehend why this should hinder us from warning the Members of our several Congregations to make complaint to the Eldership of those , that walk disorderly and will not be reclaimed , to the end they may be further dealt with , as the nature of their offence may deserve . We being fully assured from the word of truth , That Excommunication is Gods ordinance , appointed for the reformation of the scandalous , and as you your selves acknowledged in the beginning of your Paper : and being a spiritual punishment for the nature and kind of it , through the blessing of God , may be more available for the destruction of the flesh , and the thorough humiliation of the offender , then any corporal or pecuniary mulct ( that reaches but the outward man ) can be ; And as it was blessed with great successe for this end for many years together , whilest the Church was destitute of Christian Magistrates : Although in a Christian State we see not , why we should divide what God hath joyned together . We having not yet learned either from the Scriptures or sound reason , that the conjunction of the Civil and Ecclesiastical Sword is not more likely , through the same blessing of God , to work a greater reformation in mens lives , then either of them alone , remembring that old Maxime , Vis unita fortior . And as touching our selves , and the power we are intrusted to exercise , we shall commit our endeavours unto his blessing , in the use of his own appointed means , who is able , and we doubt not but he will , make the same effectual for the ends for which he hath appointed them , SECT . VIII . BUt you say , There are other parts of our Paper , that do likewise remain dark , which you desire to be made plain . Although we conceive not so of them , yet we shall as willingly go along with you , to give you further answer , as you to desire the same of us . And therefore whereas we having said in our Paper , That there are many persons of all sorts , that will not submit themselves to the present Government of the Church ; Your first Quaere thereupon is , Why Government in singulari ? We answer , because it is the onely Government , that at present is established in this Church by Civil Authority ; The Prelatical being put down , and cautioned against in the humble Advice , in regard of any liberty to be extended to it for the exercise thereof : And there being no other Government but the Presbyterian ( which is our Government ) that is owned ( as the Church-Government for the whole Nation ) by the Civil Authority . And as it is that , which we judge to be most agreeable to the will of God , so also we conceive , that whatever is of Christs prescribing in any other different Government ( whether Episcopal or Congregational ) is to be found here : As we do apprehend the redundancies of them both , to be taken away in this , and the defects of them both , to be here supplyed . And however there may be differences amongst godly men concerning Church-Government , which it is that Christ in particulari hath prescribed in his Word , yet we judge that the Government which Christ hath prescribed in his Word is but one ; As all those must say so too , that not being Erastians do hold , That one Church-Government or other is of divine Right . But whereas you bring in Calvin saying , Seimus enim unicuique Ecclesiae , &c. To this we say ; The circumstantials of Government , that are but matters of order onely , and which must be suited to the time , or place , or persons , for whom they are made , and concerning which ( if you had quoted the place where Calvin useth these words ) we believe it would appear he speaks ; these being variable , and so but the accidentals of Government , may not be one and the same in all Churches . But if Christ have prescribed a Government in his word ; for the substantials of it , it must needs be de jure one and the same in every Church . And that the Presbyterian Government is that in particular , which is there prescribed , in Calvins Judgement , is so manifest by his works to the whole Christian world , that it needs no proof . But if the Government , which Christ hath prescribed , for the substantials of it be onely one , then that alone is good , and all other Governments differing substantially from it must needs be bad ; and this onely jure divino , and Christs own Government , and the rest not . And therefore , whereas in the next place you suppose , We may assert , that our Government , is the Government by way of Eminency , as Christs own Government , more immediately , and jure divino . To this and to what you further hereupon do inquire , we say , we have declared already : That we call'd it the present Government , because it is the onely Government settled in the Church by the Civil Power . But whether it be the Government by way of Eminency and jure divino , that was not the thing referred unto in the phrase we used . And as to the resolving of your doubts and scruples , we conceive it is not here material for us to go about the proving of the Jus divinum of it ; we having proved , That it is the Government that is established by the Civil Magisttate , and which doth lay as good a foundation to evidence the lawfulnesse of your submission to it , as for the lawfulnesse of your submission to the former Government , ( and touching which we suppose you were satisfied ) your exceptions lying as much against the High-Commissioners , Chancellors , and Commissaries then , as they can do now against the office of Ruling Elders , and which is the chief thing we apprehend is stumbled at in our Government . But yet if you desire to have satisfaction given you touching that which we are not ashamed to professe , viz. the Jus divinum of the Presbyterian Government , we referee you to what is so fully spoken touching this point , by sundry learned Divines both of our own Church , and the reformed Churches abroad , that we know not , what can be added more * . And yet we do not say , That there is no present Government in any Church or Assembly of Saints , but where our Discipline and Government is erected intirely in all the parts of it , no more then we should deny him to be a man , in whom there were a defect of some integral parts , or in whom there were some superfluous members . But as when Antichristianisme so overspead the face of the Church in those dark times before the Reformation , God preserved a Church Ministery and Ordinances , though not without the mixture of many corruptions in doctrine and worship , even amongst the Papists themselves ; So there was some of Christs Government and Discipline in the worst times , though not intirely , nor without the mixture of much corruption in that Discipline and Government . And yet if you consult Antiquity , you will not finde , that the Presbyterian Government hath lyen hid so long , as that for the space of 1500 years it could never be found till this present . You have heard what rule did anciently belong to Presbyters , notwithstanding that through the corruptions , that crept into the Church in after times , the exercise of that power was long disused . And the like may be said of Ruling Elders , and as hath been shewed by others . But it is what de jure ought to be , and not what de facto is or hath been , which is that , which you and we are chiefly to attend , and concerning which the Scripture must be the onely Judge , as we have said before . But you say , now subjection to our present Government is required by us ; and then demand , Whether all that observe not our rank and order , and subject not themselves to our present Government , must be taken for lawlesse persons ? for so , say you , doth this close connexion of ours seem to import ; viz Many who do not subject , but live , &c. But here you do reason fallaciously a bene conjunctis ad male divisa : For in our Paper we spake of such , as did live in a sinful and total neglect of the Lords Supper : That were scandalous and offensive in their lives , drunkards , unclean persons , and that will no● subject themselves to the present Government , but live as lawlesse persons . And therefore the lawlesse persons we meant ( and as might plainly have been gathered from our words ) were such ; who as they subiected not themselves to the present Government of the Church , so they were also scandalous , and offensive in their lives , we joyning these together , whom you divide . And whether such as will neither submit themselves to the Laws of God , nor the Government , that is settled in the Church by the Civil Power , be not lawlesse persons , we leave it to you to judge . But yet we do here also minde you , That however we do not judge all those to be lawlesse persons , that do out of conscience not come up to the observation of all those Rules , which are or shall be established by Authority for regulating the outward worship of God , and Government of the Church ( being otherwise blamelesse ) yet both you and we may well remember , that such as should have refused to have subjected themselves to the late Prelatical Government , would have been accounted in those times to have been lawlesse persons . SECT . IX . BUt you say , When we make it an order that notice shall be taken of all persons , that forsake the publik Assemblies of the Saints , you would gladly know , how farr we extend this Saintship , this Church , and Assembly of Saints ? To which we answer , as farr as the Apostle did , when writing to the Church of Corinth and the Churches of Galatia he calls them Saints and Churches ; notwithstanding there were some in those Churches that were leavened with unsound doctrine and grosly erroneous : In Corinth , some that denied the Resurrection , made rents and schisms and sundry grosly scandalous : In the Churches of Galatia , such as mixed works with Faith in the point of Justification , and of which the Apostle Paul would have those Churches to take notice , even to the censuring of them , they being spots to those Assemblies ; and however Saints by profession , and in regard of outward calling , being in Covenant with God , and having been baptized , yet answered not their profession by suitable conversation . And therefore , however there be sundry of the like stamp in our Assemblies , we do not therefore unchurch them , or make our Assemblies not the Assemblies of the Saints , because of the corruption of such members . And seeing our principles and practises are manifestly known to be utterly against the opinions and practises of the Donatists of old , and those that have of late rent themselves from our Churches , because of the scandalousnesse of the corrupt members , that are found in them , ( though the sin of these in our Churches is aggravated by giving that occasion ) you might well have spared your pains in transcribing out of Augustine , what he justly said unto those schismaticks , that he had to deal with . Nay , you might rather have gathered from our Paper ; That seeing we said , that notice should be taken of all those that should forsake the publick Assemblies of the Saints , our purpose was to have censured such as the Donatists were ; That we purposed to observe and censure those that did maintain and hold up private meetings in opposition to the publick ; That cry down our Churches and publick Assemblies , Ministery and Ordinances , ( as you know several forts do ) and who , as they hold sundry grosse errors , that subvert the faith , so in regard of those and other their practises , that in their own nature doe manifestly subvert the order , unity , and peace , that Christ hath established in his Church , doe justly fall under Church censure , according to the rules of our Government above mentioned . And that therefore we were not altogether silent concerning either the sin or punishment of such , as did erre grosly in doctrinals or in discipline , so as to make such dangerous rents from the Church , as the fore-named Sectaries do : Contrary to what you say of us in your Paper . And further , by such as forsake the publick Assemblies of the Saints , of whom we said notice should be taken , you might have gathered our meaning was , that such ( of which sort there are but too many amongst us ) who out of a principle of carelesness , sloth , worldliness or manifest prophaneness , do on the Lords day either idle out the time , or else are worse imployed , when they should resort to the publick Assemblies ( and who , as they are no friends to any private meetings for the good of their souls , in the use of any private means of conference or prayer for that end ; So they doe also Atheistically turn their backs on all the publick Ordinances , forsaking them and the Assemblies , where these are dispensed ) should be taken notice of in order to censure , if there was not reformation ; and to neither of which sort of persons any indulgence is granted by any Laws of the Land , that we know of . And if you had gathered thus much from our Paper , as your mistake had been far the lesse , so your Charity had been the more , then to have reckoned us in the number of such Person , as the Donatists were . And yet we did not mean , That we intended to take notice in order unto censure of such , who being sound in the faith , and godly in life ( though differing from us in point of Discipline and Government ) had their distinct Assemblies from ours , they indeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace : They not being censurable by the rules of our Government , as is manifest , by what we have declared before . Although we remember , how all that submitted not to the former Government , were counted schismatical . Neither did we reckon these in the number of the lawless Persons , we speak of , who subjected not themselves to our Government , and whom we account to be parts of the universal visible Church militant here on earth , however they have also their publique Assemblies distinct from ours , though sundry of them , as there is occasion , resort to ours also . But how we should hereupon make either these or the lawless Persons , that we speak of , members of the invisible Triumphant Church ( all which we have reckoned to belong to the visible ) they must have eyes quicker then Eagles , that can discern how this follows , and therefore there is no fear our Charity should so far over-reach , as you supposed it might . But still you are unsatisfied ; For you know not , it seems , what we mean by the word ( Publique ) the publique Assemblies of the Saints . By our professions and practises in our owning the Publique Assemblies , where the publique Ordinances of the word Sacraments , and Prayer are dispensed , which we our selves do constantly frequent and stir up others to frequent also , it was plain enough , what we meant by publique Assemblies . And we are heartily sorry , that you understanding our meaning , as is clear by what you say anon , should by this but make your way to give a lash at our private meetings , which are none of them such , as we need to be ashamed of . And which , when we meet , either for conference about matters of Religion , or to pray together , and humble our selves for our own sins and the sins of these times ; when there is not the opportunity of a publique Assemby ; or when personal or Family occasions call for a private , is surely as commendable , at the least , as a private meeting upon domestical , civil , or political occasions : and therefore not to be secretly girded at : As on the other hand , we do not meddle with the censuring of those who being godly and sound in the faith , in the main points of Relegion , do yet differ from us in iudgement , in matters of Discipline and Government and have their Assemblies for Gods publique worship distinct from ours , as we are barred from it by the rules of our Government , as we have often said before . And therefore we leave room enough for Consciences that are truely tender . Though we cannot say so much for the Prelatical Government Neither do we transgress any Laws of the Land , which have made no provision to except any persons , that we meddle with , and are made censurable by the rules laid down in the from of Church Government : nor have we under Colour of Authority made any Laws and Edicts ; but according to that power , that the civil Authority hath committed to us , have only openly given notice in our several Congregations , of what offences are censurable by the rules of our Government , that the offenders might take heed , they incurre not that censure of Excommunication which Authority hath awarranted us to inflict upon the obstinate and otherwise incorrigible . And therefore ( except to execute what we are appointed to do by the civil power be to contemn it ) we cannot be thought to have done any thing in contempt of the civil power , as it is not our ignorance of the Laws in force ( that , we are confident , being grounded in reason , fight not one aganst another , and which is your more charitable and favorable construction ) that hath led us into any practises , that are transgressions of them . And therfore though you much question ( upon what account soever it be that we have been led into what we have acted ) and think it concernes us to look to it , whether we have not run our selves into a premunire : Yet we are assured , we are as sufficiently secured against that danger , as all the Iustices in the Land are , that have acted upon other Ordinances of Parliament , which they have judged to be in force , as we do also those to be , that have been the ground of our proceedings . SECT . X. BUt you have yet further to except , for whereas we said , That like notice should be taken of all scandalous Persons . Your next Quaere is , Whether those , that forsake the publique Assemblies of the Saints in the second order ; may not be taken for scandalous Persons cemprehended in the third order ; Here we perceive you understood , who were ment by those , that did forsake the publique Assemblies of the Saints , viz. Those who forsaking the Assemblies , where the publique Ordinances were dispensed , were upon that account really and indeed scandalous , and so being comprehended under the latitude of that expression , might justly merit to be censured as scandalous Persons . And thus conceiving ▪ you were not mistaken ; but yet we ( who were to express our selves popularly , and so as we might be understood ) considering some of that stamp , though they forsook the publique Assemblies of the Saints , and coustantly turned their backs , as on the Lords Supper , so on all other Ordinances , yet if not drunkards and swearers , whoremasters , &c. did not take themselves to be scandalous Persons ; Do not think , that in this we are any more to be blamed by you ( we using variety of expressions onely for this end , that we might be better understood then we blame Lawyers and Attorneys , ( and wherein we judge them not tolbe blame worthy ) for using variety of expressions and Multiplicity of Synonymous Words to make the matter more clear and out of doubt , where yet one and the same thing is understood by all . But now hereupon your complaint is ; That we burden you with Traditions in multiplying of orders fine necessitate ad Arthritim usque ; and you cry out , Quare oneramini ritibus ; And tell us of lengthning out our Paper ; which yet is not by these few words here used made very much longer . But if you had remembred the multitude of Canons and burdensom Ceremonies , that were rigorously pressed , even to the highest censure in Case of refusall and under the burthen whereof sundry truly conscientious Persons under the late Prelacy did sigh and groan : When those , that were scandalous enough in their lives , escaped censure ( and which some have cause not so soon to forget ) we think you would have seen little reason to have complained of our burthening you with traditions , in multiplying orders unnecessarily . SECT . XI . ANd now we come to your last charg , which as it is very high , so we judge it hath in it as little reason for the bearing it up . You say ; After the second and third Orders against those , that forsake the publique Assemblies of the Saints and such as are scandalous , comes in a fourth touching the Catechumeni in the first Order mentioned , viz That the Minister , when he Catechizeth the severall Families , &c. But here in the first place we observe , you omit to mention the first part of this Order , and unto which , that which follows in the two next Orders , doth refer . And in the next place you descant upon this latter branch of it only . For you say , But what if they will not present themselves before the Eldership ; The Minister must exhort and admonish them . But that is wholly of your own adding . Yet you go on and say , But what if they still refuse ; their names shall be published openly in the several Congregations , and they warned before all to reform . So you affirm that we say , though you prove it not , as we shall shew you anon . But here you call for attention and say . Mark ; Men of blameless life and knowledge must be warned before all to reform . If we either had practised any such thing , or any such construction , either from the rules of Grammer or Logick , or common reason , could have been put upon the words , we used in our Paper , you might have called for this attention , that so such a Government as this , and the Persons mannaging it , might have been cast out both together , and no where tolerated in the Christian World. Although we have not forgotten the time , when under the late Prelacy , many godly and orthodox Ministers , and sundry knowing and conscientions Christians , were far worse used , then to have onely their names published in the Congregations , and they warned to conform to the orders then appointed in the Church . The Ministers being suspended from their Ministery , to the unspeakable loss of their congregations , and the undoing of themselves and their Families . And they also oftentimes as well as private Christians ( that were none of the worst members of the Congregations ) cast out as unsavoury salt : And the great Excommunication , which casteth out of the Church , and Iudgeth them no better then Heathens and Publicans , notwithstanding all their piety and knowledge ( to use your own expressions and we may adde , notwithstanding the very great use-fullness of sundry of such for the Church of God ) was inflicted on them , and all because they could not in all points comform themselves to the Government and orders then on foot , and which all Godly , moderate , conformable men then thought might have been well spared , and the Church in those times as well governed and ordered , without them , as by the retaining of them If you had had to deal with those Persons , you might well have called for that attention , which here you do . But yet you go on further still and say . But what if after all this thay will not reform , but continue obstinate ; Then , say you , no admission to the Sacrament , for that , you say , is implyed in the fourth order ; and that here is our Excommunicatio minor . But yet you drive on your charge higher still ; for you adde . But that is not all , an higher censure yet , They shall be cast out and excommunicate . For so , say you , saith the sixth and last order , the great Excommunication , which casteth out of the Church also , and judgeth them no better then Heathens and Publicans , notwithstanding all their piety and knowledge . And when you have driven up your charge to the height , you conclude and tell us , what the upshot of our resolves comes to , which is this , as you say , viz. In brief all willfully ignorant ( though we speak not one tittle of their censure at all ) and scandalous are to be Excommunicate , and not onely they , but the knowing and blameless of life also , if they persent not themselves to the Eldership . But here we see , partly prejudice against the Eldership , and Persons presenting themselves before it , in order to their Admission to the Sacrament ; and partly your unacquaintedness with the Rules of the Presbyterian Government , hath imposed upon you , thus far , as to force upon us , such a construction of our words , as never came into our own thoughts . It was an exhortation onely , that was appointed to be given to the Persons Catechized to present themselves to the Eldership , and no more . Not so much as an Admonition in order to any further censure in case not hearkened unto . And here we observe that this is one main ground of your mistake , that you do not distinguish betwixt an Admonition that is in order to a further censure , if it prevaile not ( and which was mentioned in the first part of the fourth Order , and which you wholly omit ) and an exhortation ; but confound these together , taking them for one and the same , and which is here a radical and grand mistake . For doubtless in a thousand cases , that might be instanced in , there may be place for an exhortation , when though ineffectual , there is no place , for an Admonition , that is in order to a further Church censure in case of obstinacy , as it is taken by us here . Men may be exhorted to examine and prove themselvs , whether they be in the faith : to self examination before they come to the Lords Table : to grow in Grace and in the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ : to keep their hearts with all diligence , and to infinite more things of the like nature , & which are duties , they should apply themselves unto ; When yet there is no room for an admonition , in oder to any Church censure , in case it be not obeyed . Nay , when men may perceive , there is not that care that should be in Persons , in regard of some of their Words and carriages , there may be place for an exhortation , and yet for no Admonition in order to any Church censure , in case the exhortation be not hearkned unto : if there be not any further scandalous out breakings of corruption , that may justly merit it . Church censures are not to pass upon men for every fault ; nor against such as be guilty of such sins of infirmity , as are commonly found in the Children of God. As in that case by the rules of our Government it is provided against . And yet an exhortation to watchfullness and vigilancy in such cases is not useless . And so it may well be appointed by us , that the Minister should exhort such , as are found by him to be Persons of knowledge , and are in conversation blameless , to present themselves to the Eldership , that so they might be regularly and orderly admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ( an Ordinance that is not to be sleighted , as it is by many , but upon too sleight grounds , as they will be found to be , when they come to be tried in the day of account ) and yet no proceedings by Church censures against such Persons , in case such an exhortation prevaile not . And , but that we see you are possessed with too much perjudice against the Eldership , we should much have wondred ; that you , ( who in the beginning of your Paper tell us , you had seriously weighed ours ) should here in the close have run into such a great mistake , as not to have distinguished betwixt the Persons , that were to be admonished in order to further censure , if they hearkened not thereunto , and the Persons that were to be exhorted onely . If that , which led you into this mistake , was the consideration , that they were both joyned together in the same order , and therefore were both to be dealt with after the same manner , your argument was very weak , there being nothing more frequent in Scripture and all other Authors , then to couple together in one and the same verse and sentence things of a different nature . But if that had been your ground of doubting , yet if you had attended to what presently followed , there had been no place for stumbling in so plaine a matter . For that which follows is so limited , that it could not with any colour be applyed to those , that being exhorted by the Minister to present themselves to the Eldership , should still refuse . For it speaks expressely of such , that should neither hearken to pritate Admonition nor the Admonition of the Eldership , that their names should be published openly in the Congregation , and therefore of those onely , who had been appointed to be admonished according to Christs rule , Mat. 18. in the fourth Order . Now the Persons , that were to be admonished according to the rule of Christ , Mat. 18. and spoken of in the fourth Order , were onely such , as had been mentioned immediately before , viz. Such as should forsake the publique Assemblies , and such as were scandalous Persons . But yet to make the matter still more plain , let it be considered , that it could not with any shew of reason be construed to be our meaning ; that such Persons , who were found to be of competent knowledge and blameless in life , if not harkening to the Minister exhorting them to present themselves before the Eldership , were to have their names published ; and if still refusing , then to be excommunicated . For the Persons , that were to be thus dealt with , were to be admonished by the Eldershid , and reject that admonition , before there were to be those further proceedings . But how could such Persons , that being exhorted by the Minister to present themselves to the Eldership and refused to come before them , be admonished by them ? But if you say , the Persons , that the Minister is to exhort to present themselves before the Eldership , are mentioned immediately before this order made touching the publishing of mens names , and therefore must needs be included in this order , and the relative ( they ) be referred to these , as well as to the other . This Argument also is very weak . For those amongst you , that are Scholers , do well know ; That the Relative is often referred to the remoter Antecedent , and must be so of necessity , when the subject matter spoken of doth necessarily require it , as in this case , it is clear it doth . For the Relative ( They ) in the fifth order is limited to such , as should neither hearken to private Admonition , nor to the Admonition of the Eldership , and these were onely the scandalous and the forsakers of poblique Assemblies , that were to be admonished according to Christs rule , Mat. 18. and which was that , which was appointed by the former branch of the fourth order . But you will parhaps say , if this was our meaning , why is the Ministers exhorting of knowing and blameless Persons to present themselves before the Eldership , mentioned in the same order with those , that are to be admonished in order to further censure , in case the Admonition be not hearkened to , if the same rule be not to be held with them , as with the others in case of refusall ? To which we say ; The Admonition spoken of in the fourth order ( is said expressely ) should be according to the rule of Christ , Mat. 18. Now that mentions not onely an Admonition to be given by the Church , when the case is brought thither , but also an Admonition once or twice by private Persons . And therefore , as when the fittest opportunity is offered to private Persons to perform this duty of Admonition toward an offending Brother , they are to lay hold upon it and not let it slip ; so we judged it a fit opportunity offered to the Minister , when he Catechizeth the Families , to exhort such amongst them , whom he found to be of competent knowledg , and were blamless in life , to present themselves before the Eldership in order to their Admission to the Sacrament . And the rather , because haveing the opportunity of conference with them at this time , if they had any doubts about this matter , or he saw that it was prejudice onely in them against the Elders , that hindered them ( and as it is in most ) he might indeavour to remove them . And this might have been easily conceived was the reason thereof by any , that had but seriously weighed , what we had expressed in our Paper , if there had been that candor , that we could have desired . And therefore we cannot imagine , what there should be in our Paper , that should give the least just occasion for such a strange sense as you would herein put upon us . And we hope all indifferent and unprejudiced Persons will say , we have given as little occasion by our Carriages , as there is given by our words . We have studied all wayes of condescension for the gaining of all : That neither the weak might be discoraged , nor any that can with any colour pretend to tenderness of Conscience in the matter of presenting themselves before the Eldership have any bar put in the way of their Communicating with us at the Lords Table , in regard of that order , that is observed for their Admission . But we finde , that the Eldership is that great stumbling-block with many . And we are sorry , that we have reason to complain , that ; Let , us do what can , yet some will be satisfied with nothing , but pulling down the hedg , and laying all common . But we dare not thus far seek to please men , though we desire to please our neighbour for his good to edification . We have thus far removed all imaginable grounds in our apprehensions for this your groundless charge ; That our purpose was to excommunicate all knowing and blameless Persons , if they presented not themselves before the Eldership . We shall now proceed to examine what you produce for the supporting of your selves in it . And that , which we finde in the first place , is ( besides your omitting to take any notice of the first branch of this fourth order ) something in your comment upon our words , which was not in our Text. For you say ; What , if after the Minister hath exhorted them , they shall not present themselves before the Eldership ; The Minister , say you must exhort and admonish them . But this , as we have told you , is wholly your own , and none of ours . For first , though we do not deny , But that if upon the first exhortation they do not present themselves to the Eldership ( it being in order to their regular and orderly Admission to the Lords Supper ) the Minister may exhort , and exhort them again , because they continue in the neglect of that , which is their duty , yet there was no such thing said by us But then to make the ground of your charge something more colourable , you added another word ; which was not at all used by us . We said the Minister was to exhort , and that was all . But you adde and say , He shall exhort and admonish . But we have told you before , to exhort and admonish are different things . And we leave it to indifferent Judges to consider , whether this be a candid and fair wa● of arguing even in the Schools ; much lesse should it have been made use of , when it is brought in to bear up the weight of so heavy a charge , as you here put up against us . And this is the main foundation , whereupon all the rest is built . But your ground work being so unsure , what you built thereon must needs fall . Yet you go on to make it good , as far as you can , and therefore do further add and say . But what , if they still refuse ? Their names , say you , shall be published , &c. But what 's your proof for this ? That 's , say you , the fifth Order . But here you quite mistake your mark , and therefore when you have considered it , your selves will not wonder , you should shoot so wide . For the fifth Order speaks only of Persons , that have been privately admonished , and also admonished by the Eldership ; Of which the former branch of the fourth order speaks . And what sort of Persons that refers to , is manifest from our Paper , and hath been by us shewed before , that it cannot by any good Rules of construction be referred to the Persons , that the Minister is to exhort , and which is the latter branch of the fourth Order . And this link of your chain being thus broken , the rest of it , which follows , must needs of it self fall in sunder . So that we need to add no more . And so we have done with the examination of what you have presented to us in your Paper . But we do not finde , that you have discovered to us any thing in ours , that is not sound and orthodox ; and for which therefore there is any just reason , why any thing in it should lye sadly on your spirits and consciences . But do hope , after you have seriously weighed , what is here presented , you may receive so much satisfaction , as to see you have no just cause to forbear joyning with us upon any grounds you have here made known . We have been willing to put our selves upon some pains in this our large Answer ; And if it attain the desired end , we shall not account it ill bestowed . If yet you should rest unsatisfied , we desire you to let us know , what it is you stumble at ; And though in regard of sundry other imployments , that lye upon us , it cannot be expected , that we , who meet but once a moneth in ordinary , and about other matters , should hold on a course of Answering you still by writing . Yet we shall be ready to appoint , some other way ( that may be far more speedy , and ( we trust ) as effectual ) to give you that further satisfaction , that is meet and just . And now we shall intreat , that as our only aime in this Anser hath not been victory , but the clearing up of the Truth ; the satisfying your scruples , and giving you a right understanding , in what you were mistaken , and the vindication of the Government and our selves , and hereby the setling of Peace and Unity in our Congregations , to the glory of God and edification of the Church : So you would shew forth that Candor , as not to put any other construction upon what is here offered to you ; And as you subscribe your selves our brethren desirous of Truth , Unity and Peace in the Church ; So we shall heartily begge of the God of Truth and Peace , that both you and we , may all of us , in all our transactions , make it to appear , that we are cordial and real in our professions of such desires ; and that he would bless these and all other our sincere endevours , that they may be effectual for the attaining those ends . Subscribed in the Name , and by the appointment of the Class , by John Angier , Moderator . THE GENTLEMENS Second Paper . To the first Classis at Manchester , within the Province of Lancaster , These . Dear Friends , ( nay more ) Brethren , dearly beloved to us in the Lord ; WE return you hearty thanks , for your Answer , * wherein , we finde your much Civility towards us , but with too much prolixity . We deny not but there may be some errours , and mistakes and some sharp reflections upon you and your Government , in our Paper , which you charge upon us : In yours also ( and that not improbably in one of that bulk ) might be discovered so me Impertinencies , errours , and mistakes , which we forbear to minde you of , but silently pass over , hoping all will be buried , or covered in that true love and Charity of Brethren of one and the same Church and fellowship ; In that true love ( we say ) which covereth a multitude of faults We shall make no further Replication to the several particulars in your Paper , at this time , but only to one Branch , wherein you refer us to Dr. Bernard . In the close of whose Book , we meet with * one intituled , The Reduction of Episcopacy unto the form of Synodical Government received in the Ancient Church , By the most Reverend and Learned Father of our Church Dr. James Vsher late Archbishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland proposed in the year 1641. as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles , which afterwards did arise , about the matter of Church Government , which you say is the same in substance with yours . Your words are these , But if the Antiquity of such Assemblies be that you Question , Then we refer you to what Dr. Bernard in the Book of his above quoted shews , was the judgement of Dr. Usher ( who is acknowledged by all that knew him , or are acquainted with his works to have been a great Antiquary ( however we alleadge him not , that you should build your faith on his Testimony ) And which we think , may be sufficient to vindicate Provinciall Assemblies in your thoughts from the Suspicion of Novelty ; In that Book you have in the close of it , proposals touching the Reduction of Episcopacy unto the form of Synodical Government received in the Ancient Church . And it thus begins , By the order of the Church of England , &c. And so you go on quoting several Testimonies of Fathers , and Councils there alleadged , In which you further proceed , and say ; There are Proposals of Assemblies of Pastors within certain limited bounds which saving that they are somewhat larger then ours , which is but a circumstantial difference do hold proportion with the Classical , Provincial , and National Assemblies mentioned in the form of our Church Government , As also the times propounded there for their meetings the power of these Assemblies , &c. and are the same in substance as with us . And all these were propounded as the way of Government in the Ancient Church , and as an Expedient , &c. as abovesad . And therefore ( for so you conclude ) in the Judgement of this learned , and Reverend Antiquary , our Provincial Assembly at Preston ( where the Pastors of the Church are members , as he acknowledgeth of right they ought to be in such Assemblies ) would not have been accounted a new Termed Provincial Assembly . Touching all which we shall close and joyn issue with you : we willingly submit our selves to that order , aud rule therein Expressed which being that which was received in the Ancient Church , In the Judgement of that Reverend , and learned Antiquary Dr. Vsher ( who was so acknowledged by all that knew him , or are acquainted with his works ) And also the Assemblies there expressed , holding proportion with yours , set down in the form of your Church Government , and being the same with yours in substance , and being proposed as an Expedient for prevention of further troubles , &c. We fully expect you should also submit your selves unto , for Peace and Unities sake , and so we close and meet together as in the middle ; And this the rather in regard of those full and free expressions of yours to that purpose ; saying , We reverence Dr. Bernard for his moderation and profession of his desires for peace , wishing , That such as do consent in Substantials , for matter of Doctrine , would consider of some Conjunction in point of Discipline ; That private Interests and Circumstantials might not keep themselves so far asunder . In which wish , as we do cordially joyn our selves , so we heartily desire that all godly and moderate spirited men throughout the Land , would also close . And in another place you say , However we dare not admit of a moderate Episcopacy for fear of encroachings upon the Pastors right , &c. Yet we do here professe we should so far , as will consist with our principles , and the peace of our own Consciences , be ready to abate or tolerate much for peace sake ; That so at the length , all parties throughout the Land , that have any soundness in them , in matters of faith , and that are sober and godly , though of different judgements in lesser matters , being weary of their divisions , might fall into the necks of one another , with mutual embraces and kisses , and so at last through the tender mercy of our God , there might be an happy closure of breaches , and restoring of peace and union in this poor , unsetled , rent , and distracted Church , to the glory of God throughout all Churches . Now who are they that disturbe this our happy closure and conjunction ? We wish not ( with the Apostle ) that they were cut off , but that they were taken away that trouble us , for only they let that will let untill they be taken out of the way , and those are the Ruling Elders , as you call them ; We suppofe you mean those whom you have chosen out of the Laity , and admitted ( without further entring into holy Orders ) into the whole execise of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , in equal right with the Ministers of the Gospel , ( in which respect your Assemblies , and so your Provincial at Preston would be accounted in the judgement of Dr. Vsher a new termed Provincial assembly , and stand yet uncleared of suspition of novelty ) whom you say , You cannot consent to part with , unlesse you should betray the Truth of Christ , ( as you judge ) quoting Rom. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 5. and for further Testimony refer us to some Modern Authors , all of yesterday . Now whereas you say you cannot part with them unless you betray the Truth of Christ ( as you judge . ) By this Parenthesis , we gather , that you are not so wedded to that opinion but you can , and will submit to better reason , when offered to you ; And we do again profess to you , that we will not willfully , and pertinaciously , hold a contrary Tenent . And in this confidence we proceed to shew to you , that Lay-Elders are not meant nor mentioned in those Texts by you alledged ; Briefly thus , but more largely hereafter , if what is comprehended in this paper be not judged satisfactory . Run over all the Expositers of holy writ , whether the Fathers in general , or more particular Councils ( And Calvin saith there can be no better , nor surer remedy for deciding ofcontroversies , no better sense , nor Interpretation of Scripture , then what is given by them in such Councils ) or whether the Fathers apart . And first for that Text , Rom. 12. here what Dr. Andrews saith , and at your leisure examine the Fathers ; There is no Epistle ( saith he ) on which so many of the Fathers have writ . Six only I will name , Origen , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Ambrose , Jerom , Oecumenius : All which have treated of it ; Let their Commentaries be looked on , upon that place , not one of them applyeth it to the Church Government , which by all likelihood could not be imagined but they would , if that had been the main place for it , nor finde those Offices in those words which they in good earnest tell us of , &c. As much may be said for the other two Texts ; Not one Father in their Comments upon them giveth such a sense . Finde one Exposition for you and ( which is much ) we will yield you all . Many there are that apply them to the Bishops . And so one for those many of our Modern Doctors we could give you ( to answer those modern you quote in behalf of your Elders ) of our English Church , Dr. Fulk by name we instance in , applying these Texts to the Bishops only , whom we quote in regard of the moderate judgement he was supposed to be of , in point of Church-government , and therefore more likely to sway with you than any other we could produce ; His words are these : Amongst the Clergy , for Order , and Government , there was alwayes one principal , to whom by long use of the Church , the name of Bishop or Super-intendent hath been applyed , which in Scripture is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quoting these Texts , Rom. 12. 8. 1 Tim. 5. 17. and Heb. 13. 17. And therefore it can be no betraying of the Truth of Christ , if you will seriously weigh it in the ballance of impartial and unprejudicate reason , to part with them , and to take in the other , but a strengthening , and a backing of it . Wherefore in the name of God , and in the tender bowels of Christ , we beg again and again , beseeching you not to stand upon circumstantials or private interests , But to apply your selves to this happy conjuncture and reconcilement of so many poor Christian Souls , in truth , love , and peace , in this our English Church , in these our days ; The blessing that may redound to all parties thus reconciled is unconceiveable ; The lives and manners of dissolute persons ( and how many there are amongst our selves , of that sort , we are but too too conscious ) may by this loving accord , with brotherly admonition and exhortation be reclaimed , or by due censures corrected and amended . Amongst your selves also , many ( who returned to their Canonical obedience which they have sworn to ) may blot out that charge of Schism that lies upon them : The Church of God continued amongst us from age to age to the end of the world in a Succession of a lawfully ordained Ministry ; The word of God ( that Candlestick ) fix'd firmly amongst us , which otherwise is on tiptoes , ready to remove west-ward ; as our reverend Pastor , in this Church very lately did seem to presage : And we shall happily be freed from the trouble of any further Rejoinder , unto your answer , which otherwise we must do amongst other considerable reasons to take off your Government , from that establishment of authority upon the proof whereof the most considerable part ( as to the bulk ) of your answer , doth insist . Subscribed by us whose names are underwritten by the consent and on the behalf of many others . Isaac Allen. Ferdinando Stanely . Nicholas Moseley . Francis Moseley . Tho. Symond . John Ogden . Manchester 9. March , 1657. The Animadvertisement to the Reader annexed by the Gentlemen unto their Second Paper , and prefixed to their Third in their printed Copy . THe Reader must take notice , that upon the Ministers Answer to our first Paper , we replyed only in a second single sheet , conceiving some hopes of an amicable and friendly agreement of these differences by submitting our selves to the Judgment of that Learned Bishop , Dr. Usher , whom they seem'd to quote for a Patron and President of their Government , if not in all circumstantials , yet in the substance and foundation of it ; but upon our overtures for a friendly treaty in order to such a Composure , they give us some verbal exceptions against the last passage of our Reply , and put us upon that work to invalid their civil Sanction ; this is the occasion of a Reply , and a Rejoynder also on our parts , without any further return from them but only in words . THE ANSWER OF The First Classis Within the Province of Lancaster , UNTO THE GENTLEMENS Second Paper . WE do not question , but it is sufficiently manifest from our Narrative , unto the impartial Reader , that you dealt not fairly with us , either in Printing our Papers , or your own . For , to say nothing touching this , that what passed betwixt you and us , was private , and should not have been made publique to the world , but by mutual agreement on both sides , you might have remembred , that in the close of that answer , we gave unto your first Paper , we told you , If notwithstanding tha● answer given , you should yet rest unsatisfied , we desired you to let us know , what it was you stumbled at , and that though in regard of sundry other imployments , that did lie upon us , it could not be expected , that we , who met but once a moneth in ordinary , and about other matters , should hold on a course of answering you still by writing ; yet we said , We should be ready to appoint some other way , that might be far more sp●edy , and ( as we trusted ) as effectual to give you that further satisfaction , that might be meet and just ; and you know our proceedings afterward were accordingly , as the Reader will fully understand from our Narrative . But it seems either the confidence , you had touching the unanswerablenesse of what you had presented unto us : or the diffidence you apprehended in us to make out publiquely , what we had so far appeared in : or some itching desire you had to be in Print : or some other motive , that you your selves are best acquainted with , hath induced you to print both your papers and ours . And seeing you have chosen to run that course , we must now follow you in your own way . For however we do not question but the intelligent and judicious Reader , by comparing only what is said on both sides , will of himself easily perceive , that neither in this , nor your third Paper , you do tender any thing , that can have any shew of satisfactoriness , unto the answer we gave you yet least the weak should be imposed on , by your bold and confident assertions , your scoffes and taunts at our answer ) as generally weak , and in some places absurd , and thereby to the prejudice of the truth , and cause we stand for , be induced to conceive ( if we should not return some further answer ) you had put us to silence , and we had nothing father to say : in the midst of sundry other of our ministeriall occasions , we are willing to be at some further pains , for the satisfaction of such , as also for the vindication of the truth , the Presbyterian Government , and our selves and actings , from the many unjust aspersions , that are cast upon us in your papers ; hoping also that the Reader will consider , that if our answer to these your two other papers be satisfactory , it comes out soon enough from us , who are a society , and many , and must therefore on that account move the more slowly , though ( we hope ) not the less surely , and who besides the inspection over our families and congregations and our constant and dayly pains amongst them , have other matters also of publique and common concernment to the whole Association , to attend on at our Classical meetings , and which we could not think , were fit to be wholly laid aside , or interrupted , that so our answer might be hastened to what you have printed , we having just cause to fear , least , when we have said that , which will be sufficient to satisfie the unprejudiced Reader , you will not therein acquiesce . But we now come to your Papers , and shall first answer to your Second , and then Animadvert on your last . In the beginning of your second paper , to which we now answer , ( though you here causelesly complain of our prolixity ) yet you court us with the sweetest compellations , calling us , Your dear Friends ( nay more ) Brethren dearly beloved to you in the Lord , and further you return us hearty thanks for our answer , which you acknowledge is full of civility toward you ; but in your third and last paper , you fall on us with scoffs , and jeires , uncharitable censures , foul aspersions pouring out that too much venom and distemper of spirit , which the godly and wise Readers will soon be aware of , and which whether they be agreeable to those sugared words you here give us , we leave it to your selves in the searching of your consciences to judge of ; as we doubt not , but when the impartial Reader shall compare the civility of our answer , with what he may finde in your first paper , he will readily conclude , we merited no such things from you as we meet with in your last . But we do here observe , that you do not deny , but that there might be some errors , and mistakes , and some sharpe reflections upon us , and our government , in that first paper , and with which we had charged you ; And hereupon we have reason to tell you , that you had evidenced more sincerity in this confession , if the sence of your former failings , had withheld you from running into the like and worse again ; as had there not been a further discovery of the distemper of your spirit , we should have been willing to have passed them over , and covered them in love , upon this confession , according to that hope thereof , which you do here profess . And as touching the impertinencies , errors , and mistakes , which ( you say ) not improbably might be discovered in ours , and which here you forbear to minde us of ; in your next paper you speak out , what here might be in your thoughts , and which we shall forbear to return any answer to , untill we come thither . But thus are we brought to the matter of this Paper . And here the Reader will perceive , that the main thing you do pitch upon in the first place , is what we had quoted out of Dr. Bernard , showing the judgement of Dr. Vsher concerning the antiquity of the Assemblies he mentions , and particularly of Provincial , and which the Reader may see more at large , if he be pleased to peruse the third Section of our answer toward the latter end of it . Concerning all this you profess , you shall close and joyn issue with us , and that you willingly submit your selves to that order , and rule therein expressed , which being that which was received in the ancient Church , in the judgement of that reverend and learned Antiquary Dr. Vsher ( who was so acknowledged by all that know him or are acquainted with his workes ) And also the Assemblies there expressed , holding proportion with ours set down in the form of our Church Government , and being the same with ours in substance , and being proposed as an expedient for prevention of further troubles which have arisen about the matter of Church Government ; you do hereupon infer that you fully expect we should also submit our selves unto for Peace and Unities sake , and this the rather , in regard of those full and free expressions of ours ●o that purpose , in the places of our answer , which you do here particularly recite . Unto all which we ●ave several and sundry things to say . ( 1. ) And first we desire , it might here be took notice of , what order and rule it is , that is propounded by Dr. Vsher in his reduction of Episcopacy to the form of Synodical Government , received in the ancient Church ; it is Episcopacy something moderated and limited , it being there propounded . That in every Parish the Rector , or incumbent Pastor together with the Churchwardens and Sidesmen , may every week take notice of such as live scandalously in the Congregation who are to receive such several admonitions and reproofes , as the quality of their offence shall deserve ; and if by this means they cannot be reclaimed , they may be presented to the next monthly Synod , and in the mean time , be debarred by the Pastor from accesse unto the Lords Table ; as is evident from the first proposal . And he then propounds , that the Suffragans in the several rural Deaneries supplying the place of those , who in the ancient Church were called Chorepiscopi might every moneth assemble a Synod of all the Rectors , or incumbent Pastors within the Precinct , and according to the major part of their voices , conclude all matters that shall be brought into debate before them , as is manifest from the second Proposal . And then further it is proposed that the Diocesan Synod might be held once or twice in the year , as it should be thought most convenient , and that therein all the Suffragans and the rest of the Rectors or incumbent Pastors ( or a certain select number of every Deanery ) within the Diocess might meet , or with whose consent or the major part of them , all things might be concluded by the Bishop or Superintendent , &c. This is the sum of the third Proposall . The like is propounded for the Provincial and National Synods , saving that here all the Bishops and Suffragans of every Diocess are to be members in these Assemblies , and only such of the Clergy as should be elected , and the Archbishops to be the Moderators of these Assemblies , as is clear from the fourth Proposal . Now this is that Order and rule , that you do here professe your selves willing to submit unto . And therefore you would consent ; that some Ministers at the least , might for the present , have some power in the governing of the Church : but whether you would by these proposals , take your selves obliged , to submit to be governed , by all the Ministers placed in Chappels , throughout the several Parishes ( that yet for sure are equall to the rest of their fellow Presbyters in order and jurisdiction ) or only to those that are benefic'd men ( as they were wont to be called ) we do much question ; and whe●her you would consent , that any other should vote in any of the fore mentioned Assemblies , we do also doubt ; as we have also reason , from what you expresse in your next paper , to fear , you would but consent only thus far , because you may perceive , by these proposals ( where the Suffragans , Bishops , and Archbishops are to be constant Moderators in the Assemblies mentioned , and without whom ( as we apprehend ) you will understand them , nothing might passe and be concluded , notwithstanding what was concluded , should be done by the major part of the incumbent Pastors , or Rectors present ; and when in the Diocesan Synod , all the Suffragans must be members , and in the Provincial and National , all the Suffragans and Bishops ) fair way is made to raise up Episcopacy again , to the height to which it had attained of latter times ; especially when as you will perhaps further conceive , from these proposals , that all that were to be admitted into any Benefice , must come in only by the Suffragans , or Bishops , and these likewise come in according as they had been wont to be admitted to these places in former times . And if this be all you would willingly submit unto ( as we have some reason to believe it is ) that which you would yeeld unto for peace sake , is not much . ( 2. ) But since you lay great stresse upon what we quoted out of Dr. Vsher , we desire the Reader would peruse our answer throughly , in which he shall not finde , that we did ●●e him as approving of all that he had propounded ( nay we expresly cautioned against Moderate Episcopacy ) much lesse did we quote him as Umpire and composer of differences betwixt you and us , or as our own man ( as in your next Paper much forgetting your selves , you do confidently assert ) but we quoted him only to prove the Antiquity of Provinciall Assemblies , where the Pastors of the severall Congregations ( to whom he alloweth a decisive Vote ) are Members . And we conceived , that if you should be for Episcopacie in the height of it , he was the fittest Person to be quoted by us , to moderate you as to that particular . It 's true , we sayd , That the Assemblies , that were by him proposed within certain limited bounds , saving that they were something larger then ours ( which we sayd was but a circumstantiall difference ) did hold proportion with those set down in the form of Church Government , and were for sustance the same with ours ; But here we understood him , and so do still ( else he is at a further distance from us , then we apprehended ) that he would have all the Incumbent Presbyters or Pastors of the severall Congregations , meeting in the severall Chappels within the severall Parishes , to have the liberty to be admitted to these Assemblies , as Members of them , and there to have decisive Votes . This we gather from what he grants in his first Proposall . Now these Assemblies thus Constituted , we sayd , are for substance , that is , in regard of the Essence of them , the same with ours , where ●all the Pastors of the Churches , have liberty to be admitted into them ; those that are Unbenefic'd Ministers as well as others . It 's true , we , cautioning against moderate Episcopacie , could not but be understood , that we judged Suffragans , and Bishops mentioned in those Proposals , as superfluous Additaments to those Assemblies ; and cautioning against the parting with the Ruling Elder , were to be conceived , that we judged him to have a right to Vote in those Assemblies , as a Member or integrall part of them . But yet as that man , that hath some superfluous Member , suppose a sixth Finger , or wants an Hand , or Leg , or some other usefull and necessary , or integrall part , or member , is for the substance , or in regard of his essence , the same man in kind , with him , in whom there is neither deficiency nor redundancy , in regard of Members ; so it may be said concerning the Assemblies , proposed by Doctor Vsher , though there be both some deficiency in them , in regard of some integrall parts , and also some redundancy in regard of some superfluous Additaments , that they are for substance , the same with the Assemblies propounded in the form of Church Government . ( 3 ) We sayd also in our Answer , that the Proposalls of the Assemblies above mentioned , were propounded in the yeare one thousand six hundred forty one , by Doctor Vsher , as an Expedient for the prevention of those Troubles , which afterwards did arise , about the matter of Church-Government ; but these things were mentioned by us . 1. To shew the wisdome , and moderation of the Proposer , and how far off he was , from the temper of sundry in those times , who so they might preserve Episcopacy , in the height , that it was then grown to , did not matter the engaging of three Kingdomes in a bloody War , which also they did . 2. That he was sensible of the great exorbitancy of Prelacy in those times , and did interpose his endeavours to have reduced the Government of the Church , neerer to the Primitive Pattern , and whereunto it is confessed , his Proposalls tended . 3. But they were never mentioned by us , to intimate , that these Proposalls , were to be the measure , of that Reformation , that was to be endeavoured after in these Nations : not onely in regard of what we have to say against moderate Episcopacy ( and of which afterwards anon ) but also because they having not been hearkened unto , by the late King , nor by that Party , that adhered to him ( who did their utmost to have upheld Episcopacy in its height ) it is not equall ( except what is there propounded , could be proved to be necessary , and by Divine Right ) after the effusion of so much blood , for the deliverance of the People of God in these Nations , from the miserable Yoke of Bondage they then sighed under , and after the issuing of the War , and the determining of the Controversie against that Party , that they should be now admitted of , to the Hazard of our dear-bought Liberty , and the raysing up againe out of its Grave , Episcopacy in the height of it , and thereby the inslaving us again , in as great Servitude , or worse then ever before , and of which hereafter further . 4. But whereas you fully expect , that for Vnity and Peace sake , we should submit our selves to these Proposalls , and that in regard of those full and free expressions of ours to that purpose ; we must here crave leave to declare our selves a little more fully . ( 1 ) And first we do openly profess , we are the same still in heart , as we were formerly , in our expressions ; neither shall we ( we hope ) by any provocations offered us by any Parties , we have had to deal with , or any oppositions , we may hereafter meet with from them , so far forget that duty , that lyes upon us , as not to endeavour after Peace , to the utmost , yea , to pursue it even then , when it seems to flye from us . We remember , that that God , in whom we profess to have an Interest , is the God of Peace : that the Lord Jesus our great Master is stiled the Prince of Peace , his precious blood being shed for to purchase it , and that thereby the middle Wall of partition being broken down , and the Enmity , even the Law of Commandments contained in Ordinances , being abolished in his flesh , he might reconcile both Jews and Gentiles , unto God in one body , as we do profess , we our selves were reconciled thereby unto God , when we were Enemies . 〈◊〉 We further confess , That we are the Ambassadours of the Gospel of Peace , that we are called unto Peace , that a Blessing is promised unto Peace-makers , and that in this juncture of Affairs , when the common Enemies to the Protestant Religion are banding together against us , it concerns all Parties neerly , that have any true measure of soundness in them , as they tender the safety of Religion , their own , and these Nations preservation from utter ruine , to endeavour after Peace , and Union , ( which is our strength ) and an healing of Breaches . And if we know our own hearts , Peace is so deare to us , that if through the tender mercies of our God it might be restored againe , unto these Churches , upon safe and honest tearmes , we should not count , the purchasing of it with our dearest blood , to be too deare a rate , to be payd for the obtaining of it ; considering that by the continuance of our Breaches and Divisions , the Name of God is dishonoured , his Doctrine blasphemed , Scandals do grow & are increased , the Edification of the Church is hindred , the power of Godliness impaired , occasion of great stumbling is ministred to the weak , and of triumph unto Enemies , besides the advantage that is hereby put into their hands to undo us , if they should have the opportunity : although we must acknowledge , it is no small reviving to our dying hopes , that yet God may so far have mercy on us , as to prevent , what we have just ground to fear , when we consider how many of our reverend Brethren in the Ministry in the severall Countries throughout the Land , have united and associated themselves together , and do pithily and earnestly exhort unto Union , though some of them be of different Principles and Perswasions , and that there is , so far as we understand , a greater inclination , in all that are truly Godly throughout the Land , unto Peace and Union , then in former times , and for which we bless God heartily , as we do earnestly pray , that the God of Peace would hasten to create that happy and desirable Peace among us , that is so thirsted after by all good men . ( 2. ) But yet we cannot dissemble , what we apprehend and is in our thoughts , that there are some sorts of Persons in this Land , that till God change their Judgments , and the frame of their Spirits , though we shall , so far as is possible , and as much as lyeth in us , live peaceably with them , and with all others , and shall be ready to requite good for evill ; by all Offices and Duties of love toward them : yet we see little hopes , of any reall and hearty Union , and closure with them . And here we must profess , that however we were willing for our own exoneration ( if no other end should be thereby attained ) to entertain a Treaty with you , touching an Accommodation ( and which was pursued by us with all Cordialness and Sincerity , being desirous to wait on God in the use of the means for that purpose , so far as we saw any hope , not knowing what God might work out thereby ( as will appeare we doubt not to the Reader , from our Narrative ) yet you have now discovered so much bitterness , and distemper of Spirit , and so much unsoundness in your Principles and Opinions , together with a resolvedness to adhere to them , for ought we can discern to the contrary , that till God do open your Eyes , and change your hearts , giving you a through sense of , and s●u●d humiliation for , what ( to your own shame ) you have published to the World in your Papers , we have not any great hopes of accommodating with you , though we shall not in the mean season cease to pray for you , and use the best means we can , to bring you into the right way , from which you have turned aside . But yet we desire we might not be here mistaken : For as for such as are moderate , and godly Episcopall men , That hold Ordination by Presbyters , to be lawfull and valid : that a Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same Order of Ministery ( which are not your Tenents , as will appear from both this and your next Paper ) and that are Orthodox in doctrinall Truths ; though we may differ from them in Judgment , in some Points , touching Church Government , yet they are such as we do heartily desire to accommodate with , and we believe that such tearms might be propounded , that betwixt them and us there might be an happy Union , as we could heartily wish , that all and every of you , with whom we have here to deal , were of this stamp . Although here also we must not conceal , that we have many reasons , why we dare not admit of moderate Episcopacy , as the tearms of accommodation , with those of this sort . And because it is that , which you press us with , fully expecting we should submit unto what is propounded , by Doctor Vsher , in his reduction of Episcopacy unto the form of Synodicall Government received in the ancient Church : ( although as we have hinted to you , we have reason from your own Papers to judge you aime at more then is there propounded ) we shall not here refuse to give you some of our reasons , why we cannot consent to you in these Proposals , as you know moderate Episcopacy was that we expresly cautioned against in our Answer to your first Paper . And ( 1 ) First , We shall here mind you , of what is well observed by our reverend Brethren , of the Province of London , in their Jus divinum Ministerii Evangelici , Part second , in the Appendix Pag 117 , 118 , 119. There they lay down their fifth Proposition in these words . That when the distinction between a Bishop and Presbyter , first began in the Church of Christ , it was not grounded upon a Jus divinum , but upon prudentiall Reasons , and Arguments . And the chief of them was ( as Hierome , and divers after him say ) In remedium Schismatis , & ut dissentionum plantaria evellerentur : For the remedy of Schisme and that the Seeds of Errour , might be rooted out of the Church . This Proposition thus layd down they add . Now that this prudentiall way ( invented no doubt at first upon a good intention ) was not the way of God , appears ( as Smectymnus hath well shewn ) thus . Because we read in the Apostles dayes , there were Divisions , Rom. 16. 17. and Schismes , 1 Cor. 3. 3. and 11. 18. yet the Apostle was not directed by the Holy-ghost , to ordaine Bishops for the taking away of those Schismes . Neither in the Rules he prescribes , for healing of those Breaches , doth he mention Bishops for that end . Neither doth he mention this , in his directions to Timothy and Titus , for the Ordination of Bishops or Elders , as one end of their Ordination , or one peculiar duty of their Office. And though the Apostle saith , Opportet haereses esse , ut qui probati sunt , manifesti fiant inter vas . Yet the Apostle no where saith , Opportet Episcopos esse , ut tollantur haereses , quae manifestae fiunt : There must be Bishops that those Heresies , which are amongst you , may be removed . ( 2 ) Because the Holy-ghost , who could foresee , what would ensue thereupon , would never ordain that for a remedy , which would not only be ineffectual to the cutting off of evil , but become a Stirrop for Antichrist to get up into the Saddle . For if there be a necessity of setting up one Bishop over many Presbyters , for preventing Schisms , there is as great a necessity for setting up one Archbishop over many Bishops , and one Patriarch over many Archbishops , and one Pope over all , unless men will imagine , that there is a danger of Schisme only amongst Presbyters , and not among Bishops and Archbishops , which is contrary to Reason , Truth , History , and our own experience . And then they add , hence it is that Musculus having proved , by Act. 20. Phil 1. 1. Tit. 1. 5. 1 Pet. 5. 1. that in the Apostles times , a Bishop and a Presbyter were all one , he adds . But after the Apostles times , when amongst the Elders of the Church , ( as Hierom sayth ) Schisms arose , and as I verily think , they began to strive for Majority , by little and little , they began to choose one amongst the rest , out of the number of Elders , that should be above the rest in an higher degree , & called Bishop . But whether that device of man profited the Church or no , the times following could better judge , then when it first began . And further addeth , that if Hierom , & others had seen as much , as they that came after , they would have concluded , that it was never brought in by Gods Spirit , to take away Schism , as was pretended ; but brought in by Satan to wast & destroy the former Ministry that fed the Flock . Thus far Musculus . Sadael also hath this memorable passage . The difference between Bishops and other Ministers came in for remedy of Schisme . But they that devised it , little thought what a Gate they opened to the ambition of Bishops . Hence also Dr. Whitakers asking , how came in the inequality between Bishops & Presbyters , answereth out of Hierom , that the Schism and Faction of some occasioned the ancient Government to be changed — which saith he , however devised at first for a remedy against Schisme , yet many holy and wise men , have judged it more pernitious , then the Disease it self ; and although it did not by and by appear , yet miserable experience afterwards shewed it . First Ambition crept in , which at length begat Antichrist , set him in his Chair , and brought the Yoke of Bondage on the Neck of the Church . The sence of these Mischiefs , made Nazianzen wish , not onely that there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . No Dignity or tyrannicall Prerogative of place , but also , that there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no principall Dignity , to wit , in the Church , of which he is speaking . But now ( saith he ) contentions about the right hand and the left , about the higher and lower places , &c. have bred many inconveniencies even among Ministers , that should be Teachers in Israel . Thus far our reverend Brethren of the Province of London , which we thought good to transcribe , that so it might appear to the wise Reader , upon what grounds the Bishop came to have Superiority over Presbyters at the first , and that however it was given him , upon prudentiall Reasons , and particularly for the prevention of Schisme , yet it not being a way of God , the device failed , as sad experience in after times shewed , the remedy proving worse then the disease , as not only those reverend and learned Authors quoted by our Brethren shew , but also Church Story makes forth abundantly , and which was reason sufficient , why we should not so readily submit , to re-admit moderate Episcopacy as you expected . ( 2 ) But as you may perceive by this account given , that the Superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter , was at the first introduced on prudentiall grounds onely : so we shall here forbeare at present , to add any other Arguments , but onely prudentiall ones , why we cannot consent to admit of moderate Episcopacy ; as we shall referre both you and the Reader , to what hath been solidly and learnedly writ , against Episcopacy in the height , by reverend and godly Mr. Banes , in his Diocesan Tryall , Mr. Parker , Dr. Blondell , Salmasius , Bucerus , and others : together with our reverend Brethren of the Province of London , in their Jus divinum Ministerii Evangelici : And whom we here cite , not for their bare Testimony ( though that were not to be sleighted ) but because they have learnedly discussed this Point , and may present such things unto you concerning the same , as may be worth your weighing . And so we come to give the Reasons we here insist upon , why we dare not admit of moderate Episcopacy , as the tearms of accommodation with you , according to your proposall . ( 1 ) And the first that we shall here urge , is , The sad experience , that we of these Nations have had , of the Tyrannicall Bondage , and wofull Slavery , that thousands of Gods precious Servants were brought under , during the prevalency of Episcopacy . We cannot but remember , how when Prelacy was at the height , all the Godly in this Land , Conformists as well as Non-conformists , did grievously sigh under that heavy and intolerable Yoke ; Though you in your next Paper tell us , you are not so sensible of the multiplicity of Canons , and burthensomness of Ceremonies , under which in the time of Episcopacy , any truly conscientious did sigh and groan . But we cannot but be grieved , to heare you express your selves after this manner . What! to say nothing , of many thousands that were but in a private Capacity , who groaned under the burthensomness of the old Ceremonies ( that were rigorously pressed upon pain of Excommunication , if not submitted to ) and who ( we doubt not ) however you judge of them , are by God , many of them , received up into Glory . Shall not ●artwright , Brightman , Ames , Parker , Baines , Bradshaw , Dod , Cleaver , Hildersham , Hooker , Cotton ; and in these parts Burne , Midgly , Bate , Langly , Rathband , Paget , Nichols , and sundry other old unconformists ( that in their times were glorious lights in the Church of God , and such as this Land was not worthy of ) that were cast out , suspended , and silenced by the Prelates , for not subscribing , and conforming to the Orders of those times , not be reckoned with you in the number of those that were truly conscientious ? Or have you been such strangers in our Israel , that you have not heard what those have suffered under Episcopacy ? Or if you have heard , did their Sufferings never pierce your hearts ? Certainly you do hereby sufficiently discover the temper of your Spirit : but we wish you may be found in a better frame before you die , as in the mean season we are sorry , that your own sufferings ( we speak of some of you that adhered to the late King ) have had not more kindly working on your hearts , to the humbling of them , no not to this very day . But however you judge , we doubt not , but there are many Myriads of people in these Lands , yet alive that will give testimony with us , touching the piety , zeal , faithfulness , conscientiousness of very many Ministers , and thousands of Christians of all sorts , that suffered grievous things at the hands of the Prelaticall Taskmasters , even to the undoing of many Families , the robbing of severall Congregations of their faithfull and painfull Ministers , that were driven from their places & forced into Corners , or out of the Land , meerly for not conforming to such things as were then acknowledged by the most , that did conform , to be but things indifferent & not in their own nature , or by vertue of divine Precept necessary . Nay , it was grievous to the godly Conformists of those times to see their de●r Brethren thus cruelly and unmercifully dealt with , even for very Trifles . But at length ( though we deny not , but there have been some godly Bishops ) the Pride and Exorbitancy of the major part of the Prelates grew to that height , that old Conformity not serving the turn , except men would prostitute their Consciences , to be subservient to their base lusts , to cringe , bow at the Altar , read the Book for Dancing and other Sports , on the Lords-day , temporize , and do what ever was appointed . Nay , if Ministers would be faithfull , in the discharging the Duties of their Ministeriall Function , in Preaching , Catechising , and the use of conceived Prayer , before and after Sermon , though godly and painfull , they were * outed of their places , and thousands of Conformists both Ministers , and Christians were driven out of the Land , till at length the Yoke began to be so heavy , and the Cries of the Oppressed so loud in the Ears of God and men , that the Parliament taking the heavy pressures of the Lords People into their pious and serious thoughts , did cast out of this Church , with these Task-masters , this Tyrannicall and Lordly Government , that suiting with the Pride , Ambition , and Avarice of those that managed it , and backed with the Favour of the Prince ( to the serving of whose will and pleasure , being put into their places by him , but too many of them were wholly devoted ; as that was also unto him a strong temptation , though to his own undoing , to espouse their Quarrell ) emboldned them to these intolerable Exorbitances . Now except it could be proved that the Superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter , were an Institution of Jesus Christ , prudence teacheth to fly from that , as far as we may , with a good Conscience , that heretofore hath proved so burthensome and grievous ; Especially considering that , ( 2. ) If moderate Episcopacy , should once have footing in this Land , there is very great danger , it would presently incroach upon the Pastors right , and in time grow up to the full height , that it was in heretofore . Sad experience for Ages together , hath shewed how through the Ambition & pride of the Bishops ( that loved with Diotrephes to have the preheminence ) the Pastors , as to the governing of their Flocks , were spoiled of all power : Out of what we quoted even now , you might take notice , that moderate Episcopacy ( brought in at the first upon prudentiall grounds ) yet became a Stirrop for Antichrist to get up into the Saddle ; that first Ambition crept in , which at length begat Antichrist , set him in his Chair , and brought the Yoke of Bondage upon the Church ; for so Dr. Whitaker expressed himself concerning it . And 1. Are there not still in the hearts of the Sons of men , the same Seeds of Pride and Ambition as in former times ? And is there not hereupon cause to fear , if there should be a tempting of God so far , as to admit of that , which would cherish and warm those Corruptions , the same bitter Fruit would appear as heretofore ? Is it to be wondred , that the same cause , upon the same occasion , being still like it self , and ever for kind one and the same , should produce the like effects as heretofore it hath done ? But 2. Yet further , If moderate Episopacy be no Plant of Gods planting ( as if it be not Jure divino , and yet an Officer introduced into Gods House , there is no reason why it should lay claim to him , as to its Author ) may it be thought strange , if like unto a wild Vine , it should grow luxuriant ? Or like a Weed , that is set in a fat Soil , it should grow as rank as ever ? especially if warmed by the Favour of Princes , and great Ones , that might be induced out of respect to their own Interests , to smile upon it , yea , to countenance it so far , as to discountenance the most faithfull Pastors in the Land , that would not dance after their Pipe , even to the outing them of their places , and spoiling them of all Rule , that so the Darling of Episcopy , that might be charmed , might grow the greater . But 3. if yet we should not be so wise as to hearken to reason , should not the experience of those , that thereby purchased their after wisdome , at a dear rate , lesson us sufficiently to beware how we meddle with moderate Episcopacy ( that will hardly be moderated ) but would be found ( to the cost of those , that would be so foolish as to make further triall ) to break all Bonds , and limitations , though never so many and strong , and never so wisely made . Little is propounded for the moderating of Episcopacy by Doctor Vsher , in his Reduction of Episcopacy , to the form of Synodicall Government , received in the ancient Church ( although we believe his Design in the Proposals there , was very pious , and proceeded as well from a sense of the great Exorbitancy , that Prelacy was grown to of late times , and its great unlikeness to what it was , in the purer times of the Church , when it was first admitted ; as out of a desire to tender some expedient for the prevention of those troubles , which did afterwards arise about the matter of Church-government ) unto those strickt Bands , nay Shackles and Fetters , that so far as mans wisdome could foresee , were layd upon it by the Church of Scotland , and yet it burst them all and which shews that it is of that nature , that it cannot easily be tamed . In his Proposals , so far as we can discern , the Suffragans that were to be constant Moderators in the Assemblies o● rurall Deaneries , as the Bishops , and Archbishops in the highe● Assemblies were all of them to have Negative Votes . These ( as from the Plat-form it self is manifest ) were to do all , and conclude matters according to the major part of Voices in these Assemblies . But it is not said , that if the Suffragan , or Bishop , or Archbishop were dissenting , any thing might pass according to the major part of the Voyces in the severall Assemblies notwithwanding . And hereupon if these constant Moderators were corrupt , they might propound matters , or not propound them to the Assemblies , as they pleased . And when they were propounded , yet not concurring with the Assemblies , obstruct all their proceedings . Besides if all persons that were admitted into any Pastorall Charges , and having cure of Soules , were to come in onely at their Doore , how soon might the Ministry be so farre corrupted , as that it were easie for them , to procure the major part , in those Assemblies , to Vote according to their mindes , to over-sway , and over-ballance the rest of the Members of these Assemblies , that though godly and able , yet might not be so favoured by the times , as to be admitted into any Benefices ( as they have been called ) of any considerable value , and so might be like to be for outward estate poor , and in that respect the more contemptible . But yet further , if the Suffragans must come into their places by the Bishops , and the Bishops into theirs , as in former times , if there should be corruption here ( where there is more danger then in any ) in the higher Assemblies ( which yet should be the freest from corruption , and should still be the better , the higher we go in regard of the greater number of persons , of the choicest and best Abilities ) there were danger of far greater corruption , then in the lower . For all the Suffragans are expresly by these Proposals to be Members of the Diocesan Synod , and of the Rectors , or incumbent Pastors , besides the Suffragans , it is said , the rest , or a select number out of every Deanry , as appears from the third Proposall . And as touching the Provinciall Synod , it is sayd , it might consist of all the Bishops and Suffragans , and such other of the Clergy as should be elected out of every Diocess within the Province , as is clear from the fourth Proposall . And so if the Bishops and Suffragans should be corrupted , that were to be , as constant Moderators in these Assemblies , so constant Members of the highest Assemblies : by their Power and Dignity , and greater port in the World , and through the neglgence of the times , it might easily come to pass , that these might be so biassed , that less good were to be expected from the higher Assemblies ( where yet the remedy should lye and whither Appeals were to be made ) then in the lower . To say nothing , that through the Favour of great ones , if they should side with the Suffragans , or Bishops ( that might be corrupted the meetings of these Assemblies ( though appointed by Law as well as Parliaments ) might be prevented and hindred , or if they might be easily spoiled of their Freedom . We have taken the liberty to suggest , what exceptions the forementioned Proposals , that were made by Dr Vsher are lyable to ; and without any intention to reflect in the least measure on so reverend a Person ( whom in regard of his Piety and Learning we honour , though herein of a different apprehension from us ) we believing he propounded what he did , with an honest intention , as we have sayd before . And we hope there are no moderate Episcopall Men , that will entertaine any Animosities against us in this respect , wee never intending thereby , to set up a Wall of Partition betwixt them and us ; as we have used this Freedome , only to shew what danger there is least if moderate Episcopacy should be admitted again , it should within a while grow to that height , that they as well as we , growing weary of it , would be ready to cast it off , as an insufferable Yoke . We are the fuller of Jealousies in this respect , when we consider , how far short , the Proposals mentioned , do fall , of the strong Bonds that were layd upon Episcopacy in Scotland , and yet it burst them all . And because it may be here of use , to mention them particularly , we shall give the Reader an account of them , as we find them expressed in a short Discourse , going under the Title of the unlawfulness , and danger of limited Prelacy , or perpetuall Presidency in the Church , briefly discovered , Printed in the year 1641. and this the rather , because we do not know ( the things now not being common ) that sundry Readers might ever come , to the knowledge of them , if we should not be at some pains to transcibe them thence ; but there they may be found , Page 10 , 11. by such as have the liberty to peruse that Discourse . And thus they run . In the year 1600. the Church of Scotland being met in a generall Assembly at Montross , these Cautions and Limits were agreed upon , the Kings Majesty consenting ; First , That the Minister chosen to this place ( speaking of him who , as constant Moderator , was to be in the place of the Bishop ) shall not be called Bishop , but Commissioner of such a place . 2. That he shall neither propound to the Parliament , any thing in name of the Church , without their express Warrant , and direction : Nor shall he keep silence , or consent to any thing prejudiciall to the Weale and Liberty of the Church under the pain of Deposition . 3. Under the pain of Infamy , and Excommunication , he shall at every Assembly give account , of the discharging of his Commission , and shall submit himself to their censure , and stand to their determination whatsoever , without Appellation . 4. He shall content himself with that part of the Benefice , which shall be assigned him , not pre-judging any of the Ministers in their Livings . 5. He shall not dilapidate his Benefice . 6. He is bound , as any other Minister , to attend his particular Congregation , and shall be subject to the triall and censure of his own Presbytery and Provinciall Assembly . 7. He shall neither usurp , nor claim to himself , any power of Jurisdiction , in any point of Church-government , more then any other Minister . 8. In Presbyteries , Provinciall and generall Assemblies , he shall be have himself in all things , and be subject to their censuring , as any of the Brethren of the Presbytery . 9. At his Admission to his Office , he shall swear and subscribe to fulfill all these Points , under the pains aforesaid , otherwise not to be admitted . 10. In case he shall be deposed , he shall no more Voice in Parliament , nor enjoy his Benefice . 11. He shall not have Voice in the generall Assembly , unless he be authorised with Commission from his own Presbytery . 12. Crimen ambitus , shall be a sufficient cause of Deprivation . 13. The generall Assembly , with the advice of the Synod , shall have power of his Nomination , or Recommendation . 14. He shall lay down his Commission annuatim , at the foot of the generall Assembly , to be continued or changed , as the generall Assembly , with his Majesties consent , shall think fit . 15. Other cautions to be made , as the Church shall find occasion . One would have thought , judging according to the Rules of humane wisdome , that these Bonds had been strong enough , to have shackled , and fettered Episcopacy , if it could have been bounded : but as it follows , in the forementioned Discourse , the godly and sincere Ministers , disliked this course , and some did protest against him ; foreseeing what afterward came to pass , and as it is further there declared ; for those that did love preheminence above their Brethren , &c. did afterwards break all those Bonds , and finding themselves unable to give account , according to the counsell given to Pericles , they procured , that there should be no free generall Assemblies , least they should be called to account , and when they were challenged of their Perjury , and perfidious dealing , their printed Apology declared their Perfidy to be double , and which is expressed in their own words , to teach us what in this Land might be expected from their Fellows . Conditiones aliae pro tempore magis quo contentiosisrixandi ansa praeriperetur , quam animo in perpetuum observandi , acceptae . * By this account we may see , what Scotland to their sorrow had experience of , and what we also may expect , would be the Issue here , if after Episcopacy hath been thrown out , there should be a recidivation and a tampering with it again , especially considering that generally the sound and godly Party throughout the Land , were heretofore so deeply sensible of those intolerable Burthens they had groaned under through the exorbitances of the Prelates , that they not onely did remonstrate their grievances to the Parliament , before the Wars begun ; but did also humbly suggest by way of remedy : not the meer clipping of the Bishops Wings , or the lopping of some Branches from Episcopacy , as sufficient , for the redressing of their Grievances , but the taking it away both Root and Branch . And whereupon the Parliament that then was ( which will be renowned to all Posterity , for easing of the Church of their intolerable Pressures , and vindicating the Civil Liberty of the English Nation ) did proceed to an utter extirpation of it . And we hope ( what ever may be your expectations , with whom we have to do in these Papers ) that neither the good People of this Land , nor any succeeding Parliaments , will so soon grow weary of their dear-bought liberty , as to admit that which might endanger the bringing of their Necks again under the old Yoke . ( 3. ) But yet further we desire it might be considered , that the admitting of moderate Episcopacy , would breed great dissatisfaction to sundry godly and conscientious Ministers and Christians at home in these three Nations , and occasion much strife and contentious Debates , that were likely to arise about it : some conceiving it to be utterly unlawfull , as being the Introduction of an Officer into the Church , that is not of Divine Institution . Others that were satisfied touching the lawfulness of it in it self , and yet judged it not necessary , might have fears , least moderate Episcopacy once admitted , might be a step to introduce that kind of Episcopacy or Prelacy , that had been expresly covenanted against : and upon that account , might judge , they were obliged by their Covenant to foresee , so far as they could , such an occasion , and to shun it . Others again might be much divided amongst themselves ( if they got over the former Blocks ) touching the Rules , according unto which , Episcopacy should be moderated , some apprehending the Bonds layd upon it to be too straight , and others againe thinking them to be too loose . And these Divisions were like to be amongst persons of all Ranks ; Nobles , Knights , Citizens , Commons of all sorts , both of the Gentry , Ministry , and others . Whereupon there were great danger to grow many Debates in the Parliament , when that should assemble in the City , and throughout the Land , Contests of Ministers one a-against another in the Pulpits , and at the Presses , and amongst private Christians in their private Conferences , as it hath been heretofore , about the Ceremonies and Episcopacy , to the further rending and distracting of our already rent and torne Church , and which at this time would be the more dangerous , when as the posture of Affairs doth cry aloud upon the wisest Physitians , both by their Skill and Power , to interpose for the healing of Breaches in England , Scotland , and Ireland , that through our Divisions , we be not made a Prey to the common Enemies of our Religion , ; and therefore have no need , that such a dangerous bone of Contention should be cast in amongst us , as moderate Episcopacy might be like to prove , to the sadning of the hearts of Friends , and gratifying onely of those that would rejoyce in our ruine . ( 4. ) It is not also to be sleighted , that by admitting of moderate Episcopacy , great offence might be taken by the best reformed Churches abroad . They have taken notice , that in the solemn Covenant , that was entred into by these Nations , there was not onely an Engagement , to endeavour the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy ( that is , Church-government by Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellors , and Commissaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , and all other Ecclesiasticall Officers depending on that Hierarchy ) according to which , the Parliaments that have been , have constantly declared , that no Indulgency should be granted to Popery and Prelacy : and this out of a conscientious respect ( as we have hinted before in our answer to your first Paper ) unto this solemn engagement , as we judged : But there was also a promise to endeavour the Reformation of Religion in England , and Ireland , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government , according to the word of God , and the example of the best reformed Churches . These things have been published to the World , and are known abroad , and however other matters contained in the Covenant , that are of a civil Concernment may be judged of ; they being in their own nature variable , and not of the like necessity in themselves with matters of Religion , and the things of God , and to be endeavoured after , onely in a subordinate way unto Gods matters , and never to be pursued , in the manifest destructiveness of the interest of Religion , that should be looked upon by all , as the greatest and chiefest interest , yet they are not likely to imagine , that moderate Episcopacy ( that is not by them admitted but disowned ) can be of that necessity for us in these Lands ( for which they do not judge , there was any rule given in Gods word , requiring the setting of it up at the first ) as that after all the learned Debates , touching Church-government , for severall years together , that have been in the reverend Assembly of Divines , that sate by Ordinance of Parliament at Westminster ; and after their humble advice to the Parliament touching the Presbyterian Government , as that Government , they conceived , was most agreeable to the word of God ( as it is evident it is most , according to the example of the best reformed Churches ) and after the Parliament engaged also in that solemn Covenant , had ( as they may conceive ) in pursuance thereof , made so great a progress , in the setting up of this Presbyterian Government , that they passed by Ordinance , the form of Church-government , Anno , 1648 after advice had with the Assembly of Divines , as that Church-government which was to be used in the Church of England and Ireland , it should be admitted of , to the setting up a partition Wall betwixt us and them , instead of coming neerer to them , so far as we may do , according to Gods word , according to the solemn Engagement . They cannot hereupon , but be greatly grieved , when they shall see their hopes so far disappointed , as they may hereupon be brought to fear , least if moderate Episcopacy be entertained , as the Church-Government of these Lands , after a while , that very Prelacy in the height of it , that in the time of our Affliction was vomited up by these Nations as loathsome , may be swallowed down again . Now we leave it to wise men to judge , whether ( especially at such a time as this , when Popish Enemies are banding themselves together against us , and it is of so great advantage , for our own preservation , and the preservation of the true Religion , that the Protestant Party throughout Christendome , should endeavour after Union ) it be prudential to minister such occasion of grief and jealousie , concerning us to our best Friends abroad , as to admit of that , which would be so much to their dissatisfaction : as it would be occasion of endless strife and debate amongst our selves at home , as hath been said before ; to say nothing of the hatefulness of it unto Scotland , that yet we hope is lookt upon by England and Ireland , as a neer Sister , and Neighbour Church . 5. Lastly , We offer it to the consideration of all judicious and prudent persons , whether there be not more probability of union , amongst all sound , Orthodox , godly , moderate Spirited men , by means of some other expedients , and upon some sober ground , then upon the admission of moderate Episcopacy . As touching such that are for it in their Judgments , that are sober and godly , and against Episcopacy in the height of it , they might be accommodated in the Presbyterian way , with far more safety , and far less occasion of Offence ; as we gather from the Associations of the Ministers of severall Counties , that are printed , and particularly from that of * Essex , wherein they profess , that many of them think , according to Scripture , and the way of divers reformed Churches , there should be some adjoyned to the Minister in Government called ruling Elders , yet that divers also of them , are dissatisfied as touching such Elders ; but all of them also conceive it meet , and a Ministers wisdome to see with more Eyes then his own , and have the best help he can , both to acquaint him with the conversation of his people , and to assist him in matters of Concernment , that cannot so safely and conveniently be done by him self alone . Therefore they also agree ( as they shall see it fea sonable and fit in respect of their people ) to desire the Assistance of some godly and discreet Persons of their respective Congregations , &c. And therefore as touching ruling Elders ( as there was a submission in the dayes of Episcopacy , to Chancellours , and Commissaries ) we conceive that moderate Episcopall men might admit these upon prudentiall grounds , though they did not acknowledge the Jus divinum , of their Office ( and which opinion of them , notwithstanding our own perswasion , we are far from imposing upon others ) and we do also hope , that such as would make tryall of them , would have occasion to bless God , for those great helps , that might be offered unto them , by them : both for the better acquainting them with the Conversations of their people , as also for the guiding and governing of them . As we do also further humbly conceive ; there might be such a proportioning of them , for the number of them in the higher Assemblies , that neither it might be burthensome to the Elders , that might be delegated to such Assemblies , when they are over many : nor the Assemblies be disappointed for want of a Quorum of ruling Elders , as sometimes they have been ; nor any occasion of fear given unto any , that the Ministers might be over-voted by the Elders , in matters of greatest weight and concernment , which yet supposes a division betwixt the Ministers and Elders , which in our own experience we have never met with . And as touching a standing Moderator , that some moderate Episcopall men are for , we think their Consciences might he satisfied in the way of Moderators , as they are in use with us : we not discerning , what can be urged by them , as necessary to be transacted by him from Gods Word , but it may be safely transacted by the Moderators of our Assemblies . And as touching our Brethren of the Congregationall way , we are sure , moderate Episcopacy will be no expedient , to bring them and us unto neerer Union : but conceive , that as the Assembly of Divines , did long agon enter upon that Work of Accommodation with them : so if that Work were re● assumed by the appointment and interposition of the Civil Magistrate , through the blessing of God , we hope it might be brought to such a conclusion , not onely with them , but also with those , that are godly and moderate Spirited , that are of the Episcopall way , that without admittance of moderate Episcopacy ( that would not further it ) there might be an happy closure of breaches in this rent and torne Church , all parties that have soundness , and savour in them , seeming to be weary of their Divisions , and to earnestly thirst and pant after Union . But we hope by this time , the sober and judicious Reader is satisfied , that we had some reason to caution against moderate Episcopacy , as we did , even where we profess our selves earnest for peace ; and that If you had considered things well , you had no reason fully to expect , that we should admit of that expedient , which you propounded for an Accommodation ; which we for severall weighty reasons , had expresly cautioned against . But we have now done with what you propounded , as the way wherein you expected fully we should have closed with you , and shall now go on with you unto what follows ; wherein you declare your selves , That they who disturb this closure and conjunction , are the ruling Elders ; that yet were not only chosen out of the people , but at the first constitution of the Congregational Elderships , were examined and approved by this Class , as fit to joyn with the Ministers of the Word , in the governing of the Church , and solemnly set a part with exhortation and Prayer for that Work , although not ordained for to preach the Gospel , or administer the Sacraments , and so not meer Lay-men , as you apprehend them to be . Now of these you say , you wish not ( with the Apostle ) that they were cut off , but that they were taken away , that trouble you , for you say ( speaking of these ) onely they let , that will let , untill they be taken out of the away . Indeed the Apostle ( unto whose words you allude ) speaks of something , that letted and would let , the revelation of Antichrist , untill he were taken away , and if after Antichrist , hath been cast out of this Land , the retaining of the ruling Elders were likely to be a let to his setting foot again in it , it would be very ill upon that account to part with them , but we do not discern how the retaining of the ruling Elders should have hindred your closure and conjunction with us , if you had been cordiall for Peace and Union ; for though you could not admit them , upon the divine right of their Office , yet you , who excepted not against the lawfulness of retaining of High Commissioners , Chancellours , and Commissaries ( and of which we shall speak more fully in our answer to your last Paper ) under the Prelaticall Government ; might have admitted of ruling Elders , on prudentiall grounds , upon the Principles of sundry moderate Episcopall men ; and as they have done , of which before : and as you may see one zealous enough against the Jus divinum , of ruling Elders Office , is not against them , as an expedient and behoovefull Order in the Church , and where the right Governours of State , any where moving upon prudentiall grounds , shall find the conveniency of them . See Velitationes Polemicae by J. D. quaest . 3. Touching Lay-Presbyters , Sect. 30. But you now mind us , of what we had said in our Answer , scil . That we could not consent to part with the ruling Elders , except we should betray the truth of Christ , Rom. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 5. and for further testimony ( you say ) we refer you to some modern Authors ( all of Yesterday . ) Here we shall desire you to take notice of two things . ( 1. ) That being the Authors we referred you unto , were reverend , learned , and able Divines , such as was the Synod or Assembly of Divines , that met at Westminster , by Authority of Parliament , and the Provinciall Synod of London , besides the Divines , that we did particularly nominate , they should not have been slighted by you ( who profess you reverence Synods and Councels ) in regard of their testimony , because they were but of Yesterday . For upon this account , all Synods and Councels , that shall hereafter be convened , must be rejected . ( 2. ) That it was not their meer testimony or authority , that we pressed you with . We referred you to them in regard of their Arguments and Reasons they urged for what they assert . And we think both you and we may learn much from the learned and elaborate Labours of modern Authors . And that we are not to disdain to weigh , what they present , because they are but of Yesterday . Else you must neither consult Doctor Vsher , Doctor Andrews , nor Doctor Hammond ( whom you mention ) nor any other moderate Writers , that yet we judge , are in some esteem with you : but betake your selves to the Fathers onely . And because you took not notice , of what the Authors , we referred you to , have , touching the Jus divinum , of the Presbyterian Government , and which we said , had spoken so fully touching that point , that we knew not what could be added more . We shall give the Reader some short accompt , of what he may find more at large , in the Authors themselves , only mentioning some things , which the London Ministers in their Jus divinum Regiminis Ecclesiastici , and the Provinciall Assembly of London , in their Vindication of the Presbyterian Government , have upon the Texts we urged , to prove from them the Divine right of ruling a Elders Office. ( 1. ) The first Text we urged for the divine right of the ruling Elders Office , was Rom. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. which runs thus . Having then Gifts differing , according to the Grace given , whether Prophesie , let us Prophesie , according to the proportion of Faith ; or Ministry , let us wait on our Ministry ; or he that teacheth , on teaching ; or he that exhorteth , on exhortation . He that giveth , ●et him do it with simplicity . He that ruleth with diligence : He that sheweth mercy , with cheerfulness . Upon this Text the Provinciall Assembly of London in their Vindication , do thus express themselves . In which words ( say they ) we have a perfect enumeration of all the ordinary Offices of the Church . These Offices are reduced , first to two generall heads , Prophesie , and Ministry , and are therefore set down in the Abstract . By Prophesie is meant , the Faculty of right understanding , interpreting , and expounding the Scriptures . Ministry comprehends all other Employments in the Church . Then these generals are subdivided into the speciall Offices contained under them , and are therefore put down in the Concrete . Under Prophesie are contained , 1. He that teacheth , that is , the Doctor or Teacher . 2. He that exhorteth , i. e. the Pastor . Under Ministry are comprised . 1. He that giveth , that is the Deacon . 2. He that ruleth , that is , the ruling Elder . 3. He that sheweth mercy , which * Office pertained unto them , who in those dayes had care of the sick . So that in these words we have the ruling Elder plainly set down , and contradistinguished from the teaching and exhorting Elder ( as appears by the distributive Particles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether he that teacheth , whether he that exhorteth , whether he that ruleth , &c. ) And here likewise we have the Divine Institution of the ruling Elder , for so the words hold forth , Having then gifts differing according to the Grace that is given unto us . And this also in the third Verse , According as God hath dealt to every man , &c. This Officer is the Gift of Gods free Grace to the Church for the good of it . Thus far the Provinciall Assembly of London . And then they vindicate the Text from what is objected against it . The London Ministers in their Jus divinum Regiminis Ecclesiastici , do urge the Argument drawn hence for the Jus divinum of the ruling Elders Office more fully . After they had given a view of the scope and contexture of the Chapter , and given the like exposition of the Text , quoting also Paraeus , and Piscator , and Calvin , and Beza , on the place ( who give the same exposition , as is manifest to him that will but consult those Interpreters upon the Text ) they then do argue thus from this place . Major . Whatsoever ( 1 ) Members of Christs organical body have an ( 2 ) ordinary ( 3 ) Office of ruling therein given ( 4 ) them of God , ( 5 ) distinct from all other ordinary standing Officers in the Church , ( 6 ) together with direction from God , how they are to rule , they are the ruling Elders we seek , and that Jure divino . Minor. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. He that ruleth , mentioned in Rom. 12. 8. is a ( 1 ) Member of Christs Organicall Body , having an ( 2 ) ordinary ( 3 ) Office of ruling therein , ( 4 ) given him of God , ( 5 ) distinct from all other standing Officers , in the Church , ( 6 ) together with direction how he is to rule . Conclus . Therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. He that ruleth mentioned in Rom. 12. 8. is the ruling Elder , we seek , and that Jure divino . The severall particulars noted in the Major and Minor Propositions they do distinctly prove , and are too large here to transcribe , but they may be seen all made good from Pag. 125. to Pag. 131. And to which we refer the Reader . Then they proceed to vindicate this Text , from the severall exceptions made against the alledging of it , for the proof of the Divine right of the ruling Elders Office , by Feild , Sutlive , Bilson , from Pag. 130. to pag. 136. And as touching Dr. Sutlive , they have a remarkable passage , which they note in the Margin , pag. 131. which we think fit to recite in their own words , which are as followeth . As for this Dr. Sutlive ( divers times hereafter mentioned ) the Reader may please to take notice here once for all , that he told a reverend Minister in London , yet living , and ready ( if need were ) to testifie the same upon Oath , ( who declared it to one of the Authors of this Treatise , Feb. 16. 1646. ) That he was sorry with all his heart , that ever he put Pen to Paper to write against Beza , as he had done , in the behalf of the proud domineering Prelates . And he spoke this with great indignation . It is good for men then to take heed , that they be not too hot for the Prelacy , nor too earnest in contending against the Office of ruling Elders , for we see , they may come to repent hereof , before they die . ( 2. ) In the next place follows 1 Cor. 12. 28. And God hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , secondarily Prophets , thirdly Teachers , after that Miracles , then gifts of healing , helps , Governments , diversities of Tongues . * The Provinciall Assembly of London in their Vindication urge this Text thus . Here we have an enumeration of sundry Officers of the Church , and amongst others there are Helps , Governments . By Helps are meant Deacons ( as not onely our reformed Divines , but Chrysostome , and Estius , and others observe . ) And by Governments are meant the ruling Elders . That this may the better appear , they do here prove six things . 1. That by Governments are meant men exercising Government , the Abstract being put for the Concrete ; which they shew appears first , by the beginning of the Verse , God hath set some in his Church , which relates to Persons , not to Offices . Secondly , By the 29 , and 30 Verses , where the Apostle speaks Concretively of those things , which he had spoken of before Abstractively . Are all Workers of Miracles ? Have all the gifts of Healing ? Do all speak with Tongues ? &c. And so by consequence , Are all Helpers ? are all Governours ? 2. That the Governour here meant , must needs be a Church Governour , not the civil Magistrate , because this is beside the whole scope of the Chapter , treating meerly on Spirituall Church Matters , not at all of Secular or Civil . Because also it is said expresly , That he is seated in the Church . Now the Magistrate , as such , is not placed by God in the Church , but in the Common-weale . And lastly , Because the Apostle writes of such Governours , that had at that time actuall existence in the Church : whereas neither then , nor some hundred years after , was there any Christian Magistrate . ( 3. ) That this Church-Governour is seated by God in his Church , and so is a Plant of Gods one planting . 4. That this Church Governour , is a Church Officer . For though it be a question amongst the Learned , whether some of the persons here named , as the Workers of Miracles , and those that had the Gift ef Healing , and of Tongues , were seated by God , as Officers in the Church , and not rather only as eminent Members , endued with these eminent Gifts ; yet it is most certain , that whosoever is seated by God in his Church , as a Church-Governour , must needs be a Church Officer . For the nature of the Gift doth necessarily imply an Office , which they do further shew from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rendred Governments , being a Metaphor taken from Pilots or Ship-masters governing their Ships . 5. That this Church-Governour is an ordinary and perpetuall Officer in his Church , as they shew does appear from the perpetuall necessity of him in the Church , a Church without Government , being as a Ship without a Pilot , as a Kingdome without a Magistrate , as a World without a Sun. 6. That this Church-governour is an Officer contradistinguished in the Text from the Apostles , Prophets , Teachers , and all other Officers in the Church . This they prove , 1. By the Apostles manner of expressing their Offices in an enumerative form ; first Apostles , secondarily Prophets , thirdly Teachers , after that Miracles , then Gifts of Healing , &c. 2. By the Recapitulation , V. 29. 30. Are all Apostles ? Are all Prophets ? Are all Teachers ? Are all Workers of Miracles , &c. 3. By the scope of the whole Chapter , which is to set down different Gifts and Offices in different Subjects , as they do more at large shew , answering an Objection , and then shewing , that this Interpretation which they have given , is not onely the Interpretation of reformed Divines , both Lutherans and Calvenists , but of the ancient Fathers , and even the Papists themselves . And here they quote Gerhardus de ministerio ecclesiastico . Calvin in locum . P. Martyr in locum . Beza in locum . Piscator in locum . Ambrose in locum . Chrysost . in locum . Salmer . in loc . Septimo loco ponit gubernatores , i. e. eos , qui praesunt aliis & gubernant , plebemque in Offici● continent . Et Ecclesia Christi habet suam politiam & cum pastor per se omnia praestare non posset , adjungebantur duo Presbyteri , de quibus dixit , qui bene praesunt presbyteri duplici honore digni habeantur , maxime qui laborant verbo & doctrina , qui una cum pastore deliberabant de ecclesiae cura & instauratione , qui etiam fidei atque honestae vitae consortes erant . Thus far the Provinciall Assembly of London . The London Ministers in their Jus divinum , do urge the Argument hence thus . Major . Whatsoever Officers God himself now under the new Testament hath set in the Church , as Governours therein , distinct from all other Church-governours , whether extraordinary or ordinary , they are the ruling Elders we enquire after , and that Jure divine . Minor. But the Governments named in 1 Cor. 12. 28. are Officers which God himself now under the new Testament hath set in the Church as Governours therein , distinct from all other Church-governours whether extraordinary or ordinary . The Major being in it self cleer , they prove the Minor in the severall Branches of it . proving , 1. That the Church here spoken of is the Church of Christ now under the N. T. 2. That the Governments here mentioned , are Officers set in this Church ( not out of the Church ) as Rulers governing therein . 3. That they are set not by man , but by God himself . 4. That these Governments thus set in the Church are distinct , not onely from all Governours out of the Church , but also from all governing Officers within the Church . Whence the Conclusion is inferred . Therefore these Governments in 1 Cor. 12. 28. are the ruling Elders enquired after , and that Jure divino . This Argument thus urged is confirmed in the severall Branches of it , from Pag. 136. to Pag. 144. And after they vindicate the urging of this Text for this purpose , from the severall exceptions made against the same by Dr. Feild , Sutlive , Whitgift , Mr. Coleman , and Bilson , from Pag. 144. to Pag. 150. ( 3. ) The third and last Text , we urged for the Divine right of ruling Elders Office , was 1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders , that rule well , be counted worthy double honour , especially they who labour in the Word and Doctrine . For the understanding of whichwords , the Provinciall Assembly of London lay down this Rule ; That every Text of Scripture is to be interpreted according to the literall and Grammaticall construction , unless it be contrary to the Analogy of Faith , or the Rule of Life , or the circumstances of the Text. Otherwise ( say they ) we shall make a Nose of Wax of the Scriptures , and draw quidlibet ex quolibet . And then they add , Now according to the Grammaticall Construction , there are plainly held forth two sorts of Elders : The one only ruling , and the other also labouring in the Word and Doctrine . Then they give the true Analysis of the words , thus . ( 1. ) Here is a Genus , a General , and that is Elders . ( 2. ) Two distinct Species , or kinds of Elders : Those that rule well , and those that labour in Word and Doctrine , as Pastor and Doctor . ( 3. ) We have two Particles expressing these two kinds of Elders , Ruling , Labouring . The first do onely rule , the second do also labour in Word and Doctrine . ( 4 ) Here are two distinct Articles , distinctly annexed to these two Participles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they that rule , they that labour . ( 5. ) Here is an eminent discretive Particle , set before these two kinds of Elders ; these two Participles , these two Articles , evidently distinguishing one from the other , Viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially they that labour , &c. They do urge out of Dr. Whitaker , That it is absurd to say , that this Text is to be understood of one and the same Elder . If a man should say , All the Students in the University are worthy of double honour , especially they that are Professors of Divinity , he must necessarily understand it of two sorts of Students . Or if a man should say , All Gentlemen that do Service for the Kingdomes in their Counties , are worthy of double honour , especially they that do Service in the Parliament , this must needs be understood of different persons . And however they do take notice , that Archbishop Whilgift , Bishop King , Bishop Bilson , Bishop Downame , and others , labour to fasten divers other Interpretations upon these words , yet they observe , that all other senses that are given of these words , are either such as are disagreeing from the literall and Grammaticall Construction , or such as fall into one of these two absurdities ; either to maintain a Non preaching Ministry or a lazy preaching Ministry to deserve double honour , and which they make to appear particularly , as the Reader for his more full satisfaction may ●ee upon his perusall , Pag. 47 , 48. The Authors of the Jus divinum regiminis ecclesiastici , do urge the Argument for the Divine right of ruling Elders Office from this Text more fully , and do very learnedly and elaborately vindicate it from twelve severall exceptions that are made against it , by those that do oppose it , from Pag. 150. to pag. 169. and whereunto for his more full satisfaction we do refer the Reader . We shall forbear to mention what is further urged , either by the Provinciall Assembly of London , out of the Old Testament and New , or by the rest of the Authors we have quoted in our former Answer , or by the Author of the Assertion of the Government of the Church of Scotland ( that fully and learnedly discussed this Point some years before ) to prove the Office of ruling Elders to be by divine right . We conceive by this account given , it is manifest enough unto the unprejudiced Reader , that the learned Labours of our reverend Brethren in this matter , and their Arguments urged from these very Texts , that we alledged , were not so contemptible , but that they might have merited a better answer ( when we referred you to them ) then to have been turned off as not worth the weighing , because they are but of Yesterday . And however our pains be accounted of by you in transcribing out of them , what we have done , yet we hope it will not be esteemed useless by judicious and sober persons , such who never have seen the Labours of our Brethren in this kind , having this advantage by it , that they have a tast given them , of what is more at large sayd , by feverall reverend , learned , and godly Divines , for the Divine right of that Office , that is so much despised , and hereby have some direction given them , where they may find this truth more fully vindicated ; as they also , that are acquainted fully with their Labours , may reap this Fruit by what we have recited , that the memory of what they knew before , will hereby be revived ; and hence it may be to both sufficiently manifest , that so much is spoken touching this matter , that it will not be to any great purpose to add any more . But now let us consider , what you oppose unto all that is said , by the Authors we quoted for the Jus divinum of the Presbyterian Government , and particularly of the Office of ruling Elders . In the first place we take notice , that when we said , We could not part with the ruling Elders , unless we should betray the truth of Christ ( as we judged ) by this Parenthesis you gather , that we are not so wedded to the opinion , but that we can , and will submit to better reason , when offered to us . Unto which we say , That we are ready to hear , what you or any others shall present unto us , for the clearing up the mind and will of God , in this , or any other point in Controversie , amongst such as are godly , sober , and Orthodox , in the main points of Christian Religion . And if you will not wilfully and pertinaciously hold a contrary Tenent , as you profess , or at least a Tenent contrary to what your Principles might allow you , there would be the greater hopes , that you would cease the debate touching this matter . But before we can be convinced that the ruling Elder is not an Officer of Jesus Christ , held forth in those Texts , that we quoted , we must have far stronger reasons brought , then you urge , although you profess , that you will proceed to shew us that Lay-Elders ( as you mistake them ) are not meant nor mentioned in those Texts by us alledged . Here is indeed much undertaken , but little performed . And however you promise to do this hereafter more largely , if what is comprehended in this Paper be not judged satisfactory , yet in your next , wherein you would make shew , as if you had given in a full reply to our Answer , you perform nothing . So easiea matter is it with you to undertake great things , and fall short in your performances . But we must here needs tell you , that if you will indeed satisfie us , you must perform more , then onely ( as here you do ) send us to the Fathers in generall , or more particular Councils , or the Fathers apart ( and which you will have to be the onely sure rule for the interpretation of Scriptures , though how soundly this is asserted by you will come to be examined in our answer to your next Paper ) neither must you think , that the bare allegation of the exposition of some Fathers ( for we are not wholly destitute of the testimony of them touching the matter in controversie , as we shall shew anon ) ought to be of that weight with us , as that they should be forthwith received , as the certain interpretations of these Texts , against the Arguments , that are urged from them , by moderne Synods and Assemblies , learned and able Divines , Expositers of the Scriptures , both of our own and other reforned Churches for that interpretation of them , which we close with , and whereof we have given account already in part . And yet we are far from contemning either Fathers or Councils , but shall give them all that due respect , that our truly Protestant Divines have given them in their Writings against the Papists ; as we do heartily wish , that you had not expressed your selves , especially in your next Paper , to be too Popish , in respect of that Authority , which you profess they are in with you , which yet is an honour given them , that they themselves would have disavowed , and of which afterwards more fully . In the mean season you have not dealt fairly with Calvin in fathering upon him , what he doth not say , though in your Printed Copy you cover the matter , not quoting the place , where he should assert any such thing , as you alledge him for . The thing you charge upon him in both , is one and the same . Your words are these , Calvin saith , there can be no better , nor surer remedy of deciding of controversies , no better sense nor interpretation of Scripture then what is given by the Fathers in such Councils . The places you quote in that Copy you presented unto us , are those in his Institutions , Lib. 4. cap. 9. Sect. 8. 13. But in these places , there is nothing that can with any colour be alledged to make out what you charge upon him . In the 8. Sect. it is confessed , he would not have all Councils condemned , and the Acts of them all rescinded ( as we are far from desiring any such thing ) but he saith , Quoties concilii alicujus decretum profertur , expendi primum diligentur velim , quo tempore habitum sit , qua de causa habitum , & quo concilio , quales homines interfuerint : deinde illud ipsum , de quo agitur , ad Scripturae amussim examinari ; idque in eum modum , ut concilii definitio pondus suum habeat sitque instar praejudicii , neque tamen examen , quod dixi , impediat . You may here perceive , that as he would not have the determinations of all Synods promiscuously to be admitted , so he would have their decrees that are produced , to be examined according to the rule of Scripture , notwithstanding that reverence which he ( from whom therein we differ not ) doth give them . But you may see , he further goes on and adds , Vtinam eum omnes modum servarent , quem praescrib●t Augustinus libro adversus Maximinum tertio : Nam cum hunc haereticum , de syncdorum decretis litigantem breviter vult compescere ; Nec ●go ( inquit ) Nicenam Synodum tibi , nec tu mihi A●iminensem debes tanquam praejudicaturus objicere . Nec ego hujus authoritate , nec tu illius detineris . Scripturarum authoritatibus , non quorumcunque propriis , sed quae utrisque sunt communes , res cum re , causa cum causa , ratio cum rotione certet . The intelligent Reader will hereby sufficiently perceive , that however Calvin gives due respect unto Councils , yet both he and Augustine , whom he cites , would have all Controversies touching matters of Religion to be determined by the Authorities or Testimonies of Scriptures . And however he presently after saith , That those ancient Synods , the Nicene , Constantinopolitan , the first Ephesine and that at Chalcedon , and the like , we do willingly receive and reverence as holy , Quantum attinet ad fidei d●gmata , So far as concerns the Doctrines of Faith , ( let that be marked ) and acknowledgeth , that they containe nothing , but the pure Native interpretation of the Scriptures . Yet what is that , to what you would father upon him , Viz. That there can be no better sence nor interpretation of the Scriptures , then what is given by the Fathers in such Councils ? All that Calvin saith , is , That he acknowledgeth these Councils , did in Doctrinals rightly interpret the Scriptures , but he would not have their interpretation of Scripture for to be the rule of its interpretation , as in your next Paper ( when there is a difference about interpretation of Scripture ) you assert it ought to be ; and which there you alledging this place of Calvin would represent him to patronize , and for which purpose you do also seem to alledge him here . Although the Reader , by what hath been quoted out of him in this Section , will see the contrary . Besides , that he did not say touching matters of Discipline and Government ( which are the things onely in Controversie betwixt you and us ) those Councils , he spake of , did containe nothing but the pure and native interpretation of the Scriptures , but limited the same to Doctrinals , as we have shewed . And therefore we leave it to the Reader to judge , whether you have thus far dealt fairely with Calvin , or no. You also quoted the thirteenth Section of this ninth Chapter , lib. 4. But there we find onely , that he expresseth himselfe thus ; Nos certe libenter concedimus , si quo de dogmate incidat disceptat nullum esse nec melius , nec certius remedium , quam si verorum Episcopo●um Synodus conveniat , ubi controversum dogma excutiatur . He acknowledgeth then , that when a Controversie doth arise , there is no better , nor surer remedy for the determining it , then by a Synod of true Bishops ( which are the Bishops mentioned in Tim●thy , and Titus in Calvins sence ) but yet he concludes that very Section thus ; Hoc autem perpetuum esse nego , ut vera & certa sit scripturae interpretatio , quae con●ilii suffragiis fuerit recepta , i. e. But this I deny to be perpetuall , that that is a true and certain interpretation of Scripture , which hath been received by the Suffrages of a Council . And if we should here press you to that , which Calvin saith as touching this point . Seeing it hath been determined by the late Synod or Assembly of Divines , * that , As there were in the Jewish Church Elders of the people joyned with the Priests & Levites in the Government of the Church ( as appeareth in the 2 Chron. 19. 8 , 9 , 10 ) so Christ hath instituted a Government and Governors Ecclesiasticall in the Church ; hath furnished some in his Church , besides the Ministers of the Word , with Gifts for Goverment , and with Commission to execute the same , when called thereunto , who are to joyn with the Minister in the Government of the Church , Rom. 12. 7 , 8. 1 Cor. 12. 2. 8. which Officers reformed Churches commonly call Elders . You ought nor against their determination touching this matter in Controversie betwixt you and us , by your opposition , to trouble and disturb the peace of the Church , and which is that , which seems to be clearly Calvins mind in this Section . This for the Vindication of Calvin , is we hope sufficient . As touching the Fathers , you wish us to consult on Rom. 12. intimating out of Doctor Andrews , That not one of them applyeth it to the Church Government , and as much ( you say ) may be sayd for the other Texts , not one Father in their Comment giveth such a sense , and which you are so confident of , that you offer , that if we find one exposition for us , you will yeild us all . Unto this we say , ( 1. ) That we believe all wise and sober Readers will easily discern , that your over-much confidence hath put you on to over-shoot a great deal too far . For we can hardly be brought to perswade our selves , that you have any of you , much less all of you , who are the Subscribers of this Paper , consulted all the Fathers upon any , and much less upon all these Texts . And if so , it was a great deal too much presumption to make such an offer , upon the Testimony of Doctor Andrews ( that yet is alledged by you to speak but to onely one of the Texts ) or any other , having not consulted all the Fathers your selves , and that upon every Text. For what an hazard do you put your Cause upon ? If but one Father be produced against you in this matter , if you should be taken at your word , it is quite lost . And if it be Gods Cause and Truth you stand for , can you be excused , that you have offered to quit it upon such easie tearms ? But we will be more liberall to you , then to take you at such a disadvantage , though you have been too presumpteously liberall in making such an offer . ( 2. ) But suppose none of the Fathers could be produced thus to expound any of these Texts ; If from the Texts themselves , and what may be urged from other places of the Scriptures both in the Old and New Testament , it may be gathered , that that is the meaning of them , which we with sundry other moderne Authors give , why should this Interpretation be rejected , because not backed with the Testimony of some of the Fathers thus expounding them ? Is not the Scripture sufficient to expound it self ? This indeed is your opinion , as appeareth plainly from your next Paper , but the Popish unsoundness of it we question not but to discover , when we come to it . ( 3. ) But if the Fathers do not many of them determine the Controversie touching ruling Elders from these Texts ( it having been started since their time ) yet is it not sufficient , if they shall be , severall of them , found to allow of the thing it self , and give testimony to the being of these Officers in the Church in their time ? We shall here mention onely some of those that may be alledged touching this particular . And first Ambrose his words on 1 Tim. 5. 1. are full and plain to our purpose . Vnde & synagoga , & postea Ecclesia seniores habuit , quorum sine consilio nihil agebatur in Ecclesia . Quod qua negligentia obsoleverit , nescio ; nisi forte doctorum desidia , aut magis superbia , dum sibi volunt aliquid videri ( i. e. ) Whence both the Synagogue , and afterwards the Church had Elders , without whose counsell nothing was done in the Church . Which thing by what negligence it grew out of use , I know not , unless perhaps through the Teachers sloathfulness , or rather haughtiness , while they alone would be thought somewhat . In the next place observe what Optatus saith , lib. 1. Adversus Parmen : Eram Ecclesie ex auro & argento quam plurima ●rnamenta , quae nec defodere terra , nec secum po●tare poterat ; quare fidelbus Ecclesiae senioribus commendavit . i. i. e. The Church had many Ornaments of Gold and Silver , which she could neither hide in the Earth , nor carry away with her , which she committed to the Elders . The Provinciall Assembly of London do observe , that Albaspinaeus that learned Antiquary , upon the place acknowledgeth , that besides the Clergy , there were certain of the Elders of the people , men of approved life , that did tend the Affaires of the Church , of whom this place is to be understood . To these we may add , That Austine gives frequent intimations of the ruling Elder in his time . We shall here onely mention some places . In his 137. Epistle to those of his owne Church , he thus directs it . Dilectissimis fratribus , Clero , Senioribus , & universae plebi Ecclesiae Hipponensis ( i. e. ) To the most beloved Brethren , the Clergy , Elders , and all the people of the Church at Hippo. Where we see Elders are mentioned distinctly , and are interposed between the Clergy and the people as distinct from both . Again , De verb. Dom. Serm. 19. Cum ob errorem aliquem , as●nioribus arguuntur , & imputatur alicui de illis , cur ebrius fuerit , &c. When they are reprehended for any errour by the Elders , and its imputed to any of them , why was he drunk , &c. So againe Lib. 3. contra Cresconium cap. 56. Peregrinus Presbyter & seniores Musticanae regionis . Peregrine the Presbyter and the Elders of the Mustican Region . And long before him , Origen . contra Celsum lib. 3. hath this passage . Nonnulli praepositi sunt , qui in vitam & mores eorum , qui admittuntur , inquirant , ut qui turpia committant , iis communi caelu interdicant , &c ( i. e. ) There are some Rulers appointed , who may enquire concerning the Conversation and manners of those that are admitted , that they may debar from the common Assembly such as commit filthiness . This place of Origen is clear for ruling Elders , whose work it is to enquire into the Conversation and manners of those , that are admitted to communicate with the Congregation at the Lords Table , and is so understood by others , as well as our selves . We might alledge more Testimonies of the Fathers for the proof of what we are in hand with , but that we judge these sufficient . Even those that do oppose the ruling Elders Office with too much vehemency , are forced to confess , that besides Pastors and Doctors , and besides Magistrates and Elders of the City , there are to be found in Antiquity Seniores ecclesiastici , Ecclesiasticall Elders also . But they will have them to be onely as our Church-wardens , or rather as our Vestry-men , as one of them speaks . See the Author of Episcopacy by divine right , pag. 146. whereas the Testimonies alledged shew , they were Rulers and Judges in Causes Ecclesiasticall , and did assist the Ministers of the Word , in the ruling and governing of the Church , which being very clear from the above mentioned Testimonies , and others of the like kind ; another zealous enough against them , would have them to be some or other in chief Rank amongst the rest of the people , taken in occasionally for advice and present assistance , and so an extraordinary kind of Church-Guardians , without any peculiar and setled Jurisdiction . Which is but gratis dictum , sayd without all proof . See Velitatienes polemicae , by I. D. pag. 96 But at last this Author , as not satisfied with former Answers given , and granting that the Fathers in truth do make for them ( as indeed they do ) yet he would not have their Testimonies amount , to so much as to the clearing up of Divine Right , so strongly stood upon by divers , as he speaks . But the matter of Fact then is granted , that there were such Ecclesiastical Officers which the Fathers owned and allowed of . And being the Divine Right of their Office was not then questioned ; it is as easie for us to affirm . that as those Fathers did not deny it , so they owned it , as it is for that Author to say , That they were but admitted as an expedient and behoovefull Order in the Church , or on prudentiall grounds ; To use his own expressions quoted before , Vide Pag. 96. Sect. 30. Although this being granted will be sufficient to vindicate this Office of the ruling Elder from all suspition of novelty : and to shew , That it was no new fangled device of Calvin at Gevena , as some tauntingly have sayd . And for your admittance of the ruling Elder , this might be sufficient for your satisfaction , as we think , according to your Principles . But now to return to the Texts alledged by us , to prove the Divine Right of the ruling Elders Office. After you had sent us to the Fathers to consult them , you tell us , Many there are , that apply them to the Bishops , and amongst these you instance Doctor Fulk , applying these Texts to the Bishops onely , whom ( you say ) you quote in regard of the moderate Judgment , he was supposed to be of in point of Church-government , &c. But you having not dealt so fairely with Calvin , as had been meet , you must pardon us , if we cannot take the matter you quote him for , upon trust and from your representation of him . You do not here cite the place , but for what reason your selves best know , as we leave it to the Reader for to judge . But the words , that you alledge out of him ( though mangled by you ) we find in him , in his Answer to the Rhemists on Titus . 1. 5. And we shall give them the Reader intirely and at full length , and they are these . Amongst whom ( speaking of the Clergy ) for Order and seemly Government , there was alwaies one Principall , to whom by long use of the Church , the name of Bishop or superintendent hath been applyed . Which Room Titus exercised at Crete , Timothy in Ephesus , and others in other places . Therefore although in Scripture , a Bishop and an Elder is of one Order and Authority in preaching the Word and administration of the Sacraments ( as Hierome doth often confess ) yet in Government by ancient use of Speech he is onely called a Bishop , which is in the Scripture called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rom. 12. 8. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Heb. 13. 17. However it is not reasonable , that we should be obliged , to own every expression here used by this reverend Author , who is produced by you as an Adversary to us in the matter in Controversie ; yet here we desire that it might be observed : 1. That he onely saith , for Order and seemly Government there was alwaies one Principall , to whom by long use of the Church the name of Bishop or superintendent hath been applyed . By which words he seems clearly to intimate , that that superiority , which a Bishop had above the rest of the Clergy or Presbyters , was but an Ecclesiasticall Constitution onely in that he ascribes it to Order and Decency . 2. He makes a Bishop and an Elder in Scripture to be but of one Order and Autority in preaching the Word and Administration of the Sacraments ( as he saith Hierom doth often confess ( all which you leaving out do obscure Doctor Fulk's meaning . For he asserting a Bishop and an Elder in Scripture to be but of one Order and Authority in preaching the Word , and attributing the difference that is betwixt them in regard of Government to the ancient use of Speech , sc . That he onely is called a Bishop , which is in Scripture called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. citing the Texts above mentioned , doth intimate a quite different sense , to what you alledge him for . For he doth not say , that the Scripture in these Texts called the Bishop onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for which purpose you alledge him ; but that by ancient use of Speech ( which might be different from the use of Scripture , and as in this particular it was ) he is called a Bishop , which is in Scripture called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. By which we doubt not it is clear to the judicious Reader , that Doctor Fulk is not in the number of those many , that ( you say ) apply these Texts to the Bishops onely , taking the word Bishops , as you take them . We have now done with that you have produced here to satisfie us touching Lay-Elders ( as you call them ) that they are not meant nor mentioned in those Texts by us alledged , which you undertook with some confidence , but have as unsatisfactorily performed , as ( we think ) ever any did , that did attempt a matter of this nature . Yet you now proceed hereupon to make your inference . That therefore it can be no betraying the truth of Christ to part with the ruling Elders , if we will seriously weigh it in the Ballance of impartiall and unprejudicate reason ( which yet you have not produced , that might with any shew , be sufficient to satisfie the Conscience , either of us , or any other men ) and to take in the other ( i. e. the Bishops ) which you say would be but a strengthning and a backing of it , though we see not how : And now you fall upon exhorting and beseeching us in the name of God ( which we hope is dear unto us ) and in the tender Bowels of Jesus Christ ( for whom we are willing to suffer the loss of all things , and to whom we profess to owe our selves , and whatever we are , or can do , as unto the Lord , that bought us , and to whom we must be faithfull , as being his Stewards ) not to stand upon circumstantials ( though the ruling Elder ( whom you exhort us to part with ) is not a meer circumstantiall matter , he being a Member of Christs Organicall Body , and an Officer appointed by him in his Church , as hath been already shewed ) or private interests ( which we see not how is any way advanced by our pleading for the ruling Elder ) but to apply our selves to the way of conjuncture and reconcilement of many poor Christian Soules , ( whose Welfare we have reason to tender , as we hope we do ) propounded by you , and called by you happy ( though , as we have shewed , apprehended by us to be both dangerous and indeed destructive unto Union ) and asserted by you to be a way of reconcilement of them , in truth , love , and peace , and which , if we could discern , we should upon that account embrace with all our hearts , we having already professed enough for peace , ( and whether our Professions and Hearts do not go together , is known to the Searcher of the Hearts and Reins ) as our earnest contending for the truth , is that which hinders some men from being at peace with us . But after you have propounded the tearms of reconciliation , which you beseech and beg of us , againe and againe to accept of ( though we should not need to be so earnestly intreated , if they were safely to be admitted of ) you come to urge some Fruits , that would ensue upon our hearkning to your motion . And here we shall not deny , but the blessing that might redound to all parties , in a just way of reconciliation , would be unconceivable , as it is that , we shall be ready to lay out our selves to our utmost for ; as we see there is any hope , or probability to attain it . We do also confess , that the lives and manners of dissolute persons ( and how many there are amongst your selves of that sort , you say you are but to too conscious , as we do earnestly pray , that both you and we may be so sensible thereof , as that we may more truly and deeply lay it to heart ) may , by a true loving accord , which yet is to be in the way of truth , with brotherly admonition and exhortation be reclaimed ( and in which way their reformation is most desirable ) or by due censures corrected and amended , we not being willing , that such sharp Physick should be applyed for any other end . But here we cannot but express our feares , least there be some amongst us ( and we heartily wish , that you be not found in the number ) that are of that temper , that , whatever might be the fruit of brotherly admonition and Church censures , and of reconciliation and union amongst all Parties ( and hereof you profess to be desirous ) they are resolved to be reconciled in no other way , then upon admittance of Episcopacy , and casting out of the ruling Elder , But with those that are of this stamp , we have no hopes of any cordiall Union , till God alter their Judgments and change their hearts . But whereas , to perswade us to accept of the tearms of Union by you propounded , you now do further add and say ; That amongst our selves also , many ( who returning to their Canonical Obedience , which they have sworn to ) may blot out the charge of Schisme that lies upon them : and the Church of God be continued amongst us , from age to age , to the end of the world , in a succession of a lawfully ordained Ministry . We are far from being convinced by these Argument , and must take the liberty to speak to them particularly , and fully , that so we may wipe off the Aspersions , that thereby are cast upon us , and the Church of God. The Arguments you here urge , are two ; we shall speak unto them both , and in their order . ( 1. ) And here we shall speak in the first place unto the charge of Schisme , that you would fasten upon us ; reserving unto another place our Answer unto the charge of Perjury , where you do it more plainly and expresly , though here you might intend to insinuate it . But as touching that of Schisme , you plainely declare , That such Ministers ( and of this sort , you say , there are many amongst us , though if we should put you to prove this , you would never be able to make it out ) as return not to that canonical Obedience ( as you call it ) which they were sworn to ( as you say ) lye under the blot of Schisme . But in your next Paper , you charge us with this more then once , and call it a Rent indeed , a Schisme in the highest . * We shall not examine that , which you here seem to take for granted , sc . that all Ministers that were ordained by Bishops , did swear Canonicall Obedience to them , ( which we are sure is very untrue concerning many ) as how far those , that did take any such Oathes , were bound to obey , is not to our purpose now to discuss . But as to that blot of Schisme , you would bring us , and the Ministers of these Nations under , who return not to that Obedience , they sometimes yielded to their severall Diocesans , we must speak the more fully , because the Charge is foul . ( 1. ) But we shall in the first place speak something of the nature of Schisme . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Schisme , signifies a Rent or Division : So it is used 1 Cor. 12. 25. That there be no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Schisme in the body . In Js. 7. 43. its sayd , There was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a schisme or division among the people because of Christ . And John 9. 16. Therefore some of the Pharisees said , this man is not of God , because he keepeth not the Sabbath day : Others said , how can a man that is a sinner , do such Miracles ? And there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a division or schism among them . So John 10. 19. And so we read Acts 4. 4. That the multitude was divided , and part held with the Jews , and part with the Apostles . This acceptation of the word is general , and may comprehend under its Latitude any kind of Dissention . And hereupon Divines , though restraining it to Dissentions or Divisions about matters of Religion , speak of a good Schisme , that is justifiable ; which is the dissolution of a bad Union , and that is but a conspiracy against God , as was that Union , that was amongst the Jews , before they heard the Doctrine of Christ , of which John 10. 19. By this kind of Schisme afterwards , the whole World was rent , and of which Christ speaks , Matth. 20. 35. For I am come to set a man at variance against his Father &c. And hereupon Gerhardus * in answer to Bellarmines charge of Schism upon the Protestants , saith ; Denique concedimus nos esse sano sensu schismaticos , quia scilicet ab Ecclesia Romana , & ejus capite Pontifice Romano secessionem fecimus , nequaquam vero ab unitate Ecclessiae , & ejus capite Christo Jesu nos separavimus . At beatum schisma ! per quod Christo & verae catholicae Ecclesiae uniti sumus . This Schisme is that , which is commanded Come out of her my people , Revel . 18. 4. And of this Schisme Ambrose speaks , Siqua est Ecclesia , quae fidem respuit , deserenda est . 1. e. If there be any Church , that refuseth the faith , it is to be forsaken . But as when we speak of Schisme , it is usually taken in the worse part , so it is the bad and sinfull Shisme , that is here spoken of . But thus also it is sometimes taken generally , for any division in the Church , that is unwarrantable ; and so it comprehends also Heresie . And so the words Heresie and Schisme are sometimes used in the same sense , 1 Cor. 11. 19. For there must needs be Heresies , or Schismes , or Sects , that those that are approved , may be made manifest among them . Although strictly Heresie be opposed unto Faith , and Schisme unto Charity . And this leads us to shew , what Schisme is , taken strictly and properly , which in brief may be thus described . Schisme is a dissolution or breach of that union , that ought to be amongst Christians , consenting together in the same Faith. And because this breach of Union doth chiefly appear , in denying or refusing Communion with the Church , in the use of Gods publick Ordinances , therefore that kind of separation is by a kind of singular appropriation , truly and rightly called Schisme . Thus much for the opening the nature of Schisme . Now because you here charge us with it , we must needs tell you , the charge is great . For Schisme truly and properly so called , and as it is taken in the worser part , is a very hurtfull , dangerous , and pernicious evil : The Apostle warned to take heed of it , and condemned it in the Church of Corinth , 1 Cor. 1. V. 10. 11 , 12 , 13. It is a work of the flesh , and therefore the Apostle proves the Corinthians to be carnall , because of the divisions , that were among them , 1 Cor. 3. 3 , 4. It is a great offence against Christs being a rending of the Unity of his mystical Body . It is a wrong unto the Church , whose peace is thereby disturbed : and to the Members of the Church , their edification being thereby hindred . And to conclude , Schisme opens the door unto Heresie , into which it doth oftentimes degenerate , and so makes way to separation from Christ . And therefore you here charging us to lye under the blot of Schisme , untill Episcopacy be againe admitted of , and there be a returning to that Obedience , that formerly hath been given to the Bishops , should have produced some Arguments for the making out your Charge . But here you are wholly silent , and think it sufficient to insinuate this so high a Charge , without giving any reasons to convince us of our guiltinesses . As if we must presently without reason judge our selves , because you accuse us . ( 2. ) Yet because some may be ready to take the matter upon trust , and , except we purge our selves from this Crime , by saying something for our selves , conclude we are guilty , because you say so ; we shall therefore in the second place offer to the Reader these following considerations , that we may thereby clear our selves from this foul aspersion . ( 1. ) That though Episcopacy be never restored and neither we , nor any other Ministers in this Land , return to that Canonicall Obedience , that hath formerly been yielded , yet still both we and they may continue in Communion with the same Church of England , that we held Communion with during the continuance of Episcopacy , and with which we also do hold communion in all the Ordinances of Gods Worship , Word , Sacraments , and Prayer . This in the beginning of this Paper you do not deny , for you there speak of us , as Brethren of one and the same Church and Fellowship . And we know not , what other Church you mean , but the Church of England ; some of you , that are the Subscribers of this Paper , not being Members of the particular Church at Manchester , nor any of you acknowledging , or owning our Presbyterian Classicall Church or Association . And therefore you here take us to be of the same Church of England with your selves , and confess , that we are in fellowship with it , notwithstanding Episcopacy be taken away ; and which is that , which we our selves do constantly profess . ( 2. ) That that Episcopacy that was submitted to by the Ministers of this Land of later times , was burthensome and grievous : It spoyled the Pastors of that power ; which of right did belong unto them , and which they did not onely anciently exercise ( as Doctor Vsher shews in his Reduction of Episcopacy , to the form of Synodicall Government , received in the ancient Church , Pag. 3 , 4 5. ) but which also by the order of the Church of England ( as the same Author out of the Book of Ordination shews ) did belong unto them . For he there saith , By the Order of the Church of England all Presbyters are charged to administer the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the Discipline of Christ , as the Lord hath commanded , and as this Realm hath received ; and that they might better understand , what the Lord hath commanded them , * the Exhortation of St. Paul to the Elders of the Church of Ephesus , is appointed to be read unto them , at the time of their Ordination . Take heed unto your selves , and to all the Flock , among whom the Holy-ghost hath made you Overseers to rule the Congregation of God which he hath purchased with his blood . All which power the Pastors were deprived of during the prevalency of Episcopacy , the Keys of the Kingdome of Heaven being taken out of their hands , they having neither power to cast out of the Church the vilest of Offenders , that were often kept in against their minds ; nor any power to restore into the Churches Communion , such as had been never so unjustly excommunicated , though of the best of their Flock . And so that Episcopacy , that formerly was submitted unto , was a plain and manifest usurpation upon the Pastors Office and Authority ; was very oppressive and grievous unto the Church and injurious to her Communion : and whereupon it will follow , that there is no breach of that Union , which ought to be maintained in the Church ; by not admitting of it again , but rather the Churches peace ; the power , that of right belongs unto the Pastors , and the Priviledges of the Members , are all better secured , in the absence , then in the presence of it . ( 3. ) That however both godly Conformists as well as Nonconformists , did groan under the burthensomness of it , yet in licitis & honest is , they submitted and yielded Obedience to it , whilst it continued established by the Laws of the Land ; And that out of respect to the peace of the Church , although they did not thereby take themselves obliged , to forbeare the use of any lawfull means , for their deliverance from that bondage , as opportunity was offered . And hereupon they petitioned the Parliament of late for an abolition of it , as had been formerly desired in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , and King James ; as when other Laws have been found to be inconvenient and mischievous , it was never accounted any disturbance of the civil peace , to remonstrate the grievousness of such Laws to the Parliament , that they might be abolished . ( 4. ) Let it also be further weighed , that that Episcopacy , to which you would perswade us by this Argument to return , is now abolished and taken away by the Authority of Parliament , as appears by the Acts and Ordinances for that purpose . ( See them cited in our Animadversions on your next Paper , Sect. 4. ) And therefore both the Bishops as such , and that Superiority , which they challenged and exercised over the Ministers in this Land , are dead in Law ; and so there can be no guilt of Schisme lying on the Ministers in this Land , for not returning to that Canonicall Obedience , that is not hereupon any longer due : or for not submitting themselves to that power and jurisdiction , that is extinct . There is the greater strength in this consideration , if it be observed 1. That whatever Jurisdiction the Diocesan Bishops did exercise over Presbyters , they did obtain onely by the Law of the Land , and Canon of the Church . 2. That the Parliament did lawfully take away that Jurisdiction from them , and had therein the concurrence of a reverend and learned Assembly of Divines . The first of these Propositions is clear upon this consideration , that the Scripture makes a Bishop and a Presbyter all one . This is clear from Titus , 1. Ver. 5. compared with the seventh ; whence it appears , that those , whom the Apostle had called Elders , or Presbyters , Ver. 5. he calls Bishops , Ver. 7. And indeed otherwise he had reasoned very inconsequently , when laying down the qualifications of Elders , Ver. 6. he saith Ver. 7. For a Bishop , &c. For a Bishop must be blameless . Whereunto may be added that other known place , Act. 20. 17. compared with Ver. 28. For the Apostle saith to those Elders , that the Holy-ghost had made them Bishops or Overseers of the Church . Besides , what Office the Bishops had , that the Elders had . Both are charged to feed the Flock of Christ , Act. 20. 28. 1 Pet. 5. 12. and which is both by Doctrine and Government . The Keys of the Kingdome of Heaven were committed to them , Mat. 16. 19. both the Key of Doctrine , and the Key of Discipline . The former is not denyed ; and for the other , it is proved from 1 Thes . 5. 12. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Heb. 13. 7 , 17 , 24. where we see they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that are over them ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that rule well ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that rule . And for power to Ordain , we may see its plain from 1 Tim. 4. 14. where Timothy is charged not to neglect the Gift , that was in him , which was given him by Prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . This Text you your selves tell us , in your next Paper , Sect. 5. is understood by the Greek Fathers , as Ignatius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophylact , Oecumenius , and others , and some few of the Latines also , Of the company of Presbyters , i. e. Bishops , who lay hands on the new made Bishops , or Priests . But from these several Texts thus urged , it is very manifest , that the Scripture makes a Bishop and a Presbyter both one , or one and the same order of Ministry . And hereupon it follows , that whatever Jurisdiction the Diocesan Bishops exercised over Presbyters , they had it not by Divine Right , but obtained it onely by the Law of the Land , and Canon of the Church . And thus the first Proposition is clear . We now come to make good the second . And that the Parliament did lawfully take away the Jurisdiction and whole Office of Diocesan Bishops , is proved from the grounds already layd . For this Jurisdiction of theirs above Presbyters , did not belong unto them by Divine Right ; we having proved that the Scripture makes a Bishop and a Presbyter to be both one . And therefore the Parliament , that by Law gave them their power , might , seeing just cause for it , by Law take it away . They had also just reason for to take it away , in regard of the oppressiveness and burthensomness of it , both to Ministers and People , to this whole Church and Nation , as hath been proved before . And therefore what they herein did , was justly , yea , piously , and prudently done , and for which the Church of God in this Land , both Ministers and People , do for the present , and will for the future , see great cause to bless God , for many Generations . And that they had the concurrence herein of a reverend and learned Assembly of Divines , is clear from their Exhortation annexed to the Ordinance of Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , with Instructions for taking the League and Covenant in the Kingdome of England , and Dominion of Wales . In this Exhortation of the Assembly of Divines , in answer to some Objections , they apprehended , might be made against the taking of the Covenant , they thus express themselves . If it be sayd , for the extirpation of Prelacy , to wit , the whole Hierarchiall Government ( standing as yet by the known Laws of the Kingdome ) is new and unwarrantable . This will appear to all impartiall understandings ( though new ) to be not onely warrantable , but necessary ; if they consider ( to omit what some say , that this Government was never formally established by any Laws of this Kingdome at all ) that the very life and soul thereof is already taken from it , by an Act passed this present Parliament , so as ( like Jezabels Carkass , of which no more was left but the Skull , the Feet , and the Palmes of her hands ) nothing of Jurisdiction remains , but what is precarious in them , and voluntary in those , who submit unto them : That their whole Government is at best but a humane Constitution , and such as is found and adjudged by both Houses of Parliament ( in which the Judgment of the whole Kingdome is involved and declared ) not onely very perjudicial to the civil State , but a great hinderance also to the perfect reformation of Religion : Yea , who knoweth it not to be too much an Enemy thereunto , and destructive to the power of Godliness , and pure administration of the Ordinances of Christ ; which moved the well-affected , almost throughout this Kingdome , long since to petition this Parliament ( as hath been desired before in the reign of Queen Elizabeth , and King James ) for a total abolition of the same : And then a little after . And as for these Clergy-men , who pretend that they ( above all other ) cannot covenant to extirpate that Government , because they have ( as they say ) taken a solemn Oath , to obey the Bishops in licitis & honestis : they can tell , if they please , that they that have sworne Obedience to the Laws of the Land , are not thereby prohibited from endeavouring by all lawfull means the abolition of those Laws , when they prove inconvenient or mischievous . And yet if there should any Oath be found , into which any Ministers , or others have entred , not warranted by the Laws of God and the Land , in this case they must teach themselves and others , that such Oathes call for repentance , not pertinacy in them Thus far the Assembly of Divines in their Exhortation , for the taking the solemne League and Covenant , and which we have thought requisite to transcribe , that so it may appear , how fully they concurred with the Parliament in what they did , touching the abolition of Episcopacy , as it doth also confirme by their Testimony , severall things , that have been mentioned by us , wherein the Reader may perceive their concurrence in Judgment with us . From all which it is clear , that seeing Diocesan Bishops did but obtaine that Jurisdiction , they exercised over Presbyters , by the Law of the Land and Canon of the Church : The Parliament finding this Government of Episcopacy to be very oppressive to this Church , A great hinderance to the perfect Reformation of Religion , and prejudiciall to the civill State , they might both lawsully and laudably , being therein also backed with the advice of a reverend and learned Synod , take it away . And hence it will follow , that if the Ministers of this Land , for severing themselves from the Bishops , and with-drawing their Canonicall Obedience from them , as some speake ( the Parliament according to the reverend Synod , having before taken away from them all that Jurisdiction over Presbyters , that did belong unto them ) must needs be accused of Schisme , It is a good Schisme , yea , a blessed Schisme , ( to use the words , that Gerhard did , defending the Protestants with-drawing from the Pope and the Church of Rome ) that they will be found to be guilty of . The blot whereof , as it is not to be much regarded , so it is easily wiped off ; and as we think it is already done , in the Eyes of all impartiall and unbyassed Readers , by these Considerations , which we have layd down . We have onely one thing more to add , which is the third generall Head we offer to the Reader here , before we leave this first Argument , with which you would perswade us , to returne againe to our former Yoke of Bondag . ( 3. ) For we offer it to the consideration of all impartiall men , whether considering what hath been spoken touching the nature of Schisme in the generall ; and how lawfully and laudably the Parliament did abolish Episcopacy , and how they passed by Ordinance the forme of Church-Government , Anno 1648. establishing the Presbyterian in roome of the Episcopall , and that how it was set up in this County by their Authority ; If they but observe , what your actings have been , and what your expressions are in your Papers , they will not thereupon see just cause to impute Schisme ( taken in the worst part , and as it is taken most usually ) unto you , who have been so forward , though without reason , to fasten this blot upon us ? But we are sure , during the prevalency of Episcopacy , those that were not guilty of any such disturbance of the peace of the Church , by any such boisterous Ventings of the Distempers of their Spirits , as you are , were counted and called by the Prelates Schismaticks . And from which Aspersion , though sundry of those ( being peaceable and godly , however Non-conformists ) were free , yet you being very unlike them , are not thereby quit . But we have now done with the first of those Arguments , we promised to speak to particularly , whereby you would perswade us to admit againe of Episcopacy ; and hope we have sayd to it that , which is sufficient . ( 2. ) We therefore now come to the second , wherein you still rise higher , for therein you insinuate a thing of a farre greater and more dangerous consequence , if Episcopacy be not restored . For you intimate , that it is necessary , That the Church of God may be continued amongst us , from Age to Age , to the end of the World , in a succession of a lawfull ordained Ministry . And in your next Paper , you falling foule upon us , and charging us with a rent indeed , a Schisme in the highest ; you add , which is not satisfied but with the utter overthrow of the Church , from whom they rent . Here you lay a great stress upon Episcopacy ; and such an one , as none of our true Protestant Divines , that defend the truth of our own and other reformed Churches against the Papists , would ever have layd upon it . But here two things are hinted , which we shall severally examine . 1. You intimate that by the taking away of Episcopacy , the Church is overthrowne ; it cannot be continued amongst us from Age to Age , to the end of the World , except Episcopacy be restored . 2. But yet there is a further Implication , sc . That there cannot be a Succession of a lawfull ordained Ministry ( which Succession yet you intimate to be necessary to the being of the Church ) if we have not Bishops againe , that may Ordain . ( 1. ) Unto the first of these we shall answer , after we have premised a distinction touching the word Church . For either the Church of God amongst us ( which you here speak of ) is taken essentially , for that part of the Catholick visible Church , which in regard of the place of its abode in this Land , is called the Church of England , as the severall parts of the Sea ( which yet is but one ) receive their Denomination from the Shoares they wash . Or else you take the word Church , for a Ministeriall Church , or for the Church represensative , as it is taken , Matth. 18. 27. This premised we answer ; If you take the word Church in the former sense , your Position is very gross , no other then this , that for want of Bishops , the whole Church of England is at present overthrowne ; and that there is no way of recovery of it , but by the restoring of them ; and so in the mean season it is no Church , with whom we may safely hold Communion : which layes a Foundation for separation from it , and of Apostasie unto Rome , where Bishops may be had . We shall therefore to this say no more , but onely mind you of what is well observed by Mr. Baxter out of B. Jewell , in the defence of the Agreement of the Worcestershire Ministers , Page 58. where he hath these words ; B. Jewell in his defence of the Apology ( Authorised to be kept in all Churches ) Part 2. Page 131. [ Neither doth the Church of England depend on them , whom you so often call Apostates , as if our Church were no Church without them . They are no Apostates Mr. H &c. Notwithstanding if there were not one , neither of them , nor of us , left alive , yet would not the whole Church of England flee to Lovaine . Tertullian saith , Nonne & Laici sacerdotes sumus ? Scriptum est , regnum quoque & s●cerdotes Deo & patri suo nos fecit : differentiam inter ordinem & plebem constituit ecclesiae authoritas , & honos per ordinis concessum sanctificatus a Deo. Vbi ecclesiastici ordinis non est concessus , & offert , & tingit sacerdos , qui est ibi solus . Sed & ubi tres sunt , Ecclesia est , licet Laici ] But if you take the word Church for a Ministeriall or Organized Church , we oppose your Position with these following Arguments . ( 1. ) That which we have already proved , sc . That a Bishop and a Presbyter are all one in Scripture acceptation , will necessarily inferre , that the being of a Ministeriall or Organized Church , doth not depend on the continuance or restauration of Bishops , taking them for such , as are superiour to Presbyters , either in regard of Order or Jurisdiction . For though these be never restored , yet Presbyters being continued ( that yet are Bishops in Scripture sense ) the Organized and Ministeriall Church of Christ is fufficiently secured against the danger of perishing . 2. But by the Tenent , you here hold forth , you do very uncharitably unchurch the best reformed Churches throughout the World ; The Protestant Churches of France , Scotland , the Low countries , and Geneva , must all be p●t out of the number of free Organized and Ministeriall Churches ; and their Ministers must ( because they admit not the Bishops ; that you are for ) be accounted no lawfull Ministers : Yea , you here againe very undutifully unchurch your Mother the Church of England , if she restore not Episcopacy ; and herein gratifie the Papists no little , that vilifie her and other reformed Churches , as no true Churches , and ●ry out against their Ministers as no lawfull Ministers . But blessed be God , both the Church of England , and other reformed Churches and their Ministers , have had , and still have better Advocates , and more dutifull Sonnes , then you herein approve your selves to be , to plead their Cause . 3. By this Tenent also it will follow , That all the Ordinances , that are dispensed in these Churches , are null and void . Their Baptisme is no Baptisme : The Sacrament of the Lords Supper Administred amongst them , is no Sacrament ; and the like must be said of all the Ordinances , that are dispensed in our Church , by such as were not ordained by Bishops ; and so it makes them as to outward Church-Priviledges no better then meer Heathens ; and hereupon it ministers occasion of endless Doubts and Scruples unto the Members of those Churches , of questioning the validity of their Baptisme , and whether they ought not to be rebaptized ? which doubts also by your Tenent are occasioned also to all those among your selves , that were baptized by such Ministers , as were not Ordained by Bishops . Thus you see , how you lay the Foundation of Anabaptisme , which yet you would seem to be zealous Opposers of . 4. Add hereunto , that hence it will unavoidably follow ; That you must not hold any Communion with these Churches , nor such Congregations in the Church of England , where these Ordinances are dispensed by such , as were not Ordained by Bishops ; their Ministers , according to your Doctrine , being not lawfull Ministers ; and for the Ordinance dispensed by them null and void . And here is a Rent indeed , a rent in the highest ( to use your owne expressions ) from which our old Episcopall Divines , that were sound Protestants , would never have excused you , no nor Doctor Vsher , with whom in some things you profess to close . For however he is represented by Doctor Bernard , to have held , that a Bishop had Superiority in degree above a Presbyter by Apostolicall Institution , * and had expressed himselfe sharply enough in his Letter to Doctor Bernard , Touching the Ordination made by such Presbyters , as had severed themselves from Bishops , yet a little after speaking of the Churches of the Low-Countries * he sayth : For the testifying his Communion with these Churches ( which he professeth to love and honour as true Members of the Church Universall ) he should with like affection receive the blessed Sacrament at the hands of the Dutch Ministers , if he were in Holland , as he should at the hands of the French Ministers if he were in Charenton . By which you may perceive ( however he held those Churches defective in Government for want of Bishops ) yet he neither upon this account doth unchurch them , nor would have refused Communion with them , as you , by what you do here hold forth , must needs do . 5. Nay lastly , hence it will follow , that when all the Bishops in these Lands , and those that were Ordained by them , shall be dead , if there be no Bishops to be found in any other reformed Churches , nor Ministers , that were Ordained by them , a retreat back againe to Rome must be sounded , that so we might have a lawfull Ordained Ministry and a Church : which yet cannot be , but by owning the Pope as the Head of the Church and renouncing the Protestant Religion ; as in the mean season great advantage is given to the Popish Emissaries to ensnare the weak by such a dangerous Insinuation , as this is , sc . That for want of Bishops , or that when all the Bishops are dead and those , that were Ordained by them , we have amongst us neither Church nor Ministery , nor Ordinances , and thus must continue to the end of the World , except we returne to Rome , and which they will not be wanting to tell them . But if you had consulted Bishop Jewell , Bishop Downame , Doctor Feild , Bishop Davenant , Mr. Mason , and other Orthodox Episcopall Divines in this Point , and weighed their Defences of the reformed Churches and Ministry against the Papists , you would have found , they would never have owned such a dangerous and unsound Position , as the Argument , you here urge us with to admit againe of Episcopacy , doth imply . Neither do we believe , that they , if they were now alive , would judge , that you had here argued well for your Mother the Church of England , that hath her selfe also , ever since the Reformation , even during the time of Episcopacy , acknowledged the reformed Churches of France , Scotland , Low-countries , Geneva , to be true Churches of Christ , and hath given them the right hand of Fellowship as Sister Churches , and owned their Ministers , Ordained without Bishops by Presbyters onely , to be true Ministers . ( 2. ) We now come to the second thing implyed in this your second Argument , with which you would perswade us to admit of Episcopacy , which is , as we have sayd before , that if it be not restored , there cannot be a succession of a lawfully Ordained Ministry . Which succession yet you seem to judge to be necessary unto the continuance of the Church of God amongst us . Here two things are implyed : ( 1. ) The first whereof is , that a Succession is necessary to the very being of the Church , and of a lawfully Ordained Ministry . And so 1. You do hereby strengthen the hands of the Papists , who make the Succession of Bishops and Pastors without any interruption from the Apostles , to be a Mark of the true Church , although they are therein opposed generally by our Protestant Divines . The Condition of the Church being many times such , that the Succession of publick Teachers and Pastors is interrupted . Doctor Sutlive saith well , In externa successione , quam & haeretici saepe habent , & Orthodoxi non habent , nihil est momenti . 2. You do also hereby Minister occasion of such scruples unto private Christians , as you will never be able satisfactorily to resolve . For suppose one on this ground questions the truth of his Baptisme , sc . Because he doth not know whether he was baptized by one that was Ordained by a Bishop , who himselfe also was Ordained by a former true Bishop , and he by a former , untill the Succession be carried on as high , as that we are brought to such a Bishop , that was ordained by one of the Apostles . How will you be able , making this Succession necessary to the continuing of the Church , and a lawfully Ordained Ministry , to resolve the scruples of such an one ? What Church-Story shall be able to resolve the doubts that may be moved on this occasion ? Or on what grounds ( holding the necessity of this Succession for the continuance of the Church , and a lawfully Ordained Ministry ) will you be able to satisfie the Conscience of such , as may be stumbled ? 3. Nay , will not this Assertion give occasion to sundry , to question all Churches , Ministry , and Ordinances , and so to turn Seekers ; the Grounds you lay down , giving them occasion to question the truth of our Churches , Ministry , and Ordinances . 4. Neither shall the best and ablest Ministers , that are already entred into that Calling , or such as are to enter into it , be able on your Principles in this particular , either to satisfie their owne Consciences touching the lawfulness of their calling , or be able to justifie and defend it against those , that shall call it in question But our Protestant Divines have more sure Grounds , on which to justifie our Churches , Ministry , and Ordinances , and to satisfie their own and their peoples Consciences concerning them , then what you insinuate ( 2. ) The second thing that is further implyed in this Argument , is that the Succession of a lawfully Ordained Ministry to the end of the World , doth depend upon Episcopacy , which is not true . There was a time , when Bishops had no Superiority above Presbyters ; a Bishop and a Presbyter in Scripture sense being all one , as hath been proved before . And though this Superiority should never be restored unto them , yet the Succession of a lawfully Ordained Ministry might be by the means of Presbyters Ordaining Presbyters . And thus we say it was continued , not onely in the dayes of Episcopacy , ( though not without the mixture of some corruption cleaving to the Ordination then in use ) the Bishops ( notwithstanding their usurped Superiority above their fellow Brethren ) being themselves also Presbyters , and so their Ordination valid in that respect ( and which we have constantly maintained against those of the separation ) but also in the darkest times of Popery , and that our Ministry descended to us from Christ , through the Apostate Church of Rome , but not from the Apostate Church of Rome ; as our reverend Brethren of the Province of London do well express it , in their Jus divinum ministerii Evangelici , where they do solidly and learnedly prove , That the Ministry , which is an Institution of Christ passing to us through Rome , is not made null and void , no more then the Scriptures , Sacraments or any other Gospel Ordinance , which we now enjoy , and which do also descend to us from the Apostles , through the Romish Church . And concerning which , if any one do doubt , we referre him unto the Book for his satisfaction Part 2. cap. 3. where ( as they well say ) — this great truth so necessary to be knowne in these dayes , is fully discussed , and made out . We have now at length done with both those Arguments , we promised to speak to particularly , with which you urged us to accept of the Proposall , touching the taking in the Bishops : wherein we have been the longer ( though perhaps this Discourse may by you be accounted tedious ) that so we might wipe off the foule aspersion of Schisme , that we are therein charged with , and likewise shew , that the Church of God and a lawfully Ordained Ministry , are sufficiently secured in the non-admission of Episcopacy ; and which we have also before proved , tends not to secure the Church or Ministry , but to inthrall both , and bring them under bondage . And now as touching the next Argument you use ; we are sure there is no need of Episcopacy , that the Word of God might be firmly fixed among us ; but rather we say , That the danger of its removall Westward , hinted to you lately by one of the reverend Pastors of the Church of Manchester , would by the admitting of it , be encreased ; considering how many godly , painefull Ministers were silenced by the Prelates , and driven into America of later times ; and so hereupon there would be danger , that the Word of God , that is now on the Tiptoes ( ready to remove , if God of his infinite mercy prevent it not ) should presently take its flight from us and be gone , being sent unto a people , that would bring forth better Fruit , then we have done ; or then this will be found to be , to take in Prelacy againe , and that in time of peace , after we had in the dayes of our Affliction , according to our solemne Covenant , cast it forth . Now whereas you add , that you should by our accepting of your Motions , have been happily freed from the trouble of any further rejoynder unto our Answer . Which otherwise ( as you say ) you must do , amongst other considerable reasons , to take off our Government , from that establishment of Authority , upon the proof whereof the most considerable part , as to the bulke , of our Answer , doth insist . We shall here onely mind you of some few particulars ; 1. Though we shall not take advantage of words , yet when you tell here of a Rejoynder to be made to our Answer , from which you should have been freed , if we had closed with your Proposals , we do not conceive you speak properly . For your first Paper was your Bill of Complaint , which we answered , and to one part whereof you reply in this Paper , in way of tender of some tearms of agreement ; which because not accepted of by us , you reply to our Answer more particularly in you next . This did concerne you to have minded who carp at words ; that we used in our Answer , though , as we shall shew , when we come to it , without any cause . 2. You here say , That the most considerable part of our Answer , as to the bulke , doth insist upon the proof of the establishment of our Government by Authority ; and this you say againe and againe in your next Paper , though without any shew of truth : as when we come to examine that Paper , we shall there manifest . 3. You by this close intimating or rather Threatnings , that if we did not come up to your Proposalls , you must be put to the trouble of a Rejoynder ( as you speak ) amongst other considerable reasons , to take off our Government from the establishment of Authority , that we lay claime to : And having told us in your first Paper ; That it concerned us to look to it , whether we had not run our selves into a Premunire , gave us sufficient reason ( as we believe all candid Readers will judge ) to put you upon the work to unvalid our civill Function , and which is all that in your Advertisement to the Reader you can charge us with , as that which ministred any occasion of provocation : and which it seems was so great , after you had recived that Answer , that in your next Paper , even after you had slept upon it , it breaks forth into a flame . But we should have judged you a great deale more happy , if you had never put your selves upon the trouble of such a Rejoynder ( as you call it ) considering what unquietness and distemper of Spirit you do there discover , as every Reader may easily conceive , that if from our Answer to your first Paper , you conceived some hopes of an amicable and friendly agreement of differences , and as you profess in your Advertisement to the Reader , you did ; you had no just cause given you to conceive from those verball exceptions against the last passage of your Reply , that we gave you , as you there speak ; nor from the Work we put you on which you there mention ; that we intended not any friendly treaty with you in order to such a Composure . Although we must needs confess , that if you conceived hopes of agreement with us , upon the tearmes you here propound , you were therein much mistaken ; they being those very things we expresly cautioned against in our Answer , as we have said before ; having also fully shewed your further great mistake , when you appehended , we quoted Dr. Vsher , as our owne man , or an Vmpire and Composer of differences betwixt us , as likewise hath been declared before : Although we must still say , that Dr. Vsher doth Patronize , whatever we quoted him for : And this may be a sufficient Answer both to the last passage in this Paper , and likewise to what you have in your Advertisement to the Reader , which is subjoyned to it . But we have thus finished our Answer to this Paper ; wherein we have been purposely the larger upon some Points ; that , they being here more fully discussed , as occasion was offered , when the things you have here hinted , shall come againe to be mentioned in your next Paper , this our Answer to them , once for all , may suffice . The third and last Paper that was presented to us by certain Gentlemen and others within the bounds of our Association . To the first Classe at Manchester within the Province of Lancaster , these . SECT . I. Though we could not but take notice of the prolixity of your last answer in writing , yet we gave you an acknowledgment of your civility , so far as it related to us , and hoped you would have closed with us in a happy , and amicable union , and composure of all differences amongst us , in the Church of God here ; you pretending so cordially to desire it , and we condescending to come so near , even ( as it were ) to your own tearms . But oh ! that there had been such a heart in you ! then had you spared us the pains of this Rejoynder to your long Answer , made longer , through that needless and tedious discourse of yours , concerning the civil sanction of the Presbyterian government : And though ( in the very Preface ) you say your leasure will not permit you to spend time about impertinencies ; its wonder to think how quickly you forget your selves : for you no sooner have said it , but straightway fall in hand , to prove this Thesis , viz. That your Church government is established by the Law of this Land , and to stuff your Paper , with the recitall of sundry Orders and Ordinances of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , &c. which takes up many pages throughout your paper : Which as it was no Question of ours , but started now by you , we shall not here take the pains to reply to , but defer it till anon : Though ( we crave leave to tell you ) you have hereby started more doubts then you can assoyle , and said more , then you have as yet proved , or can make good : but we have not leasure at present to follow you further then our way lies , and therefore come to the matter in hand . The Animadversions of the first Class within the Province of Lancaster , on this paper . 1. FIrst , There was no reason , why ( though our answer was large ( which you complain of ) seeing it was in order to , and necessary for your satisfaction ) that should hinder your acknowledgement of our civillity towards you ; especially considering those sharp reflections on us , and on our Government in your first paper , ( which in your second you do not deny ) and which ministred unto us occasion of provocation ; but we were resolved not to answer you in your own kind , as through the grace of God we hope ( though we must deal faithfully with you ) we shall keep our selves still from returning railing for railing ; notwithstanding in this paper you deal farre more uncivilly and unchristianly with us , as the Reader will perceive . Secondly , But whereas you acknowledge our civillity only so farre , as it related unto you , we cannot see any reason for this restriction , we having not dealt uncivilly with any , that we had occasion to mention or quote in our answer . Thirdly , Neither did we give any occasion , by the answer we gave you to your second paper , to conceive that we intended not an amicable union , and composure of differences , according to our profession of our cordial and hearty desires ; although ( we must needs confess ) whatever your hopes were , we did not apprehend any great likelyhood of a closure with you , or that you had reason so to conceive , upon the termes you propounded in your second paper , as we have said already in our answer to it ; except you thought we might be courted out of our principles , upon your earnest entreaty , without any grounds and reasons at all . Fourthly , We cannot but wonder that you should say with any qualification , that you condiscend to come to our terms ; except it be , as it were , to come to our termes , to propound in order unto peace , What ? in that very place , where we profess our selves so willing and desirous of union , we had expresly cautioned against , as being things we could not in conscience yeeld unto . But when you speak of your condescension , we cannot but thereby conceive your meaning to be this , that if you grant preaching Presbyters any power in Ecclesiastical matters , and to have decisive votes in Synods ( where the Bishops are to be the superintendents and perpetual moderatours , according to the proposals of Dr. Vsher ) you think you condiscend very farre . And upon this and other grounds , we have cause to fear , if the ruling Elders were removed , and you should come to be censured by the preaching Presbyters , your exceptions then would be as much against them in such a case , as against the ruling Elders now ; and that then you would cry up the Bishops , as having the solitary power of jurisdiction , and that it belonged not to other Ministers to meddle therein at all . Fifthly , When mentioning our professions cordially to desire peace , ( which you will have to be but a pretending to it only ) you say , Oh that there had been such a heart in us ! We must needs tell you , that we can approve our hearts to him that is the searcher of them , that there was then , and is still , a cordial desire of peace and union , with all that are truly godly and orthodox throughout the Land , however differing from us in some points , touching Discipline and Government ; and do heartily wish , that you closed with us in those desires , as cordially and heartily as we do . But we hereby perceive , that except we have an heart for Episcopacy ( condescended by you for the present to be moderated ) and to throw out the ruling Elders ( even to the forcing of our consciences against the Scriptures we urged in our answer , for the divine right of their office , and against the Scriptural arguments thence urged , to which we referred you , ( though by you sleighted ) and against the reasons also we urged in our answer , where we cautioned against moderate Episcopacy , never so much as attempted to be answered by you ) you judge us to have no hearts for peace . Sixthly , Whereas you say , our discourse concerning the civill sanction of our Presbyterian Government ( which produced the authority that awarranted all that was in that paper , we published in our several Congregations , and whatever we have acted in the exercise of that Government from the first to the last , since it was set up ) was needless , we leave it to the Reader to judge of , when he shall consider , that in your first paper you told us , of our making Laws and Edicts , and publishing them openly in the Church , for all to obey upon pain of Excommunication , contrary to the Laws in force — and that it concerned us to look unto it , whether we had not run our selves into a praemunire . Seventhly , But it seems you count that discourse also tedious ; though it was necessary , both for our own vindincation , and to give you full and particular satisfaction , touching the rules prescribed unto us in the forme of Church-Government to walk by ; besides that this fair manner of dealing with you , in bringing to your hand , what we judged you might never have enquired after , gave you the opportunity to have excepted against us , for transgressing our rule , if you had any thing to have alleadged against us in that respect : But perhaps the mentioning of any Ordinances of Parliament , and rules therein expressed for the Presbyterian Government , was that which was tedious to you , and which we have some reason for to think ; and therefore afterward you endeavour ( though you performe not what you undertake ) to take them all away , and utterly to nullifie all Ordinances of Parliament whatsoever . Eightly , You judge also , that we quickly forget our selves , when we said in our answer , our leisure would not permit us to spend time about impertinencies , and yet presently fall upon alleadging of sundry Orders and Ordinances of Parliament ; but these were not produced by us to prove , that the Presbyterian Government was established by the Law of the Land , but to give you some account how the setting up of the Presbyterian Government in this County , the dividing it into several Classes , the making those Classes into a Province , and appointing this Class to be the first , was all done by Authority of Parliament : this being the inference that we made from our recital * of the Orders and Ordinances of Parliament , that were mentioned in our answer , and which was occasioned by your selves , who having intituled us in your first paper , The first Class at Manchester , within the Province of Lancaster , then presently added , Give us leave to salute you in your own terms : We judged you might be ignorant of the particular Orders and Ordinances touching what concerned this Province of Lancaster , and this Class in particular , in the particulars above-mentioned , though you might have seen some Ordinances in the general , for the Presbyterian Government , and which we believe any indifferent Reader will discern , are distinct things ; as the Parliament also in passing them , distinguished them ; and therefore you should not have dealt so disingeniously with us , as to have accounted the discourse impertinent , which was necessary for your information , if you were ignorant : If you knowing these Orders and Ordinances , would yet have this discourse impertinent , notwithstanding your jerking us , for calling our selves the first Classis within the Province of Lancaster , ( which terms we told you we gave not to our selves , till the Parliament had first given them us ) we leave it to the Reader what to judge of it . Ninthly , Here is also another strange assertion , when you say , it was no question of yours , whether our Government be established by the Law of the Land ; when as in your first paper , in the words thereof recited even now , you told us of our making Laws and Edicts , and publishing them contrary to the Laws in force , and questioning whether we had not run our selves into a praemunire . Doubtless if our Government be established by Ordinance of Parliament , and that Ordinance awarrant us for whatever was published by us in the paper , and yet that be asserted by you to be contrary to the Laws in force , it must needs be a question of yours , whether our Government be established , by the Law of the Land ; as it is that which afterward you go about to prove , that it wants the establishment of Authority ; and so however you dare not tell the Justices of the Peace , that have acted on other Ordinances of Parliament ( that yet are also null and void , if that we have acted on be ) that they are not thereby sufficiently secured against the danger of a praemunire ; yet you dare tell us of this once and again , and yet also it be no question of yours , whether our Church-Government be established by the Law of the Land ; but how contradictory these things are one unto another , we leave it to be judged of . As touching our starting more doubts , then ( as you say ) we can assoyl , we shall have leisure hereafter to examine , in the place where you have a mind to encounter us , and now shall follow you in the way you have chosen to go in . And so we come unto the next . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. II. To that mistake you charge us withall , in the Preface of our Paper , concerning the Title of yours , we answer ; We finde in the close of that your ●aper these words ( This presentation is approved by this Provincial Assembly ; Tho. Johnson Moderator , Edw. Gee Scribe ) So it is approved by the Provincial Assembly under that title of a presentation as we call it , in all the Copies we have seen : But this ( as you say ) might be the mistake of your Scribe , and not to be insisted on . It is of greater weight and moment ( you say ) to take notice of what we publish , as our sense and apprehension of it , viz. The matter contained in your Paper . Not resting in the judgement or determination of any general Council , contrary thereto ( If any such should be ) much less to one of your Provincial Assemblies , &c. And here you tell us of a publique , and authoritative Judgement that is in Councils , concerning matters of Doctrine , and Discipline ( though tied to the rule of Gods Word in such proceedings , as Judges to the Law ) to which we ought to be subject ; And how far is that ? viz. They have the power of expounding , and explaining the difficult places of Scripture , as the Judges have of the exposition of the Law ) And in this sense we ought to subject to the sense , and determination of a general Council . And therefore ( you say ) Questionless if in the time of S. Augustine , ( who was no con●emner of Synods and Councils ) any in this sense had declared , That they would not have submitted their apprehensions to their Judgement , he would have cried out against them , as well as against the Donatists , O Impudentem Vocem ! And you hope , when we have weighed the matter better , we will not in this sense , see any reason , to refuse to submit either our sense and apprehension of your Paper , or what we may publish as our own private judgements in other matters about Religion to the judgement of a generall Council supposing it might be had . God forbid but we should submit ; neither need we for this to weigh the matter better , for in this sense we have done , and yet shall submit to any shall come hereafter : Neither had you any reason so to judge your selves , or induce others to that perswasion of us , that we should in this sense refuse to submit our Judgements to the Judgement of any general Council ; Our words are plain , We publish this our sense , and apprehension of it , as far as it is plain to us , Which words you omitting , deale not fairely with us . and which words carry another sense with them ; For so far as the matter conteined in your Paper is plain to us , we close , and joyn with you ; Being as we explain our selves afterwards so fully warranted thereto by the Word of God , and constant practise of the Catholique Church that therein so far as it is made thus plain unto us , we shall not submit our Apprehensions to the Judgement of a general Council : But by this Aposiopesis of yours , you would make the World believe , we refuse to submit our Judgements to the Judgement of a general Council , not onely touching matters of faith , and such Articles of Religion , which are plainly warranted by Gods Word , and constant practice of the Catholique Church : But also touching matters , which are not so plainly set forth in the word of God : Touching which last we prosess our willing submission to the Judgement of a general Council , and are glad to hear you of the same minde , though we fear ( as we shall hear you declaring anon ) you will hardly grant that to a general Council , which you seem to grant to your Provincial . In which we dissent from you as we have said . The Animadversions of the Class upon it . FIrst , We perceive you are resolved to stick to what you have once said , though it be only the taking advantage of some litteral mistake , and which in our answer we had told you was none of ours , when you called our paper by the title of a presentation , but imputed it to the Scribe , ( speaking indefinitely , which might be yours as well as ours ; though in your printed Copy you will have us to say what we did not , that it was the mistake of our Scribe ) and however you say now , that in all the Copies which you have seen ( which implies many ) you find in the close of that our paper , these words ; this presentation is approved by this Provincial Assembly , Thomas Johnson Moderator , Edward Gee Scribe : Yet we believe , that if you be put upon the proof , it will be hard for you to produce one Copy that was given forth by the Class , and written by our Scribe , where you find our paper approved by the Provincial Assembly under the title of a presentation , but of a representation only , as we said in our answer . But as in the Preface to these papers that you printed , you insinuate that we are men of low and cheap abilities ; and in this paper do afterwards jeer and scoff at us , as persons destitute of all learning , as if you would monopolize ( as all power and jurisdiction ) so all learning , and make the same proper to your selves and your own party , ( though we hope we have so much , as to fathom the depth of that which you would make some shew of ) so here we have cause to fear , you had a mind to represent us , ( and which is worse , the Provincial Assembly too , and those reverend and learned brethren , the Moderator and Scribe of it also ) to be such poor illiterate persons , as did not well know how how to write good English . Secondly , In your representing what we said touching submitting to Synods and Councils ; you do it but by the halfes , ( and so deal unfaithfully ) never so much as mentioning what we had in our answer in the first place declared , viz. that our faith was not to be resolved into the determination of any company of men on earth whatsoever , or to be built on the judgement of Synods and Councills , &c. for which we gave our reasons . And further we there said , that ( when you had said in your first paper , that as touching what you therein declare as your sense and apprehensions of ours that we published , you did not rest in the judgement and determination of any general Concil contrary thereunto : ) if your meaning therein was the same with what we had declared ours to be , you had not us differing from you . After we came to declare , in what respects they were to be reverenced ; viz. as they were the ordinances of God , and in respect of their authoritative judgement , and that , in that respect they were to be submitted to ; in which respect we said we submitted our apprehensions , in the case propounded to the judgement of the Provincial Assembly . But to make this more plain , we proceeded to distinguish betwixt a private and publick judgement in matters of Religion , allowing the private to our selves and others , who ( we said ) were all of us to see with our own eyes , and judge concerning what is to be believed in matters of this nature . Again we distinguished the publick and authoritative judgement , into a concional ( which belonged ( we said ) to every Minister , to whom the key of Doctrine was committed , by himself singly ) and juridical ; which ( we said ) belonged to Synods and Councils , who having the key of Discipline committed to them , were to enquire into , try , examine , censure , and judge of matters of Doctrine and Discipline authoritatively , ( though tyed to the Word in such proceedings ) and likewise to censure offenders ; and then we applyed this to our purpose , and said that it was in this sense , that we submitted our apprehensions , in the paper we published , to the judgement of the Provincial Assembly , and for which we urged our grounds ; all which will be clear to the Reader , upon the perusal of the second Section of our answer : But you only mention this last branch , and say , we tell you of an authoritative judgement of Synods and Councills , and how we hoped when you had weigbed the matter better , you would not in this respect see cause to submit , what you may publish as your own private judgements about matters of Religion , to the judgement of a general Council , suppose it might be had . But seeing , towards the close of this Section , you profess , you are glad to hear us of the same mind with you , touching this submission to Synods and Councills ; you should not thus maimedly have represented out opinion ; considering how vastly different ours and yours is in this matter ; as will appear from what hath been declared to be ours , and what you declare to be yours in this Section , and which we shall manifest anon to the Reader . Thirdly , You seem here to abhorre the refusal to submit , what you have published or may publish as your own private judgement , in matters of Religion , to the judgement of a general Council that hath been , or any that may be hereafter , and do complain , that we should either our selves judge , or induce others to the perswasion of you , that you should refuse to submit your judgement in the sense declared . But here we must mind you , that the sense we declared was , that there was to be a submission to them , in regard of their juridical authority ; not that faith was to be built on their judgement ; And in this latter you will be found to submit too much ; as if they should determine against you , we fear in the former you would be found to submit too little . We shall give the Reader our Reasons for both , that we may not seem to wrong you , in fastening upon you without ground , what perhaps , as we have expressed the matter , you may be ready to disclaim . For the first ; You do in this very Section profess , as touching matters which are not so plainly set forth in the word of God , your willing submission to the judgement of a general Council ; and hereafter in the sixth Section of this Paper , you say , where there is a doubt or difficulty , the Church may expound the Scripture ; although you grant what we said , soil . that it is tyed to the rule of Gods words in such proceedings , as Judges to the Law ; though we do not see , it is lawfull for any private persons to examine , whether in case of such a doubt or difficulty , the Church hath given the right sense of Scripture ; but must ( notwithstanding any grounds , they may have from that Text , which the Church may expound , or other Texts of Scripture , to the contrary ; ) submit their faith and belief in the case , to the Churches determination . For you there add and say , we are b●und up by that , speaking of the Churches exposition , as you say , we are to those cases in the Law , which are the judgement and exposition of the Judges , upon the dark places of the same : the Churches exposition and practice , ( as you there further say ) is our rule in such cases , and the best rule too — and when there is a difference about interpretation of Scripture , it is to give way to private interpretation , and dominari fidei , to lord it over the faith of others , to utter any other sense of Scripture ( which you there call the uttering of mens own fancies ) then hath been delivered by our Forefathers , as you do more fully declare your selves in that place . From all which it follows , that however in this Section you say , in matters of faith , and such articles , as are plainly warranted by Gods word , and constant practice of the Catholique Church , you refuse to submit your judgement to the judgement of a general Council ; yet in matters of Religion , that are not so plainly set forth , you do ; and to the Churches exposition , where there is a doubt and difficulty , which is your rule , and the best rule too , and by which you are bound up ; which what is it else , then to build your faith in such cases , upon their judgement , and so to submit to them , as we said , too much ? And seeing , there is almost no point of faith , but it is controverted ; if all such points must be judged , such matters , as about which there is doubt and difficulty , and not plainly set forth in Gods word ; then in all such cases it must be the Churches exposition of the Scriptures and practice ( as you do insisinuate ) that must be the rule by which you must be guided , and that on which in such cases your faith must be built ; and which , when we come to the sixth Section , we shall sh●w to be very unsound , and with the Papists , in whole or in part , to resolve your faith into the determinations of men , the exposition of the Church , or of Synods and Councils , that are the Church representative . The Reader by this account may perceive , that in this respect you submitted too much to Synods and Councils , and a great deal further then ever we submitted , as is manifest from what we have shewed , was in this our declared judgement , in our answer to your first Paper . But we shall now further proceed , to give the Reader our Reason , why if Synods and Councils ( and you say of these , you shall submit to any that shall come hereafter ) should determine against you , we feared , in regard of their juridical authority , you would submit too little . There is betwixt you and us a controversie touching the superiority of Bishop above Presbyters ; we deny it , you herein are for the affirmative . You assert in the very next Section , that Ae ▪ rius was condemned for heresie , for asserting this parity of Church-Officers ; and it is Bishops and Presbyters only that are there spoken of . There is also another controversie betwixt you and us , touching ruling Elders , whether they be by divine right or no ; you herein deny , and we affirme . In these matters then , we shall take it for granted , till you deny it , that you yeild there is a doubt and difficulty , and touching which you will not have the Scripture to be so plain , but that Fathers and Councils must be consulted in these cases ; and which was the reason , why in the case of the ruling Elder , you sent us to them for to consult what exposition they gave of the Texts that we alleadged for the divine right of those Officers . Now the Question is , whether you will submit to the determination of Synods and Councils in regard of their juridical authority ? As touching the first of these matters in difference , we shall , in our Animadversions on your next Section , shew , that there are Fathers that determine against you . As touching the other concerning ruling Elders , we have in our Answer to your second Paper , shewed , there are several Fathers that do give in clear evidence touching the being of this Officer in their times ; But as touching this Officer , vvhether he be an Officer of the Church by divine right , vve have not read of any general Council , before vvhom this case in controversie vvas brought , much less that they determined against vvhat in this point vve hold : ( but vve suppose ) that from vvhat you , or vve may alledge out of Fathers or Councils of ancienter times , these points vvill not be found to be determined , but there vvill be a difference betvvixt us still . What then is it , that you vvill submit to ? To a general Council that shall come hereafter ? If so , and that you vvill give that due respect to Synods and Councils , that may be hereafter , in regard of their juridical Authority ; Then untill a general Council may be had , that may be regularly and duely called , and rightly constituted ; seeing the matters in difference betvvixt you and us have been tryed and examined , judged and determined * against you , and for us , by a reverend and learned Synod and Assembly of Divines ( against vvhom● , your exception against our Provincial Assembly , in regard of the Elders being admitted there as members , lyes not ) that was called by the Authority of the Civil power , of this Nation under which we live ; you ought to testifie your submission to that Synod , and not contrary to their resolution of the cases in difference , and the Ordinances of Parliament for the Presbyterian-Government , and against Episcopacy , disturb the peace of the Church , by publishing your own private judgments ( if their determinations had been against us , and we had published ours in the cases in difference , you would have called them our fancies ) and thereby testifie what little respect you have to their resolutions . Upon this consideration we cannot but think ; that if a general Council should hereafter come , and determine these cases against you , you that now submit not , would not submit then : And so the upshot of the matter would be this ; that if in these or such like cases in controversie , you were otherwise resolved in your judgements , you would not submit to the determination of a general Council , in regard of their juridical authority ; only if they determined according to your resolutions , then you would submit ; wherein notwithstanding your great professions of submission , you do not submit much . Fourthly , But now you find your selves agrieved , because when you said , you did publish this your sense and apprehension of our Paper , as far as it was plain to you , we leaving out the words , as far as it was plain to you , dealt not fairly with you : for you say those words carry another sense with them , then indeed we did understand them in ; that is , as here you explain your selves ; so far as the matter contained in our Paper was plain to you , you closed and joyned with us , being ( as you say ) you explain your selves afterward ; so fully warranted thereunto by the word of God , and constant practice of the Catholick Church , that therein so far as it is thus made plain to you , you shall not submit your apprehensions to the judgement of a general Council ; but now your complaint of us is , that by leaving those words out , which you thus explain , we represent you , as if where matters were not so plain , but doubtfull , you refused to submit . The truth is , we took these words referring to our Paper , so far as it is plain to us , in opposition to obscurity and darkness , you after complaining , that other parts of our Paper were full of darkness ; and then though we left those words out , yet we could not conceive , we wronged you therein , being you could not profess your closure and joyning with us in any thing in our Paper , any further then you understood our plain meaning . But seeing you here otherwise explain your selves , and say , you did it before ; we will be more liberal to you , then you are to us afterwards , and shall allow you the liberty to explain your selves ; though we do not think , that the sound and orthodox Reader will judge that your opinion thus explained , and which you have here declared , touching your submission to Synods and Councils , is any sounder , then as we understood you to have meant those words ; and which we doubt not , but he will discern from what hath been said concerning it , in the Animadversion going before . 5. But by this explication of your selves , you have created to us a further scruple ; for it a●peats to us from thence , ( seeing you joyn the word of God , and constant practice of the Catholique Church together , ( as that which must make those matters of faith and articles of Religion so plain to you , that you thereupon will refuse to submit such matters , so made plain , and your apprehensions concerning them , to a generall Council ) that except the plainest matters of faith , and articles of Religion from Gods word be also made plain , to have been the constant practice ( rather judgment , as we think you should have expressed it ) of the Catholique Church , they are not so plain to you , as not to submit your apprehensions concerning them to a generall Council ; and so the word of God alone , even in the matters of faith and articles of Religion , that are therein most plainly contained ; shall not be a sufficient foundation , to bottom your faith upon , except it be also evident , what was the constant and universall practice ( rather judgment ) of the Church in those points ; and so your faith , even in the plainest articles of Religion , must be resolved into the constant practice , or rather declared judgment of the universal Church , and which makes it a meer humane not a divine faith . But touching this , as the rule in any cases of matters of Religion , we shall have further occasion to speak in our animadversions on the sixth Section of this paper . 6. As touching our selves , we have declared , that we did not submit to Synods and Councils , so as to build our faith on their dictates , or resolve it into their determinations ; and in this we would be understood touching all matters of faith whatsoever ; not only those that are most plainly contained in Gods word , but also such as about which there may be some doubt and difficulty , although we reverence Synods as an Ordinance of God ; and in way of means , judg it more likely in doubtfull cases , that what is Gods mind should be boulted forth to our satisfaction , by the learned debates of learned , judicious and godly Divines in such Assemblies , then by the discussion of one Bishop , or some few Ministers . But as touching the juridicall power of Synods , we profess our selves to be ready , to submit to their judgment , and did so submit our Paper wholly to the judgment of our Provinciall , which was a Synod actually in being , and to whom we knowing our selves to be accountable , and judging we ought so to be , thought it not meet to publish the Paper , that was read in our severall Congregations , except it had first been approved of by them . Now how farre we do , in this declaration of our judgements , touching our submission to Synods and Councils , concur with what here you declare to be yours , we leave it to your selves , and the Reader to judg of ; but we are sure there is herein a great distance betwixt your declared judgment and ours ; though you shall not finde afterwards , that we do hardly grant that to a generall Council , rightly constituted and regularly called , which we either in truth or any shew , do grant to our Provinciall . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. III. Having done with our Preface , you come to the matter ; and as we said , so we finde we much dissent not , onely in the third and last , concerning the Heresie and Schism of those who Erre so grossely , whether in Doctrinals , or points of discipline : You give us the reason wherefore you did not so expresly mention them , their sin , and punishment , as the grossely ignorant and scandalous ; Which is , because they are very inconsiderable in comparison of the other ; and in sundry of your Congregations ( if not in most ) not any at all , that you know of . But if you will seriously consider the number of those , that have rent themselves , from a true constituted Church , and of those who have severed themselves , from those Bishops , unto whom they had sworn Canonical obedience , and therefore in the Judgement of that Learned and Rever end Bishop Vsher and others , cannot possibly be excused from being Schismaticall : we say if you consider this , you will finde a considerable number , even within the verge of your own Association . What we said touching the way of Catechising for Information of the ignorant ; we are glad to hear you so heartily wish , for a more generall practise thereof in your Churches at home at ( you say ) it is practised abroad . It was enjoyned , and practised in the Church of England before your separation ; And if you by your pretended Reformation have destroyed that practise , the fault lies at your own doors . You understand us aright in this , That we hold it not fitting , that Persons grossely ignotant should be admitted so the Sacrament of the Lords Supper : But your conclusion thence is not good , viz. That we cannot therefore in reason deny , that there ought to be an Examination and tryall of all Persons ( de novo ) before they be admitted , &c , Especially by your Eldership , To whom ( you say ) the power of judgement and examination is committed , and not to any one Minister , before whom all must come for re-examination , whatsoever their tryall and examination heretofore hath been . Those Persons who have anciently been Catechized , and have been a long time Commoners at the Lords Table and witnessed a good confession for parts and piety , must these again yeild themselves to the examination of an Eldership before they can be admitted ? Pardon us if herein we pronounce a dissent from you . Concerning the scandalous , and wicked in their lives , you say we fully come up to you , and are glad there is an agreement in judgement betwixt us thus farre , ( viz. ) That the Churches lawfull Pastors have power to Excommunicate such , upon which ( you say ) you cannot see how we in reason can finde fault with your proceedings , in such a way , against such Persons though your ruling Elders ( which in our judgement a●e but meer lay-men ) do joyn in the Government with you : Ther 's another non sequitur , a conclusion as bad as the former , and the reason of that conclusion as weak as the rest . Because High-Commissioners , Chancellors , and Commissaries , in the time of Episcopacy ( to which Government we submitted ) that were as much Lay-men , as your ruling Elders , had so great a share as to suspend Ministers , &c. and so farre as to decree the sentence of Excommunication against them , and others , as there was occasion for it : For when you can prove that these Chancellors , Commissaries , &c. did not officiate by deputation , from and under a lawfull Pastor , but in equall right with him , and jure divino , as your ruling Elders do , Then your Comparison of them , and your ruling Elders may hold good : till then it is weak , and frivolous . Now whereas you desire to know , whom we mean by lawfull Pastors ; our Answer is , we mean such Persons as have received their Ordination from men lawfully , and truely qualified with a just power of conferring Orders ; which you ( and we believe 't is none but you ) presume one Presbyter may give another : Whereupon you instance the opinion of Dr Vsher , in a late Letter of his , set forth by Dr Bernard , and refer us to Dr Bernards animadversions upon it . We have perused the Papers to which you refer us , and finde that Dr Vsher doth not invalidate the Ordination by Presbyters , but with a speciall restriction , to such places where Bishops cannot be had : But this we must desire you to consider , is ex necessitate , non ex perjurio & pertinaciâ , which he in the next page clearely dilucidates ; his words are these , You may easily judge that the Ordination made by such Presbyters , as have severed themselves from those Bishops , unto whom they had sworne Cannnical obedience , cannot possibly by me be excused from being schismaticall . Examine your selves in this particular , we shall not judge any man. For this Purity amongst Church Officers ( an Errour first broacht by Ae ▪ rius , and for which amongst other things , he was most justly condemned of Heresie ) and Ordination by Presbyters , otherwise then before expressed , cannot possibly be made out by any instance out of Dr Vshers Letter , or Dr Bernards animadversions upon it , since he is clearly against it ; and so that Catalogue of Divines , Schoolmen , and Fathers , by you out of him collected , is frustraneously cited . Concerning submission to the judgement of Councils rightly called and constituted , we have said enough before . In which point , if you will hold to what you profess , you shall not have us dissenting from you : But we shall finde you of another minde , before you come to a conclusion . As for your Provinciall Assembly at Preston , or any other elsewhere of that nature , we say it is a new Termed Assembly ; Not for the words sake ( Assembly ) but new both in respect of the word ( Provinciall ) and place ( at Preston . ) That this County of Lancaster should be termed the Province of Lancaster , and the Synods and Assemblies therein convened ( at Preston or elsewhere ) should be termed Provinciall , all new : New also in respect of the Persons constituting this Assembly : Lay-men to preside , to rule , and to have decisive voices , in as ample manner as the highest , and chiefest in holy Orders , is a novelty , no Antiquity can plead for it : Nor doth Dr Bernard , or Bishop Vsher , that Learned and reverend Antiquary , or the Fathers , and Councils there alleadged , and by you , out of him so confidently cited , any way make for such an Assembly . And so your Provinciall Assembly at Preston , may in the Judgement of Bishop Vshor , be accounted a new termed Provinciall Assembly , and remains as yet uncleared from all suspition of novelty . The Animadversions of the Classe upon it . FIrst , We must desire the Reader to take the pains to peruse the third Section of our Answer , to which you do here reply . You do in the next Section tell us , that the most considerable part of our Answer ( as to the bulke ) doth insist on the proof of the establishment of our Government by Authority ; this you also said in the close of your second Paper : But if the Reader but compare what is contained in this Section , with what is in the next , where we prove this establishment of our Government by authority , he will finde our answer here , in this one Section , is considerably larger , then all that great bulk you complain of in the next ; and it will be found to be as much , as all that we have touching this matter throughout our whole answer . And therefore we cannot but wonder , that you should so much forget your selves , and so little consider what you say , as again and again to assert , with no small confidence , what is so farre from truth . But in this Section the Reader may further descern , that you pass over some things in silence , to which you should at the least have made some reply ; testifying , either your assent to them , and so your receiving satisfaction , or have given us the grounds of your dissent : but we shall desire that what was answered by us , and is by you replyed unto , might be compared together by the candid Reader , that he may see with his own eyes , wherein you fall short . Secondly , You profess that in some things ; you finde we much dissent not , only in the third and last , concerning the heresie and schisme of those , who erre so grosly in Doctrinals or points of Discipline , you mention the reason , we gave you , why we did not so expresly mention them , their sin and punishment , as the grosly ignorant and scandalous , scil . the inconsider ableness of the number of the former , to the number of these ; But First , This was not the only reason we gave , but there was also another mentioned , scil . because we were to give in to the Provincial Assembly , what our apprehensions were , touching the case propounded to us by them , touching some further meanes to be used , for the information of the ignorant , and reformation of the scandalous . Secondly , But yet this you pitch upon , because you had a mind to charge us , and all others , that have in our Congregations severed themselves from the Bishops , with schisme , that so you might hereby also invalidate that reason rendered of our not mentioning expresly the heretical and schismatical . But we hope we have , in our answer to your second Paper , said that , which will be sufficient to wipe off that aspersion ; and you must pardon us , if wherein Dr. Usher , in this point differing from us in judgment , expressed himself too farre , we therein ( though we otherwise reverence him both for his piety and learning ) look upon him as a man. We cannot as yet be perswaded , that the Bishops were the only true constituted Church of England ; from whom because we have severed our selves , you do here ( though without any reason ) charge us to be schismatical , and to have rent our selves from a true constituted Church . Thirdly , But seeing in this third and last , touching those that are chargeable with heresie and schisme , you profess to diffent from us , you might have testified , either your assent to , or dissent from that previous course , that in our answer we mentioned , was to be taken with these before they were to be excommunicated ; especially considering , we had told you , that though you allowed of admonition of the scandalous , before there was process to the censure of them , yet you said nothing of this course to be taken with the other ; and wherein therefore we purposely declared our selves , that if you judged the previous course of admonition necessary to be held with the scandalous , you might not censure us , as indulgent toward any of the other , that might be in any of our Congregations ( though we said the number of them was not considerable to the number of the scandalous ) because we took it to be our duty , according to the practice of the Apostles in the Synod at Jerusalem , and the Fathers of the Nicene Council , and others we instanced in , to endeavour their conviction , in the due use of all good meanes , before there was a process to excommunication . We remembred also , how quick the Prelates were , in thundering out their excommunications , against such as ( though godly and religious ) were in those times accounted by them to be schismatical ; and we thought it requisite , to bear witness against those manner of proceedings . But of this you take no notice , and we do not much wonder : for we see you count all those , that severed themselves from the Bishops , schismatical ; and may be , if they had power again in their hands , you did not much matter ( though you are willing the scandalous should be admonished before ) if all these , for their great schisme , in your esteem were forthwith excommunicated . Thirdly , As touching publick Catechizing we said , we heartily wished it had been more generally practised in our own Church at home , as it is practised by the reformed Churches abroad : But by our own Church , we meant the Church of England , as it is a national Church ; and in which , though Catechizing was enjoyned in former times , yet it was neither so generally and constantly practised , as it should have been ; else we should not have had so much cause to have complained of the gross ignorance of so many aged persons in our Congregations ( who were nor trained up under the Presbyterian , but Prelatical Government ) as now we have . And here we observe , that when you profess you are glad , to hear us so heartily wish , that Catechizing had been more generally practised , it is but that you may take occasion to affix the greater blot upon us ; for you would have it to be our Churches in whom this neglect is chiefly or only to be found ; and it is we , ( that are again by you charged with separation ) that have by our pretended reformation , ( as you are pleased to speak ) destroyed this practice . We wish as heartily in this case , as we did in the other , that you may be sensible how prone you are to revile and slander , and pray to God that it may not be laid to your charge . But you might have remembred , that as we professed our selves to be for publick Catechizing ( which blessed be God is practised in our Churches , though you would make the world to believe that we had destroyed it ) so we professed to be for private too , that so such as were not like , in regard of age , or timorousness , to be brought to instruction by the publick , might yet by the private gain some knowledge . In the Paper also , that was published in the Congregations , there was some order appointed , for the better and more convenient practice of it . And doubtless , by how much we were willing to be at the more pains for the information of the ignorant , the greater fault will lie at your doores , and be charged upon you , ( if you repent not of it ) that by your opposition , you have not only laboured to obstruct the good courses by us propounded , for the help of poor ignorant souls ; but accused us also , that by our pretended reformation we have destroyed Catechizing . Here also we take notice , that however in your first Paper you had a proviso touching Catechizing , that it be publick , and that we thereupon gave you some reason ( though briefly ) for private Catechizing , yet this you wholly pass over in silence , and say nothing to it ; thus you pretend to make a reply to our answer , and yet but speak to what of it you please . But if you had manifested any dissatisfaction , touching private Catechizing , we should here have proceeded , to have given further reasons for it ; although this work is so fully done to our hands by Mr. Baxter in his Gildas Salvianus , that it would have been needless unto those that have read that Book , and whereunto , for his further satisfaction , we referre the Reader , if he desire it . Fourthly , If we understood you aright in this , that you held it not fitting , that persons grosly ignorant should be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , the conclusion that we inferred hence , stands good against any thing brought by you to invalidate it . But here we observe , you stretch it beyond its scope , and that in two particulars . 1. In that you would have it referre to examination before the Eldership , which was not that , which we spake of : we only said , there ought to be examination and triall of all persons before they be admitted to the Lords Supper , not determining here , touching the persons by whom this examination was to be made ; but only inferring , that then there ought to be this examination ; that so the grosly ignorant might not be admitted , as they might be , if all promiscucusly were to be admitted without any triall at all ; and which was the reason , that we alleadged in our answer , for the inference we made , and which still stands good , you urging nothing at all to take away the strength of it . It is true , that the examination and judgement of all such as shall for their ignorance , not be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , is to be in the power of the Eldership of every Congregation , and not in the power of one Minister only , by the rules of our Government . a But this was not the thing we there spake of ; we only concluded , that there ought to be an examination , and hoped that we had gained from your own concession , this one further step , toward an agreement betwixt you and us , that all such persons , as should be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , must be examined by some or other , not determining by whom ; there being no way to discover the ignorant , but by triall . And as touching our practice , it is well known , that when the Eldership is sati●fied , touching the knowledge of such as offer themselves to that Sacrament , upon the examination of a Minister and one Elder , or upon the examination of two Ministers ( however none is to b● debarred for their ignorance , but by the juridical act of the Eldership , and which is for the better securing of the Church-priveledges to the members , then to have left the power to the Minister alone ) such are not required , to be examined before the Eldership , but are upon the testimony of the examiners , ( there being nothing to be objected justly against them ) admitted by the authority of the Eldership . 2. There is also another thing , wherein you would make our inference to be that , which indeed it was not ; for neither did we speak , concerning any examination de novo , of such persons , as had been formerly admitted ; our words recited even now , and to be seen in our answer , do plainly speak , concerning an examination before admission to the Lords Supper , not concerning an examination de novo . Indeed we shall neither be ashamed of , nor deny what is our practice , which is to take a triall of all the communicants de novo , before admission of them to the Lords Supper . We well remember how under the Episcopall government , there was a generall admission , and that sundry grosly ignorant did croud in amongst the rest , unto this Ordinance ; and therefore that these might be discovered , and kept off from this Sacrament , till fitter for it ; we judged it requisite , that , according to that power that is glven to the Eldership in the form of Church-government , for this purpose , there should be a triall taken of all the communicants , that so there might be some distinction made , and not be a promiscuous admitting of all as heretofore . And we are sure , that such amongst us , who , having been anciently catechised , and a long while commoners at the Lords Table , ( to use your own expressions ) have witnessed the best confession for their parts and piety , have been the most forward , to draw on others to be willing to be re-examined , by their own good example therein ; and that the greatest opposers of this course , however they may be some of them persons of parts , yet have been such , as have been either scandalous in their lives , or not so forward for piety as were to be desired . We have thus given an account , of what is our practice in this matter ; but this examination of communicants de novo , was not the thing we here spake of , as why the examination of them before their admission of them at the first , was here mentioned , we have delared before . But we see you are willing , to lay hold on any thing , wherein you apprehend you have any advantage against us , though it be never so small . Fifthly , You charge us again with another non sequitur ; when we inferre , that if the Churches lawfull Pastors have power to excommunicate the scandalous , we see not in reason , how you can find fault with our proceedings , if there should be occasion for our censuring any such persons ; but this inference yet stands good against any thing by you alleadged to the contrary , and in it self is clear and manifest ; being there is no excommunication that passeth with us against any , but by the juridical act of the lawfull Pastors of our several Churches or Congregations ; and whose power by you should not be questioned , or the validity of their censures , because of the concurrence of the ruling Elders ; as by way of preventing an Objection , we hinted to you in our answer , considering what power was exercised in the time of Episcopacy , by the High Commissioners , Chancellors and Commissaries ( as much Lay-men then in your judgement , as ruling Elders can be now ) to whom yet there was a submission by you ; This reason you say is weak , but you do not prove it to be so ; Nay here you fall short in two main points , For 1. You misrepresent the matter of fact , and that in two particulars : 1. When you would intimate , that the High-Commissioners , Chancellors and Commissaries , did all of them officiate by deputation from , and under a lawfull Pastor ; when as it is manifest , the High-Commissioners had no deputation from the Bishop , but received their Commission from the King , ( if not the Chancellors also , ) and did act in those Ecclesiasticall censures , that were by them passed , in joynt and equall power with the Bishop by virtue of their Commission . 2. The Parliament , that did appoint the ruling-Elders in the form of Church government , did not oblige any , that were to submit to them , to acknowledg the jus divinum of their Office , neither do we impose this opinion of them upon any . And therefore , notwithstanding our own judgment concerning them in this respect , the comparison betwixt them and the other , as to what is necessary for your satisfaction , doth still hould good , and is neither weak nor frivolous , as you say . 2. But if the matter of fact should be granted to have been according to your representation , sc . that High-Commissioners , Chancellours , &c. did all of them officiate by deputation from , or under a lawfull Pastor , how doth this help the matter , to make your submission to these lawfull , and yet your submission to the ruling Elders unlawfull ? For 1. we are as yet to learn ( and we think you will never be able to make it good ) that a trust committed to one by man * , much less reposed by God in an officer in the Church , and particularly in the Pastor may be delegated . If this be so , he might sufficiently discharge his duty by another , preach by another , administer the Sacrament by another , as well as dispense the censures of the Church by another , who yet himself is to give an account of their souls unto God ; which he will never be able to make , in the omission of those duties in his own person , though he appoint another unto them . But being the highest officer in the Church , doth not himself act out of plenitude of power , ( for that were to make him a Pope and Antichrist ; that belonging only to Jesus Christ the King and Lord of the Church , to whom all power is given in Heaven and earth ) and hath no more but a ministry committed to him , which he hath received of Christ , as his servant , who hath required him to fulfill it ; he may not depute any other as under him , or as his servant , to do that which his Lord and master hath intrusted him with , and appointed him to do himself . 2. But further we do here enquire of you , whether by virtue of that deputation , which the persons spoken of received from a lawfull Pastor , according to your allegation , you will have them to be Ecclesiasticall officers , or but meer lay-men still ? If , notwithstanding that deputation , they be but meer lay-men , how will you awarrant them to meddle with Ecelesiasticall censures ? because deputed thereunto by the Bishop ? when God hath excluded all those that are but meer lay-men from medling authoritatively with Ecclesiasticall matters ? If the High-Priest in the time of the Law , had given to Vzziah a Commission , to have gone into the Temple of the Lord , to burn incense upon the Altar of incense , and he had so officiated by deputation from and under him , would that have been sufficient to have born him out in so doing , whenas that work pertained not unto him , but unto the Priests the sonnes of Aaron , that were consecrated to burn incense ? If by vertue of that deputation they had from the Bishops , they were Ecclesiasticall officers , invested with authority , to exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and dispense Church-censures , and so not meer lay-men ; we may say much more for the outward call unto that office , that our ruling Elders do execute , they having been elected by the people ( that anciently had a vote in the choice , even of the very Bishops , as is clear from the Records of Antiquity ) and examined by the Pastors of the Churches , and by them approved as fit , and set apart solemnly to rule in the house of God by exhortation and Prayer , as hath been said before . 6. But you now go on , and declare whom you mean by lawfull Pastors , sc . such persons as have received their Ordination from men lawfully and truely qualified with a just power of conferring Orders . Now these , according to what you have declared in your former Paper , are the Bishops , without whom , you there insinuate , the Church of God cannot be continued amongst us , in a succession of a lawfully ordained Ministry , and so at once cashier out of the numbet of law-full Pastors , all such Ministers either of our own , or other reformed Churches , that are ordained by Presbyters onely , and to whom you allow not the power of Ordination , as you here also do plainly declare your selves . But we have in our answer to that clause quoted out of your former Paper , sufficiently ( as we hope the Reader will judg ) declared the absurdity of this your opinion : And you your selves ( as all men may see ) may hereby perceive how vain a thing it is , for you and us to labour in any way of accommodation , whilst you retain these principles , they being destructive to union , and your communion in severall of our Churches , either in Baptisme or the Lords Supper . For how can you have communion in those Ordinances dispensed by such Ministers amongst us , as being ordained by Presbyters onely , you on this ground will conclude to be no lawfully ordained Ministers ? And therefore if you be cordiall for union , we wish you to revise what you have as touching this matter asserted , and weigh what in our former Paper we have opposed unto it . But as touching the power of ordaining Presbyters by Presbyters onely , you will have it to be our opinion onely , and that in this we are singular ; for you say , we ( and you believe it is none but we ) presume one Presbyter may confer orders upon another . And here indeed 1. If we held that one Presbyter might ordain another Presbyter , you had reason to accuse us of singularity : but we are professedly against all solitary power in ordination , as well as in jurisdiction , by whomsoever this power is , or hath been exercised . 2. But if your meaning be , that it is we onely that hold , Presbyters alone , without any Bishops , may ordain Presbyters : 1. You might have known , that this was and is the judgment of the reformed Churches abroad , as well as ours . 2. And further you may remember , we alleadged out of Dr. Bernard , the testimony of severall Episcopall men , as well as of Dr. Usher , asserting and proving , that in places where Bishops cannot be had , the ordination of Presbyters standeth valid ; which speciall restriction we mentioned in our Answer ( as the Reader will finde ) and which , though added , would not have hindred ( if you had been of the same opinion with them ) but you might have acknowledged , that such as are with us ordained by Presbyters onely , are notwithstanding lawfull Pastors ; Bishops being now taken away by the power of the civil Magistrate , and excluded from having any liberty to ordain , by those acts where Prelacy is exempted from that indulgence , that is granted to some others . If also that Catalogue of Divines , Schoolmen and Fathers , that we cited out of Dr. Bernard , ( who are cited by him also out of others ) be consulted , they will be found to affirm ( as we said in our Answer , though you take no notice of it ) that Episcopacy non est ordo praecisè distinctus a Sacerdotio simplici ; Bishop Davenant ( as he is alleadged by Dr. Bernard for this purpose ) producing the principall of the Schoolmen , Gulielmus Parisiensis , Gerson , Durand , &c. for this opinion . Whence also it is evident , that they are not by us frustraneously cited , though it be an easie matter for you to assert the same without any reason , or ever answering to what they were alleadged for to affirm . We shall not here deny , but Dr. Usher saith , that the ordination made by such Presbyters , as have severed themselves from those Bishops , unto whom they had sworn canicall obedience , could not possibly by him be excused from being schismaticall . But yet he doth not say that the ordination by them is null and void , although in his judgment there was thereby a schisme made . There may be schismes in the Church ; yea some particular Churches may be schismaticall , and yet for the substance of them continue true Churches of Jesus Christ ; as if it were to our purpose , might be cleared both from Scriptures , and also Fathers . But as touching the aspersion of schisme , that is cast on such Presbyters that have severed themselves from the Bishops , we hope it is sufficiently wiped off , by what we have already spoken in our answer to your second Paper . 7. However it seems that charge was not high enough , and therefore in this you proceed further , charging us with perjury and obstinacy ; for you having mentioned that speciall restriction of Dr. Ushers , of not invalidating the ordination by Presbyters , where Bishops cannot be had , add and say , but this we must desire you to consider , is ex necessitate non ex perjurio & pertinacia ; and however you would smooth up the matter , by bidding us . examine our selves in this particular , and saying you shall not judge any man ; yet it is plain enough to any discerning Reader , who they are that are charged by such expressions . But as touching the thing it self , we shall now examine the justness of the charge . And first we shall begin with that of perjury , unto which we shall need to say the less , considering that the grounds layd in our Answer to your second Paper , ( proving that such Presbyters , as since the Parliaments abolishing Prelacy , have severed themselves from the Bishops , or cast off Episcopacy , are not justly to be charged with schisme ) do here also take place , to acquit such Ministers , that did swear Canonicall obedience to the Bishops , from the guilt of perjury . We shall here onely minde you and the Reader of two things ; 1. That seeing the superiority which the Bishops chalenged and exercised above Presbyters in this Nation , did belong unto them onely by the Law of the Land , ( we having proved in our Answer to your second Paper , that a Bishop and Presbyter in Scripture sense are both one ) and was taken away from them by the Legislative power of this Nation , ( as they might lawfully take it away ) that power which they exercised not being due to them by Divine right , nay being an usurpation upon the Pastors office , as hath been also shewd ) and so their whole Office as Diocesans , together with their jurisdiction , as sundry also of their Persons are all extinct ( and as is manifest in particular , touching him that was the Bishop of this Dioces ) we wonder much ( and we think every Reader will here wonder with us ) that your great heat for Prelacy , should thus farre have transported you , as to charge us with perjury , for which there is not the least colour . Consult Dr. Sanderson de juramenti promissorii obligatione ; consult all other Casuists , and you shall finde , that the best and soundest of them , do determine with one consent , that when the matter of an Oath ceaseth , the obligation by vertue of that Oath ceaseth also ; and therefore Prelacy being taken away by lawfull authority , there can be no perjury in such Presbyters , as now disown it , and joyn with other of their Brethren in the ordination of Presbyters , without the concurrence of any Diocesan Bishop , and which is the case here spoken to . 2 But every intelligent Reader will readily discern , how the Parliament is also wounded through our sides ; for if we be guilty of perjury for disowning Prelacy , it is easie for to gather , what apprehensions you must needs hereupon have of the Parliament , that by their authority took it away . But we think we have said that which is sufficient to rowl away the reproach , that is cast either on them or our selves in this respect , and therefore shall forbear to add any more . We therefore now come to the second thing , you here charge us with , which is pertinacy ; but why should we be charged with this ? For no other reason , that we can imagine , but because we cannot force our consciences , to admit of Episcopacy again ; which the Parliament , upon many weighry and sound considerations hath removed , and of the necessity whereof you never went about to convince us , either from Scripture or sound reason . But we do not question , but all sober Readers , will here see cause to censure you for great uncharitableness , laying such heavy things to our charge , for which you have not the least shew of proof ; as we we do also believe , that what you count pertinacy , they will judg to be constancy in us , in sticking close to our sound and good principles , that we must not forgoe on so easie termes , as you would have us . And however you would here make Dr. Usher to patronize you , because he confesseth the ordination by Presbyters to be valid , where Bishops can not be had , & so in case of necessity ; yet he hath not a word , touching the imputation , either of perjury or obstinacy to such Presbyters , as have severed themselves from the Bishops , as he was of a farre other spirit , then to have been so censorious . 8. As touching Ae ▪ rius , of whom you say , that he was most justly condemned for heresie , for holding a parity amongst Church-officers ; we well know that this is commonly said , by some Episcopal men , ( from whom we judge you received it ) but we also know that it hath been as often answered by such as were Antiprelatical . Mr. Banes in his Diocesans triall , hath spoken to it satisfactorily ; Dr. Whitaker saith in answer to Campians tenth reason , pag. 241. of the second Edition in Octavo ; Cum Aërio Hieronymus de Presbyteris omnino sensi● ; illos enim jure divino Episcopis aequales esse statuit : i. e. With Aërius Hierome did conceive altogether the same thing concerning Presbyters ; for he determined that by divine right they were equall unto Bishops . And because Hierome is here said by Dr. Whitaker , to be of the same opinion in this point with Ae ▪ rius , we shall give you and the Reader an account thereof from Hierome himself . His words in his Commentary upon the Epistle to Titus ( making the same inference from the words of the Apostle , Chap. 1. Ver. 5 , 6 , 7. that in our answer to your second Paper , we have done ) are these : Idem est ergo Presbyter qui & Episcopus & antequamdiaboli instinctu ; studia in Religione fierent , & diceretur in populis , ego sum Pauli , ego Apollo , ego autem Cephae , communi Presbyterorum consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur . And then a little after he saith , Putet aliquis non Scripturarum , sed nostram esse sententiam , Episcopum & Presbyterum unum esse : relegat Apostoli ad Phillippenses verba , dicentis , Paulus & Timotheus servi Jesu Christi , omnibus sanc●is in Christo Jesu , qui sunt Phillippis , cum Episcopis & Diaconis ; gratia vobis & pax , & reliqua Phillipi una est urbs Macedoniae , & certe in u●â civitate plures ( ut nuncupantur ) Episcopi esse non poterant . Sed quia eosdem Episcopos illo tempore , quos & Prebyteros appellabant ; propterea indifferenter de Episcopis quasi de Presbyteris est loquutus . Whence its clear , that he did not only hold Bishops and Presbyters to be all one , but proves this from the Scriptures ; and then after addes other Texts to prove the same thing , expounding those Texts he quotes , in the same manner as we have done in our answer to your second Paper . More might be urged out of Hierome , to shew that he was of the same opinion with Aërius , as touching the parity of a Bishop and a Presbyter : and therefore if this opinion was an heresie in Aërius ; Hierome , according to your assertion should have been also most justly condemned for heresie . But if you would but take the pains to peruse David Blondellus , he might perhaps satisfie you , that Hierome was not to be accused of heresie for this opinion ; he apologizing for him herein , and proving at large , from the concurrent testimony of the Fathers , that he held not in this any singular opinion , but what was generally received amongst the ancients . His Treatise is a large Quarto , and the main subject of it is , to apologize for Hierome in this respect , as the title of his Book doth also shew . But it is well observed by the Provincial Assembly of London , a that Ae ▪ rius was never condemned by any Council of heresie , for holding the identity of a Bishop and a Presbyter : but that on the contrary , Concil . Aquisgranens . sub Ludovieo pio Imperatore , 10. anno 816. hath approved it for true Divinity out of the Scriptures , that Bishops and Presbyters are equals , bringing the same Texts that Ae ▪ rius doth . They also well observe , that he is called an Heretique by Epiphanius and Augu●tine , but this was especially , if not only , because he was an Arrian ; and that the same Authours condemne Aërius , as much for reprehending and censuring , pr●ying and offering for the dead , and the performing good works for the benefit of the dead ; as for holding Bishops and Presbyters to be all one , and which opinion ( as it is commonly thought ) they condemned in Ae ▪ rius . But will you say , that Ae ▪ rius was most justly condemned for heresie for those opinions also ? But this for Ae ▪ rius his opinion touching a parity amongst Church-Officers , may be sufficient 9. Concerning your submission to the judgement of Councils , you have indeed declared your selves before , and we have shewed , you have submitted therein too farre , as you will further declare your selves to this purpose hereafter . But as touching our selves , you shall not find that we vary , from what we have professed , to be our judgement touching this matter , either in our first answer , or in what we have said in answer to the second Section of this Paper ; and whereunto we referre the Reader , that by comparing of what we say there , and what you charge us with here or hereafter , touching our not holding to what we have professed , he may the better judge , how groundlesly you herein do accuse us . 10. But you will still have our Provincial Assembly at Preston a new tearmed Assembly , not for the words sake ( Assembly ) but first in regard of the word ( Provincial ) although that , in the judgement of Dr. Usher ( who in his reduction of Episcopacy unto the forme of Synodical Government , received in the ancient Church , doth expresly mention among his proposals ( as we said also in our answer ) the Provincial Synod ) would not have been accused of novelty ; but that which you are here offended at , is , that this County of Lancaster should be tearmed the Province of Lancaster , and the Synods and Assemblies therein convened , should be tearmed Provincial ; for which yet you have little reason , if you had considered , all this was done by the authority of Parliament , who had power to bound the Province and the Synod or Assembly to be held thereih , for the ordering and regulating the affairs of the Church , within the bounds set , as they judged to be most convenient . And seeing that a Synod within the bounds of a County , may meet more frequently with conveniency , for the regulating the affairs of the several Classical Presbyteries within those bounds , then if the bounds had been larger , ( especially if so large as to have comprehended within them several Counties , as formerly the two Provinces of York and Can●erbury comprehended all the Counties within the Land ) and which doubtless the Parliament considered , when they ordered , Decemb. 21. 1646. That the several Classes in Luncashire should be one Province ; ( and of which we had before given you an account in our answer to your first Paper ) if you had acquiesced in the authority of Parliament , as sufficient for the ordering of such a matter , you would not have found fault with this for its novelty ; all Laws that are newly made , though for the ease of the su●j●cts , being as liable to exception in that respect as this . Your next reason why you charge our Provincial Assembly with novelty is , in regard of the place ( at Preston ) but this exception was prevented in our answer ( unto which here you make no reply ) when we said , if Provincial Assemblies be warrantable , and have been of ancient use in the Church , that having been long in disuse , they of late began to be held at Preston , that could not justly incurre your censure ; and certainly the most famous Synods and Councils that have been , or that may be hereafter , must be all accused in regard of novelty , if this be a sufficient ground of accusation , even the first four general Councils , of Nice , Constantinople , Ephesus and Chalcedon , those being all as new in regard of their places , where they were assembled at the time of their first meeting ( there having been never such Assemblies convened in those places before ) as our Provincial Assembly was or is , that met , and still ordinarily doth at Preston . But perhaps there is more strength in the last reason , why you charge it to be a new termed Provincial Assembly , when you say , it is new in respect of the persons constituting this Assembly , lay-men presiding , and ruleing , and having decisive voyces in as ample a manner , as the highest and chiefest in holy Orders , nor doth Bishop Usher ( as you say ) or what we alleadge out of him , make for such an Assembly . But here 1. We must minde you , that we did not cite Dr. Usher , for to prove the antiquity of Provincial Assemblies , in regard of these members constituting them . Let our answer be perused , it will be found to alleadge him for to prove the antiquity of the Assemblies of the Pastors of the Churches , for the ordering Church affairs , and having the power of ruleing them ; and because we did not know , whether you were not so fond on Prelacy , as not to allow of these Assemblies , we quoted Dr. Usher , for to prove their antiquity ; neither did we conceive , that Dr. Usher would have judged these Assemblies , where the Pastors of the Churches are members , to have been wholly new , or the Pastors to have lost their authority in them , because the ruling Elders are admitted into them as members , whatever his own thoughts might be concerning them . 2. But as touching them we must further minde you , of what we have said before , that they are not meer lay-men , but duely and orderly called to an Ecclesiastical Office , although they never praeside in these Assemblies as moderatours . And further that we have proved from antiquity , in our answer to your second Paper , the being of such an Officer in the Church , in the time of Origen , Ambrose , Augustine , Optatus , and which is so clear , that the adversaries of this Officer cannot deny it ; only they would have him to have been as an extraordinary Church-guardian , or admitted on prudential grounds , which yet is but gratis dictum , as we have said . 3. We shall now only further add what is well observed by the Provincial Assembly of London , that Sutlivius , ( a Prelatical Divine , and otherwise an opposer of the Office of ruling Elders , ) de concil . lib. 1. cap. 8. saith , that among the Jews Seniores Tribuum , the Elders of the Tribes , did sit with the Priests in judging controversies of the Law of God ; hence he argues against Bellarmine , that so it ought to be in the Christian Church also , because the priveledge of Christians is no less , then the priveledge of the Jewes . And it is not denyed by other Prelatica ! Divines , but by them held and proved , that men of abilities , which are not Ministers , are to be admitted into general Councils , ( as they have been also anciently , and which is too manifest to be denyed , it appearing to have been so from the ancientest historians , and subscriptions of Councils ) and to vote in them as members of these Assemblies . And therefore , however the ruling Elders be be admitted into our Provincial Assemblies , as members , ( whom you account to be but lay-men ) and have decisive votes there , the Assembly should not by you have been accused of novelty in this respect : for you see such as were no Ministers , have been anciently admitted into Synods and Councils , to vote there as members , according to the old rule , Quod tangit omnes , debet tractari ab omnibus . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. IV. Well! b●t ( you say ) we go on and tell you , &c. But had your professions and expressions for Peace , and Unity , been as reall , and as cordiall as ours ; we had proceeded no further in this way of Rejoynder , but closed hands , and hearts together , as in our last humble address appeareth . Which certainly might have found a more ready compliance , and merited a far more civil and satisfactory Answer , from such cordiall wishers of Peace and Unity , such godly and sober , such moderate spirited men , as you pretend to be . But you have required we should go on , and accordingly we go on to tell you , that other parts of your Paper are full of darkness : To which you thus Answer , We cannot apprehend any such darkness in our Paper as you speak of ; but because you question what Authority we have from the civil Magistrate ; and the extent of it ; and your mistakes of our meaning , may perhaps some of them arise from your unacquaintedness with the rule we walk by ; Although we were not to be blamed for any mistakes that might arise ab ignorantia juris ( whether simple or affected , that we determine not , but leave y●u to judge ) Before we come to make answer more particularly to what follons , we are willing to be at some pains , to give you some farther account of the power , we are awarranted by the civill Authority for to exercise , To what Persons within our bounds it extends it self , &c. Much pains you have taken , and that willingly , and spent much time , and Paper too , which hath swelled your Answer to so great a bulk , to prove that which was not oppugned , nor so much as quest oned by us , so Impertinent to the business of our Paper : Though you have said you are not willing to spend time about Impertinencies : By which ( however we go on yet ) you wheel about and are come to the Pole you first started at , like a Horse in a mill that travels all day , and is no further at night , then he was in the morning . You went about to prove your Government established by civil Authority , the first work you took in hand , you are no further yet , but going about to prove , out of your way quite ; But since you compell us to follow you a mile , we will walk with you twain , till we have conducted you ( if possible ) into the good old Way again , by taking of your Government from that establishment of Authority , upon the proof whereof , the most considerable part ( as to the bulk of your Answer ) doth insist . To prove your Presbyterian Government to be established by Law , and to be warranted by the civil Authority , you produce severall Orders , and Ordinances , but one more especially you instance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament bearing date the 10th August 1648. Which you say is without any limitation of time , and remains unrepealed to this day , nay more by the humble Advice assented unto by his Highness it receives strength . To which we answer , when you speak of a Government establisht by Law , we hope you mean , such , as hath the force and strength of a Law , to binde the free born People of this Nation , otherwayes you say nothing . If such a Law you mean ; then we much question , whether your Ordinance of Lords and Commons , though unrepealed to this day be of that force ; and seeing we be no Lawyers , we shall not take upon us the determination of that point : but refer you in that particular , to the Judgement , and resolution of the Sages of the Law ; who affirm , that nothing can have the force of a Law to binde the people , without the concurrent consent of the three Estates in Parliament : My Lord Cooke is most full throughout his works , published by the speciall appointment of that long Parliament : Hear you him , For the Parliament , concerning making and enacting of Laws , consists of the King , the Lords spiritual and temporall , and the C●mmons ; and it is no Act unless it be made by the King , the Lords and Commons . Again , If an Act be made by the King and Commons , this binds not , for it is no Act of Parliament . Ibid. Again , It is no Act of Parliament , but an Ordinance , and therefore binds not . 4th part Instit . fol 23. Again , Nothing can pass as a Law , without the Kings r●yal assent , and authority to binde the people . 3d part Inst●● . fol. 9. See him also again in his Instit . 4th part fol 232. where he cites severall Charters and Ordinances made in the behalf of the Court of Stann●ries and in the end saith , These things were done de facto ; b●t let us ●●rn our selves to that , which hath the force of a Law. And in the same 4th part cap. 73. of the Courts of forrests , fol. 293. see there a prescription good against a Statute of Ed. 3. cap. 2. because it was made but in affirmance of the common Law of the Forrest , and against such a Statute a man may prescribe : And good also against the Ordinance of 34. E. 1. and the onely reason given , is , because it was but an Ordinance and no Statute . An Ordinance of both Houses is no Law of the Land by their own confession ( meaning the Parliament ) saith Judge Jenkins , 1 part Coll. Ordinances , fol. 728. This was the onely Law stood in force and binding , which was made by the concurrent consent of al● in the judgement of these Sages , and was called the Law of the Land : None else in old time was judged valid , or to have the force and strength of a Law : Nor at this day will any Ordinance of one or both Houses be judged valid without his Highness assent thereunto , as we humbly conceive . But admitting Ordinances of one , or both Houses of Parliament , without the Kings of old , or his Highness assent of late , to have a● great a force and strength in them , and to be as valid to all intents and purposes , as if their assents were given thereto : Yet this we affirm of your Ordinance , setling Presbyterian Government throughout the Kingdom of England , and Dominion of Wales , That it is made of little or no force at this day in respect of those severall subsequent Acts granting liberty to all pious and conscientious Christians throughout this Land , to serve God in their own way of worship and disclpline , notwithstanding any Law or Ordinance to the contrary ; which though they amount not to an express , yet at least to an implicite Repeal of your Ordinance , so far as it is contrary to this Liberty ; for Leges posteriores priores contrarias abrogant . But stand you upon an express Repeal ? Then be pleased to peruse an Act made Anno 1650. for Relief of Religious and peaceable people from the rigour of former Acts of Parliament in matters of Religion . And to peruse a little better the humble Advice by you in your Answer alledged , and you will finde it far otherwise than you say . In the eleventh Section , All Ministers throughout the Land , and their Assemblies professing the true Protestant Christian Religion , though of different judgement in Worship or Discipline , are all of them equally protected in the liberty of their profession ; Have you liberty to exercise your Church Government amongst your selves ? They as much . Have you protection ? Others as much . What power have you that others have not ? Are these within the bounds of your Association , and subject to your Government , unless they will renounce their Baptism , and Christianity ? Nay , they have their way of Worship , and Protection in that way granted them as well as you : And as they may not revile or reproach , nor disturb you in your Assemblies ; no more may you them in their Assemblies , nor compell any by censures or penalties to submit to your Government . Is there a Presbyterian Government so setled by Ordinance , as to compell any contrary to this Liberty ? Reade the Act of 1650. abovesaid , and you shall finde an express Repeal : Reade also the close of this Section , and you shall finde an express Repeal of it there also in these words , All Laws , Statutes , Ordinances , and Clauses in any Law , Statute , and Ordinance , so far as they are contrary to the aforesaid Liberty , be repealed . Doth not this take from you what you may conceive was granted by former Ordinances ? Doth your Presbyterian Government ( for all your Glosses upon it ) receive strength from hence ? Doth the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament for setling Presbyterian Government throughout the Land , remain yet unrepealed , for any thing you have seen or heard to the contrary ? Yea , so you affirm , and would have us credit you . The Animadversions of the Class upon it . 1 IN the first place you charge us , that our professions and expressions for peace and unity , were not as cordial and real as yours ; but how is this proved ? scil . because in that answer we gave to your second Paper , we put you upon the invalidateing the civil sanction for our Government , being before warned by you of not running our selves into a praemunire . But let the Reader judge , what incivility or unsatisfactoriness there was in this answer ; or whether there was any thing , that did not become cordial wishers of peace and unity , godly , sober and moderate spirited men , as we do not only pretend , but hope to approve our selves to be , both to God and men . If it be indeed inconsistent with , either an hearty desire of unity and peace , or with godliness and sobriety , to insist upon the authority of that Parliament , that was instrumental for our freedome from Prelatical bondage , and that setled the Government , wherein we have acted , and that doth fully awarrant us for whatever we have acted therein ; and to insist upon this authority , when we were challenged as transgressors , in making Laws and Edicts contrary to the Laws in force , then we must confess , we pretended only to be for peace and unity , when in our hearts we were not real for it . But as our own consciences accuse us not of dissembling , ( professing that which we never intended ) so we believe , whatever your censures of us be , others will be more equal judges , then to say , the answer we gave to your first Paper , was any evidence thereof ; and such as know what some of you were in time past , will rather conclude that the urging the authority of Parliament for the setling of our Government , and the awarranting of our actings , was that indeed which you could not brook . Secondly , But as you judge our answer to your second Paper was uncivill , and not suitable to that moderation we made profession of ; so still you will have the answer we gave unto your first to be full of darkness ; although , even as you here represent it , it is very plain to any ordinary understanding , to hold forth thus much , that because the mistakes we saw you had run into , might perhaps some of them arise , from your unacquaintedness with the rule we walk by ( although we said , we were not to be blamed for any mistake , that might arise ab ignorantiâ juris , i. e. in you , as the whole tenour of the discourse shewes ; and therefore we added , whether simple or affected , that we determined not , but left it to you to judge of , who were most ; fit , to be judges in a matter of that nature , you therein knowing your own hearts best ) we were willing to be at some pains to acquaint you with it . This we desire might be taken notice of , because what is here manifestly our meaning , even from your own representation , is afterwards ‖ most grosly perverted by you ; for you would make the world to believe , that we assert such an absurd position as this , that we were not to be blamed , for our ignorance of the Law , and then cry out of it as a strange saying . But you did warily forbear , the imputing any such thing to us here , where our words are too plain , to be so wrested ; and reserve this for another place , hoping the Reader would , by that time he came thither , have forgotten , what you had here represented us to have said , and there take the matter wholly upon trust from you , believing us to be so farre devoid of reason , as you would there make us to be . But this is but a small part , in comparison of the injury you do us ; yet we desire you might see it , that you might not hereafter be charged with it , by him that is to be the supream Judge betwixt you and us at the great day . Thirdly , As touching the pains that we have taken , and of which you do here again complain , as having swelled our answer to so great a bulk , yea so as that the most considerable part thereof ( as to the bulk ) insists thereon , ( as you say ) scil . to prove our Presbyterian Government , to be warranted by the civil anthority ; and which you say , was not by you oppugned , nor so much as questioned by you ; as also touching your judging this discourse to be impertinent , we referre the Reader unto what we have already said , in the sixth , seventh , eighth , and ninth Animadversions on the first Section of this Paper ; as also to what we mind him of in the first Animadversion on the third Section thereof ; by perusal of all which , he will find how much you forgot your selves , when you come over and over again with such assertions , they having in them no more shew of truth , then only to evidence , that it is wearisome to you to hear of Ordinances of Parliament ; especially such as are for the setling of the Presbyterian Government , or what makes for our own necessary vindication , and to manifest that our actings in the management of that Government , have been regular and orderly , according to the forme of Church-Government appointed by authority ; and to see that we took off that Objection , that is commonly made against the Presbyterian Government , as being established by the Parliament but for three yeares only ; and unto which purposes , all the Orders , or Ordinances of Parliament , or Rules by them given , and by us recited , tended ; and all which in the fourth Section of it ( to which the complaint here refers ) takes not up above four leafes of our answer , which yet in your Preface , your selves say is seven sheets . Fourthly , But what you cannot make out with any colour of truth , you hope to do by scoffs and jeers ; and therefore you say , we wheel about , and are come to the pole we first started at , like an horse in a mill , that travels all day , and is no further at night then he was in the morning , in which also there is as little truth , as in your other assertions ; we having already shewed , that our first essay was , to give you some account , how the termes ( when we called this , the first Class within the Province of Lancaster , which you had called ours ) were no other , then the Parliament had given us by their Order . That which we attempted in the fourth Section of our answer ( to which you here reply ) was to shew , that the Ordinances of Parliament , for the Presbyterian Government , were still in force , and that those rules laid down in them , awarranted all our actings , and particularly what we had published in our several Congregations in our Paper ; and which whosoever doth not so start at , because they are Ordinances of Parliament , but that he keeps in his right mind , he will see to be different things . But you do still go on with your flowts , and will needs have it to be , that we went about to prove ( which is your own phrase and not ours ) our Government to be established by civill authority , the first work we took in hand , and that we are no further yet , but going about to prove , ( your own phrase again ) as if the matter must needs be , as you say it is ; or therefore true , because you represent it to be so , after a scoffing manner . Fifthly , And when you have thus pleased your selves with your taunting expressions , you now would profess to do us a kindness , being willing to conduct us ( if possible ) into the good old way again , by taking off our Government from the establishment of authority , upon the proof whereof ( as you say ) so great a part of our answer doth insist . But seeing the way you herein go ( as will appear anon ) doth quite overthrow all other Ordinances of Parliament , as well as those that are for the establishment of the Presbyterian Government ; you must excuse us ; though upon your most earnest entreaty , we dare not follow you in this your way , being w●ll assured we should be then indeed out of our way quite . Sixthly , But now you come to answer to the Orders and Ordinances of Parliament by u●recited , and so to the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , Aug 29. 1648 establishing the forme of Church Government , to be used in the Church of England and Ireland , and which remaines ( as we said ) unrepealed to this day , and receives strength by the humble Advice , assented to by his late Highness , and which Ordinance was by us more especially insisted on . But what is it that you alleadge , to take away the strength of any Ordinance of Parliament , that we made mention of in our answer ? In the first place you tell us , that when we speak of a Government established by Law , you hope we mean such as hath the strength and force of a Law , to bind the free born people of this Nation , and thereupon you question , whether our Ordinance of the Lords and Commons , though unrepealed to this day , be of that force ; and touching this you referre us to the judgement and resolution of the Sages of the Law , affirming , that nothing can have the force of a Law , to bind the people , without the concurrent consent of the three estates in Parliament : and you instance particularly in the Lord Cook , and several passages in his Institutes . In answer unto all which , we must needs in the first place ( as we did in our answer to your first Paper ) apologize for our selves ; that being no Lawyers , we shall not take upon us to determine any Law case ; and that our cause in this particular , were fitter to be pleaded by the learned in the Law , that have farre better abilities for it , then we have ; only till some of these undertake in this particular to plead for us , we hope we may be allowed , freely to speak for our selves . And here we shall not say all that we could , much less what persons better able to deal in an argument of this nature , might . But that which we shall say is , first something in the general ; then we shall proceed to answer more particularly . In the generall we say two things , 1. That if the Ordinances of Parliament for Church Government be of no force , because there was not the concurent consent of three Estates to the making of them , then all Ordinances of Parliament ( without exception of any ) are null and void , and of no force to binde the people , as well as those that concern Church Government : and so it concerns all Committees that have been throughout the Land , and those that have acted under them , or do yet act , and all Judges and Justices , that have acted or do act , upon any Ordinance of Parliament , to consider what they have to say , to what you do here alledge against their proceedings , as well as against ours . Nay then the Act made Anno 1650 , for Relief of Religious and peaceable People , that yet is afterwards much insisted on by you , is of no force ; for to that questionless there was not the concurrent consent of three Estates in Parliament . 2. That the Parliament themselves , who made these Ordinances , declared ; That , the King having not onely withdrawn himself from the Parliament , but leavied war against it , salus populi was suprema Lex ; and thereupon by Ordinance of Parliamēt they proceeded to settle the affairs both of Church and State without his consent ; yea and to repeal some former acts ; and as they did expresly , when they passed the Ordinance for the Directory for Worship ; repealing the Acts of Parliament , that had been passed formerly for the Book of Common Prayer , as appears by their Ordinance for that purpose of Jan. 3d 1644. And also when they passed another Ordinance Octob. 9. 1646. for the abolishing of Arch-Bishops and Bishops within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of W●les , by which they are expresly dis●nabled , to use or put in ure any Archiepiscopall or Episcopall jurisdiction , or authority , by force of any Letters Pattents from the Crown , made or to be made , or by any other authority whatsoever , any Law , Statute , usage or custome to the contrary notwithstanding , as appears from the very words of that Ordinance . And if we forget not , it was by them in those times further declared ; That however the King had withdrawn his Person from the Parliament , yet his Royall Authority could not be withdrawn . But we know , that what the Parliament in those dayes acted , in the passing those and such like Ordinances , was approved by the Sages of the Law , that in those times adhered to the Parliament . And this will now lead us to return our more particular answer , to what you present , for to take away the obliging force of Ordinances of Parliament . And therefore , 1. We say , That that long Parliament ( as you call it ) who did so much honour the Lord Cook , as to publish his Works by their special appointment , did so well understand him , that they were well assured , there was not any thing in them , that condemned their proceedings as illegal : as on the contrary , we do thereupon conceive , that if he had been alive in those times , he would have justified them . And further we say ( under correction ) that all youalledg out of him , was and is to be understood in cases ordinary , not as it was in the times when the Ordinances for Church Government , and other Ordinances for the setling the affairs of the Nation were passed , when the King had withdrawn himself from the Parliament , and levyed war against it . 2. But to add some further confirmation to what we here assert ; be pleased to take notice that we meet with a Book printed in this very year , 1658. Entituled , A collection of Acts and Ordinances of general use , made in the Parliament , begun and held at Westminster , the third day of November 1640. and since unto the adjournment of the Parliament begun and holden the 17th of Septem . Anno 1656. and formerly published in print , which are here printed at large with marginall notes or abreviated ; being a continuation of that Work from the end of Mr. Poltons Collection , by Henry Scobell Esq Clerk of the Parliament ; examined by the Original Records , and now printed by speciall Order of Parliament . In this book , as we finde the Ordinance for the Directory of Worship , recited at large , and likewise the Ordinance above mentioned , for the abolishing of Archbishops and Bishops within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , so likewise we meet with the Ordinance of Aug. 29. 1648. establishing the form of Church Government , to be used in the Church of England , and Ireland , after advice had with the Assembly of Divines ; and this recited at large , as will appear to any that will peruse that book . And being the design of that book was , to make a continuation of a Collection of Acts and Ordinances of generall use , from the end of Mr. Poltons Collection , as appears by the Title of it ; the Parliament , that appointed this book to be printed by their speciall Order , and Mr. Scobell the Clerk of the Parliament , who collected these Acts and Ordinances , and examined them by the originall Records , were much mistaken in the putting forth this book , that is also printed in a large black Character , after the manner of the Statutes ; if no Ordinances of Parliament have in them any force to oblige the people of this Nation . 3. We have onely one thing more to add , sc . that in the 16th Section of the Humble Advice , ( and whereof we minded you in our Answer ) it is expresly provided , that the Acts and Ordinances not contrary thereunto , shall continue and remain in force : Now that there is nothing in the form of Church Government contrary to any thing contained in the humble Advice , we shall make out anon : But thus we hope , we have said that which may be sufficient , for answer to your first exception against the Ordinances of Parliament for Church Government , as not having the concurrent consent of the three Estates , and to what you alledge out of the Lord Cooke . As touching what you urge out of Judg Jenkins , saying , an Ordinance of both Houses is no Law of the Land , by their own confession ( meaning the Parliament ) 1. part Coll. of Ordinances , fol. 728 ; we cannot give that credit to his representation of the Parliament , ( he having been an opposer of it ) as to conclude thence , there is no force in any Ordinance of Parliament , to oblige the people of this Nation ; considering that in some of their Ordinances , they do , as we have said , expresly repeal former Acts of Parliament , made by the concurrent consent of the three Estates ; and considering , that if they have any where any expressions to that purpose , they may be understood either of Ordinances of Parliament made in cases ordinary , when the King had not withdrawn himfelf from it , or concerning such as were of no long continuance , but for the present emergency ; or of such as were but temporary and long since expired ; and which sort of Ordinances , Mr. Scobell in his Preface to the Book above mentioned , saith , he collected not ; but onely such whereof there is or may be daily use , as he there speaks . We have now donewith your first exception against the Ordinances by us recited , for the establishing Church Government and come to your second ; for admitting Ordinances of Parliament , to have an obligatory force in them ; yet those that concern the establishment of the Presbyterian Government , you would have to be repealed . Indeed here you said something , if you could bring forth any of those subsequent Acts , that you speak of , ( granting liberty to pious people in the Land ) that did repeal the Ordinances for Church Government , either implicitly or expresly : For we shall not deny , that Leges posteriores priores contrarias abrogant , but in this you fall short , as in the former . There is not any subsequent Act or Ordinance , that we have seen , or that you mention , that grants any liberty to any , which is denied in the form of Church Government . The Act made 1650 , for relief of Religious and peaceable people , from the rigour of former Acts of Parliament in matters of Religion , ( and which you will have to be an express repeal ) doth not make void the Ordinance which we act●on : It onely repeals the poenall Statutes , that imposed mulcts and punishments on the offenders against those Laws , in their bodies or estates : It doth not at all refer to the Ecclesiasticall censures , nor so much as mention them , as will be clear to him that will peruse it . And so the Ordinance establishing the form of Church Government , stands whole and entire , and untoucht at all by this Act. But here we desire two things might be observed ; 1. That if this Act stood good against our proceedings , repealing the Ordinances establishing the Presbyterian Government , so as that the persons mentioned in it , were thereby exempt from all Ecclesiasticall censure , then it must needs much more stand good against all other sorts of persons , that have no such Ordinance awarranting their proceedings , and would be a barr in their way , that they could not censure with Church censures any of their members . 2. That , being you in your Papers do fully declare your selves for Episcopacy ; and that the Acts granting some indulgence to some persons , yet do still provide , that the liberty granted by them , should not be extended to Popery and Prelacy ; neither this nor any other Act for the relief of any pious or concientious Christians , can with any colour , be alledged by you , to the purpose for which you urge them . As touching the eleventh Section of the humble Advice , ( to which you referre us ) we had throughly perused it , and seriously weighed it , before you minded us of it : but we never did , neither do we as yet see any contrariety betwixt it , and the forme of Church Government established by Ordinance of Parliament . We finde still , as we told you in our answer , though you here neither take notice thereof , nor make any reply thereto ) that it seems clearly to own the Directory for worship , and the forme of Church Government , as the publique profession of the Nation for worship and Government ; as we also said in our answer , there were the like expressions in the Government of the Commonwealth of England Scotland and Ireland , as it was publikely declared at Westminster , Decemb. 16. 1653. pag. 43. Sect. 37. And if you had pleased , you might have found , that whatever indulgence , is granted to any in this Sect : it is there expresly provided , that that liberty be not extended to Popery and Prelacy . And therefore you , and all men may discern , that when you say ( speaking of the humble Advice ) that in the eleventh Section , all Ministers throughout the Land and their Assemblies , professing the true Protestant Religion , though of different judgments in worship and discipline , are all of them equally protected in the liberty of their profession , that proposition is a great deal larger , then the humble Advice will allow of ; it expresly concluding , even from that protection allowed to some others , the way of Prelacy , though it should be set up by some Ministers and others of the Protestant Religion ; and therefore all Ministers and their Assemblies , though professing the Protestant Religion , cannot equally lay claim to the protection there spoken of . But for answer to all that you here urge out of this eleventh Section , of the humble Advice , we shall say two things . 1. That as your selves speak only of protection , allowed by it , to some persons of different judgement in worship or discipline , so whoever will peruse this Section , shall not find , that it saith one word , touching the restraint of the exercise of Church-discipline towards any ; when it speaks of some ( that shall differ in other things ( sc . that had been mentioned particularly before ) in doctrine , worship or discipline , from the publick profession held forth , to whom it allows protection from injury , as it grants them a freedom from mulcts and civil penalties ; and then after of such Ministers , or publick Preachers , who shall agree with the publick profession in matters of faith , although in their judgement and practice they differ in matters of worship and discipline , whom it makes capable , ( being otherwise duely qualified and duely approved ) of some special grace and favour , that the former sort are not capable of ; it is plain from those expressions , that it owns a publique discipline , which is not held forth any where , but in the forme of Church Government , established by Ordinance of Parliament for the Church of England and Ireland , Aug. 29. 1648. that hath been often times mentioned . But you will not find , that the exercise of this publick discipline held forth , is any where at all in this Section prohibited , or that it is restrained in regard of its exercise towards any , or limited only in that respect , to the Ministers and Assemblies of this or the other perswasion . And yet that this publick discipline held forth , as aforesaid , might be free from all suspition of any undue rigour or harshness towards any ; we shall here mention one rule ( which we recited , with several other things , in our answer to your first Paper ) touching the Order prescribed in the forme of Church Government , of proceeding to excommunication , which runs in these words ; But the persons who hold other errours in judgment , about points wherein learned and godly men possibly may or do differ , and which subvert not the faith , nor are destructive to godliness , or that be guilty of such sins of infirmity , as are commonly found in the children of God , or being otherwise sound in the faith , and holy in life , ( and so not falling under censure by the former rules ) endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace , and do yet out of conscience , not come up to the observation of all those rules , which are or shall be established by authority , for regulating the outward worship of God , and government of his Church , the sentence of excommunication for these causes shall not be denounced against them . By this one rule it is very clear , that as this discipline is not to be accused of undue severity , so there is no repugnancy between the humble Advice and it . 2. That which in the second place we have to say , is , that admitting your proposition were fully as large in the humble Advice , in regard of the persons to whom you would have liberty to be extended , as you have laid it down ( which yet we have shewed is not so ) yet how inconsequently do you argue ? when you will inferre an exemption of persons from Church censures , authorized to be exercised by the forme of Church Government , from the humble Advice , because it affords them a protection against civil injuries . As if this proposition were most certainly true ; All those , that according to the humble Advice , are to be protected against civil injuries , are thereby exempted from Church censures ; and yet this must be proved , or your consequence is never proved . But to make that out , we shall allow you time , and in the mean season must deny it . And so now all you have , to the conclusion of this Section , is but meer varnish ; although we are able to tell you , as we have told you even now , and often before , what power is granted unto us ( who act by an unrepealed Ordinance of Parliament , and yet in force ) that others have not ; although when you say , are these within the bounds of our association , subject to our Government , unless they will renounce their Baptism and Christianity ? ( and which you would represent us to assert , in that recital you make of our words in the beginning of the next Section ) you do therein manifestly offer violence to the words of our answer : for if the Reader peruse the first part of the fifth Section of our answer , he may there find , that we declared our selves in the first place , fully against those of the separation , and concluded that discourse with these words , that hereupon our work was not to constitute Churches , but to reforme them only : And that therefore none within our bounds , except they shall renounce Christianity and their Baptisme , can be deemed by us to be without in the Apostles sense ; this being our answer , to what you had pressed us with , in your first Paper , pleading your exemption from under our Governement , from the words of the Apostle , and saying , for what have you to do , to judge those that are without ? The conclusion then that we inferd , did answer that argument you urged from the Apostles words . For its plain from our declaring our selves , we judged none to be without in the Apostles sense , but only Heathens , of whom the Apostle spake ; or such , as having formerly professed Christianity , did renounce it , and their Baptisme ; and that therefore none could be exempted , by those words of the Apostle , from being within the verge of our Presbyterian Governement ; which was the inference we thereupon made . By all which it is very clear , in what sense those words were to be taken , that you here mention ; and that we did not say , that except men did renounce Christianity and their Baptisme , they were subject to our Government , ( as you would have it to be ) but that they could not be judged by us , to be without in the Apostles sense , except they should make so great an apostacy ; and wherein we were more liberal and charitable toward you , then you were toward your selves . It is one thing , that makes a member of the Catholick visible Church , and another , that makes a member of this or that particular Church ; as it is also true , that the censures of the Church , Government , Offices , and Ordinances are first given to the universal visible Church , before they be given to this or that particular Church ; although it be true also , that he who is a member of the Catholick Church , must also be a member of some particular Church , under the Discipline and Government thereof . But we did not argue from what made you members of the Catholick Church , to prove you to be members of some one or other of our particular Churches , and so to be under the Government of this Class ; this we prove from individuating circumstances , because within the bounds of our Association appointed by authority of Parliament , and other circumstances . And so we do not say , that except men renounce Christianity and their Baptisme , they are subject to our Government ; but we say , we look upon all those within the bounds of our Association , who have not renounced Christianity and their Baptisme ( of which sort we know not any amongst us ) as persons we have an inspection over , and appointed by Ordinance of Parliament to be subject to our Government ; which yet we exercise towards all , according to those rules , and that moderation , that is prescribed in the forme of Church Government . And thus we have answered , all that you have here presented , to take off our Government from its establishment by the civil Sanction ; for it is not your coming over again with the Act of 1650. already answered , and bidding us to read it ; nor your bidding us to read the close of the Eleventh Section of the humble Advice , and not proving any thing in the form of Church Government to be contrary to it , that will prove either an expresse or implicit repeal , though pressed with never so much vehemency of expressions ; that onely proclaim your heat , and earnest desire to have it so ; and how gladly you would be believed upon your word , and confidence in this matter , when you want further arguments to make out what you say . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. V. And thus having proved your Presbyterian Government to have the civil Sanction ( just thus and no otherwise ) you come now to answer more particularly to that which follows ; And first you explicate ( what was before dark unto us ) who are meant , by the many persons of all sorts , that are Members of Congregations , &c. And you tell us all persons are within your verge ; none without except they will renounce Christianity and their Baptisme , but are within the verge of your Presbyterian Government ; their not associating with you in regard of Government , doth not exempt them from censure by it , &c. Independents , Anabaptists , and others ; all are subject , and censured by your Government , if they should be such Offenders as by the Rule thereof are justly censurable ; it being not a matter arbitrary , for private persons at their own will and pleasure to exempt themselves from under that Ecclesiasticall Government that is setled by authority . Here Gentlemen you may do well to consider , whether you do not subject your selves to the contempt and scorn of all other parties , who conceit they have as full power by their Rules of Church Discipline to censure you , as you have them ( jam sumus ergo pares ) yet they dare not censure or punish any out of their Church Membership , contrary to the severall Acts made for Toleration . To the Act of the 27. September 1650. and to the express Article in the humble Advice above mentioned ; If you be so bold , we have told you before , and tell you again , an Ordinance of Lords and Commons for setling of your Fresbyterian Government , will be no sufficient plea , for your Actings contrary to the known Laws since made , but will prove you Contemners of all Civil power , and may run you upon a Premunire . But here you seem offended at us for calling Presbytery a common fold . What ? Presbytery a known Scripture expression , 1 Tim. 4. and interpreted by sundry of the Fathers , as we do ( as hath been before declared ) to be tearmed a common fold ? You might have used a more civil expression . What ? Presbytery interpreted by sundry of the Fathers as you do ? How is that ? We shall tell you the Fathers are different in the sense , and interpretation of this word Presbytery , in the Scripture expression , 1 Tim. 4. The Latine Fathers generally , as Hierome , Ambrose , Primasius , Anselm , and others , taking this word Presbytery , for the Function , which Timothy received when he was made Bishop or Priest ; and thus Calvin takes it in his Institutes . Quod de impositione manuum Presbyterii dicitur , ●non ità accipio quasi Paulus de Seniorum collegio loquatur , sedhoc nomine ordinationem ipsam intelligo . The Greek Fathers as Ignatius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophilact , Oecumenius , and others , and some few of the Latines also taking it for the company of Presbyters ( i. e. ) Bishops who lay hands on the new made Bishops or Priests ; and in this sense likewise in his Comment upon this place it is interpreted by Calvin ; saying , Presbyterium , qui hic collectivum nomen esse putant , pro Collegio Presbyterorum positum , rectè s●n●iunt meo judicio . Although he is here as flat opposite to his former Judgement , as high noon , is to midnight : And we fear we shall find you as wavering and unsetled in yours , when it comes to scanning . For divers of the Fathers ( you say ) interpret this word as you do , and as you have before declared . Now how you interpret it , and where to find this place , where it is before declared , That your Interpretation agreeth with sundry of the Fathers , we have not yet discovered . Indeed we find you quoting Dr Vsher that Learned and Reverend Antiquary , to prove the antiquity of Synods and Assemblies , and thereby you think he vindicates your Assemblies , in our thoughts , from all suspition of Novelty . We find also by you out of him , there quoted certain Fathers , as first Ignatius , who by Presbytery mentioned by Paul , 1 Tim. 4. 14. did understand the Community of the rest of the Presbyters or Elders ; And for further proof Tertullian is alledged in his generall Apologie for Christians , that old-beaten saying by you and your party , praesident probati quique Seniores , &c. Now do these interpret as you do ? Is Presbytery such as you pretend to be established by Ordinance of Parliament , and such as you stand for in your sense , is it we say so understood by Dr Vsher , and doth he bring in these Fathers speaking in this sense ? If we press you to stand to their opinion and sense , you will run back ; how may you then for shame assert that their Interpretation is the same with yours ? Dr Vshers Judgement of Assemblies agreeth with yours ? and his proposals of Assemblies are the same in substance with yours ? Whom you quote ( you say ) as more likely to sway with us , in case we do differ from you in this point . And here these Fathers are brought in , giving the same Interpretation as you do : will you thus confidently assert this , and stand to nothing ; have you two hearts , and not one forehead ? In our last Adress , we offered to stand to Dr Vshers Judgement , and you declined your own man : We submit to the Interpretation of those Fathers there alledged by him , touching the word Presbytery , which you say is the same with yours . Can you so cordially joyn your selves in Dr Bernards wish , and heartily recommend it to others to close therein ? Can you thus tender the Judgement of Dr Vsher , as an Umpire , and composer of differences betwixt us , and alleadge these Fathers on your behalf ▪ and when we would close with you , upon your own Tearms , run back and eat your own words ? Presbytery in their's , and Scripture Expression we reverence ; but yours we still tearm a Common-fold , and those godly pretences of yours as so many wast Papers , wherein your Presbytery is wrapped , to make it look more handsomely , and pass more currently . Whereat again you are no little offended and say , We do earnestly desire , that in the Examination of your Consciences , you would seriously consider whether you have not both transgressed the rules of Charity in passing such hard censures upon us , and also usurped that which belongs not to you , in making your selves judges of what falls not under your cognizance : To which we Answer ; those words are not our own , they are borrowed of another ; if you would know the Author , we must tell you , it was the late King in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who is gone before , and you must follow after . And we leave it to the Tribunal at the great day to be determined , whether he or you , have more transgressed the rules of Charity , in passing such hard censures upon one another , and also usurped that which belongs not to you , in making your selves judges of what falls not under your cognizance ; The things , ( as you say ) men ioned , belonging onely to be tried by your and our Master , to whom we must all stand or fall . The Animadversions of the Class upon it . 1. ALthough we will neither flout at you , nor triumph over you , as you do over us ( as if you had quite taken away our claime to the civil Sanction , and made all that we had said for it void ) yet we doubt not but the Reader will judg , that what you attempted with great confidence , you have performed but so and so , weakly and no otherwise . And as touching what you now recite , out of our Answer , we desire the Reader not to take it upon your representation , but to peruse himself the whole fift Section thereof , you having not dealt fairly with us : your representation being neither full nor candid ; we not concluding , as we have already shewed , that except men will renounce Christianity and their Baptisme , they are within the verge of our Presbyterian Government ; but that except they renounce Christianity and their Baptisme , they are not without in the Apostles sense ; although , because they are within our bounds , we look upon all such , as under our Government , according to Ordinance of Parliament , as we have said before . 2. Neither shall we upon this assertion , have any cause to fear the contempt and scorn of any other parties , there being none , but the Presbyterian party onely , that can lay claim to the civil Sanction , for the establishment of that Government which they exercise , as you ( who would gladly croud your selves into the number of those , to whom some indulgence is granted , have no liberty granted you by any of the Acts , that have been made since the Ordinance of Aug. 29. 1648. that established the Presbyterian Government ; you not being under the Character of the persons spoken of , either in the Act of the 27. of Septemb. 1650 , or the humble Advice , or any other ; you being for Prelacy , that is excluded from that indulgence , granted unto others . Nay you might have known , that for reading the Common Prayer book , such persons are punishable , by the Act for ejecting of scandalous Ministers ; and therefore if you , or any of you ( who are members of our severall Congregations , and within the bounds of our Association ) shall be found at any time justly censurable by the rules of our Government , it will be no great boldness for us , to proceed to censure you , we being backed with an Ordinance of Parliament , that still stands in force , against any thing you have alledged to the contrary , and therefore do not fear your threatning us again with a Premunire . 3. We were offended at you , for calling Presbytery a●common fold , and instead of removing that offence given , you encrease it . But you first represent in your paraphrase upon our words , after your own manner , the ground of the offence taken , and then return your answer ; in which we observe , ( that you might with more freedom lash at Presbytery and us ) you are here pleased , to enlarge your selves , upon a very few words of ours , brought in by way of a Parenthesis onely , though in other parts of your Reply , you leave whole leaves untoucht ; and often say nothing at all , to severall considerable things in our Answer , to which you should have spoken : yea in the fifth Section of this your Reply , you pass over in silence , all that we had said in the beginning of the fifth Section of our Answer ; wherein we had declared our selves against those of the Separation , in severall positions , thereby making way to the answer we gave , how we understood the Apostle , when he spake concerning such as were without ; which you took no notice of , but rent part of our words from what went before , and wrested them from their proper sense , as we have shewd before . And not only this , but when in your first Paper , you had upbraided us , with the garnishing of our Government , with the specious title of Christs Government , Throne and Scepter , and we had answered you out of your own Paper , and shewed , from the expressions you had therein used concerning the Government , that you are for , that that with you must be Christs Government , Throne and Scepter ; and that therefore , we were not to be condemned , if we had used such expressions concerning our Government , till you had convinced us that it was not such ; yet all this is passed over , without so much as mentioning what we had said , or returning any answer to it ; as if it were nothing for you to upbraid us with what , if it were a transgression , you your selves were found guilty of ; and when we had so answered it , to say nothing to it ; the like whereunto you do also here practice , in saying nothing to what we had answered , when you had told us , that it was the chief design of the Paper , we published in our Congregations , to subject all to our Government . For in our Answer we first apologized for our selvs , professing , that though we were charged by some to affect dominion , &c. yet the Government of the Church was but Ministeriall , and that we acknowledged all subjection to the civil Magistrate ; and then we retorted upon you thus , and said , that you being for the setling a Government in the Church , we did not judg you to be so irrationall , as to be for a Government , and yet deny subjection to it ; whence also it was clear , that that was not to be condemned in us , which you would justifie in your selves : yet about this also in this your Reply , there is deep silence . But thus we have shewed , how you are pleased to severall things in our Answer to say nothing , as it will be evident to the Reader , you say as good as nothing in sundry places , where you would seem to say something ; and yet you would be thought to say , what might be sufficient to give us satisfaction . For in your second Paper , speaking to one head of our Answer . sc . that about ruleing Elders , you said you would proceed to shew us , that lay-Elders ( as you call them ) are not meant in the Texts by us alledged ; briefly thus , but more largely hereafter , if what is comprehended in this Paper be not judged satisfactory ; and yet when you should come in this Reply in the next Section , to make this appear more fully , you say nothing to the Texts we urged , but only , that they are too generall , to prove our ruling Presbytery out of ; and tell us of wresting the Scriptures , with such like expressions , suitable to your way of replying all along , and which we doubt not but the wise Reader will of himself observe ; onely we thought it requisite , upon the occasion you here give us , to mind him of it , that he might the better observe you through your whole Reply . But we shall now examine , whether we had not just cause to be offended at you , for your calling Presbytery a common fould . One of the reasons , which we g●ve , you mention , and that indeed which was the chief ; yet there was another given in that parenthesis , which you touch not on , sc . That out of respect to the authority ordaining it , you might have used a more civil expression . But this it seems you had no minde to meddle with , the authority of that Parliament , that setled the Presbyterian Government , being of little esteem with those of you , that were either actually engaged with , or friends unto the party that fought against it ; and whereupon it is no great wonder , that you omit this reason of our offence . But the other you speak to , and that with some more freedom , then doth become you , as we shall shew anon . This other reason was this , Considering the word Presbytery is a known Scripture expression , 1 Tim. 4. and interpreted by sundry of the Fathers , as we do , as hath been declared before ; you might have used a more civil expression . In answer unto this , 1. You tell us , the Fathers are different in the sense and interpretation of this word Presbytery , in the Scripture expression 1 Tim. 4. And we must tell you , that of what low and cheap abilities soever we may be accounted with you , yet this different interpretation of this place ( whereof you would seem to inform us , out of the Fathers ) we have been long since acquainted with : onely when you alledg the Greek Fathers , as Ignatius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophilac● , Oecumenius , and others , and some few of the Latines also , taking the word Presbytery for the company of Presbyters , i. e. Bishops , who lay hand on the new made Bishops or Priests ; you must hereupon , 1. Acknowledg , that these Fathers held Bishops and Presbyters to be all one , else how could they understand by Presbyters , the Bishops who lay hands on the new made Bishops or Priests , you do here represent them to explain the word ( Presbyters ) by Bishops , and the word ( Bishops ) by Priests , ( which word is the same in sense with Presbyters ) which is manifestly to make Bishops and Presbyters all one . This we desire to be took notice of , because when you may come hereafter to be pressed with it , we fear you , that are so ready to charge us therewith , will your selve● run back and eat your own words . 2. You confess , that they expound this word , touching the company of Presbyters ; which is enough for our vindication , when we said that 1 Tim 4 was interpreted by sundry of the Fathers as we do . 3. And whereas you say , they take it for the company of Presbyters , i. e. Bishops who lay hands on the new made Bishops or Priests , explaining the word ( Presbyters ) by Bishops , and again the word ( Bishops ) by Priests ( that is a quipollent to the word Presbyters ) you must hence be forced to confess , that these Fathers acknowledged , the Ordination by Presbyters only , to be valid ; they by their explication of themselves , by you alleadged , making Bishops and Presbyters ( who without controversie laid on hands ) all one . And therefore if you here be of the mind of these Fathers , by your selves produced , you must retract your opinion , formerly declared with much confidence , against the Ordination by Presbyters only . There is no place for you here to evade , except you shall say , that the Fathers by you alleadged ( and explaining the word Presbyters by Bishops , or you expounding them so ) by Bishops understand such Bishops , as were superiour to Presbyters , either in Order and Jurisdiction , or at least in degree ; ( and whom you will have to concurre at the least , and preside in the Ordination , or it is null and void ) but this is to say that the Fathers , expounding the Scripture , do make it a nose of wax , and in effect to assert , that quidlibet may be drawn ex quolibet . For if by Presbyters that are expresly mentioned , not Presbyters themselves , but another and distinct sort of persons are to be understood , never called in Scripture by that name , may we not by this rule of exposition make the Scripture speak what we please , according to our own fancies , and contrary to the express words of the Text ? To say nothing , that this evasion ( if admitted ) would not help the matter at all ; feeing you do here represent the Fathers , not only explaining the word ( Presbyters ) by Bishops , but again explaining the word ( B●shops ) by Priests ( the same word in sense with Presbyters ) and so making them every way one ; because they make these words Bishops and Presbyters mutually to explain one another . 2. We have done with the different interpretation of the Fathers upon the Text , 1 Tim. 4. and now we come to Calvin , whom you bring in here , as contrary to himself , in that Exposition that he gives upon it . But we see , you have a mind to asperse him , ( though he be so farre above you , in regard of that deserved praise , that he hath throughout the Churches , that it is not your biting at him , that can detract any thing from him ) else you would not have said , that in his Comment upon this place , he is as farre opposite to his judgement delivered in his institutions , as high noon is to midnight . For however in his Comment upon this place , he first saith , Presbyterium qui hic collectivum nomen esse putant , pro collegio Presbyterorum positum , recté sentiunt meo judicio , yet he addes ; Tametsi omnibus expensis , diversum sensum non malé quadrare fateor , ut sit nomen officij ; Ceremoniam pro ipso ●actu posuit ; and which is the sense that in his Institutions he doth adhere to . But Calvin must not have leave from you , first to alledg one interpretation , as that which in his judgement was probably true , and so to approve of it ; and afterward , upon consideration of all things , he thought were to be weighed , to conclude with another ; if he do , and thus deliver himself in his Comment u●on this place , he is flat opposite to himself in his institutions , as you judge , though we believe , all equall judges , will be more candid toward him , then to approve of your censure of him in this particular . 3. But it may be , this of Calvin was mentioned by you , that thence you might take the occasion to have a fling at us . For after you had aspersed him , you say , you fear you shall find us as wavering and unsetled in our judgments , when it comes to scanning . But wherein ? For that we said , divers of the Fathers did interpret this word ( Presbytery ) as we did , and as we said had been declared before . That which in our answer we said , had been declared before , referd to what we had before ( sc . in the latter part of the third Section of it ) alledged out of Dr. Usher , in his reduction of Episcopacy unto the forme of Synodicall Government ; where he proves from several of the Fathers , and from the 4th Council of Carthage , that Presbyters had a hand in the administration of the Discipline of Christ . We produced him , alledging the Fathers you here make mention of ; and you your selves , even now alledged many more , interpreting the word ( Presbytery ) used 1 Tim. 4. in the same sense that we concurre with ; and which concurrent sense of ours with the Fathers we declared , in that short Parenthesis on which you do thus enlarge , when we said , the Fathers did understand the word ( Presbytery ) as we do . But now what is it that you lay to our charge ? or what is it that is our offence , with which you here upbraid us ? You tell us , it is because we said , the Fathers understood the word ( Presbytery ) as we did , and because we produce Dr. Usher , speaking in this sense . But as to the preaching Presbyters ( and which was all that in the place above-mentioned in our answer , we alleadged him to bring in the Fathers to speak for ) is not this clear and manifest to him that will either peruse what he hath , or what you acknowledg , we alleadge out of him , or shall but consider what Fathers you your selves do say , do expound 1 Tim. 4. touching the company of Presbyters , i. e. the Bishops that lay on hands ? And therefore if you press us herein to stand to their sense and interpretation , by us alleadged out of Dr. Usher , we shall not run back , nor have any cause to be ashamed , when we assert , that their interpretation of the word ( Presbytery ) is the same with ours . Yes say you , we may be ashamed to say so . For that Presbytery , which we say is established by Ordinance of Parliament , and is that which we stand for , and which when we speak of the Government of the Church by Presbytery , do mean by that word , is not the same with that Presbytery , which the Fathers understand . And this we suppose you say , because you judge , the Fathers do not comprehend the ruling Elders under the word ( Presbytery ) mentioned , 1 Tim. 4. To which we answer , that where we alledged the Fathers out of Dr. Usher , we never produced them for any such purpose , as to prove , that the ruling Elders were comprehended under the word ( Presbytery ) 1 Tim. 4. only we thought to gain upon you by steps , and from what Dr. Usher alledged the Fathers for , thence to inferre the antiquity of Assemblies , where the Pastors of the Church are members , have decisive votes , and a right to rule ; and unto which if you assented , we judged , then we were so farre agreed ; and which was the reason why , mentioning his proposal of Assemblies , we said , they were the same in substance with ours , ( and for the reason of which expression , we have in this our answer to this your Paper , given a full account before , and to prevent repetition , do referre the Reader thither ) however the ruling Elders be admitted into them as members ; although we desire the Reader to take notice , and do mind you thereof , that we have shewed , that it is no novel thing , for to admit such to have decisive votes in Synods and Councils , that were never ordained to preach and administer the Sacraments ; and that we have alleadged testimonies of the Ancients , for to prove the being of such an Officer , as the ruling Elder in their times ; and consequently , that he was a member of the Ecclesiastical consistory . But we have thus shewed , for what sense of the word ( Presbytery ) we alleadged the Fathers out of Dr. Usher ; as it will be manifest to him that will peruse our answer , in that place where we cite them . And now we leave it to the Reader to judge , whether we have for this , merited such language from you , as here you give us . Do we confidently assert , that the Fathers give the same interpretation of the word ( Presbytery ) as we d● , and yet stand to nothing ? Do we not still own , that very sense of the word ( Presbytery ) 1 Tim. 4. which you your selves produce sundry of them to give ? Where then is our wavering or unsetledness in our judgements , that you charge us with ? Or in what do we run back , eating our own words , as you here say we do ? But this is but a little matter in comparison ; for you will have us hereupon , to have two hearts , and not one ferehead . But what ? were we in your second Paper ; your dear friends ; nay more , brethren , dearly beloved to you in the Lord ? and are we now become monsters in Christianity , having two hearts , and have not that common shamefastness , that might be found even amongst Heathens , having not one forehead ? We leave it to the Reader to judge , how cordial you were , in those sugared words you gave us there , when you do here thus vent the rancor , that was in your hearts , and that upon so sseight an occasion ; doubtless the answer we gave in words to your second Paper , could give no just cause , for such unchristian and uncivil censures to pass upon us ; neither was there any thing , in that part of our answer to your first Paper ( which your selves acknowledge was full of civillity towards you ) unto which you here reply , that gave any such occasion ; the Fathers we quoted out of Dr. Usher , being for such a sense of the word ( Presbytery ) as we cited them for . But your uncharitableness , in passing such hard censures upon us , is not all ; for you do also here charge us with sundry manifest untruths . For we never quoted Dr. Usher , who in his proposals is expresly for moderate Episcopacy ( which we as expresly cautioned against ) as our own man , whom we declined or tendered his judgment , as an umpire and composer of differences betwixt us , as you here say ; although we reverence him , as a man that was learned and godly , and of a farre different spirit from the generality of those , that dote upon Episcopacy ; but for what purpose we quoted him , and how farre we accord with him , we have , as in answer to this occasionally , so fully declared our s●lves before , in our answer to your second Paper . And therefore you should not have been thus rash , as to impute such things to us , for which there is not the least shew of truth ; as there is not any in what you further adde , saying , that you would have closed with us on our own termes ; unto which we have spoken sufficiently , in the beginning of this answer to this Paper , shewing how much you forgot your selves , when you said so before . And we must further tell you , that however you may conceive of us , yet we can still profess with a good conscience , that we can cordially our selves joyn in Dr. Bernards wish , and heartily recommend it to all sober spirited and godly persons , that are sound in the main points of Religion ( though of different opinions in some things touching Church Government ) that they would close therein ; there be nothing more that we long after , then an happy healing of breaches amongst those that are the children of peace . 4. We having thus vindicated our selves , do now come to what followes , where you say , that Presbytery in the Fathers and Scripture expressions you reverence ; but ours you still term a common fold , and th●se godly pretences of ours , ( as you call them ) as so many waste Papers , wherein our Presbytery ( you say ) is wrapped , to make it look more handsomely , and pass more currantly . But if you had reverenced Scripture expressions , as it had been meet you should , you would have abstained from terming our Presbytery a common fold ; that Presbytery , which you acknowledge to be the Scripture expression , according to the interpretation of the Fathers by you alleadged , being thereby reproached ; that being Presbytery still , and part of that , that by you is so ignominiously spoken of , as ( seeing it is disputed betwixt you and us , whether ruling Elders be not comprehended under the latitude of the word Presbytery , when speech is touching the Ecclesiastical judicatory ) due reverence unto Scriptural institutions would have withheld you , from coming near to the vilifying that , which you are not certain , but may be of God ; especially considering , how the reformed Churches abroad , the late reverend , pious , and learned Assembly of Divines at home , the Provincial Assembly of London , and the Ministers of the Provincial Assembly of this County ( to which you owe respect ) do all conceive the ruling Elders to be Officers of the Church , appointed therein by Christ ; and so consequently may be comprehended , under the latitude of the word Presbytery . But the truth is , we have cause to fear , that you , or most of you , are so much devoted to Episcopacy , that Presbytery in any sense , is not any further in esteem with you , as any Government of the Church to be owned by you , but as you apprehend in this juncture of affairs , it being admitted for the present , with Prelacy moderated , might be a step to erect again in time , Episcopacy in its full height ; and which we judge to be that cause , which in your Preface to these Papers you have printed , you profess to love ; as we do also conceive , we may further say , without transgression of any rules of charity , that if the late King had not been too much bent for the upholding of that kind of Episcopacy , that was on foot in his time ( that spoiled the Pastors of the Churches of that rule , which our Church acknowledged , did of right belong to them ) and had not been therein backed with the concurrence of some of you , and sundry others throughout the Land , that were therein fully of his mind ; the proposals of Dr. Usher , touching the reduction of Episcopacy , to the forme of Synodical Government , had been more readily complied with , then they were , to the prevention ( in likelihood ) in a good measure , of those troubles , that afterward did arise about Church Government . But however , there was no reason , why either he , or you should have called Presbytery a common fold ; or why you should , though you had been backed with the authority of the greatest Prince on earth , have called it the anguis in herbâ , whereof you had need to beware , and to which you here say nothing , though you used that expression concerning it , in your first Paper . And whereas you had also there said , referring to the Paper we published in our several Congregations ) that she came ushered in with godly pretence of sorrow for the sins and ignorance of the times , and the duty incumbent on us , to exercise the power that Christ had committed to us , for edification and not destruction , and then said , that these were but so many wast Papers , wherein Presbytery was wrapped up , to make it look more handsomely and pass more currently , yet that is no purgation of you from your uncharitable censuring of us , and usurping that which belonged not to you , in making your selves judges of that which fell not under your cognizance , and which was that , which we had charged you with in our answer ; but from which you do not here acquit yourselves . But as touching our selves , we are not conscious , that we have so farre transgressed the rules of charity , in passing hard censures either upon him , you , or any others , but that we may approve our selves here to God , touching our innocency herein , and the sincerity of our hearts ; and hereafter , stand with boldness , before the Tribunal of the great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ , at the great day ; and we do heartily wish , that neither any of you , or any others throughout these Nations , who adhered to the late King , in that war he levyed against the Parliament , had given the occasion , justly to be complained of at that day , as therein his greatest enemies . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. VI. And now we come ( you say ) to frame an Objection out of your Paper , and return our Answer , profeising that we pray for the establishment of such a Church Government throughout his Highness Dominions , as is consonant to the will of God , and Universal practise of primitive Churches : By which two ( viz. ) the will of God , and Uinversal practise of Churches , we seem to make up the rule ( as you say ) for deciding of Controversies of this Nature , or of any other in matters of Religion : In which you profess to differ greatly from us , as not sound and orthodox . For the Word of God is the onely rule to judg of matters of this Nature , or of any other matters of Religion , and therefore away with the constant and Universal practise of the Church . We might have cut the matter a great deal shorter and said , That we are for the establishment of that Government that is most consonant to the will of God , revealed in Scriptures , and that the Word of God alone should determine this controversie , &c. Who can forbear laughter , to see Scripturists under the Gospel ( as these under the Law , Templum Domini , Templum Domini . ) crie Verbum Domini , Verbum Domiui , nothing but Scripture , the Word of God being there the onely rule of faith and manners ? Take to your Bibles then , and burn all other Books , as the Anabaptists of old did , who when they and their Bibles were left together , what strange and Phantastical opinion soever came into their brain ? Their usual manner was to say , The spirit taught it them : as Mr Hooker in his preface to his Eccles . Pol. The determination of Councils , and Fathers , and the Churches Universal practise for matters of Church Government , must all be abandoned , and then to that old Question of the Papists , Where was your Church before Lutber ? or that of ours to you , Where was your Church before Calvin ? ( Just like the Arguing of the Samaritanes with the Je●●s , about the Antiquity of their Church on Mount Gerizim , recorded by Joseplus ) per Saltum , by a high Jump over all the Universal practise and successions of the Church , you can make your Church and Church Government as ancient as you list , by saying it is to be found in the Scriptures , referring it to Christ , and the Apostles ; nay higher yet , if you please , to the Jewish Sanhedrim 1500. years at least before Christ Mr Henderson will assist you much in th●s , who in his dispute with his Majesty , averring that Presbyterian Government was never practised before Calvins time , replyeth ; Your Majesty knows the Cammon Objection of the Papists against the Reformed Churches , Where was your Church , your Reformation , your Doctrine before Luthers time ? One part of the Common Answer is ; it is to be sound in the Scriptures ; the same I affirm of Presbyterian Government . Thus he . Make you such defence in behalf of your Church ; but ( thanks be to God ) the Protestant cause hath not , doth not , nor ( we hope ) will ever want far abler Disputants and Champions , in her defence against her adversaries , then he or you be . For though we grant , and shall ever pay that reverence to the sacred Scriptures , that it is an unsallible unerring rule , yet may we not crie up Scripture to the contempt and neglect of the Church , which the Scripture it self teacheth men both to honour and obey . We will indeavour therefore to give either their due according to Christs institution , that the Scripture , where it is plain , should guide the Church , and the Church , where there 's doubt or difficulty , should expound the Scriptures as saith a Bishop : And you your selves may remember what you affirm of General Councils ( the Churches Representative ) nay more of your Provincial Assemblies , even in your Answer to that you call the preface to our Paper , That there is in them invested an Authoritative juridicall power ( to whose Authority you profess your selves to be subject , and to which all ought to submit , alledging 1 Cor. 14. 32. Matth. 18. and Acts 15. for proof hereof ) to Inquire into , Trie , Examine , Censure and judge of Matters of Doctrine , as well as of Discipline ; And tax us , as if we refused to submit in such matters , to the Judgement of a General Council . Though here you retract and eat your own words , casting it out as unsound and Hetrodox , what was before a Christians duty to practise . You still own subjection in matters of Doctrine , and discipline , to the Judgement and determination of your Provincial Assemblies , though you deny the Authority of General Councils , and the Catholique Church ; That those should be our guide , and rule , and comment upon the Word of God , to tell us , what is his will revealed there , touching Church Government , and discipline . Said we not truely , that you seem to submit to your Provincial , what you will hardly grant to a General Council ? But the Church ( as we have said ) where there 's doubt or difficulty , may expound the Scripture , though it be tied ( as you have said ) to the rule of Gods Words in such proceedings , as Judges to the Law , and we are concluded , and bound up by that , as we are to those cases in the Law , which are the Judgement and Exposition of the Judges , upon the dark places of the same . The Churches exposition and practise is our rule in such cases , and the best rule too : As our late King affirmeth , ( viz. ) Where the Scripture is not so clear , and punctuall in precepts , there the constant and Vniversal practise of the Church , in things not contrary to reason , faith , good manners , or any positive command , is the best rule that Christians can follow . So when there is a difference about ●nterpretation of Scripture ( that we may not seem to abound in our own sense , or give way to private interpretation , Dominari fidei , to Lord it over the faith of others ) we are not to utter our own phansies , or desires to be believed upon our bare word , but to deliver that sense which hath been a foretime given by our fore-Fathers , and fore-runners in the Christian saith : and so we necessarily make another Judge and rule for interpretation of Scripture , or else we prove nothing . Thus have the best and ablest defenders of our Protestant Religion defended it against the Papists ( out of the Word of God too ) but not according to their own but the sense which the Fathers unanimously in the primitive Church , and Councils gave . See Mr Philpot , that glorious Martyr in Queen Maries dayes to the like Question propounded , viz. How long hath your Church stood ? Answereth ; from the beginning , from Christ , from the Apostles , and their Immediate Successors ; And for proof thereof desires no better rule , then what the Papists many times bring in on their side ; to wit , Antiquity , Universality , and Unity . And Calvin acknowledgeth ( as in our last Paper we shewed you ) there can be no better , nor surer remedy for Interpretation of Scripture , then what the Fathers in the primitive Churches gave , especially in the first four General Councils of Nice , Constantinople , Ephesus and Chalcedon , which contain nothing ( saith he ) but the pure and genuine Interpretation of Scripture , and which he professeth to embrace , and reverence , as hallowed , and inviolable ; So they rest not in private interpretation , but willingly submit to a judg and rule besides the Scriptures , even such as the Papists themselves cannot except against ; ( viz. ) the primitive Churches practise , and Universal and unanimous consent of Fathers , and general Councils . By these our Church is content to be tryed , and to this rule we bring the Church Government to be tried thereby . And on this score your Presbytery is quite our of doors , being of examples and practise of the Church , and Testimonies of the Fathers wholly destitute , wherein ( as the King hath it ) the whole stream runs so for Episcopacy , that that there 's not the least rivulet for any others . Which you being sensible of , have no way to evade this rule , but una ▪ liturâ to blot out all records , and monuments of Antiquity , for the space of three hundred years after Christ , as imperfect , and far from shewing the Universal practise of the Church then ; and to brand the most approved Authors of those times , as spurious and corrupt ; void of all modesty , and shewing thereby no great store either of judgement or honesty . But suppose the Monuments and Records of Antiquity for the space of three hundred years after Christ , were now ( as you say ) grown unperfect , and not able to shew what was then the Churches practise ; yet come we to the General Councils ( which are the best Expositors of Scripture , and of the Churches practise ) and we by them shall find the practise of the Church in former time . That famous Council of Nice , which must be , and is of all wise and Learned men , reverenced , esteemed , and imbraced next unto the Scriptures themselves , shews you the practise of the Church in its form of Church Government , by Patriarch , Metropolitan , Arch-Bishop , Bishop , &c. as by the 6th , 7th , 13th , 25th , 26th , and 27th Canons of the same Council appeareth . Not that this Council did constitute , and create , as some falsly conceit , but did onely confirm and strengthen those orders and degrees which were in the Church even from the beginning : so are the words of the Council , Can. 6. The very first words of that Canon ( whereby it is ordained , that the whole power of all Aegypt , Lybia , and Pentapolis , should belong to the Patriarch of Alexandria , even as it is also there decreed , that the ancient Customes and Priviledges which belonged to the Bishop of Rome , Antioch , and the Metropolitanes of other Provinces should be preserved ) are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The very words which Ignatius useth to express the Apostolical Traditions . Anriqui mores obtineant in Aegypto , Lybiâ & Pentapoli , &c. i. e. Let the ancient customes in Aegypt , Lybia , and P●ntapolis continue , that the Patriarcks of Alexandria should have power over all these : even those Customes which were deduced down to those times , from St Mark the Evangelist , not only Bishop of Alexandria but of the Churches of Aegypt , Lybia , and Pentapolis also . So Eusebius , lib 2. cap. 15 , 16. and others . So that these Canons , here made , gave no new thing ; did not de novo , institute or establish this standing subordination in the Church ( viz. ) of all inferiour Officers in the Church ; to the Bishop in every Diocess ; of the Bishop in every Province to the Metropolitan ; of the Metropolitane in every Region , to the Patriarch or Primate : but did onely confirm it . These standing powers , and subjection , being defined and asserted by the ancient Canons , yea the most Ancient even in memorial Apostolicall Tradition and Custome , avouched for it as may appear , Concil Nicen. 1. cap. 4 , 6. Concil . Antioch cap. 1 , 20. Concil . Chalced. cap. 119. See more of this in Dr Hammond of Schism , Cap. 3. sect . 22. 23 , 24 , 25. cap. 8. sect . 8. Thus much to shew the practice of the Church , in point of Church Government for the first three hundred years , even from generall Councils , the best Expositors of the practice of the Church in those times . And as they are our best Informers of the Churches practise , so are they the best Interpreters of the mind and will of God in Scripture touching Church Government . Calvin reckoning up the severall orders and degrees of Bishops , Arch-Bishops , Metropolitane and Patriarch , and rendring the reason of such Governours ordained by the said Council of Nice , though he dislike the name Hierarchie , which some gave unto that Government ; yet ( saith he ) omitting the name , if we look into the thing , we shall find that these ancient Bishops did not frame a form of Church Government , differing from that which Christ hath prescribed in his word . Mark , we pray ; the Churches practice , in the form of Church Government , was hitherto according to the prescript of Gods Word , in Calvins judgment . And this was 330. years after Christ : Yea Beza likewise , that earnest ●atron of Presbyterian discipline , confesseth ; That those things which were ordained of the ancient Fathers , concerning the seats of Bishops , Metropolitanes , and Patriarchs , assigning their limits , and attributing to them certain Authority , were appointed optimo zelo , out of a very good zeal ; and therefore such sure as was according to knowledg , and the word of God , otherwise it would be far from being optimus , the best zeal . And thus we have found a Church Government agreeable to the will of God , and universall practise of primitive Churches : such a one as we pray for , may be established in this Nation , putting both together , not the word of God alone , nor the Churches practice alone , but both together , and both in their due piaces ; not crying up the Church above the Scripture , nor crying up the Scripture to the contempt and neglect of the Church : but restoring the practice and customes of the Church into that credit , is due unto them ; by invalidating of which , all hereticall and schismaticall persons seek to overthrow the Church . Nay , but yours is that Government which is most consonant to the will of God revealed in Scriptures , and your ruling Elders are jure divino , which you cannot part with , unless you should betray the truth of Christ , Rom. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 5. We answer , these Texts are too generall to prove a ruling Presbytery out of ; and so you have been often told by many more learned Doctors of our English Church . Yet ruling Elders must be found here , for so you will have it , let Gide●ns fleece be wet or dry ; That is , whether there be dew enough in those Texts to water the sense or no : Therefore being resolyed on it , you wrest the Scriptures ( which St Peter complains of ) with Expositions , and glosses newly coined , to make them speak what they never meant , giving such new and strange senses to places of Scripture , as the Church of Christ never heard of till of late years . This wresting of Scripture , Dr Andrews taxeth the Papists withall , saying , Malus hic Cardinalium mos ; and we as truly , Malus hic Presbyterorum mos — rem facias , rem — si possis rectè , si non , quocunque modo rem , &c. such a sense you give of these places , which none of the Fathers ●ave , or heard of ; and being a stranger to them , we can but terme it an Imagination of yours , and so leave it and you to what we have in our last Paper further spoken of it . Touching which , no reply hath been as yet sent us from you . The Animadversions of the Class upon it . WE are sure we are now come , to that which is the worst part in all your Paper , your principles here being very corrupt , even in a Doctrinall matter of high concernment , and that distemper which was upon your spirit , breaking out here into railing in an high degree , if not to blasphemie ; besides your flandering of us and scoffing at us , which is ordinary with you , of which we shall speak anon particularly . 1. But we shall begin with that Representation , which you first make , of what we answered to that Objection which you made out of our Paper ; wherein as you cut it short , so you do manifestly deprave our words ; for though , speaking of that , which was to be the rule of deciding controversies , touching Ghurch Government , or of any other matters of Religion , we said , That the Word of God alone , and then added ( which you here wholly leave out ) and the approved practice of the Church recorded there ( whether it was the universal and constant practice of the Church or no ) is to be the onely rule to judge by , in this or any other controversies in matters of Religon ; yet we never said , away therefore with the constant and universal practice of the hCurch , this being an addition of your own : and which , when you profess to represent what we said , was no more fair , then your former substraction ; especially when such additions , or substractions belonged to the true stating of the Question betwixt you and us ; although , if the universall and constant practice of the Church , must be added to the will and Word of God , or it is not a sufficient and perfect rule whereby to guide us ; we may well then say , away with the constant and Universal practice of the Church , in this sense . And yet in our Answer you might have taken notice ; that we said , we did much honour and reverence the Primitive Churches , although we professed , we owed greater reverence to the Scriptures then to them ; and whereby we did not judg , they were any whit disparaged , as they themselves would never have thought upon such an expression . But in our Answer , after we had propounded the rule which you seemed to us to make for deciding of the controversie , touching Church Government and other matters of Religion , sc . the Word or will of God , and the constant and Universal practice of the Church ( as if the Word of God alone , except confirmed or explained by the constant and Universal practice of the Church when there were any doubt about any matter ( as here you speak ) were not of it self sufficient to determine it , and which is that rule which here you own , we first ( supposing it were admitted of ) put you upon it to prove , what was the Universal prctice of Primitive Churches , in the matter of Church Government ; intimating to you , that we thought it would be hard for you , or any others to demonstrate out of any Records of Antiquity , what tha● was for the whole space of three hundred years after Christ , or the greatest part thereof ( excepting so much as was left upon record in the Scriptures of the new Testament ) for which we gave you our reasons , unto which you say something , after you had first vented your distemper against us , for not admitting your rule ; but how satisfactory will come afterward to be examined . In the next place we came to oppose the rule it self , and for this also we gave you our reasons , none of which you do either recite in your representation of what we had here said , or return any answer to afterward ; and which is such a kind of replying to our Answer , as we believe , all ingenuous rationall men would have been ashamed of , who would have conceived , they were obliged either to have returned some answer to our arguments , or to have never replyed at at all , but been silent . But seeing you mention them not , we shall give the Reader a short account what they were , and referre him to the answer it self , where he may see them more fully . The reasons we gave , why we could not admit of the rule you laid down , were three , although we did not in our answer number them , and which perhaps might be the reason , why you might think , if you took no notice of them , such an escape might the more easily pass . The first reason we urged against your rule was , because thereby the Scriptures were accused as imperfect , or as not having light enough in themselves , for the resolving all doubts touching matters of faith and practice , except it were first known , what was the universal practice of Primitive Churches . 2. The second was , because admitting the constant and universal practice of Primitive Churches , to be that which must assure us , what is the will of God concerning Church Government , our faith is hereupon resolved into a most uncertain ground , and so made fallible , and turned into opinion ; there being no monuments of antiquity besides the Scriptures , that could infallibly assure us , touching the matters of fact therein contained . 3. Our third reason was , because if we could be assured what was the universal and constant practice of the Primitive Churches , yet that could not be a rule to us , what is most consonant to the will of God ; considering , that in such matters as are not absolutely necessary to salvation , we did not see , but the universal practice of the Churches , might in some things be dissonant to the will of God revealed in Scriptures . We here shewed , there were corruptions and so failings in practice in the best of men , instancing in the hot contention betwixt Paul and B●rnabas , Peters dissimulation , Gal. 2. and not only in these Apostolical men , but also in Apostolical Churches , as of Corinth , Galatia , Asia ; and then shewed , how afterward corruptions grew in the Church , in Doctrine and Government , as the Reader will see more fully upon perusall of our answer ; and where he will finde all these reasons , though you here were pleased to take no notice of any of them . But we hereupon inferred , that whereas you say , that you pray for the establishment of such Church Government , as is most consonant to the will of God , and universal practice of Primitive Churches ; we did believe you might cut the matter a great deal shorter ( which you eagerly catch at in the representation you make ) and say , that you are for the establishing of that Government , that is most consonant to the will of God revealed in the Scriptures , and that the word of God alone ( and on which only faith must be built , and into which at last be resolved , when other records of antiquity , that yet are not so ancient as it is , have been searched into never so much ) shall determine what that is ; and so those wearisome and endless disputes , about what is the universall and constant practice of Primitive Churches ( and which if it could not be found out , in any good measure of probability , for the first three hundred yeares after Christ , could never yet be so far issued , as to be a sure bottome , whereon our faith may safely rest ) may be cut off ; it being a most certain rule , and especially in matters of faith , that the factum is not to prescribe against the jus , the practice against the right , or what ought to be done . We have been the larger , in making this representation of what we had answered , because yours is here so short ; and also because you come not at all afterward , to answer any of our reasons , but fall upon us with foule language , as if that were sufficient to answer an argument ; but upon this representation that we have made , and the Reader his perusing , what he may find in our answer more fully , and what you here reply unto it ; comparing all together , he will be better able to judge concerning the whole matter ; as we doubt not , but he will conceive , the arguments we urged , against the rule you had laid down , for the deciding of controversies in matters of Religion , standing still in their full strength , it will not be necessary for us , to urge any more to that purpose , till these , that we have already urged , be answered . 2. Yet because you say something , against what we insinuated , touching making the word of God alone , the determiner , and so be judge concerning all controversies in Religion , and particularly concerning that betwixt you and us , touching Church Government , we shall first examine what you oppose thereunto , and then shall give our reasons for this assertion . We cannot call , what you oppose us with , Arguments ; but what you say , such as it is , we shall speak to . 1. And first , For our laying down this rule , you cannot ( it seems ) your selves forbear laughter , and think it strange , if there be any , that can forbear laughing hereat with you ; and then you rail upon us , calling us Scripturists , and such as cry , verbum Domini , verbum Domini , nothing but Scripture , the word of God being there , the only rule of faith and manners . If these words had been belched out by some railing Rabshakeh , a stranger to the true God and the true Religion , we should have held our peace , and not answered you a word , according to the Commandment that was given by Hezekiah , saying , answer him not : or had they been uttered by some Papist , or Popish Priest , we should not much have wondered ; but when they come out of the mouths of such , as profess themselves to be Protestants , and dissenting Christians ( though in the principle here laid down , touching the judge of controversies , you are downright Popish , and that Mr. Allen , an ancient Protestant Minister , hath put his hand to such stuff as this , who should not have reproached his fellow brethren upon this account ; it being no wayes allowable , that Ministers should press any thing upon the consciences of their people , but what they do bring verbum Domini , the word of the Lord for . We cannot here be silent , but must needs tell you , that seeing now your Papers are published to the world , we must expect a publike retractation , of what you have thereby so much dishonoured God , and justly offended and grieved the Church of God , and not us onely : and had the intended treaty gone on , we should have insisted on satisfaction ( as we hinted to you in discourse ) for that distemper of spirit , that you do here and elswhere in your Paper let forth ( though then the more private might have served the turn ) before we could have closed with you in any way of accommodation . 2. But in the next place you paralell us with those under the Law , that cried Templum Domini , Templum Domini ; though we are sure that you cry the Church , the Church , that is Templum Domini , the Temple of the Lord , to the prejudice of the Scriptures , that are verbum Domini , the word of the Lord. 3. Then you come to compare us with the Anabaptists of old , of whom you say , when they and their Bibles were left together , what strange phantasticall opinion soever came in their brain , their usuall manner was to say , the spirit taught it them , quoting Mr. Hooker . And yet in the beginning of your second Paper , we were your dear friends , ( nay more ) brethren , dearly beloved to you in the Lord , to whom you returned hearty thanks , for our Answer full of civility towards you ; and thus we might have continued in your esteem of us , if we could have come up to your termes , in admitting of Episcopacy , and casting out the ruling Elders . 4. In the next place you proceed to misrepresent our assertion , and to father that upon us which is not true ; and whether that be not slandering , we leave it to you to judge ; for , as upon our asserting the Word of God alone , to be the judge of all controversies in matters of Religion , it followes not that then we must take to our Bibles , and burn all other books , as you say ; but rather being the Scriptures are the onely judge , and these are profound and deep , we must use the greatest diligence and best helps we can , to come to understand what is the will and mind of God revealed there ; so upon this account , though we dare not build our faith upon such an unsure foundation , as the determination of Councils and Fathers , and the Churches practice , for matters of Church Government , or any other matter in Religion ; yet we are farre from abandoning or despising them , which yet is that , you here charge us with : But it is you ( who attribute more unto them , then ever the great Champions for the Protestant cause did ) that will be found joyning hands in this point with the Papists , ( enquiring where was our Church before Luther ? and whom , our Divines answering sufficiently from the Scriptures , do yet ex superabundanti prove the main points of the Protestant Religion , wherein they differ from them , both from Councils and Fathers ) and making that plea , for that Church Government for which you contend , and against that , which we , from the Scriptures argue for , which the Papists did against our Protestant Divines , for their unwritten traditions and superstitious ceremonies , and devotion . For you ask of us , where was our Church ( you here sure mean , where was our Presbyterian Government ? else you take not the Church of England , to which you belong , to be the Church you are members of ) before Calvin ? But we answer you , though we need not take such an high jumpe , over all the practice and successions of the Church , as you talk of ; being able , ex superabundanti , to evidence it from antiquity , in the purer times of the Primitive Church after Christ and his Apostles ( whereof we have given some account already , and shall anon give some further ) yet it will be sufficient for us , and all sound Protestants , if we can prove it to be as ancient , not as we list , but as the Scriptures of the old and new Testament , wherein it is to be found , and whereof we have given some account also , out of what we have in our second Paper urged out of the Vindication of the Presbyterian Government by the Provinciall Assembly of London ; and the Jus Divinum Regiminis Ecclesiastici , by some London Ministers ; and of which the Reader ( and you also , if you would take the pains to peruse them ) may see more at large , not onely in Mr. Rutherford's works , but also in Aarons Rod blossoming , written by Mr. George Gillespi , and in the Assertions of the Government of Scotland ( conceived by some to be penned by the same M. Gillespi , yet therein assisted by Mr. Henderson ) wherein the jus Divinum of the ruling Elders office is proved , not onely from the new Testament , but also from the ould ; and which books ( proving the Presbyterian Government , as from Christ and his Apostles , so also from the Jewish judicatories , ( to which some conceive Christ alludes , Matth. 18. when he saith , tell the Chutch , ) which were appointed many hundred years before Christ , and answering the opposers of this Government in all the materiall points , that ever were objected against it , by the greatest Champions for Episcopacy ) were never yet answered , that we have seen to this day . And for this assistance ( however you contemn it ) yet we bless God ; neither are we ashamed of Mr. Hendersons answer to his late Majesty , telling him , that the Presbyterian Government was to be found in the Scriptures , as our Divines have answered the Papists sufficiently , after the same manner , touching other matters ; as we are not ashamed neither to make this defence on the behalf of our Church . And though we thank God heartily , for those farre abler disputants and Champions of the Protestant cause , then we or any of us , have ever pretended to be ( not thinking our selves worthy to be mentioned for any abilities , amongst them ) yet we desire to know which of those Champions ( though they refused not to fight against the Papists with their own weapons , sc . the testimonies of Fathers and Councils ) did ever refuse the Scriptures , as the sole judge and determiner of controversies in matters of Religion , as you do ? or did they not rather stoutly and irrefragably maintain and defend this main point of faith , against the adversary ? 5. But now you come to tell us , what reverence you pay to the sacred Scripture ; for you say , you acknowledg it to be an infallible and unerring rule . And will not a Papist say so too ? But let us enquire of you , will you acknowledge the Scripture to be the sole supreme judge of controversies in matters of faith ? Except you come up to this , you are as yet , in regard of any reverence you pay to the Scriptures , no further then a Papist ; nay you joyn hands with them ; for they say , as you do ; we may not cry up Scripture to the contempt and neglect of the Church , which the Scripture it self teacheth men to honour and obey ; and sano sensu , in a right and sound sense , we shall say so too . But you further declare your selves touching this matter , and say , that the Scripture where it is plain should guid the Church , and the Church , where there is doubt or difficulty , should expound the Scriptures , as saith a Bishop ; and you quote in your margent BP Laud's Preface , that is not against Usher but Fisher * . But here 1. You mistake the Question , for it is not , Whether to the Church belongeth not a Ministry , for the expounding of the Scriptures ? This is readily granted to her by us , as it is by our Protestant Divines ; and that the Texts you cite in the margent will prove . 2. You plainly discover your opinion to be no other , then what in this point is held by the Papists ; and is abundantly refuted by our Protestant Divines in their writings . The matter is plainly thus , and no otherwise ; for when you say , where the Scripture is plain , it must guid the Church , but where there is a doubt or difficulty , the Church is to expound the Scriptures ; you plainly insinuate , that the Scriptute is not to be the sole and supreme judge , touching controversies in Religion ; for there is no controversie in Religion , but the Adversaries ( be they Antitrinitarians , Arrians , Papists or whomsoever ) may say as you here do , in such and such points in controversie , the Scripture is not plain , here is a doubt and difficulty , and we must stand to the Churches determination , who is in such cases to expound the Scripture ; neither is the Scripture in such cases , to be the onely sure infallible interpreter of it self , to which all parties are to stand , and in whose determination alone they are to rest , and into which our faith must be resolved ; which yet is that which is maintained by our Protestant Divines against the Papists , and of which we shall speak more fully anon . Onely for the present we must mind you , that this assertion is fetcht out of the dreggs of Popery , and is such an opinion as all sound Protestants will disclaim ; neither do the Texts you cite in your margent , prove any such a thing , Not 1 Tim. 3. 15. that is usually urged by the Papists , for that very opinion which you maintain , but is sufficiently vindicated by our Divines ; shewing , that the Church is there called , the Pillar and ground of Truth , in regard of her Ministry onely , by her preaching , publishing and defending the truth , and thereby transmitting it to posterity ; but not to intimate , that the Scripture in any point , where there is doubt or difficulty . did borrow authority from the Church , no more then the Edicts of Princes do from the publishers of them , or from the pillars and posts to which they are affixed , that they might be the more generally known . The other Text , sc . Cant. 1. 8. proves indeed , that the Church hath a Ministry committed to her , for the feeding of babes in Christ , as well as stronger men , which is not denied ; but if you will stretch it further , its plain you wrest it . 6. In the last place you urge us , with what we our selves granted unto Synods and Councils , acknowledging , they were invested with an authoritative juridicall power , to enquire into , try , examine , censure and judge of matters of Doctrine , as well as of Discipline , and to whose authority we professed our selves to be subject , and to which all ought to submit ; urging Scripture for it , &c. nothing whereof we do here retract , or eat our own words , casting that out as unsound and hetrodox , as you say we do , which before we acknowledged was a Christians duty to practise . For here you do not distinguish , betwixt the submission of our faith to the determination of Synods and Councils , and the submission of our persons to their censure , in regard of any matter of Doctrine , held forth by us , or any practice . This latter submission we still do readily yeeld unto them , and that in regard of the juridicall authority , they are invested with by the Ordinance of God ; and this submission was that , we professed before to yeeld unto them ; and was that we argued for . But as touching the submission of our faith to their determinations , or so as to resolve it into any other principles then the Word of God alone , or to build it on any other foundation , was not that reverence we ever acknowledged was to be paid to Synods and Councils , and is that which here we do professedly deny . And therefore you do here again no less then slander us , when you say , we still own subjection in matters of Doctrine and Discipline , to the judgment and determination of our Provinciall Assembly , and yet deny the Authority of General Councils , and the Catholique Church ; whom neither we ever denied to be a guide , or their Expositions of Scripture to be an usefull Comment thereon , for the better helping us to understand , what was Gods will revealed there , touching Church Government and Discipline ; but denied them to be our sure guid : and further asserted , the Word of God alone to be the onely rule to judge by in this , or any other controversies in matters of Religion , ( and which are the words we used , in that part of our Answer , to which you here reply ) as it is a received rule amongst Protestant Divines , that the onely sure rule or guid for the interpreting of Scripture , is not Fathers , Councils , or the practice of the Church ( and wherein we must further oppose you anon , giving you our reasons for that also ) but the Scripture it self , that is the onely infallible comment or sure guide , or ( as we spake ) interpreter . And now we leave it to the Reader to judge , how true it was said by you , that we seemed to submit to our Provinciall , what we will hardly grant to a Generall Council . But you hitherto having no otherwise , then thus , opposed , what we had intimated to you , was to be the onely rule and sole judge of controversies in matters of Religion , sc . the Word of God alone ; we shall now proceed to give you our Reasons ( according to what we promised ) for this assertion . And however , this pains to some may seem needless , considering how full our Divines are in this point in their writings against the Papists , yet we judge it necessary to say something ( though it be but what hath been said before ) that so we may neither seem to sleight any means , we are obliged to use to reduce you from your errour ; nor neglect the souls of those that are committed to our charge ; in not laying before them some grounds for the better establishing them in the present truth . Our Reasons then for making the Scriptures the only rule of faith and life , and sole supreme judge of all controversies in matters of Religion are briefly these : Argument 1. Because it is the Scripture onely , or Word of God contained there , that begets divine faith and full assurance in matters of Religion , so as to remove all doubts and scruples ; and hence it is that faith is said to come by hearing , Rom. 10. 17. i. e. from the sense of Scripture truely perceived and rightly understood . Timothy is also said to have gained the assurance of what he had learned from the Scriptures , 2 Tim. 3. 15 , 16. neither is there any other firm foundation , whereon we can build , but the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles , Ephes . 2. 20. and therefore it is the Scripture onely that is the sole judge of controversies , removing all doubts and scruples , and so determining the matters in difference touching Religion , in whose sentence onely we can rest , and to whose determination we must stand . Argument 2. If the Scriptures must be refused , as the sole and supreme judge and determiner of controversies in matters of Religion ; then it is , because they are either imperfect , and so not reaching to all cases and matters in controversie , or else because they are obscure , and so not sufficiently plain for the resolving of all doubts , whereupon there is a necessity supposed of appeal to some other judge . But the Scriptures are not imperfect ; for the Law and Scripture of the Old Testament is said to be perfect , Psal . 19. 7. And therefore there was nothing wanting in it , that was necessary for the instruction of the people of God , under the Old Testament , in matters of Religion that concerned them to know ; integrum , or that which is perfect ; being that , according to the description of the Philosopher , Cui nihil deest , & extra quod nihil eorum quae sunt ejus accipi potest , i. e. that to which nothing is wanting , and without which , nothing of those things that belong unto it , can be taken . And hence it is that God did so strictly prohibit his people of old , that they should not , either adde any thing to , or detract any thing from his Law , Deut. 4. 2. and therefore much more are the Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament perfect ; neither is there any case in matters of Religion needfull to be resolved , but the determination thereof is to be found there ; especially considering , all Scripture is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness , that the man of God may be perfect , throughly furnished unto all good works , 2 Tim. 3. 16 , 17. And as the Scriptures are not to be accused of imperfection , so neither of obscurity . The word of God is a lamp to our feet , and a light to our paths , Psal . 119. 105. and hereupon our only sure guid , as a torch or lanthorne in the night , that so we may be guided in the way we should walk , and thereby be cautioned against errours on all hands . The Apostle Peter also , speaking of the Scripture , calls it a more sure word of prophe●sie , whereunto we should do well to take heed , as to a light shineing in a dark place , 2 Pet. 1. 19. and therefore the Scripture is sufficiently plain , for the resolving of all doubts , and determining of all controversies in Religion . Although if in some things the Scripture be obscure , yet this is no sufficient reason for the refusal of it , as the sole determiner of controversies ; perspicuity not being of the essence and nature of a rule , but certainty and authority ; the Laws of men being often obscure , as Lawyers know , and yet not thereupon ceasing to be a rule . Argument 3. God is the author of Scripture , all Scripture being given by inspiration from him , 2 Tim. 3. 16. received by immediate divine revelation , 2 Pet. 1. 21. and is the word of Christ , Col. 3. 16. and therefore is the testimony , and sentence of God himself the supreme Judge , and therefore is to be acknowledged by all , to be the only sure guid and determiner of all controversies in Religion . Argument 4. Nothing is to be believed in matters of Religion , and to be received as from God , or to be taught in the Church , but what is confirmed by the testimony of Scripture ; whence it was , that in the old time , the people were sent to the Law and to the Testimonies , Isa . 8. 20. Paul taught nothing but what was to be found in the Prophets and Moses , Act. 26. 22. and hence it was also , that the Bereans were commended for trying by the touchstone of the Scriptures , what they heard from Paul , Act. 17. 11. And therefore the Scriptures are the only rule and supreme Judge of all controversies in Religion . Argument 5. The people of God are commanded , that they turn not aside , either to the right hand or to the left , from that path that is chalked forth in the Scriptures for them to walk in , Deut. 5. 32. and Chap. 17. 20. Josh . 1. 7. and therefore the Scripture is the only sure rule in matters of Religion , to which we must exactly keep , and from which we must not in the least thing turn aside . Many more reasons might be here urged , but we judge these sufficient , and so , having dispatcht what we promised , we shall now proceed . 3. For you , having not urged Arguments , against the rule by us propounded , for the determining controversies in matters of Religion , but only vented against us the distemper of your spirit for that proposal , do now further declare your selves , touching what you would have to be the judge , and rule for interpretation of the Scripture ; and do adde unto the universal ●ractice of the Church , mentioned in your first Paper , the Churches exposition , meaning the exposition of Councils , and unanimous consent of Fathers , as you here declare your selves : concerning which we shall , 1. Propound the true state of the Question betwixt you and us ; 2. And then urge some Arguments against the rule by you here made ; 3. and lastly , We shall answer what you have here to say for your opinion . As touching the first ; we do here declare our selves , that we do readily grant , the Church may expound the Scripture , though ( as we said in our answer , which you here acknowledge ) it be tied to the rule of Gods word in such proceedings , as Judges to the Law ; and so therefore the Churches exposition may and is to be made use of , as a meanes appointed by God , that we might understand the word , where there is a doubt or difficulty , but we must not allow what you further adde , sc . that we are bound up by the Churches exposition , as we are ( according to what you say ) to those cases in the Law , which are the judgement and exposition of the Judges upon the dark places of the same : neither must we close with you , when you say , the Churches exposition and practice is our rule in such cases , and the best rule too ; or that when there is a difference about interpretation of Scripture , we must necessarily make another judge and rule for interpretation of Scripture , besides Scripture , as you speak , the Scripture it self being in such a case , the only sure interpreter of it self ; the doubtfull and hard places thereof being to be expounded by the more plain . Further we do here declare , that we grant , the Church is a judge , touching matters of Religion in controversie , or touching the interpretation of doubtfull or difficult places of Scripture , but a ministerial Judge only ; and not the rule for its interpretation , as you speak ; or such a judge from which there is no appeal , no not to the Scriptureit self , as you intimate . Again the Church is such a judge , to which all parties ought to submit , in regard of her juridical authority , to be censured by her in regard of opinions or practices ; but not such a judge , to whose determination we must submit our faith , or resolve it into her sentence . In a word , we grant unto the Church a Ministry , but not a dominion over our faith , nor make her interpretation of the Scripture , where there is a doubt or difficulty , the rule of faith or practice . And if you had given to the Church no more , nor had ascribed to the Scriptures in this case too little , we should not have had this for a controversie , that is now a great matter in difference betwixt you and us . For whereas you reject the rule propounded by us in our answer , touching the determining of controversies in Religion , sc . the word of God alone , and notwithstanding our reasons there urged , against your adding the universal and constant practice of the Church , unto the word of God , to make up the rule to judge by in matters of this nature , yet do here professedly adhere , to what you did but seem to insinuate , in your first Paper : and because we had propounded the Scripture only , as the only sure rule to walk by , you hereupon ( as hath been said ) rail upon us , calling us Scripturists , and scorn and scoff at us , for making the word of God alone the rule of faith and manners ; we hereupon cannot but conceive , you ascribe a deal more to the Church , then a meer Ministery , setting up her determination , for the rule of interpreting Scripture , and issuing of controversies , and take away from the Scripture , that which you should yeild unto it , even to be the only sure rule for the interpreting it self : for though you here acknowledge , that the Church in expounding Scripture , is tied to the rule of Gods word in such proceedings , as Judges to the Law , yet you say , we were concluded and bound up by her exposition , and therefore though she be tyed in her expounding of Scripture ; according to this concession , yet by this assertion it will follow , that we are bound to believe , she hath rightly expounded the Scripture , according to her duty : for you say , her exposition and practice is our rule and best rule too , and that we necessarily make another judge , and rule for interpretation of Scripture , or else we prove nothing , and that else we give way to private interpretation , ( which is the Popish false gloss , upon the Text pointed at in that expression ) and anon you tell of another judge and rule , besides the Scripture , that is to be submitted unto , even such as the Papists themselves cannot ex●… , viz. the Primitive Churches practice , and universal and ●…nimous consent of Fathers and general Councils , and which though you would father upon Mr. Philpot , and Calvin , yet is that 〈◊〉 they , together with all other sound Protestants in their w●…s against the Papists have unanimously disclaimed ; 〈…〉 as the Papists more anciently , seeing if they mu●… the determination of Scriptures they were cast , ●…ly to Councils and the unanimous consent of Fathers , as to the rule , whereby they would be tryed ; so you with them , betake your selves to these , and refuse to be tryed by the Scriptures , as the sole judg , because thence it is manifest , that that Episcopacy , that you are for , is quite cashiered , the whole current of the Scripture of the New Testament , making a Bishop and a Presbyter all one . But the Question betwixt us being thus stated ; as we gave our reasons even now , why the Scriptures were to be the only judge of controversies , and rule of faith and life ; so we shall now give our reasons , why the Churches exposition , the unanimous consent of Fathers and general Councils , are not to be the rule of its interpretation , much less the best rule , where there is a doubt or difficulty , as you assert . Argument , 1. Because it is God only , that is the author of Scripture ; all Scripture being given by inspiration of God , 2 Tim. 3. 16. It is he only that is the chief Law-giver and Doctor of the Church , Jam. 4. 12. Mat. 22. 10. and therefore he only , speaking in the Scripture , and in the hearts of his people by his Spirit , is the supream and infallible interpreter of Scripture , every one being the best interpreter of his own words , and the Law-giver best understanding the meaning of the Law he makes ; and being the Scriptures cannot be interpreted and understood , but by that same Spirit whereby they are written , whence that of Bernard , Nunquam Pauli sensum ingredieris , nisi Pauli spiritum imbiberis ; and again , Nunquam Davidem intelliges , donec ipsâ experientiâ Psalmorum affectus indueris : and therefore the exposition of the Church , the unanimous consent of Fathers and general Councils , are not the best rule for the interpreting of the Scripture . Argument 2. Because no men can be sufficient interpreters of the Scripture , so , as when there is a doubt or difficulty , by the interposition of their authority , they can remove it , and determine the controversie about it ; because then they should have a dominion over the soul and over faith , which the Apostle denies , 2 Cor. 1. 24. yea then faith , which standeth not in the wisdome of men , but in the power of God , 1 Cor. 2. 5. should be resolved into the sentence and judgement of men ; and their sentence be the matter of our faith , or the thing that were to be believed , and whereon our faith were to be built ; which were quite to overthrow it , and to bring in an humane faith in the room of a divine . But on the contrary , when there is any controversie about any matter of Religion , and so about the interpretation of any Text of Scripture , the controversie is to be determined , and the doubt and difficulty to be removed , not by the authority of any men , but by the authority of God , and of the Scriptures . Whence it was , that the Fathers of the Nicene Council , disputing with Arrius , pressed him with the authority of Scriptures , and condemned him by the testimonies thereof . And therefore not the unanimous consent of the Fathers , and of Councils , is to be the rule for the interpreting of Scriptures . Argument 3. The unanimous consent of Fathers and Councils cannot be the rule for interpreting of the Scriptures , because then this should alwayes have been the rule , it being of the nature of that which is a rule , that it be alwayes one , and that sure , firme , and perpetual : but that this was not alwayes a rule is manifest , because there was once a time , when there were no writings of the Fathers extant , nor when there had been any general Councils ; the Council of Nice , that was the first general Council of all other , after the death of the Apostles , not having been convened till above three hundred yeares after Christ , and many of the Fathers having written nothings till four hundred yeares after Christ , and some not till five hundred or six hundred yeares after him ; and so before that time , the unanimous consent of Fathers and Councils , could not be the rule of interpreting Scriptures . Besides after the Fathers had written , yet there is not in all things an unanimous consent amongst them , in their interpreting of Scripture , as might be evidenced by several and sundry examples . You your selves told us , that the Fathers are different , in the sense and interpretation of the word ( Presbytery ) in the Scripture expression , 1 Tim. 4. The Latin Fathers generally , as Hierome , Ambrose , Primasius , Anselme and others , taking this word ( Presbytery ) for the function which Timothy received , when he was made Bishop or Priest , as you express it . The Greek Fathers as Ignatius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophilact , Oecumenius and some others , and some few of the Latines also , taking it for the company of Presbyters . We shall adde only another example , Origen , Jerome , Athanasius , Ambrose , do so interpret those words of the Apostle , Rom. 7. where he saith , I am carnal , sold under sin , &c. as that they say , Paul doth not there speak concerning himself , but in the person of a man not regenerated , whereas Augustine will have it to be understood ( as indeed it ought to be , touching a man , that is regenerated ; and so , that Paul there speakes of himself , as he most certainly doth . Many more examples of this kind might be given , but by these we may sufficiently conjecture of the rest . Argument 4. Adde unto the former , that the Fathers have sundry of them erred , which is so manifest to him that is conversant in their writings , that it will not be denyed ; as if any should be so impudent as to deny it , it is easie to make it good in manifold instances : yea some general Councils have erred , as that Council held at Ariminum , that established the Arrian heresie ; and the second Council of Ephesus , that confirmed the Eutichian heresie ; and the second Council of Nice , that established the worshipping of Images , which is forbidden in the Law of God. Whereupon the Fathers have acknowledged , that the authority of Councils was only so far of force , as their determinations are agreeable to Scriptures ; and that there lyes an appeal from all unto the Scripture . Whence that of Athanasius , speaking concerning the Arrians of old urging Councils , Fru●●ra inquit circumcursitantes praete●unt , ob fidem concilia se postulare . Divina enim Scriptura perfectior est & sufficientior omnibus Conciliis . We see , he acknowledged the divine Scriptures to be more perfect and sufficient , then all Councils . But hence it is clear , that if both Fathers and Councils have erred , the unanimous consent of Fathers and Councils cannot be the rule ; much less the best rule , as you speak , of interpretin● Scriptures . Argument 5. Besides , sundry of the Fathers , and of the writings that go under the names of the most approved Fathers , are doubtfull , others suppositious and spurious , and others corrupted . This is clear , because there have been many writers heretofore , that have been publikely adorned with the title of the Fathers , that are now rejected as heterodox , and unworthy to be called by the names they go under , and whereof if you doubt , learned Voetius doth afford you a catalogue . That there are also many suppositious and spurious works attributed to the genuine and true Fathers , and published with their works , which some receive , others reject , others do doubt concerning ; is so cleare and manifest , that it will not be questioned by any , that ever saluted the Fathers writings , and had either sound judgement of his own , or would believe the censures of the Learned concerning them , as of Rivet , Erasmus , Perkins and others ; and which is so clear , that the Papists themselves , as Bellarmine , Cajetan and others will not deny it ; and , as if it were to our purpose might be particularly proved , by instancing in the suppositious writings attributed to Ignatius , Cyprian , Basil , Ambrose , Hierome , Chrysostome , Augustine , and others of the most approved Fathers ; and from all which it will follow , that the unanimous consent of the Fathers , cannot be a rule for the interpreting of Scripture ; it being that which will be disputed concerning some , whether they be not meer feigned Fathers ; and concerning sundry of the works , that are attributed to the genuine Fathers , ( and in which such Scriptures may be interpreted , where there is doubt and difficulty ) whether they be not suppositious . Argument 6. To say nothing of the difficulties or obscurities in the genuine Fathers and their genuine writings , by reason of phrases now grown out of use , Idiotisms , Histories and Antiquities , that make them the more hard to us of these times , and so their interpretations of Scriptures often more difficult to be understood , then the Scriptures that they interpret : this also is very considerable , that it will be out of the compass and reach of the most persons of ordinary rank , to procure all the writings of the Fathers and Councils , that are yet extant : as we do not beleeve , that any of you are so well stored , as that you have such a Library , wherein all the Fathers or most of them might be consulted : which yet were necessary to be procured , if their unanimous consent must be the rule for interpretation of Scripture , when there is a doubt or difficulty . And if some persons might be found of that ability , as to procure the Works of all the Fathers , yet it is not easie to imagin , how even the Learned , though Divines , much less the simple and ignorant , could ever be able to reade over all their Works , compare all the Fathers together , and their interpretations , that so they might , when there was a doubt or difficulty , gather what was the unanimous consent of the Fathers , touching the interpretation of a Text , the sense whereof we questioned . And hereupon it will follow , that what you propound as the rule , yea and the best rule too , for interpreting of Scripture , is so farre from being such , that it is a very unfit and unmeet rule , being such , as few or none , if any at all , are able in all cases or the most to make use of . But by this time , we doubt not , notwithstanding your great confidence touching the sureness of your rule , that it is manifest , from the reasons we have given , ( unto which we might add many more , if there were need ) that your rule for the interpretation of the Scriptures , participates not of the nature , of what is to be a rule : and therefore , however the exposition of the Church , Fathers and Councils , is not to be despised , yet it is not to be made a rule ; but that the onely sure rule for the interpreting of the Scriptures , is the Scripture it self . But because you alledge something for your assertion , we shall now in the last place , examine it , of what nature and strength it is . And ● . You quote the late King in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , although his assertion is more limited then yours , as from the words you cite is clear and manifest . And as touching that , which his words are alledged for , we must say , that such a Church Government , as is not found instituted in Scripture , in regard of the substantials of it , is therefore contrary to the commands of Scripture , because not found instituted there : and this we affirm , touching that Episcopall Government that you plead for ; that superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter , in regard of order and jurisdiction , being a meer device of man , without and against Scripturall warrant , as it was that , that was unknown to the primitive Church in the more ancient and purer times , and of which afterward . 2. But you further add and say , that except your rule for interpreting of Scripture , be admitted of , we shall seem to abound in our own sense , and to utter our own fancies or desires , to be believed on our bare word , and so to give way to private interpretation ; whereas we should deliver that sense , which hath been aforetime given by our forefathers and forerunners in the Christian faith : unto which we say , that whether it be the interpretation that we ourselves shall give of Scripture , or it be the interpretation of others , however Fathers or Councils , and forerunners in the Christian faith ; yet if it be an interpretation inferred , or brought to the Scripture , and not found in the Scripture ; the uttering of that interpretation , is the uttering our own , or other mens fancies , and so is that private interpretation of Scripture , which the Apostle Peter , 2d Epist . ch . 1. ver . 20. condemns , and to whose words there , you do here point ; it being the Holy Ghost the author of Scripture , whose interpretation is that publike interpretation that the whole Church and every member thereof is to give heed to , and is that which is opposed to the private interpretation mentioned , as the Apostle shews , ver . 21. in the words following . But seeing you do here urge the very popish argument , and that text which they quote , touching the rule they make for interpretation of Scripture , in direct opposition to our Protestant Divines ; it is hence very clear , that your opinion , touching the rule of interpreting of the Scriptures and judg of controversies in matters of Religion ( which you make to be the Churches exposition , and consent of Fathers and Councils ) is the very same with theirs , and wherein , you approve not your selves to be either sound Protestants , or to own the Doctrine of the Church of England against the Papists in this particular . 3. Yet you go on , and urge another argument : for when there is a difference about interpretation of Scripture , not to admit for a rule , the exposition of the Church , consent of Fathers and Councils , you say that is dominari fidei , to Lord it over the faith of others : but we say , ( as we have shewed before ) that to impose a necessity of admitting the interpretation given by the Church , Fathers , Councils ; when it is not evident from the Text so expounded , either the words of it , scope or other circumstances of it , the things going before , or following after , or from some other Texts , with which it is compared ; this is certainly dominari fidei , to Lord it over the faith of Gods people : and which Paul , though so great an Apostle , and immediately and infallibly inspired , would not presume to do , 2 Cor. 1. ●4 . The Church having onely a Ministery committed to her , which is onely to propound that sense of Scripture , which the Scripture it self gives , and no more . 4. But thus say you , the best and ablest defenders of our Protestant Religion defended it against the Papists , though out of the word of God too , giving the sense , which the Fathers unanimously in the Primitive Church and Councils gave . But this is not the question , whether our Divines defended the Protestant Religion against the Papists , not onely out of the Word of God , but from the testimonie also of Fathers and Councils ; but whether they did ever make the unanimous consent of the Fathers and Councils , the judg of controversies or rule for interpreting of Scripture ? He that shall hold the affirmative here , doth plainly shew , he is a stranger to the writings of the best and ablest defenders of the Protestant Religion . We shall readily grant that our Divines do ex super abundanti defend the truth against the Papists , from the testimony of Fathers and Councils ; but did never assert , that the defence of it from the Scriptures alone was not sufficient , as they would never have quarrelled with the Papists , touching the judg of controversies , and the rule for interpretation of Scripture , if they would have been contented to have stood to its determination . It s true Mr. Philpot that glorious Martyr , might be willing to fight with the Papists , with those weapons they so o●ten call for , Antiquity , Vniversality , Vnity ; but where did he ever refuse the Scriptures as the sole judge and determiner of controversies , and the onely rule for interpretation of the Scriptures , as you do ? Besides it is to be observed , that it was matters of Doctrine that he and other Protestant writers did offer to defend against the Papists , from the testimony of Fathers and Councils , not matters touching Church Government and discipline , which began sooner to be corrupted ; the mystery of iniquity working even in the Apostles dayes , and the godly Fathers in the Primitive times , sundry of them laying a foundation ( though unwillingly ) for Antichrists getting up into his seat , when the Doctrine was kept pure and inviolable : in respect whereof it is , that Calvin , whom you cite ; when he acknowledgeth , that the first four generall Councils did contain nothing , but the pure and native interpretation of the Scriptures , doth expresly limit his words , and saith , quantum attinet ad f●dei dogmata , so forre as concerns the doctrines of faith , and as we have noted before in our Answer to your second Paper : where also we have shewed you , how those words of his are to be understood , when he saith , nullum esse nec melius nec certius remedium , quam si verorum Episcoporum Synodus conveniat , ubi controversum dogma excutiatur : If there be a disputation or difference touching any Doctrine , there is no better nor more certain remed● , then if a Synod of true Bishops do convene , where the controve●t●d Do●●riae may be discussed : but he concludes , hoc autem perpetuum esse nego , ut vera & certa sit Scripturae interpretatio , quae Concilii suffragiis fuerit recepta ; i. e. but this I deny to be perpetuall , that that is a true and certain interpretation of Scripture , which hath been received by the suffrages or determination of a Council . And therefore you wrong Calvin and Mr. Philpot , and the best and ablest of our Protestant Divines , when you say , they willingly submit to a judge and rule , besides the Scriptures , however they refuse no● , to try the Doctrines of the adversaries , by that which they themselves , sc . the Papists cannot except against ; it being their own rule , they propound to be tried by , sc . the exposition of the Fathers and Councils , and whose interpretation is not by them acknowledged , to be that publike interpretation , in opposition to the private , wherein they professed to rest , any farther then it appeareth to be the true sense of the Scripture , or holy Ghost , the only publike inter●reter . But it is you , and not they , that are so willing to submit to a judge and rule , besides the Scriptures , sc . the primitive Churches practice , and universall and unauimous consent of Fathers , and generall Councils , and to this rule you bring the Church Government , to be tried thereby ; because your plea from Scripture , for that kind of Episcopacy , which you so earnestly contend for , is but weak : and the most you have to say for it , is from Fathers and Councils , and practice of the Church , since the Canon of the Scripture hath been perfected : although we must tell you , that that Episcopacy , which the Fathers , you would be tried by , speak of , was nothing like that Episcopal Government of later times . Neither will upon this score ( as you say ) our Presbytery be quite out of doors , or be found to be wholly destitute of Examples and practice of the Church , and testimonies of the Fathers : neither can you prove , that therein the whole stream runs so for Episcopacy , that there is not the least rivulet for any others ; and as you from the late King affirm , by which we are now brought unto what we put you upon in the first place to prove , sc . what that Church Government is , which is so consonant to the will God and universall practice of primitive Churches . 4. And therefore having fully discussed , whatever you have urged , against the Scriptures being the rule to judge by in this controversie ; we shall now not refuse to try , what strength there is , in what you alleadge for to prove , what was the universal and constant practice of Primitive Churches in this matter . But 1. We must remove that aspersion , that you cast upon us , when you say , that we being sensible , that the whole streame of the examples and practice of the Church , and testimonies of the Fathers , runs for Episcopacy , have not way to evade this rule , but unâ liturâ , to blot out all records and monuments of Antiquity for the space of three hundred yeares after Christ as imperf●ct . But the words that we used in our answer to your first Paper will speak for us , which we shall here therefore recite , because you do not . Having put you to prove , what that Church Government is , which is so consonant to the will of God , and universal practice of Primitive Churches , we thus declared our selves . For our parts , we said , we think it will be very hard for you , or any others , to demonstrate out of any records of antiquity , what was the universal practice of Primitive Churches , for the whole space of the first three hundred yeares after Christ , or the greatest part thereof , ( excepting so much as is left upon record , in the Scriptures of the new Testament ) the monuments of Antiquity that concerne these times , ( for the greatest part of them ) being both imperfect , and far from shewing us what was the universal practice of the Church then , ( though the practices of some Churches may be mentioned ) and likewise very questionable . At least it will not be easie to assure us , that some of those that go under the names of the most approved Authors of those times , are neither spurious nor corrupted . From the words of our answer thus recited , it is manifest , we did not unâ liturâ , blot out all records and monuments of Antiquity , for the space of three hundred yeares after Christ : we only said , they were imperfect ; and said it would be hard for you , or any others , to demonstrate out of any records of Antiquity , what was the universal practice of Primitive Churches , for the whole space of the first three hundred yeares after Christ , or the greatest part thereof . And is not this manifest to him that is conversant in Ecclesiastical story ? Doth not Baronius himself despair of making up any perfect story of a good part of this time next unto the Apostles dayes ? And if it had been easie for you to have demonstrated , what was the universal practice of the Church for the whole or greatest part of this time , why did you not begin your demonstration hereof sooner , then from the Council of Nice ? Again we said , that it would not be easie for to assure us , that some of the works , that go under the names of the most approved Authors of those times , are neither spurious nor corrupted ; but we did not , as you charge u● , brand the most approved Authors of those times , as spurious and corrupted . The workes that may be attributed to some approved Authors , may be spurious or corrupted , when yet the Authors themselves are not branded . And therefore this is but another of your wonted slanders , and which through out your Paper are but too common with you . But as to the thing it self , who knowes not , but in the Primitive times there were many spurious works put forth , under the names even of the Apostles , ( as appears from 2 Thes . 2. 2. ) and blessed Martyrs , that yet are generally rejected , as none of theirs , and of which sort were those many false Gospels , that we read of , as of Thomas , Andrew , Nicodemus , and St Peter , and St Markes Mass : of this sort also are , the Apostles constitutions , held for Apocryphal ( as Mr. Perkins shewes ) in the Decretals , and were condemned by the sixth Council of Constantinople . The works also of Dionysius Areopagita , are by many learned men absolutely denyed to be the works of that Dionysius , mentioned , Act. 17. for which they do in their Comments upon that Chapter and elsewhere , give many reasons . We might instance in many others , as we shall come anon to speak , touching the Epistles that go under the name of Ignatius , and unto which we had special reference in the passages we used , that you here except against , but yet without the least reflection upon so glorious a Confessor of the faith of Christ , as he was . And such as are equal judges , and who know , what were the practices of Impostors in the Primitive times , in putting out their own corrupt writings , under the names of the Apostles and blessed Martyrs of those times , that thereby they might gain belief to their errors , will be farre from censuring us , to be void of all modesty , and shewing thereby no great store either of judgement or honesty , as you here do , because we said some of the workes , that go under the names of the most approved Authors of those times , were spurious or corrupted , considering what Rivet , Cocus in his censur a patrum , and Perkins in his preparatives to the demonstration of the probleme , and other learned men do say touching this matter : and we may here well say to you , that you had shewed more judgement and honesty your selves , if you had not censured us , as persons destitute of both , and also all modesty , for that , which all those , that read the Fathers with any measure of judgement , will readily acknowledge . 2. Having vindicated our selves from what you aspersed us with , we now come to examine , what you cite for the antiquity of Episcopacy , which is the Government you plead for . And here we observe you take a very high jumpe ( to use your own expression ) over all that is to be found in the writings of the Fathers , who lived in the three first Centuries of the Church ; and only pitch upon the Council of Nice , that which you find there , making ( as you apprehend ) most for your purpose , and ( as you say ) shewing the practice of the Church in its forme of Church Government , by Patriarch , Metropolitan , Archbishop , Bishop , &c. Although you having a little before insisted upon the exposition and practice of the Church , and the unanimous consent of Fathers , as well as general Councils , as the rule , to which you would bring Church Governement to be tried ; and in your first Paper and this also , telling of the universal and constant practice of the Church , should not so quickly have forgot your own rule , and mentioned nothing at all before the Council of Nice , out of the writings of the Fathers , to evidence what was the universal and constant practice of the Church , for the whole space of the first three hundred yeares after Christ , or the greatest part thereof , touching Church Government ; especially considering that this was that , which in our answer to your first Paper , we had put you to prove But you think ( may be ) this you do sufficiently by citing the Council of Nice , generall Councils shewing us ( as you say ) what the Churches practice was , considering also that this Council did ratifie and confirme , what had been anciently practised by the Church before , the sixth Canon mentioning an ancient custome , which by it is established . Unto this and what further you do here urge , for the proving from this Council , that which you cite it for , we have severall things to say . 1. And first , though we do most readily yeild , all due reverence and esteem unto this Council , that was and will be famous for the condemning of Arrius , together with his damnable heresie , yet we shall mind you , of what Augustine ( quoted by Calvin and alleadged in our answer to your second Paper ) saith touching insisting on the testimony of this Council . He in his Book against Maximinius , when he would silence that Heretick , contending with him touching the decrees of Synods , saith ; that neither he would object to him the Synod of Nice , nor he ought to object to him the Synod of Ariminum , but would have them both to contend , not by the authority of either of these Synods , but by the authority of Scriptures . It is also clear from Ecclesiastical story , that Constantine did admonish this Council after they were assembled , that in the determining and judging of heavenly Doctrine ( seeing they had in readiness the Evangelical , Apostolical , and Prophetical Bookes ) they should fetch from thence their formes of censure , and so determine controversies of Religion from the Scriptures ; and according unto which religious and worthy counsel they proceeded , disputing with Arrius from the Scriptures , and by the testimonies thereof condemning his heresie . 2. Seeing you will have it , that the forme of Church Governement by Patriarch , Metropolitan , Archbishop , Bishop , &c. was established by this Council , and that this Council established nothing herein , but what had been defined and asserted ( as you say afterward ) by the ancient Canons , yea the most ancient , even immemorial Apostolical tradition , and custome , and that the customes which this Council speakes of , were deduced down to those times from St Mark the Evangelist ; We do here enquire of you , whether the Church Governement that you would prove from this Council , be jure divino , or by divine right ? If it be ( as we suppose , you will and must say it is , for which purpose you say it is defined and asserted by immemorial Apostolical tradition , and deduced from Mark the Evangelist ) we do then again enquire of you , whether the Governement of the Church by Patriarch , Metropolitan , Archbishop , &c. be to be found in Scripture ? If you say it be , we desire you to prove it , and make it to appear , that it is there found . If you say , it is not to be found in Scripture , it is in vain to urge the authority of the Council of Nice , or any other Councils , for to prove the divine right of that , which is not to be found in Scripture . Further you should consider , that you alleadging for it immemorial Apostolical traditions and customes , ( of which the Scripture is silent ) do again joyn hands with the Papists , pleading for the authority of unwritten traditions , and customes not to be found mentioned or awarranted by the Scriptures , making with them the Scriptures imperfect , and that their imperfection must be supplyed by these unwritten traditions ; but wherein they are opposed by our Protestant Divines , to whom we send you , touching this matter . 3. But that we may come to speak to the Canons themselves , that you cite out of this Council particularly . 1. First , We do not find in that sixth Canon , that you do chiefly insist on any of the words , Patriarch , Primate , or Archbishop , at all there used ; only it is decreed , that the Bishop of Alexandria ( he is not called the Patriarch , as you call him ) have power over Egypt , Lybia , and Pentapolis . We confess the word ( Metropolitane ) is used in this Canon , but not any of the other above-mentioned ; the like whereunto is to be observed , touching the seventh Canon by you cited . And yet we lay no great stress on this , that these words are not there found , but hint only thus much to you by the way , who take advantage at us in regard of words , though without reason ; but shall grant unto you , that the things understood by those words , may be there found . As touching the thirteenth , which you here quote , that speakes nothing at all touching the business , but wholly concernes the lapsed Catechumeni . And whereas you cite the twenty fifth , twenty sixth , and twenty seventh Canons of this Council , you do therein both wrong this Council , and your selves , in fathering upon them supposititious Canons , there being not above twenty Canons that are genuine . Indeed it is well observed by Lucas Osiander ( after he had recited in his Epitome of Ecclesiastical History , Centur. 4. lib. 2. Chap. 10. the twenty Canons of this Council , and which only he judged to be genuine ) that there are other besides these , that are read in some supposititious writings of the Fathers , ( under the names of Athanasius and Ambrose ) but he judges them , and that rightly , to be falsly ascribed to the Synod of Nice . Perhaps you judged us to be so little conversant in the Fathers and Councils , as that we should have let all these things pass for currant ; if otherwise , we see you are so addicted to the Episcopall cause , that you matter not , so you can make it out , though it be out of supposititious writings . 2. As to the main thing you cite this Council for , and that which indeed is chiefly to be here insisted on , sc . the ancient custome that the sixth Canon speakes of , touching the power and dignity of the Metropolitanes , ( which yet was not such as you imagine , at the first appointing them , and of which more anon . ) Let it be granted , as you would have it , that this Council did not constitute and create those Metropolitans , but confirme them , and what power and dignity they had before , according to an ancient custome , yet we say , that ancient custome is to be limited in in regard of its Antiquity . And 1. It cannot referre so high as to the times of the Apostles , there being then no Metropolitan Bishops , they being never at all mentioned in the New Testament , either by that name , or the thing thereby signified . 2. Neither can it referre to the age next unto the Apostles , because in that age , and a good while after , a Bishop and Presbyter were all one . We shall for the proof of this , first mention a very observable passage in a Letter , written by the Lord Digby unto Sir Kenelmne Digby , and which , for the observableness of it is cited by others ‖ , and with good reason , considering how much he was for that kind of Episcopacy that you contend for . His words are these ; He that will reduce the Church now , to the forme of Government in the most Primitive times , should not take in my opinion the best nor wisest course ; I am sure not the safest : for he would be found pecking toward the Presbytery of Scotland , which for my part I believe , in point of Government , hath a greater resemblance , then either yours or ours , to the first age of Christs Church ; and yet it is never a whit the better for it , since it was a forme not chosen for the best , but imposed by adversity under oppression , which in the beginning forced the Church from what it wisht , to what it might ; not suffering the dignity and State Ecclesiastical , which rightly belonged unto it , and which soon afterward , upon the least lucida intervâlla , shone forth so gloriously in the happier , as well as more Monarchical condition of Episcopacy , &c. You see this Gentleman , who was firme for Monarchical Episcopacy , doth yet acknowledge , that in the most Primitive times , and first age of the Church , that kind of Episcopacy had no footing ; and that the Presbyterian Government , as it is in Scotland , and so consequently as it is in other reformed Churches , and with us , is nearer to the Primitive patterne of the Church , then that Episcopal Governement , which you would prove from the Council of Nice . And therefore in those times there was no such superiority of a Bishop over a Presbyter , no Archbishops and Metropolitans , or Primates and Patriarehs , as you speak of , and for which you quote this sixth Canon of the Council of Nice . But if you would peruse Blondellus his Apologia pro sententiâ Hieronymi de Episcopis & Presbyteris , he would give you a particular and large account , touching this matter ; he undertaking to prove ( as he is a man of vast reading ) that untill the year 140. or thereabout , there was not any Bishop over Presbyters . And in the dayes of Polycarpe , we find in his Epistle to the Philippians , but two orders of Ministery mentioned , sc . Bishops and Deacons , according to what Paul in his Epistle to the Church had signified more anciently . Hear his own words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. therefore you ought to abstain from all these things , being subject to the Presbyters and Deacons , as unto God and Christ . And therefore this ancient custome , mentioned in this sixth Canon of the Council of Nice , which you quote , must hereupon be limited and restrained , in regard of ancientness , and is not to be understood , so as to referre to the whole space of 327. years after Christ , or thereabout , before its assembling ; although the custome of appointing Metropolitans before , might be called ancient comparatively with those customes , which were but sprung up more lately , or were very new . And though we shall not undertake to shew , what was the universal and constant practice of the Church , for either the whole space of the first three hundred yeares after Christ , or the greatest part thereof , ( though it concerned you , who are so confident , that the whole stream of testimonies to be produced , shewing the unanimous consent of Fathers , and the universal and constant practice of the Church , even up to the Apostles dayes , runs so for Episcopacy , that there is not the least rivulet for any others , to have made this out ) yet this we may say , that Episcopacy did not grow up to that height , that it was in , at that time when the Council of Nice assembled , all at once , but by steps and degrees ; and that it was then nothing like to what it grew up to afterward ; and further , that however those godly Fathers , that did first set it up , and afterwards upheld it , did so out of a good intention ; yet that therein they were but subservient , to what afterward , was effected in the Bishop of Rome , to lift up Antichrist into his seat ; and which is not much to be wondred at , whenas the Apostle tells us , that in his dayes the mystery of iniquity did then already work ; and that good men may be instrumental , though unwittingly , to promote and advance a very ill and bad designe ; God therein leaving them to themselves , and he thereby in his secret and unsearchable providence , though just , holy , and wise , bringing that about , which he had before appointed in his eternal counsel . And yet for all this , we do averre , that however , as Hierome ‖ doth well observe , at the first , a Bishop and a Presbyter were the same , and that before by the instinct of the Devil , there were contentions in Religion , and it was said amongst the people , I am of Paul , I of Apollo , I of Cephas , the Churches were governed by the common counsell of the Presbyters ; but that after every one thought , that those were his , which he did baptize , not Christs ; it was decreed throughout the whole world , that one of the Presbyters should be chosen , and set over the rest , unto whom all the care of the Church should belong , and the seeds of schismes taken away . Yet not only in that age , but long afterward , as also long before the assembling of the Council of Nice , ( that speakes of Metropolitans , and confirming their power ) a Bishop and Presbyter were acknowledged to be one order of Ministery ; as they did also joyn with the Bishops , after their setting up in the Governement of the Church , as is acknowledged and proved by Dr. Usher , in his reduction of Episcopacy to the forme of Synodical Governement in the ancient Church ; and which indeed , is that , which is acknowledged by your selves . For you confessed before , that Ignatius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophilact , Oecumenius , and others of the Greek Fathers , with some of the Latines also , did take the word ( Presbytery ) 1 Tim. 4. for the company of Presbyters , i. e. Bishops who lay hands on the new made Bishops or Priests , ( as you express it ) making Bishops and Presbyters mutually to expound each other , as hath been already observed . And herein you are not alone , as hath been partly shewed before , and is abundantly shewed by others , and particularly by our reverend Brethren of the Province of London , who in their * Jus divinum Ministerij Evangelici , prove not only from the Scriptures , that a Bishop and Presbyter are all one , but do urge also sundry other testimonies for the proof thereof ; not only out of Hierome and Augustine , but likewise do alleadg Dr. Reynolds in his Epistle to Sir Francis Knowles , shewing the same thing out of Chrysostome , Hierome , Ambrose , Augustine , Theodoret , Primasius , Sedulius , Theophilact ; and do further urge , that Michael Medina affirmes lib. 1. de Sacris originibus , that not only Hierome , but also that Ambrose , Augustine , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Oecumenius , Theophilact , were of the same judgement with Ae ▪ rius , and held that there was no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter by Scripture , besides other testimonies , which they do there urge . But David Blondellus , in his Apologia pro sententiâ Hieronymi , doth clear this up so fully , in that his large Treatise , penned on purpose , to shew what concurrence of Antiquity there is for this opinion of Hierome ; that we believe those that are unprejudiced , that will but take the paines to read and weigh what he there presents , will readily grant , that long before the Council of Nice , and long after , it was acknowledged , that a Bishop and Presbyter are one order of Ministery . We have thus said , that which we judge sufficient unto the Canons themselves , that you cite out of the Council of Nice , and particularly to the sixth Canon of that Council , on which you lay the greatest weight , and shall now proceed to examine what follows 4. For you will have the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we used in the 6th Canon of the Council of Nice , to be the very words , which Ignatius useth , to express the Apostolicall traditions , Antiqui mores obtineant in Egypto , Lybia , Pentapoli , &c. i. e. Let the ancient customes of Egypt , Lybia and Pentapoli continue , that the Patriarch of Alexandria should have power over all these . But concerning the Epistles , that go under the name of Ignatius , you might know , there are different opinions of the Learned about them . Salmasius conceives they were written by a pseudo-Ignatius , to bring into credit that Episcopall Government , that deviated from the primitive institution ; and that they were written , at that very time , when that was set up . Others that conceive any of them to be genuine , yet do not receive them all . Mr. Perkins in his Preparatives to the demonstration of the Probleme , observes that seaven Epistles of his , Hierome and Eusebius , lib. 3. cap. 35 , & 36. reckon for true ; but now they are increased unto twelve ; five whereof he judges to be counterfeit , and these to be , 1. ad Mariam ; 2. ad Tarsenses ; 3. ad Hieron ; 4. ad Antiochenos ; 5. ad Philippenses . Dr. Usher , that Reverend and Learned Antiquary , acknowledgeth onely six of these Epistles to be genuine , and saith , the other six are spurious ; and of those six that he acknowledgeth , he saith , they are depraved and corrupted . Nay Mr. Perkins observes , that Bellarmine himself confesseth of these Epistles , that the Greek copies are corrupted . And to evidence this , we wish you to consider two passages onely , that we shall instance in . In his Epistle to the Trallians , he boasteth of his knowledg ; for he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. I am able to understand heavenly things , the orders of Angels , the differences of Archangels , and of the heavenly Hoast : the differences between powers and dominations : the distances of thrones and powers : — yea as followes a little after , the Kingdom of the Lord , and the incomparable Divinity of the Lord God Almighty . These expressions savour not of that humility that was in that faithfull servant of Christ , the true Ignatius . And in his Epistle ad Smyrnenses , he takes upon him to correct , if not to contradict Solomon : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. He saith , my son honour God and the King , but I say , honour God as the Author and Lord of all things , and the Bishop as the Prince of Priests , &c. and after him it behoveth you to honour the King. More here might be urged : but these and other passages , that might be instanced in , do shew plainly , that these Epistles are either counterfeit , or corrupted . And this was the reason of those expressions , we used in our Answer , when we said , it would not be easie to assure us , that some Works , that go under the Names of the most approved Authors of the Primitive times ( referring therein after a more especiall manner to the Epistles of Ignatius ) are neither spurious nor corrupted . But hence it will follow , that what is alleadged by you out of Ignatius , for the support of the Episcopall cause , is not of that waight , as to prove , what was the practice of the Church in the time of the true Ignatius ; much less to prove , what was the universall practice of the Primitive Church , long before the assembling of the Council of Nice , or to evidence that that Council in the 6th Canon , had any reference to the words of Ignatius , which you cite , and which might as well be foysted into his works afterwards , as other things ; and so nothing thence to be concluded , either with the shew of any certainty , or of any good measure of probability . 5. Now whereas you will have these ancient customes touching the power and priviledges of the Metrapolitans , and Patriarchs , to be deduced from St. Marke the Evangelist , who , you say , was not onely Bishop of Alexandria , but of the Churches of Egipt , Lybia and Pentapolis , and will have the subordination of all inferiour Officers in the Church to the Bishop in every Diocess , of the Bishop in every Province to the Metropolitan , of the Metropolitan in every region to the Patriarch or Primate ; these standing Powers ( as you call them ) and subjection , to be defined and asserted by the ancient Canons , yea the most ancient , even immemoriall Apostolicall tradition and custome : you must either prove that the customes , standing Powers , and subjection , that you speak of , are warranted , defined , and asserted by the Canon of Scripture , which you will never be able to do : or else you do hereby intimate , that you would have it to be believed , that there are some customes and traditions , that are Apostolicall , and to be received as such , that are not found written in the Canon of the Scripture . But by this assertion you gratifie the Papists , , and open a door to let into the Church , the many unwritten traditions , they would obtrude upon it , under the specious name and title of Apostolicall traditions : though you might have known , they are abundantly therein consuted by our Divines , that yet were never answered by them , or any other patrons of unwritten traditions . And upon this account we hope we shall be sufficiently excused , though we forbear to either examin , or say any thing particularly to the Councils , and Dr. Hammond , that you cite for this purpose . But as touching Marke the Evangelist , whom you will have to be , not onely Bishop of Alexandria , but also of Egypt , Lybia and Pent apolis also ; you do herein assert things inconsistent , sc . that he was an Evangelist , and yet an ordinary Bishop . For Evangelists properly were extraordinary Officers , extraordinarily employd in Preaching of the Gospel , without any setled residence upon any one charge ; were companions of the Apostles , and under the Apostles had the care of all Churches , and in which sense Mark was an Evangelist , as well as in regard of the Gospel which he wrote . But Bishops were Officers that were ordinary , and fixed to one particular charge , neither did they ordinarily travell with the Apostles from place to place , as the Evangelists did : Neither could Evangelists be any more called Bishops properly , then the Apostles could be so called ; who were not such formally , but onely eminently and virtually . But as touching Eusebius , whom you cite , Scaliger saith concerning him , that he read ancient Histories parum attentè . But further you are to consider , that the Apostles themselves were called Bishops in those times : and yet they could not be so called properly , as is proved by Mr. Banes in his Diocesan Triall * , who there gives reasons , why Apostles neither were , nor might be both Apostles and Bishops properly . We shall onely urge one of the reasons there mentioned , which also doth strongly prove , that Mark the Evangelist , neither was , nor could be an ordinary Bishop ; for then he is made liable to errour , as all ordinary Bishops were , and are ; and then in writing of his Gospel , as well as in his teaching he might erre : and hereupon , occasion is given , to call that part of Canonical Scripture in question ; as the asserting the Apostles to be Bishops properly , gives the like occasion to call all their writings in question , which is dangerous , and no wayes to be admitted of . And hence it will follow , in what sense soever you call Mark an Evangelist , yet he could not be a Bishop properly , although it should be granted , he had an inspection under the Apostles , of all those parts you mention . 6. But thus farre , we hope it is manifest unto the Reader , that as yet you are to shew , what the practice of the Church was in point of Church-Government , for the space of the first three hundred years after Christ , that which you have alleadged out of the Council of Nice , not manifesting it , either for the whole space or the greatest part thereof ; as appears by what we have said touching this matter . Neither must we allow , what again you here further assert , sc . that General Councils are the best enterpreters of the mind and wi●l of God in Scripture , touching Church Government , the Scripture it self being a farre more sure and safe interpreter of Gods will and minde therein revealed , in the plain places thereof , when there is a doubt and difficulty , arising from the darkness of some other places , and as hath been fully shewed ; as also considering , that there was some swerving in point of Church Government from Scripture rule , before the first general Council met or assembled , when yet there was more purity , as to that matter , then there was afterward . 7. Neither must we suffer that to pass for currant , which you here say of Calvin , sc . that though he disliked the name Hierarchy , yet he allowed the thing . The place you here chiefly referre to is , as we judge , that place in his Institutions , lib. 4. cap. 4. Sect. 1 , 2 , 3. but especially what we find , Sect. 4. where we grant , having mentioned Bishops , Archbishops , and Patriarchs , and having given the reason of the first institution of them , in that fourth Section , he hath these words , Gubernationem sic constitutam , nonnulli Hierarchiam vocarunt , nomine ( ut mihi videtur ) improprie ; certè Scripturis inusitato , &c. Verum si rem omisso vocabulo intuemur , reperiemus veteres Episcopos , non aliam regendae Ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere , ab ea quam Deus verbo suo praescripsit : i. e. the Governement of the Church so constituted , some called the Hierarchie , by an improper name ( as it seems unto me ) certainly by a name not used in the Scriptures , &c. But if omitting the Word , we look upon the thing , we shall find , that the ancient Bishops would not frame another forme of governing the Church , from that which God hath prescribed in his Word . He speaks then here , of what was in their intention , not as approving every thing they did . He saith , they would not , they had not any such a will , purpose or intention ; he doth not say , as you say , that they did not frame a forme of Church Government , differing from that which Christ hath prescribed in his Word . He had intimated in the first Section , that many of the Canons that were made in those times , sc . of the ancient Church , did seem to express more , then was to be found in sacred Scripture ; and though in regard of that good measure of purity of Governement and Discipline , that did remain in those times , he doth seem to extenuate , what deviation there was from the word of God ; yet he doth not allow of every thing , that was then appointed . In the second Section he comes to shew , how Bishop came up at the first , sc . that for the prevention of Schisme , the Presbyters chose out of their number , in every City one , to whom they gave the title of Bishop , and that upon this reason , lest dissentions should arise from equality . But withall , there shewes , that the Bishop , thus superiour to the rest of the Presbyters in honour and dignity , had not any dominion over the Presbyters , whom he calls his Colleagues ; but only had that office , as the Consul in the Senate , and as indeed the Moderatour hath in our Assemblies , as from that which he there instaneeth in , that did at the first belong to him , is clear and manifest . And then he addes , and saith , even this it self , the Ancients themselves confess , was at the first brought in , Pro temporum necessitate , in regard of the necessity of the times , and humano consensu , by the consent and agreement of men ; as he proves out of Hierome . And in the fourth Section ( which you chiefly here referre to ) he saith , whereas every Province had amongst the Bishops one Archbishop , and whereas also , in the Synod of Nice , there were constituted Patriarchs , who were above the Archbishops in regard of dignity that did belong ( as he there saith ) to the conservation of the discipline But yet addes , Quanquam in hâe disputatione praeteriri non potest , quod ●arissimi ●rat usus , i e. although in this disputation it may not be omitted , that it was of most seldome or rare use . And then he shews , that the use of the Archbishop was , for the calling a Provincial Synod , as there might be occasion , when the matter requiring it , could not be determined by fewer , and so by a lesser Assembly ; and in case the cause was more weighty or difficult , that then the Patriarch was to call a more general Synod , from which there was to be no appeal , but to a general Council . And thus Calvin shewes , what was the reason of the first institution of Bishops , Archbishops , and Patriarchs ; but from that account given by him of this their first appointment , it is manifest , that their superiority above their fellow Brethren , was not from the beginning , it being but an humane constitution only ; and that at the first , yea even in the time of the Nicene Council , it was nothing like to what it grew to be afterward ; And that that power , even of the Patriarchs , and Metropolitans , that was appointed or confirmed by the Nicene Council , was nothing like unto that power , that was exercised by the Bishops and Archbishops in this Land , whilest Episcopacy stood ; their power at that time being chiefly , if not only , for the calling of Synods , sc . Provinciall , or of a larger circuit , as there might be need ; and they having therein only a presidency , or moderatorship , and not exercising any dominion over their Colleagues , according to that representation of the matter of fact , that Calvin truely makes . And because the appointment of them was done out of a good intent , without any will or purpose , to appoint any forme of Government in the Church , differing , from that , which God had appointed in his word ; and as an Ecclesiastical constitution only , which the godly Fathers in those times thought might be of use , ( though afterward , as we have before shewed , it proved otherwise ) and considering what a good measure of the ancient discipline , remained entire in those times , Calvin did therefore speak moderately of what they did , though he did not ( as is manifest ) approve of all they did . But thus the Reader may discerne , that you have not dealt any more fairly with Calvin here , ( whom in this place you would make to be a justifier and patron of Prelacy ) then you have dealt with him elsewhere ; though by what we have said , we hope he is sufficiently vindicated , and the contrary , to what you alleadge him for , fully evidenced . And this that hath been said concerning Calvin , will likewise shew , how Beza is to be understood , if he any where say , what the ancient Fathers appointed touching the Hierarchy , was done optimo zel● , out of a very good zeal . For by that expression he only approves of their pious and good intent in what they did , but not of all that was done ; and when you call him that earnest patron of Presbyterian discipline , you should not , by stretching his words beyond their scope , have represented him , to have approved of that , which the Presbyterian discipline doth not own . 8. And thus having answered fully to what you have said , for that Government which you are for , and pray might be established in this Nation ; we must still mind you , that , whatever you here again say to the contrary , as yet you have not proved this Church Government to be agreeable , either to the will of God ( which was not as yet attempted to be made out by you ) or to the universal practice of Primitive Churches , your proof for this falling far short ; and that however now you would mince the matter ( speaking of the rule , whereby we are to judge , touching Church Government , or other matters of Religion ) in saying , you put both together , not the word of God alone , nor the Churches practice alone , but both together , ( and which is not to be disallowed of , when it is clear , that the Churches practice is agreeable to the word of God ) yet by what you have discovered to be your opinion in this Section ( and of which we have fully spoken ) it is manifest , you have given that to the Church , Councils and Fathers , and their exposition , which is proper to the Scripture , sc . to be the only sure interpreter of it self , and judge in all controversies of Religion ; and which is that , which we have asserted and defended against you in this answer , and by giving of which unto the Scripture , we have detracted nothing from the credit , that is due unto the Church , or her lawfull and laudable customes ; which we are so farre from any wayes invalidating , that we do assert and defend the same , as also her authority against all heretical and schismatical persons , that seek her overthrow ; although we see no reason to count those heretical and schismatical persons , that seek to overthrow the Church , that cannot either believe , that the Church is the only iudge of coutroversies in matters of Religion , or her exposition the best and surest rule for interpreting of Scripture , or that judging the Government of the Church by Patriarchs , Metropolitans , Archbishops , Bishops , then Chancellours , and Commissaries , Deanes , Deanes and Chapters , Arcadeac●ns , and other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on that Hierarchie , not to be a Government agreeable o the will of God , and universall practice of Primitive Churches , do therefore cast it off , which yet w fear are Articles in fome mens Creeds . 5. But having spoken , what we judge sufficient , unto what you have alleadged out of the Council of Nice , and to what you further have urged , for the proving of that , which you do here cite it for ; we shall now proceed , to consider what you have to say against our Government , as not being that , which is most consonant to the will of God revealed in Scripture ; and to prove , that the ruling Elders are not jure divino , nor any such Officers appointed by Christ in his word , but that they may be parted with , without any danger of betraying the truth of Christ , Rom. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 5. Now here we might have reasonably expected , that you should have urged some arguments , to have proved , that ruling Elders are not meant in these Texts , considering what more large satisfaction you promised in your second Paper afterward , if what was comprehended therein was not judged satisfactory . But we find that ( notwistanding your large promises and confident and high undertakings ) you discover barrenness in arguing , though what is wanting in reasons , you make out in foul language ; yet we shall consider the utmost that you say . First in answer to these Texts you say , they are too generall to prove a ruling Presbytery out of ; But this you should have made good , and not magisterially have asserted it , as you do , without all proof . But you think it is enough that we have been often told so , by many more learned Doctors of our Church . And we must tell you ( who it seems reckon your selves in the number of these learned Doctors ) that it is a greater part of learning , to prove these Texts to be too general to prove a ruling Presbytery out of , then only to say so much ; as by that account which we have given you , in our second Paper , we have there shewed , that both the Provincial Assembly of London , in their vindication of the Presbyterian Government , and the London Ministers , in their Jus divinum regiminis Ecclesiastici , do more then say , that these Texts do hold forth such an Officer in the Church , as the ruling Elder ; for they do also prove it , yea and that he is there particularly mentioned , and distinguished from all other Officers of the Church ; they also , together with the Assertors of the Government of the Church of Scotland ( to whom with other reverend and learned men of our own and other reformed Churches , we have referred you ) do answer whatever we have heard alleadged by those many more learned Doctors of our English Church , that you here speak of , to prove these Texts to be too generall , to prove a ruling Presbytery out of . And therefore it is not according to our will , or what we are resolved on , that the ruling Elders are found there , but according to the clear evidence of strong and good reason , shewing ( notwithstanding your scoff ) that the sense we have given of these Texts , is the true sense and meaning of them . But though you urge no argument to convince us of so great a fault , yet you can readily enough accuse us of wresting the Scriptures with expositions and glosses , to make them speak what they never meant ; and which you think is sufficiently made forth by telling us , that we put such strange senses to places of Scripture , as the Church of Christ never heard of till of late yeares ; as if nothing were to be received , that is contained in Scripture , as the true sense and meaning thereof , but what can be confirmed to be so , by the testimony of Fathers and Councils ; or as if all the expositions that had been given of these and other Texts of Scripture , by the Church of Christ till of late yeares , were now to be made evident from the writings of the Fathers , that are extant , shewing what the expositions given by the Church were ; or as if the expositions of reverend and learned Synods and Assemblies of Divines , of our own or other reformed Churches ( having had the help of all the labours of those , that had been in the Church of Christ before them ) backed with the evidence of Scripture reason , and the circumstances of the Texts , were all to be sleighted , and to be had in no account , both by us and you , who yet profess ( though in your practice you shew but little of it ) to reverence Synods , and to be ready to submit to their determination , although we have also told you in our answer to your second Paper , that ( however it being no controversie in the purest Primitive times of the Church , whether ruling Elders were understood in those Texts , nor this case brought before the Synods of those times , that ever we have read of ; and so not that occasion given to the Fathers , to discuss this matter upon their expositions of those Texts ) we are not wholly destitute of the testimony of the Fathers , for the being of such an Officer , as the ruling Elder in the Church ; and do herein referre you and the Reader , to what we have said to this purpose , in our answer to your second Paper . But yet for all this , we must with you be esteemed wresters of the Scriptures ; and to brand us the more , you apply unto us ( yea to all Presbyters ) what Dr. Andrews taxed the Papists withall , whereby you shew the esteem we are in with you , in that you herein parallel us with the Popish Cardinals ; which is also the charity you have towards us , who in your second Paper , whilest you had hopes by courting us , to have brought us on to a compliance with you , were your dear friends ( nay more ) brethren , dearly beloved to you in the Lord ; and this also is that more large satisfaction that you now give us , in performance of your promise there made , if what was comprehended in that Paper , was not sufficient . But having here said nothing , that can have any shew of this promised satisfaction ; you do well to referre us , to what in your second Paper , you say , you had further spoken of it ; for the Reader hence may be ready to think , though he find here little but flouts and uncharitable censures ; yet there you had said something to the purpose , which yet when it is summed up , will be found to be only this , sc . your sending us to the Fathers , to consult what interpretation they gave , and telling us none of them expound these Texts as we do ; which yet is that you say over again here , and to which there is no need to return any further answer , then what hath been already made : only we cannot but take notice , that your way of giving satisfaction is very easie , sc . by ridding your hands quickly of the work , and it is only in one way , which is briefly this , sc . what exposition the Fathers unanimously give of any Text of Scripture , that must be received ; and what exposiition cannot be backed with their concurrent testimony , that is to be rejected , and this ought to satisfie . But unto this , one answer doth serve the turn , sc . that your principle is unsound and very corrupt ; and which hath been already in our answer to this Section so fully evidenced , that it is needless here to add any more . And this for answer to what you present in this Section , may be sufficient . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. VII . But now as to you , and what followes , say you , and so go on mintaining your power of excommunication , and the extent of it , being as you pretend , backt by the Authoritie of the civil Magistrate , which Authoritie is taken off by severall subsequent Acts of Parliament , and so your Church-Government , and Church-censures are of no force upon any , but such as are willingly ( and no longer then they are willingly ) subject thereto , as we have shewed before . The Civil Sword doth and can reach others , your Ecclesiastical cannot : The Act inflicts a civill punishment , whether corporall or pecuniarie , upon all lawless persons , whether such as contemn Gods Laws or Mans , and not a spirituall , and therefore not censurable by you . And this is a mistake of yours to think , that notwithstanding the punishment inflicted upon the offender by the civill Magistrate , you may for the same offence proceed to execute Church-censures also ; so a man may come to be punished twice for one offence , which is against the Law ; and therefore in such Statutes ( as in 1 Mar. cap. 3. and 1 Eliz. cap. 12. ) where there is a punishment prescribed to be inflicted by the Civill Magistrate upon the transgressors of that Act , and also another to be inflicted by the Church ; yet there is a speciall Proviso immediately follows , That whatsoever person offending the premises , shall for any the offences afore-recited , receive punishment of the Ordinarie , having testimoniall thereof under the said Ordinaries Seal , shall not for the same offence eftsoon be convicted before the Justice , nor in likewise receiving for the said offence , punishment by the Justice he shall not receive for the said offence punishment of the Ordinary . Now these latter Acts and Ordinances , against drunkennesse , swearing , prophanation of the Sabbath , &c. enjoyning punishment by the Civill Magistrate only , hath utterly taken off all power of excommunication : And therefore our advice to you , to complain to the Civill Magistrate of such lawlesse persons was not amiss , because that Sword is sharper and longer then any you have , or can pretend to . The Animadversions of the Class upon it . 1. IF we went on to maintain our power of censuring the scandalous , according to what ( as we told you ) both God and the civil Authority had entrusted us with , it concerned you the more to have made good what you undertook . But herein you have fallen short , as we have sufficiently proved , by what we have said in answer to the fourth Section of this Paper , whereby also we doubt not , but it will appear , that we are backt by the Authority of the civil Magistrate , and that this Authority is not taken off by any subsequent Acts of Parliament , that you have instanced in ; and that therefore our Church Government and censures are still of force , and that it doth not depend on the voluntariness of the members of our severall Congregations being subject thereunto , but upon the Parliaments appointing them to this subjection , that any persons within the bounds of this Association are subject to this Government . 2. We do readily grant the Civil Sword , doth and can reach , as those offendors against the Laws of the Lands , that submit to the Churches censures ; so also those , that are unwilling to be subject thereunto . But your Argument is very inconsequent , when you would inferre , that the Act or Acts of Parliament inflict a civil punishment , whether corporall or pecuniary , upon all lawless persons , whether such as contemn Gods Laws or mans , and not a spirituall , therefore such offenders are not censurable by us . For except there had been some late Act , that had repealed the Ordinance of 1648 , for Church Government , that appoints the inflicting of spirituall censures ; such offendors , as are justly censurable by that Ordinance , are still censurable by us . Neither do we yet see , how it is our mistake , to think , that , notwithstanding the punishment inflicted upon the offendor by the Civil Magistrate , we may , for the same offence , proceed , to execute Church censures also : or that it is either sound Divinity , or good Law , that a man may not be punished twice for one offence ; which yet is the argument whereby you would prove us therein for to mistake . Indeed we hold it not just , that one and the same person , should be punished twice for one and the same offence , with one and the same kinde of punishment ; but that such offendors , as are punishable by the civil Magistrate with civil punishments , may be proceeded against by the Church with Church censures , is manifest , 1. From your own concessions . You had granted in your first Paper , that such as are scandalous and wicked in their lives , were to be admonished , both publikely and privately ; and that if notwithstanding , they continue still in their scandalous courses , and would not reform , the Churches lawfull Pastors had power to excommunicate such . And in your second Paper , it was one of the Arguments you urged to bring us to a compliance with your Proposals there , that , by that means the lives and manners of dissolute persons , might with brotherly admonition and exhortation be reclaimed , or by due censures be corrected and amended . But now you eat your own words , and flatly contradict what there you had granted : for now you say , such offendors as are punishable by the civil Magisttate , according to the Acts , that inflict civil punishment , are not censurable at all by the Churches lawfull Pastors ; nor by us , since we have refused to comply with your Proposals ; for then a man may come to be punished twice for one offence . 2. From the justice and equity that is in so doing , considering the different nature of Civil punishments , and Ecclesiasticall censures ; the one being only corporall , or respecting the outward man , the other being spirituall and respecting the soul . And therefore seeing men consist not only of bodies , but have souls also ; such as are offenders against the Laws both of God and men , may and ought to be punished , as with civil punishment , appointed by the civl Magistrate , to be inflicted on the outward man ; so also with Ecclesiasticall censures , appointed by Jesus Christ , to be inflicted on the soul , in case of impenitency . 3. This also further appears , by the necessity and usefullness that there may be of this double punishment . The Magistrate may have punished the offendor in his purse or body , and yet he continue in an insensible and impenitent state , in which respect there may be a necessity , why he should be noted with the censure of Excommunication , that he might be ashamed , 2 Thes . 3. 14. be delivered unto Satan for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus , 1 Cor. 5. 5. The Magistrate also may have punished him to the satisfaction of the Law , and yet the Church remain unsatisfied , and there be danger also of leavening others by his unreformedness , except this old leaven be purged out , 1 Cor. 5. 6. Civil punishments are necessary to be inflicted , for the restraining from publike disorders , not fit to be tolerated in a Christian state : But if there be not repentance for such offences , the souls of such offenders , notwithstanding the Law be satisfied , may be damned for their impeniteney ; for the preventing whereof Church censures are necessary and usefull . Both Magistracy and Ministry are Ordinances of God , the power of both are necessary and usefull , a blessing from God may be expected on the due punishment and censures that are inflicted by both . And therefore the asserting of the one doth not take away or destroy the other . But if your doctrine be good ; if there be an appointment of civil punishments , to be inflicted by the civil Magistrate , and the civil Magistrate proceed to do his duty , all the power of the Church is vacated , neither must she inflict any censures or spirituall punishments , that she is intrusted with the dispensing of , though she see her members to be incorrigible , impenitent and in danger to perish ( if her physick , that is for the soul , be not applied , after the civil Magistrate hath gone as farre as he can ) because then one and the same person should be punished twice for one offence ; which you say , is against Law , but we are sure , is against the rules of sound and good Divinity . 3. But seeing you say , that for a man to be punished twice for one offence is against Law , and to make this out do urge two Statutes , 1. Mar. chap. 3. 1. Eliz. cap. 2. unto this we say , that however it doth not properly belong to us to expound the Laws of the Land , we hope we may have leave to say , what upon the perusall of those Statutes , common reason doth dictate to us . And therefore we answer , 1. Your assertion is too generall to be made out by these Statutes . That of the first of Mary , speaking only of the penalties to be infficted on those that should disturb by word or deed Preachers in their Sermons , or should molest a Priest , preparing or celebrating Masse , or other Service ; or abuse the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ , or should break any Altar or Crucifix : and providing in the close of it , that the persons offending in the premises , should be but once punished for one offence : as there had been reason , for some of those things , that are there mentioned as offences , why the transgressors of that Act , should not have been so much as once punished . The other Statute of the first of Elizabeth , cap. 2. ( for so your quotation is , in the Copy you presented unto us , and which we judg to be the Statute you here mean , there being nothing to this purpose to be found cap. 12. ) is likewise as expresly limited , as the former . For it entreats only of the penalties to be inflicted on those , that should use any other Service then the Book of Common Prayer , or should deprave the same Book ; or should do any thing , or speak in the derogation of it , or cause other Prayer to be said or sung , or should not resort to the Church on the Sundays , or other Holy days : and then after the appointment of the punishment to be inflicted by the civil Magistrate in such cases , and the other punishment to be inflicted by the Ordinary , doth provide , that whatsoever persons shall offend in the premises , shall be but once punished for one offence , providing particularly as you mention . But you might have taken notice , that the book of Common Prayer is taken away , and so are Holy dayes , by the Ordinance appointing the Directory ; and we could never see , there was reason for that severity , either of Ecclesiasticall censures , or civil punishments to be inflicted upon all those that might be found punishable at any time by this Act. However , the provisions mentioned in these Acts , refering only to the particular cases mentioned in them , your proof from them falls short , to make out your assertion , that is generall , that it is against Law for a man to be punished twice for one offence . 2. But yet we further answer , that when the Parliament passed the Ordinance of 1648 , whereby the offendors there mentioned , are made censurable by us with the Church censures , as there may be occasion , according to the rules layd down in the form of Church Government , there were sundry penall Statutes in force , inflicting civil punishments on severall of the offendors , mentioned in that Ordinance , and yet there is no proviso in this Ordinance ( that was passed after those Statutes ) to the purpose you speak of , and restraining the Church from inflicting Church censures , in case the civil Magistrate had punished them by civil punishments ; but it gives the Church full liberty to proceed , without the least hint of any such a limitation . 3. You also ( who pretend to be so expert in the Laws ) might have taken notice , that in the Statute of the 5th of Eliz. cap. 23. there is an appointment of the order of awarding and returning the Writ de Excommunicato capiendo : and also what was to be done upon the appearance of the offeudor , and what if he could not be found : and by which Statute , it is most clear , that the civil Magistrate was to inflict a civil punishment upon the same offendor , that had been excommunicated by the Ordinary ; as it is there provided , that upon the Bishops receiving the submission and satisfaction of the person excommunicated , and certifying the same , the party was to be released from the Sheriffs custody or prison . By which , we think , it is manifest , that you ( who would appear to be men so well skilled in all Laws , both of God and men ) have laid down such a generall assertion , as can be made out by neither ; it being cleer by that Act , that a civil punishment was to be inflicted on the person , that by his offence had incurred the censure of Excommunication . Further you might have observed , that by the Statute 10 Caroli , cap. 1. there is a forfeiture appointed , to be levyed on every person using any unlawfull pastimes on the Lords day , and yet in the close thereof , there is a proviso in these words ; that the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction within this Realm , or any the dominions thereof , by vertue of this Act , or any thing therein contained , shall not be abridged , but that the Ecclesiasticall Court may punish the said offences , as if this Act had not been made . The like proviso we also find , in the Statute 30 Caroli , cap. 1. which yet appoints fofeitures , in case of prophanation of the Lords day by Carriers , &c. that travel on the Lords day , or by Butchers that sell or kill victuass on that day . By all which you may plainly see , if you will not shut your eyes , that it is not against Law , that a man may come to be punished twice for one offence . Nay what hath been heretofore more ordinary , then the High-Commissioners imprisoning , fining and excommunicating for one and the same offence ? But yet you will have the latter Acts and Ordinances against drunkenness , swearing , prophanation of the Sabbath , &c. enjoyning punishment by the Civil Magistrate onely , ( though they do not speak one word , that tends to the repealing of the Ordinance for Church Government ) to have utterly taken off all power of Excommunication . But this we must not so easily grant ; and yet we shall not be unready , as there may be occasion , to complain to the civil Magistrate of any lawless persons , that are justly censurable with the censure of Excommunication , the conjunction of the Civil and Ecclesiasticall Sword , being sharper and longer , then either of them alone . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. VIII . And you further proceed to make answer to our severall ensuing Quaeries , but how fully and satisfactorily all may judge , that have perused what hath formerly been said touching the civil sanction of your Government . Our first Quaerie is , Why Government in singulari ? Your answer is , Because it is the onely Government that is established in this Church by Civill Authority . This Answer hath been confuted before , we shall say no more here to that . But we are unsatisfied , what you mean by ( this Church ) whether you mean this Church at Manehester , where your Classis is ; or you mean the Church of England . If you mean this Church of Manchester of your association , it is establisht not so much by Ordinance of Lords and Commons in Parliament , as by later Acts , grauting the free exercise of Religion in Doctrine and Worship to all Churches and Congregations in their own way , to all , and all alike , but such as are particularly cautioned against . And so you in your Presbytery in your Church at Manchester are protected , because you have possessed your selves of that Church . But then others in other Churches and Congregations , to wit , Prestwich , Burie , Middleton , and the like , may say of their way of worship , it is the onely Government which is establisht in this Church . But if your meaning be of the Church of England , ( and so we conceive by the subsequent words , viz. That there is no other Government but yours owned as the Church Government throughout the whole Nation ) You are certainly mistaken , and dare not maintain it , that his Highness , or his Council owns Presbytery , and none but that Government . But leaving the Civill Sanction , you come to the divine right of Presbytery , and prove it to be the onely Government in singulari ; because it is that onely Government which Christ hath prescribed in his word ; and what Christ hath thus prescribed , must needs be de jure , one and the same in every Church . And Calvins judgement ( you say ) in this particular is so manifest by his works , to the whole world , that it needs no proof . We have told you before of the form and order of Church Government appointed by the Council of Nice , by Patriarch , Arch-Bishop , Bishop , &c. How this Government ( which we suppose you will not say is Presbyterian ) is in Calvins judgement , not differing from that which Christ hath prescribed in his word . And in his first Section of this Chapter , he tells us of Bishops , ( not one word of Elders , chosen out of the people who should rule in the Church ) but Bishops that did all , viz. make and publish Canons ( a note certainly of rule and jurisdiction in the Church ) in which ( saith he ) they so ordered all things after the rule of Gods word , that a man may see they had in a manner nothing differing from the word of God. And this form of Government did represent a certain Image of divine Institution . Can Calvin say more for your Presbytery ? nay , can he say so much ? then how manifest is his judgement for the jus divinum of your Presbytery , that it is that Government in particular , which Christ hath prescribed in his word ? Thus have we taken off your Calvin and Beza ( as above ) your modern Doctors , for Fathers you have none ; and now you descend to the Assembly of Divines . The jus divinum , by London Ministers , the provincial Synod at London , Rutherford , Gyllaspie , to prove your divine right of Presbytery , modern Authors of yesterday , with whom you paint your Margent in abundance , and may serve your turn amongst the ignorant and vulgar sort ; who measure all by tale , and not by weight ; when others that know what , and who many of them are , will conclude you draw very near the dregs . As for such as are lawless persons , and who those be , whether drunkards , swearers , unclean persons , prophaners of the Sabbath , such as will not subject themselves to the present Government , &c. all together or a part , conjunctim seu divisim , whether you will , they are onely punishable by the Civil Magistrate , you cannot exclude them the Church by any of your censures , as we have said before . The Animadversions of the Class upon it . 1. WE did indeed proceed to make answer to your several Queries , and desire the Reader to peruse the Queries , you propounded to us in your first Paper , and the answer we gave unto them , and then to judge how satisfactorily we did it , after he had fully weighed our answer , and what you have said to take off the establishing of our Government by the civil Sanction . But whereas your first Query was , why Government in singulari ? and our answer given thereunto was , because it is the only Government , that is established in this Church by civil Authority ; you say this answer hath been confuted before ; but how strongly , we shall leave it to the Reader for to judge . But it seems , this answer hath raised another scruple in your mindes ; for you are unsatisfied , what we mean by this Church ; although in our answer we had sufficiently explained it , it being that Church , wherein the Prelatical Government formerly had been set up , and wherein , that being put down , the Presbyterian was set up , in its stead , as the only Government that was owned , as the Church Government for the whole Nation , as we had told you ; and which words did sufficiently declare , that by ( this Church ) we meant the Church of England . This you confess is that which you conceive to be our meaning ; yet you quarrell at the word , that so upon supposal , that the Church of Manchester , of our Association , and where our Classis meets , might thereby be understood , you might take the liberty to tell us , that our Church Government is not so much established by the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , as by later Acts , ( granting ( as you say ) the free exercise of Religion in doctrine and worship to all Churches & Congregations in their own way ) to all , and all alike ; though you might have observed , that the way of Prelacy was ever in the number of those wayes particularly cautioned against ; and that those of the Presbyterian way have that prerogative , above all those of other wayes , to whom any indulgence is granted ; that their way of Government is owned and established by the Parliament , as the Government of the Nation , which is not to be said for any of the other . And therefore neither the Church at Manchester , nor our Classical Presbytery meeting there , are protected meerly upon the account of possession of that place , as you imagine , but because being awarranted thereunto by Authority of Parliament , they set up that Government , which the Parliament appointed and established as the Government of the Nation ; and who also in their approval of the division of this County into nine Classical Presbyteryes , appointed Prestwich ( wherein the Government was set up and exercised for along while , although since Mr. Allen's return thither , the Eldership of that Congregation could do little ) to be within the bounds of this Classical Association ; and Middleton and Burie ( in the latter of which Congregations , the Presbyterian Government according to Ordinance of Parliament was also set up , though the present Minister joyn not in it ) are appointed to be within the bounds of the second Class . And so these Congregations , that you would suggest , have a liberty for some way of worship and different Government from the Presbyterian , granted unto them and exercised by them , ( though they are not any of them under any character of indulgence granted to others other wayes ) are all of them under the power of the Provincial Assembly of this County , and one of them under the power of this ; and two of them under the power of the neighbour Classical Association . And hereupon we are certain , we are not mistaken , when we say , that there is no other Government but the Presbyterian , that was owned by the Parliament , they establishing this Government only , as the Government of the Nation ; and which we do not see , but is also acknowledged by the humble Advice , assented unto by his Late Highness , as we have said before . 2. But now ( you say ) leaving the civil Sanction , we come to the divine right of Pres ytery , and prove it to be the only Government in singulari , because it is that only Government , which Christ hath preser bed in his Word . But here we have cause to complain , you do us manifest wrong , in that you would represent us either absurdly proving idem per idem , or that Presbytery is of divine right , because it is so ; or to argue very weakly in saying it is of divine right , because it is prescribed by Christ in his Word , and so leave the matter without any further proof , nothing whereof at all , is any where to be found in our answer ; only we find the same in that chimerical fancy , which you had first conceivd your selves , and then were pleased to impute unto us . Then you adde , and what Christ hath thus prescribed , must needs be de jure , one and the same in every Church , which words did not here follow , whereby you render , what we had plainly expressed , not intelligible to what purpose it was uttered . But because we desire the matter might be judged of , neither according to your representation of it , or what we say of it , we shall give the Reader a full account , of all that was here expressed by us , and which he will find upon the perusal of our answer , whereby he will perceive , that we were not at all reasoning ( as you represent us ) but only declaring our judgement , and that in plain expressions , without any ambiguity . Our words speaking of the Presbyterian Government were these . And as it is that which we judge to be most agreeable to the will of God , so also we conceive , that whatever is of Christs prescribing in any other different Government ( whether Episeopal or Congregational ) is to be found here , as we do apprehend the redundancies of them both , to be taken away in this , and the defects of them both to be bere supplied ; and however there may be differences amongst godly ment , concerning Church Government , which it is in particular , that Christ hath prescribed in his Word , yet we judg that the Government which Christ hath prescribed in his Word is but one , as all those must say so too , that not being Erastians , do bold that one Church Government or other is of divine right . The Reader will hereby perceive , that we did without any manner of reasoning at all , only declare our judgements ; but you represent us as arguing , and that absurdly ; and then you mangle our words , breaking them off , from what they had immediate and necessary dependance on , and reference to ; for having thus farre declared our selves , we came to answer to what you had urged in your first Paper , out of Calvin , saying , Scimusenim unicuique Ecclesiae , &c. to which we said , the circumstantials of Government ( of which we told you , we did believe , if you had quoted the place , where Calvin used those words , it would appear he speakes ) being variable , and so but the accidentals of Government , may not be one and the same in all Churches . And then we added the words , you in part mention ; but if Christ have prescribed a Government in his Word , for the substantials of it , it must be de jure , one and the same in every Church . And then further said ; and that the Presbyterian Government is that in particular , which is there prescribed , in Calvin ' s judgement , is so manifest by his workes , to the whole Christian world , that it needs no proof . Whereby it is very manifest to any ordinary understanding , that the expressions we here use ( and which you mention ) have reference to what you had cited out of Calvin , in your first Paper , shewing , that however he might say , that every Church might have their different formes of Government , in regard of the circumstantials of it , yet seeing the Government prescribed by Christ in his Word , for the substantials of it , is but one , and in Calvin's judgement the Presbyterian Government is that Government ; when Calvin saith , Scimus enim unieuique Ecclesiae , &c. he was to be understood , to speak concerning the circumstantials of Government only , and not of the substantials thereof . Hence also it is clear , that we were not here neither , arguing for the divine right of Presbytery ; but only declaring and proving , how Calvin was to be understood in the expressions you quoted . But as we have said , you mangle our words , and break them off from what immediately went before ; whereby from your representation , it is not conceivable to what they referred ; but then , you joyning them to other words going before , to which they had no reference , represent them to have been used by us , to have patched up such a poor argument for the Jus divinum of the Presbyterian Government , as before hath been declared ; but whether this be either sincere or ingenuous dealing , we leave it to the Reader to judge . 3. But as touching Calvin's being in his judgement for the Presbyterian Government , as that which Christ hath in particular prescribed in his Word , ( though here again you would make him a patronizer of the Government by Patriareh , Archbishop , Bishop , &c. in our answer we said , was manifest from his works to the whole Christian world . And is not this clear to any that will but consult what he hath written touching this matter ? Consult his Expositions and Commentaries , Rom. 12. 7 , 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. 1 Tim. 5. 17. and you will find him there to be downright for the Jus divinum of the ruling Elders Office. Consult his Institutions , you will there find , Lib. 4. Chap. 3. Sect. 8. expresly , that he takes Bishops , Presbyters and Pastors for one and the same , and that according to the use of Scripture , as he there speakes , and argues for that purpose , Tit. 1. 5. Phil. 1. 1. Act. 20. 17. and having reckoned up the preaching Officers , he then comes in the very same Section , and mentions the ruling Elders , shewing that they are mentioned by Paul , Rom. 12. 7 , 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. We will but cite only one passage , that he here hath concerning his quoting these Texts . Guhernatores fuisse existimo seniores de plebe electos , qui censurae . morum , & exercendae disciplinae unà cum Episcopis praeessent . Neque enim secus interpretari queas , quod dicit , qui praeejt , id faciat in solicitudine . Habuit igitur ab initio unaquaeque Ecclesia suum Senatum conscriptum ex viris piis , gravibus & sanctis ; penes quem er at illa , de quâ posteà loquemur , jurisdictio in corrigendis vitiis . Porro e●usmodi ordinem non unius saeculi fuisse , experientia ipsa declarat . Est igitur hoc gubernationis munus saecu●is omnibus necessarium . Whence it is very clear , that Calvin's judgement is so full for the Office of the ruling Elders , that otherwise he saith , we shall not be able to interpret that of the Apostle , He that ruleth , let him do it with diligence . And hence he concludes , that every Church had from the beginning its Senate or Consistory , that consisted of men that were godly , grave , and holy , to whom did belong the jurisdiction , in correcting of vices , of which after he saith he will speak . Further he saith , that experience it self declares , that this was not an order of one age ; and thence inferres , that therefore the ruling Elders Office , whom he undestands by the Office of Government , is necessary for all ages . Is it possible for any man to declare himself more fully and plainly for the Presbyterian Government , then Calvin here doth ? We forbear to cite any other parts of his works ; we doubt not but the Reader by this will be sufficiently satisfied , and will presently hereupon conclude , that you but gather out of Calvin , what you think makes for your purpose ; and when we cite him for that which he is so full for , matter not much how you misrepresent him to the world , that so you might make him to appear otherwise . But we wish you to consider , that it is not safe for any to make lies their refuge . But you have , notwithstanding all this , the boldness to alleadge Calvin , as a Patronizer of Episcopal Government , as you did before . And because you come over again with the same thing , we shall be forced for his vindication , to make some repetition of what we have in part already said . That in Calvin which you here referre us to , is the place in his Institutions which was before quoted , sc . Lib. 4. Chap. 4. Sect. 1. But in the Chapter immediately going before , we have even now shewed , that he declares himself fully for the Presbyterian Government ; but this you wholly conceal , in which you deal not honestly with him . Nay in the very first words of this Section , which you cite , he tells you , he had been hitherto speaking of that order of governing the Church , as it is delivered to us out of the pure word of God , and concerning the Ministeryes , as they were instituted of Christ . And then he addes , now that all these things might appear more clearly and familiarly , it will be profitable in those things , to take a view of the forme of the ancient Church , which ( as he there saith ) will represent unto us , a certain image of divine institution ; which are part of the words , that you cite . But hence it is clear , that seeing it is Calvin's scope in this Chapter , to compare the forme of Government in the ancient Church , with that forme of Government , that he had held forth , in the Chapter going before , from the Scriptures , he judged ( whatever construction you put upon him to the contrary ) that that very Government , in the substance of it ( which he had before proved was held forth in the Scriptures , and which , as we have already shewed , from what we have cited out of him , out of the third Chapter goin gbefore , was the Presbyterian ) was to be found in the ancient Church , in the purer times of it . But in the next place he comes to prevent an Objection , in these words , Tametsi enim multos Canones ediderunt illorum temporum Episcopi , quibusplus viderentur exprimere , quam sacris literis expressum esset , eâ tamen cautione totam suam Oeconomiam composuerunt ad unicom illom verbi Dei normami , ut facile videas nihil fere hâc parte habuisse à verbo Dei alienum . Hence it is yet further plain , that however he confess , that the Bishops of those times did seem to express in many of their Canons something more , then was expressed in Scripture , yet that he saith , they did compose their whole Oeconomy unto the only rule of Gods word , that one might easily see , they had in this particular , nothing almost differing from the word ; he hereby declares his judgement yet further , that for the substance , the Government of these times was the same with the Government , he had held forth from the Scriptures in the former Chapter . But hence it is also clear , that ( as we observed before ) he did not approve of every thing in those Canons ; as also he presently after confesseth , there was something deficient and wanting in them . For however he excuse them , in regard they endeavoured to keep the institution of God with a sincere endeavour , yet he acknowledges , that in something they erred , although he saith , not much ; as is clear from his own words , which are as followes , Verumetiam si quid posset in ipsorum institutis desiderari , quia tamen sincero studio conati sunt Dei institutionem conservare , & ab ea non multum aberraverunt , plurimum conducet hic breviter colligere , qualem observationem habuerint . And then he shewes , what the Ministers of the ancient Church were . Thus we have given a full and particular account of what Calvin hath in this Section , and that in the very order which he himself observes there , which you doing but partially , and catching only at some passages , that you think makes for your purpose , do most grosly wrong him , by your misrepresentation . And if we should deal by other Authors , even such as are for the Episcopal Government , as you deal by Calvin , which of them almost , but we might make to appear Patronizers of the Presbyterian Government ? But you will have Calvin to say , that in the ancient Church , the Bishops did all , viz. make and publish Canons , a note certainly of rule and jurisdiction in the Church . Thus you represent him , to hold forth the Bishops exercising solitary power of jurisdiction in those times , which as it is in it self as contrary to truth , as light is to darkeness , so it is expresly contrary to what Calvin saith in the very next Section to that which you cite . For in the former Section he saith , that they to whom the Office of preaching was enjoyned , ( speaking still of the ancient Church ) they called all those Presbyters . These ( saith he ) did in every City chcose out one out of their own number , to whom they gave more specially the title of Bishop , lest dissentions should arise from equality , as oft it comes to pass . But yet he presently adds , and saith , Neque tamen honore & dignitate superior er at Episcopus , ut dominium in Collegas haberet ; sed quas partes habet Consul in Senatu , ut referret de negotijs , sententtias roget ; consulendo , monendo , hortando , alijs praeeat , authoritate suâ totam actionem regat , & quod decretum communi consilio fuerit , exequatur : id muneris sustinebat Episcopus in Presbyterorum caetu ; atque id ipsum pro temporum necessitate fuisse humano consensu inductum fatentur ipsi veteres . And then he quotes Hierome , asserting a Bishop and a Presbyter to be all one . We wonder very much , where your modesty and ingenuity , nay common honesty was , when ( being you could not but take notice of these things in Calvin in this second Section , else you read him very negligently ) yet you say , as you here do , that according to Calvin's representation of the Government of the ancient Church , the Bishops did all ; make and publish Canons , a note certainly of rule and jurisdiction in the Church . Whereas you see Calvin saith ; the Bishop had no dominion over the rest of the Presbyters , whom he here calls his Colleagues ; that he had but only that Office , which the Consul had in the Senate , and is no more then what the Moderators have in our Assemblies , as is clear from what he here particularly recites , and further shews , that he was only to execute what was decreed by common counsell : and further saith , that even this that did belong unto him , the Ancients themselves confess was introduced by humane consent , and that in regard of the necessity of the times . And as touching what was appointed by the Council of Nice , touching Archbishops and Patriarchs , and whereof he makes mention in Section fourth , we have told you before , what you may find in Calvin himself in that place , where he saith , they were rarissimi usus , of very seldome use , and that their use was chiefly for the assembling of Synods . But thus we believe all men will see , that Calvin is so express and full for the Presbyterian Government , and no patronizer of the Episcopall , that they will conclude , such as represent him otherwise , are either very weak , or make little conscience of falsifying the Authors which they cite ; and that you have taken off our Calvin no otherwise , then by misinterpreting and grosly wronging him , as after the same manner you took off Beza before ; and both whom , however you in scorn call Modern Doctors , yet are such Doctors as both you and we may learn much from . 4. And thus we are brought to the Authors , which we quoted ; for Fathers ( you say ) we have none , though that also is not true ; we having , in our Answer to your second Paper , produced clear testimonies out of Origen , Ambrose , Augustine , Optatus , giving in clear evidence for the being of the ruling Elders office in their times . But as touching our modern Authors , the Assembly of Divines , the London Ministers in their Jus divinum , the Provinciall Synod of London in their Vindication , Mr. Rutherford and Mr. Gillespie , however you despise them again , as before , as being but of yesterday ; yet they are such , who as in regard of their known and approved piety and learning , as they are deservedly in high esteem in the Church , so they are such as we reverence , and are not ashamed to cite , though this you count but a painting of our margent with them ; and further say of them , they may serve our turn amongst the ignorant and vulgar sort , who measure all by tale and not by weight : whereby you pour forth such scorn and contempt upon so many reverend and glorious lights , as we beleeve all moderate spirited men , though in their judgments for the cause which you profess to love , will be ashamed of , and will disown in you . And however you say , that others , that know what , and who , many of them are , will ( sc . for our referring you to them ) conclude , we draw very near the dreggs ; yet you had approved your selves to have been farre more profound persons , if , being sent by us , to consider what arguments they urged for the Jus divinum of the Presbyterian Government , you had in your reply to our Answer answered them , and so rather discovered their weakness , then by such expressions as you here use , to have branded , either us , for referring you to them ; or them , by saying , that others know what , and who they are ; who yet , do neither know any thing by them , nor can by their detracting pens , publish any thing touching them to the world , that will ever lessen their esteem with learned , godly , sober and judicious persons , that are acquainted with their learned Labours . And however you may please your selves in your v●lifying them , and us for referring you to them , yet this is that , which you should have remembred , must be accounted for one day . But why did not you ( who tell us of drawing very near the dregs ) here take notice , of what in our answer immediately followed , you having in your first Paper enquired of us , why we had called our Government , the present Government ; and then demanded , is there no present Government in any Church or assembly of Saints , but where our discipline is erected ? are all the rest at present without Government ? or where hath ours been this fifteen hundred years past till this present ? &c. unto all which , and that which followed there in your Paper , we returned you our Answer : yet you take not notice of it : though if we had dealt thus by you , and yet had made a shew to have answered you , as you do pretend to answer us , we should not have thought you had wronged us , in your telling us here of drawing near the dreggs . 5. And now to conclude this Section : whereas you here again tell us , that as for such lawless persons , whether drunkards , swearers , &c. as will not subject themselves to the present Government of the Church , they are onely punishable by the civil Magistrate ; and that we cannot exclude them the Church by any of our censures , this is as easily by us denied , as it is by you asserted ; and we leave it to be judged of by the Reader , upon his perusall of what hath been said by both , whether you or we have the better reason for what is herein maintained by us . But we must again mind you , that notwithstanding in our answer we had here told you , that however we did not judg all those to be lawless persons , that do out of conscience not come up to the observation of all those rules , which are or shall be established by Authority for regulating the outward worship of God , and Government of his Church ; yet both you and we might well remember , that such as should have refused , to have subjected themselves to the late Prelaticall Government , would have been accounted in those times lawless persons : yet to this also you do here say nothing , although it was one of your queries in your first Paper , whether all that subjected not themselves to our present Government , must be taken for lawless persons ? and which was a matter more considerable to have replied to , then to have put us off , as you do , with that which is not at all here to the purpose : your querie to which we answered , not being about our power to censure the persons , that we counted lawless , but who those lawless persons were . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. IX . To our next Quaere ( viz. ) How farre you extend this Saintship , this Church and Assembly of Saints : You answer , As farre as the Apostle did , when writing to the Church of Corinth and Galatia , he calls them Saints , and Churches , notwithstanding the gross errours of many members in them ; and therefore though there may be sundry of the like stamp in your Assemblies , you do not un-church them ; or make your Assemblies not Assemblies of Saints , because of the corruption of such Members , &c. But by your leave , you answer not our question , which was not , Whether all your Assemblies were called assemblies of Saints ? for no question , you will not un-church your selves , or un-saint your Assemblies , notwithstanding the corruptions in them . But whether none else but you were accounted Saints , none Bretheren and Sisters in Christ , but such as stand for your pretended discipline ? If so , then the Donatists crime may be imputed to you ; and we say with St. Augustin , O Impudentem Vocem ! Nay , but this cannot be laid in your dish , whose principles and practises are so manifestly against the practises and opinions of the Donatists of old , it may more fitly be charged upon such as have rent themselves from your Churches . But who are they that have rent from your Church ? we hear but of few that ever admitted themselves members , or prosessed themselves of your association , that ever rent from it . Those that are out , say , they were never of you , never had sworn obedience to , or subscribed any Articles of yours , as you or many of you had sworn Canonicall obedience to the Government by Bishops , and subscribed the 39 Articles of the Church of England : Here is a rent indeed , a Schism in the highest , which is not satisfied , but with the utter overthrow of that Church , from whom they rent and rasing out those Articles of Religion , they had formerly confirmed by their own subscription , saying , Illa non est , &c. O Impudentem Vocem ! this saying doth not concern you . But still we are unsatisfied in the word ( Publique ) what you mean thereby , to which you Answer , Such as you by your profession and practise do own for publique , such as you do constantly frequent , and stir up others to frequent also where are also the publique Ordinances of the word , Sacraments and Prayer dispensed . But here again you come not home to our Question , Whether none are publique Assemblies , nay publique Assemblies of Saints , but such as you constantly frequent , or whose discipline you own ; however publique yours are . And then your Order is , Notice shall be taken of all Persons that forsake the publique Assemblies . Notice of all Persons in order to censure ; so is your meaning , and purpose , as a little before you have said we may gather from your Paper , to censure all Persons , that maintain private meetings in opposition to publique , whether out of conscience , or out of a principle of carelesness , sloth , worldliness , &c. All Persons that crie down your Churches , Ministry , &c. is your purpose and meaning by that order . And you say further , Neither do we transgress any Laws of the Land , which have made no Proviso to exempt any man , that we meddle with , &c. Here sure you are mistaken ; for you can no more proceed to censure such as forsake the publique Assemblies , by virtue of any Ordinance of Parliament , or rule laid down in your form of Church Government , then you , or any other Minister , or Magistrate civill or Ecclesiastical can punish them by an Act of 1. Eliza. intituled , An Act for Vniformity of Prayer , and Administration of Sacraments ; or by an Act of 35. Eliza. Intituled , An Act , for punishing of Persons , obstinately refusing to come to Church , &c. Or an Act of 23. Eliza. against such as refuse to come to Church : All which with your Ordinance , are repealed by an Act made Septemb. 27. 1650. Intituled , An Act for relief of Religious and peaceable pcople from the rigor of former Acts of Parliament in matters of Religion . By which these are not only repealed , but it is enacted further , That all and every the branches , clauses , Articles , and Proviso's Expressed , and contained in any other Act or Ordinance of Parliament whereby , or wherein any penalty or punishment is imposed , or mentioned to be imposed on any Person , for not repayring to their respective Parish Churches , &c. shall be , and are by the Authority aforesaid wholly repealed and made void . None by this Act shall be censured or punished by virtue of any former , Act or Ordinance , for refusing to come to their Parish Church , &c. though they obstinately refuse ; And if by no former , then not by that you pretend to . Now to the end no prophane and licentious Person may take occasion by the repealing of the said Laws ( intended onely for relief of pious and peaceable minded people from the rigor of them ) o neglect the performance of Religious duties : It is further enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all and every Person and Persons , within this Commonwealth , and the territories thereof , shall ( having no reasonable excuse for their absence ) upon every Lords day , dayes of publique thanksgiving and humiliation , diligently resort to some publique place , where the service and worship of God is Exercised : or shall be present at some other place , in the practise of some Religious duty , either of Prayer , Preaching , reading or Expounding the Scriptures , or conferring upon the same . And be it further declared by the Authority aforesaid , That every Person , and Persons that shall not diligently perform the duties aforesaid , according to the true meaning thereof ( not having reasonable excuse to the cootrary ) shall be deemed , and taken to be offenders against this Law , and shall be proceeded against accordingly . Can you say now that you have power to censure such as forsake the publique Assemblies , by any Ordinance of Parliament , or rules ( as you call them ) of your Church Government , when not only the pious and peaceable minded people , but the obstinate also are exempted from the rigor of former Laws and onely taken to be offenders against this Law , and no other , and shall be proceeded against accordingly ? Dare you yet proceed to censure notwithstanding this Act ? If you do you are very bold , and may run into a Praemunire ; Though you say you are not to be blamed for any mistakes , that may arise ab ignorantia juris , whether simple or effected : A strange saying , we have heard it said Ignorantia facti excusat , but Ignorantia juris non excusat , no not a simple ignorance much less an affected one . The Animadversions of the Class upon it . 1. IF you had weighed what we had answered , you could not with any colour have said , that we answered not your question : you might have observed , that we spake of our Assemblies , as they were parts of the Church of England , and of the same constitution with her ; and whom , though those of the separation do un-church , in regard of the mixture , or the scandalous persons in them , denying our Church in that respect to be true , or our assemblies to be the assemblies of Saints , yet we justified in our Answer , from the examples of the Church of Corinth , and the Churches of Galatia , to whom the Apostle writes as to Saints , and calls Churches , notwithstanding such corruptions in them : though we did not deny , but the scandalous in our Church and assemblies were the spots thereof . And seeing we acknowledged such assemblies were true Churches , notwithstanding those scandalous persons that were found in them , you had no reason to imagin , that none else besides our selves were by us accounted Saints , none brethren and sisters in Christ , but such as stand for our discipline : which you cannot mention , but you must brand , in calling it pretended : you might from our answer have gathered , that all other assemblies in our Land , where the word of God and Sacraments are dispensed , were taken into the number of those assemblies we spake of , they being parts also of the Church of England , as well as our own ; however they may some of them differ from us in point of discipline . We told you in our Answer particularly , that in the Church of Corinth there were some that denied the resurrection , others made rents and schismes , and sundry grosly scandalous , and yet it was a true Church . And therefore how should we be conceived , to have denied such assemblies in our Land , that are parts of the Church of England , and of the same constitution with her , for the substance , not to be the assemblies of the Saints , if they stand not for our Discipline ? Yet you would make the world to beleeve , we meant no further in that Answer we gave you , then not to un-Church or un-Saint our selves or assemblies , because of the corruptions of them ; which yet we must tell you , might have been the fewer , if you and others , who are members of these assemblies , had shewed your selves more pliable to good order and discipline , and to have been furtherers and not hinderers of their reformation . 2. We spake in our Answer of some , that had of late rent themselves from our Churches , because of the scandalousness of the corrupt members , and said , that seeing our principles and practises are manifestly known to be utterly against them , as against the opinions and practises of the Douatists of old , you had no reason to apply that of Augustine unto us , when he cried out against them , ô impudentem vocem ! But now you will not have any to have rent themselves from our Church , excepting such , who having admitted themselves members , or professed themselves of our Association , have rent themselves from us ; and who , you say , are but a few , so farre as you have heard . But here you do not approve your selves good disputants , against those of the separation , who being by their birth members of the Church of England ( whereof our assemblies are but parts , and of the same constitution with her ( as we said before ) and have rent themselves from it , or from our Assemblies , that are parts of it , are justly chargeable with schisme ; they having hereby rent themselves from a true Church , wherof they were members , and whose membership is argued from their being born in gremio Ecclesiae , not from their admitting themselves members of it afterward , or their professing of themselves to be thereof members . We had in our Answer to your first Paper , hinted to you this ground of their membership ; when in Answer to what you had to the like purpose there suggested , as you do here , we told you that the severall Congregations within this Land , that make a profession of the true Christian and Apostolike faith , are true Churches of Jesus Christ : that the severall members of these Congregations are by their birth members , as those that were born in the Jewish Church are said to be by the Apostle , Jews by nature , Gal. 2. that this their membership was sealed to them in their baptisme , that did solemnly admit them , as into the universall Church , so into the particular wherein they were born . But as in this Paper , where you should have replied to these propositions , if you approved not of them , you answered nothing to them : though in your first Paper you would have exempted your selves from being subject to our Government , because you had not admitted your selves members of some one or other of our Congregations , or were any associates of ours , as you there expressed your selves ; so here you come over again with the same unsound principle , and yet say nothing to make it out : intimating , that none are to be accounted , to have rent themselves from us , but such as have admitted themselves members , or professed themselves of our association : whereas if being members by their birth of the Church of England , they after rend themselves from any of our assemblies , or others that are parts and members of it , and of the same constitution with it , they are guilty of schisme ; and which you must say , or whatever you cry out against it , you do not upon any sure principle , oppose it . 3. But this blot of schisme you would fasten upon us however , though it be neither upon your own principles here laid down , or any other whereby you can prove us guilty . And to make this out you say , that , we or many of us had sworn Canonical obedience to the Government by Bishops , and subscribed the 39 Articles of the Church of England , and hereupon , because we are not now for Episcopacy , you conclude us guilty of a rent indeed , a schisme in the highest . But herein you were contradicted by Mr. Allen himself , in the presence of others of you , that subscribed this Paper , in a full Class , to which he and severall of you resorted ( which makes us the more to wonder , how he could subscribe this Paper ) who looking about him upon the Ministers that were present , said they were free from that , with which we are here charged , there being none there , that had sworn Canonicall obedience , &c. although here you say , we or many of us did so : as hereupon it will follow from your own principle laid down , that we , who according to Mr. Allens own confession , never associated with the Episcopall Hierarchy , or swore any obedience to them , are quit from that guilt of schisme , with which you here charge us . But because we have already hinted , that you do not argue well against those of the separation ; to acquit our selves and all the Ministers of this Land , who now disown Episcopacy , to which they formerly submitted , or to which any of them might have sworne Canonicall obedience , from the guilt of schisme in this respect , we referre the Reader to the grounds we have laid down for that purpose , in our Answer to your second Paper ; and which , whosoever will but impartially consider , he will finde , that it is not we , but your selves that do make the rent ; although to heighten the charge against us , you here tell us , that our schisme is so great , that it is not satisfied but with the overthrow of the Church ( which yet in our Answer to your second Paper we have sufficiently refuted ) and rasing out those Articles of Religion , we had formerly confirmed by our own subscription : as if it were an Article of the faith of the Church of England , which all the Ministers thereof had subscribed , that the Prelaticall Government by Archbishops , Bishops , &c. must stand for ever ; or if it were at any time taken away by the Parliament , and disowned by the Ministers of England , they had rased out those Articles of Religion , that they had once confirmed by their own subscription . But you must pardon us , if we be not so credulous , as to conclude the same with you , who in your great heat for Episcopacy do so farre overshoot . 4. Unto that wherein you were unsatisfied , sc . what we meant by the word publick , our answer was full and home ; but either you minded it not , or though you saw your doubt was resolved , yet being desirous to quarrell , you would not take any notice of it : for we did not only tell you , that by publick Assemblies we understood the Assemblies , where the publick Ordinances were dispensed , which we our selves did own , and constantly frequent ; but also said expresly ( as is to be seen in our answer ) that we do not meddle with the censuring of those , who , being godly and sound in the faith , in the main points of Religion , do yet differ from us in judgement in matters of Discipline and Government , and have their Assemblies for Gods publick worship distinct from ours ; as we are barred from it by the rules of our Government , as we have often said before . These were the very words of our answer , and therefore , but that we see you are resolved to be satisfied with nothing , and find fault with that which is expressed never so plainly , we should have wondred , that you should here have said , that we come not home to your question ; whenas it is manifest from the words of our answer , that though these Assemblies owned not our Discipline , or we their● , yet we denyed them not to be the publick Assemblies , or the Assemblies of the Saints ; as we expresly professed , we never medled with the censuring of them , or to take notice of their members ( being sound in the faith and godly ) in order unto censure , as the forsakers of the publick Assemblies of the Saints . But we here told you , we were heartily sorry , that you understanding our meaning , as was manifest from what you after said , should only move this doubt , to give a lash at our private meetings , which in our answer we justified ; but notwithstanding the lash you gave us , you do neither acknowledge your fault , nor reply one word to what we had said for our own defence . 5. Whereas we said in our answer , that seeing in the Paper which we had published in our Congregations , we said notice should be taken of all those that should forsake the publick Assemblies of the Saints , you might thence have gathered , our purpose was to observe and censure , those that did maintain and hold up p●i●ate meetings in opposition to the publick , that did cry down Ministery and Ordinances , and which we shewed were censurable by the rules of our Government , and that therefore we were not altogether silen● , concerning either the sin or punishment , of those that did erre in Doctrinals or Discipline , so as to make dangerous rents from the Church , and for which silence you seemed to tax and blame us in your first Paper ; yet now you mention this our declared purpose , to take notice of such forsakers of the Assemblies of the Saints , thus characterized , as a fault : and so with you we are worthy of blame , if we be silent touching either the sin , or punishment of such , and censure them not ; and we are also worthy of blame and punishment too , as transgressors of the Laws of the Land , ( as you will have us to be here ) if we shall proceed to censure such . And so let us neglect our duty or performe it , we are either way ( as you will have it ) blame worthy . Yes and which were yet the more to be wondered at , were it not manifest from what principle it proceeds , you that crie out of schisme and separation , and blame us for our silence , touching either the sin or punishment of those that erre in Doctrinals , or rend themselves from the Church ; yet here are become advocates to plead the cause of those , that cry down our Church , publick Assemblies , Ministers and Ordinances . For you will have these to do all this out of conscience , these being your own expressions and not ours , we declaring our selves plainly concerning those only , that cry down our Churches and publick Assemblies , Ministery and Ordinances , as meant by those persons , that we said , held up private meetings in oppofition to publick , and whom we purposed to observe and censure . But these you will have also to be exempted from being censured by us ; as also all those , who out of a principle of carelesness , sloth , worldliness , or manifest prophaness , do on the Lords day , either idle out the time , or else are worse employed , when they should be at the publick Assemblies , and whom in our answer we said we purposed to take notice of , as such as did forsake the publick Assemblies of the Saints . 6. But seeing you have undertaken to plead the cause of both these sorts , and will have us to be sure mistaken , when we said , we did not transgress any Laws of the Land , which had made no proviso to exempt any of these from being censured by us ; we are willing to examine the utmost you have to say for them ; which is but only this , that we can no more proceed tocensure such as forsake the publick Assemblies , by vertue of any Ordinance of Parliament , or rule laid down in our forme of Church Government , then they may be punished by an Act of 1. Elizabeth , or an Act of 35. Elizabeth , or an Act of 23. of Elizabeth ; all which , with our Ordinance , ( as you say ) are repealed by an Act made Septemb . 37. 1650. The title whereof you give us , as you had done before : By which ( you say ) the former are not only repealed , but tell us what is further enacted . But the strength of this allegation hath been tried before , and found to be as weak as water . This Act of 1650. that you insist on , repealing only the Statutes or Ordinance , that inflict civil punishment , upon those that repair not to their respective Parish Churches , &c. and meddles not at all , with repealing of the Ordinance , authorizing the censuring of offendors with Church censures ; and which we have in our answer to the fourth Section of this Paper sufficiently demonstrated . And therefore all that you say for those , you here undertook to exempt from being censured by us , is but what hath been discovered before to have no strength , and so therefore is of no force at all ; except we must believe , that by your repeating it , and coming over with it again , and paraphrasing upon it , it had gained some new strength , that it never had . And so all that follows now , to the conclusion of this Section , is of no weight . For we cannot , against manifest reason to the contrary , judge it to be any great boldness in us to censure those , as forsakers of the publick Assemblies of the Saints , who falling under the character that we have given of them , are made censurable by the Ordinance , establishing the form of Church Government . Neither can we hereupon be brought , to fear any danger of running thereby into a praemunire , which you again mind us of . There are only two things more we desire might be taken notice of , before we pass from this Section . 1. That the Act of 1650. which you quote , doth so farre discountenance those , who out of a principle of sloth , worldliness , or prophaneness , frequent not the publick Assemblies , that it leaves them to be punished with civil punishments , as offendors against the Law , notwithstanding its taking off the civil penalties from some , that are mentioned in it , and as is manifest from what you recite out of it ; and it not speaking one syllable , that may carry any shew of a repeal of the Ordinance for Church Government , doth both leave these , and all other offendors against that Ordinance , to be censured by the censures of the Church , as there may be cause . 2. That you , having told us , if notwithstanding this Act , we should proceed to censure , and might run our selves into a praemunire , and then imputing to us such a gross assertion , as if we should have said , we were not to be blamed , for any mistakes that might arise ab ignorantiâ juris , whether simple or affected , do hereby plainly discover , you matter not much with what you charge us , so you can but render us absurd enough . For our sense is clear , from the whole tenour of our discourse , where we used any such expressions , that we said , we were not to be blamed , for any mistakes in you , that might arise , ab ignorantiâ juris ; whether simple or affected we determined not , but left you to examine ; and which is so plain , that when you your selves recite our words in the beginning of the fourth Section of this Paper , you represent that ; which doth plainly shew , that there you understood us as we have declared , and of which we minded the Reader in our second Animadversion on that Section . But now we are the persons that affirm a thing so absurd , as if we were not to be blamed for our ignorance of the Law , whether simple or affected ; and then you cry out , a strange saying , and tell us , that you have heard it said , that ignorantia facti excusat , but ignorantia juris non excusat , &c. But how faithfully and sincerely you have herein dealt with us , the Reader may judge , and we wish you in the examination of your consciences to consider . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. X. To our next Quaere , Whether those that forsake the publique Assemblies of the Saints in the 2d , Order may not be taken for scandalous Persons , and so comprehended in the 3d ? You Answer , We , conceiving your meaning to be such , are not mistaken . For they are really , and indeed scandalous , and so justly merit to be censured by you . And although we be not mistaken in our conceits of you , yet we must tell you , you are mistaken in your own , to think you may bring in any that forsake your publique Assemblies , under that notion of a scandalous Person , and so proceed to censure accordingly , for the reasons we have given before . Nay , nor yet can you proceed to censure the more known scandalous in life , such as you instance of Drunkards , swearers , and whore-masters , they being all punishable by the civill Magistrate , as by the several Acts made for that purpose appeareth ; And not by any Ecclesiastical , much less by your Elderships short and blunt sword of Excommunication , by any Laws now in force . We are not so sensible of the Multiplicity of Canons , and burdensomness of Ceremonies , under which , in the time of Episcopacy , any truely conscientious did sigh or groan , but if we may judg , ex pede Herculem , by the number of Canons already made in your Provincial Assemblies , and elsewhere in this short usurpation of Presbytery ( many urged necessary de fide ) what they would amount to , had you lived the Age of Episcopacy 1600. years , and upwards we might well crie out , Quare oneramini ritibus ? and censure you as Dr Andrews doth Bellarmine in behalf of our English Church . Nobis non tam Articulosa fides quàm vestris hominibus , qui ad singulas Theses crepant est de fide . Vobis , quibus datum est vestra omnia in eodem lumine videre , quibus vestra omnia ab eodem proponente infallibili habere , abundare licet Articulis ad Arthritim usque , &c. The Animadversions of the Class upon it . 1. HEre , you having nothing to object against the reason we had given you in our answer , why , though such as forsake the publick Assemblies of the Saints , being indeed scandalous ( and so such as might be comprehended under the latitude of that expression ) we did notwithstanding mention them distinctly , in a distinct order , from that wherein the scandalous were mentioned , have no further thing to tell us , but what you had said before , that we were mistaken to think , we might proceed to censure under the notion of scandalous persons , such as forsake the Assemblies of the Saints , for the reasons which , you say , you had before given : whereas all the reasons you gave us ( and which here the Reader , if he will take the matter upon trust from you , must think had been several , you telling him here of the reasons you had before given ) were but only one , sc . in regard of what you recited out of the Act of 1650. ( and which was the only thing insisted on in the foregoing Section ) which yet in the examination thereof , we have discovered to be none at all . 2. But it is not sufficient for you to be advocates for those , that forsake the solemn Assemblies of the Saints ; but also for such as are the more known scandalous in life , as Drunkards , Swearers and Whore-masters . For you would exempt these also , from being censured ▪ by any Ecclesiastical censure , whereby you contradict what you had granted , both in your first and second Paper , as we before have noted ; and overthrow all Church censures quite , by whomsoever inflicted ; and that upon this ground , because these offendors are punishable by the civil Magistrate ; the weakness though whereof , we have also fully discovered , as the Reader may see in our Animadversions on the seventh Section of this Paper . But hereupon you will much less allow us any power to censure these offendors , with the censure of Excommunication , which in a disgracefull manner you call ●ur blunt and sharp sword , though through the blessing of God , a meanes to recover and bring home the lapsed offendors , and which we hope , would not be without its e●ficacy , if there should be occasion for us to make use thereof , for the recovery of any obstinate sinner . 3. You are not ( you say ) sensible of the multiplicity of Canons , and burdensome Ceremonies , under which , in the time of Episcopacy , any truly conscientious did sigh and groan . But herein you suficiently discover your spirit , and that your great zeal for Prelacy hath taken away that sense , that should have been in you , not only as Christians , but as men . For what though you were perswaded in your consciences , touching the lawfullness of all the Canons that were made , and all the Ceremonies that were enjoyned by the Bishops ? Yet you might have known , that even the old Ceremonies , the Cross in Baptisme , the Surplice , and kneeling at the Lords Supper , were born as a burden by sundry godly conformable men , Ministers and private Christians , however they judged they might submit unto them , being otherwise not to enjoy their liberty . But as touching the new Ceremonies that vvere imposed , as bowing at the Altar , and at the name of Jesus , if you vvere so unsensible that you savv no evil in them , yet you could not ( one vvould think ) be ignorant , that some ‖ Bishops , and generally the godly conformable men throughout the Land , vvere so startled at them , that they chose rather to run the utmost hazards , then to swallow down those things : Besides , the Canon for the taking the Oath to uphold the Government by Archbishops , Bishops , &c. did so awaken the Ministers generally throughout the Land ( and vve think Mr. Allen vvas in the number of such at that time , and are sorry he should be less sensible of the burdensomenesse of that Canon now , then he vvas then ) that they not only complained of it , but appeared against it . And as touching the sufferings of the old Non-conformists , because they could not subscribe , and submit to the old Ceremonies , being for those things suspended , silenced , and excommunicated many of them ; it seemes you never had hearts to pity them ; else you would have been sensible on their behalf , of the burdensomenesse of the Canons and Ceremonies , that vvere imposed on them , during the continuance of Episcopacy , vvhich yet vvere never attempted to be proved by any ( that vve have seen or heard of ) to be in themselves necessary , ( however the lawfullnesse of them vvas defended by sundry ) and to vvhich they could not yeeld vvith peace of their consciences , though others could not . But here vve observe , you are guilty of double uncharitablenesse . First , In that you rase out of the number of persons that are truely conscientious , all those that did sigh and groan under the burdensomenesse of the Ceremonies , that vvere imposed in the time of Episcopacy , vvhether new or old . Secondly , In that you expresse your unsensiblenesse of their sufferings , because they could not yeeld unto those Ceremonies . And by this vve may gather , vvhat might be expected from you , if Episcopacy vvere up again , and it vvere in your power to have all on foot , that vvas imposed on the Church of God in former times . But you hereby sufficiently lesson , not only us , but all throughout the Land , into vvhose hands your Papers come , for to bevvare 4. You that here speak of the number of Canons , already made in our Provinciall Assemblies and elsewhere , in that short space since Presbytery hath been set up in the room of Episcopacy , ( though you cannot mention Presbytery , but you must give a blow at it , calling it an usurpation , though yet you have not proved it to be so ) and many urged necessary de fide , might have done well to have mentioned particularly what those Canons are , that the Reader might have judged , both of the number and burdensomeness of them , if there had been cause of complaint in either respect . But because this you could not do , you thought to make a strong accusation , some blot , at the least , being likely to adhere by that meanes ( as you might think ) though you proved nothing . But it is well known whose rule it was , Fortiter calumniare , aliquid adhaerebit . You should have also told the Reader , what those many Canons are , that you here speak of , that have been urged necessary de fide , we knowing of none that have been so urged , that were Canons , only made by our Provincial Assembly , and not held forth in the Canon of the sacred Scripture . And therefore till you acquaint the Reader particularly , what these are , we hope he will number this amongst the rest of the slanders , that you have raised of us in this Paper . He may discerne from what we have declared fully to this purpose , that , notwithstanding our own perswasion touching the divine right of the ruling Elders Office , yet we are farre from imposing the necessity of this opinion touching them upon others ; and therefore how we should urge any things , as necessary de fide , that are but Ecclesiastical Orders and Constitutions , we leave it to the Reader for to judge ; who will hence easily gather , what likelyness there is of any truth in such a charge : whenas he may also further observe , that we have declared our selves concerning these , that they are changeable , and in their own nature variable . But yet you say , if you may judge ex pede Hereulem , ( others that had spoken of the multiplicity of Canons and burdensome Ceremonies , imposed in the times of Episcopacy , might have better said , if they might have judged ex ungue Leonem ) by the number of Canons already made in our Provincial Assemblies , ( you yet particularizing none ) since Presbytery was set up , what they would amount to , had we lived the age of Episcopacy , 1●00 . yeares and upwards ; ( though the raign of Episcopacy is , as we have shewed , of a farre younger date , and especially Episcopacy in the height of it ) hereby intimating , that they would have farre exceeded in number , all the Canons that ever were made , during the whole space of time , wherein Episcopacy hath been on foot . For answer unto this , we shall here only mind you , of what you , ( who are well acquainted with the Book of Common Prayer ) may find therein , after the Preface of it , entreating of Ceremonies , why some be abolished , and some retained , where you have these words . Some ( speaking of Ceremonies ) are put away , because the great excess and multitude of them hath so encreased in these latter dayes , that the burden of them was intollerable , whereof St. Augustine in his time complained , that they were grown to such a number , that the state of Christian people was in worse case concerning that matter , then were the Jewes . And he counselled that such yoke and burden should be taken away , as time would serve quietly to do it . But what would St. Augustine have said , if he had seen the Ceremonies of late dayes used amongst us ? whereunto the multitude used in his time , was not to be compared ? This our excessive multitude of Ceremonies was so great , and many of them so dark , that they did more confound and darken , then declare and set forth Christs benefits to us . And yet all this that is here spoken of , your selves will say , must needs have been during the standing of Episcopacy . When you can bring forth such a testimony as this , complaining touching the number and burdensomeness of Canons and Ceremonies , whilest Presbytery hath been on foot any where , by either the friends or enemies to it , ( if they will but speak the truth ) there may be then some reason to give credit to what you would here suggest ; but on this we shall give you leave to breath . And in the mean season we cannot but take notice , that such is the charity that you have towards us , that you compare us with the Papists , for the burdensomenesse of Rites and Ceremonies , imposed by us on the Church ( though your first Paper wherein you cried out , Quare oneramini Ritibus , referred only to those few orders mentioned in that of ours , that was published in our Congregations , some whereof your selves acknowledge there , to be the orders of Christ ) and censure us as Dr. Andrews doth Bellarmine in behalf of our English Church . Nobis non tam articulosa fides , &c. Though if Dr. Andrews had been now alive , he would have been ashamed of those , that should have made use of his words , with such an application of them , as you do here make . The Gentlemens Paper . Sect. XI . And now we are come to our last charge ( as you call it ) which as it is high , so ( you judg ) it hath little reason in it for the bearing it up . But how take you it off ? Why first you observe , That we omit to mention the first part of this Order , and unto which that which follows in the two next Orders doth refer . We grant it doth , but we say not that onely , but to the latter branch of that Order also touching the Catechized Persons , and therefore we say if they refuse to present themselves before the Eldership , by this your Order the Minister must exhort and admonish them . But that is wholly of our adding , you say , and say it again , Is wholly our own , and none of yours . Why will you thus boldly averr so manifest an untruth ? Is not the Order express , That the Minister , when he Catechiseth the severall families , shall exhort such persons in them , as he finds to be of competent knowledge , and are blameless of life ; that they present themselves to the Eldership , & c ? And do not your selves confesse , that you said the Minister was to exhort , and that was all ? But we adde , and say , He shall exhort and admonish . How can these words then be wholly our own , and none of yours ? Because we adde the word Admonish , therefore must the rest be none of yours , but wholly ours ? But oh the learned Criticks of our age ! To exhort and to admonish , are two different things which we confound together , taking them for one and the same , which is in us a radicall , and grand mistake . What ? every admonition a kind of Church censure , or in order ( as you call it ) thereto , no exhortation so ? We confess our ignorance of such a distinction , not having as yet learned it either from Scripture , Fathers , Councils , School-men , or any known approved Author : find it us in Scripture , you that are for the word of God alone . But in the the mean time we must tell you , ( if our Translators erre not ) they are promiscuously used in Scripture ; Read Acts 20. 32. I ceased not to admonish every one of you with tears ; Is this more then to exhort ? Was it in order to Church censure ? Again , Rom. 15. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. able to admonish one another , say some Translations , able to exhort one another , say others ; is this a radical and grand mistake in them ? Again , Col. 3. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. admonishing your own selves . Is this in order to Church-censure ? Is it more then exhorting ? Again , Titus 3. 1. Admone illos , saith Hierom , Admone illos saith Calvin , upon the place : Our English Bibles , some render it Admonish others ( Warne ) them to be subject , &c. Is this in order to Church censure ? is it more then an Exhortation ? Again , Titus 2. 14. These things speak , and exhort , and rebuke with all authority , Is to exhort , Cum omni imperio , with all Rule and Authority , less then to admonish ? Nay more , Is private admonition a part of , or in order to Church censure according to Christ's rule , Mat. 18. or St Pauls , Titus 2. 10. Post unam & alteram admonitionem , Is that private admonition ( we say ) mentioned in the first part of your 4th Order , against onely the scandalous , and forsakers of publique Assemblies ; ( and not the exhortation of the Minister , to such as are of competent knowledge , and blameless of life , that they present themselves before the Eldership ) in order to Church censure ? * Apage ! Calvin is clear against you upon that text of Titus 3. 10. saying , Admonitionem Intelligit , ( nempe Paulus ) non quamlibet vel privati Hominis , sed quae fit à Ministro public â Ecclesiae authoritate . So not every private admonition is in order to excommunication in Calvins judgement : then what more then an exhortation ? thus have not Scripture , nor Calvin noted this difference 'twixt an exhortation and admonition , nor can you ( we believe ) produce Fathers or Schoolmen , those Criticks speaking for you ; nor hath Mr. Leigh in his Critica Sacra noted such a difference , nor any we have read of ; and yet it is in us a radical and grand mistake . Yes , and the Relative ( They ) is as grand a mistake and errour in us to apply it to the nearer , when as it must of necessity be referred to the remoter Antecedent ; when the subject matter spoken of doth necessarily require it , as in this case it is clear it doth * . The fourth Order runs thus ( viz. ) That they shall be privately admonished according to the order prescribed by Christ , Mat. 18. once or twice to see if they will reform ( thus far is in order to Church censure . ) And the Minister when he Catechiseth the severall families , shall exhort [ The Ministers exhortation is not so much as private admonition ] such persons in them as he finds to be of competent knowledge , and blamelesse in life , that they present themselves to the Eldership , that they may be admitted to the Lords Supper . The 5th Order runs thus , viz. ( That if they will neither hearken to private admonition , nor , &c. ) The question is now , to whom this Relative ( They ) refers . Your answer is ; Not the to the last [ they , ] nor last but one : not to the blamelesse in life , or competent of knowledg ; but to two other [ They's , ] in two Orders mentioned long before : It 's not to the nearest , or ●earest but one , but to the remoter , yea to the remotest Antecedent : And those amongst us that are Schollars , know this well enough . This must be the construction , nor can any other be made of it , either from the rules of Grammer , Logick , or common reason . Satis hoc Magisteraliter , We understood ( as we do still ) that the Relative ( they ) may refer to the remotest ( viz. ) to those that forsake the publick Assemblies in the 2d Order , and the scandalous in the 3d Order mentioned , but not excluding the nearest Antecedent ( viz. ) men of competent knowledge , and blameless life in the 4th Order mentioned . And then our note of Attention ( as you call it ) stands good . Marke , men of competent knowledge , and blamelesse in life , must be warned before all to reform . But here your Critiscism failes you in calling ( Marke ) a note of attention not distinguishing so accurately betwixt Marke and Hark , as in the former businesse betwixt Exhortation and Admonition . For Hark , is of attention properly , Marke , rather a note of observation ; But this by the way ; We return to the Relative ( they ) and to whom it refers in your construction ; that is to those that forsake the publick assemblies of Saints , and turn their backs on the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in the 2d Order mentioned , and to the scandalous persons mentioned in the 3d ; to these , and none but these , your censures extend . Such as the Minister finds knowing and blamlesse in life , shall not be debarred the Sacrament ; though they present not themselves to the Eldership . This you say , because very shame will not suffer you to affirm the contray . But wher 's your practise all the while ? or how observe you the rules you walk by ? laid down as you tell us in the form of Church Government , to which you refer us for further Information ; wherein is given power to the Congregationall Eldership , as they shall see just occasion to inquire into the knowledge and spirituall estate of any member of the Congregation , to admonish , rebuke , suspend , excommunicate , &c. And you tell us this power of judgment and examination , of such as are knowing , and blamelesse in life , is not to any one Minister , but in the Eldership , by virtue of this Ordinance , or form of Church Government , which not onely justifies ( you say ) all that is practised in that case by the severall Elderships , but also shewes what ground you had for that was mentioned in your Paper , touching both what is therin appointed to the Minister about Catechising families ; and also concerning the Ministers exhorting such as in the several families he should find to be of competent knowledge , and knew to be of blameless life , that they should present themselves to the Eldership ; the triall and judgment in this case , not belonging to any one Minister alone , but to the Eldership . Must they not present themselves by virtue of this Ordinance before the Eldership ( who have onely the power of judging , who are knowing and blamelesse in life , and not any one Minister ) before they can be admitted to the Sacrament , notwithstanding the Minister finds them , and approves them as knowing and blamelesse ? and is not your practice accordingly ? why the● do you thus mince your matter , and seeke to colour over your actions with a seeming deniall of all , with so many weak sensless and unheard of descants upon nouns and pronouns , to evade what still you practice , but are ashamed to own ? either speak out and say ( as the truth is ) that all knowing and blamelesse in life , as well as the ignorant and scandalous , are to be debarred the Sacrament , unless they present themselves before the Eldership , who onely have the power to inquire into the knowledge and spirituall estate of all , to admonish , to suspend , &c. by virtue of the Ordinance aforesaid , which is the rule you walk by , or else wave it ( as we do ) as repealed , and of no force and strength at this day : and then must you say with us , all you have heretofore said concerning the civill Sanction of your Church-Government , is nothing at all to purpose . And this our Charge , as it is high , so it is weighty , to the depressing of the Presbyterian Government , and well may be called the last , being the Summa Totalis , and upshot of all . Subscribed by us whose names are underwritten , by the consent and on the behalf of many others , Ferdinando Stanley , Nicho. Moseley , Isaac Allen , Thomas Prestwich , Leonard Egerton . Manchester the 13th of April , 1658. The Animadversions of the Class upon it . 1. WE said your charge was very high ; and it is manifest from what you concluded with , when in your first Paper , you had driven it up to the height , and squeezed our words to the drawing of blood , you made your inference from all your severall descants , upon that part of our order in our Paper , that there you pitcht on , and said ; So that in brief , all wilfully ignorant ( though we spake nothing in our Paper at all of their censure ) and scandalous are to be excommunicated ; and not onely they , but the knowing and blameless in life , if they present not themselves to the Eldership . This is that , you would make us to have declared in our Paper , that was published in our Congregations ; which as it is a severity which we abhorred , so it is that which malice it self cannot charge us with to have practised . Though we told you what was exercised in this kinde toward such in the times of the Prelates , for whom you have not one word here to say , in way of justification of them in that respect ; and for which we blame you not , as we had reason to do before , touching that little sense you expressed touching the sufferings of those , that did sigh and groane under the burdensomeness of the Bishops Ceremonies . But why do you here go about , to fasten that upon us still , with which you had charged us before , after we had dissavoured such a sense as you had put upon us , and after we had been at some pains , to evidence to you the grosseness of that mistake , as well as the heaviness of the charge ? Common ingenuity would have prompted you otherwise , if that might have taken place . But you thought at the first you had some great advantage against us , when in your first Paper you endeavoured to have rendred us so odious . And notwithstanding our Answer given , you apprehended you could make out your charge , and therefore you were resolved to adhere unto it , and do the utmost you could for that purpose . And so it seems if we have need of it , we must not find any mercy at your hands ; and seeing it is thus we shall try what justice you here discover , and what you have to say to prove us guilty , or that our Paper held forth any such a matter , as you have striven tooth and nail to fasten upon it . 2. We said , as your charge was high , so it had as little reason in it for the bearing it up : and this we say again . But you hereupon demand ; but how do we take it off ? your selves return the answer to it , and say , that first we observe , that you omit to mention the first part of this Order , and unto which that which followes in the two next Orders doth referre . This indeed we said , and with this we begun ; but our work here in the first place , was chiefly to give an account , how you had represented us , and to note by the way briefly , what was true in it , and what was false , and wherein it was defective ; and the deficiency which we took notice of , was that which you mention . And this however it tended to take off your charge , ( as sc . it served to clear up our meaning ) yet we proceeded farther , and gave you our reasons , why that could not be our sense , which you had put upon our words . We told you , our practice did speak the contrary ; that neither from the rules of Grammar , Logick , or common reason , such a construction could be put on our words , as you had given ; that it was an exhortation only that was to be given to the persons catechised , to present themselves before the Eldership , and no more : not so much as an admonition in order to further censure , in case not hearkned to , and which two we proved unto you were different things : we also told you , that that which followes this order which you thus wrest , is so limited , that it could not with any colour be applied to those , that being exhorted by the Minister to present themselves to the Eldership , should still refuse . For we said , it spake expresly of such , that should neither hearken to private admonition nor the admonition of the Eldership , that their Names should be published openly in the Congregation ; and therefore of those onely , who had been appointed to be admonished , according to Christs rule , Matth. 18. in the fourth Order , and which were onely such , as did forsake the publick Assemblies , and the scandalous , who had been mentioned in the foregoing order . And yet to make the matter more plain , we added , that the persons that were to have their Names published , and upon obstinacy to be proceeded against unto excommunication , were such as were sit to be admonished by the Eldership , and reject that admonition , before they were further to be proceeded against ; which could not be conceived from any thing in our Paper , to be the case of those , who being exhorted by the Minister to present themselves to the Eldership , refused to come before them . These severall reasons the Reader may finde in the last Section of our Answer , however not laid down altogether in this very forme and manner , unto which yet you answer not , ( according to your usual practice in this Paper , passing over the arguments that we urged , and saying nothing to them ) and hereby it was that we endeavoured chiefly to take off your charge , and thought it was the fairest way to do it , the rendring you our reasons to clear it up unto you , what the true sense of our words was , being the most rational way we could take therein . We likewise , on these and other grounds mentioned in our answer , proceeded to answer the reasons , that we apprehended might induce you , to put that construction upon our expressions which you did , and which the Reader in our answer may see particularly , and to some of which you here say something , the strength whereof we shall examine anon . And then in the close of all , we said , we had thus farre removed all imaginable grounds in our apprehension , for this your groundless charge , that our purpose was to excommunicate all knowing and blameless persons , if they presented not themselves before the Eldership . And then we further added , and said , that we should now proceed to examine what you produced for the supporting of your selves in it , and which we did accordingly , as the Reader may observe . And thus we endeavoured to take off your charge , and of which we give the Reader an account , that so he may discern the better how groundless it was . But now as to what you here begin with , hence it is clear , that upon what account soever it was , that we mentioned your omitting of the first part of our Order , unto which we said , that which followed in the two next Orders did referre , it was not any fair way in you to do so ; that your omission , being of what tended to clear up our sense and meaning , which was thereby darkened and obscured . But this though we had complained of in our answer , and that justly , yet herein you answer nothing for your selves , and so still remain unacquitted from that blame , we had in this respect laid upon you . 3. And now whereas you grant , that , that which followes in the two next Orders , refers to the former part of the fourth Order , which you omitted , but then say , not to that only , but to the latter branch of that Order also , touching the catechised persons , This is that which we must constantly deny . And however you assert it , yet seeing you neither answer our reasons to the contrary , which we gave you , and have here briefly recited , nor bring forth here any thing to make good your assertion , you cannot reasonably expect , that all men will believe , what you affirm in this particular , although you your selves , notwithstanding all that hath been or shall be said , should still have such a faith . And therefore it will not follow , by that our Order , that if the catechised persons refused to present themselves before the Eldership , the Minister must exhort and admonish them in order to the publishing of their Names in the Congregation , and excommunication in case they should persist in such refusall , and which is the sense that you put upon , that which was appointed to be done by the Minister toward catechised persons ; all that was appointed to be done by the Minister , being onely to exhort them , that were found to be competent in knowledg , and blameless in life , to present themselves to the Eldership ; without the least hint of any further process that was to be against them , in case they hearkned not unto that exhortation . 4. In your first Paper ( as we have told you ) you recited ( omitting the former part of our fourth Order ) only the latter , and that in these words , viz. That the Minister when he catechiseth the severall families , shall exhort such persons in them , as he findes of competent knowledg , and blameless in life , that they present themselves to the Eldership , that they may be admitted to the Lords Supper . Then you come in with your comment upon it , and say ; But what if they will not present themselves before the Eldership ? the Minister ( say you ) must exhort and admontsh . This , we said in our Answer , was wholly of your adding , and after we had rendred our reasons , why that part of our Order could not be understood , as you represented it in your Paper , and had answered all imaginable objections , in our apprehensions : we said this again . And here we desire it might be took notice of , that we did not only say this , but gave our reasons for it ; and must , after so long time of consideration , say so still . But that it might here appear upon what ground we said this , though the Reader might of himself find it in our Answer , we will recite so much out of it , as may make this evident . We coming to examine , what you produced for the supporting of your selves in what you had charged us with , said ; we found something in your comment upon our words , which was not in our text . For you said , what if after the Minister hath exhorted them , they shall not present themselves before the Eldership ? the Minister , say you , must exhort and admonish them . But this ( we said ) as we told you , was wholly your own and none of ours . And then we added our reasons , in these words ; For first , though we do not deny , that if upon the first exhortation they do not present themselves to the Eldership , it being in order to their regular and orderly admission to the Lords Supper , the Minister may exhort , and exhort them again , because they continue in the neglect of that , which is their duty , yet there was no such thing said by us . But then to make the ground of your charge something more colourable , you added another word , which was not at all used by us . We said the Minister was to exhort , and that was all . But you add and say , He shall exhort and admonish . But ( we said ) we had told you before , to exhort and admonish were different things . But here without ever so much as attempting to say any thing to these reasons , you fall foul upon us and say ; why will you thus so boldly averre so manifest an untruth ? But if you had considered how many untruths , you had your selves boldly asserted in this Paper , you would have been more sparing , then here again thus groundlesly to have charged us with asserting of untruth . We do not deny , but the Order is express ( as you say , ) That the Minister , when he catechizeth the severall families , shall exhort such persons in them , as he finds to be of competent knowledg , and are blameless in life , to present themselves to the Eldership , &c. as we do also grant , as you do also here hint , that we did confess that the Minister was to exhort , and that was all ( and which is all the reason you here bring to make out the charge against us of asserting a manifest untruth ) But yet we must still say , that the comment upon our words by you made , both the question moved by you ( sc . what if after the Minister hath exhorted them , they shall not present themselves before the Eldership ) and your Answer by your selves given to it ( sc . The Minister must exhort and admonish ) is wholly your own and none of ours ; both because there was no such a Question moved by us , or any such an Answer given to it ; and also because you adding in your Answer made to that Question , the word [ admonish ] to the word [ exhort ] saying , He must exhort and admonish , did deprave and corrupt the sense of the word [ exhort ] in which it was taken by us ; and by that addition made it equivalent to an admonition in order to further censure , which was spoken of in the beginning of the fourth Order ; and to which the two following Orders touching publishing Names , and excommunication in point of obstinacie did referre . These reasons ( to which you here make no reply ) we gave you in our Answer ( as by what we have recited out of it the Reader may perceive ) whence it is manifest , that that comment you made upon our words ( however the word [ exhort ] be found therein , which is perverted by you from the sense , in which it was taken by us ) is wholly your own and none of ours . 5. But upon this you return your wonted flouts , and say ; But oh the learned Criticks of our age ! to exhort and admonish are two different things , which we confound together , taking them for one and the same , which is in us a radical and grand mistake . Unto which we say : You had approved your selves to have been the more learned men , if you had replied , to what we had presented to you in our Answer , proving the difference betwixt an admonition in order to further censure , if not hearkned to , and an exhortation onely . But according to your ordinary practice in matters of this nature , when you should return your answer to an argument , you come not to this at all , but pass it over , putting it off with a scoff . And here , that it may appear to the Reader , that we did not without some reason distinguish betwixt an admonition in order to further censure , and an exhortation onely , and that therefore your scoffs are reasonless , we are forced to recite something further out of our Answer . Having told you , That it was an exhortation onely , that was appointed to be given to the persons catechized , to present themselves to the Eldership , and no more ; not so much as an admonition in order to any further censure , if not hearkned unto : we added and said . And here we observe , that this is one main ground of your mistake ; that you do not distinguish betwixt an admonition that is in order to a further censure , if it prevail not ( and which was mentioned in the first part of the fourth Order , and which you wholly omit ) and an exhortation ; but confound these together taking them for one and the same , and which is here a radicall and grand mistake . For doubtless in a thousand cases , that might be instanced in , there may be place for an exhortation , when ( though ineffectuall ) there is not place for an admonition , that is in order to a further Church censure , in case of obstinacy , as it is taken by us here . Men may be exhorted to examine and prove themselves , whether they he in the faith : to self-examination , before they come to the Lords Table : to grow in grace and in the knowledg of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : to keep their hearts with all diligence : and to infinite more things of the like nature ; and which are duties they should apply themselves unto , when yet there is no room for an admonition , in order to any Church censure , in case it be not obeyed . Nay when men may perceive , there is not that care , that should be in persons , in regard of some of their words and carriages , there may be place for an exhortation , and yet for no admonition in order to any Church censure , in case the exhortation be not hearkned unto : if there be not any further scandalous outbreakings of corruption , that may merit it . Church censures are not to passe upon men for every fault , nor against such as be guilty of such sins of infirmity , as are commonly found in the children of God ; as in that case by the rule , of our Government it is provided against . And yet an exhortation to righteousness and watch fullness in such cases is not useless . And so it may be well appointed by us , that the Minister should exhort such , as are found by him to be persons of knowledg , and are in conversation blameless , to present themselves to the Eldership , that so they might be regularly and orderly admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ( an Ord●nance that is not to be sleighted , as it is by many , but upon too sleight grounds , as they will be found to be , when they are to be tried in the day of account ) and yet no proceedings by Church censures against such persons , in case an exhortation prevail not . Thus far we have recited , what we answered ; but now what is it , that is replied to all this ? not one word , but only a bitter scoff , as if that were sufficient to answer every argument . But we beleeve all sober persons will see , you have not therein very learnedly answered us ; however scornfull men ( whose censures we matter not ) may therein applaud you . But yet to clear up the matter further , ( however we judg all ingenuous persons will be fully satisfied with the bare recitall of the Answer , that had been given ) because we see , you have put our words upon the rack and stretcht them upon the tenters , till they have quite lost their sense , in which we used them , and that you are resolved to deal as strictly with us as you can , where you apprehend you have any advantage . We must here open this matter a little more fully . And first , We shall not deny , that the word [ admonish ] is sometimes taken so largely , as that it is the same with the word [ exhort , ] and so some of the Texts you urge , may prove , &c. Acts 20. 31. Rom. 15. 14. Col. 3. 16. in which Texts the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that doth properly signifie to admonish , is used . And yet we shall not contend , but the sense of it there may be the same with the word , that doth properly signifie to exhort : as also when the Apostle in another of the Texts cited by you , viz. Titus 3. 1. saith , using another word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , put them in mind , though it should be rendred [ admone illos , ] that word may imply an exhortation . And again we shall as readily grant , that the word [ exhort ] is sometimes taken so largely , as that it may comprehend , under the latitude of it , that , which is usually understood by the word [ admonish ] strictly taken , as in Rom. 12. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that exhorteth on exhortation . In which words the whole office of the Pastor is held forth , who was not only to exhort , but to admonish , reprove and comfort also , as there might be occasion . But yet though these words are sometimes used thus promiscuously , they are also distinguished . To admonish taken strictly and especially in an Ecclasiasticall sense , is to reprehend in regard of some fault , and so it is taken 1 Thes . 5. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e , warne or admonish them , that are unruly ; and is there distinguished from the word [ admonish ] taken in a more large sense , as appears from ver . 13. immediately going before : Know them that are over you in the Lord and admonish you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and likewise from the word [ exhort ] taken strictly , as appears from the same ver . 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. we exhort you brethren ; and yet doubtless the Apostle did not by that exhortation admonish those he writes unto , to warne or admonish the unruly in that sense , as he would have those unruly ones to be admonished . But to make the matter more plain , we may here distinguish concerning admonition . There is a meer charitative admonition ; and an admonition in order unto further censure if not hearkned unto . This latter , as we have told you , is not to be given for such infirmities , as are commonly found in the children of God , no nor yet for smaller faults or injuries , which Christian prudence , love and peaceableness require an overlooking and passing by ; and of which Mat. 18. 15. is not to be understood : but the offence there grounding the admonition is a greater evil , endangering the soul of the doer , scandalizing the brother seeing it , and lying as a stumbling stone in his Christian course ; and such a sin , that for the nature of it , is fit , in case of insuccessefullness of admonition , to be brought before the Church , as herein our reverend brethren , the associated Ministers of the County of Essex , do very well deliver themselves in their late Agreement , pag. 14. n. 5. This admonition , that is in order to Church censure , is either of private members , and which may be also called brotherly and charitative ; or else it is of the Officers of the Church ; and which is either given by any one , or more of the Officers severally , which yet in them is authoritative ; or else by them all joyntly , and which is the admonition of the Church spoken of Mat. 18. ver . 17. ( which is another of the Texts you here mention ) although it is most orderly that this admonition be given by the Minister , ( or one of them , where there be two or more ) in the name of the rest of the Church-Officers , that give the offender this admonition . But besides this admonition , that is in order to Church censure , in case it prevail not , there is also a meer charitative admonition , that may be for lesser faults , that yet are not to be censured with Church censures in case there be not reformation . Although there are to be endeavours to redress such offences ; and which kind of meer charitative admonitions may be comprehended under the latitude of that rule laid down Gal. 6. 1. You your selves do not here deny , but there may be a private admonition , that is not in order to Church censure , when upon your quoting Calvins words on Titus 3. 10. you say ( seeming to approve of what you take to be his meaning , though you misinterpret him , as we shall shew anon ) not every private admonition is in order to excommunication in Calvins judgement . And this was necessarily implied in the words we used in our Answer , when we opposed an admonition in order to further censure unto that , which is but an exhortation only ; intimating plainly enough thereby , that there was besides an admonition in order to further censure , a meer charitative admonition , which was not to be followed with any Church censure in case it prevailed not . This is that likewise , which our forementioned Reverend Brethren of Essex , in their Agreement do also speak of , having given their sense upon Mat. 18. 15. they further say in their Agreement pag. 15. n. 6. Besides this Ecclesiasticall admonition , we yeeld there may be other charitative admonitions , which must not preceed to Ecclesiasticall censure . But from all that hath been thus far spoken touching admonition , it s very clear , that admonition taken strictly and properly , is a reprehension in regard of some evill , or fault done . Though we do not deny , but there may be an admonition by way of caution , warning to take heed of some sin , that one may be in danger to commit . We shall now proceed to shew what exhortation is taken in a strict acceptation . To exhort strictly is to excite or perswade , and stir up unto that , which is good , and is distinguished from admonition taken properly , as is manifest from the Text before quoted , 1 Thes . 5. 14. Now we exhort you brethren 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ warne them that are unruly , &c. The Thessalonians are here exhorted only or stird up to perform their duty towards the unruly , &c. and are not at all blamed by the Apostle : but the unruly that were to be warned or admonished , were to be reproved and blamed by the Thessalonians for their unruliness . And there is place frequently for an exhortation , when there is not to be any reprehension or admonition given in regard of any thing amiss . But to make this matter yet more plain , we may here distinguish of exhortation , as before of admonition . For exhortation also is either charitative or of private Christians , and of which Heb. 3. 13. Exhort one another daily , while it is called to day : and Heb. 10. 25. Not forsaking the assembling of your selves together , as the manner of some is , but exhorting one another , &c. or authoritative and of the Minister ; and which may be either publick or private ; and of which there is often speech in the new Testament : As 1 Tim. 2. 1. I exhort therefore that first of all supplications and prayers , &c. be made for all men . 2 Cor. 9. 5. Therefore I thought it necessary to exhort the brethren . 1 Tim. 6. 21. These things teach and exhort . So in one of the Texts alleadged by you , Titus 2. 15. These things speak and exhort , and rebuke with all authority . Where exhortation may well be distinguished from rebuke , though both be authoritative , and are to be joyned with Doctrine , such applications of Doctrine being very usefull and necessary . So 1 Pet. 5. 1. The Elders which are among you I exhort , who am also an Elder . By these Texts it is clear , that as an exhortation properly is an excitation , or perswasion unto something that is good , so it is distinguished from admonition taken strictly , and which is a reprehension for something amiss ; and that in many cases it may be usefull , when there is not the least intimation of any neglect or sin committed , for which the parties so exhorted are reproved . Unto which we may further adde , Acts 27. 22. where Paul saish to those in the ship with him , And now I exhort you to be of good chear . This exhortation was not doubtless in order to any Church censure , and therefore must needs be distinguished from such an admonition . So when it is said of Barnabas , that when he had seen the grace of God , he was glad , and exhorted them all , that with purpose of heart they would cleave to the Lord , Acts 11. 23. This cannot be with any colour understood of any admonition in order to Church censure : The best of men , that walk never so blamelesly , may be exhorted , when yet there is no reason , why they should be admonished in order to Church censure , except men must be admonished and censured for such common infirmities , from which no men on earth are wholly free . But by this that we have said , it is sufficiently evidenced , that in Scripture language an exhortation taken strictly and properly , is , notwithstanding your scoff , a different thing from an admonition in order to further censure , if it prevail not . And we think , however you may account of us , you had shewed your selves to have been more learned , if you had not so causelesly quarrelled with that , which is so manifest to any , that are versed either in Scripture , or any other approved Authors . But we shall not examin what you oppose to what we had herein asserted . 1. And first you begin with us sharply , and say ; What ? every admonition a kind of Church censure , or in order ( as we call it ) thereunt● , not exhortation so ? You confess your ignorance of such a distinction , not having as yet learned ●t either from Scripture , Fathers , &c. But here you charge us with what we never said , &c. That every admonition is a kind of Church censure , or in order to it , and no exhortation so . Our distinction intimated , that besides the admonition , that was in order to Church Censure , there might be a charitative admonition , as there may be a charitative exhortation , yea an authoritative by the Minister , when yet there is no place for censure , in case the exhortation be successeless . This we have shewed you from Scripture , though you twit us again with being for the word of God alone , for which we are not ashamed to profess our selves to be . And thus you have very learnedly in the first place opposed us , by imputing to us , what we never said . 2. But it may be your next is of greater strength ; and therefore we shall hearken to what you have to tell us , sc . That the words admonish and exhort , are promiscuously used . And who ever denied this ? Here therefore you have put your selves upon the pains to prove what we never gainsayed : nay you prove by could not be the catechized persons mentioned immediately before , who were to be exhorted only : But these only , in the beginning of the fourth Order , that were to be privately admonished according to the Order prescribed Mat. 18. once or twice , to see if they would reforme ; But this reason , because you could not answer , you do warily passe it over , and never meddle with it . 2. But notwithstanding this reason rendred , you hope to bfnde us to your absurd and uncharitable construction , you had put upon us . But when we examine with what Arguments you do it , you again discover therein your wonted deficiency . And therefore , 1. In your reply , as it was presented unto us , for want of reason , wherewith to oppose us , the first thing , that we meet with , in answer to our assertion and thereason of it , was a scornfull laughter , ha , ha , he . But this answer was so light , that when you Printed your Papers , it seems you were ashamed of it , and therefore thought good to admit it . 2. In the next place you write our Orders , and having mentioned the former part of the fourth , that speakes of the admonition , that was to be given to the forsakers of publick Assemblies and the scandalous ; you express that , which indeed was our sense there , and say thus farre is in order to Church censures , which we grant was our meaning . Then you come to mention the other part touching the Ministers exhorting of the Catechized persons and say of this , as if we had therein asserted some absurd thing . The Ministers Exhortation is not so much as private Admonition . But we are not ashamed of this Assertion , it being that we still own . And here it had become you to have opposed it with some Arguments ; but this ( it may be ) you thought you had done sufficiently before , when you had told us , and took the pains to prove that , which we never denied , viz. That to admonish and exhort are presumptuously used . But we have proved unto you , that these two taken properly are distinguished ; Admonition properly being a reprehension in regard of some fault ; whereas an exhortation is a more gentle way of proceeding , and used in the exciting or perswading unto duty ; and for which there may be place as ( we have told you ) in a thousand Cases , where there is not to any admonition in order unto censure in case of unsuccessfullness , and in which sense admonition is taken here . And now we go on to what follows , Though here we observe , that you having recited the fourth Order at large , when you should come to recite the fifth , do it not only in part , and therefore that the matter here may be the more clearly understood ( that though your imperfect recitall of it may be darkned to an undiscerning Reader ) we shall mention it fully . The Order was thus . That if they will neither hearken to private adminition , nor the admonition of the Eldership , their names shall be published openly in the severall Congregations , and they warned before all to reforme . The Question now is ( as you here say ) to whom this Relative [ they ] refers . It is indeed now a question , because you have made it one ; though it was at first cleare enough to any ordinary understanding , where there was not a spirit of opposition , and a desire to cavill ; but if there had been any doubt , yet in our Answer we cleared it , by declaring our sense , and giving our reasons , why our words were to be so construed . But notwithstanding we had so done , because you are not willing to be satisfied , you will have it to be a question still . And seeing with you it must be so , let us see , what you can make of it . 1. You would seem to returne what our Answer to this question was , but you deface it , and when you have done giving your censure of it . But here we desire the Reader to observe . 1. That you would by this answer , which you say we give , make the persons diverse , that are spoken of in the latter part of the fourth Order , ( viz. Such as being found competent in knowledge and blameless in life , were to be exhorted by the Minister , to present themselves to the Eldership in Order to their admission to the Lords Supper ) because of the double qualification there mentioned , as requisite to make them capable of the Ordinance ; which is here your first errour . 2. Having distinguished the persons , that we made one , and expressed that disjunctively ( not to the last [ they ] as you are pleased to express it , nor last but one ; not to the blameless in life , or competent in knowledge ) which we expressed it copulatively ( such as are of a competent knowledge and blameless in life . ) You in the next place tell of Persons mentioned in two Orders long before , to whom ( as you would have us to say ) the Relative [ they ] referres , and not to the nearest , or nearest but one . Whereas the Persons , to whom we say , this Relative [ they ] in this fifth Order referres , are those mentioned in the former part of the fourth Order immediately before , viz. Those who were to be privately admonished according to Christs order , Mat. 18. And who were either the scandalous or forsakers of publick Assemblies ; and which though they had been mentioned in the second and third Orders , yet were the same persons , that were still spoken of in the beginning of the fourth Order , and to which the Relative [ they ] by us there used , did referre Here then is another error . And yet we denied , and do still , that the Relative [ they ] in this fifth Order , did referre to the nearest Persons mentioned in the fourth Order . ( which yet you will stil have in regard of their two-fold qualification to be diverse Persons , which errour we noted before ) viz. the Catechized Persons , but to the Persons mentioned in the beginning of the fourth Order only . 3. When you tell of this Relative [ they ] mentioned in that fifth Order , referring not to the last [ they ] but to two other [ they's ] these expressions being your own and none of ours ; you do not herein approve your selves to be very good Grammarians ; the Relative not referring at any time to another Relative , but to an Antecedent , if men will speake properly ; however the Antecedent , to which it refers , may be spoken of , and implyed in a Relative going before , and as in this place it is . Here then is your third errour . It is a wonder to thinke that wittie men , and such as had triumphed over us as poore illiterate Persons but a little before , should in so few words have erred so much . And yet we cannot judge , that the Reader will imagine , you have in any of your Papers discovered any such depth in other Learning . As that ( if you had been so wholly taken up therein , that you had thereby forgot your Rudiments ) you were to be thereupon excused . 4. When we said the Relative [ they ] must referre not to the next , but the remoter Antecedent ( and which was that only , that was asserted by us ) we did not Magisterially assert this , but gave our reasons for this Assertion ; though you indeed Magisterially reject it , not returning any answer to the Argument we gave you for that construction given of our words . And therefore your censure of us ( Satis haec magisteraliter ) may well by us be sleighted , being without all reason . 2. We have noted , what we thought ours fit to be observed in the answer , you would represent us to have given to the question ; we shall now see , what it is , wherewith you oppose our Assertion . 1. And first you tell us , You understood ( as you do still ) that the Relative [ they ] may referre to the remotest , viz. to those that forsake the publick Assemblies in the second Order , and the scanaalous in the third Order mentioned , but not excluding the meanest Antecedent , viz. men of competent knowledge and blameless in life ( Here you express your selves , as we did , Copulatively , and take these persons for one and the same , though considered under this two-fold qualification , and to be one Antecedent , which even now you would have had to be two . ) in the fourth Order mentioned . Thus you assert , Satis magisteraliter , as we may say for sure ; for you answer not to the rule , we had laid down , viz. That the Relative is often referred to the remoter Antecedent , and must be so of necessity , when the subject matter spoken of doth necessarily require it , as in the case , it is cleare it doth . We here also said , that those of you , that were Scholars , did well know thus much ; but seeing you do here deny this rule , and upbraide us anon , with senseless and unheard of descants upon Nouns and Pronouns , for no other reason , but in regard of what is therein Asserted by us , we must confess , we looked on you to have been better Scholars , then in this we have found you to be . But we shall first make good the rule by us laid down , and then leave it to the Reader to judge , whither it be not fitly by us applied to the Case in hand . That the Relative not only may , but must of necessity , referre to the remoter Antecedent , and not to the next , when the Subject matter requires it , is manifest from these examples . It is said Gen. 10. 11 , 12. Out of the Land went forth Ashur , and builded Nineveh , and the City Rehoboth and Caelah , and Resen between Nineveh and Calah , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that or the same ) is refered not to the nearer Antecedent , [ Calah ] but to the remoter Nineveh , that being the great City there spoken of , being so called by God himselfe , Jonah 1. 2. & 3. 2. & 4. 11. and us that ; which is here understood by Interpreters on this Text. So also Psal . 99. 6 , 7. Moses and Aaron among his Priests , and Samuell among them that call upon his name , they called upon the Lord and he answered them , he spake unto them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the cloudy Pillar . Which words , viz. he spake to them in the cloudy Pillar , as Junius in his parallels doth well observe , may be rightly expounded of Moses and Aaron ; but of Samuell , Non nisi praeter veritatem fidemque Historiae . i. e. Not but besides the truth and faith of the History . And therefore the Relative [ them ] in the seaventh Verse must referre not to Samuell , which is the nearer Antecedent , but to Moses and Aaron , which are remoter . More instances might be given out of the old Testament , concerning which the learned may be consulted ; we shall instance in some in the new . In 2 Thes . 2. 8 , 9. It is said , And then shall that wicked be revealed , w●om the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth , and shall destroy with the brightness of his coming : whose coming &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where the Relative must of necessity be refered , not to the Lord , who was the person spoken of immediately before , and so the nearer Antecedent , but to the remoter , unlesse we will confound Christ and Anti-christ . And therefore our Translators , to make the matter more clear , adde in the beginning of the ninth Verse , [ even him ] which words are not in the Originall . But from this Text our rule is undeniably made good . We shall only give one instance more . It is said Heb. 9. 3 , 4. And after the second vaile , the Tabernacle which is called the holiest of all , which had the golden censuer , and the Arke of the Covenant , overlaide round about with Gold , wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the Golden Pot , that had Manna , and Aarons rod that budded . Where the Relative● , being Feminine , as it cannot with any good sense refer to gold , that is the next Antecedent , and of a different gender , so neither to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Arke , though of the same gender , and the nearer , but to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Tabernacle , the remoter Antecedent . We confess Interpreters do here vary , but when we consider , that it is said expresly , 1 Kings 8. 9. and 2 Chron : 5. 10. that there was nothing in the Arke , but the two Tables , we do with sundry others upon this Text conceive , that the Relative must here referre not to the nearer , but to the remoter Antecedent . This interpretation of this Text , which we have given , is followed by Junius in his parallels , who there laies down this very rule , that we gave in our Answer : Haec autem omnis dubitatio tolli evidentissime potest , ( nisi me animus fallit ) unica observatione Grammaticâ , quod Relativum Pronomen , in utroque Testamento , pro ratione locorum , modo ad proximum nomen , modo ad longinquius pertinet : quod ex argumenti & Historiae veritate demum dignoscitur . And then he gives instances hereof , and mentions some of the places , that we have instanced in . See also Mr. Palmer , and Mr. Cawdry , * vindicating this Text in their Sabbathum re divivum , where they interpret it as we do , and do also expresly approve of our rule . Our large English Annotations differ from us some thing in the expounding the word [ wherein , ] but yet upon this Text they approve our rule , when they say ; Some referre [ wherein ] to Tabernacle v. 3. and it is true , that sometimes the Relative hath relation unto the more remote Antecedent . But by this time we hope it is cleare , that you had little reason to make such an out-cry against us , as you do anon , telling us of senseless and unheard of descants upon Nouns and Pronouns , because we said the Relative [ they ] in the fifth Order refered not to the next , but the remoter Antecedent , mentioned in the Order immediately before ; the Subject matter here spoken of necessarily requiring it , being it is limited to such , as should neither hearken to private admonition , nor to the admonition of the Eldership , which were only the scandalous and forsakers of publick Assemblies , appointed to be admonished in the beginning of the fourth Order : and not the persons catechized by the Minister , to whom no admonition was appointed to be given , but an Exhortation only to present themselves to the Eldership in order to their regular admission to the Lords Supper ; and for which Exhortation to be given by the Minister , we judged there might be a fit reason , when he catechized the Families , and tho rather ( as we had told you in our Answer ) because having the opportunity of conference with them at this time , if they had any doubts about this matter , or he saw that it was prejudice only in them against the Elders , that hindred them ( and as it is in most ) he might endeavour to remove them . With this we judge all ingenuous and impartiall Readers will be satisfied , and will not conceive , that the rule , we laid down , touching the Relative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being referred to the remoter Antecedent , where the Subject matter required it , was misapplied by us ; there being plaine reason from the expressions we used , why it ought to be thus referred . But you having only opposed our rule by laying down a contrary assertion , without any reason , do now make your inference , that then your note of attention ( as you say , we called it ) stands good . Marke men of contempt knowledge and blamelesse life , must be warned before all to reforme . But all Candid Readers , by what hath been said , will see this was a forced and uncharitable construction put upon us by your selves , only to render us odious , and yet still , after we had in our Answer declared our selves to the contrary by you imputed to us , without and against reason ; and of which , however you may judge your selves , we thinke others will count it to proceed from too much will and pertinacy . But here you have a profound ground of quarrelling with us , for that we distinguished not betwixt [ marke ] and [ harke , ] harke as you say being a note of attention properly ; marke rather a note of observation ; as if the attention and observation of the minde were two different things ; or as if Schoole-Boyes ( who are never blamed by their learned Masters for calling en & ecce , notes of attention ) would not be ready hereupon to tell you , that according to your learned distinction betwixt [ mareke and harke ] these must not be notes of attention , but observation properly , because they are rendred behold . But you till us this is but by the way ; though all serious persons will see , you were here out of the way in being so light in a serious businesse . And now you returne to the Relative [ they ] and to whom it refers in our construction , that is , to those , that forsake the publick Assemblies of Saints , and turne their backs on the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in the second Order mentioned , and to the scandalous persons mentioned in the third , to these and none but these our censures extend . And this we say still ; neither have you urged any thing , that can have any colour of making good against us to the contrary ; you having hitherto not argued , but only without reason laid down your opposite assertion , the groundlesnesse whereof hath been sufficiently discovered by what hath been said . 2. But perhaps you would be thought to performe this in the next , when you further represent us to say , that such as the Minister findes knowing and blamelesse in life , shall not be debarred the Sacrament , though they present not themselves to the Eldership , and that this we say , because shame will not suffer us to affirme the contrary ; and then do aske us , but where 's our practice all the while , or how observe we the rules , we walke by , laid down , as we had told you , in the forme of Church Government ? But for answer here we say ; 1. That you have lost your Question , which was not , whether such as the Minister finds knowing and blamelesse in life , shall be debarred of the Sacrament , though they present not themselves to the Eldership . But whether the Relative [ they ] in the fifth Order refer'd not to these ; and which was the Question your selves had propounded to be discussed ; and so therefore , whether those , whom the Minister having catechized and exhorted to present themselves to the Eldership , ought not to have their names published , and they warned before all to reforme , if they harkened not to the Exhortation ? where we must deny , that ever any such a thing was held forth by us in any of the Orders , we published ( however it was that which was by you imputed to us , but have not proved , though to make the matter somewhat more colourable , you alter the state of the Question ) nor can any such a thing be made out against us , either from our practice , or the rule we walke by . And further we say , that if ever we had practised any such a thing , or had professed to walke by any such a rule , there had been reason , why we should have been ashamed . 2. But vve must further adde , what we have formerly asserted , that we do not refuse to admit any to the Sacrament , meerly upon this ground , because they present not themselves to the Eldership , if they be such as are of competent knowledge and blamelesse life , the Eldership condescending ( as hath been said ) to admit upon the Testimony of the Minister and one Elder , or of two Ministers , such as have been by them examined and approved . Neither is this practice repugnant to any rule laid down in the forme of Church Governement . For however it give a power to the Eldership to inquire into the spirituall estate of any member , as they shall see occasion , yet it doth not strictly oblige them , to debarre or reject every one , that present not themselves before them ; although if it be out of meere obstinacy of spirit , that they refuse , and a desire to overturne the Governement by their opposition , there is the greater reason , why Ministers and Elders are in such Cases to beware , as it is requisite for the securing of the Elderships just power , and to prevent the danger and irregularity of the exercise of solitary jurisdiction , that none be admitted but by the juridicall act of the Eldership , and which , as it is that which we practice , so it is that power which is granted to the Eldership , by the Ordinance appointing the forme of Church Governement ; The examination and judgement of such persons , as shall for their ignorance not be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , being by that Ordinance to be in the power , not of any one Minister , but of the Eldership of every Congregation ; and which as it justifies ( as we told you ) what is in that kinde practised by the severall Elderships , so it also shews , what ground we had for that , which was mentioned in our Paper , touching both what is therein appointed to the Minister about catechizing Families , and also concerning the Ministers exhorting such , as in the severall families he should finde to be of competent knowledge , and knew to be of blamelesse life , that they should present themselves to the Eldership . And therefore that we may Answer to what you here urge us with , out of the Ordinance , we say , it is one thing not to admit any to the Sacrament , but by the juridicall act of the Eldership ; and another thing to say , that none is to be admitted , except they present themselves before the Eldership . The power mentioned in the former is granted by the Ordinance unto the Eldership , and is that which by us is constantly practised . In the latter there is a liberty to do , as the Eldership shall see occasion , and which is in severall Cases with us dispensed with , where the Elderships are otherwise satisfied touching the fitness of the persons , that are to be by them admitted . And yet notwithstanding this , it is not the Question ( as we have already said ) that is now discussed betwixt you and us , whether the knowing and blamelesse be to be kept off from the Sacrament by any Order of ours , except they shall present themselves to the Eldership . And hereupon your urging us with the Ordinance for Church government , or our own practice , is not at all to your purpose ; neither doth it ( if it had been as you represented , which yet we have shewed you is otherwise ) prove what it concerned you to have made good , viz. That those that present not themselves to the Eldership , upon the Exhortation given by the Minister to that purpose , were according to our Order to have had their names published in the Congregations , and they warned before all to reforme . Which yet was your high charge , and accusation of us , but wanting support of it self falls to the ground . And hereupon it is manifest , that it is not we , that go about to mince the matter , or that seek to colour over our actions with a seeming deniall of all ; or to evade , what we still practice , but are ashamed to own , as you here without the least shadow of proofe affirme of us ; neither is there any thing to be found in our Answer , that hath any tendency this way , we there professedly defending and justifying all that we practised . But it is you , who having laid grevious things to our charge , which you could not prove , would now represent us , as if we did , as you say ; that so you might seem to say some thing , though when it comes to be scan'd , it is nothing , but a plaine discovery that though your accusation was loud and strong , your proof is low ; weake , and empty , and such as vanisheth into Aire . For all the descants ( as you call them ) that we made on either Nounes or Pronouns , was to shew , that the Relative [ they ] in the fifth Order could not refer to the Catechized persons , who being found knowing and blamelesse by the Minister , though they should not according to the Exhortation of the Minister present themselves to the Eldership , yet were not to have had their names published to the Congregation , nor for that warned before all to reforme ; and which because you saw you could not make out , do therefore ( having changed the state of the Question ) fall upon our practice , and tell us , we mince it ; or are ashamed of it ; though this be also untrue , and that which you do not prove against us neither , and so are doubly guilty in this one particular of false accusation . But when to cleare up the sense of our words , we had told you in our Answer , that the Relative did often referre to the remoter , and not the nearer Antecedent , and must do so , when the matter spoken of did require it , and this you here call a weake , senselesse and unheard of descanting on Nounes and Pronouns . You do hereby proclaime your own ignorance ; the like descanting ( if it must be so called ) on Nounes and Pronounes being observed by the Learned , ( as we have shewed you ) to open and expound the sense of Scripture , and which you your selves must acknowledge , or you shall never be able rightly in some places to understand them , as from the instances we have given , is manifest . And you do hereby further discover your impotent passions , else you would not have given us such language as we here ( as but too often throughout your Paper ) meet with . As touching what follows to the conclusion , we have already said , what is sufficient for our own vindication . We have spoken out and owned what is in truth our pactice , and which we have told you is to admit of none to the Sacrament , but by the juridicall act of the Eldership ; this being that which is requisite and necessary to be observed ( as we have told you ) or the Governement is indangered to be quite overthrown . And yet none are debarred by us from the Sacrament , that are knowing and blamelesse , because they present not themselves before the Eldership , ( which is that you would gladly fasten upon us , though herein you labour in vain ) but the ignorant and scandalous only . Although we here must minde you , of what we told you even now , viz. That this is not the Question that is now disputed betwixt us . Neither do vve need upon any practice of ours , or any other account whatsoever , wave the Ordinance we act upon as repealed ; and vvhich however you do , yet we must not , nor be perswaded thereunto , either by your threats or intreaties , having proved sufficiently , that this Ordinance is of force and strength to this very day , that and what we have heretofore said concerning the civill sanction of our Governement , is so much to the purpose , that it makes this forth . And so to conclude , we do not question , but whatever your conceits may be to the contrary , others will determine , that your high charge having not been supported by reason , is of no vveight to the depressing of us , much lesse the Presbyterian governement , and vvhich ( though vve had fallen not having been able to have vindicated our selves from vvhat vve had been accused vvith ) vvould notwithstanding have been far above any depression of yours . However vve believe it vvas the summa totalis , and the u●shot of all , that you chiefly aimed at in all your Papers ; though how you have therein acquitted your selves will be manifest enough to the attentive and impartiall Reader , vvho vvill easily discerne by vvhat hath been said , that you have no otherwise indeavoured to depresse this Governement , but by aspersing it , vvhen you vvanted Arguments , vvherewith to oppose it ; by taking no notice of the reasons vve urged , vvhen you could not Answer them ; and passing over many things in our Answer in silence saying nothing to them ; by betaking your selves to the Popish principles and practices , refusing to have the controversie touching Church governement determined by the Scriptures , and railing on us as Scripturists , for contending to have the matter tried by this Judge ; by asserting severall manifest untruths , and sometimes palpably contradictng your selves ; by falsifying and abusing approved Protestant Authors , vvho favoured not the cause you plead for ; and aspersing others , by perverting our words and mangling them , vvhen you had a minde to render us absurd ; by many uncivill and unchristian expressions , which you have used toward us , to the reproaching of us ; by your severall bitter and reasonless scoffes , jeeres , uncharitable censures and slanders , laying to our charge severall things , for which you bring no proof , and venting your distempered passions against us only , because we are for Presbyterian and against Episcopall governement ; and to summe up all in a word , by hard words , but soft and weake Arguments . But all wise and sober persons will conclude , you fighting against us and the Presbyterians governement , with such weapons as these , tooke not the way either to depress it or us ; but have greatly hereby depressed your selves ; and which we mind you of , that you seeing your manifold errours herein , might be humbled for them , and prevent that , by unfeigned repentance , which otherwise you have cause to feare , and whereof we have all along in faithfullness warned you , as there hath been occasion offered throughout your Papers , though thereby what is now presented to the publick view , is swelled to the greater bulke . If this our pains , that hath been designed for the ends even now mentioned , as well as for the necessary vindication of our selves and the Governement , the truth and waies of Christ , shall be so farre blessed by God , as to bring you to a sense of what you have much offended God and the Church in , and to be ashamed thereof , we shall much rejoyce . But if otherwise , we shall yet have comfort in this , that we have discharged our duty toward you in labouring to reduce you , and shall commit what further worke may be called for from us , unto Him , who will own his servants in the management of whatsoever he sets them about . And thus having finished our Answer to your two last Papers , and been at the pains once more to spread before you , what ( however you esteem thereof ) others we hope will judge sufficient for the satisfaction of those , that are willing to be satisfied : we shall now apply our selves to what concerns us to practice in pursuance of what we published in our Congregations , and is now made known to the world ; not questioning but all wise and sober persons will judge , that if to take us off our worke and businesse , you should assault us again after the same manner , as hitherto you have done , it will not be fit we should hereafter interrupt our more necessary and profitable imployments , in the returning any further Answer to you , vvho may perhaps be ambitious to have the last vvord ; but that rather it will be prudence in us , to slight that which having no weight in it , vvill of it self vanish away . Signed in the name and by the appointment of the Class by Robert Constantine Moderator . At the first Class within the Province of Lancaster , at Manchester , Novemb. the 23. 1658. A brief tast of the spirit the Gentlemen discover in their Papers , in these following expressions , amongst many others . In the Preface . QUi unam patitur injuriam , invitat novam ; 'T is a certain rule with the men of this perswasion , if you take a blow from them on one cheek , you cannot be Christians in their Calendar , unles you turn the other also . The Gyant of Presbytery — The Palladium that would preserve the City of God. 'T is a trouble to us , that men who impropriate to themselves the name of Saints , and would have the world to think them the only Christians . They are still of the old legall spirit , to radicate and destroy all that are not of their way . In their third Paper . Such godly and sober , such moderate spirited men , as you pretend to be . Sect. 4. You wheel about and are come to the pole you started at , like a Horse in a Mill , that traviles all day , and is no further at night , then he was in the morning . Ibid. For this all parties hiss you , and laugh you to scorne . Sect. 5. Have you two hearts , and not one forhead ? Ibid. Who can forbeare laughter , to see Scripturists under the Gospell , ( as those under the Law , Templum Domini , Templum Domini , ) cry verbum Domini , verbum Domini , nothing but Scripture , the word of God being there the only rule of Faith and manners . Sect. 6. — Void of all modesty , and shewing thereby no great store , either of learning or honesty . Ibid. You wrest the Scriptures ( which St Peter complaines of ) with expositions and glosses newly coyned , to make them speake what they never meant — This wresting of Scripture Dr. Andrews taxeth the Papists withall , saying , Malus hic Cardinalium mos , and we as truely , Malus hic Presbyterorum mos — rem facias rem , si possis rectè , si non quo cunque moderem . Sect. Ibid. 6. The London Ministers , the Provinciall Synod at London , Rutherford and Gillespie , they call moderne Authors of yesterday , and adde , they may serve your turnes amongst the ignorant and vulgar sort , wbo measure all by tale and not by weight , when others , that know what and who many of them are , will conclude you draw very neare the dreggs . Sect. 8. Your Elderships short and blunt sword of excommunication . Sect. 10. But oh the learned Criticks of our age ! Sect. 11. Apage ! Sect. 16. Ha , ha , he . Ibid. Thus you say , because very shame will not suffer you to affirme the contrary . Ibid. Why do you seek to colour over your actions — with so many weake , sensless and unheard of descants upon Nouns and Pronouns , to evade what still you practice , but are ashamed to own . Ibid. This ( even this ) is the modest examination of the dissenting Christians mentioned in their Title Page . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A78447-e700 Ezra Chap. 4. throughout . Neh. 4. 7 , 8. Act. 4. 27. Mar. 28. 19. Rev. 12. 12. Dan. 11. 35. Jam. 1. 2 , 3. 1 Pet. 1. 6 , 7. and 4. 12. Rev. 13. 10. See the Ordinance of Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament , with instructions for the taking the League and Covenant in the Kingdome of England , and Dominion of Wales . Zach 4. 9. Notes for div A78447-e1610 Plautus . Tacitus . Appion . Plutarch . Plinie . Seneca . Tacitus . Notes for div A78447-e2500 * Alterig famam maledictis laedere . * Prov. 18. 17. a Classicall Records . At Manchester June the 9th . 1657. from the Provinciall Assembly . — The sense of this Assembly being , that there may be something of duty incumbent upon Ministers , and also upon Congregationall Elderships , to be done in relation to all the severall persons of ripe years within their respective charges , ( who do either voluntarily and customarily refuse to communicate with them in the Lords Supper , or to offer themselves to the Eldership or Minister of the place , to be tryed and admitted to it upon approvall , or upon tryall or knowledg are judged at present unfit for it ; or with whose competency in knowledg , or the conscientious walking os them , they are unacquainted or doubtful , for their help in their spirituall state , and bringing them to a capacity of , and willingness unto the publick Communion , which they stand off from , ) by way of particular addresse to them , which yet is not ordinarily done : It is therefore resolved , that the question what may be their duty in particular in the said matter ? and what the meanes of performing it ? be referred to the serious consideration of every Minister in this Province severally , and of every Classicall Presbytery joyntly ; and their judgment therein may be given by themselves , or sent by their respective delegates to the next Provinciall meeting . Edw. Lee. b Classicall Records . Aug. 11. 1657. the Order from the Provinciall Assembly to be considered the next Classieall meeting . c Classicall Records . Sept. 8. 1657. A representation drawn up up by this Class , to be taken in unto , and submitted to the judgment of the Provinciall Synod ( in order to the matter commended by the former Synod , to the consideration of the severall Ministers within this Province ) was read and agreed unto by this Class . d Classicall Records . Novemb. 10. 1657. The exhortation from this Class , approved on by the Assembly at Preston , to be published in the severall Congregations belonging to this Class , the 22th of Novemb. Instant . e Classicall Records . Jan. 12. 1657. A Paper presented to the Class by Major Prestwich Esq , Nicholas Mosely Esq , Francis Mosely , Thomas Holland , Thomas Simond , Captaine John Byrom , Gentlemen , Subscribed by them and many others , containing some exceptions against the Representation , agreed on and published by this Class , to which an Answer is promised the next Class . Mr Harison desired to draw up the Answer , and some of the Ministers to meet a weeke before , to consult about the same . f Classicall Records . Feb. 9. 1657. Mr Harrison according to the request of the Class , had drawn up an Answer to the Paper , which was presented to this Class , at their last meeting by sundry Gentlemen , which Gentlemen waiting for the said Answer at this time , it was ordered , that this Answer should be returned to them , viz. That if they had directed their Paper to any one single person , the Answer might have been prepared , and punctually delivered at the time : but since they had directed it to the whole Association , there must be a time taken , that the Answer may pass the consideration and approbation of the whole Class : for which reason , and for the transcribing of Copies of it , as was necessary , at present they could not deliver the said Answer , though it was in substance prepared . But the Class promised that it should be sent in to some one of them ( whom they should fix on to receive it ) sometime before the next Class , without any further trouble to them . They nominated Nicholas Mosely Esq to receive the Paper from this Class . The Class is appointed at Manchester , February 22. to conclude more speedily about the Answer to be given to the foresaid Paper . g Classicall Records . Feb. 22. 1657. The Answer was read and approved ; Mr Buxton and Mr Byrom desired to deliver it to Mr Mosely the day after . h Classicall Records . March 9. 1657. Nicholas Mosely Esq with other Gentlemen brought another Paper to the Class , subscribed by Mr Allen , the said Mr Mosely , &c. the which was read ; and because in the latter end of it they hinted their unsatisfiedness in what was alledged in our Papers , in Answer to their first , for the proof of our authority for the exercise of the present Government , from the Law of the Land now in force , they having charged us before with the danger of a Praemunire : The Class resolved to wave any other matter , tendred in this last Paper , till they made out their exceptions in that thing . And this Answer was returned to the foresaid Gentlemen , viz. That the Class did desire they would make out what they seemed to assert , against the validity of our acting in the Presbyterian Government , by virtue of civill Authority . i Classicall Records . Aprill 13. 1658. Nicholas Mosely Esq and severall Gentlemen , as before , attended the Class , with an Answer to the Classe's last Paper . The Class taking into consideration the other contained weighty businesses that were upon them , whereby they would not be free to continue this matter in debate by writing ; thought fit to referre it to a Committee , to meet a certain number of the Subscribers of the foresaid Paper , to debate the matters further therein and in the former Papers conteined ( if need required ) for mutuall satisfaction ; which being consented unto by such of the Gentlemen , as were present , the Class appointed , Mr Heyrick , Mr Angier , Mr Harrison , Mr Newcome , Mr Constantine , and the rest of the Ministers within this Class , as also Mr Hide , Captain Ashton , Mr Vrigley , Mr Wickins , Mr Meare , Mr Lancashire , Mr Buxton , Mr Byrom , Mr Wollen , or any six of them to be a Committee for this purpose , and the Committee to meet the 28th of Aprill instant , and after to meet the aforesaid Gentlemen at such time and place , as may be agreed on by both Parties . k Classicall Records . May 12th 1658. The Committee appointed by the last Class gave in an account of their proceedings , on the 28th of Aprill the Committee met according to the Order of the Class , at the time appointed , there appeared on the behalf of the Gentlemen , Mr Nicholas Mosely only ; the Committee understanding that he was at the doore , desired Mr Harrison and Mr Wickins to go forth to him , and to acquaint him that the Committee was ready to nominate their men , that might treat about their last Paper , and touching an accommodation according to their former Paper , which they did accordingly . He replyed , the last Paper was not any thing to be discussed , &c. but only the accommodation . Mr Harrison who had brought the Answer of the Class to the Gentlemen , that day they had presented their Paper , Answered that he mentioned both unto them as matters to be discoursed of . He said indeed , that before their Paper was read he was sent forth unto them by the Class , to signifie unto them , that the Class was willing to entertain a treaty with them touching an accommodation , and that this was the only thing , that at that time was mentioned ; but when he was sent unto them the second time , after that the Class was risen , and the Class had heard their Paper read , he mentioned both their last Paper , and the accommodation , as the Subject matter about which the persons to be nominated on both sides were to treat however he or the rest might have forgotten the same . But Mr Harrison and Mr Wickins told him , they would go in again , and further know the Committees mind ; the Committee hereupon insisted much on the last Paper , and conceived it was necessary , before they proceeded to treat about an accommodation , satisfaction should be given touching some things in it , and at which they said , they had just reason to be offended ; and therefore desired Mr Harrison and Mr Wickins to go forth again and tell Mr Mosely so much ; and that if he pleased to nominate persons that might treat about this , as well as touching the accommodation , they were ready to proceed . To which Mr Mosely replyed , that he was not authorized to meddle with any thing about the last Paper , and that for his part he could wish all the Papers on both sides were burned ; and that if the Class was offended at any thing in their last Paper justly , he should be ready , it being shewed him , to make satisfaction at the Market Cross . They returned Mr Mosely's Answer to the Committee ; who taking the matter into further consideration , resolved not to infist on the Method , but that they would give way that the accommodation might be first treated on , provided that at that time the Paper also might be discoursed on ; and desired Mr Harrison and Mr Wickins to go forth again , and to tell Mr Mosely what they had resolved on , and to desire him to nominate persons within the bounds of the Class , ( the matter to be debated being before the Class only ) that might treat with the like number to be nominated by them , touching the matter above mentioned . To this Mr Mosely replyed , they had not Ministers within the Class to equallize the number , that the Class might nominate : and that therefore he desired on the behalf of the re●● , that they might take others , that were not within the bounds of the Class . To which the Committee returned Answer , they might then take Mr Allen and Mr Pollet , that were two Ministers , that had subscribed the first Paper , and the Class would appoint two Ministers only on their behalf to meet these , and some Elders to meet with the like number of Gentlemen to be by them nominated . But this not being accepted of , and the Committee not being authorized by the Classe to appoint a meeting with those , that were out of their bounds , it was concluded by the Committee , that they would make report to the Class what was desired by Mr Mosely on the behalf of the Gentlemen , that so the Class might take that proposall of theirs into their consideration . And Mr Mosely said , that he would desire Mr Allen and some others to be at the next Classicall meeting , to receive the Answer of the Class touching the same . And thus the matter betwixt Mr Mosely and the Committee was issued . l Classicall Records . Mr Allen , Nicholas Mosely Esq and other Gentlemen came again to the Class ; the matter of accommodation was proposed between them and the Class ; they desired liberty to choose some persons for their part , that were not within the Class , which was consented unto by the Class ; the persons nominated by them were , Mr Allen , Mr Clayton , Mr Lightfoot , Ministers ; Mr Nicholas Mosely , Mr Francis Mosely , and Mr Nathaneell Robinson Gentlemen . By the Class were nominated Mr Heyrick , Mr Angier , Mr Harrison , Ministers ; Mr Hide , Captain Ashton , Mr Wickins , Ruling Elders : and the time and place of meeting was by mutuall consent to be agreed on , when Mr Heyrich should ( by the providence of God ) be returned from London . m Classicall Records . July 13. 1658. This Class having notice , that the Papers which have passed between this Class and Mr Allen and others were Printed , with a Preface unto them ; it was agreed that Mr Heyricke , Mr Angier ; Senior , Mr Harrison , Mr Newcome , Mr Constantine , Mr Leigh , Mr Jones , Mr Walker , Ministers ; Mr Robert Hyde . Esq Captain Ashton , Mr Strangways , Mr Wickins , Mr Meare , Mr Buxtons , Mr Byrome , Ruling Elders , they or any five of them , three being Ministers , be a Committee to take this matter into consideration , and to meet as they judg fit , and see occasion to proceed in this business , and to make report of their proceedings the next Class . n Classicall Records . Aug. 10. 1658. The Committee appointed by the last Class , to take into consideration the business of the Papers lately Printed as beforesaid , gave an account to this present Class of their proceedings , viz. That upon their meeting they agreed to write a Letter to Mr Allen , which was in these words directed . o Classicall Records . To his Reverend Brother Mr Allen at Prestwich , These . Sir , At our Classicall meeting in May last , your self , and others with you did agree with us upon a meeting in order to an accommodation . The time for it was referred by mutuall consent , till Mr Heyricks return from London ; your selves promising , upon his return the first Class after , to appoint some to attend the Class , for the appointing the time and place for the said meeting , you were some of you according to the said Agreement , expected this day ; but instead of that , we meet with all the Papers Printed , and a Preface annexed to them . This is to desire you , that you would be pleased in the behalf of your self and the rest , to certifie us under your hands , whether your self and the rest do own the Printing of the Papers with the Preface . This I was commanded by the Class to send to you , and to desire your speedy Answer , Your respective Brother W. Leigh , MODERATOR . Be pleased to direct your Answer to Mr Heyricke . This Letter was the next day delivered to Mr Allen ; he promised to attend in person on Mr Heyricke the next day after , which he accordingly did ; the account of which their further Answer to the Letter is thus given in under Mr Heyrickes hand . Mr Allen came to Mr Heyricke , Mr Mosely of the Ancoats accompanying him ; he said concerning the Printing of the Papers and the Preface , he knew nothing of them , and therefore he brought Mr Mosely , who could give the account , Mr Heyricke desired the Answer in writing , they both promised they would speak with the rest of the Subscribers , and they would within a Fortnight give their Answer in writing ; within the time prefixed . Mr Allen came to Mr Heyricke and told him , he had met with them that had Subscribed the Paper , and they denied that he should give any Answer in writing , saying the Class would but take advantage by it ; and that now he must own both the Papers and the Preface , that there might be no breach amongst themselves . RICHARD HEYRICKE . 2 Cor. 12. 13. Dr Goffe , Dr Vane , Dr Bayly , &c. See Legenda lignea . Notes for div A78447-e8400 Dr. Hamm. See pag. 144. of his last Book . Even as a General Council it self is subject to errour . Gal. 2. * The Assemblies Prop●sitions about Church Government . The Jus Divinum by London Ministers . The Provincial Synod of London , their vindication of the Presbyterian Government . Rutherfords due right of Presbyteries . Aarons Rod , by Gillaspie . * Cl. Cop. Full of civility toward us , though not of brevity . * Cl. Cop. another . Cl. Cop. taken away . are those . any Minister . Cl. Cop. Instit . lib. 4. cap. 9. sect . 8. &c 15. Dr. And. Serm. upon worshipping imaginations . See Sect. 5. Reasons against moderate Episcopacy . 1. Reason . Sect. 10. * Wren excommunicated , suspended , or deprived , silenced fifty godly painfull Ministers , in two years , in Norwi●h Diocess , for not reading the Book for Sports on the Lords-day , for using conceived Prayer , before and after Sermon , for not reading the Service at the Altar , and such like ; expelled three thousand persons with their Families , into other Lands by such dealings . Bishop Pierce his practises in the like kind , are not forgotten : He put down Ministers , and Preaching , till he thanked God , that he had not a Lecture in his Diocess . He suspended Ministers for preaching on Market-dayes , yea , put the Minister to Penance , that did but explain the Church Catechisme , &c. See Mr. Baxter on these things in his defence of the Worcestershire Agreement , Pag. 51. 2 Reason . * Resutat . libel . de Regim . Eccles . Scotorum in pag. 89. 3. Reason . 4 Reason . 5. Reason . * Vide pag. 13. Of the Essex Agreement . The Jus divinum of the ruling Elders Office. Pag. 42 , 43. Esthius in Rom. 1● . Aliis placet etiam hac parte speciale quoddam charisma sive officium significari , & misereri dica●●● iis , qui ab ecclesia curandis miseris , postissimum aegrotis , praefectus est , i. isque praebet obsequia , velut etiam hodie fit in nosocomiis , qui sensus handquaquam improbabil●s est . * Vide pag. 38 , 39 , 40. 41 , 42. Calvin in locum . Chrysost . upon 1 Cor. 12. 28. Estius upon 1 Cor. 12. 28. Vide pag. 45 , 46 , 47. 48. * See the Propositions of the Assembly touching Church-government , bound up with the Confession of Faith & Catechisme , pag. 9 , 10. The imputtion of Schtaken off . * See Sect. 9 of their third Paper . * Vide loc . theol . tom . 5. cap. 11. Sect. 156. Page 1. * Ibid. ex Acts 20. 27 , 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so taken , Mat. 2. 6. Rev. 12. 5. and 19. 15. The being of the Church & a lawfully Ordained Ministry secured in the want of Episcopacy . * Vide pa. 128. of Dr. Bernards late Book . * Vide pa. 126. Lib. de Ecclesia cap. 18. fo . 123. Cl. cop . We have already returned our thanks for your Answer , full of civility ( as to us ) though not of brevity . * See the first Section of it towards the close . Cl. cop . The Scribe . * This is manifest from the advice of the Assembly to the Parliament , touching Church Government . Cl. cop . Say now . Cl. cop . Several Associations . a See forme of Church-government , pag. 30. * See Sr Francis Bacon . Matth. 28. ver . 18. Col. 4. 17. 2 Chr. 26. 18. Vide pag. 130. of their last Book published by Dr Bernard . The imputation of perjury taken off . a See their jus divinum Ministerij evangelici part . 2. pag. 143 , 144. 2d part Institut . fol. 157 , 158. ‖ See Sect. 9. toward the end . The claim for the Presbyterian Government to the civil Sanction made good . Cl. cop . censurable . Cl. cop . For this all parties hisse you and laugh you to scorn , having as full , &c. Object . Answ . Lib. 4. cap. 3. Sect. 16. in fine . Cl. cop . wandering . Cl. cop . He was a Person of known Eminency in his dayes . Cl. cop . the Church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Tim. 3. 15. Cant. 1. 8. Bishop Lauds preface against Usher . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chap. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chap. 17. ● Cl. cop . cap. 9. 20. cap. 19. Sect. 5. Cl. cop . this mann● wresting . The Jesuite . The Scriptures the sole supreme judge of all matters in Religion . Councils and Fathers not the rule of the Scriptures interpretation . ‖ See the Provincial Assembly of London in their Jus divinum Ministerij Evangelici , part 2. pag. 107. See also Mr. Baxter in his desence of the Worcesteshire agreement , pag. 61 , 62. ‖ See his Commentary upon the Epistle to Titus . * part . 2. cap 4. * See quest . 2. p. 29. Cl. cop . cap : 2. Civil penalties do not free from Ecclesiastical censure . See the ●ction Statut● Fardin Pulton . See C● on of t● tutes ●● dinanaton . Cl. cop , is See S● toward● te rend● ‖ The of Irela Bishop colne , th of Carli * Censure ? to which only the Relative ( They ) in the 5th Order is limited ? Apage ! Cl. cop . Cl. cop . * Ha , ha , hae . a The same , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viz. Nineveh not Calah , is a great City , where the Relative , &c. * See part 1. page 51 , 52. 
A20733	----	A defence of the sermon preached at the consecration of the L. Bishop of Bath and VVelles against a confutation thereof by a namelesse author. Diuided into 4. bookes: the first, prouing chiefly that the lay or onely-gouerning elders haue no warrant either in the Scriptures or other monuments of antiquity. The second, shewing that the primitiue churches indued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernment, were not parishes properly but dioceses, and consequently that the angels of the churches or ancient bishops were not parishionall but diocesan bishops. The third, defending the superioritie of bishops aboue other ministers, and prouing that bishops alwayes had a prioritie not onely in order, but also in degree, and a maioritie of power both for ordination and iurisdiction. The fourth, maintayning that the episcopall function is of apostolicall and diuine institution. Downame, George, d. 1634. 1611 Approx. 1703 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 357 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20733 STC 7115 ESTC S110129 99845742 99845742 10663 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20733) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 10663) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 955:11) A defence of the sermon preached at the consecration of the L. Bishop of Bath and VVelles against a confutation thereof by a namelesse author. Diuided into 4. bookes: the first, prouing chiefly that the lay or onely-gouerning elders haue no warrant either in the Scriptures or other monuments of antiquity. The second, shewing that the primitiue churches indued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernment, were not parishes properly but dioceses, and consequently that the angels of the churches or ancient bishops were not parishionall but diocesan bishops. The third, defending the superioritie of bishops aboue other ministers, and prouing that bishops alwayes had a prioritie not onely in order, but also in degree, and a maioritie of power both for ordination and iurisdiction. The fourth, maintayning that the episcopall function is of apostolicall and diuine institution. Downame, George, d. 1634. [12], 238, [2], 148, 154, 168, [2] p. Printed by Thomas Creed, William Hall, and Thomas Snodham, London : 1611. A defense of Downame's "A sermon defending the honourable function of bishops" (part 2 of his "Two sermons") against the anonymous "An answere to a sermon preached the 17 of April anno D. 1608, by George Downame". The first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "A". With a final errata leaf. Each book has separate pagination. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Downame, George, d. 1634. -- Two sermons. Part 2 -- Early works to 1800. Answere to a sermon preached the 17 of April anno D. 1608, by George Downame -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2003-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DEFENCE OF THE SERMON Preached at the Consecration of the L. Bishop of Bath and VVelles , against a confutation thereof by a namelesse Author . Diuided into 4 Bookes : The first , prouing chiefly that the lay or onely-gouerning Elders haue no warrant either in the Scriptures or other monuments of Antiquity . The second , shewing that the primitiue Churches indued with power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment , were not Parishes properly but Dioceses , and consequently that the Angels of the Churches or ancient Bishops were not parishionall but Diocesan Bishops . The third , defending the superioritie of Bishops aboue other Ministers , and prouing that Bishops alwayes had a prioritie not onely in order , but also in degree , and a maioritie of power both for ordination and iurisdiction . The fourth , maintayning that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall and diuine institution . By GEORGE DOWNAME Doctor of Diuinitie . LONDON : Printed by Thomas Creed , William Hall , and Thomas Snodham . 1611. TO THE MOST High and mighty Monarch , Iames by the grace of God King of great Britayne , France and Ireland , defender of the faith , &c. All true happinesse and prosperitie , in this life , and eternall felicitie in the life to come . THE prudent speech of the politicke Historiographer ( most gracious and dread Soueraigne ) is in some sort verified of vs in this Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those which be in the middest are slaine or at the least wise assayled on both sides : The Romanists on the one side blaming vs for departing too farre from the Church of Rome ; our innouatours accusing vs on the other side , for comming too neare the same . Which contrarie accusations of men being in contrarie extreames , are a good euidence for vs , that wee hold the meane . For neither are wee departed further from the now-Roman church , then it hath swarued by Apostasie from the auncient Church of Christ , to which , in departing from them , wee are returned : neither haue wee retayned eyther for the substance of Doctrine , or for the forme of Discipline any thing almost agreeing with them , which with them wee haue not receiued , eyther from the doctrine or institution of the Apostles , or from the approued practise of the Primitiue Church . The which , as it is to be acknowledged to the high praise of God , and to the singular commendation of your Maiestie ; so also to the contentation and ioy of all your louing subiects . God hauing vouchsafed vnto vs this especiall fauour , ( for which his name is euer to be praised and magnified among vs ) that there is not a Church vnder the Sunne , which both for the substance of Doctrine , and forme of Discipline , doth come so neare the patterne of the Prime and Apostolicall Churches , as these vnder your gracious gouernment . Your Maiestie also hauing beene a blessed instrument of God , not onely for the retayning of the truely Catholike and Apostolicke doctrine and religion in all your Dominions ; but also for the establishing of the auncient and Apostolicall gouernment , where it was in vse before ; and likewise for renewing and restoring the same ( though to your great cost and charges ) where it was formerly abolished . These vnestimable benefits , if wee in this land doe not acknowledge and professe our selues to haue receiued from God by your Maiestie wee must confesse our selues to be not onely vnthankefull , both to God ( who is the gracious Authour ) and to your Highnesse who are the happie meanes of these benefits ) but also vnworthy to enioy them . If we doe ( according to our bounden duetie ) acknowledge so much : it remayneth , that wee should testifie our thankefulnes to GOD Almightie , as in respect of his true Doctrine and sound religion continued among vs , by walking worthy our calling , and by adorning the doctrine of God our Sauiour in all things : so also in regard of the Apostolicall forme of gouernment established among vs , by a due and respectiue countenancing of it on all hands . For howsoeuer a great number in these dayes haue thought so much the better of themselues , by how much they haue thought the worse of Bishops : yet is it most certaine , that the contempt of Bishops is the cause , if not of all euill ( which notwithstanding Chrysostome seemeth to affirme ) yet of very much euill among vs. This contempt therefore is diligently to be preuented and auoided , as by the godly and religious care , both of your Highnes in preferring worthy men to this high and sacred function , and of the reuerend Bishops in shewing themselues worthy of that honour whereof they would , and indeed should be accounted worthy : so also by instructing the people to conceiue a right of this holy and honourable calling . And for as much as the pernicious schisme and diuision , which is among vs , proceedeth from an erroneous conceipt , eyther that the Presbyterian Discipline is the holy ordinance of Christ , or that the gouernment by Bishops is vnlawfull and Antichristian : I was perswaded ( for my part ) that I could not performe a seruice , eyther more acceptable vnto God , or more profitable to his Church ; then to publish those arguments for the satisfaction of others , which had perswaded mine owne soule , not onely that the Presbyterian Discipline is a meere humane inuention , and new deuise , hauing no ground eyther in the Scriptures , or other monuments of Antiquitie : but also that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall and Diuine institution . And whereas my Sermon published in defence of the holy and honourable calling of Bishops , hath been eagerly oppugned by a namelesse refuter ; I thought my selfe bound in conscience to deliuer the truth , which I had defended , from his sophisticall cauillations . The which , through Gods good blessing vpon my labours I haue so performed , that there is scarce any one sentence of the Sermon ( if any at all ) oppugned by the aduersarie , which I haue not defended by plaine , euidence of truth . These my labours I haue presumed to dedicate to your Maiestie , as the principall Patrone ( vnder Christ ) of that truth which I defend ; not onely intreating your Highnes to accept in good part my poore endeauours ; but also commending my selfe , and them , to your most gracious Patronage and Royall protection . The King of Kings blesse , prosper , and preserue your excellent Maiestie to his glorie , the good of his Church , and your owne euerlasting comfort . Amen . Your Maiesties most dutifull and loyall subiect , GEORGE DOVVNAME . The Contents of this Booke . The first booke treateth chiefly of Lay-elders . CHap. 1. Answering the Refuters Preamble , concerning the Authour and matter of the Sermon and the Text. Chap. 2. Deuiding the Sermon , and defending the first part thereof which he calleth the Preface . Chap. 3. Defending the two first sections concerning Elders , and prouing that there were no Presbyters in the primitiue Church but Ministers . Chap. 4. Contayning the first reason why Lay-elders are not proued out of the 1 Tim. 5.17 . Chap. 5. Maintayning the second reason . Chap. 6. Mayntaining the third reason . Chap. 7. That Ambrose on 1 Tim. 5.1 . doth not giue testimonie to Lay-elders , and that their exposition of Ambrose is vntrue . Chap. 8. The proofe of their exposition of Ambrose disproued , and the reasons why the counsell of the Seniors was neglected , defended . Chap. 9. Answering the testimonies which the Refuter alleageth to proue Lay-elders . Chap. 10. Contayning an answere to the same testimonies and some others as they are alleaged by other Disciplinarians . Chap. 11. Answering the allegations out of the Fathers for Lay-elders . The second Booke proueth that the Churches which had Bishops were Dioceses , and the Angels or Pastors of them Diocesan Bishops . CHap. 1. Intreating of the diuers acceptations of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Church , Diocese and Paraecia , which is translated parish . Chap. 2. Prouing by ether arguments that the ancient Churches which had Bishops were not Parishes but Dioceses . Chap. 3. that the seauen Churches in Asia were Dioceses . Chap. 4. That Presbyteries were appointed not to Parishes but to Dioceses . Chap. 5. Answering their obiections who say that in the first 200. yeeres all the Christians in each great city were but one particular congregation , assembling in one place . Chap. 6. The Arguments for the new found Parish discipline answered Chap. 7. That the Angels or Bishops of the primitiue Churches were Diocesan Bishops . The third Booke treateth of the superioritie of Bishops aboue other Ministers . CHap. 1. Confuteth the Refuters preamble to the fourth point concerning the superiority of Bishops , and defendeth mine entrance thereinto . Chap. 2. Declareth in generall that Bishops were superiour to other Ministers in degree . Chap. 3. Sheweth more particularly wherein the superiority of Bishops did and doth consist . And first their singularity of preheminence for terme of life . Chap. 4. Demonstrateth the superiority of Bishops in power , and first in the power of ordination . Chap. 5. Proueth the superiority of Bishops in the power of iurisdiction . Chap. 6. Treateth of the titles of honour giuen to Bishops . The fourth Booke proueth the Episcopall function to be of Apostolicall and diuine institution . CHap. 1. That the Ecclesiasticall gouernment by Bishops was generally receiued in the first 300. yeeres after the Apostles . Chap. 2. That the Episcopall gouernment was vsed in the Apostolicall Churches , in the Apostles times without their dislike . Chap. 3. That the Apostles themselues ordayned Bishops . Chap. 4. The places where and the persons whom the Apostles ordayned Bishops , but chiefly that Timothie was Bishop of Ephesus and Titus of Creet . Chap. 5. Answereth to the allegations out of Ierome . Chap. 6. Directly proueth the Episcopall function to be of diuine institution . Chap. 7. Defendeth the conclusion of the Sermon , and sheweth that the chiefe Protestants did not dissallowe the Episcopall gouernment . FINIS . An Ansvvere to the Preface . THE scope of the refuter in his preface is as of Orators in their Proemes , to prepare the Reader , and if he be such a one as will be led with shewes to draw his affections to himselfe , and to withdrawe them from me . It containeth a Prologue to the Reader , & an Epilogue concluding with prayer , and with praise to God. The former consisteth of a declaration , and of a direction , to the Reader . He declareth three things , first , the weightie causes mouing him to vndertake this worthie worke : secondly , his valiant resolution in vndertaking it ; thirdly , his manner of performance . As touching the first : that you may not thinke him , after the manner of factious spirits , blinded with erroneous conceits , and transported with vnquiet passions , vnaduisedly or headily to haue attempted this busines ; he telleth you , that there were two motiues , that moued him thereto ; the one , his strong opinion , pag. 3 : the other , his vnquiet desire , pag. 7. His opinion was , that my sermon , defending the honourable function of Bishops , was most needfull to be answered : for so he saith , I deemed it as needfull to be answered , as any booke our Opposites haue at any time set forth . And that no man should thinke this his opinion to be fantasticall or erroneous , hee confirmeth it with diuers reasons : but such , as who shall compare them either with the truth , or with his opinion ( for the proofe whereof they are brought ) or one with another , he shall see a pleasant representation of the Matachine , euery one fighting with another . The first reason ; because he sawe the Sermon tended directly to proue , that the calling of our L. BB. ( as they now exercise it in the Church of England ) is to be holden Iure diuino , by diuine right , not as an humane ordinance , their ancient and wonted tenure , &c. In which speech are diuerse vntruthes . For first , with what eye did hee see that directly proclaimed in the Sermon , which directly and expressely I did disclaime , pag. 92. where I did professe , that although I hold the calling of BB. in respect of their first institution , to be an Apostolicall , and so a diuine ordinance ; yet , that I doe not maintaine it to be Diuini juris , as intending thereby , that it is generally , perpetually , and immutably necessarie ; as though there could not be a true Church without it , which himselfe also acknowledgeth , pag. 90. of his booke . 2. where I spake of the substance of their calling , with what eye did he see me defending their exercise of it ? As if he would make the reader belieue , that I went about to iustifie all the exercise of their function , which in all , euen the best gouernements whatsoeuer , is subiect to personall abuses . 3. Neither is it true , that the ancient tenure of BB. was onely Iure humano , vnlesse he restraine the anciētnesse he speakes of , to these latter times , which are but as yesterday . For in the primitiue Church as hereafter shal be plainely proued , the function of BB. was without contradiction acknowledged to be a tradition or ordinance Apostolicall , and the first Bishops certainely knowne to haue bene ordained by the Apostles . And as his first reason fighteth with the truth , so the second both with his opinion , and with it selfe . For why was the sermon most needfull to be answered ? because saith he , it is euident that the doctrine therein contained , howsoeuer M. D. saith it is true , profitable and necessarie , is vtterly false , very hurtfull and obnoxious , necessarie indeed to be confused , at no hand to be belieued . In which words 3. reasons are propunded , which now come to be examined . It is euident saith , he that the doctrine in the sermon , is vtterly false , therefore it is most needfull to be confuted . But say I , if it be euidently false , it needs no confutation . Things manifestly false or true , are so iudged without disputation or discourse . Neither doth any thing need to be argued or disputed , but that which is not euident . This reason therefore if it were true , would with better reason conclude against his opinion . It is euident , saith he , that it is vtterly false , therefore it needeth not to be confuted . The second br●anch : It is very hurtfull and obnoxious , therfore &c. Obnoxious ? what is this ? subiect or in danger to be hurt with euill tongues , subiect to sophistical cauillations , and malicious calumniations . But hurtfull it is not , for I not onely said but proued also both in the preface & conclusion of the sermon , that it is both profitable and necessarie . The third , It is necessarie indeed to be confuted . As if he had said , it is necessarie indeed to be confuted , therefore it is most needfull to be answered . Of these reasons , the two first he proueth in the words following , the third being as you see , nothing else but an absurd begging of the question . The first he proueth by diuerse arguments , such as they be . First then the doctrine of the Sermō is proued to be vtterly false , because , it is repugnant to the truth , to the word of truth , to the scripture of truth . But how , after al these ridiculous amplifications , is the doctrine of the sermon proued to be repugnant to the word of truth ? he had rather take it for granted , then that you should put him to proue it . But I shall make it cleare in this defence of my sermon , that as there is not a sillable in the scripture to proue the pretended discipline , so the Episcopall function hath good warrant in the word of God. But when in the second place he proueth the doctrine of the sermō to be vtterly false , because it is cōtrary to the iudgement & practise of the prime Churches next after Christ , & his Apostles , I cānot tel whether to wōder at more , the blindnesse or the impudencie of the man. Seeing I haue made it manifest that the gouernement of the Church by BB. hath the full consent of antiquitie ; there being not one testimonie of the ancient writers for their Iudgement , nor one example of the primitiue churches , for their practise , to be alleadged to the contrarie . How durst he mention the iudgement and practise of the primitiue Church , for the triall of the truth in this question , when there is not one testimonie for the pretēded discipline , nor one example of it , in all antiquitie ? let them bring any one pregnant either testimonie or example , and I will yeeld in the whole cause . And where he addeth , that it is contrarie to the iudgement and practise of all reformed Churches , since the reestablishing of the Gospell by the worthies in these latter times : is it not strange , that a mā professing sinceritie should so ouerreach , seeing a farre greater part of the reformed Churches is gouerned by BB. and Superintendents , then by the presbyterian discipline , as I haue shewed in the latter ende of this booke . But he addeth foure notorious vntruthes , concerning our owne land , saying , that it is against the doctrine of our Martyrs , contrarie to the professed iudgement of all our worthie writers , contrariant to the lawes of our land , and contrarying the doctrine of the Church of England . The first he expresseth thus , Against the doctrine of our immediate forefathers ( some of whom were worthy Martyrs , he quoteth in the Margent , Latimer , Cranmer , &c ) who in their submission to king Henry the 8. at the abolishing of the Popes authoritie out of England , acknowledge with subscription , that the disparitie of Ministers & Lordly primacy of B B. was but a politicke deuise of the Fathers , not any ordinance of Christ Iesus : and that the gouernement of the Church by the Minister , & certaine Seniors or Elders in euery parish , was the ancient discipline . Which allegations would make a faire shew , if they might passe vnexamined . The witnesses which he quoteth for both , were Archbishop Cranmer , & other BB. who allowing the Episcopall function both in iudgement and practise , it is almost vncredible , that any testimonies can from them be soundly alleadged against the same . And I doe greatly wonder at the large conscience of our re●uter in this behalfe , who throughout the booke taketh wonderfull libertie in citing Authors , alleadging as their testimonies his owne conceits , which he brought not from their writings , but to them . For the former , he alleageth the booke of Martyrs , whereunto that part of the BB. booke , which he mentioneth , is inserted ; which hauing pervsed , I finde nothing at all concerning the superioritie of BB. ouer other Ministers : that which is said , concerneth the superioritie of BB. among themselues , all whom , with the ancient Fathers , I do confesse in respect of the power of Order to be equall , as were also the Apostles whose successours they are . But we may not inferre , because the Apostles were equall among themselues , that therefore they were not superiour to the 72. disciples ; or because BB. are equall among themselues , that therefore they are not superiour to other ministers . For the latter , he quoteth the book called Reformatio legum Ecclesiasticarū . Which was a proiect of Ecclesiasticall lawes , which , if King Edward the 6. had liued , should haue been set forth by his authoritie , drawne by Archbishop Cranmer , B. May , & other Commissioners , and penned ( as is supposed ) by D. Haddon . In alleadging whereof , whiles the refuter goeth about to make the reader belieue , that they stood for Lay-Elders , and the pretended parish-discipline , he plaieth the part of an egregious falsifier . And forasmuch as sometimes in his booke he citeth the 10. and 11. chapters , I will transcribe the same , the bare recitall beeing a sufficiēt cōfutation of his forged allegatiōs . For amōg other orders to be obserued in parochijs vrbanis , in parishes which be in cities , which begin at the 6. chapter of that title de diuin . off : in the tenth this order is prescribed . Cōfectis precibus vespertinis , &c. euening prayers being ended , whereunto after the Sermon there shal be a concourse of all in their owne Churches , the principall Minister , whō they call Parochum , the Parson or Pastor , & the Deacon if perhaps they be present , or in their absēce the Ministers Vicar & Seniors are to cōsult with the people , how the money prouided for godly vses may best be bestowed , and to the same time let the discipline be reserued . For they who haue committed publike wickedness to the common offence of the Church , are to be called to the knowledge of their sinne , and publikely to be punished , that the Church by their holesome correction may be kept in order . Moreouer , the Minister going a side with some of the Seniors ( or Ancients of the parish ) shall take counsell how others whose maners are said to be naught , and whose life is found out to be wicked , first may be talked withall in brotherly charity , according to Christs precept in the Gospell , by sober and honest men , by whose admonitions if they shall reforme themselues , thankes is duely to be giuen to God. But if they shall goe on in their wickednes , they are to receiue such sharpe punishment as we see in the Gospell prouided against their contumacie . Then followeth the 11. chapter , how excommunication is to be exercised . But when the sentence of excommunication is to be pronounced , first the Bishop is to be gone vnto , and his sentence to be knowne . Who if he shall consent and put too his authoritie , the sentence of excommunication is to be denounced before the whole congregation , that therein so much as may be , we may bring in the ancient discipline . Where indeed we see mention of Seniors and of ancient discipline ; but that they meant nothing lesse then to bring in Lay-elders , or to establish the pretended parish-discipline , or to acknowledge that it was the ancient discipline of the Church , I will out of the booke it selfe make manifest . Wherein the whole gouernement and discipline of our Church , by Archbishops , Bishops , Archdeacons , rurall Deanes , &c. is established . And cōcerning BB. this is there decreed , that the B. is at fit seasons to giue holy orders , to institute fit Ministers to Ecclesiasticall benefices , to remoue vnfit , to heare the testimonies of the Church , and complaints of their Pastors , to compound controuersies arising betwixt the Ministers and the Churches , to correct by Ecclesiasticall censures , vices and corrupt manners ; to prescribe orders for amendment of life , to excommunicate those which wilfully and obstinatly resist , to receiue into grace those which be penitent , to visit the whole Diocesse , as well in places exēpted , as not , euery third yeare . And finally , let BB. take care of all things which ex Dei prescrpto by the ordinance of God belong to them , and which our Ecclesiasticall lawes haue committed to their knowledge and iudgements . * And that by Seniors they did not meane any Ecclesiasticall officers , it is apparant , for where they reckon vp all Ecclesiasticall officers , prescribing their duties , beginning at clearks or sextons , & so proceeding to Church-wardens , to Deacons , to Presbyters , or Ministers , to archpresbyters , or rural deanes , to archdeacōs , & so to Cathedral Churches , to Deanes , to Prebendaries , to BB. prescribing the obedience which must be yeelded to them , they doe not once mention Seniors , or their office . If therfore it be asked , whō they vnderstand by Seniors in the place alleadged , I answer , that they vnderstand some of the principall housholders in euery parish , whom in some places they call Vestry-men , in some maisters of the parish , in some ancients of the parish . With what conscience therefore that booke was alleadged as approuing Lay-elders , or acknowledging the new-found , parish-discipline for the ancient discipline , let the reader iudge . The second he setteth downe in these words : A doctrine , I say , cleane contrarie to the professed iudgement of all our worthy writers , who in their answeres to the Papists , that plead for their Hierarchie , with the same reasons that M. D. doth for his , doe determine , that the gouernement our BB. exercise ouer other ministers , is Iure humano , by the positiue law of men onely ; the which if M. D. saith true , is false : & so the Papists are left vnanswered . Whereunto I answere , first , that the popish opinion is farre different from that which I hold . For they hold the order and superioritie of BB. to be Iure diuino , implying thereby a perpetuall necessitie thereof . Insomuch that where BB : are not to ordaine , they thinke there can be no ministers or priests , & consequently no Church . I hold otherewise as the refuter himselfe else-where acknowledgeth , in whose words I will relate my opinion , as he hath set it downe , that I make the calling of BB. no further of diuine institution , then as being ordained by the Apostles , it proceeded from God , without implying thereby any necessarie perpetuitie thereof . For which he quoteth pag. 92. of my Sermon . If therefore the Papists doe bring the like arguments to proue their opinion which is so vnlike to mine , nothing hindereth but my arguments may be good , though theirs be nought . For those arguments which demonstratiuely proue the Episcopall function to be of Apostolicall institution , doe not straightwaies proue it to be Diuini iuris . Wherefore my opinion being so different from the popish conceit , who seeth not that the iudgemēt of our Diuines which is opposed to the doctrine of the Papists , is not opposite to mine ? for though they doe not holde the Episcopall function to be inioyned diuino iure , as perpetually necessarie ; yet what man of sound learning doth or can deny , but that the first BB. were ordained by the Apostles . The third he deliuereth in these tearmes ; Yea a doctrine contrariant , to the lawes of our land , which make it one part of the Kings iurisdiction , to grant to our BB. that Ecclesiasticall power , they now exercise ouer vs ; and also to take it from them at his pleasure : the which his Highnes taketh to himselfe , and giueth to all Kings , where he professeth , that God hath left it to the libertie and freewill of Princes , to alter the Church gouernement at their pleasure . The iurisdiction which BB : exercise , is either spirituall , respecting the soule , as to binde or loose the soules of men ; or corporall , respecting the outward man , as to binde and loose the bodies . The former is deriued to them from the Apostles , the latter is committed vnto them by the King , to whose crowne all commanding and compulsiue power is annexed . Againe , wee are to distinguish betweene the power it selfe , and the exercise of it . For although the power it selfe , which is an habituall or potentiall right to exercise that which belongeth to the said power , be deriued to them from the Apostles as a diuine ordinance ; notwithstanding , where is a Christian Prince , assisting and directing them by his lawes , they may not actually exercise their power , but , according to his lawes Ecclesiasticall . I call them his , because by whomsoeuer at the first they were decreed , yet so many as are in force with vs , they are the Kings Ecclesiasticall lawe . As for the authoritie whereof the reuerend Iudge speaketh in the place quoted in the margent , it is the authoritie of the high Commission , which the BB : exercise not as they are BB : ( for others who be not BB : haue the same , ) but as they are the Kings Commissioners in causes Ecclesiasticall . As touching the other allegation ; it seemeth the refuter whiles he talketh of libertie to alter at their pleasure , thinks it left to his libertie to alter the Kings words at his pleasure . The King indeed doth say , that it is granted to euery Christian King , Prince , and Common-wealth , to prescribe to their subiects that outward forme of Ecclesiastical regiment , which may seeme best to agree with the forme of their ciuill gouernement ; but so , as they swarue not at all frō the grounds of faith and true religion . But that it may appeare how little the iudgement of our most Orthodoxall , and iudicious King , doth differ from that which I deliuered in my Sermon , I will craue leaue to recite his words . That BB. ought to be in the Church , I euer maintained as an Apostolike institution , and so the ordinance of God , contrarie to the Puritanes , and likewise to Bellarmine , who denieth that BB. haue their iurisdiction from God. Now then ( to come to the point ) this argument maketh wholy against the pretended discipline , and not against the gouernement of Bishops as I maintaine it . The gouernement of Bishops is by our lawes allowed ; so is not the pretended discipline . And though I holde the gouernement Episcopall to be of Apostolicall and diuine Institution , yet not as generally , perpetually , and immutably necessarie . But the pretended discipline is held by the fauourers of it , so to be enioyned by diuine right , that it ought generally in all places , and perpetually in all ages , and also immutably to be obserued , as being not chāgeable by man. And so farre doe they differ from the Kings iudgement , that whereas the King thinketh the Church may be framed to the Cōmon-wealth , they say the gouernement of the Common-wealth must be fashioned to the Church . But to fashion the Church to the Common-wealth , is as much to say , as if a man should fashion his house according to his hangings . And thus much hath he gained by his third vntruth . The fourth remaineth . Lastly , it is a doctrine contrarying the doctrine of the Church of England , professed euen by the BB. themselues , till of late da●es , &c. therefore vtterly false . To this Antecedent I giue no credit , though for proofe therof hee citeth B. Iewell , and Archbishop Whitgift ▪ at randon . For the doctrine of our Church appeareth best by the Articles and confession of our Church . First therefore the booke of consecrating BB. Priests , and Deacons ( which is approued Article 36. ) saith , It is euident vnto all men diligently reading holy Scripture and Ancient Authors , that from the Apostles time there haue beene these orders of Ministers in Christs Church , Bishops , Priests and Deacons . a Of which orders it is afterwards said , that God by his holy spirit hath appointed them in his Church . b And againe , the Bishop is required to correct and punish according to such authoritie as he hath by Gods word , such as be vnquiet , disobedient , and criminous within his Diocesse . c Likewise the confession of the English Church collected out of the Apology thereof , written by Bishop Iewel : We belieue that there be diuerse degrees of Ministers in the Church , whereof some be Deacons , some Priests , some Bishops , &c. And it is to be noted , that our Church acknowledgeth nothing as a matter of faith , which is not cōtained in Gods word , or grounded thereon . Againe , if it were true that the Bishops hauing better informed themselues concerning their functions , had reformed their iugdemēts according to the holy Scriptures and other writings of Antiquitie : would it follow that their latter thoughts , which commonly are the wiser , ( according to the old saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were false and worthie to be confuted ? And lastly , if this be a true proposition , which in the refuters Enthymeme is vnderstood , that what is repugnant to the doctrines formerly taught in the Church of England is euidently false , though it agree with the present doctrine thereof ; how worthy then is the pretended discipline to be reiected , which is contrarie to the perpetuall doctrine of this Church , both former and latter : especially the discipline of the newest stampe , I meane the new-found parish discipline published by the challengers of disputation , Anno , 1606 & maintained by this refuter , which neither agreeth with our Church , nor as I suppose with any other reformed Church in the world ? His second reason , whereby hee would proue that the doctrine contained in my Sermon was needfull to be confuted , is , because he saw it to be dāgerous . And that he proueth by 2. reasons . The former , because howsoeuer he had said in the former reason , that it is euidently false , and so not dangerous ; now he saith the doctrine is by mee so handsomely and likely handled , that it is so farre from being euidently false , that euery word I speake hath such an appearance and promise of truth , that , in imitation of Bishop Iewel against Harding , hee thinkes he may fitly vse Socrates his words against his accusers : or as I thinke more fitly , the words of Agrippa , to Paul ( who had vttered no vntruth , ) that I had almost perswaded him to be of my minde . But more fitly may I alledge the very next words of Socrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Among many things which my aduersarie hath obiected against me falsely , I maruell much at this one , that hee willeth the Readers take heed they be not deceiued by me , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , as my aduersaries words may expound it , one that can tell his tale so handsomely , and carrie the matter so smoothly , likely , and confidently , that although he vtter neuer a word of truth , yet euery word hee speaketh , hath an appearance and promise of truth . For both my Sermons and writings shewe , that I affect not the perswasorie words of humane wisedome and eloquence , but the plaine stile of simple truth . And therefore am no more then Socrates himselfe in that regard to be suspected , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as hee saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vnlesse my aduersaries call him an eloquent man and powerfull in speech who speaketh the truth . Secondly , he proueth my doctrine to be dangerous , by an induction or particular enumeration of the hurts , which ( as he imagineth ) were like to come to the Church of God thereby , if it were not confuted . The Papists ( saith hee ) would be much aduantaged , seeing that Antichristian doctrine ( euen after the renewing and reuiuing of their ceremonies among vs ) so freely preached and published , tending to the vpholding of their Hierarchy from the Pope to the Apparitor , as well as ours ; his reasons being indeed the very same with theirs , as in the answere to them it shall appeare . The aduantage which ariseth to the Papists by this doctrine preached , and the ceremonies still retained among vs , may through Gods blessing be this . That when they see vs not so new-fangled as our Opposites , nor so carried with hatred to their persons , as to depart further from them , then they haue departed from the primitiue Church , but are content to obserue the ancient gouernement , and lawfull Ceremonies vsed in the primitiue Church , though retained by them , they may be induced to ioyne with vs in reforming the Church according to the doctrine and example of the ancient and primitiue Church . And whereas he calleth our doctrine , defending the calling of BB : Antichristian , and the ceremonies vsed among vs Popish , it is meerely spoken out of faction , after the vsuall fashion of our Opposites , who call their owne doctrine and pretended discipline , though lately deuised , Gods owne cause , the Discipline of Christ , their pleading for it , a giuing testimonie to this part of the word of his grace : but ours , though truely Catholicke and Apostolicall , they tearme Antichristian , and in their late writings they call the Hierarchy of our church , Dagon , the tower of Babell , the triple headed Cerberus , the restoring of BB : the building vp again the walles of Iericho : my self , & other Ministers of the Gospel pleading for the gouernement established , they compare to Achabs 400. prophets , and such as plead for Baal . Yea but our doctrine tendeth to the vpholding of the Popish Hierarchy from the Pope to the Apparitor , as well as of ours ▪ God forbid ! In the Popish Clergy aboue BB. and Archbishops , the Pope and his consistorie of Cardinals are set as gouernours of the vniuersall Church , in whom the Popish Hierarchy so farre forth as it is properly Antichristian , consisteth . For seeing it is proper to Christ alone to be the head and gouernour of the vniuersall Church , he is said properly to be Antichrist , who taketh vpon him to be head and gouernour of the whole Church . And their gouernement is iustly called Antichristian who are his assistants in this vniuersall gouernement . As for the gouernours of Prouinciall and Diocesan Churches , that is to say , Archbishops and Bishops , in the Church of Rome , they are not Antichristian in respect of the large extent of their iurisdiction , but in regard of their subordination to the Pope , and dependance from him , as being members of that body whereof they acknowledge him to be the head . And therefore are no more Antichristian then their parish Priests . And as well might the refuter call the Persons or Pastors of parishes among vs , Antichristian , because the Popish parish-Priests are Antichristian , as our BB. Antichristian , because the Popish BB. are such . Neither is the function of Bishops , more or yet so much to be ascribed to the institutiō of the B. of Rome , as that of parish Ministers . For Bishops , as we shall shew , were ordained by the Apostles , and set ouer Dioceses , but the parishes were first distinguished in the westerne Churches , and Presbyters peculiarly assigned to them by the ancient Bishops of Rome , whose example other Churches did imitate , as diuerse Authors report . Againe , vnder the Deacons the Papists reckon fiue other orders which they esteeme so many Sacraments : whereas we , with the primitiue Church , and in the same sense with it , doe reckon onely 3. orders or degrees of Ministers or Clergy men , Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons . It is strange therefore that the doctrine of my Sermon concerning Bishops alone , should vphold the Popish Hierarchy from the highest to the lowest , or as they vse to speake , frō the Pope to the Apparitor , as well as our owne . This therefore was a shamelesse vntruth . Besides , howsoeuer the same three orders or degrees in name are still retained in the Church of Rome , as well as in ours , yet with great difference . For their Priests be Sacerdotes , sacrificing Priests , ordained to offer a proper , externall , reall sacrifice . Ours , are not Sacerdotes , that is Sacrificing Priests , but ( as the Scriptures and ancient writers call them ) Presbyters , that is , Priests or Ministers , ordained to preach the word , and administer the Sacraments . Their Bishops are subordinate to the Pope , and haue their iurisdiction as they teach from him as the Vicar of Christ , succeeding Peter , not as he was an Apostle , as all other Bishops suceed other Apostles ; but as the head and chiefe gouernour of the whole Church , from whom , as the head and fountaine of all Ecclesiastical iurisdiction , the iurisdiction of other Bishops is deriued and doth depend . Our Bishops are not subordinate to the Pope , neither haue any depēdāce or deriuatiō of their iurisdiction from him , but from God , partly as it is spirituall by the ordinance of the Apostles , who ordained the first Bishops , leauing them as their substitutes or successors in the gouernement of the seuerall Churches , and partly as it is corporall , or coactiue , by the Kings Ecclesiasticall lawes , furnishing them with plenary power to enquire after disorders in the estate Ecclesiasticall , all manner errours , Heresies , schismes , abuses , offences , and enormities , and to punish them . Which differences being cōsidered betweene vs and the Papists , it were more then a wonder , if the very same reasons which are brought to proue the Apostolicall gouernement of our Church , should also serue to proue their Antichristian Hierarchy . But as the young man that Crassus speakes of in Tully , hauing found in the strand a smal piece of a Galley , would straightway build a ship thereof : so out of one small agreement with the Romane Church concerning the superioritie of Bishops ouer Prebyters , wherein they retaine the doctrine of the primitiue Church , he would build a total consent and conformitie to their Antichristian gouernement . Thus we haue heard what aduantage the Papists haue by my Sermon . Now let vs see what harme was like to redound to others thereby . Others saith he would be much scandalized ; those that were in loue with their owne ease would easily crouch downe like Isachars asse , &c : as for others , it would remoras obijcere ardentiorib . Cast blocks in their waies that ran well , or retardare zelum , make them slacke their pace : at least Sāctorum spiritus inquietare , disquiet the minds of all the Saints , to see a Sermō of that consequence , preached & published , by a man of that name & note in the Church . That is to say , if I vnderstād him aright : the Sermō if it might be let alone , were not vnlike to haue these effects in those that are accounted the forwarder sort . First , they that were more moderate then others , & desired the peace of the Church , hauing yet some scruples in their mindes , and somewhat doubting of the lawfulnes of our Church gouernement , were like enough to haue their doubts satisfied , and their consciences setled . Others that were more ardent , whose zeale ouerranne their knowledge , censuring and condemning they knewe not what , would be brought to suspend their iudgement , or at least to moderate their zeale : others who are factious and of the diuided brotherhood , whom he calleth all the Saints , would be grieued at the heart , to see such likelihood of peace and vnion ( which is so contrarie to their humour ) to be established in the Church . But as hee had a strong opinion that my Sermon was needfull to be refuted , so had he as strong a a desire it might be answered after some fashion , that the Schisme or rent which is in our Church , being so beneficiall as it is to some might not be healed , but that people might be retained in the former tearmes of a factious and Schismaticall alienation from the state of our Church , and the gouernours thereof . Which his desire was much inflamed , when he vnderstood that this worke hauing beene vndertaken and committed to the presse , the answere and presse were taken , the Printer and concealer of the Author imprisoned . For then ( good man ) his soule was cast downe within him to see a truth so profitable and necessarie ( as is the doctrine of their pretended discipline , hauing no ground neither in the Scripture nor antiquitie , obtruded as the ordinance of Christ , & the onely lawful forme of Church gouernement ) b suppressed . Being therefore thus possessed with so strong an opinion , and transported with so earnest and vnquiet desires , he grewe vnto his most valiant resolution . Which in effect , though he guild it ouer with glorious words , was nothing else but this , to publish and disperse a malicious diffamatorie libell , and hauing so done , after the manner of other malefactors , to hide his head . You haue heard the weightie causes mouing him to vndertake this busines , and his valiant resolution to vndertake it : now he wil acquaint you with his maner of performance , which in general he c confesseth to haue bene done in much weakenesse and many wants , neither do I denie it . But he might to his ouersight , proceeding from ignorance & weakenesse , haue added his wilfull falsificatiōs & deprauatiōs , his forged calumniations , his Sophisticall shifts and euasions to elude the light of truth conuicting his conscience . But though he would seeme to acknowledge much weakenesse and many wants , it was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of an affected modestie , for his conceit is which hee shameth not to vtter , that hee hath brought euidence sufficient ( I warrant you ) to make it manifest ( hee doubteth not of it ) that the doctrine in my Sermon is nothing lesse then true , profitable , and necessarie : that my Preface is full of wittie calumniations to make them and their cause odious , and that my Sermon notwithstanding my great boasting , hath in it no one sound syllable of argument to proue my cause , and disproue theirs . What euidence he bringeth I shall not need here to relate , this defence of my Sermon will make it manifest . That I vsed either calumniations to make them and their cause odious , or any great boasting , which he talketh of , I vtterly denie . Who it is that vseth either calumniations , the examination of his booke will bewray , or boasting , the very forefront of his booke , this present place , and many others besides doe testifie . But I much disdaine that he should say that there was not a syllable of any sound proofe in my Sermō , as before he had said , that in my sermō , I vttered scarse any one word of truth . The proofes which I haue vsed are such ( I take God to witnesse ) as satisfie mine owne conscience . And I trust I may , without any great boasting , assume vnto my selfe as good skill to iudge of an argument , as this refuter , or some others of his side . Of his blasphemie against the truth which I deliuered , I pray God giue him grace to repent . And what was it that he hath thus censured ? A Sermon vttered in the presence of God , in the roome of Christ , before a most honourable auditorie , by a Minister of the Gospell , shall I say as sound and faithfull as himselfe , no I disdaine the comparison ( for by his fruites in his booke whereby alone I can iudge of him , he hath to my seeming plainely bewrayed an vnsound iudgement , an euill conscience , and an vnsanctified heart ) I trust I may say , by a Minister of the Gospell as sound and orthodoxall as his betters , as conscionable in all Sermons & writings , and as carefull to deliuer nothing but the truth of God. Me thinkes he should rather haue trembled to thinke of confuting a Sermon of such a one , as he ( iudging according to the iudgement of charitie ) cannot denie to be a faithfull Minister and Orthodoxall diuine , then haue dared thus to censure it , as hauing scarce one word of truth , and not one syllable of a sound proofe . Is this the reuerent estimation that you would worke in the peoples minds of the word preached , or must they thinke that none make conscience of preaching the truth , but your selues ? But if it shall appeare to any indifferent and iudicious Reader , comparing this my defence with his refutation of my Sermon , that hee hath not beene able to disproue any one of my proofes , nor to cōuince me of any one vntruth throughout the whole body of my Sermon , as in my conscience I am perswaded he hath not ; then doe those two censures of his , the one , that thereis scarce a true word , the other , that there is not one syllable of a sound proofe in all the Sermon , containe so many vntruthes , as there are sentences or proofes in the whole Sermon . More particularly he telleth you , both what he did not , and what he hath done . He hath made no large discourses to teach ouer anew the discipline of Christ ( so hee doubteth not to call their owne deuises ) onely he hath said , what the Author of the abortiue booke , and himselfe with their Coadiutors were able to say , either for it , or against the gouernement by Bishops . The thing which he hath done , is that he hath fulfilled my desire , in applying distinctly his answeres to my arguments . But my desire was not , that he should balke those which he could not answere , or depraue and weak on those which he did , by fitting them to his owne strength . Neither desired I alone that their answeres might be applied to euery argument in order , but also that their proofes might be produced . But forasmuch as hee had none such as I told them theirs had need to be , that is to say , very pregnant and demonstratiue , whereby they might hope to perswade both the abolishing of that forme of gouernement which euen from the Apostles times hath beene perpetually obserued in the Church , and setting vp of another which was neuer heard of till now of late , therfore in the chiefe points of controuersie he hath beene ( for prooe need ) very sparing to vse any other proofe besides the testimonies of newe Diuines , who are incompetent witnesses in a question of story concerning things done or not done , 14. or 1500. yeares before their time , themselues also for the most part being parties in the cause . Now follow his directions to the Reader . And first , that he should w●igh my arguments with his answeres , and compare the one with the other , belieuing neither further then euidence truely produced leadeth him : the which direction I earnestly desire the Reader in the feare of God to follow , & not to regard his calumniation , whereby he seeketh to worke in him , a preiudicate opinion against me , most falselie charging me that as another Pythagoras , I seeke to be belieued vpon mine owne word without authoritie , and good reason . For whether of vs seeketh more to be belieued without proofes , I dare appeale to his iudgement , when he hath perused what is alledged on both sides . Howbeit I must needs say , he giueth the Reader a good proofe in this place of his dexteritie in alleadging testimonies , when to proue that in disputation , credit is not to be giuen to him that speaketh without good proofe , hee citeth Ierome and Tertullian , disswading men from giuing credit to fame an vncertaine rumors . His second direction is vnreasonable , (a) and the reasons thereof such as both contradict what he said euen now , and are contradicted by that which he affirmeth afterwards . If thou findest ( saith he ) no sufficiencie in his reasons to inforce thee to acknowledge his doctrine for true , iustly thinke with thy selfe , it is not else where to be had . This is an vnreasonable motion , that the weight of the whole cause should lye vpon one short Sermon , vttered by so meane a man as my selfe . What reasons can he bring to perswade the Reader to accept this motion ? forsooth , all men knowe me to be a Scholler . Not vnlike , for so haue I beene euer since I was fiue yeares old . But what manner of Scholler , our Refuter will tell you in the very beginning of the confutation of my Sermon , such a one as in this Sermon doe shewe my selfe to be little worth , yea miserable poore indeed . His other reason is , that I hauing professed that I had read the chiefe treatises on both sides , the Reader may be sure that in my Sermon is the pith and substance of all , that all of vs can say , either for our selues , or against them . But how can this be , seeing he chargeth me to speake without proofe , and that there is not one sound syllable of proofe in all the Sermon , and that I seeke to be credited vpon my bare word , like an other Pythagoras , without authoritie or good reason ? Neither is it possible , that all , which all of vs can say , can be comprised in so short a Sermon . Wherefore if the Reader be not satisfied with that which I haue written , let him haue recourse to the writings of men more learned and iudicious , who are able to giue him better satisfaction . Howbeit , this offer I will make him , that if in my Sermon , and this defence thereof , there be not better euidence for the Episcopall gouernement , then is to be found for the pretended discipline , I say not in the refuters booke , but in all the writings of the Disciplinarians , I will be well content that he shall credit me in nothing . There remaineth his Epilogue , consisting , partly of prayer vnto God , that he would open our eyes to see his truth , and sanctifie our hearts vnto the loue of it , and that hee would grant vs his peace ; and partly of praise and thankesgiuing , in the last words . Whereunto , as I most willingly subscribe and say Amen , so am I to giue this warning , that we pray not with fained lippes , asking that with our mouthes , which neither we desire in our hearts , nor seeke in our liues . For it will not suffice vs in that day of the Lord , that we haue desired him either to open our eyes to see the truth , if we doe shut our eyes against it ; or to sanctifie our hearts vnto the loue of it , if when our consciences be conuicted with the euidence of truth , we cease not to oppugne it ; or to sue for peace , when we be so farre from ensuing it , that when our brethren either speake vnto vs of peace , we make our selues readie to battle , or secke to heale the rupture and Schisme which is in our Church , wee Sch●matically and factiously endeuour to make it worse . And thus haue I answered his preface . As for his answere to mine , being a meere libell consisting of notorius cauillations , malicious calumniations , and personall inuectiues : forasmuch as there is not any materiall thing in it , which is not fully answered in the defence of my Sermon , I will not vouchsafe a reply vnto it ; the rather , because my defence of the Sermon it selfe being growne to a greater volume then at the first I intended , I should greatly wrong both the Reader and my selfe , if I should hold him , or trouble my selfe with personall discourses , which , if I should followe the refuters veine , would require a newe volume . In making whereof , I would be loth to be imployed , seeing personall quarrells breed endles & fruitles contentions , & being the chiefe blemish of all books of controuersie , ought in handling of controuersies wholy to be forborne . Besides , I doe consider , that he being in the darke , and my selfe in the light , it would be a very vnequall combat , for me to contend with him in this kind . Whereinto also though I did knowe his person , as indeed I doe not , I should be loth to descend : seeing thereby we should but present a pleasant spectacle to the common aduersarie , who would take no small delight in beholding vs casting mire and dirt to besmere one another , to the disgrace of our common faith . But if any shall obiect , that it is a great disgrace and disparagement vnto me , to passe ouer in silence such reproaches as in the answere to my preface and confutation of my Sermon hee hath cast vpon me : he shall say nothing , but what mine owne corruption hath alreadie obiected . Whereunto I answer , that it behoueth me to commit to the presse , and by it to commend , not onely to the generation present , but also to the posteritie ; not what my aduersarie deserueth to heare , but what becommeth me to write : that our Sauiour Christ , by his owne example and precept , hath taught vs , when we are reuiled , not to reuile againe : that in this kind of contention it is better to be vanquished , then to ouercome : that the testimonie of mine owne cōscience , & of all that best knowe me , wil be a sufficiēt defence against flanders : that it is a happie thing to be euill spoken of for well doing . For my conscience is clearely and vndoubtedly resolued , that I defend the truth ; and it beareth me witnes , that the end which I propounded to my selfe in publishing that Sermon , was the peace of the Church ; which I hoped to procure by giuing satisfaction to those that were of a contrarie iudgement . Neither doe I doubt , but my endeuour in this kind ( though vngratefull to some whose good I intended ) is acceptable to God and to his Church . Wherefore in steed of answering that which is past , I will aduise them for the time to come , that if they would be esteemed men of sinceritie , who seeke to keepe their consciences cleare , both towards God & men ; they would , when they publish any booke , ( especially such as they dare not set their names vnto , ) haue especiall regard , that they seeke not to defame or disgrace any mans person ; least they make themselues guiltie of that most base and odious crime of libelling , which is so much worse in print then in writing , as the presse is more fit to diuulge then the pen : least they subiect themselues to the fearefull curse of God , for smiting their neighbour secretly ; least by their bitternes and railing which are fruits of the flesh , they bewray thēselues not to be led by the spirit of Christ , nor to be in the number of them which shal be saued . For howsoeuer they may perswade thēselues ( as some of them haue professed in print ) that in these secret practices both the Author and Printer are like Ieremie and Baruch hidden of God , yet they discouer themselues , to be such hiders of themselues , as the Psalmist complaineth of , that hauing bent thier tongue , or that which is worse , their pen or presse as a bowe of slander , they shoote in steed of arrowes bitter words , shooting at the vpright in secret and feare not . Besides , they doe expose themselues to this inconuenience , that whereas those , who shall vouchsafe them answere , would if they knewe them , respect them according to the measure of Gods graces , which they should acknowledge in them : by these libelling courses , they drawe vpon themselues such answeres , as are fit to be returned vpon libellers . Truely for my part , if I had knowne the person of the refuter , and could ( in the iudgement of charity ) haue acknowledged him to be a man of a good spirit , I would haue answered him sometimes with better respect . But seeing I knowe him no otherwise but by his fruites , as he is the Author of this worke , wherein he hath shewed himselfe to be , in points materiall , a very cauilling Sophister ; and in matters personall , a malicious libeller : let him take such answeres as doe not like him , not as directed to his person , which I knowe not , but to the person or vizard vnder which he masketh of a wrangling Sophister , and a spitefull libeller , to whom the sharpest answeres which I haue made , are but too milde . THE FIRST BOOKE , TREATING CHIEFELY of Lay-Elders . CHAP. I. Answering the Refuters Preamble . THE refuter , before he would encounter the Sermon it selfe , thought good to spend some of his splene vpon the Author of the Sermon , the matter , and the text : proudly insulting ouer the Author ; scornefully gibing at the matter , and captiously carping at the choyse of the text . His insultation is ioyned with scorne , and with slander , therein behauing himselfe like another insulting Goliah , gibing Tobiah , slandering Sanballat . He insulteth I say , Goliah-like , despising the Author of the Sermon ( comming against him in simple maner , like Dauid , with (1) fiue smooth stones taken out of the fountaine of Gods word , & streames of antiquitie ) as not able to stand in his hands , being as he saith , litle worth , yea miserable poore indeed . He scoffeth Tobiah-like (2) at my building as ruinous and tottering , so readie to tipe and fall , as if belike but one of the foxes (3) that trouble the vine doe come vpon it , the goodly mansion built for our reuerend Bishops , as a tower of defence for their Lordships to rest in , ( which proud and disdainefull sco●fe hee repeateth againe pag. 8. ) will fall to the ground . For answere whereof , I desire the Reader to compare the latter end of his preface , with this begining of his confutation . For there , bearing the Reader in hand , that he hath sufficiently confuted my Sermon ; hee vseth my praise as a steppe to raise himselfe , and to aduantage his cause , giuing me greater commendation , then either I doe desire , or deserue : but here , beginning his confutation , he would perswade the Reader he shall easily performe it ; his aduersarie being little worth , yea miserable poor● indeed , his building ruinous and tottering ready to tipe and fall . Which imputations , if they be not true , proue him to be a lyer ; if true , a worthlesse and witlesse fellowe ; worthlesse , who passing by all the worthies of our side , and their most accurate and learned treatises , as himselfe tearmeth them ; maketh choyce , either of such an aduersarie to contend with , as is little worth , yea miserable poore indeed , or of such a building to assaile , as is ruinous and tottering , ready of it selfe to tipe and fall . Witlesse , in making choyse of such an aduersarie , in vanquishing of whom , being so weake and miserable poore , as he can gaine no credit to himselfe or his cause ; so can hee bring no great disaduantage to the aduerse partie . The fault being in all reason to be ascribed to the weakenes of the Champion , not to the badnesse of the cause . But if so weake and worthlesse a defendant , did in a Sermon prouided in 9. or 10. daies at the most , so foret●fie the cause of the Bishops , that the greatest worthies of the aduersarie partie assailing it withall their force , haue not beene able in twice so many monethes to make the least breach therein , then must it be confessed , that howsoeuer his aduersarie may be inferiour to him in other things , yet he is superiour in the cause . But soft● let not him that putteth on his armour boast as he that puts it off . When I consider the weakenesse of your strength , and badnesse of your cause , I wonder at your confidence . You might doe well to followe the counsell of ●rch●damus to his foole-hardy sonne , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either adde to your strength , or abate from your confidence . And whereas Sanballat-like he saith , I make great boast in my Sermon of much riches , &c. I answere with Nehemiah , it is not done according to these words , there is no such matter in my Sermon , but it is a fiction of your owne heart . Such vanting suiteth better with my aduersarie , who , as in the forefront of his booke , most arrogantly applyeth the words of wisedome and truth to these his owne writings , which for the most part are either false or friuolous ; Giue care saith he , for I will speake of excellent things , and the opening of my lippes shall teach things that be right : for my mouth shall speake the truth , and my lippes abhorre wickednes : so now in the very entrance hee playeth Pyrgopolinices himselfe , taking on , as if with a little paper-shotte he could ouerthrowe all my building , and blowe poore me away as it were with a breath . Sect. 2. The matter also he scoffeth at , applying vnto it the speech of one of the sons of the Prophets ( whō he calleth (a) a poore laborer , to make him , as it seemeth the liker to me ) saying of his axe when the head fell into the water , Alas Maister , it is but borrowed . Neither doubteth he with what forhead I knowe not ( for he goeth vnder a vizard ) to affirme , that my whole building from the foundation to the roofe , is but old stuffe taken out of D. Bilsons booke of the perpetuall gouernement of the Church . Which base calumniation framed ( as it may seeme ) according to his owne practise , he doth odiously repeate ad nauseam vsque , euen so often harping on this string , as I haue occasion to handle , ( though neuer so differently , ) the same points with that most learned and reuerend diuine . To which obiection I answere , that if it were true , it would proue the refuter to be but a childish , and yet an odious wrangler . Childish , for it is the fashion of wrangling boyes in their Sophemes and disputations , when they cannot tell how to answere an argument , to tell the opponent , he had it in such a booke . And it is the part of an odious wrangler to seeke the disgrace of my person , by that which doth no whit aduantage his cause . For what aduantage is this to his cause , to obiect , that my proofes are the same with D. Bilsons ; seeing his proofes be such , as neuer were , and neuer wil be answered . But if the obiection be false , as euery man that compareth the treatises may easily discerne ; then , besides the testimonie of odious wrangling , he shall gaine to himselfe the commendation of a slanderous libeller . For , besides my consent in iudgement with that most reuerend learned man , which I most willingly and gladly professse , there is not any thing almost besides concurrence in diuerse allegations , which should breed any iust occasion of this surmile . And as for them , I doe professe , that the most of them are of mine owne reading , and those , which before I had either not read , or not obserued , I did not content my selfe to alleadge them as it were at the second hand ; but to examine the allegations , and to cite them out of the Authors themselues . So that , although the liquor many times is the same , yet I drewe it at the fountaine , and not at the streame ; remembring who saith , Tardi est ingenij riuulos consectari , fontes non videre . Which course , better Schollers then my aduersarie , would allowe , especially to one that had no more time then I had , both to prouide what to speake , and to speake what I had prouided . And forasmuch as in many places of his booke , he maketh references to D. Bilsons booke , to shew , that what I deliuer , was taken thence : I intreat the Reader once for all to compare the places . For thereby he shall see this cauiller to haue played the Ratte , both in discouering his owne falshood , and in betraying his cause . For as touching the former ; I doe vnfainedly professe , that I am not conscious to my selfe , either in that Sermon , or any other writing that I haue published , to haue taken any one line , from any , without citing the Author . His cause also shal be notably disadvātaged , because those things which I did perhaps briefly , and as it were , in hast set downe ; the Reader shall sometimes in the booke ( whereunto hee is referred ) reade the same points fully & accurately handled , to his great satisfaction , and good contentment . And whereas he obiecteth , that my house is built of old stuffe , &c. Let him knowe , that in these kindes of buildings , the oldnes of the stuffe is a great commendation . For that , which is the oldest , is the truest . And that which hath beene of greatest antiquitie , for the time past , will also be of the longest continuance for the time to come . As for those buildings which our new Church wrights haue lately set vp specke and spanne new , building Churchframes as it were of wood couered ouer with strawe , which will not abide the fire , I verily thinke they will not continue vntill they be old . His third quarrell is against the choyse of the text , as it were the plot of ground whereon to set my building . The which because it is allegoricall , is compared to a marish ground , where though I digge deepe , and doe what I can , I shall hardly find fast ground whereon to lay my foundation . The which quarrell doth please him so well , that he repeateth it againe , pag. 3. But without cause . For seeing the exposition of the allegory is not doubtfull , but is confessed on both sides , that as by the 7. starres , are meant the 7. Angels , so by the Angels the Bishops of the Churches : who seeth not , that this assertion , that the calling of Bishops is lawfull & good , is built on the foundation of the Apostle Iohn , as it were vpon a Rocke . For although some obiect , that by the Angels are meant , either all Ministers in generall , as the newe sect of disciplinarians doth , or the presidents of the Presbyteries , as the Elder and more learned disciplinarians doe , who doe not stand for the new-found parish-discipline ; yet I doe proue both by the text it selfe , and by other euidence , that the calling of Diocesan BB. is in this text commended vnto vs vnder this title of the Angels of the Churches . But hereof more in my answere to the third pag. CHAP. II. Diuiding the Sermon , and defending the first part thereof which he calleth the Preface . HAuing thus quarrelled with the Author , the matter and subiect of he Sermon , he setteth vpon the (a) Sermon it selfe . Which in the abortiue booke , was dismembred into sixe parts , and yet one maine part left out . In this after-birth , into 3 ; viz , the Preface , the body of the Sermon , and the conclusion . The Preface , he saith , is concerning the text , and the fiue points I vndertake to handle ; and that againe he mangleth into 4. sections . But if my aduersaries were as good in diuiding , as they are in making diuision ; or so skilfull in analysing logically , as they are captious in comptrolling that which hath bene logically composed ; they would , either haue followed the ordinarie diuision of orations , saying , that the Sermon consisted of 4 parts , which are , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the proaeme , ( to pag. 2. lin . 3. ) 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the proposition or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein the points to be handled are first diduced out of the text , to pag. 6. l. 16. ) and secondly enumerated and distinctly marshalled ( pag. 6 & 7. ) 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the confirmation prouing and defending those fiue points , ( from pag. 8. to 94. ) 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the conclusion containing the application , ( pag. 94. to the end : ) Or , if this diuision had not liked them , they might out of the transition pag. 94. haue obserued a distribution of my Sermon into 2. parts ; viz. the explication , continuing to that place , and the application from thence to the end . The explication containeth 2. assertions : the first , that the pastors or gouernours of the primitiue Churches ( here meant by the Angels , ) were Diocesan Bishops , & such ( for the substance of their calling ) as ours be . The second , that the function of Diocesan BB. is lawfull and good . Of these two assertions , the former , is an explication of the text ; the latter , a doctrine collected out of the text so explained . These assertions are , for the handling of the text , first propounded to be discussed , in that which he calleth the Preface , and afterwards proued , in that which he calleth the body of my booke . The former , as I said , may be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the proposition ; the latter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the confirmation . Now for the tryall of the first , viz. wheth●er by the Angels of the Churches we are to vnderstand Diocesan BB. or not , these two points are propounded to be examined ; first , what manner of Churches they were whereof they were Bishops , whether parishes onely , ( as our new disciplinarians say , ) or dioceses , as we and the elder disciplinarians hold : and consequently , whether themselues were parishionall , or diocesan BB. 2. what manner of preheminence they had in their Churches , in respect whereof they be called the Angels of the Churches , whether onely a prioritie in order aboue other Ministers , and that but for a short time and by course ; or a superioritie in degree , and maioritie of rule for terme of life . And this is the summe of that which he calleth the Preface . Now I come to his sections , and his quarrells against the same . Serm. Sect. 1. pag. 1. Our Lord and Sauiuor Christ , hauing appeared to S. Iohn , in a glorious forme , &c. to heauen at the mids of pag. 3. In these words two questions ( which be determined in the 2. assertions , euen now mentioned ) are propounded . The former , what manner of persons are meant by the Angels of the Churches . And why this question was to be discussed , I alleadged , as he saith , 2. reasons . The first , because when the holy Ghost expoundeth the starres by Angels , this interpretation it selfe is allegoricall , and therefore needeth some exposition . The second reason is propounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preuenting a secret obiection against the former reason , which might be this : though the interpretation be allegoricall , yet the exposition of the allegorie is agreed vpon , to wit , that by the Angels are meant the Bishops of those Churches , and therefore further explication needeth not : to this I answere in a discretiue sentence , granting the antecedent , but denying the consequence , that , although it be agreed vpon , that the Angels are the Bishops of the Churches ; yet , in these times it is become a great controuersie , and needfull to bee decided , what manner of Bishops they were , which in former ages was not wont to be called into question . Against the former reason , the resuter first obiecteth 2. things : the one , that it maketh against my selfe ; the other , that it is : 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 he telleth me how I might haue bestowed 〈…〉 maketh against me , he proueth thus 〈…〉 faith he is allegoricall , th●refore it was 〈…〉 &c. Whereunto I haue answered , that the meaning of the allegory is on both sides agreed vpon , and that our aduersaries themselues confesse , that the Angels were the Bishops of the Churches : and therefore , by their owne confession , the text was as fitly chosen , as if it had beene said , the 7. starres are the Bishops of the 7. Churches . Yea but , saith he , though it be granted that the Angels be the Bishops , yet not such Bishops as you speake of . Then the vnfitnes of the text ( be like ) is not because it is allegoricall , but because in his conceit it is impertinent . Which his conceit proueth the exposition of this text to be needfull , as I shewed in the second reason . Yea , but hereby , saith hee , the first reason appeareth to be superfluous . It followeth not . Of the same thing there are many times giuen two expositions , a shorter called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a larger called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of both there was need in this place . The necessitie of the former ariseth from the allegory , which I breefly expound according to the receiued interpretation , viz. that the Angels signifie the Bishops of the Churches . The necessitie of the latter , ariseth from the controuersie , which some haue raised in these times , &c. After hee hath shewed that my first reason might well haue beene spared , he telleth me , that I might haue spent my paines better in opening a doubt , which either I did not , or would not see . And what is that I pray you ? For it is great pittie , I had not your helpe . If I would needs haue these Angels to be Diocesan Bishops , I should haue giuen some reason , why the number of thē is not limited , as well as of the Churches , to seuen & no more . And from hence reasoneth thus . If the holy Ghost by Angels had meant Diocesan Bishops ( whereof there is but one in a Church ) then would heehaue limited them , as well as the Churches , to the number of seuen : But he hath not limited them to seuen : Therefore by Angels he meaneth not Diocesan BB. The assumption he proueth , because if the holy Ghost had intended to signifie no more but 7. Angels , he would haue said , the 7. starres are the 7. Angels of the 7. Churches . And hauing so doughtily proued that the number of the Angels is not limited , from thence ( as if he had made all Cocke-sure ) he inferreth 2. things : 1. that the holy Ghost , in not limiting the number , would haue vs to vnderstand , there were more Angels or Bishops then 7. in these Churches : 2. that where euery Epistle is directed to the Angell of each Church as to one , we are not literally to vnderstād one , but by a synecdoche more then one . Which light as he calleth it , standing at the entry dore , if I had had his eyes to haue discerned , I should no doubt haue seene an high point in a lowe house . But were not I pray you the Angels or BB. to whom S. Iohn writeth , iust seuen ? helpe me , I beseech you , to remoue this veile , which hideth the light , you speake of from me . The starres which Christ h●ld in his hand were iust seuen , or limitted to the number of 7. Apoc. 1.16 , 20. & 2.1 . The Angels of the 7. Churches were the starres which Christ held in his hand . Apoc. 1.20 . Therefore the Angels of the 7. Churches were iust 7. or limited to the number of 7 , Againe , of 7. monades or vnities , such as be 7. singular persons ; the number is iust 7. The Angells were 7. Monades or Vnities , as beeing 7. singular persons ; therfore of the Angells the number is iust 7. That the Angels were 7. singular persons , it appeareth by the inscriptions of the 7. Epistles written vnto them , viz : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Angell of the Church at Ephesus : to the Angell of the Church at Smyrna , &c : where , whosoeuer is able to count 20. may easily finde iust 7. I will recite them , and let the refuter keepe the tale . The Angell of the Church at Ephesus ; 1. the Angell of the Church of Smyr●a ; 2 : the Angell of the Church at Pergamus ; 3 : the Angell of the Church at Thyatira ; 4. the Angell of the Church at Sardes ; 5 : the Angell of the Church at Phyladelphia ; 6. the Angell of the church of Laodicea ; 7 : seuen Angels , neither more nor lesse . Moreouer , to whom the 7. Epistles were written , they were iust 7 : for they were written singulae singulis ; the first to the first , the second to the second , &c. To the Angels of the 7. Churches , the 7. Epistles were written : Therefore the Angels of the 7. Churches , were iust 7. The same is testified by Arethas , vnto these 7. Churches , blessed Iohn ( saith hee ) reckneth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ouerse●ing or superintendent Angels , iust of the same number : and by Ambrose , wee must vnderstand the 7. Angels , to bee the gouernours of the 7. Churches ; and afterwards he calleth them the 7. rulers of the 7. Churc●●s . Yea , but the holy Ghost if hee had limited their number to 7. would haue said that the 7. Starres are the 7. Angels of the 7. Churches . Whereto I answere , that he hath more plainely limited the number , then if hee had said so . For if hee had said , they are the 7. Angels of the 7. Churches , such a captious Sophister as my aduersarie , would haue expounded septem , 7. by septeni , seuen a peece , and so haue multiplied them by 7. as if there had bene according to the number of the supposed Deacons at Ierusalem , 7. in euery Church . But when hee saith , the 7. starres are the Angels of the 7. Churches : he plainly signifieth , that there were iust so many of them , as of the Churches : that is to say seuen . Seeing therfore the number of the Angels is limited to seuen , it is not materiall what the refuter inferreth from the not limitation of them . And whereas he saith , that by the Angel in each inscription we are to vnderstand more then one : I would know of him , first , what reason he hath to forsake the grammaticall sense ? And where the holy Ghost speaketh but as of one , how he dare without good reason expound him as speaking of more then one ? Secōdly , whether in one particular congregation there were more Pastors then one ? Thirdly , whether himselfe did not teach , pag. 2. that the Angels signifie such BB. or Ministers , as were Pastors onely of particular cōgregations : 4. whether in Ephesus there were more particular congregations , seeing in Ephesus as him self saith , pag : 3. there were more angels . For one that had his facultie in syllogizing , might appose him with these Syllogismes . 1. The Pastor or Bishop of a particular congregation is but one , and hee , as the new discipline teacheth , the supreme Ecclesiasticall officer in euery Church . Each Angell of the Churches , saith the refuter , did signifie a Pastor or Bishop of a particular congregation : Therefore each Angel did signifie but one . 2. Where were many Angels , were many Pastors of particular congregations , and where were many Pastors of particular congregations , there were more particular congregations then one . But at Ephesus , saith my aduersary , were many Angels , and so many Pastors . Therefore at Ephesus , there were more particular congregations then one . Which two conclusions , are directly contradictory to his other assertions , both here , & else where in his booke . Sect. 4. Hauing thus manifestly proued , that the Angels of the seuen Churches were iust seuen ; and consequently , that there was one , and but one , in euery Church , whom the holy Ghost calleth the Angel of that Church : it wil be easie , both to free my Text from the cauil , which more then once my aduersary obiecteth against it ; as also , out of the text , to cleare the maine controuersie , which is in hand . For , whereas he obiecteth that all Ministers are Angels , Pag. 2. & 4 and 6. as I my selfe teach in the Sermon of the dutie and dignitie of Ministers : And therefore , that nothing can bee gathered from this Text , which is not common to all Ministers : for that the Angels are Bishops ( saith hee ) who denyeth ? but withall , who knoweth not that so are all Ministers ? I answere , that all Minsters , who haue charge of soules , are in a generall sense called Angels , Pastors , Bishops , because they are messengers sent from God , to feede & to ouersee his flocke . But yet , where there are many ministers , who are in general called Angels , Pastors , Bishops ; if there bee one , and but one , who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is called the Angell , the Pastor , the Bishop of that Church , he is plainely noted to haue a singular preheminence aboue the rest . Wherof see more in my answere to pag : 6. And this is so plaine a case , that euen Beza himselfe ( though a chiefe patron of the pretended discipline , and one that sheweth himselfe as loath as may be , that the Episcopall degree should be hence proued ; confesseth , that by the Angell of the Church at Ephesus ( & so of the rest ) we are to vnderstād , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him that was the Prelate , or President of the Presbyterie ; for so els-where he confesseth , that Iustin Martyre calleth him , whom others call the Bishop , And although he would haue vs thinke , that this office of Presidentship was not perpetuall , but for a short time , and that by course : yet he would haue vs also note out of 1. Tim : 5.19 . where Timothy is willed , not to receiue an accusation against a Presbyter , but vnder 2. or 3. witnesses ; that Timothie was at that time the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Iustine calleth him , that is Antistes , the Prelate or President in the Presbitery at Ephesus . Now it is absurd to imagine , that Timothy was sent thither , to be President among them as his course only or turne shuld come , as though the other Presbyters there were equall to him . Moreouer , we are able to shewe by the testimonie of the most ancient Authors in the Church , who were these singular persons , whome the holie Ghost doth call the Angell of the Church at Ephesus , and likewise at Smyrna . For as before this time , Timothy had bene the Angell , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Beza , confesseth , so at this time , Onesimus was the Pastor of Ephesus , as Ignatius testifieth , & Polycarpus the Byshop of Smyrna : If therefore Onesimus was but one man , and likewise Polycarpus : then wee may be bold to conclude , that the Angell of the Church of Ephesus , was but one singular person , and likewise the Angell of Smyrna ; and so of the rest . So much of the first reason . The second indeed ( saith hee ) necessarily occasioneth vs to enquire what manner of BB. these Angels were , because , as I said , some of our times haue made a question of that , which in former ages was not wont to be called into controuersie ; so saith hee , because B. Bilson and B. Barlow haue fancied to themselues another sort of Bishops , then either the scriptures of the new Testament do mention , or any sound Diuines doe teach thereout . This then is the controuersie which remaineth to be decided , whether sort of BB. such , as those learned Fathers , and my selfe , do defend , or such as my aduersary and his adherents do stand for , is that kinde of Bishop , which hath bene but of late deuised , and neuer till of late obtruded on the Church . And on which side the iudicious Reader shall see better euidence , & more pregnāt proofes , I adiure him , in the name of God without partialitie , to assent thereto . The second question is , concerning the qualitie of the function , which is determined in the second Assertion , viz : that the calling of B.B. ( who are here meant by the starres and Angels ) is lawfull and good . And this is a doctrine so necessarily arising out of the Text , that if it be proued that Bishops are here meant by starres and Angels ( which was the thing I vndertook before to proue , & now doubt not by Gods help to make euident ) it cannot be denied but that their calling is both aproued as good , and commended as excellent . Neither would the refuter haue wrangled with this passage , hauing nothing to say , but that which with an idle Coccysme he oft repeateth , and in this place is altogether impertinent , that Diocesan BB. are not here meant : were it not that he was resolued before hand to cauill with whatsoeuer hee should find in my booke . Especially if you consider , that elsewhere hee would make me beleeue the proofe of this doctrine to be superfluous , the former point being once proued . Serm. Sect. 2. Pag. 3. For the deciding of the former question , two things are in the wordes offered to our consideration . For whereas they are said to be the Angels of the Churches , we are first to consider what maner of Churches they were , whereof they were the Angels ; and secondly , what manner of preheminence they had in those Churches , in regard wherof they are called the Angels of the Churches . As touching the first : wee are to trie , whether these Churches whereof they were Angels or BB. were Parishes or Dioceses , and consequently , whether they were Parishionall or Diocesan BB. &c : to pag. 5. own case . That these 2. things are offered to our consideration ( saith the refuter ) wee denie not : but if he had walked with a right foote in the path hee entred into , hee should by his Text haue taught vs the meaning of these 2. points , and not quite contrarie , as hee goes about , by these two points to teach vs the meaning of his Text. To whom I will not giue that answere which Festus did to Paul , that too much learning hath made him madde : for hee seemeth not to be greatly sicke of that disease : but I may truely say that too much anger and wrath ( which is furor breuis ) which he vnmeasurably sheweth in this Section , hath made him so to forget himselfe , that hee wrangleth without witte and against sense . Vnlesse any man that is in his wittes will say , that it is not lawfull for a Preacher to explane his Text. For what was it that in this Section I had in hand ? was it not to indeuour the explication of my Text , and to shew what manner of BB : are here meant by the Angels of the Churches ? for the explicatiō wherof , what could more fitly be propounded , then the consideration of these 2. things ? viz : what manner of Churches they were , whereof they were the Angels or BB : and what manner of preheminence they had in those Churches , in regard wherof they are termed the Angels of the Churches ; that from my Text rightly expounded of Diocesan BB. I might deduce the doctrine of the lawfulnes of their calling , and from it inferre the vse . Indeed if I had bene now propounding the doctrine gathered out of the Text , or vrging the vse therevpon inferred , there had bene reason I should prooue them , as afterwards I doe , by the Text already explicated . But when I am about to explicate the Text , & propound the points that are therein questionable to be discussed for the clearing of the Text , who seeth not that the handling of these points is the very explication of the Text , and the Text that which is explicated ? And if the Text be that which is explicated , who could bee so senselesse , as either to require that the points should be explaned by the Text , or to finde fault , that by the handling of them the Text is explaned . But now hee is pleased of his grace to consider them . And wheras I yeeld as a reason of my propounding the former point to bee discussed , diuers new-fangled Assertions of the new-found parish discipline , whereof I spake but too mildely , as you may see : hee chargeth mee with bitter inueighing , scornefull , vpbraiding , ouerflowing of the gall , with spitting out vnsauoury reproaches , making a calumnious out-crie in the ende of the Section : and much adoe he had , not to apply to mee that saying of Salomon , ( with whome it better fitteth , let the Reader iudge ) Proud , haughtie , and scornefull is his name that worketh in his arrogancie wrath , and in the ende out of the super-aboundance of his charitie , hee is afraide for mee , that I care not to loose much of my peace within : that all I here speake is Night worke , proceeding from great distemper of the braine , &c. Was my aduersaries backe or conscience rather galled , was hee guiltie to himselfe , of being one of the coyners of those newe opinions , that hee thus flingeth and kicketh , when they are so gentlie touched ? Who , knowing that those Assertions were some of those 16. positions , for the tryall whereof , the vnchristian and vnmodest offer of disputation was made , which are there magnified , as beeing such chiefe points in controuersie betweene vs and the Papists , that if in them the BB. ( ioyning as they pretend , with the Papists ) haue the truth ; then extreme wrong is offered to the Church of Rome , by our separating therefrom , and all Protestant Churches are for that cause Schismaticall : that if the Priests and Iesuites can satisfie them in these points , they would bee reconciled to the Church of Rome : Who , I say , knowing this , could with more mildnesse haue spoken of such Schismaticall nouelties ? For where hee saith , that almost all of them haue bene alwayes generallie maintained and practised , by all soundly reformed Churches , hee seemeth , either not to care what hee speaketh , or by soundly reformed Churches , to meane none but Brownists , or such like . Betweene whom and these vnchristian and immodest challengers , there went as wee say but a paire of sheeres ; These , remaining after a sort in the peece ; the other , beeing by open Schisme cut off : Which againe they haue manifested in their late petition to the Kings Maiestie : This being the summe of their suite , that they may be tollerated Schismatickes . But to let passe their new-coyned positions , ( excepting those that concerne this cause , ) with the Libellers bitter wranglings , and vaine ianglings , There are two things in answere to this Section , which I may not let passe : the one , is his defence of the challengers ; the other , a great aduantage taken against a word , which as hee saith , I dropt by the way . His defence is , against that calumnious outcrie , as hee calleth it , in the ende of the Section , where I brieflie note , that by what reason they denie the Bishops to bee members of the true Church , because forsooth they bee not of some certaine parish , by the same , they may as well denie the King , who hauing a more generall reference to all the Churches within his dominions , as being the Gouernour of them all , in Great Brittaine and Irel●nd ; is further from being a member of one onely parish , then anie Bishop in this Kingdome . Hee answereth , that the challengers hold the King and his Houshold to bee an entire Church of it selfe . But tell mee , doe they hold it to bee a true Church ? that so the King may be thought to be a member of a true Church . Or if they doe ; Why may they not with the like reason acknowledge a Bishop and his familie , to bee an entire familie by themselues ? But it is no matter what they holde , vnlesse they were more learned and iudicious . The aduantage which is taken at my words had need to bee verie great , or else the refuter and his copartners doe shewe themselues to be very weake men : seeing it is fiue times repeated in print ; once in their late petition , with great amplifications ; once in the Abortiue booke , with this note in the margent , sic tu beas amicos ? Thrice in this Booke , with great triumphes and insultations : not onely in the treatise it selfe , but also euery where in the margent , demanding with scorne , in this place , Is this your kindnesse to your friends ? in the second , sic tu beas amicos ? in the third , quid facias odio , sic vbi amore noces ? The Reader must needes expect some great matter , seeing these hilles thus to swell , The words whereat they take aduantage were these . Least they might seeme to set vp an absolute Popeling in euerie parish , who should haue not onely supreame , but also sole authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall , they adioyne to him ( that is , to their Parish Bishop ) a Consistorie of Lay or onely gouerning Elders . Out of which words they frame this proposition ; They which haue not onely supreme , but also sole authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall are absolute Popelings : hereto they adde an assumption of their owne , All Diocesan Bishops , haue not onely supreme , but also sole authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall ; and from thence inferre their victorious & triumphing conclusion ; therefore all Diocesan Bishops are absolute Popelings . And this , they say , is mine owne reason , whereby I make Diocesan Bishops absolute Popelings . Mine owne reason ? in which there is nothing mine , but the proposition , which also is stretched beyond , not onely my meaning , but euen my words ? this proposition ( I denie not ) may bee framed out of my words : they who giue to a Bishop , not onely supreme , but also sole authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall , doe seeme to set vp an absolute Popeling . From which words , if they had bene retained , this might haue bene concluded , if I did giue to our Bishops , both supreme and sole authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall , as I doe not , that then I might seeme to set vp absolute Popelings . But it were well with my aduersaries , if to seeme , and to bee , were all one . And yet , I doe not so much as seeme , to anie that is wise and indifferent , to make our Bishops , as they say , absolute Popelings . The application of this to the BB. is made in the assumption , which is both false and foolish , and is not mine , but theirs . They say , it is not onely impleyed and intended , but is one of the chiefe and principall points I vndertake to proue throughout my Sermon . But their saying is false and friuolous . How doe they prooue it ? For the question beeing ( saith our refuter ) whether the Churches should bee gouerned by Pastors and Elders , or by Diocesan Bishops : whereas they say , by Pastors and Elders , adioyning the Elders to the Pastors , and making them both subiect to the whole congregation , &c. M.D. taketh all from them all , and putteth the reynes into his Diocesan alone , so making him by his owne rule the absolute Popeling . Here I intreate the Reader , to keepe in store for future vse , the state of the question , as it is here propounded by the refuter . In the meane time , let vs after his owne manner examine his argument . The question being whether the Churches should be gouerned by Pastors and Elders ( for I will for your credites sake leaue out that Brownisticall and Anabaptisticall dotage concerning the chiefe authoritie of the people ) or by Diocesan BB. whosoeuer taketh all from Pastors and Elders , and ( shall I adde ) the people too , and putteth the reynes into the hands of the Diocesan alone , he giueth him not onely supreme but also sole authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall , and so maketh him an absolute Popeling . But the question being as I said , M. D. taketh all authoritie from the Pastors , Elders and people , and putteth the reynes into the hands of the Diocesan Bishop alone . Therefore M. D. giueth to the Diocesan , not onely supreme , but also sole authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall , and so by his owne rule maketh him an absolute Popeling . Sect. 10. To let you see , how the refuter climbeth a ladder of vntruthes , to seat our Bishops in the Papacy , I will begin with his assumption , wherein are two vntruthes . First , that I take all authoritie from the Pastors , Elders , and people . The Elders , indeed , I reiect as a new deuise : in the parishioners , I acknowledge some authoritie in choosing , or consenting to the choyse , of some Church-officers ; but authoritie to gouerne , much lesse to ordaine , depose , and depriue their Pastor , I know not any . They are the sheepe , which must heare their pastors voyce , and be obedient to their spirituall guides : They are the flocke which must be ruled and taught , not followed and obeyed . As touching the pastors of parishes , I leaue to them that pastorall power , which euer was granted to them since the first distinguishing of parishes , and allotting of seuerall Presbyters to them , that is to say , both po●●statem ordinis , the power of order ▪ as they are Ministers , & potestatem iurisdictionis spiritualis seu internae ▪ ] a power of spirituall and inward iurisdiction , to rule their flocke after a priuate manner , as it were in foro conscientiae , in the court of conscience , as they are pastors of that flocke . By which power they rule and guide their flocke , not onely in their publike Ministery , but also in their priuate attendance , or if yee will so call it , superintendence , as occasion shal be offered . For as touching their publicke ministery ; they are the leaders and guides of the people in Gods seruice ; they preach the word , therein teaching , confuting , instructing , reprouing , correcting their hearers ; they administer the sacraments , as the stewards of Gods house ; by the one , admitting into Gods family , those which belong to his couenant ; by the other , nourishing the houshold of Christ , in due season : and both by the word and sacraments , exercising so much of the power of the keyes , as of right belongeth to them , as well binding the notoriously scandalous and impenitent , by denouncing the threatnings of God against them in the word , and by repelling them for the time from the sacrament ; as also loosing the penitent belieuers , by applying to them the gracious promises of the Gospell , and adding thereto the sacraments as seales . So that all power is not taken from the pastors : neither is all giuen to the Bishop alone . For in the gouernement of the Church , others are ioyned with him : some vnder him , some aboue him . Vnder him , in the mother Church or Cathedrall , the Deane and Chapter , which in the ancient Church as hereafter wee shall shewe , were called Archpresbyters , and presbyteri ciuitatis : in the other Churches of the Diocesse diuided into seuerall precincts , the Archdeacons and rurall Deanes , gouerning them as the Chorepiscopi were wont in the primitiue Church . Not to speake of the Chancellers and Officials , the former being adioyned to the Bishops , the latter to the Archdeacons , by reason of their skill in the Ecclesiasticall lawes . Aboue him , not onely the Archbishop and his courts , but also the prouinciall Synodes , assembling chiefly for ordaining Ecclesiasticall Canons and constitutions , by which the Bishops are to rule , and to be ruled . In making whereof , though the Ecclesiasticall authoritie especially appeareth , yet neither all the Bishops alone , and much lesse any one Bishop , concludeth any thing , but with the consent of the Presbytery . And therefore this may to the former authoritie of Ministers be added , that in making Ecclesiasticall lawes , they haue a voyce , either by themselues , if they be sent to the Synode , or by such as themselues shall choose . Sect. 11. In the proposition likewise are two vntruthes . For first , it is not generally true as it is necessarily intended in the proposition ( for otherwise the Syllogisme is a meere Paralogisme ) that whosoeuer doth giue to the Bishop alone , the power which is taken from the seuerall pastors with their Elders and parishes , doth straightwaies giue the sole authoritie Ecclesiasticall to the Bishop . Indeed , if we were so madde , as to thinke that there were no Ecclesiasticall gouernement but parishionall , there were something in his speech . But when besides and aboue the gouernement not onely parishionall but also Diocesan , we acknowledge a superiour authoritie in the Archbishop and his courts , in the prouinciall synodes , especially that authoritie of making Church-lawes , whereby both Dioceses and parishes are to be ruled : it is apparent , that although I did take all authoritie from parish-bishops and their Elders , yet it would not follow that I giue the whole authoritie Ecclesiasticall to the Diocesan alone . But that which hee saith of my ascribing the supreme authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall to the Diocesan Bishops , that is the supreme and the loudest lye , and maketh the assumption of his chiefe Syllogisme most euidently false . Doe I , or any of vs say , that the Diocesan Bishop hath the supreme authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall ? doth not our Church subiect the Bishop to the Archbishop , and prouinciall Synodes ? doth not appeale lye from the sentence of the Bishop to the Archbishop , and likewise from him to the Kings Delegates ? doth not himselfe acknowledge pag. 69. the Bishops so to be subiected to the two Archbishops , as that if we may iudge by the outward appearance and practise , we may in his opinion seeme to haue but two Churches , and those prouinciall , the one of Canterbury , and the other of Yorke ? doe wee not all , with one consent , acknowledge , the Kings Maiestie to haue the supreme authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall ? and whereas the greatest authoritie of Churchmen is exercised in Synodes , and the greatest authoritie of Synodes is the making of Church-lawes ; yet the ratification of them we submit to the King ( according to the Practise of the (a) ancient Churches liuing vnder Orthodoxall Kings ) in so much that they , and all our Church-lawes , are called the Kings (b) Ecclesiasticall lawe . Now then , if neither I take all authoritie from the pastors , nor giue all to the Bishops , nor ascribe vnto them● sole , nor supreme authoritie ; what haue the libellers gained by all their triumphing outcryes , but the manifestation of their owne manifold vntruthes ? Yea but the title of absolute Popelings agreeth better to our Diocesan BB. then to their parish BB. Neither did I say that they are such , but that if they did not ioyne vnto them a consistory of Elders , they would seeme to set vp , not onely a Popeling , but an absolute Popeling in euery parish ▪ a petite pope indeed their pastor is in regard of that supremacy they ascribe vnto him , ( making him the supreme Ecclesiasticall officer in euery Church ) which wee deny to our Bishops , and were it not , that hee hath a consistory ioyned to him , as the Pope hath of Cardinals , hee would bee more then a pope . And againe , whereas our Bishops are to be guided by lawes , which by their superiors are imposed vpon them ; their pastors with their Elders and people hauing ( as the Pope saith he hath ) a supreme , immediate and independent authoritie sufficient for the gouernement of their Churches in all causes Ecclesiastical , and therefore for making of Ecclesiasticall lawes , they are to be gouerned by their owne lawes . For the chiefe thing in Ecclesiasticall gouernement , is the authoritie to prescribe lawes Ecclesiasticall . If therefore each parish hath ( as they say it hath ) sufficient authoritie within it selfe , for the gouernement of it selfe in all causes Ecclesiasticall , immediately deriued from Christ ; then questionlesse they haue authoritie to prescribe lawes Ecclesiasticall . And as the Pope doth not acknowledge the superioritie of a synode to impose lawes vpon him , no more doe they . They will giue synodes leaue to deliberate of that which may be best , and to perswade thereto , but they will not be ruled by them . As for the Kings supremacie in causes Ecclesiastical , how it may stand with their maine assertion , wherein they ascribe to euery parish an independent authoritie immediately deriued from Christ , sufficient for the gouernement of it selfe in all causes Ecclesiasticall , I will not dispute . Serm. Sect. 3. pag. 5. Concerning the secōd , viz. what was the preheminence of these BB. in the Churches , in respect whereof they are called the Angels of the Churches ; others more wise and learned then the former , granting they were BB. of whole cities & the countries adioyning ( that is to say of Dioceses ) notwithstanding the sway of the gouernement they ascribe to the Presbyteries of those Churches , consisting partly of Ministers and partly of annual or Lay-presbyters : making these Angels or Bishops nothing else but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presidents of those Presbyteries : and such presidents as were not superior to other Ministers in degree , &c. to pag. 6. in their turnes . Of the two points seruing to shew , by way of explication of the text , what manner of Bishops were meant by the Angels , the latter I propounded in this section to be examined . A reason whereof I alledge a controuersie betwixt vs and another sort of disciplinarians , who are as I said , more wise and learned then the former , who though they grant that which the former denied , yet doe greatly differ from vs concerning the preheminence which the Angels or ancient Bishops had in the Churches . So that in this section are 2. things , first the proposition of the second point , concerning the preheminence of BB. in respect whereof they were called the Angels of the Churches , secondly , a reason thereof . To the proposition he answereth , that they had this name Angels , in regard of their generall calling of the ministerie , not because of any soueraignetie or supremacie ouer other their fellow Ministers , as ( he saith ) I imply here , and plainely but vntruely affirme afterwards . In which fewe words are 2. vntruthes . Whereof the former is an errour , that they are to tearmed in respect of their generall calling of the ministery . For though to be called Angels , generally agreeth to all Ministers : yet for one and but one among many Ministers in one and the same Church to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , called the Angell of that Church , is not a common title belonging to all Ministers in regard of their generall calling , but a peculiar stile belonging to one , who had singular preheminence aboue the rest , that is to say , a Bishop . So saith D. Raynolds : in the Church of Ephesus , though it had sundry Elders and pastors to guide it ; yet among those sundry was there one chiefe , whō our Sauiour calleth the Angell of the Church , and writeth , that to him which by him the rest should know . And this is he whom afterward in the primitiue Church the fathers called Bishop . As touching the latter : where he saith that I doe here imply that the Bishops haue a soueraignety or supremacy ouer other Ministers , and afterwards doe affirme it plainely , that plainely is a plaine lie . Soueraignetie and supremacy ouer other Ministers none but Papists giue to their Bishop , and they to none but to the Bishop of Rome . Superioritie indeed belongeth to Bishops ouer other Ministers , and so much is intended in this place . To the reason , if it had beene obscure , hee should haue answered , as Aristotle teacheth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I vnderstand not . For better were it to plead ignorance , then to wrangle with that he doth not , or will not vnderstand . For I doe plainely note in the Sermon two sorts of disciplinarians , who are opposite vnto vs in this controuersie ; the one , a new sect of disciplinarians lately risen amongst vs , ( who haue coyned the new-found parish discipline , which commeth nearer the practise of the Brownists , then of any well ordered Church ) of whom I spake in the former point : the other , a sort of graue and learned diuines , such as Caluin and Beza , &c. who stand for that discipline , which is practised in Geneua , and some other reformed Churches ; shewing that as they doe not consent with our newe disciplinarians in the former point , so they dissent from vs in the latter , touching the superioritie of Bishops . The refuter vnderstandeth all as a grant made by them , whereof some part hee acknowledgeth to be true , the rest he reiecteth as false . And though in neither he doe vnderstand what was intended , yet hee is as bold as blind Bayard to blunder out this blustering speech , that with one breath I blowe out both truth and falshood . Neither doubteth he , though meerely ignorant of that which he auoucheth , to charge me with foure vntruthes ; denying 1. that they grant Bishops which here are called Angels , to haue beene set ouer Dioceses , that is to say , the whole citie and countrey adioyning . 2 That they teach the onely gouerning Elders , to be lay or annuall . 3 That the Angels of the Churches were nothing else but presidents of the Presbyteries . 4 That their presidentshippe was onely for a weeke or a moneth , and that by course as being common to them in their turnes . For the manifestation of the truth in all these points , I shall not need to seeke further then to the writings of Caluin and Beza . Sect. 14. As touching the first , Caluin teacheth , that in the primitiue Church ( when in the gouernement thereof there was nothing almost dissonant from Gods word ) each citie had a colledge of Presbyters , who were Pastors and Doctors ; and that to euery citie was assigned a certaine region , which should receiue their Presbyters ( meaning the pastors of seuerall parisnes ) from thence , and should be accoumpied as part of that Church . Euery Colledge was subiect to some one Bishop . But if the countrey , which was vnder his Bishopricke , was larger , then that he could in all places discharge all the functions of a Bishop ; in certaine places throughout the countrey were appointed certaine Presbyters , who in busines of lesse importance should be in his steed . These were called Chorepiscopi , because in the prouince they represented the Bishop . Likewise (a) Beza teacheth , that the first distribution of the Church into Dioceses , was framed according to the diuision of the prouinces vnder the Romane Empier , into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were precincts of gouernement , which Plinie calleth conuentus & iurisdictiones , in the chiefe cities whereof the presidents kept their courts of iudgment , of which sort Pliny (b) reckneth 9. in Asia the lesse , fiue whereof are mentioned in the Apocalypse ( viz. Laodicea , Sardes , Ephesus , Smyrna , Pergamus . Neither are we , saith he , to imagine that this order at the first proceeded rather from a councill or decree of the ancient fathers assembled together , then from the very instinct of nature , and instigation of necessitie . Now saith hee , in the chiefe Towne of euery Diocesse , the (e( first Presbiter , who afterwards by a dangerous Catachresis , was called a Bishoppe , in the daily common iurisdiction , Praeerat caeteris , tum vrbanis tum alijs eius regionis , com-Presbyteris , id est , totj Diocoesi ; was President ouer his fellow Presbyters , both of the Citie and Countrey , that is , the whole Diocese . And because sometimes the Countrey was of larger extent , then that all vpon euery occasion , could conueniently meete in the Citie ; and forasmuch , as other small Cities and Townes did neede commune inspection or ouersight , they also had their Chorepiscopi , that is , Countrey-Bishops , or Vice-Bishops . For the second , that they acknowledge their onely gouerning Elders to be of the Laitie it is plaine . 2 For whereas Caluin diuideth the Church into two Orders or Ranks , Clerum , sc. & plebem ; the Clergie and Laitie , hee plainely saith , that these Elders are chosen from among the Laitie . And forasmuch as being chosen , they doe not become to bee of the Clergie , hee must needes meane , that they still continue to be of the Laitie . And that hee thought they should be annuall , the order of the Church of Geneua by him set downe , doth declare . Both which points Beza acknowledgeth together . In this Citie of Geneua saith hee , those gouerning Elders , ( which in the title of the chapter hee called annuall ) are chosen yearely , not of the baser sort of the people , but out of the very order of 25.60 . and 200. men : ( which be the councills of state in Geneua , 2. being chosen out of the 25.4 . out of the 60. and 6. out of 200. ) not without the knowledge and consent of the people : I say , euery yeare newe are chosen , or the olde confirmed . So euery where ( saith hee ) in other free Churches , according to the condition of the place , the like choice is obserued . For of the Laitie , some are chosen to this Eldership in Scotland yearely , in the Low-Countreyes they are chosen for 2. yeares , the halfe of them being changed euery yeare . Now it may not be doubted , but that those which bee of the 25. or 60. or 200. in Geneua , being all States-men ( as their gouerning-Elders bee ) are Lay-men . Againe , great consideration must bee had ( saith Beza ) that Princes and Noble men , and such as haue authoritie and preheminence in the Church , bee chosen to be of the Seignorie . And surely , saith he , in another place , ( prouing that there ought to bee such Elders of the Laitie ioyned to the Ministers ) vnlesse some chosen men out of the bodie of the whole congregation , doe sit in that assemblie , whereby the whole Church is gouerned , Scarcely shall the vniuersall name of that Church agree to that assemblie , wherewith notwithstanding Christ adorneth it : Namely , because they being chosen out of all the parts of the whole Church , should represent the whole Church . His reason therefore is , that as the whole Church consisteth of the Clergie and Laytie : So that Senate , which is to represent the whole Church , must consist not onely of the Clergie , but of the Laitie also . And in another place he prooueth by a necessary disiunction ( as he thinketh ) that if there must bee a Presbyterie at all , a good part thereof must be chosen out of the Laitie . Whence doe they thinke they are to be chosen , if not of them whom they call Lay-men ? &c. Thirdly , that they make the Angels of the Churches or ancient BB. in respect of their superioritie , 3 only Presidents of the presbyterie , &c. Nothing is more plaine . The Presbyters ( saith Caluin ) in euery Citie chose one out of their number , to whom specially they giue the title of a Bishop , least from equalitie ( as is wont ) dissentions should arise . But yet the Bishop was not so in honour and dignitie superiour , that hee had dominion ouer his colleagues . But what office the Consul had in the Senate , to propound matters , to aske voyces , to goe before others in counselling , admonishing , exhorting , by his authoritie to rule the whole action , and to execute that which by common counsell hath bene decreed , that office did the B. beare , in the assemblie of the Presbyters . Againe , euery Colledge of Presbyters onely for preseruation of peace and good order , were subiect to one Bishop , who did so goe before others in dignitie , that himselfe was subiect to the assemblie of the bretheren , meaning the Presbyterie . Caluin therefore maketh the Angels or ancient Bishops , nothing else but presidents of the Presbyterie , or moderators of the Assemblie . Beza , as by each of these Angels he vnderstandeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the President of the Presbyterie , ( as before I noted ; So he will acknowledge the first Bishops , to haue bene no other but presidents of the Ecclesiasticall Senate , Presidents ouer the assemblies of Pastors , ( to wit , of diuerse Parishes , belonging to one Church ) whose authoritie he will acknowledge to bee nothing else but the Dignitie of the first place in the sacred Assemblie , with the right of ruling the common action , without any dominion ouer those which sit with him . And such a presidentship hee acknowledgeth to bee a Diuine ordinance . And whereas Ierome saith , there was a time when the Churches were gouerned by the common counsell of the presbyters , hee would not haue him so vnderstood , as if they had not alwayes a president . And whereas D. Sarauia objecteth , that in Saint Iohns time , these 7. Churches of Asia had by Diuine ordinance 7. BB. set ouer them , whome hee calleth the Angels ; Beza replieth ; Wherefore vrge you this against Ierome & vs ? For when he saith , that the Churches at the first were gouerned by the common counsell of Presbyters , wee may not thinke he was so vnwise , as to dreame that none of the Presbyters was President of the assemblie . And most plainely in the next Chapter . As touching the first Presbyter ( saith hee ) or Bishop of the Diocesse , what his Dignitie was , and wherein it did consist , I haue often shewed ; that it was wholly of Order , and not of degree . Euery one of his fellow-Presbyters or Pastors ruling his own Parish , and that first Presbyter or Byshop of the Diocesse , hauing a super-intendencie or in-spection ouer all his fellow-Presbyters , thus farre , as to admonish them of their dutie ; as also hauing assembled his Presbyterie , either on set dayes , or extraordinarilie , to propound matters to them concerning the Diocesse , or the Censure of manners , to aske their voices , to pronounce what to the rest seemeth good . From which iudgement , it was lawfull to appeale to a Prouinciall Synode . As touching the last point , what the learned disciplinarians hold , may be gathered by the practise of Geneua , and other Churches , which they did reforme , as was pretended , according to the discipline of the primitiue Church ; the Presidents of the presbyteries in those Churches being not perpetuall , or for terme of life , but for a short time . But omitting the rest , (a) Beza often vrgeth this point , that the ancient BB : had this presidentship , but for a short time , and that by course . And as hee professeth the presidentship in the Presbytery of euery Church , to be a diuine ordinance , & immutable ; So hee acknowledgeth those BB : alone for diuine , who had this presidentship but for a short time and by course . How be it hee confesseth , that howsoeuer , the order it selfe , ( Namely , that there should bee a president in each presbyterie ) is perpetuall and immutable , as beeing essentiall : Yet ordinis modum ; the manner of this order : though it were a diuine ordinance , that it should bee by course and for a short time , was variable , as being but accidentall . But his wordes which most plainely testifie that , which I deliuered , are these ; In what sense it is to be taken , that Ierome saith , The Churches in the beginning , were gouerned by the common Counsell of the Presbyters . Ambrose teacheth ; namely so , as there should bee one among them , not superiour in degree , but first in the dignitie of Order and Honour ; to which office euery one should succeede in their turnes . Now , what space of time was prescribed to this Presidentship , Ambrose describeth not . But it is probable , that it was a weekely course , such as that of the Aaronicall Priest-hood . And after , speaking of that change which Ierome noteth , hee giueth this reason thereof ; That the Primacie of Order , by course or turnes of mutuall succession , was by experience found not sufficient for auoyding of Schisme : the dignitie of this Primacie being communicated vnto each of the Pastors in their turnes . Therefore that which had bene common to all in their turnes , it was thought good to translate vnto one ; and that one chosen by the iudgement of the whole Presbitery . Let the refuter therefore take home those foure vntruths to himselfe , which hee obiected against mee ; whether out of vnmannerly ignorance , or rather cunning-rudenes . For it can hardly be thought that such bolde challengers of the BB. and so confident an vndertaker of this busines , could simply be ignorant of these things : but rather cunninglie sought to conceale the diuision , which is among themselues ; fearing lest their fauourites , ( whereof some followe , some goe before them , out of a zeale not guided by knowledge ) should take notice , that the aforesaid challengers , and this Champion stand for a Discipline , neither taught by Caluin and Beza , and such other learned men , nor yet practised by the reformed Churches : whereof I desire all men to take notice . And verilie , for my part , I was of opinion , till I sawe H.I. booke to the King , and the vnmodest & vnchristian offer of disputation : that they who stand for the pretended reformation among vs , had sought for no other discipline , then that which Caluin and Beza taught , and the reformed Churches , especiallie of Geneua doth , and Scotland did practise . But when I saw the nouell Assertions , wheron the new-found parish discipline is founded , vrged with such bold vehemencie , I must confesse , I was much alienated from that side . And so I hope will all moderate Christians , when they shall consider how they make no ende of broaching more and more Nouelties . Serm. Sect. 4 pag. 6. Now for the clearing of this matter which we haue in hand : Forasmuch as both sorts obtrude Lay-Elders , to extrude Bishops ; I would first proue against both , &c. to the end of pag : 7. Hitherto the two Assertions contained in the explication haue beene propounded to be discussed . Now , in this Section , I made way to the proofe hereof , by enumerating distinctly the seuerall points which I purposed to handle , for the proofe of either . And first for the former , which is the explication of my Text ( viz : ) that the Angells or Pastors of the primitiue Church were Diocesan Bishops , and such , for the substance of their function , as ours bee . ) I endeuoured to prooue it , both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by disproouing the presbyterian discipline , wherein I intended a disiunctiue argumentation , that ( the question beeing , whether the Churches were gouerned by presbyteries , as they say , consisting for the greater part of Lay-men , or by BB : as wee holde , ) the disproofe of their presbyteries , might bee a proofe for our Bishops : and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by shewing what the authoritie of the Angels or ancient Bishops was , as well extensiuè , against our newe disciplinarians , ( viz : ) that the Churches whereof they were Byshops , were Dioceses , and themselues Diocesan Bishops ; as intensiuè , against the Elder , and more learned disciplinarians , that BB. were superiour to other Ministers , not onely in order , but in degree also . &c. And for the proofe of the 2 Assertion , which is a doctrine arising out of the Text before explaned , concerning the lawfulnesse of the Bishops calling , this is proposed to bee proued , that the fanction of Byshops , is of Apostolicall and diuine institution ; and this , as in the ende of the Section is signified , was the thing chiefely intended by mee . These points I did not thus propound in Dichotomies , which the greatest part doth not so well conceiue and remember , but for more easinesse , was content to make a bare enumeration of them . And this is the frame , of that which hee calleth the bodie of my Sermon , the which our refuter endeuoreth heere to put out of frame : For hauing first , of the fiue points which I propound , referred the first foure to the former part of my maine distribution ( as he calleth it ) where I enquire what manner of Bishops the Angels were ; and the last to the latter , which respecteth the qualitie of their function : in the next words , as if presently he had forgotten himselfe , after hee hath shewed his scornefull and disdainefull spirit , hee setteth vp a frame of his owne to worke vpon . The mansion ( saith hee ) that hee buildeth , is a Princely and pleasant Palace for our Bishops Lordships , vnder the roofe whereof , their Honours may dwell safely , as in a Sanctuary , without danger of the aduersarie , and much delight . Looke we vpon the bare frame , as it standeth , without glasing , painting , &c : it is of this forme : The function of the Bishops of the 7. Churches is lawfull and good : The function of the Bishops of the Church of England , is the function of the Bishops of the seuen Churches . Therefore the function of the Byshops of the Church of England is lawfull and good . The proposition of this syllogisme is laid downe , pag : 2. and 55. where hee saith , that the office and function of Bishops , heere meant by Angels , is in this Text approoued , as lawfull and commended as excellent : That is is lawfull and good ; hauing diuine , both Institution being Angels , and approbation being starres . The assumption is in the same second page propounded thus : The Bishops of the 7. Churches , ( for the substance of their calling ( were such as the reuerend fathers of our Church are . The which hee saith , by the grace of God hee will plainely prooue , and that in the foure first points of the fiue , for to them he there referreth vs for that purpose . pag. 61. Wee are therefore in the next place to see , out of which of those foure points it is concluded , and how : Which to my vnderstanding must be out of the second , third , and 4. points , after this manner . The function of those Bishops , whose Churches are Dioceses , and themselues Diocesan Bishops , superiour to other Ministers in degree , hauing sole power of Ordination and Iurisdiction , is the function of the Bishops of the 7. Churches . The function of the Bishops of the Church of England , is the function of those Bishops whose Churches are Dioceses , and themselues Diocesan Bishops ; superiour to other Ministers in degree , hauing sole power of Ordination and Iurisdiction . Therefore the function of the Bishops of the Church of England , is the function of the Bishops of the seuen Churches . In lieue of the proposition of this Syllogisme , wee haue the prosyllogisme , or proofe of it , in the 2.3 . and 4. points before named , &c. Beholde , to how great trouble too much Learning will put a man ! Nimia est miseria doctum esse hominem nimis . If his skill in the Analysis of a Treatise had not bene extraordinarie , all this stirre had bene needlesse . But if you marke the ende of his ouerbusying himselfe in resoluing my Sermon , and then putting the endes together to make vp his owne frame , perphaps he will not seeme so skilfull in resoluing , as wilfull in dissoluing the same . The end of his double dealing , appeareth in the sequele to haue bene double . For first , whereas there are of the fiue points which I propounded , two of principall vse , seruing directly , the one to disproue their Presbyterian discipline , the other to approue the gouernement by Bishops , ( both which , hee could wish that I had spared ) hee would faine make his Reader belieue , that of these two , the former , is impertinent ; and the latter , superfluous ; or as else-where hee speaketh , the former bootlesse , the other needlesse . 2. When hee could not tell how to wrangle with the other 3. points , hee bringeth them to his frame , as it were to the racke : first , finding fault , that they doe not directly prooue , that which hee would haue them : and then , by torture , making them to say what hee pleaseth , that he may the more easily contradict them . To countenance these sophisticall shifts , he hath brought my Sermon to the Smiths forge , and hauing hammered it well , hee hath reduced the whole body of it into one syllogisme , with the proofs thereof . Vsing this syllogisme for the parts of my Sermō , as the tyrant vsed his bed for his ghests , cutting off those parts which seeme to reach ouer , and retching out those which seeme to come short . But let vs examine his Syllogisme which with the prosyllogisme of the assumption hee propoundeth as the Analysis of the whole body of my Sermon . The function of the Bishops of the seauen Churches is lawfull and good , &c. I doe not deny but that out of diuerse places of my Sermon patched together , some such Syllogisme as this may be framed . But in Analysing we must respect , not what we can deuise or collect , but what the writer did intend , and our Analysis must be answerable to his Genesis . It is apparant that I propounded two things to be distinctly proued , the one as the explication of the text shewing what manner of Bishops the Angels were : the other as a doctrine collected out of the text , concerning the qualitie of their function , viz. that the calling of Diocesan Bishops is lawfull and good . This , which I propounded as a doctrine to be collected out of the text , pag. 2. and as a conclusion to be proued in the last part , pag. 55. and is indeed not the proposition , but the conclusion of the Syllogisme which himselfe frameth , he would against sense make the Reader belieue was by me propounded as the proposition of his Syllogisme . As for the proposition which he assigneth to me , I did not expresse , but tooke it for granted in the collection of the doctrine out of the text , which may be collected after this manner : Bishops are such as are here meant by the Angels of the Churches , therefore their function is lawfull and good . Of which collection if any man should make doubt , the consequence would be proued by the addition of the proposition . The calling of such , as are here meant by the Angels of the Churches , is lawfull and good , &c. Wherefore as there were two distinct parts propounded by me , so if he had drawne the same into two distinct Syllogismes concluding the same question , and not confounded the parts of the Sermon to make the principall branches thereof to seeme heterogeneall or superfluous , he had not much missed of my proiect . The former Syllogisme as I haue said might be this . The calling of such as are here meant by the Angels is lawfull and good . Diocesan BB. are such as are here meant by the Angels , therefore the calling of Diocesan BB. is lawfull and good . The proposition I tooke for granted , and therefore did not expresse it . The assumption is the same with the former assertion , and is proued by the foure first points . The conclusion I did not expresse , being implyed in the collection of the doctrine out of the text . The latter Syllogisme is this . That calling which is of appostolicall and diuine institution is lawfull and good : The calling of Diocesan BB. is of apostolical & diuine institution , Therefore it is lawfull and good : of this Syllogisme the assumption , is the same with the fift point here propounded . So that of the fiue points , which I propounded , not any one is either impertinent or superfluous , the foure former seruing to proue the former assertion which is the assumption of the former Syllogisme , the fift and last being the assumption of the second Syllogisme . As for the second Syllogisme which he assigneth to me , I vtterly disclaime it : because as no one part thereof is propounded by me , so both the premisses are false and contrarie to my meaning . For neither to the Angels of the Churches , nor to the Bishops , doe I ascribe that sole power of ordination and iurisdiction which he speaketh of , as after shall appeare . But that his Analysis of my Sermon was meerely forced against the light of his owne conscience , appeareth , first , by the quarrels which thereout he hath raised , seeing by his Analysis , of the fiue parts the first seemeth impertinent , the last superfluous , the three in the middes not prouing that for which as he saith they are brought . For could he perswade himselfe that his Analysis or resolution was answerable to my Genesis or composition of the Sermon , when he saw two parts of the fiue could not be brought to his frame , and the other three not to be sutable vnto it ? Secondly , by the distribution of my Sermon , and the transitions which I vse , wholy disagreeing from his Analysis . Thirdly , by the Analysis propounded here by my selfe , and by the defence of the seuerall parts here ensuing , wherein I shall by the helpe of God manifestly proue , that neither the first of the fiue was impertinent , nor the last superfluous , nor the other three concluding besides the purpose . But now we are to intreate of them seuerally , hauing first giuen you to vnderstand , that he diuideth the body of my Sermon as he calleth it into fiue parts , & euery part into diuerse sections : as namely , the first , which concerneth the Eldership , into eight sections , in all which the summe of that which I maintaine is this , that there were no other Presbyters in the primitiue Church , but Ministers . CHAP. III. Defending the two first Sections concerning Elders . Serm. Sect. 1. pag. 8. And first I am to shew , that there were no other Presbyters in the primitiue Church , but Ministers . A sufficient proofe whereof may be this , &c : to obtrude vpon vs , in the end of the 8. pag. AS touching this first point , the refuter endeuoureth two things . First , as hee saith , he wardeth and repelleth my blowes : and then , that we may see what a man he is of his hands , he sheweth , that he also can strike if need be . His former act is a reproofe of my treatise , the latter a proofe of his owne assertion . And first in grosse , he reiecteth the whole discourse of Elders as impertinent , and after descendeth to the particulars . For the first : Reason would , saith he , that M. D. had shewed vs , how this first point pertaineth to the proofe of the matter in question . Whatsoeuer he conceiue of it , I discerne not , what affinitie it can haue with any member of his former assumption , &c. I might answere , that common sense would , that what he seem done , he should conceiue and acknowledge to be done . And charitie would ( which selfe loue would not ) that if he discerned not the affinitie of this point with his pretended assumption ; he should rather haue suspected his owne Analysis to be forced , then haue blamed me for his owne want of iudgement . But that he may discerne this passage concerning Elders to be pertinent to the matter in question ; I would but intreat him , to take notice what is in question betweene vs. The question , discussed in the Sermon , is twofold . The first de facto , whether the primitiue Church were gouerned by Diocesan Bishops , as we say ; or by Presbyteries of such Elders , as they spake of . The second , de iure , whether the Church may lawfully be gouerned by Bishops , as we hold ; or must needs be gouerned by their Presbyteries , as they affirme . The first questiō is handled in the former part of the Sermon , the second in the latter . The question debated in the former part of the Sermon , I say againe , is this ; whether the primitiue Churches were gouerned by Diocesan Bishops , such as ( for the substance of their calling ) ours be ; or by such Presbyteries , as the Presbyterians stand for . And those , either parishionall , consisting of the Parish-Bishop , and a company of lay or onely gouerning Elders , as the new and shallow sort of disciplinarians doe boldly , though ignorantly affirme : or Presbyteries in the cities , consisting of the president and other Presbyters , whereof some are Ministers , but the greater some lay or onely gouerning Elders , as the Elder and more learned sort of disciplinarians doe teach . * In this question , as the refuter will confesse , ( vnlesse he will confesse himselfe to be ignorant in logicke ) this disiunction is implyed ; either the Church was gouerned by Diocesan Bishops , as we say ; or by such Presbyteries , as they speake of . And this disiunction , though it be not absolutely necessarie , yet is it necessarie ex hypothesi , and so presupposed on both sides . For , this being the question , whether the Church were gouerned by Bishops , or such Presbyteries ; it is granted on both sides , and agreed vpon betwixt vs , that it was gouerned either by the one or by the other : and that one , and but one of these assertions is true . For if both parts of the question or disiunction were true , it were but a foolish question , as the Phylosopher saith . And that this is the question betweene vs , the refuter hath truely witnessed in respect of the parts of the disiunction , though in the latter he falsifieth my assertion , where he saith , the question betweene vs is , whether the Churches should be gouerned by Pastors and Elders , or by Diocesan Bishops . The question indeed de facto for the time past , is , whether the primitiue Church were gouerned by Diocesan BB. or such Presbyteries as they speake of . The question de iure respecting also the time present and to come , is , whether the Church may or should be gouerned by Bishops as we say , or must be gouerned by their Presbyteries , as they affirme . This therefore being the question , whether by our Bishops , or their Presbyteries , and this question implying a necessarie disiunction : who seeth not that the disproofe of their Presbyteries , is a direct proofe for our Bishops . The disiunctiue argumentation standeth thus . Either the primitiue Church was gouerned by Diocesan Bishops , or by such Presbyteries as they stand for : But not by such Presbyteries as they stand for : Therefore by Diocesan Bishops . The proposition is implyed in the very question betweene vs : and the disiunction is therein by both parties presupposed as necessarie . The assumption is , that first point of the fiue , which now we haue in hand . The conclusion determineth the assertion which in the former part of the Sermon was propounded to be proued , viz. that the primitiue Church was gouerned by Diocesan Bishops . This passage therefore concerning Lay-Elders , will I hope be acknowledged not to be impertinent . Now that the Church was not gouerned by such Presbyteries as they speake of , I proued in this passage . Because howsoeuer with great vehemencie the Presbyterian discipline by lay or only gouerning Elders hath beene by them vrged and obtruded vpon vs ; yet they are not able to proue that euer there were any Presbyters which were not Ministers . For , the question , which now we haue in hand , being , whether there were any such Presbyters in the primitiue Church , as were not Ministers : forasmuch as the Presbyterians are the opponents and plaintiffes , not onely holding the affirmatiue , that there were such , but vehemently vrging that still there ought to be such ; we contrariwise the respondents and defendants , holding the negatiue , to wit , that neither there were such , nor now need to be : the Reader therefore is to vnderstand , that , this burden of prouing , lieth vpon them which hold and vrge the affirmatiue , that there were and still ought to be Lay-Elders : and that in vs it is a sufficient proofe of the negatiue , if we can maintaine , that they are not able to proue the affirmatiue . And whereas all their proofes may be reduced to two heads , for either they be such testimonies where the worde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Presbyter is named , or where at the least the function it selfe is ( as they suppose ) meant ; to these two heads therefore I oppose two contrarie assertions . The one , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbyter , doth alwayes signifie a Minister : the other , that there is no one pregnant testimonie mentioning or meaning the lay or onely gouerning Elder . The former of them , being affirmatiue , I doe briefly confirme by three reasons ; the latter , being such a negatiue as cannot otherwise be proued ( for the induction of the particulars were infinite ) I doe therefore maintaine it against the principall instances of the aduersaries . And this is the summe of this passage . Now I come to his cauils , with the particulars . The two assertions ( which I did euen now mention ) opposed to the two heads of their proofes , the refuter casteth into one Syllogisme , and hauing so done , wrangleth both with the substance of each proposition , and also with the manner of setting them downe . The Syllogisme is this . If in the writings of the Apostles , the ancient fathers and councils the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbyter ( noting an Ecclesiasticall person ) doth euermore signifie a Minister or Priest , and there cannot any one pregnant testimonie be alledged out of the scriptures , councils or fathers , mentioning or meaning any Lay-annuall-onely-gouerning-Presbyters , then were there no other Presbyters in the primitiue Church , but Ministers : but the antecedent is true , therefore the consequent . In the antecedent of the proposition he noteth two parts : the former whereof he reiecteth as superfluous , because the latter is as firme and full without it . And yet hauing reiected the former , he saith the consequence is infirme and weake . But if the former be therefore superfluous , because the latter is firme and full without it , by this reason it shall not be lawfull for a man to bring two arguments for one thing , the one concluding the question without the other . Yea but these two are ioyned in one proposition , and therefore either must afford necessarie helpe to the other , or the one is superfluous . Blame him then that ioyned them , and disdaine th●t sophisticall shifts of the refuter , deuised to make himselfe worke . Yea but if they be not ioyned , the former wil be weake and of no strength , for it will not suffice that I say the word Presbyter doth euermore signifie a Minister , vnlesse I added onely . For though it alway signifie a Minister , yet it may also signifie him that is no Minister . But in mine vnderstanding , if it alwaies signifie a Minister , it neuer signifieth him that is not a Minister . Neither will it serue their turne that they make Presbyter the genus of teaching and gouerning-Elders , vnlesse they can shew , that as alwaies it signifieth a Minister , so in some place , an onely-gouerning Elder also , and they must remember that in this cause of Elders , they are the opponents , and therefore they must proue that the places which they alledge for their Lay-presbyters , not onely may , but of necessitie must be vnderstood of them , or else in vaine doe they vrge and obtrude them vpon vs. And surely we must needs esteeme it a very partiall genus , and such as yet was neuer heard of , that is alwaies predicated of the one species , and neuer of the other . If animal , did alwaies signifie a man , and were neuer predicated of any other thing but man , we should hardly thinke it were the genus , but the selfe same species , and conuertible with it ; as indeed Presbyter is with Minister , and therefore not the genus of it ▪ and that I proued , when I said , it alwaies signifieth a Minister , because in english it is priest , and in the scriptures is confounded with Episcopus , and noteth such a person as must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , able to preach . But let him adde onely if that would please him , though so much be signified without it . No , it will not serue the turne , for though Presbyter doe alwaies and onely signifie a Minister , and neuer signifie an onely gouerning Elder , yet there might bee gouerning Elders , who were signified by other names . Why but then there were no Presbyters but Ministers , which was the point to be proued . And what then becommeth ( which is the chiefe scope of this place ) of all those testimonies , wherein the word Presbyter is mentioned , which T. C. and others doe alledge ; supposing the most of the places in the scriptures , councils and fathers , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or , Presbyter is mentioned , to be so many proofes of your gouerning Elders ? call you this a weake proofe , which doth not onely at once bereaue you of all those testimonies where Presbyter is mentioned , and wherein your chiefe strength did lie ; but also proue , that there were no Presbyters but Ministers . This consequence therefore was not to be denied . And much lesse the other . For if there cannot be produced so much as any one pregnant testimonie out of the scriptures , councils , or fathers , mentioning or meaning , any lay , annuall , onely-gouerning Elders , with what proofs will they vrge them , or with what conscience can they obtrude them , as the ordinance of Christ ? An argument taken from the scriptures alone negatiuè , was wont to be a sufficient disproofe of any pretended ordinance of Christ ; and shall not an argument holde negatiuely from Scriptures , Fathers , Councels , and all ? Notwithstanding , the consequence must needs be infirme and weake , for although there be no proofe of any Lay-annuall-onely gouerning elders , yet may there be , & indeed is for all that , proofe sufficient , for such only gouerning Presbyters as are ecclesi●sticall , & and to be perpetuall . Wherefore which way soeuer the proposition lye , the consequence therof I flatly deny , saith our ryming refuter . But heere I intreat the Reader to trie the spirit of this Sophister . For if himselfe acknowledge , that my meaning is , simply to denie the onely-gouerning Elders ; then can hee not be excused from this imputation of setting himselfe to wrangle against conscience . But so much hee acknowledgeth , when hee commeth to the assumption , for otherwise he could not haue wrangled therewith . M. D. meaing ( saith he ) is simply to denie all kinde onely-gouerning Elders , therefore I denie the assumption . His meaning was not to denie all , but annuall and Lay-Elders , therefore I flatly denie the consequence . Thus you see , how he is carried with a spirit of contradiction , not caring to gaine say himselfe , so hee may seeme to contradict mee . But so farre was the consequence from being to be denyed , because I mention Lay , and annuall , that rather it was to be graunted ; These words being added , ad maiorem cautelam , and distinctly propounded , to make the consequence so much the stronger , and to signifie that I spake of all Elders whatsoeuer , that are not Ministers , call them as you will , whether Lay , or annuall ; or onely gouerning Elders . And here againe , let the Reader obserue , that the new sect of Disciplinarians will not haue such Elders as lately were in Scotland , and still are at Geneua , and the Low Countreys ▪ No , they scorne such , those be Lay & annuall , as you haue heard , but these may not be so . Therfore let the elder sort of Disciplinarians be accounted wise , who , though they were faine to yeeld that the greater part of their presbyteries should be of the Laitie , yet they did foresee that the Ministers would beare the sway ( as indeed they ought ) because they were perpetuall , the others annuall , or but for a short time ; whereas these men , making the Lay-Elders perpetuall , and referring matters to be ruled by pluralitie of voyces , absurdly subiect the Ministers to bee ruled and ouer-ruled by them , who , in the most Countrey-parishes , are more fitte to holde the plough then to sit at the sterne of the Church . And so , desperate or franticke whether are they nowe growne , that although they make their parish-Bishop the supreme officer in the visible Church ; and doe holde that euery parish hath a sufficient and independent authoritie , immediately deriued from Christ , for the gouernment of it selfe in all causes Ecclesiasticall : Notwithstanding , offer to submitte their Bishop and his Consistorie : yea , their whole visible Church , with their whole managing of causes Ecclesiasticall , to the ouersight and superintendencie of each Iustice of peace . Hauing thus wrangled with the proposition , hee setteth himselfe also against the assumption , containing the two aforesaide Assertions : The former whereof , viz : that the word Presbyter , ( noting an Ecclesiasticall person , in the Church of Christ ) euermore in the Scriptures , Councells , and Fathers , signifieth a Minister , hee denyeth . For , if the word onely bee added ▪ it is vtterly false . For I shall make it euident ( saith hee ) that the worde Presbyter doth sometimes signifie one that is not a Minister . And if it bee left out , it will be false neuerthelesse . For it shall appeare , that sometimes the word is vsed for an Ecclesiasticall person , that is no Minister . So that , by his owne confession , all is one , whether the word onely bee inserted or omitted , the contradictorie being one , and the same , that sometimes it signifieth one that is not a Minister . But though hee delay the Reader for his owne proofes , ( which I dare assure him will not satisfie his iudicious expectation ) yet seeing he setteth himselfe to catch and snatch at euery word , he should not haue passed by those argumēts ●hereby I proued my Assertion , and I am perswaded , would not , if silence had not bene his best answere . For a man of his Acumen , might easily out of those fewe words haue raised three syllogismes , which he could not so easily answere . But the labour which hee thought best to spare , I will vndertake for him . For , 1. If the word Priest , ( freed as it is in our Church , from the popish abuse , and conceiued without all relation to reall sacrifices ) be the proper English of presbyter , as it noteth an Ecclesiasticall person , then presbyter signifieth a Minister onely , and as well might question bee made whether there were any Lay-priests , as Lay-presbyters ; but the former is true , therefore the latter . 2. That word , which in the Scriptures is confounded with Episcopus , or Bishop , doth signifie a Minister onely . But Presbyter by their owne confession , is confounded with Episcopus , or Bishop . Therefore presbyter , doth signifie a Minister onely . 3. That word , which being in the Scriptures confounded with Bishop , doth also note such a person as by the Apostles rule must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , able to preach , doth signifie a Minister of the word onely ; for in none but Ministers is that propertie required . But Presbyter is such a word , as beeing in the Scriptures confounded with Bishop , doth also note a person , who must by the Apostles rule be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or able to preach . Therefore the word Presbyter , doth signifie a Minister onely . The latter part of his assumption ( saith he ) in case he vrge the words Lay , and annuall , may perhaps be true , and his cause neuer the better , nor ours the worse by it , it being enough for vs , if there be Ecclesiasticall gouernours , which are no Ministers . You see then the cause of the new reformers , is not the cause of other reformed Churches , as I said . But seeing M. D. saith hee , is simplie to denie all kinde of onely gouerning Elders , I as plainely denie the assumption . So that both his propositions in this Syllogisme doe want their armour of proofe , and waite vpon M. D. as two poore seruants vpon their master for their cloth , before they can doe him any seruice . Marke well the spirit of this man. For hauing denyed without reason the consequence of the proposition , being ( euen as himselfe propoundeth it ) vndeniable , were it not that he cauilled with the words Lay & annuall , which in his a●swere to the ●ssumption , he confesseth were not to be cauilled with : and hauing barely denied both the former part of the assumption , which I fortified by 3. reasons , which hee could not answere , and also the latter , without any shew of reason , though the proofe of the contradictory in both lye vpon him , ( which course any man might take to answere the best argument that euer was propounded , ) notwithstanding hee scornefully craketh , as if hee had done some great act , which might giue occasion to leaue fighting , and fall a crowing . For my part , I greatly wonder a● him , how he could either content himselfe , or hope to satisfie his reader with such answeres . For if it be a sufficient answere to say . I fl●tly deny the proposition , & I do as plainely deny 〈◊〉 assumption ; who cannot answere sufficiently any Syllogisme whatsoeuer ? But if a man hauing thus answered , shall take occasion thereby to insult ouer his aduersary , verily as hee deludeth egregiously his Reader that is simple , so he maketh himselfe ridiculous , if not odious , to him that is iudicious . Hauing seene how substantially he hath dealt with the substance of each proposition , let vs now see how mānerly 〈◊〉 hee dealeth with the manner of laying them downe . For in regard thereof , he chargeth me with three no small faultes . First , inclination to popery : 2. falshood : 3. contempt and scorne . The which imputations , if he cannot make good by sound euidence , he will shew himselfe vnmanerly in obiecting them . How then proueth hee the first ? He saith , and saith it againe , that I delight to call the Ministers of the Gospell by the n●me of Priests , which all but those that are Popish , or desirous to please the Papists would rather forbeare . First , I denie that those which call Ministers by the name of priests , are popish . For those worthie instruments vnder God , of that happie reformation , which is among vs , & separation from Poperie , in the booke of Cōmon prayer , in the booke of Orders , and in other their writings , doe ordinarily vse that name . And when they distinguish the Clergie into three degrees , they vsually reckon these three orders , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , therein imitating the most ancient and purest writers , both of the Greek & Latin Church , who seldome vsing the word Minister , distinguish the same degrees by words of the same signification : viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Episcopi , Presbyteri , Diaconi , that is , Bishops , Priests , Deacons . Yea , but the Popish shauelings haue appropriated the words to themselues . , and protestant writers find fault with them for calling the Ministers of the Gospell by the name of Priests , to which purpose he alleadgeth D. Whitaker , & D. Raynolds Whereto I answere : of the word Priest , there are two vses , whereof the one is an abuse , the other is the right & proper vse of the word , according to the natiue signification therof . The abuse is , when it is ascribed to the Ministers of the Gospell , as it is the English of Sacerdos , which signifieth a Sacificing Priest , and implieth a relation to sacrifices . Thus the Papists abuse the name when they applie it to the Ministers of their Gospell , with relation to their sacrifice of the Masse . And thus D. Whitaker denieth both Sacerdos and Priest ( as it is the English of Sacerdos ) to agree to the Ministers of the new Testament . The right vse of the word is , when it is vsed as the English of Presbyter , and without any relation to sacrifice . For Presbyter is the name which the Apostles and all antiquitie gaue to the Ministers of the Gospell , and the English of Presbyter is Priest , as D. Raynolds doth confesse , where also he sheweth , that the Papists play the sophisters in vsing the word Priest , after a double sort , the one , as it is deriued from Presbyter , the other , as it signifieth the same that Sacerdos . For Priest , as i● signifieth a man appointed to Sacrifice is (c) Sacerdos , and not Presbyter . The name which the Apostles giue a Minister , (d) is Presbyter and not Sacerdos . And againe , though th' Apostles call the Ministers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence our English name of Priests is deriued ; yet they did not call them priests , as the name of priest hath relation to Sacrifice . For the worde Priest hath two meanings : the one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereof the one is giuen by the Apostles , but doth not implie authoritie to sacrifice ; the other , doth implie authoritie to Sacrifice , but is not giuen by the Apostles . It is plaine therefore , that the worde Priest is rightly vsed in the signification of presbyter , but abused , as I said , in the Sermon , to signifie Sacrificing priests . I confesse , that the first Translators of the Bible into English , in these latter times , being , ( as D. Fulke saith ) not Lords of mens speech , but ouer-ruled by the popish vse of the word , as it were by a tyrant , did giue the name priest to Sacrificing priests , as the papists doe , and hauing so done , when they were to translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Presbyteri , which doe not signifie Sacrificing priests , but Ministers of the Gospell , they auoided the name , least they might seeme with the papists , to make the Ministers of the Gospell Sacrificing priests . And so I doe confesse that their purpose was godly , who translated presbyters not priests , but Elders : though I dare not say that the cause was sufficient . For if they had called Sacerdotes Sacrificers , as the French doe in their Translations , they might safely haue giuen the Name Priest to the Ministers , and left the name of Sacrificers to the popish priests . The name Priest saith D. Fulke , wee doe not finde fault with , as it commeth of presbyter , but as it is commonly vsed for a Sacrificing priest . Againe , as for the name priest , as it is deriued of the Greeke , wee doe not refuse it , but rather wish that the Sacrificers of the Law had neuer bene called by it . And againe more fullie , wee doe not contend for the terms , nor refuse the name priest , when it signifieth the same whome the Apostle calleth presbyter : but when by abuse and vaine cauillation of papists , it is taken to signifie a Sacrificer . To conclude therefore , according to the true Etymologie , wee confesse the name to be good , and doe vse it in our seruice booke and otherwise , knowing that it implieth no sacrificing , as you most fondly and ridiculously would enforce out of it . But in Translation , because by common speech a priest was taken for a Sacrificer , and the Translators had no other name , whereby to call the Sacrificers of the Lawe , but priests , to make and obserue that difference which the holie Ghost alwayes obserueth in the Newe Testament , they call the one Priests , the other Elders . But if they had called the one Sacrificers , and the other priests , that priests might haue bene knowne to differ from Sacrificers , it had bene a small matter , and perhaps hindered you of this vaine quarrell . It is not a popish abuse therefore to call Ministers priests , but to giue the name priest , to Sacrificers . And likewise , it is an abuse of Innouators , to giue the Name presbyter , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as it is a name of an office , and not of age , ) which is proper to Ministers , to them who are no priests . Who , though they may be called Saecerdotes , that is , Sacrificers , as all Christians may , yet presbyters they cannot truely be called . But how doth hee proue that I delight to haue the Ministers of the Gospell called priests ? Forsooth because there was no necessitie laid vpon me to call them so , but might haue contended my selfe with the name of Ministers . Whereto I answere , that I mention the Name Priest , ( the proper English of presbyter ; ) as a necessarie argument , to proue that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or presbyter , doth signifie a Minister , as I shewed before , affirming that they might as well make question , whether there were any Lay-priests as Lay - presbyters . For this was the first argument of the three ; to none whereof the refuter could see any necessitie laide vpon him to answere . It is necessarie with him ( belike , ) to wrangle with words , but not to answere arguments . Now to conclude my answere to his first accusation , I appeale to the refuter himselfe , and to all which either know mee , or haue read my other Bookes ; whether this imputation was laid to my charge , out of an vpright conscience , or not rather out of an vncharitable desire to bring mee , though vniustlie , into the dislike of the people , to whom the Name priest is odious , as D. Fulke truely noteth ; because they knowe not the Etymologie of it . n For if they knew that the English word Priest , as also the like wordes in French and Italian , were deriued from Presbyter , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Presbyter , is the name which the holie Ghost and all antiquitie ordinarilie giueth to the Ministers of the Newe-Testament ; They would rather condemne them that abuse , either the name Priest , to Sacrificers , as the Papists do ; or the name Presbyter , wherof Priest is the true English , to signifie Lay-Elders , as our Disciplinarians doe : then hee would mislike our Church , which vseth the word aright ? Namely , as the proper and true English of Presbyter , from whence it is deriued , without anie relation to Sacrifices at all . Wherevnto this is to be added , that howsoeuer our first Translators in King Henrie his time , auoyding the worde priest , translated Presbyteri , by Elders ; Yet by Elders they vnderstood no other but Ministers . As appeareth by this speech of M. Tindall . All that were called Elders ( or Priests , if they so will , ) were called BB. also . Secondly , hee chargeth mee with vntruth , for saying , that question might as well bee made , whether there were annuall Ministers , or Lay-Priests , as annuall or Lay-Presbyters . But this I prooued , when I demonstrated by three arguments , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or presbyter , doth signifie none but a Minister . For if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbyter , as it is the name of an Ecclesiasticall office , doth signifie nothing but a minister or priest , as I prooued ; then that question might as well bee made of Ministers or Priests , as of presbyters . But how I pray you doth hee conuince mee of falshood ? with an if begging the question , if Presbyter doth not signifie onely a Minister , then question may be made of Lay-Presbyters , though not of annuall Ministers or Lay-Priests . As if hee should haue said , if you will graunt mee the question , and denie that which you haue already prooued , and I could not answere , then I shal be able to charge you with vntruth . Yea , but the vntruth of my speech was before manifest in the former part of the answere to the proposition . His words there , be these : that the consequence is weake , because there might be other Presbyters in the primitiue Church , though the word Presbyter did euermore signifie a Minister . So that this was but a poore shift for want of proofe to referre the Reader as oft he doth to another place , where he should find little to the purpose . In both places , as you see , all that he can say is , that seeing it might be there were Presbyters that were not Ministers , and if there were such , which I haue disproued , then that would appeare to be false , which I haue proued to be most true . I come to his third accusation : It would be noted saith he , with what contempt and scorne he calleth the Elders in question , Lay-annuall-onely-gouerning Elders . And it would be noted say I , with how bad a conscience he wilfully depraueth the manner of vttering my words , to giue some small colour both to his vnconscionable denyall of the proposition which himselfe contradicted in answere to the assumption ; and also to this forged calumniation . For whereas I propounded the words distinctly with a Comma or note of distinction , lay , annuall , onely-gouerning Presbyters , vsing these diuers titles more fully and certainely to expresse whom I meant ; he hath ioyned them with notes of vnion Lay-annuall-onely-gouerning Elders , as if I had in contempt & scorne of them , framed a nickname for them , compounded of all these words . And whereas he saith , that I call them lay in disgrace of the Elders , and reproach of those who stand for them , as though they committed the gouernement of the Church to such as are base and priuate persons : the truth is , that he disgraceth the laitie intollerably , as if there were no lay persons but base and priuate men . Indeed if I had said , that such men as be not of the Clergie , are to be called idiotae , ( as some of your side would haue them called , rather then lay men ) you might haue had some colourable pretence for this accusation . But when with Caluin we diuide the whole Church into the clergie and laitie : vnder the laitie , we comprehend the noble as well as the base , and publike persons as well as priuate , and men of excellent gifts as well as Idiots . And it is but a seely exception , which you doe vsually make , that you would not haue them called lay , but Ecclesiasticall . For first , that word doth not distinguish them from the Ministers . And secondly , because Ecclesia the Church , being diuided into the Clergie , and laitie , those which be lay men ( as not being of the Clergie , ) may haue Ecclesiasticall offices , and in regard thereof may be called Ecclesiasticall officers , as Church wardens among vs , officials , Chancellers , and commissioners in causes Ecclesiasticall , as well as your Elders , whom though you make Ecclesiasticall officers , yet you cannot denie them to be Lay-Elders . Now to auoide this imagined disgrace , he would haue all men to take notice , what manner of persons they would haue by prayer and imposition of hands ordained and set a part to this Ecclesiasticall office : not such as each parish is like to afford , but according to the vtopicall Idea conceiued in their owne braine . And though there must be many of them in euery parish , men religious , of great grauitie and pietie ( you may be sure ) and of good yeares , adioyned to the Ministers : and though matters are to be carried by pluralitie of voices , euery one hauing the like right of suffrage ; yet we must not in any case thinke , that they will ouer-rule the Minister , but be altogether ruled and directed by him . Beza saith , that in the sacred senate , which is called the Presbyterie , there is no superioritie of degree or power , but a distinction of order ; and that all matters are managed by common and equall right in giuing their voices : the whole consistorie being for that cause called a Presbyterie , because , howsoeuer otherwise there may be distinction of degrees among them , yet in this common function the Ministers are made equall with the Elders , and the Elders with the Ministers . So that they wrong them shrewdly , who shall say , where all haue equall right , and where all things are swaied by the greater number of voices , the one or two voices at the most of the Ministers , are like to be ouer-ruled by the multitude of Elders . Serm. Sect. 2. pag. 8. For although many places are vsually alledged out of the scriptures and fathers : yet I doe vnfainedly professe , that to my knowledge there are onely two allegations , which I esteeme worth the answering . The one , out of 1. Tim. 5. the other out of Ambrose on the same chapter . Where the words of the abortiue booke seemed bitter and spitefull enough , there our refuter followeth that copy : otherwise to that potion of worme-wood , he addeth an infusion of gall , as in this place . It is strange saith the abortiue booke , that a man of such skill in logicke as I acknowledge D. D. to be &c : and more strange that one of his temper &c : is it fit for D. D. modestie , &c. Not so , saith the libeller , you must not attribute any skill in logicke , or modestie to him now : wee must make our followers belieue , that since he hath written in defence of the Antichristian calling of the prelates , those petite popes , he hath lost all modestie , and skill in logicke too . For if we cannot answere his argumēts , nor take away his answeres , let vs disgrace his person : so will our followers be sure to preiudge any thing he saith , and which is our desire , the people whom he thought to satisfie , shal be kept in the same tearmes they were wont . But my purpose is not by reciting his words to spread this part of his spitefull libell , and much lesse by vouchsafing an answere to multiply words in this kind with so odious a wrangler . To passe by therefore his barking eloquence , or dogge-rhetoricke , the reader is to vnderstand that in this section and those which follow , I endeuour to defend the two former assertions , viz. that they can neither proue that the word Presbyter doth signifie any but a Minister , nor yet produce any one pregnant testimonie mentioning or meaning their lay or onely-gouerning-Elders . Now I would know of my aduersarie for my learning , how such a negatiue as this should be maintained . Whether , by induction of particulars , or by speciall insisting vpon the instances which the aduersaries giue : not the former , for that were to examine euery sentence in the scriptures , councels and fathers , which were infinite . If the latter , should I in one of the least parts intended in the Sermon , where I had promised breuitie , stand vpon euery particular allegation which could hardly haue beene discussed in a whole Sermon ? or should I make choise of some of the principall , which are of more weight then all the rest ? the latter course I was necessarily to make choise of . And therefore supposing our opposites to insist on those two testimonies , which are of more weight then all the rest , yea then all , that all of them can say besides in this cause , I endeuoured to defend my assertions against them . And although I did not intend to dispute Syllogistically as the opponent , but to defend the truth as the respondent ; yet this my defensiue answere is brought to the anuill , and forged into a Syllogisme after this manner . If neither Paul in 1. Tim. 5.17 . nor Ambrose vpon 1. Tim. 5.1 . ( he should haue added , which two allegations onely I esteeme worth the answering , or which two are of more worth then all the rest ) doe not mention or meane any lay or onely gouerning Elders , then no pregnant testimonie can be alledged to that purpose . But neither doth Paul , nor Ambrose , in those places mention or meane any lay or onely gouerning Elders : Therefore no pregnant testimonie can be produced to that purpose . In answering the proposition , he wonders , and wonders againe at three things . First at my want of modestie , in that I gloriously despise , and insolently reiect the iudgements of those diuines , who besides those two , alledge many other testimonies , when I say , I esteeme these two onely worth the answering . Whereunto I answere , that I esteemed no other , in that shortnesse of time , worthy to be stood vpon but those two . And if that answere will not suffice him , I plainely professe , and yet without despising the iudgement of any learned man , that these two testimonies are the two maine pillars , whereon their whole building leaneth : and that , as their other testimonies depend vpon the presupposall of these as giuing witnesse to their Lay-Elders : so these being taken from them , the rest haue scarcely any probabilitie in them , but may as easily be reiected , as obiected . And this I will say , because I am so indignely prouoked , that if my aduersarie , or any of his copartners , can produce but any one testimonie , either out of scriptures , or fathers , that either may be compared with either of these , or that in it selfe , without an eye to these , hath so much as any shew of a necessary or demonstratiue proofe , I will then be content , that they should wonder , & wōder again , at my want of modestie . Secondly , he wonders at my want of logicke in making so feeble a consequence . The consequence , though it be not absolutely necessarie , yet vpon supposall , that these are the two chiefe proofes , without which , all they can say besides for their Elders , is scarce worth the answering , it is necessarie . For , if any testimonies proue their Elders , then certainely the chiefe , and which be , as it were , all in all . Thirdly , he wondreth at the weake proppe , whereby this consequence is vnderset ; which is my vnfained profession , that to my knowledge , there were onely these two allegations , which I esteemed ( in that shortnesse of time ) worth the answering ; which was reason sufficient for my insisting on those two alone . If this proppe be so weake , let his knowledge , and the skill of all his adherents , shew but one other testimonie comparable to these two . But that he may leaue both wondring and wandring , I doe againe plainely and confidently affirme , that the whole cause of the Lay-Elders relieth on these two places ; and therefore as in the former negatiue assertion I did imply ; so now I expresse , a challenge to him and all his partakers , to produce any one such testimonie if they can . This challenge I say was implyed , when I professed that they cannot alledge out of the scriptures , Councels , or Fathers , any one pregnant testimonie mentioning or meaning , any lay , or onely gouerning Elders . To this challenge , what doth our insulting refuter , reply ? Sundry others besides these two I both could and would alledge , and approue also ( I doubt not ) to all iudicious and indifferent men , but that others before now haue said enough to that purpose . And at this time , ( professing my selfe an answerer onely , not an opponent ) it is not my (a) part to dispute the questions , but d●fend the truth , so farre onely as M. D. opposeth to it in his Sermon . In which words , though he dares not , as you see , accept the challenge , yet he setteth a good face vpon it . For whereas I said , and say againe , that besides these two testimonies , they can produce no more of any moment in comparison ; he saith , that hee both could and would produce many more . He would , I doe not doubt , if he could : but because he doth not , you may be assured , he cannot . What he , and all of them can doe , he performeth afterwards , when he will let you see that they can strike also ; and yet that all , is as nothing to these two . The reasons of his refusall are two ; the one , because others before now , haue said enough to that purpose ; but that I denied vpon certaine knowledge . And what they haue said to any purpose , hath beene confuted also before now ; and that , though often repeated , and oft refuted , as threed-bare as it is , himselfe doth afterwards produce , hauing nothing to say , that hath so much as a good shew of a necessarie proofe , as hereafter shall appeare . The other , because he being the answerer onely , and not the opponent , it is not his part , neither can it reasonably be expected at his hands , that he should dispute the questions , but onely defend the truth . The which is a sophisticall , and if I may freely speake what I truely thinke , a lewde shift , to elude my answeres and the reasons thereof , and to delude the vnlearned Reader . For who I pray you , be the opponents and plaintiffes in this controuersie , wee or they ? Those which be in possession doe not vse to be plaintiffes . Neither would there haue beene any controuersie betwixt vs , if they did not oppose : forasmuch therefore as they are the opponents , vrging the pretended discipline ; we the defendants maintaining the established discipline among vs ; it is a sufficient defence of our cause , especially where wee hold the negatiue , if wee shewe that their proofes are not sufficient ; and their proofes are not sufficient , which doe not necessarily and ineuitably proue , that which they vrge . Neither let them euer hope to bring in their Lay-Elders , till they haue necessarily proued that they ought to be admitted . But the lewdnes of this shift is then most manifest , when as I ex professo vndertaking to answere their obiections , he will needs make me the opponent : and where it is required of them , necessarily to proue what they say , and is sufficient for me , to shew that their proofe is not necessarie ; absurdly , against all order of disputation , he maketh himselfe the respondent , and me the opponent . So that my answeres must be put into Syllogismes , and his proofes be thought sufficient , if he can but say , that they make not against his cause , though they doe not proue it . Examples of this shamefull dealing wee shall not want long . For in the discussing of their allegation out of 1. Tim. 5.17 . which is their chiefe obiection , it is most manifest , that they are the opponents , and I the answerer . But my aduersarie maketh me the opponent , and my answeres must be oppositions , and so put into Syllogismes : and in the end as you shall see , whereas that is the onely place in scripture which they can with any shew of necessarie proofe alledge for their Elders ; hee would make the Reader belieue , that he hath acquited himselfe well , if their Elders be not necessarily disproued out of that place . When indeed , if they be not necessarily and ineuitably proued out of it , they haue no ground nor warrant for them in the scriptures . Againe in my preface ( where the refuter vnderstandeth me to haue made a challenge , & as it were to haue cast down the gantlet ) as I desired they would distinctly answere my arguments , so also that they would produce their proofes , ( for it is an easier thing to pull downe , at least to seeme so , then to set vp : ) in his answere to my preface , he accepteth of the offer , acknowledging that I desire nothing but reason ; and doth not onely promise to satisfie my desire , but also beareth the Reader in hand , that hee hath brought sound demonstrations , pregnant proofes , arguments strongly grounded vpon the scriptures , &c : but now , when he should come to the performance , when I againe renew the challenge ; auerring , that they haue no such proofes , and exspecting that he should produce them , if he haue any : his answere is , that alas he is the respondent , and it cannot with any reason be exspected , that he should bring proofes or dispute the questions . And that you may yet more fully note the absurditie of this disputer , ( of whose great acts in this booke , I heare no small vants ) though he say , it is not his part to produce proofes , neither can it with reason be exspected of him , which afore he confessed to be reason : yet this is to be vnderstood of needfull proofes , whereby hee might proue something , which is by vs denied . But if there be any thing , which seemeth to make for his cause , and which we freely confesse , as for example , the consent of diuerse protestant writers with them in some things , there he will be sure , to be plentifull in prouing of that , which no man doth denie . And this is the chiefe thing , which he and his consorts in compiling this booke , haue laboured . As if they should haue said : doe you indeed grant , that diuerse protestant writers expound such and such places as we doe ? and doe you not denie , but that diuerse of them agree with vs in some things ? Mary that will we proue at large , and although reason grounded on scripture , testimonie of antiquitie , and no small consent of newe writers be against vs : yet we will make a faire muster of those newe writers which be for vs : and though the greatest part of them be parties in the cause as well as our selues , yet we will alledge them as witnesses without exception , and will neuer haue done with alledging their testimonies . For though the learned will easily discerne the desperatenesse of our cause , yet the vnlearned sort , who are carried away with shewes , seeing such a multitude of learned men on our side , will still cleaue vnto vs , &c. And this shall suffice ( saith hee ) for his proposition . To his assumption I answere , by denying it , and affirming that both these places doe speake of onely gouerning Elders , and that I will cleare ( as the opponent , no doubt ) by the places themselues , which now come to be handled . CHAP. IIII. Containing my first Reason , why Lay-Elders are not proued , out of 1. Tm. 5.17 . Serm. Sect. 3. pag. 9. The Presbyters ( saith Paul ) that rule well , let them be accounted worthie of double honour , especially they , who labour in the VVord and doctrine . From whence they gather a distinction of Presbyters , or Elders ; that some are Gouerning Elders onely ; others , also Ministers . Wherevnto I answere , that not any of the Fathers , nor any other before our age , did euer vnderstand this text of anie other , but of the Ministers of the word ; they conceiuing of it , as if the Apostle had saide , Let those Ministers or Priests which rule well , &c. THeir reason briefly standeth thus : The Apostle in this place , doth set downe 2. sorts of Elders , the one , onely ruling ; the other labouring also , in the word and doctrine . Therefore besides the Ministers which laboured in the Word and Doctrine , there were other Presbyters or Elders , which were no Ministers . This , as I sayd , is the principall reason that is alleadged for the Lay-Elders , wherewith the Disciplinarians doe wonderfully please themselues . T. B. is so confident , that hee iudgeth them to be of no sound iudgement that will not acknowledge two sorts of elders to be contained in this place . Another T. B. that spied them vnder the wings of the 4. Beasts , Apoc : 4. saith plainely : they are blind , and of no vnderstanding , that cannot or will not see them in this place . T. C. setting some colour vpon Act. 14.23 . to make it shewe for Lay-Elders , at length he saith , Why should wee follow coniectures ? when S. Paul , 1. Tim. 5.17 . doth declare what these Elders are ? The author of the counterpoison affirmeth , that the Apostle in expresse words , doth in this place set downe their two sorts of Elders . And this is vsuall with them all , to confirme their exposition of other places which are ambiguous , by this which they esteeme most cleare . To their reason I answered , by denying their antecedent , and because I would not shake off the opponents with a bare deniall as enemies , but satisfie them as bretheren , I yeelded some reasons of my deniall , which I set downe in 2. degrees . For whereas they vrge the Lay-Elders , as necessarily collected out of this place ; First , I answere , there is no necessitie that the place should be vnderstood of any other but Ministers . And secondlie , that this place is so farre from concluding Lay-Elders , that it doth exclude them , or conclude against them . The former againe , I maintaine by two reasons : The which I can well bee content that my aduersary shall reduce into Syllogismes , so hee would frame them , as beeing the reasons of a respondent , that is , such as bee propounded , to shew that there is no necessitie of their inference from this Text. For that as I saide , is a sufficient defence for the respondent . The first reason is this ; If none of the Fathers , nor any other before our age , did euer vnderstand this text of Lay-Elders , but all with one consent , conceiued of it , as spoken onely of Ministers : Then is it not necessary , nor yet likely , that Lay-Elders are meant in this place . For surely if there had beene anie such Elders in the Apostles times , the ancient Fathers , which were neere those times , had bene more likely to haue noted these two sortes of Elders , then those who came so manie hundred yeares after . But none of the ancient Fathers , nor any other before our age , euer vnderstood this Text of Lay-Elders : but all with one consent , conceiued of it as spoken of Ministers . Therefore it is not necessarie , nor yet likely , that Lay-Elders are here meant . Of this Syllogisme he denyeth both the the parts . And of his deniall ▪ of the consequence in the proposition , hee giueth three reasons . The first , because wee may not argue negatiuely , concerning the sense of the Scriptures , from the authoritie of the Fathers , &c. Wherevnto I answere , that I argue as affirmatiuely from the consent of the Fathers , and of all before our age , who alwaies conceiued of these words , as if the Apostle had said , Let the Ministers or Priests which rule well , &c : as negatiuely : Neither doe I reason as he would make me to argue , that either because this place is not by the Fathers expounded , of Lay-Elders , therefore that exposition is necessarily to be reiected : or because it is alwaies by them interpreted , as speaking of Ministers onely : Therefore this interpretation is necessarily to be receiued . But thus I reason , that this exposition is more likely , which hath the perpetuall and vniuersall consent of the Fathers , and of all writers before our age , then that which not onely hath not their allowance , but is cleane contrarie to their interpretation . Wherevnto I now adde that , which my aduersarie will neuer be able to answere . That exposition of the word Presbyters . 1. Tim. 5.17 . which is agreable to the perpetuall vse of the word in Scriptures , Councells , and Fathers , is to be admitted , and contrariwise , that exposition thereof , which cannot bee warranted by any one example or testimony , either of Scriptures , Councells , or Fathers , ( it being a word in all of them of frequent vse ) may not be admitted , and much lesse vrged , as the onely true sense of that place . But by the word Presbyteri to vnderstand the Ministers of the Word and Sacraments alone , is an exposition thereof , agreeable to the perpetuall vse of the word , in Scriptures , Councels , and Fathers ; and not one testimony can be alleadged , where the word ( signifying an Ecclesiasticall function ) doth import any other but a Minister : and cōtrarywise , to vnderstand the word Presbyters in that place , as containing in the signification thereof Lay-Elders , is such an exposition of that word as cannot be warranted by any one example or testimony , either of Scriptures , Councels , or Fathers . Therefore the former interpretation , expounding that word of Ministers alone , is to be receiued ; and the other , including Lay-Elders , is not to be admitted , and much lesse is it to be vrged , as the onely true sense of that place . For my part , vntill my aduersarie shall bee able to disprooue this assumption by some one instance , which I am well assured hee shall neuer be able to doe : I will take it for graunted , and in my conscience am fully resolued , that the Apostles meaning in this place , is all one , as if he had said ; Let the Ministers or Priests which rule well , &c : which argument , if no more could bee added , is sufficient to shew , that Lay-Elders cannot be prooued out of this Text. His second reason is this : That interpretation which hath the consent of the new writers , though contrary to the exposition of the Fathers , is to be preferred before that which hath the consent of the Fathers . The Interpretation of the word Presbyters , as implying Lay-Elders , hath the consent of new writers . Therefore that is to bee preferred . The proposition is propounded . pag. 20. lin . 22. &c : the assumption is set downe , pag. 16. lin . 17. &c. To the parts of which syllogisme before I answere , I must knowe of the disputer , whether he meane the consent of all the new writers , or not , for if the word all bee not added , the proposition is absolutely to be denied . For it is against sense , that the opinions of some new writers should be preferred , not onely to other , and perhaps as many , and as learned new writers ; but also to the generall and perpetuall consent of all writers before our time . If it be added , then is the assumption manifestly false . For that exposition hath not the consent of all , nor as I am perswaded , of the most protestant diuines . Notwithstanding , hee endeuoureth to prooue both . That the proposition is true , hee appealeth to my conscience . Whence he shall receiue this resolution . Where the contrary expositions of the old and new writers concerne a point of doctrine , I would not encline to the authoritie of the new , vnlesse they haue better reason then the olde . For where the question is simplie of authoritie , which is the greater ; I say with the Philosopher , that whereas witnesses be of two sorts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some olde , some new : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ancient are of greatest credit . If it concerne a matter of story or fact , as whether there were any Lay-Elders in the primitiue Church , or not ; I would without comparison , giue credit to the ancient writers , who liued in , or neere those times , then to them who liued 13. or 14. hundred yeares after them . Yea , but the points being in question in these dayes , and not in the Fathers , the newe writers haue beene the more occasioned to search into them . Tell me then , why was not this point called into question in the Fathers times ? Was it not because there was none to contradict their iudgement ? And doth not this proue , that the Assertion , which in this cause is opposite to antiquitie , is to be condemned of noueltie ? Againe , you say the iudgement of the new writers is to be preferred , because they haue more searched into the matter , as being now in question . Wherevnto I answere , that in this very respect , the authoritie of the ancient is to bee preferred , for the reason which the Philosopher giueth in the place before alleadged . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The olde be of most credit , for they are vncorrupt , or vnpartiall . Whereas contrary wise , the new writers , which oppose themselues to vs , who follow the auncient , are parties in the cause ; and therefore to be preiudged as partiall . And whereas he challengeth mee to shew if I can , what mou●th 〈◊〉 to thinke that the spirit of God , who enlightned them , as touching the substance , in which they were so sound , did faile them in this particular : I aske him whether hee doth thinke they were free from all errour or mistaking in the expounding of Scriptures ? and if hee thinketh that they did faile in any particular , I would desire him to shew what moueth him to thinke , that the spirit of God , who enlightned them as touching the substance , in which they were so sound , did faile them in that particular ? This therfore was a meere colour : or if there were any weight in it , might not I more iustly make the like demaund of him concerning the Fathers ; what reason he hath to think , that the auncient Fathers who had such profound knowledge in the greatest mysteries of diuinitie , whereby they confounded the most subtill heretikes , should be ignorant of those things which appertaine to the outward gouernement of the Church ? or what reason he hath to imagine , that the writers of our age do know what was done or not done in the primitiue Church , better then the Fathers , that liued in those times ? As touching his assumption : if hee speaketh of all the new writers , it is manifestly false , if not of all , it is to no purpose , neither doth it need to be proued , because it is not denied . Yea , but the naming of 25. writers , and boasting of more in a case not denied , though to the learned and iudicious it seeme a verie idle and vaine flourish , and in this writer , who is copious onely in this kinde , a manifest signe of a desperate cause , which cannot be fortified by better proofes , which hee forbeareth to alledge vnder a poore pretence , that hee is the answerer , and yet spendeth aboue 20. whole pages in his booke , in proouing what wee denie not , that manie writers are partly of his minde . Notwithstanding , it is a matter of great content to the vnlearned Reader , to be ledde along , ( for so hee speaketh more then once ) by such a worthie leader , from one to another till he hath seene the whole Troupe , and hath heard the commendation of euery one . For that also is to be noted , how hee playeth the egregious Mountae ●banke , in commending and setting forth his authorities in most glorious manner . Luther that rose vp as a bright morning starre , euen another Elias of these times . Bullinger , that learned and faithfull Pastor of the Church of Zuricke : Peter Martyr , that burning and shining lampe of Oxeforde : Zanchius , a man admirable for iudgement and paines : the very Oedipus , ( saith the abortiue booke ) of the Schoole-mens riddles : Chemnitius , the worthy examiner of the Tridentine Councell , and ouerthrower of their heresies : Olde Father Nowell , in his booke published by authoritie , and commaunded to be taught : D. Whttaker , who like another Dauid , fought valiantly against the popish Goliah . D. Fulke , one of the wonders of our daies , &c. Iust commendations I confesse of worthy men , whose memories are blessed . Notwithstanding when he hath all done , one good reason alledged , though it were by the meanest of his 25 , had bene of more worth then the allegation of all their authorities , though they had bene as many more . But this was done as I said , to please the vnlearned : for otherwise where the new writers gainsay him and his fellowes , as they do in the points of their new-found parish discipline , they set not a button by them all . But if bragging of all , or almost all the new writers , he name but 25 , and stoope very low for some of them , ( especially if you consider that they are to be weighed with the auncient Fathers ) and if of the 25. hee thought good to cite but 8 : now if all these 8. be not cleare on his side , what shal we thinke of the rest ? Surely Luther , though he tell him that hee rose vp as a bright morning starre , euen another Elias of these times , will not be gotten to speake a word for him . For in the place by him cited , hee doth not so much as speake of this Text , and much lesse expound it : But hee speaketh onely of the 19. verse , Receiue not an accusation against an Elder : where vnderstanding Elder , according to the vse of the word , in the first verse of that chapter , as a word of age , as well as of office , ( as Chrysostome also doth , though he vnderstand , vers : 17 : of Ministers onely ) he saith , that how soeuer the popish Bishops , against whome hee writeth , did expound this place of Priests , that is themselues , that they might be the more free from accusation or reproofe : yet the Apostle speaketh of Presbyteri , that is , Elder and graue men , ( for such then , bare rule in the Church ) meaning thereby most plainely auncient Ministers , as appeareth by the words following ; which the refuter hath Sophistically and shamefully peruerted . For the Apostle doth not speake , De ijs Episcopis ( saith Luther , ) & Sacerdotibus , qui iam nostra aetate plerumque sunt aetate florenti & penè adolescentes , sed de senibus & grand●● bus in Scriptura peritis loquitur ; Of those Bishops and Priests , which now in our time are , for the most part of a flourishing age , and in a manner young youthes , and lusty gallants , ( which hee meant in the words going a little before , when he calleth them Penelopes sponsos , ) but hee speaketh of such as be aged , and ancient men , skilfull in the Scriptures . Obserue now our Sophysters dealing . First hee saith , Luther expoundeth this verse of Lay-Elders ; when as Luther doth not so much as speake of this text : 2. that he should say , their Lay-elders ruled in the Church then , when hee plainely speaketh of ancient and aged Ministers . 3. that Luther denieth simplie , that Paul speaketh of BB. and Priests . For so hee citeth his words ; Neque enim loquitur de Episcopis & Sacerdotibus , whē he saith , that he speaketh not of such Bishops as were in his time , young & lusty men ; but of such as were aged & skilfull in the scriptures . Bullinger in neither place alledged , doth say , that there were elders in the chuch , which were not ministers , but rather the cōtrary . For on 1. Tim. 5.17 . he vnderstādeth that text , as requiring the stipend of the ministery , & seemeth to confound the words Ministers and Presbyters in that sentence which the refuter citeth by halues . Cum emin varià sint in ecclesia munia non vnius quoque generis ministri aut Presbyteri sunt . For where Bullinger saith , Ministers or Presbyters be not all of one kind , by Presbyters , meaning no other but Ministers , he citeth him thus : the Elders are not of one kind , leauing out the word Ministers . And vpon the words following in the nineteenth verse , he saith , as to a diligent & good Minister of Christ sustenāce is due , so also defence , the reason of which law is this , a Presbyter is the Minister of truth , and truth procureth hatred , &c. In his Decades he saith , the Elders in the Church of Christ , are either BB. or otherwise prudent and learned men added to the BB. who albeit they did not teach alwaies as did the BB. yet were they present with them that taught , &c. Where he doth not speake of lay and vnlearned Elders , but of wise and learned men of the Clergie . The rest , in the places cited , doe acknowledge a second sort of Elders , besides those which chiefely laboured in the word and doctrine , but whe they were of the laitie or Clergie they doe not mention . As for D. Fulk in his answere to the Rhemists on 1. Tim. 5.17 . he giuing two interpretations of that place , preferreth that whereby the Apostles words are vnderstood of Ministers or Priests onely , that as euery one of them laboureth more in preaching and teaching , he is so much the more to be honoured . But of his assumption this is more then enough , seeing this is not the question betweene vs , whether any of the new writers doe stand for the new Elders , for that is confessed . His third reason for the deniall of my proposition : that if that consequence is good , my interpretation of this place is naught , seeing it hath not so much as the naked shade of any father to couer it . Naked to couer ! But what figge leaues can he find to couer this naked , and shamelesse vntruth ? For whereas my exposition consisteth of two points , the first and principall that by Presbyters I vnderstand , Ministers , as if the Apostle had said let the Ministers that rule well &c : the secōd that by the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which commonly are translated gouerning well , I vnderstand the cōmendable performance of their duetie in generall , for the latter I alledged the authoritie of Ierome and of the Syricke Paraphrast , to whom others might be added ; for the former , I haue the generall consent of all the Fathers and of all writers before our age , who haue expounded this place , and not one of them can be produced to the contrarie ; and yet he is not ashamed to say , that my interpretation hath not the patronage of any one Father . And thus much of the proposition : in confuting whereof , when he hath spent fiue whole pages with very ill successe as you see , he concludeth with as vaine and causelesse a bragge , as his successe was badde . The assumption ( that none of the Fathers nor any before our age did euer expound this text of any but Ministers ) though he dares not plainely denie it ; yet that it may appeare , how he setteth himselfe to wrangle with euery thing , he seeketh all the corners of his wit to find some starting holes : out of which he may easily be driuen , if the Reader wil but remember these two things . First , that I speake of such as haue before our age , ( meaning hoc seculum this cēturie or hūdred of yeares ) expounded this place , either in their commentaries , or in their other writings , which be extant . For it were foolish presumption to rely vpon their iudgements , who , either did not write of it , or whose writings are not extant , whereby their iudgement might be knowne . Secondly , that I am in this point the respondent , answering their allegation out of this place ; and that the refuter is the opponent ; who , if he will say any thing to the purpose , must proue by good instance the affirmatiue , that some one of the Fathers , or some other before our age hath expounded this place of Lay-Elders ; and not absurdly vrge me , being the respondent , to proue the negatiue ; which as it cannot be otherwise proued , but by alledging , that no instance can be giuen to the contrarie ; so might it be easily disproued by any one instance , if any such could be giuen . If these two things be remembred , the bare recitall of his fiue exceptions wil be a sufficient euidence of his folly . First diuerse of the Fathers may so haue expounded it , though their writings be not come to our hands : there is one instance , therfore some haue so expounded it . 2. Some of them as Augustine , Ierom , Chrysostome , &c : haue so written , that th●y may well be so vnderstood , ( which is vtterly false for they vnderstand by Presbyters , no other but Ministers ) ergo , &c. 3. Others write so briefly , that they expound not the former wordes of this text , ( because Presbyter to them was as plaine as Minister to vs ) ergo , &c. 4 The ancientest of them ( as Ignatius , Polycarpus , Tertullian , Origen , Cyprian , &c : ) whose workes are now extant , though they left nothing written vpon this place , yet ( no doubt ) they vnderstood it of Lay-Elders ; for they alwaies in their writings ( wherein Presbyter is oft mentioned ) doe vnderstand thereby a Minister of the word , yea but they were most like to beare witnesse to this truth . No doubt for three of them , Ignatius , Polycarpus , & Cyprian , were Metropolitan Bishops ; & by the other two , Tertullian and Origen , who were Presbyters you may easily conceiue , what manner of men the Presbyters ( who were distinguished from Bishops ) were . Yea but in many mens iudgements ( who would faine haue it so ) they did giue witnesse to this truth , though they left nothing written vpon this place . But the fift passeth all , for therein hee giueth plaine instances I warrant you of some before our age , &c. For Luther , Bucer , Bullinger , and diuerse others in their time , vnderstood this place of Lay-Elders , therefore diuerse before our age . The antecedent he taketh for granted , as well as he might , because as we heard before how Luther who doth not speake of this text , by Presbyteri vnderstādeth verse . 19. ancient Ministers , and Bullinger expounds it not of Lay-Elders ; so , what Bucer saith , we haue not yet heard . But the consequence he proueth by such an argument , as sheweth he was very neare driuen , because D. King in a Sermon preached in the yeare 1606. saith , that the Geneua discipline had not at that time seene the age of a man , though you should reckon the age of a man not at an 100. but 70. yeares , and well might he say so . For in Geneua it was first conceiued in the yeare 1537. when Caluin hauing with Farell & Viret , in the yeare before , attempted , as Beza saith ; Ecclesiam compo●e●● and had drawne the first draught of it , got the assent of the Senate and people of Geneua on the 20. of July , 1537. howbeit before the yeare , 1541. it was not established , hauing in the meane time beene banished together with Caluin . But why should time which is so precious be spent in cōfuting such seelly shifts , whereof euen the refuter himselfe is by this time ( I hope ) ashamed . CHAP. V. Containing my second reason , why Lay-Elders are not proued out of 1. Tim. 5.17 . Serm. Sect. 4. pag : 9. Neither doth the Apostle indeed note two sorts of Elders , as they imagine , but two duties of the Ministers , &c : to pag. 11. med . IN these words is set downe the second reason of my exception against their allegation of 1. Tim. 5.17 . prouing that there is no necessitie this place should be vnderstood , as they imagine , of Lay-Elders . The reason standeth thus : If the words may very well be vnderstood of two duties of Ministers , the one generall , to be good presidents , the other special , to labour in the word & doctrine , in respect whereof the Apostle requireth double honour to be yeelded vnto them , then is there no necessitie that this place should be vnderstood as they imagine of Lay-Elders : But the Antecedent is true : Therefore the consequent . I might haue reasoned thus . If diuerse and sundry expositions , all of them vnderstanding this place of Ministers alone , may be giuen , and each of them more probable or likely then that which is for the Lay-Elders ; then is there no necessitie , nor yet likelihood , that the place is to be vnderstood of Lay-Elders : But diuerse and sundry such expositions may be giuen , as after you shall heare . Therefore there is no necessitie nor yet likelihood , that this text is to be vnderstood of Lay-Elders . But I thought it sufficient to insist in this one exposition , which seemeth to me to haue beene the very meaning of the Apostle . For seeing the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Presbyter , as it noteth an Ecclesiasticall person , doth alwaies in all other places , in the writings both of the Apostles & Fathers , signifie a Minister or Priest , and no one testimonie can be alledged to the contrarie : what sense is there , that it should otherwise be expounded here , vnlesse the other words of the sentence did inforce so much . But that they doe not , seeing they note onely two duties of Ministers , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the generall dutie of the Ministers , that is , to be good presidents ; and to labour in the word and doctrine , is the speciall duetie , for which especially honour is due to them . I had once thought , that the especiall dueties of a Minister had here beene mentioned , the one respecting his behauiour onely ; the other , the ministerie of the word , vnto which all the duties of a Minister may be referred . But I did consider , it would be obiected , that the meaning of the Apostle was not , that double honour should be giuen to Ministers , that onely liued well , vnlesse they did also preach : for in another place where he would haue Ministers to be honored and loued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more then aboundantly for their worke sake , he ioyneth these together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which labour among you , and which gouerne you in the Lord : and therefore I insisted in this exposition , against which , well may my aduersarie cauill after his fashion , but hee can take no iust exception ; especially , if the emphasis or force of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be not neglected . As for his triuiall gibes , which are frequent with him , of going lame vpon both feete , of going vpright on one legge and halting of another , of halting on the former legge , and limping of the hinder legge : they are fitter for him to vse , then for me to answere . But though hee boasteth , that my Syllogismes hitherto haue beene lame on both feete ; yet I trust the iudicious Reader will testifie with me , that he hath not beene able as yet , to disproue any one proposition , or assumption , which hitherto hath beene produced . And I am verily perswaded , for all his gibes , he will haue no better successe in those which remaine . As touching the Syllogisme , which now he is about to oppugne , he seemeth to be glad of mine amendment , that whereas hitherto I haue gone lame on both feete , now I goe vpright on one legge , the consequence of the proposition being good . But yet he saith I am neuer the nearer , for on my assumption as it were on the other legge , I halt downe right still . But shall the proposition escape so , thinke we ? No , I warrant you : though hee can obiect nothing against the matter , yet he must needs cauill at the words , for he will play small game rather then s●t out : two faults hee findeth with the words , charging me that I speake vnfitly and vnkindly . vnfitly , when I say the Apostle doth here note two duties of Ministers , the one generall , the other speciall . What logicke or reason is there in this kind of speech , saith he . What opposition betwixt these two duties ? so much is he set vpon opposition and diuision , that hee thinkes there is no reason in that speech , where is no opposition . And what is the logicke that this logicaster doth teach me ? forsooth I should haue said , that the Apostle first speaketh of the Ministers dutie in generall , and afterwards in speciall . Thus , in disprouing the manner of my speech he doth vnwittingly approue it : such is his iudgement . For if the Apostle first speaketh of the dutie in generall , and afterwards in speciall ; then doth hee speake of two duties , the one generall , the other speciall . For when you speake of a dutie in generall , doe you not meane a generall dutie ? and when you mention a dutie in speciall , doe you not meane a speciall dutie ? Yes , your selfe doe speake so pag. 25. where you say , the duties are in the former clause , generall ; in the latter , speciall . Neither doth that need to offend you , that I call them two , when you speake of them in the same place in the plurall number . For if the one be not the other , as you will grant , then there is no question , but they are two . But , if want of opposition was the fault of my speech , what opposition I beseech you is in yours ? or what logicke was in this , to require opposition betwixt the whole and the part ? or if you conceiued of Dutie as the Genus , and of this speech as a distribution thereof , what logicke was it , not to discerne an opposition in a distribution of duties into generall and speciall ? for generall and speciall I hope be opposite . All this notwithstanding , my logicke maister chideth me for want of logicke . If a man saith he should say , there are two duties of a Logician , the one generall , to reason well , the other speciall , to iudge well , would he not be thought to speake of logicke , without logicke ? Yes verily , if in so speaking hee should intend a perfect distribution of logicall duties : Which , notwithstanding your cauills , might thus be performed . The duties of a Logician are either generall , as that which is comprehended in the definition of Logicke , to reason well : or speciall , as those which be contained in the distribution of Logicke , to inuent well , and to iudge well . But , if in imitation of the Apostles speech , you should say , Logicians that reason well , that is all good Logicians , are to be honoured , especially those which are iudicious , or which doe excell in iudgement , I might note out of this speech , not two sorts of Logicians , but two duties or faculties of all Logicians , in respect whereof they are to be honoured ; the one generall , to reason well , the other speciall to iudge well , disposed not in a distribution , but in a comparatiue sentēce , which some Logicians call axioma relatae qnantitatis , wherin the duties of a Logician are thus compared ; that whereas Logicians are to be honoured for the performance of their take libertie , to disgrace , reuile , slaunder , and libell , against our betters , we may not be touched in the least degree ▪ neither will wee sticke obliquè to reuile him , that shall but say , wee imagine that , wherein wee foulely , if not perniciously erre . For your misinterpreting of this one place , is the verie foundation of your Presbyterian discipline , and the vr●ging of that discipline , the very cause of that pernicious diuision which is amongst vs. And thus much of the proposition . The assumption was this ; that this place may very well ( for so much is sufficient for mee , being the respondent , to say , but I doe also adde ) and in mine opinion , is to bee vnderstood of two duties of Ministers : the one generall , the other speciall . In respect whereof , double ●onour 〈◊〉 due vnto them ; This difference onely being put , that whereas double honour is due to all Ministers , for the performance of their dutie in generall : yet especially for their paines in the Ministery of the Word , they being chiefly to be counted worthy of double honour , who excell that way . This assumption containing the exposition of this place , hee oppugneth with all his force , cauilling that it is but a bare shift , and such as will not serue my turne : and this hee vndertaketh to proue by three reasons , which will prooue nothing , but his owne want of iudgement . For , as touching the first : Is not this extreame want of iudgemēt , to alledge the manifold expositions of this place , as a matter of great disaduantage to vs ; when as indeed , it notably disaduantageth his cause ? especially , to triumph and insult ouer vs for this cause , Saying Loe here , how their tongues and pennes in the exposition of this place are diuided , as in the building of the Tower of Babell : and how they hauing no sure holde to trust vnto , flie from one to another , as Zidkia●h went from chamber to chamber , to hide him . Now whether this multitude of expositions bee an aduantage to his cause , or disaduantage , the Reader may hereby iudge . For seeing the learned men of our side doe reason thus , as I noted before , ( if diuerse and sundry expositions of 〈◊〉 text 〈◊〉 be giuen , not including your Lay-Elders , euery one whereof is 〈◊〉 probable th●n yo●rs : then is it not necessary , nor yet likely that your Lay-Elders be heere meant . ) Who seeth not , but by how which the more expositions can bee giuen in this ki●●e , by so much the lesse necessitie there is to admit your exposition of Lay-Elders . But our men doe thus reason : D. Bilson , pag : 130. The fourth reason ( saith hee ) that holdeth mee from receiuing this construction ( implying Lay-Elders ) is , that I finde diuerse and sundry interpretations more agreeable to the Text , and more answerable to S. Paules meaning then this . His reason standeth thus . If diuerse and sundry interpretations are found more agreeable , &c. then that for Lay-Elders , then haue wee no reason to yeelde that Lay-Elders are meant in this place . But diuerse and sundry such interpretations may be giuen , which he proueth , by producing foure of them . Likewise D. King , as your selfe doe cite him , arguing to the same purpose , saith , How many interpretations may bee brought to diuert and disappoint Lay-gouernours ? and then alledgeth diuerse . Of all which interpretations , ( which by Presbyters vnderstand Ministers ) it may truely be affirmed , that they are more agreeable to the meaning of the Apostle , then yours . Seeing they expound the word Presbyter according to the perpetuall vse of it , in the writings both of the Apostles and Fathers : wheras of your vse of the word , after all your paines and laying your heads , and helps together , you are not able to produce any one testimonie , no not one . Wherefore , looke how manie such probable expositions may be giuen , vnderstanding this place of Ministers onely , they are so manie proofes , that there is no necessitie of admitting your interpretation . But let vs now examine your reasons , whereby you would prooue my exposition to be but a bare shift , and such as will not serue my turne . The first . If others opposing to Lay-Elders haue brought 8. or 9. expositions , which are but shifts to auoid them , all of them being diuerse among themselues , and from that which M. D. bringeth , then this 10. of his , is but a shift also : but the former is true , therefore the latter . If the reader desire to haue examples of such lame legs , as the refuter talketh of , here hee may haue a couple . For as touching the proposition : seeing among different expositions , one onely is the true and proper meaning of the place : may not this exception be taken against any exposition be it neuer so true , being but one amongst manie ? For suppose the other 9. were but shifts , how will it follow , that therefore the tenth is so : Must all expositions bee false or vnfit , because the most are such ? If those 9. expositions be shifts as you say , and if yours be false as I haue proued , this is so farre from preiudging the truth of mine , which is the eleuenth , as that it is a strong presumption to confirme it . For , seeing it is to be presumed , that some one true exposition of this Text is knowne ; and seeing all other knowne expositions of this place , are either supposed by you , or proued by mee to be false : it remaineth therefore , that this eleuenth is true : The consequence therefore of the proposition is starke lame . The assumption also is false . For those diuers expositions are not shifts , as this shifting Sophister cauilleth , but being all ( I meane so many as by Presbyters vnderstand Ministers ) more probable then that which stādeth for Lay-Elders : ( for that doth not so much as touch the subiect wherof the Apostle speaketh ) they are so many proofes to auoid the necessitie of their Lay-Elders , which by thē are as necessary , vrged and obtruded vpō vs. And this was his first reason , which he brought , to make it appeare that my exposition is but a bare shift . His second , brought to the same purpose , either proueth it thus , or not at all . If M. D. vtterly reiect 8. of the aforesaid expositions , and resteth vpon one of those 4. which D. Bilson propounded , then his exposition is a bare shift . But M. D. reiecteth 8. of the former expositions , and resteth vpon one of those 4 which D. B. propoundeth . Therefore his exposition is a bare shift . In the proposition , there is not so much as a shewe of a good consequence , vnlesse it be presupposed ( which I haue disproued ) that D. B. expositions are but bare shifts . His assumption , which in plaine termes he setteth downe , containeth two vntruthes . For first , if you vnderstand my words , as they may be vnderstood of them that conceiue mee to be the answerer in this place , and as my selfe euen now propounded them , then doth it not follow that I vtterly reiect all other expositions : because , in adding this to the former , I seeme to preferre it before the rest . Againe , that I rest in one of those 4. expositions , which he recited out of D. B. is not onely false , but if you respect his intent , sclanderous also , as all other his references are , as to any that will compare them , may easily appeare : For not any of D. B. 4. expositions vnderstādeth the former branch as containing the generall dutie of a Minister . Howbeit some of the examples which hee produceth , together with his explication of some of them , doe well agree with my exposition , as you shall heare in my answere , to his third reason , which being his shoot-ancor , if it faile him , his Lay-Elders are like to suffer shipwracke . Heare his words . Thirdly , that it may appeare , that M. D. is besides the true meaning of the Apostle , in the sense hee resteth on , let vs weigh the Apostles words well , and wee shall finde them clearely and euidently , to speake of persons , and at the most , but indirectly of duties . The Elders that rule well , especially they : can any man be so blind as not to see , that these Elders , and they must needes signifie persons , who must be counted worthie of double honour ? No , saith M.D. but this account riseth from the consideration of their duties . Euen so , we denie it not : but may it not be so ▪ and yet 2. sorts of Elders heere noted ? Yes verily . The elders that faithfully discharge their dutie in gouerning the Church , are worthie of double honour : especially those who labour in the Word and Doctrine . Is there any thing in this Scripture thus vnderstood , to shutte out 2. kindes of Elders ? Are not the duties in the former clause generall , in the latter speciall ? Yes saith he , but for all that , they bee indeed two duties of the Minister onely . Of which discourse , the best that I can make , is this : If the comparison betwixt the persons euidently noted in this Text , doth seeme to fauour the distinction of Elders , into 2. sorts , and the comparison betweene the duties indirectly noted , doth not hinder the said distinction , that , then is there nothing in this Text , to exclude two sorts of Elders . But the antecedent is true in both the parts thereof : Therefore the consequent . The former part of the antecedent is proued thus : The persons here mentioned are in the comparison noted to be of two sorts . Elders are the persons here mentioned : Therefore Elders are in this comparison , noted to bee of 2. sorts . The latter thus : The distinction of duties into generall and speciall : doth not exclude two sorts of Elders : For the generall agreeth to both sorts . The distinction of duties heere mentioned , is into generall and speciall : Therefore the distinction heree mentiond , doth not exclude two sorts of Elders . By the refuters maine conclusion , it is euident , that hee hath gotten the wrong end of the staffe . For whereas this place to Timothie , is the chiefe ; and , as I iudge , the onely place to speake of in the Scriptures , which all of them without exception obiect , and most confidently vrge , as necessarily including and concluding their Lay-Elders , in answering whereof , this part of my Sermon is spent : my aduersary by his Sophysticall shifts , in making mee the opponent , and himselfe the respondent , would make the Reader belieue , that he hath acquitted himselfe well , if this place bee not against Lay-Elders . But the Reader must remember , that it lieth vpon my aduersarie , and those of his side , out of this place , invincibly , and ineuitably to inforce Lay-Elders , or to confesse that they cannot be proued out of the Scriptures . Neither will it suffice him to say , they may be here meant , vnlesse he can necessarily proue and demonstrate , that they are , and must necessarily be meant in this place . Otherwise I may graunt his maine conclusion , without anie preiudice to our cause : when the chiefe thing which he proueth is , that the principall , and almost onely place obiected by themselues for Lay-Elders , doth not make against them . But if the onely place , which can to any purpose bee alledged for them , doe exclude them , which in the last reason I doe endeuour to proue ; being as yet not proceeded so farre , but onely to maintaine that they be not heere included ; then is the cause of the Lay-Elders most desperate . The which , that it may appeare , I will not refuse , seeing my aduersarie hath found this starting hole , to examine his proofes . And first , I denie the connexion or consequence of his proposition . For though neither of the things by him named did exclude Lay-Elders ; yet there are two words in the Text , which doe plainely shew they are not included . The one is , the word Presbyters , which alwayes signifieth the Ministers , and neuer signifieth the supposed Lay-Elders . For if this Text include them , then are they included in this word Presbyteri , the Text speaking of none but such . But that word , being a word of order proper to Ministers or Priests , doth not include them , nor can any one example or testimonie produced to that purpose : Therefore Lay-Elders are not included in this Text. The other is double honour , or maintenance appointed to all the Presbyters , of whome Paul speaketh ; from which Lay Elders are excluded , as I shall shew in my third reason . As touching his second Syllogisme , I answere first to the proposition , that the persons here mentioned , are not noted to be of two sorts : but that the comparison is betweene two duties belonging to one sort or order of men ; or if you will , betweene men of the same order , in respect of their duties ; the words being as plaine in the lāguage of the Apostles , and of all the Fathers , both Greeke and Latine , as if it had bene said in our language , Let the Ministers or Priests , &c : And this I hold for a most certaine and vndeniable truth . The comparison betweene the dueties , I explane thus , that as to Presbyters or Ministers double honour is due , for their dutie in generall : So especially , for that which is the principall : the comaprison being betweene the generall or whole duety , & a particular , or part of the duty , which is preferred , as being the principall . The comparison betweene the persons , in regard of those duties , and depending vpon the former standeth thus : that as all they that performe the generall are to be honoured , so especially they , who in speciall sort performe the principall . Thus much then the words import , that as all Presbyters who demeane themselues well in their places , are to bee accounted worthy of double honour : so especially those that labour painefully in the Word and Doctrine . Let vs consider the like examples . All Counsellours that demeane themselues well in their functiōs are highly to be honored , especially , those that are good Patriotes , or Comon-wealthsmen . From whence it were absurde to inferre , that there is a sort of good counsellours that bee not good Patriotes . But in this speech I note , in respect of the duties of counsellours , that this is the principall ; and in respect of the persons , that they are chiefly to be honored , who are in speciall manner such . Likewise ( to vse the refuters owne example ) All Logicians that reason well , that is , all good Logicians are to bee honoured , or well esteemed of : especially , those that are iudicious , or that haue a speciall facultie of iudging well . It may not hence be gathered , that there are any good Logicians , that are not iudicious , or that cannot iudge well . But I note , that as among the faculties of a Logician , good iudgement is the principall ; so they which be iudicious , are most to be esteemed . So , all good Seruants are worthie to bee rewarded , especially , those that are faithfull , &c : In like manner , when the Apostle saith , All Presbyters or Ministers , that demeane themselues well : ( that is , all good Ministers ) are to be accounted worthie double honour : especiallie those which labour in the Word and Doctrine : Wee may not collect from hence , that there is a sort of Presbyters worthie of double honour , which doe not labour in the word . But the meaning of the comparison is , that as among the duties of Presbyters , or Ministers , Preaching is the principall : so they chiefly are to bee accounted worthie of double honour , who labour ; or if you will , who in speciall manner doe labour therein . And this speciall manner is noted in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to labour painefully , and vnto wearinesse . Which paines is to be esteemed , as well by diligence , in the studie of the Word : as either by the frequent , or laborious deliuery of the Doctrine . The comparison therefore is so farre from being made of all Elders , as they imagine ; that it is not of all Ministers , but onely of those which be good . And the greatest distinction of persons , that can hence bee gathered is this , that among good Ministers , there are some , who are more especially to be counted worthy of double honour for their paines in Preaching . Now because the refuter referreth you to D. Bilsons preface , and I promised euen now to acquaint you with some of his examples and explication thereof ; you shall well perceiue , that my exposition , though it be none of the foure which he propoundeth , is not vnlike to haue the approbation of that most learned , reuerend man. Doth not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( saith hee ) that is chiefly ( the note of comparison ) distinguish as well things as persons , and not so well diuerse respects , as diuerse subiects● for example , if we should say , Magistrates that gouerne well are worthie of double honour , specially they that heare the complaints of the poore : Were hee not very fansifull that would hence conclude , there are therefore two sorts of Magistrates , one that gouerne well , another that heareth the complaints of the poore . Nothing is more common , then by this kind of speech to note as well two diuerse qualities in one man , as two sundry sorts of men ; yea thereby to preferre a part before the generall comprising that part . As teachers are to be liked for their learning , specially for their knowledge in the scriptures : Good men are to be loued for their vertues , especially if they be liberall . To the assumption affirming that Elders are the persons here mentioned , I answere , that no Elders are here mentioned but Ministers , and that Presbyteri in this place are vnfitly translated Elders : for though that be the english of it , as it is a word of age , yet it is not the english of it ( according to the vse of our language ) as it is a word of order , noting ( as it doth in this place ) an Ecclesiasticall function , but Ministers or Priests , whō we do not vse in our common speech to call Elders . But hereof I haue alreadie spoken . There remaineth his third Syllogisme , concluding as before , that their two sorts of Elders are not excluded in the distinction of the duties into generall and speciall , because the generall dutie which is to gouerne well , agreeth to the Lay-Elders as wel as to Ministers . To omit that which hath beene said of his conclusion , not concluding as he ought Lay-Elders , if he will vrge them , out of this place , but prouing onely that they are not excluded , which is but a poore proofe , prouing nothing so well as that the cause of the Lay-Elders is come to a low ebbe . And yet for this , all his proofe is , that the generall dutie agreeth to them : which indeed is false , for the generall dutie meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 besides godly life and such attendance of the flocke as might be common to lay Presbyters , implyeth the fulfilling of their ministerie , their going before the flocke in the duties of Gods seruice : their feeding of them with the word and Sacraments . Neither can hee be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the Apostles meaning in this place ; that doth not ( which a Lay-Elder may not doe ) attend and superintend his flocke in these respects . This prosillogisme of his proposition , which is his onely proofe , hee seeth and acknowledgeth to be before denied by me , holding that as well the generall as speciall dutie ( as they are here meant ) be peculiar to Ministers , and therefore not agreeing to their Elders , making me thus to say , yes saith hee but for all that , they be indeed two duties of the Ministers onely . His proofe therefore was nothing else but a meere begging of the question . And when he should haue proued that in the former part of the sentence ( Let the Elders that gouerne well ) the Lay-Elders are comprised , or else haue ceassed to vrge them : faire and mannerly he slippeth his necke out of the collar , putting me to disproue it , and telling me , that otherwise I should offend ( wherein as respondents doe not vse to offend , so himselfe being indeed the opponent , in this place is extremely faultie that is to say ) in begging the question . Hauing therefore struggled to no purpose with my exposition of this text , in the next place he setteth himselfe , hauing no reasons to proue his owne interpretation , to striue ( though with the like successe ) against those reasons wherewith my exposition is fortified . Now in my exposition two things are specially to be noted , as I haue said ; first , that by Presbyters I vnderstand Ministers onely . The second , that by the words which are translated gouerning or ruling well . I vnderstand the whole dutie of the ministerie in generall ; and not onely gouerning in that sence , as it may be common to the supposed Lay-Elder . The first is the principall , and alreadie proued ; though the refuter had rather seeme not to haue seene the reasons , which he did not see how to answere , then goe about either to confute them , or to bring any testimonie where Presbyter doth signifie a Lay-Elder . But as he would not see the former reasons , so either he doth not , or will not see the force of the latter . For wheras I proue that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ doth signifie the generall performance of the whole dutie of the Ministers , being as much in effect as if the Apostle had said thus : Those Ministers which fulfill their office as Ierome and Prim●sius expound those words , that goe out and in before their people as becommeth them , according to the phrase of the scriptures th●●e that demeane themselues well ( as the Syriach ▪ paraphrast doth interpret the words ) as well in respect of their priuate conuersation , as of their publike administration ; whereas I say , I proue all this to disproue their inferrence for Lay-Elders out of this place : he , as though he saw no force of argument in all this , feareth not to confesse all : and yet will needs maintaine that inference , because forsooth al this may be verified of Lay-Elders , &c. But say I , when you vrge your Elders as from this place , your inference is not , that what is said of Presbyters gouerning well , may be vnderstood of Lay-Elders , but must be vnderstood of them , or else you speake to no purpose . Now , although there be some shew of an inference , if by gouerning well were meant onely so much as might be common to Lay-Elders ; yet if you vnderstand these words in the generall sense , you shall see not so much as a shew of a good consequence , nor any reason to moue a man to make such an inference : which I did verily thinke , that all men of vnderstanding would readily haue conceiued : and yet my lot is , to light vpon such an aduersary , as either doth not , or will not see it , vnles it be beaten into him . Goe too then : Is not this your inference from this text , that because the Apostle requireth double honour to be giuen to such Elders as gouerne well , though especially to those which labour in the word , that therfore besides those which labour in the word , there are certaine onely-gouerning Elders ? Vnderstand therefore those former words in the general sense which I giue , and your inference will be both senelesse and false . Senelesse thus : the Presbyters that fulfill their office , or that demeane themselues well in their place , are worthy of double honour , especially those , that labour in the word ; therefore besides those which labour in the word , there are certain onely gouerning Elders : for of this inference there is no sence , vnlesse it be supposed , that none can fulfill their office or demeane themselues well , but your Lay-Elders . If therefore you will ground them vpon this place according to the generall sence which you seeme to allow , call them no more the onely-gouerning Elders , but the onely good , or well demeaned Presbyters . False , because the words being generally vnderstood of the whole dutie of the ministerie can be vnderstood of none but Ministers ; the generall , which includeth the speciall , being peculiar to the Minister as well as the speciall . Thus therefore I reason : Those words which import the performance of the whole dutie of the ministerie , cannot be vnderstood of Lay-Elders but of Ministers onely : The words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1. Tim. 5.17 . translated which gouerne well , import the performance of the whole dutie of the ministerie in generall : Therefore the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1. Tim. 5.17 . translate● which gouerne well , cannot be vnderstood of Lay-Elders but of Ministers onely . The proposition you cannot be so absurd as to denie , vnlesse you will attribute the performance of the whole office of the ministerie in generall to your onely-gouerning-Elders . The assumption you freely confesse , and all the proofs 〈◊〉 and yet with great ●●oath of idle and addle words , you 〈◊〉 maintaine the contradictorie to the conclusion , 〈…〉 nor ●e●●●ng any force at all in my proofe , which yo● valiantly ouerthrow by denying the conclusion . So that I must conclude ▪ that you extremely want , either a sound iudgement , or a good conscience . Besides the former proofe , I produce for the confirmation of my exposition , the speech of the same Apostle , to the same Presbyters of Ephesus , Act. 20.28 . to paralel this . And whereas of my exposition there are two parts , the one concerning the subiect or parties here mentioned , whom I expound to be ministers onely , the other concerning their duties , in regard whereof double honour is due to them , the one generall , the other speciall : in both respects , the one text doth answere the other , as face answereth to face in the water . For first that Presbyters here are Ministers onely , I proue thus : The Presbyters to whom Paul speaketh Act. 20. were Ministers onely : The Presbyters of whom he speaketh 1. Tim. 5.17 . were the same to whom he spake , Act. 20. Therefore the Presbyters of whom he speaketh , 1. Tim. 5.17 . were Ministers onely . Secondly that the duties both generall and speciall are peculiar to Ministers , I proue by this argument : The duties which Paul requireth , Act. 20.28 . are duties required peculiarly of Ministers . The duties for which double honour is due , 1. Tim. 5.17 . both generall and speciall are the same with those which Paul requireth , Act. 20.28 . therefore the duties for which double honour is due , 1. Tim. 5 17. are duties peculiarly required of Ministers . This latter Syllogisme my expert aduersarie obserued not : the former he flingeth after his manner into a connexiue Syllogisme . For though his forge doe scarcely afford any other , yet hee hath gotten a pretie smacke of Syllogizing that way , were it not that his Syllogismes for the most part , are too long by the halfe . But here he surpasseth himselfe , for hee hath cast my whole Syllogisme into his connexiue proposition , and in his minor repeateth at large both the proposition and assumption . But let vs see what he saith to these Syllogismes . In the first he onely denieth my proposition , viz. that the Presbyters , Act. 20. were none but Ministers : which I must confesse in that breuitie I tooke for granted , because I thought it needed not to be proued . For seeing that verse is not onely generally vnderstood , ( euen of them which stand for Lay Elders , writing not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but commenting vpon , or otherwise expounding that place ) of Ministers , but also is alledged both by protestants and papists to iustifie the calling of BB. I did presume , that it was to be vnderstood of such onely as are Ministers at the least . But that which before was for breuitie omitted , shall now be supplyed . First therfore I argue thus : All those that are called BB. in the acts and writings of the Apostles are Ministers of the word . All the Presbyters to whom Paul speaketh , Act. 20.28 . are called BB. Therefore all the Presbyters to whom Paul spake , Act. 20.28 . were Ministers of the word . Or thus : Lay-Elders are no where called BB. All the Presbyters , Act. 20.28 . are called Bishops : Therefore none of those Presbyters were Lay-Elders . Shall I need to proue any of the premisses . Are our Presbyterians of late growne so absurd as to denie them ? What ? are not all BB. Ministers , and are your Lay-Elders growne of late to be Bishops ? did not our refuter pag ● affirme that these Presbyters , Act. 20. are Angels and Bishops , and that Angels are pastors ? and are Lay-Elders , Angels and pastors too ? ●ie for shame ! and yet so absurd is our refuter , as to say that some of these Elders whom Paul calleth Bishops , were not Ministers , but their lay or onely-gouerning Elders . But if either reason or authoritie will preuaile with him , he may easily be confuted : my reason I frame thus : All Episcopi or Bishops , must by the Apostles rule ( which is generall ) be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 able to teach , 1. Tim. 3.2 . that is as he expoundeth himselfe , Tit. 1.9 . holding fast the faithful word , according to doctrine that they may be able to exhort with holesome doctrine , and conuince the gain-sayers . But not Lay-Elders , nor any but Ministers , doe need by the Apostles rule to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , able to preach in that sense that he expoundeth it , Tit. 1.9 . For on those words Caluin obserueth , that it is required in thē , that they should be learned , and indued with sound knowledge , and that their doctrine should tend to edification , &c. Therefore not Lay-Elders , nor any but Ministers , are Bishops . As for authoritie ; let him shew me any testimonie of scripture , or of any sound writer , old or new , that is not a partie , vsing the word Bishop for Lay-Elder , or any one that is not a Minister , and I will yeeld to him the bucklers . Caluin , though a partie , plainly saith , that the scripture vseth promiscuously these words , Bishops , Presbyters , Pastors & Ministers ; to signifie those who doe exercise the ministerie of the word . And hauing intreated of them , in conclusion he saith , that as yet he had not spoken of any other functions but such as consist in the ministerie of the word . And in another place , although he coll●teth out of 1. Tim. 5.17 . two sorts of Presbyters , yet he saith , that the Presbyters mentioned , Tit. 1.5 . are by the context manifested to be no other , but Doctors or Teachers , because Paul presently after calleth them Bishops . The author of the booke de Ecclesiastica disciplina , and of the defence thereof , ingenuously confesseth , that onely pastors and teachers are Bishops , and that ruling Elders are not comprehended vnder the name Bishop , and so farre is he from comprehending them vnder the title of Bishop , that although he were resolued to find a roome for them , 1. Tim. 3. yet he durst not comprise them vnder the title and description of a Bishop ( though the Bishop be all one with Presbyter , Tit. 1.5.7 . ) but shrowdeth them vnder the title and description of Deacons , as hereafter we shall shew . Againe , all pastors of Christs flocke are Ministers onely : All the Presbyters of Ephesus , were pastors of Christs flocke : therefore they were Ministers onely . Or thus : Lay-Elders are not Pastors of Christs flocke ( of other flocks perhaps they may . ) All the Presbyters of Ephesus were Pastors of Christs flocke : Therefore they were not Lay-Elders . That they were pastors I proue thus : Bishops set ouer the flocke of Christ by the holy Ghost to feed the Church of God , are pastors : The Presbyters of Ephesus were such , Act. 20.28 . Therefore they were pastors . And that Caluin confesseth more then once . And our refuter also in the place before alledged ; from whose confession I argue thus : The Angels were pastors saith our refuter , The Presbyters of Ephesus were Angels , therefore the Presbyters of Ephesus were pastors . But why should so plaine a thing seeme to be made doubtfull with longer proofe ? for if such Presbyters as were also Bishops and pastors , were any but Ministers : then Presbyters , Bishops and pastors were Lay-Elders also ; and Lay-Elders were all in all . And whereas he obiecteth , that Lay-Elders may be comprehended vnder the name Presbyter and Episcopus , because D. B. saith , that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop , Presbyter , Deacō or Minister , are oft so largely taken , as that they comprise all Ecclesiasticall functions : I answere in a word , by Ecclesiasticall functions , he meaneth onely the functions of the Ministerie , including neither your Lay-Elders , nor your Lay-Deacons , no more then our Churchwardens and Collectors for the poore . As touching the latter Syllogisme which the refuter saw not : The proofe of the proposition dependeth vpon the former Syllogisme . For if the Presbyters to whom Paul spake , were Ministers onely as hath beene proued , then the duties which hee requireth of them onely in that place ; he requireth peculiarly of Ministers . The assumption affirming that the duties both generall and speciall , 1. Tim. 5.17 . are the same with those , Act. 20.28 . I explaine in the Sermon , shewing that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the words translated to gouerne well , and containe the generall dutie , is the same with attending to themselues and their flocke , which I did more fully deliuer in the Sermon of the dignitie and dutie of the Ministerie ( which the refuter himselfe doth seeme to approue ) shewing that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is carefully to attend to themselues & their flocke . To themselues , that they may be precedents , and as the holy Ghost speaketh , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patternes and samplers of a godly life . For this in the Apostles phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be presidents of good workes . To the flocke also they must attend . First , by ouerseeing and watching ouer them . Secondly , by feeding them in the ministerie of the word & sacramēts ; Thirdly , by praying for them both publikely & priuately . The speciall dutie which is to labour in the word and doctrine , is the same with feeding the flocke of Christ , which is also noted as the speciall dutie , Act. 20.28 . The refuter though he saw not the reason , yet he would be sure to contradict my assertion , and therefore stumbling vpon the proposition , he saith , that neither of the duties mentioned in the Acts are restrained to Ministers onely . For to attend to the flocke is all one saith he with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is more generall , and the speciall dutie of feeding which he confineth to the word and doctrine , is often vsed for gouerning also , as Mat. 2.6 . Apoc. 2.27 . & 7.17 . & 12.5 . & 19. 15. Grec . schol . in Act. 14.23 . The truth of my proposition , as I said , dependeth on the former Syllogisme , as vpon a sure hold , and the dutie signified , 1. Tim. 5. by ruling well : and Act. 20. by attending to themselues and their flocke , being applied ( as in both places it is ) to Ministers , and importing , as he hath confessed , the whole dutie of the ministerie in generall , must be confessed to bee restrained to Ministers . As for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in this pla●● is truely translated to feed , besides the proper sense wherin somtimes it is vsed , as Luk. 17.7.1 . Cor. 9.7 . Iud. 12 : it hath indeed 2. metaphoricall significations in the Scriptures : translated from shepheards , to ciuill or spirituall pastors ; the one , as it is applied to Princes , & ciuill Pastors , and so it signifieth chiefly to rule ; the other , as it is attributed to Spirituall Pastors , and so it signifieth chiefly to feed with spirituall food . For our Sauiour cōmanding Peter , if he loued him to feed his sheepe : ( which text the Papists , vnderstanding the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the refuter doth , of ruling abuse to proue the Popes supremacie ) expoundeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth not to rule , but to feed . It is true , that authority of guiding and gouerning his flocke is implyed also in the signification of the worde , but it is a pastorall authoritie , giuen to none but pastors , and to them , vnto this end , that they may feed the flocke . Which ende is noted by Paul. Act. 20.28 . to feede the flocke : as also , by our Sauiour himselfe , Luke 12 : 42 : where the Lords seruant is said to be set ouer his houshold , to this end , to giue them their foode in due season . For therefore are they called pastors , that is , such as doe feede . Caluin speaking of this word , in 1. Pet. 5.2 . saith , the name of Presbyter , containeth in it the dutie of feeding : And the definition of the word is to be knowne . Because the flocke of Christ , Pasci non potest nisi pura doctrina quae sola spirituale est pabulum , cannot bee fedde but with pure Doctrine , which is the onely spirituall foode . Hence it is , that Pastors & Doctors , ( which some would distinguish ) are in the scriptures confounded . As Eph : 4.11 . For whereas the Apostle when he would note diuerse functions , vseth notes of distinction , saying : Christ gaue some to be Apostles , some to be Euangelists , &c when he cōmeth to Pastors and Doctors , he vseth a note of copulation . For he doth not say , some Pastors , & some Doctors ; but some pastors and Doctors , vsing the latter word , as the explication of the former , and nothing that by Pastors , hee meaneth such as be teachers . Vpon which words Augustine saith thus : Pastors and Doctors , whome you would haue mee to distinguish , I thinke are one , and the same . For Paul doth not say , some pastors , some Doctors ; but to pastors ioyneth doctors , that pastors might vnderstand it belongeth to their office to teach : of the same iudgmēt is Sedulius & Muscul : & some others In the places , which the refuter quoteth , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not applied at all to Ecclesiasticall persons : but either to Christ ; and to him , either as our King , & then it signifieth to rule ( as Mat. 2.6 . cited out of Mi. 5.1 . & Apoc. 12 5. as it is vsually paralleld with Psal. 2.9 . Apoc. 19.15 . compared with v. 16. ) or as our pastor & doctor , and thē it signifieth to feed , and so ought to be translated , as Apoc : 7.17 . ( where , to our hunger & thirst , v. 16. his feeding & leading vs to the waters of life is opposed : ) or else it is applied to all the faithfull , who in Christ are made Kings , as Apo. 2.27 . The Greeke scholiast , in the place quoted , hath no such thing : But is alledged by T. C. to another purpose , for the proofe of Lay-Elders ( as we shal heare ) which perhaps was the cause of this allegatiō , But on the place in hand , vpon those wordes , Attend to your selues , and the flocke : he saith that Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enioyneth the teachers two things to be done : and noteth also , whom Luke called ver . 17. Presbyters , to bee called in this verse Bishops : either saith hee , because presbyters or ministers also , must superintend the flocke : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or else hee calleth Bishops here , such as indeed be Bishops : & in like manner , on 1. Pet. 5.1.2 with some parallel with Act , 20.28 . Hee noteth that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fellow-Elder : in that place , if it bee not vsed as a word of age , doth import 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the honour of a Bishop , as if he had called himselfe their fellow Bishop . For in the booke of the Acts also , Bishops are called Presbyters . and by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee vnderstandeth the Clergie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith hee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hee calleth Clerū , ( which is translated inheritance ) the sacred companie . Euen as we now also do call it , that is to say the Clergie . Which exposition if we follow , then those presbyters to whō Peter writeth , prescribing vnto them how they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That is ( saith Caluin , ) Episcopatu fungi , exercise the office of a Bishop , and noting their authority ouer the Clergie , were such as we call bishops : But of that , by the way . Now if the presbyters , Act : 20. were ministers and teachers as I haue proued , and as all writers , almost , euen those that are parties in the cause do teach : then by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we are to vnderstand the dutie of feeding , which belongeth to pastors and teachers , and wil neuer be proued to belong to Lay-Elders . The refuter hauing with such successe as you see , endeuored to maintaine , that the presbyters , Act. 20. were as wel Lay-Elders as ministers , and that the duties both generall , of attending to themselues , & the whole flocke , and also special of feeding the Church , were required , as common to Ministers with Lay-elders ( which assertions I haue confuted , with euidence of truth ) in this exposition , or opposition rather , he doth so please himselfe , as that hee doubteth not to retort my Syllogisme vpon me after this manner , If the presbyters spoken of Acts 20 , 28 , be not onely ministers , but gouerning Elders also , and the same with those . 1. Tim , 5.17 . then the presbyters spoken of 1. Tim. 5.17 . are not onely Ministers , but gouerning Elders also : But the presbyters spoken of Acts 20 , 28 , are not onely ministers , but gouerning elders also , & the same with those 1. Tim 5 , 17 Therefore , the presbyters spoken of 1. Tim. 5.17 . are not onely Ministers , but gouerning Elders also . Heere this great Logick-maister , that taketh vpon him to teach , and to comptroll mee in matters of Logicke , bewrayeth himselfe to bee a Logicaster , or smatterer in Logicke : For an entire and a better Syllogisme , concluding the same question as I noted before in his Analyzing of mine , is here tumbled into the proposition ; & the proposition and assumption therof , not only idlely , but with disaduantage to himself , if he had meant to haue proued it , repeated . But because he hath bene at some paines with me this way to shew his own ignorāce , I will teach him to make his sillogis : thus : The Presbyters to whom Paul did speake , Acts 20.28 . were not ministers onely , but Lay or gouerning Elders also : The Presbyters of whom hee speaketh , I. Tim. 5.17 . were the Presbyters to whom he spake , Acts. 20 ▪ 28. Therefore the presbyters of whome hee speaketh , Tim. 5.17 . were not onely ministers , but Lay , or onely gouerning Elders also . This propositiō which is but part of his own assumption , whē he shal be able to make good by any sound proofe , I will subscribe to his Lay-Elders . For whereas hee for want of better proofe saith , that hee hath already iustified it by the ouerthrow of mine , it is a most vaine bragge , as I hope it doth sufficiently appeare to the reader . For what one reason , or shew of reason hath hee brought , or can bring , to proue that the Presbyters mentioned , Acts. 20. were Lay , or onely gouerning Elders ? CHAP. VI. Maintaining the third reason , that Lay-Elders are not mentioned nor meant 1. Tim. 5.17 . Serm. Sect. 5. pag. 11. And that hee speaketh not there of Lay , or onely gouerning-Elders , it may further be prooued , by plaine euidence out of the text . For seeing by honour in that place , the Apostle vnderstandeth honourable maintenance , which by their owne confession , is not due to Lay-Elders : it is therefore certaine , that this place acknowledgeth none such . Thus therfore I argue : To all those Elders , who are mentioned or meant in this place , the honour of maintenance is due for their worke sake . To the Lay-Elders , the honour of maintenance is not due for their worke sake . Therefore the Lay-Elders , are not mentioned nor meant in this place , &c : to pag. 13. THe refuter hauing neither learning enough to beare the weight of this argumēt , nor wit enough to forbeare it , in answearing therto , he vttereth more gall then would well become an honest man. The virus and poison of his libelling speeches I leaue to himselfe : The vir●s and force of his arguments and answeres , I will take vpon me plainely to confute , and both here and euery where else , by the helpe of God , to put him to silence . First ( as his manner is ) though he dares not deny the proposition of my syllogisme to be most true and vndoubted , yet he must needs cauill with it : And because hee hath nothing to say against it , hee hopeth with it to wound some of our side , who among other interpretatiōs of this place , haue thought the former part of this Text might more probably be vnderstood of not preaching Ministers , or Deacons , &c : then of Lay-Elders . And although I would bee loth to become a Proctor for vnlearned Ministers , especially , when learned may be had : yet thus much I will say , that if the Disciplinarians doe rightly ground vpon this place a distinction of Presbyters , into two sorts , that there be some preaching Presbyters , some not : then this text doth without cōparison , fauour the not preaching ministers more thē the Lay-elders . Because it is a most certaine truth , which I haue manifestly proued , and which the refuter will neuer be able to disproue , that by Presbyters , ministers only are meant . As for Deacōs , ( I meane not your Lay Deacons ) D. B. hath better reasons to comprise them vnder Presbyters , then your W. T. had vnder the name of Deacons , to vnderstand your Lay-Elders , though T.C. himselfe did subscribe to his opinion . And wheras you challenge those reuerend men , for seeking by warrāt of this place , to surcharge the Church with maintenance of vnpreaching Ministers and Deacons : I answere , they do not hold , that in euery parish such ought to be maintained ( as you would haue your Presbyterie erected in euery parish ) but where better , & more sufficient Ministers cannot be had ; which was the case of many parishes in England , at the beginning of Q. Elizabeths raigne , &c. But all his spite is against the assumption : though hee spend his spite , neither in disproouing it with force of argument , nor in answering my proofes with any substāce of reason , but in sophistical cauilling & odious wrangling . For whē he hath said what he was able , I cannot tell whether he doth denie the assumption , or graunt it , onely hee cauilleth with my proofes of it . My assumption was this : To Lay-Elders , the honour of maintenance is not due for their worke sake . Hereunto I require a direct answere . If hee say that the honour of maintenance , yea , double honor , that is , ( as not only Theodore● , but T. C. also expound 〈◊〉 plentifull maintenance , is due vnto them : he should haue brought sufficient proofes , both to confute the iudgement of those learned Diuines , who reformed ( as directors ) other Churches , and condemne the practise of all reformed Churches , which hauing those Presbyters , doe not allow , neither doe thinke themselues bound to allow any maintenance at all to their Lay-Elders : and also to perswade all those reformed Churches which haue them not , and which in manie parishes are either not able , or not willing to yeeld sufficient maintenāce to one learned minister , to erect in euery parish , besides the Pastor , and the Doctor , a Senate of Lay-Elders , with purpose to vndergoe an vnsupportable charge , and to think themselues bound by the word of God to allow them all , and euery of them sufficient maintenance . But what one reason doth he , or can he alledge to perswade this , or where doth he go about to perswade it ? If he say , according to the iudgement and practise of all Churches whatsoeuer , which either haue them , or haue them not , that this honour of maintenance is not due vnto them ; why doth he not ingenuously confesse , that which is ineuitably proued out of the words , that Lay-Elders are neither mentioned nor meant in this place . If hee say ( as indeed that is all he doth say ) that my proofes are not sufficient : what better proofe would hee require in such breuitie , then the confession of the parties ? yea , but they doe not confesse it . First therefore I will proue their confession . And secondly , I will demonstrate , that the double honour of maintenance , though they did not confesse so much , is not by the word of God , due to their imagined Lay-Elders for their workes sake . Their confession I proue thus : What the learned reformers prescribed to be done according to Gods word as they pretended , that was their Doctrine . That there should be onely gouerning Elders , elected out of the people or Laitie , without maintenance to be yeelded to them , was prescribed by the learned reformers according to the word of God as they pretended . Therefore , that there sho'uld be Elders , elected out of the Laitie , without maintenance to be yeelded to them , was the Doctrine of the learned reformers . The proposition needs no proofe : The assumption I confirme thus ; That which is practised according to the lawes of Discipline , in all those reformed churches : where the Presbyteries be erected , was prescribed by the learned reformers , according to the word of God , as they pretended . The election of only-gouerning Elders , out of the Laity , without maintenance to be yelded to them , is practised in all those reformed churches , according to the laws of discipline Therefore the election of only gouerning-Elders , out of the Laitie , without maintenance to be yeelded to them , was prescribed by the learned reformers , according to the word of God , as they pretended . And consequently , that Lay-Elders are not to haue maintenance , is both the Doctrine of the learned reformers , and the practise of all those Churches reformed by them . The proposition is manifest , because the lawes of Discipline in those Churches , were either prescribed by the learned reformers , or framed according to their prescript . The assumption may also be euidētly proued by induction : For the Lay-Elders , neither in the Churches of Geneua , France , Low-countreys , haue , nor of Scotland , had any maintenāce allowed thē , & that according to the lawes of their discipline ; neither can the refuter giue any one instance to the contrary . It shal suffice me to make instāce in Geneua , which was a patterne in this behalfe to the rest . In Geneua is this order takē by their lawes , whereof Caluin was the chiefe author , that of the 12. only gouerning Elders , ioyned to the 6. ministers , 6. shuld be chosen out of the Councell of 200.4 . out of the Coūcel of 60.2 . out of the Councel of 25. all statesmen ; to this end , both that they should be of great countenance , and also that the Church should not be charged with allowing them any maintenāce : Beza professeth that euery where in other Churches the like choyce , according to the state of the place , is made ; viz : Not of the meaner or poorer sort , but men of great , both abilitie & authoritie , are chosen to be of the Presbyterie : And else-where he saith , that consideration must be had , that Princes & Noblemen , and such as be of authority , be chosen into the Seignorie . And T.C. himselfe cōfesseth it to be the practise of the Churches in these dayes , to make choice of such Elders , as are able to liue , without charging the church any whit . Their cōfessiō I haue shewed . Now let vs see what the refuter obiecteth . 1. That I might haue read the contrary in Calui● , Bullinger , Beza , Cartwright , D. Bilson , and D. Sutcliffe , but that it seemes I did not read on that side of the leafe . And it seemes to mee , that you would not haue me read on that side as yet , or rather , that there is no such thing to be read : Else you would haue pointed , if not to the leafe , yet at least , to the booke . For my part , I professe that I doe not remember , that I haue read any such thing , either in Caluin , Beza , or Bullinger , but the contrary , as I haue shewed in Caluin and Beza . As for Bullinger , you had lesse reason to alledge him , seeing that you found him cited together , with the other two , expounding this word honour , as signifying the maintenance due to ministers . As touching D. Bils : it is strange that you should both accuse mee for taking this reason from him , and also charge him with teaching the contrary . In his preface , hee saith thus : By no precept nor example will it euer be proued , that Lay-presbyters had in the Apostles times , or should haue by the word of God at any time , double honour and maintenance from the Church of Christ. Wherefore they must either giue all Lay-Elders double maintenance , as S. Paul willeth , which they doe not , or shutte them cleane from these words , which yeeld double maintenance , by Gods Law to Presbyters that rule well . And to the like purpose hee speaketh , in the place by you quoted . The speech of that worthy learned man , who is highly to be commended for his great learning , good paines , and zealous affection for the maintenance of the truth , whom you vilely and vngraciously abuse , as you doe all others that come in your way , be they neuer so worthy champions of our Church against the Papists , his reproofe I say of T. C. for requiring maintenance as due to the Lay-Elders , I haue not seene to my remembrance . But this I remember well , that I haue read in his treatise of Ecclesiasticall discipline , that the Elders whereof the Apostles speake receiued wages of the Church . But ( saith he ) the new Aldermen in all Churches where they raigne , liue vpon interest of their owne money or goods , and receiue no salarie of the Churches . Neither had he indeed any great reason ( in my iudgement ) to blame T. C. ( that I may also come to him ) as opposing his iudgement to the practise of the reformed Churches . For although he seeme to say , that by the Apostles rule such Elders , as be poore , ought to be relieued at the Churches charge ; yet it doth not seeme to be his iudgement , that he would haue Lay-Elders maintained at the Churches charge . But this is one of his colours , whereby he would perswade , that the Eldership should rather now be admitted , then in the Apostles times . Because if the Apostle would charge the Churches being in persecution , and therefore poore with maintaining Elders , which being poore , were not sometimes able to liue without some reliefe from the Church , &c : how much more ought there now to be Seniors , when the Churches be in peace , and therefore not so poore , and when there may be chosen such for the most part throughout the realme , as are able to liue without charging the Church any whit , as the practise of these daies doth manifestly declare . For if it had beene his iudgement , that Lay-Elders are to be maintained otherwise then for need , he would haue argued thus . If by the Apostles rule , the Elders were to be maintained for their workes sake , by the Churches being poore and in p●rsecution , then much more are they to be maintained when the Churches be in peace and profp●ritie , and so would haue assumed the antecedent , to conclude the consequent . But seeing he doth tollere consequens , contradict the consequent , saying , that when the Churches are in peace and prosperitie , such a course may and ought to be taken ( for that may seeme to be his meaning ) according to the example of all the reformed Churches , that the Church shall not be charged at all with the maintenance of the Seniors , that is to say , by choosing men of abilitie who need no reliefe ; it is easie to conclude tollendo antecedens , that his iudgement was , that ( this rule of the Apostle notwithstanding , ) Lay-Elders were not to haue maintenance for their workes sake , but reliefe onely if they did need . Of the same iudgement is the demonstratour of discipline : for it being obiected that the parishes would be ouerburdened in prouiding for so many : he answereth , it is not necessarie that they should prouide for any more of them , sauing those that are exercised in the ministerie of the word , vnlesse any of the rest may need the liberalitie of the Church . But suppose that this were T. C. iudgement , or the opinion of any other among vs , who hath conceiued a platonicall Idea of discipline which he neuer saw practised : were this sufficient to disproue my assertion , who haue the confession of the learned reformers in respect of their doctrine , and of the reformed Churches in respect of their practise ? Or if this were a sufficient exception against the consent of those which stand for discipline , that some one doth hold a singular opinion by himselfe ; then can their consent be scarcely alledged for any one affirmatiue point of discipline , euery man almost pleasing himselfe in the noueltie of his inuention , and in the singularitie of his opinion . For plentifull proofe whereof , I referre you to the suruey of the pretended discipline . § 5. His second obiection is , that although in practise reformed Churches doe not giue their Lay-Elders any maintenance , yet this doth not hinder , but that in their iudgement they may according to the Apostles rule , esteeme them worthy of it . Can we doubt saith he , but our Clergie maisters thinke M. D. worthy of a Bishoppricke for his paines in pleading their cause : yet we see they bestowe not so much as a suffraganeship on him . Shall we therefore say they doe not thinke him to deserue it ? What a profane mockerie is this , to expound the Apostles words , as though hee would haue the people thinke they had discharged their dutie in esteeming onely their Ministers worthy of double honour , when in fact they doe not yeeld them sufficient maintenance . If he were in the ministerie ( as I know not whether he be or not ) and the people should answere him thus : Syr , though we allow you no maintenance as you desire , yet let this content you , that according to the Apostles rule , we count you worthy of double honour : would he not thinke S. Paul abused , himselfe deluded , yea and Christ his Lord and maister in him to be mocked ? Be not deceiued saith the Apostle , speaking in this cause , God is not mocked . That which I say of Ministers , is in like manner to be vnderstood of Lay-Elders , if they be included in this text . The words of the Apostle are generall , the Presbyters that rule well , let them be counted worthy of double honour . Wherefore let them either acknowledge that the Lay-Elders are not meant in this place , or else teach the people before they admit Lay-Elders , to thinke themselues bound by the Apostles rule , to yeeld them double honour , ( that is saith T. C. a plentifull reward , such as may be fully sufficiēt for them and their housholds ) and to yeeld it willingly & gratefully . For that is the Apostles meaning , when he requireth the Presbyters to be accounted worthy of double honour , not onely that this honour of maintenance should be giuen them , as appeareth by the reasons which he hath annexed ; but that the people should giue it , not grudgingly , and as it were by constraint of law , as thinking the Ministers not worthy of maintenance : but willingly and gratefully , as esteeming them most worthy of double honour , and thinking it a small matter to giue temporall things to them , of whom they receive spirituall . Neither is it to any purpose which he obiecteth concerning either Pauls refusing of maintenance from the Corinthians and Thessalonains , or of wealthy Ministers refusing to burden the Churches by taking maintenance from them : vnlesse he can proue , that order being taken in those Churches for the maintenance of their Elders , which they may readily receiue if they will , themselues doe voluntarily , and freely refuse it . For if those Elders be comprised vnder Presbyters in this text , there must the like order be taken for maintenance of all by the Apostles rule , though the painefull Preachers are chiefely to be respected . But the contrarie course is taken . Neither is there not hauing of maintenance to be ascribed to their owne refusing , as in the example of Paul , and the wealthy Ministers ; but to the Churches not allowing them maintenance . To the like purpose is that which he saith , that I need not insult ouer those reformed Churches , which with consent of the Elders themselues , thinke it best to ease the people of that charge , seeing the paines to be taken in the office of the Eldership is not such , but that they may attend their ciuill callings and meanes of liuing , as well as our Churchwardens , and ciuill officers . In which words , first , he wrongfully chargeth me with insulting ouer those Churches . Secondly , he confuteth himselfe , who hauing before denied them to be Lay-Elders , here confesseth they haue ciuill callings , which they may attend vpon , as well as our Churchwardens . Thirdly , where hee speaketh of the Elders consent in not taking maintenance , it is the consent of obedience to the lawes and orders of the Church , such as is in our Churchwardens , who by the like consent haue no maintenance . But to leaue his words , and to come to the substance of his speech ; seeing their paines are not such , but that they may follow their ciuill callings and worldly busines , and seeing they haue ciuill callings to attend vpon , and other sufficient meanes of liuelihood , being in all these respects like , if not superiour to our Churchwardens , it may not be thought that the Apostle who was desirous the Churches should be eased as much as might be , would require them to giue double honour to such , as neither deserued nor needed such maintenance . And therfore he did not comprise them vnder the name of Presbyters ( which indeed signifieth Priests or Ministers ) or if he did , no Church must thinke it selfe to haue authoritie to dispense with the Apostle , but must acknowledge it selfe bound , if it vnderstand Lay-Elders to be comprised in this text , willingly and gratefully to giue double ( that is sufficient and plentifull ) maintenance to them , esteeming them worthy of it for their worke sake . The onely thing which is obiected by the learned of that side , is that , which I mention in the Sermon : that their Lay-Elders , if they stand in need , are to be maintained . Whereunto I now adde , that some of them so vnderstand the Apostle : and I answere , that if hee be so vnderstood in respect of Lay-Elders , he must in like manner be vnderstood of Ministers , his speech being generall , and fauouring the Ministers no more then thus , that as all Elders are to be maintained if they need , so especially Preachers ; whom notwithstanding the Apostle would haue , according to equitie and iustice , maintained with an honourable stipend for their worke sake , and not onely by way of almes to be relieued for their need . But here the refuter behaueth himselfe as one that is at a nonplus for reason , and at an ouerplus for rancour : his words added to the last I cited , be these . But to proue it , he propoundeth ( out of the surueyour of discipline , cap. 10. ) an obiection , and then answereth it . The summe whereof is this , that the maintenance allowed them , is rather a beggarly almes giuen in charitie for need , then that honourable stipend , which iniustice is due to them for their worke sake . But to proue it , saith he , what would I proue ? the refuter is confoun●ed , he knoweth not well what he saith . He propoundeth saith he an obiection out of the surueyour . Sure his eyes dazeled , and his witts were to seeke . In the suruey is not so much as a shew of any such obiection : neither is it alledged to any other end , but to proue that , whereunto the letter in the margent directed him , that is , that they make choise of such as haue no need . But what is it ? the summe whereof is this , that the maintenance allowed them is rather a beggerly almes , &c. Is this the summe of the obiection ? that is senselesse , and yet he seemes to say so : What then ? is it the summe of the answere , or of both ? no man that were not at a losse would say it . I professe I haue not often read a speech more senselesse . To helpe him out of the maze , and to make him confesse that hee was at a nonplus , I will explaine my words . For whereas some obiect said I , &c : My meaning was this , the onely thing which is obiected to disproue my assumption , that to the Lay-Elders the honour of maintenance is not due for their worke sake , is this : that Lay-Elders if they stand in need are to be maintained . Which obiection hath beene made personally to me , I will not say by the refuter , though some thinke so , for I take that obiector to be an honester man : and that which is obiected , is that conceit not onely of T. C. the maister , and the demonstrator his scholler , but of Danaeus also writing on that place : To this obiection of their need , I answered first , that it is needlesse , ( as the refuter also in the words following doth censure it ) as being preuented by all those reformed Churches where the Presbyters be erected , in which order is taken , that none shall be chosen into the seigniorie , but such as be of good abilitie . To which purpose I cited the tenth chapter of the Suruey : the argument wherof is this . Their Aldermen must be ( according to their owne positions ) men of good calling : and among other things in that chapter , are cited the lawes of Geneua , requiring , that all their twelue Lay-Elders should be men of state &c : as I said before . Secondly , I answered , if they chance to haue need ( which is a case that happeneth as seldome at the least to them , as to our Church-wardens ) and if they be relieued ( as our Church-wardens also should in the like case ) that then the maintenance which is allowed , is for their need , and not for their worke sake . But the Apostle saith , the Presbyters are worthy of double honour , and the workeman is worthy of his stipend , &c. As if I had said : the reliefe which is giuen to Lay-Elders for their need ( if euer that doe happen ) doth not disproue my assumption , nor proue that they are included in this text . For , The maintenance which the Apostle requireth to be giuen to Presbyters is not a beggarly almes ( that is a poore mans reliefe giuen by way of almes , ) bestowed onely in charitie to supply their need , but an honourable stipend , ( Paul calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our Sauiour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in iustice due to the Presbyters for their worke sake . But the reliefe , which they require to be giuen to their Lay-Elders , is a beggarly almes ( that is a poore mans reliefe giuen by way of almes ) and bestowed onely in charitie to supply , their need , and not an honourable stipend ( called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c : ) in iustice due for their worke sake . Therefore the reliefe which they require to be giuen to their Lay-Elders is not that maintenance which the Apostle requireth to be giuen to Presbyters . Now let vs heare what the refuter addeth to his former words . But saith he as the obiection is needlesse , so his answere is insufficient , here now he speaketh with reason , though without truth . The obiection is made by the chiefe of his side , and is the best ( though needlesse ) if not the onely obiection , they haue . My answere is such as you haue heard , that is to say , such an answere , as whensoeuer he medleth with it , will bring him to a nonplus againe : but because I said he speaketh with reason , let vs heare his reason . For saith he albeit their necessitie occasioneth their maintenance by common allowance , yet is it for their worke sake that they are maintained : to which I reply : if it were a maintenance in iustice due for their worke sake , and not a reliefe giuen onely in charitie by way of almes for their need ; that then it ought in iustice to be giuen to them , whether they be in need or not . For the workeman is worthy of his stipend for his worke sake ; and willingly it must be giuen him as deseruing it , whether he need or not . For although it be a crying sinne , and doe offend more against charitie to hold it from him if he need : yet it offendeth as much against iustice , to withhold the stipend from the workeman , that is not in need . The stipend , which Paul appointeth to Presbyters , in respect of their paines in edifying the Church , which is the house of God , is as due in iustice to them for their worke sake , as the stipend is due to a Carpenter , that buildeth an house . And as it were iniustice ioyned with folly , for a man not to thinke himselfe bound to giue the Carpenter his stipend , vnlesse he be poore : the like is to be conceiued of the stipend denied to Presbyters for their wealth , which is due for their worke . The rest of his speech is vttered in rancour and gall : but the points be these . First , that it doth not become me , &c : to call it a beggerly maintenance . Secondly , that it is more then is giuen to our Church-wardens that are crept into their roomes . The third , which is more plainely vttered in the abortiue booke , that the like perhaps will not make D. D. rich . In what sense I called it beggarly almes , giuen onely in charitie , opposing it to honourable stipend , due in iustice , I haue already explaned . To the second I answere , our Church-wardens , hauing lesse trouble , haue notwithstanding no lesse allowance , then your Elders , for they haue none at all . And where you say , our Church-wardens are crept into their roomes : you must first proue that euer they had a roome in the Church . For we will neuer grant that our Church-wardens be your Elders successours , till you haue proued your Elders to haue beene their predecessors . And whereas you make your selues merrie with my want of riches , as you did before with my want of preferment ; I tell you plainely , I had rather be poorer then M.D. is with a good conscience , then to be as rich as some of you by maintaining a faction , to be maintained by it . Thus haue I maintained my assumption , and the prosyllogisme thereof concerning their confession . Now I will proue by another argument , that the honour of maintenance is not by the word of God due to Lay-Elders , and that the Lay-Eldership is not the ordinance of God , nor hath any warrant in the scriptures . We haue often heard great words , that your Presbyterian discipline is an essential note of a true Church , if not an article of your faith ; that it is to little purpose to receiue the doctrine , vnlesse we also embrace the discipline of Christ , meaning the pretended discipline : that your discipline is the kingdome of Christ , wherein your Presbyters hold , as it were Christs scepter ; that to denie this discipline , & yet to professe Christ to be our King , is with the souldiers that crucified him , to put a Reede in his hand , and a crowne of thornes on his head : that in the second petition of the Lords prayer , Let thy Kingdome come , wee are to pray , that your Discipline may be aduanced ; that the question betweene the BB. and you , is about no lesse matter then this , whether Iesus Christ shall bee King or no : that in denying your discipline , wee are the men that say , Luke 19. Wee wll not haue this man to raigne ouer vs : and to vs is applyed that terrible doome , Those mine enemies that would not haue mee to raigne ouer them , bring hither , and slay them before mee : and many such like speeches , concerning the kingdome of Christ , which being applied to your owne deuices , are not farre from blasphemie . These confident speeches considered , a man would think that you haue most euident , certaine , and vndeniable grounds for your Presbyteries . But when I come to examine your proofes , & to search the Scriptures , and records of antiquitie ; I professe vnfainedly , & in the feare of God , that I cannot sufficiently wonder , that men of reading should approue , & men of sinceritie should vrge so confidently , and maintaine so resolutely , euen vnto silencing and depriuation , such not onely humane deuices , but meere nouelties , as the sacred ordinances of Christ our Sauiour ; for which , after all the search which hath beene made , there cannot be produced any sound testimonie . But to come to the point : you say , ( if you deny my aforesaid assumption , ) that to Lay-Elders gouerning well double honour is due by the word of God , for their worke sake . I say , the holie Ghost is so farre from assigning this double honour to them , that neither their worke , or office it selfe , for which that honour should be due to them , nor their qualities whereby they should bee qualified for that office , nor themselues , or their names , wherby they should be knowne are once mentioned , or intimated in the holy scriptures . For first , as touching their office : it is by them assigned , either to their Elders seuerally , or to the Elder-ship iointly Their duty seuerally , is to be watchmē in the Church , hauing their seuerall Wards or precincts appointed to them , wherein they are to obserue the manners of men for auoiding offences , and other occurrents for peruerting disorders . The manners of men they are to enquire into , and to prie into their faults , that if they be secret or small , they may admonish the offenders priu●ly : if opē or great , they may informe the Consistory therof . And for other occurrēts , they are to looke that good orders be kept , especially respecting the sacraments . As they are to informe their pastor if there be any childe in their Warde to be baptized , if there be any in their precinct , lately come into the parish , to acquaint the Minister before the Communion , and at the Communion to keepe backe those whose religion and honestie is not knowne , and whom the Ministers haue not dealt withall before . Wherfore , as in respect of manners , they are by them cōpared to the Censors of the Romanes , so in respect of good orders , they are as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Athenians . The ioynt-office of the Elders , is the office of the whole Presbyterie , or Eldership , Consistorie , or sacred Senate , which in the Assemblie of the Elders of the Church , who by common counsell and authoritie , do rule and gouerne the same . For as Lacedemon had her Seignorie , Athens her high court of the Areopagi●●s , Rome , her Senate , and euery kingdome their counsell , so euery Church , ( that is , euery parish according , to the new disciplinarians ) must haue her Presbyterie , or sacred Senate , vnto which Christ hath giuen the keyes of the kingdome of heauen , whereby is meant all Ecclesiasticall power and authoritie . This authoritie respecteth either the Officers of the Church , or the offenders . Officers , as Pastors , Doctors , Elders , Deacons . Concerning whome the Eldership hath authoritie to elect , ordaine , depriue , or depose them . As touching offenders , the Eldership hath authoritie to censure them , either by reproofe , suspension , or excommunication . Belieue mee , if the word of God hath committed these things to the hands of the Elders , then haue they an office of great consequence indeed . But if you remember their own positions , that the Word of God doth perfectly describe all the lawfull offices of the Church ; and that no office or calling in the Church is lawfull , but that which is directly warranted out of the Word : yet it was the sinne for which Coreh , Dathan , and Abiram were punished , in that they presumed , though they were Leuites , to take in hād that for which they had no warrant : then can you not but expect most manifest & pregnant proofes out of the Scripture , directly warranting this whole office , and all the branches thereof . Or if you faile of your expectation , you cannot but wonder at the extreme boldnes of them , who holding these positions , impose vpon the Church , an office of such authority , not as an humane pollicie , but as the holie ordinance of Christ , hauing no warrant in the Scriptures . But what one pregnant testimonie of Scripture can they produce , pursuing any one part of their Lay-Elders office ? Vpon my credite not one . For first a peculiar office , either of spirituall watch-men , the scriptures acknowledge none . Besides , Prophets , and Priests , or Ministers , or of Censors of mens manners , besides ministers and Magistrates : and much lesse doe the scriptures appoint a peculiar officer to be the accuser of the bretheren . Indeed it is the dutie of all good Christians , mutuallie to exercise the duties of the Communion of Saints , by instructing , exhorting , admonishing , rebuking , comforting one another . And as the Apostle s●ith , to consider or obserue on● another , to prouoke vnto loue , and to good workes . We may not be of Cains minde , who said , Am I my brothers keeper ? We are so farre to be keepers and obseruers of our brethren , as by all good meanes to further and aduance the saluation one of another . The Lord hath charged thee in the Law , freely to rebuke thy brother , and not suffer sinne to rest upon him . And likewise in the Gospell , If thy brother sinne against thee ( either committing an iniurie against thee , or giuing thee offence , by some sinne committed in thy knowledge , laying by his euill example , a scandall or stumbling blocke in thy way , ) goe and reprous him , privately betweene thee & him alone , If he heare thee thou hast wonne thy brother . But if he heare thee not , take yet with thee one or two ; if he will not heare them , tell the assemblie , &c. But a speciall Church-officer to prye into other mens faults , such as S. Peter calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the scriptures do not appoynt , and much lesse to informe against , or to accuse priuate offenders , such as we call Prom●ters , and the Grecians , Sycophants . As for their diuiding of Parishes into Wardes , and awarding them to seuerall Elders , as also all the rest of the offices and duties assigned to their Elders , of acquainting the ministers who is to bee Baptized , what new parishioners are come , of helping at the Communion , and repelling some there from , they must and doe confesse they haue no scripture for them : and yet all these duties must bee thought to be prescribed in Gods word . To which purpose , the arguments which some of their chiefe writers do vse , are these . First , that although all these things be not specially expressed in scripture , yet forasmuch as offences must bee auoided , and those duties of Charitie , and Communion of Saintes must bee performed , as also those things which appertaine to good order prouided for : and forasmuch as there are no other officers or Elders to whom the charge of these things should belong ; therefore satis vt opinor apparet , haec ad Presbyterorum officium ex verbo Dei referenda esse ; I thinke it sufficiētly appeareth , that these things by the word of God , are to be referred to the office of Elders . Their argument standeth thus . All necessary duties which the Scripture hath not assigned to other officers or Elders , it hath appointed to these Elders . But the duties before spoken of , are necessarie duties , which the scripture hath not assigned to any other officers or Elders . Therefore the duties before spoken of , the scripture hath assigned to these Elders . It seemeth by the proposition , that the Lay-Elders haue begged a book of concealmēts , that they may be authorized to deale in all these causes , for which other men haue not expresse cōmission . But first I denie that the Scipture hath graunted them any such concealements . Nay , I most confidently auow , that they themselues are concealed in the Scriptures , which doe not once mention them in anie place . And therefore , if there bee cases omitted , that the Scripture hath not assigned to other Elders or officers ; We may thinke it hath referred them to the wisedome of the Church , and authoritie of the Soueraigne , r●●●er then to them , whom it neuer mentioneth . Secondly I answere , that there are many necessarie duties , the performance whereof the holy Ghost hath not assigned to any publike Officers at all , as though there should bee speciall offices appointed for them ; but are to be performed by euery Christian ; as the aforesaid duties which concerne the auoyding of scandales , the duties of Charitie and Communion of Saints . Likewise , there are duties respecting outward order and decencie , which the Scripture doth not prescribe in particular , and much lesse assigne to any peculiar office . But the determination of these particulars , and the nomination of the functions or persons wherevnto they shal be assigned , is left to the discretion of the Church , and authoritie of the Soueraigne . And to such purposes , other Churches may appoint Lay-Elders , as well as ours doth Churchwardens , so they doe not vrge them as the ordinance of Christ , nor giue them commission to intermeddle with things aboue their reach , as being peculiar either to the Ministers of the Word , or the Ciuil Magistrate . Their second Argument . As for that part of their office of taking heede to offences , who can doubt , but that charge properly appertaineth vnto the Elders , seeing they are said in the Scriptures to ouersee , and to gouerne . For this ouersight can haue but two parts onely , wherof the first partaineth to doctrine & religion ; the other , to life and manners . Seeing then , that two sorts of Elders are expresly named by Saint Paule , wherof the first sort are occupied in Preaching , and Doctrine : It is necessary that the other should haue charge of manners and conuersation , for that onely remaineth . This discourse containeth 2. Syllogismes : the First , All Presbyters who in the Scriptures are said to ouersee and gouerne , hauing not that ouersight , which respecteth doctrine and religion , haue the ouersight of manners , and care of auoyding offences : for these are the two parts of ouersight : The Lay-Elders , are such Presbyters , as in the Scriptures are said to ouersee & gouerne , hauing not that ouersight , which respecteth doctrine and religion . Therefore the Lay-Elders haue the ouersight of manners , and care of auoyding offences . The 2. If the Apostle expressely name 2. sorts of Elders , distinguished , according to the 2. parts of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ouersight , viz : Ministers and Lay-Elders , then it doth necessarily follow , that as the Ministers , haue the care and ouersight of doctrine and religion ; so the Lay-Elders haue the ouersight of manners and care of auoiding offences . But the Antecedent is true . 1. Tim. 5.17 . Therefore the consequent . To the assumption of the former Syllogisme , I answere , that Lay-Elders are no where 's said in the Scriptures to be Presbyters , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : to gouerne or ouersee , but all those places , which be alleadged to this purpose , are to bee vnderstood of Ministers onely . Besides , the same Author hath confessed ; that Lay Elders are not Byshops , neither will he say , that they be Pastors . But the places which he quoteth , are to be vnderstood of Bishops & Pastors . Of Act. 20.28 . & 1. Pet. 5. I haue already spoken , as also of 1. Thess. 5.12 . Why Heb. 13.17 . should be applpyed to Lay-Elders , there is no reason ; vnlesse whatsoeuer is spoken of Spirituall gouernors , is to be vnderstood of them . The Writers , both olde and new , expound it of Bishops and Pastors . The assumption also of the second syllogisme is vntrue , neither hath it any thing to support it , but their owne exposition of 1. Tim. 5.17 . which I haue proued to be false . Neither is that true , which is presupposed in both syllogismes : that there must be two sorts of Elders answerable to the two parts of ouersight . For both the parts of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ouersight , belong to those which be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ouerseers , that is Bishops and Pastors , whose dutie is , both to teach and to gouerne . Their third Argument is taken from the practise of the primitiue Church next succeeding the Apostles . Which of all their Arguments is most friuolous , there being not anie testimonie of any writer , or example of any Church to bee alledged , that euer there was such an office in the Church . But howsoeuer these duties to be performed by the Elders seuerally , might be borne with , so they were not obtruded as the ordinances of Christ : yet the ioynt office of their Lay - presbyteryes is intollerable . For what reason can they alledge for their intruding into the sacred office of Bishops and Pastors , & vsurping the keyes of the kingdome of heauen , which our Sauiour Christ committed to none , but to the Apostles , and their successors ? That Lay-men should haue authoritie , and that by the ordinance of Christ , to ordaine Ministers by imposition of hands , to remit or retaine sinnes , to excommunicate the obstinate , or to reconcile the penitent , is an opinion too absurde to be confuted . Thus therefore I reason , according to their owne principles . No office in the Church is lawfull , as themselues say , which hath not expresse warrant in the scriptures , which is all one , as if they had said , All lawfull offices in the church , haue expresse warrant in Gods word . The office of the Lay-Elders seuerally , and of their Elderships yearely , hath not expresse warrant in Gods word : Therfore it is vnlawfull . To their office wee will ioyne the consideration of their qualities : for surely , if the holy Ghost had prescribed in the scriptures , an office of such importance , it is to bee thought , that he would also haue described what manner of men were to be chosen to it , and how qualified for the performance of an office of so high a nature . And although he omitted their qualities in other places , yet mee thinks if it be a function that is in dignitie vnder the Minister , but aboue the Deacon , the Apostle could not haue forgotten them , in 1. Tim. 3 : where he describeth the qualities , not only of Bishops and Ministers which be aboue them , but of the Deacons also , which are beneath them ; directing Timo 〈◊〉 , and in him all Bishops , what manner of persons to or●a●● Ministers , or Deacons . Forgotten ? say they , why , are they not plainly expressed in that place ? Yes no doubt , for that is agreed vpon among vs : For some will needs comprise them vnder the Bishop or Minister , and feare not to ●ay , that they also must be su● modo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , able 〈◊〉 preach after their fashion . Others acknowledge , that they are neuer comprehended vnder the name Bishop , and that it is necessarily required of Ministers alone , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , able to preach , especially , in that sense that the Apostle meaneth , as appeareth by comparing that place with Tit : 1.9 : yet resolued to finde a roome for them in that place , and not to suffer them to be excluded , are faine to s●row●e them vnder the name of Deacons : though the name of Deacon , neither in scriptures , nor Fathers , was euer attributed to them . How they will compound these contrarieties I know not . For if they be comprised vnder the name Bishop , then are they not to be shrowded vnder Deacons and if they be contained vnder Deacons , then are they not comprised vnder Bishops . It shall 〈◊〉 me to alledge , that forsomuch as the Eldership is in their conceit a different office , both from the Minister and Deacon , that it is comprehended in neither . For who cannot conceiue this reason ? None but Bishops , Ministers , and Deacons , are described in that place : ( Bishops and Ministers in the former description , and Deacons in the latter : ) But Lay-elders are neither Bishops or Ministers , nor Deacons , but an imagined office distinct from both : Therefore they are not described in that place . The refu●●● hath solemnely proclaimed before , and required all men to take notice of it , that their Elders ought to be men religious , of great grauitie and pietie , and of good yeares also , if it may be , as the name importeth , called with due examination , chosen with consent of the congregation ouer which they are set , with prayer and imposition of hands put a part to that Ecclesiasticall office . All which I will not denie to haue beene politickely deuised , so it may be acknowledged an humane deuise , and not a diuine ordinance . But why are not the margents filled with scriptures for the proofe of these things ? The truth is , there is not one testimonie of scripture to be alledged , prescribing the office , or describing the qualities of Lay-Elders . But perhaps there may be mention sufficient of them in the scriptures to warrant their calling , though neither their office nor their qualities be described in the word of God. Nor that neither : as shall appeare , when I come to answere the refuters allegations for them . In the meane time I will not doubt to renew my former challenge , if they can produce any one pregnant testimonie out of the scriptures , whereby it may necessarily be concluded , that either there were at any time , or ought to be at all times in the Church of Christ such Elders and Elderships as they speake of , that then I will yeeld to them in the whole controuersie betwixt vs. But vntill such proofe be produced for them , which will neuer be : they shall giue me leaue to esteeme their doctrine of Lay-Elders , to be , as it is , a meere fiction , how vehemently soeuer it be vrged and obtruded vpon vs , as the holy discipline of Christ. And now had wee done with this place of the Epistle to Timothie , sauing that the refuter looking backe to the ●enth page of my Sermon , as being loath thus to leaue wrangling with my exposition of that text , noted three things to be cauilled at , in this one speech , where I say , that Ministers are especially to be honoured for their paines in preaching of the word , that being , in Pauls estimation , the chiefe worke of the ministerie . For first , he would faine know of me why ●adde in Pauls estimation . I answere , because it was necessarie to be added : for in such comparatiue sentences , where one part seemeh to be preferred before all the rest , we are not alwaies to vnderstand that part simply to be the chiefe , but in the estimation of the speaker , who in some respect preferreth it to the rest . As for example , if that you should say , all good Ministers or Preachers are greatly to be honoured , especially they , who goe before their people in the example of a godly life : I would expound your meaning ( as I did the Apostles ) to be this , that whereas double honour is due to all Ministers or Preachers , for the performance of their dutie in generall , 〈◊〉 they are especially to be honoured for their godly life , that being in your estimation the chiefe commendation of a Minister . Or to vse the refuters owne example , which before I explaned : all logicians that reason well , are to be well accounted of , especially they that iudge well , or are iudicious . In this speech are to be noted , not two sorts , but two duties of logicians ; the one generall , to reason well , the other , speciall to iudge well , disposed in a comparatiue sentence , wherein the duties of a logician are thus compared , that whereas logicians are to be esteemed for the performance of their dutie in generall ; yet especially they are to be honoured for iudging well , that being in the estimation of him that shall so speake , the chiefe worke of a Logician : I say in the estim●i●● of him that shall so speake ; for another perhaps would say thus ; All logicians that reason well are to be well esteemed , especially those that analise well : another perhaps thus . All good Logicians are to be honoured , especially those that are methodicall ; another thus , especially those that inuent well . In like manner I explane the Apostles speech , as hath beene shewed before . I but saith he , if this be true that those Ministers are especially worthy of double honour , that labour in the word and doctrine ; then some poore Ministers that continually preach or would doe , if they might be suffered , are more especially to be honoured then some great prelates , that seldome or neuer preach : and it was the enuy of this illation , which by saying in Pauls estimation , you would deriue from your selfe to the ●●●stle . Answ. The Apostles comparison is to be vnderstood of them which be of the same degree , being Presbyters and no more . Neither was it Pauls meaning , writing to Timothie the Bishop , that any of the Presbyters should haue more maintenance then he , ( for that is the honour whereof hee speaketh ) though perhaps they were more painefull in preaching , as hauing better opportunitie . It is well knowne that in the primitiue Church , when the reuenewes of ●ach Church were diuided into a foure parts , the Bishop alone had one fourth part , and that was as much as all the Presbyters and all the rest of the clergie ( though perhaps there were an hundred of them ) had amongst them : For all of them had but another fourth part , a third fourth part went to the buildings and reparations , and the fourth to the poore . His second cauill , that in other places , viz. pag. 42.45.53 . I haue through flatterie contradicted this assertion , making gouerning a labour of greater honour then preaching . Answ. In none of those places doe I compare preaching with gouerning , but Bishops with Presbyters , saying and prouing that Bishops are superiour to Presbyters in the power of ordination and iurisdiction , and that the Bishops are the Apostles successors in the gouernement of the Church . But doth it follow because Bishops are superiour to Presbyters , that therefore preaching is a worke inferiour to gouernement ? I trust Bishops are equall at the least with Presbyters in the power of order , as it respecteth the ministerie of the word and sacraments , so that what can be said in commendation of the order of Presbyters in respect of the ministerie , belongeth also to Bishops . If therefore BB. being at the least equall with Presbyters in the power of order , respecting the ministerie of the word and sacraments , be aboue them not onely in the exercise of that power , but also in the power of ordination and iurisdiction ; they may , without disparagement to the ministerie of the word , be said to be superiour to other Ministers . To your third cauill I might answere as to the first , that the Apostle speaketh to the Bishop of Presbyters , not to a Presbyter ; as you doe , of Bishops . But indeed our Bishops , as they ought all , so the most of them ( as I trust ) doe thinke themselues bound to preach , when they haue opportunitie and leysure in respect of their other weightie imployments ; in regard whereof I haue alwaies thought , that one good Bishop , though hee haue not opportunitie to preach very oft , may doe more good in the Church of God , then a dozen good Preachers . So that in these three cauilles the refuter hath gained nothing , but the manifestation of his owne malice , which I pray God to forgiue him . CHAP. VII . 〈◊〉 Ambros● in 1. Tim. 5. ● . doth not giue testimonie to the Lay - 〈…〉 that their exposition of Ambrose is vntrue . S●rm . Sect. 6. pag. 13. I come now to Ambrose writing on the first verse of the same chapter , 1. Tim. 5. where the Apostle exhorting Timothie not to rebuke an Elder or aged man , Ambrose giueth this reason . For among all nations old age is honourable , and then addeth : vnde & synagoga & postea ecclesia seniores habuit , quorum sine cōsilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia . Quod qua negligentia obsoleuerit nescio , nisi forte doctorum desidia aut magis superbia , dum soli volunt aliquid videri . Whence it is that both the Synagogue and afterwards the Church had Seniors , Without whose counsell nothing was done in the Church . Which by what negligence it is growne out of vse , I knowe not , vnlesse perhaps by the slouthfulnes of the learned or Teachers , or rather pride , whiles they alone will seeme to be something . Which words whosoeuer vnderstand , as giuing testimonie to Lay-Elders , they wrong Ambrose , &c. 10. lines further . IN this allegation the disciplinarians haue great confidēce : For this testimonie of Ambrose saith T.C. is so cleare and open , that he which doth not giue place vnto it , must needs be thought as a Bat , or an Owle , or some other night-bird to delight in darkenesse . And it is a world to see how the refuter thinking that his cause wil be aduantaged by this testimonie of Ambrose , taketh on like a beggar on horsebacke , or a coward when he hath gotten his aduersarie at a supposed aduantage . See you not how he braggeth and vanteth , how he crakes and crowes , and all for want as of a good spirit , so of a sound iudgement , presuming of aduantage , where he hath none , as the euent will proue . Concerning this testimonie of Ambrose , he findeth fault as well with my maner of alleaging , as of discussing it . At the allegation he hath three cauills . First he repeateth his friuolous cauillation concerning the consequence of an argument which he bestoweth vpon me : that , if in this place of Ambrose there be no mention of Lay-Elders , then there is none to be found in the fathers writings . Which cauill I haue so clearely refuted before , that I thinke I shall neuer heare of it more . The second , that I alleage this place not out of Ambrose himselfe ( which is a base slander , for I had Ambrose lying before me ) but out of D. Bils . because forsooth I cited the first words ( which are not so pertinent , shewing the slender occasion whereupon Ambrose vttered this sentence ) in english , as D. B. doth : And yet his blind malice would not let him see that I cited the latter sentence in latine , out of the Authour , which D. B. alleageth in English. Quod qua negligentia obsolouerit , &c. Which words if I had cited as a chiefe man of your side doth , you would haue charged me , either to haue alleaged a place which I had neuer seene , or else notoriously depriued it . Ambrose speaking of this office of the ●lders ( although , saith he , not vpon so good occasion , ) thus 〈◊〉 saith , whereupon the Synagogue , and after the Church had Elders without whose counsel nothing was done in the Church . Which Elders I know not by what negligence they are worne out , &c : and againe , his saying is that the Elders fell away by the ambition of the doctors . Which allegation the rest , which were but gleaners after him , taking vpon his word , haue vrged , as if the Seniors themselues , of whom Ambrose speaketh , were ceassed before his time , inferring thereupon that he meaneth Lay-Elders , because the learned Presbyters still remained in the Church . When Ambrose doth not say , that the Seniors themselues were growne out of vse , ( for he doth not say , qui qua negligentia ob●oleuerint ) but that ( themselues remayning ) their counsell was neglected . If it be demanded ; why then doth he say habuit ecclesia , the Church had ; I answere because the verbe was to haue reference both to the Church which had beene before his time , and also to the Synagouge , not because the Church had not Seniors still . For Ierome , Augustine , and Gregorie are alleaged by the disciplinarians themselues , that there were Seniors in the Church long after Ambrose his time . Thirdly , he cauilleth at the translation of the word docterum , which I rendred learned or Teachers . For which reading , if he had a sound iudgement , he would rather haue giuen me thankes . In that translation , as also in the exposition , I intended to giue them satisfaction , who ( as I thought ) were not satisfied with the iudgement of our learned men , who by the word doctorum vnderstand Bishops onely . For indeed if it be read Doctors or teachers ( a title in these times appropriated to Bishops ) the allegation out of Ambrose is as easily answered , as alledged , Ambrose his meaning being plainely this ; that whereas the Bishops in former times were wont to doe nothing of importance without the counsell and aduise of certaine ancient Ministers , who were his assistants ; this was now growne out of vse , either through the negligence , or pride of the Bishops . But because I thought it might be obiected , that the word may signifie the learned as well as Teachers ; and so an opposition might be conceiued as well of the learned to the vnlearned Seniors , as of the Doctors that is Bishops to the Presbyters ( who though they were learned were not called Doctors , neither did vsually preach ) I therefore endeuoured so to expound it , as that they , who should so vnderstand this place , might be satisfied , shewing that although the word doctorum should signifie learned , and although they would gather from thence , that the Seniors which were excluded from consultation were vnlearned . And consequently lay men : yet notwithstanding that the speech of Ambrose needeth not to be vnderstood of Lay-Elders . But seeing my aduersarie , in the profundnesse of his iudgement , reiecteth that reading as vnlearned and without example , ( of which notwithstanding doctorum esto iudicium let the learned iudge ) I wil cleaue to that interpretation , which by Doctorum vnderstandeth Doctors or Teachers , as the best , and keepe the other in store as a secondary exposition to satisfie them , who by doctorum shall vnderstand the Learned , and thereof inferre seeing the learned are blamed for excluding the Seniors , that therefore the Seniors who were excluded , were vnlearned . And although my antagonist fighting Andabatarum more and as cowards vse to doe , winking , smote he saw not what , nor cared what , so as he might deale his blowes apace , condemning me in that for which he had cause to thanke me : notwithstanding I will acknowledge my thankefulnes to him , for handling this matter so well , that in this point he hath left our cause better then he found it . For whereas there being two expositions of this place according to the two significations of the word doctorum , the sentence hath almost no shew of probabilitie for Lay-Elders , if doctorum be translated Doctors , but seemeth very fauourable to them if doctorum signifie the Learned : my aduersarie , I thanke him , hath freed me from the difficultie of the latter , ( if his exceptions against it be good ) and hath permitted me to rest securely in the former . The reader therefore is not to expect from me an ample defence of that latter sense against his exceptions , which make for vs. For if his exceptions be good , and that sense vntrue ( as he saith , it is certaine and plaine that it is ) then will there be no difficultie at all in answering this testimonie of Ambrose , that translation which seemed most to fauour Lay-Elders , being reiected . In discussing this testimonie of Ambrose , because it seemeth to make for him , he is content to spend 17. pages : who if it were against him would scarce vouchsafe one line by way of answere . I haue knowne , when aboue a dozen testimonies of ancient writers directly testifying that Timothie was Bishop of Ephesus ( in which number Ambrose was one ) the chiefe patrone of the pretended discipline among vs , hath refused so much as to examine the allegations , as a thing vnworthy the turning of a leafe , and in another place he shaketh off Ambrose thus : As for Ambrose , a child may see how violently he forceth the text , &c. And againe , the errours and corrupt expounding of scriptures , which are found in his workes , declare , that it had beene more safe for the Church , if by studie of the scriptures , he had first beene a scholler of diuinitie , or euer he had beene made Doctor . And of this authoritie is Ambrose when he is alleaged against the pretended discipline . But if hee let fall a speech , which seemeth , and but seemeth to fauour their cause , though so impertinent as if it had beene foisted in by others , though in a booke , wherein besides some suspected , there is apparant corruption , though the testimonie it selfe is mistaken by them , and though their exposition thereof , hath neither scripture to warrant , nor consent of other writers to second , nor good reason to proue it , notwithstanding because they want better euidence , they make so much of it , that eight whole leaues are not sufficient to bestow vpon it . Which I mention not that I would haue any thing detracted from the authoritie of this testimonie , as though it made , against vs ; but to shew , partly the partiall dealing of the disciplinarians , and partly the pouertie of their cause . In my handling this testimonie , the refuter obserueth three things . i) First , my deniall of their exposition with the reasons of my denyall . Secondly , a refutation of their proofes . Thirdly , an allegation of reasons ( omitted by Ambrose ) why the counsell and assistance of the Seniors in Ambrose his time was growne out of vse . In the denyall it selfe , he layeth vpon me such an imputation of immodestie , as he did before of vnkindnesse . For although he cannot be against it , but that I may ( salua modestia ) confute the new writers for their false or wrong expounding Ambrose of Lay-Elders ( whom he neuer so much as dreamed of ) yet he cannot abide I should say they wrong Ambrose , though I proue that they wrong him by misconstruing his words , and giuing them a wrong sense . And in this nice and idle cauill , for want of better matter , he spendeth almost a leafe , aggrauating the accusation by numbring 12. Diuines of our time , who vnderstand Ambrose as speaking of Lay-Elders , and alleaging that it is more likely that I should mistake him , then they . Indeed if I were alone in this cause , and did oppose my credit alone to their authoritie , or expected as my aduersarie falsely accuseth me , like another Pythagoras to be belieued vpon my bare word : such arrogancie ( I confesse ) would not become me . But he seeth , and ( I hope ) feeleth , that I say not any thing in this controuersie , which I doe not proue by such reasons , as he doth not know , without sophisticall shifts and meere cauills how to answere . If these new writers proue their exposition of Ambrose by any sound reason , why be not their arguments produced ? if they speake without reason , why is their bare authoritie obiected against , both so many reasons as haue beene vsed to shew there neuer were such Elders , and also against the generall consent of antiquitie , which neuer acknowledged any Presbyters or Ecclesiasticall Elders , but Ministers only . Of my denyall he acknowledgeth two reasons : which though they were lighter then they be , are of more weight then bare testimonies , especially of parties , who are not to depose in their owne cause . Howbeit I acknowledge but one reason , though my speech may be resolued into two Syllogismes , whereof the one is a prosyllogisme to the other : and because he saith , in steed of prouing , I doe nothing but begge the question , I will resolue the reason of my answere into this Syllogisme . They which make Ambrose against his meaning to testify that which hath no warrant , either in the scriptures , or elder writings of antiquitie , doe wrongfully expound him : But those which expound Ambrose , as giuing testimonie to Lay-Elders , doe make him against his meaning , to testifie that which hath no warrant either in Scriptures , or elder writings of antiquitie : Therefore those who expound Ambrose as giuing testimonie to Lay-Elders , doe wrongfully expound him . The proposition is manifest . The assumption hath 2. parts , the one that Lay-Elders haue no warrāt either in scriptures , or in the elder writings of antiquitie . The other , that the sense which they giue to his words , is against his meaning . The former was prooued in my former challenge , that not any one testimony can be produced out of the writings of the Apostles and Fathers , mentioning or meaning any Lay-Elders . The which is a sufficient allegation in a respondent holding the negatiue , vntill the opponent by sufficient instance can proue the affirmatiue . And therefore his cauill in saying , either that I do but begge the question , which himselfe should proue , is false and foolish : or that if it were granted : it would not proue their exposition to be against his meaning , ( for he might testifie that which hath no warrant either in scriptures , or elder monumēts of antiquitie ) is both an ignorāt mistaking ( for those words as you see , were not inserted to that end , ) and a needlesse extenuating of Ambrose his testimonie , as being such a one , of whom it may be said , that he testifieth that which hath no warrant either in scriptures or other monuments of antiquitie . The rest of his words are meere babbling . The latter I prooue , by this Reason : To whom Ambrose giueth testimonie , hee complaineth that their councel and assistance in causes Ecclesiasticall was grown out of vse , & seemeth to charge the bishops with slothfulnes , or pride therefore . But it was not Ambrose his meaning to complaine that the councell or assistance of Lay-Elders was growne out of vse , nor to charge the BB : with slothfulnes or pride for it : Therefore it was not his meaning to giue testimonie to Lay-Elders . The truth of the proposition is euident , by the words of of Ambrose himelfe . The assumption is thus proued : A Diocesan Bishop , who not onely approoued , but laboured to magnifie his owne calling , and was as farre as any from subiecting either Bishops or Ministers , to the Presbyteries of Lay-men ( as the Presbyterians doe ) would not complaine that the councell or assistance of Lay-Elders , ( such as the Disciplinarians meane ) was not vsed , or charge the Bishops with slothfulnes or pride for it : But such a one was Ambrose : Therefore hee would not complaine for want of Lay-Elders , &c. The proposition if it bee explaned , will need no further proofe . The Elderships of Lay-men , such as the Disciplinarians stand for , 1. were neuer in vse together with Bishops , but either were deuised to supplie the gouernement of Bishops , when they were depressed , as in Geneua , Scotland , and the Low-Countreys , or where orthodoxall Bishops were wanting , as in France , or are vrged to extrude Bishops , as among vs : 2. in their Presbyteries consisting for the greatest part of Lay-Elders , all hauing equall right of Suffrage , and all things beeing carried by pluralitie of voyces , it is euident that the Ministers , which in parish presbyteries are but one or two at the most , and in others the farre lesse number , are subiected to the Lay-Elders , as being the greater number . It is manifest therefore , that a Diocesan Bishop , who not onely approued but sought to magnifie his calling , and was as farre as anie from subiecting Bishops or Ministers to the Presbyteries of Lay-men , would not complaine of the want of such Elderships . Now that Ambrose was such a one as I affirme in the assumption , I will manifestly proue in answering the refuters cauills . For hee ( as being ledde with a spirit of contradiction ) after his vsuall manner , graunteth neither proposition nor assumption , nor any one braunch of them to bee true . Which course ( mee thinks ) should discredit him with all indifferent Readers , who may discerne him to write , not out of conscience , but out of a resolution to cauill and contradict : especallie , if they consider that hitherto ( though he would scarcely graunt any thing to be true that I had saide : yea , in his preface auowed , that I haue scarce vttered one true word ) yet he hath not bene able to proue any one thing which I deliuered to be false . And such will his successe be in the rest . That hee might fit this Argument to his owne strength , he hath cast it ( as his manner is ) into a connexiue syllogisme : For it is an easy thing to frame a connexion , & when he hath done to denie the consequence . But yet belike this consequence was too strong for him to deale with , whiles the Medium consisting of 3. branches , was bound together : therfore he dissolueth it , taking euery branch by it selfe , indeuouring like a grosse headed Sophister , to perswade the Reader , that because hee can bow euery twigge seuerally : therefore the whole bundle or fagot is weake . For the 3. branches being ioyned together , as they are in the proposition , the conscience of the Reader will I ( doubt not ) giue testimony to the manifest truth of the proposition , vnderstood as I explaned it . But though it be to no purpose , if he can bend & breake the branches seuerally , yet we will trie his dealing that way : and what he weakneth by dissoluing , I will strēgthen by vniting . And first , he saith , this consequence is naught : If Ambrose were a Diocesan Bishop ( vnderstand who magnified his own calling , and could not abide that Bishops or Ministers should be subiected to the censures of Lay-men ) then would he not giue testimony to Lay-Elders , ( he should haue said , then would he not haue complained of the want of Lay-Elders , who were neuer thought to be wanting , where Bishops were thought to be lawfull . And why ? because D. Whitgift was a Bishop , yea an Archbishop ; and D. K. would be a Bishop , and yet both giue testimonie to Lay-Elders . Because D. Whitgifts graunt is oft laid in our dish , the Reader is to know , First , that he denieth Lay-Elders could be proued out of the scriptures . Secondly , he graunteth they had bene in vse as Caluin & others had testified , taking it vpon their credit , being loth either to contradict those famous learned men , or to impeach the credit of those Churches where the Presbyteries were erected . Which course of not contradicting them had still bin held , if the Elders had not bene obtruded as Christs ordinance , to extrude those , who ( in respect of their first institution ) , were ordained of God. Thirdly , B. Whitgift was so farre from complaining of the want of Lay●Elders , that he was a chiefe instrument of God vnder the Prince to keepe them out . The testimony , which D. K. giueth to your Lay-Elders , appeareth by his Sermon : where , for confuting your Presbyteries , you say hee spitteth out much poyson against these Elders , and spendeth much gall vpon them . God grant the poyson of Aspes be not vnder your lippes , and that your selfe be not in the gall of bitternes , who so virulently & bitterly vse to raile on men of so good note in Gods Church . But his testimonie concerning your Elders , is so farre from complaining of the want of them , as that he doth not onely say , but also proue at large , that there neuer were , nor yet do need to be such . Only you catch hold of his exposition of Ambrose his speech , which as he saith , may well be vnderstood of Elders in yeares , experience , and grauitie , hauing some temporary cōmission to assist in ordering the Church , but not such as your Lay-Elders . It is very true , that although Seniores or Presbyteri , bee a name of order , signifying Ministers and Priestes ; yet according to the originall signification therof , it is vsed by Tertullian , and heere by Ambrose , ( as appeareth by the occasion of his words ) as opposed to the Iuniores of the Clergy . And so not only Luther vnderstandeth the word as you heard before , but Ambrose so speaketh else-where : shewing that it was not needfull that the Iuniores , the younger men of the Clergie should goe to the houses of Widowes , and Virgins but onely to visit them , & hoc cum senioribus and that with the Seniors or elder sort of the Clergie , that is with the Bishop or with the Presbyters , if there be great cause . Secondly , he reiecteth this consequence : if Ambrose did labour to magnifie the calling of Bishops , then was it not his meaning , &c : for saith he Su●tonius or Tacitus might magnifie the excellencie of the Monarchy , and yet confesse that the state of Rome had beene democraticall , or might they not complaine that the aduise of the Senators was not now regarded , without whose counsell Tiberius in his fiue first yeares would doe little or nothing ? Yea did not Samuel magnifie the monarchicall gouernement vnder Saul , and ●et testifie that they had beene otherwise gouerned , yea and complaine that the forme was altered ▪ These examples , vnlesse they had beene better fitted , are to little purpose . If he could haue said , A Monarch labouring not onely to iustifie but to magnifie the royall calling , and not enduring that Monarches and Princes should be subiected , either to the Senate or people , would notwithstanding complaine that the state is not either Aristocraticall or popular , he had fitted the example , though he had spoken vntruely ; For if Suetonius and Tacitus had beene Emperours and such as did magnifie the Monarchicall gouernement and could not abide either that the cōmon-wealth should be ruled by the multitude , or themselues ouer-ruled of the greater part of the senate , then would they not complaine that the gouernement was not Democratical , or Aristocratical . But thus he might haue said both fitly and truely . As a good king mislyking that some of his predecessors had managed all things without the aduise of their senatours , might cōplaine , that through their pride or temeritie the aduise of the senators was neglected : so Ambrose a good Bishop , seeing the Bishops not to regard the aduise of their ancient Presbyters , that is Ministers , as it were their senatours , without whose aduise nothing of importance was wont to be done in the Church , might also complaine that their counsell and assistance was growne out of vse through the slouthfulnes or pride of the Bishops . As for Samuel , if either the state before was Monarchicall , or if he had magnified the Monarchicall gouernement of the Iewes when Saul was set ouer them , he had had little reason to complaine for the altering of that gouernement into a Monarchy . But the state before had beene Monarchicall , neither did Samuel magnifie the Monarchicall gouernement when Saul was set ouer them . For vntill Saul , God himselfe was the Monarch of the Iewes , retaining iura Maiestatis the right of soueraignty in his owne hands , chiefly in prescribing them lawes , and in appointing their chiefe magistrates and gouernours , especially the iudges whom he set ouer them to be as kings for a time . But when the people would needs haue a king , after the manner of other nations ; the Lord saith to Samuel , they haue not reiected thee , but me haue they reiected , that I should not reign● ouer them . And so farre is Samuel from commending the gouernement of the ear●hly King , in comparison of the Celestiall ; that describing vnto them the fashion of their future king , he telleth them , that whereas before , God did rule them by his will and by his owne lawes onely , they should now be ruled after the kings will and pleasure , which would not proue very pleasant to them , as he sheweth by many particulars . § Sect. 8. As touching the third branch , he saith the consequence thereof is of the same feather with the former . If Ambrose could not endure that Bishops or Ministers should be subiected to Lay-persons , then would he not complaine that Lay-Presbyters were out of vse . It followeth not saith he , there may be Presbyters wherein are Lay-Elders and yet the Bishops and Ministers not be subiected to them . But say I , where the farre greater part of the Presbyteries consisteth of Lay-men , as alwaies it hath done according to the practise of Geneua , and alwaies would doe according to the new Parish-discipline , it cannot be auoided , but that the fewer number of Ministers would be subiected to the farre greater number of Lay-Elders ; especially , if they ( according to the wise conceit of our new disciplinarians ) may be perpetuall . But whether these three branches seuerally doe inferre a necessary consequence or no , it is not materiall , seeing they were ioyntly propounded , and seeing from them vnited a necessary consequence dependeth . Wherfore the seuering of them to weaken the consequence , and to breede matter of cauil , was a sophisticall , if not a leaud trick . The leaudnes whereof will the better appeare , if we consider his dealing with the assumption : for he , that hauing seuered the branches of the proposition , exacted from euery one seuerally a necessary consequence : in the assumption , he will haue them all taken together . For before he taketh the assumption in pieces , meaning to cauill with euery part seuerally , he vseth this Caution : Prouided alwaies , and be it remembred of the Reader , that if any one of the three parts thereof proue false , though the other two be neuer so true , the whole assumption is in law of true reason , vtterly void and of none effect : But if in the proposition I be vrged to make good the consequence from each part seuerally , the assuming of any one part will conclude the question . As thus : If I must be forced to maintaine this consequence , If Ambrose were a Diocesan Bishop , then would hee no● complaine of the want of Lay-Elders : it wil be sufficient to assume thus , but he was a Diocesan Bishop , to cōclude , that therefore he would not complaine of the want of Lay-Elders . It is true , that it is required in my assumption , as I propound it , that euery branch must be true : but the reasō hereof is , because they were ioyned in the proposition to make good the consequence . For if they be seuerally propounded in the proposition , they may also seuerally be assumed in the assumption . Whiles therefore he chargeth me with a bad consequence , himselfe is to be charged with a badde conscience . But come we to the assumption , with the first branch whereof the refuter playeth thus . Ambrose saith M. D. was a Dioces●n Bishop . Was he so indeed ? Had he not onely supreme , but 〈◊〉 authoritie ( as our BB : haue ) ouer ( I know not how ) many hundreds of Ministers , in causes Ecclesiasticall ? Was he an absolute Pop lin● indeed ? What a shame is this ? that he who euē now charged so m●ny learned men to haue done Ambrose wrong , should now be found the man ●uilty of that trespas ? Ambrose was no more like a Diocesan Bishop , then he that is tyed by vertue of his calling , to preach the word , & administer the sacramēts in his owne Church , &c. Can a man of a sincere conscience professing ( as themselues terme it ) the cause of sinceritie , be so malepartly confident in denying that whereof he is vtterly ignorant ? or rather can a man that taketh vpon him the defence of this controuersie , as a chiefe champion of the pretended discipline , and one ( I doubt not ) of the chiefe challengers of the Bishops , to dispute with them in these causes , be ignorant , that Ambrose was a Diocesan Bishop ? doth he know that he was a Diocesan at the least , and can he thus denie it , and keepe his conscience sincere ? well , though the taske be all one , as if I should be required to proue that the Bishop of London , or rather the Archbishop of Yorke , is a Diocesan Bishop : yet seeing my learned aduersarie denieth it , and pretendeth some reason of his denyall : I will first proue , that Ambrose was at the least a Diocesan B : and for the greatnes of his authoritie , and largenes of his iurisdiction , comparable with ours ; and in the second place , I will answere his reasons . First therfore you are to be aduertised , that Mediolanum Millaine , whereof Ambrose was Bishop , not onely is a Metropolis , or seate of a Metropolitan , but was both in and before Ambrose his time . Strabo (a) saith it was a Metropolis , wherein the gouernour of the prouince of Liguria and Aemilia kept his residence . Athanasius speaking of Dionysius the Bishop of Millaine saith (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it also is a mother citie of Italy . It is also euident and a thing confessed by Beza (c) that the distribution of the Church into Dioceses & prouinces , was framed according to the diuision of the Dioceses and Prouinces vnder the Romane Empire . Ambrose himself (d) was a man of consular dignitie in Rome , and being appointed gouernour of Liguria and Aemilia came to Millaine . Where keeping his residence , it fell out (e) that Auxentius the Bishop being dead , and the Emperour Valentinian hauing assembled ( as the manner ) (f) was for the choise of a Metropolitan ) the Bishops of that uerendorum Episcoporum & consueta lege Episcopus Ephesiorum est constitutus . The honour and sublimitie Episcopall cannot be matched with any comparison : if you compare it with the excellencie of Princes and ciuill Magistrates , you shall compare gold with lead . As for the people , the Episcopall function hath not onely obtained to be preferred before them , but also is enioyned by Euangelicall precepts with fatherly authoritie to gouerne them : for they , as the sheepe of Christ , are committed to BB. as to rulers , who together with Peter receiued that authoritie to gouerne them , &c. Againe , (n) these things I haue spoken saith he , to shew that nothing in this world is more excellent then Bishops . For his deeds , consider his repelling of Theodosius (o) the Emperour from entring into the Church , vntill he had testified his repentance : his not permitting him to remaine within the Chācell , alledging (p) that it was a place peculiar to the Clergie , ( which fauour when Nectarius the Bishop of Cōstantinople would haue grāted to him , Theodosius professed that he had with much a doe learned the differēce between an Emperour and a Bishop , adding , that he had scarce found a Teacher of the truth . Ambrose is the onely man whom I know worthy the name of a Bishop ) his refusing to be tried in a cause of faith , in the Emperours Consistorie , when Valentinian the younger had sent for him , contrarie to a law made by his Father Valentinian , protesting that he would rather loose his life , then by his yeelding , the honour of Bishops should be diminished . Non (q) tanti est Ambrosius vt propter se deijciat sacerdotium , non tanti est vnius vita , quanti est dignit as omnium sacerdotum : his refusall (r) to deliuer vp the Churches to be possessed of Arians at the Emperour Valētinians commandement , professing that the palaces pertained to the Emperour , but the Churches to the Bishop . His other doubt is , whether I compare Ambrose with them of his owne time , or with them that liued before or after , &c : here was a knot sought in a bullrush : seeing my meaning is euident , that Ambrose laboured as much as any of the ancient approued Fathers . And that he did so , it is alreadie sufficiently manifested . If that be so saith he , then either all men thought it needfull for the Bishop to be aduised and directed as D. Bilson saith by the counsell and consent of Elders : or else that Ambrose who thoght it needful , as appeareth by this testimonie , labored not to magnifie such a calling of Bishops , as M.D. maintaineth . Ambrose & others thought it needful , that a presbyterie of graue & ancient ministers , should with their coūsell & aduise assist the Bishops in cases of doubt ( as D. Bilson saith ) of daunger and importance , when as yet nether Synodes could assemble , nor Christian Magistrates could be found to help and assist the Church . But this , as it doth nothing further the cause of Lay-Elders : so doth it no more detract from the dignitie of Bishops , to vse the counsell of wise and learned men ; then it doth derogate from the Maiestie of Kings , to vse the aduise of their wise & faithfull Counsellors . There remaineth the third branch . Wherevnto , besides his rayling against our Bishops for subiecting Ministers to their Chancellours , Commissaries , and Officialls , which are but lay-men , hee answereth onely That if adioyning Presbyters to the Byshop bee a subiecting him to them , I doubt not but this testimony will prooue , that Ambrose was not willing , that Ministers should bee subiected to the Consistories of Lay-men . There are two differences between that which Ambrose holdeth and our new Disciplinarians . Ambrose speaketh of an assistance of ancient ministers ; they , of Lay-Elders . Ambrose , of an assistance to aduise and direct , such as is the aduise of Counsellers to a Prince ; they of an assistance to ouerrule , as in the Romane Senate , by plurality of voices , giuing their Bishop not so much as one negatiue voice , Ambrose therfore requireth an assistance of ministers subjected to the Bishop : they an assistance of Lay-Elders , subjecting the Bishops to them . Neither should they of all men raile against the BB. for submitting ministers to Chancellors , &c. seeing it is not so vntollerable , that ministers should be subjected to the censure of men wise and learned in the lawes , and that so farre onely as the B. shall thinke fit , as that they should not onely be ouerruled by such as the Lay-Elders must needs be in most countrey-parishes , but also stand to the curtesie of them and their neighbours , to be deposed and depriued at their pleasure . Now , how farre Ambrose was from subiecting BB : or Ministers in causes Ecclesiasticall , to the Consistories of Lay-men , may appeare , first , by his sentence giuen against Palladius , the Arfian . Bishop , in the Councell of Aquileia For when Palladius refused to answere , but before some honourable persons of the Laytie , who were at hand . Ambrose answered , Priests or BB. ought to iudge of Lay-men , and not Lay-men of Priests . And againe , though hee bee found guiltie of manie impieties , notwithstanding we are abashed , that hee which challengeth Priesthood to himselfe , should seeme to be condemned of Lay-men . And therefore forasmuch as heerein hee is to be condemned , who expecteth the sentence of Lay-men ( seeing rather priests ought to iudge of Laymen ) according to those things which to day wee haue heard Palladius professing , and according to those things which he refused to condemne . I pronounce him ( saith Ambrose ) vnworthie of Priest-hood . But chiefly by his Epistle to Valentinian the young Emperour , wherein hee refuseth to be tryed , as his aduersary Auxentius desired , in the Emperors Consistorie : alleadging , that his Father Valentinian had by Law prouided , that in the cause of faith , or of any Ecclesiasticall order , hee ought to iudge qui nec munere impar sit , nec iure dissimilis : who is neiher in function vnequall , nor in right vnlike ; that is , Sacerdotes de Sacerdotibus voluit iudicare : Hee would haue BB : ( for them ordinarily hee meaneth by Sacerdotes ) to iudge of BB : or Priests . Yea , moreouer ( saith hee ) if a Bishop were otherwise called into question , and the cause of manners were to be examined , euen this also would hee ( that is , Valentinian the Father ) haue to belong to Episcopall iudgement . When did you euer heare most gracious Emperor , that Lay-men in a cause of faith iudged of BB : Are wee therefore so bowed with flatterie , that wee forget the right of BB ? And that I should thinke what God hath giuen mee , is to bee committed to others ? If a Bishop must be taught of a Lay-man what to follow , let the Lay-man dispute , and let the Bishop heare , let the B : learne of the Lay-man . But surely if wee call to minde either the tenor of holie Scriptures , or ancient times , who can denie , but that in a cause of Faith , In causa inquam fidei Episcopos solere de Imperatoribus Christianis , non Imperatores de Episcopis judicare : You shall one day ( if it please God ) come to ripe yeares , and then you will be able to iudge . Qualis ille Episcopus sit , qui Laicis Sacerdotale substernut ! What a Bishop he is , that subiecteth the right of Bishops to Lay-men . Your Father beeing through Gods goodnes of ripe yeares , said , Meum non est : I am not able : ( For so Ambrose expoundeth him in the next Sentence , Inhabilem se ponderi tanti putabat esse Iudicij ) to iudge among BB. & doth your Grace now say , I ought to iudge ; would Ambrose condemne such a Bishop as should subiect the right of BB. to Lay-men , and would hee allow of such prerbyteries of Lay-men as intrude vpon the right of BB : yea which are vrged to extrude BB ? could hee not indure that a B. or minister should be iudged in causes Ecclesiasticall by the consistory of the Emperour , because it consisted of Lay-men ; and would hee allow a B. or minister should be iudged , yea deposed and depriued by a parishionall consistory or whole parish consisting of Lay-men ? doth he commend the good Emperour that said he was vnable to iudge among Bishops ; and would hee allow of priuate men , vnlearned , and vnacquainted with gouernement , as competent Iudges in causes Ecclesiasticall ? And thus much of my denyall of their exposition of Ambrose , made good by sufficient proofe . CHAP. VIII . The proofe of their Exposition of Ambrose , disproued , and the reas●os which I alleadged , why the Counsell of the Seniors , was neglected , defended . Serm. Sect. 7. Pag. 14. But let vs examine the force of their Argument . Ambrose saith , there were Elders in the Church , as well as in the Synagogue : Therefore , say they , there were Elders . It followeth not , &c : to learned Presbyters , in the middle of pag. 16. THeir Argument is heere such , as in this question of Lay-Elders , perpetuallie they vse in all their proofes , of Scriptures , and Fathers , that is , from the genus to the species : yea , to a fancied , or fained species , affirmatiuely . As if they should say , hee is a Magistrate , therefore a Constable , an ancient Cittizen , therefore an Alderman , or rather thus : It is a man , therefore the man in the moone . I see a shippe , therefore it is Argo . Like the wise man of Athens , who standing in Pyraeo on the key there , saide euery shippe he saw was his . Sauing that he was somewhat wiser , because he had a shippe at the Sea : These mens shippe , doth swimme in their owne braines . So strong is their fancie , as wee shall heare , that when either Christ saith , (a) Tell the Church , that is , as themselues expound it , the rulers of the Church , they strongly conclude , therefore tell Lay-Elders : or Luke (b) that Paul and Barnabas , ordayned Presbyters , ergo , Lay-Elders , or Iames , (c) is any sicke , let him send for the Presbyters , ergo , for Lay-Elders : or Paul (d) hee that ruleth , Marke how he speaketh of a ruler , therefore of a Lay-Elder : God hath appointed gouernements , therefore of Lay-Elders : or Ignatius (f) be subiect to the Presbyters , as to the Apostles of Christ , ergò , to Lay-Elders : or Tertullianus , (g) Certaine approued Seniors be presidents , &c : ergo , Lay Elders : or Ierome (h) wee haue a Senate of Presbyters , Ergo , of Lay-Elders . And that no man should liue in feare of the great stroakes , which this great champion hath threatned , let him vnderstand , that these be all the strokes that he will strike , when his turne of striking commeth . To this argument , and all the rest , I answere by denying the consequence , which is so badde , as the refuter is loath to Father it ; and yet neither in this , nor in any other of their testimonies , they haue or can make no better . Well , saith he , Whatsoeuer the argument is , the answere is well worse . meaning , as it seemeth , the reason of the answere , which was this : for euen the Synagogue had Seniors of the Priests , as well as of the people . My reason may thus be explained : If not onely the Church had Seniors , that were ministers , whose aduise was neglected in Ambrose his time , but euen also the Sinagogue ( meaning Israell , or the state of the Iewes ) had Seniors of the Priests ; then it followeth not , that the Seniors of whom Ambrose speaketh , were Lay-Elders . But the antecedent is true in both the parts of it : Therefore the consequent : The consequent of the proposition is necessarie : for an argument from the genus to the species , doth not hold affirmatiuely . Genus saith Fabius , (i) ad probandum speciem minimū valet , plurimum ad refellendum , the generall is of no force , to proue the speciall affirmatiuely , though it bee of great force to disproue it , if you argue from it negatiuely . As for example , it followeth no● , because it is a tree , that therefore it is a plane tree . It is not necessary , saith the Philosopher (k) that what is affirmed of the genus , should also be affirmed of the species . As touching the assumption : the former part , viz : that the Church had seniors , which were ministers , I tooke for granted , because either all those places of Scriptures and Fathers as I say , or at least some , as my aduersarie will confesse , where Presbyters be named , Ministers are vnderstood . The second part I proue out of (l) Ierem : 19.1 . where the Prophet is commanded to take with him some , not onely of the Seniors of the people , but also of the Seniors of the Priests , that is , men of authoritie as well of the Ecclesiasticall state as of ciuill . Which words , though the refuter vnderstand as I doe , as prouing , not that the Iewes had an Eccclesiasticall Senate , consisting partly of the Priests , and partly of the Elders of the people ( for of such a presbyterie , though there be much talke , yet there is no proofe ) but that in the Iewish state there were as well Seniors of the priests , as Seniors of the people : notwithstanding the seely Philosopher , would faine make the Reader belieue , that I confesse ( which most confidently I doe denie ) that in the Church of the Iewes , there was an Ecclesiasticall Eldership , consisting both of the priests and Seniors of the people : and therevpon would inferre , that this testimonie maketh mee : Because ( forsooth ) Ambrose acknowledgeth that there was such an Eldership in the Church , as had beene among the Iewes . But among the Iewes there was as hee saith , I confesse , an Ecclesiasticall Senate consisting of the Priests , and Elders of the people , therefore Ambrose acknowledgeth such a Presbyterie to haue bene in the Church , consisting of Ministers , and Lay-Elders . First for Ambrose : hee doth not speake of Eldership , either among Iewes or Christians ; but sheweth , that because both the Iewes and Christians had Seniors , this is an Argument , that age is honorable , seeing that ancient men were of authoritie , both among the Iewes , who had Seniors as well in the Ecclesiasticall as ciuil state , and also among Christians . Now , to inferre from hence , that either the Iewes or Christians had an Ecclesiasticall senate consisting in part of Lay-Elders , is a vaine collection . For if by Synagogue is meant the state of the Iewes ( they might haue ) as indeed they had ) a Senate consisting of Priests and Leuites , and chiefe of the people ; but that was not an Ecclesiasticall Senate , as hereafter shall be shewed , but their chiefe Counsell of state ▪ ●f by Synagogue , you vnderstād only the ecclesiasticall state of the Iews ; in that , ther were no other seniors , but of the Clergie of Israel . And as for my confession , I protest , that I meant nothing lesse , then that the Church of the Iewes had an Ecclesiasticall Senate consisting of the Seniors of the Priests and Elders of the people . For I know it to be an idle conceit , hauing no other warrant , but the probabile est , of a new writer , a chiefe party in this cause . But hereof more in my answer to his allegation , out of Matth : 18. Besides , can any man that doth not wilfully peruert my meaning , vnderstand me to speake of any , but the Seniors of the priests , saying , & of such Ambrose speaketh , when he saith , in the Church , or Church-causes , nothing was don without their consent . But it may be , that your former consequence may be confirmed , if the testimonie of Ambrose be better pressed vpon vs , to which purpose I say in the Sermon : If it be saide that Ambrose speaketh , &c. If it be said ? saith the refuter , he knoweth it well enough , that it is said , and shal be maintained , that Ambrose speaketh of such Seniors , whose aduise was neglected , through the default of the teachers , ( not learned or teachers , as M. D. setteth it downe ) and therefore of such Seniors as were not teachers . Cunningly therefore and to weaken the force of our argument , doth hee here so produce and alledge it , as if it were rather conceiued for our helpe by himselfe then propounded and expressed by vs. Let him therefore , for his honestie and credits sake , shew the Reader where this testimonie of Ambrose is thus vrged . In the mean time , the Reader shal vnderstand these 2. things First , that the disciplinarians , knowing that their proofes out of Scriptures and Fathers , will not necessarily conclude for them , if they should seeme to inforce them by discourse : Therefore they vse this poore pollicie , to holde them out , ( as it were Mineruaes shield , as if they were so pregnant , that they need not to be vrged , but the very naming of them were sufficient to put vs to silence . — They thinke it therfore , their best course , in all their writings almost to take it for graunted , that their discipline is the very discipline and kingdome of Christ , their presbyterie , the very ordinance of Christ : and when they should proue it , as they would seeme most sufficiently to doe , they holde out a few places of the Scriptures and Fathers , barely quoted , being so farre from vrging them , as that for the most part , they doe not so much as cite the words : ( thus in the booke of H. I. dedicated to the King. 1604. vrging a reformation after the newe-cut . Thus in the protestation that came out of the North , made in the yeare 1606. and printed Anno 1608. Thus in this worthy worke of the refuter , as after you shall heare , when he commeth to deale his blowes ) thinking belike that the very naming of such witnesses will sufficiently , if not daunt vs , yet satisfie their simple followers , who are too easily ledde with shewes . The other thing is , that I haue vrged this testimony for them , and ( to speake the trueth ) haue inforced it better , and made it stronger for them , then euer they made it , or haue yet the witte to conceiue . But to answere their argument , for now it is theirs , neither must my wordes be retained , learned , or teachers , &c : The Reader therfore is to remember what before was saide , that the word Doctorum , being ambiguous , signifying either learned , or teachers , this place of Ambrose doth accordingly admit two interpretations . The one , as it signifieth Learned , and is a common title to the Bishops and Presbyters : the other , as it signifieth Doctors or Teachers , and was a title in those times peculiar to the BB. as shal be proued . The former of these , which seemeth more to fauor the Lay-Elders , my aduersary doth reiect , & insisteth in the latter . But he doth not shew ( as me thinkes he should ) how this testimony then will conclude for Lay-Elders . It was sufficient for him , to contradict mee , though hee left his cause in w●rse case then he found it . For my part , I am so farre from this spirit of contradiction , that I doe agree with him in preferring the latter exposition , which by Doctorum , vnderstandeth Doctors , before the other . Let vs see then , how that sense being retained , this place doth conclude for Lay-Elders . All Seniors that were not called Doctors , in those times , were Lay-Elders . The Seniors , whose counsell was neglected by the Doctors , were such Seniors , as in those times were not called Doctors : Therefore the Seniors , whose counsell was neglected by the Doctors , were Lay-Elders . I denie the proposition : because in those times the title of Doctor or Teacher was peculiar to BB : we therefore may with more truth affirme that all Seniors or Presbyters that were not called Doctors in that time , were Ministers ; and thereupon conclude , that therefore the Seniors , whose Counsell was neglected by the Doctors , were Ministers . For the clearing of this matter , I will briefly shew these foure things . 1. That not Presbyters , but Bishops , were in those times called Doctors . 2. That the Presbyters , though they were not called Teachers , were notwithstanding Ministers . 3. That certaine ancient or principall Ministers called Seniores , in the primitiue Church , did so assist the Bishop , that nothing almost of importance was done without their counsell and aduise . 4. That their counsell and assistance was much neglected , and themselues much debased in Ambrose his time . For the first : After that Arrius , being a Presbyter , had poysoned the Church with his heresie ; the Presbyters or Ministers , were in many Churches restrained from preaching . So that the Bishops , who before were the principall , in Ambrose his time , they were almost the onely Teachers ; and for this cause the name of Doctors was appropriated vnto them . And this is so cleare a case , that the Bishops in those times were in a manner the onely Doctors ; that (a) therefore thought the Presbyters , which are mentioned in the Fathers , to haue beene no Ministers , because he perceiued they were no Teachers , and for this cause commendeth the decree of the Church of Alexandria , that the Presbyters should no more teach , and preferreth the Affrican Churches before others , for that the same order was obserued therein . As touching Alexandria , Socrates (b) reporteth that Presbyters doe not preach there , & Sozomen (c) that the Bishop alone of the citie doth preach . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Both of them assigning the heresie of Arrius to haue beene the originall occasion of that custome . Concerning the vse of the Affrican Churches saith T. C. vntill Augustines time , that one testimonie (d) is more then sufficient , whereby is affirmed that Valerius B. of Hippo did contrarie to the custome of the Affrican Church , in that he committed the office of teaching vnto Augustine who was an Elder of that Church , and that he was checked therefore of the Bishops , checked I say , notwithstanding that Valerius is there declared to haue done it for support of his infirmitie , because himselfe was not so apt to preach . To conclude , his conceit is , that not the Presbyters mentioned in the Fathers and by him translated Elders , but the Bishop onely had right to preach , the other but by indulgence or by commandement . In those times therefore the Bishops alone were called Doctores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the least : for further proofe whereof , if you expect some other testimonie either of Ambrose , or of others in that time , you may haue recourse to his booke of offices , and to the Councell of Carthage . Ambrose (e) therefore saith , that the Bishop must not be offended , if either a Presbyter or Deacon , or any other of the Clergie doe by mercy , fasting , integritie , learning or reading obtaine great estimation . Gratia enim ecclesiae laus Doctoris est , for the grace of the Church is the Doctors that is the Bishops praise . But if any doe not obey the Bishop and desiring to aduance himselfe , seeketh a● counterfeit affectation of learning , humilitie , or mercy , he is lifted vp with pride going astray from the truth . In the Councell of Carthage it was decreed , that the people which neuer had a Bishop of their owne , should not haue (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Doctor or Teacher of their owne , that is a Bishop : for so is the title of that chapter , that the parts of the Diocesse without the consent of the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should not receiue another Bishop . But hereupon we may not inferre with T. C. that therefore the Presbyteri mentioned in the Councells Fathers and histories of the Church , were no Ministers ; or that by the word of God they had nothing to doe with the word and Sacraments . Farre be it from vs so to thinke , for nothing is more euident , then that they were Ministers . The Fathers knew no Lay-Presbyters , nor Lay-Deacons no more then Lay-Bishops ; but reckoned these three , (g) for sacred or consecrated persons , calling them three degrees of the Clergie ; the Bishop , answering to the high Priest ; the Presbyters , to the Priests ; and the Deacons , to the Leuites . For proofe whereof , there are almost as many euidences in the Canons of the councells , as there be leaues . But that it may most clearely appeare , that the Presbyters were Ministers , I will proue it first by their name , Secōdly by their office , thirdly , by some lawes that peculiarly concerned them . For their name : as they are most vsually called Presbyters , so oftentimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sacerdotes and these names confounded with Presbyteri , that is , Priests . In the Councell of Carthage (h) continencie is committed to Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , as it becommeth holy Bishops , Priests and Leuits . Tertullian (i) reprouing the disorder of Hereticks saith , among them , hodie Presbyter qui cras laicus , nam & laicis Sacerdotalia munera iniungunt , he is to day a Presbyter who to morrow is a lay-man : for euen to lay-men doe they inioyne priestly functions . Cyprian (k) speaking of Numidiuns to be chosen a Presbyter saith he was reser●ed that God might adde him to our Clergy , and that he might adorne the decayed store of certaine Presbyters with glorious (l) Priests . And more plainely in another place he saith (m) that the Presbyters are ioyned with the Bishops in priestly honour . Dionysius termed the Areopagite , insteed of Bishop , Presbyter and Deacon , into which three he distinguisheth the Clergie , vseth (n) the names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Presbyters , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Deacons . Sozomen (o) also calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Priests , Isidorus , (p) those who in the old Testament were called Sacerdotes , are they who who are called Presbyteri . And then hee setteth downe their office . That to them is committed the dispensation of diuine mysteries , they rule the Church , and in the consecration of the body and blood of Christ are partners with the Bishops , as also in teaching the people and office of preaching . The Ancient Councell of Ancyra q) permitting the Presbyters ( who hauing once sacrificed , did after refuse ) to retaine their place ; notwithstanding suspendeth them from the exercise of their function in these respects , forbidding them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : to offer the communion , to preach , or to minister in any part diuine seruice . The learned Author of the vnfinished worke which goeth vnder the name of Chrysostome r) by the seruant which receiued fiue talents and gained other fiue , vnderstandeth a Presbyter sent of God , whome he calleth sometimes Teacher and sometimes Priest : and sheweth how by his fiue talents he gaineth other fiue : that is , by the knowledge of Christ as a talent committed to him , a godly life ; by the office of a Presbyter the careful gouernement of the Church : by the word , the sincere preaching of the word of truth : by baptisme , the begetting of worthy children to the Church : by the sacrifice ; the offering of an holy and immaculate sacrifice for the people , and making intercession for their sinnes . More particularly for the ministerie of the Sacraments , the Councell (s) of Laodic●a determined that those which returned from the heresie of the Cataphrygians , though of the Clergie among them , though supposed great men , must with all diligence be instructed and baptized either of the Bishops or Presbyters of the Church . Tertullian saith , (t) the chiefe Priest which is the Bishop hath right to giue baptisme , then Presbyters & Deacons , &c. In the Canons (u) called the Apostles & in diuerse Councells it is presupposed that to Presbyters it belongeth to administer the cōmunion In the Councell of Nice (x) the Deacons who are there said to haue no power to celebrate the Communion , are forbidden to deliuer it to the Presbyter who hath power , but must receiue it either at the Bishops or Presbyters hands . To omit other of the Fathers , (y) doth not Ierome (z) expressely testifie , that the Presbyters prayers , the body and blood of Christ are consecrated . For the Leiturgie or saying of diuine seruice , it is reckoned (a) among the functions both of Presbyters and Deacons , and such Presbyters or Deacons as without the consent of their Bishop doe remoue to other Churches and refuse to returne when they are called by their B. are (b) forbidden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to minister or serue any more . As for the ministery of the word ; though Presbyters were for a time by reason of Arrius his fall restrained from preaching , yet both before and after they were allowed to preach . Among their functions , as you heard , the Councell of Ancyra (c) reckoneth preaching . The 58. Canon (d) of the Apostles so called , requireth them to instruct not onely the laitie , but the Clergie also . Ignatius (e) requireth them to feede the flocke . Origen (f) testifieth , that all BB. and all Presbyters or Ministers erudiunt nos , do instruct vs , &c. Basil (g) saith , that to them and to Deacons , in committed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the preaching of the Gospel . Caluin (h) speaking of the primitiue Church , saith , it was the dutie in those times of the Bishop , as wel as of the Presbyters , to apply themselues to the ministerie of the word and Sacraments , Chrysost. (i) hauing affirmed that there is no great differēce betweene a Bishop and a Presbyter rendreth this reason , for they also haue receiued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authoritie to teach , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & gouernement of the Church , and what things the Apostle hath said concerning Bishops , doe agre● also to Presbyters . In them therefore it is required that they should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 able to preach as most plainly appeareth by comparing that place with Tit. 1.5 7.9 . Socrates (k) reporteth that in Caesarea of Cappadocia , and in Cyprus on the Saterdaies and Lords daies in the euening 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Presbyters and B B. expound the scriptures . § Sect. 5. As touching the custome of Alexandria , in restraining the Presbyters from preaching , he (l) saith , that it began after Arrius troubled the Church : and Sozomen (m) likewise , that it was not the custome before Arrius being a Presbyter by his preaching broached his new opinions . And this is most plainely testified by Epiphanius , (n) who saith that Arrius was a Presbyter in Alexandria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who was Rector of the Church called Baucalis , for all the Catholicke Churches , saith he in Alexandria are vnder one Archbishop , and to them seuerally are assigned Presbyters : whereof when he had named some , he saith in one of these was Colluthus , in another Carpones , in another Sarmatas , & Arrius in another . Now it is manifest , that euery one of these at their accustomed meetings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 teaching the people committed to their charge in their Sermons , made diuision in the people , whereof some inclined to Arrius , othersto Colluthus , some to Carpones , others to Sarmatas . And as they taught diuersly in their seuerall Churches , some one thing , some another : so the people called themselues , some Arrians , some Colluthians , &c. Neither was it the custome of the Churches of Affrica , as T.C. gathereth , that Presbyters should not preach at all ; but that they might not preach , nor administer the communion in the presence of the Bishop . And that was it which both Valerius granted to Augustine being a Presbyter (o) potestatem coram se in Ecclesia Euangelium predicandi power to preach the Gospell in the Church himselfe being present , contrarie to the vse and custome of the Affrican Churches , and also nonnulli Episcopi not all , but some Bishops found fault with . Whose reprehension Valerius regarded not , because he knew it was the custome in the East Churches ( as appeareth by Chrysostomes homilies at Antioch . ) And some other Bishops , ( euen Aurelius (p) himselfe the Bishop of Carthage , ) were so farre from finding fault with Valerius , that they followed his example . Insomuch that some other Presbyters hauing receiued the like power , began to preach the word to the people Coram Episcopis in the presence of the Bishops . But that so learned a man as T. C. should be so transported with preiudice as to thinke that Augustine was a Lay-presbyter I cannot sufficiently wonder , especially , considering that Valerius , when he had ordained him Presbyter , reioyced and gaue thankes (q) to God , who had heard his prayers in sending such a one , as might , verbo Dei & doctrina salubri Ecclesiam Dei aedeficare edifie the Church of God , with the word of God and wholesome doctrine . Ierome (r) such another Lay-Presbyter no doubt ) though hee grant that the Presbyters may not celebrate the Communion in the presence of the Bishop standing at the Altar ( for so his words are Nec ego dico presentibus Episcopis , &c : though in Gratian (s) it be corruptly written . Ecce ego dico ) yet he saith , (t) it was a very bad custome in some Churches that Presbyters might not preach in the presence of Bishops . And such was the custome of the Church of Rome as appeareth by Leo (u) who denieth it to be lawfull for Presbyters in the presence of the Bishop vnlesse he command them either to administer the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ or to teach the people , &c. The Councell of Vaux , (w) held not long after Ambrose his time , decreed for the edification of all Churches , and for the profite of the whole people , that not onely in cities , but also in parishes the Presbyters should haue power giuen them to preach . And if by any infirmitie the Presbyter were hindered , so that he could not preach by himselfe , that then the Deacon should read some homily of the Fathers . To conclude , it seemeth strange to me , that they , who out of the (x) Fathers would proue the Presbyters to be equall to the BB. in power of order , as indeed they are , excepting the power of ordination , ( for as Ierome (y) saith , excepting ordination , what doth a Bishop that a Presbyter may not doe , ) equall I say in the ministerie of the word and Sacraments , should denie they were Ministers ; or that to preach or to administer the Sacraments did not belong to them by reason of their office . Ambrose (z) saith of a Presbyter and Bishop there is one order , vterque enim sacerdos est , for either of them is a Priest. There remaine the lawes and discipline peculiar to Presbyters as being of the sacred ministerie : As for example , that Presbyters and Deacons should not be chosen ex plebe out of the people or laitie but (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the sacred order or Clergie . That as in the Counsell of Nice it was attempted , (b) so in some others concluded , (c) that Presbyters and Deacons should lead a single life ; that he which had married a widow , or was the husband of a second wife , might not be a Presbyter . That they might not take vpon them worldly busines , not so much as (d) Gardianship ; that they might not (e) remoue from citie to citie , or from one Church to another , without the leaue of the Bishop ; that they might not goe into a Tauerne , and such like . It is therefore most euident , that howsoeuer the Bishops were called the Doctors , yet the Presbyteri also were Ministers . Neither can any one instance be giuen of a Presbyter either in , or before or after Ambrose his time , who was not a Minister . For howsoeuer T. C. affirmeth , that this Eldership of theirs continued in the Church diuerse hundred yeares after Ambrose his time ( which doth not well agree with his exposition or reading of Ambrose ) yet being chalenged by D. Whitgift (f) to shew any one testimonie , and auouching that he could not produce any one , he (g) answereth thus : The next I leaue to the Readers iudgement . For the third : there was great necessitie that the Bishops in the primitiue Church , when they had neither the assistāce of the Magistrate , nor direction of Ecclesiasticall lawes , should vse the Councell and assistance of wise and learned men . For which cause , Cyprian , (h) to auoid both ouersights in himselfe and offence in others , resolued to doe nothing of moment without the common councell , and aduise of his Clergie , and for the same cause was Chrysostome (i) accused 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that without the Presbytery and without the consent of his Clergie he made ordinations . And that Presbyters were wont to heare causes , and to assist the B. it appeareth by the testimonies , first of Ignatius (k) who calleth the Presbytery the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or consistorie of God , a band of Apostles , and the Presbyters the Councellers , and Coassessors of the Bishops . 2. of Tertullian , (l) president probati quique seniores the approued Seniors be praesident . (k) Thirdly of Clement (m) in his epistle to Iames , translated by Rufinus , & cited by Gratian , if any of the brethren haue Saints let them not be judged by secular Iudges , sed apud Presbyteros Ecclesiae quicquid illud est dirimatur , (n) but before the Presbyters of the church let the cause be decided , & to their determination let the parties stand . Fourthly of Ierome , Presbyters , saith hee ( meaning ministers whom he also calleth Preists , and attributeth to them the ministery of the worde and Sacraments ) from the beginning were appointed Iudges of causes , &c. And to the same purpose the Authors of the centuries (o) testifie , that the Presbyters besides that they taught the people , did also compound suites and controuersies . Now that their aduise was much neglected , and themselues but too much dejected by the Byshops in Ambrose his time , appeareth not onely by his , but also by Ieromes (p) complaint . Likewise , by diuers Canons in the fourth councell of Carthage , (q) held about the yeare 401 wherein it was decreed , (r) that the Bishop without the assemblie of his clergie , should not ordaine clerkes : & that in the (s) ordination of a presbyter , the Presbyters also , which be present , should with the Bishop impose their hands : that the B : (t) should not determine any mans cause , but in the presence of his Clergy : that he (u) might not alienate or sell the goods or possessions of the Church , without the consent of his clergie : that the Bishop (w) though in the Church , and in the assembly of the presbyters , ought to sit in an higher place , yet priuatly he should vse the presbyters as his Colleagues , and sitting himselfe , should not suffer a presbyter to stand : that (x) the Deacons should acknowledge themselues to be Ministers to the presbyters , as well as to the Bishops ; & that if the presbyters badde them , they might sit in their presence , which otherwise they might not (y) doe . All these things considered , together with that which before hath bene alledged , to proue that there were neuer any Lay-Elders , doe necessarily euince , that there is no reason to imagine , if Doctorum signifie Doctors or Teachers , Lay-Elders to be meant by Seniors in this place . And so much of the exposition of this place , according to the former sense of the word Doctorum , signifying Doctors : which , with my aduersaries consent , I doe much preferre before the other , and therefore can be very well content to giue in the latter . Notwithstanding , because some perhaps will vnderstand the word Doctorum , as being a common title both to Bishops and Presbyters , signifying learned , and will therefore imagine that the Elders whose counsell was neglected by them , were Idiotae or Lay-men : for their sakes therefore , I will briefly shew , that though this interpretation be admitted , yet there is no necessitie that Seniors should signifie Lay-Elders : for Doctorum , being according to this interpretation , a common title both to Bishops and Presbyters , Ambrose his meaning may be conceiued to be this , that the assistance and councell of ancient Ministers , meant by Seniors , who were wont to assist the Bishop , was growne out of vse , either by their owne negligēce , or the Bishops pride . Whereunto , after much froath of idle words , he replyeth , First , that the Councell of Ministers was not growne out of vse in Ambrose his time : and this he indeuoureth to proue by fiue testimonies , First of Ierome (a) saying that the Churches at the first were gouerned communi presbyterorum consilio , by the common Councell of Presbyters : Which testimonie maketh against him : for Ierome speaketh of such Presbyters as Paul speaketh of , who were Ministers , and are there called Bishops . If therefore the Church was at the first gouerned by common councell of Ministers , and if Ambrose complaine that their councell in his time was neglected , which at the first had beene vsed , and whereby the Church had beene gouerned : who seeth not , that it was the neglect of the Ministers aduise wherof Ambrose complaineth : 2. yea but Ierome (b) saith , we also in the Church haue senatum nostrum ●●tum Presbyterorum , our senate a company of Presbyters : which testimonie is wont to be alleaged , to proue that in Ieromes time there was a Presbyterie of Lay-Elders . But here my aduersarie presupposing that Lay-Elders were growne out of vse , in Ambrose his time , ( whom T : C : supposeth to haue continued diuers hundred yeares after Ambrose bringeth it to proue , that in Ieromes time , who was almost as ancient as Ambrose , there was a Senate of Ministers , which no man doubteth of . For else-where he saith (c) the Church hath a Senate , a companie of Presbyters , without whose Counsell , the Monkes may doe nothing . And not only in Ieromes time the Church had , but in all Ages since , euen to this day , it hath such a Senate , which in latter times hath called Capitulum , the chapter . Howbeit , both in Ambrose his time , and since , the aduise , and assistance thereof , notwithstanding the Decree of the fourth counsell of Carthage , hath beene , though in some things euē to this day vsed , yet in the most things , and for the most part neglected . His third testimony , ( which hee saith is plaine enough ) of the saide Ierome , (d) cited in the canon Law , is also plaine against him . For hauing saide as euen now I alledged him , that the presbyters from the beginning had bene appointed to heare and iudge causes , as the Bishops assistants , hee prooueth it , because they also in the scriptures are called Bishops , howsoeuer now the Bishops enuied them that dignitie , &c. (e) His 4. testimonie is , the 23. canon of the councell of Carthage ( which euen now I cited ) which maketh against him , rather then for him . For seeing good lawes arise from bad manners , it is to bee imagined , that according to the complaint of Ambrose and Ierome , who were somewhat before this councell , the presence of the Clergie , and (f) assistance of the presbyters was neglected : and that this neglect gaue occasion to the making of that canon . His. 5. testimonie is of D. Bilson , ( though hee name also another learned mā , only to abuse him . ) Howbeit (g) D. Bilson vnderstandeth Ambrose , as cōplaining of the Bishops of his time , who whiles they would seeme to rule alone , had excluded , or neglected the aid & coūsell of their bretheren of the Clergie , who were wont to aduise and assist them , as well in Doctrine as in Discipline . And whereas in the second place he replieth , that slothfulnesse and pride must needs be referred to the same persons , and not slothfulnes to presbyters , and pride to BB : I answeare , that if Doctorum be a common title to both ( as it is , if it signifie learned ) and if the slothfulnes of the presbyters , rather then of the BB. be as like almost to be the cause why their assistance grew out of vse , as the pride of the BB : then is there no necessitie that slothfulnesse and pride should both be attributed to the Bishops : but rather it is very likely , that slouthfulnes is imputed to presbyters , and pride to the Bishops . But both the parts of the Antecedent is true , therefore the consequent . But let vs heare his Reasons . The first , If Ambrose had meant to ascribe slouthfulnes , to the Seniors , hee would haue saide , that their assistance grew out of vse , either by their owne slothfulnes , or rather by the pryde of the BB. The second : he would haue said not Doctorum , but Ipforum desidiâm , which reason is the latine of the first , and the first the english of this : Such iudgment heere is shewed in distinguishing of arguments . But who knoweth not , that the same sentence may very manie wayes bee varied , in respect of the words , the same sence remaining ? so that this exception might be made against any exposition almost . If I should say : As in Christs Colledge , so in some others , Elections were wont to bee caryed by the voyces of the iuniors , as well as the Seniors , which thing is now grown out of vse , by what meanes I know not , vnlesse perhaps , by the remissenes of the fellowes , or rather arrogancie whiles they would rule alone , I might not vnfitly so speake , ascribing remissnes to the iunior fellowes , and arrogancie to the Seniors . His third and fourth reasons are impertinent , vnderstanding the word Doctorum of Doctors , a title in those times , peculiar to Bishops , & not of learned , which is common to both . For though the speciall title of Doctors according to the former interpretation , which is ● better , be opposed to of the Seniors or presbyters , who were not called Doctors ; yet to a common title , neither of the specials , to which it is common , are to be opposed , but both to be subiected . The 5. that Ambrose chargeth both slothfulnes and pride vpon the same persons , called Doctors , &c. But this should haue bene prooued and not begged : especially , seeing I disprooue it in the reason following . For that which he pratteleth of amplifying the fault , by rising from the lesse to the greater , hath not so much as a shew of a good reason , to dsproue my exposition ; seeing of the 2. causes , Ambrose seemeth to make the slothfulnesse of the learned , that is , the Presbyters , not so principall as the pride of the learned , that is to say , the BB. vnles perhaps saith he , by the slothfulnes of the presbyters , or rather pride of the BB. Lastly , saith he , If we make diuers sorts of teachers ( he should haue said learned ) Ambrose his speech were defectiue , and somewhat must be added , as either by the slothfulnes of the teachers , or rather pride of the Bishops , or some of them . I answere , if the word Learned be vsed , being a title common , both to the Seniors and the Doctors , there needs no addition to make the sentence perfect ; but a distinct application of the common title to the speciall sorts , according to their seuerall faultes , by which they are to be distinguished ; Slothfulnesse beeing the fault of the one , and pride of the other , as before you heard , in the example of fellowes . But why should I spend time in answering such slieght Objections ? the which notwithstanding , seeme of such weight with him , that hee wondereth , that all these worthie reasons considered , I would vnderstand Doctorum , signifying learned , as a common title , both to the Bishops and Seniors , and that saith hee , as if hee were another Pythagoras , vpon his bareword , I say his bare word ; for as yet he hath not vouchsafed vs one piece of a Reason . This is one of the refuters poore shifts , to make himselfe wrangling worke : To take an Assertion of mine , and hauing seuered it from the Reasons wherewith it was guarded , to cauill with mee , as if without alledging a Reason , I would ( like an other Pythagoras ) bee belieued vppon my bare word . Whereas in truth , both heere and in other places , where I am the Answerer , I render more reasons then were needfull , were it not , that I sought to satisfie , in hope that men will at the length be satisfied with reason . As for example , this place of Ambrose is objected , as giuing testimonie to Lay-Elders . I answere there is no necessitie , this place should so bee vnderstood . Here might I haue rested , and put the opponents to inforce this testimonie , which by them is barely propounded . But being desirous to giue satisfaction , I vrge it for them thus : Ambrose saith , there were Seniors in the primitiue Church , whose councell was now neglected , therefore he giueth testimonie to Lay-Elders . I denie the consequence , giuing a reason , because those Seniors were of the Clergie and not of the Laitie . Against this answere I make them replie thus ; The Seniors aduise was neglected by the learned : Therfore themselues were such as were not learned , or of the Clergie . To this I answere , that if the word Doctorum signifie learned , Notwithstanding this place may be vnderstood of the Seniors of the clergie onely : If wee conceiue Doctorū signifying learned , as a common title , both to the BB : & Seniors , and of this answeare I giue a reason by explaning this testimony of Ambrose . And whereas I did foresee that it would be objected that Doctorum was to be vnderstood either of pastors of parishes alone , according to the conceite of the new Disciplinarians , or of BB. a lone according to the rest : I therfore sought to preuent this obiection in those words , for if you expound Doctorum for pastors , &c. Wherein a sufficient reason is concluded , holding strongly against the parish B. & his Elders . And not contented with all this , in desire to giue satisfaction , I rendred the true causes besides arrogancy of BB. which I knewe was presupposed , why the assistance of the ancient ministers , called Seniors , was growne out of vse : and yet forsooth , like another Pythagoras ▪ I looke that my bare word should be credited without reason . Yea , but saith hee , that which is added in steed of a Reason , hath no more reason in it , but his owne blindnes , saying , that I cannot see how , &c. But is it not strange , that hee , who is so sharpe sighted to finde out Syllogismes where none were intended , could see no reason heere ? Or shall we not thinke , that he chose rather like a shifting sophister , to take aduātage of that modest phrase , thē to encoūter with the reason it selfe , which may thus be cōcluded . That which is a matter of great labour and paines , to the vndertaker , and ease to the relinquisher , is not to be ascribed to slothfulnes in him that taketh it vpon him , but rather in them who are eased . But the taking of the whole burden , and cumbersome imployment of hearing suites , and managing all causes Ecclesiasticall , vpon the BB : is a matter of great labour and paines to them , and ease to the Seniors . Therefore the Bishops , vnderaking the whole burden , and cumbersome imployment of hearing suites , and managing all causes Ecclesiasticall , is not to be ascribed to slothfulnes in them , but rather to the Seniors . One of these premisses should haue bene denyed , and the denyall made good , if hee had bene able : but in steed hereof he encountereth with the conclusion , labouring , as we say , clauum , clauo pellere , and vndertaking to make me see , ( if I will not shut mine eyes , ) the contradictory of that conclusion to be true , which notwithstanding cannot be false the premisses being true . And first , he denyeth that Ambrose spake by guesse , as I say , but certaienly and vpon knowledge ; when Ambrose his expresse words bee these , Quod qua negligentia obsoleuerit nescio , nisi forte , &c : which by what negligence it is growne out of vse I know not , vnlesse perhaps by the slouthfulnes , &c. 2. He saith , it might be a matter of slothfulnes , in the BB : to suffer the seniors to neglect their duties . But not to their own so great trouble , will M , D. say , we might belieue him , if wee saw not pride driue men to vndertake , more then they either need to be charged with , or are able to weeld . Then is it not their slothfulnes belike , that caused them to take the whole burden vpon themselues , but their pride , which made them winke at the seniors slothfulnes , as giuing way to their owne ambition . Thirdly , he saith , the Bishops might prouide for their owne ease , by putting off the burthen to their Chancellors , Commissaries , Officialls , &c : & therefore it might be imputed to them as a matter of sloth or idlenesse , & pride to : and so the word Doctorum , rightly expounded , for Pastors of Parishes alone , and not to Diocesan Bishops . As thogh their Parish-Bishops were more likely to haue had Chauncellours , &c : then Diocesan BB : But I answere , 1. the question is not what they might haue done , but what they did . Now it is euident , that in Ambrose his time , and a good while after , till the Presbyteries were in a manner whollie neglected , the Bishops had not ordinary vicars , or chancellors , or ordinary Commissaries , which were not of the Clergie ; But what they did without the aduise of their Seniors , they performed ordinarily in their owne persons , or else extraordinarily delegated the same to some of speciall trust . In some cases , it is euident , that both then , and long after , they vsed the assistance of their Presbyterie , as in the iudgement of Heresie , or for deposing of a clergie man , &c. Siricius the B. of Rome , in an Epistle (a) to Ambrose , denouncing Iouinian , Auxentius , &c. for heretickes , sheweth , that for their triall , his whole presbyterie had beene assembled ; and saith , that by the common consent of his whole clergie , they were condemned for heretickes . The 4. councell of Carthage , (b) as you heard , ordained that the Bishop should heare mens causes in the presence of his clergie . The 2. councel of Towers decreed (c) that a Bishop might not depose an Archpresbyter , without the counsell of all his compresbyters : But whom negligence casteth out , let him with the counsell of the presbyters be remoued . The councell of Carthage (d) appointed , that in the cause of a Presbyter , sixe , and of a Deacon , three Bishops should be joyned with their own Bishop , because as the coūcell of Ciuill (e) determined , one Bishop may to Priests , and ministers , that is , Presbyters & Deacons . giue their honour , but one alone may not take it from them : but in the cause of inferiour Clergie men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishop alone of the place shall heare and determine it , viz. in the presence of his Clergie , according to the aforesaid (f) Canon of the fourth Councell of Carthage . But as in some cases they vsed the counsell of the Presbyteri ; so in others they did for the most part vndergoe the whole burthen themselues . For the proofe whereof , the examples of Ambrose and Augustine may suffice . For Ambrose was so occupied in hearing and determining mens causes , that he had so little time left him for his corporall repast , or spirituall studies ; that Augustine (g) could neuer finde him at leisure to breake his minde vnto him . And Augustine (h) was so encombred with hearing of causes , that scarcely he could haue the forenoone for his studies , the afternoone being wholly taken vp with other mens busines : neither could he , when the Councels of Numidia and Carthage had imposed a taske vpon him , and when his people had promised to forbeare him for fiue dayes , obtaine so much breathing time from their affaires . But when hee was olde , and was desirous to spend the rest of his time in writing , and in the studie of the scriptures , he nominated Eradius to be his successor ; in most earnest manner requiring , and charging the people , that they would suffer him to put off the burden of those imployments to him . Possidonius (i) giueth him this testimonie , that he heard mens causes diligently , sometimes to the hower of repast , sometimes fasting the whole day : but alwaies himselfe had the cognisance of them , and determined them . The Emperour Iustinian (k) prouided by law , that in Ecclesiasticall causes ciuill iudges should haue nothing to doe : sed sanctissimus Episcopus secundum sacras regulas causae finem imponat , but let the holy Bishop according to the Sacred Canons determine the cause . As for ordinarie Vicars , Chancellors or Commissaries which were Lay-men , in those times the Bishops had none : for not so much as the steward of the Church might be a Lay-man : whereupon Gregorie (l) writing to Ianuarius a Bishop , chargeth him to take heed , that Ecclesiasticall matters be not committed to secular men , but to some approued of the Clergie . And the second Councell of Ciuil , penned as it seemeth by Isidor who was president thereof , pronounceth (m) it an vnseemely thing Laicum esse vicarium Episcopi , & seculares in ecclesia iudicare , that a Lay-mā should be the Bishops Vicar , & that secular men should iudge in the Church : for in one and the same officer there must not be different profession . Which hauing confirmed out of Deuteronomie , it inferreth : wherefore it behoueth vs to obey Gods booke and the preceps of the holy Fathers , ordaining that they who shal be associated to Bishops in Church-gouernement , may not differ neither in profession nor habit . Notwithstanding that they extraordinarily committed to others or delegated causes to be heard appeareth by the aforesaid example of Augustine . But more clearely by the practise of Siluanus a godly Bishop of Troas , not long after Ambrose his time : who (n) perceiuing that they of the Clergie made gaine of the contentions of them who came to be iudged , he would not at any time appoint a iudge of the Clergie , but himselfe receiuing the petitions of Suiters would make choise of some faithful man or other of the laitie , whom he knew to be a louer of iustice , and to him he would commit the hearing of the cause : and for this cause Socrates saith he was greatly renowmed . Out of which examples we may note that causes were wont to be brought to the Bishop , that he heard them himselfe if he had leisure : otherwise , that he committed the hearing of the cause to some of his Clergie : but yet so , as if he saw cause , he might make choise of some other , whom he durst better trust . Secondly , I answere , that the reason which I vsed , concludeth most strongly , against the refuters exposition , who by Doctorum will needs vnderstand parish Bishops . Who if they should take the whole burden vpon them of Church-gouernement , and deciding causes Ecclesiasticall , without the aide or assistance of the Elders , could not therefore be accused of idlenes : for I hope the refuter will not say , that they also had Chancellers or Comissaries vnder them to whom they might put off those cumbersome imployments . It remaineth now , that I should proceed to the causes , which I rendred why the Councell of the Seniors in Ambrose his time was so much neglected by Bishops . But that my aduersary , after his accustomed maner , will needs take occasion to shew his owne ignorance , by taking vp a speech which as he saith , I let drop by the way , concerning Deanes and Chapters of our Cathedrall Churches , as being a resemblance or remainder of the Presbyteries which were in the Primitiue Church . For such is his reading , that he doubteth not to deny , that in Ambrose his times there were any Cathedrall Churches , or that our Deanes and Chapters are so much as resemblances of the Presbyteries of those times . For Cathedrall Churches , you are to vnderstand , that although in euery Diocesse there were many parish churches , both in country and citie , yet there was one chiefe church in the citie , which was the Bishops Cathedra or seat , wherein the Bishop most vsually performed the duties of the Episcopall and pastorall function , whereunto a peculiar Clergie belonged , consisting of Presbyters , Deacons , and other inferiour orders , and whereto Episcopium the Bishops house was neare adioyning . This church in those times was called sometimes Cathedra sc. Episcopi , as Concil . Carthag . (o) where it was decreed that no Bishop , relicta cathedra , leauing his Cathedrall Church , should remoue his seate or See , to any church in his Diocesse , the Greeke (p) hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And likewise BB : are forbidden (q) to neglect any of those places which belōg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Matrix , & Matrix Cathedra (r) as Conc. Carth. 3. c. 46. Episcopus qui matricom tenet . Conc. Carth. graec . c. 24 siue Affric . c. 90. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If in the mother Churches , that is to say the Cathedrall the Bishop shal be negligent , &c : sometimes (s) Ciuitatensis ecclesia , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in the Councell of Neocaessaria . Such a Church was that in Millaine , whereunto Ambrose his house adioyned : for that (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that house of salutation where Ambrose sate , when Theodosius came to him to be absolued , was not , as T. C. imagined , Ambrose his owne house before he was Bishop : for it was intra septa Ecclesiae within the bounds of the Church , & Paulinus (u) testifieth , that Ambrose gaue away all when he was made Bishop , and left himselfe nothing which here he might call his owne . In that Church Ambrose vsually preached , to that Church the Emperour himselfe resorted , In the chancell whereof , when Theodosius the Emperour would haue remained to receiue the communion , Ambrose (x) sent him word by his Archdeacon , that that place was peculiar to the clergie , which belonged to this Church , consisting of the Arch-Presbyter and the other Presbyters , of the Archdeacon and other Deacons , and other inferior orders of the Clergie . For albeit the name Decanus was not perhaps as yet in vse , yet the office was , and the Deane signified by other names . For sometimes he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chiefe or ruler of the Presbyters , euen as Ambrose his Archdeacon , in the place euen now cited , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such a one was Chrysostome , (y) in Antioch a long time . (z) Eulogius at Edessa : sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Peter (a) was the Protopresbyter in the Church at Alexandria . And Arsacius , (b) who succeeded Chrysostome in the Bishopricke of Constantinople , the Protopresbyter there . In latine most vsually Archipresbyter ; as (c) histor . tripat . lib. 10. c. 10. and in the fourth Councell of Carthage : (d) where it was decreed that the Bishop should take care of widowes , Orphans & strangers , not by himselfe but by his Archpresbyter , or by his Archdeacon . Ierome (e) shewing that in each societie there is some one ruler , saith , singuli Ecclesiarum Episcopi , singuli Archipresbyteri , singuli Archdiaconi the Churches haue each of them one Bishop , one Archpresbyter , on Archdeacon . In processe of time they were called decani . Archipresbyteri (f) a pluribus decani nuncupantur , Archpresbyters of the most are called Deanes . Neither were there onely Archpresbyters and Deanes of Cathedrall Churches which were called (g) Archipresbyteri vrbani , & ciuitatenses , of whom all these former testimonies are to be vnderstood ; but also rurall Deanes , called sometimes Archipresbyteri decani , as in the Councell (h) of Towers , and sometimes decani firsti . Archipresbyteri parochiarum in the Councell of (i) Agatha . The chapter was wont to be called Presbyterium . Placuit Presbyterium contrahi we thought good the Presbyterie should be gathered together saith Cornelius (k) to Cyprian . And Syricius (l) the Bishop of R●me in an Epistle to Ambrose , facto Presbyterio , the Presbyterie being assembled , somtimes (m) se●atus , caetus Presbyterorum , the senate , or assembly of Presbyters . The Presbyters or Seniors themselues were called sometimes (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , (o) ciuitatenses Presbyteri the Presbyters of the citie , seniores (p) by Tertullian and Ambrose , (q) in the place alleaged . The ancient Councell of Ancyra hauing pronounced it vnlawfull for the Chorepiscopi or countrey Bishops to ordaine Presbyters or Deacons , addeth (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neither yet is it lawfull for the Presbyters of the citie : whereby it may in part appeare , what was the estimation of the Presbyters of the citie in comparison of the countrie Bishops . But as the Archipresbyteri in latter times were called decani , so these Presbyters of the citie were in processe of time called Canonici & prebendarij and the company of them which had beene called Presbyterium , was termed capitulum in english Chapter . Caluin (s) saith Presbyteri vrbani versi sunt in canonicos the Presbyters of the citie are turned into Canons or prebendaries . And it is to be noted saith Duarenus , that in euery citie there was a certaine College (t) of these Presbyters which the Bishop gouerned , such as is at this day canonicorum collegium the college of Canons who seeme to haue succeeded into their place : and this companie of Presbyters Ierome calleth the senate of the church . By all which it is more then euident , that as in the ancient times they had Cathedrall churches as well as we , and those endowed with great reuenewes , as it is easie to proue : so the Deanes and chapters of our Cathedrall Churches are the remainder of their Presbyteries , our Deanes being those who were called Archpresbyters , our Prebendaries , those which were called Presbyteri vrbani , our chapters those which they called Presbyteries . Neither doth that hinder which our refuter obiecteth , that our BB : haue not the like assistance of the Deane and chapter that the ancient BB : had of their Presbyteries . For Ambrose complaineth , that euen in his time their counsell was neglected . And yet in these times , as the Bishop may vse their aduise if he please , so in some cases their assistance is necessarily required , the acts of the Bishop being void without their consent . Besides sede vacante , in the vacancy of the See , the custodie of the Bishopricke & Episcopall rights , as also the election of the new Bishop , is after a sort referred to them . And as in times past , so now , the placing and displacing of the Presbyters of the citie , whom we call Prebendaries , appertaineth to the BB : a few Churches onely among vs excepted . And to conclude , as Deanes and Chapters with vs are in a maner peculiar to Cathedrall Churches , the seats of Bishops ( some collegiate Churches excepted : ) so were the Presbyteries in the primitiue Church . Insomuch that our new sect of disciplinarians might as well say , there was in old time , & now should be , a Deane & chapter , as a Presbyterie in euery parish . If therefore they will sue for reformation according to the precedent of the primitiue Churches , let them seeke and sue , that the Bishops may vse the counsell and assistance of the Presbyterie of the citie , which we call the Deane and Chapter , and they may hope to preuaile , if none of the reasons why their assistance is forborne be sufficient , which now come to be examined . Serm. Sect. 8. pag. 16. But howsoeuer Ambrose knew not what to say of this matter , otherwise then by coniecture , &c : to the end of the first point , pag. 17. These reasons I added by way of surplusage or aduantage , to giue satisfaction if it might be . But nothing will satisfie them , who set themselues to cauill : for whereas I said , I doubt not but the true causes &c : the refuter depraueth my speech , as if the word I , had beene vttered with an immodest Emphasis : when as I meant no more by that speech , then when we say , proculdubio , or dubium non est : which kind of speech my aduersarie ( me thinkes ) should not so greatly mislike , sithens their Lay-Elders , which haue beene vrged with such heat , haue no better warrant then dubium non est , satis opinor , constat , probabile est , as you shall heare , when we come to their proofes . They may say confidently , there were Lay-Elders in the time of the Apostles , yea from the time of Moses vntill Christ , and that after the example of the Iewes ( who indeed neuer had such Presbyteries ) they are to be erected in euery parish : and yet haue no better warrant for these things , then their owne coniectures . They may take vpon them to auow without reason , that to haue beene done in the Apostles times , whereunto neither scripture nor Father giueth testimonie : and in me it is great immodestie to affirme that , which but one of the Fathers seemed to doubt of , though I alleage sufficient reason of my affirmation . For in the first three hundred yeares after Christ , when Christians neither had frequent Synodes to determine doubts , nor Synodall constitutions to direct the Bishops , nor the authoritie of the Christian Magistrate to rectifie what was amisse in the gouernement of the Church , there was great necessitie that the Bishop should vse the aduise and counsell of other wise and learned men : otherwise , his will would haue seemed to stand for a law , and his gouernement would haue beene subiect to ouersight in himselfe , to remedilesse wrong towards the clergie and people , and to the obloquy and scandall of all . But when as prouinciall Synodes were frequently * assembled to determine doubts , to right the causes of them that were wronged , to prescribe so many Ca●ons and constitutions , as to the BB : assembling in Councell seemed sufficient for their direction , whē the authoritie of the christian Magistrate was helpefull to the Church ; then we may easily conceiue , that as the Councell and assistance of the Presbyterie was not so needfull , so both to the Presbyters desiring their ease and Scholasticall quietnesse , and also to the Bishops desiring to rule alone , it would seeme needlesse : which reason I am well content it shall be put into the equall balance of the Readers iudgement , against the cauills of the refuter , wherewith he hath blotted more then a whole leafe . It happened to the Presbyteries as after it did to the prouinciall Synodes . For when by experience it was foūd to be very troublesome & chargeable to the BB : hurtfull to their churches , tedious to suiters by reason of multitude of causes referred to Synodal audience , that al the BB : in euery coūtry should twice euery yeare for a long time be absent from their churches , to be present at Synodes ; it was decreed , both by the Emperours and BB , that those causes wherewith prouinciall Synodes had vsually bene troubled , should be referred to the audience and decisiō of the Archbishop or Metropolitan . Euen so , when it was found troublesome and tedious to the Presbyters , and hurtfull to the Church , that their time which might better be spent in studie of Diuinitie , to furnish them for the publike Ministery , should be taken vp in hearing brabbles and quarrels , and also their assistance seemed not needfull to the Bishops for the causes aforesaid ; it is not to be maruelled , that their assistance grew out of vse . For whereas the refuter obiecteth , and is the onely thing worth the mentioning which he obiecteth , that the Presbyteries continued in Ambroses time , and long after : I answere , that they continue to this day . But as their assistance now in matters of gouernement is not much vsed , so before Ambrose his time it began to be neglected . And thus much concerning the testimonie of Ambrose : which hauing cleared as well as that , 1. Tim. 5.17 . being the onely places of moment , which vse to be produced in this cause , I might safely conclude from all the premisses , that therfore there were no Lay-Elders in the primitiue Church : From whence , besides the maine conclusion , that therefore the primitiue Church was gouerned by Diocesan Bishops , the two particular assertions concluding against our new sect of disciplinarians will necessarily follow . The first , that therefore there were no parishionall Presbyteries : the second that therefore parish Bishops or pastors were subiect to the Diocesan Bishops . Against the former , he obiecteth a speech of D. Bilson affirming that euery Church in the Apostles times had many Prophets Pastors and Teachers , which , as the refuter saith , might make a Presbyterie . But the Churches D. Bilson speaketh of , were not in seuerall parishes , but as he saith in populous cities , such as that of Ephesus Act. 20 : and those prouided , not for any one parish , but for the whole citie and countrey adioyning , that is to say , the Diocesse . For when my aduersarie shall produce any one pregnant testimonie that in such congregations , as we call parishes , there was a Presbyterie of Ministers , I will also grant , that there were no other but parish Bishops . In the meane time let the Reader hold this for a certaine and vndeniable truth , that there were no Presbyteries of Ministers , but onely in cities and Cathedrall Churches , but hereof I shall haue occasion to speake in the second booke . As touching the second conclusion , it followeth thus : the parish pastor had either a Presbyterie to assist him , or he was subiect to superiors , as namely the Diocesan and prouinciall Bishops , to ouerrule him , or else he ruled like a Pope ; for a fourth thing cannot be named , before there were Christian Magistrates . But it is absurd to imagine , that in the primitiue Church they had an absolute popeling , who neither had assistants nor superiors , for that were to ascribe not onely supreme , but also sole power to them : and it is as false , that in seuerall parishes there was a Presbyterie to assist him , therefore it remaineth that the parish Bishops were subiect to the authoritie of the Diocesan and prouinciall Bishops . To the proposition he answereth two w●ies , first by retortion : that what I say of the parish Bishop his ruling as a Pope , may with more probabilitie be spoken of a Diocesan Bishop , which I haue answered before . For this is the second place where he laboureth out of my word● to proue our Diocesan Bishops to be popes , vsing this insultation in the margent . Sic tu beas ami●os ? But though their parish Bishops , whom they make the supreme Ecclesiasticall officers , would be absolute popelings , if presbyteries were not adioyned to them , because they should haue not onely Supreame , but also sole authoritie : yet it followeth not , that our Bishops , to whom neither supreme , nor sole authoritie belongeth , should he esteemed such . Secondly he denieth the disfunction , alleaging that a fourth thing might be added concerning the chiefe authoritie of the people : Which , if it be added in the proposition , is with the rest to be denied in the assumption . For this brownisticall or rather Anabaptisticall conceit ( for some of the Brownists disclaime it ) that the Bishops in the primitiue Church were subiected to the people , as if the state of the Church had beene Democraticall or popular , is a dotage that was neuer dreamed of till of late , and therefore as it is most confidently to be denied , so it needed not to be inserted in the proposition . CHAP. IX . Answering the testimonies which by the refuter are alleaged to proue Lay-Elders . BVt now had I need to call for armour of defence . For hitherto saith the refuter we haue warded the blowes that M. D. gaue to beat downe the Lay-presbyterie , now let vs shew , that we also can strike , if need be . The Reader , that hath found the refuter so strict in exacting Syllogismes of me , euen when I performe the part of an answerer , cannot but expect most formall and accurate Syllogismes at his hands . But he shall finde that to be true , which I foretold him not long since : that this great Champion , not daring to vrge his testimonies , or to reduce his proofes into Syllogismes ; according to the poore pollicie of them all , holdeth out certaine testimonies , as it were Pallas shield , thinking with the bare quotation of them , though he cite them not , to put vs to silence . And to this purpose , like a notorious Mountebanke , setting himselfe to delude the simple , he commendeth his witnesses , euen Christ himselfe , his Apostles , and Euangelists with swelling titles , when their testimonies themselues are not so much as cited ; as though he thought it more needfull to winne credit to his witnesses , then to proue , ●hat they testifie that , for which he would seeme to alleage them . But you shall heare Pyrgopolinices himselfe : For the scriptures we haue ( among others ) these mightie ones to wage battell for vs. First the great Emperour of the Christian armie , our Sauiour Christ himselfe , Mat. 18.17 . Next a great worthy , Luke the Euangelist , Act. 14.23 . Adde to these Iames the Apostle , one of the Pillars of the Church Iam. 5.14 . and that famous Generall of the gentiles , the Apostle Paul : Rom. 12 8.1 . Cor. 12.28 . These are most worthy witnesses indeed , and without exception . If any one of these giue testimonie to your Lay-Elders , we will most willingly yeeld . But I pray you let vs heare their words ; It shall not need : if you will not belieue vs , that they giue testi-monie to Lay-Elders , yet belieue other diuines , who say they doe . Are they witnesses , what they said only , or what by the holy Ghost is committed to writing ? If the latter , why be not their owne testimonies produced , but other witnesses must be deposed , that they said so , when it appeareth vpon most authenticall record , whether they said so or not ? Let vs therefore heare the words themselues . The first is Matt. 18.17 . Where our Sauiour Christ saith dic Ecclesiae , tell the Church or assembly . What then ? therefore there ought to be Lay-Elders in euery congregation . See you not by this time , what a striker this is ? first there may be question , whether Ecclesia signifie the whole congregation of the people , or an assembly of iudges or gouernours : if the former sense be followed , there is no shew for Lay-Elders . If the latter , which is the more likely , question againe may be made , whether Christ speake of the Synedrion of the Iewes , as Caluin and some others suppose , or of Christian gouernours : if of the Synedrion , which was a ciuill senate and indeed the high counsell of estate in the policie of the Iewes , what doth that make for Ecclesiasticall Elders in the Church of Christ , and that in euery parish ? If of christian gouernours , as the Fathers expound it ; what sense is there to vnderstand the words of Lay-Elders , vnlesse it can otherwise be proued , either that Christ had alreadie ordained them , or that afterwards they were in vse in the Church of Christ. But the former is absurd : and for the latter they haue not so much as a faire shew , being disarmed of the two places , which I haue vindicated out of their hands , viz : 1. Tim. 5.17 . and Ambrose in 1. Tim. 5.1 . Nay further I adde , that if it could be proued ( as it neuer will ) that euer there were Lay-Elders in the Church before this our age , yet they should but argue from the Genus to the Species affirmatiuely , tell the gouernours , ergo Lay-Elders : wherefore this is a very seely argument . Yea but other diuines say , that Christ spake of Lay-Elders . What others say it is not greatly materiall in this kind , so long as we plainely see , there is no necessitie nor probabilitie so to vnderstand him . But who are they that say so ? Chrysostome , Theophylact , Erasmus , Caluin , Beza , Piscator vpon the place it selfe , &c. For the three first , because they are no parties , I can be content to examine their testimonies . All that Chrysostome saith of those words is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tell the Church , that is Prelates and gouernours : and on those words whatsoeuer you shall bind on earth , &c : nec dicit saith he , Ecclesiae presuli , neither did he say to the prelate of the Church , whom he vnderstood by Church , bind him with bands or cords , &c. Theophylact explaineth the words thus : If before two or three witnesses hee being reprooued shall not bee ashamed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Oecolampadius translateth thus , Ne graueris tunc in Ecclesiae suggestu invulgare peccatum , sticke not then to publish his fault in the pulpit of the Church or iudgement seate . But the accēt sheweth that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we are to vnderstād An tistites or presides , the Prelates of the Church . And those words , what you shall bind , &c : he expoundeth thus , If thou who art wronged shall hold the offender as a Publican or Ethnicke , euen such a one he shal be in heauen , but if thou loose him , that is , forgiue him , he shal be pardoned in heauen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for not onely what the Priests loose are loosed , but also what we who are wronged doe bind or loose , the same shal be bound or loosed : where , by Priests , he meaneth those , whom before he called the Prelates of the Church . Erasmus maketh this Paraphrase : If the offender be so vntractable , that he will be moued neither with shame nor feare of iudgement , bring the matter to the congregation , that either he maybe reformed by the content of the multitude , or by authoritie of them which be rulers ou● the multitude . But if he be so farre past cure , that he will not be corrected neither by secret and brotherly monition , neither by the knowledge and consent of two or three , neither by the shame of his fault vttered and disclosed , neither by the authoritie of the ●hiefe rulers , leaue him to his disease . My aduersarie therefore , to salue his credit , had need to bring those , from whom he had these testimonies at the second or third hand , to depose , that Chrysostome , Theophylact , and Erasmus doe say , that Christ speaketh of Lay-Elders . Otherwise he will hardly escape the censure of imposture , and seeking to seduce the people with glorious shewes . To the rest of his witnesses I answere , that what new writers , being parties in the cause , doe testifie without warrant of scripture , euidence of reason , or testimonie of antiquitie , it deserueth no credit . The second testimonie , Act. 14.23 . that Paul and Barnabas ordained Presbyters in euery Church , therefore Lay-Elders . How is this consequence proued ? because the greeke Scholiast and a few new writers say so . But here the disputer , for his credite sake , must plead , that he ( for his part ) neuer saw the Greeke Scholiast , but receiued this allegation from T. C. else he must be accused either of grosse ignorance , or notorious falsification . I see not saith T. C. why it may not be referred to Elders ( meaning Lay-Elders ) as well as too Bishops , ( meaning Ministers ) seeing S. Paul there setteth forth , how they set a full order in the Church . And of that iudgement is the greeke Scholiast , which affirmeth , that those which followed S. Paul and Barnabas , were worthy to be Bishops , and that they created of them Elders and Deacons : Vnderstanding Oecumenius , as if by Bishops he meant ordinarie Ministers , and Elders and Deacons , their Lay-Elders and Lay-Deacons : which were a notable deprauing of Oecumenius his meaning , if he were so to be translated . But his words being these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those who haue but small skill in greeke doe know , that the article of the plurall number with the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth most vsually signifie no more then the proper name alone , so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is all in one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so is vsed by Oecumenius in the very next sentence following , as you shall heare . Besides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not signifie they were worthy , but they had the dignitie or honour : or if they had beene worthy to haue beene Bishops , Paul and Barnabas had small reason , in that want of sufficient Ministers , to make them lay either Elders or Deacons . So that Oecumenius his words are thus to be translated , it is to be noted , that Paul and Barnabas had the dignitie of Bishops , for that they ordained by imposition of hands , not onely Deacons but also Presbyters . Note also saith hee that in Miletum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Barnabas and Paul were by imposition of hands ordained , but I found another coppie which for Miletum hath Antioch , and that is more probable . His meaning is that at Antioch Paul and Barnabas were ordained Bishops . Act. 13.2 . And that Oecumenius by Presbyters vnderstood Ministers or Teachers , it is apparant by his words going before : for demanding , why the Apostles made not Presbyters in Cyprus and Samaria , but in these places mentioned ▪ Act. 14. he answereth , those were neare to Ierusalem and the apostles , and in Antioch the word preuailed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in these places they needed much exhortation , chiefly those of the gentiles needed much teaching . The third testimonie , Iam. 5.14 . Is any man sicke among you ? let him call for the Presbyters of the Church , and let them pray ouer him , annointing him with oile in the name of the Lord. Therefore there were Lay-Elders in S. Iames time . This consequence is proued because Caluin and foure other new writers say so . The fourth : Rom. 12.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that ruleth , in diligence , this Ruler must needs be the Lay-Elder . For besides certaine new writers , Ambrose saith so . But Ambrose vnderstandeth the words generally of any Ruler , expounding him that ruleth to be eum qui curam vt praesit fratribus suscipit him that vndertaketh the care to rule his brethren . The fifth 1. Cor. 12.28 . God hath appointed in the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gouernements : these gouernements must needs be of Lay-Elders , for besides some new writers , Ambrose , Ierome , Theodoret , doe testifie so much . Ambrose his words be these , sunt & gubernatores gui spiritualib . retinaculis hominibus documento sunt , there are also gouernours who with spirituall reines doe nurture men . Ierome , qui sciunt singulos prout apti sunt gubernare , who know to gouerne euery one according as they are apt . Theodoret , hereby he signified the administrations or gouernements of the Church . These be all the places of scripture which this great striker durst make shew of . Whereof not any one can be said with any shew of probabilitie to speake one word for Lay-Elders . If Lay-Elders were first proued by other arguments or presupposed , the best argument that could out of these places be raised , were from the Genus to the species affirmatiue ; as if they should say , the scriptures speake of gouernours , therefore of Lay-Elders ; of Presbyters , therefore of onely gouerning Presbyters . But seeing they neuer were , nor euer will be proued by other arguments ; the reason taken from these places , is from the Genus , to a fancied and platonicall Idea , or poeticall species , and that affirmatiuè . If I should say , it is a bird , therefore a Swanne , it were but a simple argument : but if thus , it is a Bird , therefore a blacke Swanne , it were too ridiculous . Such are the arguments of this disputer : for if he should say , the holy Ghost speaketh in three of these places of gouernours , therefore of Presbyters , it were a weake argument ; but when he inferreth therefore Lay-presbyters , who were more rare then blacke Swannes , it is very ridiculous . If the worst argument in my Sermon , euen when he made the worst of it , had concluded no better then the best of these , he would neuer haue done insulting and triumphing . But I cannot blame him , they be the best proofes his cause can afford ; they are the testimonies , which the principall patrones of the Presbyterie doe vse to alledge . But you will say , this is a strange kind of arguing to proceed from men , who allow no office in the Church but what hath expresse and direct warrant in the scriptures : this is the meaning of the scriptures , because some new diuines doe thinke so . We are wont to hold , that scripture is to be expoūded by scripture , as by conference of other paralell scriptures , or by inference out of the context it selfe , diduced by some artificiall argument ; or if these faile , especially , in such places as concerne matters of storie or fact , as for example , whether there were any Lay-Elders in the primitiue Church , we fly to the expositions of the Fathers , & testimonie of antiquitie . But what would you haue a man doe , these proofes and testimonies fayling , the best glosse they can set vpon their cause , and the fairest excuse for themselues is , that some other new writers , in matters of substance for the most part Orthodoxall , haue beene partly of their minde , and yet if we consider , that two or three principall men , hauing vpon necessitie deuised the Presbyterie , to supply the roome of the Bishop before eiected , and afterwards ( being growne into liking with their owne deuise , because a few places of the scriptures and Fathers especially , 1. Tim. 5.17 . and Ambrose in 1. Tim. 5.1 . seemed to fauour the same ) commended it to others , as warranted by scriptures and Fathers ; others , taking it vpon their word without sufficient tryall , haue yeelded their consent , and by their writings commended the same to posteritie : I say , if these things be considered , we haue no great reason , much to esteeme the testimonies either of the principall Authors , or of the pedarie fautors of the Presbyterian discipline , being all parties in the cause . But now if I should proue vnto you , that as this disputer abused the names of so many of the Fathers , as he hath named : so also hath wronged some of the new writers : assuredly , if he be not as shamelesse , as he is namelesse , his face which now he hideth , he will neuer dare to shew . For first , where he produceth D. Whitakers as a witnesse , that Christ when he said tell the Church meant Lay-Elders : it is euident to any that readeth him , that by Ecclesia in that place , he vnderstandeth the Church represented in a Councell , whether prouinciall , which he sheweth to be aboue a Bishop ; or generall , which he proueth to be aboue the Pope . For if a Bishop or the Pope should offend , the course which our Sauiour prescribeth to Peter himselfe and the rest of his Apostles should be taken ; First , by priuate admonition , Secondly , before two or three witnesses , and thirdly , if these faile , by telling the Church . For the second place he alleageth D. Fulke , who doth not once mention Lay-Elders , nor meane them in that place . But our translation being accused by the Rhemists , for that where we should say Priests , we say Elders : D. Fulke doth not deny , but that Priests or Ministers are there meant by Elders , whom he could be content should be called Priests , as Priests is the English of Presbyters , and wisheth that the sacrificers of the law had neuer beene called by that name , but that it had beene reserued ( if I vnderstand him ) to signifie the Ministers of the Gospell . There is no question therefore betweene them , whether Lay-Elders be there meant ; but whether the Ministers , who are there meant by the name Presbyteri , whom the Papists would haue translated Priests , may not also be called Elders . Aretius , though he holdeth the distinction of Elders , and so is a partie in the cause , notwithstanding by Presbyters , Act. 14 23. he vnderstandeth Ministers onely . Ministr●s ordinat per singulas Ecclesias , expende hic quid sint Presbyteri , nimirum ministri certis Ecclesiis deputati , vnde duplex fuit primitiuae Ecclesiae genus Presbyterorum , vnum quod Ecclesiae praer at docendo , quales isti hic sunt , &c. For the third , he abuseth againe the testimonie of D. Fulke , who , as in the former place , by Presbyteros , vnderstandeth Priests or Ministers . And as the Rhemists blamed , after the same manner , our translation , for saying Elders and not Priests , he answereth as before . And whereas they obiect , that our Elders be not such as the Apostle Iames requireth to be sent for , as being not deputed specially to publike praying or administration of the Sacraments ; he answereth , that although in some Churches there be some Elders appointed only to gouerne , yet is there no Church , in which there be no Elders appointed specially to publicke prayers and administration of Sacraments . But admitting , that the Ministers of our Church be such as the Apostle speaketh of , you demaund why we translate them not Ministers ▪ I answere ( saith he ) because the word signifieth Elders , & not Ministers , & yet we contend not for the terme , nor refuse the name Priest , when it signifieth the same whom the Apostle calleth Presbyterum , but when by abuse of Papists it is taken to signifie a sacrificer . In the second and fift , he quoteth D. N●well , who indeed speaketh of certaine Seniors which with the Pastor , that is the Bishop , were to exercise the discipline of the Church , but whether they were chosen out of the Clergie , or laitie , he sheweth not : by the places which he quoteth for the proofe of them , diuerse whereof , euen in the iudgement of Caluin , are to be vnderstood of Ministers , he may seeme to meane Seniors of the Clergie . In the fourth and fifth he abuseth the testimonie of Th. Morton ( not the learned and iudicious Deane of Winchester , but another old acquaintance of mine ) who in Rom. 12.8 . & 1. Cor. 12.28 . by gouernours , vnderstandeth those , who haue the gouernement of the Church . These may suffice for a taste of his good dealing with new writers , especially our owne countrey men : the rest , let examine them who either haue the bookes , or thinke it worth their paines . CHAP. X. Containing an answere to the same testimonies , and some other proofes , as they are vrged by other disciplinarians . THus much might suffice to haue answered his allegations out of the scriptures ; were it not , that some perhaps will imagine , that these places might be better vrged . For their satisfaction therefore , I will take vpon me , briefly , yet fully to answere these and some other of the best proofes , as they are vrged by T. C. M. Caluin , Beza and Dudley Fenner . First therefore concerning , Mat. 18.17 . T. C. argueth thus . By Church is meant either all the people , or the Pastor alone , or the Pastor with the ancients and Elders ; but neither the people , nor Pastor alone , therefore the Pastor with the ancients and Elders . The disiunction is grounded vpon a supposition of the newfound parish discipline , that there were no other Ecclesiasticall gouernours but parishionall , which I shall hereafter by Gods helpe proue to be absurd . In the meane time , for the confutation of this disiunction , it shall suffice to note that , which all disciplinarians confesse , that our Sauiour Christ speaketh according to the manner of those times either bidding them tell the assembly , that is the Synedrion ; of the Iewes ; or at least , that the partie offending is to be delated to the like assembly , authorized for hearing of causes , in the Church of Christ. Wherefore T. C. and our new disciplinarians , must first proue these two things , first , that there was an Ecclesiasticall Presbyterie in euery Synagogue , and secondly , that what they had in euery Synagogue we ought to haue in euery parish , before they may vrge the like , in imitation of them , to be erected in euery parish among vs. But they are so farre from prouing the latter of these assertions , that they faile in the former . T. C. professeth , he cannot proue it out of the old testament ; but that it may be concluded out of the new , he hopeth the Reader will iudge ; considering that the policie of the Church now , was in this point taken from the Iewes Church . As if he should say : forasmuch as the Church , which imitated the Iewes , had in euery parish a Presbyterie ( which indeed is most notoriously false ) it is to be supposed , that the Church of the Iewes had in euery Synagogue the like . Where , by a circular disputation , the question which we denie , is brought to proue his argument , whereby notwithstanding he would seeme to proue the question . For aide therefore he bringeth the custome of the moderne Iewes , who , if they had any such custome , were no fit presedents for vs to follow . But indeed they , though they haue their Rabbi in euery Snagogue , yet an Ecclesiasticall Presbyterie they neuer had for ought that I can find . And whereas he , and after him the author of the Counterpoison , alleage Ierome , to proue , that they had their Elders in Euery Synagogue , which should aswell admonish the polluted to abstaine from the assemblies , as to reproue the Sabbath-breakers ; I cannot sufficiently wonder at the allegation : for Ierome mentioneth that custome of the Iewes , which he speaketh of , as one of the worst of the Pharisaicall traditions which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which one ( saith he ) I will mētion to the shame of the whole nation , and which I will not mention for modestie sake ; & therfore we may be sure , neither Christ transmitted , nor Ierome commended it to the Church . Secondly , the gouernours of their Synogogues , which Ierome speaketh of , were such as were to iudge of cleane and vncleane , a dutie peculiar to the Priests . Neither doth he speake of admonishing the polluted from comming to the assemblie , but onely of iudging betweene cleane and vncleane . And thirdly that which T. C. addeth concerning the Sabbath , is by Ierome mentioned as another tradition of the Pharisies hauing no affinitie with the former . Yea but the new testament speaketh of them in diuerse places , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chiefe of the Synagogues . The archisynagogi were such as now they call their Rabbies as being the Scribes and Pharisies who were their Teachers sitting in the chaire of Moses , as Sigonius witnesseth . Bertram likewise saith , those who at the first were called Prophets and afterwards Scribes and Doctors of the law , at the last in the Synagogues were called Archisynagogi , ( for those who were in the Temple were called scribae templi ) and of these in the greater Synagogues there were more then one . Beza also seemeth to haue beene of the same minde . Howbeit , both he and Bertram ( who dedicateth his booke vnto him ) doe thinke , that in the Synagogue of the cities , these Rulers had Elders ioyned with them . But it may be you expect their proofes . Heare therefore the very foundation of the Presbyterie : to wit , that what was the order of the Church of the Iewes , Christ translated and recommended to his Church . But in the Church of the Iewes there were Elders ioyned to the Teachers to make vp an Ecclesiasticall Senate . How the proposition will be made good , I know not : The assumption is proued thus . There were Leuites in the Synagogues , saith Beza , in whose hands the spirituall administration was , there being ioyned to them vt probabile est as it is probable , some Citizens of note . Hence is mention of the Archisynagogi , who ruled the assemblies . Those saith Bertram who had beene called Prophets and after Scribes , as the last in the Synagogues were called Archisynagogi , vnde verisimile est whence it is likely that those Archisynagogi , did moderate the order of Seniors , who were to enquire into mēs māners : for the Synagogues also had their Ministers , Luc. 4.20 . So that ( belike ) the Minister or attendant , to whom Christ gaue the book , was one of these Seniors , or ex illustrib . ciuibus , as Beza speaketh . Well , & what was their office ? Horum proculdubio partes fuerunt , their office no doubt was , not to admit to the Synagogue them , whom the Synedrion of Ierusalem had excluded from the Synagogues . And what their office hath bene since in the Church , you heard it proued before , by Satis opinor constat : I thinke it is euident enough . So that the very foundation , whereon the presbyterie of Lay-Elders , ( which with such vehemencie and violence hath bene vrged as the vndoubted ordinance of Christ ) is grounded , is no better then the probable conjectures of some new writers , who are parties in the cause : probable ( I say ) in their owne conceipts : For else there is not so much as probabilitie in their Assertions . And so much of M. Cartwrights collection out of Matth : 18.17 . and what else is said of others , in fauour of the presbyters in the Synagogues of the cities . Now let vs see what Caluin , Beza , and others , collect out of that place of Mathew . When Christ biddeth them tell the Church : Forasmuch as there was no Christian church established , wherevnto they might repaire , it were absurde to vnderstand Christ as propounding the iudgement of the Church , which yet was not . Therefore dubium non est , it is not to be doubted , but that Christ spake of such an assembly as was then in vse alluding to the order of the olde Church , wherein , after their returne from Babylon , a select Councell was established , which they called Sinhedrim , in Greek Synedrion , whervnto the censure of Doctrine and manners was committed . Which Synedrion , besides some Priests and Leuites , consisted of the Elders of the people . And although the discipline was corrupted amongst the Iewes in our Sauiour Christs time , and therefore it is not likely that our Sauiour would send his Disciples to their Assemblies to haue their causes heard ; yet dubium non est , it is not to be doubted , but that forme of discipline which had beene vnder the Law , was by Christ transmitted to vs : and that the forme of discipline , which was in vse in the Church of Christ succeeded in the roome thereof . The summe is . What manner of presbyters were among the Iewes , the like Christ ordained in his church : when hee said , Tell the Church : But among the Iews there was an Ecclesiasticall presbyterie , which , besides the priests and Leuites , consisted of the Elders of the people : Therefore such an Ecclesiasticall presbyterie Christ ordained in his Church . The proposition hath no other proofe but their owne testimonie , signified in those asseuerations , dubium non est , neque ambigimus : for that which is added by Beza & the author of the counterpoison , that the wordes which Christ vsed , Let him be to thee as an Heathen or Publican ▪ to proue that he spake according to their custome , doe in no sort prooue , that hee translated their forme of gouernement into his church . For if Christ did translate from the state of the Iewes , any Consistories into his church , then hee transmitted such , as were either ordained of God , or deuised by men . If the former , then such as God ordained for the gouernment of the people , either in the Wildernes , or in the Land of promise . In the Wildernes , by the aduise of Iethro . and approbation of God , there were Rulers set ouer thousands , hundreds , fifties , and tens , to iudge the people : the deciding of more difficult causes beeing reserued to Moses . But the multitude of these difficult causes increasing , and Moses waxing weary of them , the Lord ioyned to him a Senate of 70. Numb : 11. Answereable to these , the Lorde appointed Consistories or Senates , for the gouernement of the people in the Land of promise . To the former , Deuteron : 16.18 . Iudges and Officers shalt thou make thee in all thy Cities , throughout all thy Tribes , and they shall iudge the people with righteous iudgement . To the latter , Deut : 17. If there arise a matter too harde for thee in Iudgement betweene blood & blood , betweene plea & plea , betweene plague and plague , in the matters of controuersies , within thy Gates , then shalt thou arise , and goe vp into the place which the Lord thy God shall choose , and thou shalt come vnto the Priests and Leuites and the iudge ( that is , Iudges saith Caluin ) that shall be in those dayes , and aske , and they shall shewe thee the sentence of iudgement . This prescript the godly king Iosaphat followed exactly 2. Chron. 19. both in respect of the inferiour consistories in the cities , placing iudges in the land throughout all the strong cities , citie by citie : and in Ierusalem did he set of the Leuites and of the Priests and of the chiefe of the families of Israel for the iudgement and cause of the Lord , saying to them ; In euery cause that shall come to you of your brethren that dwell in the cities , betweene blood and blood , betweene law and precept , statutes and iudgements , you shall admonish them , &c. Besides these , the Lord ordained no consistories , or senates . But none of these did Christ translate into his Church , for none of them was Ecclesiasticall . Neither did he translate those which were deuised by men ; whether by the Iewes , as their Synedrion or Sanedri●n , which was their chiefe counsell of state , which Caluin saith after their returne from Babylon they did institute , or by P. Gainius the Proconsul of Syria , who ordained foure more Synedria of the like nature : which some suppose to haue beene the cause , why our Sauiour speaketh in the plurall number Matt. 10.17 . Mar. 13.9 . But of the counsell renewed by Iosaphat , and the Synedrion ordained of the Iewes , I shall haue occasion to say more in answere to the assumption . But how little credit is to be giuen to that proposition , may appeare by this dilemma : for by Church , Christ doth signifie either the consistories and assemblies of the Iewes , or assemblies in the Church of Christ. If the former , then was the direction , which Christ giueth , peculiar to those times , and pertaineth not to the Church of Christ , as D. Bilson sheweth in the fourth chapter of his booke , whereunto I doe referre you . If the latter , then had he not so much as respect or reference to the Consistories of the Iewes , so farre was he from translating them into his Church , as shall appeare by this most plaine explication of the text according to the latter sense . Our Sauiour Christ intreating of scandales and offences , first teacheth vs that we be carefull to auoid offences , and that we doe not in that respect seeme to disregard any of his little ones . 2. Hee directeth vs what course wee are to take when wee are offended . If thy brother ( that is , one professing the same religion ) shall sinne against thee ( that is , priuately , ) either by injurie , doing thee wrong , or if ye will also , by euill exāple scandalizing or giuing thee offence , by his sin committed in thy knowledge , laying as it were a stūbling blocke in thy way , thou must as the Lorde hath commaunded not suffer sinne to rest vpon him , but in a desire to reclaim him , thou must 1. vse priuate admonition , & brotherly reproofe ; goe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a●gue and redargue , conuince & reproue him , between thee & him alone . If he harken to thee acknowledging his fault , and testifying his repentance , then hast thou wonne or gained thy brother , and saued a soule from death . But if he heare thee not , suffer not sinne so to rest vpō him , but take with thee yet 1. or 2. witnesses , & set vpō him iointly , that either by the presēce & authority of so many together hee may be reclamed , or at least a way be prepared to publicke triall ; that howsoeuer thy testimonie alone would bee reiected , yet in the mouth of 2. or 3. witnesses , the matter may be sufficiently testified . And if hee will not heare them , but remaine obstinate , then tell the Church , that is , the assembly of them who in the church haue spirituall authoritie to censure offenders , whether it be the Consistorie of one Citie , or particular church , or the Synode of a Prouince or Nation , or an vniuersall Counsell , according to the nature of the offence , and the qualitie & degree of the offender . And if he will not heare the assembly , but remaining obstinat , draw vpon him their censure of excōmunication , wherby they shall bind the offender , & after a sort deliuer him to Satan ; then shalt thou hold him no more as a brother , or thinke thy selfe bound to exercise the duties appertaining to the cōmunion of Saints , but withdraw thy selfe from him , abandon him , and haue no more to doe with him , then a Iew of this time would haue to doe with an heathen or publican , that by these meanes seeing himselfe auoided & shunned , hee may at length be ashamed and brought to repentance . And least any man should lightly esteeme the iudgement of the Church , that is , of such spirituall gouernors as haue authoritie in the church to cēsure offenders , Verily I say vnto you , saith our Sauiour , speaking to his Apostles , and in them to all their successors , to whom the keyes of heauen are committed , Whatsoeuer you ( for you and such as you sitting in Consistory or Synode , are they whom I meant by the Church or assembly ) whatsoeuer you shall binde on earth shall be bound in heauen : and whatsoeuer you shall loose on earth shall be loosed in heauen . Neither thinke , when I mentioned the church , I meant a great assembly only , or the whole congregation ; for I say vnto you , that where 2. or 3. are gathered together in my name , I am there in the middes of them , & therfore , if but 2. of you shal cōsent in asking any thing of God ( as namely pardon for the penitent sinner ) it shall be graunted vnto you . If against this exposition it shal be obiected , that the Churches hearing and censuring of offences would be prejudiciall to Magistrates : I answere , offences and offenders admitte diuers distinctions . Of offences , some are open & notorious , some are secrete & priuate . Some againe are grieuous and capital crimes , which may not be cōcealed or left vnpunished , other be offēces not so hainous or enormous , but they may be concealed and pardoned , where is hope of amendment : For notorious and enormous crimes our Sauiour doth not prescribe this course , but for the priuate and lesse offences . Againe , offenders are either ( in the iudgment of charity ) our brethren in Christ , or the sonnes of Belial : For the latter , we may take the ciuile course of Iustice , for the former we must take a spirituall course of Christian charitie , that wee may winne our brother vnto Christ , or recouer him beeing fallen , which course our Sauiour heere prescribeth . By Church therefore or assemblie , our Sauiour meaneth neither the supposed Ecclesiasticall senate of the Iewes , nor yet a Presbyterie of Christians answerable therto , consisting for the most part of Lay-elders . Not the former : for Christ speaketh of such , as should meet in his name , to whō he promiseth , what they bind vpon earth , shal be bound in heauē : neither are we to think , that our Sauior would send his disciples to the corrupt Consistories of the vnbelieuing Iewes , as Caluin also saith . It was a strange conceit therefore of Beza , not only to imagine , that the name Church is here attributed to the Iews , but that the Archisynagogi assembled together were they who are meant by Church in this place . Or if that were true , how should this direction belong to vs , seeing not only the imaginarie Ecclesiasticall Senate of the Iewes is vanished , but also the true Synedrion is long since abolished , and their whole policie abrogated . Not the latter , for our Sauiour , by Church vnderstandeth such as should haue power to bind & loose sinnes , as appeareth by the words following . Which power of the keyes of binding and loosing sinners , of retaining and remitting sinnes , our Sauiour Christ hath so peculiarly appropriated to the Apostles , & their successors in the ministerie of the word and Sacraments , as nothing more . Neither had the Iewes indeed such an ecclesiasticall Senate , as they speake of , mixed of the Priests and Leuites , with the Elders of the people : as I am now to shew in answering the assumption . For if this be true , that the Iewes had no such Presbyterie , then what shew of trueth or probabilitie is in their argument taken from Matth : 18.17 ▪ Caluin saith , that the Iewes after their returne from captiuitie , had a chosen counsell , to which was cōmitted the censure of doctrine & manners , which they called Sinhedrin , or Sanedrin , in Greek Synedrion . T.C. holdeth , that the Synedrion was not then first instituted , but restored : which seemeth to be the truth : Howbeit his reason ( as almost all the rest ) is but a meere colour . For it would follow ( saith he ) that the Priests , & other Leuiticall teachers who were a part of that Bench , had then their first institution : when it is plaine , that the Priests and Leuiticall teachers were instituted before the Synedrion , and so might haue cōtinued their functiō , though the Sanedrin had neuer bin . Beza fetcheth the first institution of it from Moses , & the instauratiō therof , whē it was decayed frō Iosaphat . T. C. doubteth not to fetch the Eldership from Exod : 4. With his Elders therefore , as being the eldest in conceit , I will beginne . This order of Eldership ( saith hee , ) was taken from the gouernement of the people of God , before , and vnder the Law. Before the Law , the Elders which Moses assembled , Exod : 4. were Ecclesiasticall officers : for it is not likely , that vnder such a Tyrant , they should haue Magistrates of their owne . I answere briefly : the state of the Hebrews , if you respect the whole people , was neither a settled Church , nor established common-wealth . But if you respect the seuerall kinreds and Families , they were ruled by the Elders of the people , which were the heads of the Families ; who , as alwayes from the beginning , so at that time , & vntill the separation of the Tribe of Leui , to the priestly function , were both priests and magistrates , to their seuerall kinreds and Families . Wherefore let them , who will needes haue these to be Lay-Elders , tell vs , who were then the priests , whome these Elders did assist . Vnder the Law , he findeth these Elders in Elisha his house , 2. King : 6. and in Ezekiels house , Ezek : 8. because it is vnlike that in so corrupt a state the Prophets could haue the ciuill Gouernors to consult with : & is it not more vnlike , that there should be approued Elders of an ecclesiasticall Senate , either in the Apostoticall Church of Israell , vnder Achab and Iehoram , or in Mesopotamia , whether Ezekiell , and those Elders of Iuda were transported , who could neuer be found vnder the most godly Kings at Ierusalem ? Againe , hee findeth them standing on the right hand of Ezra , and on the left , Nehem : 8. Being distinguished both from the teaching Leuites , and from the people : From the people , because they stood by Ezra . From the teaching Leuites , because he speaketh of them after . Therefore they must needs bee Lay-Elders : as though , either some of the Princes of the people might not stand with Ezra , or that these might not haue beene priests , or that all the Leuites were teachers , or that there were no more teaching Priests or Leuites but those , which are mentioned then , and there to haue taught the people . Hee that considereth what T. C. was able to say in a good cause , must needs thinke this cause to be very badde , which he was not able to make good by better arguments , then those most vnlikely likely-hoods . Beza holdeth that 2. sorts of councels or consistories were ordained by Moses , which should be held both in Ierusalem , the place which God did choose , & in other cities ; whereof the one , was ciuill , the other ecclesiasticall , consisting of the priests , Leuits , & scribes , or teachers , & also the seniors of the people . But the reader shal easily vnderstand this latter to be a meere fiction , if he consider that the Synedrion at Ierusalem , which was the highest court & chief councel of state , hauing power of life & death , & authority to deale in causes both ciuill & ecclesiasticall , cōsisted of the high priest , & other priests and Leuites , together with the Princes & Seniors of the people , being besides the High-priest 70. or 71. in number : Of which , that in Deut : 17.8.9 . is to bee vnderstood . These were called Sanedrin , and did sit in Gazith : In which number , those which were priests , were called Seniores Sacerdotū , and those which were Princes , were called Seniores populi , as Sigondus saith . And likewise that the Sanedrioth or consistories in other cities , consisted as well of the learned Leuits as of the seniors of the people . Iosephus saith , that to euery cōsistory in the cities belonged 2. Leuites . The reason heereof was , because the lawes wherby that church & cōmon-wealth were gouerned , were the lawes of God ; wherein the Priests , Leuites , & Scribes were most skilfull , and therefore best able to determine what was right according to the law . And therfore another sort , which should consist of Priests , Leuits , and elders of the people , & which should respōdere de iure ( as Beza imagineth this shuld ) was altogether needles . But his proofs are as weake , as his imagination was strong . His only proofe for the 1. institution of the Ecclesiasticall senat , is Leuit : 10.10 . where they were ordained saith he , to shew the difference betweene holy & profane , betweene cleane & vncleane , & to teach the law of God. But no such thing can , with any shew of probabilitie be gathered out of the text , where the Lord speaking to Aaron , cōmandeth him , & his sonnes the priests , by a perpetual law , that they should not drink wine nor strong drink , whē they were to enter into the sanctuary , whereby they might be hindered from exercising their function discreetly & soberlie , either in iudging betweene holie & profane , between cleane and vncleane , or in teaching the people ; which duties were to be performed in the sanctuary , by the priests , as well seuerally as ioyntly , & no ecclesiasticall senate at all here instituted : or if there were , it should ( according to Bertrams conceit ) consist wholy of the Priests , to whom alone this speech is directed . As for Elders of the people , they were not to intermeddle with these things . The high Priest indeed , if it pleased him , might consult with other Priests , and vse their assistance , as Azariah did vse the aide of 80. 2. Chron. 26. But that there was a setled Presbyterie or senate Ecclesiasticall ordained by God , we doe not read : and that it should consist in part of Lay-men , there is not the least semblance of likelihood . His proofes , that there were two diuerse Synedria instituted , are these First , because the number of the one is defined to be 70 the other left vncertaine . Secondly because the second was not ordained at the same time with the former . I answere , there is neither number set downe , nor time , of that which neuer was . His proofe for the instauration of two distinct Synedria is out of 2. Chron. 19. where he saith Iosaphat ordained two Synedria or counsells , the one Ecclesiasticall for the causes of God , ouer which the high Priest was chiefe ; the other ciuill , for the causes of the King , ouer which Zabadiah a Prince of Iuda was chiefe . But it is euident by the text , that it was one and the same high counsell of state , which afterwards was called Sanedrin , or Synedrion Hierosolymita●ū , cōsisting of the Leuites and Priests , and of the heads of the chiefe families in Israel , ordained for the iudgements of God and controuersies of men , which was to heare and determine all manner of causes that were brought vnto them from the iudgements or consistories of the inferior cities , & were to iudge betweene blood and blood , that is slaughter and slaughter , betweene the law and the precept , betweene statutes and iudgements , hauing among them in the causes of God , Amarias the high Priest ; and in the causes of the King , Zebadiah a Prince of Iuda , as chiefe , and that the Maisters or gouernours the Leuits were with them to instruct them in the law . For whereas he would proue , that Iosaphat ordained two distinct counsels at Ierusalem , by these reasons , because the dutie of the one was to deale in the causes of God , the other of the King : the one should determine de iure , the other de facto : the one , had for the president the high Priest , the other a Prince of Iuda : none of these reasons doe proue , that Iosaphat ordained any thing but that , which before had beene appointed by God ; namely , that the difficult controuersies which the iudges in the cities could not determine betweene blood and blood , plea and plea , plague and plague , should be brought to the Syned●ion or counsell of the place which God shoul● choose , the which is there noted to consist of the Priests , Leuites and ●udge , that is iudges , saith Caluin , as appeareth by the holy historie , where it is declared that Iosaphat besides the P●i●sts and Leuites chose the Princes of the families of Israel : for the godly King would decline n●uer a whit from the rule of Gods law . To this counsell the difficult causes afore said as we●l ciuill as Ecclesiasticall , as well de facto , as de iure , were to be brought from other ciuill courts , as appeareth both in Deut. 17.8 . and also 2 Chron. 19.20 . Besides , it is ridiculous to imagine , that the ciuill senate should determine onely de facto , and that questions de iure should be brought to the Ecclesiasticall ; the rather because that counsell , which was appointed by God , Deut. 17. and renewed by Iosaphat did consist of the Priests and Leuits and Elders of the people , and was to determine and to decide all questions of doubt and difficultie : or if they were to seeke to an Ecclesiasticall senate , it is absurd to imagine , that Lay-Elders should be ioyned to the Priests and Leuits to answere de iure . As for the causes of God , which verse 8 are termed the iudgement and cause of the Lord and are particularized , verse . 10. and Deut. 17.8 . ( betweene blood and blood betweene law and precept , &c. ) we are to vnderstand them to be not onely Ecclesiasticall but also ciuill , so farre as either they were to be decided b● the lawes of God , or concerned the obseruation or transgression of Gods law , whereby that land was gou●rned , in iudging , whereof , they also exercised Gods iudgement . The causes of the King were such as belonged to the Kings house , or his eschequer . And it is fond to imagine , that those causes which were to be decided by the iudicial and mor●ll lawes of God , were not the causes of God , as well as those which concerned the ceremoniall law . Neither do I therefore reiect the exposition of Beza and some others , who by the causes of God , vnderstand Ecclesiasticall causes , and by the causes of the king , ciuill causes , because it is preiudiciall to my defence ; but because it is repugnant to the truth : for though their interpretation were admitted , it would no more proue , that there were two distinct Syn●dria , then that which I doe embrace . For though Zebadiah the prince of Iuda was the chiefe in the causes of the King , as Amariah the high priest was the chiefe in the causes of God , yet were they Colleagues and coassessors in the same counsell , as Iosephus also doth witnesse . For speaking of this act of Iosaphat , he saith , that he being returned to Ierusalem appointed iudges there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Priests and Leuits , and of the chiefe or principall men of the people : requiring them to exercise iust iudgement , but especially that they should be diligent in determining those difficult causes that should be brought to them from inferiour iudgement seats : but the chiefe or presidents of them , as colleagues and coassessors be appointed Amasiah the Priest , and Zabadiah of the tribe of Iuda : and relating the law , Deu. 17.8 . (a) he saith , if the iudges ( in the cities ) be not able to determine any cause , it is entirely to be sent to the holy citie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) and let the high Priest and the Prophet ( that is the scribe or Doctor of the law saith (c) Sigonius ) and the senate assembling together , pronounce what seemeth right . Besides , it is manifest , that the counsell at Ierusalem , after the captiuitie , which consisted of priests and Leuits , besides the Seniors of the people , and whereof the high priest was president as Bertram confesseth , hauing authoritie to assemble it , &c. Act. 5.21 . Matt. 26.57.59 . was the high councell of state called the Sanedrin or Synedrion , or cōsistorium Gazith which dealt in causes not onely Ecclesiasticall , but also ciuil , and in causes criminall and capitall . Neither happened this by the ambition of the priests , but by the ordinance of God in respect of the first institution , Deut. 17. and instauration by Iosaphat . 2. Chron. 19. and by his approbation , as Caluin witnesseth , in respect of the erection of it after the captiuity . For as the Lord promised by Esay to restore their iudges and counsellers after the captiuitie , as before ; so Ezekiell prophecieth , that the Priests , after the captiuitie , should not onely teach the people , and iudge betweene holy and prophane , betweene cleane and vncleane ; but also that they should stand vp to iudge controuersies , iudging according to Gods iudgement . Iosephus also testifieth , that the Priests were ordained by Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ouerseers of all , iudges of controuersies , and punishers of such as are by the law condemned . And so much for the present shall suffice concerning the counsell at Ierusalem , vntill I come to answere Caluins opinion . As touching Ecclesiasticall Presbyters in other cities , Beza hath nothing but his owne coniectures : For the courts of iudgement , which both Moses instituted , and Iosaphat renewed , though they had Leuites among them , were to deale not onely in Ecclesiasticall , but also in ciuill and criminall causes . The reasons which he bringeth for distinct Ecclesiasticall senates are three . First , because the Archisynagogi had , as it is probable , Seniors of the people ioyned with them . Secondly , because the name of Church in this place of Mathew is giuen to them , which could not be , vnlesse they did consist of the laitie , as wel as the clergie . Thirdly , because as the ciuill consistories assembled in the gates , so the Ecclesiasticall , in the Synagogues . To the first I answere , that a probabilitie ( if this were such , as indeed it is not ) is no proofe : to the 2. that the name Ecclesia is not giuen to the Archisynagogi , but to the Rulers of Christs Church assembling in his name , with whom he promised his presence , and to whom he committed the power of the keyes , to whom also the name Ecclesia , which may be giuen to any company of Christians , be it but of two or three meeting in the name of Christ , doth fitly agree . Thirdly , he telleth vs of Ecclesiasticall consistories ordained by Moses , and renewed by Iosaphat , sitting in Synagogues ; when there is not once mention in the old testament , either of Ecclesiasticall consistories , or yet of Synagogues . And in the new , such iudges are mentioned in Synagogues , as punished by stripes . Bertram also witnesseth , that in the Synagogues of the cities , iudgements were exercised by ordinarie iudges ; the greater and weightier causes , as also the appeales of the lesse being referred to the counsell ●t Ierusalem . And againe , that the people came to the Synagogues to prayer , to heare the law and the Prophets , and to heare the iudgement of Moses law , as well ciuill as Ecclesiasticall And so much of Beza . Calui● by Ecclesia vnderstandeth the Synedrion or Sanedrin of the Iewes instituted by them after their returne from Babylon : which he conceiueth to haue beene an Ecclesiasticall senate , to which belonged the censure of doctrine & maners , hauing the power o● excōmunication &c. What this Synedrion was , Caluin himselfe shall tell vs , It is certaine saith he that the Iewes , when they were returned from the Babylonian banishment , because they might not make a King , did imitate this example ( of appointing 70. Elders . Num. 11 ) in ordaining the Synedrion . Onely so much honour was granted to the memorie of Dauid and the Kings , that out of their stocke they would choose 70. gouernours , in whom should be the chiefe power : And this course continued vntill Herod , &c. The Sanedrin indeed was the high counsell of state , which was to iudge of causes , not only Ecclesiasticall , but also ciuill and criminal , yea capitall , hauing the authoritie of the sword and power of life and death . Whereby they adiudged malefactors conuicted of capital crimes to one of these foure kinds of death , stoning , burning , killing with the sword and strangling ; hauing also authoritie to ordaine Sanedrioth , that is , the consistories of iudges in other cities ; to whom alone it appertained to iudge the cause of a tribe , of a false Prophet , of the high Priest , &c. And howsoeuer their power was much restrained after Iewrie became a prouince subiect to the Romanes ; notwithstanding the Romanes hauing granted the Iewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 libertie to liue according to their owne lawes , permitted them to exercise authoritie both in iudging not onely Ecclesiasticall but also ciuill and criminall causes , and also in punishing by stripes and imprisonment , and sometimes by death . Moreouer , by the law of God , he that disobeyed the sentence of this counsell , was not , as our Sauiour Christ heere saith , to be held as an heathen or Publican , but he was to die the death . Finally there was but one Synedrion for the whole estate of the Iewes by the appointment of God , and that in the place which he should choose , either ordained by Moses , or restored by Iosaphat , or renewed by the Iewes after their captiuitie . Wherefore our disciplinarians might as well desire to haue a parliament or high counsell of state in euery parish , as such a consistorie as this was . To conclude this place : Though it were true , that the Iewes had an Ecclesiasticall Senate consisting of Priests and Elders of the people : yet it cannot be proued , that in this place of Mathew Christ alluded to it , and much lesse that he ordained the like in his Church . But now I haue shewed , that the Iewes had no such Ecclesiasticall senate : and therefore out of this place nothing can with any shew of probabilitie be concluded for Lay-Elders . The second testimonie T. C. vrgeth thus : Diuerse Ministers were not ordained in euery congregation : Diuerse Elders were ordained in euery congregation : therefore there were Elders which were not Ministers . The proposition he proueth , because it was not like that they had diuerse Ministers for such a number of congregations as were then to be preached vnto . I distinguish of the word congregation , which T. C. vseth ambiguously : for in the assumption it signifieth the Church of a whole citie : in which sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is all one : and so it is true , that diuerse Presbyters were placed in euery Church , In the proposition , as appeareth by the prosyllogisme , it signifieth euery particular congregation , which T. C. seemeth to acknowledge to haue beene diuerse in euery citie or Church , contrarie to our refuter , as we shall heare in the second booke . And in this sense it may be true , that not euery congregation had diuerse Presbyters : as with vs euery citie or Church hath diuerse Presbyters , yet euery congregation hath not . I say then , what Paul required Titus to doe in Creet , the same he and Barnabas performed in these countries : that is , they ordained Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in euery citie or Church ; which Presbyters were also such as the Apostle Tit. 1. calleth Bishops , and requireth in them abilitie to preach . And although in euery citie or Church there were diuerse of them , yet not diuerse for euery meeting . There is no necessitie therefore , nor yet probabilitie , that by Presbyters in this place we should vnderstand any but Ministers , contrarie to the perpetuall vse of the word : Neither can any interpreter be alleaged old or new , that is not a partie , which doth vnderstand the word of Lay-Elders . Zanchius , though a fauourer of the Presbyterie , reckoneth this place among those , wherin Ministers of the word are called Presbyters . Aretius , though he acknowledgeth the distinction of Presbyters into two sorts , yet he confesseth this place is , as you heard before , to be vnderstood of Ministers . Caluin himselfe the principall Patrone of the Eldership , vnderstandeth by Presbyters in this place Ministers , and Preachers . Prebyteros his vocari int●rpretor , quibus iniunctum erat docendi munus : Presbyters here I interprete those to be called , to whom the office of teaching was enioyned . Yea but saith T. C. though Caluin say Ministers ; here be called Presbyters , yet he doth not say that they onely : yea he must be vnderstood ( as implying Lay-Elders vnder Presbyters ) seeing he auoucheth the place of Titus , which to vs seemeth all one with Act. 14 , ) for the establishment of these Elders , and quoteth instit . lib. 4. c. 3. s. 8. where he writeth thus . Whereas I called those who gouerne the Churches indifferently , Bishops , Presbyters , Pastors , Ministers , I did according to the vse of the scripture , which confoundeth these words : for whosoeuer exercise the ministerie of the word , it giueth the title of Bishops to them . So where Paul commandeth Titus to ordaine Presbyters in euery citie , he straightwaies addeth , for a Bishop must be vnreproueable , Tit. 1.5.7 . so Phil. 1.1 . & Act. 20.17.28 . here now it is to be obserued , that hitherto we haue reckoned those officers onely , which consist in the ministerie of the word . You see then , how Caluin in his institutions , vrged this place in the Epistle to Titus for Lay-Elders . Wil you also heare his iudgment in his cōmentarie vpon the place ? although we gather saith he out of the 1. Tim : 5 : that there were two sorts of Presbyters , yet the context here will straightwaies shew , that no other then Doctors are here vnderstood , that is who were ordained to teach ; becàuse by and by he will call them Bishops . But for all this T.C. seeth not , why it may not be referred to Elders , meaning Lay-Elders , as well as too BB : meaning Ministers . But say I , you must see that Lay-Elders not onely may , but must necessarily be vnderstood in this place , or else it is absurdly alleaged by you to proue them . Yes , he and the Author of the counter poison will proue , that they are meant here : for the word Elders is set downe generally signifying as well Lay-Elders as Ministers , therefore Paul and Barnabas ordained Lay-Elders as well as Ministers . To the consequence I first answere , that if Elders were a generall name comprising more sorts then one , and if Luke had said , that they ordained all sorts of Elders , this consequence would haue held : for from the Genus vniuersally taken , we may affirmatiuely conclude the speciall sorts . But Luke not speaking so , it is sufficient for the truth of the historie , if they ordained any sort of Elders . Now it is confessed of all , that they ordained Ministers , therefore though Elders were the Genus , yet this were a very weake argument . Yea but saith T.C. S. Luke there setteth forth , how they set a full order in the Church : and his purpose was saith another to declare how the Apostles brought the Churches to a perfect and full order of Church gouernement , Whereunto I answere first , that the Church might haue a perfect and full order of gouernement without them , And secondly that Lukes meaning was not to signifie that they brought those Churches to a full and perfect order of gouernement at their first conuersion , which was not to be expected ; but that now they began to establish Churches , placing among them Presbyters or Ministers , as being necessarie for the very being of visible Churches , without mention ( I say not of Bishops , who notwithstanding were added before they were brought to the full and perfect order of gouernemēt , but euen ) of Deacons . The consequence therefore were naught , though the antecedent were true , that is , though Presbyter were the Genus , or generall word , signifying as well Lay-Elders as Ministers ; for it were onely an argument from the Genus to the Species affirmatiuely . But the antecedent I haue before proued to be most false : there being not any testimonie to be produced out of scriptures , Counsels , Fathers , or histories of the Church where Presbyter signifieth an Ecclesiasticall function in the Church of Christ , doth signifie any other but a Minister of the word . And therefore it is absurd to imagine , that Luke Act. 14. doth by Presbyters meane any other then Ministers . The third testimonie , I find not vrged any where , but in the counterpoison . Where it is said , that Iames willing them , when they be weake , to send for the Elders of the Church , thereby plainely declareth , that the Church ought not onely to haue a pastor and a doctor , whose chiefe attendance must be on reading exhortation and doctrine ; but also many , who ought alwaies to be readie at an instant calling of diuerse and many at once , that none in that necessarie worke be neglected . It followeth thereby that besides them , there ought to be such other Elders as may admonish the vnruly , comfort the weake minded , and be patient towards all . If all this were granted as it is propounded , it would not follow thereupon , that therefore there should be any Lay-Elders , but many Ministers in euery Church : for such were those in the place cited , and it is the duetie of those , whom Iames would haue sent for , to attend vnto reading , doctrine and exhortation . But his meaning ( no doubt ) was this : There ought to be many Elders in euery Church , therefore some Lay-Elders . The consequence he taketh for granted : the antecedent he proueth thus . There were many Elders in euery Church in S. Iames time , therefore there ought to be many now . For answere to his antecedent and proofe thereof , we are to distinguish of the word Church . For if thereby he meane the Church of a whole citie and countrey adioyning , there were , and are many Presbyters in euery Church : but if thereby he meane euery seuerall congregation , meeting , or assembly of Christians : there neither are , nor were many Presbyters appointed to euery such Church . In S. Iames time , though in each Church there were diuerse assemblies of Christians meeting as they could ; yet were not parishes distinguished , nor Presbyters seuerally and certainely allotted to them ; but to the Church of a whole citie and countrey adioyning , there was one Bishop , and many Presbyters prouided . But when parishes were distinguished , to each of them seuerally a Presbyter was assigned out of the Clergy or Presbyterie of the citie ; the residue of the Presbyters remaining with the Bishop , who ( as before the diuision of parishes ) retained still the charge of the whole Diocesse , as I will God willing shew in the next booke . Wherefore , though in S. Iames time , before the diuision of parishes , there were in euery Church ( that is Diocesse ) many Presbyters ; yet it doth not follow , that therefore in euery parish there should be diuerse Presbyters . But his consequence is especially to be insisted vpon : for though there were in each Church many Presbyters , as at Ephesus Act. 20. and at Ierusalem where Iames himselfe was Bishop Act. 15. & . 21. of which number Iames would haue the weake to send for some ; yet in that number there was not one , who was not a Minister . Neither can any sound reason be alleaged , why we should conceiue these Presbyters , of whom Iames speaketh , to haue beene any other then Ministers . First the title which is giuen them , viz : Presbyters of the Church as Act. 20.17 . is peculiar to Ministers , not one instance to be giuen to the contrarie . Secondly , the function , for the performance wherof they were to visit the sicke , chiefely , if not onely pertaining to Ministers , and that was not onely to pray ouer the partie , and that ( as it seemeth by the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) with imposition of hands , but also to annoint him with the oile in the name of the Lord , that by the oile , as an outward , though temporarie Sacrament , annexed to the temporarie gift of healing , granted for a time not onely to the Apostles , but also to their successors in the ministerie of the word , the sicke might be restored to health ; and by prayer ioyned with imposition of hands , the sinnes of the partie might be remitted , and so the cause of the sicknes be remoued . Wherefore I make no question , but the speach of Saint Iames is to be vnderstoode , according to the perpetuall vse of the word , the generall interpretation of all writers both old and new , ( excepting not all that be parties in the cause , ) and the generall and continuall practise of the Church , expounding him , as if he had said , let him call for the Ministers , &c. The fourth testimonie is thus vrged . If the Apostle setting downe the ordinary members of Christ his Church , which differ in their proper action , doe set downe the Elder to be ouer the people with diligence , and not to be occupied in the ministerie of the word either by exhortation or doctrine , but to admonish them and rule them ; then the onely-gouerning Elders were ordained by the Apostles : but the first say they is manifest , Rom. 12.6.7.8 . therefore the second . But the first , say I , is so farre from being manifest , that it cannot so much as obscurely be gathered out of the text . It is true , the Apostle speaketh of the members of the body of Christ , and of the diuerse gifts bestowed vpon them , which the Apostle exhorteth euery one knowing his proportion , or measure , in all humilitie and modestie to imploy to the common good of the whole body . But you must vnderstand , First , that the members of Christ are not onely officers in the state Ecclesiasticall , but all Christians whatsoeuer , as well in the body politicke , as Ecclesiasticke , whether publicke or priuate . Secondly , that the Apostle doth not speake of distinct offices which are not coincident to the same persons , but of the diuerse gifts , and graces of Gods spirit : for so he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c : hauing diuerse gifts according to the grace which is giuen vnto vs , of which all or most may concurre in the same subiect . As for example , a good and faithfull Minister , hath as a Minister : First , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gift of expounding the scriptures and of prayer , Secondly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a function to Minister and serue God in the edification of the church , Thirdly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gift of Teaching . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gift of Exhortation : 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gift of gouernment : and as a good Christian. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the grace to distribute , and to communicate to to the necessities of his bretheren , in simplicitie and cheerefulnes . 3. That these gifts are not proper to Ecclesiasticall persons , but common to others . But if the Apostle had here propounded distinct offices , then might 7. be distinguished , and those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or in-compatible in the same person . But neither are there according to these branches . 7. distinct offices ; And besides , they are , or may be all , or diuers of them , coincident to the same person . As for Lay-Elders , they are neither particular , lie expressed , nor in the generall implyed . The speech is generall , hee that gouerneth , in diligence , appartaining to all , that haue authoritie , not onely in the church , but also in the family or common-wealth . Indeed , if it were presupposed , ( which will neuer be proued by them , nor graunted by vs ) that among gouernours , Lay-Elders had a place in the primitiue church ; then this generall might particularly be applyed to them , after this manner ; all gouernours ought to be diligent , therfore they . But seeing there were none such , for men to argue from the generall , to a fained speciall , and that affirmatiuè , in this manner ; the Apostle speaketh of gouernours , therefore of Lay-Elders : It is an argument like all the rest , not worth the answering . Yea , but the disputer alleageth Caluin , who in his institutions affirmeth that this place cannot bee otherwise vnderstood . I would be loath to contest with Caluin , whose name is reuerend , and whose memorie is blessed . Neuertheles , it is euident by that which hath bene said , that it may and ought otherwise to be expounded . Yea Caluin himselfe confesseth else-where , that howsoeuer this place doe seeme especially to be vnderstood of Ecclesiasticall Gouernours or Seniors ; tamen dubium non est , quin omne iustae prefecturae genus nobis commendet ; Yet it is not to bee doubted but that the Apostle doth commend vnto vs all kindes of iust gouernement . And againe , although properly he call the Church-Gouernors , and namely the Seniors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , notwithstanding what he saith of them , may vniuersally be extended to gouernements of all sorts . By Caluins owne confession therfore , the words may generally be vnderstood . And if they may , then also they must . For who shall dare without good warrant , to restraine the generall sence of the holy Ghost to one onely particular ; Especially , that being but a counterfeit ; as if the Apostle when he saith , hee that gouerneth , in diligence , had said , let the Lay , or only gouerning Elders be diligēt in their office . Yea but the Apostle speaketh of such a Gouernour , as might neither teach nor exhort : and therefore beeing neither Pastor nor Doctor , it must needes be the only gouerning Elder . Of this Enthym●me both the antecedent is false , and the consequence vnsound . For if the Apostle speake of such a Gouernour , as might not teach , nor exhort , then neither distribute , nor shew mercie ; and by the same reason , the teacher , and exhorter , of whome hee spake before , may not gouerne . But as I said , the Apostle doth not speake of distinct offices , but of diuerse gifts , which manie times concurre in the same person . So that , as hee that teacheth and exhorteth , may also gouerne , and distribute : so hee that gouerneth , as the Pastor , may teach and exhort , and not onely hee , but the Father is to teach and exhort his children , the maister his familie ; yea , priuate Christians are to instruct and exhort one another . Neither doth it follow , if he which gouerneth be neither a Pastor nor Doctor , that straightwaies he should be an onely gouerning Elder . For husbands , parents , maisters , and magistrates , maisters of Colleges and hospitalls , are gouernors , though neither Doctors nor Pastors , and yet are they no Ecclesiasticall Lay-Elders . To conclude , D. Fulke vnderstādeth this place chiefly of Bishops , whom he supposeth here to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Heb : 13.17 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The fifth and last testimonie , is thus inforced by them . If God hath set in his Church Gouernours distinct from the Ministers of the Word , then hath he ordained Lay or onely gouerning Elders . But the first is testified by the Apostle , 1. Cor. 12.28 . therefore God hath ordained lay or onely gouerning Elders . In this Syllogisme no part is sound : for first the consequence of the proposition is naught : for by Church as it is taken in the assumption , citing 1. Cor. 12. is meant the whole body of Christ , and by the members of his body , all Christians ; among whom God hath established degrees of superiors to gouerne , and inferiors to obey in all societies , as well in the family & cōmonwealth , as in the Ecclesiasticall state . Secondly , the assumption is false : for , although it be true that in Christs body there are gouernours Occonomicall & politicall distinct from the Ministers ; yet Paul doth not in this place testifie , that Christ hath set in his Church gouernours distinct from the Ministers ; and much lesse doth he testifie , that in the Church , that is the state Ecclesiasticall , he hath ordained gouernours which are not Ministers . Nay , which is more , the Apostle doth not once mention gouernours in this text : for it is the fault of the translation , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is helpes and gouernements , to read helpers and gouernours : it being the purpose of the holy Ghost in all the 12.13 . and 14. chapters , to discourse of the diuerse gifts wherewith God doth adorne the membes of his Church : & in this context , in the midsts of other gifts , which are expressed in the abstract , he placeth these two , for so he saith , powers , gifts of healing , helpes , gouernemēts , kindes of tongues . Now it is no better reasō to make two distinct offices of helpers and gouernours out of these words , then to raise three others out of the other three , powers , gifts of healing and kinds of tongues . But it were ridiculous to make three distinct offices of these three ; so is it of the other . And if the other three are to be accounted as gifts , and not as offices ; why should we not so conceiue of helpings and gouernings , that is to say , the gift of helping and gouerning ? Yea I say further , that although in the beginning of the verse , the Apostle doth reckon three offices , Apostles , Prophets , Teachers : yet his purpose was not exactly to distinguish Ecclesiasticall functions , but to enumerate the diuerse gifts of Gods spirit , wherwith the members of Christs bodie are adorned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the common good of the bodie : Some being honoured with the gift of the Apostleship , some with the gift of Prophecie , some with the gift of teaching ; some with the gift of working miracles , some with the gift of healing diseases ; some with the gift of helping and relieuing those that be distressed , as Chrysostome expoundeth it , and as the word is vsed , Act : 20. some with the gift of gouerning , some with the gift of tongues . For if the Apostle had meant in this place to distinguish the Functions and Offices of the Church : then from this Text should eight distinct offices bee collected ; neither should these gifts haue bene coincident into the same persons ; so that teachers might not gouerne , and gouernours might not teach , &c. whereas contrariwise , it is euident , that the Apostles had all these gifts , as Chrysostome also saith : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Prophets and Teachers had diuers of them , &c. It is plaine therefore , that the Apostle did not distinguish the offices of the Church , but orderlie recount the gifts and graces , wherewith the Lord doth beautifie diuers members of the Church . And whereas the Corinthians were proud of their gift of tongues , and despised others ; the Apostle sheweth that among all these gifts which hee reckoneth , that of tongues deserueth the last place : And therfore exhorteth thē to be zealous of the better gifts , chiefly to follow after loue , and to couet after spiritual gifts , but amōg them to desire , rather to prophecie , that is to preach , then to speak with tongues . And whereas the holie Ghost doth marshall in order the gifts of God , according to their worthines , saying : First , second , third : if by helpes he should meane Deacons , and by gouernments Elders , then must we hold Deacons to be preferred before Elders , which will not be granted . If anie man doubt whether helps and gouernments are to be accounted gifts , Chrysostome may resolue him : who as of the former he saith , that is in especial maner the gift of God , so also of the latter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be fitte to gouerne , and to administer spirituall things : and he addeth , that our duties are called Gods gifts , to teach vs , that our abilitie in performance of our dutie , is the gift of God. So Oecumenius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which also he calleth a gift , though it require our labour also and industrie . Nazianzen also reckoneth them among the graces of the spirit . For the spirit ( saith he ) is one , but the graces are not equall , nor yet the receptacles of the spirit . For to one , by the spirite is giuen the word of Wisedome and contemplation ; to another , the word of knowledge or reuelation ; to another , firme & vndoubted faith ; to another , the inoperations of powers , & high wonders ; to another , the gifts of healing ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , helpes , that is , Presidencies ▪ or Patronages ; Gouernements , that is , Poedagogies of the flesh , kindes of tongues , interpretations of tongues . I am not ignorant , that some before our time haue vnderstood diuerse of these members to haue bene Ecclesiasticall functions . But yet their exposition wholly agreeth with the gouernment of our Church , not with the pretended discipline . For by Apostles , they vnderstand , not only the 12. Apostles , but their successors also in the gouernment of the Church , that is to say , the Byshops ; and by helps , they vnderstand them , who help the Bishops in the gouernment of the church , as the Deanes and Archdeacons ; and by gouernements , the gouernors or rectors of seuerall parishes . These with 1. Tim : 5.17 ▪ are the testimonies of Scripture , which vsually be aleaged by the patrons of the presbyterie , not one of them almost either omitting any of them , or adding any other . * So that this Disputer might trulie cōclude , that this is the strength , and indeed all the strength they haue out of the Scriptures . Which how strongly or strangely rather , they haue concluded for the Lay-Elders , it doth sufficiently appeare to them , that haue not either a strong preiudice , or a weake iudgement . Assuredly , if the Fathers be no stronger for them , then the Scriptures , then is the cause of the Lay-Elders very weake and languishing . CHAP. XI . Answering the Allegations out of the Fathers , for Lay-Elders . OF the Fathers he also braggeth , as he did before of the Scriptures . But in the vpshot , all the force of his argumēts , either out of Scriptures or Fathers , relyeth vpon the authority of certaine new writers , who are the most , & almost all of them , parties in the cause . Which is a kinde of arguing , deuised to retaine the vnlearned in their former opinion ; that because so many late Diuines vnderstand the Scriptures and Fathers , according to their receiued opinions , they may be confirmed therein . But is not this a strange kind of reasoning : Ignatius , Tertullian , Cyprian , Ambrose , ( which are all the Fathers hee nameth , & but nameth , as though with their names hee hoped to ouercome vs ) giue testimonie to Lay-Elders ; therefore Lay-Elders were in vse in the primitiue church : & when we quietly grant this consequence , & only desire them to proue the antecedent : Is it not strange , I say , that this disputer should not produce the testimonies themselues , & endeuour by necessary euidence to demonstrate , that they are to be vnderstood as speaking of Lay-Elders ? but to bring in a sort of new writers , the most wherof are parties , to depose , that these , ancient Fathers say as they would haue them . Did they heare them say so , or did they read their writings ? If they read their testimonies ; are they the same which we haue in print , or some speciall manuscripts , which yet are not come to light ? if such , why are they not produced ? If their testimonies be vpon publike record , & in print , why should not we examine the records thēselues , & trust to our owne eyes and iudgmēts , rather thē to the opinions of them , who are partiall in the cause ? Or if these new writers had reasons to perswade vs , that these Fathers doe speake for Lay-Elders , why are not their reasons produced ? By your leaue , I will produce their testimonies for you . And because it pittyeth me the to see well-meaning people abused ( I had almost said guld ) with glorious shewes : I will let them see , that not any one testimonie , which you doe vse to produce out of the Fathers , doth conclude for Lay-Elders . And first , as touching Ignatius , whom hee first nameth : because his testimonies were ( belike ) too hot to be handled ▪ yet , hee putteth him off fairely , saying that hereafter he will shew how he is to be vnderstood , when he commeth to answere my quotations out of him . But I quote him not in the question of Elders , but among my proofs for Bishops . And if hee haue no stronger proofes out of Ignatius for elders , then the selfe-same that I alledge for Bishops , may you not think that he is very strōg for them ? The truth is , he perceiued they were too weake to bee vrged by him as an opponent , and therefore chose to speake to them as an answerer , hoping to perswade the simple reader , that Lay-Elders are sufficiently proued by Ignatius his testimonie , if they be not disproued thereby , as hereafter you shall heare . T. C. and after him the author of the counterpoison , the demonstrator of discipline , & almost who not ? cite this sentence of Ignatius . There is no Church which can stand without her Eldership or counsell . Vnto which , H.I. addeth 2. more , out of his epistles to them of Tarsus & Smyrna . In the 1. of these Epistles , Ignatius saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be subiect to the Bishop as to the Lord : & a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & to the Presbyters , as to the Apostles of Iesus Christ our hope . Of the Deacons in the next words he sath , that they be ministers of the mysteries of Christ Iesus , and not of meate and drinke . A reason of the former speech he rendreth in these words , the Byshop is the type of the Father of all , the Presbyters are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Consistory of God , and a band or Colledge of the Apostles of Christ. Then followeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without these , that is , BB. Presbyters , Deacons , no elect Church is , no holy congregation , no assemblie of Saints . This testimony proueth , that as each Church had a Bishop and Deacons , so also Presbyters and a presbyterie . But what manner of presbyters they were , it appeareth : 1. by the Bishops and Deacons , between whom they are vsually ranged by Ignatius , as the second degree of the Clergie , willing the Lay-men to bee subiect to the Deacons , the Deacons to the Presbyters , the Presbyters to the Bishop , and the Bishop to Christ : which by the way is H. I. third testimonie , and in effect the same with the second . And againe , let the Presbyters , and the Deacons , and the rest of the Cleargie , together with all the people , bee obedient to the Bishop . By which it is plaine , they had not in those times , either Lay-Elders , or Lay-Deacons : For the very Deacons are by him called the ministers of Christ vnto the word of God , and ministers of the mysteries of Christ. As for the BB : they were not parish Byshops assisted , according to the new conceit , with Lay-Elders , but BB : of Cities ( such as Ignatius himselfe , who was Bishop of Antioch , the chiefe Citie of Syria , ) hauing the assistance of diuerse Presbyters , who were Clergie men , or ministers ; and so are in expresse termes reckoned by Ignatius , as one of the degrees of the clergie , whom in the words before alleaged , and in other places , hee resembleth to the Apostles of Christ , and would haue them so obeyed : exhorting them with the words which Saint Peter vseth to ministers , 1. Epist : 5.2 . to feed the flocke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. This is also proued by the vniuersal consent of the most ancient Councells , Canons , and Fathers , who in innumerable places , mētioning Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , neuer conceiue of them otherwise then of 3. degrees of the clergie , in that very sense wherin our church doth vse & retaine them . And thus much concerning that most worthy martyr , and Bishop Ignatius : sauing , that I would commend a few sen●ences of his , to this disputer and his consorts . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be you vnited to the Bishop , submitting your selues to God by him in Chirist , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for whosoeuer are Christs , they are with the Bishop . And againe , doe not thinke that I speake this , as hauing vnderstood the separation of some , (a) he is witnesse to me , for whose sake I am bound , that I haue not learned this from the mouth of man , (b) but the spirit hath preached vnto me , saying these things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the Bishop doe nothing , loue vnitie , auoid diuisions . The testimonie , which is vsually cited out of Tertullian , is in his Apologetico . Where , hauing said that Christians did vse to meet in assemblies and congregations to prayer , and to the hearing of the word , he addeth (c) there are also exhortations , (d) chastis●ments and diuine censure : iudgement is exercised with great aduise , as among those who are certaine that God doth see them : and it is a great foreshewing of the iudgement to come , if any shall so offend as that he shal be banished from the communion of prayer , and of the assembly , and of all holy fellowship . Praesident probati quique seniores honorem istum non pretio sed testimonio adepti , the presidents of our meetings are approued Seniors , hauing obtained this honour , not by reward , but by good report . By which testimonie it is apparant , that the same parties were the presidents of the assembly as well in prayer and in the ministerie of the word , as in the exercise of discipline and censures . But Ministers and not Lay-Elde●s were presidents and Rulers of the meetings in publicke prayer and ministerie of the word , therefore also in the exercise of discipline . Who these presidents were , Tertullian himselfe sheweth else where , testifying that the Christians receiued the Sacrament both in the time of their meales , and also in their meetings before day , nec de aliorum manu quam presidentium sumimus Neither doe we receiue it at the hands of any others then of our presidents . On which words Beatus Rhenanus writeth thus , Presidentes voc at presbyteros etiam alibi , the Presbyters he calleth presidents also in another place , and quoteth the place alleaged out of the Apologeticke . And whereas Tertullian imagined ( though erroneously ) that the husband of a second wife could not be a Bishop or Minister , (e) his opinion he vttere● ▪ in these words , how derogatorie from faith , and how opposite to pietie second mariages are , the discipline of the Church and the prescript of the Apostle doth declare , cum digamos non siuit presidere , when it doth not suffer twice maried men to be presidents that is Ministers . And whereas the Catholicks , whom he endeuoureth to refute , vnderstood that rule of the Apostle as peculiar to Bishops & Ministers , he chargeth them also with the breach thereof euen in that sense . Quot enim & ex digamiae president apud vos , insultantes vtique apostolo ? for how many after their second mariage are presidents among you , euen insulting ouer the Apostle and blush not when these things are read before them ? It is plaine therefore , that the Seniors which were presidents in the assemblies of Christians , of whom Tertullian speaketh , were Ministers , whatsoeuer some new writers whom he quoteth , doe say to the contrarie . For whereas among others who were parties in the cause , he quoteth B. Iewell , who indeed is no partie , I answere , if he haue alleaged the rest no better then him , ( as for my part I meane not to search , especially seeing the chiefe of his Authors are quoted at Random , ) he will gaine the opinion of a notable falsifier of Authors . Harding blamed the translator of the Apologie into English , for translating Presbyteri Elders and not Priests ; The translation Bishop Iewell defendeth , saying that Presbyter a Priest is nothing else but Senior , and that a Priest and Elder are both one thing . And whereas Harding affirmed , that Priests and Deacons waited onely vpon the Bishops but gaue no sentence in counsels ( which in respect of prouinciall counsels , is euidently false ) he disproueth that assertion . First by Act. 15. Secondly , by Nicephorus . Thirdly , by this testimonie of Tertull●an , president probati quique Seniores the iudges in such Ecclesiasticall assemblies be the best allowed Elders , that is according to Bishop Iewels interpretation , Priests , for to that end he citeth the testimonie , and before he had said that Senior and Priest is all one . D. Whitgift conceiuing , as Bishop Iewell did , that these Seniors were Ministers ; T. C. obiecteth , ( and it is the onely thing he obiecteth ) that it is incredible , that all the Churches , whose defence Tertullian taketh vpon him , and whose vsage he doth describe , had such a college of Seniors that were Ministers . Whereunto the answere is easie , that Tertullian speaketh of the Churches in cities , in which onely were Presbyteries ( vnto which the parishes of the countrey adioyning , so soone as there were any , were subiect ) and those wholy consisting of Minist●rs . Neither can any testimonie or example be alleaged , either of Presbyters that were not Ministers , or of Presbyteries in villages or countrey parishes . As touching Cyprian : the disputer might haue cited some testimonie , or at least quoted some place in his writings , before he had laboured to proue what was his meaning . But his concealing of the place it selfe , and his producing of witnesses ( who are all parties ) to depose that Cyprian speaketh for Lay-Elders , is a plaine argument that he trusteth to his witnesses , more then to Cyprian himselfe . For my part , I know not what place he meaneth : if he will approue his sinceritie , let him name one place if he can , which euen in his owne conscience doth seeme indeed to make for Lay-Elders . The Demonstrator of discipline and H. I. in his booke though they take together such testimonies of the Fathers as they thought fauoured Lay-Elders ; yet they durst not mention Cyprian , as reposing any of their strength in his testimonie . T. C. citeth Cyprian , as noting a piece of the office of these Elders by diuiding the communion bread into equall portions , and carying it for the assistance of the Bishop in little baskets or trayes , where by placing their office in this assisting the Minister , he doth manifestly shut thē out from the ministering of the Sacramēt , &c : whereof also it commeth that in another place he calleth them brethren which had care of the basket . When I consider T. C. his learning and professed pietie , I cannot sufficiently wonder at his allegations out of the Fathers , and at this among the rest . Cyprian , being himselfe absent in time of persecution , writeth to the Presbyters , Deacons and people of Carthage , signifying that he and some other Bishops ( whom he calleth his collegues ) had receiued Celerinus , and Aurelius , two notable young men into the Clergie , and ordained them Lectores Readers , with purpose , that when they should be of age , to ordaine them Presbyters . In the meane time , know ye saith he , that we haue alreadie designed to thē honorē Presbyterij , the honour of Priesthood , vt sportulis ijsdem cum . Presbyteris honorentur that they may be honoured with the wages ( or as it was afterwards called canonicall portion ) equall with Presbyters , sessuri nobiscum , being hereafter to fit with vs ( namely as Presbyters ) when they shal be growne in yeares . And that this was Cyprians meaning , the other place by him cited doth proue . For whereas one Geminius Victor had by his will named Faustinus a Presbyter to be a tutor or gardian ; Cyprian doth reproue it as contrarie , not only to the Canons of the Church , but also to the word of God , which would haue none that is a Souldiour to God to be entangled with worldly busines . To which purpose he alleageth the example of the Leuits , who for the same cause had no possession like the other tribes . The which manner and forme saith he , is still retained in the Clergie , that they who in the Church of God are preferred to the order of Clerkes , should by no meanes be called away from the diuine administration , nor be tyed to worldly cumbers and imployments , sed in honore sportulantium fratrum tanquam decimas ex fructibus accipientes , but that receiuing the honour of brethren , who haue wages of the Church , as it were tythes of fruits , they should not depart from the Altar and seruice of God. Those , whom he calleth sportulantes fratres , were afterwards called Canonici , a Canon , that is from the ordinarie and certaine pension or prebend which was allotted to them . And where he saith the Presbyters were excluded from ministring the communion , it is apparant in the writings of Cyprian , that vsually they did administer that Sacrament , and in diuerse of his Epistles are reproued by him , for giuing the communion to some , which had fallen in time of persecution , without his consent . The Author of the Counterpoyson citeth another testimonie of Cyprian , writing to the Presbyters and Deacons , signifying vnto them , that in the wāt of diuerse of the Clergie , he had ordained new . Know ye saith he that I haue made Saturus Reader , and Optatus subdeacon , whom we heretofore had made next the Clegie , when either to Saturus on Easter-day we granted once or twice leaue to read , or when with the Presbyters Doctors Readers we appointed Optatus the Teacher of the hea●ers , examining whether all things did agree to them , which ought to be in those who are prepared for the Clergie . Where , because Presbyters are mentioned as distinct from Doctors , ( which he supposeth to be Ministers ) and Readers , he inferreth they were Lay-Elders . To omit his mistakings , and not vnderstanding the place , it is euident that Doctores audientium were Catechists , ( for audientes were the inferiour ranke of Catechumeni ) who were so farre from being chiefe in the Clergie next to the Bishop as Presbyters , that Cyprian signifieth , when he and the rest had appointed Optatus doctorem audientium , they had made him next to the Clergie , that is at the next election to be chosen into the Clergie , examining whether all things did agree to him which ought to be in them who are prepared for the Clergie . Neither should this seeme strange , seeing Origen was Catechist at Alexandria , when he was but eighteene yeare old : Who afterwards comming into Palaestina , was permitted by the Bishops there , publickly to expound the scriptures . Which when Demetrius the Bishop of Alexandria vnderstood , by letters he reproued those Bishops ; asking them , if euer it were heard , that Lay-men , such as Origen then was , should preach in the presence of Bishops . Therefore the distinction of Presbyters from such Teachers , doth not proue that themselus were not Ministers . Such Teachers in Alexandria after Origen , were Dionysius and Heraclas ; whom notwithstanding , the Presbyters , who till then were wont to choose their Bishop out of their owne order , elected Bishops , as hereafter we shall shew . But what manner of Seniors the Presbyters were , whom Cyprian so often mentioneth , may sufficiently appeare by this one testimonie , where he saith , cum episcopo Presbyteri sacerdotali honore coniuncti , the Presbyters were ioyned with the Bishop in the honour of Priesthood . What other allegations they haue out of Cyprian worth the answering , I know not . But this I protest , that I haue read ouer Cyprian , hauing alwaies an eye to this present question ; but I neuer met with any one testimonie , that ( in my poore iudgement ) did seeme to sound for Lay-Elders . As for those other places , which are in a petition directed to Q. Elizabeth , and in a protestation which lately came out of the North , quoted out of Cyprian , and other ancient writers ; I find them all more then sufficiently answered by the learned and reuerend B. Bilson , to whom I referre the Reader , hauing my selfe insisted longer on this question then at the first I intended . Neither will I vouchsafe an answere to his new supply , either of testimonies of new writers ( though I know some of them to be falsified ) or examples of other reformed Churches , whereby he seeketh to bleare the eyes of the simple . For if this cause were to be tryed by pluralitie of voices for witnesse to the truth , or of examples for practise of it , who knoweth not , that we are able to ouersway them without comparison , no writer till our age giuing testimonie , no Church since the Apostles times vntill this present age giuing approbation to Lay-Elders ; but all writers and Churches before our time , giuing testimonie and approbation to the gouernement of Bishops . To omit that as in the number of learned men we are not inferiour , so in the multitude of Churches at this day , which doe not admit the Lay-Elders , we are farre superiour , as hereafter shal be shewed . And thus much I hope will suffice for the first point . FINIS . LONDON Imprinted by Thomas Creed . 1611. THE SECOND BOOKE , PROVING That the Primitiue Churches , indued with Power of Ecclesiasticall Gouernment , were not Parishes properly but Dioceses ; And that the Angels of the Churches , or ancient Bishops were not Parishionall , but Diocesan Bishops . The First Chapter entreating of the diuers acceptations of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Church , Diocesse , and that which is translated , Parish . IN this second conflict I find the Refuter very confident , like the men of Ai , ( though not vpon the like occasion ) as though my forces were not able to stand before him . But forasmuch as in the former assault I haue taken the Acropolis & chiefe hold of the Presbyterian Discipline , I doubt not , but that when he shall with the men of Ai looke backe , and see the chiefe Tower of his defence , I meane the Presbytery , vanishing as it were a smoake , his courage will bee abated . For the Presbytery being downe , what hath he wherewith to hold out Bishoppes ? For seeing the Primitiue Churches were gouerned eyther by Diocesan Bishoppes , as we hold , or by Pastors of Parishes , assisted with Lay-Elders as they imagine , who seeth not that vpon the ouerthrow of the Presbyteries , the gouernment by Bishops is necessarily inferred ? Hauing therefore proued the first point of the fiue , with such euidence of truth , as I am wel assured all the gainesayers thereof will neuer bee able soundly and substantially to confute , I need not doubt of preuailing in the rest . As for the 2. next points which I handle , concerning Dioceses , and Diocesans ; the refuter thinketh they be the weakest of all the fiue , and the worst appointed , and thereupon would take occasion to cauill at my order , ( as if I were to learne Methode of him ) whereas indeed his imputation of weakenesse to these 2. parts , if it were true , would commend my disposition of them as Homericall , seeing I haue marshalled them Nestorio more , after the manner of Nestor , in medio infirma , placing the weakest in the middest . The chiefest points in my estimation being the first , and the two last . The truth is , I did more lightly passe ouer these two then the rest , but not out of an opinion of weakenes in the points themselues , but partly in a conceit of their euidence , and partly in consideration that they were not either so worthie or so needfull to be insisted vpon as the rest . For first , I supposed them to be so euident , that howsoeuer T. C. in whose steppes our new Disciplinarians tread , vpon weaker grounds then a man of learning & iudgement should haue stood vpon , doth deny them ; yet scarsly any other man of learning & iudgement besides him would gain-say them . Secondly , that the three weightiest points which are most contradicted , and in which these 2. are presupposed , were most worthy in that breuity ( whereto I was confined ) to be stood vpon . And thirdly , that J needed not to bee so carefull in prouing of them , seeing the chiefest patrones of the pretended Discipline , as Caluin and Beza , &c. doe herein ioin with vs against our new sect of Disciplinarians , as hath already beene proued . Now whereas I brought forth these forces , intending only a light skirmish , & velitationem quandam tanquam leuis armaturae ; my aduersary bringeth his maine battel into the field , as if the euent of this whole warfare depended vpon this encounter . I will therefore not onely bring a new supply like those of the Israelites which came vpon the men of Ai , as they were pursuing the other companies of Israel ; but also cause these Arguments , which now like the troupes of Israel seem in his conceit to flie before him , to returne vpon him a fresh . And forasmuch as here we are to entreat of Churches , Parishes , and Dioceses , it shall not bee amisse to beginne with the names which are diuersly taken . And first with the word Ecclesia ; which signifying generally a , any assembly , company or congregation of men whatsoeuer , ciuill or ecclesiasticall , holy or prophane , is in all the places of the new Testament ( excepting Act. 19. ) appropriated to the Companies of the faithfull . For whereas all mankind is to be diuided into two Companies ; the one is the world , which is the kingdome of darkenesse , containing manie particular companies which are all the Synagogues of Sathan , the other , the Kingdome of God ; this latter is called Ecclesia , signifying a Company of men as redeemed , so also called out of the world , as the Greeke word importeth . Ecclesia therefore is a company of men called out of the world vnto saluation by Christ , that is to say more brieflie , the Church doth signifie a companie of Christians . And thus it is vsed in the Scriptures either more Generally , to signifie eyther the Vniuersal company of them that are elected in Christ , or called to be Saints , as Ephes. 1.22 . & 3.21 . & 5.23 . 24.25.27.29 , 32. Act 2.47 . Colos. 1.18.24 . The two main parts of the vniuersall Church Triumphant in heauen , as Heb. 12 23. Militant on earth , as Mat. 16.18 . 1. Cor. 12.28 . Eph. 3.10 . 1. Tim. 3.15 , and that eyther dispersed in diuers nations and Countries throughout the world , 1. Cor. 10.32 . & 15 9. Act. 8.3 . Gal 1.13 . Phil. 3.6 . Congregated in an vniuersall or O●cumenicall Synode Particularly , & that either Definitely , to signifie the Church of a Nation in the nūber Singular . Act. 7 38. Plural . Rom. 16.4 . 1. Cor. 16.1.19 . 2. Co. 8.1 . Ga. 1.2.22 And these either dispersed or cōgregated into a Synode or consistory . Mat. 18.17 Act. 15.22 Congregation , whether set : or vncertain as Act. 11.26 . & 14.27 . 1. Cor. 11 18 22. & 14.5.12.19 23.28.34.35.3 . Ioh. 6. City and Country adioyning . Act. 5.11 . & 8.1 . & 11.12 . & 12.1.5 . & 13.1 . & 14.23 . & 20. 17.28 . 1. Cor. 1.2 . 2 Co. 1.1 . & 8.23 . Col 4.16 . 2. Thes. 1.1 . 1. Tim. 5.16 . Iam. 5.14 . Apoc. 1.4 . 11.20 . & 2.1.7.8.12.18 . & 3.1.7.14 . Village or towne . Rom. 16 1. Family , Rom. 16.5 . 1. Cor. 16 9. Col. 4.5 . Philem. 2. Indefinitely , signifying any company of Christians , not defining either the Place , Society , whether of a Nation , City , &c. quantity , whether an entire church or but a part , as Act. 9. ●1 . & 15 3.4.41 . & 18.22 . Rom. 16.16 23.1 . Co. 4.17 . & 6.4 . & 11.16 . & 14. 33. 2. Cor. 8.18.19.24 . & ●1 8.28 . & 12.13 . Phil. 4.15 . 1. Thes. 2.14 . 2. Thes. 1.4 . ● . Tim. 3.5.3 . Iohn . 9. 10. Apoc. 2.7.17.23.29 . & 3.6.13.22 . & 22.16 . The significations of the word Church being so manifold in the Scriptures , it may bee demanded what is truly and properly a Church vpon earth . Whereunto I answer by warrant of the word , that euery company of men professing the true faith of Christ , is both truly a Church , and also a true Church . So is the whole company of the faithfull vpon earth the true Church and spouse of Christ , the piller and ground of truth . So is the company of Christians professing the true faith of Christ in any Nation or part of the world to bee termed by the name of a Church . For euen as the whole people of Israel professing the true religion , were one Church , though containing verie many particular Congregations or Synagogues , which also were so many Churches : euen so the whole people of England , professing through Gods mercy , the true Catholike and Apostolicke faith , is to bee called the Church of England . For whereas some alleage , that the Church of the Iewes was one , because it was vnder one high Priest , who was a figure , and therefore ceased : it is euident that it was one Church , because it was one people or commonwealth , ruled by the same lawes , professing the same religion , both before there was one high Priest , and after there were through corruption more then one . Neither was the high Priest in respect of his preeminence and gouernment ouer the priests and people a type of Christ ( for then had he , as well as Melchisedeck , been a type of Christs gouernment and kingly office , as well as of his priesthood , and consequently Christ might haue bin a priest of the order of Aaron , as well as of Melchisedeck but in respect of his sacrifice for the whole people , and intercession for them , and his entrance alone within the sanctuary , bearing the names of the twelue Tribes : for Christs gouernment appertaineth to his kingdome , and not to his priesthood . Likewise the Christian people of any Citie and Country adioyning , whether that which wee call a prouince or diocesse , though consisting of many particular congregations , is rightly termed a Church , as the Church of Ierusalem , Antioch , Ephesus , Smyrna , Sardes , Philadelphia , &c. Jn like manner , the Christian people of one Towne or Village , containing but one congregation , which we call a parish , is truly called a church , as perhaps that of Cenchreae . And to conclude , the company of faithfull in one familie doe deserue the name of a Church , as hath bin shewed . Indeed that any particular Chruch of a whole Nation , Citie and Country , Towne , Parish , or family , ( family I say being alone , and not a part of a congregation , but as an entire Church or parish by itselfe ) may bee accounted a true visible Church , there is required besides the profession of the true faith , wherein the life and being of a Church consisteth , the ministery of the word and sacraments , and eutaxy , or some good order of gouernment . Not that all gouernours are to be placed in euery society or Church , but that the effect and benefit of the gouernment is to redound to euery particular . For as well might an high Councell of State , or Parliament , such as was the synedrion of the Iewes , which was but one for the whole Nation , be required in euery Citie , and a Maior and Aldermen ( such as be in London and other chiefe Cities ) in euery village , as a Bishop and Presbytery in euery parish . All which J haue the rather noted , because some hauing first strongly conceited , that there is no true visible Church but a parish , nor lawfull church-officers but parishionall , haue haled the places of Scripture , where Ecclesia is mentioned , to the confirmation of their conceit : and thereupon , as their chiefe foundation , haue built their newfound parish discipline . Whereas in very truth , scarce any one testimony of such a congregation of Christians , as we call a parish , can be alleaged out of the Scriptures . Indeed at the very first conuersion of Cities , the whole number of the people conuerted ( being sometimes not much greater then the number of the Presbyters placed among them ) were able to make but a small congregation . But those Churches were in constituting , they were not fully constituted , vntill their number being increased , they had their Bishoppe or Pastor , their Presbytery and Deacons ; without which Ignatius saith , there was no Church : meaning no accomplished or fully constituted Church . Neither was the Bishop and the Presbytery , which at the first was placed in any Citie , prouided onely for that set number which was already conuerted ; but they were there placed for the conuersion of the whole Citie and country thereto belonging : their ministery being like to the leuen put into three pecks of meale , which by degrees seasoneth the whole lumpe . Neither was it meant , that the whole number of Christians of each Citie and territory , being much increased , should continue but one particular ordinary congregation assembling in one place ; but that vpon the multiplication of Christians , diuision should be made of the whole Church into diuers particular congregations , which after happened in all Churches accordingly . But vpon this diuision , there was not to euery seuerall congregation allotted a Bishop and a Presbytery , but only seuerall Presbyters assigned , singuli singulis , some of the Presbyters continuing with the Bishop . The Bishop himselfe remaining , as it was first intended , and as the Church of God euery where throughout the world expounded that intent , by their practise , the Pastor or Superintendent of the whole Citie and country adioyning . Neither are all the Disciplinarians in the world able to shew , that there were , or ought to haue been , after the diuision of parishes and assignement of seuerall Presbyters vnto them , any more then one Bishop and one Presbytery for a whole diocesse . But of this more hereafter . In the meane time , hauing shewed that the vse of the word Ecclesia in the Scriptures doth not sauour their conceit , who imagine there is no true Church , but a parish , the word signifying ( according to the vsuall phrase of the holy Ghost ) any company of Christians , whether great or small ; I am now to declare the vse of the word Ecclesia , paroecia , dioecesis , ( which are commonly translated , Church , parish , diocesse , ) in antient Writers . Where I am to note , that setting aside the general significatiō of the word Ecclesia , signifying either the whole Church in general , or the two maine parts of it in heauen and earth : in which sense paroecia and dioecesis are not vsed , as also the largest signification of dioecesis , containing the whole circuit of a patriarchall and archiepiscopall iurisdiction , ( as the diocesse of the Patriarch of Alexandria contained all Egypt , Libya , and Pentapolis , the diocesse of Antioch , the East Countries , &c. ) In which sense , the word paroecia is not vsed , setting aside I say these large significations of ecclesia and dioecesis : otherwise these three words , ecclesia , paroecia , and dioecesis , are for the most part vsed as words of the same signification . For as in the singular number , commonly each of them doth signifie a diocesse , excepting wherein the distribution of the diocesse paroecia is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for then onely it signifieth the citie and suburbs , and excepting where some addition restraineth the word paroecia or ecclesia , to the signification of a parish , as ecclesia or paroecia cui presbyter praest : so in the plurall , if they be referred to one diocesse , they signifie parishes , or some parts of the diocesse ( though with this difference , that dioceses doe note Parishes onely in the Country , but ecclesia and paroecia , commonly , as well those in the Citie , as in the country ) but referred to whole Nations , or larger parts of the world , they signifie dioceses . But I will speake of them seuerally , beginning with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paroecia : the rather because our Refuter , and others of his feather , finding in Eusebius the Churches of Ierusalem , Alexandria , Antioch , &c. to bee termed paroeciae , straightwaies conclude , that they were such Churches as we call parishes . Which , if they write as they thinke , is a very vnlearned collection . For whereas the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is diuersly vsed , sometimes with reference to a Bishoppe , sometimes with relation to a Presbyter ; in the signification of a parish , it is neuer vsed as the whole Church , subiect to the Bishoppe , but in that sense is either referred to one Presbyter , as his proper charge : or if it be referred to the Bishoppe , it doth signifie but one parish among many belonging to his Bishopricke . But most vsually , and almost alwaies in antient Writers , yea and many times , both in those of the middle , and also of the latter age , it is taken either for the whole diocesse , or for the citie and suburbs ; whereto as the Bishops see , the rest of the diocesse doth appertaine . And because my aduersary shall not say I speake without booke , I will bring pregnant testimonies to make good my assertion . First therefore , whereas one a of the ancient Canons , called the Apostles , forbiddeth a Bishop to leaue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his owne charge , and to leape into another : and wh●reas Eusebius the author of the ecclesiasticall history , being the Metropolitan Bishop of Caesarea , and much importuned to remoue to Antioch , which at that time was the seat of the third patriarch , refused that offer : Constantine b the great doth greatly commend him for keeping 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Apostolik● canon . Which canon the Council of Nice hath reference vnto , when it saith c that Bishops remouing from one City to another , or as wee speake , from one See to another , did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contrary to the Canon . The meaning therefore of the Canon forbidding a Bishop to remoue from one paroecia to another , was to forbidde him to remoue from one Diocesse to another . The councill of Antioch , speaking to the same purpose , retayneth the same words , forbidding a Bishop d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bee translated from one paroecia to another ▪ Where it were absurd to vnderstand the councell as speaking of a parish , because this councell being latter then the councell of Nice , it is euident that at that time , there were not onely Bishops of Dioceses , and Metropolitanes ouer Prouinces ▪ but also patriarches diuiding among them the Christian world . And to the same purpose , the councill of Sardica e noting the breach of these canons , among other vnlawfull practises of the Arians , expresseth it in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , translations from lesse Cities to greater paroecias , that is , dioceses , or Bishoprickes In the same Councell it is decreed f , that if any Bishoppe will ordaine in any degree of the clergy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of another paroecia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Minister belonging to another Bishop , without the consent of his owne Bishop , the ordination shall be voide . The councels g of Ancyra and Antioch speaking of Bishops , the one , not receiued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the paroecia , or diocesse , the other , not accepting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the paroecia or bishopricke vnto which he was ordained , most plainely by paroecia vnderstand the charge of a Diocesan Bishop . Epiphanius h excusing himself to Iohn the Bishop of Ierusalem , who was offended with him , for that he had , as was supposed , ordained a Presbyter in his diocesse , answereth among other things , that diuers Bishops had ordained in his diocesse , without his offence . Yea , he had exhorted Philo & Theoprobus , two Bishops , that in the Churches of Cyprus , which were neer to them , ad mea autem paroeciae videbātur ecclesiā pertinere , eo quod grandis esset et lat a prouincia , ordinarēt presbyteros , et Christs ecclesiae prouiderent , but seemed , faith he , to belong to the Church of my paroecia , that is , Bishopricke , they would , because it was a great and large prouince , ordaine Presbyters , and prouide for the Church of Christ. Where it is testified , that the Churches throughout a large Prouince , were but part of his paroecia , that is , diocesse . But I will descend to latter times , wherein it was prouided , that a Bishop of another City i , should not contrary to the canons , inuade parochiam cuiuslibet episcopi , the paroeciae , mening diocesse of any other Bishop . The third Councell of Toledo k hath these words ; Si quid episcopi ecclesiis ad suā parochiam pertinentibus dederint , &c. If Bishops shall giue any thing to Churches belonging to their paroecia , that is , Bishopricke . Gregory the Great when he would signifie , that the antient canons commanded that prouinciall synods should be held twice a yeere , saith l , they had taken order , de habendis per parochias concilijs . The synod held in England m An. 673. decreed , that no Bishop should inuade the paroecia of another : and that Bishops and other clergy men , being strangers , may not exercise any priestly function without the leaue of the Bishop , in cuius paroecia , in whose diocesse they are knowne to remaine . In the Councell of Arles n , it was ordained , that once a yeere euery Bishop should goe about parochiam suam , that is , his diocesse . The Councell of Mentz o appoint , that euery Bishoppe in sua parochia , that is , in his owne diocesse , should make diligent inquirie , whether there were any Presbyters or Deacons therein , that belonged to another Bishop , that they might be returned to him . In the Councell of Rhoan p , the Bishop is forbidden principalem cathedram s●ae parochia negligere , to neglect the Cathedrall Church or chiefe seat of his paroecia , that is , Bishoprick . To conclude , the Councel held at Wormes q , forbiddeth Bishops , qu● parochias non habent , which haue no charge of their owne , to exercise their function , or to ordaine in alterius parochia , in the paroecia of another Bishop , without the appointment of the Bishop in ●uius parochia , in whose diocesse they be . Whereby it doth euidently appeare , that the word paroecia , being attributed to a Bishop , as his whole charge or circuit of his episcopall iurisdiction , doth signifie a diocesse , consisting of many parishes . And that in Eusebius it is so to bee vnderstood , it is most manifest , because hee calleth great Churches , after the diuision of them into many parishes , not onely in the Country , but euen in the Cities , by the name of Paroecia . To which purpose , let vs conferre a few places in Eusebius , concerning the Church of Alexandria : whereby his meaning , when he speaketh of this argument , wil easily appeare . For hauing said , lib. 6. cap. 1. that Laetus was the president of Alexādria & the rest of Aegypt , he addeth r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the Bishoprick of the paroecia or Churches there ( in Alexandria and Aegypt ) Demetrius had lately receiued . In the eight chapter s he saith , that Demetrius was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the president or Bishop of the paroecia , that is , the Church there . For so he explaneth himself t chap. 26. calling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop of the Church of the Alexandreans : and what he meaneth by that speech he sheweth u chap. 35. Where speaking of Dionysius his next successor but one , hee vseth these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee taketh vpon him the Bishopricke or charge of being president of the Churches belonging to Alexandria . So that when he saith Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the paroecia , or church , his meaning is all one as if hee had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , of such a Bishopricke as contained many Churches . And in the same sense he speaketh ( though in the plurall number ) when hee mentioneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. the paroeciae or churches of Pontus , the churches of Asia , the paroecia of the holy catholike church . Thus then wee see , that in antient writers the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greeke , and paroecia ( corruptly parochia ) in Latine , is vsually taken for the whole diocesse consisting of many parishes , when it betokeneth a Bishops whole charge . § . 8. Sometimes it signifieth but a part of the Bishoprick , as whē the whole diocesse is diuided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying the city or chiefe seate , or see of the Bishop : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rest of the diocesse in the countrie or countries thereto belonging . For manifestation whereof , those two places mentioned in the sermon are sufficient . The former is one of the ancient Canons called the Apostles , in these words x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The Bishops of euery nātion it behoueth to agnize him that is Primate or first among them , and to esteeme him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as their head or chief , and to do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nothing that exceedeth the bounds of their owne charge or iurisdiction , without his consent , and that euery one doe deale in those things alone , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which belong to his owne Paroecia , that is , see or Church & the coū●ries which be subiect onto it . Neither may he ( that is , the Metropolitan , ) do any thing without the consent of all . So shall there bee concorde , and God shall bee glorified through the Lord in the Holy Ghost : Which canon is renued and explained in the councill of Antioch , the canons whereof were part of the ancient code y or book of canons receiued in the ancient church , recited some of them in the great councell of Chalcedon , and ratified all of them in the generall councell of Constantinople held in Trullo the Emperours Palace . The canon is this : It z behooueth the BB , of euery Prouince to acknowledge the Metropolitane B. and that he taketh vpō him the cure of the whole Prouince because there is a concourse of all men who haue businesse from all places vnto the Metropolis on mother Citie . Wherefore it hath beene thought good or decreed , that he should excell in honour , and that without him the rest of the Bishops should doe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing exceeding the bounds of their owne charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the ancient receiued Canon of our Fathers , ( meaning the afore cited Canon of the Apostles , which it reciteth , as you see , word for word ) but those things alone which concerne his owne Pa●oecia , that is , his owne See or Citie , and the Countries which be vnder it . For euery Bishop hath authoritie ouer his owne Paroecia , and doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , administer according to the feare ( of God ) wherewith he is endued , and hath a prouident care , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the whole region ( or countrey ) which is vnder his Citie ( vsing the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Paroecia and Citie , indifferently ) so that hee may ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , and order all things with iudgement : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but beyond his bounds hee may doe nothing without the Bishop of the Mother Citie : neither may he without ●he consent of the rest . Then which testimonies , nothing can bee alleged more pregnant , either for the signification of the word , or for the proofe of our assertion , that the Churches or charges of Bishops were not parishes , but dioceses . Sometimes indeede the word Paroecia doth signifie that which we call a parish : but then either it is vsed with such reference to a Bishop , as it is plainely noted to bee but one among many belonging to his charge , and is commonly vttered in the plurall number ; or else it is referred to a Presbyter as his proper charge . To which purpose consider these testimonies . The Councell of Carthage , a which is so much alleged by the Disciplinarians , speaketh , as of the Bishop of the diocesse , so of a Presbyter , qui Parochiae praeest , who is set ouer a parish . The b Councell of Toledo speaketh of Presbyters ordained in parochijs & per parochias . Innocentius c the first writing to Florentius a Bishop , blameth him for vsurping a parish which belonged to the diocesse of Vrsus another Bishop . And elsewhere d he speaketh ●● As for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or dioecesis , I hope I shall not neede to prooue , that it also signifieth a diocesse . Neither do I greatlie neede to shew , that in the signification of a diocesse , it is giuen to Bishops ; seeing the sense of it being diuersified according to the varietie of the persons to whom it is attributed ; in the sense of a diocesse , as we tearme it , it is properly ascribed to Bishops . The word indeede seemeth generally to signifie the circuit of any mans charge or administration , who hath gouernment in the Church . For as there is Ecclesia , a Church of a Patriarch , and of a Metropolitan , of a Bishop , and of a Presbyter ; so there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or dioecesis , of a Patriarch , which we may call a Patriarchall diocesse ; of an Archbishop , which we call a Prouince ; of a Bishop , which we call a Diocesse ; and of a Presbyter , which we call a Parish . For the two first , these few examples may suffice . The Emperour Iustinian a appointeth , that a Clergy man should not be accused at the first before the Patriarch of the Diocesse ; but first , according to the sacred constitutions , before the Bishop of the City , in which the Clergy man liueth : then , if he be suspected as partiall , let him bring the party accused before the Metropolitane Bishop . But if he also shall not allow of the accusation , let him bring him before the Synode of that prouince but if still hee thinke himselfe wronged , let him appeale to the Patriarch of the Diocesse , from whose sentence there lieth no appeale &c. Afterwards he addeth this exception ; that wheras there are two sorts of Patriarches , some , who in the Prouinces wherein they are , beare the office of Metropolitanes , ( their See being of ancient time the Metropolis of the Prouince , such were the Bishops of Antioch , Rome , and Alexandria , ) others per totam Diocesin , throughout the whole Diocesse , doe ordaine the Metropolitanes and other Bishops who are vnder them , as the Bishop of Constantinople b , and perhaps Ierusalem ; c ) therefore the causes , which happen in the Prouinces of the former sort , are immediately from the Bishops to be brought to them as to Metropolitanes . In the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d , or disposition of the Churches , subiect to the Patriarch of Constantinople , made by the Emperour Leo the Philosopher , it is noted , that seuen Metropolitane Churches , were withdrawn from e the Romane Diocesse , with the Bishops vnder them , & one also , viz. Sele●cia in Pamphylia from f the Diocesse of the East , ( meaning of the Bishop of Antioch , for he , as Theodoret g saith , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ruler or chiefe of the Bishops in the East , ) together with 26. Bishopricks subiect thereto . Epiphanius h , as you heard before , testifieth this to haue beene the custome , that the Bishop of Alexandria should haue the Ecclesiastical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diocesse , or Administration of all Egypt & Thebais , Mareot , Libya , Ammoniace , Maraeotis , and Pentapolis . It is said of Gregory the Great i , that vnto the Bishopricks of his Diocesse , hee inuited Bishops of another Diocesse , vacantes , being voided of their Bishoprickes , as the Bishop of Smyrna , hee inuited to a Bishopricke in Sicilia . The circuit also of an Archbishops iurisdiction is sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Dioecesis , and the Archbishop himselfe k , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in the Councell of Chalcedon , where Archbishops are reckoned as a middle degree , betweene Metropolitanes and Patriarches ; the name of Patriarch being also giuen sometimes vnto them . If any haue a controuersie with the Metropolitane of the Prouince , let him goe vnto , either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Primate of the Diocesse , or to the patriarch of Constantinople . The same Councell l appointeth the Metropolitanes of the Dioceses of Pontus , Asia , and Thracia to bee ordained by the Patriarch of Constantinople , and the BB. of euery prouince in those Dioceses to bee , as they were wont , according to the Canons , to bee ordained of their Metropolitans . So that according to this sense a prouince is but part of a Diocesse . Socrates speaking of the first Councell of Constantinople , saith m that they established Patriarches , meaning Archbishops , diuiding vnto them prouinces . Thus of the Diocesse of Pontus , Helladius the Bishoppe of Cesarea , Gregorius the Bishoppe of Nyssa , Otreius the B. of Metileno obtained the Patriarchship . The Patriarchship of the Diocesse of Asia was assigned to Amphilochius of Iconium , and Optimus of Antioch in Pisidia and Gregory n writing to Constantius the Archbishop of Millaine , mentioneth diuers BB. of his Diocesse , as you heard o before . But we are briefly also to shew that a Bishops charge is called Dioecesis . The first Councell of Constantinople decreeth p , as it is commonly vnderstood , that BB. should not goe out of their Diocesse vnto Churches without their bounds , and that they should not q confound the Churches . Where a Diocesse is attributed to a Bishop , as the circuit and bounds of his iurisdiction ; and Churches , which the Councell forbiddeth to be confounded , are confounded with Dioceses . Againe , that BB. r being not called , may not goe without their Diocesse , to ordaine Ministers , or to exercise other ecclesiasticall administrations . In the Councell of Africke s it was decreed that those people which neuer had a Bishop of their owne , should not haue a Bishop but by the decree of the whole Synode of the prouince , and the Primate , and by the consent of him in whose Diocesse the said Church is . Againe , that one Bishop t doe not inuade the Diocesse of another . Thus Dioecesis signifieth the whole Diocesse . But where we find it opposed to the City , or to the Cathedral church , then doth it signifie the rest of the Diocesse ; as in the Africane Councell u it was ordained that the Churches in the Diocesse conuerted from Donatisme , should belong to the Cathedra or See of the Catholicke B. Againe , * the BB are forbidden to leaue their chiefe seat or See , & to remoue themselues to another church in their Diocesse . Thus in the plural number , it signifieth sometimes al the churches in the Diocesse , meaning the coūtry , & somtimes any of thē seuerally . It was concluded vpon in the Councel of Carthage , x that the BB. which liue in the vnity & cōmunion of the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that hee should not onely iustly retaine his owne See , but also possesse such Dioeceses , that is parts of the Diocesse , as had gotten to themselues a a schismaticall Bishop of their owne . Againe , it was decreed y that Dioceses ( that is , parts of the Diocesse in the country ) which neuer had a Bishop , should not haue any : and that Diocesse which sometimes had , should haue their owne B. And if in processe of time , the faith increasing , the people of God being multiplied , shall desire to haue a peculiar gouernour , with the consent or liking of him , in whose power the Diocesse is , let them haue a Bishop . Wee haue heard it ordained z ( saith Honoratus and Vrbanus in the 3. Councell of Carthage , ) that Dioceses ( meaning but parts of the Diocesse in the Country ) should not obtaine a Bishop , but with the consent of him vnder whom they are placed . But perhaps some in our Prouince when they haue beene ordained Bishops in such a Diocesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the grant of the B. who originally holdeth the Dioceses , haue challenged other Dioceses , this ought to be amended . Epigonius answered , that which is meet , is reserued to euery Bishoppe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that out of the company or combination of Parishes iointly possessed , no part should bee taken to haue a Bishoppe of her owne , but by the consent of him , who hath authority , meaning the Bishoppe of the City , vnto which the Country belongeth . But if he shall grant that the Diocesse ( meaning part of his owne Diocesse ) permitted shall enioy a Bishop of their owne ; hee that is so preferred may not encroch vpon other Dioceses , ( that is , other parts of the Diocesse , ) because that one being taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the body of many was vouchsafed alone to receiue a Bishopricke of their owne . The which sentence when Aurelius the Bishop of Carthage , and president of that Councell had consented vnto , was decreed by the whole Councell . And that wee may know the Parishes in the Country together with the seuerall Presbyters set ouer them , belong to the Diocesan Bishop , euen they also sometimes are called by the name of Diocesse . In the councell a of Toledo Bishops are required , per cunctas Dioeceses parochiasque suas , to goe yearely through all their Dioceses and Parishes . And againe b , so to rule their Dioceses , that is , Parishes , that they doe not presume to take any thing from their right , but ( according to the authority of former Councels ) they take onely a third part of the offerings and tithes . But in an other Councell c it was determined , that no B. walking per suas Dioeceses , through his Dioceses , shall take any thing besides the honour of his chaire , that is , 2● shillings , or require the third part of the oblations in the parish churches . Sometimes it is vsed for a parish Church . In which sense , a parish Presbyter is said in the Councell d of Agatha , Dioecesin tenere . In the Councell of Orleans e dioecesis & Basilica are vsed promiscuously , as Synonyma . To which purpose it is said f , that if any man hath , or desireth to haue Dioecesin , that is , a Church , in his ground , he must assign sufficient land vnto it , & prouide a Clerke for it . CHAP. IJ. Prouing by other Arguments that the ancient Churches which had Bishops , were not Parishes , but Dioceses . ANd thus much may suffice to haue spoken of the names , about which the testimonies which I haue brought , haue beene almost so many euidences for the Diocesan , and against the parishionall Bishops . Now I proceede to other arguments ; desiring the Reader to remember that the question is concerning such Churches , as were endued with power of Ecclesiastical gouernment and iurisdiction , to wit , whether in the Apostles times , and the ages following , they were Parishes , as we cal them , or Dioceses . And first I will shew they were not Parishes , and after , that they were Dioceses . For , if Parishes , then the Parishes either in the Countries , or Cities were such : but neyther the parishes in the Country , nor in the Citie , had a Bishop of their owne and a Presbytery . Which is so euident a truth to them that haue read the Councels , Histories , and Fathers of the antient Church , that it is to be wondred , how men of learning and reading , being also men of conscience , can deny it . But seeing it is denied , I must be content to proue it , viz. that regularly , lawfully , ordinarily Bishops and Presbyteries were not placed in the seuerall parishes . For these words I hope may be added with the Refuters leaue , seeing neither it can be preiudicious to mee what was at any time vnlawfully done , nor aduantagious to him , vnlesse hee will vrge a reformation , according to the paterne of the Churches ( if there were any such ) which were irregularly , extraordinarily , and vnlawfully gouerned . First therefore for Country parishes , because I maintaine the negatiue , and the proofe of the affirmatiue lieth vpon my aduersary , I challenge him to produce some proofe , if he bee able , within 400. yeeres after Christ , of Country parishes lawfully , regularly , ordinarily furnished with power of ecclesiasticall gouernment , and gouerned by their owne Bishoppes , such as they speake of , assisted with their Presbyteries . Which if hee bee not able to performe , ( as I am well assured hee is not ) hee must acknowledge his parish Bishoppe to bee of the same stampe . with his lay-presbyters , that is to say , a meere counterfet . But not expecting his proofe , J will prooue , that neither they had Bishoppe of their owne , nor yet Presbyteries . As touching the former , it cannot be denied , but in some places the Presbyters of parishes growing ambitious , haue desired to bee Bishoppes of their parish , and their people vaine glorious haue seconded their desire . But in all well ordered Churches , their presumption hath been resisted , and their vaine desires frustrated . I doe confesse , that in Africke , which alwaies bringeth forth some noueltie , and from whence all T. C. his newes in this cause doe come , some parts of the diocesse being very populous , haue obtained a Bishoppe of their owne . But when ? when the charge was so great , as that by it selfe it seemed to deserue a Bishop . And how ? First , with the leaue of the Bishop of the city , in whose diocesse it was . Secondly , with the approbation of the Metropolitane and the prouinciall Synode . Thirdly , hee which obtained the honour of beeing a bishoppe was aduanced to a higher degree , then himselfe had before , or other country pastors haue , and was ordained a Bishop by the Metropolitan and two other Bishops at the least . But it shall not bee amisse both to recite the decrees of the Africane councels in this behalfe , though , touched before ; and also to acquaint you with the determinations of godly Bishoppes , and canons of holy Councels elsewhere . In the second councell of Carthage it was decreed , that the Dioceses ( meaning , as I haue said , parts of any diocesse in the Country ) which neuer receiued Bishoppes of their owne , may haue none ; and that diocesse which sometimes had , may still haue a Bishoppe of their owne . And if in processe of time , the faith increasing , the people of God being multiplied , shall desire to haue a gouernour of their owne , that then they may haue a Bishoppe with his leaue , in whose power the diocesse is . In the third Councell of Carthage it is said , that it had beeen determined in many Councels , that the people which be in the parishes or diocesses held by the Bishoppes , which neuer had a Bishop of their owne , should not receiue gouernours of their owne , that is to say , Bishoppes , but with the consent of the Bishoppe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by whom from the beginning they haue been inioied . But forasmuch as some hauing obtained this honor abused it tyrannically , and withdrew themselues schismatically from the communion of other Bishops : and forasmuch as also certaine Presbyters lifting vp their neckes against their BB. vsed indirect meanes to allure their people , that themselues might be made Bishoppes ; therefore it was ordained , that such a people in the paroecia ▪ or diocesse , which is subiect to the antient Bishoppe , and neuer had a Bishoppe of their owne , should not obtaine a proper Doctor , meaning Bishoppe . And as touching those which had attained to this honour vnlawfully , and withdrew themselues from the synods of Bishoppes , it was determined that they should not onely lose their diocesse , but also their owne Church . For it is fit the Bishops which are vnited to all their brethren , and to the whole synod , should iustly retaine not onely their owne Cathedra or See , but also that they should possesse such dioceses . And whereas some l being made Bishops in part of other mens dioceses , with their leaue and consent , did incroach vpon parts of the diocesse not granted vnto them , it was concluded , that he which in the diocesse is preferred to be Bishoppe , by the consent of the antient Bishoppe , who holdeth the mother or cathedrall Church , shall only retain that people vnto which he was ordained . Finally , in another Councell m of Africke , it was decreed , that such people as neuer had B. of their own , should in no wise obtaine a B. vnlesse it be by the decree of the whole synod of euery prouince , and of the primate , and also by the consent of him vnder whose diocesse the said Church is placed . Out of which canons , we may obserue these things . First , that the Country churches belonged to the iurisdiction of the Bishop in the Citie . Secondly , that euer from the beginning , they haue belonged to the Bishop of the Citie . Thirdly , that those parts of dioceses , which then had no Bishop of their owne , neuer had . Fourthly , that the number of Bishopricks was not wont to be diminished , or the circuits of them inlarged , but contrariwise , if there were cause , the number was increased , and the circuits or dioceses lessened . Fifthly , that when a new Bishopricke was to be erected , it was erected in some Bishops diocesse , but not without his leaue and liking , and also approbation of the Primate and Prouinciall synod . Sixthly , that when a new Bishopricke was erected , that part wherein it was erected , was taken , as before I noted n , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from all the parts iointly possessed , and as it were from the body of the rest . Seuenthly , that hee which was preferred to such a Bishopricke was not a parish Bishoppe . For besides his owne Church , hee had a diocesse . Neither were they appointed according to the new conceit to euery parish , but to such populous parts of dioceses , as might seeme worthy of a Bishop . Eighthly , that when a new Bishopricke was erected , the Presbyter who obtained this honour , was anew ordained thereto as Bishoppe , and so placed in a superiour degree of the Ministerie , then that which hee had when he was the Pastor or Presby●er onely of a parish . To these canons wee might adde the decrees of o Clemens and p Anacletus , ordaining that Bishoppes should not bee ordained in Villages or Townes , or small Cities , lest the names of Bishoppes should grow vile : but in such places Presbyters were seuerally to bee placed in each of them . But I need not the testimonies of such as are supposed counterfet : and yet it is to bee confessed , that the Epistle of Clemens was aboue one thousand two hundred yeeres agoe translated by Ruffinus ; and that which in this point either of them decreed , agreeth with the generall and perpetuall practise of the Church , from the Apostles time to our age . But to let them passe : the Epistle of Leo q the Great , is without suspicion , which he wrote to the Bishops of Africke , requiring that this among all the statutes of the Canons be obserued , that not in any places or townes , Bishops should be consecrated , nor where heretofore they haue not been , seeing where the lesse people or smaller companies are , the care of Presbyters may suffice . But episcopall gouernment is onely to be set ouer greater people and more frequent or populous Cities , lest what the decrees of the holy Fathers inspired of God haue forbidden , the height of priesthood should be giuen to villages and parishes , or obscure and solitary townes , and the episcopall honour whereto more excellent things ought to bee committed , it selfe should grow vile or contemptible , by the multitude thereof . The canons whereof he speaketh ( that I may also come to them ) were the Canons of the councels held at Sardica and Laodicea . The councell held at Sardica not long after the councell at Nice , assembled by the authority of the two Emperors Constans and Constantius , celebrated by 341 BB. as Balsamo saith , among whom some of the chiefe had bene present at the councill of Nice , as Hosius and Athanasius &c. which also confirmed the faith before concluded in the councel of Nice , at that time much oppugned by the Arians ●this councell , I say , determined r that it is simply s vnlawfull to constitute a Bishop in a village or small t City , vnto which euen one onely Presbyter doth suffice . For it is not needfull that Bishops should bee placed there , lest the name & authority of a Bishop grow into contempt . But the Bishops of the prouince ( being assembled as before was said by the Metropolitan ) must ordaine Bishops in such Cities as where before had beene Bishops . But if there shall any Citty bee found so abounding with multitude of people , that it may seeme vvorthie of a Bishopricke , let it haue a Bishop . For that of Laodicea , though it were but a prouinciall Synode , yet the decrees thereof were receiued into the ancient Code of canons , and were confirmed by the generall councell u held in Trullo . In that councill x therefore it was decreed , that Bishops ought not to bee placed in villages and countrey townes , but visitors : and that those which before that time had beene ordained , might doe nothing without the consent of the Bishop , who is in the Citty : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The same hath Photius , y Ne sit omnino in parua ciuitate vel vice Episcopus . To these we may ad the decree of the councell of Toledo : which though it were of latter times then the councels before mentioned , z yet was held aboue 9. hundred yeares agoe , beeing ratified and confirmed by Eringius the King : which I doe the rather mention , because whereas the Bishop of Merida z by the commandement of their late King Bamba , had ordained a Bishop in a monastery standing in a small towne , the said councell finding it to be a nouellous attempt , contrary to the canons of the councels and practise of the Church , decreed that there should not continue in the place aforesaid an Episcopall See , neither should any Bishop afterwards bee placed there . As for him , that was ordained not by his owne ambition , but by the Kings compulsion ; they grant to him this fauour , to bee remooued to the See of some Bishoppe deceasing . And in the end they make this generall decree : If any man shall cause a Bishop to bee made in those places , where a Bishop neuer was , let him be anathema in the sight of God almighty : and moreouer let both the ordainer and the ordained lose the degree of his order , because hee hath presumed to ouerthrow not onely the decrees of the ancient Fathers , but also the Apostolicall ordinances . This therefore is my first argument against parish Bishops in the countrey : That which was iudged vnlawfull by the canons of approoued councils , and decrees of godly Bishops , was neuer lawfully , regularly , ordinarily practised : But the placing of Bishops in countrie parishes , was iudged vnlawfull by the canons of approoued councels , and decrees of godly Bishops , as I haue shewed : Therefore the placing of Bishops in country parishes was neuer lawfully , regularly , ordinarily practised . It may be , that my aduersary , who is ready to catch at euerie syllable , will from the canon of the councill held at Laodicea before cited , obiect , that before that time , there were Bishops placed in country townes : and thereupon conclude , that therefore there had beene , before that time , parishionall Bishoppes . To this obiection I answere , by denying the consequence , or the proposition which is vnderstood , viz. that the country Bishops ( which had beene before ordained ) were parish Bishops . For those Bishops , because they were placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Countries , were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as you would say , Countrie-Bishops , to distinguish them from the other Bishops , whose See was in the Citie . Now these Chorepiscopi were not in all Dioceses , much lesse in all parishes ; nor assigned , where they were , to one parish ( as they were Bishoppes ) but where the Diocesse was large , were ordained in some places remote from the citie , to supply the absence of the Bishop , in some such circuits as our rurall Deanries are , wherein diuers parishes were contained . These Chorepicsopi at the first , had Episcopall ordination , by the imposition of the hands of three Bishops , insomuch that of the three hundred and eighteene Bishoppes assembled at the Councill of Nice , there were fifteeene Countrie-Bishoppes : For which fifteene , if all pastors of parishes had beene Countrie-Bishoppes , there might haue beene , I doubt not , fifteene hundred , if not fifteene thousand : But when these Countrie-Bishoppes , beeing but the Bishoppes suffraganes , and substitutes , placed in the Countrie to supplie the Bishoppes roome , and to exercise some matters of lesse moment appertaining to the Episcopall function , began to encroach vpon the Bishoppes right , and to vsurpe Episcopall authoritie , and jurisdiction beyond their commission ; they were by little and little restrained ; and when they would not be kept within their compasse , their order ( at least as they were Bishops ) beeing but an humane-ordinance , deuised for the ease of the Bishoppes in the citie , was in most places abolished . But forsomuch as that which is recorded concerning these countrie Bishops , doth giue great light to this present controuersie , it will not be vnprofitable , nor , I hope , vnpleasing to the reader , if I acquaint him with that which is written concerning them . First therefore in the councel of Neocesaria , wherunto among other BB. two Chorepiscopi subscribed , we find this difference betweene country presbyters & country Bishops : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Presbyters or Ministers of the countrey may not offer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the cathedrall Church of the City , the Bishop or Presbyters of the citty beeing present , neither may they at the time of prayer deliuer the bread nor the cuppe : but if they bee absent , and one of them alone bee called to prayer , then hee may , because hee is of the same Church or Diocesse , as some note . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b , but countrey Bishops , who are indeede after the manner of the 70. yet beeing honoured as fellow Ministers , they doe offer . Vpon which words Balsamo c noteth two things . First , where the councell saith they were as the Seuentie , it seemeth to deny that they had power to ordain ministers and deacons . Secondly , that among other vses , for which they were appointed , they were ordained to distribute the money to the poore , which appertained to them . Besides , we may obserue that both the country Bishops and country Presbyters , belong to the diocesse of the Bishop in the city ( which heereafter wil more clearely appeare ) and that the countrey Bishop was in a degree of honour superiour to country Ministres , and yet inferiour to the Bishops . The councel of Ancyra d which is more ancient thē the former , and both of them elder then the councill of Nice , perceiuing the country Bishops to encroch vpon the Bishops right , determined e it to be vnlawfull for contrey Bishops to ordaine Presbyters or Deacons . The councell of Antioch , f though it gaue liberty to countrey Bishops which were blamelesse , to send canonicall letters ( as the manner of Bishops among themselues , in those times was ) which it denied to country presbyters : yet for so much as the Chorepiscopi stil presumed to ordaine , alleging that they might lawfully doe it , because they had beene ordained as Bishops . Jt therefore determined , g that Bishops placed in the Townes and Countries , called Chorepiscopi , although they had receiued the ordination of BB yet they should know their owne measure , and gouerne the Churches subiect vnto them , and content themselues with the care and ouersight thereof : and hauing authoritie to ordaine Subdeacons and Exorcists , should satisfie themselues with preferring of them , and not presume to ordaine Presbyters or Deacons , without h the Bishop in the Citie whereunto both himselfe and the Country are subiect . But if any shall presume to transgresse this decree , hee shall be depriued of that honour which hee hath . And whereas they pretended that they had episcopall ordination , and therefore as BB might ordaine Ministers ; to take away that pretence , it determined also , that the Country B. should be ordained ( not of the Metropolitan and two or three other Bishops , as a Bishop , but as other Presbyters or Ministers ) of the Bishop of the City , vnto which he is subiect . So that whereas before Chorepiscopi were Suffragan Bishops , afterwards ( according to this decree ) they were but Presbyters in deede , though they had the title of Bishops ; neither were they acknowledged for any more by the Fathers and Councels of latter times . There is an Epistle which goeth vnder the name of Damasus , i the Author whereof supposeth , that Chorepiscopi are but Presbyters , because they are found k to haue beene ordained at the first after the example of the 70. But now because they are not necessarie in regard of their diligence towards the poore , and because they presumed aboue that which was lawfull for them to doe , therefore they are remooued from Episcopall offices . Wee know ( saith hee ) there were but two orders among the Disciples of Christ , that is to say , of the 12. Apostles , and 70. Disciples : whence this third came , we know not ; for neither are they Bishops , because they be not ordained of three Bishops , but only of one ; neither may Bishops by the Canons bee placed in Country townes ; neither may they be in the Citie , because in one Citie there may be but one Bishop . Neither will they bee called Presbyters , but will be accounted more then Presbyters . Whether Damasus were Author of that Epistle , I know not ; but this I am sure , that Leo l the great in his Epistle to the BB. of Germanie and France , doth shew himselfe to bee of the same iudgement , a good part of his Epistle differing little from the aforesaid Epistle , which beareth the name of Damasus . And this iudgement of Leo was so approued of the Councell of Ciuill , m whereof Isidore was President , that it followeth the same almost word for word . Now because my Aduersarie shall not say , that what I haue alleged concerning Country Bishops , is impertinent , hee shall vnderstand , that as the maine question concerning dioceses in the primitiue Church is from hence most manifestly prooued , as you shall heare in due place ; so this present question which wee haue in hand concerning parish Bishops . For surely if there were any parishionall Bishops in the Countrey , then the Countrey Bishops were such : but they were not such , for they were set ouer diuers parishes . Againe , if the Chorepiscopi were subiect to the Bishop of the Citie , and the Countrey whereof they were Bishops was part of the diocesse belonging to the Bishop of the Citie ; then much more the Presbyters of parishes ( who were inferiour , and in some things subiect to the Chorepiscopi , as the Bishops substitutes ) were subiect to the Bishop ; and their parishes , being but a part of the Country whereof the Chorepiscopi were called Bishops , were but a part of the diocesse . So farre were either the parish Presbyters from being Bishops , or their parishes from being entire Churches , endued with the power of ecclesiasticall gouernement . But the former is true , as hath beene proued , therefore the latter . That the Chorepiscopi were superiour to them , it is apparant , because not onely they had some iurisdiction ouer diuers parishes , but for a time had episcopall ordination , and had authoritie to ordaine Subdeacons , and to place Readers in parishes , as also they might send Formatas , or Canonicall Epistles , which the Presbyters might not doe . Likewise , when Bishops were at any time conuerted from heresie , n though they were not permitted to be Bishops of the City , yet they were gratified with the name and authoritie of Chorepiscopi . In the time of Theodosius and Valentinian , a certaine Bishop had beene ordained by two Bishops only : but this ordination the Councell of Rhegium o pronounced void , and censured the ordainers . As for the partie ordained , because hee had of himselfe renounced the Bishopricke , they thought good to follow the example of the Councell of Nice , and to gratifie him with the name and title of a Chorepiscopus ; but so , as that hee should not ordaine , nor exercise any other episcopall function , but only confirme Nouices , and consecrate Virgins , and in all things behaue himselfe as inferiour to a Bishop , and as superiour to a Presbyter . And this was my second argument , whereby I haue prooued , that Countrey parishes had no Bishops . Neither had each of them a Presbyterie , but seuerall Presbyters assigned to them , as sufficient for such a charge as was determined by the Councell of Sardica p , and by the iudgement of Leo q . Yea not Presbyters only did seuerallie gouerne parishes , as with vs , but sometimes Deacons also were by themselues set ouer charges . You heard before diuers testimonies of the Presbyters of parishes , as namely that r of the Councel of Carthage , Presbyter qui Paroeciae praest , &c. the Presbyter which gouerneth the parish . The like is presupposed of Deacons in the Councell of Eliberis , s which is supposed to be as ancient as the Councell of Nice : If any Deacon ruling a people , shall without a Bishop or Presbyter baptize any , &c. Againe , if parishes besides their Presbyter or Pastor had a presbytery , then was it either of the Ministery , or of the Laitie . But Presbyteries of Ministers were only in Cities , and Cathedrall Churches , and not any examples can bee alleged of Presbyteries in the Country , no not to assist the Chorepiscopi , much lesse to assist the Presbyters of parishes : and Presbyteries of Lay men were neuer heard of till this last age : Therefore the seuerall parishes had not Presbyteries . Moreouer , Churches endued with power ecclesiasticall sufficient for the gouernment of themselues , hauing also a Bishop and Presbyterie , had the power of ordination , as themselues also teach . But Countrey parishes had not the power of ordination . Therefore Countrey parishes were not indued with power ecclesiasticall , neither had they a Bishop or Presbyterie of their owne . For the Assumption , let the Refuter consider with mee , what course was taken in Countrey parishes , when their Minister was departed . Among themselues they had ordinarily none ; or if by chance they had , they could not ordaine him , but were ( as sometimes it happened in Cities ) to offer him to the Bishop to be ordained . Vniuersities they had none from whence to fetch a learned Minister : out of other dioceses they were not to bee supplied , vnlesse first it did appeare , that their owne Bishop was not able out of his Clergie to furnish them . To the Bishop of the Citie therefore they did resort , who out of the Clergie belonging to the Cathedrall Church , ( wherein , as the Nurserie of the diocesse , diuers were brought vp in the studie of diuinitie ) did supply their want , assigning some one of his Clergie vnto them . But if there were none fit , ( as sometimes their store was drawne drie , by supplying the wants of many ) they might not ordaine a Minister of another diocesse , whom they called another Bishops Clerke , without his leaue and dimissorie letters : for that in the Canons was condemned as a great wrong ; and such ordinations were to be disanulled . If therefore the Bishop neither had of his owne , nor knew not readily where to be supplied out of a neighbour diocesse , with the consent of his neighbour Bishop , he sent to the Metropolitan , t who either out of his owne Clergie , or some other in the Prouince , was to supplie them . And this , as it is euident to them who haue read any thing concerning the state of the ancient Churches ; so is it confessed by Caluin . Each City ( saith he ) u had a College of Presbyters , who were Pastors and Teachers ; for both did they all discharge the office of teaching , &c. to the people , and also that they might leaue seede behinde them , they were diligently imploied in instructing the younger sort of the Clergie . To euery Citie a certaine region was attributed , which should receiue their Ministers from thence , and be accounted of the body of that Church . It is therefore euident , that Countrey parishes had not each of them a Bishop and Presbyterie , nor that power of ecclesiasticall gouernment which they talke of . And much lesse had the parishes in the Cities . For it was neuer almost heard of , that there were at any time more Bishops ( so properly called ) then one in a City , where notwithstanding were many Presbyters , when schisme or heresie was not the cause of setting vp a second or third against the one only lawfull Bishop : excepting that in the same Church sometimes a second either hath beene permitted the title of a Bishop without episcopall authoritie , or else ordained as a coadiutor to the first . And when there haue beene more then one by schisme or heresie , yet neither the orthodoxall and Catholike Bishop , nor yet the schismaticall or hereticall Bishop , was a parishionall Bishop , but each of them was Bishop of all that were of the same faith with them , in the Citie and Countrey adioining , there hauing beene diuers times in the Cities onely more parishes then one , not onely of the true Christians , but also of the heretikes and schismatickes , as before was noted concerning Antioch . I shall haue occasion to speake more of this point when I shall x intreat of the singularitie of preheminence which the Bishop in euery diocesse had for terme of life . A few testimonies therfore shal suffice in this place . In the Church of Rome there were many not onely Presbyters besides the one onely lawfull Bishop , but also diuers parishes and titles soone after the Apostles times , whereunto Presbyters were assigned seuerally , the Bishop being the Superintendent ouer them all . About the yeere 250. Cornelius a being chosen Bishop of Rome , Nonatianus a Presbyter of Rome discontented with the election , by the instigation of Nonatus a fugitiue Bishop lately come out of Africke , not only broached the heresie of the Nouatians , or Catharists , but procure●● three simple B shops fetched from the vttermost parts of Italie , to ordaine him B●shop of Rome : hauing also inueigled by his subtilties , certaine famous men , that had beene Confessours to bee of his partie , and to ioine with him in the schisme against Cornelius . Of this fact , what was the iudgement of Cyprian , of Cornelius , and other B●shops , and finally of the Confessours themselues , you shall in few words heare . For when Nouatianus had sent his Messengers , as to other chiefe B●shops , so to Carthage , to procure the approbation of Cyprian , hee disswadeth them from the schisme , telling them b that a B●shop being ordained , and approoued by the testimonie and iudgement of his fellow B●shops , and of the people , another may not by any meanes be ordained . And writing to some of those Confessours , hee signifieth his great griefe , c because he vnderstood that they , contrary to the order of the Church , contrary to the law of the Gospell , contrarie to the vnity of Catholike discipline , had thought it meet , that another B. should be made , that is to say , which is neither right nor lawfull to bee done , that another Church should be erected , the members of Christ dismembred , &c. Cornelius hauing called together diuers Bishops besides his owne Clergie , deposed the Bishops who ordained Nouatianus : and writing of these matters to Fabius d the B. of Antioch , he saith , this Patron of the Gospell forsooth ( meaning Nouatian ) did not know that in a Catholike Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there ought to bee but one B. in which notwithstanding he could not be ignorant , but that there are 46. Presbyters , and 108. more of the Clergie . The Confessors e afterwards acknowledging their fault , among other things in their submission confesse , that as there is but one God and one Lord , so in a Catholike Church there ought to be but one Bishop . Now whereas Cornelius testifieth , that there were besides the Bishop , who ought to be but one , 46. Presbyters in the Citie of Rome , and 108. others of the Clergie : if any man ( notwithstanding it bee also testified by diuers , that there were diuers Churches in Rome , whereunto seuerall Presbyters were assigned ) will needes hold , that the whole Church of Rome was but one parish , and that all these Presbyters and Clerkes attended but one particular ordinary congregation ; I cannot let him from being so absurd . Howbeit , this is certaine , that in the next age , in Optatus f his time , when there were in Rome aboue fortie parish Churches , whereunto seuerall Presbyters were deputed , there remained still but one only Bishop . The like is to be said of Alexandria , wherein ( as Epiphanius g testifieth ) were before the time of Constantine many parish Churches , all which ( at least so many as were Catholike ) were vnder one Archbishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ouer them seuerally are Presbyters placed , for the ecclesiasticall necessities of the inhabitants , who might each of them bee neere vnto their owne Church , &c. Now ( saith Epiphanius ) besides the Church called Caesaria , which was burnt in Iulians time , and reedified by Athanasius , there are many others , as the Church of Dionysius , of Theonas , of Pierius , of Serapion , of Persaea , of Dizya , of Mendidius , of Amianus , of Baucalis , and others . In one of these was Colluthus Presbyter , in another Carpones , in another Sarmatas , and Arius h in another , namely , that which is called Baucalis . The same is testified by Nicetas Choniates , i affirming , that in Alexandria there were of old many Churches subiect to the B. of Alexandria , committed seuerally to Presbyters , as that which is called Baucalis , and those which haue their names from S. Dionysius , Theonas , &c. and that Arius being the gouernor of the schoole in Alexandria , was by Achilles the B. ( the predecessour of Alexander ) set ouer the Church called Baucalis . And although there be not the like euidence for multitude of parishes in other Cities immediately after the Apostles times ; yet is it not to be doubted , but that in euery City when the number of Christians was much increased , the like diuision of parishes was made , vnto which , not BB. but seuerall Presbyters were appointed : there remaining in each Citie but one Bishop , as the practise of all Churches in the Christian world from the Apostles times to our age doth inuincibly prooue . But now suppose , that the Church of each Citie had beene but one parish , which is most false ; yet forsomuch as to euery Citie there was as Caluin truly saith , a certaine region allotted , which belonged to the Bishops charge , and was from the Presbyterie of the Citie to receiue their Ministers ; who seeth nor , that the charge of a Bishop was not a parish , but a diocesse ? And that is the second thing which J promised to prooue . For , Churches containing within their circuit not onely Cities with their Suburbs , but also whole Countries subiect to them , were dioceses . But the Churches subiect to the ancient B●shops in the Primitiue Church , contained within their circuit not onely the Cities with their suburbs , but also the whole Countries subiect to them . Therefore they were dioceses . The assumption is prooued by these reasons : first , The circuit of a Bishops charge was anciently diuided into these parts , the Citie with the suburbs , and Country subiect to it . For proofe whereof , you heard before two most plaine testimonies : The former , in one of the Canons of the Apostles k ( so called ) charging the Bishop with his owne Paroecia , and the Countries which be vnder it : The other in the Councell of Antioch , l which reciting the same words , addeth this reason : For euery Bishop hath authoritie ouer his owne Paroecia , and doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , performe the dutie of a Diocesan , hauing a prouident care or superintendencie of the whole Countrey which is vnder his Citie , so that he may ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , and order all things with iudgement . To the same purpose is the diuision of Churches subiect to each Bishop , into the Church of the Citie called m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or N●trix Ecclesia , and all other parish Churches within the diocesse called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And hence ariseth the distinction of Presbyters subiect to the same Bishop that others were n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Presbyters of the citie , or as in some Latine Councels they are called o , Ciuitatenses , others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Countrey Ministers , or dioecesan● , Ministers of the diocesse . Secondly , neither was the iurisdiction ouer the parishes in the Countrey by vsurpation of the latter Bishops , but a right from the beginning , belonging to the very first Bishoppes of the Citie . For euidence whereof , call to mind what before was prooued , that dioceses were not wont to be enlarged , or the number of Bishoppes lessened ; but contrariwise those parts of the Country which euer had a Bishop , were still to retaine him ; and those which neuer had , if they were so populous , as that they seemed to deserue a Bishopricke , a Bishop was with the consent of the ancient Bishoppe of the Citie , and the authority of the prouinciall synod , and the Metropolitane set ouer them . This is sure , that all Countries were vnder their seuerall Cities , and whosoeuer were from the beginning Bishopps of the Cities , were Bishops also of the Countries belonging vnto them . Neither might the Bishop of one Citie encroach vpon the Country , or parishes subiect to another Citie ; but they were to bee gouerned by them , to whom they had belonged from the beginning . Jn the generall Councell of Ephesus p , when complaint was made , that the Bishop of Antioch had encroached vpon them of Cyprus , for the ordination of their Metropolitan , who euer from the Apostles times , were in that and other matters of greatest moment , ordered by their owne prouinciciall synods , his attempt was censured q as an innouation contrary to the ecclesiasticall lawes , and Canons of the holy Apostles . And therefore this generall decree was made by the Councell for all dioceses and prouinces , that no Bishop shall take vpon him any other prouince or countrey 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which for the time past , and from the beginning hath not been vnder him or his Predecessors . And againe , that to euery prouince or countrey their right should be kept pure and vnui●lable , which had belonged to them for the time past , and from the beginning , according to the custome antiently receiued . Likewise in the Councell of Carthage r , that the people in the Country which neuer had a Bishop of their owne , should not receiue a Bishop , but by the consent of the Bishop , by whom ( and his antecestors ) they haue bin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the beg●nning possessed . And where some had schismatically seized vpon some part of a diocesse , and being guilty of their wrong , would sequester themselues from the meetings and synods of the Bishops , it was decreed , that the lawfull Bishop should inioy , not only his See , but also such dioceses . And againe , it was demanded s , what course should be taken if a Bishopricke being erected in a part of the diocesse , by the consent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Bishop who hath held the dioceses from the beginning , the new Bishop should encroach vpon other parts of the diocesse , which were not intended to him . Answer was made , that as that part which he had , was taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the company of parishes ioyntly possessed , and as a member 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the body of many by the consent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Bishop who had authority or power : so the new Bishop should not encroach vpon any other . The great councel of Chalcedon t , determined , that countrey parishes should vnremoueably remaine to the Bishops which held them . Which Canon was renewed in the councell of Constantinople u , with this addition , if the said Bishops held them quietly and without contradiction for the space of thirty yeeres . But nothing doth more euidently proue , that in the primitiue Church dioceses were subiect to Bishops , then the antient institution of country Bishops x , called ch●repiscopi . Who where the country seemed larger , then that the Bishop by himselfe could performe all episcopall offices , were for the more ease of the Bishops , and commodity of the country Churches , appointed in certaine places as their suffragans or vicegerents , and to performe vnder them , and for them , some episcopall duties of lesse moment : but yet so , as the chorepiscop●● might doe y nothing of weight without the appointment of the Bishop , neither might he ordaine without the Bishop of the citie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnto which both himselfe and his Country is subiect . Fourthly , this truth is also demonstrated , partly by the perpetuall successions of Bishoppes in all the Apostolicall Churches , singularly succeeding from the Apostles times , to the latter ages , plainly euincing that euen in the greatest Cities and Churches , where there hath alwaies been a great multitude of Presbyters , there hath been but one only lawfull Bishoppe at once successiuely ; and partly by the vniuersall consent of all Churches , not onely in former ages both catholike and hereticall ( for euen the Nouatians , the Donatists , the Arians , &c. retained the gouernment of the true Church by Bishops ) but also of all almost at this day being established in peace , retaining for the most part the antient distinction of Churches , according to dioceses and prouinces , which hath continued euer from the first conuersion of them : not any one example being to be produced in the whole world , neither in , nor since the Apostles times , vntill our age , of any Church gouerned according to the new-found parish discipline . Yea the Church of Geneua it selfe , which hath been a paterne to others , though it hath abolished the episcopall gouernment , notwithstanding it remaineth a diocesse vnder their one onely Presbytery , as well as it was wont vnder their one onely Bishoppe : the authoritie and iurisdiction of their Presbyterie beeing not confined to any one parish ( nor any one parish allowed a Presbytery ) but is extended to all the parishes both in the citie and territory thereto belonging , hauing the same circuit that the Bishop was wont to haue . Finally , it may be alleaged , that as with vs Bathe and Wels , Couentry and Lichfield , London and Co●chester , so in the primitiue Church more cities then one , with the countries thereto belonging , haue sometimes made but one diocesse . For when to the general Councell of Ephesus a , petiton was made by certaine Bishops ; that whereas it had bin an antient custome in the prouinces of Europe , that diuers Bishops should haue each of them two cities vnder them , as the Bishop of Heraclea had both Heraclea and Panion , the Bishop of ●yze had also Arcadiopolis , the Bishop of C●●la Callipolis , the Bishop of Sabsadia , A phrodi●ias , and the latter of these Cities neuer had a proper Bishop of their owne , but euer from the beginning were subiect to the aforesaid Bishops : and whereas now they feared some innouation , they referred the cause to the Councell . The Councell therefore determined , that there should not then , nor afterwards bee any innouation , but the aforesaid Bishops should according to the antient custome , which hath the force of a law , retaine the said Cities . And likewise it may be added , that some whole nations in the primitiue Church were subiect to one Bishop , not as the primate or Patriarch , for that was ordinary ( so was Ignatius b Bishop of Syria , Liberius c of Italy , Cyprius d of Africke , Diodorus e of Cilicia , Basil f the Great of Cappadocia , &c. ) but as hauing one onely Bishop : as the nation of the Scythyans g hauing many cities , townes , and castels , had all of them by antient custome one only Bishop , which was the Bishop of their chiefe citie Tomis . CHAP. III. Maintaining the first Argument in the Sermon , prouing that the seuen Churches of Asia , &c. were Dioceses . THese testimonies and proofes hitherto produced , are so euident & demōstratiue for dioceses and diocesans , as that if no more could be said , they are sufficient , if not to perswade , yet at the least to conuince the gainsaiers . But if besides these , the arguments which the Refuter hath in chase , shall be made to returne vpon him , and to driue him and his consorts like the men of Ai , vpon these new forces ; and if the forces which hee bringeth to maintaine his quarell , shall bee found to bee of no force , and altogether vnable to endure the least encounter ; then doe I hope , that our Disciplinarians themselues will be perswaded to speake no more for the new found parish Discipline . But before I enter into this second conflict , I am to take a suruey of his forces , which I perceiue are diuided into 2. troopes , the one encountering with my forces , the other fortifying their hold of the parish discipline . In his encounter or refutations ; first he findeth fault , that I doe not conclude in this second part , what he would haue me to conclude according to his forced Analysis . For answere whereof let my words be considered . ( Serm. s. 1 pag. 17. I come now to the second : which is , to shew that in the Apostles time and in the ages following , the Churches wherof the Bishops are called Angels , ( or to vse their own words , the visible Churches indued with power of Ecclesiastical gouernment ) were Dioceses properly , and not parishes . This is prooued out of this place &c. ) The assertion which I indeuour to prooue in the foure first points of my Sermon , was this , that the Angels or gouernors of the primitiue Church , were Diocesan Bishops , and for the substance of their calling , such as ours be . This assertion , after I had prooued it in the first point 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by disproouing their Presbyteries : in the three next points I indeuour to prooue it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shewing that they were such as ours are , both in respect of the largenesse of their authoritie ; to which end I shew that their Churches were Dioceses in the second point , and themselues Diocesans in the third : and in respect of the height of their authoritie and Preheminence , that they were superiour in degree to other ministers &c. which I prooue in the fourth . In this second point therefore , if I indeauour to prooue that the primitiue Churches , which had Bishops , and Presbyteries , and were indued with power of Ecclesiastical gouernment , were not parishes properly , but Dioceses ; nothing could be more directly , and pertinently deliuered . But the onely thing , which I seeke to prooue and maintaine in this part , as euery man seeth , is , that the Churches which had Bishops and Presbyteries , &c. were not parishes properly , but Dioceses . And this I first prooue by mine owne arguments , and secondly maintaine against theirs . My arguments were two . The former grounded on the text , and is thus to be framed : Churches , whose circuit contained not onely cities , but also countries adioyning , were Dioceses . The circuit of the 7. churches , wherof the 7. Angels were Bishops , ( and whereto other Churches hauing Bishops , and Presbyteries , indued with power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment , were like ) contained the cities and Countries adjoyning ▪ Therefore the 7. Churches &c. were Dioceses . The proposition I did not expresse , but did presuppose it , and take it for granted . Likewise that part of the assumption ( inclosed in the parenthesis ) affirming that to the 7. Churches , all others which had Bishops , and Presbyteries , and consequently were indued with the power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment , were like , I also presupposed : because it is not to be doubted but that the primitiue Churches indued with the power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment , were of the like nature and constitution . And vpon this hypothesis , the onely argument which this great disputer bringeth to make good his cause , is grounded : affirming that it is clear by all learned ( I know not what ) that the constitution of the visible Churches , was at the first one & the same in al places . Now that the 7. Churches within their circuit contained both the cities and Countries thereto adjoyning , it is proued ; first , ioyntly . For if the 7. Churches within their circuit comprised all the Churches in Asia , then all both in cities and countries : but the first is true ; for our Sauiour Christ writing to the churches in Asia compriseth all vnder these 7. as being the principall , and containing within their circuit all the rest . Then , seuerally : The church of Ephesus , contained a great and ample citie ( indeed a Metropolis or mother city ) and the country subiect to it : the church of Smyrna a mother city & the country belōging to it : the church of Sardes a mother city and the country adioyning : the church of Laoidcea , a mother city and the country vnder it : the Church of Pergamus , or Pergamū , a famous city , ( which had beene the fear of the Kings of Asia ) and the countrey belonging to it : the churches also of Thyatira and Philadelphia contained a cities with their territories . Now let vs see how our refu●er cauilleth with these arguments . The first he frameth thus : If the churches of Asia to which our sauiour Christ writ , were great and ample cities , and not the cities alone , but also the coūtries adioyning , then they were dioceses properly and not parishes : But the churches of Asia were such . Therefore they were Dioceses &c. Of this syllogisme ( saith hee ) the assumption is on the eighteenth page , and the conclusion on the seuenteenth . The proposition is of necessity so to be supplied . To which I answere , that the consequence thereof is naught . Euen so in your conceit bee almost all that you make for me . But ●s your necessity or need such , that you cānot frame a syllogisme with hope to answer it , vnlesse the propositiō haue cōsequence which you may deny ? Let me intreat you , that the proposition may be simple as euen now I propounded it , & thē deny it if you can . Churches whose circuit contained not on the cities but also the co●ntries adioyning were Dioceses . This proposition will stand vnmooueable , when the fo●●dation of your discipline wil be raced . And so wil the cōsequēce which your self propoūd , being groūded on this propositiō as the hypothesis therof . But why is the consequēce naught ? for it will not be amisse to take a breef view how he playeth with it . 2. reasōs he rendreth 1. Because it presupposeth that al Churches in the world at that time were ●mple and great Cities . Which as it appeareth to bee manifestly false to all that are of any vnderstanding ; so it , and some other places in his booke doe plainely bewray that hee doth not knowe , what is the hypothesis or thing presupposed in a connexiue proposition . The which that hee may know heere after , let him dispose his connexiue proposition in an enthymeme ; and what part of the syllogisme is wanting , let him vnderstand that to be presupposed as the hypothesis whereon that consequence is grounded . And if that hypothesis bee false , let him know that the consequence is naught . But if it bee true ( as alwaies it is in their argumentations who do not dispute sophistically , for they presuppose and take for granted nothing but that which in their opinion is certaine and manifest ) then is the consequence necessary . As for example , let his connexiue proposition be disposed in this E●thymeme : The 7. churches contained within their circuit , not onely the Cities but the countries adioining : Therefore the seuen Churches were dioceses . That which is presupposed in this consequence is the proposition of the syllogisme which is vnderstood : viz. Churches which within their circuit contained not onelie cities but the countries adioyning , were dioceses . Which being a certaine and manifest truth , the consequence was necessary . But if I should say thus : Churches whose circuit contained both cities and countreys adioyning , were dioceses : Therfore the 7. churches were dioceses : in this consequence the assumption were presupposed , viz. that the circuit of euerie of the seuen churches contained both the citie , and country adioyning . Which parts of Syllogismes omitted in Enthymemes ▪ if the refuter would adde to make vp a simple syllogisme , either in his arguing or analysing , hee might spare both himselfe and his aduersary a great deale of superfluous trouble about his consequences . Hee must therefore vnlearne that art ( if he would not be accounted a trifler ) of flinging all arguments into a connexiue Syllogisme , that hee may haue a consequence to cauill with . But so farre is the proposition which hee propounded from presupposing that all Churches in the world were great and ample Cities , that it doth not so much as presuppose those seuen in Asia , which it mentioneth , to be such . That is not presuppo●ed in the proposition , but is assumed or affirmed in the Assumption . Nothing is presupposed in the Consequence of the proposition , but the simple proposition , which I said was the hypothesis thereof . If it be ●aid , that what I say of the seuen churches , I would haue vnderstood of all other churches , and so seeme to presuppose ( though not in my proposition , yet in my argumentation ) that which the Refuter doth obiect : I answere , that as in other places I am not to bee blamed for concluding from other Churches to these seuen : so neither here for concluding from these seuen , to all others . For the forme and constitution of all the Primitiue Churches , being one and the same , as the Refuter confesseth ; it is euident that what is truely said of other Primitiue churches in respect of their constitution , is verified of these seuen : And what is verified of these seuen , may bee truely affirmed of the rest . Not that all churches had within their circuit great and ample Cities , ( that was spoken concerning fiue of these in Asia ) it is sufficient that they had Cities with the countries adioining . And so had all Churches which had a Bishop and a Presbytery , or were ( as you speake and meane ) indued with power of Ecclesiasticall gouernement . Neither can you giue instance in any one to the contrary . Yes , that they can . T. C. hath an instance : this disputer also hath one instance , pag. 57. and one in this place , and in some others . And yet all is but this : Some church was not a City , as for example , Cenchrea . He might haue said Cenchrea . Their reason is thus explicated : Cenchreae was not a City , Cenchreae was a Church , Therefore some Church was not a City . J distinguish of the word Church . For I denie not but the company of Presbyters in a family is a Church , much more in a village or towne . But the question is of such a church , as had a Bishop assisted with a Presbytery , and had , as they speake , the power of Ecclesiasticall gouernement . Such a Church was seated onely in Cities , or great towns answerable to Cities . And therefore , if they meane ( as they doe : or else they might aswell hold their peace ) that in Cenchreae was such a Church ; I deny the assumption . Cenchreae was subiect to the church of Corinth , as al other towns thereabouts , and neuer had a Bishoppe or a Presbytery of her owne . Yea , but she had a Deacon . Suppose that were so , what then ? seuerall Deacons , and seuerall Presbyters were placed in parish Churches , where was neither B. nor Presbytery , nor the power ( which they speake of ) of Ecclesiasticall gouernment . And yet their Deacon was but a Diaconisse , namely Phoebe . Of whom also it may be doubted , whether Paul calleth her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that ministred to the Church in Cenchreae , in respect of an office imposed vpon her to minister to the needy , & to entertaine strangers on the churches cost , or in regard of her voluntary ministring to the faithful there , of her own substance . For if she were , as Bullinger , and diuers before him report , nobilissima & ditissima foemina , a most noble , and most wealthy woman ; it is not like , that she was a widow maintained of the church ; but one , which ( like to Mary , Ioanna , Chusa , & Susanna mentioned in the Gospell , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministred to Christ of their goods ) did maintaine and relieue the poore of the Church there , and giue entertainement to Christian trauellers of her owne cost . In which respect Paul saith of her , that she had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a patronesse of many , yea of the Apostle himselfe . Neither is it likely that a widdow maintained of the church , as hauing little or nothing of her owne , should haue such busines in Rome , or ( as it is thought ) at the Emperours Court , as that the Apostle should write to the faithfull in Rome to assist her in her affaires . But it may be you desire to heare some further reason of his deniall of that consequence : you shal heare it . For , saith he , though it were granted , that these 7. were great Cities , & the Countries adioyning ; ●et there might be diuers others , which were small , &c. See you not how he seeketh about for starting holes ? What if there were ( and that is more thē might be ) other smal churches ? ( as indeed there was none such as we speak of , but they were seated in the Cities , neither was any so small , but if it were indued with power of ecclesiastical gouernment , it was of the same constitution with those which were greater ) . What is that to this consequence ? If these Churches contained ech of them not onely the City , but the country adioining , then they were not Parishes properly , but Dioceses . His answere if it bee well weighed , is an exception against the conclusion . As if hee should say , though I would fain wrangle with your propositiō , but cānot ( for how is it possible , but that if these churches did containe ample Cities with the countries , such as we cal shires , belonging to them , they were not dioceses but parishes ? ) & although your assumptiō should bee granted , namely , that these churches contained not only the cities , but countries : notwithstanding your conclusion is to be excepted against . For though these were dioceses , yet others might be parishes . Such a froward aduersary I haue met withall ; who in other places accusing mee , for not concluding what these churches , or the angels of thē were , here findeth fault that J cōclude what they were . But both his accusations are alike vniust ; seeing the constitution of them , and all others ( indued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernment ) was the same ; and what is said of the one , is to be vnderstood of the other . His second reason why the consequence is naught : because it doth not appeare , ( neither is it true ) that euery one of these Churches was diuided into diuers seuerall ordinary asblies , all of thē depending vpon some one as the chiefe , without power of ecclesiastical gouernment apart in themselus . Is this the denial of any thing but the conclusion ? is not the deniall of the conclusion , an euidence that the answerer is confounded ? and is not confusion a manifest signe of one that writeth against his conscience , resolued not to bee perswaded , though his conscience be conuicted ? As touching his assertion opposed to my conclusion , that they were not Dioceses , because they were not diuided . &c. it containeth three branches : First , that they were not diuided into diuers ordinary assemblies . Secondly , If they were , yet they did not all depend vpon some one as the chiefe . Thirdly , That they had the power of ecclesiastical gouernement in themselues . These assertions would haue beene proued by them that are opponents , and will needes perswade vs to admitte of their parish Discipline . But I am well assured that they are notable to proue any one of them . And although it were sufficient for me to deny these assertions , and to put them to proue them : yet because I desire from my soule to satisfie our opposites in this cause , as Brethren ; and because they containe the very grounds of the parish-discipline , I will briefly disproue them . For , as touching the first , I haue often wondred what our brethren meane to argue from the example of the churches which were not diuided into parishes ; to those that bee . Would they haue the Church of a City , and country belonging to it , to bee all but one congregation , assēbling ordinarily in one place ? If they would , thē are they too absurd to be thought worthy to be confuted . But though they would , the ancient christians would not ; who when their multitude was increased , in all places of the world were diuided into diuers particular assemblies . If they would haue them diuided , as of necessity they must : then let them tell mee , whether wee ( that doe , and of necessity must , consist of diuers congregations ) are to follow the example of any ancient church , as it was before it was diuided , or as it was after it was diuided . If the former , then are they absurd againe : If the latter , then haue I that which I desire . They will say perhaps , that each congregation after the diuision , was as that one before . Nothing lesse : Let them proue that , and I will yeeld in the whole cause . The one before had a Bishop , and a Presbytery , as they will confesse which were to attend the whole flocke , but after the diuision , not each parish had a Bishop and a Presbytery , but one of the Presbyters assigned to it , the rest remaining with the Bishop , who ( as before ) assisted with his Presbytery , had a generall superintendencie ouer them , as well diuided as vndiuided , and was but one in euery diocesse , as well after the diuision as before . Which is so manifest a truth , so confirmed by testimonies before cited , so testified by the generall consent and practise of the Christian world , not one instance to be giuen to the contrary , as that it cannot but conuince the conscience , I hope also it will perswade . For tell mee I pray you , were not parishes distinguished in Constantines time and before , as well as now ? Yes questionlesse . Were any other assigned to them seuerally , then seuerall Presbyters , euen as they be now ? That also is out of doubt . Was it euer , or at any time otherwise , after the diuision of parishes ? No without question . There remained but one Bishop , and one Presbytery for the whole citie and country , as well after the diuision as before . And that is so euident a truth , by that which hath bin said , that no man of learning can with a good conscience any longer denie it . But it will be said , that the Churches before they were diuided , were not dioceses . Whereto I answere , that the circuit of the Church , in the intention of the Apostle or first founder of it , was the same as well before the diuision of parishes , as after . Euen as the subiect of the leauen is the whole bach , in the intention of him that putteth it into the lumpe , though the loaues bee not yet diuided , yea though but a little of the dough bee yet ( after it is newly put in ) seasoned . If you aske mee how J know this ? I answere . First , because the whole Church of God , euer since the Apostles daies vnto our age , hath so vnderstood the intention of the Apostles , and of their first founders : the circuit of euery Church hauing from the beginning included not onely the citie , but the country thereto belonging . Secondly , because that diuision of Churches which was three or foure hundred yeeres after Christ , with their limits and circuits , were ordinarily the same which had been from the beginning , as before hath been testified by diuers antient Councels . Thirdly , because it is confessed by a Beza , and testified by Doctor b Rainolds , and others c , that the distribution of the Church did vsually follow the diuision of the common-wealth : insomuch that those countries which were subiected to the ciuill iurisdiction exercised in any citie , were also subiect ordinarily to the ecclesiasticall : and as they were accounted of the same county or prouince , in respect of ciuill gouernment , so of the same Church or diocesse in regard of spirituall . And as the Church followed the ciuill distribution at the beginning , so also if there were any new citie erected by the authority of the Emperour , it was decreed by the Councell of Constantinople d ( following therein the canon of their forefathers ) that the order of ecclesiasticall things should follow the ciuill and publike forme . Therefore though these Churches had not been diuided into seuerall congregations , yet had they each of them been dioceses . But now I adde , that at the time of writing the Reuelation , which was almost an hundeed yeeres after the birth of Christ , it is more then probable , that they contained diuers congregations . For when Paul had continued but two yeeres at Ephesus , the holy Ghost e restifieth , that all which inhabited Asia ( so properly called ) did heare the word of the Lord Iesus both Iewes and Gentiles . Well , Paul hauing placed many Presbyters among them , and hauing continued among them for the space of three yeeres , afterwards f sendeth Timothy to be their Bishoppe , who ordinarily continued among them vntill his death . And that you should not thinke there was but that Church at Ephesus in Pauls time , hee maketh mention g of the Churches of Asia . Saint Peter likewise had preached , and by his preaching conuerted many in Asia , to whom among others , hee directeth i his first Epistle . After the death of Peter and Paul , because those Churches were as Paul had foretold , much annoled with heretikes , Saint Iohn k , by the direction of the holy Ghost , went into those parts , preached the Gospell for many yeeres , ordained Bishoppes and Presbyters where need was . To the ministery of the Apostles , adde the preaching of the Bishoppes and Presbyters ordained by them , and disciples which they had instructed : by whose ministerie , not onely many particular Christians , but some Churches were brought to the faith . As that of Colossae , ( which was in the confines of Phrygia , bordering on this Asia ) in Pauls time , planted by the ministerie of Epaphra● l , as their founder ; watered by the ministerie of Archippus , as their Bishoppe . Now I appeale to the conscience of euery indifferent Reader , whether it bee not vnlikely , that not in any one of these famous Churches , no not in that of Ephesus , there were in the whole citie and country belonging to it , any more then one ordinary congregation , after the preaching of such , and so many for the space of forty fiue yeeres . And so much for the first of his assertions : the other two I will ioyne together . For if there were but one Bishoppe for the Church , both of the citie and country , ( as there were but seuen in all these seuen Churches ) and but one Presbytery : if the Churches both of the citie and country were subiect to the Bishoppe of the citie : if the parishes both of citie and country had neither Bishoppe nor Presbytery , but Presbyters seuerally assigned to them : if the Presbyters of the country were ordained by the Bishoppe of the citie , and not onely they , but the rurall Bishoppes also were subiect to his authoritie ; all which , I haue by most euident arguments and testimonies proued already : then did the seuerall congregations and parishes , which J haue also prooued were all but members of one body , depend vpon the chiefe Church in the citie as the head , which afterwards was called Matrix ecclesia , cathedra episcopi , or the cathedrall Church , neither had the power of ecclesiasticall iurisdiction whereof they speake , as I haue also proued before . I come to the assumption , wherewith hee cauilleth egregiously , because I said that the Churches whereof the seuen Angels were Bishoppes , were not onely the cities , but the countries adioyning , that is , as I expressed my meaning in the syllogisme before , that the circuit of euery one of these Churches contained both the citie and country : which assumption I haue made good by necessary proofe . But , saith hee , Who euer said that the Church of Ephesus was a great Citie ? Who knoweth not that the Citie is one thing , and the Church another ? But this might serue M.D. turne to dazell the eies of the simple , &c. As touching this foule imputation ( that I may beginne with it ) J thanke God , I am free , both from desire , and intent of daz●ling the eyes of the simple . But as in my conscience I am cleerely resolued of the truth of these fiue points contained in the Sermon : so I haue endeuoured with plaine euidence , to vphold and maintaine the truth , against the nouelty of your inuentions , and the subtilties of your sophistications , wherewith you haue too long both dazeled and seduced the simple . So much of that by the way . If hee discerned the speech which I vsed , to bee improper , had hee not so much neither Art , I meane either Rhetoricke , or Logicke , nor grace , I meane charity , as either to conceiue me to haue spoken by a trope , or to explane my speech by such an enunciation , as the nature of the arguments doth require ? When it is said in my text , the seuen starres are the Angels ; will he say , who euer heard that starres were Angels ? Or when Christ saith , This cup is my bloud that is sh●d , or , the new Testament in my bloud : will he say ; who euer heard that the cup is bloud or the Testament ? When I said the Churches are the cities and the country ; could he neither vnderstand me as speaking ( after that most vsuall metonymy ) of the Christian people in the citie and country : nor yet explane my words , as the nature of the argumēts contained in the speech doth lead him ? If I should say , a man is not onely body , but soule also , or , the body is not one member alone , but many , you would vnderstand me thus : Man consisteth of body and soule ; the body consisteth not of one member alone , but of many . Or thus ; Whole man containeth these two parts : the bodie containeth not one member alone , but many . Euen so the Church or diocesse of Ephesus is ( that is , containeth ) not only the City , but the Country . But is that so strange a thing with our learned Refuter , that the name of the Citie should be giuen to the Church ? Let him looke backe to Apoc. 1.11 . and hee shall finde , that the seuen Churches were , Ephesus , Smyrna , &c. And so vsuall is it with good Authors speaking of BB. to say they were Bishops of such or such a Citie , as I might fill a Volume with quotations to this purpose . These few testimonies may suffice : Eusebius m saith , that Euodius was the first Bishop of Antioch , and that Ignatius was the second Bishop of Antioch , &c. The Councell of Nice writing to the Church of Alexandria , maketh mention n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Bishop of Alexandria . Athanasius o calleth Damasus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop of the great Citie Rome ; and Dionysius , p the B. of Alexandria . The first Councell of Constantinople q mentioneth the Bishop of Alexandria , the Bishop of Constantinople , and the Bishop of Rome . And more plainely in the Councell held in Trullo , r Nectarius is said to haue beene the Bishop of the Citie of Constantinople , Dionysius the Archbishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the great Citie of Alexandria . Looke into the subscriptions of Bishops vnto Councels , as to that of Nice subscribed Osius the Bishop of the Citie of Corduba , Alexander Bishop of Alexandria , &c. to the Councell of Sardica , Athanasius Bishop of the great Citie of Alexandria , Alexander Bishop of the Citie of Mesenia ; and in like maner all the rest , stiling themselues Bishops of the Cities . Looke into the inscriptions of epistles written either by Bishops , or vnto Bishops : Ignatius stileth himselfe thus : s Ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop of Antioch . Leo t in his Epistles stileth himselfe sometimes Bishop of Rome , sometimes Vrbis Romae , of the Citie of Rome . Basil writeth to Eusebius the Bishop of Samosata , to Athanasius the Bishop of Ancyra , to Ambrose the Bishop of Millaine , and writing to the Bishops of France and Jtaly , calleth himselfe the B. of Caesar●a . This title giuen to Bishops after the diuision of parishes , plainly prooueth also , that they were not Bishops of any one parish , but of all the Churches in the Citie , and of the whole diocesse . My assertion therefore , that each of the seuen Churches was not only the Citie , but the countrey also adioining , would according to the true meaning thereof haue beene consuted , if hee had beene able , and not the words fondlie cauilled with . But not contended heere with , he stretcheth my words beyond that which his owne conscience would tell him was my meaning ; as if I had said , that all the people in the City and Country had beene at this time Christians . Which could scarcely bee verified of any Citie and Country for 200. yeeres after and more , I meane vntill Constantines time . Neuerthelesse , this was an assertion which he found himselfe able to confute . And therefore full soberly he goeth about it , telling vs , that there were not then so many Christians as inhabitants , nor it was not then in Ephesus , as it is now in London . And very learnedly out of h●s reading telleth vs , that Polycarpus u was put to death by the rage of the heathen multitude , in the sight of his people : when euery body knoweth , that in all Cities and Countries , for the space of almost 300. yeeres , the Christians were persecuted by the Gentiles . If any man aske , how it may bee said , that the Church contained the Citie and Country , when but a few Christians , in comparison of the heathen , were in either of both : I answer ( as before ) that the circuit of the Church or diocesse was the same , when there were few , and when there were many , yea when all were Christians . Neither were there more Bishops set ouer the Citie and Country when all were Christians , then when there were but a few ; the same Bishop of the Citie hauing iurisdiction ouer all the Christians both in the Citie and country , as well when all were Christians , as when but a few : which J prooued before by the generall consent and perpetuall practise of all Christendome euer since the Apostles times ; which ought without comparison to preuaile with vs aboue the authoritie of a few selfe-conceited persons among vs , who are not so singular for learning , as they are singular in opinion ; whose pride and arrogancie in aduancing themselues against the iudgment and practise of the vniuersall church in all places , and in all ages since the Apostles times , is intolerable . Yea but saith hee , the Church of Smyrna writing * of the said Martyrdome of Polycarpus , intituleth her selfe the Church of God which is at Smyrna . Was there a whole Diocesse or Countrey of Christians inhabiting Smyrna ? Which is an obiection scarce worth the answering . For whether by the Church of Smyrna you vnderstand the whole Diocesse , it was seated chiefely in the Citie ( as the soule , which is in all the bodie , is said to bee in the head ; and God , who is in all places , to be in heauen ) or but that part which did inhabit the Citie , you are not to maruell , if the whole companie of Christians inhabiting a City , are called a Church , seeing the companie of Christians in a parish , or in a familie , deserueth that name . Neither doth the naming of it selfe the Church which is at Smyrna , exclude the Churches in the Countrey from being of the same bodie or diocesse with it . And thus much may suffice to haue spoken concerning the first syllogisme which he framed for mee . Now are wee to examine the second . M.D. ( saith he ) perceiuing that this assumption wanted strength , sought to fortifie it by two reasons . This is my aduersaries vsuall , though odious , fashion , sophistically to argue euery assertion of weaknesse , for which I bring proofe : when rather the proofe ( if it bee good , as hitherto hee hath not beene able to disprooue any ) doth argue the weakenesse of their iudgement , who denie or doubt of the truth which is prooued , and the strength also of the assertion , which is armed with such proofe . The former reason he propoundeth thus : If our Sauiour writing to the Churches of Asia , numbreth but seuen , and some of them mother Cities , then were they great and ample Cities , and not the Cities alone , but the Countries adioining . But our Sauiour writing to the Churches of Asia , numbreth but seuen . &c. To let passe his vnmannerly gibing , not worth the mentioning , and to referre you to the manner how this Syllogisme is to be framed , before x mentioned , let vs see how hee dealeth with this frame which himselfe hath fashioned . He denieth , after his vsuall manner , both the proposition and the assumption . So hard is my happe , that scarce any one proposition or assumption , which hee frameth for me , may be acknowledged to be true : and yet so hard is his happe , that he is not able to prooue any one either proposition or assumption of mine to be vntrue . The proposition hee would confute by an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though it were granted that our Sauiour wrote these epistles to all the Churches of Asia , yet it will not follow , that therefore all the rest depended vpon these , as children vpon the mother . To which he addeth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in denying the former part of the assumption , viz. that our Sauiour did not write to all the Churches of Asia . His deniall of the consequence he confirmeth by putting a case : If the Emperour finding some abuses commonly raigning in the whole Country of Asia , should haue written to these principall and mother Cities for the reforming of those abuses , with intent ( saith he ) that all other Cities and Townes should be warned by his reproofe of them , ( which put-case with that intent is worthy to be put into a cap-case ) might a man conclude thereupon , that all other Townes and Cities of Asia were subiect to the gouernment of these seuen ? But say I , put the case , that the Emperor so should doe , with that intent , which is , and also hath beene vsuall in such cases , that is , to the intent that what hee writeth to them , might by and from them be notified to those Townes and Villages which were within the circuit of their iurisdiction : would it not strongly proue , that all those other townes and villages were subiect to them ? Come we to our selues . When the King or his Counsell would haue any thing intimated to all his Subiects in certaine Counties , are not warrants directed to the Lieutenants of each County , from them to the high Constables of euery hundred , from them to the Constables of euery towne ? and doth not this shew that the officers of the towne are subordinate to those of the hundred , and much more to the gouernours of the County ? In like manner when the Archbishop would haue any thing imparted to euery parish , hee directeth his letters to the Bishops , they , to the Archdeacons , they , to the officers in euery Dean●y , they acquaint ( in particular ) euery Parish . Euen so by Christ his writing to the 7. Churches , what he would haue imparted to all the particular Churches , it may bee gathered , that the rest of the particular Churches were subiect to them . And it may well be , that when our Sauiour writing to euery one of the Angels seuerally , & concluding each Epistle with this Epiphonema , Let him that hath an eare , heare what the Spirite saith to the Churches , would haue it vnderstood what he writeth to the Angell , he writeth to the Churches , which be vnder his charge . And thus you haue heard , how he hath fared with the Proposition . The Assumption hee distinguisheth into two parts , the former , affirming that Christ wrote to all the churches of Asia : the latter , that some of these seuen Churches were Mother-Cities : both hee denieth as false . The former , because it is vnlikely , as he saith , if not impossible , that our Sauior writing to that third part of the world which was not much lesse then both the other , Africa and Europe , would write but to these 7. which were all together in one little corner of it . Here I appeale to my aduersary , if he be a man of learning , whether hee doth not cauill against the light of his conscience , seeing he could not be so ignorant ▪ as to thinke , that by Asia mentioned in the Apocalypse , and else where in the Epistles and Acts of the Apostles , is not meant Asia the great , nor yet that which is called Asia minor , being the whole Chersonesus , now called Natolia , bounded on the north with Pontus Euxinus , on the west with the Hellespont , & mare Aegaeum , on the south , with the Mediterranean sea , including ▪ according to Ptolemey , eight countries , whereof Asia ( so properly called ) is one . And albeit he knoweth ( as I am perswaded ) that by Asia in the Apocalypse , is meant onely that , which is so properly called ; yet he maketh a great flourish , partly to shew some small skill in Geography ; but chiefly ( that I may vse his owne terme , ) to dazell the eyes of the simple ; shewing how vnlikely it is , either that the great Kingdomes of Asia maior should bee Parishes vnder the seuen Churches : or that those many famous Churches of Asia Minor , as the Churches of Derbe , Lystria , Iconium , Antioch in Pisidia , Pergain Pamphylia , of Galatia , which were many , were but dependants vpon these seuen . If hee doth not know , that none of these Countries are contained in that Asia whereof the holy Ghost speaketh : let him compare but these few testimonies of Scripture . Act. 2.9.10 . & 6.9 . & 16.6.7 . & 1. Pet. 1.1 . and he shall find , that Cilicia , Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , Bythinia , Phrygia , Pamphylia , and Mysia , ( meaning Mysia maior , or Olympina ) being all parts of Asia minor , are reckoned as diuers countries from that Asia , which is mentioned in the Scriptures . If the refuter would needs haue shewen his skill in Geography , he should haue done well to haue set down the bounds and limits of this Asia , whereof wee speake . For the Authors that write thereof , whome I haue seene , doe not agree with the Scriptures . The Romanes , when Attalus a Philomator the King of Pergamus , and the countries adioyning , had bequeathed his Kingdome to them , and they had recouered it from Aristonicus who claimed it as his inheritance , they reduced it into a Prouince , and by the name of the continent called it Asia , hoping it would be an introduction to the rest . Erasmus b saieth , it is euident , that when Asia is named absolutely , that part of Asia minor is signified where Ephesus standeth . And c on Act. 16. where Paul and his company were forbidden to preach the Word in Asia , the holy Ghost meaneth ( saith hee ) that Asia , not which by the generall name is called minor , enuironed on each side , but on the East , with the Sea , and which comprehendeth Phrygia , Pamphylia , Galatia , and some other Countries ; but that which is neare to Ephesus ; for that properly is called Asia - minor . But hee doth not tell vs how much of the Country , which is not farre from Ephesus , is contained within the circuit of Asia . Those which write of Geography , giue a larger circuit vnto it , then agreeth with the Scriptures , bounding it northward on Bithynia , westward on Propontis , Hellespont , and the Aegean sea , which in those places is called the Icarian sea : Southward , on the Rhodian sea : Eastward , on Lycia , Pamphylia , and Galatia . And by this meanes , they include within the limites of it . Phrygia , both the greater and the lesse ( wherein Troy stood , ) and Mysia , both the greater , which is called Olympina , and the lesse , which is called d Pergamene . When as Phrygia is in the Scriptures distinguished from Asia , and onely the borders or frontiers of it , where Laodicea ( according to their opinion ) standeth , are reckoned in it , and likewise Mysia , Olympina , and Phrygia minor , ( which is also called Epictetus or Troas ) are reckoned apart from Asia . So that according to the scriptures , Asia seemeth to include , Ionia , Mysia ▪ Pergamene , Lydia , or Maeonia , and perhapps Caria ; for thereof is no mention . In Ionia stoode Ephesus , and from it northward , Smyrna . In Mysia Pergamene e stood Pergamum northward from Smyrna : and southward from it Thy●tira , which Strabo calleth Mysorum vltimam . In Lydia ( which Strabo , Ptolemy and Pliny , l. 5. c. 29. take to bee all one with Maeonia ) stood Sardo● ( which Strabo calleth Lydorum caput ) southward also from Pergamus . In the confines of Mysia and Lydia stood Philadelphia . The borders of Phrygia , Caria and Lydia are hardly distinguished , saith f Strabo , because they meet together , and are confounded in the midlands , ( as Aeneas Syluius saith , ) and this confusion is encreased , saith Strabo , because the Romaines haue diuided these countries , not by the nations , but according to the administrations ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that is , circuits of iurisdiction , wherein Courts are kept , and iudgements exercised according to law . Now in these confines standeth Laodicea , which according to Ptolemey g is a City of Caria , and by the testimony of the holy Ghost in the Apocalypse is a part of Asia , though by the most Geographers it is saide to stand in the borders of Phrygia . Eunapius h speaking of Clearchus made proconsull of Asia , by Valens the Emperor , describeth the circuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of that which now properly is called Asia , that it beginning at Pergamum , and comprehending the sea coasts , endeth in the continent at Caria , the mount Tmolus circumscribing the borders thereof on Lydia . So that according to this description the circuit of Asia is lesse then that which is limited in the Scriptures , Lydia , and Caria being excluded . And accordingly in the subscriptions i , to the Councell of Nice , not onely Phrygia , but Lydia also and Caria are reckoned apart from Asia , that we should not maruaile , that a lesse circuit is assigned vnto it in the Scriptures , then the Geographers doe describe , seeing within a lesse compasse then that which the Scriptures assigned thereunto , it is circumscribed by others . Seeing therefore Asia is gathered into so small a compasse , let vs see what the refuter can obiect , why our Sauiour writing to these seuen Churches , should not vnder them comprise all the Churches in Asia . Because euen there or near , saith he , we find diuers other churches : as those of Colossa , Hierapolis , & Troas mentioned in the Scripture ; to let passe Magnesia , and Trallis recorded in other writers . But none of the three former are mentioned in the scripture as parts of Asia : Troas beeing the same with phrygia minor , and Hierapolis , and Colossae , Cities of Phrygia maior . It is recorded by Eusebius k , that in the yeare of Christ 66. and tenth of Nero l these three cities Laodicea , Hierapolis , and Colossae , were ouerthrowne with earthquakes . And although we read that Laodicea was quickly reedified , and flourished againe , when Saint Iohn wrote the Reuelation , and Hierapolis not long after , seeing we read that Papias Saint Iohns Scholler was by him made Bishop there ▪ yet of Colossae , as m Caluin obserueth , that shortly after the Epistle was written to them , that Church with the rest perished ; so that it stood in Saint Iohns time , I read not , neither doe I remember any mention of it , or of the Bishops thereof , in , or neere those times . Howbeit in processe of time it was reedified , and called Conae , or Chonae , whereof Nicetus the writer of the annales , because he was of that citie is called Coniates . Oecumenius n saith that Colossae was a citie of Phrygia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is now called Chona , and by that name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is reckoned among the Bishopricks as they are digested by Le● o the Emperour . That Colossae was no parte of Asia Theodoret sheweth : For beeing of opinion that Paul had beene at Colossae , he prooueth p it because it is said that he went through Phrygia . Neither saith he let any man object that Paul was forbidden q of God. For Luke speaketh of Asia and Bithynia , not of Phrygia . As touching Magnesia , and Trallis ; it appeareth not , that they were as yet conuerted vnto the faith ▪ when they were conuerted ( as not long after I confesse they were , seeing Ignatius a little before his death did write vnto them ) they were ▪ inferiour to those seuen which Saint Iohn nameth as the principall , and both of them subject to the Bishop of Ephesus ; as appeareth by the subscriptions in the Councill of Chalcedon r where Eutropius the Bishop of Ephesus subscribing , as other Metropolitanes did , for himselfe and the Bishops which were vnder him beeing absent , among twentie others mentioneth Alexander of Magnesia , and Maximus of Trallis . Likewise in the distribution of the Churches made by Leo the Emperour s among the Bishops subiect to the Bishop of Ephesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop of Tralles , and of Magnesia , vpon Maander are numbred . Vpon these weake premisses the Refuter inferreth a very confident conclusion . It is cleare therefore , saith he , that our Sauiour intended not to write to all the Churches of Asia , but onely to those seven which he nameth ; to no●e of which , so many and so famous Churches could belong . Whereto I aunswere , according to that which I haue prooued , that euery Church that was in Asia in these times , was either one of these seuen , or depending on them . As for those Churches which he mentioneth in Asia maior , or Asia minor , yea euen those which were in Phrygia minor , or Troas , or in Phrygia maior , as Hierapolis , and Colossae , were not any of them in Asia so properly called : there remaine only Magnesia , and Tralles to prooue his conclusion . Which either he cannot prooue to haue beene Churches at this time ; or if they were , hee cannot disprooue , that they belonged to one of these seuen . So that nothing , which he can obiect , doth hinder , but that vnder these seuen , our Sauiour did write to all the Churches in Asia . Thus the former parte of the assumption remaineth true ; and so will the latter , though he say it is vtterly false : for his reason is no other , but that which I haue alreadie confu●ed , that they were neither mother cities , nor cities at all . And whereas he obiecteth , that the Epistles were directed to the Angell of the Church in Ephesus , in Smyrna &c. and not of Ephesus the Church , Smyrna the Church , as of the whole cities were the Churches : I answere , that although the whole citie of Ephesus meaning Civitas , was not the Church vntill it was wholly conuerted to the profession of Christianitie : notwithstanding the whole citie , meaning vrbs , was contained within the circuite of the Church intended by the Apostles , and acknowledged by the iudgement and practise of that Church , conformable to the iudgement and practise of all other churches in christendome . Neither is that materiall that the church is said to haue bin in Ephesus ( as it also was when the whole city was conuerted to christianity ) seing in vrbe , in the city , the church was chiefly seated , as was said before . Now that some of these were Metropoleis , that is , as I said , not onely mother cities , but also Metropolitan churches , I wil briefly declare . Those cities which were capita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the heads of the ciuil iurisdictiō , where the presidēts of the Roman prouinces held their assemblies , & kept their courts , were mother cities to the rest , which were vnder the said iurisdiction . But such were fiue of these , as hath beene heeretofore noted out of Plinie : t viz. Ephesus , Smyrna , Pergamum , Sardes , & Laodicca . Where also Philadelphia is noted as one of the cities subiect to Sardes : and Thyatira to Pergamus . This distinction the Church followed in al , excepting Pergamus , which it selfe was subiected to Ephesus : and Thyatira , which had belonged to it , sometimes to Synada ( for in the councel of Chalcedon u Marmianu● the Bishop of Synada among the BB. which were vnder him , reckoneth Helladius of Thyatira ) sometimes to Sardes , as in the Emperor Leo x the Philosophers time . The Bishops of the other 4. in the council of Chalcedon y in the condemnation of Dioscorus , are stiled Metropolitanes ; and in the diuers subscriptions to that councill , are placed among the Bishops of the mother cities . In the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z or distribution of the Churches by the Emperour Leo , Ephesus is a Metropolis a hauing 36. Bishopricks vnder it , among which Pergamum is the 19. Sardes likewise is a Metropolis , hauing vnder it 24 Bishopricks , whereof Philadelphia is the first and Thyatira the third ; to Laodicea likewise b 21. Bishoprickes were subiect , and to Smyrna , c 7. And so much may suffice for the first argument grounded on the text . CHAP. 4. That Presbyters were appointed , not to parishes , but to dioceses . THe Analysis of the 2. argument is mistaken by him , to say no worse : for hee should haue looked to the end of that , which though he make the 3. section , should haue beene ioined to the 2. Where hee should haue found this to be the main conclusiō of al that which followeth the first argument ( concerning the 7. churches ) , to that place . viz. That the Presbyteries in the Apostles times , were not appointed to parishes , but to dioceses . From whence the principall question of this part , is thus to be inferred . The Presbyteries ordained by the Apostles were appointed not to parishes , but Dioceses : therefore the churches indued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernement were not parishes , but dioceses . This consequēce the refuter grāteth , in grāting the connexiue propositiō of the syllogisme , which he frameth p. 58. l. 1. If he did not , it might easily be confirmed by adding the assumption , viz. to visible Churches indued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernement the Presbyters ordained by the Apostles were appointed . The antecedēt ( which is also the propositiō of the syllogism if the assumption bee added ) I proue by 2. arguments . The first concluding thus : They who were appointed to whole cities and countreys to labor so far as they were able , the conuersion of al that belonged to God , were appointed to dioceses , and not to parishes . This propositiō I omitted also , as taking it for granted . As for his cauils against his owne proposition which he framed for the nonce to cauill withall , they are not worth the refuting . For besides that he absurdly cauilleth with me , as thogh I had said , that al in the city & country were in S. I●bus time conuerted : he alleadgeth that there is no necessity , that they which were conuerted , should be of the same church with thē , who did conuert them . As for example they of Ceuchrea receiued the gospel from Corinth , and yet were a distinct Church : For it is called the church of C●nchrea . Rō . 16. 1. But I spake of them which did accidentally conuert others , but of such as by whose meanes the conuersion of the city and country was originally intended . And I say , that they whose ministery was intended for the conuersion of the city and countrey ; to their care or charge , both for the first conuerting of thē , & gouernment of thē being conuerted , the city & country belōged . As for Cenchreae , though it be called a church , ( as euery company of christians may so be termed ) yet it was not such a church as they speak of , indued with power of ecclesiastical gouernement ; but subiect to the iurisdiction of the Church of Corinth . Now followeth the assumption : But the Presbyteries ordained by the Apostles were appointed for whole cities & countries therto belonging , to labour so farre as they were able the conuersion of al that belonged to God. This assumption confirmed with 2. arguments , is set down p. 18. the one , the end intēded by the Apostles in appointing presbyters in cities , which was the conuersion of the nation , for which themselues first preached in the chiefe cities : the other , is the 〈◊〉 , or as they call it causa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their hope , by the ministery of the Presbyters placed in the city , to conuert them which belonged to God both in city & country , grounded on the force of the gospell restified by our Sauior . The words are these : for it is euident that the Apostles when they intēded to conuert any 〈◊〉 , they first preached to the chiefe cities therof ▪ Wherin when through Gods blessing they had conuerted some , their manner was to ordaine Presbyters ▪ hoping by their ministery to conuert not only the rest of the city but also in the countries adioyning so many as did belong to God. The Kingdom of heaven being like a little leauen , which being put into any part of the 〈◊〉 , seasoneth all . These words thus set downe at large , be the assumption of the syllogisme which he hath framed ( for what cannot he bring within the compasse of his syllogisms ? ) and therof he maketh 3. parts . About the first , he saith , hee will not striue , viz. the Apostles beginning to p●each in the chiefe cities of euery nation , which ( though he think I cānot proue ) is most easie to bee proued , because it was the most wise and likely course to be taken for the conuersion of nations : as also because it is manifest both by the scriptures & other anciēt records , that they took that course : As Paul intēding the conuersion of Asia , where hee staied three yeares , continued in Ephes●s all the time : intending the conuersion of Macedonia , went to Thessalonica & Philippi : of Achaia , to Corinth &c. The second also he franckly yeeldeth , that the Apostles ordained Presbyters in cities where they had conuerted some to the truth . But the 3 , which is indeed the assumption it selfe , and which is inferred on the former as I set them downe ( that if the Apostles intending the conuersion of the nation , as they began themselues to preach in the cheefe cities , so they placed Presbyters to the same intent , hoping by them to conuert both city and countrey : then were they appointed and it was their duty to labour the conuersion of all belonging to God both in city and country ) the assumption , I say , it selfe he doth deny , saying , it was the office of those Presbyters , to attend vpon the flock , that is , the company already conuerted , but that it can neuer be shewed , nor may reasonably be thought that it was any part of their proper duty to labour the conuersion of the residue either in citie or country . By which few words the deepe wisedom of the parish-disciplinarians may easily be sounded . 1. They conceiue that churches in the first constitution of thē when there were but a few conuerted , and before parishes were distinguished , were in the same estate that now they are being fully constituted , al being conuerted to the profession of the faith , & parishes distinguished , pastors being seuerally assigned to certain particular ordinary set cōgregatiōs . 2. That the flocke ouer which they were set , was onely that number of christians already conuerted , and not the whole number which in those parts pertained to God. But our Sauiour calleth the elect not conuerted his sheepe . And the Lord in Corinth had much people , when but a few were as yet conuerted . 3. That their proper office was to attend them onely which were already conuerted , & not to labor the conuersiō of the rest . As thogh the Apostles intended by their ministry the conuersion and saluation of no more , then of those few which at the first were conuerted . But for the better manifestation of their wisedome , they shall giue mee leaue to appose them with a few questions . The Presbyters which the Apostles ordained , were they not ministers of the word ? Caluin confesseth it ; and if you should deny it , I haue manifestly proued that they were not lay , nay that there were not any lay presbyters . Were not the presbyters many ? in some places more , in some fewer , according to the proportion of the cities , or countreys where they were placed ? were these many Presbyters ( who at the first were sometimes as many , as those who were besides conuerted , the Apostles conueying by imposition of hands the gifts of the spirit , on them whom they had first conuerted , who thereby were inabled for the ministry , as Acts 19.6 . ) Were they , I say , being many , intended onely to attend that smal number which at the first was conuerted ? Did not the Apostles in ordaining many Presbyters , when few others were conuerted , intend the conuersion of more then those fewe ? and was it not their office the● to labour their conuersion ? Jf they were not to labour their conuersion , how were they to bee conuerted ? Nay if they did not labour it , how were they conuerted ? Were all these Presbyters pastors properly of that one flocke , or was there but one who properly was the pastor or Bishoppe ; the rest beeing his assistants , as the Presbytery ? When therefore more were conuerted then could well assemble together in one ordinarie congregation , were not the congregations diuided ? Vpon this diuision was there a Bishoppe and presbyterie assigned to euerie seuerall congregation , or onely a Presbyter ; the Bishoppe assisted with his Presbyterie hauing a generall superintendencie ouer all , not onelie to attend those who were already conuerted , but also to procure the conuersion of the rest ; and still as people in diuers places were conuerted , to furnish them with a Presbyter , and to guide and gouerne both them and their Presbyter after their constitution to bee a seuerall Church , and his institution to bee their Minister . To imagine therefore that the state of the Churches and charge of the Ministers was so the same before the diuision of parishes and after , that as either before there was ouer one congregation a Bishoppe and presbyterie , so there should after to euery particular congregation be assigned a Bishoppe and presbyterie : or after , as the proper office of the ministers appointed to their seuerall charges was to attend them ; so before the Bishoppe and presbytery should haue beene prouided properly for that number alone which was conuerted , and they should not haue thought it to belong to their charge , to seeke or to labour the conuersion of the residue : I say , to thinke this , argueth the parish-disciplinarians to bee of shallow iudgement , and the parish-discipline to consist of vnd●sgested fancies . Vpon the proposition therfore and the assumption before propounded , this conclusion notwithstanding al his cauills , doth follow : Therefore the Presbyteries ordained by the Apostles , were appointed not to parishes but to Dioceses . ( Serm. sect . 3. page 18. Neither were the parishes distinguished &c. to page 19. l. 5 ) The second argument whereby the same assertion in these words is proued may thus be framed : When the Churches were not diuided into seueral parishes nor Presbyters assigned to their seuerall titles or cures , but werein cōmō to attēd the whole flock feding them that were already conuerted , and labouring the conuersion of the rest , so farre as they were able both in citie and country : then were not the Presbyteries appointed to parishes , but to dioceses . In the Apostles times the churches were not diuided into seuerall parishes , &c. Therefore in the Apostles times the Presbyteries were appointed not to parishes , but to dioceses . The proposition seemeth to be of necessary and euident truth : for when there were no parishes distinguished , how could the Presbyters be assigned to seuerall parishes ? And if they were appointed to labour the conuersion of all which belonged to God , both in citie and countrey , how were they not appointed to dioceses ? For can hee thinke , that all the people which belonged to God in the city and country , and which after also were conuerted , belonged to one parish ? Is it not euident , that after their conuersion they were diuided into many both in citie and countrey ? And what though at the very first all the Christians in the citie and countrey , if they had beene assembled together , would haue made but a small congregation ? were they therefore of one parish before there was any parish at all ? Was not the circuit of the Church , as before hath beene prooued , and of the Bishop and Presbyteries charge , the same in purpose and intention at the first , when they were but a few , which it was afterwards in execution , when all were conuerted ? The assumption also is that which the Refuter himselfe holdeth , that there were not in any Church many parishes in the Apostles times . Howbeit , I except the Church of Alexandria , as after you shall heare . But though he know not how to answer directly to either of both , yet he wrangleth with both , and as a man confounded , yet resolued to contradict , though against the light of his conscience , he denieth the conclusion , and contradicteth himselfe . The proposition after his perpetuall manner , hee propoundeth connexiuely : If the parishes were not distinguished , &c. then were not the Presbyters appointed for parishes , &c. The force of the connexion , as it inferreth they were appointed to dioceses , he suppresseth , leauing out the words of greatest force , viz. that they were appointed to labour the conuersion of those that belong to God , so farre as they should be able , both in the citie , and in the countries adioining . And as it inferreth that they were not appointed to parishes , he answereth not : only he maketh a flourish with the shew of regestion ; which kinde of answer best fitteth him that is at a Nonplus . Howsoeuer the world goeth , the consequence must be denied : that is resolued vpon , though he haue nothing to oppose against it . Yes he hath two things to oppose ; the first a question , What if euery one of the Churches then were but one parish ? As if hee should say , What if the maine question betweene vs bee true , in that part which wee hold , viz. that the Churches were parishes , and not dioceses ? Where are you then ? Why , but I prooue they were not parishes , because the presbyteries were not appointed to parishes , but to dioceses . And come you now with this question , What if they were ? Yea but I will prooue they were . You will neede your proofes in a fitter place . Yea but in the meane time I disprooue your consequence . You will say something perhaps to bleare the eies of the simple : but you doe not indeede denie , and much lesse doe you disprooue the consequence . The deniall of the consequence were this : Though it bee supposed that parishes were not distinguished , and that the Presbyteries were appointed for the conuersion of all both in Citie and Countrey ; yet it doth not follow , that they were appointed to dioceses , and not to seuerall parishes : and not this , nay but the Churches were each of them but one parish . This is to denie the maine conclusion which is already prooued . Yea but the proofe of this deniall disprooueth your consequence . The consequent perhaps , which is the conclusion , but the consequence it cannot , without supposing as it doth not , those things which are supposed in the proposition , thus : Though there were no parishes , yet they were assigned to parishes : though they were appointed both for Citie and Country , yet they were not appointed for dioceses . You deny therefore , as a man amazed , the maine conclusion : the consequence of the proposition you touch not . But let vs see how he disproueth the conclusion , though his argument come out of time , and be here vsed only for a poore shift . It may thus be framed : Such as are the French and Duch Churches here in England , such were the Churches in the Apostles times . But the French and Duch Churches here in England are not diocesan , but distinct parishionall assemblies . Therefore the Churches in the Apostles times were not diocesan , but distinct parishionall assemblies . First , I denie the proposition , not onely because the circuit of the Churches ( in the Apostles intention ) was not included within a Citie , as of the French and Duch Churches with vs ; but chiefly because the French Church ( for example ) in London is but one Church , among many professing the same religion , being a certaine and set number , hauing a Presbytery consisting for the most part of lay men , placed among vs , not with purpose to conuert either the City or Country to them , but to attend them of their owne Church ; whereas contrariwise the Churches in the Apostles times , before the diuision of parishes , were not each of them one among many , but were planted among heathen people , hauing a Bishop and a Presbyterie of learned men placed among them , as leauen is put into the lumpe , with purpose to conuert the rest both in Citie and Country . The Church which had the Bishop and Presbytery first placed in it , was Matrix Ecclesia , as after it was called , begetting other Churches and spirituall Fathers for them ; which being begotten in Citie and Countrey , were all ( euen when the whole Citie and Country were filled with her off-spring ) to bee subordinate and subiect to her , as their mother . But no such thing can be imagined of the Duch and French Churches among vs. As touching the assumption , I say , that the French and Duch Churches with vs are not properly parishes , nor such as the ancient parishes were , after the first diuision of them , seeing the members thereof dwell in many distinct parishes , either of them being endued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernement , and not subordinate to another Church as members thereof , but being entire bodies by themselues are models ( as it were ) of diocesan Churches , hauing a Presbytery ( as the Church of Geneua hath ) to supply the want of a Bishop , which once c they had , and still might haue , in imitation of the ancient Christians , who when the Citie where they dwelt was replenished , and the Mother Church occupied with men of another faith , ( as with Arians sometimes in Antioch and Alexandria ) as ours be with men of another Language , had a Bishop of their owne in all respects like other Bishops , sauing that they held not the Mother Church , and therefore had neither the like Clergie , nor the like reuenewes to maintaine them . The second thing which hee opposeth , is ( as I said ) a shew of regestion : which he propoundeth with great confidence , as if hee had mee at no small aduantage saying , that I pull downe with one hand that I set vp with another . If there were at that time no parishes , how could there bee dioceses , seeing euery diocesse consisteth of diuers distinct parishes ? Thus ( saith he ) the light will breake out , though men shut their eies against it . You see how bragge hee would seeme to bee . But good sir , what is this to my consequence ? If there were no parishes in the Apostles times , then the Presbyteries were not appointed to parishes . You answer , If there were no parishes , then there were no dioceses . To what end is this spoken ? To denie my consequence , or the maine conclusion ? Assume , But you say there were no parishes , therefore there were no dioceses ; which is the contradictorie to the maine conclusion . But where doe I say there were no parishes ? Not in the proposition , where it is only supposed ; but in the assumption : for that which is supposed in the antecedent of the proposition , is positiuely set downe in the assumption . Therefore when he would seeme to deny the consequence of the proposition , he doth not so much as touch it . But by taking a supposed aduantage , against the Assumption , hee denieth the principall conclusion . But let vs examine his argument . If there were no parishes in the Apostles times , there were no Dioceses . This consequence I deny . For the Diocesse was the same before the Parishes were diuided and after . And the circuit of the spirituall iurisdiction intended the same before parishes were diuided , with that it was after they were diuided , that is answerable to the ciuill . The same circuit belonging to the Church both in the intention , before all were conuerted , and in execution after all were conuerted , which belonged to the ciuill state , Yea , but saith he ; euery Diocesse consisteth of distinct Parishes . It is true after the distinction of Parishes , but not before , as a bach of bread consisteth of many distinct loaues after the distinction , which before it contained vndistinguished in the lumpe . A man consisteth of many distinct members after they are distinguished , which at his first conception were not distinct . The Proposition being thus recouered out of his hands , J am now to rescue the Assumption . Which saith that the Churches in the Apostles times were not diuided into parishes , &c. Which is to be vnderstood , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as true of the most Churches . Here I expect a direct answere . were they diuided into parishes , or were they not ? If they were ( as at Alexandria it seemeth to haue beene , euen in the Apostles times ) then was not euery Church but one parish : if they were not , then the Presbyters were not assigned to seuerall parishes , and so the assumption is true . Nay , rather then the assumption shall goe for currant , we will deny each Church to haue beene but a parish . Is it credible that any man should bee so transported with the spirit of contradiction , as that hee should not care so hee may gainesay his aduersaries present assertion , how shamefully hee contradicteth himselfe ? yet thus it fareth with our refuter . In oppugning the proposition hee said , and laboured to proue it , that each church was but one parish , the same he saith , and saith againe , in defending their obiections , & propounding his own only argumēt . And yet here , this assumptiō must be censured , as hauing no truth in it , for that it denieth Parishes to haue beene distinguished in the Apostles times , and the Presbyters to haue beene assigned to their seuerall titles or cures . They be his wordes in the conclusion of his answere to the assumptiō . And the same he repeateth , pag. 71. But let vs see what he obiecteth against the assumption . First , he findeth an errour in it before noted , concerning the end of the Presbyters ordination , which he saith , is here repeated , and ( therefore not of ignorance by him omitted in the proposition ) the which though hee call an errour , yet I proued to be an euident truth , and discouered the shallownes of their iudgement , which do denie it . Besides that errour , he chargeth the maine points in the assumption as altogether void of truth . The points are these : 1. that parishes were not distinguished in the apostles times 2. that Presbyters were not then assigned to their seuerall titles or cures : 3. that they were in common to attend the whole flocke conuerted . For that which is added of labouring the conuersion of the residue , &c. is the errour forsooth which before he noted . How proueth he these points to be false ? Thus : whome can M.D. perswade that the Apostles would either appoint or allow of such confused assemblies , wherein the teachers and hearers should euery day so disorderly be changed ? And then putteth the like case of a schoole , himselfe being worthy to be put into a cloake-bagge . For in which of these points doth this orderly & vnconfounded man , note such disorder and confusion ? or was not the confused conceite he speaketh of , in his own braine ? Let him call to mind what euen now hee said in oppugning the proposition ; that euery one of the churches then , was but one parish , which by reason of the multitude of the people had many teachers . Do we not see the like , saith he , in the French & Duch churches here in England ? & concludeth , that such Parishes there were in the Apostles times , and none but such . Tell me then , is the French or Duch Church in London distinguished either of them into seuerall parishes , which is the first point ? If they be , how are they but one Parish ? Are their ministers , supposing them to be as he saith many , ( as there were many Presbyters in the Apostles times in each Church before the diuision of the parishes ) are they assigned to seueral titles , that is , parishes or cures ? If their Church be not diuided into diuers parishes , how can their Presbyters be assigned to diuers ? which is the 2. point . Thirdly , doe not their ministers communi consilio & mutuo auxilio , by common counsel and mutuall helpe attend their whole flocke , none of them being appointed to a seuerall charge ? And yet all this ( I hope ) without disorder or confusion . That therefore which hee bableth in the greatest part of the page , concerning disorder and confusion , is wholy to be ascribed to his owne distemper and confusion . Yea , but M.D. telleth vs that the Presbyters were to attend the whole flocke . So saith S. Luke , Act. 20.28 . What of that ? if they were to attend the whole flocke in cōmon , then were they not assigned to seuerall parishes , which were but parts of the flocke , to which purpose the place of the Acts was quoted . Doth either of them say , that a flocke was any more then one ordinarie assembly , and might not that be a Parish as well as a Diocesse ? Either of whome ? hee had mētioned none but S. Luke onely . But let that passe . For to what purpose doth he aske , whether Luke said , that a flocke was any more then one assembly ? If the flocke were but one assēbly , that which I proposed is the more confirmed . For if they were to attend al one assembly , thē were they not assigned to seueral parishes . But yet I would haue him know , that the word flock , the word ecclesia or church which there , & the word people , which in other places is vsed as a word of the same signification , is of a larger extēt then to signifie onely one assembly . The flocke is that , for which Christ the good shepheard did giue his life ; vnto which appertained the sheep which his father gaue him , not only amōg the Iewes , but the Gentiles also . And this flock is that Church which God ( meaning Christ , who is God ) in that place of the Acts is said to haue redeemed with his bloud , & that people of his which he saueth frō their sins . And as this is spoken of the Church in generall ; so the company of them that belong to Christ , in any Nation , Prouince , Diocesse , City or Parish , may bee called the Flocke , the Church , the people of God. Neither doe I doubt , for the reasons before alleadged , but that the flock in which those Presbyters , Act. 20. were set as ouerseers , was the people belonging to God in the City of Ephesus , and the Country adioyning , where he saith , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is ordinarily vsed of beasts and fowles that heard and flocke together . I confesse it is beyond the compasse of my reading , who neuer read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , applied to fowles , but haue found the word vsed properly for a flocke of sheepe , and metaphorically for the flocke of Christs sheepe ; but that flocke is not one onely particular congregation . For Luke 12.32 . Iohn 10.16 . as touching the word Ecclesia , which he denieth to signifie any other outward company of men , then a particular congregation only , I haue already said more to confute that ignorant conceit then will be answered in hast . But heare his conclusion : if my , ( that is , if the word Ecclesia doth not signifie any other then a particular congregation ) what truth is there in his assumption , that denieth parishes to bee distinguished , ( he would haue said to haue beene distinguished , ) in the Apostles times , and the Presbyters to haue been assigned to their seuerall titles or cures ? This conclusion I desire may be kept in remembrance , vntill as you haue seene him deny it before , so you shall see him againe and againe to deny it . Jn the meane time I beseech you how is it inferred ? If the word Church signifie onely a particular congregation , ( and such a one was that flock in which the Presbyters were set , Act. 20.28 . ) therefore there is no truth in the assumption which denieth the parishes to haue beene distinguished , and the Presbyters assigned to their seuerall titles or cures . Who seeth not , that the contrary is to bee inferred ? Jf the word Church did signifie one congregation , and was in euery City but one , and if such was the flocke which the Presbyters were appointed to attend wholly and in common , then it followeth that the flocke was not diuided into particular parishes , nor the Presbyters assigned to seuerall cure● . And so the assumption by his owne inference is proued to be true . This and thus weakly , saith the refuter , hath M.D. proued the point of so great importance : And thus and thus stongly , say I , hath our refuter disproued it . Now let the iudicious Reader iudge , whether my weakenesse hath not been of sufficient force to ouerthrow his strength . CHAP. V. Answering their obiection , who say , that in the first two hundred yeeres , all the Christians in each great Citie , were but one particular congregation , assembling in one place . NOw wee are to examine their proofes . And first , that which I obiected for them , and then that which the Refuter bringeth for himselfe . ( Serm. sect . 4. page 19. Against this which hath been said , they doe obiect , that in the first two hundred yeeres , &c. 16 lines ▪ ) Here the refuter chargeth me , that I making shew of taking away what euer can bee said against my assertion , doe propound but one onely bare obiection , whereas diuers testimonies and reasons both from scriptures and fathers haue been alleaged by others , &c. Thus makes he no conscience , either of belying me , who onely intended to answere that , which I tooke to be their chiefe obiection , and had of late been most vrged : or of outfacing the truth with vaunts of diuers testimonies and reasons , which are scarce worth the answering ; blaming also me for bringing but one reason for them , when himselfe after all his brags , bringeth but one , and that not so strong , though you adde thereto the testimonies which he vaunteth of . In the obiection , which J bring for them , he putteth such confidence , that if he can make it good against me ( whereof he doubteth not , such is his tried valor ) all my labour about my Sermon will proue nothing worth . No doubt he would appeare to be some tall man , if he durst shew his head . But let vs heare his dispute : for he hath taken the obiection out of my hands , because I did not vrge it strongly for them , obiecting no more then J knew my selfe able to answere : and yet all that he addeth is but losse of time in multiplying of words . First , he premiseth a syllogisme concluding the maine question , that the Churches in the Apostles times ( hee should haue added as I did , and the age following , for themselues in their question include two hundred yeeres ) were not dioceses properly , but parishes . If the Presbyteries and presidents therof in the great Cities ●ere assigned but to one particular ordinary congregation assembled together in one place : then the Churches in the Apostles times ( and in the age following ) were not dioceses properly , but parishes . But the Presbyteries and presidents thereof in the great Cities were assigned but to one particular ordinary congregation assembled together in one place . Therefore the Churches in the Apostles times ( and in the age following ) were not dioceses properly but parishes . The consequence of the proposition is cleare by that I answered a little before , where I said that ad●cesse must needs consist of distinct congregations . But if this proposition haue no better hypothesis to support it , I may deny it : seeing I haue proued before , that there were dioceses in the first conception of the Churches before distinction of parishes . So that the addition of this syllogisme hath made his cause somewhat worse then it was before . The assumption is th●●●r●●●d : If all the Christians in any one great Citie did make but one such congregation : then both the Presbyteries and presidents thereof were assigned but to one congregation : hee should say to one particular ordinarie congregation assembled together in one place . But al the Christian● in any great Citie ( vnderstand in the first 200 yeeres ) did make but one such congregation . Therefore both the Presbyteries and presidents therof of were assigned but to one congregation . The former syllogisme for breuity I omitted , desiring in few words to bring their argument to the issue , presuming that any man might from my conclusion deduce the maine question , after this manner : They were prouided but for one particular ordinary congregation assemb●ing together in one place . Therefore not for a diocesse . The second which containeth the issue , I propounded as forcibly as he hath done . But my aduersary is one of those disputers , who when the consequence of an Enthymeme is denied , make it good by a connexiue syllogisme . When as an Enthymeme , for disputation , is by somuch better then a connexiue syllogisme , by how much it is shorter : the consequence being thesame with the connexion of the proposition , the antecedent all one with the assumption , and the consequent the very same with the conclusion of the connexiue syllogisme . Such disputers are good to waste paper , and spend time . But to the point . I deny , as before , both the consequence and the antecedent of the Enthymeme ; so now , both the proposition and the assumption of his syllogisme . The proofe of the consequence hee slubbereth ouer , for his faculty is better in denying consequences , then in prouing of them . For , saith hee , seeing the deniall is vpon this ground , that the Prestbyters were appointed not onely to take charge of them that were conuerted , but also to labour the conuersion of the rest , which we haue shewed to bee false , it wil remaine good notwithstanding . But I haue proued that it is an vndigested fancy & rare conceit of shallow ( if not giddy ) heads , which see no further then their nose end , to imagine that the Apostles intending ( as they cannot deny ) the conuersion of the citie and country , did place in the citie a Bishop and Presbytery , to take charge only of that small number which at the first was conuerted ; but chiefly from hence to infer , that euery particular parish should haue the like B●shop and Presbytery . The antient Church of God in all places vnderstood the Apostles intent as I expound the same . And therefore when all both in citie and country , were conuerted to the profession of the faith , they acknowledged the generall care and inspection ouer them all , to belong to that one B●shop of the citie , and themselues as I said in the Sermon , to be part of that Church : and neuer did , vnlesse it were in time of schisme or heresie , set vp another B. and Presbytery within the diocesse : but euery congregation contented it selfe with a learned Presbyter , if it could bee so well prouided for . And this is so manifest a truth , that I doubt not to pronounce him void either of a sound iudgement , or good conscience , that shall deny it . This consequence therefore will neuer bee made good . And therefore the Refuter might haue saued his labour if it were ought worth , which he spendeth vpon the assumption , vntill he had proued the proposition . Yea but this consequence belike might haue been made stronger . For he did wisely , saith he , to digge the pit no deeper , but that he might be able to fill it againe : so could hee not haue done , had ●e gone as low as we doe , who thus frame our reason : All the Christians in any one great Citie and the townes about it ( vnlesse there were distinct Churches in those townes ) did make but one particular ordinary congregation , assembled in one place . Therefore both the Presbyters and Presidents thereof , were assigned but to one congregation . I mislike not his addition of the townes about , so he will bee pleased , as hee addeth them to strengthen his consequence , so not to forget ( as I doubt he will ) to take them into the defence of his antecedent . But where he speaketh of his digging deeper ; others as good Pioners as hee , to vndermine the state of our Church , went no deepeer : and I durst not adde more to their antecedent , as he hath done , lest I should make it too absurd . But what meaneth that parenthesis , ( vnlesse there were distinct Churches in those townes ? ) I feare to be circumuented with this inclosure . Belike there were more congregations then one in the cities and townes ( as he said before Cenchrea was a distinct Church from Corinth ) and then , how shall all both in citie and country , be said to bee but one congregation ? Tush , wee haue a bush for that gap . We will except all other congregations but that one , and so they being excepted , all will bee but one . Ridiculum caput ! As if you had said , all the congregations of Christians both in citie and country were but one , vnlesse there were more then one . I promise you you haue digged well , and haue hedged your ditch with a strong enclosure . But why had you not the like hedge or wall rather for the citie ? ( vnlesse there were distinct Churches in the citie ) for then all had been cockesure . This hedge for the townes , and this wall for the citie , would haue sufficiently fenced the antecedent . But then the consequence had been ridiculous : and as it is now propounded , ( with this inclosure in the antecedent ) is altogether as weake as it was before . For to what purpose are the townes added , if the parishes be excepted ? And by this inclosure the antecedent it selfe is bewraied of falshood . For if there were in the citie and country more distinct Churches , or parishes , ( as here is supposed ) and these all subordinate to one ( as I haue manifestly proued before ) then all these will make a diocesse . I say therefore againe , that though their antecedent were true , yet the consequence were to be denied . ( Serm. sect . 5. pag. 19. But the Antecedent is not onely false , but also vnreasonable , and vncredible , &c. 20. lines , to , one day . ) The reason whereby I disprooue the Antecedent , is by the Refuter framed after his fashion , and propounded at large . It shall suffice to turne his proposition into an Enthymeme ; thus : The number of the Christians in the greatest Cities was very great , ( hee should haue said , greater then could ordinarily meet in one assembly ) the times such for persecution , as would not permit them ordinarily to meet in great multitudes , and the places of their meeting priuate and vncapeable of any great multitude , ( I say such multitudes : ) Therefore in the first two hundred yeeres , all the Christians in any great Citie ( and the townes about , which he should haue added ) did make more then one particular congregation ordinarily assembling in one place . Did not I tell you that hee would forget to adde to the Cities , the Townes about them , which hee did adde to his Antecedent to make the former consequence good , but dares not adde it now for feare of marring all ? But what doth he answere to it , as it is ? First , hee cauilleth , and meerely cauilleth with the consequence , obiecting such things as hee is perswaded in his owne conscience , neither were in the primitiue Church , nor ought to haue been . Themselues doe teach , that parishes ought to bee so well compact and trussed together , as that all of the same Church may conueniently and ordinarily meet together ; and also that where the multitude is greater , then that all can well meete together , they ought to diuide themselues into diuers congregations . And now he telleth vs of great parishes , either in the suburbs of London , or in some parts of the land , which were at their setting out nothing so populous as now they are : both which sorts being so mightily increased in respect of the number of their parishioners , himselfe I dare say is of opinion that they ought to bee diuided . And therefore ought not ( but that hee meant to cauill ) to haue supposed the practise of the primitiue Church ( which hee and his consorts doe alwaies vrge as a precedent for imitation ) to bee sutable to those instances , which though hee giueth , yet hee and all his partners doe vtterly mislike , as swaruing from the practise of the primitiue Churches . And where he saith , M. D. doth mistake the matter , whiles hee thinketh that wee hold , that all and euerie of the Christians in the great Cities did , or could alwaies meete in the same place : hee vtterly mistaketh me in so conceiuing ( though I am not ignorant they hold very strange things ) but this J conceiue you to hold , that each visible Church was , and still ought to bee a particular ordinary constant congregation of Christians , which not onely may conueniently , but also must necessarily , ( if they bee not by sufficient causes hindered ) assemble together ordinarily to praier , and to the ministery of the word and Sacraments . And I say , that in respect of the number , or rather innumerable company of Christians ( which T. C. himselfe thinketh to haue been greater in those times then now ) in respect of the times wherein they liued , raging with persecution , and in regard of the places , vncapeable of such multitudes , it is vncredible , yea impossible , that all the Christians in the greatest cities and countries about them , should make but one particular congregation , ordinarily and constantly meeting in one place . Neither doth that further his cause , which hee professeth to be their assertion , that the Christians which dwelt in and about any great Citie , and were called the Church of the Citie , were members of one body : for not onely they , but also those that dwelt in the remotest parts of the Country ( though distinguished into many particular congregations ) did not hold themselues to bee entire bodies by themselues ( vnlesse they were schismatickes or heretikes ) but all members of the same outward body and visible Church , whereof the mother Church in the citie was the chiefe or head , by which they were denominated , and also distinguished ( as now they are ) from other Churches . Hauing thus cauilled with the consequence , hee proceedeth to the antecedent , ( which is the assumption of his syllogisme ) denying euery particular branch thereof . And first for the number : hee would examine my proofes : but what should hee speake of proofes , when all I say is but vpon imagination ? Verily , for ought I see , my imaginations are better reasons then your strongest proofes . And that here appeareth where you weaken my imagination , J will not say falsifie it , by propounding it after your maner . But could a man professing sincerity , so cast off all shame , as to affirm that all I say , is but vpon imagination , when of that which I say there are foure proofes set downe in the Sermon ? first , by comparison of the lesse to the greater : secondly , an instance of Rome : thirdly , the testimony of Cornelius : fourthly , the testimony of Tertullian . The first he propundeth thus : If the multitude of Christians at Ierusalem within a few weekes after Christ was very great , then was it great in such cities . But the former is true : Therefore the latter . It is your fashion to make my consequences not to exceed the proportion of your owne imagined ability in answering them . My reason standeth thus : If the multitude of Christians at Ierusalem was verie great within a few weekes after the ascension of Christ ; then in all likelihood the number of Christians in greater cities hauing the like ( though not alwaies so great ) meanes , was within two hundred yeeres increased so much , as to exceed the proportion of one particular assembly , ordinarily meeting in one place . But the former is true : ( for at the Feast of Pentecost 3000. were conuerted in one day , and shortly after their number was growne to 5000. which afterwards daily and mightily increased ) therefore the latter . In my argument ( as you see ) comparison is made not onely betweene Ierusalem and other greater Cities , but chiefly ( which was omitted by the Refuter ) betweene the short time of a few weekes , and the continuance of 200. yeeres . Jf at Ierusalem , within a few weekes , the Christians were become many thousands ; how may wee thinke they were increased before the end of 200. yeeres , in Rome , Alexandria , Ephesus , Antioch , and such like Cities ? So that I doubt not , but the consequence is strong enough ( containing an argument from the lesse to the greater ) though I prooue none of those foure things which hee would haue prooued : as first , that all which were conuerted in Ierusalem at that time , remained members of that Church . Which maketh not against the consequence , but rather for it , seeing those which remained not in Ierusalem , were by persecution dispersed to other Cities , to helpe forward the plough of Christ there . Secondly , that all the great Cities had the like meanes to that of Ierusalem : which needeth not to be proued , seeing the meanes which had beene vsed , and the miracles which had beene wrought at Ierusalem , were also effectuall in other places , and are at this day , besides the like meanes of their owne . Thirdlie , though the meanes were alike , that yet the effects were answerable : which also needeth not to be prooued , seeing wee know by the report of the best Writers , how wonderfully and miraculously the Church was multiplied in the greatest Cities within that time . Fourthly , that there was neuer any apostasie in any of those Churches with which Paul ( in his conceit ) doth seeme to charge them of Asia , 2. Tim. 1.15 . Which exception also is friuolous , seeing not only the Churches of the greatest Cities , Rome , Alexandria and Antioch , but euen these seuen of Asia , were famous in those times for the profession of the faith . Thus you see , how he seeketh all the corners of his wit , to finde , if it were possible , some starting hole , whereby to escape the force of this consequence . But these points are not worth the standing on . Only whereas now hee chargeth , the second time , all them of Asia , with apostasie from the faith , because S. Paul saith , that all who are in Asia had forsaken him ; hee must be admonished to reforme his iudgement . For first , Paul speaketh not of all the Christians of Asia , but onely of all those Asians of note , who had beene in Rome since his imprisonment : of which number ( saith hee ) are Phygellus and Hermogenes . Neither doth hee speake of an apostasie from the faith , but of their forsaking him in his affliction , as the Disciples had shrunke from our Sauiour Christ : for else , when hee saith in the fourth chapter of the same epistle , In my first Apologie no man stood with me , but all ●id forsake me , wee might in like manner collect , that all were Apostares from the faith . But what kinde of desertion Paul meaneth , whereinto those of Asia did fall , it appeareth by the contrary practise of Onesiphorus , whom he commendeth in the same place , who often refreshed Paul , and was not ashamed of his chaine : but when he was at Rome , hee was so farre from shrinking from Paul , that hee most diligently sought him out and found him . The others of Asia ( of whom hee complaineth ) when they were in Rome , shrunke from him , as being ashamed or afraid of his chaine . Thus Chrysostome expoundeth it , that Paul when hee was apprehended , was forsaken of his friends : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : it is likely there were many then in Rome , from the parts of Asia ; but none , saith hee , stood to mee , no man would know me , all were estranged from me . Theophylact likewise : When Paul was apprehended of Nero , hee was forsaken of all the faithfull in Asia . who from Asia had gone to Rome with him . O●cumenius in like manner : When Paul was apprehended of Nero , his friends of Asia did forsake him : for there were in Rome many of Asia which were followers of Paul , or otherwise faithfull men ; but all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , withdrew themselues , and as we say , drew their neckes out of the collar , after Nero had laid hold on him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( saith hee ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : those in Asia , that is , those of Asia . It is likely ( saith Theodoret ) that some of those which in Asia had beleeued were at Rome , but auoided the companie of Paul for feare of Nero. As for the assumption , viz. that the multitude of Christians at Ierusalem within a few weekes was great , it maketh nothing ( saith he ) for him , or against vs. Which is a strange speech , seeing it is one of the premisses whereupon the conclusion is inferred , and which being granted , their assertion cannot be true . But heere againe hee telleth vs of the great parishes about London , saying , that they of Ierusalem did all meet together as well as they . Which is spoken against reason , and against sense : for first , it was not intended , that they of Ierusalem should meet , as those of London which be of one parish , after their multitude was increased . Secondly , neither might they ( being vnder persecution ) meet in great multitudes , as those of London , which through Gods goodnes enioy peace and liberty . Thirdly , neither had they such places of meeting for great multitudes . But where I said , it was not intended , when their multitude should bee great , that they of Ierusalem should assemble together , as they who are of one parish about London ; that needeth some explanation . The parishes about London , and euery where from the beginning , are each of them one among many , seuered from the rest , with purpose that all within that precinct should make an ordinarie set congregation , hauing one Presbyter , and not a presbyterie , much lesse a Bishop assigned to them : whereas contrariwise , the Church of Ierusalem , whereunto Iames was appointed Bishop , assisted with a presbyterie of Ministers , was neuer intended to be one parish among many , but to bee a mother Church , which should by Gods blessing beget others to bee seuered from it in particular assemblies , and yet to remaine subordinate and subiect vnto it , as children to the mother . It was neuer meant , neither in Ierusalem , nor in any other Citie , that the Bishop and his presbyterie should bee set ouer no more but one particular congregation ; or that as more congregations should bee constituted , euerie one should haue a Bishop and a presbyterie . But they were prouided for the people of God , that either then were in the Citie and Countrey , or after should bee ; which as it increased , was to be diuided into seuerall Congregations , whereunto Presbyters seuerally were to bee assigned ; all being members of one bodie , subiected to the Bishop and Presbyterie of the mother Church , which was ( as it were ) the head of that bodie . The Refuter not contented thus to haue cauilled with my argument , doth also threaten ( as though he had wrested my weapon out of my hands ) to turne the poem of it ( such is his crueltie ) to the very heart of my cause . But his minaces are but words , and his words but winde : for this is all he can say or doe : If the Christians in Ierusalem were not so many but that still they continued one parishionall assemblis , meeting together in one place ; then the Christians of other Cities might be , and did so in like sort . But the antecedents is crue : therefore the consequent . Of the consequence ( hee saith ) no reasonableman can make any doubt : and so taketh it for granted , wanting reason to prooue it . Me thinkes there is great reason , why I should not onely doubt of it , but plainely denie it : for when he saith , At Ierusalem they were not so many &c. hee should haue said when ; and that still they continued , &c. hee should haue said how long ; that being compared with other Cities at the same time , and of the like continuance , the reason of his consequence might appeare . There bee three reasons to be giuen , why the Church at Ierusalem should not bee at the end of one hundred or two hundred yeeres , so great as in other Cities . First , the persecution begunne with the martyrdome of Steuen , and continued vntill the destruction of Ierusalem : vpon the beginning of which persecution , all the faithfull in Ierusalem ( except the Apostles ) were dispersed into other parts . Secondly , ●he reiection of the Iewes , ( for the generality of them ) when the Gentiles were to be called . 3. The destruction of Ierusalem by Titus , about the yeare 72. and finall extirpation of the Iewes out of Ierusalem by Aelius Hadrianus about the yeare 137. who called it Aelia after his owne name , prohibiting any ●ew to come any more within that City . So that if it were true , that the number of the Christians in Ierusalem within the first 200. yeares had neuer exceeded the proportion of a parishional assembly : yet hereof it would not follow , that the number of Christians in other Cities , should for 200. yeares continue so smal . No reasonable man therefore would looke to haue that consequence granted him . The Assumption also is false . The Church of Ierusalem , whereof Iames was Bishop , neuer was a Parish ; so far was it frō continuing so still . But as the people both in the City and Country were vnder one high Priest ; so was it intended , that all the Christians , both in the City and count●y should be vnder the Bishop of Jerusalem , and so continued vntill the destruction thereof . Afterwardes , because that City being destroied , Caesarea was made by the Romans the Metropolis of Iewry ; it came to passe ( the church following the common-wealth ) that the Bishop of Caesarea was the Metropolitan . The Bishop of Ierusalem hauing the Bishopricke of the City , & the places adioining . Howbeit , in processe of time , the Christians honouring the place , granted the prerogatiue of the 4. Patriarchship to the Bishop of Ierusalem or Aelia , reseruing to Caesarea the Metropolis , her owne dignity . Nether is it probable , that the Church at Ierusalem after they once came to the number of 5000 ( as quickly it did , & continued with great increase vntil the death of Steuē ) did ordinarily meete all in one place . We reade of some Panegyricall meetings , as it were , in Salomons porch , and in the temple , such as be the meetings at Paules Crosse , or at the Spittle ; but their ordinarie , & as it were parishionall meetings , were by cōpanies in more priuate places . Nay , I say further , that the meetings either of the 12. Apostles , ( who neuer were intended to be members , either all , or any of them , of one parish ) with the Disciples , Act. 6.1 . or of some of them with the Presbyters , and whole assembly , Act. 15.22.26 . ( which places are by the refuter alleadged ) were not parishionall , but rather Synodicall . As for those other places in the Acts : some of them are ignorantly , some absurdly alleadged . In the 2. of the Acts he quoteth three places , viz. the two first verses , 6. & 44. In the first , it is said , that when the day of Pentecost was come , they were all with one accord in the same place . All , that is , all the Apostles , whose mutuall society , and conuersing together is noted . So doe some old Manuscrpts reade , saith Beza , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all the Apostles . For to them alone had Christ promised , that they should bee baptized , after a few dayes , with the holy Ghost , and to that purpose hee commaunded them to stay at Ierusalem , expecting the performance of this promise . Luke also sheweth , who they were , verse 14. saying , that Peter stood with the eleuen , and the people who wondred at them , seem to in●inuate , saying , are not all these men of Galilee ? Is it not strange then , that the conuersing of the Apostles together in one house , should be alleadged as an example , yea patterne of a parishionall assembly ? Or if by all , were ment the 120. Disciples assembled before the descending of the holy Ghost ; how doth it proue , either that they were a parishionall assembly , wherein the 12. Patriarches of Christendome were met ; or that they continued for an 100. or 200. yeares , so small a company as a parishionall assembly ; seeing within a few dayes , yea the very same day , they grew to bee many thousands ? In the 6. verse it is said , that when this voice or rumor was spread in the streetes concerning the Apostles , speaking with variety of tongues , great multitudes of people flocked together , not of Christians ( to make a parishionall assembly , ) but of all sorts to behold this wonder : whereat when some had wondred , and some had scoffed , by Peters sermon , 3000. of them were conuerted . In the 44. verse , Luke saith , that all they which belieued , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and had all things common , and sold their possessions , &c. Where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth either signifie they conuersed together in one place , and kept company one with another , and so speaketh not of their assemblies , for vers . 46. hee speaketh of their meeting in the temple , ( where they could not meet alone , ) wherein nationall , rather then parishionall meetings vsed to bee assembled : or else it signifieth they were in one , that is , they were ioined together in heart and affection , as it is said Act. 4.32 . which sense Caluin preferreth . There remaineth Act. 21.22 . where the Presbyters of Ierusalem , who were with Iames their Bishop , when Paul came to him , tell Paul that it cannot be auoided , but the multitude would come together , hearing that he was come . Vnderstanding by the multitude , either the multitude of the people of Ierusalem , as well those which belieued not , as those which did , ( for they direct him to goe into the temple , there to shew himselfe to be an obseruer of the law ) or the company of beleeuers onely , who when they would flocke together to see him , should find him in the temple conforming himselfe to the law of Moses . But to the absurditie of alleadging these places , this is added , that none of them reach any thing neare the time which we speake of . For the 2. of the Acts speaketh of that which was done within a fortnight after Christs Ascension . The 6. before the martyrdome of Steuen : the 15. aboue 20. yeares , the 21. about 15. years before the destruction of Ierusalem , that is , almost 150. yeares before the period of that time whereof we speake . And yet in Act. 21. there is mention of I know not how many ten thousands of belieuing Iewes ; ver . 20. You see , say they to Paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how many ten thousands there are of belieuing Iewes , &c. My second argument to proue , that in some Cities the multitude of Christians did not ordinarily assemble in one place , as one set particular congregation , is a particular instance of the City of Rome , in these words . ( Serm. Sect 6. Pag. 20. At Rome about the yeare 100. the Company of Christians being much increased &c. Euaristus diuided them into diuers Parishes , &c. to Apolog. c. 37. pag. 21. To this instance his answere is twofold . First , that it is but a tale of no credite , nor truth . Of no credite ; because , both the author deserueth no credite , and the matter reported by him , is vnlikely and vntrue . The Author , either because wrongfully hee beareth the name of Damasus ; or if it be Damasus himselfe , hee is not to be credited in reporting a matter done 300. yeares before his time . So that wee are resolued to deny it , let the author bee who hee will. Yea , but the Venetian Edition of the Councels chargeth that Author ( but hee saith not where ) with disagreement from other approued histories , ( but he saith not wherein . ) Doth hee in this particular disagree from approued histories ? Or is there any reason , why he should be suspected of forgery in this particular ? In all writings of the Romanists , which are suspected of forgery , there is something contained which seemeth to bee coined , or foisted in for an aduantage . Now I would gladly know , to what end they should faine this particular ? serueth it to magnifie the Papall supremacy , or to maintaine any of their corruptions , or to contradict their opposites in any thing which they held in former times ? Nothing lesse . For to begin with the last ; It could not bee counterfeited with purpose to contradict any body ; for , that one and the same Church , was and ought to be diuided into Parishes , and that Presbyters were and ought to be seuerally appointed to them , neuer any man that J haue read or heard of , denied before T. C. Not Caluin , nor Beza , nor any other fauourer of the pretended Discipline before him . Likewise , that which is reported , was a godly and necessary act , which had been practised long before this in Alexandria ( though I knew not so much when I made the Sermon , but you shall heare of it in due place ) which also was practised vpon the like occasion in all the Churches of the world : that is to say , when the number of Christians was so increased , that they could not all conueniently meet in one place ; they were by their B. diuided into diuers assemblies . Was not this done in all Churches whatsoeuer yea ought it not to haue bene done ? In Rome it was done , long before the time of Damasus ( for before his time there were aboue 40. parish Churches built in Rome ) and no doubt but it had a beginning , and a beginner ; which , if it were not Euaristus , let it be shewed who it was . It was done , as J will straight waies note , before Tertullians time , who flourished about the year 180. And therfore if not by Euaristus , thē by one of the other anciēt BB. within the compas of the limited time , who were godly BB. & famous Martyrs . That it was Euaristus his act ( to let passe Damasus , and the volumes of the councils which report it out of him , Platina , Onuphrius before cited , and Sabelliciu testifying the same : ) others as opposite to Popery as our refuter , haue beleeued , & accordingly reported . Iohn Bale reporteth of Euaristus , that hee shining with the grace of God , euen in the time of persecution increased the number of the sacred assemblies of Christians . Likewise Robert Barnes that famous Martyr saith , Presbyteris Rome , titulos distribuit : Hee distributed the titles or parishes to the Presbyters . To these I might adde the testimony of a Protestant writer , who for 30. yeares together studiously laboured in penning a Chronologie ( though it be not printed ) wherein among other things he reporteth of Euaristus ( who as he noteth was made Bishop of Rome in the yeare 99. ) that hee brought the places of the assemblies of the Christian brethren in Rome vnto 7 ▪ congregations ▪ & appointed to each of them seuerall pastors & teachers , that they might by such means remaine more secret , liue in better securitie , and heare the word with more ease and profit , then otherwise they could ( considering the iniquity of the time ) if they did meete in greater nūbers . As touching the matter , he saith . 1. it is vnlikely that the Presbyters attended the flocke promiscuously , and the people met in diuers places vncertainely : and yet that which he excepteth against as the matter , is not so much as material . The question is , whether Euaristus diuided the Church of Rome into diuers seuerall congregations , and assigned seuerall Presbyters to them , as Damasus reporteth . But whether the Presbyters before attended them promiscuously , or the people mette vncertainly , that is not the question . But seing hee is pleased to except against those words which are not in Damasus , but Onuphrius & my selfe added as a reason of Euaristus his act ; let him also be pleased to answer me , whether the whole Christian people of Rome in the city , suburbs & country adioyning , did vsually & ordinarily meete together in one assembly throghout the whole term of 200. years ; or in diuers assemblies , as they could most conueniently . If they alwaies or most vsually met together ; then , whether alwaies in one certain place , or in diuers vncertainly & occasionally . The former himselfe denieth . If the latter , then the Presbyters had not charge of them seuerally , but of them al promiscuously : then also the people met vncertainly . If they did not ordinarily meet all together , but in diuers assemblies ( which is the truth ) then , whether were the seuerall meetings set and certain , and seueral Presbyters appointed to them : or were the meetings and Presbyters for the instructing of those assemblies , appointed vncertainely , as occasion and opportunity serued . If the latter , which seemeth to haue beene the vse before Euaristus his time : then that is true , which hee excepteth against . If the former , which was brought to passe by Euaristus , then the maine assertion which he oppugneth , is true . Secondly , he would proue it to be false , and that by 2. testimonies , the former of Iustin Martyr , an . 142. Who directly affirmeth of the Church of Rome in speciall ( as in generall of all other Churches ) that they vsed vpon the sabbath day all to assemble together in one place . His words are these : On the sunday as it is called , all the Christians dwelling in the cities , or abroad in the countries , do come together in the same place . He speaketh not of the Church of Rome in speciall , but of the practise of all Christians in general . Is therefore the word all to bee taken collectiuè , or distributiuè ? if in the former sense , then his meaning should be that all Christians in the world , whether they dwelt in cities or countreys , did on the Lords day meet in one place ; which is absurd . If the latter , then he meaneth all them distributiuely , who , whether they liued in the cities or countries , belonged to one congregation . As if one of vs speaking of the custome of our times should say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on Sunday so called , there is a comming together of all into one place who doe dwell in the cities or the countries : that is , all in euery place that belong to the same congregations . And that it is so to be vnderstood , it appeareth by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cities , propounded in the plurall nūber . For his meaning neuer was , that the people of diuers cities did meet ordinarily together : & the note of disiūction ● or , added to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cuntry , doth signifie that those of the country did not al meet with thē of the City ; for then he would haue said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but that al did meet in their seuerall congregations , whether they liued in the cities or coūtries . His other testimony is of Platina , affirming that Dionysius about 160. yeares after Euaristus , did first diuide and set ( out ) parishes , and therefore hee referreth him & Damasus to Onuphrius to be reconciled . But well may this refuter with shame enough hide his head , who shameth not so oft to falsifie the authors which hee quoteth . This is that which Platina reporteth of Dionysius , that he being made B. straightwaies diuided the Churches and coemiteries ( which were the places of christian meetings ) in the city of Rome to the presbyters : but he saith not that he first did it ; neither was it his mening : for he had said the same before of Euaristus . Abroad also , saith he , in the country , he distributed parishes & dioceses ( so coūtry parishes are called ) to the end that euery one should be content with his bounds & limits . Agreeable hereunto is the report of Dionysius himself ( if it be himself ) in his epistle to Seueru● the B. of Corduba . For wheras Seuerus had asked his directiō , what course was to be takē cōcerning parish churches throghout the prouince of Corduba : he wisheth him to follow that , which he had lately done in the church of Rome , ecclesias vero singulas , singulis presbyteris dedimus , seueral Churches we assigned to seueral presbyters , & diuided to thē the churches & coemiteries , & ordained that euery one shold haue his proper right , in such sort as that none may inuade the lands , bounds or right of another parish , but that euery one should be content with his owne boundes , and so keepe his church and people committed to him , that before the tribunall of the eternall Iudge he may giue an account of all committed to him , and may receiue glorie and not iudgement for his deeds . Now these reports are easily reconciled , with the afore cited testimony of Damasus . For , as Onuphrius also hath obserued , Euaristus first diuided the parishes to the presbyters , the nūber wherof by Hyginus not lōg after was augmēted an . 138 After whō nothing was altered vntill the time of Dionysius : an . 260. who increased the nūber of the parishes , which afterwards were multiplied by Marcellus , about the yeare 305 &c. Besides , thogh Euaristus first diuided the parishes in Rome ; yet Dionysius might be the first that set out the coūtry parishes . Which distinction , if it wil salue their credits , who haue said that Dionysius first diuided parishes , I wil not be against it . His 2. answere is , that if Euaristus did any such thing , he diuided the titles to only gouerning elders &c. A likely matter . For the titles were the sacrae aedes , the places of metings vnto Gods worship , in which the Presbyters , or as Dionysius calleth thē , sacerdotes the Priests , were ordained to feed the people cōmitted to them , with the ministery of the word & sacraments , and goe before them in the worship of God. But of lay elders I haue sufficiently spoken before , if any thing wil suffice , to perswade men , that there neuer were any such in the church of God. My 3. proof , is the testimony of Cornelius the B. of Rome : who , as he saith , there were 46. Presbyters at that time in the Church of Rome , & 108 others of the clergy , & 1500. poor people maintained al of them by the contributiō of christians : so he calleth the Christian people in Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a very great & innumerable people . Did the B. and 154. clergy men attend one parishionall assembly only ? was there 1500. poor christians , besides 154 of the clergy , together with the B. maintained of one parishional congregatiō ? was an innumerable people , the people of one particular ordinary congregation assembling in one place ? This testimony , saith our refuter , is quite besides the purpose , a fift part ( meaning 50. yeres beyond the time we speak of . The limitatiō of the time , wherto they haue cōfined the primitiue church was deuised for a poor shift , because they knew there was not the like euidence for the 2. century , as for the 3. Otherwise , what reasō can be rēdred , why there should be diuers parishes vnder one B. in the year 250. if it were not so in the year 200 ? especially , seing they , which of purpose haue written of these things , do professe that there was no differēce in the nūber of the parishes in that time , & 10. years after . What reson can be giuē , why the christian people which was innumerable in the yeare 250. should haue been in the yeere 200. the people of one particular parish ? especially , seeing good authors before the year 200 , doe acknowledge as much as if they had said , that then they were innumerable . To which purpose in the 4 place I quoted Tertullian , whom J needed not , if we wil beleeue the refuter , to haue cited , seeing ( saith he ) he speaketh vnlimitedly of the christiās in the Romane Empire , & saith nothing herein that w●e deny , nor ought for M.D. profit . By his good leaue therefore , I will recite the words . For after that hee had professed that christians then ( contrary to the iudgement and practise of the Papists now ) thought it vnlawfull for them to auenge themselues on their persecutors , he saith : For if we should shew our selues to be open enemies & not secret auengers , should we want either number or strength ? we are aliants frō you , et vestra omnia implenimus , and we haue filled al places that are yours , cities , Islands , Castles , towns , assemblies &c. only your temples we leaue vnto you . If we should but depart away from you , the losse of so many citizens would amaze you . Without doubt you would be astonished ad solitudinē nostrā at the solitarines which our absēce would make , you would seek the reliques of a dead city , wherein you might rule , more enemies then citizens wold remain vnto you ; but now you haue the fewer enemies by reason of the multitude of Christians , penè 〈◊〉 ci●ium , being almost all citizens , penè omnes ciues Christianos habendo , by hauing almost al your Citizens Christians . Let the Reader judge what the number of Christians were in those times , & whether Tertullian doth not speake chiefly of the city of Rome ; & let him consider whether almost all the citizens of Rome ( of whom ordinarily there were diuers hūdred thousands ) besides christian strangers , seruants , and the female sex , were like to be the people of one parish . The same author speaking to the same purpose in another place , saith , it may be sufficiently manifest vnto you that we deale according to the doctrine of diuine patience Seing we being so great a multitude of men , euen the greatest part almost of euery city , do cary our selues in silence & modestie . And so much concerning the multitude of the people . ( Serm sect . 7. p. 21. Ad to the multitude of the people , the consideration of the times , raging for the most part with persecution &c. to the end of the 2. point . ) As touching the times , the refuter answereth , that how furiously soeuer the times raged with persecution : yet the christian people did vsually assemble together . Whereof I doubt not But the question is , whether in diuers congregations , as I say , & as it is most euidēt ; or altogether in one place , which is altogether vncredible . As for the places , wherin the christians in the first 200. yeares vsed to assemble , especially in time of persecution ; whereas I say they were priuate houses , vaults and secret places not capable of such multitudes , as haue bin spoken of ; for refuge he flieth to the v●lts & holes , as he calleth thē , which he supposeth were capable of great multitudes , but omitteth priuate houses , and other small roomes turned to this vse . And whereas J say they were not capable of such multitudes , as were th● whole companies of Christians in the greatest cities , proued before to haue bin in a manner innumerable , hee onely saith great multitudes . But what we are to cōceiue of this point , let vs enquire of Hospinian a Protestant writer , who hath trauelled in this argument . He therefore saith , in the time of the Apostles , and some while after , the places of meetings which Christians had , were simple houses , neither were they permitted by the cruelty of tyrants , and rage of the people , to build , I say not magnificent , but not meane Temples . The places therefore of publike meetings in those times were base , more like dens and secret corners , then magnificall Temples , as Eusebius●estifieth ●estifieth . And Tertullian plainly affirmeth , that in his time the Christians had no other temples but simple houses . Polydor Virgil testifieth , that the Christians were so far from hauing any temple built in these times , that all was secret , & their places of meeting were chapels , and those hidden and for the most part vnder the ground , rather then in open and publike places . Bullinger likewise saith , that the antient Christians vnder Constantine the Great , were wont vnder the quire of the temples to build crypta● , vaults , in memory of the persecutions , whereby the Christians vnder the Emperors before Constantine , were not suffered sometimes to come abroad ; and therfore they were forced to hold their assemblies , and performe the sacred exercises in secret , sometimes in dens and other priuy places . But , saith the Refuter , Let them bee as little as he would make them , yet it doth not follow hereof , that the Churches in the Cities alone , contained many particular congregations or parishes . To which purpose againe , he alleageth his chapels of ease for a meere euasion , seeing himselfe is perswaded there was none such in those times . And where he saith , that although there were diuers places of meeting in those times , yet all appertained to one congregation ; I confesse it to be true : for euen after the distinction of parishes both in citie and country , all of them belonged to one Church , as mēbers of the same body . Yea but , saith he , if there were many particular congregations in euery city , how chanceth it , he told vs before , that the parishes were not distinguished ? Distinguish the times , and the answere is easie . In the first hundred yeeres , though Christians met in diuers places , as they could ; yet neither , were there in the most cities certaine set places of meeting , nor certaine Presbyters assigned to them , as to their perpetuall and peculiar charge . But at the end of the first hundred yeeres , Euaristus diuided to seuerall Presbyters in Rome , titles , that is , the set places of meetings , which we call parish Churches , whereof they were entituled , and called the Presbyters of such and such a title or parish . And thus haue J maintained my arguments and answers against his cauils . Now am I to defend my assertion against his proofes . CHAP. VI. Answering the Refuters arguments . ANd first , because you shall know what he meaneth to conclude , he propoundeth the question ; which is , saith he , whether in the Apostles times and the age following , that is , the first two hundred yeeres , the visible Churches indued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernment , were parishes or no. In which question , seeing he & his consorts restraine the times of the primitiue Church to the first two hundred yeeres ; the Reader will I hope expect , that he should conclude , that fo● this whole terme at the least , the churches were each of them but a parish , and that in all this time there were no dioceses . His argumentation containeth two ranckes of instances : the former taken out of the scriptures ; the latter out of the Fathers . The former he concludeth thus : If the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus and Antioch ( being visible Churches indued with power of ecclesiasticall government ) were each of them but one parish ( vnderstand for the whole terme of 200. yeeres ) then the other visible Churches 〈◊〉 with the like power , were also each of them ( during the same terme ) but one parish . But the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus and Antioch , ( being visible Churches endued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernment ) were each of them but one parish ( for the first 200. yeeres . Therefore the other visible Churches endued with the like power , were also ( for the like terme ) each of them but one parish . The proposition I will be content to yeeld to my aduersarie , so it may be lawfull for me to vse the like : for then I would conclude thus : If the Churches of Alexandria and Rome were not parishionall Churches in the first 200. yeeres , neither were the Churches of other Cities . But the antecedent is true : therefore the consequent . The consequence is the same with his , and grounded on the same hypothesis : viz. that all Churches endued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernment , were at the first of the same nature and constitution . The former part of the assumption , concerning Alexandria , I will manifestly prooue when I come to the third point , concerning Diocesans : viz. that it was not one parish , but contained diuers parishes , euen in the first 100. yeeres . Concerning Rome , I haue proued already , that within the first 200. yeeres it was diuided into many parishes : and therefore although there bee not so good euidence for other Cities in particular , yet the like is to bee concluded of them , seeing they were all of the same constitution . Passing by therefore his proposition , I take hold of his assumption , and doe plainely denie , the Churches he speaketh of , or any other , which had a Bishop and Presbyterie , to haue beene for the first two hundred yeeres , no more but parishes : for J doubt not , but it is easier to proue that within this terme , not onely the Presbyters and people in the said dioceses , but also the Bishops in the same Prouinces , were subiect to the Bishops of these three Cities . For as it is euident of Antioch , by the testimonie of Ignatius , who calleth himselfe the Bishop of Syria ; so no reason can bee alleged why the Bishops of Ephesus and Corinth , who in the third centurie , and in the ages following , were Metropolitans , were not so in the second ; or if they were Metropolitans in the third , and in the ages following , ( as most certainely they were ) why they should not haue beene Diocesans at the least in the second . The assumption ( hee saith ) appeareth plaine by the proofe of the particulars . But what doth he prooue of the particulars ? Are his syllogismes so soone come to an end ? His chiefe proofes be , that in the Apostle Pauls time each of them vsed to assemble in one Congregation . Was this your assumption ? You that are so strict in exacting syllogismes and direct proofes , should not haue sought to carrie away the matter , as it were , in the cloudes . Yea but that which he prooueth , doth prooue the assumption . That shall thus bee tried by his owne forme of argumentation : If those Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , and Antioch , in the Apostle Pauls time , were each of them no more then ordinarily assembled in one place , then were they for the first 200. yeeres each of them but one parish . But the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , and Antioch , in the Apostle Pauls time , were each of them no more then ordinarily assembled in one place . Therefore for the first 200. yeeres they were each of them but one parish . The proposition is omitted by the disputer , as taken for granted : but therein he hath plaied the sophister ; for he that meaneth truly , doth not vse to omit any part of his argument , but that which is certaine , or confessed . But the consequence of this proposition is worse then naught : for if hee had onely said thus , If in the Apostles times they were each of them but one Congregation , therefore for 200. yeeres they were so ; the consequence had beene starke naught : or if he had onely said , If in the Apostles time they were each but one Congregation , then were they each one parish ; that consequence also had beene naught : but when he saith , If in the Apostles times each was but one Congregation , therefore for 200. yeeres each of them was but a parish ; that consequence is , as I said , worse then naught . That the first of the two consequences is naught , it is euident : for though at the first conuersion of any great City , and for a while after , the number vsually was so small , that they might haue assembled in one place ; yet it is certaine , that within 200. yeeres , their number was growne to bee almost innumerable , as hath beene shewed , and therefore too great to make one ordinarie congregation . This one exception ( if no more should bee added ) ouerturneth all his dispute . As touching the second : though it should bee granted , that each of these Churches in the Apostles time , did ordinarilie assemble together in one place ; yet would it not follow , that therefore each of them was but a parish ; and much lesse ( which is the end of all this disputation ) that all Churches endued with ecclesiasticall power should be but parishes ; and consequently , that euery parish should haue a Bishop and presbyterie . The reasons of my deniall of these consequences I haue before set downe at large , Chap. 3. § 5. and 6. and therefore this disputation I haue sufficiently ouerthrowne already . For a surplussage I adde these two reasons : First , If these Churches , because they were each of them but one Congregation , were parishes before the diuision of parishes ; then were they such Churches , as after the diuision , parishes were . This consequence may not be denied , especially by them who would haue all parishes framed to the constitution of the first Churches . But they were not such : for the parishes , after their diuision , had not a Bishop and presbyterie , but only a Presbyter assigned to them : neither was the Pastor thereof superintendent ouer others , neither was any of them intended to bee a mother Church . Secondly , if that assumption was false which denied parishes to haue beene distinguished in the Apostles times , then these Churches were not onely many congregations , but many parishes also . But he said before , that that assumption had no truth in it . These two iust exceptions I haue against his consequence . If against the former it bee obiected , that some of his testimonies doe seeme to prooue , that after the Apostles times these Churches were each of them but one congregation : I answer , that his maine argument and proofes thereof , doe speake of the Apostles time . Those which are extended further , shall bee further examined . Now I come to his assumption ; for though I doe not denie , but that at the first , and namely in the time of the Apostle Paul , the most of the Churches so soone after their conuersion , did not each of them exceed the proportion of a populous congregation ; yet I cannot yeeld to all his proofes . His proofes be either allegation of Scriptures , or other testimonies . His Scriptures for Corinth , are out of the first epistle to the Corinthians , and Rom. ●6 . 1 . for Ephesus , Act. 20.28 . for Antioch , Act. 14.27 . Now let vs consider the date of his testimonies , and then what is testified in them . The date of them is ancienter then Paul his going to Rome , which was in the yeere 5● . or ●6 . Which I do note , to shew to what time his proposition is to bee restrained : as if hee had said , If before the yeere 55. or ●6 . they were but one congregation , then they were no more vntill the yeere 200. The thing that is testified for Corinth , 1. Cor 11. is such , as might bee written to the Church of England , as verse 18. When you come into the Church , I beare there bee schism●s among you : vers . 20. When you come together in the same place , this is not to eat the Supper of the Lord : vers . 33. When you come together to eat , expect one another . Rom. 16. There is mention of the Church of Cenchreae , whereof mention hath beene made now thrice , to no purpose , vnlesse it bee against himselfe : for if C●nchreae were a parish subordinate to the Church of Corinth , as most certainly it was , it selfe hauing not a Bishop or presbyterie , but a Presbyter assigned to it ; this will proo●e , that the mother Church of Corinth was diocesan , ( as all Cathedrall Churches bee ) and that parishes distinguished from the Cathedrall , as children from the mother , were such as that of Cenchreae . That which is testified for Ephesus , Act. 20.28 . is such as vpon like occasion might by all . in his visitation be applied to a●● the ministers of a diocesse ; that they should attend the stocke , &c. For must the word stocke , which may be extended , either to the vniuersall , or nationall , or prouinciall , or diocesan Church ; must it needes signifie onely the congregation of a Parish ? & yet he , that breathes nothing but nouelties , saith it is a new conceit , to suppose a Diocesan flocke . But this calumny of nouelty I haue by plentifull testimonies of antiquity ( before cited ) wiped cleane away . As touching Act. 14.27 . cited for Antioch ; where it is said , that Paul and Barnabas gathered together the Church , to relate vnto them , what God had done by them , since they had laid their hands vpon them , and had commended them to the grace of God : it is apparant ; that not all the Church consisting of husbands , and wiues , their children and seruants , but some of the chiefe and principall , perhappes not many , perhappes not any , besides those of the Clergy , were called to that meeting . These were his proofes out of the Scripture . His other testimonies are out of Eusebius , Ignatius , and some of our owne Writers , all which testimonies are scarse worth the mentioning . Eusebius calleth the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus and Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Of the ancient vse of this word , sometimes signifying the whole Diocesse , sometimes the whole City and Suburbes , I haue spoken sufficiently heretofore , as also of that which hee obiecteth , concerning the Parish in Ephesus . Wherto I adde , that Eusebius , as he vsed the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the same purpose . Ignatius writing to the Church of Ephesus a , the multitude whereof hee calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as if he had of purpose noted it to be a Church consisting of many multitudes or congregations ) exhorteth them , as one might in like manner the faithfull in London , ( though diuided into many congregations ) to come oft together to b giue thanks and glory to God : for when you come oft together into one place , the power of Satan is weakened , &c. His other testimony out of Ignatius , is out of his Epistle to Hero , where he calleth the Church of Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Synagogue , that is , the church or congregation of the Lord. The word being vsed in the same signification with Ecclesia , whereof I spake before . But whether Ignatius were Bishop onely of one Congregation , or parish , let his own words testifie . Remember me saith he , c ( in his Epistle to the Magnesians ) in your praiers , and the Church which is in Syria , whereof I am not worthy to be called the Bishop . And in the Epistle to the Romanes towardes the latter end d , Remember in your praier the Church in Syria , the which , in stead of me , hath the Lord to bee her pastor , who saith I am the good shepheard . Or , if these words bee not plaine inough , hee calleth himselfe in the e same Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop of Syria . Now let my aduersarie tell mee , what maner of Parish Syria was . And let me heare also , what he can obiect against these two Epistles of Ignatius to the Magnesians , and Romanes . For euen they f , which suspect his Epistle to Her● , which the refuter citeth , and foure others , acknowledge these two to bee no bastards Eusebius g mentioneth both . And that to the Romans , he not onely mentioneth , but also citeth a good part thereof . Thus leauing that most pregnant , and authentique euidence of Ignatius to my aduersary to muse vpon ; J come to his testimonies of our new writers , all which ( excepting two testimonies of Tindall ) he most childishly alleadgeth , to proue , that the Churches of Ephesus , and of other the like Cities , were each of them but a Parish ; because they call a Church a Congregation ; vsing the word Congregation in as ample sense , as before I proued the word Ecclesia ( whereof that is the English ) to bee vsed . The auncient English Bibles , neuer almost vse the word church ; but in stead thereof doe vse the word congregation , not onely where is mention of particular Churches , but of the vniuersall or catholicke Church . As Mat. 16. Vpon this rocke I will build my congregation . Eph. 1. Hee hath made him head of the Congregation , which is his body . Eph. 5. Yee husbands loue your wiues as Christ loued the congregation . And so in the Communion Booke , both in the Praiers & translation there vsed . As in the Praier for the King , before the Epistle ; haue mercy on the whole congregation . In the solemnization of Matrimony , out of Ephes. 5. I speake of Christ and the Congregation . But you shall heare his particulars ; First Tindall translateth the word Ecclesia by congregation : thus , to the angell of the congregation of Ephesus , &c. 2. Iohn Bale translateth and expoundeth the word Candlesticke and Church , by Congregation . The reasons why the first Translaters of the Bible into English in these latter times did auoid the name Church , and insteed thereof vsed Congregation , doe seeme to haue been these two . The first , because Church or Kyrk , being deriued from the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth more properly signifie the place of meeting , then the congregation it selfe , which is meant by ecclesia : and therefore the word Congregation thought to be the fitter translation . The second , because the Papists had abused the word Church , whether it were generally vsed , to signifie the Romish Church ; or particularly , to import the Romish clergy . So saieth Tindal ; Because the clergy had appropriated to themselues the name Church , therefore I translated the word Ecclesia , by this word Congregation . For when the people vnderstood , that by Church was meant the company of men professing the faith of Christ , the name Church is euery where vsed , as the translation of ecclesia . Thirdly , Yea , but D. Fulke iustifying the translation of Ecclesia , Eph. 5.23 . by congregation , argueth plainely , that he held the Church of Ephesus to consist but of one particular congregation onely . Which allegation sheweth extreame want , either of iudgement , or honesty : for what church or congregation is there mentioned ? the Church of Ephesus , or the vniuersall Church of Christ ? when it is said , as Christ is the head of the Church ? Vpon which words , when the Rhemists had noted it as a corruption of the first English Bibles , which did not vse the word Church , but congregation in stead thereof . D. Fulke answereth ; that the Translator rather vsed the word Congregation then Church , to auoide ambiguity , because this word Church is commonly taken for the house of the assembly of Christians : and that the people might know , that the Church is a gathering together of al the mēbers into one body , which in the name of church doth not appeare . But after the people were taught to distinguish of the word Church , and to vnderstand it for the mysticall body of Christ , the latter translations vsed that terme ; not that the other was any corruption ; or the latter , any correction ; but to declare , that both is one . Is it not plaine , that he by congregation vnderstandeth the vniuersall Church , which is a gathering together of all the members into one body , but of the Church of Ephesus speaketh neuer a word ? In the 4. place the notes of M. Perkins sermons on the Apocalypse , taken from his mouth , are alleadged ▪ wherein it is said , that the seuen Churches were particular congregations , meaning thereby ( that which I doe not deny ) particular churches , and that euery particular congregation is a Church , and hath priuiledges of a Church belonging to it , which is also true . Fiftly , the great Church Bible readeth thus ; Iohn to the seuen Congregations . Lastly , D. Bilson saith , that the church is neuer taken in the old or new Testament for the Priests alone , but for the congregation of the faithfull . From which allegations to inferre , that each church is but one particular congregation , is ( as I said ) most childish . But those 2. out of Tindall , the one , that a Bishop was the gouernour but of one congregation : the other , that hee was the ouerseer but of a Parish , to preach the word to a parish : was not a childish mistaking , but a wilfull misalleadging of the Author , who in the former place hath no such thing . Or if hee haue any where , he vseth the word Congregation in as large a sense as Ecclesia , wherof it is the translation . In the latter , speaking of such a Bishop as is described , 1. Tim. 3. that is , of such a one as ( in his conceit ) was but a Presbyter ; hee saith , by the authority of the gospell , they that preach the word of God in euery Parish , and ( performe ) other necessary ministeries , haue right to challenge an honest liuing : Neither is the Refuter content once to haue falsified the testimony of this holy Martyr ; but againe in the end of his booke hee alleadgeth him to the same purpose . After hee hath thus doughtily proued his Assumption concerning these 3. Churches , he bringeth a new supply of testimonies out of Ignatius , Tertullian , and Eusebius concerning others . Ignatius exhorteth the Magnesians , that they would all come together into one place to praier ; all , as with vs , that belonged to the same congregation . And perswading the Philadelphians to vnity , exhorteth them , that they would vse one faith , one preaching , one eucharist , because the body of Christ is one , and his bloud one , one cup , and one bread , one Altar for the whole Church , and one Bishop with the Presbytery and Deacons : for there is but one God the Father , &c. one faith , one baptisme , and one Church , which the Apostles haue founded from one end of the world to another , &c. In which words , none fauoureth the Refuters conceit , but that of one altar seruing for the whole Church : the word Altar being expounded for the Communion Table , which is not likely , and too much sauoureth of popery . But by one altar , is meant Christ , who sanctifieth all our sacrifices or oblations , and maketh them acceptable to God : as Ignatius expoundeth himselfe in his Epistle to the Magnesians ; all as one , runne together into the Temple of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnto one Iesus Christ as it were vnto one altar . But that which he alleageth out of the same Epistle , that they were to gather themselues together into one place to chuse their Bishop : if it were rightly alleaged , would proue , not their ordinary and parishionall , but extraordinary and panegyricall meeting to such an end : but this needed not : their Bishop at this time was come to Ignatius in his iourny towards Rome , as appeareth by the beginning of the Epistle , as it were vpon an honourable ambassage from the Church , as were the BB. of other Churches . But he saith , it becometh you as being a Church of God , to doe as other Churches haue done ; that is , as he sheweth in the words following , to appoint a Bishop , that he may 〈◊〉 Antioch performe the ●mbassage of God , that it may be granted to them being gathered together into one place , to glorifie the name of God From whence also the Re●uter gathereth , that a Bishop is Gods Ambassador to a people that are together in one place . Which is true , so oft as he preacheth . But Ignatius meaneth nothing lesse , then that they should appoint the Bishop of Antioch ; but onely willeth them to send a Bishop , as it were vpon ambassage thither . His meaning is more plainly expressed in his Epistle to the S●yrneans , where he writeth to the same purpose , that seeing the Church of Antioch after his departure had some peace , ( the persecutors contenting themselues to haue taken him who was their ringleader from among them ) he exhorteth them to ordaine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sacred Ambassador , who when he should come into Syria , should reioice with them , because they had peace . Tertull●●● also is made to speake for them , as though he said the Christian Churches were all one body , and came all together into a company and congregation . By which testimony , if it were truely alledged , all Christian Churches , as they are one body of Christ , so all should meet together to make one parish . His words be these : I will now set forth the practises of the Christian party : That hauing refuted the euils ( obiected ) I may declare the good . We are a body consenting in the knowledge of religion , in the truth of discipline or doctrine , and the couenant of hope : We come together into a company and cōgregation . Which words may be verified of the Christians of these times , which in euery Church are diuided into seuerall congregations . Out of Eusebius hee hath nothing to alledge , but that which before I came to his arguments I sufficiently answered ; that he calleth the Church of Ierusalem the parish of Ierusalem , the Church of Alexandria , the parish of Alexandria , &c. To which J answere , that Eusebius indeed calleth each of the Churches by the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but he calleth none of them a parish , as we vnderstand the word parish . In the place which hee quoteth concerning Ierusalem , Eusebius saith , that after the martyrdome of Iames ( who no doubt from an Apostle , had been preferred to bee a parish Bishop , because he was Christs kinsman ) the Apostles and disciples of Christ , which yet remained , did from all places come together , with those who were of Christs kinred , to consult , whom they might thinke worthy to bee Iames his successor ; and that with one consent they made chuce of Simeon the sonne of Cleophas , as worthy the throne of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Church , because he also was our Sauiours kinsman . All this was done ( no doubt ) in a parish meeting , to set a parish B. in his throne . In which throne of Iames , reserued , as Eusebius saith , till his time , the BB. of Ierusalem , hauing the honour of Patriarches , did succeed . As touching Alexandria , it is euident by that which before hath been shewed , that Eusebius speaking of the Bishop there , calleth him sometime the Bishop of the Church or paroecia , sometimes of the Churches or paroeciae , belonging to Alexandria , and all in one and the same sense : which plainely sheweth , that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee doth not meane that which we call a parish . Which wil then better appeare , when I shall proue that from Saint Marks time , there were more Churches or parishes there , and yet but one Church and one Bishop . But suppose it were granted him , that each of the Churches for a time did not exceed for their number , the proportion of an ordinary congregation ; yet this would not proue them to haue been parishes , as hath been shewed . Thus and thus weakely , to vse his owne words , the Disputer hauing prooued his cause , notwithstanding concludeth with a stout brag . Now let any man , iudge whether M.D. hath better proued , that the Churches in those times were dioceses , or I , that they were parishes . So say I , let any man now iudge , who is of iudgement ; and if there be any comparison betweene the plaine euidence which I haue brought , and his slender proofes , let me be taken for a man of no iudgement . Yea but ( saith hee ) the worst is still behinde : for his cause indeed , but to mine , aduantage . For if there were not onely diocesan , but also prouinciall Churches , and that within the first two hundred yeeres ; then is it absurd to imagine , that there were no Churches , but parishional . Neither did , or doth the being of prouinciall Churches , hinder dioceses , or diocesan BB. These be the shallow conceipts of this disputer , and his fellow challengers of disputation : First , that euery visible Church hath a sufficient and independent authority , immediately deriued from Christ , for the gouer●●ent of it selfe in al causes ecclesiasticall . Secondly , that euery parish is or ought to be such a Church . From the former of these , this disputer seemeth to inferre , that if diocesan Churches and BB. be subordinate to the prouinciall Churches , and BB : that then the prouinciall be the onely Churches . And by the same reason when the prouinces were subiect to the Patriarches , none but patriarchall Chuches , ( as that of Rome , Constantinople , Alexandria , Antioch and Ierusalem ) were to be esteemed Churches . But let vs heare the disputer . Admit the Churches were then diocesan , what is that to vs , who haue none such in these daies , if G.P. say true ? And how is this proued ? because he saith the BB. of either prouince in England are Suffraganes , or rather Curates to the two Arch-bishoppes in their seuerall prouinces , euen their deputies exercising ecclesiastical iurisdiction , from and vnder them . It shall not be amisse therefore for M.D. to confute him the next time he writeth . In the meane time you should haue answered for your selues , and not put off the confutation of his reioynder to others . But though you cannot confute him , yet you can abuse him , as by reuiling and scornefull termes in other places of your booke ; so here by notorious falsifying of his words ▪ For where doth he say that our Bishops bee but Suffraganes or Curates to the two Arch-bishoppes , as you without shame or conscience doe belie him ? saith hee , or meaneth he any more but this , that during the time of the Archiepiscopal visitation , wherby the iurisdiction of the Ordinary is suspended , that ecclesiasticall iurisdiction which he practiseth , he doth exercise from and vnder the Archbishop as his deputy ? And what is this to our purpose ? Yea but , If we may iudge ( saith our Disputer ) by the outward practise , we haue onely two Churches , and they are prouinciall , the one of Canterbury , the other of Yorke , vnsubordinate either to other , or to any other ecclesiasticall power , and so entire Churches ( such as hee would haue euery parish to be . ) Heere by the way let the Reader iudge , with what conscience the Refuter hath so oft obiected against our Bishoppes , that they be petite popes , hauing sole and supreme authority , seeing now himselfe confesseth , that according to the order and discipline of our Church , they are subiect to the Metropolitanes . But to the point : none of these things which hee obiecteth , doe hinder the being of dioceses , or diocesan Bishoppes ; no not though they had been by G.P. called the Archbishoppes Suffraganes . For whereas the Bishoppes haue been by authors which haue written within these nine hundred yeeres , called Suffraganes to the Archbishoppes , they meane thereby comprouinciall Bishoppes ▪ who in the election of the Metropolitanes , and in the prouinciall synods held by the Metropolitanes , did giue their suffrages with them : not that they bee such as commonly we call Suffraganes , but are as absolute Bishoppes as haue been since the first appointment of Metropolitanes ; and they were actually acknowledged , as they were at the first intended , so soone as the diuers cities of one prouince had their Bishops . In all which , as there was consociation among themselues , as being all of one body ; so also subordination to the Bishop of the Metropolis , or mother Citie , as being their head . Thus was it prouided in the canons , which for their antiquity , are called the Apostles canons , that the Bishops of euery nation must acknowledge him that in the first or primate among them , and esteeme him as the head , and that they should doe nothing exceeding the bounds of their owne iurisdiction , without his consent . And that euery one may doe those things alone which belong to his owne Church and the Countries which bee vnder it . Neither may hee ( meaning the Primate ) doe any thing without the consent of all . The same is repeated and explaned , as yee heard before in the Councell of Antioch ; calling the Primate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishoppe which gouerneth in the mother Citie , appointing him to haue the care of the whole prouince , because there is concourse of men , who haue businesse from all parts of the country to the mother Citie . And although they forbad Bishoppes to attempt any thing beyond their compasse , without his consent , according to the antient canon , yet they say , Euery Bishoppe hath power or authority of his owne diocesse , to administer or gouerne the same according to his conscience , and to haue prouident care of the whole Country subiect to his Citie , and to ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , and to dispose of all things with iudgement . It is apparant then , that the being of prouinciall Churches doth not hinder the diocesan , nor the authority of Metropolitanes take away the iurisdiction of diocesan Bishops . Neither is any Church in the world , more agreeable to the forme and gouernment of the most antient and Apostolicall Churches , then this of England . For at the first , Metropolitanes were not subordinate to any superiour Bishoppes , but were , as Balsa●● saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heads by themselues of their prouinces , being Bishoppes of their owne peculiar dioceses , and yet hauing a generall superintendencie ouer the whole prouince . I cannot deny , but that long before the Councell of Nice , there were Patriarches aboue Metropolitanes , whose originall , as it seemeth , proceeded from humane policie ; as the cause of their ratification and continuance is ascribed to antient custome . But the superiority of Metropolitanes was either intended by the Apostles , as I thinke , when they appointed Bishoppes ouer mother Cities , who though at the first actually were but Bishoppes of their owne diocesse , yet vpon the conuersion of other Cities in the prouince , were to be ackowledged the chiefe ; or at least , as Beza supposeth , they were ordained , not by authority of Councels , but s●●dente natura , & necessitate flagitante ; nature aduising , and necessitie requiring it . For it was conuenient , or rather necessary , that there should be consociation of Churches within the same prouince ; and that the gouernours of the seuerall dioceses , should meete for the common good ; as also that the wrongs offered to any by the Bishoppes within their dioceses , might bee remedied . By consequent therfore it was necessary , especially before there were Christian magistrates , that one in euery prouince should be held as chiefe , or primate , who should assemble the synods , moderate them being assembled , see the decrees executed , and haue a generall superintendencie ouer the whole prouince . Beza therefore speaking of the aforesaid Canon of the Apostles , saith , quid aliud hic statuitu● quam ordo ille , quem in omnibus ecclesiis restitutum cupi●●● ? What other thing is here ordained , but that order , which in all Churches wee desire may be restored ? That there were Metropolitane Bishoppes within the first 200 yeeres , it is euident by those prouincial councels , which in the second Century were held concerning the feast of Easter , being assembled and guided by Metropolitanes . As the president of the prouinciall synode held at Rome , was Victo● the Metropolitane Bishoppe of Rome ; of those in Palestina , Theophilus the Metropolitane of Caesarea , and Narcissus Bishoppe of Ierusalem ; of that in France , Irenaeus the Bishoppe of Lyons ; of that in Achaia , Bacchylus the Bishoppe of Corinth ; of that in Asia , Polycrates the Bishoppe of Ephesus . And so of that in Osroene and of diuers others . Now it is to be noted , that Eusebius speaking of the synode held in France , saith , there was a meeting of the Churches in France , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which Churches Irenaeus was B. Such a parish B. was he . That there haue been Metropolitanes , and prouinciall Churches euer since the Apostles times , this one euidence among many , which might bee alleaged , may sufficientlie euince . In the time , of the first Ephesine Councell , Dionysius the gouernour of the East , whose chiefe seat was Antioch , hauing appointed Theodorus to bee the Lieutenant of the Isle of Cyprus , the Patriarch of Antioch , because the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction for the most part followed the ciuill , challenged authority ouer the Isle of Cyprus , and power of ordaining the Metropolitan Bishop of Constantia , the mother city of Cyprus . To which end , the clergy of Antioch procured from Dionysius letters , both to the clergy of Constantia , and to the Lieutenant of Cyprus , to interdict them from chusing their Metropolitane , the See being then void : or if they had already chosen their Bishop , that both he and they should repaire to the Councell at Ephesus , hoping that by the Councell they should be ouerruled , according to the Bishop of Antioch his desire . Reginus therefore , who was chosen Bishoppe , with other Bishoppes of Cyprus , put vp a Supplication to the Councell , complaining that the Bishoppe and clergy of Antioch had sought , contrary to the Apostles Canons , and contrary to the determination of the Councell of Nice , to bring them in subiection to them : and therefore requested , that as euer since the Apostles times , the prouinciall synod had ordained their Metropolitane ; so their antient right might not now be infringed . Whereupon the Councell hauing censured the attempt of the Bishoppe of Antioch , as 〈◊〉 innouation , contrary to the lawes ecclesiasticall , and ca●●●s of the holy Apostles , decreed , not onely that the Bishoppes of Cyprus , but also of all other dioceses and prouinces , should retaine their antient right ; and that no Bishop should challenge vnto himselfe any prouince , which had not bin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in former times from the beginning , vnder his predecessors iurisdiction . It hath seemed good therefore to the sacred and economical synod , that to euery prouince her right , which ●●er from the beginning it hath had , shall bee kept pure and i●●iolable , according to the antient receiued custome . Euery Metropolitan hauing good l●a●● to take a copie of this Act for his owne security . Whereby it appeareth , that the Isle of Cyprus had a Metropolitane from the Apostles time . And that no Metropolitane had , or ought to haue , the gouernement of any prouince , which had not alwaies from the beginning been subiect to his Se● . And that Metropolitanes were either actually appointed , or at the least intended by the Apostles , appeareth hereby : That euer since their times , in all prouinces , throughout the Christian world , there haue been Metropolitanes , neuer misliked or contradicted by any , vntil this our age . And whereas the Refuter obiecteth , that this maketh against Diocesan Bishops , I say it maketh for them . For euery Metropolitan is also a diocesan Bishop : hauing a peculiar diocesse of his owne , whereof he is Bishop ; as the Archbishop of Canterbury , hath Canterbury , and part of Kent , besides some other peculiar Churches ; the Archbishop of Yorke , hath Yorkeshire ( excepting the County of Richmond , which belongeth to the Bishop of Chester ) and the County of Nottingham . To his question therefore demanding , where then are our Diocesan Churches become ? I answere , there remaine 24 of them , where they were wont to be , for any thing that he can say to the contrary , besides the Churches of Canterbury and Yorke ; which , as they be prouinciall Churches in respect of the 2. prouinces ; so are they Diocesan in respect of the peculiar dioceses belonging vnto them . And where he saith , the Cathedrall Churches are as it were parishes , he saith he knowes not what . For Cathedral Churches , which are the mother Churches of euery diocesse , neither are , nor euer were parishes ; nor the Bishop , nor Presbyteries of them , euer intended to one parish . And if it so fall out , that to some part of the Cathedrall Church a particular parish belong ; therto a seuerall Presbyter is appointed as to other Parishes . The meetings in Cathedral Churches whereof the Bishops haue beene presidents , were neuer Parishionall , but rather Panegyricall , euen in the most ancient and purest Churches , vnder the best and most renowned Bishops since the Apostles times . In the conclusion the Refuter pusheth at me with a Dilemma , as it were with a paire of rams hornes . For such is his wisdome , that he thinketh diocesan & prouinciall Churches ( which are subordinate one to the other ) to be so opposite , as that to hold the one , is to deny the other . And therefore if I yeeld there be prouinciall Churches , then I must confesse there be no diocesan : or if I will needes hold there be diocesan Churches , then I ouerthrow the prouinciall . So that what may soeuer we looke , saith he , I see nothing against vs , but all for vs. Thus hath he brought himselfe into a fooles paradise , where I leaue him to feed vpon his owne fancies , and to solace himselfe with the conceit of his imagined conquest . CHAP. VII . Prouing the third point of the Sermon , that the Bishops of the primitiue Church were Diocesan Bishops . ( Serm. sect . 1. Now these Presbyteries in the Apostles times , as the Presbyterians confesse , had , &c. ad lin . a fine 4. ) THe Refuter hath acquitted himselfe , in his owne conceit , so valiantly and victoriously in subuerting my former assertion concerning dioceses , which he supposeth to be the foundation of my building ; that as he lookes for no strength in the rest of the building to resist his forces , ( the foundation it selfe being so weake and tottering ) so he promiseth to himself assured successe in ouerthrowing the rest . But if my building be founded , as it were , on a rocke , against which his maine forces could not preuaile at al , but like the waues and billowes of the sea , though they beate against it with great noise , returne backe with froth and fome , ( as I hope it appeareth to euery indifferent and iudicious Reader ) then may I promise to my selfe the like successe in withstanding his future assaults . And the better hope J doe conceiue hereof , because he seemeth to confesse that if I can demonstrate that the ancient Churches , were dioceses , that then the other points will follow of their owne accord . But , that I haue so demonstrated , that I neuer expect any sound answere thereto . As for this point which now I haue in hand , it is not onely demonstrated already , in the proof of the former , but is also by necessary consequence deduced therefrom . My purpose therefore is to bee as briefe in propugning this truth , as hee is in oppugning the same . J will therefore omit his friuolous cauill , which now the fourth time he repeateth for my not concluding , what he , according to his forced Analysis , would haue concluded : because the Reader cannot but discerne , that I directly conclude what before was propounded , viz. that the Angels or Pastors of the primitiue Church were diocesan Bishoppes , which I proue in the Sermon by degrees : first seuerally , before the diuision of parishes , and after the distribution of them , both in the city and in the country : then iointly , both before and after . For hauing concluded the former point with these words , that the Churches contained many particular congregations , vnto all which there was but one Presbytery , or Colledge of Presbyters assigned : and hauing here signified , that by the confession of the most learned Disciplinarians , each Presbytery had a President , which S. Iohn calleth the Angell of the Church , and the Fathers , a Bishop ; I proue from that which hath already been proued , that the President of the Presbytery , the Angell , of the B. of the Church , was not a parishionall , but a diocesan Bishop . But before I come to the proofe contained in this section , I am to note , how those last words of the former part , which are very materiall , are by this refuter passed ouer in silence . For it would be knowne , whether there were in Cities ( where were many congregations ) yea in whole dioceses , any more Presbyteries or Colledges of Presbyters , then that one belonging to the mother Church in the Citie . If to shew either his ignorance , or want of good conscience , he shall say there were ( as indeed that is their assersion , that in euery parish both in citie and country , there ought to bee a Presbytery or senate of ruling Elders ) let him giue but one approued instance to proue his assertion in the first foure hundred yeeres , and I will yeeld , that where was a parish Presbytery , there was a parish Bishop . If Calum and the reformers of other Churches , according to the pretended discipline , had been of that iudgement , they would not haue appointed one onely Presbytery for many parishes . If he shall confesse that in a whole circuit , which wee call a diocesse , there was but one colledge or senate of Presbyters , consisting of those who were called the Presbyters of the citie , ( which is a most certaine and vndeniable truth ) then must he confesse his platforme of parish discipline to be a meere nouelty , and an vndisgested fancy , hauing no warrant of scriptures , nor testimony of antiquity ; and contrary wise , that there was but one Presbytery , and one Bishop set ouer a whole diocesse . Hee that catcheth at euery word , yea at the least letter whereat hee hopeth to haue the least aduantage , ( as at the terme pagani in this passage , and at the little letters , in the word Cretians ) would not swallow vp in silence such pregnant arguments , if silence were not his best answere . But though he would not see that argument , yet in my propounding of the question here to bee concluded , hee hath spied a syllogisme , which I did not intend , out of that which I propounded in axiomaticall disposition , as taking it for granted . But the Refuter maketh me reason thus : The presidents of the Presbyteries were diocesan BB. The Angels of the seauen Churches were presidents of the Presbyteries . Therefore the Angels of the seauen Churches were diocesan BB. Which is the hansomest syllogisme he hath bestowed on me as yet , neither wil I refuse to maintaine any one part of it , if he will be pleased to take notice of that , which euen now was proued ; that there was but one Presbytery for a whole diocesse . So the proposition will be manifest , that the presidents of Presbyteries ( which were prouided for whole dioceses ) whom the fathers call BB. were diocesan BB. for so much might haue been added to the proposition out of my words . The assumption I haue made good before by the confessions of Caluin and Beza . But he beginneth with the assumption , saying that he hath good cause to doubt of it , and that I doe but threapen kindnesse on them when I talke of their Confessions . For plentifull proofe whereof I referre you to that which before hath been alledged out of Caluin and Beza . But what will not this Refuter quarrell with ? for if the Churches had been such as he conceipteth , that is to say parishes , hauing euery one a Bishop and a Presbytery of gouerning Elders ; would any man doubt , either that the Bishop was called the Angell of the Church , or that he was president of the Presbytery ? Now to the proposition ( saith the Refuter ) for answere whereto in one word , I say it is false : let vs examine the proofe of it , and then frameth a syllogisme , the conclusion whereof is this ; therefore the Bishop who was set ouer a whole diocesse , and who was President of the Presbytery , allotted to a whole diocesse , was vndoubtedly a diocesan Bishop . Was this the proposition which he denied ? or was he so vnreasonable to deny it ? What can be more euident ? But hee seeth by this time what a goodly analysis he hath here made . To returne therefore to mine owne analysis . In this section I proue , that the antient Bishops were diocesan Bishops , euen before the diuision of parishes , by three arguments , which for breuity sake I ioined together . The first . If the Churches whereof they were BB. were dioceses , and not parishes , then were they diocesan BB. But the Antecedent is true , as hath already been proued in the second point . Therefore the consequent . The second : If the parishes were not distinguished in the Apostles time , nor ministers appointed to peculiar titles or seuerall cures , then there could be no Parishionall Bishops in that time . But the former hath already been proued ; Therefore the latter is true . The assumption is to be vnderstood , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as I said before , that is , as true for the most part . For it admitmitteth some exceptions , as namely the Church of Alexandria , ( and perhaps some others ) wherein I acknowledge● the parishes to haue been distinguished in the Apostles times ; but so , as seuerall Presbyters being assigned to them , there remained one Bishop ouer all . The third . If the Presbyteries were allotted to whole dioceses , and not to seuerall parishes , then the Bishops who were Presidents of those Presbyteries , were not parishionall , but diocesan . But the first is true , as hath been already prooued : Therefore the second . To all three , he answereth by denying the assumption : the truth whereof dependeth vpon the proofes of the second point , which haue been so many , and so manifest , as I hope to heare no more of the new-found parish discipline . ( Serm. sect . 2. pag. 22. Howbeit in the end of the Apostles times , parishes began to be distinguished in Cities , and afterwards in the Country , &c. to page 24. line 3. ) Here I prooue , that after the diuision of parishes , the Bishops were diocesan : albeit in this section is contained but part of my argument , which standeth thus : Those Bishops who were ouer all the parishes both in the citie and country , were diocesan , and not parishionall Bishops . The antient Bishops in the first two hundred yeeres , were ouer all the parishes both in the citie and country , viz. after they were distinguished : Therefore the antient Bishops in the first two hundred yeeres were diocesan , and not parishionall Bishops . The proposition is most euident . The assumption standeth on two parts : first , that the Bishops were ouer all the parishes in the citie , after they were diuided . The second , that the Bishops were ouer all the parishes in the country , after their diuision . The former I proue in this section by induction of particulars : the latter in the next . The Analysis being here mistaken by him , I wil not meddle with that , which hee hath thereby taken occasion to speake besides the purpose : because heere I finde him more modest , then hitherto he hath shewed himselfe : neither will I shame him with his owne friends , when for an euasion he supposeth , that in the primitiue Church , some Ministers might haue more Churches vnder them , like our double beneficed men and pluralists , euen those that haue tot quot , and yet be no Bishops . Onely I will touch those things , which contradict that which I haue deliuered . And first , he obserueth a contradiction in my speech . I said , that parishes ( in cities ) were not ( for the most part ) distinguished in the Apostles times . Here I ●ay , that in the end of the Apostles times , viz. about the yeere one hundred , they began to be distinguished at Rome , by Euaristus the Bishop there . A shrewd contradiction J promise you , especially if you consider , that all the Apostles , but S. Iohn , were dead before this time , and that this was in the very end of S. Iohns time . Yea but after I say , that Titus was Bishop of the Cretians , ( I cry you mercy , I should haue said Cretans , and yet by his leaue , the Geneua translation and others , read Cretians ) and Timothy of them in Asia , therefore parishes were distinguished in the Apostles times . Neither is this a contradiction : for although Timothy was Bishop of Asia , and Titus of the Churches in Creet ; yet it followeth not , that the parishes in the Churches of Asia or Creet , were distinguished . They were both by Pauls direction , as well by letter as example , to ordaine Presbyters in the seuerall cities ; but that they placed any in the country , or assigned the Presbyters to seuerall cures in the Cities , wee reade not . To returne therefore to my proofes : The induction standeth thus : In Rome , and Alexandria , and so in other cities , the parishes being once diuided , were assigned to seuerall Presbyters , the Bishop remaining superintendent ouer them all : Therefore the Bishops were ouer all the parishes in the cities , after they were once diuided . As touching Rome , I shew that the parishes were first distinguished by Euaristus , about the 100. yeare ; and not a Presbytery , but seuerall Presbyters assigned to them , as hath beene prooued heeretofore . At Alexandria I proue , that the Bishop had the charge of many Churches , within the first 200. yeares . But what I say concerning Alexandria , might well haue beene spared ( for that is his vsuall censure of such proofes as he knowes not how to answere ) because that Church is excepted against a , as the beginner , and breeder of diocesan gouernment . Excepted against ? why ? what was done in Alexandria , which all the Churches in the world did not practise , so soone as the parishes were diuided ? But what if this order began in S. Iohns time ? what if by S. Marke , who died fiue or sixe yeares before Peter and Paul ? let Eusebius , alledging the reports of them that went before him , be witnesse ; viz , that Marke being sent into Aegypt did preach the Gospell there , and was the first which did constitute c the Churches in Alexandria it selfe . Then euer since S. Marks time , there haue bene Churches in Alexandria , which all from the beginning were subiect to the B. Of these Churches d , as J alledged in the sermon , was Iulianus Bishop in the first yeare of Commodus , viz. 180. In the 10 of Commodus , Demetrius was e Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Churches in Alexandria . And againe more fully , that in the 10. yeare of Seuerus , Lae●us was president of Alexandria , and the rest of Aegypt f : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but of the Churches there , Demetrius had lately receiued the Bishopricke after Iulianus . In the third yeare of Philippus , after Heraclas had beene sixteene yeares Bishop , Dionysius receiued g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishopricke of ruling the Churches in or about Alexandria . So it is said of Peter h the famous B. of the Curches of Alexandria . i of Alexander , that he was Bishop of the Churches belonging to that City . Constantius requested of Athanasius the Bishop k , one of the Churches , which were many , at Alexandria , for the Arians . Valens by his letters signified , that Athanasius might safely retaine the gouernment l of the Churches . What these Churches were , Epiphanius before in part declared , m signifying that they were of ancient assigned to seuerall Presbyters ; all of them which were Catholique , or orthodoxall , beeing vnder the Bishop . Neither should this seeme strange , that the Churches in Alexandria were subiect to the Bishop , seeing the rest in Aegypt were vnder his iurisdiction . Neither was this a thing peculiar to the Bishop of Alexandria , but commō to others , especially who were Bishops of mother Cities . Ignatius was Bishop not onely of Antioch , n but of Syria , as you heard testified by himselfe . Irenaeus the Bishop of Lyons , was Bishop of the o Churches in France . And to omitte others , as Diodorus the Bishop of Tarsus , to whose charge was committed the p nation of the Cilicians , Amphilochius , who gouerned the whole q nation of the Lycaonians , Photinus Bishop of the r Churches in Illyricum , Agapetus Bishop of the s Churches which were vnder Synada &c : Eusebius testifieth of t Titus , and in the next age after of Philippe u , that hee was B. of the Churches in Creet . Theodoret saith the like , * and of Timothe that hee was Bishop of the Asians , whose metropolis was Ephesus . It is manifest , saith Chrysostom x that to Timothy was committed the rest of the Church , or y that whole nation of Asia . To these testimonies of Eusebius and Theodoret , ( I name so many as were cited in the sermon ) the refuter answers : First , that Eusebius liued 230. yeares , after Timothy and Titus ; and Theodoret 330. What then ? the question is not whether the witnesses liued in the first 200. yeares , but whether within that time , there were diocesan Bishops ? It is a very vncharitable and vnlearned part , that I say no worse , to imagine that Eusebius and Theodoret would , of their owne heads , testifie these things , and not by the relation of those which liued in former ages : especially , seeing Eusebius saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is recorded in histories . But suppose the testimonies of these 2. were not sufficiēt ; what will he say to that cloud of the ancient & most authētick witnesses , which with one cōsēt do testifie , that Timothy was B. of Ephesus , & those parts of Asia ; and that Titus was B. of Creet ? But of this more heereafter . In the meane time , let it bee acknowledged , as a point of intollerable impudency , that in a matter of fact , so agreeable with the scriptures ( I meane especially the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , written to them , as to Bishops ) any of vs should deny credit to the constant , generall and perpetuall consent of the ancient writers , whereof some liued 13 or 1400 yeares before vs. 2. Yea but if these testimonies be true , Titus and Timothy were Archbishops . So is Titus called in the subscriptiō of that Epistle . And that they were Metropolitanes , appeareth by all their successors , who were Bishops of Gortynae and Ephesiu● : the one , Metropolis of Creet , the other of Asia . How D. Bilson denieth this , let the reader see page . 409. of his book , ( the other which the refuter citeth beeing misalledged ) where he citeth Chrysostome a and Ierome b testifying that to Titus was committed a whole Iland , and the iudgement of so many Bishops ; c Theodoret , that to Timothe Paul committed the charge of Asia . Now if there were Metropolitan Bishops in the Apostles times , who besides their own peculiar diocesse , had the ouersight also of other Dioceses & Bishops ; it should not seeme strange , that there were Diocesan Bishops , who besides their cathedrall churches , had manie parishes and Presbyters subordinate to them . To which purpose Epiphanius d also was alledged , who saith that each Bishop had diuers churches vnder them : to whom many other might be added ; as that of Optat●● , e that in the city of Rome ( where was but one onely Bishop ) were aboue forty Churches : the Epistle of Constantine f to Eusebius , mentioning those diuers Churches which were vnder him , and signifying as the multitude of Christians did encrease , so the number of Churches was to be multiplied : the testimony of Theodoret g the Bishop of Cyrus , who affirmeth , that it was his lotte to be pastor of 800. Churches : for so many parishes , saith hee , hath Cyrus . Yea but Epiphanius was 390. yeares after Christ. Will any wise man therefore inferre that in the first two hundred yeares it was so ? Good sir , sauing your wisedome , you shall seldome reade in ancient records of enlarging of dioceses : but of the contracting of them , by erecting new Bishopricks , very oft . It was testified before , h that the circuits of dioceses were from the beginning of the Churches : and therefore what circuit was of any Bishopricke in Epiphanius his time , the same ordinarily , if not greater , was in the first 200. yeares . Serm. sect . 3. page 24. As touching countrey townes , they were indeed conuerted after the cities &c. to page 25. ad lin . 8. In this section I proue the latter part of the former assumption , concerning country parishes . viz. that the Bishop of the citie was ouer them also : which I proue by this Enthymeme : The B. and the Presbytery of the City in all places acknowledged t●em to belong to their charge : Therefore the Bishop was ouer them , as being part of his Diocesse . The antecedent I proue by their care ouer them , both before they were conuerted , and after . Before , because they labored their conuersion ; after , because the Bishop out of his Presbytery assigned to each of thē a Presbyter , not a Presbytery , or a B. 2. Where the diocesse was large , he substituted a Chorepiscopus , or country B. Of these points , the last , our refuter wery conscionably concealeth : all the former , very learnedly he denieth . He denieth , I say : 1. That the Bishop and Presbytery of the city acknowledged the country to belong long to their charge . Which , as it is a most ignorant conceit , as hath beene proued before : so would it haue beene most precious to the church of God , if the BB. and Presbyof those times , had so conceiued . Now that both they and the country churches so conceiued , as J said , the vniuersall & perpetuall practise of the church of Christ , subiecting in al places the country parishes to the Bishop of the city , doth ineuitably proue . 2. That they did not labour their conuersion by vertue of their office , but were to attend those who were conuerted . As if the Bishop , and presbytery had beene ordained onely for those fewe , that were at the first conuerted ; and were not rather , as leauen put into the meale , to season the whole lump . I would gladly know therefore , who after the death of the Apostles and apostolicall men ( which laboured in the cities ) were appointed or prouided for the conuersion of the country towns ? If it were not the office of the Bishop and Presbytery of the city , to which they were subiect ; much lesse was it the office of others , who being neither Apostles , nor Euangelists , were tied to their own charges , & might not by the most ancient canons of the church , exercise any mysteriall function out of their owne bounds . Besides the bounds of Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction followed the ciuill ordinarily ; so that those countries were subiect to the Bishop of the City in respect of ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , which were subiect to the city it self . And therfore as they were actually vnder the Bishops charge , after their conuersion ; so were they intentionally , before . This is a point clearly confessed by Caluin , as you shall heare . So is the third , though this learned man deny it ; viz , that Presbyters were by the Bishops of the city assigned to country parishes out of the clergy of the city . For the clergy of the city was the seminary of the ministery for the whole diocesse . Neither was there any other ordinary meanes to supply the Churches which wanted . Schollers of their own , fitte ●o be ministers , country parishes had not : vniuersities there were none : learned men from other dioceses were not to be expected , vnlesse the Bishop of the city were not able out of his clergy to furnish them . But hereof I haue spoken before : As touching the last , that where the diocesse was large , the Bishop in certaine places appointed Chorepiscopos , as his substitutes , who together with their charge remained subiect to the Bishop of the city ( which is a thing most notorious , and confessed by Caluin and Beza , being also a most euident proofe , that the churches were dioceses , and the Bishops diocesan , as J haue shewed before ) our refuter passeth it ouer in silence ; with what conscience , let the refuter Iudge . Passing therefore by this , which in no wise he was able to answer , he oppugneth the 3. point , bringing an instāce of his owne , and taking exception against my proofe . We haue , saith hee , a plaine instance to the contrary in the churches of Cenchrea and Corinth . A plain instance ? to what purpose ? that Cenchrea had a Bishoppe and a presbytery , and not a seuerall presbyter assigned to it ? that when it wanted a presbyter , it was not furnished from the clergy of Corinth ? It is euident that Cenchrea was a village belonging to Corinth and subiect vnto it , as were al other townes and villages in those parts : and as the rest , so it ( euen by his a own confession ) receiued the gospell from Corinth . That it euer had a Bishop it is incredible : for by the lawes of the church , those churches which at the first had Bishops , were to haue them stil. Let him shew , that euer it had a Bishop or a presbytery , or that it was not subiect to the Bishop of Corinth , as well as other towns and villages of Achaia ; that ordinarily it receiued not their presbyter from Corinth , from whence , by his owne confession , it receiued the Gospel ; and I wil yeeld to him . If none of these things can be necessarily proued ; nay if none of them be probable or likely , how could he say that this was a plaine instance to the contrary . And yet this is the fourth time that the church of Cenchreae hath been obiected to no purpose , vnlesse it be to confute himselfe . Against my allegation of the councell of Sardica , hee taketh great exception , obiecting two contrary things vnto me : whereof , if either were true , the one would take away the other . The former , is subtilty and craft , as though I went about to delude my auditors at Lambith , and readers euery where . For , saith he , when was this Councell held ? was it not about the yeere 347. almost 150. yeeres after the time in question ? If I had alleaged that canon , only to testifie the practise of the Church at that time , not permitting Bishops in country townes and villages , there had been some small colour for this obiection : and yet but a colour , seeing they doe not ( as you shall heare ) prohibit the ordaining of Bishops in any Church where they had formerly been . And therefore the practise of the Church for multitude of Bishops now , was as it had been before ; sauing that by this canon order was taken for erecting Bishoprickes , where none had been , but not for dissoluing of Bishopricks , where any were . But it was the iudgement and determination of that Councell , which chiefely I alledged ; which was , that one Presbyter is sufficient for a village or towne . And therefore nothing was in this respect to bee innouated , but as they had hitherto no Bishops or Presbyteries , but Presbyters seuerally assigned to them , so they should continue . The iudgement of these men ( I hope ) was not much inferiour to theirs , who liued in the first two hundred yeeres . This being a councel of three hundred orthodoxall Bishops who confirmed the decrees of the councell of Nice , among whom was Osius the famous confessour , and Athanasius ( then whom there hath not bene a more famous Bishop for piety , wisdome , learning and soundnesse in religion since the Apostles times ) whose iudgement also in this particular was approued , as hath bene shewed , by the decrees of other councils , by the iudgment of other fathers , by the practise of all churches , and neuer gaine said or misliked by any in the former ages , nor yet by the reformers of the church in our age according to the pretended discipline , T. C. and perhaps some one or 2. others excepted . Now I would gladly know , what either reasons our refuter hath to confute their iudgement , or testimonies to ouerweigh their authority . There was therefore no subtill purpose in mee to delude any in this allegation , but an euill conscience in him that sought with so friuolous an euasion to elude so plaine and pregnant euidence . The other thing which hee obiecteth is simple follie , in alledging a Canon , which , as he saith , maketh so much against mee . For , saith hee , what greater proofe can there bee , that villages or little cities or townes vsually had BB. ouer them euen till that time , viz. the yeare 347 , then that the councill of Sardica was faine to make such a decree against it ? For the vntruth of which obiection , his ignorance must bee his best excuse . It is plaine , that in that canon direction is giuen chiefely for erecting of new Bishopricks ; authorizing the Metropolitane and the other Bishoppes of the prouince , if the people of cities and populous places desired a Bishop , to erect a new Bishopricke : but forbidding this to be done in villages or petite cities or townes , for which they iudged the ministery of one Presbyter to be sufficient . Besides , the councill of Nice had decreed , that the priuiledges of all churches should bee preserued ; and the councils of Africke more then once determined , that what Church soeuer had in former times had a Bishop , should still haue a B. and the ancient custome of the church was euer held as a law among them , in this behalfe . So that I hold it for a certaine truth , that what Church in the end of the first 400 yeares had not a Bishop , the same had none in the beginning : and what Church soeuer had in the first 200. yeares a B. was at the end of 400. yeares acknowledged to haue right to a B. Indeed I doe confesse that the people of countrey townes sometimes being vaineglorious , haue desired a Bishop of their owne , and the ministers beeing ambitious , and as it is said in the councill of Carthage , lifting vp their necks against their Bishoppes , haue inflamed their desires : but these attempts were esteemed vnlawfull , and therefore as in councels they were prohibited , so in well ordered Churches they were not allowed . But hereof also I haue spokē before . Yea but , saith hee , this canon was not vniuersally obserued , as may appeare by the oft renewing of it , in other councils , and the practise of the Churches to the contrary afterward . Here J aske him , first , when this was done ? for will he prooue , that the irregular and vnlawfull practises of vaineglorious people , and ambitious ministers in the fourth or fifth century after Christ , were the lawfull and ordinary practises of the purest churches in the first two hundred yeeres ? Secondly , whether it were lawfully done , or not ? if yea , then doth hee contradict the iudgement of approued councils , the authority of orthodoxall Fathers , the general consent of the ancient churches of Christ , hauing nothing to oppose therto but vain surmises , & vnlikely likelihoods . If not , why are they alledged ? shal irregular & vnlawful practises be commended as paterns for imitatiō ? But let vs heare his instances , which T. C. with great labor and long study gathered . The 1. Was not Zoticus Bishop of a small village , called Coman ? If I say no , how will hee proue it ? Eusebius is alledged h lib. 5. c. 16. where Apollinarius speaking of certain approued men , & BB. who came to try the spirit of Maximilla ( one of Montanus his truls ) mentioneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Zoticus of ( or from ) the village Comana , whose mouth Themiso stopped : noting the place , not wherof he was Bishop , but whence he came or where he was borne , for he was Episcopus Otrenus in Armenia , saith Caesar i Baronius , ex vic● Comana in Armenia ori●ndus , Bishop of Otrea in Armenia , borne at the village Comana in Armenia . Jn the eighteenth chapter of the same book of Eusebius k Apollonius reporteth the same story ; which Nicephorus l also reciting , vseth these words : Apollonius reporteth that Zoticus Ostrenus whē Maximilla begā to prophecy at Pepuza ( a place which Montanus called Ierusalem ) indeuored to cōuince her euil spirit , but was hindred of those which were her fauourits , meaning Themiso . Indeed Apollinarius calleth him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whereupō Nicephorus supposed him to be but a Presbyter : but thogh Apollinarius being B. of Hierapolis calleth him in one place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as m Peter cals himself , being more then a Presbyter , & as BB. vsually cal one another Consacerdotes : yet afterwards he expresselie calleth him a Bishoppe . And thus the village , the little village Coman hath lost her Bishoppe . For little the Refuter added of his owne , to make his instance the greater . The second : Was not Mares ( he should haue said , Maris ) Bishoppe of Solica ? Of Solica ? Truelie I cannot but smile that so great a clerke hath learned his letters no better ; for though the first letter be not vnlike an S. yet is it the D. vsed in that print , as hee might haue learned of a n Deacon in the same page . But this sheweth that our refuter taketh his allegations at the second hand , not consulting with the author . Theodoret o saith , that Eusebius Vercellensis ordained Maris Bishop in Dolicha , which hee saith was but a small towne , vsing the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which I will speake of , when I come to Nazianzum , which also is termed so . For , saith Theodoret , Eusebius beeing desirous to install Maris , a man worthy commendation and shining with many sorts of vertues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Episcopall throne , he came to Dolicha , by which phrase it appeareth , he did not ordaine him the Presbyter of a parish , but such a Bishop as others were , at least of that time , being the fourth century after Christ , So farre hath our refuter also ouershotte his marke . For though Dolicha were but a small city or towne , as some of our Bishops Sees in England and Wales be : yet that hindreth not , but that it might haue a diocesse belonging thereto , as wel as ours haue , though perhaps not so great . The third , Asclepius of a small towne in Africke . For this , T. C. quoteth Ierome tom . 1. catalog . Gennadij vir . illustr . Gennadius indeed saith , that he was vici non grandis episcopus . But Ioannes de Trittenhem in his booke de scriptorib . ecclesiast . saith that he was Vagensis teritorij episcopus ; so that although his seat was no great town , yet his diocesse was that whole territory . But when was this ? about the yeare 440. so farre doth my aduersary , who complaineth of my ouershooting my marke when J alledged the councill of Sardica , ouershoot me : for when he wil scarse suffer me to shoot tenscore : he , as if he ▪ were shooting for the flight , shoots 22 , euen tweluescore beyond the marke . I say vnto him , it was not so frō the beginning . But by councels of Africk held towards the end of the fourth century permitted , namely , that in part of the diocesse belonging to the B. of a city , new Bishoprickes might be erected , if the people of those partes being populous desiring so much , and the Bishoppe of the city consenting thereto , it were agreed vpon by the prouinciall Synode . But the Bishops of the fifth century so much exceeded in their indulgence that way , in granting popular requests , against the canons of other receiued councels , and ancient practise of the Church : that Leo the great Bishop of Rome , was faine to write vnto the Bishops of Africke to stay that excesse . The fourth : What was Nazianzum , but a small towne where that famous Gregory the Diuine was B ? For which T. C quoteth Socrat. l. 4. c. 20. But what if Nazianzum were a City ? what if Gregory the Diuine were not B. of Nazianzum ? Nazianzum , though Socrates make mention of it as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a meane city , yet he calleth it a citie : and though somwhere it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a little city or towne , yet was it such a city , that the Emperor Leo the Philosopher , reckoneth it among the seats of the Metropolitane BB. not that I thinke it had any other cities or Bishopricks subiect vnto it . I will not stand to argue that question , whether Gregory the Diuine were Bishop of Nazianzum . For although diuers good Authors affirme it ; yet I beleeue Gregory himselfe , who saith , he was not B. but onely coadiutor to his Father there . He was by his dear friend Basil the great , made Bishop of Sa●●●● , partly against his wil , and af●er was made Bishop of Constantinople ; but leauing both the former , being seized vpon by Anthimu● the Bishop of Tyana , who placed another there ; the latter , resigning it into the hands of the councill of Constantinople , which preferred Nectarius to bee his successor ; hee returned vnto Nazianzum , where finding the See void , obtained of Helladius , who was the Bishoppe of Caesarea after Basil , that Eulalius might bee ordained Bishoppe there . But I will not dispute this question ; seeing it is confessed , that Nazianzens father was B. of that diocesse . These bee all the instances which T.C. bringeth in this cause , excepting one more out of the canon law , which our refuter thought not worth the obiecting . But his inference hereupon is worth the obseruing . Al this M.D. could not choose but know , if he had read but somuch as M. Cartw. 2. reply with as good a mind , as hee did D. Bilson . Whereto I answere : that I read with resolution to yeeld to the trueth whersoeuer I find it . But God hath giuen me so much iudgment , as not to be perswaded by meere colours , such as I signified in my preface T. C. arguments in this cause to bee , and such as in this treatise I haue prooued many of them to bee , and so will the rest , if the Refuter shall vrge them , or take vpon him to maintaine them . Hauing so substantially answered the substance of my argument , hee taketh occasion to shewe his learning , in giuing a more learned reason why the heathen are of Christians called Pagani , then I did . I said , and , I am sure , haue read it in some learned author , that they are so called , because the people who liued in the country villages ( which are properly called pagani , a pag● , and that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Pomp. Festus saith , quia eadem aqua vterentur ) remained for the most part heathenish , after the cities , for the most part , were conuerted to Christianity . Hee thinketh the heathen were called pagani , because they are not Christs Souldiers ; induced so to thinke , because Tertullian saith , Apud hunc , tam miles est paganus fidelis , quam paganus est miles infidelis . Which hee englisheth thus , as well a faithfull Souldier as an vnbeleeuing souldier is a pagan . Which if it were Tertullians meaning , as well Christians , as infidels should be called Paganes . But Tertullian is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 darke , and writeth ( as it seemeth ) aboue some mens capacity . With Christ , saith Tertullian , as well a belieuing pagan is a souldier , as an vnbeleeuing souldier , is a pagan ; meaning by Pagan , according to the vse of the Romanes , him that is not a Souldier . Whereas therefore among the Romanes , and all warlike nations , those who were Souldiers , were greately honoured ( as the vse of the word miles and armiger with vs doth shew ) and contrariwise those who were not Souldiers ; were of base esteeme , called Pagani , perhaps in some such sense as Villani with vs , that is to say , villaines , clownes , boores : Tertullian disswading Christians from going to warre vnder infidels , perswadeth thē not to be moued with this respect , of being honoured , if they be souldiers ; and dishonoured , if they be not : for , saith he , with Christ , a faithfull man , though despised in the world as a pagan , is highly esteemed and honoured ; and also an vnfaithfull man , though honoured as a souldier , or cheuallier in the world , is of base account with Christ. But how heathē people should from hence be called Pagani , I know not , vnlesse christians were also called milites or cheualliers : for Pagani here , as a base terme signifying villains or clownes or boores , is opposed to milites , as a name of honour . ( Serm. sect . 4. pag. 25. Thus then parishes were distinguished both in the cities & countries , and seueral presbyters particularly assigned &c. to , promiscuously , pag. 26. ) In this section , I proue that the BB. both before & after the diuision of parishes , were diocesan : and first I answere an obiection : for wheras some might imagine , that Bishops before the diuision of parishes were parishional , after , diocesan , as being set ouer many churches : I shew ( which before hath bene proued ) that the circuit of the Bishops charge , or diocesse , was the same before the diuision of parishes , which it was after , &c. And to this purpose I declare , that the circuit of the B. charge from the beginning , contained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meaning thereby the City whence he hath his denomination , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is the country subiect vnto it . And wheras some vnderstand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie a parish , according to the vulgar vse of the English word , I shewed that in the best authors , euen after the diuision of parishes , it signifieth the whole city with the suburbs . My reason standeth thus : To whose iurisdiction both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is , the city & suburbs , though containing manie parishes ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is , the whole country belonging to the same citie ) is subiect , he is ouer the Churches both in citie and country , and consequently a diocesan . But to the iurisdiction of the antient Bishoppes , both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the citie and suburbs , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the country thereto belonging , were subiect . Therefore the antient BB. were ouer the Churches both in the citie and country , and consequently were diocesans . The proposition is of vndeniable truth , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being so vnderstood , as I prooued before . The assumption J proue by two most pregnant testimonies ; the one , being one of the ancient canōs called the Apostles ; the other a canon of the councell of Antioch , whereof I haue also spoken before . But to them we may adde the next canon called the Apostles , which is also recited in the councell of Antioch : That a Bishoppe may not presume out of his owne limits , to exercise ordinations , to Cities and Countries not subiect to him . And if he shall be conuinced to haue done this without the consent of them , who hold those Cities or Countries , let him be deposed , and those also whom he hath ordained . This syllogisme being too strong to be refuted , his best course was not to see it . Notwithstanding he cauilleth with some points therein . For whereas his chiefe proofe before , was , that the Church of Antioch , of Ephesus , of Ierusalem , of Alexandria &c. were each of them but one particular congregation &c. because Eusebius calleth each of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thereby abusing the Reader , as if Eusebius had by that name ment that which we cal a parish ; here he disauoweth the authority of Eusebius alledged according to his true meaning , vnlesse he had said it was of that signification in the end of the Apostles time , and the age following . Which is a silly shift : seeing Eusebius speaking of the Churches of whole Cities in the first two hundred yeeres , euen of such as he had expressly mentioned as containing many Churches , he calleth them by that name . As at Alexandria he acknowledged the Churches to haue beene instituted by Saint Marke , and yet he comprehendeth them all afterwards , yea after the number of them was increased , vnder the name of the paroecia in Alexandria , as I haue shewed before . And where besides Eusebius , I quote Epiphanius , and the Councell of Antioch , he saith , It is to no purpose to cloy the Reader with multitude of allegations , concerning the decrees or practises of latter ages . Which also is a very friuolous exception , seeing it is easie to shew , that the dioceses or circuits of Churches were vsually lessened : but that they were any wheres inlarged , he will hardly shew . Therefore , looke what the circuits of the Churches or Bishops charges were in Eusebius or Epiphanius his time , the same , at the least , they were in the first two hundred yeeres . And whereas I alleage one of the antient canons called the Apostles , nor that I thinke they were of the Apostles owne penning , but that for their antientnesse and authority they are so called , and by all sorts of writers so alleaged , he chargeth me with seeking to bleare mens eyes with the name of the Apostles Canons . In that I said they were so called , it doth sufficienttly both here and where after I cite them , shew my meaning . But let vs heare what he can say against them , for my mind giueth me , he will leaue them in better credit then hee found them . If wee were so simple saith he , as to take them for their doing , yet should not a man of his profession so abuse our simplicity : He knoweth there was a time , when Rome her selfe saw too much in them , to acknowledge them for the Apostles : See Gratians decree dist . 15. c. sancta Romana , & dist . 16. cap. canones . In both places it is said , that they are apohryphall ( as we call the bookes of Ecclesiasticus and Wisdome ) not because they are either false or counterfet , but because they are not acknowledged to be of the Apostles owne writing : for if they were , they ought to be esteemed of canonicall authority , like the other scriptures . Notwithstanding they are ecclesiasticall canons , which for their great antiquity and authentike authority , are commonly called Apostolicall , receiued of antient Fathers , and approoued by Councels . And although some of them may be suspected , * as foisted in , or depraued by heretikes , yet those which are specially cited by Fathers and Councels as authentike , are without exception ; being of as great credit as any other ecclesiasticall writings whatsoeuer . Such is the canon wee speake of , the words whereof which I cited being verbatim , recited in the Councell of Antioch . I will not discusse this controuersie , wherein much may be said on both sides . Only this J will say , that as Damascen a exceeded the truth , in reckoning them with the canonicall scriptures : so some learned and iudicious men haue been much ouerseene in too much censuring of them : as first , that they are condemned in the canon law , when indeed the very scope b of the 16. distinction is to authorize them , and to acknowledge them , though not as canonicall scriptures , yet as authenticall canons . Secondly , that Isidor condemneth them : Whereas indeed the words of Isidor c , in the true copy are these . That by reason of their authority , we prefixe before the other councels , the canons called the Apostles ( although of some they are called apocryphal ) because the greater part receiue them ; and the holy fathers haue by synodall authority ratified them , and placed them among canonicall constitutions . Thirdly , that they are condemned by the Councell in Trullo d : when as indeed that Councell reiecting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the constitutions of Clement , ( which also were called Apostolicall ) because they were depraued by heretikes , authorized the canons , decreeing that the 85. canons shall remaine firme and sure , which of their e holy and blessed fore-fathers were receiued , and confirmed , and deliuered vnto them in the name of the holy and glorious Apostles . And whereas some thinke , that Epiphanius is the first that mentioneth them ; I finde it to bee otherwise . For diuers of them are cited before his time , being sometimes called absolutely the canons , sometimes the ecclesiasticall canons , sometimes the antient receiued canons of our Fathers , sometimes Apostolicall canons , as I haue partly noted before f . Neither is the authority of the generall Councell held at Ephesus , though after Epiphanius his time , to be neglected , which calleth them g the canons of the holy Apostles . So much of those canons , and also of this section , which though it doe most directly and necessarily conclude , that Bishops were set ouer dioceses , yet he calleth it a needlesse discourse , which , because he knew not how to answere , he taketh leaue to passe by it . ( Serm. sect . 5. pag. 26. These three points whereof hitherto I haue intreated , are of such euident , &c. to page 28. line 6. ) In this section I conclude the three first points with the testimony of Caluin , whom I produce , not as this sophister cauilleth , as a captiue by way of triumph , but as one that taketh part with vs , against our new sect of Disciplinarians , especially in the second and third point , ( which their dissenting from Caluin , Beza , and other learned Authors of discipline , he alwaies cunningly dissembleth . ) And that his authority may be of more weight , as I confesse him to haue bin a worthy seruant of Christ , whose memory with me is blessed ; so I professe him to haue bin the first or chiefe founder of the Presbyterian or Geneuian discipline : in setting vp whereof , the Bishopricke being dissolued , and the common weale reduced to a popular State , I acknowledge him to haue dealt very wisely , his proiect of discipline being the best , that that Citie did seeme at that time capable of , there being no hope , that either a Bishop or a Presbytery consisting wholly of Ministers , would be admitted . But he cannot indure to heare , that Caluin should bee esteemed the first founder of this discipline . For cōfutation whereof , he telleth vs ( what we haue heard an hundred times , but neuer shall see proued ) that this discipline was both practised in the Apostles times , and primitiue Church , and hath testimony from many learned men , Ignatius , Tertullian , Cyprian , Ambrose , &c. Wickliffe , the Waldenses , Luther and diuers others hereafter to be named , that liued before Caluin writ : hee should haue said , that writ before Caluin liued , and then not one word of all this goodly speech had been true ; which as I haue manifested already in respect of Ignatius , Tertullian , Cyprian , Ambrose , Luther , so farre as they haue been alleaged : so shall I in respect of Wickliffe and the Waldenses , whoneuer once dreamed of their lay presbyteries , and much lesse of their new-found parish discipline . Neither can he abide that Caluin should be said to agree with vs in these three points ; but he must abide it , for truth will preuaile . But that were exceeding strange , saith hee , that he should ouerthrow that discipline which he was so carefull to establish . Let him not abuse the Reader ; his agreeing with vs in the second and third point , ouerthroweth the new-found parish discipline , but agreeth with the doctrine of the learned Reformers , and with the practise of Geneua , vnderstanding by B. ( as they doe ) the President of their Presbytery : their Church being a diocesse consisting of many parishes , ouer which one Presbytery only is appointed . Of which Presbytery , if the President were perpetuall , ●as he was in Caluins time , and ( as alwaies he was in the primitiue Church , there being not one instance to be giuen to the contrary ; which order Beza misliketh not , but sometimes wisheth it were restored ) then should they come neerer the practise of the Apostolicall Churches , then now they doe . In the meane time , as their Church is a diocesse , and their Presbytery seruing for the whole diocesse ; so the President for the time being , is diocesan . But whether that be so or not ; once , Caluins iudgement agreeth with mine in these three points : It may be , saith he , for the latter end of the first two hundred yeeres . But the conscience must ground it selfe vpon the commandement and example of the Apostles in the word of God. As though we were destitute thereof , and they contrariwise , for their discipline , had the precept and practise of the Apostles . Which well may they take for granted , but neuer will bee able to prooue : and as though the vniuersall and perpetuall practise of all the Churches in Christendome , and consent of all the Fathers in the first three hundred yeeres , were not a sufficient demonstration to perswade a man that hath a sound iudgement , ioined with a good conscience , what was the doctrine and practise of the Apostles . For if any man shall say , that all the Apostolicall Churches , and all the godly Fathers , and glorious Martyrs , did euer from the Apostles times obserue a discipline and gouernement of the Church , repugnant to that which the Apostles had prescribed ; I doubt not to say of such a man , that as hee is void of modesty , so hath he no great store either of iudgement or honesty . But how farre forth Caluin agreeth with vs , will appeare by that chapter which I alleaged , the title whereof is this ; Concerning the state of the ancient Church and the maner of gouerning which was in vse before the papacy . The which , as he saith in the beginning , will represent vnto our eies a certaine image of the diuine institution . For although the Bishops of those times made many canons , whereby they might seeme to expresse more then was expressed in the holy scriptures , notwithstanding with so good caution they framed their whole administration according to that only rule of Gods word , that you may easily perceiue , that they had almost nothing in this behalfe , diss●nant frō the word of God. This is a good testimony , you will say , giuen to the discipline of the primitiue Church : but doth hee testifie , that the three points you speake of are agreeable thereunto ? that shall you now heare . And first , concerning the Presbyteries hee saith , as before I alleaged , euerie Citie had their Colledge of Presbyters , who were Pastors and Teachers , &c. The Refuter repeateth the words , which I cited out of Caluin thus : that the Presbyteries consisted of Ministers . Thereof giuing this censure : Craf●ily , or carelesly is this spoken . The former , if wittingly hee left out , onely ; the latter , if he did not heed it . Who denieth that the Presbyteries consisted of ministers ? Wil it follow thence that therefore there were no other gouerning-Elders ? No man can be so ignorant , or so shamelesse , as to say , that Caluin was of opinion , that the Presbyteries consisted of Ministers onely , either in the Apostles times , or in the age following . What shall become of m●● now , no man being so ignorant and shamelesse ? I hope to salue both presentlie . I confesse , good sir , that Caluin collecteth two sorts of Elders out of 1. Tim. 5.17 . I confesse also , that speaking in generall of the practise of the Church , he saith coldly and in few words , the rest of the Presbyters were set ouer the censure of maners and corrections . But when he commeth more particularly to relate the practise of the antient Church , he giueth full testimony to the truth . For can any man vnderstand Caluin , as saying , they had any other Presbyery , besides the colledge of Presbyters in euery Church ? Doth not Caluin plainly say , euery citie had their colledge of Presbyters , who were Pastors and Teachers ? Yes that he doth : but the word only was either craftily , or carelesly omitted . Heare then the words of Caluin : Habebant ergo singulae ciuitates Presbyterorum collegium , qui pastores erant ac Doctores . Nam & apud populū munus docendi , exhortandi & corrigendi , quod Paulus episcopis iniungit , omnes obibant : & quo semen post se relinquerent , iunioribus , qui sacra militae nomen dederant , crudiendis , nanabant operam : Euery citie therefore had a colledge of Presbyters , who were Pastors and Teachers . For both they exercised all of them the function of teaching , exhorting , and correcting , which Paul enioyneth to Bishoppes , and also that they might leaue a seed behind them , they imploied their labour in teaching the younger sort , who had giuen their names , to serue in the sacred warfare , that is , the younger sort of the Clergy . Thus therefore J reason : The Colledge of Presbyters , according to Caluins iudgement , consisted onelie of Ministers ; The Presbytery of each Citie was the colledge of the Presbyters : Therefore the Presbyterie of each City , according to Caluins iudgement , consisted onely of Ministers . The assumption is euident : The proposition himselfe proueth , when hee saith omnes , all of them exercised the offic● of teaching , &c. which Paul prescribeth to BB. &c. What can be more plaine ? For where there are none but Ministers , there are Ministers only : where all exercise the function of teaching and preaching to the people , which Paul inioyned Bishops ; and instructing the younger sort of the clergy , there are none but Ministers . Therefore where all exercise the function of teaching and preaching , &c. there are Ministers only . As touching the second , Caluin most plainly giueth testimony to it in the next words following : Vnicuique ciuita●i erat attributa certa regio , qua Presbyteros iude sumeret , & velut corpori ecclesiae illius accenseretur : To euery Citie was attributed a certaine region or country , which from thence should receiue their Presbyters , and be reckoned as being of the body of that Church . What can be more plaine , that each Church contained the citie and country adioyning , that both citie and country made but one Church , as it were one body , whereof the head was the citie , the other members the parishes in the country : that the Presbyteries were only in cities , and that the country parishes receiued each of them their Presbyter , when they wanted , from thence ? Who therefore ( to vse his owne words ) could be either so ignorant as not to see , or so shamelesse as not to acknowledge , that the Churches in Caluins iudgement were dioceses ? How doth he auoid this ? Forsooth Caluin doth not name dioceses . But doth he not meane dioceses , when he speaketh of Churches containing each of them a citie and country adioyning ? Yea but he doth not tie the power of ecclesiasticall gouernment to the Bishops Church . No doth ? he acknowledgeth no Presbytery but in the cities , of which the Bishops were Presidents . As for country parishes , they had not Presbyteries , but seuerall Presbyters : and those they had , as Caluin saith , from the Presbytery of the citie . Besides , when he maketh the citie and country to be but one body , it cannot be doubted , but that he meant the Church in the citie was the head of this body , and the rest of the parts subiect vnto it . Whereto you may adde that which after he saith of chorepiscopi placed in the diocesse , where it was large , as the Bishops deputy , in the country subiect to him . But what Caluins iudgement was in this behalfe . let the Church of Geneua , framed thereby , test●fie . Which is as much a diocesse now , as when it was vnder a Bishop , there being but one Presbytery , vnto which all the parishes are subiect . But let vs heare what this Refuter doth confesse Caluin to haue acknowledged in this behalfe : He neither nameth dioceses , nortieth power of ecclesiasticall gouernment to the Bishops Church , but onely acknowledgeth that for orders sake some one Minister was chosen , to be , not a diocesan , but a titular Bishop . Thus it fareth with men that wrangle against the light of their Conscience , being conuicted with euidence of truth ; but desirous to make a shew of opposition , when they know not what to say against it . Doth not Caluin plainly say , that to each citt● was attributed a certaine region , and that both were one Church as it were one body ? To what purpose doth he then say , that he only acknowledgeth that for orders sake , &c. Is not his answere in effect this , Caluin doth confesse that the Churches indeed were dioceses , and that the Bishops had vnder their charge both the citie and country adioyning , ( for that also he confesseth in the next point ) but they were not Bishops hauing such authority as you speake of ? that is , I confesse he 〈◊〉 with you in the second and third point , as you say ; but yet in the fourth ( which also you confesse ) he dissenteth from you . Howbeit hee expresseth his mind absurdly , when he saith , not a diocesan , but a titular Bishop . For was not the Bishop a diocesan , if his Church was a diocesse ? if he had vnder his charge both the city and country adioyning ? Yea but he was not a diocesan , but a titular Bishop . Though Caluin acknowledgeth the Bishop to haue been only President of the Presbytery , like to the Consull in the senate of Rome ( which you call a titular B. ) wherein ( being the fourth point ) he dissenteth from vs ; yet doth he acknowledge , that vnder his Bishopricke , was contained both the citie and country , and consequently that he was a diocesan Bishop , vnlesse he that is Bishop of a diocesse , be not a diocesan Bishop . His testimony therefore to the third is cleere , especially if you adde that which followeth , concerning the Ch●repiscopi , or country Bishops . For Caluin saith , If the country which was vnder his Bishopricke , were larger then he could sufficiently discharge all the offices of a Bishop in euery place , rurall Bishops were substituted here and there to supply his place . Which is a most pregnant testimony , both against the parish discipline and also for the diocesan . For if euery parish had sufficient authority within themselues , what needed rurall Bishops to ouerlooke them ? If the Bishop of the City had been Bishop but of one parish , why doth Caluin say the Countrey was vnder his Bishopricke ? Why doth he say , that the Bishopricke was sometimes so large , that there was need of Countrey Bishops as his deputies , to represent the Bishop in the prouince or countrey ? But what saith the Refuter to this ? he confesseth ( not ingenuously , but as it were 〈◊〉 Minerua , as if it stuck in his teeth ) that Caluin saith somewhat to that purpose . But that somewhat is as good as nothing : for hee doth not say they were diocesan Bishops : ( O impudency ! ) neither doth he speake of the Apostles 〈◊〉 , of which all the question is , for the feeling of a Christian conscience in the 〈◊〉 of gouernment . All the question concerning the Apostles times ? doe not your selues extend your assertion to 200. yeares ? And if nothing will settle the cōscience but what is alledged from the Apostles times , what haue you to settle your conscience for your opinion , who can alledge no sound proofe neither from the Apostles times , nor afterwards ? But to what purpose should I spend more words in this matter , seeing I haue heretofore proued , that the circuit of euery Bishops charge , was from the beginning as great , if not greater , then afterwards ? And if nothing may be in the Church , but as it was in the Apostles times , then ought not the whole people of any country be conuerted to the profession of Christianity , because none was then : and as well might they alleage , that no whole country ought to bee conuerted to the profession of the faith , because none was in the Apostles times , as to deny the people of a whole country to be a Church , because it was not so in the Apostles times . Thus haue I manifestly proued , that Calu●● giueth testimony to the first point ; and in the two latter , that he wholly agreeth with vs. So doth ●eza , as I haue shewed before , testifying the Churches were diocese● , and that in the chiefe towne of euery diocesse , the first Presbyter , who afterwards began to be called a Bishop , ( hee speaketh therefore of the Apostles times ) was set ouer his fellow Presbyters , both of the Citie and countrey , that is the whole diocesse . And because sometimes the countrey was of larger extent then that all vpon euery occasion could conueniently meete in the Citie ; and forasmuch as all other small Cities and townes did need common inspection , or ouer sight , they had also their Chorepiscopi , that is , countrey or vice-Bishops . Yea but ( saith he , being guilty to himselfe of vntruth in denying Caluins consent with vs ) it had been nothing to the purpose if Caluin had agreed with him in all , seeing he affi●meth withall , that they were but humane ordinances , and aberrations from the word of God. That which Caluin speaketh of the superiority of Bishops in degree ( which is the fourth point , wherein I confesse he dissenteth from vs , and from the truth , supposing it to be of custome , and humane constitution ) that the ●●futer extendeth to all his reports concerning the ancient Church gouernment ; when as he plainely testifies , that with so great 〈◊〉 they had composed the gouernment , that there 〈…〉 it almost diss●nant from the word of God. Do●● 〈◊〉 where say or insinuate , that it is an aberration from the word of God , either that their colledge of Presbyters did consist wholy of Pastors and Teachers ? Or that to each Citie was attributed a certaine region , being portion of the same Church ? Or that the Bishop had the superintendency ouer the Citie and countrey ? It will neuer be shewed . And now are we come to his conclusion , containing a most vaine bra●ge , proceeding either from pitifull ignorance , or extreme vnconscionablenes : That hauing answeared my arguments ( in such sort as you haue heard ) and wanting indeed proofs , worth the producing , he shal not need ( the vntruth of this third point is so euident ) to bring any proofe for the maintenance of the contrary assertion . And so I leaue him , conceiuing hope of victory , like the King of A● , betweene these old forces , which I haue made to retire vpon him , and the new supplies marching towards him . FINIS . THE THIRD BOOK , prouing the superiority of Bishops aboue other Ministers . CHAP. 1. Confuting the refuters preamble to the fourth point , and defending mine owne entrance thereinto . ( Serm. sect . 1. pag. 28. In the fourth place therefore we are to intreat of the superioritie of BB. ouer other Ministers : for although the Presbyterians and we agree in this &c. almost to the end of the pag. 29. ) OF the fiue points which I propounded , three haue alreadie been handled : the first concerning Lay Elders , against both sorts of Disciplinarians , aswell the elder , as the younger ; though betweene their opinions there is this difference , that the elder require such a presbyterie in each Citie or Diocesse ; the yonger , in each Parish . In the second and third concerning Dioceses , and Diocesans , I had to deale onely with our new sect of Disciplinarians , who vrge the new-found parish-discipline . In the fourth and fift which remaine , I propounded to my selfe the confutation of the elder and more learned sort of disciplinarians , not greatly regarding , what our innouatours in these 2. points do hold , or deny ; their proper opinions concerning the parish discipline , being in the three former points sufficiently confuted . The which I doe the rather note , for 2. causes . The one , that the reader may vnderstand the refuters euasions , in disauowing such assertions as I ascribe vnto the disciplinarians , to be to no purpose ; seeing they are held by men more learned and iudicious , with whom principally I had to deale . The other that he may discerne the pouerty and weakenesse of their cause ; the chiefe , and almost only strength thereof , being the allegation of diuers protestant writers , ( whom I called the learneder sort of Disciplinarians ) who are parties in the cause . As touching the fourth point ; the refuter , before hee come to my words , maketh an idle flourish : the summe whereof is this ; that were it not , that by confuting the superioritie of Bishops , he should overthrow the Supremacy of the Pope , he would scarse haue vouchsafed an answeare to my discourse . Here therefore he sheweth two things ; first , that by confuting the superioritie of Bishops , he shall withall refute the supremacie of the Pope . 2. that otherwise , an answere to me in this fourth point were needlesse . In the former , he seemeth ignorantly , and yet maliciously to presuppose , that the superioritie of Bishops , and the supremacie of the Pope , hang as it were vpon one pin ; and that he which graunteth the one , must needs hold the other . For the Basis or ground of his dispute , is this , such as is , and ought to be the gouernment of the whole Church , such is , and ought to be the gouernment of the parts or seuerall Churches ; and contrariwise . from hence he hath two inferences : the first thus : Such as is , and ought to be the gouernment of the whole Church , such is , and ought to be the gouernment of the parts or seuerall Churches . But the gouernment of the whole Church is Aristocraticall , and not Monarchicall : therefore the gouernment of the parts or seuerall Churches is , and ought to be Aristocraticall , and not Monarchicall . The proposition he taketh for graunted , noting it as an absurditie in me , To fight for that in the particulars , which in the generall I wish ouerthrowne . But it would be knowne , what he meaneth by the particulars , or parts of the Church , whose gouernment he would haue aunswerable to the vniuersal or whole Church . If he mean only parishionall Churches ( as he needs must ) : For , there is no other visible Church indued with power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment in his conceit but a Parish ; Parishes ( no doubt ) may be proud of the comparison : for then , as some of them haue written in stately maner , as Rome had her Senate , Lacedaemon her Seigniorie , Athens her Areopage , Ierusalem her Synedrion , Venice ( which our Refuter addeth ) her councell of State ; and lastly , ( which exceedeth all ) as the vniuersall Church hath her Oecumenicall synode , so the Church of euery Parish , in euery street , and in euery hamlet , must haue an Ecclesiasticall senate . But what parts soeuer he vnderstand , whether Parishionall , Nationall , or Diocesan Churches , the proposition is vntrue : for of Prouinciall , or Nationall Churches , the Metropolitans , and Bishops of dioceses , are , and ought to be the gouernors . But howsoeuer , in that respect the forme of gouernment may seeme to be Monarchicall ; yet in respect of the maner of gouerning , the Metropolis vsing the aduise of the Nationall , or Prouinciall synodes , the Bishop of his Presbyterie , they may be Aristocraticall . Who knoweth not that the common wealth of Rome somtimes was popular , and likewise that of Athens ( for it is an errour of the Refuter to reckon Athens with Venice , as an example of Aristocracie ; ) yet the seuerall prouinces were ruled by seuerall gouernours , as Propraetors , and Proconsuls . The gouernment of this whole Island ( blessed be God , for vniting the two Kingdomes in the person of our Soueraigne ) is Monarchicall : yet the gouernment of seuerall parts by Counsels , and Presidents thereof , may seem so far Aristocraticall . The gouernment of the whole Church in Heauen and earth is Monarchicall vnder one head and Monarch , which is Christ our King. And for the gouernment of the whole Church vpon earth , he hath no Vicar generall , but the holie Ghost , who appointeth gouernors vnder him , which may gouerne the seuerall parts of the Church in some respect monarchically , though the whole Church , by the mutuall consociation of her gouernours for the common good , and by the concurrence of them to an Occumenicall synode , is gouerned Aristocratically : for the whole Church beeing but one bodie , there ought to be a Christian consociation of the gouernors thereof for the common good of the whole bodie . If among the Princes of the whole world , there were the like consociation , the vniuersall world should be gouerned in that respect Aristocratically , though the seuerall parts for the most part Monarchically . So much of the proposition . The assumption he prooueth by the testimonies of our writers against the Papists , with whom himselfe , and his copartners do not agree . For , first , when they say that the regiment of the whole Church is Aristocraticall ; they meane in respect of the gouernors of the seuerall Churches , who as being seuered rule their Churches seuerally , there being no one visible Monarch ouer all ; so being congregated in an Oecumenicall Synode , do make one Ecclesiasticall Senate . But our new Disciplinarians doe hold , that euery parish is an entire body by it selfe , hauing within it selfe , for the gouernment of it selfe , sufficient authority vnsubordinate and independent : and therfore do not acknowledge any lawful authoritie in Synodes to define , determine , or commaund , but onely to deliberat , and aduise , as H. I. in his booke vrging reformation , and other the Christian and modest challengers of disputation , together with the humble n petitioners suing for a toleration , do teach . Secondly , Our writers hold the gouernment of the Church vniuersall to be Aristocraticall , because as our Sauiour Christ ascending into Heauen , left his twelue Apostles , as it were twelue Patriarches , aunswerable to the Princes of the twelue tribes a , furnished with equall authority and power , whose colledge was the supreme Senate of the vniuersall church : so they committed the Churches to Bishops , as their successours , being equall in degree ; b who as they gouerne the Churches seuerally , so ioyntly ( with other gouernors ) are the highest Senate of the vniuersall Church . But it was neuer practised in the Church of God , that any presbyters or pastors of parishes should be called to generall councils , to haue right of suffrage and authority to judge and determine those matters which were debated in those councils ; but both they and Deacons ( I meane some of them ) were to attend their Bishop , to assist him with their priuate counsell and aduice : which one argument ( by the way ) doth notably set forth the superiority of Bishops ouer other ministers . But as his assumption crosseth the conceits of our new Disciplinarians , so is his conclusion repugnant to their assertion , who ascribing the supreme authority in their seuerall Churches to the whole congregation , stand for a popular state , rather then Aristocraticall . Whereas indeed the gouernment of Churches , as they are prouinciall , are according to the ancient Canons which are in vse with vs , gouerned by prouinciall synodes , and therefore by a regiment Aristocraticall . So that of this syllogisme , the proposition is false , the assumption is gainesaid by themselues , and the conclusion , confuting their owne assertion , agreeth with the practise of prouinciall churches with vs. § . 4. His other inference is this : If the gouernment of the seurall Churches may be monarchicall , then by the same reason the gouernment of the whole Church may be monarchicall . But the gouernment of the whole Church may not be monarchicall : therefore the gouernment of the seueral Churches may not . This consequence is vnsound , there being not the like reason of the whole Church and of the parts . And that is the answere , which ou● men doe make to the papists , when they vrge this reason ; as there was but one high priest , for the gouernment of the Church vnder the Law , so there should be , but one chiefe Bishop for the gouernment of the whole Church . They answere , there is not the like reason betweene the Church of one nation , and of the whole world . Cal. Inst. li. 4. ca. 6. s. 2. Gentis vnius & totius orbis longè diuersa est ratio , perinde est , ac siquis contendat totum mundum a praefecto vno debere regi , quia ager vnus non plures praefectos habeat . For of the vniuersall Church , Christ onely is the head ; which supreame and vniuersal gouernment , if any man shall assume to himselfe , as the Pope of Rome doth ; thereby he declareth himselfe to be Antichrist , or emulus Christi , sitting in the Church of God , as God , and lifting vp himselfe aboue all that is called God. But as touching the seuerall Churches , those who be the lieutenants of Christ , may be called the heads or gouernors thereof , as soueraigne princes of all states and persons within their dominions , Metropolitans of prouinciall Churches , Bishops of their dioces , and Pastors of their seuerall flocks . Secondly , whereas particular men are enabled by God to gouerne seuerall churches ; no mortall man is able to weild the gouernment of the whole Church : which is one of the maine arguments , which our writers vse against the monarchicall gouernment of the whole Church : which this refuter seeketh in vaine to infringe . The Romane Emperors , when their Empire was at the largest , and they esteemed themselues Lords of the world , enioying indeed not one third part of the whole , yet finding themselues vnable to weild so great a burden , were faine to assume colleagues vnto them with whom they parted the Empire , when they might haue retained the whole . Thirdly , the monarchicall gouernment of the whole Church would proue dangerous and pernicious to the same , if that one head or Monarch thereof should fall into errour or idolatry ; especially , he being so aboue the whole Church as that he should not be subiect to a generall Councell . But the heads of seuerall Churches , if they erre or fall , may by the Synodes of other Bishops be brought into order , or deposed . Examples whereof we haue in all , euen the chiefe seats of Bishops , as of Marcellinus at Rome , Paulus Samosatenus at Antioch , Dioscorus at Alexandria , Nestorius and Macedonius at Constantinople . &c. Cyprian writing to Stephanus Bishop of Rome about the deposing of Martianus Bishop of Arles saith , Idcirco copiosum corpus est Sacerdot●● concordi● mu●na glutino atque vnitatis vinculo copulatum , vt si quis ex collegio nostro haeresim facere , & greg●m Christi l●cerare & vastare tentauerit , subueniant cateri , &c. Fourthly , to the head of seuerall Churches the members may haue easie and speedie recourse , for clearing of doubts , and deciding of controuersies &c. But from all parts of the world men could not without infinite trouble , besides manifold inconueniences , repaire to one place . These reasons may suffice for the confutation of the proposition . The assumption is false in respect of Christ , who is the Monarch of the Church ; otherwise I acknowledge it to be true , but without any disaduantage to my cause : the odious consequence of the proposition ( which is so oft vrged ) being vnsound . If therefore he can no better disproue the Supremacy of the Pope , then he doth the superioritie of Bishops , it were better he should be silent , then busie himselfe in matters aboue his reach . The other part of his idle flourish is a vaine bragge , that were it not for that cause , he should not neede to busie himselfe in answearing , or examining this point . For if neither the Churches were dioceses , nor the Bishops Diocesan , to what end should wee enquire what power or iurisdiction they had ? But the Churches were dioceses and the BB. diocesan , as I haue manifestly proued before , and as those Disciplinarians do confesse , with whom chiefly I deale in this point : who granting that the Churches were dioceses , and the Bishops diocesan , doe notwithstanding deny the superiority of Bishops in degree &c. § . 5. Now that the state of the controuersie betwixt vs and them may appeare , I shew wherein the Presbyterians agree with vs , and wherein they dissent from vs. But first he findeth fault that I call them Presbyterians , as sometimes I doe also Disciplinarians ; though thereby I meane no other , but such as doe stand for the Presbytery , and for that discipline , being loth either to call them aduersaries ( whom I acknowledge to be brethren ) or to offend them with the title of Puritans , wherewith others doe vpbraid them . And howsoeuer he in bitter scorne doth say , that of my charity I doe in scorne so call them : I doe professe vnfainedly , that out of a charitable mind , I did terme them Presbyterians , not knowing how to speake of them , as dissenting from vs , more charitably . And whereas I say they agree with vs in this , that by diuine institution there was in the primitiue Church , and still ought to be , one set ouer the Presbyters , he saith ; I had need to be as mighty in eloquence as Pericles , if I would perswade that . But small eloquence may serue , where there is such euidence to proue the truth . Only the Reader must remember , that I speake not of my aduersary , and other new fangled disciplinarians , who are not to haue the credit of comming so neere the truth ; but of men of greater learning , and better desert in Gods Church : who as they agree with vs , that the Churches were dioceses , and the Presbyteries with the Presidents thereof prouided for diocesses , ( which ● haue shewed before ) so they consent in this , that the Presbyteries had by diuine ordināce a President set ouer them : the which I wil proue straightwaies , after I haue noted his cēsure concerning the three points wherein I said they differ from vs. The first , that they make the Bishop superior in order only , and not in degree . 2. That they assigne a superiority or presidentship vnto him for a short time , and that by course . 3. That granting vnto him a priority of order , they deny vnto him a maiority of rule or power . To the first he saith , If by degree I meane dignity onely ( as neuer any man did ) they doe not deny the President to be superior indignity and honour , during the time of his presidentship : which is nothing else but to grant vnto him a priority of order , which Beza calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prerogati●e or precedence , and to go before in honor . But if I vnderstand degree , of office and ministery distinct from Presbyters , as theirs is from deacons , then he professeth themselues to dissent from vs. And so let them : for he cannot be ignorant , that I maintaine the antient distinction of the ecclesiasticall Ministers into three 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 degrees , Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons . As for those Presidents of Presbyteries , which were superior to the other Presbyters , in order and not in degree ; such were they whom they were wont to call , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes archipresbyteri , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , Deanes , and not Bishops . And it was a great ouersight in these learned men , vnder the name and title of the ancient Bishops , to describe vnto vs Deanes . To the second , he saith ; It is manifestly false : for we tie not the presidentshippe to any short or long time , nor giue it to all presbyters by course , as if it were a matter of diuine institution : howsoeuer , where all are fit for that seruice , ( as no doubt but in Vtopia they all are ) we thinke it perhaps ( for he doth but ghesse at things which he knoweth not ) in discretion ( he might haue said , indiscretion ) confirmed by experience , not amisse to haue the businesse so carried . To the third he saith ; That it also is vntrue : for wee giue ( saith he ) the President , during the time of his presidentship , as priority of order , so maiority of rule ; though not supreme and sole authority , as none but Papists doe , and they to none but to the Pope . As touching their agreement with vs , and the second point wherin they differ from vs ( for of the first I haue spoken at large before , shewing the iudgements of Caluin and Beza therin ) you shall heare the opinion of a cheife patron of the discipline , in a treatise , which he hath written in defense thereof . Beza therfore teacheth , that it is a diuine ordinance , both that there should be a president of each presbytery , and also that his presidentshippe should be but for a short time , and by course . The former , which is the order it selfe , he saith a , is not onely an ordinance diuine , but also essentiall and immutable . The latter , which is ordinis modus , though it were of diuine institution , yet it is but accidentall , and so mutable . And when hee distinguisheth Bishops into three sorts b , he calleth them onely diuine , which haue a priority of order onely , and that for a time and by course . As for those which had a perpetuall presidentship , whereunto they were preferred by election , by whom the priority of order ( as he imagineth ) was changed into a superiority of degree , and were such as hee will not absolutely c condemne : yet such ( in his opinion ) are but humane : and to these he supposeth the name Bishop first to haue beene appropriated . Such diuine Presidents he acknowledgeth these seuen Angels to haue been , and before them Timothy at Ephesus . And whereas Ierom saith , at the first the Churches were gouerned 〈◊〉 Presbyterorum consili● ; by the common counsell of Presbyters : N●● confuso , saith he , & perturbat● ? What d , saith he , confused and disordered : so as when the Presbyters did meete , none should be President among them ? That is not likely : therefore euen then the Presbytery had a President . And where it was obiected by D. Sarauia , against that opinion of Ierome , that these seuen Churches had each of them an Angell by diuine ordinance set ouer them , to whom a more eminent authority belonged in the regiment of the Church ; to what purpose , saith Beza e , doe you vrge this against Ierome ? For when hee said , the Churches were gouerned at the first by the common counsell of Presbyters , wee may not thinke , that hee so doted , as to dreame that none of the Presbyters was President ouer that assembly . As for the third and the last , nothing is more euident f , then that Caluin and Beza , as they deny the Bishop to bee superior to other Ministers in degree , so also in rule and dominion . For he was not so superior in honour and dignity ( saith Caluin g ) as to haue dominion ouer his Colleagues . And againe ; that he did goe so before others in dignity , that himselfe was subiect to the assembly of his brethren . Beza h acknowledgeth their superiority to haue been the dignity or honour of the first place , but no degree of rule ouer their compresbyters . And is not this part of H. I. his second maine assertion , that the ancient Bishops in the first two hundred yeeres differed from other pastors onely in priority of order , and not in maiority of rule ? T. C. i likewise speaking of him that was chosen to moderate the meeting of Ministers , saith , If any man will call him a President , or Moderator , or a Gouernour , we will not striue , so that it be with these cautions ; that hee be not called simply Gouernour , or Moderator , but Gouernour or Moderator of that action , and for that time , and subiect to the orders that others bee , and to be censured by the company of the Brethren , as well as others , if hee be iudged anyway fault● . And that after that action ended , and meeting dissolued , hee sit him downe in his old place , and set himselfe in equall state with the rest of the Ministers . Thirdly , that this gouernment or presidentship bee not so tied to that Minister , but that at the next meeting it shall bee lawfull to take another . The vntruths therefore which the Refuter hath bestowed vpon me here , he must be intreated to take to himselfe . To proue their dissent from vs in this fourth point , I alleaged Beza his distinction of Bishops into three sorts : and because it is an odious distinction , I concea●●d his name , and to salue his credit , J shewed , that although hee came farre short of Caluins moderation , yet he is more moderately affected towards our Bishops , then the Disciplinarians among vs vsually bee : who , as they speake despitefully of them , calling them Antichristian , pettite Popes , &c. so doe they wish and labour for the extirpation of them , whereas Beza speaking reuerently of them , praieth for their continuance . But both his distinction and his wish , by the Refuter are peruerted , expounding him as though he had accounted for humane , those which had onely a priority of order : whereas indeed he acknowledgeth such a presidentship as you haue heard , to be a diuine ordinance ; and vnderstandeth his praier , where he wisheth the continuance of the Bishops , as if he had wished that so long as England hath Bishops , they may bee such as may giue their liues for the truth , as they did . Where , whiles hee vnderstandeth Beza as wishing our Bishoppes to be Martyrs , he indiscreetly maketh him to wish that our Princes may bee persecutors , which God forbid . That which he addeth concerning my saying Am●● to the like wish for the Churches of France and Scotland , and yet be no maintainer of their presbyteries , is meerely idle ; for I did not bring in Beza as a maintainer of Bishops , bvt rather did note him as one of their chiefe opposites , citing his differences from vs , and mentioning that distinction of Bishops : howbeit I acknowledge his proposition to be with more moderation , then is commonly to be found in the Disciplinarians among vs. Now I am to descend with him into the particulars which I propounded to be handled : first to shew , that the Bishops or Angels of the primiti●e Church , were as well as ours , superior to other Ministers in degree : and secondly , to declare more particularly , wherein their superiority did consist . But before he entreth the combate , distrusting himselfe and his cause , he seeketh ( as such champions vse to doe ) which way ( if need be ) he may make an escape : and hauing to this purpose looked well about him , he hath found out two starting holes , whereby he hopeth to finde some euasion . The former hath these windings and turnings in it : 1. That the primiti●e church is to be confined to the Apostles times , and not extended to the whole 200 yeares . 2. That the question is ●● be ●nderstood of the Angels of the 7. Churches . 3. That I must p●●●●e these Angels to haue had sole power of ordination and iurisdiction . The first of these argueth extreame diffidence : for Caluin , and others , in this question , within the limits of the primitiue Church , include the times of Constanti●e , at the least ; yea Caluin includeth all the time k a●tepapa●●m , before the Papacy ; in which time he acknowledgeth the forme of Church gouernment , to haue had nothing in it almost disso●ant from the word of God. And whereas , saith he l euery prouince had among their Bishops an Archbishop ; and whereas also in the Councill of Nice , there were established Patriarchs , who in order and dignity were superior to the Archbishops , that appertained to the preseruation of discipline . And although he misliketh that the gouernment so established , was called Hiera : ●hy ; notwithstanding , if omitting the name , saith he , we looke into the thing , we shall finde that the ancient Bishops would not frame a forme of Church gouernment differing from that which God prescribed in his word . And Beza m confesseth , that those things which were ordained of the antient Fathers , concerning the seats of Bishops , Metropolitanes , and Patriarches , assigning their limits ▪ and attributing vnto them certaine authority , were appointed optimo zelo , out of a very good zeale . And therefore ( no doubt ) out of such zeale , as was according to knowledge ; otherwise it would haue been far from being optimus , the best . Zanchius n intreating of the diuers orders of Ministers in the primitiue Church , as Presbyters , Bishops , Archbishops , &c. faith , they may be defended . Against which , some learned man ( I will not say Beza ) hauing taken exception , Zanchius maketh this apology . o When I wrote this confessiō of the faith , I did write all things out of a good conscience , and as I beleeued , so I freely spake . Now my faith is grounded chiefly and simply on the word of God : Something also in the next place on the common consent of the whole antient Catholike Church , if that bee not repugnant to the Scriptures . I doe also beleeue , that what things were defined and receiued by the godly Fathers , being gathered together in the name of the Lord , by the common consent of all , without any gainsaying of the holy scriptures , that those things also ( though they be not of the same authority with the holy Scriptures ) proceeded from the holy Ghost . Hence it is , that those things that be of this kind , I neither will , nor dare with good conscience mislike . But what is more certaine out of histories , Councels , and writings of all the Fathers , then that those orders of Ministers , whereof I spake , were established , and receiued by the common consent of all Christendome ? Quis a●tem ego sim , qui quod tota Ecclesia approbaui● , improbem ? And who am I that I should disallow that which the whole Church allowed ? &c. Neither doe I see any reason , why the Church in Constantines time should not rather bee propounded as a pate●●e for imitation , to Churches that liue vnder Christian princes , and flourish through Gods blessing in peace and prosperitie ; then the Churches of former times , which were not in all things established and setled according to their desires , but were hindred by persecutiō . For in time of persecution , their gouernment was not alwaies such as they would , but such as they could attaine vnto . And vnlesse we would haue the Churches to liue alwaies vnder persecution , it is madnesse to require them to be imitated in all things . But what was by generall consent receiued , and practised in the time of peace and prosperity , was that which in their iudgements ought to be done , and is of vs being in the like case , to be imitated . Now that in Constantines time the Bishops had superiority ouer other Ministers in degree , and a singular preheminence of power and authority , it is most euident . Neither was their superiority and authority increased by the accession of the Christian Magistrate , as their wealth was , but rather diminished , seeing while there was not a Christian Magistrate , they were faine to supply that defect , and by their owne authority did many things , which afterward were done or assisted by the Magistrate . But though there can no colour of a good reason be giuen , why the superiority and authority of Bishoppes , as they were diocesan , should haue been greater in the fourth century , then in the third ; or in the third , then in the second ; or in the second , then the first ; the first Bishops in all likelihood , hauing had rather a more eminent then lesse authority , yet our new Disciplinarians , for a poore shift and euasion , deny this superiority of Bishops in degree and maiority in power to haue been in the first two hundred yeeres , because they conceiue there is not the like euidence for the second , as for the third . Now our Refuter perceiuing there is better euidence then he imagined for the second century , will needs haue the times of the primitiue Church restrained to the time of the Apostles . And when they are driuen from that , they were best to flie to the time of Christs conuersation vpon the earth . For my part , I make no doubt , but that Anianus , who succeeded S. Marke at Alexandria , being a man p beloued of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , euery way admirable , had the same episcopall authority which S. Marke had before him , and that he , and those which succeeded him , euen in the Apostles times , viz. Abilius and Cerd● had no lesse authority as diocesan Bishops , then those which came two hundred yeeres after them . Indeed , when the Churches multiplying , there was a consociation of dioceses in the prouince , the Bishop of Alexandria became actually a Metropolitan Bishop , which from the first might bee intended : and when there was a consociation of prouinces subiected to him , he became a Patriarch , the antient Fathers in godly policie so thinking it necessary . Now if any man shall thinke , that the Bishop of Alexandria was but a parish Bishop at the first , and vpon cons●ciation of parishes subiected to him , became a diocesan , he is to vnderstand , that the diocesse , and the mother Church of the diocesse , was before any parish ; that parishes arise out of the distribution of the diocesse ; that th● Bishop and his Presbytery of the mother Church were appointed not for one parish , but for the whole diocesse ; that at Alexandria , in , and from S. Marks time , who constituted the Churches there , there haue been more Churches then one subiected to the Bishop of Alexandria . Vnlearned therefore and vngrounded is that distinction of Bishops into six sorts , viz. 1. Parishionall : 2. Diocesan titular Bishop , being the President or Moderator ouer the Pastors of a diocesse : 3. Diocesan ruling Bishop , though not solely : 4. Diocesan L. Bishop : 5. A Patriarchall Bishop : 6. An vniuersall Bishop . Of the first sort , it is said , all were in the first two hundred yeeres . Of the second , there beganne to be some in the end of the second century . The third began about the yeere 260. The fourth shortly after Augustines time . The fifth ( for he knew not how to distinguish betwixt Metropolitans , whom hee outskippeth , and Patriarches ) sometimes before the Councell of Nice . And how is all this proued ? It is strange to see , how strong some mens conceits can be , when their reasons are full weake . The proofes for the parish Bishop , J haue before disproued . How is the second proued ? Such perhaps first of all was Iulianus the tenth Bishop of Alexandria . Perhaps ! But why he rather then S. Marke , or Anianus , or any other of his predecessors ? Because in his time first mention is made by q Eusebius , that there were diuers Churches in that Citie , and hee Bishop of them . This would haue gone for a stout reason , no doubt , had not Eusebius r himselfe testified , that Saint Marke constituted the Churches in Alexandria it selfe : which euer from S. Marks time had but one Bishop at once . How is the third demonstrated ? It may be this began at Alexandria with Dionysius s , the thirteenth Bishop of that place . Very well ; perhaps , it may be ; these are very good proofs . But why may it be ? It seemeth to be Ieromes meaning , where he saith , that some priority in Bishops continued there from Marke to Heraclas and Dionysius . Heare Ieromes words t : Euen at Alexandria from Marke the Euangelist , vnto the Bishops Heraclas and Dionysius , the Presbyters alwaies hauing chosen one from among themselues , and placed him in a higher degree , called him Bishop ; euen as an army chooseth a Generall . Which words Ierome wrote to magnifie the calling of Presbyters , and to prefe●re them before Deacons ; both because they chose their Bishop , as also because they did elect him from among themselues , vntill Heraclas and Dionysius . But it is a world to see what is collected from these words , both by that Author , and also T. C. By that Author , first , That some priority in Bishops continued there from Marke to Heraclas and Dionysius . As if Ierome had giuen any the least signification of the lesse authority of Bishops before Heraclas , then after , and had not signified some difference onely in their election . For Heraclas and Dionysius , who had been Origens schollers , and succeded him one after the other in his office of Catechist , or Teacher in Alexandria , in respect whereof , they were no more Presbyters , then Origen u himselfe had been ; notwithstanding for their excellent learning , the Presbyters ( who till then had euer chosen one out of their owne number to be Bishop ) made choice of these two , one after the other , although at the time of their election , they were not Presbyters . But what followeth ? At Heraclas ( it is probable ) was a period of one sort , viz. of titular diocesan Bishops : and with Dionysius began another , viz. of ruling diocesan BB. Priority of order in one Bishop x ouer a parish , seemeth to haue continued exclusiuely , from Marke to Iulian●●s ( for he was ashamed to say , that Saint Marke , who , as the same Ierome testifieth , was the Bishop of Alexandria , was but a parish Bishop : ) ouer a diocesse , from Iulian●● to Heraclas 〈◊〉 , and the maiority of ruling in the diocesse , to haue 〈◊〉 with Dionysius . O acumen ! But the proofe is admirable , and the conclusion passeth all . The proofe is this : Nothing l●●teth vs , but that thus we may probably thinke . More is the pitie . For true learning and a sound iudgement , would haue let you from entertaining , and much more from broching such vnlearned and vngrounded fancies . Yea but , by this meanes , Eusebius and Ieromes relation shall well agree . I answere , though these fancies had neuer beene heard of , there had not beene so much as any shew of disagreement betwixt them . The conclusion : Howsoeuer it is , this is certaine , that neither the one , nor the other , was knowne before these times . As if he had said ; Perhaps Iulianus was the first titular Bishop . It may be the ruling diocesan Bishoppes beganne at Alexandria with Dionysius . At Heraclas , it is probable , was a period of one sort , &c. Nothing letteth vs but that thus wee may probably thinke . But how soeuer vncertaine our premisses be , wee are resolued vpon a certaine conclusion , it is certaine , &c. Is it not strange that so certaine a conclusion should be inferred vpon so vncertaine premises ? especialle seeing it is most certaine that before Dionysius his time , there were not onely diocesan , but also Metropolitan BB. But will you also heare what T. C. gathereth out of these words of Ierome ? Godly 〈◊〉 m●slik●d this order of giuing the name Bishoppe to one in a Church , and by all likelihood broke it : which Ieromes words y do apparently import . This custome was in the Church of Alexandria , from Saint Marke , vntill Heraclas and Dionysius : for vnlesse there were some change then , why should hee not rather haue said , From Saint Marke to his time ? First , to his assertion , I say it is vntrue , that godly men misliked the giuing of the name Bishoppe to one in Church , neither was there any reason why they should mislike it . For first , as the name of Angels , being common to all Ministers , is by the holy Ghost appropriated to Bishops , in such sort , as though euery Minister be an Angell , yet onely one is the Angell of the Church : so by the same reason , Episcopi being in the scriptures a title common to al Ministers , is so appropriated to one in euery Church , that whereas all Ministers are Bishops in a generall sense , one onely is the Bishop of that Church : neither was it arrogancy , but modesty rather in Bishops , who assumed this name . For whereas in the Scriptures they are called sometimes the Angels of the Churches , sometimes the Apostles of the Churches , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Rulers , sometime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes episcopi , they contented themselues with the title of least honour , and left the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , importing the honour of the Ministery in generall , to other Ministers . Neither is there any more reason ( as D Raynolds a also saith ) why the appropriating of the name Bishop to the Angels of the Churches , should be misliked , then of giuing the name Minister to Presbyters , which is common to Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons . Besides , it is most certaine , that in the writings of Ignatius , and others , who liued in , or neere the Apostles times , the name episcopus was appropriated to the Angel of ech Church . Ierome plainly testifieth , that from S. Mark● time , who was the first Bishop , whom three other succeeded in the Apostles times ; one , who was set in a superior degree , was called Bishop . But that the custome of giuing this name to one , in the Church , ( which from S. Marks time had continued ) should begin to be misliked in the time of Heraclus and Dionysius , is against reason ; vnlesse it may be thought , that the estimation of Bishops then decreased ; which ill agreeth with H I. conceit . What antient Writer mentioning Dionysius , doth not cal him Bishop of Alexandria ? Eusebius so termeth him . Athanasius , who was one of his successors , doth not only cal him Bishop oftētimes , but also acknowledgeth him to haue bin a Metropolitan B. or rather Patriarch . For when as the Bishops of Pentapolis began to fauor the heresie of Sab●llicus , Dionysius to whose charge those Churches did appertaine , sought to reform them , You haue heard T. C. assertion . His reason is this , some change there was therefore in the name Bishop . How weake a reason this is I shal not need to note , seeing I haue shewed wherein the change was , there being lesse likelihood of alceration in this kind , then in any other . For could any man at that time mislike , that the Bishop of Alexandria should be called a Bishop , seeing at that time he was without the mislike of any a Metropolitan Bishop , yea a Patriarch ? But to returne to H. I. who saith his Diocesan L. Bishop ruling alone , who was not established in Ambrose , Ierome , and Augustines time , tooke place soone after . And how is this proued ? He saith , hee doubts not of it : though he be not able to shew , neither where , nor when , nor by whom , nor how the Bishops authority was increased after Augustines times . What if in Augustines time the authority and preheminence of Bishops was abated and restrained , namely in the fourth Councell of Carthage , more then euer before ? For whereas the antient Canons referre the power both of ordination and iurisdiction to the Bishop , without mentioning the assistance of the Presbytery : And whereas Bishoppes before , such as were peaceable and well disposed , did voluntarily vse the aduice and assistance of their clergy : by that Councell the assistance of the clergy , both in ordination and iurisdiction in the Churches of Africk , became necessary . Neither doe I know any reason , why the authority of diocesan Bishops after Augustines time should bee thought to haue increased . For as by the lawfull authority of Christian Kings & Princes , to whom they were subordinate , in regard of the cōmon good of the kingdom , whereof they were mēbers : so much more by y● vsurped supremacy of the B. of Rome , after the yeer 607. y● authority of bishops was lessened & impaired . We are to come to his fift step , which is of patriarchal BB. but he hath cleane marred the staires that the refuter and his consorts vse to talke of , whereby the Bishoppes of Rome , from being as they say a parish Bishop , did arise to the papacy ; partly by denying such BB. as he esteemeth ours to be , to haue been till after Augustines time ; and partly , by out-skipping the Metropolitanes . For it cannot be denied , but that there were diocesan Bishoppes , such as ours be , before there were Metropolitanes , or Primates actually ; and there were Metropolitanes before there were Patriarches . Now it would be knowne , when Patriarches begun . In the Councel of Nice ( held about the yeere three hundred twentie foure ) it is acknowledged to haue been an antient custome , which there was ratified , that the Bishop of Alexandria should haue authority of Egypt , Libya , and Pentapolis : and the like custome for the Bishop of Rome in the West , and of Antioch in the East is mentioned ; and the antient priuiledges to each Church , espcially to each Metropolis reserued . To say nothing of Rome , whereof the Papists say too much : it is plaine by that testimony of the Nicene Councell , of Epiphanius before alleaged , of Athanasius euen now cited , that the Bishops of Alexandria had of old , long before their time , patriarchall authority . For that of Antioch , the testimony of Ignatius added to the authority of the Nicene Councell , is sufficient , calling himselfe the Bishop of Syria ; whereby we cannot conceiue him to haue been lesse then an Archbishop . Now if I should aske H.I. or this Refuter , when Metropolitanes first began ; they would not be able truly to assigne their originall after the Apostles times . And therefore cunningly were they omitted by H. I. though I cannot accuse him of any great skill in making a doubt , whether Caesarea in the Councell of Nice , be reckoned as one of the foure seats of the Patriarches . For expresse mention is made of Aeli● , which was the new name giuen by Adrian to Ierusalem ; to which , according to antient custom , the next place of honor after Antioch was granted ; the proper dignity notwithstanding to the Metropolis ( which indeed was Caesarea ) being reserued . But if Metropolitanes had not their beginning after the Apostles times , as no man is able to shew they had , then can it not be doubted , but that diocesan Bishops , much more were in the Apostles times : for euery Metropolitā was originally B. of his peculiar diocesse , being not actually a Metropolitan , vntill diuers Churches in the same prouince , being constituted , there was a consociation among themselues , and subordination of them to him , as their primate . There was therefore no such difference betweene the first two ages of the Churches , and those which followed , as that either H. I. or the Refuter should restraine the times of the primitiue Church , either to the end of the second century , or of the first , with hope to escape that way . Wherefore what proofes I bring from the third or fourth , yea or fifth century , for the superiority of Bishops , they are to be esteemed such as doe directly and sufficiently proue the question , vnlesse they shall be able to shew , not onely that no such thing was in vse , but also that it was not intended in the Apostles time , and the age following : for what was receiued and practised by generall consent in all Christendome , so soone as God gaue peace vnto his Church , was vndoubtedly desired and intended from the beginning . The second corner of his first starting hole , wherewith the second also meeteth , is , that the question is of the seuen Angels . And what , of no other ? Is it not lawfull to ascend from the hypothesis , to the thesis ? especially when it is confessed by the Refuter , that the primitiue Churches were all of the like constitution ? And therefore what may be said either of the seuen Angels , in respect of the substance of their calling , may be concluded of other Bishops : and what may be said of the office of other Bishoppes in the primitiue Church , may be verified of these Angels . The third , that I must proue these Angels to haue had sole power of ordination and iurisdiction : which also is repeated in his second euasion . But where doe I say in all the sermon , that the Bishops had the sole power of ordination and iurisdiction ? Where doe I deny either that the BB. did , or might vse the assistance of their Presbyters , for either of both , or that in the defect of Bishops , both the one and the other might be performed by Presbyters ? In a word , where doe I deny all power either of ordination or iurisdiction to Presbyters ? But let the Reader vnderstand , that there are two maine calumniations , whereby this Resuter and his consorts doe vse to disgrace my Sermon with their followers . The one , that I hold the tenure of our episcopal function so to be iure diuino , as though no other manner of gouernment were any way , or any where lawfull . The other , that J ascribe so the sole power of of ordination and iurisdiction to BB. as though the Presbyters had no iurisdiction , or as though those Churches had no lawful Ministers , which haue not such BB. to ordaine them . His other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or starting hole , is that which hee hath already foure times runne into ; and making vse of it now the fifth time , in the beginning of the next section , desireth the Reader , that it may not be tedious to him , that now the fifth time he doth finde fault with me , for not concluding what hee ( according to his forced analysis ) would haue concluded : though all men see , I doe directly prooue , what before was propounded , for the proof of my first assertion , viz. that the Angels , or BB. of the primitiue Church were diocesan Bishops ; and ( for the substance of their calling ) such as ours be . Hauing therefore prooued that their Churches were dioceses , and themselues diocesan ; it remained that J should proue that they were , as well as ours , superior to other Ministers in degree , &c : which if I did not endeuor to proue directly , he might haue had some quarrell against me . CHAP. II. That Bishops were superior to other Ministers in degree . ( Serm. sect . 2. pag. 29. That Bishoppes were superiour to other Ministers in degree , all antiquitie with one consent , if you except Aërius , &c. to the end of pag. 31. ) MY reason hee frameth thus : If all antiquitie ( except Aërius , who for dissenting in this point , was counted an heretike by Epiphanius and Augustine ) with one consent doe acknowledge , that Bishops were superior to other Ministers in degree : then Bishops were superior to other Ministers in degree . But the former is true ; therefore the latter . First hee cauilleth with the consequence , ( which no man bearing the face of a Diuine , I had almost said of a Christian , would doe ) calling it , sore , poore , feeble , and insufficient , vnlesse the consent of the Apostles and Euangelists be added . Where let the Reader consider , what is the question which is here concluded , viz. That the Bishops of the primitiue Church were superiour to other Ministers in degree . This question plainly is de facto , of what was : for de iure , that is , of the quality & lawfulnes , I intreat in the second assertion . Now for a man to deny credit to all antiquitie in a matter of fact not gainsaid by scripture , it is a plain euidence that he is addicted to nouelty and singularity , rather then the truth . Doth all antiquity testifie with one consent , that the Bishops in the primitiue Church were superior to other Ministers in degree ; and hath any of vs the forehead to deny it ? Neither is the consent of the Apostles wanting , as ● proue in the sermon both in the particulars of the superiority in respect of the fact , as also in respect of the right , in the demonstration of the second assertion . Where I doe with such euidence demonstrate , that the Bishops , described in the first assertion , are of Apostolicall institution ; as I am well assured that this Refuter , with all his partakers , will neuer be able soundly and substantially to confute . For there is nothing written with such euidence of truth , but that captious persons may easily cauill with it . And although it had been sufficient for the demonstration of the first assertion , to haue produced such euidence as doth testifie onely de facto ; yet many of the allegations which I bring , doe also giue testimony to the right . Thus much of the authoritie of antiquitie , whereon the consequence is grounded . Now to the thing testified , which is the assumption : which I proue by fiue arguments . The first : If Epiphanius and Augustine doe reckon Aërius among the heretikes , condemned by the antient Catholike Church , for denying the superiority of Bishops : then the antient Church doth giue testimony to the superiority of Bishops , not onely de facto , but also de iure . But the first is true ; therefore the second . Against the argument it selfe he hath nothing to say : but where I said all antiquity , besides Aërius , did acknowledge the superiority of Bishops : against this he obiecteth , that either Ierome is against Bishops as well as Aërius , or Aërius is brought in by me to no purpose . For de facto Aërius denied the superiority of Bishops , no more then Ierome did . And de iure Ierome denies it as well as he . For that which he addeth of diuers others consenting in iudgement , is a vaine flourish : let him name but one other in the first six hundred yeeres ( I thinke I might say 1000. ) and I wil yeeld the cause . And those latter Writers which consent with him , vse his words , & build vpon his authority : so that the whole weight of this cause lieth on Ieroms shoulders , whō if I can disburdē thereof , there can nothing at all be produced out of antiquitie against the superioritie of Bishops . First , then I say , that they abuse Ierome , who match him with Aërius : for besides that Aërius was a damned hereticke , being a most perfect Arian ( as Epiphanius saith , who liued at the same time ) liuing in a Church of Arians , standing in election for the Bishopricke against Eustathius , who also was an Arrian ; out of a discontented humor ( the common sourse of Schisme and heresie ) broached this heresie ( as Epiphanius & Augustine censure it ) Presbyterum ab Episcope nulla differentia debere discerni : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : denying the Superiority of Bishops , both de Iure , as Augustine reporteth his opinion ; and de facto , as Epiphanius ; alledging that there is no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter . For there is one order ( saith he ) of both , one honor , and one dignitie . The Bishop imposeth hands , so doth the Presbyter : the B. giueth the lauer ( of Baptisme ) so doth the Presbyter : the B. doth administer Gods worship , so doth the Presbyter : the B. sitteth on the throne , so also doth the Presbyter . But Ierome was not so mad ( to vse the refuters words of Aërius , who indeed , as Epiphanius saith , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a franticke fellow ) as to deny the Superioritie of BB. de facto , which oftentimes he doth auouch ; neither doth he deny it de Iure . And therfore the refuter here hath deliuered two vntruthes : the one , that ( he saith ) Aërius did not deny the Superioritie of BB. de facto : which most manifestly he did , and did it no doubt with this mind , that though he missed of the Bishopricke , which ambitiously he had desired ; yet he would be thought as good a man as a Bishop . The other , that he saith , Ierome denied the Superiority of BB. de Iure . For it is most euident by many testimonies alledged in the Sermon , that Ierome held the Superiority of Bishops to be lawfull and necessary . For though somewheres he saith that Bishops are greater then Presbyters rather by the custome of the Church , then by the truth of Diuine disposition ; yet he acknowledgeth that custome to be a an Apostolicall tradition ; and therefore either he may be vnderstood as holding the superioritie of BB. to be not Diuini , but Apostolici iuris : or he may be interpreted as speaking of the names , prouing by diuers testimonies of the Scripture , that Presbyters are called Bishops . But heereof wee may not conclude , that therefore Presbyters and Bishops are all one ; for not onely Bishops , but also Apostles b , are called Presbyters , and the Apostleship c is called Bishopricke . For howsoeuer all Presbyters are in the Scriptures called Angels and Bishops ; yet that one among many , who had singular preheminence aboue the rest , is by the warrant of the holy Ghost , called the Angell of the Church ; and by the same warrant , may be called the Bishop . Now whereas Aërius for denying the superiority of Bishops , was by Epiphanius and Augustine iudged and heretike , hereby it appeareth that this alleagation not onely proueth the superiority de facto , but de iure : for seeing there is no heresie which is not repugnant to Gods word , it is euident that they who iudged this opinion of Aerius to be an heresie , did also iudge it contrarie to Gods word . Neither did Epiphanius and Augustine alone condemne Aërius for an heretike ; but as Epiphanius d reporteth , all Churches both in City and Countrey did so detest him and his followers , that being abandoned of all , they were forced to liue in the open fields , and in wods . And whereas some obiect against Epiphanius and Augustine in defence of Aerius , that his opinion is not heresie , because Epiphanius did not sufficiently answer one of Aërius his allegations out of Scripture , where Presbyters seeme to be called Bishops ; and that Augustine followed Epiphanius , himselfe not vnderstanding how farre the name of an heretike is to be extended : these are very slender exceptions to be taken by so learned e a man. For be it , that Epiphanius did not sufficiently answere some one of Aërius his allegations : is that sufficient to excuse Aërius from being an heretike ; seeing that testimony f may be sufficiently answered , as J haue shewed ; and seeing euery testimony alleaged by each heretike , hath not alwaies beene sufficiently answered by euery one that hath written against them ? The Allegation which Aërius bringeth out of Phil. 1.1 . doth onely proue , that the Presbyters were called Bishops at what time , he which was the Bishop of Philippi , namely Epaphroditus g , was called their Apostle . And it is confessed by many h of the Fathers , that howsoeuer there were many in Philippi , which in a generall signification were called Bishops : yet there was but one , nay , that there could be but one , which properly was called the Bishop of Philippi . And as touching Augustine ; I maruell , that learned men could derogate so much from him , as that he , at that time especially , would write vpon the authoritie of others , what himselfe vnderstood not : For Augustine was no youngling or nouice at that time ; but hee wrote that booke in his elder age , euen after hee had written i his bookes of Retractations , at what time hee had written 230. bookes , besides his Epistles and Homilies . Neither doth Augustine write any thing in his preface of that booke , whereby it might bee gathered , that hee was in doubt , whether any of those particulars which he noteth , were to be judged heresies ; onely he saith , that what maketh an Heretike , can in his judgement hardly , if at all , be set downe in an accurate definition . Notwithstanding , he distributeth his intended Trea●ise into two parts : The first , of the heresies which after Christs ascension had been contrarie to his doctrine , and which he could come to the knowledge of : among which , the heresies of Aërius haue the 53. place : in the latter , hee promiseth to dispute what maketh an Heretike . But though he came not to that , or if he did , what he wrote of that point is not come to our hands ; yet in the conclusion of his Treatise , which is extant , he saith thus k ; What the Catholike Church holdeth against these ( meaning all the 88. heresies which before he had recited ) it is but a superfluous question : seeing it is sufficient in this behalfe to know , Eam contra ist● sentire , nec aliquid horum in fidem quenquam d●bere recipere , that the iudgement of the Church is contrary to these , and that no man ought to receiue any of these into his beleefe . And again ; Omnis itaque Christianus Catholicus ist● non debet credere , &c. wherefore it is the duty of euery Catholicke Christian to beleeue none of these . But it will be said ; doe you then hold euery one to be an heretique , who is of Aërius iudgement in this point ? Whereunto I answeare : first , that although I hold them to be in an error , yet I doe not judge them to be heretiques , who do not with pertinacy defend their error . And secondly , I make great difference betweene errors in the articles of faith , and fundamentall points of Religion ( such as was the error of Aërius as he was an Arrian , and such as is the error of those who deny our iustification by Christs righteousnes ) and in matters of Discipline : for these though they be dangerous , yet they are not damnable errors ; and it is no great disparagement to men , otherwise learned and orthodoxall , to haue been ouerseene in matters of Church gouernment ; so that they doe not for the same leaue the Church and make separation : for such also be counted heretikes by the Councels , 1. Constant. ca. 6. As for the refuter ; it is at his choice whether he will be accounted an heretike , or not . In my iudgement he were best to say , Errare possum , I may erre ( as in this controuersie hitherto to hath done ) sed h●reticus esse nolo , but I will ●e no heretike , by obstinate defending of that , wherein his conscience is conuicted . Now to helpe the Refuter , because I desire to giue the Reader satisfaction , I will not conceale , that somewheres I finde besides Ierome , the testimonies of Chrysostome , Augustine , and Ambrose obiected as fauouring the opinion of Aërius : but vnworthily . Chrysostome l is alleadged , as if he should say , There is in a manner no difference betweene a Bishop and a Presbyter . Indeed Chrysostome vnderstanding by Episcapus , 1. Tim. 3. him that is properly called a Bishop , asketh why Paul speaking of Bishops , and Deacons , maketh no mention there of Presbyters . Whereunto he maketh answeare , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because there is no great difference : for they also haue receiued doctrine and gouernment m of the Church ; and those things which Paul said concerning Bishops , agree to them . But doth it hence follow , that in Chrysostomes judgement , there was no difference betwixt a Bishop , and a Presbyter ? doth not Chrysostome in the next words acknowledge , that the Bishops are superiour to Presbyters in respect of ordination ? And as touching singularitie of preheminence ; doth not he teach , that in one n Citie , or Church , ( where are many Pre●byters ) there ought to be one Bishop ? and so he ●old Sisi●●ius the Nouatian o Bishop at Constantinople , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And though he ascribe gouernment of the Church to the Presbyters vnder the Bishop ; doth he not p acknowledge the Bishop to be the gouernor of the Presbyters ? and when he was Bishop himselfe did he not exercise q great authority ouer them ? But what saith Augustine ? Quid est Episcopus , nisi primus Presbyter ? what is a Bishop but the first Presbyter ? doth he not expound himselfe ? primus Presbyter , r h. e. 〈◊〉 Sacerdos , the first Presbyter , that is , the high Priest ? such a one therefore in Augustines judgement , is the Bishop to Presbyters , as the high priest was to the other priests : for in the same place also he compareth the Deacons to the Leuits , and the Presbyters to the Priests . Yea , but Ambrose saith , Of a Bishop and a Presbyter , there is one order , for either of 〈◊〉 a Priest ; but the Bishop is the first . The words are not in his booke de dignitate Sacerdotali , as it is quoted ; for there I find the contrarie : for , Ambrose saith s , There is one thing which God requireth of a Bishop , another of a Presbyter , another of a Deacon . And againe , he signifieth t , that as Bishops do ordaine Presbyters , and consecrate Deacons ; so the Archbishop ordaineth the Bishop . But they are found in his commentarie on the first to Timothe cap. 3. u Where asking the same question with Chrysostome , why after the mention of the Bishop , he presently addeth the ordination , or order of Deacon ? because , saith he , of a Bishop , and Presbyter , there is one ordination , or order : for either of them is a Priest : but the Bishop is the first : so that euery Bishop is a Presbyter , but not euery Presbyter a Bishop : for among the Presbyters , the Bishop is the first . Now what he meaneth by the first Presbyter , may else where be shewed in his writings . In the Bishop , saith he x , are all orders , because he is primus Sacer●●●s , hoc est , Princeps est Sacerd●tum , the first Priest , that is , the Prince of the Priests : and in the place alleaged , he signifieth y that Timothe the Bishop , was the first Presbyter at Ephesus . And such presbyters I doe confesse our BB. to be . So much of Aër●us : concerning whom , I haue often maruelled , what some learned men doe mean , to go about to salue the credit of such a frantique fellow , as Epiphanius describeth him , being also an absolute Arian , and schismaticke or Separatist from the true Churches . Now , saith the refuter , let vs take a view of his great army of antiquity ; the whole number of them is but fiue , and 4. of them almost 200. yeares vnder age . Marke here , either the skill , or conscience of this great Analyser . The first argument , which indeed is vnanswerable , that he swalloweth . And in stead of analysing and answearing the rest , he cauils at the number , and at their age . I will therefore propound my arguments and withall answere his cauils . And first , for their number ; besides the fiue he speaketh of , I produced the testimonies of Epiphanius and Augustine , deliuering not only their own opinions , but the iudgement of the Church ; Epiphanius reporting , that all Churches did reject and condemne Aërius ; and Augustine testifying , that the Catholike Church did hold the contrary to Aërius his assertion ; that as I said , was my first argument . My second argument is this : Antiquity did distinguish the ministers of the Church into 3. degrees ; viz , Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , answerable to the high Priest , the Priests and L●●ites vnder the Law : Therefore it giueth testimony to the superiority of BB. ouer other ministers in degree . The antecedent I proue by the the testimony of the Councill of Sardica , of Optatus , of Ignatius , and generally by the testimony of Fathers in Councils ; in which , as I said , nothing is more vsuall then the distinction of Ministers into these 3. degrees . That clause , if it had pleased the refuter to haue taken notice of , it might haue preuented his cauill concerning either the number , or the age of my witnesses . But he ( such is his conscience ) passing by it , b●aggeth ( wi●h what face I know not ) that I haue no antiquitie , which distinguisheth the ministrie into 3. degrees . Here therefore 3. things are to be shewen , which are so many arguments . 1. That antiquity distinguisheth the Clergy into 3. degrees . 2. That it termeth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , degrees . 3. That they compare them to the high Priest , Priests and Leuits . As touching the first : this distinction of Ministers is so frequent in the ancient Canons , that if a man do but open the booke at all aduentures , he shall not often light vpon such a place , where this distinction is not to be found . Jn the ancient Canons , called the Apostles , it is mentioned 20. times at the least in the Council of Nice , 3. or 4. times ; in the Councill of Ancyra , and Antioch often , and so in the rest . Which of the ancient Fathers doth not acknowledge this distinction of Ministers ? Ignatius , as we shall heare , giueth plentifull testimony to it . Clement a in his Epistle to Iames translated by Ruffi●●● , testifieth this to haue been the Doctrine of Peter according to the institution of Christ , that Presbyters should be obedient to their Bishops in all things . And again , b that Presbyters and Deacons and others of the Clergy must take heed , that they doe nothing without the licence of the Bishop . Dionysius c an ancient and learned writer ( if not the Areopagite ) propoundeth the same distinction vnder the names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tertullian d acknowledgeth it . Orogen e likewise , terming the Bishop him q●●totim Ecclesia a●cemobtinet . So doth Cyprian , and Cornelim , and almost who not ? Yes , saith the Refuter , Anacletus and Damas●●● f , afform● there were but two degrees , Bishops and Priests ; and Ignatius g diuideth the offices of the Church into Bishops and Deacons . But hauing thus ( as he thinketh ) set them and others of the Fathers togither by the eares , he will not go about to part them . Let them ( saith he ) agree about the matter as they can . Howbeit , the reconciliation is easily made . For Anacletus ( if that were his Epistle ) speaketh only of h Priests , and of two orders of them , ordained by Christ : but Deacons were not called Sacerdotes , as Bishops and Presbyters were : Sacerdotes being vsually distinguished into maiores , which be Bishops ; and minores , which be Presbyters . Neither were Deacons ordained by Christ himselfe , but by the Apostles . And with this distinction of Anacletus those vnsuspected i fathers agree , who hold , that these two degrees of ministers were ordained by Christ , when he appointed twelue Apostles ( whose successours are the Bishops ) and the three score and twelue Disciples , whom the Presbyters succeed . Now , if the Bishops succeed the Apostles , and the Presbyters succeed the 72. Disciples , as diuers of the ancient approued Fathers do teach ; then it cannot be denied , but that the calling of Bishops , and their superioritie , as also the inferior degree of Presbyters , is of Christs owne institution . The like is to be said of Damasus k , who acknowledgeth but two Orders among the Disciples in Christs time , the twelue Apostles , and the 70. disciples ; and by that reason rejecteth the Ch●r●piscopi , because they neither were Bishops , as he proueth ; nor Presbyters , as themselues pretended . Among the Disciples of Christ , saith he , we know but two Orders , that is , of the twelue Apostles , and so●mentie disciples . Whence this third order is 〈◊〉 we know not . As for Ignatius , his testimonie is falsified . In his Epistle ad Tralli●●os l , he wisheth them . To 〈…〉 without their Bishop , to be subiect to their Presbyters , and to please their Deacons , as being the ministers of the mysteries of Christ. Againe , He that doth any thing without the Bishop , and the Presbyters , and the Deacons , such a one is without : For what is the Bishop ; but he that hath power aboue all ? &c. What the Presbyterie , but a sacred companie , counsellors , and coassessors of the Bishop ? What the Deacons , but imitators of the Angegelicall powers ? &c. he that disobeyeth these , reiecteth Christ , and impeacheth his ordinance . And in the end : Farewell in the Lord Iesus being subiect to your Bishop , and likewise to the Presbyters , and Deacons . His other Epistle ad Phil. is so wisely quoted , that I know not whether he mean the Philippians , or Philadelphians . But it is no great matter , whether he meane : for as neither of both doth testify that , for which he quoteth them : so both of them doth mention the distinction of ministers into Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons . In the Epistle to the Philippians m he exhorteth them to be subiect to the Bishop , Presbyters , and Deacons . And towards the end , he saluteth Vitalius their Bishop , the sacred colledge of Presbyters , and his fellow ministers , the Deacons . The Epistle to the Philadelphians n he directeth especially to them , who were one with the Bishop , Presbyters , and Deacons . In the Epistle it selfe , that al who be Christs , are on the Bishops side . And besides that testimony alledged in the Sermon , he saith , attend to the Bishop , the Presbyters , and Deacons . To conclude , in these 3. Epistles Ignatius giueth testimonie to this distinction into 3. degrees , noting their callings , 9. times , and not once letteth any thing fal , which may seeme to insinuate any such thing as the refuter alledgeth ; and therefore with what conscience he citeth authors let the reader iudge . Now that these three orders were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 degrees , it should not seeme strange , seeing the Apostle vseth that word in that sense 1. Tim. 3.13 . noting the Deaconship to be a degree to the Presbytery , as it is with vs. Cyprian o saith of Cornelius , that he came to the Bishopricke not suddainly , but hauing been promoted through all the Ecclesiasticall offices , he ascended to the height of Priesthood by all the degrees of Religion . In the Councill of Sardica p , it is decreed , That if any rich man o● Rhetorician q , be from the court desired to be Bishop , he shall not be ordained , vntill he haue performed the ministry of a reader , Deacon and Presbyter , that so through euerie r degree of he be thought worthy he may by way of promotion ascend vnto the height s of Bishopricke , and the degree of euery order shall haue a good time , &c. and he being thought worthy of the diu●es : Priesthood , shal be made partaker of the t greatest honor . The same Councill u in their Synodicall Epistle report of the Arians , that they had not only receiued thos● who had bin expulsed for Arianisme , but also preferred them to a greater degree , as from Deacons , to be Presbyters , and from Presbyters , to be Bishops . The Councils of y Ephesus and z Chalcedon , diuers times for a penaltie threaten Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , with the losss of their degree . And most plainly the Council of Carthage a mentioneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these three degrees , 〈◊〉 Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons . And againe , b all the degrees of Clerkes from the hiest to the lowest . The like testimonie to that which Cyprian gaue to Cornelius , doth Nazianzen c giue both to Athanasius , that he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hauing gaue through all the degrees in order , and hauing been in euery of them , as Theodoret d saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e , was chosen Bishop ; and also to f Basil , that he ascended to his Bishoprick , by the order and law of the spirituall ascent ; and Socrates g to Pr●clus , that he was first a Reader , then by A●ticus preferred to the Deacon-ship , afterwards , when he was Presbyter , he was by the same Attic●● , made Bishop of Cyzicum . Op●a●us h , as I alleaged in the Sermon , assigneth to Deacons , the third ministerie , to Presbyters , the second , to BB whom he calleth principes omnui●̄ , the first . Burchardus i citeth this saying of Augustine being a Bishop : You Presbyters know ye , that your degree is the second , and next to ours : for euen as Bishops haue the place of the Apostles in the Church ; euen so the Presbyters of the other disciples : the former , haue the degree of Aaron , the high Priest ; the latter , of his sonnes . In which words the third point also is testified . Whereunto Ierome k himself in more places then one giueth testimony , affirming that in the Church , the Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons are answerable to the high Priest , Priests , and Leuits . Now to reject these testimonies , as being vnder age , as though they did historically relate only what was in their own times , and not dogmatically set downe the orders , and degrees of the ministerie , perpetually obserued in the Church of Christ ; is a verie vnlearned shift . If any one of these , as namely Ierome , shal but seeme to fauor any of their assertions , though in their sense he contradict himself , and gainsay all others , both Councils , & fathers ; against such a testimonie no exception , either of minoritie of age , or singularitie of opinion will be admitted ; but that authoritie must ouerweigh all , that himself , and others say to the contrarie . It is a world to see how Ierome in this case is magnified , and preferred before all antiquitie : Who can tell better then Ierome ? who better acquainted with the historie of the Church then Ierome ? &c. But when most pregnant & plain testimonies are produced out of Ierome , prouing the superioritie of Bishops , agreeable with al antiquity , then Ierome is a youngling , and vnder age . But where I said in the judgement of antiquitie , Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , are answereable to the high Priest , Priests and Leuits , he saith , This gay reason Cardinall Turr●cremata , & Bellarmine out of him , bring to proue , that there must be one Pope ouer the whole church , as there was one high Priest among the Iewes : and it proueth that as substantially , as it doth this . The which is wickedly spoken , and desperately , as many things of late haue been vttered by that faction ; as that the Papists arguments for the Popes Supremacie , were as good as ours , for the superioritie of Bishops . But of these blasphemous speeches , whereby they match the ordinance of Christ by his Apostles , with the height of Antichrists pride ; I hope this Refuter , & his consorts will one day haue the grace to repent . I confesse it is ordinary with the Papists , to alledge out of the Fathers for the Popes supremacy , what they testified for the superioritie of Bishops . But will any be so desperate , as to say , the same testimonies abused and detorted by Papists , do as substantially prooue that for which they are alleaged besides the true meaning of the fathers ; as that , for which they are truely and faithfully alleaged ? Good reason therefore had Caluin , and the rest to refute that argument , because , as Caluin k saith . There is not the like reason betweene one small people , and the whole world . The whole Church hath no head , or vniuersall Bishop , but Christ : But each seuerall . Church may haue their head , and seuerall Bishop , answerable to the high Priest of the Iewes , as diuers of the Fathers haue taught : Therfore Ignatius requireth the Smyrneans to honor the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the high Priest : and it is an vsual thing with the Fathers , not only to apply those things which were spoken of the high Priest to Bishops , but also to call the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , po●tificem , Sacerdotem summum &c. and Bishoprick , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There remaine yet the testimonies of Ignatius to be discussed , which I produced in this 2. argumēt . The authoritie wherof the refuter first calleth in question . Wherin he may seeme to preiudice his own cause : for T.C.W.T.D.F.H.I. and others of that alphabet , haue oft times dragged some testimonies out of him : yea this refuter himselfe oft times doth cite him ; and once I remember l he threatned to prooue his lay Presbyters out of Ignatius , when he should come , to answere my allegations out of him : which how it will be performed , the reader is now to expect . In the meane time , little reason had he so much to cleuate the authority of those godly and learned epistles : for his own confession , that they are recorded in Eusebius , is a good proofe they are not counterfeits . But he is pleased to heare him speak . And whereas Ignatius m teacheth , that the lay 〈◊〉 must be subiect to the Deacōs , they to the Presbyters ▪ & the Presbyters to the Bishop : the refuter denieth the Presbyterie , and Deaconship to haue been degrees of the ministery , but vnderstandeth such Deacons as were only imployed in looking to the poore , and such Presbyters as were only gouerning elders . The vanity of which conceipt J haue sufficiently declared before , if anything will suffice . And I am ashamed for the refuter , that he should be either so ignorant , as not to know ; or so vnconscionable , as not to acknowledge , that these three , Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , haue alwaies since the Apostles times been esteemed three degrees of Ministers , by the vniuersall and perpetual consent of all Christendome vntill our age . Notwithstanding , his arguments , such as they are , must be answered . And first for Deacons ( he saith ) they were no Ministers of the word , but imployed only in looking to the poore : and that he proueth , by the confession of D. Bilson . What maner of men the Deacons were , of whom Ignatius speaketh , Ignatius himselfe sufficiently declareth , in his Epistles to the Trallians n , where he calleth the Deacons , the ministers of the mysteries of Christ ; and to the Smyrneans o , Deacons of Christ vnto the word of God ; to the Philadelphians p , ministring to the Bishop in the word ; to the Antiochians q , the sacred Deacons . Neither doth D. Bilson deny it . Only he maketh question of the 7. which were elected Act. 6. whether they were such , as properly were called Deacons , and are the third degree of the ministry , or such as were chosen onely to be ouerseers of the poore : to which purpose he citeth the generall Councill held in Trullo r , correcting the Canon of the Council held at Neocaesaria s , which appointeth that in euery Church there should be 7. Deacons , in imitation of the act t of the Apostles , in ordaining 7. But ( say they ) we comparing the sense of the Fathers , with the speech of the Apostles , do finde , that they spake not of men u seruing at the mysteries ( such as properly be called Deacons ) but at tables ; alledging Chrysostome , who enquiring what the office of these 7. was , plainely denieth , that they were Deacons : whereupon they denounce ( as D. Bilson hath alledged ) that the foresaid 7. Deacons , must not be taken for those that serued at the mysteries , but for such as were trusted with the dispensation of the common necessities of those that were assembled togither . And verily to me it seemeth more then probable , that these 7. were not such as S. Paul speaketh of 1. Tim. 3. & were in vse in the primitiue church , being a degree inferior to Presbyters : for these 7 or the most of them , were , as x E●●phaenius , & others do testifie , chosen out of the 70. Disciples , & were ( no doubt ) principall men among them , full of the holy Ghost & wisdom , being before this ministers of Gods word . For as the Apostles , the chiefe and principal ministers , thought it to appertain to their duty to take care of the poore ; so whē the Apostles were disburdned therof , that care was committed to 7 ▪ others , who were chief men among the disciples . Neither may it be doubted , but that as Steuen was a worthy preacher ; so the rest ( whē their tēporary function at Ierusalē was ended by the dispersion of the faithful vpō the death of Steuen ) gaue thēselues to the preaching of the word , as appeareth in Philip y , who was one of the 7. And wheras the Refuter saith , that D. Bilson z cōfesseth the Deacons to haue bin only imploied in looking to the poor ; the cōtrary is euidēt : for speaking euē of those 7. he collecteth by S. Pauls precepts cōcerning Deacōs , that their office was not only a charge to looke to the poore , but also to attend the sacred assemblies & seruice of the Church , & euen a step to the ministery of the word , meaning , as I suppose , to the Presbytery . As for those who properly are called Deacons ; it is most euident by innumerable testimonies , that they were the third degree of the ministery , whose office was a sacred ministery a , helping the Bishop or the Presbyter in the diuine seruice , offering the bread and the cup , & performing as it were the office of a cryer in the Church , ( which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in dismissing those which were to depart , in commanding silence , and exciting the people to deuotion , and attention . In the Council of Nice b , fault is found with Deacons , who in some Cities did giue the Eucharist to the Presbyters : but they are commaunded to containe themselues within their bounds , knowing that they be the Bishops ministers , & are inferior to the Presbyters , and to receiue the Communion after the Presbyters , at the hands either of the Bishop , or the Presbyters . Iustine Martyr c , speaking of the Eucharist , saith , after the president hath giuen thanks , and the people hath blessed , they , who with vs are called Deacons , do giue and communicate to euery one that is present , of the bread & wine , and doe carie it to those which are absent . And hauing repeated the same againe , he speaketh of the collections for the poore : shewing that what was collected , was cōmitted ( not to the Deacon , but ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the President , by him to be distributed . Tertullian d saith , The chiefe Priest , which is the Bishop , hath the right of giuing Baptisme , then the Presbyters , & the Deacons , but yet not without the authority of the Bishop . e Cyprian euery where speaketh of thē , as being of the sacred ministerie . The ancient Councill of Eliberis hath this canon f , If any Deacon , ruling , or hauing the charge of a people , without either Bishop or Presbyter baptize any , those the Bishop by his blessing must accomplish . The council of Carthage g , speaking of BB. & other inferior orders , which do handle the sacred mysteries , reckoneth Subdeacons , Deacons , & Presbyters . Ierome hath these words h , If at the prayer of the Bishop alone the holy Ghost descendeth , they are to be lamented , who in villages , and townes , & other remote places , being baptized by Presbyters , and Deacons , do sleep , or depart this life , before they be visited of the Bishop . The safetie of the Church dependeth vpon the dignitie of the chiefe Priest ( meaning the Bishop . ) To whom , if a power peerelesse , and eminent aboue all be not giuen , there will be as many schismes in the Church , as Priests . Hence it is , that without the Chrisme , ( which the Presbyters & Deacons were wont i to receiue from their own Bishop ) and commandement of the Bishop , neither Presbyter nor Deacon hath right to baptize . In the 4. Councill of Carthage , which is so oft alleaged by the Disciplinarians , ther is direction giuē for the ordination k of the Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon , & other of the Clergie . The Deacon l is taught to acknowledge himself to be the minister aswell of the Presbyter , as of the Bishop . The Deacon m is authorized euen in the presēce of a Presbyter , if ther be necessity , & he be cōmāded , to deliuer the Eucharist of Christs body to the people , & to wear n an Albe only in time of oblation , or reading . To conclude , Cyprian , and other of the fathers , when they terme the Deacons Leuits , & make them answerable to the Leuits , as they do the Presbyters to the Priests , do euidētly declare , what they thought cōcerning the office of Deacons . That the Presbyters were not ministers of the word , the refuter proueth thus . They who might not preach , nor baptize , nor doe any pastorall duty without the Bishops licence were not ministers . The Presbyters might not preach , nor baptize , nor do any pastorall dutie without the Bishops licence : Therefore they were not Ministers . The proposition is proued by 2. reasons . First , because it were a mockery of a ministerie to deny Ministers power to execute their office . Secondly , because euery popish Priest had potestatem ordinis , that is , power to do all things that belong to his order . First , to the proposition it selfe , I say it is very false , and that the contradictorie in all the parts of it is true : viz that they who might , yea ought to preach , baptize , administer the Lords supper , and performe any other pastorall dutie , being therto licensed of the Bishop , were ministers . From which we may assume and conclude thus : But the ancient Presbyters might , yea ought to preach , baptize , administer the Lords supper , and performe any other pastorall duties , being therto authorized by the Bishop : Therefore they were ministers . And that the proposition is false , it may appeare by the practise of our owne Church , and of all the antient Churches , whose Presbyters are , and were Ministers ( as I haue sufficiently prooued before , for the conuiction , I doubt not , of the refuters conscience ) and yet neither may , nor might preach , baptize , administer the Lords Supper , and performe other ministeriall functions , but by leaue or authority from the Bishop . Neither yet is the ministery of our clergy now , nor of the Presbyters in times past , a mockery , because it agreeth not with his fancy : but his fancy is a meere nouelty , disagreeing from the generall practise of the most antient Churches . For howsoeuer afterwards he malepertly chargeth mee with not vnderstanding the distinction of ecclesiasticall power , in potestatem ordinis et iurisdictionis ; into the power of order and iurisdiction : yet doth he both here and there bewray himself not to vnderstand it . For though euery Minister , as hee is a Presbyter hath potestatem ordinis ; yet it doth not follow , that hee may at his owne pleasure exercise that power . We must therfore take knowledge of two distinctions : the one , of the power of order and of iurisdiction : for euery minister hath the power of order as hee is a Presbyter simply ; but the power of iurisdiction , as he is praelatus , or pastor . The former he hath giuen him in his ordination ; the latter , in his institution . By the former , hee is qualified and authorized to preach and administer the sacraments , and to doe other ●spirituall actions peculiar to his order , which another man , who is not of that order , neither can doe , nor may haue leaue to doe . But hee may not performe these duties which belong to the power of his order to any congregation , as the Pastor therof , vnlesse that flocke be assigned and committed to him by the Bishop , who hath the charge of the whole diocesse . A presbyter therefore though he haue potestatem ordinis , may not perform pastoral duties to any congregation , which are part of the Bishops charge , vnlesse hee be authorized therto by the Bishop ; from whom hee receiueth potestatem iurisdictionis , curamque animarum et regimen ecclesia parochialis , in his institution . Againe , we must distinguish betweene the power it selfe and the exercise & execution of it . For although euery minister hath thesame power of order which is common to them with Bishops in respect of preaching the worde and administring Baptisme and the Lords Supper , yet the exercise of their power is , and alwaies hath been subiected to the authority of the Bishop , to be permitted , directed , restrained and suspended by him . This subordination and subiection of the presbyters to the Bishop , for the exercise of their power , which euer hath beene practised in the Church , doth not make either their function to be a mockery of the ministery , as the refuter malepertly speaketh , nor themselues to be no ministers . But plainly proueth the contrary , as I haue shewed . For whereas he obiecteth out of Tertullian a , that any lay man might baptize by the Bishops 〈◊〉 he falsifies his testimony . His words be these : Dandi baptismum ius ●ab●t summus sacerdos qui est episcopus , &c. The cheif Preist , which is the Bishop , hath the right to giue baptisme . Then the presbyters and deacons ; but not without the authority of the Bishop for the honor of the Church ; which being safe , peace is safe b . Otherwise euen laymen haue right . Where Tertullian sheweth , that the ordinary right of baptizing appertaineth to Bishops , Presbyters , deacons , as belonging to the power of their order ; though for the honour and peace of the Church , the Bishop bee superiour in the exercise of that power , which the Presbyters and Deacons are not to exercise without his authority : otherwise , that is , extraordinarily , and in case of necessity , the lay man , euen without the Bishops leaue , hath right ( in Tertullians iudgement ) to baptize . Where he saith , That in Tertullians time , who was himselfe a Presbyter , Presbyters and Deacons were not ministers , and much lesse in Ignatius time ; I hope he wil r●call this foule error , proceeding from extreme ignorance , when he hath read what before hath been alledged to the contrary . And whereas the last testimony , which I alledged out of c Ignatius for these three degrees of the ministery , plainely excludeth their lay Presbyters and lay Deacons , reckening Presbyters and Deacons as degrees of the clergy ; he answereth two things ; the first , That the Epistle strongly sauoureth of corrupter times , then those Ignatius loued in , by that very word clergy appr●priated therein to the ministers , which is of a far latter breed . He should haue done well to haue shewed , how late the breed is . For I am well assured that d Cyprian vseth the word clerus for the clergy ordinarily , who was little more then a hundred yeares after Ignatius . And Origen , e before him , mentioneth this distinction of the clergy and laity . Tertullian , who liued in the same century with Ignatius , distinguisheth each company of Christians , as sometimes f , into gregem & duces , the flocke and the guides ; ecclesi● ordinem & laicos , the order of the Church , meaning those which were in orders , and the lay people : so sometimes in ecclesiā & clerū , the assembly and the clergy . The clergy also or guides , he distinguisheth into these three degrees , Deacons , Presbyters , Bishops . The antient Canons , called the Apostles g , often mention those of the clergy , as opposed to the laity . But if I should say , that S. Peter vseth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same sense , when writing to Bishops , whom he calleth Presbyters , & himself their Compresbyter , he willeth them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not exercise lordship ouer the clergy , I should deliuer that which is agreeable to the interpretation of the antient h Writers , and as I am perswaded to the truth . Neither doe I doubt but the vse of the word clerus , was first taken from that place of Peter , who therein followed the phrase of the old Testament , wherein it is oft said , that the Lord was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the portion or the inheritance of the Priests and Leuites . For therefore are they called Clerici , saith Ierome i , vel quia de sorte sunt Domini , vel quia ipse Dominus sors . i. pars clericorū est : Either because they are the Lords portion , ( which notatiō some late writers do mislike , not without cause , the people also being Gods inheritance ) or because the Lord is their portion : which is agreeable with the scriptures . His other answer is , that though the Presbyters and Deacons were of the clergy , yet they were not Ministers : for there were many of the clergy which were not Ministers . Let him therefore tell me whether there were any Ministers in the clergy adioined to the Bishop or not : if he say no , hee is worthy to be hissed at : if yea , who were these Ministers , if the Presbyters and Deacons were not ? Besides , it is plaine , that the Clergy of the antient Churches consisted wholly of schollers , which were trained vp in learning : the Clergie belonging to each Bishoppe , being the seminary of the whole diocesse : out of which , not only euery parish , both in the Citie and Country , was to be furnished with Ministers , but also the Bishop himselfe , in the vacancie of the See , was to be chosen . Moreouer , ordinarily those of the clergy ascended by degrees from the lower to the higher , the Bishop being chosen out of the Presbyters & Deacons , ( for euen Ignatius his successor was his deacon , Her● : ) the Presbyters & deacons out of the inferior orders , as of sub deacons , or readers , &c. Wherby it is most euidēt , that presbyters & deacōs were not such , as the lay-elders and lay-deacons which are now adaies in some reformed Churches ; but men brought vp in learning and seruice of the Church , hauing attained degrees of the sacred Ministery , such as Presbyters and Deacons are with vs. And so much of my second argument . The third is taken from the testimony of the great Councell of Chalcedon , and may thus briefly be framed : It is sacriledge to reduce a Bishop to the degree of a Presbyter . Therefore BB. were superior to Presbyters in degree , not onely de facto , k but also de iure . But what is this , saith he , to the Apostles times , and the age following ? Indeed , if the Councell had testified the superiority of Bishops de facto onely , there had been some colour for this exception , especially if he could haue proued an alteration in the state of Bishops , and the aduancement of them to a higher degree , to haue begun after the first two hundred yeeres . But seeing no such matter can truly be alleaged , and seeing also that famous Councell giueth testimony to the superiority of Bishops , not only de facto , but also de iure , and that in such sort , as it deemeth it sacrilege to reduce a Bishop to the degree of a Presbyter ; it cannot therefore bee denied , but that this is a most pregnant testimony , if it bee rightly alleged . Let vs therefore cōsider the occasion of those words , which in the copie whereon Th. Balsamo doth comment , and in some manuscript Greeke copies , is the twenty nine canon of that Councell . When Eustathius Bishop of Berytum ( for so I find him termed diuers times in the Acts l of that Councell , in Euagr●m m , in Photius n , and Balsamo o ) and not of Tyre , ( as in Tilius his Greeke edition it is corruptly printed ) when Eustathius J say , had withdrawne diuers Bishopricks from the Metropolitan Church of Tyrus , deposing the Bishops , whom Photius the Bishop of Tyrus had ordained , and bringing them downe to the degree of Presbyters : complaint was made to the great Councell of Chalcedon , and the matter therein in propounded by the Princes , in these words p : Concerning the Bishops ordained by Photius , and degraded by Eustathius , and after they had been Bishops , commanded to be Presbyters , what is the sentēce of this holy Synod ? Whereto Paschasinus and Lucentiu● Bishops , and Bonifaciu● Presbyter , vicegerents of the Church of Rome , answered q : To reduce a Bishop to the degree of a Presbyter , it is sacrilege : if any iust cause depose them from their Bishopricke , neither ought they to retaine the place of Presbyters . But if without any crime they haue beene remoued from their honour , they shall returne againe to their episcopall dignity . Ana●olius the Archbishop of Constantinople said , These Bishops who are said to haue descended from the episcopall dignity vnto the order of Presbyters , if for iust cause they are condemned , neither are they worthy of the honour of Presbyters . But if without any reasonable cause they haue been deiected to a lesse r degree , they are worthy , if they be blamelesse , to s recouer againe the dignity and priesthood of their Bishopricke . If you thinke that these were but the priuate opinions of these men , heare the censure of the whole Councell : All the reuerend Bishoppes cried ; t Righteous is the iudgement of the Fathers , wee all say the same things ; the Fathers haue decreed iustly , let the sentence of the Archbishops hold . My fourth argument is drawne from the testimony of Ierome : whose authority in this cause ought to be of greatest weight , because he is the onely man almost among the fathers , whom the Disciplinarians can alledge against the superiority of Bishops . Ierome therefore saith , u that at Alexandria from Marke the Euangelist , vnto Heraclas and Dionysius Bishops , euermore the presbyters hauing chosen one from among themselues , and placed him in exce●siori gradu , in an higher degree , called him Bishop ▪ euen as an armie chooseth a Generall . This testimony the Refuter eleuateth in two respects . The first , because Ierome is vnder age . Which is a very simple euasion . For Ierome doth not onely testify what was in his time , but also giueth plaine euidence , that in the first two hundred yeeres , euen from S. Marke vntill Heraclas , Bishops were placed in a superior degree aboue Presbyters . Secondly , because Bëllarmine alleageth the s●me testimony to the same purpose , whose allegation is answered by Ch●mier : whose answer if I like not , he bids me try what I can say in defence of Bellarmine against it . To omit how odiously this is set downe , I doe professe , that I may with better credit agree with Bellarmine , wherein he consenteth with all antiquity , then the Refuter and his consorts can agree with Aërius ; wherein he dissenting from all antiquity , was by Epiphanius , Philaster , Augustine , and all the Catholike Church in his time , condemned for an heretike . But let vs heare his answers . First , that Ierome proueth by the practise of the Church of Alexandria , that which before he had demonstrated out of the Scriptures , to wit , that a Presbyter and a Bishop differ not . Neither doth he call Marke a Bishop , but an Euangelist . This answere might become our refuter better then Chamier . For first it is vntrue , that Ierome in these words proueth that a Bishop and a Presbyter differ not . For doth hee not plainly say that the Bishop was placed in a higher degree ? and doth hee not compare him in respect of the Presbyters which chose him , to the Chieftaine or Generall , chosen of the Army ? Secondly , he faileth in setting downe Ieromes purpose ; which was not to prooue there was no difference betwixt Bishoppes and Presbyters ; but to prooue , that Presbyters were superior to Deacons . That he proueth by many arguments . First , because the name Episcopus , Bishop , in the Scriptures is giuen to Presbyters . Secondly , because the Apostles and Bishops are in the Scriptures called Presbyters : to which purpose he alleageth 1. Tim. 4.13 . 1. Pet. 5.1 . 2. Iohn 1. and 3. Iohn 1. And thirdly , whereas it might be obiected , the Bishops were set ouer Presbyters ; he confesseth it was done for auoiding of schisme ; but yet so , as by the Presbyters the Bishop was chosen out of the Presbyters , euer since S. Marks time , vntill Heracla● and D●●●ysius , as a Generall by the Army , or the Arch-deacon by the Deacons , out of their owne company . Whereby he would also insinuate , that a Presbyter is so much better then a Deacon , as a Bishop is superior to an Arch deacon . Thirdly , where he saith , that Ierome doth not call Marke a Bishop , but an Euangelist , and saith else where , that he planted that Church : It is plaine , that in another place * he confesseth Marke to haue been the first Bishop of Alexandria . If Marke therefore were superiour in degree to the Presbyters at Alexandra , as no man wil deny ; then must the same be confessed of Anianus , and the rest of his successors , as Ierome plainely testifieth . Secondly he answeareth , That the order by which the Presbyters chose a Bishop from among themselues , continued to Heraclas and Dionysius time , whom he therefore calleth Bishops , to the end he might signifie , that in their daies after one hundred and forty yeers were expired from Marks comming to Alexandria , that order was changed . Then at the soonest , saith the refuter , began M. D. superiority of Bishops to creep in , &c. Which answere , if his meaning be as our refuter conceiteth , is vnsound . For first where he saith the order was changed in Heraclas and Dionysius , that is spoken but by ghesse , because Ierome nameth them . Vpon which coniecture , T. C. and H. I. as you haue heard , did build their two diuers fancies . For Ieromes meaning was not to signifie that the superioritie of Bishops was altered : but as I haue shewed , that vntill Heraclas and Dionysius , who were not Presbyters , but Teachers of the schoole in Alexandria , the Presbyters euer since S. Marks time , did chuse one out of their owne number . That which the Refuter addeth , is absurd , and against Ieromes plaine words : Then at the soonest began M. D. superiority of Bishops to creepe in : for the superiority I spake of , is superiority in degree . And Ierome saith , that euer from Saint Marke , and therefore euen in the Apostles times , the BB. had been placed in a higher degree . My fift argument is also from the authority of a Ierome , which yeeldeth a double proofe ; the former , that the superiority of Bishops ouer Presbyters , and Presbyters aboue Deacons , is an ordinance or tradition apostolicall . Secondly , that as the high Preist was in degree superiour to the other Preists , and they to the Leuits : so by an apostolicall ordinance the Bishop is superiour to the Presbyters , and the Presbyters to the Deacons . That wee may know , saith he , the apostolicall traditions are taken out of the old testament , looke what Aaron , and his sonnes and the Leuits were in the Temple ; the same let the Bishops , Preists and Deacons challenge in the Church . To this testimony containing two impregnable proofs for the superiority of BB. not onely de facto , but also de iure ; the refuter thought it his wisest course to say nothing . To these arguments this may be added : That as the new ordination of a Deacon , when he was made a Presbyter , doth proue that he was aduanced to a higher degree of the ministery : euen so when a Presbyter was chosen to be Bishop , he was by a new ordination promo●ed to the Bishopricke , as to a higher degree . The two first canons , among those which are called the Apostles , appoint , that a Bishop should be ordained of two or three Bishops : but let a Presbyter , say they , be ordayned of one Bishop , and likewise a Deacon , and the rest of the clergy . Valeriu● the Bishop dealth with the Primate , the Bishop of Carthage , by letters intreating him that Augustine ( who then was Presbyter ) might be ordained Bishop of Hippo : which being obtained d , Augustine tooke vpon him the care of the Bishopricke , & maioris loci 〈…〉 , and ordination of a greater place . The councell of Sardica e , taketh order , that before a man may be a Bishop he must first performe the ministery of a Reader , then of a Deacon , then of a Presbyter , that so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by euery degree , if hee be worthy , he may arise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnto the height of the Bishopricke . Theadoret f testifieth , that Iohn ( Chrysostome ) hauing been the chiefe of the Presbyters at Antioch a long time , oft times might haue been chosen to the Bishopricke ( which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Apostolicall presidency ) but alwaies did flie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that principality . So that though he were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chiefe of the Presbyters ; yet he was no Bishop , neither durst he for a long time take vpon him that degree of principality . So much of the superiority of Bishops in generall . CHAP. III. Shewing wherin the superiority of Bishops did and doth consist : and first of the singularity of preeminence . ( Serm. sect . 3. page 32. But let vs consider more particularly wherein the superioritie of Bishops did and doth consist , &c. ad lin . a fine 6 : THe superiority of Bishops ouer other Ministers , I place in three things : singularity of preeminence during life , the power of ordination , and the power of iurisdiction : all which I ground on Tit. 1.5 . But where I say , during life , hee saith , This addition needed not , seeing it is grounded vpon an erroneous conceit of mine owne , whereby I charge them as holding the contrary . Secondly , that it is not proued out of the place alleaged . In the former hee sheweth how audacious he is , seeing , Beza the chiefe patron of the pretended discipline , holdeth that the Presidents of the Presbyteries ( which afterwards , as he saith , were called Bishoppes ) ought to be but for a short time , and that by course , and esteemeth them which had a perpetuall presidenship , to be Bishops humane g , as I haue shewed before . The practise also of those Churches where the discipline is vsed , doth prooue what their Founders thought was agreeable to Gods word . This their conceit is euidently confuted by the Epistles to Titus and to Timothy . For seeing they doe confesse , that they were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Churches of Creet and Ephesus ; it is euident , that they continued in this Presidentshippe , whiles they liued there . For it is absurd to imagine , that Titus was sent to Creet , and Timothy to Ephesus , to be presidents there in their turnes , and when their turnes were ended , to be subiected to other of the Presbyters there in their course . But these things the refuter doth but cauill at by the way . For he granteth that Titus had this superioritie which we speake of : his maine answer is , that Titus was not a Bishop . Which afterwards J proue in the Sermon , by the common consent of the antient and most approoued Writers of the Church ; with whose affirmation , in a matter of fact , if this Refuters deniall shall be weighed in the ballance of an vnpartiall iudgement , it will be found as light as vanitie it selfe . But of this question more hereafter h . In the meane time , J will but desire the Reader to take this for granted , because it cannot be denied , that if Titus was Bishop of Creet , then Bishops had this threefold superioritie which I speake of . Where I commend this order of Church gouernement , consisting in the superiority of Bishoppes , and inferioritie of other Ministers ; this graue and learned Refuter maketh a scorne at it , saying , It is a toy to please children , and a gay Epiphonema wanting a note of exclamation ( he would haue said , acclamation ) to grace it . The which argueth his spite against the gouernment of Bishoppes , rather then his might , being neither able to endure the iust commendation of episcopall gouernment , nor yet to confute it . For what hath he but trifles and toies to obiect against it ? For where hee saith , I begge the question , supposing ech Church to be a diocesse ; the conscience of the Reader , I hope also of the Refuter , will testifie , that what I suppose in this behalfe , hath beene before sufficiently prooued . Besides , those with whom I principally contend in this point , doe confesse the Churches indued with power of ecclesiasticall gouernement , to haue beene dioceses l , as hath beene shewed . I say then ( which also I prooued afterwards by the testimonies of Cyprian and Ierome , whereto the authoritie of k Basil may bee added ) that the vnitie of each Church , meaning a diocesse , dependeth of the vnitie of the Bishoppe : and the setting vp of a second , vnlesse it were by way of coadiutorshippe , hath euer been esteemed the making of a schisme in the Church . But of this more anon . § . 2. But let vs heare , if it bee worth the hearing , what more particularly hee obiecteth against these three points . And first he trifleth to no purpose , when he asketh , If there bee not as much vnity in a parish vnder one Pastor , as in a diocesse vnder a Bishoppe . For though ech parish , if it were , according to the new conceit , an entire body within it selfe , vnsubordinate to any other , may perhappes haue vnitie within it selfe : yet in the Church of the diocesse or prouince , that may happen ( which Ierome affirmeth is like to happen , where is no Bishoppe ) that there shall bee as many schismes as parishes . And surely what man of iudgement and moderation , can without horrour thinke of those manifold schismes and diuisions which would ensue , if euery parish should haue ( according to the newe conceit ) sufficient authoritie within it selfe vnsubordinate and independent , for the gouernment of it selfe , in all causes ecclesiasticall ? Yea but saith he , If there bee not as great vnitie of the Church in a parish vnder one Pastor , as in a diocesse vnder one Bishoppe , then the more Churches are vnder one gouernement , the greater is the vnitie . But the consequent is false , therefore the antecedent . The consequence of the proposition is true , being not extended without the limits of the question . The more particular Churches in any one visible Church are subordinate to one Bishoppe , the greater is the vnitie . But by one visible Church I meane the Christian people of one diocesse , or of one prouince , or at the most of one Nation . For the Christian people liuing vnder diuers lawes , as they be diuers Nations , so are they diuers visible Churches , though the faithfull in them all are members of one and the same Catholike Church . Let vs heare how he prooueth the assumption . If the more Churches are vnder one gouernment the greater vnitie , then welfare the Pope , who if this be true , maketh vnitie of all Churches in the world . As who should say , all the Churches in the world are vnder the Popes gouernment : so that whiles hee denieth the superiority of Bishoppes , hee seemeth ( else there is no sense in his speech ) to hold the Popes supremacie . If any man shall say , that as the vnity of ech Church dependeth on the singular preeminence of the Bishoppe : so the vnity of the whole Catholicke Church by the same reason shall depend of the Popes supremacy , ( which seemeth to haue beene the Refuters meaning , who desireth as much as may bee that the superioritie of Bishoppes and supremacy of the Pope may seeme to bee of one tenure : ) I answere , that the vnitie of the whole Church standeth in this ; that it is one body , vnder one head Christ. And as in a diocesse , to set vp a second head , is to set vp an Antibishoppe , and to make a schisme from the true Bishoppe : so in the whole Church , to acknowledge a second head , is to set vp Antichrist , and to make an apostasie from Christ. Neither was it euer the meaning of our Sauiour , that as euery particular Church should be vnder one Pastor , so the whole Church should be vnder one visible head , or earthly Monarch . For then would not he haue furnished his twelue Apostles with equall power and authority , as I haue said before . As touching the second , he confesseth all that I said , namely that from the power of ordination the perpetuity of the Church dependeth ; and yet cauilleth with mee , as if either I had said , there could bee no ordination at all without a Bishoppe , or that the Bishop had the sole power thereof . Thus being resolued to wrangle , if he finde not matter to cauill at , he will faine it . I did not say there could be no ordination without a Bishoppe : but that euer since the Apostles times to our age , it hath been the receiued opinion in the Church of God , that the right of ordination of Presbyters and Deacons , is such a peculiar prerogatiue of BB. as that ordinarily and regularly , there could be no lawfull ordination but by a Bishop : otherwise I doe confesse in the sermon , that extraordinarily , and in case of necessity , Presbyters may ordaine in the want of a Bishop . Concerning the third , he saith it is enough to preserue good order in Churches , if iurisdiction be in the ministers and Presbyters . Hee meaneth in the seuerall parishes , which may after a fashion be gouerned , where the supreame ecclesiasticall officer● ( I meane the parish minister ) assisted with such a senate , as ech parish is like to afford , hath the reines of gouernment in all causes ecclesiasticall committed to them . But I pray you , how shall there be any good order in the gouernment of the Churches of a diocesse , or prouince , when euery parish is so according to the new conceipt an entire body of it selfe , ( indeed a member by Schisme rent from the the rest ) as it hath neither consociation with ▪ nor subordination to others ? For they are not gouerned by consociation , who deny the definitiue power of synods , as our new Disciplinarians do ; neither do they acknowledge any subordination : for their Pastor forsooth is the supreme ecclesiasticall officer , and the power of ech parish is independent , immediatly deriued from Christ. Now , how is it possible there should be good order in the gouernment of so many parishes in a Kingdome , where is no subordination ; no superiours , nor inferiours , but all equall ? But this is enough for our Disciplinarians , if they might be subiect to no superiors , but that each of them might be the supreme ecclesiasticall officer in euery Church . ( Serm. sect . 4. pag. 32. As touching the first , whereas there were many Presbyters in one Citie , &c. to pag. 36. l. a fine 8. ) Jn this section I proue , that the Bishops of the primitiue Church were superior to other Ministers in singularity of preeminence for terme of life . Which is a point very materiall , prouing both against the new Disciplinarians , that the BB. were diocesan , there being but one for ech diocesse , as hath been touched before : and against the elder , that the BB. were not such as their Presidents of the Presbytery , or Moderators of assemblies among them , whose preeminence is but a priority of order , and but for a short time , and against both , disprouing the parity of Ministers , which is the other maine piller of the pretended discipline . Here therefore it behoued the Refuter , if his cause were such , as indeed he could maintaine with soundnes of learning , and euidence of truth , both to haue disproued this superiority of BB. and to haue proued his parity of Ministers . But he passeth by in haste , touching only vpon the points , as a dogge by the riuer Nilus , not daring to stay by it ; & yet so brag he is , that he would seem to haste away not for feare , but rather in disdain , as not vouchsafing to waste time in a matter either so impertinēt , as the former part of this section , or so needlesse , as the latter . For this is his vsual guise , to cast off those points of the Sermon , which indeed are most materiall , as impertinent or needlesse . The former is impertinent , because it is not prooued to belong to those seuen Angels , nor within the first two hundred yeeres . Which is a meere euasion , vnlearned , and J greatly doubt also vnconscionable . Doe I not plainely note that these seuen Angels had this singularity of preeminence , when as I say the holy Ghost teacheth , that whereas there were many Presbyters ▪ who also were Angels in euery Church : yet there was but one , who was the Angell of ech Church ? For to his obiection of their not being diocesan Bishops , I haue answered before . And for the time , doe I not affirme , that Timothy had this singularity of preeminence at Ephesus , Titus in Creet , Epaphroditus in Philippi , Archippus at Colosse in the Apostles times ? As for the rest of my witnesses , they doe either testifie de iure , which in their iudgement is perpetuall ; or if they speak de facto , it is of that which was in the Apostles times . Cornelius the worthy martyr , who was Bishop of Rome about the yeere two hundred fifty , auoucheth , that there ought to be but a one Bishop in a Catholike Church , though the number of Presbyters and other clergy men were very great , and imputeth it as a matter of great ignorance to Nouatian , that he did not know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there ought to be but one Bishop in a Catholike Church , wherein he knew there were forty six Presbyters , &c. This testimony is reiected , because it was giuen fifty yeeres after the date : which were but an euasion , if it did testifie de facto onely . But seeing Cornelius speaketh de iure , of what ought to be , I hope that which ought not to haue been in Cornelius his time , was not lawfull before , vnlesse the Refuter can shew , that before Cornelius his time , plurality of Bishops in one Church was counted lawfull . § . 5. The Councell of Nice b ( whose testimonie I also alleaged ) was of this iudgement , that there ought not to bee two Bishoppes in one Citie . For hauing decreed , that when the Catharists , that is , Puritans or Nouatians , returned to the Catholike Church , those who were of the clergy should retaine their degree , as hee that was a Deacon or a Presbyter should so continue , and likewise a Bishoppe ( for euen the Puritanes or Catharists themselues had their Bishoppes ) if there were not another alreadie in the Catholike Church . But if there were a Bishoppe of the Catholike Church alreadie , then it is manifest c before hand , that the Bishoppe of the Church shall haue the honour of the Bishoppe : but hee that was called Bishoppe among the Catharists shall haue the honour of a Presbyter : vnlesse it please the Bishop to communicate vnto him the honour of the name . But if that like him not , he shall finde him out either a Chorepiscopus , that is , a country Bishops , or a Presbyters place , that still he may be retained in the clergy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there may not be two Bishop ▪ in one Citie Which words in Ruffinus d are the tenth Canon : Ne in vna Ciuitate duo sint Episcopi . Augustine also vnderstood , though somewhat too late , that it was forbidden by the Councell of Nice , that there should be any more Bishops in a Church then one . For how soeuer , whiles he was ignorant thereof , he was drawne to take vpon him the B●shopricke of Hippo , whiles Valerius was aliue ; yet when himselfe was old , and desired that Eradius might bee his Coa●●utor , whom also he nominated for his successor ; yet he thought it vnlawfull that whiles himself liued he should be ordanied Bishop Whiles Valerius liued ( saith he e ) I was ordained Bishop , and I sate with him , both of vs being ignorant , that it was forbidden by the Councell of Nice . But what was reprehended in me , shall not be blamed in him . Or as Possidonius speaketh , Quod sibi factum esse doluit ▪ alijs fieri noluit . In the next place , I bring the testimonies of Ierome f , Chrysostome , Ambrose , Theodoret , and Oecumenius on Phil. 1. All which ( I confesse ) liued after the two hundred yeeres : but they testifie , that in the Apostles times there could be no more Bishops then one . And the like hath Primasius on the same place . To all this hee answers , that he will not greatly striue about mens deuices : which no●withstanding he can neuer proue to bee humane ; and I trust the singularity of preeminence in each of these Angels , in Timothy , in Titus , &c. was no humane deuice . But though he will not striue , yet he alleageth that little which hee was able , and that also more then himselfe doth beleeue to be true . For he obiecteth that Epiphanius and Eusebius also in his ecclesiasticall story , reckon both Peter and Paul for Bishops of Rome at one time . Founders they both were of the Church of Rome , as Irenaeus g testifieth , and hauing founded the Church , ordained Linus Bishop : but that either of them both , and much lesse that both at once were Bishops of Rome , the Refuter himselfe doth not beleeue . To what purpose then doth he alleage that which himselfe is perswaded to be false ? Would he haue his Reader beleeue that to be true , which himselfe beleeueth to be vntrue ? That which he quoteth out of Athanasius h that there were diuers Bishops in some one Church , though I cannot finde , it may be true in time of schisme and diuision ; as at Antioch sometimes there were three Bishops , &c. His allegation out of D. Sutcliffe i is very childish : as though when he saith , that Paul ordained in euery Towne or Citie Presbyters and Bishops ; his meaning were , that in euery Citie he placed more Bishops then one . If I should say ; there are Bishops placed in euery Citie or diocesse throughout England , J should speake truly : and yet my meaning would be , that in euery diocesse there is but one . Where I say , that as this singularity of preeminence was ordained for the preseruation of the Church in vnitie , and for the auoiding of schisme ; so is it for the same cause to be retained ; he would seem half amazed , that I , who do not deny other formes of gouernment to be lawfull , pag. 95. and no further hold the episcopall function to be of diuine institution , then as being ordained by the Apostles , it proceeded from God , without implying any necessary perpetuity thereof , pag. 92. should now plainly auouch a necessity of retaining the gouernment of diocesan BB. for the preseruation of the Church in vnity , &c. But the Read●r that fauoreth the Refuters person and cause , hath more cause to be amazed at his dealing . For first , is not this a plaine lie , and a notorious falsification of my words , to say I plainly auouch a necessity of retaining the gouernment of diocesan Bishops , & c ? Where doe J mention or mean that necessity he speaketh of ? Could those words , so is it for the same cause to be retained , no otherwise be expounded , then as implying an absolute necessity ? That is to be retained which is meet , or fit , expedient or conuenient , profitable or needfull to be reteyned . Secondly let the reader remember how oft the refuter hath charged me for saying the Bishops calling to be holden d , iure diuino , implying a perpetuall necessity thereof , and chargeth the doctrine l of my sermon to be in that respect contrary to the lawes of our land , which make the forme of Church gouernment to be alterable by the King ; and yet here acknowledgeth for aduantage , that I holde no such matter . Thirdly let it be obserued , how vnder this pretence of amazement , he shifteth of the testimony of Cyprian , which sitteth so neare to him , and his consorts . But the reader I hope will beare in mind the words off Cyprian m , noting the source of all schismes to be this , when the Bishop , who is but one , and gouerneth the Church , by the proud presumptiō of some is contemned &c. And in the same epistle , you ought to know , saith he , to Pupianus , that the Bishop is in the Church , and the Church in the Bishop , and that whosoeuer are not with the Bishop are not in the Church ; and that they doe flatter themselues in vaine who haue not peace with the Priests of God ( that is the Bishops ) &c. To this purpose Cyprian often writeth . n , Neque enim ali●●de haereses , &c. Neither haue heresies or schismes any other beginning then this , that Gods Priest ( meaning the Bishop ) is not obeied . Neither is one Bishop for the time , nor one Iudge in Christs steed acknowledged , &c. Againe , haec sunt initia haereticorum o , these bee the beginnings of heretikes , these the risings and indeuors of ill minded schismatikes , that they please themselues , and contemne their B. with swelling pride . Sic de ecclesia receditur , thus doe men depart from the Church , &c. And in another place p : Hence doe men rush into heresies and schismes , when they speake euill of Priests , and enuy their Bishops , &c. The Lord open their eies who are faulty in this behalfe , that they may see their sinne , and touch their hearts that they may repent thereof . Out of Ierome , ( who is the onely man among the Fathers , on whose authority the Disciplinarians in this cause doe relie ) I produce three most pregnant testimonies , the first affirming , that q vnlesse this singularitie of preeminence be yeelded to the Bishop , there will be as many schismes as Priests . The second , r that euer since Saint Marks time , the Presbyters hauing elected one , placed him in a higher degree , and called him Bishoppe . The third , that s when some beganne to say , J am of Paul , I of Apollo , ( which was in the Apostles time ) it was decreed by the whole world , that one being chosen from among the Presbyters , should be set ouer the rest in euery Church , vnto whom the care of the whole Church should appertaine . Of these allegations , the first giueth testimony to this superiority de iure : the other two testifying de facto , beare witnesse that it hath been so in and euer since the Apostles times . These testimonies are featly auoided , with a promise to answere them afterwards , when he will say neuer a word to the present , not almost to any purpose . The second part of this section , wherein I prooue against Beza , and the better sort of the Disciplinarians , that the BB. had this singularitie of preeminence , neither for a short time , nor by course , but were elected for terme of life ; this Refuter reiecteth , as not worth the mentioning , hee hath so oft refuted it alreadie . Refuted oft ? I would bee sory that hee should bee able with soundnesse of reason and euidence of truth to refute any one sentence in the Sermon . All the refutation of this point , which hitherto wee haue had , was this : that I charged them with vntruths , that I threaten kindnesse on them , that I had need to be as eloquent as Pericles , if I could perswade that any of them haue said this , when as I haue brought foorth most plaine and euident allegations to this purpose . And although I forbeare to mention Beza , tendering his credit , yet what I heere confuted , is auouched by him in his twenty third chapter of his booke , concerning the degrees of Ministers , chiefly in the 141.142.143 . pages . Now because this point is of great moment , though the Refuter haue tripped ouer it so lightly , like a dog ouer a hot hearth , as if I were afraid to touch it ; I will therefore endeuour to giue the Reader some further satisfaction therein , by adding some other proofes . What antiquity thought of the singularity of Bishops , may appeare first by these two testimonies out of Cyprian and Theodoret. For when Nouatian was ordained a second Bishop in Rome besides Cornelius , some of the Clergy hauing ben before Confessors , who also had consented to him , mooued with repentance , and returning from schisme vnto the Church , confessed their error , saying t , Nos errorem nostrum confitemur , &c. Neith●r are we ignorant that there ought to be one God , one Christ the Lord , whom we haue confessed , one holy Ghost , one Bishop in a Catholike Church . Likewise when Constantius being intreated by the godly Matrons in Rome , gaue consent that Liberius should returne , but withall appointed that hee and Felix should rule the Church in common : the faithfull people deriding that sentence of the Arrian Emperor , with one voice cried , as u Theodoret reporteth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one God , one Christ , one Bishop . After these speeches of the true Christian people adorned with pietie and iustice , Liberius returned , and Felix departed to another Citie , and shortly died . Which came to passe by Gods good prouidence , saith Sozomen * , that the seat of Peter , should not be diffamed as gouerned at once by two rulers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which is a note of dissension , and repugnant to the law ecclesiasticall . 2. And that the adding of a second Bishop was iudged vnlawfull and esteemed as a note of schisme , Cyprian in some other places besides those which before I cited , doth testifie . Writing therfore to the foresaid Confessors , who had ioined with Nouatian x , Granat me , saith he , it greiueth me &c. When I vnderstood that you there against ecclesiasticall order , against the Euangelical law , against the vnity of Catholicke institution , haue thought that another Bishop was to be made , that is to say , which is vngodly , and vnlawfull to be done , that another Church should be instituted , the members of Christrent asunder , the minde and body of the Lords flocke , which is but one , to be torne with schismaticall emulation . And in another place y , Where a Bishop is once lawfully ordained , whosoeuer now will be made Bishop , it is necessarie that he should be put forth of the Church , and that he haue not the Churches ordination , who doth not hold the vnity of the Church . Whosoeuer he be , though he boast much of himselfe , and challenge verie much to himselfe ; he is prophane , he is an aliant , he is out of the Church . And for as much , as after the first Bishop , there cannot be a second , whosoeuer after that one , who ought to be alone , is made , he is not the second , but none at all . Thirdly , the singularitie of preeminence in Bishops , during their life , is proued by their singularitie of succession , both in and since the Apostles times , noted by Irenaeus , Tertullian , Eusebius , and other approued authors , most plainly prouing , that there was but one Bishop at once in the ancient and Apostolicall Churches . Fourthly , what the preeminence and superioritie of Bishops was ouer the Presbyters , and others of the Clergie , appeareth by this , that in good writers they are said the Bishop his Presbyters , the Bishops Deacons , the Bishops clergy . Thus Arius a is said to haue been Alexanders presbyter , Petrus and Irenaus b , Timothe●● c and Macarius d to haue been Athanasius e his Presbyters ; the vicegerents of Siluester , in the councill of Nice were his Presbyters f . Thus g Crispio is said to haue been Epiphaniu● his archdeacon , Heraclides h to haue been Chrysostomes deacon . In a word , all of the Clergie were said to be the Bishops clerks , as in the councill of Africke i : Let no Bishop take anothers clerke , without the consent of him whose clerk he is . The which is a plain argument of the great preeminence which the Bishops of the primitiue Church had ouer the Presbyters , and others of the clergie . To these we will adde the testimonie of Bucer k , against whom the Refuter cannot except , as being partiall for Bishops . By the perpetuall obseruation of the Church , saith he , euen from the Apostles themselues , we see it seemed good to the holie Ghost , that among the Presbyters , to whom the charge of the Church is specially committed , one shold haue the singular charge of the Churches : and in that charge and care gouerned al others ; for which cause the name of Bishop was attributed to these chiefe Gouernors of Churches : Howbeit , without the counsell of the other Presbyters they ought not to determine any thing &c. Thus much of the Preeminence of Bishops . CHAP. IIII. That Bishops were superior in power , and first in the power of ordination . ( Serm. sect . 5. pag. 36. Let vs see if Bishops were not also superiour in power . Hearken to Ierome . The safety of the Church dependeth on the dignitie of the chiefe Priest or Bishop : to whom if there be not yeelded exors & ab omnibus eminens potestas , a peerelesse power , and eminent aboue all , there will be so many Schismes in the Churches , as there be Priests . ) THis testimony is handled by him as Sir Christopher Blunts head was vsed , after his apprehension ; first healed , and then cut off : For first , he explanes the testimonie , and then reiects it . He restraineth Ieromes speech to the Church in his owne time , viz. in the end of the fourth age , saying , That no man can without open violence stretch it further . Which is as vnlearned a shift , as euer was heard of . As though Ierome had spoken onely of that which was in his time , and not of that which in his judgement ought to be . Was it Ieromes judgement , that the superioritie of Bishops was needfull for the auoiding of Schismes in his time onely ? doth he not plainly teach , that the superioritie of Bishops began in the Apostles times , and that at the first they were ordained for auoiding of Shismes ? For the former , doth he not say , that Iames was Bishop of Ierusalem , Timothe of Ephesus , and Titus of Creet ? Doth he not say , that euer since Saint Marks time , there haue been Bishops placed in a superiour degree aboue the Presbytes ? Doth he not call the superioritie of BB. a tradition Apostolicall ? and doth he not say , that it began in the whole world , when diuisions began in the Church , saying , I am of Paul , &c. which was in the Apostles time ? &c. As touching the latter , he saith , indeed that at the first the Churches ( vnder the Apostles , before BB. were ordained ) were gouerned by the common Counsell of Presbyters . But whereas afterwards one was elected , who should be set ouer the rest , In Schismatis remedium factum est , It was prouided as a remedie against Schisme , lest euery man drawing after him , should rend in peeces the Church of Christ. And least we should think , that afterwards to be referred to the times after the Apostles ; he addeth in the next words , Nam & Alexandriae , For euen at Alexandria , euer since Mark the Euangelist ( who died 5. or 6. yeares before Peter , and Paul , and almost 40. yeares before Saint Iohn , ) the Presbyters haue alwaies chosen one , and placed him in a higher degree , and called him Bishop . The like he hath in Titum 1. that when diuisions began in the Church , it was decreed in the whole world , that one should be set ouer the rest , to whom omnis Ecclesiae cura pertineret , & Schismatum semina tollerentur , the care of the whole Church , or all the care of the Church should appertaine , and that the seeds of Schismes might be taken away , or as he speakth afterwards , vt dissensionum plantaria euellerentur ad vnum omnem solicitudinem esse dela●●● ▪ that the first plants or sets of dissensions might be plucked out , the whole care was committed to one . It is most plaine therefore , that in Ieromes judgement , the superioritie of BB. was needfull for the auoiding of Schisme , not onely in his own time , but euen in the Apostles times , when Bishops were first ordained . And as he teacheth , that BB. were instituted for auoiding of Schisme , so his judgement in the place alleaged was , that for the same cause they are necessarily to be reteined : Yea , he saith , Salus Ecclesia , The safetie of the Church dependeth on this dignitie of Bishops , and that vnlesse a peerelesse and supereminent power be giuen vnto them , there would be as many Schismes in the Churches , as there be Priests . But the refuter wants no reasons ( J warrant you ) to restraine Ieromes words to Ieromes time : For , To stretch it to the Apostles times ( saith he ) were to make Ierome a wilde headed 〈◊〉 indeed . Thus Ierome , if he agree not with the conceipts of some giddie heads , shall be judged wild-headed . And why so I pray you ? For three reasons . First , because Ierome in diuers places disputeth , and concludeth that BB. and Presbyters are equall by the word of God. Whereunto I answeare , that this is all which Ierome in this cause saith , that Bishops , and Presbyters are the 〈◊〉 in the Scriptures . His meaning is , that before Bishops were ordained , the names Episcopus & Presbyter were confounded , and the same men were called Presbyters , and Bishops ; which I do not denie . But no wheres he saith , that Bishops and Presbyters were equall : for before BB. were ordained , he could not say that Presbyters and Bishops were equall : he saith they were the same . After Bishops were ordained , which he acknowledgeth to haue been done in the Apostles times , and that by the Apostles , for which cause he calleth their institution , a tradition Apostolicall ; he plainly confesseth , that one , who was chosen from among the Presbyters , and was called the Bishop of the Church , to haue been placed in a higher degree . But hereof we shall haue occasion hereafter to intreat more fully . His second reason : Ierome maketh Heraclas and Dionysius in Alexandria the first authors of aduancing one minister aboue another in power . The words are , Nam & Alexandriae á Marco Euangelista vsque ad Heraclam & Dionysium Episcopos , Presbyteri semper vnum ex se electum in ●●ccelsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant , quo modo si exercitus imperatorem faciat . For euen at Alexandria euer since Mark the Euangelist , vntill the Bishops Heraclas and Dionysius , the Presbyters haue alwaies called one , being chosen out of themselues , and placed him in a higher degree , Bishop ; euen as an armie chooseth their chiefetaine . Which words as so far from giuing the least inckling of the Refuters conceit , that Heraclas and Dionysius should be the first authors of aduancing Bishops , that they plainely declare the Bishops euer from Saint Marks time to Heraclas and Dionysius , to haue been placed in a higher degree aboue the Presbyters , as the generall aboue the souldiours . And truely of the two , T. C. conceit , who collecteth the cleane contrarie to our refuter , hath the better glosse : for , he imagineth , that vntill Heralas , and Dionysius , they who were chosen from among the Presbyters , were called Bishops , but then godly men misliking the appropriating of the name to one in a Church , ceased to call him so . And he might haue added with no lesse colour out of the words , that the Bishops till then had been placed in a higher degree aboue other ministers , but then good men misliking their aduancement aboue their fellow ministers , brought them a peg lower . To these conjectures the words would seeme to them that vnderstand not the right meaning thereof , ( which heretofore I haue declared ) to giue some colour of likelyhood , were it not that the practize of the Church did openly proclaime the contrarie . Wherefore , of all collectors , my Refuter shal beare away the bell : For , he that can collect out of these words , Euer vntill Heraclas and Dionysius , the Bishop was placed in a higher degree , that Heraclas and Dionysius were the first that aduanced the Bishops , needs not doubt to collect , quidlibet , ex quolibet , what himselfe will , out of any thing whatsoeuer . His third reason that Ierome in the same Epistle doth teach the contrarie , is most false : For Ierome plainly confesseth the Bishop to be superiour in the power of ordination , and in the end concludeth , that what Aaron and his sonnes , and the Leuites were in the temple , the same let Bishops Presbyters , and Deacons , challenge to themselues in the Church . The Refuter hauing thus salued this testimonie of Ierome , in the end rejects it : For if this be true , that vnlesse the Bishop haue a peerelesse power , there will be as many Schismes in the Church , as there be Priests ; then by the like reason Bellarmine may argue , if there be not a peerelesse power giuen to the Pope , there will be as many Schismes in the Churches , as there ar Bishops . but this latter consequence is naught : so is the former . Thus Ierome , on whose only authoritie among the ancient , the Disciplinarians in this cause relie , when he speaketh any thing for the BB. his credit is no better with them , then if he had spoken for the Popes supremacie . But this is his desperate malice against the holy calling of Bishops , whereby he seeketh euery where to parallele the Christian superioritie of BB. with the Antichristian supremacy of the Pope . But all in vaine : For though it be true in Ieromes conceit , that if there were no Bishops , there would be as many Schismes almost as Priests ; yet it doth not follow , th●t if there were no Pope , there would bee as many Schismes as Bishops . For first , experience teacheth how to judge of this matter : for vntill the yeare 607. the Pope neuer attained to his supremacie ; and yet the Church was more free from Schismes , before that time , then since , whereas contrariwise , when there were no Bishops for a short season , in the Apostles times , in most of the Churches , euery one of the Presbyters , as Ierome a speaketh , sought to draw Disciples after him : which he supposeth to haue been the occasion of instituting Bishops . Secondly , there is great oddes betweene BB. and the greatest number of Presbyters . One Bishop , say the Fathers of the Africane councill b , may ordaine many Presbyters , but one man fit to be a Bishop is hard to be found . Thirdly , before there was one supreme or vniuersall Bishop , there was vnitie and communion betweene all the Bishops in Christendome , whose course to preserue vnitie in the Churches and to auoid Schisme , was to communicate the confessions of their faith one with an other by their communicatorie , pacificall or formed letters . And if any were in error , they sought first seuerally by their letters to reclaime them ; and if they preuailed not , they assembled in Councils either to reduce them to vnitie , or to depose them . Cyprian saith c , that the Catholike Church is one , not rent into Schismes nor diuided , but euery where knit togither & coharentium sibi inuicem Sacerdotum glutino copulata , and coupled with the glew as it were of Bishops agreeing mutually among themselues . And in another place d , which before hath beene alledged ; Therefore is the bodie of Bishops copious , coupled together with the glew of mutuall concord , and with the bond of vnitie , that if any of our companie shall be authour of an Heresie , & shall endeuour to rend the flocke of Christ , and to make hauocke thereof , the rest may helpe &c. Whereas contrariwise , if there were one supreme and vniuersall Bishop , whose authoritie were greater then of generall Councils , as the Papists teach ; when he doth erre , who should reclame him , when he is exorbitant , who should reduce him into the way , when he shall draw with him innumerable troopes of soules into Hell , who may say vnto him , Domine , cur ita facis ? Syr , why do you so ? And as the Church is to be carefull for auoiding Schisme , and preseruation of itselfe in the vnitie of truth , which may be prouided for , as it was wont , yea , better then it was wont ( where are Christian , and Orthodoxall magistrates ) by the BB. singularitie of preeminence in euery seuerall Church , and mutuall concord of them in the truth : so must it be as carefull to auoid conspiring & consenting in vntruth . But where there is one supreme and vniuersall Bishop , when he erreth and goeth astray , he becommeth as we see in the Papacie , the head of a Catholike Apostasie from Christ. So that this pretended remedie against Schisme , causing a Catholike apostasy , is as much , or more , to be auoided then Schisme it selfe , the remedie being far worse then the feared maladie . ( Serm. sect . 6. pag. 37. This power is twofold , the power of ordination and of iurisdiction , &c. 19. lines to , Titus in Creet . ) Where I place the power wherein Bishops are superior to Presbyters in these two things ; the Reader is to vnderstand , that I mention the principall , and most essentiall : for otherwise , ancient writers mention e other prerogatiues of Bishops , wherein their superioritie doth consist ; as by imposition of hands to confirme them that are baptized , and publickely to reconcile the penitents , to consecrate Churches &c. of some whereof Ierome indeed saith , they did belong ad honorem potius Sacerdotij , quàm ad legis necessitatem , rather to the honor of the Priesthood , then to the necessitie of law . But what saith the Refuter ? Now at the last yet , saith he , ( it seemeth that hee hath been long delaied , or that he hath greatly longed , in hope to do great matters , to deale in this matter of ordination ) let vs see , how it is proued that Bishops must haue sole power of ordination . But where good sir , do I say they must haue the sole power of ordination , which you haue so oft objected , and now againe do repeat ? make you no conscience of publishing vntruthes ? cannot BB. be superior to other ministers in the power of ordination , and jurisdiction , which is the thing which I maintaine , vnlesse they haue the sole power ? or do I heere dispute what Bishops must haue , when I onely shew what the ancient Bishops were wont to haue ? If he shall say , that vnlesse they had the sole power of ordination , they had not the superioritie which our Bishops haue ; I answer , that our BB. haue no more the sole power of ordination , then the ancient Bishops had . And this I added in the Sermon , that although the power of ordination was held in the primitiue Church to be so peculiar to Bishops , as that ordinarilie and regularlie the ordination was not thought lawfull , which was not done by a Bishop : yet it doth not follow , but that extraordinarily , and in case of necessitie , Presbyters might ordaine . Howbeit , I must confesse , I am not able to alleage any approued examples thereof . If the Refuter can , which I do more then doubt of , he shall do well to produce them : it may tend to the credit of some other Churches , it cannot be preiudiciall to the cause which I maintaine Seeing therefore the Refuter doth alter the state of the question , making me to proue that which I did not intend , because he could not answeare that which was propounded : I should neither wrong him , nor the Reader , If I vouchsafed him no further answeare in this point . But in very truth , he is so far from refuting the superioritie of Bishops in the power of ordination which J propounded , that he is not able to disproue their sole power , which himselfe hath foisted into the question . For as touching my first argument ; whereas he frameth for me this consequence , It hath been the receiued opinion in the Church of God , euer since the Apostles times , that the right of ordination of Presbyters , is such a peculiar prerogatiue of Bishops , as that ordinarilie , and regularlie , there could be no ordination , but by a Bishop : therefore BB. haue sole authoritie of ordination , ( he should haue said , therefore they are superiour to other ministers in the power of ordination : ) he passeth by this consequence , though he would faine perswade his Reader , that it is lyable to ( he cannot tell what ) just exception : and only insisteth on the antecedent , which is the assumption of his prolixe syllogisme . But it is worth the hearing , how he doth disproue it . Forsooth It halteth downe right , hauing no strength but from a false supposition ( and so proued to be ) that there were alwaies Diocesan Bishops . Here the Refuter , if he would haue said any thing to satisfie his Reader , should haue produced some approued example of ordination , either in the Apostles times , or since , performed by Presbyters without a Bishop ; whereby he might haue disproued my assertion : but not being able so to doe , he betaketh himselfe to his ordinarie trade of answearing by meere cauillations . He talketh of a supposition , whereon the assumption is grounded ; when as the speech is simple , and categoricall as they speake , and not hypotheticall ; and the effect of his answeare is not the deniall of a supposition , but the taking away of the subiect of the question : as if he should say ; Bishops were not , therefore they had not this power : For where he addeth Diocesan , that is spoken vnseasonably : for the question now is not what their authoritie was extensiuè : whether to a Diocese or not , which in this point is not materiall ; but what it was intensiuè in respect of other ministers . By that starting hole therefore he cannot escape : especially , if it be added , that the supposition is not ( as he vntruely saith ) false : for that errour he will as I hope recant , when he shall haue read , what I haue alledged for the proofe of Dioceses and Diocesan Bishops . And whereas he saith , he hath proued it to be false ; that also is vntrue : for he neuer went about it . Nec ausus est : nec potuit , onely he rejected it in a glorious maner , as being so manifestly false , that he should not need to disproue it . But suppose for a little while , that the refuters , and the rest of the challengers conceit were true , that there were no Bishops but parishionall , and that the Presbyters joyned to them were lay elders : it would then be knowne , when the pastorall charge was voide , who did ordaine the new Bishop or Pastor . You will say , that is alreadie defined . It is one of the maine positions which the great challengers haue offred to prooue , that euery parish hath within it selfe authoritie to elect , ordaine depose , and depriue their Minister : Not that the whole parish doth ordaine , but onely the Presbyterie . Very good : this then is the effect of the new Disciplinarians conceit , that the power of ordination belongeth ordinarily neither to Bishops , nor to other ministers , but to their Presbyterie consisting of lay elders . But if they can proue by any one approued example , that lay elders had euer , or at any time , right to ordaine , or to impose hands , I will yeeld in the whole cause . My second proofe he hath peruerted , proportioning it to his owne strength : for he should haue framed it thus . If the power of ordination were not in the Presbyters of Ephesus and Creet , neither before Timothe and Titus were sent , but in the Apostles ; nor after , but in the Bishops ( that is to say , in Timothe and Titus , and their successors ) ; then the power of ordination is a prerogatiue peculiar to Bishops , wherein they are superior to other ministers . But both the parts of the antecedent are true : therefore the consequent . The former part of the antecedent I prooue by Pauls substituting Timothe at Ephesus , and Titus in Creet , to that end , that they might ordaine elders ; notwithstanding that there were diuerse Presbyters in both those Churches before . Whereto he answereth , that it had been lawfull for the Presbyters , and people to haue ordained : but at the first , they were lesse fit for the purpose , then an Euangelist . That the people sometimes haue had some stroake in election of their Bishops , I do not denie ; but that they euer had any right to ordaine , can neuer be proued . That the Presbyters had right to haue done it , he should haue declared . But what Presbyters doth he speake of ? ministers ? they I trust , if the new conceit be true , were confined ech man to his own parish ; neither might they intermeddle in other parishes , euerie parish hauing sufficient authoritie within it selfe : neither can it be thought , that the Presbyters of latter times should be fit , and that they which were ordained by the Apostles themselues , were not fit for the execution of their power ? assuredly , if it were not fit for them to ordaine , but for Timothe and Titus ; by the same reason , neither is it fit for Presbyters afterwards , but for Bishops , who succeeded Timothe and Titus . Jf he say , the lay Presbyters and the people had right to ordaine ; he must first proue ( which he will neuer be able to doe ) that euer there were such Presbyters ; and then he must proue , that they and the people had right to ordaine ministers : which when he hath performed , he may hope to proue any thing . The latter part of the antecedent , I proue thus : Who were the successors of Timothe and Titus for the gouernment of Ephesus and Creet , to them after their decease was their power of ordination deriued : The Bishops of Ephesus and Creet were the successessours of Timothe and Titus for the gouernment of those Churches , and not Presbyters . Therefore to the BB. and not to the Presbyters , was the power of Ordination deriued . Hereto he answereth that Timothe and Titus , were Euangelists , and not Bishops , and therefore that which followeth , of deriuing their authoritie , to their successors , is meerely idle . Thus no part of my syllogisme is answeared , vnlesse it be the conclusion . But to answeare his reason , whereby he goeth about , 〈◊〉 cl●●● pel●ere : their being Euangelists , whiles they attended the Apostle in his peregrinations , and were not deputed to any one place , doth not hinder , but that they might be and were Bishops , ( as all antiquitie with one consent testifieth ) when they were assigned to certaine Churches . Neither is it greatly materiall , as touching the force of this argument , whether they were Euangelists , or Bishops : seeing the power which they had of ordination and jurisdiction , was not to dye with them ; but to be transmitted to them , who should succeed them in the gouernment of the Church . Now that the Bishops of Ephesus and Creet , and so of all other Churches , did succeed Timothe and Titus , and other Apostolicall men , who were the first gouernors of the Churches ; is a most certaine truth , as the singular succession of Bishops in those Churches from the Apostles times , doth ineuitably euince . But hereof I shall haue better occasion hereafter to speake . Now that the Presbyters were not their successors , it is euident : for they had the selfesame authoritie ( and no greater ) vnder the Bishops , who were successors to Timothe and Titus , which before they had vnder them . For they which had no other authoritie after them , then they had vnder them , could not be their successors . ( Serm Sect. 7. p. 37. They obiect 1. Tim. 4.14 Neglect not the gift which is in thee , which was giuen thee by imposition of hands of the Presbytery &c. to ex authoritate pag. 39. ) MY answere to this testimony out of 1. Tim. 4. is , That howsoeuer the Presbyterians doe vpon this place especially build the authoritie of their pretended Presbyteries , yet this text maketh not for them . That it maketh not for them , I proue by this reason . If there be but two expositions which are giuen of the word Presbyterie , neither whereof doth fauour their presbyteries ; then the authoritie of their Presbyteries cannot be concluded out of this place . But neither of the two expositions do fauour their Presbyteries : Therefore their authoritie cannot be concluded hence . The exceptions which he taketh against this answere are very friuolous . As first , that how many expositions soeuer any text in the conceit of men may admit , the holy ghost except by way of allegorie intendeth but one . Be it so : but yet there may be question , which of the diuerse expositions which be giuen , is the sense of the holy Ghost : vnlesse that must needs be alwaies the meaning of the holy Ghost , which the refuter fancieth . For my part , I did not take vpon me to determine , whether sense is the more likely : Jt was sufficient for me , that whereas there be but these two expositions which are or can be giuen , neither of both maketh for the pretended Presbyteries . His first exception therefore is to no purpose . Now that the former exposition vnderstanding by Presbyterium the Priest-hood or office of a Presbyter , maketh nothing for their Presbyteries , it is more then euident . And that this exposition , which so plainly defeateth their Presbyteries , is very probable ; I shewe first , because the word is in that sense oft vsed , though not in the new testament , yet in greeke writers of the Church . It suffiseth the Refuter , that it is not vsed in that sense in any other place of Scripture : and yet himselfe saying that the word is no wheres else vsed in all the Scriptures , doth as much prejudge his own exposition , as this . How be it I do not deny , but the worde is else where vsed in the Scriptures ; onely this I say , that there is no other place , wherein it can be drawne to signifie the Christian Presbyterie , meaning either the company of Presbyters , or the office of a Presbyter . This then being the onely place where it is so vsed , we must not expect parallele places in the Scripture to confirme either sense . Secondly I shew that this may be the sense , because not onely diuerse in former times as Ierome , Primasius , Anselmus , Haymo , Lyra , but Caluin also doe so expound it . To this his answere is worse then friuolous , that though these writers doe so expound it , yet Doctor Bilson doth not say that therefore it may be so vnderstood . And why so I pray you ? because he confesseth that Chrysostome , Theodoret and other Graecians expound it of the persons which did ordaine , not of the function whereto Timothe was ordained . Doth not Doctor Bilson say it may be so vnderstood , when more then once he mentioneth it as one of the receiued expositions of that place , approued by Caluin himselfe the chiefe patron ( for I must not say founder ) of the Presbyterian Discipline ? neither doth his relating of Chrysostomes exposition proue that he rejecteth the other ; no more , then his alledging of Ieromes interpretation doth argue , that he refuseth that of Chrysostomes : but reciting both a indifferently he referreth it to the Readers choise whither to embrace . But let vs heare how the Refuter confuteth this interpretation . The exposition of Ierome , Primasius , Anselme ; Haymo is not to be rested vpon ; because where Paul saith the grace giuen by Prophecie , they say , the grace of Prophecie , plainely mistaking the Apostle : as who should say , because they mistooke the meaning of the word Prophecie , therefore they erred in expounding the word Presbyterie , by which reason we may argue that hee which mistaketh some one thing , vnderstadeth nothing aright . What if the refuter himselfe doth mistake ? for it is not all one to say the gift giuen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Prophecie , and according to former Prophecies , as he expoundeth it . But by Prophecie , is , by the Reuelation and Direction of the holy Ghost ; whereby the Bishops , who were ordained by the Apostles , were designed and chosen . But what if they did not mistake ? might not they meane by the gift of Prophecie , the gift which was giuen by Prophecie ? yea , was not the gift of Prophecying , and preaching aright , which Paul exhorteth him not to neglect ( for he continueth the exhortation begun in the words going before b attend to reading , exhortation and Doctrine ) the gift which was giuen him by Prophecie at his ordination ? Certes , Bullinger thinketh the words may so be vnderstood . Donū quod tibi delegatū est ad prophet andum . and this is all which Ierome saith , Prophetiae gratiam habebat tum ordinatione Episcopatus . But what if some of them did not call it the grace of Prophecie ? Anselmus hath no such words , but calleth it gratiam Episcopalis of●icij , which by prophecie was giuen him at his ordination . But be it , that their exposition were not to be rested in , because of their other mistaking ; what is this to Lyras and Caluins exposition , which is the same ? What more ? The three last , Anselmus , Haymo , and Lyra follow Ierome hand ouer head : For though they expound the word of the office , yet they reade it not Presbyterij , but Presbyteri . But was not this exception taken hand ouer head , and at all aduentures ? did not Anselmus read Presbyterij ? let his owne words testifie : For first , he readeth Pauls words thus : Quae gr●tia est data tibi per propheliam , cum impositione manuum Presbyterij ; and then expoundeth them after this manner c : He speaketh of that imposition of hands , which was vsed at his ordination ; which imposition of hands was Presbyterij , of the Presbyterie , or Priesthood ; and then giueth two reasons of the word , either because by this imposition he receiued the Presbyterie , that is the office of a Bishop ; for a Bishop is often called Presbyter by the Apostles , and likewise a Presbyter is called a Bishop : or because it was the imposition of the hands of a Presbyter , that is Paul d , who imposed hands vpon him : for so Peter and Iohn call themselues in their Epistles . So that he readeth Presbyterij ; though in one of his explanations he expoundeth it , as if the Apostle by Presbyterij , did meane Presbyteri . The ordinarie glosse indeed readeth Presbyteri , but so doth not Lyra : For expounding the word , he saith , Est autem Presbyterium , the Presbyterie is the dignitie or office of a Presbyter , & accipitur hic Presbyterium pro Episcopatu and Presbyterie or Priesthood here is taken for the office of a Bishop . Thus you see how faithfully he hath dealt with these authors . It may be he will deale more truelie with Caluin . For wheras I alleage his iudgemēt in his Institutions , vnderstanding Paul , not as if he spake of the Colledge of Seniors , but of the ordination it self : as if he had said ; Endeuour that the grace which by imposition of hands thou didst receiue when I made thee Presbyter , be not in vaine : he saith thus , that Caluin in his former writings , leaued to that sense of the word , I deny not : but in his latter times , and namely in his Commentary on that place , though he say that exposition is not much e amisse , yet hee affirmeth , that they which vnderstand it of the Colledge of Presbyters , in his iudgement thinke rightly of it . Which answere consisteth of forged cauillations . For first he would make the Reader beleeue , that Caluins iudgement in his Institutions , is the opinion of his younger head , and that his iudgement in his Commentary is to be preferred , as proceeding from riper yeeres . It would therefore first be knowne , whether that edition of his Institutions , which I alleaged set forth by himselfe , or his Commentaries on the Epistle to Timothy , be the latter . Is it not euident that he wrote that Cōmentary in King Edwards time , whiles the Duke of Somerset was liuing ? Whereas that edition of his Institutions , was set forth by him in the time of Queene Elizabeth . Againe , where Caluins iudgement seemeth to vary , who doubteth but that is to be esteemed his setled iudgement wherein he rested , which is set downe in the Jnstitutions , whereunto himselfe doth referre his Reader for this purpose : being indeed a most accurate and elaborate worke , often reuiewed , and polished by him ? And therefore though the first draught of his Institutions was made in his younger daies , which in processe of time he did by little and little bring to perfection ; yet the last edition much differing from the first , is as it were his last resolution , for those things which are contained therein . Whereas therefore of the two senses , which in his Commentaries he giueth of the word Presbytery , misliking neither , he maketh choice in his Institutions of that which vnderstandeth the office , and plainely reiecteth the other , which thereby vnderstandeth the Colledge of Presbyters , and that to proue , that sometimes no more then one did impose hands , which hee confirmeth by the Apostles owne testimony , who saith , that himselfe and no more did impose hands on Timothy , and that the grace which was giuen him , was by the imposition of Pauls hands , it cannot be denied , that Caluins iudgement wherein he rested , was , that by the Presbytery , not the Colledge , but the office is meant . But leauing other men , Refuter the is pleased to appeale to my conscience , and to appose me what gouerneth the genuine case , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Presbytery . I answere , first , that it may be gouerned of the word gift , which trai●ction of words , the learned tongues doe better beare then the English , which for the most part disposeth words according to the construction : and yet the English will beare it well enough , if the words betweene 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gift , and Presbytery , be inclosed in a parenthesis . Neglect not the gift which was in thee ( which was giuen thee by prophecie , with imposition of hands ) of priesthood or Presbytery . But indeed Ierome , Anselme , and Caluin , and the rest , to whom I adde Erasmus , vnderstand it as gouerned of the words next going before , without any traiection , with imposition of hands , that is ordination of priesthood , ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is all one euen in the iudgement of the Refuter ) that is , when thou wast ordained Presbyter . So saith Ierome , Cum ordinations episcopatus , when thou wert ordained Bishoppe . Anselme ; This imposition was presbyterij , of the priesthood , because by this imposition of hands ( meaning ordination ) hee receiued the Presbytery , that is the office of a Bishop . I vnderstand , saith Caluin , the ordination it selfe : as if he should say ; the grace which by imposition of hands thou d●st receiue , when I made thee Presbyter . Calum therefore vnderstandeth it to be gouerned , as if it were said , Cum ordinatione Presbyteratus . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth either the Senate or company of Presbyters , which in Latine we call Presbyterium , or the office , degree , and order of a Presbyter , which we call Presbyteratus . Yea but the Refuter will shew the absurdity of this interpretation , by laying downe the order of the words in the Greeke : and yet varieth not at all from the order which I myselfe set downe . But this is but to please the simple . For he might as well require the words in Greeke and Latine , to be set downe in the order of construction , as to make the order of words in Greeke and Latine sentences to be answerable to the English. Howbeit , this exception is against his owne conceit , of the traiection of the words ; it toucheth not the exposition of Ierome , Caluin , and the rest , which is without traiection . In his conclusion , where he bids me forbeare to bleare the eyes of the Readers with an exposition against reason , and mine owne conscience ; he wrongeth me egregiously , and not me alone , but all the Authors whom I alleaged . For first , I did not deliuer this as my exposition , but faithfully recited the interpretation giuen by these Authors . Secondly , if I had rested in this interpretation , as I did not , ( though I see no reason why I may not ) why should it be counted against reason , and against cōscience in me , which I receiued from so approued Authors ? But what a contumely is this to Ierome , Caluin , and the rest , whose exposition it is , warranted by the testimony of Paul , to say , they bleare the eies of their Readers with an exposition against reason , and their owne conscience ? I wish the Refuter , vnlesse his iudgement were better , to forbeare to condemne other mens expositions , as void of reason : and vnlesse his knowledge were greater , not to measure other mens conscience by his owne . For that which is against his conscience , as not being within the compasse of his science may bee agreeable to the science , and consceince of them , who haue more knowledge and better iudgements . But if he would needs censure Caluins exposition as void of reason , why did he not answere Caluins reason , grounded on the authority of Saint Paul ? For if Timothy were ordained by a Presbytery ▪ then vndoubtedly by more then one ; But Paul ( saith Caluin a ) in another place saith , that he , and not any more imposed hands on Timothy : 2. Tim 1 6. And so much might suffice for the former exposition , sauing that by way of aduantage , something is to bee added out of Erasmus b ; who also vnderstanding the word Presbytery , of the office , giueth notwithstanding another sense : This Paul saith , Thou hast not onely the gift of prophecie , but also the efficacie by imposition of hands , to giue the spirit also to others , and that by the office of thy priesthood , namely , as thou art Bishop . And to this interpretation hee was led by force of the Greeke preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth with , not as an instrument , but as a companion . And this may seeme to haue been c Ambrose his iudgement also , that Paul gratiam dari ordinatoris significat , signifieth the grace of an ordainer to be giuē . Which sense if we follow , this place maketh wholly for the Bishops authority in ordaining , this being the sense of the Apostle , that Timothy had receiued the gift of the ministery together with power to impose hands on others , by vertue of his office , as he was Bishop . The latter exposition is of them , who vnderstand the word Presbytery , collectiuè , for a Senate or company of men . In which sense , though the word receiueth from diuers learned men , a threefold interpretation ; yet in none doth it either fauour the Disciplinarians Presbytery , or preiudge the superiority of Bishoppes in the power of ordination . For some by Presbytery , vnderstand the Apostle , as speaking of himselfe by a synecdoche , led thereunto by the Apostles testimony in the place d before cited , where he exhorteth Timothy to stirre vp the grace which was in him by imposition , saith he , of my hands . And this is one of Anselmus his expositions , with whom Dionysius Carthus . agreeth , ioining both his expositions in one : Manuum Presbyterij , saith he , i. manuum meaerum , that is , of my hands who did ordaine the● Bishop . By which imposition , the Presbytery or priesthood was conferred vpon thee . So that in their iudgement ( wherewith Caluin also agreeth ) none but Paul did impose hands in the ordination of Timothy . The second interpretation is of the Greeke Fathers , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophylact , and Oecumenous , who expounding the word collectiuè , doe vnderstand a senate or company of Apostles and Apostolicall men , who were either Bishops , or more then Bishops . Chrysostomes words be these e , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Presbytery : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Hee doth not speake here of Presbyters , but of Bishops : for surely Presbyters did not ordaine a Bishop . Oecumenium f hath the like words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theophylact g ; Of the Presbytery , that is , of Bishoppes . Theodoret h ; He calleth them here the Presbytery , who had receiued Apostolicall grace . Neither doth any Writer that I know of , before our age , vnderstanding the word collectiuè , for a company , expound it otherwise : but conceiuing Timothy to haue been ordained Bishoppe by the company of Apostolicall men , who either were Bishoppes , or more then Bishoppes . Now we doe not deny , but that diuers Bishops are to concurre in the ordination of a Bishop . But that hindereth not , but that Presbyters and Deacons may be ordained by one . So are wee taught in the two first canons i called Apostolicall . Let a Bishop be ordained of two or three Bishoppes . Let a Presbyter be ordained by one Bishoppe , likewise a Deacon and the rest of the clergy . This exposition therefore defeating their pretended Presbytery , is so farre from derogating from the superiority of BB. in ordaining , as that it plainly prooueth it , because the ordination of BB. wherewith Presbyters haue nothing to doe , belongeth to BB. The third exposition is of Beza , and some other new Writers , who by Presbytery , vnderstand the order of Presbyters . By which name , saith Beza k , that whole company is signified , which did labour in the word in that Church , where this was done . Neither will I reiect this exposition , though it be new , being vnderstood of Timothy , his ordination to be a Presbyter ; so that they will not deny that which Paul affirmeth , that himselfe was so principall a man in this company , as that hee doubteth not to say , that the grace which was giuen by the imposition of hands of the Presbytery l , was giuen by the imposition of m his hands . Which sheweth , that if any Presbyters did ioyne with Paul , it was no otherwise then as they vse to doe with BB. by the Canon n of the fourth Councell of Carthage , and by the discipline and order o of our Church . And this answereth the first thing which the Refuter inferreth vpon this exposition , that if Presbytery signifie a companie of seniors , as it must ( for J tell you his word must stand for law ) then it will follow that the power of ordination was not in one mans hand alone . For though that alone bee of his owne adding , yet it is plaine , that Paul and antient BB. had this power as much alone , as our Bishoppes . Where I say , this place maketh nothing either for their parish Presbyteries , or lay Presbyteries whatsoeuer , hee saith , It skilleth not now what Presbytery this was . Belike then it skilleth not , what becommeth of the maine pillar of your Discipline , so you can make any poore shift to maintaine the point which presently is in hand . But if this be the onely place of scripture , which mentioneth a Christian Presbytery , on which also the Disciplinarians do principally build the authority of their pretended Presbyteries , it maketh not a little ( me thinks ) for the iustifying of our cause , that it maketh not at all for their Presbyteries ; which ( by the confession p of Caluin ) haue no right to impose hands . Neither can it bee denied , but that it is sacrilegious vsurpation , and horrible intrusion vpon the right of the Ministery , if lay men shalt take vpon them to ordaine by imposition of hands . Besides , it skilleth something , that the Greeke Fathers vnderstand by Presbytery , a company of Bishops : which , as it proueth the Prerogatiue of BB. in the ordaining of BB. so doth it not impeach their superioritie in ordaining Ministers . And where hee maketh 〈◊〉 say , they were no Presbyters ; hee mistaketh the matter , vnlesse hee vnderstand meere , or onely-Presbyters . For BB and Apostolicall men , yea the Apostles themselues were Presbyters , and so call themselues ; but they were not bare , or onely-Presbyters , as those bee which are not Bishops . But if they were not Presbyters , saith he , then was the Apostle to blame to call them so . If the word bee vnderstood collectiuè , hee calleth the company of them which imposed hands on Timothy , the Presbytery . And forasmuch as not onely inferior Ministers , but Bishops and Apostles are called Presbyters , it being a common name to all Ministers of the word and sacraments , it should not seeme strange that a company or senate of Bishops , or Apostolicall men , should be called a Presbytery . Now that they were not meere Presbyters , the Fathers proue : Because Presbyters might not ordaine a Bishop : neque enim fas erat , saith Ambrose q , nec licebat , vt inferior ordinaret maiorem . Neither was Timothy any , saith he . Bluntly and peremptorilie spoken . But the Fathers that before I mentioned , take it for granted : and it is the generall consent of all the antient Fathers , as wee shall heare ; the authoritie of some one whereof , in a matter of fact , ought to ouerweigh the whole nation of Disciplinarians contradicting the same . In fine , distrusting this burrough , hee flieth to his old starting hole , out of which hee hath beene so often ferretted : that the Fathers spake onely of their owne times , which is nothing to the ordaining of Ministers in the Apostles times , almost foure hundred yeeres before them . The absurdity of which euasion , the Reader may easily discerne , if hee will but call to minde what were the Greeke . Fathers wordes before cited , and vpon what occasion they were vttered . Hee speaketh here , saith Chrysostome and Occumenius , not of Presbyters but of Bishoppes . For Presbyters did not ordaine Bishoppes . Is it not most plaine , that they speake of the Apostles time ? And were it not absurd to vnderstand them thus , Paul by the Presbytery which ordained Timothy , vnderstandeth Bishoppes , and not Presbyters ; because howsoeuer in those times Presbyters might ordaine , yet in our times they cannot ? But let me aske the Refuter this question : Seeing it is agreed vpon by all , that Paul here speaketh of Timothy his ordination : to what function hee thinketh he was ordained ? If to be a Presbyter , or Pastor , as Caluin saith , or to be a Bishoppe , as all the Fathers acknowledge , then was hee not onely ordained to an ordinary function in the Church , but also assigned to a particular Church , whereof hee was made Pastor , as Caluin speaketh , or Bishoppe , as the Fathers affirme . But that his last ordination , whereof the Apostle speaketh , was not to the degree of a Presbyter , but of a Bishoppe , appeareth by the whole Epistle ; wherein his singularity of preeminence ouer Presbyters , and superiority in power both for ordination and iurisdiction , is presupposed . If he say , that he was ordained to be an Euangelist , to omit the singularity & the nouelty of the conceit ; it would be knowne what Presbytery this was , that imposed hands on Timothy . Had the Presbytery of any parish ( such as our Disciplinarians dreame of , consisting for the most part of laymen ) or the Presbytery of any particular Church , though consisting wholly of Ministers , authority by imposition of hands to ordaine an extraordinary function , and that to be exercised in other parts of the world , where themselues had nothing to doe ? ( Serm. sect . 8. page 39. Yea but the Councell of Carthage ( say they ) committeth authority of imposing hands to Presbyters , &c. to the end of page 44 ) Here the Refuter meaning to make short worke , hauing little to say , hath made a long section , which he might better haue diuided into three . For three diuers things are heere performed . The first , an answere to the obiection our of the fourth Councell of Carthage . The second , a new supply of proofes for the superiority of BB. in the power of ordination . Thirdly a preuention of popish cauils , in fauor of some reformed Churches , where the Presbyterian discipline is established . As touching the first , the Refuter saith , that canon may serue to shew , that the Fathers of this Councell thought it not fit , no not to leaue ordination to the Bishop alone . But because he perceiueth , by that which I answered , that that Canon , though greatly vrged by the Disciplinarians , maketh nothing against the superiority of BB. in ordaining , and that it agreeth with the discipline of our Church , and consequently conuicteth him of vntrue dealing : ( seeing he ●udgeth , that BB. by that canon haue not sole authority of ordaining , and yet will make his Reader beleeue , that I defend their sole power of ordaining : which by the discipline of our Church , is no more sole in our BB. then it was by that canon in the BB. of Africke : ) for thes● causes , I say , he refuseth to vrge this canon : though hee pretend , hee will neither trouble the Reader , nor himselfe about the examining of it ; because , forsooth , it commeth not neere the time in question . Perhaps his conscience told him , that he knew of no testimony nor example of the Presbyters concurrence with the B. in ordination , before that time : and that in the foresaid Councell , their assistance to the B. in ordaining , was first ordained : which if it did , as worthily it might , then had he no reason to vrge that canon to proue the practise of the Church in the first two hundred yeeres in a particular , which by that canon was first appointed . Hauing thus remoued their two maine obiections which stood in my way , I proceeded in the proofe of my former assertion , that the right of ordination was in the iudgement of the antient Church appropriated to BB. As first , that the Councels and Fathers speake of the ordainer as of one , and consequently presuppose the right of ordaining to bee in one , which I proued by foure testimonies . This reason , because the Refuter did not well see how to answere , he passeth by it , as if hee had not seene it . To make it therefore more conspicuous , I will inlarge it ; affirming , that both Scriptures , Councels , and Fathers speake of the ordainer as of one . Timothy was ordained by the imposition of Pauls a hands . Paul left Titus b in Creet , that he should ordaine Presbyters , and chargeth Timothy c that he should not lay hands hastily on any man , &c. The Canon d called the Apostles , appointeth that a Presbyter , and so a Deacon , be ordained of one . The Councell of Antioch e acknowledgeth euery Bishop within his owne diocesse , to haue authority to ordaine Presbyters and Deacons . The Councell of Africke f : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one Bishop may ordaine many Presbyters . The Councell of Hispalis g or Ciuill ; A Bishop alone may giue to Priests and Deacons their honour . Chrysostome h describeth the Bishop by this property , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that is to ordaine vs. The people of Hippo i wanting a Presbyter , lay hold on Augustine , and as it was wont to be done , bring him to Valerius the Bishop , desiring him to ordaine him . To these adde the penaltie inflicted vpon the B. alone , when any ordination was irregular . Sozomen k reporteth , that Elpidius , Eustathius , Basilius of Ancyra , Eleusius , among other faults obiected against them , were deposed , because euery of them had ordained contrary to law . The afore●aid Councell of Carthage decreeth , l that if a B. wittingly ordain a penitent , he shall be depriued of the power of his Bishoprick , at least from the power of ordaining . And to the like penalty doth it subiect a Bishop , who shall ordaine such a one , as hath married her that is diuorced , &c. But you shall neuer reade , that the Presbyters were foūd fault with for vnlawfull ordinations , vnlesse that any of them did encroach vpon the Bishops right in ordaining : which is a plaine euidence , that the power of ordaining was in the B. and not in the Presbyters . When Epiphanius being at Constantinople m ordained a Deacon , he was blamed as offending against the Canons , not because hee wanted the presence of his Presbytery , but because hee did it in Chrysostomes diocesse . Secondly , that the power of ordination was peculiar to the Bishop in the iudgement of the Fathers , J proue first by the authority of Councels : then , by the testimonies of Epiphanius and Ierome . To the former he answereth ; It is to no purpose to meddle with these allegations out of the Councels , which were well nigh three hundred yeeres after the Apostles times , and some of them such , as deserue neither imitation , nor approbation . Here let the Christian Reader iudge what credit he deserueth , that so contemptuously shaketh off the authority of antient Councels , euen the second among the foure antient generall Councels , which are and haue been from time to time receiued in the Church n , as it were foure Gospels . But let vs examine the particulars , & consider whether they deserued to be so lightly reiected . The first testimony was taken out of an Epistle o written by the Presbyters and Deacons of Mareot , in the behalfe of Athanasius the Great , their Bishop , who was accused , for that by his appointment Macarius had disturbed one Ischyras , a pretended Presbyter in the administration of the Communion , and had broken the sacred cup. They testifie these things to be false , and among the rest they deny , that Ischyras was a Presbyter , because hee was ordained of Colluthus , the Presbyter , who was but an imaginary , or p phantasticall Bishop ; and afterwards by a generall Councell q , to wit , by Osius and the BB. who were with him , commanded to remaine a Presbyter , as he had been before . For which cause , all that were ordained of Colluthus , among whom was Ischyras , returned to their former place and order . The like is testified by the Synod of Alexandria r , which denieth that Ischyras could be ordained Presbyter by Colluthus , seeing Colluthus himselfe died a Presbyter , and all his ordinations were reuersed , and all s that were ordained by him were held as lay men . Hereunto we may adde another most pregnant testimony , expressed in the acts of the same generall Councell of Sardica t , wherein it was decreed , that forsomuch as Musaeus and Eutychianus were not ordained Bishops , that therfore such Clerks as they had ordained should be held as lay men . My second testimony is out of the second generall Councell u , concerning Maximus , who being by birth an Alexandrian , & by profession a Cynick Philosopher , before hee was conuerted to Christianity , and receiued into the Clergy by Gregory the Diuine , against whom he ambitiously sought the Bishopricke of Constantinople , bribing the BB. of Egypt : Who being come to Constantinople , and excluded out of the Church , went into a certaine minstrels house , and there vnlawfully chose Maximus the Cynick to be Bishop of Constantinople . The generall Councell therefore assembled at Constantinople , determineth thus concerning Maximus ; that he neither was , nor is a Bishop , neither * they Clerks who had been ordained by him , in what degree so euer of the Clergy . And to this I will adioyne another testimony out of the fourth generall Councell g , where Bassianus who had been Bishop of Ephesus , and now sought to recouer it , alleaged for himselfe , that if he were not Bishop , then were not they clerks which had been ordained by him . Neither were ordinary Presbyters alone forbidden to ordaine , but Chorepiscopi also , that is , country BB. sometimes were restrained , and sometimes forbidden altogether to ordaine Presbyters and Deacons . Restrained , whiles there were such as had receiued episcopall ordination , that they might not ordaine without the leaue of the Bishop of the Citie , whereunto both the Chorepiscopus himselfe , and his Country is subiect . Forbidden altogether , when they ceased to haue episcopall ordination , and were ordained , as other Presbyters by the B. of the Citie alone . It seeemeth to me , that Chorepiscopi , vntill the Councel of Antioch , had sometimes episcopall ordination , being ordained by two or three Bishops . And therefore to the Councell of Neocaesaria , and Nice , they subscribed among other BB But forasmuch as they being but ( for matters of lesse importance ) vicegerents in the Country to the Bishop of the diocesse , whose seat was in the Citie , being after the maner y of the seuenty disciples , Presbyters rather then BB. did incroach vpon the Bishoppes rights and prerogatiues , not knowing their owne measure ; therefore they were restrained , as in other matters of importance : so in ordinations , to doe nothing without the leaue of the Bishop . Thus the ancient z Councill of Ancyra determined ; That it was not lawfull a , that Countrie Bishops should ordaine Presbyters , or Deacons , vnlesse b they had leaue granted vnto them by the Bishop , with his letters : for so Theod. Balsam . expoundeth that Canon ; the Fathers of this Synode determine , that the Countrie Bishop may not ordaine Presbyters or Deacons , without the letters of the Bishop . The Councill of Antioch thus c : It seemeth good to the holy Synode , that those which are placed in villages , and countrey Townes called Countrey-Bishops d , although they haue receiued the ordination of BB. should know their owne measures , and administer the Churches subiect to them , and content themselues with the charge and care of them , and to ordaine Readers , Subdeacons , and Exorcists , and to content themselues with preferring of them . But that they should e not presume to ordaine a Presbyter or a Deacon without the Bishop in the citie , whereunto both himselfe and his countrey is subiect . If any shall dare to transgresse this definition , he shall be deposed from that honour which he hath ; and that the countrie Bishop should be made of the B. in the citie , wherto he is subiect . Which last clause ( as I suppose ) was added , to take from them that colourable pretence , whereupon they had presumed before to ordaine Presbyters , and Deacons ; viz. because they had Episcopall ordination by the Metropolitane , and two or three other BB. To preuent this , the Councill decreeth , that from that time forward , they should be ordained , not as other BB. by the Metropolitane , and two , or three other Bishops ; but as other Presbyters , by the Bishop of the citie : and so hauing not so much as an Episcopall ordination , to make them ( as they were before ) titular Bishops , they might acknowledge themselues to haue no right of ordination of Presbyters , and Deacons . Harmenopulus f in his abridgement of the Canons , setteth this downe as the summe of both these Canons , 13. Ancyr . and 10. Antioch . Let not a Countrey Bishop ordaine a Presbyter or Deacon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the licence of the Bishop . To the like purpose the Councill of Laodicea g determined , that Bishops may not be ordained in villages , and Countrey townes , h but visiters : and that those which were before ordained , may do nothing i without the consent of the Bishop in the citie . By these two Councils therefore , as Episcopall ordination for the time to come was denied to the Countrey Bishops , so also power of ordaining Presbyters , and Deacons . To the same purpose I quoted k Damasus , and Leo , who proue , that Chorepiscopi were not indeed Bishops , but Presbyters ; and therefore had no right to ordaine Presbyters , and Deacons . Chorepiscopi , saith , Leo , l according to the Canons of Neocaesaria , and decrees of other Fathers , are the same with Presbyters , bearing the figure of the sonnes of Aaron , and being after the maner of the 70. Disciples . And although in respect of the ministerie they haue a common dispensation with Bishops , notwithstanding some things are forbidden them by the authoritie of the old law , some of the new , and by Ecclesiasticall Canons , as the consecration of Presbyters , and Deacons , &c. And to his sentence the Councill of m Hispalis subscribed . Basil likewise plainely signified to the Chorepiscopi , that if any without his appointment were receiued into the ministerie , he should bee held for a lay man. These testimonies plainely euince , that in the primitiue Church the power of ordination was so in Bishops ; as that either themselues did ordaine , or if this power were communicated to others , it was by leaue and permission from them . And little reason had the refuter so lightly to esteeme these testimonies , as being vnder age . For vnlesse he be able to shew , that in the first 200. yeares the Presbyters either had de iure the power to ordaine , or that de facto they did vse to ordaine , which he will neuer be able to shew ; the worst of these testimonies for the Bishops , is of more worth then all that he shall be able to say against them . Let him produce , if he can , any one testimony of Scripture , any one sentence out of Councils , Histories or Fathers , prouing that Presbyters without a Bishop had right to ordaine , and I will yeeld to him . But he doth not goe about by sound learning and euidence of truth to refell my assertions , which indeed he cannot doe ; but by vnlearned shifts , and sophistiall cauillations , to elude them , as he can ; either not doubting , but such refutations would serue his turne to reteine the people in their preconceiued alienation from Bishops , or else hoping , that J would not vouchsafe him an answere . But to returne to my proofes : For one there remaineth yet out of the Councils ; shewing , that in ancient times , they were so far from permitting Presbyters without a Bishop to ordaine , that n when as a certaine Bishop in the ordination of one Presbyter and two Deacons vsed only the help of a Presbyter to reade the words of consecration , and to blesse them , himself laying on his hands , but being not able for the paine of his eies to reade ; the Councill of Hispalis reuersed the ordination , as vnlawfull . This is the Councill , which the refuter judged to deserue neither imitation , nor approbation : by which censure of this one , though he durst not giue it of any of the forenamed Councils ; yet it being indefinitely propounded , he discrediteth the rest with the vnlearned , who are not able to distinguish . But let vs heare more particularly his graue censure of this Councill ; What a toy was it for the Councill of Ciuill in Spaine , to reuerse the ordination &c. What a boy is this ( might these Fathers say ) that presumeth thus to censure vs ? was not Isidor the Archbishop of Ciuill , the president of this Councill , and author of these Canons , one of the most learned writers which haue beene in the Church within this 1000. yeares o with whom this Refuter for learning is not to be named the same day ? was not this Council held against the Heretickes called Acephali , & did it not learnedly and judiciously confute them ? did these graue fathers toy , when by graue censures they sought to preserue the discipline , and canons of the Church , to maintaine the lawfull authoritie of BB. and to preuent the presumptuous vsurpation of Presbyters , contrarie to the Canons of the Church ? had not the ancient councill of Orenge p decreed , That if any Bishop should by any infirmitie or weaknesse , either fall into the dulnesse of his senses ( as this Bishop did ) or loose the facultie of speech , he should not suffer Presbyters ( as this Bishop also did ) vnder his presence , to do those things which are not done , but by Bishops ; but that he should call for a Bishop , to whom he may commit that which is to be done in the Church ? But if we must talke of toyes , what a toy was this , that ( all these things which I haue alleaged , being duely considered ) diuers of our disciplinarian Ministers haue renounced their ordination , which they had receiued from a Bishop , that they might be ordained by such as themselues ? And thus you haue heard , how easilie he hath answered the Councils , by vouchsafing them no answere . Now let vs weigh his answeres to the testimonies of Ephiphanius and Ierome . His common answere to both , is such , as vnlearned , yet obstinate Papists vse to giue ; that though they cannot tell how to answere our arguments , yet there be learned men which can . There be Lectures of the par●●ie of Ministers one day to be published , which will shew the weaknesse of Epiphanius his reasons ; and there is another learned man that hath answered the allegation out of Ierome . Why , but hath the Refuter no answeres of his owne , that he referreth vs thus to other men ? yes no doubt ; such answeres as his are neuer to seeke . First , he wrangleth with Ephiphanius , and then with me for alledging him . He telleth Epiphanius , that he beggeth the question . Alas good man , he wanted the Refuters acumen in disputing . And what was the question I pray you ? was it not the same which is now betweene you and vs , whether Bishops and other Ministers be equall , as Aërius held ? This assertion of Aërius , Ephiphanius disproueth by two maine arguments , as I do yours ; prouing that BB. are superiour to other Presbyters , both in the power of ordination , and iurisdiction . His former argument may thus be concluded . That order , which hath power by ordination to beget Fathers to the Church , is superiour to that which hath not that power . The order of Bishops hath power by ordination , to beget Fathers to the Church , which the order of Presbyters is not able to doe : Therefore the order of Bishops , is superiour to the order of Presbyters . Call you this begging of the question ? Yea , but Aërius denied , that Bishops had power more then Presbyters , to beget Fathers . How is this proued ? he said they were equall . It followeth not . Aerius being a giddie-headed fellow , because he perceiued the Presbyters to doe the same things , that the Bishops did in some particulars ; by an insufficient enumeration or induction , concludeth , that therfore there was no difference betweene them . The parts of Aërius his induction concerne the superioritie and preeminence of the Ministerie in generall aboue the people , noting those things whch be common to Bishops , with other ministers , as their imposing hands on the penitent , their giuing of Baptisme , their executing of Diuine seruice , their sitting in the chaire or pulpit to instruct the people ; but considered not the respect which was between the Bishop and the Presbyters themselues . Epiphanius therefore sheweth , that although it were true , that Bishops and Presbyters did the same things , which argue their Preeminence in common aboue the Laity : yet this hindreth not , but that Bishops were superiour to the Presbyters : and this Epiphanius proueth by two instances , which Aërius himselfe could not denie : because the Bishops were ordainers of the Presbyters , hauing the power of ordination of Presbyters and Deacons , which Presbyters had not ; the second , because the Bishops were also gouernours and judges ouer Presbyters . The Refuter therefore should rather haue suspected the shallownesse of his own judgement , then haue laid such an imputation vpon Epiphanius . What then doth he answere to Epiphanius his syllogisme ? He denieth in effect , though perhaps he intend not so much , both the proposition , and the assumption : and first the assumption . For where Epiphanius saith , that Presbyters were not able to beget Fathers : he asketh , What hindreth them , but the vsurpation of Bishops ? In which words , two things are implied : The first , that the power of ordination , which the BB. haue , is vsurped by them : The second , that Presbyters haue as good right to ordaine as they . But you will say , how are those things proued ? you must be intreated to take them vpon his word : for proo●e he hath none : and yet can he by no meanes abide begging of the question . But such is the boldnesse of our new Disciplinarians , that they doubt not to prefer their new-fangled opinions , & self-set assertions , which haue no ground nor warrant in the word of God , or true reason , before the judgement and practize of all the ancient Fathers , of all the approued Councils , of all true Christian Churches of former times . We proue , that the Apostles had the right of ordaining ; that this right was from them deriued to their substitutes , and to their successors ; to their substitutes , as to Timothe in Ephesus , and Titus in Creet , to Mark at Alexandria , to Polycarpus at Smyrna , to Euodius at Antioch , to Linus at Rome , &c. to their successors , as to Simon the sonne of Cleophas , the successor of Saint Iames at Ierusalem , &c. that from these substitutes and first successors of the Apostles , the same was deriued to their successors , which without all doubt were the BB. of the seuerall Churches . And hereunto we adde the generall consent of the Fathers , and Councils ; many of them affirming and confirming , not one , I say not one , denying the superioritie of BB. in ordaining : the perpetuall practize of all true Christian Churches , not one approued instance to be giuen to the contrarie : and yet he shameth not to auouch the Bishops right in ordaining to be but vsurpation . As touching Presbyters , that they haue right to ordaine , we see no warrant in the word , but rather the contrarie ; no testimonie of Fathers , no decree of Councils for it , but many testimonies and decrees against it ; no approued example to warrant it ; how then could he say the Presbyters haue as good right to ordain as BB ▪ But because he shal not cary the matter without proofes , this I will offer him ; that if he can bring any one pregnant testimonie or example out of the Scriptures , any approued authoritie or example out of the ancient Fathers , Councils or Histories of the Church , prouing that the Presbyters had by and of themselues an ordinarie power or right to ordaine ministers , J meane Presbyters , and Deacons ; I will promise to subscribe to his assertion . But if he cannot do this , as I know he cannot ; then let him for shame giue place vnto the truth . Againe , whereas Epiphanius in the assumption saith , that BB. beget Fathers , meaning that they haue power to ordaine ministers of the word , and sacraments , or as he expoundeth himselfe , a teachers ; he fondly cauilleth at Epiphanius words , saying , that ministers are no spirituall Fathers vntill they beget children vnto God. Why , but their calling is to be spirituall Fathers , ordained of God to this end , that they may by the lauer of regeneration & ministery of the Gospell beget children vnto God ▪ when Stephen said b that Iacob begat the twelue Patriarches , meaning those whom God appointed to bee the first Fathers of the twelue Tribes ; will the refuter wrangle with him , because when they were begotten , they were not Fathers ? euen so BB. are said to beget Fathers , because by ordination they beget such , as by the institution of their calling , and ordinance of God , are to be spirituall Fathers . And thus much of the assumption . The proposition also he denieth , finding great fault with me , saying , that it is a strange and fearefull thing that I hauing so worth : he set out in my former Sermon the excellencie of the ministers calling in regard of his labouring in the word , doe now turne all topsey tur●●y , and preferre making of ministers before begetting soules . And to this purpose he alledgeth that to beget one childe vnto God , is more pretious then to beget a thousand Fathers to the Church , and of more comfort at the day of iudgement , &c. But be of good comfort , this fault which he layeth to my charge , is but as he saith , in his poore vnderstanding . For there be three things which shew the pouertie of his conceipt . The first , that he thinketh I do therefore preferre the ordaining of Ministers before preaching , because I say that Bishops are superiour to other ministers in the power of ordination . It seemeth he hath not learned the distinction of those three things wherein superioritie consisteth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , excellencie , imperie , and power . The magistrate is superior to the minister , in imperie , and ciuill authoritie ; but the minister notwithstanding is superior to the magistrate in excellencie . But the second thing doth much more shew the shallownesse of his conceipt : he conceiueth of ministers , as hauing alone the power of preaching ; and of Bishops , as hauing onely the power of ordination : whereas if he had but considered that the authoritie of preaching is common to the Bishop with other ministers , and the Bishop in respect of his office superior in the exercise ; because he may licence , and he may vpon just occasion suspend this power in others ( though perhaps in personall gifts the Presbyter may excell the Bishop : ) he could not but haue discerned the superioritie of Bishops , without any disparagement to the ministerie of the word ; for that they being at least equall in ( respect of their function ) to other ministers in the power of preaching , are superior in the power of ordaining . The third , that he conceiueth Epiphanius to haue made a comparison betweene preaching , and ordaining , which he doth not , but betweene baptizing , and ordaining . How is it possible , saith Epiphanius , that a Bishop and a Presbyter should be equall ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For the calling of Bishops is an order generatiue of Fathers , begetting Fathers to the Church ; but the order of Presbyters being not able to beget Fathers , doth by the lauer of regeneration ( that is baptisme ) beget children to the Church , and not Fathers , verily , or teachers . And you are to marke how he speaketh of begetting Fathers and children to the Church . And who can denie , but that it is a matter of greater consequence , the begetting of a Father to the Church , then of a child ? But Epiphanius his meaning was , that the Bishop hauing power of baptizing common to them with Presbyters , as Paul had , though he did not greatly vse it , whereby they might beget children to the Church ; hath also the power of ordaining , ( which Presbyters haue not ) whereby he begetteth spirituall Fathers to the Church . And so much of Epiphanius . Now I come to Ierome : For the Refuter thinketh it verie strange , that I should bring him as a patron of the Bishops sole power in ordination . It seemeth , that the Refuter conceiueth nothing aright . I bring in Ierome in this place , not as a patron of BB. but as one , who pleading for the superioritie of Presbyters aboue Deacons , & desiring to raise them as neare as he can to BB. doth notwithstanding confesse , that Bishops are superiour in ordination . What doth a Bishop ( saith he ) excepting ordination , which a Presbyter may not do ? To which , the Refuter hauing no answere of his owne , intreateth another to answere for him ; which done , he craketh , as if he had layed me on my backe . The answere is , that Ierome speaketh of his owne time . No doubt : for speaking in the present tense , whereby he signifieth actum continuum , he doth not exclude his owne time . But doth he speake therefore of his owne time onely ? or doth he signifie , that there was a time since there were first Bishops , ( which he confesseth , was in the time of the Apostles ) when the Bishops had not this power ? if this could be shewed , then Ierome might be thought not to speake of the Apostles times . Nay , doth not Ierome speake as well de iure , as de facto , when he saith , What doth a Bishop &c. that is , what hath a Bishop right to doe by the power of his order , which a Presbyter hath not right to doe by the power of his order , onely except ordination ? that I confesse to be aboue the Presbyters power . Well , and to what end doth Ierome speak this of his owne time ? That hauing shewed before out of the Scriptures , and the practise of the Church at Antioch , that of old a Bishop , and a Presbyter were all one ; he might see , that in his time also , there remained a proofe thereof : because a Bishop then did nothing , except ordination , which a Presbyter could not doe . Out of the Scriptures Ierome prooueth , that in those times when the Scriptures were written , the name Episcopus , and Presbyter were confounded ; because , as the name Episcopus , was giuen to Presbyters , Phil. 1. Act. 20. Tit. 1. So the name Presbyter , to Apostles , and Bishops : as 1. Tim. 4.14 . Where Ierome vnderstandeth , as before , by Presbyterium , Episcopatus ; 1. Pet. 5.1 . Ioan. Epist. 2. & 3. And this is Ieromes first argument that Presbyters are superiour to Deacons . But hence it doth not follow , that therefore the offices of a Bishop , and Presbyter , are confounded ; especially , after the institution of a Bishop . Doth Ierome thinke , that euerie Presbyter is equall in degree with Timothe , because the office of Timothe in Ieromes vnderstanding is called Presbyterium ? or that they are equall with Peter , and Iohn , because they called themselues Presbyters ? His second argument to prooue the superioritie of Presbyters aboue Deacons , is , because Bishops were chosen out of Presbyters , and by Presbyters ; whereas contrariwise , he that is chosen from among Deacons , by Deacons , is but an Archdeacon . The former part he first illustrateth by the end , which was to auoid Schisme ; and then prooueth it by the Practise of the Church of Alexandria . In his setting downe the end , he lets fall one word , which if it be not fauourablie expounded , will make him contradict himselfe , and the truth . For vpon the allegation of Saint Iohns second and third epistle he saith , Quòd autem poste● vnus electus , that one afterwards was chosen who should be set ouer the rest , it was prouided as a remedie against Schisme , lest euerie one drawing after him should rend the Church of Christ. What say you Ierome , were Bishops first ordained after Saint Iohns time ? doe not your selfe testifie that Saint Iames a little after the ascension of Christ was by the Apostles made Bishop of Ierusalem , that Marke was Bishop of Alexandria ? that euer since his time ( and he dyed almost 40. yeares before Saint Iohn ) there hath beene a Bishop , in a degree superiour to other Presdyters ? that Timothe was Bishop of Ephesus &c. That word afterwards therefore , is not to be referred to Saint Iohns time , but to those testimonies where he prooued the name Episcopus to be giuen to Presbyters ; which custome , as he supposeth , continued , vntill one of the Presbyters , beeing chosen from among the rest , was called Bishop : for indeed whiles Apostles or Apostolicke men were made BB. , BB. were called the Apostles of the Churches : But when out of the Presbyters one was chosen , he began for difference sake to be called , the Bishop , the Angell of the Church . Now that BB. were chosen out of Presbyters , and by Presbyters , he prooueth by the example of the Church at Alexandria : For euen at Alexandria , from Marke the Euangelist vnto Heraclas and Dionysius BB. ( who were not chosen from among the Presbyters ) the Presbyters haue alwaies called one , chosen from among themselues , and placed in a higher degree , the Bishop : euen as if an army doe choose their generall , or Deacons choose from among themselues one , whom they know to be industrious , and call him the Archdeacon . His fourth argument is this . There be many things which a Bishop by the power of his order may doe , which a Deacon cannot : but there is nothing which a Bishop may doe by the power of order , excepting ordination , which a Presbyter may not doe . A Presbyter is therefore by so much superior to a Deacon , by how much he is nearer to the Bishop : this is the verie scope of this place , and to the same are all the arguments following referred &c. the summe whereof is , that the Presbyterie is a degree betweene the Bishops , and Deacons . You see then what Ierome prooueth out of the Scriptures ; not that the office , but the name of Bishop , and Presbyter were for a time confounded . Now let vs see what he prooueth by the practise of the Church at Antioch : he would say at Alexandria , that of old a Bishop , and a Presbyter were all one . See you not how he prooueth it , when he saith , that euer since Marks time the Bishop hath beene placed in a higher degree aboue the Presbyters ? Was this to prooue that a Bishop , and Presbyter are equall , or all one ? or did Ierome intend any thing else , but to prooue the Presbyters superiour to Deacons , and that by such arguments as before I analysed ? We haue heard what Ierome prooueth out of the Scriptures , and practise of the Church at Alexandria ; now at the last , let vs heare the end of his speech . That he ( I know not who ) might see , that in his time also there remained a proofe thereof , because a Bishop euen then did nothing except ordination which a Presbyter could not doe . Toto coelo errat : it was not Ieromes end , to prooue the Presbyter equall with the Bishop , but superiour to the Deacon : For if the former had beene his intent ; this , and the other from the practise of Alexandria : had beene very vntoward arguments to prooue his purpose . At Alexandria the Bishop euer since Marks time was superiour to Presbyters in degree , therefore they were equall . The Bishop is superiour in the power of ordination , therefore Presbyters be his equals . Hath not the Refuter now great cause , thinke you , to crake of this answere ? was this , among all the testimonies which I alledged , chosen as most misalledged , by occasion whereof , he might pay me mine owne , and tell me that it was wherried in with ●are● by him that looked an other ●ay ? Blessed bee God , that so guided me in the way of truth , that among all my allegations , the refuter hath not beene able to charge mee with misalledging any one . As for this ; nothing could bee more pregnant , and pertinent to proue , that BB were superiour to Presbyters in ordination , then as I said in the sermon , that Ierome himselfe , euen when , and where he seeketh to aduance the Presbyters , as high as hee can , aboue the Deacons ; doth confesse ordinatiō to be peculiar to Bishops . Now , whereas Ierome saith a Presbyter may doe any thing which a Bishop doth , excepting ordination ; I did easilie forsee it would bee obiected , that if BB. bee superiour onely in the power of ordination , then are they not superiour in iurisdiction . This obiection I preuented in these words , Where you are not to vnderstand him , or other of the Fathers speaking som●time to the like purpose , as though the B. were not superiour , in any thing else ; but that potestate ord●nis , as touching power of order , ●e is superior only in ordination . For that he is superior potestate iurisdictionis , they euery where acknowledge . I know some a answere , that in Ieromes iudgement BB. are iure diuin● superiour to other Ministers , onely in the power of ordination : but in the power of iurisdiction iure apostolico ; in that hee acknowledgeth , that superiority of BB. was brought in by the Apostles necessarily for auoiding of schismes . Which answere I refusing , because Ierome saith the like b of the superiority of the BB. in generall , and of the power of ordination in particular , that it was reserued to the B. ne a multis disciplina ecclesia vendicata , concordiam sacerdotum solueret , et scandala generaret ; made choice of this other , as the more like to bee true . Not that J absolutely was of this iudgement , that the right of ordination doth belong to the power of Episcopall order ; as appeareth by that supposall which J made in the sermon page 44. l. 3. but that I supposed it to be the iudgment of Ierome , and some other fathers , who acknowledging the Bishop to bee superiour in iurisdiction , and yet affirming that hee is superiour onely in the right of ordination or imposing hands : must thus bee vnderstood , as iudging the Bishop to bee superiour onely therein , quoad ordinis potestatem , as touching the power of order : they holding other things belonging to the power of order , as the ministry of the word and Sacraments of Baptisme , and the Lords Supper , to bee common to BB. with other ministers : but the power of ordination to bee peculiar to the BB. and in their iudgements not communicable to Presbyters : because as Thomas c saith , ea quae sunt ordinis non possunt committi nisi habenti ordinem . Hereunto the Refuter , after his malepert and saucy manner , answereth : that I vnderstand not this distinction . For , saith he , potestas ordinis , power of order is not potestas ordinationis , power of ordination , but power to doe all that which belongeth to the order of that ministery which hee hath receiued , as Tolet d sheweth . But whether of vs spake without vnderstanding , let the iudicious Reader heereby iudge . For he conceiueth me , as no man would that is not of a very shallow conceipt , as if I confounded the power of order with the power of ordination , and as though the power of order contained nothing else but the power of ordaining , whenas I plainely made it , according to those Fathers iudgement , but one part of the power of Order : they supposing other parts of the power of order to bee common vnto Presbyters , but that of ordaining to bee peculiar to the Bishop : and in that sense say , the Bishop in respect of the power of order , is superiour onely in ordination . Yea but Bellarmine ( for euen his authority when he saith any thing that may seeme to make for the Refuter , must serue the turne ) saith e that Potestas ordinis refertur ad sacramenta conficienda , the power of order is referred to the ministery of the Sacraments . Me thinks the Refuter should adde , that it is also referred to the ministery of the Worde . But what doth Bellarmine and all other Papists vnderstand by Sacraments ? Doe they not meane fiue others besides Baptisme and the Lords Supper , the ministery of two whereof , viz. of confirmation , and of orders they make peculiar to BB. and of the other fiue common to them with all Priests ? and doth not Bellarmine therefore prooue , that the order of Bishops is superiour to that of Presbyters , and that Bishops are superiour in the power of order , because f the Bishop may conferre two Sacraments , which the Presbyters may not , viz. the Sacrament of confirmation and of orders ? Howbeit of the former , Ierome saith g , that it was reserued as peculiar to BB. potiùs ad honorem sacer dotij , quàm ad legis necessitatem . It is true , that some Popish writers make BB. and Presbyters to be but one order ; but you must withall take the reason of that Popish conceipt : They hold , that the Sacrament of the altar ( as they call it ) is the Sacrament of Sacraments , whereunto the Sacrament of orders is subordinate h ; all their orders of Clerks being ordained to the ministerie of the altar ; and that euery one of their 7. orders ( all which they call Sacraments ) is onely to be counted a Sacrament , as it hath reference to the Eucharist : to which purpose h Thomas Aquinas doth somewhat ridiculously distinguish their 7. orders , according to their diuers offices referred to that Sacrament . And forasmuch as in the whole power of order this is the supreme act , by pronouncing the words of consecration to make the very body of Christ , which is as well performed by a Priest , as a Bishop : therefore they teach i , that Bishops , and Priests are both of one order ; and that the order of Bishops , as it is a Sacrament , is not superior to that of Presbyters , but only as it is an office , in respect of certaine sacred actions ; & in this sense , saith Thomas , that the Bishop hath power in sacred and Hierarchicall actions in respect of Christs mysticall body aboue the priest , the office of a Bishop is an order . For you must vnderstand that they make al Ecclesiasticall power to haue referrence to the k body of Christ , either verum , his true bodie in the Sacrament of the altar , which they call the power of order ; or mysticum , mysticall ( that is , the the Church and members thereof ) which they cal the power of iurisdiction . This new Popish conceipt therefore of confounding Bishops and Presbyters into one order , ariseth from their idol of the Masse , & their doctrine of transubstantiation , wherby euery Priest is as able to make his maker , as the Pope himselfe . I call it newe , because all the ancient writers doe confesse ( as before hath been shewed ) Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons to be three distinct degrees , and consequētly orders of the Ministery : for what is an order but that degree , which , among things or persons which are subordinate one to another , some being higher , some lower , any one hath obtained ? Wherefore laying aside these popish conceipts , let vs consider what is to bee determined concerning this matter according to the truth . 1. And first , that ecclesiasticall power is to bee distinguished into the power of order and iurisdiction . 2. That the power of order is a spirituall power , whereby ecclesiasticall persons are qualified and enabled to doe sacred actions appertayning to the seruice of God and saluation of men , which they who are not of the same order at the least , may either not at all , or not ordinarily performe . 3. That this power is that which is granted to ecclesiastical persons in their ordination , and appertaineth to them as they simply are of that order , though they haue no iurisdiction or charge , and therfore cannot be taken from them whiles they continue in that order . 4. That of Ecclesiasticall order there are three degrees , in Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons : and because neither of the two superiour orders may be granted to any per saltum : therfore each superiour order includeth the inferiour , so that a presbyter may doe that which belongeth to a Deacon , and a Bishop that which belongeth to to a presbyter , but not contrariwise . 5. That the power of the order of Presbyters is besides the performance of the diuine liturgy and power to administer the sacrament of Baptisme and to preach , common to them with Deacons ( who shall be thereunto authorized by the B. ) a power also to minister the holy communion , and authority to remit and retaine the sinnes of men : which last I doe not doubt to referre to the power of order . First , because it is giuen to the minister in his ordination , and belongeth to him as he is simply a Presbyter , without iurisdiction or relation to a charge . And secondly , because it continueth with him whiles he is of the order , though his charge and iurisdiction should be taken from him . Besides , this power of remitting and retaining sinnes is called the key of order , and according to the Popish doctrine n , belongeth to the conferring of the sacrament of penance . 6. The power of order in B. B ( besides all this power which is in the Presbyters ) is power by imposition of hands to conuey grace o , as the ordinary instrument of the holy ghost , either to parties baptized for their confirmation ; or to penitents , for their reconciliation ; or to parties designed to the ministery , for their ordination . As touching the former , the ancient writers gather it to bee peculiar to BB. because howsoeuer many in the primitiue Church were conuerted and baptized by men of inferiour order , yet the Apostles alone , and after them the BB. had authority to put their hands vpon them that they might receiue the holy Ghost . Acts. 8. & 19. And for the latter , we read , that both the Apostles themselues and such as they ordained Bishops , did ordaine ministers by imposition of hands : insomuch that whereas at Ephesus and in Creet ( where were diuers Presbyters before ) Timothy and Titus were appointed to ordaine ministers . I hold this authority to impose hands to belong to the power of order : First , because imposition of hands is a sacred action of spirituall efficacy , indeed a sacrament , not onely by the doctrine of the scholemen and Papists , but also by the confession of Calum ; though not such a sacrament as Baptisme and the Lords supper , which are seales and pledges of our vnion and communion with Christ ; yet in a more generall sense , as a sacrament is defined a visible signe of inuisible grace . I say it is a sacred action of spirituall efficacie , consecrating a man to the seruice of God in the Ministery , conueiing vnto him the power of that order whereunto hee is ordained , whereby he is qualified to performe sacred actions of spirituall and supernaturall efficacie . Wherefore I doe not see , why the power of begetting spirituall Fathers to the Church by ordination , as Epiphanius speaketh , should not be thought to belong to the power of order in BB. euen as the begetting of sonnes to the Church by baptisme , to the power of order in all Ministers . Secondly , because this power is conferred vpon each Bishop in their consecration , and belongeth to him as being a Bishop simply , and cannot be taken from him whiles he remaines a Bishop , though his Bishopricke be taken from him , and may be exercised by him , where he hath no iurisdiction . Whereof examples might be produced of Athanasius , Eusebius ▪ Vercellensis , and other godly Fathers , who when they were turned out of their Bishoprickes , and others placed in their roomes , not onely retained their power , but also exercised the same , as occasion was offered in other Churches . Thirdly , because all ecclesiasticall power , being referred either to the power of order or of iurisdiction , this must therefore be referred to the power of order , because it cannot be referred truly to the power of iurisdiction : and that for these two reasons : both because the Bishop cannot communicate this power to others , as he may iurisdiction : and also because he doth not lose it with his iurisdiction , but retaineth it when his Bishopricke is taken from him , and may as well exercise it without his diocesse , where he hath no iurisdiction , as another Minister may preach or baptize out of his owne parish . Whenas therefore I expounded Ierome and some others , who say the B. is superior to the Presbyters onely in ordination , as not meaning that he is not superiour also in the power of iurisdiction , but that in respect of the power of order , he was superior onely in the right of ordaining ; because whereas other parts of the power of order be common to him with Presbyters , that of ordaining is his peculiar right and prerogatiue , I did not speake without vnderstanding . Contrariwise the Refuter , as in laying to my charge that I confound the power of order with ordination , he spake he knew not what : so in the inference which he bringeth vpon his former words , hee pratleth without vnderstanding . Now if the power of ordination did belong properly to the office of BB. then were the BB. superior to the other Ministers potestate ordinis , ( but the former I haue manifestly proued , therefore the latter must be granted ) but that is the question , saith he ; as who should say , he were resolued to deny the conclusion . But heare him I pray you . Notwithstanding ( to let him inioy his owne distinction ) of BB. differ onely in ordination from Presbyters , quoad ordinis potestatem , then in the power of iurisdiction , Presbyters are equall with them potestate ordinis , by the power of their order . Wherefore where afterwards he draweth vnto BB. the whole power of censuring vnder the name of potestas iurisdictionis , he maketh that to be adiuine , which is but an humane preeminence by his owne distinction . All which is meere babling , without sense , or vnderstanding what he saith , as the Reader who vnderstandeth what I haue deliuered concerning this distinction , will easily iudge . There remaineth the third part of this section ; wherein out of a Christian and charitable desire to preserue the credit of such reformed Churches as haue no BB. I endeuoured to preuent the obiections of Papists , who reason thus against them : The right of ordination being peculiar to BB. it followeth , that where is no B. there is no ordination ; where is no ordination , there are no Ministers ; where are no Ministers , there is no Church . I answered , that although the ordinary right of ordination belongeth to BB. in the iudgement of the antient Church , that yet it was not to be vnderstood , as so appropriating it to them , as that extraordinarily and in the case of necessitie it might not be lawfull for Presbyters to ordaine , and much lesse teaching absolutely a nullity of the ordination , which is performed without a B. Which answer I confirmed by diuers reasons . Whereunto I now adde , that there seemeth to be the like reason for imposition of hands , in confirmation of the baptized , in the reconciliation of publike penitents , as in the ordination of Ministers . But although the two former were reserued as well as the third , to the B. yet extraordinarily , in the case of necessity , and in the want or absence of the B. the antient Church held it lawfull for Ministers to impose hands either for the confirming of parties baptized , or for reconciliation of the penitents . The former is testified by a Ambrose and b Augustine , the latter by c Cyprian and diuers d Councels . And moreouer , the Popish Writers themselues e doe teach , that the Pope may giue licence to him that is not a Bishop to ordaine : so that hee to whom such licence is giuen , haue those orders himselfe , which he would giue to another . If therefore by the Popes licence , a Presbyter may ordaine Presbyters , much better may a company of Presbyters , to whom in the want of a Bishop the charge of the Church is deuolued , be authorised thereto by necessity , which , as they say , hath no law . To this passage , inserted by me onely in fauour of the Churches where the presbyterian discipline is established , which I would not lay open to popish cauils ; the Refuter , if he had been led with a good spirit , would rather haue answered with thanks , then haue set himselfe to wrangle and cauill therewith , as if he cared not , so he may haue something to speake against , what becommeth of those Churches , which notwithstanding he would seeme to fauor more then my selfe . The which vngracious course he taketh againe in answering the 95. page of my Sermon ; where I forced my selfe , as in this place , to speake as much as the truth would permit in fauour of the aforesaid Churches . But if my answers for them either here , or there , do not please the Refuter and his consorts , I will hereafter giue them leaue to answer what they please . Neither will I any more disaduentage the truth , which I defend , in a desire to gratifie them , seeing my indeuor is so vngratefully taken . Which I speake , not as though I thought his exceptions against my defence any thing worth . For where he obiecteth , that if the Fathers had thought the power of ordination to haue bin peculiar to BB. by any ordinance of God , they would not haue allowed any such ordination as I speake of without a B : it followes not . For though they held the right of Baptizing to belōg to the Ministers of the Church by Gods ordinance ; though they held the right of imposing hands to be peculiar to the Apostles and their successors : yet in a case of necessity , they held baptisme without a Minister , and confirmation without a B. to be lawfull . In like maner , though they held that the right of ordination was peculiar to Bishops by Apostolical institution , & therefore taught that none but Bishops could regularly and ordinarily ordaine : notwithstanding in a case of necessity , we may well thinke they would haue allowed of such an ordination as J spake of , though ( as I said ) not as regular , according to the rules of ordinary Church gouernment , yet as effectuall and iustifiable in the want of a B. If he still say they wou●d not , then must he confesse that the practise of the Disciplinarians is such , as the Fathers of the Primitiue Church would in no case haue allowed : and that is all the inconuenience that can come to our cause , if my defence of them be not sufficient . As for his cauill at my supposall of the right of ordination , to belong to the power of order in BB. I haue answered before . To such obiections one answer is enough , two is too many . And thus much of the Bishops right in ordaining . CHAP. V. That Bishops were superior to other Ministers in the power of iurisdiction . ( Serm. sect . 9. pag. 45. Now I am to shew , that the B. is superiour also in the power of iurisdiction . The Presbyters indeede , &c. to the end of the page . ) HEre the Reader is to obserue , what is by me propounded to be proued , not that the BB. had , or haue the sole power of iurisdiction , the defence whereof the Refuter euery where would faine force vpon me , but that they are , and were superiour in the power of iurisdiction or gouernment . I deny not the Presbyters ( which haue charge of soules ) to haue iurisdiction both seuerally in their parishes , and iointly in prouinciall synods . And I haue confessed before , that Presbyters haue with , and vnder the Bishops exercised some iurisdiction . I grant that godly BB. before they had the countenance and assistance of Christian Magistrates , and direction of Christian lawes , vsed in all matters of moment to consult with their clergy ; imitating therein , as Ierome a speaketh , the example of Moses , Qu● cùm haberet in potestate solus praesse populo ; who when it was in his power to gouerne the people alone , hee chose seuenty with whom to iudge the people . This was practised by Cyprian b , who resolued from the beginning of his Bishopricke , to doe nothing of importance alone , because he would preuent dissension and scandals . Ambrose c , also teacheth that there was a time , when nothing was done without the aduice of the Presbyters , who therefore by Ignatius d , are called the counsellours and coassessours of the B. Which course if it were vsed still , as it would ease the Bishops burden very much ; so would it nothing detract from their superiority in gouerning : the sway of their authority being no lesse when they vsed the aduice of their Presbyters , then when they vsed it not . For the assistance of the Presbyters was to helpe and aduice , but neuer to ouerrule the Bishop . Neither will any man say , that the authority of a Prince who vseth the aduice of his counsell , is the lesse for it , but the mo●e aduised . But what the authority of BB. was in the primitiue Church in respect of gouernment , I will first shew absolutely , and then by way of comparison with Presbyters . What the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Councell of e Carthage calleth the authority of BB. was , may first appeare by this , that they were accounted the gouernours and rulers of the Churches , meaning thereby dioceses . For though there were many ministers , who were Angels , Pastors , Bishops : y●t there was but one in euery Church , who was the Angel , the Pastor , the Bishop , the gouernour of the Church ; bearing as Ignatius f saith , the sway of authority aboue and ouer them all . But I delight to heare Ierome , the onely pretended patron of the Disiplinarians ; who confesseth , as wee haue heard g , that of necessity a peerelesse power and eminent aboue all , is to bee attributed to Bishoppes , and that the safety of the Church dependeth thereon . Hee therefore in his Commentary vpon h Esay chap. 60. verse 17. reading according to the Septuag . i , I will giue thy Princes in peace , and thy Bishops in righteousnesse , saith , Herein the Maiestie of the holy Scriptures is to bee admired , which calleth , principes futuros ecclesiae episcopos , the Princes or Rulers which should bee of the Church , Bishoppes , whose visitation is all in peace , and the name of their dignitie ( meaning their superintendencie ) in righteousnesse . And on those words k , of the 45. Psalme , In stead of fathers children shall be borne vnto thee ; O Church , saith he , the Apostles were thy fathers , for they begate thee . Now forasmuch as they are gone out of the world thou hast BB. who were borne of thee . For these also are thy fathers , because thou art gouerned of them . And on the words following , whom thou shalt make Princes in all the earth : for , saith he , in the name of God the gospell is spread in all ends of the world , in which Principes ecclesiae , i. episcopi ; the princes of the Church , that is to say , the Bishops are placed . On which words Augustine l also doth comment to the like purpose : In stead of the Apostles , sonnes are borne to thee , BB. are ordained : thinke not thy selfe forsaken , because thou seest not Peter and Paul who beg at thee ; of thine owne issue is sprung a fatherhood : Agnoscant qui pr●cisi sunt , veniant ad vnitatem , &c. Let them which are precise or cut off by schisme , acknowledge it and come vnto vnity . The Church hath borne sonnes , and in steed of her fathers , hath made them princes ouer all the earth . Optatus m likewise calleth the BB apices & principes omnium . The Councell of Carthage n decreed , that when the Donatists returned to the Church , they should be receiued each one in their degrees , according to the will and pleasure of the B. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who gouerneth the Church in the same place , if he shall thinke it expedient for the peace of the Church ▪ Cyprian o , though he had approued Cornelius his courage , in that Felicissimus a wicked schismaticke , attended with a troope of desperate fellowes , was by him vigore pleno , quo episcopum agere oportet , pulsus de ecclesia , with full vigour of au●hority and courage , wherewith it behoueth a B to deale , driuen out of the Church ; yet perceiuing him to be somwhat daunted with the threatnings of those lewd companions ; if this be so , saith he , that the ●●daciousnes of wicked men be feared , that what they cannot doe by right and equity , they may ●ccomplish by rash and desperate courses , actum est de episcopatus vigore , & de ecclesiae gubernandae sublimi ac diuina potestate , then farewell the vigour of episcopall authority , and that high and diuine power of gouerning the Church . But more fully is this authority described in the Councels of Antioch and Constantinople , and also in the writings of Ierome . Euery Bishop ( saith the Councell of Antioch ) p hath authoritie of his owne See , both to gouerne it according to the feare of God which is before his eies , and to haue a prouident care of the whole Countrey which is vnder his Citie , as also to ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , and to gouerne all things with iudgement . The Councell held in Trullo q decreed , that forasmuch as some Cities being occupied by the Barbarians inuading Christian kingdomes , the Bishops of the said Cities could not enioy their seat , and performe such offices there as belong to the episcopall function ; that they should retaine their r eminent dignitie and authoritie , so that they may canonically exercise ordination of the diuers degrees of Clerkes , and that they may vse within their bounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the authoritie of their Prelacie , and that all their s administration be firme and lawfull . But what saith Ierome ? He hauing intreated t of the other degrees of the Clergie , at the last commeth to intreat de praecipuo gradu Ecclesiae of the chiefe degree of the Church , qui ordo episcopalis est , which is the order of Bishops : the power whereof he setteth downe in these words : Hee ordaineth Priests and Leuites , that is , Presbyters and Deacons , &c. Hee u gouerneth the Church of God : he sheweth what euery one ought to do : he cond●mneth , he receiueth , he bindeth , hee looseth that which was bound , hee hath the keyes of the kingdome of heauen , hee openeth and shutteth the throne of God , ( meaning heauen ) hauing nothing ( meaning no ecclesiasticall order ) aboue him , &c. But the superioritie of Bishops ouer Presbyters I shewed in the sermon , by comparing the iurisdiction of BB. with that which Presbyters haue , both in regard of the greatnesse and largenesse , and also in respect of the deriuation thereof . The Presbyters iurisdiction is ouer the flocke of one parish : the iurisdiction of the Bishop is ouer the whole Diocese . The Presbyters is priuate in the court of conscience : the Bishops publike , and in the externall Court also . The Presbyter gouerneth the people onely of one flocke : the Bishop gouerneth not only the people of the whole Diocese , but the Presbyters also themselues . The Presbyters receiue institution vnto their iurisdiction from the Bishop , and exercise it vnder the Bishop of the Diocese , who hahauing ( as the Councell of * Antioch and Ierome say ) the care of the whole Church or Diocese , admit the Presbyters in partem solicitudinis , into part of their care , by giuing them institution to their seuerall parishes . The Presbyters doe answer to the sonnes of Aaron , and are the successours of the 70. Disciples , as diuers of the Fathers doe teach : but the Bishops answer to Aaron , and are the successors of the Apostles , as I proue by the testimonie of Ierome , x who saith , that in the true Church Bishops doe hold the place of the Apostles ; and of Irenaeus , y that the Apostles left the Bishops their successors , deliuering vnto them their owne place of gouernment . To all this the Refuter maketh a dilatorie answer , not purposing indeede to answer these allegations at all . Of these points I purpose not ( saith he ) to say any thing in this place , because the former concerning the difference of the Bishops and Presbyters iurisdiction , must presently be disputed : the latter is to be discussed in the last point of his fiue . And thus hath he by a cleanly deuice au●ided these allegations , which he knew not how to answer , and very featly rid his hands of them . But if the Reader shall vpon examination finde , that hee speaketh nothing to these allegations , and proofes in the places whereunto he is differred , hee must needes thinke , that their cause of sinceritie ( as they call it ) is not very sincerely handled . Hauing thus in generall noted the superioritie of Bishops in the power of iurisdiction , let vs now descend vnto particulars . The authoritie therefore of the Bishop respecteth either the things of the Church , or the persons . Whatsoeuer things ( saith the Councell a of Antioch ) appertaine to the Church , are to be gouerned , husbanded , and disposed by the iudgement and authoritie of the Bishop , to whose trust the whole people is committed , and the soules of the congregation . And againe : b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Bishop hath the power or authoritie of those things which belong to the Church . And this authoritie the Bishops had from the beginning ; for , as what was at the first giuen to the Church , was laid at the Apostles feet , so afterwards what was contributed , was committed ( saith c Iustine Martyr ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the Bishop . Heereof you may reade more , Conc. Gangr . c. 7. & 8. Concil . Tol. 3. c. 19. & 4 c. 32. Balsam . in Concil . Carth. Gr. c. 36. alias 33. As touching persons , they were distinguished at the first into Clericos & Laicos , vnto whom afterward , a third sort was added , viz. Monachi , monasticall persons ; who , though they were sequestred from the companie and societie of secular men , as they count them , yet were they not exempted from the iurisdiction of the Bishop . The great Councell of Chalcedon d determined , that no man should build a monastery any where , or house of prayer , without the consent of the Bishop of the Citie : and that those which in euery Citie or Countrey , e did leade a monasticall life , should bee subiect to the Bishop . See more , c. 8. Conc. Afric . c. 47. Agath . c. 27. & 58. Theod. Balsam . saith , f that Monkes were more subiect to the Bishop , then to the Gouernour of the monasterie . As touching the Laitie , I said , Serm. sect . 10. pag. 46. to pag. 47. l. 6. I should not neede to prooue the Bishops authoritie ouer the people of their Diocese , if I demonstrate their rule ouer the Presbyters thereof , &c. Not neede ( saith the Refuter ? ) Ye● you must prooue the power of censuring the people to be their only right , vnlesse you yeeld that preeminence to be giuen them jure humano , as indeede it must be , seeing they haue it not potestate ordinis , by the power of their order . The Refuter is to be borne with , if hee talke at randon , seeing he is ( as it seemeth ) out of his element . The thing which I was to prooue , if it had beene needfull , was , that whereas Presbyters did gouerne each one the people of a parish , and that priuately , the Bishop gouerneth the people of the whole diocese , and that publikelie : the which I held needlesse to prooue , because before it was prooued , that they had the charge of the whole Diocese , and were Pastors thereof : And secondly , because if I prooue they gouerned the Presbyters , who were the gouernours of the seuerall flockes , then much more their iurisdiction did extend to the flockes themselues . Where he saith , J must prooue that the censuring the people is their onely right ; I answer , it is sufficient to prooue their superioritie in iurisdiction , which I intended , and that none in the Diocese doth exercise externall iurisdiction , but from the B. and vnder him . A notable euidence whereof wee haue in Siluanus g the famous Bishop of Troas , who perceiuing those of his Clergie to make gaine of mens suits , appointed others whom he thought good , to bee the Judges of mens causes , whereby he got himselfe great renowne . And as for the power of binding and loosing in the court of conscience , it is common to Bishops with all Presbyters , howsoeuer in respect of the vse and exercise thereof , they are subiect to the Bishop . Where hee saith , that Bishops haue their iurisdiction jure humano , because they haue it not potestate ordinis , by the power of their order , he seemeth to harpe vpon something , which hee doth not well vnderstand . For although the Schoolemen and Papists h teach , that to the power of order belongeth a character and grace which God alone doth giue in their ordination ; yet they grant also , that the jurisdiction which is conferred to them by the will of man , doth also mediately proceede from God. And howsoeuer it be true , that Bishops with vs are assisted iure humano , i to exercise their publike and externall iurisdiction , and to iudge in causes ecclesiasticall by the Kings ecclesiasticall Law ; yet this doth not hinder , but that they are authorized thereunto iure Apostolico , as is manifest by the Apostles themselues , by Timothie and Titus , and all the ancient Bishops of the Primitiue Church , who by authoritie deriued to them from the Apostles , did exercise the ecclesiasticall censures ouer the people and clergy , before there were any lawes of Christian Magistrates to authorise or assist them thereunto . But he is pleased to see how I proue the BB. to haue been superior to the Presbyters in iurisdiction ; though not pleased that I speake in generall of BB. for here his Coccysme againe hath place , that I should haue proued the Angels of the seauen Churches to haue had iurisdiction ouer ministers vnder them . Which is a miserable poore shift indeed . Was not this the thing propounded to be proued , that the BB. of the primitiue Church were superior in iurisdiction ? doth not himselfe confesse , that the ancient Churches were all of one Constitution ? And is not the proofe of the generall , a proofe of the particular also ? If I should say , these seauen Angels had this iurisdiction ; some such exception of singularity in them , would with as great reason be taken , as against Timothy and Titus . But when I proue , that BB. in generall had this superiority , I doe more then proue , that these seauen Bishops had it . The reason which I vse is an induction . The Bishop had superiority in iurisdiction both to the Presbyters , that were parts of the Presbytery assisting him , and to the Pastors assigned to seuerall cures . Therefore he had superior iurisdiction to all the Presbyters in the diocesse . But the Refuter maketh me reason thus : If the Bishoppes had maiority of rule both ouer the Presbyters that assisted them , and also ouer the Pastors allotted to their seuerall charges , then had they power of iurisdiction . But they had maiority of rule ouer the Presbyters , assisting them and the Pastors , &c. Therefore they had power of iurisdiction . Why ? Needes this to be proued , that Bishops had power of iurisdiction , which euery parish Minister hath ? Or doth the Refuter deny , that Bishops had power of iurisdiction ? Or if he cannot but grant the conclusion , what a folly is it to wrangle with the premises ? And yet for feare of granting the conclusion , first hee pickes a quarrell with the proposition . For though they had maiority of rule , &c. yet w●ll it not follow they had sole power of iurisdiction . Whence commeth this sole I pray you , that hath so oft been foisted in ? I feare greatly from an euill conscience , resolued to oppugne and deface the truth . Cannot the B. be superior to Presbyters in the power of iurisdiction , vnlesse they haue ( as none haue ) the sole power of iurisdiction ? Then hee flatly denieth the assumption . But what reason doth he giue of his deniall ? what euidence of truth doth he bring to proue the contrary ? Alas , he troubleth not himselfe that way , all his care and endeuour is to find out starting holes and euasions to elude the truth . I proue first in generall , that BB. had maiority of rule , or superiority of iurisdiction ouer the Presbyters , euen those of the City , who were the chiefe . Then in particular , in the next section . The former I proue , first , by the testimony of Ierome l , who confesseth , that of necessity a power eminent aboue all and admitting no partner , at least no compeere , is to be granted to the B. To this besides the poore euasion of Ieromes minority , and being vnder age , before answered , he saith , Ierome speaketh of such BB. as hee acknowledgeth to 〈◊〉 no warrant in the scriptures , and to haue beene brought into the C●●rch by occas●●● of schisme after the Apostles times . Both which I haue before proued , and shall ▪ againe proue to be manifestly false . Doth Ierome deny BB. to haue warrant in the scriptures ? besides the places of the new testament often alledged , call to mind those two m , on Psalme 45. and Esay 60. Where he calleth them , principes ecclesia by warrant of those scriptures . Doth Ierome say , they were not brought into the Church vntill after the Apostles times ? doth not he confesse Iames , Mark● , Timothy Titus , and diuers others to haue been BB. in the Apostles times , and that euer since S. Marke there haue beene BB. at Alexandria ? Secondly , I alledge Ignatius n , whom themselues oft alledge for their Presbyteries . But see what hard hap some men haue : he , whose authority is so good when he is alleaged by them , is but a counterfeit when he is produced by me . And yet those who o suspect fiue of his epistles , because Eusebius and Ierome mention but seauen , acknowledge this ad Trallianos to be none of the fiue which are suspected , but one of the seauen which are receiued . This ●uasion should not haue bin vsed , if he could tell how to answer his testimony otherwise . Yes that he can . For though Ignatius doe say that a B. is such an one as holdeth or manageth the whole power and authority aboue all , yet that proueth not the sole iurisdiction of BB. God amend that soule , that so oft foisteth in that sole besides my meaning and my words . And yet truely Ignatius saith faire for the sole power . For if the B. haue the whole power and authority aboue all , why may he not be said to haue the sole power and authority ouer all ? what ? saith the refuter , he alone ? May not a man say as much of the Duke of Venice , or of the King of Polonia ? yet are neither of these soueraignes : no more had the B. for all these words any supreme and sole authority . Do I any where say , that the BB. haue or ought to haue supreme and sole authority , which here againe he obiecteth to make the BB. according to my iudgement forsooth absolute Popelings ? will these odious slanders wilfully deuised to disgrace the truth , which I taught , neuer bee left ? and yet that is vntrue which he saith of the Duke of Venice , and that is more then we desire , that the B. in his diocese , should be like the King of Polonia in his kingdome . For though the Duke of Venice bee aboue any other in Venice ; yet hee hath not the whole power and authority aboue al : neither doe we make the B. to haue supreme power in his diocese , as the King of Poland hath in his realme ; though in respect of the election of him to his kingdome , and of BB. to their sees , there be somelikenes . In the third place I alleage another testimony of p Ignatius , where hee exhorteth the Presbyters of Antioch , where himselfe was Bishop , to feed the flocke which was among them , vsing the words which Peter doth 1. Epist. 5. Vntill God should declare who should bee their q Gouernour , meaning the Bishop . Where the B. in plaine termes is called the gouernor of the Presbyters . There can be no question but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a maiority of rule . And yet he saith this testimony doth not proue any such maiority of rule : and that for foure worthy reasons . First , because this is one of those places which the disciplinarians absurdly alledge for the proofe of onely-gouerning elders ( which neuer were ) the duty inioined them being pastorall . Secondly , because the Church whereof he was B. was but one congregation at that time . And yet he expressely calleth himselfe the r Bishop of Syria : which plainely proueth , that he was not onely a diocesan , but a Metropolitan B. Yea but in his epistle to Ierome he calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I wil not vrge the error in the name Ierome , for Heron : perhaps it was not our Ieremies s , but his Barucks fault . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which hee absurdly translateth , Synagogue and parish , signifieth congregation , and is the same with ecclesia , or Church . For Ignatius hauing signified to him that he should be his successour in the Bishopricke , he saith t ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the congregation of the Lord shall not be as sheepe without a pastor . But hereof I haue spoken heretofore . Howbeit , both this and the former answere here are meere euasions . For suppose that ( which I haue proued to be most false ) that there were onely-gouerning elders in Antioch , and that the Church had been but one parish , can he be so absurde asto say , that none of the Presbyters in Antioch were ministers ? If any were ( as indeed they were all as I haue abundantly proued before ) is not the B. here plainely noted to be their gouernour ? and if he were their gouernour , was he not aboue them in the power of iurisdiction or gouernment ? Or what is this to the present question , whether the Church of Antioch contained one congregation or more , if it cannot be denied that the B. was superiour in the power of iurisdiction to the Presbyters of that Church , how great or how little soeuer it was ? His third reason of all others is most impertinent . For what is this to the purpose , if it were true , that the duty which Ignatius inioineth them of feeding , that is , of instructing and guiding the people , was not perpetually belonging to their office , but onely in the time of the vacancie , till they had another gouernour , seeing he noteth that himselfe had been , and his successour should bee their gouernour ? But it is vntrue which he saith , concerning the perpetuity of the duty . For Ignatius his meaning was , that as they were at all times to feed the people , so especially in the absence or want of the Bishop , the care and attendance of the flocke in the defect of a B. being deuolued to them . Fourthly , If M. D. doe vrge , saith he , that Ignatius was , and so also his successor their gouernour , ( which was indeed the onely thing for which the place was alleaged , and to which point alone hee ought to haue directed his speech ) the answere is easie , that he might be so , and yet the Church but a parish , and those Presbyters gouerning Elders . An easie answere indeed : as who should say , though the allegation doe proue that for which you bring it , yet it doth not disprooue some other of our absurdities , for the disproofe whereof you do not bring it : as that the Church was a parish , and the Presbyters onely gouerning elders . Was the disproofe of those points to be expected from this place , and at this time ? do you not say , it is one of the places which is ordinarily brought out of Ignatius , for proofe of onely-gouerning Elders ? And must this be your shift to auoid my argument , proouing out of this place the superiority of Bishops in the power of iurisdiction , that for any thing can hence be alleaged , the Presbyters might be onely gouerning Elders ? Js not the Refuter neere driuen , thinke you , when he would beare his Reader in hand , that his lay Presbyters be sufficiently proued , if the place which themselues bring for them , doth not disproue them ; but especially , when he is driuen to alleage this as a poore shift to auoid another thing in question ? Yea but if the Church were a parish , and they onely gouerning Elders , then was Ignatius but as a Parson of a parish : and Parsons , though they be called , rectores ecclesiarum , gouernours of the parish Churches , are farre enough from the maiority of rule in question . Whereto J answere , that if he would need● make Ignatius but the Parson of a parish , assisted with a Presbytery of lay Elders , hee should haue conceiued him to be such a one as themselues fancie , and not as ours are . For he should not haue been subordinate and subiect as ours are ( and as all Presbyters of t parishes euer were ) to the Bishops , but as they fancy , indued with a power vnsubordinate and independent ; and therefore had a supremacy , rather then superiority , as being the supreme ecclesiasticall officer in all that Church . But how I beseech you is it proued , that Ignatius was but a parish Bishop ? Because , forsooth , the Church of Antioch might be a parish , and the Presbyters thereof onely-gouerning Elders , for any thing that I haue here said to the contrary , which indeed I intended not in this place . But now I discerne a worthy stratageme of this Refuter , in chusing rather to answere the places out of Ignatius , being brought for superiority of Bishops , then himselfe to vrge them for the lay-elders : hoping to perswade some kind of Readers , both that their Elders are sufficiently proued , if they be not disprooued out of the places which themselues doe bring to proue them : and also , that by such an answere , the superiority of Bishops is sufficiently auoided . But to conclude this point , whiles the Refuter goeth about to proue , that Antioch ( which was the Metropolis of Syria , and the chiefe Citie of all the East ) was but a parish Church : and the Bishop of Antioch , who was also ( as Ignatius testifieth of himselfe ) the Bishop of Syria , and as Theodoret saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chiefe or pr●●ate of all the Bishops in in the East , to haue been but a Parson of a parish Church ; the Reader will hereby learne , what conceit to haue of his learning and iudgement , and what credit to giue to his new-●angled opinions . ( Serm. sect . 11. pag. 47. ) Now the Presbyters were subiect to their B. both as their ruler to be guided , &c. to page 50. med . ) Hauing in generall shewed the Bishops superiority in iurisdiction ouer the Presbyters , euen those of the Citie ; in this section J proue it more particularly by the parts of gouernment , which are , both to rule and direct ; as also to censure and correct . I shew therefore , that the Presbyters of the Citie were subiect to the Bishoppe , both as their ruler , to be guided and d●rected by him , and also as their Iudge , to be censured and corrected of him . Where the Refuter , if he would needs be analysing and syllogising , should haue framed this argument : To whom the Presbyters were subiect , both as to their ruler , to be guided and directed by him ; and as to their Iudge , to be censured and corrected of him , he was superior to them in the power of iurisdiction , and maiority of rule . To the B. the Presbyters were subiect , both as to their ruler , to be guided and directed by him ; and as to their Iudge to be censured and corrected of him . Therefore the B. was superiour to the Presbyters in power of iurisdiction and maiority of rule . The proposition of this syllogisme is of euident & vndeniable truth . The assumption consisteth of two parts : the former concerning the rule of direction , the latter concerning the power of correction : which I doe in order proue by euident testimonies , whereunto he opposeth nothing but cauilling shifts and euasions . By way of analysis he saith thus : The former proofe of the assumption touching the Bishops maiority of rule , was generall , concerning diocesan and parishionall Presbyters . Now follow the reasons for each of them in particular : and first , for the Bishoppes iurisdiction ouer the diocesan , in regard of direction . Where I desire him to tell vs , what he meaneth by diocesan Presbyters , whether such as assisted the Bishop in the diocesan gouernment ? If yea , hee dreameth of that hee cannot proue . To omit the commendation of his skill in analysing , which is not great , his resutation heere is , as you plainely see , not onely a dreame , but the dreame of a dreame . He saith , I dreame of diocesan Presbyters , when himselfe ( belike ) did dreame so . Where speake I one word of diocesan Presbyters ? where doe I once name them ? Is the Refuters conscience no better , then still to father vpon mee vntruths for his owne aduantage ? doth he not thereby bewray what a cause he maintaineth , which cannot be vpheld but by forgeries ? Neither if J had spoken of diocesan Presbyters , would I haue vsed the word in that sense . For as parts of the diocesse in the country are sometimes in the Councels called dioceses ; so are Country Ministers called a dioecesani , qui b per dioeceses ecclesias regunt : which in the Councell of Neocaesaria , are c called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Country Ministers , and are opposed to the Presbyters of the Citie , who are there called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and else where d , ciuitatenses Presbyteri . Of whom it may bee truly said , that the Colledge or company of them was the Presbytery , which being not assigned to any one parish , was prouided to assist the Bishoppe in the feeding and gouernment of the diocesse , as I haue prooued before , and in that sense might be called dioecesani . But let vs see his reason , saith the Refuter . If the 40. Canon of the Apostles saith he ( I said , the ancient Canon , ) if the Councels of Arles and Ancyra , Tertullian , Cyprian , and Ignatius affirme , that BB. had maiority of rule for direction ouer Diocesan Presbyters , then they had such maiority . But all these affirme so : therefore they had so . The former part of my e aforesaid Assumption , that the Presbyters of the City were subiect to the B. as their ruler to be directed by him , I proue , first in generall , because they might doe nothing of importance without his direction or consent , then particularly , in respect of those things which did belong to the power of their order . For as touching the former ; if the Presbyters might doe nothing without the B. nothing without his appointment , or consent ; then were they subiect to him , as their ruler , to be guided and directed by him . But the former I proue by these testimonies , whereto more may be added ; therefore the latter cannot be denied . Of the Syllogisme which he framed , hee denieth first the Consequence of the proposition ; not shaming to affirme , that although the ancient Canon called the Apostles , though the auncient Councels of Ancyra and Arles , though Tertullian , Cyprian and Ignatius , doe all testifie the maiority of rule in BB : yet it would not follow that they had it . It will follow then , that the ancientest Councels , and Fathers deserue no credit : which whosoeuer shall affirme , doth much more without comparison , deserue not onely no credit , but no audience , nay no sufferance , he is not to bee endured . But what pretence hath hee , to discredite their authorities ? forsooth none of them , excepting Tertullian and Ignatius liued in the first 200. yeares . As if all truth were confined within that periode : or as if some of the Fathers which succeeded ( as Cyprian by name ) deserued not as much credite as they . As for Cyprian , hee came 40. or 50. yeares after : and the Councell of Ancyry some 50. or 60. yeares after him . No doubt , but great alteration in discipline , and Church-gouernement , was or could be pretended to haue been in the Church , before Constatines time whiles it was vnder the Crosse. But let the Refuter esteeme of these authorities as hee pleaseth ; there is no modest or moderate Christian , but will preferre the affirmation of any of these , especially , in a matter of fact , before the negation of a thousand such as the libelling refuter . After he hath thus eleuated their authority , hee cauilleth with their testimonies , denying also the assumption . And first to the ancient Canon , forbidding Presbyters & Deacons to doe anything f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the appointment and consent of the Bishoppe , hee frameth such an answere , as euery word whereof almost doth argue extreame either vnconscionablenesse , or ignorance . Hee saith , It doth not proue they had maiority of rule , or sole soueraignty ouer them ▪ Sole soueraignity ? O defiled conscience , which ceasest not to ascribe such odious and absurd assertions to me ! But why is not the maiority of rule in the Bishoppe hence proued , and the subiection of Presbyters to him as to their ruler , to bee guided and directed by him , seeing they are charged to doe nothing without his direction and warrant ? what can bee more plaine ? forsooth , the like Phrase is vsed Can. 35. and Conc. Antioch . c. 9. where BB. are enioyned to doe nothing without the sentence of the Archbishoppe , nor he in their Parishes without the sentence or appointment of them all . If therefore the Maiority of rule in BB. may be proued from this Canon , then in like manner from the other two Canons , the maiority of rule not onely in Archbishops in those dayes ouer BB. but also of Bishops in their Parishes , ouer the Archbishop . But the consequent is false in both the parts of it : the former , for there were no Archbishops in those dayes ; the latter , because BB. had not authority ouer Archbishoppes : therefore the Antecedent also is vntrue . Here the refuter vnder some shew of learning hath bewraied much ignorance . For first , as touching the proposition : his reason is vnlike , and his allegation out of the g 34. Canon is vntrue . The Bishoppe of euery natiō m●st agnize him that is the first or Primate among them , and esteeme him as the chiefe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is not said as in the Canon by me cited , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simply , as the refuter citeth it ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Is there no difference betweene these two speeches , to doe nothing simply , and to do nothing more , or exceeding their own bounds ? For that this is the meaning of the Canon , the words following doe plainely declare , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but that they doe onely those things which appertaine to their own See , and the countries vnder it . But more plainely in the Councel of Antioch h , that the rest of the Bishops doe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing more then those things onely which concerne euery mans owne Church and Countries which bee vnder it . And that you should not vnderstand them , as the Refuter doth without vnderstanding , they adde ; for euery Bishoppe hath authority of his owne City , both to gouern according to the feare ( of God ) which hee hath , and to haue care of all the Country , as also to ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , and to administer euerything with iudgement . And yet I doe not deny , but that the Metropolitanes are superior to their Comprouinciall Bishoppes , in the power of Iurisdiction ; although all Bishops whatsoeuer , are equall in the power of order . Neither should the Bishops by the like reason be superiour to the Archbishops in their parishes , as he ignorantly addeth . For the Canon doth not speake of the seuerall Bishops in their Dioceses , which hee absurdly calleth Parishes ; but of the whole Company of them assembled in a Prouinciall Synode , saying that he must doe nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the consent of them all . Howsoeuer therefore either the Metropolitane , or any other of the Bishoppes in their owne seuerall Dioceses might doe those things which concerned their owne proper charge ; yet i prouinciall businesses ( which exceeded the bounds of any one mans charge ) were to be dispatched in Prouinciall Councels ; wherein the Metropolitane was to be acknowledged as the chiefe and President thereof , who called them together , and moderated the assembly ; but so , as the Bishops might doe nothing without him seuerally , so he might doe nothing without them all iointly ; and as hee was superiour to them seuerally , so was hee inferiour to them all iointly , that is , to the Synode . The Assumption likewise in the former part of it is false , and the reason of it also . For there were Metropolitanes in the first two hundred yeares , and they were superiour in the power of iurisdiction to their Bishops . But before he will let this testimony passe , hee hath one point of ignorance more to shew , and that is , because Archbishoppes are mentioned , c. 35 , alias 34. therefore these Canons were none of the Apostles , nor any others aboue an hundred , he will not say ( whatsoeuer hee thinkes ) two hundred yeares after them . For Archbishops were not hatched ( so reuerentlie he speaketh ) a long time after , all men being iudge . The antiquitie of these Canons I haue touched before ; shewing , that within little more then two hundred yeares after the Apostles time , they were then accounted auncient Canons . But to the point . If hee speake of the name Archbishoppe , it is not mentioned in the Canons , called the Apostles ; if of the office of a Metropolitane , which is meant in the aforesaid Canon ; I haue proued before , that it hath beene euer since the Apostles times . Those learned men , which hold Archbishops to be of a latter edition , by that name vnderstand Patriarches ; and those of 2. sorts , being either so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Patriarches of Rome , Constantinople , Alexandria , Antioch , and Ierusalem ; or such as are more vsually called Archbishops , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gouernors of large prouinces , beeing in a degree betweene , Metropolitanes , and Patriarches , which seeme to haue beene ordained in the first Councell of Constantinople , as Socrates k witnesseth . Hence it is , that Isidor l saith Ordo Episcoporum quadripartitus est , i. in Patriarchis , Archiepiscopis , Metropolitis atque Episcopis : and the same distinction is noted in the Councill of m Chalcedon , and in the n Code , and constitutions of Iustinian , and in the o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made by Leo the Emperour &c. To the same purpose I alledged the ancient Councell of Arles p , that Presbyters may doe nothing without the knowledge , and consent of their BB. and of Ancyra the most ancient approued Councill that is extant q , Non licere Presbyteris ciuitatis , sine Episcopi praecepto amplius aliquid imperare , nec sine authoritate literarum eius in vnaquaque parochia aliquid agere . That it is not lawfull for the Presbyters of the citie to doe any thing of importance without the Bishops appointment , no● to do any thing in any parish without the authoritie of his letters . To these J adde the first Councill of Toledo ; r Sine conscientia Episcopi nihil p●nit●● Presbyteri agere praesummunt , Let the Presbyters presum● to doe nothing at all without the knowledge , and consent of the Bishop . And forasmuch as for a poore euasion he alledgeth , that these Councils by me cited , though the ancientest that are extant , are vnder age ; which ill becommeth him to object , who hath no witnesses to the contrarie before this present age ; I will therfore produce one or two more , who liued in the Apostles times , and conuersed with them . Ignatius therefore in an Epistle which the Refuter hath before cited , saith s that neither Presbyter , nor Deacon ought to doe any thing without the B. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neither let any thing seeme reasonable vnto you , which is done without his warrant . To him I will adioyne a testimony of Clement , wishing the Reader to credit it no further then he seeth cause . He t therefore reporteth it as a doctrine of Peter , that no Presbyter ought to doe any thing in any Bishoppes parish or diocesse , without his permission ; and that all Presbyters ought without delay to be obedient to their BB. in all things . § . 14. But as I prooued that Presbyters might doe nothing without the Bishoppes appointment or consent , so I noted especially those things which belong to their power of order ; as the actions of their ministery , to baptize , to celebrate the Communion , to preach , to say the publike Liturgy , or diuine seruice . As touching Baptisme , I alleaged Tertullian u , testifying , that the Bishoppe hath the right to giue Baptisme ; then the Presbyters and the Deacon● : but yet not without the authority of the Bishoppe , for the honour of the Church , ( that is , the honour due vnto him in the Church ) which being safe , peace is safe . Where note in Tertullians time , within the first two hundred yeeres , the Bishoppe was so greatly honoured , that the peace of the Church was supposed to depend on the honour of the Bishoppe , as Ierome also speaketh , & that the ordinary right of baptizing was primarily in the Bishop ; secondarily , in the Presbyters & Deacons , but not to be exercised by them without his authority : whereas extraordinarily , and in case of necessitie , lay men in his iudgement might baptize . To this the Refuter giueth fiue answeres , but neuer a good one . As first , that Tertullian speaketh not of their iuresdiction in the Apostles times , or af●er by authority from them . Hee speaketh nor de facto , but de iure ; noting what right Bishops had : and hee sheweth the ordinary right of baptizing which the Presbyters had , was not without the Bishops authority . 2. That the preeminence he giueth them was for the honor of the Church , and preseruation of peace . What then ? was this peculiar to his time ? Were they not as carefull of the honour of the Church , and preseruation of peace in the Apostles times , as after ? 3. Neither doth he speake of the authority of the Bishop in generall , but of an honour giuen him in one particular . And for one particular belonging to the power of order , did I alleage it , that hauing prooued this point in generall , I might also shew it in the particulars , which cannot otherwise be done , but sigillation , one by one . Yea but this honour no one particular , might well bee in a titular Bishoppe , that had no such iurisdiction . Titular Bishops in the primitue Church were such , as had the name and title , but not the authority of a Bishop granted to them . Such a one was Meletius , who by the censure of the Councell of Nice * , was not to haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the authority , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bars name of a Bishop . And such were x Nouatian Bishops , returning to the Church permitted to be , if the Catholike Bishop would gratifie them with the name and title of a Bishop . I reade of Eustathius y , the Metropolitan B. of Pamphylia , who being desirous to leade a more quiet and solitary life , gaue vp his Bishopricke : whereupon Theodorus was chosen in his roome . For it was not meet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Church should continue a widow , and that the flockes ●f our Sauiour should remaine without a gouernour . But he afterwards repenting him of the abdication of his Bishopricke , putteth vp a petition to the Councell of Ephesus , that hee might at the least retaine the name and honour of a Bishop . At his request , the Councell writeth to the Synod of Pamphylia , that he might haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the name , the honour , and communion of a Bishop : but yet so , as that neither he doe ordaine , nor taking vpon him the charge of the Church , should performe sacred actions by his owne authority Thus we see who were titular Bishops in the primitiue Church , such as were gratified with the name , but wanted the office and authority of a Bishoppe . As for those who had the office of a Bishoppe , of whom Tertullian speaketh ; they had also vigorem episcopatus , the vigor of the episcopall office : whereof Cyprian so oft speaketh , and the sway of authority ecclesiasticall was in their hands : insomuch that Presbyters and Deacons , who by the power of their order had right to baptitize , might not euen in Tertullians time exercise that power , but by authority from the Bishop . In the fourth place the Refuter obiecteth , that these Presbyters were not ordinary Ministers of the word and Sacraments , but such as he and his fellowes dreame of ; because Tertullian in the very next words affirmeth , alioquin etiamlaicis iut est , otherwise lay men also might baptize . That the Presbyters were Ministers , I haue manifestly proued before , and I haue noted already , that Tertullian signifieth the ordinary right of baptizing to be in the Bishop , Presbyters & Deacons , that yet extraordinarily and in the case of necessity , lay men might baptize . And so Ierome a seemeth to exhound Tertullians meaning . Hence it is that without Chrisme ( which b the Presbyters of the seuerall parishes were to fetch from their B. ) and without the commandement of the Bishop neither Presbyter nor Deacon haue right to baptize . Which notwithstanding wee know to be oft times lawfull for lay men to doe , si tamen necessitas cogit , but yet so , if necessity doe compell . But nothing is more euident then that the Presbyters were Ministers , by that which hath heretofore been deliuered . Whereunto this helpeth somewhat , that Tertullian opposeth Presbyters and Deacons to laymen . This obiection the Refuter thought to preuent , by saying , that the gouerning Elders and Deacons were accounted among the Clergy . Which also is an vnlearned assertion . For to omit the arguments which before were brought to prooue , that the Presbyters and Deacons were degrees of the sacred Ministery ; it is plaine , that the clergy of each diocesse was a company of such as were trained vp in learning , it being the seminary of the whole diocesse . And as they profited in yeeres , learning , and pietie , so they were preferred to bee Readers , then Exorcists , then Acolythi , then Sub-deacons , after that Deacons , then Presbyters , out of whom ordinarily was chosen the Bishoppe . And moreouer , the Presbyters and Deacons , with the rest of the Clergy , had all their maintenance according to their place and degree in the Church . And therefore our disciplinarians , if they will haue such Presbyters and Deacons as were in the primitiue Church , they must fetch them from the Vniuersitie , and schooles of learning , as we doe , and maintaine them by the charges of the Church , as well , though not with so large allowance ▪ as the Bishop . His last euasion ( for none of his answers is better ) is , that the lower Tertullian speaketh of , might well be , and was on a parish Bishop , the Presbyters being subiect to him , as his assistants for that one Church . But parish Bishoppes , such as they speake of , and lay elders be of one edition , neuer heard of before our age . For the more manifest proofe whereof , I referre you to that which before hath been by mee alleaged . Jt is euident therefore by the testimonies of Tertullian and Ierome , that such was the superioritie of Bishoppes , in respect of iurisdiction , that the Presbyters and Deacons , though the right to baptize belonged to their power of order , yet they might not exercise that power , without iurisdiction and authority granted them from the Bishop . The like I alleaged concerning the Lords Supper . Ignatius c saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Let that Eucharist be allowed as firme and warrantable , which is celebrated vnder the Bishop , that is , in his presence ; or by such ( namely in his absence , or in those Congregations where he is not present ) as he should permit or appoint . The words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preuent the Refuters cauill , who saith , that the Church was but one Congregation , wh●rein no man had authoritie to minister the word or Sacraments , but with the liking of the Pastor . For that Eucharist which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was in the congregation , where the Bishop was present , it being administred in other congregations by such as the Bishop did authorize . But the idle conceit of one onely Congregation in the greatest Churches hath beene before sufficiently refuted . Where I alleged Cyprian , reproouing the Presbyters of Carthage , for giuing the Communion to some which had fallen in time of persecution , without warrant from him , though he were absent , therin not regarding as they ought d praepositum sibi Episcopum , the Bishop who was set ouer them , nec Episcopo honorem Sacerdotij sui & Cathedrae seruantes , nor reseruing vnto the Bishop the honour of his Priesthood and Chaire : the Refuter saith , the same answer which he gaue to Tertullian , will serue ( as a poore shift ) for Cyprians testimonie , who had iust cause to complaine , that the Presbyters , who in his absence were to feede the Flocke , had taken vpon them to admit to the Communion , &c. Doth not the Refuter see his former shift will not serue the turne ? Is it not plaine , that the Presbyters which Cyprian speaketh of , who as hee saith elsewhere , e were cum Episcopo sacerdotali honore coniuncti , ioined to the Bishop in the honour of Priesthood , who were to feed the people , and whose office it was to deliuer the holy Communion to the people , were Ministers of the word and Sacraments ? Againe , will it serue the turne to say , either that the Presbyters had authority only in this particular of the Sacrament , or that Cyprian was either but a titular or a parish B. whom I haue proued before to haue beene a Metropolitan ? In the end he resteth in his first answer , that Cyprian is vnder age . Alas good Cyprian , how hard was thy happe , that thou wert not Bishop one f fortie yeeres sooner , that the Refuter and his consorts , which now haue excluded thee without the compasse of their imagined Primitiue Church , might haue esteemed thy testimonie as good as Tertullians , or others who wrote in the first 200. yeeres ! The like I might haue added concerning other ministeriall functions . The second Councell of Carthage g decreed , that if any Presbyter without the consent of the B. should in any place agenda celebrare , celebrare diuine seruice , and performe such actions as belong to the ministerie , hee should be deposed . The Councell of Gangra pronounceth him accursed , who shal performe the actions of the church , meaning those things which appertaine to Gods publike seruice , and the ministerie of the word and sacraments , h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there being not present a Presbyter by the appointment of the Bishop . The ancient Canon , i called the Apostles , appointeth , that such a Presbyter as will of his owne authoritie , without the appointment of the B. hold assemblies for the seruice of God , & vse of the sacraments , that he should be deposed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as ambitious . The same hath the Councell of Antioch , k in the fifth Canon ; which Canon being recited in the Councell of Chalcedon , l all the BB. gaue it this acclamation : This is a iust rule ; this is the rule of the Fathers . This case being propounded in the Councell of Carthage , m if a Presbyter being condemned by his owne B. shall swell with pride against him , and thinke he may apart celebrate the diuine seruice , and offer the Communion , &c. the Councell determined , if any Presbyter swelling with pride against his B. shall make a schisme , withdrawing himselfe from the Communion of his B. &c. let him be anathema . For a conclusion , I alleged the words of Ignatius , n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let no man without the B. that is , without his leaue and authority , doe any thing that belongeth to the Church . To which the Refuter maketh this one only answer , of one congregation , which I haue confuted more then once . To proue the Bishops power and authority in correcting Presbyters , in the first place I alleged Cyprian , who o telleth Regatianu● a B. who had beene abused of his Deacon , that pro Episcopatus v●gore & Cathedrae authoritate , for the vigour of his Bishopricke , and authority of his chaire , hee might himselfe haue censured him as he thought good ; & counselleth him , if the Deacon did persist , hee p should exercise the power of his honor towards him , and either depose him , or excommunicate him . Secondly , Ierome q maruelling that the B. where Vigilantius was Presbyter , did not virga apostolica , with the apostolike and with an iron rodde , breake that vnprofitable vessell , and deliuer him vnto the destruction of the flesh . Both these the refuter casteth off , as vncompetent witnesses , who speake but of the practise of their owne times ; as who should say , it had beene otherwise before their times . But it is plaine almost by innumerable testimonies , some whereof I will cite r anon , that the ancientest Canons , Councels , and Fathers acknowledge and allow this correctiue power in the Bishops ouer the Presbyters and Deacons in the Primitiue Church . As for the Apostles times , I prooue the same out of the Apocalypse , but more plainely out of the Epistles to Timothe and Titus . The former reason , if the Refuter will giue me leaue to frame it , is this : Those who either are commended for examining , and not suffering such in their Church , as called themselues Apostles , and were not , or were reprooued for suffering false Teachers , had a correctiue power ouer other Ministers . The Angell of the Church of Ephesus s is commended for the former : the Angell of the Church of Thyatira t is reproued for the latter . Therefore these Angels , which before I haue proued to be BB. had a correctiue power ouer other Ministers . His answer is friuolous , that neither these Angels were diocesan Bishops , which before hath been prooued , nor these false Teachers diocesan Presbyters , which word himselfe deuised for a shift . Is it not against sense ( saith hee ) that the Presbyters which were subiect to the B. should call themselues Apostles ? If they were not subiect to him , why is hee either commended for exercising authoritie ouer them , or reprooued for suffering them ? And if they were not Presbyters , because they called themselues Apostles , be like they were better men . Js it not then against sense , to deny that Presbyters were subiect to the cēsure of the Bishop , because he imagineth these , who were subiect to their censure , were better men ? Whatsoeuer they were , whether Presbyters , or in a higher degree ; whether of the Bishops presbytery , or not ; whether of his diocese originally , or come from other places , it is plaine , that they were Teachers , and that being in their diocese , the Bishops had authoritie either to suffer them to preach , or to inhibit them ; to retaine them in the Communion of their Church , or to expell them . My other reason , that BB. had correctiue power ouer the Presbyters , is , because Timothe and Titus had such power ouer the Presbyters of Ephesus and Creet : as I proue by most euident testimonies out of Pauls epistles written to them , u and Epiphanius * his inference on these words to Timothe : Against a Presbyter receiue not thou an accusation , but vnder two or three witnesses , &c. Therefore ( saith he ) Presbyters are x subiect to the B. as to their Iudge . To my inference out of S. Paul he answereth , that Timothe and Titus were not BB. and that I shall neuer prooue they were . I desire therefore the Reader to suspend his iudgement vntill hee come to the proofes on both sides ; and if he shall not find my proofes for their being BB. to be better then his to the contrarie , let him beleeue me in nothing . In the meane time let him know , that if the generall consent of the ancient Fathers deserue any credit for a matter of fact , then must it be granted that Timothe and Titus were Bishops . Against Epiphanius hee obiecteth , that hee tooke for granted that which Aerius constantly denied . But this is one of his presumptuous and malapeit conceits ; for when Epiphanius prooueth against Aerius , that Bishops were superiour to other Presbyters , because Timothe was , taking it for granted that Timothe was a Bishoppe : what moderate or reasonable man would think otherwise , but that this assertion , that Timothe was a Bishoppe , was such a receiued truth , as hee knew Aërius himselfe would not deny it ? ( Serm. sect . 12. pag. 50. But consider also the Presbyters as seuered in place from the Bishop , and affixed to their seuerall Cures , &c. to offenders , pag. 52. My first Argument to proue the iurisdiction of Bishops ouer Presbyters assigned to their seuerall cures , is , that when any place in the country was voide , the Bishoppe assigned a Presbyter to them out of his Presbytery , which as hath beene said before , Caluin confesseth ; and is an euident argument , as to proue the iurisdiction of the Bishop ouer the country parishes , and Presbyters thereof , so to demonstrate that the Bishops were Diocesan . This reason because hee could not answere , he would as his maner is , perswade the Reader that it is needlesse . Secondly , I alledge that these Presbyters might doe nothing but by authority from the Bishoppe , from whome they had their iurisdiction , and therefore were subiect to him as their ruler . Thirdly , that they were subiect to his iudgement and censures . These two points with their proofes , hee passeth ouer , as if hee made hast to the reason following , which he supposeth to be the weakest . For this is his maner , to passe by in breuity , or in silence the best proofes , and if he meet with any thing which seemeth to him weaker then the rest , there he resteth like a●lie in a raw place . But by his leaue I will insist a little on these two points . And first , for the former point in generall , the ancient Councell of Laodicea hauing ordained that Country Bishops might do nothing without the consent of the B. in the City ; in like maner commaundeth the Presbyters a to doe nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the consent of the B. The same hath Damasus , b who hauing spoken of Country Bishops , in like manner saith , this must be held concerning Presbyters ; vt sine iussu proprij Episcopi nihilagant , that they do nothing without the commaundement of their owne B. To omit those actions that belonged to the power of order , which I haue already proued they could not performe without licence and authority from the Bishop : consider , how in respect of their persons those of the Clergy were subiect to the Bishop , to be disposed by him . First , hee had authority to promote thē from one degree to another , as he saw cause ; insomuch c that if they refused to bee promoted by him they were to loose that degree from which they would not be remoued . Secondly , they might not remoue d from one Diocese to another without his consent . If they did , he had authority to call them backe . Or if any other Bishop should ordaine any of his Clerks without his cōsent , or letters dimissory e , and in that Church preferre him to a higher degree ; his own B. might reuerse that ordination , & bring him again to his own Church . Con. Nic. c. 16. Arel . 2. c. 13. Sard. c 15. Constant. in Trullo . c. 17. Venet. c. 10 Epaun. c. 5. Thirdly , they might not so much as trauel from one City to another , without the B. licence , & his commendatory f letters . This was decreed by the councell of Laodicea g , and diuers others , as Con. Agath . c. 38. Epaunens . c. 6. Aurelian . 3. c. 15. Venet. c. 5. Turon . c. 11.12 . Hereby the Reader will easily discerne , that the whole Clergy of euery Diocese was subiect to the B. as to their Ruler . And that he was their iudge , it is euident . Cyprian h testifieth , that heresies and schismes arise hence , that the Bishop is not obeied , nec v●us in Ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos & ad tempus index vice Christi cogitatur , neither is one B. in the Church and one iudge for the time in the stead of Christ acknowledged . First , in their controuersies : for when Clerks i are at variance , the B ▪ shal bring them to concord , either by reason , or by his power . If there be a controuersie betweene Clerks , saith the Councel of Chalcedon k , they shal not forsake their owne B. but first their cause shall be tried before him . And if in their sutes they thought themselues l wronged in their Bishoppes court , then were they either to se●ke to the next BB m , if the matter could not be differred to the next Synode : or else they might appeale n to the Metropolitane , or Prouinciall Synode . But that the B. should be ouerruled , controlled , or censured by his owne Presbytery , it was neuer heard of , vnlesse it were by way of insurrection or rebellion . Secondly , in causes criminall , that the Presbyters and others of the Clergy were subiect to the BB. censures , it is euery where almost in the ancient Canons and Councels either expressed , or presupposed . If any Presbyter or Deacon , saith the ancient Canon o , be excommunicated by the B. he may not be receiued by another into the Communion , then by him who did excommunicate him whiles he liueth . Which Canon is ratified in the Councell of Nice p in these words ; as touching those which be excommunicate , whether they be of the Clergy or Laity , by the BB. in euery Prouince , let that Canō be obserued , that those that are excommunicated of one should not goe to another , &c. The Councell of q Antioch decreed , that if any B. being deposed by a Synode , or a Presbyter or Deacon by his owne B. shall presume before they be restored by a Synod to exercise their ministery , their degree should be vnrecouerable ; and that they which communicate with them , should be cast out of the church . Again , r If any of the Laitie , or Clergy , whether Presbyters or Deacons &c. shal be excommunicated by his own B. he may not bee receiued of another . And yet againe , s If any Presbyter or Deacon being deposed by their owne Bishop , &c. The Councell of Sardica t forbiddeth a Bishop to receiue a Presbyter or Deacon , &c. whom hee knoweth to haue beene excommunicated by his owne Bishop . Againe , u If any B. through choler shall rashly excommunicate a Presbyter or Deacon , it shall bee lawfull for them to appeale to the Metropolitane . Exuperantius a Presbyter being excommunicated by Triferius his Bishop for some misdeamenour towards him , the Councill of Taurin * left his restitution to the arbitrement of the Bishop ; by whom he had beene excommunicated . The Councill of Carthage x decreed , that they which receiued those which be excommunicated , shall be guiltie of the same fault with them , who doe flie from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the canonicall sentence of their owne B. Out of the same Councel y I cited before a decree cōcerning Presbyters which were condemned of their owne Bishoppe . And in the z African Councel there is another decree concerning Clergy men of what degree soeuer , that haue beene condemned by the iudgement of their Bishop . In the 4. Councell of Carthage a it was decreed that the Bishop should excommunicate the accusers of their brethren , and that if they did repent , hee should receiue them vnto the communion , but not into the Clergie . The councell of Ephesus b , that if any for their misdeedes being condemned , either by a Synode , or their own Bishop , should be restored by Nestorius or his complices either to the communion or to their degree , that they should notwithstanding remaine excommunicated or deposed . The Councell of Agatha c appointed ▪ that disobedient Clerks should bee corrected of their Bishop . In the Councell of Chalcedon there is a Canon d concerning such Clerks as being excommunicated by their own Bishops , got themselues to the City of Constantinople , &c. In the same Councell Carosus e vseth these words ; They are Bishops , they haue power to excommunicate , and to condemn . These testimonies for councels may suffice . For I will not descend to those of latter times , the latest which I haue cited being the 4. generall Councell . For examples , the like plenty might bee shewen of them , who haue been excommunicated or deposed by the B. Thus Alexander deposed f Arius ; g and Chrysostome diuers of his Clergie . Euryches was canonically h deposed by his owne Bishop , and diuers Presbyters excommunicated by i Ibus the Bishop , &c. To conclude , Bishops , saith Balsam● k , haue authority eyther to excommunicate their Clergy or to depose them . Thus haue I proued by euident testimonies , that al sorts of Presbyters , and other clergy men in euery diocesse were subiect to the Bishop . Whereunto this I adde , that since the first institution of Bishops , which was in the Apostles times vntill our age , it was neuer otherwise : but all clergy men , if either they withdrew themselues from their subiection to their orthodoxall B. they were counted schismatickes ; or if they liued vnder no Bishop , they were wont to be called headlesse Clerks . By no meanes , saith the councill of l Paris , are they to be accounted Clerks , or Priests , who do not liue vnder the gouernment and discipline of some Bishop : for such the custome of the ancient Church called acephalos , that is , headlesse . To these testimonies in the end I added a reason , wherein the refuter , because he hoped to finde some aduantage , is pleased to insist . The reason standeth thus : The pastors of seueral parishes in the primitiue church were either subiect to the authority and iurisdiction of the Bishop ; or they had associates in the parishes ioyned with them in the gouernment thereof , or ruled alone without controle●●●t , beeing neither restrained by associates , nor subiect to BB. But neither had they associates in the parishes ioined with them , neither did they rule alone without controlement , beeing neither restrained by associates , nor subiect to the Bishop . Therefore the pastors of seuerall parishes in the primitiue Church were subiect to the authority and iurisdiction of the bishop . First he taketh exception against the conclusion , saying that I doe not conclude that which he looked for . What he looked for , I know not , nor care not ; the thing which I propounded to proue , was , that the Bishops in the primitiue Church were superior to the Presbyters in the power of iurisdiction or gouernment . Which is most euidently proued by this argument a relatis : If the Presbyters were inferiour and subiect to the iurisdiction and gouernement of the Bishops , then were the Bishops superiour to them in the power of iurisdiction and gouernement . What can bee more plaine ? or how could they bee , as he absurdly imagineth subiect to the iurisdiction and gouernement of the B. if he neither had power to rule and direct them , nor authority and iurisdiction to censure and correct them ? His exception therefore against the conclusion is a very friuolous cauill , like all the rest of his answers . To the proposition hee answereth , by denying the distruction as insufficient , because a fourth thing might bee added , and that is the authority of the congregation . But though this might be added according to the phantasticall conceit of some fanaticall spirits in our time , who make the gouernement of the Church to be neither monarchiall , nor aristocraticall , but democraticall , or rather ochlocraticall ; yet was it not to be added , because there could bee no question thereof according to the iudgement and practise of the primitiue Church , whereof I spake . But let him adde it if the please ; for it may as easily be denied in the assumptiō , as added in the proposition . The proposition will perhaps seeme somwhat the better , and the assumption wil be neuer the worse . Therfore , this also was a meere cauill . As touching the assumption : that part which denieth them to haue ruled alone , as being neither restrained by associates , nor subiect to Bishops , he saith hee would haue granted , but that I proued it . See the spirit of contradiction . What then ? will he deny it ? No , but heereby he wil take aduantage to inferre his triumphing conclusion , that Bishopsforsooth he Popes , & then say it is my conclusion . But to this their conclusion , which they haue published in print in most glorious and vaunting manner fiue times that I know of , arguing nothing but their gerat malice & small iudgement , I haue answered before to their shame . How oft must they bee told , that wee neither make our Bishops supreme gouernours , as they doe their parish Bishop : nor sole , as theirs would bee , if they had not the assistance of their Presbyters ? And who knoweth not , that it is the supremacy that maketh a Pope : and supremacy they giue to their parish Bishop . The other part of the assumption , which saith they had not assistants in the parish to restraine them , he denieth . But before he wil examine my reasō which I broght to proue it , his grauity thoght good to cauil with the phrase , which ( saith he ) soundeth very strangely in our eares . Assistants are for his helpe whom they assist , not to hinder in the execution of his office ; so doe the Iustices of peace assist the Iudges at the assises . Therefore he should either , not haue called them assistants , or forborne the terme of restraining . Where were so many eares , as he speaketh of , there were more heads then one that ioined in this work , as I vnderstand there did . But where so many heads were , it is strange there was no more iudgement . Are your Presbyteries assisting your parish Bishop , to be compared to the Iustices of peace at the assises , who haue no right of suffrage or giuing sentence ? or not rather to the Iudges assisting the chiefe Iudge in euery Court ? haue not all in your Presbyteries or consistories equal right of suffrage , and are not all things carried by plurality of voice ? Is it not plaine , that the Iudges in the Kings bench , or common plees , who are assistants to the L. chiefe iustices , are ioyned to either of them , as to he●lpe him in giuing right iudgment , so to restraine him , that he iudge not alone , according to his own pleasure ? Is it not euident when more are ioyned in one commission , that they are ioyned as well to restraine him that is the cheefe , that he shall doe nothing alone , as to helpe him in the execution thereof ? What a shallow conceit then was this , that assitants might not be said to restraine ; seeing their office is , as to helpe him whom they assist to doe right , so to restraine him that hee doe no wrong . Let vs now heare what hee can say to the reason ; which is this : If the pastors of euery parish had assistants , then Presbyteries , either of lay-presbyters or of Ministers But they had not presbyteries to assist them , neither of lay-presbyters , nor of ministers . Therefore they had none assistants . The Proposition is grounded vpon this hypothesis , which I tooke for granted , that all assistants or coassessours ioined with the Bishop or pastor in the gouernment of the Church , that are any wheres noted to haue been in the primitiue Church , were Presbyters . For that which againe he addeth concerning the whole congregation , is a very fond conceit . Whoeuer heard that the whole congregation assisted the pastor in the gouernement of it selfe ? assuredlie they which attribute authority to the whole congregation ascribe vnto it the chiefe authority , as in popular states : which the refuter hath before acknowledged , saying , a that they subiect both the pastors & elders to the whole congregation , turning the world vpside down , and making the flock to rule their pastor . And yet how this standeth with their other position , that the pastor is the supreme ecclesiasticall officer in euery Church . J cannot sell , vnlesse they meane the highest vnder the Church it selfe . Which if it be so , then is not the Church according to their conceit assistant to the Pastor , but the Pastor is the Churches deputy and lieuetenant for the gouernement of it selfe , in which gouernement of the Church the Presbyters bee his assistants . But whatsoeuer might be added to the proposition , according to the vnstayed fancies of certaine innouators , which I respected not , the proposition is necessary according to the practise of the primitiue Church wherof only J sp●ke . But he denyeth the assumptiō also , saying , that they had other Presbyters which were not ministers . But I hope he wil vnsay that saying , when he shall haue read what before hath beene deliuered concerning their onely-gouerning Elders . Besides , against their parish-presbyters I alledged the practise of the Churches in Scotland and Geneua . For in Scotland they had not a Presbytery or consistory in euery parish , but in such circuits as are answerable to our deanries . And whereas he saith , that neither I nor hee 〈…〉 truely what the practise of Geneua is , but by uncertaine reports ; hee should haue spoken for himselfe . For what I report concerning Geneua , I haue read , as in other Authors , so in Beza himselfe , shewing that they haue but one Ecclesiasticall presbyterie , or consistorie , for all the parishes both in the city and territory thereto belonging , consisting of eighteene seniors , whereof 6. are Ministers constant , and 12. chosen euery yeare out of their 3. councils of state , viz. 6. out of the councill of 200 4 out of that of 60 , and 2. out of the 25. as I haue noted before . But where he saith that Geneua may well be taken for one parish , seeing it hath no diocesan Bishop , it seemeth he doth not greatly care , what he saith . Belike there is but one parish church , and all the rest , beeing aboue 20. be chapels of ease ; and who then is the pastor of the whole Church of Geneua ? and what be they that are set ouer the Churches , if they bee not the pastors of them ? Againe , it is not long since Geneua was vnder a Bishop , and then was it a Diocese , and is it now come to bee but a parish ? or shall we not rather say , that as the Bishop in his time was Diocesan ; so the presbyterie now , is not a parishionall , but a Diocesan presbyterie , and that the whole Church of Geneua consisting of many parishes , is as well a Diocese now , as it was before ? It remaineth therefore as I said in the sermon , that the ministers of seuerall parishes were subiect to the Bishop , whose pastoral care extended it selfe to al , euen theremotest parishes in his Diocese &c. CHAP. VI Titles of honour giuen to BB. ( Serm. sect . 13. pag. 52. Thus haue you heard , that the Angels or BB. of the Primitiue Church , were for the substance of their calling such as ours be . &c. to the end of the fourth point . ) HEere ( I thanke him ) he compareth me to such as be called Iuglers , because as they can perswade men they see what they doe not see : so I would perswade my hearers that they heard which they did not heare . Whether of vs doth vse more plaine euidence of truth , and whether of vs tricks of legerdemaine , I appeale to the conscience of the Reader ; though it bee the refuter himselfe . But good sir , though it was not in me to perswade euery one that did heare , yet me thinks I might without offence say they had heard that which they did heare , whether it were true or false . And I hope in God , that which now I haue written in defence of that which they heard , will not onely satisfie those which are not wilfully addicted to your nouelties ; but also conuict the conscience of the gainesayers : whom I desire in the feare of God , to take heede how they resist a truth whereof their conscience is conuicted . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is hard to kicke against the pricks . To that which hee obiecteth concerning the mentioning of prouinciall Bishops , whome I did not name before , I answere : that although I did not expressely and by name argue for prouinciall Bishops : yet diuers of my proofes were directly of them , and by a consequence from the greater to the lesse applied to Bishops : as also by this reason , because eeuery prouinciall Bishop is a diocesan Bishop , though not contrariwise . To his other cauill of not direct concluding , I haue answered already 4. or 5. times . But before I ended this 4. point , I thought it needfull to preuent an obiection which is vsually made ; that whatsoeuer the office of the ancient Bishops was , yet they were not called Lords , as ours bee . Whereunto I answered , that men were not to be offended at that title , for these two causes : 1. Because it is a title in the holy scriptures giuen , both to naturall and spirituall Fathers , as I proued out of Genesis 3● . 35.1 . Kings . 18.7.13 . 2. Because the title of Angels , which the Holy Ghost in this place giueth to them , is a title of greater honour , then the other , by how much the heauenly gouernours of men vnder God , are more excellent then the earthly . To the former , besides some insulting speeches , which hee will bee ashamed of , when hee shall finde himselfe put to silence : hee answereth , that the word Lord was a terme common too all superiours as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greeke , and Dominus in Latine : which I confesse to be true in the vocatiue case , the words being vsed as our English , Sir. But otherwise , where the word is to be translated Lord , it is both in Hebrew and Greeke a word of like honour with our English , Lord. And therefore it was a great ouersight in those , which translating 1. Pet. 3. where Peter saith that Sara called Abraham 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Lord , read , that she called him Sir. For her words , whereunto Peter had relation , were these , Vadoni zaken , and my Lord is olde . It were something foolish to say , and my Sir. Yea but saith he , the word Lord with vs is appropriated to men of Nobility and speciall place in ciuill gouernment . To omitte that it is not so appropriated to them , but that euen meane gentlemen are so called in respect of the manours which they hold , it appeareth by that which hath bene said , that Bishops not onely now haue , but in the Primitiue Church had , as speciall and as honourable a place in the gouernment of the Church , as the ciuill magistrates he speaketh of , haue in the common wealth . Their calling also beeing more honourable , I see no reason , why they should be enuyed an equall title of honour . To the latter reason he answereth 2. things . First , that the titles of honour now giuen to Bishops were also inferiour to the title of Angels , which the holy Ghost giueth them ; and yet then they had them not , nor till Poperie ( he meaneth the Papacie ) was grown to his full height . His simple Reader would thinke that hee speaketh vpon certaine knowledge , and cannot but beleeue him , and so be deceiued by his confident speeches ; but he speaketh at all aduentures , as his affection , not as his knowledge lead him . The Papacie came not to the ful height vntil the time of Hildebrād , which was aboue a thousand yeares after Christ : when the Pope had gotten the temporall supremacie , and so both the swords . The beginning of that , which our writers call the Papacie , was when the Pope first obtained the spirituall supremacie , which was about the yeare sixe hundred and seauen . If therefore I shall prooue , that Bishops had as honourable titles in the first sixe hundred yeares , as they haue now with vs ; I shall euince , that not onely before the height , but before the arising of the Papacie , they were called Lords , and by other titles no lesse honourable then Lord. But I will not desire so large a scope ; the most of my proofes shall be contained within three or foure hundred yeares after the death of Christ. Alexander therefore the Bishop of Alexandria , writing to Alexander Bishop of Constantinople giueth him this stile , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To my most honourable brother : Not long after , Arius writeth thus to Eusebius of Nicomedia , b , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to my most desired Lord. The same Eusebius c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to my Lord Paulinus Bishop of Treuers , vsing also the same title more then once in the same Epistle of Eusebius of Caesaria , calling him my Lord Eusebius . For though these two whom I last cited , were not sound in the faith ; yet their writing sheweth , what was the custome of the Church before the Councill of Nice . Not long after the same Councill , Athanasius succeeded the foresaid Alexander : in his behalfe the Bishops which came out of Aegypt write to the Bishops assembled in Councill at Tyrus , d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to our most honourable Lords . The Synode held at Ierusalem e writing also in his behalfe to the Presbyters , Deacons , & people in Aegypt , Lybia & Alexandria moue thē to be thankful vnto God , who hath now , say they , restored vnto you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your pastor and Lord. About the same time , certain BB. direct their letters to Iulius B. of Rome f the great Patron of Athanasius , vnder this stile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the most blessed Lord &c. Gregory Nazianzene g writing to Gregory Nyssen concerning a false report which had beene spread , that the BB. had put him by the bishopricke , saith , let no man speake vntruths of mee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor of my Lords the BB. The councell held at Illyricum writing to the Churches and Bishops of Asia and Phrygia &c. hath these words h , we haue sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our Lord and fellow minister Elpidius to take notice of your doctrine , whether it bee as we haue heard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of our Lord and fellow Minister Eustathius . George the Bishop of Laodicea i writeth to certain BB. thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the most honourable Lords . The fathers of the second generall Councell k direct their letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the most honourable Lords Damasus , Ambrose , &c. And in the same epistle , speaking of BB. call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most reuerend and most honorable brethren . The said Ambrose holding with other BB. a Synode , and writing a synodicall epistle to Syricius then B. of Rome , among other BB. Aper a Presbyter subscribed thereunto for his B. vsing these words : l Exiussudomini Episcopi Geminiani , at the commandement of my L. B. Geminianus . And this was the vsuall stile which Presbyters did vse when they did subscribe to Councels instead of their B. whose place they supplied . As to the Councell of Arles , m Desiderius Presbyter directus à Domino meo Ioanne Episcopo , directed from my Lord Iohn the B. haue giuen my consent , and subscribed : and so three others there mentioned ; & in like maner to diuers other n Councels . Whosoeuer will peruse the Acts of the great Councell of Chalcedon , hee shall seldome read any B. mentioned without some title of great reuerence and honour ; as reuerendissimus , sanctissimus . And long before that , Socrates o acknowledgeth , that it was the vsuall manner in his time , not to speake of BB. without titles of great honour , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most religious , most holy , or such like . And p Chrysostome saith plainly , that Heretikes haue learned of the Diuell , not to giue due titles of honour to Bishops . But where hee findeth fault with them , for that in stead of those titles which argue their authoritie , they said , your reuerence , your wisedome , and such like ; what would hee haue said to the tearmes that haue beene vsually giuen to our Bishops by the Disciplinarians among vs ? I say , among vs : for Caluin , Beza , and others , when they haue had occasion to write to our Bishops , haue not refused to giue them their titles of honour . To omit the rest , Caluin q writing to Archbishop Cranmer , vseth these titles , Illustrissime Domine , Ornatissime & clarissime Praesul , &c. Zanchius r to Bishop Grindall , Reuerendissime Antistes . Beza s and Sadeel to Archbishop Whitgift , Reuerendissimo viro , & in Christo Patri , Domino Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi , serenissimae Reginae Consiliario , & totius Angliae Primati , &c. His second answer containeth two things : the former , that the title of Angels which the holy Ghost giueth to BB. ( for that onely J mentioned ) is quite besides the purpose , my argument being this : The holy Ghost giueth BB. a more honourable title , in calling them the Angels of the Churches , then if he had called them Lords . Therefore wee should not thinke much that they are called Lords . He answereth : The Angels are glorious creatures of heauen , and haue some fit resemblance of the Ministers office : Lord , Lordship , and grace , are tearmes of ciuill honour , not so well befitting the Ministers of Christ Iesus . I confesse they doe not so well befit them , because they come short of that honour and excellencie , which in the name of Angels the holy Ghost ascribeth to them . For they are called not only Angels , that is , messengers and ambassadours of God , as all ministers are , in respect of their ministerie ; but also each of them is called the Angell of the Church , whereof he is B. in respect of his gouernment , and gardianship of the Church : as the holy Angels of God are said to be their Angels , ouer whom they are appointed Gouernours , and gardians . Therefore the name Lord giuen to them in respect of their gouernment and authoritie , is a title of lesse honour , then that which in the same respect is giuen them by our Sauiour Christ. Neither are they therefore ciuill Lords , because they haue that title of Lords common to them with the Lords temporall . For who knoweth not the distinction betweene the Lords spirituall and temporall , so often mentioned in the Acts of Parliament ? And whereas in the second place hee would insinuate , that our Sauiour Christ expresly forbiddeth these titles of Lordship and grace , Luc. 22. where though hee readeth thus , t The Kings of the Gentiles reigne ouer them , and they that beare rule ouer them , are called gracious Lords ; but you shall not bee so : yet he is not so ignorant of the Greeke tongue , as not to know , that neither gratious nor Lords are there mentioned in the originall text . That was an affectionate translation of those , who were too partiall in this cause . That very title , which our Sauiour speaketh of , two of the Ptolemies , Kings of Aegypt , did assume vnto themselues , either of them being called Ptolomeus Euergetes , Ptolemy the bountifull or benefactor . But indeed in the language , wherein our Sauiour spake , the word u which is translated Benefactors , is often vsed for Principes or Heroes , as Psa. 118.9 . It is better to trust in the Lord , then to put our trust in Princes . And that seemeth to haue beene Lukes meaning , as not only Merceru● * but Beza x also supposeth . The 70. translate the word , Prou. 19.6 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the King ; in Psal. 118 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Princes . So Psal. 47.10.83.12.113.7 . But 1. Sam. 2.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pro. 8.16 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is also plaine , that the disciples imagining that Christ should be a worldlie Monarch , expected , that themselues should be earthly Princes , in great authoritie about him , euery one affecting a neerer place about him then his fellowes , as appeareth by the two sonnes of Zebede , whose ambitious suite to Christ , that they might sit one on his right hand , and the other on his left in his kingdome , gaue occasion of this speech , as Matthew y noteth . Whereas therefore they both erred in their imagination , thinking that they should be great Princes vnder an earthly Monarch , and were corrupt in their affection , each one of them ambitiously seeking superioritie ouer the rest , our Sauiour seeketh to reforme both , telling them that neither they should bee earthly Princes , as they imagined , in these words , But you not so ; neither ought they to affect ambitiously superioritie ouer others , but that by how much they should exceed others in dignitie , they should labor by so much the more to excell them in humility , imitating his example . Neither did our Sauiour Christ interdict his Apostles , either superioritie of authority ouer others , or titles of eminent honour . The authoritie and dignitie of being his Apostles , is greater then any , either honour or title , that is giuen to our BB. Ierome z writing on Pauls stile which he assumeth to himselfe , Tit. 1.1 . saith , Where hee calleth himselfe the Apostle of Iesu Christ , it seemeth some such thing as of hee had said , Pr●fectus pr●terio Augusti Caesaris , Magister exercitus Tiberij Imperatoris . For euen as the Iudges of this world , that they may seeme the more noble , take names from the Kings whom they serue and from the dignitie wherewith they are puffed vp , euen so the Apostle challenging to himselfe great authoritie among Christians , he signified before hand that he was the Apostle of Christ , that by the authoritie of the name bee might bring in awe those that should reade , shewing thereby , that all which beleeue in Christ , must be subiect to him . Hauing thus answered the first obiection , I did easily foresee , that three other things would bee obiected : the first , if Bishops may be called Lords , then they may behaue themselues as Lords of the Churches : I answered , that although they may not behaue themselues as Lords of the Churches , yet being the Angels of the Churches , and spirituall Fathers , to whom a paternall and pastorall authoritie is committed , may worthily be honoured with the title of Lords . To this he replieth , that we call not Shepheards nor Fathers Lords , and therefore the paternall or pastorall authoritie of Bishops doth not make them capable of such Lordly titles . J answer , that Magistrates , yea Princes , both in Scriptures and prophane Writers , are called Pastors , as well as Bishops , and for the same cause are Lords . Neither doe I doubt , but that the title of Father , being giuen by way of honour to him that is not a naturall Father , is a word of as great honour at the least , as Lord : and that is the signification of the name Papa , which hauing beene giuen in the Primitiue Church to all Bishops , as a title of eminent honour , is for that cause by the Pope of Rome appropriated to himselfe . The second , there is too great oddes betweene the titles of Bishops and other Ministers , the one being called Masters , the other Lords . I answered , there is no such great difference betweene Master and Lord , that inferiour Minister , which assume to themselues the title of Master , should denie the title of Lord to Bishops . Hee replieth , as conceiuing my speech simply , that there was no great difference betweene Master and Lord. If you respect their vse in relation , as they are referred to their correlatiues , there is no difference ; if the vse , without relation among vs , there is great difference ; but yet not so great , as that Ministers which assume the one to themselues , should denie the other to Bishops , there being as great difference betwixt their degrees , as their titles . Where he saith , it is not assumed , but giuen by custome to them , as Masters of Arts ; both parts are false : for both it is giuen to all Ministers , as they are Ministers , though not Masters of Arts , though not graduates ; and also I especially meant certaine Ministers , who not enduring the title of Lord to be giuen to Bishops , will neither tell you their name by speech , nor set it downe in writing , without the preface of Mastership . The third , if Bishops bee called Lords , then are they Lords of the Church . I answered , it followeth no more that they are therefore Lords of the Church , because they are called Lords , then the Ministers are Masters of the Church , because they are called Masters : for neither of these titles is giuen to them with relation , but as simple titles of honour and reuerence . No ? saith he , let their stiles speake , Lord of Hath and Welles , Lord of Rochester , &c. What ? Lord of the Cities ? nothing lesse , but Lords of the Diocese . They are Lords of neither , but Lord BB. both of the City and Diocese . And the relation is not in the word Lord , but in the word Bishop , though it bee not expressed alwaies , but many times is vnderstood . The Refuter hauing thus weakly , friuolously , and fondlie shifted off my arguments and testimonies , rather then lie shifted off my arguments and testimonies , rather then answered them , there being not one line in my Sermon hitherto , which I haue not defended with euidence of truth against his cauillations ; notwithstanding , concludeth with a most insolent bragge , as if he had ( as his fauourites giue out ) laid me on my backe . And therefore as some wrestlers , after they haue giuen one the foile , will iet with their hands vnder their side , challenging all others ; euen so he , hauing in his weake conceit giuen me a strong ouerthrow , because he findeth me too weake to stand in his armes , hee challengeth all commers , saying , Let him that thinketh he can say more , supplie his default . I do vnfainedly confesse , there be a great number in this Land ( blessed be God ) who are able to say much more in this cause then I am : notwithstanding , a stronger propugner thereof shall not neede against this oppugner . And because I am assured in my conscience of the truth and goodnesse of the cause , I promise the Refuter , if this which now I haue written , will not conuince him , as I hope it will ; whiles he will deale as a Disputer , and not as a Libeller , I will neuer giue him ouer ( God giuing me life and health ) vntill I haue vtterly put him to silence . In the meane time , let the Reader looke backe to that which hath beene said on both sides : let him call to minde , if he can , what one proofe this Refuter hath brought for the paritie of Ministers ; what one sound answer he hath giuen to any one argument , or testimonie to my one proposition or assumption which I haue produced ; and then let him consider whether this glorious insultation proceeded not from an euill conscience , to a worse purpose , which is , to retaine the simple seduced people in their former tearmes of factiousnes . THE FOVRTH BOOKE , Maintayning the fift point , that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall and diuine Institution . The I. CHAPTER : Prouing the Episcopall function to be of Apostolicall institution , because it was generally receiued in the first 300. yeeres after the Apostles . Serm. pag. 54. It remaineth , that I should demonstrate not onely the lawfulnesse of the BB. calling . &c. to page 55. li. 7. THE Refuter finding himselfe vnable to confute this discourse of the lawfulnesse of the BB. calling , would faine perswade his Reader that it is needlesse ; moued , and mouing thereto by as friuolous reasons as euer were heard of . For though it be true , that this point hath already beene proued by one argument , is it therefore needlesse to confirme the same by a second ? Did euer any man meete with such a captious trifler , as would not permit a man to proue the same truth by two arguments , but the one must straight be reiected as needlesse ? but indeed his analysis was forced ; as he could not but discerne , both by the distribution of the Sermon page 2. and also by the transition here vsed , neither was this point handled before , but the former assertion , whereby the text was explicated ; that the Angels or Bishops of the primitiue Church were diocesan Bishops , and such for the substance of their calling , as ours be , superiour to other ministers in degree , &c. This which now wee are to handle , is the second assertion , being a doctrine gathered out of the text , so explicated . I confesse the former doth proue the latter ; and that doth commend the methode of my Sermon , and both being disposed together may make this Enthymeme . The Pastors or gouernours of the primitiue Church , here meant by the Angels , were diocesan Bishops , and such for the substance of their calling , as ours be . Therefore the calling of such diocesan Bishops as ours be , is lawfull . But I contented not my selfe with collecting the doctrine out of the text , but as the manner of all preachers is , when they haue collected a doctrine , which is controuersall ; I thought it needfull to proue , and to confirme the same with other arguments . But other arguments , saith he , needed not , if the three middle points were sufficiently cleared : what will he assume ? but the three former points were sufficiently cleared ? therefore as the first point was bootlesse , so this last is needlesse . If he like not of this assumption , he cannot make this conclusion , which notwithstanding he maketh : if he will assume , that they were not sufficientlie cleared , as he hath borne the reader in hand all this while , then he must needs conclude against himselfe , that therefore these other arguments were needfull . The truth is , though the former points were so sufficientlie cleared , as that the refuter had nothing , whereby to auoid the euident truth thereof conuicting his conscience , but beggerly shifts and sophisticall euasions ; notwithstanding , for so much as some of them , with whom I had to deale , are so lead with a spirit of contradiction , as if they were in the contradiction of Chore , ( the Lord open their eyes and turne their hearts ) I therefore thought it needfull , for the more full conuiction of the gainesayers , to confirme by other arguments the doctrine which I collected out of the text . But where I had beene to blame for not setting downe this collection plainely ( were it not a point of Art sometimes to conceale Art ) the reader is to coy the refuters head , for making so plaine a collection for his own conuiction , & as they say , for gathering a rod for his own taile . The collection being reduced into a sillogism standeth thus . The calling of such as are here meant by the Angels is lawfull and good ; Diocesan BB. such as our be , are here meant by the Angels . Therefore the calling of Diocesan BB. such as ours are , is lawfull and good . The proposition is such as no man of vnderstanding or conscience will make question of , saith the refuter , we aske no more , but to haue this assumption confirmed , that the Angels were such , and then you shall not need other arguments to proue this conclusion . But the assumption say I , is that which in the Sermon , and in this defence thereof hitherto hath beene proued : how sufficiently I referre to the reader , and I appeale to the refuter . This therefore may stand for the first argument . I proceed to that which was expressed in the Sermon , omitting what else he hath in this section as being either refuted before , or vnworthy to be mentioned now . Serm. Sect. 2. pag. 55. All the question now a daies is of the lawfulnes &c. to pag 56. l. 1. All the question , saith he , of the lawfulnesse had beene ended before this time , if the Angels of the Churches had beene proued to be such BB. But say I the Angels of the Churches were the BB. of the primitiue Church , who in the former part of the Sermon were proued to be such , and those proofes in this defence haue hitherto beene confirmed in such sort as I hope the refuter will acknowledge himselfe to be satisfied : if not , yet it is but folly to multiply words concerning the proofes of the former assertion : for they must stand , vntill the refuter or some other of more strength shall take vpon him to assaile them : And I doubt not , but they will stand after they haue beene assailed . My argument therefore standeth thus : What function hath diuine institution and approbation is lawfull and good . The function of BB. such as were described in the former part of the Sermon , hath diuine institution , as being Angels sent of God , and approbation , as being Starres which Christ holdeth in his right hand . Therefore the function of such BB. is lawfull and good . To the assumption he hath nothing to answere , besides the bare deny all thereof , but that which already he hath repeated three or foure times since he entred into this fift point : that diocesan BB. are not meant by the Angels and Starres , and chargeth me , as though I thought it enough to affirme it , & would haue my readers to take it vpon my bare word : when the thing which I haue proued hitherto hath beene only this , that the Angels or BB. of the primitiue Church were such as in the former assertion wer described . But the assumption I proue in the residue of the sermon , first by consequēce , & then directly . By consequence , in the next section . Serm. Sect. 3. pag. 56. for what function or gouernment is of Apostolicall institution , that is to be acknowledged a diuine ordinance ( in respect of the first institution , as hauing God the author thereof . ) The Episcopall function , or gouernment by BB. is of Apostolicall institution . Therefore it is a diuine ordinance , &c. to pag. 61. l. 2. The proposition is acknowledged not onely by Beza , a who saith , if it proceeded from the Apostles , I would be bold to ascribe it wholy , as all other Apostolicall ordinances , to the institution of God , but also by the refuter himselfe : as needing no proofe . The assumption I proued by three arguments : wherein I proceeded as it were by degrees : two whereof , saith the refuter , are needlesse ; as if still he held it superfluous to bring more arguments then one . I confesse , that any one of these cords are strong enough to bind a stronger man , then this refuter ; yet I thought it not needlesse to vse three , knowing that , as Salomon saith , a three-fold cord is not easily broken . The first of the three I thus propounded : That gouernment which was generally and perpetually vsed in all Christian Churches in the first three hundred yeares after Christ , and his Apostles , and was not ordayned by generall Councils , was vndoubtedly of Apostolicall institution . This proposition I proued , first by two testimonies of Augustine , b whereunto might be added the like testimonies out of Tertulian , c Constatid ab Apostolis traditum , quod apud Ecclesias Apostolorum fuerit sacrosanctum . T. C. d saith , the example of the Apostles and generall practise of the Church vnder their gouernment , euen without a commandement draweth a necessitie . Secondly , By reason , shewing , that both it is incredible , that all the godly Fathers and Christian Churches would abolish that gouernment which was ordayned by Christ and his Apostles : and also impossible , that a gouernment not receiued from the Apostles , nor ordained by Councils , should at once be set vp in all parts of the Christian world . But the refuter saith , I did not need to proue the proposition : for though such a change might be possible , yet it is so vnlikly that it is against both Christianity & ciuility to suspect , that there was any such : for which grant , ( though he could doe no other ) I thinke my selfe as much beholding to him , as if he had granted the cause . But thereupon ( saith he ) we may boldly inferre , that if in the Apostles times the gouernment was in the hands of the presbitery , it continued in the Church along time after their decease : from which proposition I may boldly and truely assume & conclude ; that after the Apostles times the gouernment was not in the hands of such presbiteries , as the disciplinarians speake of ; therefore neither in the Apostles times . The assumption consisteth of two parts , the former that the gouernment of the Churches by such BB. was generally and perpetually vsed in all Christian Churches in the first three hundred yeeres after Christ and his Apostles ; the latter , and was not ordained by generall Councils . The former part I proue by foure arguments . The first whereof is this : If the Angels or gouernors of the primitiue Church in the first 300. yeeres after Christ and his Apostles were diocesan BB. then the gouernment of the Church by such BB. was generally and perpetually vsed in that time . But the antecedent is true , Therefore the consequent . He maketh a doubt of the proposition : because he hath not learned , that speeches in disputation indefinitly propounded are generally to be vnderstood for auoiding of clenches : and therefore when I say the Angels or gouernours , I meane all the Angels or gouernours ; when I say in the three hundred yeers , I meane throughout that terme : euen from the death of Saint Iohn , to the end of the foure hundred yeere after the incarnation of Christ. The assumption hath beene proued at large in the former part of the Sermon and in this defence thereof : first by this disiunction , either the Churches after the Apostles time were gouerned by diocesan BB. as we say , or by presbiteries , consisting for the most part of Lay-elders , as the disciplinarians hold . But neuer by such presbiteries . Therefore euer by BB. Secondly , I haue proued that euer since the Apostles times , the Churches haue been dioceses and the BB. diocesans , superiour to other ministers in degree , hauing singularity of preeminence during life , and majoritie of power in respect both of ordination and iurisdiction : his answere is , that he hath answered those points of my Sermon , where he hath shewed that I proued no such matter : whereunto I reply , that all his answeres were but shifts and euasions , and stand fully confuted . But perhaps the refuter will say ; if I had vnderstood your proposition as vttered in generall termes , as now it is expounded by you ; then I would haue taken the same exception against the proofe of the assumption , which I did against your proposition : for although in some part of that time some BB. were perhaps , such as you described ; yet it followeth not ▪ that generally and perpetually in the first three hundred yeeres after Christ and his Apostles they were such . That they were generally such in the last of the three hundred yeeres , which is the fourth century after Christ , it thing most fully testified , and most manifestly proued in the proofe of the former points , and hath been confessed by the refuter : neither can be denyed of any man , who hath any sound learning , ioyned with a good conscience . Let vs then consider , when such BB. had their beginning . Perhaps some will say , they began with Constantine , for then was the greatest alteration in the state of the Church . I answere , the alteration was in respect of outward peace and prosperitie , wherewith God blessed his Church , not in the discipline or doctrin of the Church : in respect of the wealth , and better maintenance of the BB. not in the substance of their calling . It is euident that BB. were diocesan before they were actually Metropolitanes ; and Metropolitanes , before they were Patriarches : for of the combination of dioceses , did follow Metropolitanes ; and vpon the consociation of prouinces , were Patriarches ordayned , and yet long before the Councill of Nice f the Patriarches were in vse , and the customes of subiecting diuerse prouinces to them , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient customes . In the same canon it was also decreed , that the priuiledges or prerogatiues of Churches , meaning especially the priuiledges of being mother Churches , should be reserued to them : which priuiledge , as I haue shewed before , belonged to them euer since the Apostles times . When the B. of Antioch attempted to ordaine the Metropolitane of Cyprus , the BB. of Cyprus complaine to the Councill of Ephesus , alledging that euer since the Apostles , the Metropolitane B. of Constantia was ordained by the Synode of the prouinciall BB. whereupon the Councill g not onely censured the attempt of the B. of Antioch as an innouation contrarie to the rules of the Apostles ; but also determineth , first , that no B. should haue to doe with any countrey or prouince which had not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , euer from the beginning belonged to his See : and secondly that euery prouince within it selfe should retayne inuiolable such rights as they had , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , euer from the beginning according to the custome receiued of old . If therefore Metropolitanes and Patriarches were in vse long before Constantines time , who can doubt but diocesan BB. were much more ? Long since saith Cyprian , h in all prouinces and in all cities BB. are ordained , in age ancient , sound in faith , tryed in affliction , &c. in Prouinces , Metropolitanes , such as himselfe was ; in Cities , diocesans . Without doubt , if diocesan BB. had their beginning after the Apostles times , then was it shortly after their decease . But that cannot be , first because , as I shall proue in the next reason , they were in the Apostles times : secondly , because , as I said in the Sermon , it is incredible that all the Churches would , and impossible that they could agree in abolishing a gouernment receiued from the Apostles , and setting vp at once in all places of the world , one other vniforme gouernment by BB. without the gaine saying of any one of the godly Fathers , or worthy Martyrs of Christ. Besides , the succession of BB. from the Apostles times , as I shall shew , doth plainely proue their originall to haue beene in the Apostles times . Whereunto may be added the testimony of Eusebius concerning the age succeeding the Apostles times : for hauing shewed that about the twelfth yeere of Traian , ( which was about seauen yeeres after the death of Saint Iohn ) Primus succeeded Cerdo in the Bishopricke of Alexandria , and Alexander Euaristus in the Bishopricke of Rome ; he testifieth , i that in those times both the doctrine k of Christ and his Church did flourish dayly more and more . Likewise in the time of Adrian he testifieth both that the l Churches shined in all places of the world like most glorious lights , and the faith of Christ in all nations flourished . And in the same book , m after he had noted the succession of the BB. of Rome , Alexandria , Antioch , shewing how Soter succeeded Anicetus at Rome , Agrippinus Celadion at Alexandria , Theophilus Heros who had succeeded Cornelius , and he Heron at Antioch , and hauing mentioned some other famous BB. as Dionysius of Corinth , and Pinytus of Candy , Philippe , Apollinaris , Melita , Musanus , Modestus , and Irenaeus , he saith , that Hegesippus flourished at the same time , n whose testimonie of the estate of the Church in his time he hath recorded , to this effect , o that iourneying toward Rome , in many places he had conference with the BB. all which he found to be teachers of one and the same doctrine : and hauing spoken of the Epistle of Clemens to the Corinthians , he giueth this testimony to the Church of Corinth in particular , that it had continued in the right faith vntill that time , when hee comming to Corinth , saw Primus the B. with whom he conuersed there a good while , reioycing together in the true faith . But when I came to Rome , saith he , I continued with Anicetus , whose Deacon Eleutherius was : but Soter succeeded Anicetus , and after him Eleutherius was B. Now , saith he , in euery succession and in euery city all things stood as the law preacheth , and as the Prophets , and as our Lord. And afterwards speaking of the heresies which did spring in his time ; after that Iames , saith he , surnamed the Iust , had suffered Martyrdome , Simon the sonne of Cleophas is made B. whom all men preferred for this cause , because he was the Lords cousin : wherefore they called the Church a Virgin ; for as yet she had not been corrupted with vaine doctrines : but Thebulis because he was not made B. began to corrupt it , being the broacher of one of the seauen heresies which were in the people . So much of the first argument . The second is taken from the testimonie of Ierome , in two places : the former in Titus 1. where he saith thus : before p that by the instinct of the deuill , factions began in the Church , and it was said among the people , I am of Paul , I 〈◊〉 of Apollos , I am of Cephus , the Churches were gouerned by the common counsell of the presbyters : but when euery one accounted those for his whom he had baptised , it was decreed in the whole world , that one being chosen from the presbiters , should be set ouer the rest in euery Church , vnto whom the care of that whole Church or diocese should appertaine , and that the seeds of schismes might be taken away . For full answer to this testimony , he referreth vs to another place ; and when he commeth thither , I doubt he will not say much to the purpose . In the meanetime , he answereth first , to the testimony itselfe , and then to my inference out of it : to the testimony he answereth , that Ierome maketh the beginning of this constitution of BB. not in the Apostles times , nor in the times immediatly succeeding the Apostles . Not the former because otherwhere he saith that BB. were superiour to presbiters rather by the custome of the Church , then any ordinance of God. Whereto I answer , that custome himselfe calleth q an Apostolicall tradition : and else where most plainely and fully testifieth in many places ( some whereof are noted in the Sermon ) both that BB. were in the Apostles times , and also were ordayned by the Apostles themselues . Not the latter , because it is , as I had told him , against the modest charitie of a Christian to imagine , that all the Church would conspire at once to thrust out the gouernment established by the Apostles , and insteed thereof to bring in another of their owne . But say I , it is most manifest , that BB. were placed in all Churches in the next age to the Apostles : and therefore he must either grant , that the Apostolicall Churches receiued this gouernment from the Apostles , or else confesse ( according to his vsuall modesty in setting light by the testimony of all antiquitie , ) that all Churches conspired to alter the gouernment which the Apostles had established . But of his modestie I would know , when he thinketh this gouernment by BB. began ; and whether he must not be forced of necessity , either to lay that foule imputation vpon all the ancient Churches , on all the godly Fathers and blessed Martyrs ; or to yeeld that they had receiued this forme of gouernment from the Apostles . My inference also he denyeth . When as not withstanding the allegation giueth full testimonie to the generality , saying , it was decreed in the whole world : and of the perpetuity there can be no question , if the beginning were not latter then I intended . But it is plaine , that by Ieroms meaning it began in the Apostles times : at the first indeed he saith , before BB. were ordained , the same men were called Presbiteri & Episcopi : and vntill factions beganne , the Churches were gouerned ( viz. in the absence of the Apostles ) by the common counsell of the Presbiters : which may be true of the most Churches , excepting that of Ierusalem , by Ieromes owne confession . But when factions began , as those did in the Apostles r times , whereof he speaketh ; the Apostles ordayned , and in the whole Christian world it was obserued , that for auoiding of schisme one should be chosen from among the presbiters , who should be set ouer the rest , and to whom the whole care of the Church , that is , the diocese should appertaine . As for the reasons whereby he proueth the consequence feeble , they are exceeding weake . First , because Ierom speaketh not of the times immediately succeeding the Apostles . It is very true : for he speaketh of that which was done in the Apostles times , as hath bene said : secondly , saith he , because he saith it was decreed in the whole world , which could not well be without a generall Councill , vnlesse it soaked in by little and little , till at the last it ouer-flowed all places . The decree which he speaketh of , could be no other but of the Apostles : for as hath been said , what was generally obserued in the Churches in the first three hundred yeares , before there was a generall Councill to decree it , proceeded vndoubtedly from the Apostles . Now it is more then euident , that long before the first generall councill , there were not onely Diocesan BB. but Metropolitanes also , yea Patriarches : that which he talketh of soking in by little and little , agreeth not with the generall decree , whereof Ierome speaketh , whereby what is instituted is ordayned at once . Neither can hee assigne any time after the Apostles , when BB. had either lesse charges , or lesse authority , then in the end of the first three or foure hundred yeares . Their Diocesses oft times as hath beene shewed , were lessened in processe of time , but seldome or neuer enlarged . Neither is it to be doubted , but that their authority among Christians was greater before there were Christian Magistrates , then afterwards . For before , they called and held their Councels by their owne authority , they heard and iudged all causes among Christians , they punished all kindes of faults s by Ecclesiasticall censures . The other testimony of Ierome , is out of his commentarie on Psal. 45. which I haue mentioned before . That the Church in steed of her Fathers , which were the Apostles , had sonnes which were the BB. who should be appointed gouernours in all parts of the world . He saith first , this testimonie is an allegorie vpon the 45. Psalme , and not a historie of the times . Which is a friuolous euasion . For it is an exposition of the Prophecie by the historie or euent , and so not onely he , but Augustine also expoundeth the place . Secondly , he alledgeth , that Ierome doth not say , that the Church had BB. as soone as the Apostles were gone : which also is friuolous . For he signifieth that the BB. did succeede the Apostles in the gouernment of the Church , which else where he plainly professeth , saying , that t BB. are the successors of the Apostles . If any other had come betweene them and the Apostles , those other should haue beene the Apostles successors , and they the predecessors to the BB. Besides , others of the Fathers in plaine termes testifie , that the Apostles committed the Church euery where to the BB. and left them their successors : which in the successions also of BB. in the Apostolicall Churches is plainely declared . Simeon the sonne of Cleophas succeeding Iames , Evodius , Linus , Timothie , Tittu , &c. substituted by the Apostles , Peter and Paul , and succeeding them in the gouernment of those Churches wherein they were placed . Thirdly , he saith , Ierome applied the Psalme to the practise of the times wherein he liued , not expounding the meaning of the Prophecie , which if he had done he must haue acknowledged that such BB. were by the ordinance of God. Who could be so shameless as to say , that Ierome expoundeth not the meaning of the Prophecie when hee commenteth thus : Pro patribus tuis nati sunt tibi filij . Fuerunt O Ecclesia Apostoli patres tui , quia ipsi te genuerunt : nunc autem quia illi recesserunt à mundo , habes pro his Episcopos filios , quia à te creati sunt : sunt énim & hi patres tui , quia ab ipsis regeris . Hee therefore expoundeth the meaning of the Prophecie , applying it to the state of the Church immediatly after the decease of the Apostles , and not onely to Ieromes times . Why but then Ierome must be thought to haue helde the function of BB. to be a diuine ordinance : that followeth not ; for he might hold them to be prophecied of , as he also confesseth , Es. 60. and yet esteeme them but an apostolical ordinance , being neither immediately ordained of God , nor yet prouided as generally & perpetually to be necessarily obserued , as those things which are said to be simply diuini iuris . My third argument consisteth of two branches ; the former , affirmatiue , that the Councels , Histories , and Fathers with one consent giue testimony to the gouernment by BB : the other , negatiue , that not any one pregnant testimony of any sound writer , or example of any one orthodoxal or apostolicke Church ( viz. in the first three hundred yeares after Christ and his Apostles ) can be produced to the contrarie . To the former he answereth , that the Councels , Histories and Fathers , either beare witnesse of their owne times , which is nothing to the purpose , seeing the ancientest u Councell was in the fourth age of the Church , or else iudge of the BB. in former times , by that which they saw then in practise , taking all that had the same name of BB. to haue beene pertakers of the same authoritie . If the Fathers did beare witnesse onely of their owne times , it were sufficient for the proofe of my assertion , seeing there were diuers in all the terme specified of three hundred yeares after the Apostles , which giue testimonie vnto it : as in the first age after the Apostles ( to omit them of the two latter ) Ignatius , Hegesippus , Irenaeus , Clemens , Tertullian , doe giue plaine testimonie vnto it ; and two of them , as hath beene shewed , to wit , Ignatius and Irenaeus , were not onely Diocesan , but also Metropolitane BB. But the Fathers , histories and councils , doe not onely speake of their owne times ; but also relate what was done in the Apostles times , and immediatly vpon their decease . Doe they not testifie with one consent , as I partly shew in the two arguments following , that there were BB. in the Apostles times , appointed and ordayned by the Apostles themselues ? doe they not say , that the Apostles committed the Churches to them , and left them to be their successors in the gouernment of the Church ? is not this one of the chiefe things which Eusebius propoundeth to himselfe in his history , vv to set down the succession of BB ? chiefely , of those who next succeeded the Apostles in the Apostolicall Churches ? But let the Reader iudge of the Refuter , and his cause , by that which followeth . The Fathers discerned not , or knew no difference betweene the calling or authority of the BB. which were in their owne time , and those which had beene before them , but thought and wrote of them as being alike , the chiefest of them in euery age from the Apostles , being BB. themselues . The refuter and his fellowes comming thirteene or foureteene , yea almost fiueteene hundred yeares after some of them , will needes haue a difference ; and rather then it shall not stand , all the Fathers must be condemned as Idiots , for not seeing that which these learned men doe see . I greatly meruaile with what face , or rather with what conscience the refuter could auouch these things . The Nagatiue part of my reason , he saith , is directly false in both the parts of it , as well for testimonies as examples . But I desire the reader to haue an eye to the refuters dealing , so shall he easily discerne to what poore shifts he is driuen : first consider , what was the assumption of my first Syllogisme , which by these foure arguments I doe proue ; to wit , that in the first three hundred yeeres after Christ and his Apostles the gouernment by BB. was generally and perpetually vsed . This I proue in this third reason , by the testimonies of Antiquity , both affirmatiuely , that all antiquity , viz. Councils , Fathers , Histories , with one consent giue testimony to it : and also negatiuely , that no testimony or example of antiquity , no ancient Councill , Father or History , no example of any antient orthodoxall or Apostolicall Church , can be produced to the contrary . This any reasonable man would take to be my meaning . Now consider his instances , wherein he spendeth aboue sixe leaues ; and if any one of them be both true and direct to the purpose , then say that I haue no iudgement . First for testimonyes : We haue pregnant testimonies , saith he , of the ancients , and of many sound writers in these latter ages , who affirme , that BB. and ministers were all one in the Apostles times , and that one minister exercised not authority ouer his fellow ministers , as BB. since haue done and still doe . First , consider the persons of the witnesses , which he is about to produce , and then the things which they are to depose ▪ for whereas I neuer meant to extend the negatiue part of my reason , further then the affirmatiue : and therefore as I said that the Councils , Histories , and Fathers , doe all giue testimonie to the Episcopall gouernment , so I meant that no pregnant testimonie either of Councils , Histories or Fathers , ( which I comprised vnder the generall name of sound writer ) could be produced to the contrary : he , for instance alledgeth a company of new writers in this present age , as if they were competent witnesses to depose in a matter of fact , or to testifie what was done or not done in the Church foureteene or fifteene hundred yeeres agoe : or as if when I chalenge them to shew any one testimony of antiquity to the contrary , it were a sufficient instance , to oppose against me a sort of new writers , who for the most part also are parties in the cause . But yet what shall these witnesses testifie ? forsooth two things : First , that in the Apostles times BB. and ministers were all one : whereunto in the first place I answere , that this deposition is not to the purpose . In this argument I speake of what was in the first three hundred yeeres after Christ and his Apostles ; but he will make his witnesses to depose what was in the Apostles times : perhaps he will say , the conscience must build it selfe vpon the practise of the Apostles times : ( but say I ) in this reason I proue , that the Episcopall gouernment was in vse in the Apostles times , because it was generally and perpetually vsed in the next three hundred yeeres after the Apostles times ; which consequence himselfe hath granted ●gainst the assumption therefore he should bring his witnesses , if they had any thing to say ; and not to be so absurd , as by them to deny my conclusion againe , the Ancients that say BB. and Presbiters were all one in the Apostles times , speake of that part of their time , when as in the most places there were no BB. or at least not chosen from among the Presbiters : for before there were such BB. the same persons indeed were called Episcopi & Presbyteri : but when BB. were chosen out of the Presbiters , which they also confesse was done in the Apostles time ( as namely at Alexandria ) they professe , that then those which were so chosen and placed in a higher degree aboue the Presbiters , began to be called BB. The other thing , which he will haue his witnesses testifie is , that in the Apostles times one Minister did not exercise authority aboue another as BB. since haue done : to which assertion , I am sure no sound writer will depose ▪ for I pray you , were not the Apostles ministers ? were not Timothie and Titus ministers ? were they not also superiour to other ministers ? did they not exercise authoritie ouer them ? If Timothie therefore and Titus were superiour to other ministers and exercised authoritie ouer them ; why may not BB. who succeed not onely them ( whether they were BB. or not ) but also the Apostles in the gouernment of the Church , be superiour also to other ministers , and exercise authoritie ouer them ? But come we to his witnesses , whereof he would seeme to haue great store : howbeit , he will content himselfe with a few , and he will passe by Ignatius , Iustin Martyr , and Tertullian , as hauing done their seruice already : ●et the reader vnderstand , that this is a most vaine flourish : for he is not able to produce any one testimonie out of any one of the Councils , Histories or Fathers , that speaketh against the gouernment of the BB. in the first three hundred yeeres , in respect either facti or iuris , that is , as either denying that the Church was so gouerned then , or that it ought to haue beene so gouerned . And as for Ignatius , Iustin Martyr , & Tertullian ▪ the greatest advantage he could haue by them , was to vse their names : for there is not a word in them sounding against the gouernment of BB. but pregnant testimonies for them : especially in Ignatius and Tertullian , whom I haue often quoted in this cause . It is true , that the refuter did alledge these Authors as witnesses to proue that fond and vnlearned conceipt , that the ancient Churches were no other but Parishes , to proue that which is more fond , that there is and ought to be no other visible Churches indued with power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment , but Parishes . But the vanitie of his conceipt , and the weakenesse of his allegations , haue I hope beene sufficiently layd open before in the defence of the second point . Passing therefore by them , the refuter will begin with Cyprian , a who affirmeth that the menaging of the Church busines , euen in his dayes belonged to the Counsell of himselfe and the rest of the Presbyters , omnium nostrûm concilium spectat , and therefore durst not take it to himselfe alone , praei●dicare ego & soli mihi re● omnem vendicare non audeo . Here let the reader consider with me , first , the person of the witnesse which is produced , and then the thing which is witnessed : was not Cyprian himselfe , not onely a Diocesan , but also a Metropolitane B. ? did not he in iudgement allow the function of such BB. ? directly he saith that BB. b are the successors of the Apostles , and that they answere to the high Priest in the law : that the Lord Iesus , when he appointed Apostles , c ordained BB. The Deacons must remember , saith he , that the Lord himselfe chose Apostles , that is , BB. but Deacons were chosen by the Apostles themselues after the Ascension of the Lord , as ministers of their Episcopall function , and of the Church . Doth not he teach d that in one Church , meaning a whole Diocese , there may be but one B. ? & that to set vp a second is to make a schisme , and to rend in pieces the body of Christ ? doth he not often plead for the superioritie of BB. ouer the Presbiters , shewing e how they ought to reuerence and obey them , and that the contrary is the source of all schisme ? Neither doe heresies , saith he , f arise or schismes from any other beginning then this , that the Priest of God ( meaning the B. ) is not obeyed , neither one Priest for the time in the Church , and one Iudge for the time in stead of Christ is acknowledged : whom if the whole brotherhood according to Gods commandement would obey , &c. How oft doth he speake of the vigour g of the Episcopall power , and of the authoritie of his chaire , whereby he acknowledgeth , euen those of the Clergie might be either excommunicated or deposed . Is it not likely therefore thinke you , that Cyprian would testifie against the function or authoritie of BB. ? But let vs examine the allegation it selfe . There were some in the Church of Carthage , that had fallen by denying their faith in time of persecution ; and returning to the Church againe , would in all hast be reconciled and receiued to the communion : whereof some by their importunity preuailed with some of the Presbiters , whom as I noted in the Sermon , Cyprian h , being absent , reprooued by letter , that they not regarding their Bishop set ouer them , nor the i honour due to him , nor reseruing to him the honour of his Episcopall office , and his chaire , had without his appointment ( though absent ) reconciled them and receiued them to the communion : others procured the Martyrs and Confessors to write to Cyprian in their behalfe ; that when peace should be restored to the Church , peace might vpon the examination of their cause be giuen to them . Cyprian k therefore writeth to the Martyrs commending them , that whereas the Presbiters should haue taught them what appertained to the discipline of the Church ; they were to learne of these Martyrs , to referre their petitions and desires to the B. and then willeth them to set downe in writing particularly , whom they desired to be receiued : he writeth also to the people , l signifying , that he had receiued letters from the Martyrs in the behalfe of those which had fallen , promising when God should grant peace vnto them that he might returne to them , the behauiour and repentance of them which had fallen should be examined in their presence : and hauing signified his great dislike of the Presbiters act , who not reseruing vnto him the honour of his Priesthood and chaire , had without his allowance communicated with them which had fallen . In the end , he desireth that they which had fallen would patiently heare his counsell & expect his returne , that when through Gods mercy we shall come vnto you many of my fellow BB. being assembled together , may according to the discipline of the Lord , in the presence of the confessors , examine the letters and desires of the blessed Martyrs : he writeth in like manner to the m Clergy , that is , to the Presbiters and Deacons ; willing them , for as much as still his returne was delayed , that in the case of necessity they should not expect his presence , but for such , as should be in danger of death , to lay their hands vpon them , and reconcile them ; especially , such as had beene commended by the Martyrs ; as for the rest , he would haue them stay , till hee being restored to the Church , and they all being assembled together , might determine what was to be done . But being importuned againe by letters from the Confessors , who had desired him , and by him the rest of the BB. to grant peace , as themselues did to them which had fallen ; he writeth againe to the Presbiters and Deacons that letter , which by the refuter is cited ; saying , n concerning those ( which had fallen , and by the Confessours haue desired to be reconciled ) vntill it be certainely knowne , what course they haue taken since their fault committed , seeing it is a matter which belongeth to the Councill and iudgement of vs all , I dare not preiudicate , and challenge to my selfe a thing which is common ; and therefore appointeth that course to be taken , which I mentioned out of the last Epistle : and to the same purpose writeth to diuers BB. and by name to Calidonius o , shewing him what order he had taken in this matter , and willing him to signifie the same to other BB. that the like course might be taken by them . If these letters , all concerning the same businesses , be conferred together , you may obserue , first , that Cyprian was a Metropolitane B. hauing authoritie to assemble and to direct his comprouinciall BB. as may appeare also by the Synodes held , and Synodicall Epistles written by him . Secondly that he speaketh not of Church businesse in generall , but of this particular ; which was of so great importance , that he saith p , it was the cause not of one Church or of one Prouince , but of the whole world . Thirdly , that he would not deale alone in this busines , but he would call a Synode of his fellow BB. besides his Clergie ; and in the presence of the people haue the cause of them which had fallen examined . Fourthly , that although he would not deale alone in this busines , being a cause of so great moment , but would haue it referred to the examination & censure of his fellow BB. besides the concurrence of the people , and his owne Clergy in this iudgement ; notwithstanding the chiefe stroak in this busines was in him ; as appeareth , both by their petitions , and his directions . And therefore the whole cariage of this businesse doth prooue the Episcopall authoritie of the B. and Cyprians superioritie , not onely ouer his owne Presbiters , but also ouer his fellow Bishops , so farre is it from impleading the same ▪ and further I say , that Cyprian , because his comming to the Bishopricke was much resisted by Felicissimus and his complices , and the time wherein he liued troublesome and dangerous : therefore though he might ( as Ierome q speaketh of all Bishops ) rule alone as Moses , yet as Moses , he voluntarily vsed the assistance of others , hauing as himselfe r saith , from the beginning of his Bishoprick determined to doe nothing by his own priuate sentence , without the counsell of the Clergy , and consent of the people : whereby it appeareth , that his vsing of the Clergies counsell , and consent of the people , was not of necessity , but voluntary : and therefore when he saw cause , and did finde himselfe not to need either the counsell of the Clergy , or consent of the people , he would sometimes doe matters of importance , ( as namely the ordination of Clerks ) alone : as himselfe signifieth in an Epistle s to the Presbiters , Deacons , and the whole people . In ordaining of Clerkes I doe vse before hand to consult with you , and by common counsell to weigh the manners and deserts of all : but humane testimonies are not to be expected , when we haue diuine suffrages ; and therefore signifieth that he had without them ordained Aurelius and others to be Clerks . But suppose , that of necessitie Cyprian was to vse the aduise , or expect the presence and conscience of his Clergy , in dispaching matters of importance ; would this be an instance against the Episcopall gouernment in those times ? did the fourth Councill of Cathage t , set foorth these two Canons , the one , that a B. without the Councill of his Clergie should not ordaine Clerkes : requiring also that the assent or conniuence and testimony of the people should be had ? the other , that a B. should heare no mans cause but in the presence of his Clerkes , and that the sentence of the B. should be void which was not confirmed by the presence of his Clergie , and yet no man doubteth , but that when that Councell was held ( which was about foure hundred yeeres after Christ ) the sway of Ecclesiasticall authoritie , both for ordination , and iurisdiction was in the Bishop . But I haue vouchafed too long an answere to so weake an allegation . In the next place he mentioneth Ambrose his testimony , which was , as he saith , debated at large in the first point . It was debated indeed , but nothing to this present purpose . Ambrose saith , that the B. was wont to vse the aduise of his Presbiters ; though in his time it was growne out of vse : and the matter debated betweene vs , was , whether those Seniors , were Ministers , as I proued , or Lay-elders as the refuter pretended ; but whether they were the one or the other , the authoritie and gouernment of the B. was no more impayred by vsing their counsell , then the authority of a Prince by vsing the aduise of his Counsellours : vntill such time and in such cases as by the Canons and Canonicall law their consent was required as necessarie . These two allegations , if they had beene reduced into sillogismes , would haue made very loose inferences : and so would the testimonies of Ierom , who euery where almost , saith the refuter , speaketh for vs. This is vauntingly spoken , and yet the truth is , that as no where 's indeed he speaketh for them ; so none of the Fathers is more plentifull of pregnant testimonies , then he is , for BB. as partly hath beene shewed already , and more shall be declared hereafter . Of the testimonies which the refuter citeth , three u are all to one purpose ; that at the first in the Apostles times , BB. and Elders were all one : that is , the same men , who were called Presbiters , were also called BB. ( but by the way , where were the Lay-presbiters then ? were they also called BB. ? ) and that till factions did arise , the Churches were gouerned by the common counsell of Presbiters . To these allegations I haue already made answere , which I doe breifely repeate ; that in the Apostles times before BB. were ordayned , the Churches were gouerned by the common counsell of the Presbiters , as vnder the Apostles : and vntill the BB. were elected from among the Presbiters in the seueral Churches , the names of Presbiters & Episcopus , were confounded , but when BB. were chosen out of the Presbiters , as they were not at the first ( for the first BB. were Apostles , as Iames ; and Apostolicall men , as Marke , Timothie , and Titus , Linus , Evodiu● , &c. and were not called Episcopi , but Apostoli ) then , (w) for distinction sake , he which was chosen from among the Presbiters and placed in a higher degree , began to be called Episcopus , euen in the Apostles times : the name of Apostle being left to them who principally were so called . But what will the refuter conclude from hence ? There was a time whiles the Apostles liued , when thesame men were called Presbiters and BB. that is , the names were confounded . Therefore in the three hundred yeeres after the Apostles the Churches were not gouerned by Diocesan BB. But as the allegations were impertinent , so the other aduers . Lucifer , is not onely impertinent , but also misalledged . The Bishops preferment , saith Ierome according to the refuters allegation , was not by necessitie of law , but granted to him to honour him withall . In that Dialogue , there is a controuersie betweene the true Christian , and the Luciferian : the true Christian would haue those which were baptised by Arians , to be baptised againe , before they should be receiued againe vnto the communion : because by their baptisme , who belieued the Father alone to be God , the Sonne a creature , and the holy Ghost the seruant of both , the holy Ghost was not communicated : the Luciferian held , they might be receiued without baptisme , by imposition of hands , whereby the holy Ghost should be giuen them , which before they had not receiued : and to that purpose alledgeth the practise of the Apostles , who by imposition of hands gaue the holy Ghost to those whom Philippe the Deacon had baptised ; and the custome generally receiued of the Church , that BB. by imposition of hands doe communicate the holy Ghost to them that are baptised . The true Christian replyeth , that BB. vse to impose hands onely on those who were baptised into the true faith , and that by the baptisme giuen by a Presbiter of Deacon , the holy Ghost also is conferred . But , saith he , if here you demaund why hee that is baptized in the Church receiueth not the holy Ghost but by the hands of the B. whom we hold to be giuen in true baptisme ; vnderstand , that this obseruation is deriued from that authority that the holy Ghost after the ascension of the Lord descended vpon the Apostles : and the same thing we finde done in many places , ad honorem potius Sacerdotij , quàm ad legis necessitatem ; more for the honour of the Episcopall function , then for the necessitie of a law . For otherwise , if onely at the prayer of the B. the holy Ghost doth descend , then lamentable is their case , who in Villages and Townes , and in other remote places , being baptized of Presbiters and Deacons , doe depart out of this life , before the B. visite them : the safety of the Church dependeth on the dignitie of the B. &c. as hath beene oft alledged . That which Ierome speaketh of this one prerogatiue of BB. the refuter extendeth to his whole preferment , or preheminence ; and saith , he hath it not by any necessitie of law , but is granted to him to honour him . The preheminence of the B. in generall , Ierome supposed to be of such necessity as that the safety of the Church dependeth vpon it ; but for this particular of giuing the holy Ghost , he saith , there was no such necessitie : because in the Baptisme by a Presbiter , or Deacon before the B. imposeth his hands , the holy Ghost is bestowed . But as I said , this testimonie is also impertinent , not concluding that for which it is brought . For it is a strange inference : their preheminence was giuen not of necessitie , but to honor them ; therfore the Church was not gouerned by them in the three hundred years after Christ , & his Apostles . Neither is it impertinent only to his purpose , but also it concludeth for me : for if BB. had their preheminence in the primitiue Church , as here it is presupposed : then their gouernment is proued to haue beene in vse : but whether it were by an honour voluntarily giuen them , or by necessitie of law , that in this present point is not materiall . After Ierome , he citeth Augustine in an Epistle to Ierome , granting that the office of a B. was greater then another Minister , through a custome of the Church , that had gotten the vpper hand , and not otherwise . If by the custome of the Church the office of a B. was become greater before Ierome and Augustines time , then BB. had this preheminence in the three hundred yeares after the Apostles ; so farre is this testimonie from disprouing the gouernment of BB. in those times . But neither is it truely alledged : for he speaketh not so much of the office , as the names ; and that not otherwise is added by the Refuter : and the granting he talketh of , was not a yeelding vpon necessitie , but a modest cession from his right . Augustine towards the end of the Epistle earnestly desireth Ierome , that hee would boldly correct him , wherein hee should thinke it needfull : Quanquam enim secundum honorum vocabula , quae iam Ecclesiae vsus obtinuit , Episcopatus Presbyterio maior sit , tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor est ; licèt etiam â minore quolibet non sit fugienda vel dedignanda correctio . For though according to the names of honour , Bishopship is greater then Priesthood , that is , is a name of greater honour , or is honoured with greater titles , notwithstanding in many things Augustine is inferiour to Ierome : howbeit correction is not to be shunned or disdayned from euery one that is inferiour . In that Episcopatus is a name of greater honour then Priesthood , it is to be ascribed to the vse and custome of the Church ; for at the first they were confounded . Againe , might not some one of our BB. in King Edwards time , haue vsed the same words , writing to Caluin , as well as Augustine vsed them towards Ierome ? would therefore the Refuter inferre , that in the times fore-going , there had not beene Diocesan BB. or that they ought not to be superiour to other Ministers ? Surely , howsoeuer Augustine in modesty , or any other being a B. was loath to preferre himselfe before Ierome , or any other man of renowne , being but a Presbiter , by reason of his great learning and renowned piety ; yet were it a sawcie part for him that is but a Presbiter , to thinke himselfe equall with a Bishop . Ierome was farre from it : and therefore in his Epistles to Augustine , giueth him titles of great honour , vsing this inscription : a Domino verè , sancto , & beatissimo Papae Augustino , &c. And this farewell , the Lord preserue you , Domine verè sancte & suscipiende Papa : and the like I haue said before of Caluin b . From Augustine , he maketh a large step to Erasmus c , who saith , Of olde there was no difference betweene a Presbyter , a Priest , ( but that the Refuter left out , for feare of excluding his lay-elder ) and a B. And then hee leapeth backe againe to Theodoret , Beda , Sedulius , Oecumenius , Primasius , Theophilact , &c. who affirme the same . And doe not I my selfe professe the same in this Sermon ? doe I not also proue it in the Sermon of the dignity of the ministerie , that in the Acts and Epistles of the Apostles these two words Presbyter & Episcopus , were confounded , and the same men were called Presbyteri & Episcopi ? what will hee conclude thereof ? that therefore in the three hundred yeares after the Apostles the Church was not gouerned by BB ? or that the office of a B. and a Presbyter , were at any time confounded ? nay , can hee proue so much as the names after the Apostles time were vsually confounded ? Ignatius , who liued in the Apostles times , euery where distinguisheth them ; and so doe the after Writers , as Irenaeus , Tertullian , Cyprian , Eusebius , &c. sauing that to BB. they giue sometimes the more generall name of Presbyters , or d Priests : which is not to be meruailed at , seeing the Apostles , Peter and Iohn , doe call themselues Presbyters . Yea , but some Protestant Writers , whom afterwards hee will cite , haue vnderstoode Ierome and the rest as the Refuter doth : and not they onely , but Michael Medina a Popish Writer , is of opinion , that they held the same error with Aerius . This is a strange kind of arguing , which our Refuter vseth , to bring new Writers to depose what the old haue testified . Are not their testimonies extant in print ? may we not read them with our owne eyes , and weigh them in our owne iudgements ? that wee leauing the records themselues , should seek to the d●positions of new writers to know what the olde haue testified ? but of the errour of them , who suppose Ierome , and some other of the Fathers , to haue beene of the same iudgement with Aerius I haue spoken before , neither doubt I now to affirme that they ioyned in opinion with Aerius , no more then I do : for they writing on Phil. 1. 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1. 1 Pet. 5. doe say , that in these places the names Presbyter & Episcopus , were confounded , which places my selfe haue alledged to the same purpose . After he had alledged what hee was able out of the olde Writers , and yet neuer a word to the purpose ; he proceedeth to the new Writers , who as he saith were called out of the thickest mists of Poperie , to the light of the Gospell : heaping vp a sort of testimonies without order , and without iudgement , and mingling also some testimonies out of the canon law , and some Popish Writers among them . And because to follow him , were to runne the wild-goose race , I will reduce their testimonies to certaine heads , and then giue him an answere to them all . Some therefore are brought to testifie , that in the Apostles times BB. and Presbyters were all one , ( the which is true , for the same men were called Presbyters and BB : ) as Heming . and Zauch . in Phil. 1.1 . Isidor . and Dist. 21. c. Cleros . ex Isidor . Duaren . de ministr . & benef . l. 1. c. 7. Gloss. ord . Hugo Card. Cassander , the councils of Constance and Basill , Chemnitius , Lubbertus , D. Fulke . D. Willet . D. Morton . Some , that there was no difference betweene B. and Presbyter till after the Apostles times : but afterwards BB. were set ouer Presbyters : as Danaeus . Some , that at the first there were no such BB. as were afterwards : and when they were brought in they were not Monarches of the Church , &c. as Chamier . Some , that iure diuino Episcopi & Presbyteri be all one : as Iunius and Phil. Morney , and D. Whitak . which is true concerning the vse of the words in the Scriptures . Some that Episcopatus is not a distinct order from Presbyteratus iure diuino , as D , Holland : whose not writings , but speeches , he citeth vpon report . Some , that B. and Presbyter by the word of God is the same , not in name onely , but also in office : as Sad●●l . Some , that in the Apostles times the Churches were gouerned communi presbyterorum consilio , but after the Apostles they chose one to be B. as Musculus . Some that Christ made ministers equall , & that there was at the first no contention , ( which how true it is appeareth by Christs appointing twelue Apostles and seauentie Disciples , and by the contention among the Apostles themselues for superioritie , whiles Christ was with them , ) as Bullinger . Some , that as the Apostles were equall , so their successors : which is true ; for the BB. are equall among themselues , though superiour to other ministers , as the Apostles were to the seauentie Disciples , ) as D. Whitakers . Some , that Aerius was not an hereticke for saying that according to the vse of the scriptures Episcopus & Presbiter , is all one , which is true , neither had he beene an hereticke if he had said no more , and that Ambrose , Chrysostome , Ierome , and Augustine , were of the same iudgement , as B. Iewell . Some , that in the Apostles times there were onely two degrees of ministers , Presbiters and Deacons , as D. Humfrey . Some , that Bishops were not in the Apostles times , as Sadeel . Some , that BB. he superiour to Prebiters by mans decree , and not by scripture : by custome of man , not by the authoritie of God : by mans law , and not by Apostolicall institution , as Heming , in Phil. 1.1 . Bulling . Iunius , B. Pilkington , the Canon law falsified de iure positiuo , as Cusanus : not by Gods law , as D. Raynolds : no otherwise but by custome , as Sadeel . Some , that Episcopus and Pastor of one flocke was at the first all one . as D. Raynolds . Some , that there was alwaies one principall , which by common vse was called a B. being chiefe , though not alone , both in gouernment and ordination , as D. Fulke . Some , that BB. be in a higher degree of superioritie , but not Princes ; that not they onely are Pastors , that they haue the right of consecration , though not onely , as D. Willet . Some , that the sole and supreame authority in a B. is tyranny , as Bullinger . Some , that the gouernment of the Church by the first institution was not Monarchicall , but Aristocraticall , as Chamier . Some , that elections were not in corners , nor by one , as Gualther . Some , that Presbiters may ordaine , as being all one with BB. in office , as Sadeel . Some , that Priests had voices and seates in Councils ( as indeed they haue with vs ) as the councill of Constance and Basill . Some , that such Archbb. as are aboue Metropolitanes , were not ordayned by Christ , and his Apostles , as D. Bilson ; who also is alledged as hauing beene of the Refuters minde , because he citeth Ierome in Tit. 1.1 . & ad Euagr. Some , that there were two sorts of Elders , as Iunius . Some , vnderstanding Ieromes words of the time when factions began , not of the Apostles times , but afterward , as Iunius . These are all his witnesses , besides some , with whose names onely , without their testimonies , he thought best to make a simple flourish . Now if any one of these allegations were reduced into the forme of a Syllogisme , concluding the contradictorie to my assertion , viz. that some auncient Councils , Histories , or Fathers doe testifie that in the three hundred yeares after Christ and his Apostles , the gouernement by BB. was not generally and perpetually vsed , it would appeare to euery one how ridiculously our refuter argueth . As for example : Danaeus , Musculus , Iunius , &c. doe testifie , that in the three hundred yeares after Christ and his Apostles the gouernment by BB. was not generally receiued . Therefore some ancient Councils , Histories , or Fathers , doe testifie so much . Yea , but you speake of sound Writers in generall , will he say , and so I conclude : Therefore some sound Writers doe testifie so much . But it is plaine say I , that I meane the ancient . But to his argument such as it is , I answere : first , that if these Writers had testified that which is contayned in the antecedent , yet had not they beene competent witnesses in a matter of fact fourteene or fifteene hundred yeares before their time , the greatest part of them being also parties in the cause . But indeede not all , no nor any one of his witnesses doth testifie that in the three hundred yeares after the Apostles the gouernment of Bishops was not generally receiued ; but all his allegations accommodated to that conclusion , are most ridiculous . As for example : in in the Apostles times Bishops and Presbyters were the same . Therefore in the three hundred yeares after the Apostles , the gouernment by Bishops was not receiued . Bishops were ordayned not by Gods law , &c. Therefore they were not in the first three hundred yeares : and so of the rest . But some body will say , though these testimonies be impertinent to the present purpose , and I must needes confesse , that your Refuter did grossely abuse his vnlearned Readers in making such a flourish with them : notwithstanding , some of the allegations contayne assertions contrarie to some points in your Sermon . Of whom , in steed of answere , if I should aske this question , whom hee conceiueth to be aduersaries to vs in this cause ? he would answere , those that stand for the pretended discipline . And who be those ? Caluin , Beza , Danaeus , lunius , Sadeel , and the most of those whom the Refuter hath alledged . If they be aduersaries in this cause , is it to be wondred that they haue deliuered contrary assertions ? and if they be parties in the cause , are their testimonies to be admitted ? Verily , he might better haue alledged M. Cartwright , and M. Trauers , then some of those whom hee did cite , being more parties in the cause then they , as not onely hauing written in defence of their discipline , but liuing where it is practised ; but that hee knew the simple Reader , vvho cannot be ignorant that T. C. and W. T. are parties , vvas ignorant that these outlandish Writers vvere aduersaries vnto vs in the cause , to vvhose assertions , seeing it is folly to oppose the authorities of learned men , vvho are on our side , vvhom the Refuter vvould reiect as parties ; I oppose the testimonies of antiquity , and the reasons contayned in this booke ; desiring the Reader in the feare of God to giue credit without partiality to that side on which there is better euidence of truth . And thus hauing turned ouer , and as I suppose ouerturned more then fiue leaues , vvhich hee blotted vvith these testimonies ; I come to his examples , of vvhich hee hauing not any one betweene the Apostles times and ours ; therefore giueth instance in the Churches of our time , and in the time of the Apostles . But marke I pray you , vvhat vvas my assertion , vvhich hee vvould seeme to contradict . Was it not this , that no example of any Orthodoxall or Apostolicall Church can be produced , to proue that in the three hundred yeares after Christ and his Apostles the gouernment by Bishops vvas not generally receiued ? No : saith hee , vvhat say you then , to the Churches of Heluetia , France , lowe Countries , &c. * in our time ? and to the Church of Corinth , Cenchrea , Ephesus and Antioch in the Apostles times ? Marry this I say ; that the Refuter is a very trifler , vvho pretending to giue instance of some Church vvithin three hundred yeares after the Apostles times contrarie to my assertion , thinkes to satisfie his Reader eyther vvith examples of some Churches in our age , or of those in the Apostles times , vvhereof this present question is not . I confesse that the Churches in the Apostles times at the first had not Bishoppes excepting that of Ierusalem . Notwithstanding , before the death of Saint Iohn , the Churches had not onely Bishops but diuers of them a succession of Bishops , and such were two of those which he nameth , to wit , Antioch and Ephesus : for at Antioch there were Bishops successiuely in the Apostles times . Evodius and Ignatius . And at Ephesus , before the Angel , ( to whom that Epistle is directed Apoc. 2.1 ) Timothie . About the yeare one hundred seauenty and foure a Dionysius was B. of Corinth , and before him was Primus , who was of the same time with Anicetus , Anno one hundred fifty sixe : before whom there was a succession from the Apostles time , as b Hegesippus recordeth . As for Cenchrea , that neuer had a peculiar Bishop of her owne , but was subiect as other Townes and Parishes of Acha●a to the Bishop of Corinth . As touching the Churches after the Apostles times , the Refuter hath nothing to obiect , but what before he hath alleadged out of Iustin Martyr , and Tertullian , in whom there is not a word against Bishops . Iustin Martyr , c speaketh but of one gouernour in each Church , whom he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is , the B. saith Beza ) speaking so plainely for the singularity of preheminence of one B. in each Church , that T. C. d who would perswade that in the seueral Churches there were more Bishops then one , saith , that euen in Iustines time there began to peepe out something which went from the simplicity of the Gospell , as that the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was common to the Elders , with the Ministers of the word , was it seemeth appropriated vnto one . And whereas this place of Iustine was alleadged e , to proue the Bishops superiority ouer the Presbyters ( for euen Beza f confesseth hee was the President of the Presbyterie , who afterwards was called a Bishop ) hee answereth ; if it should be granted that Iustines President had superioritie ouer the Ministers , yet how fondly is it concluded , that it is Lawfull , because it was ? And as I haue answered his allegation before g out of Tertullian h for lay-elders , wherein is nothing that maketh against Bishops : so haue I cited pregnant places in his vvritings , giuing testimony not onely to the gouernment of BB. in his time , but prouing a continued succession i of them from the Apostles to his time . It is plaine therefore that the refuter with the help of all his collectors , is not able to produce any one example of an orthodoxall and Apostolicall Church in the first three hundred yeeres after the Apostles times , wherin the Episcopall gouernment was not receiued : so that my argument standeth firme and sure in all the parts of it . To my fourth reason concluding the perpetuity of the Episcopall gouernment in the ancient Churches , from the succession of BB. deduced from the Apostles times vntill the Councill of Nice , remayning as yet vpon authenticall records , Eusebius k , euery where carefully setting downe this succession , and Irenaeus l and Tertullian m prouing the deriuation of the orthodoxall doctrine from the Apostles to their time by the personall succession of BB. in the Churches teaching the same truth . He obiecteth , and saith the obiection is worth the answering , that I deceiue them with the name : he confesseth there was a succession of BB. but the first were not like the latter : for though the latter were Diocesan Bishops yet the former were not . Belike they were first Parish BB. and then titular Diocesan BB. and then ruling Diocesans , then Lord Diocesans , then Metropolitanes , then Patriarches : which being obiected vpon ridiculous grounds n ( heretofore confuted ) I held scarse worth the mentioning in the Sermon . It is apparant by this succession , that within the compasse of euery Diocese there was onely one B. at a time , there hauing bin no more in any Diocese at the end of the first or second hundred , then were at the end of of foure hundred yeeres : and therefore this succession doth euidently proue a perpetuitie of Diocesan BB. from the Apostles times downewards . And thus the former part of my assumption is manifest . Wherefore ( as I said in the Sermon ) this to a moderate Christian might seeme a sufficient commendation of the Episcopall function , though no more could be said for it : that in the best times of the primitiue Church , it was borne of so many thousand godly and learned Bishops , receiued in all true Churches , approued of all the orthodoxall and learned Fathers , allowed and commended of all the famous Councils . The latter part ▪ that the Episcopall function was not first ordayned by generall Councils , I proue by vndenyable euidence : but this proofe the refuter had no mind to deale withall , because it also proue●h the former part by such an argument as he could not tell how to answere : & that vvas this , that the first generall Councill o of Nice , was so farre from first ordayning Bishops or Metropolitanes , that it acknowledgeth Patriarches to haue beene long before that time in vse , and confirmeth the ancient p custome of subiecting diuers Prouinces to them . For there were Diocesan Bishops before there were Metropolitanes actually , and Metropolitanes were long before Patriarches , and Patriarches had beene long in vse before the Councill of Nice , and yet that Councill was held within two hundred and thirtie yeeres after the Apostle times . Wherefore seeing the proposition of my syllogisme was so euidently true , as that the refuter could not deny it , viz. that gouernment which was generally and perpetually receiued in all Christian Churches in the first three hundred yeeres after Christ and his Apostles , and not ordayned by generall Councils , was vndoubtedly of Apostolicall institution : and seeing the assumption was proued by foure or fiue vnanswerable arguments , that the gouernment by such Bishops as were described in the former part of the Sermon , was generally and perpetually vsed in all Christian Churches in the first three hundred yeeres after Christ and his Apostles , and not ordayned by generall Councils ; therefore the conclusion is of necessarie and vndenyable truth , that the gouernment of the Churches by such Bishops was vndoubtedly of Apostolicall institution . After I had thus concluded affirmatiuely to proue my assertion , I propounded another syllogisme , concluding negatiuely against the pretended discipline : therein intending to prouoke and challenge him that should take vpon him the refutation of my Sermon , to bring some proofes for their gouernment in the first three hundred yeeres after Christ. The syllogisme was this : That gouernment which no where was in vse in the first three hundred yeares , is not of Apostolicall institution . The gouernment of the Churches by a parity of ministers and assistance of Lay-elders in euery parish was no where in vse in the first three hundred yeeres . Therefore it is not of Apostolicall institution . The proposition is as certaine as the former ; the assumption I haue already proued in the former syllogisme . For if the gouernment by Diocesan BB. was generally and perpetually receiued in those three hundred yeares after the Apostles : then is it manifest , that this gouernment , which they speake of , was no wherein vse . But because it is infinite to proue such a negatiue by induction of particulars , which might be disproued by any one instance by them which hold the affirmatiue ; therefore I left the proofe of the affirmatiue to the refuter . Let vs see then how he answeareth ; forsooth by opposing the like syllogisme , saying : That gouernment which was generally in vse in the first three hundred yeeres , is of Apostolicall institution . The gouernment of the Churches by a parity of ministers and assistance of onely-gouerning Elders in euery parish , was generally in vse in the first three hundred yeeres . Therefore it is of Apostolicall institution . And then braggeth that his proofe for their discipline is as good as mine against it . Wher the refuter doth not so much bewray his ignorance in the lawes of disputation , as the badnes of his cause ; choosing rather to boast , that their gouernment was generally and perpetually vsed , then to giue any one instance to proue it . what needed this generall assertion , vnlesse it were to beguile the simple who are lead with shewes , when one perticular instance would haue serued ? But that the reader may vnderstand , that this my assumption was vndoubtedly true , I will make the refuter this faire offer ; that if he can bring any one pregnant and approued example of a Christian Church gouerned by a parity of ministers , and assistance of onely-gouerning Elders , I will promise to suscribe to their discipline . wherefore let not the reader be carried away with vaine shewes , neither let him belieue , that their pretended discipline was instituted by the Apostles , vntill they be able to shew ( as they neuer will be ) that it was sometime and some where practised within three hundred yeeres say a thousand foure hundred if you will after the Apostles . The II. CHAPTER . Prouing the function of BB. to be of Apostolicall institution , because it was vsed in those times without their dislike . Serm. Sect. 4. pag. 61. Now I proceede to the second degree , ascending to the Apostles times , from whence in the second place I argue thus : That gouernment which euen in the Apostles times was vsed in the Apostolicall Churches and was not contradicted by them , was vndoubtedly of Apostolicall institution , &c. ad pag. 65. WHere I take this proposition for granted ( namely of the aduersaries ) he saith , I reckon without mine host : & yet confesseth it to be true according to their opinion who hold there may be but one gouernment in the Church , and that instituted by the Apostles ; which is the generall opinion of the Disciplinarians , confessed in effect by himselfe , Pag. 130. Yea but I say afterward , in fauour of the Disciplinarians ( therein clawing a Churle , according to the homely prouerbe , as appeareth by this refuter ) that though the gouernment by BB. is the best ; yet we doubt not but where this may not be had , others may be admitted , neither doe we deny but that siluer is good , though gold be better . If therefore , saith he , there be diuers kindes of gouernment which may be admitted , then might there be a gouernment in the Churches in the Apostles times not contradicted by them , which yet was not of Apostolicall institution . whereto I answere : first , that I did not say simply , that other gouernments may be admitted besides that which was ordained by the Apostles , but where that cannot be had . But whiles the Apostles liued , that which they ordayned might be had . Againe , if any in the Apostles times should of their owne heads haue altered the forme of gouernment established by them , and consequently haue set vp a worse , it cannot be thought , that either the Apostles would haue allowed it , or that all Churches would haue retayned that gouernment , vvhich they had not receiued from the Apostles . Besides , it is incredible , that in the Apostles times any forme of gouernment was vsed in the Apostolicall Churches , but that which was ordayned by the Apostles : and therefore the proposition is more then manifest . Now followeth the assumption : vvhereof are two parts , the one , that the gouernment by BB. was vsed euen in the Apostles times , the other that it was not contradicted by them . The former I proue by two arguments : the one because the seauen Angels were in the Apostles times , and they were BB. for the substance of their calling such as ours be : and therefore such BB. were in the Apostles time . Ere the refuter will answere to the matter of the assumption , he propoundeth two things worthy his obseruation : the one , that I confine the number of the Angels to seauen , which neither the text doth ( saith he ) nor himselfe euer did till now : Did not I before obserue in the Sermon , that there was but one Angell in each of the seauen Churches ; and doth not the text say , that the seauen Starres are the Angels of the seauen Churches ? I haue spoken of this point before , onely let the refuter call to mind this argument among the rest . The text saith the Starres were seauen . The text saith that the Angels be the Starres . Therefore the text saith the Angels be seauen . The other is , that I shunne the terme Diocesan , in which notwithstanding the whole question consisteth : for no man doubteth , that the gouernment was by BB. in the Apostles times , seeing that both ministers and ruling Elders were called BB. doth he not speak against the light of his owne conscience , when he saith I auoid the name Diocesan , seeing in expresse termes I said , they were for the substance of their calling such as ours be ? If I had onely said Diocesan , he might haue excepted in behalfe of the learneder sort of Disciplinarians ; that they doubted not but that the Angels were superintendents of the City and countrey adioyning ; but all the question ( would they say ) is , of the superiority , whether they had a singular preheminence for terme of life , a superiority in degree , a maiority of power in respect of ordination and iurisdiction : when as therefore I say , that for the substance of their calling they were such BB. as ours are , I doe say , not onely that they were Diocesan , but also that they were superiour to other ministers in degree , &c. But whence I pray you , hath the refuter this confidence so boldly to affirme , that their ruling Elders were called BB. ? Caluin and M. Trauers , &c. confesse that BB. signifie onely preaching Elders , and are your Lay-elders now become BB ? the people may haue ioy of such guides that cease not to broach such fansies . After he hath played a little vvith the assumption , hee plainely denieth it : what thinke you , saith he , M. D. bringeth to proue it ? Nothing saith the refuter , but that which hath already beene answeared : if that were true , yet that nothing is more then the refuter will euer be able to disproue : and that is this , that the seauen Angels were BB. all doe confesse : that they were such BB. as ours be for the substance of their calling , I proued in the first foure points of the Sermon : yea but saith he , I haue proued that for the substance of their calling they were but ordinarie ministers : let the reader therefore in Gods name iudge secundum allegata & probata , according to the euidence which hath beene brought on both sides and where he saith , I quickely haue done with the scriptures , because they indeed afford but slender shew , &c. I answere first , that I had no reason to insist longer in this proofe , vnlesse I would haue repeated the former part of the Sermon againe : was it not sufficient to referre them to the former part where this point was professedly handled ? neither is he ignorant , but that in demonstration of the latter part of the assumption ▪ I bring other proofes out of the scripture . But faine he would disgrace our cause with the reader as though we had no proofes in scripture : which ill becommeth him , that hath not one sillable in the scriptures , or other monuments of antiquity to proue their Presbiterian discipline . But it is vntrue , that I bring nothing to proue the assumption , but what was before answered . For I bring two other arguments , to proue that these seauen Angels were such BB. The former , though this great analyser either did not , or would not see it : that two of these Angels were Polycarpus and Onesimus , Polycarpus the B. of Smyrna , and Onesimus the B. of Ephesus , and what is said of two , is to be vnderstood of the rest . That Polycarpe was in these times the B. of Smyrna , I proued by the testimonie of the Church of Smyrna a , testifying that he had beene the B. of the Catholicke Church in Smyrna . And of Bullinger b , who noteth , that Polycarpe had beene B. of Smyrna thirteene yeares before the reuelation was giuen , and so continued for many yeares after . Whereunto may be added those authenticall testimonies which after are alledged , that he was made B. of Smyrna by S. Iohn . That Onesimus was B. of Ephesus at this time ▪ I proue by the testimonie of Ignatius who liued at the same time , who in his Epistle to the Ephesians mentioneth their B. Onesimus . The latter argument prouing that these seauen Angels were BB. is , because from them all a succession of BB. was continued in those seauen Churches to the Councill of Nice , and afterwards : for to omit , that the auncient BB. of these Churches are sometimes occasionally mentioned c , as Polycrates of Ephesus , Thraseas of Smyrna , Melito of Sardes , &c. it is euident , that the Bishops of these Churches subscribed to diuerse of the ancient Councils , as to the councill of Nice , Menophantes B. of Ephesus , Eutychius of Smyrna , Artemidorus of Sardes , Thomasion of Philadelphia , Serras of Thyatira , Nunechius of Laodicea ▪ to the Council of Chalcedon , Stephanus of Ephesus , Aethericus of Smyrna , Eutropius of Pergamus , Helladius of Thyatira , Florentius of Sardes , Megalus of Philadelphia , Nunechius of Laodicea . To this argument the Refuter answereth nothing in particular . With these two arguments the refuter ioyneth that which I propounded Pag. 63. concerning the succession of Bishops in some Churches within the Apostles times , being indcede the second argument , whereby I proued the assumption , that in the Apostles times were BB. To all these he answereth , first ioyntly , and then cauilleth with some of them seuerally . His ioynt answere to them all , I reserue vntill I come to that second argument . The Epistle of Smyrna , which himselfe heretofore alledged as authenticall , being now alledged by me , so hard is my hap , is growne suspitious : and why I pray you ? for the Refuter trauailed of a point of learning , which he desired to be deliuered of . Forsooth because it vseth the word Catholicke , which is not to be found in any of the Epistles of Polycarpus , or Ignatius , nor seemeth to haue beene in vse vntill the end of the second age . Clemens Alexandrinus I thinke is the ancientest in whom it can be found . How many Epistles of Polycarpus this Refuter hath read I know not ; for my part I haue seene no more but his Epistle to the Philippians d . Indeede Suidas e , who noteth him to haue beene the Disciple of S. Iohn , and the successor f of Bucolus , who was the first B. of Smyrna , saith ▪ he wrote an Epistle to Dionysius the Areopagite , and to other Churches ; which Epistles , if the Refuter haue , he should doe well to communicate them ; if not , how can he tell that the word Catholicke was not vsed in them ? But to the point , was not the Creed of the Apostles as ancient as this Epistle , which writeth of the martyrdome of Polycarpe , who was put to death in the seauenth of Aurelius Antonius , about the yeare one hundred sixtie and nine ? and yet that mentioneth the Catholicke Church . Againe , vvas not this a high point of learning , to suspect this Epistle to be counterfait , because it vseth a word which hee confesseth , is vsed by Clemens Alexandrinus , who liued at the same time , though wrote not perhaps more then twentie yeares after ? Where I proued , that Epistle of Ignatius to the Ephesians , or at least that testimonie which I cited concerning Onesimus their Bishop , not to be counterfait , because Eus●bius g mentioneth that Epistle , and those words ; he saith , this argument is none of the sufficientest : but I alwaies thought , if Ignatius his Epistles were counterfaited , that this happened to them since Eusebius time . It sufficeth me , that the testimonie which I alledged , vvas not in Eusebius his time , who liued vvithin two hundred yeares after Ignatius , suspected as counterfait . For if Eusebius , and those in his time , knew no cause to suspect that Epistle ; I know no reason , besides his owne suspiciousnesse , vvhy the Refuter should suspect it . The second argument , whereby I proue the former assumption is this , that it is with great consent testified by Authors h , of best credit in the Church of God , that in the Apostles times , reckoning vntill the death of S. Iohn , that is , to the yeere of our Lord one hundred and one , there were not onely BB. but also a succession of BB. in diuerse Churches : as at Rome , Linus , Anacletus , Clemens , Euaristus : at Ierusalem , Iames the iust , and Simeon the sonne of Cleophas : at Antioch , Evodius and Ignatius : at Alexandria , S. Marke , Anianus , Abilius , Cerdo : hereto he saith , that he hath formerly shewen , that if not all , yet the most of these witnesses doe affirme that those BB. were ordinary ministers , without any such supreame power ( he ought to say if he would leaue his calumniating superiority in the power ) of ordination and iurisdiction . But this is one of his vsuall bragges , vttered with what conscience I know not : for what one of these hath he or what one among all the ancient Writers can he bring to make good his assertion ? Now the answere , which he maketh to these arguments ioyntly , is , that the seauen Angels , and these Bishops whereof there were , as I said , successions in the Apostles times were Bishops indeed ( no meruaile for so were the lay Elders ) but not Diocesan : for what though long after the Apostles times they were so , doth it follow thereupon , that therefore they were so in their times ? If euer there had beene within the compasse of a Diocesse more Bishops then one at once since the Apostles times , or if it could be truly alledged , that the circuit of the Bishops charge was enlarged from a Parish to a Diocesse ; then were there some colour for this exception , but these conceipts I haue disproued heretofore , and therefore doubt not most confidently to conclude , that if the successors of these seauen Bishops , or of the others whom I named , as hauing beene Bishops in the Apostles times , were in the end of three hundred yeares Diocesan Bishops ; then were their first antecessors such . Neither is his example of the Duke of Venice to the purpose ; vnlesse hee could proue , that the latter Bishops within the first three hundred yeares had vsurped or vsed , as they were Diocesans , a greater and larger authoritie then had belonged to their Predecessors . The latter part of the assumption remaineth to be proued , where I said that the Bishops were not contradicted by the Apostles , but approued by them . Hee obiecteth , that this proofe is needlesse , seeing the Bishops were such as he fansieth : but till he can disproue the former part of my Sermon , and of this Treatise ; hee must giue the Reader leaue to thinke they were such , as they haue beene manifestly proued to be : but this needlesse accusation , being commonly vsed by the Refuter against such passages of my Sermon as are most materiall ; maketh me conceiue there is somewhat in this point , that hee could wish had beene spared , or at least whereabout he meaneth to spare his answere . That this passage was not needlesse , but very materiall , appeareth hereby . For if I had onely said , that BB. had beene in the Apostles times , and therefore were of their institution , it might haue beene obiected , that there were abuses crept into the Churches in the Apostles time , whereof notwithstanding the Apostles were not Authors : wherefore in this place I shew that Bishops not onely were in the Apostles times , but also were approued by them . That they were in respect of their function approued , I proue , by the examples of the 7. Angels approued by S. Iohn , or rather by our Sauiour Christ ; of Epaphroditus the Apostle or B. of the Philippians , ( who therefore is not mentioned in the inscription of that Epistle , because the Epistle was sent by him ) commended by S ▪ Paul k , as his compatner both in his function and in affliction , and the Philippians commanded to haue in honour such . Iames l the Iust , B. of Ierusalem , approued of all . Archippus m the B. of Colossa approued of Paul , Antipas n who had beene B. of Pergamus commended by the holy Ghost . To none of these hath the Refuter any thing to say , but to Epaphroditus , whom he would not therefore haue thought to haue beene a Diocesan B. because Paul calleth him his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fellow work●-man , nor that the Apostle meant to equall him to himselfe in the Apostleship : for Epaphroditus was none , &c. Though that word doth not proue it , neither was it alledged to that end , but as one of the titles of commendation giuen to Epaphroditus ; yet the word Apostle , which I alledged , doth proue it ; neither should the Refuter haue balked that , to lay hold vpon another , vnlesse it were to deceiue the simple . It is therefore to be noted ▪ that as the twelue Patriarches of Christs Church , which were sent into the whole world , some going one way , some another , were called the Apostles of Christ , and not the Apostles of any Church in particular ( excepting Iames , who was the Apostle of the Iewes ) so those Apostolicall men , who were set ouer particular Churches as the Bishops thereof , were for a time called the Apostles of those Churches . So Paul calleth Epaphroditus the Apostle of the Philippians , and therefore it was malepertly said by the Refuter , that he was not an Apostle . But of this more o hereafter . Before I ended this point , I thought it needfull to meet with that obiection which ordinarily is made out of Ierome , by them who vnderstand him as if he had said , that Bishops were not ordayned in the Apostles times . But I shew both by the place it selfe which they alledge , and by conference of other places in Ierome , that hee plainely confesseth BB. to haue been ordayned in the Apostles times . Ierome p therfore confesseth in the place which is vsually obiected , that when factions began to arise in the Church , some saying I am of Paul , I am of Apollos , I am of Cephas ( which was in the Apostles times , 1 Cor. 1. ) it was decreed in the whole world , and therefore by the Apostles ( for who should in the Apostles times make such a generall decree but the Apostles ? yea , and Ierome himselfe calleth the Episcopall function a q tradition Apostolicall ) that one being chosen from among the Presbyters , should be set ouer the rest , vnto whom the care of the whole Church should appertaine . Whereunto I added his confession of the same truth in other places . For he confesseth that Iames r the Iust , shortly after the Passion of Christ was made Bishop of Ierusalem , and continued B. there thirtie yeares , euen vntill his death . In the same Catalogue it is confessed , that Simon succeeded the said Iames in the Bishopricke , and that Timothie was B. of Eph●sus , and Titus of Creet , and Polycarpe of Smyrna in S. Iohns time ; that Linus s , Anacletus and Clemens were BB. of Rome . Hee confesseth also , that at Alexandria t euer since S. Marke there had beene BB. chosen successiuely : that S. Marke was the u first B. of the Church at Alexandria , and that Anianus w succeeded him . After whom there were two more Abilius and Cerdo in the Apostles times . It is most plaine therefore , that Ierome acknowledgeth BB. to haue beene in the Apostles time . Now let vs see , what tricke the Refuter hath to auoide such plaine euidence . Forsooth because these testimonies were as he saith , ( not knowing indeed , nor greatly caring what he affirmeth ) brought in by me out of order , and some of them come to be handled againe : he will answere generally and briefly , that the Bishops Ierome speaketh of , were not Diocesan Lords ; but such as himselfe describeth , where hee sheweth the custome of the Church of Alexandria , &c. Whether they were called Lords , or not , it is not greatly materiall ; seeing they were called the Angels , and the Apostles of the Churches , which are titles of greater honour ; neither doth it appertaine to the substance of their calling ; in regard whereof I defend the ancient Bishops to haue beene such as ours are . And such doth Ierome describe them in the place which the Refuter x meaneth . For hee plainly noteth the Bishop to haue beene but one in a whole Church or Diocese , to whom the care y of the whole Church did belong ; superiour also to the Presbyters in degree , &c. The Refuter hauing answered my second argument , in such sort as you haue heard , taketh his turne to reply and that thus : That gouernment which euen in the Apostles times was vsed in the Apostolicall Churches , and was not contradicted by them , was of Apostollicall institution . The gouernment by common consent of Elders was vsed euen in the Apostles times , in the Apostolicall Churches , and not contradicted by them . Therefore the gouernment by the common consent of Elders was of Apostolicall institution . The Proposition ( saith he ) is sure on our side , though it was not of his . See ●ee , homo homini quantum praestat , that which is weake in my hand , is strong in this . The truth it selfe belike is so partiall , as that it is true onely in his mouth . For the strengthening of the assumption ( saith hee ) besides that which before I answered Sect. 3. ( which was besides the testimonie of Cyprian and Ierome before answered , an allegation of some new Writers , who are parties in the cause ) I will adde the testimonies of B. Whitgift , D. Bilson , D. Sutcliffe , and D. Downame himselfe , all speaking to the truth thereof . He should haue done well to haue cited these testimonies ; so would it haue appeared , that we spake according to the truth , but not according to his meaning , which is vntrue . But I answere to his assumption , and first to the former part of it , by distinction . If by Elders , he meaneth the onely gouerning Elders , as well as Ministers ( as hee doth , or else he saith little for the pretended discipline ) I answere , that the Church was neuer gouerned by the common Counsell of such Aldermen : neither did Cyprian and Ierome testifie it , nor D. Bilson , D. Sutcliffe , or D. Downame confesse it . If by Elders , he meane onely Ministers , as Ierome did , when he said , at the first the Churches before factions did arise , were gouerned by the common counsell of Elders , two things may be questioned : first , whether this gouernment of theirs were vnsubordinate , according to the new discipline ; and secondly , whether the Apostles did intend , that the Churches should be so gouerned still . Whereunto I answere , according to the euident light of truth , that the Presbyters gouerned the Churches , as vnder the Apostles , and that but for a time , vntill the Apostles substituted BB. or left them as their successors , committing the gouernment of the seuerall Churches vnto them . To the second part of his assumption I answere , that the Apostles contradicted that gouernment ( which hee speaketh of , by common counsell of Elders ruling without a B. ) not so much by words as by deeds : when ordayning BB. in seuerall Churches , they committed the whole care thereof as Ierome a speaketh , or at least , the chiefe care and authoritie , as Ignatius b testifieth , to them . And so leauing the Refuter to rowle the stone he speaketh of , I proceed to my third argument . The III. CHAPTER : Prouing that the Apostles themselues ordayned Bishops . Serm. Sect. 5. pag. 65. But yet I proceede to a further degree , which is , to proue that the Apostles themselues ordayned BB. and committed the Churches to them , and therefore that the Episcopall function is without question of Apostolicall institution , &c. to 38. yeares , pag. 69. THE refuter would faine haue me seeme to proue idem per idem , but that he could not but discerne that I argue from the ordination of the persons , to the institution of the function : against which consequence , though himselfe say , that without question it is good ; yet I confesse he might haue taken more iust exception , then he hath hitherto against any , which was not of his owne making : so farre is it from concluding the same , by the same . For he might haue said , though they ordayned the persons , yet Christ instituted the function , and that is the iudgement of many of the Fathers , who holde that our Sauiour Christ in ordayning his twelue Apostles , and his seauentie two Disciples , both which sorts he sent to preach the Gospell ; he instituted the two degrees of the ministerie BB. answering to the high Priest , and Presbyters answerable to the Priests . Againe , those Fathers who affirme the BB. to be the successors of the Apostles ; doe by consequence affirme , that Christ when he ordayned Apostles , ordayned BB. and Cyprian c in plainetermes saith so much , that our Lord himselfe ordayned Apostles , that is to say , Bishops . For the Popish conceipt , that the Apostles were not made Priests till Christs last supper ; nor BB. till after his resurrection , as it is sutable with other their opinions deuised to aduance the Popes supremacy ; so it is repugnant to the iudgement of the ancients , & contrary to the truth . Seeing the very Disciples , who were inferiour to the Apostles , were authorized before Christs last supper , to preach & to baptise . Neither had they , or needed they , any new ordination , whereby they might be qualified to administer the Sacrament . But of this matter I will not contend : for whether the function were first ordayned by Christ or instituted by the Apostles ; Christ is the authour thereof , either immediatly , according to the former opinion ; or mediatly , according to the latter . And those things are said to be of ▪ Apostolicall institution , which Christ ordayned by the Apostles . The antecedent of my argument , viz. that the Apostles ordayned BB. and committed the Churches to them : was in the Sermon explaned , and proued , by shewing the time when , the places where , the persons whom , the Apostles ordayned BB. As concerning the time ; I said there was some difference betweene the Church of Ierusalem , and the rest in respect of their first Bishop . For there , because shortly after Christs passion a great number were conuerted to the faith ( for we read of three thousand conuerted in one day ) and because that was the mother Church , vnto which the Christians from all parts were afterwards to haue recourse ; the Apostles before their dispersion , statim post passionem Domini , straight wayes after the passion of our Lord , ordayned Iames the iust Bishop of Ierusalem , as d Ierome testifieth . Here my refuter maketh me to argue thus ; culling out one part of my argumentation from the rest ; Iames was ordayned Bishop by the Apostles , therefore the Apostles ordayned Bishops . And then denieth the consequence , because though Iames being an Apostle had Episcopall power in respect of ordination and iurisdiction , yet it would not follow that the Apostles ordayned Diocesan Bishops in other Churches . But my argument is an induction , standing thus . The Apostles ordayned BB. at Ierusalem , and in other Churches , ( which afterwards particularly I doe enumerate ) therefore they ordayned BB. That they ordayned BB. at Ierusalem , I proue , because they ordayned Iames the Iust , and Simon the sonne of Cleophas , BB. of Ierusalem . That they ordayned Iames B. of Ierusalem , I proue in this section . That they ordained Simon the sonne of Cleophas B. of Ierusalem , and Bishops in other Churches , I proue afterwards , according to the order of time : Beginning here with Ierusalem because that Church had first a Bishop . Now that Iames was by the Apostles made B. of Ierusalem , I proue by these testimonies , first , of Ierome e ; whose words are these , Iames who is called the brother of our Lord , & f●●named the iust , straight wayes after the passion of our Lord was ordayned by the Apostles the Bishop of Ierusalem . This is that Ierome , on whose onely authoritie almost the Disciplinarians in this cause relye ; alledging out of him , that Bishops were not ordayned till after the Apostles times . Secondly , of Eusebius , and of the most ancient histories of the Church , whose testimonies he citeth to this purpose : first , therefore he saith in generall f that the histories g before his time did report , that to Iames the brother of our Lord , surnamed the iust , the throne of the Bishopricke of the Church in Ierusalem was first committed . Then particularly , he citeth Clemens h Alexandrinus , testifying that Iames , Peter and Iohn , after the ascension of our Sauiour did choose Iames the iust Bishop of Ierusalem . Afterwards Hegesippus i ( who was nere the Apostles times as Ierome speaketh , being as Eusebius saith in the very first succession of the Apostles , ) to the like purpose . Eusebius k himselfe in his Chronicle translated by Ierome , hath these words ; Iames the brother of our Lord is by the Apostles made the first Bishop of Ierusalem . Againe , in his history l he not onely saith , that Iames called the brother of our Lord was the first Bishop of Ierus●●em ; but also testifieth m vpon his knowledge , that the Episcopall throne or chaire , wherein Iames sate as Bishop of Ierusalem , and wherein all the BB. of that See succeeded him , was yet in his time to be seene , being preserued as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a worthy and sacred n monument . And finally , both in his historie o and Chronicle he setteth down the succession of the Bishops of Ierusalem from Iames vnto Macarius , whom he noteth to haue been the thirtie ninth Bishop of Ierusalem , reckoning Iames the first , and Simon the second , and Iustus the third , Zacheus the fourth , &c. Epiphanius p also testifieth , that Iames the Lords brother was q the first Bishop of Ierusalem , and setteth downe the same succession of the Bishops , from Iames vnto Hilarion , noting the yeeres of the seuerall Emperours reigne , vnto which they continued Bishops . The same concerning Iames is witnessed by Chrysostome r , by Ambrose s on the Epistle to the Galathians ; Paul saw Iames at Ierusalem , because there he had beene ordayned B. of the Apostles . By Dorotheus t , by Augustine u , and ( to omit all other testimonies of particular men ) by the generall Councill of Constantinople (w) , affirming that Iames , who according to the flesh was brother of Christ our Lord , was the first to whom the throne of the Church of Ierusalem was entrusted . § 4. These testimonies for a matter of story ( me thinks ) should suffice : let vs then see , what the refuter obiecteth . First , that which he obiected against the consequence is more direct against the antecedent ; & that is , that if the Apostles ordayned Iames B. of Ierusalem , then they gaue him the Episcopal power ; but they gaue him no power which the Lord had not before inuested in his person , as an Apostle ; therefore they did not ordayne him B. I answere by distinction ; the power of order ( if I may so terme it ) Iames had before , as those who are Bishops , sine titulo ; but the power of iurisdiction was committed to him when he was designed Bishop of Ierusalem , and had the Church of Iewry in particular assigned to him . For though our Sauiour Christ bad the Apostles to goe into all the world ; yet his meaning was not , that euery one should trauerse the whole world : For if euery one had been to trauell ouer all the world , great inconuenience , disorder , and confusion would haue followed thereof . Therefore the Apostles , who by our Sauiour were indefinitely appointed to goe into all the world , by the direction of the holy Ghost , before their dispersion from Ierusalem , deuided the world among themselues ; in such sort , that one being assigned to one part , & another to another , euery man walked vvithin his owne compasse , and according to his owne Canon y or rule , and did not vsually build vpon the foundation of another , nor enter one into anothers labours . Now , as they were carefull to prouide for other parts of the world ; so vvould they not all forsake Iewry and Ierusalem , but assigne one of their company to take charge thereof . Who , though he wer an Apostle , yet being assigned to the peculiar Church of one nation , might not vnfitly be called , as he was indeed , the B. thereof . And hence it is , that although the Apostles vvere commanded to goe into all the world , yet Iames stayed at Ierusalem vntill his death . Secondly he taketh exception against the euidence which I brought ; first , because it is not testified in the Acts of the Apostles , that they made Iames B of Ierusalem . As though the Apostles did nothing , but what is recorded in the Actes ; and as though vve should deny credit to the ancientest writers , and such as be of best credit , reporting vvith one consent a matter of fact not registred in the Acts. But though the act of making him B. be not set downe in the Acts ; yet the story so speaketh of his continuance z at Ierusalem , of his assistance of Presbyters , of his presidency in that Councill vvhere Peter and Paul were present ; that it may appeare their testimonie is true , and agreable to the scriptures , who haue reported him to be B. there . The next exception is , that I produce none of the Apostles Disciples to testifie it . And what one of them , whose writings are extant could I alledge , vvhom , you vvould not reiect as counterfeit ? Clemens a the Disciple of the Apostles , not only vvriteth an Epistle to Iames translated by Ruffinus , calling him the Bishop of Bishops gouerning the holy Church of the Hebrewes in Ierusalem , but also in his booke of recognitions b translated likewise by the same Ruffinus , and dedicated to Iames the brother of our Lord , calleth him vsually the B. yea , the cheife of Bishops : which titles , how the Pope can disgest , I know not . But suppose , that none of the disciples of the Apostles in those few writings of theirs which be extant , had giuen testimony to this matter : were not the testimony of Hegesippus , and Clemens , who both liued in the very next age to the Apostles , sufficient ? It is not to be doubted , but that Iames his being B. of Ierusalem was a thing as notorious , and as certainely knowne among Christians in those times ; as there is no doubt made among vs now , that D. Cranmer was Archbishop of Canterbury in King Henry the eights time . In the third place he would seeke to descredit all Historyes in generall ; because the most learned B. of Ely , in a Sermon preached when he was of Chichester , truely noteth , what might be obiected against historians of latter times . But Eusebius is free , as I suppose , from that imputation , and much more Hegesippus , and Clemens , in whom also that cauill of his hath no place , that they spake of Bishops which had beene before , according to the condition of them in their times . For such was the estate of Ierusalem , and of the Iewes in their times ; as that the condition of the Bishops there was rather impayred , then increased . Neither were they , nor any other , whom I cited , so simple , but that they knew as well as the refuter , that Iames was an Apostle ; neither did they know any reason , which the refuter would seeme to know , why his being an Apostle should hinder his being the Apostle , or Angell of that Church . For so were the Bishops at the first called . Fourthly and lastly , he giueth all my witnesses the lye : saying playnely , that Iames was not Bishop of Ierusalem , neither could be , so that their testimonie is not onely false , but impossible . But how is this proued ? forsooth because two or three late writers ( worthy men I confesse , D. Whitakers , Bishop Iewell , D. Raynolds ) doe deny , that he was Bishop there . If they all had denyed ●t , as they did not ; yet without any disparagement to them , the affirmation of so many ancient writers in a matter of fact , agreeable also with the scriptures , proued by the succession of the Bishops of Ierusalem , remayning yet in diuers good authors vpon record , besides other euidence , may ouerweigh their denyall . But what if they all did not deny it ? to D. Raynolds I know not what to say , the refuter onely maketh a shew with his name , neither alledging his words , nor quoting the place . He citeth Bishop Iewels defence of the Apology , pag 300. telling Harding out of Clemens Epist. 1. that Iames was no otherwise B. of Ierusalem , then ouer all the other Churches ; where is no such matter . Indeed in the 300. page . of his reply vnto Harding , in the fourth article ; I find the first Epistle of Clement alledged , but Bishop Iewel misalledged and falsified . For hauing maintayned against Harding , that he was not able to proue the Pope to haue beene called in ancient times the vniuersall B. he sheweth , that as much in effect , yea , and in expresse termes had been giuen to others ; as to the B. of Alexandria , called by some the iudge of the whole world ; to the B. of Constantinople , called vniuersall or oecumenicall Patriarch ; to Iames the B. of Ierusalem . Heare B. Iewels words , Clement vnto Iames B. of Ierusalem writeth thus : Clemens Iacobo fratri Domini , Episcopo Episcoporum , regenti Hebraeorum sanctam Ecclesiam Hierosolymis , sed & omnes Ecclesias quae vbique Dei prouidentia fundatae sunt . Clement vnto Iames the brother of our Lord , the B. of BB. gouerning the holy Church of the Iewes at Ierusalem , and besides all the Churches that be founded euery where by Gods prouidence . These be all his words , sauing that hee saith , if Harding had so good euidence for the B. of Rome , he would not thus haue passed it ouer in silence . Which if you compare with the refuters allegation , you may well wonder at his dealing . Doth not B. Iewel himselfe in plaine termes call Iames the B. of Ierusalem ? and that which is said of his gouerning other Churches , is not his saying , but Clements , if it be truely printed in the copies d which B. Iewel did follow . Neither would it follow of those words alledged , as they are , that he was no otherwise B. of Ierusalem then ouer all the other Churches . The B. of Constantinople , though he were called vniuersall or oecumenicall Patriarch ; yet was he the Diocesan B. of the Church of Constantinople alone : and that was his peculiar Diocese . So if Clement had meant that Iames had beene the gouernour of all Churches , yet the Church of Ierusalem was his Diocese , wherein Simon and the rest of the Bishops of Ierusalem did succeed him , and thereof he had his denomination . The Pope himselfe , though he claime to be vniuersall Bishop , yet is he specially Bishop of Rome ; and his cathedrall Church is the Church of Laterane , of which he is Bishop . Howbeit , in the edition of that Epistle set forth by Sichardus , and printed at Basill together with his recognitions anno 1526. we read thus . Sed & ominibus Ecclesiis quae vbique sunt . By which copy , if it be true , Iames is not signified to be the gouernour of all Churches ; but Clements Epistle is directed not onely to Iames , but to all Churches , &c. Yea but D. Whitakers by eight arguments doth proue , that he neither was , nor might be B. of Ierusalem . I promise you , this maketh a faire shew , if it be true . But this also is a manifest vntruth . For the arguments that he vseth , are to proue , that Peter was not Bishop of Rome . Yea but the same are as effectuall to proue that Iames might not be Bishop of Ierusalem : and therefore to these eight arguments he doth referre e me . But this also is vntrue . For six of these eight , are such , as the refuter with all his sophistry cannot with any shew of truth applie to St. Iames. For his third argument , taken from Peters long absence from Rome , after he was according to their opinion B. there cannot be , applyed to Iames , who was resident at Ierusalem ; as the Actes , besides other witnesses , testifie . Nor the fourth , that if Peter were B. then had he two Bishopricks . For he had beene by their owne doctrine as well B. of Antioch , as of Rome . But no such thing can be obiected against Iames. Nor the fift that whiles Peter liued Linus was B. of Rome : so he was indeed by the appointment of Peter and Paul , as Irenaeus teacheth . But whiles Iames liued none was B. of Ierusalem , but he . But after he was dead , Simon was chosen to be his successor . Nor the sixt , that the authors which mention Peters going to Rome , note this to haue beene the end , not to be B. there , but to oppose Simon Magus . But the cause of Iames his staying and continuing at Ierusalem was to take charge of that Church , which , during his life , had no other B. Nor the seauenth , that if Peter were B. of Rome then would he haue professed himselfe the Apostle of the Gentiles , neither would he haue conuenanted with Paul , that he and Barnabas should take care of the Gentiles , but himselfe , and Iames , and Iohn , of the Circumcision . For Iames as he is said to haue beene B. of Ierusalem ; so hee professeth himselfe to haue beene the Apostle of the Iewes . For besides , that he writeth his Epistle f to the Iewes ; he , and Peter , and Iohn , gaue the right hand of fellowship to Paul and Barnabas , that themselues would be for the Circumcision And for as much as Peter and Iohn trauelled to other parts , Iames alwayes abiding at Ierusalem ; it is more then probable , that the Church of Iewry was peculiarly assigned to him . Neither is it for nothing that both in the 15. of the Acts , he is noted as President , or chiefe in that Councill , and in the 2. Chapter to the Galathians . Paul speaking of such Apostles , as were at Ierusalem , he giueth the precedence to Iames before Peter and Iohn . Nor the eight , for they that say Peter was Bishop of Rome , say Paul was also , meaning that they were both founders of the Church , but Linus was the B. to whom they both committed the Church as g Irenaeus saith . But they which say Iames was B. of Ierusalem , mention him alone . Neither was he founder of that Church : but Christ himselfe , who was the minister of Circumcision . But it will be said , the two first reasons of the eight doe proue that Iames was not B. of Ierusalem . That commeth now to be tryed . The first reason is this . Bishops haue certaine Churches assigned to them . The Apostles had not certain churches assigned to them . Therefore the Apostles were not Bishops . The assumption is to be distinguished according to the times . For when Christ gaue them their indefinite commission h , goe into all the world , hee assigned no Prouinces , nor parts of the world to any . Notwithstanding , before they were to goe abroad , he willeth them to stay at Ierusalem , till they had receiued the holy Ghost , who should direct them what to doe ; and we may be assured , that he did not direct them to goe confusedly , but distinctly , some to one part of the world , some to another . Howbeit , when they ceased to trauaile in their olde dayes , and rested in some chiefe Citie where they had laboured ; they were reputed Bishops of that place , where they rested : though some of them perhaps were not properly Bishops . And this is true of Peter , and of the most of the Apostles . But herein Iames differeth from the rest : for to him at the first , before their dispersion , the Church of Ierusalem was assigned . Neither did he trauaile , as the rest , from one Country to another , being not confined to any one Prouince ; though in the end of their trauels some of them made choise of some speciall place , where they rested , exercising ( no doubt ) a patriarchall authority , as it were , in that circuit , where they had trauailed , and planted Churches . Thus Iohn rested at Ephesus , and others in other places . That assumption therefore , which is true of the rest of the Apostles , is not true of Iames : and were to be denied if the Syllogisme were thus framed . BB. had certaine Churches assigned to them : Iames had not a certaine Church assigned to him : Therefore he was not B. This assumption I haue disproued . And therefore though that argument may seeme to conclude sufficiently against Peters being B. of Rome ; it concludeth not against Iames his being B. of Ierusalem . And besides , betweene Iames and the rest this difference may be noted ; that whereas they hauing planted Churches , when they saw their time , committed the same to certaine BB. ( so Peter and others of the Apostles committed Antioch to Evodius ; Peter and Paul committed Rome to Linus ; Paul committed Ephesus to Timothie ; Creet to Titus ; Iohn committed Smyrna to Polycarpus , and diuers other Churches in Asia to other Bishops , as Eusebius i reporteth ; yet Iames abiding all his time at Ierusalem , committed that Church to no other ; though when he was dead , the Apostles committed it to Simon , whom they ordayned his successour . The second reason applied to Iames. If Iames were B. then by the same reason other of the Apostles were BB. But the other Apostles were not Bishops properly ; Therefore not Iames. Why I should not grant this consequence , I haue shewed sufficient reason in setting downe the difference betweene Iames and the rest of the Apostles . Therefore that reason also , howsoeuer it may take place as touching Peter , in whom no such difference from the rest of the Apostles can be truly noted : yet it holdeth not against Iames his being B. of Ierusalem . If the Refuter , or any other be not as yet perswaded of this point ; to satisfie him in the maine point , that the Apostles appointed and ordained Bishops ; I will be content to suppose , that Iames was not B. of Ierusalem , because it might be supposed and granted , without any great preiudice to the cause : seeing it is manifest , that the same ancient Authors , who testifie that the Apostles appointed Iames B. of Ierusalem , doe also witnesse ; that after his death , the Apostles who were then remayning , ordayned Simon the sonne of Cleophas to be B. there , as hereafter k shall be shewed . After I had proued that Iames was B. of Ierusalem , I endeuoured to confute the opinion of the learneder sort of Disciplinarians , who doe hold ( as before hath been shewed ) that Bishops were not superiour to other Ministers in degree , neither had superioritie for terme of life , but for a short time . And to this end obiected the same conceipts , that by this instance of Iames they might plainly be refuted . Hereunto the Refuter replyeth , that I deuise l those obiections to make my selfe worke : when as indeed they be the two maine points wherein Beza differeth from vs. But , saith he , who euer conceiued any such thought of the Apostle Iames ? I am sure there is not a syllable , nor a letter of him at all in the place he quoteth out of Beza : the more wrong he doth him , &c. All this adoe ariseth from the misprinting of one letter in the margent , ( c ) being put for ( p. ) For in the m 23. page of that book , in the end of the third chapter , he hath this saying : though I grant that Iames the brother of our Lord was in order first in the Church of Ierusalem ; yet it followeth not , that he was in degree superiour either to the Apostles , or else to his fellow Ministers . Which saying , as it seemeth , I should not neede to haue confuted , if all the Disciplinarians were of our Refuters minde , who censureth that speech as vntrue and vnreuerent . But yet , that he might let his Reader see , that he is able to defend any thing against me ; he saith , if a man would speake so vntruly and vnreuerently , he might easily maintayne it against the answere that M. D. bringeth . They must remember , saith he , that he was an Apostle , and his honour and degree by his Bishopricke not impaired . As if the question were not of him , as a B. not as an Apostle . His superiority in degree proceeded from his Apostleship , and yet as a B. he might be superiour in order onely . This tricke of fast and loose was not worth the shewing , vnlesse it could haue beene done more cleanely . To returne these trickes of fast and loose to such a shifting Sophister , as I haue proued the Refuter to be ; it is plaine , that Beza speaketh simply of Iames , as the chiefe in the Church of Ierusalem , as wel in respect of the Apostles , as the Presbyters there . And therefore considereth him as an Apostle , as well as a B. And if he had intended any such distinction as the Refuter imagineth , hee should haue conceiued , that Iames his honour and degree by his Bishopricke was impaired , and that the Apostles in choosing him to be B. of Ierusalem , should rather haue depressed him , then done him honour . But they thought it a singular honour to be the Apostle or Bishop of that Church which Christ himselfe had founded . And therefore as Clement noteth , the chiefe of the Apostles , Peter , Iames , and Iohn , though Christ had vouchsafed to them greater honour then the rest , yet would not arrogate n to themselues that honour , but preferred Iames the iust the brother of our Lord thereunto ; and when it was void againe by his death , they made choise of Simon the sonne of Cleophas for the same cause o , because he also was the Lords kinsman . The graue censure of the Refuter is , that Clements speech is vnsauourie , and the respect carnall which Hegesippus and Eusebius alledge . Thus is hee able , as it were with a breath , to blowe away these worthy Authors , Hegesippus , Clemens , and Eusebius ; they are not able to stand before him . But why vnsauourie ? when the Apostles were to be dispersed into diuers parts of the world , was it not a speciall honour for one amongst them , without that trauaile & wandring , wherto the rest were subiect , to be set ouer the mother Church of Christendome , which Christ himselfe had founded , to be the Apostle of that people which had sundry prerogatiues aboue all other Nations , and in respect of that place to haue a precedence before the other Apostles , as Iames had , Act. 15. Gal. 2 ? And why carnall ? were not they bound in respect of that loue and reuerence which they did owe to our Sauiour Christ , to preferre his neere kinsmen according to the flesh , being at the least equall with others ? It is certaine , that Iames p for his admirable piety was wonderfully honoured , not onely among Christians , but also among the vnbeleeuing Iewes ; as might easily be shewed , in so much that Iosephus q imputeth the destruction of Ierusalem to his death , as to a principall cause . But , saith he , if it had beene arrogancie in them , why not in him ? That which had beene arrogancie in them to haue arrogated to themselues , was no arrogancie in him to vndertake being imposed vpon him . Yea , but if it were so great a priuiledge , why might it not haue aduanced him to a higher degree aboue the rest of the Apostles ? because the Apostleship being the highest degree of the Ministerie , this was the greatest honour to haue a priority and precedence in that degree . Yea , but I denie him to haue beene B. when I say , that whereas before the Apostles had ioyntly gouerned the Church of Ierusalem , that charge which before they had in cōmon , they being now to depart cōmitted to him in particular ; but their charge was of Apostles , not of Bishops . As though the charge of Apostles is not by the holy Ghost called r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is Bishopricke ; and as though Iames , who before was an Apostle absolutely , did not by this designement become the Apostle of the Iewes . Neither was this a clipping of his wings , as it pleaseth the Refuter to speake , more then of the rest of the Apostles , when by mutual consent euery mans Prouince as it were , circuit and charge was assigned to him . But I spake not without booke , deliuering mine owne conceipts as the Refuter euery where doth : but what I said , I receiued from their owne , and almost onely Author Ierome , which he receiued also from s Hegesippus . Hegesippus , saith he , who was neare the Apostles times in the fift booke of his Commentaries speaking of Iames , saith , Iames the brother of our Lord sirnamed the iust , receiued the Church of Ierusalem , post Apostolos , after the Apostles . As touching the other point , though the Refuter would scarsely vouchsafe to touch it as being impertinent ; notwithstanding , it not onely confuteth the conceipt of those who hold Bishops were but for a short time , and not for terme of life ; but also proueth plainly that Iames was B. of Ierusalem . I therefore shewed that he continued at Ierusalem , t as the superintendent of that Church vntil his death , ruling the same by the space of thirtie yeares , after that manner as his successor after him ruled it eight and thirty yeares . Yea , but this doth not proue that he was B. Neither was it so much alledged to that end , as to shew the preheminence which he had was not ( as Beza saith of all the ancient Bishops , which hee acknowledgeth to be diuine ) for a short time , or by course ; but for terme of life . And yet it proueth the maine point also , that he was B. and as the Geneua translators confesse u superintendent of that Church . For if he were not the Apostle of that Church , that is to say the B. why did not he after the example of other Apostles trauaile into other parts , but continued there ruling that Church by the space of thirty yeares , vntill his death ? Forsooth hee did not stay so much to rule that Church , for that might haue beene otherwise performed , as to conuert the multitudes of Iewes which should resort thither . Where , hee saith , the Church might otherwise haue beene gouerned , it is nothing to the purpose , vnlesse he can shew , that it was otherwise gouerned . There is no doubt , but that Church had a Pastor assigned to them by the Apostles , who would not leaue that mother Church as a flocke without a shepheard . But what Pastor had it , if Iames who continued there , and ruled it for thirtie yeares were not the Pastor thereof ? There is no doubt to be made , but the cause and end of his staying there thirtie yeares , was the same of his successour Simons staying there thirtie eight yeares , and of his successours euery one vntill their death . Wherefore was it not great pitie that the Refuter did forget himselfe to spend so much time in things that were so impertinent ? Serm. Sect. 6. pag. 69. As touching other Churches , wee are to obserue , that the Apostles did not at the very first planting of them appoint BB. vnto them , &c. to pag. 72. li. 17. The difference in respect of the time , which before I noted betwixt Ierusalem and other Churches , I doe in this section explane ; shewing , that the Apostles did not at the first planting of them appoint Bishops to them , as presently after the ascension of Christ , they appointed a Bishop ouer the Church of Ierusalem : yeelding these reasons , because as yet there was neither that choise , nor yet that vse of them among a people which was to be conuerted , before it needed to be gouerned ; and shewing what course they did take , before they appointed Bishops , namely , that first they ordayned Presbyters vv to labour the conuersion of the people , to feed them being conuerted , and to attend them in common , gouerning them after a priuate manner , and as it were in foro conscientiae . And this is that , which Ierome x saith , that the Churches at the first before Bishops were appointed ouer them , were gouerned by the common counsell of the Presbyters . But the Episcopall power which consisteth specially in the right of ordination , and in the sway of Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction committed to one ; I said the Apostles each of them retayned in their owne hands , as was manifest y , whiles eyther they continued neare them , or meant not to be long from them . All which while , Bishops were not so needfull , the Apostles prouiding for the necessitie of those Churches , either by their presence , or by their letters and messengers . And this I noted to be the cause , why in the writings of the Apostles , Bishops are so seldome ( though not so seldome as some imagine ) mentioned , and the name with Presbyter confounded . But when as they were to leaue the Churches altogether , either by departure from them or by death ( that the Churches should not be left fatherlesse , they fulfilled that in Psal. 45. according to Augustines and Ieromes exposition , in steed of Fathers , that is , the Apostles , there shall be children borne vnto thee , whom thou shall make Princes ouer all the earth , that is , Bishops succeeding the Apostles in the regiment of the Church ) At their departure they left substitutes , and at their death appointed successours , to whom they committed the gouernment of the Churches , furnishing them by a singularitie of preheminence , both with the right of Ordination and with the power of Iurisdiction , as vvell ouer the Presbyters , as the people of each Citie with the Countrey adioyning . And these I saide at the first vvere called , sometimes the a Angels of the Churches , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b , Praepositi , Rulers , Heb. 13.17 . ( vvhich text in the auncient c canons called the Apostles , and in the second Epistle of Ignatius d , as also the name praepositi in Latine Fathers from thence is appropriated to BB. ) sometimes the Apostles of the Churches , &c. To all this the Refuter answereth by snatches , as he doth to the residue of the Sermon ; for which cause I thinke it expedient to repeate the points deliuered in the Sermon , that his dealing may the better appeare . And first hee snatcheth at those wordes where I said , that vntill the Apostles were to leaue the Churches altogether , Bishops were not so needfull , as after their departure and death , which is most manifest . Belike , saith he , they were needfull before , but the Apostles would put off the matter till there was no remedie , and I cannot much blame them if it be true which D. Bilson e saith that they were to keepe the power of imposition of hands to themselues , vnlesse they would loose their Apostleship . It is more meruaile therefore that they would ordaine any Bishops at all , as long as they liued , then that they would deferre the doing of it so long as they could . Which words , as they contayne a meere cauill at my words , not worth the answering ; so a meere belying of that reuerend B. who saith , that the Apostles could not loose that ( viz. the power of imposing hands and deliuering vnto Sathan , which the Fathers call Episcopall power ) vnlesse they lost the Apostleship withall . Secondly , hee obiecteth want of proofes . What proofe bringeth he that the Apostles ordayned such Bishops in other Churches ? neither one text of Scripture , nor any testimonie out of the ancient Writers , onely authoritate praetoria , hee telleth vs Pythagoras like , they did so , &c. Here , in complayning of the want of proofes , he giueth sufficient proofe of a bad conscience . In this section I did but in generall ( hauing noted the difference of the time ) declare , what course the Apostles tooke , first in deferring the choise of Bishops ; and afterwards in appointing them . The proofes doe follow in the sections following , shewing the places where , and the persons whom the Apostles ordayned Bishops . That imputation of speaking Pythagoras like , hee hath often layd vpon me , and yet not so oft as vniustly , who haue in this Sermon and in this Treatise deliuered nothing almost without plentifull proofe or sufficient authority . Thirdly , hee carpeth at the names , wherewith I said the first Bishoppes were called , asking what is all this to the matter . Would he prooue they were Diocesan Bishops , because they were called by these names ? what a notorious cauiller is this ? may nothing be spoken but by way of proofe ? may nothing be said by declaration , or explanation , or preuention ? I knew it was obiected , that Bishops are not mentioned in the scriptures , the name Episcopus Bishop , being giuen to Prebyters : and therefore that is not like , they were ordayned by the Apostles , of vvhom no mention is in the Scriptures . For preuention of this obiection , or assoyling this doubt , I declared first , that the Bishops in the writings of the Apostles are called , sometimes the Angels of the Churches , sometimes their rulers , sometimes their Apostles . Yea , but in my former Sermon I gaue all these names saue onely the name of Apostles to all ministers . The former Sermon is of ministers in generall , including the Bishops , and diuers things there spoken of ministers in generall , doe principally belong to Bishops . All Pastors are rulers or rectors of their seuerall flockes , but the Bishops are rulers both of them and their flocke . All ministers are called Angel● , but the Bishop alone is the Angell of each Church or Diocese , &c. But by what authority saith he , is the title of Apostle appropriated to BB ? he would haue said , communicated to them with the twelue . For I know no man so foolish , as to appropriate it to the Bishops . This reason I rendred , why they be called the Apostles of the Churches ; because they succeeded the Apostles in the gouernment of the particular Churches : whereof I gaue instance Phil. 2.25 . where Epaphroditus , who was the B. or Pastor of Philippi , is therefore called their Apostle . Therefore ? saith he . Who saith so ? Ambrose , Ierome , Theodoret , Caluin , Thomas Aquinas , if we will beleiue D. D. but if we will looke vpon the bookes themselues , not one of them saith so . Caluin , Aquinas , and some other indeed , as Lyra , interlineall glosse , Lombard , Anselme , &c. are of minde that Apostle there signifieth teacher and no more . Caluin saith thus g , The name of Apostle here , as in many other places , is taken generally for proquolibet Euangelista , for any Euangelist . But by their Euangelist , he vnderstandeth their Pastor , and so calleth him diuers times , vsing that word vpon that occasion sixe or seauen times in that place . Paul sendeth to them Epaphroditus , ne Pastore carerent qui recte compositum statum tueretur , least they should want their Pastor who might maintaine their well ordered state . On these words , verse 26. He had a longing desire towards you all , and was pensiue , because you had heard that he was sicke : Caluin noteth , a signe of a true Pastor , that when he was farre distant from them , notwithstanding was affected with the care and desire of his flocke ; and when he vnderstood that his sheepe sorrowed for his sake , was pensiue for their sorrow . In like manner the godly carefulnesse of the Philippians for their Pastor is noted on the 27. where Paul signifieth , what griefe he should haue conceiued , if Epaphroditus had died ; Paul saith he was mooued with the losse of the Church which he saw would haue beene destituted optimo Pastore of a very good Pastor in so great want of good men . On the twenty eight he saith , Paul did the more carefully send him , because he was sory that for his occasion he had beene withheld from the flocke committed to him . On the twenty nineth he obserueth how desirous Paul is , that good Pastors may be much esteemed , &c. let the reader therefore iudge , whether Epaphroditus were not in Caluins iudgement the Pastor of the Philippians . By the Apostle saith Ambrose h , he was made their Apostle , that is Bishop , as Ambrose i expoundeth the word in other places , Apostoli Episcopi sunt , the Apostles are Bishops . But according to the refuters sence , he had beene an Apostle , not of Pauls making , but of their owne . Ierome k writing on those words , my fellow Souldiour and your Apostle , fellow Souldiour saith he , by reason of his honour , because he also had receiued the office of being an Apostle among them . And on those words , haue in honour such , not onely him saith hee , qui vester est Doctor , who is your Doctor , by vvhich vvord in Ieromes time , Bishop most commonly was signified , &c. Theodoret l saith thus , hee called him Apostle , because to him the charge of them was committed . Wherefore it is manifest , that those which in the beginning of the Epistle were called Bishops were vnder him , as hauing the place of Presbyters . And from this place , as afterwards I noted , Theodoret m gathereth , that at the first , they , whom now wee call Bishops were called Apostles . Thus Epaphroditus was the Apostle of the Philippians . Thomas Aquinas n ; hee calleth him brother , saith he , by reason of his faith ; fellow worker in the labour of preaching , fellow souldier , because they had suffered tribulation together , your Apostle , that is Doctor . Hic fuit Episcopus Philippensium , Hee was the Bishop of the Philippians . And so saith Bullinger o , Philippensium Episcopus erat . With what face therefore could the Refuter denie , that any one of these Authors did say , that hee was therefore called the Apostle of the Philippians , because hee vvas their Bishop and Pastor ? And so are they to be vnderstood , vvho expound the vvord Apostle by Teacher . As Chrysostome p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and those vvhom the Refuter nameth . For they did not , by Apostle vnderstand euery common Teacher , or teaching Presbyter , but specialem doctorem saith Anselme q , instructorem praecipuum their chiefe instructor , sayeth Dionysius Carthusianus . These authors , and more , as they doe all giue testimony with my exposition ; so against that interpretation of the word Apostle , which the refuter bringeth : who would haue him called Apostle , not in respect of any sacred function , which he performed towards them , but because he was their Messenger to the Apostle . And of this iudgement , he saith , are Primasius , Haymo , Caietan , and two others , which be as much partyes in this cause as himselfe , Beza , and Piscator . And Caluin acknowledgeth it to agree with the place . Primasius r saith , that Epaphroditus had receiued gradum Apostolatus , the degree of Apostleshippe among them . Caluin doth indeed mention that interpretation ▪ but so , as he preferreth the other ; sed prior sensus meliùs ( meo iudicio ) conuenit : But the former sence in my iudgement agreeth better . He could not thinke , that both sences , being so different , agreed to the text . Yea but he hath two reasons to proue his to be the more likely sence . First , as the words following in the same Verse and Chapt. 4.18 . doe shew , how he ministred to him ; so the same phrase is vsed to the like purpose , 2 Cor. 8.23 . where the brethren sent with Titus to receiue the Corinthians beneuolence , are called Apostles , that is , messengers of the Churches . I acknowledge , that Epaphroditus brought a gratuity from the Philippians to Paul to supply his necessity , being a prisoner in Rome . And the brethren likewise who accompanyed Titus , were to receiue the beneuolence of the Corinthians ; but it is vnlikely ; that either he , or they , were called the Apostles of the Churches in that regard . It appeareth by diuers of Ignatius his Epistles , that when the churches did send one vpon a Christian Embassage , the B. commonly was entreated to take that Embassage vpon him . In like manner the Philippians , being to send as it were vpon Embassage to Paul , Epaphroditus their B. vndertooke that voyage He being therfore both their B. and their Embassadour , it is more likely , that he was called their Apostle because he was their Bishop ; then for that hee was their Embassadour . For it is vnlikely , that the name of that sacred function of the Apostles of Christ , who also himselfe is the Apostle of our profession , should be vsed in the Scriptures to signifie the messengers of men . Besides , in both places , the Apostle intendeth by this title highly to commend Epaphroditus , and the others ; but this had beene but a small commendation , that they were messengers of the Churches . Againe , if they in 2 Cor. 8. were called the Apostles of the Churches , because they were their messengers ; then those Churches should haue sent them : but it is euident , that Paul himselfe sent them , for as it was required of him , Gal. 2 : so had hee vndertaken , to procure a supply for the reliefe of the brethren in Iudaea , who were oppressed vvith famine . And to that end hauing before dealt with the Corinthians , sendeth Titus and two others , to receiue their contribution . His second reason is , that it standeth not so well with the properties of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth a messenger , to entitle any man ( in regard of his ministeriall function ) their Apostle to whom , as his from whom hee is sent . And therefore among all the titles Paul taketh to himselfe to magnifie his office , he neuer calleth himselfe their or your Apostle , but an Apostle of Christ , and an Apostle to them . Wee may therefore say of M. D. as Iunius doth of Theodoret , the clearest witnesse he alledgeth , he is deceiued by the aequiuocation of the word Apostolos , which sometimes in a common and generall sence is giuen to any one that is sent as a messenger , and sometimes more specially ascribed to those that were imployed ( as the Apostles ) in an extraordinarie and high Embassage from Christ. Here the Refuter whiles he goeth about to discouer my ignorance ( as though I knew not the signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as he ) bewrayeth his owne . For it is euident , that in the Scriptures the vvord is vsed with reuerence as vvell to the parties to vvhom , as to the party from vvhom , the Apostle is sent . Thus Paul calleth himselfe the Apostle of the Gentiles s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and saith , that Peter had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Apostleship of Circumcision t , meaning that he was the Apostle of the Iewes , because to himselfe was committed the Gospel of vncircumcision , as to Peter of the circumcision . So Angels haue relation , not only to the sender who is God , but to the parties to whom they are sent , and are called their u Angels . And euen as Angels absolutely spoken , is a title of all ministers who are sent of God , but vsed with reference to the Churches whereto they are sent ( as the Angels of the seauen Churches ) doe signifie the Bishops or Pastors of the same churches ; so Apostoli , absolutely vsed is a title of all Embassadours (vv) sent from God with authority Apostolicall , though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , giuen to Paul x and Barnabas and the twelue Apostles ; but vsed with reference to particular Churches , doth signifie their Bishops . And in that sence Epaphroditus is called the Apostle of the Philippians . And howsoeuer the word may signifie any messenger with relation to any sender ; yet in the scriptures it is not vsed to signifie messengers sent from men , neither is to be translated otherwise then Apostle . For though our Sauiour doe seeme to speake indefinitly y Iohn 13.16 . of the Apostle and him that sendeth him ; yet it is euident , that he meaneth himselfe who sent , and the Apostles who were sent . But admit saith the refuter , that Epaphroditus were Bishop or Pastor of Philippi where abouts I will not striue , how shall it be proued that Philippi was a Diocesan Church ? &c. This is written , as the most of the booke , to bleare the eyes of the simple . For I cannot thinke he which would vndertake this cause , was so void of iudgement , as the refuter here would shew himselfe to be , if he wrote sincerely . For I pray you , what was the point which here I had in hand ? was it not to shew , that the Bishops at the first in the Apostles times were called Apostles ? and doe I not proue it by this instance , that Epaphroditus being the Bishop of the Philippians , is therefore called their Apostle ? Admit it be so , saith the refuter , yet how shall it be proued , that Philippi was a Diocesan Church , and how weakely with that , doth M. D. inferre , that he was a Diocesan Bishop , like to ours for the substance of his office . All men see he deceiueth his reader with the like equiuocation in the word Bishop , which in the Apostles times by his owne confession was common to all Pastors , though afterwards appropriated to some speciall persons : as if he should haue said , I grant that which here you doe proue , but yet that followeth not hereon , which you intended not . That the Churches were Diocesses , and the Bishops Diocesan , like to ours for the substance of their office , I proued before in the former part : here , I am so farre from inferring or prouing it , that I presuppose it , as sufficiently proued before . But this is the poore shift , which the refuter vsually flyeth vnto , when he hath nothing to answere . He perswaded himselfe ( such was his iudgement ) that in the question of parishes and Diocesses he had the vpper hand : and therefore , when he is foiled in any of the points following , he flyeth to that as his refuge ; yea but though this be so as you say , yet the Church was not a Diocese , nor the Bishop a Diocesan . But how little reason he hath to imagine Philippi one of the a cheife Cities of Macedonia , to haue beene a parish Church ; may be gathered by that , which before hath beene said of the like Cities . Where he saith , I goe about to deceiue the reader with the like equiuocation of the word Bishop he doth me wrong . But he and his consorts deceiue the readers , when they would perswade them , that because in the Apostles writings and for some part of the Apostles time , the names Episcopus & Presbyter were confounded , namely vntill Bishops began to be chosen from among the Presbyters ; that therefore the offices were confounded . For here I shew , that when Presbyters were called Episcopi , those who euer since the Apostles times haue beene called Bishops , were then called the Agels , and the Apostles of the Churches , to whom , as I noted before out of b Theodoret , those who were then called Episcopi , that is Presbyters , were subiect . For as I said in the Sermon , whiles the Episcopall power was in the Apostles and Apostolicke men , those who had that power were called Apostles ; and therefore Ambrose by Apostles in some places c of Scripture , vnderstandeth Bishops : and to the like purpose Cyprian : d Apostolos , id est , Episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit , the Lord chose Apostles , that is Bishops and Gouernours . For as Theodoret e hath well obserued on 1 Tim. 3. In times past , saith he , they called the same men Presbyters and Bishops , and those who now are called Bishops they named Apostles . But in processe of time , they left the name Apostle to those who are properly called Apostles , and the name of Bishop they gaue to them who had beene called Apostles . Thus Epaphroditus was the Apostle of the Philippians , Titus of the Cretians , and Timothie of the Asians . Which testimony , if it be conferred with some before cited out of Ierome , the truth concerning this matter will appeare to be this . Whiles the Bishops were Apostles and Apostolicke men ( for such were the first Bishops ) the Angels of the Churches were also called the Apostles of the Churches , other Ministers being then called Presbyteri & Episcopi indifferently ; but when the first Bishops being dead , their successours were to be chosen out of the Presbyters , ( which Ierome noteth to haue been done at Alexandria euer since the death of S. Marke , and was done in all other places where were no Euangelists , or Apostolicall men remayning ) then they left the name Apostle , and for difference sake called him the Bishop . Wherefore as I said in the Sermon , it was not long , that the name Episcopus was confounded with Presbyter . For Ignatius , ( who was a B. aboue thirtie yeares in the Apostles time , after that Evodius had beene B. of Antioch aboue twenty yeares before him ) appropriateth the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a Bishop ; and vsually distinguisheth the three degrees of the Clergie , as the Church euer since the Apostles hath distinguished them , by these three names , Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon . Yea , but we may gather out of Theodorets testimonie , saith the Refuter , that the report which M. D. maketh of Ignatius his appropriating the name of Episcopus to a Diocesan Bishop , is without any sufficient warrant . For seeing Ignatius liued in the Apostles times , and died within sixe yeares after S. Iohn , and Theodoret saith , that in processe of time the name of B. was imposed ; it is not likely Ignatius should be the imposer of it . No man includeth the processe of time within the compasse of sixe yeares any man will thinke . The processe of time , wherof Theodoret speaketh , was as appeareth by conference of him with Ierome in the Apostles time . At the first , towards the beginning of the Apostles time , the Gouernours of the Churches were called Apostles ; but in processe of time , when the first Bishops who had beene Apostles or Apostolicall men were dead , and now were to be chosen out of the Presbyters , which was towards the latter end of the Apostles times ; then they began to be called Episcopi , Bishops . And that this was so , appeareth not onely by Ignatius , who continually vseth the word as the first and highest degree of the Clergie , Presbyters as the second , and Deacons as the third : but also by other monuments of antiquity which I mentioned in the Sermon . I haue the longer insisted on this point , because it is of great consequence . For hereby it appeareth first that when the name Presbyter and Episcopus were confounded , yet the offices of Bishops and Presbyters were not confounded . Secondly , that Bishops being then called Apostoli , were superiour to other Ministers who were called Presbyteri & Episcopi . And lastly , that such Bishops as were superiour to other Ministers , were in the Apostles times , and mentioned in the Apostles writings . The IIII. CHAPTER . Shewing the Places where , and the Persons whom , the Apostles ordayned BB : but chiefly , that Timothie was B. of Ephesus , and Titus of Creet . Serm. Sect. 7. pag. 72. But we are also to shew the places where , and the persons whom , the Apostles ordayned BB. and first out of the scriptures &c. to all ordayned there , pag. 75. IN this section and the two next following , I proue that Timothie and Titus were by S. Paul ordayned Bishops : the one of Ephesus , the other of Creet , and maintaine the same assertion against their obiections . Afterwards , I shew out of other the auncientest monuments of antiquitie , that other BB. of other places , were ordayned by the Apostles . This , saith the Refuter , is the last supply to maintaine the former antecedent , by shewing the places where , and the persons whom the Apostles ordayned Bishops . If this faile he is vndone . As who should say , that all which hitherto hath beene said , hath by him beene very learnedly and sufficiently refuted . When as in truth hee hath not beene able to confute any one sentence or line of the Sermon hitherto , with soundnesse of reason , or euidence of truth . And the like assurance I haue of that which followeth . Now that Timothie and Titus were by the Apostle ordained Bishops : I proue by a two-fold reason , which I ioyned together , & is thus to be dissolued : the former standing thus . If in the Epistles to Timothie and Titus it be presupposed that Paul had ordayned Timothie and Titus Bishops of Ephesus and Creet , then is it true , that they vvere by him ordayned BB. of those Churches . But the antecedent is true : Therefore the consequent . That the antecedent is true I proue by this reason ; because it is presupposed in the Epistles , that the Apostle had committed to them Episcopall authority , both in respect of Ordination , and Iurisdiction , to be exercised in those Churches . Against which consequence this onely thing can be obiected , that the Episcopall authority might be committed to them not as ordinarie Bishops or Pastors of those Churches , but as extraordinarie gouernours or Euangelists , which afterwards is answered . To this argument the Refuter answereth not . The second he frameth thus : If the Epistles written to Timothie and Titus be the very patternes and precedents of the Episcopall function , whereby the Apostle enformeth them , and in them all Bishops how to exercise their function , then Timothie and Titus were Bishops . But the antecedent is true : Therefore the consequent . First , he taketh exception against the proposition , saying , though it make a goodly shew yet was it confuted long agoe by M. Cartwright . Whose confutation either he thinketh to be insufficient , or else he doth but kill a dead man in seeking with a new on-set to disproue the consequence . First , for the consequence it selfe , I auouch thus much ; that from that antecedent , I might not onely haue inferred that particular , that therefore these two to whom the Epistles were written were Bishops : but in generall , that the function of Bishops ; whose authority and office is described , and the manner of the execution thereof prescribed in the directions giuen to Timothie and Titus in these Epistles , hath warrant in the word of God : and when they can make as good an argument for their lay-elders , out of the Scriptures , I will subscribe to their Presbyterian discipline . Of T. C. answere to that consequence , I haue taken speciall notice heretofore ; and did greatly wonder , that hee could satisfie himselfe with such a friuolous answer . And I do no lesse wonder at the Refuters either lacke of iudgement , who tooke that answere for good payment , or want of consideration and care of T. C. credit in referring vs to so sleight and friuolous an euasion . For whereas D. Whitgift h argueth thus , That Timothie was Bishop , the whole course of the Epistles written vnto him declareth , wherein is contayned the office and dutie of a Bishop , and diuers precepts peculiarly pertayning to that function ; T. C. i answereth , that by this reason he might as well proue that Timothie was a deacon , or a widdowe , an olde man or an olde woman , seeing in those Epistles the Apostle wrote of their duties . Yea , rather that hee was a Deacon , considering that there is nothing in the description of a Deacon which agreeth not to him , but in the description of a Bishop that which he requireth of not being giuen to wine , and not being a young Christian , could haue no place in Timothies instruction . Not to argue with T. C. but to let him rest in peace ; can the Refuter be so ignorant , or without iudgement , as to thinke , that D. Whitgift when hee spoke of the whole course and tenure of the Epistles , did meane onely the description of a B. or Minister set downe in the beginning of the third chapter of the former Epistle ? if that had beene his argument , hee had argued thus : Paul directeth Timothie what manner of men to ordayne Bishops or Ministers , and likewise Deacons . Therefore Timothie himselfe was a B. or Minister , or likewise a Deacon . Is it not plaine , that by the whole course hee vnderstandeth all those directions , which are giuen to Timothie throughout the Epistles for the discharge of his office , either in respect of the Ministerie common to all Ministers , or of his Episcopall function , chiefly in regard either of Ordination or Iurisdiction , vnto which heads the precepts & directions in those Epistles are to be referred ? for when he speaketh of the duties of men and women , olde and young , hee directeth Timothie , and in like manner Titus k. what to preach . When hee describeth the qualities of Ministers , and Deacons , and Widowes ; he directeth him what manner of Ministers and Deacons to ordayne , and Widowes to admit . And whereas D. Whitgift hauing said , that in those Epistles diuers precepts pertaine peculiarly to the Episcopall function : T.C. chalengeth him to shew him any one precept in those Epistles which is proper to a B : It is not hard to shew him more then one , as , lay thy hands hastily on no man. Against a Presbyter or Minister receiue not an accusation but vnder two or three witnesses , &c. These are perpetuall directions , which were not common , eyther to other Christians , or other Ministers : therefore peculiar to BB. And this was T. C. confutation of the Proposition : Now let vs heare what the Refuter can say . The Proposition saith hee , is grounded vpon a false supposition , and what is that ? that the Apostle by describing in these Epistles the rules to be obserued in ordination and iurisdiction , intended to informe Timothie and Titus as BB. and in them all other BB. how to carry themselues in those matters . Is this the Supposition , whereon the Proposition is grounded ? Alas good man , you know not l what the Hypothesis or Supposition of an Hipotheticall Proposition is : this which you suppose to be the Supposition of the Proposition , is plainly the Assumption of the Syllogisme , which your selfe framed . But because the Refuter hath confounded himselfe with his owne hypotheticall or connexiue Proposition , I will propound my Argument in another forme . Whosoeuer describing vnto Timothie and Titus their office and authoritie , as they were Gouernours of the Churches of Ephesus and Creet , and prescribing their dutie in the execution thereof , and that as afterwards I shew to be performed by them and their Successours till the comming of Christ , doth plainely describe the office and authoritie , and prescribe the dutie of BB : hee doth presuppose them to be BB ; the one of Ephesus , the other of Creet . But Paul in his Epistles to Timothie and Titus describing vnto them their office and authoritie as they were Gouernours of the Churches of Ephesus and Creet , and prescribing their dutie in the execution thereof to be performed by them and their successours vntill the comming of Christ , doth plainly describe the office and authority , and prescribe the duty of BB. Therefore Paul in his Epistles to Timothie and Titus presupposeth them to be Bishops , the one of Ephesus , the other of Creet . This Proposition , because I know not what can be obiected against it . T. C. and the Refuter hauing assailed it in vaine , I will once againe take for granted . The assumption I proue by those particulars , wherein the Episcopall authoritie doth chiefly consist , both in respect of Ordination , Tit. 1.5 . 1 Tim. 5.22 . and also of Iurisdiction , they being the censurers of other Ministers doctrine . 1 Tim. 1.3 . 2 Tim. 2.16 . Tit. 1.10.11 . and 3.9 . and iudges of their persons and conuersation , 1 Tim. 5.19.20.21 . Tit. 3.10 . to which proofes he answereth nothing . Wherevnto might be added the authority of Gregorie Nazianzene m , of Chrysostome n , of Oecumenius o , and Gregory p , testifying that these Epistles doe teach Bishops how to behaue themselues in the Church of God. Now because the Refuters supposition is the same in ef●ect with his assumption , I will examine first what he obiecteth against the assumption vnder the name of that supposition , and so proceed to his answere which he directed against the assumption . The summe of that which he obiecteth against the supposition , is this , that though Timothie and Titus were by Paules direction to doe those things , which Bishops arrogate to themselues ; yet they were to doe them by an higher power , and therefore not as Bishops . Whereto I answere , that they were to be done by a power vvhich vvas to continue in the Church vntill the end ; and therefore not by a higher power then Episcopal . And secondly , that the power Episcopal , whereby Bishops doe these things which Timothie and Titus had in commission , is so much of the Apostolicall power as was to continue in the Church vnto the end . The assumption it selfe hee denyeth , saying , these Epistles are not precedents of the Episcopall function , &c. The reason of his deniall is this . What though Bishops haue now gotten that power into their hands , yet were not those instructions giuen to Timothie and Titus , as Bishops , ( the Apostles dreaming of no such soueraigntie ) but particularly to Timothie and Titus as Euangelists , and in generall to the Presbyters , to whom the charge of those affaires belongeth . To the Euangelists , to administer in all the Churches of those Regions , whither the Apostles sent , or where they left them : to the Presbyters , to administer in their seuerall congregations or Churches . Hee said euen now that Timothie and Titus did those things which BB. doe by a higher power , & now he saith he Apostle dreamed not of any such soueraignty , as the BB. haue . Where he saith these instructions were not giuen to BB. but particularly to these Euangelists to performe them in all Churches and Regions where he should place them , and generally to Presbyters , &c. both parts are false . For these directions Paul gaue to Timothie and Titus to be obserued of them as they were particularly assigned gouernours of the Churches of Ephesus and Creet , and are such as are to be obserued to the end . Neither are these instructions giuen in generall to Presbyters , neither doth the charge of these affaires belong to them . And that these things belong to the BB. I haue sufficiently proued before r . To make the matter plaine , he bringeth in an example , which is worth the hearing . Suppose , saith he , a Democraty , where the common-wealth is gouerned by the people ; it must needs be that in such a place there are lawes for the choosing and ordering of Officers . What if this gouernment fall into the hands of the Nobilitie , which continue the same lawes , still in the same cases ? What if some mightier then the rest , at the last make himselfe sole Gouernour , still obseruing those fundamentall lawes , which were at the first established : is it to be saide , that those lawes are the verie patternes and precedents of the Aristocraticall , or Monarchicall gouernement , whereby the first maker of those lawes would enforme , in the one , the Nobilitie , in the other , the Monarchie , and in them , all other , how to exercise that function ? The administration of Church matters touching ordination and iurisdiction , was first in the seuerall Churches , or congregations ; which by their Presbyteries had the menaging of all Church businesse : in processe of time , it came to be restrayned to the Clergie onely , the B. and his Presbyterie of Ministers onely ; at last , as things grew worse and worse , the B. like a Monarch got the reynes into his owne hands . Now though the lawes of Ordination and Iurisdiction remaine the same , and the practise also in some sort ; yet are they not patternes and presidents either of the second or third kinde of gouernment ; neither were they giuen to instruct the Bishop alone , or the Bishop and his Clergie together . Which comparison I desire may be well considered , especially by the vnlearneder sort ; for hereby they shall discerne , what manner of guides they haue desired to follow . For , not to contend with him about his politicke proposition , not well agreeing with the rules of policy , wherein we are taught , that the appointment of chiefe Officers being reckoned inter iura maiestatis , doth alwayes belong to them who haue the soueraigntie ; in the whole comparison , but especially , in the reddition , we may behold the trim Idea of discipline , which the fancie of our Refuter and his fellow-challengers hath forged . For he conceiueth , as if he were a Brownist , or an Anabaptist , that the ancient state of the Church was Democraticall ; that the right of Ordination and Iurisdiction , was in the whole congregation of euery Parish , which by their Presbyteries ( consisting for the greatest part of the laity ) had the menaging of all Church-businesse ; that the lawes and Canons for Church-gouernment set downe in the Epistles to Timothie and Titus , were first prouided for this popular state of the Church . Howbeit , by the vsurpation of the B. and his Clergie , the popular state was turned into an Aristocraty , the B. and his Presbyterie of Ministers onely menaging the Church affaires . Lastly , in processe of time , this Aristocraty was turned into a Monarchie , the B. like a Monarch hauing got the reynes into his owne hands . Now the lawes concerning Ordination and iurisdiction are still in force ; yet were they not patternes neither for the Monarchicall gouernment of the B. alone , nor for the Aristocraticall gouernment of the Bishop and his Presbytery of ministers , but for the popular and golden state of euery Parish which within it selfe had authoritie immediately deriued from Christ sufficient for the gouernment of it selfe in all causes Ecclesiasticall . This forme is propounded also in the modest and Christian offer of disputation . Haue not our forwarder sort of people bin well aduised thinke you , to doate vpon such leaders as these , who broach such a sort of dreames and dotages , for which they haue not so much as the shew of any sound proofe ? Our refuter hath often times obiected against me , though most vniustly , that Pythagoras-like , I looke to be creditted vpon my bare word ; but what proofes I pray you doth hee bring for these schismaticall nouelties ? First , it is here presupposed , that euery Church indued with power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment , was a Parish , & all Church officers Parishionall . Which dotage I haue before refuted . Secondly , that the forme of Church-gouernment was Democraticall , or popular , the cheife authority being in the people . Which hath authority ( to be exercised partly by themselues , & partly by their Presbytery ) to elect , ordayne , depriue & depose their Pastor or B. for the proofe whereof the cheife burden must lye vpon Mat. 18. dic Ecclesiae , which hath bin before examined . Beza , making mention of one Morellius , who pleaded in like manner for the popular gouernment , giueth him this stile t , Democraticus quidam fanaticus , shewing that these who plead that cause , are lead with a phantasticall & fanaticall spirit . For is it not a phrensy to vrge the peoples supremacy in Church-gouernment ? is there any shew in scripture , or in reason , that the sheepe should rule their Shepheard , or the flocke their Pastor ? But for the confutation of them , I referre them to other Disciplinarians , from whom they had their first grounds ; seing by this fancy they seeke to ouerturne , as well those Churches where the Geneua discipline is established as ours . The third dreame is , that the lawes of Church-gouernment prescribed in the Epistles to Timothie and Titus , were prouided for the democraticall state of the Church . So that when Paul saith lay not thou hands on no man hastily , you must vnderstand the speech directed not to Timothie , to vvhom the Epistle was written , but to the people , that they should not suffer their Lay-elders when their minister is dead , to be hasty in laying hands on a new . And vvhen hee saith doe not thou receiue an accusation , &c. it must be vnderstood of the people and Presbyterie . After two or three admonitions doe thou auoid an hereticke or excommunicate him , that is , thou people . What of Creet ? belike the whole Iland of Creet was a Parish too . The next fancy is , that the popular state of the seuerall Churches did first degenerate into an Aristocraty , and after into a Monarchie . But it is as cleare as the light , that the seuerall Churches were at the first gouerned by the Apostles or Apostolicall men seuerally , and that either perpetually , as by Iames , Marke , &c. or but for a time , as by Peter , Paul , &c. and that when the Apostles left the Churches , they committed them to other Apostolicall men , such as Timothie , Titus , Evodius , Simon the sonne of Cleophas , Linus , Clemens , &c. communicating vnto them the same authority both for the worke of the ministery , and for the power of ordination and iurisdiction which themselues had in those seuerall Churches : and what authoritie each of them had , their successors in the seuerall Churches had the same . Neither haue our BB. at this day , greater authority in menaging Church causes , then Timothie and Titus and other the first Bishops had . Who was to ordaine ministers in Creet and to gouerne that Church ? did not Paul commit these things to Titus , without mentioning , either of Presbytery , or people ? are not all his precepts for ordination and Church-gouernment directed onely to Titus for Creet , & to Timothie for Ephesus ? and doth not this euidently shew , that howsoeuer they might vse either the presence , and consent of the people , or the Counsell and aduise of the Presbyters in causes of greatest moment , as Princes also doe in common-wealthes : yet the sway of the Ecclesiasticall gouernment was in them ? It is therefore most plaine , that in the Epistles to Timothie and Titus , it is presupposed , that they had Episcopall authority : and that the rules and directions giuen to them are precedents for Bishops and patternes vnto them for the exercise of their Episcopall function . And this I proue againe in my Sermon by another argument , which the refuter hath framed thus : Those things which were written to informe not Timothie and Titus alone , as extraordinarie persons , but them and their successors , to the end of the world , were written to informe Diocesan Bishops : But those Epistles were written to informe not Timothie and Titus alone as extraordinarie persons but them and their successors to the end of the world . Therefore they were written to informe Diocesan BB. The assumption ( for with that the refuter beginneth ) I proued by testimony , and by reason . And first , by the testimony of Paul a , straightly charging Timothie , that the commandements and directions , which he gaue him , should be kept inuiolable vntill the appearing of our Lord Iesus Christ ; & therfore by such , as should haue the like authority to the end . b Hereof Caluin , saith thus , nomine mandati significat quae hactenus de officio Timothie disseruit . Vnder the name of the commandement he signifieth those things whereof hitherto he had discoursed concerning the office of Timothie . And againe , omnino ceriè ad ministerium Timothie refero , I doe wholy referre it to the ministerie of Timothie . For Paul wrot to this end , to giue direction to Timothie , how he should behaue c himselfe in the Church , which is the house of the liuing God. Which directions he chargeth him Chap. 6. to obserue inuiolable vntill the comming of Christ : which could not be performed in the person of Timothie , who was not to continue to the end , but in a succession of them , who should haue the like authority vntill the end . T. C. and other Disciplinarians , hauing fancied that the Apostles had giuen direction in that Epistle for onely-gouerning Elders : hereupon conclude d , that they are to be continued vntill the comming of Christ , So that they can conclude vpon that charge the continuance of an office not once mentioned in that Epistle : but they cannot , or will not see , how the continuance of that office , which Timothie did beare , for the execution whereof all these directions are giuen , is concluded vpon the same ground . The second testimonie was of Ambrose e , writing on those vvords of Paul , saying , that Paul is so circumspect ; not because he doubted of Timothie his care , but in regard of his successors , that they after the example of Timothie , might continue the well ordering of the Church . The reason whereby I proued , that Paul giueth direction not to Timothie and Titus onely as to extraordinary persons , but to them and their successors vntill the end of the world , was , because the authority which was committed to them , for the execution whereof the Apostle giueth his directions , is perpetually necessary ; without the which the Church neither can be gouerned ( as without iurisdiction ) neither yet continued ( as without ordination ) & therefore not peculiar to extraordinary persons ; but by an ordinary deriuation to be continued in those , who are the successors of Timothie and Titus . The effect of the refuters answere is , that he could be content to graunt this assumption , were it not that he is resolued to deny the conclusion , which followeth thereupon . For first , hee granteth Pauls purpose to instruct those that should succeed Timothie and Titus , in the authoritie which they had , but not in their office . And that this authoritie was not , nor was to be , in the hands of any one particular man , but the right of it was in the whole congregation , the execution in the Presbytery . So that the power of ordination and iurisdiction might be continued without Bishops , &c. It is sufficient for the truth of the assumption , which the refuter granteth ; that what Paul did write to Timothie & Titus , he wrote not to them alone as extraordinarie persons , vvhose authoritie should dye with them , but to those also which should succeed them in the like authoritie vntill the end . But whether the Bishops were to be their successours , or the whole congregation , or the Presbyterie , belongeth not to the assumption : but rather to the proposition . Howbeit , that which he saith , either in denying the Bishops to be the successours of Timothie and Titus , or affirming the congregation and Presbyterie to haue succeeded them in the power of ordination and iurisdiction , is spoken altogether , as against the truth , so without proofe . I will therefore returne to the proposition , which is grounded on this Hypothesis ; that Diocesan Bishops were the successours of Timothie and Titus . For if that be true , then is the proposition necessary , though the refuter flatly denyeth it . Thus therefore I reason : If the successours of Timothie and Titus were Diocesan Bishops , then those things which were written to informe their successours were vvritten to informe Diocesan Bishops : But the successors of Timothie & Titus were Diocesan BB. Therefore those things which were vvritten to informe the successours of Timothie and Titus , vvere vvritten to informe Diocesan Bishops . Here the refuter , thinking he had as good reason to deny the one part of this syllogisme , as the other , denyeth both . The consequence of the proposition is feeble saith he , vnlesse it were certaine , that the Bishops both de facto were , & de iure ought to haue beene their successors . That the Bishops were de facto their successors , & of all other Apostolical men in the gouernment of the Churches , I haue already proued , and there vpon haue inferred , that de iure also they were . Because what gouernment was not onely generally receiued in the 300. yeeres after the Apostles , but also was in vse in the Apostles times , in the Apostolicall Churches , that without doubt was of Apostolicall institution . The assumption I proue by two arguments : first , by this disiunction . Either the Bishops were their successours , or the Presbyteries , or ( which the refuter would adde ) the whole congregation . But neither the Presbyteries , nor the whole congregation , which had no greater , nor other authority and power vnder Bishops , then they had before , vnder Timothie and Titus . Therefore the Bishops were their successors . Againe , those who succeeded Timothie and Titus in the gouernment of the Churches of Ephesus and Creet , were their successors . But the Bishops of Ephesus and Creet did succeed Timothie and Titus in the gouernment of those Churches . Therefore they were their successors . These reasons the refuter saw not : onely he taketh vpon him to answere the proofes of this last assumption . And first , for Timothie his successors in Ephesus , it is apparant that not onely the Angell of the Church of Ephesus . Apoc. 2.1 . whether it were Onesimus , or any other , was one of his successors , and Policrates a the Bishop of Ephesus another : But also that from Timothie vntill the Councill of Chalcedon there was a continued succession of Bishops . For whereas in the Councill of Chalcedon , Stephanus the Bishop of Ephesus being deposed , some question did arise , whether the new Bishop who was to succeed were to be chosen and ordained by the Councill , or by the Prouinciall Synode of Aisa ; Leontius b the Bishop of Magnesia in the Prouince of Asia , alledged that from St. Timothie to that time there had beene twenty seauen Bishops of Ephesus , all ordained there . To this he answereth nothing , but that which before hath been refuted ; that howsoeuer the latter Bishops of those twenty seauen might be Diocesan , the former were not . For it is certaine , that both the latter and the former were not onely Diocesan , but also Metropolitan Bishops . And where I number the Angell of Ephesus in this rancke , he saith , that I tediously begge the question . But I appeale to the refuter himselfe , first , whether this Angell was not the B. and gouernour of the Church of Ephesus , secondly whether he did not succeed Timothie in the gouernment of that Church , thirdly , whether he was not one of those twenty seauen Bishops mentioned by Leontius in the Councill of Chalcedon . And the like may be said of Polycrates , who had beene the eight Bishop of his owne kindred , sauing that concerning him there is more euidence , that he being Bishop of Ephesus was the Metropolitane or primate of Asia . For Eusebius c saith , that he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was the ruler or chiefe of the Bishops of Asia ; who d by his authoritie did assemble a Prouinciall Synode to discusse the question concerning Easter . As touching Creet , because there is not the like euidence , the refuter taketh vpon him to deliuer diuers things without booke ; as if Titus had successours in the gouernment of Creet , it would be auailable for Arch-bishops which were not bred a great while after , but it maketh nothing for Diocesan Bishops . Whereto I answere , first , though such Archbishops , as were also called Patriarches , were not from the Apostles times : yet such as are Metropolitanes , were . And againe , if Prouinciall Bishops may be proued to haue been from the Apostles times , much more may Diocesan . For euery Metropolitane is a Diocesan , but not contrariwise . And although I doe not remember , that I haue any where read of the next successour to Titus , yet I read of Gortyna the mother City of Creet , and the Metropolitane Bishops thereof , who were Arch-bishops of Creet , and successors of Titus ; though not his immediate successours . For Dionysius of Corinth , who flourished at the same time with Hegesippus e , writing an Epistle to the Church of Gortyna , together with the rest of the Churches of Creet , hee commendeth Philippe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their Bishop , for his renowned vertue . And although he called him the Bishop of the Churches in Creet : yet the Diocesan Churches had their Bishops too , as the Church of Gnossus a City of Creet , had Pinytus at the same time her Bishop , which proueth the other to haue beene an Arch-bishop . Theodorus Balsamo saith f , antiquius Nomocanonum versaui , &c. I haue perused the ancient Code of Councils , and by the subscriptions I finde , that in this Councill held in Trullo , Basil the Bishop of Gortyna ( which is the Metropolis of Creet ) was present . And where he saith , that Creet hauing many Churches had no one Bishop to gouerne them , after Titus the Euangelist , till Diocesan Bishops had got the sway of Ecclesiasticall matters : I confesse it is true , but he must remember , that euen in the Apostles times there were Diocesan Bishops . And in the very next age after them , Philippe was Archbishop of Creet . But though there were no direct proofe , that Diocesan or Prouinciall Bishops were the successours of Timothie and Titus ; yet it might easily be gathered by other Churches , from whose forme of gouernment Ephesus and Creet did not vary . It cannot be denyed , but what authoritie Timothie and Titus had , the one in Ephesus , the other in Creet , the same had Marke at Alexandria , Evodius at Antioch , Linus at Rome , &c. Neither may it be doubted , but that each of these had Bishops to their successours , euen in the Apostles times , as before hath beene shewed : and therefore the refuter should not make it so strange , that Bishops were the successours of Timothie and Titus . Serm. Sect. 8. pag. 75. Against this , two things are obiected , first that Timothie and Titus may seeme not to haue beene appointed BB. of Ephesus and Creet , because they did not continue there , but were remoued to other places , &c. to other in Creet . pag. 78. The first obiection is thus framed by the Refuter . Timothie and Titus did not continue in Ephesus and Creet , but were remoued to other places . Therefore Timothie and Titus were not ordayned Bishops of Ephesus and Creet . I answere by distinction . For if by continuing , they vnderstand ( as the words seeme to import ) a perpetuall residence without remouing or trauelling thence vpon any occasion ; then I denie the consequence , or proposition , which is vnderstood . For by no law , either of God , or man , are Bishops or other Pastors so affixed to their cures , but that vpon speciall and extraordinarie occasion , they may , either for their owne necessitie , or for the greater , or more publicke good of the Church , trauaile or remoue to other places . It is sufficient that they be ordinarily resident vpon their charge . If by continuing be meant ordinarie residence , then I denie the antecedent ; and doe contrariwise affirme , that although vpon speciall and extraordinary occasions they were by the Apostle called to other places , as his or the Churches necessity required : yet these were the places of their ordinary residence . And that I proue , because they both liued and died there . That they continued , or had their ordinary abode there in their life time , I proue by testimony of Scripture , and other euidence . For if Paul required Timothie h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to continue or abide still in Ephesus , and appointed Titus i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to continue to redresse vvhat vvas vvanting in Creet , then vvere they to continue , or haue their ordinarie residence there . But the antecedent is true in both the parts thereof : Therefore the consequent . The Refuter denieth the consequence to be of any force , vnlesse first it could be proued , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a perpetuall abiding in a place without departing from it all a mans life ; vvhich needeth not , seeing ordinarie residence , which is meant by that terme , & which is required in BB. & ordinarie Pastors , may be without such perpetuall abiding . Secondly , except 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be vnderstood also for the whole terme of life . But it sufficeth , that it signifieth to continue in redressing , as the Geneua translation also readeth . For thereby is meant , as I said , that hee was not left there for a brunt , but that he should , as things were defectiue , or wanting , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , continue to redresse them , and still keepe that Church in reparation . For though the Church were new ( as the Refuter obiecteth to signifie that it should not need any reparation ) yet were the Bishops and Presbyters subiect to death , and the places of them which dyed were to be supplied , and the Church subiect to personall corruptions , both for doctrine , discipline & manners , which would need reformation . And whereas their opinion , who imagine that Timothie was required to stay at Ephesus but for a short time , when Paul went into Macedony , Act. 20. is contrary to that former testimony concerning Timothie : I shew , that in all the iourneyes of Paul into Macedony , mentioned in the Acts , Timothie did accompany him . And therefore , that this voyage of Paul was after his first being at Rome , with which the Acts of the Apostles end , not mentioning any of his trauels , and other occurrents , which afterwards happened for the space of nine or tenne yeares . The Acts of which time cannot otherwise be knowne , but by such of his Epistles as were written in that time , and other monuments of antiquity . The which passage , though the Refuter hath passed by in silence , I thought good to put the Reader in minde of , that he may acknowledge many things to haue beene done by the Apostles , which are registred in other records of anitquity , though they be not mentioned in the history of the Acts of the Apostles , which endeth vvith those things which happened aboue fourty yeares before the death of S. Iohn . Now the Acts of the Apostles , which were performed after S. Lukes history thereof , were in part recorded by Hegesippus , and Clemens , and other auncient Authors , which testifie that Paul ordayned Timothie B. of Ephesus , and Titus of Creet ; and that he , and other Apostles appointed other Bishops in other places . Whose testimonies whosoeuer doe refuse to beleiue , doe themselues deserue no credit . To those allegations therefore out of Paul , I added the credible testimony of diuers Authors , viz. Dorotheus in synopsi . Hieron . siue Sophron. in Catalogo in Tito . Isidorus de vita & morte sanctorum . Num. 87. & 88. Vincent . lib. 10. c. 38. Antonius ex Policrate part . 1. tit . 6. c. 28. Niceph. l. 10. c. 11. Who report , that Timothie and Titus , as they liued , so also dyed , the one at Ephesus , the other in Creet . The Refuter answereth , he may well credit the report of these Authors , and yet not grant that therefore they were Diocesan Bishops of those places . Indeed , if I had argued thus , as the Refuter would haue the Reader thinke , Timothie and Titus dyed , the one at Ephesus , the other in Creet : Therefore they were BB. there ; it had beene a loose consequence . But he wrangleth besides the pupose . It was obiected , that Timothie and Titus were not Bishops of those places , because they did not continue there . I proue , that they held their ordinary residence there , not onely because S. Paul required them both , to continue there ; but other Authors also testified , that they both liued and died there . The Refuter answereth , and would haue the Reader content himselfe with this answere , that howsoeuer indeed it is true that they continued there , yet hereof it followeth not that they were Diocesan Bishops of those places . Yea , but saith he , it would be obserued , that M. D. granteth the consequence to be good , namely that they were not Bishops of Ephesus and Creet , if they did not continue there but were remoued to other places . Now that they were remoued himselfe confesseth , &c. If I had confessed , that they were remoued , and also that if they were remoued , they were not Bishops . Then I should haue granted both the antecedent of the Enthymeme , ( which hee said before that I denyed ) and also the consequence . But indeed I denyed the consequence , in that sence which the Refuter conceiueth , and yet granted , that though they were sometimes remoued ; yet they kept ordinary residence , the one at Ephesus , the other in Creet . And therefore their trauelling , or remouing vpon extraordinary occasions , doth not hinder their being BB. Doe you indeed grant , that sometimes they were remoued ? marry that will I proue , saith the Refuter , out of 2 Tim. 4.9 . 11.12.21 . &c. and therevpon inferre , they were not Bishops . But neither are all his proofes good , neither is his inference sound . He would proue that Timothy was not at Ephesus , when the second Epistle was written to him . For first , thither the Apostle sent Tychicus . As if he had said , whether Paul sent Tychicus , there Timothie was not . Belike there was some such Antipathy betweene them , that one place could-not hold them both . Secondly , because from the place where he was , Paul requireth him to come to him to Rome , & with him to bring the cloake , the books & parchments which he left at Troas . As though Timothie might not as well come from Ephesus to Rome as from some other place , and as though his bidding him to bring the things left at Troas , did not argue , that he was at Ephesus , which is in the same peninsula , rather then else where . But that he was at Ephesus , may be gathered hereby : because the Apostle willeth him , to salute Aquila and Priscilla ( whom he left at Ephesus , Act. 18.19 . ) & the houshold of Onesiphorus , which also was there . 2 Tim. 4.19 . with 1.16 . Sedulius vnderstandeth Paul , bidding Timothie 2 Tim. 4.9 to come to him quickly , as requiring him to come from Ephesus to Rome . Now heare his inferences , Titus was sent from Candy to Rome , and from thence he was dispatched into Dalmatia , therfore he was not B. of Candy . Timothie was not at Ephesus when the second Epistle was written to him , therefore hee was not B. there , &c. He stayed with Paul some time in Rome , therefore he was not B. of Ephesus . These are goodly inferences to oppose to the euidence gathered out of the Epistles , and to the generall consent of antiquity , which testifieth that they were Bishops . Whereas therefore he asketh , who dare be so bold or vnreasonable as to imagine that Paul had made them Bishops ? I say , it is intollerable boldnesse , and arrogancie , to auouch the contrarie . And such is that presumptuous speech , that if Timothie and Titus had beene Bishops , it had beene a matter neither of good report for them , nor of good example for the ages following that they should be called to other places . For , so long as ordinarily they were resident , their absence at some times vpon vrgent and weighty occasions , was neither of ill report , nor bad example . Besides , when the Apostle sent Tychicus to Ephesus , and sent for Timothie from Ephesus , he sent the one to supply the absence of the other , as Caluin also hath obserued . Serm. Sect. 9 pag. 78. The other thing which they obiect is , that they were Euangelists : but that doth not hinder , &c. to the midst of page 81. The second obiection saith the Refuter , lyeth thus , Timothie and Titus were Euangelists . Therfore they were not Diocesan BB. of Ephesus and Creet . This consequence I denied , because their being Euangelists did not hinder , but that when they were assigned to certaine Churches , and furnished with Episcopall power , they became Bishops . Against which answere the Refuter obiecteth two things . First , that their being Euangelists did hinder their assigning to certaine Churches , without which they could not be Bishops . And this hee proueth by two reasons . For first , if the Apostle had assigned them to certaine Churches , then should he haue confounded the offices which ( as himselfe saith , 1 Cor. 12.28 . Eph. 4.11 . ) God had distinguished . Secondly , hee should haue depriued Timothie and Titus of a higher calling , and thrust them as it were out of the Hall into the Kitchin. These are nice points , which none of the Fathers did euer vnderstand : neither did they conceiue , but that Euangelists might , without any disparagement to them , be assigned to seuerall Churches , and so become Bishops . For if they held , that the Apostles themselues being assigned to certaine Churches , as Iames was to Ierusalem , were BB. much more Euangelists . But for as much as the whole force of this argument dependeth vpon the Euangelisticall function which Timothie and Titus are supposed to haue had , we will briefly consider , what that Euangelisticall function was , and whether it could hinder them from being Bishops . An Euangelist therefore was he , which taught the Euangell or Gospell of Christ , whether by preaching , or also by writing . In the latter sence , there are foure onely called Euangelists , Matthew , Marke , Luke and Iohn : who though they all preached , yet for the penning of the Gospell are peculiarly called Euangelists . In the former sence the word is taken , either generally , to signifie any one that doth euangelize or preach the Gospell , or specially , signifying the extraordinarie function of those in the primitiue Church , who went vp and downe preaching the Gospell , being not affixed to any certaine place . And these seeme to haue beene of two sorts : For either they were immediatly called of Christ , and by him sent to preach the Gospell , as the 72. Disciples ; or they were assumed by the Apostles , to be their companions in their iourneyes , and assistants in the Ministery . Of the former sort was Philippe , who after he had performed that temporarie office at Ierusalem , whereunto he and the other sixe were chosen Act. 6. he returned to his Euangelisticall function , Act. 8. and is expresly called an Euangelist . Act. 21.8 . Of the latter sort were Timothie and Titus , while they accompanied the Apostle Paul in his trauailes , and were not assigned to any certaine place . That which the Fathers say of the 7● . Disciples , that they had but the degree of the Presbytery , may of this latter sort much more be verified , who were ordayned Ministers of the Gospell by imposition of hands . Neither did they differ from other Presbyters but in this , that they accompanied the Apostles as their helpers , being not tyed to any one place . For neither had they the power of ordination , neither as Zanchy saith did they gouerne the Churches , now one , then another , as the other Euangelists and Prophets did . Wee see what the office of Euangelists was . Now let vs see , whether it hindered men from being Bishops . For had Timothie and Titus beene such Euangelists , as the foure were which preached and wrote the Gospell , or as the 72. who were called and sent by Christ : yet might they , when they ended their trauailes , and betooke them to certaine Churches , haue beene Bishops thereof . For Marke the Euangelist , after he had preached in Aegypt and had set vp his rest at Alexandria , became B. thereof : in which Episcopall function Antanus succeeded him , and after him Abilius and Cerdo in the Apostles times ; much lesse doth their being of the latter sort . For though the Apostle di● distinctly reckon the functions of the Church 1 Cor. 12. Eph. 4 : yet in the former place he doth not so much as mention the office of Euangelists ; and in the latter he speaketh of those , who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were called Euangelists as the foure Euangelists , and perhaps also the 72 ; whose functions notwithstanding were not so disioyned , but that as Apostles might be also Euangelists , as we see in Matthew and Iohn ; so Euangelists might be Bishops , as we see in Marke . But as for Timothie & Titus , the Greeke a Writers expounding that place , plainely say , they were not Euangelists , but Pastors or Bishops . For they , after they were placed , the one in Ephesus , the other in Creet , did not trauaile vp and downe as in former times , when they accompanied the Apostle ; but ordinarily remained with their flockes . The Greeke Scholiast saith thus . Euangelists● that is , those which did write the Gospell : Pastors● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee meaneth such as had the Churches committed to them , such as Timothie was , such as Titus . And to the same purpose , both Chrysostome , and Theophylact , doe mention them by name . Neither was it a debasing of Timothie and Titus , when they were made Bishops , but an aduancement . Forwhereas before , they were but Presbyters ( though called Euangelists in a large sence : ) they were now made the Apostles of those Churches , and by imposition of hands ordayned Bishops . In the second place hee taketh exception against those words , where I say , they were furnished with Episcopall power , and denieth that when Timothie & Titus were assigned to Ephesus and Creet , they receiued any new authority which before they had not , or needed any such furnishing . But were to exercise their Euangelesticall function in those places . For so Paul biddeth Timothie after hee had beene at and gone from Ephesus b to doe the worke of an Euangelist . If they receiued no new authority , why did Timothie receiue a new ordination by imposition of hands , whereof the Apostle speaketh in two c places , and which the Fathers vnderstand of his ordination to be Bishop ? were men admitted to the extraordinarie function of Euangelists , by the ordinarie meanes of imposing hands ? or may we thinke , that any but the Apostles ( being not assigned as Bishops to seuerall Churches ) had that authority wheresoeuer they came , which Timothie had at Ephesus , and Titus in Creet ? verily Philippe the Euangelist though hee conuerted d diuers in Samaria , and baptized them : yet had not authority to impose hands , whereby men might be furnished with graces for the Ministerie ; but the Apostles Peter and Iohn were sent thither , to that purpose . And whereas Paul willeth Timothie to doe the worke of an Euangelist , what is that , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to preach the Gospell diligently , and to fulfill his Ministerie , or to make it fully knowne , the word Euangelist being there taken in the generall sence ? Now what his Ministerie was Ierome e & Sedulius declare . Ministerium tuum imple , Episcopatus scilicet , Fulfill thy Ministerie , that is to say , as thou art a Bishop . Now that their being Euangelists did not hinder them from being Bishops , when ceasing from their trauailing about , they were assigned to these particular Churches , I proued by the testimony of Zuinglius : f who saith , that Philip the Euangelist , who had beene one of the Deacons , was afterwards Bishop of Caesarea , Iames the Apostle was Bishop of Ierusalem , and diuers of the Apostles ( which may much more be verified of the Euangelists ) when they ceased from their peregrinations , became Bishops of certaine Churches , as by the ancient histories is manifest . Whereto the refuter answereth two things , first , that Zuinglius speaketh according to the phrase of the histories and writers before him ; therefore say I , according to the truth . Or else we must thinke that none of the Fathers , or ancient historiographers knew whom to call Bishops and whom not . But the refuter , and his fellows onely , haue this knowledge . Yea but a certaine learned man saith , that when the Fathers call Peter or Iames or any of the Apostles Bishops , they doe not take the name Bishop properly . For Peter I graunt , but of Iames there is another reason , as I haue shewed before . And although it were true , that Apostles could not properly be called Bishops : yet what is that to Timothie , and Titus , whom I haue proued notwithstanding their supposed Euangelisticall function , to haue beene particularly assigned by Paul to the Churches of Ephesus and Creet ; where also they liued and dyed ? His other answere is , that howsoeuer Zuinglius speake of their being Bishops , it is manifest by his writings , he neither thought they were ( and so belike spake otherwise then he thought ) nor any other might be a Diocesan B. as by a testimony hereafter alledged , appeareth , where he saith no such thing . I will therefore adde another testimony of Zuinglius in the same booke : when Paul said to Timothie doe the vvorke of an Euangelist , Timothie was a Bishop , vvherefore it is certaine according to Pauls opinion , the office of an Euangelist and of a Bishop is all one . After I had thus answered these two obiections , I brought a new supply of arguments , to proue Timothie and Titus to haue beene Bishops of Ephesus and Creet . And first , by occasion of his second obiection I argue thus : The function and authoritie which Timothie and Titus did exercise in Ephesus and Creet , was either extraordinarie , and Euangelisticall , as the Disciplinarians teach ; or else ordinarie , and Episcopall , as we hold . But it was not extraordinary and Euangelisticall ; Therefore ordinary and Episcopall . The assumption I proued thus ; The supposed Euangelisticall function of Timothie , and Titus , was to end with their persons , and admitted no succession , being as themselues teach , both extraordinary and temporary ; But the function and authority , which they had , as being assigned to certaine Churches , viz. of Ephesus and Creet , ( consisting especially in the power of ordination , and iurisdiction ) was not to end with their persons , but to be continued in their successors . Therefore the function and authority which Timothie and Titus had , as being assigned to Ephesus and Creet , was not extraordinary and Euangelisticall . Here the refuter would make his reder belieue , that I hauing before denyed the consequence of the second obiection , doe also deny the antecedent , and in this place reason against it . But I doe not deny they were Euangelists , howsoeuer I doe not conceiue their Euangelisticall function to haue beene such , and so great , as the refuter and other Disciplinarians suppose , and therefore I call it their supposed Euangelicall function . Now , that I did not intend to deny , or disproue that antecedent , but to bring a new supply of arguments , taking occasion by the last obiection ; appeareth by those words , which I premised , as it were an introduction to this argument , hereof we may conclude thus . But let vs heare what he answereth . Forsooth he flatly denyeth the assumption , wherein though he vntruely say , that I begge the question , that Timothie and Titus were assigned to Ephesus and Creet , as ordinarie Bishop or Pastors of those Churches ; for that I doe assume but conclude ; yet hath he nothing to disproue it , but a meere begging of the question , and denyall of the conclusion , rather then the assumption ; viz. that they had no assignment to those Churches , but onely as euangelists , which doth not touch the assumption : no more then that which followeth . Neither by that ( Euangelisticall ) office ( saith he ) did they take the power of ordination and iurisdiction from the Churches , in which by right it is seated ; but with the Churches ordayned ministers , and redressed such things , as were amisse , though perhaps that right of laying on hands might sometimes be performed by them alone , &c. What is all this to the assumption ? which if he would deny , and make this denyall good , he should haue said , and proued it , that the function and authoritie which they exercised in Ephesus and Creet , was to end with their persons , and admitted no succession , or was not to be continued in their successors . But he roues , and raues , as men vse to doe , which being at a non-plus , would faine seeme to answere somewhat . And that which he answereth , besides that it is impertinent , is partly also vntrue . For when he saith , that Timotie and Titus did not take the power of ordination and iurisdiction from the Churches , &c. First , he would insinuate , that Bishops doe ; as though herein there were some difference betweene Bishops and them ; vvhen as indeed , neither Bishops , nor they , doe take that authority from the Church ; but they , and all other first BB. receiued their authority from the Apostles , and deriued the same to their lawfull successors . Secondly , he saith , that the power of ordination and iurisdiction by right is seated in the whole Church or congregation : which is not true of any particular congregation , but in case of necessity ; wherein both the succession of their owne clergy failing , and the help of others vvanting , the right is deuolued to the whole body of the Church . But let this goe among other his Brownisticall , or rather Anabaptistiall nouelties . I proceed to the proofe of my assumption , which hee hath layd forth thus : That function and authority which is ordinarie , and perpetually necessary , not onely for the well being , but also for the very being of the visible Churches , was not to end with the persons of Timothie and Titus , but to be continued in their successors . But the function and authority that they had , as being assigned to certaine Churches , is ordinary and perpetually necessary , not onely for the well being , but also for the very being of the visible Churches : Therefore the function and authority which they had , as being assigned to certaine Churches , was not to end with the persons of Timothie , and Titus , but to be continued in their successors . The assumption is thus to be explaned ; the function which Timothie , and Titus had , as being assigned to certaine Churches , was ordinary ; and the authority , which they did exercise , consisting chiefly in the power of ordination and iurisdiction , was perpetually necessary . This assumption the refuter would seeme to deny , and yet granteth , that the power of ordination and iurisdiction is perpetually necessary ; onely he denieth it to be necessary , that there should be in euery Church an Euangelist to exercise that authority . So that of the two points in the assumption , the latter hee granteth , that the authority which they exercised was perpetually necessary ; the other , that the function which they had being assigned to those Churches was ordinary , hee toucheth not : but denieth that , which I did not affirme , to wit , that it was necessary there should be an Euangelist alwayes in euery Church to exercise the power of ordination , and iurisdiction : Did I affirme this ? or rather did I not teach the contrary , when I said that the function whereby they did exercise that power of ordination , and iurisdiction , was not an extraordinary function , as the Euangelisticall ; but ordinary , as the Episcopall ? Now that the function which Timothie and Titus had , being assigned to Ephesus and Creet , was an ordinary function , & the very same which the Bishops that succeeded them , and all other BB. both in , and since the Apostles times haue exercised ; it is most certaine , for though in them , who cheifly are called Euangelists , there were diuers things extraordinary , besides their limitation to no certaine place , as their immediate calling from Christ , their extraordinary gifts of the Spirit , as of reuelation , and of working miracles , as appeareth by Steuen and Philippe : yet in Timothie , and Titus , and others who were called Euangelists , because they were the companions of the Apostles in their iourneyes , and assistants in their worke of the ministery , there was nothing extraordinarie , but their not limitation to any certaine Churches . For their calling to the ministery was ordinary , and their gifts , though great , yet attayned and increased by ordinary meanes . When as therefore they were assigned to certaine Churches , as the Pastors and gouernours thereof , whereunto they were ordayned by imposition of hands , and by that ordination were furnished with power of ordination and Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ; their function was the same ordinary function , which their successors , and all other Bishops did exercise . But as the refuter said , it was not necessary , that there should alwayes be an Euangelist in euery Church to exercise the power of ordination , and iurisdiction ; so perhaps , some more iudicious will alledge , that though the power of ordination and iurisdiction be perpetually necessary : yet it is not necessary , that this power should alwayes be wholy in some one in euery Church , as it was in Timothie , or Titus . Neither did I say it was , but that the power or authority which they exercised , was perpetually necessary ; and the function , whereby they did exercise it , was ordinary , being the very same function , which other Bishops , both then , and euer since , haue administred . And therefore the refuter doth greatly wrong me , when hee saith , that I make this Episcopall power , perpetually necessary , and chargeth me with contradicting my selfe in another place , where I acknowledge , that where the Episcopall gouernment may not be had , there others may be admitted . For the clearing therefore of the whole controuersie , and plaine manifestation of that which I hold therein ; we will make vse of a distinction , which the learned vse concerning matters of gouernment . In all gouernments therefore there are these things to be considered : pot●stas , ordo , formae vel modus , titulus , siue applicatio potestatis ad personam , & vsus . First the power to be exercised in gouernment ; then the order , whereby the inferiours both to be gouerned & gouerning are subordinate to the superiours : after , the forme and the manner of gouernment , as , whether it be a Monarchy , where the power is in one , or an Aristocraty , wher it is in few , or a Democraty , where it is in the multitude : and how each gouernment is ordered : the title , as whether the gouernours are put in and intituled to their power and authority , by succession , or by election or institution ; and after , how they vse and exercise their authority , &c. Of these , the two first , that there should be power of gouernment , and order therein , & in the people gouerned are essentiall & perpetual , as the immutable ordinances of God. The other , many wayes are accidentall & variable . But yet , if question be made , what forme of gouernment in the commonwealth is the best , & hath the best vvarrant ; I vvould say the Monarchy , as hauing diuine , both institution , and approbation . But yet so , as vvhere this cannot so vvell be had , the other formes of gouernment be lawfull . Euen so in the Church of euery country , that there should be a power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment to be exercised , & an order or eutaxy , it is the perpetual & immutable ordinance of God , the Church being by his appointment a well ordered society , & as the wise man saith , tanquam acies ordinata . But whether the sway of spiritual authority shold be in one alone of euery Church , or in more , it seemeth not to be so essentiall ; though I must confesse , that both in the Church of the Iewes by the appointment of God it vvas in one , namely the high Priest , and likewise in the primitiue Churches , as hath beene shewed . And as touching the title , that seemeth also to be variable . For the gouernours in the Church of the Iewes came to their places by succession and lineall descent ; but in the Churches of Christ , by free election , after Gods first immediate calling . Now if we shall enquire , what forme of Church-gouernment hath the best warrant ; hereby we may be resolued . For it is manifest , that our Sauiour Christ committed the power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment cheifly to his Apostles , and that they being seuered into diuers parts of the world did gouerne the particular Churches , which they had collected , seuerally . And howsoeuer there were diuers things extraordinary in the Apostles , and peculiar to their persons ; as their immediat calling from Christ ; their vnlimited function , hauing authority to exercise their Apostolicall power wheresoeuer they came ; their admirable , & extraordinary gifts , of wisedome , of languages , of miracles ; their infallible inspiration , & direction of the holy Ghost preseruing them from errour : notwithstanding , there were other things in them , which being perpetually necessary for the being , and well being of the Church , were from them to be communicated , or deriued to others ; as the power to preach the Gospell , and to administer the Sacraments ; and publicke prayer or liturgy : the power to ordayne ministers , and Pastors ; the power of the keyes for gouernment , and exercise of Ecclesiasticall censures . Now the power of preaching the word , and administring the Sacraments , was not from the Apostles communicated to euery Christian , but to such as they ordayned ministers , and by the imposition of their hands communicated that power to them . The power of ordination , and publicke iurisdiction , was not committed by the Apostles , neither to other Christians , nor yet to all ministers whom they ordayned ; but after the ordination of Presbyters in each Church , they reserued the power of ordination , and publicke iurisdiction in their owne hands ; which after a time they communicated to those whom they set ouer the seuerall Churches to that very purpose : viz. to ordayne Presbyters , and to exercise publicke iurisdiction ; which manifestly appeareth by the Epistles to Timothie and Titus . Thus was Timothie set ouer the Church of Ephesus , Titus of Creet , Linus of Rome , Evodius of Antioch , Simon of Ierusalem , Marke of Alexandria , &c. and what authority was from the Apostles communicated to them , was from them deriued to their successors , not onely since , but euen in the Apostles times . For what authority Evodius had at Antioch , the same after him had Ignatius ; and what Linus had at Rome , the same had Anacletus , Clemens , Euaristus ; what Marke had at Alexandria , the same after him had Anianus , Abilius and Cerdo , and all these in the Apostles times : and what Timothie had at Ephesus , the same had Gaius , who ( if Dorotheus is to be creditted ) was his next successor , Onesimus after him , and Polycrates , and euery one of those twenty seauen , mentioned in the Councill of Chalcedon , which from Timothie to that time , had beene successiuely the Bishops of Ephesus . These , to my vnderstanding , are plaine euidences to warrant the Episcopall function , and to shew the deriuation of their authority from the Apostles ; and to perswade Christians to preferre that forme of gouernment before others . For as I added , and will now repeate a reason , vvhich the refuter might more easily elude vvith a male pert speech , calling it wauing and crauing , then to answere vvith soundnesse of reason , and euidence of truth . If the Apostles , vvhiles themselues liued , thought it necessary ( that is , needfull and behoofefull for the well ordering of the Churches already planted ) to substitute therein such as Timothie and Titus furnished with Episcopall power , then much more after their decease haue the Churches need of such gouernours : But the former is euident by the Apostles practise in Ephesus and Creet , and all other Apostolicall Churches . Therefore the latter may not be denyed . All which notwithstanding , I doe not deny , but that where the gouernment by Bishops cannot be had , another forme may be vsed ; because the modus , or forme of being in the B. alone , doth not seeme so to be of diuine ordinance , but that it may vpon necessity be altered . But if any shall reply , that howsoeuer in ciuill gouernment the forme is variable , yet for Church gouernment we are to keepe vs close to the word of God , and what hath warrant there we are to hold perpetuall and vnchangeable by men , as some of our Disciplinarians vse to argue : I wish them to looke to this inference . For if they doe not leaue that hold , they must needes grant , that the Episcopall function hauing that vvarrant in the Scriptures which I haue shewed , is to be holden iure diuine . And whereas to confute me , or rather to fight with his owne shadow , hee saith , that other reformed Churches haue continued many yeares , and may doe more , without Bishops : I confesse they haue , and I wish they may continue to the end in the sincere profession of the truth . But where hee saith , that they haue continued in more quietnesse , then ours hath done , or is like to doe : for that wee may thanke him , and other vnquiet spirits , who haue troubled the peace of Israell , with vrging and obtruding their owne fancies for the ordinances of God. To these reasons I added the testimonies of antiquity , which with a generall consent beareth witnesse to this truth , that Timothie was B. of Ephesus , and Titus of Creet . Of all which the Refuter maketh very light . All that remaineth to proue , that Timothie was B. of Ephesus , and Titus of Creet , is no more but this ; the subscriptions to the Epistles to Titus , and 2 to Timothie , call them Bishops , as also the generall consent of the ancient Fathers , and histories of the Church , doe . No more ( quoth he ) but the generall consent of antiquity in a matter of fact , agreeable with the Scriptures ? Why , the testimony of some one of the Fathers affirming it , ought to be of more weight with vs , then the deniall of the same by all the Disciplinarians in the world . But let vs come to the particulars . First , I alledged the subscriptions annexed to the end of the Epistle to Titus , and second to Timothie : wherein the one is said to haue beene ordayned the first B. of the Church of the Ephesians , and the other the first B. of the Church of the Cretians . This is something plaine . But he asketh me , why I seuered them from the consent of the ancient Fathers ? was it because I thought them to be of the Canon ? I answere , that I did not seuer them , but ioyne them in a copulatiue speech ; and if I had beene of opinion , that they were of the Canon , I would not haue said as I did , it appeareth not onely by the subscriptions , but also by the generall consent of the Fathers : but contrariwise , not onely by the generall consent of the Fathers , but also by the subscriptions annexed by the Apostle himselfe . But though it were not likely ( as he hath alledged out of T. C. ) that they were subscribed by the Apostle himselfe ; yet is it certaine , that they are of great antiquity , and of better credit , then the Refuter and some other Disciplinarians would make them . Indeed , if any other learned man , that were not a party in this cause , had censured these subscriptions ; I would haue respected their censures ; but the cauillations of Disciplinarians against them ( who being parties in this cause , are so plainely confuted by them ) are to be reiected . Let vs therefore heare , what the Refuter obiecteth against them . How little credit those subscriptions deserue , it may appeare by that vnder the Epistle to Titus , which is quite contrary to the Epistle it selfe . And why so , I pray you ? the subscription saith , the Epistle was written from Nicopolis , and Paul himselfe willeth Titus to come vnto him to Nicopolis , for I haue determined to winter there . But if Paul had beene now at Nicopolis , when he wrote , he would haue said , not there , but here . Therefore hee was but a simple fellow , that was the Author of that subscription . So saith this great Criticke . But if you will consider with me , that Paul being , as vsually he was , in peregrination ; Titus could not well tell where he was , neither had Paul signified in the Epistle where he then was , therefore wrote being at Nicopolis , as any discreet man would in the like case , come to mee to Nicopolis , for I meane to winter there : whereas if hee had written , as the Refuter would haue had him , if hee were at Nicopolis ; come hither , for I meane to winter here , or come to Nicopolis , for I meane to winter here : might not Titus haue said , where Paul ; as being vncertaine where Paul was , and whether himselfe was to goe . This therefore is too seely a censure , though receiued from T. B. himselfe , to ouerthrow the authority of so ancient a subscription , in which besides the ancient Greeke copies , it is also testified in the Syriack , that this Epistle was written from Nicopolis , Athanasius a speaking of that Epistle to Titus , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hee wrote this Epistle from Nicopolis , for there he wintered . Oecumenius testifieth the same in his argument on that Epistle to Titus . Sedulius b likewise , this Epistle hee wrote from Nicopolis , and Theophylact. argument . in Epist. ad Tit ; the Authors of the Centuryes , cent . 1. l. 2. c. 10. in Tito . To the subscriptions I added the testimonies of these Fathers . First , Eusebius c reporteth out of the Ecclesiasticall Histories vvhich vvere before his time , that Timothie had first the Bishopricke of the Church at Ephesus , and Titus of the Churches in Creet . Secondly , the auncient Author of the booke de diuinis nominibus d dedicating the same to Timothie Bishop of Ephesus , if it be Dionysius Areopagita himselfe , who liued at the same time with Timothie , doth beare an vndeniable witnesse to this truth : or if it be another vsing his name , yet he plainely signifieth , that in his time it was a thing generally receiued , that Timothie was Bishop of Ephesus . Thirdly , Dorotheus e saith , that Timothie was by Paul ordayned the B. of the Ephesians , & he calleth Titus the B. of the Cretians . Fourthly , Ambrose f testifieth the same , Paul instructeth Timothie being already created a B. how he ought to order the Church . And againe , g he entreateth Timothie his fellow Bishop , &c. Againe , h Timothie was a B. Hence it is , that Paul directeth him , how he should ordaine a B. Likewise of Titus i he testifieth , that the Apostle consecrated him B. Fiftly , Ierome k noteth , that Timothie receiued the grace , which Paul exhorteth him not to neglect , when he was ordayned B. And wher Paul willeth him to fulfill his Ministery l , Ierom vnderstandeth it of his Bishopricke . And in the Catalogue of Ecclesiasticall Writers which is in his first Tome , it is testified m , that Timothie was ordayned of blessed Paul the B. of the Ephesians , and that Titus was B. of Creet . Sixtly Chrisostome n , writing on those words Phil. 1. Bishops and Deacon● , saith , what meaneth this ? were there many Bishops of one City ? in no wise ; but so he called the Presbyters . For then were the names common , and a Bishop was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Deacon or minister . For which cause writing to Timothie being a Bishop , fulfill 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thy ministery . For that he was a Bishop , he saith , doe not hastily impose thy hands vpon any man , & againe , with the o imposition of the hands of the Presbytery ] but Presbyters did not ordaine a Bishop , & in another place p , hee giueth this reason , why Paul wrote to Timothie and Titus , and not to Syluanus , or Silas , or Clemens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because he had already committed the Churches to them , but the others he still carryed about with him . And on the fourth to the Ephesians q , hee giueth instance in Timothie and Titus as being Pastors assigned to certaine places . Seauenthly Epiphanius r , saith , that Paul 1 Tim. 4. writeth to a Bishop , and that a Presbyter cannot be the same with a Bishop : the diuine speech of the Apostle teacheth who is a Bishop and who a Presbyter , when he saith to Timothie being a Bishop , receiue not hastily an accusation against a Presbyter , &c. Eightly Primasius s saith , Timothie was a Bishop and Pauls Disciple . That grace t was the blessing , which Timothie when he was made Bishop , receiued by imposition of hands . Ninthly Theodoret v , saith , that Titus was the Apostle , that is , Bishop of the Cretians , and Timothie of the Asians . And out of him Oecumenius vv citeth these words : Titus was an admirable Disciple of Paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and he was by Paul ordayned Bishop of Creet . And in another place x , why did Paul hauing other Disciples , as Silas , and Luke , and others , write onely to Timothie and Titus ? We answere . Because to these he had committed Churches , but the others he had still with him . Tenthly , Sedulius y , this Timothie was B. in Ephesus , as it is said in the booke of histories . And on these words ▪ stirre vp the grace which was giuen thee by the imposition of hands z , that is , iuxta ordinationem tuam in Episcopatum , by thy ordination into the Bishopricke . 11. Gregory a the great ; hence it is , that Paul admonisheth his Disciple , praelatum gregi , being the Prelate of a flocke , saying attend reading vntill I come . 12. Isidor saith b , that Timothie was Bishop of Ephesus . 13. Polycrates c saith , that Timothie trauailing with Paul to Ephesus , was made the first B. there by him in the raigne of Nero. 14. Theophylact d vnderstandeth by Pastors , and Doctors , Eph. 4. those to whose care the Church was committed , that is to say , BB. such as Timothie and Titus . And for that cause he saith e that Paul wrote to them two . Againe f , Titus being ordayned Bishop is set ouer the great Island Creet . 15. Oecumenius g , on those words , I requested thee to remaine in Ephesus , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here hee had ordayned him B. And againe , in Tim. 5. he speaketh of ordinations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he wrote to a B. And of Titus h he saith , that Paul left him to ordaine BB. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hauing first made him a B. And of both , on those i words , Pastors and Doctors he saith , Paul meaneth such , as to whose trust the Churches were committed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 BB. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as Timothie and Titus . 16. Nicephorus k saith , that after Paul was first dismissed from Rome , he wrote his former Epistle to Timothie , whom he had ordayned before B. of Ephesus . And another Epistle hee wrote vnto Titus , whom , hauing before ordayned B. of Creet , he had left there . To these I might adde the testimonies of diuers new writers , but I will mention onely a few , whose iudgements the Disciplinarians will not easily reiect . First therefore Caluin l in diuers places on the Epistles to Timothie , doth note that he was the Pastor of the Church at Ephesus . The authors of the Centuryes m say , it is euident , that Paul appointed Timothie the Pastor to the Church of Ephesus . D. Fulke n saith , among the Clergie , for order and seemely gouernment , there was alwayes one principall , to whom by long vse of the Church the name of B. or superintendent hath beene applyed ; which roome Titus exercised in Creta , Timothie in Ephesus , and others in other places , &c. Finally Beza o himselfe noteth , that Timothie was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Iustine calleth him , that is , Antistes or President in the Presbytery at Ephesus , that is to say according to Bezaes language , a Bishop . To the testimonies which I produced , the refuter answereth three things , first , in effect this , that though the Fathers call them BB. yet properly they were not Bishops , which bare denyall of his , if it be weighed with the testimonies of the ancient , which I named , will proue as light as vanity it selfe . Secondly , that the consent of the Fathers is not so generall as I would make men beleiue , seeing both Ambrose and Ignatius doe make Timothie a Deacon . And for proofe thereof he referreth vs to T.C. whose words are these p , all ancient writers are not of that iudgement , for not to speak of Ambrose , which calleth Timothie a Deacon , where he opposeth a Deacon to a Bishop : Ignatius q an ancient writer saith , that hee was a Deacon : & that where diuiding the ministeries of the Church into Bishops and Deacons , &c. doth openly oppose a Deacon to a Bishop . little reason had T.C. to speake of Ambrose , and therefore might well say , not to speake of him . For these are Ambrose r his words : ( with the BB. and Deacons ) that is , with Paul and Timothie qui vtique Episcopi erant , who verily were Bishops , he also signified the Deacons which ministred vnto him . For he writeth vnto the people . For if he had written to the Bishops and Deacons , he would haue written to their persons : and it had beene fit , that he should haue written to the Bishop of the place , not to two or three , as hee did to Titus , and to Timothie . Ignatius s his words be these : What be the Deacons but the imitators of the Euangelicall powers ministring vnto him ( that is , the Bishop , as the Angels doe to God ) a pure and blamelesse ministerie , as holy Steuen to Iames the blessed , and Timothie and Linus to Paul , Anacletus and Clemens to Peter . Distinguish the times , and the answere is easie . Timothie was such an Euangelist , as first ministred to Paul as a Deacon , afterwards was ordayned Presbyter , as Ambrose t saith , and lastly a Bishop ; which is as the same Ambrose v saith , primus Presbyter . But doth his seruing vnder Paul as a Deacon , proue that afterwards he was not a Bishop ? nay , rather his being a Deacon , and afterwards a Presbyter doth proue he was not such an Euangelist , as the Refuter imagineth . And by as good reason he might proue that neither Linus , nor Anacletus , nor Clemens were Bishops of Rome , because they had serued vnder Peter and Paul , as Deacons . Here is all , that our Refuter can , either by himselfe , or with T. C. helpe , obiect out of antiquity against Timothie his being a Bishop . His third answere is , that the Scripture calleth him an Euangelist , 2 Tim. 4.5 . and therefore he was no B. which is the same with the second obiection , already answered . I hope therefore I may be bold with the Readers consent to conclude , that Timothie and Titus were ordayned BB. by the Apostle Paul ; the one , of Ephesus ; the other , of Creet . Serm. sect . 10. pag. 81. To these mentioned in in the Scriptures , we adde others out of other the most auncient records of the Church , wherof some were made BB. by Peter & Paul , some by Iohn the Euangelist and other the Apostles , &c. to pag. 87. l. 1. In this section I brought diuers most plaine and pregnant euidences to proue , that the Apostles ordayned BB : noting the Places where , and the Persons whom they ordayned . The which , because the Refuter passeth ouer , as it were in silence , I will breifly recite ; that it may appeare to the Reader , that the Refuter had cause to be silent , because the euidence of truth did put him to silence . First , I shewed out of a Eusebius , that about the yeare fortie fiue Euodius was made Bishop of Antioch , by the Apostles Peter and Paul , as Ignatius b who succeeded him in the Apostles times , doth witnesse . Secondly , that Peter and Paul ordayned Linus Bishop of Rome , about the yeare 56 , whom Anacletus succeeded , and after him Clemens : testified by c Irenaeus and d Eusebius . Thirdly , that by the appointment of Peter , Marke was the first B. of Alexandria , whom Anianus succeeded in that Bishopricke , after him Abilius , and then Cerdo , all in the Apostles times : testified by e Nicephorus , Gregory , Eusebius , Ierome and Dorotheus . Fourthly , that after the death of Iames the iust , Simon the sonne of Cleophas was by the Apostles which then were remayning , made Bishop of Ierusalem : testified by f Hegesippus , and Eusebius . Fiftly , that Iohn the Apostle ordayned Polycarpe Bishop of Smyrna : testified by g Irenaeus , Eusebius , Tertullian and Ierome . Sixtly , that Iohn after his returne from exile , ordayned BB. in diuers places : testified by h Clemens Alexandrinus , and Eusebius . Finally , that the Apostles committed the Church , which is in euery place , to Bishops whom they ordayned , leauing them their successours : testified by i Irenaeus , and Tertullian , who saith , that as Smyrna had Polycarpe from S. Iohn , and Rome Clement by the appointment of Peter ; so the rest of the Churches can shew quos ab Apostolis in Episcopatum constitutos Apostoli●i seminis traduces habent ; what Bishops they haue ordayned by the Apostles , the deriuers of the Apostolicall seed . To all this he hath nothing to answere , but that which heretofore hath beene fully refuted : that these Bishops were but ordinary Pastors of particular congregations , &c. sa●ing that he taketh also exception against their assertion , who said , that Bishops be the successors of the Apostles . But not onely Irenaeus , and Tertullian haue auouched so much , but diuers others of the Fathers , as Cyprian , Ierome and Augustine . Cyprian k saith , praepositi , that is Bishops , Apostolis vicaria ordinatione succedunt , succeed the Apostles as being ordained in their steed . And Ierome l saith , omnes Episcopi Apostolorum successores sunt , all Bishops are the successors of the Apostles . And againe he saith m , Episcop●s Apostolis succedere . And Theodoret n , calleth the gouernment of Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And likewise Basill o , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presidency of Apostles , who haue deliuered to Bishops , as Irenaeus p saith , their owne place of gouernment in the seuerall Churches . And this is that , which both Ierome q , and Augustine expounding those words of the 45. Psalme pro patribus nati tibi sunt filij , haue deliuered ; that insteed of the Apostles , Bishops were ordayned gouernours of the Church in all parts of the world . Which point is duely to be considered . For hereby it is manifest , that the Bishops haue receiued and deriued their authority from the Apostles , whose successors they are , not onely in respect of doctrine ( as all other true ministers ) but also in the gouernment of the seuerall Churches . And when the Disciplinarians can shew the like warrant for their Presbyteryes , especially of Lay-elders ; or our refuter , and his good friends the Brownists , for the cheife authority of the people , we will harken to them . Once , it is euident , that Christ committed the authority and gouernment of his Church to his Apostles , who were to deriue the same to others . Wherefore who haue any ordinary right , they haue receiued the same from the Apostles . So Timothie and Titus receiued their authority from Paul , Linus from Peter and Paul , Policarpus from Iohn , &c. And all other the first Bishops from the Apostles , from whom by a perpetuall succession it hath beene deriued to the Bishops which are at this day . But where is any euidence of the like deriuation from the Apostles of authority to the people of Lay-elders , I know not . Thus haue I made good my former proofes , that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall institution . The V. CHAPTER . Answering the allegations out of Ierome . Serm. Sect. 11. pag. 87. Against all this that hath beene said to proue that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall institution , the authoritie of Ierome is obiected , &c. to page 89. AGainst the testimonies of men , saith the refuter , what is fitter to be obiected , then the authority of such a man as of set purpose disputing the question , determineth the contrary to that which was so commonly anouched . Which speech , if it be duely examined , iust exception may be taken against euery branch thereof . For first hee would insinuate , that nothing hath beene brought to iustifie the calling of Bishops besides the testimonies of men ; when besides the testimonies of men , I haue brought good euidence of sound reason , and besides that , better proofe out of the scriptures to warrant the Episcopall function , then euer was , or will be brought for the Presbyterian discipline . Againe , it were fitter , and to better purpose , against the testimonies of men ( if I had produced no other proofe ) to haue brought either testimonies of scripture , or sound reasons ; or for want of them , the testimonie of so many , and so approued authors , to counterpoise the weight of their authorities , who haue beene alledged on the contrary part . But scriptures failing , reasons wanting , testimonies of other Fathers being to seeke , Ierome alone must be faine to beare the whole burden of this cause . For though some latter writers may be alledged to the like purpose ; yet all is but Ierome . Whose not onely iudgement they follow , but reteyne his words . Neither doth Ierome so oft dispute this question , or determine the contrary , as the refuter in his shallow conceipt imagineth . Or if any wheres he doth determine the contrary , against that which was commonly auouched both by himselfe and others ; his determination deliuered in heat of disputation ought not to be of so great weight , as what he hath deliuered , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in heat of contention but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dogmatically or historically . For Ierome was but a Presbyter ; and there were two things in his time , which might prouoke him by way of contention to say more in the behalfe of his degree , then doth exactly agree with the truth . The one was , that the Bishops of those times did too much depresse the Presbyters . For they might not onely in their presence not preach , nor baptize , nor administer the Communion , but also in some places they might not preach at all , nor any where baptize , vnlesse they fetched their Chrisme from the Bishop , against which practises of the Bishops Ierome in some places of his works doth inueigh . But that which troubled him most was , that the Deacons in his time , especially at Rome , because they had more wealth ( as the fashion of the world is ) thought themselues better men then the Presbyters . For the confutation of whom , he seeketh to aduance the Presbyters aboue the Deacons as much as he can ; and may seeme to match them , more then truth would permit , with the Bishops . For which , the onely ground which he hath is this , because the name Bishop and Presbyter were for a while in the Apostles times confounded . Which ( God knoweth ) is a weak ground , and easily out of his owne writings ouerturned . But let vs examine the particulars . First it is alledged out of Ierome , that vntill factions did arise in the Church , some saying I am of Paul , I am of Apollo , &c. the Churches were gouerned by the common counsell of the Presbyters : but when they began to draw Disciples after them , namely such as themselues had baptised , it was agreed in the whole world , that one being chosen from among the Presbyters , should be set ouer the rest , to whom the whole care of the Church should belong , and that the seede of schismes might be taken away . Whereunto I answered , first , that this speech in respect of the Church of Ierusalem is vntrue , which was first gouerned by the Apostles in common , and after committed to Iames in particular , before we read of any Presbyters there ordained . The refuter replieth , that my consequence is naught , for euen whiles the Church was gouerned in common by the Apostles , it was not gouerned without the counsell of the Presbyters of the same Church , much lesse did Iames afterwards take the whole authority into his owne hands , from them . Which exception of his is of no force , because there were no Presbyters ordayned in that Church , when it was gouerned by the common counsell of the Apostles ; and I added , which he should haue disproued , if he would haue said any thing to the purpos● , that Iames was assigned Bishop to that Church , before we read of any Presbyters ordayned in , or to that Church . For if Iames were Bishop of that Church before it had Presbyters , then was not that Church ruled by the common counsell of Presbyters , before they had a Bishop . Iames indeed after he was Bishop , ordayned Presbyters , whose counsell and assistance he did vse in the gouernment and instruction of that Church ( as other Bishops vsed to doe in the like case ) as wee read Act. 15. and 21. Yea but the whole multitude saith he , as appeareth by Act. 6.2.5 . had the choise of Church-officers . What then ? therefore the Church was not gouerned by the common counsell of the Apostles , or was gouerned by the common counsell of Presbyters ? Because the Greekish Iewes ( which had their Liturgy and scriptures in the Greeke tongue ) were discontented with the Apostles distribution of the Churches stocke , the Apostles therefore to auoid contention and scandall , and to giue euery one contentment , departed from their right , and willed the whole multitude to choose seauen , whom wee ( say the Apostles ) may appoint to this busines . Surely , if where the Presbyters are erected , the people , who doe contribute to the releife of the poore , are permitted to make choise of ouerseers & collectors for the poore ; it wer but a simple consequence to inferre hereupon , that therefore the Churches are not gouerned by the common counsell of Presbyters . And to as little purpose , or rather lesse , is that which followeth . If the Apostles altogether , or Iames alone afterterwards , had by vertue of their extraordinarie calling the power of ordination and iurisdiction in ●heir hands , in that , as in all other Churches ; yet the Pastors of the Churches afterwards , being no Apostles , had no such vnlimited power ; and so Ierome still speaketh truely of the ordinary gouernment of the Church . And so Ierome still spake vntruely , in respect of the Church of Ierusalem . I doe confesse , this was peculiar to the Church of Ierusalem , and differing from the order of other Churches : that the Church of Ierusalem had a Bishop before it had Presbyters of her owne . And therefore though I did not deny his speech to be vntrue in respect of other Churches ; yet I proued it to be vntrue , in respect of Ierusalem , by his owne testimony . But before I come to the sifting thereof , there are two other things to be noted in this speech of the refuter . For that which he pratleth of Iames his sole power exercised in the Church of Ierusalem , by vertue of his extraordinarie calling , is altogether impertinent : seeing Ierome , of whom the question is , confesseth , that hee was Bishop , and ruled that Church as the Bishop thereof thirtie yeeres . Neither is it true , that the ordinarie Pastors of that Church had not the like power therein , which Iames had . For there is no question , but what authority Iames had in the gouernment of that particular Church of Ierusalem , Simon his successor had the same , and all the Bishops of Ierusalem after him . Now , that Ieromes speech was vntrue in respect of Ierusalem , I proued by Ieromes owne testimony ; affirming , that Iames straight wayes after the passion of our Lord was by the Apostles ordayned Bishop of Ierusalem . Here the refuter hath found out a quirke , which if it were true , would not yet serue his turne . The quirke is , that Ierome is mistaken by false pointing and reading , for that straight way belongeth not to Iames his being made Bishop : but is brought to shew , that Iohn maketh mention of him , immediately after he hath spoken of our Lords passion . So that Ierome doth not say , that Iames straight wayes after the passion of our Lord was ordayned Bishop of Ierusalem , but that Iohn mentioned him presently after hee had spoken of the passion of our Lord. Let me lay downe the whole sentence , that it may appeare more plainely . Iames saith Ierome , who is called the brother of our Lord , surnamed Iustus : the sonne as many thinke of Ioseph by another wife : as it seemeth to me of Mary the sister of our Lords mother ; of whom Iohn in his booke maketh mention , after the passion of our Lord straight wayes , ( statim , id est , continenter & immediate vt loquuntur , Iohn 19.25 . saith Iunius ) who was ordayned Bishop of Ierusalem by the Apostles . And this manner of reading is auouched by Sophronius , that translated that booke of Ierome into Greeke , who maketh the distinction presently after straight wayes , seuering that word from his ordination by the Apostles . Among many other proofes of his learning & iudgement , the refuter giueth this for one . For first , this subtility hee receiued from Iunius as he doth professe , but exceedingly dulled by comming through his fingers . For whereas Iunius referr●th the word of whom to Mary the sister of our Lords mother , of whom Iohn maketh mention straight waies after the passion of our Lord Iohn 19.25 . our learned refuter referreth it to Iames , & that twice for failing . But though he might be mistaken in the English of Ieromes cuius , yet me thinkes so learned a man should haue known that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Sophronius , should haue beene referred to her and not to him . But let that passe . To iustifie his correction of this place of Ierom , he saith this manner of reading is auowed by Sophronius , &c. which is neither so , nor so . For between the Greeke and the Latine there is onely this difference ( in that edition which I haue , being as I suppose the best ) that whereas in the Latine , there is a Colon at the word filius , which followeth meminit ; in the Greeke , there is but a Comma ; but at the word statim in Latin , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greeke , no distinction at all . The Latine words are these , vt mihi autem videtur , Mariae sororis matris Domini cuius Ioannes in libro suo memunt , filius : p●st passionem Domini statim ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episcopus ordinatus . The Greeke , these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For the correction it self , I would be loth to contest with Iunius , neither is that subtilty which he hath found out preiudiciall to my assertion , as you shall heare ; notwithstanding I must needs say , he was greatly transported with preiudice , when he would referre the aduerbe statim to the verbe meminit , rather then to the participle ordinatus . For though both the Comma and Colon that come betweene them were taken away , yet the word filius comming also betweene , cleane spoileth his conceipt . For can any man of indifferency thinke , that Ierome being an elegant writer , if he had meant that the aduerbe statim should haue waited on the verbe meminit , would haue disposed it thus , cuius Ioannes meminit filius post passionem Domini statim ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episcopus ordinatus ? But now weigh the refuters iudgement . Suppose , that this place were read as Iunius would haue it , and that Iames were not so presently made Bishop of Ierusalem after Christs passion , as Ieromes words seeme to import , but that after the Apostles he tooke the gouernment of the Church of Ierusalem , as Ierome citeth out of Hegesippus ; what is all this , but the same that my selfe set downe in the Sermon both in this place also pag. 68. in these words , the Apostles first ioyntly ruled the Church at Ierusalem , but being to goe into all the world , and no longer to be accounted members of that particular Church , ordained Iames to be Bishop . And that charge which before they had in common , they now comitted to him in particular . And this is that , which Ierome citeth out of Hegesippus , who saith , Iames the brother of our Lord surnamed Iustus receiued or vndertooke the Church of Ierusalem after the Apostles . And if the refuter will needs expound after the Apostles , to signifie after their departing from Ierusalem , I must intreat him to take with him the words both of Eusebius , who sometimes saith , the throne of that Bishopricke was committed to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Apostles ; therefore before their dispersion ; & sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the Apostles : therefore whiles they were present ; and also of Ierome , who plainely saith , that he was ordained Bishop of Ierusalem by the Apostles : but chiefly that he will remember , that the words straight wayes after the passion of our Lord , are to be ioyned with the other words , ordayned by the Apostles : then will he acknowledge himselfe satisfied for this point . § 4. Secondly I answered in respect of other Churches ; that which Ierome saith , neither proueth that the office of Bishops and Presbyters were confounded , neither doth it hinder , but that the distinct office of Bishops is of Apostolicall institution . Both the parts of this answere I explaned and confirmed . The former thus : it is true , that for a time the Presbyters by common counsell gouerned the Churches , but as vnder the Apostles , who kept in their own hands the Episcopall authority ; they , I meane the Presbyters , hauing neither the right of ordination , nor the power of outward or publike iurisdiction . This therefore doth not proue , that the offices of BB. & Presbyters wer confounded . The name of B. was confounded with Presbyter , but the office and authority of the B. was as yet in the Apostles ; the Presbyters being such then vnder the Apostles , as they were afterwards vnder the Bishops . The latter thus : but when the Apostles were to discontinue , from those Churches which they had planted , then were BB. substituted . Whereunto the factious behauiour of the Presbyters ( whereof Ierome speaketh ) might be some inducement . For parity indeed breedeth faction and confusion ; for the auoyding whereof when the Apostles should be absent , BB. were instituted : but when , and where , and by whom , and to what end , let Ierome himselfe testifie . The summe is , that although for a time the Churches were gouerned by the common counsell of Presbyters ; yet this doth not hinder , but that the Episcopall function is of diuine institution . For after a while the Apostles ordayned BB. as Ierome himselfe doth most plainely and fully testifie , shewing the places where , and the persons whom , and the time when , and the end wherefore , they ordaynd them . Now let vs see , what the Refuter can reply against this answer . Forsooth as if he knew , or regarded no lawes of disputation , he thrusts himselfe into the answerers place , and maketh me the opponent , casting my answer into a Syllogisme , and bids me proue euery part and parcell of it , or else all that I say is to little purpose ; himselfe in the meane while , who should follow the argument which I answered , and take away my answer , goeth about to proue nothing , but himselfe to be a shifting Sophister . I thinke it was neuer heard in disputation , that the opponent hauing receiued the answere , and reciting the summe thereof , saying , sic respondes , would cast it into a Syllogisme and then bid the answerer proue the parts thereof . But such a disputer am I matched with . And how I pray you doth he reduce my answere into a Syllogisme ? that vvhich I brought to cleare the former part of my answer , is made the argument to proue both the parts in a filthy long Syllogisme ; and that vvhich I added to proue the latter part , he mentioneth as straggling speches brought in to no purpose . This is his analysing , which whether it be done of vnskilfulnes , or wilfulnes , I refer it to his owne conscience I cannot iudge therof , because I know not the man. But if my answere must needes be reduced into Syllogismes , I would intreat , that the parts thereof may seuerally be concluded , as they were by me seuerally explicated ; and then , that the first Syllogisme may be this ; If whiles the Churches were gouerned by the common counsell of Presbyters , the Presbyters did gouerne the same as vnder the Apostles , the Episcopall office and authority being not in them but in the Apostles , the Presbyters being such then vnder the Apostles as they were afterwards vnder the Bishops : then their gouerning of the Church by common counsell doth not proue , that the office of a B. and a Presbyter was confounded . But the antecedent is true in all the parts thereof : Therefore the consequent . The consequence I did illustrate by this distinction , the name of Bishop was confounded with Presbyter , but the office was not , for that was not in the Presbyters , but in the Apostles . The consequence when it was worse for the addition of the second part , the Refuter granted ; yet he thought good to gather out of it this worthy obseruation , that if there was a time before there were Bishops . When the Presbyters gouerned the Churches as vnder the Apostles ; then all that while there were no Diocesan Bishops ( the Refuter speaketh sentences ) and so no distinction betweene a Bishop and a Presbyter in office . This , and so , could not well be gathered out of the proposition , being repugnant vnto it ; for if there were no distinction betweene the office of a Bishop and a Presbyter , then were the offices confounded . Suppose the common-wealth of Iewry , being a Prouince vnder the Emperour of Rome , had beene gouerned by the Synedrion or common counsell of the Seniors for a time , vntill the Emperour had placed a soueraigne King ouer them , as hee did Herod ; it might be said , that for a time that common-wealth was gouerned by the common counsell of their Elders , but as vnder the Emperour , who kept the regall authority in his owne hands . Hereof it might not be infered , that the office of the Senatours and of a King were confounded . For the soueraignty was in the Emperour , and the Senatours might haue beene the same vnder their King , which they had beene vnder the Emperour , &c. As touching the assumption , he saith , it should haue beene proued ; and I say , if he were able , he should haue disproued it . For my part , I was in this place the answerer ; and the parts of the assumption be such , as either had beene before cleared , or seemed to neede no proofe . For first , that the Presbyters ruled the Churches as vnder the Apostles , it is manifest . That the Episcopall authority consisting specially in the power of Ordination , and publicke Iurisdiction , was not in them but in the Apostles ; partly was proued before , to wit , that Presbyters neuer had it ; and partly needed no proofe , viz. that the Apostles had it . And surely little need had Paul to haue sent Timothie to Ephesus , and Titus to Creet , to exercise the power of Ordination and publicke Iurisdiction in those Churches ; if the Presbyters had the same before they came . But still I desire some euidence , whereby the deriuation of this power of Ordination and Iurisdiction , from the Apostles to the Presbyters , or people , may be warranted . Thirdly , that the Presbyters were the same vnder the Apostles then , which they were afterwards vnder the Bishops , I take for a certaine truth . For if they were the same vnder Timothie and Titus , that they were vnder the Apostles ; then questionlesse they were the same vnder the Bishops , who haue no other function , nor exercise any other authority , then that which Timothie and Titus had and exercised in Ephesus and Creet . And these I hope are reasons sufficient to approue the former part of my answere , vntill the refuter who is the opponent , be able to disproue it . The second part of my answere may be concluded thus . If after a while , namely when the Apostles were to discontinue from the Churches which they had planted , the Apostles themselues ordayned BB. then the Presbyters ruling of the Churches by common counsell for a time , doth not hinder , but that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall institution : But the former is true : Therefore the latter . The consequence needeth no proofe : the assumption I proue by Ieromes owne testimony . For if Ierome doe testifie , that the Apostles ordayned BB. and withall doe note the time when , the place where , and the end wherefore , then doth he giue plentifull testimony to this truth : But Ierome doth testifie , that the Apostles ordayned BB. and withall noteth the time when , the place where , and the end wherfore . The time and place he noteth : first generally , the time when Bishops were ordayned was in the Apostles time : the place where , in all the world : Which two if you ioyne together , it will appeare that by Ieromes testimony the function of BB. is of Apostolicall institution . For it is vtterly incredible , that BB. should be ordayned in all parts of the Christian world in the Apostles times , and yet not be of the Apostles ordayning . That Ierome helde BB. to be ordayned in the Apostles time , I proue out of the place alledged ; when factions began to spring in the Church , saith Ierome , some saying I am of Paul , I am of Apollo , I am of Cephas ; which was in the Apostles times , 1 Cor. 1. and it were fond to imagine , that factions did not begin till after their time . This argument the Refuter would discredit , because Sanders vseth the like , and his owne answere he would credit with the name and countenance of certaine learned men ; which is one of his ordinary shifts to bleare the eyes of the simple , who many times respect more who speaketh , then what is said . But my argument standeth thus : When the factions began , whereof Ierome speaketh , BB. were ordayned , as he saith : In the Apostles times the factions began , whereof Ierome speaketh : Therefore in the Apostles times Bishops were ordayned , as he saith . The effect of the answere which hee bringeth is , that Ierome speaking of Schismes which did arise after the Apostles times , alludeth to that speech of the Apostle ; not that hee thought Bishops were ordayned in those times , but that hee might shew , that schisme was the cause of changing the order of Church-gouernment . Which answere might haue some shew of probability , if Ierome himselfe did not both in other places , which I cite , most plainely testifie , that Bishops were ordayned in the Apostles times ; and also in the place alledged expressely speake of those factions which did arise in Corinth , and other places in the Apostles times . The factions whereof he speaketh , did arise from hence , that vnusquisque eos quos baptizauerat suos putabat esse non Christi , saith Ierome , euery one esteemed those whom he had baptized to be his owne and not Christs . Now it is apparant , that this is the very thing which Paul reproueth in the Corinthians , that euery one sayd they were his who a had baptized them , and therefore thanketh God that he had baptized none of them , but Crispus and Gaius , and the houshold of Stephanas . For by this meanes , as Caluin b also obserueth , c the factious and ambitious teachers ( whom he meant vnder the name of Paul and Apollos ) sought to draw Disciples after them . Yea but Ierome in his Epistle to Evagrius , sheweth that in the Apostles times Bishop and Presbyter was all one ; and that afterwards Bishops were first ordayned as a remedy against schisme . To this I haue answered before , shewing that Ierome there proueth that the names at the first were confounded , and the same men were called Presbyters and Bishops vntill one out of the Presbyters in euery Church was chosen , and set aboue the rest , and called a Bishop . Which Ierome there confesseth to haue bin done euer since St. Markes time , and therefore in the time of the Apostles . For the first Bishops were not chosen out of the Presbytery of the Churches , whereof they were made BB. but were Apostolicall men , I meane either Apostles , or some of their companions and assistants : all which while , the Bishops were called Apostles , as I shewed out of Theodoret : the names Presbyter & Episcopus being as yet confounded . And whereas he saith , that I answered euen now , the course of gouernment was not changed at the first when facti●●s began , he doth but threapen kindnesse on mee : for I said no such thing . If therefore Ierome teacheth that Bishops were ordayned when factions began : and also that in the Apostles time factions did begin ; then in Ieromes iudgement Bishops were ordayned in the Apostles times ; but Ierome teacheth both the one and the other , as is manifest by that which hath beene said . As touching the Place ; Ierome saith , in toto orbe decretum est , it was decreed in the whole world , that one being chosen from among the Presbyters should be set ouer the rest , to whom the whole care of euery Church should appertaine . From whence I reason thus . A generall decree in the whole Christian world could not be made in the Apostles times without the authority and consent of the Apostles : This generall decree was made in the Apostles times : Therefore not without their authority and consent . The assumption I proue thus : This generall decree in the whole world was made either in the Apostles times , or neare their times . But not neare their times , for there could no such generall decree be made without a generall Councill . And there was no generall councill before the councill of Nice , before which councill there were not onely Diocesan and Metropolitane Bishops but also Patriarches . The Refuter answereth , that Ieromes words deceiue mee . For though Ierome saith it was decreed , yet he doth not meane that it was decreed , but that it came from custome , and that paulatim , by little and little . The Refuters answere therefore maketh Ierome to contradict himselfe ; whose speeches notwithstanding are thus reconciled . For that which hee there calleth custome , in another place e hee termeth an Apostolicall tradition , and the Apostolicall tradition is that vniuersall decree which hee speaketh of . And vvhere Ierome saith , by little and little that the rootes of discension might be plucked vp , the whole care was committed to one : that is to be vnderstood thus ; that although it were agreed vpon at once , and decreed to be put in practise in the vvhole vvorld ; yet it vvas not practised at once in the whole world , but first in one Church , as at Ierusalem , after in Antioch , then in Rome , after in Alexandria , in all which Churches not onely the first Bishops were ordayned in the Apostles times , but their successours also , and that by the testimonie of Ierome himselfe as followeth in the next proofe . For hauing thus shewed in generall both the time and place out of Ierome , when and where Bishops were ordayned , that is to say , in the Apostles times , in the whole world , and consequently that they were ordayned by the Apostles : in the next place I declare more particularly out of Ierome , that by the Apostles Bishops were first ordayned ; noting also the persons whom , and the places where , and the time when , they ordayned Bishops . Doth not Ierome plainely testifie that Iames f was by the Apostles ordayned Bishop of Ierusalem , before their departure thence : that when hee had gouerned that Church 30. yeares , Simon g his brother , or kinsman , succeeded him in the Bishopricke , who liuing vntill he was 120. yeares old was crucified vnder Traiane ? Doth not he witnesse that Ignatius h was the third Bishop of Antioch in the Apostles times ? that Marke i was the first Bishop of Alexandria , and that he dying k at Alexandria in the eight of Nero ( that is foure or fiue yeares before the death of Peter and Paul ) Anianus succ●eded him ? Doth he not say , that Cl●mens l was the fourth Bishop of Rome after Peter . For , saith he , Linus was the second , Anacletus the third , all in the Apostles times ? Doth hee not expresly testifie that Polycarpus m was S. Iohns Disciple , and by him ordayned Bishop of Smyrna ? and is it not testified in the same Catalogue that Timothie n was of blessed Paul ordayned B. of the Ephesians , and that Titus was B. of Creet ? Hereunto the Refuter maketh an answere like himselfe , that hee hath often told me , that Iames , Marke and Timothie neither were , nor might be Bishops . And I haue often tolde him of his poore shifts , whereof this is one . For the question being here , not whether these men simply were Bishops or not , but whether Ierome saith so , or no ; I hauing alledged plaine testimonies of Ierome auerring that they were Bishops : he , in steed of maintayning his assertion , which was that Ierome testifieth Bishops not to haue beene ordayned vntill after the Apostles times , giueth Ierome the lye , but answereth not to the point . For if Ierome testifie , that these men were Bishops in the Apostles times , how is not he ashamed to say , that in Ieromes opinion there were no Bishops in the Apostles times ? And where he saith that Polycarpe ( and the like no doubt would say of Linus , and Clemens , and Ignatius &c. ) was the ordinarie Pastor of that one congregation at Smyrna , and no Diocesan Bishop : which euasion I haue heretofore auoided , I desire this answere may be compared with the next , which he maketh concerning the end . The end , saith Ierome , was to auoid Schisme , and acknowledgeth that for the same end they are to be retayned ; professing , that the safety of the Church dependeth vpon the dignitie of the Bishop , to whom if a peerelesse power and eminent aboue all be not yeelded , there would be as many Schismes in the Churches as Priests . The Refuter answereth , that some say , the remedy was almost worse then the disease . But first , what is this to the purpose ? that the Refuter had rather there should be a Schisme in euery Parish , then a Bishop of the Diocese ? it was Ieromes iudgement , that I opposed to their allegation out of Ierome . And if Ierome testifie , that in the Apostles times Bishops vvere ordayned to auoyd Schisme , and that this was a necessarie remedie , insomuch that he doubteth not to say that the safety of the Church dependeth vpon it ; it was as much as in this place either I intended , or could by the aduersarie be required . Secondly , where Ierome saith , that Bishops were ordayned for auoyding of Schisme , hee meaneth such Schisme as the Presbyters ( vvhom hee calleth Sacerdotes , Priests ) would make , if there were not one in euery Church set ouer them , to vvhom the care of that vvhole Church should belong . Novv applie the Refuters answere concerning Polycarpus , which is his ordinarie answere , that the first BB. were but ordinarie Pastors of one congregation , such as wee call Rectors or Pastors of seuerall parishes . Were such ordained to auoide schisme among priests ? or were not such the priests , whose schisme was to be auoided by setting one B. in euery diocese ouer them ? or could the refuter thinke , that the ordaining of such ordinarie pastors was a remedie worse then the disease ? is it not therefore cleare , that the Bishops , whom Ierome acknowledgeth to haue beene in the Apostles times , were not ordinarie Pastors of seuerall congregations or parishes , equall to other Presbyters ; but one in euery diocese set in a superiour degree aboue the rest to preserue them in vnitie and to keepe them from schisme ? Thirdly , where to the iudgement of Ierome he opposeth the testimonie of others , who say the remedie was almost worse then the disease , because this superioritie of BB. did breed the Papacy : this sheweth , that great and sound D●uines sometimes let fall , especiallie when they write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnsound speeches grounded on weake proofes . For how is it prou●● that the superioritie of Bishops did breed the supremacie of the Pope . Because as at the first one Presbyter was before the rest , and made a Bishop , so afterwards one B. was preferred aboue the rest , so this custome bred the Pope and his Monarchy . By which reason , all superioritie should be condemned as the originall of the Popes supremacie . For might not a man as well say , that as one Presbyter in euery parish is superiour to the rest according to their conceipt ; so one Pastor which is the Bishop in euerie diocese is superiour to the other Pastors , &c. But indeed the superioritie of Bishops is so far from breeding the Papacy as the cause or originall , that it was not so much as any direct occasion thereof . Yea so farre vvas it from breeding the oecumenicall B. of the whole world , that it did not breed the Patriarckeship in the maine parts of the world , nor yet the superioritie of the Metropolitanes in the seuerall prouinces . For the superioritie of Metropolitanes did arise as Beza supposeth from the very light of nature directing , and force of necessitie vrging men to that course : but as I rather thinke from the institution of the Apostles , after whose times the first originall of them cannot be shewen . For although actually they were not Primates , till in the seuerall dioceses of the prouince Bishops were ordained ; yet the euent plainely sheweth it was from the beginning intended that the Bishop of the mother citie should be the chiefe in the prouince . And you haue heard before how in the Apostles times Ignatius the B. of Antioch was the Metropolitane B. of Syria , and in the age following Philippe the Metropolitane B of Creet , and Irenaeus the B. of Lyons was the Metropolitane of the churches in France . And although not long after the Patriarches were acknowledged and in the councill of Nice established in a godly policie , as Caluin , Beza and Zanchius confesse , yet neither did the superioritie of Bishops breede them ; nor they , the Papacy . The true originall of the superioritie of Bishops Metropolitanes , and Patriarches in their circuites was the patterne of ciuill gouernment in the Romane Empire , diuided into certaine precin●ts , which the Church did follow . Whereas therefore to each citie the countrey adioyning was subiect , the Apostles first placed Bishops in the cities , committing to their charge not only the citie but countrey subiect to it , which wee call a Diocese , wherein from the beginning , there was neuer more lawfully then one B. and whereas in euery prouince , wherein were many Cities , there was one Metropolis or mother citie , where the ruler of that prouince was seated ; in like manner , so soone as Bishops were placed in the seuerall cities , they acknowledged the B. of their mother citie their primate , and chiefe B. of the Prouince . And as the whole Empire was diuided among certaine gouernours , who were called praefecti praetorio , whereof one was placed in Rome hauing the gouernment of Italy , Affricke and part of Illyricum . A second in Alexandria hauing the rule of Egypt , Lybia , Pentapolis &c. A third at Antioch , ruling Syria and other countreyes of the East . A fourth in France gouerning France , Germanie , Spaine and Britaine ; so the diuers prouinces subiect to the praefecti praetorio , at least the three former , were subiected to the Bishops of the same sees , who afterwards were called Patriarches ; whose Patriarchal authoritie was ratified in the Councill of Nice ; to wit , that according to the auncient custome the B. of Rome should haue the care sub vrbicarum prouinciarum as Ruffinus reporteth that Canon , that is as I suppose , of the prouinces belonging to that pretorian prefecture , that the B. of Alexandria should haue the gouernment of Egypt , Lybia and Pentapolis , and the B. of Antioch the regiment of Syria and other countreyes in the East . After Constantinople , was built , and made the seat of the Empire , diuers countreyes were subiect to the prefecture , and consequently to the Bishopricke thereof . Neither as I said did the superioritie of Patriarches ( though perhaps larger , then was absolutely needfull , because the Ecclesiasticall causes of euery prouince might be sufficiently determined in the prouincial Synodes ) notwithstanding I say , it did not breede the Popes supremacie . Which did arise from another occasion : which was this . The Bishop of Constantinople , considering that the Churches of Alexandria and Antioch had that prerogatiue which they had , because they were seates of praefecti praetorio ; and Rome , because it had beene the seate not onely of the praefectus , but of the Emperour himselfe , ( though at that time in respect of ciuill gouernment it were subiect to the Exarch of Rauenna , for which cause the Archbishop of Rauenna contended with the B. of Rome for the superioritie ) and with all remembring , that Constantinople vvas the seate of the Empire ; contended therefore , that as the Emperour , who had his seate at Constantinople , was the Monarch of the world , so himselfe might be acknowledged the vniuersall B. or oecumenicall Patriarch . The which ambition , though it were condemned by Gregorie the B. of Rome as Antichristian ( for there is no vniuersall B. or head of the whole Church but Christ ) yet his successor Boniface the third , did imitate , and exceede . Alledging , that Rome whereof hee was Bishop was the ancient seate of the Empire , and that the Emperour though hee remained at Constantinople , yet hee was the Romane Emperour . At length with much a doe , and contention , obtained of the Emperour Phocas , not only that he should be called an Oecumenicall Patriarch , ( for that title the B. of Constantinople hauing once vsurped , enioyed it , as well as hee , and doth retayne it to this day ) but that his See should be head of all Churches . And this was the true originall of the Popes supremacie . Serm sect . 12. pag. 89. Secondly they vrge Ieromes inference in that place ; Presbyters at the first ruled the Church by common counsell , therefore the BB. and they ought to rule the Church in common still . The refuter denyeth this inference to be Ieromes , or that any hath vrged such an inference from him . When indeed the inference plainely is Ieromes , and is that which among all their obiections , is to best purpose obiected by the Disciplinarians . Ierome had said before , that in the writings of the Apostles Episcopus and Presbyter is all one ; and that before factions did arise by the instinct of the Diuell , some saying I am of Paul , &c. the Churches were gouerned by the common counsell of Presbyters , &c. Of those speeches when hee had made a briefe recitall , haecpropterea , &c. he maketh an inference to this effect , that for as much as Episcopus and Presbyter were all one at the first , therefore both Presbyters should know themselues to be subiect to the B. and BB superiour to the Presbyters by the custome of the Church , &c. And for as much as at the first the churches were gouerned by the common councell of the Presbyters , as vnder the Apostles , that therefore the B. being set ouer the Presbyters should not altogether exclude them , but should in communi Ecclesiā regere rule the church in common ; imitating Moses , who , when hee had in his power to rule the people of Israel alone , chose seauenty , with whom he might iudge the people . Which obiection , being better then any the refuter hath made in this booke , I will not let it passe without some answere . For it appeareth that neither the Apostles or Apostolicall men being Bishops , were simply bound to vse the councell of the Presbyters , but that the vse of them was voluntarie , after the example of Moses , as Ierome saith ; and the auncient Bishops of the Primitiue Church who vvere of the best disposition , ( as Cyprian by name ) did follow their example , resoluing to doe nothing of moment , without their counsell and aduise : seeking therein the good and peace of the Church . And this custome was vsed by all godly Bishops , vntill as I said , the Presbyters aduise and assistance , to themselues seeming troublesome , and to the B. by reason of the frequent Synodes and Synodall constitutions needlesse , grew out of vse ; whereupon Canons vvere made that their counsell and assistance should be required an had in greater matters , which is not misliked but wished to be more vsed . And so much may suffice to haue answered an obiection ; which the refuter doth not acknowledge . I proceede therefore to the third , which is as it vvere the shoote-anchor of the Disciplinarians ; which fayling their Discipline vvill suffer shipwracke . Presbyters and Bishops were all one ; therefore Bishops are to know that they be greater then the Presbyters , rather by the custome of the Church , then by the truth of Diuine disposition . To this obiection I returned two answeres : the first , that where Ierome saith Episcopus and Presbyter is all one , it may be vndertooke of the names , vvhich hee proueth by many n testimonies to be confounded in the vvritings of the Apostles . And in this sense it is true , that whereas now Episcopus is more then Presbyter , it is to be ascribed to the custome of the Church , as before I haue noted out of Theodoret . And in the same sense Augustine o is to be vnderstood , vvhen hee saith , according to the names of honour in which the vse of the Church hath preuailed Episcopatus , Bishopship is a name of greater honour then Presbyterium . The refuter comming to examine this answere , saith , I denyed the Antecedent , vvhen as indeed I granting the Antecedent , in that sense vvhich I giue in the answere , denyed the consequence . That although the distinction of the names vvas not by diuine disposition , but by the custome of the Church : yet that hindreth not , but the function may be of Apostolicall institution . Seeing they vvhich at the first vvere ordayned by the Apostles to the Episcopal function , though they vvere not called Bishops till they were chosen out of the Presbyters , yet vvere called sometimes the Apostles , sometimes the Angels of the churches . So that when the names were confounded , the offices were not . But the refuter censureth this distinction as an idle conceipt and shift hauing no colour of excuse for it . As though it needed excuse , vvhen I brought iust defence of it , vvhich hee is not able to answere . For how shall Ieromes minde be knowne in that assertion , that Episcopus and Presbyter was all one , but by the proofes vvhich he bringeth for it ? but all his proofes are that the names vvere confounded in the vvritings of the Apostles ; and that the same men were called Presbiteri & Episcopi , and that was all that Ierome could truely inferre out of those places . For if hee would haue concluded out of them that the offices vvere confounded , his consequences would be very weake . The second defence of my answere vvas this , that Ierome is to be vnderstood eyther of the names or of the offices : But not of the offices , therefore of the names . If you shall vnderstand Ierome , as affirming that the offices were confounded , and denying that the office and superioritie of Bishops was of Diuine disposition , in that sense that Apostolicall ordinances may be said to be of Diuine Institution , you shall make Ierome , not onely to striue against the streame of all Antiquitie ; but also to be contrarie to himselfe ; but this latter is absurd ; so is the former . To the former reason the refuter answereth not , but bringeth a reason or two , such as they be to ouerthrow my distinctions , seeking as we say clauum clauo pellere . Can any man be so sotttish , saith he , as to imagine that the question betwixt Ierome and those Deacons was about names , not offices ? or would Ierome reason so simply as to proue the dignitie of the Presbyters aboue Deacons , because the name of Presbyter and Episcopus was all one ? it were absurd to spend more time in answering so vnreasonable a distinction . You see how bragge our refuter is , when hee seemeth to haue gotten neuer so little aduantage . To his former question I answere , that although the question vvas concerning the office of Presbyters and Deacons vvhether were superiour ; yet Ierome might , and indeede did proue the Presbyters to be superiour , because as the Apostles did call themselues Presbyters , so Presbyters vvere called Bishops . Yea but saith he in the second question , Ierome would not reason so simply . Whereto I answere , that not onely learned men , but the holy Ghost also in the Scriptures q doth reason to that purpose , prouing their dignitie to be greater vvho haue obtained a greater name . For as the Philosophers r say , names are the resemblances and imitations of the things . Secondly hee obiecteth the authoritie of diuerse new , and I confesse , worthy Diuines , who thinke that Ierome maketh a Bishop and a Presbyter all one , not in name onely , but in office also . Which is a kinde of arguing frequent with this refuter , but seldome or neuer vsed by any writer of worth . Against his authorities therefore that Ierome was of that iudgement , I feare not to oppose the reasons which I produced , and namely the second . But saith hee we neede not stand in feare of that glittering flourish , whereby wee are charged to make Ierome striue against the streame of all Antiquitie , and to be contrarie to himselfe , if eyther hee confound the functions or deny it to be an Apostolicall ordinance , that Bishops should be set ouer the Presbyters . What one testimonie of Antiquitie within the first two hundred yeares , eyther hath beene , or can be alledged to that purpose ? of as little force are the allegations which M. D. saith , hee hath cited out of Ieromes writings . In both which answeres the refuter sheweth himselfe to be very impudent . For first , that the office or degree of Bishop and Presbyter are distinct ; haue I not brought forth most plaine and plentiful proofes , out of Ignatius , Tertullian , Origen , Cyprian , and other auncient writers ? that Bishops were ordayned by the Apostles , haue I not alledged most pregnant testimonies out of Ignatius , Irenaeus , Tertullian , Hegesippus and Clemens , cited by Eusebius ? and can it seeme doubtfull to any , that shall reade vvhat is alledged by mee and the refuter in this controuersie which way the streame of Antiquitie runneth ? And as for Ierome , vvhat more plaine testimonies can be desired , then those vvhich I brought to proue , that in his iudgement Bishops vvere ordayned by the Apostles . And that Ierome neuer thought , that the office of Bishop and Presbyter was confounded , it may further appeare by these reasons . For vvhere Paul vvriteth to the Bishops and Deacons at Philippi , here , saith Ierome s , by Bishops wee vnderstand Presbyters . For in one Citie there could not be more Bishops then one . Which plainely sheweth , hee thought that although Presbyters had the name , yet they had not the office of Bishops , and that although there might be many in one Citie which had the name , yet there could be but one , that had the office of a Bishop . Againe on 1 Tim. 3. he t saith , it is demanded , vvhy the Apostle made no mention there of Presbyters , but comprehended them in the name of Bishops ? because , saith he , the degree of Presbyters is the second , and almost the same with that of Bishops . My second answere vvas , if Ierome must be vnderstood , as speaking of the office , that then wee are to distinguish of those words , Diuine disposition , as including onely those things which be eyther directly and immediately of Diuine institution , or are Diuini iuris , of Diuine right , as being perpetuall and immutable ; but not as excluding Apostolicall ordinances . For Ierome , besides that he hath plentifully testified , that Bishops were ordayned by the Apostles , hee doth also expressely call this function Episcopall an u Apostolicall tradition . But this testimonie the refuter thinketh to elude , because in the writings of the Fathers , the precepts and obseruations of their forefathers though indeede not ordayned by the Apostles are called Apostolicall traditions . Which answere may haue place in such traditions , as haue no testimonie or proofe , that the Apostles ordayned them ; but for this matter in question , vve haue had plentifull and pregnant proofes , and euident testimonies , not onely of other authors , but of Ierome himselfe , plainely auouching , that Bishops were ordayned by the Apostles , and particularly relating the persons vvhom , the places where , the time vvhen , the Apostles ordayned them . If neither of these answeres , will satisfie the refuter , then must he be forced to confesse , that Ierome was inconstant in this question , holding one while that Bishops were of Apostolicall Institution , and another vvhile that they were not . And if Ierome vvere vnconstant vvhich is the worst that can be obiected against this cause , and vvherewith I would be loath to charge him , then let it be considered , whether those testimonies which he hath in more places deliuered dogmatically and historically , for the superioritie of Bishops , himselfe being a Presbyter ; are not to ouerweigh those fewer , which hee vttered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the heate of disputation , as a partie in the cause , maintaining the dignitie of Presbyters , himselfe being a Presbyter , against eyther the indignities offered them by the Bishops or the insolencie of vv Deacons vvho sought to ouerpeere them . Thus haue I proued that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall , and consequently of Diuine institution . The VI. CHAPTER . Prouing directly , that the Episcopall function is of Diuine institution . Serm. Sect. 13. pag. 92. I will in the last place directly , yet briefly proue , that the Episcopall function is of diuine institution , &c. to protection of their persons pag. 94. THe refuter hath more then once charged me , that I maintaine the Episcopall function to be held iure diuino , implying thereby , that it is generally and perpetually necessarie . Wherefore least he should be taken in the manner , as a wilfull deprauer of my assertion , hee leaueth out all that which I haue deliuered to explane my meaning , and beginneth this section at the middle of a sentence , vvhere the explication endeth . Such shifts may deceiue the simple for a while , sed mendacia diu non fallunt , but lyes will not beguile long , as Cyprian saith . If he had meant to deale truely , hee should haue begunne this section at the diuision pag. 91. in the end ; where by a distinction of that vvhich might be Ieromes meaning , I take occasion to passe to the direct proofes , that the Episcopall function is of Diuine institution . But because I did foresee , that this my assertion would be vnderstoode , as if I held the function of Diocesan Bishops so to be diuini iuris , as that it is generally , perpetually and immutably necessarie for the being of a Church and that no other forme of gouernment may in no case be any wayes admitted ; therefore both in the text , and in the margent I explaned the assertion which I hold , shewing plainely in what sense I maintaine the calling of Diocesan Bishops to be of diuine institution . All which though the refuter passed ouer in silence , yet I thinke it needfull to repeate , that both my sinceritie , and his fraudulent dealing may appeare . My words in the Sermon were these : If his ( that is Ieromes ) meaning should be , that the superioritie of Bishops ouer Presbyters , though it be an Apostolicall tradition ( as himselfe calleth it ) yet notwithstanding is not directly of Diuine institution : although there be small difference betwixt these two ( as I vnderstand Diuine institution ) because what the Apostles did in the execution of their Apostolicall function they did by direction of the holy Ghost : so that they might truely say both of their ordinances , it seemed good to the holy Ghost and vs , and of the partyes by them ordayned , attend the flocke ouer which the holy Ghost hath made you ouerseers ; notwithstanding , for more euidence I will in the last place directly , yet briefely proue , that the Episcopall function is of Diuine institution , or that Bishops were ordained of God. In the margent also ( fearing least my meaning would not plainely enough appeare ) to preuent the cauils of those which be aduersaries to the cause vvhich I maintaine , I noted these words . Though in respect of the first institution , there is small difference betweene an Apostolicall and Diuine ordinance , because what was ordained by the Apostles proceeded from GOD ( in vvhich sense and no other , I doe hold the Episcopall function to be a Diuine ordinance , I meane in respect of the first institution ) yet in respect of perpetuitie , difference by some is made betweene those things which be Diuini , and those which be Apostolici iuris : the former , in their vnderstanding being generally , perpetually and immutably necessarie ; the latter , not so . So that the meaning of my defence plainely is , that the Episcopall gouernment hath this commendation aboue other formes of Ecclesiasticall regiment , that in respect of the first institution , it is a Diuine ordinance ; but that it should be such a Diuine ordinance , as should be generally , perpetually , immutably , necessarily obserued , so as no other forme of gouernment , may in no case be admitted , I did not take vpon mee to maintaine . With what conscience therefore the refuter hath laid the maintenance of that assertion to my charge , and omitted the explanation of my defence in this place , the Reader may easily iudge ; especially if hee remember that where hee thought any aduantage could be taken out of this explanation of my defence , there hee taketh notice of it , as namely page 90. of his booke ; where hee supposing , that I auouch a necessitie of retayning the gouernment of Diocesan Bishops , hee vseth these words . Who would haue thought to haue heard such a speech from him that acknowledgeth another gouernment good and lawfull . pag. 95. and maketh the calling of Bishops no further of diuine institution , then as being ordayned by the Apostles it proceeded from God , without implying thereby any necessarie perpetuitie thereof ? Pag. 92. Thus sincerely their cause of sinceritie , as themselues call it , is maintained . Now that Bishops were ordayned of God , I proue by this argument , as the refuter hath framed it : If God ordayned Timothie , Archippus , and the Angels of the seauen Churches Bishops , then were Bishops ordained by God. But God ordained them Bishops : Therefore Bishops were ordained by God. As touching Timothie : I argued thus . By whom was he ordained Bishop ? By Paul , I confesse , as the instrument ; but yet by the holy Ghost as the author and directer of his ordination . For he was made B. by prophecie . 1 Tim. 4. a How is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . What is by Prophecie ? ( saith Chrysostome ) by the holy b Ghost . Paul stirring him vp , putteth him in minde , who elected and ordained him ; as if hee had said , God hath chosen thee , hee hath committed his Church vnto thee . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thou wert made Bishop not by humane suffrage , but by Prophecie ; that is , by Diuine reuelation , saith Theodoret c ; that is , spiritu sancto iubente , by the commandement of the holy Ghost , saith Theophilact d ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Oecumenius e , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for by the appointment of the holy Ghost Bishops were made , and not at randome . Whereunto you may adde the testimonie of Caluin f . Per Prophetiam ] quomodo ? quia scilicet spiritus sanctus oraculo Timotheum destinauerat vt in ordinem pastorum cooptaretur . Neque enim delectus tantuacute ; m fuerat hominum iudicio vt fieri solet , sed praecesserat spiritus nuncupatio . To this argument the refuter answereth nothing , but that , which I haue plainely and fully confuted before ; that Timothie was not a Bishop , though Caluin as you see , confesseth , that Timothie by the oracle of the holy Ghost was chosen into the order of Pastors . For if hee were a Pastor , it is not to be doubted , but he was a Bishop . That Archippus was ordayned Bishop of God , I proue thus . Because Col. 4.17 . Paul vsing the same exhortation to him vvhich hee gaue to Timothie g the Bishop of Ephesus , namely , that hee should fulfill his ministerie , hee addeth , which thou hast receiued in the Lord ; and therefore by Gods ordinance , and as it vvere at his hands . The refuter hauing framed the argument thus , Hee that receiued his Episcopall ministerie in the Lord , was ordained a B. by the Lord. Archippus receiued his Episcopall ministerie in the Lord : Therefore hee was ordained Bishop by the Lord : He denyeth the proposition ; because neither is all Episcopall ministerie proper to a Diocesan Bishop , else the Apostle would not haue made a B and Presbyter all one ; neither is that office onely in the Lord. Of which reasons , the latter is meerely impertinent , and friuolous . For who euer said , or thought , that the office of a Bishop onely is in the Lord ? neither is the former to any purpose , seeing he knoweth , that by Episcopall ministerie I vnderstand the function of a Diocesan Bishop , and therefore should not haue denyed the proposition , but haue distinguished of the assumption , saying , that hee did not receiue the Episcopall ministerie , meaning the function of a Diocesan Bishop . For proofe whereof , it sufficeth to mee , that Archippus was as Ambrose h noteth , Bishop of Collosae , which was a Citie : seeing I haue manifestly proued before , that the Bishops of Cities were Diocesan Bishops . As touching the Angels I argue thus ; Those who are called by the holy Ghost the Angels of the Church ; and were signified by the seauen starres which were in Christs right hand , had Diuine both institution and approbation : The Diocesan Bishops of the seauen Churches are called by the holy Ghost the Angels of the seauen churches , and were signified by the seauen starres which vvere in Christs right hand . Therefore the Diocesan Bishops of the seauen Churches had diuine both institution and approbation . The proposition I proued , because they who are called Angels are authorized and sent of God , and starres vvhose both preheminence of dignitie is noted in this life ( for the starres i are the crowne of the Church ) and also prerogatiue of glorie which they shall haue in the world to come . And finally , they who are signified by the seauen starres in the right hand of Christ , are such as Christ doth both approue and protect . The assumption I went not about to proue now , because it was proued at large in the former part of the Sermon . And yet all that the refuter answereth to the purpose , is , that they were not Diocesan Bishops . For that which he addeth besides , is but the vttering of his spleene , and emptying his gall against Bishops , to whom he cannot abide ( such is his malice ) that the titles of Angels and starres , which notwithstanding the holy Ghost giueth to the Bishops of the seauen Churches , and which himselfe acknowledgeth to be titles common to all ministers , should be applyed to Bishops . It is true , that these titles of Angels and stars are common to all ministers , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( to signifie their preheminence ) they be attributed to Bishops . For as I haue said before ; when in a Church , where are many Ministers , who are all tearmed Angels , the Bishop onely is called the Angel of the Church , this title doth note his singular preheminence . And the same is signified when as there being a great number of ministers in Asia who all were starres , the seauen Bishops onely of those Churches are signified by the seauen starres vvhich Christ held in his right hand . Now if these seauen Bishops were Diocesan Bishops as I haue manifestly proued them , and all the Bishops of the auncient Churches to haue beene ; then must the refuter be content to endure , both that Diocesan Bishops were called the Angels of the Churches , and the starres which Christ held in his right hand ; and consequently also , that the function of Diocesan Bishops is of Diuine institution . And thus passing by his rayling , as not worth the mentioning , I proceede to the conclusion of my Sermon . The VII . CHAPTER . Defending the conclusion of the Sermon , and shewing that the chiefe Protestant writers did not disallow the Episcopall gouernment . The third part of the Serm. Sect. 1. page 94. Thus hauing proued this doctrine arising out of the Text , that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall and diuine institution : it remaineth , that we should from thence gather some vses to our selues both for the informing of our iudgement , and reforming of our liues , &c. to now let vs , pag. 97. THe vse which serueth for rectifying the iudgement is contained in this section , and it is first propounded , and afterwards maintained against two obiections . The vse is this , that as the Episcopall function hath been manifestly proued to be lawfull and good ; as being the ordinance of God , so we would all be perswaded to acknowledge it . But the refuter is like the deafe Adder , that stoppeth her eare ; he will not be perswaded , though he be conuicted . For though he braggeth , that this answere of his doth manifest that I haue not brought any one good proofe in the whole Sermon ; yet this defence of mine will make it euident , that he hath not been able to disproue any one of my proofes , which he hath gone about to answere ( for the most part ) with sound learning , but to elude with shifts and cauillations . But some will say , this is not all that you vvould perswade vs vnto , that the function of Bishops is lawfull and good ; but when you say it is of diuine institution , you seeme to meane , that it is diuini iuris , and consequently that not onely it is lawfull , but that it onely is lawfull , and that all Churches are so perpetually and necessarily tyed vnto it , as that no other forme of gouernment is warrantable in the Church of God. My resolution of this doubt I signified before Serm. pag. 92. that I did not hold it so to be diuini iuris , as that necessarily it were to be obserued alwayes and in all places , and so himselfe confesseth pag. 90. of his booke . And therefore when he said my resolution was obscure and doubtfull ( for doubling I leaue to him ) he was disposed to cauill . I referre indeed the consideration of this inference to our Disciplinarians , who hauing conceipted the Presbyterian platforme to be described in the scriptures ; doe therefore vrge the same , as perpetuall and vnchangeable , signifying , that if they will be constant in their iudgement , they must by the same reason acknowledge the Episcopall gouernment , which hath warrant in the word , to be perpetuall and vnchangeable . Which conceipt of theirs hath perhaps beene the cause , vvhy they haue giuen out to make my Sermon odious among their followers , that I maintaine the Episcopall function to be diuini iuris , as being commanded of God , and perpetually imposed vpon all Churches . Neuerthelesse , I plainely declared my resolution to be this , that although we be well assured , that the forme of gouernment by Bishops is the best , as hauing not onely the warrant of scripture for the first institution , but also the perpetuall practise of the Church from the Apostles times to our age , for the continuance of it ; notwithstanding vve doubt not , vvhere this may not be had , others may be admitted ; neither doe we deny , but that siluer is good , though gold be better , vvhich obiection and answere , I inserted of purpose into the Sermon , to preserue the credit of those reformed Churches , vvhere the Presbyterian discipline is established , and that they might not be exposed , or left naked to the obloquies of the Papists . To which my charitable endeauour the refuter opposeth himselfe , as being alwaies ad oppositum , without regard either of my charitable intent , or of the credit of the reformed Churches , labouring tooth and naile to perswade his reader , that I contradict my selfe , and that in the conclusion of my Sermon I did ouerthrow what before I had builded . But as alwayes hitherto , so now also , he hath shewed his malice to be greater then his strength . For though hee chargeth me , as hauing often and peremptorily auouched the perpetuall necessitie of the gouernment of the Church by Diocesan Bishops : yet neither often , nor once , neither peremptorily , nor at all , neither the perpetuall necessitie , nor any absolute necessitie at all , is vrged in any one of the allegations , which hee so hotly , as it were with fire and towe , obiecteth . The first which is obiected out of pag. 33. hath beene explained before . For when I said , that as the gouernment by Bishops was first ordayned for the preseruation of the Church in vnity , and for the auoiding of schisme ; so it is for the same cause to be retained : I did not meane any absolute necessitie of retaining it , but that as at the first it was ordained , as being thought fit , expedient and needfull to auoid schisme ; so it is fit , expedient and needfull for the same cause to be retained . Neither doe I see how hee can inferre this perpetuall necessitie which he talketh of out of pag. 72. where I said , the Epistles to Timothie and Titus are the very patternes and Presidents of the Episcopall function , whereby the Apostle informeth them , and in them all Bishops how to exercise their function touching ordination and iurisdiction . For although Paul giueth his directions primarily to Timothie and Titus , and to all such as should haue the like function that is to say , Bishops : yet if this forme of gouernment be changed , those which shall exercise the like authority , must follow those directions , as being giuen , though primarily and directly to Bishops , yet secondarily , and by consequence , to those who though they were not Bishops , should haue the like authority And to the like purpose is that alleadged out of pag. 74. and that we should not thinke as some doe that these things were spoken to them as to extraordinarie persons ( whose authoritie should dye with them ) but to them and their successors to the end of the world , he straitly chargeth Timothie , that the commandements and directions which hee gaue him , should be kept inuiolable vnto the appearing of our Lord Iesus Christ ; and therefore by such , as should haue the like authority vnto the end . And presently after , for the authority which was committed to them is perpetually necessary , without which the Church neither can be gouerned ( as without iurisdiction ) neither yet continued ( as without ordination ) and therefore not peculiar to extraordinary persons , but by an ordinary deriuation to be continued in those , who are the successors of Timothie and Titus . Here I appeale to the refuters conscience whether he be not perswaded of the truth of both these sentences . Can he deny , the authority which was committed to Timothie and Titus , to be perpetually necessary , which is the summe of the second sentence ? or if it be perpetually necessary , that some were to haue it to the end of the world , which was affirmed in the former sentence ? If he had learned the distinction betwixt potestas , & modus potestatis , whereof I spake before ; the power or authority it selfe being the perpetuall ordinance of God , the manner or forme of gouernment wherein that power is exercised being mutable ; hee would not so hotly haue vrged these allegations . Yea but that pag. 79. is aboue all shew of exception saith hee where hee saith , the function and authority which Timothie and Titus had was not to end with their persons but to be continued in their successors as being ordinary and perpetually necessary not onely for the well being , but also for the very being of the visible Churches . How this spe●ch is to be vnderstood , I distinctly shewed before , not thinking ( I protest ) of this obiection made by the Refuter . For when I said , their function and authority was ordinarie and perpetually necessary , I meant , that their function was ordinary as being Pastorall and Episcopall , and that the authority which they had was perpetually necessary , as was said in the former allegations . If he shall perhaps vrge those words which mention the successors of Timothie and Titus to the end of the world : I answere , it is more then likely , that they shall haue successors in the same function in some Churches to the end , that is to say , Bishops ; though in some others , that forme of gouernment being altered , the authority may be in those who doe not succeed them in the said function at least in the same forme and manner of gouerning . This being all which he hath gained by these allegations , he might haue forborne his triumphing insultations , which bewray his want of iudgement . For where he obiecteth against me this contradiction , as though I held , both that the gouernment by Bishops is necessary for the very being of visible Churches , and also that there may be visible Churches without it ; either he doth ignorantly mistake , or wilfully depraue my sayings . For though I said , the authority which Timothie and Titus exercised , was perpetually necessary , both to the being of Churches as the power of ordination , and to the well being as the authority of iurisdiction ; yet I neuer said , that this forme of gouernment was necessary to the being of visible Churches . And where hee goeth about to proue , that the Episcopall gouernment is not perpetually necessary , because there be many visible Churches at this day without it ; what doth hee else , but fight with his owne shadow , seeing that in fauour onely of those Churches this passage was by me inserted ? howbeit , hee impudently ouer-reacheth , when he saith almost all visible Churches are without Bishops . For not to mention all other Churches which be in the Christian world , which haue alwayes had , and still haue Bishops : and to speake onely of the reformed Churches in Europe : is it not euident , that the farre greater part of them is gouerned by Bishops , and which is all one with Bishops ; by Superintendents ? The refuter , when hee desired to the vttermost pag. 52. to enlarge the number of those Churches which haue the Presbyterian Discipline , he reckoned the reformed Churches of Fraunce , the Low-countreyes , Saxony , Heluetia , Bohemia , Zuricke , Berne , Geneua , Sauoy , Palatine , Poland , Hungary , Gernsey , Iersey , Scotland : from which number notwithstanding some Churches are to be substracted , as all in Scotland , and some if not all , in Saxony , neither doe I suppose that their Presbyterian discipline is established in Zuricke , and all the Churches of Heluetia , neither is any one whole kingdome ruled by that discipline . So that I am perswaded there are scarse so many particular Churches or congregations , gouerned by the Presbyterian discipline in all the world , as are gouerned by Bishops in the Kings dominions , in great Britaine and in Ireland . But besides these . I finde alledged by one of great wisdome and iudgement many more which are not gouerned by the Presbyterian discipline , as the Churches of Denmarke , Sueuia , all the reformed Churches of Germany ( sauing in some parts of the Low-countreyes , and of late about Heidelberge , procured in the minority of the Prince ) all the Churches in the Duchy of Saxony , the Duchy of Brunswicke and Luneburge , the Duchy of Megalopurge , the Duchy of Wirtemberge , all the Churches within the countreyes of the Marquesse of Brandeburge and the Marquesse of Bade , all the Churches within the gouernment of the Earledome of Henneberge , the Earledome of Swartzenberge , the Earledome of Lenning , the Earledome of Hannaw , the Earledome of Oetinghe , the Earledome of Mansfield , the Earledome of Stalbergh , the Earledome of Glich , the Earledome of Rheinesterne , and the Earledome of Leonstine , and all the Churches in the Barony of Limpurge , the Barony of Schenburge , and the Barony of Wildenfield . Whereunto may be added all the Churches , in foure or fiue and thirty , ( at the least ) free cities with their territories , the most of them as large and ample as Geneua ; in none whereof the Presbyterian discipline is erected . Which enumeration is a good euidence also to iustifie my answere to the next obiection : which is this . Some will say the Protestants which were the blessed instruments of God for the reformation of religion in this last age , are thought to haue preferred the other discipline by Presbyteries , before this by Bishops : and therefore in thus magnifying the Bishops ; you seeme to ioyne with the Papists against them . Whereunto I answered , that those godly and learned men allowed the Episcopall function , and simply desired the continuance thereof , if with it they might haue enioyed the Gospell . For proofe whereof I referred the reader to the Suruey of the pretended discipline cap. 8. pag. 110.111 . &c. In refuting of which answere , the refuter dealeth very absurdly with me , and the reuerend author of the Suruey . For when I referred the reader to a Chapter of that booke , contayning many notable testimonies , to proue that which I said : the refuter dealeth as a man resolued to deny my conclusion , what proofes so euer I should bring against him . And though I referre him to testimonies for number and weight sufficient , either to satisfie , or to conuince him , if he would but haue turned to the place ; yet he saith , hee cannot possibly see , how I should haue any such opinion of those godly and learned men , whose writings ( as he saith ) doe so often and so vehemently professe the contrary . And that he may not seeme to speake without ground , he desireth me to leaue the Surueyour , and heare what he can say . As if the Surueyour were not worthie to be heard when the learned refuter is to speake . When as indeed our Refuter , for ought I see by him , is not for wisedome , learning and iudgement worthie to be named with that reuerend Author on the same day . But though he would seeme not to vouchsafe an answere to the Suruey , yet the truth is , he durst not acquaint the Reader with those testimonies : which howsoeuer before I did mention for breuity sake , I may not now wholy conceale from the Reader . And although I might by way of requitall , desire him to lay aside h●s misse-alledged allegations , as vnworthie to be examined , and to giue eare to those testimonies cited by the Surueyour ; yet I will vouchsafe an answere to his authorities , after I haue recited some few testimonies of the chiefe Protestant writers , as I find them cited by the Surueyour , referring the Reader , for the rest , to the Suruey it selfe . And first I wil begin with the Augustane confession ( whervnto the chiefe learned men who first were called Protestants did subscribe , Caluin soone after being one of the number ) and with the Apologie thereof . We haue oft protested ( say they a ) that we doe greatly approue the Ecclesiasticall policy & degrees in the Church , and as much as lyeth in vs , doe desire to conserue them . We doe not mislike the authority of Bishops so that they would not compell vs to doe against Gods commandement . We doe here protest b , and we would haue it so recorded , that we would willingly preserue the Ecclesiasticall and Canonicall policy : if the Bishops would cease to tyrannize ouer our Churches . This our minde or desire shall excuse vs with all posterity , both before God and all Nations , that it may not be imputed vnto vs , that the authority of Bishops is ouerthrowne by vs. I would to God it lay to me , saith Melancthon c , to restore the gouernment of Bishops , &c. By what right d or law may we dissolue the Ecclesiasticall policy , if the Bishops will grant vs that which in reason they ought to grant ? and though it were lawfull , yet surely it were not expedient . Luther was euer of this opinion ; whom many for no other cause I see doe loue , but for that they thinke they haue cast off their Bishops by meanes of him , and haue obtayned a liberty , which will not be profitable for our posterity . Would to God , saith George e Prince Anhall , that those which carry the names & titles of Bishops would shew themselues to be Bishops indeed . I wish they would teach nothing that is disagreeable to the Gospell , but rule their Churches thereby ; Oh how willingly and with what ioy of heart would we receiue them for our Bishops ; reuerence them , obey them , and yeeld vnto them their Iurisdiction and Ordination ? Which we alwaies , and M. Luther both in words and in his writings very often professed . If they would bring vnto vs such an Hierarchy saith f Caluin , wherein the Bishops shall so rule , as that they refuse not to submit themselues to Christ , that they so depend vpon him as their onely head , &c. Then surely if there be any that shall not submit themselues to that Hierarchy reuerently , and with the greatest obedience that may be , I confesse there is no Anathema whereof they are not worthy . In the articles g agreed vpon by Melancthon , Bucer , Caluin , and other learned men , it is said , for the auoyding of Schismes there was a profitable ordination that a B. should be chosen out of many Priests , who should rule the Church by teaching the Gospell , and by retayning the discipline , and who should gouerne the Priests themselues . Afterwards also there were degrees made of Archbishops & aboue them of Patriarches , &c. These Ordinations , if those that gouerne doe their duety ) as preach , ouersee the doctrine and manners of their Churches , correct errours and vice , practise Ecclesiasticall censures , &c. are profitable to preserue the vnity of the Church . And in their additions to the said h articles : As concerning ordination , we especially approue the ancient custome of the Church ▪ &c. This difficult and necessary charge for the Church , it is to be wished ( reformation being made ) that the Bishops would take vpon them . And we heare that our learned men haue expresly so yeelded ordination to those Bishops , if first there may be a reformation . In a Treatise made by Bucer i with the aduise of the said learned men , and offered to the Emperour , it is thus written : we must endeuour , that that forme and distribution of Ecclesiasticall gouernment , which the Canons doe prescribe to Bishops and Metropolitanes be restored , and kept . The same k Bucer , speaking of Bishops and Metropolitanes , and of their authority ouer the Churches and Ministers within their Dioceses , and Prouinces , he saith , this was agreeable to the law of Christ , &c. And in another l place . Now by the perpetuall obseruation of all Churches , euen from the Apostles times , we doe see , it seemed good to the holy Ghost , that among Priests to whom the procuration of Churches was chiefly committed , there should be one , that should haue the care & charge of diuers Churches , and the whole Ministery committed to him : and by reason of that charge he was aboue the rest , and therefore the name of Bishop was attributed peculiarly vnto these cheife rulers of Churches . And againe , m In the Apostles times one of the Priests or Pastors was chosen and ordayned to be the Captaine and Prelate ouer the rest ; who went before the rest , and had the care of soules , and the administration of the Episcopall office especially and in the highest degree . And this he proueth by the example of Iames , Act. 1. and after concludeth in this sort . The like ordination hath beene perpetually obserued in other Churches likewise , as we may learne out of the Ecclesiasticall Histories , and the most ancient Fathers , as Tertullian , Cyprian , Irenaeus , Eusebius and others . It were a most profitable order for the welfare of the Church , saith Iacob n Heerbrandus a very learned man if euery particular Prouince had her Bishops and the Bishops their Archbishops . These few testimonies among many doe sufficiently discouer , with what minde the Refuter desired me to lay them and all the rest a●ide , and to giue eare to his allegations , as more worthy to be heard . Let vs therefore heare them ▪ and let the Reader iudge with what conscience hee either reiected the former , or alledged these . And first , though he saith hee will passe by an Epistle of one Oram written vnder the name of Lucifer to the Pope and his Prelates , yet because he entreateth the Reader to turne to it in the booke of Martyrs , as fitting belike our Bishops , hee is worthy not to passe vnpunished , when hee comes to light For that letter being a meere inuectiue against the horrible enormities of the Popish Prelates , speaking nothing at all of their office , but that they were the successours of the Apostles , in referring the Reader vnto it , what was his intent , but that he should apply the things spoken of their greiuous enormities to our Bishops ? then which , hee could not offer a greater villany to them . I desire the Reader that hath any moderation in him to read that Epistle , and by his intended application thereof to our Bishops , to iudge of our refuters spirit , though he professeth in the last page , how greatly he reuerenceth the Bishops persons . In the next place , to let you thinke hee hath great store ( euen whiles hee quoteth either not Protestants or such as were not of our age , of whom alone the question is ) hee saith , he will passe by also that which is written by defensor pacis part . 2. c. 15. and well might hee passe by him ; for though he hold , that the Priestly Character is the same in Priests and Bishops , yea in the Pope himselfe , and that they haue the same essentiall authority which is the power of order , and likewise in imitation of Ierome holdeth , that Episcopus and Presbyter at the first were one , &c. Notwithstanding , he no more disalloweth the superiority of Bishops ; then either some other Papists , who haue contended , that for as much as order , in that it is a Sacrament , hath reference to the Sacrament of the Altar which the Priest doth offer , and make his maker , as well as the Pope himselfe , that therefore Bishops and Presbyters be of one order ; or then Ierome , who though he saith Episcopus and Presbyter were at the first all one ▪ yet professeth , that the safety of the Church dependeth vpon the dignity of the Bishop , &c. Hauing passed by these two , hee professeth to begin with Wickliffe , whom hee would faine haue the Reader beleeue , to haue beene a Marprelate , or an oppugner of the superiority of Bishops . But howsoeuer , either Papists through malice , or Protestants for want of information , haue in some points q so conceiued of him ( of both which sorts the refuter quoteth some ) yet those who haue perused his writings r protest , that not onely for doctrine , but also for discipline , hee was wholy conformable to the present Church of England , approuing the gouernment of Archbishops , Bishops , and Archdeacons , &c. And whereas the Rhemists obiect against Wickliffe , that he had renued the heresie of Aerius ; D. Fulke s answereth thus . It appeareth by many places of Wickliffe his works , and namely in his Homily on Phil. 1. that he acknowledged the distinction of Bishops and Priests for order and gouernment , although for doctrine and administration of the Sacraments , they are all one . Indeed in the booke of Martyrs , where be eighteene articles obiected against Wickliffe ( though neither the twelfth article which the Refuter mentioneth , nor that which Pighius obiecteth against him is contayned in that number ) the which articles he explaneth . Among which the fifteenth is this , that euery Priest rightly and duely ordered according to the law of grace , hath power according to his vocation , whereby he may minister the Sacraments , and consequently absolue any man confessing his fault , being contrite and penitent for the same . Which article , when he came to expound , hee gaue this reason ; because that the order of Priesthood in his owne nature and substance receiueth no such degrees either of more or lesse . And yet notwithstanding the power of inferiour Priests in these dayes be vpon due consideration restrayned , and sometimes againe in time of extreame necessitie , released . And thus according to the Doctors , a Prelate hath a double power , to wit , the power of order , and the power of Iurisdiction or regiment . And according to the second power , the Prelates are in an higher maiestie and regiment . Thus haue I recited word for word what is set downe in the booke of Martyrs ; the words whereof the Refuter depraueth , making Wickliffe to say , the order of Priesthood receiueth no degrees of more or lesse , howsoeuer the Doctors say , that the Prelate hath a double power , &c. Whereby he would make the Reader beleeue , that he differed from those Doctors , with whom he doth agree : affirming ( as many others haue done , who notwithstanding allowed of the superiority of Bishops ) that in the power of order all Priests are equall , though Bishops haue also the power of Iurisdiction , wherein they are superiour to other Priests . To the same purpose is alledged his assertion of two orders Priests and Deacons , which the Papists themselues holde , diuiding Priests ●nto Maiores which be Bishops , and Minores which be Presbyters . Why he quoteth Bales centuries I know not , vnlesse it were to shew his more exquisite reading then other mens , hauing belike read there something concerning this cause , which no man else is able to read or to finde . But I had almost forgotten his first allegation , which the Refuter pretending such plenty , might well haue omitted as impertinent . For though he enuied against the excessiue lordlinesse and tirannicall domination of the Popish Bishops : Yet doth it not proue , that he was an enemie to the superiority of Bishops , or the substance of their calling . And whereas with Wickliffe hee ioyneth the Waldenses , whose opinion he doth not cite but by the report of Pighius ; it is euident by the booke of Martyrs in their story , that they acknowledged these three degrees , Bishops , Priests and Deacons , Artic. 7. And therefore is vntruly layd to their charge by Aeneas Syluius , that they held no difference of degrees among Priests , vnlesse perhaps by Priests , be meant Bishops . The next is Iohn Hus , saith the Refuter , who was charged by the Pope and his officers to erre . First , in that he held not , nor allowed , that by the Church was meant the Pope , Cardinals , Archbishops and Clergie vnderneath them , but affirmed that signification u to be drawne out of the Schoole-men . Secondly , that he auouched all Priests to be of like power , and therefore the reseruation of the Bishops casualties order of Bishops , and consecration of Clerks vv was inuented onely for couetousnesse . Thirdly , that he held , that euery man hath authority to inuest men into the cure of soules . Whereto I answere , first , that these articles were indeed exhibited against him to the Pope by Michael de Causis , but I doe not read , that either he acknowledged them to be true , or that he was condemned for them . Secondly , in the book of Martyrs , and also in his Story prefixed before his works , it is said , that of the articles which were obiected against him , there were but a few which he acknowledged to be true . This therefore is the refuters argument , Iohn Hus was accused by his malicious aduersaries , who made no conscience of accusing him falsly , that hee held all these articles ; therefore all these were his opinions . But if it be sufficient to accuse , as the Emperour said , who can be innocent ? the godlyest Martyrs neuer wanted accusers ; whom if the refuter should therfore pronounce guilty of those matters whereof they were accused , he should shew himselfe a wise man. But so he dealeth with Iohn Hus : he was accused of these opinions , therefore he held them . Wherfore he must either proue , that Hus did acknowledge them to be true , or else what doth hee but subscribe to the accusations of his malicious accusers against him . But suppose the first of these three were his , what will the refuter inferre thereof ? he did not hold nor allowe that by the Church was meant the Pope , Cardinalls , Archbishops and Clergie vnderneath them ; therefore hee did not allowe the calling of Orthodoxall Bishops . Michael de Causis his accuser , for this article quoteth his booke de Ecclesia , where I finde this assertion ( by the allegation whereof , you may guesse how he was vsed in the rest ) that the Pope of Rome x with his Cardinalls is not the whole body of the vniuersall Church but a part , and that the Pope is not the head thereof , but Christ. The which assertion hee opposeth against the sayings of some Doctors , who held , first , that the Romane Church is the Church vniuersall : that of the Church of Rome the Pope is the head , and the colledge of Cardinalls the body . Which assertion , if you shall compare with his aduersaries allegation , and apply to the refuters purpose , you shall perceiue the malice of the one , and folly of the other . For the second article , his accuser doth not quote any of his bookes , but saith thus , aliqualiter patet iste articulus ex praedictis , this article after a sort may be gathered out of the precedent articles , wherein there is no such matter contayned . The third he proueth by Husses fact , because in the kingdome of Boheme many by him and his fauourers and abetters haue beene thrust into Parish Churches , which they a good while ruled without the institution of the See Apostolicke , and also of the ordinary of the City of Prage . Whether Hus did this or no , it is questionable ; but if there had beene Orthodoxall Bishops , by whose authority faithfull Ministers might haue beene instituted ; without question , he would neuer haue attempted any such enterprise . But hee held the Popish Clergy to be Antichristian , and therefore did as he did . Otherwise for the function it selfe of Bishops , he saith plainely more then y once , that the rest of the Apostles had equall honour and power with Peter , and that when they deceased the Bishops did succeede in their place . And that all Bishops of Christs Church following Christ in manners , are the true Vicars of the Apostles . And out of Ierome , that all Bishops are the Apostles successours . And approueth that saying of Bede z , as no man doubteth but the twelue Apostles did premonstrate the forme of Bishops : So the seauenty two did beare the figure of the Presbyters and second order of Priests . And thus much of Iohn Hus ; to whom the refuter ioyneth Ierome of Prage , who iustifieth the doctrine of Wickliffe and Hus against the pompe and state of the Clergie . Which if he had done , he had spoken neuer a word in disallowance of the Episcopall function . But that word state is foisted in by the refuter , who alledgeth almost nothing truely . His words were these a , whatsoeuer things M. Iohn Hus and Wickliffe had holden or written specially against the abuse and pompe of the Clergy , he would affirme euen vnto the death . And againe , that all such articles as Iohn Wickliffe and Iohn Hus had written and put forth against the enormities , pomp and disorder of the Prelates , he would firmely hold and defend . And persisting still in the praise of Iohn Hus , hee added moreouer , that hee neuer maintayned any doctrine against the state of the Church , but onely spake against the abuses of the Clergy , against the pride , pompe and excesse of the Prelates . For it was a greife to that good man , saith he , to see the Patrimonies of Churches mispent and cast away vpon harlots , great feastings and keeping of horses and dogges , vpon gorgeous apparrell , and such other things vnbeseeming Christian religion . And againe , I take God to my witnesse , that I doe beleiue and hold all the articles of the faith , as the holy Catholicke Church doth hold and beleiue the same , but for this cause shall I now be condemned , for that I will not consent with you vnto the condemnation of those most holy and blessed men aforesaid , vvhom you haue most wickedly condemned for certaine articles , detesting and abhorring your wicked and abhominable life . Whereby it is apparant , that both hee , and they did not speake against the function or calling of Bishops , but against the personall abuses and enormities of the Popish Bishops , which none but a viperous broode would apply to the persons of our Bishops , and much lesse against their sacred function . After them ariseth Martin Luther saith the refuter , whose sayings hee quoteth in his booke against Popish Bishops , of priuate Masse , and against the Papacie , &c. But for the first of these , Luther himselfe hath giuen vs this caueat . Let no man thinke that what is spoken against these tyrants , is spoken against the Ecclesiasticall state and true Bishops or good Pastors . Let no man thinke that what is said or done against these sluggish beasts and slowe bellies , is said or done against the heads of the Christian Church . And howsoeuer in the heate of his zeale against these Antichristian Bishops hee vttered some things vvhich seeme preiudiciall to the calling : yet you haue heard it testified before c by sufficient vvitnesses , that in his iudgement hee allowed the gouernment of Bishoppes . Whereunto adde the testimony of Camerarius d , that Melancthon non modò ad stipulatore sed etiam authore ipso Luthero , not onely by the consent , but aduise of Luther perswaded , that if Bishops would grant free vse of the true doctrine , the ordinary power and administration ouer their seuerall Dioceses should be restored vnto them . The like may be said of Zuinglius . For he that professeth as Zuinglius doth in the booke before e cited , that Iames was B. of Ierusalem , Philippe of Caesarea , Timothie of Ephesus ▪ cannot lightly speake against the Episcopall function it selfe . If he speake against the Popish Clergy for arrogating the name Church to themselues ; what is that to the purpose ? or if he affirme , that euery seuerall congregation according to the phrase of the Scriptures , is a Church who denieth it ? or if hee inueigh against the sole and supreme power of Bishops , whom doth this touch , but the Pope ? Oecolampadius might be of opinion that the Church was gouerned by onely gouerning-Elders , and perswade the Senate of Basill who had no Bishop , that such may be chosen to assist their Pastor ; and yet notwithstanding not disallowe the gouernment of Bishops . Caluin , Zanchius and other learned men haue said and done as much , who notwithstanding approued the Episcopall function . And as Melancthon was of Ieromes iudgement , that Bishop and Presbyter at the first was all one , so with Ierome he doth allowe the superiority of Bishops : and where the Episcopall gouernment was ouerthrowne ▪ he sought to restore it , as you haue heard before , and did restore it as may appeare by these testimonies . You f will not beleeue saith he writing to Luther , how greatly they of Noricum and some others doe hate me propter restitutam Episcopis iurisdictionem , for restoring the iurisdiction to Bishops . Againe g , some are wonderfully angry with me , because I seeme to restore the dominion of Bishops . Camerarius h also reporteth ▪ how inhumanely some accused Philip for maintaining of Bishops , &c. Where hee alleadgeth Master Tindall , affirming that in the Apostles times an Elder and a Bishop were all one , &c : he doth but play with names , which no man denyeth to haue been confounded , & so he saith i all that were called Elders or Priests if they so wel were called BB. also , though they haue diuided the names now . Yea but in his booke k of the obedience of a Christian man , he saith that a B. is the ouerseer but of a parish , and is to preach the word of God vnto a parish , and for the same to chalenge an honest liuing of the parish . This allegation the refuter hath notably wrenched . For Tindals words be these : by the authoritie of the Gospell they that preach the word of God in euery parish , and performe other necessary ministeries , haue right to chalenge an honest liuing . For Tindall speaketh of such a B. as was but a Presbyter ; and saith , that hee which preached the word in euery Parish , should haue an honest liuing , the refuter citeth him as saying , that a B. is but an ouerseer of a Parish , &c. In the next place he citeth Viret , as pleading for a popular state in euery church ; wherein , if the allegation be true , he is singular , hauing neither the iudgement of any other sound Diuine , nor practise of any reformed Church that I know of , No not of Geneua it selfe , to second him . For though the common wealth of Geneua be reduced to a popular state , yet the gouernment of the church by their consistorie , is Aristocraticall . And though he passeth by ( as well he might ) Caluin and Beza , Bucer , Peter Martyr , Bullinger , Brentius , Musculus , whom he thought good to mention onely as fauourers of the pretended discipline ; yet neither any of these , nor any other moderate and iudicious Diuine doth condemne ( as our Presbyterians doe ) eyther the ancient gouernment by Bishops in the primitiue Church , or the retayning thereof in reformed churches now , as hath been shewed before . But he is pleased to conclude with some of our own writers and Martyrs . And first with Francis Lambard , who is alledged as saying , that a B. and preacher , a church and a parish is all one , that euery parish should haue right to choose their Pastour , and ( which is a very vnaduised speech if it be truely alledged ) to depose him if he proue vnworthy , but not as disallowing the gouernment of the church by orthodoxal BB. eyther now , or in the Primitiue church , which was the point to be proued . And the like is to be said of Iohn Lambart , &c. As for Bradford whom hee citeth as holding that the Scripture knoweth no difference betwixt a B. and a minister , meaning that the names were confounded and that nothing is to be gotten by the succession of Popish BB. as minister not , but Lord it : yet nothing can be alleadged out of him to proue that he disalloweth the gouernment of orthodoxal Bishops . But it is strange , that he should alleadge B. Hooper , and B. Bale , as disallowing in their iudgement , the superioritie of BB. which they allowed in their practise . But all that is said out of B. Hooper , is eyther that BB. were not till Siluesters or Constantines time , such as they are now : ( which is true in respect of their outward estate , which by the peace and prosperitie of the Church was much increased , but is not to be vnderstood in respect of the substance of their calling ) or that excommunication should not be vsed by the B. alone ; which is little , or nothing to the present purpose , as if hee must needs disallow the Episcopall function , vvho vvould not haue the Bishop to excommunicate alone . B. Bale vnderstandeth by the names of blasphemie written on the heads of the beast . Apoc. 13. the titles of Popish offices , which he saith are vsurped , and not appointed by the holy Ghost ; among which when he reckoneth Metropolitanes , Diocesans , Parsons , Vicars , and Doctors , he cannot be vnderstood as speaking of these offices in the true church , but as they are members of Antichrist . For what is the office of a Parson , but of a Pastour , &c. And that this vvas his meaning , appeareth by the other allegation n , wherein besides the titles and offices of the Popish hierarchy ( among whom he reckoneth BB. Doctors & Priests ) he addeth temporall gouernors also , as Emperours , Kings , Princes , Dukes , Earles , Lords , Iustices , Deputies , Iudges , Lawyers , Mayors , Baylifes , Constables , &c. leauing their owne duetie offices ( as to minister rightly ) to serue their abhomination . After these , for want of better proofes , hee alleadgeth the testimonie of the English men which were at Geneua in Queene Maries time , and were the first authors of this contention for the pretended discipline among vs ; to whose testimonie in their owne cause , that they present to vs the forme of a Church limited within the compasse of Gods word , what should I answere , but that they haue often said , but neuer will be able to proue , that their discipline is prescribed in Gods word ? Lastly , he alleadgeth M. Foxe , whose testimonie though in vaine I sought in three seuerall editions ; yet his iudgement is apparant , by that which may easily be found . Hee therefore saith , according to the refuters allegation , that in the Primitiue Church there was not then any one mother Church ( such as the church of Rome now pretendeth her selfe to be ) aboue other Churches , but the whole vniuersall Church was the mother Church , vnder which vniuersall Church in generall were comprehended all other particular Churches in speciall ( hee meaneth the Churches of seuerall countreyes , and Prouinces ) as sister Churches together , not one greater then another but all in like aequalitie . What will hee hence conclude , that therefore there were no BB. nor Archbishops ? Not so . But that therefore as the Diocesan churches were equall , so were the BB. and as the Metropolitane churches were equal , so the Archbb. Heare Mr. Foxe o himselfe where he debateth this question . If they say there must needs be distinction of degrees in the church , and in this distinction of degrees superioritie must necessarily be granted for the outward discipline of the church for directing matters , for quieting of schismes , for setting orders , for cōmencing of Conuocations & Councils as need shal require , &c. Against this superioritie we stand not ; and therefore we yeeld to our superiour powers , Kings and Princes our due obedience , and to our lawfull gouernours vnder God of both regiments , Ecclesiasticall and Temporall . Also in the Ecclesiasticall state we take not away the distinction of ordinarie degrees , such as by the scripture be appointed , or by the Primitiue Church allowed . As Patriarkes or Archbb. BB. Ministers and Deacons , for of these foure we especially reade , as chiefe . In which foure degrees , as we grant diuersitie of office , so we admit in the same also diuersitie of dignitie : neither denying that which is due to each degree , neither yet maintaining the ambition of any singular person . For as we giue to the Minister place aboue the Deacon , to the B aboue the Minister , to the Archbishop aboue the B. so wee see no cause of inequalitie , why one Minister , should be aboue another minister : one Bishop in his degree aboue another B. to deale in his Diocese , or one Archbb. aboue another Archbishop . And this is to keepe an order duely and truely in the church , &c. Here then is the question betweene vs and the Papists , whether the Metropolitane church of Rome with the Archbb. of the same ought to be preferred before other Metropolitane churches and Archbb through vniuersall Christendome or not ? And thus I haue examined his testimonies , which if you shall compare with those whereunto in the Sermon I referred the reader ▪ you wil acknowledge , that he had little cause , either to accuse my speech of vntruth , or to iustle out the Surueyours testimonies with his own , as though they had not beene worthy to haue been heard in comparison of his . Wheras indeed if there had been no more testimonies alleadged , then of the authors of the Augustane con●ession and the subscribers therunto ( whom I especialy ment being the men who first were called Protestants ) my assertion had been sufficiently confirmed , though the refuter could haue alledged the iudgements of more particular men , then he hath done to the contrarie . But I added in the Sermon , that howsoeuer the first reformers of religion ( whom they cal Protestants ) did not disallowe the Episcopall gouernment , but simply desired the continuance thereof , ( as I haue now proued by their owne testimonies ) notwithstanding , when together with the Gospell , &c. ad pag. 97. li. a fine 4. In which words , I doe partly excuse the auncient Protestants , who first yeelded to the deposing of Bishops , and partly accuse the innouatours among our selues . The former I excuse , because they desiring chiefely , and aboue all , the instauration of religion & propagation of the gospell , which could not be obtained while the Popish BB. retayned their authoritie , were forced with the losse of the Episcopall gouernment to redeeme the free profession of the gospel . The refuter as if he were desirous to leaue them without excuse , saith , that is a bad excuse , because it was easier to choose one fit man among them to be their B. then to finde diuers Pastors and Elders meet for the Presbyteries . I deny not , but that among them there were some fit to haue been BB. yet the speech of the refuter is vntrue . It being an easier matter as the Fathers of the Affricane council professed , to find many fit men to be Presbyters ( especially if the laitie also afford fit men for that purpose ) then to finde one fit to be a B. But the refuter doth not consider , first who should haue ordained them , secondly , how they should haue been maintained , thirdly , and chiefely , whether the assistance of the ciuil Magistrates could haue been had for deposing the BB. vnles they had yeelded both to the dissolution of the Bishoprickes , and to the alteration of the forme of gouernment , &c. Now that the Protestants which subscribed to the Augustane confession did simply desire the continuance of the Episcopal gouernment ; I proue , because so soon as they could , they procured the restitution thereof though vnder other names , because the names of BB. & Archbb. by reason of the corruptions of the Popish prelates , were odious . And because the refuter shall no longer doubt , whether those Superintendents , and generall superintendents placed in Protestant churches , be for the substance of their calling , the same with BB. & Archbb. he shall heare the iudgement of Zanchius in this behalfe Who after he had signified his approbation of the auncient forme of gouernment by BB. and Archbb. and had confirmed the same by the testimony of M. Bucer , he addeth for further confirmation the practise of reformed churches , some wheerof both in deed & name haue retained BB. & Archbb. and besides saith he , in the churches of Protestants there are re ipsa in very deed BB. and Archbb. whom hauing changed the good Greeke names into bad latin words , they call Superintendents and generall Superintendents . Heare the history of the Augustane confession . Ministers may bereduced into 3. orders Deacons , Pastors & superintendents . Deacons we cal yong Ministers who are ioyned to Pastors &c. We call them Pastors , to whom though alone some church is safely cōmitted , not doubting but that they may rule the same without a colleague . Superintendents we cal these Pastors , who are set ouer other Pastors & Deacons . With vs saith Heerbrand there are Deacons , Pastors , speciall superintendents , and ouer them generall superintendents . But why in other churches the learned men haue not restored BB. I gaue this reason : for that they could not , eyther because the Popish BB. were still countenanced by the ciuill Magistrate , as in France : or because the forme of ciuill gouernment being after the expulsion of the B. changed into a popular state , could no more endure the gouernment of a B. then Rome after the expulsion of Tarquinius , the regiment of a King. The refuter saith they could , thereby insinuating that they would not . But doth he thinke that the Popish BB. in France countenanced by the state , would endure Antibishops to be set vp against them in their Diocese ? And for Geneua , is it not a plaine case , that , that state was so farre from admitting againe the gouernment of BB. that Caluin being out of hope to get a Presbytery established of Ministers alone , was faine to accept of a Presbyterie wherin twelue Citizens are ioyned to sixe Ministers ? neither is that to be omitted which Zanchius in the place before cited , doth adde in the next words . But euen in those Churches also where neither the good Greeke names , nor the bad Latine names are vsed , notwithstanding there vse to be some chiefe men , in whose hands all the authoritie almost is . Where therefore these be vpheld and Bishops repelled it may seeme to be but a controuersie concerning the names , but when wee agree of the things , why should we striue about the names ? At Geneua , while Caluin liued , he was the perpetuall president of their Ecclesiasticall Senate , differing rather in name , then authoritie from a B. And Beza likewise for the space of ten yeares had the like authoritie , till Danaeus comming thither that course was altered . Since which time ▪ Beza finding some inconueniences , which he knew not how to redresse , hath sometimes signified his desire to some ( whom I know ) wishing with all his heart , that with the reformation of religion the Episcopall gouerment in that church had beene retayned . And I haue beene very credibly informed , that the most learned and iudicious Diuines both in France , and Geneua , could well be contented , that the ancient gouernment by BB. were renewed among them . which neede not seeme strange to vs , seeing in the Church of Scotland , where the Geneua Discipline had for a long time beene practised , notwithstanding , when the matter was referred to voices , of that great number which were assembled to that purpose , there were not aboue fiue which stood for the Presbyterian discipline , as I haue beene informed by some that were there . But there are two things more in the refuters answere to be touched ; the one that against sense he chargeth me twice in this place as holding the gouernment by BB. to be so necessary as that there cannot be a visible Church without it . I say , against sense , because in the former part of this section I acknowledged that where this gouernment could not be had , others might be admitted : and in this place , I doe not onely excuse those Diuines which wanting the Episcopall gouernment brought in the Presbyteries , but also commend their fact as wisely performed . The other is , that out of a desire of contradicting me , hee denyeth the state of Geneua to be popular . But let Bodin vvho could discerne betweene the diuers formes of policie , be iudge betweene vs. The selfe same yeare saith he , that Andreas Doria did establish the Aristocracie at Geneua , did they of Geneua hauing expelled their B. change the Monarchy into a popular state . And after libertie was restored to the commonweale , although they ordayned a Senate or Councill of two hundred men , yet the people reserued to themselues the right & authoritie of making lawes , of creating the chiefe Magistrates , of making warre and concluding peace , which are the principall prerogatiues of Soueraigntie , called iura Maiestatis . In the latter part of this Section I did accuse the innouatours among vs , affirming that as in those places where orthodoxall Bishops could not be had , Presbyteries were wisely brought in : so are they very inconsiderately obtruded on those churches , where Bishops most soundly professing the Gospell of Christ are established ; especially , considering that the gouernment by Bishops is not onely simply good , and lawfull , but also in comparison to be preferred before the Presbyterian Discipline , as hauing better warrant . Here the refuter , who was so ready to take away the excuses vvhich I brought for other churches , hath nothing to pretend as an excuse for himselfe and his consorts . Serm. Sect. 2. pag. 97. Let vs now consider what practicall vses &c. to the end . The practicall vses concerne , eyther those who liue vnder the authoritie of the BB. or the reuerend Fathers themselues . The former , that for as much as the gouernment of Bishops is the ordinaance of God , wee would reuerence their persons , and obey their authoritie . The latter , that they would from this Text receiue , both comfort and encouragement in good things ; and also admonition , that as they are called starres and Angels , so they would endeauour to be answerable to their names . The latter vse the refuter toucheth not , neither doth hee gainesay the former , but professeth that what they are here exhorted vnto , they are and haue beene carefull to performe , appealing to all men whether they haue not alwayes reuerenced the persons and obeyed the authoritie of Bishops . Whereunto , though I could say some thing ; yet I will say no more but this ; that as I wish it were true in respect of the time past , so I pray to God it may be verified of them for the time to come . Amen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . FINIS . Errata , In the first Booke . Page 11. line 15. read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . P. 18. l. 8. pure , P. 39. l. 15. entyre Church , P. 48. l. a sin . 3 Councill or decree , p. 61. l. 20. dele or should , p. 66. l. 9. rather . pag. 67. l. a f. 5. M , D. meaning , p. 70. l , 1. call them , p. 87. l. 3. many new , p. 88. l. 6. as a l. 18. grandeuis , p. 89. l. 20. but whether , 91. l. a f. 10. as well he , p. 97 , Marg l : 3. pro 26. pag. 104. l. 24. and note P. 135. l. a f : 9. iointly , p. 152. l. vlt. dele all the Lent , 153. marg . l. 3. Insubres , 156. l. 24. proposition , 157.20 . matrix , 159. l. 8. Palestines , l. penult . sublimisas Ep scopalis , p. 161. l. 19. not vnwilling , 163. l. 4. ìus Sacerd. substernit , 164. l. 9 Lay-elders ▪ 165. l. a f. 6. Plane tree , 166. l. 13. seely Sophister , l. 18. maketh against me , 169. l. a f. 8. that T.C. th . 170. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 171 l. 19. commended , l. 26. Numidicus , l. vlt. at the 176. marg . l. a f. 5. graecorom 177. l. 3. haue suits , 178. l. a f. 4. coetum 179. l. 9. hath beene , 180. l. 20. desidi● . l. 25. exposition , l. vlt. the better 181. l. a f. 11. all these p. 189. l. 4. Decani i. Arch. p 196 , marg . l. 4. sc. & praes . p. 198. l. 25. all one , 203. l. 12. let them examine 204. l. a f. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 208. l. 16. sanedrin . l. 18. Gabinius , 209. l. 5. if yeo , l. 11 ▪ argue et , 212. l. 18. Apostaticall , 218. l. 10. referred , 222. l. 12. signifying , 231. l. penult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 232. l. 22. Syria , 236. l. a f. 11. à Canone marg . l. 3. Duaren . 238. l. 18. or of . In the second Booke . Page 2. l. a f. 6. City &c. p. 12. marg . l. 26. Tilius , l. a f. 8. Gangra . p. 14. l. vlt Cerdo . p. 18. l. 1. Melitena , l. Penult they l. vlt. their . p. 36. l. a f. 5. Matrix p. 40. l. 1. Coela p. 43. l. a f. 3. as the hyp . p. 46. l. 5. of Christians , p. 47. l. 18. possible that dele but , p. 56. l. a f. 4. and alwaies , p. 61. l. 16. Nicetas , p. 64. l. 2. & 20. Presbyteries , p. 76. l. 16. see Luk. l. 21. if nay , p. 80. l. 5. rawe , p. 98. l. 13. greater , 104. l. 17. & 19. or 56. p. 122. l. 6. & 7. acknowledge , 125. l. a f. 6. I meane 128. l. 3. pernicious l. 21. Ministeriall , 134. l. 23. Sasima , p. 135. l. a f. 3. villani , 139. marg . 31.32.33 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the third Booke . Page 12. l. 7. opposition , p. 15. l. 5. was intended , p. 18. l. penult . Sabellius , p. 22. l. 4. of the p. 31. l. 4. and Councils , p. 33. l. 24. degrees not so seldome as 9. p. 34. l. 25. ascent . p. 44. l. a f. 8. Tilius , p. 59. l. a f. 7. did forbeare . p. 60. marg . l. 1. Cornel ep . p. 61. l. 21. are called , p. 65. l. 11. dele him , l. 12. are so , p. 127. l. vlt. to other , p. 146. l. 21. to his . The fourth Booke . Page 6. l. 6. assume and p. 20. l. 16. businesse , p. 21. l. 27. did not , p. 23.14 . as these , p. 26. l. vlt. depositions p. 30. l. 7. of fact p. 69. l. a f. 9. reference , p. 84. l. 2. Apostle , p. 91 l. 8. Antoninus p. 98. l. a f , 4. I doe not assume , p. 99. l. 8. his deniall 113. l. 3. sauing 117 l. 9. Presbiteries , p. 133. l. penult . vnderstood , p. 134. l. a f. 9. would . p. 144. l. a f. 3. hath no● 151. l. a f. 14. in me 156. l. 15 , inueyed . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20733-e160 Thucydi● Medium beati . Ephes. 4 Tit. 2. ●● Phil. 2. ● Heb. 13 In 2 Ti● Notes for div A20733-e1270 Ad pag ¶ pag. 2. & 52. ¶ ¶ Ad pag ¶ ¶ See the whole storie in the acts and monuments , and in the booke called the B B. booke . Reformat . legum ecclesiast . tit . de diuin . officijs . Cap. 10.11 . Pag edi● 157 Cypr. simpl● lat . Hiero euag . Reform eccl . tit . diu . offic● Cap. 10. Cap. 11. Tit. de Ecclesia , & ministris eius , eorumque officys . Cap. 12. * Tit. de Ecclesia , & ministris eius , eorumque officijs . Cap. 1.2.3.4.5.6.7.8.9.10.11 . Pag. 90. fine . ¶ Ad. Pag. 5. ¶ Sir Edw : Cooke : de Iure regis Ecclesiast . fol. 8. In his premonition before one of his last bookes . Prefat : ad Lectorem in edit : latin● In hīnitio● 44. De p●● Rom. c. 25. T. C. l● part . 2.73 . H. sert . 4. T. C. l● 181. v● Whitg . Iewell ● fence of pologie . D. Whit● gainst ●● Car tw . In Prefa a Fol. 15. edit . 1552. b Fol. 16. c Artic. 5. Pr●●● his 〈◊〉 Act. Socr●●● log . Ad pa●●● Pag. 8. & 9. Bellarm. de Rom. pontif . l. 4. c. 24. & 25. Statut. An. Eliz. 1. In Bruto . ¶ a Ad. p 〈…〉 b The 〈…〉 is to vn●●●●stand , th● former ●●●swere 〈◊〉 not sup●●●●sed , and 〈…〉 this re●●●● ( if he 〈◊〉 the sam●●●●thor ) 〈…〉 gotten ●●●py then hath w●●●some c●●●●ons and ●●●tions pu●●●●shed the 〈…〉 againe , 〈◊〉 almost 〈◊〉 thing to abortiue●●● ( as may 〈◊〉 gathere● those fe●●● sheets th●●● were pr●●● but an in●●● on of ga●●● bitterne●●● c Ad pag. 8. ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ Ad pag. 9. ¶ Ierom. Epist. 152. fame nemo credit , nisi inconsideratus . Tertull Apolog. c. 8. (a) Ad. pag. 10. ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ Psal. 17.1 . Deut. 2 Psal. 15 1. Cor. 6. Ier. 36. ● ▪ Psal. 64. Notes for div A20733-e4520 Ad pag. ● His insul●● ouer the ●●thor of th●● Sermon . (1) The points in 〈◊〉 Sermō , m●●● and plain●● handled . (2) Neh●● 4.3 . (3) Cant● 15. The foxe● heretikes schi● ma●l●● ▪ Answ. to the 〈◊〉 pag. 15. 1. King. 20.11 . Ne● Pro Pl●● glori●● tu le●● dissi●●● spiri●● si ver●● soli●● (a) H●●● at the ●●● of the●●● 2. Ki●●● Cic. de orat . Suo iudicio tanquam sore● &c. 1. C●● Ad 〈◊〉 His 〈◊〉 at the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Abo●● Bez. i●●● 2. (a) The diuisiō of the Sermon , vvith the summe of the Preface thereof . Arist. Rhet. 3 . 1● . Sect. 2. Concern●●● the 2. 〈◊〉 prop●●●ded : and who are meant by 〈◊〉 gels . A● pag. 3. Sect. 3. Whether the Angels vvere 7 In Apoc. 1.11 . Ambros. in Apoc. 1. BB. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called the ●●gels of the●●● Churches . Infr. S. 12. in Apoc : 2. In Philip : 1. Notandum in hoc loco Timotheum in Ephesino Presbyterio , tum fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Antistitem , vt vocat Iustinus . Bez : in Tim. 5 : 19. Sect : ● Ad Pag. What 〈◊〉 of Bishop Angels 〈◊〉 The 2. quest concerning the qualitie their functio● Sect : 6. For the deciding of the former question , 2 things are to be knowne , by explication wherof the Text is explaned . Sect. 1. Whe● the Chu● were Di●●ses , or P●shes , and BB. Dio● or Parish●nall ; and this was p●●pounded ▪ discussed . Ad Pag. Pro. 21. ●● Anno. 1609. Wh 〈…〉 Kin 〈…〉 a m 〈…〉 som 〈…〉 rish 〈…〉 oce 〈…〉 Ad pa 〈…〉 Sec 〈…〉 Their 〈◊〉 that by sertion 〈◊〉 cesan 〈◊〉 Popelin ●●swered . Pag. 1●● Pag : 4● Pag : 1●● Montes perbi su●●● Aug : 〈◊〉 Psal. 10 ▪ Quid d 〈…〉 tanto fe●● hic prom●●●sor hiat● . parturiunt montes , nascetur ridiculus mus . Horat : de art : Poet. In their 〈◊〉 foure vntruthes co●●●tained . The first 〈◊〉 truth . In the booke of ordination it is presupposed , that a Minister may and ought to Minister the doctrine and sacraments and the discipline of Christ , as the Lord hath commanded , and as this realme hath receiued the same . Fol. 12. interrog . 2. The second vntruth . The thi●● truth . The four●● vntruth . (a) Euseb. in vita Constant . lib. 3. saith that Constantine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil ▪ Tol●t . ● . in sin● , edict . reg . de confirm . concil . Conc. Const. 5. Rogamus clemētiātisam saith the counsell to the Emperour Theodos. vt per litras 〈◊〉 pietatis ratum esse jubeas conf●●mesque concilij decre●um . Con. Chalc. ●ct . 3. sacro 〈…〉 edicto 〈◊〉 Marti●us the Emperour 〈…〉 confirmamus . (b) Sir Edw. Cooke do iure regis Ecclesiastico . H.I. & supplic . an 1609. Sect. 12. The 2. what preheminence the BB. had , and why this point was propounded . Conf. wit. Hart. pag● 461. Act. 20.1 Apoc. 2.1 . Sect. 13. Ad pag. 7. The refuter mistaking the reason and craftily concealing th● diuisiō whic● is among them ) is bol● to charge 〈◊〉 with foure vntruthes . That Caluin and Beza , &c. hold 1. that the Churches were Diocesan . Inst. lib. 4. c. 4. Sect. 1. Sect. 2. (a) de gradib . ministr . c. 24. (b) Plin. lib. 5. cap. 29. & 30. (e( So by A●●brose his w●●●rant hee calleth a B●sho● vvho saith th●●● Timothie wa● such a one at Ephesus . § Sect. 15. 2 That the onely gouerning Elders be of the Laitie , and annuall officers . Inst. lib : 4 : c. 12. Sect. 1. li. 4. c. 3. Se. 8 de grad : Ministr : c. 11. The Presby●●●●● & 〈◊〉 . pag : 112. De grad : Minist : cap. 11 pag : 64. § Sect. 16. 3 They held that the Angels were but Presidents of the Presbyteries . Inst. lib. 4. c. 4. Sect : 2. Vid T. C●li : 1.109 . & 110. Eccles. disciplia . ang , pag : 181.182 . In Apoc. 2.1 de grad : Ministr : cap. 20 114.123 . cap : 21 ▪ cap : 23.139 140. cap : 23.159.160 . cap : 24.168 . § Sect. 17.4 . That they held the Presidentship to haue bene but for a short time , and by course . (a) Sec T.C. lib. 1.110 . Eccl. discipl : Ang. pag. 184. De Minist : grad : cap : 23 pag : 142. ca : 141.153 . ca : 140.141 . ●ed hebdomadi●am hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fuisse , probabile est . pag : 143. The refu● his Cop●● plead for ●●cipline , n●● taught by ●●uin and o● learned Pr●●●tants , no●●ctised by 〈◊〉 reformed Churches . Sect. 18. The 5. poin● propounded . Sect. 19. The refuter by a forced Analysis , hath put the frame of the Sermon out of frame , to make himselfe worke . Pag. 9. Pag. 107. Pag. 53.70.84 . Sect. 1. That the ●●pute con●●●●ning Lay●●ders is no● impertine●● Pag. 49. fine . A● pag. 10. Pag. 6. li. 18. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Arist. M●taph . li. 10. c. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. Pag. 6. in med . Sect. 2. The summe of that which in the Sermon was said concerning Lay-Elders . § Sect. 3. Ad pag. 11. His cauill against the former part of the antecedent and the consequence deduced therefrom . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Arist. Poster 17. § Sect. 4. His answere to the latter part , and to the consequence inferred thereon . Pag. 12. Though by the refuter they were lewdly vnited as afterwards will appeare . Supplicat . anno . 1609. § Sect. 5. H●s answere to the assumption and first to the former part , that Presbyter alwayes signifieth a Minister . A● pag. 12. Cal. in Tit. His answere to the latter part of the assumption . § Sect. 6. : Ad Duraeū . Conf. with Ha●t . 4●3 . 464 (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mo● trium literarum tyrannus . Sacrificateurs . Co●r . Rhem. in Matth. 23. S. ● . In Act. 14. S. 4. In Lam. 5 l. 4. n Matt. 23. Presbyteri Pag. 251. § Sect. 7. His second accusation , chargeth mee vvith vntruth . Ad Pag. 13. § Sect. 8. The third i●putation of scorne and contempt . Instit. li. 4. c. 12. li. 1. Let our great Clergie men saith he , know and be all men by these presents giuen to vnderstand &c. De grad . Ministr . cap. 11. § Sect. 9. The dese●● of the 2. se●● on , seruing proue that there are 〈◊〉 sound testimonies fo● Lay-Elders and that the● are but two that I thou●● worth the a●●swering . Ad pag. 1. The refuters three wonders . § Sect. 10. § Sect. 11. Ad pag. 15. His answere to the challenge . (a) The abort●●e booke hath the●e worde , no man can reasonably looke that we should dispute the question . § Sect. 12. D● grad . Minist . ● . 13 § Sect. 2 Ad Pag. 1● His first reaso● of his denyal● of the consequence . § Sect. 3. His 2. reason , because their exposition fauouring Lay-Elders , hath the cōsent of new writers . His propositiō examined , and whether the authority of old writers , or new is to be preferred . Rheti . l. 1. c. 15. § Sect. ● . His assumption answe●ed 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 writers . § Sect. 5. Not all those whom he citeth , doe expound this tex● of Lay-Elders . Aduers . falso nomi● . Episc. 331. Dec. 5. Serm. 3. § Sect. 6. Ad pag. 21. His third reason : because my exposition is not made by any of the Fathers . Primas . in 1. Tim. 5.17 . 〈◊〉 1. Tim. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is to rise well , to spare or forbare nothing for the care of the sheepe . § Sect. 7. In Cant. 8 . 1● . The 2 reason that Lay-Elders 〈…〉 . Tim. 5.17 . 1. Thess. ● 12.13 . Ad pag. 22. § Sect. 2. His answere to the 2. reason , and first to the proposition . By appl●●o him . ●●6 . 16 . § Sect. 〈…〉 but a 〈◊〉 shift . Ad pag. 2. & ●4 . 2. King. 22. § Sect. 4. His 1. Reason that my exposition is a bare shift . § Sect. 5. His 2. Reason . § Sect. 6. Ad Pag. 25. His third reason , cōtaining 3. Syllogisme● § Sect. 7. Answere to his first syllogisme To the 2. 1. Tim. 4.3 . Attend to reading and doctrine . Pag. 7. & 8. § Sect. 8. His 3. Syllogisme answered . § Sect. 9. The reasons 〈…〉 exposition examined . The first reason . A● pag. 26. Caluin , in Act. &c. D. Whi●ak de pon● . Rom. pag. 1 § Sect. 11. Inst. li 4. c. 3. § 8. Caluin . in Tit. 1.5 . Pag. 101. In Act. 2 § Sect. 12. Pag. 14.15 . Tit. 3.8.14 . Ad pag. 28. Iohn , 21.1 . ▪ Act. 20.28 1. Pet. 5. ● ▪ Iohn . 21 . 1● 16.17 . To feede 〈◊〉 flocke , saith Raynolds , to perform● the dutie of Pastor vnto Conf. with ● 461. Cal. in 1. Pe● 5.2 Epist. 59. ad Paulinum . Apoca. 1.6 . In Act. 14.23 . In Act. 20.28 . Cons. w● Ha●● . p● § Sec● Ad. pag. 29. His cau●● the prop His spite against the assumption . Their 〈◊〉 th● tenanc● due to 〈…〉 Bez. in vit . An. 1536. 〈◊〉 1541. See the lawes of Geneua , & summ . capit . di●c●ph . Eccl. Gen●a inter e●ist . Calui●j Bez. de grad . M●●●● . c. 11. pag. ●● . 〈◊〉 ibid. 〈◊〉 before the Hel●et confess . Lib. 1. 179. § Sect , 4. His obiection denying their confession refuted . D. Bil●on . pag. 130. pag. 7. pag. 129.130 . Ad pag : 30. D. 〈◊〉 Pag. 90. 1. Tim. 5. 1. Pet 5. Lib. 1.17 ▪ 179. Chap. 14. Pag. 74. Chap. 4.5.6.7.9.11.12.14.16.17.18.19.31.34 . His 2 , Obiection . Gal. 6.7 . Lib. 1.178 . 1. Cor. 9.11 Obiect . 3. Obiect . 4. § Sect. The exc●tion , that Elders if need , are haue allo●●ance , ans●●red . T.C. In 1. Tim. 5.17 . § Sect. 7 His excepti●● that allowā● occasioned by the Elde● need , is yeelded for the● worke , answ●red . Ad pag. 3● § Sect. 8. No honour of maintenance appointed to Lay-Elders in Gods booke . See the suruey of discipli . Pag. 440.441 . Demōst Prefac . demons● Ibid. Luk. 19. & 27. Table o● cipl . § Sect. 9 The office Lay-Elders n●t prescrib● in the scriptures . Eccl. dis . fo . 5 T.C. l. pag : 16 Demons● pag : 1 : ● The parts the Elders ●ice , not p●●scribed in Scripture . Heb : 1 ▪ Leu. 19. Matt : 18 15 , 16 , 17 ▪ Eccl. discipl . 122 T.C. Beza Arguments prouing the office of Elders out of the Scripture , answered . § Sect. ●● Their 2. argument . 1. Thess. 5.12 . Act. 20.28 . Heb. 13.17 . 1. Pet. 5.1.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § Sect. 12. The qualitie of Elders , not described in Gods word . . 〈…〉 Pag 44 § Sect. 13. His 3. cau●●les against pag. 10. answered . a Vid ● confess . ● s. 30. Syn● Rom. sub syluest . c. 12. q. 2. ● . 27.28.2.30 . § Sect. 1● Ad pag. 3● His 2. ca●●● His 3. cauill The testimonie of Ambrose discussed Li. 2. part . ● Pag. 44. Chap. 3. § 9 & 10. Ad pag. 33 ▪ T ▪ 〈◊〉 . 1. pag. 183. Ioh. 2. 〈◊〉 . 2. pag. 44. § Sect. 2. Concerning the ma●●ation of the 〈◊〉 Do●●●rum . § Sect. 3. 〈◊〉 discussing 〈◊〉 testimonie ● . Amb●●se 17. pages 〈◊〉 . T. C. h. 2. part . 1. pag. ● 14. 〈◊〉 . 528. Luk. 1. pag. 41. 〈◊〉 1. Tim. 3.16 . § Sect. Three ●● noted in handling this tes●●●●nie of Ambrose . i) My re●● their caption , as ●●ging Ambrose , ●●●●red as ●●●dest . Ad pag. 3 & 35. In prefat . § Sect ▪ 5. The reason why their exposition was to be reiected . Ad Pag. 36. § Sect. 9. His answere to the Reason . The ● Con●●●●●●ce . Pag : 62● Apolog : c. 3 ▪ De offic . li. c. 20. § Sect. 7. The second consequence . Ad pag. 37. 1. Sam. 12.12 . Deut. 33.5 Iud. 17.6 . & 19.1 . & 21.21 . 1. Sam. 8.7 . 1. Sam. 8 11.12.13.14.15.16.17.18 . The .3 . consequence . § Sect. 9. The ● branch of the assumption 〈◊〉 Ambrose 〈◊〉 a Diocesan B. (a) Geograph . lib. 5. Insubres hac aetate sunt qui Mediolanum Metropolin habuere . (b) Epist. ad solita . (c) De grad . Min. c. 24. (d) Centur. 4 c. 10 . 11●7 . Ruffin . hist. li. 2 c. 11. Paulin. in vit . Ambr. (e) Theod. lib. 4. c. 5. (f) Balsam . in Conc. cost . in . c. 2. olim omnes pro. ●īciarum metropolitani , a proprijs synodis eligebantur . Conc C. haelc . act . 11. ostēdat Bassianus si per synodum ReMetropolis (n) Cap. 3. (o) Theodor . li 5. c. 18. (p) Ibid. (q) Epist. 32. ad valentin . imp . (r) Orat. in Auxent . l. 5. Epist. inter Epist. 32. & 33. Epist. 33. Cap. 11.157 . § Sect. 13. The 3. branche of the assumption . Cons. Aquil. Epist. 32. Ad Pag. 39. (a) Matt. 18. (b) Act : 14.23 . (c) Iam : 5. (d) Rom. 12.8 (f) Ad Trallian . (g) Apolo . 39 (h) In Esa. 3 (i) Quintil. li : 5. c : 10. (k) Topic 2.2 (l) Ier. 19.1 . Ps. 37.2 . § Sect. 2. Their argument vrged , & refuted . Ad pag. 40. Pag : 67. Pag : 26.29.31 . § Sect. 3. Foure things declared . First that BB. were called Doctores . (a) li. 2. part . 2. pag. 42. & 43. (b) Socr. lib. 5. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , (c) Sozom. li 7. c. 19. (d) Possidon . in vita . Augustini . (e) De offic . li. 2. c. 24. (f) Conc. Carth. graec . c. 54. Carthag . 3. c. 42. Mat. 23.8.10 . § Sect. 4. The 2. that Presbyters though not called doctores yet were Ministers . (g) Conc. Aneyr. c. 1. & . 2. Can. Apost . 8.14.16.17.50 . Conc. Nic. c. 3. Con. Carth. graec . c. 3. & 4. Carth. 2. c. 2. Antioch . c. 3. Chalced. c. 2. Sard. c. 10. &c. (h) Con. Carth. 2. c. 2. grae c. 3. (i) De prescript . aduers . herstico . (k) Lib. 4. Epist. 10. (l) Sacerdotibus . (m) Cum. Episcopo Presbyteri Sacerdotali honore coniuncti . lib. 3. epist. 1. (n) Ecclesiast . hierarch . c. 5. (o) Soz. li. 7. c. 19. (p) Isid. de eccles . offic . lib. 2. c. 7. q) Conc. Ancyr . c. 1. r) In Mat. 25. homil . 53. (s) Conc. Laod. c. 8. (t) Tertull. de baptism . Hier. adu . Lucifer . (u) Can. Apost . 3. & 31. Conc. Neocaesar . 13. C. Carth. graec . 4. Con● . Elib . c. 32. C. Const. in Trullo . c. 26. (x) Conc. Nic. c. 18. (y) Cypr. li. 3. epist. 14. & 15. (z) Hier. ad Euagr. (a) Conc. Ancyr . c. 1. & 2. (b) Can. Apost . 15. Conc. Antioch c. 3 & 4. (c) Con. Ancyr . c. 1. (d) Can. Apost . 58. (e) Ad Antioch . (f) In Ps. 37. hom . 1. (g) Ethic. 〈◊〉 . 70. (h) Instit. li. 4. c. 4. § 3. (i) Chry. in 1. Tim. 3. (k) Lib. 5. c. 22. (l) Socrat. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (m) Sozom lib. 7. c. 19. (n) Haeres . 68. (o) Possidon . in vita . Angust . c. 5. (p) August . Epist. 77. (q) Possid . in v●t . August . c. 5. (r) De 7. ordin . Eccle. (s) Dist. 95. c. 6. (t) Ad Nepotian . pessimae consuetudinis est in quibusdam ecclesijs tacere Presbyteros & presentib . episcopis non loqui . (u) Leo. epist. 88. in fine . (w) Conc. vasens . 2. c. 2. tempore . Theodosij . 2. (x) Ex Chrysost. in 1. Tim. 3. & Hieron . ad Euag. (y) Adeuagr . (z) in 1. Tim. 3. (a) Epist. Concil . Illyrici . apud Theodor. li. 4. c. 9. (b) Socrati . li. c. 11. (c) Con. Const. in Trullo . c. 3. (d) Cyprian . li. 1. Epist. 9. (e) Conc. Antioch . c. 3. Nicen. c. 15. Arelat . 2. c. 15. Laodic . c. 24. (f) D. Whit. 653. (g) T.C. l. 2. part . 2. pag. 68. in med . § Sect. 6. The 3. thatanciēt Ministers called Seniores were wont to assist the B. (h) Lib. 2. Epist. 5. & . l. 3. Epist. 10. & . 19. & 22 (i) Synod . contr . Chrysost . iur . gra●corom . 556. (k) ad Trall . (l) Apolog. c. 39. (k) Apolog. c. 39. (m) Clem : epist. 1 : ad Iacob . (n) de 7. ord : eccl : dist . 95 c. 8. (o) Centur. 4 7. pa. 490. § Sect. 7. The 4. that the Seniors aduise was growne out of vse in Ambrose his time . (p) Hier. de 7. ordin . eccl : c. 7 , & ad Nepotianum (q) Conc. Carthag . 4. (r) Can : 22. (s) Can : 3. (t) Can. 23. (u) C : 32. (w) C : 34. & 35. (x) C : 37 & 39. (y) Con : Nic. c. 18. § Sect. 8. Though doctorum should signifie learned , yet this place maketh not for Lay-Elders . Ad pag. 41. Ad pag. 42. (a) Gen. in Tit. 1. (b) Ierom. in Esa. 3. (c) Ad Rusticū 16. q. 1. c. 7. Ecclesia . (d) Dist 95. c. 6. ex . lib. de 7. gradib . Eccl. (e) Conc. Carth. 4. c. 23. (f) Though the Clergie were to be present , yet none but Presbyters were the Bishops coassessors : for Deacōs might not sit amōg Presbyters , C. Nic. c. 18 Hier. ad Euagr. presbyteri sedeni , Diaconi stant . (g) Chap. 11.160 . § Sect. 9. Ad pag : 43. Whether slothfulnes & pride must necessarily be referred to the same subject Doctorum : signifying Learned : and being a common title both to BB. and Presbyters . § Sect. 10. The reasons why I reject their inferēce , first dissembled by the refuter , and then depraued . § Sect. 11. His encountring with the conclusion . Ad pag. 44. Whether the BB. did put off the burden to their Chancellours , &c. (a) Ambros : epist : 80. (b) Cap. 23. (c) Turon . 2. c. 7. (d) Cō . Cart. graec : c. 20. siue Carth : 3. c. 8. (e) cō : hispal : 2. c. 6. (f) Conc. Carth. 4 c. 23. (g) August . Confess . lib. 6. c. 3. (h) August . Epist. 110. Non permittor ad quod volo vacare ante meridiem ▪ post meridiem occupationibus hominum teneor . (i) Possid . in vita August . c. 19. (k) Constit. Nouell . 123. c. 21. (l) Lib. 7. Epist. 66. (m) Conc. hispal . 2. c. 9. (n) Socrat. lib. 7. c. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. § Sect. 12. Of Deanes and Chapters and Cathedrall Churches . That there were Cathedrall Churches in Ambrose his time . (o) Conc. Carth. 5. c. 5. (p) Carthag . graec . c. 72. (q) Carthag . c. 122. siue Affric . c. 88. Item . Carthag . graec . c. 54. siue Affric . c. 20. Conc. Mileuit . c. 24. & 25. (r) Conc. Carth. 3. c. 46. Carth. gr . c. 124. Affric . c. 90. (s) Conc. Aurelian . 3. c. 18. Conc. Neocaesar . c. 13. (t) Theodoret . l. 5 c. 18. (u) Paulin. in vita Ambr . nihil sibi quod hic suum diceret , derelinquens . (x) Theod. lib. 5 c 18. (y) Theodor . l. 3. c. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (z) Lib. 4. c. 18. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (b) Socrat. lib. 6. c. 9. Iure gaecorum . in synod . Contr. Chrysost . pag. 557. (c) Hist. tripart . li. 10. c. 10. (d) Conc. Carth. 4. c. 17 (e) Ad Rustic . Monach. tom . 1. pag. 46. (f) Decret . Gregor . li. 1. tit . 23. deoffic Arch. c. 7. (g) Duaren . de sacr . Eccles. minist . & benef . lib. 1 c. 8. (h) Con● . Turonens . 2. c. 20. (i) Concil . Agath . c. 15.12 . q 2. c. 32. ●ist . 50. c. 64. (k) Cypr. lib. 3. Epist. 11. (l) Ambros. Epist 80. (m) Hier. in Esai . 3. (n) Conc. Neocaesar . c. 13. (o) Conc. Agath . c. 22. (p) Tertull. Apol. c. 39. (q) Ambr. in 1. Tim. 5.1 . (r) Conc. Ancyr . c. 13. (s) Instit. li. 4. c. 5. (t) De sacr . Eccle. minist . ac . benef . li. 1. c. 7. § 16. Ad pag. 46. § Sect. 14. The reasons why the Councell of Seniors was neglected . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * viz : Twice a yeare . Conc. Nic. c. 5. Antioch . c. 20. Chal. ced . c. 19. Pag. 46.47.48 . Two conclusions inferred vpon the disp●oofe of Lay-Elders . Chap. 10.155 . Ad pag. 49. Ad pag. 50. § Sect 2. The first allegation . Matt. 18.17 . Chrys. in Mat. 18. presulibus S●eta● presidentibus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theoph. in Mat. 18. For of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the genitiue plurall is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the rule , in d●●abus primis declinationibus ge●i 〈◊〉 plurales circumflectuntur . Paraphra . in Mat. 18. Sect. 3. The 2. allegation . Act. 14.23 . Lib. 2. part . 2. pag. 36. In verse . 26. from thence they sailed to Antioch , the coppie wheron Oecum , writeth , hath M●letum . The 3. allegation . Iam. 5.14 . The 4. allegation . Rom. 12.8 . Ambrose in Rom. 12. The 5. allegation . 1. Cor. 12.28 . In 1. Cor. 12.28 . § Sect. 4. A common exception against these allegations . § Sect 5. New writers falsified by the refuter . De concil . qu. 5. cap. 3. In Act. 14.23 . In Act. 14. In act . 14.23 . In Iam. 5.14 . Act. 14.23.15.4.6.22.24 . & . 20.17 28. Tit. 1.5 . Th. Morton . in 1. Cor. 12.28 . Mat. 18.17 . vrged by T.C.l. 1. pag. 176. T. C. lib. 2. part 2 pag. 46. Ad Al●gasiam . qu. 10. Leuit. 10.10 . § Sect. 2. T. C ibid. pag. 47. Matt. 23.2 . de Rep. Hebr . l. 2. cap. 8. De polit Iudaic . c. 18. Sigon li. 5. c. 10. Act. 13.15 . & 18.8.17 . Bez. de presbyt . & excōmun . 102. Bertr . de polit . Iudaic. c. 18. Bez : vbisup : Eccl : disc . § Sect. 3. Calu : in Matth : 18.17 . Bez : de presbyt , & excō : p. 106. neque ambigimus quin Chrūs ad verāistā institutionem ecclesiastici Synedrij respexerit Counterpois . 4. Reason for Elderships . Exod : 18.21.22 . Deut : 1.15.17 . Num : 11.16.17 . Deut : 16.18 . Deut : 17.8 . Verse . 5. Verse . 8. Ioseph . antiq . lib. 14. c. 11. Sigon . lib. 6. c. 7. § Sect. 4. The proposition confuted . Perpet . gouern . chap. 4. Matt. 18.6.7 10. Vers : 15. Leuit : 19.17 Iam : 5.20 . Vers : 16. Vers. 17. Vers. 18. Matt : 16.19 Iohn . 20.23 . Vers : 19.20 . In Matt : 18 17. & in Marc : 5.22 . Matth : 16.19 . Ioh : 20.23 , § Sect. 5. The assumption confuted in Math : 18.17 . Lib : 2. part : 2 pag : 41. Exod : 28. Numb : 11. De presbyt : & excomm : pag 103. Lib : 2. part : 2. pag : 40. Exod : 4.29 . See Beza , de Presbyt : & excomm : pag : 101. 2 King : 6.32 Ezek : 8.1 . Nehem : 8.2 . § Sect : 6. 2. Chron : 19.8 , 10 , 11. Num : 11.16 Ezek : 8.11 . Sigon : li. 6. c. 7 , ex Talmud : Lib. 6 , c , 4 , ex Ier : 19 , 1 , Lib , 4 , Antiq , 8. De presbyt : & excom : pag : 104 - Leuit : 10 , 10 Cap. 11. 2. Chron. 26.17 Pag. 103.104 . § Sect. 7. Shoterim . See 1. Chron 234. Deut. 17.9.10 . In Pentateuch . in deut . 17 9. Also see Deu. 19 17. Sigō de rep . Hebr. lib. 6. c. 7. Antiq. lib. 9. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Synedrion fuisse . 71. cui precrat Sacerdos Summus . The high Priest had autho●itie to call or assemble the counsell , till the time of Antipater Herods Father , but after wards not without the Lieuetenants leaue . Sigon . li. 6. c. 7. Iosep. l. 20. Cal. in Mat. 18. (a) Li. 4. c. 8. (b) Li. 6. c. 7. (c) Luk. 22.66 . Esa. 1.26 . Ezek 44.24 . Contr. Appion . lib. 2. § Sect. 8. Exod. 18. Deut. 1. & . 16. 2. Chron. 19. De presb . & excom . pag. 102. 5.22 . de presbyt . 112. Pag. 103. Mat. 10.17 . & 23 34. Act. 22 19. Cap. 13. § Sect. 9. Cap. 18. In Mat 18.17 . In Num. 11.16 . Sigon . lib. 6. c. 7. ex Talmud . & Petr. Galatin . Act. 6. & 7. and 22.4.5.19.20 . and 24.6 . & 16.10.11 . Deut. 17.12 . § Sect. 10. Act. 14.23 . T. C. lib. 1.174 . Tit. 1.5 . act . 14.23 . Tit. 1.5 . De relig . pag. 1 68. In Act. 14.23 . In Act. 14.23 . Lib. 2. part . 2.35 . & 36. Lib. 4. c. 3. § 8. Caluin . in Tit. 1.5 . Counterpois . arg . 6. for Elders . § Sect. 11. 5.14 . Counterpois . argum . 5. for Lay-Elder . 1. Tim. 4. 1. Thess. 5.14 . 1. 5.12.14 . Bez. in Iam. 5. Mar. 6.13 . Zanch. de relig pag. 168. § Sect. 12. Rom. 12.8 . Counterpoison . arg . 2. for Elders . Rom : 12.6 . See D. B●lson , Pag. 137 , 138. Lib. 4. c. 4. Sect. 8. Inst. li. 4. c. ●● § Sect. 4. In Rom : 12.8 . The countterpois . Beza de presbyt : & excōm . 113. Coll. 3.16 . Heb. 3.13 . In Tit. 1. sect : 2. contra Rhem. § Sect. 13. 1 Cor. 12.28 . Bez. de presbyt : & ex : cōm : 113. T. C. lib. 2. part . 2.38 . Counterpois : Argum : 3. for Elders . Vers : 27. Eph. 4.11 . Chrysost. 1. Cor. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acts. 20.35 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oecum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost : in 1. Cor : 12. 1. Cor : 12.31 . & 14.1.3 . In 1. Cor. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ambros : in 1. Cor : 12. A-Apostolos ] ipsi Episcopi sunt . Theodoretus Eccleesiarū administrationes per haec significauit . Anselm : Th : Aquin : Dyonisius , Carthus : N. Lyranus . in 1. Cor : 12. * Ad pag : 5● § Sect. 2. The testimonies of Ignatius answered . Lib : 2. part : 2.45 . H.I. pag : 67 , Protestat . out of Sc. 41. Ad Trallian . Ad Trall . Ah Smyrn . Ad Tarsens : Ad Philadelp Ad Smyrn . Ad Trall . Ad Smyrn . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad Maguel . The Senate of the Apostles . Ad Antioch . (a) Ad Philadelph . (b) Ibid. § Sect. 3. (c) The testimonie of Tertulli . apolog . Cap. 39. (d) T. C. and after him the counter poi● . cite this testimonie thus : If there be any that hath committed such a fault that he is to be put away from the pertaking of the prayer of the Church , and from all holy matters or affaires : there d● beare rule or be presidents , certaine of the most approued ancients or Elders , which haue obtained this honour , not by money , but by good report . (e) Dc c●rona militis . Lib. 1. ad vxorem . De Monogamia : quem librum scripsit aduersus Ecclesiam . Hierom. in Catalog . Pag. 649. Pag. 650. Pag. 651. Li. 2. part . 2 Pag. 41. § Sect. 4. The testimonie of Cyprian answered . Demonstr . c. 12. H. I. pag. 67. Lib. 2. part . 2.42 . Cypr. lib. 4. epist. 5. Li. 1. epist. 9. Sportulantes fratres . Li. 4. epist. 5. Li. 1. epist. 9. 2. Tim. 2.4 . Duaren . de sacr . eccl . minist . & b●n . lib. 1. c. 18. C. de sacro . cccl. l. placet . &c. Lib. 3. epist. 14. & 15. Lib. 3. epist. 22. Clero proximos . Doctorem audientium . Theod. Balsam . in Conc. Nēocaess . c. 5. & Ancyr . c. 20. Niceph li. 5. c. 4. Euseb. lib. 6. c. 20. Niceph. l. 5. c. 14. Hier. adeuagrium . Li. 3. epist. 1. Pag. 11. Pag. 41. Perpet . gouern . Chap. 11. Ad pag. 52. Lib. 4. c. ult . Notes for div A20733-e54420 The second point of the 5. The 3. point . Pag. 53. §. 2. How the word Ecclesia is taken in the Scriptures . a Act. 19.32.39.40 . Psal. 22.23 . & 26.5.12 . & 149.1 . Nehem. 5.7 . in the Greeke translation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 §. 3. What is to be called a Church . § 4. Visible Churches not parishes only , H. I. pag. 6. Of the Iewes there may , so oft as there is mention of their synagogues . § 5. The acceptation of the words , ecclesia , &c. in the antient Writers . The acceptations of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , paroecia . §. 6. Paroecia be●okening a Bishop's charge , doth signifie a diocesse . a Can. Apost . 14. b Euseb. l. 3. de vit . Constantini , pag. 146. c Conc. Nic. c. 15. d Conc. Antioc . c. 21. e Epist. synod . Sardic . apud Theodor. l. 2. c. 8. f Con. Sard. c. 15. g Conc. Ancyr . c. ●8 . Conc. Antioch . c. 18. Martin . Brac c●a● , Capi● . synod . gr . c. 10. e● . 12. h Epiph. epist. ad Ioan. Hierosol . apud Hieronym . t. 2. § 7. The like vse of the word in later times . i Conc. Aruern tempore Pelag. c. 9. k Conc. Toletā . 3 tempore Pelag . c. 3. l Lib. 7. epist. 110. m Apud Bedā . in b●st . Angl. l. 4 c. 5. can . 2. .6 . n Con. Arelat . sub Carolo Mag c. 17. o Conc. Mogunt . c. 31. p Conc. Rotho ▪ mag . c. 6. q Vorm●tien● . c. 62. That in Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paroecia signifieth the Diocesse . r Euseb. l. 6. c. 1. s L. 6. c. 8. t Lib. c. 26. u L. 6. c. 3● . Euseb li. 4. c. 15. & l. 5. c. 23 The 2. signification of Paroecia betokening the city or chiefe seat of the Bishop x Can. apost . 34 y In the Coūcel of Chalcedō Act. 11. the 16. & 17. Canōs of the coūcell of Antioch are out of the booke of the Canōs of Coūcels quoted as the 96. & 97. Canon , which sheweth that the ancient book agreeth with the edition of Til●us , which reckoning the Apostles Cano●s by thēselues alloweth 20. Canōs to the Councell of Nice , 25. to that of Ancyra , 15. to the Counc . of Neocesaria & 20. to the counc . of Gangra , all which arise to 80. Whereto if you adde the canons of the councill of Antioch the 16. of that councell will be the 96. & the 17. the 97. z Conc. Antioch . c. 9. § 9. The third signification of paroecia . C. Tolet. 3 ▪ c. 20. a Carth. 4. c. 102. b Conc. Tolet. 4. c. 25. & 26. c Inn. ● . ep . 8. ad Flor. d Epist. l. ad . Decent . c. 5 , §. 11. The significations of Dioecesis . Sozom l. 8. c. 3. Ius Graecorom p. 89. a Cod. lit . tit . 4. de Episcopali audientia . The Diocesse of a Patriarch . §. 29. Sancimus , graece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & Nouell . 123. c. 22. b H●rcalea was the Metropolis of Thracia , vnto which Byzantium had beene subiect . c Cesarea was the Metropolis of Palestina . d In s Graecor●m . p. 100. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g Theod. l. 4. c. 23. h Epiph. haer . 68. i Ioan. Diac. in vit . Greg. l. 3. c. 13. The Diocesse of an Archbishop . k Conc. Chalc● . 8. & 17. l Chalc. c. 28. m Socrat. l. 5. c. 8. n Lib. 3. Epist. 3. o Li. 1. c. 7. §. 9 § 12. The Diocesse of a Bishop . p Conc. Const. 1. c. 2. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. s Conc. Afric . c. 65. Carth. Graec. c. 101. t Conc. Carth. 2 c. 11. Dioecesis taken for the country , and parts of the Diocesse therein . u Con. Afric . c. 84. Conc. Carth. grae . c. 118. * Con. Afric . c. 38. & Carth. graec . 72. Carth. 5. c. 5. x Carth. grae . c. 14. y Conc. Carth. 2. c. 5. z Conc. Carth. graec . c. 57 siue Cart. 3. c. 46. Afric . c. 23. a Conc. Tolet. 4. c. 35. b Ibid. c. 32. c Conc. Braccar . 2. c. 2 d Conc. Agat . c. 53. & 54. e Aurelian . 3. c. 18. f Aurel. 4. c. 32. Conc. Carth. gr . c. 54. & 101. §. 2. Decrees of the councils of Africke . Conc. Carth. 2. c. 5. Conc. Carth. 3. c. 42. et . 43. Carth. gr . 54. l Ibid. c. 46. Carth. gr . c. 57. m Conc. Afr. c. 65. Carth. gr . c. 101 n Cart. gr . c. 54. § 3. Decrees of Fathers . o Clem. ep . 1. ad Iacob . p Anaclet . ep . 3. c. 2. q Leo ep . 87. ad episc . Afr. c. 2. The decrees of councels . r Conc. Sardic . c. 6. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u Con. Constant . in Trull . c. 2. x Conc. Laodicen . c. 56. alids 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for so Balsam and some manuscripts and latin translations , read ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y Phot. Nomecan . lit . 1. c. 19. z Conc. Tolet. 12. c. 4. z Conc. Tolet. 12. c. 4. So Burchardus readeth decret . lib. 5. c. 32. §. 4. That Chorepiscopi or country BB. vvere not parish BB. a Conc. Neocaes . c. 13. b Ibid. c. 14. c Theod. Bals. in Conc. Neocaesar . d Conc. Ancyr . c. 13. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. f Conc. Antio . c. 8. the Latins call them for matas literas . g Con. Antioc . c. 10. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i Damas. epist. 4. de Chorepiscopis . k Conc. Neocaesar . c. 14. l Leo epist. 88. m C. Hispal . 2. c. 7. §. 5. The second argument taken from Country Bishops . n Con. Nic. c. 8. o Conc. Rhegiens . c. 1.2.3.4 . §. 6. Parishes had not Presbyteries . p Conc. Sardic . c. 6. q Leo epist. 87. r Conc. Carth. 4. c. 102. s Conc. Eliber . c. 77. The parishes had not the power of Ecclesiasticall gouernment . t Conc. Carth. Gr. c. 54. siue Carth. 3. c. 42. u Iustit . l. 4. c. 4. §. 2. § 7. The parishes of the Cities had not seuerall Bishops . x Lib. 3. cap. 3. a Euseb. lib. 6. c. 43. b Cypr li. 2. epist. 11. c Li. 3. epist. 2. d Euseb. l. 6. c. 43. e Epist. Cornel. ap●d Cypr. l. 3. epist. 11. f Contr. Parmen . l. 2.40 . & quod excurrit basilicas , &c. g Haeres . 69. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i L. 5. Orthod . fid . c. 1. § 8. The Churches which had Bishops set ouer them were dioceses . k Ca● . Apost . 34. l Conc. Antioch . c. 9. m Cont. Carth. Gr. c. 54.72 . n Conc. Neo●●sar . c. 13. o Cont. Agat● . c. 22. The second reason . p Cont. Ephes. p●st . aduent . epist. Cyp. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r Conc. Carth. gr . c. 54. s Ibid. c. 57. t Conc. Chalced . c. 17. u in T●●●lo . c. 25. § 9. The third . reason . x Confessed by Caluin . Inst. l. 4. c 4. § 2. & Bez● de grad . c. 24. y Conc. Ancyr . c. 13. Conc. Antioch . c. 10. The fourth . reason . a Exempl . libelli syn . Ephes. oblati ab Euprepio & Cyrillo Episcopis . b Ignat. epist. ad Rom. c Socrat. l. 4. c. 12 d Nazianz. encom . Cypr. Conc. Const. Trull . c. 2. e Theodor. l. 5. c. 4. f Sozum . l. 5. c. 1● . g Sozum . lib. 6. c. 21. Pag. 53. §. 2. That the 7. Churches were Dioceses . Pag. 66. §. 3. Ad page . 54. His answer to the proposition . V●de infir . lib. 4. c. 4. § 3. What is the hypothesis of of a cōuexiue proposition . § 4. Their instāce concerning Cenchreae . Rom. 16.11 . Luke 8.3 . Rom. 16.2 . §. 5. §. 6. a Bez. de grad . c. 24. b Rain . & . H. 542. c Caes. Baron . an . 39.10 . Wolfg. Laz. de rep . Rom. l. 2. c. 12. Beat. Rhena●● . in lib. Not●t . prouinciar . imp . Rom. in descriptione Illyrici . d Const. in Trullo . c. 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e Act. 19.10 . f Act. 20.31 . g 1. Cor. 16.19 . i 1. Pet. 1.1 . k Testified by Origen . Eusebius , Epiphanius , Chrysost. Nazianz . apud Caes. Baron . in a● . 44.29 . l Coloss. 1.7 . §. 7. His answere to the assūption . §. 8. Churches called Cities . m Euseb. Chr. an . 45. Ann. 71. n Socrat. lib. 1. fol. 177. a. o Epist. ad Epise . Afric . p De sentent . Dionys. q Conc. Const. 1. c. 1.2.3 . r Const. in Trul. c. 2. s Ignat. ad Polycarp . t Epist. 1.2.3 . &c. u Euseb. l. 4. c. 15. * Euseb. l. 4. c. 15. § 7. The 1. proofe of the assumption , viz. that the seuen Churches contained both the Cities and Countries adioining . Ad pag. 55. x Supr . §. 2. § 10. Whether Christ wrote to all the churches in Asia . Ad pag. 56. a Strabo Geograph . lib. 13. b Erasmus Annot , in Rom. 16. c Erasm. in Act. 16. d Ptolem. calleth Mysia Pergamene , maior . e Mysiae principatum Pergamum obtinuit . Aen. Sylu. in Asia minor . C 62. Acolis quondam Mysia appellata . Plin. l. 5. c 30. Ptolemy among the Cities of Lydia , and Maeonia reckoneth Thyatira , Sard●s and Philadelphia . f Strabo l. 13. g Ptol. l. 5. c. 2. h In Maximo . i Subscript . Con. Nicen. k In Chronico . l Tacitus saith in the 6. of Nero , and so as it is thought within two yeares after the Epistle to the Colossians was writen . Tacit. l. 14 codem anno Scil. 6. Neronis exillustribus Asiae vrbibus Laodicea tremore terrae prostrata , nullo a nobis remedio proprijs opibus reualuit . m Cal. in argum . epis . ad Coloss. n In Coloss. 1. o Iur. graecor●m . pag. ●8 . num . 54. p Prefat . in Epist. ad Coloss . q Act. 18. r Action● . s Iu● . graecevom . pag. 90. §. 12. That some of the seuen Churches were mother Cities . t Plin. l. 5. c. 29 et 30. u Actio . 6. x Iur. gracorom . pag. 90. y Actio . 3. z Iur. graecorā . 88. a Page 90. b page 94. c page 100. Ad pag. 54. Mat. 13.53 . Act. 20 . 1●.31 . Iohn 10. Acts 1● . 10 . Ad. Pag. 5● . §. 4. c Alasco . §. 6. Ad pag. 59. § 7. Act. 20.28 . Ioh. 10.16 . Act. 20.28 . Mat. 1.21 . Sup. cap. 1. Ad pag. 60. Ad page ●● . §. 2. His consequence denied . § 3. The Church of each citie not one parishionall congregation onl● . He should haue added , and the towns about . Ad. Pag. 62. T. C. H.I. § 4. Of the number of Christians in one Citie . Ad pag. 63. Act. 2.41 . Act 4 4. Act. 6.1.7 . 2. Tim. 1.15 . §. 5. Pag. 57. & 63. Whether all in Asia made an apostasie from the faith in Pauls time . 2. Tim. 4.16 . Chrys. in 2. Tim. 1. hom . 3. §. 6. Of the number of Christians at Ierusalem . Ad pag. 64. §. 7. He retorteth my argumēt . Act. ● . 1 . Rom. 9.10.11 . After which time the BB of Ierusalem were of the Gentiles , who till then had beene of the circumcision . § 8. The church of Ierusalem not parishionall . Conc. Nic. c. 7. Act. 1.5 . §. 9. My Instance from the City of Rome . Ennead . 7. l. 4. De viti● R. pōtif . in Euaristo . De vitis pōtif . Will. Harison Prebendary of Windsore . §. 10. Ad. Pag. 65. Iust. Mar● . Apolog . 2. §. 11. Plat. de vit . pontif . in Dionysio . Presbyteris ecclesi● et coemiteria in vrbe Roma statim diuisit . Dionys. epist. ad Seuerī . De episcopat . et titul . &c. §. 12. The testimony of Cornelius . Euseb. l. 6. c. 43 The testimony of Tertullian . Tertul. apol . c. 37. Ad Scapulam . § 13 : The time and place . De origin . templor . c. 6. Lib. 5. de inuent . c. 6. De orig . err●rum . lib. 1. c. 21. Ad pag. 66. The Refuters first argumēt . § 2. Whether the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , and Antioch were each of them but a parish . Page 60. § 3. Whether the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , and Antioch , were each but one congregation . His proofe out of Scripture . In respect of Antioch hee might haue said 45. Corinth was situated in Isthmo , betweene two seas , hauing on either side a port , the one Cenchreae , seruing more properly for Asia ; the other Lechaeum , seruing for Italie and other parts of Europe : Strab. l. 8. Ad pag. 67. § 4. His testimonies out of humane writings . a Ignat. ad Eph. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Epist. ad Magnes . d Igna. ad Ro. e Ad Rom. f P●rk . problem . g Euseb. l. 3. c. 35.36 . Tindal . pag. 250. D. Fulk . in Eph. 5. ● . 2. Ad pag. 68. Tindal . pag. 135.250 . Vid. infr lib. 4. c. 7. § 9. § 5. His second rancke of instances . Ignat. ad Magnes . Ad Philadelph . Ignat. ad Magnes . Ad Philadelph . Ignat. ad S●yrn . Tertull. apolog . c. 39. Eusebius . Eus. l. 3. c. 11. § 6. The Refuter obiecteth that we haue no diocesan , because we haue two prouinciall Churches . Ad page 69. C. Antioch . c. 10. The councell of Sardica calleth the metropolitan the gouernor of the prouince . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § 7. Of Metropolitanes , when they began . In Conc. Constant . 1. c. 2. Conc. Nic. c. 6. De gradib . c. 24. De. grad . c. 20. Euseb. l. 5. c. 23 Ex Balsam . in Conc. Ephes. c 8. & exemplar . suggest . de Cypri . Episcopis & ex Decreto Conc. Ephes. post aduentum Episcoporum Cypri . Can. Apost . 35. Conc. N●c . c. 5.6 Constant. 1. c. 2 Trodus , Sabinus , Epiphanius , & qui ante Illos sanctissimi Episcopi , & quia sanctis Apostolis erant omnes orthodoxi ab his qui in Cypro Constituti sunt . § 8. Metropolitan Churches are proofs rather then disproofs of Diocesan . Ad page 70. §. 2. This third point deduced from the second . Lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 16. Ad pag. 71. §. 3. The analysis of this section and that which followeth . Ad pag. 72. & 73. Tit. 1.12 . That the Bishops had the charge of all the parishes in the city after they were diuided or set out . Ad page 74. a By T. C. pa. nusquam . Euse. l. 2. c. 15 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d Euse. l. 5. c. 9 e Lib. 5. c. 2● . f Lib. 6. c. 1. g Lib. 6. c. 35. h Socra . l. 2. c. 6 i Euseb. l 9. c. 6 k Ruf. l. 1. c. 19 l Socr. l. 4 c. 13. m Epiphan . haeres . 69. n Epist. ad R● o Eus. l. 5. c. 23 p Theo. l. 5. c. 4. q Li 4. c. 11. r Socr. l. 2 c 18 s Soc. l. 7. c. 3. t Euseb. l. 3. c 4 u Lib. 4. c. 21. * Theodor. in 1. Tim. 3. x in 1. Tim. 5.19 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad pag. 75. The refuters answere to these testimonies . a H●mil . 1. in . Tit. b De script . ec●les . in Tit● . c Praefat. in 1. ad Tim. d Epist. ad Io●n . Hieros . apud Hierony● . ● . 2. e Lib. 2. cou●r . Par●en . f Euseb. in vita Const. Theod. l. 1. c. 19 g In epist. ad Leon. M. h Ex Cont. Ephesin . Et Asrit . &c. §. 6. That the B. had the charge of the parishes in the country . §. 7. That the B. of the city assigned seuerall Presbyters to the countrie parishes . Ad pag. 77. a Page 57. Theod. l. 2. c. 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Balsans . c. 54. graec . §. 8. The refuters instances of parish Bishops answered . h Eus. l. 5 c. 16. i An. 205.27 . k Euseb. l. 5. c. 18. l Lib. 4. c. 25. m 1. Pet. 5.1 . n T.C. l. 2. pag. 519. o L. 5. c. 4. Apud Hier. tom . 1. Fortè Baiēsit . Conc. Carth. graec . c. 54. et 57. et . 101. Afric . c. 20. et 23. et 65. Leo epist. 87. ad Episcopos Afric . c. 2. Socrat. l. 4. c. 26. Iur. graecorom . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag 88. Greg. epist. 42. et 65 Caes. Baron . an . 366. num . 10. § 9. Why the heathen are called Pagani . Master Hooker is of the same iudgement , l. 5. Pagani quasi ex eodem fonte bib●ntes . De Corona militis . §. 10. Ad. Pag. 78. BB. both before , & after the diuision of Parishes were diocesans . Can. Apost . 34. Conc. Antioch . c. 9. C. 35. C. Antioch . c. 22. §. 11. Of the Canons called the Apostles . * As the last of all which leaueth out the Apocalypse , and reckoneth Clements Epistles and Constitutions as canonicall . For the Coūcell in Trullo which receiueth the 85 Canons , notwithstanding reiecteth Clements constitutions . a de orthod . fid . l. 4. c. 18. in fine . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b vid gloss . c Praefat. in cō . cil . vid. dist . 16. c. 4. d Conc. Const. in Trullo . c. 2. e Tilius his Edition being here defectiue , is out of the manuscript copies thus to be supplied , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Ex Conc. Nic. c. 15 & 16. C. Antioch . c. 9 & ex ep . Const. g Conc. Ephes. post aduent . Episcoporum Cypr. Ad page 79. §. 12. Caluins testimony consenting with vs in the three first points handled in the Sermon . Ad pag. 80. §. 13. Calu. in tit . l. 4. c. 4. sect . 1. Let these words , before the papacy , be obserued of them who say we haue receiued our gouernment from the Papists . § 14. Caluins testimony that the Churches were dioceses . § 15. Calums testimony that the Bishops were diocesan BB. Bez. de grad . min. c. 24. Ad Pag 81. See Calu. in Act. 20.17.28 . & in Act. 14.23 . Notes for div A20733-e82790 § 2. Whether the gouernment of the whol Church , and of the parts , must be of one forme . §. 3. The gouernment of the whole Church Aristocraticall . n An. 1609. a Cypr. de Simplic praelatorum : Hoc erant vtique caeteri Apostoli quod suit Petrus , pari consorrio prae●liti & honoris & pot●statis . b Eiusdem sacerdotij . Hier. ad Euagr. Though the gouernment of seuerall Churches be monarchicall , yet it followeth not that therefore the gouernment of the Vniuersall Church shold be monarchicall . Lib. 3. Epist. 13. Ad pag. 82. Wherein the Disciplinarians do agree , and wherein they discent from vs. Ad pag. 33. §. 6. They hold that there must be a President of the Presbytery . lib. 1. cap. 2. § 16. & 17. a De grad . Minist . cap. 23. b De grad . Minist . c. 24. p. 177 c Ibid. c. 23. p. 144. 156. d Pag. 139.140 e Pag. 159.160 f Vide supr . l. 1. c. 2 §. 16. They deny to the President maiority of rule . g Calu. Instit. l. 4. c. 4 s. 2. h Beza de grad . p. 156 157. i T. C. l● . 110. §. 7. Beza dissenting from vs in this fourth point , but with more moderation then our Disciplinarians vse . §. 8. The refuter seeketh starting holes . Ad pag. 84. He would restraine the Primitiue church vnto the Apostles times . k Iust. l. 4. c. 4. l Parag. 4. m Confess c. 5. § 29. n De relig . c. 25. § 11. o Obseru . in cap. 25. aphor . 10.11 . §. 9. The Church vnder Constantine to be imitated of vs. The same forme of gouernment , and the like authority of diocesan B.B. throughout all the times of the primitiue Church . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. l. 2. c. 24 §. 10. Of H.I. ( pag. 7. ) his distinction of BB. into 6. sorts . q Lib. 5. c. 9. r Lib. 2. cap. 15 s Anno 260. t Ad Euagrium . u Vide supr . l. 1. c. 11. §. 4. x Had the Bishop priority of order only in respect of his parishioners ? § 11. T. C. his collection out of Ierom● words . y Ad Euagr. a Conf. p. 462. Chron. ●n . 251. & hist. l. 6.35 . &c. Athanas. de sentent . Dionysij Episcopi Alexandrini . § 12. H. I. diocesan BB. when they began , Of Patriarchs , and when they began . Conc. Nic. can . 6. Ignat. Epist. ad Rom. Conc. Nic. c. 7. § 13. The Refuter would restraine the question to the seuen Angels onely . His second starting hole . Ad pag. 85. § 2. The first argument , prouing that BB. were superior in degree , because Aërius was counted an hertike for denying it . Epiph. haer . 75. Aug. haer . 53. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiph. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . haer . 75. Aug. haer . 53. Epiph. a Ad Euagr. b 1. Pet 5.1 . 2. Iohn 1. and 3. Iohn 1. c Act. 1.20 . d Heres . 75. § 3. Obiections for Aërius answered . e Epist. ad . ● . K. f Phil. 1.1 . g Phil. 2.25 . Vide Theodor. 〈◊〉 Phil. 2.25 . h Chrysost. Hieronym . Ambros. Theodor. Oecum . &c. i In Epist ad Qu●dvul●de ū . k August de haeres in fine . § 4. Other obiections answered . l In 1. Tim 3. hom . 9. & 10. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n In Phil. 1. o Socrat. l. 6. c. 22. p Homil. 20. ad pop . Antioch . in initio . q Theod. l. 5. ca. 28. r Aug. quast . noui & vet . test . 101. t. 4. s Ambr. de dignit . Sacerd. cap. 3. t Cap. 5. u Ambr. in 1. Tim. 3. x In ●●ph 4. y In 1. Tim. 3. The 2. argument . Antiquitie acknowledgeth 3. degrees of Ministers ▪ a Epist. 1. b Epist. 3. c Eccl. Hierarch . c. 5. d De fuge in persecut . & de Baptismo . e Homil. 7. in Ierem §. 6. Adpag B6 . B7 . B8 . f Epist. 2. vivisuque . g Ad Phil. & Trall . h Epist. 3. Sacerdotum ( fratres ) ordo bipartitus est . i Cyprian . Ambrose . Ierome . Augustine . k Epist. , 4. l Ignat. ad Trall . m Ign. ad Philipp . n Ign. ad Philadelph . §. 7. The three orders of ministers called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 degrees . 1. Tim. 3.13 . o Li. 4. Epist. 2. Ad sacerdotij sublime fastigium cunctis religionis gradibus ascendit . p Sard. c. 10. lat 13. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Rhetoricae vacans . Balsā . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u Theodor. l. 5. c. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y Conc. Ephes. c. 1.2.6 . z Chal● . c. 2 & 12. a Con● . Carth. Gra● . c. 3. Siue Carthag . 2. c. 2. b Con● . Carth. Grae. 〈◊〉 . Carth. 6. c. ● . c In Encomio Athanas●● . d L. 1. c. 26. e Admirable . f In vita Basil. g L. 7. c. 41. h Contr. Parme● . lib. 1. i Decret . l. ● . c. ●5 . k Ad E●agr . in fine . Ad Nepoti . Epist. 2. Quod Aaron & falios eius , hoc Episcopum & Presbyteros esse nouimus . § 8. BB. Presbyters , Deacons , answerable to the high Priest , Priests , and Leuites . k Inst. l. 4 c. 6. s. 2. § 9. The Testimonies of Ignatius . l Pag. 51. m Ad Smyrn . That Deacons were in a degree of the ministrie . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r Conc. Const. in Trullo ca. 16. s Conc. Neocaes . cap. 15. t Act. 6. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x Have s. 20. mis●t etiam alios 72. ad praedicand●m , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y Act. 8.5 & 21.8 . z Cap. 15. §. 10. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , themselues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their dutie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. ad Trall . Can. Apost . 15. Conc. An●yr . cap. 2. b Cap. 18. c Apol. 2. d Tertull. de Bapt. e Cypr. passim . f Conc. Elib . ca. 77. g Carth. Gr●c . ca. 25. siue Carth 5. ca. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h Aduers . Lucifer . i Conc. Carth. 4. ca. 36. k Conc. Carth. 4. c. 2.3.4 . l Ca. 37. m Ca. 38. n Ca. 41. §. 11. The Refuter denieth Presbyters to haue bin minsters of the word . a De baptismo . §. 12. b ●lioquin etiam laicis ius est . c Ad Philadelph . Of the word Clerus , or Clergy . d Cypr. passim . e In Ierem. hom . 7. f De fuga in persecut . Quam ipsi authores . i. ipsi 〈◊〉 , & presbyteri & episcopi fugiunt , quomodo Laicus , &c. Cum duces fugiunt quis de gregario numero , &c. Cùm ecclesia distituitur à clero . g Can. Apost . 2.11 . & 12. &c. h Oecum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i Ad Nepotianum . §. 13. Presbyters and Deacon● in our Refuters conceit , of the Clergy , but not of the ministery . The testimonie of the Councell of Chalcedon . k Pag. 77. l Acts 4.5.6.9 . m Euagr. hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. n Ph. N●m●can . tit . 9. c 11. o Balsam . in Conc. Chalc. c. 29. p Act. Concil . Chalced. de Photio & Eustathis episcopis . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . §. 15. The testimony of Ierome . u Ad Euagriū . 2. Iohn 1. 3. Iohn 1. * Prooem . in Matthaeum . a Ad Euagriū . §. 16. Another testimony of Ierome . The like he hath ad Nepotian . Quod Aaron & filios eius , h●c episcopum & Presbyteros esse nouerimus . Can. Apost . 1. & 2. d Possidon . in vita Augustini . e Con. Sard. c. 10. f Lib. 4. c 18. Ad pag. 89. g Lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 17. h Lib. 4 cap. 4. l Lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 14 k Basil , epist. 67. ad Ancyr . professeth that the members of the Church are by the gouernment of the Bishop , as it were of the soule , vnited and knit together . Whether the vnitie of ech Church , depend vpon the vnity of the B. §. 3. Ad pag. 83. BB. superior in singularity of preeminence for terme of life . Lay Presbyteries and parity of Ministers , the two pillers of the new discipline . a Epist Cornel. apud Euseb. lib. 6. c. 43. b Conc. Nic. cap. 8. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d Ruffin . l. 10. c. 6. can . 10. Conc. Cabilon . ca. 4. e August . epist. 110. Possidon . in vita August . c. 8. f In Phil. 1.1 . g Lib. 3. ca. 3. h Vid Athan. cont . Mess. i De pontif . Rom. l. 1. c. 5. § 7. l Praefat. pag. 3. & 5. m Cypr. l. 4. epist. 9. n Lib. 1. epist. 3. o Lib. 3. epist. 9. p Serm. 2 ▪ de zelo & liuore . Ad pag. 91. §. 8. Ad pag. 91. q Con● . Luciferianos . r Ad Euagr. s In Tit. 1. §. 9. §. 10. t Concil . epist. apud Cypr. lib. 3. epist. 11. u Theod. lib. 2. cap. 11. * Soz l 4. c. 15. x Lib. 3. epist. 2. y Li. 4. Epist. 2. §. 11. a Epiph. haer . 69. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Athanas. Ad sol●t . vitam agentes . c Ruff. in hist. l. 1. c. 17. d Theodor. l. 2. c. 8. e Socr. l. 2. c. 23. f Euseb. de vit . Const. l. 3. g Sozom. l 8. c. 15. h Socr. l. 6. c. 11. i Conc. Afric . c. 21. Carth. grac. c. 54. Socr. l. 2 c. 23. k De regno Christi . l. 2. c. 12 The BB. superioritie in power proued by the testimonie of Ierome . Aduers . Lucifer . Ad Euagr. In Tit. 1. Aduers . Lucifer . §. 2. The refuters answer to the testimonie of Ier●●e . Lib. 2.529 . Ad Euagr. § 3. a In Tit. 1● . b Conc. Afr. c. 22. Carth. graec . c. 55. c Li 4. Epist. 9. d Lib. 3. Epist. 13. § 4. What the power is wherein BB. be superiour to other Ministers . e Damas. epist. de Chorepiscop . Hicronym . de 7. ordin . eccles . et aduers. Lucifer . Leo epist. BB. Aduers . Lucifer . §. 5. Ad pag. 92. BB. superiour in the power of ordination . The 1. proofe . My second proofe . §. 7. Their obiection out of 1. Tim. 4 14. answered . Ad pag. 93. a Pag. 129.252 §. 8. The former exposition , of Presbyterium , viz. that it may signifie the office of a Presbyter , defended . b 2. Tim. 4.13 . c Anselm . in 1. Tim. 4.14 . d 2. Tim. 1.6 . e Much is foisted in by the Refuter . Caluin saith , Non malè . Ad pag. 49. §. 9. a C●lu . In●li● . lib. 4. cap 3. in fine . b E●asm . in 1. Tim. 4.14 . c Ambros. in 1. Tim. 4. §. 10. The second exposition maketh not for the Disciplinarians . d 2. Tim. 1.6 . e Chrys. in 1. Tim. 4. f Oc●um . in 1. Tim. 4. g Theophylact. in 1. Tim. 4. h Theodor. in 1. Tim. 4. i Can. Apost . 1. & 2. k Beza in 1. Tim. 4. l 1. Tim. 1.14 . m 2. Tim. 1.6 . n Conc. Carth. 4. c. 3. o In the booke of ordaining Priests it is appointed , that the B. with the Priests present , shall lay their hands on the head of him that is ordained . § 11. p Calu. Instit. lib. 4. cap 3. § 16. Hoc posiremò habondum est , filos pastore● manus imposuisse Ministris . q In 1. Tim. 3. Chrys. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . O●cum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The obiection out of Conc. Carth. 4. answered . Ad pag 95. §. 13. Other arguments prouing the BB. right in ordaining . a 2. Tim. 1.6 . b Tit. 1.5 . c 1. Tim. 5.22 . d C. 2. e C. 9. f Afr. c. 22. & Carth. graec . c. 45. g Hispal . 2. c. 6. h De Sacerd. i Possidon . de vitae Aug. c. 4. k Soz l. 4. c. 24. l Conc. Carth. 4. c. 68.69 . distinct . 50. ex poe●itentib . m Socr. l. 6. c. 23.14 . §. 14. n Gregor . mag . l. 1. epist. 24. Sicut Euangelij 4. libros sic 4. concilia suscipere & venera●i mef●teor . Dist. 15. c. sicut . o A●hana . apol . 2. in epist. ●resh . & diacon . Mareot . ad Curios & Philagr . praefect . Aegyp●i . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q This seemeth to haue been the generall Councell of Sardica , which was not two hundred fiftie yeeres after the Apostles times . r Epist. Synod . Alex. in Apol. 2. Athanas. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t Vid. Balsam . in Co●c Sard●c . c. 18.19 . & editionis Tilianae c. 20. u Constantinop . ● . c. 4. Graec. & 6. L●t . Balsam . in Conc. Const. 1. c 4. * Soz. l. 7 c. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g Conc. Chalc. act . 11. §. 15. Chorepiscopi forbidden to ordaine . y Conc. Neecaes . c. 13. z Which was before the Councill of Nice , and was within little more then 200. yeares after the Apostles times . a C. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c C. 10. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Tit. 9. de Chorepiscop . g Conc. Laod. c. 56. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so it is in ●alsam and some manuscripts . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k Damas. Epist ▪ 4. De Chorepiscop . l Leo Epist. BB. m Hispal . 2 c. 7. §. 16. The Canon of the Councill of Ciuill . n Conc. Hispa● . 2. c. 5. Dist. 23. c. 14. o See Cent. 7 ▪ 51 ▪ 2. p Conc. Arausican . c. 29. §. 17. The testimonies of Epiphanius and Ierome . Epiph. haeres . 75. § 18. Epiphanius , his reason defended . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Act. 7.8 . §. 19. Ad pag. 96. Heres . 75. 1. Cor. 1. §. 20. The testimonie of Ierome . Ad Euagr. The Epistle of Ierome to Eu●grius analysed . §. 21. Of the power of order and iurisdiction . a Bell. de Cler. l. 1. c. 15. b Aduers . Lucifer . in Titū . ● ad Euagr. de 7. Ordin . Eccles. c 2 2● . q. 187.2 . c. d Instruct. sacerd . l. 1. c. 3. Whether BB. be superior to Presbyters in the power of order . §. 23. e De pont . Rō . l. 4. c. 22. f De Sacram. ord . l. 1. C. 3. g Aduers . Lucifer . h 2 . 2● . q. 40.4 . & supplem . q 37.2 . c. h 2 . 2● . q. 40.4 . & supplem . q 37.2 . c. i Suppl . q. 40.5 . k Bellarm. de Sacram. ord . l. 1. c. 9. Hier. de . 7. ord . eccl . acknowledgeth the order of BB. to be the seuēth and the highest order . §. 24. That BB. are superiour in the power of order . n Bell. de pont . R l. 1. c. 12. o 1. Tim. 4.14 . 2. Tim. 1.6 . § 25. The power of ordination belongeth to the power of order . Iust. l. 4. c. 14. § 20. Imposit●onem manuum , qua ecclesiae ministri in suum mann●●uitiantur , vt non inuitus patior vocari sacramentum , ●t● inter ordinaria sacramenta ( sci . quae in vsum totius ecclesia● sunt instituta ) non numero . &c. 19 §. 31. Impositionem 〈◊〉 in veris legitimisque ordinationibus sacramentum esse concedo . Ad pag. 97. §. 26. a Ambros. in Eph. 4. b Aug. quest . ●x vet . & non . test . mixtim . 4.101 . c Cyp. l. 3. ep . 17. d Conc. Carth. graec . c. 43. Carth. 2. c. 4. Conc. Arausic . c. 2. e Summa Angelica . ordo . §. 2. Apostolorum & suc●●ssorum ●orum ●st per manus impos●tionem donum spiritus sancti tradere . Damas . epist. de Chorepiscopis . Tertull. de B●ptismo . Conc. Eli● . c. 38. Hier. aduers . Lucifer . a Hier. in Tit. 1. b Lib. 3. epist. 10. f. c In 1. Tim. 5. ● . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignas ▪ ad Trall . The authority of BB. shewed absolutely . e C. Carth. grae . c. 68. f Ignat. ad . Trall . g Contra Lucifer . h Hier. 1. Esa. 60. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k Hier. in Psal. 44. l Aug. in Ps. 44 m L. 2. aduers. Parmen . n Carth. gr . c. 39. Afr. c. 35. o Lib. 1. epist. 3. p Conc. Antioch . c. 9. q Constant. in Trullo . c. 37. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eximiam ill . 〈◊〉 pontificatus dignitatem . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t De 7. ordinib . Eccles. u Fabricae Dei praeest . § 3. The iurisdiction of Bishops compared with that of Presbyters . * C. 24. x Hieron . ad Marcel . aduers . Montan. y Ir. l. 3. c. 3. § 4 The BB. authority in respect of the things of the Church . a C. Ant. c. 24. b Ibid. c. 25. c Apol. 2. In respect of persons . d Conc. Chalc. c. 4. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Bals. in Conc. Carth. c 83. § 5. Their authoritie ouer the people . Ad pag 98. g Socr. l. 7. c. 37. h Bellarm. de Pont. R. l. 4. cap. vlt. i Statut. anno Elizab. 1. § 6. Their authority ouer the clergy . § 7. 1. Ouer the Presbyters of the Citie . l Aduers . Lucifer . m Hier. in . Ps. 44. & in Esa. 60. n Ad Trall . VVhat is a B. but he that holdeth all authority ouer all ? o Problem . Perk. Ad pag. 99. p Ad Antioch . §. 8. Another testimony of Ignatius . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r Ad Roman . s Pref. to inform . t Ignat. ad Heronem . § 9. t The Councell of Sardica saith , they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subiect to the B. and ought to performe a sincere ministery vnto them , c. 14. Theodor. hist. l. 5. c. 23. §. 10. The BB. did rule and direct the Presbyters . a Conc. Agath . c. 22. Tolet. 3. c. 20. b Carth. 4. c. 36. c Neocaes . c. 13. d C. Agath . c. 22. Ad pag. 100. §. 11. e § 10. §. 12. Presbyters might doe nothing with out the leaue or consent of the Bishop . f Can. Apost . 39. al 40. g Can Apost . 34. a● 35. h Con. Antioc . c. 9. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Conc. Const. 1. c. 2. k Socr. hist. l. 5. c. 8. l Orig. lib. 7. c. de clericis . m C. Chalc. c. 9. et 17. n Lib. 1. tit . 4. de episcopali audientia . §. 29. Sanc●mus : et Novell . 123 c. 22. o Ius graecorom page 88. p Arelat . 1. c. 19 q Ancyr . c. 12. alias 13. I cite the Latine text because the Greeke seemeth to be defectiue . r Toletan . 1. c. 20. s Ad Magnes . t Epist. 1. ad Iacob . The Presbyters might not doe those things which belong to the power of order , without authority from the B. As not baptize . u Lib. de baptisme . * Epist. Synod . Nic. apud . So●r . l. 1. c. 6. x Synod . Nic. c. 8. y Epist. Synodi Ephes. ad synodum Pamphyl . § 15. Ad pag. 101. a Aduers . Lucifer . b Conc. Carth. 4. c 36. §. 16. Presbyters might not administer the Communion without the Bishops license . c Ad Smyrnens . d Cypr. li. 3. ep . 14.15.16 . e Li. 3. epist. 1. f Cyprian testifieth when hee wrote the booke , De duplici martyri● , that it was about the year 240. and it is plaine that he was B. in Fabianus the B. of Rome his time , who ended his life in the yeere 249. after hee had beene B. 14. yeeres . § 17. The like is said of other ministeriall functions . g Conc. Carth. 2. c. 9. h Gangr . c. 6. i C. 30. aliâs 31. k Conc. Antioch . c. 5. l Act 4. m Carth. graec . c. 10. & 11. n Ad Smyrn . §. 18. The Bishops authoritie in correcting Presbyters . o Li. 3. epist. 9. p Fungaris circa eum potestate honoris tui , vt eum vel deponas , vel abstineas . q Aduers . Vigilant . ad Riparium . r § 20. s Apoc. 2.2 . t Apoc. 2.20 . Ad. past . 102. Tit. 1.5 . u 1. Tim. 1.3.5.19.20.21.22.6.14 . * Haeres . 75. x Par in parem non habet imperium . The Bishops authority ouer Presbyters hauing cures . Ad Pag. 103. a Con. L●od . c. 56 alias 57. b Epist. de Chorepiscopis . c Conc. Carth. Graet . c. 31. & Aquisgran . c. 56. d Can. Apost . 15. Con. Antioc . c. 3. Constant. in Trul. c ▪ 17. Carth. 4. c. 27. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g C. Laod. c. 42. & 41. §. 20. The B. iudge of the Presbyters . h l. 1. Epist. 3. In their controuersies . i Con. Carth. 4. c. 5● . k c. Chalc. c. 9. l c. Carth. grae . c. 28 & 126. m C. Chalc. 9. n Cod. Iustin. de audien . tia episcopali c. sancimus . In causes criminall . o Can. Apost . 32. p Conc. Nic. c. 5. q C. Antioch . c. 4. r Ibid. c. 6. s C. 12. t Sardic . c. 13. u C. 14. * C. 4. x Carth. graec . c. 9. Carth. 2. c. 7. y Carth. graec . c. 10. Carth. 2. c. 8. z Afric . c. 29. & Carth. gr . 63 &c. 133.134 . a Carth. 4 c. 55. b Ephes. c. 5. c C. 2. d Chalc. c. 23. e Act. 4. f Theod. l. 1. c. 2. g Socr. l. 6. c. 4. Sozom. l. 8. c. 3. h Euagr. l. 2. c. 4. i Conc. Chalc. act . 10. k Bals. in Conc. Eph. c. 5. l Burchard . decret . l. 2. c. 126. ex Conc. Parisiens . §. 21. The superioritie of BB. in iurisdiction prooued by reason . §. 22 Ad pag. 104. a Page 6. Ad. pag. 105. Whether BB. may be called Lords . Acts 9.5 . Ad page . 106. Psal. 91.11 . Dan. 10.11 . §. 2. a Theodor. l. 1. c. 4. b Th. l. 1. c. 5. c Ibid. c. 6. d Atha . Apol. 2. e Sozom. l. 3. c. 22. f Soz. l. 3. c. 23. g Greg. Naz. epist ad Greg. Nyss. h Theo. l. 4. c. 9. i Soz. l. 4. c. 13. k Constantine p. 1. apud . Theodor . l. 5. c. 9. l Ambros. Epist . 81. m Conc. Arelat . 3. n Turonens . 1. Epaunens . Valent. Aurelian . 3. Toleta . 3. &c. o Socr. hist. l. 6. in prooem . p Chrys. in Ps. 13. apud Caes. Baron . an . 58.2 . q Epist. Caluin . ad Cranmer . r Epist. Dedic . l. de 3. Elohius . s Suru . 131. Septemb. 15. 1589. t Luc. 22.26 . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nedibim . * In Pagnia . thesaur . x In Luc. 22.26 . y Matt. 20.20 ▪ 25. z Hier. in Tit. 1. § 27. § 28. Ad pag. 107. Notes for div A20733-e118160 § 1. That this treatise of the lawfulnesse of the BB. calling is not superfluous , though from the former points the same thing may be concluded . Ad pag. 108. § 2. The question is of such BB. as were described in the former part of the Sermon , and in the 2. and 3. bookes of this defence . Ad pag. 109. § 3. Ad pag. 110. That the function of such BB. is of Apostolicall institution . a De grad . c. 23. The 1. argument , because it was generally vsed in the primitiue Church . b De Baptisme . cont . Donat. l. 4. c. 24 & Epi. 118. c De praescript . aduers. haeres . & con . Marc. l. 4. d Lib. 2. pag. 2. Ad pag. 111. § 4. 4. Arguments prouing the assumption : 1. Because all the Angels or gouernours of the primitiue Church in the first three hundred yeeres after the Apostles were diocesan BB. Ad pag. 112. f Con. Nic. c. 6. g Conc. Ephe. post aduentum Episcoporum Cypri . h Cyp. lib. 4. epi. 2 § 5. That diocesan BB. had not their first beginning after the Apostles times . i Eus. hist. l. 4. c. 1. & 2. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l c. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m lib. 4. c. 19.20.21.22 . n An. 8. Antoni . Christi 169. o Eus. l. 4. c. 22. § 6. The second argument from the two testimonies of Ierome . p Hier. in . Tit. The 1. q Ad. Euagr. r 1 Cor. 1. s Conc. Ancyr . c. 16.20.21.22.23.24.25 . Et Neocaes . c. 2. & 3. § 7. The second testimonie of Ierome in Psal. 45. t Ad. Euagr. Ad pag. 113. § 8. The third argument consisting of two parts : the first affirmatiue , that all Councils , Histories and Fathers giue testimony to BB. u Note his reason : the testimonies of the Fathers to no purpose , because the antientest Councils were in the fourth age . vv They be the first words of Eusebius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. § 9. The second part of the third argument negatiue , that no instance can be giuen to the contrary . All the refuters instances either false or impertinent . Hier. ad Euagr. § 10. The refuters instances out of the old writers . Ignatius , Iustin Martyr , Tertullian . a Cyp. l. 3. Epi. 19 b l. 4. Epist. 9. c l. 3. Epist. 9. d li. 3. Epist. 2. & 13. l. 4. Epist. 2. e li. 1. Epist. 3. l. 3. epi. 9. & 14. & 15. f li. 4. Epist. 9. g li. 3. Epist. 9. & 16. li. 1. Epist. 3. § 11. Cyprians testimonie examined . h li. 3. Epist. 14. i Epi. 15. & 16. k li. 3. Epist. 15. l li. 4. Epist. 16. m Epi. 17. & 18 n L. 3. Epist. 19. o L. 3. Epist. 20. p L. 3. Epist. 18. q In Tit. 1. r lib. 3. Epist. 10 s lib. Epist. 5. l●b . 3. Epist. 22. lib. 4. Epist. 5. t Con. Carth. 4. cap. 22. & 23. § 12. The testimony of Ambrose in 1 Tim. 5. The testimonies of Ierome answered . u Ad Ocean in Tit. 1. Ad Euagr. (w) Hier. ad Euagr. Theodor. in 1 Tim. 3. § 13. A fourth testi . +mony of Ierome misalledged aduers. Lucifer . § 14. Ad pag. 114. The testimony of Augustine Epist. 19. a Aug. ● . 2. Epist. 17. & 18. b Ad Cra●●er . c Erasmus in 1. Tim. 4. Theodoret. Beda . Sedulius . &c. d Sacerdotes . § 15. Allegations out of the new Writers . § 16. His allegations out of new Writers answered . § 17. Ad pag. 125. Allegation of Examples . * I omit here how shamefully he belyeth the Doctrine of the Churches of England , Wirtemberge , and Sweueland , as opposite to the gouernment of BB. quoting Harmon . Confess . Sect. 11. The Church of Sweueland is so farre from opposing it selfe to the spirituall authority of Bishops , that it doth not contradict the secular power and soueraigntie of such Bishops as be Princes . a Euseb. Chron. anno 174. b Euseb. hist. l. 4. c. 21. & 22. c Apol. 2. d Lib. 1.14 . e Lib. 2.621 . f Bez. in 1 Tim. 5. & in Phil. 1. g Lib. 1. cap. 11. § 3. h Apologe● . c. 39. i Praescrip . contr . haere . § 18. Ad pag. 126. The fourth argument from the succession of BB. k Euseb. hist. & Chron. l Iren. li. 3. c. 3. m Tertul de praescript . Augustine Epist. 24. Christiana societas persedes Apostolorum ac successiones Episcoporū certa per orbem propagatione diffunditur . n li. 3 cap. 1. §. 10 & 12. The Episcopall function not first ordained by Councils . o Conc. Nic. c. 6. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The conclusion . § 19. A syllogisme concluding against the pretended discipline vpon the same ground● . His answere to the proposition . § 2. Ad pag. 128. His answer to the assumption . § 3. His answere to the former part of the assumption and the proofes therof . a Eus. l. 4. ca. 15. b in Apoc. co● . 9. c Eus. l. 5. ca. 24. & lib. 4. cap. 26. Sozo . lib. 4. c. 24. § 4. Ad pag. 129. d Inter Orthodoxographa . e In Polycarpo . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g Euseb. l. 3. c. 35. § 5. The second argument , prouing the assumption . h Iranaeus . Eusebius . Epiphanius . Augustine . &c. His ioynt answere to the former reasons . § 6. The latter part of the assumption , that the Episcopall function was not disallowed by the Apostles . k Phil. 2.25.29 . l Act. 15. & 21. Gal. 1.19 . m Col. 4.17 . Philem. 1. n Ap. 2.13 . Ad pag. 130. o Chap. 3. § 12.13.14 . § 7. That Ierome acknowledgeth BB. to haue bin in the Apostles time . p In Tit. 1. q Ad Euagr. r Catalog . script . s In Clemente . t Ad Euagr. u Proaem . in Mat. w Catalog . in Marco . x Ad Euagr. y In Tit. 1. § 8. The refuters argument for the Presbyterian discipline . a In Tit. 1. b Ad Trall . His answere to the preposition c li. 3. Epist. 9. § 2. That the Apostles ordayned Bishops . The time when in respect of the Church at Ierusalem . d Catal. scrip . § 3. That Iames was B. of Ierusalem . e Catalog . scrip . f Hist. l. 2. c. 1. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h Ex hypotypos . 6. i Euseb. l. 2. c. 23. & Hieronym . Catalog . ex Hegesippi 5. hypomnem ▪ k An. 33. l lib. 3. c. 7. m lib. 7. c. 19. & 32. n Vid. Ruff. transl . l. 7. c. 15. o Euseb. hist. l. 3. c. 11. l. 4. c. 5.22 . l. 5. c. 11. l. 6. c. 10 &c. l. 7. c. 32. p Epiph. haer . 66. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r In Act. homil . 3. & 33. in initio s Ambr. in Gal. 1.19 . t Dor. in synops . u Aug. contr . Crescon . l. 2. c. 37. (w) In Trul. c. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The refuters exceptions . y 2 Cor. 10.13.15.16 . vide Chryso . in 2 Cor. 10. & gloss . ordin . Ad pag. 132. z Act. 15. & 21. a Clem. Epist. 1. b R●●●gn . lib. 1. § 5. His fourth obiection that Iames could not be B. of Ierusalem . B. Iewel doth not deny Iames to haue been B. of Ierusalem . d Tom. 1. Concil . per Cragg . Merlinum Iouerium . § 6. Whether D. Whitak . doth proue by 8. arguments that Iames neither was , nor could be B. of Ierusalem not the 6. latter e de Pont. q. 3. s. 9. c. 3. R f Erasm. argum . in Epist. Iacobi . Iacobus quum erat Hierosolymitarum Episcopus scribit & caeteris Iudaeis &c. g lib. 3. c. 3. § 7. That the 2. first reasons doe not conclude that Iames was not B. of Ierusalem . h Mar. 16.15 . i Lib. 3. c. 23. k Cap. 4. §. 20. § 8. By this instance of Iames , BB. proued to be superiour to other Ministers in degree . Ad pag. 133. l He museth , as he vseth . m Degrad . minist . c. 3. pag. 23. n Euseb. l. 2. c. 1. o Euseb. l. 3. c. 11. & l. 4 c. 22. ex Hegesippo . Ad pag. 134. p Hier. Catal. in Iacobo . in Epist. ad Gal. c. 1. & Euseb. l. 2. c. 23. ex Hegesippo . q Orig. contr . Celsum l. 1. Euseb. l. 2. c. 23. Hier. catal . in Iacobo . r Act. 1.20 . s Catal. script . in Iacobo . § 9. By this instance of Iames BB. proued to haue had their singular preheminence for terme of life . t Act. 15. & 21. Gal. 1. & 2. Hieron , Catal. Euseb. hist. & Chron. u In Act. 21.18 . § 10. When the Apostles ordayned BB. in other Churches . vv Act. 14.23 . &c. x In Tit. 1. y 2 Thess. 3.14 . 1 Cor. 5. a Apoc. 1.2.3 . b Heb. 13.17 . c Can. 39. d Ad Trall . § 11. The Refuter answereth by snatches . Ad pag. 135. e Cap. 12. pag. 224. § 12. Whether Bishops are called the Apostles of the Churches . g Caluin ▪ in Phil. 2.25 . h Ambr. in Phil. 2. i Ambr in Eph. 4.11 . & 1. Cor. 12.28 . k Hier. in Phil. 2. l Theodor. in Phil. 2. m Theod. in 1 Tim. 3. n Th. Aquin. in Phil. 2. o In Phil. 2. p Chrysost. in Phil. 2. q In Phil. 2. § 13. The exposition , that they vver called Apostles because they vvere the messengers of the churches , refuted , vvith the reasons thereof . r In Phil. 2.25 . § 14. The second reason answered . Ad pag. 136. s Rom. 11.13 . t Gal. 2.7.8 . u Mat. 18.10 . (vv) Ro. 16.7 . x Act. 14.14 . y Iohn 13.16 . § 15. Ob. Though Epaphroditus were B. yet no Diocesan . a Act. 16.12 . Sedul . in Phil. 1. Philippi Metropolis Macedoniae . b in 2. Phil. 2.25 . § 16. When & how long BB. were called the Apostles of the Churches . c Eph. 4.11 . 1 Cor. 12.28 . d l. 3. Epist. 9. e Theodor. in 1 Tim. 3. Ad pag. 137. § 2. T. C. answere refuted . h Pag. 404. i Lib. 2. part . 1. pag. 312. k. Tit. 2.1.15 . §. 3. The refuters answere to the Proposition confuted . l Vide supr . l. 2. c. 3. m In Encomio Athanas. n Hom. 10. in 1 Tim. o In 1 Tim. 5. p Respons . ad August . ad 〈◊〉 . § 4. His answere to the assumption . Ad pag. 138. r Lib. 3. § 5. Schismaticall nouelties broached by the refuter . § 6. His nouelties breifly refuted . t de grad . Ministr . c. 23. pag. 155 § 7. Another argument prouing that these Epistles are patternes or precedents for Bishops . His answere to the assumption a 1 Tim. 6.13.14 . b in 1 Tim. 6.14 . c 1 Tim. 3.15 . d T.C. l. 1.177 . l. 2. part . 2. p. 55. e Ambr. in 1. Tim. 6.14 . The proofe of the assumption . His answere to the proofe of the assumption . § 8. The proposition defended . And that the successors of Timothie and Titus were BB. BB. of Ephesus the successors of Timothie . a Euseb. l. 5. c. 25 Ad Pag. 140. b Conc. Chalc. Act. 11. c lib. 5. cap. 24. d cap. 25. The BB. of Gortyna the successours of Titus . e Euseb. li. 4. c. 21. & 23. & 29 § 9. Obiection 1. that Timothie and Titus did not continue in Ephesus and Creet . h 1 Tim. 1.3 . i Tit. 1.5 . Ad. pag. 141. Ad pag. 142. Euseb. l. 2. c. 20. § 10. That Timothie and Titus liued and died the one at Ephesus , the other in Creet . Sedul . in 2 Tim. 4.9 . Ad pag. 143. § 1● . Obiect . 2. That Timothie and Titus were Euangelists and therefore not Bishops . What the Euangelisticall function was . Wee may not think that the 70. after the death of Christ vanished away , but that they were the principall Christians next to the Apostles . And therfore as they were Euangelists , so sometimes are called Apostles . Calu. inst . l. 4. c. 4. § 4. fortassis etiā 70. discipuli , quos secundo loco ab Apostolis Christus designabit , fuerunt Euangelistae . Idē in 1 Cor. 15.7 per omnes Apostolos intelligit ●on solos 12. sed 70. discipulos etiam . Sic Chrysost. et Theodor●t , &c. Zanch. in Eph. 4 § 12. That their being Euangelists did not hinder but that they might be BB. a Chrysost. Theophyl . Oecum . in Eph. 4. b ● . Tim. 4.5 . c 1 Tim. 4.14 . 2 Tim. 1.6 . d Act. 8.14.17 . e Hieronym . & Sedul . in 2 Tim. 4. f In Ecclesiaste . Ad pag. 144. Ecclesiaste . § 13. Other arguments to proue that Timothie and Titus were Bishops . § 14. Ad pag. 145. That their function was ordinary , and their authority perpetually necessary . § 15. Whether it be perpetually necessary that the Ecclesiasticall authority shold be in one . Cant. 6.3.9 . § 16. What forme of Church-gouenrment to be preferred before others . In synops . in Gai● . Actio . 11 § 17. Testimonies of antiquity that Timothie and Titus were BB. Ad pag. 146. First , the subscription to 2 Tim. & to Tit. a Synops. sacr . script . b In Tit. 1. § ●8 . The testimonies of the Fathers . c Euseb. l. 3. c. 4. d Dionys. de diuin . nom . e In synops . f Prefat . in 1 Tim. 1. g In 1 Tim. 1. h In 1 Tim. 3. i Prefat . in Epist. ad Tit. k Hier. in 1 Tim. 1.14 . l in 2 Tim. 4. m Hier. in Catalog . n Chrysost. in Phil. 1. o 1 Tim. 4.14 . p Prefat . in Epi. 1 ad Tim. q in Ephes. 4. r ●ares . 75. s Prefa● . in 1 Tim. t in 2 Tim. 1. v in 1 Tim. 3. vv prefat . in Tit. x Praesat . in 1 Tim. y In 1 Tim. 1. z In 2 Tim. 1.6 . a Pastor . cur . part . 2. c. 11. b De vita & morte sanctorum . 87. & 88. c Apud Antonin . part . 1. tit . 6. c. 28. § 6. & Vincent specul . l. 10. c. 38. d Theophyl . in Eph. 4. e Praefat. in 1 Tim. f Prolog . in Tit. g Oecum . in 1 Tim. 1. h In Tit. 1. i In Eph. 4. k Lib. 2. c. 34. l Calu● in Epist. ad Tim. 1. m Centur. 1. l. 2. c. 10. in Ioan. Euang. n in Tit. 1.5 . o in 1 Tim. 5.19 . § 19. His answere to these testimonies . p T.C. l. 2. part . 1.3.14 . q Ad Trall . r in Phil. 1.1 . s Ad Trallian . t In 1 Tim. 3. ● Timotheum Presbyterum ordinatum significat . v In Eph. 4. § 20. Examples of other BB. made by the Apostles . a Euseb. Chron. ann . 4 5. hist. l. 3. c. 22. b Ad Antioch . c Iren. l. 3. c 3. d Euseb. l. 5. c. 6. & l. 3. c. 4. et c. 13. & 22. e Niceph. l. 14. c. 39. Greg. l. 6. Epist. 37. Euseb. lib. 2. c. 24. Hier proaem . in Matt. & in Catal. in Marco . & ad Euagr. Dor. in synops . Euseb. Chron. an . 65. & 86. & 99. f Euseb. hist. l. 4. c. 22. Chron. an . 63. g Iren. l. 3. c. 3. Eus. l. 3. c. 35. & l. 4. c. 14. Tertull. de praescript . Hier. in Catal. h Eus. l. 3. c. 23. i Iren. l. 4. c. 63. l. 3. c. 3. & l. 5. Tertull. de praescrip● . k Cypr. l. 4. Epi. 9 l Hier. ad Euagr. m ad Marell . de error . Monta. n li. 4. c. 18. o Epist. 55. ad Ambros. p Ire . 3. c. 3. q August . & Hier. in Psa. 44. Ad Nepotian . & de ● . ordin . Eccles. § 2. The first allegation . Hier. in Tit. 1. Ad pag. 148. Catalog . in Iacobo . § 3. Ieromes speech vntrue in respect of Ierusalem . Catalog . in Iaco. Contr. Bellarm. controu . 5. l. 1. c. 15. § 18. Lib. 2. c. 23. Ibid. Eusebius in his Chronicle noteth Iames to haue beene made B ▪ of Ierusalem , in the same yeere wherin Christ was crucified , that is , according to his computation Anno 33. In respect of other Churches Ieromes testimonie doth not proue that for which it is alledged . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Arist. Ad pag. 149. § 5. The Presbyters gouerning the Church by common counsell , doth not proue that the office of Presbyters and BB. is confounded . § 6. The Presbyters ruling the Church by cōmon counsell for a time , doth not hinder , but that the Episcopall function is of Apostolicall institution . The time in generall when BB. were first ordayned according to Ierome . Ad pag. 150. a 1 Cor 1.14.16 . b in 1 Cor. 4.14 . c 1 Cor. 4.6 . § 7. The place in generall where BB. were ordayned according to Ierome . In Tit. 1. Ad pag. 151. e Ad Euagr. § 8. Ierome testifieth in particular whom , where , when , & wherfore the Apostles ordayned Bishops . f Catal. in Iacobo . g Catal. in Simone . h Catal. in Ign. i Proaem . in Mat. k Catal. in Marco . l Catal. in Clem. m Catal. in Polycarp . n Catal. in Timoth . & Tit. § 9. The end of ordayning BB. according to Ierome . Aduers . Lucifer . In excelfjiori gradu ad Euagr. § 10. That the superioritie of BB. did not breed the Papacy . Calu. Iust. l. 4. c. 4. § 4. Bez. Confes. c. 5. § 29. Zanch. de relig . obseru . in cap. 25. Con. Nic. c. 6. § 11. Ieromes inference vrged . § 12. Ad pag. 152. The chiefe obiection that BB. are greater then Presbyters by the custome of the church not by Diuine ordinance . n Phil. 1.1 . Acts 20.17.28 . Tit. 1.5.7 . 1 Pet. 5. o Epist. 19. ad Hier. § 13. The refuters reply , that Ierome is not to be vnderstood as speaking of the names . q Heb. 1. r Plat. Arist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s Hier. in Phil. 1. t Hier. in 1 Tim. 3 The second answere . u Ad Euagr. Ad pag 153. vv Hier. ad Euagr. August . quaest . ex vet . & nou . test . 101. In vvhat sence I hold this assertion that the Episcopall function is of diuine institution . Lib. 1. Epist. 3. Acts 15. Acts 20.28 . § 2. That the BB. were ordained of God. Ad pag. 154. a 1 Tim. 4.14 . b Chrysost. hom . 4. Grac. 5. latin . in 1 Tim. 1. c Theodoret. d Theophil . e Oecum . in 1 Tit. 4. f Calu. in 1 Tim. 4. g 2 Tim. 4.5 . h in Col. 4.17 . sect ; 3. The Bishops of the seauen Churches had diuine institution . Ad pag. 155. & 156. i Apoc. 12.1 . Ad pag. 157. Ob. 1. The Episcopall gouernment so held to be of diuine institution as notwithstanding where it may not be had , another forme of gouernment may be admitted . § 2. Contradiction falsly obiected . Ad pag. 158. § 3. Whether more reformed Churches are gouerned by the Episcopall or by the Presbyterian discipline . Suru . pag. 362. § 4. Ob. 2. The first and principall Protestants did not disallowe the Episcopall function . Ad pag. 159. § 5. Suruey . pag. 110 & 111.112 . &c. a Histor. confess . August . per Chytr . p. 109. b Apol. Confess . August . per Pap. pag 137. c Ibid. pag. 305. d Melanct. to Camerar . in histor . Confess . August . per Chytr . p. 389. e Concion . Georg. Princ. Anhalt . fol. 6. f Calu. to Sadol . g Artic. protest . cap. de vnit . Ecclesiae . h Resp. protest . i De Reform . aduers . Eccles. p. 95. k De vi & vsis ministr . p. 565. l De Regno Christi . pag. 67. m De cura curat . p. 251. n Loc. comm . de Ecclesia . p. 699. § 6. Iohn Wickliffe . q As in that which the Refuter calleth the twelfth article , and Pighius his question . r Thom. Iames his Apologie for Wickliffe , prouing his conformity with the now Church of England . Epist. dedic . & cap. 8. s. 21. s In Phil. 1.1 . Ordo sacerdotalis non suscipit magis & m●nus . Ad pag. 160. Bal. Centur. 6.1 . § 7 Iohn Hus. u The words are , & dicit illam significationem extortam à scholaribus . vv The refuter putteth in Priests . x Hus. de Eccl. c. 7. y De Eccles. c. 10 & 15. z Ex Bed. in Luc. 10. Ierome of Prage a Act. & Mon. in the history of Ierome of Prage . § 9. M. Luther . c Supr . §. 5. Ad pag. 161. d Camerar . in vita Phil. Melancth . Zuinglius . e Ecclesiast . Oecolampadius . Ph. Melancthon Ad pag. 162. f Hist. August . Confess . pag. 306. g Ibid. pag. 304. h In vita Philippi Melancth . Tindall . i Pag. 251. k Pag. 133. & 135. § 10. In precept . 8. Ad pag. 164. n In Apoc. 17.3 . o Act. & Mon. pag. 20. edit . 1570. § 11. Histor. August . confes per Chytr . Non agitur vt dominatio eripiatur Episcopis , s●d hoc vnumpetitur , vt patiantur Euangelium purè ●oceri . See the confession of the church of Sueueland . Harm . confes . s. 11. Ad pag. 165. Conc. Afric . c. 22. & Carth. Grac. ●55 . § 12. De relig . obseru . in cap. 25. § 10. & 11. Hist. August . Confes. per Chytr . Loc. com . pag. 699. Suru . 118. De repub . l 2. c. 6. Anno. 1523. § 12. Ad pag. 166. 
A69533	----	Five disputations of church-government and worship by Richard Baxter. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. 1659 Approx. 1281 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 292 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69533 Wing B1267 ESTC R13446 11702082 ocm 11702082 48262 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69533) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48262) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 524:17) Five disputations of church-government and worship by Richard Baxter. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. [10], 38, [10], 24, 492 p. Printed by R.W. for Nevil Simmons ..., London : 1659. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Each part except the first, has special t.p., dated 1658. I. Whether it be necessary or profitable to the right order or peace of the churches of England, that we restore the extruded episcopacy? Neg.--II. Assert. Those who nullifie our present ministry and churches, which have not the prelatical ordination, and teach the people to do the like, do incur the guilt of grievous sin.--III. An episcopacy desirable for the reformation , preservation and peace of the churches.--IV. Whether a stinted liturgie or form of worship be a desireable means for the peace of these churches?--V. 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Liturgics. 2004-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion FIVE DISPUTATIONS OF Church-Government , AND WORSHIP . I. Whether it be Necessary or Profitable to the right Order or Peace of the Churches of England , that we Restore the extruded Episcopacy ? Neg. II. Assert . Those who Nullifie our present Ministry and Churches , which have not the Prelatical Ordination , and teach the People to do the like , do incur the guilt of grievous Sin. III. An Episcopacy desirable for the Reformation , Preservation and Peace of the Churches . IV. Whether a stinted Liturgie or Form of Worship be a desireable means for the Peace of these Churches ? V. Whether Humane Ceremonies be Necessary or Profitable to the Church ? By Richard Baxter . LONDON , Printed by R.W. for Nevil Simmons , Bookseller in Kederminster , and are to be sold by him there , and by Thomas Iohnson at the Golden Key in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1659. At 4. s. 6. d. bound . To his Highness RICHARD Lord Protector OF THE Common-wealth of England , Scotland and Ireland . SIR , THese Papers are ambitious of accompanying those against Popery into your Highness presence , for the tender of their service , and that upon the same account . The Controversies here decided , are those that have had a hand in most of the great transactions that of late years have here past ; and that still have a hand in the differences that hinder our desired peace . I observe that the Nation generally rejoyceth in your peaceable entrance upon the Government . And are affected with indignation , if they hear but any rumors that troublesom persons would disturb their hopes . And many are perswaded that you have been strangely kept , from participating in any of our late bloody contentions , that God might make you an Healer of our breaches , and imploy you in that Temple●work , which David himself might not be honoured with , though it was in his mind , because he had shed blood abundantly , and made great wars , 1 Chron. 22.7 , 8. I perceive also that some settlement of Church-affairs will be expected from you by the most . And therefore it concerneth all our welfare that you be well acquainted with the state of those differences , about which all will expect your judgement . For my own part I think not that matters are half so far out of order in the Churches , as most discontented men imagine : But yet I know there is much to be mended , wherein both God and most good men expect you should contribute a considerable part . Some think there is no settlement in the Church , till they are in the saddle , and all their Brethren are become their servants , and do them obeysance . And alas , we have those that take it for no settlement , till they have the sword in their own hands , or have engaged you to use it at their discretion , and may again fill the Prisons or other Lands , with their Brethren that are far better then themselves ▪ Those I mean that in their writings so glory that their predecessors hang'd the Puritans , and lament that of late they were but silenced , as being a less effectuall means . Some would have no other settlement then we have , or else would have Licentiousness settled by a Law , and have unlimited Liberty in Religion . Doubtless these are conscious what it is that they have need of : If Heathens , Infidels and Papists be but excepted out of the Toleration , it displeaseth them : And we can easily conjecture why . If we grant them all the Liberty of their consciences ( that is , of their mis-belief , because , alas , we cannot cure it ) it satisfieth them not , unless they may have also Liberty of tongue and Practise . When I have heard and read the Reasonings of some of them against the Immortality of the soul , and the Christian Religion it self , I have wondered why they should take it for such a point of Liberty , to have leave to draw others to their opinion , when they seem to think that mens Happiness or Misery is no more concerned in it . These are the men that tell the world that Magistrates have nothing to do with Religion , but only with our Peace and Bodily welfare , contrary to the fullest Testimony of the Scriptures : Which is but to perswade men to esteem you as the dirt of the earth , and to value the Ministry above the Magistracy , as much as the Soul is better then the Body , and as Heaven is better then this dunghill-world . And for this odious doctrine , they have no stronger reason , then because that Heathen Princes are uncapable of deciding matters about Religion . As if mens wilfull and wicked indisposition would change the office , and disoblige both them and those that are guilty of no such unfitness , from the obligations laid upon them by the Lord : They may as wisely say that a sober Physitian is obliged to no more then a drunken one can perform ; or that a seeing man may do no more then the blind can do : Or that a Learned Prince may not meddle with Learning , because an unlearned Prince is unfit for it . But any man that hath read Bellarmine , Parsons , Gretser , or such like Jesuites , may know the Fathers of this doctrine : Nothing more familiar with them , then that Princes have nothing to do but for our Bodies , and the Common Peace : but forsooth it is the Pope that must Rule all about our Souls . The Libertines know whose cause they plead . But verily men that regard the Interest of Christ and their salvation , would set light by Princes , if they believed them to be such terrestriall animals as Papists and Libertines would make them . Some also there be , that would have a settlement upon too rigorous terms , though they would not have it executed with cruelty . Most men would fain have their own opinions prevail , and too many place too much of their Religion in censuring as Heterodox all that differ from them , and think it an evidence of their Godliness that they are Uncharitable ; and seeing many minds and waies , they think that punishment must heal them all : Not that they would be driven to their Brethren , but all their Brethren must be driven unto them . In the midst of all these cross expectations , if you will consult with , and obey the Lord , I dare boldly tell you , it is past all doubt , that you must avoid extreams , and keep as tenderly the golden mean , in this point , as in any that concerns you . If you give Liberty to All that is called Religion , you will soon be judged of no Religion , and loved accordingly . If you so far close with any Party of them that walk in the faith of Christ , and the fear of God , as to deal rigorously with the rest , you will be hated by them as a Persecutor . And if men be oppressed in that which they value above their lives , it will tempt them to neglect their lives for their relief . If you joyn with no Church in the Lords Supper and other holy Communion , lest you seem to espouse the party that you joyn with , you will by most be judged to be carnally wise , self-seeking and irreligious , or one that is yet to seek for your Religion . If you restrain all that are against the great undoubted Truths of Christ , from infecting others , and own all that hold the Necessary Truths in Godliness and Charity , you will please both God , and most good men . And if you hold your personall Communion with those that are of your own judgement in lesser differences , this will not lose you the affections of the godly ( though of a few factious persons it may ) as long as you are a tender Father to them all , though you Communicate but with some . The Godly Emperours that supprest the Arrians and many Heresies , maintained the Novatians in the Liberty of their Churches , and were beloved both by the Novatians and the Orohodox . But if you cou●● be the happy instrument of taking away the Divisions of the Godly , that there might be no such thing as Parties or Separations known among them ( though diversity of opinions there will be ) ( and if you could give all the Ministers of the Nation a pattern of such union of the tolerable dissenting parties in your own Pastors , with whom you shall Communicate ) this would be the way to lift you highest in the Esteem and Love of all your people , and make them see that you were appointed of God to be a Healer and Restorer ; and to glory in you , and bless God for you as the instrument of our chiefest peace . And O what a precedent and preparative it would be , for the Healing of all the Protestant Churches through the world ! And certainly your Highness hath a fair opportunity for this happy work ▪ You enter in a season when we are tired with contention , and sensible of our loss and danger , and tenderer then formerly of one another , and the most angry parties are much asswaged , and there is not so much reproach and bitterness among the Godly , as lately there hath been . A Spirit of Peace and Healing is lately risen in the hearts of many thousands in the Land , and Ministers that differed , do lovingly associate , and most do feel the smart of our Divisions , and are so prepared for a perfecter closure , that they wait but for some Leading hand . I am certain that there are Healing Principles before us , and a temperament is obvious to judicious charitable men , upon which we might accord . And , though some are too rough to lie in any building , yet moderate men are to be found of every party , that deserveth your encouragement , whom you may use as a precedent to the rest , and instruments to promote this work . It is you that have those great advantages that can facilitate that which to others were impossible : and from you it is expected . In this Book , and one of Confirmation , which I lately published , I confidently affirm , is contained much of that Reforming , Reconciling Truth which must heal us if ever we be healed . And though the study of such matters require much time , yet seeing God commandeth Princes that the Book of his Law depart not out of their mouthes , but that they meditate in it day and night , that they may do according to it , Iosh. 1.8 . I may suppose that they will be willing also to meditate on such Books as help them to understand it . I should have been as ready as another to censure such an address as this , as guilty of presumptuous boldness , but that I consider what is the work of my Calling , and what it is to be faithfull to the Eternall God , and am conscious of fidelity to your Highness in my boldness , and know that these are necessary Truths , and that to the Counsellors of Peace is joy , Prov. 12.20 . and have no interest in this world that I regard , in comparison of the Churches happiness . My earnest Prayers for your Highness shall be , that your own soul being first subjected and devoted wholly unto God , you may Rule us as one that is Ruled by him , and never know any Interest but his , and that which is subservient to him , and may escape that stumbling stone , on which the Princes of the earth do commonly dash themselves in pieces , even by espousing an Interest contrary to Christs , and so growing jealous of his holy waies , and falling out with them : and that God would endue your Highness with that heavenly Wisdom , that is first Pure , and then Peaceable , Jam. 3.17 . and you may escape the flattering suggestions of the Wisdom of the flesh , and serious Piety may be the first part of your Policy , that so the Eternall God may be engaged in the Protection of your Dominions and You : That you may alwaies remember , that you are Christs and your Peoples , and not your Own : and that the diligent promoting of GODLYNESS and CONCORD may be the study and resolved work of your Life . This is the way , and only this , ( let flesh and blood say what it will ) to make you truly Great and Happy . God is the Center and Common Interest of all his servants . Keep close to him , and they will all keep close to you . There is no other Common Interest , nor any thing that the Godly do so highly value . If they see that it is indeed for God , they can bear any thing , or do any thing ; for they are wholly devoted to him alone . The more of God appeareth on you , and the more you promote his Interest in the world , the highlyer will you be advanced , and the dearer will you be to all that Love him . And even with the ungodly multitude , that Piety is honoured in Princes , that is despised in their neighbours ; and the hand of God is plainly demonstrated in their surviving Honour ; the names of Pious Princes being Great , when the Greatest leave a name that is vile , even in the mouthes of common worldly men , who are ready to keep a Holy-day for a Saint when he is dead , though they hate or will not imitate the living . Your Zeal for God will kindle in your subjects a Zeal for you . The mo●e your Life and Government is Divine , the more Divine will you appear , and therefore the more Amiable and Honourable to the Good , and Reverend to the evil . Parliaments will Love and Honour you , and abhor the motions that tend to a division , or your just displeasure . Ministers will heartily Pray for you , and Praise the Lord for his mercies by you , and teach all the people to Love , and Honour , and Obey you . The people will rejoyce in you ; and you will be Loved or Feared of all : Such happiness attendeth serious Piety , when impiety , selfishness , and neglect of Christ is the shame and ruine of Prince and People . I crave your Highness pardon of this boldness , and your favourable acceptance of the tendered service of A faithfull subject to your Highness , as you are an Officer of the Universall King. Richard Baxter . A PREFACE to those of the Nobility , Gentry , and Commons of this Land , that adhere to PRELACY . Honourable , Worshipful , and Beloved Country-men . IT being much for your sakes that I have published the following Disputations , it behoveth me here to address my self to you , in a few preparatory words . What distance there hath long been , and still continueth between you and your Brethren ( for so they are ) is too much known to friends and foes , at home and abroad , and too much daily manifested by each side . Shall it still continue , or would you have it healed ? If it must continue , tell us how long , and tell us why ? Would you have it go with us to Eternity ? and will you not be reconciled , nor dwell with us in Heaven ? It is not in your Power to shut us out ; And will you not be there , if we be there ? Or do you think there will be any Discord where Love is Perfected , and we are One in God ? If you can be content to be saved with us , and believe that all of both Opinions , that truly love and fear the Lord , shall live there in dearest Love for ever ; how can you chuse , when you forethink of this , but Love them now , that you must for ever Love ? and long to be reconciled to them , with whom you must there so harmoniously accord ? You know that Earth is our preparation for Heaven : and such as men would be there , they must begin to be here : As they must be Holy here , that ever will there see the Lord in Holiness ; so must they here be Loving and Peaceable , that ever will live in that perfect heavenly Love and Peace . And why is it that the distance must be so great ? Are we not all the Children of one Father ? Have we not all the same God , the same Redeemer , the same Spirit in us ? ( if we are Christians indeed , Rom. 8.9 . ) Are we not in the same Baptismal Covenant with God ? Have we not the same holy Scripture for our Rule ? and are we not in the same universal Church , and of the same Religion ? some of you say , No ; to the grief of your friends , and the shame of your own understandings , and uncharitableness . I beseech you bear it , if I touch the sore : For my work is Healing ; and therefore though it Must be touch't , it shall be as gently as the case will bear . If I may judge by such as I have had any opportunity to know , I must say , that the distance on your part is continued in some by confused apprehensions of the case , and not distinguishing things that differ ; In some by discontents of mind , and too deep a sense of worldly losses , and the things that you take as injuries from others : In some by the advantage of a co-interest and consociation with those Divines that are of your way , and so by a Willingness to think them in the right , and those in the wrong that you take for adversaries : In some by a stiffness and stout●ess of disposition , that cals it Constancy to hold your own , and Manliness not to stoop to others , and takes it as dishonourable to seek for Peace , even in Religion with your supposed adversaries ; or to yield to it , at least without much importunity : With too many ( miserable souls ! ) it is meer ungodliness , and enmity to that way of Piety , that in many that you differ from , appears : And in the best of you it is a Remissness of Charity , and want of Zeal for the Churches Peace , and the Love and Vnity of Brethren . To confute the reasonings of all these sorts , would draw out this Preface to too great a length . The first sort my experience hath caused me to observe . Oft have I faln into company with men that pour forth bitter odious words against Presbyterie : and I ask them what that Presbyterie is that they speak of with so much abomination ? Is it the Name or the Thing , which they so abhor ? If the Name , is it not a term of Scripture used by the Holy Ghost ? 1 Tim. 4.14 . Are not the Pastors of the Church most frequently called the Presbyters , or Elders ? Tit. 1.5 . Act. 14.23 . & 15.2 , 4 , 6 , 22 , 23. 1 Tim. 5.17 . Act. 20.17 . James 5.14 . 1 Pet. 5.1 , &c. It must needs then be the Thing , and not the Name which they abominate . And what is that Thing ? most of them cannot tell me . Some presently talk of the disuse of the Common Prayer ; as if that were a part of Presbyterie ; and Government , and the form of worship were all one . Some presently run to Scotland , and talk of forcing men to Confession of sin , and of their secular enforcement of their Excommunications . But 1. If this be odious , why was it used by the Bishops ? Is it good in them , and bad in others ? 2. And why plead you for Discipline , and against Toleration , if you so loath the things you plead for ? 3. But will you not , when it s known so openly , distinguish the Ministerial Power from the secular ? It s known by their Laws and constant Practice , that all the Power that was exercised by Violence , on Body or Estate , by the Assemblies , was derived from the Magistrate , whose Commissioners also sate among them . And the Bishops in England were seconded by the Sword , as much as they . It s known that the Presbyterians commonly maintain in their Writings , that Pastors have no Coercive or Secular Power , but only the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , to exercise on the Conscience , committed to them by Christ. 4. And the writings and practice of those in England , openly manifest it : and its them with whom you have most to do . Some tell me that Presbyterie is the Government of the Church without Bishops : And is it only the Negation of your Prelacy that is the odious thing ? Is there nothing Positive odious in Presbyterie ? Thus our Belief is condemned by the Papists , even because we Believe not so much as they ; when in the Positives of our Faith there is nothing that they can blame . Some make it the odious thing that they have Lay-Elders ; But 1. The Presbyterians account them not Lay , but Ecclesiasticks . 2. And what is the Odious harm that these men do among them ? They are present , and Consent to the admonishing and censuring of offendors . And what great harm doth that to the Church ? Is it because they do not Preach ? No sure ; in that your Readers are much like them . What work can you Name that these Elders are appointed to , that by your Confession is not to be done ? It is not the Work then , that you blame , but that these men do it . 3. But what is this to all that are in this point of your mind , and think that unordained Elders wanting Power to preach , or administer the Sacraments , are not Officers in the Church of Gods appointment ? As far as I can understand , the greater part , if not three for one of the English Ministers that you stand at a distance from , are of this mind , and so far against Lay-Elders as well as you ; of whom I confess my self to be One. ( and that M r Vines was One , I have shewed you in the End. ) Surely then all we are none of the odious Presbyterians in your eyes . Why then is there such a distance ? And are Lay-Elders as bad as Lay-Chancellors ? So also when some have been hotly condemning us as being against Bishops , I ask them what a Bishop is ? and what sort of Bishops it is that they mean ? And most of them are unable to give me a rational answer to either of the Questions ? But some that are wiser , though they know no more sorts of Bishops but one , yet they can say , that by a Bishop they mean an Ecclesiastick Governour of Presbyters and the people . And if so , then why do they vilifie Bishops under the name of Presbyters ? I have here shewed you that if this be all , then every Parish hath a Bishop where there is a Pastor that hath Chappels , and Curates under him : Or any two Ministers that will subject themselves to a third , do make a Bishop . You delude your selves and others , while you plead only in general for Bishops : We are all for B●shops as well as you . All the Question is , What sort of Bishops they must be ? Whether only Episcopi gregis , or also Episcopi Episcoporum gregis ? and if so , Whether they must be Bishops of single Churches , as our Parishes are , or a multitude of Churches , as Diocess●s are ? And if the last were granted , Whether these be not properly Archbishops ? In all other parts of the Controversie I find , that the followers of each party go much in the dark , and take much upon trust from the Teachers whom they value , and little understand the true state of our differences : So that it is more by that common providence , commonly called Good luck , that some of them are Protestants or Christians , then from any saving grace within them . Had Papists or Mahometans but as much interest in them , as the Bishops , it is like they would have been as much for them . As for those of you that know your own Opinions , and the Reasons of them , you must needs kn●w that the Divines called Episcopal in England , are of two sorts , that very much differ from one another : And therefore supposing you to be the followers of these differing Divines , I shall accordingly furthe● speak to you as you are . I. The Bishops of England , and their followers from the first Reformation , begun by King Edward the sixt , and revived by Queen Elizabeth , were s●und in Doctrine , adhering to the Augustinian Method , expressed now in the Articles and Homilies : They differed not in any considerable points from those whom they called Puritans : But it was in the form of Government , and Liturgy , and Ceremonies that the difference lay . II. But of late years a new strain of Bishops were introduced , differing much from the old , & yet pretending to adhere to the Articles and Homilies , and to be Fathers of the same Church of England as the rest . I know of none before B p Mountague of their way , and but few that followed him , till many years after . And at the demolishing of the Prelacy , they were existent of both sorts . Would you know the difference ? If you have read the writings of B p Jewel , Pilkington , Alley , Parry , Babbington , Baily , Abbot , Carlton , Morton , Usher , Hall , Davenant , with such like on one side ; and the writings of the New Episcopal Divines that are now most followed , on the other side , I need not tell you the difference . And if you will not be at the labour to know it by their writings , its like that you will not believe it if I tell you . For if you will take all on trust , I must suspect that you will put your trust in them to whom you are addicted . The New party of Episcopal Divines are also subdivided : some of them are ( if their Defence of Grotius , and Grotius his own Profession may be believed ) of Grotius his Religion , that is , Papists : Others of them , though they draw as neer the Grotians as Protestants may do , yet own not Popery it self . So that we have three notable parties of Episcopal Divines among us . 1. The old Orthodox Protestant Bishops and their followers . 2. The New Reconciling Protestant party . 3. The New Reconciling Papists , or Grotians . A brief taste of the difference I will give you . 1. The Old Episcopal party , as I said , in Doctrine agreed with the Non-conformist , and held that Doctrine that now we find in the Articles , and Homilies , and in the Synod of Dort , where B p Carlton , B p Hall , B p Davenant , and three more Divines of this Nation were , and had a great hand in the framing of those Canons , and by consenting , did as much to make them obligatory to us in England , as commonly is done in General Councils by the Delegates of most Nations . But the New Episcopal Divines , both Protestants and Papists , do renounce the Synod of Dort , and the Doctrine of our Articles and Homilies , so far as it is conform thereto , in the points of Predestination , Redemption , Free-will , Effectual Grace , Perseverance , and Assurance of Salvation : following that Doctrine which is commonly maintained by the Iesuites and Arminians in these points . 2. The Old Episcopal Divines did renounce the Pope as Antichrist , and thought it the duty of the Transmarine Churches to renounce him , and avoid communion with his Church , as leprous and unfit for their communion . But the New Episcopal Divines do not only hold that the Pope is not Antichrist , but one part of them ( the Protestants ) hold that he may be obeyed by the Transmarine Western Churches as the Patriarch of the West , and be taken by us all to be the Principium unitatis to the Catholick Church , and the Roman Determinations still may stand , except those of the last four hundred years , and those , if they obtrude them not on others . So B p Bramhall , and many more : And M r Dow , and others tell us that the Canon Law is still in force in England , except some parts of it which the Laws af the Land have cast out . And the Grotians teach , that the Church of Rome is the Mistris of other Churches , and the Pope to stand as the Head of the Vniversal Church , and to Govern it according to the Canons and Decrees of Councils : and they receive the Trent-Creed and Council , and all other Councils which the Pope receives , excepting only against some School-points , and abuse of manners among the Papists , which their Canons and Decrees condemn . 3. The old Episcopal Divines did take Episcopacy to be better then Presbyterian Equality , but not nec●ssary to the Being of a Church , but to the Better being where it may be had . But the New Prelatical Divines of both sorts , unchurch those Churches that are not Prelatical . 4. The Old Episcopal Divines thought that Ordination by Presbyters without Prelates was valid , and not to be done again , though irregular . But the New ones take it to be No Ordination , nor those so ordained to be any Ministers , but Lay-men . 5. And accordingly the Old Episcopal Divines did hold the Forrein Protestant Churches , of France , Savoy , Holland , Geneva , Helvetia , &c. that had no Prelates , as true Churches , and their Pastors as true Ministers of Christ , and highly valued and honoured them as Brethren . But the New sort do disown them all as no true Churches , though they acknowledge the Church of Rome to be a true Church , and their Ordination valid . 6. The Old Episcopal Divines thought it lawful to joyn in actual Communion with the Pastors and Churches that were not Prelatical . But the New ones separate from their communion , and teach the people to do so , supposing Sacramental administrations to be there performed by men that are no Ministers , and have no authority . 7. The Old Episcopal Divines thought it meet to suspend , silence , imprison , or undo those Godly Divines that did not bow towards the Altar , or publish to their People Declarations or Instructions for Dancing on the Lords Day , or that did preach twice a day . But many of the New ones practically told us , that this was their judgement . Of these differences I have given you some proof hereafter : and would do here in the express words of the Authors on both sides , were it not that I should be needlesly tedious , and that I should unnecessarily offend the particular Divines of the New party who are among us , by reciting their words . More of the differences I pass by . I. And now I would know of those of you that follow the Ancient Episcopal Divines , what hindereth you from a charitable , peaceable Communion with those Orthodox Ministers now in England , that some of you stand at a distance from ? Doctrinal differences ( at least , requiring such a distance ) you cannot pretend . B p Hall tels you in his Peace-maker ( after cited ) that there is none between you and the Forrein ( Presbyterian ) Churches . And as for the matter of Episcopacy , if you will insist upon the late English Frame as necessary , viz. [ That there be but One Bishop over many hundred Churches , and that he have the sole power of Excommunication , and that he rule by a Lay●Chancellor , &c. and be a Lord , and seconded with a forcing power , &c. ] then you will forsake the Iudgement of your Leaders : For they will tell you that some of these are but separable appurtenances , some of them corruptions and blemishes , and some not Necessary . What need we any more ado ? You see in the published Iudgements of B p Hall , B p Usher , D r Holdsworth , Forbes , and others , ( after cited ) that they would have all Presbyters to be Governors of the Churches , one of them having a stated Presidency or Moderatorship , and this will content them . And are we not then agreed ? I am confident most of the Ministers in England would be content to yield you this : But what if there be some that are not of your mind concerning the stated Presidency which you desire ? will you therefore uncharitably refuse communion with them ? so would not your Leaders ! In this therefore you will forsake them , and forsake many holy Churches of Christ , and forsake charity , and Christ himself that teacheth you another lesson . Will it not content you that you have freedom your selves to do that which seemeth best in your own eyes , unless all others be of your opinion ? But perhaps you will say that you have not Liberty your selves to practise according to this your judgement . To which I answer , 1. Your Brethren of the Ministery have not the power of the Sword , and therefore do neither deny you Liberty , nor can give it you : It is the Magistrates work . And will you separate from us for other mens doings ? For that you have no rational pretence . If you know of any that perswade Magistrates to restrain your Liberty , that 's nothing to others : Censure none but those that you know to be guilty . 2. I never knew that you were deprived of the Liberty of exercising such an Episcopacy as the forementioned Bishops do desire . I do not believe you could be hindered , and we that are your neighbours never hear of it . I know not of either Law or Execution against you . If you think that the clause in the Covenant , or the Ordinance against Prelacy , or the late Advice that excepts Prelacy from Liberty , are any restraint to you , I think you are much mistaken . It is only the late frame of Prelacy as it stood by Law , exercised by Archbishops , Bishops , Deans , Chancellors , &c. and that by force upon dissenters , that is taken down . You have not Liberty to force any by corporal punishment to your obedience . But you have full Liberty ( for ought that ever I heard ) to exercise the meer Episcopacy desired by Hall , Usher , and such like , on all that are of your judgement , and will submit to it . That we may hold constant Assemblies of Pastors we find by experience : And in these Assemblies if you will choose one for your stated President , who will hinder you ? No one I am confident ; Tell us whoever suffered for so doing ? or was prohibited , or any way hindered from it by any force ? Nay more , if you will give this President a Negative vote , in Ordination and Iurisdiction , who will hinder you ? yea who can ? If twenty Ministers shall resolve that they will never Ordain , or Excommunicate any without the consent ( yea or Command if you must have it so ) of such a man whom they take for their President , who can or will compell them to the contrary ? And all the People that are of your mind , have Liberty to joyn themselves with such Pastors on such terms , and submit themselves to you , if they will. But you will say , that this is no setting up of Episcopacy , while every one that is unwilling to obey us , may refuse it . I answer , This is all that the Nature of Episcopacy requireth : And this is all that the Church saw practised ( even Rome it self ) for above three hundred years after Christ. And is not that now tolerable for your Communion with us , which served then for the Communion of all the Churches on earth ? Is the Primitive pattern of purity and simplicity become so vile in your eyes , as to be inconsistent with Christian Communion ? Let not such principles be heard from your mouths , or seen in your practises . Whether the Magistrate ought to compell us all to be of your mind or way , I will not now meddle with : but if he will not , will you therefore separate from your Brethren ? Or will you not exercise the Primitive Episcopacy on Consenters ▪ because you have not the sword to force Dissenters ? And are you denied your Liberty , because you are not backed by the Sword ? This concerneth other mens Liberties , and not yours . You have the Liberty of Episcopal Government , ( though not of smiting others with the Magistrates Sword ) and as much Liberty for ought I know as Presbyterians or Independents have ( though not so much countenance ) And how comes it to pass that the other modes of Government are commonly exercised upon meer Liberty , and yours is not ? Is it because you have no confidence in any Arm but flesh ? If your Episcopal Power be of Divine appointment , why may you not trust to a Divine assistance as well as others , that you think are not of God ? If it can do nothing without the Sword , let the Sword do all without it , and retain its proper honour . If it can do less on voluntary Subjects , then other ways of Church-government can do , say so , and confess it most infirm , and give place to them . But if yours have most Authority from Christ , and spiritual force upon the Conscience , exercise it , and let us see it by experience ; or else expect not that any should believe you , or take you to be resolute servants of Christ , and true to your Ministry . But perhaps you will say , that you cannot have Communion with us , because we are schismaticks : For so much B p Usher himself doth seem to charge us with . ] To which I answer , 1. B p Usher chargeth none with Schism , but those that cast off Bishops to whom they had sworn obedience . But if I may judge of other Counties by this , there are so few of those , that they can afford you no pretence of scruple against the Communion of our Assemblies . I know not ( to my remembrance ) of one Minister in this County liable to this charge : but most never swore to them , and the rest had no hand in their exclusion . 2. Whoever among us did either swear to , or disobey such Bishops as Bishop Usher there assureth us were the Bishops of the antient Churches ? If they set up another ( intolerable ) sort in stead of the Bishops which he himself requireth , judge whether it were a greater sin to swear to them , or to disobey them . 3. And the schism which he mentioneth is not such in his own judgement as makes men uncaple of your Communion . This pretence therefore is frivolous . Especially considering that most of us have no Prelates that so much as claim a Government over us . In this County since B p Prideaux died ( who was one of the ancient moderate sort ) we know of none that ever made a pretence to the place . And are we schismaticks for not obeying a Bishop when we have none ? And surely none can justly lay a claim to such a superiority , even according to the ancient Canons , unless he be first chosen by our selves , yea and the people , as a Reverend Bishop ( I hope yet living ) of the ancient sort hath told you , Morton Apolog. Cathol . Part. 1. cap. 85. p. 257. Bellarmine himself confessing that ut Clerus & populus Episcopumeligeret , hic modus fuit in usu tempore Chrysostomi , Ambrosii , Augustini , Leonis , Gregorii . Bellarm. l. 1. de Clericis cap. 9. And other of our Bishops say the same . I conclude therefore that we are not only of one faith and Church w●th you , but differ so little in our opinions about lower things , that you can thence have no pretence for an alienation : And therefore with those of you that are godly and peaceable , I take it for granted that we are actually agreed . But if any will sacrifice the Churches Peace ▪ their Charity , their souls to their parties , or passions and discontents , I leave them to God , and to the reading of other kind of Books , that tend to change an unrenewed mind . II. And to those of you that follow the newer strain of Prelatical Divines , I shall adventure a few words , how small soever the probability is of their success . And 1. To those of you that are not departed from the Communion of all Protestants ; nor gone with Grotius over to the Romanists . I beseech you , as before the Lord , proceed not in your bitterness , uncharitableness , or separation from your Brethren , nor your hindering the work of God in their ministration , till you are able to produce such solid grounds for what you do , as you dare stand to at last , before the Iudgement-seat of Christ. 1. Some of you charge us with no less then Heresie , as following Aerius in the rejecting of Bishops , or equalizing Presbyters with them : and can you hold communion with Hereticks ? I answer , 1. All is not heresie that every angry man hath called so , no not of the venerable Ancients . Do you indeed take your Dignity and preheminence to be an Article of our Faith ? Why then was it never in the Creed ? 2. Many among us are for Episcopacy , that are not for your sort of Prelacy . It is that species that our Controversie is about . 3. I shall answer you in the words of our Reverend Morton ( a Prelate , though not of the New strain ) Apolog. Cathol . Par. 1. cap. 33. pag. 96 , 97. who answereth the Papists that use against us the same objection [ Non de differentia omni , sed de differentia Ordinis , seu Potestate Ordinandi ( NB ) quaestio est instituenda . Adversar . Aerius haereticus ordinis differentiam negabat esse jure divino ; idem Protestantes : Resp. Quod idem forte sanctus Hieronymus , nec aliud Patres alii asseverarunt : hoc scholae vestrae Doctor primarius non ita pridem facile largiebatur : Mich. Medina , lib. 1. de sac . orig . affirmat , non modo S. Hieronymum idem in hoc cum Aerianis haereticis sensisse , verum etiam Ambrosium , Augustinum , Sedulium , Primasium , Chrysostomum , Theodoretum , Oecumenium , Theophylactum . Bellarm. lib. 4. de Eccles. milit . c. 9. Ita , ( inquit Valent. Jesuit . Tom. 4. disp . 9. qu. 1. punct . 2. ) isti viri alioqui sanctissimi & orthodoxi — At ( inquit id . ibid. ) non est tolerabilis haec responsio . Probabo vero hoc non modo ferendum , sed etiam omnibus aliis responsis praeferendum esse . Advocatus . Erasmus Annot. in 1 Tim. 4. [ Antiquitas inter Praesbyterum & Episcopum nihil intererat , ut testatur Hieronymus : Sed post propter schisma à multis delectus est Episcopus , & quotquot Presbyteri , totidem erant Episcopi . ] Tua , Erasme , apud Jesuitas sordet authoritas ( but not with you that I write to ) — Advocat . Alphonsus à Castro advers . haeres . tit . Episcop . [ Hieronymus in ea opinione fuit , ut crederet Episcopum & Presbyterum ejusdem esse ordinis & authoritatis ] Ecce etiam alterum : Bellarm. lib. 1. de Rom. Pontif. c. 8. [ Videtur REVERA Hieronymus in ea opinione fuisse . ] An ille solus ? [ Anselmus & Sedulius opinionem suam ad Hieronymi sententiam accommodarunt . ] Quam eandem sententiam Medina vester Patribus pariter omnibus tribuit — Quid ex his , inquies ? ostendam ; si cognovissent Patres hanc in Aereo haeresin damnatam esse , tantum abest ut ei errori verbis suffragari viderentur ; ut potius in contrarium errorem abriperentur : si non cognoverunt hanc opinionem in Aereo damnatam , cur vos eam hoc nomine in Protestantibus damnandam esse contenditis ? Cassander lib. consult . art . 14. [ An Episcopatus inter Ordines Ecclesiasticos ponendus sit , inter Theologos & Canonistas non convenit : convenit autem inter OMNES in Apostolorum aetate inter Episcopos & Presbyteros NULLUM DISCRIMEN fuisse ; sed postmodum Schismatis evitandi Causa Episcopum Presbyteris fuisse praepositum , cui Chirotonia ▪ id est Ordinandi potestas concessa est ] If you will not keep company with Reverend Morton , I pray you go not beyond these Moderate Papists . 2. But you say , that at least we are Schismaticks , and you must not hold Communion with schism . And how are we proved Schismaticks ? Why , [ 1. Because we have cast off Bishops . 2. Because we now obey them not . ] I have answered this already ; to which I add : ] 1. It s a fine world , when men will separate themselves from the Churches of Christ to avoid schism , and they that are against separation , and offer Communion to the Separatists , must be taken to be the Schismaticks themselves . It is schism that we detest , and would draw you from , or else what need we say so much for Concord and Communion ? 2. I have told you already , that it is not one Minister of a Multitude in our Communion that did cast off the Prelates ; half of them did nothing to it , and the other half were Ordained since . 3. Nor can you truly say , that now they refuse obedience to Bishops , where there are none to obey , or none that command them . 4. Again I tell you , it is not Episcopacy , but only the sinful species of Prelacy , which the Parliament , and Assembly , and Covenanters did cast off . And what if you think this species best ? must all think so , or else be Schismaticks ? And why not all Schismaticks then that are against the Papacy , which is thought by others the best form ? I have here given you some Arguments to prove your Prelacy which was cast off , to be against the will of Christ , and the welfare of the Churches . And I shall not believe that its schism to be against sin and the Churches ruine . And I cannot but admire to read in your writings , that Discipline and Piety are pretended by you , as the things which you promote , and we destroy , when I am most certain that the destruction of Piety and Discipline are the very things by which you have so much offended your Brethren ; and we would heartily come as near you as we can , so that Piety and Discipline may not be destroyed . Had we not known that the able faithful Preachers whom you called Puritans ( conformable and not conformable ) that laboured in the word and doctrine , were fitter to promote piety then the ignorant , drunken , worldly Readers , and lazy Preachers , that once a day would preach against doing too much to be saved ; and had we not known , that Piety was better promoted by Learning the will of God , and praying , and meditating on the Lords Day , then by dancing ; and by cherishing men truly fearing God , then by scorning , imprisoning , persecuting and expelling them ; we would never have been so much against your doings as we have been . But mens salvation is not so contemptible a thing , as to be given away to humour the proud , that cannot live in Communion with any , unless they may drive them to destruction . We will not sell mens souls to you at such rates , nor buy your Communion , nor stop the reproachful mouths of any by such horrid cruelties . We talk not now to you of matters that are known by hear-say only : we see which way promoteth Piety , and which destroyeth it : we see that most of the ungodly in the land , are the forwardest for your wayes . You may have almost all the Drunkards , Blasphemers , and Ignorant haters of godliness in the Country , to vote for you , and if they durst , again to fight for you at any time . I cannot be so humble as to say , I am blind , and see not what indeed I see , because another tells me , that his eyesight is better then mine , and that he seeth things to be other then I see them to be . I doubt not but there are some Pious persons among you : I censure you no further then experience constraineth me . But I know that the common sense of most that are serious in practical Christianity , is against your formal wayes of worship , and against the course that you have taken in this land ; and the spirit of prophaneness complyeth with you , and doteth on you , in all places that ever I was acquainted in . Bear with plain truth : it is in a cause of everlasting consequence . There is somewhat in a gracious soul , like health in the body ▪ that disposeth it to relish wholesom food , and perceive more difference between it , and meer air , or toyish kickshaws , then it can easily express . In abundance of your most applauded Preachers , the things of God were spoken with so little life and seriousness , as if they had not been believed by the speaker , or came not from the heart ; yea Godliness and Diligence for Heaven , was the thing that they ordinarily preached against under the name of preciseness , and being righteous overmuch . And the Puritans were the men that Pulpits rendered most odious to the people , and your Preachers exercised their wit and zeal against ; while almost all their hearers through the Land did take a Puritan to be one that was seriously Religious . Many a place have I lived in , where there was not a man that ever spoke a word against Bishops or Ceremonies ; but a few there were ( alas , a few ) that would sometime read a Chapter in the Bible , and pray with their Families , and speak of the life to come , and the way to it , and for this they were commonly called Puritans . If a man had but mildly askt a swearer why he swore , or a drunkard why he would be drunk , or had once named Scripture , or the life to come , unless prophanely , the first word he should hear , was , [ O you are one of the holy Brethren ! you would not drink or swear , but you will do worse in secret ! It was never a good world since there was so much talk of Scripture and Religion : but the King and the Bishops will take an order with you , and all the Puritans and Precisians in the Land ] I profess upon my common sad experience , that this was the common language of the people that were ignorant and prophane in all parts of England that ever I came in ( which were not a few ; ) and these were the men that they called Puritans , and on such accounts . And what could the Prelates and Preachers of the Land have done more to mens damnation , then to preach them into an hatred of Puritanism , when it was known by all that lived among them , that Piety was Puritanism in their account , and no man was so free from it , as he that would scorn at the very name of Holiness , and drink and swear , as if he had defyed God. This is true , and England knows it : and if you will after this think that you have wiped your mouths clean , by saying as M r Pierce , that by Puritans , he means none but [ men of blood , sedition , violence , despisers of dominion , painted sepulchres , Protestants frightened out of their wits , &c. ] the righteous God that loveth righteousness , and hath said , Be ye holy for I am holy , will make you know to your penitent or tormenting sorrow , that the thing which commonly was reputed Puritanism in England , was no such thing as you describe : And that it s none of your wisdom to ●ick against the pricks , and play with the apple of Gods eye , and bring men to hate the members of Christ , and then tell them you meant the members of the Devil , and to thrust men into Hell in jest : I have heard before the King many a Sermon against Puritans , which I judged impious , but yet had this excuse , that much of the auditory partly understood , that it was not Piety as such , that was directly reviled : And so perhaps it might be in the Vniversities , and some few intelligent auditories : but so it was not among the common people through the Land. A Puritan with them was of the same signification as a serious Christian is with me . And if you bring the Land to an hatred of such as are called Christians , and then say that by Christians you meant none but mad men , seditious , bloody , &c. you shall answer in earnest for spitting in the face of Christ in jest ; and that before him that will not take your jears or jingles , or adding reproach unto reproach for a sufficient excuse . I know also that the casting out of the Ministers of your way , i● much that offendeth you : concerning which I shall only say , that I meet with none , or very few that profess not their willingness that all men of your mind that truly fear God , and are able and diligent , should be kept in . And if you be angry for the casting out of the ignorant , insufficient , negligent or scandalous , there 's no remedy . But be ashamed to reproach us for casting out such from the service of Christ , as Julian the Apostate would have cast out from the Priesthood of his Idols : and let us crave your leave to expect as much Devotion in the servants of Christ , as he expected in his enemies . Vid. Iulian. Oper. pag. 549 , 550 , 551 , &c. fragment . [ Facessant itaque procul à nobis illeberales joci , ac petulans omne colloquium — In his occupanda sunt studia , & cum privatim , tum publice Diis sa●pe supplicandum est ; maxime quidem ter de die : sin minus , saltem diluculo ac sub vesperam . Neque enim Sacerdotem decet , diem ullum ac noctem sine sacrificio transigere . Est autem ut initium diei diluculum , ita noctis vespera . Itaque rationi consentaneum est , ut amborum intervallorum , velut primitiae quaedam Diis consecrentur — Equidem sic statuo , sacerdotem oportere noctes atque dies puru● se ab omnibus & integrum servantem — p. 555. Non enim mediocriter adversus Deos delinquimus cum sacras vestes ostentamus , & omnium oculis tanquam miru● aliquid objicimus . Ex quo id accidit , ut cum multi ad nos impuri homines accedant , sacra illa Deorum symbola contaminentur . At vero nos sacerdotali uti veste , nisi ut sacerdotibus dignum est vitam instituamus , id ipsum noxas omnes criminum , ac Deorum maxime contemptum in sese continet . — Ad obscaena illa theatrorum spectacula nullus omnino sacerdos accedat — neque cum histrione ullo vel auriga , vel saltatore sit amicitia conjunctus , ad eorumve foras accedat . — Placeat eos ex omnibus constitui qui in Civitatibus optimi sunt , & imprimis quidem Dei , deinde vero hominum amantissimos quosque , sive pauperes sint , sive divites . — p. 557. Duobus hisce praeditus sit ornamentis , Religione erga Deum , & in homines benignitate — Et Epist. 49. p. 203. [ Sed velim omnes nostros sacerdotes omnino , qui Galatiam incolunt , vel minis impellas , vel ratione persuadeas , ut sint honesti ; vel sacerdotali ministerio abdices , si non una cum uxoribus , liberis , & famulis Diis colendis sedulo animos attendant — Deinde sacerdotem quemque hortare ne accedat ad spectacula , neve in taberna bibat , neu ' artem aliquam aut opificium turpe in ●ameve exerceat . Et qui tibi in his rebus morem gerunt , eis honorem tribuito : qui autem resistunt expellito . ] Leg. & fragm . Epist. 62. We crave your leave to use the Presbyters as strictly as Julian did these Priests , and to expect as much piety and sobriety in them ; and that you will not condemn all those for Puritanism , that will not be worse then this Apostate Pagan . And for Discipline , could we have any from your Episcopacy worth the naming , we should be the more reconcilable to it : But it hath not been , nor it cannot be . Common drunkards that were for twenty or thirty years together drunk usually once or twice a week , and abundance as prophane in other kinds , were the stated members of this Parish Church where now I live , in the Bishops dayes ; and were safer from any trouble then the Puritans among them that would not imitate them . Let me here mind you of two of the following Arguments , which perswade us that your Prelacy is not of God , because it is destructive of Discipline . 1. When Episcopacy was first known in the Church , every Presbyterie , or Consessus Presbyterorum had a Bishop ; and every Presbyter had right to be a member of some such Presbyterie . And seriously would you have all the Presbyters in a Diocess to be a Presbyterie , where your Bishop must preside for the ordinary Government of the Diocess as one Church ? Are you strangers in England ? Or do you not know what abundance we have that in one Parish are every week scandalous , by drunkenness , cursing , swearing , railing , or such like ? And can all the Pastors travail so far to the Presbyterie so frequently without neglecting their Pastoral work ? Or can all these people be perswaded without the Magistrates sword to travail so far to answer for their impiety ? Will they not tell us , we have somewhat else to do ? Are we not like to make them wait seven years and seven , before the most of them can have a tolerable tryal , when so many hundred Parishes , of which some one may have hundreds of obstinate scandalous persons , must all go so far , and have but one Iudicature ? 2. I beseech you give me leave but from Scripture , and from Dr. Hammonds Paraphrase , to lay before you the work of a Bishop , and then tell me whether one man , or ten , or an hundred can do this work for one of our ordinary Diocess , any more then one man can build a City ? 1. A Bishop must be the publick Teacher of all the flock which he is to Oversee . And can one man undertake this for many score or hundred Churches ? 2. A Bishop must personally oversee and take care of all the flock , as Ignatius speaks , enquiring of each one by Name ; and can a Bishop know and personally instruct so many hundred Parishes ? These two parts of his Office I prove together : Act. 20.20 . [ I taught you publickly , and from house to house . 28. Take heed therefore to your selves and to all the flock , over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers , to feed the Church of God which he hath purchased with his own blood . 31. Therefore watch , and remember that by the space of three years , I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears . See Dr. Hammond on the Text , who tells you that it is spoke to Bishops . 1 Pet. 5.1 , 2 , 3. The Elders which are among you I exhort , who am also an Elder — Feed the flock of God which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , but willingly , not for filthy lucre , but of a ready mind ; neither as being Lords over Gods Heritage , but as ensamples to the flock ] See Dr. Hammond expounding it as spoken to Bishops , q. d. [ The Bishops of your several Churches I exhort — take care of your several Churches , and govern them , not as secular Rulers by force ( NB ) but as Pastors do their sheep , by calling and going before them , that so they may follow of their own accord . ] Heb. 13.7 . Remember them that have the Rule over you , who have spoken unto you the word of God ] Dr. Hammond Paraphr . [ Set before your eyes the Bishops and Governors that have been in your Church , and preached the Gospel to you — ] O all you Inhabitants of Yorkshire , Lincolnshire , Norfolk , Suffolk , Essex , Middlesex , Kent , Worcestershire , &c. how many of your Parishes did ever hear a Bishop preach the Gospel to them ? Vers. 17. Obey them that have the Rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that must give account ] D. H. [ Obey those that are set to Rule you in your several Churches , the Bishops , whose whole care is spent among you , as being to give account of your proficiency in the Gospel . ] O dreadful account , for him that must give it for so many thousands whose faces he never saw , and whose names he never heard , much less did ever speak a word to them ! 1 Tim. 5.17 . Let the Elders that Rule well be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine ] see Dr. H. expounding it of Bishops . 1 Thes. 5.12 . And we beseech you Brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the Lord , and admonish you , and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake ] Dr. H. [ Pay all due respects to the Bishops of your several Churches — ] Tell us ye Parishes of England , what labours have Bishops bestowed among you ? or how many of you have they admonished ? and which of them are you hence obliged to honour for their works sake ? and is it them , or is it the Presbyters ? I mention none of this as blaming Bishops for negligence ; but as blaming them that will plead for , and undertake an impossible task ; and after all with an hardened forehead will defend it with violence and separation from dissenters , when so many ages have told the world to their faces , that the undertaken task was never done . 3. It is the work of Bishops to confirm the Baptized : and is now made peculiar to them . D. H. [ on Heb. 13. a. To teach , exhort , confirm , and impose hands , were all the Bishops office in that place ] And if so , then the examining all the persons in a Diocess , till they have just satisfaction that they are fit to be confirmed , and the actuall Confirmation of them all , will be a considerable task of it self . 4. It is the Bishops work to exercise Discipline in the Church , by admonishing the unruly and disorderly , and hearing the case when the Church is told of those that have continued impenitent , and openly to rebuke them , and to cast them out by Excommunication , if they remain impenitent and unreformed . Dr. H. on Tit. 3.10 . [ It is thy office and duty toward such an one , first to admonish him once or twice , and if that will not work upon him or reduce him , then to set a mark upon him , to inflict the censures on him , and to appoint all men to break off familiar converse with him . ] And O what abundance of work is this in the several parts , even in one Parish , much more in a Diocess , see Dr. H. on Mat. 18.17 , 18. 5. It is the Bishops work to take the principal care of the poor , and their stock , or the contributions for them , which contributions were made at every Assembly . See Dr. H. on 1 Cor. 12.28 . e. [ The supream trust and charge was reserved to the Apostles and Bishops of the Church . So in the 41. Canon of the Apostles : A Bishop must have the care of the monies , so that by his Power all be dispensed to the poor by the Presbyters and Deacons ; and we command that he have in his Power the goods of the Church . So Iustin Martyr Apol. 2. That which is gathered is deposited with the Prefect or Bishop , and he helps , relieves the Orphans and Widdows , and becomes the Curator or Guardian to all absolutely ( NB ) that are in want . So Ignatius to Polycarp ; After the Lord thou shalt be the Curator of the Widdows . And Polycarp himself speaking of the Elders or Bishops , They visit and take care of all that are sick , not neglecting the Widdow , the Orphan , or the poor . ] So Dr. H. read him further . Remember this , all you that are for our English Prelacy . See that the Bishop be at once in every Parish in his Diocess to receive the contributions . Or see that you put all into his hands and custody : see that he take care of all the poor , and widdows , and orphans , in all your Country , and that all their monies be disbursed by him , or his special appointment , and be the common Overseer of the poor for his Diocess . And when you and he have tryed this one seven years , come then and tell us , whether he will be any longer a Prelate , or you will any longer be for Prelacy . In the mean time judge in your Consciences by these passages of Antiquity cited by D. H. whether the antient Bishops had one Congregation , or many score or hundred to be their Pastoral charge ? 6. Also it is a part of the Bishops work to visit the sick , and pray with them , and for them , Iam. 5.14 . Is any sick among you ? let him call for the Elders of the Church , and let them pray over him ] see Dr. H. that by Elders is meant the Bishops ▪ e. [ Because there is no Evidence whereby these ( inferiour Presbyters ) may appear to have been brought into the Chur●h so early , and because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plural , doth no way conclude that there were more of these Elders then one in each particular Church ( any more then that the sick man was bound to call for more then one ) and because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders of the Church was both in the Scripture stile , and in the first writers the title of Bishops : and lastly , because the visiting of the sick is anciently mentioned as one branch of the Office of Bishops ; therefore it may very reasonably be resolved , that the Bishops of the Church , one in each particular Church , but many in the Universal , are here meant ] so far Dr. H. Remember all you that are all for Prelacy , to send for the Bishop when you are sick , every person in the Diocess , according to this express command : And if he would do his work by a Deputy , remember , that in all that Diocess which was the Bishops charge in the Scripture-times , there was no Presbyter existent but himself , as is here confessed . So in the following words the same Learned Dr. further proveth from Antiquity , [ that one part of the Bishops office is set down , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that visit all the sick ] Let us have such Bishops as can and will do this , and our Controversie will soon be at an end about Episcopacy . Were it not that I have spoken of these things afterwards , and fear being tedious , I should have shewed , that 7. Baptizing , 8. Congregating the Assemblies , 9. Administring the Lords Supper , 10. Guiding the Assembly in the whole publick worship , 11. Blessing the people at the dismission , and 12. Absolving the penitent ; and more then all these were the works of the ancient Episcopal function . And now I leave it to the Conscience of any man that hath a grain of Conscience left him , whether one man be able , were he never so willing , to do any one of all these duties , much less to do all of them for many hundred Parishes ? Can a Bishop teach them all , and Catechise ●nd confer with all , and counsail , and comfort , and admonish all , and Govern all , and try all cases of every scandalous impenitent person of so many thousand , and Censure , and Absolve , and Confirm , and Try them for Confirmation , and receive all the Churches stock , and be the Overseer of all the poor , and take care of all the Orphans and Widdows , and visit , counsail , and pray with all the sick , and guide every Congregation in publick worship , and give the Sacrament to all , and pronounce the Blessing in every Assembly , &c. and this for a whole County or more ? O wonderful , that ever this should become a Controversie among men , that vilifie others as unlearned and unwise in comparison of them ? I must lay by respect to man so far , as plainly to profess , that I take these for such errors as must need proceed from want of Piety and Conscience , and practice of the duties that are pleaded for . If these men did not talk of Governing a Church , as those talk of Governing a Navy , an Army , or a Commonwealth , that never set their hand to the work , it is not possible sure that they should thus err . O how many Bishops never tryed what it is to Govern the Church , or faithfully perform any one of all these works ! I solemnly profess , that with the help of three more fellow Presbyters , and three or four Deacons , besides the greater help of abundance of Godly people here in their places , I am not able to do all this as it should be done , for this one Parish . And y●t the greatest part of our trouble is taken off , by the refusal of the multitude of the ungodly to come under Discipline , or be members of our Pastoral charge . Sirs , these are not scholastick speculations ! The everlasting Ioy or Torment of our people lyeth upon the successful performance of these works ( as we that are Christians verily believe ) And therefore to Dispute , whether One man should do all this for a Diocess , is all one as to Dispute , whether it shall all be undone or no ? and that is , whether we shall give up our Countries to the Dev●l or no ? And shall the Prelatical Controversie come to this ? You have no way to avoid it , but by Delegating your power to others , and casting your work upon them . But you confess that this was never done in Scripture-times , there being then no Subject Pesbyters to whom it might be committed . And by what authority then can you do it ? Can Episcopacy be transferred by Deputation to another ? This is long ago confuted by many writers , Popish and Protestant . Do the work by another , and you shall have your wages by another . And what is your Office , but your Authority and Obligation to do your work ? He therefore that you commit this to is a Bishop . So that this is but to make us Deputy Bishops : And if so , let us call them Bishops . I have read many of your writers of late , that say we have no Government , and saith one of them , the Presbyterian Government was never yet set up in any one Parish in England ] These are strange things to be reported to English men . Perswade the world next that no man in England hath a nose on his face . Is it not known that the Presbyterian Government hath been exercised in London , in Lancashire , and in many Counties , these many years ? And what Government is it that you think we want ? The people are guided in the matters of God by their several Pastors . The Pastors live in Concord by Associations in many Countries . Both Pastors and People are Governed by the Magistrate : And what need we more ? Look into this County where I live , and you shall find a faithful , humble , laborious Ministry , Associated and walking in as great unity as ever I read of since the Apostles daies . No difference , no quarrels , but sweet and amicable Correspondency , and Communion , that I can hear of . Was there such a Ministry , or such love and concord , or such a godly people under them in the Prelates reign ? There was not : I lived where I do : and therefore I am able to say , there was not . Through the great mercy of God , where we had ten drunken Readers then , we have not one now : and where we had one able godly Preacher then , we have many now : and in my own charge , where there was one that then made any shew of the fear of God , I hope there is twenty now : And the Families that were wont to scorn at holiness , and live in open impiety , are now devoted to the worship and obedience of the ●ord . This is our loss and misery in these times which you so lament . 3. But perhaps you will refuse Communion with us , because of our differences from you in doctrine about the Controversies called Arminian . But the fierceness of many of you hereabouts doth serve but to discover your ignorance and uncharitableness . The Papists that differ among themselves about these points , can yet hold Communion in one Church : and cannot you with us ? Will you be fiercer against us then the Iesuites against the Dominicans ? Nay we go not neer so far as they . We cleave to Augustine , and the Synod of Dort , who own not Physical Predetermination , and meddle not with Reprobation antecedent to foresight of sin , and who confess a sufficiency in Christs satisfaction for all . And yet must we have those impotent clamors , with which the writings of Mr. Pierce and other such abound ? Why then do you pretend to follow the Church of England , which Mr. Hickman hath shewed you plainly that you desert ? Many of the highest meer Arminians are charitable peaceable men , that hate separation from their Dissenting Brethren . Curcellaus is one of the most eminent men living of that way . And how charitable and peaceable an Epistle hath he writ before D. Blondels book de Papissa Joanna ? And I hear that Mr. Hoard , the Author of the Book called Gods Love to mankind , lives in peaceable Communion with the Neighbour Ministers in Essex . And I have had Letters from many of that way with whom I Correspond , full of Christian Love and Piety , and hatred of calumny and separations . But verily I must tell you , that when we find any of you in your writings and Sermons making it your work to vilifie the Ministry , and with the Quakers to make them odious to the people , and making your jeers , and railing , and uncharitableness the life of your Sermons , we cannot but suspect that you are Popish Emissaries , while we find you in their work , or else that you are Malignant Enemies , and of the s●●pentine brood , whose heads shall shortly be bruised by the Lord. 4. And if it be the disuse of your Common Prayer that you separate from us for , I would know of you , wh●ther you would have denyed Communion with all that lived before it had a being . If this be your Religion , I may ask you , where was your Religion before Luther ? before King Edwards daies ? If you say in the Mass book ( and what else can you say ? ) I ask you then , where was it before the Mass book had a being ? Would you have denyed Communion to the Apostles and all the Primitive Church for some hundreds of years , that never used your Book of Common Prayer ? will you still make things indifferent , necessary ? 2. One word to those of you that follow Grotius : I have shewed that he professeth himself a Papist , even in that Discussion which M r Pierce so magnifieth as excellent . I hear Mr. Thorndike and others defend him : and some think I injure him by calling him a Papist . Wonderful ! what will not be a Controversie among learned men ? Are we faln among such that deny him to be a Papist , that professeth expresly to be satisfied , if evil manners be but corrected , ( and school-opinions not imposed ) which are contrary to Tradition and all Councils ? and that professeth to own the Creed and Council of Trent , and all the Popish Councils whatsoever , and the Mistriship of Rome , and the Catholick Mastership of the Pope governing the Catholick Church according to these Councils ? What is a Papist if this be none ? I refer you to my Evidence in the Discovery of the Grotian Religion , and the first Chap. of the second Part of my Catholick Key , replying to Mr. Pierce . Confute it rationally if you can . I shall now only desire you when you have read Rivet , to read a Book called Grotius Papizans , and to hearken to the testimony of an honest , learned Senator of Paris , that admired Grotius , and tells you what he is from his own mouth : and that is , Claud. Sarravius , who saith in his Epistol . pag. 52 , 53. ad Gronov. [ De ejus libro & libello postremis interrogatus , respondit plane Milleterio Consona , Romanam fidem esse veram & sinceram , solosq●e Clericorum mores degeneres schismati dedisse locum ; adferebatque plura in hanc sententiam . Quid dicam ? Merito quod falso olim Paulo Agrippa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — Deploro veris lachrymis tantam jacturam ] Here you have a credible witness , that from his own mouth reporteth it , that our Reformation was to Grotius a schism , and nothing but the ill manners of the Clergy gave us the opportunity . And pag. 190. Epist. ad Salmas . [ Vis ergo me exerte dicere quid sentiam de postremo Grotii libro ? & an omnia mihi in eo probentur ? Rem rogas non magnam , nec adeo difficilem , quemque expedire promptum est . Tantum abest ut omnia probem , ut vix aliquid in eo reperiam , cui sine conditione calculum apponam meum . Verissime dixit ille qui primus dixit , Grotium Papizare . Vix tamen in isto scripto aliquid legi quod mirarer , quodve 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurreret . Nunquid enim omnes istiusmodi ejusdem authoris lucubrationes erga Papistarum errores perpetuam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , erga Jesuitas amorem , erga nos plus quam Vatinianum odium produnt & clamant : In Voto quod ejus nomen praeferebat , an veritus est haec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 profiteri ? ] Had none of you owned Grotius his Popery , I would never have charged it on you . But when Grotius himself glorieth of his adherents in England , and so many of you plainly defend him , and profess your owning of those books , and those doctrines in which his Popery is contained , ( if ever Popery were known in the world ) I must then crave your pardon , if I think somewhat the worse of Popery , because they that hold it are ashamed of it . For I abhor that Religion which a man hath cause to be ashamed of , and will not save him from being a loser by it , that owneth it , and standeth to it to the last . And I think that man hath no Religion , who hath none which he will openly profess and stand to . I have at this time but these few requests to make to you , which I beseech you to answer without partiality . 1. That you will seriously consider , whether it be truly Catholick , to unchurch us , and so many Churches of Christ as are of our mind , as your partakers do ? Because Catholicism is your pretense , consider whether you be not further from it then most people in the world ? 2. Because I conceive this Book is not suited to your great objections , I desire your perusal of another that comes out with it , called A Key for Catholicks , especially the second Part , and if you cannot answer them , take heed how you continue Papists . 3. While you hold us for no Ministers or Churches , or Capable of your Communion , it is in vain for us to hope for Communion with you : but we desire that you will consider of those terms of a more distant sort of Communion , which there I have propounded in the End of the first and second Part : and deny us not that much . 4. At least we beseech you , that while you are Papists , you will deal openly , and no worse with us then sober Papists that speak according to their Consciences use to do . Do not let it ( as the Lord Falkland speaks ) be in the Power of so much per annum ( nor of your factious interest ) to keep you from professing your selves to be what you are ; and do not make the Protestant name a meer cloak to secure you in the opposing of the Protestant Cause , and follow not the example of Spalatensis , and the Counsel of Campian and Parsons , in feigning a sort of Doctrinal Puritans , and railing at Protestants under that name . Deal with us but as sober Papists do , and we shall take it thankfully . How highly doth Bodin a Learned Papist extol the Presbyterian Discipline at Genevah from its effects , when among many of you it hath as odious titles as if it were some blasphemous damning thing . What sober Papist would talk as Mr. Pierce doth [ p. 30. of the great abomination of the Presbyterian Directory , ] and not be able to name one thing in it that is abominable . Is it a great abomination to exhort and direct men to preach , and pray , and praise God , & ? If it be the Omission of his forms and Ceremonies , that is no Part of the book ; and if it be some Directions that are against them , they that revile the Common Prayer book , as most Papists have done , or they that count such Ceremonies and Forms indifferent things , as others have done , have little reason to account that so great an abomination that directeth men to omit them . What abominable thing is imposed by the Directory ? Tell us if you can . What excellent things doth Thuanus speak of the Presbyterians or Calvinists ? and how highly doth he extol the most of their Leaders or Teachers whom he mentioneth ? But to Mr. Pierce ; what a bloody perfidious sort of men are they , unfit to live in a Commonwealth ? And to Grotius ; the Protestants are not only of bad lives , but by the Power of their Doctrine they are such . I have shewed you in my Key for Catholicks how great the praises of Calvin are in the mouth of Papir . Massonius , and other sober Papists : and the same may be said of others of our Divines , who are mentioned by you with most calumniating odious words . Even Maldonate the Jesuite , when he is rail●ng at the Calvinists , confesseth of them , ( in Matth. 7.15 . ) that [ Nothing was in their mouths but , the Lord , and our heavenly Father , and Christ , and Faith ; an Oath was not heard : nothing appeared in their deeds , but Alms-deeds , and Temperance , and Modesty ] Is this like your language of them ? Nay , if Satan had dictated to him , how could he have uttered more falshood and detestable calumniation then Mr. Pierce hath done , p. 73. when he saith [ were Hacket , Lancaster , Arthington and others hanged for Non-conformity ? or was it nothing but Ceremonial which Coppinger , &c. designed against the lives of the whole privy Council , and against the person of the Queen ? were not Cartwright , and Travers , and Wentworth , and Egerton , and other Presbyterian Ministers privy to the plot ? ] The Lord will rebuke this slanderous tongue . Did ever Cochlaeus , or Bolseck go beyond this man ? How fully is it known that Hacket and his Companions were Grundl●tonians or Familists , just such as James Nailor , and the Quakers , ( who are far nearer the Papists then the Puritans or Presbyterians ) and that they madly came into London , Coppinger and Arthington , as his two Prophets , proclaiming Hacket to be Iesus Christ ; and that for obstinate insisting on this Blasphemy , Hacket was hanged , and dyed blaspheming , and Arthington upon his Repentance published the whole Story of the begining and progress of the business , as you may see it in the Book called Arthingtons Seduction . In which their madness , blasphemy , or any Treason of theirs or others , this man might as honestly have said , that Augustine , or Luther , or Cranmer had an hand , or were privy to the plot , as Cartwright , Travers , and such Presbyterian Ministers . What he hath read in Bancroft , I know not , nor much regard , till Bancroft himself be better cleared of what he is by writers charged with , concerning Ficlerus , Dolman , &c. and while he was known to be the most violent persecutor of the Puritans . But I see as the Papists will take it for a currant truth , that Luther was fetcht away by the Devil , and that Calvin was stigmatized for Sodomy , and dyed blaspheming , &c. if they can but say , that one Cochlaeus or Bolseck of their own hath spoke it ; so such men among us dare tell the world the most odious falshoods of Cartwright , Travers , and the Presbyterian Ministers , if they can but say , that Bancroft said it before them . And now the rest may take it as unquestionable , when Mr. Pierce hath said it . Do these men believe that there is a day of Iudgement ? If they do , they make but lamentable preparation for it . And his assertion pag. 77. that [ Excommunicating Kings and killing them is the doctrine of the Presbyterians ] and much more of his writing is of the same kind . To this I have given him an Answer in my Key for Catholicks , where he shall see whether Papists or Protestants are for King-killing ? Had you not gone so far beyond such moderate Papists as Cassander , Hospitalius , Massonius , Bodin , Thuanus , &c. in your enmity and bitterness against the Protestants , as clearly to contradict them , and to speak blood and venom , when they speak charitably , and honourably , we might have had more peaceable neighbours of you , though none of your Communion . And I suppose that those who separate from us , as having no true Ministry or Churches , would have all these Ministers that they take for none , to be silenced and cast out . I do not think you will deny this to be your desire , and your purpose , if ever you should have power ? And if so , what men are you ? and what a case would you bring this Nation in ? To your Objections I have answered in this book , and said somewhat more to you in another Preface . And upon the whole matter am forced now to conclude , that it is an Enmity to holiness in unsanctified hearts that is the principal cause of our distance and divisions ; and that the way to convince such men , as too many are that we deal with , is not Disputing , but praying to the Lord to change their hearts : And that if we could once perswade them but to the Love of God and Holiness , and to a serious practice of Christian Religion , and ( if they be Bishops ) to a faithful practice of those works of a Bishop which they confess are his duty , and to try Church-Government before they plead for what was never tryed by them , our Controversies would then be ended ▪ they would never more plead for such a Prelacy that destroyeth Piety , and Discipline , nor never revile the Servants of the Lord : nor never desire so much to promote the work of Hell , as the casting out all that they account no Ministers , and the casting off of all that they account no Ordinances or valid Administrations , would be . Farewel Disputing with such men , in order to their Conviction , and an healing peace . Hoc non est artis , sed pietatis opus . POSTSCRIPT . WHat the Publisher of Dr. Stewards Sermon doth mean by his Commmending it to my Consideration , when there is not a word in it that I am concerned in more then he , I understand not . If he thereby intimate , that I charged Dr. Steward to be of Grotius's Religion , or any other that disowneth it , he egregiously abuseth his Reader and himself . If he intend to argue that none of the Prelatical Party were Grotians , because Dr. Steward was not : Let him prove his Consequence ; I disprove it , 1. From the testimony of Grotius himself . 2. From the mouths and books of those that have owned Grotius among us , even since they were acquainted with his judgement , and have owned his Votum & Discussio in particular . If his meaning be that [ Dr. Steward was a Grotian , and yet no Papist : therefore Grotians are no Papists ] one branch of his antecedent is false : Either he was no Grotian , or he was a Papist . Again I profess , that it is far from the desire of my soul , to raise so much as the least suspicion on any that own not the Doctrine and Design of Grotius . Disclaim it , and we are satisfied . Dr. Heylin was taken for as hot an antipuritan as most in England : and yet ( in a moderate Letter to me ) he disclaimeth Grotianism : which I mention , partly lest any , by my naming him on another occasion in that Book , misconceive me to have accused him of this , and principally to discourage the defenders of Grotius , when such men as Dr. Heylin and Dr. Steward are against them . The CONTENTS . DISPUATION 1. WHether it be Necessary or Profitable to the right Order or the Peace of the Churches of England , that we restore the extruded Episcopacy ? Neg. Peace with Episcopal Divines to be sought , pag. 2 , 3. The Nature of Church-Government opened , pag. 5. to 14. Twelve sorts of Bishops to be distinguished , pag. 14 , 15. Which of these may be admitted for Peace , pag. 16. Vnfixed General Ministers to do the Ordinary part of the Apostles work , are to be continued : proved , pag. 21 , 22. What Power Apostles had over other Ministers , p. 23 , to 30. The Authors Concessions for Episcopacy , pag. 30 , 31. Arguments against the English Prelacy . 1. It destroyeth Government and its end , pag. 32. 2. It gratifieth Satan and wicked men , pag. 36. 3. It unavoidably causeth divisions , pag. 37. 4. It suspendeth or degradeth all the Presbyters , pag. 38. 5. It maketh Lay men Church-governors . 6. And oppresseth the Bishops with guilt , pag. 44. 7. It is the product of pride , pag. 45. 8. It gratifieth lazy Ministers , pag. 46. 9. It is not of Gods Institution , pag. 48. 10. 〈◊〉 is contrary to Gods word , pag 51. 11. It is unsafe , as never used in Scripture times . How fully the supposition is granted us , pag. 58 , 59. Many Reasons proving that the Apostles ( who de facto are confessed by Dr. H. to have setled no subject Presbyters in Scripture times , but one Bishop over one stated Congregation ) intended not the changing of this Order afterwards , pag 63. to 74 , &c. More Arguments that Diocesan Bishops are no Scripture-Bishops , pag 75. They are contrary to the Iewish and Apostolical Government , pag. 76 , 77. Proved by two Arguments more , pag. 83 , 84. The Confession of Episcopal writers , pag. 85 , 86. Against Diocesan Bishops ( of many Churches ) the Testimony of Clemens Romanus , p. 87. ( with Grotius's exposition , pag 88. Of Polycarps and Ignatius ( who is full against them ) pag. 88. Of Iustin Martyr , and Gregory Neocaesa●iensis , pag. 92 , 93. Tertullian , pag. 93 , 94. Of Clemens Alexandr . and from the late division of Parishes , pag. 96. Ninius testimony cited by Mr. Thorndike of 365. Bishopricks planted by Patrick in Ireland , pag. 96 , 97. More cited by Usher , pag. 97. The Testimonies of Councils , pag. 98. to 103. Many weighty Consequents of the proved point , pag. 103. DISPUTATION 2. THose who Nullifie our present Ministry and Churches which have not the Prelatical Ordination , and teach the people to do the like , do incur the guilt of grievous sin . A Preface to the Dissenters , pag. 109. One Letter of a Minister of another County that openeth the Necessity of this Disputation , pag. 127. Chap. 1. A Minister of Christ defined , pag. 130. Whether special Grace be Necessary to the being of a Minister , pag. 130 , 131. What Qualifications are Necessary , pag. 132. Ministers Christs Officers , pag. 133. Must be separated to the work , pag. 134. Who are the true objects of the Ministry , pag. 134 , &c. Whether the Pastors or Church be first , p. 136. Whether a particular Church or the Vniversal be first , ibid. The Pastors work in a particular Church , p. 137. How far Intention is Necessary to the Validity of an administration , p. 138. A Call to exercise after a Call to Office , p. 139. Chap. 2. Of the Nature and Ends of Ordination , shewing what it is that is the Ordainers work , and what not , p. 141. Chap. 3. Humane Ordination not of Constant Necessity to the Being of the Ministry , fully proved , p. 150. Chap. 4. An uninterrupted Succession of Regular Ordination is not of Necessity , p. 168. proved . Chap. 5. Ordination by such as the English Prelates , not Necessary to the Being of the Ministry , proved , p. 178. Objections Answered . Chap 6. Ordination especially at this time by English Prelates is unnecessary , p. 190. Chap. 7. The Ordination used now in England , and in other ●rotestant Churches is valid and agreeable to Scripture , and the practice of the antient Church , p. 198. fully proved : and so our Ministry vindicated , by twenty Arguments . Chap. 8. The greatness of their sin that are now labouring to perswade the people of the Nullity of our Ministry , Churches and Administrations : Manifested in forty aggravations , p. 240. Chap. 9. The sinfulness of despising or neglecting Ordination , p. 252. The distinct power of Pastors , People and Magistrates to our Call , p. 253. Approbation of Pastors must be sought , p. 258. What Pastors should be sought to for Ordination , p. 266. DISPUTATION 3. AN Episcopacy desirable for the Reformation , Preservation , and Peace of the Churches , p. 274. Chap. 1. Of General unfixed Bishops or Ministers , p. 275. Chap. 2. Of fixed Pastors , that also participate in the work of the unfixed , p. 286. Chap. 3. It is lawful for the several Associations of Pastors , to choose one man to be their President durante vita , if he continue fit , p. 297. What power shall such have ? p. 301. Chap. 4. It is lawful for the Presbyters of a particular Church to have a fixed President for life , p. 307. Chap. 5. Objections against the forementioned Presidency answered , p. 316. Chap. 6. The summ of the foregoing Propositions , and the Consistency of them , with the principles of each party , and so their aptitude to reconcile , p. 335. Chap 7. Some Instances proving that moderate men will agree upon the forementioned terms , p. 339. Bishop H●lls full Consent , p. 340 , 341. Dr. Hide ( of the new party ) stigmatizeth his book with the brand of irrational Separatism and Recusancy , p. 342 , 343. Bishop Ushe●s full Consent to us , p. 344. with Dr. Hold●worths , and Dr. Forbs . The Presbyterians Consent to the same terms . Mr. Ga●akers , Mr. Gerees , the London Province , Beza's , Calvins , Mr. Rich. Vines in two Letters : Bishops can have no other power over Pastors of other Churches , then the Synods have , p. 347 , 348. Presbyterians for a Church of one Congregation , p. 348. The Polonian Protestants Government , p. 353. DISPUTATION 4. WHether a stinted Liturgy or Form of worship be a desirable means for the peace of these Churches ? Proposition . 1. A stinted Liturgy is in it self lawful , p. 359. Prop. 2. A stinted Liturgy in some parts of publick holy service is ordinarily necessary , p. 365. Prop. 3. In those parts of publick worship where a form is not of ordinary necessity , but only Lawful , yet may it not only be submitted to , but desired , when the peace of the Church doth accidentally require it , p. 367. Prop. 4. So great is the difference between men and men , times and times , that forms may be a duty to some men , and at some times , and a sin to other men , and at other times , p. 368. Prop. 5. The Ministers and Churches that earnestly desire it , should not by the Magistrate be absolutely and generally prohibited the use of a convenient stinted Liturgy , p. 372. Prop. 6. To prescribe a form of prayer , preaching ( or other service where is no necessity of it ) and to lay a Necessity on it , as to the thing it self , or the Churches peace , &c. and to punish , silence , suspend , excommunicate , or reproach as Schismaticks the able , godly , peaceable Ministers or People that ( justly or unjustly ) dare not use it , is so great a sin , that no godly Ministers should desire or attempt it , nor any godly Magistrate suffer it , p. 373. Prop. 7. The safest way of composing a stinted Liturgy , is to take it all , or as much as may be , for words as well as matter , out of the holy Scripture , p. 378. Prop. 8. Yet is it lawful to use a Liturgy that is not so taken out of Scripture as to words , p. 380. Prop. 9. The matter of a Liturgy in which the Concord of many is expected , must not be doubtful or unnecessary things , ibid. Prop. 10. Humane forms of publick prayer or other worship ( excepting the fore-excepted necessary cases , as Psalms , &c. ) should not be constantly used by Ministers that have liberty , and are able to pray without them : Nor should any ( ordinarily ) be admitted into the Ministry ( except in great Necessities of the Church ) that are not able to pray without such forms , p. 381. Objections on both sides , p. 386. The summ of this Dispute , p. 392. DISPUTATION . 5. Qu. WHether humane Ceremonies be Necessary or Profitable to the Church ? p. 395. Chap. 1. Distinctions and Propositions in order to the decision , ibid. Chap. 2. Ceremonies forbidden , or which man hath not power to institute , are not to be imposed as profitable or lawful , p. 399. which those be . Instances of all our commonly controverted Ceremonies considered , p. 409. Chap. 3. In such unlawful impositions it is an aggravation of the sin , if Ceremonies are pretended to be Divine , p. 425. Chap. 4. If things unlawful are commanded as indifferent , or things indifferent as necessary , they are sinfully imposed : and the more , because of such pretenses , p. 427. Chap. 5. A lawful and convenient thing is sinfully imposed , when it is imposed on a greater penalty then the nature and use of it doth require , or then the common good will bear , p. 429. Chap. 6. It is not lawful to make any thing the subjects duty by a Command , that is meerly indifferent antecedently , both in it self and as cloathed with its accidents , p 433. Chap. 7. Some things may be lawfully and profitably commanded at one Time and Place , and to one sort of People , that may not at , or to another , no nor be obeyed if commanded , p. 439. Chap ▪ 8. Those orders may be profitable for the peace of the Churches in one Nation , that are not necessary to the peace of the Churches of many Nations , p. 445. Chap. 9. There is no meer Humane Vniversal Soveraign , Civil or Ecclestastical over the whole Church , and therefore none to make Laws obligatory to the whole , p. 448. Chap. 10. If it be not our Lawful Governors that command us , but usurpers , we are not formally bound to obey them , though the things be lawful which they command , p. 452. Chap. 11. The Commands of lawful Governors about lawful Ceremonies , must be understood and obeyed with such exceptions as do secure the End : and not to the subverting of it , p. 458. Chap. 12. It may be very sinful to command some Ceremonies , when yet it may be the subjects duty to use them when they are commanded , p. 460. Chap. 13. The Constant use of things indifferent should not be commanded ordinarily ( see the exceptions ) but they should be sometimes used , sometimes not , p. 464. Chap. 14. Thirty Reasons against the imposing of our late Controverted Mystical Ceremonies , as Crossing , Surplice , &c. p. 467. Chap. 15. Reasons perswading to Obedience in Lawful things , p. 483. ERRATA . PAge 10. l. 4. r. had not been by themselves . p. 24. l. 23. for Philetas , r. Alexander . p. 30. l. penult . for Perfect , r. President . p. 33. l. 34 , 35. r. the 2000th . or 3000th . person . p. 37. l. 34. for it , r. is . p. 41. l. 9. r. Presbyterie . p. 72. l. ult . for that , r. the. p. 77. l. 24. r. occasioning . p. 78. l. 16. r. had in it . p. 81. l. 1. blot out any . l. 28. for at all , r. all . l. 29. blot out the. p. 87. l. 17. for had r. have . Marg. l. 5. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 88. l. 17. for Prelacy , r. Policarpe . l. 37. for there that , r. that there . p. 89. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 93. l. 3. r. he was , and l. 34. for ad , r. at . p. 94. l. 29. r. we well . p. 95. Marg. l. 31. r. Blondel , and l. 33. for yet , r. and. p. 96. l. 9. r. Churches . p. 97. l. 5. for Scholarum , r. Scotorum . p. 100. Marg. l. 13. for no , r. on . p 104. l. 8. for I mean , r. I wave . p. 106. l. 4. for that , r. the. Disp. 2. Pref. p. 117. l. 16. for pass , r. pas● . p. 118 l. 30. blot out and. p. 121. l. 14. r. Bishop . p. 124. l. 17. r. Iansenius . p. 137. l. 5. r. Members . p. 139. l. 5. for men , r. run . p. 157. l. 3. & 4. r. pleasure & Pastors , & l. 34. r. and. p. 160. l. 2. r. will. p. 163. l. 11. for Proctors , r. Doctors . p 166. l. 14. r. sin in the. p. 169. l. 6. blot out upon . p. 181. l. 26. r. owed . p. 182. l. 11. r. And yet . p. 18● . l. ult . for as , r. at . p. 184. l. 3. for Art. 11. r. Act. 11. p. 191. l. 29. for he , r. the , & l. 37. for decase , r. depose . p. 194. l. 29. for and , r. &c. p. 199. l. 13. for Art. 11. r. Act. 11. p. 219. l. 1. r. Arrianus . p. 229. l. 32. for three and four , r. third & fourth . p. 241. l. 22. for name , r. main . p. 245. l. 14. for Davenant , r. Davenport . p. 253. l. 18. blot out do . p. 265. l. 12. blot out to . p. 277. l. 2. r. one & the. & l 12. r. works . p. 291. l. 18. for the , r. that . p. 316. l. 16. r. as their . p. 317. l. 23. for Overseers , r. Others . p. 328. l. 21. r. B●hmenists . p. 339. l. 16. r. had no other . p. 340. l. 9. r. the least . p. 367. l. 9. r. add to . p. 372. l. 21. for h● , r. the. p. 409. l. 34. r. but what was . p. 420. l. 16. r. of the Will. p. 421. l. 26. for them , r. than . p. 430. l. 28. r. Law. An Advertisement to prevent misunderstanding . MY exceeding scarcity of time , constraining me to write these Papers in much haste , and allowing me but a cursory perusal of them when written , and the like after the printing , for the collecting the Errata of the Press , I find by this hasty review , and by some observation of mens readiness to misunderstand me , that it is necessary to speak a little more about the following particulars , that I may be understood by such as are willing to understand me : and the mistakes of others I shall easily bear . Sect. 1. Pag. 89. There is somewhat that requireth correction of the pen , and somewhat that requireth explication . In translating that passage of Ignatius , [ Unus panis qui pro omnibus fractus est ] must be written next [ effusus est ] before [ & unus Calix . ] And for the following objection , though it was made by a discreet person , yet I know no ground for it : unless Is. Vossius his Edition leave out [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ( which I have not now at hand , but is likelyest ) I know not of any Greek copy that leaves it out . Indeed Bishop Ushers Latine doth , and the Vulgar Latine leaves out the translation of the next words before it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] of which saith Bishop Usher [ Ex interpretatione hac excidisse videantur . ] And noting the corruption of the Vulgar Translation in this very place , I there premised to my Answer , that it might occasion a change in the Text : that it hath done so in many places , I think is easie to prove ; but that it hath done so here , there is no probability , ( if any Greek Copy be as is objected : ) and the Reasons of my conjecture of the possibility , are so little for a probability , that as I express them not , so I think them not worth the expressing , but rather bid you take that as non dictum . Though of the general I find Bishop Usher himself saying , both of his Latine Version [ Ex eâ solâ integritati suae restitui posse Ignatium , polliceri non ausim , ] and of the first Greek Edition [ Hanc reliqui sequuti sunt editores ; non ex Graco aliquo codice alio , sed partim ex ingenio , partim ex vetere Vulgato Latino Interprete , non paucis in locis eandem corrigentes ] Epist. ad Lect. ante Annot. & pag. 26. Dissert . Sect. 2. I must intreat the Reader to observe that my drift in this writing is not so much to oppose any form of Government meerly as contrary to the Institution or Apostolical Rule , as to plead against that which I take to be destructive to the Ends of Government : Not that I desire not a careful adhering to the sacred Rule , but 1. Because I suppose that many circumstantials of Discipline undetermined in the Word are feigned by some to be substanstantial necessary things : and that many matters are indifferent that some lay the Peace if not the being of the Church upon . 2. Because I so far hate contention , that if any Government contrary to my Iudgement were set up , that did not apparently in the nature of it wrong the Church , I would silently live under it in peace and quietness : and accordingly would be now loth to enter a quarrel with any Writers that differ from us in tolerable things : But if I know that their judgement reduced to practice is like to be the undoing of many souls , and to cast Discipline almost wholly out of the Church , I think it better to displease them , then let them undo the Church without contradiction . The best is , the serious Christians of this age have experience to help them to understand the case , and I suppose my Disputation to be unto them as if I Disputed before a man that is restored from want , or banishment or sickness , whether he should be reduced to the Condition from which he is restored ? Sect. 3. Some passages here will occasion the Question ( as p. 5. ) Whether and how far Church Government is jure Divino ? ] But of this , in the main I am agreed with them that I dispute . To speak further , my own judgement is , 1. That the Spirit of God hath established all the Officers and worship-Ordinances of his Church ; and that no new Church-office or Ordinance of worship ( as to the substance ) may be instituted by man ; 2. But that there are many Circumstantials about the Exercise of those Offices and Ordinances , that are not determined particularly by a Law , but are left to humane prudence to determine of , by the General directions of the Law. And so I suppose that Bishops and Presbyters are but one Office , of Gods institution ; but in the exercise of this Office if one for order be made a Moderator or President of the rest , or by agreement ( upon a disparity of parts or interest ) do unequally divide their work between them , in the exercise , it is a thing that may be done , and is fit where the Edification of the Church requireth it , but not a thing that always must be done , nor is of it self a Duty , but a thing indifferent . The following Case therefore I hence resolve . Sect. 4. Quest. [ Whether the Order of subject Presbyters might lawfully be created by Bishops or any humane Power ? and whether the Order of Bishops might lawfully be created for the avoiding of Schism by the consent of Presbyters ? or Metropolitans by Bishops ? ] Answ. If you understand by the word [ Order ] a distinct Office , none may create any of these but God. But if by [ Subject Presbyters ] be meant only men of the same Office with Bishops , that do for the Churches benefit subject themselves to the direction or Presidency of another , ( upon some disparity in their gifts or the like ) in the exercise of that Office , I suppose that this is a thing that by Consent may be lawfully done . And so I verily believe that betimes in the Church it was done , ( of which anon . ) So if by [ Bishops ] be meant no distinct Office , but one of the Presbyters chosen from among the rest , to exercise his Ministery in some eminency above the rest , by reason of his greater Gifts , or for Peace and Order , I doubt not but it is a thing that consent may do : ( And accordingly the Canon Law defines a Bishop that he is [ Unus è Presbyteris , &c. ] So if by [ a Metropolitan ] be not meant another Office , but one in the same Office , by reason of the advantage of his Seat , chosen to some acts of Order for the common benefit , I doubt not but it may be done : but every such Indifferent thing , is not to be made Necessary , statedly and universally to the Church . Sect. 5. When I do in these Papers plead that the Order of Subject Presbyters was not instituted in Scripture times , and consequently that it is not of Divine Institution , I mean as aforesaid , that as a distinct Office , or Species of Church ministers , as to the Power from God , it is not of Divine Institution , nor a lawful Institution of man ; but that among men , in the same Office , some might Prudentially be chosen to an eminency of degree as to the exercise ; and that according to the difference of their advantages there might be a disparity in the use of their authority and gifts , I think was done in Scripture times , and might have been after , if it had not then . And my judgement is , that ordinarily every particular Church ( such as our Parish Churches are ) had more Elders then One , but not such store of men of eminent gifts as that all these Elders could be such . But as if half a dozen of the most judicious persons of this Parish were Ordained to be Elders , of the same Office with my self , but because they are not equally fit for publick preaching , should most imploy themselves in the rest of the Oversight , consenting that the publick preaching lie most upon me , and that I be the Moderator of them for Order in Circumstantials : This I think was the true Episcopacy and Presbytery of the first times . From the mistake of which , two contrary Errors have arisen : The one of those that think this Moderator was of another Office in specie , having certain work assigned him by God , which is above the reach of the Office of Presbyters to perform ; and that he had many fixed Churches for his charge . The other of them that think these Elders were such as are called now Lay-elders , that is , Vnordained men , authorized to Govern , without Authority to Preach , Baptize , or Administer the Lords Supper . And so both the Prelatical on one side , and the Presbyterians and Independents on the other side , run out , and mistake the ancient form , and then contend against each other . ( This was the substance of what I wrote to Mr. Vines , which his subjoyned Letter refers to , where he signifieth that his judgement was the same . ) When Paul and Barnabas were together , Paul was the chief speaker , and yet Barnabas by the Idolaters called Jupiter . Nature teacheth us that men in the same Office should yet have the preheminence that 's due to them by their Age , and Parts , and Interests , &c. and that Order should be kept among them , as in Colledges and all Societies is usual . The most excellent part of our work is publick preaching , but the most of it for quantity is the rest of the Oversight of the Church ( in Instructing personally , admonishing , reproving , enquiring into the truth of accusations , comforting , visiting the sick , stablishing the weak , looking to the poor , absolving , answering doubts , excommunicating , and much more . ) And therefore as there is a necessity ( as the experienced know ) of many Elders in a particular Church of any great number , so it is fit that most hands should be most imployed about the said works of Oversight , yet so as that they may preach as need and occasion requireth ( and administer Sacraments ) and that the eminent Speakers be most employed in publick preaching , yet so as to do their part of the rest as occasion requireth : And so the former Elders that Rule well shall be worthy of double honour , but especially these that labour in the Word and Doctrine , by more ordinary publick preaching : And such kind of seldom-preaching Ministers as the former , were in the first times , and should be in most Churches yet that are numerous . Sect. 6. When I speak in these Papers therefore of other mens Concessions that there were de facto in Scripture times , but One Bishop without any subject Presbyters to a particular Church , remember that I speak not my own judgement , but urge against them their own Concessions : And when I profess my Agreement with them , it is not in this , much less in all things , ( for then I needed not disspute against them , ) but it is in this much , that in Scripture times there was de facto , 1. No meer Bishop of many particular Churches ( or stated worshipping Congregations , ) 2. Nor any distinct Office or Order of Presbyters , that radically had no Power to Ordain , or Govern , or Confirm , &c. ( which are the subject Presbyters I mean. ) Sect. 7. Specially remember that by [ Bishops ] in that dispute , I mean , according to the Modern use , one that is no Archbishop , and yet no meer Presbyter , but one supposed to be between both , that is , a Superior to meer Presbyters in Order or Office , and not only in degree or modification of the exercise ; but below Archbishops ( whether in Order or Degree : ) These are they that I dispute against ; excluding Metropolitans , or Archbishops from the question , and that for many Reasons . Sect. 8. If it were proved or granted that there were Archbishops in those times , of Divine Institution , it would no whit weaken my Arguments ; For it is only the lowest sort of Bishops that I dispute about : yea it confirmeth them . For if every combination of many particular Churches had an Archbishop , then the Governors of such Combinations were not meer Bishops , and then the meer Bishops were Parish Bishops , or Bishops of single Churches only : and that is it that I plead for , against Diocesan Bishops , that have many of these Churches ( perhaps some hundreds ) under one Bishop of the lowest rank , having only Presbyters under him of another Order . Sect. 9. If any think that I should have answered all that is written for an Apostolical Institution of Metropolitans , or of Archbishops , or of the subject sort of Presbyters , or other points here toucht , I answer them , 1. In the former my work was not much concerned ; nor can any man prove me engaged to do all that he fancieth me concerned to do . 2. Few men love to be contradicted and confuted , and I have no reason to provoke them further then necessity requireth it . 3. I take not all that I read for an argument so considerable , as to need Replyes . If any value the Arguments that I took not to need an Answer , let them make their best of them : I have taken none of them out of their hands by robbing them of their Books ; if they think them valid , let them be so to them . Every Book that we write must not be in folio ; and if it were , we should leave some body unanswered still . I have not been a contemner or neglecter of the writings of the contrary-minded . But voluminously to tell the world of that I think they abuse or are abused in , is unpleasing and unprofitable . Sect. 10. And as to the Jus Divinum of limited Diocesses to the Apostles as Bishops , and of Archbishops , Metropolitans , &c. I shall say but this : 1. That I take not all for currant in matter of fact , that two , or three , or twice so many say was done , when I have either cross testimony , or valid Reasons of the improbability : I believe such Historians but with a humane faith , and allow them such a degree of that , as the probability of their report , and credibility of the persons doth require . 2. I take it for no proof that all that was done in all the Churches , that I am told was done in some . 3. I take the Law of Nature and Scripture to be the entire Divine Law , for the Government of the Church and World. 4. And therefore if any Father or Historian tell me , that this was delivered by the Apostles as a Law to the Vniversal Church , which is not contained in Scriptures , nor to be proved by them , I will not believe them ; no more then I would have believed Papius and all his Millenary followers , that pretended Tradition from Saint John ; nor any more then I would have believed the Asians or Romans that pretended different times for Easter , as a Tradition Apostolical binding the whole Church . 5. If it were proved that de facto the Apostles did thus or thus dispose of a circumstance of Government or Worship , which yet is undetermined in Scripture , I take it not for a sufficient proof , that they intended that Fact for an Universal Law , or that they meant to bind all the Churches in all ages to do the like : no more then Christ intended at the Institution of his Supper to tie all ages to do it after Supper , in an upper room , but with twelve , and sitting , &c. 6. Yea if I had found a Direction or Command from the Apostles , as Prudential determiners of a Circumstance pro tempore & loco only ( as of the kiss of love , hair , covering , eating things strangled , and blood , &c. ) I take it not for a proof that this is an universal standing Law. One or two of these exceptions wil shake off the proofs that some count strong for the universal obligation of the Church to Diocesans or Metropolitans . Sect. 11. That the Apostles had Episcopal Power ( I mean such in each Church where they came , as the fixed Bishops had ) I doubt not . And because they founded Churches according to the success of their labors , and setled them , and if they could , again visited them , therefore I blame not the Ancients for calling them the Bishops of those Churches . But that each man of them was really a fixed Metropolitan , or Patriarch , or had his proper Diocess , in which he was Governor in chief , and into which no other Apostle might come as an equal Governor without his leave , this and such like is as well proved by silence as by all that I have read for it of Reason or History , that is , the Testimonies of the Ancients . I find them sometime claiming a special interest in the Children that they have begotten by their Ministry : But doubtless when Paul & Barnabas or Silas went together , some might be converted by one , and some by another within the same Diocess or City . If any man shall convince me , that any great stress doth lie upon this questiō , I shal be willing to give him more of my reasons for what I say . Sect. 12. And as to them that confidently teach that the Apostles suited the Ecclesiastical Government to the Politick , and that as by a Law , for the Church universally to obey : All the confutation at present that I will trouble them with , shall be to tell them , that I never saw any thing like a proof of it , to my understanding , among all the words that are brought to that purpose : and to tell them , 1. That if Paul chose Ephesus , Corinth , and other the most populous places to preach in , it was but a prudential circumstantiating of his work , according to that General Law of doing all to Edification : and not an obligation on all the Pastors or Preachers of the Gospel to do the same where the case is not the same . 2. And if Paul having converted many in these Cities do there plant Churches ( and no other can be proved in Scripture times ) it follows not that we may plant no Churches but in Cities . 3. And if the greatest Cities had then the most numerous Churches and the most eminent Pastors fitted to them , and therefore are named with some note of excellency above the rest , it followeth not that the rest about them were under them by subjection . 4. Yea if the Bishops of the chief Cities for order sake were to call Provincial Assemblies , and the meetings to be in their Cities , and they were to be the Presidents of the rest in Synods , with such like circumstantial difference , it followeth not that they were proper Governours of the rest , and the rest to obey them in the Government of their proper charges . Nor that they had power to place and displace them . 5. Much less will it prove that these Metropolitans ▪ taking the name of Diocesans , might put down all the Bishops of two hundred Churches under them , and set up none but Presbyters ( in order distinct from Bishops ) over the flocks , besides themselves ; and so the Archbishops having extinguished all the first Order of Bishops of single Churches , to take the sole Government of so many Churches , even people as well as Presbyters into their own hands . 6. And I do not think that they can prove that the Apostles did institute as many sorts of Church-Government then , as there were of civil ●olicy in the world . All the world had not the Roman form of Government : Nor had lesser Cities the same dependence upon greater , in all other Countryes . 7. Was it in one degree of subordination of Officers only , or in all , that the Apostles suited the Ecclesiasticall Government to the Civil ? If in One , how is it proved that they intended it in that one , and not in the rest ? If in all , then we must have many degrees of Officers , more then yet we have ▪ Inferiors very many , and Superiors some of all conscience too high : then we must have some to answer the Correctors , the Consular Presidents , and the Vicars , and Lieutenants , the Pro-consuls and Prefects , and the Emperor himself : Even one to be Vniversal in the Empire ( that 's yet some Limit to the Pope , and will hazzard the removing of the Supremacy to Constantinople , by the Rule that the Apostles are supposed to go by . ) And great variety must there be in the several Diocesses of the Empire ( which Blondell hath punctually described de primatu in Eccles. pag. 511. to 519. shewing the causes of the inequality of Bishopricks and Churches . ) 8. According to this Opinion the form of Church must alter as oft as Emperours will change their Policy , or Wars shall change them : And upon every change of the Priviledges of a City , the Churches Preheminence must change , and so we shall be in a mutable frame : Which if Basil and Anthymius had understood , might have quicklier decided their controversie . Yea according to this opinion , Princes may quite take down Metropolitans at pleasure , by equalling the priviledges of their Cities . The best is then , that it is in the power of our Civil Governours to dissolve our obligation to Metropolitans , yea and to all Bishops too , if Cities must be their only residence , as I have shewed . Sect. 13. As for them that pretend humane Laws for their form of Government , that is , the decrees of General Councils ; I answer , 1. I disown and deny all humane Laws as obligatory to the Church Vniversal : It is the prerogative of God , yea the greatest point of the exercise of his Soraignty to be the Law-giver to his Vniversal Church . There can be no Vniversal Laws without an Vniversal Law-giver : and there is no Vniversal Law-giver under Christ in the world . 2. And for General Councils ( since Scripture times at least ) there have beeen no such things nor any thing like them , unless the Roman Empire , yea a piece of it , be the whole world . I know therfore no humane Vniversal Laws , whether it be for forms of Government , Liturgies , Holy dayes , or any thing else . Sect. 14. But the principal matter that tends to end our d●fference , is , the right understanding of the Nature of that Government that is properly Ecclesiastical : What is it that we must have Diocesans and Metropolitans to do ? ( besides what I have granted to Apostolical Bishops in the third Dispute ? ) Is it to Teach or Rule the people of the particular Churches ? They cannot do it at so great distance , not knowing them nor conversing with them ; at least so well as they that are on the place , as the ancient Bishops were . Is it to Rule the Presbyters only ? Why then hath not every Church a Bishop to Rule the flock , but a Presbyter that is forbidden to Rule them ( in all that which they call Iurisdiction themselves ) ? And how is it that Presbyters shall be Ruled by Diocesans , and the Diocesans by Provincials ? not by force : For the Pastors have no coercive power by violence , or touching mens bodies or estates . Is it by bare commanding ? Why what will that do on dissenters that disobey ? shall they depose the Bishops or Presbyters that disobey them ? But how ? Not by any force , but command , or exhortation , or Excommunication . They can do no more that I know of . And what if they excommunicate a Pastor ! Let the case be supposed as now it is among us : What if a Bishop with the few that adhere to him , excommunicated all the Pastors in the County that are not satisfied of the Divine Right of Diocesans , or of the lawfulness of all his imposed Ceremonies and Forms ? The people will take it to be their duty ( most generally where the Ministry hath been savingly effectual ) to own their Pastors notwithstanding such an Excommunication , and the Pastors will take it to be their duty to go on with their work : and the excommunication will do no good ( unless perhaps to make some Division , and make both parties the scorn of the ungodly , or procure the rabble to rail more bitterly at their Pastors , and hate all their advice , be a desireable good . ) And as when the Pope excommunicated them , some Bishops again excommunicated the Pope ; so some of these Pastors its like would excommunicate their Metropolitans : And why a Bishop , or at least a Synod of Bishops may not cast a wicked Metropolitan out of their communion , is past my understanding to conceive . Synods are for Communion of Churches ; and if we had a Monarchical , National Church in conformity to the Common-wealth , I know not how it would stand with the Law of God , for the whole Nation to hold Communion with an Heretical Primate . A Roman Synod deposed John the thirteenth , and other Popes have been deposed by Councils . I conclude therefore , that what ever power men claim , if the Magistate interpose not ( which is extrinsick to the Church-Government in question ) it will work but on mens Judgements , call it Deposing , Excommunicating , or what you please : and this power no man can take from you but by hindring you to speak . You may now depose thus and excommunicate whom you please , and when they have sleighted it , or excommunicated you again , you will have done . Nay I think you do excommunicate us already : For you withdraw from our Communion , and draw many with you , and so you exercise your power ( I mean it of that party that in the second Disputation I have to do with . ) Sect 15. Much of my Opposition to the English Prelacy dependeth on the supposition , that they took all the people , and not only the Presbyters for the objects of their Government , or for their charge : And I find some of the younger sort that are sprung up since their fall , do doubt of this . But 1. all men in England that knew but twenty year ago what belonged to these matters , are past doubt of it . And I have no mind to dispute against them that contradict the common knowledge of the Nation : as if they should doubt whether we had ever a King in England . 2. Read over the Canons , and the yearly Visitation Articles ( which the Church-wardens ordinarily sware to present by , before they had ever read the Book , or heard what was in it ) and then judge . 3. Their arguing for the sole Iurisdiction of Bishops , and that they only were properly Pastors , and that Presbyters had not the Key of Discipline , but of Doctrine , is some evidence . 4. It is known to the Nation , that the Pastors of the Parish Churches had no power by their Laws ( or sufferance ) to cast out any the most enormous sinner or Heretick from the Church , nor to bring them to open confession of their sin , nor to Absolve the penitent , but by Reading of their Sentence , and publishing what they sent from their Courts ; and consequently could do nothing of all the means in order hereto : ( For the means cannot be used where the end is known to be impossible . ) All the obstinate scandalous persons , and scorners at a holy life , we must take as members of our Churches , having no power to cast them out . Indeed we had the same power as the Church-wardens , to put our names to their presentments . But a power of accusing to a Chancellors Court is not a Power of Governing ; especially when Piety under the name of Preciseness and Puritanism , was so hated and persecuted , that to have accused a man for meer prophaness would have been so far from obtaining the end , as that it was like to have been the undoing of the accuser , except he had been out of the suspicion of Preciseness ( as they called it ) himself . But I need not dispute the with any but those that being bred i● better times ( though far from what we desire ) are unacquainted with the cas● of their Predecessor . Sect. 16. Object . But do you not contradict your self , in saying the Pastors were degraded or suspended , as to the exercise of so great a part of their work , and yet say here , & Pref. to the Reformed Pastor , that the Power of Discipline was given them ? ] Answ. 1. In their Ordination the Bishops said to them [ Receive the Holy Ghost : whose sins thou dost remit they are remitted ; whose sins thou dost retain they are detained . ] And in the Book of Ordination it was asked of them [ Whether they would give their faithful diligence always to administer the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the Discipline of Christ as the Lord hath commanded , and as this Realm hath received the same according to the Commandements of God ? ] And the Rubrick of the Common Prayer Book enableth the Curate to admonish open and notorious evil livers by whom the Congregation is offended , and those that have wronged their neighbors , that they come not till they have openly declared that they have repented and amended . ] But 1. This doth but serve to leave them unexcusable , that acknowledged Discipline to belong to the Office of a Presbyter , when yet he might not exercise it . The Bishops in the Ordination of Presbyters enabled them to preach the Gospel : And yet they were after that forbidden to preach till they had a License ; and it was put into the Visitation Articles , to present those Ministers that preached without License . If they will deny us the exercise of the Power that they first confess belongeth to our Office , we are not answerable for their self-contradictions . 2. By Discipline I suppose they mean but our Instruction , and our publishing their Orders for Penance , Excommunication , or Absolution . 3. They were the Judges of the sense of the Laws , as far as the execut●on required : And the Vniversal Practice of England , with their writings , shewed us , to our cost , their judgement . What good would it do us , if the Law had been on our side , while the Concurrent Iudgement and Practice of the Governors denyed it , and went against it . 4. He that had kept a man from the Sacrament , according to the plain words of the Rubrick , was to have been accountable for it at their Courts , and so likely ( if he had been a man of serious piety , and not a persecutor of Puritans ) to have been undone by it , and was like to make so little of it , as to the Ends of Discipline ( all men being compelled by the Presentments to receive the Sacrament ) that I never knew one ( to my best remembrance ) in 25 years time that I lived under the Bishops , that was kept from the Sacrament , except a Puritan that scrupled to take it kneeling . And what was this to true Church-Government ? Sect. 17. Object . But either they did it according to the established Law , or not : If they did , the fault was in the Law , and not in them : If they did transgress the Law , then the fault was in mens abuse , and the Law and Order cannot be blamed . Answ. A sad case to poor ignorant miserable souls , that they must be left in obstinacy , and deprived of Gods means of Reformation without Remedy , because either the Law or Iudges must be excused . The Iudges are the mouth of the Law to us : that is Law in the issue to us which they unanimously call Law. If the fault were in the Law , it was time it should be altered : if it was in the Bishops universally , it was time they should be altered . Let us but have a Remedy , and enjoy Gods Ordinances , which he that is the Churches Head and King hath appointed for our benefit , and we have done . Sect. 18. Object . But may not Bishops when they Ordain , Delegate what measure of Ministerial Power they please ? and if you never received more , why should you use it ? ] Answ. A poor relief to the forsaken Church : Deprive her of Government , and then tell us that we had no power ! Is the Power desirable to us , if the Ordinance were not desirable to the Church ? 2. What Power have Bishops , and whence did they receive it , to change the Office of Christs institution , or his Apostles ? If so , they may turn the three Orders ( which the Papists themselves say the Pope cannot alter ) into as many more . Then they may create an Office for Baptizing only , and another for the Lords Supper only , and another for praying only , and so of the rest ; which is worse then making Lay-elders , or then taking away the Cup in the Sacrament . Hath Christ by his Spirit instituted Church-offices , and are they now at the Bishops power to transform them ? 3. If they had power to distribute the work in the exercise , part to one , and part to another , yet they have no power to deprive the particular Churches of the whole or any part ; but one or more must do it , and the Office must be the same , and the power exercised to the edification , and not the confusion and corruption of the Church . Sect. 19. Object . But the Keys were given only to the Apostles , and not to the seventy Disciples nor to Presbyters . ] Answ. 1. If the seventy were only Disciples , and not Church-officers , the Ancients and the English Bishops have been much mistaken , that have so much urged it , that Presbyters succeed them as Bishops do the Apostles : But if they be Officers , then they have the Keys . 2. The Episcopal Divines , even the Papists , commonly confess that part of the Keys are given to the Presbyters : and Christ gave them together . 3. Were they given only to Apostles for themselves , or to convey to others ? If to themselves only , then no one hath them now . If to convey to others , then either to Apostles only as their Successors ( but there 's none such ) or to Patriarchs or Primates , or Metropolitans , or Archbishops only : ( but none of this will please the Bishops ) or to Bishops only ; which I grant , taking Bishops in the Scripture sense . And I desire to see it proved , that it was not a presumptuous Innovation in them whosoever they were , that after the days of the Apostles Ordained a new sort of Presbyters in the Church that should have no power of the Keys . 4. They that must use the Keys , must have Power to use them . But Parish Bishops must use them ( as the nature and necessity of the work doth prove : ) Therefore Parish Bishops must have the Power . If only one man in a Diocess of an hundred or two hundred Churches shall have the power of the Keys , we may know after all the talk of Discipline , what Discipline to expect . Sect. 20. Object . Why blame you Lay-chancellors , Registers , Proctors , &c. when you set up Lay-elders ? we are as well able to call Chancellors Ecclesiastical , as you can call Lay-elders so . ] Answ. I never pleaded for Lay-elders : If other men erre , will it justifie your error ? But I must tell you , an unordained man in a single Parish , having power only to assist the Pastor in Government , is far unlike a Lay-Court to Govern all the Churches of a Diocess . Sect. 21. Object . Do not your Arguments against Bishops for excluding Discipline , make as much for the casting out of Ministers , of whom you complain in your Reformed Pastor for neglect of Discipline ? ] Ans. 1. The Nature of Prelacy as set up in England , ●here only one man had the Government of so many Churches , unavoidably excludeth it , if the best men were Bishops ( till it be otherwise formed : ) But the nature of a Parochial Episcopacy is fitted to promote it . 2. Those Presbyters that I blamed for neglecting the higher acts of Discipline , do yet keep away more prophane persons from the Lords Supper in some one Church , then ever I knew kept away in all places under the Prelates . 3. If Ministers sinfully neglect Discipline , yet as Preachers and Guides , in publick worship , &c. they are of unspeakable need and value to the Church : But few Bishops of England preached ordinarily : And 4. We are desirous that Bishops shall continue as Preachers , but not as Diocesan excluders of Parochial Church-Discipline . Sect. 22. Object . By pretending to agree with them that say there were no Presbyters in Scripture times , you would put down Presbyters , and then the Government of the Church will be such as you blame . Ans. It is the thing I plead for , that every Church may have such Bishops as they had in the Apostles days , and not meer ( new devised Presbyters ) that are of another Office and Order . Sect. 23. Object . Bishops had Deacons to attend them in the Scripture times , though not Presbyters ; therefore it follows not that Bishops had then but One Congregation . Answ. Yes beyond doubt : For Deacons could not , and did not perform the Pastoral part in the whole publick worship of any stated Churches . They did not preach ( as Deacons ) and pray and praise God in the publick Assemblies , and administer the Sacraments : It 's not affirmed by them that are against us : therefore there were no more Churches then Bishops . Sect. 24. Object . But what doth your Arguing make against the other Episcopal Divines that are not of the opinion that there were no meer Presbyters in Scripture times ? Answ. 1. Other Arguments here are as much against them , though this be not ( if they maintain that sort of Episcopacy which I oppose . ) 2. They also confess the smalness of Churches in Scripture times : ( as I have shewed out of Bishop Downam ; ) and that is it that I plead for . Sect. 25. Object . But if you would have all reduced to the state that de facto the Church Government was in in Scripture times , you would have ( as but one Church to a Bishop , so ) but One Bishop to a Church ; as Dr. H. Dissert . 4 c. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. hath proved copiously , that is , that Scripture mentioneth no assistant Presbyters with the Bishop : and would that please you , that think a single Congregation should have a Presbyterie ? You should rather as he teacheth you , c. 21. p. 237. be thankful to Ignatius , and acknowledge the dignity of your Office , ab ●o primario defensore astrui & propugnari . ] Answ. As we make no doubt from plain Scripture to prove , ( and have proved it ) that single Churches had then many Presbyters ( some of them at least : ) So having the greatest part of Fathers and Episcopal Divines of our mind herein , ( even Epiphanius himself ) we need not be very solicitous about the point of Testimony o● Authority . 2. We had rather of the two have but one Pastor to a Congregation , then one to a hundred or two hundred Congregations , having a Presbyter under him in each , authorized only to a part of the work . 3. Either the distinct Office of the Presbyters is of Divine Institution , to be continued in the Church , or not . If not , Bishops or some body it seems may put down the Office. If it be , then it seems all Gods Vniversal standing Laws ( even for the species of Church Officers ) are not contained in Scripture . And if not in Scripture , where then ? If in the Fathers , 1. How shall we know which are they , and worthy of that name and honor ? 2. And what shall we do to reconcile their contradictions ? 3. And what number of them must go to be the true witnesses of a Divine Law ? 4. And by what note may we know what points so to receive from them , and what not ? But if it be from Councils that we must have the rest of the Laws of God ( not contained in the Scripture . ) 1. Is it from all or some only ? If from all , what a case are we in , as obliged to receive Contradictions and Heresies ? If from some only , which are they , and how known , and why they rather then the rest ? Why not the second of Ephesus as well as the first at Constantinople . But this I shall not now further prosecute , unless I were dealing with the Papists ( to whom have said more of it , in another writing . ) 4. Ignatius his Presbyters were not men of another Office , nor yet set over many Churches that had all but one Bishop : But they were all in the same Churches with the Bishop , and of the same Office , only subject to his moderation or presidency for Vnity and Order sake : and this we strive not against , if limited by the general Rules of Scripture . Sect. 26. Object . Those that you have to deal with say not , that [ There were no Presbyters in the Apostles days , but only that in the Apostles writings , the word [ Bishops ] always signifies Bishops , and the word Elders either never or but rarely Presbyters . But it is possible for them to be in the time of those writings that are not mentioned in those writings ; and the Apostles times were larger then their writings , as you are told Vind. against the Lond. Minist . p. 106. ] Ans. 1. The words I cited ( from Annot. in Act. 11. ) faithfully , which you may peruse : which say that there is no evidence that in Scripture times any of the second Order were instituted . ] So that it is not Scripture writings only , but Scripture times that 's spoken of . And 2. If there be no evidence of it , the Church cannot believe it or affirm it ; for it judgeth not of unrevealed things ; and therefore to us it is no Institution that hath no evidence . 3. The Apostles were all dead save John before the end of Scripture times : So that they must be instituted by John only : And John dyed the next year after Scripture times , as the chief Chronologers judge : For as he wrote his Apocalypse about the 14 th year of Domitian , so his Gospel the year before Trajan , and dyed the next year , being after the commoner reckoning , An. D. 98. and some think more . And what likelihood , or proof at least , that John did institute them the year that he dyed ? when the same men tell us of his excursion into Asia to plant Elders ( b●fore that year , it 's like . ) 4. And if they were not instituted in Scripture time , then no testimony from Antiquity c●n prove them then instituted . But indeed if we had such testimony and nothing of it in the Scripture it self , we should take it as little to our purpose . For 5. doth Ant●quity say that the Institution was Divine , of Universal obligation to the Church , or only that it was but a prudential limitation of the exercise of the same Office ( the like I demand of other like Testimonies in case of Diocesses , Metropolitans , &c. ) If only the later , it binds us not , but proveth only the licet , and not the oportet at least , as to all the Church . And then every Countrey that finds cause , may set up another kind of government : ●ut if it be the former that is asserted as from antiquity , then the Scripture containeth not all Gods Vniversal Laws ; Which who ever affirmeth , must go to Fathers or Councils instead of Scripture to day , and to the infallibility of the Pope , or a Prophetical Inspiration to morrow , and next — Sect. 27. Once more to them that yet will maintain that the Apostles modelled the Ecclesiastical form to the Civil , and that as a Law to the whole Church , we take it as their Concession , that then we ow no more obedience to the Archbishop of Canterbury , then to the Civil Magistrate of Canterbury , ( and especially London sure is exempted from his superiority . ) And I yet know not that any Civil Magistrate of Canterbury , or York , or London , or Worcester , hath any government in this Countrie , except the Soveraign Rulers at Westminster be meant . And I hope our Itinerant course of Iudges , will prove the right ( to the Objectors ) of Itinerant Apostolical Overseers of the Churches , for settlement at least . Sect. 28. Object . But Parishes being not divided till long after the Apostles days , there might be then no ordinary Assemblies but in the City ; and yet the whole Territory adjacent be the Diocess . ] Answ. Were there in the Territories persons enough to make many Assemblies , or only so few as might travel to , and joyn with the City Assembly ? If the latter , it 's it that I assert , as usual in the first age at least ; If the former , then either all those in the Territories met for publick Worship and Communion , or not : If not , they sinned against the Law of God that obliged them thereto as well as Citizens : If they did , then they must have either Bishop or Presbyter with them , for the due performance of that worship . Sect. 29. If any think all these stragling objections and advertisements here unseasonable , I render him this true account of them : This first Disputation was prepared only for our ordinarily Monthly Exercises here , and so written long ago , before the London Ministers Book , or the Answer to it , and the rest that have followed , and therefore could not take notice of much that hath since passed , and withal was not intended for publick view : But when I saw s● many of the Gentry and Commonalty withdraw from the publick worship , and the ignorant and prophane had learnt to refel their Pastors Instructions , by calling him a Lay-man , and saw how the new separation threatned the perdition of multitudes of the people , & especially was awakened by the Calls of Ministers in other Countries that were far more troubled with them then we , I thought meet to prefix this to the Second Disputation , which was it that was desired of me : and therefore to take notice of those things so late . Sect. 30. And the common experience tells you that it is not a few that go the way that lately was singular even among the Episcopal ; to which I may add the Testimony in Vindic. against the London Ministers , p. 104. [ And though I might truly say that for those more minute considerations or conjectures , wherein this Doctor differs from some others — he hath the suffrages of many of the Learnedst men of this Church at this day ( and as far as he knows , of all that embrace the same cause with him ) &c. — ] Sect. 31. And this at least I may expect from the Reader , that if he think we argue weakly , he will confess that we argue not for worldly greatness , but go against our carnal interest . We contend against Bishopricks of the English mode , as desiring no such Wealth or Honour . Some of us have as good opportunities to have a part in that kind of Greatness if it were again introduced , as they : But I am not able alone for a Parish charge , and am loth to have more on my hands , and my accounts ; which is I suppose the mind of my Brethren also . Sect. 32. One more Advertisement I owe the Reader , that this being written so long since I was made confident by Bishop Usher , de Primordiis Eccl. Brit. that Ireland was the Ancient Scotia where Palladius , &c. planted the Gospel , which pag. 97. I have signified . But I should wrong Scotland , if I should not tell thee , that I have received such Arguments to the contrary since then , from the Right Honourable , and my highly valued friend , the Earl of Lawderdail , that I am forced to suspend my judgement in that point , till I have leisure better to study the point , being yet unable to answer the said arguments . Whether it be Necessary or Profitable to the right order or the Peace of the Churches of England that we restore the extruded Episcopacy ? IN this Question here are these three things supposed . 1. That there are yet particular Churches of Christ in England : and therefore those that conclude that there hath been no Church among us since the Diocesan Bishops were laid by , are none o● them that we are now disputing with : and indeed we think so gross a conceit unworthy of a Confutation . 2. It is supposed that both the right Order and the Peace of these Churches are matters highly to be valued . 3. And also that its our duty for the obtaining of it , to do that which is necessary or profitable thereto . But the doubt is ▪ Whether the Episcopacy in question be necessary or profitable thereto ? For the decision whereof I shall briefly tell you my Judgement , in these propositions , whereof the two first are but preparatory . Proposition 1. A Peace with the Divines of the Episcopal judgement , is much to be desired and earnestly to be endeavoured . Prop. 2. A certain Episcopacy may be yielded to , for the Peace ( if not for the right order ) of the Church . Prop. 3. The Diocesan Episcopacy which was lately in England , and is now laid by , may not lawfully be re-assumed or re-admitted , as a means for the right Order or Peace of the Church . 1. For the first of these , I think it easie to prove that we ought to seek an Agreement in the Episcopal controversie , with those that differ from us in that point . For , 1. They are brethren , of the same faith with us , whom we are bound to love and honour , and therefore to use all just means for peace with them . If we must as much as in us lyeth , if possible , live peaceably with all men , Rom. 12.18 . much more with Brethren of the same family and profession . 2. They are very many ; and the far greatest ( though not the purest ) part of the Church is of their mind : All the Greek Church , and the Ethiopian Church , and the Jacobites , Armenians , and all other parties without the verge of the Reformation from Popery here in the West , that ever I read or heard of , are all of that way , besides all the Romane Church : And , though I know that much ignorance , and imperfection , if not superstition and fouler errors may be justly charged on the Greek , Ethiopian , &c. Churches , as well as on Rome ( though not Popery it self ) yet I think there is scarce a good Christian that is not unwilling to cast off so great a part of the Church of Christ , as these are Indeed , he that dares so far despise all the Churches of Christ on earth except these few that are happily reformed , as to think that it is no duty of ours ▪ to seek unity and peace with them , by all just means , I think is no meet person for us to dispute with . It is the hainous sin of Rome , to despise and unchurch Greeks , Ethiopians , and all save themselves , which I hope Protestants will never imitate , who have justly condemned them so deeply for it . Let the Donatists shut up the Church of Christ in Afr●ca , and call the rest Cecilians ; and let the Papists reduce it to the subscribers to their Trent confession , or to them only that believe in the Popes universal Headship and Government , and call all others Hereticks : yet will all true Catholicks imitate Augustine and the Councils that were called against the Donatists , who still described the Catholike Church to be that which was dispersed over the world , having begun at Ierusalem : and though to Gods praise we dare rejoycingly affirm , that the most illustrious and the soundest part of it is in Europe , among the Reformed , yet dare we not say that it is all or the greatest part here ; Nay we confess that we are but a small part of Christs Church . And therefore common sobriety may tell us , that the Peace of so great a part of Christs Church as is in all the rest of the world , is highly to be valued , and sought with all our might , in righteousness . Moreover , even among the reformed Churches there are many for some Episcopacy or Superintendency : As the Church of England and Ireland was lately for Diocesan Episcopacy : so the Churches in Denmark , Sweden , Saxionie , and other parts of Germany , Transilvania , &c. are for a lower sort of Episcopacy , called Superintendency among them . 3. And the quality of many of the Divines of that way , is such as bespeaks our greatest reverence to them , and should move us to thirst after Unity and Reconciliation with them . Many of them are men of eminent Learning and Godliness , and sound in the faith . I know that it is commonly objected , that they are generally ungodly men that are that way ; and though some of them are Learned men , yet they are all , or almost all , of careless and carnal lives , or meerly formal and superstitious , and therefore their Communion is not much to be desired . To which I answer . 1. The plain undenyable truth is that it was so here with the most of them in the Bishops dayes , where ever I was acquainted : There were more Ministers in many places that would have scorned , threatned or troubled a man for a godly diligent life , then that would lead him that way by a good example . We must speak that truth that cannot be hid , whoever be displeased . To this day , too many of that way are careless and scandalous . But then Consider withall , 2. That it is but too common for the common sort even of Ministers as well as people , to be careless and bad , what ever opinions they are of : Especially if the times do discountenance practical Religiousness , the greater part are likely to follow the times , being that way also so strongly enclined by nature . 3. Consider also that we have had , and have men of that Judgement that have been excellent Instruments of the Churches good , and so eminent for Gods graces and gifts , that their names will be pretious whilest Christ hath in England a Reformed Church : were there in all England but one such man dissenting from us , as Hooper , Farrar , Latimer , Cranmer , Ridley , Iewel , Abbot , Davenant , Vsher , Hall , &c. what sober Godly man would not be exceeding solicitous for a reconciliation ? I am sure ( besides the godliness of their lives , and painful preaching ) One Iewel , One Vsher , One Davenant , hath done so much against the Roman Usurpers , as they will never well claw it off them to the last . Moreover who knoweth not that most of the Godly able Ministers of England since the Reformation , did judge Episcopacy some of them Lawful , and some of them most fit ( for the Non-conformists were but few : ) and that even before this late trouble and war , the most , even almost all , of those that were of the late Assembly at Westminster , and most through the land , did subscribe and conform to Episcopal Government , as a thing not contrary to the word of God : so that it is evident that it is very consistent with a Godly life to judge Episcopacy lawful and fit ; or else we should not have had so many hundred learned and godly men of that mind . And I am not altogether unapt to believe , that many of them yet are so far reconcileable to it ( moderated , ) that if it were again established , they would submit to it as they did : For I hear but of few that have made any recantation of their former conformity ; but contrarily have known divers of them profess a reconcilableness as aforesaid , as Mr. Gataker doth in one of his books express his own Judgement . If I have proved this preparatory proposition ( which I think needeth but litle proof , ) then have I also proved 1. That they have sinned much who have hitherto forborn the use of any means for Peace , which was in their power . 2. And that we are bound our selves to desire and seek after a peace with such men : and that we cannot discharge a good conscience while we neglect such means as is within our reach , and fit for us to use . The second Proposition is , that [ A Certain Episcopacy may be yielded to , for the peace , if not also for the right order of the Church ] In the declaration of my judgement concerning this , I make no doubt but I shall displease both sides ; the one for yielding so much ; the other for yielding no more . But jacta est alea : I live not upon mens favour , nor the air of their applause : That truth which displeaseth at present , may tend to peace , and produce it at the last , when the angry humour is allayed , or at least , when the angry age is gone . For the clearer determination of this and the main Question following it is necessary that I here stay 1. To open the nature of Church-Government in general : 2. To open the sence of the word [ Episcopacy ] and the several sorts of Bishops . And then 3. I shall tell you what sort of Episcopacy it is that I could yield to for the Churches peace . 1. I must confess I think that the greatest part of the controversie by far , is in this first question , of the nature of Ecclesiastical Government , strictly so called , which is only in the hands of Christs Ministers , Bishops or whomsoever , commonly called , Clergy men . A●d concerning this ( having written my thoughts more largely el●ewhere ) I shall now lay down these few Propositions . Prop. 1. All this power Ecclesiastical is Jure divino , given from God himself ; and that either immediately , or by the mediation only of the Ap●stles . I mean as to the determination in specie , what it shall be , and the constitution of that order and power in the Church , though perhaps some other causes , at least * sine quibus non may intervene for the reception of this power by an individual person . These therefore that plead only the Laws of the Land , or only Canons of former Bishops for their standing or authority , do say nothing that as to our controversie is regardable . Wh●t men do , they may undo , if there be reason for it , and if it depend on their authority , we must submit to their reason . Prop. 2. This Divine Constitution of the Species of Church-Power and Government , is to be found wholly in the written word of God , called the holy Scriptures . This we are agreed on against the Papists , who would supply the supposed defects of Scripture by their unwritten Traditions , which they call the other part of Gods word . Church Canons and Laws of men may determine of some modes and circumstances for the better execution of the Laws of God , by the People whom they are over : but they cannot make new Church Ordinances or Governments , nor convey a Power which God the fountain of Power did not ordain and convey : nor can they give what they themselves had not . The Church-office and Authority therefore that is not proved from the Holy Scripture , is to be taken as the fruit of humane arrogancy and presumption . Yet I deny not but that we may find much in Antiquity , in Fathers and Councils about matters of fact to help us to understand some Scriptures , and so to discern the matter of right . Prop. 3. The Scripture doth not Contradict , but suppose and confirm the light of Nature ; nor doth it impose upon any man Natural impossibilities , nor constitute offices which cannot be executed , or which would destroy that end to which they are supposed to be Constituted . Prop. 4. Ecclesiastical Authority comprehendeth not the power of the sword , nor any power of using violence to mens bodies , or laying mulcts or confiscations on their estates . The Ecclesiastical Power which Christ ordained , was exercised for the first three hundred years without any touching of mens bodies or purses , before there were any Christian Princes . Prop. 5. Magistrates are not eo nomine obliged to punish men because they are Excommunicated ( whether upon every just Excommunication they should punish , I will not now dispute ) but they are bound to know that their penalties be deserved , before they inflict them ; and therefore must themselves take Cognisance of the Cause , and as rational agents , understand before they act ; and not blindly follow the Judgements of the Bishops , as if they were but as Executioners where the Bishops are Judges . Prop. 6. * The Power of the highest Church-governours is but an Authority of Directing in the way to salvation : It is but Directive : but then there is no room for the common Objection , that [ then it is no greater then any other man may perform ; ] for it is one thing to Direct Occasionally from Charity , and another thing to Direct by Authority in a standing office , as purposely appointed hereunto . † The Power of Church-Governors is but of the same nature as is the Power of a Physitian over his Patients , or of a School-master over his Schollers , supposing he had not the power of the rod or actual force , but such a power as the Professors of Philosophy or other sciences had in their several schools upon the adult ( nor all so great neither ; because the Laws by which we must rule , are made to our hands , as to the substantials . ) Hence therefore it is plain , that as we can bind or force no man to believe us , or to understand the truth , and to be Christians , but by the power of demonstrated Evidence , and by the light which we let in ( through Gods grace ) into their Consciences , so neither can we cause any to execute our sentences against offenders further than by light we convince them that it is their duty : so that if all the Bishops or Presbyteries in the land should judge such or such an opinion to be heresie , and should Excommunicate those that own it as hereticks , in this case if the Church do believe as the Pastors believe , they will consent and avoid the Excommunicate person ; but if they take it to be Gods truth which the Pastors call heresie , they will not take themselves bound by that sentence to avoid him : nor will the Offender himself any further be sensible of a penalty in the sentence , then he shall be convinced that he hath erred ; and if the Church avoid him , he will justifie himself , and judge that they do it wrongfully , and will glory in his suffering : so that it is on the Conscience that Church-Governors can work ; and no otherwise on the outward man , but mediante Conscientiâ . Prop. 7. The ground of this is partly because no Church Governors can bind any man contrary to Gods word : Clave errante , & ita apparente , if the people know that he erreth , they are not to obey him against God. Yet in the bare inconvenient determination of some Circumstantials , by which the duty is not destroyed , but less conveniently performed , the people are bound to obey their Governors , because it is not against Gods determination , and because he erreth but in an undetermined point , of which God appointed him to be the orderly determiner . But if God have once determined , no mans contrary determination can oblige ; nor yet if they go beyond the sphere of their own work , and determine of an aliene subject , which God did never commit to their determination : else a Minister , or Bishop , might oblige every Taylor how to cut his garment , and every Sho●-maker how to cut his shoe , so that they should sin if they did disobey , which is ridiculous to imagine : and if they go about to introduce new stated Ordinances or Symbols in the Church which they have nothing to do with , or in any other work shall assume to themselves a power which God never gave them , it doth no more oblige then in the former case . Prop. 8. Another reason of the sixth Proposition , is , because The People have a Iudgement of discerning , whether the Governors do go according to Gods word or not : else they should be led blindfold , and be obliged by God to go against Gods word , whensoever their Governors shall go against it . It is not bruits or Infants , but rational men that we must rule . Prop. 9. The three things which Church power doth consist in , are ( in conformity to the three parts of Christs own office ) 1. About matter of Faith , 2. About matter of Worship , 3. About matter of Practice in other cases . 1. Church-Governors about Doctrine or Matters of Faith , are the Peoples Teachers , but cannot oblige them to Err , or to believe any thing against God , nor make that to be truth or error that is not so be●ore . 2. In matter of Worship , Church-guides are as Gods Priests , and are to go before the people , and stand between God and them , and present their prayers and prayses to God , and administer his holy mysteries , and bless them in his name . 3. The Commanding Power of Pastors is in two things : 1. In Commanding them in the name of Christ to obey the Laws which he hath made them already . And this is the principal . 2. To give them new Directions of our own , which as is said , 1. Must not be against Gods Directions . 2. Nor about any matter which is not the object of our own office , but is without the verge of it . 3. But it is only in the making of under laws , for the better execution of the laws of Christ ; and those under-laws must be only the Determination of Ci●cumstances about Gods service which Scripture hath made necessary in genere , but left to the Governors determination in specie ; and they are such as are al●erable in several ages , countries , &c. so that it had been unfit for Christ to have determined them in his word , because his word is an u●iversal Law for all ages and countries ; and these Circumstances will not bear an universal determination : else why could not Christ have done it ? nay how is his Law perfect else that doth omit it ? For example , God hath commanded us to read the word , preach , hear , sing , which must necessarily be done in some time , place , gesture , number of words , &c. But he hath not commanded us on what day of the week our Lecture shall be , or at what hour of the day , nor what Chapter I shall read , nor how many at once , nor what Text I shall preach on , nor what Psalm I shall sing , nor in what words I shall pray , whether imposed by others , or not , whether with a book , or foreconce●ved form , or not ; nor whether I shall read with spectacles or without , or whether I shall discern how the time p●sseth by an hour-glass , or by the clock , or by conjecture without them . These therefore and other such like , must humane Prudence determine of . But with these Cautions . 1. These are mostly matters that require a various determination in several places according to the great variety of Circumstances ; and therefore it is for the most part fitter for the particular Pastor of that Church , who is upon the place , and seeth the case , to determine them pro re nata , * then for Synods , or distant Prelates , to do it by general Laws or Canons binding all . 2. Though upon a small misdetermination of such a Circumstance ▪ the people must obey , yet if it be so grosly misdetermined as to destroy the duty it self Circumstantiated , or to be notoriously against the end which it is pretended for , then they are not to obey it . As if a Pastor would appoint the People to hear in the night only , or at such unseasonable times that they cannot come , or in many the like cases . Note also tha● it is one thing to prescribe these matters in a direct Regimental Respect , and that belongeth to him upon the Place ▪ and its another thing to prescribe them for common Vnion or Con●ord among many Churches , and that belongs to a Synod , ( of which a●on . ) And it is most certain by sad experience , that scarce any thing hath broken the uni●y and peace of the Church more , than unnecessary determinations pretended to be for its ●nity and peace . Could men have been content to have made Gods Laws the center and touchstone of the Churches Unity , all had been well : but when they must make Canons for this Vesture , and that Gesture , and the other Ceremony , and determine in what words all men shall pray , and how many words he shall say , or how long he shall be , and so make standing Laws upon mutable circumstances , and this without any necessity at all , but meerly to domineer , as if they had been themselves ordained and entrusted with Gods worship and mens souls ; such sottish Presbyters , that know not how to speak or do any thing but as it is prescribed them , nor how to carry themselves soberly or reverendly without being obliged which way to bow , and when and how oft , with the like . Unnecessary things made Necessary have destroyed the Churches Peace ; and so blind are the Authors of it , that yet they will not see their errour , though the cries , and groans , and blood of the Churches have proclaimed it so long . The Church Historie of these one thousand and three hundred years at least doth tell us that it is the Church Governours by their too much business and overdoing in such wayes , even by too bold and busie determinations about doctrines or Ceremonies , that have broken all in peices and caused that confusion , dissention and seemingly remediless divisions in the Church . Prop. 10. In cases which are beyond the present understanding of the people , they are bound as Learners , to submit to the judgement of their Guides : If they see no sufficient cause , either in the matt●r to cause them to suspect that their Teachers are mistaken , or in their Teachers to cause them to suspect them to be seducers , they owe them ●o much credit and respect as their Guides , as to believe them fide humanà , or to suppose that they are likelier to be in the righ● then themselves ; and therefore in matters of Doctrine not to contradict them , but to submit to learn of them , till by learning they come to that ripeness of understanding , as to be capable of discerning the errors of their Guides , and so to contradict them groundedly , if indeed they err : so also i● the order of variable ●ircumstantials about the service of God , though the people ought not to obey their Governours , if under tha● pretence they should command them things sinful ; yet when they are not able to see any certain evil in the thing commanded , nor so strong a probability of evil as should cause them to suspend obedience while they take better advice , in such a case it is their Duty to obey the guides of the Church . For they are certain that they are commanded to obey them that rule over them , and watch for their souls , Heb. 13.17 . but they are not certain that in such a case it is an evil that is prescribed by them , nor is it supposed to be much probable ; therefore a certain evil of disobedience must be avoided before an uncertain and improbable evil . This the very office of Church Governours doth plainly import . Object . Then if the Minister mistake , all the people that understand not the grounds of the matter , must err for company . Answ. If by Must , you speak of their Duty , I deny the consequence : For their Duty is to be men of understanding , and to see the truth in its own evidence , and so not to err ; But if by Must , you only express a Necessity of Infirmity which they have sinfully contracted themselves , then I yield all : but I say , that it is a greater sin to disobey their guides , without known reason , and consequently never to obey them in any case beyond the present knowledge of the people , then it is to follow them fide humana in such mistakes as we have no sufficient means at present to discover . For the former will overthrow almost all Ministration and Church-government . Obj. Then it is no sin for an Ignorant man to Err with his Teacher for company . Answ. I deny that Consequence : for it is his sin to be an Ignorant man : and consequently to have any Error . But supposing him already Ignorant by his own sinfulness , and that the Ministers of the Gospel come to heal it , we may well say that it is his greater sin to disbelieve and disobey them without apparent cause , then to mistake with them where he is not able to discern the mistake . Prop. 11. He that disobeyeth the Word of God in the mouth of a Minister or Church governor , committeth a double sin , in comparison of him that disobeyeth the same word in the mouth of a private man : for bsides the sin which he first committeth , he breaketh also the fifth Commandment , and despiseth Christ in his Messenger : As a man that shall refuse to worship God , to use his name reverently , &c. when a private man telleth him that it is his duty , doth sin by that refusal : but if he refuse it when his own Father or Mother , or Minister command him , he also breaks the fifth Commandment besides the rest . Ministerial Authority therefore doth aggravate the sins of persons that are disobedient . Prop. 12. Yet for all this , one private man that evinceth out of Scripture a sin or a duty contrary to the doctrine or commands of our Guides , must be regarded in that before them ; and the evidence and divine verity which he bringeth must not be refused , because Church Governors are against it . Otherwise we should make Gods Officers to be greater then himself ; and the Promulgators and Preachers of his Law , to have power to null or frustrate the known Law which they should proclaim , and that the means is to be preferred before the end , and when it destroyes the end , and so ceaseth it self to be a means , which are things not to be imagined . Prop. 13. Yet is it a great sin for any men lightly and rashly to suspect their Teachers and Rulers , and much more Councils or the whole Church ; and too easily to credit the singular opinions of any private man or dissenting Pastor . But we should be very suspicious of the private man rather , and of the singular man ; and therefore should search well , and see good reason for it before we credit them , though we may not refuse any truth which they shall bring . Prop. ●4 . The uses of Synods or Councils , is not directly to be superiour Governours of particular Pastors and Churches ; but it is Directly 1. For the Information and Edification of the Pastor● themselves by the collation of their reasons and mutual advice ; 2. For the Vnion and Communion of the said Pastors , and of the particular Churches by them : that they may agree in one , and go hand in hand to do Gods work ; and so may avoid the crossing and hindering of each other , and one may not receive those to communion without satisfaction , who are excommunicated by others , and so that by this concord of Pastors they may be strengthened to a more successfull performance of their duties . But then , these Direct ends of Synods being presupposed , Indidirectly they may truly be said to be for Government ; Because God in general having commanded us to carry on his work as much as we can in Unity and Peace , and it being the proper work of Councils to agree upon wayes of Unity , it followeth that for Unity sake it becomes our duty to submit to their just Agreements ; and so that the forming of such Agreements or Canons , is consequently or Indirectly a part of Government , though Directly it is but for Unity and Concord . Pastors in Synods have the same power over their people as they have out : and therefore what Canons they make justly for the Government of the people , as Pastors , are Directly acts of Government : but as Assembled Pastors , and also as to the Canons by which they bind each other , they act but by consent or contract in order to concord and communion , and not by a superiour Ruling power . So that Synods as Synods are Directly only Gratiâ Vnitatis & Communionis , and not Gratia Regiminis ; but Indirectly and by consequence from the first use , they are after a sort Regimental . To conclude this about the Nature of Church-Government , in the two former similitudes it is somewhat apparent : For Christ calls himself the Physitian that comes to heal diseased souls : and his Church is also a School , and his people are all Schollars or Disciples , and Ministers his Ushers or under-Schoolmasters . Now the Physitian may prescribe to his Patient the times , the quantities of taking Medicines , and what diet to use , and what exercise in order to his health ; and also Physitians may make a Colledge , and frequently meet for mutual Edification , and Agree what Patients to meddle with , and what not , and that they will not receive those Patients that run from one to another to their own hurt , and that they will use none but such and such approved Medicaments , with divers the like circumstances . But yet no Physitian can either compell men to be their Patients ; nor compell them ( any otherwise then by perswasion ) to take their Medicines , when they are their Patients ; nor can they corporally punish them for any disobedience to their directions : But this they may do : they may tell them first that if they will not be ruled , they shall be without the Physitians help , and then their desease will certainly kill them , or endanger them ; and if the Patient continue so disobedient as to frustrate the means of cure , the Physitian may give him over , and be his Physitian no more ; and this is the Power of a Church Guide , and this is his way of punishing : Only he may further acquaint them with a Divine Commission , then a Physician can do to his Patient , ( at least gradually ) and so press obedience more effectually on their consciences . So a Schoolmaster may make orders for the right circumstantiating of matters in his School ( supposing one Grammer enjoyned by superiour Authority , ) and he may order what Authors shall be read , and at what hours , and how much at a time , and dispose of the seats and orders of his Schollars : But yet if he be a Teacher of the Adult , according to our case , he cannot corporally punish those that either refuse to be his Schollars , or to learn of him or obey him ; but the utmost that he can do is to put some disgrace upon them while they abide in his School , and at last to shut them out . And then all the Schoolmasters in the Countrey may well agree upon one Method of Teaching , and that they will not receive those without satisfaction into one School , who are for obstinacy and abuse cast out of another . But such Agreements or Meetings to that end do not make either one Physitian or Schoolmaster to be the Governour of the rest , or above another , nor yet to have the charge of all the Schollars or Patients of all the rest ; so is it in the case of Ecclesiastical Assemblies . HAving said this much concerning the Nature of Church-Power and Government , I come to the second thing promised , which is to enumerate the several sorts of Bishops that are to fall under our consideration , that so we may next consider , which of them are to be allowed of . And here I suppose none will expect that I shew them all these sorts distinctly existent ; it is enough that I manifest them to be in themselves truly different . 1. And first the name [ Bishop ] may be given to one , that is only the Overseer or Ruler of the People of one particular Church , and not of any Church-rulers themselves : That ruleth the flock , but not any Shepherds . 2. Those also may be called Bishops , who only are Ioint-Rulers with others of a particular Church , and Presidents among the Elders of that one Church for Vnity and order sake , without assuming any Government over those Elders . 3. A third sort there are that are Presidents in such an Eldership , and withal do take a Negative voice in the Government , so that nothing shall be done without them in such affairs . 4 A fourth sort are the sole Pastors of such a particular Church that have many Ministers under them as their Curates , who are properly to be Ruled by them alone ; so that the Pastor is the sole Ruler of that Church , and the Curates do only teach and otherwise officiate in obedience to him : Which is the case of divers Ministers of great Parishes , that keep one Curate at their Parish Church , and others at their Chappels . Yet it s one thing to be the sole Ruler of the Parish , and another to Rule the rest of the Elders . 5. A fifth sort of Bishops are those that are the fixed Presidents of a Classis of the Pastors of many particular Churches ; who hold the title durante vitâ , or quàm diu bene se gesserint , though they are in use only while the Classis sitteth , and have only a power of Moderating and ordering things , as the foreman of a Jury , or a double or casting voice , as the Bayliff in Elections in most Corporations , or as the President in some Colledges ; but no Negative voice , which maketh a Power equal with all the rest . 6. A sixth sort are the heads of such Classes , having a Negative voice , so that the rest can do nothing without them . 7. A seventh sort are the Presidents of Provinces or Diocesses containing many Classes , which have only a Moderating Power , but no Negative voice . 8. An eighth sort are the Bishops of particular Cities with all the Rural parts that are near it , containing many Churches ; who assume the Power of Governing that Diocess to themselves alone without the Presbyters of the particular Churches , either not using them at all in matter of Government , or only consulting with them in Assemblies , but giving them no determining votes . 9. A ninth sort is a Diocesan Bishop of such a City , who doth not take upon him the Rule of the people of the Diocess ( beyond his own Congregation ) but only of the Pastors ; supposing that the several Pastors or Presbyters have power to Rule the several Congregations , but withall that they themselves are to be ruled by him . 10. A tenth sort are such Bishops as assume the Government of these Diocesan Bishops , which are common●y called Archbishops : to which also we adjoyn Metropolitans , Primates , and Patriarchs , who assume the Power of Governing all below them : as under the seventh rank I do also for brevity comprehend Metropolitans , Primates , and Patriarchs , who assume no Governing Power over other Bishops , but only the primam sedem , and the moderating Power in Councils . 11. The eleventh sort are unfixed general Pastors , called Ambulatory , or Itinerant , that have a care of all the Churches , and are no further tyed to any particulars , then a● the necessary defect of their natural capacity ( seeing they cannot be in all places at once , ) or else the dispatch of that work which they there meet with , before they go further , and some such occasion doth require : and being excluded out of no part of the Church , further then by consent for the common good , they shall exclude themselves ; such , I mean , as the Apostles were . 12. The twelfth and last sort is the Judas that goes under the name of St. Peters Successor , and Christs Vicar General , or the Vice-Christ , who claimeth a power of Governing the whole universal Church as its Head , having Infallible power of determi●ing Controversies , and matters of Faith , and whose Office must enter the definition of the Catholick Church , and those that separate from him are no Catholikes , or true Christians . This is he that beareth the bag , and maketh the twelfth sort . 3. I Come now in the third place to tell you , how many and which of these sorts of Episcopacy I think may be admitted for the Peace of the Church : And , 1. Of the first sort ●here is no Controversie among us : few will deny the Ius Divinum of Presbyters , as having the Rule of the people of a particular Church , and the sole Rule , supposing that there is no other Pastor over that Church but himself . 2. Of the second sort of Parish Bishops ( who are meer Presidents over the whole Eldership of that particular Church , and that continually , or fixedly . ) I think there is little question will be made by any , but they also will easily be admitted . 3. The third sort ( A Parochial Bishop , having a Negative voice in a Parish Eldership ) I should be content to admit for the Peace of the Church : but whether of it self it be desirable , I do not dispute : for if one Pastor even in a Parish may have a Negative voice among two or three Curates , it will follow that the thing it self is not unlawful , viz. for one Minister to have a Negative vote among many , and so among an hundred , if there be nothing else to forbid . 4. The fourth sort ( for brevity ) Comprehendeth two sorts . 1. Such Pastors of a single Congregation , which having diverse Curates under them who are Presbyters , do yet themselves take upon them the sole Government of the people and of their Curates . I think this is intolerable , and indeed a Contradiction , or a Nulling of the Presbyters office : for it is essential to the Presbyter of any Church to be a Guide or Ruler of that Church : to put them out of all Rule therefore is to Null , or suspend the exercise of their office ; which cannot statedly be done without destroying it . But then 2. if we speak of the second sort , that is , such Pastors of particular Churches , as have Curats who are Presb●ters , and they govern their Curates , but take the Curates as true Governors of the flock , these as I dare not simply defend , ( for if it be lawful for one Pastor to Rule two or three in a Parish , then why not twenty or an hundred , if nothing else forbid ? ) so I confess I should be ready to admit of them , if it might attain the Churches peace : for I see many godly Divines that are against Episcopacy , yet practice this ; and will have no Curates in their Parish , that will not be Ruled by them . And there is a certain Obedience which Juniors and men of weaker parts , do owe to their Seniors and men of far greater knowledge , though the Office be the same . And the Nature of the Government being not Compulsive and Coercive , but only upon the voluntary , whose judgements approve and their wills consent , its considerable how far even a Ruler of others may voluntarily consent and so oblige himself to be Ruled by another , that could not have any power to Rule him , without that consent of his own , and voluntary Condescension . 5. As for the fifth sort , that is , [ The standing President of a Classis , having no Negative voice ] I should easily consent to them for order and Peace : for they are no distinct Office , nor ass●me any Government over the Presbyters . And the Presbyterian Churches do commonly use a President or Moderator pro tempore . And doubtless if it be lawful for a Month , it may be lawful for a year , or twenty years , or quam diu se bene g●sserit : and how many years had we one Moderator of our Assemblies of Divines at Westminster ? and might have had him so many years more if death had not cut him off ? And usually God doth not so change his gifts , but that the same man who is the fittest this month or year , is most likely also to be the fittest the next . 6. And for the sixth sort , viz. [ A President of a Classes having a Negative voice , ] I confess I had rather be without him , and his power is not agreeable to my Judgement , as a thing instituted by God , or fittest in it self . But yet I should give way to it for the Peace of the Church , and if it might heal that great breach that is between us , and the Ep●scopal Brethren , and the many Churches that hold of that way ; but with these Cautions and Limitations . 1. That they shall have no Negative in any thing that is already a duty or a sin : for an Angel from heaven cannot dispense with Gods Law. This I doubt not will be yielded . 2. That none be forced to acknowledge this Negative vote in them , but that they take it from those of the Presbyters that will freely give or acknowledge it . For its a known thing that all Church-power doth work only on the Conscience , and therefore only prevail by procuring Consent , and cannot compell . 3. Nor would I ever yield that any part of the Presbyters dissenting should be taken as Schismaticks , and cast out of Communion , or that it should be made the matter of such a breach . This is it that hath broken the Church , that Bishops have thrust their Rule on men whether they would or not , and have taken their Negative voice at least , if not their sole Jurisdiction , to be so necessary , as if there could be no Church without it , or no man were to be endured that did not acknowledge it ; but he that denyeth their disputable Power must be excommunicated with them that blaspheme God himself . And as the Pope will have the acknowledgement of his Power to be inseparable from a member of the Catholike Church , and cast out all that deny it , so such Bishops take the acknowledgement of their Jurisdiction to be as inseparable from a member of a particular Church , and consequently ( as they suppose ) of the universal : and so to deny them shall cut men off , as if they denyed Christ. This savoureth not of the humility that Christ taught his followers 4. Nor would I have any forced to declare whether they only submit for Peace , or consent in approbation : nor whether they take the Bishops Negative vote to be by Divine Institution , and so Necessary , or by the Presbyters voluntary consent & contract , as having power in several cases to suspend the exercise of their own just authority , when the suspension of it tendeth to a publike Good. No duty is at all times a duty . If a man be to be ordained by a Presbytery , it is not a flat duty to do it at that time when the President is absent , except in case of flat necessity ; why may not the rest of the Presbyters then , if they see it conducible to the good of the Church [ resolve never to ordain ( except in case of such Necessity , ) but when the President is there , and is one therein ; ] which is indeed to permit his exercise of a Negative vote , without professing it to be his right by any Institution ? It is lawful to ordain , when the President is present ; it is lawful ( out of cases of Necessity ) to forbear when he is absent : according therefore to the Presbyterian principles , we may resolve to give him de facto a Negative voice , that is , not to ordain without him , but in Necessity : and according to the Episcopal principles , we must thus do : for this point of Ordination is the chief thing they stand on . Now if this be all the difference , why should not our May be , yield to their , Must be , if the Peace of the Church be found to lye upon it . But 5. I would have this Caution too , that the Magistrate should not annex his sword to the Bishops censure , without very clear reason : but let him make the best of his pure spiritual Authority that he can : we should have kept peace with Bishops better , if they had not come armed , and if the Magistrates had not become their Executioners . 7. As to the seventh sort , viz. [ A President of a Province fixed , without any Negative voice ] I should easily admit of him , not only for Peace , but as orderly and convenient , that there might be some one to give notice of all Assemblies , and the Decrees to each member , and for many other mattters of order : this is practised in the Province of London pro tempore , and in the other Presbyterian Churches . And as I said before in the like case , I see not why it may not be lawful to have a President quam diu se bene gesserit , as well for a moneth , or a year , or seven years , as in our late Assembly two successively were more , ( as I remember ) so that this kind of Diocesan or Provincial Bishop , I think may well be yielded to for the Churches Order and Peace . 8. As to the eighth sort of Bishops , viz. [ The Diocesan who assumeth the sole Government of many Parish Churches both Presbyters and People ] as ten , or twelve , or twenty or more , as they used to do , even a whole Diocess , I take them to be intolerable , and destructive to the Peace and happiness of the Church , and therefore not to be admitted under pretence of Order or Peace , if we can hinder them . But of these we must speak more when we come to the main Question . 9. As for the ninth sort of Bishops , viz. [ A Diocesan Ruling all the Presby●ers , but leaving the Presbyters to Rule the People ] and consequently taking to himself the sole or chief Power of Ordination , but leaving Censures and Absolution to them , except in case of Appeal to himself ; I must needs say that this sort of Episcopacy is very ancient , and hath been for many ages of very common reception , through a great part of the Church ; but I must also say that I can see as yet no Divine institution of such a Bishop taken for a fixed limited officer , and not the same that we shall mention in the eleventh place . But how far mens voluntary submission to such , and consent to be ruled by them , may authorize them , I have no mind to dispute . Only this I will say , that though I allow not in my judgement this sort of Episcopacy , yet I think it incomparably more tolereable than the eighth sort , which taketh the whole Government of the people from the Presbyters to themselves ; And if I lived in a place where this ●overnment were established , and managed for God , I would submit thereto ▪ and live peaceably under it and do nothing to the disturbance , disgrace or discouragement of it . My reasons I le not stay to produce . 10. As for the ten●h sort of Bishops , viz. Archbishops , Metropolitans , Primates and Patriarchs , having not only the moderation of Synods , but also either the sole Government of all the Clergy , and cheif Government of all the people , or a Negative voice in all , I am much more in judgement against them , then the former , and so much the more against them , by how much the larger their Jurisdiction is , for reasons which I shall anon have occasion to produce . 11. As for the eleventh sort of Bishops that is [ such as succeed the Apostles in the office of Preaching and Governing , to wit as unlimited universal Officers ] it is a great doubt among many whether any such should be ? For though it be certain that such were , yet we are in doubt whether they have any successors . For my own part , I confess my self satisfied in this , that the Apostles have Successors , though not in their extraordinary Immediate manner of Mission , nor in their extraordinary Gifts of the Spirit , yet in all that part of their office which is of standing Necessity to the Church : And I am satisfied that their general Ministry , or ambulatory p●eaching as unfixed officers , and their Government of the Church by Office ( such as they did then use ) are of standing Necessity to the Church : And therefore that as such unfixed general Officers , the Apostles de jure have Successors . And this I have formerly proved to you in my Theses de Polit. Ecclesiast . briefly thus . Argument 1. Christ promised when he instituted this General Office to be with them to the end of the world : therefore it was his will that it should continue to the end of the world , ( Mat. 28 20 , 21. ) It was to a Ministry that were sent to preach the Gospel to every Creature , or to all the world , and to Disciple Nations , that this promise was expresly made ; therefore such a Ministry is to be continued . Argum. 2. The same work and Necessity still continueth : Fo● , 1. There are still most of the Nations on earth unconverted . 2. The Converted and Congregated to be Confirmed and Governed , therefore the Office continueth . Argum. 3. We can fetch no Argument from the Apostles Example or from any Precept or Promise to them , to prove the succession of fixed Pastors , which is stronger then this by which we prove the succession of General unfixed Officers : therefore either we must yield to this , or by the same reasons as we deny it , we must deny the Ministry too : Which is not to be done . Argum. 4. The Apostles had many Associates in this General Office in their own times : Therefore it was not proper to them , ☞ nor to ce●se with them . Barnabas , Sylas , Timothy , Titus , Apollo , with multitudes more in those times , were unfixed General Officers , that went up and down to convert the world , and staid only to order and confirm the new gathered Churches , and then went further ; sometimes returning to review , preserve , and strengthen their converts . Argum. 5. If we can prove that such unfixed General officers were by Christ settled in his Church , and that by such the Churches were in any sort then to be governed , then our cause is good , till the repeal or revocation of this office and order be proved . Let them therefore that affirm such a revocation prove it : for till then , we have proved enough , in proving that once it was instituted . But they cannot prove that revocation , I think , nor yet any Cessation , or that the institution was but pro tempore . Argum. 6. It is not a tolerable thing to charge God with such a sudden Mutation of his Law or Order of Church Government without very certain proof . If we find Christ setling one way of Church-Government , in his own time , and presently after , for the first age , it is a most improbable thing that he should take that down again , and set up another kind of Government to continue ever after . This seems to charge Christ with so great mutability , that it is not to be done without very clear proof . But such proof is not produced . I know it is easily proved that the immediate Mission , and extraordinary measure of the Spirit , for Miracles , ●nogues , Infallible delivery of the doctrine of Christ are ceased : But this is nothing to the general office of Preaching or Governing the Church , which is of standing use . So that I am satisfied of this , that the Apostles as General Preachers and Governours have successors . But then I must confess my self not fully satisfied , what Governing Power it was that the Apostles had over the Pastors of the Church . I find that when Saravia , and after him , the Disputants in the Isle of Wight , do insist on this Argument from the way of Church Government by the Apostles , that their Antagonists do presently grant the Minor [ that The Government of the Church at first was by men authorized to Rule the Presbyters and their Churches . ] but they deny the Major , that [ the Government which was then in the Church should continue till now , ] because it was by Apostles , whose Office they think ceaseth . Whereas I must confess I am unavoidably forced to yield the Major , that we must have the same kind of Government that was at first instituted , unless we had better proof of a change : For the stablishment of particular Churches and Presbyters was no change of the Apostles power , seeing they gave not away their power to the Presbyters nor ceased to have the same Apostolical power which they had before . Only the Apostles extraordinary Mission , Gifts and Priviledges , I confess are ceased . But then I conceive that the Minor which is so easily granted , viz. [ that the Apostles had the Government of the particular Presbyters ] will hold more dispute , at least as to the nature and degree of their power : and were I as fully satisfied about the Minor as I am of the Major , I must by this one Argument be forced to be for the Ius Divinum of Ep●scopacy . What at present seems truth to me , I shall lay down in these Propositions . Prop. 1. It is certain that the Apostles were general unfixed Officers of Christ , having the care of the whole world committed to them within the reach of their natural Capacity : and that their business was to take that course in the particular management of their work , as is most conducible to the propagation of the fa●th through the whole world : and that in all places where they came , they had the same power over the Churches gathered , as the fixed Pastors of those Churches have . This much is past doubt . Prop. 2. It is as certain that common prudence required them to make a convenient distribution of the work , and not go all one way , and leave other places that while without the Gospel . But some to go one way , and some another , as most conduced to the conversion of all the world . Prop. 3. It is certain that the Apostles were not armed with the sword , nor had a compulsive coercive power by secular force ; but that their Government was only forcible on the Conscience , and therefore only on the Conscientious , so far as they were such ; unless as we may call mens actual exclusion by the Church and their desertion and misery the effect of Government . Prop. 4. It is most certain that they who had the extraordinary priviledge of being eye-witnesses of Christs Miracles and Life , and ear-witnesses of his Doctrine , and had the extraordinary power of working Miracles for a Confirmation of their Doctrine , must needs have greater * Authority in mens Consciences then other men , upon that very account , if there were no other . So that even their Gifts and Priviledges may be ( and doubtless were ) one ground at least of that higher degree of Authority , which they had above others . For in such a Rational perswasive Authority which worketh only on the Conscience , the case is much different from the secular power of Magistrates . For in the former , even Gifts may be a ground of a greater measure of Power , in binding mens minds . And here is the greatest part of the difficulty that riseth in our way , to hinder us from improving the example of the Apostles , in that it is so hard to discern how much of their power over other Presbyters or Bishops was from their supereminency of Office and Imperial Authority , and how much was meerly from the excellency of their Gifts and Priviledges . Prop. 5. It s certain that the Magistrates did not then second the Apostles in the Government of the Church , but rather hinder them by persecution . The excommunicate were not punished therefore by the secular power , but rather men were enticed to forsake the Church for the saving of their lives : so that worldly prosperity attended those without , and adversity those within : which further shewes that the force of Apostolical Government was on the Conscience , and it was not corrupted by an aliene kind of force . Prop. 6. Yet had the Apostles a power of Miraculous Castigation of the very bodies of the Offenders , at least sometimes : which Peter exercised upon Anania● and Sapphyra , and Paul upon E●●mas , and some think upon Hymenaeus and Philetas , and those other that were said to be delivered up to Satan : certainly Paul [ had in readiness to revenge all disobedience ] 2 Cor. 10.6 . which its like extendeth somewhat farther than to meer censures . But it s most certain that the Apostle used no● this power o● hurting mens bodies ordinarily , but sparingly as they did other Miracles ; perhaps not according to their own wills , but the Holy Ghosts . So that this did not corrupt their Government neither , and destroy the Spirituality of it . Yet this makes it somewhat more difficult to us to improve the Apostles example , because we know not how much of their power upon mens Consciences might be from such penal Miracles . Prop. 7. The Apostles had power to Ordain and send others to the work of the Ministry . But this only by the consent of the ordained , and of the people ( before they could be compleat fixed P●stors ) for they forced not any to go , or any people to entertain them . And it seemeth they did not Ordain singly , but many together , Acts 14.23 . * Timothy had his Gift by the laying on of Pauls hands and of the hands of the Presbyterie , 1 Tim. 4.14 . and 2 Tim. 1.6 . Prop. 8. It seems that each Apostle did exercise a Government over the Churches which were once planted : but this was principally in order to well setling and confirming them . Prop. 9. No one Apostle did appropriate a Diocess to himself , and say , Here I am sole Governor , or am chief Governor ; nor did they or could they forbid any others to Govern in their Diocess : though , as is said , they did agree to distribute their work to the publike advantage , and not to be all in one place at once : but yet successively they might . Prop. 10. Nay it s certain that they were so far from being the sole Bishops of such or such a Diocess , that they had usually some more unfixed general Officers with them . Paul and Barnabas went together at first : and after the Division , Barnabas and Mark , Paul and Silas , and sometimes Timothy , and sometime Epaphroditus , and sometime others went together afterward . And others as well as Iames were usually at Ierusalem : and all these had a general power where they came . And it cannot be proved that Iames was Ruler of Peter , Paul and the rest when they were at Ierusalem , nor that he had any higher power then they . Prop. 11. Yet it seems that the several Apostles did most look after those same Churches which themselves had been the instruments of gathering , and that some addition of respect was due to those that had been spiritual Fathers to them , above the rest , 1 Cor. 4.15 . Prop. 12. It was therefore by the General Commission of Apostleship that they Governed particular Churches pro tempore while they were among or neer them , and not by any special Commission or Office of being the Diocesan or Metropolitane of this or that place . 1. It was below them , and a diminution of their honor to be so affixed , and take the charge of any particular Churches . 2. We find not that ever they did it . 3. If they had , then all the disorders and ungovernedness of those Churches would be imputable to them , and therefore they must be still with them as fixed Bishops are , seeing they cannot govern them at such a distance as make● them uncapable . 4. When Peter drew Barnabas and many more to dissimulation , and almost to betray the liberties of the Gentiles , Paul doth not say , This is my Diocess , and I must be the Ruler here : nor doth Peter plead this against him , when Paul and Barnabas fell out , whether Mark should be taken with them or not ; neither of them did plead a Ruling Authority , nor say , This is my Diocess , or I am the superior Ruler , but they produced their reasons , and when they could not agree concerning the validity of each others reasons , they separated and took their several companions and waies . Prop 13. It was not only the Apostles , but multitudes more that were such general unfixed Ministers : as the seventy , Barnabas , Silas , Epaphroditus . Timothy and many others . And all these also had a Power of Preaching and Ruling where they came . Prop. 14. None of these General Officers did take away the Government from the fixed Presbyters of particular Churches ; nor kept a Negative vote in their own hands , in matters of Government : for if no fixed Bishop ( or Presbyter ) could excommunicate any member of his Church without an Apostle , then almost all Churches must remain polluted and ungoverned , through the unavoidable absence of those twelve or thirteen men . The Apostles therefore did admonish Pastors to do their duties , and when themselves were present had power to do the like , and to censure Pastors or people that offended : but they did not take on them the full Government of any Church , nor keep a Negative vote in the Government . Prop. 15. It seems utterly untrue that Christ did deliver the Keyes only to the twelve Apostles as such , and so only to their Successors , and not the seventy Disciples or any Presbyters . For 1. The seventy also were General unfixed Officers , and not like fixed Presbyters or Bishops : and therefore having a larger Commission must have equal power . 2. The Apostles were not single Bishops as now they are differenced from others : but they were such as had more extensive Commissions , then those now called Arch Bishops or Patriarchs . If therefore the Keyes were given them as Apostles , or General Officers , then they were never given to Bishops . For Bishops as fixed Bishops of this or that Diocess are not Successors of the Apostles , who were Gene●al unfixed Officers . 3. It is granted commonly by Papists and Protestants , that Presbyters have the power of the Keyes , though many of them think that they are limited to exercise them under the Bishops , and by their Direction and Consent , ( of which many School-men have wrote at large ) 4. The Key of Excommunication is but a Ministerial Authoritative Declaration , that such or such a known Offendor is to be avoided , and to charge the Church to avoid Communion with him , and him to avoid or keep away from the Priviledges of the Church ; and this a meer Presbyter may do : he may authoritatively Declare such a man to be one that is to be avoided , and charge the Church and him to do accordingly . The like I may say of Absolution : if they belong to every authorized Pastor , Preacher and Church guide , as such , then not to a Bishop only , but to a Presbyter also . And that these Keyes belong to more then the Apostles and their Successors , is plain , in that these are insufficient Naturally to use them to their Ends. An Apostle in Antioch cannot look to the censuring of all persons that are to be Censured at Athens , Paris , London , &c. so that the most of the work would be totally neglected , if only they and their supposed Successors had the doing of it . I conclude therefore that the Keyes belong not only to Apostles and their Successors in that General Office , no nor only to Diocesan Bishops : for then Presbyters could not so much as exercise them with the Bishops in Consistory , which themselves of late allow . Prop. 16. The Apostles were fallible in many matters of fact , and consequently in the Decisions that depended thereupon ; as also in the Prudential determination of the time and season and other Cirumstances of known duties . And thence it was that Paul and Barnabas so disagreed even to a parting , where one of them was certainly in the wrong . And hence Peter withdrew from the uncircumcision , and misled Barnabas and others into the same dissimulation so far that he was to be blamed and withstood , Gal. 2. Prop. 17. In such Cases of misleading , an Apostle was not to be follownd : no more is any Church-Governor now : but it is lawful and needful to dissent and withstand them to the face , and to blame them when they are to be blamed , for the Churches safety , as Paul did by Peter , Galatians 2.1 . Prop. 18. In this Case the Apostles that by Office were of equal Authority , yet were unequal when the Reasons and Evidence of Gods mind which they produced was unequal : so that a Presbyter or Bishop that produceth better Reasons , is to be obeyed before another that produceth less Reason , or that Erreth . And the Bishop of another Church that produceth better Evidence of Gods mind , is to be obeyed before the proper Bishop of that same Church that produceth weaker and worse Evidence . Yea a private man that produceth Gods Word is to be obeyed before Bishops and Councils that go against it , or without it ( in that case , where the word bindeth us : ) so that , in all cases where Scripture is to determine ▪ he that bringeth the best Scripture proof , is the chief Ruler , that is , ought chiefly to prevail . Though in the determination of meer Circumstances of duty , which Scripture determineth not , but hath left to Church-Guides to determine pro re natâ , it may be otherwise , so that the Apostles power in determining matters of faith , was not as Church-Governors , but as men that could produce the surest Evidence . Prop. 19. It is not easie to manifest , whether every Presbyter in prima instantia be not an Officer to the Church Universal , before he be affixed to a particular Church ; and whether he may not go up and down over the world to exercise that office , where ever he hath admittance . And if so , what then could an Apostle have done by vertue of his meer office , without the advantage of his extraordinary abilities , and priviledges , which the Presbyter may not do ? May an Apostle charge the people where he comes to avoid this or that seducer or heretick ? so may any Preacher that shall come among them , and that by authority . May an Apostle Excommunicate the very Pastor of the place , and deprive him ? why what is that but to perswade the people , and Authoritatively require them , to avoid ▪ and withdraw from such a Pastor , if the Cause be manifest ? And so may any Pastor or Preacher that comes among them . For if ( as Cyprian saith ) it chiefly belong to the people even of themselves to reject and withdraw from such a Pastor , then a Preacher may by Authority perswade and require them to do their own duty . Yet I shall acknowledge , that though both may do the same duty , and both by Authority , yet possibly not both by equal Authority , but an Apostle Majore authoritate , and so may lay a stronger obligation on men to the same duty ; but the rest I determine not , but leave to enquiry . Prop. 20. In making Laws or Canons to bind the Church which are now laid down in Scripture , the Apostles acted as Apostles , that is , as men extraordinarily Commissioned , illuminated and enabled infallibly to deliver Gods will to the world . And therefore herein they have no Successors . In Conclusion therefore seeing that matters of meer Order and Decency depending on Circumstances sometime rationally mutable , sometime yearly , daily , hourly mutable , are not to be determined Vniversally alike to all the Church , nor to all a Nation , nor by those that are at too great a distance , but by the present Pastor , who is to manage the work , and being intrusted therewith , is the fittest Judge of such variable Circumstances : and seeing for standing Ordinances that equally belong to all ages and places , Gods word is perfect and sufficient without the Bishops Canons ; and seeing that Scripture is a perfect Law of God , and Rule of Christian faith ; and seeing that in the expounding of the Scripture , they that bring the best Evidence will beget the most Knowledge , and they that produce the clearest Divine Testimony , will beget most effectually a Divine belief , and those that are known to be of far greatest abilities in learning , experience and grace , and consent with the most of the Church , will procure more effectually an humane belief , then a weak unlearned unexperienced Pastor of our own ; therefore the Jurisdiction of supereminent Bishops , Metropolitans , Primates and Patriarchs , will appear to be reduced into so narrow a room , and written in so small a character , that he hath need of very quick sight that can read it , and humble men may be easily drawn to think , that the Unity , Happiness , and Safety of the Church lyeth not in it , and that if it had been only for Christ and not their own Greatness , there had not been such Contention and Division made about it in the Church , as there hath been ▪ TO draw some of this which I have said into a narrower room , I shall briefly tell you what I could heartily wish both Magistrates and Ministers would speedily accomplish for the order and Peace of the Church in these matters . 1. I could wish that they would choose out the ablest Godly men , and let them be appointed General Teachers , and Guides , to call the uncalled , and to order , confirm , and so take care of the Churches that are gathered : And if by the Magistrates consent and their own , they divide their Provinces , it will be but meet . These I would have to go up and down to the several Parishes in their Provinces , and to have no particular Parishes of their own , nor to take the fixed Pastors power from them , but to take care that it be by themselves well exercised : And I would have the Magistrate keep his sword in his own hand , and let these prevail with mens consciences as far as they can ; and in that way , if they would exceed their bounds , and arrogate any unjust power to themselves , we shall dissent and deny it them , and stand upon our ground , and deal with them upon equal terms , and so need not to fear them . And I have cause to think that neither Presbyterians nor all the Independents will be against such General Officers ( Successors of the old ones ) as I here describe : Not the Presbyterians : for in Scotland they appointed and used such in the beginning , of their Reformation when they made Visitors of the particular Churches , and assigned to each their limited Provinces , and so they were Commissioners , to cast out Ministers , put in others , and plant Kirks , and they had several Superintendents , all which is to be seen in the Doctrine and Discipline of the Kirk of Scotland ( printed not long agoe again . ) And the Itinerant Comm●ssioners in Wales that were set there to go about preaching and Reforming , doth shew that their Judgements were not against the Power . 2. I could wish that every Parish Church may have one Eldership ( where they may be had ) or some Elders and Deacons , with one Constant Fixed , Perfect for Order and Unity . 3. I could wsh that Ordination and Constitutions for Unity and Communion may be done only in Synods , less or greater : and that of many Presbyteries there may consist a Classis , as commonly called , and of many of those a Province : And that the Classical meeting may be frequent , and that some one , the fittest man , may be standing President of that Classis during life , except he deserve removal . 4. I could wish also that the Provincial Assembly ( to be held once a quarter or half year in each County ) may have the most able , discreet , godly Minister chosen to be the standing President also during life ▪ unless he deserve removal . So that here are four several sorts of Bishops that for Peace and Order I could consent to : to wit , 1. A General unfixed Superintendent . 2. A fixed Parochial Bishop President of that particular Presbytery . 3. A Classical Bishop , President of that Classis . 4. A Provincial Bishop , President of the Provincial Assembly . But there is no necessity of these . 5. Of the degree of their Power I said enough before . It is intolerable they should have a Negative vote in Excommunications and Absolutions and such Government of the people ( except the Parochial Bishop ) save only in case of appeals , and there I leave it to each mans consideration , though I had rather they had none : But whether they should be admitted a Negative in Ruling the Pastors , I determine not . Only in case of Ordination , I would have all resolve to do nothing ( except in a case of Necessity ) but when the President is One : and stop there ; which will permit him de facto the use of his Negative , and yet trouble no mans conscience to acknowledge de jure that it Must so be ▪ for to that none should be forced . This much I could willingly yield to for reconciliation and unity : And I doubt not but I shall be sufficiently reproached by some for yielding so far , and by others for yielding no further . AND now at last after these ( not needless ) preparations , I come to the main Question it self , Whether it be Necessary or Profitable for the right Order or Peace of the Churches , to restore the extruded Episcopacy ? And this I deny , and having said so much already for explication , shall presently give you the Reasons of my denyal ; in which the rest of the necessary explication will be contained . Argument 1. That sort of Prelacy or other Government which destroyeth the End of Government , and is certainly inconsistent with the Necessary Government and discipline to be exerci●ed in the Churches , is not to be restored , under pretence of the Churches Order or Peace ( nor can be consistent with its right Order and Peace . ) But such is the Episcopacy which was of late exercised in England , and is now laid by . Therefore , &c. The Major needs no proof ; for few Christians I think , will deny it . If Episcopacy as lately here exercised , be the certain excluder of Government it self and Christs discipline , while it only retains the empty name , then doubtless it is not to be restored . The Minor I prove thus . If there be a very Natural Impossibility that the late English Episcopacy though in the hands of the best men in the world , should Govern the Churches as Christ hath appointed , and as they should and may otherwise be Governed ; then the foresaid inconsistency and destructiveness is apparent . But that there is such a Natural Impossibility for the late English Episcopacy to Govern the Church , thus I shall prove . 1. By shewing you what is undoubtedly necessary in Christs Government ; 2. And then what was the late English Episcopacy ; and then 3. The Impossibility will appear of it self when both these are opened and compared together without any more ado . 1. And 1. It is past controversie among us , that Church Governours should watch over each particular soul in their flock , and instruct the ignorant , admonish the faln , convince gainsayers , counterwork seducers among them , seek to reclaim the wandring , strengthen the weak ▪ comfort the distressed , openly rebuke the open obstinate offendors , and if they repent not , to require the Church to avoid their Communion , and to take cogniscance of their cause before they are cut off : as also to Absolve the penitent , yea to visit the sick ( who are to send for the Elders of the Church ▪ ) and to pray with and for them , &c. yea and to go before them in the worship of God. These are the acts of Church Government that Christ hath appointed , and which each faithful Shepherd must use , and not Excommunication , and other Censures and Absolution alone . 2. But if they could prove that Church Government containeth only Censures and Absolution , yet we shall easily prove it Impossible for the late English Episcopacy to do that . For , 3. It is known to our sorrow that in most Parishes there are many persons , and in some greater Parishes very many , that have lived , common open swearers , or drunkards , and some whoremongers , common scorners of a godly life , and in many more of those offences , for which Scripture and the ancient Canons of the Church do excommunicate men , and we are commanded with such no not to eat . And it s too well known what numbers of Hereticks and Seducers there are , that would draw men from the faith , whom the Church-Governours must after the first and second admonition reject . 4. And then it s known what a deal of work is Necessary with any one of these , in hearing accusations , examining Witnesses , hearing the defendants , searching into the whole cause , admonishing , waiting , re-admonishing , &c. 5. And then it s known of how great Necessity , and moment all these are to the honour of the Gospel , the souls of the offendors , to the Church , to the weak , to them without , &c. So that if it be neglected , or unfaithfully mannaged , much mischief will ensue . Thus in part we see what the Government is . Next let us see what the English Episcopacy is . And 1. For the extent of it , a Diocess contained many score or hundred Parishes , and so many thousands of such souls to be thus Governed . Perhaps some Diocesses may have five hundred thousand souls , and it may be London Diocess nearer a million . And how many thousand of these may fall under some of the forementioned acts of Government , by our sad experience we may conjecture . 2. Moreover the Bishop resideth , if not at London ( as many of them did ) yet in his own dwelling , many miles , perhaps twenty or thirty from a great part of his Diocess , so that most certainly he doth not so much as know by face , name , or report the hundreth , perhaps the thousandth , or perhaps the second or third thousandth person in his Diocess . Is it Possible then for him to watch over them , or to understand the quality of the person and fact ? In Church Cases the quality of the person is of so much moment , that without some knowledge of it , the bare knowledge of the fact sometimes will not serve . * 3. And then it is known that the English Episcopacy denyeth to the Presbyters all power of Excommunication and Absolution , u●less to pronounce it as from the Bishop when he hath past it : And they deny him also all power so much as of calling a sinner to open Repentance , which they called Imposing penance : and also they denied all power of denying the Lords Supper to any without the Bishops censure , except in a s●dden case , and then they must prosecute it after at the Bishops Court ; and there render the Reason of that suspension : So that the trouble , danger , labour , time would be so great that would be spent in it , that scarce one Minister of a hundred did venture on it once in seven and seven years , except only to deny the Sacrament to a man that would not kneel , and that they might do easily and safely . 4. And then Consider further , that if the Minister should be one of an hundred , and so diligent as to accuse and prosecute all the open scandalous offendors of his Parish , before the Bishops Court , that so he might procure that act of Government from them , which he may not perform himself , it would take up all his time , and perhaps all would not serve for half the work , considering how far he must ride , how frequently he must attend , &c. And then all the rest , or most of the Pastoral work must be neglected , to the danger of the whole Congregation . 5. It is a great penalty to an innocent man to travail so far to the trial of his ●ause . But the special thing that I note is this , that it is Naturally Impossible , for the Bishop to hear , try and judge all these causes , yea or the fifth or hundredth of them , or in some places one of five hundred . Can one man hear so many hundred as in a day must be before him , if this discipline be faithfully executed ? By that time that he hath heard two or three Causes , and examined Witnesses , and fully debated all , the rest can have no hearing ; and thus unavoidably the work must be undone . It is as if you set a Schoolmaster to teach ten or twenty thousand Schollars ? Must they not be needs untaught ? Or as if you set one Shepherd to look to two or three hundred several flocks of Sheep , that are every one of them three or four miles asunder , and some of them fourty miles from some of the rest . Is it any wonder th●n if many of them be lost ? 6. But what need we further witness then the sad experience of the Church of late ? Are we not sure that discipline lay unexercised , and our Congregations defiled , and Gods Laws and the old Canons were dead letters , while the Bishops keep up the lame and empty name of Governours ? How many drunkards , swearers , whoremongers , raylers , Extortioners , scorners at a godly life did swarm in almost every Town and Parish ? and they never heard of discipline , except it were one Adulterer or fornicator once in seven years within twenty miles compass ( where I was acquainted ) that stood in a white sheet in the Church : We know that there was no such Matter as Church Government exercised to any purpose , but all left undone , unless it were to undoe a poor Disciplinarian ( as they therefore scornfully called them ) that blamed them for neglect of Discipline . For my part , the Lord my Judge knows , that I desire to make the matter rather better then it was , then worse then it was ; and I solemnly profess that for the Peace of the Church , I should submit to almost any body that would but do the work that is to be done . Here is striving between the Episcopal , Presbyterian and Independent , who it is that shall Govern. I would make no great stirr against any of them all that would but do it effectually . Let it be done , and it s not so much matter by whom it is done , as it is to have it lie undone . But I can never be for that party that neither did the work , when they might , nor possibly can do it . To be for them , is to consent that all should be undone ; and that Drunkards and Railers and all wicked persons shall continue so still , or continue members of our Churches in all their obstinacy : and that there shall be nothing but the name of Government and Censure without the thing . It s hard making men of Conscience believe the contrary that have had the triall that we have had : If where good men were Bishops thus it was , what hope of better by that way ? We cannot shut our eyes against so great experience . And certainly those Learned men among us that think so much Discipline may serve turn to all the Congregations in the whole Diocess , as the Bishop can perform or have a Negative Vote in , do too manifestly shew that they * are less friends to real godliness , and greater friends to sin , and care too little for the matter it self while they contend about the manner or agent , then serious Christians should do . If men once plainly shew themselves meer formalists , and would set up a scarecrow , and pull down all true Discipline , by setting up one man to do the work of five hundred , and making the exercise of it impossible , what serious Christian will ever take their part ? Not I while I breath : Who can choose but see that such do seek their dignity , and Lordships , and worldly Mammon more then the Kingdom of Christ. I know they will be angry with me for this language ; but so are most impenitent persons with reproofs . I would advise all of them that survive to lay to heart before the Lord , what they did in undertaking such an impossible task , and leaving so many souls and Congregations without Christs remedy , and suffering the Churches to be so foul , while they had the Beesom in their hands . This being so manifest that it is impossible for an English Bishop to Govern as they undertook so many Congegations , I may well next argue from the mischiefs that follow . Argum. 2. THat Government which gratifieth the Devil and wicked men , is not to be restored under any pretence of the Order or Peace of the Church : But such was the English Episcopacy ; therefore , &c. The Major is un●enyable , supposing that it do not this by an avoidable accident , but by natural Necessity , as I have proved , I confess some of the Men were so Learned and Good men , that I think few men honour their names more then my self . But it is the way of Government that I have spoke of . And for the Minor , it is as plain from experience , and the argument before used . If it necessarily exclude the exercise of Christs discipline from most Congregations , then doth it gratifie Satan : But , &c ▪ And if it keep wicked obstinate sinners from the power of discipline , then doth it gratifie sinners in their Sins , and consequently please Satan . But this it doth : therefore , &c. Who knows not ( for it cannot be denied ) that the generality of the rabble of ignorant persons , worldlings , drunkards , haters of Godliness ▪ &c. are very zealous for Episcopacy , whilest multitudes of truly conscientious people have been against it ? And who knows not that they both fetcht their chief Motives from experience ? The ungodly found that Bishops let them keep their sins , and troubled them not with this preciseness , but rather drove away the precise preachers and people whom they abhorred . And the godly people that disliked Ep●scopacy , did it principally on the same experience , observing that they befriended the wicked , at least by preserving them from the due rod of discipline ; but exercised their zeal against them that scrupled or questioned at least their own standing or assumed power , or the abuse of it . And then further , Argum. 3. THat Government which unavoidably causeth separations and divisions in the Church , is not ●o be restored under any pretence of its Order and Peace ? But such is the English Episcopacy ? therefore ; &c. I know the clean contrary is strongly pretended , and they tell us that we may see how Episcopacy kept men in Unity , by the many Sects that since are risen . But let it be observed , 1. That these Sects were hatched in the separation which was caused by themselves . 2. That the increase hath been since there was no Government at all . 3. It was not Episcopacy , but the Magistrates Sword whose terror did attend it , that kept under heresies in that measure that they were : Had Episcopacy stood on its own legs , without the support of secular force , so that it might have workt only on the conscience , then you should have seen more Sects then now . Do you think that if Episcopacy were in Scotland in the Case as Presbytery is now , without the Sword to enforce it , that it would keep so much Unity in Religion as is there ? It s known in France and other places that Presbytery hath kapt more Unity , and more kept out Heresies and Schisms , even without the Sword , then Episcopacy hath done with it . 4. But the thing that I speak of it undenyable ; that it was the pollution of our Churches that caused the Separatists in the Bishops dayes to withdraw . This was their common cry against us , Your Churches bear with Drunkards , Whoremongers , Railers , open Scorners at Godliness , with whom the Scripture bids us not eat ; And we could not deny it : for the Bishops did keep it so , by keeping out all effectual Discipline . Only we told them , that it was the Prelates sin , and not theirs that could not help it , and that a polluted Church might be a true Church . And so the Disciplinarian Non-Conformists were fain by many painful writings to suppress the spirit of separation , or else it had been like to have overwhelmed all ; Mr. Iohn Paget , Mr. Bradshaw , Mr. Arthur Hildersham , Mr. Iohn Ball , Mr. Brightman , Mr. Paul Bains , Mr. Dod , Mr. Parker , Dr. Ames , and many other such , were fain to make it a great part of their business , to quench the fire of separation , which even their persecutors kindled by the exclusion of Discipline . And yet the sense of the Churches uncleanness was so deep in mens minds , that it had bred such abundance of discontended humors , that they easily broke out , and turned into this disorderly swarm which we have seen , as soon as the wars had but given them liberty . And even to this day it is the uncleanness of our Churches , ( wherein I would the Pastors were wholly innocent ) which maintaineth much of the separation , among many sober godly men . For the Churches were left so polluted by the Bishops , that in most places the Presbyters dare scarce go roundly about the cure , unless they had the help of the sword , wherein yet for my part I think them deeply sinful . Argum. 4. THat Episcopacy which degradeth all the Presbyters in the Diocess , or causeth them to suspend the exercise of an Essential part of their Office , is not to be restored under any pretence of right order , or peace . But such was the late English Episcopacy : therefore . I confess this is the second inconvenience which followeth it , which I think utterly intolerable , where there is any possibility of a remedy . The Major I suppose will be granted . For though an Office may be unexercised for a time on some special reason , yet if it be statedly suspended , and that suspension established by Law or Custom , during the life of the Minister , this is plainly a destroying or nulling of the Office it self , and not to be endured . And that it is not to be endured appeareth thus ; 1. Because the Office of the Presbyter is of Divine Institution , and therefore not to be nulled by man. I never yet read or heard of any more but one Divine of any reputation who denyed that Presbyters as now called are appointed in the Scriptures , and I think , that one hath destroyed his cause by it , of which more anon . 2. Because the Church cannot with any safety spare the Office of the Presbyters , because they are many , perhaps many hundred to one Prelate : and if so many of Christs Officers be laid by , it is easie to see what loss the vineyard and harvest may sustain . The Minor I prove thus . That Episcopacy which taketh from the Presbyters the power of Church-Government , and alloweth them only the power of preaching and administring Sacraments , and those other parts of the work which they distinguish from Government , do thereby destroy the very Office of the Presbyters ( and so degrade or suspend them ) But the late English Episcopacy taketh from the Presbyters the power of Church-Governing ; &c. therefore . The Antecedent is well known by those that know their Canons , claim and constant practice in England , till the time of their exclusion . That the Consequence is currant appeareth thus . Church-Government is as real and as essential a part of the Presbyters work and office as any other whatsoever . Therefore they that take this from him , do destroy his Office. The Antecedent is proved thus : if those Texts of Scripture which mention the Office of Presbyters , Acts 20. and 14.23 . and many other places do speak of Presbyters as now understood , and not of Prelates , then Ruling is as much essential to their office as Preaching . This is proved ▪ 1. From the express wo●ds of the several Texts , which make them Overseers of the flock , Acts 20.28 . and to be over the people in the Lord , to whom they are to submit , 1 Thes. 5.12 , 13. and Rulers of them , whom they must obey , as well as Preachers to them , Heb 13.7 , 17 ▪ 24. 1 T●m . 3 , 4 ▪ 5. 2. It s proved from common Consent . For , 1. Those that think these Texts speak of Presbyters as now understood , do most commonly confess this sense of the Text , v●z . that it makes them Rulers ; only some of them add , that themselves must be Ruled by the Bishops . 2. He that denyeth these Texts to speak of such Presbyters , doth confess that those of whom it doth speak , are certainly Rulers of the Church . And then I assume : But the general vote of almost all Expositors old and new , Episcopal and others from the Apostles daies till now , as far as we can know by their writings , did take these Texts , at least many of them , to speak of such Presbyters : and I think the new exposition of one man , is not to be taken against the Exposition of the whole stream of Expositors in all ages , without better reason to evince them to have erred , then any I have yet seen produced . At least , all the Episcopal Divines except that one man , and those that now follow his new Exposition , must yield to what I say , upon the authority of these Texts . But if this Divine were in the right , and none of these Texts be spoken of Presbyters , yet I make good my Antecedent thus . For 1. If Presbyters be of humane Institution , then neither Preaching or Ruling is any Essential part of their Office by Divine Institution ; because they have none such : and therefore I may say one is as essential as the other : that is , neither is so . But yet of their humanly instituted Office , it is as essential a part still : for if it be true , that there were no Presbyters in the Church till about Ignatius his daies , yet its certain that when they were instituted ( whether by God or man ) they were as truly made Rulers as Preachers . And therefore we find their Ignatius still calling on the people to obey the Presbyters as well as the Bishops . And Hierom tells us , ( Epist. ad Evagr. ) how long the Presbyters governed the Churches Communi Consilio , by Common Counsel or Consent , and how themselves at Alexandria chose our one and made him their Bishop : and Cyprian tells us enough of the Presbyters ruling in Council or Consistory with the Bishop in his time : so that he would do nothing without the Presbyters . Much more proof may easily be brought of this , but that I find it now acknowledged , and so it is needless . I will not go far , but only note a few Canons , especially of the fourth Council of Carthage . Can. 23. is , Vt Episcopus nullius Causam audi●t absque praesentia Clericorum suorum ; alioquin ir●ita erit sententia Episcopi , nisi Clericorum praesentia confirmetur . Can. 22. Episcopus sine Consilio Clericorum suorum Clericos 〈◊〉 ordinet ; ita ut Civium assensum , & conniventiam , & testimonium quaerat . Can. 29. Episcopus si Clerico vel laico crimen imposuerit , deducatur ad probationem in Synodum . Can. 32. Irrita erit donatio Episcoporum , vel venditio , vel c●mmutati● r●i Ecclesiasticae , absque conniventia & subscriptione clericorum . Can. 34. Vt Episcopus in quelibet l●co sedens stare Presbyterum non patiatur . Can. 35. Vt Episcopus in Ecclesia in consessu Prsebyterorum sublimior s●deat : Intra domum verò collegam se Presbyterorum esse cognoscat . Can. 36. Presbyter qui per dioeceses Ecclesias regunt , non à quibuslibet , &c. Can. 37. Diaconusita se Presbyteri ut Episcopi Ministrum esse cognoscat . Here you see that Bishops may not Ordain , hear any cause , accuse a Clergy man or Lay-man , not give , sell , or Change any Church goods , without the Presbyters : and that he is their Collegue , and must not let them stand if he sit , and that they Rule the Churches through the Diocesses , and that the Deacons are Servants as well to them as to the Bishop . Aurelius and Augustine were in this Council . If they that think it uncertain whether Presbyters be mentioned in the New Testament , and that think they began about Ignatius his time , do mean that yet they were of Divine Apostolical Institution , then they strike in with the Papists in making the Scriptures to be out part of Gods word , and insufficient to reveal all Divine institutions about his Church-Government , and Worship , and so we must look for the rest in uncertain Tradition . Nay I know not of any Papist to my best remembrance that ever reckoned up the Office of Presbyters under their meer unwritten Traditions . If they say that they are of Ecclesiastical Episcopal Institution , not by inspired Apostles , but by Ordinary Bishops , then 1. They make all Presbyters to be jure Episcopali , and Bishops only and their Superiours to be jure Divino , as the Italians in the Council of Trent would have had all Bishops to depend upon the Pope : But in this they go far beyond them ; for the Italian Papists themselves thought Presbyterie jure Divino . 2. Either they may be changed by Bishops who set them up , or not : If they may be taken down again by man , then the Church may be ruined by man ; and so the Bishops will imitate the Pope ▪ Either they will Reign , or Christ shall not Reign , if they can hinder it : Either they will lead the Church in their way , or Christ shall have no Church : If man cannot take them down , then 1. It seems man did not Institute them ; for why may they not alter their own institutions ? 2. And then it seems the Church hath universal standing , unchangeable Institutions , Offices and binding Laws of the Bishops making : And if so , are not the Bishops equal to the Apostles in Law making , and Church Ordering ? and are not their Laws to us as the word of God , and that word insufficient ? and every Bishop would be to his Diocess , and all to the whole Church , what the Pope would be to the whole . 3. Moreover , how do they prove that ever the Apostles gave power to the Bishops to institute the order of Presbyterie ? I know of no text of Scripture by which they can prove it And for Tradition , we will not take every mans word that saith he hath tradition for his conceits , but we require the proof . The Papists that are the pretended keepers of Tradition , do bring forth none as meerly unwritten , but for their ordines inferiores , and many of them , for Bishops as distinct from the Presbyters ; but not for Presbyters themselves . And Scripture they can plead none ; For if they mention such texts where Paul bids Titus ordain Elders in every City , &c. they deny this to be meant of Elders as now , but of Prelates whom Titus as the Primate or Metropolitane was to ordain : And if it be meant of Elders , then they are found in Scripture , and of Divine Apostolical Institution . 4. If they were Instituted by Bishops after the Scripture was written , was it by one Bishop , or by many ? If by one , then how came that one to have Authority to impose a new Institution on the universal Church ? If by many , either out of Council , or in ; if out of Council , it was by an accidental falling into one mind and way , and then they are but as single men to the Church : and therefore still we ask , how do they bind us ? If by many in Council , 1. Then let them tell us what Council it was that Instituted Presbyterie , when and where gathered , and where we may find their Canons , that we may know our order , and what Au●hors mention that Council . 2. And what authority had that Council to bind all the Christian world , to all ages ? If they say it bound but their own Churches , and that age ; then it seems the Bishops of England might for all that have nulled the Order of Presbyters there . But O miserable England and miserable world , if Presbyters had done no more for it , then Prelates have done ! I conclude therefore that the English Prelacy either degraded the Presbyters , or else suspended to ally an essential part of their office : for themselves called them Rectors , and in ordaining them said , [ Receive the Holy Gh●st : Whose sins thou dost remit they are remitted , whose sins thou dost retain they are retained ] And therefore they delivered to them the Power of the Keyes of opening and shutting the Kingdom of Heaven ; which themselves make to be the opening and shutting of the Church , and the Governing of the Church by Excommunication and Absolution : And therefore they are not fit men to ask the Presbyters ; By what authority they Rule the Church , by binding and loosing , when themselves did expresly as much as in them lay , confer the Power on them : And we do no more then what they bid us do in our Ordination ; Yea they thereby make it the very work of our office : For the same mouth , at the same time that bid us [ t●ke authority to preach the word of God ] did also tell us that whose sins we remit or retain they are remitted or retained : and therefore if one be an Essential , or true integral part at least of our office , the other is so too . From all which it is evident , that if there were nothing against the English Prelacy , but only this that they thus suspend or degrade all the Presbyters in England , as to one half of their off●ce , it is enough to prove that they should not be restored under any pretence whatsoever of Order or Unity . Argum. 5. THat Episcopacy which giveth the Government of the Chu●ch , and management of the Keys of Excommunication and Absolution into the hands of a few Lay●men ▪ while they take them from the Presbyters , is n●t to be restored under any pretence of Vnity or Peace : But such was the English Prelacy : therefore , &c. The Major is plain : because it is not Lay-men that are to be Church Governours , as to Ecclesiastical Government : This is beyond Question with all save the Congregational , and they would not have two or three Lay men chosen , but the whole Congregation to manage this business . The Minor is known by common experience , that it was the Chancelor in h●s Court , with his assi●●ants and the Register , and such other meer Lay-men , that managed this work . If it be said , that they did it as the Bishops Agents and Substitutes , and therefore it was he that did it by them ▪ I answer , 1. The Law put it in the Chancellors , and the Bishop● could not hinder it . 2. If the Bishops may delegate others to do their work , then it seems Preaching and Ruling , Excommunica●ing and Ab●olving may as well be done by Lay-men as Clergy men : Then they may commission them also to administer the Sacraments : And so the Ministry is not necessary for any of these works ▪ but only a Bishop to depute Lay-men to do them ; which is false and confusive . Argum. 6. THat Episcopacy wh●ch necessarily overwhelmeth the souls of the Bishops with the most hainous guilt , of neglecting the many thousand souls whose charge they undertake , is not to be restored for Order or Peace ( For men are not to be ove●whelmed with such hainous sin on such pretences ) But such is the English Prelacy : and that not accidentally , through the badness of the men only , but unavoidably through the greatness of their charge , and the Natural Impossibility of their undertaken work . How grievous a thing it is to have the blood of so many thousands charged on ●hem , may soon appear ▪ And that man that undertakes himself the Government of two or three , or five hundred thousand souls that he never seeth or knoweth , nor can possibly so Govern , but must needs leave it undone ( except the shadow of a Government which is committed to a Lay Chancellor , ) doth willfully draw this fearful Guilt upon himself . Argum. 7. THat Episcopacy which is the product of Proud Ambi●ion and Arrogancy , contrary to the express command of Christ , is not to be restored for Order or Peace . But such is the late English Prelacy : therefore , &c. The Major is undoubted . The Minor is proved thus . Were it not for p●oud Ambition men would not strive to have the doing of more work then an hundred times as many are able to do , and the answering before God for as many souls : But the English Prelates did strive to have the work and account of many hundreds : therefore , &c. The Minor is proved and known by experience . And the Major is proved thus . 1. From the common aversness that all men have to labour , excessive oppressing labour , and that spiritual too . 2. From the self-love that is naturally in all : No man can naturally and rationally desire that which would tire him , oppress him , and finally damn him , without great repentance , and the speciall mercy of God , unless by the power of some lust that draweth him to it . 3. And common prudence wi●l teach men not to thrust themselves into impossible undertakings . If we see a man desirous to have the Rule of a whole County under the Prince , and that there should be no Justice of Peace , or other Magistrate to Rule there but he , though he know that he must answer it upon his life , if the County be no● well Ruled , as to the punishing of all the known drunkards , swear●rs , adulterers &c. in the County ; may not any man see that Ambition makes this man in a manner besides himself , o● e●se he would never set so light by his own life , as certainly and willfully to cast it away , by undertaking a work which he knoweth many men are unable to perform : And Ambition it must needs be ▪ because Honour and Preheminency is the bait and thing contended for , and there is no●hing else to do it . And how expresly do●● Christ forbid this to his Apostles , telling them , [ With you it sh●ll not be so : but he that will be the greatest shall be the servant of all ] Luke 22.26 . As the old Rimer hath it [ Christus dixit quodam lo●o ; Vos non sic , nec dixit j●co : dixit sui● ergo isti Cujus sunt ? non certè Christi ] Speaking of the Prelates . I own not the Censure , but ● own Christs prohibition . Certainly the Honour is but the appendix for the work sake , and the work is the first thing and the main of the office . And I would know whether they would strive thus for the work and the terrible account , without the honour and worldly gain . Nay do they not destroy the work , wh●le they quarrel for the doing of it , for the honor sake ? If it were the Churches good and the work that they so much minded , they would contend that so many should have the doing of it as are necessary thereto ▪ and not that none should do it but they . He that would turn all the labourers out of the Harvest saving himself , in all this County , that he may maintain his own priviledge , I should think doth not much mind the good of the owner , or the well doing of the work , or his own safety , if he were to answer for all upon his life . Argum. 8. THat Episcopacy which so far gratifieth lazy Mi●isters as to ease them of the most p●inful , troublesom and hazardous part of their work , is not to be restored for order or unity : but such was the late English Prelacy : therefore , &c. The Major is undoubted . The Minor is before proved as to the work it self . And as to the quality and consequents , experience putteth it past all doubt , that the work of Government and Oversight , is incomparably more troublesom then the preaching of a Sermon , Baptizing , administring the Lords Supper , and praying with them . When we come to touch men by personal reproof , and make that publike , and that for disgraceful sins , and suspend or excommunicate them if they be obstinate , usually we do not only turn their hearts against us , but they rage against us , and could even be revenged on us with the cruellest revenge . We find that all the Preaching in the world doth not so much exasperate and enrage men , as this Discipline . I can Preach the most cutting and convincing truths , in as close a manner as I am able , to notorious wicked livers , and they will bear it patiently , and say it was a good Sermon , and some of them say that they care not for hearing a man that will not tell them of their sins . And yet call them to an open confession of these sins in the Congregation , or proceed to censure them , and they will rage against us as if we were their mortal enemies . The Bishops let all these men ( almost ) alone ; and therefore never exasperated them : and so now they rage the more against us , and love the Bishops the better , because they were never so troubled by them . And here I cannot but note , how groundless that accusation is of some Prelatical men against the Conscionable adversaries of their way , when they say , the Presbyters would fain have the Reins of Government in their own hand : which may be true of the unconscionable , that know not what it is that they undertake : but for others , it is all one as to say , They would fain have all the trouble , hatred and danger to themselves . These Objecters shew their own minds , and what it is that they look at most themselves and therefore think others do so : its dear bought honour that is purchased at such rates of labour and danger . I here solemnly profess for my own part , that if I know my heart , I am so far from thinking it a desirable thing to Rule , much less to Rule a Diocess , that if I might so far gratifie my carnal desires , and were not under the bond of Gods Commands , and so were it not for fear of sinning and wronging mens souls that are committed to my charge , I would give , if I had it , many thousand pounds , that I might but Preach , Pray , Read , Baptize , administer the Lords Supper , though I did more then I do in them , and be wholly freed from the care and trouble of oversight and government of this one Congregation , which is further required . O how quiet would my mind be , were I but sure that God required none of this at my hands , nor would call me to any account for the neglect of it ! And that this is not my case only , but the common case to find Discipline so troublesom , is apparent in this ; that the whole body of the Nation ( for the generality ) have contended against it these many years , and in almost every Congregation in England , the greater part do either separate from the Ministers , and forbear the Lords Supper , or some way oppose it and withdraw , that they may avoid it . And most of the Ministers in England , even godly men , do much , if not altogether neglect it . So that some through a Carnal indulging of their own ease and quiet , and to avoid mens ill will ; and some through the great oppositions of the people , or for one such cause or other , do let all alone . In so much , as even here in this County where we have associated and engaged our selves to some execution of Discipline , this work goes on so heavily as we see , and need not mention further : when yet there is not a daies omission of Sermons and other Ordinances : so that its apparent that its it which all lazie , carnal , man-pleasing Ministers may well comply with , as that which suites their Carnal Interests , to be free from the toil and care of Discipline . If you say , why then do the Bishops desire it , if flesh and blood be against it ? I answer ; Experience and the impossibility of performance tells us , that it is not the work , but the empty name and honour that they took up : and that indeed the flesh doth much more desire . Had they desired or been willing of the work , as they were of Lordships and Riches , they would have done it . Argum. 9. NO Episcopacy , ( at least which hath so many evils as aforesaid attending it ) which is not of Gods Institution , should be admitted into the Church . The late English Prelacy , as to the disapproved properties before mentioned , is not of Gods Institution : therefore it is not to be admitted into the Church . The Major is confessed by all that plead for the Ius Divinum of Episcopacy , or most : and with the qualification , from the ill consequents , will be yielded by all . The Minor I prove by parts : 1. That the exclusion of Presbyters from Rule , and the putting the Government from them into a Lay-mans hand , with the rest before mentioned , are not of Divine Institution , is proved already , as much as needs . 2. If at the present we yield a superintendency or preheminence of one Pastor before others , yet the Controversie remaineth , whether a Prelate should be only Parochial , that is , only the President of the Elders of one particular Church , or at the utmost of that with two or three , or a few neighbour small Parishes which he may well oversee , without the neglect of the Discipline . Now I know not how any man of that way can prove out of Scripture , that a Bishop must have more then one Parish , much less more then three or four , or a few . For it is confest by them , for ought I know , that Scripture doth not determine how many Presbyters , or Churches a Bishop must have under him , ( only we say he must have but one : ) for the main thing that they labour to prove is , that a Bishop is above Presbyters as to Ordination and Jurisdiction : and so he may be if he be a Parish-Bishop : for a Parish-Church may have a Curate , and 2 or 3 Chappels with Curates at them , besides Deacons ; and according to the old course , perhaps many Presbyters more that did not publikely preach ( though they wanted not authority ) but oversee the flock . Now one man may have all that most of their Arguments require , if he be but the chief over this Parish Presbytery . But perhaps they will say , that according to Scripture , every City only must have a Bishop , and therefore all the Country about must be his Diocess , though the number of Churches and Presbyters under him be not determined . To which I answer , that the word Only , is not in Scripture : no Text saith that it was Only in Cities that Churches or Bishops were to be seated . There is no prohibition of setling them in Villages . It will be said , that There is no example of any Bishop but in a City . To which I answer . 1. Themselves ordinarily tell us in case of Sacrament gesture , and many other things , that examples do not alway bind affirmatively ; much less can they prove that they bind negatively ; I mean , not to do that which was not done . Can you prove in Scripture that there were any particular Churches or Assemblies for Sacraments and other worship in Villages ? If not , then is it lawful now to have any ? If not , then all our Parish Churches in the Country are unlawful . If yea , then why may we not have Bishops in the Countreys without Scripture example , as well as Churches ? for we shall prove that the reasons why there were none or few Bishops in the Country , was for want of Churches for them to oversee . The Gospel was not then preached , nor any Bishops placed in many Nations of the world : it doth not follow therefore that there must be none since . 2. The reason is evident why Churches and Bishops were first planted in Cities ; because there was the greatest Concourse of people ▪ not that God loves a Citizen better then a Countrey-man , or that he will have his Churches so limited to soil , or place , or scituation : it is the number of persons where-ever they live , that must be regarded , that the Church be not too great nor too small : but if there be the same number of people Cohabiting in the Countrey , as one of the Apostolical Churches did consist of , then there is the same reason to have a Church and Bishop in that Country Village , as was then for having one in a City . 3. Elders should be ordained in every Church , and therefore Bishops ( for some of them say that these were Bishops ) But Churches may be in Country Villages ; therefore Elders and Bishops may be in Country-Villages . 4. I prove from Scripture that there were Bishops in Villages , or out of Cities , thus . Where there was a Church , there was a Bishop . But in a Village there was a Church ; therefore . The Major I prove from Act. 14.23 . compared with 1 Tim. 3. They ordained them Elders in every Church , or Church by Church : but these Elders are called Bishops in 1 Tim. 3. ( and by some of that way maintained to be such ▪ ) For the Minor I prove it from Rom. 16.1 . where there is mention of the Church at Cenchrea : but Cenchrea was no City , but as Grotius speaks , Portus Corinthiorum , ut Piraeus Atheniensium , viz. ad sinum Saronicum : apparet ibi Ecclesiam fuisse Christianorum . Grot. in Act. 18.18 . & in Rom. 16.1 . vide et Downam , Defens● pag. 105. who out of Strab● saith , it was the Port that served most properly for Asia . But Bishop Downam saith ( ibid. ) that Cenchrea was a Parish subordinate to the Church of Corinth , having not a Bishop or Presbytery , but a Presbyter assigned to it : so before he saith , by a Church , he means a Company of Chr●sti●ns ha●ing a Bishop and Presbytery . ] But if he will so define a Church as that the Prelate shall enter the Definition , then he may well prove that every Church had a Prelate . And so a Patriarch may be proved to be Necessary to every Church , if you will say , you mean only such congregations as have a Patriarch . But it was denominated a Church , Act. 14.23 . before they had Presbyters ordained to them , and so before fixed Bishops : when the Apostles had converted and congregated them , they were Churches . And the Text saith that they ordained them Elders in every Church , or Church by Church ▪ and therefore Cenchrea being a Church , must have such Elders ordained to it , according to the Apostles Rule . And that it was a Parish with one Presbyter subject to Corinth , is all unproved , and therefore to no purpose . 5. Yet I prove that the English Prelacy on their own grounds , is not Iure Divino in that it is against the word of God , according to their own interpretation ; of which next . Argum. 10. THat Episcopacy which is contrary to the w●rd of God , or Apostolical Institution , according to their own interpretation , is not to be restored . But such is the late English Episcopacy : therefore , &c. I prove the Minor ( for the Major needeth none : ) according to their own interpretation of Tit. 1.5 . and other Texts ; Every City should have a Bishop , ( and if it may be , a Presbytery ) ( And so many Councils have determined , only when they grew greater , they except Cities that were too small : but so did not Paul ) But the late Episcopacy of England is contrary to this : for one Bishop only is over many Cities . If therefore they will needs have Episcopacy , they should at least have had a Bishop in every City : and though we do not approve of confining them to Cities , yet this would be much better then as they were : for then 1. They would be nearer their charges , and within reach of them . 2. And they would have smaller charges , which they might be more capable of overseeing ; for there would be ten or twenty Bishops ●or one that be now . If they say that except Bath and Wells Coventry and Lic●fi●ld , or some few , they have but one City . I answer , it s not so . For every Corporation or Burrough-Town is truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and therefore should have a Bishop Let them therefore either prove that a Market-Town , a Burrough , a Corporation , is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or else let every one of these Towns and Burroughs have a Bishop , to govern that Town with the Neighbouring Villages by the consent and help of the Presbyters of these Vil●ages , ( according to their own grounds . ) And if it were so , they would be no more then Classical Bishops at most . Perhaps they 'le say that , while we pretend to take down Bishops , we do but set up more , and would have many for one , while we would have every Corporation or Parish to have a Bishop . To which I answer , its true : but then it is not the same sort of Bishops which we would exclude and which we would multiply : we would exclude those Bishops that would undertake two or three hundred mens work themselves , and will rule a whole Diocess alone ( or by a Lay Chancellor ) when every conscionable man that hath faithfully tryed it , doth feel the oversight of one Congregation to be so great a burden , that it makes him groan and groan again . We would exclude those Bishops that would exclude all others in a whole Diocess , that they may do the work alone , and so leave it undone , while they plead that it belongs to them to do it . If they will come into the Lords Harvest , and exclude from the work of Government , the Labourers of a whole County or two , we have reason to contradict them . But this is not to bring in more such Bishops as they that will shut out others , but to keep in the necessary labouring Bishops whom they would shut out . Nor do we shut out them themselves as Labourers or Rulers , but as the excluders of the Labourers or Rulers . If we have a Church to build that requireth necessarily two hundred workmen , and some Pillars in it to Erect , of many hundred tun weight , if one of the workmen would say , that it belongs to him to do it all himself , or at least when the materials are brought to the place prepared , to rear and order and place every stone and pillar in the building , I would no o●herwise exclude the vain pretender then by introducing necessary help that the work may be done ; and I should think him a silly Civiller ●hat would tell me , that while I exclude him , I do ●ut multiply such as he ; when his every fault consisted in an hinderance of that necessary multiplication . I know that some will say , that we feign more work then is to be done ▪ and we would have the sentence of Excommunication pass upon every light offence . I answer ; that its a thing that we abhor : we would have none Excommunicated but for obstinacy in hainous sin ; when they will not hear the Church after more private admonition . But there 's much more of the work of Government to be done on men that are not Excommunicable , to bring them to Repentance , and open confession , for man●fe●●a●ion of that Repentance to the satisfaction of the Church : but what need we plead how great the work is which every man may see before his eyes , and experience putteth beyond dispute ? Furthermore that the English Episcopacy is dissonant from all Scripture Episcopacy , I prove thus . The Scripture knoweth but two sorts of Episcopacy : the one General , unfixed as to any Church or Country or Nation ; which was not called Episcopacy in the first times : the other ●ixed Overseers of determinate Churches appropriated to their special charge : these were called Bishops in those times : whereas the former were , some called Apostles , from their immediate mission and ex●raordinar● . Priviledges ; or Evangelists , or Fellow labourers and he●pers of the Apostles , or by the like titles signifying their unlimited indeterminate charge . But our English Bishops are neither of these : therefore not any of Scripture appointment but different from them . 1. They are not of the Apostolical Order of General Ministers : for 1. Their principal work was Preaching to convert , and congregate , and then order Churches but our Bishops seldom preached , for the most part . 2. They were not tyed to any particular Church more then other , save only as prudence directed them p●o tempore & re nat , for the succe●s of their work for the Church Un●ve●s●l ▪ nor were they excluded or restrained from any part of the world as being another mans Diocess ; save only as prudence might direct them for the common good , to distribute themselves pro tempore . This is apparen● 1. by Christs Commission , who sendeth them into all the world , only by certain advantages and particular calls , sitting Pe●er more for the Circumcision , and Paul for the Uncircumcision , when yet both Pet●r and Paul and all the rest , did preach and look to both Circumcision and Uncircumcision . 2. By the History of their peregrinations and labours , which shew that they were not so fixed , whatever some writers may ungroundedly affirm . Eus●bius ( discrediting by fabulous mixtures the lighter sort of his Testimonies , and censured by some rejection by Gelasius and others ) and some with him , do tell us of some such things , as some Apostles being fixed Bishops , but with no such proofs as should satisfie a man that weighs the contrary intimations of Scripture , and the discord of these reporters among themselves . Only it is certain , that nature it self would so restrain them that as they could be but in one place at once , so they could not be in perpetual motion : and prudence would keep them longest in those places where most work was to be done . And therefore Pauls three years abode at Ephesus and the neighbouring parts of Asia , did not make him the fixed Diocesan Bishop of Ephesus . And what I say of the Apostles , I say also of many such Itinerant unfixed Ministers which were their helpers , as Silas , Apollo , Barnabas , Titus , Timothy , &c. For though Timothy be called by some An●ients the first Bishop of Ephesus , and Titus of Crete ; yet it is apparent they were no such fixed Ministers , that undertook a Diocess durant● vita as their proper charge , which were then called B●shops ; but they were ●tinerant helpers of the Apostles in gathering , planting and first ordering of Churches . And therefore Titus was left in a whole Nation or large Island , to place Bishops or Elders in each City , and set things in order , and this but till Paul come , and not to be himself their fixed Bishop : and Timothy is proved by Scripture to have been unsetled and itinerant as a helper of Paul , after that he is by some supposed to be fixed at Ephesus . I will not needlesly actum agere : let any man that is unsatisfied of this , read impartially Mr. Prins unbishoping of Timothy and Titus , and note there the Itinerary of Timothy from Scripture Texts . If therefore our Bishops would have been of the Apostles and their General helpers race , they should have gone up and down to gather and plant Churches , and then go up and down to visit those which they have planted ; or if they live where all are Enchurched already , they should go up and down to preach to the rud●r sort of them , and by the power of the word to subdue men further to Christ , an● to see that all Ministers where they come do their duty , reproving and admonishing those that neglect it , but not forbidding them to do it , as a thing belonging only to them . And by Spiritual weapons and authority should they have driven Ministers to this duty , and not by meer secular force ( of which more anon . ) 2. And as for the fixed Bishops of Apostolical Institution , our English Prelacy are not like them . For the fixed Bishops established by the Apostles were only Overseers of one particular Church : But the English Prelates were the Overseers of many particular Churches . Therefore the English Prelates were not the same with the old Bishops of the Apostles institution . The course that the Prelates take to elude this argument is by giving us a false definition of a particular Church . That we may not therefore have any unprofitable strife about words , I shall signifie my own meaning . By a Particular Church I mean an Associated or combined company of Christians , for Communion in Publick Worship , and Furtherance of each other in the way to heaven , under the Guidance of Christs Church Officers , ( one Elder or more ; ) such as are undivided , or Churches of the first order commonly called Ecclesiae Primae , as to existence , and which contain not divers Political Churches in them . A family I mean not : for that 's not a Political Church , having no Pastor . An accidental company of Christians I mean not . For those are no Association , and so no Political Church : Nor do I mean a National , or Diocesane or Classical Church , or any the like ; which are composed of many particular Churches of the first order , conjunct . It is not of Necessity that they alway or most usually meet in one Congregation : because its possible they may want a capacious convenient room , and its possible they may be under persecution , so that they may be forced to meet secretly in small companies ; or there may be some aged weak people or children that cannot travail to the chief place of Meeting ; and so may have some Chappels of ease , or smaller meeting . But still it must be a number neither so big , nor so small as to be uncapable of the ends of Association , which enter the definition ; how ever weakn●ss , age or other accidents may hinder some members from that full usefullness as to the main end , whith other members have . So that they which are so many , or live at such a distance as to be uncapable of the ends , are not such a Church , nor are capable of so being : For the number will alter the species . In a word , it cannot , I think , be proved that in the Primitive times , there was any one fixed Bishop that Governed and Oversaw any more then one such particular political Church , as was not composed of divers lesser political Churches : nor that their Churches which any fixed Bishop oversaw were more then could hold Communion in Worship in one publick place , for so many of them as could ordinarily hear at once ( for all the families cannot usually come at once : ) they were not greater then some of our English Parishes are , nor usually the tenth part so great . I have been informed by the judicious inhabitants , that there are fourscore thousand in Giles Cripple-gate Parish in London : and about fifty thousand in Stepney , and fourty thousand in Sepulchres . There cannot any Church in Scripture be found that was greater , nor neer so great as one of these Parishes . No not the Church at Ierusalem it self of which so much is said : No not if you admit all the number of moveable Converts and Sojournours to have been of that particular Church , which yet cannot be proved to have been so . I know Bishop Downam doth with great indignation Dispute that Diocesses were be●ore Parishes , and that it was more then one Congregation that was contained in those Diocesses ; We will not contend about the name Diocess and Parish , which by the Ancients were sometime used promiscuously for the same thing : But as to the thing signified by them , I say that what ever you call it , a Diocess , or a Parish , there were not near so many souls as in some English Parishes ; nor take one with another , their Churches commonly were no more Numerous then our Parishes , nor so numerous . A Diocess then and a Parish were the same thing , and both the same as our particular Churches now are ; that is , the Ecclesiae primae , or Soceities of Christians combined under Church-Rulers , for holy Communion in Worship and Discipline . And there were no otherwise many Congregations in one Church , then as our Chapples of ease , or a few meeting in a private house because of rainy weather , are many Congregations in one Parish . The foresaid Learned and Godly , ( though angry ) Bishop Downame , saith Def. li. 2. cap. 1. page 6. that [ Indeed at the very first Conversion of Cities , the whole Number of the people converted , being some not much greater then the Number of the Presbyters placed among them , were able to make but a small Congregation . ] Call that Church then a Diocess or a Parish , I care not , so we come near an agreement , about the proportion of Members that the definition be not overthrown , and the ends of it made impossible by the distance , number , and unacquaintedness of the members that cannot have any Church communion immediately one with another . If there be no communion , how is it a Church ? Nay or if there be no such communion as consists in mutual assistance and conjunction in Worship , and holding familiarity also in our conversation ( which the excommunicated are excluded from ) And if a communion there be , it is either Immediate by the members themselves Assembled , or else but Mediately by their Officers or Delegates . If it be only by the latter Mediately , then it is not the Ecclesia prima , but orta : It is an association of several Political Churches : For that is the difference between the communion of a single particular Church , and many combined Churches , that as the first is a combination of persons and not of Churches , so the communion is held among the Members in common , whereas the other being a combination of Churches , the communion is maintained orderly by Officers and Delegates , joyning in Synods , and sent from the Congregations . If therefore it be an Immediate ordinary communion of members in Ecclesiastical affairs , viz. Worship and Discipline , that is the Particular Church that I intend , call it what you will else , and whether there may be any private meetings in it besides the main body , or not , as possibly through some accidents there may be ; and yet at Sacrament and on the most solemne occasions , the same persons that were at Chappels or less meetings , may be with the chief Assembly . But I shall proceed in the proof of this by the next Argument , which will serve for this and the main together . Argum. 11. THat sort of Church Government may most safely be now practised which was used in the Scripture times , and that 's less safe which was not then used . But the Government of many Elders and particular Churches by one Bishop ( fixed , and taking that as his proper Diocess , such as the English Bishops were ) was not used in Scripture times . Therefore it is not so safe to use it or restore it now . The Major is proved hence : 1. In that the Primitive Church which was in Scripture times , was of unquestionable Divine Institution , and so most pure . And it is certainly lawful to practice that Church-Government which alone was practised by all the Church in the Scripture times of the New Testament . 2. Because we have no certain Law or Direction but Scripture for the frame of Government as jure Divino . Scripture is Gods sufficient and perfect Law. If therefore there be no mention of the Practice of any such Episcopacy in Scripture , no nor any precept for the practice of it afterwards , then cannot we receive it as of Divine Institution . The Objections shall be answered when we have proved the Minor. And for the Minor I shall at this time argue from the Concessions of the most Learned and Reverend man that at this time hath deeply engaged himself in defence of Episcopacy , who doth grant us all these things following . 1. That in Scripture times they were the same persons , and of the same office that were called Bishops and Presbyters . 2. That all the Presbyters mentioned in Scripture times , or then instituted ( as far as we can know ) had a Power of Ordination . 3. And also a Power of Ruling the Church , Excommunicating and Absolving . 4. That there was not then in being any Presbyter ( such as the Bishops would have in these times ) who was under the Bishop of a particular Church or Diocess . His words are these [ And although this title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders , have been also extended to a second Order in the Church , and is now only in use for them , under the Name of Presbyters , yet in the Scripture times it belonged principally , if not alone to Bishops ; there being no Evidence , that any of that second order were then instituted , though soon after , before the writing of Ignatius Epistles there were such instituted in all Churches . ] 5. It is yielded also by him that it is the office of these Presbyters or Bishops to Teach frequently and diligently , to reduce Hereticks , to reprove , rebuke , Censure and absolve , to visit all the sick and pray with them , &c. And therefore it must needs follow that their Diocess must be no larger then that they may faithfully perform all this to the Members of it : And if there be but one Bishop to do it , I am most certain then by experience that his Diocess must be no bigger then this Parish , nor perhaps half so big . 6. And it must needs follow , that in Scripture times a Particular Church ▪ consisted not of seve●al Churches associated , nor of several Congregations ordinarily meeting in several places for Christian communion in the solemn Worship of God , but only of the Christians of one such Congregation with a single Pastor ( though in that we dissent , and suppose there we●e more Pastors then one usually , or often . ) That this must be granted with the rest is apparent . 1. The Reverend Author saith as Bishop Downam before cited [ That when the Gospel was first preached by the Apostles and but few Converted , they ordained in every City and region , no more but a Bishop and one or more Deacons to attend him , there being at the present so smal store out of which to take more , and so small need of ordaining more , that this Bishop is constituted more for the sake of those which should after believe , then of those which did already . ] 2. And it s proved thus : If there were in Scripture times any more ordinary Worshiping Assemblies on the Lords dayes then one under one Bishop , then either they did Preach , Pray , Praise God , and administer the Lords Supper in those Assemblies , or they did not : If not , then 1. They were no such Worshipping Assemblies as we speak of . 2. And they should sin against Christ who required it . 3. And differ from his Churches which ordinarily used it . But if they did thus , then either they had some Pastor ( Presbyter or Bishop ) to perform these holy actions between God and the people , or not : If not , then they suppose that Lay-men might do all this Ministerial work , in Word , Sacraments , Prayer , and Praise in the name of the Assembly , &c. And if so , what then is proper to the Ministry ? then farewell Bishops and Presbyters too . If not , the●●●her the Bishop must be in two Assemblies at once performing the Holy Worship of God in their communion ( but that 's impossible : ) or else he must have some assisting Presbyters to do it ; But that 's denyed : Therefore it must needs follow that the Church order , constitution and practised Government which was in Scripture times , was this ; that a single Worshipping Congregation was that particular Church which had a Presbyter or Bishop ( one or more ) which watched over and ruled that only Congregation as his Diocess or proper charge , having no Government of any other Church ( Congregation ) or Elders . De facto this is plainly yielded . Well : this much being yielded , and we having come so far to an agreement , about the actual Church Constitution and Government of the Scripture times , we desire to know some sufficient reason , why we in these times may not take up with tha● Government and Church order which was practised in the Scripture times ? And the Reason that is brought against it is this ; Because it was the Apostles intention that this single Bishop who in Scripture times had but one Congregation , and Governed no Presbyters , should after Scripture times , have many settled Congregations , and their Presbyters under them , and should have the power of ordaining them , &c. To this I answer , 1. The Intentions of mens hearts are secret till they are some way revealed . No man of this age doth know the Apostles hearts but by some sign : what then is the revelation that Proveth this Intention ? Either it must be some Word or Deed. For the first I cannot yet find any colour of proof which they bring from any word of the Apostles , where either they give power to this Presbyter or Bishop to Rule over many Presbyters and Congregations for the future : Nor yet where they do so much as foretell that so it shall be . As for those of Paul to Timothy and Titus ▪ that the● rebuke not an Elder , and receive not accusation against them but under two or three Witnesses , the Reverend Author affirmeth that those E●ders were not Presbyters under such Bishops as we now speak of , but those Bishops themselves , whom Timothy and Titus might rebuke . And for meer facts without Scripture words , the●e is none that can prove this pretended Intention of the Apostles . First , there is no fact of the Apostles themselves or the Churches or Pastors in Scripture time to prove it . For Subordinate Presbyters are confessed not to be then ●nstituted , and so not existent : and other fact of theirs there can be none . And no fact after them can prove it . Yet this is the great Argument that most insist on , that the practice of the Church after Scripture times , doth prove that Intention of the ●p●stles which Scripture doth not ( for ought is yet proved by them that I can find ) at all express . But we deny that , and require p●oo● of it . It is not bare saying so that will serve . Is it not possible for the succeeding Bishops to err and mistake the Apostles Intentions ? If not , then are they Infallible as well as the Apostles , which is not true . They might sin in going from the Institution : And their sin will not prove that the Apostles intended it should be so de jure , because their followers did so de facto . If they say that it is not likely that all the Churches should so suddenly be ignorant of the Apostles Intention , I answer , 1. We must not build our faith and practice on Conjectures . Such a saying as this is no proof of Apostolical intentions , to warrant us to swerve from the sole practised Government in Scripture times . 2. There is no great likelihood that I can discern that this first practised Government was altered by those that knew the Apostles , and upon supposition that these which are pretended were their intents . 3. If it were so , yet is it not impossible , nor very improbable , that through humane frailty they might be drawn to conjecture that that was the Apostles intents which seemed right in thier eyes , and suited their present judgements and interests . 4. Sure we are that the Scripture is the perfect Law and Rule to the Church for the Establishing of all necessary Offices and Ordinances : and therefore if there be no such intentions or Institutions of the Apostles mentioned in the Scripture , we may not set up universally such Offices and Ordinances , on any such supposed intents . De facto we seem agreed , that the Apostles settled One Pastor over one Congregation having no Presbyters under his Rule : and that there were no other in Scripture time : but shortly after when Christians were multiplied , and the most of the Cities where the Churches were planted , were converted to the faith , together with the Country round about , then there were many Congregations , and many Pastors , and the Pastor of the first Church in the City did take all the other Churches and Pastors to be under his Government , calling them Presbyters only , and himself eminently or only the Bishop . Now the Question between us is , Whether this was well done or not ? & Whether these Pastors should not rather have gathered Churches as free as their own ? & Whether the ●hristians that were afterward converted should not have combined for holy Communion themselves in particular distinct ●hurches and have had their own Pastors set over them , as the first Churches by the Apostles had ? They that deny it , and Justifie their fact , have nothing that we can see for it , but an ungrounded surmise , that it was the Apostles meaning that the first Bishops should so do : But we have the Apostles express Institution , and the Churches practise during Scripture times , for the other way . We doubt not but Christians in the beginning were thin , and that the Apostles therefore preached most , and planted Churches in Cities because they were the most populous places , where was most matter to work upon , and most disciples were there ; and that the Country round about did afford them here and there a family which joyned to the City Church : Much like as it is now among us with the Anabaptists and Separatists , who are famed to be so Numerous and potent through the Land , and yet I do not think that in all this County , there is so many in Number of either of these sects as the tenth part of the people of this one Parish ; nor perhaps as the twentieth part . Now if all the Anabaptists in Worcestershire , or at least that lived so neer as to be capable of Church communion , should be of Mr. T 's . Congregation at Bewdley , or of a Church that met in the chief City , Worcester ; yet doth not this intimate that all the space of ground in this County is appointed or intended for the future as Mr. T 's . Diocess ; but if the successive Pastor should claim the whole County as his charge , if the whole were turned to that opinion , no doubt but they would much cross their founders mind . And ( if the comparison may be tolerated ) we see great reason to conceive that the Ancient Bishops did thus cross the Apostles minds . When there were no more Christians in a City and the adjoyning parts , then half some of our Parishes , the Apostles planted fixed Governours called Bishops or Elders over these particlar Churches , which had constant communion in the worship of God : And when the Cities and Countreyes were converted to the faith , the frailty of ambition co-working thereto , these Bishops did claim all that space of ground for their Diocess where the members of their Church had lived before ; as if Churches were to be measured by the acres of Land , and not by the number of souls ; whereas they should have done as the Bee-hives do , when they are ready to swarm , so that the old hive cannot contain them all , the swarm removes and seeks them another habitation , and makes them a New hive of their own . So when a Church grows big enough for two Churches , one part should remove to another meeting place , and they should become two Churches , and the later be of the same sort as the former , and as free , and not become subject to the former , as if men had right to be Rulers of others , because they were Converted before them , or because they dwell in a walled City , and others in the Villages . This Error therefore was no contrived or suddain thing , but crept on by degrees , as Countries were Converted and Churches enlarged ; we are agreed therefore de facto , that it was otherwise in the Apostles daies , and that soon after , in some places , it came to that pass as the Prelates would have it ( in some degree . ) But whether the Apostles were willing of the change , is the Question between us ; we deny it , and expect their better proof . And till they prove it , we must needs take it for our duty to imitate that Government which themselves confess was only practised in Scripture times ; supposing this the safest way . BUt yet , though the proof lye on their part , who affirm the Apostles to have had such Intentions , that Pastors of single Congregations should afterward become the Pastors of many , I shall ex super abundanti give them some Reasons for the Negative . 1. And first we are most certain that the holyest Pastors of the Church , had so much Pride and Ambition , that might possibly make them guilty of such a mistake as tended to the ●ncrease of their own power and rule . We find even the twelve Apostles contending in Christs own presence for the Primacy , till he is put sharp●ly to rebuke them , and tell them the Necessity of humility , and teach them better the state of his Kingdom . Paul met with many that contended against him for a preheminence , and put him upon all those defences of the dignity of his Apostleship● which we find him using . Peter found it necessary to warn the Pastors that they should not Lord it over Gods Heritage . And Iohn did meet with a Lording Diotrephes , that loved to have the preheminence . While they lay under the Cross , the Bishops were aspiring , and usurping authority over one another ; or else Victor of Rome had not presumed to Excommunicate the Asian Bishops for not conforming to his opinion : What abundance of unworthy contentions did the Bishops of the first ages fill the Churches with ? and much about superiority , who should be greatest ; what should be the priviledges of their several Seas ; &c. Their pride no doubt was a great cause of their contention ; and those contentions necessitated the interposition of Emperors to reconcile them that could not agree of themselves . If the Emperors called a Council to that end , even the Council it self would fall to pieces , and make all worse , if the Magistrate did not moderate them . Had not Constantine burnt the Nicene Schedules , and done much to maintain an Union among them , the success of that Council might have been such as would have been no great encouragement to succeeding ages to seek for more . What bitter quarrels are there between the most eminent of all the Fathers and Bishops of the Church ? between Chrysostom and Epiphanius ; Chrysostom and Theophilus Alexandrinus ; Hierom and Iohn of Ierusalem ; Ierome and Ruffinus ; besides his quarrels with Chrysostom and Augustine . I open not the concealed nakedness of the Saints ; but mention those publike doleful tragedies which made the Church an amazement to it self , and a scorn to the Heathens that lived about them ; witness the well known censure of Ammianus Marcellinus : when so many people shall be murdered at once in contention for a Bishoprick as were at the choice of Damasus ; ambition was too predominant . The mentioning of the contentions of those most excellent Bishops , and the first four general Councils , makes Luther break out into so many admiring exclamations , in his Treatise de Conciliis , that ever such men should so ambitiously quarrel about toyes and trifles , and childish things , and that even to the disturbing of all the Churches , and setting the Christian world on a flame . Of the two Churches of Rome and Constantinople he saith , Ita hae ●uae Ecclesiae ambitiose r●●atae sunt , de re nihili , vanissimis & nugacissimis naeniis , done●●●ndem utraque horribiliter vastata & deleta est . pag. 175. This caused Nazianzen ( who complaineth so much himself of the ●dium or displeasure of his fellow Bishops ) to profess himself to be so affected , that he would avoid all Assemblies of Bishops , because he had never seen a good end of any Synod , and which did not rather increase the evils than remove them ; and his reason is not as B●llarmine feigneth , only because they were all Arrians ; but because , The desire of contending , and of preheminency or principality , and their emulation , did overcome reason , ( which Luther mentioning ib. pag. 225. wondereth that for these words he was not excommunicated as an arrant heretick ) Who knoweth not , that knoweth any thing of Church history , how the Church hath been torn in pieces in all ages except the first , by the dissention of the Bishops , till the Pope drew part of them to unite in him ? And who knoweth not , that knoweth any thing of the present state of the Christian world , into how many fractions it is broken at this day , and almost all through the Division of these Guides ? If therefore we shall imagine that the Pastors of the Church could not be tainted with so much ambition as to inlarge their own Diocesses , and gather the new Chuches under themselves , when they should have formed them into the same order and freedom as were the first , we shall shut our eyes against the most full experience of the Christian world ▪ especially when the change was made by degrees . 2. The second Reason that perswadeth me to stick to the sole practised Government in Scripture times , and not to alter it upon pretended Intentions of the Apostles , is this : Nothing that intimateth temerity , or mutability , is to be charged upon the Holy Ghost but to institute one frame or species of Church-government for Scripture times , and to change it presently into another species to all succeeding ages , doth intimate temerity or mutability ; or at least , is so like it , that therefore without good proof it is not to be charged on the Holy Ghost . That they are two distinct species of Government is plain : one is the Government of a Particular Congregation , without any other Congregations or Elders under that Government : the other is the Governing of many Elders and Churches by one supereminent Prelate : and if these be not two differing sorts of Government , then let the Prelates confess that the Government which we would continue is of the same sort with theirs : for ours is of the first sort ; and if theirs be of the same , we are both agreed . And that the Lord Jesus Christ should settle one kind of Government de facto during Scripture time , and change it for ever after , is most improbable : 1. Because it intimateth levity , or mutability in a Law-giver , so suddenly to change his Laws and form of Government ; either something that he is supposed not to have foreseen , or some imperfection is intimated as the cause . Or if they say , that it was the change of the state of the body Governed , viz. the Church : I answer , 2. There was no change of the state of the Church to necessitate a change of the kind of Officers and Government : for ( as I shall shew anon ) there was need of more Elders then one in Scripture times ▪ and the increase of the Church might require an increase of Officers for Number , but not for Kind . There was as much need of assisting Presbyters , as of Deacons . I may well conclude therefore , that he that will affirm a Change of the Government so suddenly , must be sure to prove it ; and the rather , because this is the Bishops own great and most considerable Argument on the other side , when they p●ead that the Apostles themselves were Rulers of Presbyters , therefore Rulers over Presbyters ( and many Churches ) should continue as Gods Ordinance : many on the other side answer them , ( though so do not I ) that this Ordinance was temporary , during the Apostles times , who had no Successors in Gove●nment : to wh●ch the Prelates reply , that it s not ●●agi●ab●e that Christ should settle one sort of Church-Governme●t for the first age , and another ever after , abolishing that first so soon : and tha● they who affirm this , must prove it . For my part , I am overcome by this Argument , to allow all that the Apostolical pattern can prove , laying aside that which depended on their extraordinary gifts and priviledges ; but then I see no reason but they should acknowled●e the ●o●ce of their own Medi●m : and conclude it s not im●ginable that , if God set●led ●ixed Bishops only over particular Congregations , without any such order as subject Pre●byters , in the first age , he should change this , and set up subject Presbyters and many Churches under one man for ever after . If they say , that this is not a change of the spe●ies , but a growing up of the Church from Infancy to Maturity : I answer ▪ It is a plain change of the Species of Government , when one Congregation is turned into Many , and when a new order of Officers , viz. subject Presbyters without power of Ordination or Jurisdiction , is introduced , and the Bishops made Governours of Pastors , that before were but Governours of the People , this is plainly a new Species . Else I say again , let them not blame us for being against the right Species . 3. The third Rea●on is this : They that affirm a change ( not of the Governours , but also ) of the very nature or kind of a particular Governed or Political Church , from what it was in Scripture times , do affirm a thing so improbable ▪ as is 〈◊〉 without very clear proof to be credited . But such are they that affirm that Congregational Bishops were turned to Diocesan : therefore , &c. The Church that was the object of the Government of a fixed Bishop in Scripture times , was , [ A competent Number of persons in Covenant with Christ ( or of Christians ) co-habiting , by the app●intment of Christ and their mutual expressed consent , united ( or associated ) under Christs Ministerial Teachers and Guides for the right worshipping of God in publick and the Edification of the Body in Knowledge and Holiness , and the maintaining of obedience to Christ among them ▪ for the strength , beauty and safety of the whole and each part , and thereby the Pleasing and Glorifying God the Redeemer , and Creator , ] I● would be too long , rather then difficult to stand to prove all the parts of this Definition , of the first particular Political Church . That part which most concerneth our present purpose , is the Ends , which in Relations must enter the Definition : which in one word is , The Communion of Saints personally , as Associated Churches consisting of many particular Churches , are for the Communion of Saints by officers and Delegates . And therefore this communion of Saints is put in our Creed , next to the Catholick Church , as the end of the combination . I shall have occasion to prove this by particular Texts of Scripture anon . A Diocesan Church is not capable of these Ends. What personal communion can they have that know not nor see not one aonther ? that live not together , nor worship God together ? There is no more personal communion of Saints among most of the people of this Diocess , then is between us and the inhabitants of France or Germany : For we know not so much as the names or faces of each other , nor ever come together to any holy uses . So that to turn a Congregation into a Diocesan Church , is to change the very subject of Government . Obj. This is meer independency , to make a single Congregation , the subject of the Government . Answ. 1. I am not deterred from any truth by Names . I have formerly said , that its my opinion that the truth about Church-Government , is parcelled out into the hands of each party , Episcopal , Presbyterian , Independents , and Erastian : And in this point in Question the Independents are most right . Yet I do dot affirm ( nor I think they ) that this one Congregation may not accidentally be necessitated to meet in several places at once , either in case of persecution , or the age and weakness of some members , or the smalness of the room : But I say only that the Church should contain no more then can hold communion when they have opportunity of place and liberty ; and should not have either several settled Societies or Congregations , nor more in one such Society then may consist with the Ends. And that these Assemblies are bound to Associate with other Assemblies , and hold communion with them by the mediation of their Officers ; this , as I make no doubt of , so I think the Congregational will confess . And whereas the common evasion is by distinguishing between a Worshipping Church and a Governed Chuch , I desire them to give us any Scripture proof that a Worshipping Church and a Governed Church were not all one , supposing that we speak of a settled society or combination . I find no such distinction of Churches in Scripture . A family I know may perform some worship , and accordingly have some Government : And an occasional meeting of Christians without any Minister , may perform some Worship without Government among them . But where was there ever a Society that ordinarily assembled for publick worship , such as was performed by the Churches on the Lords dayes , and held communion ordinarily in worship , and yet had not a Governing Pastor of their own ? Without a Presbyter they could have no Sacraments and other publike Worship ▪ And where was there ever a Presbyter that was not a Chu●ch Governour ? Certainly if subject Presbyters were not till after Scripture times , nor any settled Worshipping Church without a Presbyter ( unless the people preached and administred the Sacraments , ) then there could be no Worshipping Church that had not their own proper Governour , nor any such Governour ( fixed ) that had more Churches then one . Reason 4. The contrary opinion feigneth the Apostles to have allotted to each Bishop a space of ground for his Diocess , and to have measured Churches by such spaces , and not by the number of souls : But this is unproved , & absurd . 1. Unproved , For there is no place in Scripture that giveth the Bishop charge of all that space of ground , or of all the Christians that shall be in that space during his time . Indeed they placed a Bishop in each City , when there was but a Church in each City : But they never said ▪ there shall be but one Church in a City , or but one Bishop in a City ; much less in all the Country region . 2. And its absurd : For it s the number of souls that a Church must be measured by , and not a space of ground , ( so they do but co-habite : ) For if in the same space of Ground , there should be twenty or an hundred times as many Christians , it would make the number so great as would be uncapable of personal communion , and of obtaining Church Ends. If a Schoolmaster have a School in the chief City or Town of this County , and there come as many from many miles compass as one School can hold , and there be no more there : so long all that space may belong to his School , not for the space sake , but the number of Schollars : For if there be afterward an hundred times as many in that space to be taught , they must set up more Schools , and it were no wise part in the old Schoolmaster to maintain that all that Country pertaine●h to his School , because that it was so when there were fewer . So that to measure our the matter of Churches by space of ground , and not by number of souls , is plainly against the Reason of the Relation . Reason 5. The opposed opinion doth imply that God more regardeth Cities then Country Villages , or that Churches are to be measured according to the number and greatness of Cities rather then according to the number of souls . For they suppose that every City should have a Bishop if there be but twenty , or fourty , or an hundred Christians in it : but if there be five hund●ed Country Parishes , that have some of them many thousand souls in them , these shall have no Bishops of their own , but be all ruled by the Bishop of the City . Now how unreasonable this is , methinks should not be hard to discern . For , 1. What is a City to God any more then a Village , that for it he should make so partial an institution ? Doth he regard Rome any more then Eugubium , or Alexandria more then Tanis , for their worldly splendor or priviledges ? No doubtless it is for the multitude of inhabitants . And if so , its manifest that an equal number of inhabitants elsewhere , should have the same kind of Government . 2. Is it probable that God would have twenty thousand or an hundred thousand people in a Diocess ( and in some a Million ) to have but one Church-Ruler , and yet would have every small congregation in a City to have one , though there be none else under him ? What proportion is there in this way of Government , that an hundred or fifty men shall have as many Governours as a Million ? as if ten thousand or an hundred thousand Schollars ou● of a City shall have no more Rulers , then an hundred in a 〈◊〉 ; and all because one part are in a City , and the other not ? Or a Physitian shall have but an hundred Patients to look to in a City , and if there be a Million in that City and Country , he shall also upon pain of Gods everlasting wrath undertake the care of them all ? Let them that strive for such a charge look to it ; I profess I admire at them , what they think 1. Of the needs of men souls : 2. Of the terrours of Gods wrath . 3. And of their own sufficiency for such a work ? Were it my case , if I know my own he●rt at all ▪ I should fear that this were but to strive to damn thousands , and to be damned with them , by undertaking on that penalty to be their Physitian ( under Christ ) when I am sure I cannot look to the hundreth man of them , and I had rather strive to be a gally-slave to the Turks , or to be preferred to rid Cha●els , or the basest office all my dayes . Reason 6. According to the oppos●d opinion , it is in the power of a King to make Bishops to be either Congregational or Diocesan , to make a Bish●p to ha●e a Million of souls or a whole Nation in charge , or to have but a● few . For if a King will but dissolve the Priviledge and title , and make that no City wh●ch was a City , though he diminish not the number of souls ; and if he will do thus by all the Cities , save one in his dominion , then must there be but one Bishop in his dominion . And if he will but make every countrey Town , that hath four or five hundred or a thousand inhabitants to be incorporate , and honour it with the title and priviledges of a City , th●n shall they have a Bishop . Moreover , thus every Prince may de jure banish Episcopacy out of his Dominions , without diminishing the number of Christians , if he do but defranchise the Cities , and be of the mind as I have heard some men have been , that Cities are against the Princes interest , by strengthening the people , and advantaging them to rebellions . Also if there be any Indian Nations so barbarous as to have no Cities , though they were converted , yet must they have no Bishops : Also it would be in the Princes power de jure to depose any of those Bishops that the Ap●stles or their Successors are supposed to set up : For the R●man Emperour might have proclaimed Antioch , Alexandria , or any of the rest to be no Cities , and then they must have no longer have had any Bishops . And what Bish●ps shall Antioch have at this day ? Now how absurd all this is , I need not manifest : that whole Contre●e● sh●ll have no Government for want of 〈◊〉 , that Kings shall so alter Church Officers at their ple●sure ●hen they intend it not , meerly by altering the Civil Priviledg●s of their people ; that a King may make one Diocess to become an hundred , and an hundred become one , by such means . And yet all this doth unden●ably follow , if the Law be that every City and only every City shall be a Bishops Sea where there are Christians to be governed . Reason 7. There is no sufficient Reason given , why subject P●●s●byters should not have been set up in the Scripture times ▪ as well as after , if it had been the Apostles intent that such should be instituted . The Necessity pretended , was no necessi●y , and the Non-necessity is but pre●ended . First it is pre●e●●ed that there were so few fit men that there was a Necessity of forb●arance . But this is not so : For , 1. The Church had larger gifts of the Spirit then , then now , and therefore proportionable to the flocks they might have had competent men , then as well as now . 2. They had men enough to make Deacons of , even s●ven in a 〈◊〉 : And who will believe then that they could find none to make such Elders of ? Was not Stephen or Philip sufficiently qualified to have been a subject Elder ? 3. They had many that prophesied , and interpreted , and spake with tongues in one Assembly , as appears , 1 Cor. 14. And therefore its man●f●st that there were enough to have made Ruled Elders : At least sure the Church at Ierusalem , where there were so many thousands , would have afforded them one such , if it had been requisite . But secondly , its pretended not to have been Necessary , because of the fewness of the people . But I answer , 1. The same persons say that in Ignatius his time all Churches had such Presbyters : And its manifest that many Churches in the Scripture times , were more populous or large , then many or most beside them were in Ignatius time . 2. Did the numerous Church at Ierusalem ordinarily meet on the Lords dayes for holy communion , or not ? If they did , then it was but a Church of one Congregation ( which is by most denyed ) If not , then the several Assemblies must have several Presbyters ( for several Bishops they will not hear of , ) Doubtless they did not celebrate the holy communion of the Church and Ordinances of God , by meer Lay-men alone . 3. What man that knows the burden of Pastoral Oversight , can say that such Churches of thousands , as Ierusalem , Rome , Alexandria , &c. had need of no more than one man , to Teach them , and do all the Pastoral work ? and so that assisting Ruled Presbyters were then needless ? If they were needless to such numerous Churches then ; let us even take them for needless still , and set up no new orders which were not seen in Scripture times . Reas. 8. The Apostles left it not to the Beshops whom they established to make new Church-offices and orders quoad speciem , but only to ordain men to succeed others in the offices and orders that themselves had ( by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost ) appointed , or else Christ before them . A Bishop might make a Bishop or a Deacon perhaps , because these were quoad speciem made before , and they were but to put others into the places before appointed . But if there were no such creature in Scripture times as a subject Presbyter , that had no power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , then if the Bishops afterward should make such , they must make a new office , as well as a new officer . So that either this new Presbyter is of the institution of Christ by his Apostles , or of Episcopal humane institution . If the former , and yet not institututed in Scripture times , then Scripture is not the sufficient rule and discoverer of Divine Institutions and Church Ordinances : and if we once forsake that Rule , we know not where to fix , but must wander in that Romane uncertainty . If the latter , then we must expect some better proof then hitherto we have seen , of the Episcopall ( or any humane ) power to make new Offices in the Church of Christ , and that of universal and standing necessity . Till then we shall think they ought to have made but such Presbyters as themselves . Reason 9. If there be not so much as the name of a Ruled Presbyter without power of Ordination , or Iurisdiction , in all the Scripture , much less then is there any description of his Office , or any Directions for his ordination , or the qualifications prerequisit in him , and the performance of his office when he is in it : And if there be no such Directory concerning Presbyters , then was it not the Apostles intent that ever any such should be ordained . The reason of the consequence is , 1. Because the Scripture was written not only for that age then in being , but for the Church of all ages to the end of the world : And therefore it must be a sufficient directory for all . The second Epistle to Timothy was written but a little before Pauls death . Surely if the Churches in Ignatius daies were all in need of Presbyters under Bishops , Paul might well have seen some need in his time , or have foreseen the need that was so neer , and so have given directions for that office . 2. And the rather is this consequence firm , because Paul in his Epistles to Timothy and Titus doth give such full and punctual Directions concerning the other Church-officers , not only the Bishops , but also the Deacons , describing their prerequisite qualifications , their office , and directing for their Ordination , and conversation : Yea he condescendeth to give such large Directions concerning Widows themselves , that were serviceable to the Church . Now is it probable that a perfect Directory written for the Church to the worlds End , & largely describing the qualifications and office of Deacons , which is the inferiour , would not give one word of direction concerning subject Presbyters without power of Ordination or Rule , if any such had been then intended for the ●hurch ? No nor once so much as name them ? I dare not accuse Pauls Epistles written to that very purpose , and the whole Scripture , so much of insufficiency , as to think they wholly omit a necessary office , and so exactly mention the inferiour and commonly less necessary , as they do . Reason 10. The new Episcopal Divines do yield that all the texts in Timothy , Titus , and the rest of the New Testament , that mentitn Gospel Bishops or Presbyters , do mean only such as have power of Ordination and Iurisdiction , without the concurrence of any superiour Bishop . The common Inerpretation of the Fathers , and the old Episcopal Divines of all ages , of most or many of those texts , is , that they speak of the office of such as now are called Presbyters . Lay both together , and if one of them be not mistaken , they afford us this conclusion , that the Presbyters that now are , have by these texts of Scripture , the power of Ordination and Iurisdiction without the concurrence of others . And if so , then was it never the Apostles intent , to leave it to the Bishops to ordain a sort of Presbyters of another order , that should have no such power of Ordination or Jurisdiction , without the Bishops Negative . Reason 11. We find in Church History that it was first in some few great Cities ( especially Rome and Alexandria ) that a Bishop ruled many settled worshipping Congregations with their Presbyters ; when no such thing at that time can be proved by other Churches : therefore we may well conceive that it was no Ordinance of the Apostles , but was occasioned afterwards , by the multiplying of Christians in the same compass of ground where the old Church did inhabite ; and the adjacent parts , together with the humane frailty of the Bishops , who gathered as many as they could under their own Government when they should have erected new Churches as free as their own . Reason 12. If the Description of the Bishops settled in the New Testament , and the work affixed to them , be such as cannot agree to our Diocesan Bishops ▪ but to the Pastors of a single Church , then was it never the mind of the Holy Ghost that those Bishops should degenerate afterwards into Diocesan Bishops : But the Antecedent is certain ? therefore so is the Consequent . I here still suppose with Learned Dr. H Annot. in Act. 11. & passim , that the name Presbyter in Scripture signifieth a Bishop , there being no Evidence that in Scripture time any of that Second Order , ( viz. subject Presbyters ) were then instituted . Though I am far from thinking that there was but one of these Bishops in a Church at least as to many Churches . Now as we are agreed de facto that it was but a single Church that then was under a Bishop and not many such Churches ( for that follows undenyably upon the denying of the existence of subject Presbyters ; seeing no such Churches can be , nor the worshipping Assemblies held without a Bishop or Presbyter ; ) so that it was the mind of the Apostles that it should so continue , is proveed by the Desciption and work of those Scripture Bishops . Argument 1. From Acts 20.28 , 29 , 31. The Bishops instituted and fixed by the Holy Ghost were and are to take heed to all the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made them overseeers , to feed the Church of God , and to watch against Wolves , and to warn every one night and day ] But this cannot be done by Diocesan Bishops , nor any that have more then one Church : Therefore Diocesan Bishops are not the Bishops that the Holy Ghost hath so fixed and instituted , such as Paul describeth were to continue : and that 's such as can do that work . Argument 2. The Bishops that the Holy-Ghost settled and would have continue , ( and had the Power of Ordination given them , ) were such as were to be Ordained in every City and every Church , Acts 14.23 . Tit. 1.3 , 4 , 5. See Dr. Hammonds Annotat. But it is not Diocesan Bishops that are such ( for they are over many Churches and Cities ) therefore it is not Diocesan Bishops that were settled by the Holy Ghost , nor meant in those texts . Ar. 3. The Bishops which were instituted by the Holy Ghost , and are meant in Scripture , were to watch for their peoples souls as those that must give account , Ruling over them , and to be obeyed by all , and speaking to them the word of God , Heb. 13.7 , 17 , 24. But this cannot be done by a Bishop to a whole Diocess , ( nor will they be willing of such an account if they be wise : ) therefore it is not Diocesan Bishops that are meant in Scripture . Argument 4. The Bishops settled for continuance in Scripture were such as all the people were to know as labouring among them , and over them in the Lord , and admonishing them , and to esteem them very highly in love , for their work sake , 1 Thes. 5.12 , 13. But this cannot be meant of our Diocesan Bishop , ( whom the hundreth part of the flock shall never see , hear , nor be admonished by : ) therefore it is not such that were settled for continuance in the Church . Argument 5. The Bishops settled by the Holy Ghost , must by any that are sick be sent for , to pray over them . But this a Diocesan Bishop cannot do , to the hundreth or thousandth person in some places ; therefore it is not Diocesan Bishops ( but the Bishops of a single Church that are capable of these works that are meant by the Holy Ghost , to continue in the Church , and consequently to whom the power of Ordaining was committed . If any question whether the Texts alleadged do speak of subject-Presbyters , or Bishops , I refer them to the foresaid Reverend Doctor , with whom I am agreed , that there were no subject-Presbyters instituted in Scripture times . Reason 13. It was not one or two or all Churches for a year or two or more in their meer fieri or infancy before they were well formed , that consisted only of one settled worshipping Assembly and its guides ; but it was the formed and stablished state of the particular Churches . To prove this I shall briefly do these three things . 1. I shall shew it in respect to the Jewish Synagogues . 2. As to the Churches in the Apostles dayes after many years growth ; even of every Church that 's mentioned in the New Testament , as a particular Political Church . 3. As to some of the Churches after the Apostles dayes , mentioned by the ancients . 1. It is apparent that the Jews Synagogues were particular Congregational Churches , having each one their several Rulers , and as many Learned men suppose , they had an Ecclesiastical Judicature of Elders , belonging to each of them , where fit men could be found , and this distinct from the Civil Judicature : Or as others think , they had a Sanhedrim which had power to judge in both Causes , and one of these was in every City , that is , in Places of Cohabitation . For in every City of Israel which had one hundred and twenty families ( or free persons say others ) they placed the Sanhedrim of twenty three . And in every City which had not one hundred and twenty men in it , they set the smallest Judicature of three Judges , so be it there were but two wise men among them , fit to teach the Law and resolve doubts . See A●nsworth on Numb . 11.16 . citing Talmud . Bab. & Maimonides , more at large . And doubtless many of our Country Villages , and almost all our Parishes have more then 120. and every Country Village may come in , in the lesser number below 120. which are to have three Elders : and that say some , was every place where were ten men . And that these were under the great Sanhedrim at Ierusalem , is nothing to the matter ; For so we confess that such particular Churches as we mention , have some such General officers over them de jure , as the Apostolical men were in the Primitive Church ; but not that any of these Synagogues were under other Synagogues ; though one were in a great City , and the other but in a small Town . And that these Synagogues were of Divine institution , is plain in divers texts , particularly in Lev. 23.1 , 2 , 3. where a convocation of holiness , or a holy Convocation is commanded to be on every Sabboth in all their dwellings , which most plainly could be neither the meeting at Ierusalem at the Temple , nor yet in single families : and therefore it is not to much purpose that many trouble themselves to conjecture when Synagogues began , and some imagine it was about the Captivity : For as their controversie can be but about the form of the meeting place , or the name , so its certain that some place there must be for such meetings ; and that the meetings themselves were in the Law commanded by God : and that not to be tumultuary confused ungoverned Assemblies . If the scourging in the Synagogues prove not this power ( which is much disputed , ) Mat. 10.17 . and 23.34 . Luke 6.22 . and 12.11 . and 21.12 . Acts 22.19 . and 26 11. Yet at least , excluding men their Synagogue Communion , may Iohn 9.22 , 34. and 12.42 . and 16.2 . But because this argument leads us into many Controversies about the Jewish customes , lest it obscure the truth by occasion in quarrels , I shall pass it by . 2. I find no particular Political Church in the New Testament , consisting of several Congregations , ordinarily meeting for communion in Gods Worship ; ( unless as the forementioned accidents might hinder the meeting of one Congregation in one place , ) nor having half so many members as some of our Parishes . When there is mention made of a Country , as Iudea , Galile , Samaria , Galatia , the word [ Churches ] in the plural number is used , Gal. 1.2 . Acts 15.41 . and 9.31 . 2 Cor. 8.1 . But they 'l say , These were only in Cities : But further consid●r , there is express mention of the Church at Cenchrea , which was no City ; and they that say that this was a Parish subject to Corinth ▪ give us but their words for it , without any proof that ever I could see : and so they may as well determine the whole cause by bare affirmation , and prevent disputes . The Apostle intimateth no such distinction , Rom. 16.1 . 1 Cor. 11.18 , 20 , 22.16 . [ When ye come together in the Church , I hear that there be divisions among you . — When ye come together therefore into one place , this is not to eat the Lords Supper . ] — 16. [ We have no such Custome , nor the Churches of God ] Here the Church of Corinth is said to come together into one place : And for them that say , This is per partes , and so that one place is many to the whole ; I answer , the Apostle saith not to a part , but to the whole Church , that they come together in one place , and therefore the plain obvious sence must stand , till it be disproved . And withall he calls the Christian Assemblies in the plural number [ Churches : ] for its plain that it is of Assembly Customes that he there speaks . So 1 Cor. 14. there is plainly expressed that it was a particular Assembly that was called the Church , and that this Assembly had it in many Prophets , Interpreters , & others that might speak . Verse 4. [ He that Prophesieth , Edifieth the Church ] that is , Only that Congregation that heard . And Verse 5. [ Except he interpret that the Church may receive Edifying ] And Verse 12. [ Seek that ye may excell to the Edifying of the Church . ] Verse 19. [ In the Church I had rather speak five words with my understanding , that I may teach others also . — ] And Verse 23. [ If therefore the whole Church be come together into one place , and all speak with tongues — ] One would think this is as plain as can be spoken , to assure us that the whole Churches then were such as might , and usually did come together for holy communion into one place . So Verse 28. [ If there be no Interpreter , let him keep silence in the Church : ] And which is more , lest you think that this was some one small Church that Paul speaks of , he denominateth all other particular Congregations , even Ordered Governed Congregations , [ Churches ] too . Verse 33. For God is not the author of confusion but of peace , as in all the Churches of the Saints . ] So that all the Congregations for Christian Worship , are called , All the Churches of the Saints . And it seems all as well as this , so stored with Prophets and gifted men that they need not take up with one Bishop only for want of matter to have made subject Elders of : And Verse 34. [ Let your women keep silence in the Church ] for it is a shame for a woman to speak in the Church . ] So that so many Assemblies , so many Churches . Obj. But it seems there were among the Corinthians more then one Congregation by the plural [ Churches . ] Answ. 1. Many particular seasons of Assembling , may be called many Assemblies or Churches , though the peoole be the same . 2. The Epistle was a Directory to other Churches , though first written to the Corinthians . 3. Those that say , it was to Corinth , and other City-Churches that Paul wrote , need no further answer : It seems then each City had but a Congregation , if that were so . 4 Cenchrea was a Church neer to Corinth , to whom Paul might well know his Epistle would be communicated : and more such there might be as well as that , and yet all be entire free Churches . So in Col. 4.16 . [ And when this Epistle is read among you , cause that it be read also in the Church of the Laodiceans , and that ye likewise read the Epistle from Laodicea . ] This Church was such as an Epistle might be read in , which doubtless was an Assembly . The whole matter seems plain in the case of the famous Church at Antioch , Acts 11.26 . A whole year they assembled themselves with the Church , and taught much people ] Here is mention but of One Assembly , which is called the Church ; where the people , it seems , were taught . And its plain that there were many Elders in this one Church ; for Acts 13.1 . it said [ There were in the Church that was at Antioch certain Prophets and Teachers ] And five of them are named , who are said to Minister there to the Lord ▪ And though I do not conclude that they were all the fixed Elders of that particular Church , yet while they were there they had no less power then if they had been such . In the third Epistle of Iohn , where there is oft mention of that particular Church , it appeareth Verse 6. that it was such a Church as before which the ●rethren and strangers could bear witness of Gaius Charity : And it s most probable that was one Assembly ; but utterly improbable that they travailed from Congregation to Congregation to bear this witness . And Vers. 9 , 10. it was such a Church as Iohn wrote an Epistle to , and which Diotrephes cast men out of : which is most likely to be a Congregation , which might at once hear that Epistle , and out of which Diotrephes mig●t ●asilier reject strangers , and reject the Apostles letters , then out of many such Congregations , Gal. 1.22 . When Paul saith , he was Vnknown by face to the Churches of Iudea , it is most likely that they were Churches which were capable of seeing and knowing his face not only by parts , but as Churches . And its likely those Churches that praised Luke , and sent him with Paul as their chosen messenger , were such as could meet to choose him , and not such as our Diocesses are , 1 Cor. 16.1 , 2. Paul gives order both to the Church of Corinth , and the Churches of Galatia , that upon the Lords day at the Assembly ( as it is ordinarily expounded ) they should give in their part for the relief of the Churches of Iudea . So that it seems most likely that he makes [ Churches ] and such Assemblies to be all one , Acts 14.23 . They ordained them Elders , Church by Church , or in every Church . Here it is confessed by those we plead against , that Elders signifie not any subject Elders having no power of Ordination or Government : And to say that by Elders in each Church is meant only one Elder in each Church , is to forsake the letter of the text without any proved Necessity : We suppose it therefore safer to believe according to the first sence of the words , that it was Elders in every Church , that is , more then one in every Church that were ordained . And what sort of Churches these were , appears in the following verses , where even of the famous Church of Antioch its said , Verse 27. when they were come , and had gathered the Church together , they rehearsed all that God had done by them — So that its plain that this Church was a Congregation to whom they might make such rehearsal . And Chap. 15.3 . It s said that they were brought on their way by the Church : And if it be not meant of all , but a part of the Church , yet it intimateth what is aforesaid . To conclude , though many of these texts may be thought to speak doubtfully , yet consider 1. That some do most certainly declare that it was particular stated Assemblies that were then called Churches , even Governed Churches , having their Officers present . 2. That there is no certain proof of any one particular Political Church that consisted of many such stated Assemblies . 3. That therefore the Texts that will bear an exposition either way , must be expounded by the certain , and not by the uncertain texts ; so that I may argue thus . If in all the New Testament , the word [ Church ] do often signifie stated worshipping single Assemblies , and often is used so as may admit that interpretation ; and is never once used certainly to signifie many particular stated worshipping Assemblies ruled by one fixed Bishop , then we have any just cause to suppose that the particular Political Churches in Scripture times consisted but of one such stated Congregation . But the Antecedent is true , therefore so is the Consequent . As for the New Episcopal Divines that say There were no subject Presby●ers in Scripture times : I suppose according to their principles , they w●ll grant me all this , as is aforesaid And for others , the Instances that they bring to the contrary should be briefly considered . The great swaying Instance of all ( which did sometime prevail with me to be my self of another mind ) is the Numerous Church at Ierusalem : Of which its said that three thousand were converted at once , and five thousand at another time , and the word mightily grew and prevailed , and daily such were added to the Church as should be saved : to wh●ch some add the mention of the Miriades of believing Jews yet zealous of the Law , which the brethren mentioned to Paul , Acts 21.20 . And the instance of Ephesus and Rome come next . But I remember how largely this business is debated between the late Assembly at Westminster and the Dissenting Brethren , that I think it unmeet to interpose in it any further then to annex these few considerations following . 1. That all that is said on that side , doth not prove certainly that that one Church at Ierusalem was the eighth part so big as Giles Cripple-gate Parish , or the fifth part so big as Stepney or Sepulchres , nor neer so big as Plimoth or some other Country Parishes . 2. That it is past doubt that the magnitude of that Body of Believers then at Ierusalem , was partly acccidental , and the members cannot at all be proved settled cohabitants , nor that Church as in its first unordered Mass be the proved to be the fittest pattern for imitation . 3. That Christ hath not punctually determined how many members shall be in a particular Church . 4. But the ends ( being personal holy communion ) are the Rule by which humane prudence must determine it . 5. That its fitter one Church instance give way to many in point of our imitation , then of many to that one , caeteris paribus . 6. That it s known among us that more then are proved to have been members of that Church , may hear one man preach at the same time . I have none of the loudest voices , and yet when I have preached to a Congregation judged by judicious men to be at least ten thousand , those farthest off said they could well hear ( as I was certainly informed . ) 7. That its certain by many passages historicall in ●cripture that men did then speak to greater multitudes , and were heard at far greater distance then now they can orderly be : which I conjecture was because their voices were louder , as in most dryer bodies ( which dryer Countreys have ) is commonly seen , when moister bodies have of●er hoarser voices ; and other reasons might concur . 8. That it is confessed or yielded that the Church at Ierusalem might all hear at once , though not all receive the Lords Supper together . And if so , then they were no more then might at once have personal communion in some holy Ordinances , and that the Teachers might at once make known their minds to . 9. And then the reason of receiving the Supper in several places seems to be but because they had not a room so fit to receive all in , as to hear in . And so we have now in many Parishes Assemblies subordinate to the chief Assembly : For divers families at once may meet at one house , and divers at another , for repetition , prayer or other duties ; and some may be at Chappels of ease that cannot come to the full assembly . 10 ▪ They that are for Presby●erial Churches of many Congregations , do not say , that There must be many , to make the first political Church , but only that , There may be many ? If then there be no Necessit● of it , 1. Should it not be forborn when it appeare●h to prudence most inconvenient ( as frequently it will no doubt . ) 2. And when it is Necessary for a peaceable Accommodation , be●ause others think it a sin , should not a May be give place to a Must not be , in pacificatory consultations , caeteris paribus ? 11. It is granted also by them , that the Pastors of one Congregation have not a charge of Governing other neighbour Congregation in Consistory , ( one rather then another , which they g●vern not , though perhaps as neer them ) but b● con●ent . And therefore as there is but a licet , not an oportet ▪ of such consent pleaded for : so while no such consent is given , we have no such ch●●ge of Governing neighbour Congregations ; and none may force us to such consent . 12. And Lastly , that if a si●gle Congregation with it own Officer , or Officers , be not a true particular Political Church ; then our ordinary Parish assemblies are none ; and where the Presbyterian Government is not set up ( which is up but in few places of England ) it would then follow that we have no true Political Churches left among us ( & perhaps never had : ) which I meet yet with few so uncharitable as to affirm , except the Papists and the Separatists and a few of the new sort of Episcopal Divines , who think we have no Churches for want of ●ishops , ( except where Bishops yet are retained and acknowleged . ) For my part I would not lay too great a stress upon any forms or modes which may be altered or diversified . Let the Church have but such a Number of souls as may be consistent with the ends and so the essence of a particular Church , that they may held personal holy communion , and then I will not quarrel about the name of one or two Congregations , nor whether they must needs all meet together for all ordinances , nor the like . Yea I think a full number ( so they be not so full or distant , as to be uncap●ble of that communion ) are desireable , for the strength and beauty of the Church ; and too smal Churches , if it may be , to be avoided . So that all the premises being considered , out difference appears to be but small in these matters between the Congregational and Presbyterian way , among them that are moderate . I shall not presume more particularly to enter into that debate , which hath been so far proceeded in already by such Reverend men , but shall return to the rest of the task before promised against the Diocesan Churches as the supposed subject of the Bishops Government . As for Scripture times and the next succeeding together , I shall before I look into other testimonies , propound these two Arguments . 1. From the Bishops office , which was before mentioned . If the office of a Bishop in those times , was to do so much work as could not be done by him for a Church any greater than our Parishes , then were the Churches of those times no greater then our Parishes : But the Antecedent is true ; therefore so is the consequent . The works are before mentioned , Preaching , Praying , administring the Lords Supper , visiting the sick , reducing hereticks , reproving , censuring , absolving : to which they quickly added too much more of their own . The impossibility of a faithful performance of this to more is so undenyable , that I cannot suppose any other answer but this that they might ordain Presbyters to assist them in the work , and so do much of it by others . But 1. I before desired to see it proved by what authority they might do this . 2. Their office and work are so inseparable that they cannot depute others to do their work ( their proper work ) without deputing them also to their office . For what is an office but the state of one Obliged and Authorized to do such or such a work ? A Presbyter may not authorize another to preach as the Teacher of a Congregation , and to administer the Sacraments , without making him a Presbyter also : Nor can a Bishop authorize any to do the work of a Bishop in whole or by halves without making him a Presbyter or half a Bishop . And he is not authorized either to make new officers in the Church , or to do his work by deputies or substitutes . 2. I argue also from the Identity of that Church to wh●ch the Bishops and Deacons were appointed for ministration . It was not a Church of many stated Congregations , or any larger than our Parishes for number of souls that the Deacons were made Ministers to : therefore it was no other or bigger which the Bishops were set ove● . The consequence is good : because where ever Deacons are mentioned in Scripture or any Writer that I remember neer to Scripture times , they are still mentioned with the Bishops or Presbyters as Ministers to the same Church with them , as is apparent b●th in the seven chosen for the Church at Ierusalem , and in Phil. 1.1 , 2. and in the Direction of Paul to Timothy for ordaining them . And the Antecedent is proved from the nature of their work : For they being to attend on the tables at the Love feasts and the Lords Supper , and to look to the poor , they could not do this for any greater number of people then we mention ; Whether they had those feasts in one house or many at once , I determine not ; but for the number of people , it was as much as a Deacon could do at the utmost to attend a thousand people . I shall proceed a little further towards the times next following ; and first I shall take in my way the confession of one or two learned men that are for Prelacy . Grotius in his Annotat. on 1 Tim. 5.17 . saith [ Sed notandum est in una Vrbe magna sicut plures Synagogas , ita & plures fuisse Ecclesias , id est , conventus Christianorum . Et cuique Ecclesiae fuisse suum praesidem , qui populum alloqueretur , & Presbyteros ordinaret . Alexandriae tantum eum fuisse morem , ut unus esset in tota urbe praeses qui ad docendum Presbyteros per urbem distribueret , docet nos Sozomenus 1.14 . & Epiphanius , ubi de Ario agit , dicitque Alexandriae nunquam duos fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voce ●a sumpta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ita ut significat jus illud quod habebat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] So that Grotius affirmeth that Bishops had not then so much as all the converted persons of a great City under their care , but the Churches and Assemblies were the same , and each Assembly had a Prelate , and in the great Cities there were many of these Churches and Prelates , and that only the City of Alexandria had the custom of having but one such Bishop in the whole City . 2. Those learned men also must grant this cause who maintain that Peter and Paul were both of them Bishops of Rome at once , there being two Churches , one of the Circumcision under Peter , the other of the uncircumcision under Paul : and that one of them had Linus , and the other Cletus for his Successor , and that this Church was first united under Clemens : and the like they say of two Churches also at Antioch , and elswhere . If this be so , then there is no Law of God that Bishops should be numbred by Cities , but more Bishops then one may be in one City , and were , even when Christians comparatively were a small part of them . 3. Also Mr. Thorndike and others affirm that it was then the custome for the Bishops and Presbyters to sit in a semicircle , and the Bishop highest in a Chair , and the Deacons to stand behind them : This he gathereth from the Apost . Constitut. Ignatius , Dionysius Arcop . and the Jews Constitutions , ( in his Apost . form page 71. and Right of the Church , &c. p. 93.94 , 95. ) And if this were so , it seems that Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons were all the Officers of one such stated Congregation , and had not many such Congregations under them : For the Bishop could be but in one place at once , and therefore this could be the custome but of one Church in his Diocess , if he had many , whereas it is made the form of the ordinary Christian Assemblies . The same learned man ( Right of Church p. 65. ) saith that [ About Saint Cyprians time , and not af●re , he finds men●ion of setled Congregations in the Country ] By which it may be well conjectured what a small addition the Bishops had out of the Countreys to their City Chu●ches , and how many Congregations they Governed in the Apostle dayes and after . He affirmeth also that [ the power of the Keyes belongeth to the Presbyters , and that its convertible with the power of celebrating the Eucharist , and that 's the Reason Why it belongs to them , page 98. ibid. and that [ the Power of the Keys , that is , the whole power of the Church whereof that power is the root and sourse , is common to B●shops and Presbyters ] page 128 and that to this all sides agree , page 106. and that by their Grant Deacons and others may preach , but not Rule or administer the Lords Supper : see page 118.123 . And he is far from being of their mind that think in Scripture times there was but one single Bishop without other Presbyters in a Diocesan Church : For he supposed many in a Congregation . Page 126 he saith [ You see by St. Paul , 1 Cor. 14. that one Assembly whereof he speaks there , furnished with a great number of Prophets , whether Presbyters , or over and above them . In the Records of the Church , we find divers times a whole Bench of Presbyters presiding at one Assembly . ] And before he had shewed how they sate about the Bishop , and the congregation stood before them . And page 127. he saith that [ Clemens the Disciple of the Apostles , in his Epistle to the Corinthians to compose a difference among the Presbyters of that Church partly about the celebration of the Eucharist , adviseth them to agree and take their turns in it . ] I confess I knnw not whence he hath this ( doubtless not in the true approved Epistle of Clement ; ) but it shews in his judgement , 1. That there were then many Presbyters in the Church of Corinth 2. And that that Church was but one Congregation , or not very many : Else what need the Presbyters take their turns , when they might have done it at once ? 3. That the word Presbyter in Clemens signifieth not a Prelate . 4. And it seems this intimateth there was then no Bishop in Corinth : else no question but Clemens would have charged these disagreeing Presbyters to obey their Bishop , and used some of Ignatius language : 5. Nay if Bishops had been then known in the world , is it not likely that he would have charged them to get a Bishop if they had not , to Govern such a disagreeing Presbytery ? And page 129 , 130 , 131. he shews that [ the condemning of Marcion at Rome , and of Noelus at Ephesus , are expresty said by Epiphanius , Haeres . 42. num . 1. & 2. Haeres . 57 num . 1. to have been done and passed by the Act of the Presbyters of those Churches — And which is of later date , the Excommunication of Andronicus in S●nesius 57. Epist. I find reported to have passed in the same sort , and all this agreeable to the practice recorded in Scripture ] alledging , 1. Tim. 5.19 . Acts 21.18 . citing Cyprian Ep. 46. and the Apost . Constit. and saith , Bloudell in this might have spared his exact diligence , it being granted , &c. Mr. Thorndike also tells us pag. 62. of the words of Ninius , that [ in Ireland alone , Saint Patrick at the first plantation of Christianity founded three hundred and threescore and five Bishopricks ] And can any man believe that all these had Cities or more then one of our Parish Churches , when all Ireland to this day hath not seven Cities ? and when all this was done at the first plantation of the Gospel ? I think we had this sort of Episcopacy . Even since the Reformation there is reckoned in Ireland but four Arch-bishops , nineteen Bishops . What think you then were 365. Bishops at the first plantation of the Gospel ? To proceed to some further Evidence . 1. It s manifest in Clemens Rom. Epist. to the Corinthians there is mention of no more but two Orders ; the one called sometime Bishops , sometime Presters , the other Deacons , page 54.55.57 * and this he saith the Apo●●les did as knowing that contention would arise about the name of Episcopacy , and that they so se●led the Ministerial Offices that others should succeed in them when some were deceased . For my part I cannot see the least reason to be of their mind that think Clemens here doth speak only of Prelates or supereminent Bishops , ( of which I refer the Reader to Mr. Burtons notes in his English Translat●on of Clemen● ) But suppose it were so : If at that time the Churches had none but single Bishops , it is plain then that they were but single Congregations : For no other Congregations having communion in the●r-then-ordinary , publike worship , could be managed without a Bishop or Presbyter to do the work . But for them that sleight Mr. Burtons & other mens plain Reasons concerning the judgement of Clem. Romanus , and force his words to speak what they mean not , I desire them to observe the judgement of Grotius whom they profess so much to value : who in his Epistol . 162 ad ▪ Bignon . gives this as one Reason to prove this Epistle of Clemens genuine [ Quod nusquam meminit , exsortis illius Episcoporum autoritatis , quae Ecclesiae consuetudine post Marci mortem Alexandriae , atque eo exemplo alibi , introduci cepit , sed planè ut Paulus Apostolus ostendit Ecclesias communi Presbyterorum qui iidem omnes & Episcopi ipsi Pauloque dicuntur , consilio fuisse gubernatas . Nam quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nominat , omnia ista nomina non ad Ecclesiam sed ad Templum Hieros . pertinent : unde infert omnia recto ordine agenda , si Iudaeis , tanto magis Christianis ] You see that Grotius ( then , ) and Clemens , in his judgement , were against Prelacy . 2. The very same I say of Prelacie , Epist. ad Philip. which mentioneth only two sorts , Presbyters and Deacons . 3. And though Ignatius oft mention three , it seems to me that they were all but the Governours or Ministers of one Congregation , or of no more people then one of our Parishes . In the Epist. ad Smyr● . he saith [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Vbi Episcopus praesens fuerit , illuc & plebs Congregetur , sicuti & ubi Christus est omnis militia coelestis a●est ] as the common interpreter translateth it , [ ut vid. est in Edit . Perionii & Vsherii , ] &c. [ Vbi comparuerit Episcopus , ibi & Multitudo sit ; quemadmodum ubi Christus , ibi omnis astat exercitus coelestis ] as Hier. Vairlenius & Videlius translate it : Or , [ Vbi utique apparet Episcopus , illic multitudo sit ; quemadmodum utiq , ubi est Christus Iesus , illic Catholica Ecclesia ] as Vshers old Tranlation . And by the Context it appeareth that this pl●bs , or multitudo is the Church which he ruleth , and not only one Congregation among many that are under him : For this doth without distinction bind all the people one as well as another , to be where the Bishop is or appeareth , viz. in the publick Assembly for Communion in Worship . It is plain therefore there that were not then many such Assemblies under him : otherwise all save one must have necessarily disobeyed this command . And in the Epistle to the Philadelphians he hath [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] i. e. [ Vna enim est caro Domini nostri Iesu Christi , & unus illius sanguis qui pro nobis effusus est , & unus calix qui pro omn●bus nobi● distributus est , unus panis qui omnibus fractus est , unum altare omni Ecclesiae , & unus Episcopus cum presbyterorum Collegio & Diaconis conservis meis . ] Here it is manifest that the particular Church which in those dayes was governed by a Bishop , Presbytery and Deacons , was but one Congregation ; for every such Church had but one Altar . Object . But some Greek Copies leave out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Answ. 1. The corrupt vulgar translation might occasion the change of the text , saith Bishop Vsher ( Annot. in loc . page 40. ) [ intermedia illa , ex interpretatione hâc excidisse videantur . ] 2. The old translation of Bishop Vsher which leaves it out , yet hath Vnum Altare & unus Episcopus , &c. and the sence is ●he same if the other words were out . 3. Ignatius hath the like in other places , as we shall see anon ; which forbiddeth such quarrels here . Object . But saith the Learned and Godly Bishop Downame , ( Def. li. 2. cap. 6. page 109. ) the word Altar being expounded for the Communion table , is not likely , a●d too much savoureth of Popery : but by one Altar is meant Christ who sanctifieth all our Sacrifices and Oblations and maketh them acceptable to God ; as Ignatius expoundeth himself in h●s Epistle to the Magnesians : All as one run together into the Temple of God unto one Iesus Christ as it were unto one Altar . ] To this I answer , that it is some confirmation to me , that the words are so express , that so learned a man hath no more to say by way of evasion . For doubtless this is too gross and palpable to satisfie the judicious impartial reader . 1. That the very text which he citeth of the Epistle to the Magnesians doth make fully against him ▪ I shall shew anon . 2. That it is not Christ that is meant here by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is evident , 1. In that Christ his flesh and blood are before distinctly mentioned : 2. In that the word is put in order among the external Ordinances : 3. In that it is so usual with other ancient writers and Ignatius himself to use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sence as we now take it , that it will be plain violence to imagine that it is Christ that was meant by it . And for Popery , there is no such matter of danger , in using a word Metaphorically : Otherwise we we must make the Ancients commonly to be friends to Popery ; for they ordinarily call the Lords Table and the place where it stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : I say The Table and the Sacrarium or place of its standing : for this seems plainly the meaning of Ignatius : so saith Bishop Vsher Annot. in loc . ubi sup . [ Altare apud Patres mensam Dominicam passim denotat apud Ignatium & Polycarpum ; Sacrarium quoque . So H. Stephens Altarium Sacrarium . See what Learned Mr. Thorndike himself in his Right of the Church , &c. page 116. saith to this purpose more largely ; where concerning Ignatius his use of the same word to the Ephesians he saith [ Where it is manifest that the Church is called a Sanctuary or place of sacrificing : Mr. Mead in his Discourse of the name Altar page 14. sheweth that Ignatius by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 means the Lords Table , and takes Videlius his concession , as of a thing that could not be denyed . In the Epistle of Ignatius ( or whoever else ) to Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna he saith , Crebrius celebrantur conventus Synodique Nominatim omnes inquire . Servos & ancillas ne fastidias ( as Vairlenius translateth ) or ( as Bishop Vshers old Translation ) Saepe Congregationes fi●nt . Ex nomine omnes quaere : Servos & ancillas ne despicias . — ] Whether this were Ignatius or not , all 's one to me , as long as I use it but historically to prove the matter of fact in those times . But surely no man should marvail if I hence gather that great Polycarp was Bishop but of one Congregation , when he must enquire or take notice of every one of his Congregation by name , even as much as servants and maids . I would every Parish Minister were so exactly acquainted with his flock ! Another passage there is in Ignatius to the same purpose Epist. ad Magnes . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] i. e. Omnes adunati ad Templum Dei concurrite , sicut ad unum Altare ▪ sicut ad unum Iesum Christum , as the vulgar translation . Or as Vairl●nius , [ Omnes velut unus quispiam in templum Dei concurri●● , velut ad utum Alnare ; ad unum Iesum Christum ] So the old Latine in Vsher to the same purpose . And in the words before going he bids them [ Come all to one place for prayer ] Here is no room for Bishop Downams conceit , that its Christ that 's meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : For they are plainly put as distinct things : as if he should say , come all to one Altar , as to one Christ. i. e because it is but one Christ that is there to be partaked of . All this doth so evidently prove that in those dayes a Bishop with his Presbytery and Deacons , had but one Congregation meeting at one Altar for Church Communion in the Eucharist , that it caused Mr. Mead ( in his Discourse of Churches pag. 48 , 49 , 50. Cent. 2. ) to say as followeth , having cited these words of Ignatius [ Loe here a Temple with an Altar in it , whether the Magnesians are exhorted to gather themselves together to pray : To come together in one place , &c. For it is to be observed that in these Primitive times they had but one Altar in a Church , as a Symbole , both that they worshipped but one God through one Mediator Iesus Christ , and also of the Vnity the Church ought to have in it self . Whence Ignatius not only here , but also in his Epistle to the Philadelphians urgeth the unity of the Altar for a motive to the Congregation to agree together in one : For unum Altare ( sai●h he ) omni Ecclesiae , & unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio & Diaconis conservis meis . This custome of one Altar is still retained by the Greek Church : The contrary use is a transgression of the Latines , not only Symbolically implying , but really introducing a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — &c. Nay more then this it should seem that in those first times , before Diocesses were divided into those lesser and sub●rdinate Churches , we ca●l now Parishes , and Presbyters assigned to them , they had not only one Altar in one Church or Dominicum , but one Altar to a Church , taking Church for the company or Corporation of the faithfull , united under one Bishop or Pastor , and that was in the City or place where the Bishop had his See and Residence , like as the Iews had but one Altar and Temp●e for the whole Nation united under one high Priest. And yet as the Iews had their Synagogues , so perhaps might they have more Oratori●s then one , though their Altar were but one ; there namely where the Bishop was . Die solis saith Justin Martyr , omnium qui vel in oppidis vel ruri degunt , in eundem locum conventus fit : Namely as he there tells us , to celebrate , and participate the holy Eucharist . Why was this , but because they had not many places to celeb●ate in ? and unless this were so , whence came it else , that a Schismatical Bishop was said constituere or collocare aliud Altare ? and that a Bishop and an Altar are made correlatives ? See S. Cyprian Epist. 40.72 , 73. de unit . Eccles. And thus perhaps is Ignatius to be understood in that forequoted passage of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Unum Altare omni Ecclesiae , & unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio & Diaconis ] So far Mr. Mead. I hope upon the consent of so admirable a Critick and learned man , it will not be so much blame-worthy in me , if I speak somewhat the more confidently this way ; and say , that I think that the main confusion and Tyranny that hath overspread the Churches , hath been very much from the changing the Apostolical frame of Churches , and setting up many Altars and Congregations under one Bishop in one ( pretended particular ) Church . I had three or four passages ready to cite out of Ignatius , but these are so express , that I apprehend the rest the less necessary to be mentioned . The next therefore that I shall mention shall be the forementioned words of Iustin Martyr Apol. 2 , cited by Mr. Mead , and by others frequently to this purpose : In which I observe all these particulars full to the purpose . 1. That they had but one Assembly each Lords day for Church communion for one Church . 2. That this was for reading and prayer and the Eucharist . 3. That the President ( who is commonly by those of the Episcopal judgement said to be here meant the B●shop ) did preach and give thanks and administer the supper : so that it was administred but to one Congregation as under that Bishop of that Church , for he could not be in two places at once . 4. That to the Absent the Deacons carried their portion after the consecration : so that they had not another Meeting and Congregation by themselves for that end . This is all so plain that I shall think it needeth no Vindication . So that were there but these two Testimonies , I should not marvail if Bishop Downam had extended his confession a little further , when he acknowledgeth ( D●f . li. 2. cap. 6. page 104. that [ At the first and namely in the time of the Apostle Paul , the most of the Churches so soon after their Conversion , did not each of them ex●eed the proportion of a populous Congregation , ] ( And then we are not out in so interpreting the words of Paul and other writers of the holy Scripture . ) The next that I shall mention ( whoever was or when ever he lived ) is Dionys. de Eccles. Hierarch . cap. 4. where he tells us that the Praefect ( who was the Bishop , if there were any ) did Baptize those that were converted , and the Presbyters and Deacons did but assist him : And abundance of work he mentioneth wh●ch they had with all that they Baptized , and they called all the Congregation together who joyned in Prayers with the Bishop at the Baptism . All which shews that he was then the Bishop but of one particular Church , which ordinarily Assembled together for publick worship . For , 1. If he had many such Churches or Congregations under him , he could not be thus present to celebrate Baptism in them all . Nor would one only be mentioned as his charge . 2. Nor is it possible that one Bishop should with so long a way of Baptisme as is there described , be able to Baptize all the persons in a Diocess such as ours , or the twentieth part of them , much less in those times , when besides the Infants of Believers , the most eminent sort of Baptism , and greatest labour , was about the multitudes of Adult Converts , that by the Gospel were daily added to the Church . Gregory Thaumaturgus was as by force made Bishop of Neocesarea : and yet his whole Diocess or City had but seventeen ●hristians in it at his entrance , though when he died he found upon enquiry but seventeen Pagans , so great a change was made by the Gospel and by Miracles : But by this Diocess of seventeen souls we may conjecture what the Churches were in those times ( though we should allow others to be an hundred times as great , they would not be so great as the tenth part of many Parishes in England . ) See the truth of this passage in Greg. Nissen Oratio in Greg. Thaumatur . twice over he recites it . And Basil. Mag. l. de Spir. Sanc. c. 19. And Roman . Breviar . Die 15. Novemb. And the Menolog Graec. mentioned before Greg. Neocesar . works Printed ad Paris 1622. But I shall return to some before Gregory . The next that I shall cite is Tertullian , that well known place in his Apolog. c. 39. [ Corpus sumus de conscientia Religionis & Discipline unitate & spei federe . Coimus in coetum & Congregationem ut ad Deum quasi manu facta precationibus ambiamus orantes . — Cogimur ad div●narum literarum Commemorationem — Certè fidem sanctis vocibus pascimus , spem erigimus , fiduciam figimus , disciplinam praceptorum nihilominus inculcationibus densamus : ibidem etiam exhortationes , Castigationes , & censura Divina : nam & judicatur magno cum pondere ut apud certos de Dei conspectu ; summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est siquis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione Orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . Praesident probati quiq , seniores , &c. ] If I be able to understand Tertullian , it is here plain that each ●hurch consisted of one Congregation , which assembled for Worship , and Discipline at once or in one place , and this Church was it that had Presidents or Seniors to guide them both in Worship and by Discipline . So that if there were any more of these Assemblies in one particular Political Church , then there were more Bishops then one , or else others besides Bishops exercised this Discipline : But indeed it s here plainly intimated that Bishops were then the Guides of Congregations ( single , ) and not of Diocess●s consisting of many such . I shall put Tertullians meaning out of doubt by another place , and that is , de Corona Militis cap. 3. [ Eucharistiae Sacramemtum & in tempore victus , & omnibus mandatum à Domino , etiam antelucanis ritibus , nec de aliorum manu ●uam praesidentium sumimus . ] And if they received this Sacrament of none but the Presidents , ( and that every Lords day at least , as no doubt they did ) then they could have no more Congregations in a Church then they had Presidents . And ( though Pamelius say that by Presidents here is meant also Presbyters , yet ) those that we now dispute against , understand it of the Prelates . And if they will not so do , then may we will interpret the foresaid passage Apol. to be meant of the same sort of Presidents ; and then you may soon see what Bishops were in Tertullians dayes . For we have no reason to think that they are not the same sort of Officers which he calleth Presidents , and of whom he there saith , Praesident probati Seniores . So in the foregoing words in Tertullian , ibid. it s said [ Aquam adituri ibidem , sed & aliquando prius in Ecclesia sub Antistiti● manu contestamur nos renunciare Diabolo , & Pompae & angel●s ejus ] Where it seems that there were no more thus initiated then the Antistes himself did first thus engage in the Congregation ; And I believe they take this Antistes for a Bishop . And here by the way let this argument be noted . Seeing its past doubt that the first sence of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Catus or holy Assembly it self , why should the Meeting place be so often called also Ecclesia in those times , in the borrowed sence , but only in Relation to the People there assembled ? and it s plain that it was but one Congregation and not many that assembled in that place : and therefore it was from that one that the Place is called Ecclesia . That it is oft so called , besides this place of Tertullian ( which seems so to use the word ) I refer you to Mr. Meads exercitation of Temples , who proves it distinctly in the several Centuries . That saying of Theophilus Antiochenus ad Antolychum seems to intimate the whole that I intend [ sic Deus dedit mundo qui peccatorum tempestatibus & Naufragiis jactatur , Synagogas , quas Ecclesias Sanctas N●minamus in quibus veritatis doctrina ferv●t , ad quas confugiunt veritatis studiosi , quotquot s●lvari , Deique judicium & iram evitare volunt . ] So that the Churches of those times which were as Noahs Ark , and where safety was to be found for the soul , were Synagogues or Assemblies . So Tertul. de Idololatr . c. 7. pag. ( mihi ) 171. Tota die ad hanc partem zelus fidei peroravit , ingenuū Christianum ab Idolis in Ecclesiam venire , de adversaria officina in domum Dei venire . — ] See more places of Tertullian cited by Pamelius on this place num . 29. page 177. specially see that de virg . Veland . cap. 13. p. 224. * Clemens Alexandrinus hath divers passages to the purpose now in hand . Stromat . li. 7. in the beginning , he mentioneth the Church and its officers , which he divideth only into two sorts , Presbyters and Deacons . But I will name no more particular persons , but come to some intimations of the point before us from customes or Practices of the Church and the Canons of Councils . And it seems to me that the dividing of Parishes so long after ( or of Titles as they are called ) doth plainly tell us that about those times it was that particular Pol●cical Church did first contain many stated Congregations . And though it be uncertain when this began ( Mr. Thorndike as we heard before , conjectureth , about Cyprians dayes ) yet we know that it was long after the Apostles , and that it was strange to less populous places long after it was introduced at Rome and Alexandria , where the number of Christians , & too much ambition of the Bishop , occasioned the multiplication of Congregations under him , and so he became a Bishop of many Churches ( named as one ) who formerly was Bishop but of a single Church . For if there had been enough , one hundred or fifty or twenty or ten years before , to have made many Parishes or stated Assemblies for communion in worsh●p , then no doubt but the light o● Nature would have directed them to have made some stated divisions before ; For they must needs know that God was not the God of Confusion but of order in all the Churches : And they had the same reasons before as after : And persecution could no● be the hindrance any more at first then at last : For it was under persecuting Emperours when Parishes or Titles were distinguished , and so it might , notwi●hstanding persecutions have been done as well at first as at last , if there had been the same reason . It seems therefore very plain to me that it was the increase of Converts that caused this division of Titles , and that in planting of Churche● by the Apos●les , and during their time , and much af●er , the Chu●ches consisted of no more then our Parishes , w●o being most inhabitants of the Cities had their meetings there for full communion , though they might have other subor●inate me●tings as we have now in mens houses for Repenting Ser●●ons and Prayer . And as Mr. Thornd●ke out of N●nius tells us of 365. Bishopricks in Ireland planted by Patrick , so other Authors tell us that Patrick was the first Bishop there ; or as others and more credible , Palladius the first , and Patrick next : and yet the Scots in Ireland had Churches before Palladius his dayes , ( as Bishop Vsher sheweth de Primordiis Eccles. Britan. 798 , 799 , 800 , &c. ) Iohannes Major de gestis scholarum li. 2. cap. 2. prioribus illis temporibus per Sacerdotes & Monachos , sine Episcopis Scotos in fide eruditos fuisse affirmat . Et ita sane ante Majorem scripsit Johannes Fordonus Scotichron . li. 3. cap. 8. [ Ante Palladii adventum habebant Scoti fidei Doctores ac Sacramentorum Ministratores Presbyteros solummodo vel Monaches , ritum sequentes Ecclesiae Primitivae ( N. B. ) Of which saith Usher [ Quod postremum ab iis accepisse videtur qui dixerunt ( ut Johan . Semeca in Glossa Decreti dist . 93. ca. Legimus ) [ quod in Prima Primitiva Ecclesia commune erat officium Episcoporum & Sacerdotum : & Nomina erant communia , & officium commune ; sed in secunda primitiva caeperunt dinstigui & nomina & officia . ] So that it seems that some Churches they had before ; but Palladius and Patrick came into Ireland , as Augustine into England , and abundantly increased them , and settled withall the Roman Mode ▪ So that it seemed like a new Plantation of Religion and Churches there . Yet it seems that the Bishops setled by Patrick ( save that himself an Archbishop was like our Bishops ) were but such as were there before under the name of Presbyters , saith Fordon , after the rite or fashion of the Primitive Church . And saith Vsher ibid. p. 800. [ Hector Boethius fuisse dicit Palladium primum omnium qui Sacrum inter Scotos egere Magistratum à summo Pontifice Episcopum creatum : quum antea Populi suffragiis ex Monachis & Caldeis pontifices assumerentur . Boeth . Scotorum Histor. lib. 7. fol. 128. b. And he adds the saying of Balaeus , ( Scriptor . Britanic . centur . 14. cap. 6. ) [ A Caelestino illum missum ait Johannes Balaeus , ut Sacerdotalem ordinem , inter Scotos Romano ritu institueret . Habebant ( inquit ) antea Scoti suos Episcopos ac Ministros , ex verbi Divini Ministerio plebium suffragiis electos , prout Asianorum more fieri apud Britannos videbant : Sed haec Romanis , ut magis ceremoniosis atque Asianorum osoribus , non placebant ] By these passages it is easie to conjecture whether they were Bishops of a County , or Bishops of a Parish that were there in those daies . For my part I heartily wish that Ireland had three hundred sixty five good Bishops and Churches at this day , even when the whole Nation profess themselves to be Christians , ( which then they did not . ) To this purpose runs the 14. Canon Concilii Agath . ( and if it were so then , much more long before ) [ Si quis etiam extra Parochias in quibus legitimus est ordinariusque conventus oratorium habere voluerit reliquis festivitatibus , ut ibi Missam audiat , propter fatigationem familiae , justa ordinatione permittimus . Pascha vero , Natali Domini , Epiphania , Ascensione domini , Pentecoste , & Natali Sancti Johannis Baptistae , & siqui maxime dies in festivitatibus habentur , non nisi in Civitatibus , aut Parochiis audiant ] Here it appeareth that there was but one legitimus ordinariusque conventus in a Parish ; though they tolerated an Oratory or Chappell of ease . And that a Parish here is taken for a Diocess , or such a Church as had proper to it self a Bishop and Presbyterie , as it is probable from the ordinary use of the word by Eusebius and other antients in that sence , so also from what is further said in the following Canons of this Council : And so the word Parish here may be expository of the word City , or else denote a Rural Bishoprick . For Can. 30. saith [ Benedictionem super plebem in Ecclesiâ fundere aut paenitentem in Ecclesia benedicere presbytero penitus non licebit . ] And if a Presbyter may not bless the people or the penitent , ( when the blessing of the people was part of the work in every Solemn Assembly for Church communion ) then it is manifest that a Bishop must be present in every such Assembly to do that part which the Presbyter might not do : and consequently there were no more such Assemblies then there were Bishops . And to prove this more fully mark the very next Canon of that Council , viz. the 31. [ Missas die dominico secularibus totas audire speciali ordine praecipimus , ita ut ante benedictionem Sacerdotis egredi populus non praesumat . Quod si fecerint , ab Episcopo publicè confundatur ] So that its plain that on every Lords day all the people ( for here is no distinction or limitation ) were to be present in the publick worship to the end , and the Bishop to pronounce the blessing ( whoever preached ) and openly to rebuke any that should go out before it . From whence it is evident that all such Church Assemblies for communion every Lords day were to have a Bishop present with them to do part of the work : and therefore there were no more such Assemblies then there were Bishops . In the 38. Canon of the same Council we find this written [ Cives qui superiorum solennitatum , id est , Paschae & Natalis Domini , vel Pentecostes festivatibus cum Episcopis interesse neglexerint , quum in Civitatibus commnionis vel benedictionis accipiendae causa positos se nosse debeant , triennio communione priventur Ecclesiae . ] So that it seems there were no more Church-members in a City then could congregate on the festival daies for Communion and the Bishops Blessing : therefore there were not many such Congregations : when every one was to be three years excommunicate that did not Assemble where the Bishop was . Moreover all those Canons of several Councils that forbid the Presbyters to confirm by Chrysm , and make it the Bishops work , do shew that the Diocess were but small when the Bishop himself could do that besides all his other work . In the Canons called the Apostles , cap. 5. it is ordained thus [ Omnium ali●rum primitiae Episcopo & Presbyteris domum mittuntur , non super Altare . Manifestum est autem quod Episcopus & Presbyteri inter Diaconos & reliquos clericos eas dividunt . ] By which it appeareth that there was but one Altar in a Church to which belonged the Bishop , Presbyterie , and Deacons , who lived all as it were on that Altar . And Can. 32. runs thus [ Si quis Presbyter contemnens Episcopum suum , seorsim collegerit , & Altare aliud erexerit , nihil habens quo rebrehendat Episcopum in causa pietatis & justitiae , deponatur quasi principatus amator existens — Haec autem post unam & secundam & tertiam Episcopi obsecrationem fieri conveniat . ] Which shews that there was then but one Convention and one Altar to which one Bishop and Presbyters did belong : So that no other Assembly or Altar was to be set up apart from the Bishop by any Presbyter that had nothing against the Bishop in point of Godliness or Justice . And I believe if Bishops had a whole Diocesse of two hundred or three hundred or a thousand Presbyters to maintain , they would be loth to stand to the fifty eighth Canon which makes them Murderers if they supply not their Clergies wants : But let that Canon pass as spurious . And long after when Concilium Vasense doth grant leave to the Presbyters to preach , and Deacons to read Homilies in Country Parishes as well as Cities , it shews that such Parishes were but new and imperfect Assemblies . In the Council of Laodicea the 56. Canon is [ Non oportet Presbyteros ante ingressum Episcopi ingredi Ecclesiam , & sedere in tribunalibus , sed cum Episcopo ingredi : nisi forte aut aegrotet Episcopus , aut in peregrinationis commodo eum abisse constiterit . ] By which it seems that there was but one Assemby in which the Bishop and Presbyters sate together : Otherwise the Presbyters might have gone into all the rest of the Churches without the Bishop at any time , and not only in case of his sickness or peregrination . The fifth Canon of the Council of Antioch is the same with that of Can. Apost . before cited , that no Presbyter or Deacon contemning his own Bishop , shall withdraw from the Church and gather an Assembly apart , and set up an Altar . By which still it appears that to withdraw from that Assembly , was to withdraw from the Church , and that one Bishop had but one Altar and Assembly for Church Communion . So Concil . Carthag . 4. Can. 35. which order the sitting of the Presbyters and Bishop together in the Church : And many decrees that lay it on the Bishop to look to the Church lands and goods , and distribute to the poor the Churches Alms , do shew that their Diocesses were but small , or else they had not been sufficient for this . All the premises laid together me thinks afford me this conclusion , that the Apostolical particular Political Churches were such as consisted of one only Worshipping Congregation ( a Congregation capable of personal communion in publick worship ) and their Overseers ; and that by little they departed from this form , each Bishop enlarging his Diocess , till he that was made at first the Bishop but of one Church , became the Bishop of many , and so set up a new frame of Government , by setting up a new kind of particular Churches . And thus was the primitive Government corrupted , while men measured their charge by the circuit of Ground , thinking they might retain the old compass when they had multiplied converts , and therefore should have multiplyed Churches and Bishops . * To all this I add these observations . 1. That the very Nature of Church Government tels us that a Governour must be present upon the place , and see to the execution : For God hath made us the Laws already , and Synods must in way of Vnion determine of the most advantagious circumstances for the perfo●ming of the duties which God imposeth : And particular Bishops are to guide their particular Congregations in Gods Worship , and in order thereto ; Their guidance is but a subservient means to that worship : And therefore they must Rule the Church as a Captain doth his Company in fight , or a Physitian his Patient , or a Schoolmaster his School , by his own presence , and not at many miles distance by a Surrogate . 2. The doctrine which makes the first particular Political Church to consist of many stated Worshipping Churches like our Parishes , doth set on the saddle , if not also hold the stirrup for a Diocesan Bishop to get up , to head those prepared bodies . 3. Seeing the Presbyterians do confess that it is not Necessary ( but lawful ) for a particular Political Church to consist of many Worshipping Churches , and say , It may consist only of one : Common Reason and experience will then direct us to conclude that its best ordinarily take up with that one : seeing people that know one another , and live within the reach of each other for common converse ▪ and ordinarily meet and join in the same publick Worship , are most capable of the ends of Church Policy ; and a Pastor capable of guiding such , better then other Parishes that he knows not . 4. He that makes the Pastor of one Parish the Ruler of the rest adjoining , doth lay upon him much more duty then sitting in a Presbyterie to vote in censures . For those censures are a small part of Church Government , comparatively ( else most Congregations in England have little or no Government ; for they have little or none of these Censures . ) Yea indeed true Church Guidance or Government contains a great part , if not most of the Pastoral work , which a man would be loth to undertake over too many distant unknown Congregations : Though he may well undertake in Synods to promote Unity , and to do the best he can for the whole Church of Christ. If therefore those of the Congregational way , were as neer us in other things , as in this before insisted on , ( especially if they would renounce * that great mistake of the Peoples having the Power of the Keys or Government , and take up for them with a Iudicium Discretionis , and just liberty ) we need not stand at so great a distance . And lastly , If Ministers of the Gospel would tenderly weigh the greatness of their work and charge , and the dreadfulness of their account , the worth of souls , the power and prevalency of sin , the rage of all the Churches enemies , and the multitudes of them , they would sooner tremble to think of the difficulties in Governing or guiding one Congregation in the way to heaven , than grasp at more , and think themselves able to be the guides of many , and draw such a heavy burden on themselves , and prepare for such a reckoning . Lest they be offended with my words , I will say the like in the words of Chrysostom ( or whoever else was the Author of the Imperfect work ) on Matth 20. Hom. 35. pag. ( mihi ) 901. [ Si haec ergo ita se habent , secularem quidem primatum desiderare , et si ratio non est , vel causa est : quia etsi justum non est , vel utile est . Primatum autem Ecclesiasticum concupiscere , neque ratio est , neque causa : quia neque justum est , neque utile . Quis enim sapiens ultro se subjicere festinat servituti , labori , dolori , & quod majus est , periculo tali ut det rationem pro omni Ecclesia , apud justum judicem ? nisi forte qui non credit Iudicium Dei , nec timet , uti abutens primatu suo Ecclesiastico seculariter , convertat ●um in Secularem . Sed ne forte qui talis est in appetendo primatum , profectum pietatis pie praetendat , dico , Nunquid qui in ordine prior est ▪ jam & meritis est melior ? ] And of the Ministerial honours he saith ( ibid. ) D●niq , ipsi honores in Christo in prima quidem facie videntur honores , revera autem non sunt honores diversi , sed sunt diversa Ministeria : ut puta honor oculi videtur , quia illuminat Corpus : Sed ipse honor illuminandi non est ei honor sed Ministerium ejus . — ] So much to prove the Proposition , that the late English Episcopacy is not to be restored , under any pretence of Order or Peace . Wherein I have purposely forborn the mention of its Abuses , and doleful consequents , because they may suppose that Abuse to be separable from the thing . Consequents of that which is already Proved . TO save the debating of many great Controversies that break the peace and destroy or diminish the Charity of many , I may abbreviate the work , by giving you some of the true sequels of what hath been sufficiently proved . Cons. I. The taking down of the English Episcopacy was ( as to the thing ) so far from being evil , and deserving the Accusations that some lay upon it , that it was a matter of Necessity to the Reformation and well being of the Churches of Christ in these Nations . It was no worse a work in it self considered , then the curing of a grievous disease is to the sick , and the supply of the necessities of the poor in their indigence . What guilt lieth upon that man , that would have all the sick to perish , for fear of injuring one Physitian , that had undertaken the sole care of all the County ? or that would have all the County to have but one Schoolmaster : Or an hundred Ships to have but one Pilot , and consequently to perish : How much greater is their guilt , that would have had the forementioned Episcopacy continued , to the hazzard of many thousand souls , and the abasement and ejection of holy Discipline , the pollution of the Churches , and the hardening of the wicked , and the dishonour of God ? I mention not this to provoke any to dishonour them , but to provoke the persons themselves to Repentance . And I intreat them to consider , how sad a thing it is , that without any great inducement , they should draw such a mountain of guilt upon their souls . The Bishops had the temptation of Honour and Riches : but what honour or gain have you to seduce you , to choose a share with other men in their sin and punishment ? I meddle not here with the Manner of demolishing Episcopacy , but with the Matter : because I would not mix other Controversies with this . But I am confident those men that usually own the late Episcopacy , and revile them that demolisht it , shall one way or other feel ere long , that they have owned a very unprofitable cause , and such as they shall wish , they had let alone , and that it made not for their honour to be so much enemies to the welfare of the Church , as the enemies of the abolition of that Prelacy will appear to be . Cons. II. The matter of that clause in the National Covenant , which concerneth the abolition of this Prelacy before mentioned , was so far from deserving the Reproaches and Accusations that are bestowed on it by some , that it was just and necessary to the well being of the Church . In this also I purposely mean the Civil controversie about the authority of imposing , taking , or prosecuting the Covenant , and speak only of the Matter of it : ( to avoid the losing of the truth by digressions , and new controversies ) They that by reproaching this clause in the Covenant , do own the Prelacy which the Covenant disowneth , might shew more love to the Church and their own souls , by pleading for sickness , and nakedness , and famine , and by passionate reproaches of all that are against these , then by such owning and pleading for a far greater evil . Cons. III. Those of the English Ministry , that are against the old Episcopacy , and are glad that the Church is rid of it , are not therefore guilty of Schism , nor of sinfull disobedience to their spiritual superiours . If any of them did swear obedience to the Prelates ( a tyrannicall imposition that God never required , nor the Primitive Church never used ) that 's nothing to our present case , which is not about the keeping of oaths , but the obeying or rejecting the Prelacy in it self considered . It is not schismatical to depart from an ●●●rpation that God disowneth , and the Church is endangered and so much wronged by , and to seek to pull up the Roots of Schism , which have bred and fed it in the Churches so long . Cons. IV. Those that still justifie the ejected Prelacy , and desire the restauration of it , as they needlesly choose the guilt of the Churches desolations , so are they not to be taken for men that go about to heal our breaches , but rather for such as would widen and continue them , by restoring the main cause . Cons. V. If we had had such an Episcopacy as Bishop Hall and Bishop Vsher did propound as satisfactory , ( and such men to manage it , ) Episcopacy and Peace might have dwelt together in England to this day : It is not the the Name of a Bishop that hath been the matter of our trouble , but the exorbitant Species introducing unavoidably the many mischiefs which we have seen and felt . Cons. VI. Ordination by the ejected Prelacy , in specie , is not of necessity to the being or well-being of a Presbyter or Deacon . If the Species of Prelacy it self be proved contrary to the word of God , and the welfare of the Church , then the Ordination that is by this Species of Prelacy , cannot be necessary or as such desirable . Cons. VII . A Parochial or Congregational Pastor , having assistant Presbyters and Deacons , either existent or in expectance , was the Bishop that was in the dayes of Ignatius , Iustin , Tertullian , and that Dr. Hammond describeth as meant in many Scriptures , and existent in those dayes . I speak not now to the question about Archbishops . Cons. VIII . The Ordination that is now performed by these Parochial Bishops ( especially in an assembly , guided by their Moderator ) is , beyond all just exception , Valid , as being by such Bishops as the Apostles planted in the Churches , and neerer the way of the Primitive Church , then the Ordination by the ejected Species of Prelates is . Cons. IX . As the Presbyters of the Church of Alexandria did themselves make one their Bishop , whom they chose from among themselves , and set him in a higher degree ( as if Deacons make an Archdeacon , or Souldiers choose one and make him their Commander , saith Hierom ad Evagr. ) so may the Presbyters of a Parochial Church now . And as the later Canons require that a Bishop be ordained or consecrated by three Bishops , so may three of these ( Primitive ) Parochial Bishops , ordain or consecrate now another of their degree . And according to the Canons themselves , no man can justly say that this is invalid , for want of the Consecration by Archbishops , or of such as we here oppose . Cons. X. Those that perswade the People that the Ordinanation of those in England and other Churches is null that is not by such as the English Prelates were , and that perswade the people to take them for no Presbyters or Pastors , that are not ordained by such Prelates , and do make an actual separation from our Churches and Ministers , and perswade others to the like , upon this ground , and because the Ministers have disowned the English Prelacy , and withal confess that Church of Rome to be a true Church , and their ordination and Priesthood to be just or true , are uncharitable , and dangerously Schismatical ( though under pretence of decrying Schism , ) and many wayes injurious to the Church and to the souls of men and to themselves . This will not please ; but that I not only speak it but further manifest it , is become Necessary to the right Information of others . FINIS The Second DISPUTATION : VINDICATING The Protestant Churches and MINISTERS that have not Prelatical Ordination , from the Reproaches of those Dividers that would nullifie them . WRITTEN Upon the sad complaints of many Godly Ministers in several parts of the Nation , whose Hearers are turning Separatists . By Rich. Baxter . LONDON , Printed by Robert White , for Nevil Simmons Bookseller in Kederminster . 1658. The Preface . Christian Reader , IF thou be but for the interest of Christianity , more than of a party , and a Cordial friend to the Churches Peace , though thou be never so much resolved for Episcopacy , I doubt not but thou and I shall be one , if not in each Opinin , yet in our Religion , and in Brotherly affection , and in the very bent of our labours and our lives : And I doubt not but thou wilt approve of the scope and substance of this following Disputation , what imperfections soever may appear in the Manner of it . For surely there is that of God within thee , that will hardly suffer thee to believe , that while Rome is taken for a true Church , the Reformed that have no Prelates must be none : that their Pastors are meer Lay-men , their Ordination being Null : and consequently their administrations in Sacraments , &c. Null and of no Validity . The Love that is in thee to all believers , and especially to the Societies of the Saints , and the honour and interest of Christ , will keep thee from this , or strive against it , as nature doth against poyson or destructive diseases . If thou art not a meer Opinionist in Religion , but one that hast been illuminated by the spirit of Christ , and felt his love shed abroad in thy heart , and hast ever had experience of spiritual communion with Christ and his Church , in his holy Ordinances , I dare then venture my cause upon thy judgement : Go among them that unchurch our Churches , and degrade our Ministers , and perswade all people to fly from them as a plague , and try their doctrine , their spirits , their publick worship , their private devotion , and their whole conversation ; and when thou hast done , come into our Assemblie● , and spare not , if thou be impartial , to observe our imperfections : judge of our Order and Discipline and Worship , together with our Doctrine and our lives : and when thou hast done un●church us if thou darest , and if thou canst . We justifie not our selves or our wayes from blemishes : but if thou be but heartily a friend to the Bridegroom , offer us then if thou darest a bill of divorce , or rob him if thou darest of so considerable a portion of his inheritance . Surely if thou be his friend , thou canst hardly find in thy heart to deliver up so much of his Kingdom to his Enemy , and to set the name of the Devil on his doors , and say , This is the house of Satan and not of Christ. If thou have received but what I have done ( though , alas too little ) in those Societies , and tasted in those Ordinances but that which I have tasted , thou wouldst abhor to reproach them , and cut them off from the portion of the Lord. Remember it is not Episcopacy nor the old conformity that I am here opposing . ( My judgement of those Causes I have given in the foregoing and following disputation : ) But it is only the New Prelatical Recusants or Separatists , that draw their followers from our Churches as no Churches and our Ordinances of Worship as none , or worse then none , and call them into private houses , as the meetest places for their acceptable worship . Who would have thought that ever that generation should have come to this , that so lately hated the name of separation , and called those private meetings , Conventicles , which were held but in due subord●nation to Church meetings , and not in opposition to them , as theirs are ! Who would have thought that those that seemed to disown Recusancy , and persecuted Separatists , should have come to this ? Yea that those that under Catholick pretences can so far extend their charity to the Papists , have yet so little for none of the meanest of their Brethren , and for so many Reformed Protestant Churches ? Yea that they should presume even to censure ut out of the Catholick Church and consequently out of heaven it self . I have after here given thee an instance in one , Dr. Hide , who brandeth the very front of his Book with these Schismatical uncharitable st●gmata . The sensless Queres of one Dr. Swadling , and others run in the same channel , or sink . If these men be Christians indeed , me thinks they should understand , that as great ( that I say not greater ) blemishes , may be found on all the rest of the Churches , as those for which the Reformed are by them unchurched : and consequently they will deliver up All to Satan ; and Christ must be deposed : And how much doth this come short of Infidelity ? At least me thinks their hearts should tremble least they hear at last , [ In not loving the●e you loved not me : in despising and reproaching these , you despised and reproached me . ] And yet these men are the greatest pretenders next the Romanists , to Catholicisme , Vnity , and Peace ! Strange Catholicks that cut off so great and excellent a part of the Catholick Church ! And a sad kind of Vnity and Peace which all must be banished from , that cannot unite in their Prelacy , though the Episcopacy which I plead for in the next Disputation they can own . The summ of their offer , is , that if all the Ministers not Ordained by Prelates , will confess themselves to be meer Lay-men , and no Ministers of Christ , and will be Ordained again by them , and if the Churches will confess themselves No Churches , and receive the essence of Churches from them , and the Sacrament and Churh Assemblies to be Null , invalid , or unlawfull till managed only by Prelatical Minister● , then they will have Peace and Communion with us , and not till then . And indeed must we buy your Communion so deer ? As the Anabaptists do by us in the point of Baptism , so do these Recusants in the point of Ordination . You must be Baptized saith one party , for your Infant Baptism wat none . You must be Ordained saith the other sort , for your Ordination by Presbyters was none . The upshot is , We must be all of their Opinions and parties , before we can have their Communion , or to be reputed by them the Ministers and Churches of Christ. And on such kind of terms as these , we may have Vnity with any Sect. If really we be not as hearty friends to Order and Discipline in the Church as they , we shall give them leave to take it for our shame , and glory in it as their honour . But the question is not , whether we must have Church-Order ? but whether it must be theirs , and none but theirs ? Nor whether we must have Discipline , but whether it must be only theirs ? Nay , with me , I must profess , the question is , on the other side whether we must needs have a Name and shew of Discipline that 's next to none , or else be no Churches or no Ministers of Christ ? The main reason that turneth my heart against the English Prelacy is because it did destroy Church Discipline , and almost destroy the Church for want of it , or by the abuse of it , and because it is ( as then exercised ) inconsistent with true Discipline . The question is not , whether we must have Bishops and Episcopal Ordination . We all yield to that without contradiction . But the doubt is about their Species of Episcopacy , Whether we must needs have Ordination by a Bishop that is the sole Governour over an hundred , or two hundred , or very many particular Churches ? or whether the Bishops of single Churches may not suffice , at least as to the Being of our office ? I plead not my own cause , but the Churches ▪ For I was ordained long ago by a B●shop of their own with Presbyters . But I do not therefore take my self to be disengaged from Christianity or Cathol●cism , and bound to lay by the Love which I owe to all Christs members , or to deny the Communion of the Churches , which is both my Duty , and I am sure an unvaluable Mercy . And I must say , that I have seen more of the Ancient Discipline exercised of late , without a Prelate , in some Parish Church in England , than ever I saw or heard of exercised by the Bishops in a thousand such Churches all my dayes . And it is not Names that are Essential to the Church , nor that will satisfie our expectations . We are for Bishops in every Church ; And for Order sake , we would have one to be the chief . We dislike those that disobey them in lawful things , as well as you . But let them have a flock that is capable of their personal Government , and then we shall be ready to rebuke all those that separate from them , when we can say as Cyprian ( Epist. 69. ad Pupian . ) [ Omnis Ecclesiae populus collectus est , & adunatus , in individua concordia sibi junctus . Soli illi foris remanserint , qui etsi intus essent , ejiciendi fuerant — Qui cum Episcopo non est , in Ecclesia non est ( that is , in that particular Church . ) Cyprian had a people that could all meet together to consult or consent at least about the Communion or Excommunication of th● members . Epist. 55. Cornel. he tells Cornelius how hard the people were to admit the lapsed or scandalous upon their return if the manifestation of repentance were not full . The Church with whom the person had Communion , was then it that had a Bishop , and was no greater then to be capable of the Cognizance of his cause , and of receiving satisfaction by his personal penitence . Brethren ! ( for so I will presume to call you , whether you will or not ) Some experience hath perswaded me , that if we had honestly and faithfully joyned in the practice of so much of Discipline , as all our principles require , it would have helped us to that experimental knowledge ( by the blessing of God ) which would have brought us nearer even in our Principles , then our idle Disputations , separated from practice will ever do . As Augustine saith of the disputes de causa mali ( Lib. de utilitat . Credendi , cap. 18. ) Dum nimis quaerunt unde sit malum , nihil reperiunt n●si malum ] so I may say of these disputes , while we thus dispute about the causes of disorder and division , we find nothing but disorder and division . It is easie to conjecture of the ends and hearts of those that cry down Piety as preciseness , while they cry up their several wa●es of order : it seems they would have ordered impiety : and their order must be a means to keep down holiness , which all just order should promote . Those men that can fall in with the most notoriously ungodly , and favour and flatter them for the strengthening of their interest , do tell us what Discipline we may expect from them . If they tell us that our Churches also are corrupted , and all are not truly or eminently godly , we can say to them as Augustine ( lib. de utilitat . Credend . cap. 17. ) [ Pauci hoc faciunt , pauciores bene prudenterque faciunt : sed populi probant , populi audiunt , populi favent ] yea we can say much more . But f●r those that go further , and clap the prophanest railers on the back , and hiss them on to hiss at those that diff●r from them , and are glad to hear the rabble revile our M●nist●y and our Churches , in taking part with their Prelacy and Liturgy , they tell us lowder what unity and order they desire , and what a mercy of God it is , that such as they have not their will : and though among themselves the slanders and reproaches of such men may go for credible or be accepted as conducing to their ends ; yet in the conclusion such witnesses will bring no credit to their cause , nor with just men much discredit ours ; at least it will not diminish our reputation with God , nor abate his love , nor hinder his acceptance and then we have enough . Saith ( Cyprian Epist. 69. ad Pupian ) Quasi apud lapsos & prophanos , & extra Ecclesiam positos , de quorum pectoribus excesserit Spiritus Sanctus , esse aliq●id possit nisi mens prava , & fallax lingua , & odia venenata , & sacrilega mendacia , quibus qui credit , cum illis necesse est inveniatur , cum judicii dies venerit . ] That is [ As if with the scandalous and prophane , and those that are without the Church , from whose brests the holy Spirit is departed , there could be any thing but a naughty mind , and a deceitful tongue , and venemous hatred , and sacrilegious lies ; and those that bel●eve them must needs be found with them when the day of judgement comes . ] Me thinks rather the hatred , and railing of the ungodly should intimate to you that our Ministry is of God! why else do all the most obstina●ely wicked maligne us as their enemies , though we never did them wrong ? why seek they our destruction , and are glad of any Learned men that will encourage them in their malignity , and to strike in with any party that are against us ; when all the harm we wish or do them , is to pray for them ▪ and perswade them , and do our best to save them from damnation ! As Cyprian ( ubi sup . ) said to Pupian [ ut etiam qui non credebant Deo Episcopum constituenti , vel Diabolo crederent Episcopum proscribenti ] so say ● [ They that will not believe Gods testimony of our Ministry , let them believe the Devils testimony , as the confession of an enemy , that by the mouths of the wicked revileth us as Ministers , and persecut●ti●us for doing our Masters work . Another reproach is commonly laid upon our Min●stry by those that vilifie them in order to their end● , viz that they are boyes , and raw and unlearned , and manage the work of God so coursely as tends to bring it into contempt . I would there were no ground for this accusation at all : but I must needs say , 1. That no men are more unmeet then you to be the accusers . Have you so corrupted the Ministry with the insufficient and ungodly , that we are necessitated to supply their places with men that are too young ; and now do you reproach us , because we imperfectly mend your crimes ? yea because we work not in possibilities ? It is the desire of our souls , that no able useful man may be laid by , however differing in smaller matters , or controversies of policy ? But we cannot create men , nor infuse learning into them ; but when God hath qualified them , we gladly use them ; the b●st that can be had are chosen ; and what can be done more ? And I hope y●u will acknowledge , that godly and tolerably able young men are fitter then impious , ignorant Readers . We excuse no mans weakness : but to speak out the truth , too many of the adversaries of our Ministry accuse our weakness with greater weakness ▪ when they are unable or undispos●d themselves to manage the work of God with any of that gravity , and seriousness as the unspeakable weight of the business doth require , they think to get the reputation of learned able men , by an empty childish , trifling kind of preaching ; patching together some shreds of sentences , and offering us their Centons with as much ostentation , as if it were an uniform , judicious work . And then they fall a j●ering at plain and serious Preachers , as if they were some ignorant bawling fellows , that were nothing but a voice , and had nothing to produce but fervent nonsence . Brethren , will you bear with us a little , while we modestly excuse our simplicity which you contemn . We will not say , that we can speak wisedom to the wise , nor make ostentation of our Oratory : but we must tell you that we Believe what we speak ▪ and somewhat feel it ; and therefore we endeavour so to speak wh●t we believe and feel , that others also may bel●eve and f●el us . If a man speak smilingly , or not affectionately of very great affecting things , the hearers use to say , You are but in jeast ; and they believe him not , because he speaks as one that doth not believe himself . It is not wit but Levity and stupidity that we renounce . As Seneca saith , we refuse not an eloquent Physitian : but it is not eloquence , but Healing that we need : the easing of our pains , and saving of our lives , and not the clawing of our ears . We dare not speak lightly or triflingly of Heaven or Hell. We more condemn our selves when we find within us but a dull apprehension of th●se exceeding great eternal things , then we do for want of neat expressions . A vain curiosity in attire , doth shew that substantial worth is wanting . We most abhor the preaching of false doctrine : and next , that manner of preaching Truth that causeth an airy levity in the hearers ; and when the manner seemeth to contradict the matter . One taste or sight of Heaven or Hell would put you into another pass your selves . Truly Brethren ( though I am one my self , that have the least advantages to vie with you in that wherein you glory ▪ yet ) there are many among them whom you thus despise , that have wits inclined to as much unruliness and luxuriancy as yours : but being ballanced with the sense of everlasting things , and seasoned with the Light and Life of Christ , they are as careful to keep under and rule their wit , as others are diligent to feed its wantonness , and make ostentation of it to the world . It will shortly appear but ingenious folly which was not animated and regulated by Christ. The wisedom of the world is foolishness with God : and the foolishness of God is wiser then men , 1 Cor. 1.25 . &c. We find the most experienced Learned Divines betake themselves to the plainest stile ; and much more addicted to the ancient simplicity , then green , inflated , empty brains . When we displease both our selves , and ou● queasie ▪ co●e and acry auditors by the hom●lyness of our style , w● usually hear more of the success of those sermons , then of those wherein by a wordy Curiosity , we procure from the acry more applause . Saith Augustine ( de Catechiz ▪ ●ud●b cap. 2. ) [ Na● & mihi semper prope sermo me●s di●plicet sic & tu eo ipso quod ad te saep●us adducu●tur baptizandi — deb●s intelligere n●n ita displicere aliis sermonem tuum ut displicet tibi : nec infru●tuosum ●e debes puta●e , quod ea quae cernis non explicas ita ut cupis ; quando fo●te ut cupis nec cernere valeas ] Our business is to teach the ignorant , to convert the impen●tent , and to edifie and confirm the weak ; and therefore if repetitions , and homely expressions , with all the seriousness we can use , be found the fittest means to attain these ends , we shall study them and not decline them , though some dislike them . Augustine de doctrin . Christ lib. 4. cap. 12. Qui ergo dicit cum doc●re vult , quamdiu non intelligitur , nondum se existimet dixisse quod vult e● quem vult docere : quia etsi dixit quod ipse intelli●it , nondum ille ( illi ) dixisse putandus est , a quo intellectus non est : si vero intellectus est , quocunque modo dixerit , dixit . ] I confess when I heard a through pased preacher in the Prelates re●gn , experience taught me presently to expect three great infirmities in him , viz. stumbling , spotling , and tiring : stumbling either in doctrine , conversation , or both ; especially in a stony way : spotling even the clearest of his Br●thren , and that both in the Pulpit , and behind their backs . For most of the wounds we have from s●ch are in our back parts , though we never fled . They can most effectu●lly confute us when we do not hear them . As one of them that I knew , divided his Text into one part , and so do many of them their Disputations : they are best at Disputing alone , when there is none to contradict them . They are better gun-men then sword-men : Eminus fortissimi ; cominus — more valiant a far off than neer at hand : and making more use of powder then of bullet ; the noise exceeding the execution : and being nearest themselves , it is a wonder that their Consciences start not at the report . It is the reward of these pugnacious souls , to be cryed up as victorious , and to have th●ir triumph attended by their like : and it is enough to prove them victors that th●y can but crow and erect the crist . And if they are soon ti●ed we must not wonder ; for they preach at too high rates to hold out long . Iunkets are not for full meals ; and feasting must not be all the year . When they preacht but seldom , they justified it by telling us , that one of their sermons was worth ten of theirs that preach●d so often : and half a crown was as good as ●iv● six pences . For my part , I do not undervalue their w●t , nor envy them the honour of it : but I would fain have things Divine to be Divinely handled ; and the weightiest matters to be spoken off in the most serious weighty manner . And I would not have a school boy when he hath said a Declamation , to thin● that he is more learned then Scotus or Ockam , because he hath a smoother style : nor to think that he hath done a gallanter piece of work , then he that hath read a Lecture in Metaphysicks . I am much inc●ined to honour their parts ; I value the wit of a Comaedian , when I value not the employment of it . I have often hea●d a Rustical Iustice call a f●dler a Rogue , that cal●ed hims●lf a Musician ; and perhaps he puts him in the ●locks , that thinks he deserves a Princes ear : when I hav● thought of their Art , a●d forgotten the abuse , I have be●n 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 their case . I could be well content that so 〈…〉 as Nero perish not : le● him live a● an Artist 〈…〉 as an Emperour . I honour and lo●e the learning and 〈◊〉 of the Iesuits : l●t 〈◊〉 be encouraged as 〈…〉 not as Jesuits . Let them a●l be used ●n that which they are 〈◊〉 for . But a 〈◊〉 wit is not enough to make a Minister of the Gospel of salvation . Counters can jingle as well as gold . If such must be Bishops , let them be Diocesans , ( so t●ey be ●ept without a sword ) for when they have an hun●red Chur●he● ▪ they will trouble them but seldom , with their preaching : and that may be endured for a day that cannot for a year . If you think I have turned my excuse of a plain and serious Ministry into a recrimination , or seemed guilty of what I blame , consider of what and to whom I speak . I am far from a contempt of learning , or encourageing ignorant insufficient men , or justifying any ridiculous unseemly deportment , or any rash , irrational expressions , in the work of God. And I earnestly intreat the servants of the Lord to take heed of such temerity and miscarriages , and remember what a work they have in hand , and how much dependeth on the success , and that the eyes of God and men are on them , and that it is no light matter to an honest heart , that Christ and his cause should be dishonoured by our weaknesses , and our labours should hereby be frustrated , and sinners hardned in their impiety . But yet I must say , that many that are but low in Learning , have greater abilities ( by grace and use ) to manage the great essentials of Christianity , and set home a necessary truth upon the heart , and deal with ignorant dead-hearted sinners , then many very Learned men did ever attain to . And I confess I could wish for the service of the Church , that some such ( now private ) less-learned men , in great Congregations were yoaked with some Learned men that are less fit for lively rouzing application ; that they might Lovingly go together , the one confessing his defect in Learning , and the other his defect in application , and the unlearned depending for guidance from the more Learned , in cases of difficulty , where his abilities fall short ; that so they might be both as one able Minister , communicating the honour of their several abilities to each other to supply and cover each others defects . But if such a thing should be attempted ( though agreeably to the Churches practice for many hundred years after Christ ) what an out-cry should we have from the men now in hand , against Mechanicks and unlearned men ! and how many would reproach their work that cannot mend it ! I have been long on this subject : I will end it with this story . Gregory Nysen tells us in his relation of the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus , that this holy man then Bishop of Neocaesarea , was so famous by his miracles and successes that the Neighbour Countreys sent to him , to preach and plant Churches among them . Among others Comana a neighbour City sent to him to come and plant a Church and Bishops among them . When he had stayed a while , and preached and prepared them , and the time was come that he was to design them a chief Pastor ( or Bishop ) the Magistrates and principal men of the City were very busie in enquiring anxiously and curiously , who was of most eminent rank and splendour , excelling the rest , that he might be chosen to the office ▪ and dignity of being their Bishop . For Gregory him●elf had all these Ornaments , and therefore they thought their Pastor must have them too But when it came to choice they were all to pieces , some for one and some for another : so that Gregory looked to heaven for Directions , what to do . When they were thus taken up with proposing men of splendor and eminency . Gregory ( remembring Samuels anointing David , ) exhorted them to look also among the meanest : for possibly there might be found among them some of better qualifications of mind : Whereupon some of them signified , that they took it as a contumelie and s●orn , that all the chief m●n for eloquence , dignity and splendor should be refused , and that Mechanicks and tradesmen that labour for tehir living should be thought fitter for so great an office . And saith one of them to him in derision , If you will pass by all these that are chosen out of the best of the Citizens , and go to the scum and basest of the people for a Pastor for us : its best for you even to make Alexander the Collier a Priest , and lets all agree to choose him . The good man hearing these scornful words , it struck into his mind to know who that Alexander the Collier was ? Whereupon they brought him presently with laughter , and set him in the midst of them collowed and half-naked , and ragged and sordid , and thus stood Alexander among them . But Gregory suspected somewhat better by him , then they that laught at him ; and thereupon taking him out of the company , and examining his life , he found that he was a Philosophick man , that being of a very comely person , and loth it should be any occasion of incontinency , and also renouncing the vanities of the world , had addicted himself to the life of a Collier , that his person and worth might be hid from men , and his mind be kept in an humble frame . Whereupon Gregory appointeth some to take away Alexander , and wash him and cloath him with his Pastoral attire , and bring him into the Assembly as soon as they had done . In the mean time Gregory goes to the Assembly , and fals a preaching to them of the nature of the Pastoral office , and the holiness of life required thereto , entertaining them with such speeches , t●ll Alexander was brought , and comely adorned in Gregories garm●nts was set before them . Whereupon they all fell a gazing and wondering at Alexander : and Gregory falls a preaching to them again of the deceitfulness of judging by outward appearances , about the inward worth of the soul , and that Satan had obscured Alexander , lest he should subvert his kingdom . To be short , he ordaineth Alexander their Bishop ( a Pastor of a single Church . ) And when they desired to bear him preach , he shewed that Gregory was not deceived in him : His sermon was sententious and full of understanding : but because he had no flowers of Oratory , or exactness and curosity of words , one that was a curious hearer derided him , who it is said was by a vision brought to repent of it . And thus despised Alexander the Collier was made Bishop ( or Pastor ) of Comana , when the great ones were rejected : and afterward proved a Champion for Christ , to whom he passed in Martyrdome through the flames . I have recited this for their sakes that deride the gifts of God in men whom they account unlearned : but not to encourage any to thrust themselves on so great a work without Ordination and due qualifications . Object . But it is Ordination it self that is wanting to the Pastors of the Reformed Churches , and therefore they are no Pastors , &c. Answ. The contrary is manifested in this ensuing Disputation . This separating Principle is it that I here purposely contend against . For it is cast in to divide and to destroy : And to quench such granado's and fire-works of the Devil , is a necessary work for them that will preserve a Churches Peace . I read in Thuanus of a Bishop in France that turning Protestant , took his Popish consecration for insufficient , and was again elect , and ordained by the Protestant Minsters , without a Prelate , to be a Prelate . But that Presbyters Ordained by a Presbytery of Protestants should be reordained by a Prelate , and that as necessary to the being of their office , is strange doctrine to all the Protestant Churches . It was rejected commonly by the English Bishops , even by A. B. Bancroft himself . Saith Firmilian ( inter Epist. Cypriani ) [ Omnis potestas & gratia in Ecclesia constituta est , ubi praesident Majores natu , qui & baptizandi , & Manus imponendi & ordinandi poffident potestatem ] i. e. All Power and Grace is placed in the Church where Elders do preside , who possess the power of Baptizing ▪ Imposing hands , and Ordaining . ] I know it will be said that Firmilian speak of Bishops only . But I believe not that he spoke of such Bishops only as we have in question , or that he did not plainly speak of Presbyters as such . For he speaks of the plenitude of Power and Grace in the Church : and therefore intended more then what was proper to a Prelate . 2. He mentioneth Elders , Majores natu , in general without distinction . And 3. His praesident is plainly related to the Church ( as the ubi shews : ) it being the People and not the Elders over whom these Elders are said to preside . And 4. Baptizing is first instanced , which was known to be commonly the work of Presbyters , and never appropriated to the Prelate . So that the same persons that did Baptize , even the Elders of the Church , according to Firmilian , did then possess the power of laying on hands and of ordaining . But these things are more fully discussed in what followeth . And if any either adversary or friend would see the Reformed Churches Ministry and Ordination more fully vindicated , I refer them to Voetius against Jasenius Desperata causa Papatus : which if I had read before I had written this Disputation , I think I should have spared my labour . Reader , if others are too busie to misled thee , I may suppose thee unwilling to be misled , especially in a matter of so great concernment : For saith Blessed Agustine , Multos invenimus qui mentiri velint , qui autem falli ●eminem : de Doctrin . Christ. l. 1. cap. 36. ) And therefore as thou lovest Christ , his Church , and Gospel , and the souls of others and thine own , take heed how thou venturest in following a sect of angry men , to unchurch so great and excellent a part of the Catholich Church , and to vilifie and depose so great a number of able faithfull Ministers of Christ , as those that had not Prelatical Ordination . And if you are Gentlemen , or unlearned men , that for want of long and diligent studying of these matters , are uncapable of judging of them , and therefore take all on the Authority of those whose Learning and parts you most esteem ▪ I beseech you before you venture your souls on it any further ; procure a satisfactory answer to these Questions . 1. Whether the Reformed Churches that have no Prelates , have not abounded with as learned men as any one of those that you admire of a contrary judgement ? 2. If you are tempted to suspect men of partiality , whether they that plead for Lorship , honour and preferment , or they that plead against it , and put it from them , are more to be suspected , ca●teris paribus ? 3. If you will needs suspect the Protestant Ministers of partiality : what ground of suspicion have you of them that were no Ministers ? such as the two Scaligers , whose learning made them the admiration of the Christian world , even to Papists as well as Protestants : and yet were cordial friends to those Reformed Churches which these men deny and draw men to disown . Such also as Salmasius , that hath purposely wrote about the subject : with abundance more . 4. If these are not to be trusted , why should not Bishops themselves be trusted ? were not Bishop Usher , Andrews , Davenant , Hall , and others of their mind , as learned pious men as any whose Authority you can urge against them ? 5. If all this be nothing , I beseech you get a modest resolution of this doubt at least : whether the concurrent judgement of all the Protestant Churches in Christendom , even of the English Bishops with the rest , should not be of more authority with any sober Protestant , then the Contrary judgement of those few that are of late risen up for the cause that you are by them solicited to own . It is a known Truth that the generality of the Bishops themselves and all the Protestant Churches in the world , have owned them as true Ministers that were ordained by Presbyteries , without Prelates : and have owned them as true Churches that were guided by these Ministers , and have taken them for valid administrations that were performed by them . And are your few Recusants that would draw you to separation of greater Learning , authorty and regard , then all the Protestants in the world besides ? I beseech you , if you will needs take things upon trust , consider this , and trust accordingly . Though I must say it is pitty that any truely Catholick Christian should not have better grounds than these , and be able himself in so palpable a case to perceive his duty . For my own part , my conscience witnesseth that I have not written the following Disputation out of a desire to quarrel with any man , but am drawn to it , to my great displeasure , by the present danger and necessity of the Churches , and by compassion to the souls that are turned from the publick Ordinances , and engaged in the separation , and also of the Churches that are divided and troubled by these means . The sad complaints of many of my Brethren from several parts have moved my heart to this undertaking . Through Gods Mercy , I have peace at home : but I may not therefore be insensible of the divisions and calamities abroad . I shall adjoin here one of the Letters that invited me , and no more ; because in that one you may see the scope and tenour of the rest , and that I rush not on this displeasing work , without a Call , nor before there is a cause . The passages that intimate an ever-valuing of my self , you may charitably impute to the Authors juniority and humility , with some mistake through distance and disacquaintance . One of the Letters that invited me to this task . Reverend Sir , UNderstanding by the Preface to the Reader before your Gilda● Salvianus , that you intend a second part , wherein you promise to speak of the way how to discern the true Church and Ministry , I make bold to present you with the desire of some Godly Ministers : viz. that if you see it convenient , you would do some thing towards the vindication of the present Churches and Ministers from the aspersions of the new Prelatical party in England . It is a principle much made of by many of the Gentry and others , that we are but Schismatical branches broken off from the true body ; and this by faithfull tradition is spread amongst them : the learning of some rigid Prelatical Schollars is very prevalent with them to make them thus account of us . With these men we must be all unchurched for casting off Diocesan Episcopacy : though we be found in the faith , and would spend our selves to save souls , and the main substance of our Ordination ( at least ) cannot be found fault with ; yet because we had not a Bishop to lay his hands on us , we are not sent from God. Of what consequence this opinion may prove , if it spread without being checked , an ordinary apprehension may perceive . I can guess something from what I observe from those of this leaven already , that our most serious pains will be little regarded , if our people take this infection ; when we would awaken them , we cannot , because they take it that we have no power to teach them . It must not be men of mean parts that must undertake more fully to wipe off this reproach : for the learned adversaries are tall Cedars in knowledge in comparison of many of us : and if men of parts do not grapple with them herein , they will easily carry the vote in many mens judgements ; for they judge that the greater Schollars by far certainly have the better in the contest . Sir , We beseech you that you would improve your acquaintance in Antiquity for our help in this case . Not that we would engage you in wrangling with particular men by name , who will not want words : but however you would evidence it that our Ordination by Presbyters is not void , and of no effect . I have this reason ready to give for this request : for ( besides what I had formerly heard ) I was lately with some of those not of the meanest influence , who urged Episcopacy as of absolute necessity , affirming that this order the Church of God ever observed : and that it was doubtless of Apostolical institution , being a thing of Catholick tradition , and that 's the best standard to intepret Scripture by . What then are we arrived at , that have forsaken the whole Church herein ? Though I am little versed in the Ancients , yet I tell them we acknowledge that soon after the Apostles times the name Bishop came up as distinct f●om the Presbyters ; but then I call for their proof that the Primitive Bishops had the power of jurisdiction over Presbyters , or that to him only ordination was appropriated . I tell them also that we have certain evidence that in some Churches these Bishops were made by Presbyters , so was the custom in Alexandria ▪ and when did ever the Church judge them to be no Bishops or Ministers ? And also of Tertullians Praesident probati quique Seniores , and of Cyprians Salvo inter Collegas pacis & concordiae vinculo : and that doubtless if Cyprian be to be believed , the Church was then ruled by the joint consent of its Pastors , of whom one was indeed the President or Moderator , who yet called himself compresbyter , and the Presbyters s●atres ( not filios as it was of l●te . ) This answer I have had from some of them , that the Church in those times was much under the clo●d , being persecuted , and had not that liberty to settle Diocesan Episcopacy in that Glory , which the Apostolical institution aimed at , and that the Church was then what it could be , and not what it would be . Do you judge of its weight . For my part , I am most stumbled at the reading of Ignatius ( whom Dr. H. so strenuously d●fends ) and cannot tell how to evade that Testimony in the behalf of Episcopacy , if it be indeed the testimony of the true Ignatius . But methinks his phrase is much unlike either that of Clemens , or of Cyprian in this case . It s great pity that Dr. Bloudel wants his eyes , and so we are hindred of enjoying of more of his labours in this point . His Notion of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a very pretty on , and it were well if we had fuller evidence added to that which he hath endeavoured after in his Preface , to his Apology for Hierom. Or if your judgement about the power of every single Pastor were fully improved , it would conduce much to the clearing of these controversies . I could methinks be glad of the practice of those proposals which Bishop Usher hath made in a late printed sheet : But these angry Brethren who now oppose us are of a higher strain . But I run out too far and forget whom I am writing to . Truly I am deeply sensible , what mischief those seeds which are as yet but thin-sown ( as I may say ) may grow up to in time : I know not how it is with yo● ; but with us , I fear 〈◊〉 for one at least would be easi●y drawn to ●uch an opinion of us , if the temptation were but somewhat stronger ; multitudes observing how c●vil transactions have 〈◊〉 in a round , begin also to think we shall also arive at our old Church-customs again : now ●f th●se Episcopal 〈◊〉 judgement should but be dispersed mo●e abroad , how easily would it make these people think that we have d●luded them all this whi●● ? and so will not regard us . Alas ▪ that a sad thought is it if I should study and preach and pray for mens souls ▪ and yet be re●ected as one that had no cha●ge of them as a M●nister , laid on me for God ▪ We thank you for what you said in your Christian Concord : and 〈◊〉 you would enlarge further on this Subject , as you see convenient : That the striplings in the Ministry may be furnished with arguments against our 〈…〉 such able hands as yours are . I have do●e ; only I shall desire your pardon for my interrupting you in your other business ; and if I shall hereafter crave your assistance and direction i● some cases , I pray you excuse me if uncivil , and vouchsafe to let me hear from you ▪ for I am about to settle where the charge is great . The Lord continue you 〈◊〉 us , that you may be further an instrument of good . I rest , Ian. 8. 1657. Your Affectionate friend and weak Brother M. E. Assert . Those who nullifie our present Ministry and Churches , which have not the Prelatical Ordination , and teach the people to do the like , do incur the guilt of grievous sin . CHAP. I. Sect. 1. FOR the making good this Assertion , 1. I shall prove that they groundlesly deny our Ministry and Churches ; and 2. I shall shew th● greatness of their sin . In preparation to the first I must 1. Take some notice of the true Nature of the Ministerial function : and 2. Of the Nature and Reasons of Ordination . Sect. 2. We are agreed ( ore tenus at least ) that the Power and Honour of the Ministry is for the Work , and the Work for the Ends , which are the revelation of the Gospel , the application or conveyance of the benefits to men , the right worshiping of God , and right Governing of his Church , to the saving of our selves and our people , and the Glorifying and Pleasing God. Sect. 3. So that [ A Minister of the Gospel is an Officer of Iesus Christ , set apart ( or separated ) to preach the Gospel and thereby to convert men to Christianity , and by Baptism to receive Disciples into his Church , to congregate Disciples , and to be the Teachers , Overseers , and Governours of the particular Churches , and to go before them in publick worship and administer to them the special Ordinances of Christ , according to the word of God ; that in the Communion of Saints , the members may be edified , preserved , and be fruitful and obedient to Christ ; and the Societies well ordered , beautified and strengthened ; and both Ministers and People saved ; and the Sanctifier , Redeemer and the Father Glorified and Pleased in his People now and for ever ] Sect. 4. In this Definition of a Minister , 1. It is supposed that he be competently qualified for these works : For if the Matter be not so far Disposed as to be capable of the Form , it will not be informed thereby . There are some Qualifications necessary to the being of the Ministry , some but to the well being . It s the first that I now speak of . Sect. 5. Before I name them , lest you misapply what is said , I shall first desire you to observe this very necessary distinction : It s one thing to ask , Who is to take himself for a called and true Minister ; and to do the work , as expecting Acceptance and Reward from God : and it s another thing to ask , Whom are the people ( or Churches ) to take for a true Minister , and to submit to as expecting the Acceptance and bl●ssing of God in that submission from hi● admin●stratio●s . Or its one thing to have a Call which wil before God justifie his Ministration and another thing to have a Call which will before 〈◊〉 justifie the Peoples submission , and will justifie in foro Ecclesia , both him and them . And so it s one thing to be a Minister whom God and Conscience will justifie and own , as to Himself and another thing to be a Minister to the Church , whom they must own , and God will own and bless only as to their good . In the first sence , none but truely sanctified men can be Ministers ; but in the latter an unsanctified man may be a Minister . As there is a difference among Members between the Visible and Mystical , ( of which I have spoken elsewhere . * ) So is there between Pastors . Some have a Title that in foro Ecclesiae or Ecclesia judice will hold good , that have none that is good in foro Dei : In one word ▪ the Church is bound to take many a man as a true Minister to them , and receive the Ordinances from him in faith , and expectation of a Blessing upon promise ; who yet before God is a sinful invader , an usurper of the Ministry , and shall be condemned for it . As in worldly Possessions , many a man hath a good Title before men , and at the bar of man , so that no man may disturb his Possession , nor take it from him , without the guilt of theft , when yet he may have no good Right at the bar of God to justifie him in his retention . So it is here . Sect. 6. It is too common a case in Civil Governments ( the ignorance of which occasioneth many to be disobedient . ) A man that invadeth the Soveraignty without a Title , may be no King as to himself , before God , aod yet may be truly a King as to the People . That is , He stands guilty before God of Usurpation , and ( till he Repent , and get a better Title ) shall be answerable for all his administrations as unwarrantable : And yet , when he hath settled himself in Possession of the Place , and exercise of the Soveraignty , he may be under an obligation to do justice to the people , and defend them , and the people may be under an obligation to obey him and honour him ▪ and to receive the fruits of his Government as a blessing . Mens Title in Conscience and before God ( for Magistracy and Ministry ) themselves are most to look after , and to justifie ; and it s often crakt and naught , when their Title in foro humano may be good ; or when the people are bound to obey them . And those miscarriages or usurpations of Magistrates or Ministers which forfeit Gods Acceptance and Blessing to themselves , do not forfeit the blessing of Christs Ordinances and their administrations to the Church : For it is the guilty and not the Innocent that must bear the loss . A Sacrament may be as effectual , and owned by God , for my benefit , when it is from the hand of a man that shall be condemned for administring it , as when it is from the hand of a Saint that hath a better call ; supposing still that I be innocent of his usurpation or error . This necessary distinction premised , I say , that special Grace is necessary to that Call of a Minister that must be warrantable and justifyable to himself before God ; but it i● not necessary to that call that 's justifyable before the Church , and is necessary to our submission and to the blessing of the Ordinances and their Validity to our good . Sect. 7. But yet here are some Qualifications essentially necessary , to Dispose the man to be Receptive of the Ministry , coram Ecclesia ( though saving grace be not . ) As 1. It is of Necessity that he be a Christian by Profession ; and so that he Profess that faith , repentance , love , obedience , which is saving . For the Minister in question is only A Christian Minister : and therefore he must be a Christian , & aliquid amplius by profession . 2. It is therefore Necessary that he Profess and seem to Understand and Believe all the Articles of the faith , that are essential to Christianity , and do not heretically deny any one of these ( what ever he do by inferiour Articles . ) 3. He must be one that is able to preach the Gospel : that is , in some competent manner , to make known the Essentials of Christianity : or else he cannot be a Minister at all . 4. He must be one that understandeth the Essentials of Baptism , and is able to administer it ( Though the actual administration be not alway necessary . ) 5. He must understand the Essentials of a particular Church , and profess to allow of such Churches as Gods Ordinance , or else he cannot be the Pastor of them . 6. He must Profess to Value and Love the Saints , and their communion : Or else he cannot be a Minister for the communion of Saints . 7. He must Profess and seem to understand , believe , and approve of all the Ordinances of Christ which are of Necessity to Church-communion . 8. And he must be tolerably able to dispense and administer those Ordinances : Or else he is not capable of the office . 9. He must Profess and seem to make the Law of God his Rule in these administrations . 10. And also to desire the saving of mens souls , and the wellfare of the Church , and Glory and Pleasing of God. If he have not beforehand all these Qualifications , he is not capable of the Ministry , nor can any Ordination make him a true Minister . Sect. 8. If you demand my proof , it is from the common principles that 1. The form cannot be received but into a disposed capable matter : but such are no disposed capable matter : therefore , &c. — 2. The office is for the work ▪ and therefore presupposeth a Capacity and ability for the work . The office containeth 1. An Obligation to the Duty : But no man can be obliged to do that which is Naturally Impossible to him ( though a Moral Impossibility may stand with an obligation to duty , and a Natural only as founded in the Moral ) 2. It containeth an Authority or Power to do the work : But such Power ( which is but a Right of excercising Naturall Abilities ) doth presuppose the Abilities to be exercised : Natural Power , is presupposed to Civil Authority . 3. It is Essential to such Relations that they be for their Ends : And therefore where there is an apparent incapacity for the end , there is as apparent an incapacicy of the Relation . But enough of this . Sect. 9. 2. A Minister is [ an officer of Christ , ] and therefore receiveth his Authority from him , and can have none but what he thus recieves . And therefore 1. He hath no Soveraignty or Lordship over the Church , for that is the perogative of Christ. 2. He hath no degree of underived Power , and therefore must prove his Power , and produce his Commission before he can expect the Church to acknowledge it . 3. He hath no Power to work against Christ , or to destroy the souls of men , or to do evil : Though he hath a Power by which occasionally he may be advantaged to evil , yet hath he no Authority to do it : ) For Christ giveth no man power to sin , nor to do any thing against himself . 4. He deriveth not his authority from man ( though by man , as an instrument , or occasion , he may ) The People give him not his Power : The Magistrate gives it not : The Ordainers ( Bishops or Presbyters ) give it not , any further then ( as I shall shew anon ) by signifying the will of Christ that indeed giveth it , and by investing men in it by solemn delivery . The Choosers may nominate the person that shall receive it ; and the Magistrate may encourage him to accept it ; and the Ordainers may Approve him and Invest him in it : but it is Christ only that gives the Power as from himself . As in Marriage , the persons consent , and the Magistrate alloweth it as Valid at his bar ; and the Minister blesseth them and declareth Gods consent : But yet the Power that the Husband hath over the wife is only from God as the conferring cause ; and all that the rest do is but to prepare and dispose the person to Receive it ; save only that consequently , the consent of God is declared by the Minister . Of which more anon , when we speak of Ordination . Sect. 10. 3. A Minister is a man [ separated , or set a part ] to the work of the Gospel . For he is to make a calling of it , and not to do it on the by . Common men may do somewhat that Ministers do , even in preaching the Gospel : but they are not [ separated or set apart to it , and so entrusted with it , nor make a Calling or Course of employment of it . ] Ministers therefore are Holy persons in an eminent sort , because they have a two-fold Sanctification . 1. They are as all other Christians sanctified to God by Christ through the spirit , which so devoteth them to him , and brings them so neer him , and calls them to such holy honourable service , that the whole Church is called a Royall Priesthood , a Holy Nation , &c. to offer spiritual sacrifice to God. And Christ hath made them Kings and Priests to God. But 2. They are moreover devoted and sanctified to God , ( not only by this separation from the world , but ) by a separation from the rest of the Church to stand neerer to God , and be employed in his most eminent service ! I mention not mans Ordination in the Definition , because it is not essential to the Ministry , nor of Absolute Necessity to its being ( of which anon . ) But that they be set apart by the will of Christ and sanctified to him , is of Necessity . Sect 11. 4. These Ministers have a double subject to work upon , or object about which their Ministry is Employed . The first is [ The world , as that matter out of which a Church is to be raised ] The second is , Believers called out of the world ] These Believers are , [ Either Only Converted , and not invested in a Church state ; or such as are both Converted and Invested : ] These later are either [ such as are not yet gathered into a particular Church , or such as are . ] For all these are the objects of our office . Sect. 12. 5. Accordingly the first part of the Ministerial office is to Preach the Gospel to unbelievers and ungodly ones for their Conversion . This therefore is not , as some have imagined , a common work , any more then preaching to the Church ▪ Occasionally ex Charitate , only another man may do it . But ex Officio , as a work that we are separated and set a part to and entrusted with , so only Ministers may do it . No man hath the Power of Office ; but he that hath the Duty or Obligation , to make it the trade or business of his life , to preach the Gospel ( though bodily matters may come in on the by . ) Sect. 13. 6. Hence it appears that a man is in order of Nature a Preacher of the Gospel in General , before he be the Pastor of a particular flock : though in time they often go together : that is , when a man is ordained to such a particular flock . Sect. 14. 7. And hence it follows that a man may be ordained sine Titulo or without a particular charge , where the Converting preparatory work is first to be done . Sect. 15. 8. And hence it appeareth that a Minister is first in order related to the unbelieving world , as the object of his first work , before he be related to the Church existent : either Catholick or particular : And that he is under Christ first a Spiritual Father , to beget children unto God , from the unbelieving world , and then a Governour of them . If others have already converted them to our hands , and saved us that part of our work , yet that overthroweth not the order of the parts and works of our office , though it hinder the execution of the first part ( it being done to our hands by others in that office . ) Sect. 16. 9. The second part of the Ministers work is about Believers meerly converted , together with their Children , whom they yet have power to Dedicate to God : And that is to Invest them in the Rights of a Christian , by Baptism in solemn Covenanting with God the Father , Son and Holy Spirit . And these are the next Material objects of our Office. Many of the Ancients ( Tertullian by name , and the Council of Eliberis ) thought that in case of Necessity , a Lay-man ( though not a Woman ) may Baptize : If that be granted , yet must not men therefore pretend a Necessity where there is none . But I am satisfied 1. That Baptism by a a private man , is not eo nomine a Nullity , nor to be done again : 2. And yet that it is not only a part of the Ministers work to Baptize and approve them that are to be Baptized , ex officio , but that it is one of the greatest and highest actions of his office : Even an eminent exercise of the Keyes of the Kingdom , letting men into the Church of Christ : it being a principal part of their Trust and power to judge who is meet to be admitted to the Priviledges and fellowship of the Saints . Sect. 17. 10. The third part of the Ministers work is about the Baptized , that are only entred into the universal Church ( for many such there are , ) or else the unbaptized that are Discipled , where the former work and this are done at once : And that is , to congregate the Disciples into particular Churches for Holy Communion in Gods Worship , &c. They must do part of this themselves in Execution . But he leads them the way , by Teaching them their duty , and provoking them to it , and directing them in the execution , and oft-times offering himself or another to be their Teacher , and Leading them in the Execution . So that it belongeth to his office to gather a Church , or a member to a Church . Sect. 18. 11. Hence is the doubt resolved , Whether the Pastor , or Church be first in order of time or Nature ? I answer : The Minister as a Minister to Convert and Baptize and gather Churches , is before a Church gathered in order of Nature and of time . But the Pastor of that particalar Church as such , and the Church it self whose Pastor he is , are as other Relations , together and at once ; as Father and Son , Husband and Wife , &c. As nature first makes the Nobler parts , as the Heart and Brain and Liver ; and then by them as instruments formeth the rest ; And as the Philosopher or Schoolmaster openeth his School , and takes in Schollars ; and as the Captain hath first his Commission to gather Soldiers : But when the Bodies are formed , then when the Captain or Schoolmaster dieth , another is chosen in his stead ; So is it in this case of Pastors . Sect. 19. 12. Hence also is the great controversie easily determined , Whether a particular Church or the universal be first in order , and be the Ecclesia Prima : To which I answer 1. The Question is not de ordine dignitatis , nor which is finally the Ministers chief End : For so it is past controversie that the Universal Church is first . 2. As to order of existence , the universal Church is considered either as consisting of Christians as Christians , converted and Baptized : or further as consisting of Regular Ordered Assemblies , or particular Churches . ( For all Christian● are not members of particular Churches : and they that are , are yet considerable distinctly , as meer Christians and as Church-members ( of particular Churches ) And so its clear , that men are Christians in order of Nature , and frequently of time , before they are member of particular Churches : and therefore in th●s re●pect the universal Church ( that is , in its essence ) is before a particular Church . But yet there must be One particular Church , before there can be many . And the Individual Churches are before the Association or Connection of these individuals . And therefore though in its essence and the existence of that essence the universal Church be before a particular Church ( that is , men are Christians before they are particular Church-members ; ) yet in its Order , and the existence of that Order , it cannot be said so : nor yet can it fitly be said that thus the Particular is before the universall . For the first particular Church and the universal Church were all one ( when the Gospel extended as yet no further ) And it was simul & semel an ordered universal and particular Church : ( but yet not qu● universal ) But now , all the Vniversal Church is not Ordered at all into particular Churches : and therefore all the Church universal cannot be brought thus into the Question . But for all those parts of the universal Church that are thus Congregate ( which should be all that have opportunity ) they are considerable , either as distinct Congregations independent ; and so they are all in order of nature together ( supposing them existent : ) Or else as Connexed and Asso●iated fo● Communion of Churches , or otherwise related to each other : And thus many Churches are after the Individuals & ●he single Church is the Ecclesia prima as to all Church forms of Order ; and Associations are but Ecclesiae ortae , arising from a combination o● relation or Communion of many of these . Sect. 20. The fourth part of the Ministerial work is about particular Churches Congregate , as we are Pastors of them . And in this they subserve Christ in all the parts of his office . 1. Under his Prophetical office , they are to Teach the Churches to observe all things whatsoever he hath commanded them : & deliver & open to them that Holy doctrine which they have received from the Apostles that sealed it by Miracles , and delivered it to the Church . And as in Christs name to perswade and exhort men to duty , opening to them the benefit , and the danger of neglect . 2. Under Christs Priestly office they are to stand between God and the People , and to enquire of God for them , and speak to God on their behalf and in their name , and to receive their Publick Oblations to God , and to offer up the sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving on their behalf , and to celebrate the Commemoration of the sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross ; and in his name to deliever his Body and Blood , and Sealed Covenant , and benefits to the Church . 3. Under his Kingly office ( a Paternal Kingdom ) they are to Proclaim his Laws , and Command obedience in his Name , and to Rule or Govern all the flock , as Overseers of it , and to reprove , admonish , censure and cast out the obstinately impenitent , and confirm the weak , and approve of Professions and Confessions of Penitents , and to Absolve them , by delivering them pardon of their sin , in the name of Christ. Sect. 21. 14. This work must be done for the ends mentioned in the Definition . To his own Safety , Comfort , and Reward , it is necessary that those Ends be sincerely intended . For the comfort and Satisfaction of the Church and the validity of the Ordinances ( Sacraments especially ) to their spiritual benefit , it is necessary that these ends be professed to be intended by him ; and that they be really intended by themselves . Sect. 22. 15. By this the Popish case may be resolved , Whether the Intention of the Priest be necessary to the Validity and success of Sacraments ? The reality of the Priests Intention is not necessary to the Validity of them to the people : For then no ordinance performed by an hypocrite were Valid ; nor could any man know when they are Valid and when not . But that they may be such administrations , as he may comfortably answer for to God , his sincere Intention is Necessary . And that they be such as the People are bound to submit to , it is necessary that he profess a sincere Intention : For if he purposely Baptize a man ludicrously in professed jest or scorn , or not with a seeming intent of true Baptizing , it is to be taken as a Nullity and the thing to be done again . And that the ordinances may be blessed and effectual to the Receiver upon Promise from God , it is necessary that the Receiver have a true intent of receiving them to the ends that God hath appointed them . Thus and no further is Intention necessary to the validity of the Ordinance and to the success . The particular ends I shall not further speak of , as having been longer already then I intended on the Definition . Sect. 23. But the principal thing that I would desire you to observe , in order to the decision of our controversie , hence , is that the Ministry is first considerable as a Work and Service , and that the Power is but a Power to be a servant to all , and to do the work . And therefore that the first Question is , Whether the great burden and labour of Ministerial service may be laid on any man without Ordination by such as our English Prelates ? Or whether all men are discharged from this labour and service on whom such Prelates do not Impose it ? If Magistrates , Presbyters and People conspire to call an able man to the work and service of the Lord , whether he be justified for refusing it , what ever the Church suffer by it , meerly because the Prelates called him not ? Sect. 24. Though the forementioned works do all belong to the Office of the Ministry , yet there must be Opportunity and a particular Call to the exercise of them , before a man is actually obliged to perform the several acts . And therefore it was not without sence and reason that in Ordination the Bishop said to the Ordained [ Take thou authority to Read or to preach the word of God , when thou shalt be threunto lawfully called ] Not that another call of Authority is necessary to state them in the office , or to oblige them to the Duty in General : But we must in the invitation of people , or their consent to hear us , or other such advantagious accidents , prudently discern when and where we have a Call to speak and exercise any act of our Ministry . Even as a Licensed Physitian must have a particular Call by his Patients before he exercise his skill . This call to a particular act , is nothing else but an intimation or signification of the will of God , that hic & nunc we should perform such a work : which is done by Providence causing a concurrence of such inviting Circumstances that may perswade a prudent man that it is seasonable . Sect. 25. A man that is in general thus obliged by his office to do all the formentioned works of the Ministry , ( that is , when he hath a particular call to each ) may yet in particular never be obliged to some of these works , but may be called to spend his life in some other part of the Ministry , and yet be a compleat Minister , and have the obligation and Power to all , upon supposition of a particular Call ; and not be guilty of negligence in omitting those other parts . One man man may live only among Infidels , and uncalled ones , and so be obliged only to Preach the Gospell to them in order to Conversion , and may die before he sees any ready to be baptized : Ano●her may be taken up in Preaching and Baptizing , and Congregating the Converted , and never be called to Pastoral Rule of a particular Church . Another may live in a Congregated Church where there is no use for the Discipling-Converting-Preaching of the Gospel , and so may have nothing to do but to Oversee that particular Church and Guide them in holy Worship . And in the same Church if one Ministers parts are more for Publick preaching , and anothers more for Private instruction , and acts of Guidance and Worship ; if one be best in expounding , and another in lively application ; t●ey may lawfully and ●itly divide the work between them : and it shall not be imputed to them for unfaithfulnss and negligence that one forbeare●h what the other doth . For we have our guifts to the Churches edification ▪ Thus Paul saith he was not sent to Baptize , but to Preach the Go●pel : Not that it was not in his Commission , and a work of his office : but quoad exercitium he had seldome a second particular Call to exercise it , being taken up with that Preaching of the Gospel , and settling and confirming Churches which to him was a greater work . Sect. 26. This Ministry before des●r●bed ( whether you call it Episcopatum , Sacerdotium , Presbyteratum , or what else is fit ) is but one and the same Order ( for Deacons are not the Ministers defined by us : ) It is not distinguished into various Species : Even the Patrons of Prelacy , yea the Schoolmen and other Papists themselves , do ordinarily confess , that a Prelate and Presbyter differ not Ordine , but only Gradu . So that it is not another office that they ascribe to Prelates , but only a more eminent Degree in the same Office. And therefore they themselves affirm , that in Officio the Power of Ordination is in both alike ( the office being the same ) But that for the honour of the Degree of Prelacy , for the unity of the Church , Presbyters are hindered from the Exercise of that Ordination , which yet is in their Power and Office Sect. 27. As far as Ordination is a part of the Ministerial Work it is comprised in the forementioned acts , [ of Congregating , Teaching , Ruling , &c. ] and therefore is not left out of the Definition , as it is a duty of the office : though it be not exp●essed among the Efficient causes , for the reason above mentioned : and because I am now more distinctly to treat of it by it self , and to give you fu●ther reasons hereof in the explication of the Nature and Ends of this Ordination . CHAP. II. Of the Nature and Ends of Ordination . Sect : 1. THat we may know how far the Ordination in question is necessary to the Ministry , and whether the want of it prove a Nullity , we must first enquire what goes to the laying of the Foundation of this Relation , and how many things concur in the efficiency , and among the rest , what it is that the Ordainers have to do as their proper part ; and what are the reasons of their Power and Work. Sect. 2. As all that deserve the name of men , are agreed that there is no Power in the world but from God the Absolute Soveraign , and first Cause of Power : so all that deserve the name of Christians are agreed that there is no Church Power but what is from Christ the head and Soveraign King of the Church . Sect. 3. As the will of God is the Cause of all things ; And no thing but the Signification of it is necessary to the conveying of meer Rights : So in the making a man a Minister of the Gopel , there needeth no other principal efficient cause then the Will of Jesus Christ ; nor any other Instrumental Efficient , but what is of use to the signifying of his Will : So that it is but in the nature of signs that they are Necessary . No more therefore is of Absolute Necessity , but what is so necessary to signifie his will. If Christs will may be signified without Ordination , a man may be a Minister without it : ( Though in other respects he may be culpable in his entrance , by crossing the will of Christ concerning his duty in the manner of his proceedings . ) Sect. 4. There is considerable in the Ministry , 1. Beneficium . 2. Officium . 1. The Gospel , pardon , salvation-Ordinances are those great Benefits to the sons of men , which the Ministery is to be a means of conveying to them : And is it self a Benefit as it is the means of these Benefits . In this respect the Ministry is a Gift of Christ to the Church , and his Donation is the necessary act for their Ministration . But of this gift the Church is the subject . He giveth Pastors to his Church . 2. But in conjunction with the Churches Mercies , the Minister himself also partakes of mercy : It is a double Benefit to him to be both receptive with them of the blessing of the Gospel , and to be instrumentall for them in the conveyance , and to be so much exercised in so sweet and honourable , though flesh-displeasing and endangering work . As in giving Alms , the giver is the double receiver ; and in all works for God , the greatest Duties are the greatest Benefits ; so is it here . And thus the making of a Minister is a Donation or act of bounty to himself . Christ giveth to us the Office of the Ministry , as he giveth us in that office to the Church . As a Commanders place in an Army is a place of Trust and Honour and Reward , and so the matter of a gift , though the work be to fight and venture life . Sect. 5. The Duty of the Minister is caused by an Obligation ; and that is the part of a Precept of Christ : And thus Christs command to us to do his work doth make Ministers . Sect. 6. From the work which the Ministers are to perform , and the command of Obedience laid upon the people , ariseth their duty , in submission to him , and Reception of his Ministerial work ; And in Relation to them that are to obey him , his office is a superiour Teaching Ruling Power , and so is to be caused by Commission from Christ , as the fountain of Power that is to command both Pastor and People . Sect. 7. So that the Ministry consisting of Duty , Benefit , and Power , ( or Authority , ) it is caused by Preceptive Obligation , by Liberal Donation , and by Commission . But the last is but compounded of the two first , or a result from them . The Command of God to Paul , e. g. to Preach and do the other works of the Ministry , doth of it self give him Authority to do them . And Gods command to the People to hear and submit , doth concur to make it a Power as to them . And the Nature and ends of the work commanded are such as prove it a Benefit to the Church ; and consequentially to the Minister himself . So that all is comprehended in the very imposition of the Duty : By commanding us to preach the word , we are Autho●ized to do it , and by Doing it we are a Benefit to the Church , by bringing them the Gospel and its Benefits . Sect. 8. Our Principal work therefore is to find out , on whom Christ imposeth the Duties of Church Ministration : And by what signs of his will , the person himself and the Church may be assured that it is the Will of Christ , that this man shall undertake the doing of these works . Sect. 9. And therefore let us more distinctly enquire , 1. What is to be signified in order to a Ministers Call ; and 2. How Christ doth signifie his will about the several parts ; and so we shall see what is left for Ordination to do , when we see what is already done , or undone . Sect. 10. 1. It must be determined or signified that A Ministry there must be . 2. And what their Work and Power shall be . 3. And what the Peoples Relation and duty toward them shall be . 4. What men shall be Ministers , and how qualified . 5. And how it shall be discerned by themselves and others which are the men that Christ intends . Sect. 11. Now let us consider 1 What Christ hath done already in Scripture , 2. And what he doth by Providence , towards the determination of these things . And 1. In the Scripture he hath already determined of these things , or signified that it is his Will , 1. That there be a standing Ministry in the Church to the end of the world : 2. That their work shall be to preach the Gospel , Baptize , Congregate Churches , Govern them , ad●inister the Eucharist , &c. as afore-mentioned . 3. He hath left them Rules or Canons for the directing them ( in all things of constant universal necessity ) in the performance of these works . 4. He hath described the persons whom he will have thus employed , both by the Qualifications necessary to their Being , and to the Well-being of their Ministration . 5. He hath made it the Duty of such qualified persons to desire the work , and to seek it in case of need to the Church . 6. He hath made it the Duty of the people to desire such Pastors , and to seek for such and choose them or consent to the choice . 7. He hath made it the Duty of the present Overseers of the Church to Call such to the work , and Approve them , and Invest them in the office ( which three acts 〈◊〉 are called Ordination , but specially the last . ) 8. He hath made i● the Duty of Magistrates to encourage and protect them , and in some cases to command them to the work , and set them in the office by their Authority . All these particulars are determined of already in the Laws of Christ , and none of them left to the power of men . Sect. 12. The ordainers therefore have nothing to do to judge 1. Whether the Gospel shall be preached or no , whether Churches shall be Congregate or no , whether they shall be taught or governed or no ? and Sacraments administred or no ? 2. Nor whether there shall be a Ministry or no Ministry ? 3. Nor how far ( as to the Matter of their work and power ) their office shall extend , and of what Species it shall be ? 4. Nor whether the Scripture shall be their constant universal Canon ? 5. Nor whether such qualified persons as God hath described , are only to be admitted , or not . 6. Nor whether it shall be the duty of such qualified persons to seek the office ? or the Duty of the People to seek and choose such , or of Pastors to ordain such ? or of Magistrates to promote such and put them on ? None of this is the Ordainers work . Sect. 13. If therefore any man on what pretence soever , shall either determine that the Gospel shall not be preached , nor the Disciples Baptized , the Baptized Congregated , the Congregations governed , the Sacraments administred , &c. or that there shall be no Ministers to do those works ; or if any man Determine that which will infer any of these ; or if he pretend to a Power of suspending or excluding them , by his Non-approbation , or not-authorizing them ; he is no more to be obeyed and regarded in any of this Usurpation , then I were if I should make a Law , that no King shall reign but by my nomination , approbation or Coronation . And if any man under pretence of Ordaining , do set up a man that wants the Qualifications which Christ hath made necessary to the Being of the Ministry , his Ordination is Null , as being without Power , and against that Will of Christ that only can give Power . And so of the rest of the particulars forementioned : Where the Law hath already determined , they have nothing to do but obey it . And though the miscarriages of a man in his own calling do not alwaies nullifie his acts , yet all that he doth quite out of the line of his Office are Nullities . Sect. 14. We see then that all that the Law hath left to the Ordainer is but this : In General , to Discern and judge of the person that is Qualified according to the Description of the Law ; and particularly to call him out to the work , if he need excitement , and to Try and Approve him , before he be admitted , and to Invest him , or solemnize his admittance , at his entry . So that the sum of all is , but to find out the qualified person , because he is not named by the Law. Sect. 15. And even in this the Ordainers are not the only Discerners or Judges ; but the person himself , the People and the Magistrates , have all the forementioned parts in the work . And God himself goes before them all , and by providence frequently points them out the man whom they are bound to choose , Ordain , accept and submit unto : and that by these particular acts . Sect. 16. 1. As God doth plainly describe the persons in the word , so he doth Qualifie them accordingly by his Guifts : and that of three sorts : Even , his special Graces ( necessary so far as was before mentioned ) Ministerial Abilities of Knowledge and utterance , and a desire after the work , for its ends . 2. God useth to qualifie so small a nu●ber thus , compared with his Churches Mecessities , that whether they should be Ministers ( in general ) or not , is seldom matter of controversie to prudent men , or at least a doubt that 's more easie to decide . 3. God useth by Providence to give some one man , by advantage of parts , acquaintance , opportunity , interest , &c. a special fitness for one place and people above other men , and so to facilitate the decision . 4. God useth to stir up the hearts of the Church to choose or consent to the person thus qualified . 5. And he useth to stir up desires or consent in the heart of the person to be the Pastor of that particular flock . 6. And he useth oft times to procure him Liberty , if not some call from the Magistrate . 7. And also to remove impediments in his way . 8. And to assist ordainers in discerning the qualifications of the person , when the work comes to their hands . All this God doth providentially . Sect. 17. By this much it appeareth , that the Ordainers do not give the power as from themselves to others ; nor doth it pass through their hands . They are but the occasions , and the Instruments of Inauguration or solemn possession , when their interposition is due . It is the standing Act of Christ in his Law that giveth the Power immediately , I say immediately , as without any mediate receiving and conveying cause , that is directly efficient of the Power it self , though not so Immediately as to exclude all Preparations , and perfecting Instruments , accidentall causes & other means . As in case of Marriage , it is the womans consent that is of Necessity to the designation of the Person that shall be her husband . But it is not her Consent that properly giveth him the power of an husband over her . For that is done by God himself , in that Law by which he constituteth the husband to be head of the wife , and determineth in specie of his power , which one determination immediately conferreth the power on all individual persons , when once they are chosen and named : so that the Elector of the person doth but prepare and dispose him to receive the power , and not give it . He doth but open the door and let men in to the Ministry , & not give it . It s one thing to bring the person to the Pool that healeth , that he may be the man that first shall enter : and it s another thing to heal him : It s one thing to Judge of the person that shall receive the Power immediately from God , and another thing to give it him our selves . Sect. 18. It s thus in the case of Magistrates Power , in which mens interest hath ever been more discernable to the world and beyond controversie then in the power of Ministers . Though here there be a certain specification that dependeth on the will of man , yet the Power it self is immediately from God , and men do but choose the person that shall receive it , and present him to God , and solemnly inaugurate him . And for my part , I think I shall never consent to any side that will needs give more to men ( whether Presbyters , Prelates , or people ) in making a Minister , then in making a King. All power is of God ; the powers that be are ordained of God. Sect. 19. If any doubt of this ( as I perceive by many writings , they do ) I shall , to spare the labour of a Digression , refer them to the copious unanswerable labours of abundance of Protestants that have written in England for the Royal Power : But instead of more , let them but read Spalatensis , and Saravia and Bilson , and rest satisfied , or confute them before they expect any more from me . Sect. 20. As in the making of Bayliffs for our Corporations , either the people , or the Burgesses , have the power of choosing , and the Steward or Recorder hath the power of swearing him , and performing the Ceremonies : and yet none of these confer the power , but only design the person , who receives the power from the Prince alone , by the Charter of the Cities or Towns , as his Instrument : so is it in the ordaining of Ministers . The People may choose , and the Pastors may invest , but its God only by the Gospel Charter that confers the power from himself . Sect. 21. Hence it is pla●n that the Argument is vain that 's commonly used by the Prelates , from Nemo dat quod non habet . For it falsly supposeth that the Ordainers are the givers of Power ( the master-error in their frame . ) Christ hath it , and Christ giveth it . Men give it not , though some of them have it : For they have it only to use and not to give . When the People choose a King , they give him not the Power , but God giveth it to the man whom the people choose . When our Corporations choose their Bayliff , the choosers give him not the Power ; for they had it not themselves ; but they determine of the man that immediately from the Princes Charter shall receive it : Nor doth the Recorder or Steward give it Primarily , but only Instrumentaliter & perfective by a Ceremonial inauguration . So the People give not Pastors the Power : Nor the Ordainers , but only complementally . Sect. 22. From what is aforesaid also it appeareth , that the work of the Ministry is founded first in the Law of nature it self , which upon supposition of mans misery and his recovery by Christ , and the Promise and means appointed for application , requireth every man that hath Ability and Opportunity , to do his best in the Order appointed him by God , to save mens souls by proclaiming the Gospel , and using Gods appointed means , for the great and blessed Ends that are before us . Sect. 23. Hence it also appeareth that Gods first command ( partly in Nature and partly in the Gospel ) is that [ The work shall be done , the Gospel shall be preached , Churches gathered and governed , Sacraments administred : ] and that the Precept de ordine is but secundary and subservien● to this . And if at any time , alterations should make Ordination impossible , it will not follow that the duty Ordered ceaseth to be duty , or the precept to oblige . Sect. 24. The Scriptures name not the man that shall be a Pastor , yet when it hath described him it commandeth the Described person duely to seek admittance , and commandeth the People , ordainers and Magistrates to [ Choose and Appoint these men to the Ministerial work . ] Now these Precepts contain in each of them two distinct determinations of Christ. The first is [ that such men be Ministers . ] The second is [ that they offer themselves to the office , and that they be Accepted and Ordained . ] For the first is implyed in the latter . If the Soveraign Power make a Law , that there shall be Physicians licensed by a Colledge of Physitians to Practice in this Common-wealth ] and describe the persons that shall be licensed ; This plainly first concludeth that such persons shall be Physitians , and but secondarily de ordine that thus they shall be licensed : so that if the Colledge should License a company of utterly insufficient men , and murderers that seek mens death , or should refuse to License the persons qualified according to Law , they may themselves be punished , and the qualified persons may act as Authorized by that Law , which ●indeth quoad materiam , and is by the Colledge ( and not not by them ) frustrate quoad ordi●em . So is it in this case in hand . Sect. 25. Hence it appeareth that [ Ordination is one means conjunct with divers others , for the Designation of right Qualified persons , described in the Law of Christ ) for the reception and exercise of the Ministerial office . And that the ends of it are 1. To take care that the office fail not : and therefore to call out fit men to accept it , if modesty or impediments hinder them from offering themselves , or the people from nominating them . 2. To Judge in all ordinary cases of the fitness of persons to the office , and whether they are such as Scripture describeth and calls out . 3. And to solemnize their Admittance , by such an investiture , as when Possession of a House is given by a Ministerial tradition of a Key ; or Possession of Land by Ministerial delivery of a twig and a turf , or as a Souldier is listed , a King Crowned , Marriage Solemnized , after consent and Title , in order to a more solemn obligation , and plenary possession ; such is our Ordination . Sect. 26. Hence it appeareth that as the Ordainers are not appointed to Judge whether the Church shall have Ordinances and Ministers , or not ( no more then to judge whether we shall have a Christ and heaven , or not : ) but who shall be the man ; so it is not to the Being of the Ministry simply , and in all Cases that Ordination is necessary , but to the safe being and order of admittance , that the Church be not damnified by intruders . Sect. 27. Ordination therefore is Gods orderly and ordinary means of a Regular admittance ; and to be sought and used where it may be had ( as the solemnizing of Marriage . ) And it is a sin to neglect it wilfully , and so it is usually necessary necessitate Praecepti , & Necessitate medii ad ordinem & bene esse . But it is not of absolute Necessity Necessitate medii ad esse Ministerii , or to the Validity or Success of our office and Ministrations to the Church ; nor in cases of necessity , when it cannot be had , is it necessary necessitate praecepti neither . This is the plain truth . Sect. 28. There are great and weighty Reasons of Christs committing Ordination to Pastors . 1. Because they are most Able to judge of mens fitness , when the People may be ignorant of it . 2. Because they are men doubly Devoted to the Church and work of God themselves , and 〈◊〉 may be supposed ( regularly ) to have the greatest 〈◊〉 and most impartial respect to the Church and cause of God 3. And they must ( regularly ) be supposed to be men of greatest piety and and holiness ( or else they are not well chosen . ) 4. And they being fewer , are fitter to keep Unity , when the people are usually divided in their choice . 5. And if every man should enter the Ministry of himself that will judge himself fit , and can but get a people to accept him , most certainly the worst would be oft forwardest to men , ( before they are sent , ) and for want of humility would think themselves fittest ( the common case of the Proud and Ignorant ) and the People would be too commonly poisoned by heretical smooth-tongue'd men ; or more commonly 〈◊〉 please and undoe themselves , by choosing them that have most interest in them , by friends or acquaintance , and them that will most please and humour them , and instead of being their Teachers and Rulers , would be taught and ruled by them , and do as they would have them . Order is of great moment to preserve the very being of the Societies ordered , and to attain their well-being . God is not the God of Confusion but of Order , which in all the Churches must be maintained : No man therefore should neglect Ordination without necessity : And these that so neglect it , should be disowned by the Churches , unless they shew sufficient cause . CHAP. III. Ordination is not of Necessity to the being of the Ministry . Sect. 1. HAving shewed what the Ministry is , and what Ordination is , and how the work is imposed on us , and the Power conferred , I may now come up to the point undertaken , to shew the sin of them that Nullifie all our Ministers calling and administrations , except of such as are ordained by the English Prelates . And for the fuller performance of this task , I shall do it in these parts . 1. I shall shew that Ordination it self by man is not of Necessity to the being of a Minister . 2. I shall shew that much less is an uninterrupted succession of Regular Ordination ( such as either Scripture or Church Canons count valid ) of Necessity to the being of Church or Ministry . 3. I shall shew , that much less is an Ordination by such as our English Bishops necessary to the Being of the Ministry . 4. I shall shew that yet much less is an Ordination by such Bishops rebus sic stantibus , as now things go , of necessity to the being of the Ministry . 5. I shall shew that without all these pretences of necessity for a Presbyterian Ordination , the present way of Ordination by this & other Reformed ▪ Churches is agreeable to the Holy Scripture , and the custome of the Ancient Church , and the postulata of our chief opposers . 6. I shall then shew the greatness of their sin that would Nullifie our Ministry and administrations . 7. And yet I shall shew the greatness of their sin that oppose or wilfully neglect Ordination . 8. And lastly I shall return to my former subject , and shew yet how far I could wish the Episcopal Brethren accommodated , and propound somewhat for a Peace . Sect. 2. I shall be much briefer on all these , then evidence would invite me to be , because I apprehend the most of them to be of no great necessity to our cause , we having enough without them , and lest men should think that we need such Mediums more then we do ; and because of my exceeding scarcity of time which forceth me to do all hastily . And for the first that [ Humane Ordination is not of Absolute Necessity to the Being of the Ministry ] I argue as followeth . Arg. 1. If the Necessity of Ordination may cease ( as to single persons ) and the Necessity of Ministration continue ( or if the obligations to each are thus separable ) then is not Ordination of Necessity to the Being of the Ministry . But the Antedent is true : which I shall prove by parts ( for the consequence is past all doubt , nor will any I suppose deny it . ) Sect. 3. That the obligation to be Ordained may cease to some persons , I prove by instances in certain cases . And 1. In case of a mans distance from any that should Ordain him . As if one or many Christians were cast upon the Coasts of any Indian Heathen or Mahometan Nation , as many have been . There is no ordination Possible : and therefore not necessary or due . And to return for it to the Christian part of the world , may be as impossible : and if not , yet unlawfull by reason of delay . Sect. 4. And 2. In case of the great Necessity of the People that cannot bear the absence of such as are able to teach them so long as while he travaileth many hundred or thousand miles for Ordination ; As Basil in another case writes to the Bishops of the West , that if one of them ( the Eastern Bishops ) should but leave their Churches for a very small time , much more for a journey into the West , they must give up their Churches to the Wolves to be undone before they return ; And this case is ordinary abroad . Sect. 5. And 3. That in case by Civil wars or enmity among Princes , men be unable to travail from one of their Countries into the other for an Ordination ( which else oftimes cannot be had ) so the Turks and Persians , and the Indian Mogol , and the Tartarians and many other Princes , by such wars may make such passage an impossible thing : Nor is it like they would suffer their subjects to go into the enemies country . Sect. 6. And 4. in case that Princes ( Infidels or others ) should persecute Ordination to the Death : I do not find that it were a Duty to be ordained , if it would cost all men that seek it their lives , and so made them uncapable of the Ends of Ordination : ( For the dead preach not ) If we were all forbid to preach on pain of death , I know we should not forbear , unless our places were so supplied , that mens souls were not apparently endangered by our omission . But he that may preach without Ordination , can scarce prove it a duty to seek Ordination when it would cost him his life . Or if he will plead it in Paper , he would soon be satisfied in tryal . Sect. 7. And 5. In case that the Generality of Bishops within our reach turn Hereticks , ( as in many parts of the East in the Arrian revolt , when scarce seven Bishops remained Orthodox ) Or in case of a National Apostacie , as in the Kingdomes of Nubia , Tenduc , and many more that by the conquest of Infidels have revolted . Sect. 8. And 6 Ordination is no duty in case that Bishops confederate to impose any unlawfull oaths or other Conditions on all that they will ordain . As the Oath of the Roman Prelates containing divers falshoods and unlawful passages doth make all Roman Ordination utterly impious and unlawfull to be received ; and therefore not necessary . Sect. 9. And 7. In case that Bishops themselves ( whom those that we now speak to do suppose to have the whole Power of Ordination ) should either have a des●gn to corrupt the Church , and ordain only the unworthy , and keep out such as the Necessities of the Church requireth , or set up a destructive faction , or by negligence or any other cause should refuse to ordain such as should be ordained ; In all these cases Ordination is impossible to them . Sect. 10. And 8. In case that death cut off all the Bishops within our reach , or that the remnant be by sickness , or banishment or imprisonment hindered , or by danger affrighted to deny Ordination , or by any such means become in accessible , Ordination must here fail . Sect. 11. And 9 In case that Bishops through contention are unknown , as Bellarmine confesseth it hath been at Rome , that the wisest could not tell which was Pope : Especially if withall both parties seem to be such as are not to be submitted to , Ordination fails . Sect. 12. And 10. In case of Prophetical immediate calls from God , which many had of old , and God hath not bound himself from the like again , though none have reason to expect it , and none should rashly presume of it : In all these ten cases Ordination faileth . Sect 13. And that it doth so , needs no proof : the Instances prove it themselves . Briefly 1. Nemo tenetur ad impossibile : But in many of these cases Ordination is Impossible : therefore , &c. Sect. 14. And 2. Nemo tenetur ad inhonestum : No man is bound to sin : For Turpe est impossibile in Law. But in many of these cases or all , is plainly sin : therefore &c. Sect. 20. And 3 Cessante fine cessat obligatio . The means are for the end : But in many , if not all these cases , Cessat finis , & ratio medii : therefore cessat obligatio . Sect. 21. And 4. Cessante materia cessat obligatio . But here aliquando cessat materia : As in case of the Apostacy , death , banishment , concealment of Bishops , therefore , &c. — Sect. 22. And now I am next to prove that when the Obligation to Ordination ceaseth , yet the Obligation to Ministerial Offices ceaseth not , but such must be done . And 1. I prove it hence , because the obligations of the common Law of Nature cease not upon the cessation of a point of Order : But if the Ministerial works should cease , the Obligations of the Law of Nature must cease . — Here I have two points to prove . 1. That the Law of Nature ( supposing the work of Redemption already wrought ; and the Gospel and Ordinances established ) obligeth men that are able and have Opportunity to do the work of Ministers . 2. And that this Law is not ceased when Ordination ceaseth . Sect 23. The Law of Nature prohibits cruelty , and requireth Charity , and to shew mercy to men in greatest Necessities according to our ability : But to suspend the exercise of the Ministerial office , were the greatest cruelty , where there is Ability and opportunity to exercise it : and to exercise it is the greatest work of Mercy in all the World. Nature teacheth us to do good to all m●n while we have time , and to save them with fear , pulling them out of the fire , and to love our neighbours as our selves ; and therefore to see a man , yea a town and Country and many Countries , lie in sin and in a state of misery , under the Wrath and Curse of God , so that they will certainly be damned if they die in that condition , and yet to be silent , and not Preach the Gospel to them , nor call them home to the state of life , this is the greatest cruelty in the world , except the tempting and driving them to hell . To let the precious things of the Gospel lie by unrevealed , even Christ and pardon and holiness , and eternal life , and the communion of Saints , and all the Church Ordinances , and withal to suffer the Devil to go away with all these souls , and Christ to lose the honour that his grace might have by their conversion , certainly this in it self considered is incomparably more cruelty to men , then to cut their throats , or knock them on the head , as such : and as great an injury to God as by omission can be done . I need not plead this argument with a man that hath not much unmand himself , much less with a Christian. For the one is taught of God by nature , to save men out of a lesser fire then Hell , and a lesser pain then everlasting torment , to the utmost of his power : And the other is taught of God to love his brother and his neighbour as himself . If the Love of God dwell not in him that seeth his brother in corporal need , and shutteth up the bowels of his compassions from him ; how then doth the love of God dwell in him , that seeth his brother in a state of damnation , Cursed by the Law , an enemy to God , and within a step of everlasting death and desperation , and yet refuseth to afford him the help that he hath at hand , and all because he is not ordained ? Sect. 24. Let this be considered of , as in any lower case . If a man see another fall down in the streets , shall he refuse to take him up , because he is no Physician ? If the Country be infected with the Plague , and you have a Soveraign medicine that will certainly cure it with all that will be ruled , will you let them all perish , rather then apply it to them , because you are not a Physitian , and that when the Physitians are not to be had ? If you see the poor naked , may no one make them cloaths but a Taylor ? If you see the enemy at the Walls , will you not give the City warning , because you are not a Watch-man , or on the Guard ? If a Commander die in fight , any man that is next may take his place in case of Necessity . Will you see the field lost for a point of Order , because you will not do the work of a Commander ? A hundred such cases may be put , in which its plain , that the substance of the work in which men can do a great and necessary good , is of the Law of Nature , though the regulating of them in point of order is oft from Positive Laws : but the Cessation of the obligation of the Positives about Order , doth not disoblige us from the common Law of Nature : For then it should allow us to lay by humanity . Sect. 25. To this some may say , that [ Its true we may preach in such cases , but not as Ministers , but as private men : and we may baptize as private men in Necessity : but we may do nothing that is proper to the Ministry ] To this I answer . God hath not made the Consecration of the Bread and Wine in the Eucharist , nor yet the Governing of the Church , the only proper acts of the Ministry . To preach the word as a constant service , to which we are separated , or wholly give up our selves , and to baptize ordinarily , and to congregate the Disciples , and to Teach and Lead them in Gods worship , are all as proper to the Ministry as the other . And these are works that mens eternal happiness lieth on . If you would have an able gifted Christian in China , Tartary , Indostan , or such places , ( supposing he have opportunity ) to speak but occasionally as private men , and not to speak to Assemblies , and wholly give up himself to the work , and gather Churches , and set a foot all Church Ordinances among them , you would have him unnaturally cruell to mens souls . And if you would have him give up himself to these works , and yet not be a Minister , you speak contradictions . For what 's the office of a Minister , but [ a state of Obligation aod power to exercise the Ministe●ial acts ? ] As it s nothing else to be a Physitian , supposing abilites , but to be obliged and impowred to do the work of a Physitian ] The works of the Ministry are of Necessity to the salvation of mens souls ; Though here and there one may be saved without them by privater means , yet that 's nothing to all the rest : It is the salvation of Towns and Contreyes that we speak of . I count him not a man , that had rather they were all damned , then saved by an unordained man. Sect. 26. The End of Ordination ceaseth not , when Ordination faileth : the Ministerial works and the benefits to be thereby conveyed , are the Ends of Ordination : therefore they cease not . This is so plain that I perceive not that it needs explication or proof . Sect. 27. Nature and Scripture teach us , that Ceremonies give place to the substance , and matters of meer Order give place to the Duty ordered ; and that Moral Natural duties cease not when meer Positives cease : But such is the case before us . Ordination is the ordering of the work : If that fail , and the work cannot be rightly Ordered , it follows not that it must be cast off , or forborn . On this account Christ justified his Disciples for plucking ears of Corn on the Sabbath day . Necessity put an end to the Duty of Sabbath keeping ; but the duty of preserving their lives continued . On this account he justifieth his own healing on the Sabbath day ; sending them to study the great rule . Go learn what this meaneth , I will have Mercy and not Sacrifi●e : ] So here , he will have Mercy to souls and Countreyes , rather then Ordination : On this account he saith , that [ The Priests in the Temple break the Sabbath and are blameless ] and he tells them [ what David did when he was hungry , and they that were with him , how he eat the shewbread , which ( out of Necessity ) was not lawfull for him to eat , but only for the Priests ] and yet he sinned not therein . Sect. 28. Moreover , the Church it self is not to cease upon the ceasing of Ordination , nor to hang upon the will of Prelates . Christ hath ●ot put it in the power of Prelates , to deny him a Church in any countries of the world . For he hath first determined that particular Churches shall be ( and that determination ceaseth not , ) and but secondly that they shall have Pastors thus ordained : He is not to lose his Churches at the pleasures of an envious or negligent man : But so it would be if Pastor must cease when Ordination ceaseth : For though w●thout Pastors there may be communities of Christians , which are parts of the universal Church , yet there can be no Organized Political Churches . For 1. Such Churches consist essentially of the Directing or Ruling Part , and the Ruled Part ) ( as a Republick doth . ) 2. Such Churches are Christian Associatio●s for Communion in such Church Ordinances which without a Pastor cannot ( ordinarily at least ) be administred : And therefore without a Pastor the Society is not capable of the End , and therefore not of the form or name ; ( though it be a Church in the fore-granted sence . ) Nay indeed , if any should upon necessity do the Ministerial work to the Church , and say he did it as a Private man , it were indeed but to become a Minister pro tempore , under the name of a private man. If Paul had not his Power to destruction but to Edification , neither have Prelates : And therefore the Acts are null by which they would destroy the Church . Their Power of Ordering it ( such as they have ) occasionally enableth them to disorder it ( that is , If they miss in their own work , we may submit : ) but they have no authority to destroy it , or do any thing that plainly conduceth thereunto . Sect. 29. The ceasing of Ordination in any place , will not either disoblige the people from Gods publick Worship , Word , Prayer , Praise , Sacraments ; Neither will it destroy their Right to the Ordinances of God in Church communion . But this it should do , if it should exclude a Ministry ; therefore , &c. — The Major is proved , 1. In that the Precept for such Publick worship , is before the precept for the right ordering of it . He that commandeth the Order , supposeth the thing ordered . 2. The precept for publick worsh●p , is much in the Law of Nature and therefore indispensable : and it is about the great and Necessary duties that the honour of Gods add saving of men , and preservation of the Church lieth on : It is a standing Law to be observed till the coming of Christ. And the Rights of the Church in the excellent Benefits of Publick Ordinances and Church order , is better founded then to depend on the Will of ungodly Prelates . If Prince and Parliament fa●l , and all the Governours turn enemies to a Common-wealth , it hath the means of Preservation of it self from ruine lest in its own hands ; or if the Common-wealth be destroyed , the Community hath the Power of self-preservation , and of forming a Common-wealth again to that end . The life and being of States , specially of mens eternal happiness , is not to hang upon so slender a peg as the corrupt will of a few Superiours , and the mutable modes and circumstances of Government ; nor a Necessary End to be wholly laid upon an uncertain and oft unnecessary means . The children lose not their Right to Food and Rayment , nor are to be suffered to famish , when ever the Steward falls out with them , or falls asleep , or loseth the Keyes . Another servant should rather break open the doors , and more thanks he shall have of the Father of the family , then if he had let them perish , for fear of transgressing the bounds of his calling . If incest ( that capital disorder in procreation ) were no incest , no crime , but a duty , to the Sons and daughters of Adam in case of Necessity ( because Order is for the End and thing ordered ) then much more is a disordered preservation of the Church and saving of souls and serving of God , a duty , and indeed at that time , no disorder at all . Sect. 30. 7. Moreover , if the failing of Ordination , should deprive the world of the preaching of the word , or the Churches of the great and necessary benefits of Church Ordinances and Communion , then one man ( yea thousands ) should suffer ( and that in the greatest matters ) for the sin and wilfulness of others , and must lie down under such suffering , lest he should disorderly redress it . But the consequent is against all Justice and Reason : Therefore the Antecedent is so to . Sect. 31. In a word , it is so horrid a conclusion , against Nature , a●d the Gospel , and Christian sence , that the honour of God , the f●uits of Redemption , the being of the Church , the salvation or comfort of mens souls , must all be at the Prelates mercy , that a considerate Christian cannot ( when he is himself ) believe it : that it should be in the power of heretical , malicious , or idle Prelates to deny God his honour , and Christ the fruit of all his sufferings , a●d Saints their Comforts , and sinners their salvation , and this when the remedie is before us , and that it is the will of God that all these evils should be chosen before the evil of an unordained Ministry ; this is an utterly incredible thing . Sect. 32. Argument 2. Another Argument may be this : If there may be all things essential to the Ministry without humane Ordination , then this Ordination is not of Necessity to its Essence ; But the Antecedent is true ; therefore so is the consequent . That there be a people qualified to receive a Pastor , and persons qualified to be made Pastors , and that God hath already determined in his Law that Pastors there shall be , and how they shall be qualified is past all dispute : So that nothing remains to be done by man ( Ordainers , Magistrates or People ) but to determine who is the man that Christ describeth in his Law , and would have to be the Pastors of such a flock , or a Minister of the Gospel , and then to solemnize his entrance by an Investiture . And now I shall prove that a man may be a Minister without the Ordainers part in these . Sect. 33. If the will of Christ may be known without Ordination , that this man should be the Pastor of such a People , or a Minister of the Gospel , then may a man be a Minister without Ordination . But the will of Christ may be known , &c. ergo . — Sect. 34. Nothing needs proof but the Antecedent ( For it is but the signification of the will of Christ that conferreth the Power , and imposeth the Duty ; ) And that his will is sometime signified concerning the individual person without Ordination , is apparent hence : 1. The Description of such as Christ would have to preach the Gospel , is very plain in his holy Canons ( in the Scripture . ) 2. His Gifts are frequently so eminent in several persons , as may remove all just occasion of doubting , both from the persons themselves and others . 3. Their suitableness to a People by interest , acquaintance , &c. may be as notable . 4. The Peoples common and strong affection to them , and theirs to the People , may be added to all these . 5. There may be no Competitor at all ; or none regardable or comparable ; and so no controversie . 6 The Necessities of the People may be so great and visible , that he and they may see that they are in danger of being undone , and the Church in danger of a very great loss or hurt , if he deny to be their Pastor . 7. The Magistrate also may call and command him to the work . 8. The People and he may consent and they may unanimously choose him , and he Accept their choice . And in all these the will of Christ is easily discerned , that this is the person whom he would have to undertake the Ministry . Sect. 35. For 1. Where ●●ere are so many evident signs of his Wills and Characters agreeing to the description in the Law , there the will of Christ ma● be discerned , and it may be known that this is the described person . But these are here supposed ( o● enough of these : ) And indeed it is no very strange thing for all or almost all these to co●cur , where there are persons of excellent qualifications . Sect. 36. And 2. Where there is no Controversie , or room for a Controversie , the determination may be made without a Judge : ( The Principal reason and use of Ordainers is , that there may be standing Judges of the fitness of men , to prevent the hurt of the Church by the withdrawing of the Worthy , and the intrusion of the unworthy : ) But here is no Controversie , or place for Controversie : therefore , &c. — Sect. 37. But I suppose some will say that [ Though the Approbation of the Ordainers be not alwaies of Necessity : because the person may be easily known without them ; yet their Investing the person with the Power i● of Necessity , because without that he is but a person fit for the Office , but cannot receive it till some authorized person shall deliver it ] Because the great mistake is involved in this objection , I shall answer it fully . Sect. 38. The Law it self is it that directly gives the Power , and Imposeth the Duty , when the person is once determined of that falls under it : There needs no more but the signification of the W●ll of Christ , to confer the Power or Benefit , or impose the Duty . As an act of Oblivion pardoneth all the described persons ; and an Act that imposeth any burden or office upon every man of such or such an estate or parts , doth immediately by it self oblige the persons ; though some Judges or others may be appointed to call out the persons , and see to the execution ( who do not thereby impose the duty ) so is it in this case . Gods Law can Authorize and oblige without an Ordainer sometimes . Sect. 39. The Investiture performed in Ordination by man , is not the first Obligation or Collation of the Power , but only the solemnization of what was done before . And therefore though it be necessitate praecepti a duty , and ordinarily necessary to Church Order and preservation , yet is it not necessary to the Being of the Ministerial Office or Power . Sect. 40. And this will be made apparent , 1. From the common nature of all such subsequential Investitures and inaugurations , which are necessary to full possession and exercise of Power sometimes , but not to the first being of it , nor to the exercise neither in cases of Necessity , when the Investiture cannot conveniently be had . Sect. 41. Ordination ( as to the Investing act ) is no otherwise necessary to the Ministry , then Coronation to a King , or listing to a Souldiour , or solemn investiture and taking his Oath to a Judge , or other Magistrate , &c. But these are only the solemn entrance upon Possession and exercise of Power , supposing a sufficient Title antecedent ; and in cases of Necessity , may be unnecessary themselves ; and therefore so is it here as a like case . Sect. 42. 2. If want of Investiture in cases of Necessity , will not excuse the determinate person from the burden of the Ministerial work , then will it not prove him destitute of the Ministerial Authority : ( For every man hath Authority to do his Duty , in that he is obliged to it ; ) But the Antecedent is plain ; If once I know by certain signs , that I am a man that Christ requireth to be imployed in his work , I durst not totally forbear it , in a case of such exceeding moment , for want of the regular admittance , when it cannot be had ; while I know that the work is the End , and the Ordination is but the means ; and the means may promote the end , but must not be pleaded against the End , nor to destroy it ; it being indeed no Means , when it is against the end . Ordination is for the Ministry , and the Ministerial Office for the Work , and the Work for Gods honour and mens salvation : And therefore God must be served , and men must be saved , and the Ministry to those ends must be used , whether there be Ordination to be had or not . Necessity may be laid upon us , without Ordination , and then woe to us if we preach not the Gospel . The Law can make Duty without an Ordainer . Sect. 43. If this were not so , a lazy person that is Able for the Ministry , might by pleasing or bribing the Ordainers , be exempted from abundance of duty , and escape the danger of Guilt and Judgement upon his Omission . And truly the burden is so great to flesh and blood , if men be faithful in their Office , the labour so uncessant , the people so unconstant , ungrateful and discouraging ; the worldly honours and riches so tempting which may b● had in a secular life , with the study and cost that fits men for the Ministry , and the ene●ies of our work and us a●e so many and malicious , and times of persecution so frequent and unwelcome , that if it were but in the Prelates power to exempt all men at their pleasure , from all the trouble and care and danger and sufferings of the Ministery , they would have abundance of Solicitors and Suitors for a dispensation ? especially where the Love of God and his Church were not very strong to prevail against temptations ( for this would free them from all fear . ) Sect. 44. 3. If a man and woman may be truly husband and Wife without a solemn Marriage , then a Minister and People may be truly conjoined in their Relations and Church-State without his solemn Ordination . For these are very neer of a Nature . A private Contract between themselves may truly make them Husband and Wife : and then the standing Law of God conveyeth to the man his Power , and obligeth him and the woman to their duties , without any Instrumental investiture : And yet if there be opportunity it is not lawful for any to live together in this relation , without the investiture of Solemn Matrimony , for Order sake , and to prevent the fornication and bastardy , that could not be avoided if Marriage be not Ordinarily publick . Just so it is a very great sin to neglect Ordination ordinarily , and where it may be had , and tendeth to the bastardy of the Ministry , and of Churches , and soon would most be illegitimate if that course were taken . And yet if Pastor and People go together without Ordination , upon private Contract , in case of Necessity , it is lawful : And if there be no Necessity , it is sinful , but yet doth not Null the Baptism , and other Ministerial administrations of any such person , to the Church of Christ , or the upright members . Sect. 45. 4. If a man may be a true Christian without Baptism , and have Christ and pardon and Justification and eternal life without it ; then may a man be a true Minister without Ordination . For no man can reasonably plead that Ordination is more necessary to a Minister then Baptism to a Christian. Even the Papists that make a Sacrament of it , and ascribe to it an indelible Character , must needs set it somewhat lower then Baptism . Baptizing is commonly called our Christening , as that in some sort makes us Christians . And yet for all that the true use of Baptism is but to solemnize the Marriage between Christ and us , and to Invest and inaugurate them in a state of Christianity solemnly , that were indeed Christians before . And the Papists themselves confess that when a man first repenteth and believeth ( with a faith formata Charitate ) he is pardoned , and in a State of Salvation before Baptism , and shall be saved upon the meer Votum Baptismi , if in case of Necessity he die without it ( Though the partial Proctors will damn the infants for want of Baptism , that never refused it , when they save the parents that have ●ut the desire . ) No doubt but Constantine , and many other , that upon mistake deferred their Baptism , were nevertheless Christians ; and judged so by the Church both then and now . And yet to neglect it wilfully were no smal sin . So if in our case , men want Ordination , they may be really Ministers , and their Ministrations Valid ; but it is their very great sin , if their wilfull neglect be the cause that they are not Ordained . Sect. 46. As Baptism is the open badge of a Christian , so Ordination is the open badge of a Minister : and therefore though a man may be a Christian before God without Baptism , yet Ordinarily he is not a Christian before the Church without Baptism , till he have by some equivalent Profession given them satisfaction : And therefore if I knew men to be utterly unbaptized , I would not at first have Communion with them as Christians . But if they could manifest to me that Necessity forbad them , or if it were any mistake and scruple of their consciences that hindered them from the outwa●d Ordinance , and they had without that Ordinance made as publick and bold a profession of Christianity , and satisfactorily declared themselves to be Christians by other means , I would then own them as Christians , though with a disowning and reprehension of their error ; Even so would I do by a Minister : I would not own him as a Minister unordained , unless he either shewed a Necessity that was the Cause , or else ( if it were his weakness and mistake ) did manifest by his abilities and fidelity and the consent and acceptance of the Church , that he were truly called : And if he did so , I would own him , though with a disowning and reproof of his mistake , and omission of so great a duty . Sect. 47. 5. There is not a word of God to be found that makes Ordination of absolute Necessity to the being of the Min●stry : therefore it is not so to be esteemed . The examples of Scripture shew it to the regular way , and therefore Ordinarily a duty : but they shew not that there is no other way . Sect. 48. Object . It is sufficient that no other way is revealed ; and therefore till you find another in Scripture , this must be taken for the only way . Answ. 1. Scripture is the Rule of our Right performance of all duties : We cannot imagine that in the Rule there should be the least defect ; and therefore no precept or imitable pattern of sin in the smallest matter is there to be found . And yet it followeth not that every sin doth Nullifie a Calling , because there is no Scripture warrant for that sin . All that will follow is , that no other way is innocent or warrantable : and that only when Necessity doth not warrant it . 2. I have shewed already that there are other wayes warranted in some cases in the Scripture : And I shall shew anon that as great omissions nullifie not the office . Sect. 49. Object . But how shall they preach unless they be sent ? saith Paul , Rom. 10. Answ. But the question is , Whether no man be sent that have not humane Ordination ? The text doth not affirm this . Let that be God● Ordinary way : but yet it followeth not there is no other . If God send them however , they may preach ; as Edesius , Frumentius , Origen , and others did of old . Sect. 50. Argument 3. He that hath the Talents of Ministerial Abilities , is bound to improve them to the service of his Master and best advantage of the Church : But such are many that cannot have Ordination : ergo — Concerning the Major , note that I say not that every man that is able is bound to be a Minister , much less to enter upon the sacred function without Ordination : For 1. Some men that have Abilities may want liberty and opportunity to exercise them . 2. Others that have Ministerial Abilities , may also have Abilities for Magis●racy , Physick , Law , &c. and may live in a Country where the exercise of the later is more Necessary and useful to the good of men , and the service of God , then the exercise of the Ministry would be . For these men to be Ministers , that either want opportunity , or may do God greater service other waies , is not to improve their Talents to their Masters chiefest service : But still the general obligation holds , to improve our Talents to the best advantage , and do good to as many as we can , and work while it is day . And therefore 1. Such a man is bound ( if he be not otherwise called out first ) to offer his service to the Church and seek Ordination : And if he cannot have it upon just seeking , in case of Necessity , he is to exercise his Talents without it : lest he be used as the wicked slothful servant , that hid his Talent , Mat. 25. Sect. 51. If this were not so , it would follow that the Gifts of God must be in vain , and the Church suffer the loss of them at the pleasure of Ordainers : and that the fixed universal Law that so severely bindeth all men , as good Stewards to improve their Masters stock ( their Time , abilities , interest , opportunities ) might be dispensed with at the Pleasure of Ordainers . And that God hath bound us to seek in vain , for Admittance to the exercise of the Talents that he hath endowed us with : and that even in the Necessities of the Church . Which are not things to be granted . Sect. 52. Object . By this doctrine you will induce disorder into the Church , if all that are able must be Ministers when they are denyed Ordination : For then they will be the Iudges of their own Abilities , and every brain-sick proud Opinionist , will think that there is a Necessity of his Preaching ; and so we shall have confusion , and Ordination will be made contemptible by Pretences of Necessity ! Sect. 53. Answ. 1. God will not have the Necessities of mens souls neglected , nor allow us to let men go quietly to damnation , nor have his Churches ruined , for fear of occasioning the disorders of other men . It s better that men be disorderly saved , then orderly damned : and that the Church be dissorderly preserved , then orderly destroyed ! God will not alllow us to suffer every Thief and Murderer to rob or kill our neighbours , for fear lest by defending them , we occasion men to neglect the Magistrate : Nor will he allow us to let men perish in their sickness , if we can help them , for fear of encouraging the ignorant to turn Physitians . 2. There is no part of Gods service that can be used , without occasion of sin to the perverse : Christ himself is the fall as well as the rising of many ; and is a stumbling stone and Rock of offence : and yet not for that to be denyed . There is no just and reasonable cause of mens abuse in the doctrine which I here express . 3. True Necessity will excuse and Justifie the unordained before God , for exercising their Abilities to his service . But pretended counterfeit necessity will not Justifie any ; And the final judgement is at hand , when all things shall be set strait , and true Necessity and counterfeit shall be discerned . 4. Until that day , things will be in some disorder in this world , because there is sin the world , which is the disorder . But our Remedies are these , 1. To teach men their duties truly , and not to lead them into one evill to prevent another , much less to a mischief destructive to mens souls , to prevent disorder . 2. The Magistrate hath the sword of justice in his hand , to restrain false pretenders of Necessity ; and in order thereto , it is he , and not the pretender that shall be judge . And 3. The Churches have the Power of casting the pretenders ( if the case deserve it ) out of their communion ; and in order thereto , it is not he but they that will be Judges . And other remedies we have none till the last day . Sect. 54. Quest. But what would you have men do that think there is a Necessity of their labours , and that they have Ministerial abilities ? Answ. 1. I would have them lay by pride and selfishness , and pass judgement on their own Abilities in Humility and self-denyal . If their Corruptions are so strong that they cannot ( that is , they will not ) do this , that 's long of themselves . 2. They must not pretend a Necessity where is none . 3. They must offer themselves to the Tryal of the Pastors of the Church that best know them . 4. If in the judgement of the godly able Pastors that know them , they are unfit , and there is no need of them , they must acquiesce in their judgement . For able Godly men are not like to destroy the Church or envy help to the souls of men . 5. If they have cause to suspect the Pastors of Corruption , and false judgement , let them go to the other Pastors that are faithfull . 6. If all about us were corrupt , and their judgements not to be rested in , and the persons are assured of their Ability for the Ministry , let them consider the State of the Church where they are : And if they are sure ( on Consultation with the wisest men ) that there is a Necessity , and their endeavours in the Ministry are like to prevent any notable hurt , without a greater hurt , let them use them without Ordination , if they cannot have it . But if they find that the Churches are so competently supplied without them , that there is no Necessity , or none which they can supply without doing more hurt by offence and disorder then good by their labours , let them forbear at home , and go into some other Countries where there is greater need ( if they are fit there for the work . ) if not , let them sit still . Sect. 55. Argument 4. If unordained men may Baptize in case of Necessity , then may they do other Ministerial works in case of Necessity : But the Antecedent is the opinion of those that we now dispute against . And the Consequence is grounded on a Parity of Reason : No man can shew more for appropriating the Eucharist , then Baptisme to the Minister . CHAP. IV. An uninterrupted Succession of Regular Ordination , is not Necessary . Sect. 1. HAving proved the Non-necessity of Ordination it self to the Being of the Ministry , and Validity of their administrations , I may be the shorter in most of the rest , because they are sufficiently proved in this . If Ordination it self be not of the Necessity which the adversaries do assert , then the Regularity of Ordination cannot be of more Necessity then Ordination itself : Much less an uninterrupted Succession of such Regular Ordination : Yet this also is asserted by most that we have now to do with . Sect. 2. By Regular Ordination , I mean in the sence of the adversaries themselves , such as the Canons of the Church pronounce not Null , and such as by the Canons was done by such as had Authority to do it : in special , by true Bishops ( even in their own sence . ) Sect. 3. And if the unin●errupted succession be not Necessary , then neither is such Ordination at this present Necessary to the being of the Ministry : For if any of our predecessors might be Ministers without it , others in the like case may be so too . For we live under the same Law , and the Office is the same thing now as it was then . Sect. 4. Argument 1. If uninterrupted Regular Ordination of all our Predecessors be Necessary to the Being of the Ministry , then no man can know that he is truly a Minister of Christ. But the Consequent is false , and intolerable ; therefore so is the Antecedent . Sect. 5. The truth of the Minor is apparent thus . 1. If we could not be sure that we are true Ministers , then no man could with comfort seek the Minstry , nor enter into upon it . For who can have encouragement to enter a calling when he knows not whether indeed he enter upon it or not ? and whether he engage not himself in a course of sin , and be not guilty as Vzza of medling with the Ark unlawfully ? especially in so great and tender a case where God is so exceeding jealous . Sect. 6. And 2. who can go on in the Calling of the Ministry , and comfortably do the work , and bear the burden , that cannot know through all his life , or in any administration , whether he be a Minister or a Usurper ? What a damp must it cast upon our spirits , in Prayer , Praise , administration of the Eucharist and all publick worship , ( which should be performed with the greatest alacrity and delight ) when we remember that we are uncertain whether God have sent us , or whether we are usurpers , that must one day hear , [ Who sent you ? Whence had you your Power ? and who required this at your hands ? Sect. 7. And the Consequence of the Major ( that we are all uncertain of our Call and office , both Papists and Protestants ) is most clear ( in case of the Necessity of such successive Ordination ) For 1. No man ever did , to this day demomstrate such a succession , for the Proof of his Ministry . Nor can all our importunity prevail with Papists ( Italians or French ) to give us such a proof . 2. It is a thing impossible for any man now alive , to prove the Regular Ordination of all his Predecessors , to the Apostles daies , yea or any Ordination at all . How can you tell that he that ordained you , did not counterfeit himself to be Ordained ? Or at least that he was not ordained by an unordained man ? or that his Predecessors were not so ? It is a meer impossibility for us to know any such thing ; we have no Evidence to prove it : Sect. 8. Object . But it is probable though not certain : for the Church proceedeth by such Rules , and taketh the matter to be of so great weight , that there is no probability that they would suffer any to go for Pastors or Bishops that are unordained , in so great a case . Answ. 1. All this is no certainty : and therefore no proof : and no satisfaction to the mind of a Minister , in the forementioned doubts . 2. Yea we have so great reason to be suspicious in the case that we cannot conclude that we have so much as a probab●ly . Sect. 9. For , 1. We know that there is so much selfishness and corruption in man as is like enough to draw them to deceit . Ordainers may be bribed to consecrate or ordain the uncapable , and the Ordained or Consecrated may be tempted to seek it in their incapacity ; and many may be drawn to pretend that they were Ordained or Consecrated when it was no such matter . And so there is not so much a a Probability . Sect. 10. 2. And we know that there were so many heresies abroad , and still have been , and so much faction and Schism in the Church : that we cannot be sure that these might not interrupt the succession , or that they drew not our predecessors to counterfeit a Consecration or Ordination when they had none , or none that was regular . Sect. 11. 3. And we know our selves that the thing hath been too usual . When I was young , I lived in a village that had but about twenty houses . And among these there were five that went out into the Ministry . One was an Old Reader whose Original we could not reach . Another was his son , whose self●Ordination was much suspected : The other three had Letters of Orders , two of them suspected to be drawn up and forged by him , and one that was suspected to Ordain himself . One of them , or two at last were proved to have counterfeit Orders , when they had continued many years in the Ministry . So that this is no rare thing . Sect. 12. Among so many temptations that in so many ages since the Apostles dayes , have befallen so many men , as our predecessors in the Ministry , or the Bishops predecessors have been , it were a wonder if all of them should scape the snare : So that we have reason to take it for a thing improbable , that the succession hath not been interrupted . Sect. 13. And we know that in several ages of the Church the Prelates and Priests have been so vile , that in reason we could expect no better from men so vicious , then forgery and abuse , he that reads what Gildas and others say of the Brittish , and what even Baronius , much more Espencaeus , Cornelius Mus. and others say of the Romanists ; yea he that knows but what state the Bishops and Priests have been in and yet continue in , in our own dayes , will never think it an improbable thing that some of our predecessors should be guilty either of Simony or other vice that made them uncapable , or should be meer usurpers under the name of Bishops and Ministers of Christ. Sect. 14. Argument 2. If uninterrupted Regular Ordination of all our Predecessors be Necessary to the Being of the Ministry , then can no Bishop or Pastors whatsoever comfortably Ordain : For who dare lay his hand on the head of another , and pretend to deliver him authority , in the name of Christ , that hath no assurance ( nor probability neither ) that he hath any Commission from Christ to do it ? But the Consequent will be disowned by those that dispute against us ? therefore so should the Antecedent be also . Sect. 15. Argument 3. If there be a Necessity of an uninterrupted succession of true Regular Ordination , then no man can know of the Church that he is a member of , or of any other Church on earth , that it is a true Church . ( By a Church I mean not a Community , but a Society : not a company of private Christians living together as Christians neighbours , but a Politick Church consisting of Pastor and people associated for the use of publick Ordinances and Communion therein : ) But the consequent is false ; — &c. Sect. 16. The Major , or consequence is certain : For no man can know that the Church is a true Political Organized Church , that knows not that the Pastor of it is a true Minister of Christ. Because the Pastor is an Essential constitutive part of the Church in this acceptation . And I have proved already that the truth of the Ministry cannot be known upon the Opponents terms . And for the Minor , I think almost all Church members will grant it me . For though they are ready enough to accuse others , yet they all take their own Churches for true , and will be offended with any that question or deny it . Sect. 17. Argument 4. If there be a Necessity of an unin●errupted succession of true Ordination , then cannot the Church or any Christian in it , know whether they have any true Ministerial administrations , whether in Sacraments or other Ordinances . For he that cannot know that he hath a Minister , cannot know that he hath the administration of a Minister ) But the consequent is untrue , and against the comfort of all Christians , and the honour of Christ , and is indeed the very doctrine of the Infidels and Papists , that call themselves Seekers among us . Sect. 18. Argument 5. If the Churches and each member of them are bound to submit to the Ministry of their Pastors without knowing that they are regularly ordained , or that they have an uninterrupted succession of such Ordination , then are they quo ad Ecclesiam , true Pastors to them , and their administrations valid , though without Ordination or such a succession . But the Antecedent is true , and granted by all that now we have to deal with . Though they will not grant a known unordained man is to be taken for a Minister , or one whose succession had a known intercision ; Yet they will grant that if the Nullity be unknown , it freeth not the people from the obligation to their Pastors . Sect. 19. Bellarmine ( lib 3. de Eccles. c. 10. ) was so stalled with these difficulties that he leaves it as a thing that we cannot b● resolved of ; that our Pastors have indeed [ Potestatem Ordinis & Iurisdictionis ] that is , that they are true Pastors . And he saith that [ Non habemus certitudinem nisi Moralem , quod illi sint vere Episcopi . ] But when he should prove it to us that there is a Moral Certainty , he leaves us to seek and gives us not so much as a ground to conjecture at any probability . Sect. 20. But he saith that we may know that [ some Pastors at least are true : or else God had forsaken his Church . ] A●sw . But what the better are we for this , if we know not , which they are that are the true Pastors , nor cannot possibly come to know it ? Sect 21. But he saith that [ Quod Christi locum tenent , & quod debemus illi● obedientiam may be known : and thereupon he saith tha● Certe sumus certitudi●● infallibili quod isti quos videmus sine veri Episcopi & Pastores nostri : Nam ad hoc non r●quiritur , nec fides nec Character Ordinis , nec legitima Electio , sed solum ut habeantur pro talibus ab Ecclesia . ] From all this you may note 1. That they are veri Episcopi & Pastores nostri , that were never ordained , if they are but reputed such by the Church , 2. That we may know this by infallible Certainty , 3. And that we owe them obedience as such . So that as to the Church they are true Pastors without Ordination , and consequen●ly to the Church a succession is unnecessary . Sect. 22. Yet of such Usurpers he saith [ Eos quidem non esse in se veros Episcopos , tamen donec pro talibus habentur ab Ecclesia , deberi illis obedientiam , cum conscientia etiam erro●●a obliget . ] So that they are not veri Episcopi in se : and yet they are veri Episcopi & Pastores nostri , if Bellarmine say true ; And the words have some truth in them , understood according to the distinction which I before gave , Chap. 1. Sect. 5 , 6. He hath no such Call as will save himself from the penalty o● usurpation ( if he knowingly be an usurper ) but he hath such a Call as shall oblige the Church to obey him as their Bishop or Pastor . Sect. 23 But his reason ( Cum conscientia etiam erronea obliget ] is a deceit ; and neither the only , nor the chie● reason , no● any reason . Not the only nor chief reason ; because the obligation ariseth from God , and that is the greatest . Not any reason ; 1. Because indeed it is not an Erroneous Conscience , that tells many people that their usurping Bishops or Pastors are to be obeyed as true Ministers . For as it is terminated on the Pastors act or state , it is no act of Conscience at all ▪ and therefore no error of conscience . For conscience is the knowledge of our own affairs . And as it is terminated on our own Duty of obeying them , it is not Erroneous ; but right ; For it is the will of God , that for order sake we obey both Magistrates and Pastors that are setled in Poss●ssion , if they rule us according to the Laws of Christ ; at least , if we do not know the Nullity o● their call . 2. And its false that an Erroneous Conscience bindeth , that is , makes us a Duty ; For at the same instant it is it self ● sin and we are bound to depose it , and change 〈◊〉 , and renounce the e●ror . It doth but intangle a man in a Necessity of sinning till it be laid by . But it is God only that can make our duty , and cause such an obligation . Sect. 24. From the adversaries Concessions then an uninterrupted succession , or present true Ordination is not of Necessity to the being of the Ministry , Church or Ordinances quoad Ecclesiam : for the Church is bound to obey the usurpers , and that as long as they are taken for true Pastors . Which is as much as most Churches will desire in the case . Sect. 25. And the consequence is easily proved : For where God obligeth his Churches to the obedience of Pastors ( though usurpers ) and to the use of Ordinances and their Ministration , there will he bless the Ministry and those Ordinances ( to the innocents , that are not guilty of his usurpation ) and that obey God herein . And consequently the Ordinances shall not be Nullities to them . God would never set his servants upon the use of a means which is but a Nullity ; nor will he command them to a duty , which he will blast to them when he hath done without their fault . It s none of the Churches fault that the Bishop or Pastor is an usurper , wh●le they cannot know it , and that any of his Predecessors were usurpers since the Apostles dayes . And therefore where God imposeth duty on the Church and prescribeth means , ( as Baptism , Prayer , the Lords Supper , Church-Government &c. ) it is certain that he will not blast it , but bless it to 〈◊〉 obedient , nor punish the Church so for the secret sin of I know not who , committed I know not where nor when , perhaps a thousand years ago . Sect. 26. Argument 6. As other actions of usurpers are not Nullities to the innocent Church , so neither is their Ordinanation : and consequently , those that are Ordained by usurpers , may be true Ministers . If their Baptizing , Preaching , Praises , Consecration and administration of the Eucharist , binding and loosing , be not Nullities , it follows undenyably on the same account , that their Ordinations are not Nullities : and consequently , that they are true Ministers whom they ordain ; and succession of a more regular Ordination is not of Necessity , to the Ministry , Church or Ordinances . Sect. 27. Argument 7. If such uninterrupted succession be not Necessary to be Known , then is it not Necessary to the Being of the Ministry or Validity of Ordinances administred ; But such a succession is not Necessary to be known : therefore — The Consequence of the Major is plain , because the Being or Nullity of Office and administrations , had never been treated off by God to men , nor had it been revealed , or a thing regardable , but that we may know it : Nor doth it otherwise attain its ends . And that it is not necessary to be known , I further prove . Sect. 28. If this succession must be known , then either to the Pastor , or to the Church , or both : but none of these : therefore — 1. If it must be known only to the Pastor , then it is not Necessary as to the Church . And yet it is not Necessary to be known to the Pastor himself neither . For ( as is shewed ) its impossible for him to know it , so much as by a Moral Certainty . His Predecessors and their Ordinations were strange to him . 2. Not to the Church . For it is not possible for them to know it : Nor likely that they should know as much as the true Ordination of their present Pastor according to the Prelatical way , when it is done so far out of their sight . Sect. 29. If the foresaid uninterrupted succession be necessary to the being of our Ministry , or Churches or Ordinances , then is it incumbent on all that will prove the truth of their Ministery , Churches or Ordinances , to prove the said succession . But that is not true ; for then none ( as is aforesaid ) could prove any of them . Either it is meet that we be able to Prove the truth of our Ministry , Churches and administrations , or not . If not , then why do the adversaries call us to it ? If yea : then no man among the Churches in Europe ( on their grounds ) hath any proof ; and therefore must not pretend to the Ministry , Churches or Ordinances , but we must all turn Seekers to day , and Infidels to morrow , by this device . Sect. 30. Argument 8. The Ministry of the Priests and Levities before the incarnation of Christ , and in his time , was not Null , though they wanted as much or more then such a succession of right Ordination : therefore it is so still with the Gospel Ministery . The Antecedent I shall more fully manifest neerer to the end : Only now observe , that when Abiathar was put out by Solom●n ; and when such as were not of the line or Genealogie of the Priests , were put as polluted persons from the Priesthood ( Neh. 7.64 , 65. and 13 29 , 30. Ezra 2.62 . ) yet were not any of their administrations taken to have been Null . Sect. 31. Argument 9. If the Ministration or Governing acts of Vsurping Princes may be Valid , and there need no proof of an uninterrupted succession to prove the validity , then is it so also in the Ministry : But the Antecedent is certain ; therefore , &c. The Validity of the consequence from the parity of Reason I shall manifest anon . Sect. 32. Argument 10 If an uninterrupted Succession of Canonical or true Ordination be Necessary to the Being of the Church , Ministry and Ordinances , then Rome and England have lost their Ministry , Churches , and Ordinances . But the Consequent will be denyed by the adversaries ; therefore so also must the Antecedent , if they regard their standing . Sect. 33. Though this be the Argument that I have the greatest advantage to press the adversary with , yet because I have made it good already in two or three other writings ( in my Key for Catholicks , and my Safe Religion , and Christian Concord ) I shall say but little of it now . But briefly this may suffice : 1. For the Church of Rome , if either Heresie , Infidelity , Sodomie , Adultery , Murder , Simony , violent intrusion , ignorance , impiety , want of due election , or of due consecration , or plurality of Popes at once , can prove an interruption of their succession , I have shewed them already where it s proved ; But if none of these prove it , we are safe our selves . Sect. 34 But Grotius ( in Discus . Apolog. Rivet . ) pleads for them , that if any intercision have been made at Rome , it hath been made up from other Churches . ] Answ. 1. That is not proved , but nakedly affirmed . 2. Nor will it serve the Papists turn , that must have all Churches hold from Rome and her succession , and Rome from none , nor to be patcht up from their succession . 3. De facto the contrary is certain : For 1. Those other held their Ministry as from the universal Headship of the Pope ; and therefore had themselves their interruptions in the former interruptions of Rome ( as being but her members : ) and therefore were not capable themselves of repairing of her breaches , 2. The successors of the illegitimate Popes ( such as deposed Eugenius , &c. ) and men as bad as they , have continued the succession : And t●e Bishops that were consecrated by power received from the illegitimate Popes , were the only persons that were the repairers of the breach . And yet the Pope will hardly yield that he receiveth his power from any of these . 3 There have been greater defects in the succession then this of Consecration , even of due Election , Capacity , yea of an office it self which Christ will own . The Vicechristship of the Pope is no office of Christs planting . Sect. 35. And 2 For the English Prelates , as they are unable to prove their uninterrupted succession , so the interruption is proved , in that they derived and held their Power from the Vicechrist of Rome , and that qua talis , for so many ages . This was their own profession : and all that they did was as his Ministers by his Authority , which was none . Sect. 36. Object . But this nulled not the true Authority which they received from the Pope or Prelates as Prelates . Answ. The Pope was uncapable of giving them Authority ( and whether the Prelates as such were so too , we shall enquire anon . ) And though I grant that ( where the person was fit ) there was yet a Ministry Valid to the Church ( and perhaps to themselves in the main ) yet that is because Canonical Ordination is not of Necessity to the Being of the Ministry ; ( but by other means they might be then Ministers , though this corruption was conjunct , that they received their Power imaginarily from R●me ) but that the said Canonical succession was interrupted , by this Papal tenure , and many a delinquency , is nevertheless sure , and sufficient to inforce the Argument as to them that now are our adversaries . But so much shall suffice for the Non-necessity of this succession of a true and Regular Ordination . CHAP. V. Ordination by such as the English Prelates , not Necessary to the Being of the Ministry . Sect. 1. I Have made this work unnecessary by the two former Chapters : For if no Ordination be of Necessity to the Being of the Ministry , nor an uninterrupted Succession Necessary , then doubtless an Ordination by these Prelates in Specie is not Necessary at present , or as to succession . But yet ex abundati I add . Sect. 2. Argument 1. Ad hominem , I may well argue from the Concession of the English Prelates themselves and their most zealous adherents ; And their judgements were 1. That such a succession as aforesaid of right Ordination was not of Necessity ; And for this they that write against , the Papists do commonly and confidently dispute . Sect. 3. And 2. They maintained that the Protestant Churches that had no Bishops were true Churches , and their Ministers true Ministers , and so of their administrations . This was so common with them that I do not think a dissenting vote can be found , from the first Reformation , till about the preparations for the Spanish match or little before . Sect. 4. I have in my Christian Concord cited at large the words of many , and the places of the writings of more , as 1. Dr. Field , 2. Bishop Downam , 3. Bishop Iewel , 4. Saravia , 5. Bishop Alley , 6. Bishop Pilkinton , 7. Bishop Bridges , 8. Bishop Bilson , 9. Alexander Nowel , 10. Grotius ( their friend then ) 11 , Mr. Chysenhal , 12. The Lord Digby , 13. Bishop Davenant , 14. Bishop Prideaux , 15. Bishop Andrews , 16. Chillingworth , 17. ( To which I now add ) Bishop Brom●all ▪ ( of Schism ) 18. Dr. Fern , 19. Dr. Steward ( in his answer to Fountains letter ( these of the later , or present sort ) 20. And Bishop Vsher ( whose judgement of it is lately published by Dr. Bernard at his own desire ) 21. And Mr. Mason ( in a Book of of purpose for justification of the Reformed Churches ) hath largely pleaded this cause . 22. And Dr. Bernard saith that Dr. Overall was judged not only to consent to that Book , but to have a hand in it . 23. And no wonder when even Bancroft himself ( the violentest of all the enemies of them called Puritans in those times ) is said by Spotswood ( there recited by Dr. Bernard ) to be of the same mind , and to give it as his judgement , that the Scotch Ministers ( then to be Consecrated Bishops ) were not to be reordained , because the Ordination of Presbyters was valid . Sect. 5. These Novel Prelatical persons then , that so far dissent frrom the whole stream of the Ancient Bishops and their adherents , have little reason to expect that we should regard their judgement above the judgement of the English Clergy , and the judgement of all the Reformed Churches . If they can give us such Reasons as should conquer our modestie , and perswade us to condemn the judgement of the Plelates and Clergy of England ▪ & all other Churches of the Protestants , and adhere to a few new men of yesterday , that dare scarcely open the face of their own opinions : we shall bow to their Reasons when we discern them : But they must not expect that their Authority shall so far prevail . Sect. 6. And indeed I think the most of this cause is carried on in the dark : What Books have they written to prove our Ordination Null ? and by what Scripture Reasons do they prove it ? The task lieth on them to prove this Nullity , if they would be Regarded in their reproaches of the Churches of Christ. And they are not of such excessive Modesty , and backwardness to divulge their accusations , but sure we might by this time have expected more then one volume from them , to have proved us , No Ministers and Churchess if they could have done it . And till they do it ; their whsperings are not to be credited Sect. 7. Argument 2. If that sort of Prelacy that was exercised in England was not necessary it self , yea if it were sinfull , and tended to the subversion or exceeding hurt of the Churches ; then is there no Necessity of Ordination by such a Prelacy . But the Antecedent is true : therefore so is the consequent . The Antecedent hath been proved at large in the foregoing Disputation . Such a Prelacy as consisteth in the undertaking of an impossible task , even for one man t● be the only Governour of all the souls in many hundred Parishes , exercising it also by Lay men , and in the needful parts , not exercising it all all ▪ a Prelacy not chosen by the Presbyters whom they Govern ; yea suspending or degrading ●he Presbyters of all those Churches , as to the governing part of the●● office , and guilty of the rest of the evils before mentioned , is not only it self unnecessary , but sinful , and a disease of the Church which all good men should do the best they can to cure . And therefore the effects of this disease can be no more Necessary to our Ministry , then the bur●ing of a feaver , or swelling of a Tympany , is necessary to the body . Sect. 8. No Bishops are Necessary but such as were in Scriture times : But there were none such as the late English Bishops in Scripture times : Therefore the English Bishop● are not necessary . He that denyeth the Major , must go further in denying the sufficiency of Scripture ▪ then I find the Papists ordinarily to do : For they will be loth to affirm that any office is of Necessity to the Being of the Church or of Presbyters , that is not to be found in Scripture , or that was not then in Being : Therefore so far we are secure . Sect. 9. And for the Minor , I prove it thus . If the English Bishops were ●either such as the unfixed General Ministers , nor such as the fixed Bishops of particular Churches , then were they not such as were in Scripture times . But they were neither such as the unfixed General Ministers , nor such as the fixed Bishops of particular Churches : therefore , &c. Sect. 10. Bes●des these two sorts of Ministers , there are no more in the New Testament . ( And these a●e diversified but by the exercise of their office , so far as they were ordinary Ministers to continue . ) The unfixed Ministers ( whether Apostles ▪ Evangel●sts or Prophets ) were ●uch as had no special charge of any one Church as their Diocess , but were to do their best for the Church in general , and follow the direction and call of the Holy Ghost for the exercising of their Ministry . But it s known to all that our Engsish Bishops were not such . They were no ambulatory itinerant Preachers : they went not about to plant Churches , and confirm and direct such as they had planted : but were fixed to a City , and had every one their Diocess , which was their proper charge ( but Oh how they discharged their undertaking ! ) Sect. 11. Object . The Apostles might agree among them selves to divide their Provinces , and did accordingly , James being Bishop of Jerusalem , Peter of Rome , &c. Answ. No doubt but common reason would teach them when they were sent to preach the Gospel to all the world , to disperse themselves , and not be preaching all in a place , to the disadvantage of their work : But 1. It s one thing to travail several ways , and so divide themselves as itinerants ; and another thing to divide the Churches among them , as their several Diocesses to wh●ch they should be fixed ▪ Which they never did , for ought is proved . 2. And its one thi●g prudently to disperse themselves for their labour , an● another thing to claim a special power over a Circuit or Diocess as their charge , excluding a like charge and power of others . So far as any man , Apostle or other , was the Father of souls by their conversion , they owned him a special honour and love , which the Apostles themselves did sometimes claim : But this was nothing to a peculiar Diocess or Province . For in the same City ( a Ierusalem ) some might be converted by one Apostle , and some by another . And if a Presbyter convert them , I think the adversaries will not therefore make them his D●ocess , not give him there an Episcopal Power , much less above Apostles in that place . Nor was this the Rule that Diocesses could be bounded by , as now they are taken . Sect. 12. Nor do we find in Scripture the least intimation that the Apostles were fixed Diocesan Bishops , but much to the contrary . 1. In that it was not consistent with the General charge , and work that Christ had laid upon them to go into all the world , and preach the Gospel to every creature : How would this stand with fixing in a peculiar Diocess ? Sect. 13. And 2. We find them answering their Commission in their practice , going abroad and preaching and planting Churches , and sometimes visi●ing them in their passage , but not s●tling on them as their Diocesses ; but going further , if they had opportunity , to do the like for other places . Yea they planted Bishops in the several Cities and Churches which they had gathered to Christ. Though Paul staid three years at Ephesus and other adjacent parts of Asia , yet did not all that abode prove it his peculiar Diocess : ( And yes its hard to find again so long an abode of Paul or any Apostle in one place . ) Elders that were Bishops we find at Ephesus , Acts 20. and some say Timothy was their Bishop , and some say Iohn the Apostle was their Bishop : but its clear that it was no peculiar Diocess of Paul. Sect. 14. And 3. We still find that there were more then one of these general itinerant Ministers in a Place , or at least that no one excluded others from having equal power with him in his Province , where ever he came . Barnabas , Silas , Titus , Timotheus , Epaphroditus , and many more were fellow-labourers with Paul in the same Diocess or Province , and not as fixed Bishops or Presbyters under him , but as General Ministers as well as he . We never read that he said to any of the false Apostles that sought his contempt [ This is my Diocess , what have ●ou to do to play the Bishop in another mans Diocess ? ] Much less did he ever plead su●h a Power , against Peter , Barnabas or any Apostolical Minister : Nor that Iames pleaded any such prerogative at Ierusalem . Sect. 15. And therefore though we reverence Eusebius and other Ancients , that tell us of some Apostles Diocesses , we take them not as infallible reporters , and have reason in these points partly to deny them credit from the word of God. The Churches that were planted by any Apostle , or where an Apostle was longest resident , were like enough to reckon the series of their Pastors from him : For the founder of a Church is a Pastor of it , though not a fixed Pastor , taking it as his peculiar charge , but delivering it into the hands of such : And in this sence we have great reason to understand the Catalogues of the Antients and their affirmations that Apostles were Bishops of the Churches . For Pastors they were : but so that they had no peculiar Diocess , but still went on in planting and gathering and confirming Churches : Whereas the Bishops that were setled by them ( and are said to succeed them had ) their single Churches which were their peculiar charge ; They had but one such charge or Church , when the Apostles that lead in the Catalogues had many ; & yet none so as to be limited to them . And why have we not the Diocess of Paul and Iohn , and Mathew and Thomas , and the rest of the twelve , mentioned , as well of Peter and Iames ? Or if Paul had any , it seems he was compartner with Peter in the same City ( contrary to the Canons that requireth that there be but one Bishop in a City . ) Sect. 16. It s clear then that the English Bishops were not such Apostolical unfixed Bishops as the Itinerants of the first age were . And yet if they were , I shall shew in the next Argument that it s nothing to their advantage ; because Archbishops are nothing to our question . And that they were not such as the fixed Bishops of Scripture times , I am next to prove . Sect. 17. The fixed Bishops in the Scripture times had but a single Congregation , or particular Church for their Pastoral Charge : But our English Bishops had many ( if not many hundred ) such Churches for their charge : therefore our English Bishope were not of the same sort with those in Scripture . The Major I have proved in the former Disputation . The Minor needs no proof , as being known to all that know England . Sect. 18. And 2. The fixed Bishops in the Scripture times had no Presbyters , at least , of other particular Churches under them , ( They Governed not any Presbyters that had other associated Congregations for publick Worship . ) But the English Bishops had the Presbyters of other Churches under them ( perhaps of hundreds : ) therefore they are not such as the Scripture Bishops were . There is much difference between a Governour of People and a Governour of Pastors ; Episcopus gregis , & Episcopus Episcoporum , is not all one . None of us saith , Cyprian in Concil . Carthagin . calleth himself , or takes himself to be Episcopum Episcoporum . No fixed Bishops in Scripture times were the Pastors of Pastors , as least , of other Churches . Sect. 19. This I suppose I may take as granted de facto from the Reverend Divine whom I have cited in the foregoing Disputation , that saith ( Annotat. in Art. 11. ) that [ Although this Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders , have been also extended to a second order in the Church ; and now i● only in use for them , under the name of Presbyters ; yet in the Scripture-times it belonged principally , if not alone to Bishops ; there being no Evidence that any of that second Order were then instituted ; though soon after , before the writing 〈◊〉 ●gnatius Epistles , there were such instituted in all Churches ] So that he granteth that de facto there were then no Presbyters but Bishops , and that they were not instituted : and therefore Bishops had no such Presbyters to Govern ; nor any Churches but a single Congregation : For one Bishop could guide but one Congation at once in publick worship ; and there could be no Worshipping Congregations ( in the sence that now we speak of ) without some Presbyter to guide them in performance of the worship . Sect. 20. So saith the same Learned man , Dissertat . 4. de Episcop . page 208 , 209. [ in quibus plures absque dubio Episcopi ●uere , nullique adhuc quos hodie dicimus Presbyteri And therefore he also concludeth that the Churches we●e then Governed by Bishops assisted by Deacons without Presbyters , instancing in the case of the Church of Ierusalem , Act. 6. and alledging the words of Clem. Roman . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( How Grotius was confident that Clemens was against their Episcopacy , ( shewed before ) To the same purpose he citeth the words of Clemens Alexandrinus in Euseb. of Iohn the Apostle ▪ concluding [ Ex ●is ratio constat quare sine Pres●yterorum mentione intervenient● , Episcopis Diaconi immediate adjiciantur , quia scilicet in singulis Macedoniae civitatibus , quam vis Episcopus esset , nondum Presbyteri constituti sunt ; Diaconis tantum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubique Episcopis adjunctis ] Dissertat . 4 cap. 10. Sect. 19 , 20 , 21. So also cap. 11. Sect. 2. & alibi passim . Sect. 21. Object . But though de facto there were no Bishop●●uling Presbyters then , nor ruling any more then a single Worsh●p●ing Church , yet it was the Intention of the Apostles that they should afterwards enlarge their Diocess , and take the care of many Churches , and that they should ordain that so●t of subject Presbyters that were not instituted in Scripture-times . Answ. Do you prove the secret Intention of the Apostles to be for such a Mutation , and then we shall be satisfied in that . But till then it is enough to us that we have the same Government that de facto was set up by the Apostles , and exercised in Scripture times . And that it s granted us that the office was not then instituted which we deny : For it is the office of such subject Presbyters having no Power of Ordination that we deny . Sect. 22. Object . But though in Scripture times there were no Bishops over many Churches and Presbyters , yet there were Archbishops that were over many . Answ. Because this objection contains their strength , I shall answer it the more fully . And 1. If there were no subject Presbyters in those times , then Archbishops could rule none . But there were none such , as is granted : therefore , &c. And what proof is there of Archbishops then ? Sect. 23. Their first proof is from the Apostles : But they will never prove that they were fixed Bishops or Archbishops . I have proved the contrary before . But such an itinerant Episcopacy as the Apostles had ( laying by their extraordinaries ) for my part I think should be continued to the world and to the Church ( of which after . ) Another of their proofs is from Timothy and Titus ● who , thy say , were Archbishops . But there is full evidence that Timothy and Titus were not fixed Bishops or Archbishops , but Itinerant Evangelists , that did as the Apostles did , even plant and settle Churches , and then go further , and do the like . See and consider but the proofs of this in Prins unbishoping of Timothy and Titus . Such Planters and Itinerants were pro tempore the Bishops of every Church where they came , ( yet so as another might the next week be Bishop of the same Church , and another the next week after him , yea three or four or more at once , as they should come into the place ) And therefore many Churches as well as Ephesus and Creet its like might have begun their Catalogue with Timothy and Titus : and many a one besides Rome might have begun their Catalogue with Peter and Paul. Sect. 24. Another of their proofs is of the Angels of the seven Churches which they say were Archbishops . But how do they prove it ? Because those Churches or some of them were planted in chief Cities , and therefore the Bishops were Metropolitans . But how prove they the consequence ? By their strong imagination and affirmation . The Orders of the Empire had not then such connection and proportion , and correspondency with the Orders of the Church . Let them give us any Valid proof that the Bishop of a Metropolis had then ( in Scripture times ) the Bishops of other Cities under him , as the Governor of them , and we shall thank them for such unexpected light . But presumption must not go for proofs . They were much later times that afforded occasion for such contentions as that of Basil and Anthymius , ( Whether the bounds of their Episcopal Jurisdiction should change as the Emperours changed the State of the Provinces ? ) Let them prove that these Asian Angels had the Bishops of other Churches , and the Churches themselves under their jurisdiction , and then they have done something . Sect. 25. But if there were any preheminence of Metropolilitans neer these times , it cannot be proved to be any more then an honorary Primacy : to be Episcopus primae sedis , but not a Governour of the rest . How else could Cyprian truly say ( even so long after ) as is before alledged , that none of them was a Bishop of Bishops , nor imposed on others , but all were left free to their own consciences , as being accountable only to God ? Sect. 26. Yea the Reverend Author above mentioned shews ( D●ssertat . de Episcop . 4. cap. 10. Sect. 9 , 10 , & alibi ) that there were in those times more Bishops then one in a City , though not in una Ecclesia aut Coe●u . And the like hath Grotius oft . So that a City had oft then more Churches then one , and those Churches had their several Bishops : and neither of these Bishops was the Governour of the other , or his Congregation : much less of the remoter Churches and Bishops of other Cities . And this they think to have been the case of Peter and Paul at Rome , yea and of their immediate successors there . And so in other places ( Lege Dissert . 5 c , 1. ) Sect. 27. When the great Gregory Thaumaturgus was made Bishop of Neocaesarea , he had but seventeen Christians in his City ; and when he had increased them by extraordinary successes , yet we find not that he had so much as a Presbyter under him . And if he had , it s not likely that Musonius , his first and chief entertainer , would have been made but his Deacon , and be the only man to accompany him and comfort him in his retirement in the persecution , and that no Presbyter should be mentioned : which shews that Bishops then were such as they were in Scripture-times ( at least in most places ) and had not many Churches with their Presbyters subject to them , as D●oc●san Bishops have . And when Comana , a small place not far off him , received the faith , Gregory Ordained Alexander the Colliar ) their Bishop , over another single Congreg●tion , and did not keep them under his own Pastoral charge and Government : Vid. Greg. Nys●n in vita Thaumat . ) Sect. 28. But because that our D●ocesan Bishops are such as the Archbishops that first assumed the Government of many Churches , and because we shall hardly drive many from their presumption , that Timothy and Titus were Archbishops ( besides the Apostles , ) I shall now let that supposition stand ; and make it my next Argument that , ( Argument 3. ) Ordination by Archbishops is not necessary to the Being of Ministers or Churches . Our English Bishops were indeed Archbishops : therefore Ordination by them is not Necessary — ] It is not the Name , but the office that is pleaded Necessary . Sect. 29. And for the Major , I think it will not be denyed . All that I have to do with , Protestants and Papists , do grant the Validity of Ordination by Bishops . And for the Minor , it is easily proved . The Bishops that are the Governours of many Churches and their Bishops , are Archbishops . The Bishops of England were the Governours of many Churches with their Bishops : therefore they were Archbishops . The Major will be granted . And for the Minor I prove it by parts : 1. That they were ( by undertaking ) the Governours of many Churches . 2. And of many B●shops . Sect. 30. He that is the Governour over many Congregations of Christians associated for the publick Worship of God and holy communion and Edification , under their Proper Pastors , is the Governour of many Churches . But such were our English Bishops : therefore , &c. That such Societies as are here defined are true Churches , is a truth so clear , that no enemy of the Churches is is able to gainsay with any shew of Scripture or reason , they being such Churches as are described in the Scriptures . And 2. That our Ministers were true Pastors , if any will deny , ( as the Papists and Separatists do ) I shall have occasion to say more to them anon . Sect. 31. Argument 4. If Ordination by such as the English Bishops be of Necessity to the Ministry and Churches , then was there no true Ministry and Churches in the Scripture times , nor in many years after : But the consequent is false ; therefore so is the Antecedent . The reason of the Consequence is because there were no such Bishops in those times ; and this is already proved , they being neither the Itinerant Apostolical sort of Bishops ▪ nor the fixed Pastors of particular Churches ; besides which there were no other . Sect. 32. Argument 5. If Ordination by such as the English Prelates be Necessary to the Being of the Ministry and Churches , then none of the Protestants that have not such Prelates ( which is almost all ) are true Churches or have true Ministers : But the Consequent is false : therefore so is the Antecedent . Of this I shall say more anon . Sect. 33. If none of the Protestants Churches that have not such Bishops are true Churches , and have not a true Ministry , then neither Roman , Greek , Armenian , Aethiopian , &c. or almost any through the world are true Churches : For they are defective in some greater matters , and chargeable with greater errors then these . But the Consequent is false ; therefore so is the Antecedent . He that denyeth all these to be true Churches , denyeth the Catholick Church : And he that denyeth the Catholick Church , is next to the denying of Christ. Sect. 34. Having thus proved that there is no necessity of Ordination by such as the English Prelates , I have withall proved that men are not therefore ever the less Ministers , because they have not their Ordination , nor our Churches or Ordinances ever the more to be disowned . Sect. 35. Yet where there is no other Ordination to be had , it may be a duty to submit to theirs : Not as they are Episcopi exortes ( as even Grotius calls them ) or of this species ; but as they are Pastors of the Church , notwithstanding such superfluities and usurpations . Sect. 36. It is not the duty therefore , but the sin , of any man that was Ordained by such Prelates to a lawful office , to disclaim and renounce that Ordination ( as some do . ) For it is not every irregularity that nullifieth it : There may be many modal circumstantials , or accidental miscarriages that may not Null the the substance of the Ordination it self . Sect. 37. Yet it must be concluded , that we may not be wilfully guilty of any sin in the modes or accidents : But that may be a sin in the Ordainer , which the Ordained may not be guilty of , as doing nothing that signifieth an approbation of it , but perhaps disowning it . Sect. 38. If we have been guilty of submitting to a corrupt ordination , as to the accidents , we must disown and repent of the sinfull mode and accidents , though not of the Ordination it self in substance . As we must bewail the errours and infirmities of our preaching , prayer , and other holy duties , without renouncing the duty it self , which is of God , and to be owned . Sect. 39. As to the Question of some , Whether a man may be twice Ordained , in case he suspect his first Ordination : I answer , 1. You must distinguish between a General Ordination to the office of the Ministry , and a special Ordination to a particular Church . ( As the licensing of a Physitian ; and the setling him over a City or Hospital ) The first may be done but once , in case it be truely done : but the second may be done as oft as we remove to particular Churches : Though yet both may be done at once , at our first Ordination ; they are still two things ; Even as Baptizing a man into Member-ship of the universal Church , and taking him into a particular Church . It s not like that the separation and Imposition of hands on Paul and Barnabas , Act. 13.2 , 3. was to their first Apostleship . Sect. 40. If a man have weighty reasons to doubt of his first Ordination , his safest way is to renew it , as is usuall in Baptim , with a [ Si non Baptizatus es Baptizo te ] If thou be not Ordained I Ordain thee . This can have no danger in such a case . CHAP. VI. Ordination at this time , by English Prelates especially , is unnecessary . Sect. 1. BEsides what is said against the Necessity of such Prelatical Ordination in it self , I conceive that more may be said against it as things now stand from several accidental reasons , which make it not only unnecessary but sinful , to the most . Sect. 2 As 1. The Obligation that was upon us from the Law of the Land , is taken off ( which with the Prelates themselves is no small argument when it was for them ) So that we are no further now obliged , then they can prove us so from Scrip●u●e Evidence ; and how little that is , I have shewed before . The English Prel●cy is taken down by the Law of the Land : we are left at Liberty ●rom humane Obligations at least . Sect. 3. If any man say , that it is an unlawful power that hath made those Laws by which Prela●ical Government is taken down . I a●swer , 1. It is such a Power as they obey themselves , and therefore they may permit others to obey it . They hold their estate● and lives under it , and are protected and ruled by it ; and profe●s submission and obedience , for the generality of them . And when another Species of Government was up , that commanded 〈◊〉 to ●ake an engagement , to be true to the Government as 〈◊〉 without a King and House of Lords , when our 〈◊〉 refused that Engagement as unlawful , the generality of the contrary minded took it ( even all that I was acquainted with , that were put upon it ) So that I may take it for granted that they judge the power which they obey themselves , to be obeyed by others . Sect. 4. And 2. I would be glad to hear from them any regardable proof that those that Governed when Paul wrote the 13th Chapter to the Romans had any better Title to their Government ; Let them review their own late writings on that subject , and they may have arguments enough that are Valid ad hominem at least . Sect. 5. The Laws of the Land do make the Acts even of an Usurper Valid while he is in possession , and make it treason to them that do against him that which is treason if it were against a lawfull Prince : and therefore if we granted them what they here affirm , it would be no advantage to their cause . Subjects must look at the present Governours with peaceable subjection : For if they be left to try their Princes titles , and suspend obedience upon their single opinions , you know what will follow . Sect. 6. And 3. It will be hard to prove that many a Prince that hath ruled in England , had a better Title : It s known that many of their Titles were naught ; And yet their Lawes are Valid still , or were so to Posterity . And how can they convey a better title to their Heirs then they had themselves ? If you say that the Consent of the People gave them a better , I must return that if that will serve , the people in Parliaments ( more then one ) and in their real subjection , have consented to this . But this is a subject that requireth much more to be said of it , or nothing at all : and therefore I shall take up here , with this little which he present cause makes necessary . Sect. 7. And I may add a further Reason ; that we are not only disobliged by the Laws from former Prelacy , but we are obliged against it . The Rulers have deposed and forbidden it , And in lawful things it is a duty to obey our Governours . And that the demolishing of the Prelacy , is a lawful thing ( in it self considered : For I meddle not with the manner at this time . ) I have said enough before to prove . It hath been usual for Princes to decase bad Priests , and heretical or contentious Bishops , and to correct disorders , and restrain usurpations of Prelates among themselves . And if any such thing be now done by our present Governours , I know not any thing of that necessity in the English Species of Prelacy , as will warrant us to d●sobey them . Sect. 8. And it is a thing that is inconsistent with the Peace and Unity of these Churches : Which is another reason . For 1. We have seen the ill effects of it ( which I am not willing to open to the worst ) 2. And the multitude of the most conscientious people are against it . 3. And the generality of the most conscionable faithful Ministers are against it ; So that it could not be restored , without the apparent ruine of these Churches . 4. And a Learned Reverend Assembly of Divines , chosen out of the several Counties by a Parliament , were against it . 5. And many Parliaments have been against it . 5. And the generality of their adherents in the two Nations , that then lived in their Power , have taken a Solemn Covenant against it . Not against all Episcopacy , but against the English sort of Prelacie . So that it cannot be restored , without incomparably much more hurt , then the continuance of it would have done good , and without setting all these Churches on a flame : So far is it now from being a likely means of Unity or Peace among us . Sect. 9. And if yet they plead the obligation of the ancient Laws ( which is most insisted on by many ) I must by way of just excuse , remember them of one thing , which its like they do not forget : that if those Laws are still in force to oblige us to seek Ordination from the Prelates , and to Authorize the Prelates to Ordain , notwithstanding the Laws of later Powers that have repealed them , then it must needs follow that those later Powers are taken for no Powers : and consequently that the same Laws do oblige the Prelates to put the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy , as to some other Power , upon the O●dained before they lay hands upon them , and oblige the Ordained to take those Oaths , as well as to be so Ordained . For if they be yet of force in one , they are of 〈◊〉 in both . And so no man can be Ordained by you 〈…〉 guilty of that which the present Lawes make 〈…〉 forfeiting his life : which I know nothing in the 〈…〉 him to do . 〈…〉 think I may conclude that it is your own judgement , that men should rather forbear your Ordination , then hazard their lives , or violate the present Laws , because when a Declaration or Order came forth not long ago , prohibiting men of your perswasion that had been sequestred to Preach or Administer Sacraments , the generality of you presently obeyed it , and some wrote for the forbearance that they practised . And if an Ordained man should obey the present power , by forbearing to preach and administer Sacraments , or may forbear these to escape a temporal danger ; much more may men do so about your sort of Ordination . Sect. 11. Moreover 4. We shall be guilty of a fixed Schism among the Refo●●ed Church●s , and of making the healing of our breaches impossible , if by our compliance we own your dividing Principle , that [ No other are true Ministers or Churches but such as have your Manner of Ordination ] For by this Rule all the Ministers in these and other Protestant Nations must be degraded , or taken for no Ministers , and all the Churches for no true Churches ( though perhaps they may be confessed Christian Communities , ) Nor the Ordinances and administrations true . And do you think these are likely terms for Peace ? Will they ever be yielded to by so many Churches ? Or is it a desirable thing ? Should Rome be so much gratified ? And our Churches ruined ? and the souls of millions cast away , and sacrificed to your opinions , or Peace ? While your Prelacy pretended to no more , but to be the best sort of Government , and your Church to be the best of Churches , we could submit to you in all things that were not flatly sinful : But when you will be the only Churches , and unchurch all others , even the most flourishing Churches for knowledge and holiness , and when you must be the only Ministers , and others must be none , unless they will be Ordained by you ; this is enough to put a sober man to a stand , whether he shall not be guilty of notorious schism , by complying with so schismatical a principle , if he subject himself voluntarily to a Prelacy that hath such principles and pretences , and to an Ordination that is administred on these grounds and terms . This was not the ground , nor these the principles of the former English Prelates : and therefore we were more capable of subjection to them or Communion with them . We could have lived in their Communion and in the Communion of the rest of the Protestant Churches that have no Prelacy . But if by innovation , you have made such a change , as that we must separate from all the Reformed Churches and Ministers that have not your kind of Ordination , if we will be your subjects or be Ordained by you according to your grounds , its time for us to look about us , that we escape that separation and schism , that you would lead us into and engage us in by your way of Ordination . Sect. 12. Among your selves there are many that affirm that if the Pope would have been content with his old Patriarchal Power , and principium unitatis , or primacy of Order , and wave his last four hundred years determinations , or at least not obtrude them on other Churches ( as Bishop Bromhall speaks ) they could have held communion with him , that now cannot ; If Rome would have been content to be a Member of the Catholick Church , though pretendedly the noblest , they could have owned it : But when it will be The Catholick Church , and separate it self from all the rest , unchurching all that are not subject to them , and united in their Government , they then drive us further from Communion with them . Imitate them not in any degree in this Notorious schi●m and separation . Be contented to be Ministers and Churches ; and tell not Christ , he hath none but you , and such as you ; and tell not Satan , that the Kingdom of Christ is thus cut short , to the honour or rejoycing of his adversary . Sect. 13. It was not so ridiculous as sad to me , to read in Mr. T. Ps. Self-revenger against Mr. Barlee , pag. 37. and Ordination called a [ Notorious Comoe Tragedie , equally sad and ridiculous , which he and others lately acted in Daintry Church , intituled by the Actors , An Ordination of Ministers , but by many of the Spectators , An Ordination of Lay-Preachers to be Lay-preachers still , and ( without repentance ) for ever uncapable of the Priesthood , by being Ordained by such Priests as were uncapable of Ordaining . ] Thus Mr. P. Sect. 14. And it seems he was of the same judgement , ( whoever he was ) that would have abused Bishop Vsher , by giving out that he told him , that [ as for Holland , he questioned if there was a Church among them , or not , or words fully to that Purpose ] Against which abuse of the Dr. the Bishop was fain to vindicate himself , See page 124 , 125. Of his Posthumous Judgement . Sect. 15. Moreover , 5. We know not of almost any Bishops in England , by whom men may be Ordained . Four or five Reverend Learned men of that degree are commonly said to survive among us ( whom we much honour and value for their worth ) But as these are so distant , and their residence to the most unknown , so the rest ( if there be any ) are known to very few at all , that I can hear of : It s famed that many Bishops there are ; but we know it not to be true , nor know not who they be : and therefore it cannot well be expected , that their Ordination should be sought . If they reveal not themselves and their Authority , and do not so much as once command or claim obedience from the generality of Ministers , how can they expect to be obeyed ? If they plead the danger of persecution , I answer , 1. What Persecution do they suffer that are known ( above others of their way ? ) 2. If that will excuse them ( when we never heard of any that suffered the loss of a penny for being known to be a Bishop , since the Wars were ended ) then it seems , they take the Being of the Ministry and Churches to be but of small moment , that are not worthy their hazzard in a manifestation of their power : And if this excuse them from appearing , it must needs in reason excuse others from knowing them , obeying them , and submitting to them . Sect. 16. And when they shall declare themselves to be our Bishops , they must in all reason expect that the proof of it as well as the naked affirmation , be desired by us . For we must not take every man for a Bishop that saith he is so . They must shew us according to the Canons that the Clergy of the Diocess lawfully Elected them , and Bishops Consecrated them ; which are transactions that we are strangers to . If they take the secret Election of six or seven or very few in a Diocess , to be currant , because the rest are supposed to be uncapable by Schism ; 1. Then they shew themselves so exceedingly unjust as to be unmeet for Government , if they will upon their secret presumptions , and unproved suppositions , cut off or censure so many parts of the Clergy , without ever accusing them , or calling them to speak for themselves , or he●ring their Defence . 2. And if upon such presumptuous Censures you make your selves Bishops besides the Canons , you cannot expect obedience from those that you thus separate from , and censure unheard . Sect. 17. It s known that the English Bishops ( as Grotius himself affirmeth ) were chosen by the King according to the custom here , the Chapter being shadows in the business : And if the King may make Bishops , he may make Presbyters ; and then Ordination is unnecessary . But if you say that the Consecrators make them Bishops , and not the Kings Election , then Rome had many Bishops at once , when ever three or four Popes were consecrated at once ( which marrs all succession thence dirived , ) and then if some Bishops consecrate one , and some another , both are true Bishops of one Diocess , and many Pastors may be thus Ordained to one Church . Sect. 18. And it concerneth us before we become their subjects , to have some credible Evidence that they are so Orthodox , as to be capable of the place . And the rather because that some that are suspected to be Bishops ( how truly I know not ) have given cause of some suspicion : Either by writing against Original sin , or by owning Grotius's Religion , ( which what it was I have shewed elsewhere , ) or by unchurching the Protestant Churches , and Nullifying their Ministry that have not their kind of Ordination , while they take the Roman Ordination to be Valid , and their Church and Ministry to be true , with other such like . Sect. 19. And 6. If we should now , when better may be had , subject our selves to the Ordination and Government of the abolished Prelacy , we should choose a more corrupt way of administration , and prefer it to a more warrantable way : ( That this way is corrupt , is proved in the former Disputation . That a way more warrantable may be had , I shall prove anon . ) Though submission to a faulty way in some cases of Necessity is excusable , yet when we have our choice , the case is altered . Sect. 20. And a tender Conscience hath very great reason to fear lest by such voluntrary subjection , they should incur moreover this double guilt : 1. Of all the hurt that this corrupt sort of Episcopacy did , before the abolition . 2. And of all the hurt that it might do again if it were introduced : which is neither small , nor uncertain : He that hath seen the fruits that it brought forth but for a few years before the abolition , and weighs the arguments brought against it , methinks should fear to be the restorer of it . Sect. 21. If any man ( as Mr. Thorndike and others do ) shall write for a more regular sort of Episcopacy , it s one thing to find a tolerable Bishop in his Book , and another thing to find him existent in England : For we know not of any New sort of Regulated Episcopacy planted : and therefore must suppose that it is the Old sort that is in being . Let them bring their Moderate forms into existence , and then its like that many may be more inclined to submit to their Ordination : but their moderate principles having not yet made us any Moderate Episcopacy , I see not how we should be ever the more obliged for them to submit to the Old : but rather are the more justified in disowning it , when their own reformed modell is against it . CHAP. VII . The Ordination used now in England and in other Protestant Churches , is Valid , and agreeable to Scripture and the Practice of the Ancient Church . Sect. 1. HAving already proved that the late English Bishops Ordination is not of necessity ; it is satisfactory without any more ado , to them that would nullifie our Ministry and Churches that have not their Ordination . But because we may meet with other adversaries , and because in a case of so much weight , we should walk in the clearest light that we can attain , for the satisfaction of our own Consciences , I shall further prove the Validity of our Ordination , and the truth of our Call , and Minstry , and Churches . Sect. 2. Argument 1. The Ordination is Valid which is performed by such Bishops as were instituted and existent in Scriture times . But our Ordination ( used in England and other refo●med Churches ) is performed by such Bishops as were institut●d and existent in Sc●●pture times : the refore such Ordination is Valid . Th● Major will not be denyed ( being ●●derstood with a supposition of other requisites that are not now in controversie : ) For those that we have to deal with do grant , that such Bishops as are mentioned , Acts 20. 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1. Phil. 1.1 . and in other passages of Scripture , had the power of Ordination , and that it belonged not only to the Apostles and Evangelists , and ( such as they call ) Archbishops ; but that the fixed Bishops of particular Churches had it . Sect. 3. The Minor I prove thus ( that our Ordination is by Scripture Bishops . ) The Scripture Bishops were the Pastors of Particular Churches , having no Presbyters subject to them . Most of our Ordainers are such Pastors : therefore most of our Ordainers are Scripture Bishops . Sect 4. The Major is asserted at large by the foresaid 〈◊〉 Dr. H. H. Annot. in Art. 11. b. p. 407. Where he shews 〈◊〉 though this title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders have been also 〈◊〉 second Order in the Church , & is now only in use for them , under 〈◊〉 name of Presbyters , yet in the Scripture times , it belonged princ●pally if not only to Bishops , there being no evidence that any of 〈◊〉 second order were then instituted — ] So that the Scripture Bishops were the Pastors of single Churches having no Presbyters under them ; for there were no inferiour Presbyters ( that had not the Power of Ordination ) instituted in those times . This therefore may be taken as a granted truth . Sect. 5. And that our Ordainers are such , is commonly known : 1. They are Pastors : ( it is but few of the Prelates that denyed this : ) They are * Rectors of the People , and have the Pastoral charge of souls . 2. They are Pastors of Particular Churches . 3. They have ( for the most part at least ) no subject or inferiour Presbyters under them : therefore they are Scripture Bishops . Sect. 6. Object . The difference lyeth in another point : The Scripture Bishops had the Power of Ordination : Your Pastors have not the Power of Ordination : thereefore they are not the same . Answ. That is the thing in Question . I am proving that they have the power of Ordination , thus : In Scripture times all single Pastors of single Churches had the Power of Ordination , there being no other instituted : But our Ordainers are the single Pastors of single Churches , ( and of Christs institution : ) therefore they have the Power of Ordination . If the Pastors now are denyed to be such as were instituted in Scripture times , 1. Let them shew who did institute them , and by what authority . 2. The sole Pastors of particular Churches were institu●ed in Scripture times : But such are ours in question , therefore , &c. Sect. 7. There is no sort of Pastors lawfull in the Church but what were instituted in Scripture times : But the sort of Pastors now in question are lawfull in the Church : therefore they were instituted in Scripture times : The Minor will be granted us of all those that were Ordained by Prelates : They would not Ordain men to an office which they thought unlawful . The Major is proved thus : No sort of Pastors are lawful in the Church but such of whom we may have sufficient evidence that they were instituted by Christ or his Apostles : But we can have sufficient evidence of none but such as were instituted in Scripture times , that they were instituted by Christ or his Apostles : therefore no other sort is lawfull . The Major is proved in that none but Christ and such as he committed it to , have power to institute new Holy Offices for Worship in the Church ; But Christ hath committed this to none but Apostles ( if to them , ) therefore , &c. Whether Apostles themselves did make any such new Office , I will not now dispute ; but if they did , 1. It was by that special Authority which no man since the planting of the Churches by them can lay claim to , or prove that they have . 2. And it was by that extraordinary guidance and inspiration of the Holy Ghost , which none can manifest to have been since that time communicated . Sect. 8. Moreover , if there were a Power of instituting new Offices in the Church since Scripture times , it was either in a Pope , in Councils , or in single Pastors . But it was in none of these : not in a Pope ; for there was no such Creature of long time after , much less with this authority : Not in a Council : For 1. None such was used : 2. None such is proved . 3. Else they should have it still . Not in every Bishop , as will be easily granted . Sect. 9. If such a Power of instituting New Church-Offices were after Scripture times in the Church , then it is ceased since , or continueth still ; Not ceased since . For 1. The Powers or officers then l●●t continue still ; therefore their authority continueth still . 2. There is no proof that any such temporary power was given to any since Scripture times . Nor doth any such continue still ; Otherwise men might still make us more New Offices , and so we should not know when we have done , nor should we need to look into Scripture for Christs will , but to the will of men . Sect. 10. Argument 2. No men since Scripture times had power to change the Institutions of Christ and the Apostles , by taking down the sort of Pastors by them established ; and setting up another sort in their stead . But if there be lawful Pastors of particular Churches that have not power of Ordination , then men had power to make such a change . For the sort of Pastors then instituted were such as had but one Church , and were themselves personally to guide that Church in actual Worship , and had the power of Ordination , and there was no subject Presbyters , nor no single Pastors that had not the Power of Ordination : All single Pastors of particular Churches had that Po●er then : But all , or almost all such single Pastors of particular Churches are by the Dissenters supposed to be without that Power now : Therefore it is by them supposed that Christs form of Church Government and sort of Officers are changed , and consequently that men had power to change them , for they suppose it lawfully done . Sect. 11. Argument 3. The Pastors of City Churches may ordain ( especially the sole or chief Pastors : ) Many of our present Ordainers are the Pastors of City Churches ( and the sole or chief Pastors in some Places : ) therefore they may Ordain . The Major is proved from the doctrine of the Dissenters , which is , that every City Church should have a B●shop , and that every Bishop is the chief ( and sometimes only ) Pastor of a City Church . If they say that yet every Pastor ( though the sole Pastor ) of a City Church is not a Bishop . I answer , that then they will infer the same power of changing Scripture Institutions , which I mentioned , and disproved before . Let them prove such a Power if they can . Sect. 12. The Minor is undenyable , and seen de facto , that many of our Ordainers are such Pastors of City Churches , and that of two sorts : some of such Cities as have both the Name and Nature of Cities : And some of such Cities as have truly the nature , but in our English custom of speech have not the name : such as are all Corporations , in the several Market Towns of England . Sect. 13. Argument 4. Those Pastors that have Presbyters under them , have power of Ordination : But very many English Pastors at this day have Presbyters under them : therefore they have Power of O●dination : By Presbyters I mean not men of another office , but gradually inferiour in the sa●e office . The Major is proved ad hominem from the Concessions of the Dissenters : For ( though I rarely meet in their disputations for Bishops , with any Definition of a Bishop , yet ) This is it that they most commonly give us as the Essential difference of a Bishop , that he is one that is over Presbyters . Yea this ag●eeth with their higher sort of Bishops that they say were in the Church in Ignatius daies , when subject Presbyters were instituted : and therefore those Pastors may ordain that are of that higher sort of Bishops . Sect. 14. The Minor is notorious : Many of our Pastors in Market Towns and other large Parishes have a curate with them , in the same Congregation , and one or two or more Curates at several Chappels of ease , that are in the Parish . And these are under them 1. De facto , being chosen and brought in by them , Ruled by them , and paid by them and removed by them . 2. De jure , the Bishops and Laws of the Land allowed this . Sect. 15. Argument 5. The stated or fixed President of a Presbyterie may Ordain ( with his fellow Presbyters ) But many of our Parish Pastors are the fixed Presidents of Presbyteries : therefore they may ordain . The Major I take for granted by all that stand to the Ordinary descriptions of a Bishop : For the stated President of a Presbyterie , is not only a Bishop , in the judgement of Forbes , Bishop Hall , Bishop Vsher and such other , but is indeed the Primitive Bishop in their judgement , and such a Bishop in whom they would rest satisfied , and do propose such for the Churches Peace ▪ Sect. 16. And the Minor is notorious : For 1. In the most of our ordered Churches there is a Presbyterie of Ruling Ecclesiastick Elders . 2. In many there are divers preaching Presbyters ( which may satisfie them that are against meer ruling Elders ) as I shewed before . And if these be not inferiour to the chief Pastor in Ecclesiastical Degree , yet they are his Compresbyters , and he is ( in all Parishes that I know where Curates or Assistants are ) their stated President or Moderator , so that we have in all such Congregations ( according to the doctrine of the Bishops themselves ) not only such Bishops as were in the Apostles days when there was no subject Presbyters , but also such Bishops as were in Ignatius daies , when the fixed President or Bishop had many Presbyters , to whom he was the President or Moderator . Sect. 17. Yea if you will make his Negative voice Essential to a Bishop ( which Moderate Episcopal men deny ) yet commonly this agreeth to such Parish Bishops as have Curates under them : For in the Presbyterie they have ordinarily a Negative Voice . Sect. 18. Yea where there are no such Presbyteries with a President , it is yet enough to prove him a Bishop , that he hath Deacons under him , or but one Deacon : saith Dr. H H. Annotat . in Act. 11. b. [ When the Gospel was first preached by the Apostles , and but few converted , they ordained in every City and Region , no more but a Bishop , and one or more Deacons to attend him , there being at the present so small store out of which to take more , and so small need of Ordaining more — ] Sect. 19. Argument 6. The Moderator or President of many Pastors of particular Churches assembled , may Ordain , and his Ordination is Valid . But such a Moderator or President is ordinarily or frequently One in our Ordinations : therefore they are Valid . The Major is granted by many of the Dissenters , and all their principles , I think , do infer it : For such a one is a Bishop , not only of the Apostolical institution : Nor only such as was in Ignatius days , but such an Archbishop as next afterward sprung up . When it is not only one Church and its Presbyters that are under him , but the Presbyters ( or Bishops ) of many Churches that he is Moderator or President of , methinks those that are for the highest Prelacy , should not deny the Validity of his Ordination . Sect. 20. But two things will be here objected : The one is , that he was not consecrated to this Presidency or ▪ Moderatorship , by Bishops . To which I answer , 1. That Consecration is not of Necessity to such a Bishop according to the principles of Episcopal Divines ; it being no new Office or Order that they are exalted to , but a new Degree ; Ordination ( which was received when they were made Presbyters ) may suffice , and is not to be iterated . 2. The Election of the Presbyters served ( as Hi●rom testifyeth ) in the Church of Alexandria : therefore it may serve now : ( of which more anon . ) 3. He is chosen by true Bishops , as is shewed . Sect. 21. The other Objection is , that our Presidents are but pro tempore , and therefore are not Bishops . To which I answer , 1. That in some Places they are for a long time , and in some for an uncertain time . Dr. Twiss was Moderator of the Synod at Westminster , for many years together , even durante vita ; and Mr. H●rle after him was long Moderator : The London Province hath a President for many moneths ; even from one Assembly to another . 2. I never yet met with an Episcopal Divine that maintained that it was essential to a Bishop , to be such du●rante vita : I am sure it is not commonly asserted . If a man be made the Bishop of such or such a Diocess , for one and twenty years , or for seven years , it will be said to be irregular ; but I know none of them that have averred it to be so great an Error as nullifieth his Power and administrations . And if it may stand with the Being of Episcopacy to be limited to seven years , then also to be limited to seven moneths , or seven weeks , or days : Especially when ( as usually with us ) they fix no time at the first Election , but leave it to the liberty of the next Assembly to continue or to end his power . Let them prove that affirm it , that duration for life is essentiall to a Bishop . Sect. 22. Argument . 7. Where all these forementioned qualifications of the Ordainer do concur , ( viz. 1. That he be the Pastor of a particular Church , and the chief Pastor of it , and the Pastor of a City Church , and have Deacons and Presbyters under him , and be the fixed President of a Presbyterie , and the Moderator or President of a larger Presbyterie of the Pastors of many Churches , ) there ( according to the principles , even of the r●gider sort of Dissenters ) the Ordination is valid : But all these forementioned qualifications do frequently concur to some of our present Ordainers in England : therefore even according to the more rigid Dissenters , their Ordination is Valid : The premises are so plain that they need no confirmation . Sect. 23. Argument 8. Ordination by a Presbyterie is Valid . But in England and other Reformed Churches we have Ordination by a Presbyterie : therefore our Ordination is Valid . The Major is proved from 1. Tim. 4.14 . [ Neglect not the gift that is in thee which was given the● by Prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the Pres-Presbyterie . Also from Act. 13.1 , 2 , 3. They were the Prophets and Teachers of the Church of Antioch that imposed hands on Barnabas and Saul , ( whether it were for their first Ordination to the Office , or only for a particular Mission , I now dispute not . ) The Church of Antioch had not many Prelates , if any : but they had many Prophets and Teachers , and these and none but these are mentioned as the Ordainers . As for them that say these were the Bishops of many Churches of Syria , when the Text saith they all belonged to this Church of Antioch , they may by such presumptuous contradictions of Scripture say much , but prove little . Sect. 24. As for them that grant us , that there were no subject Presbyters instituted in Scripture-times , and so expound the Presbyterie here to be only Apostles and Bishops of the higher order , I have shewed already , that they yield us the Cause : though I must add , that we can own no new sor● of Presbyterie , not instituted by Christ or his Apostles . But for them that think that Prelates with subject Presbyters were existent in those times , they commonly expound this Text of Ordination by such subject Presbyters , with others of a Superior rank or degree , together ▪ Now , as to our use , it is sufficient , that hence we prove that a Presbyterie may ordain : and that undeniably a Presbyterie consisted of Presbyters , and so that Presbyters may ordain . This is commonly granted us , from this Text. That which is said against us by them that grant it , is , that Presbyters did Ordain , but not alone , but with the Bishops . Sect. 25. But , 1. if this were proved , it s nothing against us : for if Presbyters with Bishops have power to O●dain , then it is not a work that is without the reach of their Office , but that which belongeth to them : and therefore if they could prove it irregular for them to Ordain without a Bishop , yet would they not prove it Null . Otherwise they might prove it Null , if a Bishop Ordain without a Presbyterie , because according to this Objection they must concur ▪ 2. But indeed , they prove not that any above Presbyters did concur in Timothies Ordination , whatever probability they may shew for it . And till they prove it , we must hold so much as is proved and granted . Sect. 26. As for 2 Tim. 1.6 . it is no certain proof of it . It may be Imposition of hands in Confirmation , or for the first giving of the Holy Ghost after Baptism ( ordinarily used by the Apostles ) that is there spoken of : which also seemeth probable , by the Apostles annexing it to Timothies Faith , in which he succeeded his Mother and Grandmother ; and to the following effects of [ the Spirit of Power , and of Love , and of a sound mind , ] which are the fruits of Confirming Grace : admonishing h●m , that he be not ashamed of the Testimony of our Lord which is also the fruit of Confirmation . However the p●ob●bility go , they can give us no certainty , that Paul or any Apostle had an hand in the Ordination here spoken of : when the Text saith that it was [ with the laying on of the hands of the Presb●terie ] we must judge of the office by the name : and therefore 1. we are sure that there were Presbyters . 2. And if there were also any of an higher rank , the Phrase encourageth us to believe , that it was as Presbyters , that they imposed hands in Ordination . Sect. 27. Argument 9. If Bishops and Presbyters ( as commonly distinguished ) do differ only Gradu , non Ordine , in Degree and not in Order , ( that is , as being not of a distinct office , but of a more honourable Degree in the same office ) then is the Ordination of Presbyters valid , though without a Bishop ( of that higher Degree ) But the Antecedent is true : therefore so is the Consequent . The Antecedent is maintained by abundance of the Papists themselves ; much more by Protestants . The reason of the Consequence is , because ad ordinem pertinet ordinar● . Being of the same office , they may do the same work . This A●gument Bishop Vsher gave me to prove that the Ordination of meer Presbyters without a Prelate is valid , when I askt him his Judgement of it . Sect. 28. Argument 10. If the Prelates and the Laws they went by did allow and require meer Presbyters to Ordain , then must they grant us that they have the Power of Ordination : But the Antecedent is true , as is well known in the Laws , and common Practice of the Prelates in Ordaining : divers Presbyters laid on hands together with the Bishop : and it was not the Bishop but his Chaplain commonly that examined and approved : usually the Bishop came forth , and laid his hands on men that he never saw before , or spoke to , but took them as he found them presented to him by his Chaplain : so that Presbyters Ordained as well as he , and therefore had power to Ordain . Sect. 29. If it be Objected that they had no power to Ordain without a Bishop : I answer , 1. Nor a Bishop quoad exercitium , without them , according to our Laws and Customs , at least ●●●ually . 2. Ordaining with a Bishop proveth them to be Ordainers ; and that it is a work that belongeth to the order or office of a Presbyter : or else he might not do it at all , any more then Deacons , or Chancellors , &c. may . And if it be but the work of a Presbyters office , it is not a Nullity , if Presbyters do it without a Prelate , if you could prove it an irregularity . Sect. 30. Argument 11. If the Ordination of the English ●relates be valid , then much more is the Ordination of Presbyters , ( as in England and other Reformed Churches is in use . ) But the Ordination of English Prelates is valid , ( I am sure in the judgement of them that we dispute against : ) therefore so is the Ordination of English Presbyters much more . Sect. 31. The reason of the Consequence is , because the English Prelates are more unlike the Bishops that were fixed by Apostolical Institution or Ordination , then the English Presbyters are , as I have shewed at large in the former Disputation : the Scripture Bishops were the single Pastors of single Churches , personally guiding them in the worship of God , and governing them in presence , and teaching them by their own mouths , visiting their sick , administring Sacraments , &c. And such are the English Presbyters : But such are not the late English Prelates that were the Governors of an hundred Churches , and did not personally teach them , guide them in worship , govern them in presence , and deliver them the Sacraments , but were absent from them all save one Congregation . These were unliker to the Scripture fixed Bishops , described by Dr. H. H. then our Presbyters are : therefore if they may derive from them a Power of Ordination , or from the ●aw that instituted them ; then Presbyters may do so much more . Sect. 32. Argument 12. If the Ordination of Papist Bishops be valid , much more is the Ordination of English Pre●byters so : but the Antecedent is true , in the judgement of those against whom we dispute : therefore the Consequent must be granted by them on that supposition . Sect. 33. The reason of the Consequence is , because the Popish Bishops are more unlike to the Scripture Bishops , and more u●capable of ordaining , then the Presbyters of the Reformed Churches are . For 1. The Papist Prelates profess to receive their Power from a Vice-christ , at least quoad exercitium , & media conserendi , which Protestant Presbyters do not . 2. The Papist Bishops profess themselves Pastors of a new Catholick Church ▪ which is headed by the Papacy as an essential part ; and which Christ will not own ( as such : ) But so do not the Protestant Presbyters . 3. The Papist Prelates Ordain men to the false Office of turning Bread into the Body of Christ by the way of Transubstantiation , in their Consecration , and offering it as a Sacrifice for the quick and dead , and delivering this as the very Body of Christ , and not Bread to the Communicants , and perswading them that it is such , and holding and carrying it to be Worshipped by them with Divine Worship , and the like : But the Protestant Presbyters are Ordained , and do Ordain others , to that true Office of a Presbyter or Pastor , or Bishop which Christ hath instituted . 4. The Papist Prelates have abundance of false doctrines , and practices in Worship , which the Protestant Presbyters have not . 5. And they have no more to shew for a Power of Ordination , then our Presbyters have : so that these with many the like considerations , will prove , that if the Papists Ordination be Valid , that of the Protestant Churches by Presbyters is so much more . And doubtless , they that plead for a succession from the Papist Prelates , do hold their Ordination Valid . Sect. 34. Argument 13. If the Protestant Churches that have no Prelates be true Churches ( in a Political sense , ) and the Ordinances among them valid , and to be owned and received , then are the Pastors of those Churches true Pastors , though they have no Ordination but by Presbyters . But the Antecedent is true : therefore so is the Consequent . The reason of the Consequence is clear , and granted by them that we have now to do with : Because the Pastors are essential to the Church as Political , and the said Ordinances of Publike worship , ( as the Lords Supper , ) and Government , cannot be allowable without them , nor such as the people should submit to or receive . This therefore we may take as granted . Sect. 35. And for the Minor , that the Protestant Churches are true Churches that have no Prelates . 1. There are so few of them that have Prelates , that he that will unchurch all the rest , I suppose ( when he playes his game above board ) would take it for an injury , to be accounted a Protestant himself . 2. If the Churches of the West called Papists , and the Churches of Africa , Asia , and America , be true Churches of Christ , and have true administrations , then ( much more confidently may we affirm that ) the Protestants are so too . But the Antecedent is maintained by those that we now dispute against , ( excepting the Papists , who yet maintain it as of their own Church ) therefore , &c. Sect. 36. The reason of the Consequence is , because the Papists , Greeks , Armenians , Georgians , Syrians , Aegyptians , Abasines , &c. have much more to be said against them then we have : And if the lesser ( or supposed ) imperfection of the Protestant Churches do unchurch them , ( for wanting Prelates , ) then the many great , and real defects of the other Churches will unchurch them much more . Especially this holds as to the Church of Rome , which yet is taken by the Dissenters to be a true Church , and by some of them , at least , denyed to be the seat of Antichrist . Their Vicechrist and usurping head , and all the Ministry that hold by him , afford us other kind of Arguments against their Church , then want of Prelates can afford them or others against our Churches . Sect 37. And if any will deny the Antecedent so far as to unchurch all the Churches in the world , that are more defective then the Protestants , he will blot out of his Creed the Article of the Catholick Church , and being a Seeker or next one to day , is like to be an Infidel ere long , as I shall further shew , when I speak of the sinfulness of such . Sect. 38. Argument 14. If the Administrations of a Usurping Presbyter to an innocent people are Valid ( and not Nullities , ) then the Ordination of an Usurping Ordainer to an Innocent expectant , is Valid : ( and consequently the Ordination of Presbyters is Valid , if they were Usurpers , as they are unjustly said to be . ) But the administrations of usurping Presbyters to an Innocent people are Valid : therefore , &c. Sect. 39. The Antecedent is granted by Bellarmine himself ( in the place before cited ) who saith that no more is required to oblige the people to obey him , and submit , then that he be reputed a Pastor : And all must say so , 1. That will not rob the Innocent of the Benefit of Gods Ordinances , because of an usurpers fault . 2. And that will not leave the people , almost commonly , in an utter uncertainty , whom they should take for a Pastor and obey ; and when the Ordinances are Valid for their good . Sect. 40. The Consequence is made good by the Parity of Reason that is in the two cases . If usurpation cause not a Nullity , invalidity or unprofitableness in one case , to the innocent receiver , no nor make it his sin to receive , no more will it in the other : For there is no Reason for any such difference . Nay i● it be a duty to submit to an unknown usurper , in several cases , in receiving the Sacraments , hearing , praying , &c. so is it a duty in such cases to receive Ordination . Sect. 41. Object . But the usurping Presbyter doth nothing but what belongeth to the office of a Presbyter : but the usurping Ordainer doth that which belongs not to the office of a Presbyter : and therefore his action is a Nullity , as being extra proprium forum . Sect. 42. Answ. 1. It is proved before to belong to the office of a Presbyter to Ordain : 2. But suppose it were not ; yet the objection is vain : because it is the office of a Bishop that the Ordaining Presbyter doth pretend to , and which you imagine that he doth usurp . They say that subject Presbyters ( quoad ordinem vel Officium ) are no creatures of Gods appointment ; and therefore they renounce that Office ; and claim that office which you call Episcopacy , and hath the Power of Ordination . The quarrel between us is not about meer Bishops ( such as Dr. H. H. describeth as aforesaid ) These are not denyed : but the Parish Ministers profess themselves such Bishops : But it is about the other sort of Presbyters , subject to Bishops , that the quarrel is : For they say , that the Church should have none such , and Dr. H. H. saith there is no Evidence that any such were instituted in Scripture times . Now as a pretended Presbyters administrations are Valid to the innocent receiver of the Sacrament , so a pretended Bishops administration in Ordination is as Valid to the innocent , caeteris paribus . Sect. 43. Argument 15. They that have the Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven , have the power of Ordination : But Parochiall Pastors called Presbyters have the Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven : therefore they have the power of Ordination . Sect. 44. The Minor is granted commonly by Papists and Protestants , as to some of the Keyes , but it is by many denyed as to other . They say that every Pastor hath the Key of doctrine and of Order , but not the Key of Jurisdiction . But 1. Christ gave the Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven together and never divided them . Therefore they are not to be divided . He did not give one Key to one , and another to another , but all to the same men : And what God hath joyned together , let no man put asunder . 2. The Apostles in delivering these Keyes to others , are never found to have separated them . For Subject Presbyters were not instituted in Scripture-times : Therefore all that were then Ordained Presbyters had all the Keyes together , and so that of Iurisdiction ( as it is called ) with the rest . 3. That Presbyters had the Key of Order , will prove that they may Ordain , as is aforesaid . 4. But that English Presbyters had the Key of Iurisdiction is proved , 1. In that they were with the Bishops to Ordain by Imposition of hands . 2. In that they were by the Book of Ordination charged to administer Discipline : though this was disused , and the Prelates frustrated their power . Sect. 45. I shall recite the words of Reverend Vsher for the proof of this , Reduction of Episcopacy , &c. [ By Order of the Church of England all Presbyters are charged ( in the Book of Ordination ) to administer the Doctrine of Sacraments and the Discipline of Christ , as the Lord hath commanded , and as this Realm hath received the same ; and that they might the better understand what the Lord hath commanded therein , the exhortation of St. Paul to the Elders of the Church of Ephesus is appointed to to be read unto them at the time of their Ordination , Take heed unto your selves and to all the flock , among whom the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers . to Rule the Congregation of God which he hath purchased with his blood . Of the many Elders who thus in common ruled the Church of Ephesus , there was one President , whom our Saviour in his Epistle unto this Church in a peculiar manner stileth the Angel of the Church of Ephesus . And Ignatius in another Epistle written about twelve years after unto the same Church , calleth the Bishop thereof . Betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyterie of that Church , what an harmonious consent there was in th● ordering of the Church Government , the same Igna●i●● doth fully there declare , by the Presbyterie with St Paul , understanding the Community of the rest of the Presbyters or Elders who then had a hand not only in the delivery of the D●ctrine and Sacraments , but also in the Administration of the Discipline of Christ : For further proof of which we have that known Testimony of Tertullian in his General Apology for Christians : ●n the Church are used exhortations , chastisements and divine censure , for judgement is given with great advice as among those who are certain they are in the sight of God ; and it is the chiefest foreshewing of the Iudgement which is to come , if any man have so offended that he be banished from the Community of Prayer , and of the Assembly , and of all holy fellowship . The Presidents that bear rule therein are certain approved Elders , who have obtained this honour not by Reward , but by good report , who were no other ( as he himself intimates ) elsewhere , but those from whose hands they used to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist . For with the Bishop who was the chief President , ( and therefore stiled by the same Tertullian in another place , summus Sacerdos for distinction sake ) the rest of the dispensers of the Word and Sacraments joyned in the common Government of the Church ; and therefore where in matters of Ecclesiastical judicature , Cornelius Bishop of Rome used the recieved form of gathering together the Presbyterie , of what persons that did consist , Cyprian sufficiently declareth , when he wisheth him to read his Letters to the flourishing Clergy which there did preside or rule with him . The presence of the Clergy being thought so requisite in matters of Episcopal audience , that in the fourth Council of Carthage it was concluded , That the Bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of the Clergy ; and that otherwise the Bishops sentence should be void , unless it were confirmed by the presence of the Clergy : which we find also to be inserted into the Canons of Egbert , who was Archbishop of York in the Saxon times , and afterwards into the body of the Canon-Law it self . True it is that in our Church this kind of Presbyterial Government hath been long disused , yet seeing it still professeth that every Pastor hath a right to rule the Church ( from whence the name of Rector also was given at first unto him ) and to administer the Discipline of Christ , as well as to dispence the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the restraint of the exercise of that right proceedeth only from the custom now received in this Realm ; no man can doubt but by another Law of the Land , this hinderance may be well removed ] Sect. 46. And indeed the stream of Antiquity , and the Authors that are principally rested on for Episcopacy , are full against them that deny the Government of the people to the Presbyters ; And it is the principal mischief of the English Prelacy , thus to degrade ( or quoad exercitium to suspend at least ) all the Presbyters from their office : Not as it is a denying them any part of their honour ( that 's not to be much regarded ; ) but as it is a discharging them of their work and burden , and consequently leaving the Churches ungoverned . And for the Government of Presbyters themselves , in Cyprians dayes the Bishop did not , could not , Ordain , or censure any Presbyter without his Clergy , and Councils have decreed that so it should be . Yea and the plebs universa also was consulted with by Cyprian . Sect. 47. And now I come to the Major of my Arrgument , which I prove thus . Either Ordination is an act of the exercise of the power of the Keyes , or of some other power : But of no other power : therefore of the Keyes . If it be the exercise of any other power , it is either of a secular power , or an Ecclesiastick : but neither of these , therefore of no other . Not of another Ecclesiastick power : for there is no Ecclesiastical power , ( at least which Ordination can be pretended to belong to ) but the power of the Keyes ; not of a secular power ; for that belongeth not to Ministers , nor is it here pretended . Sect. 48. And I think it will appear that the power of Baptizing , and judging who shall be taken for Christians , and who not , and the power of administring the Eucharist and Eucharistical actions in the Church , is as great as this of Ordination , especially supposing that a Presbyterie must concur in this , and a single Pesbyter may do the other . And therefore the one being granted them , the other cannot be denyed . Sect. 49. Argument 16. If the administrations of the Priests and Teachers in Christs dayes among the Jews was Valid to the people , then the Ordination of our Presbyteries , and the administrations of our Presbyters so ordained are Valid to the people and receivers now : But the Antecedent is true : therefore so is the Consequent . This Argument is managed so frequently and copiously by our Ministers heretofore against the Separatists , that I shall need to say but little of it . Sect. 50. The Antecedent is proved easily from Scripture . Acts 13.27 . & 15.21 . shew that Moses and the Prophets were read in the Synagogues every Sabbath day , and Luke 16.29 . shews that it was the peoples duty to hear them , Mat. 23.1 , 2 , 3. Then spake Iesus to the Multitude and to his Disciples , saying , The Scribes and the Pharises sit in Moses seat : all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe , that observe and do : but do not ye after their works : for they say and do not . ] Mat. 8.4 . Mark 1.44 . Luke 16.29 . But go thy way , shew thy self to the Priest , and offer for thy cleansing those things which Moses commanded , &c. So that it was the peoples duty to hear , and submit to the Teachers and the Priests . Sect. 51. The reason of the Consequence is , because these Priests and Teachers had not so good a Call as our Presbyters , to their Office , but were lyable to far more exceptions . The Priests were not of the line that God had by his Law appointed to succeed in the Priesthood : the succession had long failed , as to the just title of the Successors . The Priesthood was bought for money of the Civil Powers : and instead of being the Priest for life , he was oft changed every year : chosen by a Pagan Prince , and by him displaced : and most think there were two at once . The Scribes and Pharises had abominably corrupted the Law by their traditions and false expositions ; and their Calling was much more defective then ours : so that if they must pass yet for Ministers of God , and their administrations be valid , then so must Presbyters and their administrations be esteemed much more . I know we need not this odious comparison of our Ministry with the Priests or Pharises , but to shew the adver●●ries the odiousness of their accusations , and grossness of their 〈…〉 〈…〉 Presbyters may make a Bishop ▪ 〈◊〉 they may make a 〈◊〉 . But they may make a Bishop : 〈◊〉 they may make ( 〈◊〉 ordain ) a Presbyter . The 〈◊〉 of the Major is proved thus . 1. They that may ●onfer 〈…〉 D●gree ▪ may confer the lower : the place of a Bishop is supposed the higher Degree , and the place of a Presbyter the lower . 2. ●he Bishops themselves require more power in or to the Consecration of a Bishop , then to the Ordination of a Minister , called a Presbyter . The later may be done , according to their Canons , by one Bishop ( with assisting Presbyters , ) but the former must have three Bishops at the least . Sect. 53. To this it is commonly answered , that Praecise the Ordination of a Presbyter , is a greater work then the making of a Bishop ▪ and therefore the Major is denyed . To which I reply . 1. I speak not of a Greater work , because the word greater is ambiguous , and may signifie the greater change in regard of the Terminus a quo , which is not it that I intend . But the addition of an higher degree of power , may require more power to the effecting it , then the giving of the Lower degree , though the lower be praecise the greater change : for the higher is the greater change as to the terminus ad quem ; and as Episcopacy comprehendeth or supposeth Presbyterie , so the power of making a Bishop comprehendeth or supposeth the power of Ordaining Presbyters . It may be praecise , ( or cum praecisione , as the Schoolmen speak ) it may be a greater work to make a beggar to be the chief Prince next to the King in a Kingdom : and yet sin● praecisione and in regard of the terminus ad quem it is a greater work to make him afterward a King ; and doubtless the addition of this Power requireth the Greater power to effect it . Sect. 54. Otherwise , if the Dissenters will stand to their answer , we shall from their own grounds infallibly overthrow their cause thus . It is a greater work to Baptize then to Ordain or Confirm : therefore he that may Baptize , may Ordain and Confirm . Just as making a Presbyter is cum praecisione , and in respect to the terminus a quo , a greater work then Consecrating or making a Bishop ; so Baptizing is cum praecisione and in respect to the terminus a quo , a far greater work then Ordination ; the one making a Christian , and the other a Minister of a Christian . See Aquil. in Scotel . in 4. sent . d. 7. q. 2. pag. 816. of Confirmation . Sect. 55. It is only the Minor therefore that will hold dispute , which I prove from the well known words of Hierom to Evagrius ( which Bishop Vsher told me he alleadged to King Charls at the Isle of Wight to this end , when he was asked by him for an instance of Presbyters Ordaining ) [ Quod autem postea unus electus est , qui caeteris praepone●etur , in schismatis remedium factum est , ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi Ecclesiam rumperet . Nam & Alexandriae à Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam & Dionysium , Episcopos , Presbyteri semper unum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collocatum , Episcopum nominabant : quomodo si exercitus Imperatorem faciat : aut Diaconi eligant de se , quem industrium noverint , & Archidiaconum vocent . ] Presbyters then made the first Bishops at Alexandria . Sect. 56. To this it is answered , that it was only Election of Bishops that Hierom ascribeth to the Alexandrian Presbyters , and not Ordination of them ; for that was done by some other Bishops : and that it is Ordination that makes a man a Bishop . Sect. 57. To this I reply : 1. Hierom here undertakes to tell us , how Bishops were made at Alexandria ; but maketh not the least mention of other Ordination or Consecration , then these words express as done by the Presbyters : And therefore till they prove it , we must take the affirmation of another Ordination to be but the groundless presumption of the Assertors . 2. Hierom doth purposely bring this as an argument , to prove the identity first , and the neerness afterward , of Bishops and Presbyters , that [ Presbyters made Bishops : ] which would have been no argument , if it was not Presbyters but Prelates that made them , and if the Presbyters only chose them ; for , 3. The people may choose a Bishop , as well as the Presbyters , and ordinarily did it : and yet this proveth not that the people were neer the Bishop in degree ; that which the people themselves may do , and frequently did , is not the only thing that Hierom here ascribeth to the Presbyters : but such is the Election of a Bishop : therefore , &c. 4. It is the Original or first making of Prelates at Alexandria that Hierom here speaks of ▪ which he shews was from the Presbyters consent . This appeareth plainly in his words ( though some can make the plainest words to signifie what they would have them ) For 1. He begins with a [ Presbyteris , id est Episcop●s , ] and 2. proceedeth from many scripture passages , to prove them in scripture times the same : and that not only quoad nomen , but officium ; for 3. When he had done with the Testimonies of Saint Iohn in his two Epistles , he immediately addeth [ Quod autem postea unus electus est , qui caeteris praeponeretur &c. ] where note , both that [ unus qui caeteris praeponeretur ] is more then the bare name : and also that [ Postea ] referreth to the date of Iohns Epistles , and therefore he plainly averreth , that it was after Iohns Epistles , that [ one was chosen to be before the rest . ] 5. And to the Answer I further reply , that here is all that was done , and all that was needfull to be done , ascribed to the Presbyters : For 1. They elected one . 2. They did in excelsiori gradu electum collocare , place him in an higher degree , and 3. Episcopum nominabant : they named him the Bishop ( by way of excellency . ) And if Election and placing him in the Degree , and giving him peculiarly the name , be not Ordination , then Ordination is but some Ceremony ; for these contain the substance . 6. And Hierom expresly resembleth this action of the Presbyters to an Armies making an Emperour or General ; as if he had said , As the Army makes an Emperour ( Imperatorem faciat ) so Presbyters made the Bishop : but the Army so made the Emperour , that they left it not to another power to make him ( and to them only . ) So that it is both [ Making a B●shop ] that is here ascribed to the Presbyters , and [ such a making ] as leaveth him not unmade , to the making of another . 7. And he resembleth it to the making of an Arch-deacon , supposing that the Deacons do 1. Elect. 2. Judge of the person ( quem industrium noverint . ) 3. And give him the name ( & Archi-diaconum vocent . ) 8. And he affirmeth this to be ( semper ) the constant custom of the Alexandrian Presbyters , till the dayes of Heraclas and Dionysius : intimating that then the custom changed : but what custom was then changed ? Not the Election of a Bishop by the Presbyters , ( with the people ) for that continued long after : and therefore it must be the Constitution , which afterward was done by Neighbour Bishops in Consecration , but till then by the Election , Collocation , and nomination of the Presbyters of that City-Church . 9. Having shewed thus , that Bishops and Presbyters were the same , and in the beginning called them by the same name , he affirms that [ Omnes Apostolorum successores sunt ] that is , All these Bishops . 10. And he plainly affirms that the difference is made by Riches and Poverty : He is the greater that is the richer , and he is the inferiour that is the poorer . [ Potentia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas , vel sublimior●m , vel inferiorem Episcopum facit . ] Let any impartial Reader peruse the Epistle it self , and conside● of these ten passages , and then believe if he can , either that Hierom did imply that other Bishops made these Alexandrian Bishops , and not the Presbyters , or that these Presbyters altered but the name , and gave not the Bishop his new degree , or that this was not a thing that was now de novo in remedium schismatis contrived or performed by them . There is evidence enough against these conceits . Sect. 58. And further , for them that think it was but the name that was now changed , I would ask them these few Questions , ( supposing them to be of their mind , that tell us that Inferiour Presbyters were not instituted in Scripture-times , and that it was only Prelates that are called Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture . ) 1. Is it not strange , that when after Scripture-times , a New Office was made , it should not have a new Name also ; but should have the same name with the old superiour office ? 2. And is it not strange that both names of the superior Office ( Bishop and Presbyter ) should be commonly given to the new inferior Office , at the first ? 3. And strange that the Church must afterward be put to change the names , and retrench or recall the name of a Bishop from the new sort of Presbyters , and confine it to the old , leaving ( as old ) the name of a Presbyter to the new inferior Office. 4. And if in Scripture-times ( in the dayes when Iohn wrote his Epistles and Revelation ) the names of Bishop and Presbyter were both appropriated to Prelates , there being no Inferiour Presbyters then instituted ; and yet from Mark the Evangelist , the Alexandrian Presbyters brought back the name of a Bishop to the Prelates , retaining the name Presbyter themselves , Quaero How long time was there after the Institution of Inferiour Presbyters , till the regulating of their names , from the dayes of Mark ? About thirty four years backward . Mark dyed in the eighth year of Nero , and the Presbyters made Arianus Bishop after his death , who continued twenty two years , even from the eighth of Nero , to the fourth of Domitian , as Eusebius in Histor. Eccles. l. 2. cap ▪ 23. & lib. 3. cap. 12. & in Chronic. & Hieronym . in Catalog . & ex illis Usher Annal. Vol. 2. ad an . Dom. 67. pag 677. And Helvicus and others are neer the same time . And saith Helvicus , Iohn wrote the Revelations about the fourteenth year of Domitian , and wrote his Gospel about the first year of his Successor Nerva . So that Mark dyed about thirty six years ( or thir●y four at least ) before Iohn wrote his Gospel ; so that here you have your choice , whether you will believe , that subject Presbyters did regulate the names of themselves and Bishops , and did elect ( or make , Bishops thirty six years before they were instituted themselves ; or whether you will believe , that yet at the death of Mark there were no inferior Presbyters at Alexandria , and so no superior Bishops , for all this that Hierom doth report . Sect. 59. As for the Episcopal Divines that dissent from the Principle of the forecited Learned Author ( who saith that there is no evidence that any of the second sort of Presbyters were instituted in Scripture times ) I need not deal with them in th●s Disputation : for all of them that ever I yet met with , do grant the validity of Presbyters Ordination , and the truth of the Reformed Churches and their Ministry , and Ordinances : otherwise it were easie enough to vindicate all these from them also , if they denyed them . Sect. 60. Argument 18. Ad hominem . If the late English Prelates had a lawful call to their Prelacy , then much more have Ministers Ordained by Presbyters a lawfull call to their Ministry . But the Prelates say that they had a lawfull Call to their Prelacy : therefore , &c. The reason of the Consequence ( which only will be denyed ) is , 1. Because the Presbyters are Ordained to an Office that is of Christs Institution ; but the Prelates are Consecrated to an Office that is not of Christs Institution , but against it , and against the light of Nature ( in taking on them the impossible Government of an hundred , or many hundred Churches ) as was shewed in the former Disputation . 2. Because the Prelates hold an uninterrupted Succession of Legitimate Ordination necessary to the Being of their Prelacie ( I mean , such as now we dispute against , hold this ) but so do not the Presbyters . The said dissenting Prelates are still upon their N●mo dat quod non habet ; which therefore we may urge upon them . And 1. They cannot prove an uninterrupted Succession themselves , on whom it is incumbent , according to their principles , if they will prove their Call. 2. We can prove that they are the successors of such as claimed all their Power from the Roman Vicechrist , and professed to receive it from him , and hold it of him as the Catholick Head , and so that their Ordination comes from a seat that hath had many interruptions , and so had no power of Ordination , by their Rule : For when the succession was so oft and long interrupted , Nemo dat quod non habet : and therefore all that followed must be usurpers and no Popes : and those that received their Offices from them must be no Officers : But the Presbyters that Ordain will give a better proof of their Call then this . Sect. 61. Argument 19. Where the Office is of Gods Institution , and the persons are endued with Ministerial abilitities , and are Orderly and duly designed and separated to the Office of the sacred Ministry , there are true Ministers , and Valid administrations . But all these are found in the Reformed Churches that have Ordination without Prelates : therefore , &c. The Major is undenyable , as containing a sufficient enumeration of all things necessary to the Being of the Ministry . Sect. 62. The Minor is proved by parts . 1. That the Offi●e of a Presbyter is of divine institution , is confessed by most : And I suppose those that deny it to be of Scripture ins●i●ution , will yet have it to be Divine : But if they deny that , yet it sufficeth us , that it is the same officer that they call a Bishop , and we a Presbyter ; that is , the chief Pastor of a particular Church . Sect. 63. 2. And that the persons are duly or competenly qualified for the Ministry , nothing but Ignorance , Faction and Malic● , that ever I heard of , do deny . ( Supposing the humane frailties , that make us all insufficient gradually for these things ) The Ignorant that know not what the Ministerial qualifications are , do judge as carnal interest leadeth them . The Factious rail at all that be not of their mind . Grotius thought the opinions of the Calvinists made them unfit materials for the Catholick Edifice that by his Pacification he was about to frame . So do most other Sects , reject those as unworthy that suit not with their minds . And malice ( whether ●n●mated by Heresie , Prophaness or Carnal interest ) will easily find faults , and unweariedly slander and reproach : But besides such I meet with none that dare deny the competent abilities of these Ministers Sect. 64. And 3. That the persons are Orderly and duly separated to the work of the Ministry is thus proved . Where there is a separation to the Ministry by mutual Consent of the person and the flock , and by the Magistrates authority , and by the Approbation and Investiture of the fittest Ecclesiastical officers that are to be had , there is an orderly and due separation to the Ministry ; But all this is to be found in the Ordination used in England and other Reformed Churches , without Prelates : therefore &c. This proves not only the Validity of their Ordination , but the full Regularity . Sect. 65. God himself ( as hath been shewed ) doth by his Law appoint the Office of the Ministry , imposing the duty upon the person that shall be called , and giving him his power , by that Law. And then there is nothing to be done , but to detertermine of the person that is to receive this power and solemnly to put him in Possession by Investiture . Now the principal part of the former work is done also by God himself : by his Qualifying the person with his eminent Gifts ▪ and giving him opportunities and advantages for the Work. So that the people and Odainers have no more to do , but to find out the man that God hath thus qualified , and to elect , approve and invest him ; and usually he is easily found out , as a candle in the night . So that the two great acts by which God maketh Ministers , is his Instituting Law that makes the office , and his Spiritual and Naturall Endowments given to the person ; which the Church is but to find out , and call into use and exercise . And therefore we may still truly say , that the Holy Ghost maketh Pastors or Overseers of the Church , as well as formerly he did Act. 20.28 . ) because he giveth them their Gifts , though not such Miraculous Gifts as some then had ; By his common Gifts of Knowledge and Utterance , and his special Gifts of Grace , it is the spirit that still makes Ministers , and still Christ giveth Pastors to the Church . Sect. 66. It is therefore to be noted that , Eph. 4.6 , 7 , 8 , 11 the way of Christs giving officers to his Church is said to be by [ giving Gifts to men ] and the diversity of Offices is founded in the diversity of the Measure of Grace , ( or these Gifts ) [ To every one of us is given Grace according to the measure of the gift of Christ. Therefore he saith , Ascending on high he led captivity 〈◊〉 , and gave Gifts to men ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) — And he gave some Apostles , some Prophets , some Evangelists , and some Pastors and T●●chers ] So that giving Gifts , and giving Apostles , Prophets ▪ &c. are here made the same work of God : Not that 〈…〉 and Approbation of these gifts is hereby made unnecessary , but 〈◊〉 this is Gods principal act by which ●e giveth Pastors and Teachers to the Church , and by which the Officers a●e distinguished . For the Church is to discern and submit to those that are thus gifted ; and to follow the Spirit , and not either contra●ict or lead him . When God hath thus gifted men , the main w●rk is done , for making them Ministers ( i● withall he give t●em opportunities and advantages for the work ) and it is the Churches Duty ●o Own and Approve these Gifts of God , and to do their parts to introduce the person : And if the Ordainers refuse this , in case of Necessity , the gifted person is bound to improve his Gifts without them . I say [ in case of Necessity ] using the best Order that is left . Sect. 67. This being premised , I come to the Argument ( § . 64. ) And the Major is undenyable , because there are all things enumerated , that are Necessary to the determination of the person qualified , that is to receive the power from Christ ▪ Sect. 68. And the Minor I prove by parts , 1. That our Ministry have usually the peoples consent , is a known case that needs no proof : 2. So is it that they have the Magistrates allowance , and his Authority appointing Approvers for their Introduction , and allowing Ordination and commanding Ministerial Works . Sect. 69. And doubtless the Magistrate himself hath so much Authority in Ecclesiastical affairs , that if he command a qualified person to preach the Gospel , and command the people to receive him , I see not how either of them can be allowed to disobey him : ( Though yet the party ought also to have recourse to Pastors for Ordination , and people for consent , where it may be done . ) And Grotius commendeth the saying of Musculus , that would have no Minister question his Call , that being qualified , hath the Christian Magistrates Commission . And though this assertion need some limitations , yet it is apparent that Magistrates power is great about the Offices of the Church . For Solomon put out Abiathar from the Priesthood , and put Zadeck in his place , 1 Kings 2.27 , 35. David and the Captains of the host separated to Gods service those of the sons of Asaph and of Heman and of Ieduthun who should Prophesie with Harps , &c. 1 Chron 16.4 . And so did Solomon , 2 Chron. 8.14 , 15. They were for the service of the house of God , according to the Kings Order , 1 Chron. 25.1 , 6. And methinks those men should acknowledge this , that were wont to stile the King [ In all causes , and over all persons the supream Head and Governour . ] Sect. 70. But 3. We have moreover in the Ordination of the Reformed Churches , The approbation and solemn Investiture of the fittest Ecclesiastical Officers that are to be had . And no more is requisite to an orderly Admission . There being nothing for man to do , but to determine of the qualified person , and present him to God to receive the power and obligation from his Law ; it is easie to discern , that where all these concur ( the Peoples Election or Consent , the Magistrates Authority , the determination of fit Ecclesiastical Officers , and the qualification and consent of the person himself , ) there needs no more to the designation of the man. Nor hath God tyed the essence of the Church or Ministry , to a certain formality , or to the interest or will of Prelates ▪ nor can any more ad ordinem be required , but that a qualified person do enter , by the best and most Orderly way that is open to him in those times and places where he is . And that we have the fittest Approvers and Ordainers , I prove . Sect. 71. If the most of the Protestant Churches have no other Ecclesiastical Officers to Ordain but Presbyters , then is it the most fit and orderly way to enter into the Ministry in those Churches by their Ordination , and those Presbyters are the fittest that are there to Ordain . But the Antecedent is a known truth . If any in denyal of the Consequence say , that the Churches should rather be without Ministers then have Ordination by such , they are confuted by what is said before . Sect. 72. And if you say , that they should have Bishops , and it is their own fault that they have not ; I answer , Suppose that were a granted truth , it can reach but to some that have the Rule : It is not the fault of every Congregation , or expectant of the Ministry : It is not in their power to alter Laws and forms of Government : and therefore they are bound to enter by the fittest way that is open to them . Sect. 73. Moreover , even in England ; the Presbyteries are fitter for Ordination then the present Bishops : ( as to the Nation in general ) therefore the Ordination by Presbyteries is done by the fittest Ecclesiastical officers , and is the most regular and desireable Ordination . Sect. 74. I prove the Antecedent by comparing the Ordination of the Presbyteries and the present Prelates . 1. I have before shewed that the English Prelacy is more unlike the Primitive Episcopacy , then our Parochial Presbytery or Episcopacy is ; and therefore hath less reason to appropriate to themselves the Power of Ordaining . 2. The Ordaining Presbyters are Many , and known persons ; and the Prelates few , and to the most ( and except three or four , to almost all that I am acquainted wi●h ) unknown . 3. The Presbyters Ordain Openly where all may be satisfied of the impartiality and Order of their proceedings : But the Prelates Ordain in Private , where the same satisfaction is not given to the Church . 4. Hereupon it is easie for any vagrant to counterfeit the Prelates secret Orders , and say he was Ordained by them , when it is no such matter ; and who can disprove him ? But the publick Ordination of Presbyters is not so easily pretended by such as have it not , and the pretence is easily discovered . 5. The Prelates for ought I hear , are very few , and therefore few can have access to them for Ordination : But Presbyteries are in most countreyes . 6. The Prelates , as far as I can learn , Ordain Ministers without the peoples consent over whom they are placed , and without giving them any notice of it before hand , that they may put in their exceptions if they dissent : But the Presbyters ordinarily require the consent of the people ; or at least will hear the reasons of their dissent . 7. The Presbyteries Ordain with the Magistrates allowance , and the Prelates without and against them . Those therefore that are Ordained by Prelates usually , stand on that foundation alone , and want the consent of People and Magistrates ; when those that are Ordained by Presbyteries have all . 8. Ordination by Prelates is now pleaded for on Schismatical grounds , and in submitting to it , with many of them , we must seem to consent to their Principles ( that all other Ordination is Null , and the Churches are no true Churches that are without it . ) But Presbyteries Ordain not on such dividing terms . 9. We hear not of neer so much care in the Prelates Ordinations in these or former times , as the Presbyteries ; I could give some instances even of late of the great difference , which I will not offend them with expressing . 10. Most of them that we hear of , Ordain out of their own Diocesses , which is against the ancient Canons of the Church . 11. Some of them by their Doctrines and their Nullifying all the Reformed Churches and Ministry that have no Prelates , do shew us that if they had their will , they would yet make more lamentable destructive work in the Church then the hottest persecutors of their late predecessors did . For it is plain that they would have all the Ministers disowned or cast out , that are not for the Prelacy . And what a case then would this land ( and others ) be in ? ( Of which more anon . ) So that we have reason to fear that these are destroyers , and not faithful Pastors . I speak not of all , but only of the guilty : For again I say , we very much Reverence such Learned , Worthy men as Bishop Morton , Bishop Brownrigg , and some others yet surviving are . 12. The Ordination by Prelates , as things now stand , endangereth mens liberty in the exercise of the Ministry , by some things in the Manner which I shall not mention . Review the rest that I said before in Cap. 5. and 6. and then judge , Whether he that in these dayes is Ordained by a Learned Grave Presbytery ( and perhaps where a City Pastor is Moderator or President , and many of the Ordainers are the fixed Presidents or Bishops of a Parochial Church , having a Presbytery where they preside , ) I say , Whether such be not separated to the Ministry in the most orderly way that is now to be found existent ? and come not in at the door that God would have them to enter at . Sect. 75. It is strange that those men ( among the Papists ) that allow of the Cardinals choosing a Pope , and exercising so much Government as they do over all the Christian world , and all this under the name of Presbyters of Rome , should yet be against Ordination by such Presbyters as are indeed Parochial Bishops , and accuse it to be a Nullity . I see not how these things cohere . Sect. 76. But yet many Papists are more moderate in this ▪ then those at home that we now deal with . That Erasmus , Richardus Armachanus , Gui●el . Durantes , and many more of them , were on our side in this point , is commonly known , and manifested by abundance of our writers , some of them Bishops , and some Episcopal Divines themselves . Sect. 77. And divers of their Schoolmen do maintain that the [ Ord● Episcopalis non differt à Caracthere Sacerdotali , nisi sicut forma intensa a se ipsa remissa ] as Soncinas relateth ( in 4. Sent. d. 25. ) the sentence of Paludanus , which Voetius recites . And the same Soncinas , and Voetius after him do cite Aureolus , proving that Gradus Episcopalis & Sacerdotum non sunt distinctae potestates , &c. Quia Sacerdos authoritate Papae potest Sacerdotem instituere . Ergo non differunt potestas Episcopalis & Sacerdotis , nisi sicut potestas impeditae & non impedita : quae tamen est eadem . Antecedens probatur , quia omnis virtus activa , non impedita , potest transfundere seipsam ] To the same purpose Cusanus and many more . Sect. 78. Hence it is that Presbyters have of old had a place in Councils , yea and a suffrage too : and the Council of Basil did decide and practise it : which is allowed by many of the Papists . And hence it is that divers of the Papists do make Episcopal preheminency to be but of Ecclesiastical Institution . Sect. 79. That the Chorepiscopi did ordain , and their Ordination was Valid , though they were not accounted Bishops ( any otherwise then our Parochial Bishops are ) is a thing that hath been spoken of so oft , and by so many , even Bishops themselves , that I shall pass it by . Sect. 80. And saith Voetius , even among the Papists , the Abbots and such regular Prelates that are no Bishops , and the Chapter of Canons may Ordain ; yea and exercise other acts of Jurisdiction , as excommunicating , &c. It is not therefore proper to the Bishops . Sect 81. It is therefore as Hierom speaks of Confirmation by a Bishop only , in honorem Sacerdotii , a matter of Ecclesiastical institution for Order , and not of Divine institution that Presbyters without Prelates should not Ordain : As Leo first Bishop of Rome saith ( Epistol . 86. ad Episcop . Gall. & German . ) there are Quaedam Sacerdotibus Prohibita per Canones Ecclesiasticos , ut Consecratio Presbyterorum & Diaconorum . ] It is the Canons that forbid Presbyters to Ordain , and not the Scriptures that never knew a Presbyter without the power to Ordain . Sect 82. Were there no Ordainers to do that office , or none but such as would oblige us to sin , it were Gods regular way to enter by the Peoples choice and the Magistrates authority without them , this being in such case the open door : therefore it is more evidently Gods Regular way , when we have both these and the best Ministerial Ordination besides , that is on good terms to be had . I do not only here plead that such a Ministry is not Null ( as I did before ) but that the entrance in such a case is not sinfull . Sect. 83. There being nothing left to men herein , but the due designation of the person ( before the reception of his power from God ) the Peoples Election it self may serve for that designation , where Ministerial Approbation is not to be had . But the ordinary course , where Necessity doth not prohibit us , is that all three concur , viz. The Consent of the people , because we cannot Teach and Rule them against their wills : 2. The Approbation of the Ministry , because they are best able to judge of mens abilities . 3. The Allowance of the Magistrate , for the orderly and advantagious exercise of our office . But the first is of the greatest necessity of the three . Sect. 84. That the people have power of Election , when just authority ( Civil or Ecclesiastical ) doth not suspend it or limit it , is so easily proved that it is commonly confessed . It s well known that for many hundred years the people had in most or many Churches the Choice of their Bishops or Pastors , or joyned with the Presbyterie and Ordainers in the choice . Blondellus , Voetius and many more have sufficiently proved this and other parts of the peoples interest , by unanswerable evidence . Sect. 85. Cyprian saith that this is by Divine Ordination . Epist. 68. ( edit Goulartii ) p. 201. [ Propter quod plebs obsequens praeceptis Dominicis , & Deum metuens , à peccatore praeposito separare se debet , nec se ad Sacrilegi Sacerdotis sa●crificia miscere , quando ipsa maxime habeat potestatem vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi : Quod & ipsum videmus de Divina authortate descendere , ut Sacerdos plebe praesente , sub omnium * oculis deligatur , & dignus atque idoneus publico judicio ac testimonio comprobetur — Coram omni Synagoga jubet Deus constitui Sacordotem , id est , instruit & ostendit Ordinationes Sacerdotales non nisi sub populi assistentis conscientia 〈◊〉 oportere , ut plebe praesente vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur : & sit Ordinatio justa & legitima , quae omnium suffragio & judicio fuerit examinata . Quod postea secundum Divina Magisteria observatur in Actis Apostolorum quando de Ordinando in locum Judae Episcopo Petrus ad plebem loquitur , surrexit inquit Petrus in medio discentium ; fuit autem turba in uno : Nec hoc in Episcoporum tantum & Sacerdotum , sed in Diaconorum Ordinationibus observasse Apostolos animadvertimus , de quo & ipso in Actis eorum scriptum est : Et convocaverunt , inquit illi duodecim totam plebem discipulorum — Quod utique idcirco tam diligenter & caute convoata plebe tota gereb●tur , nequis ad altaris Ministerium , vel ad Sacerdotalem locum indignu , obreperet . Ordinari enim nonnunquam indignos non secundum Dei voluntatem , sed secundum humanam praesumptionem , & haec Deo displicere , quae non veniant ex legitima & justa Ornatione , Deus ipse manifestat per Osee Prophetam dicens , sibi ipsi constituerunt Regem , & non per●me . Propter quod diligenter de traditione Divina & Apostolica observatione observandum est & tenendum , quod apud nos quoque & fere Provincias universas tenetur , ut ad Ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad eam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , Episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & Episcopus deligatur plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissime n●vit , & u●iuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexit . † Quod & apud vos factum videmus in Sabini collegae nostri ordinatione , ut de universae fraternitatis suffragio & de Episcoporum qui in praesentia convenerant , quique de eo ad vos literas fecerant judicio , Episcopatus ei deferretur , & manus ei in locum Basilidis imponeretur . ] And so he goes on to shew that even the Bishop of Romes restoring of Basilides , was not valid to rescind the foresaid Ordination of Sabinus , which was thus made by the Bishops on the peoples suffrages . And yet our Diocesans have , alas , too commonly thrust on the people against their consent , such unworthy persons , as of whom we may say as Cyprian ( ibid. ) of these , [ Cumque alia multa sint & gravia delicta quibus Basilides & Martialis implicati tenentur ; frusta tales Episcopatum sibi usurpare co●antur , cum manifestum sit ejusmodi homines nec Ecclesiae Christi posse praeesse , nec Deo sacrificia offerre debere . ] I have cited these words at large , because they are full and plain to shew us the practice of those times , and are the words of an African Syrod , and not of Cyprian alone , and shew that then the People had the chiefest hand in the Election or designation of the person , which is it that I have now to prove . Sect. 86 Pamelius himself while he seeks to hide the shame of their Prelates Ordination , from the light of these passages of Cyprian , doth yet confess and say , [ Non negamus veterem Electionis Episcoporum ritum , quo plebe praesente , immo & suffragiis plebis eligi solent . Nam in Africa illum observatum constat ex electione Eradii Successoris D. Augustini , de quo extat Epistola ejus 120. In Gracia aetate Chrysost. ex lib. 3. de Sacer. In Hi●pa●is ex hoc Cyprian● loco , & Isidor . lib. de Officiis . In Galliis , ex Epist●l . Celestin. Pap. 2. Romae , ex iis quae supradiximus , Epist ad Ant●n Vbique etiam alibi ex Epist. Leonis 87 , Et perdurasse eam consuetudinem ad Gregor . 1. usq ex ejus Epistolis : immo & ad tempora usque Caroli & Ludovici Imperatorum , ex 1. lib. Capitulorum eorundem satis constat . ] This full confession from the mouth of an adversary , may save me the labour of many more allegations concerning the judgement and practice of the ancients . Sect. 87. He that would see more may find enough in Vo●tius de Desparata causa Papatus lib. 2. c. 12. Sect 2. & passim . And in Blondel . de jure plebis : & Goulartius on the foresaid notes of Pamelius on Cyprian , p. 205 Among others he there citeth those known Canons of the Carthage Councils , three and four out of Gratian [ Nullus ordinetur clericus nisi probatus , vel examine Episcoporum , vel populi testimonio ] Et. [ Episcopus sine concilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet , it● ut civium conn ventiam & testimonium quaerat ] ( What and where is that Clergy without whose Council our Prelates Ordain not ; and that people whose suff●ages they require ? ) And saith Goula tius , Observanda est Car●li ut & Ludovici Constitutio [ Sacrerum Camnum non ignari , ut Dei nimine sacrosancta Eccl●sia suo liberius patiatur honore , assensum Ordini Ecclesiastico praebemus , ut Episcopi per Electionem Cleri & p●puli , secundum statu●a Canonum eligantur . ] It s certain then that the people were sometime the sole choosers , and the Pastors the approvers ; and sometime the People and the Pastors joynt Electors ; and sometime the Pastors chose , but forced none on the people , against or without their Consent ( as Pamelius confesseth ) till Popular tumults , divisions , and other reasons occasioned the change of this ancient Custome . And therefore it is most certain , that an Election by the people may be a valid determination of the person . Sect. 88. And the person being once sufficiently determined of , the power and obligation doth fall upon him immediately from God ; so that were it not that the Pastors Approbation is part of the Determination , there would be nothing left for Ordination , but the solemnizing of their entrance by Investiture , which is not essential to the Ministerial Office , but ad bene ●ss● , makes to a compleat and orderly possession , where it may be had , and where it cannot , Election may suffice . Sect. 89. Voetius , de Desperata causa Papatus , lib. 2. sect . 2 cap. 20. doth by seven Arguments prove against Iansenius , Electionem tribuere Ministerium : & esse proprie ejus fundamentum . The first Argument is from the Definition of Election : the second from the Canon Law , which giveth a Bishop his power before Consecration , and gives the Pope a power of governing the Church before he is inthroned or Consecrated . The third is à similibus , in Oeconom●e and Policie : the foundation of marriage union is mutual Consent , and not Solemnization . Coronation ( saith he ) doth not make a King ( he means , not fundamentally , but compleatively , ) but hereditary Succession or Election . He may well be a King without Coronation , as ( saith he ) the custom is in Castile , Portugal , &c. The King of France dependeth not pro jure regni on the Archbishop of Rhemes , but saith Barclay , hath the right and honour of a King before his Coronation . An elect Emperour governeth before his Coronation . Quoad potestatem administrandi regni ( Galli●i ) unctio & Coronatio nihil addunt inquit Commentator sanctionis pragmat . fol. 4. His fourth Argument is from the nature of all Relations , quae posito fundamento & termino , in subjecto dicuntur existere : atqui Solemnizatio , seu Consecratio , seu Ordinatio , seu Investitura ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v●cant patres Graeci ) illa externa quam nos confirmationem dicimus , neque est fundamentum , neque terminus Ministerii , aut Ministri ; sed legitima electio & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae est fundamentum Ministerii , & ista vel illa particularis Ecclesia est terminus , in quo est correlatum Oves seu discipuli , ad quod refertur relatum Doctoris seu Pastoris . ( Though some of this need explication and limitation , yet its worthy consideration . ) His fifth Argument is from the Confessions of the Adversaries , citing Sylvest . Prieras , Immanuel Sa , Onuphrius , Navarrus , yea Bellarmine and Pope Nicola● , who maintain that [ In summo Pontifice p●st Electionem nulla alia requiritur confirmatio ; quia statim ut electus est suscipit administrationem . And to this agreeth their Practice , who at the Council of Trent had many Bishops meerly Elect , and Elect Cardinals are admitted to Elect a Pope . His sixth Argument is [ Quod Consecratio seu Investitura potest ab●sse aliquo in Casu : Electio autem nunquam : ergo fundamentum Ministerii seu potestatis Ecclesiasticae est Electio & non Consecratio ; which he endeavours to confirm . My opinion of the fundamentum potestatis , I have expressed in my Christian Concord othrrwise : but yet I consent , as is there expressed , to the Necessity of the peoples Consent to our Office. Sect. 90. Argument 20. If those in the Reformed Churches that are Ordained by Presbyters , have as good a call to the Ministerial Office , as the Princes of the Nations ( yea any one of them ) have to their Soveraignty or Power , then are they true Ministers of Christ , and their administrations valid to the Churches , and their Ministry to be received . But the Antecedent is true : therefore so is the Consequent . And I prove them both . Sect. 91. The Secular power will be granted , as to the most ( at least ) of Christian Princes and other Soveraigns : when the Holy Ghost commandeth subjection to the Higher Powers , even when they are Heathen , and come in as Ne●o did , Rom. 13. we may well take it for granted that Christian Magistrates , that have no better title then he , are such as we must be subject to : even those that have not so lawful an entrance , as may justifie their possession , or free them from the guilt of flat Usurpation , before God , may yet ●e such while they are in possession , as we must be subject to for Conscience sake ▪ and all their administrations are ●s valid to the innocent subjects , as if they had as good a title as the best . They that deny this , must overthrow almost all the Common-wealth's on Earth , and turn Subjection into Rebellion . Sect. 92. The Consequence then is proved from the parity of Reason , in both 〈◊〉 ▪ The title of such Princes is so far good , as that subjection is due to them , and their Government valid : our title to the Ministry is at least as good as theirs : therefore submission or obedience is due to us , and our administrations valid to the Church . And that our title is as good as theirs , will appear by a due comparison . Sect. 93. 1. God is equally the Author of our Office , and of theirs . He that appointed the Magistrate to Rule by force , appointed the Ministry to Teach , and Guide , and Worship publikely before the Church . There is no Power but of God : even Magistrates could have none , unless it were given them from above . 2. Usurpation therefore is a sin in Magistrates as well as Ministers . And there is the same reason , why it should invalidate their actions , as ours , if we were guilty of it . 3. The Dissenters rule [ Nemo dat quod non habet ] concerneth the Magistrate as much as the Minister , and somewhat more . A man may do more in works of service to others without a special Office , then in Magisterial Government . Magistracy is a Relation that must have a foundation or efficient cause , as well as Ministry . If a Giver that himself hath the Power given , is necessary to make Ministers , then also to make Magistrate , ( which yet is false in both , if you speak of humane Donation to the Soveraign ) The effect can no more be without a cause in them then in us . 4. I● the Election or Consent of the people be enough to make a Magistrate , or to be the foundation or donation ( as they suppose ) of his authority , then much more may the election or consent of the people , with the approbation and investiture by Presbyters , and allowance of the Magistrate , prove those in question to be true Ministers . 5. No Prince on earth that ever ● heard of , can prove any thing like an uninterrupted succession of legitimate Princes from a Predecessor immediatly authorized by God. If Hereditary Princes that are the Successors of Usurpers are not to be obeyed , it will be hard to find an Hereditary Prince that is to be obeyed : so that their case is worse then the case of Ministers . Sect. 94. For , though 1. No Pastors on Earth can prove an uninterrupted Succession of persons lawfully Ordained . 2. Nor is it necessary to prove a Local succession ; because God hath not tyed his Church to Towns or Countries , and a Church and Pastor that are banished into another Land , may there be the same Church and Pastor , though in and of another place : yet 1. We have a succession of possession in the Office itself . 2. And a succession of actual Ordination in great probability : no man can prove against us that we receive our Ministrie from any that were not actually Ordained . Yet this much is not Necessary to our Office. Sect. 95. Object . But Christ hath tyed the Office of the Ministry to a legitimate Ordination ; but he hath not tyed the Magistracy to a lawful Title . Answ. Here are two falshoods barely affirmed , or implyed . One is that a just Title is less necessary to the Magistrate then the Minister ; when the Reason of both is the same . Title is the foundation of Right . Magistracie is a Right of Governing . No Relation can be without its Foundation . The other is , that God hath tyed the Office of the Ministrie to a legitimate Ordination . This is unproved , and I have proved the contrary before . It is our Duty to enter by Legitimate Ordination where it may be had ; and thus we do . But if any of our Predecessors ( perhaps a thousand or five hundred years ago ) did enter otherwise , that doth not invalidate our Ordination or Ministrie , nor is it any of our sin . Sect. 96. As Ministers were at first Ordained by Imposition of hands , so Kings were chosen by God , and ( in the Church ) anointed by a Prophet , or special Officer of God ; and sometime by the people ( that is , by their suffrages appointing it , or consenting to it ) as appeareth , 1 Sam. 10.1 . & 15.17 . & 16.13 . & 24.6 . 2 Sam. 2.4 , 7. & 5.3 . & 12.7 . & 19.10 . 1 King. 1.45 . & 5.1 . 2 King. 11.12 . & 23.30 . 2 Chron. 22.7 . so that there is as much in Scripture for this manner of their investiture , as there is for Ministers Ordination by imposition of hands ; yet may they be Kings that have no such Investiture ; much less all their predecessors . We then that have a due Investiture , may prove our Ministry , whatever our predecessors had . Sect. 97. I come now to the Arguments of the adversaries of our Ministrie , which I need not stand long on , because they are few and scarce considerable , and sufficiently answered in what is said . And first its said by a Learned man ( Diss●rta● . de Episcop . contra Blondel . Praemoni● . ad L●ctor . sect . 4.13 . ) [ Nos illud in hac disc●ptatione pro concesso positum cens●bimus , Nemin●m rect● dare quod non habet : eumque aut e●s qui hac potestate indu●i nunquam fuerint sine vi●latione aut sacrilegio qu●d●m sibi arrogare aut assumere aut aliis aeque à Deo non vocatis , aut missis communicare neutiquam posse . [ Illud hic nobis unicum m●minisse sufficiet , unumquemque in Anglicana Ecclesia ab Epi●copis ordinatum Presbyterum , nulla ordinandi alios facultate ( aut per se , aut quà quolibet comparium caetu munitum ) praeditum esse , nec igitur ●am sibi rectius arrogare posse , quam si Diaconorum , immo Laicorum unus , aut plures , tali potestate nullatenus induti , idem ausursint . ] The summ is : Presbyters have not this power ▪ therefore they cannot give it . Sect. 98. Answ. If the Argument run thus [ No man can give that which he hath not : Presbyters have not the Office of a Presbyter : therefore they cannot give it . ] I then deny the Minor : They are not Presbyters , if they have not the Office of a Presbyter : that therefore which they have ( to speak in the Dissenters language ) they may give . Sect. 99. But if the Argument be this [ No man can give that which he hath not : Presbyters have not a power of Ordaining : therefore they cannot give a power of Ordaining ] I answer as followeth . 1. We receive not our Office by the Gift of man , whether Presbyters or Prelates . The Power is immediately from Christ , and men do but open us the door , or determine of the person that shall from Christ receive the power , and then put him solemnly into possession . It is the first Error of the adversaries , to hold that this power is given by men as first having it themselves . In the Popes case Bellarmine himself will grant us this ( Respons . ad 7 Theolog. Venet. p. 246.232 . ) [ Saepe ( inquit ) jam dictum est , Electionem Cardinalium non conferre potestatem , sed designare tantummodo personam , cui Deus potestatem tribuit . ] And yet that [ In summo Pontifice post electionem nulla alia requiritur confirmatio , quia statim ut electus est , suscipit administrationem , ut declarat Nicol. Papa Can. in nomine , di● . 23. ] pag. 175. And of the Power of Princes , the Dissenters will grant it ( for we have it in their writings ) that the Power is from God immediately , though the people may elect the person . You will thrust out all Princes of the world by this Argument , and say ▪ [ No man giveth that which he hath not : the people have not a Power of Government : therefore they cannot give it . ] I would answer you as here : God hath the Power , and he giveth it : but the people that have it not , may design the person that shall receive it from God : as the Burgesses of a Corporation may choose a Major or Bayliff to receive that power from the Soveraign ( by the Instrumentality of a Law or Charter ) which they had not themselves to use or give . And so a Presbyterie ( and sometime the people alone ) may design the person that shall receive the Office of the Ministrie from God , though they had it not themselves to use or give . Sect. 100. Resp. 2. By this Argument and its supposition , none are true Ministers that are Ordained by Prelates : for they have not the Power of the Ministrie to Give , but only to Vse : no Ordination is a Giving of the Power , save only by way of ●nvestiture , which supposeth a Title and Right before , and is not of absolute necessity to the Possession : for in several cases it may be without it . Sect. 101. Respons . 3. A man may Instrumentally give or deliver both Right and Investiture in that which he hath not himself , nor ever had . Your servant may by your appointment , deliver a Lease , a Deed of Gift , a Key , or twig and turf , for Possession of house and lands , though he never had house or lands or possession himself . It is sufficient that the Donor have it , that sends him . Sect. 102. Resp. 4. Presbyters have the Power of Presbyters , or the Ministerial Office : and if they can give that ( which certainly they have , ) then they can give a Power of Ordaining other Presbyters . For to Ordain others , is no more then they do themselves in giving the Power or Office which they have : therefore if they may do it , those that they give their Power to may do it ; that is , may also give others that power which they have . Sect. 103. But as to our case in hand , it sufficeth that we prove , that Presbyters may give others the Office of Presbyters ; whether this Office contain a Power of Ordaining , is another Question , but soon dispatcht , if this be granted : because ( as is said ) to Ordain is nothing else but to invest others with the Office or Power which we have our selves . Sect. 104. Resp. 5. The Argument maketh more against the Prelates Ordination , on another account ; because that ( as is proved already ) that Species of Prelacie that was exercised in England ( the sole Governours of an hundred or two hundred Churches ) is so far contrary to the Word of God , that we may boldly conclude , that as such , they have no power to use or give : their very Office is humane , and destructive of the true Pastoral Office : and therefore as such , they have less pretence of Divine Authoritie , then Presbyters , whose Office is of God. Yet do I not make their Ordination Null , because they were Presbyters as well as Prelates , and also were in Possession of the place of Ordainers , and had the Magistrates authority . Sect. 105. Resp. 6. Presbytrrs have a Power of Ordaining : it is already proved . And to your confirmation ( where you say that the Bishops gave them no such Power : therefore they have it not : ) I answer : 1. I deny the Consequence . God gave it them : therefore they have it without the Bishops gift . 2. If by [ Giving ] you mean but an accidental Causation , or the action of a Causa sine qua non , or a designation of the Person that shall receive it , then I deny the Antecedent . The Prelates ( and Electors ) designed the person , and also invested him solemnly in the Office , which containeth this Power of Ordination which you deny them . Sect. 106. Obj. The Prelates expressed no such thing in their Ordination . Ans. 1. It being not the Prelates but Christ that makes the Office , we must not go to the words of the Prelates , but of Christ to know what the Office is , though we may go to the Prelates ( while the work was in their hands ) to know who the person is . If a Prelate Consecrate a Prelate , and yet mention not particularly the works that are pretended to belong to a Prelate , you will not think him thereby restrained or disabled to those works . He that Crowneth a King , and they that choose him , though they name not the works of his Office and Power , do thereby choose him to all those works that belong to a King. God hath set down in his Word , that the Husband shall be the Head or Governor of his Wife : if now the woman shall choose a certain person to be her Husband , and the Minister or Magistrate solemnize their Marriage , without any mention of such Governing Power , the Power doth nevertheless belong to the man ; because God hath specified by his Law the Power of that Relation , and the man is Lawfully put in the Relation that by the Law of God hath such a Power : so is it in the case in hand . Sect. 107. But yet 2. I add , that the Prelates and the Laws of England gave to Presbyters a Power of Ordination . For in all their Ordinations , the Presbyters were to lay on hands with the Prelate ( and did , in all Ordinations that I have seen . ) And if they actually imposed hands and so Ordained , it was an actual profession to all that they were supposed to have the power of Ordination , which they exercised . Sect. 108. Obj. But they had no Power given them to do it without a Prelate . Answ. 1. By Christ they had . 2. You may as well say , that Bishops have no Power to Ordain , because they were not ( ordinarily at least ) to do it without the Presbyters . Sect. 109. Obj. Saith the foresaid Learned Author ( Dissert . Praemonit . sect . 10.11 . ) [ Vnum illud lubens interrogarem , an Hieronymus , dum hic esset , & Presbyteratu secundario fungeretur partiariâ tantum indutus potestate , praesente , sed spreto & insuper habito Episcopo , Diaconum aut Presbyterum ordinare ( aut Presbytero uni aut alteri adjunctus ) recte potuerit ? si affirmetur , dicatur sodes , qua demum ratione ab eo dictum sit , Episcopum sola ordinatione ( & ergo ordinatione ) à Presbytero disterminatum esse ] sin negetur , quomodo igitur Presbytero Anglicano , cui nullam , quae non Hieronymo potestatem , &c. — ] Answ. 1. This is none of our case in England : we Ordain not , praesente sed spreto Episcopo : but most Countreyes know of no Bishop that they have , but Presbyters . 2. Hierom might have Ordained with his fellow-presbyters , according to the Laws of Christ , but not according to the Ecclesiastical Canons , that then obtained , or bore sway . 3. Hierom plainly tells you , that it is by Ecclesiastical appointment for the prevention of schisme , that Bishops were set up so far as to have this power more then Presbyters , in the point of Ordination . 4. The English Presbyters are Parochial Bishops , and have an Office of Christs making , and not of the Prelates ; and are not under those Ecclesiastical Canons that restrained Hierom from the exercise of this power . And therefore whereas it is added by this Learned Author [ Quid huic dilemmati reponi , aut opponi possit , fateor equidem me non adeo Lynceum esse ut perspiciam ] he may see that he could scarce have set us an easier task then to answer his dilemma . Sect. 110. The second and their principal objection is , that We have no precept or example in the Church for Presbyters Ordaining without Prelates : therefore it is not to be done . Answ. 1. I told you before how Bishop Vsher told me he answered this Objection to King Charl● . viz. from the example of the Church of Alexandria where Presbyters made Bishops , which is more . Sect. 111. But 2. I answer , you haue no example in Scripture or long after that ever Prelates of the English sort , did ordain , nor any precept for it , nor was such a Prelacy then known , as is proved ; and therefore their Ordination hath less warrant then that by Pretbyters . Sect. 112. And 3. I have told you before of Scripture warrant for Ordination by a Presbyterie , and also by the Teachers and other Officers of a single Church , as was the Church of Antioch . Prove that there was any Bishop . Sect. 113. Lastly , it is confessed by the Dissenters that such Presbyters or Bishops as are mentioned , Act. 20. Phil. 1.1 . 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1 , &c. had power of Ordination : But according to the judgement of most of the Fathers ( that ever I saw or heard of that interpret those texts ) it is Presbyters that are meant in all or some of those texts . It is granted us also by the Dissenters that the chief or sole Pastors of single Churches in Scripture-times did ordain ▪ and had the power of Ordination : But the Presbyters of England , and other Protestant Churches are the chief or sole Pastors of single Churches ; therefore , &c. Sect. 114. Object . 3. But the English Presbyters have broak their Oaths of Canoical obedience , and therefore at least are schismatical . Answ. 1. Many never took any such oath , to my knowledge : For my part I did not . 2. The particular persons that are guilty must be accused : and neither must they be judged before they speak for themselves , nor yet must others be condemned for their sakes . In these parts , there is not one Presbyter I think of ten , who differs from the Prelates about Ordination , that ever took that oath . And therefore it is few that can be called Schismaticks on that account . Yea 3. And those few that did take that Oath , have few of them that I know of , done any thing against the Prelates . Sect. 115. Object . 4. The English Presbyters have pull'd down the Prelates , and rebelled against them , and therefore at least are guilty of Schism . Answ. 1. The guilty must be named and heard : their case is nothing to the rest . It is not one often I think , perhaps of twenty , that can be proved guilty . 2. It was not the Scripture Bishops that they Covenanted against or opposed : but only the irregular English Prelacy before described : And the endeavour of reforming this corrupted Pre●acy , and reducing it to the Primitive frame , is in it self no schism . Sect. 116. Object . 5. Ignatius commandeth them to obey the Bishops and do nothing without them . Answ. 1. Ignatius also commandeth them to obey the Presbyters as the Apostles of Christ , and to do nothing without them . 2. The Bishops that Ignatius mentioneth were such as our Parish Bishops or Presbyters are , that have a Presbyterie to assist them : They were the chief Pastors of a single Church , as is before proved out of Ignatius , and not the Pastors of hundreds of Churches . Sect. 117. I shall trouble the Reader with no more of their objections , seeing by what is said already , he may be furnished to answer them all : but I shall now leave it to his impartial sober consideration , whether I have not proved the truth of our Ministry and of the Reformed Churches , and the Validity of our administrations , and of our Ordination it self ? CHAP. VIII . The greatness of their sin that are now labouring to perswade the People of the Nullity of our Ministry , Churches and administrations . Sect. 1. HAving laid so fair a ground for my application , I think it my duty to take the freedom to tell those Reverend persons that oppose us in this point , the Reasons why I dare not joyn with them , and the guilt that I am perswaded they heap upon their own souls ; Wherein I protest it is not mine intent to make them odious , or cast disgrace upon them ( for I do with great reluctancy obey my Conscience in the performance of this task : ) but my intent is , if it be the will of God to give success so far to these endeavours , 1. To humble them for their great and hainous sin and save them from it ; 2. And to save the Church from the divisions and disturbances that is already caused by them and their opinion ; 3. However to discharge my Conscience and tell them plainly , what frightneth me from their way . Sect. 2. And 1. It seems to me ( upon the grounds before expressed ) that those men that would Nullifie all the Protestant Ministry , Churches and administrations , that have not Prelates , are guilty of schism , and are plain Separatists . They depart from truly Catholick principles . That man hath not the just Principles and Spirit of a Catholick , that can on such a pretence as this degrade or nullifie so many Learned , Godly Ministers , and unchurch so many excellent Churches of Christ ; they make a plain Schism , and separate from us on as weak grounds as the ancient Separatists did , whom yet they account an odious generation . And the writings of Paget , Ball , Bradshaw , Hildersham , Bernard , and the rest that defend our Ministry and Churches against the old Separatists , will serve in the main to defend them against these new ones , which therefore I refer the Reader to peruse . Many of the same Arguments are as forcible against this adversary . Sect. 3. 2. And by this means they condemn themselves that have spoken so much against the Separatists , calling them Brownists , Schismaticks , and the like ; and now take up the cause ( in the name ) that in them they so condemned . Will they turn Schismaticks that have spoken against Schismaticks so much ? Sect. 4. 3. By this means also they exceedingly wrong the Lord Jesus Christ , by seeking to rob him of his inheritance : by telling him that his Churches are none of his Churches , and his Ministers are none of his Ministers , and his Ordinances are not his Ordinances indeed . Let them first prove that Christ hath renounced these Ministers , or unchurched or denied these Churches , or given them a bill of divorce : and then let them speak their pleasure . But till then they were best take heed what they do , lest they have not the thanks from Christ which they expect . Sect. 5. 4. They go against the plain commands of Christ , and examples of his servants : Christ himself bid concerning such as cast out Devils in his name , but followed him not [ Forbid him not ; for there is no man that shall do a Miracle in my name that can lightly speak evil of me : for he that is not against us is on our part , Mark 9.37 , 38 , 39. He liked not their humour that would have the substance of so good a work forbidden , for want of a due circumstance , mode , or accident . He commandeth us to Pray the Lord of the Harvest to send Labourers into his Harvest , because the Harvest is great , and the Labourers are few : And these men would have multitudes of Labourers thrust out , in the Necessity of the Churches . Paul rejoyced that Christ was Preached , even by them that did it in strife and envy , thinking to add affliction to his bonds . But these men would silence them that preach in sincere compassion of mens souls . Moses would not forbid Edlad and Medad prophecying , but wisht that all the Lords people were Prophets . While men do good and not harm , or more good then harm in the Church , I should see very good grounds , yea and Necessity for it , before I should silence them , or be guilty of silencing them . Sect. 6. 5. They manifest a great deal of selfishness and pride , that dare thus consent to the injury of Christ , and the Church and souls of men , because they may not bear that Rule which is according to their principles and spirits . Self-denial would do much to cure this . Sect. 7. 6. And yet they do as self-seekers commonly do , even seek after misery and destruction to themselves . While they look ( its like ) at the honour , and forget the work , they plead for such a load and burden , as is enough to break the backs of many , even for the doing of a work that is so far beyond their strength , that its a meer impossiblity : How can one man do the works which Scripture layeth on a Bishop , for a hundred or two hundred Churches ? and for thousands that he never sees or hears of ? Sect. 8. 7. And above all , I admire how the heart of a considerate Christian , can be guilty of so great cruelty to the souls of men , as these men would be , if they had their will , in the practice of their principles ? What if all the Churches that have no Prelates were unchurched ? the Ministers cast out as no true Ministers , or the people all prevailed with to forsake them , what would be done for the thousands of the poor ignorant careless souls that are among us ? when all that all of us can do is too little , what would be done if so many and such were laid aside ? How many thousands were like to be damned , for want of the means , that according to the ordinary way of God , might have procured their conversion and Salvation ? Sect. 9. If they say , that others as good as they should possess the places : I answer , they speak not to men of another world , but to their neighbours , that well know that there are few to be had of tolerable worth to possess one place of very many , if all that they oppose were cast out or forsaken . Do we not know who and what men they are that you have to supply the room with ? Sect. 10. If they say that more obedient men would soon spring up , or many of these would change their minds , if they were forced to it ; I answer , 1. So many would be unchanged as would be a greater loss to the Church ( if it were deprived of them ) then ever Prelacy was like to repair . 2. And what should become of poor souls the while your young ones are a training up ? 3. And in all ages after , the Church must lose all those that should dissent from your opinion . Sect. 11. If you say that , It is not your desire to silence all these Preachers that you disown : I answer , How can that stand with your doctrine or your practice ? Your Doctrine is , that they are Lay-men , and no true Ministers , nor to be heard and submitted to as Ministers , nor Sacraments to be received from them . And would you not have them then cast out ? 2. Your practice is to disswade the people ( especially the Gentry that are neer you ) to separate and disown them accordingly ; and it is done in many places . And would you not cast them out , whom you would have forsaken ? Sect. 12. If you say , It is your desire that they should forsake their error and obey you , and so be continued and not cast out : I answer , 1. But that is not in your power to accomplish , nor have you reason to expect it . They are willing to know the mind of God as well as you , and perhaps search as diligently , and pray as hard as you ; and yet they think that its you that are in the wrong ; you see that for many years the Reformed Churches have continued in this mind : And it appears that if they will not turn to your opinion , you would have them all cast out or forsaken . Christ shall have no servants , nor the Church any Pastors that will not be in this of your Opinion . Sect. 13. 8. Hereby also you would run into the guilt of a more grievous persecution , when you have read so much in Scripture against persecutors , and when you have heard of and seen the judgements of God let out upon them . It is an easie matter for any Persecutor to call him that he would cast out , a Schismatick , or Heretick , but it is not so easie to answer him that hath said , He that offendeth one of these little ones , it were better for him , &c. God will not take up with fair pretences or false accusations against his servants , to justifie your persecution . Sect. 14. 9. Yea you would involve the people of the Land , and of other Nations , in the guilt of your persecution ; drawing them to joyn with you , in casting out the faithful labourers from the Vineyard of the Lord. This is the good you would do the people , to involve their Souls into so deplorable a state of guilt . Sect. 15. If you say , It is you that are persecuted , as I read some of you do : I answer . 1. If it be so , you are the more unexcusable before God and man , that even under your persecution , will cherish , defend and propagate such a doctrine of persecution , as strikes at no less then the necks of all the Reformed Ministers , and Churches that are not Prelatical , at one blow . 2. For my part , I have oft protested against any that shall hinder an able Godly Minister from the service of Christ and the Church , if he be but one that is likely to do more good then harm . But I never took it to be persecution to cast out Drunkards , scandalous , negligent , insufficient men , where better may be had to supply the place : no more then it is persecution to suppress an abusive Alehouse , or restrain a thief from making thievery his trade . 3. The present Governors do profess their readiness to approve and encourage in the Ministry any Godly , able , diligent m●n that will but live peaceably towards the Commonwealth . And I am acquainted with none ( as far as I remember ) of this quality , that have not liberty to preach and exercise the Ministerial Office. 4. But if you think you are persecuted , because you may not Rule your Brethren , and persecute others , and take upon you the sole Government of all the Churches in a County , or more , we had rather bear your accusations , then poor souls should bear the pains of Hell , by your neglect and persecution : if you are persecuted when your hands are held from striking ; what are your Brethren , that cannot by your good will have leave laboriously to serve God in a low estate , as the servants of all , and the Lords of none ? Sect. 16. 10 By this means also you shew your selves impenitent in regard of all the former persecutions that some of you and your predecessors have been guilty of . Abundance of most Learned Godly men have been silenced , suspended , and some of them persecuted to banishment , and some to death . The world hath had too few such men for exemplary abilities , diligence and holiness , as Hildersham , Bradshaw , Bay● , Nicols , Brightman , Dod , Ball , Paget , Hering , Langley , Parker , Sandford , Cartwright , Bates , Ames , Rogers , and abundance more , that some suffered unto death , and some were silenced , some imprisoned , &c. for not conforming to the Ceremonies : besides Eliot , Hooker , Cotton , Norton , Cobbet , Davenant , Parker , Noyes , and all the rest that were driven to New England ; and besides Ward and all that were driven into Holland : and besides the thousands of private Christians that were driven away with them : And besides all the later more extensive persecution of such as were called Conformable Puritans , for not reading the Book for dauncing on the Lords day , and for not ceasing to preach Lectures , or on the Evening of the Lords day , and such like : All this I call to your mind , as the sin that should be lamented , and heavily lamented , and not be owned , and drawn or continued on your own heads by impenitencie ; and how do you repent , that would do the like , and take your selves to be persecuted , if your hands are tyed that you may not do it ? For my own part , I must profess , I had rather be a Gally-slave , or Chimney-sweeper , yea or the basest vermine , than be a Bishop with all this guilt upon my soul , ( to continue , ) how light soever many make of it , and how impenitently soever they justifie themselves . Sect. 17. 11. Yea more , after all the warnings you have had , in the waies and ends of your predecessors , it seems that you would yet incomparably outstrip the most of them in persecution , if you had your way . For few of them did attempt , or make any motion , for degrading or denying most of the Protestant Ministers in Europe , or such a number as in England and Scotland are not Ordained by Prelates , and to unchurch all their Churches . This is far higher then these before you . Sect. 18. 12. And take heed lest continuing in such a sin , after both prohibitions and judgements , you should be found fighters against God. If those that despise the Ministers of Christ , despise Christ himself , what shall we think of them that do it themselves , and teach men so to do , and have pleasure in them that do it ? It s fearful to draw near that forlorn Condition of the Jews , 1 Thes. 2.15 , 16. [ — and have persecuted us : and they please not God , and are contrary to all men ; forbidding us to speak to the Gentiles that they might be saved , to fill up their sins alway : for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . ] Sect. 19. 13. It is apparent that your doctrine and practice tendeth to let in the old ejected rabble of drunken , ignorant , ungodly persons into the Ministrie . ( And what can be more odious to the most Holy God! ) For if once you cast out all those that have not Prelatical Ordination , or all that are against it , ( especially after a former Ordination , ) you must take in such as these , and with Ieroboam , make Priests of the vilest of the people , or else the places must be vacant : for we know that there are not able godly men to be had of your mind to supply the vacant places . Sect. 20. 14. Your doctrine doth tend to harden malignant wicked men in their enmitie against a faithful Ministrie : and we see this unhappy success of it by experience . Our doctrine is so much against the inclination and interest of the flesh , and men are by corrupted nature at such an enmity to God , and all that is truly Spiritual and Holy , that we have as many enemies as hearers , till Grace do either restrain or change them . But when they have such an irritation and encouragement as this , and that from men that would be reputed as Godly as the best ; then no wonder if they are hardened in their malignity . When we would instruct them and mind them of their everlasting state , and help to prepare them for their latter end ; they are told by Learned men , that we are no Ministers but Lay-men and Schismaticks , and that it is their sin to own us , or receive the Ordinances of Christ from us as Ministers : and so the poor people turn their backs on us , and on the Assemblies and Ordinances of God ; and being taught by wise and learned men to disown us and despise us , they follow their drunkenness , and worldliness , and ungodlyness with greater security , and with less remorse : for now they have a defensative against the galling doctrine of those precise Preachers , that would not let them alone in their sin : they were wont to be disturbed at least by Sermons , and sometime they purposed to return , and were in the way of Grace , and in some hope : but now they are taught by Learned Godly Divines to keep out of hearing , they can go on and sin in peace . Sect. 21. 15. By this means also you rob God of his publike worship : People are taught to turn their backs on it : you teach them that it is better that God have no publike Ministerial worship at all , in Prayer , Praises , Sacraments , &c. then that he should have it from any but Prelatical Ministers ! O sacred doctrine ! And if you had your wills for the silencing or ejecting of all that are not Ordained by Prelates , how many hundred Church-doors must be shut up in the Christian world , or worse ! Sect. 22. 16. By this means all Impiety would be cherished and let loose . When once the mouths of Ministers were stopped , the mouth of the swearer , and curser , and railer , and scorner at Godliness would be open : and so would be the mouth of the drunkard and glutton . If all that can be done , be so much too little , as experience tells us , what a case would the Nations be in , and how would iniquity abound , if Ministers were cast out ? Sect. 23. 17. Yea it might endanger the Churches , by the introduction of Infidelity or Heathenism it self . For nothing is more natural as it were , to corrupted man : and if once the Ministry be taken down , and they have none , or those that are next to none , Infidelity and Atheism will soon spring up : And it will be a more dangerous sort of Infidelity , then is among many of the open Infidels , because it would be palliated with the name of Christianity , and leave men further from conviction , then some that never heard of Christ. Sect. 24. 18. And it is a temptation to Infidelity and Contempt of the Church and Ministrie , when men shall ●ee that one party of Christians doth thus unchurch another . They will think that they may boldly say that of us , which we say of the another ; one party unchurcheth all the Papists : these that we are now speaking to , do unchurch all the Protestant Churches that are not Prelatical . The Papists unchurch all but themselves , and so among them , they leave Christ but a very small part of his inheritance . Sect. 25. 19. Yea I fear that by Consequence ( and too near and pla●n a Consequence ) they dissolve the Catholike Church it self . And if it be so , let them judge whether their doctrine subvert not Christianitie ? I use no violence for the inference . If want of Prelatical Ordination do Null the Protestant Ministrie and Churches , then it must needs follow that far greater defects ( and more against the vitals of the Church ) will do as much to unchurch the Romanists , the Greeks , Armenians , Syrians , Ethiopians , Egyptians , &c. But alas , how easie is it to prove that all these have far greater defects then the Presbyterian Protestant Churches ! and so the whole must fall together . Sect. 26. 20. By all these means they joyn with the Quakers , and Seekers , and Drunkards in opposing the same Ministrie that they oppose . You are no true Ministers of Iesus Christ , say the Quakers , Seekers , and other Sects ; so also say these that now we are speaking of : and if they preach their doctrine , and side with them against the servants of Christ , let them be afraid lest they partake of their Spirit and Reward . Sect. 27. 21. Their doctrine and practice tendeth to grieve the hearts of the most experienced gracious souls . Should all the Ministers be cast out that are not Prelatical , and the places supplyed , as they m●st be in their stead , with such as can be had , O what a day would it be to honest humble souls , that were wont to delight themselves in the publike worship of God , and to find instruction , and admonition , and consolation sutable to their necessities ! If now they should have all turned to what the Doctrine of these men portends , their souls would be as in a Wilderness , and famine would consume them , and they would lament as David in his banishment , and the Jews in their captivity , to think of the daies that once they saw . Sect. 28. 22. And doth it not imply a great deal of unholiness and enmitie to Reformation , when men dare thus boldly unchurch the most of the Reformed Churches , and pass such desperate nullifying censures on the most holy , able , painful Ministers of the Gospel ? O how many of them are studying , and watching and praying for their people day and night , and teaching them publickly and from house to house , and that sometimes with tears , willing to spend and be spent fo their Salvation , not seeking theirs but them ; and when they have done all , they are reproached as no Ministers of Christ , and the people taught to disown them and forsake them . Is this a sign of a son of God , that is tender of his honour and interest ? or of a Holy Gracious soul ? Sect. 29. 23. At least by this means the hands of Ministers are weakned in their work , and their difficulties increased , and their hearts grieved , because of their peoples misery . O if they could have but a free unprejudiced hearing with poor sinners some good might be done ! But they will not hear us , nor come neer us , or speak to us : Especially when they are taught to forsake us by such men . I would not be the man that should thus add burden and grief to the faithful Ministers of Christ , upon such an account , for all the Bishopricks on earth . Sect. 30. 24 They also distract the minds of Christians , when they hear men thus degrading and unchurching one another ; so that weak persons are perplexed , and know not what to think nor what Church or Religion to be of : yea it is well if many be not tempted hereby to be of no Religion at all : when they hear them condemning one another . Sect. 31. 25. These shew too much formality and Ceremoniousness , when they so much prefer their own opinon , about a circumstance , Ceremony or Mode , before the very being of the Churches and Ministry , and the substance of worship it self , and the Salvation of men souls : As if it were better for Churches to be no Churches , then not Prelatical Churches : or for souls to be condemned , then to be saved by men that are not Prelatical . I speak not these things to exasperate them ( though I can expect no better : ) but in the grief of my soul for the sad condition that they would bring men into . Sect. 32. 26. They lay a very dangerous snare , to draw Ministers to be guilty of casting off the work of God. Flesh and blood would be glad of a fair pretence for so much liberty and ease . O how fain would it be unyoakt , and leave this labourious , displeasing kind of life ! And when such as these shall perswade them that they are no Ministers , they may do much to gratifie the flesh . For some will say , I am at a loss , between both wayes ; I cannot see the lawfulness of Prelacy : and yet they speak so confidently of the nullity of all other callings , that I will forbear till I am better resolved Another will say , I find my self to be no Minister , and therefore free from the Obligation to Ministerial Offices ; and I will take heed how I come under that yoak again , till I have fuller resolution . Another will scruple being twice Ordained , and so will think it safer to surcease . At least they tempt men to such resolutions , that would discharge them from so hard a work . Sect. 33. 27. By this means also they make the breaches that are among us to be uncurable , and proclaim themselves utterly unreconcileable to the most of the Protestant Churches . For if they will have no reconciliation or communion with them , till they shall confess themselves no Churches , and cast off all their Ministers , they may as well say flatly , they will have none at all . For no reasonable man can imagine or expect that ever the Churches should yield to these terms . When they are declared no Ministers or Churches , you cannot then have Communion with them as Ministers or Churches . Sect. 34. 28. And it is easie to see how much they befriend and encourage the Papists in all this . Is it not enough that you have vindicated the Pope from being the Antichrist , but you must also openly proclaim that Rome is a true Church , their Priests true Priests , their Ordinances and Administrations Valid , but all the Protestant Churches that are not Prelatical are indeed no Churches , their Ministers no Ministers , &c. Who would not then be a Papist rather then a member of such a Protestant Church ? How can you more plainly invite men to turn Papists , unless you would do it expresly and with open face ? Or how could you gratifie Papists more ? Sect. 35. 29. And truly if all these evils were accompl●shed , the Ministers forsaken , iniquity let loose , the Ordinances prophaned by unworthy men , &c. we could expect nothing but that the judgements of God should be poured out upon us for our Apostacy : and that temporal plagues involuntary should accompany the spiritual plagues that we have chosen ! and that God should even forsake our land , and make us a by word and an hissing to the Nations : and that his judgements should write as upon our doors , This is the people that wilfully cast out the Ministers and mercies of the Lord. Sect. 36. 30. And if all this were but accomplished , in the Conclusion I may be bold to ask , what would the Devil himself have more , except our damnation it self ? If he were to plead his own cause , and to speak for himself , would he not say the very same as these Learned , Reverend Disputers do ? would he not say to all our graceless people , Hear n●t these Ministers : they are no true Ministers : Ioyn not in Communion with their Churches , they are no true Churches ? I doubt not but he would say many of the same words , if he had leave to speak . And should not a man of any fear be afraid , and a man of any piety be unwilling to plead the very cause of Satan , and say as he would have them say , by accusing so many famous Churches and Ministers , as being none indeed , and drawing the people so to censure them and forsake them ; This is no work for a Minister of Christ. Sect. 37. Besides what is here said , I desire those whom it doth concern , that are afraid of plunging themselves into the depth of guilt and horror , that they will impartially read over my first sheet for the Ministry , which further shews the aggravations of their sin that are now the opposers and reproachers of them . Consider them , and take heed . Sect. 38. But again I desire these Brethren to believe , that as it is none of the Prelatical Divines that I here speak of ▪ but those that thus nullifie our Church & Ministry , while they own the Ministry and Church of Rome ; so it is none of my desire to provoke even these , or injure them in the least degree : But I could not in this sad condition of the Church , but propound these hainous evils to their consideration , to provoke them to try , and to take heed lest they should incur so great a load of guilt , while they think they are pleading for Order in the Church . How can there be any charity to the Church , or to our brethren in us , if we can see them in such a gulf of sin as this , and yet say nothing to them , for fear of provoking them to displeasure ? Sect. 39. And I think it necessary that all young men that are cast by their arguings into temptations of falling with them into the same transgressions , should have the case laid open to them , that they may see their danger ; and not by the accusations of Schism be led into far greater real Schism , with so many other sins as these . Sect. 40. Yet is it not my intent to justifie any disorders or miscarriages that any have been guilty of in opposition to the Prelacie . And if they can prove that I have been guilty of any such thing my self , I shall accept of their reproof , and condemn my sin as soon as I can discern it . Only I must crave that the usual way of presumption , affirmation , or bare names of crimes be not supposed sufficient for Conviction , without proof , and before the cause is heard . And also I do profess that for all that I have here said against the English Prelacy , and though I earnestly desire it may never be restored , yet were I to live under it again , I would live peaceably and submissively , being obedient , and perswading others to obedience , in all things lawfull . CHAP. IX . The sinfulness of despising or neglecting Ordination . Sect. 1. IT is a thing so common and hardly avoided , for men in opposing one extream , to seem to countenance the other and for men that are convinced of the evil of one , to run into the other as the only truth , that I think it necessary here to endeavour the prevention of this miscarriage : and having said so much against the Necessity of Prelatical Ordination , and in some cases of any , I shall next shew the greatness of their sin that despise or neglect Ordination when it may be had . Sect. 2. For the right understanding of what is to be said , I must again remember you , that though it be not at the Ordainers will to deprive the Church of Ministers , and it is none of the Question which they have to resolve , Whether the Church shall have Ministers or none ( and therefore there may be Ministers without them , if they would hinder or refuse ; ) And though it be not the Question which is put to their decision , What kind of Ministers the Church shall have ( for that Christ hath determined of ; ) nor yet what Qualifications are necessary to them , ( for that also Christ hath already set down ; ) yet is it a great and weighty case that is put to the decision of Ordainers , that is , Whether this man be thus qualified as Christ hath described and required in Ministers ? and whether he be the fittest person ( or fit at least ) for the particular charge to which he is called ? And the right determining of this question is a thing that the Churches welfare doth very much do depend upon . Sect. 3. And therefore it is the decision of this one Question , that Ministers , People and Magistrates themselves , must all contribute their powers and endeavours too in their several places . All that they have to do is but to see that the Churches have fit men , even such as are qualified as God requireth . The People must choose fit men : or consent to them when chosen for them : The Pastors must try them , and Approve them , and only them that are fit : The Magistrate must encourage , assist and defend fit men , and forbid such as are intolerably unfit , and not permit them to abuse the name and Ordinances of Christ , and wrong his Church . Sect. 4. This treble guard at the door of the Church doth much tend to its security , and preservation from the great evils that intruders may introduce . And each party of the three hath a special interest which should make them carefull of the business . 1. The people have great reason to have a hand in it , and to be carefull : For it is their Souls for which their Overseers watch , and their Salvation that is concerned in it . And he that will not trust his Son with any Tutor without due choice , nor his state with every Lawyer , nor his body with every Physician , no nor his land , or cattle with every servant , but will choose the best , hath reason to know upon whose care he trusteth his soul. For though it may be some excuse , it will be no justification of them that lie in sin and misery , to say , Our Teachers did mislead us . For if the blind lead the blind , it is both that fall into the ditch : And as Cyprian saith ( with the rest of his Collegues , ) Epist. 68. ( alias Li. 1. Ep. 4. ) [ Propter quod plena diligentia , exploratione sincer● oportet eos ad Sacerdotium delegi , quos a Deo constet audiri . Nec sibi plebs blandiatur , quasi immunis esse a contagio delicti possit cum Sacerdote peccatore communicans , & ad injustum atque illicitum praepositi sui Episcopatum consensum suum commodans , &c. — ] Besides the work of the Ministry is Teaching and Perswasive , and the success is only on the Willing : and seeing we can do nothing on them for their good against their wills , or without their own Consent , it is needfull therefore that some way or other their Consent should be procured , unless we would frustrate all our labour , and miss our end . And also , a Church is a Society Voluntarily conjoined for holy Worship and Living : and therefore it is contrary to the nature of it , that they should have Pastors , or be members and not Consent . Sect. 5. And 2. For the Magistrate , there is great reason that he have his part also in the work : For the honour of God must be his End ; the Law of God his chiefest Rule ; ●he Church of Christ his chiefest subjects ; and the work of Christ , his chifest care and business . And seeing he Ruleth from Christ , and by Christ , and for Christ , it is necessary that he take care of the quality , and enterance , and carriage of Ministers , on whom Christs work and honour doth so much depend . Sect. 6. Yet is there here a special difference between the works of these several parties in admitting men into the Ministry . The proper or necessary work of the people , is but to discern and consent : Whether they be the first Electors , is a matter of indifferency in it self , & is sometime fit , and sometime unfit . The Magistrates work is not to Ordain Ministers ; but carefully to Oversee the Ordainers and the People , that they put in none but worthy men : And if he find that they miscarry , he is not ( ordinarily at least ) to take the work upon him , and Ordain fitter men himself : but to correct them to whom the work belongs , for their male-administration , and restrain them from misdoing , and urge them by due means to do it better , or cause them to be displaced that are unreformable , that better may be chosen in their stead , that will be faithfull . Sect. 7. And 3. The reason of the Ministers interest in the work , I shall more at large lay down anon . And though there be a possibility of frequent differences arising , through disagreement of these three several parties , yet Christ would rather use this treble guard for caution , then for the preventing of division , lay open his Church to the injury of intruders . Sect. 8. And remember again , that it is not in the Power of Magistrates , Ordainers , People and all to make a Minister of Christ , of a man that wanteth the Essential Qualifications : Ex qu●vis ligno non fit Mercurius . He that is not qualified for the works Essential to a Minister , cannot by Ordination be made a Minister : No more then the bare stamp can make currant money of a piece of lead , when the Law makes the Mettal Essential to currant Coin : And no more then a license will make him a School-master that cannot read : or him a Pilot , that knows not how to Rule the ship : saith Cyprian ubi sup . [ Sed enim desiderio huic vestro , non tam nostra concilia , quam Divina praecepta respondent ; quibus jampridem mandatur voce caelesti , & Dei lege prescribitur , quos & quales oporteat deservire altari , & Sacrificia Divina celebrare . ( Here he citeth Scripture ) Quae cum praedicta & manifesta sint nobis praeceptis Divinis necesse est obsequia nostra deserviant : Nec personam in ejusmodi rebus accipere , aut aliquid cuiquam largiri potest humana indulgentia ubi intercedit , & legem tribuit Divina praescriptio . ] God gives not men authority to contradict his Law , or to Ordain a man uncapable of Ordination ; nor introduce the form , where the matter is undisposed for it . Sect. 9. Perhaps some will ask , What should be done , in case that these three parties disagree : If the Magistrate would have one man , and the Ordainers another , and the people a third , or if two of them go one way , and the third another ? To which I answer , There are many things that must be taken into consideration for the right resolving of the case . Either the persons nominated are equal or unequal : Either they are all capable , or some of them uncapable : Either the welfare of that Church dependeth on the choice : or else it may be somewhat an indifferent case . ● . If there be but one Minister to be had , and the Dissenters would have none , then it is past controversie , that the Dissenters are to be disobeyed . 2. If one party would have a Godly , Able Minister , and the other would have an incapable , intolerable person , then it is past doubt , that the party that is for the worthy person ought to prevail , and it is his duty to insist upon it , and the duty of the rest to yield to him . 3. If any will make a controversie in this case where there is none , and say , [ You say this man is fittest , and I say the other man ( that is uncapable ) is fittest , and who shall be judge ? ] The party that is in the right must hold to their duty , till they are persecuted from it , and appeal to God , who will judge in equity . If a blind man say to a man that hath his eye-sight [ You say that you see ; and I say that I see ; you say that it is day , and I say it is night ; who shall be believed ? ] It is not such words that will warrant a wise man to renounce his eye-sight . God will judge him to be in the right that is so indeed . 4. But if really the several parties are for several Ministers that are all tolerable , yet if there be any notable difference in their fitness , the parties that are for the less fit , should yield to the party that is for the more fit . If you say , They discern it not , I answer , that is their sin , which will not justifie them in a further sin , or excuse them from a duty . They might discern , if they were not culpable , in so great a difference , at least whom they are bound to take for the most fit . 5. But if there be no great inequality , then these Rules should be observed . 1. The Magistrate should not deny the people their Liberty of choice , nor the Ministers their Liberty in Approbation or dissallowance : but only Oversee them all , that they faithfully do their several duties . 2. The Ministers should not hinder the people from their Choice , where both parties nominated are fit , but content themselves with their proper work . 3. The People should not insist upon their choice , if the Ministers to whom it belongeth , do disallow the person , and take him to be unmeet , and refuse to ordain him : because obedience in such cases is their duty , and a duty that cannot tend to their loss : at least not to so much hurt to them as the contrary irregular course may prove to the Church . 4. If Magistrates or Ministers would make the first choice , and urge the people to consent if the person be fit , it is the safest way for the people to obey and consent , though it were better for the Rulers to give them more freedom in the choice . 5. If a people be generally ignorant ( in too great a measure , ) and addicted to unworthy men , or apt to divisions , &c. it is their safest way to desire the Ministers to choose for them . Or if they will not do so , it is the safest way for the Ministers to offer them a man : Yet so that Magistrates and Ministers should expect their Consent , and not set any man over them as their Pastor without consent some way procured . 6. But if they are no Church , but unc●lled persons , and it be not a Pastor of a Church , but a Preacher to Convert men , and sit them for a Church-state , that is to be settled , then may the Magistrate settle such a man , and force the people to hear him preach . 7. If Necessity require not the contrary , the matter should be delayed , till Magistrate ▪ Ministers and people do agree . 8. The chosen Pastors should decide the case themselves : They should not accept the place , and Consent , till all be agreed , unless there be a Necessity . And if there be , then the greatest necessity should most sway . If the Magistrate resist , he will forcibly prohibite and hinder you from preaching . If the Ministers resist , they will deny you the right hand of fellowship . If the people resist , they will not hear nor join in worship nor obey . All these if possible should be avoided . The Peoples consent ( to a Pastor of a Church ) is of Necessity . We cannot do the work of Pastors without it . And therefore neither Magistrates or Ministers can drive us on where this is wanting ( unless it be only to seek it , or only to do the work of Preachers to men without . ) Unity and Communion with Neighbour-Churches is so much to be desired , that nothing but Necessity can warrant us to go on without it . And the Magistrates restraint is so great a hinderance , that nothing but Necessity can warrant us to cast our selves upon it . And therefore out of cases of Necessity , the Ministers nominated should not consent till all agree : But in cases of Necessity , the souls of men and the worship of God , must not be disregarded or neglected , though neighbour-Churches or Ministers disown us , or Magistrates persecute us . Sect. 10. Remember these Distinctions for the understanding of what follows . 1. It s one thing to be Approved , and another thing to be solemnly Invested . Ordination consisteth of these two parts . 2. We must difference between Ordination , by one Pastor , and by many . 3. Between Ordination by Pastors of the same Church , or of many Churches . 4. Between Ordination by sufficient or insufficient Ministers . 5. And between Ordnation by Neighbour Ministers or Strangers . 6. And between Ordination by Divided Ministers , and Concordant . On these premised I propose as followeth . Sect. 11. Prop. 1. Approbation by Ministers is ordinarily to be sought and received by all that will enter into the Ministry . I gave some Reasons before , Chap. 2. Which here I shall enlarge , by which the sinfulness of Neglecting this Approbation may appear . Sect. 12. Reas. 1. It is the way that God hath appointed us in Holy Scripture , and therefore to be followed . They that Ordained Elders or Bishops in the Churches , did more then Approve them , but could do no less , 1 Tim. 4.14 . Timothy was ordained by the Imposition of the hands of the Presbyterie , 1 Tim. 3.15 . Paul giveth Timothy the description of Bishops and Deacons , that he may know how he ought to behave himself in the house of God , which is the Church , &c. That is , that he may know whom to Approve of or Ordain , Tit. 1.5 . Titus was to Ordain Elders in every City , Acts 13.1 , 2 , 3. The Prophets and Teachers in the Church at Antioch did separate Barnabas and Paul to the work , with Fasting and Prayer , and imposition of hands . It was the Apostles that Ordained them Elders in every Church , Acts 14.23 . Suppose it must be read [ by Suffrages ] as many would have it , that proveth no more but that the People did consent : But still it is Paul and Barnabas that Ordained them Elders , though with the peoples suffrages , and it is they that are said to fast and pray in the next words . Act. 6.3 . Expresly shews that the People chose the Deacons , and the Apostles ordained them [ Look ye out among your selves seven men of honest report , full of the Holy Ghost and wisdom whom we may appoint over this business . But I shall cut short this part of my task , because so much is said of it already by many that have written for Ordination , to whom I shall refer you . Sect. 13. Reas. 2. If there be not a standing regular way for Trying a●d Approving such as enter into the Ministry , then men will be left to be their own judges , and if they can but get the consent of any Congregation , will presenty be Pastors . But this course would tend to the ruine or confusion of the Church , as I shall manifest by evidence . Sect. 14. 1. If all men may enter into the Ministry that will , upon their own perswasion that they are fit , the most proud , self-conceited , worthless men will be the readiest to go , and if they can get hearers , will most abound in the Church ; and the people will quickly have heaps of Teachers . For we all know that many of the Ignorant are least acquainted with their ignorance : and commonly the Proud have the highest thoughts of themselves , and think none so fit to Teach and Rule as they . And what could be more to the shame and hazzard of the Church , then to have it taught and guided by such ignorant unworthy men ? Sect. 15. 2. Moreover , Humble men are so conscious of their weakness , and sensible of the burden and greatness of the work , that they think themselves unworthy , and therefore would draw back ; and so by their forbearance would give way to the foresaid proud intruders . And thus the Church would soon be darkened , defiled , and brought low , if all men were their own judges . Sect. 16. 3. Moreover , it is the common disposition of Erroneous and Heretical persons to be exceeding zealous for the propagating of their errors , and bringing as many as is possible to their mind . So that if all be left to themselves , the most Heretical will run first , and carry their filth into the house of God , and seduce and undo men instead of saving them . Sect. 17. 4. By this means also the Covetous and sordid worldlings will crowd in : and men will do by Preaching , as they do by Ale-selling , even make it their last Trade when others fail : and he that breaks in any other Trade , if he have but any volubility of speech , will presently turn Priest ; till the Office and Ordinances of God seem vile , and be abhorred by the people . This must be the Consequent if all be left to their own judgement . Sect. 18. 5. And it is too known a case , that the people will bid such persons welcome , and so they will make a match . The erroneous and giddy party will have such as are sutable to them . And the Covetous party will have him that will do their work best cheap : if they will preach for nothing or for little , he shall be a man for them , though he would lead them to perdition . If it be poyson , they'● take it , if it cost them nothing . And many there be that will have their own kindred or friends to make Priests of ; and all that they have interest in must joyn with them on the account of friendship . And the childish injudicious sort of Christians will follow them that have the smoothest tongues , or best opportunities and advantages to prevail with them . And so they will be tossed up and down , and carryed to and fro with every wind of doctrine , according to the cunning sleight and subtilty of men , by which they lie in wait to deceive . ] Eph. 4.14 . And they will be carried about with divers and strange doctrines , Heb. 13.9 . Sect. 19. Reas. 3. And when the Ministrie is thus corrupted ( by making every man judge of his own fitness ) the Church will be corrupted , and degenerate into a common state , and cease to be a Church ( if Reformation do not stop the gangrene . ) For it commonly goeth with the Church according to the quality of the Ministrie . An ignorant Ministrie , and an ignorant people ; an erroneous Ministrie , and an erring people ; a scandalous Ministrie , and a scandalous people commonly go together . Like Priest , like people is the common case . Sect. 20. Reas. 4. And by this means Christianity it self will be dishonoured , and seem to be but a common religion , and so but a deceit , to the great dishonour of Jesus Christ ; for the world will judge of him and his cause , by the lives of them that teach it and profess it . Sect. 21. Reas. 5. And by this means God will be provoked to depart from us , and be avenged on us for our dishonouring him . If he would spew out of his mouth lukewarm Laodicea , what would he do to such degenerate societies ? If most of the seven Churches , Rev. 2 & 3. had their warnings or threatnings for smaller faults , what would such corruptions bring us to , but even to be plagued or forsaken by the Lord ? Sect. 22. Reas. 6. If you should be men of ability and fitness for the work your selves , that enter without Approbation and Ordination , yet others might be encouraged by your example that are unfit : and if you once thus set open the door , you know not how to keep out woolves and swine : all the persons before described will take the opportunity , and say , Why may not we enter unordained , as well as such and such ? Sect. 23. Reas. 7. By this means also you will leave many sober godly persons unsatisfied in your Ministry , as not knowing whether they may own you as Ministers or not : & how much you should do to avoid such offence , me thinks you might perceive . Sect. 24. Reas. 8. By this course also you will walk contrary to the Catholike Church of Christ , and that in a cause where you cannot reasonably pretend any necessity of so doing . Ever since Christ had a Ministry on earth , the constant ( ordinary ) way of their admittance hath been by Ministerial Ordination . If any man despise this , and be contentious , we have no such Custome , nor the Churches of God. Is it a design beseeming an humble man , a Christian , a sober man , to find out a new way of making Ministers now in the end of the world ? as if all the Ministers from the Apostles dayes till now , had come in at a wrong door , and wanted a true Calling ? This is too near the making a New Ministry , and that 's too near the Making of a new Church : and that 's too near the feigning of a new Christ. The Church hath many promises , that the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it ; that Christ will be with her Ministers to the end of the world , they being given by him for the perfecting of the Saints , and edifying of the Body of Christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith , and knowledge of the Son of God , to a perfect man , &c. Eph. 4.12 , 13. And therefore we must not easily believe , that the Ministry of the universal Church have been falsly called or admitted untill now , and you have found out a better way at last . Sect. 25. Reas. 9. You would bring that irrational confusion into the Church of the living God , which is not to be introduced into the basest Commonwealth or society in the world . You have more wit then to let all men play the Physitians : but will first have them tryed by men of their own Profession : or else the lives of many may pay for your Licentiousness . You will have Schoolmasters approved by them that have Learning , before you will commit your children to their trust . And shall every man be a Teacher and Ruler that will in the Church of Christ , as if it were the only confused contemptible Society in the world ? God is not the God of Confusion , but of Peace , as in all the Churches , saith the Apostle , 1 Cor. 14.33 . Sect. 26. Reas. 10. Do but consider how high , and holy , and honourable a Calling it is to be a Minister of the Gospel ▪ and then it will appear , that it is horrible Profanation of Holy things , to suffer all that will , to invade it . They are to be the Embassadors of Christ , and speak as in his Name , and to be Stewards of his Mysteries and Houshold , and to stand near him , as at his altar , and to dispense his treasure , to magnifie and praise his Name , and to administer his holy Sacraments , &c. And should all that will , be taught to usurp or invade such an holy Calling ? Sect. 27. Reas. 11. Consider also , how great a Trust it is that is committed to all that are Ministers of the Gospel . The souls of men are committed to them : the Mysteries of God , the precious promises and glad tidings of Salvation are committed to them : the order and affairs of the house of God are committed to them : those that are Christs Sheep , his Jewels , his Friends , his Brethren , his Spouse , his Members , and as the apple of his eye , are committed to them . And is it sutable to so great a Trust , that men untryed , unapproved , that do but think well of themselves , and their own doings , shall at their pleasure take so great a charge ? What man of honour and wit among you , will give every man leave to be your Steward , that hath but folly and pride enough to think himself fit for it ? and will not rather choose your Stewards your selves ? Sect. 28. Reas. 12. And is it not evidently notorious Cruelty to the souls of men , to cast them upon every unworthy fellow that will but be impudent enough to undertake the charge ? Do you set so light by mens everlasting Joy or Torment ? You would not so contemptuously cast away mens lives : and will you so contemptuously cast away their souls ? And what a contempt is it of the blood of Christ , that the purchase made by it should be thus neglected ? You will look up your money , and look to your goods , and take care of every groat of your estates : and shall the souls of men , and the blood and the inheritance of Christ be no more regarded ? This is unjust . Sect. 29. Reas. 13. Yea and it is a way of Cruelty to the men themselves , if every man that is sick of self-conceit , or Pride , shall have leave to exercise it , and run themselves into unspeakable guilt , by undertaking such works as they are no way able for : Alas , have not these poor sinners trangressions enough of their own already , but you must encourage them to draw the blood of souls , and the sins of so many others upon their heads ? O what a burden do they take upon them ▪ and what a dreadful danger do they run into ? Had you faith and any pitty of souls , you would rather study to do your best , to prevent mens destroying of themselves and others , and falling altogether into the ditch . I know you 'l say , that you are guilty of no such thing : it is the saving , and not the destroying of souls that you intend by being Ministers unordained : but your intentions will not justifie your cruel and destructive practices . It s plain that you teach men by your doctrine and example to be their own judges of their fitness for the Ministry , or to neglect the judgement of the Pastors of the Church : and what better can this course produce ? Sect. 30. Reas. 14. Either you are fit for the Ministry , or unfit : if fit ; why should you be afraid of tryal ? He that doth evil comes not to the light : it is a sign of an ill cause that cannot endure a just tryal . But if you are unfit , is it not better to forbear ? Sect. 31. Reas. 15. Your very refusing of a tryal doth give the people sufficient reason to question your call and fitness for the work , or your humility at least : for humble men think meanlyer of themselves , then to judge themselves meet for such great employments , when they have not the encouragement of men that are more fit to judge : the good men of old were wont to run away from a Bishoprick , or Pastoral dignity in the sense of their unfitness : so that the Bishops were fain to seek and send after them : and Gregory of Neocesarea was Ordained by Phedimus when he was three daies journey from him , even against his will ; and then charged by him in the name of Christ to yield unto the Call. And what then shall we think of that sort of men , that think themselves so good and worthy , as to run on their own heads , without due approbation ? Sect. 32. Reas. 16. It is natural for man to be Partial in his own Cause : insomuch as no law or equity will allow men to be witnesses or judges for themselves in the smallest civil controversie : and shall they be judges of themselves in so great a cause ? Are not others more impartial ? Sect. 33. Reas. 17. You cast away your own encouragement and support , and create vexation to your own Consciences . There are so many difficulties to be conquered in this work , and so many sufferings to be endured , that if a man be not clear that his Call was good , he is like to be left to great discomforts . We have exceedi●g great labours to undergo : we have abundance of enemies and impediments to strive with : we have many a scorn and unthankful return , and perhaps imprisonment or death to undergo : we are our selves , alas , too weak and insufficient , and must depend on God for daily helps . And with what confidence can you expect his help , if you Call your selves , and enter not by his Approbation ? And how will you ever go through all this , and suffer so much with Christian comfort , when you cannot say that you are sent of God , and have nothing but your own overweening conceits of it ? Could you but say , [ I entered by the way that God appointed , and was not my own Judge ] you might have some more boldness and confidence of Gods assistance . Sect. 34. Reas. 18. The most that plead against Ordination , that are worthy the name of sober Christians , do plead but against the Necessity of it , and cannot deny it to be lawful : and should not all the reasons before mentioned prevail with you to submit to a lawful thing ? Sect. 35. Reas. 19. And if it be thus undenyable , that men must not be their own Judges , it will soon appear that Ministers are the standing Judges of mens fitness for this work , because no other Judges are appointed to it , or capable of it . It must be an ordinary stated way of Approbation , that can give us satisfaction : for if God had left the case at large , for men to go to whom they will , it would be all one as to go to none at all , but to be Judges themselves . And if a standing way of Approbation must be acknowledged , let us enquire where it is to be found : and look which way you will , and you shall find no other , but this which is by men of the same Calling with them that are to be Ordained . Sect. 36. For 1. Magistrates it cannot be : none that I know pretend to that . Magistrates in most of the world are Infi●els : and therefore cannot there be Ordainers : and none of them hath the work committed to them by Christ , nor do any that I know , assume it to themselves . Sect. 37. And 2. The people it cannot be : For 1. No man can shew a word of precept or example for it ; nor prove that ever God did give them such a power : Consent or Election is all that can be pretended to by them . 2. It is a work that they are commonly unable for : the Schollars may as well Try and Approve of their Schoolmaster . We confess the People must by a judgement of discretion , endeavour to find out the best they can : but if they had not helps , and if they were also called to a judgement of direction and decision , what work would they make ? Do the Major vote , ( or the Minor either ) in most or almost any Congregations , understand whether a man know the meaning of the Scripture , or to be able to defend the truth , or whether he be Heretical or found in the faith , & c. ? God would not set men on a work that is thus beyond the line of their Capacity . It is a thing not to be imagined , that they that call us to be their Teachers , should already be common●y able to Judge whether we are sound or unsound , and able to teach them or not : for this importeth that they know already as much as we ( for wherein they are ignorant , they cannot judge of us . ) And if they know as much already , what need have they of our Teaching ? 3. And it is contrary to the subjection and inferiority of their Relation : they that are commanded to learn and obey us as their Guides , may yet consent or choose their Teachers , when Approved , or to be Approved by abler men ; but they cannot be imagined to be appointed by God to Ordain their own Overseers : this is a most ungrounded fiction . Sect. 38. Reas. 20. On the other side , it is the Pastors of the Church , and only they that are fitted to be the standing Approvers or Ordainers , as will appear in these particulars . 1. It is they that are justly supposed to be of competent abilities to try a Minister . If here and there a Gentleman or other person be able , that is a rarity , and therefore no standing way for the Church in Ordaining Ministers can be gathered thence . 2. Ministers are doubly devoted to God and to his Church : and therefore should have , and ordinarily have , the tenderest care of the Church . 3. It is justly supposed that Ministers are ordinarily the most pious and conscionable men that are to be had ( or els they are too blame that choose them to be Ministers ) And therefore they may be expected to be most faithful in the work . 4. And they are fewer , and have lesser perverting interests , and therefore are like to be less divided in such determinations , then the people that are so many , and of so many interests and minds , that if it were not for the Moderation of Magistrates and Ministers , they would almost everywhere be all to pieces , one being for one man , and another for another ; some for one of this mind and way , and some for one of another ; some for the Orthodox , and some for the Heretical . 5. Lastly , it is Ministers , whose Office God hath tyed Ordination to , and who have time to wait upon it as their duty : so that lay all this together , and I think the first Proposition is proved , for the Necessity ( ordinarily ) of the Pastors Approbation , and the sinfulness of neglecting it . Sect. 39. Prop. 2. It is only the Pastors of one particular Church , but also the Pastors of Neighbour chu●ches that hold Communion with that Church , that should regularly Approve or Ordain Ministers : though I deny not but he may be a Minister that hath no Ordination but by the Pastors of a particular Church , yet I conceive that this is not a regular course . Sect. 40. My reasons are these . 1. Because if it be ordinarily tyed to the Pastors of the same Church only to Ordain , then it will be done ordinarily without any Pastors at all . For most particular Churches in the world have but one Pastor : and when he is dead , there is none left to Ordain ; and therefore others or none must do it in such cases . Sect. 41. And 2. If there be one left , and all the power be left in him , the welfare of the Church would run too great an hazzard : if every man shall be Ordained a Minister that can procure the Approbation of a single Pastor , the Church will be subjected to most of the lamentable miseries before mentioned , supposing that men were judges for themselves . Sect. 42. And 3. We find in Scripture , that it was not the way appointed by the Holy Ghost , for single Pastors to Ordain . The forecited Texts and examples are a sufficient proof . Sect. 43. If any say , that the Ruling Elders may concur , I answer . Though I make no great matter of it , nor would not raise a contention about it , yet I must say , that I never yet saw any satisfactory proof , that ever God did institute such Elders as this Objection meaneth , in the Church : that is , 1. Such as are not Ordained , but come in by meer Election 2. And such as have the Power of Discipline and Oversight without Authority to preach or administer the Sacraments . I think these are but humane creatures ; though I doubt not but there may be such as Actually shall forbear preaching and administration of the Sacraments , when some of their colleagus are fitter for it . Sect. 44. But 2. If such an Office can be proved , I despair of seeing it proved from Scripture , that they have authority to Ordain . 3. And how can they have Authority , when most of them have not Ability ? And I think it is supposed that they have not Ability to Preach , in them that deny them Authority : and if they want Ability to Preach , it s two to one but they want Ability to Try and Approve of Preachers . 4. And how come they to have Power to Ordain others , that are not Ordained themselves , but are admitted upon bare Election ? 5. And this course would prostitute the Churches to unworthy men , as aforesaid . Sect. 45. And 4. It is not a contemptible Consideration , that the chief Pastor of every particular Church , hath ever since the second Century at least , been Ordained by the Pastors of other Churches . And how it was before , we have but very defective Evidence , except so much as is left us in the Holy Scriptures , of which we have spoke before . Sect 46. And 5. The Church of Christ is a Chain of many links : a Society united in Christ the Head , consisting as a Republike of many Corporations , or as an Ac●demy of many Colledges : and a greater Union and Communion is requisite among them , then among the parts of any other Society in the world . And therefore seeing it is the duty of Neighbour Pastors and Churches , according to their Capacity to hold Communion with that particular Church and its Pastors , it seems reasonable , that they have some antecedent Cognisance and Approbation of the persons that they are to hold Communion with . Sect. 47. And 6. It is considerable also , that whoever is according to Christs institution Ordained a Minister of a particular Church , is withall ( if not before ) Ordained a Minister simply ; that is , one that may as a separated Messenger of Christ , both preach for the Conversion of those without , and gather Churches where there are none , and pro tempore do the Office of a Minister , to any part of the Catholike Church , where he cometh and hath a Call. And therefore as he is simply a Minister , and the Unconverted world , or the Universal Church are the Objects of his Ministry , the Pastors or Members of that particular Church where he is settled , have no more to do in Ordaining him then any other . As a Corporation may choose their own Physitian ▪ Schoolmaster , &c. but cannot do any more then other men , in Licensing a man to be in general a Physitian , Schoolmaster , &c. So may a Church choose who shall be their Teacher , but not who shall be simply a Teacher or Minister of Christ , any more then an other Church may do , that 's further from him . Sect. 48. And 7. It is also considerable , that it is the safest and most satisfactory way to the Church and to the Minister himself , to have the Approbation of many . And it may leave more scruple concerning our Call , when one or two or a particular Church only do Approve us . Sect. 49. And 8. It is granted in their writings by those that are for Ordination by a particular Church only , that the Concurrence of more is Lawful : and if Lawful , I leave it to Consideration , whether all the forementioned accidents make it not so far convenient , as to be ordinarily a plain duty , and to be preferred where it may be had . Sect. 50. Yet do I not plead for Ordination by Neighbour Pasto●● , as from a Governing Authority over that particular Church : but as from an interest in the Church Universal , and all its Officers within their reach , and from an interest of Communion with Neighbour Churches . Sect. 51. And it is observable in Scripture , that the Itinerant Ministers , that were fixed and appropriated to no particular Church , for continuance , ( such as the Apostles and Evangelists were , and Titus , Timothy , and such others ) had a Principal hand in the work of Ordination whereever they came . It was they that Ordained Elders in every City , in every Church . Sect. 52. Prop. 3. If any shall cull out two or three or more of the weakest injudicious , facile Ministers , and procure them to Ordain him , his course is irregular , and his call unsatisfactory , though the formal part be obtained to the full . For it is not for meer formality , but to satsfie the person called , and the Church , and to secure the Ministry and sacred works and souls of men , from injury by Usurpers , that God hath appointed the way of Ordination : And therefore it is fraud , and not obedience , for any man so to use it , as to cheat himsef and the Church with a formality , and frustrate the Ordinance , and miss its ends . Sect. 53. Prop. 4. If any man , avoiding the Orthodox and Unanimous Ministry , shall apply himself for Ordination to some divided schismatical or heretical persons , that will Approve him , and Ordain him , when the others would reject him , this also , as the former , is fraud and self-deceit , and not obedience ; upon the last mentioned grounds . It is the basest treacherous kind of sinning , to turn Gods Ordinances against himself , and to sin under the shelter and pretence of an institution . By using the means in opposition to its end , they make it no means , and use it not as a means at all . Though Pastors must Ordain , yet is it not all kind of Pastors Ordination that should satisfie an honest meaning man ; but that which hath the qualifications suited to the Rule and end . Sect. 54. In such cases of unjust entrance , if the People sinfully comply , and the man have possession , it may be the duty of some particular persons , that cannot help it , ( having done their own parts in disowning it ) to submit , and not therefore to separate from the Church , except in desperate extraordinary cases ( not now to be enumerated ) And all the administrations of such a man shall be not only Valid to the innocent , but without any scruple of conscience may be used and received , with expectation of a promised blessing . Sect. 55. But yet quoad debitum it is the Churches duty ( except in Cases of Necessity ) to disown such intruders , and to suspect and suspend obedience , to those that indirectly enter , ( by a few ignorant , or schismatical Ordainers , refusing the tryal of the unanimous abler Orthodox Ministry ) till they have either perswaded the man to procure their Approbation , or have themselves sought the Judgement of the said United Ministers concerning him . And seeing all the Churches of Christ should be linkt and jointed together , and hold communion and correspondency , according to their capacities , the Members of a particular Church are bound in reason , and to those ends , to advise in such suspicious cases with neighbour Churches , and not to receive a Pastor that comes in by way of Discord , or that neglecteth or refuseth the concordant way . For he that entreth in a divisive way , is like to govern them accordingly , and still to shun the Communion of the Brethren . Sect. 56. This Cyprian fully shews in the fore-mentioned Ep. 68. p , 201. perswading the people to shun the unworthy though they were Ordained by Bishops , adding [ Ordinari nonnunquam indignos , non secundum Dei voluntatem , sed secundum humanam praesumptionem ; & haec Deo displicere , quae non veniant ex legitima & justa Ordinatione , Deus ipse manifestat , &c. — ] Necessity may justifie some things that otherwise would be irregularities : but when [ Per urbes singulas ( that is , in every Church ) Ordinati sint Episcopi , in aetate antiqui , in fide integri , in pressura probati , in persecutione proscripti , ille super ●os creare alios pseudo-Episcopos audeat ] this is a fact that the poeple should disown . And [ Qui neque unitatem spiritus nec conjunctionem pacis observat , & se ab Ecclesiae vinculo , atque à Sacerd●tum collegio separat , Episcopo nec potestatem potest habere , nec honorem , qui Episcopatus nec unitatem voluit tenere , nec pacem . Cyprian Epist. 52. ad Antonian . Sect. 57. Prop. 5. Solemn Investiture is the last part of Ordination , by which the man that by consent of the people and himself , and by the Pastors Approbation , had received from Christ a Right to the Power and Honour , and Priviledges , and an Obligation to the Duties of the Office , is solemnly introduced and put in Possession of the place . Sect. 58. Though in some cases a man may exercise the Ministry upon the foresaid Approbation and Election ( which are most necessary ) without this solemn investiture , yet is it ordinarily a duty , and not to be neglected : And the people should require the performance of it : I need not stand upon the Proof : for it is proved before by what was said for Approbation , seeing they have ever gone together . Though fundamentally he be a Christian that hath entered Covenant with Christ : yet before the Church he is Visibly no Christian that hath not been Baptized , or at least made open Profession of that Covenant . Though fundamentally they are Husband and Wife that are contracted , or knit together by private Consent ; yet in foro Civili , in Law sence , and before men , they must be solemnly married , or else they are judged fornicators . And should any fantastical persons seek to cast by this publick investiture or solemn Marriage , as unnecessary , he would but let in common Whoredoms : The solemnity or publication in such Cases is of great Necessity . And it s much conducible to the greater obligation of Pastor and people to be solemnly engaged together : and to have solemn Prayer for Gods blessing , tendeth to their prosperity . Sect. 59. When men are Ordained only to the Ministry in General , it may be done in one place as well as another , ( that is otherwise convenient . ) But if they are also Ordained to be Pastors of a Particular Church , it is the fittest way by far , that they be Ordained in the face of the Church , that the people and they may be mutually engaged , &c. Though yet this be not absolutely necessary . Sect. 60. And thus I have dispacht , with the brevity intended , this weighty point , concluding with these two requests to my Brethren that shall peruse it : 1. That before they let out their displeasure against me for contradicting any of their conceits , they would humbly , impartially , and with modest self-suspicion , both study and pray over what they read , and not temerariously rush into the battell as pre-engaged men . 2. That they will alway keep the faith and charity , and self-denyal and tenderness of Christians upon their hearts , and the great Ends and Interest of Christ and Christianity before their eyes ; and take heed how they venture upon any controverted points or practice , as a Means that certainly contradicteth the Spirit of Christianity , and the great Ends ( the Churches Unity , Peace and Holiness , &c. ] which all true means are appointed , and must be used to attain . And whereunto we have already attained , let us walk by the same Rule , and mind the same things , Phil. 3.16 . Remembring that in Christ Iesus neither circumcision availeth , nor uncircumcision , but a new creature . And as many as walk according to this Rule , Peace be on them and Mercy , and on the Israel of God , Gal. 6.15 , 16. Finitur , May 19. 1658. The Third DISPUTATION : FOR Such sorts of Episcopacy , or Disparity in Exercise of the Ministry , as is Desirable or Conducible to the Peace and Reformation of the Churches . By Richard Baxter . LONDON , Printed by Robert White , for Nevil Simmons , Bookseller in Kederminster , Anno Dom. 1658. AN Episcopacy Desirable for the Reformation , Preservation , and Peace of the Churches . CHAP. I. Of General unfixed Bishops or Ministers . § . 1. IT is but delusory dealing of them that make the world believe that the question between the Prelatical Divines and the rest of the Reformed Churches , is , Whether the Church should be Governed by Bishops ? This is a thing that is commonly granted : But the controversie is about the Species of Episcopacy : Not whether Bishops , but what sort of Bishops should be the ordinary Governours of the Church of Christ ? § . 2. And therefore it is also very immethodical and unsatisfactory of most that ever I read for Episcopacy , that plead only for Episcopacy in General , but never once define that sort of Episcopacy which they plead for , but go away with it as smoothly when the question is unstated , as if they understood themselves , and others were capable of understanding them ; and so they lose their Learned labours . § . 3. I have already in the first Disputation told you among ten several sorts of Episcopacy , which they be that I think desirable , and which I judge tolerable , aad which intolerable . And I have there already given you the Reasons why I judge such a general unfixed Bishop to be of standing use to the Church and world , as here we are speaking of : and therefore I shall forbear here the repeating of what is said already . § . 4. That the world and Church should still have such a General Itinerant unfixed Ministry , as that was of the Apostles , Evangelists and others , having there already proved , I have nothing to do more but to shew the use of it , and to answer the objections that some very learned Reverend Divines have used against it . § . 5. The principal use of a general Ministry , is for the converting of the unconverted world , and Baptizing them when converted , and Congregating their Converts into Church order , and setling them under a fixed Government . And the next use of them is , to have a Care , according to the extent of their capacity and opporunities , of the Churches which they have thus Congregated and setled , and which are setled by other Ministers . § . 6. Let it be remembred that we are not now disputing of the Name , but of the Thing : It is not whether such an Officer of Christ be to be called an Apostle or an Evangelist , or a Prophet , or a Bishop , or a Presbyter : But whether unfixed general Ministers , to gather Churches and settle them , and take the care of many , without a special Pastoral charge of any one above the rest , were appointed by Christ for continuance in his Church : This is it that I affirm , and have already proved . § . 7. Nor yet is it any of our Question , Whether the difference between these general unfixed Ministers and ordinary fixed Presbyters , be in point of Authority or of exercise only . Whether they are two distinct Species of the Ministry , or but one of the same Office in Specie , variously exercised : I have given in my thoughts of this before , so far as I can yet reach : But if it be granted that some should ordinarily exercise their office generally and ambulatorily over many Churches , as others ordinarily must exercise it fixedly in one particular Church , I shall not contend whether they are to be called One Office or two : nor yet whether the fixed Minister may not extraordinarily upon a special reason , do the same work as the itinerant Minister in the same way . But Ministers there must be for both these work . § . 8. And that some should make the general work before mentioned their ordinary business , and not take the pastoral Charge of any particular Church , I conceive ( besides the former proofs ) is further manifest , 1. In that the work of Converting Unbelievers , and bringing them into a fitness for Church Communion , is the work that is to go first , and is the greatest work : It s the greatest in weight ( praecisively considered , and as to the terminus à quo of the change that it effects : ) and it is the greatest in regard of opposing difficulties : the winning of a soul , which rejoyceth Angels , and rejoyceth Jesus Christ himself , will have so much of Satans malice to oppose it , and hath so much resistance in the heart of the sinner , that it requireth the whole work ( in ordinary ) of those Ministers that are specially called hereunto . § . 9. And 2. Withall it commonly falls out , that there are far greater numbers to be converted , then to be Governed after Conversion : If it be not so in some Countries ( where the face of God hath shined most effectually ) yet in others , and in most it is : even in the far greatest part of the world . O how many millions of souls are there that perish for lack of knowledge , and know not for want of teaching ; and never heard of Jesus Christ in any likely manner to prevail , in all their lives ? Surely such multitudes of Miserable souls , yea Nations , require Ministers wholly set upon this work . § . 10. And 3. It ordinarily falls out too , that the unconverted unbelieving part of the world do live at a great distance from the Churches of Christ : and therefore the same man that is Pastor of a Church hath not opportunity to speak to them . Or if they live in the same Country , they seldom meet in greatest numbers in the same Assemblies : And therefore when the Pastor is upon his own work , it is requisite that there be some to speak to the rest . § . 11. And yet I doubt not but as there are hypocrites in most Churches , and among us many that by their ignorance , or impiety we have cause to judge to be yet no Christians , are our Ordinary hearers , so the Pastors of the Churches may and must endeavour their conversion , and much suit their preaching to the condition of such souls . But yet those millions that in other parts of the world ( and perhaps in Ireland , Wales and the Highlands of Scotland , too many such may be found ) that neither know what Christianity is , nor are the Ordinary hearers of a fixed Ministry , and live not within the reach of such , should have a Converting Itinerant Ministry for themselves . § . 12. Moreover , 4. The Pastoral work is it self so great , and the charge that we take of particular Churches , and our obligation to them so strict , that it will usually it self take up the whole man , and will not allow a Pastor time for the other work on those at a distance yet uncalled , without neglecting the souls that he hath undertaken to oversee . § . 13. And 5. For want of such general Ministers , the state of persons is in some places confounded , and the world and the Church are thrust together , as if there were no difference to be made . Because there are no Ministers known but Pastors , therefore there are no People known but as Christians , where yet the very knowledge of Christianity is too rare . Whereas if ( where numbers and distance make it necessary ) the preparing Ministry had first done their part , it would have prevented much dangerous confusion , and self-deceit that followeth hereupon in many places . § . 14. And 6. By the mistaken supposition , that such generall or unfixed Ministers are ceased , men have been drawn to set Lay-men upon the greatest and noblest work of the Ministry : and a conceit is hence risen among some , that because this is not proper to the Pastors of a Church , therefore it is not a Ministerial work , but the work of gifted Brethren : And hereupon uncalled men are tempted to exercise it : and by laying aside the officers appointed hereunto by Christ , the burden is cast on the weakest men . § . 15. Yea 7. By this means many Ministers themselves understanding not the Nature and extent of their own Office , when they do but preach to any that are not of the Church that they have charge of , imagine that they preach but as meer Lay-men ; and if they preach for the Conversion of unbelievers , they profess it to be no act of their office : which is an act that hath more inconveniences then I shall now express . § . 16. And 8. Which is worst of all , by supposing that no Ministers are now to be appointed for the Conversion of Infidels , and gathering and planting Churches , it is come to pass that the most necessary work in all the world is neglected , cast off , and almost quite unknown in the world : except Mr. Eliots and a few with him in New England , and some of the Jesuites and Fryars in the East-Indies and America , who have been sent , or have adventured themselves for the Converting of the Nations . Were it but known and considered , how much of the Will of Jesus Christ is to be fulfilled by this most blessed work , Princes would have studied it , and contributed their assistance ; and many would have been ready to have offered themselves to God for the work , when now it is looked on as no part of our duty , not only because that sluggishness and cowardize calleth it impossible , and the adventure unreasonable ; but also because we think it was a work that was proper to Apostles and Evangelists ; and Ministers are now tyed to their proper flock . And thus the poor unbelieving world is left in their sin . § . 17. And 9. I doubt by this mistake and neglect we forfeit the benefit of that special promise , in too great a measure . Mat. 28.20 . and miss of that eminent assistance and presence of Christ with our Ministry , that otherwise we might expect . If we did go into the world , and preach the Gospel to the Nations ( having used our industry first to learn their languages , ) we might expect that Christ would alwayes be with us to the end of the world , in a way of assistance and owning of our Labours , answerable to our engagements for him , and service to him . Were we deeplier engaged for Christ , and did with Peter cast our selves into the Sea , or walk on the Waters at his Call , we should find Christ acting as if he were answerably engaged for our indemnity , or at least for our eminent encouragement and reward . If ever we might expect Miracles again , it would be upon our engagement in the antient work ; though I know that even for this they are now no more necessary , nor I think , promised . § . 18. And 10. We do hereby seem to accuse Christ unjustly of Mutability , supposing that he had setled one sort of Ministry and Government in his Church for one Age only , and then changed it for another , that is ever after to continue alone . I know the extraordinary work of that age ( to plant Churches by new doctrine and Miracles , and reveal the new Articles of Faith and Practice in Scripture to the world ) did require such enablements thereto , which ordinary works do not require : and therefore the Apostles , as immediatly sent , and as inditing Scriptures , and working Miracles , and Prophetically bringing new Revelations , have no Successors . But the Apostles as preaching to the Nations , and as planting Churches , and as setling them , and taking care of their prosperity after they had planted them , and as exercising their Ministry itinerantly , as not fixed to a special charge , thus they have Successors , the work being ordinary , and such as should be done now as well as then ; and must continue while the necessity of it doth continue . § . 19. There needeth no other proof of this , then by observing that it was not Apostles only , but all the Ministry at first , that was thus unfixed and itinerant ; and that the Apostles assumed such to their assistance , and employed them all their dayes in this work . § . 20. The seventy Disciples as well as the Apostles were at first by Christ sent forth in this Itinerant way , for the Conversion of the inhabitants of Iudaea . And thus Iohn the Baptist had preached before them . And after Christs Resurrection and Ascension , it was not only the Apostles , but it was they that were scattered abroad , that went everywhere preaching the Word , Act. 8.4 . And who were these ? [ Act. 8.1 . They were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of Judaea and Samaria , except the Apostles . ] And the Evangelists of those times are confessed to have exercised this Itinerant Ministry : so did Barnabas , Silas , Mark , Epaphroditus , Tychicus , Trophimus , Timothy , Titus , Luke , and others ordinarily . It was the first and most ordinary way then of exercising the Ministry . § . 21. And if we lived our selves in Heathen or Infidel Countreys , we should be soon taught by experience , that this must be still an ordinary work . For what else is to be done till persons be converted and brought into the Church ? They must be made Disciples before they can be used as Disciples , and caught to observe all things that Christ hath commanded . § . 22. But against this it is objected , 1. That the Apostles were extraordinary Officers , and therefore have no Successors . To which I answer , 1. That I have before shewed in what they were extraordinary , and in what not : in what they have no Successors , and in what they have . As Apostles sent immediatly by Christ to Reveal a new doctrine , and confirm it by Miracles , they have no Successors : but as general Ministers of Christ to convert souls , plant Churches , and take a care of many , they have Successors ; call them by what name you please . 2. And what if the Apostles have no Successors ? Had the seventy Disciples none ? Had Apollo , Titus , Timothy , Silas , Barnabas , &c. none ? Had all the Itinerant converting Ministers of those times none , that were not affixed as Pastors to a particular Church ? § . 23. Obj. 2. But at least in the extent of their charge the Apostles were extraordinary , in that they were to preach the Gospel to all Nations . I answer ; in point of exercise , being furnished with tongues and Miracles for the work , they were obliged to go further , or to more Nations then most particular Ministers are now obliged to go : but that is not because we want Authority , if we had ability and opportunity , but because we want ability and opportunity to exercise our Office. The Apostles were not bound to go into every Nation of the world , inclusively ; but to avoid none , but go to all , that is , to as many as they could . Otherwise they had sinned in not going to Mexico , Peru , Brasile , the Philippine or Molucc● Islands , to Iapon , China , &c. And it is our duty to extend our Ministry for the Conversion of as many as we have Ability and opportunity to do . That which was common to the planting and waetering Ministry in the Apostles dayes , was not proper to the Apostles : but to go up and down the world to Convert , and Baptize , and plant , and water Churches was then common to such ( as Apollo , Silas , &c. ) therefore , &c. § . 24. Obj. 3. But ( say others ) the Apostles were not at last such unfixed Ministers as you imagine , but fixed Diocesan Bishops . Peter was Bishop of Antioch first , and of Rome after : Paul was Bishop of Rome : James of Jerusalem , &c. — Ans. That any Apostle was a fixed Bishop , taking on him durante vita the special Pastoral charge of one particular Church or Diocess , as his peculiar , is 1. Barely affirmed , and therefore not to be believed . 2. And is contrary both to the tenor of their Commission , and the History of their Ministrations . And 3. Is also contrary to Charity it self , and therefore is not worthy of any credit . The Apostles were not so lazy or uncharitable , as to affix themselves to Parishes or Diocesses , and leave the Nations of the world in their unbelief ; and to cease the work that they were first sent out upon , before the necessity of it ceased . Peter and Paul were Bishops of Rome , as they were of other Churches which they planted and watered , and no more : even as Paul was Bishop of Ephesus , Philippi , Corinth , &c. And Iames was either no Bishop of Ierusalem , or no Apostle ( but as many think , another Iames. ) Indeed pro tempore not only an Apostle , but other Itinerant Ministers were Bishops of the places where they came ; that is , were Officers of Christ , that might exercise any act of their Office ( Teaching , Governing , administring Sacraments , &c. ) to any people that gave them a Call , or so far as opportunity and need required . And so I doubt not but every Minister now may do in any Church on earth . If he be invited to stay a day , or week , or month among them , and do the work of a Minister , yea or if he be invited but to preach a Sermon to them , he may do it , not as a private man , but as a Minister in general , and as their Teacher or Pastor pro tempore , & ad hoc , that give him the invitation . For though the first Call to the Ministry , separating us to the Gospel of God , do give us our Authority in general to perform any Ministerial act ; yet I have before shewed that a further Call is neeedfull for the particular exercise of this power : and this is usually by the people : who may sometime call a man to be their stated Pastor , and sometime but to exercise some one Pastoral act , or else to exercise all but pro tempore , as there is need . § . 25. And by this means it came to pass that the line of Succession in many Churches is drawn down from the Apostles , by Eusebius , Hierom , and other antient writers . Not because the Apostles were the stated fixed Bishops of those Churches , as the Successors were ; but because they first planted and Governed them , and were their Bishops pro tempore till they had setled Bishops over them ; and then went and did the like by other places : so that one Apostle , or Evangelist , or unfixed Minister , might be the root of Succession to many Churches , even as many as they first planted : but their Successors had but one Church . § . 26. Object . 4. But what use is there among us for such Ministers as these , when all the Nations are Converted from Infidelity already ? Answ. 1. If there were no use of such with us , we must not forget the lamentable necessity of them abroad in the world . 2. As I before said , experience of the ignorance and unbelief of many about us in the best Parishes , doth cause me easily to believe that in Ireland , and part of Scotland , and Wales , and other places where setled Ministers are few , such an Itinerant Ministry is of necessary use among us . 3. But yet where there are setled Teachers enough , they may be spared : for if we had Parishes that had not the knowledge of Christ , it is a greater work of mercy to such a Parish , to settle a converting Teacher among them to fit them for a Church-state , that so they may have frequent Teaching , then to send them but now and then a Sermon . But where Ministers are not so plentiful , it were a great sin for an able man to confine himself to one Town or Parish , and neglect the Countrey round about . 4. And also there is use for Itinerants to water and take care of the Churches which are planted , as the Apostles and others formerly did . § . 27. Concerning these unfixed Ministers , I add these following Propositions . 1. That such Ministers may not deprive the fixed Pastors of any of their Power : they may not disable them from Governing their own Churches as fully as if there were no Itinerant Ministers . If they are admitted pro tempore to assist the Churches where they come , that will not enable them to hinder them , or assume a Lordship or a Rule over the Pastors of the Churches . § . 28. 2. These Itinerant unfixed Ministers , are not so obliged to perpetual motion , but that they may reside for a considerable time in a place , either for the following on the work of Conversion , where they find a plenteous harvest , or for setling Churches , or surpressing heresies or disorders , or because of their own disability to travail . And thus Paul staid at and about Ephesus in Asia three years , Act. 20.31 . Their stay must be prudentially apportioned to their work and opportunities . § . 29. 3. No Itinerant Minister can ( of himself ) exclude another from his Province , and appropriate it to himself , and say , Here I will work alone , or here I have greater Authority then you : nay it was usual for these Ministers to go by companies , or more then one ( as Paul and Barnabas , Paul and Silas , Paul and Timothy , Titus , &c. ) so that it was no mans Province or Diocess where they came . For they that Convert Souls to Christ and not to themselves , and Baptize into his name and not in their own , do know the greatness of the work and burden , and therefore are glad of all the assistance they can get : when those that do nothing , are the men that thrust others out of the Vineyard , and say , This is my Diocess or Province ; you have nothing to do to labour here . ] § . 30. 4. Yet may there lawfully and fitly be a Prudential distribution or division of their Provinces among such unfixed Converting Ministers : for to be all together and go one way , must needs be a neglecting of most of the world , and so not a wise or faithful performance of the work of Christ. And therefore some should go one way , and some another , a● may most promote the work . § . 31. And ordinarily it is most convenient , that there go more then one to the same people , ( and therefore they will not be like a fixed Diocesan Bishop ) for they have many wayes need of mutual assistance : one would be oppressed with so great a work , and have many disadvantages in the performances . Pau● used not to go alone . § . 32. The persons to be exercised in this ambulatory Ministration , may be determined of , and their Provinces distributed any of these three wayes , or all together . 1. By the Judgement and Consent of Pastors . If many shall choose out one , or two , or more , as ●it for such a work , the persons chosen have reason to obey , unless they can prove , or know the Pastors to be mistaken , and to have been misguided in their choice . The Prophets and Teachers of the Church at Antioch must send or separate Saul and Barnabas , for the sp●cial work in which the Holy Ghost would imploy them , Act. 13.1 , 2. which seems to me , to be but a secondary Call to some special exercise of their former Office , one way rather then another . Thus also by mutual agreement their Provinces may be allotted and divided . § . 33. 2. By the Magistrates appointment and command also , may this be done . Though he make not Ministers , yet may he do much in assigning them their Provinces , Seats , and Stations : and it is our duty to obey his Commands in such cases if they be not plainly destructive to the Church : much more if they are beneficial to it . § . 34. 3. Also by a Ministers own discerning of a fit opportunity to do good , either by the Magistrates bare permission , the peoples invitation , or their willingness , or not opposing ; or though they do oppose , yet some other advantages for the work may be discerned , or Hopes at least . Now though the Call of Ordination must be from the Pastors of the Church , and neither Magistrates nor people can make us Ministers , yet the Call of Opportunity may be from the people and Magistrate , more commonly then any . And he that is already a Minister , needs not alwayes another Call for the exercising of his Ministry , save only this Call by Opportunity . He had his Authority by that Call that placed him in the Office ; which was done at first , and must be done but once . But he hath his Opportunity and station for the exercise of that Authority by the people and Magistrates , and perhaps may receive it over and over many times . § . 35. 5. This way of exercising the Ministry is not alike necessary in all times and places ; but with great variety ; it is exceeding necessary in some Countreys , and not in others , but useful in some degree in most as I conceive . § . 36. If the Question be , whether such a Ministry be useful in these Dominions , or not ? I have answered before , that in some darker and necessitous parts , where ignorance doth reign , and Ministers ( or able ones at least ) are scarce , there such a● exercise of the Ministry is necessary : but in other parts it is not of such necessity : yet much work there may be for such , or for those in the next Chapter mentioned , in most Countreys of them therefore I shall next speak . CHAP. II. Of fixed Pastors that also participate in the work of the unfixed . § . 1. IT is not only the unfixed Ministers that may lawfully do the fore-described work , but the fixed Pastors of particular Churches may take their part of it ; and ordinarily should do somewhat toward it : though not so much as they that are wholly in it . § . 2. I shall here shew you , 1. What such may do . 2. On what terms . 3. And then I shall prove it . And 1. They may as Ministers of Christ , go abroad to preach where there are many ignorant or ungodly people in order to their Conversion . 2. They may help to Congregate Believers into holy Societies , where it is not already done . 3. They may Ordain them Elders in such Churches as they Congregate . 4. They may oft enquire after the welfare of the Neighbour Churches , and go among them , and visit them , and strengthen them , and admonish the Pastors to do their duties . 5. They may instruct and teach the Pastors in publike exercises . 6. They may exercise any acts of Worship or Discipline upon the people of any particular Church , which giveth them a due invitation thereto . 7. They may publikely declare that they will avoid Communion with an impious or heretical Church or Pastor . § . 3. But 2. As to the mode or terms , it should be thus performed . 1. No Pastor of a single Church must leave his flock a day or hour without such necessary business as may prove his Call to do so . We must not feign a Call when we have none ; or pretend necessities . He that knows his obligations to his particular charge , and the work that is there to be done , methinks should not dare to be stepping aside , unless he be sure it is to a greater work . § . 4. And 2. No Pastor of a Church should be busie to play the Bishop in another mans Diocess , nor suspect or disparage the parts or labours of the proper Pastor of that Church , till the sufferings or dangers of the Church do evidently warrant him , and call him to assist them . § . 5. 3. No Minister of Christ should be so proud as to overvalue his own parts , and thereupon obtrude himself where there is no need of him ( though there might be need of others ) upon a conceit that he is fitter then other men to afford assistance to his Brethren . When the case is really so , he may judge it so : especially when his Colleagues or fellow Ministers judge so too , and desire him to the work : but Pride must not send out Ministers . § . 6. 4. A Minister that hath divers fellow Presbyters at home , to teach and guide that Church in his absence , may better go out on assisting works then other men . And so may he that hath help that while from Neighbour Presbyters , or that hath such a charge as may b●ar his absence for that time , without any great or considerable loss . § . 7. 5. And a man that is commanded out by the Magistrate , who may make him a Visiter of the Churches near him , may lawfully obey ; when it would not have been fit to have done it without such a command , or some equivalent motive . § . 8. 6. A man that is earnestly invited by Neighbour-Ministers or Churches , that call out to him , Come and help us , may have comfort in his undertaking , if he see a probability of doing greater good then if he denyed them , and if they give him satisfactory reasons of their Call. § . 9. 7. Men of extraordinary abilities , should make them as communicative and useful to all as possibly they can : and may not so easily keep their retirements , as the Weak may do . § . 10. 8. And lastly , No man should upon any of these pretences usurp a Lordship over his Brethren , nor take on him to be the stated Pastor of Pastors , or of many Churches as his special Charge . It is one thing to do the common work of Ministers abroad , by seeking mens Conversion , and the planting of Churches , or else to afford assistance to many Churches for their preservation , establishment or increase : and it s another thing to take charge of these Pastors and Churches , as the proper Bishop or Overseer of them . The former may be done ; but I know no warrant for the later . § . 11. That fixed Ministers may do all these forementioned works , with the aforesaid Cautions , I shall briefly prove . 1. By some general Reasons , speaking to the whole ; and 2. By going over the particulars distinctly , and giving some reason for each part . § . 12. And 1. It is certain that a Minister doth not cease to be a Minister in general , nor to be an Officer authorized to seek the Discipling of them without , and Congregating them , by his becoming the Pastor of a particular Church : therefore he may still do the common works of the Ministry where he hath a Call , as well as his Pastoral special work to them that he hath taken special care of . As the Physitian of an Hospital or City may take care also of other persons , and cure them , so he neglect not his charge . § . 13. 2. A Minister doth not lay by his Relation or Obligations to the unconverted world , nor to the Catholike Church , when he affixeth himself to a special charge . And therefore he may do the work of his Relations and Obligations , as aforesaid . Yea those works in some respects should be preferred , because there is more of Christs interest in the Universal Church , or in many Churches then in one ; and that work in which the most of our ultimate End is attained , is the greatest work : that in which God is most honoured , the Church most edified , and most honour and advantage brought to the Gospel and cause of Christ , should be preferred : But ordinarily these are more promoted by the Communication of our help to many ( as aforesaid ) then by confining it to one particular Church . The commonest good is the best . § . 14. 3. Oft-times the Necessity of such Communicative labours is so apparently great , that it would be unmercifulness to the Churches or souls of men to neglect them . As in case of Reforming and setling Churches ( upon which Luther , Melanchthon , Chytraeus , Bugenhagius , Pomeranus , Calvin , and others were so oft imployed . ) As also in case of resisting some destructive heresies : In which case one able Disputant and prudent adviser , and person that hath interest in the people , may do good to thousands , even to many Countries , and more then multitude● of others could do . And God doth not set up such lights to put under a bushell , nor warrant any man to hide his talents ; nor doth he bestow extraordinary gifts for ordinary sevice only , but would have them used to the utmost advantage of his cause , and for the greatest good of souls . § . 15. 4. And it is not the taking up of another calling or Species of Ministerial Office : For the Ministry is one office ( distinct from that inferiour sort of Ministry of Deacons ) and containeth the power and obligation of doing all this , when we have particular Cals : It is but the exercise of the same office which we had before : We do but lay out our selves more in some parts or acts of that office , then more retired Pastors do . § . 16. And 5. It belongeth to the Magistrates to take care of the Church and the right exercise of the gifts of their subject Ministers : and therefore if they command one man more labour then another , even the Planting , or Visiting of Churches , it is our Duty to obey them . § . 17. More particularly : 1. That a fixed Pastor may preach abroad among the unconverted , I hope none will deny . It was the ancient custom of the fixed Bishops , besides the feeding of their flocks , to labour the Conversion of all the Countries about them that were unconverted : The example of Gregory of Ne●cesarea may suffice , who found but seventeen Christians in the City , but converted not only all that City ( except seventeen ) but also most of the Countries about , and planted Churches , and ordained them Bishops . And so have abundance others done , to the increase of the Church . § . 18. And 2. That fixed Bishops may congregate new Churches where there are none , of such as they or others do convert , is in the foresaid constant practice of the Pastors of the ancient Churches , put past doubt . But so , as that they ought not to Congregate those Churches to themselves , and make themselves the Bishops or Archbishops of them , when they have a special charge already ; but only settle them under Bishops of their own : And this is but by directing them in their duties , and trying the person , and investing him that is to be their Pastor . Whether one or more must do this work , I have spoken already in the former Disputation . § . 19. 3. And that such as thus convert a people , or Congregate them , may ( according to the fore-mentioned Rules ) Ordain them Pastors , by the peoples suffrages or Consent , is also sufficiently proved in that foregoing disputation : and therefore may be here past by . § . 20. 4. And that such may take care of all the Churches within their reach , so far as to do them what good they can , is plain in the L●w of Nature that requireth it ; and in the general commands of the Gospel seconding the Law of Nature ; while we have time we must do good to all men ; Especially to the houshold of faith . And its plain in the Nature of the Catholick Church and of its members , and in the nature of the work of Grace upon the soul. We are taught of God to love one another : and the End of the Catholick Society is , ( as of all Societies ) the common good , and the Glory of God : and the Nature of true members is to have the same care one for another , that so there may be no schism in the body , and that they all suffer and rejoice with one another , in their hurts , and in their welfare , 1 Cor. 12.25 , 26. It is therefore lawfull for Pastors to improve their talents upon these common grounds . § . 21. 5. That such settled Pastors may Teach or Preach to one another , is a thing not doubted of among us . For we commonly practice it at Lectures and other meetings of Ministers , as formerly was usual at visitations , and Convocations . And if it be lawful to teach Ministers , then also to do those lesser things before and after mentioned . Yet do we not preach to one another as Rulers over our Brethren , but as Ministers of Christ , and Helpers of them in the work of grace . As when one Physitian healeth another , he doth it as a Physitian , helping and advising a Brother in necessity : but when he cureth one of his Hospital , he doth it as a Physitian performing his trust to one of his charge . So when a Pastor preacheth to Pastors , he doth it not as a private man , but as a Pastor obliged to help his Brethren : But when he preacheth to his People , he doth it as one that hath the charge of their souls , and is their guide to life everlasting . § . 22. 6. And that Pastors may exercise acts of Discipline and administer the Sacraments to other Congregations , upon a sufficient Call , is evident from what is said already . If they may Preach to the Pastors themselves , they may help to Rule the flock : For , as is said , they cease not their Relation to the Church of Christ in general , by being engaged to one Church in particular . If general Ministers , such as Apostles , Evangelists , &c. might administer the Sacraments where they came in Churches that were not any of their special charge above others , then may other Ministers of Christ do it upon a sufficient Invitation , though the Congregation be none of their special charge : And in so doing , they act not as private men , nor yet as the stated Pastors of that flock , but as Pastors , Assistant to the stated Pastors , and Ruling pro tempore the people under them in that Assisting way : Even as a Physitian helpeth another in his Hospital , when he is desired , and the neither as a Private Ordinary man , nor as Superiour to the Physitian of the Hospital , nor as the stated Physitian of it himself , but as the temporary assistant Physitian of it . Or as a Schoolmaster helpeth another in his School for a few dayes in Necessity , as his temporary assistant . § . 23. 7. And upon the same grounds it will follow that one Church or Pastor on just occasion may avoid Communion with another , and declare that they so resolve to do ; and this without usurping any Jurisdiction over them , it being not the casting out or Excommunicating of a member of our charge , as the Rulers of that Church , but the obeying of a plain command of the Holy Ghost , which requireth us to Avoid such , and have no company or Communion with them , and with such no not to eat : And therefore it is a fond Argumentation of the Papists , that would conclude their Pope to be Head and Governour , as far as they find he ever did excommunicate . § . 24. He that doubteth of any of this , must not first enquire , Whether a Minister have so much Power , but first Whether he may be obliged to so much work and suffering as his duty . And then he shall find that if there were no special examples or commands , yet the general commands , which require us to do good while we have time to all , to be the servants of all , and seek their salvation , &c. do as certainly oblige us to particular duties , as if they were named . § . 25. Object . That cannot be : For , a General command of doing good to all , obligeth not a Minister any more then another man : But it obligeth not another man to Preach , administer Sacraments , &c. therefore it obligeth not a Minister . Answ. To the Major I answer , that 1. It may oblige to more , where it obligeth not more , as to the Essence of the obligation . 2. The General command obligeth several men to several acts according to their several Abilities , opportunities and capacities . If all be required to improve their Masters flock or talents , yet all are not required to improve the same talents , because they have not the same : But one hath Riches to improve , and the general command obligeth him to improve that talent : And another hath strength , another interest and friends , another wit , and another learning , and every man is bound to improve what he hath , and not what he hath not . The command of Doing good to all doth oblige a Physitian to help to cure men , and a Magistrate to benefit them by Government , and a Lawyer by Counsell for their estates , and a Minister by the works of a Minister , for their salvation . If you should say that [ this General command doth bind a Magistrate , or a Physitian no more then another man : but it bindeth not another man to do good by Ruling or by Physick , therefore neither doth it bind them ; ] would not the fallacy be obvious ? So is it here . § . 26. It being proved that such Assistant Ministerial works may be performed by a fixed Pastor to those about him , and within his reach , it will clearly follow that convenient means may be used to bring this to performance , and help the Churches to the actual benefit of such Assistance . And by the three forementioned wayes it may be done . As 1. If the Pastor and People of any Neighbour Church , or the people alone , where there is no Church , do invite such men to come and help them . § . 27. And 2. The Neighbour Pastors may agree together for the perswading of the fittest men among them to undertake such Assistances : as is usual in the setling of Lectures ; and as in this County we have successfully for above these two years used the help of four Itinerant Lecturers , that have taken their several circuits , one Lords day in four , ( which was every Lords day among them all ) to help their neighbours . § . 28. And if the Invitation of a People , or the Agreement of Pastors may do this , no doubt then but the prudent Government of a Magistrate may do it . And he may appoint Certain Pastors their bounds and Circuits , and appoint them to afford convenient assistance to the Pastors and people within those bounds . And thus he may make them Visitors of the Churches and Country about them , in which visitation , they may Teach and do other Ministerial offices by Consent ; and may by the Magistrates command , take notice whether the Churches be duly Constituted and Governed , and may acquaint the Magistrate how things are ; and may fraternally Reprove the Negligent Pastors and people where they come ; And also may provoke them to Reformation , both of Church-constitution and Church-administrations ; And these visitors may give notice to the neighbour Churches , of such Pastors as they find unfit for the Ministry , that by consent they may be disowned by the rest . § . 29. And though one Pastor have not of himself ( as a Pastor ) so much Power over any of his Brethren , as to require him to come to him to give him an account of his wayes , yet 1. The Associated Pastors may desire him to appear among them to give them satisfaction , when there is matter of offence : ( For one may better travail to many , then many to one . ) And 2. The Magistrate may lawfully command Ministers to appear before such Pastors as he hath appointed to be Visitors ; and then it will be their duty in obedience to the Magistrates command . § . 30. Yet Magistrates must take heed that they put not the sword into the hands of Ministers , nor enable them with coercive power , by touching mens bodies or estates : We do not only forbear to claim such a power , but we disclaim it , yea and humbly and earnestly beseech the Princes and Senates of Christian Common-wealths , that they would keep the sword in their own hands , and not put it into the hands of any Ministers , and then we could better bear the claims and usurpations , not only of Exorbitant or transcendent Prelates , but of the Pope himself . Let them come unarmed , and have no weapon but spiritual , the word of God , and then we shall less fear them . The Divisions , and tyranny , & bloodshed through the Churches hath been by trusting coercive Magisterial power in the hands of Ministers of the Gospel . Though I confess I think it not a thing unlawfull in it self for a Minister to be a Magistrate also , yet I think that nothing but necessity can warrant it ; and so much as hindereth him from the work of his calling ( which requireth a whole man ) without this Necessity , is utterly unlawfull . Were there a Country that had no other persons tolerably fit , I doubt not but the same man that is a Minister or Pastor , might be a Justice of Peace , Parliament man , or a Prince : But while there are others that are capable of bearing these burdens , he is not worthy to be a Minister of the Gospel , that would wish the least of them upon his shoulders . Either Magistracy or Ministry is enough for one . Had the English Prelates been armed with none but spiritual weapons , they had never appeared so terrible or so odious . § . 31. It seemeth a course that suiteth with the state of the present Churches among us , to have in every County , three or four such able , faithfull Pastors to be by the Magistrate made Visitors of the rest , not giving them any power of medling with mens bodies or estates , but joining with them a Magistrate as a Justice or Commissioner , that one may perswade , and the other constrain , as far as the Soveraign Power shall think fit . This is not to set up any New office or the least part of an office in the Church . As it is meerly accidental to the Being of a Physitian , whether he be tyed to a City , or to an Hospital , or to a County , or to no place , but practice as he findeth opportunity ; these being but the various modes of using the same * Office and works ; so may we truly say of the Ministry . § . 32. Yet is there no such Necessity of this appointment of Visitors or Superintendents , or Assistants by the Magistrate , or by agreement of Ministers , or any such course , as if the Being , or the welfare of the Church were laid upon it . For without any such Elections or Appointments , the Graces and Gifts of the Spirit of Christ will shew themselves , and be communicative for the Edification of the Churches . We see by common experience , that where no one man is commanded or commended by the Magistrate to the care of many Churches , above his brethren , yet some men are as diligent and faithfull in doing good to all within their reach , as if they had been chosen and nominated to the work . Many able painfull Ministers of Christ , that thirst for mens salvation , do go up and down among the ignorant , or weak , and preach in season and out of season , notwithstanding the burden of their particular flocks , which they faithfully bear . § . 33. And the parts and graces of these men do win them audience and respect where they come , without any Humane Authority to awe men . In almost all parts of our Countrey we have either settled or movable Lectures : and when do we see a thin Congregation before a lively rowsing Minister , or any man of great ability in the work ? No , but we see the Temples crowded ; and find that the people reverence and hearken to such men as these , in whom the Spirit of God appears . § . 34. Yea and the Ministers themselves will consult with the Wise , and Love the good , and learn of those that are ablest to teach them : and imitate the ablest preachers as neer as they can . So that I may truly say , that there is a certain kind of Natural , or rather , spiritual Episcopacy everywhere exercised in the Church . A great light that burneth and shineth above others , will draw the eyes of many to it : and if it be set on a hill it will hardly be hid . Calvin was no Prelate ; and yet his Gifts procured him that Interest , by which he prevailed more then Prelates for the conformity of the minds of many to his own . There is scarce a Country but hath some able judicious Minister , who hath the Interest of a Bishop with the rest ; though he have no higher an office then themselves . Gods Graces deserve and will procure respect . Even in Civil Councils , Courts , Committees , we see that some one of leading parts , is the Head of the rest though their authority be equal . § . 35. And indeed the conveniences and inconveniences are such on both sides , that it is not an easie matter to determine , Whether appointed Visitors or Superintendents , be more desirable then these Arbitrary Visitors that have the Natural Episcopacy of Interest procured by their meer abilities . On the one side , if Magistrates appoint such Visitors , the people , yea and many Ministers will the more easily submit , and hear , and obey , and more unanimously concur , then if we offer our assistance without any such appointment : That 's the convenience : But then here 's the inconvenience : The Magistrate may choose an unworthy man , and then he may be feared , but not honoured nor loved ; but greater lights will be greater still , let the Magistrate set the lesser on never so high a Candlestick : And then the Ministers and people will measure their esteem of the man according to his worth , and that will irritate his displeasure ; For when he is lifted up he either looks to be valued by his Height , and not his Light or Worth , or else that his Light should be judged of by his Height . And as this will turn to heart-burnings and divisions , so the esteem that is procured by humane Constitution , will be more humane , and ordinarily less Divine then the calling and work of a Divine requireth . On the other side , if none be appointed by the Magistrate , but every man go forth in the strength of his zeal and Abilities ; we are like to be cast on many disadvantages with carnal temporizing men , and to have less unity among our selves : But then that unity , and peace , and respect , and success that we have will be more voluntary and pure . § . 36. The best way then , if we could hit it , seems to be the joining of both these together . To have such Magistrates as will appoint only the most judicious , able , faithfull Ministers to be Visitors of the Churches , that shall go forth both in the strength of the Spirit of Christ , with eminency of gifts , and also in the strength of the Magistrates Commission . But if this cannot be attained , I shall not long for constituted Visitors or Superintendents ; but shall be content with the Holy Ghosts appointment . § . 37. It is therefore the most Christian course to lay no greater stress on these modes and forms of Ministration then they will bear ; and therefore to live obediently and peaceably under either of them ; obeying such Visitors as are appointed by the Magistrate , and honouring the graces of the Spirit , where there is no such appointment ; and not to think the Church undone when our conceits about such things are crost . CHAP. III. It is Lawfull for the several Associations of Pastors to choose one man to be their President , durante vita , if he continue fit . § 1. I Come next to speak of a third sort of Ministry , which hath a greater resemblance to the ancient Episcopacy , then any of the rest : Yea indeed is the same that was exercised about the second or third Century after Christ. And that is , the fixed Presidents of the Presbyters of many Churches associated . In the first settlement of Churches , there was either a single Pastor to a single Church ; or many Pastors , in equality , at least of Office : And whether from the beginning or afterward only , one of them became the stated President , is very uncertain : of which anon . But when the Churches encreased in magnitude , and many Congregations were gathered under one Presbyterie , then that Presbyterie also had a stated President , as the Congregational Presbyteries perhaps had before . And thus he was an Archbishop under the name of a Bishop , that awhile before was either unknown , or else must needs be es●eemed an Archbishop . § . 2. That these men should take the Pastoral charge of many Churches , or that they should suspend the Governing Power of the Presbyters , upon pretence of a Presidency , or superiority , is I think , a matter not warrantable by the word of God. § . 3. But that such Associations of the Pastors of many Churches should ordinarily be , for the sake of Union and Communion ; as also that it is lawfull for these Associatied Ministers to choose one among them to be their President , is granted by all . § . 4. But all the question is , Whether these Presidents should be only pro tempore , or durante vita , supposing that they forfeit not the trust ? I shall not say much of the point of convenience ; but I affirm , that of it self it is lawful to choose a President that shall be fixed durante vita , si tam diu bene se gesserit . Yea it is lawfull now in England , as things stand . § . 5. And 1. It may suffice for the proof of this , that it is nowhere forbidden in Nature or in Scripture ; directly or by consequence : and therefore it is lawfull : Where there is no law , there is no transgression : They that say that it is a thing forbidden , must prove it from some word of God ; which I think , they cannot do . § . 6. 2. If it be lawfull to choose a fixed President for half a year , or a year , or seven year , then is it lawfull to choose and fix such a President for life ( on supposition still of a continued fitness ) But it is lawful to choose such a one for a year , or seven year : therefore also for life . § . 7. The Antecedent is granted by the Presbyterian , Congregational and Erastian party , ( which are all that I have now to do with : ) For all these consented that D. Twiss should be President of the Synod at Westminster , which was till his death : or else was like to have been till the end ; And so another after him . And ordinarily the Provinces and Presbyteries choose a President till the next Assembly . And I remember not that ever I heard any man speak against this course . § . 8. And then the Consequence is clear , from the parity of Reasons : For 1. Seven years in contracts is valued equal with the duration of a mans life . 2. And no man can give a Reason to prove it Lawfull to have a President seven years , or a quarter of a year , that will not prove it Lawfull in it self to have a President during life . And Accidents must be weighed on both sides , before you can prove it Accidentally evil : And if it be but so , it may be one time good , if by accident it be another time bad . The weightiest accident must preponderate . § . 9. 3. Order is a thing lawful in Church Assemblies and Affairs : the sta●ed Presidency of one , is a stated Order in Church Assemblies : therefore it is lawful that all things be done in Order , is commanded , 1 Cor. 14.40 . And therefore in general Order is a duty , which is more then to be Lawful . And though the particular wayes of Order may yet be comparatively indifferent , yet are they Lawful , 〈◊〉 the Genus is necessary . § . 10. And that this Presidency is a point of Church Order , is apparent in the nature and use of the thing : and also in that it is commonly acknowledged a matter of Order in all other societies or Assemblies , though but for the low and common affairs of the world : in a Jury you will confess , that Order requireth that there be a Foreman : and in a Colledge that there be a Master : and that an Hospital , a School , and all Societies , have so much Order at least as this , if not much more . And why is not that to be accounted Order in the Church , that is so in all other societies ? § . 11. 4 ▪ That which maketh to the Unity of the Churches or Pastors ( and is not forbidden by Christ ) is both lawful and desirable : But such is a stated Presidency : therefore , &c. The Major is grounded 1. On nature it self , that tells us how much of the strength , and beauty , and safety of the Church , and of all societies doth consist in Unity . The Minor is apparent in the Nature of the thing : 1. That Presidency makes for Unity , is confest by all the Churches that use it to that end . 2. And the continuance of the same makes somewhat more for Unity then a change would do : there being some danger of division in the new elections : besides other and greater inconveniences . § . 12. 5. The person that is most fit ( Consideratis Consid●randis ) should be chosen President : But one and the same person ordinarily is most fit durante vita : therefore one and the same person should be continued President . God doth not use to change his gifts at every monethly or quarterly Sessions of a Classis or Provincial Synod . Either the President chosen was the fittest at the time of his choice , or not : if he were not , he was ill chosen : if he were so then , its like he is so still , at least for a long time . And a mans ability is so great and considerable a qualification for every imployment , that it must be a very great accident on the other side that must allow us to choose a man that is less able . A change cannot be made in most places , without the injury of the Assembly and of their work . The worthiest person therefore may lawfully be continued for the work sake . § . 13. 6. That way is lawful that conduceth to the Reconciliation of dissenting and contending Brethren ( supposing it not forbidden by God. ) But such is the way of a stated Presidency , durante vitâ : therefore , &c. Though the Major be past doubt , yet to make it more clear , consider , that it is 1. A Learned party ( as to many of them ) with whom this Reconciliation is desired : and therefore the more desirable . 2. That it is a numerous party : even the most of the Catholike Church by far . All the Greek Church , the Armenian , Syrian , Abassine , and all others that I hear of , except the Reformed , are for Prelacy : and among the Reformed , England and Ireland had a Prelacy ; and Denmark , Sweden , part of Germany , Transilvania , have a superintendency as high as I am pleading for at least . And certainly a Reconciliation , and as near a Union as well may be had , with so great a part of the Church of Christ , is a thing not to be despised ; nor will not be by considerate moderate men . § . 14. And it is very considerable with me , that it is the future and not only the present Peace of the Churches that we shall thus procure . For it is easie to see that Episcopacy is neither such an upstart thing , nor defended by such contemptible reasons , as that the Controversie is like to die with this age : undoubtedly there will be a Learned and Godly party for it , while the world endureth ; unless God make by Illumination or Revelation some wonderful change on the Sons of men , that I think , few men do expect . And certainly we should do the best we can to prevent a perpetual dissention in the Church . Were there not one Prelatical man now alive , it were easie to foresee there would soon be more . § . 15. Ye● do I not move , that any thing forbidden by God should be used , as a means for Peace or Reconciliation with men . It is not to set up any Tyranny in the Church , nor to introduce any new Office that Christ hath not planted : it is but the orderly disposal of the Officers and affairs of Christ , which is pleaded for . § . 16. Object . But ( some will say ) your Minor yet is to be denyed ; for this is not a way to Reconciliation . A stated Presidency will not please the Prelates that have been used to the sole Iurisdiction of a whole County , and to sole Ordination . Answ. 1. We know that the moderate will consent . 2. And some further accommodation shall be offered anon ; which may satisfie all that will shew themselves the Sons of Peace . 3. If we do our duty , the guilt will no longer lie on us , but on the refusers of Peace : but till then , its as well on us as on them . § . 17. 7. That which is lawfully practised already by a Concurrence of judgements , may lawfully be agreed on : But the Presidency ( or more ) of one man in the Assemblies of Ministers , is in most places practised ( and that lawfully ) already : therefore , &c. There is few Associations , but some one man is so far esteemed of by all , that they give him an actual or virtual Presidency , or more : why then may they not agree expresly so to do ? § . 18. 8. Lastly , The so common and so antient practice of the Churches , should move us to an inclination to reverence and imitation , as far as God doth not forbid us , and we have no sufficient reason to deter us : of which more anon . § . 19. Yet are not they to be justified that raise contentions for such a Presidency , and lay the Churches Peace upon it . I see not yet but that it is a thing in it self indifferent , whether a man be President a moneth , a year , or for his life : and therefore I plead only for condescending in a case indifferent , for the Churches peace : though accidentally order may make it more desirable in one place : and jealousies , and prejudice , or danger of usurpation , may make it less desirable in another place . But none should judge it necessary or sinful of it self . § . 20. If you ask , What Power shall these stated Presidents have ? I answer , 1. None can deny , but that it is fit that in every Association of Churches , there should be a certain way of Communication agreed on . And therefore that some one should be chosen to receive such Letters or other matters that are to be Communicated , and to send them , or notice of them unto all . This is a service , and the power of doing such a service cannot be questionable while the service is unquestionable . § . 21. 2. It is meet that some be appointed to acquaint the rest , as with business , so with times and places of meeting : the nomination of such times and places , or the acquainting others with them when agreed on , is a service that none can justly question : and therefore the lawfulness of the power to do it , may not be questioned . § . 22. Object . But what 's this to Government ? this is to make them Servants , and not Governors . Answ. It is the more agreeable to the will of Christ , that will have that kind of greatness sought among his Ministers , by being the servants of all . § . 23. But 3. He may also be the stated Moderator of their Disputations and Debates : this much I think will easily be granted them ; and I am sure with some ( as I shall shew anon ) this much would seem satisfactory . The Principal President or Master of a Colledge is thought to have a convenient precedency or superiority , though he have not a Negative voice . And why the President in an Association of Pastors should have a greater Power , I see as yet neither necessity nor reason . § . 24. But 4. If Peace cannot otherwise be obtained , the matter may be thus accommodated , without violation of the Principles or Consciences of the Episcopal , Presbyterian , or Congregational party . 1. Let it be agreed or consented to , that no man be put to profess , that it is his judgement , that Bishops should have as jure divino a Negative voice in Ordination . This was never an Article of Faith : it is not necessary to be put among our Credenda . It is only the Practice that is pretended to be necessary , and a submission to it . Seeing therefore it is not to be numbred with the Credenda , but the agenda , let Action without professed Belief suffice . 2. Yea on the same reasons , if any man be of a Contrary judgement , and think himself bound to declare it modestly , moderately , and peaceably , let him have liberty to declare it , so his practice be peaceable . 3. This being premised , Let the President never Ordain , except in case of necessity , but with the presence or consent of the Assembly of the Associated Pastors . 4. And let the Pastors never Ordain any , except in cases of Necessity , but when the President is there present , nor without his Consent . And in Cases of Necessity ( as if he would deprive the Churches of good Ministers , or the like ) the Episcopal men will yield it may be done . § . 25. If some think the President Must be one , and others only think he May be one ; it is reasonable , if we will have peace , that our May be yield to their Must be . For so we yield but to what we confess lawful : but if they should yield , it must be to what they judge to be sinful . If it be not lawful to hold their Must , that is , that a Bishop hath a Negative voice , yet is it lawful to forbear de facto to Ordain till he be one , except it be in case of Necessity . § . 26. If in an Association there be a company of young or weak Ministers , and one only man that is able to try him that is offered to the Ministry , as to his skill in the Greek and Hebrew tongues , and his Philosophy , &c. is it not lawful here for all the rest to consent that they will not Ordain any , except in cases of Necessity , but when the foresaid able man is one ? Who can doubt of this ? And if it be lawful in this case , it is much more lawful , when both the ability of the said person , and the Peace of the Churches doth require it : or if it be but the last alone , I think it may well be yielded to . § . 27. But ( the Episcopal men will object , ) if every man shall have leave to Believe and Profess a Parity of Ministers , the President will but be despised , and this will be no way to Peace , but to Contention . Answ. You have but two remedies for this , and tell us which of them you would use . The first is , to force men by Club-law to subscribe to your Negative voice , or not to hold the contrary : The second is , to cast them all out of the Communion of the Churches , that are not in judgement for your Negative voice , though they be Moderate , Peaceable , Godly men . And he that would have the first way taken , is a Tyrant , and would be a Cruel Persecutor of his Brethren as good as himself . And he that would take the second way , is both Tyrannous , and Schismatical , and far from a Catholike peaceable disposition ; and if all must be cast out or avoided by him , that are not in such things of his opinion , he makes it impossible for the Churches to have peace with him . § . 28. But they will further object : If in Necessity they shall Ordain without the President , this Necessity will be ordinarily pretended ; and so all your offers will be in vain . Answ. Prevent that and other such inconveniences , by producing your weightiest reasons , and perswading them ; or by any lawful means : but we must not have real Necessities neglected , and the Churches ruined , for fear of mens unjust pretences of a Necessity : that 's but a sad Cure. § . 29. But on the other side it will be objected , This is but patching up a peace . If I think that one man hath no more right then another to a Negative voice , why should I seem to grant it him by my practice ? Answ. As when we come to Heaven , and not till then , we shall have perfect Holiness ; so when we come to Heaven , and not till then , we shall have perfect Vnity and Peace . But till then , I shall take that which you call Patching , as my Duty , and our great Benefit . If you think one man have not a Negative voice , we neither urge you to say that he hath , nor so much as to seem to own his claim . You shall have leave in the publike Register of the Association , to put it under your hand , that [ Not as owning the claim of the Presidents Negative voice , but as yielding in a Lawful thing for Peace , you do Consent to forbear Ordaining any without him , except in Cases of Necessity . ] This you may do , without any shew of contradicting your Principles , and this is all that is desired . § . 30. Quest. And may we not for peace sake , grant them as much in point of Iurisdiction , as of Ordination , and Consent to do nothing without Necessity , but when the President is one , and doth Consent ? Answ. Either by Iurisdiction you mean Law making , or Executive Government . The first belongs to none but Christ , in the substance of his Worship ; and the Circumstances no man may Vniversally and Vnchangeably determine of but pro re nata , according to emergent occasions , the Magistrate may make Laws for them , and the Pastors may make Agreements for Concord about them : but none should determine of them without need : and therefore here is no work for Legislators ( the Usurpers that have grievously wronged the Church . ) And for Executive Government , either it is over the People , or over the Pastors . To give a Negative voice to the President of an Association of the Pastors of many Churches , in Governing the People of a single Church , is to set up a new Office ( a fixed Pastor of many Churches ) and to overthrow Government , and introduce the noxious sort of Prelacy , which for my part , I intend not to be guilty of . And for proper Government of the Pastors , I know none but God and Magistrates that have that Power . Every Bishop , saith Cyprian , and the Council of Carthage , hath Power of his own will , and is responsible for his Actions to God , and none of us are Episcopi Episcoporum , Bishops of Bishops . But there is a Communion among Pastors and Churches to be exercised , and so an avoiding or rejecting from Communion : and this some call ( improperly ) a Government . And in this , for my part , I should consent , where peace doth require it , that we will not agree upon the rejecting of any Pastor of our Association ( no more then to the Accepting or Ordaining of them ) without the President , but in cases of Necessity : and that just on the terms exprest about Ordination . § . 31. As for instance , in a particular Church , there is a Communion to be held among all the members , though none of them but the Officers are Governors of the Church . And in many cases where the Peoples Consent is needful , its common to stand to a Major vote : and so great a stress is laid on this , that by many of the Congregational way the Government of the Church is said to be in the Major vote of the people : and yet 1. This is indeed no Government that belongs to them ; but Consent to Communion or Exclusion ; and 2. No Scripture doth require a Minor part to stand in all cases to the decision of a Major vote , nor give a Major vote any Rule over the Consciences of the Minor part ( shew us this voting power in Scripture ) And yet 3. All agree , that upon natural Reasons and General Rules of Scripture , the Churches are allowed , yea obliged , in lawful things , for maintaining Vnity and Peace , to stand to the judgement of a Major vote , ( in Cases that belong to them to vote in ) though there be no particular word for it in the Scripture : Even so Associate Pastors have not a proper Government of one another , neither by Presidents or Major votes , ( though over the people they have , ) but are all under the Government of God and the Magistrate only . And yet they may in acts of Consent about Communion or Non-communion with one another , prudentially agree , to take the Consent of the President , or of the Major vote of Pastors , or of both , where Peace , or Order , or Edification requireth it : except in cases of Necessity . § . 32. Quest. But what will you take for a Case of Necessity ? which you will except ? Answ. 1. If the President be dead . 2. Or sick , or absent and cannot come . 3. Or if he be malignant , and wilfully refuse to Consent that the Church be well provided for , or Governed . 4. And withall supposing that without the great hurt or hazzard of the Churches , we cannot delay the business , till he be one , or do Consent . 5. Especially if he be set in enmity against the welfare of the Church : and by pretence of a suspending vote would destroy the Church , and bring in unworthy hurtful persons or things . In all such Cases of Necessity , its time to lay by our humane Rules for peace and Order . § . 33. Object . But who shall be judge of this Necessity ? Answ. The Magistrate only shall be the Compelling Iudge . The people shall be the Discerning Iudges : the Pastors shall at least have as much power as the People : each of them shall Discern , so far as they must obey and execute . And God only shall be the final Iudge . § . 34. Object . But this will but cause Divisions and Confusions ; while the President thinks one thing Necessary , and the Pastors another , and the People another . Answ. I answered this before . Reason must not be cast by , and the Churches ruined , and poyson and destruction taken in , on pretence of such inconveniences . If such a Case of difference fall out , each man will execute as he discerneth or judgeth , ( being to answer for his own actions , and having none that can undertake to answer for him ) And when we all come to the Bar of God for final Judgement , he that was in the right shall be justified , and he that falsly pretended Necessity against duty shall bear the blame . § . 35. Object . But in the mean time , the Churches will be divided . Answ. 1. I told you there is no more hope of ● perfect Vnity on earth , then of perfect Holiness . 2. When two evils are before us , ( though neither must be chosen ; for Evil is not an Object of choice , unless as seeming good , yet ) the Greater Evil must be first and most studiously repelled . And the deformity and destruction of the Churches , and the casting out of the Gospel and Worship of God , is a greater Evil then disorder about good actions , and differences about some Circumstances of Necessary works . § . 36. All this that I have said about the Negative ( de facto , though not de jure ) that I would have Consented to for peace , I intend not to extend to those Cases and Countries where peace requireth it not , but rather the contrary : much●less to encourage any to think such a Negative Necessary in it self . Some things may be Lawfully granted that are unlawfully and upon mistake desired . § . 37. Lastly understand also , that when I speak of yielding to this Negative voice in Ordination , to the President of such an Association , I intend not to exclude the Presbyterie of a particular Church ( where it is sufficient ) from the said Power and exercise of Ordination : of which I am to speak , in the the following Chapter , which is of the President of such a Presbyterie . CHAP. IV. It is Lawful for the Presbyters of a particular Church , to have a fixed President , during life . § . 1. I Come now to the most Ancient fixed Bishop that the Church was acquainted with , except the meer Episcopus Gregis , the Overseer of the flock ; and that is , A President of many Elders in one particular Church . The Diocesan Bishop was long after this : The first Bishops ( if you will call them so ) in the Church were the first mentioned Itinerant Bishops that were sent abroad to convert souls and gather Churches , and afterward took care to water and confirm them . The next sort of Bishops ( and the first so called ) were the fixed Pastors of particular Churches , that cannot be proved to have any superiority over Presbyters . The third sort of Bishops ( in time , and the first fixed Bishops that were superiours to other Pastors ) were these Presidents of the Presbyteries of particular Churches . And these are they that now we have to speak of . And I shall prove that it is not unlawful to have such . § . 2. But first I must tell you what I mean ; and shew you that such may be had among us . I have in one of the former Disputations , defined a particular C●urch . It should ordinarily consist of no more then may hold personal Communion together in Gods publick Worship . But yet take notice , 1. That it tendeth to the strength and honour of it , that it be not too small ; but consisting of as many as are well capable of the Ends. 2 ▪ And it is lawfull for these to have some other meeting places for part of the Church , besides the principal place which is for the whole . Chappels of ease may lawfully be made use of , for the benefit of the weak , and lame , and aged , that cannot alwayes or often come to the common Assembly . And where such Chappels are not , it is lawfull to make use of convenient houses . Yea if there were no Place to be had , sufficiently capacious of a full Assembly , or else if persecution forbad them to meet , it might still be but one Church , though the members met in several houses ordinarily : as five hundred in one , and three hundred in another , or one hundred only in several places , every one going to which house he pleased , and having several Pastors that in Society and by Consent did guide them all . But though somewhat disorderly may be born with in cases of Necessity ; yet 1. As it is Necessary to the Ends , and so to the Being of a particular Church that they be a Society capable of personal Communion ; and the personal Teaching , Guidance and Oversight of the same Pastors , So 2. It is desirable , as much tending to Order and Edification , that all of them that are able do frequently meet in one Assembly , for the Worshipping of God with one heart and mouth . And this is the Church I speak of . § 3. It is not of Necessity to the Being of such a particular Church that it have more Pastors then one : And when one only is the Pastor or Governour , that one alone may do all the works of a Pastor or Governour ( For what else is his Office , but the state or Relation of a man obliged and authorized to do such works ? ) The Learned Dr. H. H. thinketh that the Apostles planted none in Scripture times but single Pastors or Bishops ( called also Presbyters ) in every Church , with Deacons under them , without any other Presbyters ( subject or assistant ) over that Church . This I conceive cannot be proved , nor so much as the probability of it ; nay I think , at least a probability , if not a certainty of the contrary may be proved , of some Churches . But yet it is most likely that it was so with many Churches . And reason tells us , that the thing being in it self indifferent , was suted by the Apostles to the state of the particular Churches that they planted . A small Church might well have a single Pastor , when a large Church , especially in times of persecution , when they must assemble in several houses at once , required more . Some places might have many persons fit for the Office , and some but one : Which cases must needs have some Variety . § . 4. Where there are more Pastors in such a Church , then one , I know of no Necessity that one should have any superiority over another : nor can I prove that it was so from the beginning . Some Divines of the Prelatical Judgement think that this was an Ordinance of the Apostles , at the first planting of such Churches ; Others of them think that it was of their appointment , but not actually existent till after Scripture times . Others of them think , that as Hierom saith , it began when factions rose in the Church , not by Divine Ordination , but Ecclesiastical agreement , for the preventing or cure of schism . § . 5. The first Church that we find it in , in History , is that of Alexandria . And Alexandria was a place exceedingly given to sedition , tumults , and divisions : the contentions between Cyril and Orestes , the murder of Hypatia by Peter and his company , the assault made upon Orestes by Ammonius & the other Nitrian Monks , and many such feats in the dayes of Theophilus , Dionysius , and up to the beginning , do shew what they were . And Socrates saith of them expresly , li. 7. cap. 13. that [ The people of Alexandria above all other men , are given to Schism and contention ; for if any quarrel arise at any time among them , presently hainous and horrible offences use to follow , and the tumult is never appeased without great blood-shed . ] such were the Alexandrians . § . 6. But yet it is certain that the Original of this custom , of setting up one as President or chief Presbyter in a particular Chur●h , cannot be found out , so as to say , by whom and when it was first brought in . But if it began upon the death of Mark at Alexandria ▪ it must needs be long before the death of Iohn the Apostle , ( in that Church , what ever other Churces did . ) But it seems that there was then a difference and indifferency in this point , and that other Churces did not presently imitate the Churches of Alexandria and Rome herein . He that reads Clemens Epistle to the Corinthians without partiality , I think will be of Grotius mind ( before cited , Epist. ad Gal. ad Bignon . ) that Clemens knew not any such Prelacy among the Corinthians , when he wrote that Epistle : And so we may say of some other Witnesses and Churches in those times , and afterwards in many places . § . 7. It is not another Order of Ministers , or Office , that was in such Churches distinct from the Presbyters that assisted them . Their Presidents or Eminent Bishops were not made then Episcopi Episcoporum , vel Pastores Pastorum , as having an Office of Teaching and Governing the other Pastors , as Pastors have of teaching and Governing the flock . But they were only the chief Presbyters , or chief Bishops or Pastors of that Church , as an Archdeacon is to the Deacons when he is made such by their choice , as Hieroms comparison is ( ad Evagr. ) § . 8. Nor is it lawfull now , even in the smallest Parish , for any One to assume such a superiority over any Presbyters ( though such as have their maintenance from him , and are chosen by him , and are called , his Curates ) as if he were of a Superiour Order or Offi●o , and so the Governour of the other as his inferiours . § . 9. But yet that a Primacy of degree , or Presidency , or stated Moderatorship of one in such a Church and Presbyterie , is lawfull , I think with small labour may be evinced . And 1. All the Arguments before used , for the Presidency of one in an Association , will prove this Parochial Presidency with advantage . § . 10. 2. It is a thing that is constantly or very ordinarily practised among us already , with common approbation , or without contradiction , as far as I have heard . Many places have one Minister only that is presented by the Patron ; and this one Pastor hath divers with him ( or as the common saying is , Vnder him : ) If it be a great Congregation , many have a Curate or assistant in the Town with them , and other Curates at Chappels that depend on that Town . Though there be but one Chappel in this Parish where I live , yet this Church hath three or four Presbyters , and three or four Deacons . And the Law of the Land doth give one Minister only the Maintenance ( called the Benefice ) and the Power of the Temple , and the calling of Assemblies , and the choice of Curates , whom he is to maintain . And they that are chosen and maintained by him , must and will be ruled by him ; at least in all circumstantial things . It belongs not to them to Rule even the People contrary to Gods word ; nor in substantials to institute new Ordinances of Worship : But in circumstantials which are left to humane determination ( as time , place , particulars of order , decency , &c. ) no doubt but the chief Pastors in each Parish , do exercise actually a Negative Vote , and the Curates do nothing without their consent . So that this sort of Presidency being common among us , without contradiction I may take it for granted that it hath the common consent . And if any allow not of so much as is commonly used , yet a Presidency is a far lower thing . § . 11. 3. This sort of Presidency , ( yea with such a Negative voice as in the foregoing Chapter is granted ) is usually grounded on Nature and the General Rules of Scripture , and warranted by them . Nature teacheth us , that the younger and more ignorant and unlearned , should ( proportionably ) submit to the Elder and Wiser , and in a sort be Ruled by them . And Scripture saith the same , 1 Pet. 5.5 . [ Ye younger submit your selves unto the Elder . ] Even the aged Woemen ( that were no Officers ) must teach the younger , Tit. 2.4 . Now it common●ly falls out that in every Parish that hath many Minister , there is but one that is aged , or grave , and that one commonly is more Learned and judicious then the rest , who are usually some young unexercised men . Now in such cases . ( which is common ) no man can deny that authority to age or Wisdom that is naturally due to it , nor exempt the younger ignoranter men from that submission which naturally they are bound to . Equality of Office may stand with inequality of gifts and ag● , and consequently of duty . § . 12. 4. The good of the Church requireth it that this disproportion of Ministers gifts in one and the same Congregation should be the ordinary case ( And rules must be fitted to ordinary cases , rather then to extraordinary . ) For God doth not ( as we see by long and sad experience ) bestow his excellent gifts so commonly , as that one Church ( ordinarily ) should have many Learned able men : There are but few that are of eminency for judgement and other Ministerial abilities : Not one for many Parishes : If therefore many of these should be placed together in one Church , it would be against the common good , and an unjust ingrossment , and injurious unto others . Providence therefore by the rarity of eminent parts , doth teach us to make it the ordinary course , that in every Congregation where there are many Pastors , some one of chiefest parts be chosen to be standing Moderator of the rest . § . 13. 5. That which is lawfull for Private men to do towards one another , is lawfull Prudentially for Pastors that are conscious of their own imperfection , to do towards one that they think more able then themselves . But it is lawful for Private men to be subject one to another in humility : therefore it is lawfull for such Pastors , 1 Pet. 5.5 . [ Yea all of you be subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility ] A voluntary subjection to another , in lawfull actions , is nowhere forbidden , but here commanded ▪ and is a great part of Christian self-denyal : and therefore lawful . § . 14. 6. And it is a thing that dependeth so much on the Wisdom and will of Presbyters , that no man can hinder it . I can make another Minister a Bishop to me , whether other men will or not . Honor est in honorante . I can 1. In judgement esteem him more able , yea or more authorized , then other men . 2. And I can have recourse to him for advice . 3. And I can give him a Negative vote in all my Ministerial Actions , so far as they are left to humane determination : I can resolve to do nothing in such matters , but by his consent . And if I find reason for this in his abilities , and my disabilities , it is Lawful . The thing therefore being Lawfull , and such as none can hinder me from , I see not why it may not be made the matter of Consent , when the Churches Peace requireth it . § . 15. 7. Moreover , as Divisions justly provoked the Churches at first to think of such lawful means , for the cure ; so our Divisions , or danger of them , do make it as Necessary , or convenien● , now as then . We see to our shame , that in most or many Congregations , Ministers that are equal or neer to an equality in parts and place , can hardly agree and live in Peace : but they are jealous of one another , and envying each others esteem and interest ( Though I confess this is so odious a vice ▪ that its an abominable shamefull thing , that any Minister of Christ should be tainted with it : but so it is ▪ we cannot hide it . ) And therefore it is our ordinary course to have such a disparity of age , and parts , and interests , that one may have the preheminence , and some rule , and the rest be ruled by him . § . 16. 8. Lastly , the Antiquity and speedy Universality of this course , is a strong argument to make men moderate in the point . For 1. It seemeth a most improbable thing that all the Churches , or so many , should so suddenly take up this Presidency , Prelacy , or Disparity without scruple or resistance , if it had been against the Apostles minds . For it cannot be imagined that all these Churches that were planted by the Apostles , or Apostolical men , and had seen them and conversed with them , should be either utterly ignorant of their minds , in such a matter of publike practice , or else should be all so careless of obeying their new received doctrine , as presently and unanimously to consent to a change , or endure it without resistance . Would no Church or no persons in the world , contend for the retention of the Apostolical institutions ? Would no Chu●ch hold their own , and bear witness against the corruption and innovations of the rest ? would no persons say , [ you go about to alter the frame of Government newly planted among us by the Holy Ghost ; It was not thus in the dayes of Peter , or Paul , or John ▪ and therefore we will have no change . ] Th●s see●s to me a thing incredible , that the whole Church should all at once almost so suddenly and silently yield to such a change of Government . And I do not think that any man can bring one testimony from all the volumes of Antiquity to prove that ever Church or person resisted or disclaimed such a change , in the times when it must be made , if ever it was made ▪ that is , in the first or second ages . § . 17. Yea 2. It is plain by the testimony of Hierom before mentioned and other testimonies of antiquity , that in Alexandria , at least , this practice was used in the dayes of the Apostles themselves . For they testifie that from the dayes of Mark the Evangelist till the days of Heroclas and Dionysius , the Presbyters chose one from among them , and called him their Bishop . Now it is supposed by the best Chronologers that Mark was slain about the sixty third year of our Lord , and the tenth of Nero ; and that Peter and Paul were put to death about the sixty sixth of our Lord , and thirteenth of Nero , and that Iohn the Apostle died about the ninety eighth year of our Lord , and the first of Trajan , which was about thirty five years after the death of Mark. Now I would leave it to any mans impartial consideration , whether it be credible that the holy Apostles , and all the Evangelists or Assistants of them , then alive , would have suffered this innovation and corruption in the Church without a plain disowning it and reproving it : Would they silently see their newly established Order violated in their own dayes , and not so much as tell the Churches of the sin and danger ? Or if they had indeed done this , would none regard it , nor remember i● , so much as to resist the sin ? These things are incredible . § . 18. And I am confident if the judicious godly people had their choice , from the experience of what is for their good , they would commonly choose a fixed President or chief Pastor in every Church . Yea I see , that they will not ordinarily endure that it should be otherwise . For when they find that God doth usually qualifie one above the rest of their Teachers , they will hardly consent that the rest have an equal power over them . I have seen even a sober unanimous Godly people , refuse so much as to give their hands to an assistant Presbyter whom yet they loved , honoured and obeyed , though they were urged hard by him that they preferred , and all from a loathness that there should be a parity . I know not one Congregation to my remembrance , that hath many Ministers , but would have one be chief . § . 19. Object . But , ( the Prelatical men will say ) our Pari●shes are not capable of this , because they have commonly but one Pastor , nor have maintainance for more . Answ. 1. Though the gre●ter number have but one yet it is an ordinary case to have two , or three , or more , where there are Chappels in the Parish , and the Congregations great , as in Market Towns. And if ever we have Peace and a setled faithfull Magistrate that will do his part for the house of God , we shall certainly have many Ministers in great Congregations : Or else they are like to be left desolate ; For Ministers will over-run them , for fear of undertaking far more work then with their utmost pains they are able to perform . § . 20. And 2. There are few Congregations , I hope , of Godly people , but have some private men in them that are fit to be Ordained Assistant Presbyters , though not to govern a Church alone ( without necessity ) yet to assist a Learned , judicious man , such as understand the body of Divinity , ( as to the great and necessary points ▪ ) and are able to pray and discourse as well as many or most Ministers , and to exhort publickly in a case of need . He that would imitate the example of the Primitive Church ( at least in the second Century ) should Ordain such as these to be some of them Assistant Elders , and some of them Deacons in every Church ( that hath such ; ) and let them not teach publickly , when a more learned , able Pastor is at hand to do it ; but let them assist him in what they are fittest to perform ; Yet let them not be Lay Elders : but authorized to all Pastoral administrations , and of one and the same office with the Pastor , though dividing the exercise and execution according to their abilities and opportunities ; and not comming in without Ordination , nor yet taking up the Office only pro tempore . And thus every Parish , where are able Godly men , may have a Presbyterie and President . § . 21. Till then 3. It is granted by the Learned Dr. H. H. that it is not necessary to the being of a Bishop that he have fellow Presbyters with him in that Church : If he have but Deacons it may suffice . And this is easie to be had . § . 22. And indeed 1. The parts of many very able Christians , are too much buried and lost as to the Church , for want of being drawn into more publick use . 2. And it is it that tempteth them to run of themselves into the Ministry , or to preach without Ordination . 3. And yet few of these are fit to be trusted with the Preaching of the word , or guiding of a Church alone , no nor in equality with others : for they would either corrupt the doctrine , or divide the Church . But under the inspection and direction of a more Learned judicious man , as his assistants , doing nothing against his mind , they might be very serviceable to some Churches . And such a Bishop with such a Presbyterie and Deacons ( neither Lay , nor usually very Learned ) were the ancient fixed Governours of the Churches , if I can understand antiquity . CHAP. V. Objections against the Presidency forementioned , answered . § . 1. BUT it is not likely but all these motions will have Dissenters on both sides ; It were strange if in a divided age and place , and among a people engaged in so many several parties , and that so deeply as now men are , there should any healing remedy be propounded , that should not have abundance of opposers : Most men are prejudiced and affected at their Education ; or opportunities , or parties , or several interest sway them . And therefore I expect that most should reject all that I say , and some of them with much reproach and scorn . Our disease were not so great and dangerous , if it could but endure the remedy . But let us consider some of their Objections . § . 2. Object . 1. The unpeaceable men of the Prelatical way will say [ This is but to turn a Bishop into a Parish-Priest ; and to make him the Ruler of a Parish and a Curate or two , and in many places , of no Ministers at all : A fair Promotion . It seems you would leave them but a name and shadow , and make them to be contemptible . § . 3. Answ. 1. Remember that I grant you also the Presidency of Associations , &c. which you may call an Archbishoprick if you please . 2. Is it honour that you contend for , or labour and service to the Church ? If honour , you must get it by being the servants of others , and not by being Lords of the Clergy or heritage of God. If you are seeking honour of men , and founding office● in the Church , by such directors as ambition , you are not the men that we can hope for Peace or Holiness from , and therefore can have little treaty with you , but to lay by your wickedness . But if it be service that you contend for , in order to the Churches good , try first whether a Parish will not find you work enough . I have tried it , and find that if I were ten men , I could find as much as I am able to do , in this one Parish . Though I do as much as I am well able night and day , and have so many helpers , yet it is so great a trouble to me , that my work and charge is quite too great for me , that I have been often tempted to desert it , and go to a smaller place : And nothing stayes me but this consideration , that God requireth no more then I can do , and that its better do what I can then nothing : and that if I leave them , the next is like to do no more . Could I but speak with each man in my Parish by personal Instruction , once a moneth , or once a quarter , or half year , it would put me into high expectations of making a very great change among them , by this means : But when I am not able to speak to them past once a year , or two years , I must needs fear lest the force of former words will be lost before I come again . And yet must you needs have more work and service , and more souls to answer for ? To deal plainly and faithfully with you , Brethren , impartial standers by conceive that its time for you rather to be more diligent in a smaller charge , and to lament your negligence in your Parishes , and publickly to bewail that you have by your idleness betrayed so many souls : letting them alone in their ignorance and ungodliness , and commonly doing little in your charges , but what you do at Church in publick . Overseers think that most of you are fitter for smaller charges rather then for greater . I doubt this will offend many . But you were better use it to your Repentance and Reformation , then your offence . § . 4. And 3. I pray you consider how your Passion and partiality maketh you contradict your selves . Do you not use to 〈…〉 the Presbyters , that they would all be Bishops , and they would have a Bishop in every Parish , and so are against Bishops , that they may be Bishops themselves ? And what ! is a Parish Bishoprick so great a prize for our Ambition , and yet is it so contemptible to yours ? Are we proud for seeking to be Parish Bishops , and do you take it as an empty name or shadow ? At least then confess hereafter , that your Pride is so much greater , then ours , that the Mark of our Ambition is taken by you to be a low dishonourable state . § . 5. And 4. I would intreat you impartially to try , whether the Primitive Apostolick Episcopacy fixed in particular Churches were not a Parochial Episcopacy ? Try whether I have not proved it before ? And if it were , will you pretend to antiquity , and Apostolick institution , and yet despise the primitive simplicity , and that which you confess was settled by the Apostles ? Let the Eldest carry it without any more ado . § . 6. And 5. At least say no more that you are for Episcopacy , and we against it : when we are for Episcopacy as well as you . It is only your transcendent , or exorbitant sort of Episcopacy that we are against . Say not still that we have no Power of Ordination , because we are not Bishops ; but because we are only Bishops of one Church . Put the controversie truly as it is , Whether it be lawful for the Bishop of one Church with his Prebytery to Ordain ? Yea or whether many such Associated may Ordain ? Or rather , whether it be tyed to the Bishop of many Churches ( as you would have it : ) that is , Whether Ordination belong to Archbishops only ? Is not this the controversie ? § . 7. And then 6. Why do you in your Definitions of Episcopacy ( which you very seldom and sparingly give us ) require no more then a Parochial Episcopacy , and yet now despise it as if it were no Episcopacy at all ? Tell us plainly what you mean by a Bishop ? I thought you meant a Primus Presbyterorum , or at least , a Ruler of People and Presbyters ? And is not this to be found in a Parish Bishop , as well as in a Bishop of many Parishes , or Churches ? Change your Definition from this day forward , if you must have a change of the thing defined , as it seems you must . § . 8. And I wou●d know whether you can prove that it is Essential to a Bishop to have more Churches or Parishes then one ? Prove it if you are able . Was not great Gregory of Naocesarea a Bishop with his seventeen souls ? And was not Alexander ( the Colliar ) whom he Ordained at Comana , a Bishop , though but of a small Assembly ? Do not some of you confess , that Bishops in Scripture-times had no subject Presbyters , and consequently had but a single Congregation ? If then a Parish or Congregational Bishop were a true Bishop , why may he not be so still ? § . 9. Object . 2. But the Church under Christian Princes should not be conformed to the model of the Church under persecution : Shall Bishops have no more power and honour now then they had then ? We see in Constantines dayes a change was made . Must they be tyed to a Parish now , because they were Bishops only of a Parish in Scripture-times ? § . 10. Answ. 1. We would not have them persecuted now , as they were then , nor yet to want any due encouragement or assistance that a Christian Magistrate can afford them . But yet we would have Gods Word to be our Rule , and Bishops to be the same things now as then , and we would not have men make the prosperity of the Church a pretence for altering the Ordinances or Institutions of Christ , and making such changes as their conceits or ambitious minds incline them to . We shall never have a Rule nor fixed certainty , if we may change th●ngs our selves on such pretences . Pretend not then to Antiquity , as you do . § . 11. And 2. I have in the former Disputation proved by many Reasons , that it was not the mind of the Apostles themselves , that the Parochial or Congregational Churches which they planted , should be changed into another sort of Churches . Nor is there any reason for it , but against it , in the prosperity of the Church , and piety of Magistrates . For 1. Pious Magistrates should help to keep , and not to break Apostolical institutions . 2. And pious Magistrates should further the good of the Church , and not hurt it to advance ambitious m●n . § . 12. For 3. Ministers are for the Churches , and therefore no change must be made on such pretences that is against the good of the Churches . If every Parish or Congregation then , were meet to have a Bishop and Presbyterie of their own , why shall the Church be now so abused , as that a whole County shall have but one Bishop and his Presbyterie ? If every Hospital or Town had a Physitian with his Apothecaries and Mates , in your Fathers dayes , would you be their benefactors , by procuring that all the County shall have but one Physitian with his Apothecaries ? Or if every School had a Schoolmaster in your Forefathers dayes , will you say , there shall be but one in your dayes , in a whole County ? Do you thus think to honour Physitians and Schoolmasters , to the ruine of the people and the Schools ? So do you in your advancement of Bishops . Upon my certain experience I dare affirm it , that every Parish of four or five thousand souls , yea of a thousand souls , hath need of such a Presbyterie for their Oversight . And is not he that hath a County on his hands , like to do less for this Town or Parish , then if he had no more then this ? If your Bees swarm , you will not keep them all still in an hive , nor think of enlarging the hive to that end : but you will help the swarm to an hive of their own . If your Children marry , you will rather settle them in Families of their own , then retain all them and all their Children in the Family with your selves . So if a Bishop of one Church should Convert all the Countrey , he should rather settle them in several Churches , proportionable to their numbers and distances , then to call them all his own Church . § . 13. Object . 3. But by this means the Church wou●d be p●stered with Bishops . What a number of Bishops would you have , if every Parish-Priest were a Bishop ? We read not of such numbers as this would procure , in the antient times . § . 14. Answ. 1. I find where Christ commandeth us to pray the Lord of the harvest to send forth Labourers ( that is , more Labourers ) into the harvest , because of the greatness of the harvest . But I find not where ●e once requireth us to pray or wish that there may not be too many , for fear of pestering the Church , or diminishing the honour of the Clergy . Mens purses , I warrant you , will hinder the over-abounding of them ; a●d Gods providence doth not enrich too many with abilities and willingness for the work . Do you undertake that they shall not be too bad ; and I dare undertake they will not be too many . § . 15. And 2. Is it not the felicity and glory of the Church which you object as an inconvenience or reproach ? O blessed time and place that hath but enow that are able and faithfull ▪ But I never knew , nor heard , nor read of the age that had too many that were good and faithfull in the work . Would you not have a chief Schoolmaster in every School , or Town , for fear the Land should be pestered or overwhelmed with School-masters ? Why how can there be too many , when people will imploy no more then they need ? O miserable Church that hath such Bishops , that are afraid Gods vineyard should be furnished with labourers , lest their greatness and honour should be diminished ! Do you not see how many thousand souls lie still in ignorance , presumption and security for all the number of labourers that we have ? And see you not that six parts of the world are Infidels , and much for want of Teachers to instruct them ? And yet are you afraid that there will be too many ? What could the enemy of the Church say worse ? § . 16. Object . We do not mean too many Teachers , but too many Bishops ; that is , too many Governours of the Church . Answ. 1. God knoweth no Governours Ministeriall but teachers : It seems you would have somewhat that you call Government , and leave the labour of Teaching to others : As if you knew not that it is they that are especially worthy of the double honour that labour in the word and doctrine , 1 Tim. 5.17 . Or as if you knew not that even the Government of Pastors is mostly by teaching . 2. Government and Teaching go together , and are both necessary to the Church ; And the diminishing the number of Governours and of Teachers is all one : As a Physitian doth Govern all his Patients in order to their cure , and a Schoolmaster all his schollars in order to their learning ; so doth a Pastor all his flock , in order to their sanctification and salvation . And for the Government of the Ministers themselves , the number shall be increased as little as may be . Parish Bishops will Govern but a few ; and therefore they can wrong but few , by their mis-government . § . 17. Object . 4. But by this means we shall have unworthy , raw , and ignorant men made Bishops : What kind of Bishops shaell we have , if every Parish Priest must be a Bishop ? Some of them are boyes , and some of them empty , silly souls to make Bishops of . § . 18. Answ. I shall lay open the nakedness of this Objection also , so that it shall be no shelter to domineering in the Church . 1. Awake the sparks of humility that are in you , and tell us openly , whether you think your selves more able worthy men to Govern a County , or a hundred Parishes , then such as we are to Govern one ? Though I have been many and many a time tempted with Ionas to run away from the charge that is cast upon me , as a burden too heavy for me to bear , and I know my self to be lamentably insufficient for it : yet I must profess , that I am so proud as to think my self as able to be the Pastor or Bishop of this Parish , as most Bishops in England , yea or any one of them , to be the Pastor and Governour of a County , or an hundred or two hundred Parishes . Were you humble , or did you dwell at home , or take an account of your own abilities , when you reproach others as unable to be the Bishops of a Parish , and think your selves able to be the Bishops of a Diocess and contend for it so eagerly ? § . 19. And 2. I further answer you : We will leave you not a rag of this Objection to cover your nakedness . For if any Pastors or Parish Bishops be more ignorant then others , and unfit to Teach and Rule their flocks without the assistance , teaching or direction of more able me● , we all agree that its the duty of such men to Learn while they are Teachers , and to be Ruled while they are Rulers , by them that are wiser . For as is said , a Parity in regard of office , doth not deny a disparity of gifts and part●● And we constantly hold , that of men that are equal in regard of office , the younger and more ignorant should learn of the aged that are more able and wise , and be Ruled by their advice , as far as their insufficiency makes it necessary . And will not this suffice ? § . 20. And 3. If this suffice not , consider that Associated Pastors are linked together , and do nothing in any weighty matters of common concernment ( or of private , wherein they need advice ) without the help and directions of the rest . And a young man may govern a Parish by the advice of a Presbyterie and also of Associated able Pastors , as well as such Bishops as we have had , have governed a Diocess . § . 21. And yet 4. If all this suffice not , be it known to you that we endeavour to have the best that can be got for every Parish : and Novices we will have none , except in case of meer necessity : And we have an act for rejecting all the insufficient , as well as the scandalous and negligent : and any of you may be heard that will charge any among us with insufficiency . Sure I am we are cleansing the Church of the insufficient and scandalous that the Prelates brought in , as fast a we can : if any prove like them , that since are introduced , we desire that they may speed no better . What side soever they be on , we desire able faithfull men , and desire the ejection of the insufficient and unfaithfull . And youth doth not alway prove insufficiency . Witness Timothy , whose youth was not to be despised . At what age Origen and many more of old began , is commonly known . Vigelius was Bishop at twenty years of age ( the Tridentine Bishop ) We will promise you that we will have none so young to be Parish Presbyters , as Rome hath had some Popes and Cardinals and Archbishops and Bishops . Nor shall any such ignorant insufficient men , I hope , be admitted , as were commonly admitted by the Prelates . § . 22. Object . 5. But the Apostles and Evangelists had a larger circuit then a Parish , and therefore so should their Successors have ? Answ. I grant you that they had a larger circuit , and that herein , and in their ordinary work they have successors : And we consent that you shall be their Successors . Gird up your loins , and travail about as far as you please , and preach the Gospel to as many as will receive you ( and sure the Apostles forced none ) and convert as many souls as you can , and direct them when you have done in the way of Church-communion , and do all the good that you can in the world , and try whether we will hinder you . Have you not liberty to do as the Apostles did ? Be ye servants of all , and seek to save all , and take on you thus the care of all the Churches , and see who will forbid such an Episcopacy as this ? § . 23. Object . 6. But it seems you would have none compelled to obey the Bishops , but they only that are willing should do it : and so men shall have liberty of conscience , and anarchy and parity and confusion will be brought into the Church . Answ. 1. I would have none have liberty for any certain impiety or sin : And yet I would have no sin punished beyond the measure of its deserts . And I would not have preachers made no Preachers ( unless the Church may spare them ) because their judgements are against Diocesan Bishops : and therefore I would have none silenced or susspended for this . 2. And what is it that you would have that 's better ? Would you have men forced to acknowledge and submit to your Episcopacy ? And how ? Small penalties will not change mens judgements , nor consciences . Silencing or death would deprive the Church of their labours : and so we must lose our Teachers lest they disobey the Bishops . If this be your cure , it disgraceth your cause . We desire not Prelacy at so dear a rate . It s a sad order that destroyes the duty ordered . § . 24. Object . But this is to take down all Church-Government , if all shall have what Government they list . Answ. 1. Was there no Church-Government before the dayes of Constantine the Emperour ? 2. Do you pretend to antiquity , and fly from the Antient Government as none ? You shall have the same means as all the Bishops of the Church had for above three hundred years to bring men to your obedience : and is that nothing with you ? Why is it commonly maintained by us all , that the Primitive state was that purest state , which after times should strive to imitate , if yet it was so defective as you imagine ? 3. And why have you still pretended to such a power and excellent usefulness in the Prelatical Government , if now you confess that it is but anarchy , and as bad as nothing , without the inforcement of the Magistrate ? What Magistrate forceth men to obey the Presbyteries now in England , Scotland , or many other places ? 4. Yet it is our desire , that the Magistrate will do his duty , and maintain order in the Church , and hinder disorders , and all known sin : but so , as not to put his sword into the hand or use it at the pleasure of every party that would be lifted up . Let him prudently countenance that way of Government , that tendeth most to the good of the Churches under his care ; but not so as to persecute , silence , or cast out , all such as are for a different form , in case where difference is tolerable . 5. And in good sadness , is it not more prudent for the Magistrate to keep the sword in his own hands if really it be the sword that must do the work ? If Episcopal Government can do so little without the compulsion of the Magistrate , so that all the honour of the good effects belongeth to the sword , truly I think it prudence in him to do his part himself , and leave Bishops to their part , that so he may have the honour that , it seems , belongs unto his office , and the Bishop may not go away with it , nor the Presbyterie neither . Let the secular Bishop have the honour of all that Order and unity that ariseth from compulsion : and good reason , when he must have the labour , and run the hazzard if he do it amiss : and let the Ecclesiastical Bishops have the honour of all that order and unity that ariseth from their management of the spiritual sword and Keyes . 6. And lastly I answer , that this is not the subject that you and we have to dispute of . It is Ecclesiastical Government by Ministers , and not secular by Magistrates that is our controversie . It is of the Power left by Christ to Pastors and not to Princes . § . 25. Object . But at least those should be excommunicated that deny obedience to their Bishops : that is a Power that is left in the Bishops themselves , whether the Magistrate consent or not . Answ. 1. Excommunication is a sentence that should fall on none but for such gross and hainous sin , if not also obstinacy and impenitency in them , as is mentioned in Scripture : Using it in cases of controversie and tolerable differences , is but a tearing and dividing the Church . 2. We take it not for our duty to excommunicate you , because you are for Diocesan Prelacy : therefore you should not take it for yours to excommunicate others because they are against it . For 3. If your species of Episcopacy be such as I have proved it , you have more need to repent and amend , and ask forgiveness of God and men , then to excommunicate them that are not of your opinion , and for your sin . 4. But if you take this to be your duty , who hath hindered you from it these twelve years ? You had liberty , for ought I know , to have discharged your consciences , and to have excommunicated us all . 5. But you might so easily see what was like to come of it , that it is no wonder that you forbore . If such a Ministry and such a people as are now your adherents ( whose description I forbear ) should execute your sentence , and cast us and our adherents out of their communion , what contempt would it bring upon you in England ? The Ale-houses would be shut up for the most part , against u● : But that and the rest , would be easily born : I think this is not your way . § . 26. Object . 7. But what need you form us a new sort of Episcopacy ? were we not well enough before ? Why did you pull down that which was well planted , and now pretend to commend a better to us ? We were well if you had let us alone . § . 27. Answ. 1. But We were not well , because you would not let us alone . The Ministers that were silenced , and imprisoned , and banished , and the thousands of people that were fain to follow them , and all those that were undone by your prosecutions in England , were not well . But this is a small matter : The ignorant Congregations that had ignorant and drunken guides , where Piety was scorned as Puritanism , and impiety made a thing of nothing , and where Satan was so commonly served ; the many hundred Congregations in England that never knew what true Discipline meant , nor never saw in all their lives , a drunkard , oppressor , railer , blasphemer , either cast out , or penitently confess his sin , before the Church , all these were not well , though you were well . 2. Whether we were well before , I have shewed in my first Disputation , and thither I refer you . 3. And whether we have brought in a new Episcopacy , or only cast out a new one , and desire to bring in the Old , we are content to put it to an equal tryall . We all concurr in offering you this motion . Let the oldest stand , and the newest be cast out . § . 28. Object . 8. Iudge now by the effects : The Episcopacy which you blame , did keep up Order and Vnity in the Church : It kept under those weeds of heresie and error that since sprung up : We had then no Quakers , nor Seekers , nor such other Sects as now abound : This swarm of Errors shews which Government is best . § . 29. Answ. This is a gross fallacy , à non causa pro causa : to which I return you my answer in these seven considerations . 1. You tell us of the good that you think you did : but you tell us not of the hurt . I hope I love Divisions or Heresies as little as ever a Bishop in England : and yet I must profess that I had rather an hundred times , have things continue as they are with all our swarms of heresies , then to be restored to their ancient pass . Our loss i● as great as Iosephs in being removed from the Prison to Pharaohs ungodly family : I mean in spirituals ( of seculars anon . ) I know not of an Anabaptist , Separatist , Quaker or any other Sectary in the Town that I live in , for all this noise ; unless you will take a few Infidels for Sectaries , or a few ignorant Papists , or those of your own way . But on the other side , I hope there are many hundreds that truly fear God , that formerly were drowned in ignorance and ungodliness . The families that were wont to curse and swear and rail at Godliness , do now worship God , and set up holy instructions , and cast out sin : and this is our change : And in some measure , I have reason to believe that it is so in other places also . § . 30. 2. The Errors of the times are many of them your own , and therefore you exclaim against your selves . It is of your own selves that men arise , that write against Original sin , and for Liberty of Prophecying , ( which is more then Liberty of Believing ) and for a kind of Limbus Patrum and Infantum , and for humane Satisfactions for sin to God , and for the Primacy of the Pope , and that all our Protestant Churches are no Churches , or Ministers no Ministers , that have not Prelatical Ordination , yea and a Succession of it ; with many the like ( to say nothing of other Pelagian weeds . ) It doth not therefore become you to reproach us with our swarms of Errors while you introduce them . § . 31. 3. There were Heresies and Sects even in the dayes of Prelacy . Had you not then the Familists , the Grundle●onians , ( such as Hacket , and Coppinger , and Arthington ) and the Anabaptists , and Separatists , and Antinomians , and Papists , and such like ? besides the contentions between the Arminians and Antiarminians ▪ and the contentions raised by Episcopacy it self , and the Ceremonies that it upheld ? Who were they that rose up against the Bishops , and pulled them down , if there were Unity under them , as you pretend ? § . 32. 4. The truth is , it was the Magistrate and not Episcopacy that kept that Unity and Peace among us which we had ; and that kept under Heresies so much as they were kept under . Take not therefore the Magistrates honour to your selves . Who would have attended your Courts , or submitted to your censures , had it not been for fear of the Secular power ? I think but few . You know the Hereticks themselves obeyed you not for Conscience sake . Nor would they have regarded your Excommunication , if the Magistrate would have let them alone . If it was the spiritual sword in your hands that kept out Heresies , why did you not keep them out since , as well as then ? You have the same power from Christ now as ever you had . And I hope the fears of persecution will not hinder you from your duty : especially when you can name so few that have suffered for exercising Church-discipline by Episcopal power ! at least this was no hinderance a few years ago . For my part , I heartily wish you free from persecution , if you are not . But again I tell you , that which I suppose you know ; that as free a Toleration of Prelacy in England as there is of Presbyterie , were the likelyest way to bring you into perpetual contempt . For we cannot but know , that besides a few Civil engaged Gentlemen , Ministers , and others , your main body would consist of those that for their notorious impiety , scandal or ignorance , are thought unmeet for Church-communion by others : and that when you came to exercise Discipline on them , they would hate you and fly from you as much as ever they did from Puritans : and if you did indulge them , and not reform them or cast them out , your Church would be the Contempt of the sober part of the world ▪ and your own sober members would quickly relinquish it for shame . For [ the Church of England ] if you would needs be so called , would be taken for the sink of all the other Churches in England . This is a clear and certain truth that is easily discerned , without a Prophetick spirit : and the dishonour of all this would reflect upon your Prelacy . § . 33. 5. And further , I answer your Objection ; that it is not the insufficiency of other Church-government in comparison of Prelacy , that was the inlet of our Heresies and Divisions ; but it was the Licentiousness of a time of war , when all evil spirits are turned loose , and the subtilty of the Papists that have taken advantage to spawn among us the Quakers , and Levellers , and Behemists , and other Paracelsians , and the Seekers to confound and dishonour us if they could , and to promote their cause . And in times of war , especially when such changes in the Civil state ensue , and so many adversaries are watching to sow tares , such things are common . § . 34. 6. And you cannot say , that it comes from the insufficiency of other Government in comparison of yours , because you see no other Government setled instead of yours , so far as to be seconded by the sword or secular power ; no nor so far as to have a word of command or perswasion to the people to obey it , ( except an Ordinance that in most places was hindered from execution : ) nor is there any one Government so much as owned alone by the Magistrate . Besides , that the Civil power it self restraineth not those that you speak of , as to the most of them . § . 35. 7. Lastly , if you would compare your Prelacy with other Government , compare them where the case is equal . Hath not Presbyterie in Scotland , and in France ( with much less help and countenance from the Magistrate ) kept out Heresies and divisions , as much at least , as ever Prelacy did ? It is certain that it hath . § . 36. And yet I must add , that the multitude of Sects and Heresies that sprung up in the first , and second , and third Ages , was no such dishonour to the form of Government then used in the Church , as should encourage any man to dislike or change it . If it was Prelacy that was used , then swarms of Sects and Heresies may come in notwithstanding Prelacy ( even in better hands then yours . ) But if it were not Prelacy that was then the Government , Heresies are no more a shame to that Government now . § . 37. I know many Readers will think , that this writing that purposely comes for Peace , should not be guilty of repeating and remembring the faults of others , nor speak to them so plainly as is liker to exasperate then pacifie . But to these I say , 1. Their Objections which they insist on cannot be answered but by this opening of the truth . And 2. The truth is , those men that own all the abuses and persecutions of the late Prelates , and are impenitent as to their guilt , and wish and would have the same again , are no fit materials for a concordant frame . If their business be destroying , they will never well joyn with us in building and in healing . Repentance is the best Ingredient in our Salve . We consent to the same conditions that we propose , and will thank them if they will help us to Repentance ; especially of such sins as are destructive to the Churches peace . § . 38. And the Godly Moderate Episcopal men do concur with us in the blaming of the abuses of their party . Saith that good and peaceable Bishop Hall in his modest offer to the Assembly , pag. 3. [ I should be a flatterer of the times past , if I should take upon me to justifie or approve of all the carriages of some , that have been entrusted with the Keyes of Ecclesiastical Government : or to blanch over the corruptions of Consistorial Officers : in both these there was fault enough to ground both a Complaint and Reformation : and may that man never prosper , that desires not an happy reformation of whatsoever hath been , or is amiss in the Church of God. ] § . 39. Object . 9. But it is not only the abuses of Episcopacy , but the thing it self that hath been Covenanted against in England , and opposed : nor is it only the English Prelacy , but all Episcopacy : and therefore your motion for another species is like to find but small acceptance . § . 40. Answ. It is not true that all Episcopacy hath been Covenanted against or taken down in England . Nor is it true of any of the sorts of Episcopacy which I have here mentioned . It was only that which was then existent that was taken down , and only the English frame of Arch-bishops , Bishops , Deans , and the rest , as here they Governed , that was Covenanted against . Of which I shall speak more anon in answer to the Objections of others . § . 41. Object . 10. You haue covetously seized on the Revenues of the Bishops , and made your selves fat with their Possessions , and this was the prize that you aimed at in taking them down . Answ. The world seeth the falshood of this slander , in the open light ; and therefore for your credit sake , you were best recant it . England knoweth that the Bishops lands were sold , and given to the Souldiers , and not to the Presbyters . It maintained the Army , and not the Ministry . And that the Dean and Chapters lands is gone the same way , or the like , to pay the debts of the State. And that Presbyters have none of them all , save that here and there one that had about ten , or twenty ▪ or thirty pound a year ▪ have somewhat in Augmentation , that the Churches may not be left to Readers , and blind Guides , as they were in the Prelates dayes . I that have a fuller maintenance then most in all the Country where I live , do receive but about eighty pound and sometimes ninety pound per annum : and did I need to pull down Prelacy for this ? § . 42. I Come now to the Objections of the other side , who will be offended with me for consenting for peace , to so much as I here do ? And 1. Some will say , that we are engaged against all Prelacy by Covenant , and therefore cannot yield to so much as you do , without the guilt of perjury . § . 43. Answ. That this is utterly untrue , I thus demonstrate . 1. When the Covenant was presented to the Assembly , with the bare name of [ Prelacy ] joyned to Popery , many Grave and Reverend Divines desired that the word [ Prelacy ] might be explained , because it was not all Episcopacy that they were against . And thereupon the following Concatenation in the parenthesis was given by way of explication : in these words , [ that is , Church-government by Arch-bishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , and all other Ecclesiastical Officers , depending on that Hierarchy . ] By which it appeareth that it was only the English Hierarchy or frame , that was Covenanted against : and that which was then existent , that was taken down . § . 44. 2. When the house of Lords took the Covenant , Mr. Thomas Coleman that gave it them , did so explain it and profess , that it was not their intent to Covenant against all Episcopacy : and upon this explication it was taken : and certainly the Parliament were most capable of giving us the due sense of it ; because it was they that did impose it . § . 45. 3. And it could not be all Episcopacy that was excluded , because a Parochial Episcopacy was at the same time used and approved commonly here in England . § . 46. 4. And in Scotland they had used the help of Visitors for the Reformation of their Churches , committing the care of a County or large Circuit to some one man , which was as high a sort of Episcopacy at least , as any I am pleading for . Besides that they had Moderators in all their Synods , which were temporary Bishops . § . 47. 5. Also the chief Divines of the late Assembly at Westminster , that recommended the Covenant to the Nations , have professed their own judgements for such a Moderate Episcopacy as I am here defending : and therefore they never intended the exclusion of this by the Covenant . § . 48. Object . 2. By this we shall seem mutable , while we take down Episcopacy one year , and set it up again the next . Answ. We desire not the setting up of that which we have taken down : and therefore it is no mutability . § . 49. Object . 3. But this will prepare for the restauration of the old Episcopacy . By such degrees it invaded the Church at first : and if we let in the preparatory degree , the rest in time is like to follow ; all that we can do is little enough to keep it out . § . 50. Answ. 1. If we had no other work to do , we would do this as violently as you desire : but we have the contrary extream to take heed of and avoid ; and the Churches Peace , if it may be , to procure . 2. As we must not take down the Ministry , lest it prepare men for Episcopacy , so neither must we be against any profitable exercise of the Ministry , or desirable Order among them , for fear of introducing Prelacy . 3. Nor is there any such danger of it , as is pretended : as long as the Magistrate puts not the sword into their hands , and no man can be subjected to them , but by his own Consent , what need we fear their encroachments on our liberties . 4. It is not in your power to hinder the Species of Episcopacy that is pleaded for , from being introduced : but only to with-hold your own consent , and hinder peace and unity . For any Minister that will , can esteem another his superiour , and be ruled by him , and do nothing without his consent : These are the actions of his own free-will . 5. As long as you are free from violence , if you find an evil or danger , you may draw back . § . 51. Object . 4. Have we not smarted by them late enough already ? shall we so soon be turning back to Aegypt ? Answ. That which you have smarted by , we desire you not to turn back to ; but that which is Apostolical , pure , and profitable to the Church , and that 's not Aegypt . § . 52. Object . 5. You do all this for Peace with Episcopal Divines : and where is there any of them that is worthy so studious a Pacification ? Do they not commonly own their former impieties and persecutions ? 〈◊〉 they not meer formalists and enemies to practical Godliness ? Would they not ruine the Church and do as they have done , if they had power ? Hath God brought them down for their own wickedness , and shall we set them up again ? § . 53. An●w . 1. All are not such as you describe : Many of them are godly able men , that desire and endeavour the good of the Church . 2. If there were none in this age worthy of our communion ; yet , if we will have a lasting peace , we must extend the terms of it so far as to comprehend all that are fit for Communion . And such we may easily know , there will be of this opinion throughout all ages . 3. And most of the Churches in the world being already for a higher Prelacy then this , we should agree with them as far as well we may . § . 54. Object . 6. But the ●arliament have enacted in the settlement of the Civil Government , that Popery and Prelacy shall not be tolerated . Answ. That is , the English Prelacy excluded by the Covenant , and that , as it would be exercised by violence , and forced upon dissenters . It s known what Prelacy was in England ; and they cannot rationally be interpreted to speak against any but what was among us , and taken notice of under that name . You see the same Power allow a Parochial Episcopacy , and also Approvers of all that are admitted to publick preaching ; and you see they allow an Itinerant Ministry in Wales : and they join Magistrates and Ministers for the ejecting of the insufficient Minister : and they never forbad or hindered a stated Presidency , or any thing that I have pleaded for : yea they continued a Moderator of the Assembly at Westminster for many years , even to his death . And what fuller evidence would you have that it is not any such Episcopacy whose liberty they exclude , under the name of Prelacy ? Only they would not have the Hierarchy by Law-Chancellors to govern the Church , and that by force of the secular power annexed unto theirs : and so they deny them Liberty to deprive all other men of their liberty . But this is nothing to the matt●r in hand . § . 55. To conclude , let it be noted , in answer to all other objections , that the Presidency , or preheminence pleaded for , doth enable no man to do harm ; but only give themselves advantage to do good . They can hinder no man from preaching , or praying or holy living , or improving his abilities to the good of the Church : Nor can they Govern any man further then they have his own Consent . All which being well considered , I may conclude that this much may be granted in order to the healing and Reforming of the Churches . CHAP. VI. The sum of the foregoing Propositions , and the Consistency of them with the Principles of each party , and so their aptitude to Reconcile . § . 1. THE summ of all that I have propounded is , that though we cannot , we may not embrace the Government by Prelacy , as lately exercised here in England ( how confidently soever some appropriate the title of the Church of England to the adherents of that frame , ) yet would we not have the Church ungoverned , nor worse governed , nor will we refuse for peace such a kind of Episcpacy as is tolerable in the Church . And there are four sorts of Exercise of the Ministry , which if you please , you may call Episcopacy , which we shall not refuse when it may conduce to Peace . § . 2. I. We shall consent that the Ancient Parochial Episcopacy be restored : that is , that in every Parish that hath a particular Church , there may be a Pastor or Bishop setled to govern it , according to the word of God : And that he may be the chief among the Presbyters of that Church , if there be any : And may assume fit men to be assisting Presbyters to him , if there be such to be had . If not , he may be content with Deacons . And these Parochial Bishops are most antient , and have the Power of Ordination . § . 3. Yet do we not so tye a Church to a Parish , but that in places where the ignorance , infidelity , or impiety of the people , or the smalness of the Parishes is such , as that there are not fit persons enough in a Parish to make a convenient particular Church , it may be fit for two , or three , or four ( in necessity ) Neighbour Parishes to joyn together , and to be formed into one particular Church . The several Ministers keeping their stations , for the teaching of the rest as Catechumens , but joyning as one Presbyterie , for Governing of that one particular Church , that is Congregate among them . And having one President , without whom nothing should be done in matters left to humane determination . Yet so , that the Presbyters be not forced to this , but do it freely . § . 4. II. We shall consent that these Parish Churches be Associate , and that in every Market Town ( or such convenient places as shall be agreed on ) there may be frequent meetings of the Pastors , for Communion and Correspondency ; and that one among them be their standing Moderator durante vita , or their President ( for so I would call him rather then Bishop , though we would leave men to use what name they please ) And to him should be committed the Communicating of times and places of meeting , and other businesses and Correspondencies . And the Moderating of the debates and disputations . § . 5. And for my part I would consent for peace that de facto no Ordination be made in either of the foresaid Presbyteries , without the President , but in cases of Necessity : so be it 1. That none be compelled to own any other Principle of this Practice , then a Love of Peace ; and none be compelled to profess that he holdeth the President to have de jure a Negative voice : yea that all have liberty to write down on what other Principles they thus yeild , that the Practice only may suffice for Peace . § . 6. III. We shall consent also , that one in a Deanry or Hundred , or other convenient space , may by the Magistrate be chosen a Visitor of the Churches and Countrey about him ; having Power only to take notice of the state of things , and gravely to admonish the Pastors where they are negligent , and exhort the people , and provoke them to Holiness , Reformation and Unity , only by perswasions from the Word of God. Which is no more then any Minister may do that hath opportunity : only we desire the Magistrate to design a particular person to do it ( requiring Ministers and people to give him the meeting , ) because that which is every mans work is not so well done , as that which is specially committed to some . And we desire that he may acquaint the Magistrate how things are . § . 7. And to avoid the inconveniences of dividing these works , we are desirous that these two last may meet in one man : and so he that is chosen by the Pastors , the President of their Association , may be chosen his Visitor by the Magistrate , and do both ; which may be done by one in every Market-town ( which is truly a City in the antient sense ) and the circumjacent Villages . Yet this we cannot make a standing Rule ( that one man do both ) because the Pastors must choose their President , and the Magistrate his Visitor ; and its possible they may not alwayes concur . But if the Magistrate will not choose such a Visitor , the Pastors may . But then they can compel none to meet him or hear him . § . 8. IV. Besides these three ( or two , whether you will ) before mentioned , we shall consent that there be a general sort of Ministers , such as the Apostles , Evangelists , and others in those times were , that shall have no special charge , but go up and down to preach the Gospel , and gather Churches where there are none , and contribute the best assistance of their Abilities , Interest and Authority for the reforming , confirming , and right ordering of Churches . And if by the Magistrates Command , or Ministers consent there be one of these assigned to each County , and so their Provinces prudentially distinguished and limited , we shall not dissent . Yet we would have such but where there is need . § . 9. V. Besides these four sorts of Bishops , we are all agreed on two sorts more ; 1. The Episcopi gregis , or Pastors of every Congregation , whether they have any assistant Presbyters or no , or being themselves but such assistant Presbyters . 2. The Magistrate , who is * a secular Bishop , or a Governor of the Church by force . And we desire the Magistrate to be a nursing Father to the Church , and do his duty , and to keep the sword in his own hand ; and for forcible deposing Ministers , or any punishment on body or estate , we desire no Bishops nor other Ministers may be authorized thereto : But if Pastors exclude an unworthy Pastor from their Communion , let the Magistrate only deprive him forcibly of his place and maintenance , if he see cause . When the Council of Antioch had deposed Paulus Samosatenus , he would not go out of the house : And all the Bishops in the Council could not force him out , but were fain to procure the Heathen Emperor Aurelian to do it . It lyeth as a blot on Cyril of Alexandria that he was the first man that arrogated and exercised there a secular Coercive Power , under the name of a Bishop of the Church . § . 10. There is enough in this much to satisfie any moderate honest men for Church-government , and for the healing of our Divisions thereabout : And there is nothing in this that is inconsistent with the Principles of the moderare of any Party . § . 11. 1. That a Church organized , called by some Ecclesia prima , should be no greater then I have mentioned , is not contradictory to the Principles of the Episcopall , Presbyterians , Congregationall or Erastian . Indeed the two first say , that it may be bigger : but none of them say , It must be bigger . The Presbyterians instances of the Church of Ierusalem ( which s●rued to the highest , cannot be proved neer half so great as some of our Parishes ▪ ) and such other Churches , are but for the may be , and not for the must be . And therefore if they be peaceable , this will make no breach . § . 12. 2. That Parochial Churches and Associations have fixed Presidents , is nothing contrary to any of their Principles , as far as I am able to discern them . § . 13. 3. That Pastors may be lawfully appointed to visit and help the Country and the neighbour Churches , and exhort them to their duty , and give the Magistrate information of their state , is a thing that none can justly blame , any more then preaching a Lecture among them . Nor do I know any party that is against it , ( of these four . ) § . 14. And 4. That there may be more General Ministers to gather , and take care of many Churches , I think none of them will deny . Sure the ●tinerant Ministers in Wales will not : Nor yet that these may have their Provinces distinguished . If I could imagine which of all these sorts would be denied , I would more fully prove it , yea and prove it consistent with the Principles of each party ; but till then its vain . § . 15. The only point that I remember , like to be questioned , is , the consenting to forbear Ordination in several Presbyteries , till the President be one , except in case of Nec●ssity : And nothing is here questionable , that I observe , but only Whether it be consistent with the Principles of the Congregational party , seing they would have all Ordination to be by the Elders of their own Church , and where there are none , that it be done by the people without Elders . To which I answer , 1. That we here grant them that a Congregational Presbyterie with their President may ordain an Elder for that Congregation . 2. The Moderate Congregational men do grant us that the Elders or Pastors of other Churches may lawfully be called to assist them in Ordination , though they think it be not necessary . It is not therefore against their Principles to do so . For sure they may do a Lawful thing , especially when the Churches Peace doth lie so much upon it as here it doth . § . 16. I conclude therefore that here are healing Principles brought to your hands , if you have but healing inclinations to receive them . Here is a sufficient remedy for our Divisions , upon the account of Church-government , if you have but hearts to entertain them , and apply them . But if some on one side will adhere to all their former excesses and abuses , and continue impenitent , unchurching the best of the Protestant Churches that are not Prelatical ( while they unchurch not the Church of Rome : ) And if others on the other side will stifly refuse to yield in things that cannot be denied to be lawfull , yea and convenient for the Churches , and set more by all their own conceits then by the Peace of Brethren , and consequently the prosperity of the Church , we must leave the care of all to God , and content our selves that we have done our duty . CHAP. VII . Some instances to prove that moderate men will agree upon the foregoing terms . § . 1. LEST any think that it is a hopeless work that I have motioned , and the parties will not agree upon these terms , I shall shall next prove to you that the godly and moderate of each party , are agreed already ( at least the Episcopal and Presbyterians , and I think the rest : ) and that its in Practice more then Principles that we disagree . § . 2. I. I will begin with the Episcopal Divines , of whom there ate two parties , differing much more from one another , then the one of them doth from the Presbyterians . The ancient Bishops and the moderate of late , did maintain the Validity of Ordination by Presbyters , and own the Reformed Churches that had other , supposing their Episcopacy usefull to the perfection or well being of a Church , but not necessary to the being of it . And this sort of men ( who also agree with us in doctrine ) we could quickly be reconciled with . But of late years there are many Episcopal Divines sprung up , that embracing the Doctrine called Arminianism , do withal deny the Being of the Ministry and Churches that want Prelatical ordination : and with these there is no hope of concord , because they will have it on no other terms then renouncing our Churches and Ministry , and being again ordained by them , and thus coming wholly over to them . These separate from us , and pretend that our Churches have no true Worship ( wonderous audacity , ) and our Ministers are no true Ministers , and call the Church into private houses ( as D. Hide expresly in his [ Christ and his Church ] in the beginning of the Preface ; and many others . ) Of whom I spoke before . § . 3. That the ancient English Bishops that hold to the doctrine of the Church of England , and are peaceable men , are easily agreed with us , I first prove from the example of Reverend Bishop Hall. In his Peace-maker he hath these words , [ Pag. 46 , 47 , 48 , 49. The Divisions of the Church are either General betwixt our Church and the other Reformed ; or special with those within the bosome of our own Church ; both which require several considerations . For the former , blessed be God , there is no difference in any essential matter betwixt the Church of England and her Sisters of the Reformation : We accord in every point of Christian Doctrine without least the variation . ( N B. ) Their publike Confessions and ours , are sufficient convictions to the world , of our full and absolute agreement ; the only difference is in the form of outward administration : Wherein also we are so far agreed , as that we all profess this form not to be essential to the being of a Church ( N. B. ) though much importing the well or better being of it , according to our several apprehensions thereof ; and that we do all retain a reverent and loving opinion of each other in our own several wayes : not seeing any reason why so poor a diversity should work any alienation of affection in us , one towards another : But withall , nothing hinders but that we may come yet closer to one another , if both may resolve to meet in that Primitive Government ( whereby it is meet we should both be regulated ) universally agreed on by all antiquity ; wherein all things were ordered and transacted by the Consent of the Presbyterie , moderated by one constant President thereof : the Primacy and perpetual practice whereof no man can doubt of that hath but seen the writings of Clemens and Ignatius , and hath gone along with the History of those primitive times — We may well rest in the judgement of Mr. John Camero , the Learnedst Divine , be it spoke without envy , that the Church of Scotland hath afforded in this last age : [ Nullus est dubitandi , locus , &c. There is no doubt at all saith he , but that Timothy was chosen by the Colledge of the Presbyters , to be the President of them , and that not without some authority over the rest , but yet such as have the due bounds and limits ] And that this was a leading case , and common to other Churches , was never denyed by any author . Words may not break square , where the things are agreed . If the name of a Bishop displease , let them call this man a Moderator , a President , a Superintendent , an Overseer ; Only for the fixedness or change of this person , let the ancient and universall practice of Gods Church be thought worthy to oversway . And if in this one point ( N. B. ) ( wherein the distance it so narrow , we could condescend to each other all other circumstances and appendances of varying practices or 〈◊〉 , might without any difficulty be accorded . But if there must be a difference of judgement in these matters of outward Policy , why should not our hearts be still one ? why should such a diversity be of Power to endanger the dissolving of the bond of brotherhood ? May we have the grace but to follow the truth in Love , we shall in these several tracts overtake her happily in the end , and find● her embracing of Peace , and crowning us with blessedness ] So far Bishop Hall ; so that you see that only the fixing of the Moderator or President will satisfie such as he : and so with him and such as he , for my part I am fully agreed already . § . 4. And here by the way , because there are so many Episcopal separatists of late , that hazzard the souls of their partial followers , and because the right habituating of the mind with Peace is an excellent help to a sound understanding , and the escaping the errors and hainous sins that Faction engageth too many in , I therefore make it my request to all that read these lines , but soberly to read over that * one Book of Bishop Halls , called the Peace-maker , once or twice : which if I could procure , I think I should do much to the Peace of these Churches , and to the good of many endangered souls , that by passionate and factious leaders are misguided . § . 5. The same Reverend man in his Humble Remonstrance hath these words , Pag. 29 , 30 ▪ 31. [ The second is intended to raise envy against us , as the uncharitable censurers and condemners of those Reformed Churches abroad , which differ from our Government : wherein we do justly complain of a slanderous aspersion cast upon us : We love and honour those Sister Churches , as the dear spouse of Christ ; we bless God for them ; and we do heartily wish unto them that happiness in the Partnership of our admin●stration , which I doubt not but they do no less heartily wish unto themselves , Good words you will perhaps say ; but what is all this fair complement , if our act condemn them ? For if Episcopacy stand by Divine right , what becomes of these Churches that want it ? Ma●ice and ignorance are met together in this unjust aggravati●n : 1. Our position is only affirmative , implying the justifiableness and holiness of an Episcopal calling , without any further implication : Next , when we speak of Divine right , we mean not an express Law of God requiring it upon the absolute Necessity of the Being of a Church ( what hinderances soever may interpose ) but a Divine institution warranting it where it is , and ●equiring it where it may be had . Every Church therefore which is capable of this form of Government , both may and ought to aff●ct it — but those particular Churches to whom this power and faculty is denyed , lose nothing of the true essence of a Church , though they miss some thing of their glory and perefection — And page 32. [ Our form of Government — differs little from their own , save in the perpetuity of their ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Moderatorship , and the exclusion of that Lay-Presbyterie which never till this age had footing in the Christian Church . ] — And Page 41 , 42. [ Alas my Brethren , while we do fully agree in all these , and all other Doctrinal and Practical points of Religion , why will you be so uncharitable , as by these frivolous and causeless Divisions to ●end the seamless coat of Christ ? It it a Title , or a Retinue , or a Ceremony , a Garment , or a Colour , or an Organ Pipe , that can make us a different Church , whiles we preach and profess the same saving truth , whiles we desire ( as you profess to do ) to walk conscionably with our God according to that one Rule of the Royall Law of our Maker , whiles we oppose one and the same common enemy , whiles we unfeignedly endeavour to hold the unity of the Spirit in the bonds of Peace ? — For us , we make no difference at all ( in the right and interest of the Church ) betwixt Clergy and Laity , betwixt the Clergy and Laity of one part and of another : we are all your true Brethren ; we are one with you , both in heart and brain , and hope to meet you in the same heaven : but if ye will needs be otherwise minded ▪ we can but bewail the Churches misery and your sin . — ] You hear how this good Bishop was far from a separation . § . 6. How contrary to this , is the foresaid writing of Dr. Hide ( which I instance in , because it is come new to my hand ) who stigmatizeth the front of his book with the brand of separation , and that of one of the most rigid and unreasonable kinds . Thus he begins , [ When Conscientious Ministers cannot associate in the Church , and Conscientious Christians cannot go to Church ; and Customary Christians go thither , either to little purpose , because to no true worship , or to great shame , because to no true Ministers , t is fit the Church should come to private houses ] — Doth he not begin very wisely and charitably ? What could the most Schismatical Papist say more ? What! no true worship ! no true Ministers ! and but Customary Christians that come thither ? Yes , and that 's not all : he pursues it with an exprobration , that we are faln from our Religion , ( p. 4. ) and yet that 's not all : he adds , [ Here seems yet to be a very bad certainty of their Religion ; and how can there be a better Certainty of their salvation ? unless ( that we may gratifie their singularity more then our own veracity ) we will say , There may be a company of good Christians out of the Communion of Saints , or a Communion of Saints out of Christs Catholike Church . ] Should we laugh or weep at such a man as this ? What! no communion of Saints , but with the separating party of the Prelates ? Unhappy we that live in England , and can meet with so small a number of these Saints . Is the Catholike Church confined to this party ? and Salvation to this Chunch ? Transcendent Papal arrogancy ! It s well that these Prelates are not the only Key-keepers of heaven ! for we see how we should then be used . I must tell this Dr. and all of his mind , that it is an easier way to Heaven , then we dare hope to come thither by , to joyn our selves to their separating Communion of Saints , and live as the most that we are acquainted with , that are of that Saint-like Communion . He had been better have talked at these rates to men of another Age or Nation , then to us that see the lives of their adherents . We never changed our Religion nor our Church . What if he read his prayers , and I say mine without book ; or what if he pray in white , and I in black ? or what if he kneel in receiving the Eucharist , and I sit or stand ? or what if he use the Cross in baptisme , and I baptize no better then the Apostles did without it ; do these or such like make us to be of two Religions ? Do I change my Religion , if I read with a pair of spectacles , or if I look towards the South or West , rather then the East & c. ? We see what these men would make the Christian Religion to be . Were the Apostles no Christians , because they had no kneeling at the Eucharist , nor Cross in Baptism , nor Surplice , nor ( at least our ) Common Prayer-book , & c ? Dare you say they were no Christians ? or yet that Christian Religion was one thing then , and another thing now ? And for our Churches , we do not only meet in the same places , but we have the same doctrine , the same worship ( in every part , though he talk of our no true worship ; as if Praying , Praising God , &c. were no true worship : ) the things changed were by the imposers and defenders ( see Dr. Burgess Rejoynder ) professed to be no parts at all of worship , but meer accidents ; we have the same people , save here and there a few that separate by yours and others seducement , and some vile ones that we cast out ; we have abundance of the same Ministers that we had . And yet must we have no worship , Ministry , Communion of Saints , or Salvation , because we have only a Parochial and not a Diocesan Episcopacy ? Forsooth we have lost our Religion , and are all lost men , because our Bishops have but single Parish-churches to oversee ( which they find a load as heavy as they can bear , ) and we have not one Bishop to take the Government of an hundred or two hundred Churches . At Rome he is a damned man that believeth not in the Pope : and is out of the Catholike Church , because he is out of the subjection of the Pope : and with these men , we are lost men , if we never so much believe in Christ , because we believe not in an Archbishop , and are out of the Catholike Church and Communion of Saints , because we will not be ruled by such Rulers as these . And what 's all this , to such Counties as this where I live , and most else in England that I hear of , that know of no Bishop they have ( and they rejected none , ) nor doth any come and command them any Obedience ? Must we be unchristened , unchurcht and damned , for not obeying , when we have none to obey , or none that calls for our obedience ? But I shall let these men pass , and leave them in their separation , desiring that they had Catholike spirits and principles . This much I have said to let men see , that there is no possibility of our union with this sort that are resolved on a separation ; and that it is not these Novelists and Dividers , but the antient Episcopal party of England that we can easily agree with . § . 7. The next that I shall instance in , that was agreed with these Principles of ours , is the late Reverend and Learned Bish●p Vsher , of whose Concord with us , I have two proofs . The one was his own profession to my self . The other is his own writings , especially his Propositions given in to King Charls , now printed ▪ called [ The Reduction of Episcopacy to the form of Synodical Government , received in the ancient Church ] which consisteth of four Propositions ( having first proved that all Presbyters have the power of Discipline and Church-government : ) the first alloweth the single Rector of the Parish to take notice of the scandalous , reprove , admonish , and debar them from the Lords Table . The second is , that in every Rurall D●anry , all the Pastors within the Precinct , may by the Chorepiscopus or Suffragan , be every month Assembled in a Synod , and according to the Major part of their voices , he conclude all matters that shall be brought into debate before them , as Excommunication &c. The third is , for a Diocesan Synod once or Twice a year , where by the consent of the Major part of the Rectors , all things might be concluded by the Bishop or Superintendent , call him whether you will , or in his absence , by one of the suffragans , whom he deputes to be Moderator . The fourth is for Provincial and National Synods in like sort . § . 8. And when I had perused these papers ( in M. S. ) I told him that yet one thing was left out , that the Episcopal party would many of them stick at more then he , and that is , a Negative voice in Ordination in the President , to which and the rest I proposed this for accommodation in brief [ 1. Let every particular or Parish Church have a Bishop and Presbyters to assist him , where possibly they can be had . 2. Let all these Associate and their several Associations have a stated President . 3. Let all men be at liberty for the name , whether they will call him a Bishop , President , Moderator , Superintendent , or the like . 4. And for the Negative voice in Ordination , let all Ministers of the Ass●ciation agree that de facto they will not Ordain without him , but in Cases of Necessity ; but let every man be left free to his own Principles on which he shall ground this practice , and not be bound to consent , that de jure a Negative vote is due to the President . ] These terms did I propose to the Bishop for Accommodation , and intreated him to tell me plainly his judgement , whether they are satisfactory and sufficient for the Episcopal party to yield to for Peace and Communion ? and his answer was this [ They are sufficient , and mod●rate men will accept them , but others will not , as I have tryed : for many of them are offended with me for propounding such terms . ] And thus this Reverend Bishop and I were agreed for Peace in a quarter of an hour ; ( the truth of wh●ch , I solemnly profess : ) and so would all the Ministers and Christians in England , if they were not either wiser or foolisher , honester or dishonester then he and I. And this I leave on Record to Posterity , as a testimony against the dividers and contenders of this age , [ That it was not long of men of the temper and principles of this Reverend Archbishop and my self , that the Episcopal party and their dissenting Brethren in England , were not speedily and heartily agreed : for we actually did it . ] To no honour of mine , but to the honour of this peaceable man , and the shame of the unpeaceable hinderers or refusers of our Reconciliation , let this testimony live , that Posterity may know whom to blame for our Calamities ; they all extoll Peace when they reject it and destroy it . § . 9 For a third witness of the Reconcileableness of the Moderate Episcopal party on these terms , I may well produce Dr. Holdsworth ; who subscribed these same Propositions of Bishop Vsher to the King : and therefore was a Consenter to the same way of Accommodation . § . 10. A fourth witness is Dr. Forbs of Scotland , who having written purposely a Book called his Irenicon , for Accommodation on such terms , I need to say no more of him , but refer you to the Book . I shall name no more of the Episcopal party . These four are enow to my purpose . § . 11. That the Presbyterians ( of England specially ) are willing to close upon these terms of a fixed Moderator , I prove , 1. By the profest Consent of that Reverend Learned servant of Christ Mr. Thomas Gataker , a Member of the late Assembly at Westminster , who hath professed his judgement of this matter in a Book against Lilly. I refer you to his own words , for brevity sake . § . 12. My next witness , and for brevity , many in one , shall be Mr. Geree , and the Province of London , citing him in their Ius Divinum Ministerii , pag. Append. 122. the words are these [ That the Ancient Fathers in the point of Episcopacy , differ more from the high Prelatist th●n from the Presbyterian : for the Presbyterians alwayes have a President to guide their actions , which they acknowledge may be perpetual durante vita modo se bene gesserit ; or temporary to avoid inconvenience , which Bilson takes hold of as advantagious , because so little discrepant , ( as he saith ) from what he maintaineth . ] See the rest there . § . 13. 3. Beza ( the Leader against Prelacy ) saith , de grad . Minist . Evang. Instituti Divini est , ut in omni coetu Presbyterorum unus sit qui ordine praeat & praesit reliquis . It is of Divine Institution that in every Assembly of Presbyters , there be one that go before and be above the rest . ] And dividing Bishops into Divine , Humane , and Diabolical , he makes the Humane tolerable Prelacy to be the fixed President . § . 14. 4. Calvin ( who is accused for ejecting Episcopacy ) besides what he writes of it to Card Sadolet , saith in his Institut . lib. 4. cap. 4. § . 1. [ Ea cautione totam suam Oeconomiam composuerunt ( Ecclesiae veteris Episcopi ) ad unicam illam Dei verbi normam , ut facile videas nihil fere hac parte habuisse à verbo Dei alienum . ] § . 2. [ Quibus ergo docendi munus inju●ctum erat , eos omnes nominabant Presbyteros . Illi ex suo numero in singulis civitatibus unum eligebant , cui specialiter dabant titulum Episcopi : ne ex aequalitate , ut f●●ri solet , dissidia nascerentur . Neque tamen sic honore & dignitate superior erat Episcopus , ut Dominium in Collegas haberet : sed quas partes habet Consul in Senatu , ut referat de negotiis , sententias roget , consulendo , monendo , hortando , aliis prae●at , authoritate sua totam actionem regat ; & quod decretum Communi Consilio fuerit , exequatur : id munus sustinebat Episcopus in Presbyterorum coetu ] & § . 4. fine [ Gubernationem sic constituti nonnulli Hierarchiam vocarunt , nomine ( ut mihi videtur ) improprio , certe scripturis inusitato : Cavere enim voluit spiritus sanctus , nequis principatum aut dominationem somniaret , quum de Ecclesiae gubernatione agitur . Verum si rem , omisso vocabul● , intueamur ( N. B. ) reperiemus veteres Episcopos non aliam regendae Ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere ab ea quam Deus verbo suo praescripsit ] This he writes after the mention of Archbishops and Patriarcks , as well as of Bishops governing in Synods . § . 15. Where by the way let me give you this observation , that Bishops Governing but in Synods can have no other power of Government then the Synods themselves have : But Synods themselves as such are not directly for Government , but for Concord and Communion of Churches , and so consequently for well-governing the several flocks : Nor hath a Synod any Governing Power over a particular Pastor , as being his superiour appointed to that end : but only a Power of Consent or Agreement : to which for unity , and communion sake , he is consequentially obliged ; not by Virtue of Gods Command , that requireth us to obey the Higher Power ( for three Pastors are not made so the Rulers of one ) but by virtue of Gods commands that require us to do all things in Unity , and to maintain the Peace and Conco●d of the Churches , and to avoid Divisions and discord . § . 16. If any think that this doth too much favour the Congregational way , I must tell him that it is so true and clear , that the Episcopal men that are moderate acknowledge it . For instance : the Reverend Bishop Vsher did , without asking , of himself profess to me that it was his judgement [ that certainly Councils or Synods are not for Government but for Vnity , and that a Bish●p out of Council hath the same Governing Power as all the Council , though their vote may bind him for Vnity to consent . § . 17. This being so , it must needs follow that an Archbishop , or the President of a National , Provincial , Diocesan , or Classicall Assembly , or of any Association of the Pastors of many Churches , hath no superiour Governing power over the Parochial or Congregational Bishop of one Church ; but only in concurrence with the Synod , a Power of Determining by way of Agreement , such points as he shall be obliged for Unity and Communion to consent to and perform , if they be not contrary to the word of God. This evidently follows from this Reverend Archbishops doctrine , and the truth . § . 18. And if any shall think that the Presbyterians will not yield that a particular Church do ordinarily consist but of one full Congregation , I confute them by producing their own Concessions : in the London Ministers Ius Divinum Ministerii . Append . pag. 123. they plainly say , that [ The later ( Bishops ) were Diocesan , the former ( that is the Bishops of the first or ancient times ) were Bishops only of one Congregation ] And pag. 82. they say [ These Angels were Congregational , not Diocesan : In the beginning of Christianity , the number of Believers , even in the greatest Cities were so few , as that they might well meet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one and the same place . And th●se were called , the Church of the City , and therefore to ordain Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one in Scripture ] Thus far they yield to the Congregational men . § . 19. 5. One other witness of the Presbyterians readiness to accommodate on these terms , I shall give , and no more , and that is Mr. Richard Vines , a man that was most eminent for his management of the Presbyterian cause in the Assembly , and at Vxbridge Treaty , and in the Isle of Wight ; the Papers there presented to the King are to be seen in Print . When we did set up our Association in this County , I purposing to do nothing without advise , and designing a hearty closure of all sober Godly men , Episcopal , Presbyterian , Congregational and Erastian : did consult first about it by Letters with Mr. Vines , and in his answer to mine , he approved of the design , and thought our distance very small , and yielded to a fixed Presidency , though not to a Negative voice : ( which I would have none forced to . ) Because they are too long to put into this section , I will adjoyn that part of his Letter that concerns this subject , prefixing one that went next before it , against the selling of the Church lands , that the Bishops may see how little such men as he consented to it or liked it ; and may take heed of charging them with Sacriledge . § . 20. Lastly the Erastians are known to be for Episcopacy it self , so be it , it come in by the power of the Magistrate . And that nothing proposed crosseth the Principles of the Congregationall men , I have shewed before : But whether really we shall have their consent to a Peace upon these proposed terms , I know not ; because their writings that I have seen , do not meddle with the point , save only one Congregational man , Mr. Giles Firmin , hath newly written for this very thing , in his Treatise of Schism against Dr. Owen , page 66 , 67 , 68. I desire you to read the words to save me the labour of transcribing them . In which he giveth us to understand , that some of the Moderate Congregational Party , will joyn with us in a Reconciliation on these terms : Whether many or all will do so , I know not . Let their practise shew whether they will be the first or the last in the Healing of our Divisions . But if they refuse ▪ we will not for that refuse to Love them as Brethren , and study to perform our duty towards them : as knowing that we suffer much more when we come short of our duty and love to others , then when they come short of their duty and love to us . Mr. Richard Vines his Letters before mentioned as a Testimony that the Presbyterian Ministers are not against a fixed President , or that Episcopacy which Bishop Hall , &c. would have been satisfied with . Reverend Friend , I Received your two last ; and as for a Schoolmaster I shall do the best I can to propound one to you , &c. As for your Question about Sacriledge , I am very near you in present opinion . The point was never stated nor debated in the Isle of Wight . I did for my part decline the dispute : for I could not maintain the cause as on the Parliaments side : and because both I and others were unwilling , it was never brought to any open debate : The Commissioners did argue it with the King : but they went upon grounds of Law and Policy ; and it was only about Bishops Lands : for they then averred the continuance of D. and Chapiters Lands to the use of the Church . Some deny that there is any sin of Sacriledge under the Gospel : and if there be any , they agree not in the definition : Some hold an alienation of Church goods in case of Necessity ; and then make the Necessity what and as extensive as they please . The most are of opinion that whiles the Church lies so unprovided for , the donations are not alienable sine Sacrilegio . If there were a surplusage above the competent maintenance , it were another matter . It s cleer enough that the D●nors wills are frustrated , and that their General intention and the General use , viz. the maintenance of Gods worship and Ministers , should stand , though the particular use might be superstitious . I cited in my last Sermon before the Parliament ( unprinted ) a place touching Sacriledge out of Mr. Hildersham on Psal. 51. It did not please . You may find the words in his book by the Index . If his description of it be true , then you will still be of your own mind . I dare encourage no purchasers ; but do desire to have some more of your thoughts about it , and I shall return you mine : as I do my thanks for your excellent and worthily esteemed Treatise which you vouchsafed to prefix my name before : Sir , I have no more time or paper but to subscribe my self Your truly loving Friend R. Vines . London , July 20. Sir THough I should have desired to have understood your thoughts about the point of Sacriledge , that so I might have formed up my thoughts into some better order and cleerer issue then I did in my la●t : yet to shew unto you how much I value this correspondence with you , I am willing to make some return to your last . And first touching the Schoolmaster intended , &c. — The Accomodation you speak of is a great and a good work for the gaining into the work such useful parts and interests as might very much heal the discord , and unite the strength of men to oppose destructive ways , and in my opinion more feasible with those men then any other , if they be moderate and godly : for we differ with them rather about some pinacles of the Temple then the foundation er abbuttresses thereof . I would not have much time sp●ut in a formula of doctrine or worship : for we are not much distaxt in them and happily no more then with one another : But I would have the agreement attempted in that very thing which chiefly made the division , and that is Government ; heal that breach and heal all : there begin and therein labour all you can . What influence this may have upon others I know not in this exulceration of mens minds : but the work speaks it self g●od , and your reasons for the attempting of it are very considerable . For the Assembly , you know , they can meddle with just nothing but what is sent u●to them by Parliament or one house thereof ( as the order saith ) and for that reason never took upon them to intermedle therein . What they do in such a thing , must be done as private persons , and not as in the capacity of Assembly men , except it come to them recommended by the Parliament . The great business is to find a temperament in ordination and government , in both which the exclusion or admittance of Presbyters ( dicis causa ) for a shadow , was not regular : and no doubt the Presbyters ought and may both teach and govern , as men that must give account of souls . For that you say of every particular Church having many Presbyters , it hath been considered in our Assembly , and the Scripture speaks fair for it , but then the Church and City was of one extent : no Parishes or bounds assigned out to particular men ( as now ) but the Ministers preacht in circuitu or in common and stood in relation to the Churches as to one Church , though meeting hapl● in divers houses or places ( as is still the manner of some Cities in the Low Cou●tries . ) If you will follow this model , you must lay the City all into one Church particular , and the Villages half a dozen of them into a Church : which is a business here in England of vast design and consequence . And as for that you say of a Bishop over many Presbyters , not over many Churches ; I believe no such Bishops will please our men : but the notion as you conceive it , hath been and is the opinion of learned men . Grotius in his commentary on the Acts in divers places and particularly Cap. 17. saith , that as in every particular Synagogue ( many of which was in some one City ) there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; such was the Primitive B●shop : and doubtless the first Bishops were over the community of Presbyters as Presbyters in joint relation to one Church or Region ; which Region being upon the increase of believers , divided into more Churches , and in after times those Churches assigned to particular men : yet he the Bishop continued Bishop over them still . For that you say , he had a Negative voice , that 's more then ever I saw proved , or ever shall , I believe for the first two hundred years ; and yet I have laboured to enquire into it . That makes him Angelus princeps , not Angelus praeses at Dr. Reignolds saith Calvin denies that , & makes him Consul in Senatu . or as the Speaker in the house of Parli●ment , which as I have heard that D. B. did say , was but to make him fore-man of the Iury. Take heed of yeilding a Negative voice . A● touching the Introduction of ruling Elders , such as are modelled out by Parliament , my judgement is sufficiently known : I am of your judgement in the point . There should be such Elders as have power to preach as well as rule : I say power ; but how that will be effected here I know not , except we could or would return to the Primitive nature and constitution of particular Churches : and therefore it must be helped by the combination of more Churches together into one as to the matter of Government , and let them be still distinct as to Word and Sacraments . That is the easiest way of accommodation that yet occurs to my thoughts . Sir I fear I trouble you too long , but it is to shew how much I value you and your Letters to me : for which I thank you , and rest Yours in the best bonds R. Vines . Septemb. 7. THough Mr. Vines here yield not the Negative Voice to have been de facto in the first or second age , nor to be de jure , yet he without any question yielded to the stating of a President , durante vita , if he prove not unworthy , ( which was one chief point that I propounded to him . ) And I make no doubt but he would have yielded to a voluntary Consent of Presbyters de facto not to ordain without the President , but in case of Necessity : But th●t I did not propound to him . And the difficulties that are before us de facto in setting up a Parochiall Episcopacy which he mentioneth , I have cleared up already in these papers , shewing partly that the thing is already existent , and partly how more fully to accomplish it . All would be easie , if Holy , Self-denying , Charitable hearts were ready to entertain and put in execution the honest , healing Principles that are before us , and obvious to an ordinary understanding : Or ( if still the Pastors will be contentious ) if Holy , Peaceable Magistrates would seriously take the work in hand , and drive on the sloathful and quarrelsome Ministers to the performance of their duty . The Episcopacy of the Protestant Churches in Poland . ADrian . Regenvolscius Histor. Ecclesiast . Sclavonicar . Provinc . lib. 3. page 424. N. B. Quoniam à prima Ecclesiarum in minoris Poloniae Provincia , R●formatione , usu & consuetudine receptum est , ut è senioribus his●e omnium Districtuum , quorum nomina 36. recensuimus , unus Primarius , sive in ordine Primus , qui vulgo Superintendens Ecclesiarum min●ris Poloniae vocatur , Synodisque Provincialibus praesidet ; totius Synodi Provincialis authoritate , consensu ac suffragiis eligatur , ac , non quidem per impositionem manuum , ( propter evitandam Primatus alicujus suspicionem , aut juris ac potestatis alicujus in caeteros seniores speciem , ) benedictione tantum , fraterna apprecatione , Officiorum quae hocce concernunt munus praelectione , piisque totius Synodi precibus , Regiminis duntaxat & Ordinis boni in Ecclesia Dei causa , inauguratur ad declaratur , Nomina Primariorum ●orum Seniorum , sive Minor. Polon . Ecclesiarum superintendium . ] — The Churches of the Bohemian Confess . called Vnitatis Fratrum , have among the Pastors of the Churches , their Conseniors , and Seniors , and one President over all . Id. Regen . Vols . p. 315. [ Seniores sive superattendentes Ecclesiarum Bohemicarum & Moravicarum , &c. — plerumque è Consenioribus eliguntur , ac per impositionem Manuum publicamque inaugurationem , in munus Senioratus ordinantur ac consecrantur . Et longa consuetudine in Ecclesiis trium harum provinciarum receptum est , ut è senioribus unus Primarius ( sive in ordine Primus ) quem vulgo illi Praesidem vocant , non eligatur quidem , nec peculariter Ordinetur , sed post decessum aliorum , ipso Ordinationis tempore prior succedat ] FINIS . The Fourth DISPUTATION : Of a Form of LITURGY : How far it is Necessary , Desirable , or Warrantable ; In order to a Peace between the Parties that differ herein , and too uncharitably prosecute their difference . By Richard Baxter . LONDON , Printed by Robert White , for Nevil Simmons , Bookseller in Kederminster , Anno Dom. 1658. Qu. Whether a stinted Liturgy , or form of Worship , be a desirable means for the Peace of these Churches ? UNnecessary prolixity is not so acceptable to the Reader that loves both Truth and time , but that I may take it for granted that you desire me to leave out superfluities in this Dispute . 1. The Etymologists shall be better agreed among themselves of the derivation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before I will trouble you with their judgements . But we are commonly agreed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is oft used for any Ministration , but more strictly , and usually for a publick Ministration , or any work of publick office ; and yet more strictly from the Septuagint , Ecclesiastick writers have almost confined it to Holy Ministration , or publick service or Worship of God. The several uses of the word in Scripture , and prophane and Ecclesiastick Writers , you may find in so many Lexicons at pleasure , that I shall pass by the rest . Bellarmine doth too grosly pretend that when it s applied absolutely to holy things , the word is taken alwayes in the New Testament , for a Ministration in sacrificing . A little observation may confute that mistake . Nor is it agreeable either to Scripture or the use of the Antient Church , to call only Forms of publick worsh●p that are written , by the name of a Liturgy . Whether it were Form , or no Form , Writren or not written , Premeditated or extemporate , Words or Actions , all the Publick holy Ministration or service of God , was of old called The Churches Liturgy : And so men may be for a Liturgy that are not for a Prayer Book . But latter times have most used the word for those stinted forms , that some call Offices containing both the Rubrick or Directory , and the Form of words prescribed as the matter of the service . And seeing that those that now we speak to , understand it in this sense , we must speak as they do , while we are speaking to them . 2. Note that it is not any one part of Publick Worship that we speak of alone , either Prayer , Praise , or other part , but we speak of the whole frame , and therefore of a Liturgy , or Prescribed words in General , because that is the controversie that the times call us to decide . That which I take to be the Truth , and usefull to our Healing , I shall lay down in these ten Propositions following . Prop. 1. A stinted Liturgy is in it self Lawfull . 2. A stinted Liturgy in some parts of publick holy service is ordinarily necessary . 3. In the Parts where it is not of Necessity , it may not only be submitted to , but desired when the Peace of the Church requireth it . 4. There is so great d●fference between Ministers , and People , and Times , that it may be convenient and eligible to some , at some times , and unfit and not eligible to others , and at other times . 5. The Ministers and Churches that earnestly desire it , should not by the Magistrate be generally or absolutely forbidden the use of a convenient prescribed Liturgy . 6. To prescribe a frame of stinted service , or Prayer , &c. and lay a Necessity , or the Peace of the Church upon it , and to punish , si●ence , suspend , excommunicate , or reproach the able , peaceable , godly Ministers , or people that ( justly or unjustly ) scruple the using of it , is so great a sin , that no conscionable Ministers should attempt it , or desire it , nor any godly Magistrate suffer it . 7. The safest way of composing such a Publike Form , is to take it all , for matter and words , out of the Holy Scriptures . 8. Yet is not this of such Necessity , but that we may join in it , or use it , if the form of words be not from Scripture . 9. The matter of a common Liturgy , in which we expect any General Concord , should not be any unnecessary things , much less things doubtfull , or forbidden . 10. Forms of Publick Prayer should not be constantly used by M●nisters that are able to pray without them : and none else should be admitted ordinarily to the Ministry , but such as are able competently to pray without such Forms ; unless in great Necessities of the Church . These ten Propositions are the summ of all that I shall trouble you with , which I shall now review , and prove in order . Prop. 1. A Stinted Liturgy is in it self lawful . This is thus proved : Argument 1. That which is not directly or consequentially forbidden by God , remaineth lawfull : A stinted Liturgy is not directly or consequentially forbidden by God : therefore it remaineth lawfull . The Major is undoubted , because nothing but a Prohibition can make a thing unlawfull . Sin is a transgression of a Law : Where there is no Law , there is no transgression : And yet I have heard very Reverend men answer this , that it is enough that it is not commanded , though not forbidden . Which is plainly to deny both Scripture and Civil Principles . Precept makes Duty , or a Necessity ex praecepto : Prohibitions make an action sinfull , which is prohibited , as Precepts prove an Omission sinfull of the Duty commanded . But Licitum which is between Duty and sin , is that which is neither commanded nor forbidden . And such an act is not Actus Moralis , being neither good nor evill . Here note these two things . 1. That though we say that a Liturgy is in it self lawfull , and that all things not forbidden are Lawfull ; yet in the actuall exercise hic & nunc , it will be hard to find one actuall use of it , which is not a duty , or a sin ( For though I am not of their mind that think every act both simply and respectively considered is a duty , or a sin ( For 1. then every act must be Actus Moralis , and so deliberate and chosen , which is not true ; as for instance , the winking of the eye , &c. 2. Then nothing were indifferent . 3. Then every act must have a Reason for it . 4. And the Consciences of Christians must be perpetually tormented : as e. g. to give a reason when I walk , why I set the right foot forward before the left ; or when two eggs of a bigness are before me , why I take one rather then the other : these are not moral acts . ) Yet I must needs think that in the worship of God , its hard to imagine such a case , in which the using of a Liturgy will do neither good nor harm : Or in which a man cannot discern , whether it be like to do more good or harm : and so make it the matter of election or refusal . And therefore as Paul makes Marriage indifferent in it self , when its hard to find a case , in which it shall not be a duty or a sin to particular persons , so say I of the point in question : and yet possibly sometime such cases there may be . A man sometimes in Prudence may find that constantly to use a form would be to him a sin , by reason of the ill consequents , and so it would be constantly to disuse it : And therefore may find himself bound ( by accident ) sometimes to use , and sometimes to disuse it : And yet may see no reason at all , as to the particular day and hour , why he should use or disuse it this day rather then another , or in the the Morning rather then the Evening . 2. Note also that God being the supream Lawgiver of the Church , having by Moses given a Law to Israel , did in general command , Deut. 12.32 . that they should add nothing thereto , nor take ought therefrom : And consequently , we may conclude it prohibited under the Gospel ; Nay indeed the very prohibition of self-idolizing makes it a sin for any man to arrogate that Legislation which is the Prerogative of God. For that were to deifie himself . And so this General prohibition doth make all unwarrantable Additions to be sinfull , that is , all Additions which God hath not authorized men to make . But then , such additions are not sinfull formally , because not commanded , but because forbidden by the General prohibition of [ not adding . ] Now for the Minor , that a stinted Liturgy is not forbidden , we need no other proof then that no Prohibition can be produced . If it be prohibited , it is either by some special Prohibition , or by the General prohibition of not adding : But it is by neither of these , therefore not at all . Speciall prohibition I never yet saw any produced . God hath nowhere fo●bidden a form of Prayer . And the General prohibition of not adding , extends not to it . For 1. It is the Worship of God which is the matter that we are there forbidden to add : But the Praying with a form , or without a form , as such , are neither of them any part of the worship of God ; nor so intended ( as we now suppose ) by them that use it : It is but an indifferent Mode or Circumstance of Worship , and not any part of Worship . 2. If Prayer with a form be an Addition to Gods Worship , then so is praying without a form ( for God only Commands Prayer , but neither commands a form , nor that we forbear a form ) But the Consequent is false , as the Opponents will confess ; therefore so is the Antecedent . 3. Undetermined mutable Modes and Circumstances are none of the prohibited Additions , but left to humane determination . But such is the form in question . God hath bid us Preach , but not told us whether we shall study a form of express words alwayes before hand , but left that to prudence : more instances will be added under the next Argument ; and therefore I shall now forbear them . Argum. 2. The Prudential Determination of such Modes and Circumstances of worship as God hath left to humane Determinanation , is Lawfull . A stinted form or Liturgy may be such a Determination ; therefore a stinted form or Liturgy may be ( or is in it self ) lawfull . The Major is past doubt , if the Hypothesis be first proved , that some modes and circumstances of worship are left to humane Prudential Determination . And that 's easily proved thus . Those Modes or Circumstances of worship which are Necessary in Genere , but left undetermined of God in specie , are left by God to humane Prudential Determination : ( else an Impossibility should be necessary . ) But many such there are that are Necessary in Genere , but left undetermined of God in specie , therefore many such are left to humane Prudential Determination . The Minor is sufficiently proved by instances . God hath made it our Duty to Assemble for his Publick Worship : But he hath not told us in what place ; nor in what seats each person shall sit . Yet some place is necessary : and therefore it is left to mans Determination : Nor hath he tied us for weekly Lectures to any one day ; nor on the Lords day , to begin at any one certain hour : and yet some day and hour is necessary ; which therefore man must determine of . So God hath commanded us to read the Scriptures : But hath not told us whether they shall be printed or written ; whether we shall read with Spectacles or without ; what Chapter we shall read on such or such a day ; nor how much at a time ; Minist●rs must preach in season and out of season : But whether they must stand or sit , or what text they shall preach on , or how long , and whether in a prepared form of words or not , whether they shall use notes , or not , or use the Bible , or recite texts by memory , &c. none of these things are determined by God ; and therefore are left to humane prudential determination . Abundance of such undetermined circumstances may be enumerated about Singing , Praying , Sacraments and all duties . Now that the form of Liturgy is of this nature is manifest ; God hath bid us Pray ; but whether in fore-conceived words , or not , or whether in words of other mens first conceiving or our own , or whether oft in the same words or various , and whe●her with a Book or without , these are no parts of Prayer at all , but only such undetermined Circumstances or Modes as God hath left to our prudential Determination : And the forementioned Instances , about Reading , Preaching Singing , &c. are as pertinent to our question as this of Prayer , they being all parts of the Liturgy , or publick service , as well as this . Argum. 3. There are many express Examples in Scripture for forms of Gods service : therefore they are unquestionably lawful . The Psalms of David were of common use in the Synagogues and Temple-worship , and also in Private ; and indited to such ends . Hezekiah commanded the Levites to sing Praise unto the Lord , with the words of David and of Asaph the seer , 2 Chron. 29.30 . ▪ The 92. Psalm is entitled [ A Psalm or song for the Sabbath day ] Psal. 102 is entitled , A Prayer of the afflicted when he is overwhelmed , and poureth out his complaint before the Lord. ] The rest were of ordinary publike use . Psalms are Prayers and Praises to God for the most part : and both as Prayers , and Praises , and as Psalms , they are part of the Liturgy . 1 Chron. 16.7 . [ On that day David delivered first this Psalm , to thank the Lord , into the hands of Asaph and his brethren . ] The song of Moses is delivered in form , Exod. 15. And the Saints in the Revelations 15.3 . are said to sing the song of Moses , Numb . 10.35 , 36. there is an oft-repeated form of Moses prayer . There is a form for the people , Deut. 21.7 , 8. Iudg. 5. there is Deborahs Song in form . There is a form of Prayer , Ioel 2.17 . Abundance more may be mentioned but for tediousness . I shall now only add , 1. That the Lords Prayer is a form directed to God as in the third person , and not to man only as a Directory for prayer in the second person : it is not [ Pray to God your Father in Heaven that his Name may be hallowed , his Kingdom come , &c. ] But [ Our Father which art in Heaven , Hallowed be thy Name , &c. ] And it seems by the Disciples words that thus Iohn taught his Disciples to pray , Luk. 11.1 . So that we have in the Scripture the mention of many set forms of service to God , which therefore we may well use . Argum. 4. It is lawful to pray to God in the set words that we find in Scripture : but so to pray ( in the set words of Scripture ) is a form ; therefore a form is Lawful . I do not here plead example , as in the last Argument , but the Lawfulness of praying in Scripture words . They that deny this , must be so singular and unreasonable , as that there is no need of my confutation for the manifesting of their error . And that it is to us a set form if we take it out of Scripture , as well as if we compose it , or take it out of another Book , is past all question . A multitude of the prayers of holy men are left on record in the Scripture , beside those that were the prescribed forms of those times : He that will but turn to his Concordance to the word [ O Lord ] and then to all the cited Texts , shall find many score , if not hundred Texts that recite the prayers of the Saints ; which when we use , we use a form , which we there find written . Argum. 5. Christ hath left us his Approbation of such forms : therefore we may use them . His Approbation is proved , 1. By his owning and citing Davids Psalms , Luk. 20.42 . & 24.44 . &c. 2. By his using a Hymn with his Disciples at the Passover or Eucharist , which we have great reason to think was a form that had been of use among the Jews . But however , if Christ had newly then composed it , yet was it a form to his Disciples . 3. By his thrice repeating the same words in his own prayer . 4. By his teaching his Disciples a form , as Iohn taught his . 5. By his never expressing the least disl●ke of the old Jewish custom of using forms : nor doth Scripture anywhere repeal it , or forbid it . 6. The Apostles command the use of Psalms and Hymns , which cannot be ordinary in the Church without forms . All this proveth Christs approbation . Argum. 6. If it be lawful for the people to use a stinted form of words in publike prayer , then is it in it self lawful for the Pastors : but it is lawful for the people : for the Pastors prayer ( which they must pray over with him , and not only hear it ) is a stinted form to them , even as much as if he had learnt it out of a Book . They are to follow him in his method and words , as if it were a Book prayer . Argum. 7. It is lawful to use a form in Preaching : therefore a stinted Liturgy is lawful . 1. Because preaching is a part of that Liturgy . 2. Because the reason is the same for prayer , as for that in the main . Now that studyed formed Sermons are lawful , is so commonly granted , that it shall save me the labour of proving it ( which were easie . ) Argum. 8. That which hath been the practice of the Church in Scripture times , and down to this day , and is yet the practice of almost all the Churches of Christ on earth , is not like to be unlawful : bu● such is the use of some stinted forms of publick service : therefore , &c. That it was so in the Jews Church , and approved by Christ , I have shewed . That it hath been of antient use in the Church since Christ , and is at this day in use in Africk , Asia , Europe , even among the Reformed Churches in France , Holland , Geneva , &c. is so well known , that I think I need not stand to prove it : yea those few that seem to disuse it , do yet use it , in Psalms , and other parts of worship , of which more anon . Prop. 2. A Stinted Liturgy in some parts of publick holy service is ordinarily necessary . This Proposition is to be proved by instances , and the proof of the parts . The parts where a set form is usually necessary , I shall enumerate : desiring you by the way to understand , 1. That I speak not of an Absolute Necessity ad finem , as if no other could be accepted ; but a Necessity of Duty : it ought to be done , as the best way . 2. That I say but [ ordinarily ] as excepting some unusual cases . 1. The Communication or revealation of the will of God to the Church by Reading of the Holy Scriptures , is part of the publick service of God. As Moses and the Prophets were read every Sabbath day , so by parity of reason should the Gospel ; and Paul required the publick reading of his Epistles , Act. 13.27 . & 15.21 . 2 Cor. 3.15 . Luk. 16.29 . Col. 4.16 . 1 Thes. 5.27 . Rev. 1.3 . But this Reading of the Scriptures is the using of a set form in publike service . For they are the same words that we read from day to day , and usually Must read . 2. The Publick Praysing of God by singing of Palms , is a part of publick worship : and a most excellent part , not usually to be omitted . But this part of worship is ordinarily to be used in a stinted form : because the gift of composing Psalms ex tempore without a prepared form , is not usual in the Church : and if it were so to one , it is not to the rest that must use this worship . Had we not stinted forms of Psalms , we should have ill-favoured work in the Church . 3. Baptisme is usually to be administred in a form of words : for Christ hath prescribed us a form , Matth. 28.19 . [ Baptizing them in the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost ] I think few sober men will think it ordinarily meet to disuse this form . 4. The use of a form in the Consecration and Administration of the Lords Supper ( though not through the whole action ) is ordinarily most fit : for Christ hath left us a form of words , Take ye , Eat ye , &c. ] which are most exact , and safe , and none can mend . And Paul reciteth his form , 1 Cor. 11. And small alterations in the very words of Baptisme , or Delivering the Lords Supper , may easily corrupt the Ordinance in time . 5. The very Sacramental Elements and Actions are stinted forms of Administration , which none may alter . As the washing with water , the breaking of bread , and powring out of wine , and giving them , and taking them , and eating and drinking , &c. These are real forms , not to be changed , at least without Necessity , if at all . 6. The Blessing of the people in the Name of the Lord , was done by a prescribed form of old , Num. 6.23 . and is usually to be done in a form still . For in all these forementioned parts of worship , should we still use new expressions , when so few and pertinent must be used , we should be put to disuse the fittest , and use such as are less fit . 7. In our ordinary Preaching a form ( not imposed , unless in cases of great Necessity and unfitness , but ) of our own premeditating , is usually fittest : I think few men are so weak as to prefer ( with most preachers ) unprepared Sermons , before those that have more of their care and study . And then at least , the Text , Method , and somewhat of the words must be premeditated , if not all . 8. Ordinarily there should be somewhat of a form in Publick Confessions of the Churches faith . For how else shall all concur ? And it is a tender point to admit of great or frequent mutations in : so that in Baptisme , and at other seasons when the Christian faith is to be openly professed by one , or more , or all , a form that is exact , is usually meet to be retained ; though in many personal Cases , explicatory enlargements may do well . 9. If there be not a frequent use of many of the same words , and so somewhat of a form , in Marriage , Confirmation , Absolution , Excommunication , the danger will be more , then the benefit by mutation will be . 10. And with some Ministers ( of whom anon ) even in Prayer , especially about the Sacraments , where there must be great exactness , and the matter ordinarily , if not alwayes the same , the ordinary use of a form may be the best and fittest way . In the most of these Cases 1. The Nature of the thing sufficiently proves the ordinary fitness of a form . 2. The constant Practice of almost all Churches ( if not all ) is for it : even they that scruple forms of Prayer , use constantly forms of Praise , of Reading , of Sacraments , &c. 3. The rest are proved fittest as aforesaid by the Apostles generall Rules , 1 Cor. 14.26 , 40. Let all things be done to Edifying : and Let all things be done decently and in order . Now in the cases before mentioned , the Edification of the Church ( to say nothing of Order ) requireth the ordinary use of forms . Prop. 3. IN those parts of publick worship where a form is not of ordinary necessity , but only Lawfull yet may it not only be submitted to , but desired , when the Peace of the Church doth accidentally require it . This Proposition needs no proof , but only explication . For he is far from the temper of a Christian that sets so light by the Peace of the Church , that he would not use a Lawfull means for the procurement of it , when Paul would become all things to all men to save some , and would eat no flesh while he lived rather then offend his weak brother . But here you must take these cautions , lest you misunderstand this Proposition . 1. The Peace of the whole Church must be in our eye , before the peace of a part ; and of a great and more considerable part , rather then of a smaller , caeteris paribus . 2. It is supposed that ( besides the simple lawfulness of the thing ) there be also no other accidental inconveniencies on the other side ( that will follow the use of a form ) that is of sufficient moment to weigh down the argument from the Churches Peace . For when a thing is only good or evil , ( I mean , necessary or sinfull , ) by Accident , and not in it self , we must consider which side hath the most weighty accidents , and accordingly must choose or refuse it . 3. It is not the fullfilling of the humours of every unreasonable expectant , or every proud Magisterial usurper that is the Peace of the Church , that now we speak of : If a few proud men will hold no Peace with us , unless we will serve God in their unnecessary forms , as if none had wit enough but they , to know in what words the Churches should serve God : and all must speak but what they teach them , it is not the humoring of these Proud usurpers that is the Peace thus to be bought . 4. We must look to the future as well as the present Peace of the Churches : And therefore if any will hold no Peace with us now , unless we will own some formal Engine that is like to make hereafter more division then unity in the Churches , ( by laying the Unity or Peace of the Church on things that will not bear it , and making thi●gs necessary , that are not necessary , nor to be made so ) in such cases , it is not our duty to betray the geneneral or future Peace of the Church for our private or present Peace . 5. The desireableness of this Peace of the Church which we must seek , must be much judged of by its tendency to the promo●ing of holiness , the saving of mens souls , the furthering of the Gospel , and prosperity of the Church in spiritual respects : For a Peace that undermineth and betrayeth these , is not desireable . The means is to be valued by its tendency to the attainment of the End. 6. There is need therefore of very great prudence , to compare things with things , for a man to know how to carry himself in such cases . For imprudent oversights , or laying greatest stress on smallest things , and slighting greater , will make men live in constant sin by abusing things indifferent . But still the Proposition holds good with these cautions , that forms and such like indifferent things are to be used or disused much with respect to the Churches Peace . Prop. 4. SO great is the difference between men and men , times and times , that forms may be a duty to some men , and at some times , and a sin to other men , and at other times . As to private men in their families , it may be one mans duty to use a form , or book , and another mans sin , so is it with Ministers also in the Assemblies . Three distinctions ( among others ) are obvious , in which this is manifest . 1. Some Ministers are better able to perform Gods publick worship ( except in the fore-excepted cases ) without a form : and some are better able to do it by a form . 2. Some Ministers have a People that are scrupulous of using forms , and some have people that scruple the disusing them , and some have both sorts mixt . 3. Some Churches live under Magistrates that command a form , or with Churches that unanimously agree on a form ; and others live in times and places where there is no such commands or Agreements ▪ And according to these differences it may be one mans duty , and anothers sin to use some forms . 1. Gods work should be done in the most edifying manner . Where Ministers are able to perform the publick prayers of the Church in the most profitable manner without a form , there it is their duty to disuse a form , unless some other greater accident preponderate . Still remember that for Psalms and other fore-excepted parts , I take it for granted that ordinarily a form is necessary . But our main question now is of Praying and Preaching , and that especially with respect to one standing form that is not usually varied in Prayer , and an imposed form , or composed by others , in Preaching . It should be the ordinary case of the Church that Ministers should be able to do these without a constant form of words , to the peoples greater edification . But yet it is not alway so . And where it is not , it is better for Ministers to use a form , then to do worse , and dishonour the work of God , and wrong the Church by their erroneous or over-rude defective management . I know the great objection will be , that such men are not fit to be Ministers , and that its better to have none . But this is sooner said then proved . I am far from desiring any man to undervalue the precious mercy of an able Ministry , and from wishing for formalities and reading Pastors instead of the learned able guides that we here enjoy . I hope I should do or suffer as much as another to prevent so great a Calamity as an ignorant , unable , or negligent Ministry . But yet I am fully satisfied of it , that its better for the Church to have Readers then none . 1. Consider that there have been some very Learned able Divines ( Doctors of Divinity ) that by age , or other decay of Memory , or natural impediments disabling them from extemporate performances , cannot do any thing in the worship of G●d without the help of Notes or books ; or at least without preparation for expressions ; when yet upon preparation , and by convenient helps , they excell many extemporate men . 2. The Necessities of the Church may require an allowance or toleration of such as have not ability to compose extemporate Prayers , or Sermons , no nor to prepare such upon deliberation neither , but meerly read the Sermons and Prayers composed by others . I know some will not believe that such should be Ministers ; But they would have them only read as private men , rather then the people should have nothing : For they think that a man that cannot preach or pray is no more capable of being a Minister , then a man that cannot command an Army is capable of being a Commander , &c. But 1. Let such brethren consider that there may be all abilities essentially requisite to a Pastor , without the ability of praying or preaching without a form ( Though still I pray God to save us from a Necessity of such . ) A man that can Teach men the substance of the Christian Religion , and administer the Sacraments , and Oversee and Govern the flock , hath as much ability as is necessary to the Being of a Pastor . But those may have all this that cannot fitly preach or Pray without a form . They may be godly men , able in conference to instruct the people in the substance of Religion , and to read the Scriptures , and the Holy writings of godly men , and to administer Sacraments , and prudently and diligently guide the people . And by the same rule as you will conclude it better that ( e. g. ) Wales , Ireland , &c. have private men to read good books , rather then none , lest they turn heathens ; I may also conclude that it is better for them to have Churches and Pastors of this weaker sort , then to have none , and leave their children unbaptized , and live without the Sacraments , and Church-Communion , and Government . 2. Consider I beseech you ( which moves me more then any thing else ) the state of the Christian world . In Aethiopia , Syria , Armenia , Russia , Grecia , and abundance of other Churches of Christ ●here are very few Preachers , but meer Readers . And can any man think that it is best for all these Churches to be without Ministers , and Sacraments , rather then to have such ? O that God would give them better ▪ But till then I shall pray that he will continue these among them , rather then leave them destitute . I know many godly judicious men , of able parts for conference , that yet are unable to compose a Sermon ( though if they could , it were a form ) that yet I am confident by Reading such Practical Books as are now extant , and by prudent oversight , might be tolerable Pastors for many a Congregation in Wales , that now have none . 2. In a time and place where no obligation by Magistrates Commands , or Churches Agreements is laid upon us for the use of forms , I am fully perswaded we should make no more use of them , then Necessity compelleth us to do : But the thing being lawfull , the Command of a Magistrate , or the agreement of the Churches may go far in moving us ; And indeed must prevail with us , unless in cases where there are weightier Accidents to weigh down on the other side . For obedience and Agreement or Concord in Lawfull things is our duty , where we have not some greater reason to forbid it . There is much difference between men that are left at liberty , and men that are bound by lawfull Governours . Yea though they do not well in commanding , yet may we be bound to obey , when the matter is such as belongeth to their jurisdiction , and not forbidden by God. 3. A man is also much to regard the minds of his people : not out of man-pleasing disposition , but in order to their good . Prudence will tell us which way is likest to attain our Ends. Food is to be fitted to mens tempers and stomacks , and Physick , to their diseases . If a Church be so weak that they cannot bear the disuse of forms , and others so weak that they cannot bear the use of them , the Pastor must fit his practice to their Edification , till he can bring them to a wiser judgement , that so they may receive that which indeed is most fit to edifie them . Prudence must guide us in the circumstantials of worship , which are left to our Determination ; that we may vary them as the condition of our flock requireth , to their good ; ( of which more anon : ) Prop. 5. THE Ministers and Churches that earnestly desire it , should not by the Magistrate be absolutely , and generally prohibited the use of a convenient stinted Liturgy . Note here that I speak not of the desires of any inconsiderable persons , contrary to the desires of that whole Church . If a few ignorant or wilfull people should be eager for a form , when the Pastor is able and willing to manage the work of God without it , and the Congregation professeth that it hindereth their Edification ( by what accident soever , I am not now questioning , ) it is fit that those unreasonable persons should be denyed their desires ( in that Church ) rather then the whole Congregation . Also if the Magistrate should perceive that a whole Congregation , or many , or the Pastors themselves are eager for some one particular form , out of a corrupt humour , and in any ill design to the disturbance of the Churches Peace , or that they will needs have an unlawfull Form , that for matter is erroneous , or for manner absurd , or apt to breed unreverence , or hinder Edification , the Magistrate should prohibite this : Yet so , that Prudence and Moderation measure out his penalties in such a sort , as that he Churches Edification be not hindered by his over-rigorous correcting mens distempers . But out of these and such like Cases , when it is meer weakness that causeth Pastors or people to be set upon a ( lawfull ) form , The Magistrate ought not to prohibite them by such restraints , as shall deprive them of the liberty of worshipping God , or hinder their Edification . The Reasons of this Proposition are these . 1. Because the thing being Lawfull , no Power should causelesly restrain men from the use of Lawfull things . God having left men to their Liberty , none should without great reason deprive them of it . 2. The Magistrate should not hinder the Peoples Edification in the manner of Gods worship : But in many places a stinted Liturgy is most for the peoples Edification . Therefore ▪ &c. Whether it be the Ministers weakness , or the peoples , that makes it most usefull to them , yet when the Magistrate cannot cure that weakness , he must bear with them . It was the weakness of Nicodemus that made him he could not bear the day-light , in coming to Christ ; yea and such a weakness , as shewed , or was joyned with an unregenerate state , and yet Christ would rather teach him privately then not at all . 3. Where Consciences are scrupulous , and think it a sin to worship publikely without a form , ( though it be their error yet ) the Governors are not to drive them away from it ; because then they will not publikely Worship God at all : And no worship is worse then a lawful form of worship . 4. A Minister that is for the Necessity of a form ( though erroneously ) may be in other respects so usefull to the Church , that he should not be laid by and lost to the Church for such a thing as this . 5. The use of some forms ( as aforesaid ) being necessary , and of other forms , not only lawfull , but of almost common reception through all the Churches on earth , Governors should be very cautelous in denying men liberty in that which almost all the Churches have Liberty in , and more ; even that which is their constant use . Prop. 6. TO prescribe a Form of Prayer , Preaching ( or other service where is no Necessity of it ) and to lay a Necessity on it , as to the thing it self , or the Churches Peace , &c. and to punish , silence , suspend , ex●ommunicate , or reproach as Schismaticks , the able , godly , peaceable Ministers or People , that ( justly or unjustly ) dare not use it , is so great a sin , that no Godly Ministers should desire or attempt it , nor any godly Magistrate suffer it . This was the great sin of the late Magistrates and Prelates in England ; and it is the main difference between their party and others at this day . The Magistrate doth not forbid men using a form or Liturgy ( though they forbid one particular Liturgy more strictly then I could wish : ) But there is a very few of these men that I know of , that can be contented with a Liberty of using it themselves , if they may not have all others compelled to do as they do , and go to God with the words that they have formed for them , or that are best in their esteem . They must be all Schismaticks that will not use their form , and the Churches Peace must be laid upon it , and no man must be thought meet to preach or pray that will not be of their opinion , but the ablest Pastors of the Church must be silenced and cast by , if they will not use the Common-Prayer . The sinfulness of this practice shall be manifested in the next dispute more fully , to which I reserve the most of my reasons against it : In the mean time let these few be well considered . 1. It is a certain way to the Division of the Church : when men will lay its Unity or Peace on that which will not bear it , they are the most desperate disturbers and dividers of it . If one form of Prayer or Preaching had been necessary to the Churches Unity or Peace , Christ or his Apostles might as easily have composed it , as they did other necessaries . Nay experience tells us , that it is not held necessary by men themselves : For the Romanists use one or more forms : and the Grecians another , and the Ethiopians another ▪ and so of other Churches . In the Bibliotheca Patrum how many Liturgies have they given us ? And if no one of all these is necessary to all Churches , then not to any one Church , further then accidents , and mens impositions make it necessary . And no man should make that necessary , that is not some way necessary before . It is easie to know that either the Form as such , or somewhat in the Form , is like to be scrupled by some , even godly , able men : and so it will prove an engine of division . The Church hath been brought to that torn divided condition that it is in , by this arrogancy of domineering imposers , that must lay its Peace on their unnecessary devices : and will not let us have unity in Christ and his Institutions and peace upon his terms . 2. By this means the people will be involved in the guilt of bitter contending , and hating all that conform not to their way , and uncharitably reproaching them as schismaticks , and consequently of disliking the very doctrine that they preach , or hold , and the way they take ; and thus if uncharitableness , and all this sin , the off-spring of it ▪ be the way to Hell , then you may see what a notable service they do to Satan , and how they ensnare and undo mens souls , that make such forms of common Necessity to the Unity or Peace of the Church . 3. By this means they will involve themselves and the Magistrate in the guilt of persecution : For no better will it prove , even in many cases where the refusers scruples are unjust . 4. By this means they will hinder the Edification of the Church . What if a Minister have a Congregation that ( suppose upon mistakes ) do scruple these forms , and by prejudice or weakness are hindered from serving God with cheerfullness and profit , where they are used ; must we be bound to deny them that mode of worship which their weakness doth require ? and to force them to that which will not down with them ? Must a Physitian be bound to give all his Patients one kind of dyet ? What if it be wholesome ? Will you say , If that will not down with him , he shall have none : let him die ? This is contrary to the end of our office : we are commanded to do all to Edification , which this doth contradict . 5. It is contrary to the Office , Power and Trust of the particular Pastors of the Church , to be thus compelled in variable things . As it is the office of a Physitian to judge what dyet and physick to prescribe his Patients , and to vary it as persons do vary in their tempers and diseases , and to vary it with the same persons , as their condition changeth and requireth it : and as it would be foolish Tyranny against the very office of the Physitian to restrain him from this exercise of his prudence by a Law , and to tye him to give one kind of food or physick to all ; so is it in our present case . What is a Pastor , but the guide of a Congregation in the worship of God ? &c. And if Magistrates and Bishops take this work out of their hands by their unnecessary prescriptions , they so far prohibite him to do the work of a Pastor . What a grief is it to a Minister ( that being in the place , and knowing the people , is the most competent Judge what is fit for them ) to be constrained by men that know not the state of his flock , to cross their Edification , and to be forbidden to use his prudence and due power for their spiritual good ? 6. And what a sinful arrogant usurpation is this , for any man to be guilty of ? It is Christ that hath given his Ministers their Power , and that for Edification : and who is he that may presume to take it from them ? If they are unworthy to be Ministers , let them not be Ordained , or let them be degraded or deposed . But if they must be Ministers , let them do the work of Ministers ; lest as he that despiseth them , despiseth Christ , so he that restraineth them from their duty , and depriveth them of the exercise of their power unjustly , be found one that would arrogate an authority over Christ. 7. And what intolerable Pride is this , for a few Bishops to think so highly of themselves , and so basely of their more ●udicious Brethren , as if no man must speak to God but in their words ? These forms of Prayer are conceived and invented by some body . A●d why should the Co●ceiver think so highly of his own understanding , as if he were fit to teach a whole Nation what they must daily say to God ? and why should he think so unworthily of all o●hers in comparison of himself , as if none but he ( and his Companions in this usurpation ) knew how to pray or utter their minds , but by his dictates or prescriptions ? Is this Humility ? 8. Moreover this Imposition of forms ( as before described ) doth discover too much Cruelty to the Church : when they had rather Ministers were cast aside , and the people left in darkness , then Ministers should teach them , and worship God with them , that will not tye themselves to the very words that they devise for them . What abundance of ignorant , drunken Readers and other Ministers were suffered in England , while the learned , godly , painful Ministers were cast out , and silenced , or persecuted , because they would not conform to all the forms and ceremonies imposed by the Bishops ? And so how many thousand souls may we think are gone to Hell , through the ignorance or ungodliness of their Guides , as if their damnation were more desirable , then their salvation by the teaching of Ministers that dare not use the Common Prayer Book and Ceremonies ? I know they will say , that such Schismatical Preachers do more hurt by breaking the Churches peace , then they do good by converting souls . But who was it that laid these snares in their way ? Who laid the Churches peace upon your inventions ? Had not the Church a sure Rule , and an happy order , and unity , and peace , before your Common prayer Book or Ceremonies were born ? Why must the Church have no peace but upon such terms ? Who made this Necessity , that all men must be taken for intolerable schismaticks that dare not stint themselves in the publick worship by your impositions ? Will you not be confounded before God , when these Questions must be answered ? The Church might have kept both Peace and her Pastors , if you had let all alone as the Apostles left it , and had not turned the forms of your Devotions to be a snare for others . 9. And it is great unmercifulness to the Souls of particular men , when you will drive them into such snares , and c●mpell them to go against their consciences in indifferent things : what ever is not of faith is sin . And whether they believe it good or bad , you will compell them to practise all that you impose . Have you not Consciences your selves ? Do you not know what it is for a man to be driven against his Conscience ? If not , you are no Christians : and then no wonder if you want the Charity and compassion of Christians , and so easily for nothing , abuse and injure the Christian cause . 10. And in thus doing , you deal unjustly , and do not as you would be done by . You would have Liberty your selves now to use a Liturgy : And why should not others have Liberty to disuse it ? Either you take it for a thing Necessary in it self , or for Indifferent . If as Necessary , then you are so much the more arrogant and injurious to the Churches , and your usurpation is the more intolerable , and you do much to Justifie them that deprive you of your own liberty : For I know no Liberty that you should have to make universal Laws for the Church : or to make new duties by your own meer wills , or turn Indifferent things into Necessary , and so to multiply our work , and burden , and danger ; and to silence , suspend or excommunicate all that dare not submit to your usurped Dominion . But if you take it for a thing in it self Indifferent , whether we pray in a Form of prescribed words , or not , then as we are content that you have your Liberty on one part , you have as just cause to allow us our liberty on the other , and to do as you would be done by . 11. And by these Impositions , you set up a New Office or Power in the Church , Consisting of a New Legislation , and a Government of the Church by such new humane Laws . We know no Law-giver but 1. Christ as to universal Laws of standing necessity to the Churches , in the matters of Salvation . And 2. Magistrates to make by-laws under Christ for a just determination of those mutable circumstances that ought to be determined by humane Prudence ; and 3. The Ministers or Pastors of particular Churches to direct and guide the people as there is cause . As for Bishops or Councils , we know of no Legislative Power that they have over their Brethren , though Agreements they may make , which may be obligatory , 1. by consent , as other contracts , 2. and in order to unity , where the case requireth such Agreements . But to set up a New sort of Jurisdiction in the Church , by Legislation to make Forms and Ceremonies obligatory , and by Executions to punish Pastors that will not practise them , is a dangerous device . 12. Lastly by this means you will harden the Papists , that by their Inventions and Impositions have divided the Church , and been guilty of so much usurpation and tyrannie ; For how can we condemn that in them that is practised by our selves ? And though in number of Inventions and Impositions they exceed , yet it is not well to concur with them in the kind of unnecessary Impositions , and so far to Justifie them in their injury to the Church . If none of these or other Reasons will alloy the Imperious distemper of the Proud , but they must needs by a usurped Legislation be making Indifferent things become necessary to others , and domineer over mens Consciences , and the Church of God , we must leave them to him , that being the Lord and Lawgiver of the Church , is Jealous of his Prerogative , and abhorreth Idols , and will not give his glory to another , and that delighteth to pull down the Proud , and humble them that exalt themselves . But yet how far an Agreement or voluntary Consent of the Churches is desirable as to a Liturgy , I shall shew more anon . Prop. 7. THE safest way of composing a stinted Liturgie , is to take it all , or as much as may be , for words as well as matter , out of the Holy Scriptures . Reas. 1. This way is least lyable to scruple , because all are satisfied of the infallible Truth of Scripture , and the fitness of its expressions , that are not like to be satisfied with mans . And it is a laudable disposition in the Creature to prefer the words of God before all other , and therefore not to be discouraged in any . Reas. 2. This way tends most to the peace of the Church . All will unite in the words of God , that will not unite in the forms and words of men . If they understand not a word of God , yet knowing it to be true , they will not quarrel with it , but submit : But if they understand not the words of men , they will be ready to suspect them , and so to quarrel with them , and so the Churches peace will be broken . Besides , the judgements of men being fallible , many will suspect that its possible there may be some error in their forms , though we see them not , and God should be worshiped in the surest way . Reas. 3. There is no other words that may be preferred before the words of God , or stand in Competition with them : and therefore me thinks this should easily be decided . Object . But the Scripture hath not forms enough for all the Churches uses . Answ. It hath matter and words for such Forms . Without any additions , save only terms of Connection , the sentences of holy Scripture may suffice the Church for all its uses , as to forms . Object . But men may speak untruths in Scripture words if they will , and by misplacing and misapplying them , may make them speak what was never meant in them . Answ. But 1. When they use no expository terms of their own , but meerly recite the words of Scripture , the perverting them will not be so easie or common : And 2. When they have placed them how they please , the people are left at liberty 〈…〉 to the sence they have in the 〈…〉 to what mens misplacing 〈…〉 put upon them ▪ when we professedly make our forms out of Gods word , we do as it were tell the people that they must give each sentence its proper interpretation as it s meant in Scripture , because we pretend not to change it , but to use it . But when it s our own words that we compose our own imposed forms in , the people are left more uncertain of the soundness . For the maker is the Interpreter . Object . But the Church hath antient venerable fo●ms already ; and who may presume to alter them ? Answ. 1. Hath it any that are more Ancient or more venerable then the Scripture ? undoubtedly it hath not ; nor any but must stoop to Scripture . 2. All that is in the words of Scripture , we are contented be continued ( at least . ) 3. If it were lawful for the first devisers or compilers of these Forms , to make a new Liturgy , when the Church had so many before , then is it lawful for others to do the like . And if the compilers of the first of those Liturgies , might make a new one in their own words , why may not others make a new one in the Scripture words , that will be new only as to the connexion of Sentences ? 4. The Church of Rome that is most for their forms , have yet so often innovated , that they have no reason to condemn it in others . Prop. 8. THough it be safest and most venerable in Scripture words , yet is not this of so great necessity , but that we may lawfully use a Liturgy that is not thus taken out of Scripture . As long as the matter is agreeable to Scripture , it is more for Conveniency , then necessity , that the words be thence , as is easily proved . 1. In our Preaching we judge it lawfull to speak words that are not in the Scripture : therefore by parity of reason , we may do so in Prayer . 2. In our extempora●● Prayers we judge it lawfull to use our own words that are 〈…〉 out of Scripture : therefore we 〈…〉 〈…〉 strange to Scripture language , that 〈…〉 Phrases may be more edifying to 〈…〉 4. Words are but to express our minds : If therefore our words are congruous expressions of sound and well ordered conceptions , they are not only lawful ▪ but convenient . And therefore it is not warrantable for any man to quarrel with expressions because they are not Scriptural , nor to scruple the use of Liturgies , because the forms are not in the words of Scripture . Prop. 9. THE matter of a common Liturgy in which we expect any general Concord , should not be any doubtfull or unnecessary things . 1. It should impose no doubtfull or unnecessary ceremonies , ( of which I shall speak by it self in the next Disputation . ) 2. It should not restrain men needlesly in things indifferent , by determining of mutable circumstances , as time , place , gesture , vestures , words , &c. ( Of which also in the next . ) 3. It should not make those things to be of general indispensable immutable necessity , that are but sometimes necessary , or meet ; but Pastors should have their Liberty to vary them as there is occasion . 4. Much less should any thing Materially dubious and uncertain be put in . For God will be worshipped in knowledge and faith . And , as is said before , the Church will be divided , and the Consciences of men ensnared , by laying so much on unnecessary things . And therefore though such imposers pretend to a perfecter Unity and Concord , then in a few Generals or Necessaries can be had , yet they will find they miss their mark . Prop. 10. HVmane Forms of publick prayer , or other worship ( excepting the fore-excepted Necessary cases , as Psalms , &c. ) should not be constantly used by Ministers , that have their liberty , and are able to pray without them : Nor should any be ordinarily admitted into the Ministry ( except in the great necessities of the Church ) that are not able to pray without such forms . In this Proposition are these considerable points implyed , and expressed . 1. That it is not unfit to have forms by the common Agreement of the Pastors , to be used when its meet ( as is before and after expressed . ) There are few Nations in the world , so well provided for with able Ministers , but that some places must be supplied with men that have need of forms of Prayer , if not of Preaching , composed by others . And therefore it is fittest that such should have Forms that are Agreed on by all . And therefore I doubt not but when we came newly out of Popery , and had not a full supply of preachers , it was a wise and lawfull course to compose a common form of Prayer . For , 1. It will be the surest way to keep out unsoundness and abusive passages , when nothing is allowed as a publick form but what hath obtained the common consent . 2. It will be the way of fullest concord : when forms are necessary , there is more of Concord in it , to have one ●that is approved sound ) then to have as many as men please . 3 The Churches may the better know whom to hold communion with in Prayer , ( though the Pastors may be unable to pray without forms ) when they know the substance of their Prayers . 4. The Magistrate may the better do his duty and be responsible for the service that is offered to God , even by the weakest Pastors , and see that Gods name be not abused . It is therefore desirable that a Common Liturgy be extant . 2. And for the use of it , let these Rules contained in the Proposition be observed . 1. ●et no man be ordained a Minister that is not able to Pray without a Form , in such a manner as is not dishonourable to the worship of God , unless the Necessity of the Churches shall require it . All friends of the Church will agree to this , that the Church have the ablest Pastors that can be got . 2. But because it is not to be hoped for that all the Churches can be thus supplied ( at least in haste , ) if the Or●●iners or Approvers shall appoint any to the work in Wales or other necessitous places , that are not able competently to administer Sacraments , &c. without a Form of Prayer , let them tye such to use the Form Agreed on . 3. If they approve only of such as are able to do it without a form , but yet so weakly ( some of them ) as is less to the Churches Edification , then the form would be , let such be advised , sometimes to use the Form , and sometime to forbear it , till they are more able . 4. And that it may be no dishonour to the publick Form , that it is used only by the weak , let the Ablest Ministers sometime use it , but with these cautions : 1. Let them not be compelled to it against their judgements , but perswaded . 2. Let not the ablest use it so frequently as the weak , ( unless their own judgement require it . ) Let the weaker use it ofter , and the Abler more seldom . 5. Let neither of them ( that can competently worship God without it ) use it Constantly ; but sometime use it , and sometime forbear it . And this is the main point that I intend in this Proposition , and therefore shall now briefly give my Reasons for . Reas. 1. The constant use of forms ( and so of Ceremonies and any Indifferent things ) doth potently tend to perswade the people that they are matters of Necessity , and not indifferent . All the words that you can use will not satisfie them that it is indifferent , if you use it not Indifferently . We see by experience the power of custome with the vulgar . But you will say , What if they do overvalue it as necessary , what danger is in that ? I answer very much . 1. They will offer God a blind kind of service , while they place his worship in that which is no part of worship ( as forms are not , as such ) but an indifferent circumstance . 2. They will be hereby induced to uncharitable censures of other Churches or persons that think otherwise , or disuse those customs . 3. They will be strongly induced to rebell against their Magistrates and Pastors , if they shall judge it meet to change those customs . 4. They will turn that stream of their zeal for these indifferent things , that should be laid out on the matters of Necessity : and perhaps in vain will they worship God , by an outside hypocriticall worship , while they thus take up with mens Traditions . 5. They will forsake Gods own Ordinances , when they cannot have them cloathed with their desired mode . All this we see in our dayes at home . The most ignorant and ungodly do by hundreds and thousands , reject Church discipline , and Sacraments , and many of them the Prayers and Assemblies themselves , because they have not the Common Prayer , or because the Churches kneel not at the Lords Supper in the act of Receiving , and such like . So that it is a grievous plague to our peoples souls to be led into these mistakes , and to think that Circumstances and things indifferent , are matters of Necessity . And yet on the other side , lest the constant disuse of all convenient forms , should lead the people into the contrary extream , to think them all unlawfull ( and so to be guilty of the like uncharitable censures and evils as aforesaid ) I think it safest , that the ablest men should sometime use them . And this Indifferent use of them , will lead the people to indifferent thoughts of them , and so they will not provoke God by blind worship , nor be so ready to fly in the faces of their Ministers when they cross them herein , as now they are . For example , what a stir have we if men may not kneel at the Sacrament , or if the dead ( in case of Ministers absence , or other hinderance ) have not somewhat said over them at the grave ; and in some places , if Ministers go not in procession in Rogation week , and many such like customs . If these were sometime used ( in a good and lawfull way ) it would keep men from mistaking them to be unlawfull ; and if they were sometime disused , people would not take them as things necessary , nor so hate and reproach both Ministers and brethren that neglect them , or do not alwayes humour them herein , yea or that were against them : nor would men separate on these accounts . Reas. 2. The constant use of Forms of Prayer depriveth people of their Ministers gifts , and potently tendeth to work the people into a dull formality , and to a meer outside heartless k●nd of service , Which is as great an enemy to serious Devotion , and consequently to mens salvation , as almost any thing that 's to be found among professed Christians in the Church . How dangerously and obstinately do such delude themselves , and think that they are as uprightly religious as the best ? and so refuse all the humbling convincing light that should bring them to a change , and blindly misapply the promises to themselves , and go on in meer presumption to the last : and all because they thus draw neer to God with their lips , and say over a form of words , when their hearts are far from him , and they know not , or observe not what they say . And that constancy in Forms doth potently tend to this dead formality , we need no other proof then experience . How hard doth the best man find it to keep up life and seriousness in the constant hearing or speaking of the same words ? If you say that it is our fault ▪ I grant it : but it is an uncurable fault while we are in the flesh : or at least its few that ever are very much cured of it , and non wholly . There 's much also in nature it self to cause this . A man that delighteth in Musick is weary of it , if he have constantly the same instrument and tune : or at least cannot possibly have that delight that Variety would afford him . So is it in recreations , and oft in dyet , and other things . Novelty affecteth : Variety pleaseth : Commonness dulleth us . And though we must not therefore have a New God , or a New Christ , or a New Gospel ( the fulness of these affordeth the soul a daily variety : and also their perfect goodness is such as leaves no need of a variety in kind , ) yet is it meet that Ministers should have a gratefull variety of Manner , to keep up delight and desire in their people . A sick stomack cannot take still the same Physick , nor the same dish . I know that an ancient prudent man , especially the Learned Pastor himself , that better comprehendeth what a form of words contains , can make a much better use of forms , then younger Christians can do . But I think with all , I am sure with the generality , ( to whom we must have respect ) a constant form is a certain way to bring the Soul to a cold insensible formal worship . And on the other side , if a form be Constantly disused , and people have no● sometimes a recitall of the same , again and again , it may tend to breed a childish levity , and giddyness in Religion ; as if it were not the matter , but meer Novelty and variety that did please ; And so it may also easily make Hypocrites , who shall delude themselves with conceits that they delight in God and in his word , when it is but in these novelties and varieties of expression , that they are tickled and delighted ; and their itching ears being pleased , they think it proves a work of saving grace on the heart . And therefore to fix Christians and make them sound , that they grow not wanton in Religion , and be not as children carryed up and down with variety of doctrine● or of modes , I think it would be useful to have a moderate seasonable use of some forms as to the manner , as well as often to inculcate the same matter ; Avoiding still that constancy that tends to dull their appetites , and make them weary or formal in the work . Reas. 3. The constant use of a stinted Liturgy , or form of Prayer , doth much tend to the remisness and negligence of the Ministry . When they know that the duty requireth no exercise of their invention , and that before the Church they may as well perform it with an unprepared as with a prepared mind , it will strongly tempt them ( and prevail too commonly ) to neglect the stirring up of their gifts , and the preparing of their minds . When they know that before men they may ( in Reading a Prayer ) come off as well without any regard to their hearts , as with the greatest seriousness of devotion , we must expect that most should do accordingly : For we see that Ministers are men , and too many are carryed as well as others , with the stream of temptation . But those Prayers and other duties that depend upon their parts , require preparation , or at least some present care and diligence for the awakening of their hearts , and excitation of their faculties . Reas. 4. But the principal danger of a constant use of prescribed forms , is , lest it should let in an unworthy Ministry into the Church . For though I had rather have as weak Ministers as I before described , then none ; yet it will be very dangerous when such are tolerated because of Necessity , lest the neglige●ce of Ordainers and Approvers will take advantage of this , and pretend necessity where there is none , or hearken to them that come with such pretences , and so undo the Church by an ignorant insufficient Ministry ; so hard is it for men to avoid one extream without running into another . Now the utter prohibition of stinted forms will prevent this , but not without an evil on the other side . And therefore to avoid the evils on both sides , me thinks it would be best to let such forms be used , but unconstantly , unless by men that will lie under the dishonour of being able to do no better . And that dishonor will hinder men from resting in them , and the frequent exercise of other mens gifts , will awaken them to their duty , and the necessity of it will as well keep out insufficient men as if there were no form at all . For an insufficient man can no more perform the work once a day without a form , then twice a day . I shall add no more Reasons , because they that write against forms of Prayer , though they run too far , have said enough of the inconveniences . The motion that I make being for a voluntary and an unconstant use of them , I must expect to meet with objections on both sides , which I shall briefly answer . Object . 1. Those that are utterly against forms , will say that I am opening under pretence of Peace and Liberty a way to let in an unlawfull worship and a lazy insufficient Ministry . To which I answ . 1. For them that take all forms to be unlawfull , I think them fitter for compassion then disputes , and judge their reason to be as low as the Quakers that cry down the use of hour-glasses , and sermon-notes , and preaching on a Text of Scripture . 2. And for the rest of the objection , it s answered before . The use of a Liturgy in the way described , will not more Countenance a lazy insufficient ministry , nor hurt the Church , then if there were none . Object . 2. But what need is there of it ? Are we not well without it ? why would you disturb our peace , to please the adversaries ? Answ. 1. We are not without a Liturgy , as shall be further shewed , and therefore you cannot say we are well without it . 2. Some yong weak Ministers ( we must speak the truth ) do wrong both Baptism and the Lords Supper by many miscarriages , for want of further helps . 3. Wales and many parts of England must be supplyed with Forms , or be without , wh●ch is worse . 4. The Consciences of many of those that you call adversaries ( and I call Brethren ) must be indulged with the liberty of a convenient form , or else we shall not walk charitably . On the oth●●side it will be objected , by them that would have all men forced to the constant u●e of forms , 1. that If we have not forms , men may vent what they please in prayer : some raile in prayer , and some vent error , and some rebellion , &c. Answ. 1. This Argument makes against all Prayer of Ministers , but what is prescribed . For if you force them to a form , and yet give them leave with their Sermons to use also either extemporate or formed Prayers of their own , they may as well vent rebellion , heresie or malice in them , as if they had no Liturgy at all . And if you would have Ministers use no prayer but what they read out of the imposed books , for fear of these inconveniences , you will shew your selves enemies to the Church , and cure an inconvenience with a mischief . 2. And if men were forbidden all prayer but by the Book , yet it is more easie to vent error or malice in a Sermon . So that unless you tie them also to forbear preaching save out of an imposed book , you are never the better . And if you would do so , you are sorry helpers of the Church . 3. You have a better remedy then these at hand . Put no such Insufficient men , or Hereticks into the Ministry , that will so abuse prayer : or if they be crept in , put them out again , and put better in their places , that will not abuse it . If some Physitians kill men by ignorance or malice , will you tie them all to go by a Book and give but one medicine , or will you not rather cast out the unworthy , and licence only abler men ? Object . 2. But how can I Ioyn with a Minister in prayer , If I know not before hand what he will say , when for ought I know he may pray blasphemy or heresie ? Answ. 1. By this objection , you take it to be unlawful to joyn with any prayers at all , whether publick or private , but what you know before : And so it seems you think all prayer but what 's by the book , unfit for any but a solitary person . And if this be your mind , that your Book-Prayers must needs shut out all others , blame not men so much to shut out your Book , when you so far provoke them . 2. According to this Objection you must not send for the Minister to pray with you when you are sick , or in trouble , unless he tye himself to your Book . And why then may not another do it as well as he ; or at least , the sillyest man that can read as well as the most able ? 3. It is the work of the Minister , to be the peoples mouth in prayer to God , and therefore if he fail in the manner of his own work , it is his sin , and not yours , and you may no more refuse for that to joyn with him , then subjects may refuse to obey the soveraign power because of some miscarriages , yea or to fight for them , and defend them . 4. Your presence signifieth not your consent to all that you hear from a Minister : And your Heart is not to follow him in evil , but in good : and therefore seeing you are at liberty , what cause of scruple have you ? 5. It is supposed that no man is ordinarily admitted , or tolerated in the Ministry , that will so abuse prayer that men may not lawfully joyn with them . If they are such , cast them out : If you cannot cast them out , if they are Hereticks or Blasphemers , come not neer them . But if ●●ey are men fit for to be tolerated in the Ministry , you have reason to trust them so far in their office , as not to expect Heresies or Blasphemies from them , till you hear them : And if you hear them guilty of such , after a First and Second admonition avoid them . But let not wicked uncharitable censures be an argument against the worship of God. You know not but a Physitian may poison you , and yet you will choose the best you can , and then trust your lives with him . You may much more do so by a Minister , because you proceed not by so implicite a faith in the matters of your Salvation . You may refuse any evil that the Minister offereth . Object . 3. But many of them speak nonsence and unreverent words , and abuse Gods worship . Answ. Get better in their stead , that are able to do Gods work in a more suitable manner . But see that your quarrelsome capricious wits , do not odiously aggravate imperfections , or make faults where there are none . And remember that you have not Angels , but men to be your Pastors ; and therefore imperfections must be expected : But a blessi●g may accompany imperfect administrations . But if People , Patron , and Ordainer will choose weak men , when they may have better , they may thank themselves . A Common Prayer book will make but an imperfect supply , instead of an able Minister : Though in some cases I am for it , as aforesaid . Object . 4. But prayer is a speaking to God : and therefore men should say nothing but what is exactly weighed before hand . Answ. 1. We grant all this . But men may weigh before hand the matter of their requests , without preparing a form of words : or a man may fore-consider of his words , without a Prayer-book . 2. Preaching is a speaking in Gods name , as though God speak by us , and as Christs embassadors in his stead . 2 Cor. 5.19 , 20. And to speak as in Christs stead , and Gods name , requireth as great preparation , as to speak to God in the peoples name . It seems more , as it were to represent Christ in speaking ▪ then to speak to Christ while we represent but the people . And therefore by this argument you should let no man preach neither , but by a book prescribed . 3. God is not as man , that looks most at oratory and fine words . It is an humble , contrite , faithfull , honest heart that he looks at : And where he sees this , with earnest desires , and that the matter of Prayer is agreeable to his will , he will bear with many a homely word . One Cold request , or the lest formality and dulness of affection , and carelesness and disesteem of the mercy , is more odious with God , then a thousand Barbarisms , and Solaecisms , and unhandsome words . Yet the tongue also should carefully be lookt to : but men should not mistake themselves , and think that God judgeth by the outward appearance , and as man judgeth ▪ 4. Still I say , get Ministers that are able to do better if you have insufficient ones . A man on a common prayer-book is likelier to provoke God , by a careless , heartless , customary service , and meer lip labour , let the the words be never so exact , then another ( that fears God ) is like to provoke him by disorderly or unhandsome words : Though both should be avoided . Object . 5. Our minds are not able to go along with a Min●ster on the sudden , unless we knew what he will say before hand . Answ. A diligent soul that marketh what is said , may with holy affections go along with a Minister without knowing what he will say before hand . The experience of Christians confuteth this objection . 2. And this would not only plead for a form , but shut out all other prayer : which is sufficient to disgrace it with any understanding man. Object . 6. The publick Prayers of the Church are they that we must own by our concurrence : His own conceived Prayers are but the Private Prayers of the Minister . Answ. The Minister is a publick person , and his prayers publickly made for and in the Church , are as much the Publick prayers of that Church as if they were read out of an imposed Book : But indeed when many Churches Agree in a form , that form may so far be called the Common Prayers of all those Churches : but it s no more the Publick Prayers of any one Church then sudden conceived prayer is . And when there is no form , yet the matter may be the Common Prayer of all Churches . Object . 7. But what confusion will it ●ake in the Church if one Congregation shall have a Form , and another none , and every man shall be left to do what he list in Prayer ? Answ. This is the voice of that Ignorance , Pride , and Dividing usurpation that hath caused all the Schisms and troubles of the Church . Must the Churches have no Peace but on your imposed terms ? Must none be endured , but all cast out of the Church of God that dare not say your forms of prayer , though they are as wise and pious and peaceable as you ? Nothing but Proud arrogancy and uncharitable cruelty will say so . 2. But if we must needs all Agree in the manner of our Prayers , we must shut out all forms , and agree all to be without them ( which yet I consent not to . ) For there is no one Form that you can expect that all should agree in , that 's of humane invention : Not but that we may well do it : but it will not be . 3. How had the Church Unity before any of your forms were known ? 4. If it be no blemish for several Nations to have several Forms , and manners , it is tolerable for several Congregations ▪ 5. How did the Ancient Churches maintain th●ir Unity , when Liturgies were in use , and the variety was so great as is commonly known ? Many Churches had no singing of Psalms ( Vid. Pamel . in Cyprian . de Orat. Dom. Not. 6. ) Others used it by the whole Assemblies ( see Ball 's Friendly Tryal , page 60. citing the Authors that attest it ) Other Churches did use to sing by course , or two at a time . ( See it proved by Ball ibid. out of many witnesses . ) This variety and much more consisted then with Unity , and may do now , when forced uniformity will not . 6. We are all now at Liberty what Gesture we will use in singing Psalms , &c. and is here any discord hence arising ? But men were forced to kneeling only in Receiving the Lords Supper , and there came in discord . Mens fancies makes that seem confusion that is no such thing . No more then that all that hear or pray , have not the same coloured cloaths , complections , &c. Object . 8. But should not men obey Authority in forms and m●●ters of indifferency ? Answ. They should , if they be indeed indifferent . But should Authority therefore ensnare the Church with needless Impositions ? All men will not be satisfied of the Indifferency . I have heard many say that they would preach in a fools Cap and Coat if authority command them . But is it therefore fit that Authority should command it ? All men will not judge it lawfull to obey them in such cases , and so there will be needless snares laid to intrap and divide men . Object . 9. But antiquity is for set forms , and therefore Novelty , must not be permitted to exclude them . Answ. 1. Let Scripture be the Rule for deciding this , which is the chief witness of Antiquity : and let the oldest way prevail . 2. Forms were at first introduced in Variety , and not as necessary for the Churches Unity to Agree in one : And they were left to the Pastors Liberty , and none were forced to any forms of other mens composing . When Basil set up his New forms of Psalmodie and other Worship , which the Church of Neocaesarea were so offended at , he did not for all that impose it on them , but was content to use it in his Church at Caesarea . Object . 10. No man can now say what is the worship of God among us , because there is no Liturgy , but its mutable as every person pleases . Answ. We have a Liturgy , and are agreed in all the parts of worship . To have forms or no forms is no part of it , but a circumstance or mode . THE summ is this ; 1. We have already a stinted Liturgy . 1. A form of Doctrine in Scripture , 2. Real forms in Sacraments 3. A verbal form in Baptizing , 4. A form in delivering the Lords Supper . 5. A Creed ( used at Baptism ) as a form of confession . 6. We Read the Psalms as Liturgical forms of praise and prayer . 7. We have forms of singing Psalms . 8. We have a form of blessing the people in the End. 9. And of Excommunication ( see the Government of the Church , &c. ) 10. And of Absolution . 11. And of Marriage . 12. And Ministers preparation makes much of their Sermons a form . 13. And they are at liberty to pray in a form if they Please . 2. No more is necessary ( of it self ) unless ( accidentally ) Authority or Peace , &c. require it . 3. If Peace , &c. require a form , let it be one , by common Agreement as neer as may be taken out of Scripture , even in words , and as much of the old as is consistent with this Rule retained . 4. Let it not contain any doubtfull or unnecessary things , but be as much certain and necessary for the matter as may be . 5. Let none be forced to use it , but such as by Ordainers or Approvers , are judged insufficient to worship God without it , and yet are allowed or Tolerated in the Ministry . 6. Let no Tolerated Ministers be Absolutely forbidden to use it . 7. Let none be suffered to lay the Vnity and Peace of the Church on it , and suspend , excommunicate or reproach all that dissent from them in using or not using it . 8. In times of Liberty , let none use it constantly ( but the unable before excepted . ) But let the weaker use it of●●er , and the abler seldomer , yet sometimes ( voluntarily , and caeteris paribus , still looking to the state of their flocks , and fitting all to their Edification . ) 9. When Magistrates command it , or the Agreement of Pastors and Peace of the Churches ( though accidentally by mens infirmity ) require it , let none refuse the frequent use of lawfull forms . 10. But let none desire or endeavour the introducing of any such Necessity of this or any indifferent thing , that is not first Necessary by some considerable antecedent occasion to the Edification of the Church . This much will please the moderate , but not the self conceited . FINIS . The Fifth DISPUTATION : Of Humane CEREMONIES : Whether they are necessary , or profitable to the Church , and how far they may be imposed or observed ? By Richard Baxter . LONDON , Printed by Robert White , for Nevil Simmons , Bookseller in Kederminster , Anno Dom. 1658. Qu. Whether Humane Ceremonies be Necessary or Profitable to the Church ? CHAP. I. Distinctions and Propositions in order to the Decision . § . 1. THE discussion of the Controversie about the Etymologie of the word [ Ceremony ] is unnecessary to our ends , and would be more troublesome then usefull . Whether it be derived ab oppido Caere , or à carendo , or à Caritate , or à Cerere , as several mens conjectures run , or rather as Scaliger and Martinius think , from Cerus , which in veteri lingua erat sanctus ; it sufficeth us that it signifieth a sacred rite . Servius saith that all sacred things among the Greeks were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and among the Latines Ceremoniae : But by Ceremonies we mean only external Rites or Orders in or about the worship of God. And by Humane , we mean such as are devised and appointed to be used , by men , without any special Revelation from God , or any extraordinary inspiration of his Spirit , by which the institution might have been justly ascribed to God as the certain principal cause . § . 2. There is so much ambiguity partly in the terms , and partly in the supposed or implyed passages that will rise before us in the dispute , that I judge it necessary to make the way to the true decision of the controversie , and your right understanding of it by these distinctions following , and then to lay down the truth in certain Propositions . § . 3. Dist. 1. We must distinguish between such Ceremonies as God hath left to humane determination in his worship , and such as he hath not so left ; but hath either 1. Expresly forbidden them in particular . 2. Or in a General prohibition forbidden them , or 3. Hath given no man authority to institute them . So great difference is there between things that commonly go under the name of Ceremonies , that they are not in this Controversie to be confounded , if we would not lose the truth . § . 4. Dist. 2. We must distinguish between Ceremonies commanded by man as in Gods name , and by pretence of a Commission from him ; and such as are only commanded in mens own names , or at least on pretence of nothing but a General Power . § . 5. Dist. 3. We must distinguish between Ceremonies commanded by men as necessary duties or means of worship , and such as are only commanded as indifferent things . § . 6. Dist. 4. We must distinguish between Ceremonies imposed by a Lawfull Magistrate , or Church-Governours , and such as are imposed by usurpers , or men without authority . § . 7. Dist. 5. We must distinguish between Ceremonies imposed as Vniversally to be practised by all ages , or all people , in the Church at least , and such as are imposed only on some one Congregation or Nation by their proper Governours , and that as things mutable , that upon special occasion were taken up , and may so be laid aside again . § . 8. Dist. 6. We must distinguish between Ceremonies commanded as things necessary to the being of the Church or Worship , or only necessary to the Order and convenient administration , and better being of them ( in the judgement of the imposers . ) § . 9. Dist. 7. We must distinguish between the absolute command of Governors imposing such ceremonies , upon grievous penalties , or without tolerations ; and the simple recommending them , or requiring them to be used with ( expressed or implyed ) exceptions . § . 10. Dist. 8. We must very much difference the several Countreys where such things are imposed , and the several sorts of People on whom , and the several seasons in which they are imposed , and thence foresee the effects or consequents that are like to follow . § . 11. Dist. 9. We must distinguish between the Commanding of such Ceremonies , and the Obeying of such Commands . It s one thing to ask whether it be necessary , profitable , or lawfull to Impose them ? and another whether it be necessary or lawfull to use them when commanded ? § . 12. Dist. 10. We must distinguish between that which is Necessary or Profitable to the order or Peace of one Church or Nation : and that which is necessary or profitable to the order , peace or unity of many Churches or Nations , among themselves : or supposed to be so . § . 13. These Distinctions premised to remove ambiguity ; I lay down that which I conceive to be the truth in these Propositions following ; which having mentioned , I shall re-assume and confirm such of them as seem of neerest concernment to the Question . § . 14. Prop. 1. Such Ceremonies as God hath wholly exempted from humane power to determine of , or institute , or hath given man no power to institute , are not necessary , or profitable to the Church , nor may they lawfully be instituted by man. § . 15. Prop. 2. In such unlawfull Impositions , it is a great aggravation of the sin , if men pretend that they are the Institutions of God , or that they have a Commission from God to institute or impose them , when it is no such matter ; and so pretend them to be Divine . § . 16. Prop. 3. If things unlawfull ( either forbidden , or that want authority ) are commanded as indifferent , it is a sinfull command , but if commanded as parts of Gods Worship or necessary to the Being or well being of the Church , it is an aggravation of the sin . § . 17. Prop. 4. Things indifferent , lawfull and convenient , are sinfully Commanded when they are pretended to be more necessary then they are , and as such imposed . § . 18. Prop. 5. A thing convenient and profitable , is sinfully commanded ▪ when it is commanded on a greater penalty , then the nature and use of it doth require , and the common good will bear . § . 19. Prop. 6. It is not lawfull to make any thing the subjects Duty by a command , that is meerly Indifferent , antecedently both in it self , and as cloathed with all accidents . § . 20. Prop. 7. Some things may be lawfully and profitably commanded at one time and place , and to one sort of People , that may not be lawfully commanded at another time , or to another people : no nor obeyed , if so commanded . § . 21. Prop. 8. Those Orders may be Profitable for the Peace of the Churches in one Nation , or under the Government of one Prince , that are not necessary or profitable in order to the unity or Peace of the Churches under divers Princes . § . 22. Prop. 9. There is no meer humane Vniversal Soveraign Civil , or Ecclesiastical over the Catholick Church , and therefore there is no power given to any from God , to make Laws that shall universally bind the Catholick Church . § . 23. Prop. 10. If it be not our own Lawfull Governors Civil or Ecclesiastical , but Vsurpers that command us , we are not therefore b●und to obey them , though the things be lawfull . § . 24. Prop. 11. The Commands of lawfull Governors about lawfull Ceremonies are ordinarily to be understood with exceptions , though there be none exprest , as that in certain cases it is not their will that such commands should bind us . § . 25. Prop. 12. It may be very sinful to command some Ceremonies , which may lawfully , yea must in duty be used by the subject when they are commanded . § . 26. Prop. 13. Though they are not Commanded , nor called Necessary , but professed to be indifferent , yet constantly to use Indifferent things , doth breed that custome which maketh them to be taken as necessary by the people , and usually doth very much hurt . § . 27. Prop. 14. Yet certain things that are commonly called Ceremonies may lawfully be used in the Church upon humane imposition , and when it is not against the Law of God , no person should disobey the commands of their lawfull Governors , in such things . § . 28. Having laid together these Propositions , I shall review them , in a very short explication and confirmation , and insist more largely on those of chief concernment . CHAP. II. Such Ceremonies as God hath forbidden , or given man no Power to institute , are not to be imposed on the Church , as profitable or lawfull . § . 1. THAT some Ceremonies ( things commonly so called ) may Lawfully be commanded , and some not , me thinks should easily be yielded . I meet with none t●at are against all indeed , though some think the name [ Ceremony ] unfitly applyed to those Circumstances which they consent to : And that any should think that the wit and will of Ceremonie-makers hath no bounds imposed by God , is most unreasonable . All the business therefore is to know what God hath authorized Governors to institute , and what not ? § . 2. And here they that claim a Power of introducing new Institutions , must produce their Commission , and Prove their power if they expect obedience . For we are not bound to obey every man that will tell us he hath such Power . § . 3. For the right understanding of this , it must be supposed , as a Truth that all Protestants are agreed in , that the written word of God is his law for the government of the universal Church to the end of the world ; and consequently that it is sufficient in its kind , and to its use , and consequently that nothing is to be introduced , that shall accuse that law of imperfection , or which did belong to God himself to have imposed by his law . If we once forsake the Scripture sufficiency ( what ever the Papists or Infidels vainly say against it , ) we have nothing left in which we may agree . § . 4. God hath already in his written Laws , instituted his publick worship-ordinances : and therefore he hath done it perfectly : and therefore he hath not left it unto man to come after him and mend his work , by making other ordinances of worship , as to the substance of them . He hath given us one faith , and no man may preach another , and one Baptism , and no man may institute another : and so of the like . If any one bring another Gospel , though an Angel , he is to be accursed , Gal. 1.7 , 8. § . 5. Yet is it in the Power of man to determine of such Modes and Circumstances as are necessary to the prrformance of that worship which God hath instituted in his word : And therefore lawfull Governors may in such cases bind us by their commands . § . 6. The things that are committed to humane determination , are such as are commanded in general by God himself ( either in Scripture or nature , ) but are left undetermined in specie , vel individuo : so that it is not a thing indifferent , whether a choice or determination be made or not , but only whether it be this or the other that is chosen by the determination . But where the thing it self in genere is not necessary , or no humane election or determination necessary , because God himself hath determined of it already , there men are not to meddle , as having no authority from God. § . 7. I shall first give some instances of the former sort ( the Lawfull Ceremonies ) and then name the latter ( that are unlawfull , ) which I shall afterward give my reasons against . And 1. It is left to humane determination what place the Publick assemblies shall be held in . God having commanded us to frequent such assemblies , and not forsake them , doth oblige us to some place in general , and to a fit place . He that bids us preach , and hear , and pray , and assemble to these ends , doth plainly bid us , do this some where . It is impossible to meet , and not in a Place . And in that he hath not determined of any place himself , he hath left it to our reasons to determine of as occasion shall require . God hath not commanded to build a Temple in such a place rather then another : or to go thither to worship rather then another place ( but by consequence and generall directions : ) nor hath he determined what place the Minister shall stand to preach in , or where all the people shall have their seats . All these are but the circum●●●nces of a holy action , which are left to humane prudence . § . 8. 2. It is left to man to determine of the Time of holy duties , except only where God hath determined of it already . As that the Lords day shall be the Day for publick holy Assemblies , is a thing that God himself hath determined ; and here we have nothing to do but to discern his determinations and obey them . But withall he hath in Generall commanded us to preach in season and out of season , and to Assemble frequently , on severall great occasions : And here he hath not determined of the Time , but left it to humane prudence upon emergent occasions , and according to their several cases , to determine of what hour on the Lords day we shall begin ; how long the Sermon shall be ; what hour the Assembly shall be dismist : what daies the Lords supper shall be administred , and how oft : when any shall be Baptized : what day the Lecture shall be on , or any more private meetings for edification : what hour , or just how oft men must pray in secret , or with their families : these with the like are undetermined by God ( and good reason , as I shall shew anon , ) and left to our selves and to our Governors : Some Time or other we are commanded by God himself to choose . § . 9. 3. It is left to the determination of humane Prudence , what Vtensils to imploy about the publick worship of God. For these in Generall are commanded by God , and so made necessary ; as also in the nature of the thing . He that commanded us to do the work , that is not to be done without convenient Vtensils , doth thereby command us virtually the use of instruments fit for the work . What form and proportion the Temple where we meet shall have , is left to men : whether we shall preach in a Pulpit ? and what shall be its shape ? where we shall read ? whether we shall Baptize in a River , or Pond , or Spring , or Font , or Bason , and what materials , whether stone or Silver , or Pewter , &c. they be made of ? whether we shall receive the Lords supper at a Table , or in our seats , and whether the Table shall be of wood or stone ? whether it shall be round , or long , or square ? whether it shall stand in the East or West end of the Temple , or the middle ? whether it shall have rails , or no rails ? whether the Bread be of wheat or other convenient grain ? what vessel the Bread shall be put in ? and what grape the wine shall be made of ? and what vessell it shall stand in ? and be delivered in ? whether a cup , or other like vessel ? whether of silver , wood , or pewter , & c ? All these are left to humane prudence . In general , it is necessary that some such utensils in each case there be : but the special sort is left indifferent to our choice So also the Bibles themselves , whether they be Printed , or Written , and in what hand , or colour ? Whether bound , or in a Role ? are things indifferent in themselves , and left to humane reason to determine . The like may be said of other utensils of worship , necessary in genere . § . 10. 4. God hath not determined in what language the Scripture shall be read or preacht to such or such a congregation ( though by the generall Rule , that all be done to edification , and that we speak to the understanding , there is sufficient direction for it ) But he that commandeth us to preach , implyeth that we translate the Scripture , and preach and read in a language fittest for the peoples edification . And if ( as in many places of Wales ) there be two languages equally understood , we may indifferently choose that which we think most agreeable to the generall rules . § . 11. 5. The Scripture hath commanded us in generall to sing Psalms : but it hath not told us whether they shall be in R●thme , or Meeter , or in what tune we shall sing them . These modes are left to humane Prudence to determine of . § . 12. 6. When there are divers Translations of the Scripture in the same language ▪ or divers versions of the Psalms in the same language ( as in England , here are the old version , the New-England version , Mr. Rous's first , and his second ( or the Scots , ) Mr. White 's , Bishop Kings , Sands's , Mr. Bartons , &c. ) God hath not told us which of all these we shall use , but given us generall directions , according to which our own Reason , or our Governors should make choice . § . 13. 7. God hath commanded us to Read the holy Scriptures , and to expound them to the people , that they may understand and practise them : But he hath not told us what Book of Scripture , or what Chapter we shall read at such a day , or on such or such occasions ; nor yet what order we shall observe in Reading ; whether we shall begin the Scripture , and go on to the end ; or whether we shall read more frequently some subjects of greatest use , and which ? These therefore are left to humane prudence to determine of by generall rules . § . 14. 8. Though God hath commanded us to Read the Scripture , and to sing Psalms , &c. yet hath he not told us just how much we shall read at a time , or sing at a time : and therefore this also is a matter left to humane Determination . § . 15. 9. Though God hath commanded us to Preach the Gospell , and told us what to preach , and given us generall Rules for our direction , yet hath he not told us what text , or subject we shall preach on such or such a day : nor yet what Method we shall follow , there being various methods , sutable to severall Texts and people : It is left therefore to humane prudence to choose both Subject , Text and Method . § . 16. 10. God that hath commanded us to pray , and praise him , and preach , &c. hath not told us just what words we shall use in any of these holy exercises . He hath indeed given us the Lords Prayer , which is our Rule for matter , and Method , and a lawfull form for words : but he hath not tyed us to this only , nor told us what words we shall use besides this : whether we shall use words long before premeditated ( call'd a form ) or only such as are immediately or neer before our speaking premeditated , or in speaking , adapted to the matter in hand ? whether our premeditated prayers shall be expressed in our own words , or such as are prescribed us by others ? whether such forms shall be expressed in Scripture words or not ? whether we shall sing the Psalms of David , or compose any Evangelical Hymns our selves ? whether many Churches shall use one and the same form of words , or various ? whether our Sermons , and Catechisms , and Confessions of faith , shall be a studied or prescribed form of words , or the matter and method only studied ? &c These , with many other such like , are left by God , as things undetermined , that men may determine of them prudentially as occasions require , according to his directions . § . 17. 11. He that hath commanded us to express our minds in severall cases about his worship , ( as in Confession of our sins , in Profession of our faith , in choosing of our Pastors , in Consenting to the casting out , or taking in , or restoring of members , in renewing promises of obedience , and the like ) hath hereby made a Profession necessary in general , and so hath made it our duty to signifie our Consent in all these cases , by some convenient sign : For mans mind is not known to others , but by signs . But he hath not tied us absolutely to any particular sign . If a Confession of faith be read , and we are called to signifie our Consent , or if we are called to signifie our Consent to be Church members , or to be guided by our Pastors , or submit to Discipline ; God hath not tyed us in such Cases , whether we shall signifie this Consent by speaking , or by subscribing our names ( Isa. 44.3 , 4 , 5. ) or by lifting up the hand , or by laying it on a Book , ( as in swearing ) or by standing up , or such like . A sufficient signification or Profession of our minds is necessary ; but the special sign is left to our own , or our Governors determination . Of which I shall speak more anon . § . 18. To this end , and on these terms was the sign of the Cross used heretofore by Christians , and to this end they used standing in publick worship every Lords day ( forbidding kneeling , ) and afterward standing up at the Creed : as also adoring with their faces towards the east , &c. They used these only as significations of their own minds , instead of words ; As the Prophets of old were wont by other signs , as well as words to prophesie to the people . And as Eusebius tells us how Constantine measured the length and bredth of a man on the earth with his spear , to tell the Covetous how little must serve them ( only a grave place ) after death . And I dare not condemn the Cautelous use of such Professing signs as these : Though the tongue be the chief instrument , yet not the only instrument to express the mind ; and though words be the ordinary sign , yet not the only sign . Dumb men must speak by other signs : And usually more silent signs are fitter for Assemblies , to avoid disturbance : And sometimes more Permanent signs ( as subscription , or a stone or pillar of Remembrance , as Iosh. 24 , &c. ) are more desirable . And this is left to humane prudence . § . 19. And therefore I durst not have reproved any of the ancient Christians , that used the sign of the Cross , meerly as a Professing signal action , to shew to the Heathen and Jews about them , that they believed in a Crucified Christ , and were not ashamed of his Cross. The occasionall , indifferent use of this , when it is meerly to this end , I durst not have condemned . Nor will I now condemn a man , that living among the enemies of a Crucified Christ , shall wear a Cross in his hat , or on his breast , or set it on his doors , or other convenient place , meerly as a professing sign of his mind , to be but instead of so many words , q. d. [ I thus profess my self the servant of a Crucified Christ , of whom I am not ashamed . ] Whether these things be fit or unfit , the time , place , occasion , and other circumstances must shew : but the Lawfulness I dare not deny . § . 20. 12. He that hath commanded us to celebrate the publick worship , and to preach , pray , praise God , &c. doth imply in this command that we must do it in some Gesture or other : For it is impossible otherwise to do it . But he hath not tied us to any one : In prayer we may kneel or stand : In singing Praises ( and Petitions ) to God , we may kneel , stand , or sit : At the Lords Table , though we have an exmaple of sitting at the celebrating and receiving that Sacrament , yet no express command , nor a certain obligation . It is therefore left to humane prudence , to order our gestures by the general Rules , of Order , Decency , Edification , &c. in Preaching , Praying , Hearing , Singing , Receiving , &c. For God hath not tied us himself to any one particular gesture . § . 21. 13. God that hath required us to celebrate his worship , doth imply that we must do it in a decent Habit : Nakedness is a shame : Cloathing we must wear : but he hath not told us what it must be : Whether Linnen or Woollen : whether black or white : or of what shape and fashion ; This therefore is left to humane Prudence . § . 22. 14. God that hath commanded us to celebrate his Praise and other publick worship , hath left it to our Liberty and Prudence to make use of such Helps of Nature , or of Art , as may most conduce to further our obedience , and stand in a due subserviency to his institutions . As for instance : he that hath commanded us to study his word and works , hath not prescribed me a certain Method for my studies , nor told me what Languages or Sciences I shall learn , or first learn : nor what Authors I shall read in Logick , Physicks , Metaphysicks , &c. It is implyed that in all I use the best helps , and in the best order that I can . So he that bids me read the Scripture , hath not tyed me to read only a Printed , or only a Written Bible ; nor to read with spectacles or without . He that hath commanded me to Preach , hath not told me whether I must write my Sermon before or not : or use Notes for the help of my memory , or not ; but hath left these to be determined as general Rules , and emergent accasions and circumstances shall direct us . And he that hath commanded us to preach and pray , hath not told us whether we shall use the help of a Book , or not : nor whether we shall use an hour-glass or a clock to measure our time by . He that hath commanded us cheerfully and joyfully to sing his Praises , hath not told us whether we shall use the meeter , or any melodious tune to help us : or whether we shall use or not use a Musical Instrument : or the help of more Artificial singers , or choristers ? These are left to our reason to determine of , by general rules which nature and Scripture have laid down . § . 23. 15. In Civil actions , that are Religious only finally , and by Participation , and not any acts of special worship , it is lawfull to use Symbolical Rites , that are in their kind neer of kin to Sacraments in their kind , and may be called , Civil Sacraments : such 〈◊〉 the sealing and delivery of Indentures , or other Covenant writings : and the delivery of Possession of a house by a Key , and of the Temple by a Book and Bel-rope , and of Land by a twig and turf ; and of Civil Government by a Crown , or Scepter , or Sword , &c. And such is the use of a Ring in Marriage . § . 24. 16. Though God hath commanded that certain persons thus and thus qualified shall be elected and ordained Ministers of Christ , and separated to the Gospel of God ; yet hath ●e not nominated the individual persons , but left it to man to choose them , according to the directions that he hath given them : Prudence therefore is here the judge . § . 25. In all these cases , it is no usurpation , nor addition to the word or institution of God , for man to determine : It is but an obeying of Gods commands : All these are Necessary in their Genus , and commanded us of God , and the Species ( or individuals in the last case ) no where by the word of God determined of : so that if we must not determine of them our selves , the Scripture should contradict it self , or oblige us to natural impossibilities . Had God said , [ Thou shalt Pray , at some Time , Place , in some Habit , Gesture , &c. but neither I , nor thou shall determine what , ] this had been no better . § . 26. Most of these forementioned particulars , are but abusively or improperly called Ceremonies , they being only the determination of Circumstances and Modes , and subservient common helps , which are Religious only Relatively and by Application , being in themselves but such common modifications as are necessary in Civil and Common moral actions . Yet because the word [ Ceremonie ] is an equivocal , let them be so called . § . 27. Though all these things are left to humane Determination , and so are Indifferent in themselves , before ; yet may they become Accidentally Necessary or unlawfull . And though man must Determine of them , yet not as he list , without a Rule : but by those sufficient General directions which God hath given in Scripture , and the End and Nature of the work . And to cross these directions is a sin in him that doth determine . § . 28. Though all these are left to humane Prudence , yet not alwaies to the Governors to be passed into Laws , and forced on the subjects . Most of the points forementioned , ought not to be statedly determined by Law , but left to him that is upon the place to determine of , according to variation of occasions ( of which anon . ) § . 29. Yet if just Authority shall ( injuriously ) determine of them , it may be the subjects duty to obey ; except in some cases to be after mentioned ; Because they are not matters aliene to their Power , and without their line : but only its an imprudent over-doing in a work that is belonging to them , in its manner and season to be done . § . 30. Having shewed you what man May determine of , in worship : I shall next shew you what he may not determine of : or what is exempted from his power . And 1. Some things as to the Substance . 2. Other things only as to the Manner , are out of mans power . § . 31. 1. No man may bring a New Revelation , which he received not from God , ( whether it be about greater or smaller points , ) and say to another , or himself , This you or I are bound to believe , by a Divine faith : For nothing but a Divine Revelation can be the material object of a Divine faith . § . 32. 2. And as far is it from the power of this man , to say [ I received not this from God , but yet you are bound to believe it as from me , with a faith as certain and confident , as a faith Divine . ] For this were to equall man with God. § . 33. 3. And far is it from the power of man to obtrude at all upon another any supernatural matters , and Command him to believe them , though but with a humane faith , when he cannot prove that the things are committed to him , nor give men an Evidence of their Credibility . He may not say [ Though God revealed not these supernatural matters to me , yet hath he given me Authority to command you to believe them , or made it your duty to believe them , when I speak them , though without Evidence of Credibility . ] So that here are three sorts of things about matters of Belief that man may not do . The first is , that he may not Counterfeit a Divine Revelation : and the 2. is , he may not command men to believe his lawfull humane testimony , with a faith equall to Divine : and 3. he may not command so much as a humane faith to supernatural assertions which he had no authority to utter . I speak this about mens power in matters of faith , as preparatory to that about worship . § . 34. In like sort , 1. Man may not say [ This God hath commanded you in or about his worship ] when it is not so : For this were to belie God , and to add to his Law , as if it said that which it doth not say . Here none I hope will gainsay me . § . 35. And 2. No man may of his own head Command any thing in or belonging to the worship of God : but he must have either a Special or General warrant and command from God himself to do it . Gods Law must either make the thing Necessary in specie , and so leave man nothing about it but to second it by his Law , and see it executed : or else Gods Law must make the thing Necessary in genere , and so leave man to determine of the species ( as is oft said . ) But where neither of these are done by God , man hath no Power for the imposing of that thing . § . 36. More particularly , 1. God hath not left it to the Power of man to add to the ten commandments any universal precept for obedience . 2. Nor to add to the Lords Prayer and other holy Scripture , any general article of request to God. 3. Nor to add any officers to his Church , that are strictly Divine , or for Divine uses . 4. Nor to add any substantial ordinance of worship . 5. Nor to add any substantial part of holy Discipline . 6. Nor to institute any new Sacrament in the Church , or any thing that hath the Nature of a Sacrament , though it have not the name . § . 37. It seemeth to me that Mystical signs stated by man in Gods publick worship , directly to work grace on his soul from God , and that as instituted , and also to oblige man to God again , are unlawfully brought into the Church . § . 38. By what hath been said , you may see which of the late English Controverted Ceremonies , I take to have been Lawful , and which unlawfull . Too many years did I spend long agoe about these controversies ; and the judgement that then I arrived at , I could never find reason since to change , notwithstanding all the changes of the times , and the helps I that have since had ; And it was and is as followeth . § . 39. 1. About Episcopacy ( which was the principal point , concomitant with the Ceremonial Controversie ) I have given you my thoughts before . 2. The ceremonies controverted among us , were especially , The surplice , the gesture of Kneeling in Receiving the Lords supper , the ring in Marriage , Laying the hand on the Book in taking a● Oath , the Organs and Church musick , Holy daies , Altars , Rails , and the Cross in Baptism . ( To say nothing of the matter or form of the Prayers . ) § . 40. And 1. If the surplice be Imposed by the Magistrate ( as it was ) who is a lawfull Governor , and that directly but as a Decent Habit for a Minister in Gods service , I think he needlesly strained his Power , and sinfully made an engine to divide the Church , by making such a needless law , and laying the Peace of the Church upon it ; But yet he medled with nothing but was within the reach of his Power in the general . Some Decent Habit is Necessary ; Either the Magistrate or the Minister himself , or the Associated Pastors must determine what . I think neither Magistrate nor Synod should do any more then hinder undecency : But yet if they do more , and tye all to one Habit , ( and suppose it were an undecent Habit ) yet this is but an imprudent use of Power . It is a thing within the Magistrates reach ; He doth not an aliene work , but his own work amiss : and therefore the thing in it self being lawfull , I would obey him , and use that garment , if I could not be dispensed with . Yea though Secondarily the Whiteness be to signifie Purity , and so it be made a teaching sign , yet would I obey : For secondarily , we may lawfully and piously make Teaching signs of our food and rayment , and every thing we see . But if the Magistrate had said that the Primary reason or use of the Surplice was to be an instituted sacramental sign , to work g●ace on my soul , and engage me to God , then I durst not have used it , though secondarily it had been commanded as a decent garment . New Sacraments I durst not use , though a secondary use were lawfull . § . 41. 2. And for Kneeling at the Sacrament , I doubt not at all , but the imposing it , and that on such rigorous terms , tying all to it , and casting all out of the communion of the Church , or from the participation of the Sacrament that durst not use it , was a very grievous sin , and tended to persecution , injustice , and Church-dividing . It is certainly in a doubtful case the safest way to do as Christ and his Apostles , and the universal Church did for many hundred years . That none should Kneel in publick worship on the Lords day , no not in Prayer , much less in receiving the Eucharist , was a Custome so ancient and Universal in the Church , that it was everywhere observed before general Councils were made use of ; and in the first general Council of Nice , it was made the last Canon ; and other general Councils afterward renewed it ; so that I know not how any Ceremony can possibly pretend to greater Ecclesiastical Authority then this had . And to cast out all from Church Communion in Sacraments that dare not go against the examples of Christ and his Apostles , and all the Primitive Church , ( who long received the Eucharist in another gesture ) and against the Canons of the first and most famous , and other succeeding general Councils , this is a most inhumane part . Either the gesture is indifferent in it self or not : If it be , how dare they thus divide the Church by it ▪ and cast out Christians that scruple it , when they have these and many other reasons of their scruples ( which for brevity I omit . ) If they say that Kneeling is of it self Necessary , and not Indifferent , because it is Reverent &c. then 1. They make Christ an ●mperfect Law-giver : 2. They make himself , or his Apostles , or both to have been sinners . 3. They condemn the Catholick Church of sin . 4. They condemn the Canons of the Chief general Councils . 5. And then if the Bishops themselves in Council should change the gesture , it were unlawfull to obey them . All which are consequents that I suppose they will disown . What a perverse preposterous Reverence is this ? when they have leave to lie in the dust before and after the very act of receiving , through all their confessions and prayers , yet they will at other times stand , and many of them sit at prayer , and sit at singing Psalms of Prayer and Praise to God , and yet when Christ doth invite them to a feast , they dare not imitate his Apostles and universal Church in their gesture , lest they should be sinfully unreverent . § . 42. But yet , as sinfully as this Gesture was imposed , for my part I did obey the imposer●●nd would do , if it were to do again , rather then disturb the Peace of the Church , or be deprived of its Communion . For God having made some Gesture necessary , and confined me to none , but left it to humane Determination , I shall submit to Magistrates in their proper work , even when they miss it in the manner . I am not sure that Christ intended the example of himself and his Apostles as obligatory to us that shall succeed . I am sure it proves sitting lawful : but I am not sure that it proves it necessary : ( though very convenient ) But I am sure he hath commanded me obedience and peace . § . 43. 3. And for the Ring in Marriage , I see no reason to scruple the lawfulness of it : For though the Papists make a Sacrament of Marriage , yet we have no reason to take it for any ordinance of Divine worship : any more then the solemnizing of a contract between a Prince and People . All things are sanctified and pure to the Pure : but that doth not confound the two Tables , nor make all things to be parts of Worship that are sanctified . The Coronation of a King is sanctified as well as Marriage , and is as much a Sacrament as Marriage , and the Ceremonies of it might as well be scrupled : especially when God doth seem to go before them by the example of Anointing , as if he would confine them to that Ceremonie ; which yet was none of his intent , nor is it much scrupled . § . 44. 4. And though the taking of an Oath be a sort of worship , yet not the natural worship of the first Commandment , nor the Instituted of the second , but the Reverent use of his name in the third ; so that it is not primarily an act of worship , but Reductively , and Consequentially : It being the principal use of an Oath to Confirm the Truth , and End strife , by appealing to God , which appellation is indeed an acknowledgment of his Government and Justice . And the laying the hand upon the Book , or Kissing it , is but a Professing sign of my own Intentions , such as my words themselves are : and therefore is left to humane choice , and a lawfull thing . And I have met but with very few , among all our Ceremonies , that questioned this . § . 45. 5. And for Organs or other instruments of Musick in Gods worship , they being a Help partly natural , and partly artificial , to the exhilarating of the spirits , for the praise of God , I know no argument to prove 〈◊〉 simply unlawfull , but what would prove a cup of wine unlawful , or the tune and meeter , and melodie of singing unlawful . But yet if any would abuse it , by turning Gods worship into carnal Pomp , and levity , especially by such non-intelligible singing , or bleating as some of our Choristers used , the Common people would ▪ have very great reason to be weary of it , a● accidentally evil . § . 46. 6. And as for Holy daies , there is great difference between them : Those are lyable to most question that are obtruded on the Church with the greatest confidence ▪ As for such daies as are appointed upon some emergent occasions , that arose since Scripture was indited , and are not common to all times and places of the Church , there is no more question whether the Magistrate may command them , or the Pastors agree upon them , then whether a Lecture-day , or fast-day , or thansgiving-day may be commanded , or agreed on : some time for Gods worship , besides the Lords Day must be appointed : And God having not told us which , the Magistrate may , on fit occasions ▪ And this is no derogation from the sufficiency of Scripture : For the occasion of the day was not ex●stent , when the Scripture was written : such occasions are various according to the various state of the Church in several ages and Countries . And therefore to keep an Anniversary day of Thanksgiving , such as we keep on the fifth of November for our deliverance from the Papists powder plot , is no more questionable then to keep a ●ecture . Nor for my part do I make any scruple * to Keep a Day in Remembrance of any eminent servant of Christ , or Martyr , to praise God for their doctrine or example , and honour their Memorial . But the hardest part of the Question is , whether it be lawfull to keep daies , as holy , in celebrating the memorial of Christs Nativity , Circumcision , Fasting , Transfiguration , Ascention , and such like ? And the great reasons of the doubt are , 1. Because the occasions of these holy daies was existent in the Apostles daies : and therefore if God would have had such daies observed , he could as easily and fitly have done it by his Apostles in the Scripture , as he did other the like thing● . 2. And this is a business that if it were Necessary , would be Equally nec●ssary to all Ages and Parts of the Catholick Church . And therefore it cannot be necessary , but it must be the Matter of an universal Law. And God hath made no such Law in Scripture : And ●o Scripture sufficiency , as the Catholick Rule of faith and universal Divine obedi●nce , is utterly overthrown : which if we grant , and turn Papists to day ; we shall have as strong temptations to make us turn Infidels to morrow , so poor is their evidence for the supplemental Traditional Law of God. 3. And God himself hath already appointed a day for the same purposes as these are pretended for . For the Lords Day is to commemorate the Resurrection , as the great Triumphant act of the Redeemer , implying all the rest of his works : so that though it be principally for the Resurrecti●n , above any single work of Christ , yet also for all the work of Redemption : And the whole is on that day to be commemora●ed with holy Joy and Praise . Now when God himself hath set apart one day in every week to commemorate the whole work of Redemption , it seems an accusing of his Institutions of insufficiency , to come after him to mend them , and say we must have an anniversary day for this or that part of the work . 4. The fourth Commandment being one of the Decalogue , seems to be of so high a nature , that man is not to presume to make the like . Else why may we not turn the ten commandments into twenty or a hundred ? But it seems a doing the same or of like nature to what God hath done in the fourth commandment , if any will make a necessary sta●ed holy day to the universal Church . 5. And it seems also that these Holy daies ( excepting Easter and Whitsontide and other Lords daies ) are but of later i●troduction . Many passages of Antiquity seem to intimate , that Christmas Day it self was not of many hundred years after Christ. I remember not any before Gregory N●zianzene that seem to speak of it . The allegations out of spurious authors , and that of later date , such as the counterfeit Clement , Dionysius , Cyprian , &c. are brought to deceive and not to convince . 6. Yea more , the time was a matter of controversie among the Churches of the East and West , for many ●undred years after Christ ▪ Epiphanius ▪ and the Churches of Iudaea and all those Eastern parts , took the sixth of Ianuary to be the day ( see Casaubones Exercitat ▪ on this , and Cloppenburgius more fully in Th●s . Chrysostome saith , it was but ten years before he wrote that Homilie that the Church at Constantinople was perswaded by them at Rome to change their account of the day : And is it possible that , when for about four hundred years or more the Churches were utterly disagreed of the day , that it was then Commonly kept as an Holy day ? The keeping o● it would sure have kep● a common knowledge of the day : Or at least , the difference of observation would have raised con●ention , as the difference about Easter did : can any believe that the famous Council of Nice , and the vigilant Emperour , that were so exceeding impatient of a diversity of observations of Easter , would have let a diverse observation of Christmas alone , without once thinking or speaking of it , when they were gathered about the like work , if the Church had commonly observed it then as a Holy day ? Or was the Church of Iudaea where Christ arose , in any likelyhood to have lost the true account of the day , if it had been observed by Apostolical Tradition from the beginning ? 7. And it seems that God did purposely deny us the observation of this Day , in that he hath certainly kept the time unknown to the world . The confidence of some bewrayes but their ignorance . Chronologers are never like to be agreed of the year , much less of the moneth or day ; some think we are four years too late ▪ some two years , &c. Many think that Christ was born about October ( as Scaliger , Broughton , Beroaldus , &c. ) and many still hold to the old Eastern opinion , for the Epiphany being the Nativity , on Ian. 6. and others are for other times ; but none are certain of the time . 8. Sure we are , where there is no Law , there is no Transgression : but here is no Law of God commanding Christmas day or the other Holy daies ; therefore there is no transgression in not keeping them . And then 9. it is not so sure that there is no transgression in keeping them : therefore the surer side is to be taken . 10. And it seems strange that we find not so much as any ancient * general Council making any mention of Christmas or such daies ( though of the Martyrs daies some do . ) All these reasons ( which I run over hastily ) and many more ( which for brevity I pretermit ) do seem to make it a very hard question , whether the keeping of this sort of Holy daies be lawfull . § . 47. And it is not to be much stuck at , that a Day to Christ doth seem more necessary and pious , then a Day in commemoration of a Martyr , or a particular Mercy : For in the highest parts of Gods worship , God hath left man least to do , as to Legislation and Decisions : and usurpations here are far most dangerous . A weekly Day is somewhat more then an Ann●versary : And yet I think there is few of the contrary minded , but would doubt whether man might impose on the Church the observation of another weekly Holy day , in commemoration of Christs Nativity . The worship of God is a more excellent and necessary thing , then the veneration due to a worthy person ; And yet we have not so much liberty to make new waies of worshiping God , as of veneration to men . So is it here , though even the Daies that are for the memorial of the Saints , are ultimately for the honour of God ; yet those that are set apart directly and immediately to commemorate the work of Redemption , are Relatively much higher , and therefore seem to be more exempted from the Determination of humane laws . § . 48. By this and much more , I am fully satisfied , 1. That the keeping of these daies is a thing of it self unnecessary : 2. And that there being none on earth that can justly pretend to a power of universal Government over the whole Catholick Church , it is certain that none on earth can bind the Catholick Church to such observances ; ( The Canons of Pastors are Authoritative Directions to their own flocks that are bound to obey them , so it be in lawful things ; but to other Churches , or to their fellow Pastors they are but Agreements , and how far they bind , I shall shew anon . ) 3. And even in a single Church , or a Province , or Nation , I am satisfied that it is a great sin for Magistrates or Pastors to force all that scruple it , to the observation of these daies , and to lay the unity or Peace of their Churches on it , and to cast out , censure , reproach , or punish them that dare not obey such impositions for fear of sining against God. And it is a most dsingenuous thing to insinuate and put into the minds of men accusations of the Impiety of the dissenters ; and to perswade the world that it is irreligiousness , or humorous singularity , when it is so known a thing to all that know them , that the persons that scruple or disown these daies , do ordinarily walk in uprightness and the fear of God in other matters , and profess that it is only a fear of breaking the Laws of God that keeps them from conformity to the will of others : and that they are reproached by the multitude of the observers of these daies , for their spending the Lords Day in Holy exercises , which the reproachers spend too much in idleness , sensuality or prophaness ; and it is not long since many of them were cast out of the Ministerial service or suspended , for not reading a Book authorizing Dancing and other recreations on the Lords day . In a word , to reproach them as Precisians and Puritans , for the strictness of their lives , and yet at the same time to perswade men that they are ungodly for not keeping Holy daies , or not kneeling at the Sacrament , is not ingenuous dealing , and draws too neer the Manners of the Pagans , who called the Christians ungodly , because they durst not offer their sacrifices , and when they dragd them to the judgement-seats , they cryd Tollite impios , as i● themselves were the Godly men : I compare not the matter of the causes here , but only the temper of the persons , and manner and justice of proceedings . § . 49. And yet for all this I am resolved , if I live where such Holy daies as these are observed , to censure no man for observing them , nor would I deny them liberty to follow their judgements , if I had the power of their Liberties ; provided they use not reproach and violence to others , and seek not to deprive them of their Liberties . Paul hath so long agoe decided these cases , Rom. 14. & 15. that if men would be Ruled by the word of God , the controversie were , as to the troublesome part of it , at an end . They that through weakness observe a Day to the Lord , that is not commanded them of God , should not judge their brethren that observe it not : and they that observe it not , should not despise or set at naught their weaker ( though censorious ) brethren that observe it ; but every one should be fully perswaded in his own mind . The Holy Ghost hath decided the case , that we should here bear with one another . § . 50. Yea more , I would not only give men their Liberty in this , but if I lived under a Government that peremptorily commanded it , I would observe the outward rest of such a Holy day , and I would preach on it , and joyn with the Assemblies in Gods worship on it . Yea I would thus observe the Day , rather then offend a weak brother , or hinder any mans salvation , much more rather then I would make any division in the Church . I think in as great matters as this did Paul condescend when he circumcised Timothy , and resolved to eat no flesh while he lived rather then offend his brother , and to become all things to all men for their good . Where a thing is evil but by accident , the greatest Accidents must weigh down the less . I may lawfully obey and use the day , when another doth unlawfully command it : And I think this is the true case . § . 51. 7. And for the next ceremony , the Name and form of an Altar , no doubt it is a thing indifferent , whether the Table stand this way or that way : and the Primitive Churches used commonly the names of Sacrifice , and Altar , and Priest , and I think , lawfully : for my part , I will not be he that shall condemn them . But they used them but metaphorically , as Scripture it self doth , Heb. 13.10 , 15 , 16. Rom. 12.1 . Ephes. 5.2 . Phil. 2.17 . & 4.18 . All believers are called Priests , and their service , Sacrifices , 1 Pet. 2.5 , 9. Rev. 1.6 . & 5.10 . & 20.6 . I conceive that the dislike of these things in England ( the form and name of an Altar , and the Rails about it ) was not as if they were simply evil : But 1. because they were illegal innovations , forced on the Churches without Law , or any just authority . And 2. because the way of those times did cause men to suspect , that somewhat worse was intended to be brought in by such preparatives ; especially when the Ministers were cast out . § . 52. 8. But of all our Ceremonies , there is none that I have more suspected to be simply unlawfull then the Cross in Baptism . The rest , as I have said , I should have submitted to rather then hinder the Service or Peace of the Church , ( had I been put to it : For living in those daies in a Priviledged place , I had my liberty in all save Daies and the Gesture . ) But this I durst never meddle with . And yet I know that many think it as reasonable , and more venerable then any of the rest . Yet dare I not peremptorily say that it is unlawfull : nor will I condemn either Antients or Moderns that use it : nor will I make any disturbance in the Church about it , more then my own forbearance will make : only my own practice I was forced to suspend , and must do if it were again imposed on me , till I were better satisfied . The Reasons that most move me , I shall give you in the end , but some of them take at the present . § . 53. 1. This is not the meer circumstance of a Duty , but a substantial humane ordinance of worship : nor is it necessary in genere that man ordain any such symbolical Mystical signs for Gods worship : And therefore it is a matter totally exempt from humane Power . There must be some Time , some place , some gesture , some vesture , some utensils , &c. But you cannot say that , There must be some teaching symbols , or mystical signs , stated by humane institution in Gods worship : There is no command to man in Scripture de genere to institute any such thing . And therefore in the case of Circumstantials I shall usually ( of which more anon ) obey the Magistrate , even where he doth mistake , because it is his own work , though he misdoe it : But here his action is like that of a judge in alieno foro , in another court , where he hath no power , and therefore his judgement is null . It is not an act of Authority to make and state new mystical signs ( that are such in their primary use , ) in Gods worship : For there is no Power but of God : And God hath given no such power : They that say , he hath , let them prove it if they can . Natural and Artificial helps we disallow not ▪ But Instituted signs , that have what they have by Institution , and that as a solemn stated ordinance , I know not that ever God required or accepted from the invention of man. I doubt this will prove a meer usurpation , and nullity , and worse . § . 54. 2. Yea I suspect it will prove a humane Sacrament : either fully a Sacrament , or so neer a kin to Sacraments , as that man hath nothing to do to institute it . The common prayer saith , that [ a Sacrament is an outward visible sign of an inward spiritual grace , given to us , ordained by Christ himself , as a means whereby we receive the same , and a pledge to assure us thereof ] ( in the Catech. ) Let us try by this definition whether the Cross in Baptism as used in England , be a Sacrament . § . 55. And 1. I may take it for granted that the want of the Name , makes it not to be no Sacrament . And 2. whereas in the definition , it is said that it is [ ordained by Christ himself ] that belongs to a Divine Sacrament only , and not to a humane Sacrament devised by usurpers . Otherwise you must say , that there is no such thing possible as a humane Sacrament imposed by usurpers on the Church : what if all the essentials of a Sacrament , such as are found in Baptism and the Lords supper , be invented by man , and forced on the Church , is it therefore no Sacrament ? or only , no Divine Sacrament ? However , let us not differ about bare names and words : It is the same thing that you call a Sacrament , when God is the ordainer : and sure it will not prove it lawfull because man is the ordainer ; that 's it that makes it unlawfull , because he wants authority , and acts as an usurper . The Papists affirm that man hath not power to make new Sacraments ; no not the Pope himself . Let not us go further . § . 56. And 1. the outward visible sign here is the Cross made in the fore-head : 2. The inward and Spiritual grace is , a holy Resolution to fight manfully under the banner of Christ , and to persevere therein . The Cross signifieth the Instrument of the sufferings of Christ , aad that we do own this Crucified Saviour , and are not ashamed of him , and will manfully fight under him . So that here is 1. a signification of Grace to be wrought on the Soul , and given us by God. 2. an engagement to perform the duties of the Covenant our selves . On Gods part , we are to receive by this sign , both Qualitative or actual Grace , and Relative Grace . 1. The Cross is to teach our understandings , and help our memories , and quicken up our dull affections , by minding us of a Crucified Christ and the benefits of his Cross. § . 57. That it is ordained for this use , appeareth from the words ( anon to be recited ) in the use of it , and by those words prefixed before the the Common prayer-book , [ of Ceremonies ; why some are abolished , and some retained ] where they say that they [ be not darke and dumb Ceremonies , but are so set forth that every man may understand what they do mean , and to what use they do serve : ] and [ that they are such as are apt to stir up the dull mind of man , to the remembrance of his duty to God , by some notable and special signification , whereby he might be edified . ] So that this and such other ( if there be more such ) are appointed by their signification to teach the Understanding , and stir up the dull mind of man to the remembrance of his duty to God : Which are good works , but to be done only by good means . § . 58. And that this is a way of working Grace in the same kind as Gods word and Sacraments do , is undeniable . For the word and Sacraments do work Grace but Morally , by propounding the object , and so objectively Teaching , Remembring , and Exciting , and thus working on the Understanding , Memory , and Will , and Affections . However the spirit may work within , its certain that the ordinances work no otherwise . And not only Protestants are agreed on this , but one would think that the Jesuits and all of their mind should be most of all for it . For faculties , they that will not confess any Physical determination of the but make all operations both of Word , Sacraments , and Spirit it self , to be but suasory or Moral , one would think should hold more tenaciously then others , that Sacraments work Grace but Morally . And if no Sacraments do more then objectively Teach and excite ; and the Cross is appointed to do as much in this , then there is no difference between them to be found . § . 59. And then for Relative Grace , it is plain , that by the sign of the Cross as well as by Baptism , we are entred into a state of Christianity ; and so it is an Investing Sacramental sign ; It listeth us under the banner of Christ Crucified : And that is the very essential nature of the Sacrament of Baptism it self . As Listing investeth the soldier in his Relation , and consequently in his Priviledges , so doth Baptism by Gods appointment ; and Crossing is supposed by mans appointment , to invest men in the Relation of the soldiers of Jesus Christ. § . 60. Yea ( more then is expressed in the Definition of a Sacrament in the Common prayer-book ) if you judge it essential to a Sacrament to be an engaging Covenanting sign , the Cross is instituted to this end . Yea more then that ; if you judge it essential to a Sacrament , to be an engaging sign in the very Covenant of Grace it self ▪ and not only in some particular promise , this also is the end of its appointment . It is to engage our selves to a Crucified Christ as our Captain and Saviour by his Cross , and to bind our selves to the Duty of Soldiers or Christians to our lives end : a●d consequently to teach us to expect the priviledges of faithfull servants and Soldiers from a Crucified Christ. § . 61. All this is expressed in the very words of Ministerial application , in the common Prayer-book : which are these [ we receive this Child into the Congregation of Christs flock , and do sign him with the sign of the cross , in token that hereafter he shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of Christ crucified , and manfully to fight under his banner , against sin , the world , and the Devil , and to continue Christs faithfull soldier and servant unto his lives end , Amen . ] So that you see here it is used as a listing , investing , Covenant sign , engaging us to be Christs soldiers , and not to be ashamed of his Cross , or to confess his faith , and manfully to fight , &c. and to persevere . What 's wanting here to make a Sacrament ? § . 62. Yet had it been but a bare Professing sign , like writing or lifting up the hand , to signifie consent , instead of words , I durst not have concluded so hardly of it : And thus it seems in ancient times it began to be brought into use : and the voluntary use of the cross on several occasions , in many countries at this day , doth seem to be no other . But , for my own part , I dare not be guilty by consent , of making a humane Sacrament , or stating such an engaging Sacramental sign , to all these uses , in the publick worship of God. I had rather suffer or leave my Ministry , them venture on this , while I see so much to make me fear that it is a sin . But again I say , as I reverence the ancients that used the cross ( I think amiss , and yet more warrantably then we , ) so I presume not to censure them that judge it lawfull ; but only give the reasons that make me doubt , and rather think it to be unlawfull , though still with a suspicion of my own understanding , and a love and honour to dissenters . § . 63. As for the Common prayer it self , I never rejected it because it was a form , nor thought it simply unlawfull , because it was such a form , but have made use of it , and would do again in the like case . But I must needs say , 1. That the shreding it into such abundance of small parcels seemeth to me very inconvenient . It seems too light and ludicrous to toss sentences so formally between the Priest and Clerk , and to make such a multitude of Prayers consisting but of a sentence , or two at most : And it seemeth to be tautologie and vain repetition to repeat over the same word so oft : and a taking of Gods name in vain , or too unreverently , to begin with his Titles and Attributes , and end with his name again , and the merits or sake of Christ , and this at almost every sentence : as if we had done with him , and were taking our leave , and had forgot somewhat that called us to begin again : and thus we begin and end , and begin and end again , it may be twenty times together . 2. But the enforcing imposition of these Prayers , is most to be condemned ; of which I have spoken , in the former Disputation . But for my part , I censure none that use them , nor take them to be therefore men of another Religion or worship : It is but a modal difference in the same worship . § . 64. The Emperor Constantine was very much for Liberty for Dissenters , and against persecution of them , upon tolerable differences : yet he himself was wont to write Prayers and Orations or Sermons of his own making ( Euseb. in vita Constant. l. 4. c. 55. & 32. & 29. ) and readeth some common prayers himself to the Congregation in his house , c. 17. ( For he made his house a Church , and preached in it ordinarily himself , though he was both a Lay-man , and unbaptized ; His sermon about Christianity to the Clergie is published by Eusebius : and he preached a funeral Oration about the Immortality of the soul in his ordinary preaching place , a little before his death : Euseb. ib. c. 55. &c. 29. &c. 17. ) He giveth his soldiers a form of Prayer , ib. c. 20. commanding them that were Christians to observe the Lords Day , and spend it in holy exercises , and not to labour on that day , ( ib. c. 18.19.23 . ) and also to honour the Holy daies consecrated to the Martyrs , ( c. 23. ) that is , to their memorial . And commanding the very Heathen soldiers to pray as they could , though not in the Church but in the fields together . And in none of this dare I condemn him . § . 65. The summ of all that I have said , is this ; that Man may determine of modes and circumstances of worship , Necessary and Commanded in genere , but not determined by God in specie . But to make new worship-ordinances , or institute Sacraments , or Sacramental signs , or any thing else , for which in genere he hath no commission , this is simply unlawfull . § . 66. But this is not all : There is a second thing unlawfull also ; and that is the misdetermining of those same modes and circumstances , which he is authorized to determine . For he is ( as is said ) to do it by Gods General Rule . Here therefore we must thus conclude . 1 ▪ that every misordering of such great affairs , is the sin of them that do it . 2. But yet that the subject is not exempted from obedience by every such mistake of the Governor : but by some , he is . § . 67. If the mischoosing of such circumstances by Church-governors , be but an inconvenience , and do not destroy the ordinance it self , or frustrate the ends of it , we are to obey : 1. For he is the judge in his own work , and not we : 2. the thing is not sinfull , though inconvenient . 3. Obedience is commanded to our lawfull Governors . Of this we shall say more in the last Chap. § . 68. But if a Governor so misdetermine but a mode or circumstance , as will overthrow the substance and ends of the worship , I would not obey , except some greater evil were like to follow my not obeying at that particular season , then the frustrating of the duty it self would come to : As for example ; If a Governour make a new Sacrament , I will not obey , because his command is null , and the thing simply evil . If he miscommand a Circumstance of Time , or Place , or Gesture , I will consider the consequents . If he command the solemn Assemblies to be held a mile or two or three from the people , I will obey him , if it be but as far as I can go without frustrating the work it self . But if he command us all to go ten miles or twenty miles to worship , I would obey for some time to avoid a greater evil ; but ordinarily I would no more obey , then if if he forbad all Christian assemblies ; for it comes all to one . So if he command the Assemblies to be at break of day , or after sun setting , I would obey . But if he command that we Assemble only at midnight , what should I do then ? The thing is not simply unlawfull : He doth but misdo his own work . And therefore for some times I would obey , if it were necessary , to avoid a greater evil . But if he make it the ordinary case , I would not obey : because it destroyeth the worship it self in a manner , as if he simply forbad it , and this he hath no power to do . An inconvenient gesture I would use in obedience , and to avoid a greater evill : But I would not obey him that would command me to stand ●n my head alwaies in hearing . An unhansome vesture I would use in obedience to a lawfull Governour , and to avoid a greater evil : But not so ridiculous a vesture as would set all the people on laughing so as to frustrate the work that we assemble for . § . 69. In all such cases where Governors act not as usurpers in a matter that they have no authority in , but only misdo their own work , it much concerneth the subjects to foresee what 's like to be the Consequents of their obeying or disobeying , and accordingly to do that which tendeth most to the Ends of the work : still holding to this Rule , that we must obey in all things lawfull . § . 70. And when we do obey in a case of miscommanding , it is not a doing evil , that good may come of it , as some do misconceive : But it is only a submitting to that which is ill commanded , but not evil in him that doth submit . It is the determiner that is the cause of the inconvenience , and not the obeyer . Nor is it inconvenient for me to obey , though it be worse perhaps to him that commandeth . While he sinneth in commanding , he may make it my Duty to obey . CHAP. III. Prop. 2. In such unlawfull impositions ( as aforementioned ) it is an aggravation of the sin , if Governors pretend that their Ceremonies are Divine . § . 1. I shall be brief in the rest , having been so long on the former . The reason of this Proposition is clear : because 1. As is aforesaid , such pretenders do falsly accuse the Lord , and corrupt his word , and add to it their own inventions : contrary to those severe prohibitions , Deut. 12.32 . Rev. 22.18 . § . 2. 2. Because it shews that man to be a false Prophet , or false teacher , that will say , Thus saith the Lord , when God hath not spoken it : and that will take the name of God in vain , affixing it to a lye . And as many judgements are threatned to such , so people are commanded not to hear them . § . 3. 3. It tendeth to the destruction of all Divine faith and obedience : while the fixions of men are pretended to be doctrines or Laws of God , it tendeth to confound things Divine and Humane ; and so to bring the people to a loss , that they shall not know what is the will of God , and what the will of men . § . 4. Let men therefore take heed how they affirm their Ceremonies to be Divine : as the Papists do , that feign them to be of Apostolical Tradition . Some presume to tell the world , that it is God by Apostolical Tradition that hath instituted Christmas day , or other such Holy daies , ( besides the Lords day , ) or that hath instituted the Cross in Baptism , or the fast of Lent , yea and some of their common prayers ; abundance of humane inventions are thus audaciously fathered on God , which is enough to make people the more cautelous in receiving them : and I am sure makes it a more hainous sin in the imposers . We justly take it to be an odious thing of Hereticks and Papists , to affix the names of Clemens , Dionysius , Ambrose , Austin , and other holy ancient writers , to their forgeries , and corrupt writings : And how much greater is their sin , that dare affix the name of God himself to their Ceremonious inventions or traditions ? § . 5. Such persons forsake the doctrine of the common prayer-book , where the Ceremonies are confessed to be humane inventions . The foresaid Preface [ of Ceremonies , &c. ] begins thus : [ Of such Ceremonies as be used in the Church , and have had their beginning by the Institution of man ; some at the first were of Godly intent and purpose devised , and yet at length turned to vanity and surperstition : some entred into the Church by indiscreet devotion , and such a Zeal as was without knowledge : and because they were winked at in the beginning , they grew daily to more and more abuses ; which not only for their unprofitableness , but also because they have much blinded the people , and obscured the Glory of God , are worthy to be cut away , and clean rejected . Other there be , which although they have been devised by man , yet it is thought good to reserve them still — ] so that you see here is no pretence to a Divine institution , or Apostolical Tradition , but all is the devices of man. § . 6. And after it is there said [ that the Ceremonies which remain are retained for a Discipline and order , which upon just causes may be altered and changed , and therefore are not to be esteemed equal with Gods Laws . ] And I hope the justness of the cause by this time is apparent . CHAP. IV. Prop. 3. & 4. If things unlawfull are commanded as indifferent , or things indifferent as Necessary , they are sinfully imposed , and the more , because of such pretenses . § . 1. THE calling things Indifferent , that are unlawfull , will not make them Indifferent . If men will invent and introduce new Sacraments , and when they have done , say [ we intend them not for Sacraments or necessary things , but as indifferent accidents of other Duties , ] this will not make them things indifferent : For it is not the altering of a name that maketh it another thing . § . 2. If things Indifferent be imposed as Necessary , they become a sin to the Imposer , and oft-times to the Practiser . For 1. It is a falsification , when the thing is pretended to be Necessary that is not : And untruths in Laws , are far from being commendable . 2. It tends to deceive mens understandings , to esteem things Necessary that are not . 3. It tends to draw men to vain endeavours : while they use those things as Necessary ( Duties or Means ) that indeed are none , they lose their labour by the mistake . 4. It tendeth to corrupt mens Affections , by breeding in them a false kind of zeal for the things that they mistake to be so necessary . § . 3. Yea worse ; it tends to engage men in parties and devisions , and persecutions against dissenters : or at least , to destroy their charity , and make them have contemptuous thoughts of their brethren , and perhaps censorious bitter words ; when all is false , and founded in their mistakes . For who will not think hardlier of him that differeth from him , or opposeth him in a Necessary point ( or that he takes for such ) then in a thing Indifferent ? the greater the matter , the greater will be your distaste . § . 4. Yea more , it will make men Impenitent in such sins . For if once they think their ceremonies to be Necessary , they will think it no sin , but a service of God , to vilifie them that are against them , as schismaticks , and singular , and proud , and humorous , and what not ? § . 5. As therefore it is a haynous sin of the Papists , to impose their ceremonies , on pain of damnation ( if they were the judges , wo to others , ) so is it no small aggravation of their sin , that pretend a Necessity ( of Duty or Means ) of any their Ceremonies , when there is none such . Multitudes take the keeping of Christmas day , and such other , the Kneeling in receiving the Lords Supper , &c. to be things of themselves necessary , so that a Governour should sin that should alter or dispence with them , or the persons sin that do not use them . What , say they , shall we not keep a Day for Christs Nativity ? shall we be so unreverent as not to kneel when we receive , & c ? And thus they alter the things to themselves , by feigning them to be in themselves Necessary , which are not so . § . 6. Yet doth not every such mistake of another , no not of the imposers , make that a sin to me which was indifferent . Otherwise all my Liberty were in the power of another mans conceits : and he might make all my meat , drink , cloaths , time , place , gesture , &c. in specie , to be unlawfull , by commanding them as necessary , or under some unsound notion : But this is not so . § . 7. But in such cases , though they cannot so destroy our liberties , yet may they make it our duties sometime to forbear that which else we need not to forbear , lest our practice make others take it as a Necessary thing ; and sometime though we must obey or do the action , yet may it become our duty , to signifie ( in a convenient way ) that we disclaim the conceit of a Necessity . CHAP. V. Prop. 5. A lawfull and convenient thing is sinfully commanded , when it is commanded on a greater penalty then the nature and use of it doth require , or then the common good will bear . § . 1. WHen the penalty exceedeth the crime , it is injustice . There may be injustice as well in punishing an offender too much , as in punishing him that is no offender , with a smaller punishment . But if the penalty be destructive to the Church or common good , it is an aggravated injustice . § . 2. When Magistrates therefore are disposed to punish men for crossing their wills in the matters of God , it neerly concerns them to look about them , and take heed first what they punish them for , and then , with what kind of punishment they do it . If it be Good and not Evil that men are punished for , it is persecution . If it be really evil , either its great or small , publick or private , &c. If it be an evil that endangereth the Commonwealth , or Church , or the souls of men , let them punish men in such a way as best tends to the security of the society or souls of men that are endangered . But if the person in his calling or station be usefull to the Church , or Common-wealth , let him not be so punished as to be made unusefull . If the Bishops had punished Non-conformists as Recusancy was punished , with paying twelve pence a day &c. I should , comparatively , scarce have blamed them : For it had been but to make Ministers fare harder , or live poorlier , or work for their livings , or to pay their penalties , and the Church might still have had their labours : but to silence and suspend them , and that when there were no better to supply the room ( then such as were put in , ) this was to punish the Church of Christ , and the souls of men ( and that with everlasting punishment ) for the ( real or supposed ) faults of the particular ministers : which was not just . § . 3. Object . But ( saith the Preface to the common prayer-book ) though the keeping or omitting of a Ceremony in it self considered , be but a small thing ; yet the wilfull and contemptuous transgr●ssion and breaking of a common order and discipline , is no small ●ffence before God. § . 4. Answ. 1. You should therefore put no such snares on men by your commands , as to impose upon them needless thing● , when you think the penalty of disobeying you will be damnation . 2. But how came you to see into the hearts of men , that their non-conformity is wilfull and contemptuous ? when they themselves profess that they would obey you if they durst . They think they stand at the brink of Hell , and should wilfully sin against God if they did obey you : and you come behind them , with silencing and imprisonment , and drive them on , while they cry out to you for compassion , and protest that they are ready to obey as far as they can see the lawfulness of the thing : and yet you say , its wilfulness and contempt . 3. And why doth not your Laws except from punishment all those that conformed not , that were not wilfull or contemptuous ? The Act for conformity makes the penalty to be Imprisonment half a year for the first fault : a year for the second , and during life for the third , beside deprivation : and Imprisonment during life for the second offence , if the person have no Benefice : and this is besides the Ecclesiastical censure . 4. If the work of Church Governors be to make small matters great , and make that damnable that before was lawfull , and this without any necessity at all , it will tempt the people to think such Governors to be the plagues of the earth . § . 5. I confess it is lawfull for me to wear a Helmet on my head in preaching : but it were not well if you would institute the wearing of a Helmet to signifie our Spiritual militia , and then resolve that all shall be silenced and imprisoned during life that will not wear it . It is lawfull for me to use spectacles , or to go on crutches : But will you therefore ordain that all men shall read with spectacles , to signifie our want of spiritual sight : and that no man shall go to Church but on crutches , to signifie our disability to come to God of our selves ? So in circumstantials , it is lawful for me to wear a feather in my hat , and a hay-rope for a girdle , and a hair cloth for a cloak . But if you should ordain that if any man serve God in any other habit , he shall be banished , or perpetually imprisoned or hanged , in my opinion you did not well : especially if you add , that he that disobeyeth you must also incur everlasting damnation . It is in it self lawfull to kneel when we hear the Scriptures read , or when we sing Psalms : but yet it is not lawfull to drive all from hearing and singing , and lay them in prison t●at do it not kneeling . And why men should have no communion in the Lords Supper that receive it not kneeling ( or in any one commanded gesture , ) and why men should be forbidden to preach the Gospel , that wear not a linnen surplice , I cannot imagine any such reason as will hold weight at the bar of God. § . 6. If you say , why should we not be obeyed in ind●fferent things ? and why should men trouble the peace of the Church ? I answer . 1. Subjects must obey in all things lawfull . 2. But your first question should be , why you should command , and thus command unprofitable things ? will you command all men to wear horns on their head in token of pushing away their spirituall enemies ; and will you resolve that God shall have no service , nor men any Sacraments or Church communion , no nor the liberty of the common air , nor salvation neither , unless they will obey you ? And then will you condemn them , and justifie your selves by saying [ why should not the Church be obeyed ? ] 3. You govern not perfect but imperfect men ; and therefore you must rule them as they are , and fit your laws about things indifferent to their state , and not expect perfection of understanding and obedience from them , when God himself expecteth it not : suppose therefore they manifest their imperfection in not discerning the Lawfulness of your commands , professing that they are ready to obey them , if they durst ; the question that neerlyer concerneth your own consciences ( that are the imposers ) to discuss , is , what reason you have to drive all men from Gods Church and service , that ( suppose through their imperfection ) dare not conform themselves in worship to your pleasure ? Where hath God set you on such a work , or given you any such commission ? 4. And where you say , They should not disturb the Church ; I answer , Are you so blind that you see not that it is you that disturb the Church ? If you will make such laws without necessity , which common wit and reason may tell you , all men are never like to be satisfied in and obey , and then cast out all that will not obey them , as the disturbers of the Church , this is but an aggravated self-condemning . If they be guilty , you are so much more : If they sin and disturb the Church by disobedience , you disturb it much more sinfully , by laying such snares as shall unavoidably procure it , and then taking occasion by it , to make a greater disturbance by your cruel execution . If the Fly offend and deserve death by incautelous falling into the Spiders web , what doth the Spider deserve , that out of her own bowels spred th● net in the way , and kils the Fly that 's taken in it ? ( yet draw no venom from the similitude , for it runs not on all four , nor is it my meaning to apply the venom to you . ) Your own actions most concern your selves . T●y whether you do well in commanding and punishing , as well as whether others offend in disobeying . I shall provoke all to obedience in things lawful : But if they should obey you ( more perfectly then God , ) you may yet be condemned for your wicked cruel Laws . CHAP. VI. Prop. 6. It is not lawfull to make any thing the subjects duty by a command , that is meerly indifferent antecedently , both in it self , and as cloathed with its accidents . § . 1. THE reason is evident : because Nothing but Good can be the just matter or object of the Governours desire : and therefore nothing but Good can be the just matter of his Laws . By [ Good ] I mean , Moral , or Civil Good , or Relative Physical Good : the Good of Profit , or Honesty : And by [ Indifferent ] I mean not [ that which is neither a flat sin , nor a flat absolute duty . ] For so an Indifferent thing may be sometime commanded . Nor do I mean any Middle thing between Bonum Metaphysicum and non bonum : for there is none such . But I mean by indifferent , that which is not antecedently Appetible , a Desirable Good , though it be not it self an evill to be avoided , or a hurtfull thing . Bonum publicum , the common good is the End of Government , and therefore it must be somewhat conducing to the Common good , ( or at least to the good of some particular person ) that is the just object of the Governours desire , and matter of his law . For nothing but Good , doth conduce to Good , of it self . Nay it is therefore Good , bonitate medii , as a Means , because it conduceth to that which is Good , bonitate finis , as an End ; or that is Desirable for it self . Desire hath no object but quid appetibile , a Desirable Good. And a Governour should make no Laws but for somewhat that is desirable to himself as Governour . § . 2. And 2. Nothing should be made the matter of a Law but what is Desirable to the Common-wealth , as well as to the Governour . For men must be Gover●ed as men . Punishments indeed are not desirable for themselves : but yet by accident they are desirable to the Common good : and the matter of Precepts should be much more d●sirable then Punishment . § . 3. And 3. If unprofitable things be made the matter of Laws , it will tend to the contempt of Laws and Government : and people will think it a burden and not a benefit , and will desire to be freed from it ; and this will tend to the dissolution of Societies . § . 4. And 4. All Government is from God , and for God , and should be by him : God is the Beginning and End , the first efficient and ultimate final cause of all just Government : And therefore all the parts of it must favour of the Goodness of the first Efficient , and be levelled at God as the ultimate end , which nothing but Good is a means to . Of him , and by him , and for him are all things , Rom. 11.36 . § . 5. Moreover 5. If idle words and idle thoughts be sins that must be accounted for , then idle Laws much more . And idle they must be if they be about unprofitable things . And they are not only idle themselves , but occasion idle words and actions in others . § . 6. Moreover 6. It is the judgement of the Imposers that disobedience to their Laws is a sin against God , which deserveth condemnation ; ( For Protestants know no venial sins , and Papists take sins against the Popes and Councils Decrees to be Mortal . ) But it is a cruelty next to Diabolical , to lay before men an occasion of their Damnation for Nothing . When they first make their Laws , they know ( or else they are unworthy to be Governours ) that some will obey them , and some will not . If therefore they think that some ( and many ) will incur the guilt of sin unto damnation by their disobedience , they must have somewhat of greater worth then the souls of those men to encourage them to make those Laws . For had there been no such Laws , there would have been none of that transgression , and consequently no damnation for it . § . 7. Yea 7. It is sufficient to prove that nothing but some Good may be the Matter of a Law , in that they inflict penalties , and so great penalties upon the breakers of them . There must be a proportion between the Precept and the Sanction . The Commination or penal part of the Sanction , depriveth men of some Good : and therefore it should command , as great a good at least as it depriveth men of : Especially when the penalty is to be cast out of the Church and service of God , this is not to be done for nothing . § . 8. Quest. But is it not the Law that is the Rule of Moral Good ? and consequently nothing Good or Evill , but as Conform or Disconform to the Law ? And if so , then nothing but things indifferent must be commanded . For all things are Morally indifferent , till the Law take away the Indifferency , by its precepts or prohibitions . § . 9. Answ. You must distinguish between Divine and Humane Laws , and Primary and subservient Laws , and between the several sorts of Good before mentioned . And so I answer , 1. The Law is not the Rule of Natural Good , though it be of Moral . And therefore that which is commanded , is supposed to have some Natural Good or aptitude to be a Means of Good , that so it may be the fit matter of a command . 2. Gods Laws are the Primary Laws , which are the first Rule of Moral Good. Mens Laws are but 〈◊〉 , to procure the due execution of Gods Laws . And 〈◊〉 in the greatest cases the Indifferency is taken off before by the Law of God : and mens laws are to second Gods Laws , and rather to drive men on to that which already is their duty , then to make them new duties : Though New duties also they may make in subserviency to , and for the performance of the Old. But there must be a Physical Goodness , which is the Aptitude of the matter to attain the End as a means , before that matter can justly receive the impress of a command , and be made a Duty . Gods own Law of Nature is Antecedent to his Positive Laws : and in supernatural Positives , there is a supernatural adapting of the Matter before it receive the supernatural stamp of a Duty . § . 10. Object . But if a Magistrate may not make Laws about Indifferent things , then may he not make any Laws at all : For Evill may not be commanded : And that Good which God hath commanded already , having a higher stamp then mans authority , needs no such Law. § . 11. Answ. I have heard this Argument insisted on in the reign of the Ceremonies , above any other : but it deserveth not such high esteem . For 1. The work of the Magistrate , at least about the worship of God ( and so of the Pastors ) is not directly to make new duties : but to procure Obedience to the Laws of God. And therefore they are to command the same things again that God hath commanded , and to forbid the same that he hath forbidden . If a Magistrate make a Law , and see it disregarded , he may make another to quicken men to obedience and execution of the former . 2. And this is not vain , though it have the stamp of a higher authority before ( unless you will say that humane Government is vain ; ) For Magistrates are seen when God is unseen ; Corporal penalties are felt , when Hell fire is unseen , unfelt , and too little believed . Present things have an advantage for operation . 3. And we grant that some things neither commanded nor forbidden before , may be commanded or forbidden by a Magistrate , so they be not Indifferent as to their Vsefulness and Aptitude , to be a means for the obtaining of that which is the end of the command . § . 12. It is charged on Mr. Iacob by Dr. Iohn Burgess and others , as an error , that he thought nothing indifferent at all : and Dr. Burgess confuteth him by instancing in various gestures in hearing , where it is indifferent which we use ; and if I have two Eggs of a quality and quantity equal , before me , it is indifferent which I eat : therefore , &c. — § . 13. To this I say , 1. Many things simply considered are Indifferent ( as to marry or not marry , which Paul disputeth of , ) which yet being cloathed with accidents , or Circumstances , shall ordinarily be a Duty , or a sin in the Vse to a particular person . 2. Nothing is Indifferent between Lawfull and Vnlawfull ; but many things are Indifferent between a Duty and a Sin. 3. I conceive that where any thing is Indifferent between Duty and sin , in the Vse , as Circumstantiated , it is not actus humanus , a proper morall act . But as Permission is vainly numbred with proper acts of Law , it being but a Non impedire , a Negation of an act ; so Indifferency is as vainly annumerated to the products of a Law. For there needs no act of Law to make a thing Indifferent , that is Neither commanded nor forbidden . For instance , it is Indifferent for me to wink with my eyes ordinarily , because it is not a Moral act that a man is to use his reason about , to bring every twink of the eye to an Election , or Refusal ; but we may leave it to Natural instinct . So in Dr. Burgesses instances , Whether I sit or stand at Sermon , ( if I be equally disposed , & caeteris paribus ) is not a humane Moral act : Whether I eat this Egg or that when they are equal , is not a Moral act : Nor do I properly Choose , but take indifferently without choice . And where there is no use of choice , the act is not Moral , except in the Intention of the end , or in deliberating accesses . ) Yet I grant that Moral acts may be exercised about these objects : A scrupulous mind may be put to consider , whether this Gesture or that , this Egg or that is to be chosen : but it must conc●ude , that neither is to be chosen , but either to be taken Indifferently . Which is but to say , that the Deliberation was a Moral act ; but the choosing was not , for it was but a Taking , and not a Choosing : And the Deliberation stopt before it came to a choice , yea and purposely avoided it , concluding that the object was not a Matter of choice , and the act was not to be a Moral act : Morality hath but two Species , Good and Evil : and Indifferency is no third Species , but a Negation of Morality : viz. of Good or Evil. § . 14. Yet may one Accident take off the Indifferency , and make the action Good or Evil. And though the Governours themselves should well weigh Accidents , and prefer the chief , and lay no more upon them then they deserve : yet because the Accidents are oft distant , and unseen , and the Ruler is the Judge of them , therefore the people should ordinarily obey , when they see them not themselves . § . 15. Object . But in case the Genus is commanded by God , and the Species are equal , may not the Governour limit us to one of the two ? Especially in case the people are d●vided about them , or else will do nothing , because they cannot resolve which way to do it . For instance : if sitting , standing and kneeling be equally convenient at the singing of Gods Praises , if the people be in a doubt which to use , or at least if they fall into contention about it , may not the Governours interpose , and limit them to one ? If you be the conductor of Travailers or Souldiers , and they come to a place where the way divideth , though both wayes are equally good and neer , yet you must command them one way , and choose for th●m , because else they will go no way at all . § . 16. Answ. 1. In this case you are not to choose one Gesture or one Way rather then another , unless they make it necessary by Accident . But tell them of the Indifferency and Equality , and drive them on to Action . And so you only choose and cause them to choose Action before Cessation , but not this way before that . 2. If this will not serve , but they will do nothing , unless you determine of their Gesture or Way , you must then command one rather then another , because they can use but one , and some one they must use . But in thus doing , your comparing , taking This rather then the other , is not to be done by Election , nor be a humane act , there being no more Reason ( that 's supposed ) for one then for the other . But though you name them one Way or Gesture only ( when they necessitate it , ) you do it but as choosing their Action before their cessation ; this therefore is all that is Moral in your Act : and that you Determine them to Action by Naming This way and not the other , is good ( for the Determination for Duty sake was eligible : ) but that it was rather to This then the other , was Indifferent , and not Moral : For of that you had no Reason : and where there is no Reason , there is no Morality . § . 17. All this considered , I leave it to the consideration of common Reason , and of men that have any pitty for the Church or their own souls , whether it be a Prudent or Christian course to make Laws for the Church about things Indifferent , that have nothing in the Nature of them to induce them hereunto : and then to cast out Ministers and other Christians for not obeying them , and deprive men of the greatest blessings , on the account of things indifferent . § 18. If God have left us at Liberty by not commanding or forbidding , then man should not take that Liberty from us without great cause , and without some Accidental good that is like to come by depriving us of that liberty , and the Good must be greater then the Accidental evill . Why should any man on earth deprive the Church of Liberty in that thing where God thought not meet to deprive him of it , unless he ca● prove that time , or place , or some special accident hath altered the case ? In any case which standeth with us just as it did in Scripture times , we must no more be deprived of our freedom by man , then we are by God : Had it been best for us , God would have done it . CHAP. VII . Prop. 7. Some things may be lawfully and profitably commanded at one Time and Place , and to one sort of people , that may not at or to another ; no nor obeyed , if commanded . § . 1. THE case is so plain in point of Commanding , that it is past all doubt . Many Accidents may make that destructive at one Time and place , that would be profitable at another . Pauls precepts and pract●ce in becoming all things to all men , do manifest this . § . 2. * The Papists themselves are convinced of this : and therefore sometime granted the Bohemians the use of the cup for the Laity in the Lords Supper : and profess that it is in the Power of the Pope and Council to do the same by other places . Yea when they burn men for the Protestant Religion in one Countrey , they tolerate it in another , for fear of a greater evil . And when they torment men in one age and place for using a Bible in the vulgar tongue , in another place or time , they themselves translate it . § . 3. It is therefore a very great sin in Governours , unnecessarily to make such things the matter of a common standing Law which is so variable , yea and must be varied according to diversity of times and places : These things should be left to the Prudence of the Governours that are on the place . No wise General will take a Commission for the Command of an Army , if he must be tied up before hand , when to march , and when to stand still , and which way to go , and how to ●ight in all the variable Circumstances . Shall Governours pretend to be so much wiser then God , as to make a standing Law for that which God thought best to leave at liberty , to be varied as occasions vary ? § . 4. The English Church Laws do tie the Ministers to a particular habit , and to the particular Chapters of Scripture that we must read : and if the Law-givers had pleased , they might as well have tied us to that particular Text which they will have us preach on , and forbid us to choose a Text as a Chapter : And they might have as well tyed us to particular Psalms in singing , as in Reading . But all this is against the nature of our office , and the good of the Church : And therefore it is not fit matter for a Law. If I know my hearers to be most addicted to Drunkenness , must I be tyed up from Reading or Preaching against that sin , and tyed to Read and Preach only against Covetousness or the like , because it seemeth meet to Governours to tye me to a constant course ? If I have a tractable people , it may do them no harm to limit them to this or that gesture , vesture ▪ &c. But what if they be prejudiced against a thing that in it self is lawfull , and take it to be a sin , and resolve that they will rather forbear Gods Ordinances then use a thing that their Consciences are against ? must I needs exercise or press a Gesture , vesture or such Ceremonie , when I see it tendeth to the destruction of my flock ? Must I needs deny the Lords Supper to all my flock , if they dare not receive it in this or that gesture ( let it be sitting or kneeling , ) and all because I am commanded to do so ? § . 5. Suppose it here granted that the thing being lawfull , it is the peoples sinful weakness that causeth them to refuse it ; and that the power commanding me no otherwise to deliver it , is such as in things lawful I am bound to obey ▪ yet is it not a thing lawfull to punish the peoples infirmity in a circumstance so severely as with an excommunication , or a denying them the communion of the Church in the Lords supper . In such a case my first duty is , to tell the Magistrate that such a Law is sinfully cruel and destructive to the Churches peace . If that will not prevail with him to repeal or suspend such an unrighteous law , my next duty is , yet to perswade the people to obey him : ( for we suppose the gesture or ceremony commanded now to be lawfull : ) But if I can neither prevail with the Magistrate to forbear his imposition , nor with the people to obey him ; my next duty is to forbear the execution of his unrighteous penalty : I dare not be his executioner , in excluding all Christs servants from his house or holy Communion , that dare not do every circumstantial action that is imposed on them : For the penalty is flat contrary to the Commands of Christ. Yet would I not resist the Magistrate , but lay down my office , if the Churches necessity did not forbid me to lay it down : but if it did , I would do my office , and suffer what the Magistrate should inflict upon me . § . 6. And indeed , I might else be obliged by a Magistrate to excommunicate or deny Communion to all Christians within my reach : For all Christians are imperfect ; and there is not one but is liable to error in a greater matter then a gesture or circumstance , such as we have now before us : no nor one but doth actually err in as great a matter : and therefore one as well as another , on this account may be cast out : But Christ would not have this dealing in his Church . § . 7. How tender are his own expressions , his practise and his laws towards those that are infirm ! He came to preach the Gospel to the poor , and heal the broken-hearted , and lay upon them an easier yoak and lighter burden . He will not break the bruised Reed , nor quench the smoaking fl●x : he carryeth the Lambs in his arms , and gently driveth those with young : The little ones that believe in him must not be offended : It were better for him 〈◊〉 offendeth one of them ( by injurious persecution ) that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and that he were cast into the sea : Him that is weak ( even ) in in the Faith , we must receive ( and therefore must not cast him out that doubteth of a ceremony . ) And they that are strong must bear with the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves , but every one to please his neighbour for his good to edification . No man should put a stumbling block , or occasion to fall in his brothers way . If we grieve our brother by our meats ( or other indifferent things ) we walk uncharitably : we must not for such things destroy them that are the work of God , and for whom Christ died . It is good neither to eat flesh , nor to drink wine , or any thing whereby he stumbleth or is offended , or is made weak . He that doubteth is condemned if he eat , because he eateth not of faith . And we must not be too forward in damning men for a morsel of bread , or a garment , or a gesture . § . 8. Moreover , the Ministry hath a certain end , to which all our administrations are Means : even the saving of our flock , and the Pleasing of God thereby : And if Magistrates will commands us to order but a lawful Circumstance so as shall not only cross , but destroy these ends , we must as soon leave our M●nstry as obey him : Our Power is given us to Edification and not to Destruction : Not only those things that of themselves destroy , but those that are like to be the occasions of such an event , through the infirmity of the people , must be by us avoided . To command us a way of M●nistration that shall ( though but accidentally ) damn men , and that unnecessarily , is to destroy our office , by destroying the end , which is mens salvation . If men will destroy themselves by the only means of salvation ( Christ and the Gospel ) this will not excuse us from preaching that Gospel : but if men will destroy themselves by a Ceremony , or unnecessary circumstance , I will take it out of their way if I can . It is a Lawfull thing for all sick people in England to eat of one pa●ticular dish of meat , as well as on others : But if the Law-givers command that all Physicians shall give no man Physick that will not be tyed only to such or such a dish , I would not be a Physician , if I must obey that command ; what if my Patient have a weak stomack and cannot eat of that dish , or be peevish , and will not ? must I therefore be guilty of his death by denying him my necessary help , because the Magistrate forbiddeth me ? He may as well forbid us all to visit the sick , or relieve the poor , or cloath the naked , if he can but find the least infirmity that they are guilty of . And I think that Christ will not take it for an excuse in judgement if any man say [ Lord , I would have relieved them , cloathed them , healed them , but that the Magistrate forbad me ; and I thought it the part of a seditious rebell not to obey my governors . ] Yet I should much less desire to be in that Ministers case ( whose labours are necessary to the Church ) that had no better an excuse for his denying to preach the Gospel , or to admit the servants of Christ to holy Communion , then that the Magistrate forbade him : Our Ministration is a work of Charity , to be exercised upon voluntary receivers : And if a Magistrate have power to forbid us to preach or grant the Sacraments and Communion of the Church to any that wear not black or blew , or white or red , or that kneel not at the Sacrament , or such like , then may he as well or much better forbid us to give alms to any that wear not a horn on their backs , and an iron ring about their arms as Bedlam● do : No Magistrate can dispence with Charity , especially in so great a case as mens salvation : no more then the Pope can dispence with Oaths and Covenants . § . 9. We have therefore ▪ the use of our Reason left us to weigh the tendency of a Magistrates commands , even where the act commanded is in it self indifferent : For the Magistrates Power , and the Ministers , are from one Fountain , and are but Means to one and the same end : And neither of them hath any power to destroy that end : And therefore if by accident , through the weakness of my flock , the observation of a trivial circumstance would undo them , I would not use it , no not in obedience to the Magistrate : but would resolve with Paul never to eat flesh while I live rather then to offend or destroy my brother . But if I find by the weighing of all accidents , that my obedience will do no such hurt to the Church and Souls of men , but as much good as my not obeying , then ( in such indifferent cases ) I would readily obey : But otherwise I would appeal to God , and bear the Magistrates persecution . No means can be justly pleaded against the end ( and least of all , a bare ceremony . ) For it is no Means when it destroyeth the end . § . 10. On this account it is that it hath alwaies by wise men been reckoned a tyrannical unreasonable thing , to impose all the same ceremonies and circumstances upon all places as upon some ; and it hath been judged necessary that every Church have their liberty to ●iffer in such indifferent things , and that it hath been taken for a wise mans duty , to conform his practice in such indifferent circumstances , to the several Churches with which he shall have communion , as Ambrose professeth he would do , and would have others do the same . § . 11. If any think ( as too many do ) that such a diversity of circumstances is a disorder and confusion , and not to be endured , I shall further tell these men anon , that their opinion for an hypocritical unity and uniformity , is the true bane of Christian unity and uniformity , and that which hath brought the confusion and bloody wars into the Christian world , and that our eyes have seen , and our ears have heard of : And it were as wise an objection for them , if they should charge us in Britanie with Confusion , and drive us to a separation or division , because the Scots wear blew caps , and the English hats : or because some English wear white hats and some black ; and so of other circumstances . § . 12. Did I live in France or other Popish Countries , or had lived in England at the abolition of Popery , I should have thought it my duty in many indifferent circumstances to accommodate my self to the good of those with whom I did converse ; which yet in another Countrey , or at another time , when those things were as offensive as then they were esteemed , I durst not have so done . And therefore our Common Prayer-Book it self with its Ceremonies might be then commendable , in many particulars , which now are reformable . And so in Ethiopia , Greece , or Spain , those things would be very laudable , that are now in England deservedly vituperable . And several Ceremonies in the primitive times had such occasions and concomitants , that made them tolerable that now seem less tolerable : The case is not the same , though the Materials be the same . CHAP. VIII . Prop. 8. Those orders may be profitable for the Peace of the Churches in one Nation , that are not necessary to the Peace of the Churches in many Nations . § . 1. I mention this 1. Because the Romanists are so peremptory for the Necessity of their ceremonies through all the world : as if the unity , peace , or well being of the Church , at least , did hang on these . And yet sometimes they could dispence with the different rites of the Greeks , if they could but have got them under their power by it . § . 2. Also 2. Because the Protestants called Lutherans , stick so rigidly on their ceremonies ( as Private Confession , Exorcism , Images , Vestments , &c. ) as if these had been necessary to the unity of the Churches . And the Pacifiers find a difficulty in reconciling the Churches of several nations , because these expect an uniformity in ceremonies . § . 3. And so necessary doth it seem in the judgement of some deluded souls , that all Churches be one in a visible Policy , and uniformity of Rites , that upon this very account they forsake the Protestant Churches and turn Papists . As if Christ were not a sufficient Head and Center for Catholick union , and his Laws and waies sufficient for our terms of uniformity , unless we are all of a mind and practice in every custome or variable circumstance that God hath left indifferent . § . 4. I need no other Instance then 1. what Grotius hath given of himself * ( in his Discuss . Apologet. Rivet . ) who professeth that he turned off upon that account , because the Protestants had no such unity : And 2. What he said before of others ( by whom he took no warning , but did imitate them ) in his Epist. to Mr. Dury ( cited by Mr. Barksdale in his Memorials of Grotius life ) where he saith [ Many do every day forsake the Protestants , and joyn with the Romanists , for no other Reason but because they are not one Body , but distracted parties , separated Congregations , having every one a peculiar Communion and 〈◊〉 — ] And they that will turn Papists on such an inducement , deserve to take what they g●t by their folly . § . 5. Did not these men know that the Church hath alwaies allowed diversity of Rites ? Did not the Churches differ till the N●cene Council about Easter day , and one half went one way , and another half the other way ? and yet Polycarp and the B●shop of Rome held communion for all their differences ? and Ireneus pleads this against Victors temerity in excommunicating the Asian Churches ? D●d they not know that the Greek , and Armenian , and Romane Churches differ in many Rites , that yet may be parts of the Catholick Church notwithstanding such differences ? Yea the Romanists themselves would have allowed the Greeks , and Abassines , and other Churches a difference of ceremonies and customes , so they could but have subjugated them to the Pope . § . 6. Yea more , the several orders of Fryars and other Religious men among the Papists themselves are allowed their differences in Rites and Ceremonies ; and the exercise of this allowed Difference doth make no great breach among them , because they have the liberty for this variety from one Pope in whom they are all united . What abundance of observations do the Iesuites , Franciscans , Dominicans , Benedictines , Carth●sians , and others differ in ? And must men needs turn Papists because of the different Rites of Protestants , when they must find more variety among them that they turn to ? The matter 's well amended with them , when among us , one countrey useth three or four Ceremonies which others do disuse : and among the Papists , one order of Fryars useth twice as many different from the rest ; yea in habit , and diet , and other observances they many waies differ . What hypocrisie is this , to judge this tolerable , yea laudable in them , and much less so intolerable in us , as that it must remove them from our Communion ? § . 7. And how sad a case is it that the Reconciliation between the Lutherans and other Protestants should in any measure stick at such Ceremonies ? what if one countrey will have Images to adorn their Temples , and will have exorcism , and other Ceremonies , which others do disallow and desire to be freed from ? may we not yet give each other the right hand of fellowship ? and take each other for the Churches of Christ ? and maintain brotherly Charity , and such a correspondency , as may conduce to our mutual preservation and edification ? § . 8. Yea in the s●me Nation , why may not several congregations have the liberty of differing in a few indifferent ceremonies ? If one part think them lawfull , and the other think that God forbids them , must we be forced to go against our Consciences , for a thing of no necessity ? If we profess ou● Resolution to live peceably with them that use them , and only desire a toleration our selves , because we dare not wilfully sin against our light , will charity deny us this ? If men forbear a thing ( suppose ) indifferent for fear of Gods displeasure and damnation , and profess that were it not for this they would conform to the wills of others , are those Christians or men that will come behind them and drive them into hell without compassion , and that for things indifferent ? CHAP. IX . Prop. 9. There is no meer Humane Vniversal Soveraign , Civil or Ecclesiastical , over the whole Church , and therefore none to make Laws Obligatory to the whole . § . 1. I ADD this , because of the specious pretences of some , that say we are bound to an uniformity in Ceremonies by the Church : and call all Schismaticks , and such as separate from the Catholick Church , that disown and disuse such Ceremonies as on these pretences they obtrude . And by the Church that thus obligeth us , they mean , either some Universal Soveraign Power : or else an universal Consent of the Church essential ( as they call it . ) And that Soveraign must be the Pope or a General Council . § . 2. If it be Universal Consent of all Believers , that they suppose to be the obliging power , I shall answer them , 1. That Believers are not Governours and Law-givers to the Universal Church , no nor to a particular Church . If that point of the Separatists be so odious that asserteth the multitude of Believers to be the Governours of a particular Church , and to have the power of the Keyes : what then shall we think of them that give them , ( even to such as they call the Laity themselves ) the Government , yea in the highest point even Legislation , over the Universal Church it self . § . 3. And 2. I add , that the Dissent of those Churches that refuse your Ceremonies , doth prove that there is no Universal consent : If all must consent , we must consent our selves before we be obliged . We are as free as others , we gave none power to oblige us by their consent . If we had , it had been Null : because we had no authority so to do , and could not have obliged our selves , by a universal Law , or perpetual contract . Or if we had , we had also power , on just occasion to reverse a self-obligation . But no such thing de facto can be pretended against us . § . 4. And if such an obligation by consent should be pretended , 3. I would know whether it was by this or by some former generation ? Not by this as is certain . Nor by any former : For former ages had no power to bind all their successors in Ceremonies about the worship of God. Shew whence they had such a power , and prove it , if you can : we are born as free men , as our ancestors were in this . § . 5. And 4. I would be satisfied , whether every mans consent in the world be necessary to the Vniversality , or not ? If it be ; then there are no Dissenters : or no obligation because no Universal consent . If not ; then how many must consent before we are obliged ? you have nothing to say , but [ a Major part ] where you can , with any shew of reason , rest : And 1. How shall we know in every Parish in England , what mind the Major part of the Christians through the world are of , in point of such or such a Ceremony ? 2. Yea by this rule , we have reason to think that both Papists and Protestants must change their Ceremonies , because the greater part of Christians ( in East and South , and some in the West ) are against very many of them . § . 6. But if it be the Authority of a Soveraign Head that is pleaded as obliging the universal Church to an uniformity in Rites and Ceremonies , we must know who that Soveraign is . None that we know , pretend to it but the Pope and a General Council . And for the Pope we have by many volumes proved him an Usurper , and no authorized Head of the Church Universal : The pretended Vice-Christ , is a false Christ. The first usurpers pretended but to a Soveraignty in the Roman world , but had never any shew of Government over the Churches in Ethiopia , India , and the many Churches that were without the verge of the Roman Emp●re . § . 7. And as for General Councils , 1. They are no more the Visible Head and Soveraign of the Church then the Pope is , This I have proved in another Disputation by it self . 2. There neither is nor can be any Council truly universal , as I have there also shewed . It s but a delusory name . 3. There never was any such in the world , since the Church ( which before was confined to a narrow room ) was spread over the world . Even at Nice , there was no proper representative of almost any but the Churches under the Roman Emperours power : Few out of the West , even in the Empire : and none out of almost any of the Churches without the Empire : ( For what 's one Bishop of Persia , or such another of another Countrey , and perhaps those prove the Roman subjects too , that are so called ? ) If there was but one from Spain , and only two Presbyters of Rome from Italy , and one from France ( if any ) and none from many another Countrey in the Empire , no wonder if there was none from England , Scotland , or Ireland , &c. And therefore there can be no universal obligation on this account . § . 8. Councils are for Concord by Consultation and consent , and not a Soveraign or superiour sort of Governing power . And therefore we that consented not are not obliged : and if we had consented , we might on weighty reasons have withdrawn our consent . § . 9. The Orders established by General Councils have been laid aside by almost all , and that without the repeal of a Council : Yes such Orders are seemed to presuppose the custom of the Universal Church , if not Apostolical Tradition , to have been their ground . § . 10. Among many others , let us instance only in the last Canon of the Nicene Council , that forbidding Kneeling , commandeth all to pray only standing on the Lords Dayes , &c. And this was the common use of the Church before , as Tertullian and others shew , and was afterwards confirmed again in a General Council : And yet even the Church of Rome hath cast it off ; much more the Protestant Churches . No General Council hath been of more authority then this of Nice : No Ceremony of more common use then this standing in prayer on the Lords dayes : So that it might as much as any , be called the constitution and custom of the Catholick Church . And yet we suppose not these now to bind us to it : but have cast it off without the repeal of any other General Council . And why are we more bound then by the same authority to other Ceremonies then to this ? And if to any , then to which , and to how many , and where shall our consciences find rest ? § . 11. Even the Jesuites themselves say that the General disuse of a practice established by Pope and Council , is equall to an abrogation , without any other repeal , so it be not by the said powers contradicted . And certainly all such disuse began with a few , and proceeded further : we are allowed then to disuse such things . § . 12. It would grieve a man that loves the Church to hear the name of the Church abused by many dark , though confident disputers , when they are pleading for their Ceremonies , and Holy dayes , and laying about them with the names of Schismaticks against all that will not do as they do [ O ( say they , ) These men will separate from the Catholick Church , and how then can they be the Children of the Church ? ] And 1. Which is it that is called by them the Catholick Church ? Little do I know , nor am able to conjecture . Did the Catholick Church make the English Common-Prayer Book ? what ! were the then Bishops in England that consented in that work , the whole Church of Christ on earth ? God forbid . Or did ever any General Council authorize it ? I think not . And if they would tell us what General Council commanded Christmas Day , or Kneeling at the Sacrament , &c ▪ they would do us a pleasure : but I think they will not . § . 13. And 2. What if these things had all been commanded by a General Council ? May not a man disuse them without separating from the Church ? I think , as good as you are , you do some things your selves that God himself hath forbidden you to do ; and yet will be loth to be therefore taken for men that separate either from the Church or God. And when you read the Books of Heathen [ Philosophers ; when you adore not toward the East , or when you pray & receive the Sacrament , Kneeling on the Lords Dayes , would you be taken to separate from the Catholick Church , for crossing its ancient customs , or Canons ? But these perverse and factious reasonings we must hear to the dishonour of Christianity and Reason it self , and that from men that scorn the supposed meanness of others ; yea and see poor souls seduced into separation by such empty words ! And this is one of the present judgements on this land . CHAP. X. Prop. 10. If it be not our Lawfull Governours that command us , but usurpers , we are not formally bound to obey them , though the things be lawfull which they command . § . 1. WE may be bound by some other Obligation perhaps , to do the thing which they command us , but we are not formally ( though sometime Materially ) bound to obey them : For it is not formally obedience unless it be done eo nomine because commanded , or for the Authority of the Commander . If the Pope or any usurper should command me to pray or to give alms , I will do it , but not because he commandeth me , but because God commandeth me : and therefore I will not obey him but God : But if a Parent or Magistrate or Pastor command it me , I will do it both because it is commanded me , by God and them , and so I will obey both God and them . If an usurper command me to do a thing in it self indifferent , I will not do it because he commandeth it : but yet if accidentally it become my duty , by conducing to anothers good , or avoiding their offence or hurt , or any other accident , I will use it for these ends , though not for his command . § . 2. The Pope 1. As the Vice-christ or universall Head , is an usurper ; and therefore hath no authority to command me or any man ( in that relation ) the smallest Ceremony . 2. The Pope as Patriarch of the West , is an humane creature , and not of Divine institution , and was indeed a sinfull institution from the first of his creation ; but if it had been otherwise , yet since is that Patriarchship become unwarrantable , since he hath forfeited it , and the world hath found the mischiefs of it . So that no man is therefore bound to use one lawfull Ceremony because the Pope as Patriarch of the West commandeth it . 3. If this were not so , yet Brittain and Ireland were from the beginning none of his Patriarchate , nor did at Nice consent to it : and therefore have the less appearance of any obligation . § . 3. The Authority of General Councils cannot be pretended as obliging men in Conscience to the English Ceremonies . 1. Because indeed General Councils are not a superiour Power for proper Government of the Church having authority to command particular Bishops , or Synods , as their subjects ; but they are only necessary for Union and Communion of Churches and mutual assistance thereby : and so their Canons bind but by virtue of the General commands that require us to maintain the Unity and Communion of the Churches . § . 4. And 2. If it were otherwise , there is few , if any of these Ceremonies that are commanded by any true General Council . They that can prove any such thing , let them do it : but till we see it , we will not be forward to believe it . Yea 3. Some of them , General Councils have made Canons against ; as I before shewed in the Case of Kneeling at the Sacrament on the Lords dayes . And therefore the neglecters of our Ceremonies sin not against a General Council . § . 5. The Common plea is , that we are bound to use these Ceremonies in obedience to the Church of England ; and that we are not true sons of this Church if we refuse it . But what is it that is called by them [ The Church of England ] In a Political sense , I know no such thing as a Church of England , or of any Nation on earth ; that is , There is no one Society united in any one Ecclesiastical Soveraign , that can truly be called [ the Church of England ] or of any other Nation . The whole Catholick Church is One , as united in Christ the Head : And every particular Chu●ch , associated for personal Communion in Gods Worsh●p , is one ; being a part of the Catholick Church , and united in , and individuated by their relation to their several Pastors . But a National Church under one chief Ecclesiastick Government , I find no mention of in Scripture ; but contrarily , [ the Churches of Judaea , Galatia , &c. ] or any other Countrey where there were many , are alway mentioned in the Plural number ; and never called one Church . § . 6. Yet will we quarrel with no men about meer names or words . If by [ a National Church ● be meant any of these following , we acknowledge that there is such a thing . 1. If all the particular Churches in a Nation do Associate , for Communion and mutuall assistance , and so use to meet by their officers in one National Assembly ; I confess the Association usefull , if not necessary , and the Assemblies to be maintained , and for unity sake obeyed in things lawfull : And though Scripture call not such National Associations by the name of [ a Church ] in the singular number , yet we shall leave men to their Liberty in such names . If all the Schoolmasters in England should hold General Assemblies , to agree what Books to read in their Schools , &c. if any man would therefore call all the Schools in England in the singular number , by the name of [ the School of England , ] I would not differ with him for a word . 2. Or 〈◊〉 the Churches are all called One that are under one Christian Magistrate , I will confess the thing to be true that is pretended to be the reason of the name : All the Churches do owe obedience to the Magistrate . But he is no Essential part or Ecclesiastical Head of the Church : and therefore it is very improperly denominated from him ; or called [ One ] on that account : No more then all the Schools are one because he is their Soveraign . It is the Common-wealth that is specified and individuated by the Magistrate as the Soveraign Power ; and not the Churches . But yet it is but an improper word , to call all the Churches one Church on that account , which we contend not about . § . 7. But it is the Thing that we stick more at then the name . A General Head doth properly specifie and individuate the Body . Prove either , 1. That the Archbishop of Canterbury or any other . 2. Or an Assembly of Bishops or Presbyters , is properly an Ecclesiastical Head , having Authority from Jesus Christ to be the chief Ruler of all the Churches in the Land and then I will confess that we have properly and strictly a National Church . But no such thing can be proved . § . 8 As for an Assembly , I have already shewed ( which Bishop Vsher asserted to me ) that they are not superior Governors , nor instituted gra●ia Regiminis , but gratia unitatis ; having no more Rule over particular Bishops , then a Convention of Schoolmasters over a particular Schoolmaster . If they say that Kings and Parliaments give Power to Convocations , I answer , that can be but such as they have themselves : which we shall speak of anon , and is nothing to this place . § . 9. And as for a Primate or Archbishop ( of Canterbury , e. g. ) 1. It will be a hard task to prove Archbishops , as such , to be of Divine Institution . 2. And it will be harder , even Impossible , to prove Archbishops of the English species , as such , to be of Divine institution . 3. And certainly Christ hath nowhere told us , that every Nation shall have such a Head , nor every Province , nor every County : nor told us whether there shall be one over ten Nations , or ten over one : Their limits are not to be found in Scripture ( supposing there were such an office there known . ) 4. Nor is it anywhere determined , that such a City shall have the preheminence , and Canterbury , v. g. be Ruler of all the rest . All these are of meer humane institution : And therefore that which the imposers of Ceremonies call [ the Church of England ] is a meer humane thing , which therefore can bind us no further then the Magistrate can authorize them to do . § . 10. But the stronger pretence will be , that the particular Bishops of England were severally officers of Christ , authorized to Govern their several flocks , and therefore a Conv●cation of these Bishops binds us in conscience gratia unitatis . The People they oblige as their Rulers : and the several Presbyters also as their Rulers , and the several Bishops , gratia unitatis , for avoiding of schism . § . 11. Answ. This also is an insufficient evidence to prove our Consciences obliged to their Ceremonies , eo nomine , because of their Canons or commands . For though we acknowledge a sort of Episcopacy to be warrantable , yet that this sort that made the Canons in question , is not warrantable , I have proved at large in the former Disputation on that question . Such Pastors of a Diocess as our Bishops were , have no word of God to shew for their office ( further then as they are Presbyters , ) but we have shewed already , that their office is unlawfull . And therefore though their actions as Presbyters may be valid , yet their actions are Null which were done by pretence of this unlawfull sort of office , ( they being no other way enabled thereto . ) On this ground therefore we are not bound . § . 12. If it could be pretended that at least as Presbyters the Convocation represented the Presbyters of England , and therefore thus their Canons binds us to the use of ceremonies , Common prayer , &c. I should answer , that 1. Even Synods of Presbyters or the Lawfullest sort of Bishops , oblige but gratia unitatis . 2. That the late Synod at Westminster was as truly a Representative of the Presbyters of England , as the Convcaotion ; where such consent , if any were given , was retracted . 3. By actuall dislike signified by disuse , the Presbyters of England , for the most part , have retracted their Consent . 4. Yea most that are now Ministers never gave such Consent . 5. Even ●ll particular Pastors and Churches are free , and may on just reason deny consent to such impositions . § . 13. There remains nothing then , that with any shew of strength can be pretended , as continuing our obligation to Ceremonies , from Authority , but that of the Civil Power that commanded them . But to that I say , 1. So much as was lawfull , we confess that we were bound to use , while we had the command of the Civil power : But nothing unlawfull could be made our duty by them . 2. the Civil Power hath repealed those laws that bound us to these ceremonies . The Parliament repealed them : the late King consented , at least , for the ease of tender Consciences ( as he spoke ) that men should have liberty to forbear them . And the present Rulers are against them ▪ whom we see even the ceremoniou● obey in other matters . § . 14. Let those then that would subjugate our Consciences to their ceremonies , make good their foundation , even the Authority by which they suppose us to be obliged , or they do nothing : If all their impositions were proved things indifferent and lawfull , that 's nothing to prove that we must use them , till they prove that lawfull authority commandeth them . The Civil Powers do not command them : And the Ecclesiasticks that command them , prove not their authority over us . In the matters of God , we will yield to any man that bids us do that which God hath bidden us do already : But if they will exercise their power by commanding us more then God commands us , and that unnecessarily , we must crave a sight of their commission . § . 15. And if men that have no Authority over us , shall pretend Authority from God , and go about to exercise it by Ceremonious impositions , we have the more reason to scruple obeying them , even in things indifferent , lest we be guilty of establishing their usurpation , and pretended office in the Church , and so draw on more evils then we foresee , or can remove . CHAP. XI . Prop. 11. The Commands of Lawfull Governors about Lawfull Ceremonies , must be understood and obeyed with such exceptions as do secure the End ; and not to the subverting of it . § . 1. THE proof of this is obvious . These humane Ceremonies are appointed but as means to a further end . But that which would cross and overthrow the end , doth cease to be a Means ; and cannot be used sub ratione medii . § . 2. Order , and Decency are the pretended ends of the Imposed Ceremonies ; and the right worshiping of God , and the good of mens souls are said to be the greater and remoter ends , ●nd the glory of God the ultimate end . If then I have good assurance that I cannot use such or such a ceremony but it will prove the subversion of Order , or Edification , ( though it should be by accident , through the infirmity of men , ) I know no reason I have to use them , when such a mischief would follow , unless they can shew me some greater good that also will follow , which may recompence it . § . 3. Therefore the commanding of unnecessary ceremonies , on such Penalty , as was done in England , and Scotland , to the silencing of the Preac●●rs , and dissipating of the flocks , and casting out that worship , or hindring that Edification that was pretended to be their end , was preposterous both in the commanders and obeyers ; and proved not convenient means to the ends pretended . § . 4. If I be enjoyned by the Magistrates ( whom I mention as of more undoubted authority then our Bishops , ) to read such and such chapters , and preach on such and such texts through the year ; I am in reason to interpret their commands with this exception [ when it doth not apparently cross the main end . ] So that if in my course I should be commanded to read and preach of an aliene subject , when my hearers are running into schism , sedition , heresie , &c. I will suppose that if the Magistrate were present , he would allow me to read or preach according to the matter of present necessity . And if I were commanded to read the Common prayer in a Surplice and other formalities , I hope if the Church were all in an uproar , and the stools flying about my ears , as the women at Edinburgh used the Bishop , I might think it would not tend in that Congregation to order or Edification , to use such Ceremonies . Were they things of Gods institution , they would not edifie the people till they were prepared to receive them ; and therefore that preparation should go first . § . 5. Indeed it is the Pastors office to be the guide of his flock in the worship of God , and therefore to judge pro re nata , what subject to speak on to them , and what circumstances to choose , that may be most suitable to time , and place , and persons , to promote his ends , even the good of souls : And therefore no Magistrates should take the work or power of Pastors from them ; though they may oversee them in the use of it . CHAP. XII . Prop. 12. It may be very sinfull to command some ceremonies , when yet it may be the subjects Duty to use them when they are commanded . § . 1. I Add this Proposition as necessary both for Rulers and for Subjects : For Rulers ; that they may not think that all may be lawfully Commanded which may be lawfully done when it is commanded . And for subjects ; lest they think that all things are unlawfull to be done , which are sinfully commanded . § . 2. Some Governors think , that the Sermons and Arguments that charge the people with sin for disobeying them , do all justifie them for making the Laws , which others should obey : And all the words that are spent in aggravating the sin of the disobedient , they think are spoken in justification of their commands . And on the contrary , many people think that all that is said against the laws or penalties , is said in justification of their disobedience . And they are so lamentably weak that they cannot discern , how that can lawfully be obeyed , that is sinfully commanded : when yet the case is very plain . § . 3. If a thing be simply unlawfull , as being forbidden by God himself , there no command of man can make it lawfull . But if it be but inconvenient or evil only by some accident or circumstance , it is possible for the commands of Governors to take off the accidental evil , and make it become a duty . For example , It is not lawfull for me to travail one mile in vain : nor is it lawfull for a Prince to command me to travail a mile in vain : And yet if he send me such a command , to appear before him at such a place , ( yea though it be many miles ) it may become my duty to obey him . Otherwise subjects should not be bound to appear before any judicature , till they were satisfied of the cause , which is absurd . I a Prince command his officers to execute some unjust sentences , if they know it not , at least , it may be no sin of theirs , ( in many cases ) though it be his . Every war that is unlawfully undertaken by the Prince , is not unlawfull in all his Souldiers : Some of them that have not opport●nity to know the evil of his undertaking , may be bound to obey ( the case of others I determine not . ) § . 4. So if a Pastor call the Assembly at an inconvenient hour , or to an inconvenient place , though it be his sin to do so , yet is it their Duty to obey . If in the manner of Prayer he ( tolerably ) miscarry , they may not therefore refuse to join with him . If of two Translations of Scripture , or two versions of the Psalms , he use the worser , ( so it be tolerable ) they must obey . § . 5. Yet if the miscarriage be so great in the ordering even of these circumstances , or in the Manner of Duties , as shall overthrow the Duty it self , and be inconsistent with the ends , or bring greater evils upon the Church , then our refusing to obey the Pastors ( in those cases ) can do ; then ( as I have before shewed ) we are not bound to follow him in such a case : But otherwise we are . § . 6. The Reasons of this are obvious and clear . Even because it is the office of the Governours to determine of such Circumstances : It is the Pastors office to guide and ove●see the flock . And so the determining of Time and Place of wo●ship , ( that 's undetermined ) belongeth to his office : and the choice of the subject on which he shall preach , the leading them in prayer , and praise , and choice of versions , translations , and other ordinary helps in his work . And therefore when he determineth these , he is but in his own way , and doth but his own work : and therefore he is therein the judge , if the case be controvertible . If none shall obey a Magistrate or Pastor in the works of their own office , as long as they think he did them not the best way , all Government then would be presently overthrown , and obedience denyed . We are sure that God hath commanded us to obey th●m that are over us in the Lord , ( 1 Thes. 5.12 . Heb. 13.7 , 17 , &c. ) And therefore a Certain duty may not be fo●born upon uncertain conjectures , or upon every miscarriage in them that we owe it to . This would unchurch a●l Churches ( as they are Political Societies ) For if Pastors be taken down , and the work of Pastors , the Church is taken down : And if Government and obedience be taken down , then Pastors and their work is taken down ; Which will be the fruit of this disorder . § . 7. And the things in which the Pastor is now supposed to err , are not of themselves unlawfull ; but only by such an accident , as being over-weighed by another accident , shall cease to make them unlawfull . For instance : If the Pastor appoint a more imperfect version of the Psalms to be sung in the Church ( as is commonly done in England , ) the obeying of him in the use of this , will not bring so much hurt to the Church as the disobeying on that account would do : For besides the sin of disobedience it self , the Church would be in a confusion , if they forsake his conduct that preserves the union ; and some will be for this , and some for that , and so the worship it self will be overthrown . But if the Pastor would command a version so corrupt as would overthrow the duty it self , or be as bad as non-performance , the Church is then to seek redress , and not obey him . So if he command a Time inconvenient , but tolerable ( as to meet at sun rising or sun setting ) it were better obey then dissolve the Church ( if we cannot be otherwise relieved ) But if he appoint a Time that 's intolerably unfit ( as at midnight ) I would not obey ( except in s●ch necessity , as leaves to that time or none ) the same I spoke before of other circumstances . § . 8. On the other side , if Magistrates or Pastors shall think their Imposition lawfull , because the people may lawfully obey them , they are as much mistaken . Even many of those Divines that wrote for conformity to the late Ceremonies , did take it to be 〈◊〉 sin of those that imposed them , as they were imposed , and would have written as much against the Imposition , if they 〈◊〉 but had liberty : I m●an such writers as Mr. Sprint , Mr. Paybody , Dr. Iohn Burgess ( who told the King of Pollio's glasses that were broken by Caesar , that no more anger and danger of mens lives should follow ; and would have had him so to have used our Ceremonies . ) So Zanchy that judged the Ceremonies such as might lawfully be used , did write to the Queen to take them down , and not leave them as snares to cast out the Ministers , and at the same time he wrote to the Ministers to use them , in case the Queen would not be perswaded to forbear the imposing and urging of them . § . 9. If I be bou●d to obey a Governour if he set me to pick straws , or to hunt a feather , it followeth not that he may lawfully command it . I have heard many pleading for Ceremonies say , that if the Magistrate commanded them , and would not otherwise permit them to preach the Gospel , they would preach in a fools Coat , and a fools Cap with a feather , rather then forbear . But I do not think that any of them would justifie that Ruler that would make such a Law , that no man should preach or celebrate the Sacraments , but in a fools Coat and Cap : such might expect to be judged by Christ , as the scorners of him and his Ordinances . CHAP. XIII . Prop. 13. The Constant use of things indifferent should not be ( ordinarily ) commanded ; but they should be sometimes used , and sometimes disused . § . 1. I WILL say but little of this , because I have opened it before in the Disputation about Liturgies . The Reasons of it are plain . 1. Indifferent things should be used as indifferent things , and therefore with some indifferency . § . 2. And 2. The people else will be brought to think them Necessary , if they be constantly used , and custome will grow to a Law : And no contradicting this by doctrine will serve turn to rectifie the mistake : For we cannot be alway nor oft preaching on such things : And if we were , yet practice is much more observed by them then doctrine ; which commonly they understand not , or forget . § . 3. And 3. Hereupon their minds will receive a false impression about the nature of their Religion , and they will be brought to worship they know not how , and to set a high value on that which is not to be valued ; and consequently it will kindle a false zeal in their affections , and corrupt all their devotions . § . 4. And 4. It will make them disobedient against Magistrates or Pastors that would take them off from their false apprehensions , and misguided practices : and if they live in a place where the Governours are against their customs , they will disobey them on pretence of duty to God , and think that they do him service in it . § . 5. Yea 5. They will be uncharitably censorious against their Brethren that are not of their mind ▪ and ●oo● on them as men that are self-conceited or irreligious , as the Papists do by all that do no entertain every opinion which they 〈◊〉 with the Articles of their faith , and every practice which they place their Religion in . § . 6. We see all this by sad experience among our selves . The imposers of our Ceremonies and the maintainers of them , did still profess that they were no parts , ●ut Accidents of worsh●p ; and they pleaded for them but as things indifferent . And yet now the Magistrate , and their lawfull acknowledged Pastors , would bring the people in some of these Ceremonies to change their customs ; they will not do it , in many places , but make conscience ( as they profess ) of Gestures , and forms and D●yes , and such like , as if they had been of Divine Institution . If they be things Indifferent , why may not they disuse an Holy day one year as they use it another or disuse a form of Prayer one day , as they use it another , or recieve the Lords Supper one time sitting , as they do another time kneeling ? But this they will not endure to yield to : so that you see that constant uninterrupted use , hath made custome a Law with them , and given the Lie to the Doctrine of the Bishops themselves , that called them but indifferent things ; and caused the people to place Gods worship in them . § . 7. And on the other side a constant purposed disuse of convenient Modes and Circumstances of worship , may draw people to think them things unlawfull , and to rise up against them as innovations , and strange things , when they are imposed . § . 8. Yet here we must distinguish of ind●fferent things . Some are so convenient , that we cannot frequently vary , but with great inconveniency and wrong to the Church ( as a due hour for Assembling , and a convenient place , and the best Translations , and versions of the Psalms , the fittest Utensils for worship , &c. ) In all these cases it were giddiness to vary frequently and without need ; and yet worse to tie men up from varying when they find need . Other things are of ordinary inconvenience , which therefore ordinarily should be disused : though in some cases of necessity they must be allowed . Other things depend upon the will of men , and there is no great difference in point of convenience between the using and disusing them , but what the will of man doth cause : ( as in our vestures , our gestures in some of the Ordinances , as in hearing , singing Psalms , and in abundance of Ceremonies or Circumstances , this is the case . ) These are they that I say should be used , but unconstantly . § . 9. As for them that cry out of Confusion and Sacriledge , and irreligiousness , and I know not what , if Ceremonies be not constantly used , and all forced to them , but be used with an indifferency ; the distempers of their own souls contracted by such Customs , is a sufficient argument to move a sober considerate man , to desire that the Church may be delivered from such endangering customs . They do but tell us that custom hath made cer●monies become their very Religion ! And what a kind of Religion is that ? CHAP. XIV . Reasons against the Imposing of our late Controverted Mysticall Ceremonies , as Crossing , Surplice , &c. § . 1. HOW far Ceremonies are lawfull or unlawfull to the users , I have shewed sufficiently already : and therefore may omit the fourteenth Proposition as discussed before : But so eager are the minds of men to be exalting themselves over the whole world ▪ and puting yoaks on their Brethrens necks , even in the matters of God , and setting up their own wills to be the Idols and Law-givers to all others , that I take it for the principal part of my task , to give in my Reasons against this distemper , and to try if it be possible to take men off from Imposing or desiring , the Imposition of unnecessary things . I durst not desire the Imposing of our Mysticall Ceremonies , but had rather they were abolished , or left indifferent , for these followings Reasons . § . 2. Reas. 1. To impose 〈◊〉 symbolical Rites upon the Church which Christ hath not imposed , doth seem to me to be an usurpation of his Soveraign power . It belongeth to him to be the Law-giver of his Church . No man hath Power to make him a new worship . Officers are but to see his Laws executed : and to determine only of such circumstances , as are needfull for the well executing them . To make new Symbols or instituted signs to teach and excite Devotion , is to make new humane Ordinances : whereas it belongs to us only to use well such as he hath made : and to make no Laws but such as are thus needfull for the executing of his Laws . But of all this I have more largely spoken already . § . 3. Reas. 2. The imposing of these Mystical Rites doth seem to accuse Christ of ignorance or negligence , in that he hath not himself imposed them , when he hath taken upon him that Royall office to which such Legislation doth belong . If Christ would have such Rites imposed on the Churches , he could better have done it himself , then have left it to man. For 1. These being not mutable circumstances , but the matter of standing Laws , are equa●ly necessary or unnecessary to this age of the Church as to that in which Christ lived upon earth , and to those Countreys in which he conversed as to these . If Images , Crossing , significant garments , &c. be needfull to be imposed in England , why not in Iudaea , Galatia , Cappadocia , 〈◊〉 , &c. And if they are needfull now , why not then ? No man can give a rational cause of difference , as to this necessity ▪ If therefore Christ did neither by himself nor by his Apostles , ( who formed the first Churches , and delivered us his mind by the Spirit ) institute and impose these Rites , then either the imposing of them is needless , and consequently noxious : or else you must say that Christ hath omitted a needfull part of his Law and worship , which implies that he was either ignorant what to do , or careless and neglective of his own affairs , which are not to be imagined . Moses left nothing out of the Law that he delivered , that was to be the standing matter of the Law : nor omitted he any thing that God required in the instituting of the Legal worship . But Christ was faithfull to him that appointed him as Moses was in all his house , Heb. 3.2.3 . therefore certainly Christ hath omitted nothing that was to be a standing Gospel Law and Worship nor done his work imperfectly . § . 4. Reas. 3. And as this Imposition of Mystical Rites doth imply an accusation of Christ , so do●h it imply an accusation of his Laws , and of the holy Scriptures , as if they were insufficient . For if it belong to Scripture sufficiency to be the full revelation of the will of God concernng Ordinances of worship and duties of universal or stated Necessity , then must we not imagine that any such are left out . If Scripture be Gods Law , it is a perfect law : And if it belong to it as a Law to impose one stated Symbol , Ordinance , or matter of worship , then so it doth to impose the rest of the same nature that are fit to be imposed . If we will do more of the same that Scripture was given for to do , we accuse it , while we seem to amend it . § . 5. Reas. 4. And by this means we shall be brought to a loss for the Rule of our Religion . For if once we leave the holy Scriptures , we shall not know where to fix . If God have not instituted all the Ordinances of Worship ( such as Sacramental , or Mystical Rites , &c. ) that are meet to be statedly Imposed on the Churches , then we are uncertain who is to be the institutor of them . The Pope will claim it : and General Councils will claim it : and Provincial Councils , and particular Bishops will claim it : and Princes will claim it : and we shall be at a loss for our Religion . § . 6. Reas. 5. But whoever it be that will be the master of our Religion they will certainly be men , and so it will become a humane thing . Whereas Divine worship supposeth a Divine institution : and it is an act of obedience to God , and therefore supposeth a Law of God : For without a Divine Law there cannot be obedience to God. § . 7. Reas. 6. These impositions seem to be plain violations of those prohibitions of God , in which we are forbidden to add to his worship , or diminish from it . As Deut. 12.32 . [ What thing soever I command you , observe to do it : thou shalt not add thereto , nor diminish from it . ] Object . But we add nothing to the Word of God , though we impose such Mystical Rites as he imposeth not . Answ. The text doth not say Thou shalt not add to my Command ] but [ Thou shalt not add to the thing that I command thee . ] It is the Work , Worship , or Ordinances that you are forbidden to add to , or diminish from , and not the Word or Law it self only . § . 8. Reas. 7. It seemeth to be a very great height of Pride that is manifested in these impositions . 1. When men dare think themselves wise enough to amend the work of Christ and his Apostles , and wise enough to amend the holy Scriptures : is not this exceeding Pride ? How can man more arrogantly lift up himself , then by pretending himself to be wiser then his Maker and Redeemer ? Is it not bad enough to equalize your selves with him , unless you exalt your selves above him ? If you do not so , what mean you by coming after him to correct his Laws , or mend his work , and make better laws and ordinances for his Church then he himself hath done ? 2. And I think it is no better then Pride for men so far to exalt themselves above the Church of God , as to institute new signs and ordinance● , and say , [ I command you all to worship God according to these my institutions and inventions : and he that will not thus worship him , shall not have liberty to worship him at all , nor to live in the Communion of Christians . ] What 's Pride and arrogancy , if this be not ? § . 9. Reas. 8. None knoweth the mind of God concerning his worship , but by his own Revelation : If therefore he have not Revealed it to man , that he would be served by such mystical Rites , and Ceremonies , then no man can know that it will please him . And if it Please him not , it will be lost labour and worse : and we may expect to hear [ who requireth this at your hands ? ] How do you know that it pleaseth him to be served by Images , Exorcisms , Crossings , and many pompous Ceremonies ? He hath nowhere told you so . And your will is no proof of the will of God. § . 10. Reas. 9. God would not have taken down the Legal Ceremonies , and delivered us from them as a burden , and commanded us to stand fast in the Liberty with which Christ hath made us free , and not again to be entangled with the yoak of bondage Gal. 5.1 . if he would have given men leave to have imposed the like burdensome observances at their pleasure . If you say that these present Ceremonies are not burdensome ; I aske , why then were those of Gods institution burdensome ? That yoak was streight and burden heavy ; and Christ hath called us to take upon us his yoak that is easy , and his burden that is light . Matth. 11.28 . It was not only the threatnings conjunct against the disobedient , that made the Jewish Ceremonies to be a burden , which they were not able to bear , Act. 15. nor yet because they were but Types ( for to be Types of Christ , was their highest honour : ) But also because they were numerous , and required labour and time , and were unnecessary ( when Christ was come ) and so against the liberty of the Church , as Col. 2.16 . &c. And is it a likely thing that God would take down his own institutions when they became unnecessary , and at the same time give commission to the Pastors of the Church to set up unnecessary Ce●emonies of their own ? Yea or give them leave to do it , without his commission ? If it be such a mercy to be delivered from Divine Ceremonies , when they grew needless , and a liberty which we are commanded to stand fast in , I know not why men should impose on us unnecessary Ceremonies of their own , and rob us of our Mercies . § . 11. Reas. 10. The imposition of unnecessary Ceremonies , is a certain means for the D●vision of Christians , and therefore is but an engine of the Devill , the great divider . As the Papists set up a Vicechrist and false Center of union , under pretence of the unity of Christians , when nothing is so great a cause of their division ; so usually the Imposers of Ceremonies pretend the Unity and Peace of Christians to be their end , when they are most effectually dividing them . They are preserving the house by casting fire into the thatch . There is no more effectual means of Division , then to set up impossible terms of unity , and tell men , that they must Agree upon these or none . All Christians will unite in Christ , and Agree in all the essentials of Christianity , and all that is the known word of God : But no wise man will expect that all Christians should ever Unite and Agree about the Mystical signs and Ceremonies of mans invention and imposition . Come to a Congregation that walke in unity and holy order in the simplicity of faith and Scripture ordinances , and make Laws to this Church , that no man shall joyne in the worship of God that will not Cross himself , and be sprinkled with holy water , and bow toward the Altar , and wear a sword and helmet , to signifie the spiritual warfare , and such like , and try whether this course will not divide the Congregation ; Men are like● to agree in few things then in many ; in Certain truths , then in uncertain Controversies ; in Divine ordinances , then in Humane inventions . Undoubtedly if you impose such Ceremonies , multitudes of honest Christians will dissent . And if they dissent , what will you do with them ? If you leave them to their liberty , then your Ceremonies are not imposed . If you do not , you will drive them to a separation , and break all in pieces by your violence , and exasperation of mens minds . § . 12. Reas. 11. And by this means you will be led , and also l●●d others into the haynous guilt of persecuting the members of Christ. For when you have m●de Laws for your Ceremonies , you will expect obedience , and take all for schismaticks or disobedient that refuse them ; and it s like your laws will be backt with penalties ; you will not be content to have the liberty of using these Ceremonies themselves , and to leave all other to their liberties . We hear ( and formerly heard it more ) how impatient almost all of this way are of diversity in Circumstances and Ceremonies . They take it to be intolerable confusion to have diversity in these things : what say they ? shall one use one gesture , and another use another ? what confusion will this be ? or if a few of the wiser sort have more wit , yet custome will bring the multitude to this pass . We see now , they will not endure to joyn with those that sit at the Lords Supper , though they may kneel themselves . If they see but two or three shops in a Town open on Christmas day , they throw ston●s at them and break their windows , where they dare , and are ready to rise up against such as enemies in war. Besides you will take it as a contempt of your Laws , if men do not conform to them : And if you use the Ceremonies , and others disuse them , you will think they censure your practice by their forbearance . And its like they will be forced to give some reasons of their forbearance : And those Reasons must needs be against your way , and consequently seem to disparage you , so that I may take it for granted , that those that would have Ceremonies , would have them forced on the Church , and so would raise a persecution to maintain them . § . 13. And then this persecution when it s once begun , its never like to stay till it reach to the height of Cruelty . For 1. When you have begun , you will think that you are engaged in honour to carry it on , and not to suffer every poor man or woman to disoby you , and disparage your wisdom . 2. And if you lay but a gentle penalty on dissenters , ●t will do no good on them ( but perhaps excite them to the more opposition ▪ ) When Conscience is engaged against you , it is not small mul●ts nor imprisonment neither that will alter the judgements or the waies of such . And therefore you must either proceed to blood or banishment , or you miss your ends , and will but be opposed with greater animosity . § . 14. Reas. 12. And then this will raise an odium upon your Government , and make men look upon you as tyrants : For naturally men pitty the suffering party , especially when it is for the cause of God , or Profession of more then ordinary exactness in the obeying of Gods commands : And then mens minds will by this be tempted to disloyal jealousies , and censures , if not to the opposition of the Rulers . § . 15. Reas. 13. And it were an evil which your Ceremonies will never countervail , if it were but the uncharitableness that will certainly be raised by them . When you will persecute men , and force them against their Consciences in such indifferent things ( as you call them ) you will occasion them to judge you persecutors , and cruel , and then they will censure you as ungodly , yea as enemies to the Church : And then you will censure them for schismatical , and self-conceited , and refractory disobedient people . And so Christian love , and the offices of love will be extinguished , and you will be mutually engaged in a daily course of hainous sin . § . 16. Reas. 14. And it will be the worse , in that your persecution will oft fall on the most consciencious persons . Hypocrites and temporizers dare do any thing ; and therefore will follow the stronger side , and obey him for their worldly ends . But the upright Christian dare not do that which is displeasing to God , for a world : He is the man that will be imprisoned , or banished , or rackt , or slain , rather then he will go against his Conscience . And is it not a horrid thing to make such Laws , that the most conscionable are likest to fall under , and to perish by ? May it not make you tremble , to read that God himself doth call such his Jewels ( Mal. 3.16 ; 17. ) and saith , he that toucheth them , toucheth the apple of his eye , and that it were better for him be cast into the depth of the sea with a M●lstone about his neck , that offendeth one of these little ones ? Away with the Ceremonies that are unnecessary , and yet have such effects , and bring you into such danger . § . 17. Reas. 15. And then a more grievous evill wil●●follow : the Ceremony will devour the substance , and shut out the preachers , and consequently the word and worship of the Lord. For you will never give men Liberty to forbear them . And when godly Ministers will not be conformable to your will , you must silence them , lest they draw the people from you . And so the ignorant must be left in their ignorance , and the prophane in their prophaness , and the godly in their sorrows for want of their faithful Teachers , and the ordinances of grace . § . 18. Reas. 16. And then it will follow , that ignorant , idle , ungodly Ministers must be taken in to supply their rooms : For if the best disobey you , you will think your selves necessitated to take such as will obey you . And so God shall be dishonoured , his word and work abused , his people grieved , his enemies encouraged , the wicked hardened , and the unworthy Ministers themselves undone and destroyed ; and all for a few unnecessary ceremonies of your vain invention . § . 19. Reas. 17. And now it were more unexcusable then ever before , to Impose such unnecessary burdens on the Churches , when we have so lately seen and felt the sad and miserable effects of such impositions . We are scarce out of the fire , that this straw and rubbish kindled in this land . We are the men that have seen the Churches divided by them , and the preachers cast out for them , and persecution occasioned by them , and the Nation hereupon corrupted with uncharitableness , the Bishops against the people , and the people against the Bishops ; and war and misery hence arising . And ye● shall we return to the occasion of our misery , and that while we confess it to be a needless thing ? § . 20. Reas. 18. Yea this course is like to kindle and maintain Divisions between the Churches of several Nations , as well as among those that are under the same government . For either you will have all the Christian world to join with you in your Mystical and unnecessary Ceremonies , or not : All cannot be expected to join with you : For 1. The world will never agree in such humane unnecessary things . 2. There is no universal governor to Impose one Law of Ceremonies on all the Churches . Christ only is the universal King and Head : and he hath done his part already . If you will have more universal Laws , you must first have another universal King or Head. And there is none such . Only the Pope and a General Council pretend to it ; and they are both deceived ( in this ) and would deceive us . They are none of our Lords , as I have elsewhere proved . But if you expect not universal Concord in your Mystical signs and Ceremonies ; then 1. Why should you cast out your Preachers and brethren , for those things which other Nations may be so well without : and hold communion with forreigners that avoid them , and deny Communion to neighbors as good , that are of the same mind ? And 2. This will make forreign Churches and you to grudge at one another , and the diversity will cause disaffection : especially when you persecute your members for the cause that 's theirs . We find now by experience , that the Images , Exorcism , Crossing , &c. of the Lutherans doth exceedingly hinder their Peace with other Churches , while others censure them as superstitious ; and they by custome are grown so highly to value their own Ceremonies , as to censure and disdain those that are not of their mind . § . 21. Reas. 19. It easily breedeth and cherisheth ignorance and formality in the people . You cannot keep them from placing their Religion in these Ceremonies : and so from deceiving their souls by such a Pharisaical Religiousness , in washings and observances : And so in vain will they worship God , while their worship is but a Conformity to the doctrines , traditions , and inventions of men . Mat. 15. § . 22. Reas. 20. To prevent these evils ( and yet in vain ) your Rites and Signs must bring New doctrines , and new labours into the Church , which will exceedingly hinder the doctrine and work of Christ. The Ministers must teach the people the meaning and use of all these Ceremonies ( or else they will be dumb signs , contrary to your intent , and the use of them will be vain ) And if we must spend our time in opening to our people the meaning of every ceremony that you will impose : 1. It will be but an unsavoury kind of preaching . 2. It will divert them and us from greater and more needful things . Yea we must teach them , with what Cautions , in what manner , to what ends , &c. to use all these Ceremonies ; or else they will turn them all to sin ; if not to Popish , yea to heathenish formalities . And alas , how much ado have we to get our people to understand the Creed , and the Kernel of the Gospel , the essentials of Christianity , and the two Sacraments of Christs institution , and some short Catechism that containeth these ? And when we have done our best in publick and in private , we leave many of them ignorant what these two Sacraments are , yea or who Christ himself is . And must we put them to so much more labour , as to learn a Rationale or exposition of all the Ceremonies , holy dayes ▪ & c ? We shall but overwhelm them , or divert them from the Essentials . And here you may see the unhappy issue of humane wisdom and false means . It is to be teachers of the ignorant that men pretend these Signs , Images and Ceremonies to be usefull . And yet they are the causes of ignorance , and keep men from necessary knowledge . If you doubt of this , do but open your eyes , and make use of experience : See whether among the common people the most Ceremonious are not commonly the most ignorant ? yea and the most ungodly too ? It is a truth so notorious , that it cannot be denyed . Who more ignorant of the Sacraments , then they that rail at them that fit in the act of receiving ? Who more ignorant of the doctrine of the Gospel ? who more obstinate enemies of a holy life , more worldly , self-conceited , licentious , prophane , despisers of their faithfull Teachers , then the most zealous persons for all these Ceremonies ? § . 23. Reas. 21. Moreover these new Laws and services introduce also a new office into the Church . There must be some of pretended Power to impose all these Ceremonies , and see them executed : or else all is vain . And no such office hath Christ appointed . Because men thought it necessary that all the Christian world should have but one way and Order in the Ceremonious worship which was commonly approved , therefore they thought there was a Necessity of one Head to maintain this unity of order : and so came up the Pope , ( as to one cause . ) And so in a Nation , we must have some one or more Masters of Ceremonies , when Ceremonies are kept a foot . And so whereas Christ hath placed officers in his Church to teach and guide them , and administer his own Ordinances , we must have another sort of officers , to make Laws for Mystical signs and Ceremonies , and see them executed , and punish the neglecters , and teach the people the meaning and the use of them . The Primitive Bishops had other kind of work ; we find directions to the Pastors of the Church containing the works of their office ( as to Timothy , Titus , &c. ) But we no where find that this is made any part of their work , to make new Teaching signs and Ceremonies , and impose them on the Church , nor have they any directions for such a work : which surely they much needed , if it had been their work indeed . § . 24. Reas. 22. When we once begin to let in humane Mystical Rites , we shall never know where to stop , or make an end . On the same ground that one Age inventeth three or four , the next think they may add as many , and so it will grow to be a point of devotion , to add a new Ceremony ( as at Rome it hath done ) till we have more then we well know what to do with . § . 25. Reas. 23. And the miserable plight that the Christian world hath lain in many ages by Ceremonies , may warn us to be wise . Augustine complaineth that in his time the Church was burdened with them , and made like the Jewish Synagogue . The most of the Churches in Asia and Africa are drowned too deeply in Ceremonious formality , turning Religion into ignorant shews . The Church of Rome is worse then they ; having made God a worship of histrionical actions , and shews and signs and Ceremonies : so that millions of the poor blind people worship they know not whom nor how . And if we abate only of the number , and keep up some of the same kind , ( even Symbolicall Rites of mans institution , to teach us , and excite our devotion ) we shall harden them in their way , and be disabled from confuting them . For a Papist will challenge you to prove just how many such signs are lawfull : And why he may not use threescore as well as you use three , when he saith he is edified by his number , as you say you are with yours ? § . 26. Reas. 24. It is not inconsiderable that God hath purposely established a spiritual kind of worship in the Gospel , telling us that God is a Spirit , and will be worshipped in spirit and in truth : Such worshippers doth God require and accept : Bodily exercise profiteth little . The kingdom of God is not in meats or in drinks , but in Righteousness , and Peace , and Joy in the Holy Ghost : Neither Circumcision availeth any thing in Christ Jesus , nor uncircumcision , but a new creature , and faith that worketh by Love. God would never have so much called men off from Ceremoniousness to spirituality , if he had delighted in Ceremony . § . 27. Reas. 25. The Worship of God without his blessing is to little purpose . No man can have encouragement to use any thing as a Means to teach him and help his devotion , which he hath no ground to believe that God will bless . But there is no ground ( that I know of ) to believe that God will bless these Instituted Teaching signs of mans inventions to the Edifying of our souls . For God hath no where bid us devise or use such signs . 2. Nor no where promised us a blessing on them ( that ever I could find ) And therefore we have no encouragement to use them . If we will make them , and impose them our selves , we must undertake to bless them our selves . § . 28. Reas. 26. As vain thoughts and words are forbidden us in Scripture , so no doubt but vain actions are forbidden : but especially in the worship of God : and yet more especially when they are Imposed on the Church by Laws with penalties . But these Mystical Rites of humane institution are vain . You call them your selves but [ Things indifferent : ] And they are vain as to the use for which they are pretended , that is , to Teach and Edifie , &c. having no promise of a blessing , and being needless imitations of the Sacraments of Christ. Vanity therefore is not to be imposed on the Church . My last Reason will fullier shew them to be vain . § . 29. Reas. 27. We are sure the way in which Peter , and Paul , and the Churches of their times did worship God , was allowable and safe : and that Princes and Prelates are wise and righteous overmuch , if they will not only be more wise and righteous then the Apostles in the matters of Gods worship , but also deny their subjects liberty to worship God , and go to heaven in the same way as the Apostles did . If Peter and Paul went to heaven without the use of Images , Surplice , the Cross in Baptism , kneeling in receiving the Lords Supper , and many such Ceremonies , why should not we have leave to live in the Communion of the Church without them ? would you have denyed the Apostles their liberty herein ? Or will you be partiall ? Must they have one way , and we another ? They command us to imitate them : give us leave then to imitate them , at least in all things that your selves confess to be lawfull for us . § . 30. Reas. 28. Hath not God purposely already in the Scripture determined the Controversie , supposing your Ceremonies ( which is their best ) to be indifferent . He hath interposed also for the decision of such doubts . He hath commanded , Rom. 14.1 , 3. that we [ Receive him that is weak in the faith , but not to doubtfull disputations ] ( much less to imprisonment or banishment ) [ Let not him that eateth , despise him that eateth not ; and let not him that eateth not , judge him that eateth , for God hath received him ] Nay we must not so much as offend or grieve our brother , by indifferent things ▪ Verse 13.15.21 . to the end . And so Chap. 15.1 . We that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves . ] So that the case is decided by the Spirit of God expresly , that he would have weak Christians have liberty in such things as these ; and would not have Christians so much as censure or despise one another upon such accounts . And therefore Prelates may not silence Ministers , nor excommunicate Christians on this account ; nor Magistrates punish them , especially to the injury of the Church . § . 31. Object . But this is spoken only to private Christians , and not to Magistrates or Prelates . Answ. 1. If there had been any Prelate then at Rome , we might have judged it spoken to them with the people . And no doubt but it was spoken to such Pastors as they then had . For it was written to all the Church , of whom the Pastors were a part . And if the Pastors must bear with dissenters in things indifferent , then most certainly the Magistrates must do so . 2. If Magistrates are Christians , then this command extendeth also unto them . God hath sufficiently told us here that he would have us bear with one another in things of such indifferency as these . If God tell private men this truth , that he would have men born with in such cases , it concerns the Magistrate to take notice of it . Either the error is tolerable , or intolerable . If intolerable , private men must not bear with it . If tolerable , Magistrates and Pastors must bear with it . It is as much the duty of Private Christians to reprove an erroneous person , and avoid him , if intolerable and impenitent , as it is the duty of a Magistrate to punish him by the sword , or the Pastor by Church-censures . If therefore it be the duty of Private men to tolerate such as these in question , by a forbearnce of their rebukes and Censures ; then is it the duty of Magistrates to tolerate them , by a forbearance of penalties ; and of Pastors to tolerate them by a forbearance of excommunication . Who can believe that God would leave so full a determination for tolerating such persons , and yet desire that Prelates should excommunicate them , or Princes imprison , banish or destroy them . Some English Expositors therefore do but unreasonably abuse this text , when they tell us that Magistrates and Prelates may thus punish these men whom the rest of the Church is so straitly commanded to bear with and not offend . § . 32. So Col. 2.16 . to the end [ Let no man judge you in Meat or Drink , or in respect of an holy day , or of the new Moon , or of the Sabbaths , &c. ] ver . 20. [ Wherefore if ye be dead with Christ from the rudiments of the world , why as though living in the world are ye subject to Ordinances ? ( Touch not , taste not , handle not , which all are to perish with the using , ) after the commandments and doctrines of men : which things have indeed a shew of wisdom in will-worship and humility , and neglecting of the body , not in any honour to the satisfying of the flesh . ] Here also God sheweth that it is his will that such Matters should not be made Laws to the Church , nor be imposed on his servants ; but their freedom should be preserved . Many other texts express the same , which I need not cite , the case being so plain . § . 33. Reas. 29. Moreover , me thinks every Christian should be sensible , how insufficient we are to perform the great and many duties that God hath imposed upon us already . And therefore they should have little mind to be making more work to the Churches and themselves , till they can better discharge that which is already imposed on them by God. Have not your selves and your flocks enough to do to observe all the precepts of the Decalogue , and understand all the doctrines of the Gospel , and believe and obey the Gospel of Christ , but you must be making your selves and others more work ? Have you not sin enough already in breaking the Laws already made , but you must make more Laws and duties , that so you may make more sin ? If you say , that your precepts are not guilty of this charge , you speak against reason : The more duty , the more neglect we shall be guilty of . See how the Lord Falkland urgeth this Objection on the Papists . And it is considerable , that by this means you make your selves unexcusable for all your neglects , and omissions toward God. Cannot you live up to the height of Evangelical Sanctity ? Why then do you make your selves more work ? Sure if you can do more , it may be expected that you first do this that was enjoyned you . If you will needs be Righteous ( materially ) overmuch , you are unexcusable for your unrighteousness . § . 34. Reas. 30. Lastly , consider also , that all your Mystical Teaching Signs , are needless things , and come too late , because the work is done that they pretend to : God hath already given you so perfect a directory for his worship , that there is nothing more that you can reasonably desire . Let us peruse the particulars . 1. What want you in order to the Teaching of our understandings ? Hath not God in his word and his works , and his Sacraments , provided sufficient means for our instruction , unless you add your Mystical signs ? Will your Ceremonies come after and teach us better then all these Means of God will do ? We see by the Disciples of Ceremonies , what a Master they have . 2. What want you for the exciting of dull affections , that God hath not provided you already ? Have you Ceremonies that can give life , and are more powerfull remedies against Corruptions , and more effectuall means of Grace then all the institutions of God ? Or hath God left any imperfection in his institutions for your Ceremonies to supply ? Would you have plain Teaching in season and out of season ? This God hath appointed already : and setled the Ministry to that end . Would you have men taught by a Form of words ? Why you have a copious Form : The whole Scripture is a form of words , for mens instruction . And yet we deny not but out of this Form you may gather more contracted forms for the instruction of your flocks . Catechizing and publick and private teaching are Gods own Ordinances . Would you have a Directory for Prayer , Confession and Thanksgiving ? Scripture is a Directory ; and out of it we shall be glad of any direction that you will gather for us . Would you have forms of Words for Prayer and Praise ? Scripture hath given you many : the Lords Prayer , the Psalms , and many more . And if you think you can do better , you have liberty to do it your selves . And is not that enough ? God hath left it indifferent to us , whether we use a stinted form or not . If you be not wiser then God , do you leave it indifferent also . Would you have a stated day for Gospel-worship in Commemoration of the work of our Redemption ? Christ and his Apostles have taught you to observe one , even the Lords day to these Ends. Would you have exciting mystical instituted signs ? Christ hath appointed you Baptism and the Lords Supper , which signifie the very substance of the Gospel : Can your signs do more ? Or is a greater number more desirable ? Why may not a few of Christs institution , full and clear , that have a promise of his blessing , serve turn without the additions of mens froathy wits ? Use the Lords Supper ofter , and with more preparation , and you will need no Sacramental Ri●es of your own . If Christs signs will not do it , in vain do you hope for it from the devises of men . Gods Ordinances have no blemishes and wants that need your patches . Do that which Scripture hath cut out for you , and I warrant you , you 'l find no want of such additions . The making of the Law and Rule of Worship is Gods work , the obeying it is yours . It s a course most perverse when you fail and deal falsly in your own work , to fall upon Gods work , and take on you to mend that . Do your own well , in obeying , and judge not the Law , and trouble not the Church with your additions . § . 35. Yet still remember , that we allow both Magistrates and Pastors to see to the execution of Gods laws , and to determine of Circumstances in order thereto that are necessary in genere . But it is only 1. Such Mystical signs as in genere are not commanded us , and left to mans determination , that I speak of . 2. And also the needless determination of circumstances , and making Laws for such things as should be left to the prudence of every Pastor , to be varyed as occasion requireth . CHAP. XV. Reasons for Obedience in Lawfull things . § . 1. LEST men that are apt to run from one extream into another , should make an ill use of that which I have before written , I shall here annex some Reasons to perswade men to just obedience , and preserve them from any sinfull nonconformity to the commands of their Governours , and the evill effects that are like to follow thereupon . § . 2. But first I will lay together some Propositions for decision of the Controversie ; How far we are bound to obey mens precepts about Religion ? Especially in case we doubt of the lawfulness of obeying them ? and so cannot obey them in faith ? § . 3. Briefly : 1. We must obey both Magistrates and Pastors in all things lawfull which belong to their offices to command . 2. It belongs not to their office to make God a new worship ; But to command the Mode and Circumstances of worship belongeth to their office : for guiding them wherein God hath given them generall rules . 3. We must not take the Lawfull commands of our Governours to be unlawfull . 4. If we do through weakness or perversness take Lawfull things to be unlawfull , that will not excuse us in our disobedience . Our error is our sin , and one sin will not excuse another sin . Even as on the other side , if we judge things unlawfull to be lawfull , that will not excuse us for our disobedience to God in obeying men . 5. As I have before shewed , many things that are miscommanded , must be obeyed . 6. As an erroneous judgement will not excuse us from Obedience to our Governours , so much less will a doubtfulness excuse us . 7. As such a doubting , erring judgement cannot obey in ( plenary ) faith , so much less can he disobey in faith . For it is a known Command of God , that we obey them that have the Rule over us : but they have no word of God against the act of obedience now in question . It is their own erring judgement that intangleth them in a necessity of sinning ( till it be changed . ) 7. In doubtfull cases , it is our duty to use Gods means for our information : and one means is to consult with our Teachers , and hear their words with teachableness and meekness . 8. If upon advising with them we re●ain in doubt about the lawfulness of some Circumstance of order , if it be such as may be dispensed with , they should dispense with us : if it may not be dispensed with without a greater injury to the Church or cause of God , then our dispensation will countervail , then is it our duty to obey our Teachers , notwithstanding such doubts : For it being their office to Teach us , it must be our duty to believe them with a humane faith , in cases where we have no Evidences to the contrary : And the Duty of Obeying them being certain , and the sinfulness of the thing commanded being uncertain and unknown , and only suspected , we must go on the surer side . 9. Yet must we in great and doubtfull cases , not take up with the suspected judgement of a single Pastor , but apply our selves to the unanimous Pastors of other Churches . 10. Christians should not be over-busie in prying into the work of their Governours , not too forward to suspect their determinations : But when they know that it is their Rulers work to guide them by determining of due Circumstances of worship , they should without causeless scruples readily obey , till they see just reason to stop them in their obedience ; They must not go out of their own places to search into the Actions of another mans office , to trouble themselves without any cause . § . 4. And now I intreat all humble Christians read●●y to obey both Magistrates and Pastors in all Lawfull things ; and to consider , to that end , of these Reasons following . Reas. 1. If you will not obey in Lawfull things , you deny authority , or overthow Government it self , which is a great ordinance of God , established in the fifth commandment with promise : And as that commandment respecting societies and common good , is greater then the following commands , as they respect the private good of our neighbours , or are but particular Means to that Publick good , whose foundation is laid in the fifth commandment , so accordingly the sin against this fifth commandment must be greater then that against the rest . § . 5. Reas. 2. In disobeying the lawfull commands of our superiors , we disobey Christ , who ruleth by them as his officers . Even as the disobeying a Justice of Peace or Judge is a disobeying of the soveraign Power ; yea in some cases when their sentence is unjust . Some of the ancient Doctors thought that the fifth commandment was the last of the first Table of the Decalogue ; and that the Honouring of Governors is part of our Honour to God , they being mentioned there as his officers , with whom he himself is honoured or dishonoured , obeyed or disobeyed : For it is Gods Authority that the Magistrate , Parent , and Pastor is endued with , and empowred by to rule those that are put under them . § . 6. Reas. 3. What confusion will be brought into the Church if Pastors be not obeyed in things lawfull ? For instance : If the Pastors appoint the Congregation to Assemble at one hour , and the people will scruple the time , and say , it is unlawfull , and so will choose some of them one time , and some another , what disorder will here be ? and worse , if the Pastors appoint a Place of worship , and any of the people scruple obeying them , and will come to another place , what confusion will here be ? People are many , and the Pastors are few : and therefore there may be some unity if the people be Ruled by the Pastors ; but there can be none , if the Pastors must be ruled by the people , for the people will not agree among themselves : and therefore if we obey one part of them , we must disobey and displease the rest . And their ignorance makes them unfit to rule . § . 7. Reas. 4. Moreover , disobedience in matters of Circumstance , will exclude and overthrow the substance of the worship it self . God commandeth us to pray : If one part of the Church will not joyn with a stinted form of Prayer , and the other part will not joyn without it , both parties cannot be pleased , and so one part must cast off Prayer it self , or separate from the rest . God commandeth the reading , and preaching , and hearing of the Scripture , and the singing of Psalms : but he hath left it to man to make or choose the best Translation of Scripture , or version of the Psalms . Now if the Pastor appoint one version , and Translation , and the Church joyn in the use of it , if any members will scruple joyning in this Translation or version , they must needs forbear the whole duty of Hearing the Scripture , and singing Psalms in that Congregation . If they pretend a scruple against the appointed time or Place of worship , they will thereby cast off the worship it self . For if they avoid our Time or Place , they cannot meet with us , nor worship with us . § . 8. Reas. 5. And when they are thus carryed to separate from the Congregation , upon such grounds as these , they will be no where fixt , but may be still subdividing , and separating from one another , till they are resolved into individuals , and have left no such thing as a Church among them . For they can have no assurance or probability , that some of themselves will not dissent from the rest in one Circumstance or other , as they did from their Pastors and the Church that they were of before . § . 9. Reas. 6. By this means the wicked that are disobedient to their Teachers , and reject the worship of God it self , will be hardened in their sin , and taught by professors to defend their ungodliness : For the very same course that you take will serve their turns . They need not deny any Duty in the substance , but deny the circumstance , and so put off the substance of the Duty . If a wicked man will not hear the word preached , he may say [ I am not against preaching ; but I am unsatisfied of the lawfulness of your Time or Place , I am in judgement against coming to your Steeple-house , or against the Lords Day . ] And so he shall never hear , though he say he is for hearing . If a wicked man will not be personally instructed , or admonished , or be accountable to the Church or Pastors for any scandals of his life , nor submit to any discipline , he may say [ I am for discipline , I know it is my duty to be instructed : but I am not satisfied that I am bound to come to you when you send for me , or to appear at such a place as you appoint : the word of God nameth no time or place , and you shall not deprive me of my liberty . ] If a wicked man would not hear or read the Scripture , or sing Psalms , he may say that he is for the duty , but he is only against this and that Translation and version : And so while every version is excepted against , the duty is as much evaded as if it were denied it self . By this device it is that the Rebellion of unruly people is defended : They run to the circumstances of the duty , and ask , [ Where are they bound to come to a Minister ? or to be examined by him in order to a baptism or Lords supper ? or to speak their consent to be Church members , or to subscribe to a Profession , or to read an English Bible , or to hear in a Steeple-house , with many such like . ] Thus also it is that they put off family prayer , and ask , [ Where are they bound to pray in their family Morning and Evening ? ] and so keep no constancy in family prayer at all , under pretence of denying only the circumstances . § . 10. Reas. 7. By this disobedience in things lawfull , the members of the Church will be involved in contentions , and so engaged in bitter uncharitableness , and censures , and persecutions , and reproaches of one another : which scandalous courses will nourish vice , dishonour God , rejoyce the enemies , grieve the Godly that are peaceable and judicious , and wound the consciences of the contenders . We see the beginning of such fires are small , but whither they tend , and what will be the end of them , we see not . § . 11. Reas. 8. By these means also Migistrates will be provoked to take men of tender consciences for factious , unruly , and unreasonable men , and to turn their enemies , and use violence against them , to the great injury of the Church : when they see them so self-conceited , and refusing obedience in lawfull circumstances . § ▪ 12. Reas. 9. By this means also the conversion and establishment of souls will be much hindred , and people possessed with prejudice against the Church and ordinances , when they take us to be but humerous people , and see us in such contentions among our selves . To my knowledge , our late difference about some such lesser things , hath turned off , or hindered abundance of people from liking the holy doctrine and life which we profess . § . 13. Reas. 10. It will seem to the wisest , to savour of no small measure of Pride , when people on the account of lawfull circumstances , dare set themselves against their Govenors and Teachers , and quarrel with the ordinances of God , and with the Churches : Humble men would sooner suspect themselves , and quarrel with their own distempers , and submit to those that are wiser then themselves , and that are set over them for their guidance by the Lord. There may more dangerous Pride be manifested in these matters , then in Apparel , and such lower trifles . § . 14. Reas. 11. Consider also what yielding in things lawfull the Scripture recommendeth to us ? How far yielded Pa. when he circumcised Timothy ? Act. 16.3 . And when he [ took the men , and purified himself with them in the Temple , to signifie the accomplishment of the daies of purification , untill that an offering should be offered for every one of them ] and this for almost seven dayes , Acts 21.26 , 27. with the foregoing verses . § . 15. So 1 Cor. 9.19 , 20. [ For though I be free from all men , yet have I made my self servant unto all , that I might gain the more : And unto the Iews I became as a Iew , that I might gain the Iews ; to them that are under the Law , as under the Law , that I might gain them that are under the Law : To them that are without Law , as without Law ( being not without Law to God , but under the Law to Christ ) that I might gain them that are without Law. To the weak I became as weak , that I might gain the weak : I am made all things to all men , that I might , by all means save some , and this I do for the Gospels sake , &c. ] Study this example . § . 16. Read also Rom. 14. and 15. Chapters , how much condescension the Apostle requireth even among equals , about meats and dayes . And 1 Cor. 8.13 . the Apostle would tie up himself from eating any fl●sh while the world standeth , rather then make a weak brother to offend . Many other passages of Scripture require a condescension in things of this indifferent nature , and shew that the Kingdom of God doth not consist in them . § . 17. And Matthew 12.1 , 2 , to 9. you find that hunger justified the Disciples of Christ for plucking and rubbing the ears of Corn on the Sabbath dayes . And hunger justified David and those that were with him , for entring into the house of God , and eating the Shew-bread , which was not lawfull for him to eat , nor for them which were with him , but only for the Priests : And the Priests in the Temple were blameless for prophaning the Sabbath day . ] Now if things before accidentally evil , may by this much Necessity become lawful and a duty , then may the commands of Magistrates or Pastors , and the Unity of the Church , and the avoiding of contention , and offence , and other evils , be also sufficient to warrant us in obeying , even in inconvenient Circumstantials of the worship of God , that otherwise could not be justified . § . 18. Reas. 12. Lastly consider , how much God hath expressed himself in his word to be pleased in the Obedience of believers . Not only in their Obedience to Christ immediately , but also to him in his officers , 1 Sam. 15.22 . [ Behold , to obey is better then Sacrifice , &c. ] Col. 3.20 , 22. [ Children obey your Parents in all things ( that is , all lawfull things ) for this is well-pleasing to the Lord ] [ Servants Obey in all things your Masters according to the flesh , &c. ] And Obedience to Pastors is as much commanded . 1 Thes. 5.12 , 13. [ We beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the Lord , and admonish you , and esteem them very highly , &c. ) Heb. 13.17 . [ Obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that must give account , &c. ] So Verse 7. & 24. 1 Tim. 5.17 , &c. § . 19. As the General Commission to a Parent , or Master , or Magistrate to Govern their inferiour relations , doth authorize them to many particular acts belonging to their office , that were never named in their commission : so your general command to obey them , obligeth you to obey them in the said particulars . And so it is also betwixt the Pastors and the flock , in matters belonging to the Office of a Pastor . § . 20. If a Child shall ask a Parent , [ Where doth Gods word allow you to command me to Learn this Catechism , or read this Divines writings , or repeat this Sermon , or write it ? &c. ] doth not the question deserve to be answered with the rod ? The General Commission for parents to Govern their children is sufficient ; so if a Schoolmaster command his Schollers to come to such a place to School , and to take their places in such an Order , and to learn such books , and do such exercises , &c. the General Commission that he hath to teach and Govern them , will allow him to do all this . ( Though it will not allow him to set his Schollers to any Artifice or Manual Operation alien-to his profession . ) So if a Minister determine of the variable Circumstances of worship , as what place the people shall come to , and at what time , to be Catechized , examined , instructed , &c. what Translation or Version of Psalms to use , what Utensils to make use of about Gods service , or such lik● , he is warranted for this by his General Commission . And if he miss it in the manner , by choosing inconvenient circumstances , or by unnecessary determination of points that should rather be left undetermined to liberty , though this be his own sin , it will not excuse the people from obedience ; unless the error of his directions be so great as would frustrate the Ordinance it self , or do more harm then our disobedience would do ; which in Circumstantials is rarely found . § . 21. And thus I have finished this discourse of Ceremonies ; a Subject that may seem unseasonable at such a time when we are disburdened of Ceremonies . But the offence and vehement accusations of the Ceremonious , hath made it seem necessary to me , while they accuse Dissenters of schism and obstinacy , and reproach them as Puritans , and seem ready to act their second part in casting out those that be not of their mind , if it were in their power : when yet they call the Ceremonies but things indifferent ; and Preachers and Gods Ordinances are not Indifferent things to us . FINITVR . Iuly 9. 1658. Satisfaction to certain CALVMNIATORS . I Am informed from London , and several parts of the Land , that some of my Books having lately been sold at excessive rates by the Booksellers , it is somewhat commonly reported that it is caused by my excessive gain , which say they , is at least three or four hundred pounds a year . I thank the Lord that doth not only employ me in his service , but also vouchsafe me the honor and benefit of being evil-spoken of for doing him the best service that I can , Mat. 5.11 , 12. 1 Pet. 4.13 , 14 , 15 , 16. Blessed Augustine was put to vindicate himself by an oath , from the infamy of a covetous design , which was raised by one godly woman , upon a disorderly action o● other men , and to that end he wrote his 225. Epistle . I find no call to use his oath ; but yet I judge it my duty to imitate him in patience , and in rescuing the slanderers from their sin , that they abuse not their souls by uncharitable surmises , nor their tongues by false reports . To which end I give them this true information : The two first Books I printed , I left to the Booksellers Will ; for all the rest , I agreed with them for the fifteenth Book , to give to some few of my friends , hearing that some others agreed for the tenth . Sometime my fifteenth Book coming not to an hundred , and sometime but to few more , when of Practical Books I needed sometime 800. to give away . Because I was scarce rich enough to buy so many , I agreed with the Bookseller , ( my Neighbour , ) to allow 18. d. a Ream ( which is not a penny a quire , ) out of his own gain towards the buying of Bibles , and some of the practical Books which he printed , for the poor : Covenanting with him , that he should sell my Controversal Writings as cheap , and my Practical Writings somewhat cheaper then books are ordinarily sold. To this hour I never received for my self one penny of mony from them for any of my Writings , to the best of my remembrance : but if it fell out that my part came to more than I gave my friends , I exchanged them for other Books : My accounts and memory tell me not of 5. li. that ever was returned for me on these accounts , which was on litera●y occasions : so that my many hundreds a year is come to never a penny in all , but as abovesaid , in some exchange of Books . And the price I set on my Books which I exchanged for theirs at the dearest rates , is as followeth , [ Treat . of Conversion , 2. s. Treat . of Crucifying the World , 2. s. Disput. of ●ustificat . 2. s. 4. d. The Call to the Unconverted , 8. d. Disput. of saving Faith , 5. d. Of the Grotian Religion , 6. d. Directions for sound Conversion , 1. s. 8. d. Disput. of Right to Sacraments , Edit . secund . 2. s. 4. d. ] These are all my bargains and my gains . And I chose the honestest Booksellers that I could meet with , according to my small measure of wit and acquaintance ; who told me , they still made good their Promises . And now censorious Slanderer , tell me , what thou wouldst have had me to have done more ? If I had got Food and Rayment out of my own hard labors , had it been unlawful or dishonourable , when Booksellers get so many hundred pounds by one Book , that never studied nor spent their time and cost for it , as I have done ? And yet dost thou reproach me that receive not a groat ? But because I will not oblige my self to the same course for the future , and that thou mayst know at what rates I serve thee , let me tell thee , that in these labors early and late my body is wasted , my precious time laid out , and somewhat of my Estate , and somewhat of the labor of my friends . I cannot have twenty quire of my writing well transcribed , under fifty pounds . And who shall pay for this , or maintain me in thy service ? I have troubled a Neighbour-Minister in the tedious work of transcribing my Characters ( for some books , ) for which , neither he nor I had ever one penny . These personal matters are unsavory to me , and I take it for a great injury that thou puttest upon me a necessity of mentioning them . But I have yielded this once to thy unrighteous importunity , that thou mayest hereafter learn what to believe and utter , and make more conscience of thy censures and reports . And that thou mayst have the utmost relief that I can procure thee for the time to come , I shall agree with my Booksellers , to sell all that I publish at three farthings a sheet , and to print the price of every book at the bottom of the Title page . Farewell . Richard Baxter . October 11. 1658. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A69533-e13500 * Of the difference between Election and Ordination ; and that neither gives the Ius or Power , but Christ only . See Gro●ius de Imperio Sum. Potest . c. 10. p. 269 , 270. * I comprehend in the word Directive all that is after expressed in the following Propositions . † Quae ante Imperatores Christianos in Synodis conscripta sunt ad ordinem aut ornatum facientia , Leges non vocantur sed Canones , haben●que aut solam Concilii vim , ut in his quae singulos magis specta●● quam universos , aut obligant per modum pacti volentes & nolentes etiam pauciores ex necessitate determinationis , ac proinde ex lege naturali , non ex humano aliquo Imperio . Grotius de Imperio pag. 209 , 210. Lege & cap. 9. per totum . * That Synods are not absolutely necessary ( and he thinks not of Scripture Institution but Natural direction ) see Grot. d● Imperio Cap 7. per totum . Ap●stoli vere erant Presbyteri ; atque ita s●ipsos vocant . — Nulli tamen loco ascripta ●●rum functio . Evangelistae quoque Presbyteri ●●ant , sed nulli loco alligati . Sic & multo post à Demetrio Alexandriae Episcopo Pan●aenus , ab Athanasio Frumentius , ordinati , missique ut Evange●ium per Indi●m praedicarent , q●od ●odie quo 〈◊〉 vid●mus ; Atque utin●m dilig●ntius fieret . ☞ ●rotius de Imperio . p. 271. And of the Can. Concil . Calced . 6. against ordaining Presbyters sine titulo , he saith [ Quum ut recte ▪ notat Balsamon , Ipse Canon indicio est aliter fieri solitum : Etiam post Calced . Synod . Iustinianus Periodentarum meminit quorum & in Laodicenâ aliisque veteribus Synodis est mentio . Ibid. * Authority is , 1. Rational and of meer Interest upon Consenters . 2. Imperial , over Dissenters also . * If one were not meant of Confirmation or giving the Holy Ghost , and the other of Ordination , which I rather incline to think . Essentiale fui● , quod ex Dei ordinatione perpetua ; necesse fuit , est & erit ut Presbyterio quispiam & loco & dignitate primus actioni gubernandae praesit , cum ●o q●od ipsi divinitus ▪ attributum est jure . Beza de Minist . Evang. Grad . cap. 23. * I know Bishop Usher in his papers to the King , doth say that by the Order of the Church of England , all Presbyters are charged ( in the form of Ordering of Priests ) to administer the Discipline of Christ : But the Bishops understood that only of their publishing their Censures . For no such Administration was known among us , or allowed : Nor would they suffer men to suspend them from the Sacrament , as the Rubrick in the Common Prayer Book requi●eth . * It s an easie matter to preach or write a strict Lesson ; but they that would practically when they have done open a gap to licentiousness , and overthrow all Discipline almost , will hardly perswade men that they mean as they teach , or are themselves such as they describe , or really would promote a holy life ; especially when Scorners ●t a godly life were favoured more then the practisers of it . See my Preface to Mr. Pierce of Grotius Religion ▪ Were Prelacy now tolerated only as Presbyterie and the Congregational way are , doth any man think it would cast or keep out Heresie● Functiones in Ecclesiâ perpetuae sunt duae ; Presbyterorum & Diaconorum : Presbyteros voco cum omni Ecclesia veteri , eos , qui Ecc●esiam pas●unt v●rbi praedicatione , Sacramentis & Clavibus ; quae Iure Divino sunt individua : ( he meaneth inseparable ) so that its inseparable from a Presbyter to have the Power of the Keyes . Grot. de Imperio , pag. 267. c. 1● . Pastorum ergo est Ordinare Pastores : neque id officium eis competit qua hujus au● illius Ecclesiae Pastores sunt , sed qu● ministri Ecclesiae Catholicae . Grotius ibid. p. 273. Pastores tales ( ubi n●ll● sunt Episcopi ) etsi cum 〈◊〉 Presbyteris id comm●●● habent quod aliis non praesunt ; habe●t tamen illud Episcopale , quod n●mini Pastori subs●n● at 〈◊〉 ad●o dubium est , Episcopisn●● an meris Presbyteris 〈…〉 . Idem pag. 320. Communi Presbyterorum Concilio gubernabantur , saith Hier. See Grotius ubi sup . p. 354 , 355 , 356 , 357. proving that Prelacy is not of Divine precept , and that of old many Cites had many Churches and Bishops in each : and that Presbyters , except ordination ( as Hier. and Chrysost. ) may do all that a Bishop ; and he addeth , Quid obstat quo minus id ita ●nterp●●temur ut Presbyteri neminem potu●rint ordinare contempto Episcopo ? And pag. 359. He shews that where Bishops are not , Presbyters do rightly ordain . See the beginning of Bishop Ushers Reduction of Episcopal Government . I have , it and can p●oduce it under the Kings own hand and seal , wherein he forbids that any Church man or Priest in holy orders should be a C●●ncellor : And this was the occasion of all the corruptions , &c. They must for their own advantage and profit have instruments accordingly ▪ So the R●gisters , Proctors , Apparato●s , were p●ssi●um genus hominum : G. Goodman , Bishop of Glo● . in the Preface to his Two Mysteries , &c. Object . Answ. Object . 2. Answ. Dr. H. Dissert . 4. p. 208. [ §. 9. Prius non usqu●quaque verum esse quod p●o concesso sumitur ( in una civitate non fuisse plur●s Episcopos ) Quamvis enim in 〈◊〉 Ecclesiá aut C●●tu plures simul Episcopi nunquam fuerint , nihil tamen obstare quin in eádem civitate d●o aliquando distermina●● Coe●us fuerint , duobus Apostolis ad fidem adducti , di versi●●orsa● dialectis & aliquando ritibus disjuncti , quibus duo itidem Episcopi scorsim , & divisis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praesidere●t . Et p. 211. §. 21. [ Ex his ratio constat , quare sine Presbyterorum mentione interveniente , Episcopis Diaconi immediate adjiciantur , quia scilicet in singulis Macedoni●e civitatibus , quamvis Episcopus esset , no●dum Presbyteri constituti sunt , Diaconis tantum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubique Episcopis adjunctis . Mark well the stating of the question by Dr. H. Dissert . Epist. §. 30 , 31. The controversie is not Quibus d●mum ●ominibus cogniti fuerint ▪ Ecclesiarum Rectores , sed an ad unum in singulari Ecclesia , an ad plures , potestas ista devenerit . Nos ad unum singularem Praefect●m , quem ex famosiore Ecclesiae usu Episcopum vulgò dicimus , potestatem istam in singulari Coetu ex Christi & Apostolorum institutione nunquam non pertinuisse affirmamus . ] You see here that it is but [ in singulari Ecclesia ] & [ in si●gulari Coetu ] that he affirmeth an Episcopacy of Christs and the Apostles institution . And such Bishops most Churches in England have already . Reason 1. Conqu●ritur jam olim Socrates Episcopatus quosdam suis temporibus extra sacerdotii sines ●gressos & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ esse delapsos : Conqueritur apud Pelusiotam Hierax lenitatis & m●nsuetudinis dignitatem in Tyrannidem tran●●sse : conqueritur de Episcoporum ambitione Nazianzenus ; & propterea si non Episcopatum , c●rte civi●atum 〈◊〉 perpetuum in retinenda Epis●opali dignitate mutatum velle● ▪ He addeth yet more such , and concludeth , that Ecclesiastical Ambition never made such progress from the Apo●tles daies to those , as it hath done since to ours , almost ●ncurably . Grotius de imperio pag. 360 ▪ 361. Reason 2. Reason 3. A particular Church , what . Reason 4. Reason 5. Reason 6. R●ason 7. Reason 8. Reason 9. Reason 10. Reason 11. Reason 12. Reason . 13. See Grotius de ●mperio . p. 351. Proving that the Christian Church-Government was not fitted to that of the Temple , but that of the Synagogues , and endeavouring to prove Bishops , he doth it thence , that they are such as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let them then hold to such a Congregational Episcopacy . Heb. 13.17 . proveth that Churches should be no bigger then that the Ruler may watch for all their souls as one that must give account of all . On which text Dr. Ier. Taylor in his late Book of Repentance , Pref. saith [ I am sure we cannot give account of souls of which we have no Notice ] And so presseth to personal conduct . Let them then be Bishops of no bigger a Diocess then they can take such personal notice and conduct of , lest they judge themselves . See the same thing proved at large by Grotius de Imperio page 355 , 356 , 357 ▪ Yet I think as Bloudell that he mistook Epiphanius de Alex. Eccl. * Pag. 54 , he saith [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] i. e. [ Per regiones igitur & U●bes praedicantes , constituerunt primitias eorum , approbantes in Spiritu , Episcopos & Diaco●os ●orum qui Credituri erant . ] I know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is supposed by some to respect only the place of their preaching , and not of their settling Bishops : But the words according to the more obvious plain sence do seem to extend it to both , and make no such difference at all . * Very many passages in Cyprian do intimate that then the Diocesses were small , perhaps having yet but unum Altare : As when he saith that [ à primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine concilio vestro & sine consensu plebis meae , privata sententia gerere , &c. And [ Prohibeantur offerre , acturi apud nos , & apud confe●●ores ipsos , & apud plebem universam causam suam ] And [ Haec singulorum tractanda sit & limanda plenius ratio , non tantum cum ] collegis meis , sed & cum plebe ipsá universá ] And [ Vix plebi persuadeo , immo extorqueo , ut tales patiantur ●dmitti , & justior factus est fraternitatis dolor , ex eo quod unus atque alius obnitente pl●be & 〈…〉 , mea tamen facilita e suscepti , pejores extiterunt — ] How the Universa pleb● of many Congregations or a Diocess like ours , should be consulted and hear and do any thing to admission or exclusion from Communion , and be advised with by Cyprian in all such affairs , is not easie to conceive . See his Epist. 3.6.10.13 , 14 , 26 , 31 , 27 , 28 , 33 , 40 , &c. Peruse all the citations of Bloudwell de jure Plebis in Regim . Eccles. and see whether they intimate not the smalness of their Diocesses . ( Though I believe they prove no such thing as proper Government in the people . ) Yet peruse all the Authors cited by him there to prove that 〈◊〉 Eccle●iae M●th . 18. refers to the Congregation of Pastors and people together ; and it will much confirm the point in hand . I shall not recite any of them , because you may there find them in the end of Grotius de Imperio Sum. Potest . * And it seems the Churches were not so large as some imagine , even at the sixth General Council at 〈◊〉 in Consta●ti●op . when Canon 78. it was ord●●ed that no the fifth day of the week the Baptized were to say over their Belief to the Bishop or the Presbyters : And it was not such Diocesses as ours that this work could be th●● done for . * As many of them d● 〈◊〉 , when they hold it in terms , of which see what I have said in the Preface to the Reform●● Pastor ; And even in this while they confess that Pastors are Rulers and the People must obey , according to the express words of the text , Heb. 13.17 . 1 Tim. 5.17 . 1 Thes. 5.12 , &c. They grant us what we plead for . Cons. 1. Cons. 2. Cons. 3. Cons. 4. Cons. 5. Cons. 6. Cons. 7. Cons. 8. Cons. 9. Cons. 10 Notes for div A69533-e30760 * Dispute of Right to Sacraments . Rom. 1.1 , 2. 1 Pet. 2.5.9 . Rom. 1.6 . Mat. 28.20 . Heb. 2.3 , 4 ▪ 2 Cor. 5.19 , 20. Jam 5.14 . Acts 2.41 , 42. & 4.35 . 1 Cor. 11.23 . Acts 20.7 . 1 Cor. 10.16 . Acts 20.28 . 2 Cor. 5.11 . 1 Tim. 5.17 , 20 , 22 , 24. 2 Cor. 2.10 . Mat. 18.18 . Notes for div A69533-e33690 Of this Voctius hath written at large de desperata causa Papatus , to which I refer the Reader . Fit autem missio aut per Deum mediante &c. aut per Deum mediante superiorum authoritate , &c. Fit rursus nonnunquam & ipsa necessitatis lege ; quando non aliter posset fidei seu morum veritas inviolata servari ; Ubi verum est illud , Pasce fame morientem : si non Pavisti , Occidisti . Voetius . Luke 2.34 . 1 Pet. 2. ● , 7 8. Notes for div A69533-e34950 Of this I desire the Reader , to peruse what is written by Voctius de desperata Causa Papatus , l. 2. Sect. 2. c. 21. & passim . Notes for div A69533-e36120 Arg. 3. Notes for div A69533-e38670 〈…〉 &c. Read their words . * Mr. T. P. calls himself Rector of Brington . Cyprian Ep. 28. p 64. ad Clerum de Gaio — Desideras●is ut de Philumeno & Fortunato ●ypodiaconis , & Favorino acoluthore s●ribam , cui rei non potui me solum judicem dire , cum multi adhuc de clero absentes sint , nec locum suum vel sero repetendum putaverint , & haec singulorum tractanda sit , & limanda plenius ratio ; non tantum cum collegis meis sed & cum plebe ipsa universa : How big was the Diocess then , and how much the Bishop ruled alone , may be hence conjectured ; and whether Presbyters had any hand in ruling . Why doth Ignatius and Tertullian command them to be subject to the Presbyters as to the Apostles of Christ , if they had not the Key of Government . Alphonsus à Castro doth maintain that H●eroms opinion was indeed the same that from his plain and frequent expressions we averr it to be , and rebuketh them that pretend the contrary . Hector Boethius ( before cited ) saith ( Sco● . Histor. l. 7. fol. 128. b. ) that Ante Palladium Populi suffrag●is ex Monachis & Culda●is pontifices assumerentur . No Bishop then ordained them but Presbyters . And Balaeus ( Centur. 14. c. 6. ) saith [ Habebant antea Scoti suos Episcopos ac Ministros ex verbi Divini Ministerio plebium suffragiis electos , prou● Asianorum more fieri apud Britanaos videbant . ☜ Cyrian Epist. 11. Plebi — Contra Episcopatum meum , immo contra suffragium vestrum & Dei judicium ▪ &c. * This is not the way of our Prelates Ordination . And th●s shew●th that the Churches in 〈◊〉 ●ays were not Diocesan , consisting o● many particular Churches : else all the people could not have been present , beholders and consenters , at the Ordination of the Bishops . † Still this shews , that the Churches of Bishops were then no greater then that all might be personally present , and fore-acquainted with his life . Yea that it was the p●●ples duty no● only to elect , but to reject , there 's more then Cyprian affirm : Euse●●us H●st . Eccl. l. 5. c. 18. out of Apol●onus telleth us that Alexander a M●ntan●st , being a thief ▪ the Congregation of which he was Pastor ( so that was his Diocess ) would not admit him . 〈…〉 11. 〈◊〉 — Secundum 〈…〉 & 〈◊〉 de 〈…〉 Const●ntin● in his 〈◊〉 to the 〈…〉 tells them that [ in the election of their Bishops all men should freely deliver their opinion , and the general suffrage of all should be equally considered ; becaus● Ec●lesiastical Honours should be obtained and conferred w●●●out 〈◊〉 and di●cord — ] 〈…〉 3 〈◊〉 Notes for div A69533-e45260 Even those Protestant Churches that have Superintendents are unchurched by them too , for want of a true Ordination . For their Superintendents were commonly ordained by meer Presbyters , or settled only by the Princes power . So in Denmark , when their seven Bishops were deposed , seven Presbyters were Ordained Superintendents by Iohan. Bugenhagius Pomeranus a Presbyter of Wittenberge in the Presence of the King and Senate at the chief Church in Haffnia : See Vit. Bugenhagii in Melch. Ad●m . vit . Germ. Theolog. page 315. Notes for div A69533-e49880 * The Jesuits and Fryars do not take the Generals or Governors of their Orders to be men of another Order , though they have a Power of Ruling , and that Tyrannically . Notes for div A69533-e51070 ☜ Notes for div A69533-e54380 It s more then Dr. H. H. speaks of the Primitive Bishops , that had no Presbyters under them but one or more Deacons . Notes for div A69533-e56620 1. Parochial Bishops . 2. The stated Presidents of Associated Pastors . 3. A Visit●r of the neighbour Churches , and Countr●y . These two to be in one man. 4. General unfixed Ministers . * So Constanti●e calls himself a Bishop . Euseb. vit . Co●st . l. 4. c 24. And he made his Court a Church , and assembling the people , did use to take , the holy Scriture , and deliver Divine contemplations out of it , or else he would read the Common-Prayers to the whole Congregation , cap. 17. And it is plain that it was Constantine that kept the Churches in Unity and Peace , when the Bishops else would have broken them to peices . And the Emperours frequently took down and set up Bishops at their pleasure , especially in the Patriarchial Seats as Rome , Constantinople , Antioch , Alexandria . Notes for div A69533-e57370 ☞ * And Mr. Burroughs Irenico● . Dr. Holdsworth . Dr. Forbs . Gataker . The London P●●●ince ▪ Beza Calvin . See also Dan. Colonius in his Disputat . ex I●st●tut . Calv. l. 4. D●sp . 2. §. 18.24 . ☞ Notes for div A69533-e59960 Argum. 2. Argum. 3. Argum. 4. Argum. 5. Argum. 6. Argum. 7. Argum. 8. Prop. 2. Prop. 3. Prop. 4. ☜ Prop. 5. Prop. 6. Prop. 7. Prop. 8. prop. 9. Prop. 10 ▪ Object . 1. Object . 2. Object . 1. ●●ject . 2. Object . 3. Object . 4. Object . 5. Object . 6. Object . 7. Object 8. Object . 9. Object . 10. The summ . Besides s●●ms of Catechisms . Notes for div A69533-e66440 * In point of Lawfulness ; For Conveniency is according to several accidents ▪ * The Provincial Consil. Agath . Can. 14. is the first that I remember mentioning them . Notes for div A69533-e73700 * The Pope 〈…〉 King 〈…〉 that 〈◊〉 cannot be done without tumult or 〈◊〉 . ] D●●ila p. 1362. an . 1595. So that when he feareth losing by it himself , the good man makes conscience of murdering them that he will c●ll hereticks : but at another time 30000. to be murdered in France in a few daies ( D●●ila saith 40000. ) was a blessed work ! And therefore when I said before that in case of Necessity I would rather Kneel , then not communicate , yet I now add that I would for all that rather be imprisoned or otherwise persecuted , then cast out of the Churches Communion all that dare not kneel or conform in such a circumstance : And yet this were Ministers then commanded on great penalties to do . ☜ Luke 4.18 . Matth. 11.28 . Matth. 12.20 . Isa. 42.2 , 3. & 40.11 . Mat. 18.6 . Luke 17 2. Rom. 14.1 . & 15.1 , 2. & 14.13 , 15 , 20 , 21 , 23. Notes for div A69533-e74150 * See my writing of Grotius R●ligion .